Early voyages to Terra Australis, now called Australia: a collection of documents, and extracts from early manuscript maps. illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts of that vast island, from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the time of Captain Cook

9'

WORKS ISSUED BY

Clje ?|afelugt .^onetg*

EARLY VOYAGES TO TERRA AUSTRALIS,
NOW CALLED AUSTRALIA.

M UCCC.LIX.

. EARLY VOYAGES

TO

TERRA AUSTRALIS,

NOW CALLED

AUSTRALIA:

A COLLECTIOX OF DOCUMENTS, AND EXTRACTS FIIOM EARLY MANUSCRIPT MAPS,

ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE HISTORY OF DISCOVERY

ON THE COASTS OF THAT VAST ISLAND,

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
TO THE TIME OF CAPTAIN COOK.

^itrt, feitf) an Jlntrotiwction, bg

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

" Austrinis pars est habitabilis oris,
Sub [ledibusque jacet iiostris."

Manii.his, AKtrniumiicnv, lib. i, lin. 2S7 -8.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE IIAKLUYT SOCIETY.

c

M.Dccc.1,15:. A

G^

to^

LONpnN :
T. Ricii\nr)s, 37, orkat qurkn strekt.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

<in RODKRICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., D.C.L., Corr. Mem. Inst. F.,
Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, <fcc., &c., Peesident.

The marquis OF LANSDOWNE. ]

I Vice-Pkksidents.
Eear-Admiral C. E. DEINKWATER BETHUXE, C.B. >

JOHN BARROW, Esq.

Et. Hon. lord BROUGHTON.

The lord ALFEED SPENCER CHURCHILL.

CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, Esq., F.S.A.

Et. Hon. Sir DAVID DUNDAS.

Sib henry ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S.

JOHN FORSTER, Esq.

Lieut.-Gen. CHARLES RICHARD FOX.

R. W. GREY, Esq., M.P.

EGEETON HAECOURT, Esq.

JOHN WINTER JONES, Esq , F.S.A.

His Excellency the COUNT DE LAVEADIO.

E. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

The earl OF SHEFFIELD.

Rt. Hon. LORD TAUNTON.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Esq., Honorary Secretary.

107188

SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON,

G.C.St.S, D.C.L., F.R.S.,

ETC., ETC., ETC.

Dear Sir Roderick,

You have kindly permitted me to dedicate
to you this result of my investigations respecting the early
explorations of Australia. To none can a book on such a
subject be more appropriately offered than to yourself. To you
geographers are pre-eminently indebted for the promotion of
Australian exploration in recent times, while your ever-memorable
scientific anticipation of the discovery of the Australian gold
fields must connect your name inseparably with the history
of a country, whose future greatness can be foreseen, but cannot
be estimated.

I remain,

Dear Sir Koderick,

With much respect,

Yours very faithfully,

R. H. Major.

British Museum,

August, 1859.

CONTENTS.

A Memorial addkessed to His Catholic Majesty
Philip the Third, King of Spain, by Dr. Juan Luis
Arias, respecting the exploration, colonization, and con-
version of the Southern Land, translated from the Spanish
original --_-.. i

Relation of Luis Vaez de Torres, concerning the discoveries
of QuiROS, as his Almirante. Dated Manila, July 12, 1607.
A translation, nearly literal, by Alexander Dalrymple, Esq ,
from a Spanish manuscript copy in his possession, reprinted
from App. to vol. ii of Burney's " Discoveries in the South
Sea" - - - - - - - 31

Extract from the Book of Dispatches from Batavia ;
commencing January the 1 5th, 1644, and ending November
the 29th following, reprinted from Dalrymple's " Collections
Concerning Papua" - - - - - 43

The Voyage and Shipwreck of Captain Francis Pel-
SART, in the "Batavia," on the coast of New Holland, and
his succeeding adventures, translated from Thevenot's
" Recueil de Voyages Curieux" « - - 59

x contents.

Voyage of Gerrit Tiiojiasz Pool to the South Land.
Translated from Yalentyn's " Beschryvinge van Banda" 75

Account of the Wreck of the ship " De Vergulde
Draeck" on the South Land, and the expeditions
xmdertaken, both from Batavia and the Cape of Good Hope,
in search of the survivors and money and goods which might
be found on the wreck, and of the small success which
attended them. Extracted from MS. documents at the
Hague, and translated from the Dutch - - 77

Description of the West Coast of the South Land,
by Captain Samuel Volkerscn, of the pink " Waeckende
Boey," which sailed from Batavia on the 1st of January 1658,
and returned on the 19th of April of the same year. Extracted
from MS. Documents at the Hague and translated from the
Dutch - - - - - - 89

Extract translated from Burgomaster Witsen's "Noord
en Cost Tartarye" - - - - - 91

Account of the Observations of Captain William
Dampier on the coast of New Holland, in 1687-88, being
an extract from his "New Voyage round the World" - 99

Extract from Sloan MS., 3236, entitled " The Adventures of
William Dampier, with others [1686-87], who left Captain
Shcrpe in the South Seas, and travaled back over land through
the country of Daricn" . _ . . 108

Some Particulars relating to the Voyage of Willem
de Vlamingh to New Holland in 1696. Extracted from
MS. Documents at the Hague and translated from the
Dutch - - - - - - 112

contents. xi

Extract fkom the Jouknal of a Voyage made to the
UNEXPLORED SouTH Land, by orclcv of the Dutch East
India Company, in the years 1696 and 1697, by the hooker
" De Nyptang," the ship " De Geelvink," and the galiot
" De Wesel," and the return to Batavia. From MS, Docu-
ments at the Hague : translated from the Dutch - 120

Account of the Observations of Captain Williaji
Dampier on the coast of New Holland, in 1699, being an
extract from " a Voyage to New Holland, etc., in the year
1699" - - - - - - 134

A written Detail of the Discoveries and Noticeable
Occurrences in the voyage of the fluyt " Vossenbosch,"
the sloop " D'Waijer," and the patsjallang " Nova Hollan-
dia," despatched by the government of India, anno 1705,
from Batavia by way of Timor to New Holland. From
MS. Documents at the Hague : translated from the
Dutch - - - - - - 165

The Houtman's Abrolhos in 1727, translated from a publica-
tion entitled " De Houtman's Abrolhos", by Captain P. A.
Leupe, of the Dutch Navy - - - - 176

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE BINDER.

The Maps to be placed in the following order.

Jave la Grande .... to face page xxvii.

The Londe of Java ... ,', page xxix.

Tasman's Track ... „ page xcvii.

Coast visited by the Waeckende Boey

and Emeloort, two maps . „ page 81.

Terra Australis ... ,, page 200.

INTRODUCTION.

When, at a period comparatively recent in the world's
history, the discovery was made that, on the face of
the as yet unmeasured ocean, there existed a western
continent which rivalled in extent the world already
known, it became a subject of natural enquiry whe-
ther a fact of such momentous importance could for so
many thousands of years have remained a secret. Nor
was the enquiry entirely without response. Amid the
obscurity of the past some faint foreshadowings of the
great reality appeared to be traceable. The poet with
his prophecy, the sage with his mythic lore, and the
unlettered seaman who, with curious eye, had peered
into the mysteries of the far-stretching Atlantic, had
each, as it now appeared, enunciated a problem which
at length had met with its solution.^

In these later days, when the enquiry has assumed
gigantic proportions, and the facilities of investigation

^ Reference is here made, Istly, to that most remarkable and
often quoted passage from the Medea of Seneca :
" Venient annis
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus

b

11 INTRODUCTION.

have been simultaneously increased, much has been
done towards bringing- to light the evidence of vari-
ous ascertained or possible visitations from the Old
World to the New, which had previously remained
unknown. A summary of them has already been laid
before the members of the Hakluyt Society by the
editor of the present volume, in his introduction to
the " Select Letters of Columbus", and requires no
repetition here.

Of the future results of that momentous discovery,
what human intelligence can foresee the climax T
Already the northern half of that vast portion of the

Yiucula rerum laxet, et ingens

Pateat tellus, Tiphysque novos

Detegat Orbes, nee sit terris

Ultima Tliule."
2ndly, to the island of Atlantis, described by Plato, in the Timoeus,
as lying in the Atlantic, opposite the Pillars of Hercules, and ex-
ceeding in size the whole of Africa and Asia.

And 3rdly, to the imaginary island of St. Brandan, seen at inter-
vals far out in the Atlantic by the inhabitants of the Canary Islands.
It may not be unacceptable here to mention that there is one
passage among the writings of the ancients far more minute and
affirmative in its description than any of the foregoing, which has
been thought by various learned commentators to refer to America,
but which the editor has not found hitherto quoted, in that light,
by any English author. In a fragment of the works of Theopom-
pus, preserved by ^Elian, is the account of a conversation between
Silenus and Midas, king of Phrygia, in which the former says that
Europe, Asia, and Africa, were lands surrounded by the sea ; but
that beyond this known world was another island, of immense ex-
tent, of which he gives a description. The account of this conver-
sation, which is too lengthy here to give in full, was written three
centuiics and a half before the Christian era. Not to trouble the
reader with Greek, we give an extract from the English version by

INTROUUCTION. Ill

globe is mainly occupied by a section of the Anglo-
Saxon family, earnest and active in the development
of its native energies ; and among these, again, are
many who look back with eager curiosity to every
yet minuter particular respecting the early history of
their adopted country.

A new field of colonization, second only to that of
America, and constituting, as far as is at present
known, the largest island in our globe, has in far
more recent times been opened up by a slow and

Abraham Fleming, printed in 1576, in the amusingly quaint but
vivid language of the time.

" The Thirde Eooke of ^Eltanus. Page 37.

% Of the familiaritie of Midas the Phrigian, and Selenus, and of
certaine circumstances which he incredibly reported.

" Theopompus declareth that Midas the Phrygian and Selenus
were knit in familiaritie and acquaintance. This Selenus was the
Sonne of a nymphe inferiour to the gods in condition and degree,
but superiour to men concerning mortalytie and death. These
twaine mingled communication of sundrye thinges. At length, in
processe of talke, Selenus tolde Midas of certaine ilandes, named
Europia, Asia, and Libia, \\hlch the ocean sea circumscribeth and
compasseth round about ; and that without this worlde there is a
continent or percell of dry lande, which in greatnesse (as bee re-
ported) was infinite and unmeasurable ; that it nourished and main-
tained, by the benefite of the greene medowes and pasture plots,
sundrye bigge and mighty beastes ; that the men which inhabite
the same climats exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length
of there life is not equall to ours ; that there be many and diuers
great citties, manyfold orders and trades of living ; that their lawes,
statutes, and ordinaunces, are different, or rather clean contrary to
ours. Such and lyke thinges dyd he rehearce."

The remainder of this curious conversation, however apparently
fabulous, deserves attention from the thoughtful reader.

IV INTRODUCTION.

gradual progress to a branch of the same expansive
family. A future but little inferior in importance
may, without much imaginative speculation, be as-
signed to them, and from them likewise may be rea-
sonably expected the most curious inquiry as to the
earliest discoveries by their predecessors of a land so
vast in its dimensions, so important in its character-
istics, and yet so little known or reasoned upon by
the numerous generations of mankind that had passed
away before them.

In endeavouring to meet this demand it must be
premised, that while the main object proposed in
this volume is to treat of the early indications of the
island now recognized as Australia, anterior to the
time of Captain Cook, it is impossible to deal with
the real or supposed discoveries which may have
taken place prior to that date, without referring at
the same time to the discovery of the adjacent island
of New Guinea and of the great southern continent,
of both of which what we now call Australia was in
those times regarded as forming a part. The investi-
gation is one of the most interesting character in all
its stages, but beset with doubts and difficulties
arising from a variety of causes.

The entire period up to the time of Dampier, rang-
ing over two centuries, presents these two phases of
obscurity ; that in the sixteenth century (the period
of the Portuguese and Spanish discoveries) there
are indications on maps of the great probability of
Australia having been already discovered, but with
no written documents to confirm them ; while in the

INTRODUCTION. V

seventeenth century there is documentary evidence
that its coasts were touched upon or explored by a
considerable number of Dutch voyagers, but the
documents immediately describing these voyages have
not been found.

That, in so far as regards the Portuguese, this
obscurity is mainly due to a jealous apprehension
lest lands of large extent and great importance in
the southern seas might fall into the hands of rival
powers to their own displacement or prejudice, may
not only be suspected, but seems to be affirmable
from historical evidence.

It is stated by Humboldt [Histoire de la Geographie
du Noiiveau Continent^ torn, iv, p. 70j, upon the autho-
rity of the letters of Angelo Trevigiano, secretary to
Domenico Pisani, ambassador from Venice to Spain,
that the kings of Portugal forbad upon pain of death
the exportation of any marine chart which showed
the course to Calicut. We find also in Ramusio
[Discorso sopra el lihro di Odoardo Barlosa, and the
Sommario delle Indie Orieniali^ tom. i, p. 287. b) a simi-
lar prohibition implied. He says that these books
" were for many years concealed and not allowed to
be published, for convenient reasons that I must not
now describe." He also speaks of the great difficulty
he himself had in procuring a copy, and even that an
imperfect one, from Lisbon. "Tanto possono," he
says, "gli interessi del principe." Again, in tom. iii of
the same collection, in the account of the " Discorso
d'un gran Capitano del Mare Francese del luogo di
Dieppa," etc., now known to be the voyage of Jean

VI INTRODUCTION.

Parmentier to Sumatra in 1529, and in all proba-
bility written by his companion and eulogist the
poet Pierre Crignon, the covetousness and exclusive-
ness of the Portuguese are inveighed against. " They
seem," he says, " to have drunk of the dust of the
heart of king Alexander, for that they seem to think
that God made the sea and the land only for them,
and that if they could have locked up the sea from
Finisterre to Ireland it ^vould have been done long
ago," etc.

Imputations of a similar nature are thrown on the
Dutch East India Company by so well informed a
man as Sir William Temple, ambassador at the
Hague in the reign of Charles II, and who is a
very high authority on all matters concerning the
republic of the United Provinces. In his " Essay
upon Ancient and Modern Learning," he makes the
following curious statement, which we give m extenso
as otherwise bearing upon the subject of which we
treat. See vol. iii of Sir William Temple's Works, p.
457.

" But the defect or negligence [in the progress of
discovery since the invention of the compass] seems
yet to have been greater towards the south, where we
know little beyond thirty-five degrees, and that only
by the necessity of doubling the Cape of Good Hope
in our East India voyages : yet a continent has been
long since found out within fifteen degrees to the
south, about the length of Java, which is marked by
the name of New Holland in the maps, and to what
extent none knows, either to the south, the east, or

INTRODUCTION. VU

the west; yet the learned have been of opinion, that
there must be a balance of earth on that side of the
line in some proportion to what there is on the other;
and that it cannot be all sea from thirty degrees to
the south pole, since we have found land to above
sixty-five degrees towards the north. But our navi-
gators that way have been confined to the roads of
trade, and our discoveries bounded by what we can
manage to a certain degree of gain. And I have heard
it said among the Dutch, that their East India Com-
pany have long since forbidden, and under the great-
est penalties, any further attempts of discovering
that continent, having already more trade in those
parts than they can turn to account, and fearing
some more populous nation of Europe might make
great establishments of trade in some of those un-
known regions, which might ruin or impair what
they have already in the Indies."

Although the statement of so well informed and so
impartial a man as Sir William might almost be con-
sidered as conclusive, the Dutch have very natur-
ally been unwilling to abide by this severe judgment.
An indignant remonstrance against the imputation
that they secreted and suppressed the accounts of
their early voyages, was published in August 1824,
in vol. ii of the Nouvelles Annates des Vof/ages, by
Mr. J. van Wijck Roelandszoon, who attributed the
origin of this charge to ignorance of the Dutch lan-
guage on the part of those who made it. In vindica-
tion of his assertions he referred to the publication,
in 1618, of Linschoten's voyages both to the North

VIU INTRODUCTION.

and to the East Indies, also of Schouten and Lemaire's
Circumnavigation of the Globe in 1615-18, which
was published in 1646. He referred to the fact that
the voyages of Van Noort, I'Hermite, and Spilbergen
had also been published, and stated that, generally
speaking, such had been the case with aU the voy-
ages of the Dutch as early as the year 1646, and that
their discoveries vvere exactly laid down in the 1660
edition of the maps of P. Goos.

He furthermore announced (in reply to an invita-
tion which had been given to the learned men of
Holland, to fill up the gaps in their history which
had been complained of), that one of the learned
societies of Holland had offered a prize for a careful
essay on the discoveries of the Dutch mariners.^

In publishing this remonstrance, the editor of the
Nouvelles Annales ties Voyages judiciously observed,
that if the reproach of jealousy which applied to the
Portuguese, did not apply to the Dutch, it was at
least true that some sort of carelessness had prevented
either the preservation or the publication of a great
number of Dutch narratives, amongst which he quoted
those of l)e Nuyts, Van Vlaming, etc., to the coasts
of New Holland, We must not, however, lose sight
of the fact, that Sir William Temple's charge of want

' With respect to the essay for which the learned society re-
ferred to (the Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen of
Utrecht) had offered a prize, it was published in that society's
Transactions in 1827, under the title of '' Bennet and VanWijck's
Verhandeling over de Nederlandsche Ontdekkingen." The editor,
who has examined this work carefully, can state that it supplies
no information in addition to that which we had already possessed.

INTRODUCTION. IX

of liberality is directed, not against the Dutch in
general, but only against the East India Company ;
and further, that it contains two different imputa-
tions ; first, that the Company forbade exploration ;
and secondly, that they prohibited the publication of
those already made.

As to the first of these two charges it may have
been just. The commercial spirit of the seventeenth
century had a general character of narrowness, from
■which the East India Company was not exempt. The
conduct here imputed to them was in accordance
with the regular and wholesale destruction of spices,
by which they tried to keep up the value of this
commodity. Too much importance, however, ought
not to be attached even to Sir William's testimony,
when, as in the present case, it stands entirely alone.
Every hostile statement with regard to the East
India Company made in Sir William's time, may be
regarded as at least likely to have been dictated by
party spirit. The directors of the East India Com-
pany were so closely connected with the ruling but
unpopular party presided over by the De Witts, that
the enemies of the one were also the enemies of the
others, and among these enemies there were a num-
ber of the most eminent men, many of them distin-
guished geographers.

As to the second charge, it must be allowed in
justice to the Company that such secrecy as is here
imputed to them is not to be traced in their general
conduct. Commelyn, the compiler of the celebrated
Begin ende Vooi^tgangh, published in 1646, had un-

X INTRODUCTION.

doubtedly access to the Company's archives, and he
discloses many facts which the Company would seem
much more interested to hide than what meagre
knowledge they possessed of Australia ; Godfried,
Udemans, Dr. O. Dapper, Witsen, Valentyn, and be-
sides these a host of map-makers and geographers,
were largely indebted to the Company for geogra-
phical materials. If we may form any judgment
from the dedications we find in books of the period,
we must consider their encouragement of the study
of their dominions as almost on a par with that af-
forded at the present day by the English East India
Company.

The fact that many accounts of Australian voyages
which the Company possessed were never published,
may be accounted for in a much simpler and more
honourable manner. The Dutch voyages and travels
that were published were plainly intended for a large
circle of readers, and were got up as cheaply as pos-
sible. Thus, though thousands and thousands of
copies were sold, they have all now become scarce.
A voyage which did not contain, strange adventures
or striking scenes, had no chance of popularity and
remained unpublished. Thus, among other instances,
a picturesque account of Japan was published in the
Begin ende Voortgangh^ whilst the extremely import-
ant account of De Vries's voyage to the same part of
the world, which is far richer in geographical mate-
rials than in interesting incidents, has remained in
manuscript till recently edited by Captain Leupe, of
the Dutch navy.

INTRODUCTION. XI

It is with pleasure that we indulge the hope that
the veil which has thus hung over these valuable
materials is likely, before very long, to be entirely re-
moved. The archives of the Dutch East India Com-
pany, a yet unsifted mass of thousands of volumes,
and myriads of loose papers, have a short time since
been handed over to the State Archives at the Hague,
where the greatest liberality is shown in allowing
access to the treasures they possess. Meanwhile the
editor of the present volume need hardly plead any
excuse for not having attempted what no foreigner,
be his stay in Holland ever so long, could possibly
accomplish ; and he must leave to those who will
take up this matter after him, the satisfaction of
availing themselves of materials the importance of
which he knows, and the want of which he deeply
deplores.

As has been already stated, in the earlier and
more indistinct periods of Australian discovery, even
when some portions of the vast island had been al-
ready lighted on, it remained a doubt whether New
Guinea and the newly seen lands did not form part
of a great southern continent, in which tradition in
the first place, and subsequent discoveries, had al-
ready established a belief.

The very existence of the belief in an extensive
southern continent at those early periods presents a
twofold cause of doubt. It engendered at the time the
supposition that every island to the south of what was
previously known, and of which the north part only
had been seen, formed a portion of that continent ;

Xll INTRODUCTION.

while to us who, from this distance of time, look back
for evidence, the inaccurate representation of such
discoveries on maps, especially in or near the longi-
tude of Australia (for longitude could be but laxly
noticed in those days) leaves the doubt whether that
continent may not have been visited at the period
thus represented. Hence, manifestly, it will be requi-
site to bear well in mind this broadly accepted belief
in the existence of a great southern continent, if we
would form a right judgment respecting those sup-
posed indications of Australia which are presented
on maps of the sixteenth and beginning of the seven-
teenth centuries.

Among the very early writers, the most striking
quotation that the editor has lighted upon in con-
nection with the southern continent, is that which
occurs in the Astronomicon of Manilius, lib. i, lin. 234
et seq., where, after a lengthy dissertation, he says:

" Ex quo colligitur terrarum forma rotunda:
Hanc circum variao gentes hominum atque ferarum,
Aeriaeque colunt volucres. Pars ejus ad arctos
Eminet, Austrinis pars est habitahilis oris,
Sub pedibusque Jacet 7ioslris."

The latter clause of this sentence, so strikingly ap-
plying to the lands in question, has been quoted as a
motto for the title-page of this volume. The date at
which Manilius wrote, though not exactly ascer-
tained, is supposed, upon the best conclusions to be
drawn from the internal evidence supplied by his
poem, to be of the time of Tiberius.

Aristotle also, in lus 3Ictcorologica, lib. ii, cap. 5, has

INTRODUCTION. Xlll

a passage which, though by no means so distinct as
the preceding, speaks of two segments of the habitaUe
globe, one towards tlie north, the other towards the
south pole, and which have the form of a drum.
Aratus, Strabo, and Geminus have also handed down
a similar opinion, that the torrid zone was occupied
throughout its length by the ocean, and that the
band of sea divided our continent from another, situ-
ated, as they suppose, in the southern hemisphere.^

To come down, however, to a later period, the
editor is enabled, through the researches of his la-
mented friend, the late learned and laborious Vicomte
de Santarem, to show from early manuscript maps
and other geographical monuments, how this belief
in the existence of a great southern continent was
entertained anterior to the discoveries of the Portu-
guese in the Pacific Ocean. In his Essai stir VHis-
toire de la CosmograpJiie et de la Cartographie du Moijcn
Age^ vol. i, p. 229, the Vicomte informs us that
" Certain cartographers of the middle ages, still con-
tinue to represent the Anlichthone in their maps of
the world in accordance with their belief that, beyond
the ocean of Homer, there was an inhabited country,
another temperate region, called the "opposite earth,"
which it was impossible to reach, principally on ac-
count of the torrid zone,

" The following are the maps of the world which
represent this theory : —

^ See Aratus, Phccnom., 537; Strabo, 1. 7, p. 130, and 1. 17;
Crates apud Gcminum, Elemcnta Astronomica, c. Ixlii, in the
Uranolbgia, p. 31.

XIV INTRODUCTION.

" 1. The map of the world in a manuscript of
Macrobius, of the tenth century ; 2. The map of the
world, in a manuscript of the eighth century in the
Turin library ; 3. That of Cecco d'Ascoli, of the
thirteenth century ; 4. The small map of the world,
in one of the manuscripts of the thirteenth century,
of VImage dti Monde^ by Gauthier de Metz, MS.
No. 7791, Bibliotheque Imperiale, Paris; 5. That of
an Icelandic manuscript of the thirteenth century,
taken from the Antiquitaies Americanm ; 6. That in
a manuscript of Marco Polo, of the fourteenth
century (1350), in the Royal Library of Stock-
holm ; 7. That on the reverse of a medal of the
fifteenth century, in the Cabinet of M. Crignon de
Montigny.

" The cartographers of the middle ages have ad-
mitted that as a reality which, even to the geogra-
phers of antiquity, was merely a theory."

The earliest assertion of the discovery of a land
bearing a position on early maps analogous to that
of Australia has been made in favour of the Chinese,
who have been supposed to have been acquainted
with its coasts long before the period of European
navigation to the east. Thevenot, in his Relations de
Divers Voyages Ciirieiix, part i. Preface: Paris, 1663,
says : " The southern land, which now forms a fifth
part of the world, has been discovered at different
periods. The Chinese had knowledge of it long ago,
for we see that Marco Polo marks two great islands
to the south-cast of Java, which it is probable that
he learned from the Chinese." The statements of

INTRODUCTION. XV

INIarco Polo, wlucli we quote from Marsden's trans-
lation, run thus : —

" Upon leaving the island of Java, and steering a course
hetween south and south-west seven hundred miles, you
fall in with two islands, the larger of which is named Son-
dur, and the other Kondur. Both being uninhabited, it is
unnecessary to say more respecting them. Having run the
distance of fifty miles from these islands, in a south-easterly
direction, you reach an extensive and rich province, that
forms a part of the main land, and is named Lochac. It's
inhabitants are idolaters. They have a language peculiar to
themselves, and are governed by their own king, who pays
no tribute to any other, the situation of the country being
such as to protect it from any hostile attack. Were it assail-
able, the Grand Khan would not have delayed to bring it
under his dominion. In this country sappan or brazil wood
is produced in large quantities. Gold is abundant to a
degree scarcely credible ; elephants are found there ; and
the objects of the chase, either with dogs or birds, are in
plenty. From hence are exported all those porcelain shells,
which, being carried to other countries, are there circulated
for money, as has been already noticed. Here they culti-
vate a species of fruit called berchi, in size about that of a
lemon, and having a delicious flavour. Besides these cir-
cumstances there is nothing further that requires mention,
unless it be that the country is wild and mountainous, and
is little frequented by strangers, whose visits the king dis-
courages, in order that his treasures and other secret matters
of his realm may be as little known to the rest of the world
as possible.

" Departing from Lochac and keeping a southerly course
for five hundred miles, you reach an island named Pentam,
the coast of which is wild and uncultivated, but the woods
abound with sweet scented trees. Between the province of

XVI INTRODUCTION.

Locliac and this island of Pentam, the sea, for the space of
sixty miles, is not more than four fathoms in depth, which
obliges those who navigate it to lift the rudders of their
ships, in order that they may not touch the bottom. After
sailing these sixty miles in a south-easterly direction, and
then proceeding thirty miles further, you arrive at an island,
in itself a kingdom, named Malaiur, which is likewise the
name of its city. The people are governed by a king, and
have their own peculiar language. The town is large and
well built. A considerable trade is there carried on in spices
and drugs, with which the place abounds. Nothing else
that requires notice presents itself. Proceeding onwards
from thence, we shall now speak of Java Minor."

That this description does not apply to Australia
the reader of the present day may readily conclude.
It has received its explanation in the judicious notes
of Marsden, who shows how, from the circumstances,
it is highly probably that Lochac is intended for
some part of the country of Cambodia, the capital of
which was named Loech, according to the authority
of Gaspar de Cruz, who visited it during the reign of
Sebastian, king of Portugal. See Purchas, vol. iii,
p. 169. The country of Cambodia, moreover, pro-
duces the gold, the spices, and the elephants which
Marco Polo attributes to Lochac. Pentam is reason-
ably supposed by Marsden to be Bintam, and the
island and kingdom of Malaiur (Maletur, in the
Basle edition of 1532, included in the Novus Orbis
of Grynreus) to be the kingdom of the Malays.

In the early engraved maps of the sixteenth cen-
tury, however, we see the effects of this description
exhibited in a form calculated to startle the inquirer

INTRODUCTION. XVll

respecting the early indications of Australia. On
these maps ■sve find laid down an extensive develop-
ment of the great Terra Australis Incognita trending
northward to New Guinea ; with which, on some of
these maps, it is made to be continuous, w^hile on
others it is divided from it ; and on the northermost
portion of this remarkably delineated land occur
the legends : " Beach provincia aurifera." " Lucach
regnum." " Maletur regnum scatens aromatibus."
" Vastissimas hie esse regiones ex M. Pauli Veneti
et Ludovici Vartomanni scriptis peregrinationibus
liquido constat."

We have already explained from Marsden's notes
the reasonable rendering of the name of Lucach or
Lochac. The name of Beach, or rather Boeach, is
another form of the same name, which crept into the
Basle edition of Marco Polo of 1532, and was blun-
deringly repeated by the cartographers ; while for
Maletur we have the suggestion of the Burgomaster
Witsen, in his Noord en Oost Tartarye, fol. 169, that it
is taken from Maleto, on the north side of the island
of Timor, a suggestion rendered null by the fact, ap-
parently unknown to Witsen, that Maletur, as already
stated, was but a misspelling in the Basle edition for
Malaiur. The sea in which, on these early maps, this
remarkable land is made to lie, is called Mare Lant-
chidol, another perplexing piece of misspelling upon
which all the cartographers have likewise stumbled,
and which finds its explanation in the Malay words
Laut Kidol, or Chidol, " the South Sea.'' As, how-
ever, this striking protrusion to the northward of

d

XVIU INTRODUCTION.

a portion of the Great Terra Australis Incognita on
the early maps in a position so nearly corresponding
with that of Australia, may not have emanated solely
from the description of Marco Polo, the editor pro-
poses to defer further allusion to these maps until
they present themselves in their due chronological
order among the documents and data of which he
will have to speak.

The earliest discovery of Australia to which claim
has been laid by any nation is that of a Frenchman,
a native of Honfleur, named Binot Paulmier de
Gonneville, who sailed from that port in June 1503,
on a voyage to the South Seas. After doubling the
Cape of Good Hope, he was assailed by a tempest
which drove him on an unknown land, in which he
received the most hospitable reception, and whence,
after a stay of six months, he returned to France,
bringing with him the son of the king of the coun-
try. The narrative is given in a judicial declaration
made by him before the French Admiralty, dated
the 19tli of June, 1505, and first published in the
3Iemoires touchant V Etahlissement d'une Mission Chre-
ticnne dans la Tcrre Anstrale, printed at Paris by
Cramoisy, 1663, and dedicated to Pope Alexander
VII, by an " ecclesiastique originaire de cette mesme
terre." The author gives his name in no other way
than by these initials, " J. P. D. C, Pretre Indien."
This priest, as well as his father and grandfather,
was born in France ; but his great grand-father was
one of the Australians, or natives of the southern
world, whom Gonneville had brought into France at

INTRODUCTION. XIX

his return from that country, and whom he after-
wards married to one of his own relations there, he
having embraced Christianity. The author of the
account himself being animated by a strong desire of
preaching the gospel in the country of his ancestors,
spent his whole life in endeavouring to prevail on
those who had the care of foreign missions to send
him there, and to fulfil the promise the first French
navigator had made, that he should visit that country
again. Unfortunately Gonneville's journals, on his
return, fell into the hands of the English, and were
lost. The author, however, collected his materials
from the traditions and loose papers of his own
family, and the judicial declaration above mentioned.
This account was to have been presented to the Pope,
but it never was printed till it fell into the hands of
the bookseller Cramoisy. The narrative is to the
effect that some French merchants, being tempted by
the success of the Portuguese under Vasco de Gama,
determined upon jsending a ship to the Indies by the
same route which he had sailed. The ship was
equipped at Honfleur. " The Sieur de Gonneville,
who commanded her, weighed anchor in the month
of June, 1503, and doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
where he was assailed by a furious tempest, which
made him lose his route, and abandoned him to the
wearisome calm of an unknown sea." " Not knowing
what course to steer, the sight of some birds coming
from the south determined them to sail in that di-
rection in the hope of finding land. They found
what they desired, that is to say, a great country.

XX INTRODUCTION.

which, in their relations, was named the Southern
India, according to the custom, at that time, of apply-
ing indifferently the names of the Indies to every
country newly discovered." They remained six
months at this land ; after which the crew of the
ship refused to proceed further, and Gonneville was
obliged to return to France. When near home, he
was attacked by an English corsair, and plundered
of every thing ; so that his journals and descriptions
were entirely lost. On arriving in port, he made a
declaration of all that had happened in the voyage
to the Admiralty, which declaration was dated July
the 19th, 1505, and was signed by the principal
officers of the ship.

In one part of the relation, this great southern land
is said to be not far out of the direct route to the East
Indies, The land of Gonneville has been supposed
by some to be in a high southern latitude, and nearly
on the meridian of the Cape of Good Hope ; and
Duval and Nolin placed it on their charts to the
south-west from the Cape, in forty-eight degrees
south. The President De Brosses, author of Histoire
des Navigations aux Terres Atisirales, Paris, 1756, 2
vols., conjectured that it was south from the Mo-
luccas, and that it was, in fact, the first discovery of
the Terra Australis, since named New Holland.

Gonneville, however, is represented as carrying
on during his stay a friendly intercourse with the
natives, whom he mentions as having made some
advances in civilization. This account is quite in-
compatible with the character for treachery and bar-

INTRODUCTION. XXI

barous cruelty, which we have received of the natives
of North Australia from all the more recent voyagers.
Let the whole account, says Burney, be reconsi-
dered without prepossession, and the idea that will
immediately and most naturally occur is, that the
Southern India discovered by Gonneville was Mada-
gascar. De Gonneville having doubled (passed
round) the Cape, was by tempests driven into calm
latitudes, and so near to this land, that he was di-
rected thither by the flight of birds. The refusal
of the crew to proceed to the Eastern India, would
scarcely have happened if they had been so far ad-
vanced to the east as New Holland.

A more reasonable claim than the preceding to the
discovery of Australia in the early part of the six-
teenth century, may be advanced by the Portuguese
from the evidence of various MS. maps still extant,
although the attempt made recently to attach the
credit of this discovery to Magalhaens in the famous
voyage of the Victoria round the world in 1520, is, as
we shall endeavour to show, perfectly untenable.
The claim of this honour for Spain is thus asserted
in the " Compendio Geografico Estadistico de Portu-
gal y sus posesiones ultramarinas," by Aldama Ayala,
8vo, Madrid, 1855, p. 482. " The Dutch lay claim
to the discovery of the continent of Australia in the
seventeenth century, although it was discovered by
Fernando Magalhaens, a Portuguese, by order of the
Emperor Charles V, in the year 1520, as is proved by
authentic documents, such as the atlas of Fernando
Vaz Dourado, made in Goa in 1570, on one of the

XXll INTRODUCTION.

maps in which is laid down the coast of Australia.
The said magnificent atlas, illuminated to perfection,
was formerly preserved in the Carthusian Library at
Evora."

A similar claim was also made for their dis-
tinguished countryman, though the voyage was made
in the service of Spain, in an almanack published at
Angra, in the island of Terceira, by the government
press, anno 1832, and composed, it is supposed, by
the Viscount Sa' de Bandeira, the present minister of
marine at Lisbon. In the examination of this
subject, the editor has had the advantage of the
assistance of a friend in Lisbon, who, in his researches
among the remaining literary wealth of that city, has
exhibited an earnestness and an amount of care and
thought but too rarely witnessed in delegated in-
vestigations. The reader will not wonder that the
zeal of a true lover of literature has been thrown
into these researches, when he learns that they have
been made by Dr. John Martin, the well-known
author (for it would be wrong to call him the editor)
in days now long gone by, of that most interesting and
important work, " Mariner's Tonga Islands." As
will be presently seen, the whole question of the
possibility of the discovery of Australia having been
made by the Portuguese, in the first half of the six-
teenth century, is sufficiently enigmatical to call for
a great extent of inquiry, and the editor's venerable
and honoured friend, though now grown old in the
service of science and literature, has entered into the
subject with a cordiality and ardour, commensurate
with the puzzling nature of the subject.

1

INTRODUCTION. XXUl

But first with respect to the claim on behalf of
Magalhaens, as based upon the map of Vaz Dourado.
The following are extracts from Dr. Martin's reports
upon the map.

" On inspecting the map and examining the more southern
regions, I found that the island of Timor was the most
southern land laid down in lat. 10° S., which is its true
situation ; while further to the south all was blank, except-
ing certain ornamental devices as far as about latitude 17°
or 18°, which Avas the lowest margin of the map. To the
west and east the map was bordered by a scale of latitude,
in single degrees ; but this map did not occupy the whole
sheet of vellum, for to the right of the eastern scale of lati-
tude something else was laid down, viz., a line of coast run-
ning with a little southing from west to east, with many
rivers and names of places vipon it, and this notice under-
neath, ' Esta Costa Descubrio Fernao de Magalhaes naturall
portuges pormandado do emperador Carllos o anno 1520.'

" If the whole sheet is meant to constitute one map and
referable to the same scale of latitude, then the coast in
question is not where New Holland ought to be, being
north of Timor and much too far to the eastward. On turn-
ing over to the next sheet (in the atlas) there is a similar
line of coast laid down with precisely the same notice (above
quoted) at the bottom, and evidently a continuation of the
same coast and upon the same scale. I send a list of the
names, which I have made out as well as I could, for they
are very small and several letters are not very clear.

" The reasons why I cannot consider this coast as part of
New Holland, are, 1st. It is at least one thousand five hun-
dred miles in length, and nearly straight as a whole, though
indented in its parts ; 2ndly. That it is represented to have
numerous rivers, which are very rare in New Holland (on
the coast) ; Srdly. That it is considerably distant from its true

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

place to the south of Timor, which in the atlas is laid down
correctly as to latitude, although, 4thly. There is plenty of
room for it on the map. I have thought it might be part of
the coast of South America, where Magelhaens was long
detained, and that it is put down as a sort of memorandum
of the great extent of coast which he discovered in the first
circumnavigation of the globe. With indomitable persever-
ance he pushed his way through the straits that bear his
name into the Pacific, and in this vast ocean he sailed about
for three months and twenty days (says Pigafetta, who
accompanied him and wrote an account of the voyage) with-
out discovering anything excepting two small desert islands,
until he arrived at the Phillippines. Had he really dis-
covered so much of the coast of a great southern continent,
Spain, in whose service he was, might well have boasted of
the feat, and Portugal, whose native he was, might have
defended the claims of the man who performed it, and not
let so bold and noble a discovery (for those times) remain so
long in doubt.

" Now with respect to America : if we examine carefully
the list of names upon this line of coast, we shall find some
that have a resemblance to those on the coast of America,
along which Magelhaens pursued his course. One of these,
C. de las Virgines, is found in some maps just at the en-
trance of the Straits of Magellan, on the eastern side. I do
not see any name like Fromose,^ but there is the name Gaia
Fromosa, in or near the Straits of Magellan (in the same
atlas). In the enclosed list of names we have also Terra
de Gigiitcs or Terra de Gigantes, and may not this be the
Patagonians ?

' This apparently Gallicized Portuguese name is here referred
to by Dr. Martin in allusion to its occurrence on certain early
French maps to be treated of hereafter.

INTRODUCTION.

XXV

" On a closer and more niinute examination of Dourado's
map, and others, I think it may now be made evident that
the coast said to have been discovered by Magalhaens, in
1520, and mistaken by Sa de Bandeira and others, for part
of the coast of New HoUand, is no other than the northern
coast of New Guinea.

" Now New Guinea, or part of it, as Laid down by Dourado,
appears under the name of Os Papuos, and extends to the
eastward as far as the scale of latitude is marked, but beyond
that scale there is about half an inch of space, and there the
coast in question commences, and runs a long way towards
the east, with a little southing, and has many islands
bordering upon it ; whether this be either a continuation or
a repetition more extended of Papua, it is much in the same
latitude, and runs in the same direction. Again, on referring
to an old map of Mercator, I found some names upon New
Guinea, similar to those on the coast in question; there I
found C. de las Yirgines ; I. de los Cresbos ; E.. de Bolcados ;
Buen Puerto, answering to C. de las Virgines ; I. de los
Crespos : BuUcones Puerto Bueno, as found among the
names on the coast in question ; but what places the matter
still more beyond a doubt is, that the names in both run in
the same consecutive order from west to east, upon several
of the islands which border the main land.

Names of Islands as laid dowu in
Dourado's map along the coast said
to be New Holland, in consecutive
order from W. to E.

I. de los Martiles
I. dellos Crespos
I. Duarati
I. de Armo
I. de Malagrate
I. Dombres brancos
Llabasbuda
Llacuimana

Bullcones (is laid down on
the main land")

Names of Islands as laid dowu in
Jlercator's map on the coast of New
Guinea, in consecutive cider from
W. to E.

Y. de los Martyres

y. de Crespos

Y. Dearti

No such name

Y. de Malagente

Y. de Hombres brancos

La barbade

No such name

Los Bulcones.

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

" Seeing then that the coast in question, and that of New
Guinea are in the same latitude, that they greatly resemble
each other in position, that several names upon them are
similar, and that the similar names follow each other in both
cases in the like consecutive order, and the same direction
from west to east, I think we may safely come to the
conclusion that the coast in question is identically that of
New Guinea, and that the assumption of Viscount Sa de
Bandeira and others following him, or whom he has followed,
is an error."

From these observations of Dr. Martin, the editor
forms the following conclusions ; that the tract laid
down on Vaz Dourado's map as discovered by
Magalhaens, is in fact a memorandum or cartogra-
phical side-note of the real discovery by Magalhaens
of Terra del Fuego, and that from its adopted false
position on the vellum it was subsequently applied
erroneously to New Guinea by Mercator. But even
if this surmise be incorrect, the only alternative that
remains is that the tract laid down is New Guinea,
and clearly not Australia, as assumed by the claim-
ants to whom we have referred. The editor submits
that this claim is alike untenable from the account of
Magalhaens' voyage and from the evidence of the
map^itself on which that claim is founded.
/But we now pass to a more plausible indication of
a discovery of Australia by the Portuguese in the
early part of the sixteenth century, which ranges
between the years of 1512 and 1542. It occurs in
similar form on six maps, four of them in England
and two in France, on which, immediately below
Java, and separated from that island only by a nar-

;7!K^r

\

^^fJ^/ivt til' lifllW _

INTRODUCTION. XX VU

row strait, is drawn a large country stretching south-
ward to the verge of the several maps. The earliest
in all probability, and the most fully detailed of these
maps, is the one from whicli we give the annexed
reduction of that portion immediately under con-
sideration. It is a large chart of the world, on a plane
scale, on vellum, 8 ft. 2 in. by 3 ft. 10 in., highly
ornamented, with figures, etc., and with the names in
French. At the upper corner, on the left hand, is a
shield of the arms of France, with the collar of St.
Michael ; and on the right, another shield of France
and Dauphiny, quarterly. It was probably executed
in the time of Francis I. of France, for his son the
Dauphin, afterwards Henry II. This chart formerly
belonged to Edward Harley, Earl of Oxford, after
whose death it was taken away by one of his ser-
vants. It was subsequently purchased by Sir Joseph
Banks, Bart., and presented by him to the British
Museum in 1790.

Ihe second, in all probability, of these, is con-
tained in an atlas drawn at Dieppe in 1547, at pre-
sent in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart.,
of Middle Hill, Worcestershire. It contains the name
of Nicholas Vallard, of Dieppe. The editor has been
unsuccessful in his efforts to gain a sight of this
atlas, or even of a fac-simile lithograph made by Sir
Thomas Phillipps of the map supposed to contain the
representation of Australia. Hence he has been
compelled to rely upon the memory of Sir Frederick
Madden, wdio had an opportunity of examining the
atlas some years since, and who recollects that though

INTRODUCTION. XXV 11

row strait, is drawn a large country stretching south-
Avard to the verge of the several maps. The earliest
in all probability, and the most fully detailed of these
maps, is the one from which we give the annexed
reduction of that portion immediately under con-
sideration. It is a large chart of the world, on a plane
scale, on vellum, 8 ft. 2 in. by 3 ft. 10 in., highly
ornamented, with figures, etc., and with the names in
French. At the upper corner, on the left hand, is a
shield of the arms of France, with the collar of St.
Michael ; and on the right, another shield of France
and Danphiny, quarterly. It was probably executed
in the time of Francis I. of France, for his son the
Dauphin, afterwards Henry II. This chart formerly
belonged to Edward liarley, Earl of Oxford, after
whose death it was taken away by one of his ser-
vants. It was subsequently purchased by Sir Joseph
Banks, Bart., and presented by him to the British
Museum in 1790.

I'he second, in all probability, of these, is con-
tained in an atlas draw^n at Dieppe in 1547, at pre-
sent in the possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart.,
of Middle Hill, Worcestershire. It contains the name
of Nicholas Vallard, of Dieppe. The editor has been
unsuccessful in his efforts to gain a sight of this
atlas, or even of a fac-simile lithograph made by Sir
Thomas Phillipps of the map supposed to contain the
representation of Australia. Hence he has been
compelled to rely upon the memory of Sir Frederick
Madden, who had an opportunity of examining the
atlas some years since, and who recollects that though

XXVIU TNTRODUCTIOX,

it bore tlie name of Vallard and the date of 1547, it
was not made by him, and that its date, though pro-
babl)' earlier than 1547, could be shown from inter-
nal evidence to be not earlier than 1539. A coat of
arms appears in the margin of the volume, argent^ on
a saltire, gules, five besants, a mullet, sahle, in the
fess point. This may lead a future investigator to
the discovery of an earlier possessor of the map than
Vallard, although it should be remarked that the
borders on the margin appear to be of a later date
than the maps themselves. It fell into the possession
of Prince Talleyrand at the beginning of this century,
and attracting the attention of the celebrated geogra-
pher M. Barbie du Bocage, drew from him a notice
in the 3Iagasin Encgclopedique, douzitme annee, tom. iv,
107, which, though lengthy, bears so directly upon
the subject of the present work, that it is proposed in
simple justice both to the writer and the reader, pre-
sently to give it in full.

The third and fourth of these maps (if our other
inferences as to date be correct) are contained in one
volume in the British Museum ; one of them is a
detailed mjap, and the other an almost skeleton map
of the world in hemispheres, with the latitudes and
longitudes marked, and the names of "the lytel Java"
and " the londe of Java" laid down on the great
country in question. It is from this latter map that
the annexed extract is given, on the same scale as
the original, the octavo page being sufficiently large
to admit the portion required to be shown. The only
point of dittcrcncc calling for special remark is, that

INTRODUCTION, XXIK

in the original bemisphere the line representing the
eastern coast does not reach to the bottom of the
map, but terminates abruptly in the same degree of
huitude as represented in the copy, though that
degree is here, for convenience sake, made to coin-
cide with the margin of the map. Indeed the special
interest of this particular map is, tliat whereas all the
others wliicli represent this remarkable country have
the coast line extended indefinitely to the southern
margin ; on this both the eastern and western coast
lines 'stop abruptly at certain points, of which we
are able to take cognizance by the degrees of lati-
tude being shown on the same map. The volume
containing these two important maps bears the date
of 1542, and was made by one Jean E,otz, who had
in the first instance intended to dedicate it to the
king of France, but afterwards presented it to king
Henry VIII of England. In this dedication to the
king, he says that the maps are made " an plus cer-
tain et vray quil ma este possible de faire, tant par
mon experience propre, que par la certaine experience
de mes amys et compagnons navigateurs ;" and at the
close, he expresses his hope to compose shortly a
work in English, which was to be printed, to the
great profit and advantage of all the navigators and
seamen of this prosperous kingdom. It is to be re-
gretted that we do not possess the work here pro-
mised, as much light might thereby have been thrown
upon the mystery in which the question before us is
involved. It has been suggested by Malte Brun,
that the autlior was a Flemini,'", who came over to

XXX INTRODUCTION.

En<^land with Anne of Cleves in 1540. The idea
may have originated in the form of the name, but
wonkl hardly have been maintained had jMalte Brun
read Rotz's dedication, in which he speaks of the
king of France as having been " mon souverin et
nature! signeur." There can be no doubt, then, that
he was a French subject.

The fifth in date, if we suppose it to have been
made early in the reign of Henry II, is a map given
in fac-simile by M. Jomard, in his Monuments de la
Geog7'aphie, on Recueil cVAnciennes Cartes^ now in pro-
gress, and is described by him as "Mapperaonde peinte
sur parchemin par ordre de Henri II, Roi de France."

The sixth is a map in a Portolano at the Depot de
la Guerre, Paris, drawn in 1555 by Guillaume le
Testu, a pilot of Grasse, in Provence, or as others
have thought a Norman. Andre Thevet, cosmogra-
pher to Henry II, boasts of having often sailed with
him, and always styles him as " renomme pilote et
singulier navigateur." The map was drawn for Ad-
miral Coligny, to whom it is dedicated and whose
name it bears. The editor has succeeded in procur-
ing a tracing of that portion which affects the present
question, and finds it to agree with the other maps of
the kind in the delineation of the coast of" la Grande
Java."

On the reduced tracing of the most fully detailed
of these maps given at p. xxvii, are inscribed some
names of bays and coasts which were noticed in
the first instance by Alexander Dalrymple, the late
hydrographer to the Admiralty and East India Com-

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

pany, to bear a resemblance to the names i^iven by
Captain Cook to parts of New Holland which he had
liimself discovered.

In his memoir concerning the Chagos and adjacent
islands, 1786, p. 4, speaking of this map he says: —
" The east coast of New Holland, as we name it, is
expressed with some curious circumstances of cor-
respondence to Captain Cook's MS. What he names

Bay of Inlets, is in the MS. called Bay Perdue.

Bay of Isles . . . . R. de beaucoup d'Isles.

Where the Endeavour struck . Coste dangereuse.

So that we may say with Solomon, ' There is nothing-
new under the sun.'"

To the discredit of so well informed and laborious
a man as Dalrymple, to whom, perhaps, next to
Hakluyt, this country is the most largel)' indebted
for its commercial prosperity, this passage was but
an invidious insinuation, intended to disparage the
credit of Captain Cook, of whose appointment to the
command of the Endeavour he was extremely jealous.
Dalrymple had earnestly desired the command of an
expedition to discover the great southern continent,
the existence of which he had endeavoured to prove
by various philosophical arguments, which later times
have shown to be not without foundation ; and his
observation would seem to imply that Cook, who had
been so successful in his discoveries on the coast of
New Holland, might have been led thereto by an
acquaintance with this pre-existent map. The un-
worthy insinuation met with a sensible refutation, we
are happy to record, from the pen of a Frenchman,

XXXll INTRODUCTION.

M. Frederic Metz, in a paper printed at p. 261, vol.
47, of La Revue, on Decade Philosophique, Litteraire et
Politique, Nov., 1805. For the sake of clearness, the
editor avoids here giving the whole of M. Metz's
paper, in which an attempt is made to disprove that
New Holland was discovered at this time by the
Portuguese at all, but will merely quote those pas-
sages which meet Dalrymple's insinuation. M. Metz
says : —

" It had been generally believed that we were indebted
to the Dutch for our acquaintance with this vast country,
and that the celebrated Cook had in his first voyage disco-
vered its eastern coast, which he named New South Wales,
until the discovery was made in the British Museum of a
map upon parchment, presumed to be of the sixteenth cen-
tury, on which was observed a large country laid down on
the site occupied by New Holland. On the eastern coast of
this country places were found with the names ' Cote des
Herbaiges,' ' E-iviere de beaucoup d'lles,' ' Cote dange-
reuse,' names which present a great resemblance to those of
' Botany Bay,' ' Bay of Islands,' and ' Dangerous Coast,'
given by Cook to parts of New South Wales.

" The resemblance of these names struck many persons.
Mr. Dalrymple, a man of the greatest merit, but a personal
enemy of Cook, whom he never forgave for having received,
in preference to him, the command of the Endeavour, in the
voyage made to observe the passage of Venus, and especially
for having demolished, beyond of hope of recovery, his
theories of the existence of the southern lands, and of the
north-west passage of America : Mr. Dalrymple, I say, took
occasion therefrom to insinuate in one of his works, that the
discovery of the east of New Holland was due to some
navigator of the sixteenth century, and that Cook had only
followed in his track

INTRODUCTION. XXXIU

" As to the resemblance of the names — this seems to me
to prove exactly the contrary of the conclusions which it
has been attempted to draw from them. If Cook had been
acquainted with the maps in question, and had wished to
appropriate to himself the discoveries of another, will any
one suppose him so short-sighted as to have preserved for
his discoveries the very names which would have exposed
his plagiarism, if ever the sources which he had consulted
came to be known. The ' dangerous coast' was so named
because there he found himself during four hours in immi-
nent danger of shipwreck. We must suppose, then, that he
exposed himself and his crew to an almost certain death in
order to have a plausible excuse for applying a name simi-
lar to that which this coast had already received from the
unknown and anonymous navigator who had previously
discovered it. Moreover, names such as ' Bay of Islands,'
* Dangerous coast,' are well known in geography. We find
a Bay of Islands in New Holland ; and on the east coast of
the island of Borneo there is a ' Cote des Herbages.' "

The sound sense of this reasoning, apart from all
question of honour on the part of a man of the high
character of Captain Cook, would seem conclusive,
yet this similarity of the names has, to the editor's
own knowledge, been remarked upon by persons
of high standing and intelligence in this country,
though without any intention of disparaging Cap-
tain Cook, as an evidence that this country was
identical with Australia. The similarity of the ex-
pression, " Cote des Herbages," with the name of
Botany Bay, given to a corresponding part of the
coast by Captain Cook, has been particularly dwelt
upon, whereas it ought to be known that this bay,

/

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

originally called Stingray, but afterwards Botany
Bay, was not so named on account of the fertility
of the soil, but from the variety of plants new to the
science of botany which were discovered on a soil
otherwise rather unpromising. It is plain that early
navigators would assign such a designation as " Cote
des Herbages" to a shore remarkable for its rich
growth of grass or other vegetation, rather than from
the appreciation of any curious botanical discovery.
Had the similarity of the names " Riviere de beau-
coup d'Isles" and " Cote dangereuse" with Cook's
" Bay of Isles" and the place " where the Endeavour
struck," names descriptive of unquestionable reali-
ties, been advanced by Dalrymple as evidence of the
high probability that the country represented on the
early map was New Holland, without volunteering
an insinuation against the merit of his rival, we
should have accepted the reasonable suggestion with
deference and just acquiescence.

That New Holland was the country thus repre-
sented, became an argument supported by a variety
of reasonings by more than one of our French neigh-
bours. Mr. Coquebert Montbret, in a memoir printed
in No. 81 of the Bulletin des Sciences^ 1804, quotes
Dalrymple's injurious observation, and silently allows
it to have its deceptive effect on the mind of the in-
cautious reader.

The atlas now in the possession of Sir Thomas
Phillipps, which, as we have stated, is probably next
in date to that made for the Dauphin, fell into the
possession of Prince Talleyrand at the beginning of

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

this century, and attracting the attention of the cele-
brated geographer M. Barbie du Bocage, drew from
him the following notice in the Magasin Encyclo-
2Jedique, douzitme annee, tom. iv, 1807, which, though
lengthy, bears so directly upon the subject of the
present work, that it is here given in full.

Extract from the notice of a geographical manuscript belong-
ing to his Sere?ie Highness the Pritice of Benevento
[better known as the Prince Talleyrand], read at a
Public Session of the Institute , on the Srd of July, 1807,
by 31. Barbie die Bocage.

This manuscript is an hydrographic atlas, drawn at Dieppe
in 15-17, by a person of the name of Nicholas Vallard, of
Dieppe, representing the eastern and western coasts of the
continent of New Holland. This atlas is not the only one
upon which these coasts are laid down. There are two in
England, which came from France, and which we have been
made acquainted with by the English as well as by some
Frenchmen. One of the two, which has been for a consider-
able time in the library of the British Museum, was drawn
in 154:2 by a person of the name of Jean Rotz or Roty, who
had in the first instance drawn it, as he states in the dedica-
tion, for the king of France, but afterwards presented it to
Henry YlII, king of England. The second is a large map
on one single sheet of parchment, made for the Dauphin of
France, whose arms it bears. It was formerly in the library
of the earl of Oxford, Avhere Sir Joseph Banks was acquainted
with it, and thence it passed to the British Museum, where
it is at present. The English pretend that none of these
charts were discovered till after the death of the celebrated
Captain Cook, and that they had no knowledge of them
when this navigator set sail. But their prior existence in
well-known libraries in England may cause this assertion

XXXVl INTRODUCTION.

to be doubted. But even if they had made use of them to
indicate to their countryman the countries which he had to
visit, it would not the less follow that the skill, the prudence,
and the resolution with Avhich Captain Cook conducted his
operations must always secure for him the glory of having
made known in detail the countries which had hitherto been
but faintly indicated.

The third manuscript atlas which represents the coasts of
New Holland, is that of which we have now to treat. It is
a small folio volume, consisting of fifteen hydrographical
charts, on vellum, which has been recently acquired by his
serene highness the Prince of Benevento. This atlas, even
by the account of persons who have seen those which are in
England, is the most beautiful of all the works of the kind,
and for this reason deserves the most particular attention.
There has since been discovered in France a fourth, which
is at present in the library of the Depot de la Guerre, which
was drawn in 1555 by a person named Guillaume le Testu,
a pilot, of Grasse, in Provence, for Admiral Coligny, to
whom it is dedicated, and whose arms it bears.

The English geographers, MM. Dalrymple, Major Ren-
nell, and Pinkerton ; and among the French, MM. Buache,
De la Bochettc, Coquebert de Montbret, and others, recog-
nize on these atlases the eastern and western coasts of New
Plolland. These coasts are bounded by the same latitudes as
those indicated on recent maps ; and if they encroach more
on longitude it is because, at the time the discovery was
made, there existed but small means of fixing the bound-
aries in that respect. The names on all the atlases which we
have just quoted, are, for the most part, in Portuguese, some
of them in French ; that of 1542 alone, which is in England,
has some of the names in bad English. We must, therefore,
come to the conclusion that these atlases have been copied
from Portuguese maps, and consequently that the discovery
of the continent of New Holland belongs to the Portuguese.

INTRODUCTION. XXXVIl

This is the opinion of iNIM. Dah'ymplc, Pinkerton, De la
Kochette, and several others ; and I do not believe that any
good reason can be alleged in refutation of an opinion so
■well founded.

All these atlases call this continent " Great Java", in con-
tradistinction to the island of Java, which is to the north of
it ; yet it is very singular that no mention whatever is made
of this country in the voyages of the time. As, however, I
think I have detected from history the period at which it
must have been made, I shall now endeavour to explain why
the Portuguese have kept this discovery a secret. I shall
then fix the period at which I presume it to have been made,
and will shew how the knowledge of this country has been
lost even by those who have discovered it.

The most ancient of the atlases which represent the coasts
of New Holland, is that of E.otz or Roty, which is in Eng-
land, and which bears the date of 1543. The discovery of
New Holland, therefore, is anterior to the year 1542. At
that period the Portuguese were masters of the Molucca
Islands, which they had discovered in 1511, and where they
had established themselves in 1512, and in one of which,
Ternate, they had built a fort in 1522. They must have
discovered New Holland after the Moluccas, and therefore
this discovery must be limited to the period between the
years 1512 and 1542.

Now, after 1516 or 1517, Spain began to dispute with
Portugal the possession of the Moluccas, as being situated
within the hemisphere which had been allotted to them by
the bull of pope Alexander VI, dated the 4th of July, 1493.
This pope, in consequence of the disputes which had arisen
between the courts of Lisbon and Toledo, had arranged that
all the discoveries which might be made on the globe to the
east of a meridian one hundred leagues west of the Azores
and Cape Verde Islands (which he seemed to think lay
under the same meridian), for the space of a hundred and

XXXVIU INTRODUCTION.

eighty degrees of longitude, should belong to the Portu-
guese; and that those to the westward of the same meridian,
for the same space, should belong to the Spaniards. This
division has been since called the line of demarcation of
Pope Alexander VI. Don John II, however, who was then
king of Portugal, being dissatisfied with this bull, which
seemed to deprive him of considerable possessions in the
west, made another arrangement in the following year with
Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain, by which this line was
pushed further west, and definitely fixed at three hundred
and seventy leagues to the westward of the Cape Verde
Islands. This agreement was signed the 4th of June, 1494 ;
and it was arranged that, in the space of ten months, persons
should be sent out who were well informed in geography,
to fix exactly the places through which this line should pass.
This engagement once entered upon, no more considera-
tion was given to the sending out competent persons to the
places indicated, and the two governments continued their
discoveries, each on its own behalf. Under the guidance
of Cabral, the Portuguese, on the 9th of March, 1500, dis-
covered Brazil, which lay in their own hemisphere. Under
the guidance of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, the Spaniards had
in this same or preceding year, sailed along the whole of
this coast as far as the embouchure of the Oronoco. After
this time the line, without further examination, was reckoned
to pass by the mouth of the Maraiion, or river of the Ama-
zons, which had been already explored, and it is in this part
that it is found traced on the Spanish maps of Herrera.
The Portuguese, while they took possession of Brazil, con-
tinued their discoveries towards the east, and reached the
Moluccas, where they established themselves, as we have
said, in 1512. The proprietorship of the spices which the
possession of these islands gave them, produced such con-
siderable profits, that it soon excited the jealousy of the
Spaniards. The latter pretended that the Moluccas were in

INTRODUCTION. XXXIX

the hemisphere which had been allotted to them. This idea
was particularly suggested to them by Magellan, who, being
discontented with the treatment of king Emanuel, in having
refused him an increase of allowance, took refuge about the
year 1516 in Spain, and offered his services to the govern-
ment of Charles Y. Not only did he assert that the hemi-
sphere belonging to the Spaniards comprised the Moluccas,
but also the islands of Java and Sumatra, and a part of the
Malay peninsula. In fact, from the difficulty which then
existed in determining longitudes, the discoveries of the
Portuguese appeared to appropriate more than one hundred
and eighty degrees in this direction, so great was the amount
of space given to them in their maps : nevertheless, if we
examine modern maps we shall see that, measuring from the
mouth of the Maranon, the Moluccas still came within the
hemisphere of the Portuguese.

Cardinal Ximenes, who at that time governed Spain in
the absence of Charles V., at the outset received Magellan
very well, and Charles V. himself afterwards entrusted him
with the command of a squadron of five vessels, which, as
we know, sailed from San Lucar on the 20th of September,
1519, on a western passage in search of the Spice Islands or
Moluccas. Two of the vessels of this fleet arrived on the
8th of November, 1521, at the island of Tidore, after having
passed through the straits since called the Straits of Magel-
lan. That navigator was now no more ; he had been killed
in one of the islands of the archipelago of St. Lazaro, since
called the Philippines, and nearly all his squadron having
been destroyed, one vessel only, named the Victoria, re-
turned to Europe, with eighteen persons, all very sick, under
the guidance of Sebastian del Cano, who landed on the
6th of September, 1522, at the same port of San Lucar de
Barrameda, from which the fleet had set sail three years
before.

Whether it was from policy, or because the currents which

Xl INTRODUCTION.

exist in the Great Pacific Ocean had carried Magellan's fleet
rapidly down to the Philippines and Moluccas, those who
returned from this expedition always maintained that these
latter islands were in the hemisphere of the Spaniards, who
consequently laid claim to traffic there. They were even on
the point of sending out a new expedition thither, when
king John III begged Charles V to have the question ex-
amined by competent persons, and promised to acquiesce in
their decision. The two governments appointed twenty-four,
or even a greater number, both Spaniards and Portuguese,
well skilled in geography and navigation, who from the
commencement of March 1524, met alternately in the two
cities of Badajos and Elvas, on the frontiers of the two states.
Three months were allowed them to decide definitely to
whom these islands belonged.

These commissioners, among whom was Sebastian del
Cano, who had brought back the Victoria, consumed at the
outset a considerable time in consulting globes and charts,
and in comparing the journals of pilots. They examined
the distance between the Moluccas and the line of demarca-
tion. They disputed much, and came to no conclusion.
More than two months passed away in this manner ; and
they reached the latter part of May, which had been fixed
as the term of the conferences.

The Spanish commissioners then settled the line of de-
marcation at three hundred and seventy leagues west of the
Cape Verde islands, as it had been fixed in 1494 ; and as, on
the basis of the charts which they had then before them,
they made the opposite line, which was to be at the distance
of a hundred and eighty degrees, pass through the Malay
peninsula, they included in their own hemisphere not only
the Moluccas, but also the islands of Java and Borneo, part
of Sumatra, the coast of China, and part of the Malay penin-
sula itself. The Portuguese did not agree to this limitation,
which was too disadvantageous for themselves ; on the con-

INTRODUCTION. xll

trary, they went away very discontented, storming, and
threatning war, which gave occasion to the jocose observa-
tion of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, a talented man, at that
time the historiographer of the court of Spain, that the com-
missioners, after having well syllogized, concluded by being
unable to decide the question except by cannon balls.

In spite of the unsuccessful issue of this negociation, the
two courts did not come to a quarrel ; they were on the
point of forming alliances. The question of the marriage of
the Infanta Catherine, the emperor's sister, with king John,
which was celebrated in 1525, was being then entertained.
In the following year, 1526, the emperor espoused, with
great pomp, Isabella, king John's sister. Charles V, how-
ever, believing himself in the right, continued to permit his
subjects to carry on commerce with the Spice Islands ; and
he himself fitted out fleets to dispute the possession of them
with the Portuguese. Some of these vessels landed at the
Moluccas in 1527 and 1528 ; but, as these expeditions were
generally unsuccessful, and as, moreover, he was in need of
money for his coronation in Italy, he listened to the pro-
posals of king John to purchase his right to these islands.
He parted with them by a secret treaty, which was signed at
Saragossa the 22nd of April, 1529, for the sum, it is said, of
350,000 golden ducats, against the expressed wish of his sub-
jects, who often, but in vain, besought him to retract it.
By his refusal, it was thought that he had received much
more. Thenceforth the Spaniards were not permitted to
traffic with the Moluccas.

This termination of the quarrel on the part of Portugal
was a justification of the claims of the Spaniards, and an
acknowledgment in some sort that the Moluccas were in
their hemisphere. After such an arrangement, the Portu-
guese could not show any discoveries made to the eastward,
or even under the meridian of these islands. The greatest
part of New Holland is more to the east than the Moluccas ;

y

Xlii INTRODUCTION.

hence it is to be believed that for this reason the Portuguese
have kept silence respecting their discovery of it.

This discovery, as we have said, must be comprised be-
tween the years 1512 and 1542. There is, however, no men-
tion made of it in the voyages of the time, which would suffi-
ciently prove that the Portuguese had suppressed, or at least
concealed, the account of it. But I propose to endeavour to
supply this defect from the narrative of two of their histo-
rians.

Castanheda, a Portuguese author, who had been in India,
tells us that in the beginning of July, 1525, the Portuguese
of Ternate, one of the Moluccas, dispatched a vessel to the
island of Celebes to traffic there ; that this vessel on its re-
turn was driven by violent winds and currents into an open
sea, between the Straits of Magellan and the Moluccas ; that
the Portuguese found themselves thrown more than three hun-
dred leagues out of their route, and were several times nearly
lost. One night their rudder was carried away, and they beat
about till the morning, when they discovered an island thirty
leagues in circumference, on which they landed, with thanks
to God for affording them this asylum. The islanders gave
them an excellent reception ; they were of a tawny colour,
but well made and good looking, both men and women.
The men had long black beards. The Portuguese remained
four months in this island, not only for the purpose of re-
fitting, but because the winds were contrary for the return
to the Moluccas. At length they departed, and reached
Ternate on the 20th of January, 1526.

Such is the narrative of Castanheda. The Jesuit Maffei,
who has given us a history of India, has supplied us with
less details, but his account is not less valuable, inasmuch as
he gives us the name of the captain who commanded the
ship. He says : Some Portuguese of the Moluccas, having
gone to the islands of Celebes to seek for gold, but not having
been able to land, were driven by a fearful tempest upon an

i

INTRODUCTION. xlui

island, which is distant therefrom three hundred leagues,
when they went ashore. The inhabitants, who were simple
people, received them very well, and soon became familiar
with them. They comprehended their signs, and even un-
derstood a little of the language spoken at the Moluccas.
All the inhabitants were well-looking, both male and female;
they were cheerful, and the men wore beards and long hair.
The existence of this island was previously unknown, but in
consideration of the account given of it by the captain, whose
name was Gomez de Sequeira, and of the map which he
drew of this island, his name was given to it.

From the details supplied to us by these two authors, it is
evident that the island on which Gomez de Sequeira was
thrown M^as to the eastward of the Moluccas, because, in re-
turning, the Portuguese had to sail westward. Now three hun-
dred Portuguese leagues, starting from the Moluccas or the
island of Celebes, lead us to w^ithin a trifle of Endeavour
Straits ; we may therefore conclude that it was upon one of the
rocks in this strait that Gomez dc Sequeira lost his rudder,
and that the island on which he landed was one of the west-
ernmost of those which lie along its western extremity. The
Portuguese did not advance far into this strait, for it is plain
that they met with no obstacle in returning to the Moluccas.
I think, therefore, that the island on which Gomez de Se-
queira landed was one of those which were called Prince of
"Wales's Islands by Captain Cook, and which are inhabited,
because this navigator states that he saw smoke there. What
confirms me in this opinion, is the agreement of our two
authors in stating that the men of Gomez de Sequeira's Island
had long and black hair and beards. We still find this charac-
teristic distinguishing the natives of New Holland from those
of New Guinea, whose hair and beards are crisped. This
island, therefore, was nearer to New Holland than to New
Guinea, which is, in fact, the case with the Prince of Wales's
Islands.

Xliv INTRODUCTION.

The Portuguese having discovered in 1525 an island so
near as this to New Holland, we must believe that the dis-
covery of that continent followed very soon after that of this
island. It was at that time that the controversies between
the courts of Portugal and Spain were at their highest ; the
Portuguese, therefore, needed to be cautious respecting their
new discoveries ; they were obliged to conceal them care-
fully. It will not, therefore, be surprising that no mention
was made in their works of the discovery of New Hol-
land.

But, after having shown how much importance the Por-
tuguese must have attached to the concealment of their dis-
coveries, and having examined at what period the discovery
of New Holland may have been made, it will be not less
interesting to inquire how this discovery may have become
known in France, and afterwards in England, so early as
1542. There was nothing at that time to induce the court
of Portugal to disclose their discoveries to the court of
France ; there was nothing to bind these two courts in inti-
mate union ; on the contrary, their intercourse had for some
time been rather cool. As a proof of this, the king of Por-
tugal had in 1543 married his daughter Mary to Philip the
Infant of Spain, without giving notice thereof to Francis I,
who thereupon showed his vexation in his conduct towards
Francis de Norough, the ambassador of Portugal, who, to
avoid a rupture between the two courts, answered with con-
siderable reserve. We cannot, therefore, presume that the
court of Portugal would ever have frankly communicated its
discoveries to the court of France.

For my part, if it is permitted me to offer a conjecture, I
think that this information may have resulted from the faith-
lessness of Don Miguel de Sylva, bishop of Viseo, and secre-
tary of La Purite, a favourite of the king of Portugal, who,
according to De la Clede, left the kingdom about 1542,
carrying with him some papers of importance with which

INTRODUCTION. xlv

the king had intrusted liim.^ This historian adds, that Don
John was so indignant at the treachery of his favourite, that
he outlawed him by a public decree, deprived him of all his
benefices, and degraded him from his nobility. He decreed
the same penalties against all his followers, and forbad all
his subjects to hold any intercourse whatever with him,
under pain of his displeasure. The count of Portalegre, the
brother of the fugitive, was even confined as prisoner in the
tower of Belem for having written to him, and kept under
strict guard, until the Infanta Maria, on the point of her
departure to marry Philip II, the son of the emperor
Charles Y, begged his liberation. The king granted the
request, on condition that the count should go to Arzilla to
fight against the Moors, and earn by his services the forgive-
ness of his fault.

The severity which the king Don John exhibited on this
occasion, sufficiently shows the value which he attached to
the papers which had been taken away. It is evident that
they were of the greatest importance. They were secret
papers; and may they not have been those which gave in-
formation of the discoveries of the Portuguese ? Our atlases,
therefore, may have been copied from these stolen docu-
ments ; and it only remains for us to discover what has
become of the originals.

Now, although the theories to which these maps

^ Since the reading of this memoir at the Institute, M. Correa
da Serra, to whom I had previously read it, has had the goodness
to inform me of some researches which he has made upon this sub-
ject. He discovered that Don Miguel de Sylva left the kingdom
of Portugal in 1542, that he only arrived in Italy in 1543 to receive
the cardinal's hat, and he thinks that he could only have reached
that country by passing through France, where he had formerly
studied, and that he doubtless there left the originals from which
our charts were copied.

xlvi INTRODUCIION.

have given rise have been so complacently accepted
by successive geographical writers, the subject has
never yet been minutely investigated by any English
writer, nor, indeed, have the foregoing arguments of
the French been ever before brought together into a
focus. The editor, therefore, first proposes to answer
the hypothesis of M. Barbie du Bocage respecting
the voyage he adduces of Gomez de Sequeira, and
then, finally, to deal with the general question of the
suggestive evidence of the maps.

With respect to Gomez de Sequeira's voyage, it is
certainly surprising that M. Barbie du Bocage should
have contented himself with referring to Castanheda
and MafFei for a slight and loose description of this
voyage, when it was equally competent to him to
have resorted to the more ample description of Barros,
the most distinguished of all the early Portuguese
historians, who lived in the middle of the sixteenth
century, and who has devoted a whole chapter to
the minute description of the voyage in question.
(See Dec. 3, liv. x, cap. 5.) So full and ample is Barros'
narrative that, with a modern map before us, we can
track Sequeira's course with a nicety which, so far as
the main question is concerned, is not interrupted even
by the accidents of the storm and the unshipping of
his rudder. Let the reader for a moment consult any
modern map of the Moluccas and neighbouring islands,
and he will find that the island of Celebes, to which
Sequeira directed his course from Ternate, presents the
northernmost of the three horns of its oddly-shaped
outline at a distance of about sixty leagues from Ter-

INTRODUCTION. xlvii

nate. This is the distance which Barros states that
he had to sail in order to reach that island. Had he
sailed to the nearest of the two other points his voyage
would have been, instead of sixty leagues, more than
twice that distance ; whereas the very nearness of the
island was a leading inducement for undertaking the
voyage, as the object was to relieve the immediate
necessities of the settlement at Ternate. Upon landing
at the point thus shown to be the northernmost one,
the fact of his having carried with him stuffs for
barter being discovered by the natives, converted the
friendly feeling with which they had at first received
him into hostility, as, having heard of some previous
acts of greediness on the part of the Portuguese, they
immediately concluded that the visit was not made
in a spirit of friendship, but from selfish and ulterior
motives. Hence Sequeira and his party were com-
pelled to make their escape in haste, and proceeded
to four or five other small islands in the neigh-
bourhood, at which they met with a like reception.
The map will show these plainly to the north of
Celebes. Resolving after these rebuflfs to return to
Ternate, they encountered a terrific storm, which
drove them, to the best of their calculation, three
hundred leagues, into an open sea, with not a single
island in sight, but constanthj toivards the east. At
length one night they struck upon an island and un-
shipped their rudder. They met with a most friendly
reception from the natives, who are described as of a
light, rather than a dark, colour, and clothed. The
island is stated to have been large, and the natives

xlviii INTRODUCTION.

pointed to a mountain to the westward in which they
said there was gold. The Portuguese remained in
the island four months, until the monsoon enabled
them to return to Ternate.

Now, had Sequeira been driven by the storm to-
wards Endeavour Strait, as presumed by M. Barbie du
Bocage, a glance at the map will show us that his
course would have been south-east instead of east,
and that not through an open sea in which no island
could be seen, but one bestudded with islands. In
fact, so definite is the whole account as given in detail
by Barros, that, as we have shown, his course under
the driving of the tempest may be palpably traced in
accordance therewith on modern maps as due east to
the north of the Moluccas, and through an open sea, and
is clearly at variance with the inference of M. Barbie
du Bocage, who seems not to have consulted Barros at
all upon the subject. To what island, the reader will
ask, was Sequeira driven? Let the modern map be con-
sulted, and the course described will bring us to the
island Tobi, otherwise known as Lord North's Island.
A course so clearly defined is in itself a very strong
point in the question, even though we may have to
show some discrepancies between the description of
the island on which Sequeira was thrown and that
which we have in recent times received of Lord
North's Island. Let the reader, however, in con-
nexion with Barros' description of the course, take
the following remarkable statement, as quoted in the
6th volume of the Ethnography and Philology of the
United States Exploring Expedition^ by H. Hale, in

INTRODUCTION. xlix

which, under the article " Tobi, or Lord North's
Ishxnd," at p. 78, the following account is given,
and he will perhaps not dissent from the editor in
thinking it possible that this was the island on
M'hicli Sequeira was driven.

" Tobi, or Lord North's Island, is situated in about lat.
3° 2' N., and long. 131° 4' E. It is a small low islet, about
three miles in circumference, with a population of between
three and four hundred souls. Our information concerning
it is derived from an American, by name Horace Holden,
who, with eleven companions, after suffering shipwreck,
reached the island in a boat, and was taken captive by the
natives. He was detained by them two years, from Decem-
ber 6th, 1832, to November 27th, 1834, when he made his
escape and returned to America, where he published in a
small volume [which is in the British Museum], an inter-
esting narrative of his adventures and sufferings, with a
description of the island and its inhabitants.

" The complexion of the natives, says Holden in his
narrative, is a ligJit copper colour, much lighter than that of
the Malays or Pelew Islanders, which last, however, they
resemble in the breadth of their faces, high cheek bones,
and broad flattened noses. Here we observe what has been
before remarked of the Polynesian tribes, that the lightest
complexion is found among those who are nearest the
equator.

" According to the native traditions a personage, by name
Pita-Iva't (or Peeter Kart),^ of copper colour like them-

■ This name, from the Dutch form which it bears, might sug-
gest the idea that the visitor was a Dutchman; but it must be
remembered that the Dutch were not in those seas till the end
of the sixteenth century, and that the Synod of Dort was held in
the years 1618 and 1619, which renders the suggestion at the close

h

1 INTRODUCTION.

selves, ' Came, many years ago, from the Island of Ternate,
one of the Moluccas, and gave them their religion and such
simple arts as they possessed. It is probably to him that
we are to attribute some peculiarities in their mode of wor-
ship, such as their temple, with rude images to represent
their divinity. The natives wear the Polynesian girdle of
barb cloth.

" The houses of the natives are built with small trees and
rods, and thatched with leaves. They have two stories, a
ground floor and a loft, which is entered by a hole or scuttle
through the horizontal partition or upper floor.

" For ornament they sometimes wear in their ears, which
are always bored, a folded leaf, and around their necks a
necklace made of the shell of the cocoa-nut and a small
white sea shell."

With reference to the cruelties detailed in Hol-
den's narrative, Mr. Hale goes on to say :

" It should be mentioned that the release of the four Ame-
ricans who survived (two of whom got free a short time after
their capture), was voluntary on the part of the natives, a fact
which shows that the feelings of humanity were not alto-
gether extinct in their hearts. Indeed, although the suffer-
ings of the captives were very great, it did not appear that
they were worse, relatively to the condition in which the
natives themselves lived, than they would have been on any
other island of the Pacific. Men who were actually dying
of starvation, like the people of Tobi, could not be expected
to exercise that kindness towards others which nature re-
fused to them."

of the paragraph as to " the images to represent their divinity"
unreasonable as coming from a native of that country. It is more
probable that, from the lapse of. time, a mistake was made in the
repetition of the name by a savage, and that a Portuguese, and not
a Dutchman, suggested the use of images to represent a divinity.

INTRODUCTION. H

"We have quoted this somewhat long passage re-
spectmg Lord North's Island, as having an incidental
interest in connexion with M. Barhie dii Bocage's
argument ; but whatever may really have been the
island on which Sequeira was driven, it seems clear
that it could not have been in the direction of Endea-
vour Strait as inferred by that geographer.

Having thus shown the surmises which have been
suggested by geographers of good repute with respect
to the main question of the discovery of Australia
in the early part of the sixteenth century, and ex-
plained, as he hopes satisfactorily, the errors into
which they have fallen in their attempts at explana-
tion, the editor will now lay before the reader his
own reasons for concluding that Australia is the
country which these maps describe.

The first question that will naturally arise is — how
far does the country thus represented, correspond in
latitude, longitude, and outline with the recognized
surveys of Australia as delineated in modern maps 1
And if the discrepancies exposed by the comparison
do not forbid the supposition that Australia is the
country reprseented on the early maps, the inquiry
will then suggest itself — how, with any satisfactory
show of reason, may these discrepancies be accounted
for ] To both these questions, the editor believes
that he can give acceptable answers.

And first as respects latitude. In all of these maps,
the latitude of the north of Java, which is the first
certain starting point, is correct. The south coast of
Java, or " the lytil Java," though separated from

lii INTRODUCTION.

" Java la Grande," or the " Londe of Java," by a nar-
row channel, as shown in the maps here given, has
no names which indicate any pretension to a survey.
There is enough proximity between the two to sug-
gest alike the possibility of a connection or of a sepa-
ration of the two countries. In the absence of so
many words, the maps show as plainly as possible
that it was as yet an unsettled question. With this
fact, therefore, before us, implying, as it does, both
conscientiousness in the statements on the maps, and
the confession of an imperfect survey of the whole
of the coasts supposed to be laid down, we have no
difficulty in giving credence to the pretension that
the great southern land there represented was, with
all its errors, a reality and not a fiction. In all
fairness, therefore, we pass the question of junction
between the little and the great Java, as a point
virtually declared to be unsettled, and supposing
the latter to be Australia, test our supposition by
inquiring as to the correctness of the latitude in
which the coast line terminates on the western side.
Here again we find exact correctness. In the one
(Rotz's map), the line ceases altogether at 35°, the
real south-western point of Australia, and in the
other at the same point all description ceases, and a
meaningless line is drawn to the margin of the map,
implying that no further exploration had been made.
On the eastern side, we have in every respect greater
inaccuracy ; but for the present we deal only with
the question of latitude. For the sake of convenience,
our reduction of Rotz's map is made to terminate at

INTRODUCTION. lui

the point where the eastern coast line of " the loncle
of Java terminates," namely in the sixtieth degree,
a parallel far exceeding in its southing even the
southernmost point of Tasmania, which is in 43° 35';
but if we look to the Dauphin map, we find that
about ten degrees of the southernmost portion of the
line is indefinite, and it must not be forgotten that
for the Portuguese this was the remotest point for
investigation, and consequently the least likely to be
definite. There is, however, strong reason for suppos-
ing that the eastern side of Tasmania was included
within this coast line.

With respect to longitude, it may be advanced
that with all the discrepancies observable in the
maps here presented, there is no other country but
Australia lying between the same parallels, and
of the same extent, between the east coast of Africa
and the west coast of America, and that Australia
does ill reality lie between the same meridians as
the great mass of the country here laid down. In
Kotz's map we have the longitude reckoned from
the Cape Verde islands, the degrees running east-
ward from 1 to 360. The extreme western point
of "the Londe of Java" is in about 126'' (102 E.
from Greenwich), whereas the westernmost point of
Australia is in about 113° E. from Greenwich. The
extreme eastern points of " the Londe of Java" is in
about 207° (or 183° E. from Greenwich). The ex-
treme eastern point however is on a peak of huge
extent, which is a manifest blunder or exaggeration.
The longitude of the easternmost side, excluding this

liv INTRODUCTION.

peak, is in about 187° (or 163° E. from Greenwich),
whereas the easternmost point of Australia is in
something less than 154° E. from Greenwich. The
difficulty of ascertaining the longitude in those days
is well known, and the discoveries which these maps
represent were, in all probability, made on a variety
of occasions, and had a continuous line given to
them on maps, not so much as an exact, but as an
approximative guide to subsequent explorers. It
were hard indeed, therefore, if sufficient concession
were not made to the pioneers of maritime explora-
tion, for the reconciliation of these comparatively
and light discrepancies, when inaccuracies as striking
are observable in surveys made as late as in the
eighteenth century.

Thus in taking a general survey of the outline of
this immense country, we have this one striking
fact presented to us, that the western side is com-
prised between exactly the same parallels as the
corresponding side of Australia, allowance being
made for the conjunction of Java, while the eastern
side presents the same characteristic as the eastern
side of Australia in being by far the longest.

We now proceed to a more minute examination
of the contour of the coasts. It is to be observed
that on the north of the Great Java, as shown
in all of these manuscript maps which have met the
editor's eye, occurs the word " Sumbava," — a fact
which, he thinks, has never been noticed by any
writer upon these interesting documents. Here is
another instance of the discovery of the north of

INTRODUCTION. Iv

an island of which the south has remained unex-
plored. The peak of the Great Java, on which
this name " Sumbava" is laid down, falls into the
right position of the now well-known island of Sum-
bava, with the smaller islands of Bali and Lom-
bok, lying between it and Java, and with Flores
and Timor duly described to the eastward. The
reason of this south coast of these islands remaining
so long unexplored may be found in the description
of Java by Barros, the Portuguese historian, who
wrote in the middle of the sixteenth century. He
says : " The natives of Sunda, in dissecting Java,
speak of it as separated by the river Chiamo from
the island of Sunda on the west, and on the east by
a strait from the island of Bali ; as having Madura
on the north, and on the south an undiscovered sea ;
and they think that whoever shall proceed beyond
these straits, will be hurried away by strong currents,
so as never to be able to return, and for this reason
they never attempt to navigate it, in the same manner
as the Moors on the eastern coast of Africa do not
venture to pass the Cape of Currents." The earliest
mention that the editor has noticed of a passage to
the south of Java, is in the account of the " Four
Hollanders' Ships' Voyage, being the First Voyage
of the Dutch to the East Indies." See Oxford Col-
lection of Voyages^ vol. ii, p. 417. Under date of the
14th March, 1597, it is said : " The wind blew still
south-east, sometimes more southward and sometimes
eastward, being under 14°, and a good sharp gale,
holding our course west south-west. There we found

Ivi INTRODUCTION.

that Java is not so broad nor stretcheth itself so
much southward as it is set down in the card ; for, if
it were, we should have passed clean through the
middle of the land." \ Supposing, then, that the Por-
tuguese navigators have lighted upon the west coast
of Australia, and have regarded it as a possible ex-
tension to the southward of the already known island
of Java ; let us proceed to test the correctness of this
supposition by the contour of the coast of the west-
ern side. A single glance of the eye will suffice to
detect the general resemblance. It is probable that
the two great indentures are Exmouth Gulf and
Shark Bay, and w'e may fairly conclude w^e detect
Houtman's Abrolhos in about their proper parallel
of from 28° to 29° south latitude. To attempt a
minute investigation of the whole coast upon data so
indefinite would be of course unreasonable, but on
this western side at least the similarity is sufficient,
we think, on every ground to establish its identity
with the west coast of Australia. On the eastern
side the discrepancies are much greater. Having
already spoken of the latitude and longitude, we now
speak merely of the outline of the coast. In the
ancient map we see no huge promontory terminating
in Cape York, but let the reader recall the suggestion
that the visits to these coasts were made on various
occasions, and naturally less frequently to the east-
ern than to the western side, and let the result of
these considerations be that the promontory may
have been altogether unvisited or ignored, and we
shall have forthwith an explanation of the form of

INTRODUCTION. IvU

the north-east coast line on the early maps. Let a
line be drawn from the southernmost point of the
Gulf of Carpentaria to Halifax Bay, and the form
of outline we refer to is detected immediately. Nor
is this conjecture without corroboration from the
physical features of the country. On the ancient
map we find several rivers laid down along the north-
cast coast. If we examine the corresponding coast
in the Gulf of Carpentaria, those rivers are seen to
exist ; whereas from Cape York all along the coast
of Australia to the twenty-second or twenty-third
degree, there is not even an indication of a river
emptying itself into the sea. The great number
of islands and reefs laid down along the north-east
coast of the early maps coincides with the Great
Barrier reefs, and with the Cumberland and Nor-
thumberland islands, and a host of others which
skirt this part of the shores of Australia. " Coste
dangereuse," " Bay perdue," and " E,. de beaucoup
d'Isles," are names which we readily concede to be
appropriate to portions of such a coast. The name of
" Coste des Herbaiges," of which we have already
spoken as having been erroneously supposed by many
geographers to apply to Botany Bay, was probably
given to that part of the coast where the first symp-
toms of fertility were observed in passing southward,
the more northern portions of the shore being for the
most part dry and barren. That it is an error to
connect the name with Botany Bay has already been
shown, at p. xxxiv, and the editor must not fail to state
that the unanswerable reason there adduced was de-

Iviii INTRODUCTION.

rived from a judicious observation made to him by
the late distinguished Dr. Brown, who not only, as
Humboldt has described him, was " Botanices facile
princeps," but himself acquainted with the locality
of which he spoke.

The remainder of the coast southward is too
irregularly laid down both as to latitude and longitude,
and consequently as to correctness of conformation,
to admit of any useful conjecture. It must be sup-
posed from the conscientiousness observable in the
delineation of other parts of the country, that this por-
tion was laid down more carelessly, or with less oppor-
tunity of taking observations. It is by no means im-
probable, from the length of this coast line, that
" Baye Neufve" is Bass's Straits ; that " GoufFre" is
Oyster Bay in Tasmania ; and that the survey really
ceased at the south of that island. That the continu-
ity of the coast forms no ground of objection to this
conjecture, may be shown by the fact that on " a
general chart exhibiting the discoveries made by
Captain Cook, by Lieut. H. Roberts," the coast is
continuous to the south of Van Diemen's Land, Bass's
Straits being then of course undiscovered.

It may also be fairly presumed that the islands in
the extreme east of our extract from the Dauphin
map, represent New Zealand.

If the above reasons have sufficient weight in them
to justify the supposition that the extensive country
tlius laid down on these early maps is really Australia,
it becomes a question of the highest interest to ascer-
tain, as nearly as may be, by whom, and at what date,
the discovery of this country was made.

INTRODUCTION. Hx

The maps upon which the supposition of the dis-
covery is alone founded are all French, and that they
are all repetitions, with slight variations, from one
source, is shown by the fact that the inaccuracies are
alike in all of them. But although the maps are in
French, there are indications of Portuguese in some
of the names, such as Terre ennegade, a Gallicized
form of "Tierra anegada," i.e., "land under water," or
" sunken shoal," " Gracal," and " cap de Fromose."
The question then arises, were the French or the
Portuguese the discoverers 1 In reply, we present
the following statement.

In the year 1529, a voyage was made to Sumatra,
by Jean Parmentier of Dieppe, and in this voyage he
died. Parmentier was a poet and a classical scholar,
as well as a navigator and good hydrographer. He
was accompanied in this voyage by his intimate friend
the poet Pierre Crignon, who, on his return to France,
published, in 1531, the poems of Parmentier, with a
prologue containing his eulogium, in which he says
of him, that he was " le premier Francois qui a en-
trepris a estre pilotte pour mener navires a la Terre
Amerique qu'on dit Bresil, et semblablement le pre-
mier Francois qui a descouvert les Indes jusqu'a
ITsle de Taprobane, et, si mort ne I'eust pas pre-
venu, je crois qu'il eust ete jusques aux Moluques."
This is high authority upon this point, coming as
it does from a man of education, and a shipmate
and intimate of Parmentier himself. The French,
then, were not in the South Seas beyond Sumatra
before 1529. The date of the earliest of our quoted

Ix INTRODUCTION.

maps is not earlier than 1535, as it contains the dis-
covery of the St. Lawrence by Jacques Cartier in
that year ; but even let us suppose it no earlier than
that of Rotz, which bears the date of 1542, and ask,
what voyages of the French in the South Seas do we
find between the years of 1529 and 1542 1 Neither
the Abbe Raynal, nor any modern French writer,
nor even antiquaries, who have entered most closely
into the history of early French explorations, as for
example, M. Leon Guerin, the author of the His-
toire Maritime de France, Paris, 1843, 8vo. ; and of
Les Navigateurs Frangais, 8vo., Paris, 1847, offer
the slightest pretension that the French made voy-
ages to those parts, in the early part or middle
of the sixteenth century. Now we do know from
Barros and Galvano that, at the close of 1511,
Albuquerque sent from Malacca, Antonio de Breu,
and Francisco Serrano, with three ships to Banda
and Malacca: they passed along the east side of
Sumatra to Java, and thence by Madura, Bali,
Sumbava, Solor, etc., to Papua or New Guinea.
From thence they went to the Moluccas and to
Amboyna. See Barros, d. 3, 1. 5, c. 6, p. 131, and
Galvano, translated hj Ilalduyt, p. 378. Here we
have the very islands, forming the northern portion
of the Grande Jave, at this early date; but that which
is totally wanting between this and 1529, is the
account of the various explorations of the eastern and
western coasts of the vast country described under
that name. It is certain, moreover, that France was
at that time too poor, and too much embroiled in

INTRODUCTION. 1x1

political anxieties, to busy itself with extensive nau-
tical explorations. Had she so done, the whole of
North America and Brazil might now have belonged
to her. At the same time, however, we know that
the Portuguese had establishments before 1529, in
the East Indian Islands, and the existence of Portu-
guese names on the countries of which we speak, as
thus delineated on these French maps, is in itself an
acknowledgment of their discovery by the Portu-
guese, as assuredly the jealousy implied in the sen-
tence quoted at p. vi of this introduction, from Pierre
Crignon's Prologue, would not only have made the
French most ready to lay claim to all they could in
the shape of discovery, but would have prevented
any gratuitous insertion of Portuguese names on
such remote countries, had they themselves disco-
vered them.

But, further, as an important part of the argument,
the reader must not overlook that jealousy of the
Portuguese, to which allusion has already been made
(p. v), in forbidding the communication of all hydro-
graphical information respecting their discoveries in
these seas. As regards the surmises of M. Barbie du
Bocage respecting the probable causes of the suppres-
sion or concealment of such documents, his careful-
ness and ingenuity entitle them to the best considera-
tion ; and if those documents really exist in France,
or Rome, or elsewhei e, it is much to be hoped that
they may ere long be brought to light. His Excel-
lency the Count de Lavradio, ambassador from Por-
tugal to the Court of St, James's, has obligingly set

Ixii INTRODUCTION,

on foot inquiries at Rome for the purpose of eluci-
dating this subject, which have not, however, pro-
duced any successful result.

But although we have no evidence to show that
the French made any original discoveries in the
South Seas in the first half of the sixteenth century,
w^e have the evidence that they were good hydro-
graphers. Crignon describes Parmentier as " bon cos-
mographe et geographe," and says, " par luy ont este
composez plusieurs mapemondes en globe et en plat,
et maintes cartes marines sus les quelles plusieurs
ont navigue seurement." It is dangerous to draw
conclusions from negatives ; but it is both legiti-
mate and desirable that we should give due weight
to evidence of high probability when such fall
within our notice If all the French maps we have
quoted are, as has been shown, derived from one
source, since they all contain the same errors ; and
if Parmentier, who was a good hydrographer, was
the only French navigator we find mentioned as
having gone so far as Sumatra before the period of
the earliest of these maps ; and further, if these maps
exhibit Portuguese names laid down in these maps
on a country beyond Parmentier's furthest point of
exploration, we think the inference not unreasonable
that Parmentier may have laid down, from Portu-
guese maps, the information which has been copied
into those we have quoted, and that the descriptions
round the coast, which are all (as may be plainly
seen), with the exception of those which bear the
stamp of Portuguese, convertible into French, have

INTRODUCTION. Ixiii

been naturally written by French mapmakcrs, in
that language. We can but throw out this sugges-
tion for quantum valcat. All positive evidence, in
spite of laborious research, is wanting. The Portu-
guese names are but few, but there they are, and
bear their stubborn evidence. The earliest Portu-
guese portolani which have met the editor's eye are
those of Joham Freire, of 1546, and of Diego Homem,
of 1558. Both these are silent on the subject. That
of Lazaro Luis and of Vas Dourado, later in the cen-
tury, both examined by Dr. Martin in Lisbon, are
equally so. But this has been already accounted for.
It is true that, in a mappemonde of the date of 1526,
by one Franciscus, monachus ordinis Franciscanorum,
copied into the atlas to the " Geographie du Moyen Age'
of Joachim Lelewel, the great Terra Australis, ex-
tending along the south of the globe from Tierra del
Fuego, is laid down with the words " Is nobis detecta
existet," and " haec pars ore nondum cognita ;" but
this is plainly nothing more than a fanciful exten-
sion of Magellan's discovery of the north coast of
Tierra del Fuego, combined with the old supposition
of the existence of a great southern continent.

A similar remark occurs in the manuscript porto-
lano of loan Martinez, of Messina, of the date of
1567, in the British Museum; and in the fifth map of
the portolano of the same hydrographer, of the date
of 1578, is laid down " Meridional discoperta nova-
mente," with no names on it, and only shewing
the north part. The extent of what is seen is twice
as long as Java Major, which seems here to be

Ixiv INTRODUCTION.

Sumatra. It is observable that Petan and Male-
tur, names occurring on or near the Terra Australis
of other maps of about this date, occur here, but
close under Java Minor, which is a long way to the
west of the " Meridional discoperta novamente."

In 1526 the Portuguese commander, Don Jorge
de Meneses, in his passage from Malacca to the Mo-
luccas, was carried by currents and through his want
of information respecting the route, to the north coast
of Papua, which we now know as New Guinea ; and
in the following year we find Don Alvaro de Saavedra,
a Spaniard, and kinsman of the great Cortes, des-
patched from New Spain to the Moluccas, and also
lighting on New Guinea, where he passed a month ;
but nowhere in the allusions to these voyages do we
find reference to the great southern land, which is
laid down with so much detail under the name of
"La Grande Jave."

Our surmises, therefore, lead us to regard it as
highly probable that Australia was discovered by the
Portuguese between the years 1511 and 1529, and,
almost to a demonstrable certainty, that it was dis-
covered before the year 1542.

A notion may be formed of the knowledge pos-
sessed by the Spaniards in the middle of the sixteenth
century, on the part of the world on which we treat,
from the following extract from a work entitled,
" El libro de las costumbres de todas las gentes del
mundo y de las Indias." Translated and compiled by
the Bachelor Francisco Themara. Antwerp, 1556.
" Thirty leagues from Java the Less is Gatigara,

INTRODUCTION. IxV

nineteen degrees the other side of the equinoctial
towards the south. Of the lands beyond this point
nothing is known, for navigation has not been ex-
tended further, and it is impossible to proceed by
land on account of the numerous lakes and lofty
mountains in those parts. It is even said that there
is the site of the Terrestrial Paradise." Althouoh

o

this was not originally written in Spanish, but was
translated from Johannes Bohemus, it w^ould scarcely
have been given forth to the Spaniards had better
information on such a subject existed among that
people.

It has been already stated at pages xvii and xviii
of this Introduction, that in the early engraved maps
of the sixteenth century, there occur apparent indica-
tions of Australia, with names and sentences, descrip-
tive of the country so represented, derived from the nar-
rative of Marco Polo, wdth an intimation that some of
these representations may not have emanated solely
from that narrative. The earliest of these occurs on a
mappemonde in the third volume of the polyglot bible
of Arias Montanus, and the indication of Australia
there given is the more striking that it stands uncon-
nected with any other land whatever, and bears no
kind of description. It is simply a line indicating the
north part of an unexplored land, exactly in the posi-
tion of the north of Australia, distinctly implying an
imperfect discovery, but not copied from, or bearing
any resemblance to, any indication of the kind in
any previous map with which the editor is ac-
quainted.

k

Ixvi INTRODUCTION.

In Thevet's Cosmographie TJniverselle^ Paris, 1575,
is a map with Taprobane, La Grand Jave, Petite
Jave, Partie cle la Terre Australe ; and in torn, i, liv.
12, the following passage:

** L'art et pratique du navigage est le plus penible et
dangereux de toutes les sciences, que oncques les homines
ayent inventees, veu que I'homme s'expose a la mercy des
abysmes de ce grand ocean, qui environne et abbreuve
toute la terre. Daviitage, avec ceste Esquille Ion peult
visiter presque toute ce que le monde contient en sa roton-
dit^, soit vers la mer glaciale, ou les deux poles, et terre
Australe, qui n'est encor comme ie croy descouverte, mais
selon mon opinion d'aussi grande estendue que I'Asie ou
I'Afrique, et laquelle un iour sera recherchee par le moyen
de ce petit instrument navigatoire, quelque long voyage
qui y peust estre."

In Dalrymple's Hist. Coll. of Voyages in the South
Pacific Ocean., Juan Fernandez is said to have dis-
covered the southern continent. Burney, who speaks
of his discovery of the southern continent (vol. i, p.
300), refers to the memorial of Juan Luis Arias for
the description. See the first article in the present
collection.

It is needless here to repeat the names and sen-
tences already described at page xvii as given on
early engraved maps from Marco Polo, but it will be
well to notice such peculiarities as distinguish these
maps from those in manuscript, which we have already
been speaking of as probably representing Australia
under the name of La Grande Jave. Such notice is
the more interesting as the date of these engraved

INTRODUCTION. Ixvii

maps is intermediate between that of the manuscript
documents and the period of the authenticated dis-
covery of Australia. In the 1587 edition of Ortelius
is a map entitled" Typus Orbis Terrarum," in which
NeiD Guinea is made an island, with the words " Nova
Guinea quce an sit insula aut pars continentis
Australis incertum." On the Terra Australis, here
brought up far more to the north than elsewhere,
and separated from New Guinea only by a strait, are
the words, " Hanc continentem Australem nonnulli
Magellanicam regionem ab ejus inventore nuncu-
pant." AVhile this sentence shows how indefinite
was the idea of the extent of Australia towards the
south, we think that the entire delineation, which
brings the great Terra Australis so far northward in
this longitude into connexion with New Guinea,
goes far to show that Australia had really been dis-
covered.

In various editions of Mercator occur copies of a
map entitled, " Orbis Terrse Compendiosa descriptio
quam ex magna universali Gerardi Mercatoris
Rumoldus Mercator fieri curabat a° 1587," in which
similar indications are given to those in the map of
Ortelius just described.

In the map of Peter Plancius, given in the English
edition of the voyages of Linschoten, 1598, similar
indications of Australia occur, but leaving the ques-
tion of the insular character of New Guinea doubtful.

In the Speculum Orhis of C. de Jud?eis, Antwerp,
1592, is a map entitled " Brasilia et Peruvia," on
which occurs, " Chsesdia seu Australis Terra quam

Ixviii INTRODUCTION.

nautarum valgus Tierra di Fuego vocant, alii Psitta-
corum Terram." In the map of Asia, in the same
volume, a tract is laid down which, by comparison
with Ortelius' map of the Pacific Ocean, is plainly
New Guinea ; and on both these maps, on the west
coast of said tract, are the words, " Tierra baixa,"
which seems to tally with " Baie Basse," at about the
corresponding point on the manuscript maps, and is
confirmatory of the conclusion which the editor had
formed, as stated on page xxvi. In the same volume
is a map of the Antarctic hemisphere, in which the
Terra Australis incognita is brought high up to the
north in the longitude of Australia : on that part of
it opposite the Cape of Good Hope is the following-
legend : " Lusitani bonse spei legentes capitis pro-
montorium, banc terram austrum versus extare vide-
runt, sed nondum imploravere," a significant sen-
tence, if allowance be made for the difficulty at that
time of reckoning the longitude.

In the map to illustrate the voyages of Drake and
Cavendish by Jodocus Hondius, of which a fac-simile
was given in The World Enconqmssecl hy Sir Fra?icis
Drake, printed for our Society, New Guinea is made
a complete island, without a word to throw a doubt
on the correctness of the representation ; while the
Terra Australis, which is separated from New Guinea
only by a strait, has an outline remarkably similar to
that of the Gulf of Carpentaria. These indications
give to this map an especial interest, and the more
so that it is shown to be earlier than the passage of
Torres through Torres' Straits in 1606, by its bear-

INTRODUCTION. Ixix

ing tlie arms of Queen Elizabeth, before the unicorn
of Scotland had displaced the dragon of England.

In the article " Terra Australis," in Cornelius
Wytfliet's Descriptionis Ptolemaicce Augmentum^ Lou-
vain, 1598, we find the following passage : —

" The ' Australis Terra' is the most southern of all lands,
and is separated from New Guinea by a narrow strait. Its
shores are hitherto but little known, since after one voyage
and another, that route has been deserted, and seldom is the
country visited unless when sailors are driven there by
storms. The ' Australis Terra' begins at two or three de-
grees from the equator, and is maintained by some to be of
so great an extent, that if it were thoroughly explored, it
would be regarded as a fifth part of the world."

The above significant statement was printed, it will
be remembered, before any discovery of Australia of
which we have an authentic account.

But while examining these indications of a dis-
covery of Australia in the sixteenth century, it will
be asked what explorations had been made by the
Spaniards in that part of the world in the course of
that century. From the period of the voyage of Don
Alvaro de Saavedra to the Moluccas in 1527, al-
ready alluded to, we meet with no such active spirit
of exploration on the part of the Spaniards in the
South Seas. Embarrassed by his political position,
and with an exhausted treasury, the emperor, in
1529, definitely renounced his pretensions to the
Moluccas for a sum of money, although he retained
his claim to the islands discovered by his subjects to
the east of the line of demarcation now confined to

IXX INTRODUCTION.

the Portuguese. In 1542 an unsuccessful attempt
to form a settlement in the Philippine Islands was
made by Kuy Lopez de Villalobos, but its failure
having been attributed to mismanagement, a new
expedition in 1564 was despatched with the like
object under Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, which was
completely successful, and a Spanish colony was esta-
blished at Zebu. It is not impossible that this
settlement gave rise to voyages of discovery about this
time by the Spaniards, of which no accounts have been
published. In 1567 Alvaro de Mendana sailed from
Callao on a voyage of discovery, in which he disco-
vered the Solomon Islands and several others. There
are great discrepancies in the different relations of this
voyage. In 1595 he made a second voyage from
Peru, in which he discovered the Marquesas, and the
group afterwards named by Carteret Queen Char-
lotte's Islands. The object of this expedition was to
found a colony on the Solomon Islands, which he
had discovered in his previous voyage, but from the
incorrectness of his reckoning he was unable to find
them. In the island of Santa Cruz he attempted to
establish a colony, but without success, and in this
island he died. In this second voyage he had for his
chief pilot Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who may be
regarded as the last of the distinguished mariners of
Spain, and whose name claims especial notice in a
work treating of the early indications of Australia,
although he himself never saw the shores of that
great continental island.^

' For tlic account of this voyage see a letter from Quiros to Don

INTRODUCTION. Ixxi

The discovery of the island of Santa Cruz suggested
to the mind of Quiros that the great southern conti-
nent was at length discovered, and in two memoirs ad-
dressed by him to Don L. de Velasco, viceroy of Peru,
we meet with the first detailed argument upon this
great geographical question, which, though he him-
self was not destined to demonstrate it by an actual
discovery, may nevertheless be said to have been
indirectly brought to a solution through his instru-
mentality. It is true that it is difficult in dealing
with these vague surmises respecting the existence of
a southern continent to draw distinctions between
Australia itself and the great continent discovered
in the present century, some twenty or thirty degrees
to the south of that vast island. It has been already
stated, p. xxxi, that Dalrymple, nearly two centuries
later, earnestly advocated the same cause as De
Quiros had done, and speaking of that navigator he
says : " The discovery of the southern continent,
tvhenever and by 2vhomsoever it may be completely
effected, is injustice due to this immortal name." It
should be premised that there are, in fact, three
points of ambiguity in connexion with the name of
that navigator, which it is well at once to state, as
they might mislead the judgment of the superficial
reader of the history of navigation of that period as
to his connexion with the discovery of Australia.

Antonio de Morga, cap. vi, p. 29, of De Morga's Sucesos en las
Islas Filipinas, Mexico, 1609, 4to. ; and Figucroa's Hechos de Don
Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, quarto Marques de Canete, Madrid,
1613, 4to., 1. 6, p. 238.

Ixxii INTRODUCTION.

In the first place, though generally reputed to be
a Spaniard, he is described by Nicolas Antonio,
the author of the Bihliotheca Hispana^ himself a
Spaniard, and not unwilling, it may be supposed, to
claim so distinguished a navigator for his countryman,
as " Lusitanus. Eborensis, ut aiunt Lusitani" (a Por-
tuguese, stated by the Portuguese to be a native of
Evora), and the style of his writings bears out the sup-
position. Secondly, Antonio de Ulloa, in his Resumen^
p. 119, quotes from an account of the voyage of
Quiros, said to be given in the Historia de la Religion
Serafica of Diego de Cordova (a work which the editor
has not met with), the discovery of a large island in
Uoenty- eight degrees south latitude, which latitude is
farther south than Quiros or his companions are
otherwise known to have made in any voyage.
Thirdly, the printed memoirs of Quiros bear the
title of Terra Australis Incognita, while the south-
ern Tierra Austral, discovered by Quiros himself,
and surnamed by him " del Espiritu Santo," is none
other than the " New Hebrides" of the maps of the
present day.

At the same time, to both Quiros and Dalrymple
we are indirectly indebted for the earliest designation
which attaches in any sense to the modern no-
menclature connected with Australia, viz., for the
name of Torres Straits. That Quiros, whether by
birth a Portuguese or a Spaniard, was in the Spanish
service, cannot be doubted. The viceroy of Peru had
warmly entertained his projects, but looked upon its
execution as beyond the limits of his own power to

INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii

put into operation. He therefore urged to Quiros
to lay liis case before the Spanish monarch at Madrid,
and furnished him with letters to strengthen his
application. Whether Philip III was more influ-
enced by the arguments of De Quiros, as to the dis-
covery of a southern continent, or rather by the desire
to explore the route between Spain and America by
the east, in the hope of discovering wealthy islands
between New Guinea and China, we need not pause
to question. It is possible that both these motives
had their weight, for Quiros was despatched to Peru
with full orders for the carrying out of his plans,
addressed to the Viceroy, the Count de Monterey ;
and he was amply equipped with two well-armed
vessels and a corvette, with which he sailed from
Callao on the 21st of December, 1605. Luis Vaez
de Torres was commander of the Almirante, or second
ship, in this expedition. The voyage was looked
upon as one of very great importance ; and Torque-
mada, in his account of it in the Monarquia Indiana^
says that the ships were the strongest and best armed
which had been seen in those seas. The object was
to make a settlement at the island Santa Cruz, and
from thence to search for the Tierra Austral, or
southern continent.

After the discovery of several islands, Quiros came
to a land which he named Australia del Espiritu
Santo, supposing it to be a part of the great southern
continent. At midnight of the 11th of June, 1606,
while the three ships were lying at anchor in the bay
which they had named San Felipe and Santiago,

I

Ixxiv INTRODUCTION.

Qiiiros, for reasons which are not known, and without
giving any signal or notice, was either driven by a
storm, or sailed aAvay from the harbour, and was sepa-
rated from the other two ships.

Subsequently to the separation, Torres found that
the Australia del Espiritu Santo was an island, and
then continued his course westward in pursuance of
the exploration. In about the month of August,
1606, he fell in with a coast in 11^ degrees south lat.,
which he calls the beginning of New Guinea ; appa-
rently the south-eastern part of the land afterwards
named Louisiade by M. de Bougainville, and now
known to be a chain of islands. As he could not
pass to windward of this land, Torres bore away along
its south side, and himself gives the following account
of his subsequent course. " We went along three
hundred leagues of coast, as I have mentioned, and
diminished the latitude 2| degrees, which brought us
into 9 degrees. From hence we fell in with a bank
of from three to nine fathoms, which extends along
the coast above one hundred and eighty leagues. We
went over it, along the coast, to 7^ south latitude ;
and the end of it is in 5 degrees. We could not go
further on for the many shoals and great currents, so
"we were obliged to sail south-west, in that depth, to
1 1 degrees south lat. There is all over it an archi-
pelago of islands without number, by which we
passed ; and at the end of the eleventh degree the
bank became slioaler. Here were very large islands,
and there appeared more to the southward. They
were inhabited by bhick people, very corpulent and

INTRODUCTION. IxXV

naked. Tlieir arms were lances, arrows, and clubs
of stone ill fashioned. We could not get any of their
arms. We caught, in all this land, twenty persons
of different nations, that with them we might be able
to give a better account to Your Majesty. They give
much notice of other people, although as yet they do
not make themselves well understood. We were
upon this bank two months, at the end of which time
we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and 5 de-
grees south latitude, and ten leagues from the coast ;
and, having gone four hundred eighty leagues here,
the coast goes to the north-east. I did not search it,
for the bank became very shallow. So we stood to
the north."

The very large islands seen by Torres in the 11th
degree of south latitude, are evidently the hills of
Cape York ; and the two months of intricate naviga-
tion, the passage through the strait which separates
Australia from New Guinea. A copy of this letter
of Torres was fortunately lodged in the archives of
Manilla ; and it was not till that city was taken, in
1762, by the English, that the document was disco-
vered by Dairy mple ; who paid a fitting tribute to
the memory of this distinguished Spanish navigator,
by giving to this dangerous passage the name of
Torres' Straits, which it has ever since retained. The
editor has striven in vain to learn into whose hands
Dalrymple's copy of this letter has fallen. He has
been compelled, therefore, to reprint it from Dal-
rymple's translation, supplied to Admiral Burney, as
inserted at the end of vol. ii of his Discoveries and
Voyages in the South Sea.

IxXVi INTRODUCTION,

I)e Qiiiros himself reached Mexico on the 3rd of
October, 1606, nine months from his departure from
Callao. Strongly imbued with a sense of the import-
ance of his discoveries, he addressed various memoirs
to Philip III, advocating the desirableness of further
explorations in these unknown regions ; but, after
years of unavailing perseverance, he died at Panama
in 1614, leaving behind him a name which for merit,
though not for success, was second only to that of
Columbus ; and with him expired the naval heroism
of Spain. " Reasoning," as Dairy mple says, " from
principles of science and deep reflection, he asserted
the existence of a southern continent ; and devoted
with unwearied though contemned diligence, the re-
mainder of his life to the prosecution of this sublime
conception." In the first document printed in this
collection, which is from the hand of the Fray Juan
Luis Arias, is given an account of his earnest advo-
cacy of the resuscitation of Spanish enterprise in the
southern seas, and especially with reference to the
great southern continent.

But while the glory of Spanish naval enterprise
was thus on the wane, the very nation which Spain
had bruised and persecuted was to supplant her in
the career of adventure and prosperity. The war of
independence had aroused the energies of those pro-
vinces of the Netherlands which had freed themselves
from the Spanish yoke ; while the cruelties perpe-
trated in those provinces which the Spaniards had
succeeded in again subduing, drove an almost incre-
dible number of families into exile. The majority of

INTRODUCTION. Ixxvil

these settled in the northern provinces, and thus
brought into them a prodigious influx of activity.
Among these emigrants were a number of enterpris-
ing merchants, chiefly from Antwerp, — a town which
had for many years enjoyed a most considerable,
though indirect, share in the transatlantic trade of
Spain and Portugal, and was well acquainted with its
immense advantages. These men were naturally ani-
mated by the bitter hatred of exiles, enhanced by
difference of faith and the memory of many wrongs.
The idea which arose among them was, to deprive
Spain of her transatlantic commerce, and thus to
cripple her resources, and strengthen those of the
Protestants, and by this means eventually to force
the southern provinces of the Netherlands from their
oppressors. This idea, at first vaguely entertained
by a few, became general when the Spaniards forbad
Dutch vessels to carry on any traffic with Spain.
This traffic had existed in spite of the wars, and had
furnished the Dutch with the principal means of
carrying it on.

Being thus violently thrust out of their share in
transatlantic commerce, the Dutch determined to gain
it back with interest. Geography and hydrography
now became the subjects of earnest study and instruc-
tion ; and the period was distinguished by the appear-
ance of such men as Ortelius, Mercator, Plancius,
De Bry, Hulsius, Cluverius, etc., whom we are now
bound to regard as the fathers of modern geography.
Among these the most earnest in turning the re-
sources of science into a weapon against the oppres-

Ixxviii INTRODUCTION.

sors of his country, was Peter Plancius, a Calvinist
clergyman, who opened a nautical and geographical
school at Amsterdam for the express purpose of
teaching his countrymen how to find a way to India,
and the other sources whence Spain derived her
strength. We do not here dwell on their efforts to
find a northern route to the east. Their knowledge
of the direct route to that wealthy portion of the
world had become greatly increased by the appear-
ance of Jan Huyghen van l.inschoten's great work.
(Amst., 1595-96.) Linschoten had, for fourteen years,
lived in the Portuguese possessions in the East, and
had there collected a vast amount of information.
The Dutch East India Company was established in
1602; and in 1606 we find a vessel from Holland
making the first authenticated discovery of that great
south land which in our own time has been desig-
nated— at the suggestion of that worthy navigator,
Matthew Flinders, to whom we are so largely in-
debted for our knowledge of the hydrography of that
country — by the distinct and appropriate name of
Australia.

Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the coasts
of Australia, our ancestors of a hundred years ago,
and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little.
That which was known was preserved in the Rela-
tions de divers voyages curieux of Melchisedech Theve-
not (Paris, 1663-72, foL); in the Noord en Oost Tar-
tarye of Nicolas Witsen (Amst., 1692-1705, fol.); in
Valentyn's Oud en Nieim Oost Indien (Amst., 1724-
26, fol.) ; and in the Inlcidning tot de algemeen Geogra-

INTRODUCTION. Ixxix

phie of Nicolas Struyk (Amst., 1 740, 4to.). Wc have,
however, since gained a variety of information through
a document which fell into the possession of Sir
Joseph Banks, and was published by Alexander Dal-
rymple, at that time hydrographer to the Admiralty
and the East India Company, in his collection con-
cerning Papua. This curious and interesting docu-
ment is a copy of the instructions to Commodore Abel
Jansz Tasman for his second voyage of discovery.
That distinguished commander had already, in 1642,
discovered not only the island now named after him,
Tasmania (but more generally known as Van Diemen's
Land, in compliment to the then governor of the
Dutch East India Company at Batavia), but New
Zealand also ; and, passing round the east side of
Australia, but without seeing it, sailed on his return
voyage along the northern shores of New Guinea.
In January 1644 he was despatched on his second
voyage ; and his instructions, signed by the Governor-
General, Antonio Van Diemen, and the members of
the council, are prefaced by a recital, in chronological
order, of the previous discoveries of the Dutch. The
document is reprinted in the present volume.

From this recital, combined with a passage from
Saris, given in Purchas, vol. i, p. 385, we learn that,
" On the 18th of November, 1605, the Dutch yacht,
the Dufjfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam
to explore the islands of New Guinea, and that she
sailed along what was thought to be the west side of
that country, to 19f° of south latitude." This exten-
sive country was found, for the greatest part, desert ;

IXXX INTRODUCTION.

but in some places inhabited by wild, cruel, black
savages, by whom some of the crew were murdered ;
for which reason they could not learn anything of the
land or waters, as had been desired of them ; and
from want of provisions, and other necessaries, they
were obliged to leave the discovery unfinished. The
furthest point of the land, in their maps, was called
Cape Keer Weer, or " Turn Again." As Flinders
observes, " the course of the Duyflien from New
Guinea was southward, along the islands on the west
side of Torres' Strait, to that part of Terra Australis
a little to the west and south of Cape York. But all
these lands were thought to be connected, and to form
the west coast of New Guinea." Thus, without being
conscious of it, the commander of the Duyfhen made
the first authenticated discovery of any part of the
great south land about the month of March 1606 ;
for it appears that he had returned to Banda in or
before the beginning of June of that year.

The second expedition mentioned in the Dutch
recital for the discovery of the great south land, was
undertaken in a yacht in the year 1617, by order of
the Fiscal d'Edel, " with little success," and the
journals and remarks were not to be found ; but
various ships outward bound from Holland to the
East Indies, in the course of the years 1616, 1618,
1619, and 1622, made discoveries on the west coast
of the great unknown south land, from 35° to 22°
south latitude, and among them the ship Eendragt
(the Concord), commanded by Dirk Hartog, Hertoge,
or Hartighs, of Amsterdam, fell in with land in

INTRODUCTION. IxXXl

about 25 degrees south, which afterwards received its
name from this ship. The president, De Brosses,
has fallen into the error of describing Dirk Hartog,
as a native of Eendragt, adding that this coast has
preserved the name of the vessel, and that of the
country of its commander. The Dutch recital which
mentions the voyage of the Eendragt, does not give
Hartog's name, but we learn it from a MS. chart by
Hessel Gerritz, of Amsterdam, 1627, referred to by
Dalrymple in his collection concerning Papua, note,
page 6. Aa\ important part of Hartog's discovery
was Dirk Hartog's Roads, at the entrance of the
sound, afterwards called by Dampier Shark's Bay, in
25° ; and on Dirk Hartog's island, one of the islands
forming the road, he left a tin plate, bearing the
following inscription: A\ 1616 den 25sfen October is
liier vangecomen liet schip de Endracht van Amsterdam,
den Oppercoopmen Gilles Mibais van Amsterdam, den
21sten. dito f zeijl gegaen na Bantam, den Ondercoop-
man Jan Stoyn, Opperstiermann Pieter Dockes van
Bit A". 1616. Of which the following is a trans-
lation : On the 2Dth of October, 1616, arrived here the
ship Endraght, of Amsterdam: the first merchant, Gilles
Mibais Van Liiyck ; Captain Dirck Hartog, of Amster-
dam ; the 21th ditto set sail for Bantam ; under-
merchant, Jan Stoijn ; upper steersman, Pieter Dockes,
from Bil. A". 1616.

In 1697, this plate was found by Wilhem Van
Vlaming, Captain of the Geelvink, of whose voyage
we shall have to speak in due course, and was

IxXXii INTRODUCIION.

replaced by another on which the inscription was
copied, and the following new inscription added :

1697. den 4 den Fehruarij is hier aengecomen liet
schip de Geelvinck van Amsterda7n, den commandeur
scldpper Williem de Vlamingh van VUelandt : Adsistent
Joan van Bremen van Coppenhage ; Opperstierman
Michiel Blom van Estight van Bremen.

De IloecJcer de Nijptang^ Bcldpper Gerrit Collaert
van Amsterdam ; Adsistent Theodorus Heermans van
d'\ ; d' opperstierman Gerrit Gerritz van Bremen.

H Galjoot f Weseltj'e, Gesaghelher Cornelis de Via-
migli van VUelandt ; stierman Coert Gerritsz van Bre-
men., en van hier gezeilt met ons vloot den 12 d°. voorts
het Zuijtlandt te ondersoecTcen en gedestineert voor

A.
Batavia. "^ ^

Of which the following is a translation : On the
\.th of Feh'iiary., 1697, arrived here the ship GeelvhicJc,
of Amsterdam : captain commandant^ Wilhelm van
Vlaming of VUelandt ; assistatit, Jan van Bremen of
Copenhagen ; first pilot., Micheel Bloem van Estight
of Bremen ; the hoolaer the Ngptangh, captain Gerrit
Collaert of Amsterdam ; assistant, Theodorus Heer-
mans of the same place ; first 'pilot, Gerrit Gerritz of
Bremen ; then the galliot Weseltje ; commander, Corne-
lis van Vlaming of VUelandt ; pilot, Coert Gerritzs of
Bremen. Sailed from here with our fleet on the 12th,
to explore the south land, and aftenvards hound for
Batavia.

In the account of the voyage of discovery made to
the south by the corvettes, Geographe and Naturaliste,

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii

in the years 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804, pub-
lished by F. Peron, vol. i, chap. 10, p. 193, we
find, that in the month of July 1801, Captain
Hamelin, of the Naturaliste, resolved on saihng to the
extremity of Shark's Bay ; but he first dispatched
three men to Dirck Hartog's island, for the purpose
of signalizing the GeograpUe^ in case it should heave
in sight at the entrance of the bay. On returning
from Dirck Hartog's island, the boatswain brought
with them the plate of tin above described. It was
about six inches diameter, and the inscriptions were
described as coarsely cut. The plate was found on
the north point of the island, which was named in
consequence, the Cape of the Inscription ; it was
then half covered with sand, lying near an oaken
post, on which it seemed to have been originally
nailed. Having copied the inscriptions. Captain
Hamelin had a new post made, and sent back the
plate to be refixed on the same spot from which it
had been taken ; he would have looked upon it as
sacrilege to have kept on board this plate, which, for
nearly two centuries, had been spared by nature, and
by those who might have observed it before him.
He himself also placed on the north-east part of this
island a second plate, on which were inscribed the
name of his corvette, and the date of his arrival on
those shores. In the translation given in Peron's
work of the earlier of these two inscriptions, a droll
mistake is made by an error in punctuation, as will
be seen by comparing the original inscription, see
p. Ixxxi, with the following : "1616. Le 25 Octobre

Ixxxiv 1 INTRODUCTION.

est arrive ici le navire I'Endraght d' Amsterdam :
premier marchand, Gilles Miebais Van Luck; ca-
pitaine, Dirck Hartighs d'Amsterdam ; il remit sous
voile le 27 du meme mois ; Bantum etoit sous
marchand ; Janstins premier pilote : Pieter Ecoores
Van-Bu Anne 1616."

Thus it will be seen, that Bantam, in Java, for
which they set sail, is transformed into the under-
merchant, and the person who really held that post
is converted into chief pilot, while poor Pieter
Dockes, whose name, perhaps more feebly scratched
at the close of the inscription, had become obliterated
by more than a century's rough usage, is deprived of
the honour of holding any post whatever. Even this
rendering of the inscription is however highly in-
teresting, as giving some indications of the degree of
obliteration effected by the weather in this long space
of time.

In 1617 appeared a work, the title of which renders
some mention of it in this place necessary. It was
entitled " Mimdus alter et idem, sive Terra Ausiralis
antehac semper incognita longis itineribiis jperegrini
academici nuperrime liistrata. Hanau, 1617." The
book bearing this delusive title was by Bishop Joseph
Hall. It was in reality an invective against the
characteristic vices of various nations, from which it
is said that Swift borrowed the idea of Gulliver s
Travels.

A strange blunder has been made by the Abbe
Prevost, tom. ii, p. 201, of his Histoire des Voyages,
4to. ed., and by the President de Brosses, in his

INTRODUCTION. IXXXV

Histoire dcs Navigations aux Terres Australes, torn, i,
p. 432; and copied by Callander in his unacknowledged
translation from De Brosses, to the eifect that in the
year 1618, one Zeachen, a native of Arnheim, disco-
vered the land called Arnheim's Land, and Van
Diemen's Land on the N. coast of Australia, in about
the latitude of 14°. He proceeds to say that Die-
men's Land owes its name to Anthony Van Diemen,
at that time general of the Dutch East India Com-
pany, who returned to Europe with vast riches in
1631. The blunder is easily demonstrable. Zeachen,
or as it is also given, Zechaen, is a form of word
plainly irreconcileable with the genius of the Dutch
language, and is an evident misspelling for Zeehaen,
which is the name not of a man, but of a ship, the
Sea-hen.

No such voyage is mentioned in the recital of dis-
coveries which preface the instructions to Tasman,
nor is there any notice of the north coast of New
Holland having been visited by the Dutch in that
year. Moreover Van Diemen, as we learn from the Vies
des Goiiverneu7's Generaux avec Vabrege de Vhistoire des
etahlissemens Hollandois by Dubois, was not governor
general until January 1st, 1636, and it is observ-
able that one of the ships employed in Tasman's voy-
age in 1642, in which he discovered the island now
known as Tasmania, but to which he, out of compli-
ment, gave the name of the governor general, Van
Diemen, was called the Zeehaen, from which in all
probability, by some complication of mistakes, the
mis-statement here made has originated.

IxXXvi INTRODUCTION.

The Mauritius, an outward bound ship, appears to
have made some discoveries upon the west coasts, in
July 1618, particularly of Will em's River, near the
north-west cape, but no further particulars are
known.

It would seem that another of the outward bound
ships referred to in the Dutch recital, as visiting the
coasts of New Holland, was commanded by Edel, and
the land there discovered, which was on the west
coast, was named the land of Edel. From Campbell's
edition of Harris's voyages, we learn that this dis-
covery was made in 1619. It appears from Thevenot's
chart, published in 1663, to have extended from about
29° northward, to 26^, where the land of Eendragt
commences, but in Van Keulen's chart, published
near the close of the century, it is made to extend still
more southward, to 32° 20', which Thevenot's chart
would attribute rather to the discovery made three
years later (1622) by the ship Leemvin {the Lioness).

The great reef lying off the coast of Edel's Land,
called Houtman's Abrolhos, was discovered at the
same time. The name was doubtless given after the
Dutch navigator Frederick Houtman, although we
find no trace of his having himself visited this coast.
The Portuguese name Abrolhos, meaning " open your
eyes," was given to dangerous reefs, implying the
necessity of a sharp look out.

The name of the commander of the Leemvin has not
yet appeared in any published document that has met
the editor's eye. The land to which the name of
that vessel was given, extended from 35° northward.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii

to about 31° ; but as we have already stated, in Van
Keulen's and later charts, the northern portion of
this tract has been included in the discovery by
Edel.

For the nearer discovery of Eendraght's Land, the
Dutch recital informs us that the governor general,
Jan Pietersz Coen, dispatched in September, 1622,
the yachts De Haring and Harewind ; but this voy-
age was rendered abortive by meeting the ship 3Iaiiri-
tius, and searching after the ship Rotterdam.

In January 1623, the Dutch recital informs us, the
yachts Pera and Arnliem, under the command of Jan
Carstens, were despatched from Amboina by order of
his Excellency Jan Pieterz Coen. Carstens, with
eight of the Arn1ie7ns crew, was treacherously mur-
dered by the natives of New Guinea ; but the vessels
prosecuted the voyage, and discovered " the great
islands, Arnhem and the Spult." Arnhem's Land
forms the easternmost portion of the north coast of
New Holland, lying to the west of the Gulf of Car-
pentaria. In a chart inserted in Valentyn's Beschry-
vingh van Bancla^ fo. 36, is laid down the river Spult
in Arnhem's Land, in about the position of Liverpool
River, with which, in all probability, it is identical ;
and the country in its vicinity is probably what is
here meant by the Spult.

The ships were then " untimely separated", and the
Arnhem returned to Amboina, The Pera persisted,
and " sailed along the south coast of New Guinea to
a flat cove situate in 10° south latitude, and ran along
the west coast of this land to Cape Keer AVeer ; from

IxXXviii INTRODUCTION.

thence discovered the coast further southwards, as far
as IT degrees, to Staten River. From this place,
what more of the land could be discerned seemed to
stretch westward." The Pera then returned to Am-
boina. " In this discovery were found everywhere
shallow water and barren coasts ; islands altogether
thinly peopled by divers cruel, poor, and brutal
nations, and of very little use to the Dutch East India
Company.

The first discovery of the south coast of New Hol-
land was made in 1627. The Dutch recital says:
" In the year 1627, the south coast of the great south
land was accidently discovered by the ship the G-ulde
Zeepaard, outward bound from Fatherland, for the
space of a thousand miles." The journal of this voy-
age seems to have been lost. The editor has spared
no pains, by inquiry in Holland and Belgium, to
trace its existence, but without success ; and the only
testimony that we have to the voyage is derived from
the above passage and Dutch charts, which give the
name of Pieter Nuyts to the immense tract of coun-
try thus discovered. Nuyts is generally supposed to
have commanded the ship ; but Flinders judiciously
remarks that, as on his arrival at Batavia, he was sent
ambassador to Japan, and afterwards made governor
of Formosa, it seems more probable that he was a
civilian — perhaps the Company's first merchant on
board — rather than captain of the ship. In estimat-
ing the thousand miles described in the recital, allow-
ance must doubtless be made for the irregularities of
the coast, embracing from Cape Leeuwin to St. Fran-
cis and St. Peter's Islands.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix

The next discovery upon the western coasts was
that of the ship Vicmen, one of the seven which re-
turned to Europe under the command of the Governor-
General, Carpenter. In this year, the Dutch recital
informs us that the coast was seen again accidentally,
in the year 1628, on the north side, in the latitude
21 " south, by the ship Vianen, homeward bound from
India, when they coasted two hundred miles without
gaining any knowledge of this great country ; only
observing " a foul and barren shore, green fields, and
very wild, black, barbarous inhabitants."

This was the part called De Witt's Land ; but
whether the name were applied by the captain of the
Vianen does not appear. The President De Brosses,
whose account, however, is too full of blunders to
follow very implicitly, says, " William de Witt gave
his own name to the country which he saw in 1628
to the north of Remessen's River ; and which Viane,
a Dutch captain, had, to his misfortune, discovered
in the month of January in the same year, when he
was driven upon this coast of De Witt, in 21° of lati-
tude, and lost all his riches." The name of De Witt
was subsequently retained on this part of the coast in
all the m.aps.

In Thevenot's Recueil de divers Voyages curieux^
1663, is given an account, translated from the Dutch,
of the shipwreck of the Batavia^ Captain Francis
Pelsart, in the night of June 4, 1629, on the reef
still known as Houtman's Abrolhos, lying between
28° and 29° S. lat., on the west coast of Australia.
A loose and incorrect translation of this account, is

XC INTRODUCTION.

given in vol. i, p. 320, of Harris's Navigantiwn atqiie
Itinerantium Bihliotheca (Campbell's edition), but a
new translation is supplied, in its proper chronological
place, in the present volume. At daylight, the ship-
wrecked sailors saw an island at about three leagues
distance, and, still nearer, two islets, to which the pas-
sengers with some of the crew were sent. As no fresh
water was found on these islets, Pelsart put to sea on
the 8th of June, in one of the boats which he had had
covered with a deck, and sailed to the main land for the
purpose of seeking for water. He found his latitude
at noon to be 28° 13' south. The coast, which bore
N. by W., he estimated to be eight leagues from the
place of shipwreck. It was rocky and barren, and
about of the same height as the coast of Dover. He
essayed to put in at a small sandy bay, but the surf
and unfavourableness of the weather compelled him
to keep off the shore. He then steered north, but
the abruptness of the shore, and the breakers which
he found along the coast, prevented his landing for
several days, till at length on the l-ith of June, being
then in 24° latitude, he saw some smokes at a dis-
tance, and steered towards them, but the shore was
still found to be steep and rocky, and the sea broke
high against it ; at length six of his men leaped over-
board, and with great exertion reached the land, the
boat remaining at anchor in twenty-five fathoms.
The sailors, while busily engaged in seeking for
water, perceived four natives creeping towards them
on their hands and feet ; but suddenly, on one of the
sailors appearing on an eminence, they rose up and

INTRODUCTION. XCl

fled, so that those who remained in the boat could
see them distinctly. They were wild, black, and en-
tirely naked.

The searcli for water was unsuccessful, and the
sailors swam back to the boat, though much bruised
by the waves and the rocks. They then again set
sail, keeping outside of the shoals. On the morning
of the 15th, they discovered a cape, off which lay a
chain of rocks, stretching out four miles into the sea,
and beyond this another reef, close to the shore.
Finding here an opening where the water was smooth,
they put into it, but with great risk, as they had but
two feet of water with a stony bottom. Here in the
holes of the rocks they found fresh rain water, of
which they collected forty gallons. There were evi-
dent traces of the natives having been there but a short
time before. On the 16th of July, they endeavoured
to collect more water but without success. There
were no signs of vegetation on the sandy level coun-
try to be seen beyond, and the ant hills were so
large, that they might have been taken for the houses
of the natives. The quantity of flies was so great,
that they could with difficulty free themselves from
them. Eight savages, carrying sticks or spears in
their hands, came within musket shot, but fled when
the Dutch sailors moved towards them. When Cap-
tain Pelsart found there was no hope of procuring
water, he again weighed anchor, and got outside of
the reef by a second opening more to the north ; for
having observed the latitude to be 22° 17', his intention
was to seek for the river of Jacob Remessens near the

XCll INTRODUCTION.

north-west cape, but the wind changing to north-
east, he was compelled to quit the coast. Being now
four hundred miles from the place of shipwreck, and
having barely water enough for their own use, he
determined to make the best of his way back to
Batavia for assistance.

Meanwhile, by a fortunate accident, one of them
who had been left on the Abrolhos chanced to taste
the water in two holes, which water had been sup-
posed to be salt, as it rose and fell with the tide. To
their inexpressible joy it proved to be fit to drink,
and afforded them an unfailing supply. Captain
Pelsart afterwards returned to the Abrolhos in the
yacht Saardam, from Batavia ; but finding a shameful
conspiracy on foot, he was compelled to execute some,
and two men were set on shore on the opposite main
land. In the instructions subsequently given to
Tasman for his voyage in 1644, he was directed " to
inquire at the continent thereabouts after two Dutch
men, who, having forfeited their lives, were put on
shore by the Commodore Francis Pelsart, if still
alive. In such case, you may make your enquiries of
them about the situation of those countries ; and if
they entreat you to that purpose, give them passage
hither."

Gerrit Tomaz Pool, or Poel, was sent in April of
this year from Banda, with the yachts Klijn^ Amster-
dam^ and Wezel upon the same expedition as Carstens ;
and at the same place on the coast of New Guinea
he met with the same fate. Nevertheless, " the voy-
age was assiduously continued under the charge of

INTRODUCTION. XClli

the super cargo Pietcrz Pietersen ; and the is-
lands Key and Arouw visited. By reason of very
strong eastwardly winds, they could not reach the
west coast of New Guinea (Carpentaria) ; but shap-
ing their course very near south, discovered the coast
of Arnhem or Van Diemcn's Land, in 11" south
latitude ; so named from the governor general Van
Diemen, who was sent out this year, and sailed along
the shore for one hundred and twenty miles (thirty
mijlen), without seeing any people, but many signs of
smoke.

A short account of this voyage is given by Valen-
tyn, in his volume on Banda, p. 47, a translation of
which will be found at p. 75 of the present volume.

Abel Janszen Tasman, who, in the year 1642, had
made the two great discoveries of south Van Diemen's
Land — in these days more correctly named after
himself, Tasmania, — and of New Zealand, was again
sent out in 1644, for the express purpose of ex-
amining the north and north-western shores of New
Holland. His instructions, of which we have already
repeatedly spoken, say, that " after quitting Point
Ture, or False Cape, situate in 8 degrees on the
south coast of New Guinea, you are to continue east-
ward along the coast to 9 degrees south latitude,
crossing prudently the cove at that place. Looking
about the high islands or Speidts River^ with the
yachts for a harbour, despatching the tender De
Braah for two or three days into the cove, in order
to discover whether, within the great inlet, there be
not to be found an entrance into the South Sea.

XCIV INTRODUCTION.

From this place you are to coast along the west coast
of New Guinea, to the furthest discoveries in 17
degrees south latitude, following the coast further, as
it may run west or southward. But it is to be feared
you will meet in these parts with the south-east
trade winds, from which it will be difficult to keep
the coast on board, if stretching to the south-east ;
but, notwithstanding this, endeavour, by all means to
proceed, that we may be sure whether this land is
divided from the great known south continent or not."
Thus it became part of Tasman's duty to explore
Torres Straits, then unknown, though possibly sus-
pected to exist. That they had unconsciously been
passed through by Torres, in 1606, we have already
seen. Tasman, however, failed, as will be presently
shewn, in making the desired exploration, and it
was not till 1770 that the separation of New Holland
from New Guinea was established by Captain Cook.
In the remaining portion of his duty, Tasman fully
succeeded, viz., in establishing the continuity of the
north-west coast of the land designated generally
" the great known south continent," as far south as
about the twenty-second degree. It is greatly to be
regretted that the account of this interesting voyage
has not been published. The Burgomaster Witsen,
in a work on the migrations of the human race,
which appeared in 1705, gives some notes on the
inhabitants of New Guinea and New Holland, in
which Tasman is quoted among those from whom he
gained his information ; thus showing that Tasman's
narrative was then in existence. INI. Van Wyk

INTRODUCTION. XCV

Roelaiulszoon, in a letter addressed to the editor of
the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, dated 26tli July,
1825, states, that many savans du premier ordre had
for a long time sought in vain for the original papers
of Abel Tasman. One young, but very able fellow-
countryman of his, had even made a voyage for that
express purpose to Batavia, in the hope that they
might be found there, but he unfortunately died
shortly after his arrival at that place. M. Van Wyk
continues, " we still live in the hope of receiving
some of these documents." This hope, however, was
not realized, and the efforts of the editor of the
present volume, which have been exerted in influential
quarters for the same object, have been equally
unsuccessful. But, although we have to regret the
loss or non-appearance of any detailed account of this
most important voyage, the outline of the coasts visited
by Tasman is laid down, though without any reference
to him or his voyage, on several maps which appeared
within a few years after the voyage was performed.
The earliest representation which the editor has
found anywhere mentioned, although in all pro-
bability it was preceded by others published in
Holland, was on the mappemonde of Louis Mayerne
Turquet, published in Paris in 1648. It was also
represented on a planisphere, inlaid in the floor of
the Groote Zaal, in the Stad-huys at Amsterdam, a
building commenced in 1648. The site adopted for
this remarkable map was peculiar, and scarcely
judicious; for though it gratified the eyes of the
enterprising burghers, with the picture of the sue-

XCVl INTRODUCTION.

cessful explorations of their countrymen, it exposed
the representation itself to almost unceasing detrition
from the soles of their feet. This outline was also
given in the map entitled Mar di India, in the 1650
edition of Janssen's Atlas, 5 vol. supplement. It
also occurs in a large Atlas in the King's Library in
the British Museum, by J. Klencke, of Amsterdam,
presented to King Charles the Second, on his restora-
tion in 1660, and also in a chart inserted in Mel-
chisedech Thevenot's Relation de divers voyages curieux,
1663. From these maps it is apparent that it was
from this voyage that the designation of New Holland
was first given to this great country. In a map by
Van Keulen, published at the close of the seventeenth
century, a portion of Tasman's track with the sound-
ings is given, but this also is without reference to
Tasman himself. It has, however, been the good
fortune of the editor of the present volume to light
upon a document which, in the absence of Tasman's
narrative, and his own original chart, is the next to
be desired : viz., an early copy, perhaps from his own
chart, with the tracks of his two voyages pricked
thereon, and the entire soundings of the voyage of 1644
laid down. A reduction of this chart is here given. It
forms Art. 1 2 in a miscellaneous MS. collection marked
5222 in the department of MSS. in the British
Museum. It bears no name or date, but is written
on exactly the same kind of paper, with the same
ink, and by the same hand, as one by Captain
Thomas Bowrey, in the same volume, done at Fort
St. George in 1687. It is observable, that in the

s^i^t

i^::<»i,/rr>P>M'^

.^-

U"

..3^/.>-^'*

■t "% ^^

77m /,«////■ /,«W '■/ ■ A/If ft/w<» If n.t //■/a/ r/m-mmr/ to ,hmu- In jf SouUf Laiut- by y' Yd Ir
«»• by llus Churl FlhuiivU .kuvini.s I «. />//■/ A/„wr l\mw: 'WK.

,tiillin,yr,„i. Ihmrn l.iniil ttixmrml hr f Ships llrm-skmh./l Xnlw
niilrry' CniMinl .^'fi,/. AMI r„.-.„,„« y' .I I Nmmbrn Altiw IM2 .

T*^.

\..,.A

C:^ /

INTRODUCTION. XCVll

preface to a work by Captain Bowrey, on the Malay
language, he says, that in 1688, he embarked at Fort
St. George, as a passenger for England, having been
nineteen years in the East Indies, continually en-
gaged in navigation and trading in those countries,
in Sumatra, Borneo, Bantam, and Java. The two-
fold blunder, both as to fact and date, contained in
the sentence inserted in the middle of the chart,
" This large land of New Guinea was first discovered
to joijne to if south land by y'' Yot Lemmen as by this
chart Francois Jacobus Vis. Pilot Major Anno 1643"
is self- evidently an independent subsequent insertion,
probably by Bowrey himself, and therefore by no
means impugns the inference that the chart is
otherwise a genuine copy. The soundings verify the
track, and show that Tasman regarded the first point
of his instructions as to the exploration of the
" great inlet," either as of less importance or of
greater danger than the subsequent portion, as to
establishing the continuity of the lands on the north
and north-west coasts of " the great known southern
continent."

It is worthy of remark, that the map by Klencke,
already referred to, leaves the passage towards Torres
Strait open, while in the map here given it is closed.
The missing narrative of Tasman alone could explain
this discrepancy, or show us the amount of authen-
ticity to be ascribed to either of these maps ; but it
appears to the editor, that the track laid down with
the soundings, gives to the map here given the claim
to preference, while the very depth of the imaginary

0

INTRODUCTION. XCVU

preface to a work by Captain Bowrey, on the Malay
language, he says, that in 1688, he embarked at Fort
St. George, as a passenger for England, having been
nineteen years in the East Indies, continually en-
gaged in navigation and trading in those countries,
ill Sumatra, Borneo, Bantam, and Java. The two-
fold blunder, both as to fact and date, contained in
the sentence inserted in the middle of the chart,
" This large land of New Guinea was first discovered
to Jofjne to y^ south land by y" Yot Lemmen as by this
chart Francois Jacobus Vis. Pilot Major Anno 1643"
is self-evidently an independent subsequent insertion,
probably by Bowrey himself, and therefore by no
means impugns the inference that the chart is
otherwise a genuine copy. The soundings verify the
track, and show that Tasman regarded the first point
of his instructions as to the exploration of the
" great inlet," either as of less importance or of
greater danger than the subsequent portion, as to
establishing the continuity of the lands on the north
and north-west coasts of " the great known southern
continent."

It is worthy of remark, that the map by Klencke,
already referred to, leaves the passage towards Torres
Strait open, while in the map here given it is closed.
The missing narrative of Tasman alone could explain
this discrepancy, or show us the amount of authen-
ticity to be ascribed to either of these maps ; but it
appears to the editor, that the track laid down with
the soundings, gives to the map here given the claim
to preference, while the very depth of the imaginary

0

4

XCVlll INTRODUCTION.

bight here drawn, instead of the strait, throws it out
of the line of exploration in the voyage whose track
is described. From the notes of the Burgomaster
Witsen (1705), we derive the only fragment of an
account of this most important voyage. From thence
we gain the earliest information respecting the in-
habitants. The translation is given by Dalrymple,
in his volume on Fapiia. It is as follows : " In
latitude 13 degrees, 8 minutes south, longitude 146
degrees, 18 minutes (probably about 129^ degrees
east of Greenwich), the coast is barren. The people
are bad and wicked, shooting at the Dutch with
arrows, without provocation, when they were coming
on shore. It is here very populous."

"In 14 degrees, 58 minutes south, longitude 138
degrees, 59 minutes (about 125 degrees east) the
people are savage, and go naked : none can under-
stand them. In 16 degrees, 10 minutes south, the
people swam on board of a Dutch ship, and w^hen
they received a present of a piece of linen, they laid
it upon their head in token of gratitude. Every
where thereabout all the people are malicious. They
use arrows and bows, of such a length that one end
rests on the ground w^hen shooting. They have also
hazegayes and kalawayes, and attacked the Dutch,
but did not know the execution of the guns.

" In Hollandia Nova [a term which seems to imply
that the previously named plans were not supposed
by Witsen to be included under the name of New
Holland] in 17 degrees, 12 minutes south (longitude
121 degrees or 122 degrees east), Tasman found

INTRODUCTION. XCIX

naked black people, with curly hair : malicious and
cruel, using for arms bows and arrows, hazeygayes
and kalawayes. They once came to the number of
fifty, double armed, dividing themselves into two
parties, intending to have surprised the Dutch, who
had landed twenty-five men ; but the firing of the
guns frightened them so much that they took to
flight. Their canoes are made of the bark of trees :
their coast is dangerous : there is but little vegeta-
tion : the people have no houses."

" In 19 degrees, 35 minutes S., longitude 134 de-
grees (about 120 degrees apparently), the inhabitants
are very numerous, and threw stones at the boats
sent by the Dutch to the shore. They made fires
and smoke all along the coast, which it was conjec-
tured they did to give notice to their neighbours of
strangers being upon the coast. They appear to live
very poorly ; go naked ; eat yams and other roots."

This fragment of description is meagre enough ;
but it is all that we can boast of possessing. It is
further remarkable that those who have spoken of the
part of the coast visited by Tasman in this voyage,
have led their readers into a misconception by attri-
buting the discovery of the Gulf of Carpentaria to
Carpenter, and of the northern Van Diemen's Land
to the governor so named. So soon after the voyage
as the year 1663, we find Thevenot printing as fol-
lows : " We shall, in due course, give the voyages of
Carpenter and Diemen, to whom is due the principal
honour of this discovery. Van Diemen brought back
gold, porcelain, and a thousand other articles of

C INTRODUCTION.

wealth ; which at first gave rise to the notion that
the country produced all these things : though it has
been since ascertained that what he brought was
recovered from a vessel which had been wrecked on
these coasts. The mystery which the Dutch make of
the matter, and the difficulties thrown in the way of
publishing what is known about it, suggest the idea
that the country is rich. But why should they shew
such jealousy with respect to a country which pro-
duces nothing deser\-ing so distant a journey V La
Neuville also, in his Histoire de Flollande (Paris, 1703,
torn, ii, p. 213), speaking of Van Diemen, says:
" This latter not only examined the coasts of this
great land, but had two years previously sailed as far
as 43 degrees towards the antarctic pole, and disco-
vered, on the 24th of November 1642, a new country
in the other continent, which now bears the name of
Van Diemen's Land," Here the very details clearly
expose the nature of the mistake, since the maps and
the instructions to Tasman shew his second voyage
to have been in 1644, and the discovery of Van
Diemen's Land in 1642 is known to be his beyond
all dispute. The fact is moreover confirmed by the
identity of the names given to the tracts discovered
in these two voyages, viz. those of the principal mem-
bers of the council and of Marie van Diemen, to
whom Tasman is supposed to have been attached.

Prevost, in his Histoire dcs Voyages (Paris, 1753,
tom. ii, p. 201), says that Carpentaria was discovered
by Carpenter in 1662. We then find De Brosses
correcting this statement (p. 433) by saying, "the

INTRODUCTION. CI

Abbe Prevost ought not to have stated that, in 1662,
Carpentaria was discovered by Pieter Carpenter, since
he was Governor-General of the Company of the
Indies, and returned to Europe in June 1628 w^ith
five vessels richly laden." He then quotes the above
passage from Thevenot, and continues : " Unfortu-
nately Thevenot has not fulfilled his promise respect-
ing Carpentaria. That learned collector was engaged
in preparing, at the time of his decease, a fifth volume
of his collection, of which some incomplete portions
of what he had already published were found in his
cabinet. From amongst these I have extracted the
journal of Captain Tasman, who discovered Van Die-
men's Land. There was, however, nothing respecting
the voyage of Captain Carpenter, nor that of the
Governor-General, Van Diemen, even if he had left
one : at least, if the manuscripts of these voyages
were there originally, it is not knox^n what has be-
come of them." De Brosses concludes by saying that
his researches in private collections and in printed
geographical works had been unsuccessful in procur-
ing further information on the subject. Subsequent
geographers continued to attribute to Carpenter the
discovery of Carpentaria, and many of them to Van
Diemen the discovery of the north Van Diemen's
Land. In Dubois' work, Vies des Gouvcrneurs Gene-
raux^ already quoted, which was compiled in Holland
from the manuscript journals and registers from
Batavia, he says expressly, p. 82, in speaking of Car-
penter, who was governor between 1623 and 1627 :
"Some writers attribute to him personally the honour

Cll INTRODUCTION.

of the discovery of Carpentaria, the southern land
lying between New Guinea and New Holland ; but
this is without any apparent foundation, inasmuch as
they fix this discovery in the year 1628, in which
year he returned to Holland, on the 12th of June,
with five vessels richly laden, having sailed from
Batavia on the 12th of November of the previous
year." It should, moreover, be observed, that no
evidence has been adduced of his having been on
the coast at all, while there is every reason to be-
lieve that the exploration of the Gulf of Carpentaria
was not only "acheve," as M. Eyries suggests (p. 12,
art. 1, vol. ii, of Noiivellcs Annales des Voyages), by
Tasman in 1644, but accomplished by that navigator
for the first time. It might then be asked how
comes it that Tasman, who had in both his voyages
so largely complimented the governor Van Diemen,
by giving his name and that of his daughter Maria,
to whom he was attached, to various points of his
discovery, should finally give the name of Carpenter
to an important gulf and tract of country, when the
governor bearing that name had left Batavia sixteen
years before % The answer is readily given. The
Governor and Company of Batavia formed a local
administration under the presidency of the Company
of the Indies at Amsterdam, which latter consisted
of seventeen delegates from the seventeen provinces
of the Netherlands. In the year 1623, in which Car-
penter commenced his governorship in the east, an
event occurred in Amboina which threatened to pro-
duce a war between Holland and England. Some Eng-

INTRODUCTION. ClU

lish officials, in concert with some Japanese soldiers,
liad foimed a conspiracy to kill the Dutch in the island
and to gain possession of the fortress. The conspiracy
\yas discovered, and the governor had the conspirators
put to death. In England the governor's conduct
■svas regarded as a piece of heartless cruelty. Mutual
recriminations ensued, and for several years a contest
between the two countries was imminent. After
Carpenter's return to Holland in 1628, he was sent
out as one of a deputation to London on this subject
despatched in the year 1629. He was also appointed
president of the Company of the Indies in Amster-
dam, which post he occupied till his death in 1659.
It need, therefore, no longer be subject of surprise
that Tasman should have given the name of Car-
penter, the president of the Home Company of the
Indies, to an extensive country and gulf discovered
by him in 1644.

We cannot dismiss our notice of this important
voyage, which thus gave the name of New Holland
to the great South Land, wdthout quoting the re-
mark of Thevenot in the Relation de Vestat frhent
des Indes, prefixed to the second volume of his Rela-
tion de Divers Voyages Gurieux. He says : " The
Dutch pretend to have a right to the southern
land which they have discovered. . . They maintain
that these coasts were never known by the Portu-
guese or the other nations of Europe It is to be

noticed that all this extent of country falls within
the line of demarcation of the Dutch East India
Company, if we are to believe their maps, and that

ClV INTRODUCTION.

this motive of interest has perhaps made them give
a false position to New Zealand, lest it should fall
within the line of demarcation of the Dutch West
India Company ; for these two companies are as jea-
lous of each other, as they are of the other nations
of Europe. . . It is to be observed, that although the
Portuguese possess many places in the Indies, they
are extremely weak, by reason that their enemies are
masters of these seas and of the traffic which they
themselves formerly possessed."

The observation would seem to imply that Theve-
not, a Frenchman, was not wanting in the belief
that these coasts had really been discovered by the
Portuguese before they were visited by the Dutch,
while it passes by in silence any thought of a claim
thereto on the part of his own countrymen, a point
worth noticing in connexion with the evidence of the
early French manuscript maps of which we have
already so fully treated.

From the voyage of Tasman to the close of the
seventeeth century, it is probable that a considerable
number of voyages were made to the west coasts of
New Holland, of which no account has ever been
printed. By the obliging and intelligent assistance
of Mr. Frederick Miiller, of Amsterdam, (a rare
example of a bookseller who interests himself not
only in obtaining curious early books illustrative of
the history of his country, but in minutely studying
that history himself), the editor has been enabled to
procure some documents from the Hague, which have
never before been printed, and one which, although

INTRODUCTION, CV

in print, has become exceedingly scarce, and has
never before been rendered into English.

The earliest of these is an account of the sliip Do
Vergulde Draeck, on the Southland, and the expedition
undertaken both from Batavia and the Cape of Good
Hope in search of the survivors, etc., drawn up and
translated from authentic MS. copies of the logbooks
in tlic Royal Archives at the Hague, De Vergulde
Draeck, which set sail from the Texel in October
1655, was wrecked on a reef on the west coast, in
latitude 30 degrees, 40 minutes, and a hundred and
eighteen souls were lost. The news was brought
to Batavia by one of the ship's boats, sixty-eight of
the survivors having remained behind, exerting them-
selves to get their boat afloat again, that they might
send some more of their number to Batavia, The
Governor General immediately dispatched the fiyboat
the Witte Vaclk, and the yacht the Goede Hoop, to the
assistance of those men, and also to help in the rescue of
the specie and merchandize lost in the Vergulde Draeck.
This expedition was attended with bad success, as
they reached the coast in the winter time. Similar
ill luck attended the fiyboat Vinck, which was
directed to touch at New Holland, in its voyage from
the Cape to Batavia in 1657, to search for the un-
fortunate men who had been left behind. The
company next dispatched from Batavia two galliots,
the Waeckende Boey^ and the Emeloort, on the 1st of
January, 1658. These vessels also returned to
Batavia in April of the same year, having each of
them separated, after parting company by the way,

P

CVl INTRODUCTION.

sailed backwards and forwards again and again, and
landed parties at several points along the coast.
They had also continually fired signal guns night and
day, without, however, discovering either any Dutch-
men, or the wreck of the vessel. The only things
seen were some few planks and blocks, with a piece
of the mast, a taffrail, fragments of barrels, and other
objects scattered here and there along the coast, and
supposed' to be remnants of the wreck. This
account, with a description of the west coast of the
South Land, by the Captain Samuel Volkersen, of the
Pink WaccJccnde Boey^ is accompanied by copies of
original charts, showing the coast visited by this
vessel and the Emeloort, never before printed. These
documents are followed by an extract from the
Burgomaster Witsen's Noord en Oost Tarfan/e, de-
scriptive of the west coast, a portion of which is
plainly derived from the account of Abraham Leeman,
the mate of the Waeckende Boey.

We must not here omit to mention, that in the
year 1693, appeared a work bearing the following
title : Les Avantures de Jaques Sadeur dans la de-
couverte et le voyage de la Terre Australe, contenant
les coutumes et les mocurs des Australiens, leur reli-
gion, leurs exercises, leurs etudes, leurs guerres, leurs
animaux, particuliers a ce pays et toutes les raretez
curieuses qui s'y trouvent. A Paris, chez Claude
Barbin, au Palais, sur le second perron de la Sainte
Chapelle, 1693. In the Vannes edition, p, 3, the
author's Christian name is given Nicolas. An Eng-
lish translation appeared in the same year, en-

INTRODUCTION. CVU

titled " A new discovery of Terra Incognita Aus-
tralis, or the Southern World, by James Sadeur,
a Frenchman, who, being cast there by a shipwreck,
lived thirty-five years in that country, and gives a
particular description of the manners, customs,
religion, laws, studies and wars of those southern
people, and of some animals peculiar to that place,
with several other rarities. These memoirs were
thought so curious, that they were kept secret in the
closet of a late great minister of state, and never
published till now, since his death. Translated from
the French copy printed at Paris by publick
authority, April 8. Imprimatur, Charles Hern,
London. Printed for John Dunton, at the Raven, in
the Poultry, 1693." The work is purely fictitious
throughout.

The next Dutch voyage of which we have suc-
ceeded in finding an account, is that of Willem de
Vlamingh, in 1696, which also owed its origin to
the loss of a ship, the Ridderschap van Hollandf.
This vessel had been missing from the time she had
left the Cape of Good Hope in 1684 or 1685, and it
was thought probable she might have been wrecked
upon the great South Land, and that some of the
crew might, even after this lapse of time, be still
living. The commodore, Willem de Vlaming, who
was going out to India with the Geelvink, Nijptang^
and Wesel, was, therefore, ordered to make a search
for them. The account of this voyage, which was
printed at Amsterdam in 1701, 4to, is exceedingly
scarce ; and after many years enquiry, the editor

CVlll INTRODUCTION.

deemed himself fortunate in procuring it through the
medium of Mr. Miiller, of Amsterdam, and a transla-
tion of it is here given. The search of De Vlaming
was, however, fruitless, and the two principal points
of interest were the finding of the plate already
described, with the inscription commemorating the
arrival and departure of Dirk Hartog, in 1616, and
the discovery of Swan River, where the embodiment
of the poet's notion of a vara avis in terris was for the
first time encountered, and two of the black swans
were taken alive to Batavia.

Meanwhile, the shores of New Holland had been
visited by a countryman of our own, the celebrated
Dampier. In the buccaneering expedition in which
he made a voyage round the world, he came upon
the north-west coast in 16 degrees, 50 minutes due
south from a shoal, whose longitude is now known to
be 122^ degrees east. Running along the shore N.E.
by E., twelve leagues to a bay or opening convenient
for landing, a party was sent ashore to search for
water, and surprised some of the natives, some of
whom they tried to induce to help in filling the water
casks, and conveying them to the boat. " But all
the signs we could make," says Dampier, " were to
no purpose ; for they stood like statues, staring at
one another, and grinning like so many monkeys.
These poor creatures seem not accustomed to carry
burdens ; and I believe one of our ship's boys, of ten
years old, would carry as much as one of their men."
In his description of the natives, he agrees with
Tasman in their being " a naked black people, with

INTRODUCTION. CIX

curly h;iir, like that of the negroes in Guinea ; but
he mentions other circumstances which are not
mentioned in the note from Tasman. He describes
them as " the most miserable people in the world.
The Hottentots compared with them are gentlemen.
They have no houses, animals, or poultry ; their
persons are tall, straight bodied, thin, with long
limbs ; they have great heads, round foreheads, and
great brows ; their eyelids are always half closed, to
keep the flies out of their eyes, for they are so trouble-
some here, that no fanning will keep them from
one's face ; so that, from their infancy, they never
open their eyes as other people do, and therefore they
cannot see far, nnless they hold up their heads as if
they were looking at something over them. They
have great bottle noses, full lips, wide mouths ; the
two fore teeth of the upper jaw are wanting in all of
them ; neither have they any beard. Their hair is
short, black and curled, and their skins coal black,
like that of the negroes in Guinea, Their only food
is fish, and they consequently search for them at low
water ; and they make little weirs or dams with
stones across little coves of the sea. At one time,
our boat being among the islands, seeking for game,
espied a drove of these people swimming from one
island to another, for they have neither boats, canoes,
nor bark logs." Dampier remained there from
January 5 to March 12, 1688, but is silent as to any
dangers upon the twelve leagues of coast seen by
him.

In the year 1699, Great Britain being at peace

ex INTRODUCriON.

with the other maritime states of Europe, king Wil-
liam ordered an expedition for the discovery of new
countries, and for the examination of some of those
already discovered, particularly New Holland and
New Guinea. Dampier's graphic narrative of his buc-
caneering voyages caused the Earl of Pembroke to
select him to conduct the expedition. The Roebuck^
a ship belonging to the royal navy, was equipped for
the purpose. After a voyage of six months, Dam-
pier struck soundings in the night of August 1st,
1699, upon the northern part of the Abrolhos shoal,
in latitude about 27 degrees, 40 minutes S. Next
morning he saw the main coast, and ran northward
along it, discovering in 26 degrees, 10 minutes, an
opening two leagues wide, but full of rocks and foul
ground. August 6th, he anchored in Dirk Hartog's
Road, at the entrance of a sound which he named
Shark's Bay : where he remained eight days examin-
ing the sound, cutting wood upon the islands, fish-
ing, etc., and gives a description of what was seen in
his usual circumstantial manner. His description of
the kangaroo, probably the first ever given of that
singular animal, is a curious one. " The land ani-
mals we saw here were only a sort of raccoons, but
different from those of the West Indies, chiefly as to
their legs ; for these have very short forelegs, but
go jumping, and like the raccoons are very good
meat."

Sailing northward along the coast, he found an
archipelago extending twenty leagues in length,
which has been more recently examined by Captain

INTRODUCTION. CXI

King. He anchored in lat. 20 degrees, 21 minutes,
under one of the largest of the islands, which he
named Rosemary Island. This was near the southern
part of De Witt's Land ; but besides an error in lati-
tude of 40 minutes, he complains that in Tasman's
charts " the shore is laid down as all along joining
in one body or continent, with some openings like
rivers, and not like islands, as really they are." " By
what we saw of them, they must have been a range
of islands, of about twenty leagues in length, stretch-
ing from E.N.E. to W.S.W., and, for aught I know,
as far as to those of Shark's Bay ; and to a consi-
derable breadth also, for we could see nine or ten
leagues in amongst them, towards the continent or
main land of New Holland, if there he anij such thing
hereabouts : and by the great tides I met with awhile
afterwards more to the north-east, I had a strong
suspicion that here might be a kind of archipelago of
islands ; and a passage, possibly, to the south of New
Holland and New Guinea, into the great South Sea
eastward.

" Not finding fresh water upon such of the islands
as were visited that day, Captain Dampier quitted
his anchorage next morning, and ' steered away
E.N.E., coasting along as the land lies.' He seems
to have kept the land in sight, in the daytime, at the
distance of four to six leagues ; but the shore being
low, this was too far for him to be certain whether
all was main land which he saw ; and what might
have been passed in the night was still more doubt-
ful.

CXll INTRODUCTION.

" August 30th, being in latitude 18 degrees, 21
minutes, and the weather fair, Captain Dampier
steered in for the shore ; and anchored in eight fa-
thoms, about three-and-a-half leagues off. The tide
ran ' very swift here ; so that our nun-buoy would
not bear above the water to be seen. It flows here,
as on that part of New Holland I described formerly,
about five fathoms.'

" He had hitherto seen no inhabitants ; but now
met with several. The place at which he had touched
in the former voyage ' was not above forty or fifty
leagues to the north-east of this. And these were
much the same blinking creatures (here being also
abundance of the same kind of flesh flies teizing
them), and with the same black skins, and hair friz-
zled, tall and thin, etc., as those were. But we had
not the opportunity to see whether these, as the for-
mer, wanted two of their fore teeth.' One of them,
who was supposed to be a chief, ' was painted with
a circle of white paste or pigment about his eyes,
and a white streak down his nose, from his forehead
to the tip of it. And his breast, and some part
of his arms, were also made white with the same
paint.'

" Neither bows nor arrows were observed amongst
these people : they used wooden lances, such as Dam-
pier had before seen. He saw no houses at either
place, and believed they had none ; but there were
several ' things like haycocks, standing in the savan-
nah ; which, at a distance, we thought were houses,
looking just like the Hottentots' houses at the Cape

INTRODUCTION. CXllI

of Good Hope ; but wc found them to be so many
rocks.' These rocks he could not liave examined
very closely ; for there can be little doubt that they
Avere the ant ills described by Pelsart as being ' so
large, that they might have been taken for the houses
of Indians.'

"The land near the sea coast is described as equally
sandy with the parts before visited, and producing,
amongst its scanty vegetation, nothing for food. No
stream of fresh water was seen, nor could any, fit to
drink, be procured by digging.

" Quitting this inhospitable shore. Captain Dam-
pier weighed his anchor on September 5th, with the
intention of seeking water and refreshments further
on to the north-eastward. The shoals obliged him
to keep at a considerable distance from the land, and
finally, when arrived at the latitude of 16 degrees, 9
minutes, to give up his project, and direct his course
for Timor."

"With the voyage of Dampier terminates the in-
formation gained of the western coasts previously
to the present century, which does not lie within the
range of our inquiries.

In 1705 another and last voyage was made by the
Dutch for the discovery of the north coast. The
expedition consisted of three vessels, the Vossenbosch,
the Waf/cr, and the A^va Hollandia. The commander
was Martin van Delft. The journals appear to have
been lost. At all events they have not hitherto been
found, but a report to the Governor-General and

CXIV INTRODUCTION.

Council of the discoveries and notable occurrences
in the expedition, was drawn from the written jour-
nals and verbal recitals of the officers on their return,
by the Councillors Extraordinary, Hendrick Swaar-
decroon and Cornells Chastelijn. This report is
given for the first time in English in the present
collection, from which it appears that the part of the
coast visited was carefully explored, and that the
Dutch had intercourse with the natives, a result in
which De Vlaming's expedition had entirely failed.
In the miscellaneous tracts of Nicholas Struyck,
printed at Amsterdam, 1753, is also given an imper-
fect account of this voyage as follows: "March 1st,
1705. Three Dutch vessels were sent from Timor
with order to explore the north coast of New Hol-
land, better than it had before been done. They
carefully examined the coasts, sand banks, and reefs.
In their route to it, they did not meet with any land,
but only some rocks above v/ater, in 11 degrees, 52
minutes south latitude" (probably, says Flinders, the
south part of the great Sahul Bank, which, accord-
ing to Captain Peter Hey wood, who saw it in 1801,
lies in 11 degrees 40 minutes). " They saw the west
coast of New Holland, four degrees to the eastward
of the east point of Timor. From thence they con-
tinued their route towards the north, and passed a
point, off which lies a bank of sand above water, in
length more than five German miles of fifteen to a
degree. After which they made sail to the east,
along the coast of New Holland ; observing every-
thing with care, until they came to a gulf, the head

INTRODUCTION. CXV

of which they did not quite reach. I (Struyck) have
seen a chart made of these parts."

Flinders remarks upon this account, "What is here
called the west must have been the north-west coast,"
and he is right ; for in the report here printed, the
country is called " Van Diemen's Land," lying, as we
know, on the north-west coast of New Holland,
already in this introduction frequently referred to
in distinction from the island more generally so
known, and now called Tasmania. Flinders con-
tinues : " which the vessels appear to have made
somewhat to the south of the -western Cape Van
Diemen. The point which they passed was probably
this same cape itself; and in a chart, published by
Mr. Dalrymple, August 27th, 1783, from a Dutch
manuscript (possibly a copy of that which Struyck
had seen), a shoal, of thirty geographic miles in
length, is marked as running off from it, but incor-
rectly, according to Mr. M'Cluer. The gulf here
mentioned was probably a deep bay in Arnhem's
Land ; for had it been the Gulf of Carpentaria, some
particular mention of the great change in the direc-
tion of the coast would, doubtless, have been made."

In the year 1718 a Mons. Jean Pierre Furry, of
Neufchatel, published a work entitled, Memoire sur le
Pat/s des Caffres et la Terre do Nuyts par rapport a
Vutilite fpie la Compagnio des Indes Orie?ttales en potir-
roit retirer pour son Commerce^ followed by a second
memoir in the same year. These publications were
explanatory of a project he entertained of found-
ing a colony in the land of Nuyts. The scheme had

CXVl INTRODUCTION.

been submitted to the Governor-General, Van Swoll,
at Batavia, but was discountenanced. It subse-
quently met the same fate when laid by its author
before the Directors of the Dutch East India Com-
pany at Amsterdam. M. Purry shortly afterwards
brought his proposition before the West India Com-
pany, and it was supposed by some that the voyage
of Roggeween to the South Seas in 1721 was a result
of this application ; but it is distinctly stated by Va-
lentyn that it was an entirely distinct expedition.
In 1699 Roggeween's father had submitted to the
West India Company a detailed memoir on the dis-
covery of the southern land ; but the contentions
between Holland and Spain prevented the departure
of the fleet destined for the expedition, and it was for-
gotten. Roggeween, however, who had received his
father's dying injunctions to prosecute this enterprize,
succeeded at length in gaining the countenance of
the directors, and was himself appointed commander
of the three ships which were fitted out by the com-
pany for the expedition. According to Valentyn, the
principal object of this voyage was the search for
certain " islands of gold," supposed to lie in 56 de-
grees south latitude ; but the professed purpose was
distinctly avowed by Roggeween to be directed to the
south lands. Although the expedition resulted in
some useful discoveries, it did not touch the shores
of New Holland.

The last document in the collection here printed is
a translation from a little work published in Dutch,
in 1857, by Mr. P. A. Lcupe, Captain of Marines in

I

INTRODUCTION. CXVll

the Dutch Navy, " The Houtman's Abrolhos in 1727,"
detailing the disasters of which those dangerous
shoals had been the cause.

It will be seen that we have been unable to supply-
any descriptive account of discoveries on the eastern
coast of Australia. That it was really discovered,
and in all probability by the Portuguese, in the
early part of the sixteenth century, we have already
endeavoured to show. During more than two
centuries from that period, it was probably never
visited by any European. The honour of exploring
that portion of the great island was reserved for the
immortal Cook, who first saw that coast on April
19th, 1770, but a reference to such well known ex-
plorations certainly does not fall within the scope of
antiquarian investigation. The like may be said of
the first visit to Van Diemen's Land, subsequent to
Tasman's discovery in 1642, which was made by
Marion a hundred and thirty years later.

In conclusion, it would be inappropriate to omit
the remark that it is to that most able and distin-
guished voyager, Matthew Flinders, to whose valuable
work, A Voyage to Terra Australis, the editor has been
greatly indebted for help in this introduction, that
we have to give the credit for the compact and useful
name which Australia now bears. In a note on
page 111 of his introduction, he modestly says, "Had
I permitted myself any innovation upon the original
term [Terra Australis], it would have been to convert
it into xiustralia, as being more agreeable to the car,

CXVlll INTRODUCTION.

and an assimilation to the names of the other great
portions of the earth."

It has been the habit, for the most part, of editors
of works for the Hakluyt Society, to endeavour to
elucidate their text by introductions, which have
often reached to a considerable length. A very
slight consideration of the nature of the subjects
which the Society professes to deal with, will show
the reasonableness, nay, even the necessity of such
introductions. When the attention of a reader is
invited to the narrative of a voyage, however in-
teresting and curious in itself, which carries him
back to a remote period, it is but reasonable that he
should have explained to him the position which such
a narrative, arbitrarily selected, holds in the history
of the exploration of the country treated of. To do
this satisfactorily is clearly a task requiring no little
labour, and although it may necessarily involve a
somewhat lengthy dissertation, certainly calls for no
apology. Nevertheless, the simple fact of an intro-
duction bearing a length at all approaching to that
of the text itself, as is the case in the present volume,
does, beyond question, at the first blush, justly
require an explanation. All the publications of our
Society consist of previously unpublished documents,
or are reprints or translations of narratives of early
voyages become exceedingly rare. But it is evidently
matter of accident to what length the text may
extend, while it is equally evident that the intro-

INTRODUCTION. CXIX

(luctory matter illustrative of a small amount of text
may be, of necessity, longer than that required to
illustrate documents of greater extent. This is
strikingly the case with the subject of the present
volume. It has been matter of good fortune that the
editor has been enabled to bring together even so
many documents as are here produced, in connection
with the early discoveries of Australia, while the
enigmatical suggestions of early maps, unaccompanied
by any descriptive matter to be found after diligent
research, has necessitated an inquiry into their merits,
which, though lengthy, it is hoped will not be
deemed unnecessary. This so called introduction in
fact, in a great measure, consists of matter, which, if
supplied by original documents, would form a com-
ponent part of the text itself.

The editor cannot close his labours on this most
puzzling subject of the " Early Indications of Aus-
tralia," W'ithout expressing an earneijt hope that
further researches may yet result in the production
of documents, as yet undiscovered, which may throw
a light upon the history of the exploration of this
interesting country in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, and, if possible, solve the great mystery
which still hangs over the origin of the early manu-
script maps so fully treated of, and it is hoped not
without some advance towards elucidation, in this
introduction.

INDICATIONS OF AUSTRALIA,

ETC.

A MEMORIAL

ADDRESSED TO HIS CATHOLIC MAJESTY PHILIP
THE THIRD, KING OF SPAIN,

BY DR. JUAN LUIS ARIAS,

RESPECTING THE EXPLORATION, COLONIZATION, AND

CONVERSION OF THE SOUTHERN LAND.

Sire, — The memorial of the Doctor Juan Luis Arias
showeth : That in consideration of the great advantage which
will accrue to the service of Your Majesty, to the extension
of the Catholic Church, and to the increase of our holy faith,
from the conversion of the gentiles of the southern land,
which is the principal obligation to which Your Majesty and
your crown are pledged, he now earnestly begs (great as
have been his former importunities) to solicit Your Majesty's
consideration to that which is here set forth. At the in-
stance of the fathers of the Seraphic order of St. Francis,
and in particular of the father Fray Juan de Silva, he has
composed a treatise dedicated to his most serene highness
the Infant Don Ferdinand,^ from which a judgment may
^ In the collective volume in the British Museum which contains the
original of the present memorial, are several memorials to the king
from the Fray Juan de Silva, advocating the same cause on general
relio'ious and political grounds ; but the editor has been unable to find
the treatise here referred to as dedicated to the Infant Don Ferdinand,
nor is any mention made of it by Nicolas Antonio or Leon Pinelo, both
of whom speak of the memorials addressed to the king.

2 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

be formed of the temperature, productions, and population
of the southern hemisphere, and every other point desirable
to be understood with respect to its most extensive pro-
vinces and kingdoms. He has done this with a view to its
discovery, and the sj^iritual and evangelical conquest, and
bringing in to our holy faith and Catholic religion of its
numberless inhabitants, who are so long waiting for this
divine and celestial benefit at the hand of Your Majesty. It
is a subject upon which the father Fray Juan de Silva has
bestowed the most serious attention, and for which he is
most anxiously solicitous ; for all his order desire to be en-
gaged in this mighty enterprise, which is one of the greatest
that the Catholic Church ever has or ever can undertake,
and the accomplishment of which it is the duty of all us her
faithful sons to pray should be accelerated as much as pos-
sible. For the English and Dutch heretics, whom the devil
unites for this purpose by every means in his power, most
diligently continue the exploration, discovery, and coloniza-
tion of the principal ports of this large part of the world in
the Pacific Ocean, and sow in it the most pernicious poisons
of their apostasy, which they put forth with the most press-
ing anxiety in advance of us, who should put forth the sove-
reign light of the gospel. This they are now perseveringly
doing in that great continent in which are the provinces of
Florida, and they will afterwards proceed to do the same with
New Spain, and then with New Mexico, the kingdom of
Quivira, the Californias, and other most extensive provinces.
For which purpose, and for other reasons connected with
their machinations against our kingdom, they have already
colonized Virginia. To further the same object also, they
have fortified and colonized Bermuda, and continue most
zealously and rapidly sowing the infernal poison of their
heresy, and infecting with it the millions upon millions of
excellent people who inhabit those regions. From Virginia
also they are advancing most rapidly inland, with the most

THE SOUTHERN LAND. 3

ardent desire to deprive the Catholic Church of the ines-
timable treasure of an infinite number of souls; and to found
in that land an empire, in which they will at length possess
much better and richer Indies than our own, and from
which position they will be able to lord it absolutely over all
our territories, and over all our navigation and commerce
with the West Indies. This is a most grievous case for us,
and most offensive to our Lord God and His Church, and
this kingdom has reason to dread from so mischievous a state
of things very great injuries from the hands of these ene-
mies, and no less punishment from the divine indignation
for having allowed these basilisks to locate themselves in
such a position ; from whence, before we of the Catholic
Church arrive with the preaching of the gospel with which
Ave are commissioned, they draw to themselves and infect
with the depravity of their apostasy that countless number
of gentiles which inhabit the said provinces, and which
cover a greater surface of land than all Europe.

But as the said treatise of the southern hemisphere has
not yet been put into a form to be communicated, which
will soon be done, I have resolved herein to relate to Your
Majesty, although very briefly, some of its contents ; in
order, meanwhile, to afford the necessary information con-
cerning these southern lands, whither it is proposed to set
on foot so great and mighty an undertaking as the evan-
gelical and spiritual conquest of the said hemisphere.

In order to understand the question, it must be premised
that the whole globe of earth and water is divided into two
equal parts or halves by the equinoctial line. The northern
hemisphere, which stretches from the equinoctial to the
Arctic Pole, contains all which has been hitherto discovered
and peopled in Asia, Europe, and the chief part of Africa.
The remaining half, or southern hemisphere, which reaches
from the equinoctial to the Antarctic Pole, comprises part of
what we call America, and the whole of that Austral land.

4 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

the discovery and apostolic conquest of which is now treated
of. Now, if we except from this southern hemisphere all
that there is of Africa lying between the equinoctial line and
the Cape of Good Hope, and all that there is of Peru from
the parallel of the said equinoctial line, which passes near
Quito, dow^n to the straits of Magellan, and that small por-
tion of land which lies to the south of the strait, all the rest
of the firm land of the said southern hemisphere remains to
be discovered. Thus of the whole globe, there is little less
than one entire half which remains to be discovered, and to
have the gospel preached in it ; and this discovery and evan-
gelical conquest forms the principal part of the obligation
under which these kingdoms lie for the preaching of the
gospel to the gentiles, in conformity with the agreement
made with the Catholic Church and its head, the supreme
pontiffs Alexander VI and Paul III.

Some one will say, that what has been stated is contra-
dictory to what the Apostle understands as meant by the
Psalmist with reference to the preaching of the gospel,
where he says ; " Their sound is gone out into every land,
and their words unto the ends of the world." For the
Apostle, speaking of the conversion of the gentiles, says
thus : " How shall they call upon Him in whom they have
not believed? and how shall they believe in Him of whom
they have not heard ? or how shall they hear without a
preacher ? and how shall they preach except they be sent ?
As it is written, How beautiful are the feet of them that
preach the gospel of peace, and bring glad tidings of good
things," Then shortly after the Apostle saith : " But I say.
Have they not heard ? Yes verily, their sound is gone out
into all the earth, and their words unto the ends of the
world." According to which it seems that it must be af-
firmed, either that then or now the preaching of the gospel
has already had its course, and its voice gone out throughout
all the world, or that the gospel was to be only preached for

THE SOUTHEKN LAND. 5

tlic most part in the northern hemisphere and in some very
small part of the aforesaid lands of Africa and Peru in the
southern, and that in the remainder of the world there is no
population or discovered land- surface uncovered by water
where there could be populations or habitations, and thus
that the voice of the gospel has already run its course as far
as it can, and that in the rest of the southern hemisphere
there is no provision for it. To all this I reply, that these
words of the Psalmist were a prophecy of the preaching of
the gospel, speaking out of the past into the future with the
infallible certainty of prophecy. And although the Apostle,
in quoting the said passage of the Psalmist, seems to affirm
that already in his time the preaching of the gospel had had
its course throughout the world, it is to be understood that
he speaks in the sense of the aforesaid prophecy ; that the
preaching and the voice of the gospel had to run, and not
that it had already run throughout the whole of the globe,
since his quotation of the said passage of the Psalmist was
made at so early a period that the gospel was then preached
only in a small part of the northern hemisphere.

The passage of the Apostle where he so speaks may be
also thus understood : he could not say that the gentiles did
not hear the voice or word of the gospel to their conversion,
because already it has gone forth from the apostolic seminary
for the conversion of all the earth ; and in order that it may
reach to its boundaries, so that no portion of the gentiles
throughout the whole world should remain to which it should
not reach, and into which it should not penetrate. More-
over it may be understood in this sense, that he speaks of
the gentiles (after the consummation of the preaching of the
gospel) as placed at the divine tribunal, and as giving to
understand that those who would not be converted should
have no remission ; and on this point the Apostle puts the
following question : " Haply all have not heard the word of
the gospel, else if they had heard it would they not have em-

b A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

braced it ?" and that they had all heard it is a certain thing,
since the sound of the gospel voice has sounded throughout
all the earth ; so that in all these senses this expression of
the Apostle may be understood without opposition in any
way to the strictness of its genuine and literal meaning.
And if any one should say that the nearest explanation of the
passage would be, that the sound of the preaching of the
gospel might reach to the ends of the earth in the interval
which took place between the time when the Apostles went
forth to preach the gospel, after the Redeemer had gone
up to heaven, and the time when St. Paul said these words,
— the answer is, that although the preaching of the gospel
may have travelled far in the said interval, it did not extend
over any great part even of the northern hemisphere, as is
very manifest ; and thus the southern hemisphere still re-
mained, and has remained until now, without the voice of the
gospel being preached or sounded in it, always excepting
those parts of Africa and Peru which are comprehended
therein, but which, when its extent is considered, form a
very small part of it. Moreover, the equinoctial line, which
is, as it were, the boundary of the two hemispheres, may be
understood to represent the ends of the earth, to some parts
of which the preaching of the gospel might reach in the said
interval. But this is not contradictory to our proposition,
and if due consideration be given to the subject it will be
seen, that Christ our Redeemer has pointed out to us with
much clearness, that this preaching of the gospel in the
southern hemisphere shovild take place after that in the
north ; for in giving charge to His Apostles, and through
them to those apostolic men who should succeed them, that
they should preach the gospel, it appears that He gave them
to understand that that charge was principally and directly
given for the northern hemisphere ; for He spoke to them
in this manner : " Other sheep 1 have, which are not of this
fold : them also I must bring, and they shall hear my voice ;

THE SOUTHERN LAND, 7

and there shall be one fold, and one shepherd." Now al-
though some Greek and Latin doctors have understood that
by these two folds the Redeemer meant, firstly, that of the
Jews, who were to be brought into the Church, and who,
from the commencement of the preaching of the gospel,
would continue to be converted ; and secondly, that of the
gentiles, which He pointed out thus distinctly because it was
to be the principal fold ; yet the said passage is not well ex-
plained in this manner, as time and the progress of gospel
preaching have since shown ; and inasmuch as it would
follow from the said interpretation that, in some sense, the
Redeemer had committed to the Apostles the preaching to
the Jews only, and, as by original intention, reserved to
Himself the preaching to the gentiles ; that was not the case,
since the preaching to all the principal of the gentiles of the
northern hemisphere was divided among the Apostles, and,
in fact, they continued carrying out the injunction. The
subsequent election also of the Apostle who was the chosen
vessel for preaching to the gentiles, must be understood in
the same manner. Thus our Lord and Redeemer made a dis-
tinction in this passage between the two principal folds
which were to be brought into the pale of the Church. The
first, that of all the gentiles of the northern hemisphere, the
immediate preaching to whom was enjoined upon the Apo-
stles ; the other, that of the southern hemisphere, whose con-
version to our holy faith He appears to have reserved to
Himself when He says, that they should take care to bring
within the pale of the Church the sheep of the northern
hemisphere, and that He would take upon Himself the
charge of bringing in the others as in His own person. And
it is a very certain fact that that injunction is now in course
of being carried out, from the Franciscan order having gone
forth and undertaken the extension of this great enterprise.
For its seraphic and sovereign chief, the most glorious
patriarch St. Francis, possessed in his own person so express

O A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

and true an image of the Redeemer, that it might very well
be said that the fold of the southern hemisphere should be
brought in by Him in person, it being that which that ex-
alted patriarch reserved to himself to bring in to the pale of
the Church through the medium of the faithful sons of his
institute and order. Thus it is seen in this passage in how
great esteem the Almighty Lord held this extensive and
precious fold of the southern hemisphere, which His Church
hopes for ; since He says that the sheep thereof, as those
which are most chosen and drawn by His hand or by that
of His seraphic and sovereign standard bearer, are to hear
His voice with the most singular affection and devotion, re-
ceive His doctrine and faith and be most faithful to Him,
continuing always most constant and firm therein ; not like
those of the northern hemisphere, amongst whom there has
been so great a defection and apostasy, so great a number of
provinces of the northern hemisphere having deserted their
faith and apostatized. So that the Catholic faith, in the
purity in which the Apostles preached it, may be said to
remain only in that little portion which is governed by the
head of the Church and in these kingdoms of Spain, in
which the divine providence by such great means preserves
it as a chosen seminary and as a refined and pure plantation
of religion, from which it shoukl be transplanted to that
southern hemisphere. And thus the sovereign commission
to preach the gospel to the said southern hemisphere apper-
tained as of necessity to those kingdoms, as those which the
Redeemer had distinguished and preferred to the rest, in
order that they should attract that hemisphere, which is to
be the most enlightened of the Catholic and faithful fold of
His Church. Whence it follows, that the principal compact
and agreement into which these kingdoms have entered with
the Church in undertaking to preach the gospel, is directed
towards the preaching to the aforesaid southern hemisphere.
> Some one, however, may say in opposition to the above

THE SOUTHERN LAND. 9

arguments, that the commission which the Redeemer gave
to the Apostles to preach the gospel should be understood as
being general, and therefore applying to both hemispheres,
in accordance with what He said to them before He ascended
into heaven : " Go ye into all the world, and preach the
gospel to every creature." As also relates St. Matthew :
" All power is given to me in heaven and in earth. Go ye
therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name
of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." The
same also is written by the evangelist St. Luke. The answer
to all this is, that it in no sense contradicts the distinction
which has been made between the two principal folds of the
gentiles which had to be taken from these two hemispheres ;
for in the passages quoted, Christ our Redeemer speaks in
the persons of the Apostles, with all the apostolic men and
preachers of the gospel who were to succeed them until the
end of the world ; but that which He committed to them
bore immediate reference to the northern hemisphere, which
was that which they divided amongst themselves and where
they preached, for not one of the Apostles has been under-
stood to have passed to the southern hemisphere. The words
also which the Redeemer added in the abovementioned pas-
sage : " And there shall be one fold and one shepherd,"
prove that He there speaks of the fold which was to be con-
verted from the southern hemisphere ; because, until that
hemisphere be settled, the preaching of the gospel will not
have been consummated, and consequently the making one
fold of the two hemispheres under one shepherd cannot be
verified. Thus the conversion and spiritual and evangelical
conquest of the southern hemisphere has remained to be
effected by the Apostolic men of this kingdom.

Moreover, long ago, the Divine Majesty foretold this same
thing by the prophet Obadiah, who says thus : " The cap-
tivity of Jerusalem, which is in the Bosphorus, shall possess
the cities of the south, and Saviours shall come up on Mount

c

10 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

Sion to judge the Mount of Esau." And where our Vulgate
puts Bosphorus the Hebrew text says Sepharat, which signi-
fies Spain, according to the Chaldaic paraphrast and the
Sederholan of the Hebrews and Rabbi Zouathas Abenuciel
and many other Hebrews. And it is with much propriety
that, in the phice of Spain, our interpreter has put Bospho-
rus, for that word signifies the passage of an ox, that is to
say, a strait. Now there are in the Mediterranean three
straits of this name ; one is called the Thracian Bosphorus,
which is that of Constantinople, which is the passage from
the said Mediterranean to the Black Sea ; another is called
the Cimmerian Bosphorus, which is the passage from the
Black Sea to the Lake Meotis ; the third is the Gaditan
Bosphorus, which is the Strait of Gibraltar. When, there-
fore, hydrographers speak of the Bosphorus alone without
addition, it is understood to mean the principal one in the
Mediterranean, by which it communicates with the ocean,
and therefore the prophet Obadiah meant the same when he
said " the captivity of Jerusalem which is in the Bosphorus,"
that is to say, which is in Spain. But, as has been said, our
translator has with much propriety and in accordance with
the intention of the prophet, given Bosphorus as the render-
ing for the word Sepharat ; for although the transmigration
of Jerusalem which was in Spain was to possess the cities
of the south, its conquerors had to go forth principally I'rom
that part of Spain which is nearest to the Bosphorus or Strait
of Gibraltar, as is seen to be the case.

The literal meaning of this prophecy therefore is, that the
transmigration of Jerusalem which was in the Bosphorus,
that is to say, the Spaniards who have been the most constant
of the faithful, and to whom was transmitted the persever-
ance of the faith of Abraham and Jacob, are to possess the
cities of the south, that is to say, the southern hemisphere,
gaining over it a spiritual and apostolical conquest by the
preaching of the gospel. And then the saviours, who are

THE SOUTIIKRN LAND. 11

the preachers of the gospel and who bring salvation to the
gentile, shall come up on Mount Sion to judge the Mount of
Esau, which is as much as to say, they shall ascend to the
highest climax of the sovereign virtues, from whence they
shall announce to the gentiles the true knowledge of their
Creator and Redeemer. And thus they shall judge them by
condemning and extirpating their errors, and reducing them
to the purity of our holy faith. After their conversion also,
they shall judge them at the divine tribunal of the sacrament
of penitence. The prophet concludes by saying : " And the
kingdom shall be the Lord's." For when these Catholic
kingdoms shall have drawn to the faith this southern hemi-
sphere and shall have proclaimed and sung this glorious
victory, the Redeemer will have made perfect the kingdom
of His Church, which now is defective in the greatest part
from not having accomplished this grand object. Hence it
may be gathered how great a service this will be to the
Redeemer, and how blessed will be the prince of this
monarchy who shall undertake and complete it. Thus it has
been seen that the prophet Obadiah prophecied to the letter
the conquest and spiritual possession of the southern hemi-
sphere, through the medium of the preaching of the gospel
by the Spanish nation, which has preserved in its integrity
the faith of the Redeemer and of His Catholic Church.

Some have asked, as already pointed out, whether the south-
ern hemisphere be not all water, forming, as it were, a great
part of the ocean, so as to leave but little of the surface of
the earth in it uncovered. The reply to this is, that, accord-
ing to what we are taught by sacred writ and by philosophi-
cal reasoning, there is proportiouably as great a surface of
land uncovered in the southern hemisphere as in the north-
ern. For the fiat of the Creator, that the waters should be
collected into certain hollows of the earth, in order that there
should remain uncovered the portion that was necessary for
the production of vegetation, as where He says in Genesis

12 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

the 1st : '' Let the waters under the heaven be gathered toge-
ther into one place, and let the dry land appear," supposes
this water to have been created an entire orb, which covered
and surrounded the whole of the earth, in the same manner
as we reckon the positions of the elements ; the land the
lowest, in the middle of which is the centre of the whole
elementary and celestial machine, then the water, and after
that the air and igneous substance or the fire, which reaches
its culmination or convex part in the concave of the celes-
tial firmament. Then if, when God commanded that the
waters should be gathered together, it was to be understood
solely with reference to the northern hemisphere, the water
in the southern hemisphere would remain as it was, sur-
rounding and covering all, and the whole sphere of water
could not be contained beneath one spherical surface
equidistant to the centre of gravity, which always seeks to
be united with the centre of the whole machine. And thus
all the water of the southern hemisphere would be more
remote from the said centre than that of the other hemi-
sphere, Avithout being contained in any sinus, and thus
would be much higher, and naturally could not contain itself
without flowing towards the other hemisphere, until it placed
itself in equilibrium with the said centre of gra\dty ; as is
plainly gathered from the demonstration of Archimedes, in
his work " De Insidentibus Aquaj," and is manifestly seen
in the ebb and flow of the ocean ; in which it is observed,
that when the water rises above the surface of equidistance
from its centre of gravity, it immediately outflows its ordi-
nary limits until it finds its level with that surface ; so that
the gathering together of the waters was proportional in the
two halves of the sphere of earth and water, gathering itself
into certain hollows of the earth, which also have their means
of correspondence between the two hemispheres. For as
the quiet and equilibrium of the parts of the earth and water
with respect to the centre of gravity consist in the equal

THE SOUTIlKItN LAND. 13

tendencies of the opposite parts towards the same centre, it
follows that the sinuses or receptacles of water in the one half
are nearly proportioned in their position and other respects
to those of the other. From all which it follows, that in the
southern hemisphere there is an uncovered surface of land
cori-cspondent,or nearly so, to that which has been discovered
in the northern hemisphere.

If any one should say in opposition to the above argu-
ment, that the Psalmist appears to assert that the hemisphere
opposite to the northern was entirely covered with water,
when he says : " Who stretcheth out the earth above the
waters, for His mercy endureth for ever;" — in which the real
meaning of the royal prophet would seem to be, that that
half of the earth which is between the equinoctial and the
Arctic pole was that which was peopled, and that, as by a
miracle, all the earth was stretched out above the waters,
which covered the other half as far as the Antarctic pole
— the answer is, that the Psalmist does not intend to say
absolutely that the earth is stretched out above the waters ;
for that is impossible, since these two bodies, earth and water,
gravitate towards the centre of gravity, which is that of the
mass or sphere of land and water, and thus of necessity the
water upon the earth is contained in its hollows ; but, as by
an allegory, he said that it might seem to those who inhabit
the one hemisphere, that the land was stretched upon the
waters which extended towards the other hemisphere, as it
is our custom in imagination to think that the antipodes arc
below those to whom they are antipodes, it being in con-
formity to the law of gravitation that both one and the other
are alike uppermost, and the lower part, which is the centre
of gravity, towards which both incline, is common to all.

And thus, in agreement with this, the same prophet, speak-
ing of the divine foundation of the earth, says also in another
place : " Who hath founded the earth upon its own stability,
that it shall not be moved for ever ;" which was as much as

14 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

to say, that the earth has no other stability or foundation for its
remaining in the position in which it is but its own stability,
which consists in the equal tendencies of its opposite parts
towards the centre of gravity, a law to which the water also
is subjected, and, as it rests upon the earth, it keeps the same
relation to the centre of gravity ; from all which results the
aforesaid equalization of the whole mass of earth and water to
that centre, and in this consists its stability. Hence it follows
that the Psalmist, in the passage first quoted, spoke generally
of the two hemispheres ; since the inhabitants of each one
might imagine to themselves that all the earth of that hemi-
sphere was kept in its place by the water contained in the
hollows of the other. The expression that the earth never
shall move at any time, implies that it is naturally impossible
that its centre of gravity should be moved from the centre of
the entire elementary and celestial system, for that would be
that gravitation should ascend or move upwards. Hence the
statement of the Psalmist in no Avay opposes Avhat has been
demonstrated, that there is as much surface of land unco-
vered and free from watci' in the southern hemisphere as
there is in the northern.

Also, if we recur to the celestial influences which, in regard
to temperature, affect the earth and water with dryness and
cold, heat and moisture, cold and moisture, and heat and dry-
ness, and cause some parts of the earth to be uncovered by
water and to be kept dry, while others remain under water ;
these are the influences of the fixed stars, which are vertical
to the southern hemisphere, and as efficacious as those of the
northern hemisphere for keeping the parts of the said south-
ern hemisphere dry, uncovered, and habitable, as may be
proved by observing the celestial objects which correspond to
each hemisphere ; when it will be seen that, of the forty-eight
fixed stars, four-and-twenty correspond to each hemisphere,
and also of the twelve signs of the zodiac, six belong to
each ; so that it cannot be doubted that there is in the south-

THE SOL'TIIKKN LAND. 15

cni hemisphere at least as great a part of the earth's surface
Tincovcred as in the north. Now it is consequently manifest
that this part of the earth is as fertile and habitable as the
northern hemisphere, for the south has of necessity the same
distribution of zones as the north ; that is to say, half of the
torrid zone from the equinoctial line to the tropic of Capri-
corn, then the temperate zone from that to the Antarctic circle,
and then that which lies between the Antarctic circle and
the Antarctic pole ; and those zones in the two hemispheres
which correspond to each other, have (allowance being made
for the natural motion of the sun through the ecliptic) the
same, or nearly the same temperature, excepting such dif-
ferences as are caused by certain vertical stars and the vari-
ous form, arrangement, and temperament of the land, from
which it occurs that in the hottest part of a zone there are
some spots very temperate and cool. And thus in those
zones which are generally cold, there are some parts which
are milder and very free from the severity of the cold. And
if particular consideration be given to the influences pro-
duced on temperature by the constellations belonging to the
southern hemisphere, it will be found that there are lands in
it, not only as habitable, but much more so than in the other
hemisphere ; and it has been seen by experience, from the
discoveries which have been made in that half of the torrid
zone which is south of the equator, that whereas the ancients
considered its heat to be so excessive that it was utterly
uninhabitable, there have been found in it parts as habitable
and of as mild a temperature as in the most temperate and
habitable parts of Spain. This has been shown in the coun-
try of the Baia de Sanfelipe y Santiago, discovered by cap-
tain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, which is very near to the
middle of the southern half of the torrid zone, where, in the
month of May, was found the same mildness of temperature,
the same songs of birds in the twilight, the same agreeable-
ness and delight in the softness of the air, as is found in

16 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

Spain in the mildest and most refreshing season of spring.
And akhough, in the middle of the time that they were in
the bay, the sun went down about twenty degrees to the
north, which, together with the fifteen or twenty minutes of
the latitude of the bay, made their distance from the sun,
which was in the south of the zenith, little more than twenty-
five degrees, and thus fifty-five of southern altitude ; yet was
the temperature extremely mild for a situation so near to the
middle of the southern half of the torrid zone. But in other
islands which they discovered in the same southern half of
the torrid zone, when the sun stood in southern signs for
January, February, and March, being vertical or very near
the vertex or zenith of those islands, there was not felt greater
heat there than in our summer, nor, indeed, did there appear
to have been so much on those occasions when they went on
shore for the purpose of taking in water.

By the same reasoning it is shown, that the land of the
southern hemisphere is greatly stored with metals and rich
in precious stones and pearls, fruits and animals ; and from
the discoveries and investigations which have been already
made in this southern hemisphere, there has been found such
fertility, so great plenty and abundance of animals, swine,
oxen, and other beasts of dififerent kinds fit for the susten-
ance of man as has never been seen in our Europe ; also of
birds and fishes of different species, and, amongst them all,
those which we most value as wholesome and delicate on the
shores of our own ocean ; and fruits, some of which we al-
ready know, and others of different kinds, all which may
well excite the greatest admiration, as has been related in
detail in the treatise referred to at the beginning of this
memorial.

It must be observed that, although the arguments we have
hitherto advanced refer to the entire southern hemisphere, yet
that which we now propose to have explored, discovered, and
evangelically subdued, is that part of the said hemisphere

TIIE SOUTH EIIN LAND. IT

Avliich lies in the Pacific Ocean, between the longitude of the
coast of Peru, as far as the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago
and the longitude which remains up to Bachan and Ternate,
in which longitude the following most remarkable discove-
ries have already been made. The adclantado Alvaro Men-
dana de Meyra first discovered New Guadalcanal, which is
a very large island very near New Guinea ; and some have
imagined that what Mendana called New Guadalcanal was
part of New Guinea, but this is of no consequence whatever.
New Guinea belongs also to the southern hemisphere, and was
discovered some time before ; and almost all of it has been
since discovered on the outside [the northern side]. It is
a country encompassed with Avater,^ and, according to the
greater number of those who have seen it, it is seven hundred
leagues in circuit : others make it much more : we do not
give a close calculation here, because what has been said is
sufficient for the intention of this discourse. The rest will
be said in its proper place. The middle of those great islands
are in from thirteen to fourteen degrees of south latitude.
The adelantado Mendana afterwards discovered the archi-
pelago of islands which he called the Islands of Solomon,
■whereof, great and small, he saw thirty- three of very fine ap-
pearance, the middle of which was, according to his account,
in eleven degrees south latitude. After this he discovered,
in the year 1565, the island of San Christobal, not far from
the said archipelago, the middle of which was in from seven

^ Dalrymple, in quoting this passage, thinks that the word " Aislada",
here translated according to its general meaning, " encompassed with
water", in this place rather signifies " separated into islands". This sug-
gestion is, however, entirely arbitrary, and even in contradiction to the
context, which states the supposed circuit of the island. Even in maps an-
terior to the voyage of Torres, as, for example, Hondius's Mappemonde,
showing Drake's track round the world, published in the Hakluyt
Society's edition of Drake's World Bncompassed, New Guinea is laid
down as an island, although it is true that in much later maps the point
is spoken of as doubtful. Meanwhile, the editor sees no reason to de-
viate from the recognized rendering of the word " Aislada".

D

18 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

to eight degrees of south latitude. The island was one hun-
dred and ten leagues in circuit. Subsequently, in the year
'95, the said adelantado sailed for the last time from Peru,
taking with him for his chief pilot the Pedro Fernandez de
Quiros, with the purpose of colonizing the island of San
Christobal, and from thence attempting the discovery of the
southern terra firma. He shortly after discovered, to the
east of the said island of San Christobal, the island of Santa
Cruz, in ten degrees south latitude. The island was more
than one hundred leagues in circuit, very fertile and popu-
lous, as, indeed, appeared all those islands which we have
mentioned, and most of them of very beautiful aspect. In
this island of Santa Cruz the adelantado had such great
contentions with his soldiers, that he had some of the chief
of them killed, because he understood that they intended
to mutiny, and in a few days after he died. "Whereupon,
as the admiral of the fleet had parted company a short time
before they had reached the said island, the whole project
was frustrated, and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros took Doiia
Isabel Garreto, the wife of the adelantado, and the remain-
der of the fleet to Manilla.

Some time afterwards Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, being
at Valladolid, came to this court to petition for the same dis-
covery, and was dispatched to the viceroy of Peru, who was
to supply him with all that was requisite. He sailed from
Lima in January of the year 1G05, with three vessels, the
Capitana, the Almiranta, and one Zabra, with Luis Vaez
de Torres for his admiral, in order to colonize the island of
Santa Cruz, and to follow out the intentions of the adelan-
tado Mendana. After discovering in this voyage many
ishinds and islets, he put in at the island of Taumaco, which
is from eight to nine leagues in circuit, in ten degrees south
latitude, and about one thousand seven hundred leagues dis-
tant from Lima, which is about eighty leagues to the cast-
ward of the island of Santa Cruz, The cacique or chief of

THE SOUTHERN LAND. 19

Taumaco informed him, as well as lie could mal<c himself
understood, that if he sought the coast of the great Terra
Firma, he would light upon it sooner by going to the south
than to the island of Santa Cruz ; for in the south there were
lands very fertile and populous, and running down to a
great depth towards the said south. In consequence of which
Pedro Eernandez de Quiros abandoned his idea of going
to colonize the island of Santa Cruz, and sailed southward
with a slight variation to the south-west, discovering many
islands and islets, which were very populous and of pleas-
ing a^Dpearancc, until, in fifteen degrees and twenty minutes
south, he discovered the land of the Baia de San Felipe y
Santiago, which, on the side that he first came upon, ran from
east to west. It appeared to be more than one hundred
leagues long ; the country was very populous, and, although
the people were dark, they were very Avell favoured ; there
were also many plantations of trees, and the temperature was
so mild that they seemed to be in Paradise ; the air, also,
was so healthy, that in a few days after they arrived all the
men who were sick recovered. The land produced most
abundantly many kinds of very delicious fruits, as well as
animals and birds in great variety. The bay, also, was no
less abundant in fish of excellent flavour, and of all the kinds
wdrich are found on the coast of the sea in Spain. The
Indians ate for bread certain roots like the batata, either
roasted or boiled, which when the Spaniards tasted they
found them better eating and more sustaining than biscuit.

For certain reasons (they ought to have been very weighty)
which hitherto have not been ascertained with entire cer-
tainty, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros left the Almiranta and
the Zabra in the said bay, and himself sailed with his ship,
the Capitana, for Mexico, from whence he again came to
this court to advocate anew the colonization of that land,
and was again sent back to the viceroy of Peru, and died at
Panama on his return voyage to Lima. The admiral Luis

20 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

Vaez de Torres being left in the bay and most disconsolate
for the loss of the Capitana, resolved, with the consent of his
companions, to continue the discovery. Being prevented by
stress of weather from making the circuit of the land of the
Baia, to see whether it were an island or mainland as they
had imagined, and finding himself in great straits in twenty-
one degrees south, to which high latitude he had persevered
in sailing in about a south-westerly direction from the fifteen
or twenty minutes south in which lay the aforesaid Baia, he
put back to the north-west and north-east up to fourteen
degrees, in which he sighted a very extensive coast, which
he took for that of New Guadalcanal ; from thence he sailed
westwards, having constantly on the right hand the coast
of atiother very great land, xohich he continued coasting,
according to his oicn reckoning, more than six hundred
leagues, having it still to the right hand^ (in which course
may be understood to be comprehended New Guadalcanal
and New Guinea). Along the same coast he discovered a
great diversity of islands. The whole country was very
fertile and populous ; he continued his voyage on to Bachan
and Ternate, and from thence to Manilla, which was the
end of this discovery.

There was also a pilot named Juan Fernandez, who dis-
covered the track from Lima to Chili by going to the west-
ward (which till then had been made with much difficulty, as
they kept along shore, where the southerly winds almost
constantly prevail) : he sailing from the coast of Chili about
the latitude of forty degrees, little more or less, in a small
ship, with some of his companions, in courses between west
and south-west, was brought in a month's time to what was,
to the best of their judgment, a very fertile and agreeable
continent, inhabited by a white and well-proportioned people,

' It is from this sentence that Dalrympic observed the passage of
Torres through these dangerous straits, and consccj[uently gave to them
the name of tliat navigator.

THE SOUTHERN T,AND, . 21

of our own height, well clad, and of so peaceable and gentle a
disposition that, in every way they could express, they
showed the greatest hospitality, both with respect to the
fruits and productions of their country, which appeared in
every respect very rich and plentiful. But (being overjoyed
to have discovered the coast of that great and so much desired
continent) he returned to Chili, intending to go back properly
fitted, and to keep it a secret till they and their friends
could return on the discovery. It was delayed from day to
day till Juan Fernandez died, when, with his death, this
important matter fell to the ground.

In regard to this subject it must be observed, that many
have related this discovery of Juan Fernandez in the fol-
lowing manner, affirming that they had it thus from him-
self, viz. : That going to the westward from Lima, to dis-
cover the track to Chili, waiting their opportunity and
getting off shore (where the winds almost always are south-
erly), a certain space of longitude (which he would, at a
proper time, declare) ; and then standing south, with little
deviation to the adjoining points, he discovered the said
coast of the southern continent in the latitude (which he
would also tell when expedient), from whence he made his
voyage to Chili.

Other relations, very worthy of credit, give this disco-
very as before described ; but whether it happened in this
or the other manner, or whether there were two different
discourses, it is a very certain fact that he did discover the
coast of the southern land ; for it has been thus certified by
persons of great credit and authority, to whom the said Juan
Fernandez communicated the account, with the above-men-
tioned proofs and details of the country and the people thus
discovered : and one of these witnesses, who made a state-
ment thereof here to Your Majesty, as having heard it from
the said pilot, and seen the description he brought of the said
coast, was the Maestre del Campo Cortes, a man as worthy

S5» A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

of credit as any that is known, and who has been employed
in Chili nearly sixty years.

When Pedro Fernandez de Quiros sailed from the coast
of Peru, he followed nearly the same track until he reached
the latitude of twenty-six degrees, when his companions, aiid
especially his admiral, earnestly advised him to continue on
until he reached forty degrees, as the most reasonable means
of finding the continent which they had come in search of.
This, for certain considerations he refused, being appre-
hensive of unfavourable weather, as he saw that the sun
already began to decline towards the equinoctial ; but in this
refusal he made a great mistake.

That which we have above related, is the most noticeable
thing which has hitherto been effected in the shape of dis-
covery in the southern hemisphere in the said longitude in
the Pacific ; and although, with the exception of the dis-
covery made by the pilot Juan Fernandez, no satisfactory
examination of the coast of the much-sought-for great south-
ern continent has been eflfected, yet, doubtless, the aforesaid
voyage failed but little of finding it, and it is either by negli-
gence or by carelessness, and, it may be said, by the acknow-
ledged blunders of some of the adventurers that it has not
yet been discovered, for in their explorations they saw very
great and manifest signs of a most extensive continent ; and
when Pedro Fernandez de Quiros reached the aforesaid
twenty-six degrees they saw to the south very extensive and
thick banks of clouds in the horizon, and other well known
signs of mainland, and also a little islet, in which were
various kinds of birds of very sweet song, which never sing
nor are found at any great distance from the coast of the main-
land. They discovered afterwards some islands, still very
remote from the coast of Peru and Mexico, inhabited by
races very different in feature, form, stature, colour, and
language from the Indians of Peru and Mexico, which, ap-
parently, could not have been peopled but from the coast of

THE SOUTHERN LAND. 23

the southern contment. And in other ishinds which Pedro
Fernandez de Quiros discovered in the same voyage, long
before he discovered that of Taumaco, he stated that he saw-
some boys as fair and ruddy as Flemings, amongst the
natives of the islands who were almost swarthy, and they
said by signs that they brought those whites from a more
southern latitude. Nearly the same thing was met with by
the adelantado Alvaro de Mendaaa, in some island which he
discovered before he reached San Christobal and Santa Cruz,
as in those which he called the four Marquesas de Mendoza
and others, in which there were the same reasons for pre-
suming that they could not have been peopled from the
coasts of Peru and Mexico, but from the southern land ; not
only from the distance from those countries, but from the
great difference of the natives from the Indians of Peru and
Mexico, and because when questioned by signs they had no
knowledge of any land towards Mexico or Peru, and all
seemed to point towards the south.

It is of great importance towards the same argument, to
take into consideration the often confirmed indications given
by the Indians of Taumaco of there being a deep and spa-
cious, populous and fertile continent towards the south. The
land also of the Baia de San Felipe y Santiago showed very
great signs of its being the coast of the southern continent,
as much by its great extent as by there being visible from it,
looming at a great distance, cordilleras of very lofty moun-
tains of very agreeable aspect ; and by the fact of two rivers
falling into the bay, one as large as the Guadalquiver, and
the other not quite so broad, all signs of a continent, or at
least of a very spacious and deep country approaching to a
continent.

jNIany spacious rivers were also seen to discharge them-
selves along the coast which the pilot Juan Fernandez dis-
covered, from which and from the signs of the natives, and
from the people being so white, so well clad, and in all other

24 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

respects so different from those of Chili and Peru, it was
taken for certain that it was the coast of the southern conti-
nent, and seemed to be far better and richer than that of
Peru. Besides all this, the great number of large islands
which, as has been stated, have been discovered on voyages
from the coast of Peru, made with the object of discover-
ing the southern land, are necessarily the evidences of the
proximity of a very large and not very distant continent, as
we see in the islands of the archipelago of San Lazaro, near
which are the Phillippines, the Moluccas, Amboina, those
of Banda,^ the Javas, and many others in their neighbour-
hood, which are the evidences of the proximity of the great
coast of the continent of Asia ; I now allude to India beyond
the Ganges, the kingdoms of Siam and Cambodia, that of
the Great Mogul and China, leaving out what lies more to
the westward.

From all which it follows how infallibly certain is the great-
ness, populousness, fertility, and riches of the southern conti-
nent, and how readily, according to what has been above de-
monstrated, it may be discovered and subjected to an evangeli-
cal and spiritual conquest, by which may be attracted to our
Mother, the Catholic Church, millions upon millions of most
faithful and sincere sons as the result of this mighty evan-
gelical conquest. And if the vast extent of the southern
continent of which we have been writing, were not such as
it has thus evidently been shown to be, for planting therein
the purity of our holy and Catholic religion, nevertheless
we have in that portion of the southern hemisphere which
we have already seen and visited, if we take into considera-
tion all the above-mentioned islands, more land than half of
Europe, and as rich, populous, and fertile, in which there is
the full harvest of which Christ our Lord and treasure
spoke, to be cultivated by the holy labourers and preachers
of His gospel.

' Printed in the original thus, " Bandalaizavas", probably misprinted
for Bauda, las Zavas, or Javas,

THE SOUTIIKUN LAND. 25

Your Majesty ought to give much consideration to the
fact that Christ our Kecleemcr and supreme good, when He
finished the period of His first coming, recommended to His
Apostles with the greatest strictness the preaching of His
gospel, as the principal means by which the redemption of
the human race, which had cost him so much, was to receive
its consummation. For this cause it was the last charge He
gave to them, that they might understand that it was the
principal service they had to render Him, and for which He
had chosen them. Immediately after so doing He ascended
up to heaven, to give to His most holy humanity the seat
of ineffable glory at the right hand of His Father, and re-
ceive the crown of the sovereign and universal empire over
heaven and earth, as is shown by the evangelist St. Mark in
the passage quoted above : " And He said unto them. Go
ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every crea-
ture. He that believeth and is baptised shall be saved."
And after He " had spoken unto them He was received up
into heaven, and sat on the right hand of God. And they
went forth, and preached everywhere, the Lord working
with them." Thus also should Your Majesty set the eyes
of your heart upon the consummation of the preaching of
the gospel in the southern hemisphere, which this same
Lord is now recounting to you, with the crown of the uni-
versal empire of the globe in His hand, ready to place it
upon your head, if you value, as it should be valued, this
Divine commission, and execute it with that zeal and devo-
tion which the charge enjoins. But if, which God forbid,
Your Majesty should not accept this commission, or with-
hold the said zeal from the undertaking, it would doubtless
be the greatest disaster that could happen to this kingdom,
and the most certain sign that God is withdrawing his Hand
from us ; and even already it seems that this withdrawal has
fallen upon us, in that we are not attempting a task which ap-
plies to us so well, and which so much concerns these king-

E

26 A IMEMORIAL KESPEf'TINO

doms and all Your Majesty's possessions. And we do not seem
to bethink ourselves that, in neglecting and crushing so
great an enterprise, our most culpable and persevering re-
missness brings upon us this grievous and abiding calamity,
which we shall realize with greater certainty when we have
to repair such great losses, for w^e shall have to effect all our
conversions amidst great blindness and error.

Meanwhile Your Majesty might not apprehend how that
this proposition is the most important that could be made
for the w^elfare of your crown, and that its most speedy and
faithful execution should be carried out with the same fer-
vour and zeal as was shown at the commencement by your
most Christian predecessors the Catholic kings, who fre-
quently declared that, when other means failed, they them-
selves would go forth to carry it into effect. By this means
will Your Majesty return to find the road which they fol-
lowed, and by which they brought their kingdom to so great
a height of prosperity, from which exalted height it has,
through the loss of time and through repeated blunders and
hindrances, continued falling, until we have reached such
a point that the most inconsiderable nations of Europe,
whom we formerly held beneath our feet, now look upon us
as an oppressed and afflicted nation and of small account,
which is a horrible fact, and an easily recognizable effect of
the divine indignation for the aforesaid cause, and there is
no one who correctly reasons upon this subject but will come
to the same conclusion.

Let me also invite Your Majesty's attention to the words
of the Apostle in the passage quoted above : *' How shall
they believe in Him of whom they have not heard ? and
how shall they hear without a preacher ? and how shall they
preach except they be sent ?" And let Your Majesty take
into account that the Apostle is speaking with Your Majesty
yourself, and with your kingdoms, with reference to this
very point, in as much as the charge has been given for

THE SOUTHKKN LAND, 27

preaching to the entire southern hemisphere, and especially
to that which lies in the Pacific Ocean, and without allowinir
that any other Christian prince should go or send preachers
hither.^ If Your Majesty do not send them, how shall they
have any knowledge of their Redeemer and be converted to
Him ? And as the charge was given that these gentiles were
to be converted. Your Majesty and your Crown will be
principally responsible for their conversion, for you will be
the immediate cause of that infinite number of gentiles not
hearing the word of the gospel or knowing their Redeemer ;
for as they should know Him, who is it that, if j)reachers
are not sent, has the guilt of not sending them, and not
allowing others to send them? May Your Majesty ponder
much upon this matter, for it touches nothing less than your
salvation and the final loss of your crown, if we do not per-
fectly discharge this most righteous duty, and acquit this
most heavy debt to our Lord and Redeemer, by sending, as
speedily as possible to the southern hemisphere, a sufficient
number of preachers of the gospel.

May Your Majesty give no heed to the plausible argu-
ments which some may perhaps advance, with some show of
political consideration, that Your Majesty is not in a condi-
tion to undertake the conquest of new kingdoms of such
great extent and so far off, but will have enough to do to
keep those which you already have. There will also not be
wanting men learned in the scriptures, who will prove from
them that Your Majesty may disregard the fulfilment of an
obligation so distinct, and may withdraw from the contract
you have made with the Redeemer, through the medium of
His vicar and the head of His Church. May Your Majesty

^ We presume that the eccentric argument here advanced, is based
upon the inference deduced by the writer at the commencement of this
memorial, from the peculiar use in sacred writ of the word " Sepharat,"
rendered in Latin " Bosphorus," the especial meaning is there discussed.
See page lo.

28 A MEMORIAL RESPECTING

give no heed to this, but abominate it as mischievous to your
greatness, your conscience, and to your crown. For this
conquest is to be a spiritual and evangelical one, and by no
means entailing, as is supposed, any considerable expense
upon Your Majesty, nor a matter which can divert you
from walking conformably to the dictates of the Apostle.
But rather, in order to secure Your Majesty the restoration
and increase of your royal power to the extent of your de-
sires, may Your Majesty give the attention of your exalted
understanding to the words of the Apostle to his disciple
Timothy, as if he had addressed them personally to Your
Majesty : " For the time will come (please God that it may
not be that in which we live) when they who are under an
obligation to follow sound doctrine so important as this, not
only do not receive it, but cannot endure it, heaping up to
themselves the opinions of men with the title of teachers,
who thereby only flatter them and conform to their wishes,
turning away their ears from the truth and changing it into
fables." For such are the superficial arguments of expe-
diency for reasons of state which are advanced in opposition
to the extension of the Catholic Church and the increase of
our holy faith. The Apostle then says, and we may reason-
ably understand him as on the present occasion addressing
himself to Your Majesty : " But do thou (who, as sovereign
prince of this Catholic monarchy, and as having made a con-
tract with the King of kings, art pledged by promise to the
completing of the preaching of the gospel), abominating
those who shall propose to thee the contrary, watch day and
night over the fulfilment of this glorious and important
obligation, labour as much as lieth in you that it may by all
I^ossible means be accomplished, do the work of an evan-
gelist ; for as the evangelists wrote the gospel in order that
thou mightest cause it to be preached to the gentiles, do
thou after thy manner perform the same office which they
performed in preaching. Placing great value on the fiict

THE SOUTHERN LAND. 29

that the Redeemer would not entrust the charge to any-
other prince but to thy illustrious house, do thou give all
thy strength to the full and perfect completion of this grand
and exalted ministry, so that no gap be left." By so doing
Your Majesty will be able to say at the day of account,
that which immediately afterwards is said by the Apostle :
" Bonum certamen certavi, cursum consummavi, fidem scr-
vavi ; in reliquo rejjosita est mihi corona justitias, quam
reddet mihi Dominus in ilia die Justus judex, non solum
autem mihi, sed his qui diligunt adventum ejus." I have
fought the good fight gloriously, overcoming the greater
power of Lucifer, liberating from his tyrannical and abomi-
nable servitude so great a number of millions of souls in the
southern hemisphere, which would have been lost and would
have lost the Redeemer, who laid upon me the charge of
this great and heroic deed ; I have finished most faithfully
my course ; I have kept His faith pure in this Catholic semi-
nary of my kingdom, and have transplanted it with the same
purity into the hearts of the infinite number of gentiles which
dwell in that spacious fold ; and thus may I justly hope
from the hand of the King Eternal, in the great day of the
universal account, the glorious and blessed crown of righ-
teousness (which the Apostle hoped for himself) from having
rendered this service, the most acceptable which any king
or prince of the world shall have rendered to the Divine
Majesty. The same Apostle afterwards goes on to say, that
not only would it be given to him, but to all those that love
the coming of the just Judge, which are those who hold
in such account the fulfilment of their obligations, and espe-
cially of so heavenly an one as this, that they may justly
hope for the reward of that unspeakably glorious crown.
Your Majesty may^ also entertain a like security of hope
that, if the present proposition and prayer be accepted and
undertaken with the earnest promptitude which, as has been
shown, is enjoined upon you, there will be added to your

30 A ISIE.MORIAL RESPECTING, ETC.

present enjoyment of these Catholic kingdoms, and of the
other possessions of your monarchy, every possible exalta-
tion and aggrandisement, which is the most affectionate
desire of Your Majesty's faithful subjects and servants.

RELATION OF LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES, CONCERNING

THE DISCOVERIES OF QUIROS, AS HIS ALMIRANTE.

DATED MANILA, JULY 12th, 1607.

A TRANSLATION, NEARLY LITERAL, BY ALEXANDER DALRYMPLE,
ESQ., FROM A SPANISH MANUSCRIPT COPY IN HIS

POSSESSION.

[First printed in Burney's Discoveries in the South Sea.
Part 2, p. 467. London, 1806. 4to.]

Being in this city of Manila, at the end of a year and a half
of navigation and making discovery of the lands and seas in
the southern parts ; and seeing that the E-oyal Audience of
Manila have not hitherto thought proper to give me dis-
patches for completing the voyage as Your Majesty com-
manded, and as I was in hopes of being the first to give
yourself a relation of the discovery, etc. ; but being detained
here, and not knowing if, in this city of Manila, 1 shall
receive my dispatches, I have thought proper to send Your
Majesty Fray Juan de Merlo, of the order of San Francisco,
one of the three religious who were on board with me, who
having been an eye-witness, will give a full relation to Your
Majesty. The account from me is the following.

We sailed from Callao, in Peru, December 21st, 1605,
with two ships and a launch, under the command of Captain
Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, and I for his almirante ; and
without losing company, we stood W.S.W,, and went on
this course 800 leagues.

dZ RELATION OF

In latitude 26° S., it appeared proper to our commander
not to pass that latitude, because of changes in the weather :
on which account I gave a declaration under my hand that
it was not a thing obvious that we ought to diminish our
latitude, if the season would allow, till we got beyond 30
degrees. My opinion had no effect ; for from the said 26° S.,
we decreased our latitude in a W.N.W. course to 24^° S.
In this situation we found a small low island, about two
leagues long, uninhabited and without anchoring ground.

From hence we sailed W. by N. to 24° S. In this situa-
tion we found another island, uninhabited, and without
anchorage. It was about ten leagues in circumference. We
named it San Valerie.

From hence we sailed W. by N. one day, and then
AV.N.W. to 21 g° S., where we found another small low
island without soundings, uninhabited, and divided into
pieces.

We passed on in the same course, and sailed twenty-five
leagues : we found four islands in a triangle, five or six
leagues each ; low, uninhabited, and without soundings. We
named them las Virgines (the Virgins). Here the variation
was north-easterly.

From hence we sailed N.W. to 19° S. In this situation
we saw a small island to the eastward, about three leagues
distant. It appeared like those we had passed. We named
it Sta. Polonia.

Diminishing our latitude from hence half a degree we
saw a low island, with a point to the S.E., full of palms : it
is in 185° S. We arrived at it. It had no anchorage. We
saw people on the beach : the boats went to the shore, and
when they reached it, they could not land on account of the
great surf and rocks. The Indians called to thcui from the
land : two Spaniards swam ashore : these they received well,
throwing their arms upon the ground, and embraced them
and kissed them in the face. On this friendship, a chief

T,UIS VAKZ DE TORRES. 33

among them came on board the Capitana to converse, and
an old woman ; who were cloathed, and other presents were
made to them, and they returned ashore presently, for they
were in great fear. In return for these good offices they
sent a heap, or locks of hair, and some bad feathers, and
some wrought pearl oyster shells : these were all their valu-
ables. They were a savage people, mulattoes, and corpu-
lent : the arms they use are lances, very long and thick. As
we could not land nor get anchoring ground, we passed on,
steering W.N.W.

We went in this direction from that island, getting sight
of land. We could not reach it from the first, on account
of the wind being contrary and strong with much rain : it
M'as all of it very low, so as in parts to be overflowed.

From this place in 16^° S., we stood N.W. by N. to
lOf ° S. In this situation we saw an island, which was sup-
posed to be that of San Bernardo, because it was in pieces :
but it was not San Bernardo, from what we afterwards saw.
We did not find anchoring grou.nd at it, though the boats
went on shore to search for water, which we were in want
of, but could not find any : they only found some cocoa-nut
trees, though small. Our commander seeing we wanted
water, agreed that we should go to the island Santa Cruz,
where he had been with the adelantado Alvaro de Mendana,
saying we might there supply ourselves with water and
wood, and then he would determine what was most expe-
dient for Your Majesty's service. The crew of the Ccqntana
at this time were mutinous, designing to go directly to
Manila : on this account he sent the chief pilot a prisoner on
board my ship, without doing anything farther to him or
others, though I strongly importuned him to punish them,
or give me leave to punish them ; but he did not choose to
do it, from whence succeeded what Your Majesty knows,
since they made him turn from the course [voyage], as will
be mentioned, and he has probably said at Your Majesty's
court. F

34 RELATION OF

We sailed from the above island "VV. by N., and found
nearly a point easterly variation. We continued this course
till in full 10° S. latitude. In this situation we found a low
island of five or six leagues, overflowed and without sound-
ings : it was inhabited, the people and arms like those we
had left, but their vessels were diff'erent. They came close
to the ship, talking to us and taking what we gave them,
begging more, and stealing what was hanging to the ship,
throwing lances, thinking we could not do them any harm.
Seeing we could not anchor, on account of the want we were
in of water, our commander ordered me ashore with two
boats and fifty men. As soon as we came to the shore they
opposed my entrance, without any longer keeping peace,
which obliged me to skirmish with them. When we had
done them some mischief, three of them came out to make
peace with me, singing, with branches in their hands, and
one with a lighted torch and on his knees. We received
them well and embraced them, and then cloathed them, for
they were some of the chiefs ; and asking them for water
they did not choose to shew it me, making signs as if they
did not understand me. Keeping the three chiefs with me,
I ordered the sergeant, with twelve men, to search for water,
and having fallen in with it, the Indians came out on their
flank and attacked them, wounding one Spaniard. Seeing
their treachery they were attacked and defeated, without
other harm whatever. The land being in my power, I went
over the town without finding anything but dried oysters
and fish, and many cocoa-nuts, with which the land was well
provided. We found no birds nor animals, except little
dogs. They have many covered embarcations, with which
they are accustomed to navigate to other islands, with latine
sails made curiously of mats ; and of the same cloth their
women are cloathed with little shifts and petticoats, and
tlic men only round their waists and hips. From hence
we put off" with the boats loaded Avith M'ater, but by the

LUIS VAEZ 1)E TORRES, 3b

great swell we were overset with miicli risk of our lives,
and so we were obliged to go on without getting water at
this island. We named it Matanza.

We sailed in this parallel thirty-two days. In all this
route we had very strong currents, and many drifts of wood
and snakes, and many birds, all which were signs of land on
both sides of us. We did not search for it, that we might
not leave the latitude of the island of Santa Cruz, for we
always supposed ourselves near it ; and with reason, if it had
been where the first voyage when it was discovered had
represented ; but it was much further on, as by the account
will be seen. ' So that about sixty leagues before reaching
it, and 1940 from the city of Lima, we found a small island
of six leagues, very high, and all round it very good sound-
ings ; and other small islands near it, under shelter of which
the ships anchored. I went Avith the two boats and fifty
men to reconnoitre the people of this island ; and at the dis-
tance of a musket shot separate from the island, we found a
town surrounded with a wall, with only one entrance, with-
out a gate. Being near with the two boats with an intention
of investing them, as they did not by signs choose peace, at
length their chief came into the water up to his neck, with
a stafi*in his hand, and without fear came directly to the boats ;
where he was very well received, and by signs which we very
Well understood, he told me that his people were in great terror
of the muskets, and therefore he entreated us not to land,
and said that they would bring water and wood if we gave
them vessels. I told him that it was necessary to remain
five days on shore to refresh. Seeing he could not do more
with me he quieted his people, who were very uneasy and
turbulent, and so it happened that no hostility was com-
mitted on either side. We went into the fort very safely;
and having halted, I made them give up their arms, and
made them bring from their houses their effects, which were
not of any value, and go with them to the island to other

36 RELATION OF

towns. They thanked me very much : the chief always con-
tinued with me. They then told me the name of the coun-
try : all came to me to make peace, and the chiefs assisted
me, making their people get water and wood and carry it
on board the ships. In this we spent six days.

The people of this island are of an agreeable conversation,
understanding us very well, desirous of learning our lan-
guage and to teach us theirs. They are great cruizers : they
have much beard ; they are great archers and hurlers of
darts ; the vessels in which they sail are large, and can go a
great way. They informed us of more than forty islands,
great and small, all peopled, naming them by their names,
and telling us that they were at war with many of them.
They also gave us intelligence of the island Santa Cruz,
and of what had happened when the adelantado was
there.

The people of this island are of ordinary stature : they
have amongst them people white and red, some in colour
like those of the Indies, others woolly-headed blacks and
mulattoes. Slavery is in use amongst them. Their food is
yams, fish, cocoa-nuts, and they have hogs and fowls.

This island is named Taomaco, and the name of the chief
is Tomai. We departed from hence with four Indians whom
we took, at which they were not much pleased : and as we
here got wood and water, there was no necessity for us to go
to the Island Santa Cruz, which, as I have said, is in this
parallel sixty leagues farther on.

So we sailed from hence, steering S.S.E. to 12i° S. lati-
tude, where we found an island like that of Taomaco, and
with the same kind of people, named Chucupia : there is
only one small anchoring place ; and passing in the offing, a
small canoe with only two men came to me to make peace,
and presented me some bark of a tree, which appeared like
a very fine handkerchief, four yards long and three palms
wide : on this I parted from them.

I,UIS VAEZ DE TORRES. 37

From hence we steered south. Wc had a hard gale of
Avind from the north, which obliged us to lye to for two
days : at the end of that time it was thouglit, as it was
winter, that we could not exceed the latitude of 14° S., in
which we Avere, though my opinion was always directly con-
trary, thinking we should search for the islands named by
the Indians of Taomaco. Wherefore sailing from this place
we steered west, and in one day's sail we discovered a vol-
cano, very high and large, above three leagues in circuit,
full of trees, and of black people with much beard.

To the westward, and in sight of this volcano, was an
island, not very high and pleasant in appearance. There
are few anchoring places, and those very close to the shore :
it was very full of black people. Here we caught two in
some canoes, whom we cloathed and gave them presents,
and the next day we put them ashore. In return for this
they shot a flight of arrows at a Spaniard, though in truth it
was not in the same port, but about a musket shot farther
on. They are, however, a people that never miss an oppor-
tunity of doing mischief.

In sight of this island and around it are many islands, very
high and large, and to the southward one so large that we
stood for it, naming the island Avhere our man was wounded
Santa Maria.

Sailing thence to the southward towards the large island,
we discovered a very large bay, well peopled, and very fer-
tile in yams and fruits, hogs and fowls. They are all black
people and naked. They fight with bows, darts and clubs.
They did not choose to have peace with us, though we fre-
quently spoke to them and made presents ; and they never,
with their goodwill, let us set foot on shore.

This bay is very refreshing, and in it fall many and large
rivers. It is in 15|-° S. latitude, and in circuit it is twenty-
five leagues. We named it the bay de San Felipe y San-
tiago, and the land del Espiritu Santo.

38 llELATION OF

There we remained fifty days :^ we took possession in the
name of Your Majesty. From within this bay, and from the
most sheltered part of it, the Capitana departed at one hour
past midnight, without any notice given to us, and without
making any signah This happened the 11th of June. And
although the next morning we went out to seek for them,
and made all proper efforts, it was not possible for us to find
them ; for they did not sail on the proper course, nor with
good intention. So I was obliged to return to the bay, to
see if by chance they had returned thither. And on the
same account we remained in this bay fifteen days ; at the
end of Avhich we took Your Majesty's orders, and held a
consultation with the officers of the frigate. It was deter-
mined that we should fulfil them, although contrary to the
inclination of many, I may say, of the greater part ; but my
condition was different from that of Captain Pedro Fernan-
dez de Quiros.

At length we sailed from this bay, in conformity to the
order, although with intention to sail round this island, but
the season and the strong currents would not allow this, al-
though I ran along a great part of it. In what I saw, there
are very large mountains. It has many ports, though some
of them are small. All of it is well watered with rivers.
We had at this time nothing but bread and water : it was
the height of winter, with sea, wind, and ill will [of his
crew] against us. All this did not prevent me from reach-
ing the mentioned latitude, which I passed one degree, and
would have gone farther if the weather had permitted ; for
the ship was good. It was proper to act in this manner, for
these are not voyages performed every day, nor could Your
Majesty otherwise be properly informed. Going into the
said latitude on a S.W. course, we had no signs of land that
way.

^ This includes the time Torres remained in the bay after the separa-
tion from Quiros.

LUIS VAKZ DK TORRES. 39

From hence I stood back to the N.W. to 111° S. latitude :
there we fell in with the beginning of New Guinea, the
coast of which runs W. by N. and E. by S. I coukl not
weather the east point, so I coasted along to the westward on
the south side.

All this land of New Guinea is peopled with Indians,
not very white, and naked, except their waists, which are
covered with a cloth made of the bark of trees, and much
painted. They fight Avith darts, targets, and some stone
clubs, w^hich are made fine with plumage. Along the coast
are many islands and habitations. All the coast has many
ports, very large, with very large rivers, and many plains.
Without these islands there runs a reef of shoals, and be-
tween them [the shoals] and the main land are the islands.
There is a channel within. In these ports I took possession
for Your Majesty.

We went along three hundred leagues of coast, as I have
mentioned, and diminished the latitude 2i°, which brought
us into 9°. From hence we fell in with a bank of from three
to nine fathoms, which extends along the coast above 180
leagues. We went over it along the coast to 7j° S. lati-
tude, and the end of it is in 5°. We could not go farther on
for the many shoals and great currents, so we were obliged
to sail out S.W. in that depth to 11° S. latitude. There is
all over it an archipelago of islands without number, by
which we passed, and at the end of the eleventh degree the
bank became shoaler. Here were very large islands, and
there appeared more to the southward : they were inhabited
by black people, very corpulent, and naked : their arms
were lances, arrows, and clubs of stone ill-fashioned. We
could not get any of their arms. We caught in all this land
twenty persons of difijerent nations, that with them we might
be able to give a better account to Your Majesty. They
give much notice of other people, although as yet they do
not make themselves well understood.

40 RELATION OF

We went upon this bank for two months, at the end of
which time we found ourselves in twenty-five fathoms, and
in 5° S. latitude, and ten leagues from the coast. And
having gone 480 leagues, here the coast goes to the N.E.
I did not reach it, for the bank became very shallow. So
we stood to the north, and in twenty-five fathoms to 4° lati-
tude, where we fell in with a coast, which likewise lay in a
direction east and west. We did not see the eastern ter-
mination, but from what we understood of it, it joins the
other we had left on account of the bank, the sea being very
smooth. This land is peopled by blacks, different from all
the others : they are better adorned : they use arrows, darts,
and large shields, and some sticks of bamboo filled with lime,
with which, by throwing it out, they blind their enemies.
Finally, we stood to the W.N.AY. along the coast, always
finding this people, for we landed in many places : also in
it we took possession for Your Majesty. In this land also
we found iron, china bells, and other things, by which we
knew we were near the Malucas ; and so we ran along this
coast above 130 leagues, where it comes to a termination
fifty leagues before you reach the Malucas. There is an
infinity of islands to the southward, and very large, which
for the want of provisions we did not approach; for I doubt
if in ten years could be examined the coasts of all the islands
we descried. We observed the variation in all this land of
New Guinea to the Molucas ; and in all of it the variation
agrees with the meridian of the Ladrone Islands and of the
Philippine Islands.

At the termination of this land we found Mahometans,
who were cloathed, and had firearms and swords. They
sold us fowls, goats, fruit and some pepper, and biscuit
which they called sagoe, which will keep more than twenty
years. The whole they sold us was but little ; for they
wanted cloth, and we had not any ; for all the things that
had been given us for traffic Avcrc carried away by the

LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES. 41

Capitana, even to tools and medicines, and many other
things which I do not mention, as there is no help for it;
but, without them, God took care of us.

These Moors gave us news of the events at the Malucas,
and told us of Dutch ships, though none of them came here,
although they said that in all this land there was much gold
and other good things, such as pepper and nutmegs. From
hence to the Malucas it is all islands, and on the south side are
many uniting with those of JBanda and Amboyna, where the
Dutch carry on a trade. We came to the islands of Bachian,
which are the first Malucas, where we found a Theatine, with
about one hundred Christians in the country of a Mahometan
king friendly to us, who begged me to subdue one of the
Ternate islands inhabited by revolted Mahometans, to whom
Don Pedro de Acunha had given pardon in Your Majesty's
name, which I had maintained ; and I sent advice to the
M. de Campo, Juan de Esquivel, who governed the islands
of Ternate, of my arrival, and demanded if it was expedient
to give this assistance to the king of Bachian, to which he
[Juan de Esquivel] answered that it would be of great ser-
vice to Your Majesty if I brought force for that purpose.
On this, with forty Spaniards and fou.r hundred Moors of
the king of Bachian, I made war, and in only four days I
defeated them and took the fort, and put the king of Bachian
in possession of it in Your Majesty's name, to whom we ad-
ministered the usual oaths, stipulating with him that he
should never go to war against Christians, and that he should
ever be a faithful vassal to Your Majesty. I did not find
these people of so intrepid a spirit as those we had left.

It must be ascribed to the Almighty that, in all these
labours and victories, we lost only one Spaniard. I do not
make a relation of them to Your Majesty, for I hope to give
it at large.

The king being put in possession, I departed for Ternate,
which was twelve leagues from this island, where Juan de

42 RELATION OF LUIS VAEZ DE TORRES.

Esquivel was, by whom I was very well received ; for he
had great scarcity of people, and the nations of Ternate were
in rebellion, and assistance to him was very unexpected in
so roundabout a way.

In a few days afterwards arrived su.ccour from Manila,
which was much desired, for half of the people left by Don
Pedro de Acunha were no more, and there was a scarcity of
provisions, for, as I said, the nations of the island were in
rebellion ; but by the prudence of the M. de Campo, Juan
de Esquivel, he went on putting the affairs of the island in
good order, although he was in want of money.

I left the Patache here and about twenty men, as it was
expedient for the service of Your Majesty. From hence I
departed for the city of Manila, where they gave me so bad
a dispatch, as I have mentioned ; and hitherto, which is now
two months, they have not given provisions to the crew ;
and so I know not when I can sail from hence to give ac-
count to Your Majesty,

Whom may God preserve prosperous,

For sovereign of the world.

Your Majesty's servant,

Luis Vaez de Torres.

Done at Manila, July 12th, 1C07.

EXTRACT FROM THE BOOK OF DISPATCHES FROM

BATAVIA; COMMENCING JANUARY THE 15th,

1644, AND ENDING NOVEMBER THE

29th following.

to be found folio 39.

Instructions for the commodore, Captain Abel Jansz Tas-
man, the skipper chief-pilot, Franz Jacobsz Visser, and the
counsel of the yachts Limmen and Zeemeuw, and the tender
de Brak, destined for a nearer discovery of Nova Guinea,
and the unknown coasts of the discovered east and south
lands, together with the channels and the islands supposed
to be situated between and near them.

The several successive administrations of India, in order
to enlarge and extend the trade of the Dutch East India
Company, have zealously endeavoured to make an early
discovery of the great land of Nova Guinea, and other
unknown east and southerly countries, as you know by
several discourses, and maps, journals, and papers com-
municated to you. But hitherto with little success, although
several voyages have been undertaken.

1st. By order of the president, John Williamsson Ver-
schoor, who at that time directed the company's trade at
Bantam, which was in the year 1606, with the yacht the
Duyfhen, who in their passage sailed by the islands Key
and Aroum, and discovered the south and west coast of
Nova Guinea, for about 220 miles (880) from 5° to 13f
south latitude : and found this extensive country, for the

44 EXTRACT FROM THE

greatest part desert, but in some places inhabited by wild,
cruel, black savages, by whom some of the crew were mur-
dered ; for which reason they could not learn anything of
the land or waters, as had been desired of them, and, by
want of provisions and other necessaries, they were obliged
to leave the discovery unfinished : the furthest point of the
land was called in their map Cape Keer-Weer,^ situated in
13f° S.

The second voyage was undertaken with a yacht, in the
year 1617, by order of the Fiscal D'Edel, with little success,
of which adventures and discoveries, through the loss of
their journals and remarks, nothing certain is to be found.

From this time the further discoveries of the unknown
east and south countries were postponed until the year 1623,
on account of there being no ships to spare ; but in the
interim, in the year 1619, a ship, named the Arms of Am-
sterdam, destined to Banda, drove past that place and
touched iit the south coast of Nova Guinea, where some of
the crew were murdered by the savage inhabitants, where-
fore they acquired no certain knowledge of the country.

But in the meantime, in the years 1616, 1618, 1619, and
1622, the west coast of this great unknown sov;th land, from
35° to 22° S. latitude, was discovered by outM'ard bound
ships, and among them by the ship Endraght ; for the nearer
discovery of which the governor-general, Jan Pietersz Coen
(of worthy memory), in September 1622, dispatched the
yachts De Haring and Haretvmd ; but this voyage was ren-
dered abortive by meeting the ship Mauritius, and searching
after the ship Rotterdam.

In consequence of which, by order of His Excellency, the
third voyage was undertaken in the month of January 1623,
with the yachts Pera and Arnhem, out of Amboina, under
the command of Jan Carstens ; with order to make a nearer
friendship Avith the inhabitants of the islands Key, Aroum,
' Cape Turn-again.

BOOK OF l^ISrATCHES. 45

and Tcnimber, and better to discover Nova Guinea and the
south lands, when an alliance was made with the said islands
and the south coast of Nova Guinea nearer discovered. The
skipper, with eight of the crew of the yacht Ar?ihem, was
treacherously murdered by the inhabitants ; and after a dis-
covery of the great islands Arnhem and the Spult (by an
untimely separation) this yacht, with very little success,
came back to Amboina.

But the yacht Pera persisting in the voyage, sailed along
the south coast of Nova Gunina to a flat cove on this coast,
situated in 10° south latitude, and run along the west coast
of this land to Cape Keer-Veer, from thence discovered the
coast farther southward as far as 17"^ S. to Staten River
(from this place what more of the land could be discerned
seemed to stretch westward), and from thence returned to
Amboina.

In this discovery were found everywhere shallow water
and barren coast ; islands altogether thinly peopled by divers
cruel, poor, and brutal nations, and of very little use to the
Company. The journal of this voyage is not now to be
found ; but the discovered countries may be seen in the maps
which were made of them.

Through the little success of this third voyage, but mostly
because no ships could be spared, the discovery was again
omitted until 1036 ; but in the interim, in the year 1627,
the south coast of the great south laud was accidentally dis-
covered by the ship the Guide Zeepard, outward bound
from Fatherland,^ for the space of 250 miles (lOOOj ; and
again accidentally in the year following, 1628, on the north-
side, in the latitude of 21° S., by the ship Viatien, homeward
bound from India ; when they coasted about 50 miles (200)
without gaining any particular knowledge of this great coun-
try, only observing a foul and barren shore, green fields,

^ The expressive epithet both of the Dutch and the Germans for their
native country.

46 EXTRACT FROM THE

and very wild, black, barbarous inhabitants ; all which, by
the loss of the ship Batavia, and the cruelties and miseries
which followed from that, is fully proved, and was expe-
rienced by the crew of the yacht Sarclam, in their course
along this coast.

At last the fourth voyage was undertaken (in our govern-
ment) in the month of April 1636, from Banda, with the
yachts Clyn Amsterdam and Wesel, under the command of
Gerrit Tomasz Pool, for the discovery of the east and south
lands ; when they first discovered the coast of Nova Guinea
in 3|° south latitude, and coasted about 60 miles (240')
to the eastward to 5° S. ; when the commodore Pool, with
three of the crew (by the barbarous inhabitants) was mur-
dered, at the same place where the skipper of the yacht
Arnhem was killed in the year 1623.

Notwithstanding which the voyage was assiduously con-
tinued, under the supercargo Pieter Pietersz, and the islands
Key and Aroum visited ; by very strong easterly winds they
could not reach the west coast of Nova Guinea, but shaping
their course very near south, descried the coast of Arnhem
or Van Diemen's Land, in 11° south latitude, and sailed
along the coast for 30 miles (120), without seeing any peo-
ple, but many signs of smoke ; when, turning towards the
north, they visited the unknown islands of Timor Laut,' and
the known islands of Tenimber, Kauwer, etc., but without
ever being able to converse with the inhabitants, who were
a very timid people ; when, after three months cruising,
they returned in July to Banda, without (in this voyage)
having done or discovered anything of consequence ; which
may be seen by the journals and maps.

After the little success in these voyages, nothing further

^ The word " laut" means south, but is erroneously spelt in the origi-
nal translation " landt." A similar blunder has been abundantly re-
peated on the maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the
name of "Laut Chidol," the Southern Sea, there spelt constantly Laut-
chidol.

BOOK OF DISPATCHES, 47

was attempted on discovery to the eastward ; but last year
(under your direction) the discovery of the remaining un-
known south Lands was assiduously re-attempted ; and in that
remarkable voyage was that great unknown Staten' and Van
Diemen's Land discovered from 35° to 43° south latitude,
and at the same time the (so long wished for) passage to the
South Sea ; but it is unnecessary to relate more here, as you
are perfectly acquainted with all particulars.

But to obtain a thorough knowledge of these extensive
countries, the discovery whereof has been begun (in conse-
quence of the intention of the Company and the recommen-
dation of our masters), now only remains for the future to
discover whether Nova Guinea is one continent with that
great south land, or separated by channels and islands lying
between them ; and also whether that New Van Diemen's
Land is the same continent with these two great countries,
or with one of them ; or, if separated from them, what islands
may be dispersed between Nova Guinea and the unknown
south land, when, after more experience and knowledge of
all the said known and unknown countries, we shall be
better enabled for further undertakings.

After considering well what is above related, and by our
estimate of the present strength of the Company's naval
forces, it is found that, without prejudice to the ordinary
trading and warlike expeditions, two or three yachts could
be spared, it is therefore resolved in the Council of India,
to equip the yachts Limmen, the Zeemeuw, and the Brak,
for the further discovery of the east and south lands, to
furnish them well with all necessaries, and to commit them
to your conduct, in confidence that you will with courage,
vigilance, prudence, good order, and the requisite persever-
ance, skilfully direct this important voyage, in such a man-
ner as to be capable to give an account, on your return, fully
to our contentment.

' New Zealand.

48 EXTRACT FROM THE

1st. You shall early to-morrow morning, after mustering
your men, proceed to sea in company, and steer your course
to Macassar, Amboina, and Banda ; as the service of the
Company shall require, and by separate instructions you are
commanded, by which you are entirely to regulate your
voyage to the above places.

On your arrival at Amboina and Banda, you shall plenti-
fully stock your yachts with water, fuel, and all other neces-
saries ; in the time you are there the crews are to be supplied
with all sorts of fresh provisions, and well provided for the
voyage ; for which purpose this shall be an order to the
vice-governors' Gerrit Denimer and Cornelis Witzen, to
whom you have to communicate your instructions, and de-
mand, in writing, the further knowledge they may have of
the countries situated to the east of Banda ; and particularly
the journal of the commodore Carstens, which we think may
still be found there, and be of some service to you on the
voyage.

But by this we by no means intend you shall spend any
time unprofitably, but dispatch everything so assiduously
that you may leave Banda in the latter end of February,
when the west monsoon has set in, fixing, with the advice of
the council, instructions for the signals at the beginning of
your voyage, in which particularly is to be inserted by what
method the yachts may join, in case (which God prevent)
they by storm or other accidents were separated, upon which
event the good success of the intended voyage chiefly de-
pends.

After fulfilling your orders at Amboina and Banda, you
shall (as is mentioned) in the latter end of February (or
sooner, if possible) undertake, in the name of God, the voy-
age you are ordered upon, and steer your course eastward,
between and in view of the islands Tenimber, Key, and

1 At that time the governor-general, in instructions or issuing
orders, styled all the other governors, vice-governors.

BOOK OF DISPATCHES. 49

Aroum, to the point Tare, or False Cape, situated in 8° on
the south coast of Nova Guinea : from which place you arc
to continue eastward along the coast till 9^ south latitude,
crossing prudently the cove at that place ; looking about the
high islands or Speult's River with the yachts for a harbour,
and to inspect into the state of the country ; dispatching
the tender Brak for two or three days into the cove, in
order to discover whether, within the great inlet, there is
not to be found an entrance into the South Sea ; which soon
may be determined by the current of the streams. From
this place you are to coast along the west coast of Nova
Guinea, to the farthest discoveries in 170° S. latitude, fol-
lowing this coast farther as it may run west or southward.

But it is to be feared you will meet in these parts with
the S.E. trade winds, by which it will be difficult to keep
the coast on board, if stretching to the S.E. ; but notwith-
standing this, endeavour by all means to proceed, by rea-
son that we may be sure whether this land is divided from
the great known south continent or not, which by the great
and slow swell from the S.E. may well be perceived ; in
which case you shall try (if possible) to run so far to the
S.E. as the New Van Diemen's Land, and from thence to
the islands of St. Peter and St. Francois, to learn the situa-
tion of these to the northward, and at the same time to be
assured (which is much wished for) of a passage to the South
Sea, between them and the known south land, which found
(as we presume, and hope) you ought, returning through
the discovered passage, to steer along the east coast of the
known south land, according to its trending ; following its
direction to the westward, to De Wit's Land and William's
River, in 22° south latitude, when the known south land
would be entirely circumnavigated, and discovered to be the
largest island of the globe.

But if (as we presume) the land of Nova Guinea is joined
to the south land, and in consequence is one continent ; you

H

\^

50 EXTRACT FROM THE

will be enabled by the S.E. trade wind to run along the
north coast from 17° to 22° S., and thus entirely to discover
this land, from Avhence (if wind and weather by any means
will permit) you shall steer along the land of De Endragt to
Houtman's Abrolhos, and come to an anchor at a fit place
thereabout ; and endeavour to find a chest containing eight
thousand rixdollars, that remained in the wreck of the ship
Batavia, a brass half cartow^ having fallen on that chest
when it foundered at that place in the year 1629, and which
the crew of the yacht Sardam dragged for in vain. At the
same time you shall (if possible) recover that piece, by this
you will render service to the Company, for which reason
be not negligent in the discharge of your duty.

Likewise inqviire, at the continent thereabout, after two
Dutchmen, who, having forfeited their lives, were put on
shore by the commodore Francisco Pelsert, if still alive, in
which case you may make your inquiries of them about the
situation of those countries ; and, if they entreat you to that
purpose, give them passage hither ; on this occasion you
ought to search for a good water and refreshing- place, about
the 26° or 28 S. latitude, which would be a desirable thing
for the outward bound ships.

But if the late time of the year and the appearance of
storms will not permit you to reach Houtman's Shoal, which
after experience we leave to yours and the council's own
judgment, consider how you have to sail again from Wil-
liam's River to the east, along the coast of the south land
and from De Wit's Land, by the help of the S.E. trade wind,
to run across very near eastward to complete the discovery
of Arnhem's and Van Diemen's Lands ; and to ascertain
perfectly whether these lands are not one and the same
island, and what these places produce ; likewise what other
islands besides Baly, Sumbava, and Timor, may be situated
about the south land.

^ Or 24-i30uudcr. (Note in Dalrymple.)

BOOK OF DISPATCHES. 51

After all this (by the help of God) shall be fortunately-
transacted, which we hope can be done before the end of the
month of June (having either reached Houtman's Abrolhos
or Van Diemen's Land), you have to steer your course to
the south coast of Java, and along the coast through the
Strait of Sunda, to return to Batavia : at which place we
shall expect you in July following attended with good suc-
cess.

Of all the lands, countries, islands, capes, points or coves,
inlets, bays, rivers, shoals, reefs, sands, cliffs, rocks, etc.,
which you meet with and pass in this discovery, as well
upon the coast of Nova Guinea and the south land, as in the
Indian Ocean and the inland seas, you are to make accurate
maps and circumstantial descriptions, and to draw perfectly
the views and form, for which purpose a draughtsman is to
go along with you.

Be particularly careful about longitude and latitude, in
what direction and at what distances the coasts, islands,
capes, points, bays and rivers are situated from one and
other, and what are the marks by which they may be known,
as mountains, hills, trees, or buildings to be seen thereupon.

Take a thorough survey of the depth of the water near
shore, and of the sunken rocks, the rapid current of the
rivers at the points, how and by what marks they are to be
avoided, and if the bottom is hard, soft, sharp, flat, sloping,
or steep, and if they may be approached or not, by the
soundings ; upon what marks the best anchoring places in
harbours and bays are to be found, how the inlets and rivers
are to be entered, what winds usually blow in the different
parts : the course of the streams, whether ebb and flood are
regulated by the moon or wind ; what alterations of mon-
soon, rain or dry weather you experience ; and observe
farther diligently to remark and note down (which is the
duty of all able pilots) whatever may be of service in future
voyages to the discovered countries.

52 EXTRACT FROM THK

The time of the year will doubtless not permit, by the
shortening of the days, to lose any time, but carefully and
diligently to proceed ; for the above reason it is of conse-
quence to discover as much, and in as short a time as pos-
sible.

Nevertheless, to discover in a proper manner the coasts of
the east and south lands, it will be necessary in good time,
now and then, to anchor in proper places, always looking
for and choosing such bays and harbours as with the least
danger may be entered and left, where you may lye in
safety, and which by accidental winds, or for other reasons,
you may soon quit.

But be particularly careful, circumspect and prudent in
landing with small craft, because (as above is mentioned) at
several times Nova Guinea has been found to be inhabited
by cruel wild savages, and as it is uncertain what sort of
people the inhabitants of the south lands are, it may rather
be presumed that they are also wild and barbarous savages,
than a civilized people, for which reason you ought always
to be upon your guard and well armed ; because in all coun-
tries of the globe experience has taught us no savages are
to be trusted, by reason they always suppose people who
appear so unexpectedly and strangely to them, are only
come to invade their country : all which is proved in the
discovery of America and the Indies, by the surprize and
murdering many careless and unwary discoverers, many
times to the ruin of their voyages.

When you meet and converse with any of these savages,
behave well and friendly to them ; do not take notice of little
affronts or thefts which they practise upon you, because
resentment might create disgust ; but try by all means to
engage their affection to you, the better to learn from them
the state of their country, particularly if any thing for the
service of the Company may be done there.

You are also to inquire, as much as time will permit, into

BOOK OF DISPATCHES. 53

the productions of their country, the fruits and animals, the
buildings, the shape and faces of the people, their clothing,
arms, morals, manners, food, trade, religion, government,
war, and everything worthy of remark; particularly whe-
ther they are peaceable or malicious.

You are to show the samples of the goods which you carry
along with you, to inquire what materials and goods they
possess, and what is wanted of ours ; all which you are
closely to observe, well to annotate, and correctly to de-
scribe ; for which reasons you are to keep a very circum-
stantial journal, wherein all particulars may be perfectly
inserted, by which, upon your return, you may give a satis-
factory report to us.

If any country be discovered peopled by a civilized
nation (as apparently will not be the case), you may depend
more upon them than upon the wild savages ; try to con-
verse with their governors and subjects, and to establish an
acquaintance ; inform them you come there to trade, show
them the goods in proper order ; for this purpose laden on
board of both the yachts and the tender, amounting to the
sum of 2,809 guilders, IT stivers, and 3 penningen, of all
which the junior merchants have to keep books in proper
order, by which they (when called upon) may be enabled to
give a satisfactory account.

Shewing the samples and goods, you and the junior mer-
chants are carefully to remark what goods the strange nations
most esteem, and to which they are most inclined ; likewise
inquire what merchandize and goods they possess, particu-
larly after gold and silver, and whether these metals are
held in great esteem ; to keep them ignorant of the precious
value, seem not greedy after it ; if they offer to barter for
your goods, seem not to covet these minerals, but shew them
copper, tutenag,^ pewter and lead, as if these were of more
value to us. If you find them inclined to trade, keep the

1 Zinc.

54 EXTRACT FROM THE

goods which they seem most greedy after at so high a value
that none may be sold, nor bartered without great profit.
Likewise take nothing but what you are convinced will turn
out profitable to the Company, which in trading you will
learn. It will be particularly necessary to bring samples of
the most rare things to be found there, and of all the rest
exact account, to see what returns from thence can be made,
and for the future may be serviceable.

You are prudently to prevent all insolences and mal-
treatment of the ship's crew against the discovered nations,
and to take care by no means to insult them, in their houses,
gardens, ships, possessions, nor women, etc. Likewise not
to carry away any inhabitants against their will, but if a few
voluntarily should be inclined to go along with you, then
you are permitted to bring them to this place.

"We have herein expressed in general our intentions re-
specting the voyage you are to undertake, but as upon all
that may occur no precise orders can be given, we leave the
rest to your zeal, vigilance and good conduct, likewise to
the council's prudent dispositions, in a full hope and confi-
dence you will in this expedition be so vigilant as to succeed
to the service of the Company, when we will not be back-
ward to recompense your endeavours as you may merit ; for
if in this voyage are discovered any countries, islands or pas-
sages profitable to the Company, we promise you by this to
reward the conductors and well-behaving ships' crew, with
such premiums as we shall find their good service to have
merited, upon which you all may depend. Likewise you
are to fix a competent premium to those who first shall per-
ceive an unknown country, island, shoal, rock, or dangerous
foul ground, in order to avoid as much as possible all mis-
fortunes.

To prevent any other European nation from reaping
(perhaps) the fruits of our labour and expences in these dis-
coveries, you are everywhere to take possession, in the name

BOOK OF DISPATCHES. 55

and by orders of the Dutch East India Company, of the
countries and islands you may arrive at not inhabited by
savages ; to put up some signs, for instance, plant trees, sow
some fruit trees, erect a stone or post, and to cut or carve in
them the arms of the Netherlands or of the Company, and
in what year and at what time such a land was discovered
and taken in possession, declaring further in intention by
the first opportunity to send people thither from hence,
and to establish a colony, to secure the property nearer to
us.

But if it so happeneth (which is not likely) that you dis-
cover some countries or islands that may have a polished
government, you are to endeavour with its chiefs or gover-
nors (in the name as above) to make contract upon the most
advantageous terms you possibly can obtain, including a
resignation (if they are inclined to do such) ; or permission
to frequent the place exclusive of all other nations ; or other
advantages for the Company : all which you must note down
circumstantially in your journals, expressing the names and
qualities of those with whom you shall have treated, to serve
the Company when it may be wanted.

In order this dangerous voyage, according to these in-
structions and our good intentions, may be well regulated
and finished, good order kept amongst the crew, right and
justice administered conformable to the general articles ; and
everything (which upon so dangerous and long a voyage
may happen and be required) be done and transacted to the
greatest service of the Company ; we appoint by this the
Honourable Abel Jansz Tasman, commodore of the three
yachts and the crew which sail with them : we authorise
him to hoist the pendant on board the yacht Limmen, to
assemble the council, whereof he is to be constantly presi-
dent : command, in consequence, the oflficcrs, soldiers, and
sailors (no body excepted) appointed upon the yachts Lim-
men, De Zeemeuw, and De Brak, to acknowledge and obey

The skipper .
Cryn Henderiskz
Carsten Jurjansz^
Cornelis Robol

, Of the Zeemeuw
Isaac Gissmans

66 EXTRACT FROM THE

him as their chief and commander ; to support him, by good
advice and assiduity, to the forwarding of the voyage and
the ordered discovery of the unknown countries, as is the
duty of vigilant and faithful servants, in such a manner as,
upon return, every one may be able to answer.

The council of the three yachts shall consist of the fol-
lowing persons : —

The commodore . Abel Jansz Tasman Constantly President
The skipper chief pilot Frangois Jacobs . Of the Limmen
The skipper . . DirkCorneliszHaan
Super cargo . .

Jasper Jansz Koops Of the Brak
First mate ... Of the Limmen
First mate ... Of the Zeemeuw
First mate ... Of the Brak
The junior merchant Anthony Blauw, as councillor or secretary.

By this council shall all occurring business towards for-
warding the voyage, fulfilling of our orders, and adminis-
tering of justice, be concluded upon and transacted : if it so
happen there is an equal number of votes the commodore is
to have two votes ; but in cases of navigation and discovery
of countries, the second mates shall also assist with advising
votes, all which the commodore shall collect, and determine
by the majority of the concluding votes, taking care to have
all resolutions instantly triply registered and strictly com-
plied with for the service of the Company.

In the council of each particular yacht, the junior mer-
chant or bookkeeper and high boatswains, shall be called as
directed in the orders of our masters.

If the commodore Tasman (which God forbid) should
decease, such a person shall succeed him as in our sealed
act is nominated, which in every respect, conformable to this
instruction, in manner his predecessor commanded, and (as
is right) he shall be obeyed.

•^ Jurjansz signifies George's son, as Jansz signifies John's son ; Cor-
nelisz, Cornelius's son, etc.

BOOK OF DISPATCHES. 57

The yachts are manned with 111 persons, and amongst
them one officer and 16 sokliers. Namely: —

In the Limmen, 45 sailors, 11 soldiers ; in all 56 persons.
In the Zeemeuw, 35 . . 6 . . . . 41 . .

In the Brak, 14 . . 0 . . . . 14 . .

94 sailors 17 soldiers : total 111 persons.

Are well provided with all necessary ammunition, tools and
utensils, and for eight months plentifully victualled. Manage
everything well and orderly, take notice you see the ordi-
nary portion of two meat and two pork days, and a quarter
of vinegar, a half quarter of sweet oil per week, and a half-
quarter of arrack per day, regularly distributed. Each
yacht carries a leaguer and 120 quarts of strong arrack (the
Br'ak is to be provided from the Zeetneuta) , which must be
carefully distributed in the cold climate for the health of the
people. Notwithstanding you are plentifully stocked with
waterbuts, manage particularly fresh water and fuel to
prevent wanting it ; as you would then be obliged to
search after it, to the retarding of your voyage, or return
without success, to your shame and the great detriment
of the Company, which has been at great exjjense in
equipping these yachts ; and for these reasons, by in-
dustry and prudence, ought to be prevented from suffer-
ing.

"We give then no further instructions, and leave to your
and the council's good conduct and advice what you will
have more to do upon this voyage ; only recommending seri-
ously in all emergencies, to use such prudence as may keep
the Company's valuable ships and people out of all dangers
as much as can be done. For the better to answer this pur-
pose, we do not approve the commodore much to leave ship-
board, but to stay in the yacht, unless (with advice of the
council) the Company's service may require the contrary,
in order to avoid the object being neglected, by any unfor-
seen misfortune in this important voyage. i

58 EXTRACT, ETC.

To conclude this instruction, we wish you the protection
and blessings of Omnipotence, which we pray to inspire
you with manly courage for the intended discoveries, and
after finishing to return in safety, to the expanding of His
glory, reputation to the mother country, the service of the
Company, our contentment, and to your own everlasting
honour.

Out of the castle, Batavia, this 29th day of January, 1644,
signed

Antonio van Diemen, Cornelis van der Lvn,
Joan Maatsuiker, Justus Schouten, and
Salomon Sweers.

Southland sealed-up Commission for the Successor of the
Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman, in case of his Decease.

In consideration of the uncertainty of life in the human
race, and the disorders which many times arise from the loss
of those in command," and to prevent as much as possible all
evils, we have found good to order, as we do by this : that
if the skipper, commodore Abel Jansz Tasman, upon this
voyage of discovery should decease (which God forbid), the
skipper of the yacht the Zeemeuiv, Dirk Cornelisz Haan,
shall succeed in his place, shall be acknowledged and obeyed
as chief, and receive and follow this our instruction given
to Tasman as given to himself.

In this case, for the service of the Company, is this our
meaning and desire.

Out of the castle, Batavia, day and date as above.

THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF CAPTAIN

FRANCIS PELSART, IN THE BATAVIA, ON

THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND, AND HIS

SUCCEEDING ADVENTURES.

The Directors of the East India Company, encouraged by
the successful return of the five ships of General Carpenter,
richly laden, caused eleven vessels to be equipped the very
same year, 1628, for the same voyage : amongst which, there
was one ship called the Batavia, commanded by Captain
Francis Pelsart. He sailed from the Texel on the 28th of
October 1628; and, as it would be tedious to the reader to
give him a long account of a passage so well known as that
to the Cape of Good Hope, I shall pass over in silence that
portion of his journal, and content myself with observing,
that on the 4th of June in the following year, 1629, this
vessel, the Batavia, being separated from the fleet in a
storm, was driven on some rocks which lie in the latitude of
28° south, and which are called by the Dutch the Abrolhos
of Frederick Houtman. Captain Pelsart, who was sick in
bed when this accident happened, perceived at once that his
ship had struck. It was night, indeed ; but the moon shone
very brightly, and the weather was fair. He immediately
ran upon deck, and found that all the sails were set; their
course was north-east by north ; and the sea appeared co-
vered with a white froth as far as the eye could reach. He
summoned the master, and charged him with the loss of the
ship ; who excused himself by saying, he had taken all the

60 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

care he could ; and that, having discerned the froth at a dis-
tance, he asked his shipmate, what he thought of it ; who
told him, that this whiteness was occasioned by the rays of
the moon. The captain then asked him, what was to be
done ; and in what part of the world they were. The
master replied, that God only knew that, and that the ship
was on an unknown reef. They sounded, and found eigh-
teen feet of water abaft, and much less foreward. They
immediately agreed to throw their cannon overboard, in
hopes that, when the ship was lightened, she might be
brought to float again. They dropped an anchor, however ;
but meanwhile there arose a storm of wind and rain, which
soon convinced them of the danger they were in ; for, being
surrounded with rocks and shoals, the ship was perpetually
striking.

They then resolved to cut away the mainmast, which they
did, but this increased the shock ; for though they cut the
mast close by the board, they could not get it clear, because
it was much entangled with the rigging. They could see no
land, except an island, which, as far as they could judge,
was at about the distance of three leagues, and two smaller
islands, or rather rocks, which lay nearer. The master was
sent to examine them. He returned about nine in the morn-
ing, and reported that the sea, at high water, did not cover
them; but that the coast was so rocky and full of shoals,
that it would be very difficult to land upon them. They
resolved, however, to run the risk, and to send most of their
company on shore, to pacify the women, children, sick
people, and such as were out of their wits with fear, whose
cries and noise served only to disturb them. They put
these on board their shallop and skiff"; and about ten o'clock
in the morning, they perceived that their vessel began to
break. They redoubled their exertions to get up their
bread upon deck, but they did not take the same care of the
water, not reflecting, in the extremity of their danger, that

CAPTAIN FRANCIS PELSAllT. 61

tlicy might be much distressed for want of it on shore ; but
what embarrassed them most of all Avas the brutal behaviour
of some of the crew, who made themselves so drunk with
the wine, upon which no check was now kept, that they
were able to make only three trips that day, in which they
landed one hundred and eighty persons, twenty barrels of
bread, and some small casks of water. The master returned
on board towards evening, and told the captain, that it was
of no use to send more provisions on shore, for the crew only
wasted those they had already, Pelsart then went in the
shallop to put things into some order, and discovered that
there was no water to be found upon the island. He endea-
voured to return to the ship, in order to bring off a supply,
together with the most valuable part of their cargo ; but a
storm suddenly arising, he was forced to return.

The whole of the fifth day of the month was spent in re-
moving the water, and some of the merchandise, on shore ;
and afterwards, the captain in the skiff, and the master in
the shallop, endeavoured to return to the vessel, but found
the sea running so high, that it was impossible to get on board.
In this extremity, the carpenter threw himself out of the
ship, and swam to them, in order to inform them to what
hardships those left in the vessel were reduced ; and he
was sent back, with orders for them to make rafts, by tying
the planks together, and endeavour on these to reach the
shallop and skiff; but before this could be done, the weather
became so rough, that the captain was obliged to return,
leaving, with the utmost grief, his lieutenant and seventy
men on the very point of perishing on board the vessel.
Those who had reached the little island were not in much
better condition ; for, upon taking an account of their water,
they found they had not above eighty pints for forty people ;
and on the larger island, where there were one hundred and
eighty, the stock was still less. Those who were on the
little island began to murmur, and to complain of their

62 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

officers, because they did not go in search of water on the
neighbouring islands ; and they represented the necessity of
this to Captain Pelsart, who yielded to their remonstrances,
but told them that before he went, he wished to communi-
cate this resolution to the rest of the people. It was with
difficulty that he gained their consent to this, for the master
was afraid that the other party would keep the captain with
them. At length they consented, but not till the captain
had declared, that without the consent of the company on
the large island that he should go in search of water, he
would, rather than leave them, perish on board his ship.
When he got near to the island, he who commanded the
boat told the captain, that if he had anything to say, he must
call out to the people ; for that they would not suffer him to
go out of the boat. The captain then attempted to throw
himself overboard, in order to swim to the island ; but he
was prevented, and the order given to pull off from the
shore. Thus he was obliged to return, having first left these
words written on a leaf of a tablet, that he was gone in the
skiff to look for water in the nearest country or islands that
he could find.

They first sought along the coasts of the islands, and cer-
tainly found water in the holes of the rocks, but the sea had
dashed into it, and rendered it unfit for use ; they therefore
determined to seek farther on. They made a deck to their
boat, as it would have been impracticable to navigate those
seas in an open vessel. A few more of the crew joined
themselves to the company for the same purpose ; and after
the captain had obtained the signature of his people to that
resolution, they immediately put to sea, having first taken an
observation, by which they found themselves in latitude
28° 13' south. A short time afterwards, they had sight of
the continent, which appeared, according to their estimation,
to lie about sixteen miles north by west from the place
where they had suffered shipwreck. They found the water

CAPTAIN FRAXCIS PELSART. 63

about twenty-five or thirty fatlioms deep ; and, as night
drew on, kept out to sea, standing in for the land again after
midnight. On the morning of the 9th (of June) they found
themselves, according to their reckoning, about three miles
from the shore ; this day they made four or five miles by
many tacks, sailing sometimes north, sometimes west, the
coast lying north-quarter-west, the coast appearing low,
naked, and excessively rocky, being nearly of the same
height as that near Dover. At last they saw a little creek,
with sandy bottom, into which they were anxious to enter,
but upon approaching it, they found that the sea ran
high, and the weather becoming more threatening, they were
obliged to haul off the coast.

On the 10th, they remained in the same parts, tacking
first on one side and then on the other, but the sea being
still rough, they determined to abandon their shallop, and
even to throw a part of the bread which remained in the
vessel overboard, since it hindered them from clearing them-
selves of the water, which the vessel made upon every side.
It rained much that night, and afforded them hopes that
their people w^ho remained upon the islands would derive
great relief therefrom. On the eleventh day, the wind,
which was west-south-west, began to sink, and they steered
their course towards the north, for the sea, which still ran
high, obliged them to keep at a distance from the land. On
the 12th, they made an observation, by which they found
themselves in the latitude of 27°. The wind being south-
east, they bordered the coast, but were unable to land on
account of its steepness, there being no creek, or low land,
in advance of the rocks, as is usually found on sea coasts.
From a distance, the country appeared fertile and full of
vegetation. On the 13th, they found themselves by observa-
tion in the latitude of 25" 40'; by which they discovered
that the current had carried them towards the north, and
over against an opening, the coast lying to the north-east.

64 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

This day their course lay towards the north, but the coast
presented one continuous rock of a red colour, and of an
equal height, without any land in advance, and the waves
broke against it with such force that it was impossible for
them to land.

The wind blew very fresh on the morning of the 14th, but
towards noon it became calm, the latitude being 24°, and the
wind at east, but the tide still carried them farther north
than they desired, for their design was to make a descent as
soon as possible ; with which view they sailed slowly along
the coast, till, perceiving smoke at a distance, they rowed
towards the spot from whence it proceeded, hoping to find
inhabitants and consequently water. They found the coast
steep, full of rocks, aiid the sea very high, which caused
them to lose all hope of effecting a landing. At length, six
of the men, trusting to their skill in swimming, threw
themselves into the sea, and at last with much trouble and
danger reached the shore, the boat remaining at anchor in
twenty-five fathoms water. These men passed the entire
day in seeking for water ; and, whilst thus employed, they
perceived four men, who approached them upon all-fours ;
but one of our people advancing towards them upon a rising
ground, they immediately raised themselves and took to
flight, so that they were distinctly seen by those who were in
the skiff. These people were savages, black and quite naked,
not having so much even as the covering worn by nearly
all other savage people. The sailors, having no longer any
hope of finding water there, swam on board again, wounded
and bruised by the blows which they received from the
waves and rocks. The anchor being weighed, they con-
tinued their course along the shore, in the hopes of finding
some spot more adapted for landing.

On the 15th, in the morning, they discovered a cape, from
the point of which there ran a reef or chain of rocks a mile
into the sea, whilst another reef extended itself along the

CAPTAIN FRANCIS PELSART. G5

coast. As the sea there appeared but little agitated, they
ventured between the rocks, but found that they formed
only a cul-de-sac, and that there was no place for exit.
About noon, they saw another opening, where the sea was
smooth, but it appeared dangerous to attempt it, there being
no more than two feet of water, and many stones. In
front of the whole length of this coast is a table of sand one
mile in breadth. As soon as they landed, they fell to digging
wells in this advanced coast, but the water which they found
there was brackish. At length, they discovered some soft
rain-water in the clefts of the rocks, which was a great relief
to them, for they were dying of thirst, having had for some
days previously little more than half a pint of water apiece.
Of this, they collected during the night that they remained
there about twenty gallons. It was evident that some savages
had been there a short time before, as they found the re-
mains of crayfish and some ashes.

On the morning of the 16th, they resolved to return again
to the shore, in the hopes of being able to collect a greater
quantity of water from the rocks, since there remained no
chance of their finding it elsewhere. But no rain had fallen
for some time, for they discovered no more, and the land
which they found beyond the rocks which skirted the coast
held out no promise to them. The country was flat, without
vegetation or trees, with nothing in view but ant-hills, and
these so large that, from a distance, they were taken to be
the habitations of the Indians. They found there such a
wonderful quantity of flies, that they were compelled to
defend themselves from them. At some distance they per-
ceived eight savages, each of whom carried a club in his
hand ; these came up within musket shot, but when they
saw our people advancing to meet them, they took to flight.
At length, finding that there was no longer hope of obtaining
water, our people determined, about mid-day, to leave the
coast, and accordingly departed by another opening in this

K

66 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

reef, more to the northward. Finding by observation that
they were in 22° 17', they formed the idea of seeliing the
river of Jacob K-emmessens, but the wind blowing from the
north-east, they found they could no longer follow the coast ;
when, taking into consideration that they were distant more
than one hundred miles from the place of shipwreck, and
that they had with difficulty found sufficient water for their
subsistance, they resolved to make the best of their way to
Batavia, to inform the governor of their misfortune, and to
solicit assistance for the people they had left in the islands.

On the 17th, they were prevented by fog from taking an
observation at mid-day. This day they made about fifteen
miles, the wind being north-west by north, fresh, and dry,
and their route north-east.

On the 18th, they were still unable to take an observa-
tion at mid-day, but, by their reckoning, they made ten
miles upon a wind, Avest north-west; the weather rough
with much rain and wind, which, towards mid-day, veered
from north-east slightly towards the north, their course lying
to the west. The same weather continued the whole of the
19th, so that they were again unable to take an observa-
tion ; but by their reckoning they made about seven leagues,
their course lying north north-east, and the wind being due
west.

On the 20th, they found themselves by an observation in
19° 22' of latitude, having made, by reckoning, twenty-two
miles, their course lying northerly, and the wind west south-
west, fresh, with a slight rain.

The 2]st, they reckoned to have made twenty-three miles
in a northerly direction, the wind varying from south-west
to south-cast, sometimes fresh, followed by a calm.

An observation on the 22nd showed them to be in latitude
16° 10', which greatly surprised them, as they could not ima-
gine how, in so short a time, they had been enabled to pass
so many degrees ; the current apparently carried them

CAPTAIN FRANCIS PELSART. G7

strongly toM'ards the north. By their reckoning they were
found to have made twenty-four miles, the course northerly,
with a fresh breeze at times from the south-east.

They found it impossible to take an observation upon the
23rd, but, by their reckoning, they had made sixteen miles,
their course lying north by west, the wind this day some-
times veering from east to west, weather variable, rainy and
occasionally calm. In the evening the wind stood at south
south-east.

On the 24th, the weather was dry, fresh, with the wind
south-east by south. About mid-day they found themselves
in latitude 13° 10', the course twenty-five miles north by
west.

On the 25th, the wind blew from the south-east, the wea-
ther dry, and fresh, and the latitude 13° 30'. This day they
had advanced by their reckoning thirty-one miles, north by
west, and saw much sea-weed.

The 26th day they were in latitude 9° 56', the wind south-
east, and the weather dry. This day they advanced twenty-
four miles in the same direction.

On the 2Tth day the wind blew from the south-east, and
the weather being rainy they were unable to take an obser-
vation. After mid- day they saw the land of Java, in lati-
tude 8" according to their calculations, and distant about
four or five miles. They changed their course to west
north-west, hugging the coast until evening, vi'hen they dis-
covered a point beyond which lay an island abounding with
trees. Having made for this point they found, towards dusk,
a bay, into which they entered, following a course towards
the north north-west, and casting anchor in eight fathoms
water, with a hard bottom, they passed the night there.

On the morning of the 28th, they weighed anchor, and
rowed towards shore to look for water, for they were re-
duced to extremity by thirst. Happily they discovered a
spring, at which they quenched their thirst and refilled

68 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

their casks, and towards mid-day resumed their course for
Batavia.

After midnight in the second watch of the 29th, they per-
ceived an island before them, which they left on their star-
board or right side, and at day-break found themselves near
the cove "svhich lies upon the Avest side thereof, from whence
they continued their course towards the west north-west.
By pursuing this route one gives a wide berth to the shore at
the bottom of this cove, but nears it again before the Trowuen
Islands are reached. About mid-day they found themselves
in latitude 6° 48', and that by reckoning they had made
thirty miles, the course lying west north-west, about three
o'clock in the afternoon. They passed between these two
islands, and saw upon the more westerly one a great quan-
tity of cocoa-nut trees. About evening they were still dis-
tant one mile from the south point of Java, and at the third
bell of the second watch found themselves exactly between
Java and Prince's Island. On the morning of the thir-
tieth day they were near the coast of Prince's Island, and
made only two miles that day. Towards evening a slight
breeze sprung up from the land.

The weather moderated on the 1st of July, and at mid-day
they were still fall three leagues distant from the island
called Dwaers-indcn-wegh,^ the wind being inconstant-
About evening the Avind blew from the north-west, so that
they gained the island of which I sj^eak. The night was
calm, and they were constrained to row.

On the morning of the second, being opposite to the island
called Toppers-hoetien, they were forced to remain at anchor
till nigh eleven o'clock, expecting the sea breeze ; but it
rose so slightly that they were compelled to continue rowing,
and found by the evening that they had only advanced two
miles. At sunset they perceived a sail astern opposite to

^ " Dwaers-inden-wegh," signifies the island which lies across the
path, i.e., Thwart-the-way Island.

CAPTAIN FRANCIS PELSAKT. 69

the island Dwaers-inden-wegh, whereupon they reached the
coast and cast anclior there, resolved to await its coming.
When the morning came they boarded this vessel, hoping
to obtain assistance and arms for their defence against the
Javanese in case they were at war with the Dutch. They
found the vessel accompanied by two others of the Company,
in one of which was Hamburgh, counsellor to the Company.
Pelsart went on board his vessel, and having recounted to
him with grief the accident that had befallen him, sailed with
him to Batavia.

Whilst he is soliciting assistance, I will return to those
of the crew who remained upon the island ; but I should
first inform you that the supercargo, named Jerome Cor-
nells, formerly an apothecary at Harlem, had conspired with
the pilot and some others, when off the coast of Africa, to
obtain possession of the ship and to take her to Dunkirk,
or to avail themselves of her for the purposes of piracy.
This supercargo remained upon the wreck ten days after the
vessel had struck, having discovered no means of reaching
the shore. He even passed two days upon the mainmast,
which floated, and having from thence got u2:)on a yard, at
length gained the land. In the absence of Pelsart he became
commander, and deemed this a suitable occasion for putting
his original design into execution, concluding that it would
not be difficult to become master of that which remained of
the wreck, and to surprise the commander when he should
arrive with the assistance which he had gone to Batavia to
seek, and afterwards to cruise in these seas with his vessel.
To accomplish this it was necessary to get rid of those of the
crew who were not of his party ; but before embruing his
hands with blood, he caused his accomplices to sign a species
of compact, by which they promised fidelity one to another.
The entire crew was divided between three islands ; upon
that of Cornells, which they had named the graveyard of
Batavia, was the greatest number of men. One of them.

70 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

by name Weybehays, had been dispatched to another island
to seek for water, and having discovered some after a search
of twenty days, he made the preconcerted signal by lighting
three fires, but in vain, for they were not seen by the
people of Cornelis's company, the conspirators having,
during that time, murdered those who were not of their
party. Of these they killed thirty or forty ; some few saved
themselves u^^on pieces of wood, which they joined together,
and going in search of Weybehays informed him of the
horrible massacre that had taken place. Having with him
forty-five men he resolved to keep upon his guard, and to
defend himself from these assassins if they should make an
attack upon his company, which, in effect, they designed
to do, and to treat the other party in the same manner ; for
they feared lest their company, or that which remained upon
the third island, should inform the commander upon his
arrival, and thus prevent the execution of their design. They
succeeded easily with the party last mentioned, which was
the weakest, killing the whole of them, excepting seven
children and some women. They hoped to succeed as easily
with Weybehays' company, and in the meanwhile broke
open the chests of merchandise which had been saved from
the vessel. Jerome Cornelis caused clothing to be made for
his company out of the rich stuffs which he found therein,
choosing to himself a body guard, each of whom he clothed
in scarlet, embroidered with gold and silver. Kegarding the
women as part of the spoil, he took one for himself, and gave
one of the daughters of the minister to a principal member
of his party, abandoning the other three for public use ; he
drew up also certain rules for the future conduct of his men.
After these horrible proceedings, he caused himself to be
elected captain-general by a document, which he compelled
all his companions to sign. He afterwards sent twenty-two
men in two shallops to destroy the company of Weybehays,
but they met with a repulse. Taking with him thirty-seven

CAPTAIN FRANCIS PELSART. 71

men he went himself against Weybehays, who received him
at the water's edge as he disembarked, and forced him to
retire, although he had no other weapons but clubs, the
ends of Avhich he had armed with spikes. Finding force
unavailing he had recourse to other means. He proposed a
treaty of peace, the chaplain who remained with Weybe-
hays drawing up the conditions ; it was agreed to with this
proviso, that AVeybehays' company should remain unmo-
lested, who, upon their jiart, agreed to deliver up a little
boat in which one of the sailors had escaped from the island
where Cornelis was located to that of Weybehays, receiving
in return some stuffs for clothing his people. During the
negotiations, Cornelis wrote to certain French soldiers who
belonged to the company, offering to each six thousand
pounds to corrupt them, with the hope that with this assist-
ance he might easily compass his design. His letters, which
were without effect, were shown to Weybehays, and Cor-
nelis, who was ignorant of their disclosure, having arrived
the next day with three or four others to find Weybehays
and bring him the apparel, the latter caused him to be at-
tacked, killed two or three of his company, and took Cornelis
himself prisoner. One of them, by name Wouterlos, who
escaped from this rout, returned the following day to renew
the attack, but with little success,

Pelsart arrived during these occurrences in the frigate
Sardam ; as he approached the wreck he observed smoke
from a distance, rising from one of the islands, a circum-
stance that afforded him great consolation, since he perceived
by it that his peoj)le were not all dead. He cast anchor,
and threw himself immediately into a skiff with bread and
wine, and proceeded to land in one of the islands. Nearly
at the same time a boat came alongside armed with four men.
Weybehays, who was one of the four, ran to him, informed
him of the massacre, and advised him to return as speedily
as possible to his vessel, for that the conspirators designed

72 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK OF

to surprise him — having ah-eacly murdered twenty-five per-
sons— and to attack him with two shallops ; adding, that he
himself had that morning been at close quarters with them.
Pelsart perceived at the same time the two shalloj)S coming
towards him, and had scarcely got on board his own vessel
before they came alongside. He was surprised to see the
people covered with embroidery of gold and silver, and
weapons in their hands, and demanded of them why they
approached the vessel armed. They replied that they would
inform him when they came on board. He commanded
them to cast their arms into the sea, or otherwise he would
sink them. Finding themselves compelled to submit, they
threw away their weapons, and, being ordered on board,
were immediately placed in irons. One of them, named Jan
de Bremen, who was the first examined, confessed that he
had put to death, or assisted in the assassination of twenty-
seven persons. The same evening Weybehays brought his
prisoner on board.

On the 18th day of September, the captain and the master-
pilot, taking with them ten men of Weybehays' company,
passed over in boats to the island of Cornelis. Those who
still remained thereon lost all courage as soon as they saw
them alongside, and allowed themselves to be placed in irons.
The captain's first care was to make search for the jewels,
which had been distributed here and there. The whole of
these were discovered at the first search, with the exception
of a chain of gold and a ring, the latter of which was after-
wards recovered. The wreck was afterwards visited. The
vessel was broken into a hundred pieces ; the keel upon one
side aground upon a sandbank, the forepart of the vessel
resting upon a rock, and other pieces scattered here and
there, holding out little hope to Pelsart of saving any part
of the Company's merchandise. The steward informed him,
that about one mouth previous, upon the only fine day they
had had during their residence there, having gone out fish-

CAPTAIN FUANCIS PELSART. 73

ing near the wreck, he had struck against one of the chests
filled with silver M'ith the end of a pike.

On the 19th, they conveyed the other accomplices to the
island for the purpose of examining them.

On the 20th, they sent various necessaries to Weybe-
hays' company, and brought away water from them ; for,
after being ten days upon the island without discovering
any, they thought of tasting some which was in two wells,
but which they had believed to be salt, because it rose and
fell with the tide, but they afterwards found it to be good to
drink.

On the 21st, they found the tide very low, and the wind
so strong from the east south-east, that the boat could not
go out this day.

On the 22nd, they again wished to examine the wreck,
but the sea broke upon it so roughly that the swimmers
themselves did not venture to approach it.

On the 25th, the master and pilot approached it at a favour-
able moment, and those who remained on shore perceiving
that there was something that they were unable to remove
therefrom, sent assistance to them, the captain going in
person, and they found that they had discovered a chest full
of silver. A second chest was afterwards found, and the two
were placed on dry land ; but they were unable to obtain
more that day on account of the bad weather,, although the
divers of Guzarat assured them they had found six other
chests which they could easily remove.

On the 26th, after they had dined, the weather being fine
and the tide very low, the master set out for the spot
where the chests had been seen and recovered three, placing
an anchor and a piece of artillery to mark the spot where a
fourth remained, which, after great endeavours, they found
themselves unable to move.

On the 27th, the wind blew very cold from the south.

On the 28th, the wind continued from the same q^uarter.

L

74 THE VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK, ETC.

and as it did not suffer them to work near the wreck, the
captain assembled a council to advise whether he should
bring the prisoners to trial there, or carry them to Batavia,
to be there tried by the officers of the Company. The great
number of them, and the temptation offered by the great trea-
sures which they had recovered from the wreck, and with
which the frigate was loaded, caused the majority to vote
for their immediate trial and execution, which was there and
then carried into effect.

VOYAGE OF GERRIT THOMASZ POOL TO THE
SOUTH LAND.

TKANSLATED FRON VALEJJXYN's " BESCHEYVINGE
VAN" BANDA," p. 47.

On the 26th of March, 1636, there arrived two shallops, the
Amsterdam and the Weasel, sent from Amboina, Avith orders
to Governor Acoley at Banda, to give to the commander of
these ships, Gerard Thomasz Pool, such information con-
cerning the South Land as might be necessary for him to
perform a voyage thither^ under the orders of the honour-
able Company.

After he had received the desired instructions, and had
been furnished with sufficient provisions and other neces-
saries, he sailed with those vessels on the 17th of April,

On the 30th of June following both these vessels re-
turned, and informed the governor that, having reached the
Flat Point in about 4i degrees of south latitude on the IStli
of April, they had determined to send some of their people
on shore to take a view of the covintry. The Commander
Pool, desirous to see everything himself, resolved to be of
the party, and took with him his steward, Andries Schiller,
a native of Nuremberg. They were scarcely landed, when
a large body of wild Southlanders, who at first appeared
friendly, but acted afterwards in a hostile manner, sur-
rounded them, in so much that it was not in their power to
escape. The Commander Pool perceiving the danger greater

76 VOYAGE OF GERRIT THOMASZ POOL.

than he at first expected, was still in hopes to escape ; but
he found himself attacked one of the first, and received a
blow with a hazegay, which immediately brought him to the
ground. When he recovered his senses and saw that his
steward was still defending himself, he called out to him
that he would do better to try to make his escape, as other-
wise he would not be able to do it, for the savages were
coming on in yet greater numbers. He did so, but was like-
wise soon knocked down.

The wild Southlanders, p.erceiving the hanger which the
Commander Pool had in his hand, forced it from him and
cut these two men to pieces, and carried them into the
wood ; but it never could be discovered what they did with
them, nor what became of the two sailors who were likewise
missing.

The crew could only tell, that these Southlanders have a
very black skin, much like the Gaffers of Angola, but with
long black hair on their head, and were much stouter and
taller in stature than any Europeans, and quite naked, with
the exception of their middle. They also reported that one
of them, appearing to be a chief, had a rough skin of some
wild beast wrapped round his neck ; and that they were
armed partly with hazegays, and a kind of javelins with
sharp iron points ; and partly with bows and arrows.

ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK OF THE SHIP " DE VEll-

GULDE DRAECK" ON THE SOUTHLAND, AND

THE EXPEDITIONS UNDERTAKEN,

BOTH FROM BATAVIA AND THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE, IN SEARCH

OF THE SURVIVORS AND MONET AND GOODS WHICH MIGHT

BE FOUND ON THE WRECK, AND OF THE SMALL

SUCCESS WHICH ATTENDED THEM.

Drawn up and Translated from Authentic IIS. Copies of the Loghooks
in the Royal Archives at the Hague.

The ship De Vergulde Dracch, equipped by the Chamber
of Amsterdam^ having sailed on the 4th of October, 1655,
from Tessel to East India, with a rich cargo, including
78,600 guilders in cash, in eight boxes, was wrecked very
suddenly on the 28th of April, at night, at the begin-
ning of the first day-watch, on the coast of the Southland,
on a reef stretching out to sea about one mile and a half,
latitude 30-|°. Of one hundred and ninety-three souls only
seventy-five, among whom were the skipper Pieter Aberts
and the under-steersman, reached the shore alive. Nothing
was saved from the ship, which foundered and sunk at
once, except a small quantity of provisions washed on
shore by the waves. The news was brought to Batavia
by one of the ship's boats, with the above-mentioned steers-
man and six sailors, after beating about for a month, on the
7th of June, with the account that the sixty-eight persons
who remained behind were exerting themselves to get their
boat afloat again, which lay deeply embedded in the sand,
that they might send it also with some of their number to

78 ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK

Batavia. The General and Council resolved, for the rescue
both of the above-mentioned unfortunate men, and also of the
Company's specie and merchandise, to get ready without delay
a quick-sailing fly-boat, the Witte Valck, provisioned for five
months, with some further supplies for the above-mentioned
men at the Southland ; as also some expert divers, with
hatchets and other necessary implements. This they or-
dered to join company with the yacht the Goede Hoop,
then cruizing in the Straits of Sunda, with instructions that
they should both proceed together without loss of time from
the Straits southwards, as far as 32° or 33° latitude, or until
they met a strong westerly trade-wind, in which case they
would steer towards the coast of the Southland. They were,
moreover, to explore the said coast with particular attention,
near the part where the ship had been wrecked, further
than it had been already known, and to lay it down on a
map, with its capes, inlets, bays, rocks, sands, and shoals.

The Witte Valck set sail on the 8th of June, in order to
join company with th.e yacht Goede Hoop, in the Sunda
Straits. They sailed out together, but returned Avithout
having succeeded in their object ; the former, on the 14th of
September, and the yacht a month afterwards, having been
forced by a severe storm to part company on the 18th of
July, on their way out. According to the captain's journals
lying at Batavia, they had reached the coast just in the
winter time, during which season the sea is so boisterous
there, that an approach to the coast is a matter of extreme
danger. Thus, as these documents inform us, they were com-
pelled, after experiencing great danger and exhausting every
effort, to put off from the coast and to return to Batavia,
leaving behind them eleven men of the yacht Hoop, three
of them having wandered too far into the woods and eight
having been sent in search of them, but not one of the
number returned. As the boat in which they had rowed to
land was found dashed to pieces on the shore, the whole

OF TTIF, VEKCITT^DK DRAEOK, ETC. 79

number, most probably, came to an untimely end. Accord-
ing to tbe reports which were made, some men or some signs
of the wreck had been noticed, although the Gocde Hooj^,
which had been at the place where the ship was supposed
to have been wrecked, gave a different statement.

Subsequently the commander at the Cape of Good Hope,
according to instructions sent to him, gave orders in the year
165T to the fly-boat Vmch, bound thence to Batavia, to touch
en passant at the same place where the above-mentioned
disaster had occurred, that search might be made for the
unfortunate men. But his vessel also having arrived at the
unfavourable season, found no means of landing either with
fly-boat or boat, so as to make a proper search. According
to its reports, having, on the 8th of June, 1657, during the
daytime, seen signs of land in 29" 7' south latitude, and the
weather being very favourable, they anchored at night in
twenty-five fathoms water, the bottom being coarse sand
mixed with coral. In the morning, when day dawned,
they saw the surf breaking over the reef at the foot of which
they lay, and on one side of them the Southland, presenting
a low sandy shore, on which their anchor lifted. They
continued their course along the coast in order to observe the
land, which was still kept in sight the following day. The
weather, however, became so boisterous, and the breakers
rolled all along the coast with such violence, that they were
compelled to put out a little further to sea, yet, throughout
the 10th and 11th of June, they still followed the coast line in
forty or fifty fathoms water. However, the chance of landing
grew gradually less as they proceeded, for the weather con-
tinued stormy, with thunder and lightning, so that it became
necessary to get clear of the coast. They allowed their ship
to drive before the wind under bare poles until the 12th,
when they loosened sail a little, the wind shifting between
S., S.S.AV., and S.S.E., and stood out towards Batavia, where
thev arrived on the 27th.

80 ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK

Notwithstanding all this, and although, as the statement of
the General and Council shows, the rescue of these men seemed
hopeless, since it was evident that they must either have
perished from hunger and misery, or been murdered by the
barbarous natives ; they resolved afterwards, as there might
be still some hope left, however small, to despatch, for a
third time, two galliots, the Waeckende Bocy and Emeloort,
the former with a crew of forty, the latter of twenty-five
men, provisioned for six months. They set sail from Batavia
on the 1st of January, 1658, with distinct orders both as to
how to reach the Southland and as to their conduct during
the voyage : amongst them these ; that after passing the
Straits of Sunda they should steer towards the S.W., and as
much further south as the wind would allow, so as to meet
the S.E. trade winds, when they would proceed at once as
far southwards as they could by crowding all sail until the
west winds were encountered, when again they should im-
mediately steer as much south as east, in order that, without
loss of time and before encountering land, they might reach
the latitude of 32° or 33°, when, directing their course east-
wards, they should make the attempt to land at the Southland.
It was enjoined that every possible precaution should be
used, as the coast in that quarter was not much known or
properly explored. It was added, that their arrival would be
in summer or the most favourable season of the year ; with
other matters, set forth in the instructions given to them by
the General and Council on the last day of December, 1657.
On the 19th of April they returned to Batavia, having each
of them separately, after parting company by the way, sailed
backwards and forwards again and again, and landed parties
at several points along the coast. They had also continually
fired signal guns night and day, without, however, discover-
ing either any Dutchmen or the wreck of the vessel. The
only things seen were some few planks and blocks, with a
piece of the mast, a taffrail, fragments of barrels, and other

Of THE

OFT AFBEELDINCE VAN 'T ZUYTLANDT ONDECKT C

DEN SCHIPPER AUCKE PIETERS JONCK .

IN DE MAENDT FEBRUARIO EN MAART A^ 1658, ME

/• ^ OF THE

UNIVERSITY

OF J

Xalifob^

OF THE VEKGUT-DE DHAECK, ETC. <Sl

objects scattered here and there along the coast, and sup-
posed to be remnants of the wreck. The crew of the Eme-
loort also saw at different points five black men of extremely
tall stature, without however daring to land there. Thus of
this expedition again the only result was, that the crew of
the IVaeckende Boey abandoned a boat with fourteen of
their comrades, including the upper steersman, and that in
a manner but too reckless, as it afterwards proved and as we
shall presently show. The boat having been sent to land,
and not returning within twenty-four hours, they concluded
that it must have been dashed against the cliffs and all hands
perished ; the more so as, on returning to the same place
five days afterwards, and firing several signal-guns land-
wards, no men or signs of men were seen. But from the
report of four of their number who afterwards arrived at
Japara by way of Matarara, it appeared that the unfortunate
men, seeing themselves abandoned by their ship and finding
no other resource left, resolved at last to steer for the coast of
Java. Accordingly having repaired their boat, as best they
might, with sealskins, and provided themselves with a little
water and seals' flesh, they set out on the 10th of April, and
arrived on the 28th of the same month on the south side
of that island. But of their number at that time eleven
only remained, three having perished of thirst on the way,
whilst four others in the first instance, and afterwards two,
who had been made to swim ashore in search of water, had
not returned, either from obstinacy or because they were
killed by the natives. On the following day the boat was
dashed to pieces on the beach by a heavy sea, when the
above four men, without having met either with the seven
above-mentioned or any other men, took their way west-
ward along the coast and continued to march for two months
in a very weak and exhausted condition, until they at last
met with men who brought them to Mataram.

Among the number of those who returned was the upper

M

-^

/^^

'T L

1
1

^^^^ijjji

Wl^^'

"^^Rjj OFT AFBEELDf 1

1

^S^

^^>f

f^^^y DEN SCHIPPER ;

^^cy/>]

^^N^^ IN DE MAENDT

J

0

y

I

6

03

1

nf

o

■^

'^

■•••■....

g

f

' <^^

1

^

J^

^c

1 ;.
i 1

1 ! 1 1 1 1 ' 1

1 1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 > i.

d

OF THE VERGULDE DRAECK, ETC. SI

objects scattered here and there along the coast, and sup-
posed to be remnants of the wreck. The crew of the Emc-
loort also saw at different points five black men of extremely-
tall stature, without however daring to land there. Thus of
this expedition again the only result was, that the crew of
the Waeckende Boeij abandoned a boat with fourteen of
their comrades, including the upper steersman, and that in
a manner but too reckless, as it afterwards proved and as we
shall presently show. The boat having been sent to land,
and not returning within twenty-four hours, they concluded
that it must have been dashed against the cliffs and all hands
perished ; the more so as, on returning to the same place
five days afterwards, and firing several signal-guns land-
wards, no men or signs of men were seen. But from the
report of four of their number who afterwards arrived at
Japara by way of Mataram, it appeared that the unfortunate
men, seeing themselves abandoned by their ship and finding
no other resource left, resolved at last to steer for the coast of
Java. Accordingly having repaired their boat, as best they
might, with sealskins, and provided themselves with a little
water and seals' flesh, they set out on the 10th of April, and
arrived on the 28th of the same month on the south side
of that island. But of their number at that time eleven
only remained, three having perished of thirst on the way,
whilst four others in the first instance, and afterwards two,
who had been made to swim ashore in search of water, had
not returned, either from obstinacy or because they were
killed by the natives. On the following day the boat was
dashed to pieces on the beach by a heavy sea, when the
above four men, without having met either with the seven
above-mentioned or any other men, took their way west-
ward along the coast and continued to march for two months
in a very weak and exhausted condition, until they at last
met with men who brought them to Mataram.

Among the number of those who returned was the upper

82 ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK

steersman, Abraham Leeman van Santwigh. Of the remain-
ing seven nothing more was heard.

It afterwards appeared from the diaries of the before-
mentioned galliots that, notwithstanding the strong injunc-
tions to that effect laid down in their instructions, proper
care had not been taken by them to keep together, so as to
render assistance to each other in case of accident, and to
combine in using the most effectual means for landing and
exploring the coast.

The Fiscal of India was ordered to consult further with
the Council of Justice on the subject, but the General and
Council were of opinion that the unfortunate men from the
ship De Draeck must one and all have perished long ago,
since no traces of them had been discovered throughout
the whole length of the coast. Consequently all thoughts
of any further special expeditions were given up, the more
so as the two former ones had proved so disastrous. Orders,
however, were given that any galliot or light fly-boat should
seize any opportunity of touching there in favourable weather
once more on their way from this country, to see if any clue
to the missing men might perchance be found.

The log-books of the galliots were sent over, together with
an extract from that of the fly-boat Elhurgh, as far as re-
lated to the Southland, together with the small charts of the
coast.

We shall now enter into a few further particulars with
a view to the fuller elucidation of the subject. According
to the journal of Aucke Pietersz Jonck, skipper of the galliot
Enicloort, they sighted land while at a distance of four miles
from the shore, on the 8th of March, at 30° 25' south lati-
tude, the south point lying E.S.E., and the north point
N.E. by N. They also saw smoke rising towards the E.S.E.
and E., whereupon they fired three guns and hoisted a large
flag on the mainmast. At night a fire was again seen at
N.E. by E.

OF THE VP:RGUL1)E DllAECK, ETC. ,83

On the 9th, a fire on shore was aj^aiu seen and answered
with a signal of three guns, and the boat was launched with a
crew of nine hardy men and the steersman, provisioned for
eight days ; on their approach tlie smoke or fire disappeared,
whereujDon they returned on board. This fire was at a dis-
tance of two miles from the former one. Nine signal-guns
were then fired from the ship, and afterwards three at night.
A light was also hung aloft during the night, but no signs
were observed on land.

On the 10th, the boat was again sent ashore, and a large
fire again seen on the beach, at the same j^lace as on the pre-
vious day, upon which a gun Avas fired every hour from the
ship and a flag hoisted. About two hours elapsed before
the boat could reach the shore. Fires at four different
points were again seen from the ship during the night, one
of which continued burning throughout the night, and seve-
ral musket-shots were fired.

The boat's crew related that they had come across three
huts, and had encountered five persons of tall stature and im-
posing appearance, who made signs to them to approach ;
this, however, from distrust of their intentions, they did not
venture to do. On their returning again to the boat these
people followed them down to the beach, but were afraid to
enter the boat. Much brushwood was seen on shore by this
party, and in some places crops of growing grain which they
set fire to, also portions of land under cultivation ; no fruits,
however, were noticed, but merely a few herbs of an agree-
able smell. Further inland they saw neither fresh water
nor trees, but numerous sandy downs; at night also many
fires. After having gone three miles along the shore as well
as inland without meeting any misadventure, they again pro-
ceeded with the ship under sail, but saw no signs of any-
thing remarkable along the coast from latitude 33° 30' to
30° 25'. There they went again on shore with the same
result. This prolonged investigation proved altogether fruit-

84 ACCOUNT OF THE ^VKECK

less with regnrcl both to the lost ship and the crew. The
natives they encountered were men of stalwart frame, naked,
and very dark-skinned ; they wore a headdress forming a
kind of crown, but with no covering on any part of their
bodies except their middle. They then returned, the crew
beginning to suffer very much, chiefly from sore eyes. They
left the cliff Tortelduyf on the starboard side. On the 15th
of March they saw many gulls, entirely black but of small
size, and on the ITth, several wag-tails. On the 26th, the
point Wynkoopsbergen lay to the W.N.W. of them, distant
three miles. They continued to coast along at a distance of
four, five, six, or seven miles, and would have again touched
land had the weather permitted.

On the 14th of April they made for the west point of
Java, and there fell in again Avith the JVaeckefide Boey,
which had lost its boat and schuyt and fourteen men, and
had got some timber from the Vergulde Draeck at 31° 15'
south latitude, without having perceived anything else.

Further, from the journal of the Waechende Boey it ap-
pears, that having arrived on the 23rd of February 1658,
at 31° 40', they saw land at a distance of eight miles from
them, bore down upon it, and found it to be an island about
three miles distant from the mainland. On the 24th, they
came to anchor in seventeen fathoms Avater and launched the
boat, there being a bar between the ship and the shore. On
the 25th, they still lay at 31° 20'.

On the 26th, on the return of the boat from the shore,
the steersman reported many signs of the lost ship Draeck,
but neither footpaths nor any places where traces of human
beings had been left were discovered, notwithstanding they
had been in all directions both inland and along the coast.
They further reported that wood and other objects, portions
of boxes, etc., a barrel, and other things had been found;
also a number of pieces of plank, standing upright in a
circle. Having weighed anchor they sailed along the

OF THE VERGULDR DRAECIC, ETC. 85

coast, and on that occasion tlicir schuyt was capsized and
lost.

On the 27th, when about two miles from the coast, latitude
31° 14', the boat was sent on shore, and returned with the
report that nothing had been observed but a reef about f [of
a mile ?] off the coast seawards.

On the 28th, having arrived at 30° 40', and several fires
having been seen on land, the boat was again sent out. The
steersman reported that nothing had been observed but a
great smoke, and that they had been unable to land with the
boat owing to the violence of the surf. Having descried the
Emeloort in the offing, they returned with her.

March 2nd, at 30° 6', the Emeloort was separated from
them in the night and was lost sight of. On the 5th, they
were driven by stormy weather rovuid the south.

The weather continuing cold and wet, they resolved to
serve out extra rations of rum to each man.

On the 8th, the weather grey and cold. They supposed
themselves to be in 31° 47'. The 18th, saw land to the east-
ward, being about 31° 49. At sunset they came to anchor
under a north-easterly point of the island, half a mile from
land.

On the 19th, a boat was put off in the direction of the
island ; the steersman reported its being well wooded, but
that no good landing place had been met with, the coast
being surrounded by rocky reefs. Two seals were seen
there, also one wild cat, and the excrements of other ani-
mals. On the 20th, a boat was sent on shore well manned ;
the following day several signal-guns were fired, and in the
evening the boat returned to the ship, bringing with it a
piece of the mast of the Draech, and again returning to land
after taking in a supply of provisions, brought back a part
of the round-top, a block, and other trifling objects.

On the 22nd, they again sent to shore. At night it blew
hard, the waves running very high. A gun was fired and a

86 ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK

light hung out as a guide to the boat on its return. They
ran great risk of driving upon the rocks. At midnight, the
cable parting, another anchor was dropped.

On the 2ord, the weather being still boisterous, and they
themselves in great distress and nothing seen of the boat,
fears were entertained that it might have capsized or been
dashed against the rocks. They were afterwards compelled
to cut their cable and run out to sea.

On the 27th, they sighted the island again, and ran so
near the coast that they might have been seen by a man on
the beach. Several guns were fired toward the place where
the boat had last gone to land, but neither sign nor sound
being observed, it was taken for certain that they had been
lost, and resolved that they should sail along the coast to-
ward Batavia. The fire was again seen at dusk close to the
sea-line, which they supposed to have been lighted by the
crew of the DraecJc or the Waeckende Boey, as no such fire
had been seen before. A gun was fired, whereupon another
fire close to the first became visible. But having neither
boat nor schuyt, it was impossible to land and equally so to
come to anchor ; the bottom being coral-rock.

On the 29th, they found themselves at some distance to
the north of the point where the fire was seen. The coast
became more level as they proceeded, and they sailed along
the shore till sunset, when they again run further out to sea ;
in the course of the second watch they passed the Tortel-
duyf cliff, the surf breaking on it being plainly visible.

On the oOth, the weather not permitting them to run close
in, they remained at some distance off shore. On the 31st,
they were distant five miles from the Dirck Hertogs Eeede,
and on April 10th, arrived at Java.^

^ From another extract from these IMS. logbooks at the Hague, which
was made at the editor's request, there was au additioual observation of
importance which is here omitted. Three times Captain Jouck speaks
of a southern current running along the coast, which struck his atteu-

OF titt: vkuout.de duaf.ck. 8T

From the journal of the above-mentioned Abraham Lcc-
man, steersman of the IVaec/cende Boey, it appears that they
first sighted the SouthLand on the 22nd of February, 1656,
went several times on shore with the boat, and on one occa-
sion, on the 20th of March, having again landed, they went
inland in a northerly direction, and in searching along the
beach found there pieces of plank, lids of boxes, staves of
water-barrels and butter-casks, and other objects of trifling
importance. The heat on that day was excessive, so much
so that one of the men fainted. They also found similar
planks, staves, etc., in an enclosure. They then encoun-
tered a very heavy sea, which prevented their returning
on board their vessel, and were obliged to sail along the
cliffs in the utmost peril. Owing to the dangerous nature
of the coast they were obliged to keep themselves alive by
eating seals' flesh, gulls, etc., and, from want of fresh water,
they were compelled to supply its place by sea-water and
their own urine. At last they were compelled to undertake
a perilous voyage across the ocean in their little shallop,
and at length reached Batavia by way of Mataram and
Japara.

Moreover the General and Council recount, in their gene-
ral letter of the 14th of December, 1658, that the fly-boat
Elburg, when on its way hence, had come upon the South-
land in o\h° latitude, and had been obliged, on account of
wind and the heavy sea, to anchor about two miles and a
half off the coast in twenty-two fathoms water, not without
great danger. Twelve days afterwards they again got into
open sea, and in latitude 33° 14' found a commodious anchor-

tion in these seas. Among other passages he speaks of it in these terms :
" We had deviated from our course fifteen minutes to the south, and this
we attributed to a southern current, which we have observed several
times on this coast, which is a strange thing, the being drawn by the
current in spite of the wind and the waves." Elsewhere he estimates
the force of this current at ten miles in the twenty-four hours.

88 ACCOUNT OF THE WRECK, ETC.

age under a projecting corner of the island in twenty fathoms
water. The skipper, steersman, with the sergeant and six
soldiers went ashore, and found three black men round a
fire, dressed in skins, like the natives of the Cape of Good
Hope. They could not, however, get to speak to them.
Three small hammers were also found there, with wooden
handles and heads of hard stone, fastened to the stem by a
sort of gum-lack, strong enough to break a man's skull. A
little further inland stood some huts, but no more men were
seen. In several places they found fresh water, and here
and there a great quantity of this gum. The small hammer
brought here was found, when rubbed, to be of an agree-
able odour and of a reddish colour.

Lastly, we have to notice, that, according to certain printed
accounts, the ship Batavia, having sailed hence to Batavia,
ran very unexpectedly, on the 4th of June of the following
year, 1659, in the morning hours, latitude 28i°, on the dan-
gerous shoals of the Abrolhos, commonly called with us
Frederick Houtman's Cliffs, and was wrecked. The crew,
however, reached in safety some small islands which lay near.
No fresh water was found there, but the boat with some
men having left the island, saw, in 24° latitude, smoke rising,
and observed black men on the shore.

DESCRIPTION OF THE WEST COAST OF THE SOUTH

LAND, BY THE CAPTAIN SAMUEL VOLKERSEN,

OF THE PINK, "WAECKENDE BOEY,"

WHICH SAILED FKOM BATAVIA ON THE FIRST OF JANUARY,

1658, AND KETURNED ON THE 19tH OF APRIL OF

THE SAME TEAR.

Translated from a Dutch MS. in the Royal Archives at the Hague.

The South Land has, on its coasts, downs covered with grass
and sand so deep, that, in walking, one's foot is buried ankle-
deep, and leaves great traces behind it. At about a league
from the shore there runs a reef of rock, on which here and
there the sea is seen to break with great force. In some
places there is a depth of from one, one and a half, to tvro
fathoms, so that a boat can pass, after which the depth be-
comes greater up to the shore ; but it is everywhere a dan-
gerous coral bottom, on which it is difficult to find holding
for an anchor. There is only one spot, about nine leagues
to the north of the island, and where three rocks are joined by
a reef, that shelter is afforded for a boat, and there one can
effect a landing, but the ground is everywhere rocky. Fur-
ther from the coast there is a raised ground, tolerably level,
but of a dry and barren aspect, except near the island, where
there is some foliage. In nearly thirty-two degrees south
latitude there is a large island, nearly three leagues from
the continent, with some rather high mountains, covered

90 DESCRIPTION OF THE SOUTH LAND.

with wood and tliickcts, which render it difficult to pass
across. It is dangerous to land there, on account of the
reefs of rock along the coast; and, moreover, one sees many
rocks between the continent and this island, and also a
smaller island somewhat to the south. This large island, to
which I have not chosen to give a name mj^self, thinking it
right to leave the choice of name to the governor-general,
may be seen from the sea at seven or eight leagues distance
on a clear day. I presume that both fresh water and wood
will be found there in abundance, though not without con-
siderable trouble.

Two certain signs of the proximity of the tvest coast of
the South Land.

1st. When a variation is perceived in the compass in
these countries to about eleven degrees, it may be taken
for certain that the land is not more than eighteen to twenty
leagues distant.

Sndly. When one sees sea-weed floating, soundings will
be found in 70, 60, 50, 40, 30 fathoms, or even less.

{Signed) Samuel Volckersen.

EXTRACT TRANSLATED FROM BURGOMASTER
WITSEN'S "NOORD EN OOST TARTARYE."

FOL., AMST., 1705, p. 163.

" The north-west part of New Guinea, in li° south latitude,
and beyond it to the south-east, was for the first time rightly
explored in the year 1678, by order of the Dutch East
India Company, and found almost everywhere to be en-
riched with very fine rivers, lakes, bays, etc., but, judging
from its outward aspect, the country itself seems to be barren
and uncultivated, being in few spots either planted or fenced
in. In many parts of the interior there are extremely high
mountains, which are seen by sailors at a great distance at
sea as if towering above the clouds. The air is not very
mild, but very often damp and foggy, so much so that most
frequently in the afternoons the land is entirely hidden,
which has caused the Dutch East India Company the loss
of many ships.

" About the north-western parts, the natives are in gene-
ral lean and of the middle size, jet black, not unlike the
Malabars, but the hair of the head shorter and somewhat
less curly than the Cafifres. In the black pupil of their
eyes gleams a certain tint of red, by which may in some
measure be observed that bloodthirsty nature of theirs
which has at different times caused us so much grief, from
the loss of several of our young men, whom they have sur-

92 EXTRACT FROM WITSEN's

prised, murdered, carried into the v/oods, and then de-
voured.

" They go entirely naked without the least shame, except
their rajahs or petty kings, and their wives, which are not
native Papoos, but mostly Ceram-Mestizoes, and are richly
dressed after the manner of Ceram. Their weapons are
bows of bamboo, with arrows of the same, to whose ends are
fastened sharp pointed fish bones with dangerous barbs,
which, when shot into the body, cannot be extracted without
great difficulty. They likewise use lances, made of certain
very heavy wild Penang wood _; these they throw at their
mark with great accuracy at a distance of six or seven
fathoms. Some of them, living near the shore, use a certain
kind of swords, sold to them by the people of Ceram, the
hilt of which is tied to their hand by a rattan.

" Of their manners and religion, nothing else can be said
than that, in many respects, they are more like wild beasts
than reasonable human beings. Their women are delivered
in the fields, or roads, or wherever they may happen to be
taken in labour. After the birth they instantly put the
infant in a bag, in which they carry their provisions, made
of beaten bark of a tree. The women of the better class rub
their faces with bruised coals, by which they make them-
selves look more like devils incarnate than human creatures;
though it cannot be denied that they seem to possess, by the
law of nature, a knowledge of the existence of a God, which
they show by pointing with folded hands towards the heavens.
For when any one lands at any place frequented by these
people of Ceram, they require of us to raise our hands as
they do : and with a sharp bamboo they cut both their own
arms and those of their visitors. The mutual sucking of the
blood from these wounds constitutes their oath, and implies
a promise to do each other no mischief. Amongst them are
found some letters or characters, written with a sort of red
chalk on a rock. On this rock, also, were still to be seen

NOORD EN OOST TARTARYE. 98

some skulls and the bust of a man, looking as if put up as
an ornament, with a shield and other weapons near it,
the meaning of all which may be guessed at, but not fixed
with certainty.

Their food consists of roots, tree fruits, herbs, etc., but
chiefly fish, caught by them at low water in holes in the bed
of the river, as we, when lying at anchor thereabouts, could
distinctly see by the motion of the thousands of little lights
which they used. They know very little of cooking or
drying their food, but generally eat it raw, except pork,
which they eat when it has been a little smoked, and is less
than half roasted.

" In about 8° or 9° south latitude, we found a tall, terrible,
and disgusting race of people, whose chiefs have the inside
of the upper lip slit from the nose downwards, the two parts
being kept asunder by what they call a gabbe-gabbe. The
two sides of the nose, also, are bored through with sasappen,
or thin awls, which gives their voices a frightful and hollow
sound, as if coming out of a deep cellar.

" It is believed that Nova Guinea is divided from IIol-
landia Nova, or the south land, at about the latitude of 10°
south. Of the country further south we have up to the pre-
sent day no certain information, except that supplied by
Abel Tasman, who sailed round the whole land and the
coasts of the Dutch East India Company's possessions, and
who testifies to have found trees (beams) in which at inter-
vals footsteps were cut to climb up by, about seven feet
apart, and also with footsteps in the sand about fourteen or
fifteen Dutch inches long, and every footstep six or six and
a half feet from the other. I am informed by a mate who,
about thirty or thirty-four years ago, lost his ship on the
most westerly promontory of the south land, that he with
some of the crew reached Batavia in the ship's boat, and
was despatched from thence to the place where he was ship-
wrecked with provisions, and in order to deliver their ship-

94 EXTRACT FROM WITSEn's

mates they left these ; but they found none of them, though
they saw impressions of large footsteps.^

" The Ceramcrs are subjects, and likewise allies, of the
Dutch Company, and for the most part expert sailors ; and
by them, and none else, is the coast of New Guinea visited.
The inhabitants of New Guinea have for many years
suffered from the treachery and murders of this people, who,
not by force of arms but by cunning, have subdued the
Papoos. Under the cloak of friendship they take their
women (in which they are not very choice) for wives, and
the children thus born, being very carefully instructed in
the Mahomedan faith, are easily able to control these simple
inhabitants of the woods. By this connection, also, the
Ceramers, having gained the attachment of the women,
always know how to escape the evil intentions which, for all
that, the Papoos cannot restrain themselves from trying to
put in practice against their visitors,

" The fruits of the country of New Guinea are very few,
consisting chiefly in some few yams, cocoa nuts, betel nuts,
and plantain trees, which are planted here and there, in the
neighbourhood of their own places, by the Ceramers. The
land does not seem to bring forth any wild plants ; the
inhabitants live on leaf zajor,'^ roots of trees and herbs,
but the bread of the Moluccas, in general called sagou, is
not produced here, as far as I could learn. Only one sort
of it is brought here by the Ceramers for their own pro-
vision, and also for barter. Fish of all sorts is everywhere
so plentiful along the shore that they may be caught with
the greatest ease in uncommon abundance ; but they want
nets and other fishing tackle, though they supply this defect
in a masterly manner by their art in making their fish

^ In another place Witsen says this happened in 1G5S, and that eighty-
persons were so left behind, evidently from the crew of the Waeckende
Boei), see ante, p. 81.

^ So in the Dutch. The editor has been unable to identify this plant.

NOORl) EN OOST TAUTAKYE. 95

baskets, in which, at each spring tide, numbers of fish arc
caught. It is not known that any large animals are found
here, except hogs, which are plentiful ; but vermin, and in
particular snakes, scorpions, and millepedes, are here in
great numbers.

*' The woods are filled with a variety of birds, making all
day such an uncommon noise that it is really astonishing.
They are seldom, if ever, shot by the inhabitants, as is
sufficiently shoAvn by their uncommon tameness ; for, one
being shot, the other remains sitting next to it. But our
sportsmen must be careful in not entering too far into the
woods, for the Papoos imitate the birds very accurately, in
order to trepan and murder them, which has happened
several times.

" They covet hatchets, cloaths, and beads, which are
bartered for slaves. AVhen a slave is sold, they cut off a
lock of his hair, believing that in doing this they shall have
more slaves. Those slaves are either prisoners of war, or
trepanned in the woods ; many of them are sold in Ternate
and thereabouts. At the first they are so greedy in their
eating that they would nearly burst, if not checked in their
gluttony.

" The heathens of Nova Guinea and Hollandia Nova
believe there is some divinity in the serpent, for which rea-
son they represent them upon their vessels.

" The following is an extract from a letter written to me
from Amboina, as an account of New Guinea and Hollan-
dia Nova, otherwise called the South Land.

" ' The inhabitants of all New Guinea are a tall, ugly, and
misshapen people, not so much by nature as choice ; for
they cut their nostrils asunder, that you may nearly see
into their throats, from which it may be conceived what
fine faces those must be, after having their promontories
demolished in this manner. They go mostly naked, except
those who live upon the islands, who, by their intercourse

96 EXTRACT FROM WITSEn's

with the Cerani Lauers, are become a little more polished.
Of them they get some little clothing, with which they cover
themselves, though but scantily; but on the continent they are
altogether a savage barbarous people, who can on no account
be trusted. They are addicted to thieving and murder, so
that the Ceram Lauers cannot trade with them except at a
distance. They lay their goods down upon the beach, being
put up in heaps, when the most venturesome among the
strange traders comes forward and makes it understood by
gestures and signs how much he wants for them. Their
commerce consists in Tamboxe swords, axes to cut the trees
down with, bad cloths, sagoe-bread, rice, and black sugar ;
but the rice and black sugar must be given beforehand, to
induce them to trade. No traces of government, order, or
religion are discernible amongst them. They live together
like beasts : those upon the islands erect houses, and a kind
of villages, placing their houses commonly upon posts, raised
to a considerable height above the ground. On the conti-
nent they have slight huts, covered with leaves, like hog-
styes ; in them lie indiscriminately men, dogs, and hogs,
upon the bare sand, otherwise they lie down in any place
where they can but find white sand. They mourn more for
the loss of a dog or hog than for their mothers. They bury
their dead hogs and dogs, but not their deceased relations,
whom they lay doAvn upon high rocks to decay under the
rain and sun, till nothing remains but the white bones,
which at length they bury when they think proper. Their
food consists chiefly of fishes, with which their seas
abound, and of yams and plantains. They have no sagoe
trees, neither do they know how to prepare the bread from
it if they had any. Their arms are hasagays, clumsy and
long arrows, and also a weapon formed from a sort of blue
stone or slate, pointed at both ends, having a hole in the
middle, in which a stick is put for a handle. With this they
attack one another in such a manner, that with one stroke

\OOHD EN OOST TARTARYE. 97

the skull is crushed to pieces : the farther you go to the
south the more savage, tall, and ugly the people are, in par-
ticular from Lacca-iha to Oero-goba.

" * A certain shallop from Banda, being on the coast,
which stretches nearly cast from Arou, they found there such
large people, that one of our sailors was taken by his sleeve
by one of them and shaken like a little boy ; but he was
rescued by his shipmates. To the south of this place a great
promontory stretches itself to the west, called in the map Cape
Falso, and again, to the south of this, is laid down the shal-
low bight, where it is supposed that Nova Guinea is divided
from the South Land by a strait terminating in the South
Sea, though, by reason of the shallowness, our people could
not pass it ; and thus it remains uncertain whether this strait
goes through or not, but in the old Portuguese maps New
Guinea is laid down as an island under the name of Ceira.'^

" ' I must here remark a circumstance which is but little
noticed in European writings, which is, that in some log-
books the sea between Banda and the South Land is called
the Milk Sea ; the reason for this is, that twice a-year the
sea thereabouts turns white, and is called by our people the
Avhite water. The so-called little white water comes first,
with a dark or new moon, in the latter end of June ; the
great or second white water also comes in with a similar
dark moon in August, sooner or later according as the
south-east wind sets in fresh. This wind at that time brings
with it in those parts unsettled rainy weather. By daytime
the sea looks natural, but in the night as white as milk or
snow, and so bright that it is nearly impossible to distin-
guish the water from the sky. At that time it is dangerous
to navigate here in small vessels, the sea making, even in
calm weather^ a great swell, which, from the brightness of
the water, cannot be discovered before they reach it. This
white water comes first entirely from the south-east, about
' Clearly a mistake. The word means Ceram.

()

98 EXTRACT, ETC.

where lie the islands of Babba, Tenimmer, and Timor Laut,
and, perhaps, wholly from that great bay made by the South
Land and New Guinea. It continues thus till September,
when it is gradually carried by the wind and currents
towards the west, in large broad stripes, passing by Amboina
and Boero till about Bouton, when it gradually loses itself;
this water keeps itself always distinct from the sea water, as
if it were divided by a band, a fact which often frightens
inexperienced sailors at night, as they think they are run-
ning suddenly upon a great bank. No one has yet been
able to explain this wonder of nature, nor give the cause of
this quality of the water to glitter at night. It is thought
most probable that it arises from sulphurous exhalations
from the bottom of the sea, rising in this rough weather to
the surface ; for that it is impregnated with sulphur is shown
to be likely by the number of sulphur mountains and vol-
canos found every where in the south-eastern islands, and
which, perhaps, exist in greater number in the South Land.
All this, however, is as yet uncertain ; perhaps the chemists
might be able to supply some explanation upon the subject,
as they have the art of preparing waters which give light in
the night time.

" ' It may also here be asked, what countries are Lucach,
Beach, and Maletur, names inscribed in some of our maps,
on some parts of that country which we call South Land, or
Hollandia Nova. I reply that these names are, perhaps,
taken from the uncertain and ambiguous narratives of voy-
ages by Marcus Paulus and Vertomannus, who, perhaps,
being led astray by the relations of others, have taken the
large island of Timor for the South Land ; for in Timor the
traces of the word Maletur remain in Maleto, situated near
Keylako, on the north side of Timor.' Thus far the above-
mentioned letter."

ACCOUNT OF THE OBSERVATIONS OF CAPTAIN

WILLIAM DAMPIER ON THE COAST OF NEW

HOLLAND, IN 1687-88,

BEING AN EXTRACT FKOM HIS "NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE
AVORLD," PUBLISHED IN LOND., 1697, 8vO., pp. 461.

Being now clear of all the islands, we stood off south,
intending to touch at New Holland, a part of Terra Aus-
tralis Incognita, to see what that country would afford us.
Indeed, as the winds were, we could not nov/ keep our
intended course (which was first westerly and then north-
erly) without going to New Holland, unless we had gone
back again among the islands ; but this was not a good time
of the year to be among any islands to the south of the
equator, unless in a good harbour.

The 31st day we were in latitude 13° 26', still standing to
the southward, the wind bearing commonly very hard at
west, and we keeping upon it under two courses, and our
mven, and sometimes a main-top-sail rift. About ten a clock
at night Ave tackt and stood to the northward, for fear of
running on a shoal, which is laid down in our drafts in lati-
tude 13" 50' or thereabouts : it bearing south by west from
the east end of Timor : and so the island bore from us by
our judgments and reckoning. At three a clock we tackt
again, and stood S. by W. and S.S.W.

In the morning, as soon as it was day, we saw the shoal
right ahead : it lies in 13° 50' by all our reckonings. It is

100 OBSERVATIONS OF WILLIAM DAMPIER

a small spit of land, just appearing above the water's edge,
with several rocks about it, 8 or 10 feet above high water.
It lies in a triangular form, each side being about a league
and a half. We stemm'd right with the middle of it, and
stood within half a mile of the rocks, and sounded ; but
found no ground. Then we went about and stood to the
north two hours ; and then tackt and stood to the south-
ward againe, thinking to weather it ; but could not. So we
bore away on the north side till we came to the east point,
giving the rocks a small berth : then we trimb'd sharp, and
stood to the southward, passing close by it, and sounded
again, but found no ground.

This shoal is laid down in our drafts not above sixteen or
twenty leagues from New Holland ; but we did runne after-
wards sixty leagues due south before we fell in with it : and
I am very confident that no part of New Holland here-
abouts lyes so far northerly by forty leagues as it is laid
down in our drafts. For if New Holland were laid down
true, we must of necessity have been driven near forty
leagues to the westward of our course ; but this is very im-
probable, that the current should set so strong to the west-
ward, seeing that we had such a constant westerly wind.
I grant that when the monsoon shifts first, the current does
not presently shift, but runs afterwards near a month ; but
the monsoon had been shifted at least two months now. But
of the monsoons and other winds, and of the currents, else-
where, in their proper place. As to these here, I do rather
believe that the land is not laid down true, than that the
current deceived us ; for it was more probable we should
have been deceived before we met with the shoal than after-
ward : for on the coast of New Holland Ave found the tides
keeping their constant course, the flood running N. by E.
and the ebb S. by W.

The 4th day of January, 1688, we fell in with the land of
New Holland, in the latitude of 16° 50', having, as I said

ON THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND. 101

before, made our course due south froni the shoal that wc
past by the 31st day of December. We ran in close by it,
and finding no convenient anchorage, because it lies open to
the N.W., we ran along shore to the eastward, steering N.E.
by E., for so the land lies. We steered thus about twelve
leagues ; and then came to a point of land, from whence the
land trends east and sou.therly for ten or twelve leagues : but
how afterwards I know not. About three leagues to the
eastward of this point there is a pretty deep bay, with abun-
dance of islands in it, and a very good place to anchor in or
to hale ashore. About a league to the eastward of that
point we anchored January the 5th, 1688, two miles from
the shore, in twenty-nine fathom, good hard sand and clean
ground.

New Holland is a very large tract of land. It is not yet
determined whether it is an island or a main continent; but
I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor Ame-
rica. This part of it that we saw is all low even land, with
sandy banks against the sea, only the points are rocky, and
so are some of the islands in this bay.

The land is of a dry sandy soil, destitute of water, except
you make wells : yet producing divers sorts of trees : but
the woods are not thick, nor the trees very big. Most of
the trees that we saw are dragon-trees as we supposed ; and
these, too, are the largest trees of any where. They are
about the bigness of our large apple trees, and about the
same height : and the rind is blackish, and somewhat rough.
The leaves are of a dark colour ; the gum distils out of the
knots or cracks that are in the bodies of the trees. We com-
pared it with some gum dragon, or dragon's blood, that was
aboard ; and it was of the same colour and taste. The other
sorts of trees were not known by any of us. There was
pretty long grass growing under the trees, but it was very
thin. We saw no trees that bore fruit or berries.

We saw no sort of animals, nor any track of beast, but

102 OBSERVATIONS OF WILLIAM DAMPIER

once, and that seemed to be the tread of a beast as big as a
great mastiff dog. Here are a few small land-birds, but
none bigger than a blackbird : and but few sea-fowls. Nei-
ther is the sea very plentifully stored with fish, unless you
reckon the manatee and turtle as such. Of these creatures
there is plenty, but they are extraordinarily shy, though the
inhabitants cannot trouble them much, having neither boats
nor iron.

The inhabitants of this country are the miserablest people
in the world. The Hodmadods of Monomatapa, though a
nasty people, yet for wealth are gentlemen to these ; who
have no houses and skin garments, sheep, poultry, and fruits
of the earth, ostrich eggs, etc., as the Hodmadods have ; and
setting aside their human shape, they difier but little from
brutes. They are tall, straight-bodied, and thin, with small
long limbs. They have great head, round foreheads, and
great brows. Their eyelids are always half closed, to keep
the flies out of their eyes, they being so troublesome here
that no fanning will keep them from coming to ones face ;
and without the assistance of both hands to keep them off,
they will creep into ones nostrils, and mouth, too, if the lips
are not shut very close. So that, from their infancy, being
thus annoyed with these insects, they do never open their
eyes as other people do ; and therefore they cannot see far,
unless they hold up their heads as if they were looking at
somewhat over them.

They have great bottle-noses, pretty full lips, and wide
mouths. The two fore-teeth of their upper jaAv are wanting
in all of them, men and women, old and young : whether
they draw them out I know not: neither have they any
beards. They are long-visaged, and of a very unpleasing
aspect, having no one graceful feature in their faces. Their
hair is black, short, and curl'd, like that of the negroes ; and
not long and lank, like the common Indians. The colour of
their skins, both of their faces and the rest of their body, is
coal black, like that of the negroes of Guinea.

ON THE COAST OF NEAV TIOLLAND. 103

They liave no sort of clothes, but a piece of the rind of a
tree ty'd lykc a girdle about their waists, and a handful of
long grass, or three or four small green boughs, full of
leaves, thrust under their girdle to cover their nakedness.

They have no houses, but lye in the open air without any
covering, the earth being their bed and the heaven their
canopy. Whether they cohabit one man to one woman, or
promiscuously, I know not ; but they do live in companies,
twenty or thirty men, women and children together. Their
only food is a small sort of fish, which they get by making
wares of stone across little coves or branches of the sea ;
every tide bringing in the small fish, and there leaving them
for a prey to these people, who constantly attend there to
search for them at low water. This small fry I take to be
the top of their fishery : they have no instruments to catch
great fish, should they come, and such seldom stay to be left
behind at low water, nor could we catch any fish with our
hooks and lines all the Avhile we lay there. In other
places at low water they seek for cockles, mussels, and peri-
wincles. Of these shell-fish there are fewer still, so that
their chiefest dependance is upon what the sea leaves in
their wares, which, be it much or little, they gather up, and
march to the places of their abode. There the old people,
that are not able to stir abroad by reason of their age, and
the tender infants, wait their return; and what Providence has
bestowed on them, they presently broil on the coals and eat it
in common. Sometimes they get as many fish as makes them
a plentiful banquet, and at other times they scarce get every
one a taste ; but, be it little or much that they get, every
one has his part, as well the young and tender as the old
and feeble, who are not able to go abroad as the strong and
lusty. When they have eaten they lie down till the next
low water, and then all that are able march out, be it night
or day, rain or shine, 'tis all one ; they must attend the
wares or else they must fast, for the earth affords them no

104 OBSERVATIONS OF WILTJAM DAMPIETl

food at all. There is neither herb, root, pulse, nor any sort
of grain for them to eat that we saw ; nor any sort of bird
or beast that they can catch, having no instruments where-
withal'to do so.

I did not perceive that they did worship anything. These
poor creatures have a sort of weapon to defend their ware or
fight with their enemies, if they have any that will interfere
with their poor fishery. They did endeavour with their
weapons to frighten us, who, lying ashore, deterr'd them
from one of their fishing places. Some of them had wooden
swords, others had a sort of lances. The sword is a piece
of wood, shaped somewhat like a cutlass. The lance is a
long strait pole, sharp at one end, and hardened afterwards
by heat. I saw no iron, nor any other sort of metal ; there-
fore it is probable they use stone hatchets, as some Indians
in America do, described in chapter iv.

How they get their fire I know not, but probably, as
Indians do, out of wood. I have seen the Indians of
Bon-Airy do it, and have myself tryed the experiment.
They take a flat piece of wood, that is pretty soft, and make
a small dent in one side of it ; then they take another hard
round stick, about the bigness of one's little finger, and
sharpening it at one end like a pencil, they put that sharp
end in the liole or dent of the flat soft juice, and then rub-
bing or twirling the hard piece between the palms of their
hands, they drill the soft piece till it smokes, and at last
takes fire.

These people speak somewhat through the throat, but we
could not understand one word that they said. We an-
chored, as I said before, January the 5th, and seeing men
walking on the shore, we presently set a canoe to get some
acquaintance with them, for we were in hopes to get some
provisions among them. But the inhabitants, seeing our
boat coming, run away and hid themselves. We searched
afterwards three days, in hopes to find their houses ; but

ox THE (;()ASI' OF NEW HOLLAND. 105

found none ; yet we saw many places where they had made
fires. At last, being out of hopes to find their habitations,
we searched no farther ; but left a great many toys ashore,
in such places where we thought that they would come. In
all our search \vc found no water, but old wells on the sandy
bays.

At last we went over to the islands, and there we found a
great many of the natives : I do believe there were forty on
one island, men, women, and children. The men, at our
first coming ashore, threatened us with their lances and
swords ; but they were frighted by firing one gun, which
we fired purposely to scare them. The island was so small
that they could not hide themselves ; but they were much
disordered at our landing, especially the women and chil-
dren, for we went directly to their camp. The lustiest of
the women snatching up their infants ran away howling,
and the little children run after squeaking and bawling, but
the men stood still. Some of the women, and such people
as could not go from us, lay still by a fire, making a doleful
noise as if we had been coming to devour them ; but when
they saw that we did not intend to harm them they were
pretty quiet, and the rest that fled from us at our first
coming returned again. This, their place of dwelling, was
only a fire, with a few boughs before it, set up on that side
the wind was of.

After we had been here a little while the men began to be
familiar, and we cloathed some of them, designing to have
some service of them for it ; for we found some wells of
water here, and intended to carry two or three barrels of it
aboard. But being somewhat troublesome to carry to the
canoes, we thought to have made these men to have carried
it for us, and therefore we gave them some cloathes ; to one
an old pair of breeches, to another a riigged shirt, to a third
a jacket that was scarce worth owning, which yet would
have been very acceptable at some pLaces where we had

p

106 OBSERVATIONS OF WILT,IAM DAMPIER

been^ and so we thought they might have been with these
people. We put them on them, thinking that this finery woukl
have brought them to work heartily for us ; and our water
being filled in small long barrels, about six gallons in each,
which were made purposely to carry water in, we brought
these our new servants to the wells, and put a barrel on
each of their shoulders for them to carry to the canoa. But
all the signs we could make were to no purpose, for they
stood like statues, without motion, but grinned like so many
monkeys, staring one upon another ; for these poor crea-
tures seem not accustomed to carry burthens, and I believe
that one of our ship-boys of ten years old would carry as
much as one of them. So we were forced to carry our water
ourselves, and they very fairly put the cloathes off again and
laid them down, as if cloathes were only to work in. I did
not perceive that they had any great liking to them at first,
neither did they seem to admire anything that we had.

At another time, our canoa being among these islands
seeking for game, espy'd a drove of these men swimming
from one island to another ; for they have no boats, canoes,
or bark-logs. They took up four of them and brought them
aboard ; two of them were middle aged, the other two were
young men about eighteen or twenty years old. To these
we gave boiled rice, and with it turtle and manatee boiled.
They did greedily devour what we gave them, but took no
notice of the ship or any thing in it, and when they were
set on land again they ran away as fast as they could. At
our first coming, before we were acquainted with them or
they with us, a company of them who lived on the main
came just against our ship, and standing on a pretty high
bank, threatened us Avith their swords and lances by shaking
them at us ; at last the captain ordered the drum to be
beaten, which was done of a sudden with much vigour, pur-
posely to scare the poor creatures. They hearing the noise
ran away as fast as they could drive, and when they ran

ON THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND. 107

away in haste they woukl cry, Gurrij, Gurrrj, speaking deep
in the throat. Those inhabitants also that live on the main
■would ahvays run away from us, yet we took several of them.
For, as I have already observed, they had such bad eyes
that they could not see us till we came close to them. We
did always give them victuals and let them go again, but the
islanders, after our first time of being among them, did not
stir for us.

When we had been here about a week, we hal'd our ship
into a small sandy cove, at a spring-tide, as far as she would
float ; and at low water she was left dry, and the sand dry
without us near half a mile, for the sea riseth and falleth
here about five fathoms. The flood runs north by east, and
the ebb south by west. All the neep-tides we lay wholly
aground, for the sea did not come near us by about a hun-
dred yards. We had therefore time enough to clean our
ship's bottom, which we did very well. Most of our men
lay ashore in a tent, where our sails were mending ; and our
strikers brought home turtle and manatee every day, which
was our constant food.

While we lay here, I did endeavour to perswade our men
to go to some English factory, but was threatened to be
turned ashore and left here for it.

This made me desist, and patiently wait for some more
convenient place and opportunity to leave them than here ;
which I did hope I should accomplish in a short time, be-
cause they did intend, when they went from hence, to bear
down towards Cape Comorin. In their way thither they
design'd to visit also the Island Cocos, which lieth in lati-
tude 12° 12' north, by our drafts : hoping there to find of
that fruit, the island having its name from thence.

EXTRACT FROM SLOAN MS. 3236, ENTITLED "THE

ADVENTURES OF WILLIAM DAMPIER, WITH

OTHERS [1686-87], WHO LEFT CAPTAIN

SHERPE IN THE SOUTH SEAS,

AND TRAVALED BACK OVER LAND THROUGH THE COUNTRY OF
DARIEN," pp. 445 to 450.

Wee stood away to the southward, intending to see New

Holland, and mett nothing worth observing till the first day

Decembor of December, and then, being in latit. 13° 50' wee were

1687-88. > ' O !

close aboard a showle, which wee lay by for in the night ; it
lyes S. by W. from the N.W. end of Timore about seventy
leagues. Wee steered to weather it but could not, there-
fore bore away to the eastward of it ; it lyes in a triangle,
with many sharp rocks about water, and on the south side
is a small spitt of land.

This showle is laid downe within twenty leagues of New
Holland due south, but wee made our course south, yett
run into latitude 16° 50' before wee made land, which is
forty odd leagues ; so that by our runn, except wee had a
current against us, which wee did not perceive. New Hol-
land is laid downe nearer then it should be to those islands
in the south seas by forty leagues.

The fourth day of January 1(587-88 wee fell in with the
land of New Holland in latitude 16° 50', the land low and a
deepe sandy bay, but no shelter for us, therefore wee runn
downe along the shore whith lyes N.E. by E., about twelve

EXTRACT FROM SLOAN MS. 109

leagues ; then wee came to a point with an iland by it, but
soe neare the maine that wee could not goe within it a
league ; to the westward of this pointe is a showle a league
from the maine.

From this pointe the land runs more easterly and makes
a deepe bay with many ilands in it ; the sixth day wee came
into this bay, and anchored about foare miles to the eastward
of the forementioned pointe, in eighteen fathome water, a
mile from the shoare, good clean sand.

I drew a drafte of this land and the bay where we road,
but at the Necquebar,^ when we oversett our prows, I lost it
and some others that were not in my book ; those that I had
placed in my book were all preserved, but all wett.

Wee sent our boate ashoare to speak with the natives, but
they would not abide our comeing, soe wee spent three
dayes in seekeing their houses, being in hopes to allure
them with toyes to a comerce.

For wee begun to be scarce of provision, and did not
question but these people could relieve us ; but after all our
search neare the sea side and in the country wee found our-
selves disapointed, for the people of this country have noe
houses nor any thing like a house, neither have they any
sorte of graine or pulse ; flesh they have not, nor any sorte
of cattle, not soe much as catt or dog, for, indeed, they have
noe occasion of such creatures unless to eat them, for of that
food which they have they leave no fragments. They have
noe sorte of fowle, neither tame nor wild, for the latter I
saw very few in the country, neither did wee see any kind
of wilde beast in the country, but the track of one.

I believe there are not any of the natives in the country
farr from the sea, for they gett their living out of sea with-
out nett or hooke ; but they build wares with stones cross

^ Nicobar. The circumstance of their canoe upsetting off this ishxud,
and their books and drafts being all wetted and some of them lost, is
also mentioned in the printed editions of Dampier's voyage.

110 EXTRACT FROM SLOAN MS.,

the bays, and every low water, whether night or day, they
search those wares for what the sea hath left behinde, which
is all that they have to depend on for a livelyhood ; some
times they are bountyfully rewarded for their paines, and at
other times providence seemes to be nigardly, scarce giving
them a taste instead of a belly full. The fish which they
take they carry home to their famelyes, whoe lye behinde a
few boughs stuck up to keepe the wind from them. All that
are of age to search those wares goe downe at the time of
low water, leaving only the old sicke weake people and
children at home, who make a fire against the coming of
their friends to broyle their fish, which they soone devoure'
without salt or bread. Their habitations are neare those
wares and remove as occasion serves, for they are not trou-
bled with household goods nor clothes, all that they weare
is only a piece of rine [rind] about their wastes, under which
they thrust either a hand full of long grasse or some small
boughs before to cover their privityes.

They are people of good stature, but very thin and leane,
I judge for want of foode. They are black, yett I believe
their haires would be long if it was coined out, but for Avant
of combs it is matted up like a negroes haire. They have,
all that I saw, two fore teeth of their upper jaw wanting,
both men, women, and children.

They swim from one iland to the other or toe and from the
maine, and have for armes a lance sharpned at one end and
burned in the fire to harden it, and a sword made with
wood, which is sharpe on one side; these weapons, I judge,
are cutt with stone hatchetts, as I have scene in the West
India.

The country is all low land, with sand hills by the sea
side ; within it is a wood, but not extraordinary thicke; the
chiefcst trees are dragon trees, which are bigger then any
other trees in the woods : wee found neither river, brooke,
nor springs, but made wells in the sand, which aforded as
good water, where wee watered our ships.

ADVF.NTrRKS OF WILLIAM DAMl'IKU, FTC. Ill

The first spring after wee came hither wee hall'd our ship
into a sandy bay, where shec lay dry all the necpe tides,
for it flows there right up and dowiic above five fathome ;
the flood setts north by east, and the ebb setts S. by W.

There are many turtle and manatee in this bay, which our
strikers supplyed us with all the time we lay here, and one
time they mett some of the natives swimming from one
iland to the other, and tooke up foure of them and brought
aboard, whoe tooke noe notice of any thing that wee had
noe more than a bruite would; wee gave them some victualls,
which they greedily devoured, and being sett out of the ship
ran away as fast as their leggs (for the ship was now dry on
the sand) could carry them. Wee mett divers of them on
the ilands, for they could not run from us there, but the
women and children would be frighted at our approach.

Wee tarried here till the twelfth day of February, in
which time wee cleaned our ship, mended our sailes, and
filled our water ; and when our time drew neare to depart
from thence, I motioned goeing to Fort St. George, or any
settlement where the English had noe fortification, and was
threatened to be turned a shoare on New Holland for it ;
which made me desist, intending, by God's blessing, to make
my escape the first place I came neare, for wee were now
bound into India for Cape Comorin, if wee could fetch it.

SOME PARTICULARS RELATING TO THE VOYAGE

OF WILLEM DE VLAMINGH TO NEW

HOLLAND IN 1G96.

Extracted from MS. Documents at the Hague.

Of this expedition, which owes its origin to the loss of the
ship De Ridderschap van Hollandt, between the Cape of
Good Hope and Batavia, in the year 1685, reports are to
be found in various works, as in Witsen, Valentijn, the
Historische Beschrijving der Reizen, perhaps also in some
others. No coherent account, however, appears to exist,
although we read in the last-mentioned work that a nar-
rative of the voyage was published in 1701, at Amsterdam.^
The project originally formed was, that the expedition
should set out from Batavia, and the Directors of the Coun-
cil of the Seventeen write on this understanding in their
dispatch of November 10th, 1695, to the Governor-General
and Council of India ; but in the assembly of December 8th
and 10th of that year'^ that plan was abandoned, and it was

^ This exceedingly scarce printed narrative, which had been zealously
sought for by the editor for several years, and had eluded the search of
previous writers, reached his hands at the very critical moment to admit
of its being translated and inserted in its proper place iu the volume,
the next in sequence to the present paper. Although of no great inter-
est except as an original account of the voyage, it is important to know
of what it consists, and it is the editor's grateful duty to state that it
is solely to the zeal, intelligence, and kindness of Mr. Frederick Miiller,
of Amsterdam, that he is indebted for the good fortune of procuring
the use of the document.

^ Appendix I and II.

VOYAGE OF WII,LE:\r DE VLAMINGH. 113

resolved that, '' for various reasons," the expedition should
be undertaken from the Cape of Good Hope, under the
command of William de Vlamingh, with orders to land at the
islands of Tristan d'Aciinha, on this side of the Cape, and
also at the islands of St. Paul and Amsterdam, to examine
and to survey them.

For this purpose three ships were fitted out : the frigate
De GcelvincJc, commodore Willem de Vlamingh ; the hooker
De Nijptang, Captain Gerrit Collaert ; and the galiot We-
seltje, Captain Cornelis de Vlamingh, son of the commodore.

" On Thursday, the ord of May, 1696, at one o'clock in
the morning, the noble Burgomaster Hinlopen sent the
Company's boat, having on board the Commander Barent
Fockesz, with orders that we shoukl put to sea at daybreak."
They accordingly weighed anchor, and set sail northwards
towards England.

On the result of this expedition the Governor-General
and Council of India report to the Directors of the Council
of Seventeen as follows : —

" For the result of the voyage of the three above-men-
tioned ships, which, according to the order of the Gentle-
men Seventeen of the 10th of November 1695, and 16th of
March 1696, and according to your instruction of the 2ord
of April of the same year, have prosperously completed
their journey over the islands of Tristan d'Acunha, the
Cape, islands of Amsterdam and St. Paulo, and have also
arrived here, both crew and vessels in a tolerably good con-
dition, we shall principally have to refer you to their jour-
nals and notes, together with their maps and some drawings
of those places ; all of which, with the draughtsman himself,
the overseer of the infirmary Victor Victorsz, will reach you
by the ship 's Latds Weharcn ; the drawings, packed up
in one box, consisting of eleven pieces, viz. : —

7 of several places on the South Land.
1 of the island Tristan d'Acunha.

Q

114 SOME PAKTICULARS OF THE VOYAGE

1 of the island Amsterdam.

1 of the island St. Paulo, and

1 of the island Mony.
In addition to these we also enclose some big and small
chips of wood, brought by Willem de Vlamingh from the
before mentioned South Land, and described in his journal
under the 30th and 31st of December 1696, also 2nd of
January 1697, as a kind of scented wood. Upon this we
have not been able to come to any distinct decision ; we have,
however, had a portion of it distilled, and forward a small
bottle of the oil for your examination by Commander Bichon.
Likewise we send a little box containing shells, fruits, plants,
etc.,gathered on the coast; these specimens,however,are of less
importance, and such as are to be found in a better condition
elsewhere in India. So that, generally speaking, with respect
to the South Land, along which, in conformity with their in-
structions, they have coasted, and to which their accurate ob-
servations have been devoted, nothing has been discovered but
a barren, bare, desolate region; at least along the coast, and so
far as they have penetrated into the interior. Neither have
they met with any signs of habitation, some fires excepted, and
a few black naked men, supposed to have been seen on two
or three occasions at a distance ; whom, however, they could
neither come up with nor speak to. Neither, again, were
any remarkable animals or birds observed, except princi-
pally in the Swan River, a species of black swans, three of
which they brought to us alive, and should have been sent to
Your Nobilities, had they not died one by one shortly after
their arrival here. Neither, so far as we know, have any
traces been discovered of the missing ship De Iiidde7'schap van
Hollatid or of other vessels, either there or at the islands
Amsterdam and St. Paul. Consequently in this voyage
and investigation nothing of any importance has been dis-
covered. A singular memorial, however, was seen by them.
On an island situated on or near the South Land, in 25° lati-

OF AVILLEM DE VLAMINGH. 115

tiule, was found a pole, nearly decayed, but still standing
upright, Avith a common middle-sized tin plate, which had
been beaten flat and attached to the pole, and which was
still lying near it. On this plate the following engraved
words were still legible : —

"Anno 1616, the 25th of October, arrived here the ship
De Eendraght, from Amsterdam, the upper-merchant Gilles
Mibais from Luijck, Captain Dirck Hartog from Amster-
dam ; the 27 th ditto set sail for Bantam, under-merchant
Jan Hijn, upper-steersman Pieter Dockes from Bil. Anno
1616."

This old plate, brought to us by AVillem de Vlamingh, we
have now handed over to the commander, in order that he
might bring it to Your Nobilities, and that you may marvel
how it remained there through such a number of years un-
affected by air, rain, or sun. They erected on the same spot
another pole, with a flat tin plate as a memorial, and wrote
on it as to be read in the journals.^

And since we are desirous to afford Your Nobilities all
possible information and satisfaction with respect to this
voyage, we have given permission to its former chief. Cap-
tain Willem de Vlamingh the elder, with his upper-steersman
Michel Blom, to return with the last return ships. As they
have not come back yet from Bengal with their vessels the
Geelvinch and Nijptang, but are expected daily, we shall
leave this for the present and refer you for further informa-
tion to their own verbal reports.

1 " Further : ' 1697, February 4th. Arrived here the ship Geelvinch,
of Amsterdam : captain commandant, Wiihem van Vlaming, of Vlie-
landt ; assistant, Jan van Bremen, of Copenhagen ; first pilot, Micheel
Bloem van Estight, of Bremen; the hooker the Ni/ftangh : captain Gerrit
Collaert, of Amsterdam ; assistant, Theodorus Heermans, of the same
place ; first pilot, Gerrit Gerritz, of Bremen ; then the galliot Weseltje :
commander, Cornelis van Vlaming, of Vlielandt ; pilot, Coert Gerritzs,
of Bremen. Sailed from here with our fleet on the 12th, to explore the
south land, and afterwards bound for Batavia.' "

116 SOME PARTICULARS OF THE VOYAGE

We also found recorded in the notes of the above-men-
tioned skipper, Willem de Vlamingh, that on the island of
Mony, lying 10° south latitude and 60-70 miles without
Sunda Strait, by which he steered on his way from the
South Land hither, trees are to be found fit for masts of ships.
No further explanation, however, being given as to their
abundance or scarcity, or the kind of the wood, — a small
piece only, about two spans in length and less than a finger's
breadth in thickness, having been brought to us, and the
skipper of the Nijptang, and the gezaghebber of the JVeseltJe,
son of the old Vlamingh, knowing nothing whatever about
the subject, we, in order to settle the point once for all,
thought it not unadvisable to set on foot a further investi-
gation, and accordingly once more despatched the galiot
JVcseltje on the 11th of May, in order that a more minute
survey might be taken of the island, adding at the same
time a reinforcement of eight native soldiers, with such in-
structions for the steersman Cornelis de Vlamingh, as are to
be found in the letter-book under that date, and also under
Batavia. According to the diary of the same steersman
from May 12 to June 17, kept in the journey, in which they
nearly got wrecked, and owing to the heavy breakers could
nowhere eflfect a landing, and from the vessel and boat could
not perceive anything else but thick brushwood and a few
small crooked trees, none of which was either straight or
more than three fathoms long ; so that no expectation re-
mained of finding there anything useful.

OF WILLEM DE VLAMINGII. IT

APPENDIX I.
EXTRACT FROM THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE XVII.

- • .Thursday, December 8th, 1695.
The Commissioners of the Chamber of Amsterdam have
reported, how the said Chamber, in accordance with and to
fulfil what their Nobilities have by resolution of the lOth of
last month been ordered to do, concerning the sending of a
ship to the South Land, or the land of d'Eendracht, having ex-
amined and also heard and taken the advice of Commander
Hendrich Pronck and Skipper Willem de Vlamingh, is of
opinion ; firstly, as regards the South Land, that for certain
reasons it should not be undertaken from Batavia, as pre-
viously thought proper, and in favour of which this Assembly
has declared itself by its missive of Nov. 10 last, to the
General and Council, but from the Cape of Good Hope, and
on the 1st of Oct. next year; that for this purpose should
be equipped and prepared, in order to go to sea next March,
a frigate and two galiots, under command of and accom-
panied by the before-mentioned skipper De Vlamingh, with
such instructions as should be deemed necessary. That the
said frigate should be provided with a Greenland shallop —
supposed to be better adapted for putting into harbour and
landing than the ordinary shallops in the use of the Com-
pany. Secondly, that De Vlamingh should be directed in
his instructions to touch at the islands of St. Paul and
Amsterdam, as lying directly on his track, on his way from
the cape to the South Land, to examine their situation, and
also, whether any traces of the crew of missing vessels, espe-
cially of the Ridderschap van Hollandt, are to be found.

After deliberation, the resolution was passed : — That all
the above written shall be further examined by Commis-
sioners, and report be made of their considerations and reso-

118 SOME PARTICULARS OF THE VOYAGE

lutions ; and for which hereby are requested and commis-
sioned : from the Chamber Amsterdam, Messrs. Hooft,
Geelvinck, Fabritius, and Velsen ; from the Chamber Zee-
landt, Messrs. Boddart and Schorer ; and from the other
Chambers, those who shall be commissioned by them ; with
the addition of Mr. van Spanbrock from the principal par-
ticipators.

APPE>D1X ir.

Saturday, December 10th, 1695,

Touching the report of the Commissioners, who, in compli-
ance with the Commissarial resolution of the 8th c, have
given due attention to the subject of the search and inquiry
after the ship De Ridderschaj) van Hollcmclt, and to the
inquiry to be connected therewith, viz., as to the nature of
the South Land, and of the islands of St. Paul and Amster-
dam, and matters connected therewith, together with the
sending of an expedition thither for the purpose of the
inquiry ; — on deliberation and in conformity with the ad-
vice of the above-mentioned Commissioners, it has been
resolved and found good: — that the said voyage shall be
undertaken not from Batavia, as has been heretofore thought
good, and in favour of which this Assembly had given in-
structions in its missive to the General and Council from the
10th of last month, and which is hereby altered in so far —
but from the Cape of Good Hope, and in the beginning of
October next ; that for this purpose the Chamber Amsterdam
shall equip and get ready for sea by March next, a suitable
frigate, 110-112 feet long, to be built by the said Chamber,
and which is to have the name of Geelvinclx,, together wdth
two sailing galiots, under the command of and accompa-
nied by the skipper Willem de Vlamingh, provided Avith
such necessaries as shall be thought proper.

OF WILLEM DE VLAMINGH. 119

That furthermore, the said De Vlamingh shall, if he
can do so without much loss of time, and as it were en
passa7it, touch at the islands of Tristan d'Acunha, on this
side of the Cape, in 37' south latitude, to examine them as
much as he can, and under such instructions as shall be
handed over to him. The Chamber Amsterdam being
hereby once more requested and authorized, to arrange and
carry into execution what has been said above with regard
to the South Land and Tristan d'Acunha, and to prepare such
instructions as shall be thought proper.

Lastly, that De Vlamingh shall in his instructions be
ordered to touch on the islands St. Paul and Amsterdam,

lying directly on his track in degrees south latitude,

and to examine their situations ; also, whether any signs of
men from wrecked ships are to be found, especially from
the Ridderschap van Hollandt.

EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE MADE

TO THE UNEXPLORED SOUTH LAND, BY ORDER

OF THE DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY,

IN THE YEARS 1696 AND 1697,

BY THE HOOKER DE NYPTANG, THE SHIP DE GEELVINK, AND
THE GALIOT DE AVESEL, AND THE RETURN TO BATAVIA,

PRINTED AT AMSTERDAM, 1701.

On the morning of the 29th December (1696) at half-past
two o'clock, we discovered the South Land, to east north-
east of us at from four to five miles distance. We found the
country low, the main coast stretching from south to north.
Our people observed a remarkable fish here, about two feet
long, with a round head and a sort of arms and legs and even
something like hands. They found also several stems of
plants. They cast anchor in from fourteen to fifteen fathoms.
At nearly half a league from the island on the south side
they had good holding ground. The wind south-west by
south.

On the 30th December we took counsel, and then with
our guns on our arms put the shallop afloat and with the
chief pilot I went on shore to look round the island. We
rowed round to the east corner of the island about a cannon
shot distance from the coast, and found there two fathoms
water with muddy bottom, filled with shells, and occasionally
a sandy bottom. Proceeding a little further, we sounded
the little island bearing to the south of us, and the western-

KXTRACT, ETC. 121

most point of the large one bearing north-west of us ; and
we found five fathoms, and good and bad bottom by turns.
We afterwards sounded north, the westernmost point bear-
ing N. W. and by W. of us, and the little island S. W., and
had as before five fathoms. At nearly a gun shot from the
shore we found on the south-east coast of the island seven or
eight great rocks, the island being on this side of a rocky
and stony aspect, bearing north-east from us ; then we had
eight fathoms both good and bad ground ; with here and
there a gulf, where was a straight bank stretching from the
coast up to the nearest rock nearly three quarters of a mile
from the coast. Along the east side there are many capes
and gulfs, with white sand, which is found also round the
greater part of the island. It stretches lengthwise from east
to west nearly four leagues, and is about nine leagues in cir-
cumference.

On the 31st of December I again put onshore with our
skipper, and directing my steps into the interior of the is-
land, I found several sorts of herbs, the greater part of which
were known to me, and some of which resembled in smell
those of our own country. There were also a variety of trees,
and among them one sort, the wood of which had an aroma-
tic odour nearly like that of the Lignum Rhodii. The ground
is covered with little or no soil, but chiefly with white and
rocky sand, in my opinion little adapted for cultivation.
There are very few birds there and no animals, except a
kind of rat as big as a common cat, whose dung is found in
abundance over all the island. There are also very few seals
or fish, except a sort of sardine and grey rock bream. In
the middle of the island, at about half an hour's distance, we
found several basins of excellent water, but brackish, and six
or seven paces further a fountain of fresh water fit to drink.
In returning to the shore, the crew found a piece of wood
from our own country, in which the nails still remained. It
was probably from a shipwrecked vessel, and three or four

133 EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A

leagues from us some smoke was seen to rise at different
points of the main land. The country has the appearance of
being higher than it really is. The coast is like that of
Holland.

On the 1st of January, 1697, the crew went to seek for
fuel, and again saw smoke rising at different points on the
mainland. They observed also the flow and ebb ; and our
sail-master found on the shore a piece of planed wood about
three feet long and a span broad.

On the 2nd I again went on shore, with our skipper, to
examine the island on the west side, which we found similar
to the last. It is to be avoided for about a league, on account
of the great numbers of rocks along the coast ; otherwise it
is easily approachable, as from six to seven leagues from the
shore there are soundings at a hundred fathoms. On the
mainland we again saw smoke arising.

On the 3rd, after sunset, we saw a great number of fires
burning, the whole length of the coast of the mainland.

On the 4th, De Vlaming's boat made sail for the mainland.
On its return a council was held with the view of making an
expedition on shore on the morrow. JV.B. — Here we have
the headlands inaccurately indicated.

At sunrise on the morning of the 5th, the resolution which
had been taken was put into execution ; and I, in company
with the skipper, pushed off to the mainland with the boats
of the three South Land navigators. We mustered, what
with soldiers and sailors, and two of the blacks that we had
taken with us at the Cape, eighty-six strong, well armed and
equipped. We proceeded eastwards ; and, after an hour's
march, we came to a hut of a worse description than those
of the Hottentots. Further on was a large basin of brackish
water, which we afterwards found was a river ; on the bank
of which were several footsteps of men, and several small
pools, in which was fresh water, or but slightly brackish. In
spite of our repeated searches, however, we found no men.

VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH LAND. 123

Towards evening we determined to pass the night on shore,
and pitched our camp in the wood, in a place where we
found a fire which had heen lighted by the inhabitants, but
whom, nevertheless, we did not see. We fed the fire by
throwing on wood, and each quarter of an hour four of our
people kept watch.

On the morning of the 6th, at sunrise, we divided our-
selves into three companies, each taking a different route, to
try if we could not, by this means, find some men. After
three or four hours we rejoined each other near the river,
without discovering anything beyond some huts and foot-
steps. Upon which we betook ourselves to rest. Mean-
while they brought me the nut of a certain fruit tree, resem-
bling in form the drioens} having the taste of our large
Dutch beans ; and those which were younger were like a
walnut. I ate five or six of them, and drank of the water
from the small pools ; but, after an interval of about three
hours, I and five others who had eaten of these fruits began
to vomit so violently that we were as dead men ; so that it
was with the greatest difficulty that I and the crew regained
the shore, and thence, in company with the skipper, were
put on board the galliot, leaving the rest on shore.

On the Tth the whole of the crew returned on board with
the boats, bringing with them two young black swans. The
mouth of the said river lies in 31 degrees 46 minutes; and
at eleven, nine, and seven gunshots from the mainland, are
five and a half fathoms of water on good bottom. Between
the river and Rottenest Island, which is at nearly five leagues
distance. Captain De Vlaming had the misfortune to break
his cable.

On the 9th, De Vlaming made sail for the mainland.

On the 10th we followed him with the galliot, and cast
anchor off the mainland, in thirteen fathoms. A council was

^ This word, which is perhaps misspelt, does not occur in Nemnick's
polyglot Lexicon der Naturgeschlchte.

124 EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A

immediately held, and orders forthwith given to proceed to
explore the river with two of the galliot's boats. The galliot
remained in the neighbourhood before the river, while we
went up it with three boats well supplied with guns and
ammunition. We found, at the mouth, from five to six feet
of water. We remained a little time on the shore, and put
ourselves on the alert, not to be surprised by the natives.
After sunset we ascended the river, and overcame the cur-
rent with our oars ; seeing several fires, but no men. About
midnight we threw out our kedge, as we saw no opening
although it was moonlight.

On the 11th, at break of day, we again ascended the river,
and saw many swans (our boat knocked over nine or ten),
some rotganzen, geese, some divers, etc. ; also a quantity of
fish, which were frisking on the water. We also heard the
song of the nightingale. Here we thought we saw a crowd
of men ; but after rowing on shore we found none, but
lighted on a little pool of fresh water, and within it, at the
bottom, a certain herb smelling like thyme ; which was, per-
haps, put into it by the inhabitants, to give the water a more
agreeable taste, and make it more wholesome. All around
we saw many footsteps of men, and the impression of a hand
on the sand : the marks of the thumb and finafers shewing:
plainly that it was quite recently done. Proceeding further,
we found a fire which had been just lighted, and three
small huts, one of which was made with a quantity of bark
of a tree known in India under the name of liplaj), which, I
think, was intended for a battery. For want of water, we
could not go any further south, and being nearly high and
dry with the boats in the sand, we resolved to return, having
already ascended the river six or seven leagues (some
thought it was ten) without having discovered anything of
importance. Towards the evening we again went on shore
to see if, towards midnight, we could take the inhabitants
by surprise ; but not having been able to attain our object.

VOYAGE TO TIIK SOUTH LAND. 125

and the moon meanwhile rising, we allowed ourselves to
glide gently along the river.

On the l'2th, two hours before sunrise, seeing several fires,
I again went on shore with our chief pilot, some sailors, and
the two blacks above mentioned. We observed eight, and
around each of them a heap of branches of trees, but no
men. As it was, therefore, evident that there was no good
to be done here, we returned to our vessel, which we reached
about noon. As regards the country, it is sandy, and in the
place where we were had been planted with a good many
shrubs, among w^hich were some quite three and four
fathoms (vademen) thick, but bearing no fruit, — in short,
full of prickles and thorns. Several of these yielded a gum
nearly like wax, of a brownish red colour. The men, the
birds, the swans, the rotganzen, koopganzen, the geese, the
cockatoos, the parroquets, etc., all fled at the sight of us.
The best of it is that no vermin is found there ; but in the
day time one is terribly tormented with the flies.

On the 13th, in the morning before daybreak, we held a
council ; and in order to be able to take soundings nearer
the coast, the galliot and two boats made sail at about three
o'clock in the morning "watch. We took our course, there-
fore, along the coast most frequently N.N.W., sometimes a
little north and west. We were in 31 degrees 43 minutes
latitude, and sounded generally at a cannon-shot or a cannon-
shot and a half from the coast. Here and there we came to
several large rocks, and had fifteen, twelve, nine, and eight
fathoms water. Towards noon we passed an opening which
might well have been a river ; and towards sunset we again
made sail for the coast.

On the morning of the 14th we again made sail for the
coast, and found the same depth as before, but principally
fifteen fathoms of brackish water ; being then in 30 degrees
and 40 minutes latitude.

On the 15th, after having held a council, we made sail

126 EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A

along the coast, and found the latitude 30 degrees 17 minutes.
In different places towards the south we saw a great smoke
and vapour arising, and we went with our two boats on
shore, and found, nearly a league from the shore, a rock ;
and a gunshot from thence two fathoms water, and from that
to the coast four, five, six, three, two and a half, three, five,
eight, five, three, and two fathoms ; mostly foul bottom, not
adapted for anchoring ; and on the south-west side there are
generally breakers. These two corners extend south and
north from the gulf; the soil dry and sandy, and but little
adapted for the habitation of animals, still less of men. We
had nearly proceeded a league and a half inland ; but we
saw no men nor fresh water, but several footsteps of men,
and steps like those of the dog and of the cassowary. Nor
did we see any trees, but only briars and thorns. One of
our people said that he had seen a red serpent. Some others
said that as soon as we reached the shore, they saw a yellow
dog leaping from the wild herbage, and throwing itself into
the sea, as if to amuse himself with swimming. What truth
there was in these statements, I do not know. At all events
I did not see either of these things myself. At two o'clock
we returned with our chief pilot on board.

On the 16th my companion went with the boats ashore,
and marched onwards with his crew in order for one hour
and a half; but returned on board in the evening without
having made any discovery.

On the 17th the boats returned on shore, and directed
their course then more towards the south than they had
hitherto done, and brought on board from an island a quan-
tity of sea-mews. The latitude 30 degrees 42 minutes.
Nothing new.

The 20th, returning to the shore, I found nothing but a
great plain very barren ; many rocks on the coast ; and the
depth sixteen, fourteen, eleven, eight, six, five, three, and
two fathoms ; the anchorage difficult.

VOYAGE TO THK SOUTH LAND. 127

On the 21st our boat once more went on shore, but with-
out learning anything new. The latitude was 29 degrees
47 minutes. Along the coast, the wind south ; the course
N. and N.N.W. Towards evening we saw breakers ahead,
and sounded twenty-six, twenty, sixteen, and suddenly three
fathoms. We held close on the wind, and immediately got
greater depth. It was a reef, which stretched four or five
leagues from the coast.

On the 22nd I started for the shore with our under-pilot.
Being nearly three leagues from the coast, and sailing along
it for some leagues, we found, close under the shore, ten and
nine fathoms ; a steep coast with constant breakers. On
landing we found, at two hundred paces from the shore, a
brackish stream, along which we walked landwards for a
quarter of an hour. The middle was rather deep, and the
fish pretty plentiful. We should have followed it further,
but, the time being too short, we returned, and on the road
saw many footprints like those of a dog ; but saw no men,
nor animals, nor trees, the country here being twice as
barren as what we had before seen. Towards evening we
returned together on board.

On the 2 1st (sic) our boat again made sail for the land,
and keeping along the shore, we found that here, in between
28 and 29 degrees, tolerably good anchorage might be found.
The land is tolerably high. Our chief pilot returning on
board after dinner, informed us that he had seen on the
shore three or four- men, and several more on the little
downs beyond, all quite naked, black, and of our own height ;
but that he had not been able to get near them on account
of the current ; that afterwards, rowing a little further, they
had landed and found a lake, which extended far into the
country like a river. It was of brackish taste, and though
white had a reddish tinge caused by the bottom, which was
of red sand and mud. At noon we were in latitude 28 de-
grees 16 minutes ; and at five o'clock, after dinner, we

128 EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A

anchored in a gulf, in eighteen fathoms water, good holding
ground, sand and mud, at about a cannon's-shot from the
shore.

On the 25th, early in the morning, I landed with nine of
our crew, our under pilot, together with the commandant of
De Vlaming's soldiers, his Dardewaak, and thirty-one
soldiers. On reaching the shore, we found a good many
oysters ; we put ourselves in marching order, but from the
fatigue occasioned by the excessive heat, and the obstructions
on the road from brushwood, we were obliged occasionally
to rest ourselves, till we reached the mountains, where we
took our rest. But if the road had been difficult, a greater
trouble was yet in store for us ; for, finding no fresh water,
we thought we should have fainted with thirst. From this
point we could see our vessels, and wished a thousand times
over that we were on board again. However, the com-
mandant of the soldiers, with two men, went down, and
soon came up to us again, with a look of satisfaction,
bringing news that he had discovered some fresh water, and
also a little hut, and about an hour's distance from our
camp, some footsteps, of the length of eighteen inches; upon
which we resolved, although it was beginning to be dark, to
bend our steps in that direction, an effort which, from the
quantity of brushwood and the approach of night, could not
be made without much difficulty. On arriving at the
drinking place, we found a great pool, but the water was
slightly brackish. We encamped there, and having arranged
that there should be a soldier constantly on the watch as
sentry, we passed the night there in the best manner we
could.

On the 26th, in the morning before sunrise, we continued
our journey, and shortly reached the aforesaid little hut,
which had a good many egg-shells around it, but the eighteen
inch footsteps changed into ordinary ones. This night also
we remained on shore, and encamped again near the pool.

VOYAGE TO THK SOUTH LAND. 129

Although wc were divided, wc met Avith no men nor cattle,
but nothing but wild brushwood.

On the 2Tth, at the point of day, we betook ourselves to
the shore, and thence to our vessels, which we reached near
noon : the crew complained greatly of sore eyes.

On the 28th, having held a council before sunrise, wc
braced our sails, and put to sea an hour and a half after
dinner, the wind being S.S.W. quarter W. in latitude, in
27 degrees 50 minutes. Shortly after, we again steered for
the coast N.E., and by N. to N.W. and N.N.W., hugging
the shore.

The 29th we still kept along the shore, the land high and
rocky. Latitude 27 degrees 40 minutes.

The 30th the land rather high, until five o'clock in the
afternoon watch, when we cast anchor in an extensive 'gulf,
which probably must have been that named " Dirk Hartog's
Reede."

On the 31st, two boats entered the gulf to explore it, and
two others to go fishing, which brought back in the evening
a good quantity. The same evening the chief pilot reported
that they had been in the gulf, but had seen nothing further
to shew whether the part to the north of the gulf were an
island or not. They saw there a number of turtles.

On the 1st of February, early in the morning, our little
boat went to the coast to fish : our chief pilot, with De
Vlaming's boat, again Avent into the gulf, and our skipper
went on shore to fix up a commemorative tablet.

On the 2nd, we took three great sharks, one of which
had nearly thirteen little ones, of the size of a large pike.
The two captains (for De Vlaraing had also gone on shore)
returned on board late in the evening, having been a good
six or seven leagues up the country. Our captain brought
with him a large bird's head, and related that he had seen
two nests, made of boughs, which were full three fathoms in
circumference.

s

130 EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A

On the ord, Vlaming's chief pilot returned on board ; he
reported that he had explored eighteen leagues, and that it
was an island. He brought with him a tin plate, which in
the lapse of time had fallen from a post to which it had been
attached, and on which was cut the name of the captain,
Dirk Hartog, as well as the names of the first and second
merchants, and of the chief pilot of the vessel De Eendragt,
which arrived here in the year 1616, on the 25tli October,
and left for Bantam on the 27th of the same month.

On the 4th of February, before daylight, we set sail,
steering our course along the island, and at half -past two in
the afternoon, we cast anchor in sixteen fathoms on the N.E.
of Dirk Hartog's Reede, the gulf above mentioned in the
latitude of 25 degrees 40 minutes. The two boats took
soundings all along the coast, N,E. and by N., and N.W.,
but could not see the country for the fog.

On the 5th, we took five turtles on the island, and having
then held a council, and prepared and provisioned our
vessel and that of De Vlaming, we, that is, our captain,
under-pilot, and myself, and De Vlaming with his Darde-
waak and under-master and oarsmen, with close-reefed sails,
the wind being at south and rather high, set sail, steering
along the island, where we landed at nightfall at nearly four
or five leagues distance from our vessels.

The 6th, still a good deal of wind. This day we made
but little progress and returned on shore at night. We saw
a great many turtles, and in the corner of a rock a very
large nest, made like a stork's nest.

On the 7th, a good wind. In the evening we took a fish
of immense size, of which twenty-four of us partook. It had
exactly the natural taste of the ray. There remained enough
for thirty more persons to feed on. We slept on shore.

The 8th, in the morning, fair weather. We set sail for what
the chief pilot had pointed out to us as a river, and up which
we proceeded full three leagues, but found it to be different

1

VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH LAND. 131

from what it appeared. There were, in fact, two rivers, which,
for some time invisible, afterwards reappeared and formed an
ishind eastwards, a full half league from the coast, in three,
two, and one feet of water, surrounded on all sides by rocks,
and sand, and stones. We presently returned, being prevented
by the drought from approaching within half a league of
the shore. We had a heavy storm, and received the first
rain of the South Land. In the evening we returned on
shore and encamped in a very unpropitious spot, at once
barren and wild.

On the 9th we steered for the mainland, which we reached
near noon. This coast extends with a winding N.E. to N.
and S.W. to S. The coast is steep, the sand of a reddish
colour, rocky, dry and forbidding. In order to get some good
water, we made the crew dig several holes, bvit the water
was so salt that it could not be drunk without injury to
health. We saw several ducks. Sailing along the coast,
we reached a basin of water, like a river, which gave us
great hojDe of getting some fresh water. Therefore with
the flow we weathered the cape, and after sailing half-an-
hour reached a basin of round form, but in which we only
found salt water. All round it we dug several holes, but,
in spite of all our labour, we could find no fresh water.
This night we spent in the boat and De Vlaming on shore.
Thunder, lightning, and rain.

On the 10th of February, after midnight, with the high
tide, we set sail from the above-mentioned basin of water,
and then, as before, kept along the coast at the distance of
three or four leagues. Again we went ashore, ascended a
mountain, saw a valley, and beyond it a water course. Two
men immediately ran in haste to dig, but noAvherc found
fresh water, although they saw all about several footprints
of men. Setting sail from hence we returned on board three
hours after sunset, and learned that on Friday, the 8th of
the month, our vessels had been compelled by the driving of

132 EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF A

the sea to put out a league and a half from the shore, and
had cast anchor in seventeen fathoms ; the shallop of the
galliot had iipset and the carpenter was drowned, and De
Vlaming's boat damaged. From De Vlaming's vessel two
dead men had been cast into the sea on the same day.

On the 11th, De Vlaming came on board in the morning.
Having passed all the night in a stormy sea, in latitude 25
degrees 22 minutes, and being unable to cast anchor, we
were compelled to make sail.

On the 12th we held a council; and before noon made
sail, holding our course toward the north north-east and
north along the coast, and in the evening giving it a wide
berth.

On the morning of the 13th we made sail for the coast,
which bore off us S. and N., and before noon saw a cape
and three islands, two of which were but small. Turning
the cape, we held close on the wind in a great Avinding of
the coast, on the southward tack, and on various tacks 17,
15, 12, and 9 to 4 fathoms water. At five o'clock in the
afternoon we made our course W. to S. with a south wind,
latitude 24 degrees, 40 minutes. In the evening we cast
anchor.

During the 14th we tacked continually all day, and in the
evening cast anchor.

On the mornincr of the 15th, in weiii'hin^ anchor our cable
would not hold, but we saved our anchor. We set sail and
cast anchor in the evening.

On the 16th we were tacking till the afternoon, steering
towards the north with a south wind, the shore bearing from
us to the west, but we kept afloat that night.

On the 17th we again neared the coast, which we held
close, sailing smartly with a south wind. The coast stretched
south and north. We were in 24 degrees latitude, and the
compass was laid at 5 degrees.

On the 18th, in the morning, we braced our sails and

VOYAGE TO TIIK SOUTH LAND. 133

steered along the coast N.N.W. and N.W. Towards noon
we saw breakers ashore. We were in latitude 22 degrees,
26 minutes, and we were tacking the whole day.

On the 19th, in the morning, we again kept along the
coast, the laud more or less steep, but very low towards the
south. Our course N.E. We saw a considerably larger
cape, from Mhich a bank stretched out into the sea. We
kept close on to the wind, which was at S.W., and found
ourselves in latitude 21 degrees, 34 minutes. When we had
passed the cape we came to the end of the coast, and reached
the river known as William's River, and sailing up it, found
ground but little suited for anchoring. We therefore put
out again for the sea.

On the 20th we tacked towards De Vlaming, and in the
evening cast anchor near him. Latitude 21 degrees, 28
minutes. We held a council.

On the 21st, in the morning, we put to sea towards the
N.W. Latitude 21 degrees. Held once more a council.
Keceived from De Vlaming three half barrels of water. Half-
an-hour after sun-rise, our captain came from on board
De Vlaming's vessel, from which five cannon shot were
fired and three from our vessel, as a signal of farewell to the
miserable South Land ; and we steered our course N.N.W.,
in 135 degrees of longitude from the South Land.

From the date of the 22nd February to the 10th March
inclusive, the journal only gives the points of the wind, the
time and course of the ship towards Java.

ACCOUNT OF THE OBSERVATIONS OF CAPTAIN

WILLIAM DAMPIER ON THE COAST OF NEW

HOLLAND, IN 1699,

BEING AN EXTRACT FROM " A VOYAGE TO NEW HOLLAND, ETC.,
IN THE YEAR 1699." VOL. Ill, 3rD ED., 1729, pp. 75-107.

Having fair weather, and the winds hanging southerly,
I jog'd on to the eastward to make the Cape. On the third
of June we saw a sail to leeward of us, shewing English
colours. I bare away to speak with her, and found her to
be the Antelope, of London, commanded by Captain Ham-
mond, and bound for the Bay of Bengal, in the service of
the New East India Company. There were many passen-
gers aboard, going to settle there under Sir Edward Little-
ton, who was going chief thither : I went aboard, and was
known by Sir Edward and Mr. Hedges, and kindly re-
ceived and treated by them and the commander, who had
been afraid of us before, though I had sent one of my officers
aboard. They had been in at the Cape, and came from thence
the day before, having stock'd themselves with refreshments.
They told me that they were by reckoning sixty miles to the
west of the Cape. While I was aboard them, a fine small
westerly wind sprang up ; therefore I shortned my stay with
them, because I did not design to go into the Cape. When
I took leave I was presented with half a mutton, twelve
cabbages, twelve pumpkins, six pound of butter, six couple

DAM PI Ell's VOYAGES. 135

of stock-fish, and a quantity of parsnips ; sending them some
oatmeal, M-hich they wanted.

From my first setting out from England I did not design
to touch at the Cape, and that was one reason why I touch'd
at Brazil, that there I might refresh my men, and prepare
them for a long run to New Holland. "We had not yet seen
the land ; hut about two in the afternoon, we saw the Cape-
land bearing east, at above sixteen leagues distance : and
Captain Hammond being also bound to double the Cape, we
jog'd on together this afternoon and the next day, and had
several fair sights of it ; which may be seen [Table iii, No.
6, T, 8.]

To proceed : having still a westerly wind, I jog'd on in
company with the A?itelope, till Sunday, June the 4th, at
four in the afternoon, when wc parted, they steering away
for the East Indies, and I keeping an E.S.E. course, the
better to make my way for New Holland. For tho' New
Holland lies north-easterly from the Cape, yet all ships
bound towards that coast, or the streights of Sundy, ought
to keep for a while in the same parallel, or in a latitude
between 35 and 40, at least a little to the south of the east,
that they may continue in a variable winds way ; and not
venture too soon to stand so far to the north, as to be within
the verge of the trade wind, which will put them by their
easterly course. The wind increased upon us ; but we had
yet sight of the Antelope, and of the land too, till Tuesday,
the sixth of June. And then we saw also by us an in-
numerable company of fowls of divers sorts ; so that we
look'd about to see if there were not another dead whale,
but saw none.

The night before, the sun set in a black cloud, which
appeared just like land ; and the clouds above it were
gilded of a dark red colour. And on the Tuesday, as the
sun drew near the horizon, the clouds were gilded very
prettily to the eye, tho' at the same time my mind dreaded

136 dampier's voyages.

the consequences of it. When the sun was now not above
2 degrees high, it entered into a dark smoaky-colourcd
cloud that lay parallel with the horizon, from whence
presently seem'd to issue many dusky blackish beams. The
sky was at this time covered with small hard clouds fas we
call such as lye scattering about, not likely to rain), very
thick one by another; and such of them as lay next to the
bank of clouds at the horizon, were of a pure gold colour,
to 3 or 4 degrees high above the bank. From these, to
about 10 degrees high, they were redder, and very bright ;
above them they were of a darker colour still, to about 60
or 70 degrees high, where the clouds began to be of their
common colour. I took the more particular notice of all
this, because I have generally observed such colour'd clouds
to appear before an approaching storm. And this being
winter here, and the time for bad weather, I expected and
provided for a violent blast of wind, by reefing our topsails,
and giving a strict charge to my officers to hand them or
take them in, if the wind should grow stronger. The wind
was now at W.N.W. a very brisk gale. About twelve
o'clock at night we had a pale whitish glare in the N.W.,
which was another sign, and intimated the storm to be near
at hand ; and the wind increasing upon it, we presently
handed our top-sails, furled the main-sail, and went away
only with our fore-sail. Before two in the morning, it
came on very fierce, and we kept right before wind and sea,
the wind still increasing. But the ship was very governable,
and steered incomparably well. At eight in the morning we
settled our fore-yard, lowering it four or five foot, and we
ran very swiftly ; especially when the squalls of rain or hail,
from a black cloud, came over head, for then it blew
excessive hard. These, tho' they did not last long, yet
came very thick and fast one after another. The sea also
ran very high ; but we running so violently before wind and
sea, we ship'd little or no water, tho' a little wash'd into our

dampier's voyages. 137

upper deck-ports ; and with it a scuttle or cuttle-fish was
cast upon the carriage of a gun.

The wind blew extraordinary hard all Wednesday, the
7th of June, but abated of its fierceness before night ; yet it
continued a brisk gale till about the 16th, and still a
moderate one till the 19th day; by which time we had run
about six hundred leagues : for the most part of which time
the wind was in some point of the west, namely, from the
W.NAV. to the S. by W. It blew hardest when at W., or
between the W. and S.AV., but after it veered more southerly
the foul weather broke up. This I observed at other times
also in these seas, that when the storms at west veered to
the southward they grew less ; and that when the wind
came to the east of the south we had still smaller srales,
calms, and fair weather. As for the westerly winds on that
side the Cape, we like them never the worse for being vio-
lent, for they drive us the faster to the eastward ; and are
therefore the only winds coveted by those who sail towards
such parts of the East Indies as lye south of the equator, as
Timor, Java, and Sumatra ; and by the ships bound for
China, or any other that are to pass through the Streights of
Sundy. Those ships having once jiassed the Cape, keep
commonly pretty far southerly, on purpose to meet with
those west winds, which in the winter season of these cli-
mates they soon meet with ; for then the winds are generally
westerly at the Cape, and especially to the southward of it :
but in their summer months they get to the southward of
40 degrees, usually ere they meet with the westerly winds.
I was not at this time in a higher latitude than 36 degrees,
40 minutes, and oftentimes was more northerly, altering my
latitude often as winds and weather required ; for in such
long runs 'tis best to shape one's course according to the
winds. And if, in steering to the east, we should be obliged
to bear a little to the jS[. or S. of it, 'tis no great matter ; for
'tis but sailing two or three points from the wind, when 'tis

T

138 dampier's voyages.

either northerly or southerly ; and this not only easeth the
ship from straining, but shortens the way more than if a
ship was kept close on a wind, as some men are fond of
doing.

The J 9th of June, we were in latitude 34 degrees, 17
minutes S., and longitude from the Cape 39 degrees, 24
minutes E., and had small gales and calms. The winds
were at N.E. by E., and continued in some part of the
east till the 2Tth day. When, it having been some time at
N.N.E. it came about at N., and then to the W. of the N.,
and continued in the west-board (between the N.N.W. and
S.S.W.) till the 4th of July ; in which time we ran seven
hundred and eighty-two miles ; then the winds came about
again to the east, we reckoning ourselves to be in a meri-
dian 1100 L. east of the Cape; and, having fair weather,
sounded, but had no ground.

We met with little of remark in this voyage, besides being
accompanied with fowls all the way, especially pintado-
birds, and seeing now and then a whale; but as we drew
nigher the coast of New Holland, we saw frequently three
or four whales together. When we were about ninety
leagues from the land we began to see sea-weeds, all of one
sort ; and as we drew nigher the shore we saw them more
frequently. At about thirty-leagues distance we began to
see some scuttle-bones floating on the water, and drawing
still nigher the land we saw greater quantities of them.

July 25th, being in latitude 26 degrees, 14 minutes S.,
and longitude east from the Cape of Good Hope 85 degrees,
52 minutes, we saw a large gar-fish leap four times by us,
which seemed to be as big as a porpose. It was now very
fair weather, and the sea was full of a sort of very small
grass or moss, which, as it floated in the water, seem'd to
have been some spawn of fish ; and there was among it
some small fry. The next day the sea was full of small
round things like pearl, some as big as white peas ; they

dampikr's voyages. 139

>vcre very clear and transparent, and upon crushing any of
them a drop of water would come forth: the skin that con-
tain'd the Avater was so thin that it was but just disccrn-
able. Some weeds swam by us, so that we did not doubt
but we should qviickly sec land. On the 27th also some
weeds swam by us, and the birds that had flown along with
us all the way almost from Brazil now left us, except only
two or three shear-waters. On the 28th we saw many weeds
swim by us, and some whales blowing. On the 29th we
had dark cloudy weather, with much thunder, lightning,
and violent rains in the morning, but in the evening: it srrew
fair. We saw this day a scuttle-bone swim by us, and some
of our young men a seal, as it should seem by their descrip-
tion of its head. I saw also some bonetas and some skip-
jacks, a fish about eight inches long, broad, and sizeable,
not much unlike a roach, which our seamen call so from
their leaping about.

The oOth of July, being still nearer the land, we saw
abundance of scuttle-bones and sea-weed, more tokens that
we were not far from it ; and saw also a sort of fowls, the
like of which we had not seen in the whole voyage, all the
other fowls having now left us. These were as big as lap-
wings, of a grey colour, black about their eyes, with red
sharp bills, long wings, their tails long and forked like
swallows, and they flew flapping their wings like lapwings.
In the afternoon we met with a ripling like a tide or cur-
rent, or the water of some shoal or over-fall ; but were past
it before we could sound. The birds last mention'd and
this were further signs of the land. In the evening we
had fair Aveather, and a small gale at west. At eight a clock
we sounded again, but had no ground.

We kept on still to the eastward, with an easy sail, look-
ing out sharp ; for, by the many signs we had, I did expect
that we were near the land. At twelve a clock in the night
I sounded, and had forty-five fathom, coarse sand and small

140 dampier's voyages.

white shells. I presently clapt on a wind and stood to the
south, and the wind at W., because I thought we were to
the south of a shoal call'd the Abrohles (an appellative
name for shoals, as it seems to me), which in a draught I
had of that coast is laid down in 27 degrees, 28 minutes
latitude, stretching about seven leagues into the sea. I was
the day before in 27 degrees, 38 minutes by reckoning. And
afterwards steering E. by S. purposely to avoid it, I thought
I must have been to the south of it : but sounding again at
one a clock in the morning, August the 1st, we had but
twenty-five fathom, coral rocks ; and so found the shoal was
to the south of us. We presently tack'd again, and stood
to the north, and then soon deepned our water ; for at two
in the morning we had twenty-six fathom, coral still : at
three, we had twenty-eight, coral ground : at four, we had
thirty fathom, coarse sand, with some coral : at five, we had
forty -five fathom, coarse sand and shells ; being now off the
shoal, as appear'd by the sand and shells, and by having
left the coral. By all this I knew we had fallen into the
north of the shoal, and that it was laid down wrong in my
sea-chart : for I found it lye in about 27 degrees latitude,
and by our run in the next day I found that the outward
edge of it, which I sounded on, lies sixteen leagues off
shore. "When it was day Ave steered in E.N.E. with a fine
brisk gale, but did not see the land till nine in the morning,
when we saw it from our topmast head, and were distant
from it about ten leagues, having then forty fathom water
and clear sand. About three hours after we saw it on our
quarter-deck, being by judgment about six leagues off, and
we had then forty fathom, clean sand. As we ran in, this day
and the next, we took several sights of it, at different bear-
ings and distances. This morning, August the 1st, as we
were standing in we saw several large sea fowls, like our
gannets on the coast of England, flying three or four toge-
ther ; and a sort of white sea-mews, but black about the

daimpier's voyages. 141

eyes, and with forked tails. Wc strove to run in near the
shore to seek for a harbour to refresh us after our tedious
voyage ; having made one continued stretch from Brazil
hither of about 114 degrees, designing from hence also to
begin the discovery I had a mind to make on New Holland
and New Guinea. The land was low, and appear'd even,
and as we drew nearer to it, it made (as you see in Table
iv, No. 3, 4, 5y with some red and some white clifts ; these
last in latitude 26 degrees, 10 minutes south, where you
will find fifty-four fathom within four miles of the shore.

About the latitude of 26 degrees south we saw an opening
and ran in, hoping to find a harbour there ; but when we
came to its mouth, which Avas about two leagues wide, we
saw rocks and foul ground within, and therefore stood out
again : there we had twenty fathom water within two mile
of the shore. The land every where appear'd pretty low,
flat and even, but with steep cliff's to the sea ; and when we
came near it there were no trees, shrubs, or grass to be
seen. The soundings in the latitude of 26 degrees south,
from about eight or nine leagues off till you come within a
league of the shore, are generally about forty fathom ; dif-
fering but little, seldom above three or four fathom. But
the lead brings up very diflferent sorts of sand, some coarse,
some fine, and of several colours, as yellow, white, grey,
brown, blueish and reddish.

When I saw there was no harbour here, nor good anchor-
ing, I stood off" to sea again, in the evening of the second of
August, fearing a storm on a lee-shore, in a place where
there was no shelter, and desirous at least to have sea-room ;
for the clouds began to grow thick in the western board,
and the wind was already there, and began to blow fresh
almost upon the shore, which at this place lies along N.N.W.
and S.S.E. By nine a clock at night we had got a pretty

1 It has not been deemed necessary for the present purpose to repro-
duce these plates.

142 dampier's voyages.

good ofEn, bat the wiud still increasing I took in my main
top-sail, being able to cany no more sail than two courses
and the mizen.

At two in the morning, August 3rd, it blew very hard,
and the sea was much raised, so that I furled all my sails
but my main-sail. Tho' the wind blew so hard, we had
pretty clear weather till noon ; but then the whole sky was
blackned with thick clouds, and we had some rain, which
Avould last a quarter of an hour at a time, and then it would
blow very fierce while the squalls of rain were over our
heads ; but as soon as they were gone the wind was by
much abated, the stress of the storm being over. We
sounded several times, but had no ground till eight a clock,
August the 4th, in the evening, and then had sixty fathom
water, coral ground. At ten, we had fifty-six fathom, fine
sand. At twelve, we had fifty-five fathom, fine sand, of a
pale blueish colour. It was now pretty moderate weather,
yet I made no sail till morning ; but then, the wind veering
about to the S.W., I made sail and stood to the north ; and
at eleven a clock the next day, August 5th, we saw land
again, at about six leagues distance. This noon we were
in latitude 25 degrees, 30 minutes, and in the afternoon our
cook died, an old man, who had been sick a great while,
being infirm before we came out of England.

The 6th of August, in the morning, we saw an opening
in the land, and we ran into it, and anchored in seven and
a half fathom water, two miles from the shore, clean sand.
It was somewhat difficult getting in here, by reason of many
shoals we met with, but I sent my boat sounding before
me. The mouth of this sound, which I call'd Shark's Bay,
lies in about twenty-five degrees south latitude, and our
reckoning made its longitude from the Cape of Good Hope
to be about 87 degrees ; which is less by about one hundred
and ninety-five leagues than is usually laid down in our com-
mon draughts, if our reckoning was right, and our glasses

dampier's voyages. 143

did not deceive us. As soon as I came to anchor in this bay, I
sent my boat ashore to seek for fresh water; but in the evening
my men returned, having found none. The next morning
I went ashore myself, carrying pick- axes and shovels with
me to dig for water, and axes to cut wood. We tried in
several places for water, but finding none after several trials,
nor in several miles compass, we left any farther search for
it, and spending the rest of the day in cutting wood, we
entered aboard at night.

The land is of an indifferent height, so that it may be seen
nine or ten leagues off. It appears at a distance very even ;
but as you come nigher you find there are many gentle risings,
though none steep nor high. 'Tis all a steep shore against
the open sea, but in this bay or sound we were now in, the
land is low by the sea side, rising gradually within the land.
The mould is sand by the sea side, producing a sort of
sampler, which bears a white flower. Farther in the mould
is reddish, a sort of sand, producing some grass, plants, and
shrubs. The grass grows in great tufts, as big as a bushel,
here and there a tuft ; being intermix'd with much heath,
much of the kind we have growing on our commons in
England. Of trees or shrubs here are divers sorts, but none
above ten feet high : their bodies about three foot about,
and five or six foot high before you come to the branches,
which are bushy and composed of small twigs there sj^read-
ing abroad, tho' thick set and full of leaves, which were
mostly long and narrow. The colour of the leaves was on
one side whitish, and on the other green ; and the bark of
the trees was generally of the same colour with the leaves,
of a pale green. Some of these trees were sweet scented
and reddish within the bark, like sassafras, but redder.
Most of the trees and shrubs had at this time either blos-
soms or berries on them. The blossoms of the different
sort of trees were of several colours, as red, white, yellow,
etc., but mostly blue ; and these generally smelt very sweet

144 dampier's voyages.

and fragrant, as did some also of the rest. There were also
beside some plants, herbs, and tall flowers, some very small
flowers growing on the ground, that were sweet and beau-
tiful, and for the most part unlike any I had seen else-
where.^

There were but few land fowls ; we saw none but eagles,
of the larger sorts of birds, but five or six sorts of small
birds. The biggest sort of these were not bigger than larks,
some no bigger than wrens, all singing with great variety
of fine shrill notes; and we saw some of their nests with
young ones in them. The water fowls are ducks (which
had young ones now, this being the beginning of the spring
in these parts), curlews, galdens, crab-catchers, cormorants,
gulls, pelicans, and some water fowl, such as I have not
seen any where besides.

The land animals that we saw here were only a sort of
raccoons, different from those of the West Indies, chiefly as
to their legs ; for these have very short fore legs, but go
jumping upon them as the others do (and like them are very
good meat) ; and a sort of guanos, of the same shape and
size with other guanos, describ'd (vol. i, p. 57), but differ-
ing from them in three remarkable particulars : for these
had a larger and uglier head, and had no tail, and at the
rump, instead of the tail there, they had a stump of a tail,
which appear'd like another head ; but not really such,
being without mouth or eyes : yet this creature seem'd by
this means to have a head at each end, and, which may be

^ In Dr. Brown's Prodromus Florce Novce TlollandicB et Insvlce Van
Diemen, occurs the following under the family of Goodenovi^ : " Genus
Scjevolae et Diaspasi propinquum, sed ab iisdem sat distinctum, dixi in
memoriam Gulielmi Dampier, navarchi et peregrinatoris celeberrimi, in
variis suis itineribus naturae semper assidui observatoris, nee botanicem
negligentis, qui oram occidentalem Nova: HoUandia; bis visitavit, cujus
regionis plantas aliquse depicts in relatione itineris extant, et inter
ineditas secum reportatas (quarum plures nunc in Museo Oxoniensi
asservantur) Dampiera incana fuit.

dainipier's voyages. 145

reckon 'd a fourth difference, the k^gs also secm'd all four of
them to he fore-legs, being all alike in shape and length,
and seeming by the joints and bending to be made as if they
were to go indifferently either head or tail foremost. They
were speckled black and yellow, like toads, and had scales
or knobs on their backs like those of crocodiles, plated on
to the skin, or stuck into it as part of the skin. They are
very slow in motion, and when a man comes nigh them they
will stand still and hiss, not endeavouring to get away.
Their livers are also spotted black and yellow, and the body
when opened hath a very unsavoury smell. I did never see
such ugly creatures any where but here. The guanos I
have observ'd to be very good meat, and I have often eaten
of them with pleasure; but tho' I have eaten of snakes,
crocodiles, and allegators, and many creatures that look
frightfully enough, and there are but few I should have
been afraid to eat of if prest by hunger, yet I think my
stomach would scarce have serv'd to venture upon these
New Holland guanos, both the looks and the smell of them
being so offensive.^

The sea fish that we saw here (for here was no river, land
or pond of fresh water to be seen), are chiefly sharks. There
are abundance of them in this particular sound, that I there-
fore give it the name of Shark's Bay. There are also skates,
thornbacks, and other fish of the ray kind (one sort espe-
cially like the sea devil), and gar-fish, bonetas, etc. Of
shell fish we got here muscles, periwinkles, limpits, oysters,
both of the pearl kind and also eating oysters, as well the
common sort as long oysters, beside cockles, etc. The
shore was lined thick with many other sorts of very strange
and beautiful shells, for variety of colour and shape, most
finely spotted Avith red, black, or yellow, etc., such as I have
not seen any Avhere but at this place. I brought away a
^ Trachydosaurus rugosus. Family of lizards Scincidse.

U

146 DAMPIEU'S VOYAGES.

great many of them; but lost all except a very fcAV, aud
those not of the best.

There are also some green turtle, weighing about two
hundred pounds. Of these we caught two, which the water
ebbing had left behind a ledge of rock, which they could
not creep over. These served all my company two days,
and they were indifferent sweet meat. Of the sharks we
caught a great many, which our men eat very savourily.
Among them we caught one which was eleven foot long.
The space between its two eyes was twenty inches, and
eighteen inches from one corner of his mouth to the other.
Its maw was like a leather sack, very thick, and so tough
that a sharp knife could scarce cut it ; in which we found
the head and bones of a hippopotamus, the hairy lips of
which were still sound and not putrified; and the jaw was
also firm, out of which we pluckt a great many teeth, two of
them eight inches long, and as big as a man's thumb, small
at one end, and a little crooked ; the rest not above half so
long. The maw was full of jelly, which stank extremely :
however, I saved for a while the teeth and the shark's jaw.
The flesh of it was divided among my men, and they took
care that no waste should be made of it.

'Twas the 7th of August when we came into Shark's Bay,
in which we anchor'd at three several places, and stay'd at
the first of them (on the west side of the bay), till the 11th.
During which time we searched about, as I said, for fresh
water, digging wells, but to no purpose. However, we cut
good store of fire wood at this first anchoring place, and my
company were all here very well refreshed with raccoons,
turtle, shark, and other fish, and some fowls ; so that we
were now all much brisker than when we came in hither.
Yet still I was for standing farther into the bay, partly be-
cause I had a mind to increase my stock of fresh water,
which was began to be low, and partly for the sake of dis-
covering this part of the coast. I was invited to go further,by

dampier's voyages. 147

seeing from this anchoring place all open before me, which
therefore I designed to search before 1 left the bay. So on
the 11th, about noon, I stcer'd farther in, with an easy sail,
because we had but shallow water : we kept therefore good
looking out for fear of shoals, sometimes shortning, some-
times deepning the water. About two in the afternoon we
saw the land a-head that makes the S. of the bay, and
before night we had again sholdings from that shore : and
therefore shortned sail and stood off and on all night, under
two topsails, continually sounding, having never more than
ten fathom, and seldom less than seven. The water deepned
and sholdned so very gently, that in heaving the lead five
or six times we should scarce have a foot difference. When
we came into seven fathom either way, we presently went
about. From this S. part of the bay, we could not see the
land from whence we came in the afternoon : and this land we
found to be an island of three or four leagues long ; but it
appearing barren, I did not strive to go nearer it; and the
rather, because the winds would not permit us to do it with-
out much trouble, and at the openings the water was gene-
rally shoal, I therefore made no farther attempts in this
S.W. and S. part of the bay. and steered away to the east-
ward, to see if there was any land that way, for as yet we
had seen none there. On the 12th, in the morning, we
pass'd by the N. point of that land, and were confirm'd in
the persuasion of its being an island, by seeing an opening
to the east of it, as we had done on the W. Having fair
weather, a small gale, and smooth water, we stood further
on in the bay, to see what land was on the E. of it. Our
soundings at first were seven fathom, which held so a great
while, but at length it decreas'd to six. Then we saw the
land right a-head, that in the plan makes the E. of the
bay. We could not come near it with the ship, having
but shoal water ; and it being dangerous lying there, and
the land extraordinary low, very unlikely to have fresh

148 dampier's voyages.

water (though it had a few trees on it, seemingly man-
groves), and much of it probably covered at high water, I
stood out again in that afternoon, deepning the water, and
before night anchored in eight fathom, clean white sand,
about the middle of the bay. The next day we got up our
anchor, and that afternoon came to an anchor once more
near two islands, and a shoal of coral rocks that face the
bay. Here I scrubb'd my ship ; and finding it very impro-
bable I should get out to sea again, sounding all the way ;
but finding by the shallowness of the %vater that there was
no going out to sea to the east of the two islands that face
the bay, nor between them, I return'd to the west entrance,
going out by the same way I came in at, only on the east
instead of the west side of the small shoal to be seen in
the plan : in which channel we had ten, twelve, and thir-
teen fathom water, still deepning upon us till we were out
at sea. The day before we came out I sent a boat ashore to
the most northerly of the two islands, which is the least of
them, catching many small fish in the mean while with hook
and line. The boat's crew returning, told me that the isle
produces nothing but a sort of green, short, hard, prickly
grass, affording neither wood nor fresh water ; and that a
sea broke between the two islands, a sign that the water was
shallow. They saw a large turtle, and many skates and
thornbacks, but caught none.

It was August the 14th, when I sail'd out of this Bay or
Sound, the mouth of which lies, as I said, in 25° 5' design-
ing to coast along to the N. E. till I might commodiously
put in at some other part of N. Holland. In passing out we
saw three water-serpents swimming about in the sea, of a
yellow colour, spotted with dark brown spots. They were
each about four foot long, and about the bigness of a man's
wrist, and were the first I saw on this coast, which abounds
with several sorts of them. We had the winds at our first
coming out at N., and the land lying north-easterly. We

da:n[pieh's voyagks. 149

plied off and on, getting forward but little till the next day:
■when the wind coming at S. S. W. and S., we began to coast
it along the shore to the northward, keeping at six or seven
leagues from the shore ; and sounding often, we had between
forty and forty-six fathom water, brown sand, Avith some
white shells. This 15th of August, we were in lat. 24° 41'.
On the sixteenth day at noon, we Avere in 23° 22'. The wind
coming at E. by N., we could not keep the shore aboard, but
were forc'd to go farther off, and lost sight of the land.
Then sounding, we had no ground with eighty fathom line ;
however, the wind shortly after came about again to the
southward, and then we jogg'd on again to the northward,
and saw many small dolphins and whales, and abundance
of scuttle-shells swimming on the sea ; and some water-snakes
every day. The 17th we saw the land again, and took a
sight of it.

The 18th, in the afternoon, being three or four leagues off
shore, I saw a shoal-point, stretching from the land into the
sea, a league or more. The sea broke high on it ; by which
I saw plainly there was a shoal there. I stood farther off,
and coasted along shore, to about seven or eight leagues dis-
tance ; and at 12 a clock at night we sounded, and had but
twenty fathom, hard sand. By this I found I was upon another
shoal, and so presently steered off W. half an hour, and had
then forty fathom. At one in the morning of the 18th day,
we had eighty-five fathom : by two we could find no ground ;
and then I ventured to steer along shore again, due N., which
is two points wide of the coast (that lies N. N. E.) for fear
of another shoal. I would not be too far off from the land,
being desirous to search into it wherever I should find an
opening, or any convenience of searching about for water,
etc. When Ave Avere off the shoal-point I mention'd Avhere
we had but twenty fathom-water, Ave had in the night abun-
dance of whales about ship, some a-head, others a-stern, and
some on each side blowing and making a very dismal noise ;

150 dampier's voyages.

but when we came out again into deeper water they left us.
Indeed, the noise that they made by blowing and dashing of
the sea with their tails, making it all of a breach and foam,
was very dreadful to us, like the breach of the waves in very
shoal-water, or among rocks. The shoal these whales were
upon had a depth of water sufficient, no less than twenty
fathom, as I said ; and it lies in latitude 22° 22'. The shore
was generally bold all along ; we had met with no shoal at
sea since the Abrohlo-shoal, when we first fell on the New
Holland coast in the latitude of 28°, till yesterday in the
afternoon, and this night. This morning also, when we
expected by the draught we had with us, to have been
eleven leagues off shore, we were but four ; so that either
our draughts were faulty, which yet hitherto and afterwards
we found true enough as to the lying of the coast ; or else
here was a tide unknown to us that deceived us ; tho' we had
found very little of any tide on this coast hitherto. As to
our winds in the coasting thus far, as we had been within
the verge of the general trade (tho' interrupted by the storm
I mentioned) from the latitude of 28°, when we first fell in
with the coast : and by that time we were in the latitude of
25° ; we had usually the regular trade -wind (which is here
S. S. E.), when we were at any distance from shore : but we
had often sea and land breezes, especially when near shore,
and when in Shark's Bay ; and had a particular N. west
wind, or storm, that set us in thither. On this 18 of August,
we coasted with a brisk gale of the true trade-wind at S.S.E.,
very fair and clear weather ; but haling off in the evening
to sea, were next morning out of sight of land ; and the land
now trending away N. easterly, and we being to the nor ward
of it, and the wind also shrinking from the S. S. E. to the
E. S. E. (that is, from the true trade-wind to the sea-breeze,
as the land now lay) ; we could not get in with the land
again yet a-while, so as to see it, tho' we trim'd sharp and
kept close on a wind. We were this 19th day, in latitude

dampier's voyages. 151

21° 42'. The 20tli, wc were in latitude 19° 37', and kept
close on a wind to get sight of the land again, but could not
get to see it. We had very fair weather ; and tho' we were
so far from the land as to be out of sight of it, yet we had the
sea and land-breezes. In the night we had the land-breeze
at S. S. E. a small gentle gale ; which in the morning about
sun-rising would shift about gradually (and withal increasing
in strength), till about noon Ave should have it at E. S. E.
which is the true sca-brecze here. Then it would blow a
brisk gale, so that we could scarce carry our top-sails double
rift ; and it would continue thus to three in the afternoon,
when it would decrease again. The weather was fair all the
while, not a cloud to be seen ; but very hazy, especially
nigh the horizon. We sounded several times this 20th day,
and at first had no ground ; but had afterwards from fifty-
two to forty-five fathom, coarse brown sand, mixt with small
brown and white stones, with dints besides in the tallow.

The 21st day, also, we had small land-breezes in the night,
and sea-breezes in the day : and as we saw some sea-
snakes every day, so this day we saw a great many, of two
different sorts or shapes. One sort was yellovv^, and about
the bigness of a man's wrist, about four foot long, having a
flat tail about four fingers broad. The other sort v/as much
smaller and shorter, round and spotted, black and yellow.
This day we sounded several times, and had forty-five
fathom, sand. We did not make the land till noon, and then
saw it first from our top-mast head. It bore S. E. by E.
about nine leagues distance, and it appeared like a cape or
head of land. The sea-breeze this day was not so strong as
the day before, and it veered out more; so that we had a
fair wind to run in with to the shore, and at sunset anchored
in twenty fathom, clean sand, about five leagues from the
bluff point; which was not a cape (as it appear'd at a great
distance, but the eastermost end of an island, about) five or
six leagues in length and one in breadth. There were three

152 dampiek's voyages.

or four rocky islands about a league from us, between us
and the bluff point; and we saw many other islands both to
the east and west of it, as far as we could see either way
from our topmast-head : and all within them to the S. there
Avas nothing but islands of a pretty heighth, that may be
seen eight or nine leagues off. By what we saw of them
they must have been a range of islands of about twenty
leagues in length, stretching from E. N. E. to W. S. W. and
for ought I know, as far as to those of Shark's Bay ; and to
a considerable breadth also (for we could see nine or ten
leagues in among them) towards the continent or main land
of New Holland, if there be any such thing hereabouts : and
by the great tides I met with a while afterwards, more to the
N. east ; I had a strong suspicion that here might be a
kind of archipelago of islands, and a passage possibly to the
S. of New Holland and New Guinea into the great S. sea
eastward; which I had thoughts also of attempting in my
return from new Guinea (had circumstances permitted), and
told my officers so : but I could not attempt it at this time,
because we wanted water, and could not depend upon finding
it there. This place is in the latitude of 20° 21', but in the
draught that I had of this coast, which was Tasman's,itwaslaid
down in 19° 50', and the shore is laid down as all along joining
in one body or continent, with some openings appearing like
rivers ; and not like islands, as really they are. See several
sights of it. This place lies more northerly by 40' than is
laid down in Mr. Tasman's draught : and beside its being
made a firm continued land, only with some openings like
the mouths of rivers, I found the soundings also different
from what the prick'd line of this course shows them, and
generally shallower than he makes them ; which inclines me
to think that he came not so near the shore as his line shews,
and so had deeper soundings, and could not so well distin-
guish the islands. His meridian or difference of longitude
from Shark's Bay agrees well enough with my account.

dampikr's voyages. 153

"svhich is two hundred and thirty-two leagaics tho' we differ
in latitude. And to confirm my conjecture that the line of
his course is made too near the shore, at least not far to the
east of this place, the water is there so shallow that he could
not come there so high.

But to proceed ; in the night we had a small land breeze,
and in the morning I weighed anchor, designing to run in
among the islands, for they had large channels between them,
of a league wide at least, and some two or three leagues wide.
I sent in my boat before to sound, and if they found shoal
water to return again ; but if they found water enough, to
go ashore on one of the islands, and stay till the ship came in :
where they might in the mean time search for water. So we
followed after with the ship, sounding as we went in, and had
twenty fathoms, till within two leagues of the Bluff head,
and then we had shoal water, and very uncertain soundings :
yet we ran in still with an easy sail, sounding and looking
ovit well, for this Avas dangerous work. When we came
abreast of the Bluff head, and about two mile from it, we
had but seven fathom : then we edg'd away from it, but had
no more water ; and running in a little farther, we had but
four fathoms ; so we anchored immediately ;; and yet when
we had veered out the third of a cable, Ave had seven fathom
water again ; so uncertain was the water. My boat came
immediately aboard, and told me that the island was very
rocky and dry, and they had little hopes of finding Avater
there. I sent them to sound, and bad them, if they found a
channel of eight or ten fathom Avater, to keep on and Ave
Avould folloAv Avith the ship. AV^e Avere now about four leagues
Avithin the outer small rocky islands, but still could see
nothing but islands within us ; some five or six leagues long,
others not above a mile round. The large islands Avere pretty
high ; but all appeared dry, and mostly rocky and barren.
The rocks look'd of a rusty yelloAv colour, and therefore I
despaired of getting Avater on any of them ; but Avas in some

X

154 dampier's voyages.

hopes of finding a channel to run in beyond all these islands,
could I have spent time here, and either get to the main of
New Holland, or find out some other islands that might
afford us water and some other refreshments : besides, that
among so many islands, we might have found some sort of
rich mineral, or ambergrecce, it being a good latitude for
both of these. But we had not sailed above a league farther
before our water grew shoaler again, and then we anchored
in six fathom hard land.

We were now on the inner side of the island, on whose
outside is the Bluff"-point. We rode a league from the island,
and I presently went ashore, and carried shovels to dig for
water, but found none. There grew here two or three sorts
of shrubs, one just like rosemary ; and therefore I called this
Rosemary Island. It grew in great plenty here, but had no
smell. Some of the other shrubs had blue and yellow flowers ;
and we found two sorts of grain like beans : the one grew
on bushes ; the other on a sort of a creeping vine that runs
along on the ground, having very thick broad leaves, and
the blossom like a bean blossom, but much larger, and of a
deep red colour, looking very beautiful. We saw here some
Cormorants, Gulls, Crabcatchers, etc., a few small land birds,
and a sort of white Parrots, which flew a great many together.
We found some shell fish, viz., limpits, perriwinkles, and
abundance of small oysters growing on the rocks, which
were very sweet. In the sea we saw some green turtle, a
pretty many sharks, and abundance of water snakes of
several sorts and sizes. The stones were all of rusty colour,
and ponderous.

We saw a smoak on an island three or four leagues off';
and here also the bushes had been burned, but we found no
other sign of inhabitants : 'twas probable that on the island
where the smoak was there was inhabitants, and fresh water
for them. In the evening I went aboard, and consulted
with my officers whether it was best to scud thither, or to

DAMTTKR .S VOYAGFS. 155

search among any otlier of these ishmds with my hoat ; or
else go from thencej and coast along shore with the ship,
till Ave could find some better place than this was to ride in,
where we had shoal water, and lay exposed to winds and
tides. They all agreed to go from licnce ; so I gave orders
to weigh in the morning as soon as it should be light, and to
get out with the land breeze.

Accordingly, August the 23rd, at five in the morning, we
ran out, having a pretty fresh land breeze at S.S.E, By eight
o'clock we were got out, and very seasonably, for before
nine the sea breeze came on us very strong, and increasing,
we took in our topsails and stood off under two courses and
a mizen, this being as much sail as we could carry. The sky
was clear, there being not one cloud to be seen ; but the
horizon appeared very hazy, and the sun at setting the night
before, and this morning at rising, appeared very red. The
wind continued very strong till twelve, then it began to
abate : I have seldom met with a stronger breeze. These
strong sea breezes lasted thus in their turns three or four
days. They sprung up with the sunrise ; by nine a clock
they were very strong, and so continued till noon, when they
began to abate ; and by sunset there was little wind, or a
calm till the land breezes came ; which we should certainly
have in the morning about one or two a clock. The land
breezes were between the S.S.W. and S.S.E. In the night
while calm, we fish'd with hook and line, and caught good
store offish, viz., snappers, breams, old wives and dog fish.
When these last came we seldom caught any others; for if
they did not drive away the other fish, yet they would be
sure to keep them from taking our hooks, for they would
first have them themselves, biting very greedily. We caught
also a monk-fish, of which I brought home the picture.

On the 25th of August, we still coasted along shore, that
we might the better see any opening ; kept sounding, and
had about twenty fathom clean sand. The 26th day, being

156 dampier's voyages.

about four leagues off shore, the water began gradually to
sholden from twenty to fourteen fathom. I was edging in a
little towards the land, thinking to have anchored ; but
presently after the water decreas'd almost at once, till we had
but five fathoms. I durst therefore adventure no farther,
but steer'd out the same way that we came in ; and in a short
time had ten fathom (being then about four leagues and a
half from the shore) and even soundings. I steer'd away
E.N.E. coasting along as the land lies. This day the sea
breezes began to be very moderate again, and we made the
best of our way along the shore, only in the night edging off
a little for fear of sholes. Ever since we left Shark's
Bay we had fair clear weather, and so for a great while still.

The 27th day we had twenty fathom water all night, yet
we could not see land till one in the afternoon, from our
topmast-head. By three we could just discern land from our
quarter deck ; we had then sixteen fathom. The wind was N.
and we steer'd E. by N. which is but one point in on the
land ; yet we decreas'd our water very fast ; for at four we
had but nine fathom ; the next cast but seven, which frighted
us ; and we then tackt instantly and stood off: but in a short
time the wind coming at N.W. and W.N.W. we tackt again
and steer'd N.N.E. and then deepned our water again, and
had all night from fifteen to twenty fathom.

The 28th day we had between twenty and forty fathom.
We saw no land this day, but saw a great many snakes and
some whales. We saw also some boobies, and noddy-birds;
and in the night caught one of these last. It was of another
shape and colour than any I had seen before. It had a small
long bill, as all of them have, flat feet like ducks' feet ; its
tail forked like a swallow, but longer and broader, and the
fork deeper than that of the swallow, with very long wings;
the top or crown of the head of this noddy was coal black,
having also black streaks round about and close to the eyes ;
and round these streaks on each side, a pretty broad white

"nAWriEll's VOYAGES. 157

circle. The breast, belly, and under-part of the wings of
this noddy were white ; and the back and upper-part of its
W'ings of a faint black or snioak colour. Noddies are seen
in most places between the tropicks, as well as in the East
Indies, and on the coast of Brazil, as in the West Indies.
They rest ashore a nights, and therefore we never see them
far at sea, not above twenty or thirty leagues, unless driven
of}' in a storm ; when they come about a ship they commonly
perch in the night, and will sit still till they are taken by the
seamen. They build on cliffs against the sea, or rocks, as I
have said.

The oOth day, being in latitude 18° 21', we made the land
again, and saw many great smoaks near the shore ; and
having fair weather and moderate breezes, I steer'd in
towards it. At four in the afternoon I anchor'd in eight
fathom water, clear sand, about three leagues and a half from
the shore. I presently sent my boat to sound nearer in, and
they found ten fathom about a mile farther in ; and from
thence still farther in the water decreased gradually to nine,
eight, seven, and two mile distance to six fathom. This
evening we saw an eclipse of the moon, but it was abating
before the moon appear'd to us ; for the horizon was very
hazy, so that we could not see the moon till she had been
half an hour above the horizon : and at two hours, twenty-
two minutes after sunset, by the reckoning of our glasses,
the eclipse was quite gone, which was not of many digits.
The moon's center was then 33^ 40' high.

The 31st of August betimes in the morning, I went ashore
with ten or eleven men to search for water. We went armed
with muskets and cutlasses for our defence, expecting to see
people there ; and carried also shovels and pickaxes to dig
M'ells. When we came near the shore we saw three tall
black naked men on the sandy bay a-head of us : but as we
row'd in, they went away. When we were landed, I sent
the boat with two men in her to lie a little from the shore at

158 dampip:r's voyages.

an anclior, to prevent being seized ; while the rest of vis
went after the three black men, who were now got on the
top of a small hill, about a quarter of a mile from us, with
eight or nine men more in their company. They seeing us
coming, ran away. When we came on the top of the hill
Avhere they first stood, we saw a plain savannah, about half
a mile from us, farther in from the sea. There were several
things like hay cocks, standing in the savannah ; which at
a distance we thought were houses, looking just like the
Hottentots' houses at the cape of Good Hope : but we found
them to be so many rocks. We searched about these for
water, but could find none, nor any houses ; nor people, for
they were all gone. Then we turned again to the place
where we landed, and there we dug for water.

While we were at work, there came nine or ten of the
natives to a small hill a little Avay from us, and stood there
menacing and threatning of us, and making a great noise.
At last one of them came towards us, and the rest followed
at a distance. I Avent out to meet him, and came within
fifty yards of him, making to him all the signs of peace and
friendship I could ; but then he ran away, neither would
they any of them stay for us to come nigh them, for we tried
two or three times. At last I took two men with me, and
went in the afternoon along by the sea side purposely to
catch one of them, if I could, of whom I might learn where
they got their fresh water. There were ten or twelve of the
natives a little way off, Avho seeing us three going away
from the rest of our men, followed us at a distance. I
thought they would follow us ; but there being for a while
a sandbank between us and them, that they could not then
see us, we made a halt, and hid ourselves in a bending of
the sandbank. They knew we must be thereabouts, and
being three or four times our number, thought to seize us.
So they dispers'd themselves, some going to the sea shore,
and others beating about the sand hills. We knew by

da>ipip:r's voyages. 159

what rencounter we had had with them in the morning that
we could easily outrun them ; so a ninihle young man that
was with me, seeing some of them near, ran towards them,
and they for some time ran away before him. But he soon
overtaking them, they faced about and fought him. He had
a cutlass and they had wooden lances, with which, being
many of them, they were too hard for him. When he first
ran towards them, I chas'd two more that were by the
shore; but fearing how it might be with my young man,
I turn'd back quickly and went up to the top of a sandhill,
whence I saw him near me closely engaged with them.
Upon their seeing me one of them threw a lance at me, that
narrowly miss'd me. I discharg'd my gun to scare them,
but avoided shooting any of them ; till finding the young
man in great danger from them, and myself in some ; and
that tho' the gun had a little frighted them at first, yet they
had soon learnt to despise it, tossing up their heads and
crying " Pooh, pooh, pooh," and coming on afresh with a
great noise ; I thought it high tiiue to charge again and
shoot one of them, which I did. The rest seeing him fall
made a stand again, and ray young man took the oppor-
tunity to disengage himself and come off to me ; my other
man also was with me, who had done nothing all this while,
having come out nnarm'd ; and I returned back with my
men, designing to attempt the natives no farther, being very
sorry for what had happened already. They took up their
wounded companion, and my young man, who had been
struck through the cheek by one of their lances, was afraid
it had been poison'd, but I did not think that likely. His
wound was very painful to him, being made with a blunt
wxapon ; but he soon recover'd of it.

Among the N. Hollanders whom we were thus engaged
with, there was one who by his appearance and carriage, as
well in the morning as this afternoon, secm'd to be the chief
of them, and a kind of prince or captain among them. He

160 dampier's voyages.

was a young brisk man, not very tall, nor so personable as
some of the rest, tho' more active and couragious : he was
painted (which none of the rest were at all) with a circle of
white paste or pigment (a sort of lime, as we thought) about
his eyes, and a white streak down his nose from his fore-
head to the tip of it. And his breast and some part of his
arms were also made white with the same paint ; not for
beauty or ornament one would think, but as some wild
Indian warriors are said to do, he seem'd thereby to design
the looking more terrible ; this his painting added very
much to his natural deformity, for they all of them have the
most unpleasant looks and the worst features of any people
that ever I saw, tho' I have seen great variety of savages.
These New Hollanders were probably the same sort of
people as those I met with on this coast in my voyage round
the world (see vol. i, p. 464, etc.) ; for the place I then
touched at was not above forty or fifty leagues to the N.E.
of this : and these were much the same blinking creatures
(here being also abundance of the same kind of flesh-flies
teizing them), a:id with the same black skins, and hair
frizled, tall and thin, etc., as those were : but we had not
the opportunity to see whether these, as the former, wanted
two of their fore-teeth.

We saw a great many places where they had made fires,
and where there were commonly three or four boughs stuck
up to the windward of them ; for the wind (which is the sea
breeze) in the daytime blows always one way with them, and
the land breeze is but small. By their fireplaces we should
always find great heaps of fish shells of several sorts ; and
'tis probable that these poor creatures here lived chiefly on
the shell fish, as those I before describ'd did on small fish,
which they caught in wires or holes in the sand at low
water. These gather'd their shell fish on the rocks at low
water, but had no wires (that we saw) whereby to get any
other sorts of fish : as among the former I saw not any heaps

dampier's voyages. 161

of shells as here, though I know they also gather'd some
shell fish. The lances also of those were such as these had ;
however, they being upon an island, with their women and
children, and all in our power, they did not there use them
against us as here on the continent, where we saw none but
some of the men under head, who come out purposely to
observe us. We saw no houses at either place ; and I be-
lieve they have none, since the former people on the island
had none, tho' they had all their families with them.

Upon returning to my men I saw that tho' they had dug
eight or nine foot deep, yet found no water. So I return'd
aboard that evening, and the next day, being September 1st,
I sent my boatswain ashore to dig deeper, and sent the sain
■with him to catch fish. While I staid aboard I observed
the flowing of the tide, which runs very swift here, so that
our nun-buoy would not bear above the water to be seen.
It flows here (as on that part of N. Holland I described
formerly) about five fathom ; and here the flood runs S.E,
by S. till the last quarter ; then it sets right in towards the
shore (which lies here S.S.W. and N.N.E.) and the ebb runs
N.W. by N. "When the tides slackned we fish'd with hook
and line, as we had already done in several places on this
coast, on which in this voyage hitherto we had found but
little tides ; but by the heighth, and strength, and course of
them hereabouts, it should seem that if there be such a
passage or streight going through eastward to the great
South Sea, as I said one might suspect, one would expect
to find the mouth of it somewhere between this place and
Rosemary Island, which was the part of New Holland I
came last from.

Next morning my men came aboard and brought a rund-
let of brackish water, M^hich they got out of another well
that they dug in a place a mile off, and about half as far
from the shore ; but this water was not fit to drink. How-
ever we all concluded that it would serve to boil our oat-

Y

162 dampiek's voyages.

meal for burgoo, whereby we might save the remains of
our other water for drinking, till we should get more ; and
accordingly the next day we brought aboard four hogsheads
of it : but while we were at work about the well we were
sadly pester'd with the flies, which were more troublesome
to us than the sun, tho' it shone clear and strong upon us all
the while, very hot. All this while we saw no more of the
natives, but saw some of the smoaks of some of their fires
at two or three miles distance.

The land hereabouts was much like the part of New Hol-
land that I formerly described (vol. i, p. 463) ; 'tis low, but
seemingly barricado'd with a long chain of sandhills to the
sea, that lets nothing be seen of what is farther within land.
At high water, the tides rising so high as they do, the coast
shows very low ; but when 'tis low water it seems to be of
an indifferent heighth. At low water-mark the shore is all
rocky, so that then there is no lauding with a boat ; but at
high water a boat may come in over those rocks to the
Sandy Bay, which runs all along on this coast. The land
by the sea for about five or six hundred yards is a dry sandy
soil, bearing only shrubs and bushes of divers sorts. Some
of these had them at this time of the year, yellow flowers or
blossoms, some blue and some white, most of them of a very
fragrant smell. Some had fruit-like peascods, in each of
which there were just ten small peas : I opened many of
them, and found no more nor less. There are also here
some of that sort of bean which I saw at Rosemary Island,
and another sort of small, red, hard pulse, growing in cods
also, with little black eyes like beans. I know not their
names, but have seen them used often in the East Indies
for weighing gold ; and they make the same use of them at
Guinea as I have heard, where the women also make brace-
lets with them to wear about their arms. These grow on
bushes ; but here are also a fruit like beans, growing on a
creeping sort of shrub-like vine. There was great plenty of

dampier's voyages. 163

all these sorts of cod fruit growing on the sandhills by the
sea side, some of them green, some ripe, and some fallen on
the ground ; but I could not perceive that any of them had
been gathered by the natives, and might not probably be
wholesome food.

The land farther in, that is lower than what borders on
the sea, was, so much as we saw of it, very plain and even,
partly savannahs, and partly woodland. The savannahs
bear a sort of thin coarse grass. The mould is also a coarser
sand than that by the sea side, and in some places 'tis clay.
Here are a great many rocks in the large savannah we were
in, which are five or six foot high, and round at the top like
a haycock, very remarkable, some red and some white. The
woodland lies farther in still, where there were divers sorts
of small trees, scarce any three foot in circumference ; their
bodies twelve or fourteen foot high, with a head of small
knibs or boughs. By the sides of the creeks, especially nigh
the sea, there grow a few small black mangrove trees.

There are but few land animals. I saw some lizards, and
my men saw two or three beasts like hungry wolves, lean
like so many skeletons, being nothing but skin and bones :
'tis probable that it was the foot of one of those beasts that I
mention'd as seen by us in N, Holland (vol. i, p. 463). We
saw a rackoon or two, and one small speckled snake.

The land fowls that we saw here were crows (just such as
ours in England), small hawks, and kites, a few of each
sort ; but here are plenty of small turtledoves, that are
plump, fat, and very good meat. Here are two or three
sorts of smaller birds, some as big as larks, some less ; but
not many of either sort. The sea fowl are pelicans, boobies,
noddies, curlews, sea-pies, etc., and but few of these neither.

The sea is plentifully stock'd with the largest whales that
I ever saw, but not to compare with the vast ones of the
northern seas. We saw also a great many green turtle, but
caught none ; here being no place to set a turtle net in ;

164 dampier's voyages.

here being no channel for them, and the tides running so
strong. We saw some sharks and paracootSj and with hooks
and lines we caught some rock fish and old wives. Of shell
fish here were oysters, both of the common kind for eating
and of the pearl kind ; and also wilks, conchs, muscles,
limpits, perriwinkles, etc. ; and I gather'd a few strange
shells, chiefly a sort not large, and thick-set all about with
rays or spikes growing in rows.

And thus, having ranged about a considerable time upon
this coast, without finding any good fresh water or any con-
venient place to clean the ship, as I had hop'd for ; and it
being, moreover, the heighth of the dry season, and my men
growing scorbutick for want of refreshments, so that I had
little incouragement to search further ; I resolved to leave
this coast, and accordingly in the beginning of September
set sail towards Timor.

A WRITTEN DETAIL OF THE DISCOVERIES AND

NOTICEABLE OCCURRENCES IN THE VOYAGE

OF THE FLUYT "VOSSENBOSCH," THE SLOOP

"D'WAIJER," AND THE PATSJALLANG

''NOVA HOLLANDIA,"

DESPATCHED BY THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, AO. 1705, FROM BATAVIA EY WAY
OF TIMOR TO NEW HOIiAND ; COMPILED AS WELL FROM THE WRITTEN
JOURNALS AS FROM THE VERBAL RECITALS OF THE RETURNED
OFFICERS, BY THE COUNCIL EXTRAORDINARY, HENDRICK SWAAR-
DECRON AND CORNELIS CHASTELIJN, COMOTSSIONED FOR THAT
PURPOSE, AND FORMING THEIR REPORT TO HIS EXCEL-
LENCY THE GOVERNOR GENERAL, JAN VAN HORN
AND THE COUNCIL OF INDIA.

My Lords. — Before entering into a detail of matters of note
occurring on the abovementioned voyage, it may not perhaps
be superfluous to offer a few preliminary observations, in
order to throw a clearer light upon the subject ; briefly
these : — that the above mentioned vessels having, in accor-
dance with the instructions delivered to their crew by your
excellency, on the twentieth of January of this year, weighed
anchor from the port of Batavia on the 23rd of the same
month, heard on their way, at Rembang on the east coast
of Java, how the sloop Doriados, which had been destined
for this voyage instead of the Waijer, had been disabled,
but has been helped on its way by friendly vessels to Timor,
and thence to New Holland.

They arrived on the twelfth of February before Copang,
on the island of Timor, where they were obliged, by bad

16G EXPEDITION OF THREE DUTCH SHIPS

weather, to remain for twenty days, until the second of
March. A month later, namely, on the second of April,
they explored the north-west corner of Van Diemen's land,
without having so far observed anything remarkable on this
voyage, except that for fifty or sixty miles straight north and
south from this point, the land is elevated, and along the
whole of this coast there was continually found from fifty to
twenty, and fewer fathoms' water ; besides, that on the pas-
sage from Timor, the compasses were on the sixth of March
affected by the thunder and lightning to such a degree, that
the north-end of the needle pointed due south, and was
brought home in that position.

This point of Van Diemen's land having been thus ex-
plored, they occupied themselves, from the second of April
to the tAvelfth of July, in visiting the bays, head lands, islands,
rivers, etc., to the best of their ability according to their
instructions. But not being sufficiently provided with fresh
provisions for so long a voyage, many men on board began
to suffer and also to die, from severe sickness, principally
fever, acute pains in the head and eyes, and above all, dropsy,
so that they were compelled to resolve upon returning, and
to direct their course to Banda ; the patsjallang however
alone arrived there ; the fluit Vossenhosch, and the sloop
Waijer, being forced by unfavourable weather and the
w^eakness of the crew, to pass that government, and to hold
on towards Macassar, as your nobilities will have already
learnt by the papers from Banda and Macassar. The
skipper, upper and under steersman, with most of the
petty officers and sailors of the VossenJ)osch being already
dead, and their incomplete journals alone having reached
us, the new maps moreover, made by the direction of the
skipper Martin van Delft, having been improperly detained
at Macassar, we are not at present in a position to forward the
same complete information on the subject, which the arrival
of these maps would have enabled us to give, as they contain

TO THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND. 167

many new names, which coukl not possibly be found in the
limited compass of the Company's former charts. According
to their own accounts, they have only been able to visit a
strip of land of about sixty miles along the coast E. and W.,
including merely a very small portion of that great bay,
which it was recommended to them to sail over and explore
as much as possible.

The daily courses, winds, currents, depths, reefs, sound-
ings, variations of the compass, and the like observations,
more especially depending upon the art of the steersman,
are to be found in the above-mentioned journals, and shall
here be passed over as out of place, in a compendious report
like the present. We shall here principally follow the log-
book of the skipper Martin van Delft, of the Vossenhosch,
and that of the under steersman Andries Roseboom, of the
sloop Waijer, as the journals of the captain of the patsjallang,
Pieter Fredericks of Hamburg, and of the steersman of the
Vossenhosch, nowithstanding their general usefulness, do not
afford any additional information, as they merely describe
the same subject.

Besides the journals, some depositions and other papers of
the same kind have reached us, referring to the loss of anchors,
ropes, sails, the courses and bearings of the ship as recorded
on board the Vossenhosch, none of them however of a
nature to call for further observation here. At the same time
we cannot omit to mention two papers, written by the cap-
tain of the patsjallang, and entered in the register of Banda,
under the letters D. E., containing brief notes of the ship's
course, the names of, and dates of departure from, the places
visited during the voyage, together with the currents en-
countered, which documents could be forwarded to you, if
desired, together with the above-mentioned journals of the
skipper of the Vossenhosch, and the captain of the Waijer,
and the new maps, should they arrive here from Macassar,
since the maps of the patsjallang have not been drawn up

168 EXPEDITION OF THREE DUTCH SHIPS

with due regard to the proper soundings, distances and other
requisites, and are, therefore, not to be depended upon.

Continuing our summary of the voyage, we would observe,
that from the commencement of the exploration of Van Die-
men's land, they noticed at several points on the strand
signs of men, such as smoke and the like. The first inlet
within the north point of that land, which was visited by them
and called the Koseboom's Bay, runs dead inland, throwing
out several branches on both sides. No fresh water is found
here. At that time they saw no men, but merely some signs
of inhabitants. However, on their leaving the bay, some of
the natives were caught sight of, running away with their
children and dogs, as soon as they perceived our country-
men ; and no opportunity was obtained of getting speech of
any of them.

The coast here is level. The names Casuaris and Varck-
enshoek, were given to the points E. and W. of this bay; of
two other projecting points on the W. side, which turned
out to be islands, one was named the Goede Hoop, and the
other the Kuijle Eijland ; they found on the former of them
a little water, but brackish, and in small quantity.

Between these two islands or headlands, some natives
were met by the men on the thirty-first of April, who did
not retire, but ran hastily towards an eminence, and with
signs and gestures attempted to drive them away. No one
was able to understand their language, which, according to
the skipper Martin van Delft, seems to resemble in some
respects that of Malabar ; but even this is by no means clear.
The colour and stature of these men, appears from the de-
scription given to resemble most that of the Indians of the
east ; but they go stark naked, without any regard to age or
sex, as was constantly observed by our sailors from the
above-mentioned date, until their departure. The only
exception to this rule were the women who had children
with them, these alone wearing a slight covering of leaves or

TO THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND. 169

such-like over their middle. The whole number of these
islanders did not exceed fourteen or fifteen men ; seeing that
our people could not be induced by their grimaces, violent
gestures, yelling and flourishing of assegais, and all kinds of
weapons, to retreat from the shore, they were imprudent
enough to throw some of their assegais, or rather sharpened
sticks, at our men, with the intention of wounding and intim-
idating them ; but their chief, or one who at least appeared
to be so, being hit by a ball from the single musket which
was fired at them in return, the rest began to run quickly
away, being very agile and well made.

The women are tall and slim, with very large mouth and
small eyes ; the head of both sexes is curly, like that of the
Papuan islanders, and a yellow or red ointment, prepared
with turtle fat, seems to be used as an ornament. The nature
of these tribes is foul and treacherous, as was apparent at the
last moment, when our people were on the point of departing.
Eight islanders attacked and wounded two sailors, with the
hope of seizing upon their clothes, and that after having con-
versed with these men for weeks, eaten and drunk with them,
visited them on board, and being allowed to examine every-
thing to their great admiration, after having received presents,
and also on their part regaled our people with fish and crabs.
Besides this, their bad disposition came to light in the case
of the man who had been previously wounded by our party
as before mentioned ; when he afterwards was assisted and
bandaged, and had every possible attention shown him by
our men, he tore the linen to pieces and threw it away into
a corner ; notwithstanding that at other times these natives
appeared particularly greedy after linen, knives, beads, and
such toys.

They however possess nothing which is of value themselves,
and have neither iron nor anything like mineral ore or metal,
but only a stone which is ground and made to serve as
a hatchet. They have no habitations, either houses or huts ;

z

170 EXPEDITION OF THREE DUTCH SHIPS

and feed on fi^sh, which they catch with harpoons of wood,
and also by means of nets, putting out to sea in small canoes,
made of the bark of trees, which are in themselves so fragile,
that it is necessary to strengthen them with cross-beams.

Some of them had marks on their body, apparently cut or
carved, which, as it seemed to our people, were looked upon
by them as a kind of ornament. They eat sparingly and
moderately, whereby they grow up always active and nimble ;
their diet seems to consist of fish, and a few roots and vege-
tables, but no birds or wild animals of any kind are used as
food, for though animal food exists, and was found by our
men in abundance, the natives appeared to be indiiferent to it.

According to the notes of the captain of the sloop Waijer,
from the 14th of June, about five hundred people with
women and children, were met on one occasion about two
miles inland ; at night also they were descried sitting round
several fires among the bushes ; nothing however was seen
in their possession of any value. Our men might also easily
have taken and brought over to Batavia with them, two or
three of the natives who daily came on board, but the skip-
per of the Vossenhosch, following out his instructions to the
letter, would not allow them to be taken without their full
consent, either by falsehood or fraud, and as no one under-
stood their language, nothing was to be done in the matter ;
consequently they remained in their own country.

The country here is for the most part level, and no moun-
tains are to be seen, except a remarkable eminence, which
at a distance has the appearance of three mountains, as noted
in the journal of the skipper, under date ]May the 25th.
The soil seems productive, if cultivated, but the whole
extent of the coast is bordered by sands or downs. In no
part were any remarkable trees noticed, much less any of an
aromatic and s\)\ce kind.

The second bay after the Rooseboom's Bay just described,
between Tigers and Wolfs-point, visited by our country-

TO THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND. 171

men, lias the appearance of a wide river, but is salt ; as how-
ever nothing remarkable was found there, we shall let the
journal of the skipper, on the date May 12th, speak for
itself, it being described in the account of the commander of
the Waijer, under the name of the Bessia River.

The third inlet visited by the expedition is rather large,
its E. point being named Kaijmans, and its W. Oranjes-hoek.
The tide flows here with great force, and the Patsjallang
sailed between eight and ten miles inland, without finding
any diminution in the saltness of the water. As the bottom,
and the general aspect still remain the same, it was supposed
by our people, that this inlet runs right through to the south
side of New Holland, and not only this, but also others both
E. and W. of the angle of Van Diemen's land.

From this it seems to follow, that the South Land in a great
measure consists of islands, — a supposition not at all im-
probable, considering how on its south side, from the point
called Leeuwin, or the land visited by the Leeuwin in
the year 1622, to Nuyts-land, discovered in 1627, it is en-
tirely girt and surrovmded by innumerable islands, although
these things had better be left to a more accurate examina-
tion of the country, and a more matured judgment. But
there is another consideration in favour of this supposition,
namely, the rude and barbarous character, and malicious dis-
position of the above-mentioned islanders, as it has been
frequently remarked, that such serious defects are much
more generally found among islanders, than among the in-
habitants of continents. However, be this as it may, ^xe
shall only further remark, that the Patsjallang, owing to the
strength of the current, was not able to proceed, but was
obliged to return to the Vossenhosch, having first discovered
within this inlet an island, five miles in circumference, on
which was found very good drinking-water and a tiger was
met with ; a number of snipes also were seen on another
island, which lay at the entrance of this strait, and of which

172 EXPEDITION OF THREE DUTCH SHIPS

more is said in the journal of the sloop Waijer, under the
date of the eighteenth and nineteenth of May. The wea-
ther here was observed to become much colder.

The fourth inlet of those visited by the expedition, called
Delft Bay, runs five or six miles inland, and demands little
further notice than as to its position and depths, both which
are to be found clearly stated in the journals and maps, also
that it is called on one side of its mouth, Rustenburg, and
on the other side in the old maps, it is known under the
name of Maria's land, in which district the inhabitants were
so stupid, that they attempted to tow the patsjallang, while
lying at anchor, with three little canoes, but seeing that no
progress was made, they tried to effect their object by tug-
ging at the anchor. This also proving ineffectual, they re-
turned to the shore. Our men employed themselves daily in
fishing, the fish here being plentiful, but of no great size, and
attempted to arrest the increasing sickness on board.

The fifth and last inlet E. visited by our people, is bounded
on one side by the promontory of Lonton, on the other
side by the point of Callemore, (names given to them by the
crew), although the last mentioned point may rather be
called an island than a promontory, since the inlet runs
round it and again joins the sea. In front of the point
Lonton, also an island was found, called by them Schildpads
island ; nothing remarkable is to be recorded of this place,
except that at night by moonlight, an immense number of black
birds, as large as pigeons, were met by the patsjallang Hol-
landia Nova, which flock continued to pass for half an hour ;
also that the inhabitants became so much accustomed to our
people, that they assisted them in procuring and cai'rying
water ; but afterwards they could not conceal their mali-
cious disposition, as we have already narrated.

This last inlet is called Vossenbosch Bay, and also has
before the promontory of Calice a small island, where stands
a solitary tree, by which it may be recognized.

TO THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND. 173

Thus, thinking wc have briefly stated the origin, the ad-
ventures, the results, and the return of this expedition, so
far as they could be investigated, we shall here conclude.
We are, etc.,

Hk. Swaardecroon,
Cs, Chastelijn.
(S.) J. S. Craine.

Batavia Castle, Oct. 6, 1705.

THE HOUTMAN'S ABROLHOS IN 1727, TRANSLATED
FROM A PUBLICATION ENTITLED " DE HOUT-
MAN'S ABROLHOS,"

AMSTERDAM, 1857, 8vO. BY P. A. LEUPE, CAPTAIN OF MARINES
IN THE DUTCH NAVY.

The ten years which elapsed between 1720 and 1730 were
a period replete with disaster to the East India Company,
arising from the losses they experienced of ships and men,
both on their passage out to India and on their return.'
Among the number is the Zeeland ship Zeeivyk, Avhich,
built in 1725, sailed from the roads of Rammekens to Ba-
tavia, under command of the skipper Jan Hijns, on the 7th
of November, 1726. After peculiar mishaps the Zeeivyk
came to anchor on the 22nd of March, 1727, before the fort
of Good Hope in Table Bay, and, after taking in fresh pro-
visions there, pursued her voyage on the 21st of April,
until, on the 9th of June, when by the carelessness of the
skipper, she was wrecked on the Houtman's Abrolhos.

By the instructions^ for the sailing in the autumn from
the Netherlands to Java, amongst other things it is also en-
joined : " The Cape of Good Hope being doubled, it is
thought good that you sail in an E. direction between
36° and 39° S. lat., until you have reached a point eight
hundred miles E. of the Cape of Good Hope ; that you then

1 Appendix V.

'^ Giveu in the Assembly of the Seventeen, on the 7th December, 1611).

THE houtman's abrolttos. 177

direct your course as much N. as E., in such a manner that,
on reaching 30° S. lat., you shoukl find yourself ahout 950
or 1000 m. from the Cape of Good liope.

" These 950 or 1000 m. from the Cape being attained, it
is advisable — wind and weather permitting — that you bear
down upon the land Eendraght at 27° S. lat., or more to the
N., so as to take thence such a course as will enable you to
clear the Tryals Shoals,' lying about 20° ».S. lat., without
danger, and to touch at the south coast of Java with ease,
in order to have the weather-gage of the Straits of Sunda,
and thus reach these straits without loss of time. It must
be understood that this is about the time when the east
monsoon blows south of the line, and that the said 900 or
1000 miles E. of the Cape may be reached between the
beginning of March and the end of September. Observe,
that the distance between the Cape and the land of Een-
draght is, in reality, much shorter than the chart shows ;
and it may happen, by the aid of currents, that the route
may be found even shorter than it really is, so that the land
might be reached in much less time than we are led to
expect. Kemember, also, that the land of Eendraght has,
south of 27° lat., many perilous sandbanks, and that the
soundings are of sharp rocks. Consequently extreme cau-
tion, and the constant use of the lead at night and in stqrmy
weather is indispensably necessary, as at seven, six, or five
miles from the coast the soundings are found to be one hun-
dred, eighty, or seventy fathoms."

To these " perilous sandbanks and soundings of sharp
rocks" belong also the Frederick Houtman Abrolhos, which,
according to Horsburgh,- lie at 29° 10' S. lat., and 113° 57' E.
long., and upon which many a ship of the company will

^ Appendix IV.

^ The western limit of these dangerous shoals, in long. 113° 20' E.,
and the south-easternmost patch called Turtle Dove, is in lat. 29° 10',
long. 11.3° 57'. Horsburgh, London, 1838.

178 THE houtman's abrolhos.

have perished ; since, in addition to the Batavia in 1629,
the Vergulde Draeck in 1656, the Ridderschap van Holland
in 1693, and the Zuysdoiy in 1711, two others occur in the
list here subjoined as lost between the Cape of Good Hope
and Batavia.

The Englishmen who visited these sandbanks in 1840
found several remains of wrecked ships ; thus writes Mr.
Crawford Pako •}

" I will relate a few circumstances w^hich were of great
interest to us, as marking the position of ancient voyagers,
who two hundred years before were similarly engaged to our-
selves, and undergoing trial and probation such as we were
then exposed to.

" Finding anchorage for our ship at the S.E. part of the
southern group, near to a narrow strip of sand on the edge
of the reef, which was scarcely large enough to be called
an island, we found on it some remains of large timber,
evidently a beam of a ship, through it an iron bolt of con-
siderable dimensions ; but corrosion had gone on steadily so
many years, that the slightest touch reduced it to the size of
small wire. Near this were found various other fragments,
which most probably had been parts of the same vessel ; but
the most remarkable item was a copper coin of the East
India N. Company, a doit bearing date 1620 (I think),
which was good evidence that these were some of the re-
mains of commodore Pelsart, in the ship Batavia. So the
anchorage which we occupied was named by us Batavia
Koads, and that particular group Pelsart's Group. On
another island at the west side of the same group we found

^ Sic in original. The editor does not find this name in the Eng-
lish navy. There is, in all probability, a mistake in the transcript of
the word given as Pako. The passage quoted is stated in a note to
have occurred in a letter dated March 31st, 1853, addressed to Captain
WipfF of the Dutch navy, then commanding the corvette Sumatra off
Sydney.

THE iioutman's abroliios. 179

many other relics of more recent date, among which another
doit, which was dated 1700, which we concluded marked
the position of the loss of tlie Zecwijk in 1720. On this
island we found a large number of small glass bottles, about
the size and form of Dutch cheeses, very orderly arranged
in rows on the ground ; a few very large glass bottles of
similar form ; some large brass buckles, which had been
gilded, and much of the gilt still existed. Numerous small
clay pipes, which served to solace our crew with the help
of tobacco, as doubtless they had done long ago for former
owners. And one brass gun, of about three-pounds calibre,
with an iron swivel, the iron, however, was diminished by
corrosion to nearly nothing ; it had a movable chamber
for loading it, which was fitted for a square hole, on the
upper part of the gun near the breech. But what was most
remarkable about it was that vermilion paint was still on
the muzzle. The island on which this was found we called
Gun Island, and the passage between Pelsart Group and
the middle one was called Zeewyk Channel."

I have had the good fortune to find among the papers of the
late East India Company, what was written by the govern-
ment of Batavia about the loss of the ship Zeeivijk to the
directors at home, together with a map made by the skipper
Jan Steyns, while on these shoals.

" To the Directors of the Assemhly of the Seventeen, etc.

" On the 26th of April a letter^ unexpectedly came to
hand by the patchialang De Veerman, from the late skipper
and under-merchant of the Zeeland ship Zeewyk, Jan Steyns
and Jan Nibbens, written from the Straits of Sunda, but
without date, communicating the fact that this vessel, after
leaving the Cape of Good Hope on the 21st of April, had
been wrecked, on the 9th of June, on the reef lying before
the islands Frederick Iioutman's Abrolhos, situated near
^ Appendix I and III.

A A

180 THE HOUTMAN^S ABROLHOS,

the Southland, in S. lat. 29°, and otherwise called the Tortel-
duyff's Islands. The crew had, in favourable weather, suc-
ceeded in recovering all kinds of necessaries from the wreck,
and had constructed from the fragments of the ship a vessel,
on which, setting out on the 22nd of March, they arrived
in the above straits on the 21st of April, numbering eighty-
two souls, and bringing with them the moneys of the Com-
pany contained in ten chests to the value of Fl. 315,836 : 1 : 8.
All this will more clearly appear from the subjoined copy of
the letter (together with a list of the survivors, their names
and rank on board before the wreck), to which we respect-
fully refer you, as also to an extract from the resolution passed
on that day. From this will also be seen the care shown by
us for the recovery of the money, in our despatching at
once to the distressed vessel (which was suffering from want
of fresh water) the advocat-fiscal of India, Mr. Jacob Graaf-
land, with two commissioners from the Council of Justice,
assisted by the secretary and usher of the court, provided
with the necessary vessels, together with one sergeant, two
corporals, and twelve private soldiers. There was also found
a small slip,^ without signature, written by the skipper, in
which he complains of the outrageous and thievish beha-
viour of the crew, so that we could not but conclude that
some of the company's chests must have been broken open,
and the contents stolen, as it very frequently happens under
such unfortunate circumstances. Wherefore the above-men-
tioned commissioners were duly instructed to take means to
prevent the concealment of the company's moneys. But the
jirecaution proved unnecessary, as they arrived here happily
on the 30th, to the great relief of the company's heavy losses
of money, with the above-mentioned vessel and the ten
money chests, which were found to be complete according
to the invoice. In addition to this was also received a small
bag, containing two hundred and seven pieces of Spanish
'■ Appendix II.

THE HOUTiMAn's AUROLHOS. 181

reals, lianded over by the Directors of the Chamber, Middcl-
burg, in Zeeland, to the officers of this ship, for the pur-
chase of fresh provisions, which also was saved. Moreover
various sums in silver ducats, as specified in the memorial, a
copy of which is subjoined, were found upon the crew. On
that same day, namely, the oOth April, the advocat-fiscal was
instructed to report to the government as to whether an
action could be brought by it against the pretended owners,
who had fetched that money out of the wreck, the fact of
their having it in their possession being in our opinion a
violation of the law, which forbids the export of coined
money to private persons. His answer is to be found in a
copy subjoined. But afterwards he was obliged, as a matter
of official duty, to put the law in force, and an indictment
was accordingly issued against the claimants before the
Council of Justice, whose decision is still pending. We are
nevertheless at the same time of opinion that salvage ought
to be allowed to the men who, at no inconsiderable danger to
themselves, brought the money from the wreck. The jour-
nals kept on the voyage, as far as they w^ere saved and brought
over, were, in accordance with the resolution of the 30th of
April, handed over to the Equipagemeester, Coenrad Mels,
and a committee of skippers, under the presidency of the
above-mentioned fiscal, as it appeared to us rather doubtful
whether the ship had not been wrecked in an inexcusable
manner. And, indeed, it was subsequently proved by the
report of the committee, that the former skipper, Jan Steyns,
had not only run too near the Southland, contrary to his
orders, and in opposition to the protests of the steersmen,
and thereby caused that disaster ; but had also contemplated
deceiving the government by altered and falsified journals,
in order to hide as much as possible his indefensible con-
duct. Whereupon, on the 17th of August, it was deter-
mined to indict the said Jan Steyns before the Court of
Justice, and he has since been placed under arrest.^
1 These papers have not been sent over.

182 THE houtman's abrolhos.

" The position of the islands against the most outlying reef
of which the Zeewyk was wrecked, is shown by the accom-
panying maps. They lie out of sight of the Southland, and
are partly overgrown with some edible wild plants. On
them were found not only some excavated wells, but also
some signs of a Dutch ship, probably wrecked against the
above-mentioned reef, which might have been the Fortuyn
or Aagtekerke, whose crew may have died or perished at
sea on their way hither. This also seems to have been the
fate of the boat of the Zeewyh, which, under command of the
uppersteersman Pieter Langeweg, with eleven common
sailors and the papers of the Company, had set out for this
port shortly after the wreck of the ship, in order to give
information of the mishap and to ask for assistance. Up
to this time nothing has been heard of it.

" We cannot without painful feelings think of the heavy
misfortunes, from which the company has been a sufferer
during the last nine or ten years, especially in the loss of
many ships and treasures, which mishaps have to our great
concern been considerably increased in number, not only by
the disaster which befel the ship Luchtenherg , on the Wie-
lingen, on the Zeeland Banks, shortly after leaving port, as
communicated to us by the Directors of several Chambers,
and particularly by the letter from Amsterdam of the 8th
of January ; but also by the misfortunes which befell the
other ships that had sailed for this country in company with
that ship on the 2nd of November, 1727, and were obliged
to put into several harbours in a disabled state. Again, by
the stranding on the ord of July, in Table Bay, of the ships
Middenrack, Stahroeck, and Haarlem, of which the Midden-
rack was dashed to pieces and lost all hands, except the few
"who were on shore at the time, while the two others were
d liven so close on shore that all hope of safety was aban-
doned, but succeeded so far as to run their prow aground,
whereby the crew and money were saved, and the remainder

THE iioutman's abrolhos, 183

of the cargo was recovered from the ship undamaged by the
sea water. The cargos of these two stranded ships, together
with three boxes containing amber from the Middenrack,
which had been washed ashore, have already been brought
over by the ships Meyenherg and Nieuwvliet, they having,
through God's blessing, happily ridden through this awful
storm from the N.W., not without extreme danger. The
ship Hillego7ide also lost its rudder and goodgings, and had
to be helped into Saldanha Bay. Thus we shall not be
able to make use of it here for some time to come, any more
than, as we fear, of the ships Berkenrode and Heenhoven,
which had not yet appeared at the Cape on the 18th of July.
This is the more alarming, as the Heenhoven, on the 9th of
February, in the north, at about 57° L., parted through
stress of weather from the consorts Meyenherg and Haer-
hroeck, in whose company it had left Zeeland on the 24th of
January. However, we hope soon to welcome the arrival
of the above-mentioned two ships, under the blessing of
the Most High, who also is besought henceforth to ward off
all disasters from the ships and the establishment of the
company, and to make them prosperous in all things ; so
that the crew of the outward-bound ships may not be afflicted
so severely by sickness and death, as has been the case of
late with several ships, to such an extent, that it has been
necessary to reinforce them one from the other at the Cape ;
whereby, since the departure of the ship Meerlust, in six-
teen ships from Holland, only 1375 sailors, 575 soldiers, and
40 artisans, in all 1990 paid servants, including the sick,
have come over."

Castle, Batavia, Oct. 30th, 1728.

184 THE houtman's abrolhos.

APPENDIX, NO. I.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY, AND THE NOBLE COUNCILLORS OF THE NETHER-
LANDISH INDIA.

We take the liberty of informing you, that, in sailing
from the Cape of Good Hope to Batavia with the company's
late ship ZeewycJc, we were wrecked on a reef on the ninth
of June, 1727, at seven o'clock in the evening, in the first
watch.

The reef against which the vessel struck, is surrounded by
a very high and heavy surf, and runs in the shape of a half
moon. On the inner side lie many small islands, called
Frederick Houtman's Ambrollossen (Abrolhos), which we
gained on the eighteenth of June, and upon which we re-
mained from that day, until we had fetched from the wreck
everything that seemed to us necessary for the preservation
of our life, spars, ropes, timber and provisions. As soon as
we had got these materials on shore, our carpenter at once
set to work with his men, by order of the officers, and by
the help of the common people, to build a vessel, so that we
might save our lives, if it pleased God. We called it the
Sloepie, that is, the little sloop, made up from the wreck of
the Zeeivyck. When it was ready for sea, Ave made sail
with a south wind and fair weather on the twenty-sixth of
March, having with us the money chests of the company, as
well as provisions for the voyage. We continued to enjoy
favourable weather throughout the voyage, and so arrived by
God's blessing, on the twenty-first of April, 1728, in the
Straits of Sunda, eighty-two souls, of whom, we herewith sub-
join a list for the information of your nobility and council.
We beg to wish you and the council from the bottom of our
heart, every prosperity and happiness, and present respect-
fully our humble services.

Your etc.,

(S.) Jan. Steyns,
Jan. Nobbens.

THE tioutman's abroltios. 185

APPENDIX II,

My Hisjh Excellency, together with the Council of the
Netherlandish India, I pray of you most urgently to send
me help and assistance against these robbers of the money
and goods from the wreck Zeeicyk, who have divided the
money and goods among themselves. I am stark naked ;
they have taken every thing from me. O, my God ! They
have behaved like wild beasts to me, and everyone is master.
Worse than beasts do they live ; it is impossible that on
board a pirate ship things can be worse than here, because
every one thinks that he is rich, from the highest to the
lowest of my subordinates. They say among themselves,
" Let us drink a glass to your health, ye old ducats !" I
am ill and prostrate from scurvy.

APPENDIX III.

EXTRACT FROM TUE DELIBERATIO>-S AND RESOLUTIONS IN THE
COUNCIL OF INDIA.

Monday, April 26th, 1728.

At five o'clock this afternoon we received a letter by
the patchialang De Veer7nan, very unexpectedly and for-
tunately, from the former skipper and under-merchant of
the ship Zeeivyk, bound for these parts, written in the
Straits of Sunda, but undated, reporting the wreck of the
ship on the reef lying before the Islands Frederick Hout-
man's Abrolhos, near the Southland, at 28° L., on the 9th
of June of last year. The crew having afterwards fetched
several necessaries from the wreck, made from the timber a
sloop or vessel, on board of which eighty-two souls have
reached these straits, together with the money taken out by
the ship, consisting of three tuns, according to the double
invoice received. But, besides that letter, there also came
to hand a little card, unsigned, apparently ia the hand-

186 THE houtman's abrolhos.

writing of the skipper, in which he complains in unmistake-
able terms of the behaviour and dishonesty of the crew ; so
that we cannot but suppose that the money chests have been
broken open, in order that so splendid a booty might be
divided. Therefore on the motion of the Governor-Gene-
ral, it was resolved to send out at once to the assistance of
the suffering vessel and crew, who were obliged, in default
of fresh water, to put up with salt water for some time.
Accordingly the brigantine De Hoop, the sloop De Olyftack,
and the patchialangs De Snip and the before-named Veei'-
man, being made ready by order of his excellency, the
advocat-fiscal of India, Mr, Jacob Graafland, with two com-
missioners from the Council of Justice, assisted by the seci'e-
tary aiad usher, together with one sergeant, two corporals,
and twelve private soldiers, was dispatched, in order that
the ready money might be secured without any delay, as
much of it, that is, as might still be found. Further, a
thorough search was to be made after the remainder, both
among the crew and in all the corners and nooks of the
sloop, which has been put together by them.

This said sloop no other vessels shall be allowed to ap-
proach, with the sole exception of that on board of which
the commissioners are; so that all possibility may be removed
of any clandestine transfer of the stolen booty to another
crew, and of the noble company's being thus injured by a
complot of a gang of expert thieves. The guilty ones shall
be seized and subjected to an exemplary punishment, as a
warning to all other evil doers in similar lamentable and

fatal occurrences.

J. J. Hendricks, Seer.

APPENDIX IV.

The Trials. About two hundred years have elapsed since
the instructions here mentioned were drawn up, and still

THE houtman's abrolhos. 187

these cliffs belong to the " doubtfuls." To what is this to
be attributed ? Do they in reality not exist at all ? Tlie
Governor-General, Antonio Van Dienien, to whom the
science of geography is so deeply indebted, did not doubt
their existence. He thus writes to the governor of Mauri-
tius, Adrian van der Hael, on the 2nd of September, 1643.

" The yacht Cleon Mauritius has, like the former ships
bound for these parts, not seen anything of the Trials. This,
however, proves nothing. 1'hose who would discover those
shoals (as they are usually called) in coming from your
country, must be ordered to touch at the Southland at about
27° S. L., or Dirk Hartog's Reede ; they must then sail as far
north as 20°, when they would find themselves about fifty
miles E. of the Trials. They then have to sail AY., as there
is no doubt that they lie in 20° S. L."

It may also not be unnecessary to quote in full the follow-
ing statement, taken from the " Vertooninge van Eylanden,
Custeu, Havens, en Bayen a" 1757, door den E. Capiteyn
D. van Schilde en Schipper P. Hoogendorp (H. S.)"

Extract from the journal of the sVipper Franchoys Buscop, on his
voyage out in the ship 't Vaderland Getrouic, under date July
2\st, 1707,' about ins falling in with the Trials.

In the morning, at seven o'clock, in the day watch, we
saw the little islands of the Trials' Shoals, at E. by E. well
E., about five miles from us, being three in number, the
most southerly of them running up to a sharp point and
hanging over towards the S.E., being at its top a little
rounder than the one in the middle, but lower than the
north one, and a little more pointed. We also saw a high
pointed cliff south of the islands.

Shortly afterwards we saw the surf breaking E.N.E. h N.

^ On board of this ship, JMr. Jacob Roggcveen was a passenger, who,
a few years later, became celebrated by his voyage round the world, and
was afterwards made a Counsel of Justice at Batavia.

B B

188 THE houtman's abrolhos.

a short mile from us, and four from the island. We at once
turned away towards the S.W., heaved the lead, and found
fifty-seven fathoms water, with a bottom of fine sand and
rocks.

Shortly afterwards we encountered a storm with rain
from the S.W. and S.S.W. by S. Turned again to the W.,
ran in that direction till noon, then put our course N.W, ;
heaved the lead and found sixty- five fathoms, bottom as
before. Took the bearings of the pointed island, lying
E.N.E., at five and a half to six miles distance from us, and
found the longitude to be 124° 34'; I had calculated it at
12-3° 6', so that by the position of these islands we were
r 28' more to the E. than we imagined. S. L. 20° 34'. I
then corrected my reckonings. Afternoon wind S. and
S.S.E., blowing at top-sail and top-gallant-sail breeze, with
fog and drizzle. In the evening again heaved the lead, but
found no bottom. Shortened sail in order to heave the lead
during the night. First watch, water of a pale tint. Heaved
the lead several times, but no bottom found. Held on at
N.W. to the beginning of the day-watch ; steered N. ;
wind at night S.S.E. and S.E , top-sail aiul top-gallant-sail
breeze.'

According to a letter in the Nautical Magazine of the
year 1843, p. 392, the Trials were also seen by the Dutch
ship Jacobus, captain Louwerens. It is worthy of remark,
that this observer places them in the same longitude, whilst
the latitude differs by about 1°.

The late veteran captain C. Brandligt has assured me that
he saw them; but he could not find the journals by which
he wished to prove the statement to me.

^ The Zeelancl ship Vaderland Oetroriw, sailed from Rammekens on
the Gth of January, 1707, arrived on the 5th of May at the Cape, left
Table Bay on the 31st of the same month, and came to anchor before
Batavia on the 5th of August. — U. S. Nautical Magazine and Naval
Journal, 1856, No. 4.

THE iioutman's abkolhos. 189

" Rocks aud shoals in the ocean have been fre(|uently
seen and their true positions given, but on further search
could not be found. Now, scientific men may dream, but I
am under a strong impression that they do exist ; but,
from some unknown causes, the ocean has its rise and fall,
and they are seen at the lowest ebb only."

1 N D E X.

Aa<i;tokeikc, perhaps wrecked oil' the
JioutniHu's Abrolhos, 182

Aberts, Pietcr, skipper, one of the
survivors of the"V^ergulde Draeck,'"
77

Abrolhos, v. Houtnian's Abrolhos

Albuquerque, in IT)!! sent A. de Ereu
and F. Serrano, with three ships to
Banda and Malacca, Ix

Alexander VI, Pope, Bull on the dis-
coveries, xxxvii

Alvaro de Mendana, discovers the
Solomon Islands, the Marquesas,
Queen Charlotte's Islands, attempts
to establish a Colony on Santa Cruz,
Ixx

Anibrollossen, Frederic Iloutman, v.
Houtnian's Abrolhos

Amsterdam, island, drawing of,
brought back hy Vlamiogh, in 1696,
113

Amsterdam, shallop, expedition to the
South Land iinder the command of
G. T. Pool, 7u

Antelope, of London, under the com-
mand of Captain Hammond, met
by Dampier, 13

Ant-hills, taken for habitations, 65

Aratus, speaks of a southern con-
tinent, xiii

Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, memorial to
Philip III, urges the necessity of
the discovery of the southern hemi-
sphere, for the sake of converting
the natives before the English and
Dutch heretics might do it, 1 ; ex-
tract from De Silva's treatise, 3 ;
prophecies, 4 ; the southern hemi-
sphere not all water, 12 ; fertile,
habitable, 15 ; rich in metals,
pearls, animals, fruits, 16 ; A.
Mendana dc Meyra's discoveries,
17; P. F. dc Quiros, 18; J. Fer-

nandez, 20 ; Indians of Taumaco
indicate a continent southwards,

23 ; portion of the South Land al-
ready visited, larger than Europe,

24 ; the decline of Spain, caused by
the neglect of exploration, 25; final
loss of the crown threatened, 28

Arms of Amsterdam, ship, touched at
the south coast of New Guinea, in
1619, part of the crew murdered by
the natives, 44
Aristotle, speaks of a southern con-
tinent, xiii
Arnhem, island, discovery, 45
Arnhem, yacht, voyage to New Guinea,
44 ; skipper and eight of the crew
murdered, 45
Atlantis, island of, described by Plato,ii
Aucke, Pietersz Jonck, v. Jonck
Australia. Regarded as forming-
part of New Guinea and the great
southern continent, iv-xi ; indica-
tions on maps in the sixteenth cen-
tury, iv, xii, Ixv ; its coasts touched
by the Dutch in the seventeenth,
V ; secrecy of the Portuguese, ib. ;
of the Dutch East India Company
vi ; statement of Sir W. Temple,
ih. ; quotations from early writers,
xii ; early maps with indications,
xiv ; assertion of the discovery by
the Chinese, ih. ; Binot Paulmier
de Gonneville the supposed first
discoverer, xx ; the Portuguese
claim to the discovery, xxi ; the
Spanish claim, xxii ; Magalhaens'
claim, xxii ; Dr. Martin on the
map of Dourado, xxiii ; the tract
laid down is either Tierra del Fuego
or New Guinea, xxvi ; other indi-
cations on maps of its discovery by
the Portuguese, ih. ; Dalrymple's dis-
paragement of Captain Cook, xxxi ;

192

INPEX.

its refutation by Metz, xxxii ; ac-
count, by Barbie de Bocage, of a
hydrographic atlas which he sup-
posed to be drawn by N. Val-
lard, of Dieppe, in 1547, xxxv ;
Gomez de Sequeira, xliii, xlvi ;
Barros' narrative, xlvi ; Sequeira
driven to Tobi or Lord North's
Island, xlviii ; account of the
island, xlix ; Australia shown to
be the country described in those
maps, li ; the " Londe of Java," lii ;
P. Crignon on J. Parmentier's
voyage, lix ; the Portuguese, not
the French, the real discoverers,
Ix ; the quoted French maps copied
after Parmentier, Ixi; Parmentier's
information derived from the
Portuguese, Ixii ; the discovery
before 1542, Ixiv ; explorations
by the Spanish in the sixteenth
century, Ixx ; P. Fernandez de
Quiros, Ixx ; Australia del Espi-
rito Santo, Ixxiv ; first authenti-
cated discovery made by a vessel
from Holland in 1606, Ixxviii; the
Duyf hen, Ixxix ; the Eendraght,
under Dirk Hartog, Ixxx ; plates
on Dirk Hartog's Island, Ixxxii ;
Bishop Hall's " Terra Australis,"
Ixxxiv ; Zeachen, erroneously de-
scribed as " the discoverer of Arn-
heim's Land, Ixxxv ; the Land of
Edcl,lxxxvi; Houtman's Abrolhos,
ib.; Eendraght Land, Ixxxvii; the
Pera and Arnhem, ib. ; the south
discovered in 1627 by the Guide
Zeepard, Ixxxviii ; De Witt's
Laud, Ixxxix ; a foul and barren
shore, inhabitants wild, black, ib.;
wreck of the Batavia on the Hout-
man's Abrolhos, ib.; account of the
natives, xci; G. T. Pool's, P. Pieter-
sen's expedition, xciii ; A. J. Tas-
man's expedition and instructions,
ib. ; narrative missing, xciv ; out-
line of Tasman's voyage inlaid in
the tioor at the Stadhuis at Am-
sterdam, xcv ; on maps, cxvi ;
fragment of the account in Wit-
sen's notes, xcviii ; description of
the natives, xcix ; Carpentaria
not discovered by Carpenter, Van
Dicmen's Land not discovered by
Van Dicmen, c ; the great south

land called New Holland, ciii ;
Avreck of the Vergulde Draeck, cv ;
Waeckende Boey and Emeloort
sent to the rescue, description and
chart of the Avest coast, cvi ; J.
Sadeur's " Terre Australe," cvii ;
W. de Vlamingh's voyage, cviii ;
Dampier's description of the natives,
ib.; expedition in the Pioebuck, ex;
last Dutch voyage under Martin v.
Delft, cxiii ; accounts of the dis-
coveries of the eastern coast en-
tirely wanting before Cook, cxvii ;
name Australia given by Flinders,
ib. ; memorial of Arias to Philip
III respecting the exploration of
the Southern Land, 1 ; treatise of
Fray Juan da Silva, ib. ; necessity
proved from the scripture, obliga-
tion from the agreement with the
Catholic Church, 4; physical proofs
of the existence and habitability,
14 ; richness in metals and stones,
16 ; discoveries already made, 17 ;
all tends to prove the greatness,
populousness, and richness of the
southern continent, 24 ; Luis Vaez
de Torres on Quiros' discoveries,
31 ; San Valeric, las Virgines, Santa
Polonia, 32 ; Matanza, skirmish
with the natives, 34 ; Taomaco, in-
habitants white and red, some co-
loured, others black and mulattoes,
agreeable people, slavery in use
amongst them ; they name more
than forty islands, 36 ; Chucupia
islands, ib.; Santa Maria island, 37;
possession taken of the Ray San
Felipe y Santjago, and the land
del Espirito Santo, ib. ; people
black and naked, ib.; departure of
the Capitana, 38; pass an archi-
pelago of islands, 39 ; descrip-
tion of the inhabitants, 40 ; find
Mahometans at the termination of
this land, ib. ; instructions for the
new expedition by the yachts Lim-
men, Zeemeuw, and Brak vmder
Tasman,43; former voyages towards
New Guinea and the South Land
undertaken for the Dutch East In-
dia Company, 44 ; Staten and Van
Diemen's Land found, also the pas-
sage to the South Sea, 47 ; Voy-
age and shipwreck of F. Pelsart in

INDEX.

193

the Batavia, 59 ; people on shore
savages, bhick, and quite naked,
G4 ; country flat without vegeta-
tion, very large ant-hills only in
view, 65 ; quantities of flies, ib. ;
see eight savages with clubs, ib. ;
T. G. Pool's vovage, 75 ; description
of the natives, their weapons,etc.,7G-
88; wreck of the Vergulde Draeck
and expeditions undertaken, 67 ;
seen by the "Pinck,"8o ; headdress
of the natives a kind of crown, 87 ;
a wild cat and two seals seen, 84 ;
natives use small hammers with
wooden handles, and heads of hard
stone, 88 ; description of the west
coast by Volkersen, 89 ; the na-
tives believe in some divinity in the
serpent, 95 ; Australia supposed to
be divided from New Guinea by a
strait terminating in the South
Sea, 97 ; sea between N.and Banda,
called " Milk Sea," on account of
its turning white, 97 ; Dampier's
account, 99 ; in his time unknown
whether an island or a continent,
101 ; dry soil, yet producing trees,
mostly dragon trees, 101 ; no ani-
mals, or beasts, few birds, few fish,
but manatree and turtle ; descrip-
tion of inhabitants, 102 ; their
habits, etc., 103 ; no particular
worship ; weapons ; no metal ;
language not known, 104 ; unsuc-
cessful attempt to make them carry
water ; indifferent to cloth, 106 ;
Dampier took several of them, 107;
W. Dampier's adventures, from
a Sloan MS., 108 ; W. de Vla-
mingh's voyage, 112 ; a kind of
scented wood found, 113 ; de-
scription of country and natives,
114 ; the inscription plate of the
Eendraght, 115 ; expedition by the
Nijptang, Geelvinck and Wesel,
1 20 ; a remarkable fish with a kind
of arms and legs, 121 ; aromatic
trees, rats as big as cats, 121 ; coast
like that of Holland, easily ap-
proachable ; smoke and fires seen
on the main land, 122 ; nut of a
certain tree causing vomiting ; two
black swans, 123 ; swans, rotgansen,
geese, divers, 125 ; no trees, but
briars and thorns, 126 ; two nests

three fathoms in circumference,129;
Dampier's voyage in 1699, 134;
first signs of the land, 138 ; curious
birds, scuttle-bones, sea-weeds, 139;
soundings show coral groi;nd, 140;
landing attempted, 141 ; trees very
short, 143 ; birds, animals, raccoons,
curious guanos, 144 ; fish, 145 ;
turtle weighing two hundred
pounds, water serpents, 148 ; sea
snakes, 151 ; Bluff-point, Rose-
mary Island, 154 ; fight with some
natives, 158 ; account of them,
160 ; further description of the
coast and its produce, 163 ; want
of water, 164 ; discoveries of the
Vossenbosch, D' Waijer and Nova
Hollandia, 165 ; description of the
islanders, 169 ; about five hundred
met with, 170 ; the supposition of
Australia being an island, strength-
ened by the natives' rude and bar-
barous character, 171 ; natives of
JMaria's Land try to tow the pats-
jallang, 172; the Houtman's Abrol-
hos, 174

Bachian islands, king of, assisted by
Quiros' force, 41

Bandeira, Viscount Sa' de, claim for
the discovery of Australia by Magal-
haens, xxii

Barbie de Bocage, notice of a hydro-
graphical atlas of New Holland,
drawn by N. Vallard, xxxv

Barros, on Gomez de Sequeira's voy-
age, xlvi

Bass's Straits, " Baye neufve," in the
old maps, Iviii

Batavia, book of dispatches, v. Book

Batavia, under Francis Pelsart,
wrecked on the coast of New Hol-
land, 59 ; a chest with money to
be recovered, 50 ; remains found
178 ; account of the wreck, and in
Theveuot, Ixxxix ; in Harris, xc

Bay perdue, on the old maps, Ivii

Baye neufve, perhaps Bass's Straits,
Iviii

Beach v. Boeach

Berkenrode, ship, uncertainty about
her fate, 183

Bessia river, name given to the second
bay after Rooseboom's Bay, 171

Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, sup-

194

INDEX.

posed discovery of Australia, xviii ;
journals lost, xix

Bocage, Barbie de v. Barbie

Boeach,misspeltfor LucachorLocliac,
xvii

Book of dispatches, from Batavia, ex-
tract ; instructions for the expedi-
tion for the discovery of Nevv^
Guinea, 43

Bosphorus (Sepharat), meaning Spain,
10

Botany Bay, originally called Sting-
ray, afterwards from the variety of
plants. Botany Bay ; not the Coste des
Herbaiges on the early maps, xxxiv

Bowrey, captain, a copy of Tasman's
map in his handwriting, xcvi

Brak, equipped for the expedition to
New Guinea, 47

Breu, Antonio, going to Banda, in
1511, Ix

Brosses, de, correcting Prevost's mis-
statement on the discovery of Car-
pentaria, c

Brazil, discovery by the Portuguese,
xxxviii

Buscop, Franchoys, skipper, extract
from his journal, on the '' Trials,"
187

Cabral, discovery of Brazil, xxxviii

Callemore, point of, on the South
Land, 172

Calice, promontory, on the South
Land, 172

Cambodia, the Lochac of Marco Polo,
xvi

Cano, Sebastian de, one of the com-
missioners appointed to decide about
the right of possession of the Mo-
luccas, xl

Cape Keer Weer, (turn again), the
furthest point of New Guinea
reached by the Duyfhen, Ixxx

Cape York, the very large islands,
seen by Torres, in 11° S. L., Ixxv

Capitana, expedition under Quiros,
31 ; crew mutinous, 34 ; departs
suddenly and treacherously, 38

Carpentaria, discovery falsely attri-
buted to Carpenter, xcix ; misstate-
ment corrected, c ; Dubois on Car-
penter, cii

Carpenter, the supposed discoverer of
Carpentaria, c

Carstens, Jan, despatched by J. P.
Coeu with the Pera and Arnhem
from Amboina, murdered by the
natives of New Guinea, Ixxxvii, 44

Castanheda, narrative of the discovery
of New Guinea, xlii

Casuaris, name of the east point in
the Roseboom's Bay, 168

Cecco d'Ascoli, map of, xiv

Ceira, name of New Guinea on the
old Portuguese maps ; mistake for
Ceram, 97

Ceram Lauers, trade with the natives
of New Guinea, 96

Ceram ers v. Ceram Lauers

Charles V. sells his right to the
Moluccas to John II, xli

Chastelijn, Cornelis, account of the
discoveries, 165

Chinese, supposed to have been ac-
quainted with Australia before the
Europeans, xiv

Chucupin, island, 36

Clyn Amsterdam, expedition to New
Guinea, 46

Coen, Jan Pietersz, despatches the
Pera and Arnhem, Ixxxvii

Collaert, Gerrit, captain of the Nijp-
tang, 113

Cook, captain Dalrymj^le's insinua-
tions, xxxi : established the separa-
tion between New Holland and
New Guinea, xciv

Cornelis, Jerome, super cargo of the
Batavia, conspiracy, 69 ; taken
prisoner, 71 ; executed, 74

Cote dangereuse, in the old maps,
xxxii, Ivii

Cote des Herbaiges, in the old maps,

xxxiv, Iviii
Crawford, Pako, v. Pako
Crignou, Pierre, on Parmeutier, lix,

Ixii

Dalrymple, Alexander, on Thevenot's
map, xxxi ; translation of Torres
relation of Quiros' discoveries, 31

Dangerous coast, so called by Captain
Cook, supposed to be the Cote
dangereuse of the maps, xxxii, Ivii

Dampier's voyage, cviii, cix, 99, 108,
134

De Brosses, v. Brosses

De Breu, Antonio, v. Breu

INDEX.

195

Be Bandeira, Sa', Viscount, v. Ban-
deira

De Gonneville,B. Paulmicr, v. Goune-
ville

De Legaspi, Lopez, v. Legaspi

Del Espiritii Santo, discovery, 37

Delft Bay, on the coast of New Hol-
land, 172

Delft, Martin van, voyage, cxiii ; ex-
tract from his logbook, 167

De Mendana, v. Mendana

De Meneses, v. Meneses

Do Metz, Gauthier, v. Metz

De Saavedra, v. Saavedra

De Sautarem, Vicomte, v. Santarcm

De Silva, Fray Juan, v. Silva

De Sequeira, Gomez, v. Sequeira

De Torres, Luis Vaez, v. Torres

De Villalobos, Ruy Lopez, v. Villa-
lobos

De Vlamingh, v. Vlamingh

De Witt's Land, coasted by the Via-
nen, Ixxxix

Dirk Hartog's Island, plate, Ixxxi

Dirk Hartog's Roads, Ixxxi

Dispatches, Book of, from Batavia, v.
Book of Dispatches

Doriados, sloop, destined for the ex-
pedition to New Holland, disabled,
165

Dourados map, xxiii

Draeck, v. Vergulde Draeck

Du Socage, Barbi6, v. Barbie

Dubois, " Vies des Gouverneurs Gene-
raux," on Carpentaria, cii

Dutch discoveries on the coast of
Australia, Ixxvii

Dutch East India Company, charged
with exclusiveness, vi ; defended, ix

Dutchmen, two, exposed by Pelsart,
to be looked after, 50

Duyfhen, yacht, expedition to New
Guinea ; first authenticated dis-
covery of the South Land, Ixxix ;
discovery of the south and west
coast of New Guinea, 43

Dwaers-in-den-wegh, island, 68

D'Waijer, sloop, discoveries, 165

Edel, commander of a ship visiting
the coast of New Holland ; disco-
very of Edel's Land on the west
coast, Ixxxvi

Eendraght, shi]!, discoveries, Ixxxi,

4 i ; pole with tin plate of the Een-
draght, found by Vlamingh, 115

Eendraght, land, 177

Elburgh, dyboat, touches the South
Land, 87

Emeloort, galiot, sent in search of the
Vergulde Draeck, 80 ; separated
from the Waeckende Boey, 85

Esquivel, Juan de, assisted by Quiros
and his force on one of the Ternate
islands, 41

Ferdinand and Isabella, of Spain,
agreement with Don John II,
about the line of demarcation,
xxxviii

Fernandez, Juan, said to have dis-
covered the southern continent,
Ixvi ; discovers the track from
Lima to Chili, 20

Fish, a remai'kable, with a sort of
arms and legs, 121

Flinders, Matthew, suggested the
name of Australia, Ixxviii, xcvii ;
on the account of Delft's voyage, ex v

Fortuyn, perhaps wrecked on the
Abrolhos, 182

Four Hollanders' ships voyage ; first
voyage of the Dutch to the East
Indies, Iv

Franciscan order, undertakes the con-
version of the southern hemisphere,
7

Franciscus, Monachus, Mappemonde,
Ixiii

Frederick Houtman's Abrolhos, v.
Houtman's Abrolhos

French merchants send a ship to
the Indies, xix

Geminus, speaks of a southern con-
tinent, xiii

Goede Hoop, yacht, joins the Witte
Valck for the rescue of the wreck
of the Vergulde Draeck, 78

Gonueville, Binot Paulmicr de, the
supposed first discoverer of New
Holland, xx

Gouffre in the old maps, perhaps
Oyster Bay in Tasmania, Iviii

Guanos with apparently two heads,
144

Guide Zeepard, ship, discovery, 45

Gun island, off" the Houtman's Abrol-
hos, 179.

CO

196

INDEX.

Haarlem, wreck of, in Table Bay, 182

Hale, H. on Toln island, xlviii

Ilall, Bishop, Mundus alter and idem,

Ixxxiv
Ilamelin, Captain of the Naturaliste,

finds the tin plate of Vlamingh on

Dirk Ilartog's island, Ixxxiii
Hammond, Captain of the Antelope,

134
Harewind, yacht, dispatched for New

Guinea, 44
Haring, yacht, dispatched for New

Guinea, 44
Hartog, Dirk, discoveries, Ixxxi
Hasagays, arms of the natives of

New Guinea, 96
Heenhoven, ship, uncertainty about

its destiny, 183
Hillegonde, ship, accident, 183
Holden, Horace, driven to the Isle of

Tobi, xlix
Hondius, Jodocus, map, to illustrate

the discoveries of Drake and

Cavendish, Ixviii
Hoop, brigantine, sent to the wreck

of the Zeewijk, 186
Houtman, Frederick, gives the name

to the Houtman's Abrolhos, Ixxxvi
Houtman's Abrolhos, discovery,

Ixxxvi ; the Houtman's Abrolhos

in 1727, by Leupe, 176

Instructions for the expedition for
the discovery of New Guinea, 43

Isabella and Ferdinand of Spain,
agreement with Don John II, about
the line of demarcation, xxxviii

Jacobus, Dutch ship, sees the Trials,
188

Jan de Bremen, of Pelsart's crew,
confesses to have caused the assassi-
nation of twenty-seven persons, 72

Jave, la Grande, on the old maps,
supposed to be Australia, lii

John II, agreement with Isabella and
Ferdinand of Spain, about the line
of demarcation, xxxviii

John II buys the right to the Moluc-
cas from Charles V, xli

Jonck, Aucke Pietersz, skipper of the
Emeloort, account, 82

Judasis, G. de. Speculum Orbis, Ixviii

Kangaroo, first described by Dampier,
ex

Kart, Pieter v. Pita Ka't

Kaijmanshoek, eastern point of the
third inlet on the coast of New
Holland, visited by the expedition
in 1705, 171

Keer Weer, Cape, (turn again), fur-
thest point reached on New Guinea,
by the Duyfhen in 1606, 44

Kondur, island, described by Marco

Polo, XV

Kuijle Eijiand, projecting point on
the west side of New Holland, 168

Lacca-iha, New Guinea, particularly

ugly people, 97
Lants Welvaren, carries drawings,

etc., from the expedition of Vla-
mingh, to the directors of the

council, 113
Leeman, Abraham van Santwigh,

upper steersman of the Vergulde

Draeck, 82 : journal, 87
Leeuwin, ship, discovery, Ixxxvi
Legaspi, Miguel Lopez de, established

a Spanish colony at Zebu, Ixx
Le Testu, Guillaume, map, xxxvi
Leupe, P. A., description of the

Houtman's Abi-olhos in 1727, 176
Lima, track to Chili, discovered by

J. Fernandez, 20
Limmen, yacht, destined for a nearer

discovery of New Guinea, 43 ;

equipped for the expedition, 47
Lochac, described by Marco Polo, xv
Londe of Java, v. Jave
Lonton, promontory on the fifth inlet

on the E. coast of New Holland,

visited by the Vossenborde etc., in

1705, 172
Lopez de Legaspi, v. Legaspi
Lopez de Villalobos, Ruy, v. Villa-

lobos
Lord North's island, the island on

which Sequeira was driven, xlviii ;

description of the natives, xlii,

xlix, 1
Louisiade, Torres touching at, Ixxiv ;

description of the inhabitants, Ixxv
Louwerens, Captain of the Jacobus,

sees the Trials, 188
Lucach, V. Lochac
Luchtenburg, wreck on theAVieliugen,

182

INDEX.

197

Macrobius, map of the world, tenth
centviry, xiv

Magalhaens, Fernando, not the dis-
coverer of Australia, xxi ; ofters his
services to Spain, sails in search of
the Moluccas, xxxix

IMagellan, F. v. Magalhaens

Malaiur, island, supposed to be the
kingdom of the Malays, xvi

Maleto, V. JMaletur

Maletur, misspelt for Maleto, xvii ;
occurs on maps of the sixteenth
century on or near the Terra Aus-
tralis, Ixiv, 98

Slanilius, mentions the southern
continent, xii

Marco Polo, map, xiv ; account, sup-
posed to refer to Australia, xv

Mare Lantchidol, misspelt for Laut
Kidol, or Chidol, " South Sea," xvii

Maria, Santa, island, v. Santa Maria

Maria's Land, point at the Delft Bay ;
inhabitants very stupid, 172

Martin, Dr., on the map of Dourado,
xxiii

Martinez, Joan, Portolano, Ixiii

Matanza island, discovered by Torres,
35

Mauritius, ship, discoveries, Ixxxvi ;
met by the expedition to New
Guinea in 1622, 44

jMeerlust, ship, 183

Mendana de Meyra, Alvaro de, dis-
coveries of New Guadalcanal,
San Christobal, etc., 17

]Meneses, Jorge de, carried to New
Guinea, Ixiv

Mercator, Indications of Australia,
Ixvii

Metz, Frederic, refutes Dalrymple's
insinuations against Cook, xxxi

Metz, Gauthier de, v. Gauthier

Meyenberg, ship, brings the cargo of
the Middenrack and Stabroeck over
to Batavia, 183

Mibais van Luyck, Gilles, first mer-
chant of the Eendraght, Ixxxi

Middenrack, wrecks against the Table
Bay, 182

Milk-Sea, between Banda and the
South Land, 97

jMoluccas, dispute between the Por-
tuguese and Spanish, xxxviii; com-
mission appointed to, xxxix; right
to them sold by Charles V to .John
II, xli

Montcrez, Count of, vice-king of Peru,

Ixxii
Montbret, Coquebcrt, memoir in the

" Bulletin de Sciences," xxxiv
Montanus, Arias, Mappemonde, Ixv

Necquebar, v. Nicobar

New Guadalcanal, discovered by
Mendana, 17

New Hebrides, the Terra Australis
of Quiros, Ixxii

New Guinea, discovery, iv ; New
Guinea and New Holland supposed
to form parts of a southern con-
tinent, xi ; made an island in
Ortelius's 1587 edition, Ixvii ; ex-
pedition under Tasman, instruc-
tions, 43 ; the inhabitants, 52 ; de-
scription of the country and the
natives, 91 ; their weapons, man-
ners, etc., 92 ; the Ceramers,
Papoos ; further description of the
country and its inhabitants, 95
seqq. New Guinea supposed to be
divided from the South Land by a
strait terminating in the South Sea;
New Guinea in the old maps, under
the name of Ceira (Coram), 97

New Holland, v. Australia

Nibbens, Jan, communication about
the Zeewijk, 179, 184

Nicobar, island, Dampier's canoe up-
setting, all papers lost, 109

Nieuwvliet, carries the cargo of the
wrecked Middenrack and Stabroeck
to Batavia, 183

Nobbens, v. Nibbens

Nova Hollandia, patsjallang, dis-
coveries, 165

Nuyts, laud of, colony projected, cxv

Nuyts, Pieter, supposed commander
of the Guide Zeepard ; country
called after him, Ixxxviii

Nijptang, hooker, under Captain
Collaert, forms part of Vlamingh's
expedition in 1696, 113

Obadiah ; imputed prophecy concern-
ing the conquest of the southern
hemisphere by Spain, 9

Oero-goba, in New Guinea ; inhabi-
tants particularly ugly, 97

198

INDEX.

Olyftack, sloop, sent to the wreck of
the Zeewijk, 186

Oranjes, Hoek, point at the inlet of
the coast of New Holland visited by
the expedition in 1705, 171

Os Papuos, V. New Guinea

Oyster bay, in Tasmania, Iviii

Papoos, at New Guinea, 94
Parmentier, Jean, of Dieppe, voyage

to Sumatra, lix
Paulmier de Gouneville, v. Gonneville
Pelsart, Francis, Captain of the

Batavia, Ixxxix ; shipwreck, 59
Pelsart's group, off the Houtman's

Abrolhos, 178
Pentam, island, xv ; supposed to be

Bintam, xvi
Pera, yacht, voyage to New Guinea

44
Petan, occurring on the old maps on

or near the Terra Australis, Ixiv
Philip III memorial to, by Arias, 1
Philippine islands, settlements

attempted by the Spanish, Ixx
Pietersen Pieters, v. Pietersz
Pietersz, Pieter, super cargo, takes

the command of the expedition

to New Guinea after Pool's death,

discovers the coast of Arnhem or

Van Diemen's Land, xciii, 4f)
Pinzon, Vincent Yanez, discoveries on

behalf of Spain, xxxviii
Pita Ka't, gave the natives of Tobi

island their form of religion, 1
Plancius, Peter, opens a school for the

purpose of teaching the way to

India, Ixxviii
Poel, Gerrit Tomaz, v. Pool
Polonia, Sta., v. Santa Polonia
Pool, Gerrifc Toraaz, expedition to

New Guinea, killed by the natives,

xcii, 46
Poi'tuguesc, conceal their discoveries,

V, xlii ; discover Brazil, xxxviii ;

their claim to the discovery of

Australia, xxi, xxvi seqq, ; had

establishments in the East Indian

Islands before 1529, Ixi
Portuguese kings, prohibit the ex-
portation of marine charts, v, vi
Portuguese names on the old French

maps of New Holland, lix
Pronck, Ilcndrich, opinion on the

expedition to New Ilollaud, 117

Purry, J, P. Memoire sur le Pays des

Cadres, etc. ; project of founding a
colony in Nuytsland, cxv

Quiros, Pedro Fernandez, chief pilot
of Alvaro de JMendana, Ixx ; me-
moirs to L. de Velasco, Ixxi ; his
Terra Australis is New Hebrides,
Ixxii ; separated from the other two
ships, reaches jMexico, Ixxiv ; ad-
dresses Philip II on account of
further explorations, Ixxvi ; disco-
veries, 18 ; death, Ixxvi, 19

Ramusio, on the secrecy of the Portu-
guese with respect to their dis-
coveries, V

Ridderschap van Holland, de, loss of,
causes Vlamingh's expedition in
1696, 112, 114

Riviere de beaucoup d'lles, xxxii,
Ivii

Roebuck, Dampier's expedition, ex

Roelandszoon, J. van AV'ijck, repudi-
ates the charge of covetousness
against the Dutch, vii

Roggeveen, expedition, cxvi

Roggeween, Jakob, passenger of the
Vaterland Getrouu, 187

Roseboom, Andries, of the Waijer,
logbook, 167

Roseboom's Bay, visited by the
Vossenbosch, etc., 168

Rosemary Island, recently examined
by Captain King, cxi ; name given
by Dampier, 154

Rotterdam, ship, searched after, 44

Roty, Jean, v. Rotz

Rotz, Jean, maps, xxix

Rustenburg, point at the fourth inlet
on the coast of New Holland, visited
by the expedition in 1705, 172

Saavedra, Don Alvaro de, lights on

New Guinea, Ixiv
Sadeur, Jacques (or Nicolas), "Avan-

tures dans la decouverte de la

Terre Australe," cvi
Sago, biscuits made of, sold to the

crew of Torres by Mahomedans, 40
Sahul Bank, seen by P. Hey\vood,cxiv
Sambava, occurs ou all the J\IS. maps

of the Great Java, liv
San Christobal island, discovered, 17

INDEX.

199

Sandy Bay, 162

San Felipe y Santiago, showing signs
of being the coast of a southern
continent, 23; discovered, 37

Santa Cruz, discovered by Mendana
de JMeyra, 18

Santa jMaria, discovered and named
by Torres, 37

Santa Polouia, island, 32

Santarem, Yicomte de, " Essai sur
• I'histoire de la Cosmographie ... du
Moyen Age," xiii

San Valerio, island, 32

Sardam, frigate, 71

Schildpats island, 172

Schiller, Andries, steward of Pool, 75 ;
killed by the Southlauders, 76

Sea snakes seen by Dampier, 151

Sea, tui'ning white, twice a-year, be-
tween Banda and the South Land,
97

Sequeira, Gomez de, voyage, xlvi

Serpent, a divinity of the heathens of
New Guinea and New Holland, 95

Serrano, Francisco, goes to Banda in
1511, Ix

Silva, Fray Juan de, treatise on the
southern hemisphere, 1; extract, 2

Snip, patsjallang, sent to the wreck
of the Zeewijck, 186

Solomon islands, discovered by Men-
dana, Ixx

Sondur island, xv

South Laud, v. Australia

Southern continent, existence of, be-
lieved anterior to Portuguese dis-
coveries, xiii

Southern India, of Gonneville, being
Madagascar, xxi

Spain, claim to the discovery of Aus-
tralia, xxi

Spult, island, discovery, 45

St. Brandan, island, ii

St. Paul, island, Vlamingh's expedi-
tion was to land there, 113

Sta. Maria, v. Santa Maria

Stabroeck, wreck, 182

Steyns, Jan, communication about the
wreck of the Zeewijck, 179, 180 ;
indicted before the court, 181

Strabo, speaks of a southern conti-
nent, xiii

Struyck, Nicholas, tract, containing
an account of Dampier's voyage,
114

Swans, black, cviii, 114

Taomaco, island, 36

Tasman, Abel Janszen, discovers Tas-
mania, explores Torres Straits,
xciii ; his lost papers quoted by
Witsen, xciv; outlines of the coasts
visited by him, represented on the
floor of the Stadhuis at Amster-
dam, xcv; maps, xcvi; notes of his
voyage by Witsen, xcviii; instruc-
tions for the expedition to New
Guinea, 43 ; map found wrong by
Dampier, 152

Temple, Sir William, on the secrecy
of the Dutch about their discove-
ries, vi

Ternate, on the Moluccas, fortified,
xxxvii

Testu, Guillaume le, v. Le Testu

Themara, Francisco, Libro de las cos-
tumbres, Ixiv

Theopompus, mentions an island be-
yond the then known world, ii

Thevet, " Cosmographie Universelle,"
1575, Ixvi

Tierra baiza, Ixviii

Tierra del Fuego, discovered by Magel-
haens, xxvi ; mistaken for New
Guinea, ib.

Tin plate, with the names of Dirk
Hartog and others of the Eendraght,
found by Vlamingh's expedition,
130

Toppors-hoetien, island, 68

Tomai, the chief of Taomaco, 36

Tobi island, v. Lord North's island

Torres, Luis Vaez de, commander of
the Almirante, Ixxiii ; discoveries,
20 ; relation of the discoveries of
Quiros, 31

Torres' Straits, name, Ixxii ; passed
by Tasman, xcii

Trial Rocks, opinions on, 186

Tristan d'Acunha, drawing of ; Vla-
mingh's expedition was to land
there, 113, 119

Turtledove, shoal, 177

Vaderland, Getrouw, s', extract from

the skipper's journal, 187
Valerio, San, v. San Valerio
Vallard, Nicholas, MS. Atlas with his

name, xxxv

200

INDEX.

Van Dieraen, Antonio, on the Hout-
man's Abrolhos, 187

Van Diemen's Land, so named from
the governor-general, xciii ; north-
west corners explored by the Vos-
senbosch expedition, 166

Van Keulen, map, xcvi

Van Wijck Roelandszoon, v. Roe-
landszoon

Varckenshoeck, west point of Roose-
boom's Bay, 168

Vaz Dourado, map, xxiii

Veerman, sent to the wreck of the
Zeewijck, 186

Vergulde Draeck, expedition, cv ;
wreck, 77

Vianen, ship, discovery, Ixxxix, 45

Villalobos, Ruy Lopez de, attempting
a settlement on the Philippine
islands, Ixx

Vinck, flyboat, in search of the Ver-
gulde Draeck, 79

Virgenes, islands, 32

Visser, chief pilot with Tasman, in-
structions, 43

Vlamingh, Cornells de, captain of the
Weseltje, 113

Vlamingh, Willem de, voyage, cviii,
111 ; inscription on the plate on
Dirk Ilartog's island, Ixxxi

Volckersen, Samuel, captain of the
Waeckende Boey, account, 89

Vossenbosch Bay, on the coast of Now
Holland, 172

Vossenbosch, fluyt, discoveries, 165
seqq.

Waeckende Boey, sent in search of

the wreck of the Vergulde Draeck,
cv, 80; loses boat, schuyt, and four-
teen men, 84

Water serpents, seen by Dampier, 148

Wesel, yacht, expedition to New
Guinea, 46

Weseltje, galiot, unsuccessful expedi-
tion to the island of Mony, 116

Weasel, shallop, 75

Weybehays, fighting against Cornells,
70; takes him prisoner, 71

Wielingen, the, on the Zeeland Bank,
182

Witsen, Burgomaster, his notes the
only account of Tasman's voyage,
xcviii ; extract from his " Noord
en Oost Tartarye," 91

Witte Valck, sent to the rescue of the
men and specie of the Vergulde
Draeck, 78

Wytflie, Cornelius, on " Australis
Terra," Ixix

Wijck J. Roelandszoon, van, v. Roe-
landszoon

Zeachen, (ship Zeehaen), supposed
native of Arnheim made discoverer
of Arnheiin's Land, Ixxxv

Zebu, Spanish colony founded at, Ixx

Zeehaen, ship, Ixxxv

Zeemeuw, yacht, destined for the
discovery of New Guinea, 43, 47

Zeewijck, wreck, 176; remains found,
179; communication respecting the
wreck, 179

Zeewijk, channel, 179

Zuysdorp, wreck, 178

^/ n/*

T. RlUIIAnDS, 3~, GHEAT QUEEK STREET.

1

ut^^jt .'..AAak..

ON THE

DISCOVERY OF AUSTRALIA BY THE
PORTUGUESE IN 1601.

BTf

R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.

BEING
A SfPPLEMENT TO THE VOLUME OF " EARLY VOYAGES TO TEEEA AUSTRALIS."

ON THE

DISCOVEEY OF AUSTEALIA BY THE
PORTUGUESE IN 1601.

SI

R H. MAJOE, Esq., F.S.A.

BEINa
A SUPPLEMENT TO THE VOLUME OF " EAELV VOYAGES TO TEKKA AUSTRALIS."

Extract from a letter addressed to Sir Henry Ellis,
K.H., " Ore the Discovery of Australia hy the
Portuguese in IQOl, five years hefore the earliest
discovery hitherto i^ecorded ; communicated to
the Society of Antiquaries, hy Eichard Henry
]\Iajor, Esq., F.S.A.," noiu distributed to the
Members of the HaJduyt Society for insertion
as a Supijlement to the Volume of " Early
Voyages to Terra Australis" by the same
author.

From the ARcniEOLOGiA. Vol. xxxvht.

giscokrjj of |.uslr;ili;t h\) % Portuguese

IX 1601.

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER TO SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.II.

Britisli Museum,

March 1st, ISGl.

My dear SiK Henry,

Of the discoveries made by the Dutch on the
coasts of Australia, our ancestors of a hundred years
ago, and even the Dutch themselves, knew but little.
That which was known was preserved in the " Rela-
tions de divers Voyages Curieux" of Melchisedech
Thevenot (Paris, 1663-72, fol.}; in the " Noord en
Oost Tartarye" of Nicholas Witsen, ( Amst. 1692 -1 705,
foL); in Valentyn's "Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien "
(Amst. 1724-26, fol.); and in the " Inleidning tot de
algemeen Geographic" of Nicolas Struyk, Amst. 1740,
4to.). We have, however, since gained a variety of
information, through a document which fell into the
possession of Sir Joseph Banks, and was published
by Alexander Dalrymple (at that time hydrographer
to the Admiralty and the East India Company), in his
collection concerning Papua. This curious and in-

teresting document is a copy of the instructions to
Commodore Abel Jansz Tasman for his second voyage
of discovery. That distinguished commander had
already, in 1642, discovered not only the island now
named after him Tasmania, but New Zealand also ;
and, passing round the east side of Australia, but
without seeing it, sailed on his return voyage along
the northern shores of New Guinea. In January,
1644, he was despatched on his second voyage; and
his instructions, signed by Governor- General Antonio
Van Diemen and the members of the council, are
prefaced by a recital, in chronological order, of the
previous discoveries of the Dutch.

From this recital, combined with a passage from
Saris, given in Parchas, vol. i, p. 385, we learn that,
" On the 18th of November, 1605, the Dutch yacht,
the Duyfhen (the Dove), was despatched from Bantam
to explore the island of New Guinea, and that she
sailed along what was thought to be the west side of
that country, to 19f degrees of south latitude."
This extensive country was found, for the greatest
part, desert ; but in some places inhabited by wild,
cruel, black savages, by whom some of the crew were
murdered ; for which reason they could not learn
anything of the land or waters, as had been desired
of them ; and for want of provisions, and other ne-
cessaries, they were obliged to leave the discovery
unfinished. The furthest point of the land, in their
maps, was called Cape Keer Weer, or "Turn again."
As Flinders observes, " The course of the Duyfhen
from New Guinea was southward, along the islands

on the west side of Torres Strait, to that part of
Terra Aiistralis a little to the west and south of Cape
York. But all these lands were thought to be con-
nected, and to form the west coast of New Guinea."
Thus, without being conscious of it, the commander
of the Duyfhen made the first authenticated discovery
of any part of the great Southern Land about the
month of March, 1606; for it appears that he had
returned to Banda in or before the beginning of June
of that year.

The honour of that first authenticated discovery,
as hitherto accepted in history, I am now prepared
to dispute. Within the last few days I have dis-
covered a MS. Mappemonde in the British Museufti,
in which on the north-west corner of a country,
which I shall presently show beyond all question to
be Australia, occurs the following legend : " Nuca
antara foi descuberta o anno 1601 por mano (sic) el
godhino de Evedia (sic) por mandado de (sic) Vico
Key Aives (sic) de Saldaha," (sic) which I scarcely
need translate, " Nuca Antara was discovered in the
year 1601, by Manoel Godinho de Eredia, by com-
mand of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha."

The misfortune is that this map is only a copy, but
I think I shall be able to answer from internal evi-
dence any doubt that might be thrown upon the
authenticity of the information which it contains.
The original was made about 1620, after the discovery
of Eendraght's Land, on the west coast of Australia,
by the Dutch in 1616, but before the discovery of
the south coast by Pieter Nuyts in 1627. So far

6

from its author suspecting the existence of a south
coast, he continues the old error which had obtained
throughout the sixteenth century, of representing the
Terra AustraUs as one vast continent, of which the
parts that had been really discovered were made to
protrude to the north as far as the parallel in which
these discoveries respectively lay. Thus in this map
we have Australia, as already described, on the right
side of the map ; and the Island of Santa Cruz in the
New Hebrides, there called Nova Jerusalem, dis-
covered by Quiros, on the left side ; but both
connected and forming part of the one great Southern
Continent.

'Now, it may be objected that this map, being only
a copy made at the beginning of the present or close
of the last century, the statement which forms the
subject of the present paper may have been fraudu-
lently inserted. But to give such a suggestion
weight, a motive must be shown, the most reasonable
one being that of assigning the honour of the first
authenticated discovery to Portugal instead of to
Holland. For this purpose we must suppose the
falsifier to have been a Portuguese. To this I reply,
that while all the writing of the map is in Portuguese,
the copy was made by a person who was not only not
a Portuguese himself, but who was ignorant of the
Portuguese language. For example, the very legend
in question, short as it is, contains no less than five
blunders, all showing ignorance of the language :
thus, the words " por Manoel " are written " por
mano cl," "Eredia" is written " Evedia," "do" is

written "de," "Ayres" is written "Aivcs," "Salclanha"
is written " Saldaha" without the circumflex to imply
an abbreviation.

But further, if we attribute to such supposed
falsification, the ulterior object of claiming- for the
Portuguese the honour of a prior discovery, whence
comes it that that object has never been carried out ?
It is not till now that the fact is made known, and
those most interested in the ancient glory of the
Portuguese nation are ignorant of the discovery
which this map declares to have been made. That
it never became matter of history, may be explained
by the comparatively little importance which would
at the time be attached to such a discovery, and also
by the fact that the Portuguese, being then no longer
in the fulness of their prosperity, were not keeping
the subject before their attention by repeated ex-
peditions to that country, as the Dutch shortly after-
wards really began to do.

Again, the speculation might be hazarded that, as
this map is a copy, the date of the discovery may
have been carelessly transcribed ; as, for example,
1601 may easily have been written in the original
1610 and erroneously copied. Fortunately, the cor-
rectness of the date can be proved beyond dispute.
It is distinctly stated that the voyage was made by
order of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanha, the period
of whose viceroyalty extended only from 1600 to
1604, thus precluding the possibility of the error
suggested, and terminating before the period of the
earliest of the Dutch discoveries.

8

But yet, again, it may be objected that a country
so vaguely and incorrectly laid down may not have
been Australia. The answer is equally as indis-
putable as that which fixes the date. Immediately
below the legend in question is another to the fol-
lowing effect : " Terra descuberta pelos Holandeses a
que chamarao, Enduacht, [sic) au Cocordia" (land
discovered by the Dutch, which they called Endracht
or Concord). Eendraghtsland, as we all know, was
the name given to a large tract on the western coast
of xlustralia. discovered by the Dutch ship the
Eendraght, in 1616.

Moreover, if the legend in question were not a
genuine copy from a genuine ancient map, how came
the modern falsifier to be acquainted with the name
of a real cosmographer who lived at Goa at a period
which tallies with the state of geographical dis-
covery represented on the map, but none of whose
manuscript productions had been put into print at
the time when the supposed fictitious map was made
or the legend fictitiously inserted '?

I think these arguments are conclusive in establish-
ing the legitimacy of the modern copy from the
ancient map. As regards the discoverer, Manoel
Godinho de Eredia (or rather Heredia, as written by
Barbosa Machado and by Figaniere), I find the fol-
lowing work by him ; " Historia do Martyrio de
Luiz Monteiro Coutinho que padeceo por ordem do
Rey Achem Raiamancor no anno de 1588, e dedicada
ao illustrissimo D. Aleixo de Mcnezes, Arcebispo de
Braga; " which dedication Avas dated Goa, 11th

9

of November, 1615; fol. MS. with various illus-
trations.

Barbosa Macliado calls him a distinguished mathe-
matician ; and Figaniere, a cosmographer resident at
Goa. It follows as a most likely consequence that
the original map w'as made by himself. The copy
came from Madrid, and was purchased by the British
Museum in 1848, from the Sefior de Michelena y
E.oxas. It will be matter of interest to discover at
some future day the existence of the original map,
but whether that be in the library at Madrid, or else-
where, must be a subject for future inquiry.

In a scarce pamphlet entitled " Informacao de
Aurea Chersoneso, ou Peninsula e das Ilhas Auriferas,
Carbunculas e Aromaticas, ordenada por Manoel
Godinho de Eredia, Cosmographo," translated from
an ancient MS. and edited by Antonio Lourenco
Caminha, in a reprint of the " Ordenacoes da India,
do Senhor Hei D. Manoel," Lisbon, Royal Press,
1807, 8vo., occurs a passage which may be translated
as follows : —

'■'■ Island of Gold. While the fishermen of Lamakera
in the Island of Solor^ were engaged in their fishing,
there arose so great a tempest that they were utterly
unable to return to the shore, and thus they yielded
to the force of the storm, which was such, that, in
five days, it took them to the Island of Gold, which
lies in the sea on the opposite coast, or coast outside
of Timor, which properly is called the Southern

^ The inhabitants of the coast of Solor are specially mentioned as
fishermen by Crawfurd, in his " Dictionary of the Indian Islands."

10

Coast. When the fishermen reached the Land of
Gold, not having eaten during those days of the
tempest, they set about seeking for provisions. Such
happy and successful good fortune had they, that,
while they were searching the country for yams and
batatas, they lighted on so mucli gold, that they
loaded their boat so that they could carry no more.
After taking in water and the necessary supplies for
returning to their native country, they experienced
another storm, which took them to the Island of
Great Ende ;^ there they landed all their gold, which
excited great jealousy amongst the Endes. These
same Endes therefore proposed, like the Lamacheres
fishermen, to repeat the voyage ; and, when they
were all ready to start, both the Endes and Lama-
cheres, there came upon them so great a trepidation
that they did not dare, on account of their ignorance,
to cross that Sea of Gold.

" Indeed it seems to be a providential act of
Almighty God, that Manoel Godinho de Eredia,
the cosmographer, has received commission from the
Lord Count- Admiral, the Viceroy of India within
and beyond the Ganges, that the said Eredia may be
a means of adding new patrimonies to the Crown of
Portugal, and of enriching the said Lord Count and

^ This Is the Island of Flores. In a " List of the principal gold
mines obtained by the explorations (curiosidade) of Manoel
Godinho de Heredea, Indian cosmographer, resident in Malaca for
twenty years and more," also published with the " Ordena^oes da
India," Lisbon, 1807, the same story is told, but the Island
Ende is there called Ilha do Conde.

11

the Portuguese nation. And therefore all, and es-
pecially the said Lord, ought to recognise with
gratitude this signal service, which, if successful, will
deserve to be regarded as one of the most happy and
fortunate events in the world for the glory of Portugal.
In any case, therefore, the discoverer ought for many
reasons to be well provided for the gold enterprize.
First, On account of the first possession of the gold
by the crown of Portugal. Secondly, For the facility
of discovering the gold. Thirdly, Because of the
gold mines being the greatest in the world. Fourthly,
Because the discoverer is a learned cosmographer.
Fifthly, That he may at the same time verify the
descriptions of the Southern Islands. Sixthly, On
account of the new Christianity. Seventhly, Because
the discoverer is a skilful captain who proposes to
render very great services to the King of Portugal,
and to the most happy Dom Francisco de Gama,
Count of Vidigueira, Admiral and Viceroy of the
Indies within and beyond the Ganges, and possessor
of the gold, carbuncle, and spices of the Eastern Sea
belonging to Portugal."

Short of an actual narrative of the voyage in which
the discovery, wi^ich is the main subject of this paper,
was made, we c(">uld scarcely ask for fuller con-
firmation of the trtith of that discovery than that
■y^hich is supplied by the above extract. Manoel
Godi?xl\o de Eredia is' there described as a learned
cosmograptitl* and skillVl captain, who had received
a special commission ^co^ ^^^^ explorations for gold
mines, and at the same t^"^^ ^° ^^^'^^^ ^^^^ descriptions

\

12

of the Southern Islands. The Island of Gold itself
is described " as on the opposite coast, or coast out-
side of Timor, which properly is called the Southern
Coast." It is highly probable from this description
that it is the very Nuca Antara of our MS. map,
which does lie on the southern coast opposite to
Timor. It is still further most remarkable that, by
the mere force of facts, the period of the commission
here given to Eredia is brought into proximity with
the date of his asserted discovery of Australia. The
viceroy Francisco de Gama, who gave that commis-
sion, was the immediate predecessor of Ayres de
Saldanha. His viceroyalty extended only from 1597
to 1600, and the asserted discovery was made in
1601, though we know not in what month. A more
happy confirmation of a discovery, unrecorded except
in a probably unique map, could scarcely have been
hoped for.

In laying this letter before a Society of Antiquaries,
who venerate the past, I would not close without one
word of reverent tribute to the ancient g\ories of a
once mighty nation. The true heroes c>f the world
are the initiators of great exploits, t\ie pioneers of
great discoveries. Such were the Portuguese in daya
when the world was as yet but a half known and
puny thing. To Portugal, in tr'ath, we owe not only
a De Gama, but, by example, a Colv bus, with|;at
whom the majestic empire of her on v»hose do;hinions
the sun never sets might ncj^v have ?)eer a dream,
ir 9ad of a reality. Englan^j^ ^^j^^g^ ^r^Y'.J mariners
ha. J made a thoroughfare t,f every %-a nows best

13

how to do justice to the fearlessness of their noble
predecessors, mIio, in frail caravels and through an
nnraeasured wilderness of ocean, could cleave a path-
way, not only to the glory of their own nation but to
the civilization and the prosperity of the entire
world.

I remain,

My dear Sir Henry,

Yours very truly,

R H. MAJOR.

To Sir Henry Ellis, K.H.
&c. &c. Sec.

14 DAY USE

RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED

LOAN DEPT.

This book is due on the last date stamped below, or

on the date to which renewed.

Renewed books are subject to immediate recall.

KfcC P LQ

DEC28'6^-3PI/i

f

^

KETURNEP TQ

MAY 15 1971

LOAK AHC

'NOV 1 3 2QQ6

nr.T 1 4 1976 0

8EI

^m ^hH^

J8

DEC 3 "iBB

:d

LD 21A-60to-4,'64
(E4555sl0)476B

General Library

University of California

Berkeley

,3b I

LD 21-50m-l,'33

GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY

BODOTlVlMfl

ion i-e^

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY

mw'^'.