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WORKS    ISSUED     BY 


Wijt  l^aMuj^t  ^ocietg. 


EARLY  VOYAGES  AND  TRAVELS 

TO 

RUSSIA   AND   PERSIA. 


FIRST  SERIES.  NO.  LXXU-MDCCCLXXXVI 


PORTRAIT  OF  THE  TSAR  IVAN  (IV.)  VASILIVITCH. 

Reduced  to  about  one-fourth  of  the  size  of  the  original  wood  engraving  in  the 
possession  of  Se^tator  Rovinsky, 


EARLY 

VOYAGES  AND  TKAVELS 


TO 


RUSSIA   AND    PERSIA 


■^^T 


ANTHOlSrY,.JENKlNSON 

AND   OTHER-  EN&LISHMEN. 


SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  FIRST  INTERCOURSE  OF  THE   ENGLISH  WITH 
RUSSIA  AND  CKNTRAL  ASIA  BY  WAY  OF  THE  CASPIAN   SEA. 


E.     DELMAE     MORGAN, 

MKMBER   OF   THR    HAKLCYT   SOCIETY  ; 
AND 

C.     H.     CO  GTE, 

OF   THE   BRITISH   MUSEUM. 


VOL.   L 


BURT  FRANKLIN,  PUBLISHER 
NEW  YORK,  NEW  YORK 


Published  by 

BURT  FRANKLIN 

514  West  nath  Street 
New  York  25,  N.  Y. 


ORIGINALLY  PUBLISHED  BY  THE  HAKLLTT  SOCIETY 
REPRINTED  BY  PERMISSION 


km 

PRINTED  IN  THE  U.S.A. 


COUNCIL 


THE    HAKLUYT    SOCIETY. 


CoLOHXL  U.  YULE,  C.B.,  Pbssident. 

Majob-Gkwbbal  Sib  HENRY  RAWLINSON,  K.C.B.,  Vick-Peksii.kwt. 

W.  A.  TYSSEN  AMHERST,  Es<j.,  M.P. 

WALTER  DE  GRAY  BIRCH,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 

Hbab-Admibai,  LINDESAY  BRINE. 

E.  H.  BUNBURY,  Esq. 

Thb  Eabl  of  DUCIE,  P.R.S. 

Sib  barrow  ELLIS   K.C.S.I. 

AUGUSTUS   W.  FRANKS,  EsQ. 

ALBERT  GRAY,  Esq. 

EDWARD  HAILSTONE,  Esq. 

Libut -Gbkbbal  Sib  J.  HENRY  LEFROY,  C.B.,  K.C.M.Q. 

R.  H.  MAJOR,  Esq.,  F.S.A. 

Captaik  MARKHAM,  R.N. 

Rbab-Abxibal  MAYNE,  C.B. 

E.  DELMAR  morgan,  Esq. 

Admibal  Sib  ERASMUS  OMMANNEY,  C.B. 

LoBD  ARTHUR  RUSSELL. 

Thb  Lobd  STANLEY  of  Aldkelky. 

Lieut.-Gbw.  Sib  HENRY  THUILLIER,  C.S.I.,  F.R.S. 

CLEMENTS  R.  MARKHAM,  C.B.,  F.R.S.,  Ho«obabt  SjtcBiiTARY. 


"And  as  touchyng  Master  Jenkynson,  what  trauayles,  payiies, 
aud  dauugers  he  hath  susteyned  and  hardely  escaped,  and  what 
diligence  and  art  he  hath  vsed  in  the  searching  of  strange  coun- 
tiyes,  and  in  the  description  of  those  his  viagies,  it  were  but  in 
vayne  for  me  to  wryte  much  vnto  you,  vuto  whom  the  same  is 
better  knowen  then  to  me  .  .  ." — Preface  to  Cortes'  Aiie  of  Ivaui- 
gation,  translated  by  Richard  Eden.     London,  1561. 


DEDICATION 

TO 

COLONEL  HENRY  YULE,  C.B.,  RE.,  Etc., 

PRESIDENT   OF   THE   HAKLUYT   SOCIETY. 


Dear  Colonel  Yule, 

Let  me  thank  you  for  the  honour  you  have  done 
me  in  accepting  the  dedication  of  this  volume.  I  regret  that 
it  is  unworthy  of  so  worthy  a  friend  and  counsellor  as  you 
have  been  to  me.  I  am  conscious  that  I  have  fallen  far 
short  of  the  model  I  had  set  myself  to  follow,  yet  I  venture 
to  hope  that  this  endeavour  to  throw  some  light  on  the  early 
geography  of  Eussia  and  the  adjacent  countries  may  meet 
with  your  approval.  Some  mention  will  be  found  in  the 
following  pages  of  the  early  relations  between  that  country 
and  England.  These  are  only  incidentally  touched  upon  as 
far  as  they  concern  Jenkinson  and  other  Englishmen  in 
Russia.  But  even  these  few  reprints  of  early  documents 
may  be  instructive  and  interesting  at  the  present  day,  Avhen 
the  two  nations,  who  began  their  intercourse  in  so  friendly  a 
way  in  the  far  north,  stand  face  to  face  in  Central  Asia 
almost  as  foes,  ready  at  any  moment  to  engage  in  a  contest 
to  which  none  who  wish  well  to  the  cause  of  civilisation  and 
progress  can  look  forward  without  dread. 

I  am,  dear  Colonel  Yule, 

Very  faithfully  yours, 

E.  Delmak  Mokgan. 


PREFACE. 


A  FEW  words  of  personal  explanation  are  necessary.  When 
this  work  was  undertaken,  it  was  a  new  and  difficult  task  to 
one  who  had  done  so  little  in  literature,  and  who  had  been 
preceded  by  such  learned  geographers  as  the  editors  of 
previous  volumes  of  this  Society.  It  was,  therefore,  with 
much  satisfaction  that  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  so  able  a 
coadjutor  as  Mr.  Coote,  who  consented  at  my  request  to 
share  the  editorial  labours.  As  the  work  slowly  advanced, 
however,  he  found  that  his  other  engagements  would  not 
allow  of  his  bestowing  much  time  on  it,  and  he  finally  asked 
to  be  released  altogether  from  his  engagement,  particularly 
as  differences  of  opinion  on  various  points  connected  with 
the  notes  and  editing  made  themselves  felt  Unwilling  that 
he  should  be  deprived  of  any  credit  due  to  his  work,  I  begged 
him  to  let  his  name  stand  with  mine  on  the  title  page,  while 
I  finished  the  book.  The  introduction  is,  therefore,  due  to 
my  pen,  and  I  am  responsible  for  any  of  its  shortcomings. 

I  take  this  opportunity  of  acknowledging  my  indebtedness 
to  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  who  kindly  allowed  me  to  con- 
sult the  MSS.  in  his  collection ;  and  to  his  secretary,  Mr. 
Gunton,  who  transcribed  one  of  these  for  me ;  to  Lord 
Tollemache,  for  his  courtesy  in  giving  me  access  to  the 
Helmingham  Hall  Library,  and  for  the  obliging  loan  of  a 
MS.  of  Jenkinson's  journey  to  Persia ;  to  Mr.  Nicholson, 
librarian  of  the  Bodleian ;  to  the  late  Mr.  Bradshaw,  librarian 


X  PREFACE. 

of  the  Cambridge  University  Library,  for  obtaining  transcrip- 
tions of  documents ;  to  Mr.  Selby  and  the  officials  at  the 
Eecord  Office,  for  their  obliging  help  in  my  searches ;  to  the 
authorities  at  the  British  Museum,  for  allowing  photographs 
to  be  taken  of  two  maps  reproduced  in  this  volume,  and  to 
the  assistants  in  the  Reading  Room  and  Map  Department, 
for  their  readiness  at  all  times  to  find  the  books,  etc.,  I 
required;  to  Mr,  Cecil  G.  S.  Foljambe,  M.P.,  for  kindly  answer- 
ing queries  with  reference  to  the  Jenkinson  family — this 
acknowledgment  must  be  coupled  with  the  expression  of 
regret  that  no  connection  could  be  traced  between  his  family 
and  that  of  the  traveller,  confirmatory  of  a  tradition  pre- 
served in  the  former ;  to  the  Rev.  Robert  Baillie,  rector  of 
Sywell,  for  his  kind  assistance  in  searching  the  registers  in 
his  church  and  making  inquiries ;  to  the  Rev.  Cavendish 
Neely,  son  of  the  rector  of  Ashton ;  to  the  Rev.  A.  R.  Newby, 
rector  of  Teigh ;  to  Mr.  Lionel  Bonar,  late  secretary  of  the 
Russia  Company;  to  Mr.  John  Watney,  secretary  of  the 
Mercers'  Company,  and  others. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Dedication,  Preface,  List  of  Illustrations,  Table  of  Contents 

Introduction        -  -  -  -  -  -         i 

Supplementary  Notes      -  -  -  -  -      civ 

The  manner  of  the  entring  of  Solyman  the  Great  Turke  with  his 
armie  into  Aleppo  in  Syria  .  .  .  noted  by  Master  Anthonie 
lenkinson,  present  at  that  time  -  -  -         1 

The  safe  conduct  or  priuilege,  giuen  by  Sultan  Solyman  the 
Great  Turke,  to  Master  Anthony  lenkinson,  at  Aleppo  in 
Syria,  in  the  yeere  1553  -  -  -  -         6 

Instructions  giuen  to  the  Masters  and  Mariners  to  be  obserued  in 
and  about  this  Fleete,  passing  this  yeere  1557,  towards  the 
Bay  of  S.  Nicholas  in  Russia  ...  -  -  -        7 

The  first  voyage  made  by  Master  Anthony  lenkinson  from  the 
Citie  of  London,  toward  the  land  of  Russia,  begonne  the 
twelfth  day  of  Maye,  in  the  yeere  1557  -  -  -       11 

The  voyage  of  M.  Anthony  lenkinson,  made  from  the  citie  of 
Mosco  in  Russia,  to  the  citie  of  Boghar  in  Bactria,  in  the  yere 
1558.  .  .  -  -  -  -  -      41 

The  latitudes  of  certaine  principall  places  in  Russia  and  other 

Regions    ------     100 

Certaine  notes  gathered  by  Richard  lohnson  (which  was  at 
Boghar  with  Master  Anthony  lenkinson)  of  the  reports  of 
Russes  and  other  straungers,  of  the  wayes  of  Russia  to  Cathaya 
and  of  diuers  and  straunge  people  -  -  -     101 

Here  follow  certaine  countreys  of  the  Samoeds  which  dwell  vpon 

the  riuer  Ob,  and  vpon  the  sea  coasts  beyond  the  same  ...  -     105 

The  relation  of  Chaggi  Memet,  a  Persia  merchant,  to  Baptista 

Ramusius  ...  -  -  -  -  -     106 

A  letter  of   Master  Anthonie  lenkinson  vpon  his  returne  from 

Boghar  .  .  .  written  in  the  Mosco  the  18.  of  September  1559     107 


XII  CONTENTS. 

The  Queencs  Maiesties  letters  to  the  Emperour  of  Rus-sia,  request- 
ing license  and  safe  conduct  for  Master  Anthony  lenkin- 
son  .  .  .  -  -  -  -  -     109 

The  Queenes  Maiesties  letters  to  the  Great  Sophie  of  Persia,  sent 

by  Master  Anthony  lenkiuson  -  -  -     112 

A  remembrance  giuen  by  vs  the  Gouernours,  Consuls,  and  Assistants 
of  the  Companie  of  Marchants  trading  into  Russia,  the  eight 
day  of  May  1561.  to  our  trustie  friende  Anthonie  Jenkin- 
son  .  .  .  -  -  -  -  -     IH 

A  compendious  and  brief  e  declaration  of  the  iourney  of  M.  Anthonie 
lenkinson  from  the  famous  citie  of  London  into  the  lande  of 
Persia  .  .  .  Being  begunne  the  foureteenth  day  of  May,  Ann. 
1561  ...  -  -  -  -  -     121 

A  copie  of  the  priuiledges  giuen  by  Obdolowcan,  King  of  Hircania, 
to  the  Companie  of  English  Merchants  Aducnturers  .  .  . 
obtained  by  M.  Anthonie  lenkinson  .  .  .  April  14.  Anno 
1563  -  -  -  -  -  -     157 

Anthony  Jenkinson's  petition  to  the  Queen  -  -     159 

Documents  relating  to  Jenkinson's  service  off  the  coast  of  Scotland 

in  the  Queen's  ship  the  Ayde     -  -  -  -    167 

Renewal  of  petitions  by  Jenkinson  and  Sir  H.  Gilbert  relating  to 

discovery  towards  Cathay        -  -  -  -     177 

Certaine  reasons  alledged  for  the  proouing  of  a  passage  by  the 
Northeast  .  .  .  with  my  seueral  answeres  then  vsed  to  the 
same  ..-..-     180 

Anthony  lenkinson,  Instructions  sent  by  the  merchants  aduen- 

turere  into  Russia  to  the  Emperor  there  -  -     183 

Anthony  lenkinson  to  Sir  W.  Cecil  -  -  -     186 

A  very  briefe  remembrance  of  a  voyage  made  by  M.  Anthony 
lenkinson  from  London  to  Moscouia  ....  in  the  yeere 
1566  -  -  -  -  -         "       -     189 

The  way  discouered  by  vs,  Thomas  Southam  and  lohn  Sparke, 

from  the  towne  of  Colmogro  vnto  the  citie  of  Nouogrode  ...     190 

The  Merchant  Adventurers  of  England,  &c.,  to  their  Agents  in 

Russia.     London,  18th  April  1567  -  .  .     206 

The  note  and  stinte  of  one  yeares  apparell  for  an  apprentyse  in 

Russia  or  Persia,  &c.  .  .  .  _     226 

The  Priuileges  granted  by  the  Emperour  of  Russia  to  the  English 
merchants  of  that  company  :  obteined  the  22.  of  Seiftcuibcr, 
anno  1567,  by  M.  Anthony  lenkinson      -  -  -     '2-lS 


CONTENTS.  XIII 

A  message  vnto  tlie  quones  excellent  Maiestie  from  th'Empcror 
his  highnes  of  Moscouia,  to  be  doone  in  secrett  vnto  her  liiglmes 
by  me  her  graces  seruant,  A.  lenkinson  -  -     2r>6 

Instructions  for  Tho.  Randolph,  esquier,  .  .  .  being  sent  in  Am- 

bassad  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia  .  -  -     240 

The  Ambassage  of  the  right  worshipfuU  M.  Thomas  Randolfe, 
esquire,  to  the  Emperour  of  Russia,  in  the  yeere  1508.  Briefly 
written  by  himselfe  -  _  -  -     243 

A  commission  giuen  by  vs,  Th,  Randolph  .  .  .  and  Th.  Bannister, 
etc.,  vnto  James  Bassendine,  James  AVoodcocke  and  Rich. 
Browne  ...  for  searching  of  the  sea  and  border  of  the  coast 
from  the  riuer  Pechora  to  the  Eastwardes  .  .  .  Ann.  1588 
[15G8],  the  first  of  August     ....     251 

Necessarie  notes  to  be  obserued  and  followed  in  your  discouerie 

...  [By  William  Burrough]    -  -  -  -     254 

Thomas  Randolph  to  Sir  W.  Cecil  -  -  -     250 

Thomas  Bannister  &  Geoffrey  Ducket  to  Sir  W.  Cecil  -  -     258 

Thomas  Bannister  &  Geoffrey  Ducket  to  the  Muscovy  Co.  -     201 

A  Copie  of  the  priuiledges  graunted  by  the  right  high  and 
mightie  Prince,  the  Emperour  of  Russia,  &c.:  vnto  the  right 
worshipful  felowship  of  English  Marchants  ...  in  the  yeere 
of  our  Lord  God  1509  -  -  -  -     205 

The  greate  causes  of  offence  giuen  to  the  English  Ambassador, 

Thomas  Randolph  ...  -  -  -  -     277 

The  Tsar  Ivan  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  20th  June  1509      -  -     280 

Maister  Thomas  Bannester  and  Maister  Duckett  to  the  Counsail  -     283 

The   Ambassadors  [Savin's]  Request  to   the   Right   Honorable 

Maister  Secretarie  -----     285 

Serten  instroksyons  geven  me  [Anthony  Jenkinson]  ...  -     280 

Elizabeth  to  Ivan,  18th  May  1570  -  -  -     287 

The  Coppie  of  the  Queens  Maiesties  Letter  to  the  Emperour  of 

Russia,  IMaii  1570    -----     290 

The  Coppie  of  the   Moscouitts   Lettre  in  English,  brought  by 

Danyell  Syluester,  24.  Octobris  1570      -  -  -     292 

Elizabeth  to  Ivan,  May  or  June  1571  -  .  -     297 

Iran  to  Elizabeth,  August  1571      .  -  -  -     299 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

Elizabeth  to  Ivan,  20th  October  1572  -  -  .     303 

A  note  of  the  proceeding  of  M.  Anthonie  lenkinson,  Ambassadoiir 

from  the  Queenes  most  excellent  Maiestie  to  the  Emperour  of 

Russia  .  .  .  from  the  time  of  his  arriual  in  Russia,  being  the 

26.  of  luly  1571,  vntill  his  departure  from  thence,  the  23.  of 

Iulyl572  -  -  -  -  -     306 

Anthony  lenkinson  to  Lord  Burghley,  8.  August  1571  -     335 

The  burning  of  Moscow,  by  John  Stow         -  -  -    338 

The  names  of  such  countries  as  I,  Anthonie  lenkinson,  haue 
trauelled  vnto  from  the  second  of  October  1546,  at  which  time 
I  made  my  first  voiage  out  of  England,  vntill  the  yeere  of  our 
Lord  1572,  when  I  returned  last  out  of  Russia       -  -    341 

Instructions  giuen  to  Master  D.  Rogers  and  Master  lenkinson, 
being  sent  to  Embden  to  treate  with  the  Kinge  of  Denmarks 
commissioners  -  .  .  _  .     344 

The  order  of  Her  Maiesties  proceedings  from  tyme  to  tyme  with 

ye  Kinge  of  Denmarke,  touching  the  Norway  nauigation      -    349 


APPENDIX. 


I.  The  voyage  wherein  Osepp  Napea,  the  Moscouite  Ambassa- 
dour,  returned  home  into  his.Countrey,  with  his  entertain- 
ment at  his  arriual  at  Colmogro;  and  a  large  description  of 
the  manners  of  the  Countrey  -  -  -    355 

II.  The  second  voyage  into  Persia  made  by  Thomas  Alcocke, 
which  was  slayne  there,  and  by  Richard  Cheinie,  seruant  to 
the  worshipfuU  companie  of  Moscouie  merchants  in  An. 
1563.     Written  by  the  said  Richard  Cheinie       -  -     378 

HI.  The  thirde  voyage  into  Persia,  begun  in  the  yeere  1565, 
by  Richard  Xohnson,  Alexander  Kitchin,  and  Arthur 
Edwards.  A  letter  of  Arthur  Edwards  to  Master  Thomas 
Nichols,  concerning  the  preparation  of  their  voyage  into 
Persia   ------    382 

IV.  An  other  letter  of  the  said  Master  Arthur  Edwards,  written 
the  26.  of  April  1566.  in  Shamakie,  in  Media,  to  the  right 
worshipfuU  Sir  Thomas  Lodge,  touching  the  successe  of 
Ivicliard  lohuson  in  the  thirde  voyage  into  Persia  -     384 


CONTENTS.  XV 

V.  A  letter  of  Master  Arthur  Edwards,  written  the  8.  of  August 
1566.  from  the  towne  of  Shamakie  in  Media,  to  the  right 
worshipfull  the  Governours,  Consuls,  Assistants,  and  gene- 
ralitie  of  the  Companie  of  Russia  ...  -  -     393 

VI.  Another  letter  of  Arthur  Edwards,  written  in  Astracan,  the 
16  of  June  1567,  at  his  returne  in  the  first  voyage  out  of 
Persia,  to  the  right  worshipfull  companie  trading  into 
Russia,  Persia,  and  other  the  North  and  Northeast  partes    403 

VII.  The  fourth  voyage  into  Persia  made  by  M.  Arthur  Edwards, 
agent,  John  Sparke,  Laurence  Chapman,  Christopher 
Faucet,  and  Richard  Pingle,  in  the  yeere  1568    -  -     407 

VIII.  Notes  concerning  this  fourth  voyage  into  Persia,  begunne 

in  themonthe  of  lulie  1568  ...  -  -  -     415 

The  articles  of  the  second  priuiledge  deliuered  to  Laurence 

Chapman  ...  -  -  -  -     418 

The  maner  how  the  Christians  become  Busormen  and  for- 
sake their  religion  -  -  -  -     420 

Of    the  tree    which    beareth    Bombasine  cotton  or  Gos- 

sampine  -  -  -  -  -     421 

The  writing  of  the  Persians  -  -  -     422 

IX.  The  first  voyage  into  Persia  made  by  Master  Thomas  Ban- 
nister and  Master  Jeffrey  Ducket,  agents  for  the  Moscouie 
Companie  ;  begun  from  England  in  the  yeere  1568,  and 
continuing  to  the  yeere  1574  followiog  -  -     423 

Further  obseruations  concerning  the  state  of  Persia,  taken 
in  the  foresayd  fift  voyage  into  those  partes,  and 
written  by  Master  Jeffrey  Ducket,  one  of  the  agents 
employed  in  the  same    -  -  .  .     432 

X.  Adnertisements  and  reports  of  the  sixt  voyage  into  the 
partes  of  Persia  and  Media,  for  the  company  of  English 
merchants,  for  the  discouery  of  new  trades,  in  the  yeeres 
1579,  1580,  and  1581,  gathered  out  of  sundry  letters 
written  by  Christopher  Burrough,  seruant  to  the  said  Com- 
pany, and  sent  to  hisvncle,  Master  William  Burrough       -     441 

XI.  Obseruations  of  the  Latitudes  and  Meridian  Altitudes  of 

diucrs  places  in  Russia  -  -  .  .     474 

Inhkx  -  -  -  -  -  -    47.9 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


VOL.  I. 

Portrait  of  the  Tsar  Ivan  (iv)  Vasj*ilivitch  {Reduced  by 
photography  from  the  original  wood  engraving  in  the  possession 
of  Senator  Rovinsky)  -  -  To  face  title 

Seal  of  the  Russia  Company  {reproduced  by  photography)         -     Ivi 

Arms  of  Anthony  Jenkinson  {after  a  MS.  in  thi  Harleian  Col- 
lection at  the  British  Museum)   -  -  -  -      cii 

Facsimile  of  Map  op  Russia  by  Anthony  Jenkinson  {repro- 
duced by  photography  from  the  one  in  Ortelius^  Atlas  in  the 
British  Museum)        .  .  -  -  .     cxx 

Sketch  Map,  showing  Anthony  Jenkinson's  Route  -      41 


VOL.   IL 

Sketch  Map,  showing  the  Route  of  Southam  and  Sparke     -    190 

Chart  of  Northern  Navigation,  by  William  Burrough 
{photographed  from  the  original  MS.  in  the  Royal  Library, 
British  Museum)       -----     254 

Facsimile  Autograph  Letter  of  Anthony  Jenkinson  to 
William  Cecil,  Lord  Burghley  {photographed  from  the 
original  MS.  at  the  State  Paper  Office)      -  -  -     335 


INTRODUCTION. 


There  are  few  subjects  more  interesting  to  the 
student  of  history,  to  the  poUtician,  and  to  the 
merchant,  than  the  first  opening  of  an  intercourse 
between  two  nations.  That  between  England  and 
Russia  dates  back  more  than  three  centuries,  and 
may  almost  be  said  to  have  begun  with  the  appear- 
ance, in  the  sixteenth  century,  of  Anthony  Jen- 
kinson,  ambassador  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  agent 
of  the  Eussia  or  Muscovy  Company  between  the 
years  1557-72. 

Before  giving  a  sketch  of  his  travels  and  services 
as  they  have  been  preserved  to  us  by  Hakluyt  and 
in  State  documents,  let  us  briefly  glance  at  the  still 
earlier  voyages  of  Richard  Chancellor.  To  Chancellor 
undoubtedly  belongs  the  credit  of  laying  the  founda- 
tion of  that  commerce  which  became  of  such  vast 
importance  to  both  England  and  Russia,  and  has 
attained  in  our  day  so  great  a  development!  The 
story  of  his  discovery  of  the  White  Sea,  though 
often  told,  is  yet  so  full  of  romantic  interest,  and  so 
worthy  to  rank  in  the  annals  of  his  country,  that  it 
will  bear  repeating.  After  being  parted  from  Sir 
Hugh  Willoughby  in  a  storm  off  the  coast  of  Nor- 
way, he  directed  his  course  in  his  ship,  the  Edivard 
Bonaventiire,  to  Vardo,  the  rendezvous  appointed  in 


11  INTRODUCTION. 

case  of  a  separation.  Here  he  waited  several  days, 
in  the  hope  of  being  joined  by  his  companions,  but 
disappointed  in  this,  he  again  set  sail,  determined 
to  carry  out  to  the  best  of  his  ability  his  instruc- 
tions, and 

"  helde  on  his  course  towardes  that  vnknowen  part  of  the 
world,  and  sailed  so  farre  that  hee  came  at  last  to  the  place 
where  he  found  no  night  at  all,  but  a  continuall  light  and 
brightnesse  of  the  Sunne  shining  clearly  vpon  the  huge  and 
mighty  Sea*'  {Hakl,  1589,  p,  283). 

At  length  he  entered  the  White  Sea,  then  called 
the  Bay  of  St.  Nicholas,  and  anchored  at  the  little 
port  of  Nenoksa,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Dwina.  He 
learnt  from  some  natives  that  the  country  he  had 
reached  was  called  Russia,  or  Muscovy,  and  that 
Ivan  Vassilivitch  was  their  king. 

"And  the  barbarous  Russes  asked  likewise  of  our  men 
whence  they  were  and  what  they  came  for :  whereunto 
answer  was  made,  that  they  were  Englishmen  sent  into  those 
coastes  from  the  most  excellent  King  Edward  the  sixt."  (ffaJcL, 
1589,  p.  284.) 

Chancellor  proceeded  to  Mosco,  where  he  was  well 
received  by  the  Tsar,  who  dismissed  him  the  following 
year  with  return  letters  to  King  Edward,  informing 
him  that  his  subjects  might  safely  visit  Russia  and 
freely  trade  there.  Edward  YI  had  died  before 
Chancellor  returned  to  England,  but  his  successor, 
Queen  Mary,  showed  a  desire  to  promote  this  new- 
found trade  with  Russia.  In  the  first  and  second 
years  of  her  reign  (1555-6),  a  charter  was  granted  to 
the  Merchant  Adventurers,  henceforward  known  as 


INTRODUCTION.  Ill 

the  Muscovy  or  Eussia  Company,  by  which  were 
secured  to  them  in  their  corporate  capacity  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  they  had  acquired,  or  might  in 
the  future  acquire,  by  their  enterprise  and  dis- 
coveries. That  year  a  second  expedition  was  sent 
to  Eussia,  under  the  same  Richard  Chancellor, 
accompanied  by  two  agents,  George  Killing  worth 
and  Richard  Gray,  with  full  instructions  to  treat 
with  the  Tsar's  counsellors  for  the  establishment  of 
a  trade  in  his  dominions ;  they  were,  moreover,  not 
to  lose  sight  of  the  original  object  of  their  first 
voyage,  "  that  you  vse  all  wayes  and  meanes  pos- 
sible to  learne  how  men  may  passe  from  Russia 
either  by  land  or  by  sea  to  Cathaia."  Complete 
success  rewarded  these  efforts.  The  Englishmen 
were  received  in  the  most  gracious  way  by  the  Tsar, 
conferences  were  held  at  Mosco  between  them  and 
certain  ofl&cers  and  merchants  of  the  Tsar,  and 
arrangements  concluded  for  a  commercial  intercourse 
on  the  most  favourable  terms.  The  English 
were  to  have  the  monopoly  of  trade  in  the  White 
Sea,  and  establish  their  factories  or  houses  of 
business  at  Kholmogori,  Vologhda,  and  elsewhere. 
*'  And  thus  may  we  continue  three  or  foure 
yeeres",  writes  Killingworth  to  the  Company, 
"  and  in  this  space  we  shall  know  the  countrey  and 
the  merchants,  and  which  way  to  saue  ourselues 
best,  and  where  to  plant  our  houses,  and  where  to 
seeke  for  wares"  {Hakl,  1589,  p.  301). 

Chancellor  set  sail  for  England  on  the  20th  July 
1556,  with  four  ships,  including  the  two  that  were 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

missing  in  the  first  voyage,  and  afterwards  recovered, 
the  Bona  Speranza  and  Bona  ConJid>entia.  In  his 
own  ship,  the  Edward  Bonaventure,  he  took  Osep 
Napea,  the  first  Russian  ambassador  to  the  English 
court,  with  his  suite,  and  valuable  furs  and  merchan- 
dise to  the  amount  of  £20,000  (now  £100,000). 
The  voyage  home  proved  disastrous.  Two  of  the 
ships,  the  Bona  Speranza  and  Bona  Conjidentia, 
were  never  heard  of  again ;  the  Edivard  Bonaventure, 
after  being  four  months  at  sea,  at  length  arrived  off 
the  coast  of  Scotland,  only  to  be  wrecked  in  Novem- 
ber, in  Pitsligo  Bay,  with  the  loss  of  many  of  the 
crew,  seven  Russians,  and  the  gallant  Chancellor 
himself,  Osep  Napea  being  one  of  the  few  survivors. 
Though  so  many  brave  men  had  perished,  the 
arrival  of  the  first  Russian  ambassador  caused  general 
rejoicing. 

"  About  this  time  (1556-7)  came  to  London  an  ambassador 
to  the  Queene  from  the  Emperor  of  Cathaie,  Muscouia,  and 
Eusseland,  who  was  honorablie  receiued  at  Totenham  by  the 
merchants  of  London,  hauing  trade  in  those  countries,  riding 
in  veluet  coates  and  chaines  of  gold,  who  bare  all  his  costs 
and  charges  from  the  time  of  his  entrie  into  England  out  of 
Scotland,  for  thither  by  tempest  of  weather  he  was  driuen, 
and  there  forced  to  land.  The  Lord  Montacute,  with  the 
Queens  pensioners,  met  him  at  Islington  townes  end;  and  at 
Smithfield  barres  the  lord  maior  and  aldermen  in  scarlet 
receiued  him  and  conueied  him  through  the  citie  vnto  maister 
Dimmocks  howse  in  Fanchurch  street,  where  he  lodged 
vntil  the  twelfe  of  Maie,  all  which  time  he  wanted  no  resort. 
And  after  his  ambassage  done  to  the  Queene  he  departed 
againe  with  three  [four]  f aire  ships  from  Gravesend  vnto  his 
countrie,  when  he  had  remained  here  two  moneths  and 
more." — HoUiished' s  Chronicle,  p.  1132. 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

With  the  departure  of  Napea  from  Gravesend, 
escorted  by  Anthony  Jenkinson,  we  take  up  the 
story  of  the  intercourse  between  England  and 
Russia,  leaving  much  that  is  interesting  in  the 
earlier  voyages  of  Chancellor  and  Stephen  Burrough, 
and  their  accounts  of  Russia,  perhaps  for  a  future 
volume  of  the  Hakluyt  Society.  Of  Jenkinson's 
earlier  travels,  of  which  we  print  his  summary  at 
the  end  of  this  volume,  the  only  details  accessible 
are  those  contained  in  Hakluyt 's  second  edition, 
giving  an  account  of  Solyman's  entry  into  Aleppo  in 
1553,  at  which  he  was  present.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  experience  gained  by  him  on  these 
distant  travels  was  of  great  service,  and  helped  to 
fit  him  for  the  long  and  perilous  journeys  he  subse- 
quently undertook  ;  and  that  his  extensive  acquaint- 
ance with  the  people  and  manners  of  other  countries 
prepared  him  for  the  delicate  missions  he  successfully 
carried  out  in  Russia  and  the  adjacent  countries  of 
Central  Asia.  He  was,  too,  a  skilful  navigator,  and 
understood  surveying,  as  far  as  it  was  known  in  the 
sixteenth  century  ;  for  his  observations  for  latitude, 
though  showing  in  some  instances  considerable 
errors,  are  wonderfully  correct,  if  it  be  duly  remem- 
bered how  rude  were  the  instruments  then  used. 
Such  qualifications  amply  justified  the  Company  in 
appointing  him  to  the  command  of  their  expedition 
to  Russia  in  1557.  This  was  composed  of  four  ships, 
of  which  the  Noble  Primrose^  was  admiral,  and  in- 

1  The  Primrose  was  launched    at  Deptford    on    the    6th  July 
1551,  in  the  presence  of  King  Edward,  in  whose  journal  there  is 


VI  INTRODUCTION. 

structions  were  given  that  the  other  three  should 
keep  her  company.  Having  already  tried  the 
Bussian  trade,  the  Company  now  made  their  first 
large  shipment  of  cloth  and  other  English  commodi- 
ties, such  as  cotton  stuifs,  pewter,  sugar,  etc.,  and 
sent  artizans  to  set  up  a  rope-walk  at  Kholmogori. 
They  also  sent  ten  young  men  as  apprentices  to 
learn  the  trade,  and  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the 
country.^  Osep  Napea  was  furnished  with  letters 
from  Philip  and  Mary  to  Ivan  lY,  on  the  subject  of 
his  mission,  in  which  they  express  the  hope  that 
there  would  be  a  perpetual  amity  between  the  two 
nations,  and  that  he  would  declare  the  full  par- 
ticulars of  the  commercial  treaty  it  was  proposed  to 
conclude.^ 

The  fleet  set  sail  from  Gravesend  on  the  12th 
May,  but,  delayed  by  accidents  and  contrary  winds, 
did  not  sight  the  coast  of  Norway  till  the  25th  of 
June,  when  they  discovered  Helge  land  lying  north- 
east of  them.  On  the  27th  they  were  ofi"  the 
Lofoden  Islands.  Continuing  their  voyage  without 
further  mishap,  they  rounded  the  North  Cape  on 
the  2nd  July,  and  the  following  day  touched  at 
Vardo.     Hence   their   course   lay  south-east,  close 

an  entry  concerning  it.  This  ship  was  originally  intended  for  the 
Royal  Navy,  but  was  lent  by  the  King  to  Alderman  Barnes  and 
Sir  William  Gerrard  for  their  venture  to  the  coast  of  Guinea,  for 
which  she  sailed  from  Portsmouth  on  the  12th  August  1553. 
The  enterprise  to  Guinea  failed,  owing  to  Captain  Wyndham's 
misconduct. 

'  Hakl.,  1599,  i,  p.  299. 

2  Cal.  JS.  r.y  For.  Mary,  1557,  No.  595. 


INTRODUCTION.  VII 

along  the  coast  of  Lapland,  or  Lappla,  as  our  author 
calls  it,  passing  Varanger  fiord,  or,  as  it  was  then 
known,  DommeshafF,^  and  Arzina,  or  Nokuyef  bay, 
where  the  gallant  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby  and  his 
crews  had  perished  in  the  winter  of  1553-4.  They 
doubled  Sviatoi  N'oss,  that  remarkable  promontory 
to  which  the  early  navigators  made  offerings  of 
*'  butter,  meale,  and  other  victuals",  and  which 
Stephen  Burrough  named  Cape  Gallant ;  and  stand- 
ing over  to  the  opposite  shore  of  the  entrance  to 
the  White  Sea,  safely  anchored  in  St.  Nicholas 
road  on  the  12th  July,  having  sailed  from  London, 
according  to  their  reckoning,  750  leagues,  or  2,250 
miles. 

The  Russian  ambassador  and  the  Englishmen 
who  had  come  to  serve  the  Emperor  at  once  landed, 
and,  after  all  their  things  were  on  shore,  proceeded 
by  boats  up  the  Dwina.  Jenkinson  remained  to 
superintend  the  discharging  of  the  ships,  their  re- 
loading and  departure  for  England.  Then  he  also 
started  for  Kholmogori,  thence  to  Yologhda  by 
water,  and  from  the  latter  place  to  Mosco  by  land. 
Before  following  him  in  his  travels  into  Asia,  it 
seems  necessary  to  say  something  of  the  state  of 
Russia  at  this  time,  and  of  its  ruler,  Ivan  Vassili- 
vitch  IV,  surnamed  Grosny,  or  the  Terrible. 

From  1235  to    1478  Russia  groaned  under   the 

1  DommeshafT,  probably  so  named  after  King  Dummer,  whose 
rule  extended  to  this  part  of  the  coast.  Cf.  StUckenberg,  Ilydro- 
graphiej  bd.  ii,  p.  3.  Tins  derivation,  however,  may  be  compared 
with  that  given  below,  p.  19. 


Vlll  INTRODUCTION. 

Tartar  yoke.  Wild  hordes  of  Mongols,  under  Batu, 
Timur,  and  Yedighei,  swept  across  its  level  plains, 
burning  and  destroying  every  vestige  of  civilisation, 
and  stamping  out  that  love  of  self-government 
which  was  characteristic  of  early  Russian  society. 
For  nearly  three  centuries  Tartar  Khans  received 
tribute  at  Sarai,  their  capital  on  the  lower  Volga, 
from  the  Russian  princes ;  and  though  desperate 
attempts  were  made  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  the 
oppressors — as  when  Dmitri,  surnamed  Donskoi  (of 
the  Don),  fought  and  defeated  the  host  of  Mamai 
on  the  field  of  Kulikof — the  chains  which  held  the 
people  down  were  only  riveted  more  closely.  Their 
relief  was  only  accomplished  towards  the  close  of  the 
1 5th  century,  when  dissensions  among  the  Tartars 
themselves  had  prepared  the  way  for  the  liberation 
of  Russia.  This  was  accomplished  by  Ivan  III 
(1462-1505),  surnamed  '*  the  Great".  He  united 
the  various  principalities  into  which  Russia  was 
divided,  into  one  State,  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Mosco ; 
put  an  end  to  the  dissensions  of  the  princes,  and  in 
this  way  gave  Russia  strength  to  shake  off  the 
Tartar.  Ivan  III  introduced  the  arts  of  civilisation 
into  his  country,  and  brought  architects  from  Italy 
to  embellish  his  capital.  The  walls  and  towers  of 
the  Kremlin  attest  at  the  present  day  the  early 
influence  of  Italian  art  in  the  ancient  city  of  the 
Tsars.  The  wise  and  firm  policy  of  Ivan  III  was 
continued  by  his  son  and  successor,  Yassili  III 
(1505-33),  and  his  grandson  Ivan  IV  (1533-84). 
During  the  reign  of  the  former,  Herberstein  twice 


INTRODUCTION.  IX 

visited  Moscovy  as  ambassador  from  the  Emperor 
of  Germany,  and  wrote  his  interesting  book,  Rerum 
Moscovitarum  Commentarii,^  many  editions  of  which 
appeared  in  the  16th  century. 

In  1546,  Ivan  IV  was  crowned  at  Mosco,  taking 
the  title  of  Tsar,  first  borne  by  Ivan  III,  as  well  as 
that  of  Grand  Duke.  His  marriage  with  Anastasia 
Zakharin,  solemnised  shortly  afterwards,  promised  to 
inaugurate  a  period  of  peace  and  prosperity  for 
Bussia.  "Our  enemies",  wrote  the  annalists,  "  infidel 
Tsars  and  impious  Kings,  dared  no  longer  trouble 
the  peace  of  Russia,  and  Ivan  raised  himself  to  the 
highest  rank  among  them."^  In  1552,  one  year 
before  the  opening  of  intercourse  with  England, 
the  Tartar  fortress  of  Kazan  fell ;  and  this  event, 
followed  two  years  later  by  the  capture  of  Astra- 
khan, made  the  Volga  throughout  its  entire  course 
a  Russian  river.  The  immediate  consequence  of 
these  victories  was  to  secure  the  eastern  frontiers 
of  Russia.,  and  to  enable  the  Tsar  to  turn  his  arms 
against  the  Western  States  of  Poland,  Livonia,  and 
Sweden.  Against  these  enemies  of  Russia  his  success 
was  only  temporary,  for  the  numbers  and  bravery 
of  his  soldiers  could  not  prevail  against  their  supe- 
rior discipline  and  artillery.  At  first,  however,  in 
his  campaign  against  Sweden,  he  carried  the  w^ar  into 
the  enemy's  country,  and  compelled  Gustavus  Vasa 

^  See  Notes  upon  Russia,  edited  by  Major  (Hakl.  Soc).  Dr. 
Hamel  is  probably  right  in  his  conjecture  that  an  Italian  transla- 
tion of  Herberstein's  work,  published  at  Venice  in  1550,  had  been 
accessible  to  Sebastian  Cabot. — England  and  Russia,  p.  113. 

^  Kanimsin,  viii,  Gd. 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

to  sue  for  peace.  His  armies  devastated  Livonia, 
and  laid  its  flourishing  cities  in  ashes,  humbling 
the  pride  and  breaking  the  power  of  the  Teutonic 
Knights.  In  1558  the  fall  of  Narva  opened  the 
much  coveted  way  to  the  Baltic,  and  gave  Russia 
her  first  port  on  the  West.  Ivan  was  now  at  the 
height  of  his  power.  He  had  conquered  all  his 
enemies,  remodelled  the  internal  administration  of 
his  empire,  introduced  printing,  and  established  the 
Strelzi,  the  first  standing  army  in  Bussia.  But  a 
remarkable  change  came  over  him  about  this  time, 
connected  in  some  way  with  the  death  of  his  wife, 
attributed  by  him  to  poison.  He  disgraced  Sylvester 
and  Adasheff,  the  wise  counsellors  under  whose 
influence  he  had  ruled  so  well,  and  abandoned  him- 
self to  his  passions.  These,  as  a  recent  author  (Count 
Yuri  Tolstoi)  has  remarked,  "  inscribed  his  reign  in 
blood  in  the  annals  of  Russia."  "  It  is  vain,"  says 
this  writer,  "to  assign  periods  to  his  executions  ;  in 
one  continual  torrent  of  blood  they  deluged  the  last 
twenty  years  of  his  reign,  sometimes  relaxing,,  but 
never  iii'  i-nipting  their  stormy  course."^  His  victims 
were  among  the  best  and  most  distinguished  of  his 
subjects  ;  among  them  were  many  who  had  served 
him  long  and  faithfully  in  peace  and  war.  He  spared 
neither  young  nor  old,  neither  man  nor  woman. 
Three  centuries  have  not  effaced  from  the  memory 
of  the  Russian  people  the  revolting  cruelties  of  this 
monster.  "  Many  are  the  lays",  says  Mr.  Morfill,  in 
his  Slavonic  Literature  (p.  51),  "  treating  of  Ivan  the 

*  England  and  Russia,  p.  xix. 


INTRODUCTION.  XI 

Terrible,  and  the  instrument  of  his  cruelties,  Maliuta 
Skurlatovitch,  who  stood  in  the  same  relation  to  him 
as  Tristan  I'Hermite  did  to  Louis  IX  of  France,  being 
his  intimate  associate  and  the  instigator  of  many 
of  his  cruelties." 

Following  the  example  of  Henry  YIII,  Ivan  had 
six  wives.  By  the  first,  Anastasia,  he  had  three 
sons  and  three  daughters,  only  one  of  whom  sur- 
vived him,  viz.,  Feodor,  his  successor.  In  1561  he 
married  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Prince  Temgruk  of 
Circassia,  by  whom  he  had  a  son,  who  only  lived 
five  weeks.  Mary  died  in  September  1569,  and  on 
the  28th  October  1571  he  married  Martha  Sabakina, 
daughter  of  a  merchant  in  Novgorod,  chosen  for 
her  beauty  out  of  two  thousand  young  girls  col- 
lected from  all  parts  of  the  empire.  She  died  of 
consumption  on  the  13th  November  of  the  same 
year.  In  1572  he  married  Anna  Koltovskoy,  and 
repudiated  her  in  1577,  placing  her  in  a  monastery. 
His  fifth  wife  was  Anna  Yassilchikof,  who  died  very 
soon.  Her  place  was  taken  by  a  widow  of  the  name 
of  Yassilissa  Melentief,  distinguished  for  her  beauty, 
to  live  with  whom  he  did  not  go  through  a  religious 
ceremony,  but  merely  contented  himself  with  a 
benediction  from  his  confessor.  His  sixth  wife  was 
Mary,  daughter  of  Feodor  Nagai,  a  dignitary  of  the 
Court.  She  was  the  mother  of  the  unfortunate 
Dmitri,  innocent  cause  of  innumerable  woes  to 
Kussia. 

It   is   generally  known    that    Ivan    solicited   the 
hand  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  it  is  most  likely  that 


Xll  INTRODUCTION. 

his  first  overtures  in  this  direction  were  made  through 
Jenkinson.  Of  this  there  is  no  positive  proof,  though 
it  is  not  improbable  that  the  secret  message  en- 
trusted to  him  by  the  Tsar  in  1567  had  reference  to 
a  marriage  ;  Randolph,  Bannister,  and  Ducket,  in 
their  letters  to  Cecil  and  the  Muscovy  Company, 
hint  that  this  may  have  been  the  case,  and  that 
the  Emperor  was  angry  at  having  received  no 
answer.  In  1581,  Ivan  sent  Pissemsky  to  England 
to  treat  of  a  marriage  with  Lady  Mary  Hastings, 
niece  of  the  Queen  ;  and  this  was  the  subject  of  his 
secret  conferences  with  Sir  Jerome  Bowes  in  1583.^ 
Ivan  died  on  the  18th  March  1584,  having  reigned 
fifty-one  years.  In  person  he  was  tall  and  spare, 
with  broad  shoulders,  and  a  somewhat  stooping  gait. 
As  a  young  man  he  was  good-looking,  with  a  high 
nose  and  brilliant  complexion,  but  in  advanced  life 
his  aspect  was  sinister  and  ferocious  to  the  last 
degree.  Ivan  lived  to  see  all  his  earlier  conquests 
taken  from  him,  except  Kazan  and  Astrakhan. 
Esthonia,  with  Bevel  and  other  towns,  were  sur- 
rendered to  Denmark,  Sweden  retook  Narva,  wdth 
Ivangorod,  the  Bussian  fortress,  facing  it  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  Narova.  Livonia  was  ceded  to 
Stephen  Bathory,  King  of  Poland,  together  with 
Polotsk,  brilliantly  captured  by  the  Bussian  arms  in 
1563.  Pskof,  however^  having  withstood  a  cele- 
brated  siege,    remained    to   Bussia.       In    Eastern 

^  The  Queen's  letter,  declining  the  offer,  is  still  to  be  seen, 
preserved  in  a  casket  in  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  old  palace. — 
liiissian  Art,  by  Alfred  Maskell,  p.  236. 


INTRODUCTION.  XIU 

Russia  affairs  were  in  an  unsettled  state,  owing  to 
a  revolt  of  the  Cheremissi ;  whilst  in  the  South,  the 
Tartars  of  the  Crimea,  supported  as  they  had  been 
by  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  were  ever  a  pressing 
danger.  By  far  the  most  satisfactory  result  of  his 
foreign  policy  was  his  alliance  with  England.  That 
remained  to  him  when  all  his  ambitious  designs  had 
failed.  The  Baltic  was  closed  to  Russian  trade,  but 
the  White  Sea  remained  open,  and  he  could  write  to 
the  Queen,  his  "lovinge  sister",  as  he  invariably 
called  her,  on  matters  of  state,  on  personal  affairs, 
or  commerce,  as  the  inclination  took  him. 

On  the  23rd  April  1558,  furnished  with  letters  of 
recommendation  from  the  Tsar,  Jenkinson  started 
from  Mosco  on  his  adventurous  journey  towards 
Cathay.  His  companions  were  Richard  and  Robert 
Johnson,  the  former  of  whom  had  already  travelled 
in  Russia,  having  gone  out  with  Chancellor  in  the 
first  voyage  in  1553,  and  taken  part  in  Stephen 
Burrough's  voyage  in  the  SearcMlirift  in  1556.  His 
knowledge  of  the  country  would,  therefore,  have 
been  useful  to  Jenkinson,  whom  he  decided  to 
accompany;  though  in  the  instructions  (Art.  15)  it  is 
desired  that  Richard  Johnson,  "late  servant  to  M. 
Chanceler,  shal  be  sent  home  in  this  next  returne  to 
instruct  the  companie  of  the  state  of  the  countrey, 
. . .  and  that  he  shall  haue  the  roome  of  the  Captaine 
in  such  sort  as  Master  Jenkinson  is  in  this  present 
cocket  assigned  vnto."  Besides  his  English  com- 
panions, he  took  with  him  a  Tartar  tolmatch,  or  in- 
terpreter, who  would  doubtless  have  been  of  great 


XIV  INTRODUCTION. 

service  in  communicating  with  the  various  tribes  of 
Asiatics  whose  language  has  an  affinity  to  the 
Tartar. 

Descending  the  Moskva  to  its  confluence  with  the 
Oka  at  Kolomna,  he  continued  his  journey  down 
this  river,  passing  the  towns  of  Riazan,  Kassimof, 
and  Murom,  famous  even  in  those  days  for  their 
history.  On  the  eleventh  day  he  came  to  Nijny 
Novgorod,  now  reached  in  about  eleven  hours  by  rail 
from  Mosco,  and  here  he  made  a  halt  of  eight  days, 
to  wait  the  arrival  of  a  newly  appointed  governor  of 
Astrakhan,  with  whom  he  was  to  continue  the  jour- 
ney. This  officer  had  500  large  boats  with  him,  laden 
with  soldiers  and  war  munitions,  and  in  his  company 
Jenkinson  passed  in  safety  those  parts  of  the 
Volga  inhabited  by  warlike  tribes  of  Finnish  and 
Tartar  race,  whose  allegiance  was  not  to  be  depended 
upon.  On  the  29th  May  our  traveller  arrived  at 
Kazan,  then  in  course  of  reconstruction.  Its  wooden 
fortifications  were  being  demolished,  and  replaced  by 
walls  of  stone,  and  Jenkinson  was  favourably  im- 
pressed with  its  appearance.  He  was  the  first 
Englishman  to  visit  this  city,  where  he  abode  fifteen 
days,  departing  only  on  the  13th  June.  The  next 
day  he  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Kama,  and  pursued 
his  journey  down  the  lower  Volga  through  a  country 
inhabited  by  Nagai  Tartars,  who  had  lately  made 
peace  with  Kussia.  Of  their  manners  and  customs 
he  gives  some  interesting  particulars,  which  might 
serve  to  describe  the  Kirghiz  of  the  present  day, 
from  whom  the  Nagayans  diflered  only  in  the  con- 
struction and  mode  of  carrying  their  tents. 


INTRODUCTION.  XV 

On  the  14th  July  Jenkinson  arrived  at  Astrakhan, 
having  passed  on  the  same  day  the  old  town  of  this 
name,  Hve  miles  above  the  new  town.  He  found 
Astrakhan  in  a  deplorable  state,  owing  to  a  famine, 
followed  shortly  afterwards  by  the  plague.  Heaps 
of  dead  Nagayans  lay  unburied  over  the  island  on 
which  Astrakhan  is  built,  and  many  of  the  survivors 
were  offered  as  slaves.  Jenkinson  could  have  bought 
a  thousand  from  their  own  fathers  or  mothers  for  a 
loaf  of  bread  apiece ;  but  he  adds  that  he  had  more 
need  of  provisions  than  of  any  such  merchandise. 
He  appears,  however,  to  have  become  the  possessor  of 
a  Tartar  girl,  "Aura  Soltana",  whom  he,  on  his  return, 
presented  to  the  Queen  [infra,  p.  109).  Astrakhan 
was  the  farthest  possession  of  Russia  towards  the 
Caspian,  in  those  days.  Here  the  authority  of  the 
Tsar  ended,  and  the  travellers  had  to  rely  entirely  on 
their  own  resources  in  prosecuting  their  journey. 
Having  purchased  a  boat  and  equipped  her,  the  three 
Englishmen  started  on  their  voyage  on  the  6th 
August,  in  the  company  of  some  Tartars  and  Persians. 
The  intricate  navigation  of  the  Volga  delta  put  their 
seamanship  to  a  severe  test,  and  on  the  10th  they 
entered  the  Caspian,  the  first  Englishmen  to  enter 
that  inland  sea,  and  to  sound  and  explore  its  basin. 
*'It  is  curious  to  see",  says  Alexander  von  Humboldt, 
in  his  work  on  Central  Asia,^  "that  this  same  nation, 
which  in  the  vast  ocean  has  rendered  such  great  and 
memorable  services  to  astronomical  science,  should 
also  have  been  excited  by  interests  of  commerce  to 
survey  the  coasts  of  a  great  basin  of  Central  Asia." 
^  Asie  Centrale,  ii,  p.  232. 


XVI  INTRODUCTION. 

The  means  which  were  employed  by  Jenkinson, 
and  after  him  by  Christopher  Burrough,  Bruce, 
Han  way,  and  others,  were  doubtless  of  a  very  imper- 
fect kind,  but  to  their  intrepidity  Europe  owed  a 
number  of  nautical  and  topographical  observations, 
which  threw  fresh  light  on  a  part  of  the  earth's 
surface  concerning  which  complete  ignorance  pre- 
vailed. Jenkinson's  survey  did  not  extend  beyond 
the  northern  coasts  of  the  Caspian  ;  neither,  on  his 
journey  to  Bokhara  nor  on  that  to  Persia,  three 
years  later,  did  he  navigate  the  southern  portion 
of  this  sea;  his  map,  therefore,  published  in  1561, 
and  based  only  on  his  own  observations,  made 
during  his  first  voyage,  gives  a  widely  different 
idea  of  the  extent  and  configuration  of  its  coasts 
to  their  delineation  on  modern  maps.  Never- 
theless, as  regards  the  northern  coasts,  where  they 
came  under  his  personal  observation,  he  is  generally 
correct.  He  speaks  of  "the  blue  sea",  as  it  is  still 
called,  a  wide  bay  to  the  north-east  of  the  Volga 
delta ;  of  the  Yaik,  afterwards  known  as  the  Ural 
river,  debouching  into  the  Caspian  ;  and  of  the  town 
of  Seraichik,  situated  on  it,  visited  by  Ibn  Batuta 
and  several  of  the  mediaeval  travellers  on  their  way 
to  Urgendj.  It  was  while  lying  at  anchor  off  the 
mouth  of  the  Yaik  that  Jenkinson,  who  was  very  ill 
at  the  time,  ran  considerable  risk  of  falling  into  the 
hands  of  a  party  of  thirty  well-armed  robbers,  who 
boarded  his  vessel  under  the  pretence  of  searching 
for  Kafirs  or  infidels.  Fortunately  for  our  English 
travellers,  a  Tartar  mollah  stood  by  them,  and  by 


INTRODUCTION.  XVll 

hard  swearing  prevailed  upon  the  rovers  to  depart. 
From  the  Yaik  they  sailed  E.S.E.,  the  direction  of 
the  coast,  till  they  were  off  the  now  desiccated 
entrance  to  the  Emba,  then  south,  to  get  into  deeper 
water,  crossing  the  wide  but  shallow  Mertvi  Kultuk 
gulf,  and  approaching  the  northern  shore  of  Man- 
gishlak  peninsula,  where  a  ridge  of  hills,  running 
almost  to  Cape  Tiuk  Karagan,  lends  a  bolder  cha- 
racter to  the  coast.  Here  a  storm  overtook  them, 
and  compelled  them  to  land,  not  precisely  where 
they  should  have  done,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of 
Koshak  bay  to  that  on  which  the  port  of  Mangishlak 
was  situated.  On  the  3rd  September,  nearly  one 
month  from  the  date  of  their  leaving  Astrakhan, 
they  landed  and  prepared  for  their  journey  to 
Vezir. 

Our  traveller's  experiences  were  henceforward  of 
an  altogether  novel  kind.  He  was  among  the  wild, 
predatory  inhabitants  of  the  steppe,  the  Turkomans, 
who  lived  then,  as  they  have  done  ever  since,  by 
rapine  and  plunder.  They  owned  no  allegiance  to 
king  or  khan,  respected  no  law  or  obligation  of  any 
kind,  and  even  disregarded  ties  of  kinship  and 
family.  Jenkinson  found  it  quite  impossible  to 
have  any  dealings  with  them.  Their  promises  were 
never  kept,  and  hardly  a  day  passed  without  he  and 
his  companions  being  molested,  till  he  was  glad  to 
pay  them  their  own  price  for  camels  and  provisions, 
besides  some  presents  to  their  prince  or  governor, 
and  be  quit  of  them.  At  length,  on  the  14th 
September,  the  caravan,  numbering  one  thousand 


XVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

camels,  started.  After  travelling  five  days,  they 
came  to  the  dominions  of  another  prince,  Timur 
Sultan,  brother  to  Hadjim,  reigning  Khan  of  Khiva. 
His  authority  extended  to  Mangishlak,  and  his 
people  stopped  and  plundered  the  caravan.  Jenkin- 
son,  however,  rode  in  person  to  Timur  Sultan,  and 
represented  his  case  so  forcibly,  that  he  fared  better 
than  the  others,  receiving  a  horse  worth  about  half 
the  value  of  the  confiscated  merchandise,  and  good 
entertainment.  Had  he  not  done  this,  he  would,  in 
all  probability,  have  been  robbed  and  spoiled  of  all 
he  possessed.  Twenty  days'  travel  in  the  desert 
brought  them  to  what  Jenkinson  took  to  be  a  gulf 
of  the  Caspian,  but  what  really  was  Lake  Sari- 
Kamish,  as  modern  discoveries  and  surveys  have 
shown.  Here  they  refreshed  themselves  with  its 
water, which  was  sweet — for  it  doubtless  received  then, 
as  it  occasionally  does  now,  some  of  the  surplus  dis- 
charge of  the  Oxus — and  proceeded  three  days' 
march  to  Yezir,  or,  as  it  is  rendered  in.  the  text, 
Sellizure,  at  that  time  capital  of  Kwarezm,  the 
modern  Khanat  of  Khiva.  Hadjim  Khan  was  then 
the  reigning  sovereign  of  this  country,  and  Jen- 
kinson was  brought  before  him  and  well  received. 
At  a  second  interview  he  was  questioned  a  good  deal 
about  the  Emperor  of  E-ussia,  of  whom  Hadjim's 
father,  Ogotai  Khan,  had  doubtless  heard  through 
the  Nogai  Mirza,  Kassai,  as  the  latter  informs  Ivan 
IV,  in  1553,  that  he  had  intimate  relations  both 
with  the  Tsar  of  Bokhara  and  with  Agotai,  Tsar  of 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

Urgendj^;  yet  the  earliest  direct  relations  of  these 
potentates  with  the  Emperor  of  Russia  were  due  to 
the  enterprise  of  an  English  merchant — a  fact, 
perhaps,  lost  sight  of  in  the  acute  stages  of  the 
Central  Asian  question. 

On  the  14th  October  Jenkinson  and  his  com- 
panions left  Vezir,  of  which  barely  a  trace  remains 
at  the  present  day,  so  completely  desolate  has  the 
place  become  since  the  Oxus  ceased  to  flow  that  way, 
and  on  the  second  day  arrived  at  the  old  city  of 
Urgendj — the  Kunia  Urgendj  of  modern  maps.  He 
found  it  in  ruins,  owing  to  the  constant  civil  wars 
waged  by  the  Khans  of  the  houses  of  Ogotai  and 
Bujuga.  Abulghazi,  the  historian  of  the  Mongol 
and  Turkish  princes,  mentions  that  Hadjim  Khan 
and  his  brothers  besieged  Urgendj  and  retook  it 
from  Ish  Sultan,  brother  of  Dost  Khan,  in  the  965th 
year  of  the  Hejira,  or  1558  a.d.,^  therefore,  shortly 
before  Jenkinson's  arrival.  The  ruins  of  Urgendj 
have  been  seen  by  a  modern  Russian  traveller. 
Baron  Kaulbars,  who  says  a  fine  view  of  them  may 
be  obtained  from  the  earthern  ramparts  of  Ak-Kala.* 
Jenkinson  remained  a  month  at  Urgendj,  but  found 
the  trade  there  insignificant,  so  harassed  had  the 
people  been  by  wars.  The  country,  too,  was  infested 
by  bands  of  marauders,  led  by  petty  chiefs  ;  for  as 
soon  as  one  had  been  worsted  in  battle  he  would  flee 
to  the  steppe,  and  maintain  himself  and  his  followers 
in  a  precarious  way  by  attacking  and  plundering 

1    Vesselofshy,  p.  109.  2  /^^-^^^  p^  uq. 

8  Zapisky,  Imp.Russlc.  Geogr.  Ohsch.  Gen.  Geogr.^  vol.  ix,  p.  409. 


XX  INTRODUCTION. 

passing  caravans.  Every  man  rode  armed  with  bow, 
arrows,  and  sword;  their  pursuits  were  rearing  cattle; 
their  pastime,  hawking  ;  they  carried  no  money,  but 
suppUed  their  wants  by  barter;  their  chief  drink  was 
mare's  milk,  the  well-known  kumiss;  and  their  food, 
horseflesh.  Such  is  the  picture  drawn  for  us  by 
Jenkinson  of  the  inhabitants  of  Central  Asia,  and 
it  might  almost  apply  to  these  people  at  the  present 
day,  so  little  change  has  there  been  during  three 
centuries  of  native  rule. 

From  Urgendj  Jenkinson  travelled  100  miles  up 
the  desiccated  bed  of  the  old  arm  of  the  Oxus,  which 
formerly  flowed  near  Urgendj,  and  then  crossed  a 
great  river,  to  which  he,  or  his  transcriber,  gave  the 
name  of  Ardok,  and  to  which  he  ascribed  a  course  of 
1,000  miles  to  the  northward  and  then  500  miles 
underground  to  the  lake  of  Kitai  (Cathay).  Here 
he  evidently  trusted  to  hearsay  information,  and 
endeavoured  to  reconcile  it  with  the  erroneous 
geography  of  his  time.^  The  passage  in  question,  and 
his  other  allusions  to  the  hydrography  of  this  part  of 
the  Aralo-Caspian  basin,  have  been  fully  discussed  ; 
but  since  the  elaborate  surveys  made  by  Russian 
officers,  much  new  light  has  been  thrown  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  we  therefore  give  in  a  note  Baron  Kaulbars' 
remarks. 

^  Derived  perhaps  from  mythological  ideas  concerning  the  rivers 
of  Asia,  such  as  are  to  be  found  in  MarignoUi's  Recollections  of 
Travel,  or  from  Edrisi,  where  this  author  speaks  of  the  disappear- 
ance of  the  Waksh-ab,  one  of  the  head  tributaries  of  the  Oxus. 
-—Gf.  Cathay  (Hakl.  Soc),  p.  350 ;  Humboldt,  Asie  Centrales 
ii,  230. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXI 

On  the  7th  December  our  traveller  passed  through 
Kath,  where  he  was  subjected  to  imposition  by  the 
ruler,  a  brother  of  Hadjim  Khan,  probably  Suleiman. 
Between  this  place  and  Bokhara  lay  a  tract  of 
desert  infested  by  robbers,  a  band  of  whom  at- 
tacked the  caravan,  but  met  with  such  a  spirited 
resistance,  chiefly  owing  to  the  three  Englishmen  and 
their  guns,  that  they  were  glad  to  make  peace  after 
three  days'  fighting,  during  which  several  on  either 
side  were  slain.  Having  endured  great  privations, 
owing  to  want  of  water  and  provisions,  the  caravan 
reached  Bokhara  in  safety  on  the  23rd  Decem- 
ber 1558.  Three  centuries  had  elapsed  since 
the  brothers  Polo  visited  this  city,  and,  after  a 
residence  there  of  three  years,  had  been  fortunate 
enough  to  proceed  to  Cathay.  Like  them,  Jenkinson 
was  also  desirous  of  travelling  thither  ;  but  circum- 
stances had  entirely  changed.  The  "great  Khan" 
Kublai  of  the  Polos  exercised  undisputed  authority 
over  a  wide  region,  extending  from  Mongolia  to  the 
Caspian,  and  made  strangers  from  the  west  welcome 
to  his  court.  His  power,  and  that  of  his  descendants, 
had  long  passed  away,  and  the  country  was  a  prey 
to  anarchy  and  confusion,  owing  to  the  rival  claims 
of  Uzbek  princes  and  invasions  of  Kalmuks  and 
Kirghiz.  Finding  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
continue  his  journey  towards  Cathay,  Jenkinson 
wisely  determined  to  return  the  way  he  came,  after 
a  stay  of  three  months  and  a  half  at  Bokhara. 
During  this  time  he  had  several  interviews  with  its 
king,  the  famous  Abdullah  Khan,  under  whose  rule 


XXll  INTRODUCTION. 

the  Oxus  countries  enjoyed  a  greater  degree  of  pros- 
perity than  they  have  done  since,  and  whose  memory 
is  still  cherished  by  the  inhabitants  of  Turkestan.^ 
Our  traveller's  account  of  him  is  not  altogether 
favourable,  as  he  went  to  the  wars  without  paying 
his  debts  ;  nevertheless,  Jenkinson  considered  him- 
self fortunate  in  receiving  part  of  what  was  owed 
him  and  being  despatched.  Foregoing:  his  intention 
of  returning  through  Persia,  Jenkinson  departed  from 
Bokhara  on  the  8th  March  1559,  with  a  caravan 
of  600  camels.  In  seventeen  days  he  crossed  the 
intervening  desert,  arriving  at  Urgendj  on  the  25th 
of  the  same  month,  in  the  company  of  two  ambas- 
sadors, sent  by  the  Khans  of  Bokhara  and  Balkh 
to  the  Emperor  of  Kussia.  At  Urgendj  four  more 
ambassadors  from  its  Khan  joined  his  party,  Jenkin- 
son undertaking  that  they  should  be  well  treated 
in  Russia,  and  suffered  to  depart.  On  the  23rd 
April  they  were  once  more  on  the  shore  of  the 
Caspian,  where  they  found  their  barque,  but  neither 
anchor,  cable,  nor  sail  in  her.  To  remedy  these 
deficiencies  they  set  to  work  and  spun  a  cable  of 
some  hemp  they  brought  with  them,  made  a  sail  of 
cotton  cloth,  and  were  devising  an  anchor  of  a 
wooden  cart-wheel,  when  a  barque  opportunely 
arrived  from  Astrakhan  with  a  spare  anchor,  which 
Jenkinson  purchased.  Having  rigged  their  vessel  to 
the  best  of  their  ability,  the  three  Englishmen,  with 
six  ambassadors,  and  twenty-five  Russian  slaves, 
liberated  from  captivity  through  the  instrumentality 
'  See  De  Moscou  en  Bactriane,  Boiivallot,  p.  248. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXlll 

of  Jenkinson,  set  sail,  and  after  narrowly  escaping 
shipwreck,  or  a  worse  fate,  arrived  in  safety  at 
Astrakhan  on  the  28th  May.  Here  they  remained 
till  the  10th  of  June,  engaged  in  preparations  for 
their  boat  journey  up  the  Volga. 

Jenkinson  breaks  off  his  narrative  at  this  point 
to  say  something  of  the  Caspian  and  the  countries 
bordering  upon  it ;  he  also  gives  the  result  of  his 
observations  on  the  trade  of  Persia,  and  its  chief 
towns.  He  found  that  his  English  cloth  could  not 
compete  with  merchandise  of  a  similar  kind  imported 
by  way  of  the  Levant  and  Syria ;  while,  owing  to 
the  few  ships,  the  want  of  ports  and  mart  towns, 
the  poverty  of  the  people,  and  the  ice,  no  trade  of 
any  importance  could  be  done- on  the  Caspian. 

On  the  10th  June,  with  an  escort  of  100  gunners 
to  protect  him,  as  well  as  the  Khivan  and  Bokharian 
ambassadors,  Jenkinson  departed  from  Astrakhan. 
It  took  them  six  weeks  to  ascend  the  Volga  to  Kazan, 
and  the  whole  of  this  time  they  had  no  opportunity  of 
revictualling,  for  there  were  no  habitations  between 
these  towns.  Very  different  is  the  lower  Volga  at 
the  present  day,  with  many  large  and  flourishing 
towns  on  its  banks,  countless  steamers,  lighters,  and 
craft  of  every  kind  plying  its  waters.  Nothing 
would  probably  better  mark  the  lapse  of  time  than 
the  contrast  between  Jenkinson's  Volga  and  the 
Volga  of  our  day.  On  the  7th  August  they  departed 
from  Kazan,  and  proceeded  by  water  as  far  as  Murom, 
continuing  the  journey  by  land  to  Mosco,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  2nd  September,  after  an  absence 


XXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

of  a  year,  five  months,  and  nine  days.  Jenklnson 
had  an  audience  of  the  Tsar,  to  whom  he  presented 
a  yak's  tail  and  a  Tartar  drum ;  he  also  brought 
before  him  the  six  ambassadors  committed  to  his 
charge,  and  the  twenty-five  Russian  liberated  slaves. 
The  Tsar  received  him  well,  invited  him  to  dinner, 
and  asked  him  various  questions  relating  to  his 
travels.  From  the  2nd  September  to  the  17th 
February  our  traveller  abode  at  Mosco,  chiefly 
engaged  in  the  Company's  affairs.  Then  having 
leave  from  the  Emperor  to  depart,  he  proceeded 
to  Vologhda,  where  he  waited  the  opening  of  the 
navigation,  arriving  safely  at  Kholmogori  on  the 
9th  May  1560.  Hence  he  returned  to  England  by 
ship  with  Henry  Lane. 

His  reception  in  England  on  his  return  from 
Central  Asia  was  not  what  a  traveller  in  these  days 
would  expect  as  his  due,  had  he  overcome  the  same 
diflficulties  and  done  as  much  for  the  benefit  of  his 
country  and  for  science,  as  Jenkinson.  There  were 
no  scientific  societies  to  welcome  our  hero  (for  hero 
he  undoubtedly  was)  and  do  him  honour.  He  had 
penetrated  with  undaunted  courage  and  persever- 
ance into  lands  till  then  unknown,  and  he  had  won 
for  England  the  first  place  in  overland  explorations 
towards  Cathay.  But  though  his  work  was  valued 
by  the  merchants,  his  narrative  of  what  he  saw  and 
did  (modestly  as  it  was  told)  earned  for  him  no 
special  reward  or  distinction.  Nevertheless,  the  Mer- 
chant Adventurers  decided  to  send  him  out  again 
in   1561;  and   they  accordingly  organised   another 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

expedition  to  the  trans-Caspian  countries,  with  Jen- 
kinson,    now   a  member  of  their  Society,  as   their 
representative,  to  try  and  open  commercial   inter- 
course with  Persia.     He  was  instructed  to  proceed 
to  Mosco,  present  the  Queen's  letters  to  the  Tsar, 
and  such  gifts  as  he  might  consider  suitable,   and 
ask  for  letters  of  safe  conduct  through  his  dominions. 
If  it  should  appear  desirable,  he  was  to  treat  for  a 
fixed  tariff  on  the  transit  of  their  merchandise  to 
and  from  Persia  and   other  countries.     As  to  the 
sale  or  barter  of  their  ware,  full  discretion  was  given 
him,  and  he  was  also  to  select  such  of  the  Com- 
pany's servants  or  apprentices  to  accompany  him  as 
he  might  find  necessary,  taking  one,  at  all  events, 
on  whom  he  could  depend  in  case  of  anything  hap- 
pening to  himself     On  arriving  in  Persia,  he  was 
to  present  the  Queen's  letters  to  the  Shah,  or  "  Great 
Sophi",   as   this  potentate   was    usually   styled    in 
Europe,  and  obtain,  if  possible,  letters  of  privilege 
for  a  free  trade  into  his  dominions.     If  he  should 
find  it  impossible  to  pass  into  Persia  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1562,  he  might  either  conduct  an  expedi- 
tion to  search  for  the  north-east  passage  by  Nova 
Zembla,  or  wait  for  the  chance  of  entering  Persia 
in  1563,  unless  in  the  meanwhile  an  opportunity 
should  present  itself  of  disposing  of  the  Company's 
cloth  in  Hussia.    As  a  last  resource,  he  might  carry 
his  merchandise  through  Poland  to  Constantinople, 
or  elsewhere.     It  was  also  suggested  that  Kichard 
Johnson,  Jenkinson's  former  companion  to  Bokhara, 
might  employ  his  time  to  advantage  in   exploring 


XXVI  INTRODUCTION. 

the  coasts  of  the  Arctic  Sea  to  the  east  of  Khohiio- 
gori,  and  be  at  Mosco  in  time  to  start  with  Jenkin- 
son  for  Persia. 

On  the  14th  May  1561  our  traveller  embarked 
at  Gravesend  in  the  Swallow,  and  on  the  26th  July 
following  arrived  at  Kholmogori.  Hence  he  pro- 
ceeded overland  to  Vologhda,  passing  through  the 
old  Eussian  province  of  Vago,  and  accomplishing 
this  part  of  his  journey  in  thirteen  days,  instead  of 
five  weeks,  the  time  usually  taken  to  reach  it  by 
water,  in  boats  towed  up  the  Dwina.  On  the  20th 
August  he  arrived  at  Mosco,  where  he  sought  an 
interview  with  the  Emperor.  Some  time,  however, 
elapsed  before  this  was  granted,  the  Tsar  being 
then  engaged  in  celebrating  his  second  nuptials. 
Our  traveller,  too,  met  with  some  opposition  from 
the  Secretary,  Ivan  Mikhailof  Viscovaty,  who  had 
on  other  occasions  befriended  the  English. 

So  little  success  did  Jenkinson  meet  with,  that  he 
was  on  the  point  of  taking  his  departure  for  England, 
having  disposed  of  the  Company's  cloth  and  other 
merchandise,  and  had  actually  received  his  passport 
and  paid  for  the  post-horses  to  convey  him  on  his 
homeward  journey,  when  Osep  Napea,  with  whom 
he  had  made  the  voyage  to  Kussia  in  1557,  called, 
and  persuaded  him  to  remain  till  the  matter  had 
been  reconsidered.  Jenkinson  followed  his  advice, 
and  three  days  afterwards  received  the  desired  per- 
mission to  travel  to  Persia,  with  the  promise  of 
letters  of  recommendation  to  the  foreign  princes 
through  whose  territory  he  might  pass.     Not  only 


IJ^TRODUCTION.  XX  VU 

was  this  favour  shown  him,  but  he  was  also  charged 
by  the  Tsar  with  important  commissions/  probably- 
referring  to  the  relations  of  Russia  with  the  Circas- 
sian princes  who  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance, 
and  asked  to  be  led  against  the  Turk.  Whatever 
these  "  important  matters"  were,  our  traveller  is 
discreetly  silent  about  them ;  though  he  appears  to 
have  acquitted  himself  to  the  complete  satisfaction 
of  Ivan,  who,  to  show  his  gratitude,  granted  more 
ample  privileges  to  the  English  than  they  had  yet 
enjoyed. 

On  the  15th  of  March  Jenkinson  dined  with 
the  Emperor,  in  the  company  of  an  ambassador  of 
Persia,  with  whom  he  travelled  to  Astrakhan,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  10th  June,  in  good  health.  Here 
they  parted  company,  the  Persian  ambassador  set- 
ting out  in  his  own  barque,  while  Jenkinson,  who  had 
letters  to  the  Governor  of  Astrakhan,  prepared  to 
follow  him.  The  northern  part  of  the  Caspian  was 
frequented  by  pirates,  and  rendered  unsafe  for  mer- 
chant vessels  (only  a  few  years  later,  Duckett, 
returning  from  Persia,  was  attacked  and  plundered 
of  most  of  his  goods)  :  it  was  therefore  necessary 
that  Jenkinson  should  have  a  convoy  to  take  him 
past  the  dangerous  places.  Two  brigantines  with 
fifty  "  gunners"  (or  strelitsi)  were  placed  at  his 
service  for  this  purpose,  and  embarking  on  the  15th 
July  1562,  he  once  more  sailed  into  the  Caspian, 
and  taking  a  south-westerly  course,  threaded  his 
way  through  the  numerous  islands  lying  off  the 
'  Karamsm,  viii,  p.  252. 


XXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

Volga  delta,  sighting  on  the  second  day  the  coast 
of  Tumen,  the  country  of  Temgruk,  father-in-law 
of  Ivan.  In  their  anxiety  to  avoid  pirates,  Jenkin- 
son  and  his  party  sailed  forty  miles  out  of  their 
course,  and  ran  upon  a  sand-bank  out  of  sight  of 
land,  where  they  might  all  have  perished.  Having 
escaped  this  peril,  they  were  overtaken  by  a  violent 
storm  off  the  coast  of  Kumyk,  and  obliged  to  lie 
to  for  seven  days.  Their  vessel  had  become  leaky, 
and  they  had  lost  an  anchor  ;  but  they  rode  out  the 
gale  with  the  remaining  one,  and  kept  her  afloat 
by  pumping.  The  remainder  of  their  voyage  they 
accomplished  without  further  mishap.  On  the  1st 
August  Jenkinson  landed  at  Derbend,  at  that  time 
a  possession  of  Persia.  This  city  had  not  till  then 
been  visited  by  any  Englishman,  although  the 
Italian  travellers  of  the  15th  and  16th  centuries 
had  passed  through  it,  and  Contarini  stayed  there 
several  months  in  1475-6.^  Jenkinson  notices  its 
singular  position  between  the  mountains  and  the 
sea,  and  speaks  of  its  castle  and  the  celebrated  wall 
of  Alexander.  From  Derbend  he  continued  his 
voyage  along  the  coast  for  eighty  miles  to  Shabran, 
where  he  discharged  his  barque  and  prepared  for  his 
journey  inland. 

News  having  been  received  from  the  King  of 
Shirvan  that  Jenkinson  might  repair  to  his  court, 
our  traveller  started  on  the  12th  August,  and 
arrived  at  Shemakha  on  the  18th.  He  then  rode 
twenty  miles  into  the  mountains,  where  he  found 

^  See  his  Travels^  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  p.  147. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXIX 

the  King,  Abdullah  Khan,  of  whose  royal  state, 
dress,  and  retinue  he  speaks  at  length,  and 
also  of  a  grand  banquet  at  which  he  (Jenkinson) 
was  an  honoured  guest.  The  King  promised  him 
men  to  conduct  him  in  safety  to  the  Shah,  who  was 
then  at  his  capital,  Kazvin,  thirty  days'  journey 
from  Shemakha;  and  after  showing  him  great  favour, 
dismissed  him.  So  far,  Jenkinson's  mission  had  been 
perfectly  successful,  and  he  had  strong  hopes  of 
accomplishing  the  object  of  his  journey  and  esta- 
blishing a  trade  with  Persia.  Circumstances,  how- 
ever, over  which  he  had  no  control,  prevented  this. 
The  wars  between  Turkey  and  Persia,  which 
had  been  frequent  in  the  reign  of  Ismail  Sophi  and 
of  his  son  Tahmasp,  and  which  were  in  a  great 
measure  due  to  the  bitter  animosity  between  the 
followers  of  Othman  and  the  Kalifs,  and  tliose  of 
Ali  and  his  descendants,  the  Suffavean  monarchs  of 
Persia,  had  for  a  time  ceased.  Solyman  II,  now  in 
declining  years,  was  more  concerned  about  family 
affairs  than  anxious  to  extend  an  already  unwieldy 
empire.  Of  his  four  sons  by  Roxolana,  Selim,  the 
eldest,  had  been  chosen  by  him  as  his  successor, 
whilst  Bajazet,  younger  and  more  warlike,  the 
favourite  of  his  mother  and  the  people,  was  in 
revolt.  Finding  that  his  father  was  determined  to 
put  him  to  death,  Bajazet  fled  to  Persia  with  his 
sons,  and  sought  the  protection  of  Shah  Tahmasp. 
This  monarch  received  him  well,  treated  him  courte- 
ously, and  promised  to  intercede  for  him,  whilst  at 
the  same  time  he  was  traitorously  negotiating  with 


XXX  INTRODUCTION. 

Solyman,  and  soon  after  threw  Bajazet  into  prison. 
Shah  Tahmasp,  however,  still  declined  to  give  him 
up  alive,  but  at  length  accepted  a  bribe  to  allow 
him  to  be  killed.  A  special  messenger,  Hassan 
Agha,  a  eunuch  of  the  court,  the  "ambassador"  of 
our  text,  was  sent  from  Constantinople,  and  had  an 
interview  with  Bajazet,  whom  at  first  he  did  not 
recognise,  and  it  was  only  after  he  had  been  washed 
and  shaved  that  he  knew  his  playmate  of  former 
years.  Bajazet's  identity  having  been  estabHshed, 
Hassan  Agha  received  orders  to  put  him  to  death, 
which  he  did  under  circumstances  of  great  cruelty, 
his  sons,  down  to  an  infant  of  two  years,  sharing 
their  father's  fate.^ 

The  fate  of  Bajazet  created  much  interest  in 
Europe,  partly  no  doubt  from  sympathy  towards 
the  wretched  man,  but  chiefly  for  its  political  influ- 
ence, as  it  was  feared  that  the  Sultan,  having  suc- 
ceeded in  extinguishing  what  might  have  become  a 
formidable  conspiracy,  would  be  more  haughty  and 
difficult  to  treat  with  than  ever.  In  Persia,  as  we 
learn  from  Jenkinson,  it  united  for  the  time  religious 
differences,  and  caused  great  rejoicing  among  Mu- 
hammadans  of  all  creeds. 

Seeing  that  he  could  make  no  progress  in  his 
negotiations,    and   having    passed    the   winter    at 

1  In  a  note  to  the  recent  English  edition  of  De  Busbecq's  letters, 
from  which  the  above  particulars  are  borrowed,  the  date  assigned 
to  the  death  of  Bajazet  is  the  25th  September  1561.  Jenkinson, 
however,  who  arrived  in  Kazvin  in  October  1562,  says  that  it 
happened  a  few  days  before  his  arrival.  (Cf.  Life  and  Letters  of 
Ogier  Ghiselin  de  Bushecq.     London,  1881,  vol.  i,  p.  381.) 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXI 

Kazvin,  Jenkinson  now  prepared  to  depart.  He  was 
fortunate  in  being  allowed  to  do  this  in  safety,  for 
it  seemed  probable  at  one  time  that  the  Shah  would 
serve  him  in  the  same  way  as  he  had  done  Bajazet, 
and  send  his  head  a  present  to  the  Sultan.  On  the 
20th  March  he  set  out  on  his  homeward  journey, 
arriving  on  the  30th  at  Ardebil,  and  on  the  15th 
April  at  Jevat,  where  he  had  another  interview 
with  Abdullah  Khan,  from  whom  he  obtained 
letters  of  safe  conduct,  and  privileges  for  the  Eng- 
lish merchants.  Proceeding  to  Shemakha,  he  there 
received  a  message  from  Simon,  King  of  Georgia, 
praying  that  assistance  might  be  sent  him,  for, 
situated  as  he  was  between  two  powerful  Muham- 
madan  States,  Turkey  and  Persia,  he  found  himself 
continually  involved  in  their  wars,  the  consequences 
of  which  were  disastrous  to  his  country.  Jenkinson 
did  his  best  to  open  communications  with  him,  by 
sending  Edward  Clarke  to  Arash,  on  the  road  to 
Tiflis,  with  orders  to  enter  Georgia,  and  if  possible 
see  the  King.  Clarke,  however,  was  stopped  at  the 
frontier,  and  rejoined  Jenkinson  at  Shemakha,  the 
two  embarking  together  to  return  to  Russia  on  the 
21st  April  1563.  Good  fortune  seems  never  to  have 
deserted  our  traveller  ;  he  safely  passed  all  dangers 
by  land  and  sea,  and  on  the  30th  May  found  himself 
once  more  at  Astrakhan.  Here  he  was  provided  with 
the  same  escort  as  before,  100  gunners  or  strelitzi, 
reaching  Kazan  on  the  15th  July  and  Mosco  on  the 
20tli  August,  with  all  his  goods  and  valuables,  both 
for  the  Tsar's  account  as  well  as  for  the  Company. 


XXXll  INTRODUCTION. 

For  the  Tsar  he  brought  precious  stones  and  wrought 
silks  of  various  colours  and  kinds  ;  for  the  Company, 
raw  silk  and  dye-stuffs,  besides  other  merchandise, 
all  of  which  were  laden  in  the  Company's  ships, 
and  despatched  to  England  the  same  year. 

Jenkinson  stayed  the  winter  at  Mosco,  despatching 
Edward  Clarke  overland  to  England  with  advices. 
He  in  the  meantime  prepared  a  second  expedition 
to  Persia,  which  he  committed  to  the  charge  of 
Alcock,  Wren,  and  Cheinie. 

A  short  account  of  this  voyage  is  preserved  in 
Hakluyt's  collection,  written  by  Cheinie.  From  this 
it  appears  that  he  and  Alcock  started  from  Yaro- 
slavl on  the  10th  May  1563  (1564?)  and  arrived 
at  Astrakhan  on  the  24th  July.  On  the  2nd  of 
August  they  departed  from  Astrakhan,  entered  the 
Caspian  on  the  4th,  and  arrived  at  their  port  in 
Media  (probably  Bilbil)  on  the  11th  of  the  same 
month.  On  the  21st  they  were  at  Shemakha,  where 
they  were  well  entertained  by  Abdullah  Khan.  On 
the  20th  October  Alcock  started  for  Kazvin,  leaving 
Cheinie  behind  at  Shemakha  to  collect  debts,  in 
which,  however,  the  latter  appears  to  have  been 
unsuccessful.  Upon  Alcock's  return  from  Kazvin, 
Cheinie  went  to  meet  him  at  Jevat.  Alcock  now 
pressed  the  King  for  payment  of  debts  owed  by  his 
"  dukes".  But  the  King  was  displeased  at  the  death 
of  a  Muhammadan,  caused  by  a  Russian  merchant,  and 
Alcock,  finding  that  matters  were  looking  serious,  de- 
sired Cheinie  to  depart  for  Shemakha  with  all  such 
goods  as  he  (Alcock)  had  bought  at  Kazvin.    Cheinie 


INTRODUCTION*  XXXlll 

reached  Shemakha  in  safety,  hut,  on  the  third  day- 
after  his  arrival,  learned  that  Alcock  had  heen 
murdered  on  his  way  to  join  him.  Seeing  that  he 
was  alone,  and  that  the  Russian  merchants  were 
hastening  to  leave  the  country,  fearing  the  conse- 
quences of  their  countryman's  imprudent  act,  Cheinie 
also  made  all  the  haste  he  could,  and  sent  his  mer- 
chandise to  the  seaside.  He  himself  continued  to 
reside  at  Shemakha  six  weeks  longer,  and  after 
much  ti^-ouhle  succeeded  in  recovering  1,500  roubles 
of  the  debts.  Cheinie  throws  out  sundry  imputa- 
tions against  Glover  s  honesty,  and  concludes  by  a 
pitiful  appeal  to  the  Company  to  see  him  righted, 
for  he  had  suffered  much  in  their  service,  and  had 
sown  the  seed  while  others  had  reaped  the  harvest. 

The  succeeding  four  voyages  to  Persia,  from  Hak- 
luyt's  collection,  are  given  in  the  Appendix.  Arthur 
Edwards  describes  the  third  voyage  in  three  letters 
to  the  Russia  Company.  The  first  of  these  is  dated 
from  Yaroslaf,  on  the  15th  May  1565,  and  refers  to 
the  preparations  for  the  journey,  the  appointment 
of  Johnson,  formerly  companion  of  Jenkinson,  as 
chief,  and  the  fitting  out  of  a  small  barque,  made 
after  the  English  style,  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Caspian.  In  a  second  letter,  written  from  Shemakha 
on  the  26th  April  1566,  Edwards  relates  their  de- 
parture from  Astrakhan  and  arrival  at  Nizabad,  on 
the  coast  of  Shirvan  (now  included  in  the  Russian 
government  of  Baku,  but  long  since  abandoned  as 
a  port,  owing  to  its   inconvenience  for   shipping). 


XXXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

Having  landed  their  goods,  and  hauled  their  vessel 
into  a  place  of  security,  Edwards,  Johnson,  and 
Kitchin  set  out  for  Shemakha,  where  they  arrived 
on  the  11th  September,  and  six  days  afterwards 
were  admitted  to  the  presence  of  the  good  Abdullah 
Khan,  who  had  received  Jenkinson  and  Alcock  so 
hospitably.  To  him  they  presented  some  rich  gifts, 
— a  timber  of  sables,  a  nest  of  silver-gilt  cups,  three 
walrus-tusks,  scarlet  cloth,  etc.  These  were  graci- 
ously received,  and  the  Englishmen  were  promised 
protection,  and  asked  to  make  known  their  wishes 
in  writing.  But  before  they  had  done  this  Abdullah 
Khan  died,  and  the  English  lost  in  him  a  good  friend. 
Firom  that  time  troubles  and  misfortunes  came 
thickly  upon  them.  Losses  from  death  and  sickness, 
bad  debts,  attacks  by  pirates  on  the  Caspian,  and 
robbers  on  land,  together  with  the  disturbed  state 
of  the  country  consequent  on  the  wars  between 
Turkey  and  Persia,  rendered  vain  all  attempts  of 
the  agents  to  establish  a  trade  for  the  Company  in 
Persia,  and  finally  led  to  their  abandonment, — not, 
however,  before  six  expeditions  had  been  sent  out. 
The  first  and  second  have  already  been  mentioned  ; 
we  will  now  continue  our  account  of  the  third. 
Edwards  reached  Kazvin,  and  found  the  Shah  well 
disposed  towards  the  English,  and  desirous  of  trad- 
ing with  them.  Privileges  were  obtained,  exempting 
the  English  from  payment  of  all  customs  and  tolls, 
and  allowing  them  free  access  to  all  parts  of  Persia 
and  the  adjoining  countries  ;  justice  was  to  be  done 
them,  and  their  debts  paid,  etc.    Yet,  not  withstand- 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXV 

ing  that  these  articles  were  supplemented  on  a  sub- 
sequent occasion  by  further  grants,  the  trade  did 
not  prosper,  and  it  was  found  that  but  little  respect 
was  paid  to  the  Shah's  authority  in  the  outlying 
provinces.  Edwards  heard  that  the  silk  industry 
in  Ghilan  was  in  a  flourishing  state,  and  that  alum 
could  be  bought  at  a  price  to  make  it  worth  while 
exporting  to  England.  He  recommended  that  com- 
munications should  be  opened  direct  with  a  port  on 
the  coast  of  Ghilan  (probably  Lahijan),  seven  or 
eight  days'  sail  from  Astrakhan,  and  was  sanguine 
of  arranging  for  quick  returns  thence  by  inland 
navigation  through  Russia  to  the  White  Sea. 

The  record  of  the  fourth  voyage  is  told  by  Law- 
rence Chapman,  whose  letter  is  dated  from  Kazvin, 
April  28,  1569.  His  tale  differs  widely  from  that 
of  his  chief,  Edwards.  Chapman  succeeded  in  bar- 
tering some  of  the  cloth  in  Tabriz  for  spices ;  but  a 
sale  made  by  him  to  a  merchant  in  Georgia  was 
thrown  on  his  hands,  and  he  had  no  redress,  though 
his  buyer  was  a  Christian.  He  found  it  impossible 
to  compete  with  the  Venetians,  Turks,  and  Arme- 
nians, who  held  the  Levantine  trade  in  their  own 
hands.  At  Kazvin,  he  found  no  sale  for  the  Eng- 
lish commodities  ;  and  he  remarks  upon  the  manifold 
dangers  and  discomforts  of  travelling  in  Persia, 
which  led  him  to  prefer,  as  he  quaintly  puts  it,  "  to 
continue  a  begger  in  England  during  life,  than  to 
remaine  a  rich  merchant  in  this  country  (Persia)". 
Chapman  travelled  into  Ghilan,  and  visited  the 
chief  towns  of  that  rich  but   pestilential    country. 


XXXVl  INTRODUCTION. 

He  found,  however,  many  Turks  there,  who  gave 
him  the  disingenuous  advice  of  trying  Aleppo  as  a 
market  for  EngUsh  goods.  Some  further  notes  on 
this  fourth  voyage  are  added  by  Richard  Willes, 
from  information  supplied  by  Edwards,  whose  inter- 
view with  the  Shah  is  described  at  some  length. 

A  fifth  voyage  was  sent  to  Persia  in  1569,  under 
the  command  of  Thomas  Bannister,  upon  whose 
death  Geoffrey  Duckett  took  charge.  Their  party 
consisted  of  the  two  agents  just  mentioned,  Lionel 
Plumtree,  some  twelve  Englishmen,  and  forty  Rus- 
sians. They  embarked  at  Yaroslaf,  in  a  barque  of 
70  tons  burden,  named  the  Thomas  Bonaventure, 
probably  built  expressly  for  the  Persian  trade.  On 
their  voyage  down  the  Volga  they  were  attacked  by 
the  Nagay  Tartars,  who  were  in  league  with  the  Krims 
then  about  to  invade  Russia,  and  only  succeeded  in 
beating  off  their  assailants  after  two  hours'  hard 
fighting,  in  which  the  English  plied  their  calivers 
(muskets)  so  well,  that  120  of  the  Tartars  were  re- 
ported to  have  been  placed  hors  de  combat,  but  36  out 
of  41  men  were  killed  and  wounded  on  their  own  side.^ 
At  Astrakhan  they  were  witnesses  of  a  great  invasion 
of  Turks  and  Tartars,  sent  by  Sultan  Selim  II  to 
take  Astrakhan,  or  at  all  events  establish  the  Otto- 
man power  in  Southern  Russia, — a  design  com- 
pletely frustrated  by  the  stubborn  defence  of  the 
small  Russian  garrison  in  that  town,  as  well  as  by 
the  divided   counsels   among  the   besiegers   them- 

1  Bannister  to  Cecil,  Cal  S.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,  1569-71,  No.  813. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXVU 

selves,  who  retired  to  Azof  in  great  disorder.  These 
events  detained  the  EngUsh  six  weeks  at  Astrakhan, 
and  it  was  only  after  the  departure  of  the  invading 
host  that  Bannister,  Duckett,  and  the  rest  were 
ahle  to  proceed  on  their  voyage,  only  reaching  their 
port,  Bilbil,  towards  the  end  of  October.  Hence 
they  repaired  to  Shabran,  a  little  way  inland,  and 
then  to  Shemakha,  the  capital  of  Shir  van,  and  the 
great  entrepot  of  trade  at  that  time.  They  passed 
the  winter  at  Shemakha,  and  set  out  for  Ardebil 
in  the  month  of  April  following.  Ardebil,  held  in 
high  estimation  by  the  Persians  as  the  burial-place 
of  their  saints  and  kings,  was  the  scene  of  tumult 
and  anarchy  when  the  English  travellers  arrived, 
owing  to  religious  differences  between  rival  sects  of 
Muhammadans.  In  one  of  their  frays,  Lionel  Plum- 
tree,  who  appears  to  have  been  of  a  somewhat  ven- 
turesome disposition,  wishing  to  see  how  they  fought, 
was  twice  wounded,  but  escaped  to  tell  the  tale. 
While  they  were  at  Ardebil,  a  messenger  arrived 
from  the  Shah,  desiring  the  Englishmen  to  go  to  him, 
and  Bannister  accordingly  proceeded  to  Kazvin,  leav- 
ing Duckett  sick  at  Ardebil.  Bannister's  entertain- 
ment at  the  Shah's  court  was  everything  that  could 
be  desired,  and  all  his  requests  were  granted,  except 
permission  to  proceed  to  India,  In  other  respects 
he  was  successful ;  the  Shah  himself  bought  much 
of  his  cloth,  and  paid  him  handsomely  for  it.  He 
moreover  sent  to  the  English  merchants  to  exchange 
his  coin  for  theirs,  assigning  as  the  reason  that,  as 
he  wished  to  send  a  sum  of  money  to  Mecca,  he 


XXXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

considered  their  coin,  obtained  in  an  honourable 
way,  would  be  more  acceptable  to  the  prophet  than 
his,  which  was  gotten  by  dishonest  means. 

After  spending  six  months  in  Kazvin,  Bannister 
departed  for  Tabriz,  where  he  found  Duckett,  com- 
pletely restored  to  health.  Soon  afterwards  Bannister 
proceeded  to  Shemakha,  and  thence  to  Arrash,  where 
he  fell  a  victim  to  the  malaria  for  which  that  place 
is  notorious  even  at  the  present  day.  Here,  too, 
died  Lawrence  Chapman  and  ^ve  more  English- 
men. These  losses,  together  with  the  robbery  and 
murder  of  two  other  Englishmen  sent  by  Duckett 
to  bring  him  intelligence  of  his  colleague,  happening 
within  the  short  space  of  time  of  five  weeks,  were 
a  severe  blow  to  the  Persian  enterprise.  Duckett, 
however,  upon  whom  the  whole  responsibility  now 
fell,  showed  himself  equal  to  the  emergency.  Find- 
ing that  the  governor  of  Shemakha  would  not  allow 
him  to  remove  the  merchandise,  which  had  been 
seized  upon  the  death  of  Bannister,  without  express 
order  from  the  Shah,  he  journeyed  to  Kazvin  to 
obtain  the  requisite  authority  from  this  sovereign, 
and  having  obtained  this,  returned  to  Shemakha, 
and  then  made  preparations  for  a  journey  to  Kashan. 
This  he  successfully  accomplished,  passing  on  his 
way,  but  only  briefly  alluding  to,  the  imposing  re- 
mains of  Persepolis,  the  capital  of  Xerxes.  It  is 
interesting  to  compare  his  description  of  Kashan 
with  those  of  modern  travellers,  and  find  the  accounts 
agreeing  in  the  main.  Persia  of  Elizabethan  times 
offers  but  few  points  of  contrast  with  Persia  of  the 
Victorian  era. 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXI X 

Returning  once  more  to  Shemakha,  Duckett 
passed  some  further  time  in  various  places,  buying 
raw  silk  and  other  merchandise,  and  at  length, 
on  the  8th  May  1573,  set  sail  for.  Astrakhan. 
His  adventures,  however,  were  by  no  means  at  an 
end,  for  after  beating  about  the  Caspian  for  twenty 
days,  he  was  set  upon  by  Cossack  pirates,  to  the 
number  of  150.  After  a  gallant  resistance  and  some 
desperate  fighting,  in  which  fourteen  of  the  pirates 
were  killed  and  thirty  wounded,  the  English,  all  of 
whom  were  wounded,  were  compelled  to  make  terms 
and  surrender  their  ship.  The  Cossacks  swore  on 
their  crucifixes  to  respect  their  lives,  and  turned  them 
all  adrift  in  a  boat  with  a  supply  of  horse  flesh  and 
swine's  flesh,  but  no  other  victuals  or  relief.  In 
this  plight  the  English  made  the  best  of  their  way 
to  Astrakhan,  where  Duckett  at  once  made  known 
their  condition  to  the  captain  (governor)  of  this 
town.  He  immediately  despatched  his  son,  with 
forty  boats  and  five  hundred  men,  in  pursuit  of  the 
pirates.  This  force,  by  good  luck,  came  up  with  them, 
and  might  have  efiected  an  easy  capture,  had  they 
not  foolishly  warned  the  enemy  of  their  approach 
by  sounding  their  drums.  This  gave  the  Cossacks 
time  to  cut  their  cables  and  go  off"  into  deep  water, 
where  the  boats  could  not  follow  them.  Subse- 
quently, however,  many  of  them  were  captured,  and 
£5,000  worth  of  goods  recovered.  The  Englishmen 
having  regained  their  strength  at  Astrakhan,  pro- 
ceeded up  the  Volga,  but  were  caught  in  the  ice  in 
October,  and  their  boats  cut  in  sunder,  causing  the 
loss  of  much  that  they  had  saved.     With  the  re- 


xl  INTRODUCTION. 

mainder  they  made  their  way  overland  to  Vologhda, 
and  thence  sent  it  to  St.  Nicholas.  Meanwhile, 
Duckett,  Plumtree,  and  E,iall  went  to  Mosco,  where 
the  Tsar  took  pity  on  them  and  bought  some  of 
their  goods.  After  spending  the  winter  in  Mosco, 
they  departed  for  St.  Nicholas,  and  embarked  in 
August  1574  for  England,  arriving  in  London  in 
the  month  of  October,  after  a  stormy  passage  of 
nine  weeks.  Thus  ended  this  unfortunate  voyage, 
which  at  one  time  had  promised  so  well  for  the 
Company. 

The  sixth  and  last  attempt  of  the  Moscovy  Com- 
pany to  establish  a  trade  with  Persia  through 
Russia  was  in  1579-81.  The  four  principal  factors 
sent  out  from  England  were  Arthur  Edwards,  William 
Turnbull,  Matthew  Talboys,  and  Peter  Garrard.  The 
narrative  of  their  doings  is  preserved  in  a  letter 
written  by  Christopher  Burrough  to  his  uncle,  Wil- 
liam Burrough,  who  will  be  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  following  pages.  ^  Upon  their  arrival  at 
Astrakhan,  they  learnt  that  great  troubles  had 
come  upon  Persia, — the  Turks,  with  their  allies  the 
Krim  Tartars,  having  conquered  Media,  or  Shirvan. 
Under  these  circumstances,  and  as  the  season  was 
already  far  advanced,  the  English  decided  to  pass 
the  winter  in  Astrakhan.  They  appear  to  have  kept 
a  chronicle  of  the  chief  events  which  happened 
during  their  stay  here.  Thus,  mention  is  made  of 
a  total  eclipse  of  the  moon  on  the  31st  January 
1580;  of  a  great  fire  at  the  Tartar  yurt,  about  three- 
'-  See  pp.  254,256. 


INTRODUCTION.  xU 

quarters  of  a  mile  from  Astrakhan  ;  and  other  re- 
markable phenomena  and  events.  In  the  spring  of 
the  year  news  reached  Astrakhan  that  the  Queen 
of  Persia  (wife  of  the  blind  King  Khodabendeh, 
son  of  Shah  Tahmasp,  who  had  died  in  1576)  had 
attacked  and  defeated  the  Turks  in  Shirvan  ;  but 
that  Derbend  was  still  held  by  the  Turks.  A  con- 
sultation of  the  factors  was  now  held,  and  they 
determined  on  prosecuting  their  voyage,  leaving 
Arthur  Edwards  with  half  their  goods  at  Astrakhan. 
On  the  1st  of  May,  accordingly,  they  weighed  anchor 
and  departed,  experiencing  great  difficulty  in  float- 
ing their  large  ship  over  the  shallows  which  obstruct 
the  navigation  of  the  Volga  delta.  It  was  not  till 
the  15th  May  that  they  were  clear  of  the  shoals, 
and  on  the  17th  they  bore  ofi*  to  sea  and  reloaded 
their  ship, — for  they  had  been  obliged  to  lighten  her 
in  order  to  pass  the  shallows.  On  the  27th  they 
saw  land  about  three  leagues  from  them,  and,  sailing 
between  some  rocks  called  Barmak  tash  and  the 
coast,  passed  their  port  of  Bilbil,  where  they  should 
have  put  in  but  could  not,  probably  because  their 
ship  drew  too  much  water.  Sailing  along  the  coast 
they  came  to  Bildigh,  in  the  north-west  corner  of 
the  peninsula  of  Apsheron,  only  one  day's  journey 
on  foot  from  Baku.  Here  they  anchored,  and  spoke 
with  some  natives,  who  confirmed  the  reports  which 
had  reached  them  at  Astrakhan  :  Derbend  was  gar- 
risoned by  Turks,  commanded  by  a  Turkish  pasha  ; 
Shemakha  was  destroyed,  and  but  few  inhabitants 
left  in  it.     Under  these  circumstances  it  would  have 


xlii  INTRODUCTION. 

been  a  hopeless  task  to  try  and  enter  Persia  with 
their  goods,  so  they  determined  to  open  communica- 
tions, if  possible,  with  the  Turkish  pasha.  With 
this  object  in  view,  they  sent  a  messenger  to  Baku, 
who  brought  back  word  the  following  day  that  the 
captain  (governor)  of  Baku  had  received  him  well, 
and  would  himself  visit  them.  Preparations  were 
made  for  the  reception  of  this  officer,  who  arrived 
with  an  escort  of  thirty  soldiers,  clad  in  shirts  of 
mail,  with  gauntlets  of  silver  and  steel,  fair  to 
behold.  The  factors  received  him  in  a  tent  they 
had  erected  on  shore,  and,  after  an  interchange  of 
friendly  salutations,  gave  him  some  rich  presents, 
which  were  gratefully  accepted.  They  then  re- 
quested that  they  might  be  allowed  to  go  to  Der- 
bend.  This  was  acceded  to ;  and  as  the  road  thither 
was  dangerous,  the  officer  said  he  would  first  send 
to  that  city  and  notify  the  pasha  of  their  arrival, 
specifying  the  goods  they  had  brought,  and  what 
they  proposed  to  take  in  exchange.  But  he  asked 
for  a  hostage,  as,  in  case  they  went  away,  he  might 
lose  his  head.  Peter  Garrard  offered  himself  as 
hostage,  and  he  was  accompanied  by  an  interpreter 
for  the  Persian  language,  and  by  Christopher  Bur- 
rough,  who  spoke  Kussian.  They  were  taken  to  a 
village  about  ten  miles  from  the  seaside,  where 
they  were  well  treated.  The  following  morning, 
TurnbuU,  Talboys,  and  Thomas  Hudson,  master  of 
the  ship,  joined  them,  and  they  all  went  to  Baku, 
and  from  thence  to  Derbend,  travelling  thither  not 
by  the  ordinary  roads,  for  they  were  dangerous,  but 


INTRODUCTION.  xliii 

through  woods.  They  were  well  received  by  Osman 
Pasha  at  Derbend,  and  given  leave  to  trade.  By 
his  invitation  they  brought  their  ship  from  Bildigh 
and  anchored  her  opposite  Derbend,  where  they 
unloaded  her ;  but  finding  no  great  sale  for  their 
wares,  they  sent  some  in  a  small  boat  to  Baku.  Here, 
too,  little  could  be  done,  and  an  attempt  to  open  com- 
munications with  Shemakha  nearly  proved  fatal  to  one 
of  the  party.  The  factors,  in  the  meantime,  learn- 
ing that  the  leaky  condition  of  their  barque  made  it 
doubtful  if  she  would  carry  them  back  to  Astrakhan, 
purchased  a  vessel  called  a  buss,  of  thirty-five  tons 
burden,  of  an  Armenian.  This  vessel  was  lying  off  an 
island  near  Bildigh,  and  they  wrote  to  those  of  their 
company  at  Baku  to  receive  and  load  her  with 
such  goods  as  they  could  buy  there.  Hardly  was 
this  done  when  a  storm  arose,  cables  and  hawsers 
were  broken,  and  their  newly  purchased  vessel  driven 
ashore  and  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  rocks.  All  on 
board  and  part  of  the  cargo  were  saved,  but  a  chest 
of  gold  bullion  and  several  bales  of  cloth  were  lost. 
About  this  time,  the  pasha  at  Derbend,  having 
received  treasure  to  pay  his  soldiers,  changed  his 
manner  towards  the  factors,  who  were  suddenly 
ordered  to  leave  the  town. 

By  the  3rd  October  they  were  ready  to  set  sail 
for  Astrakhan,  when  they  received  news  of  the  ship- 
wreck of  their  buss  at  Bildigh,  and  that  their  com- 
panions whom  they  had  intended  to  leave  behind 
were  on  their  way  to  join  them.  This  detained  them 
some  days  longer  on  the  coast ;  and  by  the  time  all 


xliv  INTRODUCTION. 

had  joined  the  ship,  including  two  Spaniards  taken 
prisoners  by  the  Turks,  the  season  was  far  advanced. 
Contrary  winds  and  stormy  weather  again  delayed 
them,  so  that,  before  reaching  the  four  islands  (the 
Cheteri  Bugri  of  the  Eussians),  their  vessel  wascaught 
in  the  ice,  and  drifted  helplessly  to  and  fro.  Mean- 
while they  were  reduced  to  great  straits  for  want  of 
provisions,  and  famine  was  staring  them  in  the  face, 
when  the  much-needed  help  arrived  from  Astra- 
khan, measures  having  been  taken  by  the  governor 
of  that  town  to  rescue  them.  At  length  they  all 
arrived  there  in  safety,  after  going  through  many 
hardships,  accidents,  and  adventures.  They  remained 
the  winter  at  Astrakhan,  experiencing  kind  treat- 
ment from  the  governor  and  all  the  officials.  In  the 
following  spring  they  set  out  on  their  voyage  up  the 
Volga,  taking  with  them  the  goods  they  had  pur- 
chased in  Shirvan.  That  summer  they  embarked  for 
England,  arriving  in  London  in  September  1581. 

Thus  ended  the  sixth  and  last  attempt  of  the 
Muscovy  Company  to  establish  a  trade  with  Persia 
through  Russia. 

On  the  9th  July  1564  Jenkinson  embarked  for 
England  on  board  the  Swallow,  the  same  vessel  in 
which  he  had  sailed  for  Bussia,  and  arrived  safely  in 
London  on  the  28  th  September,  after  an  absence  of 
more  than  three  years. 

He  had  ventured  his  life  freely  for  his  employers, 
and  had  satisfaction  in  finding  that  his  services  were 
appreciated,  for  in  the  next  gharter  of  privileges  his 


INTRODUCTION.  xlv 

name  appears  as  a  member  of  the  Company  for 
which  he  had  hitherto  acted  as  agent. 

He  was  now  in  great  repute  among  his  country- 
men, not  only  for  his  remarkable  travels,  but  also 
for  the  goodwill  he  had  gained  by  his  tact  and  dis- 
cretion among  the  foreign  potentates  with  whom  he 
had  had  relations.  Owing  to  him  the  affairs  of  the 
Muscovy  Company  showed  a  marked  improvement ; 
and  in  a  letter  from  Henry  Lane,  published  in 
Purchas,  he  says  that  the  year  of  Jenkinson^s  return 
to  England,  after  his  journey  to  Bokhara,  was  the 
first  in  which  their  ships  had  returned  without  loss 
or  accident  of  any  kind.  He  had  already  (before  his 
expedition  to  Persia)  been  taken  into  the  public 
service  ;  for  the  Queen's  letter  of  recommendation  to 
the  Tsar  mentions  this  fact,  and  he  was  now  to  be 
emploj^ed  in  a  not  less  responsible  mission  nearer 
home. 

Before  following  him,  however,  to  the  coast  of 
Scotland,  in  the  autumn  of  1565,  let  us  see  what 
he  was  doing  in  the  spring  of  that  year.  The  desire 
to  discover  a  short  sea  route  to  Cathay  was  very 
great  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and 
continued  to  absorb  the  minds  of  the  leading  spirits 
in  Europe. 

The  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  had  doubled  the 
southernmost  capes  of  both  hemispheres,  and  met 
at  the  Spice  Islands  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
globe.  Their  navigators,  braving  every  danger  and 
privation,  had  crossed  both  oceans  and  traced  the 
coast-line  of  two  continents.      The  wealth  of  the 


xlvi  INTRODUCTION. 

East  and  West  Indies  was  within  their  grasp.  Three- 
fourths  of  the  unknown  world  had  by  these  means 
been  discovered.  One-fourth  yet  remained ;  the 
northern  parts  of  America,  where  Enghshmen,  led 
by  Italians,  had  first  set  foot ;  and  the  famous  region 
of  Cathay,  towards  which  they  had  been  striving 
since  Willoughby  sailed  in  1553  into  the  Arctic  Sea. 
Several  years  had  elapsed  since  the  last  efforts  had 
been  made,  during  which,  thanks  to  the  Russian 
trade,  English  navigators  were  being  trained  in 
northern  voyages,  and  it  was  time  to  renew  the 
attempts,  and  not  allow  the  laurels  of  Arctic  enter- 
prise to  be  snatched  from  their  grasp.  Such  were 
the  arguments  used  by  Jenkinson,  in  a  petition 
addressed  to  the  Queen,  dated  the  31st  May  1565. 
His  own  journeys,  and  the  information  collected  by 
himself  and  others,  convinced  him  of  the  possibility 
of  navigating  the  Polar  Seas  and  opening  the  passage 
from  west  to  east,  provided  that  the  right  time  of 
year  were  chosen,  and  every  preparation  made  to  en- 
sure success.  He  ofiered  himself  to  take  the  lead,  and 
was  ready  to  venture  life  and  fortune  in  the  service 
of  his  country.  To  enter  into  the  merits  of  the  rival 
schemes  of  Cathayan  enterprise,  as  they  were  dis- 
cussed by  Jenkinson,  Gilbert,  and  others,  would  be 
beyond  our  purpose,  and  we  must  now  allude  to  his 
services  on  the  coast  of  Scotland  in  the  autumn  of 
1565,  in  the  interval  between  his  return  from  Persia 
and  his  third  journey  to  Russia.  The  account  is 
derived  from  documents  preserved  at  the  State 
Paper  Office. 


INTRODUCTION.  xlvii 

The  narrow  seas  between  the  British  Isles  and  the 

Continent  swarmed  with  privateers,  who  were  the 

terror  of  peaceable  merchantmen. 

"  English  merchants  and  English  gentlemen",  says  Lindsay, 
in  his  Merchant  Shipping  (vol.  ii,  p.  112),  "whose  estates  lay 
contiguous  to  the  sea  coast,  or  on  the  creeks  and  navigable 
rivers,  fitted  out  vessels  as  traders,  under  vague  and  question- 
able commissions,  and  sent  them  forth  heavily  armed  to 
plunder  on  the  high  seas  whatever  ships,  including  not  un- 
frequently  those  of  their  own  countrymen,  they  might  con- 
sider worthy  of  their  prey." 

The  Spanish  shipping  was  the  chief  object  of 
attack,  but  France  fared  equally  badly,  even  after 
the  declaration  of  peace  with  that  country ;  and 
frequent  complaints  were  made  by  Philip  of  Spain, 
Catherine  de  Medicis,  and  her  son  Charles  IX,  at 
the  losses  sustained  by  their  subjects.  Elizabeth 
became  at  length  herself  alarmed  at'  the  lawlessness 
of  these  so-called  privateers,  and  took  measures  to 
suppress  them.  One  of  the  vessels  commissioned 
for  this  purpose,  the  Ayde,  of  200  tons  burden, 
carrying  eighteen  guns,  left  Queenborough  on  the 
17th  September,  under  Jenkinson's  command. 
Besides  his  orders  to  stop  pirates  he  had  secret 
instructions  to  prevent  Bothwell  and  other  Scottish 
lords  from  landing  in  Scotland ;  and,  doubtless  with 
this  object  in  view,  he  sailed  at  once  to  the  Firth  of 
Forth.  On  arriving  at  Berwick,  however,  he  learned 
that  Bothwell  had  already  effected  a  landing,  and  he 
therefore  fell  back  upon  his  commission  to  sweep  the 
sea  of  rovers.  In  pursuance  of  this  he  captured  the 
vessel  of  one  Charles  Wilson,  who  was  sailing  under 


xlviii  INTRODUCTION. 

letters  of  marque  granted  by  the  King  of  Sweden, 
and  had  probably  been  engaged  in  piracy.  Happening, 
however,  to  arrive  off  Berwick  at  the  critical  time  of 
the  disturbances  in  Scotland  consequent  upon  Mary's 
marriage  with  Darnley,  Wilson  was  employed  by  the 
Earl  of  Bedford,  Governor  of  Berwick,  to  wait  for 
Both  well,  whom  he  missed,  but  captured  the  Earl  of 
Sutherland  ;  and  having  rendered  this  service,  was 
desired  to  hold  his  ship  in  readiness  to  transport 
the  Countess  of  Moray,  whose  husband  had  taken  a 
leading  part  in  the  conspiracy  against  Mary,  to  a 
place  of  safety,  as  she  was  shortly  expecting  her  con- 
finement. Bedford  had  given  Wilson  his  licence,  and 
warned  Jenkinson  not  to  interfere  with  him.  Never- 
theless, Jenkinson  apprehended  Wilson  under  his 
warrant,  and  took  his  ship  to  England.  On  learning 
this,  the  Earl  of  Bedford  wrote  wrathfully  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Privy  Council,  making  serious  charges 
against  our  traveller,  designating  him  as  "  that  vile 
man  who  had  so  traitorously  sought  to  deface  him", 
and  complaining  "  that  never  was  any  so  abused  by 
a  villain  as  he  had  been  by  Jenkinson".  Whether 
this  outbreak  of  anger  seriously  affected  Jenkinson 's 
character  does  not  appear,  for  nothing  further  is 
recorded  of  his  service  in  the  Ayde. 

Not  many  months  after,  the  Eussia  Company, 
having  received  a  new  charter  from  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, again  required  his  services,  and  memorialised 
the  Queen  that  he  should  be  sent  on  another  mission 
to  the  Tsar,  to  intercede  in  their  behalf  in  the  follow- 
ing matter. 


INTRODUCTION.  xlix 

Kaphael  Barberini,  an  Italian  of  high  birth  and 
good  connections,  had  entered  Russia,  and  by  his 
abihties  and  talents  had  made  so  favourable  an 
impression  on  the  Tsar  as  to  obtain  facilities  of  trade 
and  other  privileges  for  himself  and  his  countrymen. 
The  English  Company  believed  this  to  be  injurious 
to  their  interests,  and  were  therefore  anxious  that 
Jenkinson  should  use  every  endeavour  to  obtain  his 
dismissal.  This  commission  was  rendered  the  more 
difficult  owing  to  the  circumstance  of  Barberini 
having  been  strongly  recommended  to  the  Tsar  by 
the  Queen  herself,  as  one  who,  though  an  Italian,  was, 
for  certain  reasons,  very  dear  to  her.  Jenkinson  was 
directed  to  say  that  Barberini  had  obtained  his  cre- 
dentials under  false  pretences,  and  was  therefore  not 
to  be  trusted.  He  was,  moreover,  to  pray  for  a  con- 
tinuance of  past  favours,  and  especially  that  the 
monopoly  of  the  White  Sea  trade,  hitherto  enjoyed 
by  English  merchants,  might  not  be  interfered  with 
by  any  other  foreigners. 

Jenkinson  sailed  from  London  on  the  4th  May 
1566,  in  the  Harry,  a  ship  belonging  to  the  Com- 
pany, and  arrived  at  St.  Nicholas  on  the  10th  July. 
Travelling  overland  by  post,  he  reached  Mosco  on 
the  23rd  August,  and  on  the  1st  September  was 
received  in  audience  by  the  Emperor,  to  whom  he 
delivered  the  Queen's  letters  and  presents.  He  was 
again  successful  in  obtaining  all  that  was  required. 
A  new  charter  was  granted  by  the  Tsar  to  the 
Company,  extending  their  privileges,  and  confirming 
to  them   the   monopoly  of  the  White   Sea   trade. 


1  INTKODUCTION. 

Not  only  were  strangers  forbidden  to  trade  to  any 
of  the  ports  or  estuaries  in  the  north,  but  even 
Englishmen  not  belonging  to  the  Company  were 
excluded  from  participating  in  the  traffic ;  while 
Barberini  left  Russia  to  fight  as  a  common  soldier 
under  the  Duke  of  Alva  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
two  years  later  was  ambassador  from  Kome  to 
the  Queen  of  England — a  curious  instance  of  the 
vicissitudes  of  fortune  in  those  days. 

Of  Jenkinson's  third  voyage  to  Russia  only  "  a 
very  brief  remembrance"  is  preserved  in  Hakluyt. 
This  is  preceded  (p.  189)  by  a  letter  from  Jenkinson 
to  Sir  William  Cecil,  dated  from  Kholmogori,  the 
26th  June  1556  ;  and  is  followed  by  a  letter  from 
the  Governors  of  the  Russia  Company  to  their 
agents,  transcribed  from  a  MS.  at  the  British 
Museum  (p.  206).  In  writing  to  Cecil,  our  traveller 
gives  the  latest  news  that  had  reached  him  since 
his  arrival  in  Russia.  Hostilities  with  Poland  had 
been  suspended,  and  King  Sigismond  had  sent  his 
ambassador  to  trea  tfor  peace^  with  Ivan,  whose  rela- 
tions with  Sweden  were  also  unsettled  at  this  time. 
Eric  XV r,  a  weak  and  unprincipled  monarch,  had 
taken  possession  of  Revel,  with  Esthonia,  and  was 
desirous  of  keeping  it  in    spite    of  the   opposition 

1  Karamsin  gives  the  name  of  this  envoy,  Yuri  Bonikowsky,  and 
says  that  he  was  thrown  into  prison  by  the  Tsar  in  retaliation  for 
insults  offered  by  Sigismond  to  the  Russian  boyards,  and  only 
released  after  seven  months,  when  he  was  told  to  take  back  the 
message  that  the  Tsar  was  now  ready  to  make  peace.  {Karam- 
sin^  ix,  pp.  144-8.) 


INTRODUCTION.  li 

of  Denmark.  To  conciliate  the  Tsar,  he  entered 
into  an  infamous  treaty  to  surrender  to  him  his 
sister-in-law,  Catherine,  sister  of  Sigismond,  the  vir- 
tuous and  beautiful  wife  of  John,  Duke  of  Finland. 
The  Swedes,  however,  would  not  allow  this  treaty 
to  be  ratified,  and  shortly  afterwards  murdered 
Eric.^  Jenkinson  also  alludes  to  the  various  cruelties 
practised  by  the  Tsar  on  his  boyards  and  subjects, 
and  some  of  the  particulars  he  gives  are  confirmed 
by  Edward  Webbe,  a  boy  only  twelve  years  of  age, 
who  accompanied  him  as  personal  attendant. 

The  journey  of  Southam  and  Sparke  from  Khol- 
mogori  to  Novgorod,  through  Karelia  (p.  190),  helps 
to  fill  the  gap  caused  by  the  meagreness  of  Jenkin- 
son's  narrative.  Sparke,  whose  name  occurs  in  the 
first  list  of  the  members  of  the  Muscovy  Company, 
afterwards  undertook  a  journey  to  Persia  in  1568,^ 
and,  having  safely  returned  from  that  country,  met 
with  his  end  at  the  burning  of  Mosco  in  1571. 
These  two  Englishmen  started  from  Kholmogori 
about  the  20th  July,  in  a  lodia  or  barque,  and 
descending  the  Dwina,  anchored  off  the  monastery 
of  St.  Michael  the  Archangel.  The  following  day 
they  dropped  down  the  river  to  St.  Nicholas,  and, 
coasting  along  the  south  shore,  passed  Una  bay, 
afterwards  memorable  for  having  afforded  shelter 
to  Peter  the  Great  when  caught  in  a  storm.  On 
the  30th  July  they  reached  the  island  monastery 
of  Solovetsky,  where  they  obtained  from  the  monks 
letters  of  recommendation  and  a  guide.  It  is  worthy 
^  Karamsin,  ix,  154.  *  Infra,  p.  408. 


lii  INTRODUCTION. 

of  remark  that  their  visit  to  Solovetsky  occurred 
about  the  time  of  the  appointment  of  Philip,  its 
abbot,  to  the  primacy  of  the  Russo-Greek  Church. 
On  the  1st  August  they  took  their  departure  from 
the  monastery,  and  laid  their  course  for  Soroka  bay, 
into  which  the  Vyg  discharges.  Ascending  this 
river  in  light  boats,  which  they  had  occasionally  to 
drag  overland  to  avoid  falls  and  rapids,  they  reached 
Voitsk,  a  place  celebrated  towards  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century  for  having  yielded  the  first  gold 
discovered  in  Russia.  From  Lake  Voitsk  they 
crossed  by  land  to  Lake  Vyg,  where,  after  arrang- 
ing for  boats  and  men  to  conduct  them  in  safety 
to  Povenets,  on  Lake  Onega,  their  guide  left  them. 
They  reached  this  town  on  the  10th  August,  finding 
that  by  the  route  they  had  come  no  merchandise 
could  be  transported  either  in  summer  or  winter, 
but  that  a  second  route  from  Povenets  to  Suma 
was  practicable  in  winter.  From  Lake  Onega  to 
the  Baltic  there  are  no  obstacles  to  navigation,  and 
here  they  must  have  found  their  journey  easy  and 
agreeable.  They  sailed  down  Lake  Onega,  entered 
the  river  Svir,  which  flows  out  of  it,  and  followed 
its  course  to  Lake  Ladoga.  Crossing  a  bay  of  this 
lake  to  the  mouth  of  the  Volkhof,  they  found  them- 
selves on  the  old  trade  route  of  the  people  of  Nov- 
gorod, where  they  bartered  with  the  merchants  of 
the  Hansa  League  ;  and  the  places  mentioned  by 
them  on  the  Volkhof  had  been  connected  with  the 
earliest  direct  intercourse  of  Russians  with  the  west 
of  Europe.     They  arrived  at  Novgorod  on  the  30th 


INTRODUCTION.  liii 

August,  where  they  found  WilHam  Eowley,  the 
newly-appointed  chief  agent  of  the  Company,  pre- 
vented by  the  plague,  then  raging  there,  from  pro- 
ceeding further.  This  journey  of  Southam  and 
Sparke,  accomplished  in  a  little  over  six  weeks, 
deserves  to  be  better  known. 

Further  light  is  thrown  on  the  proceedings  of 
Jenkinson  and  the  English  in  Russia  by  the  letters 
from  the  Governors  of  the  Russia  Company.  In 
1557  they  write  to  their  agents  : — 

"  Also  we  haue  sent  you  one  Anthonie  lenkinson,  gentle- 
man, a  man  well  trauelled,  whom  we  mind  to  vse  for  further 
trauelling,  according  to  a  commission  deliuered  him,  sub- 
scribed by  Master  Anthonie  Huse  and  others.  Wherefore 
we  will  you  deliuer  him  one  or  more  of  such  painfull  (i.e. 
painstaking)  young  men  as  he  shal  thinke  meetest  for  his  pur- 
pose, and  likewise  such  money  and  wares  as  he  shal  think 
best  to  take  with  him.  He  must  haue  fourty  pounds  a  yere, 
for  foure  yeeres,  to  be  paid  him  by  the  halfe  yeere,  or  as  he 
wil  demaund  it  of  you,  so  let  him  haue  it  from  Easter  last." 
(HakL,  1599,  vol.  i,  p.  302.) 

In  1560  they  write  that  they  have — 

"  a  further  hope  of  some  good  trade  to  be  found  out  by 
Master  Antonie  lenkinson,  by  reason  we  doe  perceiue  by 
your  letters  that  raw  silke  is  as  plentifull  in  Persia  as  fiaxe 

is  in  Eussia We  hope  in  your  next  letters  to  heare 

good  newes  of  the  proceeding  of  Master  Anthonie  lenkinson. 
We  perceiue  by  his  letters  that  Astracan  is  not  so  good  a 
mart  towne  as  the  fame  hath  gone  of  it,  and  maruell  much 
that  round  pewter  should  be  so  good,  and  good  chepe  there, 

and  from  whence  it  should  come If  our  friend  Master 

Antonie  lenkinson  be  returned,  and  meane  to  come  away  in 
these  ships  to  declare  his  mind  and  opinion  of  his  trauaile,  if 
need  require,  and  he  be  so  minded,  he  may  returne  thither 


liv  INTRODUCTION. 

(i.e.,  to  Eussia)  by  land,  and  be  there  by  the  fine  of  lanuarie 
or  before.  But  as  we  be  vncertaine  whether  he  be  returned 
or  not,  so  we  know  not  what  he  hath  done  nor  what  benefite 
may  arise  hereafter  of  his  trauaile.     Therefore  in  this  wee 

remit  it  to  his  and  your  good  discretions "    (ffakl., 

1599,  i,  308.) 

Frequent  mention,  too,  is  made  of  Jenkinson,  in 
their  letter  dated  in  1567  (Text,  pp.  206-25),  where 
he  is  referred  to  as  a  person  of  great  experience, 
to  whom  full  authority  had  been  given  to  arrange 
various  matters  connected  with  their  business  esta- 
blishments ;  his  advice  was  to  be  followed,  they 
write,  as  he  "  knowith  our  mindes  in  all  things". 
He  had  been  instructed  to  obtain  leave  for  the  Eng- 
lish to  work  iron,  which  was  granted  to  them  in  a 
later  charter;  and  he  gave  them  good  hope  of  a  pro- 
fitable trade  in  spices,  drugs,  and  silks  with  Persia. 
He  was  to  be  supplied  with  such  money  as  he  required 
"for  the  atchiving  of  our  sutes  and  other  affaires 
there,"  and  with  an  interpreter,  Ralph  Rutter — show- 
ing that  he  had  not  mastered  the  Russian  language. 
There  is  also  mention  made  of  a  special  commission 
having  been  given  him,  of  which  no  trace  has  been 
found. 

Dr.  Hamel  thinks  it  likely  that  Jenkinson  visited 
England  in  the  winter  of  1566-7,  to  look  after  the 
Tsar's  commissions ;  and  this  supposition  appears 
to  be  borne  out  by  the  arrival  in  Russia,  in  the 
summer  of  1567,  of  Dr.  Reynolds;  Thomas  Carver, 
an  apothecary  ;  Humphrey  Lock,  an  engineer ;  and 
other  professional  men,  for  the  Tsar's  service ;  it  is 


INTRODUCTION.  Iv 

also  partly  confirmed  by  the  incidental  allusions  to 
him  in  the  Governors'  letter.  Writing  to  the  Queen 
in  September  1567,  Ivan  thanks  her  for  acceding 
to  his  requests,  and  for  her  letter  by  Anthony  Jen- 
kinson.  This  letter,  dated  18th  May  1567,  appears 
to  have  been  seen  by  Hamel,^  though  we  have  not 
come  across  it,  and  leads  to  the  presumption  that 
Jenkinson  went  overland  to  England  in  the  winter 
of  1566,  conferred  with  Cecil  and  others  about  the 
affairs  of  the  Tsar  and  the  Russia  Company,  and 
returned  the  following  spring  to  Eussia,  perhaps  by 
ship,  with  the  Englishmen  just  named. 

So  closely  connected  with  our  traveller  are  the 
affairs  of  the  Eussia  Company,  that  it  will  not  be 
out  of  place  here  to  give  a  slight  sketch  of  them. 
Taking  their  origin  in  an  association  known  as  the 
Merchant  Adventurers,  formed  by  Sebastian  Cabot, 
to  stimulate  commercial  enterprise  in  England,  and 
follow  the  example  of  Spain  and  Portugal  in  ex- 
tending their  trade  to  distant  countries,  the  Mus- 
covy, or  Eussia  Company,  as  it  became  generally 
known,  received  their  first  charter  of  inauguration 
in  1555,^  the  same  year  that  Eichard  Chancellor 
laid  the  foundation  of  the  English  trade  with 
Eussia.^  In  a  State  Paper  of  that  year  there  is  a 
list  of  207  noblemen,  knights,  aldermen,  etc.,  forming 
the  Eussia,  or  Muscovy  Company,^  and  among  the 

1  England  and  Russia,  p.  1 77. 

2  1  and  2  Philip  and  Mary.     (Hahl,  1589,  pp.  304-9.) 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  302-4. 

*  Cal.  S,  P.,  Dom.  Mary,  add.  vol.  viii,  No.  39,  p.  439.  Cf. 
MS.  Lansd.  141,  fols.  343,  352. 


Ivi 


INTRODUCTION. 


names  are  those  of  Sir  William  Cecil,  Sir  Eichard 
Sackville,  the  Greshams,  Sir  George  Barnes,  and 
others.  Their  constitution  differed  but  little  from 
that  of  corporations  of  the  present  day,  except  that 
they  had  extensive  privileges.  They  might  take 
possession  of  territory  lying  to  the  northward,  north- 
eastwards, and  north-westwards ;  they  might  hoist 
the  English  flag  on  lands  newly  discovered  by  them  ; 
and,  in  consideration  of  their  successful  opening  of 


Seal  of  the  Russia  Company, 

intercourse  with  Russia,  they  were  granted  the 
exclusive  right  of  trading  with  that  country,  as  well 
as  any  other  they  might  afterwards  discover. 

Their  first  Governor  was  Sebastian  Cabot,  ap- 
pointed for  the  term  of  his  life ;  four  consuls^  and 

^  Howell  says  :  "  The  marchaiits  of  Russia  were  incorporated 
by  Edward  6,  and  confirmed  by  Queene  Elizabeth  ;  they  haue  also  a 
fair  Coat  with  this  motto,  ''God  he  our  good  guide  "  {Londinopolis, 
p.  42).    The  names  of  the  first  four  consuls  were  Sir  George  Barnes, 


INTRODUCTION.  Ivii 

twenty-four  assistants,  elected  every  year  from  "the 
most  sad,  discreete,  and  honest  persons  of  the  saide 
fellowship",  formed  the  board  of  direction.  A  fixed 
fee,  payable  on  admission,  secured  to  any  person  who 
might  wish  to  join  the  freedom  of  the  association ; 
but  the  risks  were  divided  into  shares,  each  member 
participating  according  to  the  amount  of  his  con- 
tribution.^ They  had  the  right  of  imposing  fines 
and  penalties  for  any  infringement  of  their  statutes, 
and  these  became  enforceable  by  law. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  write  an  exhaustive  his- 
tory of  the  Russia  Company,  but  merely  glance  at 
its  affairs  in  the  early  period  of  its  existence.  Con- 
sidering the  important  part  taken  by  commerce  in 
our  first  intercourse  with  Russia,  some  mention 
must  be  made  of  it,  in  order  to  enable  the  reader  to 
follow  the  proceedings  of  Jenkinson  and  the  other 
travellers  whose  narratives  are  given  in  the  text. 

Commerce  entered  largely  into  our  first  relations 
with  Eussia.  It  was  to  find  new  markets  for  Eng- 
lish   commodities    that  Willoughby's   ships   sailed 

Sir  William  Garret  (Gerrard),  Aldermen  of  London;  Anthony 
Hussey,  and  John  Southcot. 

^  In  later  times,  when  the  Company  lost  its  monopoly  of  the 
Russian  trade,  and  this  was  thrown  open  to  all,  the  payment  of  a 
fee  on  admission  constituted  the  whole  obligation  of  its  members. 
Their  funds,  chiefly  raised  by  a  small  tax  on  articles  of  Russian 
produce  imported  into  England,  were  then  devoted  entirely  to  the 
maintenance  of  chapels  according  to  the  rites  of  the  English  Epis- 
copal Church  at  St.  Petersburg  and  Mosco,  and  in  defraying  the 
salaries  of  the  British  consular  agents.  These,  too,  have  lately 
been  taken  off  their  hands,  so  that  the  Company  exists  now  merely 
by  virtue  of  its  funds  accumulated  in  former  years. 


Iviii  INTRODUCTION. 

from  our  shores  ;  Chancellor's  accidental  discovery 
of  Russia  led  immediately  to  the  formation  of  the 
Russia  Company  ;  while  the  journeys  of  Jenkinson, 
Southam,  and  Sparke,  and  other  Englishmen,  were 
chiefly  directed  towards  the  opening  of  new  routes 
by  which  trade  might  pass. 

It  was  originally  intended  that  the  benefits 
arising  from  this  intercourse  should  be  mutual.^ 
Russian  merchants  were  to  have  the  same  privileges 
and  protection  in  England  that  Englishmen  were 
to  enjoy  in  Russia.  But  circumstances  forbade  this 
ever  taking  effect.  The  Russian  merchant  was  a 
man  of  no  education.  He  was  a  mujik,  or  boor, 
almost  beneath  the  contempt  of  the  military  caste, 
of  which  Russia  was,  and  still  is,  composed.  The 
English  merchant,  on  the  other  hand,  belonged  to 
the  highest  classes  in  the  land,  and  w^as  in  every 
way  superior  to  the  Russian.  But  even  if  this 
obstacle  to  a  free  interchange  had  not  existed,  there 
were  other  causes  to  prevent  the  Russian  merchant 
from  engaging  in  commerce  on  equal  terms  with  the 
English.  Russians  owned  no  ships  fit  to  sail  across 
the  seas  on  long  voyages  ;  their  only  vessels  were  the 
two-masted  lodia,  used  in  the  coasting  trade,  which 
carried  large  square  sails  for  sailing  before  the  wind, 
and  twenty  oars.  Russians  had  no  taste  for  a  sea- 
faring life,  and  understood  nothing  about  nautical 
science  ;  hence  they  could  only  export  merchandise 

1  Philip  and  Mary  to  Ivan  {Cal.  S.  P.,  For.,  1557,  No.  595). 
Cf.  Cal.  Cecil  MSS.  p.  146,  No.  547. 


INTRODUCTION.  lix 

in  foreign  vessels,  and  these  were  chiefly  EngUsh  in 
the  early  years  of  the  White  Sea  trade. 

These  circumstances  appear  in  the  first  letter 
written  by  the  Governors  of  the  Russia  Company 
to  their  agents  in  Russia,  sent  with  the  John  Evan- 
gelist in  1557  : — 

"  Take  heede  howe  you  haue  to  doe  with  him  (Napea)  or 
with  any  such,  and  make  your  bargaines  plaine  and  set  them 
downe  in  writing.  For  they  (the  Eussians)  bee  subtill 
people  and  doe  not  alwaies  speake  the  trueth,  and  thinke 
other  men  to  bee  like  themselues.  Therefore  we  would  haue 
none  of  them  to  send  any  goods  in  our  shippes  at  any  time 
nor  none  to  come  for  passengers,  vnlesse  the  Emperour  doe 
make  a  bargaiile  with  you  as  aforesaid,  for  his  owne  person." 
{HakL,  1599,  i,  301.) 

Hence  the  Russians,  deterred  from  being  on  an 
equal  footing  with  the  English,  remained  in  their 
own  country,  where  they  entertained  these  foreign 
guests^  of  the  Tsar  in  a  befitting  manner.  They 
helped  them  to  establish  factories,  and  supplied 
them  with  the  products  of  their  own  country,  re- 
ceiving in  exchange  English  goods  or  money. 

But  if  the  Russian  people  derived  no  benefit  from 
the  English  trade,  their  sovereign  undoubtedly  did. 
It  supplied  him  with  warlike  stores  and  ordnance,  of 
which  he  stood  greatly  in  need,  to  make  head  against 
his  enemies,  Poland  and  Sweden  on  the  west,  and 
the  not  less  formidable  Khan  of  the  Crimea  on  the 
south.  It  was  the  only  means  of  access  he  had  to 
the  arts  of  Western  Europe,  shut  out  as  Russia 

*  "  Korabelniye  gosti":  strictly  speaking,  naval  guests. 


Ix  INTRODUCTION. 

then  was  from  the  seaboard  of  the  Baltic  by  jealous 
enemies.  It,  moreover,  afforded  him  a  means  of 
escape  should  his  outraged  subjects  turn  against 
their  oppressor  and  drive  him  from  the  throne. 
Lastly,  commerce  with  England  secured  for  him  an 
ally, — rather  a  lukewarm  one,  it  must  be  admitted, 
but  nevertheless  one  who  might  at  all  events  refuse 
to  join  a  league  of  the  Western  Powers  against  him. 
These  considerations  gave  the  Tsar  a  personal  in- 
terest in  the  English  trade,  and  induced  him  to 
renew  over  and  over  again  privileges,  the  enjoyment 
of  which,  unaccompanied  as  they  were  by  reciprocal 
advantages  to  his  own  people,  were  very  one-sided. 
Englishmen  were  favoured  in  every  way :  their 
houses  and  lands  were  included  in  the  Opritchninay 
or  reserved  portion,  as  distinguished  from  the  Zem- 
shina^  or  national  portion, — two  arbitrary  divisions 
into  which  the  Tsar,  in  one  of  his  ferocious  excesses, 
divided  Russia.  They  paid  no  customs  or  tolls  of 
any  kind.  They  had  liberty  to  pass  through  Russia 
and  trade  with  Persia,  Media,  Bokhara,  and  other 
countries,  without  let  or  hindrance  from  the  Tsar's 
officers,  reserving  only  such  wares  as  were  necessary 
for  the  Imperial  treasury,  and  with  the  obligation 
to  sell  and  barter  for  the  Tsar  in  Persia,  etc.  They 
might  sell  wholesale  in  any  part  of  the  country,  or, 
if  they  chosOj  retail  their  wares  at  their  house  in 
Mosco ;  but  they  might  not  buy,  sell,  or  barter  on 
commission  for  any  Russian  merchant.  These,  and 
other  privileges,  placed  the  English  nation  on  a 
1  See  text,  pp.  269,  270. 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixi 

highly  favoured  footing ;  let  us  see  how  they  pro- 
fited by  it. 

The  first  agents  of  the  Eussia  Company,  Richard 
Gray  and  George  Killingworth,  afterwards  joined 
by  Henry  Lane,  had  not  been  idle.  By  the  year 
1557  they  had  established  three  factories  at  Khol- 
mogori,  Vologhda,  and  Mosco.  "  And  because  we 
doe  perceiue  the  countrey  to  be  large,  and  that  you 
have  three  households",  write  the  Governors  in  that 
year,  "  we  doe  appoint  Henry  Lane  to  be  one  of  our 
agents,  and  to  joyne  with  you  in  all  your  doings,  and 
to  have  like  authoritie  and  power  as  you,  George 
Killingworth  and  Richard  Gray,  haue  .  .  .    "^ 

Kholmogori  was  the  great  resort  of  merchants  in 
the  north  in  those  days,  as  Novgojod  was  in  the 
south-west,  and  as  the  Island  of  Merchants  was  in 
the  east  before  the  taking  of  Kazan.  To  Khol- 
mogori came  the  Lapps,  the  idol-worshipping  Samo- 
yedes  with  their  reindeer  sledges,  the  Karelians,  the 
Russians,  and  the  Tartars.  They  brought  salt, 
stockfish,  salmon,  train  oil,  feathers,  furs,  and  walrus- 
teeth  from  the  shores  of  Lapland  and  Kola,  from 
Pinega,  Mezen,  and  Pechora,  from  Nova  Zemlia  and 
the  distant  Obi.  These  wares  were  carried  by 
the  Russians  to  Mosco  and  Novgorod,  partly  for 
home  consumption  and  partly  to  barter  with  the 
Dutch,  who  traded  at  Novgorod  for  cloth,  tin,  copper 
utensils,  etc.  Kholmogori  was  100  versts,  or  about 
seventy  miles,  from  the  seaside,  where  the  ships 
discharged.  "  Methinks",  said  the  Russian  chan- 
'  HaU.,  1599,  i,  298. 


Ixii  INTRODUCTION. 

cellor  to  the  English  agents  in  1555,  "you  shall  do 
best  to  have  your  house  at  Colmogro,  which  is  but 
100  miles  (versts)  from  the  right  discharge  of  the 
ships,  and  all  our  marchants  shall  bring  all  our 
marchandise  to  Colmogro  to  you."^ 

The  establishment  of  the  English  at  Kholmogori, 
and  their  annual  voyages  to  the  Dwina,  gave  an 
entirely  nev^  direction  to  the  trade.  Instead  of 
being  carried  to  Novgorod,  the  merchandise  could  be 
sold  on  the  spot,  warehoused  till  spring,  and,  with 
the  opening  of  navigation,  sent  down  the  river  in 
lighters  to  be  loaded  on  the  ships  at  St.  Nicholas. 
Kholmogori,  therefore,  was  the  chief  depot  or  fac- 
tory of  the  Russia  Company.  Here  were  the  resi- 
dences of  their  agents,  servants,  and  apprentices, 
their  warehouses,  offices,  ropewalk,  etc.  '*  Colmo- 
gro", says  Randolph,  who  visited  it  in  1568, 

"  is    a   greate    towne  builded    all  of  wood,  not  walled,  but 

scattered    house    from    house In    this   towne    the 

Englishmen  haue  landes  of  their  owne  giuen  them  by  the 
Emperour,  and  faire  houses  with  offices  for  their  commoditie 
very  many."     (Text,  p.  245.) 

Next  in  importance  to  Kholmogori  came  Vologhda, 
at  the  head  of  an  upper  tributary  of  the  Dwina, 
1,000  versts  (about  700  miles)  from  Kholmogori,  and 
united  with  it  by  a  navigable  water-way.  Here  the 
English  had  another  house  where  they  might  buy 
and  lay  up  wares  for  their  ships  in  the  event  of  the 
Russians  not  bringing  enough  to  Kholmogori ;  the 

»  Ilakl,  1599,  i,  p.  264. 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixiii 

district  round  Vologlida  producing  hemp  and  flax  in 

abundance. 

"  If  our  merchants  do  desire  to  know  the  meetest  place  of 
Enssia  for  the  standing  house,  in  my  opinion  I  take  it  to  be 
Vologhda,  which  is  a  great  towne  standing  in  the  heart  of 
Eussia,  with  many  great  and  good  towns  about  it.  There  is 
great  plentie  of  corne,  victuals,  and  of  all  such  wares  as  are 
raised  in  Eusland,  but  specially  flaxe,  hempe,  tallow,  and 
bacon  ;  there  is  also  great  store  of  waxe,  but  it  commeth  from 
the  Mosko."     {Hakl,  1599,  i,  p.  257.) 

Lastly,  the  Company  had  their  house  in  Mosco, 
given  them  by  the  Tsar,  on  the  Varvarka,  in  the 
lushkof  courtyard,  near  the  church  of  St.  Maxim, 
almost  adjoining  one  inhabited  by  Nikita  Romanof, 
grandfather  of  Mikhail  Feodorovitch,  first  Tsar  of 
the  present  dynasty.  Mosco  was  not  a  good  place  of 
trade.  Charges  of  living  there  were  high,  carriage 
from  St.  Nicholas  (1,000  English  miles)  was  ex- 
pensive, and  the  Moscovites  bore  the  reputation  of 
being  sharp  in  their  dealings.  But  it  was  indis- 
pensable that  the  Company  should  have  its  repre- 
sentative at  the  Court,  not  only  to  provide  the 
Emperor,  who  was  himself  a  trader  in  wax  and 
sables,  with  all  such  wares  as  he  might  require,  but 
to  keep  a  watchful  eye  on  the  movements  of 
foreigners,  and  protect  the  interests  of  English  mer- 
chants. Moreover,  letters  could  be  sent  overland 
from  Mosco,  vid  Smolensk  and  Poland,  to  advise 
the  Company  in  London  of  the  state  of  their  affairs, 
and  what  quantity  and  kind  of  goods  should  be 
shipped  in  the  following  spring.  Letters  of  import- 
ance and  secrecy  sent  this  way  were  in  cipher. 


Ixiv  INTRODUCTION. 

In  the  year  1557  the  Russia  Company  sent  its  first 
large  shipment  of  English  cloths. 

"  You  shall  receiue  out  of  the  said  good  ships  ....  these 
kinds  of  wares  following,  all  marked  with  the  general  marke 
of  the  Company  as  foUoweth :  25.  fardels,  containing  207. 
sorting  clothes,  one  fine  violet  in  graine  and  one  skarlet,  and 
40.  cottons  for  wrappers  ....  more,  500.  pieces  of  Hamp- 
shire kersies,  that  is,  400.  watchets,  43.  blewes,  53.  reds,  15. 
greenes,  5.  ginger  colours,  and  2.  yelowes,  which  cost  the  first 
penny  4.^^.  6.s,  the  piece;  &  3.  packes  containing  21.  cottons 

at  9.li.  10.5.  the  packe More,  9.  barrels  of  Pewter  of 

Thomas  Hasels  making,  etc "     {HakL,  1599,  i,  297.) 

Their  cargoes  also  consisted  of  sugar,  tin,  lead, 
copper,  brimstone,  etc. 

Some  idea  of  the  prices  realised  for  these  wares 
may  be  formed  by  the  letter  of  Christopher  Hudson, 
an  active  agent  of  the  Company  during  seven  years 
in  Mosco,  Yaroslavl,  Nijny  Novgorod,  and  other 
places ;  he  says  it  was  not  an  uncommon  thing  to 
sell  for  double  the  cost  price,  or  a  profit  of  two  hun- 
dred per  cent.^ 

The  exports  from  Russia  at  this  time  were  wax, 
tallow,  train  oil,  flax,  a  small  quantity  of  linen  yarn, 
a  few  furs, — viz.,  martens,  minivers,  and  minkes, — 
cables,  and  ropes.  Bulky  articles,  such  as  hemp  and 
feathers,  would  not  bear  the  high  freight  the  Com- 
pany were  compelled  to  pay — £4  per  ton.  As  for 
sables  and  rich  furs,  "  they  be  not  every  man's 
money",  write  the  Governors  in  1557  ;  and  in  a  sub- 
sequent letter  to  their  agents  in  1567,  they  state 
that  there  had  been  a  proclamation  in  England 
1  See  Ilainel,  p.  126. 


INTRODUCTION.  IxV 

against  wearing  furs,  and  therefore  they  would  have 
no  more  sent  them. 

Russian  produce  was  sold  in  London  at  the  follow- 
ing prices  :  flax  at  285.  and  305.;  wax,  £3  135.  id, 
to  £4,  and  tallow,  185.  the  cwt.;  ox  hides,  35.  4c?., 
and  elk  hides,  65.  Sd.  apiece ;  train  oil,  £10  the  ton; 
yarn,  lid.  the  lb.;  tarred  ropes,  185  ,  and  hemp,  125. 
the  cwt.  In  order  to  have  a  correct  idea  of  their 
corresponding  values  at  the  present  time,  the  above 
prices  should  be  multiplied  by  six. 

Notwithstanding  the  fair  auspices  under  which 
the  Russia  Company  started,  its  high  patronage  at 
home,  the  favour  shown  it  by  the  Tsar,  and  the 
activity  of  some  of  its  agents,  like  other  privileged 
and  favoured  bodies,  it  was  not  free  from  abuses, 
and  these  nearly  brought  about  its  ruin.  Stringent 
instructions  were  sent  out  to  the  agents  for  the 
regulation  of  their  establishments,  and  the  efiicient 
control  of  the  staff  of  salaried  servants  or  clerks, 
and  apprentices. 

"Also  we  doe  send  you  in  these  ships  ten  young  men  that 
be  bound  Prentises  to  the  Company,  whom  we  will  you  to 
appoynt  euery  of  them  as  you  shall  there  finde  most  apt  and 
meete  :  some  to  keepe  accompts,  some  to  buy  and  sell  by  your 
order  and  commission,  and  some  to  send  abroad  into  the 
notable  cities  of  the  countrey  for  vnderstanding  and  know- 
ledge. And  we  will  you  send  vs  aduertisement  from  time  to 
time  as  well  of  the  demeanours  of  our  Prentices  which  we  doe 
send  now,  as  also  pf  such  other  as  be  already  there  with  you. 
And  if  you  finde  any  of  them  remisse,  negligent,  or  otherwise 
misuse  themselues,  and  will  not  be  ruled,  that  then  you  doe 
send  him  home,  and  the  cause  why."     {RaJcL,  1599,  i,  299,) 


Ixvi  INTRODUCTION. 

Frequent  complaints  seem  to  have  been  made  on 
this  score.  In  1567  the  Governors  write  that  the 
charges  of  housekeeping  were  double  as  much  as 
they  had  been  wont  to  be,  and  this  caused  them  "to 
judge  a  riotousnes,  remisnes,  and  idlenes  of  our 
servuntes";  they  desired,  therefore,  Master  Jenkin- 
son  and  the  agents  "  to  make  a  frugall  proportion  of 
fare  per  man  in  every  house,  and  a  comandement  to 
be  giuen  not  to  exceed",  etc.  They  understood  that 
their  servants  and  stipendiaries  were  accustomed  to 
give  wine  and  meat  to  comers  and  goers  to  their 
houses;  this  was  to  be  discontinued,  for  they  knew  it 
to  be  the  custom  of  the  country  not  to  welcome 
with  wine,  "except  we  haue  brought  vp  this  corrup- 
tion", they  add ;  "  therefore,  if  this  typling  be  not 
left  we  will  send  no  more  wyne.  ..."  Various  other 
charges  were  brought  against  their  employes  of  a 
more  serious  kind, — "  if  they  do  not  amende,  ship 
them  home.  ..."     And 

"It  is  notorious  what  excesse  of  apparell  and  vtter  coun- 
tenance is  vsed  by  our  seruuntes  ;  they  ride  and  goe  like 
lordes  ;  therefore  we  desire  you  to  reduce  them  to  the  vni- 
forinitie  of  apparell  herewith  prescribed  ....  if  it  be  against 
the  manner  of  that  countrie,  we  will  make  it  the  manner 
rather  than  forbeare  our  money  with  losse  to  clothe  them  in 
veluets  or  silkes,  or  maintaine  them  to  ride  when  we  goe 
afoote.  We  will  haue  none  of  our  prentises  to  ride  in  ye 
townes  in  any  wise,  and  therefore  lett  the  horses  and  mares 
be  solde "  (Text,  p.  214.) 

But  these  were  not  the  only  abuses  which  embar- 
ra,ssed  the  Company.  Their  agents  were  not  always 
loyal  and  trustworthy;    they   even  intrigued  with 


INTROD  UCTION.  Ix  vii 

the  Dutch  to  overthrow  the  monopoly,  and  actually 
induced  the  Tsar  to  grant  them  separate  privileges. 
To  such  a  pass  had  affairs  been  brought  by  the  pecu- 
lations and  dishonesty  of  Glover  and  his  confederates, 
that  Bannister  and  Duckett  write  to  Cecil,  in  1568: 
"  If  my  Lord  Imbassador  (Randolph)  and  we  had 
not  come  the  holle  trayde  had  bene  vtterly  ouer- 
throwen"  (Text,  p.  259).  The  jealousy  excited 
among  the  States  of  Europe,  as  well  as  the  hostility 
shown  by  Englishmen  not  belonging  to  the  Com- 
pany, were  fruitful  causes  of  trouble,  and  had  it  not 
been  for  the  firm  support  given  by  the  Tsar,  and  his 
predilection  for  an  English  marriage,  it  is  probable 
that  the  privileges  would  have  been  taken  away. 
This,  at  al]  events,  is  the  opinion  of  Christopher 
Burrough,  who  wrote  his  views  on  the  Russian  trade 
in  1587.^  Burrough  recommends  abolishing  the 
monopoly  and  encouraging  everyone  to  trade  for 
himself,  after  the  manner  of  the  merchant  adven- 
turers ;  he  was  also  in  favour  of  closing  the  esta- 
blishments at  Mosco  and  other  inland  cities,  and  con- 
centrating the  business  at  the  mouth  of  the  Dwina, 
so  as  to  put  an  end  to  the  evils  and  corruptions  which 
had  grown  up.  Among  his  other  suggestions  was 
one,  afterwards  carried  into  practice,  viz.,  that  of 
having  a  "preacher" — i.e.,  clergyman — to  keep  the 
younger  members  straight. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  first  agents  of  the  Com- 
pany, but  we  must  not  omit  mention  of  the  Bur- 
rough brothers,   Stephen  and  William.      Stephen, 
*  See  Supplementary  Note. 


Ixviii  INTRODUCTION. 

father  of  Christopher,  just  referred  to,  sailed  with 
Chancellor  in  his  first  voyage  as  master  of  his 
ship,  the  Edward  Bonaventure,  and,  therefore,  ranks 
among  the  discoverers  of  the  northern  coasts  of 
Russia;  he,  too,  explored  the  White  Sea,  Lapland, 
and  Vaigats.  William  was  also  on  board  the 
Edward  Bonaventure  in  1553,  serving  under  his 
brother  as  seaman,  and  afterwards  rendered  con- 
spicuous services  to  the  Company  as  captain  of  their 
fleets.  It  was  by  him  that  Jenkinson  sent  Cecil,  in 
1566,  a  present  of  *'a  strange  beast  called  a  Loysche", 
— i.e.,  an  elk;  and  he  received  the  high  commenda- 
tions of  Randolph  in  1568.  "To  the  Master.  .  . 
William  of  Borrowe,  I  am  most  beholdinge  ..." 
(Text,  p.  256).  William  Burrough  is  the  author, 
among  other  works,  of  a  map,  which  is  reproduced 
in  this  volume,  showing  the  knowledge  of  the  Eng- 
lish, in  his  day,  of  the  coasts  of  the  White  Sea. 

Neither  should  Robert  Best  be  passed  over  in  this 
sketch,  the  "  strong  and  willing  Englishman",  who 
offered  to  enter  the  lists  as  champion  of  the  English 
cause  in  a  trial  at  law,  described  by  Henry  Lane. 
His  services  as  interpreter  were  useful  to  Napea, 
when  shipwrecked  off  the  Scottish  coast,  and  to 
Jenkinson  in  Russia. 

The  house  of  the  Russia  Company  was  in  Seething 
Lane.^  Here  they  held  their  conferences  and 
planned  their  expeditions  to  the  north,  north-east, 
and  north-west, — for  they  claimed,  and  for  a  long 

*  Sir  Francis  Walsinghara,  the  celebrated  diplomatist  in  Eliza- 
beth's time,  had  his  residence  in  Seething  Lane. 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixix 

time  maintained,  their  right  to  be  the  sole  pioneers  of 
English  commerce  and  colonisation  in  the  northern 
parts  of  the  world.  When  Narva  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Russia,  and  Englishmen  not  belonging  to  the 
Company  began  trading  thither,  the  Company- 
pleaded  that  it  was  an  interference  with  their  mono- 
poly, and  proceeded  to  exercise  the  extensive  rights 
conceded  to  them  in  their  charter,  by  seizing  the  per- 
sons of  such  traders  and  imprisoning  them,  as  well 
as  by  confiscating  their  property.  They  themselves 
opened  a  trade  with  Narva,  but  this  was  distinct  from 
that  with  the  White  Sea,  and  they  desired  the 
agents  to  keep  the  accounts  separate  (Text,  p.  218). 
The  Russia  Company,  apart  from  its  commercial 
affairs,  exercised  great  influence  over  the  diplomatic 
intercourse  between  Russia  and  England.  Its  agents 
were  frequently  charged  with  important  political 
commissions  to  the  Tsar,  and  their  expenses  were 
mostly  defrayed  by  the  Company.  Richard  Eden, 
secretary  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  in  the  preface  to  his 
translation  of  Cortes's  Arte  of  Navigation,  which 
appeared  in  1561,  alluding  to  the  importance  of  a 
knowledge  of  navigation  to  such  as  undertook  long 
journeys  in  unknown  and  strange  countries,  adds, 
*'  as  dyd  of  late  Master  lenkynson,  a  worthy e 
gentleman,  sette  foorthe  by  you  and  mainteyned 
at  your  charges,  more  lyke  an  Ambassatoure  sente 
from  anye  Prince  or  Emperour  then  from  a  com- 
panye  of  marchaunt  men", — referring  to  his  first 
journey  to  Central  Asia,  for  afterwards  he  was 
^  See  page  lix. 


IXX  INTRODUCTION. 

actually  commissioned  by  Her  Majesty,  whilst  he 
at  the  same  time  represented  the  Company.  Before 
the  despatch  of  an  envoy,  it  was  usual  for  the 
Company  to  draw  up  a  memorandum  of  the  points 
on  which  it  was  particularly  desirable  that  he 
should  treat.  This  was  submitted  to  Cecil,  and 
served  as  a  guide  for  the  final  instructions. 

Queen  Elizabeth  herself  paid  great  attention  to 
the  affairs  of  the  Russia  Company,  among  the  mem- 
bers of  which  were  some  of  her  highest  dignitaries 
and  noblemen.  Indeed,  the  preference  shown  by 
her  for  mercantile  affairs  over  what  he  deemed  to 
be  far  weightier  matters  of  state,  made  the  Tsar 
exceedingly  angry,  and  he  took  no  pains  to  conceal 
it.  Having  withdrawn  the  privileges  of  the  Eng- 
lish, he  wrote  to  the  Queen  : — 

"And  wee  had  thought  that  you  had  beeiie  ruler  ouer 
your  lande,  and  had  sought  honnor  to  your  self  and  proffitt 
to  your  countrie,  and  therefore  wee  did  pretend  those 
weightie  affaires  between  you  and  vs.  But  now  wee  perceiue 
that  there  be  other  men  that  doe  rule,  and  not  men  but 
bowers  and  marchaunts,  the  wich  seeke  not  the  wealth  and 
honnor  of  our  maiesties,  but  they  seeke  tlieir  owne  proffitt 
of  marchandize."     {Infra,  p.  296.) 

The  Tsar's  great  grievances  were,  that  the  Queen 
had  not  availed  herself  of  his  offers  of  friendship, 
and  had  not  complied  with  his  requests  for  a  secret 
treaty,  communicated  through  Jenkinson.  He  had 
offered  l\er  perpetual  friendship  and  kinship ;  he 
wished  her  to  enter  into  an  offensive  and  defensive 
league   against    all    enemies ;    and    to  join    him    in 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixxi 

making  war  against  the  King  of  Poland,  who  had 
shown  his  jealousy  of  the  English  intercourse  with 
Russia.  He  had  asked  her  for  shipwrights  and 
mariners,  "  maisters  wich  can  make  shippes  and 
sayle  them";  and  to  allow  all  kinds  of  artillery  and 
war  munition  to  be  exported  from  England  for  his 
use.  But  what  he  required  her  to  swear  to  per- 
form was,  that  should  either  sovereign  be  obliged  to 
leave  his  or  her  kingdom,  the  other  would  afford 
protection  and  hospitality.  Finally,  he  desired  that 
her  answer  might  be  sent  by  some  person  of  high 
rank,  not  later  than  St.  Peter's  Day,  the  29th  June, 
in  the  ensuing  year.  It  was  not  easy  for  Elizabeth 
to  comply  with  these  requests,  however  much  she 
might  desire  to  retain  the  Tsar's  good  graces,  for 
the  sake  of  her  merchants.  She  could  not,  even  if 
she  felt  it,  show  distrust  towards  her  people,  whom 
she  believed  to  be  loyally  disposed  towards  herself, 
by  entering  into  any  such  obligation  ;  neither  would 
her  treaties  with  other  Powers — treaties  which  she 
had  inherited  from  her  predecessors  on  the  throne 
— allow  her  to  contract  an  offensive  and  defensive 
alliance  with  the  Tsar  of  Russia.  In  Randolph's 
instructions  he  is  desired  to  confine  himself  to 
general  expressions  of  good-will ;  and  as  to  the  secret 
treaty,  to  say  that  the  Queen  thought  Jenkinson 
must  have  misunderstood  his  meaning,  for  that  all 
she  had  heard  of  his  state  led  her  to  believe  Ivan 
to  be  a  powerful  and  wise  prince.  Nevertheless, 
Randolph  was  desired  to  sound  him  on  the  subject, 
and  learn  his  mind. 


Ixxii  INTRODUCTION. 

The  Tsar  expected  Jenkinson,  to  whom  he  had 
secretly  and  confidentially  explained  his  views,  to 
return  the  following  year  with  the  *'  great  ambas- 
sador" he  had  desired  should  be  sent.  But  no 
tidings  of  our  traveller  reached  him,  and  his  disap- 
pointment knew  no  bounds.  Manley  and  Middleton, 
two  messengers  sent  overland  on  the  Company's 
business,  were  searched  for  papers  and  questioned. 
But  they  knew^  nothing  of  Jenkinson's  movements, 
and  could  give  the  Tsar  no  satisfactory  answer, 
having  been  only  told  to  say  that  in  the  spring  of  the 
year  a  special  ambassador  would  come.  The  reason 
assigned  by  the  Queen,  in  a  later  letter,  for  not  hav- 
ing sent  Jenkinson  in  1568,  was  that  his  services 
were  at  that  time  being  used  against  her  enemies, 
Eum  ad  vos  hactenus  non  remissimus  quod  ejus 
opera  adversus  hostes  terra  marique  utehamur";  and 
Jenkinson  himself  states,  at  his  interview  with  the 
Tsar  on  the  23rd  March  1571-2,  that  the  cause  of 
his  not  being  sent  was  that  he  was  "  imployed  in 
seruice  vpon  the  Seas  against  the  Queenes  enemies". 
There  is  nothing  in  the  State  pa23ers  to  show  in 
what  particular  service  he  w^as  employed, — unless, 
indeed,  he  was  engaged  in  his  old  ship  the  Ayde, 
or  in  the  Sivallow,  fighting  the  Spaniards ;  for  an 
engagement  is  recorded  to  have  taken  place  in 
1568  between  three  of  the  Queen's  ships,  the 
Swalloiv,  the  Ayde,  and  the  Phoenix,  with  a  barque, 
the  Antelope,  and  fourteen  Spanish  hulks,  eight  of 
which  were  captured  and  brought  into  the  Thames 
by  Admiral   Holstock.^     But   whatever  the   cause, 

^  Holinshed'rf  Chronicle,  p.  1211. 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixxiii 

Jenklnson  did  not  go  to  Russia  in  15G8,  and  the 
negotiations  passed  into  the  hands  of  Thomas  Ran- 
dolph,^ a  skilful  diplomatist,  though  inexperienced 
in  Russian  affairs. 

Randolph  was  well  versed  in  the  arts  of  diplo- 
macy. He  had  been  Queen  Elizabeth's  confidential 
agent  for  several  years  at  the  court  of  Mary  of 
Scotland,  and  had  shown  great  skill  in  maintaining 
his  position  there,  in  spite  of  the  part  he  had  been 
called  upon  to  play.  The  imprisonment  of  Mary, 
and  the  ascendency  gained  by  the  reformed  party 
of  Scottish  nobles,  no  longer  rendered  Randolph's 
presence  necessary  in  Scotland,  and  he  was,  there- 
fore, available  for  other  service.  Randolph,  who  held 
the  office  of  Master  of  the  Queen's  posts,  a  title  in 
those  days  probably  honorary,  was  accompanied  to 
Russia  by  George  Turberville,^  his  secretary,  and 
two  merchants,  Thomas  Bannister  and  George 
Duckett,  who  were  to  advise  him  on  all  matters 
concerning  the  Russia  Company,  whose  affairs  were 
then  in  a  critical  position  owing  to  the  disloyalty  of 
their  agents.  Glover,  Rutter,  Bennet,  and  Chappell. 
They  embarked  on  board  the  Harry,  at  Harwich, 
on  the  22nd  June,  and  landed  at  St.  Nicholas,  after 
a  prosperous  voyage,  on  the  23rd  July.     Randolph 

1  Randolph  was  born  at  Badlesmere,  in  Kent.  He  studied  at 
Christchurch,  Oxford,  and  became  Principal  of  Pembroke  College. 
Many  of  his  letters,  relating  chiefly  to  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  are 
preserved  in  the  State  Paper  Office. 

2  Tnrberville  wrote  his  impressions  of  Russia  in  verse.— See 
Notes  upon  Russia,  edited  by  Mr.  Major  for  the  Hakluyt  Society, 
vol.  i,  pp.  cxlix-clvi. 


Ixxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

paid  a  visit  to  the  monastery,  and  describes  his 
entertainment  by  the  monks,  whose  intemperate 
habits  and  superstition  he  condemns.  A  journey  by 
boat  of  five  weeks  brought  him  to  Vologhda,  whence 
he  posted  to  Mosco  (500  miles),  crossing  the  Volga  at 
Yaroslavl,  where  he  saw  a  barque  of  twenty- seven  tons 
burden,  built  by  the  English  for  their  newly  opened 
trade  to  Persia.  The  embassy  reached  Mosco  about 
the  end  of  September ;  but  here  they  were  made  to 
feel  the  displeasure  of  the  Tsar.  Though  lodged  in  a 
house  built  specially  for  ambassadors,  they  were 
allowed  neither  to  go  out  nor  to  receive  visitors,  and 
no  complaint  or  prayer  obtained  them  any  relaxa- 
tion in  the  strictness  of  their  imprisonment.  The 
Tsar,  in  excusing  to  Elizabeth  his  discourteous  treat- 
ment of  Randolph,  attributes  it  to  the  ambassador's 
own  stubbornness,  for  refusing  to  enter  upon  the 
subject  of  his  mission  with  his  counsellors  before  he 
had  seen  him  ;  but  Count  Tolstoi,  in  his  review  of 
the  early  intercourse  between  England  and  Russia, 
explains  it  by  the  anxiety  of  Ivan  to  conceal  from 
Randolph  the  real  state  of  Mosco,  which  was  almost 
daily  the  scene  of  his  terrible  executions.  At 
length  Randolph  received  word  that  the  Tsar  would 
receive  him  on  the  20th  February;  and  on  this  day 
the  two  pristafs,  or  officers  appointed  to  attend  upon 
them,  appeared  in  gorgeous  apparel,  and  mounted 
their  own  horses  to  conduct  the  ambassador  to  the 
palace.  But  he  was*  obliged  to  hire  a  horse,  while 
his  retinue  had  to  submit  to  the  indignity  of  follow- 
ing on  foot. 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixxv 

Yet  another  insult  was  in  store,  for  Randolph.  In 
a  large  hall,  passed  through  by  him  before  reaching 
the  audience-chamber,  sat  a  number  of  grave-look- 
ing personages,  sumptuously  clad,  who  took  no 
notice  of  his  salute.  This  affront,  however,  the 
proud  Englishman  would  not  brook,  so  he  covered 
his  head  and  walked  up  to  the  place  where  the  Tsar 
awaited  him.  Everyone  expected  to  see  the  monarch 
break  out  into  a  paroxysm  of  rage  at  so  audacious  an 
act,  but,  on  the  contrary,  he  received  Randolph  with 
kindness,  and  assured  him  of  his  friendship  for  the 
Queen.  From  this  time  Randolph  had  nothing  to 
complain  of  in  the  way  he  was  treated  :  a  magnifi- 
cent repast  was  sent  to  his  lodging,  his  allowance 
was  increased,  and  he  was  received  at  private  audi- 
ences by  the  Tsar,  who  conversed  with  him  freely  on 
the  subject  of  his  embassy,  and  commended  to  his 
care  one  of  his  noblemen,  Andrew  Savin,  whom  he 
appointed  as  his  ambassador  to  England. 

The  correspondence  of  Bannister  and  Duckett 
shows  how  high  an  opinion  they  entertained  of  the 
Russian  trade,  and  what  its  future  might  be 
could  they  only  establish  it  on  a  sound  footing  and 
place  the  management  in  trustworthy  hands.  For 
the  traitors  had  not  only  undermined  the  confidence 
of  the  Tsar  in  the  integrity  of  the  Company,  and 
procured  for  themselves  precisely  the  same  privileges 
that  had  formerly  been  granted  to  it,  but  they  had 
joined  their  rivals,  the  Dutch,  who  were  trying  to  gain 
an  ascendency  over  the  English  merchants,  in  which 
they  eventually  succeeded.^  It  is  curious  to  find  an 
^  Cf.  Lindsay's  Jlislory  of  Merchant  *</iijipuiff,  iii,  p.  164. 


Ixxvi  INTRODUCTION. 

allusion  in  this  correspondence  to  an  idea  entertained 
by  the  Tsar,  of  having  an  English  body-guard  about 
his  person,  though  nothing  further  appears  to  have 
been  done  in  this  matter.^ 

Randolph's  mission  resulted  in  the  renewal  of 
the  privileges  previously  granted  to  the  Company. 
Their  monopoly  was  restored ;  they  were  allowed 
to  trade  in  all  parts  of  Russia,  and  pass  through 
it  to  Persia,  Cathay,  and  other  countries  customs 
free,  without  payment  of  toll  or  any  other  imposi- 
tion, the  only  reservation  being  their  obligation 
to  bring  their  finest  wares  to  the  Tsar's  treasury, 
in  order  that  a  selection  might  be  made  of  what 
was  needed  for  his  use,  and  to  undertake  the  sale 
or  barter  of  any  goods  for  him.  The  possession  of 
their  houses  and  factories  in  Mosco  and  elsewhere 
was  confirmed  to  them,  and  these  were  taken  out  of 
the  Zemshiiia^  or  national  part,  and  placed  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Opritchnina,  or  reserved  portion  ; 
proving  that  the  Tsar  regarded  the  intercourse  with 
England  as  peculiarly  his  own  affair,  apart  from  the 
nation.  Various  other  privileges  were  granted  to 
them,  including  the  right  of  coining  money  at 
Mosco,  Novgorod,  and  Pskof.  No  English  merchant 
was  to  be  allowed  to  trade  with  Narva  or  Ivangorod 
without  the  Queen's  leave,  under  penalty  of  forfeit- 
ing his  ship  ;  but  other  foreigners  might  freely  come 
to  Livonia. 

1  Bat  the  false  Dmitri,  who  usurped  the  throne  upon  the  death 
of  Boris  Godunof,  is  said  to  have  had  a  foreign  body-guard,  some 
of  whom  were  English  soldiers.  (Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,  ed.  1625, 
vol.  iii,  p.  762.) 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixxvii 

With  these  privileges  Randolph  returned  to 
England  in  the  autumn  of  1569,  upon  the  whole 
well  satisfied  with  his  mission.  He  was  accompanied 
by  Savin,  by  whom  the  Tsar  wrote  to  the  Queen, 
explaining  his  reasons  for  having  kept  Randolph 
waiting  so  long  for  an  audience,  and  interceding  with 
her  for  the  guilty  merchants,  Glover,  Rutter,  and 
Bennet.  Savin  was,  moreover,  the  bearer  of  further 
instructions  regarding  the  secret  treaty.  He  was  to 
insist  upon  its  being  written  in  Russ,  word  for  word 
according  to  the  copy  sent ;  and  that  the  Queen 
should  kiss  the  cross  in  the  presence  of  his  ambassa- 
dor, and  affix  her  seal  to  the  document.  Lastly,  the 
Tsar  required  that  Anthony  Jenkinson  should  be 
sent  by  the  Queen  with  her  great  ambassador  in 
commission. 

Elizabeth  appointed  some  of  the  lords  of  her  Privy 
Council  to  confer  with  Savin.  Their  conference 
lasted  nearly  a  year,  from  July  1569  to  May  1570, 
but  led  to  no  result.  The  English  declared  that, 
before  engaging  England  in  the  wars  of  the  Tsar 
with  his  enemies,  the  Queen  should  assure  herself  of 
the  justice  of  these  wars,  and  try  to  put  an  end  to 
them  by  mediation.  Savin,  on  the  other  hand, 
insisted  that  the  Queen  should  sign  the  treaty  as 
drawn  up,  and  refused  to  enter  into  any  discussion 
as  to  the  good  faith  or  justice  of  his  master's  acts. 
Matters  being  in  this  state,  he  urged,  on  the  6th 
May  1570,  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  depart,  and 
wrote  to  Cecil  with  final  requests  as  to  the  treaty, 
and    requiring   that    Jenkinson    might    return    to 


Ixxxviii  INTRODUCTION. 

The  discovery  of  Anthony  Jenkinson's  will,  how- 
ever, at  the  "Wills  Office,  Somerset  House,  was  the 
first  important  clue  to  his  personal  history,  and  has 
thrown  a  new  light  upon  it,  dispelling  much  of  the 
obscurity  by  which  it  had  hitherto  been  surrounded. 
In  this  document  (dated  in  1610)  he  is  described  of 
Ashton,  in  Northamptonshire,  and  mention  is  made 
in  it  of  Sywell,  in  the  same  county.  A  search  in 
the  Sywell  parish  registers  disclosed  some  further 
facts  relating  to  him.  Here  are  recorded  the 
baptisms  and  burials  of  some  of  his  children  and 
grandchildren,  affording  sufficient  proofs  of  his 
having  resided  at  Sywell  for  some  years  during  the 
latter  part  of  his  life. 

Of  his  parentage  and  birth  we  have  been  unable 
to  discover  any  trace.  The  registers  at  St.  Botolph's, 
Aldersgate  Street,  where  his  house  was  situate,  do 
not  go  further  back  than  the  year  1666  ;  and  those 
of  St.  Alphage's,  which  are  as  old  as  1538,  and  where 
Sir  Rowland  Hayward,  a  governor  of  the  Russia 
Company  in  Jenkinson's  time,  was  buried,^  have  been 
searched  in  vain.  It  was  the  custom  in  those  times 
to  send  young  men  intending  to  follow  the  profession 
of  a  merchant  to  the  Levant,  to  prepare  for  a  mer- 
cantile career,  and  it  is  probable,  that  Chancellor  and 
Gray  both  passed  their  apprenticeship  there.^  Jen- 
kinson's earlier  travels,  begun  in  1546,  were  under- 
taken with  that  object.  In  1555  he  was  admitted 
a  member  of  the  Mercers'  Company  by  redemption 

*  Rememhrancia,  City  of  London,  p.  37,  note  3. 

^  Sec  Arber's  First  Three  English  Buoh  on  America^  p.  xvii. 


TNTRODUCTION.  Ixxxix 

gratis, — that  is  to  say,  without  any  fine  being  paid. 
The  Mercers'  Company,  the  most  ancient  of  the 
trading  companies,  took  precedence  of  all,  and  num- 
bered on  its  rolls  many  of  the  leading  citizens, 
Queen  Elizabeth,  even,  having  enrolled  herself  as  a 
member  ;  the  words  mercer  and  merchant  becoming, 
as  commerce  extended,  synonymous.^  Between  the 
Mercers,  or  Merchants  of  the  Staple,  and  the  Mer- 
chant Adventurers,  from  whom  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany originated,  there  was  a  close  bond  of  union ; 
hence  there  is  no  difficulty  in  tracing  Jenkinson's  con- 
nection with  the  last-named  company,  among  whose 
members  were  John  Marsh,  also  a  mercer.  Sir  John 
Gresham,  elder  brother  of  Sir  Thomas,  and  others. 

In  1557,  as  we  have  seen,  Anthony  Jenkinson,  who 
had  already  acquired  a  good  reputation  as  a  traveller, 
proceeded  to  Russia  for  the  Muscovy  Company,  on  a 
fixed  salary  of  £40  per  annum  for  three  years,  and 
with  the  special  object  of  discovering  a  new  route  to 
Cathay. 

The  next  event  in  his  private  life  which  is  re- 
corded is  his  marriage  with  Judith,  daughter  of 
John  Marsh.  The  Herald's  Visitation  of  London,  in 
which  it  occurs,  was  taken  in  1568,  and  this  may 
probably  be  assigned  as  the  year  of  the  marriage  ;  for 
the  names  of  two  daughters,  Alice  and  Mary,  which 
appear  on  the  record,  may  have  been  added  subse- 
quently. Through  his  wife,  Jenkinson  became  con- 
nected with  the  Greshams,  her  mother,  whose  name 
was  Alice,  being  a  daughter  of  William  Gresham, 

*  Li/e  and  Times  of  iSir  T.  Greshcuu,  vol.  i,  p.  185. 


IXXX  INTRODUCTION 

she  sends  her  *'  Orator  and  seruant,  dear  to  and 
beloued  by  vs,  Anthony  lenkinson",  who  had  been 
employed  in  the  greatest  and  most  secret  affairs.  He 
would  explain  all  things,  and  tell  the  Tsar  most  truly 
that  "  no  merchants  gouern  our  country,  but  we 
rule  it  ourselues  in  manner  befitting  a  Virgin  Queen, 
appointed  by  the  great  and  good  God."  And  she 
concludes  by  asking  that  the  privileges  may  be 
restored  to  her  subjects,  and  that  the  Tsar  will 
show  them  the  same  regard  as  he  had  done  for  the 
last  twenty  years. 

On  the  26th  July  1571  Jenkinson  arrived  at  St. 
Nicholas  with  the  two  ships,  the  Swalloiv  and  the 
Harry,  and  on  landing  at  Kose  Island,  immediately 
sent  away  his  interpreter,  Daniel  Sylvester,  to 
Mosco,  to  inform  the  Tsar  of  his  coming,  and  to  know 
his  pleasure.  At  Rose  Island  he  heard  from  the 
Company's  agent,  Nicholas  Proctor,  that  the  Tsar 
was  much  displeased  with  him,  and  that  he  had  said 
that  if  Jenkinson  ventured  into  his  country  again,  he 
should  lose  his  head.  Not  a  little  dismayed  by  this 
discouraging  news,  Jenkinson  debated  with  himself 
whether  he  should  go  forward  or  return  home  with  the 
ships.  Feeling  innocent  of  any  just  cause  of  offence, 
and  desirous  of  being  tried,  in  order  to  silence  the 
enemies  who  had  spread  untrue  and  slanderous  reports 
that  he  was  the  cause  of  the  Emperor's  displeasure 
towards  the  merchants,  though  the  Tsar's  letter 
brought  by  Daniel  Sylvester  disproved  their  asser- 
tion, Jenkinson  nevertheless  decided  on  placing  his 
life  in  the  power  of  the  tyrant,  and  proceeding  with 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixxxi 

his  mission.  Accordingly,  he  took  leave  of  the  ships, 
and  started  on  the  29th  July  for  Kholmogori,  arriv- 
ing there  on  the  1st  August.  Here  he  v^as  obliged 
to  remain  :  for,  in  consequence  of  the  plague,  every 
road  v^as  guarded,  and  no  one  might  pass,  under 
penalty  of  death.  Here  he  learned,  through  the 
Governor  of  Yologhda,  that  Sylvester  had  been 
stopped  at  Shatsk,  and  could  neither  go  forward  nor 
return,  nor  communicate  with  him.  The  Tsar,  it 
was  reported,  had  gone  to  the  Swedish  frontier  to 
prepare  for  war ;  but  this  was  a  piece  of  bravado  on 
the  part  of  Ivan,  w^ho  was  powerless  to  take  the 
field  against  an  enemy,  with  his  country  in  so 
desperate  a  condition.  Jenkinson  now  tried  send- 
ing another  messenger  to  the  Tsar  by  a  circuitous 
route ;  but  he  fared  no  better  than  the  first, 
narrowly  escaping  being  burnt  for  attempting 
to  force  the  cordon  drawn  round  the  infected 
districts. 

Till  the  1 8th  January  Jenkinson  remained  at  Khol- 
mogori, receiving,  in  the  meantime,  every  sign  of  the 
Tsar's  displeasure.  No  officer  was  commanded  to 
see  to  his  wants,  and  no  allowance  was  made  to 
him,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  country  for  ambas- 
sadors. The  people,  too,  seeing  that  he  was  in  dis- 
favour, showed  him  every  discourtesy,  refusing  even 
to  supply  him  with  provisions  at  any  price.  But  at 
length  the  plague  ceased,  and,  communications  being 
restored,  an  order  came  from  Mosco  that  he  should 
have  post-horses  and  be  allowed  to  proceed  to  Peres- 
lavl,  where  he  arrived  on  the  3rd  February.     Here  a 


Ixxxii  INTRODUCTION. 

house  was  appointed  for  him,  and  an  allowance  of  pro- 
visions ;  but  he  was  so  strictly  guarded  that  he  was 
prevented  from  holding  communication  with  any  of 
the  English.^  On  the  14th  March  he  was  summoned 
to  court,  but,  when  within  three  miles  of  Alex- 
androfsky  Sloboda,^  a  messenger  was  sent  to  the 
officer  in  charge  of  him  to  return  to  Pereslavl,  and 
await  there  his  Majesty's  pleasure.  This  sudden 
change  seemed  to  him  most  inauspicious,  particularly 
as  it  was  generally  known  that  the  Tsar  had  been 
very  unsuccessful  in  his  affairs.  On  the  20th  March, 
however,  he  was  again  sent  for,  and  on  the  23rd 
was  admitted  to  an  audience  of  the  Tsar,  when  he 
kissed  hands  and  presented  the  Queen's  letters  and 
gifts,  and  made  his  oration.  He  also  presented  some 
small  gifts  from  himself, — a  silver  basin  and  ewer, 
a  looking-glass,  and  a  bunch  of  ostrich  feathers. 
The  Tsar  then  dismissed  everyone  from  the  room, 
and  spoke  to  Jenkinson  alone.  He  recited  the 
various  incidents  which  had  occurred  since  An- 
thony's last  visit  to  Russia,  including  Randolph's 
embassy,  alleging  that  the  Queen  had  broken  her 
agreement  made  through  Randolph  for  a  treaty 
to  be  concluded  between  them.  Jenkinson  then 
answered  fully  the  various  points  of  the  Tsar's 
speech,  explaining  why  he  had  not  been  sent  with 
the  embassy  of  Randolph,  whose  conduct  in  refusing 
to   treat  with  the  Tsar's  councillors  before   seeing 

1  This  is  the  only  mention  of  Englishmen  being  at  Pereslavl. 
^  Alexandrof,  now  the  chief  town  of  the  government  of  Vladi- 
mir. 


INTRODUCTION.  Ixxxiii 

the  Tsar  himself  he  defended.  As  to  the  alleged 
agreement  with  Randolph,  the  latter  had  denied 
having  entered  into  any  obligation,  saving  with  the 
approval  of  the  Queen,  and  had  justified  himself  to 
Savin  in  England.  Therefore,  continued  Jenkinson, 
either  Savin  had  falsely  informed  the  Tsar,  or  there 
had  been  a  misunderstanding,  owing  to  the  fault  of 
the  interpreter.  He  referred  the  Tsar  to  the  Queen's 
letter,  sent  by  Robert  Best,  for  a  true  statement  of 
the  way  his  ambassador,  Savin,  had  been  received  ; 
and  said  that  the  Queen  supposed  that  the  Tsar's 
mind  had  been  prejudiced  by  Savin's  false  reports, 
and  the  evil  doings  of  the  traitorous  English  agents ; 
for  he  assured  him  that  the  merchants  of  England 
were  always  ready  to  serve  him  in  peace  or  in  war, 
and  had  brought  him,  by  way  of  Narva,  such  com- 
modities as  were  not  allowed  to  be  exported  to  any 
other  country  in  the  world.  He  spoke  of  the  losses 
sustained  by  the  Russia  Company,  recalled  to  his 
memory  the  defeat  of  the  Polish  freebooters  by  their 
ships  in  1570,  and  requested  him  to  restore  their 
privileges  and  allow  them  to  trade  as  heretofore. 
He  also  begged  that  Ralph  Rutter,  and  other  dis- 
hon.ist  agents,  who  were  trying  to  sow  dissension 
between  the  two  courts,  might  be  delivered  to  him, 
to  be  sent  home.  All  this  the  Tsar  promised  to 
consider  after  he  had  read  the  Queen's  letters ; 
but  that,  as  it  was  now  Passion  Week,  a  time 
devoted  to  prayer  and  fasting,  he  must  reserve 
his  reply ;  moreover,  he  was  shortly  to  proceed 
to  Novgorod,  about  his  affairs  with  Sweden,  and 


Ixxxiv  TXTT?0DU(T10X. 

could  not  give  Jenkinson  an  Immediate  answer. 
Thereupon  a  dinner,  ready  dressed,  was  sent  to 
Jenkinson's  lodgings,  and  the  next  day  he  received 
the  Tsar's  commands  to  depart  immediately  for 
Tver,  and  await  his  arrival. 

Jenkinson  reached  Tver  on  the  28th  March,  but  it 
was  not  till  May  8th  that  he  received  the  Tsar's  com- 
mands to  repair  to  Staritsa,  a  town  about  fifty  miles 
from  Tver.  At  Staritsa  he  had  an  interview,  on  the 
12th  May,  with  the  Chief  Secretary,  who  told  him 
that  the  Tsar's  orders  were  that  he  should  communi- 
cate, in  writing,  any  requests  he  might  have  to  make 
on  behalf  of  the  merchants.  This,  after  a  long  con- 
ference, Jenkinson  did,  and  handed  to  the  Secretary 
sixteen  articles.  From  these,  it  is  evident  that  the 
merchants  had  been  hardly  dealt  with  during  the 
time  they  were  under  the  Tsar's  displeasure. 
Justice  had  not  been  done  them ;  debts  due  to 
them  had  not  been  paid ;  Bannister  and  Duckett 
had  not  been  allowed  to  prosecute  their  journey 
beyond  Astrakhan  ;  and  customs  had  been  levied  on 
the  merchandise  of  the  Company  imported  from 
Persia,  notwithstanding  their  privilege  of  free 
transit.  These,  and  several  other  matters,  were 
the  substance  of  Jenkinson's  articles.  On  the 
following  day,  13th  May,  Jenkinson  had  a  second 
interview  of  the  Tsar,  who  told  him  that  he  was 
now  well  satisfied  that  the  chief  cause  of  his  offence 
lay  in  the  failure  of  Savin's  embassy  to  accomplish 
his  wishes,  and  the  misconduct  of  the  Company's 
factors.     As  to  his   "  princely  &  secret  affaires",  he 


INTRODUCTION.  IxXXV 

had  decided  to  lay  them  aside  for  the  time,  and  not 
importune  the  Queen  any  further.  He  would  restore 
the  Company  to  its  privileges  and  liberties,  and 
make  a  proclamation  throughout  his  empire  to  this 
effect.  *'And  if  the  Queen",  he  added,  "had  not 
sent  thee,  Anthony,  vnto  vs  at  this  present,  God 
knoweth  what  we  should  haue  done  to  the  said 
merchants,  or  whether  we  would  haue  called  backe 
our  indignation."  Finally,  the  Tsar  dismissed  him, 
with  a  courteous  message  to  the  Queen,  in  deliver- 
ing which  he  stood  up  and  took  off  his  cap,  bidding 
his  son  do  the  same.  The  next  day,  full  replies  were 
given  Jenkinson,  by  the  Secretary,  to  his  requests, 
and  a  letter  to  the  Queen,  in  which  the  Tsar  in- 
formed her  that  he  had  taken  the  merchants  back 
into  favour,  and  would  give  them  a  new  charter. 
Jenkinson  asked  that  his  interpreter,  Daniel  Sylves- 
ter, might  remain  behind,  to  collect  the  debts  due 
to  the  Company,  and  receive  the  new  privileges. 
This,  however,  was  not  permitted,  and  Jenkinson 
was  obliged  to  leave  without  them.  But  from 
Vologhda  he  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Tsar  at  Nov- 
gorod, to  remind  him  that  the  privileges  had  not 
been  received,  and  that  Ralph  Rutter,  whose  extra- 
dition he  had  demanded,  might  be  sent  to  the 
coast.  At  Kholmogori  he  remained  a  month,  in  the 
expectation  of  the  return  of  his  messenger,  and  at 
length,  the  ships  being  ready  to  depart,  he  set  sail 
on  the  23rd  July,  arriving  on  the  coast  of  Norfolk 
on  the  ]  0  th  September. 

This  was  Jenkinson's  last  visit  to  Russia,  where 


IxXXvi  INTRODUCTION. 

his  services  had  been  of  the  greatest  use  to  his 
Queen  and  country.  He  had,  by  conciliating  the 
good- will  of  the  Tsar  and  his  people,  and  by  un- 
swerving honesty  and  tenacity  of  purpose,  gained 
respect  for  the  English  name.  He  had  vindicated 
his  character  from  the  aspersions  thrown  on  it 
by  some  of  his  countrymen.  His  slanderers  were 
silenced ;  his  triumph  was  complete.  For  fifteen 
years  he  had  devoted  most  of  his  time  to  the  inter- 
course between  England  and  Russia.  From  May 
1557,  when  he  first  sailed  to  Russia  in  the  Prim- 
rose, to  September  1572,  when  he  returned  to 
England  from  his  last  mission  to  that  country,  he 
had  been,  with  two  intervals, — one  in  1565,  when  he 
was  employed  on  the  Ayde  for  a  few  months,  and 
the  second  from  1567  to  1571,  during  which  we  nearly 
lose  sight  of  him, — continually  engaged,  in  a  public 
and  private  capacity,  in  fostering  good  relations  and 
peaceful  intercourse  between  the  two  countries.  He 
had  sown  the  seed  for  future  generations  to  reap 
the  benefits.  "And  thus",  he  concludes,  "being 
wearie,  and  growing  old,  I  am  content  to  take  my 
rest  in  mine  owne  house,  chiefly  comforting  my 
selfe  in  that  my  seruice  hath  bene  honourably 
accepted  and  rewarded  of  her  Maiesty,  and  the  rest 
by  whom  I  haue  been  emploied." 

We  must  now  take  leave  of  Jenkinson  in  his 
public  capacity,  and  present  to  the  reader  the  few 
details  which  we  have  gleaned  of  his  private  life. 
These  relate  almost  entirely  to  his  later  years,  for 
there  is  nothing  to  throw  light  on  his  earlier  history, 


INTRODUCTION.  IxXXvii 

beyond  the  few  particulars  he  himself  gives  of  his 
travels  in  Europe  and  the  East,  previous  to  his  first 
voyage  to  Eussia.  In  his  interview  with  the  Shah 
he  describes  himself  thus  :  "  vnto  whom  I  answered 
that  I  w^as  of  the  famous  citie  of  London,  within 
the  noble  realme  of  England"  (Text,  p.  145).  In 
the  grant  of  arms  {infra)  he  is  described  as  "  citizen 
of  London",  and  in  the  Herald's  Visitation  (ih.)  as 
*' citizen  and  mercer". 

The  materials  for  his  life  are,  it  must  be  confessed, 
somewhat  scanty.  Such  notices  of  him  as  are  to  be 
found  in  biographical  dictionaries  refer  mostly  to 
his  travels,  and  but  few  touch  upon  his  personal 
history.  Where  they  do,  they  are  generally  at 
fault.  Thus,  in  Ersch's  Encyclopedia^  Jenkinson  is 
described  as  coming  from  a  Yorkshire  family.  In 
another  work^  he  is  represented  as  the  ancestor  of 
that  branch  of  the  Jenkinson  family  which  settled 
at  Walcot,  near  Charlbury,  in  Oxfordshire,  and 
which  included  among  its  members  the  famous 
Lord  Liverpool,  Prime  Minister  of  England  from 
1812-27.^  According  to  this  authority,  our  traveller, 
after  returning  to  England,  settled  in  London  in  the 
decline  of  his  life,  and  with  the  considerable  fortune 
he  had  acquired,  purchased  an  estate  in  houses, 
besides  the  family  mansion  and  estate  in  Oxford- 
shire. 

^  Algemeine  Encydopedie,  Ersch  and  Grueber. 
2  The  Ancient  Family  of  Carlyle.     London,  1822. 
®  The  present  representative  of  this  family  is  Sir  George  Jen- 
kinson, Bart.,  of  Hawkesbury,  Gloucestershire. 


Ixxxviii  INTRODUCTION. 

The  discovery  of  Anthony  Jenkinson's  will,  how- 
ever, at  the  Wills  Office,  Somerset  House,  was  the 
first  important  clue  to  his  personal  history,  and  has 
thrown  a  new  light  upon  it,  dispelling  much  of  the 
obscurity  by  which  it  had  hitherto  been  surrounded. 
In  this  document  (dated  in  1610)  he  is  described  of 
Ashton,  in  Northamptonshire,  and  mention  is  made 
in  it  of  Sywell,  in  the  same  county.  A  search  in 
the  Sywell  parish  registers  disclosed  some  further 
facts  relating  to  him.  Here  are  recorded  the 
baptisms  and  burials  of  some  of  his  children  and 
grandchildren,  affi)rding  sufficient  proofs  of  his 
having  resided  at  Sywell  for  some  years  during  the 
latter  part  of  his  life. 

Of  his  parentage  and  birth  we  have  been  unable 
to  discover  any  trace.  The  registers  at  St.  Botolph's, 
Aldersgate  Street,  where  his  house  was  situate,  do 
not  go  further  back  than  the  year  1666  ;  and  those 
of  St.  Alphage's,  which  are  as  old  as  1538,  and  where 
Sir  Rowland  Hayward,  a  governor  of  the  Russia 
Company  in  Jenkinson's  time,  was  buried,^  have  been 
searched  in  vain.  It  was  the  custom  in  those  times 
to  send  young  men  intending  to  follow  the  profession 
of  a  merchant  to  the  Levant,  to  prepare  for  a  mer- 
cantile career,  and  it  is  probable,  that  Chancellor  and 
Gray  both  passed  their  apprenticeship  there.^  Jen- 
kinson's earlier  travels,  begun  in  1546,  were  under- 
taken with  that  object.  In  1555  he  was  admitted 
a  member  of  the  Mercers'  Company  by  redemption 

*  Reinemhrancia,  City  of  London,  p.  37,  note  3. 

^  See  Arber's  First  Three  English  Books  on  America,  p.  xvii. 


TNTRODUCTION.  Ixxxix 

gratis, — that  is  to  say,  without  any  fine  being  paid. 
The  Mercers'  Company,  the  most  ancient  of  the 
trading  companies,  took  precedence  of  all,  and  num- 
bered on  its  rolls  many  of  the  leading  citizens. 
Queen  Elizabeth,  even,  having  enrolled  herself  as  a 
member  ;  the  words  mercer  and  merchant  becoming, 
as  commerce  extended,  synonymous.^  Between  the 
Mercers,  or  Merchants  of  the  Staple,  and  the  Mer- 
chant Adventurers,  from  whom  the  Muscovy  Com- 
pany originated,  there  was  a  close  bond  of  union ; 
hence  there  is  no  difficulty  in  tracing  Jenkinson's  con- 
nection with  the  last-named  company,  among  whose 
members  were  John  Marsh,  also  a  mercer.  Sir  John 
Gresham,  elder  brother  of  Sir  Thomas,  and  others. 

In  1557,  as  we  have  seen,  Anthony  Jenkinson,  who 
had  already  acquired  a  good  reputation  as  a  traveller, 
proceeded  to  Kussia  for  the  Muscovy  Company,  on  a 
fixed  salary  of  £40  per  annum  for  three  years,  and 
with  the  special  object  of  discovering  a  new  route  to 
Cathay. 

The  next  event  in  his  private  life  which  is  re- 
corded is  his  marriage  with  Judith,  daughter  of 
John  Marsh.  The  Herald's  Visitation  of  London,  in 
which  it  occurs,  was  taken  in  1568,  and  this  may 
probably  be  assigned  as  the  year  of  the  marriage ;  for 
the  names  of  two  daughters,  Alice  and  Mary,  which 
appear  on  the  record,  may  have  been  added  subse- 
quently. Through  his  wife,  Jenkinson  became  con- 
nected with  the  Greshams,  her  mother,  whose  name 
was  Alice,  being  a  daughter  of  William  Gresham, 

*  Life  and  Times  of  ^ir  T.  Grtshaviy  vol.  i,  p.  185. 


XC  INTRODUCTION. 

cousin  of  Sir  Thomas,  by  whom  Marsh  is  referred  to 
in  his  correspondence  as  "my  cousin  Marsh".^  John 
Marsh,  or  Mershe,  came  of  an  old  Northamptonshire 
family,  mentioned  in  Rymer  s  Fcedera.  He  pro- 
bably succeeded  Mr.  Hussey  as  governor  of  the 
Merchant  Adventurers,  and  his  name  occurs  among 
others  at  the  foot  of  the  document,  testifying  to  the 
handsome  reception  given  to  the  first  Russian  am- 
bassador in  England  in  1557.^  He  was  afterwards 
governor  of  the  company  of  merchants  trading  to 
the  Netherlands,  and  he  is  referred  to  in  the  State 
papers  in  connection  with  affairs  in  that  country. 

The  year  1568,  which  was  probably  that  of  Jen- 
kinson's  marriage,  was  also  marked  by  the  grant  of 
arms  conferred  upon  him,  a  copy  of  which  is  given 
below  {infra,  p.  c).  This  document,  after  a  pre- 
amble setting  forth  that  the  bearing  of  arms 
was  a  chief  and  usual  way  of  perpetuating  the 
memory  of  the  brave  deeds  and  deserts  of  such 
as  have  done  good  service  to  their  prince  and 
country,  and  advanced  the  common  weal ;  and  after 
reciting  that  Anthony  Jenkinson  was  amongst  the 
number  of  these,  for  "  he  hath  not  fearyd  to  adven- 
ture and  hazard  his  life,  and  to  weare  his  body 
with  long  and  paynfull  traveyll  into  dyvers  and 
sundry  contreys",  etc.,  proceeds:  "In  considera- 
cion  of  which  his  said  traveyll,  tending  always  to 
the  honor  of  his  prince  and  countrey  (a  p[er]fect 
proof  of  his  vertue  and  prowesse),  and  for  a  perpetuall 

^  Cf.  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  T.  Gresham,  vol.  ii,  p.  64. 
2  HakL,  1599,  vol.  i,  p.  290. 


INTRODUCTION.  xci 

declaration  of  the  worthynesse  of  the  said  Anthony 
lenkinson,  we,  the  kings  of  armes,etc.,  have  assigned, 
gyven,  and  grauntyd  vnto  the  sayde  Anthony  len- 
kynson  these  armes  and  creast  following." 

From  his  father-in-law  Jenkinson  acquired  by  pur- 
chase the  estate  of  Sywell,  in  Northamptonshire, 
where  he  resided  for  several  years  during  the  latter 
part  of  his  life. 

"  In  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  Henry  VIII  (1543),  the  manor, 
grange,  and  advowson  of  Sywell,  late  parcel  of  the  possessions 
of  St.  Andrew's  Priory,  were  granted  to  John  Mershe,^  and  by 
him  afterwards  sold  to  Anthony  Jenkinson,  Esq.,  who,  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  Elizabeth  (1578),  levied  a  fine  of  them."^ 

Jenkinson's  house,  before  he  settled  at  Sywell, 
was  in  Aldersgate  Street,  as  appears  from  the  Close 
Rolls.  The  first  of  these  relating  to  him  is  a  mort- 
gage, by  one  Alexander  Richworth,  of  some  property 
in  Yorkshire,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Elizabeth  (1570). 
In  the  usual  proviso  of  redemption  inserted  at  the 
end  of  this  deed,  the  mortgagor  has  to  pay  "vnto  the 
said  Anthony  Jenkinson  the  some  of  one  hundred 
pounds  of  lawfull  money  of  England,  on  the  tenth 
daie  of  Nouember  next  com  yng  after  the  date  hereof, 
at  the  nowe  dwelling  house  of  the  said  Anthony  Jen- 
hjnson,  set  and  being  at  Aldersgate  Strete,  in  the 
stthurhes  of  the  cytie  of  London,  betweene  the  houres 
of  one  and  foure  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone."^ 

*  The  name  of  Marsh  is  well  known  at  the  present  day  in 
Holcot,  an  adjoining  parish  to  Sywell. 

^  Bridge's  Northaviptony  by  Whalley,  vol.  ii,  p.  147. 
3  Close  Rolls,   12  Eliz. 


XCU  INTRODUCTION. 

"  Aldersgate  Street  in  the  suburbs"  meant  without 
the  city  wall,  a  part  which  was  then,  or  soon  after- 
wards became,  a  fashionable  quarter. 

A  work  on  old  London,  by  William  Newton,^  ac- 
companied by  a  plan,  shows  plainly  the  condition  of 
this  part  of  the  city  about  Jenkinson's  time.  The 
Alders  gate,  the  oldest  entrance,  stood  on  the 
north  side ;  from  it  ran  Aldersgate  Street,  in  a 
northerly  direction,  terminating  at  Aldersgate 
Bars.  The  whole  of  the  street,  which  was  without 
the  city  wall,  and  therefore  in  the  suburbs,  was 
flanked  on  either  side  by  fine  houses,  having 
gardens  or  orchards  at  the  back.  Near  the  gate 
was  Little  Britain,  so  named  after  the  Dukes  of 
Brittany,  who  once  lodged  there.  This  was  formerly 
a  cluster  of  narrow  lanes  and  courts,  partly  belong- 
ing to  Cloth  Fair.^  It  is  impossible  to  say  where 
the  house  of  our  traveller  stood ;  but  the  whole 
neighbourhood  teems  with  memories  of  the  early 
Merchant  Adventurers. 

The  year  of  Jenkinson's  removal  to  Sywell  can 
only  be  approximately  fixed  between  1570  and  1578, 
or,  rather,  between  1572 — when  he  returned  from 
his  last  voyage  toKussia — and  1578.  After  this  he 
made  no  more  distant  journeys,  and  was  content,  as 
he  himself  says  in  summarising  his  travels,  to  take 
his  rest  in  his  own  house.  That  he  was  residing  at 
Sywell  in  1578  is  proved  by  a  Close  Roll  of  that  year 

^  London  in  the  Oidtn  Time,  18o>J,  p.  75. 
-  See  Washiuiiftuii  Irvine's  ti ketch- BooU. 


TNTnODUCTlOX.  XCllI 

concerning  him,  purpoi^ting  to  be  a  mortgage  of  an 
estate,  the  Tower  of  the  Lee,  in  the  parish  of 
Gushops  Castle,  in  Shropshire.  In  this  deed  the 
mortgagor  agrees  to  pay  the  redemption  money, 
one  hundred  and  forty-three  pounds,  "  at  or  within 
the  noive  mane  on  hmvse  of  the  said  Anthony e  Jenkyn- 
son,  Esquier,  seytuate  in  SytvelL"^ 

The  village  of  Sywell,  about  eight  miles  from 
Northampton,  lies  in  a  hollow,  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
from  Lord  Overst one's  park.  It  was  entirely  rebuilt 
by  the  late  Lady  Overstone,  and  contains  some  fifty 
houses  of  a  class  decidedly  superior  to  those  gene- 
rally occupied  by  labourers.  The  church,  dedicated 
to  Saints  Peter  and  Paul,  and  dating  from  the  time 
of  King  John,  has  been  restored  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  present  rector,  the  Rev.  Robert  Baillie, 
who  has  studied  to  preserve  the  more  interesting 
points  of  the  ancient  building.  Not  far  from  the 
church  stands  Sywell  Hall,  a  fine  old  mansion  with 
mullioned  windows  and  gabled  roofs,  some  four 
centuries  old.  Archseologists  have  traced  in  the 
original  design  the  idea  of  the  architect  to  build  it 
in  the  shape  of  the  letter  E,  parts  of  which  are  now 
wanting,  and  would  therefore  fix  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth as  the  period  of  its  construction.  But  there 
are  indications  of  its  being  of  much  older  date,  and 
of  its  having  belonged  to  the  family  of  Sir  William 
Tresham,  who  represented  the  county  in  six  parlia- 
ments in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI.  In  such  case 
Jenkinson  probably  occupied  another  manor-house, 
'  Close  Roll,  20  Eliz.,  part  3. 


XCIV  INTRODUCTION. 

mentioned  by  Bridges,^  remains  of  which  are  occa- 
sionally turned  up  in  ploughing  an  adjoining  field. 

An  examination  of  the  registers  at  Sy well  resulted 
in  the  discovery  of  several  entries  concerning  our 
traveller.  The  first  of  these  occurs  in  1579,  and 
reads  as  follows  : — 

"  Judeth  JenkensOne,  the  doughter  of  M""-  Anthony  Jen- 
kensOne,  Esquier,  &  Jane  Jenkensonne,  his  doughter,  also 
war  baptized  the  ffirste  day  of  October  1579." 

This  evidently  refers  to  two,  probably  twin,  daugh- 
ters, who  died  in  infancy,  and  were  buried  on  the 
21st  October  of  the  same  year. 

The  next  entry  is  the  baptism  of  a  son — 

"  Anthony  Jenkensonne,  the  sonne  of  M""-  Anthony  Jen- 
kensone,  esquier,  was  baptyzed  the  xi  day  of  Marche,  Afio 
Dom  1580." 

He,  too,  died  in  infancy,  though  his  burial  is  not  in 
the  register ;  but  two  years  later  another  son  was 
born,  also  named  Anthony,  showing  the  endeavour 
to  perpetuate  a  name  which  had  become  famous. 
The  record  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Anthony  Jenkensonne,  the  sonne  of  M*"-  Anthony  Jenken- 
sone,  was  baptyzed  the  xx  day  of  Julye,  Ano  Dom  1582." 

There  are  no  further  entries  of  our  traveller's 
children  in  the  Sywell  registers  ;  but  the  baptisms 
of  three  grandchildren  appear  there — two  sons  and 
a  daughter  of  Henry  Jenkinson — namely,  Henry, 
baptised  in  1593  ;  William,  in  1596  ;  and  Mary,  in 
1598, — all  three  mentioned  in  their  grandfather's 
will. 

^  Hist,  of  Northampton,  ii,  147. 


TNTRODITCTION.  XCV 

Another  glimpse  of  our  traveller  at  Sywell  is 
obtained  in  a  Close  Roll  of  the  year  1583,^  when  he 
purchased  the  wood  and  underwood  called  Gorton 
Groyle,  adjoining  his  estate. 

A  few  more  particulars  concerning  Jenkinson's 
public  life  are  afforded  by  the  State  papers.  In 
1576  he  is  appointed  one  of  three  commissioners 
(the  other  two  being  Sir  William  Winter  and 
Michael  Lock)  to  consider  upon  all  matters  requisite 
for  the  furniture  and  despatch  of  Mr.  Frobisher  on  a 
second  voyage  to  Cathay.'  Jenkinson's  name,  as  well 
as  those  of  Thomas  Randolph,  Lord  Burghley,  and 
Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  appear  among  the  venturers 
in  Frobisher's  second  and  third  voyages  to  Cathay, 
in  1576  and  1577.*  In  1577  he  is  sent  with  Daniel 
Rogers  on  a  special  mission  to  Embden,  to  treat 
with  the  King  of  Denmark's  commissioners  on  the 
right  of  England  to  navigate  the  northern  seas 
beyond  Norway.  This  King,  like  the  other  poten- 
tates of  Europe,  was  exceedingly  jealous  and  dis- 
pleased at  the  newly  opened  English  trade  with 
Russia,  and  denied  their  right  to  sail  past  the 
coasts  of  Norway,  which  then  belonged  to  the 
Crown  of  Denmark,  on  their  way  to  the  White  Sea. 
He  also  sought  to  impose  tolls  on  English  ships 
passing  through  the  Sound  to  the  Baltic,  on  their 
way  to  Narva,  founding  his  claims  on  an  old  treaty 

1  Close  Roll,  25  Eliz.,  pt.  9. 
«  Cal.  S.  P.,  K  Ind.,  1513-1616,  p.  xiii. 

3  Cal.  S.  P.,  Col.   E.  Ind.,  pp.    18,  24,   29;  Frobisher's  Three 
Voyages  (Hakl.  Soc),  pp.  348,  352. 


XCVl  INTRODUCTION. 

made  between  former  kings  of  the  two  countries. 
He  wished  to  interpret  this  treaty  according  to  the 
strict  and  literal  meaning  of  the  words,  which 
appear  to  have  excluded  the  English  from  sailing 
their  ships  between  Iceland  and  Helgoland. 
The  Queen  replied  that  no  such  prohibition  was 
ever  intended  by  that  or  any  other  treaty,  and 
prayed  the  King  to  appoint  commissioners  to  meet 
hers  and  discuss  the  whole  matter.  The  commis- 
sioners met,  but  could  come  to  no  agreement,  and 
the  matter  remained  in  suspense  three  or  four  years, 
till  another  conference  was  arranged,  when  a  fresh 
treaty  was  concluded,  by  which  the  King  agreed  to 
suffer  the  traffic  to  continue,  receiving,  in  considera- 
tion of  this  concession,  the  annual  sum  of  one 
hundred  rose-nobles,  payable  to  him  at  Elsinore. 

In  1578  we  find  Jenkinson  associated  with  Ran- 
dolph on  the  commission  appointed  to  report  on 
the  ore  brought  to  England  in  Frobisher's  ships,^ 
which  had  been  assayed  at  Muscovy  House.  This 
is  the  last  occasion  that  any  mention  of  him  is 
made  in  the  State  papers,  but  the  recollection  of 
his  good  deeds  long  survived  his  retirement  from 
active  life ;  thus,  we  find  him  referred  to  in  a  notice 
of  the  trade  to  the  Levant.^ 

The  last  act  of  his  life,  when  he  was  no  longer 
able  to  write  his  name,  was  the  making  of  his  will. 
In  this  document,  dated  13th  November  1610,  he 

1  Cal  S.  P.,  Col.  E.  Ind.,  No.  89. 

2  Hahl,  1599,  ii,  p.  136. 


INTRODUCTION.  XCVll 

describes  himself  of  Ashton,^  in  the  county  of  North - 
ants.  But  we  have  seen  that  he  was  residing  at 
Sywell  till  the  year  1598,  from  the  baptism  of  one 
of  his  grandchildren  appearing  in  the  parish  register 
under  that  year.  When,  therefore,  did  he  remove 
to  Ashton,  and  for  what  cause  ?  These  are  ques- 
tions we  are  wholly  unable  to  answer  ;  nor  is  there 
any  monument  at  Ashton  which  could  throw  any 
light  on  the  subject.  The  Rev.  Cavendish  Neely, 
son  of  the  present  rector  of  that  parish,  of  whom 
inquiry  was  made,  obligingly  wrote  in  reply  that 
there  is  a  manor-house  in  the  village,  and  that 
after  having  served  as  a  farm-house  for  many  years, 
it  is  now  made  into  several  cottages.  The  present 
building,  he  adds,  cannot  be  later  than  the  early 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  the  traces  of  a 
moat,  still  visible,  point  to  the  existence  of  an  earlier 
building  on  the  same  site. 

Of  the  witnesses  to  the  will,  the  family  of  Woolf, 
Wolfe,  Le  Loup,  Lupus,  is  of  very  ancient  origin, 
and  were  lords  of  the  manor  of  Ashton  in  the  reign 
of  Edward  IL^  The  name  of  Webb,  another 
witness,  does  not  occur  in  the  registers  till  the  year 
1780,  though  now  a  common  name  in  the  village  ; 
but  that  of  Jenkinson  is  not  in  the  parish  register 
(which  has  no  entry  earlier  than  1682). 

The  will  directs  that  a  yearly  portion  or  pension  of  £30  is 
to  be  paid  to  Henry  Jenkinson,  the  son  of  the  testator,  who 
was  at  that  time  "  in  a  weak  state  of  mynde  and  body",  the 
pension  to  be  increased  to  £50  in  the  event  of  his  recovering 

*  Near  Towcester.  ^  Bridges'  Nortliampton,  i,  283. 


XC  VI 1 1  INTRODUCTION. 

his  health.  To  his  grandson,  Henry  Jenkinson,  the  sum  of 
£2,000  is  to  be  paid  on  his  attaining  the  age  of  twenty-one ;  to 
tliis  grandson  three  parts  of  the  plate  and  household  stuff  of 
whatsoever  it  consist  are  left,  and  he  is  appointed  residuary 
legatee.  To  another  grandson,  William  Jenkinson,  there  is 
a  bequest  of  £400,  and  "  my  lesser  bason  and  ewer  of  silver". 
To .  his  grand-daughter,  Mary  Jenkinson,  the  sum  of  £500 
is  directed  to  be  paid,  and  to  her  is  given  the  fourth  part  of 
the  plate  and  household  effects  on  her  attaining  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  or  within  one  year  of  her  marriage. 

Then  there  are  legacies  to  the  testator's  daughters,  Alice 
Price,  Mary  Hobson,  Lucy  Wilson,  and  Katherine  Newport, 
each  of  whom  receives  £5.  To  Nicholas  Price,  his  grandson 
and  godson,  £50  are  directed  to  be  paid ;  and  to  his  grand- 
daughter, Susan  Price,  £100  on  her  attaining  twenty-one,  or 
on  the  day  of  her  marriage.  Then  follow  gifts  to  his  servants  : 
Thomas  Greenwood,  £20,  "  and  the  bed  and  bedding  he  now 
lieth  in"  ;  to  Thomas  Thame  a  gold  ring,  or  405.  "  to  buy  one 
better  to  his  liking". 

There  are  also  legacies  to  testator's  niece,  Dorothy  Jenkin- 
son, £50  ;  to  Sir  Philip  Sherard,  Knight,  "  my  acorne  cupp  of 
plate",  which  is  also  excepted  from  the  former  gift  of  plate ; 
to  him  also  is  given  "  my  best  crowby";^  and  to  Lady  Isabella 
Sherard,  his  wife,  "  my  duble  blewe  chest" ;  to  the  poor, 
"  what  shall  be  thought  meete  by  myne  executor".  His  four 
sons-in-law  and  his  daughters  are  to  receive  mourning  gar- 
ments for  themselves  and  one  servant  apiece.  There  are 
some  further  bequests — to  the  children  of  Edward  Bluck  of 
Sywell,  £10  apiece ;  £100  to  his  nephew,  Zachary  Jenkinson, 
who  is  appointed  sole  executor ;  and  £10  to  his  son-in-law, 
Thomas  Price,  who,  with  Sir  Philip  Sherard,  are  ordained 
supervisors. 

Anthony  Jenkinson  was  buried  at  Tighe,  in  Eut- 
landshire,  the  seat  of  his  friend,  Sir  Philip  Sherard, 
on  the  26th  February  1610  (-11),  within  four  months 
1  Probably  "coroby",  a  chest.— C/.  pp.  206,  459. 


INTRODUCTION.  XCIX 

after  the  date  of  his  will.  His  son  Henry  only  sur- 
vived him  a  short  time,  and  was  also  buried  at 
Tighe.  Henry  Jenkinson,  the  grandson,  followed 
seven  years  later,  and  was  buried  by  the  side  of  his 
father  and  grandfather  on  the  23rd  January  16  L  8 
(-19),  having  left  no  children. 

Tighe,  or  Teigh,  as  it  is  commonly  spelt  now,  is  a 
small  village  in  Oakham  Union,  in  the  hundred  of 
Alstoe,  in  Rutlandshire,  near  the  border  of  Leicester- 
shire. The  church  is  a  plain  building,  dedicated 
to  the  Holy  Trinity.  It  consists  only  of  a  nave, 
with  a  square  embattled  tower  at  the  west  end. 
The  chancel  was  knocked  down  years  ago,  and  many 
of  the  gravestones  have  been  used  for  paving  pur- 
poses, so  that  if  any  monument  existed  to  the 
Jenkinson  family  it  has  long  since  disappeared.^ 

The  further  history  of  this  family  is  not,  strictly 
speaking,  within  the  limits  of  this  work,  but  a  family 
tree  {infra,  p.  cvii)  will  serve  to  show  the  imme- 
diate descendants  of  the  traveller.  There  must  be, 
no  doubt,  representatives  of  his  family,  for  if  the 
male  issue  be  extinct,  those  on  the  female  side 
probably  survive. 

*  The  Tighe  registers,  which  date  from  1550,  contain  severaJ 
entries  of  the  family  besides  those  mentioned  above— the  mar- 
riage of  William  Jenkinson  with  Ann  Barowe  on  the  6th  Novem- 
ber 1615;  the  baptism  of  two  sons  of  William  Jenkinson, 
named  Philip  and  Edward,  in  1617  and  1621  ;  the  burial  of 
Dorothy  Jenkinson  in  1623,  and  Zachary  her  husband,  rector  of 
Tighe  and  executor  of  Anthony,  in  1630;  the  marriage  of  Mary 
Jenkinson  with  Gilbert  Fisher  on  the  28th  May  1614. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Ienkinson.^ 


To  all  and  sing^iilar,  as  well  nobles  and  gentlemen  as  others, 
to  whom  these  presentes  shall  come,  be  seene,  heard,  readd, 
or  und'rstand.  Sir  Gilbart  Dethicke,  Knight.,  alias  Garter 
principall  Kinge  of  Armes,  Eobert  Cooke,  Esquire,  alias 
Clarencieulx  Kinge  of  Arnies,  of  the  South  partes,  and  Will'm 
flower.  Esquire,  alias  Norroy  Kinge  of  Armes,  of  the  North 
partes  of  England,  Sendith  greetinge  in  o''  Lord  god  Everlast- 
inge. 

For  asmuche  as  annciently  from  the  beginninge  the 
valiannt  and  vertuouse  actes  of  excellent  personnes  haue  bey 
[been]  corhended  to  the  worlde  and  posteryte  with  sundry 
monumentes  and  remembrances  of  their  good  deaserts : 
Emongst  the  which  the  chiefist  and  most  usuall  hath  ben  the 
bearinge  of  signes  in  Shieldes  called  Armes,  beinge  none 
other  thinge  than  Evidences  and  DemonstracOns  of  prowesse 
and  valoir,  diversly  distributyd  accordinge  to  the  qualytes 
and  deseartes  of  the  personnes  meritinge  the  same.  To  the 
entent  that  such  as  haue  done  comendable  s'vice  to  their 
prinnce  or  countrey,  either  in  Warre  or  Peace,  at  home  or 
abrode,  any  Wayes  addinge  to  the  advanncement  of  the 
Comon  Weale,  the  fruytes  of  their  industry  and  traveyll, 
beinge  in  very  deed  the  true  and  p'fect  tokens  of  a  right  noble 
disposition  :  may  therfore  receyve  due  hono^  in  their  lyves, 
and  also  deryve  and  con  tine  w  the  same  successyvely  in  their 
posteryte  for  ever.  Emongst  the  which  Nomber  Anthony 
lenkinson,  Citezen  of  London,  being  one,  who  for  the  s'vice 
of  his  prinnce,  Weale  of  his  countrey,  and  for  knowledg  sake, 
one  of  the  greatist  lewells  gyven  by  god  to  mankynd,  hath 

1  MS.  Ashm.  844,  3  ;  see  also  MS.  Harl.  1463,  fo.  286  ;  on  the 
same  fo.:  — 

Anthony  Jenkynson.=f=Judith,  da.  of  John  Marshe  of  London, 

I  Esq. 

I  1  I  2 

Alice,  daughter.  Mary,  da. 


INTRODUCTION.  CI 

not  fearyd  to  adventure  and  hazard  his  lyfe,  and.  to  weare 
his  body  w***  long  and  paynfull  traveyll  into   dyvers  and 
sundry  contreys,  not  onely  of  Europe,  as  Flannders,  Germany, 
Frannce,  Italy,  and  Spayn,  etc.,  w***  the  Islands  adiacent, 
which  in  maner  thouroughout  he  hath  iourneyed.    But  also  of 
bothe  Asias  and  of  Afrique,  as  Grecia,  Turky,  the  fyve  King- 
domes  of  Tartares,  India  Orientall,  Armenia,  Medea,  Parthia, 
hircania,  Persia,  the  holy  land  and  countrey  Palestine,  w^** 
dyvers  cities  thereof,  as   Samaria,  Galile,  Jehrusalem,  and 
s""*^  [sailed  ?]    w^^  Africans   there   at  Argiers,   lola   [Kola], 
Bona,  Tripoly,  and  Tunis ;  and  northwards  hath  also  saylid 
on    the    frosen  seas  many   dayes  w***in  the   Artick    circle, 
and  traveylid  thourough  owt  the  ample  dominions  of  the 
Empero'^    of  Kussia    and   Muscovia   and    the    confynes    of 
Norway   and   Lapyia   over  to   the   Caspian    Sea,   and    into 
dyvers  contreys  there  abowt,  to  the  old  cosmographers  utterly 
unknowne.     And  somewhat  to  mention   other  his  naviga- 
tions, lykwys  hath  he  sayled  thourough  all  the  Levant  Seas 
every  way,  and  ben  in  the  chief  Islands  of  the  Inland  Seas 
called    Mediterraneum   Mare,  viz.,   Khodes,   Malta,  Sicillia, 
Cipres  [Cyprus],  and  Candy,  w*^^  dyvers  others.     And  in  a 
second  iourney  to  mare  Caspian,  sayling  over  that  Sea  an 
other  waye,  and  landing  in  Armenia  at  Darbent,  a  city  of 
Alexander  the  greate  his  buyldinge,  and  from  thence  traveyl- 
ing  thourough  dyvers  countreys  over  to  the  courte  of  the 
greate  Sophy,  he  delyverid  letters  vnto  him  from  the  queens 
ma"®  that  now  is,  and  remaynid  in  the  said  Sophy  [his]  court 
the  space  of  viij  (8)  moneths.      Also  into  a  greater  nomber 
nior[e]  of  contreys  hath  he  traveyled,  then  may  easely  be  called 
to  mynd,  or  in  this  place  be  well  rehersed,  not  w"^  out  great 
perilles  and  daungers  sondry  tymes.   And  not  onely  traveylid 
into  them,  but  hath  also  soiournyd  in  the  courtes  of  many 
of  the  greate  prinnces,  of  whome  he  hath  not  onely  ben  well 
entreted,  but  also  dismissed  w*^  much  favo*"  and  w^^  freendly 
letters    of   immunite    and    saufguard,    whereof    some    we 
haue  scene  and  p'sed  [perused],  as  a  letter  of  reconiendacion 
from    the    Empero""    of    lUissia   to    the    Sophy    and    otiier 


cu 


INTRODUCTION. 


princes,  a  sauf  con  duct  from  the  greate  Turk,  a  letter  of 
comendacion  from  Astmicana  [Hadjim  Khan],  king  of 
Tartaria,  and  letters  testimoniall  of  his  being  at  Jherusalem, 
being  all  evident  tokens  uf  his  Vertue,  honesty,  and  Wisdom. 
And  retourning  homewards,  passed  thourough  dyvers  other 
contreys,  over  long  heer  to  he  rehersed.  In  consideracion  of 
which  his  said  traveyll,  tending  always  to  the  honor  of  his 
prince  &  Countrey  (a  p'fect  proof  of  his  vertue  and  prowesse) 
and  for  a  perpetuall  declaration  of  the  Worthy nesse  of  the 
sayd  Anthony  lenkinson,  We,  the  kings  of  Armes  afore- 
sayde,  by  power  authoryte  to  vs  comittyd  by  letters  patentes 


^.-^c 


und""  the  greate  Seale  of  Englande,  togither  w*^  the  assent 
and  consent  of  the  high  and  mighty  Thomas  Duk  of  Norfolk, 
Erie  Mareshall  of  Englande,  have  assigned,  gyven,  and 
grauntyd  vnto  the  sayde  Anthony  lenkynson  these  Armes 
and  Creast  followeng :  That  is  to  say,  the  field  azure,  a  fece 
Wave  argent  in  chief  three  starres  gold  upon  a  helme  on  a 
torce  argent  and  azur,  a  Sea  horse.,  com  only  called  a 
Neptunes  horse,  gold  and  azur  mantelyd  gueuUes  doublyd 
argent,  as  more  playnly  apperith  depictyd  in  this  margent. 
Which  Armes  and  Creast,  and  every  part  and  parcell  thereof. 
We,  the  said  Garter  Clerencieulx  and  NoiToy  Kinges  of 
Armes,  do   by  these  presentes   ratify,  confyrme,  gyve,  and 


INTRODUCTION.  Clll 

grannt  vnto  the  sayd  Anthony  lenkinson,  and  to  his  pos- 
teryte  for  ever.  And  he  the  same  Amies  and  Creaste  to  vse, 
beare,  and  shew  at  all  tymes,  and  for  ever  hereafter,  at  liis 
liberty  and  pleasure,  without  the  impedyment,  lett,  or  in- 
terruption of  any  person  or  p'sons. 

In  Witnesse  whereof,  we,  the  sayd  Kings  of  Amies,  haue 
signed  these  presents  w*^  our  hands,  and  sett  ther  vnto 
our  Severall  Seals  of  Armes,  the  14  day  of  February,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  god  a  thousand  fiv  hundryd  sixty  eight. 


Extracted  from  the  Principal  Registry  of  the  Prohatty 
Divorce,  and  Admiralty  Division  of  the  High  Court 
of  Justice, 

In  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury. 

In  the  Name  of  God  Amen,  the  thirteenth  day  of 
November  in  the  yere  of  o""  Lord  God  according  to  the  com- 
putacon  of  the  Church  of  England  one  thousand  six  hundred 
and  tenne  I  Anthony  Jenkinson  of  Ashton  in  the  County  of 
Northampton  Esquire  being  of  sufficient  healthe  and  memorye 
(thanckes  be  given  to  God)  do  make  and  declare  this  my 
Testament  and  last  Will  in  manner  and  forme  as  foloweth 
First  and  principally  I  committ  and  commend  my  Soul  and 
body  to  Allmighty  God  my  Maker  and  to  Jesus  Christ  my 
Saviour  and  Eedeemer  trusting  assuredly  that  through  His 
meritts  deathe  and  passion  only  and  by  noe  other  meanes  I 
shall  obtayne  full  and  free  remyssion  of  all  my  synnes  as  well 
originall  as  actuall  and  after  this  mortall  life  ended  to  raigne 
with  hym  in  eternall  ioyes  in  the  Kingdome  of  Heaven  Item 
I  give  and  bequeathe  unto  my  sonne  Henry  Jenkinson  an 
yerelie  portion  pention  or  Annuitie  out  of  the  use  or  rent  of 
money  that  is  to  saye  yf  my  sayed  sonne  Henry  remayne  as 
nowe  he  is  in  weak  state  of  mynde  and  bodye  Then  my  will 
is  that  to  his  maynten'nce  he  shall  have  but  thirtie  poundes  by 
the  yeare  payed  to  his  maynten'nce  at  twoo  severall  tymes  in 


CIV  INTRODUCTION. 

the  yeare  by  even  portions  that  is  to  saye  at  the  Annuncia- 
tion of  the  Blessed  Virgin  commonly  called  Oure  Ladye  daye 
one  fifteene  pounds  and  at  the  Feast  of  Michael!  the  Arch 
Angell  other  fifteene  poundes  but  yf  it  may  please  God  that 
my  sayed  sonne  Henry  shall  be  restored  to  his  former  per- 
fection of  mynde  and  memory e  then  my  mynde  and  will  ys 
that  annually  he  shall  have  fiftie  poundes  payed  at  suche 
times  and  after  such  manner  as  is  afore  mentioned  by  even 
portions  Item  I  give  and  bequeathe  to  Henry e  Jenkinson 
my  graund  childe  the  sume  of  twoe  thousand  poundes  of 
good  and  lawfull  Englishe  money  to  be  payed  unto  him  at 
the  age  of  twentie  one  yeares  yf  he  then  be  living  Item  I 
give  unto  Henry  Jenkinson  my  grand  childe  afore  said  three 
partes  of  all  my  plate  (my  lesser  bason  and  ewer  excepted) 
to  be  delivered  also  to  him  the  tynie  before  menconed  Item 
I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  sayed  grand  childe  Henry 
Jenkinson  three  partes  of  all  my  household  whatsoever  stuffe 
or  matter  it  is  appearing  when  Inventary  shall  be  made 
thereof  Item  I  give  and  bequeathe  unto  William  Jenkinson 
my  grand  childe  fower  hundred  pounds  of  good  and  lawfull 
Englishe  money  to  be  payd  unto  hym  at  the  age  of  one  and 
twenty  yeares  yf  he  be  then  living  Item  I  give  and  bequeath 
unto  the  sayed  William  Jenkinson  my  lesser  bason  and  ewer  of 
silver  to  be  delivered  at  the  same  time  afore  sayed  Item  I 
give  and  bequeath  unto  Mary  Jenkinson  my  grand  childe  the 
full  sonime  of  five  hundred  poundes  of  good  and  lawfull  English 
moneye  to  be  payed  unto  her  at  one  and  twentie  yeres  of  age 
or  within  one  yere  after  her  marriage  which  shall  first  happen 
after  my  decease  Item  I  give  to  my  sayed  gTand  childe  Mary 
Jenkinson  the  fourth  parte  of  my  plate  (the  plate  given  to 
my  grand  childe  William  Jenkinson  excepted)  Item  I  give 
to  the  fore  sayed  Mary  the  fourth  parte  of  all  my  household 
afore  named  and  to  be  delivered  as  above  is  mentioned  pro- 
vided allwaies  that  to  avoide  contention  concerning  the 
deviding  of  plate  my  will  is  that  my  Exec''-  shall  at  his  dis- 
cretion devide  and  deliver  as  well  the  plate  as  household 
Ktuti'e  above  mentioned  and  being  so  parted  they  sliall  be 


INTRODUCTION.  CV 

contented  without  any  other  meanes  of  devidinge  Allso  my 
wyll  and  mynde  y"  y*-  yf  any  of  the  parties  above  men- 
tioned shall  departe  this  present  life  before  suche  legacy es  or 
payments  shall  be  due  the  parte  or  partes  so  remaininge 
shall  equallie  be  devided  amongst  the  survivours  of  my 
grand  children  above  named  And  yf  there  be  no  survivour 
and  survivours  of  them  then  shall  the  sayed  portions  be  dis- 
tributed equally  amonge  the  neerest  of  my  bloude  namely  my 
daughters  then  living  Item  I  give  to  Alice  Aprise  my 
daughter  fyve  poundes  Item  I  give  to  Mary  Hobson  my 
daughter  fyve  poundes  Item  I  give  to  Luce  Willson  my 
daughter  fyve  poundes  Item  I  give  to  my  daughter 
Katherine  Newporte  five  poundes  Item  I  give  to  Nicholas 
Aprice  my  graund  childe  and  God  sonne  fiftie  poundes  Item 
I  give  to  my  Graund  childe  Susan  Aprise  one  hundred 
poundes  to  be  payed  at  the  age  of  one  and  twentie  yeres  or 
daye  of  mariage  which  of  those  times  shall  fall  the  soonest 
Item  I  give  to  my  servaunte  Thomas  Greenewood  the  full 
somme  of.  twentie  poundes  of  lawf uU  English  moneye  Also 
to  him  I  give  the  bed  and  bedding  he  nowe  lieth  in  Item  I 
give  to  Thomas  Thame  a  golde  rynge  or  fortie  shillings  to 
buy  one  to  his  better  liking  Item  I  give  to  my  neece 
Dorothie  Jenkinson  fiftie  poundes  Item  I  give  to  S""-  Philip 
Sherowd  Knighte  my  acorne  cupp  of  plate  which  also  I  do 
except  from  my  former  guifte  of  plate  Also  to  hym  I  give 
my  best  Crowby  and  to  Lady  Isabell  Sherard  his  wife  I  give 
my  duble  blewe  chest  Item  I  give  unto  the  poore  what  shall 
be  thought  meete  by  myne  Executor  Item  I  will  that%iy 
fower  sonnes  in  lawe  and  my  daughters  and  for  each  of  them 
one  man  shall  have  mourning  garments  that  is  for  a  sonne 
and  a  daughter  one  servaunts  garment  Item  I  will  that  my 
neiphue  Zacharie  Jenkinson  and  his  wife  and  servaunte  shall 
have  the  lijce  And  my  man  Thomas  the  like  Item  I  give 
and  bequeathe  unto  Edward  Blucks  children  late  of  Seywell 
to  cache  childe  tenne  poundes  a  peece  Item  all  the  rest  of 
my  goodes  un bequeathed  of  what  nature  so  ever  they  be 
(all ways  provided  that  my  Executor  be  kept  harmeles)  all 


CVl  INTRODUCTION. 

the  sayed  money  and  goodes  unbequeathed  T  give  to  my 
grand  childe  Henry  Jenkinson  Item  I  bequeath  and  give  to 
my  neiphue  Zacharye  one  hundred  poundes  of  good  and 
lawfull  money  of  England  the  which  Zachary  Jenkinson  I 
make  full  and  sole  Executor  of  this  my  last  Will  and  Testa- 
ment And  I  ympose  this  chardge  upon  hym  honestly  and 
duly  to  be  performed  as  he  will  awnswere  the  same  at  the 
dreadfull  daye  of  Judgment  before  Allmighty  God  Item  I 
give  tenne  poundes  to  my  sonne  in  lawe  Thomas  Price  And 
of  this  Will  I  ordeyne  the  Eight  Worshipfull  S"^-  Philipp 
Sherard  Knighte  and  my  sonne  in  lawe  Thomas  Price 
Supervisors  In  witnesse  whereof  I  have  set  to  this  my  last 
Will  and  Testament  my  hande  and  scale  this  thirteenth  daye 
of  November  and  yere  of  o^-  Lord  as  above  written  Anthony 
Jenkinson  his  marke — who  for  palsey  was  not  able  to  wryte 
his  name — Witnesses  whose  names  ar  published — Frauncys 
Nabbs — John  Basse — Ambrose  Woolfe  his  marke. 

Probatum  fuit  testamentum  suprascriptum  apud  London 
coram  Magistro  Edmundo  Pope  legum  Doctore  Surrogato 
venerabilis  viri  Domini  Johannis  Benet  militis  legum  etiam 
Doctoris  Curie  Prerogative  Cantuariens'  Magistri  custodis 
sive  Com'issarij  legitime  constituti  Octavo  die  mensis  Martij 
Anno  Domini  iuxta  cursum  et  oomputacoem  Ecclie  Angli- 
cane  Millesimo  sexcentesimo  decimo  Juramento  Zacharie 
Jenkinson  Executoris  in  eodem  testamento  nominat  Cui 
Com'issa  fuit  Administraco  bonorum  Jurium  et  creditorum 
dicti  defuncti  de  bene  et  fideliter  Administrand'  Ac  ad 
Sancta  Dei  Evangelia  jurat. 


INTRODUCTION. 


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CVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

Means  of  Decay  of  the  Kusse  Trade.^ 
[By  Christopher  Burrough.] 

I.  Tlie  desier  the  Buss  hath  to  draiu  a  greater  trade  to  the 
port  of  St,  Nicholas,  beeing  the  better  &  surer  way  to  vent 
his  own  commodities  to  bring  in  forrein  then  the  other 
wayes  by  the  Narve  and  Riga,  that  ar[e]  many  times  stopped 
vp  by  reason  of  the  warres  with  the  Polonian  &  Sweden. 
This  maketh  them  discontent  with  our  English  marchants 
and  their  trade  thear,  which,  beeing  very  small  (viz.,  but  of 
5  or  6  sail  a  year),  keepeth  other  from  trading  that  way. 
Whereas  they  ar[e]  made  assured  by  French,  Netherlandish,  & 
other  English  marchants,  that  they  shall  have  great  num- 
bers &  flourishing  trade  at  that  port,  to  the  enhaunsing  of 
their  commodities  &  the  Emperours  customs,  if  they  will 
cast  of[f]  the  Englhish  company  and  their  priviledged  trade. 

II.  The  keeping  of  their  trade  &  staple  at  Mosko,  whearby 
grow  these  inconveniences :  1.  A  great  expense  by  their 
travail  &  carriages,  to  &  fro  by  land  from  the  seaside  to 
Mosko,  which  is  1,500  varsts  or  miles.  2.  An  expense  of 
houskeeping  at  five  places,  viz.,  at  Mosko,  Yaruslaue, 
Vologda,  Colmogro,  &  St.  Nicholas.  3.  Their  commodities 
ar[e]  ever  ready  at  hand  for  the  Emperor  &  his  Nobilitie, 
lyeng  within  the  eye  and  reach  of  the  Court.  By  this  means 
much  is  taken  vpon  trust  by  the  Emperour  and  his  Nobilitie 
(which  may  not  bee  denied  them),  and  soe  it  becometh 
desperate  debt.  4.  Their  whole  stock  is  still  in  danger  to 
bee  pulled  &  seazed  on  vpon  every  pretence,  &  picked 
matter  by  the  Emperor  &  his  Officers ;  which  cannot  be 
helped  as  long  as  the  trade  is  helld  at  Mosko,  considering 

I  the  nature  of  ye  Russ,  which  cannot  forbear  to  spoile  & 

I  fleece  strangers  now  and  then  (as  hee  doeth  his  own  people), 

[\if  hee  svippose  they  gain  by  his  countrey.     This  hath  caused 

Jail  other  marchants  strangers  to  give  over  that  trade,  save 

two   only,  whearof    the   one   also   (beeing   a  Netherlander) 

'  MS.  Laiisd.  52,  No.  27. 


INTRODUCTION.  cix 

became  bankrui)t  tliis  last  year,  the  other  (a  ffrenchmaii) 
beeiiig  spoiled  by  them  at  my  beeing  thear,cam[e]  away  the 
last  year,  &  hath  given  over  that  trade.  As  for  our  mar- 
chants  priviledges  (which  they  were  suffred  to  euioy  when 
the  discovery  was  first  made,  and  when  the  olid  Emperour 
was  in  dotage  about  a  marriage  in  England),  they  must  not 
look  that  they  will  protect  them  hearafter  against  those 
seazures  &  spoiles,  the  Russe  having  no  respect  of  honor 
and  credit  in  respect  of  his  profit. 

III.  Their  servants  which  {though  honest  hefore)  ar[e'\  made 
ill  hy  these  means. — 1.  The  profan'es  of  that  countrey  and 
liberty,  they  have  to  all  kynd  of  syn ;  whearby  it  cometh 
to  pass  that  many  of  them  beeing  vnmarried  men  fall  to 
ryppt,  whoredom,  &c.,  which  draweth  one  expenses;  so 
having  not  of  their  own,  they  spend  of  y®  Companies.  Of 
this  sort  they  have  had  to  [o]  many  (as  they  know).  2.  Lack 
of  good  discipline  among  themselves,  specially  of  preachej 
to  keap  them  in  knowledg  &  fear  of  God,  &  in  a  conscience 
of  their  service  towards  their  Worships.  3.  Their  wages  & 
allowance  is  very  small,  or  (if  they  bee  apprentized)  nothing 
at  all,  beeing  debarred  bysides  of  all  trade  for  themselves. 
This  maketh  them  practise  other  meanes  to  mend  their 
estates  ;  first,  by  imbezeling  and  drawing  from  the  Company, 
&  then  following  a  privat[e]  trade  for  themselves  ;  whearby 
divers  of  them  grow  ritch  and  their  Worships  poor.  Which 
they  make  less  conscience  of,  bycause  they  say  they  spend 
their  time  in  so  barbarous  a  countrey,  whear  they  are  made 
vnfit  for  all  other  trades  &  service  in  other  countries  abroad. 
4.  Certein  of  their  servants  that  have  soom  better  conceipt 
of  themselves,  grow  into  acquaintance  with  Noblemen  of  the 
Court  to  countenance  their  dealings  after  they  ar[e]  entred 
into  a  privat[e]  trade,  &  other  disorders.  This  friendship 
of  great  persons  in  y®  Russ  Court  is  very  dear,  &  hath  cost 
y®  Company  many  thousand  pounds,  having  gained  nothing 
by  it  but  y®  protection  of  their  own  lewd  servants  against 
themselves. 

IV.  Privat[e]   trade  hy  certein  of  the   Gom^mny  that  have 


ex  INTRODUCTION. 

their  factoiirs  thear  vpon  if  common  charge,  who  besydes 
their  inland  trade  (buying  at  one  part  of  the  countrey  & 
selling  at  the  other  as  if  they  wear  Euss  marchants,  to  y« 
great  dislyke  of  the  Russ)  bring  in  a  ship  over  comodities 
in  fflemish  bottoms  at  St.  Nicolas,  Riga,  and  Narve ;  which 
hindreth  muche  the  common  trade  &  profit  of  the  Com- 
pany. 

Means  to  please  y^  Busse  Emperour  for  y^  marchants 
heehalf. 

1.  If  the  Queen  seem  willing  to  ioign  with  him  for  draw- 
ing a  greater  trade  to  y®  port  of  S*-  Nicolas,  from  the  other 
wayes  of  Narve  &  Riga.  2.  If  hir  Highnes  Letters,  treaties, 
&  presents  sent  to  him  bee  so  ordered  as  that  they  seem, 
indeed,  to  coom  from  hir  self  &  hir  good  affection,  &  not 
from  the  marchants,  as  hee  is  perswaded  still  they  doo,  & 
thearfore,  reiecteth  them  &  little  regardeth  the  treaties  doon 
in  hir  name,  by  cause  (as  hee  sayeth),  they  coom  from  the 
Mousicks  [Mujiks,  i.e.,  boors].  3.  If  hir  Maiestie  (when 
occasion  doeth  requier)  offer  hir  self  ready  to  mediat[e] 
beetwixt  him  &  the  Polonian  &  Sweden,  whome  the  Russe 
ever  feareth  by  cause  hee  is  ever  invaded  by  them,  &  not 
they  by  him,  and  thearfore  is  glad  to  procure  his  peace  by 
any  means  with  them  ;  the  rather  bycause  hee  never  wanteth 
an  enimie  on  the  other  side,  viz.,  the  Tartar. 

Remedyes. 

The  remedy  for  this  is  to  give  the  Russ  soom  better  content- 
ment by  enlarging  y^  English  trade  at  y^  port  of  S^-  Nicolas, 
so  much  as  may  be. — This  may  be  doon  by  refourming  the 
trade  after  y«  manner  of  y®  Adventurers,  viz. :  Every  man  to 
trade  for  himself  vnder  a  governours  deputy,  that  is  to  attend 
&  follow  their  busines  on  thother  side.  2.  The  number  of 
y®  Russe  company  to  bee  enlarged,  &  young  men  suffred  to 
trade  as  well  as  the  rest.  This  manner  of  trading  after  y® 
order  of  y®  Adventurers,  &  drawing  a  greater  trade  to  the 
port  of  S*-  Nicolas,  is  lyke  to  prove  much  better  for  the 


INTRODUCTION.  Cxi 

generallitie  of  the  Company,  for  comon  wealth,  <fe  y^  Qneenes 
coustoms  then  that  which  now  is,  whear  all  trade  together 
in  one  common  stock.  If  it  bee  obiected  that  y«  Eusse 
countrey  will  bear  no  such  enlargement  of  trade,  nor  vent 
greater  quantitie  of  our  English  commodities  then  now  it 
doeth  (which  is  but  1,500  English  clothers  a  year,  with  soom 
proportionate  quantitie  of  tin,  lead,  brimstone,  &c.),  it  is 
answered,  by  the  opinion  of  good  experience,  that  the  trade 
by  S*-  Nicolas  hath  been  stinted  of  late,  &  restrained  of 
pourpose  by  very  practise  for  the  benefit  of  soom  fiew,  &  that 
y®  sayed  traed  will  vtter  far  greater  quantities  than  now  it 
doth,  whatsoever  is  pretended,  if  y®  way  by  S'-  Nicolas 
wear  ons  [once]  well  inured  &  frequented  in  manner  (as 
before  is  noted),  specially  when  troubles  grow  on  the  Narve 
side. 

II.  The  remedy  to  draw  their  trade  &  staple  from  Mosko  & 
other  inland  parts  to  if  seaside,  whear  they  shall  he  farther  of 
from  y'  eye  ^  reach  of  y^  Court. — This  will  avoyd  y®  seasures 
doon  vpon  every  pretence  &  cavillation  &  takings  vp  vpon 
trust  by  the  Emperour  &  his  Nobles,  which  is  the  speciall 
means  that  vndoeth  our  marchants  trade,  the  rather  when 
every  man  dealeth  severally  for  himself  with  his  own  stock, 
which  will  not  bee  so  ready  for  y®  Euss  to  command  as  when 
all  was  in  the  hand  and  ordering  of  one  agent.  2.  By  this 
means  allso  the  inland  privat[e]  trades  practised  by  certein 
of  the  Company  to  y®  hurt  of  y^  Generallitie  will  bee  pre- 
vented, when  they  ar[e]  restrained  all  to  one  remote  place  from 
the  inland  parts.  3.  The  charge  of  houskeeping  &  house- 
rents  at  these  5  severall  places  will  bee  cutt  of[f|.  4.  The 
charge  and  trouble  of  travailing  to  and  fro  with  their  com- 
modities &  carriages  (viz.,  1,500  miles'  within  land)  will  bee 
eased.  5.  The  Eusse  commodities  (that  our  marchants  trade 
for),  will  be  easier  provided  towards  the  sea  coast  then  in 
the  inland  parts.  And  as  toutchyng  the  lykelyhood  of 
obteining  the  Emperours  favour  for  y®  removing  their  trade 
from  Mosko  towards  the  seaside,  thear  ar[e]  these  reasons  to 
induce  it.     1.  The  pollicie  of  the  Euss  to  remove  strangers 


CXU  INTRODUCTION. 

out  of  y®  inland  parts,  specially  from  Mosko  (y^  Emperors 
seat),  towards  y®  out  parts  of  y®  countrey  for  bringing  in 
novelties  &  breeding  conceipts  in  their  peoples  heads  by  their 
beehaviour  &  reports  of  the  governments  &  fashions  of  other 
countries.  To  this  pourpose  the  Emperours  counsell  con- 
sulted at  my  beeing  thear,  &  conferred  with  mee  abowt  the 
removing  of  our  marchants  trade  from  Mosko  to  Archangell, 
that  lyeth  30  miles  from  y®  port  of  S*-  Nicolas,  vpon  the 
river  Dwyna,  to  feell  how  it  would  be  taken  if  it  wear  forced 
by  y®  Emperour.  2.  The  desier  the  Euss  hath  to  draw  trade 
to  the  port  of  S*-  Nicolas,  for  the  reasons  menconed  beefore. 
3.  The  necessitie  of  our  English  commodities  will  draw  the 
Kusse  marchants  to  follow  the  Mart  or  Staple,  whearsoeuer 
it  bee,  specially  at  S*-  Nicholas,  for  y®  commodities  of  that 
port.  4.  The  whole  inland  trade  will  then  bee  the  Eusse 
marchants ;  whereas  before  our  English  marchants  that 
kept  residence  at  Mosko,  and  other  inland  parts,  had  trade 
within  land,  &  delt  with  Bougharians,  Medians,  Turks,  &c., 
as  well  as  the  natives,  which  the  Eusse  marchants  very 
much  envyed  &  mislyked.  5.  The  Emperour  &  his  counsells 
lykinge  will  force  the  marchants  to  frequent  that  trade, 
though  themselves  should  mislyke  it. 

III.  Remedy  for  this,  viz.:  1.  By  removing  their  trade  from 
Mosko,  &  by  severall  trading  (noted  beefore)  whear  every 
man  foUoweth  his  busines  by  himself  or  his  factor.  Hereby 
their  servants  illdealing  will  bee  prevented,  and  if  the 
servant  prove  ill  &  vnthriftie,  it  hurteth  but  his  master. 
2.  If  they  continew  their  trade  as  they  doe,  by  common 
servants,  to  allow  them  better  wages,  &  to  give  them  more 
contentment  by  permitting  them  to  have  a  peculium  to  a 
certein  stint,  &  to  trade  with  it  for  bettering  their  own 
estates.  This  will  give  their  servants  better  contentment 
when  they  see  soom  cure  had  of  them,  &  their  own  estate  to 
mend  as  well  as  the  Companies.  3.  To  have  a  preacher 
thear  resident  with  them,  that  they  may  learn  &  know  God, 
and  so  their  dueties  towards  their  Maisters ;  which  will 
easier  bee  graunted  if  the  trade  bee  removed  towards  the 


INTRODUCTION.  CXIIl 

seaside.  If  they  obiect  they  have  no  great  number  of 
servants  thear  that  should  need  a  preacher  (as  was  answered 
mee  when  I  propounded  that  matter  to  them  at  my  gooing 
over),  it  may  bee  answered  that  if  they  have  never  so  fiew 
in  that  countrey  (where  they  want  all  good  means  of  instruc- 
tion towards  God),  the  Company  ought  in  Christian  duety  to 
prouide  that  means  for  them.  The  preacher,  besydes  that 
vse  of  him,  might  earn  his  stipend  by  advise  with  their 
Agent  about  their  affaires,  being  a  man  of  soom  iudgement  & 
discretion. 

IV.  This  inconvenience  is  prevented  by  removing  the 
trade  to  the  coast,  &  observing  the  order  mencioned  before 
as  the  Adventurers  doe. 

Means  to  terrifie  the  Buss  8f  keep  him  in  order. — 1.  By 
threatening  to  stoppe  the  way  to  the  port  of  S*-  Nicolas ; 
which,  howsoever  it  can  bee  doon,  the  Russ  is  perswaded  hir 
Maiestie  can  doe  it.  2.  If  hir  higlmes  shew  any  correspond- 
ence with  the  Polonian,  Sweden,  and  Turk,  and  that  shee 
hath  means  to  invite  them.  3.  If  the  Russ  practise  any 
seazure  or  violence  vpon  our  marchants  goods  (as  was  lykely 
before  my  comming  thither),  revenge  may  bee  made  at 
Pechora,  by  the  seaside,  vpon  the  mart  there,  which  is  helld 
yearly  about  Midsummer,  whear  ar[e]  niarted  the  furres  of  all 
sortes,  to  the  valew  of  £100,000  yearly,  which  may  bee  sur- 
prised by  a  fiew  sail  &  a  smal  company  well  appointed 
comming  on  a  suddain,  the  Russe  having  no  means  to  foresee 
or  prevent  it. 


Something  yet  remains  to  be  said  of  Jenkinson's 
services  to  geography.  About  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  vague  ideas  prevailed  in  England, 
indeed  in  Europe  generally,  v^ath  reference  to  the 
East — ideas  founded  on  the  ancient  classical  authors, 
and  especially  on  Ptolemy's  works,  modified  to  some 


CXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

extent  by  the  accounts  brought  home  by  the  medise- 
val  travellers.  Erroneous  notions  had  not  been  dis- 
pelled. Cathay  was  still  believed  to  be  a  country 
distinct  from  China,  situate  in  the  extreme  north- 
east of  Asia.  The  Oxus  and  Jaxartes  were  supposed 
to  flow  into  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  the  axis  of  this 
sea  was  represented  on  maps  greater  from  east  to 
west  than  from  north  to  south.  The  Aral  Sea  was 
unknown.  The  river  Don  was  represented  on  some 
maps  as  bifurcating  from  the  Volga, ^  while  the 
northern  coasts  of  Europe  and  Asia  were  generally 
believed  to  be  shrouded  in  impenetrable  gloom.  The 
first  voyages  of  the  English  to  the  White  Sea  threw 
a  ray  of  light  into  regions  which,  as  far  as  Western 
Europe  was  concerned,  had  been  hitherto  in  dark- 
ness. They  acquainted  the  world  with  the  north- 
ern route  to  Bussia,  a  country  according  to  their 
accounts  highly  productive,  abundantly  watered, 
with  numerous  large  towns,  and  an  industrious 
population,  who  were  not  averse  to  enter  into  rela- 
tions with  foreigners.  Jenkinson's  travels  by  land 
and  water  greatly  extended  this  knowledge :  he 
was  the  first  to  describe  from  personal  observation 
eastern  parts  of  Russia,  at  that  time  only  recently 
annexed  by  Ivan ;  the  first  to  descend  the  Volga 
since  it  had  become  a  Russian  river,  a  great  high- 
way between  east  and  west ;  the  first  Englishman 
to  navigate  the  inland  waters  of  the  Caspian ;  to 
recognise  that  it  really  was  a  landlocked  sea  and  had 
no  communication  with  Northern  or  Indian  Ocean, 
Cf.  Asie  Centrales  Humboldt,  ii,  p.  292. 


INTRODUCTION.  CXV 

removing  prevalent  errors,  by  assigning  to  it  truer 
proportions  than  hitherto  ;  the  first  to  describe  with 
some  approach  to  accuracy  the  various  countries 
bordering  on  its  coasts,  and  to  enumerate  some  of 
the  rivers  falling  into  it.  All  this,  new  to  English- 
men and  to  Europe,  aroused  great  interest  in  those 
countries.  People  began  to  be  aware  of  a  world 
outside  their  ken,  and  cosmographers  to  construct 
charts  containing  some  of  the  information  thus 
obtained. 

As  far  as  the  Caspian,  Jenkinson's  geography, 
based  on  what  he  had  seen,  was  fairly  accurate  ;  but 
when  he  spoke  of  the  rivers  of  Central  Asia,  and 
attempted  to  reconcile  what  he  heard  with  erroneous 
notions,  derived,  as  we  have  seen,  from  ancient 
authors,  he  was  led  into  confusion.  When  he  de- 
scended the  cliff  of  the  Ust  Urt,  on  his  road  to 
Urgendj,  and  looked  down  upon  the  waterspread  of 
lakes  Sary  Kamish,  spreading  over  a  far  wider  area 
than  they  do  at  present,  he  concluded  that  he  saw 
a  gulf  of  that  sea,  for  he  knew  of  none  other;  and 
when  he  passed  the  channel  of  the  Oxus  near  Urgendj, 
and  learned  that  this  river  had  almost  ceased  to 
flow  along  its  former  bed,  he  could  only  suppose 
that  its  outflow  had  been  in  the  Caspian.  He  then 
crossed  a  large  river — the  Amu  daria  of  our  day, 
named  by  him  Ardok^ — and  as  he  knew  of  no  Aral 

1  John  Balak,  writing  to  Gerard  Mercator  in  1581,  says  :  "  They 
call  that  riuer  Ardok  which  falleth  into  the  lake  of  Kittay  (Cathay), 
which  they  call  Paraha,  whereupon  bordereth  that  mightie  and 
large  nation  which  they  call  Carrah  Colmak,  which  is  none  other 
than  the  nation  of  Cathay." — Hakl.^  ed.  1599,  i,  512. 


CXVl  INTRODUCTION. 

Sea  which  should  receive  its  waters,  he  connected  it 
by  a  chain  of  lakes  and  underground  flow^  with  the 
Northern  Ocean,  leaving  for  the  time  sober  facts, 
and  entering  the  region  of  fable,  in  order  to  explain 
what  must  have  appeared  to  him  unaccountable. 
Purchas,  the  successor  of  Hakluyt,  treats  his  remarks 
as  a  joke  : — "  Into  this  gulfe  the  riuer  Oxus  did  some- 
times fall,  but  is  now  intercepted  by  the  riuer  Ardock, 
which  runneth  toward  the  north  ;  and  (as  it  were 
loath  to  view  so  cold  a  clime  and  barbarous  inhabit- 
ants) after  he  hath  runne  with  swift  race  a  thousand 
miles  (as  it  were)  in  flight,  he  hideth  himselfe  under 
ground  for  the  space  of  five  hundred  miles,  and  then 
looking  vp  and  seeing  little  amendment,  drowneth 
himself  in  the  lake  of  Kithay."^  These  passages  of 
Jenkinson's  narrative  have  excited  the  most  learned 
criticism,  from  his  time  almost  to  the  present  day  ; 
hardly  a  geographer  of  eminence  but  has  not  tried 
to  explain  them.  They  have  been  repeatedly  cited 
in  proof  of  a  former  discharge  of  the  Oxus  into  the 
Caspian,  and  they  have  supplied  a  never-ending 
theme  of  discussion.  Eastern  writers  have  been 
studied  and  compared  with  the  better  known  Greek 
and  Roman  authors.  Humboldt  and  Ritter,  Eich- 
wald,  Zimmermann,  and  many  others,  have  thrown 
into  it  their  erudition  and  research,  but  to  very  little 
purpose. 

*  Underground  flow  does  apparently  take  place  in  the  desiccated 
region  south  of  the  Aral,  though  not  to  the  same  extent  as  Jen- 
kinson  suggests. — Cf.  Kaulbar's  Zapiski  Imp.  Russ.  Geogr.  Obsch. 
Gen.  Geogr.,  vol,  ix,  pp.  412-415. 

2  Furchas,  2nd  ed.,  1614,  book  iv,  ch.  ii,  p.  347. 


L 


INTRODUCTION.  CXVU 

The  question  as  to  the  ancient  course  of  the  Oxus 
and  the  changes  undergone  by  the  Aralo-Caspian 
basin,  remained  undecided  till  the  recent  conquests 
of  Russia  enabled  careful  surveys  to  be  made. 
Throughout  the  whole  of  these  discussions,  however, 
our  traveller's  veracity  was  never  impugned.  His 
testimony  as  an  eye-witness,  corroborated  as  it  was 
by  that  of  a  native  of  the  country  where  these 
changes  occurred — the  Tartar  king  and  historian, 
Abul  Ghazi  Bahadur  Khan — was  generally  accepted. 
It  would  be  impossible  to  enter  fully  into  the  intri- 
cate questions  connected  with  the  Aralo-Caspian 
basin  and  the  Oxus  channels  within  the  compass  of 
"'this  work.-^  Suffice  it  for  our  purpose  to  say  that~^ 
Jenkinson  first  drew  attention  to  physical  changes 
affecting  all  this  part  of  Asia.  In  consequence  of 
these,  the  Caspian  and  Aral  seas  were  being  locked 
in  separate  basins,  rivers  were  altering  their  courses 
or  becoming  absorbed  in  the  sand,  and  fertile  tracts 
were  rapidly  being  converted  into  sterile  desert.  J 

The  narratives  of  Jenkinson  had  great  influence 
over  the  geography  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries.  They  were  published  in  all  the  best  col- 
lections of  travels,  and  his  map  was  included  by 
Ortelius  in  his  famous  atlas  Theatrum  orhis  terrarum, 

^  They  will  be  found  fully  treated  in  the  following  works  : — 
Eichwald,  Alte  Geographic  des  Kaspischen  Meeres,  Berlin,  1838,  pp. 
1-202  ;  Carl  Zimmermann,  Geographische  Analyse  eines  VersucJies 
zur  Darstellung  des  Kriegstheaters  Russlands  gegen  Ckiwa,  Berlin, 
I  SiOf  passim  ;  the  same  author,  Denkschrift  Llher  den  unteren  Lauf 
des  Oxus,  Berlin,  1845,  pp.  1-23  ;  Alexander  v.  Humboldt,  Asie 
Centrale,  Paris,  1843,  ii,  pp.  121-334. 


CXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

Antwerp,  1570.^  In  this  way  Jenkinson's  erroneous 
ideas  on  the  hydrography  of  Central  Asia  were  per- 
petuated, and  it  was  not  till  Peter  the  Great  gave 
a  fresh  impulse  to  the  study  of  Western  Central 
Asia  by  the  surveys  he  ordered  to  be  made  of  the 
coasts  of  the  Caspian,  and  the  expeditions  he  planned 
against  Khiva,  that  more  definite  information  was 
obtained  for  the  correction  of  maps  of  this  region. 
This  may  be  proved  by  a  comparison  of  the  maps 
published  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
and  those  of  the  fourth  decade  of  that  century  ; 
taking,  for  instance,  the  maps  of  the  world  in  the 
first  and  second  editions  of  Harris's  collection  of 
travels.  The  former  (1705),  though  prepared  by  so 
well-known  a  cartographer  as  Mohl,  shows  the  old 
erroneous  shape  of  the  Caspian,  with  the  rivers 
Jaxartes  and  Oxus  flowing  into  it  on  the  east ;  the 
latter,  dated  1735,  represents  this  sea  nearly  in 
accordance  with  modern  notions,  and  the  Aral  lake 
smaller  than  its  actual  size,  but  in  approximately 

^  Gerard  Mercator,  however,  who  rauks  next  to  Ortelius  as  a 
cosmographer  of  the  sixteenth  century,  only  made  a  partial  use  of 
Jenkinson's  map  and  observations.  But  where  he  and  his  fellow- 
worker  Hondius  disregarded  them  altogether,  they  fell  into  graver 
errors.  This  may  be  seen  on  studying  the  maps  of  Asia,  Persia, 
and  Tartary,  published  in  an  English  edition  of  their  atlas  in  1636. 
Their  Caspian  Sea  is  altogether  wrong  in  shape  and  proportions. 
Into  it,  from  the  east,  flows  the  Chesel,  corresponding  with  the 
Jaxartes  and  the  Abia  (Amu).  On  the  other  hand  they  retain 
Jenkinson's  Sur  (Syr)  as  the  upper  course  of  the  Obi,  placing  it, 
however,  farther  to  the  eastward.  One  consequence  of  these 
errors  is  to  bring  Samarkand  and  the  country  marked  "  Zagathay" 
close  to  the  Caspian,  and  to  lessen  the  distance  to  China,  by  that 
time  identified  with  Cathay. 


INTRODUCTION.  CXIX 

its  true  position.  Yet  even  down  to  the  middle  of 
the  present  century,  geographers  laid  great  stress  on 
the  long  gulf  or  fiord  penetrating  eastward  from  the 
Caspian  Sea,  as  shown  on  Jenkinson's  map,  assuming 
that  in  his  time  there  had  been  an  expansion  of  the 
Karabugaz  or  Scythian  Gulf  to  within  a  few  marches 
of  Urgendj.^ 

Jenkinson  then,  with  all  his  mistakes,  and  we 
readily  admit  them,  rendered  great  services  to  geo- 
graphy. He  bridges  over  the  lapse  of  years  between 
the  travels  of  Rubruquis  and  Marco  Polo  in  the  thir- 
teenth century,  and  those  of  English  and  Russians 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  a  long  period  of  uncer- 
tainty and  vagueness  in  the  accounts  of  Central 
Asia.  If  his  endeavours  to  restore  the  great  inland 
trade  route  to  the  East  were  unsuccessful,  he  at 
least  has  the  merit  of  having  tried  his  best,  and 
shown  that  physical  changes,  affecting  not  only  the 
country,  but  its  inhabitants,  were  rendering  it  im- 
practicable. Perhaps  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, with  the  aid  of  modern  engineering,  which 
knows  no  bounds  to  its  peaceful  conquests,  may  see 
realised  the  hopes  of  those  who  followed  with  the 
keenest  interest  his  footsteps  across  Asia  in  the 
sixteenth  century. 

Let  us  now  examine  his  map ;  for  the  writer 
begs  respectfully  to  differ  with  the  opinion  put  for- 
ward in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  attri- 
buting  its   authorship   to  William   Burrough.     To 

1  Cf.  Zimmermann,  Denkschrifty  etc.,  where  this  part  of  Jen- 
kinson's map  is  reproduced. 


CXX  INTRODUCTION. 

this  worthy  let  all  due  honour  be  given  for  his  sur- 
veys and  map  of  the  coasts  of  the  White  Sea,  also 
reproduced  in  this  work,  without  detracting,  how- 
ever, from  the  merits  of  Anthony  Jenkinson. 

It  has  been  remarked  by  a  modern  writer^  that 
our  knowledge  of  Eastern  Europe  dates  from  the 
publication  of  Herberstein's  work  on  Russia.  The 
map  accompanying  the  first  Latin  edition,  published 
in  Vienna  in  1549,  was  engraved  on  wood  by  Hirsch- 
vogel,  of  Nurnburg  ;  an  Italian  edition  appeared  the 
following  year  at  Venice,  with  a  map  by  Giacomo 
Gastaldo,  a  Piedmontese,  who  worked  for  Ortelius, 
whose  atlas,  already  referred  to,  contained,  among 
others,  Jenkinson's,  reproduced  in  facsimile  by  pho- 
tography for  this  volume.  .  These  are  among  the 
earliest  maps  of  Russia,  but  not  the  first.  That  by 
Antonius  Wied,  or  Bied,  as  Herberstein  calls  him  in 
his  preface,  was  probably  published  about  the  year 
1540,^  while  another,  by  Baptista  Agnese,  dates  as 
far  back  as  the  year  1525,^  and  was  probably  designed 
for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  a  little  work  on  Russia 
by  Paulus  Jovius,  appearing  in  a  first  edition  at 
Rome  the  same  year,  but  without  the  map.  Se- 
bastian   Munster    introduced    a    map    of   part    of 

^  Peschel,  Geschichte  der  Erdkunde,  ed.  1,  pp.  286,  373. 

2  Dr.  Michow,  in  his  essay  on  the  oldest  maps  of  Russia,  comes 
to  the  conclusion  that  Wied's  map  was  published  between.  1537 
and  1540.—  Michow,  in  Mittheil  d.  Geogr.  Ges.,  in  Hamburg^  heft 
i,  pp.  116,  seqq.,  1886.     But  see  infra. 

3  A  Russian,  probably  either  Vasili  Ylassy  or  Demetrius  Geras- 
simof,  displayed  a  map  at  Augsburg  in  1525,  to  demonstrate  a 
/short  route  to  Cathay. — llamel^  p.  ll-"). 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXl 

Russia,  copied  from  WIed's,  in  the  text  of  his  cos- 
mography. Jenkinson's  map  compares  favourably 
with  any  of  these.  For  the  northern  portion  he  was 
doubtless  indebted  to  the  observations  and  surveys 
of  his  countrymen ;  for  the  south  and  east  he  must 
have  depended  almost  wholly  on  his  own  work ;  while 
for  the  western  border-lands  of  Bussia,  Livonia, 
Lithuania,  Poland,  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  and 
Gulf  of  Finland,  he  probably  borrowed  from  Wied. 
Unlike  the  latter,  he  places  north  at  the  top  of  his 
map,  east  and  west  to  the  right  and  left.  On  either 
side  he  has  marked  the  degrees  of  latitude,  without, 
however,  drawing  the  lines  across.  The  dedication 
in  the  left-hand  corner  at  the  bottom  is  to  Sir  Henry 
Sidney,  father  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  and  formerly 
companion  of  the  young  King  Edward  the  Sixth.^  It 
runs  as  follows  :  ^'Russice  ,  Moscovice  et  Tartarice  de- 
scriptio  .  Auctore  Antonio  Jenkenson  Anglo  ,  edita 
Londini  Anno  15G2  et  dedicata  illustrissimo  D.\xici\ 
Henrico  Sydneo  Wallice  prcesidi  , ." 

In  the  top  left-hand  corner  is  a  figure  of  Ivan  the 
Terrible  seated  in  a  chair  at  the  entrance  to  a  tent, 
the  flaps  of  which  are  drawn  back  to  disclose  the 
seated  figure.  This  was  a  usual  way,  in  maps  of 
that  period,  in  indicating  that  any  particular  country 
was  under  one  sovereign  {cf,  Agnese's  map).  The 
inscription  below  is  as  follows  :  ''loannes  Basilius 

1  "Henry  Sidney  was  knighted  in  1549  by  Edward  VI,  who 
njade  him  principal  gentleman  of  his  Privy  Chamber,  and  in  1550 
his  chief  cup-bearer  for  life.  In  the  2nd  of  Elizabeth  (1560)  he 
was  appointed  Lord  President  of  Wales. — Bioyrajyhia  Britanuica. 


CXXU  TNTRODUCTION. 

Magnus  Imperator  Russice  ;  Dux  Moscouicb'\  etc.  At 
the  bottom  of  the  map  is  a  scale  of  English  miJes, 
Russian  versts,  and  Spanish  leagues.  The  first  thing 
to  be  noticed  is,  that  the  distances,  according  to  the 
scale,  between  the  north  and  south  are  fairly  correct, 
more  so  than  on  any  of  the  older  maps  already  men- 
tioned ;  a  fact  due,  doubtless,  to  the  observations  for 
latitude,  taken  by  the  English  wherever  they  went. 
Measured  by  the  scale,  Kholmogori  is  1,200  miles 
from  Astrakhan,  in  a  straight  line,  and  this  is  not  far 
out ;  nor  is  the  breadth  from  east  to  west,  900  miles 
from  Kazan  to  the  Baltic,  very  inaccurate,  though, 
owing  to  the  want  of  longitudes,  discrepancies  were 
to  be  expected. 

On  the  north,  Russia  is  bounded  by  the  Mare 
Septentrionale,  no  longer  the  Oceanus  Siticus  (Scy- 
thicus)  of  Agnese,  or  the  Mare  Glaciale  of  Herber- 
stein.  Out  of  this  sea  a  passage,  or  so-called 
"throat",  leads  into  the  Bay  of  St.  Nicholas  of  the 
sixteenth  century  navigators,  the  White  Sea  of  the 
present  day,  unnamed  on  the  map.  This  sea  is  too 
small  in  proportion  to  the  map,  and  the  gulfs  of 
Onega  and  Kandalaks  are  omitted.  The  river  Onega 
debouches  at  Solofki  (Solovetsky)  in  lat.  66"",  two 
degrees  too  far  north,  an  error  attributable  to  the 
want  of  observations  here. 

Taking  the  places  in  their  order  along  the  coast, 
the  northernmost  is  Wardhous  (Vardo),  the  well- 
known  Norwegian  fort  and  haven ;  south-east  of  this 
is  Khegore  (Ribatchi,  or  Fishers'  peninsula),  with 
Domshaff  (Yaranger  fiord)  intervening.     The  next 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXlll 

headland  is  S.  Maria  ness  (St.  Mary's  point),  with 
the  river  Kola  discharging  into  the  sea  to  the  south 
of  it;  then  follow  Kildma  Ostroua  (Kildyn  Island), 
with  Ins.  S.  Petri  (St.  Peter  s  Island)  off  the  coast, 
Cape  Soberbere  (Teriberskoi),  Arsena  fl.  (the  river 
Arzina),  memorable  as  the  scene  of  Willoughby's 
tragic  death,  Insulse  S.  Georgii  (St.  Goerge's  Islands), 
lying  off  the  coast.  Iiiana  ost.,  also  marked  Ins.  S. 
lois  (Johannis),  comes  next.  Then  follow  Cape 
Comfort  and  Cape  Gallant,  two  headlands,  shown 
more,  distinctly  on  Burrough's  map,  the  second  better 
known  as  Sviatoi  noss,  the  Sweteness  of  the  narra- 
tive ;  Lomboshok  (Lumbovsky  bay).  Corpus  X** 
point  (Gorodetsky  point),  Baia  S.  Albani (St.  Albans 
bay),  and  Cape  Race  (Cape  Orlof),  forming,  with  a 
headland  on  the  opposite  coast,  the  entrance  to  the 
White  Sea.  In  the  narrative  (text,  p.  22),  Jen- 
kinson  evidently  is  mistaken  in  speaking  of  Cape 
Grace  as  the  entrance  to  the  White  Sea.  His  lati- 
tude of  Cape  Grace  {QG""  45')  should  refer  to  Cape 
Race,  correctly  placed  on  Burrough's  map,  but  on 
Jenkinson's  upwards  of  a  degree  too  far  north.  On 
Burrough's  map  the  mouth  of  the  Ponoy  is  shown  in 
its  right  position,  south  of  Cape  Race  (Orlof).  Here, 
on  both  maps,  is  the  large  island  of  Morzouetz 
(Morjovetz) ;  on  Jenkinson's  it  is  too  near  to  the 
Lapland  coast,  whilst  on  Burrough's  it  is  correctly 
placed  off  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Mezen.  Ins. 
S.  Crucis — Crosse  Island  of  the  text,  the  Sosnovets 
of  modern  maps — is  another  island  in  the  ''throat"  of 
the  White  Sea,  near  the  south  coast  of  Lapland. 


CXXIV  INTRODUCTION. 


Continuing  along  the  coast  from  Cape  S.  Gratise 
(Grace),  or  Point  Krasni  (red)  of  Eussian  charts,  the 
next  name  is  Pouloge  N.,  corresponding  with  Pow- 
logne  fl.  on  Burroughs  map,  identified  with  the 
river  Poulonga,  a  small  stream  falling  into  the  sea. 
South  of  it  is  Pelitsa  fl.  (the  river  Pialitsa).  Nico- 
nesko  N.,  on  Burrough's  map  Niconemsko  noze 
(Nikodimskoi  point)  comes  next.  South-west  of 
this,  where  the  coast  of  Lapland  turns  in  a  westerly 
direction,  is  the  mouth  of  the  Strelna,  a  name  still 
preserved  on  modern  maps  ;  Tetrene  N.  (Tetrina),  a 
point  on  the  coast;  Chiauon  fl.,  Chauon  on  Burrough's 
map  (the  river  Chavanga),  and  Yarziga  fl.  (the 
Yarzuga). 

So  far  the  maps  o.  Jenkinson  and  Burrough  are 
correct,  allowance  being  made  for  the  rough  methods 
of  surveying  and  map-making  then  in  use.  Beyond 
this  point,  however,  the  coast  is  incorrectly  outlined, 
the  gulfs  of  Kandalaks  and  Onega  being  altogether 
omitted.  These  were  out  of  the  track  of  vessels 
sailing  to  St.  Nicholas,  and  had  not  yet  been  visited 
by  the  English.  Solofki  (Solovetski),  the  island 
monastery,  is  on  Jenkinson's  map  in  lat.  66°  ;  on 
Burrough's,  its  position  about  a  degree  farther  south 
is  more  correct.  Entering  the  bay  of  St.  Nicholas 
(Gulf  of  Archangel),  Owna  (Una)  with  its  bay  are 
found  on  both  maps,  Newnox  (Nenoksa)  on  Bur- 
rough's only.  Next  is  St.  Nicholas,  at  the  estuary 
of  the  Dwina ;  and  about  sixty  miles  up  this  river 
Cclmogro  (Kholmogori).  Facing  St.  Nicholas,  on 
the  right  of  the   estuar}^  is  the   m.onastery  of  St. 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXV 

Michael,  more  correctly  placed  on  Burrough's  map 
above  the  delta  of  the  Dwlna,  where  the  city  of 
Archangel  afterwards  rose.  Following  the  coast  in 
a  northerly  direction  we  come  to  Sugha  More  (the 
dry  sea),  a  bay  of  the  Gulf  of  Archangel,  shown  but 
not  named  on  Jenkinson's  map.  After  passing  this, 
the  next  headland  is  Koska  noze,  Koska  nos  of  Jen- 
kinson's map  (Jiodie  Cape  Kuiski),  projecting  south- 
west. The  next  name  is  Posda  fl.  (probably  Kosli), 
and  at  the  northern  end  of  the  gulf,  Foxnos  (Foxe- 
nose  of  the  text,  p.  22),  now  better  known  as  Cape 
Kerets,  in  lat.  65°  20'.  The  coast  "now  turns  to  the 
north-east,  and  is  known  to  Russians  as  the  Zimni, 
or  winter  coast,  because  it  faces  the  north,  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  Letni,  summer,  i.e.  warm,  coast 
opposite.  The  next  name  on  Jenkinson's  map  is 
Zolotitsa;  Burrough  hasToua  flu.,  probably  a  mistake, 
for  the  river  is  to  the  present  day  known  as  the 
Zolotitsa.  Next  is  Point  Penticost,  Paynticost  on 
Burro ugh's  map,  probably  Cape  Intsi,  whose  high, 
sandy  cliff  is  visible  twelve  miles  at  sea.  Northward 
again  is  Cape  Boa  Fortun,  on  Burrough's  map  Cape 
Good  Fortune,  now  known  as  Cape  Yoronov,  at  the 
entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Mezen.  This  gulf  receives 
the  discharge  of  two  rivers,  the  Mezen  and  another, 
named  on  Burrough's  map  Kowloay  fl.  (Kuloi  river), 
but  confused  in  Jenkinson's  with  the  Pinego,  a  right 
affluent  of  the  Dwina,  as  he  correctly  observes  in  his 
narrative  (p.  23).  He  is,  however,  not  far  wrong  in 
uniting  the  two,  for  the  upper  Kuloi  runs  so  close  to 
the  Pinego  that  a  distance  of  only   seven  to  ten 


CXXVl  INTRODUCTION. 

miles  separates  them,  and  it  is  said  that  a  canal 
unites  these  rivers.^ 

On  the  right  bank  of  the  Mezen,  near  its  mouth, 
is  Lampas,  the  great  mart  in  those  days  for  the  Samo- 
yedes  and  other  northern  nations.  Near  Lampas, 
on  Jenkinson's  map,  is  Sloboda  (suburb),  probably 
occupied  by  foreigners  arriving  from  the  south  to 
trade  with  the  people  of  the  country  in  furs,  etc. 
The  next  point  is  Cape  S.  lois,  Cape  St.  John  on 
Burrough's  map,  now  Cape  Kanushin,  the  south- 
western extremity  of  Kanin  peninsula.  This  penin- 
sula is  represented  on  both  maps  as  an  island,  the 
fact  being  that  in  the  narrow  isthmus  connecting  it 
with  the  mainland,  two  rivers,  the  Chij  and  Chesha, 
the  former  flowing  into  the  White  Sea,  the  latter 
into  the  Arctic  Ocean,  are  so  nearly  united  in 
their  upper  courses  that  boats  have  sometimes  passed 
from  the  White  Sea  into  the  Gulf  of  Cheshskaia  in 
order  to  avoid  the  long  circumnavigation  of  Kanin 
peninsula.  At  its  north-western  extremity'  is  Cape 
Kanin,  marked  Caninoz  on  Jenkinson's,  and  Canynoze 
on  Burrough's  map.  On  both  maps  this  peninsula  is 
too  wide  by  one-half  from  east  to  west  in  its  broadest 
part,  and  the  isthmus  is  not  shown.  East  of  Cape 
Kanin  on  Jenkinson's  map  is  the  name  Morzouets, 
on  Burrough's  Morgeouets,  probably  referring  to 
Cape  Makovaia.  Cheshskaia  bay  is  shown,  but 
not  named  on  either  of  our  maps,  but  on  Burrough's 
its  eastern  shoulder,  Suati  noze  (Cape  Sviatoi)  is 
named.     Off  this  bay  is  the  large  uninhabited,  and 

1  Semeonof,  art.  "  Kuloi";  cf.  Herberstein,  in  Hakl.  Soc,  ii,  p.  38. 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXVll 

apparently  uninhabitable,  island  of  Colgoieue  (Kol- 
guev).     The  mainland  opposite   bears  the  name  of 
Condora,  also  known  as  Kondia,  so  named  after  the 
river  Konda,  an  affluent  of  the  Irtish.     According 
to   Spruner -  Menke,    Kondia    should    lie    south   of 
Yugria.     East  of  Condora,  on  Jenkinson's  map,  is 
shown  the   river  Pechora  (Burrough's  only  shows 
its  mouth),  flowing  almost  due  north  through  lake 
Pustezora  (Pustozero),  visited  by  agents  of  the  Russia 
Company^   in   the    early   years   of    the   succeeding 
(seventeenth)   century.     Beyond   this   river   lies   a 
range   of  hills   named   on   Jenkinson's   map    Orhis 
zona     monies,    the    Bolshoi    Kamen    (great    rock) 
of  Russian  coasters.     From  their  position  on  Jen- 
kinson's  map,   they   are    evidently    the    Pai-Khoi 
(Samoyed  for  "  rocky  range"),  running  parallel  with 
the  Kara  Sea  to  Yugorsky  Shar  or  Vaigats  straits, 
and  are   therefore   distinct   from   the  Ural    Moun- 
tains, represented  on  Gastaldo's,  Herberstein's,  and 
other  old  maps  as  the  girdle  of  the  earth,  cingu- 
lus  terrce.     Thirty  miles  of  tundra,  plain,  and  lake 
separate  these  two  ranges  ;  yet  it  is  somewhat  re- 
markable  that   Jenkinson   should   have  altogether 
omitted  the  Ural.     On  either  side  of  these  moun- 
tains he  places  Obdora  (Obdoria),  the  country  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Obi,  subjugated  by  the  Muscovites 
at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  and  included 
among  the  titles  of  the  Tsar  from  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth   century  (text,    p.    229).     The   island   of 
Vaigats  and  the  southern  end  of  Nova  Zembla  are 
Cf.  Purchas,  ed.  1614,  pp.  431,  433. 


CXXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

shown  on  both  maps,  doubtless  from  Stephen  Bur- 
rough's  survey  in  1556,  while  Herberstein  and  Wied 
altogether  ignore  this  region. 

The  Oba  (Obi)  formed  the  eastern  limit  of  known 
territory  at  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  year  1581  that  Yermak,  the  Cossack, 
reached  the  banks  of  its  chief  tributary,  the  Irtish, 
and  founded  at  Sibir  a  new  empire  for  the  Tsar. 
All  beyond  the  Obi  was  conjectural,  and  it  is  there- 
fore not  surprising  that  the  cartographers  of  that 
period  should  have  represented  this  river  in  an 
exaggerated  way.  Wied..  Gastaldo,  and  Herberstein 
place  its  sources  in  the  Kitaysko  lacus  (Aral  Sea). 
Jenkinson  also  makes  it  flow  out  of  this  lake,  and 
leads  his  miraculous  Ardok  into  it.  On  Herber- 
stein's  map  Khanbalikh,  the  capital  of  China,  lies 
on  the  bank  of  Kitaisko  lacus,  the  name  Kitaisco 
(Kithayan  or  Cathayan)  having  doubtless  led  him 
to  suppose  that  Cathay  or  China  began  there — 
Cumhalick  regia  in  Kytay,  Jenkinson,  more  cor- 
rectly informed,  fills  in  the  space  to  the  east  of  the 
Aral  and  Obi  with  pictures  and  legends  illustrative 
of  the  life  of  the  nomad  tribes.  Yet  even  he  repeats 
the  story  of  the  Zlata  Baba,  the  golden  hag  wor- 
shipped by  the  inhabitants  of  Joughoria  (Yugria)  in 
the  extreme  north.  He  represents  the  figure  much 
in  the  same  way  as  Wied — a  woman  standing  on  a 
pedestal  holding  an  infant  in  her  arms,  with  another 
by  her  side  (Wied  shows  only  one  child),  and  two 
men  worshipping  before  her.  The  legend  runs  thus  : 
''Zlata  Baha,  it  est  aurea  vetida  ah  Obdorianis  et 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXIX 

lougorianis  religiose  colitur.  Idolum  hoc  sacerdos 
considit,  quid  ipsis  faciendum,  quove  sit  migrandum, 
ijpsumque  (dictu  mirum)  certa  considentihus  dat  re- 
sponsa,  certique  euentus  consequimticr."  The  earliest 
notice  of  this  idol  is  found  in  Matt.  v.  Miechow 
(1517),  who  says:  '' Accipiat  (sc.  lector)  quod  post 
terram  Viathka  nuncupatcun  in  Scythiam  p)enetrando 
jacet  magnum  idolum  Zlotabaha  quod  interpretatum 
sonat  aurea  anus  sen  vetula  quod  gentes  vicince  colunt 
et  venerant,  nee  aliquis  in  proximo  gradiens  autferas 
agitando  et  in  venatione  sectando  vacuus  et  sine  ohla- 
tione  pertransit ;  quin  imo  si  munus  nohile  deest, 
pellem  aut  saltem  de  veste  extractum  pilum  in  offer- 
torium  idolo  projicit  et  inclinando  se  cum  reverentia 
pertransit  y^ 

It  is  curious  to  find  the  locality  connected  with 
this  story  removed  further  away  as  the  century 
groAvs  older  :  at  first,  it  is  beyond  Viatka ;  then  we 
hear  of  it  in  the  region  of  Obdoria  (Abdoria  on 
Wied's  map),  on  this  side  the  Obi ;  and  lastly,  it 
appears  in  Yugria,  beyond  the  great  river.  In  the 
seventeenth  century  the  idol  is  still  referred  to  as 
located  on  the  banks  of  the  Ob,  and  a  writer^  of  that 
period  remarks  that  the  golden  woman  had  been 
compared  with  Isis,  motlier  of  the  gods,  and  that  in 
her  temple  were  musical  instruments  used  by  the 
priests,  in  order  to  make  the  people  beUeve  that  the 
idol  spoke  of  itself.  It  is  also  worthy  of  remark 
that   the    family    of    this    golden    dame    increases. 

^  Michow,  Ix.^  p.  136  ;  a  quotation  from  Grynseus,  Nov.  OrhU. 
^  Peter  Petrigus  de  Erlemuda,  quoted  by  Michow,  I.e.,  p.  137. 


CXXX  INTRODUCTION. 

Herberstein  represents  her  childless,  with  a  wand  in 
her  left  hand,  and  with  the  right  outstretched.  In 
his  commentaries,  however,  he  speaks  of  both 
children,  and  that  one  of  these  was  believed  to  be 
her  grandson.^  Wied  represents  her  with  only  one 
child  in  arms,  and  attended  by  four  worshippers. 
Sebastian  Munster  omits  any  mention  of  her  ;  and 
has,  instead,  a  column  with  the  figure  of  an  animal 
at  the  top,  and  one  worshipper  below,  referring  to 
the  Stolp  {Stolb,  sl  pillar)  legend,  perhaps  connected 
with  the  "  tower  of  Alexander",  mentioned  in  the 
Mesalak  al  Ahsar?  Stone  idols  are  not  uncommon 
in  various  parts  of  Central  Asia  at  the  present  day, 
as  the  writer  can  testify,  having  come  across  two  in 
1880,  one  at  the  public  garden  in  Verny,  the  other 
at  the  post  station  of  Altyn  Immel  (golden  saddle), 
on  the  road  to  Kuldja. 

Another  of  the  pictures  on  Jenkinson's  map  repre- 
sents two  figures  kneeling  before  a  sort  of  flag 
attached  to  a  pole,  with  the  following  legend  : — 
"  Horum  regionum  incolce  Solem,  vel  rubrum  pan- 
num  pertica  suspensum  adorant.  In  castris  vitam 
ducunt ;  ac  olim  animatium  (animalium)  serpentium, 
verminumque  came  vescuntur  ac  proprio  idiomate 
vtuntur."  Above  are  the  words  "  Baida"  (?)  "  Col- 
mack".  Wied  has,  in  the  same  place,  "  Kalmucky 
horda",  with  tents  and  two  men,  one  on  horseback ; 
and  the  note,  "  Hi  longum  capillitium  gestant",  an 
allusion  to  the  long  hair  worn  by  Kalmuks,  even  at 

*  Notes  upon  Rtissia,  Hakl.  Soc,  ii,  p.  41. 
2  Yule's  Marco  Polo^  2nd  edition,  ii,  p.  485. 


INTRODUCTION*  CXXXl 

the  present  day,  in  Turkestan.  The  allusion  to  sun 
worship  is  probably  some  mistake  of  Jenkinson's, 
for  the  Kalmuks  are  Buddhists  by  religion,  with 
strong  tendencies  to  Lamaism,  except  their  northern 
kinsmen,  the  Buriats,  among  whom  there  are  traces 
of  Shamanism. 

A  region  so  remote  and  unknown  as  the  banks 
of  the  Obi  was  a  fertile  ground  for  the  most  impos- 
sible stories  or  travellers'  tales.  Of  these,  Jenkin- 
son  gives  us  a  specimen  in  the  following  legend  : — 
*'Hcec  saxahominum  iumentorum  camelorum  pecorum- 
que  ceterarumque  rerum  formas  referentia,  Horda 
populi  gregis  pascentis  armentaque  fait :  Quce  stu- 
penda  quadam  metamorphosi,  repente  in  saxa  riguit^ 
priori  forma  nulla  in  parte  diminuta.  Euenit  hoc  pro* 
digium  annis  circiter  300  retro  elapsis.''  Did  Jen- 
kinson  believe,  or  expect  his  readers  to  believe,  so 
miraculous  a  story  ?  If  so,  he  was  more  gullible 
than  we  could  have  supposed.  It  is  impossible  to 
say.  But  whatever  may  have  been  the  origin,  it  is  a 
pity  that  he  should  have  repeated  on  his  map,  as 
fact,  what  could  be  nothing  but  fiction.^ 

^  Possibly  this  legend  may  have  prompted  one  of  his  biographers 
to  compare  him  with  Mendez  Pinto  and  Sir  John  Mandeville 
(See  Gorton's  Biographical  Dictionary).  Purchas  alludes  to  it  in 
the  following  way : 

"Master  Jenkinson  mentioncth  a  Nation  lining  among  the 
Tartars  called  Kings ;  which  are  also  Gentiles,  as  are  also  the 
Kirgessen  (of  whom  wee  haue  spoken)  and  the  Colmackea,  which 
worship  the  sunne,  as  they  doe  also  a  redde  cloth,  fastened  to  the 
toppe  of  a  Pole,  and  eate  serpentes,  wormes,  and  other  filth. 
Neere  to  which  he  placeth  (in  his  Mappe  of  Russia)  certaine 
Statues  or  Pillars  of  Stone,  which  sometimes  were  Hoords  of  men 


CXXXU  INTRODUCTION. 

Below  this,  again,  is  Cossackia,  the  country  of  the 
Kazaks,  or  Kirghiz,  a  people  now  spread  over  vast 
tracts,  from  the  Ural  to  the  Altai,  and  from  Western 
Siberia  to  the  Amu.  They  are  described  in  the 
narrative  (p.  90)  as  Muhammadans,  but  in  the  legend 
on  the  map  an  allusion  is  made  to  their  heathen 
rites,  thus  :  "  Kirgessi  gens  cateruatim  deget,  id  est  in 
liordis,  habetque  ritum  huiusmodi;  cum  rem  diuinam 
ipsorum  sacerdos  peragit,  sanguinem  lac  et  fonum 
iumentorum  accipit,  ac  terrce  miscet,  inque  vas  quod- 
dam  in/undit,  eoque  arhorem  scandit,  atque  condone 
hahita  in  populum  spargit,  atque  licec  asperslo  pro 
Deo  habetur  et  colitur.  Cum  quis  diem  [dies]  inter 
illos  obit  loco  sepulturce  arboribus  suspendunt" 

It  was  not  till  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century 

that   the  Kirghiz   were    converted  to  Muhammad- 

anism,  their  Khan,  Kuchum,  having  first  adopted 

this  faith  ;    and  being  extremely  superstitious  and 

much  given  to  sorcery,  they  indulged  in  all  kinds 

of  curious  practices.^     That  in  the  legend  may  have 

been  one,  though  it  no  longer  survives ;  moreover, 

it  would  be  difficult   to  find  trees   strong   enough 

to  bear  the  weight  of  a  man's  body,  as  figured  on 

the  map,  in  the  steppe  where  their  camping-grounds 

are  situate.     The  custom,  however,  of  exposing  the 

dead  appears    still    to   prevail,   the   writer   himself 

having  seen  the  bodies  of  two  Kirghiz  on  bushes  on 

and  Beasts  feeding,  transformed  by  diuine  power  (if  it  be  not 
humane  errour)  into  this  stonie  substance,  retaining  their  pristine 
shape." — Pnrchas,  1614,  p.  426. 

^  Levchine,  Description   des   Hordes  et  des  Steppes  des  Kiryhiz- 
Kazah-,  p.  330  se</. 


INTKODUCTION.  CXXXlll 

the  bank  of  a  river  where  they  had  been  drowned  in 
attempting  to  cross. 

Tashkend,  on  the  Sur  (Syr)  is  two  degrees  too 
far  north  ;  and  to  the  south-east  of  it  are  more 
Kirghiz-Kazaks,  who  were,  as  the  text  says  (p.  91), 
at  war  with  Tashkend.  South-west  of  Tashkend  is 
Acsow,  the  town  of  Akhsi  of  Baber's  memoirs,  to  the 
north  of  the  Jaxartes ;  and  beyond  it,  in  the  same 
direction,  Andeghen  (Andijan,  in  the  valley  of  this 
river).  Baber  says  of  it  that,  "  after  the  fortresses 
of  Samarkand  and  Kesh,  none  is  equal  in  size 
to  Andijan".^  South  south-west  of  Tashkend  is 
the  city  of  Samarkand,  with  the  inscription  :  '^Sha- 
marcandia  olim  totius  Tartarice  metro'polis  fuit  at 
nunc  riiinis  deforniis  iacet,  vna  cum  niidtis  antiqui- 
tatis  vestigiis.  Hie  conditus  est  Tamerlanes  ille  qui 
olim  Turcaruni  Imperatoyem  Baijasitem  captum 
aureis  catenis  vinctum  circumtidit.  Incolce  mahume- 
tani  sunt.''  From  this  it  appears  that  Samarkand 
was  already  in  ruins  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Yet  only  sixty  years  before  (1497)  Baber 
describes  it  at  the  height  of  its  glory  f  so  that  its 
destruction  must  have  taken  place  in  the  first  half 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  during  those  frequent  and 
devastating  wars  between  the  Uzbek  princes  and  the 
descendants  of  Timur.  In  the  south-east  corner  of 
the  map  is  the  name  Mhogol  (Mogol),  so  continually 
mentioned  by  Baber,  whose  dynasty,  founded  in 
Hindustan    in    1526,    was    called    after    it.     Balgh 

^  Memoirs  of  Baber,  Leydeu  and  Erskiiie,  p.  2. 

-^  Ibul.,  p.  48. 


CXXXIV  INTRODUCTION, 

(Balkh),  the  ancient  Baotria,  stands  on  the  map 
east  of  the  hypothetical  river  Ougus.  It  should  be 
south  of  the  Amu  and  between  this  river  and  the 
Paropamisus  range.  To  the  east  of  it  Cascara 
(Kashgar),  with  the  legend:  ''Cascara,  hinc  triginta 
dierum  itinere  orientem  versus  incipiunt  termini  im^ 
perii  Cathaijce.  Ah  his  limitibiis  ad  Cambalu 
trium  mensium  iter  interiacet" 

According  to  Hadji  Mahomet,  it  was  eighty-eight 
days  (text,  p.  107)  from  Kashgar  to  Succuir  (Suh- 
chau),  on  the  Chinese  frontier,  by  the  northern  route 
through  Aksu,  Kucha,  Karashahr,  Turfan,  and  Hami. 
Jenkinson,  in  the  text  (p.  92),  allows  nine  months 
for  the  journey  from  Bokhara  to  Cathay.  Deducting 
one  month  for  the  march  to  Kashgar,  this  would 
leave  eight  months  to  Cambalu  (Peking),  instead  of 
four,  allowed  by  his  map.  Pichard  Johnson's  notes, 
however,  agree  with  the  map  (pp.  101-103).  The 
next  place  is  Kirshi  (Karshi),  on  the  Ougus  (?  Oxus), 
placed  south  south-east  of  Bokhara,  in  about  its 
true  relative  position,  the  hydrography  being  all 
wrong,  as  already  stated.  North  of  Bokhara,  on 
the  fictitious  Amow,  is  Ghudou  (?  Kuduk  Mazar; 
see  Walker  s  map),  Cosin  (?  Wan  Ghazi),  and  Kyr- 
mina  (Kermina),  on  the  Zarafshan ;  lastly,  Carakol 
(Kara  Kul),  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Oxus,  instead 
of  on  the  right.  At  the  foot  of  the  map  are  the 
Parapomisi  montes,  where,  according  to  the  text 
(p.  68),  the  Oxus  should  take  its  rise. 

In  Persia  the  following  towns  are  marked  on  the 
map :  Corosan    magna   (probably   Herat),    Meshent 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXXV 

(Meshed),  Ardwen  (Ardebil),  Teubres  (Tabriz),  and 
Casbi  (Kazvin).  The  people  of  this  country  are 
represented  wearing  long  flowing  robes,  and  high 
peaked  hats ;  armed  with  sword  and  bow  and 
arrows.  The  animals  are  the  one-humped  camel  or 
dromedary,  the  two-humped  species,  now  common  in 
Turkestan,  being  conspicuous  by  its  absence  from 
the  map.  Media  (Shirvan)  is  placed  south-east  of 
the  Caspian  instead  of  south-west,  the  towns  Sha- 
magi  (Shemakha),  Dirben  (Derbent),  Backow  (Baku), 
and  Shaueren  (Shabran)  being  all  out  of  place.  It 
should,  however,  be  observed  that  the  map  is  dated 
1562,  before  his  return  from  his  second  journey,  and 
therefore  the  southern  coasts  of  the  Caspian  and 
countries  bordering  on  them  are  delineated  entirely 
from  hearsay  information,  collected  on  his  first 
journey. 

The  region  of  Turkmen  (Turkomania)  includes  the 
lower  Ougus  (Oxus),  with  the  towns  of  Mare  (Merv) 
and  Corasan  parva  (?),  south  of  this  river.  To  the  last- 
named  there  is  the  following  note  :  ^^  A  rege  Persico 
adiuuantibus  Tartaris  1558  expugnata fuit"  North 
of  it  is  Cant  (Kait  of  the  text),  Vrgence  (Urgendj), 
Shay  sure,  the  Sellizure  of  the  text  (p.  69),  with  the 
following  legend  :  ''A  Mangusla  Shaysuram  usque 
20  dierum  iter  hahent,  sine  vllis  sedihus  cum  summa 
aquce  penuria.  A  Shay  sura  usque  Boghar  par 
itineris  interuallum  latrociniis  infestum",  explained 
by  his  narrative  (pp.  68-81).  North  of  the  Caspian, 
the  rivers  Yem  (Emba),  Yaick  and  Volga  fall  into 
this  sea.     About  sixty  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the 


CXXXVl  INTRODUCTION. 

Yaik  stands  the  city  of  Sharacbik  (Saraichik),  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Nogai  Tartars.  Wied  places 
Seraichik  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Yaik,  Herber- 
stein  near  the  estuary  of  the  Volga  ;  indeed,  this 
part  of  Jenkinson's  map  is  more  correct  than  any  of 
the  older  maps.  Higher  up  the  Yaik  is  Shakashik, 
a  place  we  are  unable  to  identify.  On  the  right 
bank  of  the  Yaik  occurs  the  name  of  Bagthiar, 
having  perhaps  a  connection  with  the  tribe  of  Bakh- 
6iari,  now  inhabiting  Khuzistan,  in  Persia,  of  whom 
modern  travellers.  Baron  de  Bode,Ilawlinson,Layard, 
and  Abbott,  have  written.^  The  Bakhtiari  were 
transplanted  by  Nadir  Shah  to  the  Turkoman 
frontier. 

Two  islands,  Boghnata  and  Aourghan  (Ak-Kur- 
ghan),  near  the  northern  coast  of  the  Caspian,  are 
mentioned  in  the  text  (p.  60).  On  the  west  coast 
are  Tumensko  (p.  .127),  too  far  south,  and  Shalcaue 
(Shamkhal).  Stara  and  Noua  Astracan  (Old  and 
New  Astrakhan),  the  latter  on  an  island,  are  shown 
on  the  map.  Between  the  Caspian  and  Sea  of 
Azof  are  the  Chirkassi  Petigorski,  the  Circassians 
of  the  five  hills  {piat,  five,  and  gora,  a  mountain), 
from  the  five  lofty  mountains  which  overlook  their 
country.  These  Circassians  were  subdued  by  Ivan 
in  1555,  and  their  king's  daughter  became  his  second 
wife  (text,   p.   122).     The  broad  lands  of  Tartary 

1  See  Journal,  R.  G.  S.,  vols,  ix,  xiii,  xvi,  xxv.  The  late  M.  N.  de 
Khanikof  remarks  on  the  uncertainty  of  the  origin  of  the  Bakh- 
tiaris,  some  of  whose  tribes  appear  to  have  been  of  Turkish  descent, 
while  others  were  of  Iranian  and  Semitic  origin.— L'ethno(/raphie 
de  la  Ptrse,  p.  110. 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXXVU 

extended  right  across  Southern  Russia,  from  the  Sea 
of  Azof  on  the  west,  to  the  Obi  on  the  east.  The 
fate  of  Tartary,  however,  was  sealed  by  the  fall  of 
Kazan,  and  its  final  subjugation  was  merely  a  ques- 
tion of  time. 

Ascending  the  Volga,  the  first  place  we  find 
marked  on  the  map  is  Meshet,  on  the  left  east  bank, 
nearly  opposite  Pereuolock  (Perevolog  of  the  text, 
pp.  55,  443),  where  the  modern  Tsaritsin  stands. 
This  Meshet  is  of  some  arch^ological  importance,  as 
it  may  undoubtedly  be  identified  with  the  present 
village  of  Mechetnaia  {viechet,  a  mosque)  on  the 
post  road  to  Tsarev.  Near  this  village  are  the 
remains  of  a  great  Tartar  town,  described  by  Pallas, 
and  identified  by  him  with  Sarai,  the  capital  of  the 
Golden  Horde.  Among  the  ruins  were  those  of  a 
fortress,  caravanserai,  and  mosque ;  and  articles  of 
value,  such  as  gold  saddle-ornaments,  etc.,  were 
found.  Col.  Yule  incli^ies  to  the  opinion  that  the 
ruins  near  Tsarev  are  those  of  New  Sarai,  and  that 
the  older  city,  founded  by  Batu  Khan,  was  lower 
down  the  Akhtuba,  or  eastern  arm  of  the  Volga. ^ 

Higher  up  the  Volga  three  tributaries  join  it  on 
the  left  bank,  the  Ouruslaue  fl.  (Buguruslan),  pro- 
bably the  riuer  Kinel,  which  flows  past  the  district 
town  of  Buguruslan  in  the  Government  of  Samara ; 
the  Vrghiz  fl:  (Irghiz),  a  slowly  meandering  stream ; 

^  Cf.  Col.  Yule's  note  on  Sarai,  in  Marco  Polo,  second  edition, 
vol.  i,  pp.  5  and  6.  Semeonof,  art.  "Mechetnaia".  A  recent  author. 
Max  Schmidt,  takes  the  same  view  as  Col.  Yule;  cf.  Petermann, 
Mitth.,  32  Band,  1886,  ii,  Literaturherichf,  p.  15. 


CXXXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

and  lastly,  the  Samar  fl.  (river  Samara),  flowing  from 
the  Ural  Mountains  (text,  p.  54).  Neither  Wied's 
nor  Herberstein's  maps  show  any  tributaries  of  the 
Volga  between  its  delta  and  the  Kama.  Jenkin- 
son  s  information  here  is  therefore  both  new  and 
correct.  On  the  right  bank  is  the  name  of  a  people, 
the  Mordua  (Mordva  of  the  text,  p.  47),  in  much  the 
same  position  as  that  occupied  by  them  at  the  present 
day.  Above  these  are  the  Ceremise  Gorni  (hill  Che- 
remissi,  i.e,,  inhabiting  the  right  high  bank  of  the 
Volga) ;  and  above  Kazan,  on  the  left  low  bank  of  the 
same  river,  the  Ceremise  Lowgovoi  (Cheremissi  of  the 
low  land — luga,  a  meadow).  Wied  omits  them  alto- 
gether on  his  map,  but  Herberstein  has  Czeremissa 
Populi,  above  Kazan.  These  Cheremissi  were  a  great 
worry  to  Ivan  long  after  the  fall  of  Kazan  and  the 
transfer  to  him  of  their  allegiance.  The  Cama 
(Kama)  flows  in  from  the  north-east  and  joins  the 
Volga  at  its  great  bend  to  the  south  ;  the  Viatka,  a 
right  tributary  of  the  Kama,  flowing  near  the  town 
of  Viatsko  (Viatka),  in  the  country  of  Vachin  (p.  50). 
Cazane  gorode  (the  city  of  Kazan)  stands  at  the 
confluence  of  a  small  river,  the  Kazanka,  flowing 
out  of  a  lake.  In  Wied's  map  it  bears  its  Tartar 
name,  Kassanorda.  Higher  up  the  Volga  are 
Suiatsko  (Swasko  of  the  text,  p.  48),  Schabogshar 
(Cheboksari,  p.  46),  Vasili  gorod  (p.  46),  Nisnouo 
gorod  (Nijni  Novgorod,  p.  45),  all  on  the  right  bank. 
Here  the  Volga  is  joined  by  its  tributary,  the  Oka ; 
but  this  name  is  reserved  on  Jenkin son's  map  for  its 
upper  course,  the  lower  being  named  Mosko  fl.,  a 


INTRODUCTION.  CXXXIX 

tributary  flowing  past  the  city  of  Mosco.  Ascending 
the  Oka,  the  first  affluent  on  its  left  is  the  Desma 
(KHazma) ;  higher  up  is  the  town  of  Muron,  on  the 
left  bank,  and  Cassimgorode  (text,  p.  43),  Mestzora 
(Meschersk).  of  Wied's  map,  and  Casimow  gorod  of 
Herberstein's.  Above  this,  on  the  same  bank,  are 
Tereckhoue  (text,  p.  43),  and  Prona,  on  a  right  tribu- 
tary, doubtless  the  Prona. 

Returning  to  the  main  river,  the  next  place  is 
Pereslaue  (Riazan,  p.  42),  and  above  it  Tereuetisko 
(Perevitsky,  p.  41).  At  the  fork  of  the  Moskva  and 
Oka  stands  the  town  of  Kolom  (Kolomna),  the 
Collom  of  the  text  (p.  42),  and  above  it,  on  both 
banks  of  the  Moskva,  the  metropolitan  city  of  Mosco. 
Moisaisky  (Mojaisk),  also  on  the  Moskva,  west  south- 
west of  Mosco,  was  a  place  of  importance  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  It  was  here  that  Ivan  built  a 
strong  fortress  as  a  protection  to  Mosco  in  1541.^ 
Here,  too,  he  sometimes  received  foreign  ambas- 
sadors.- North  of  Mosco  is  Troitsky,  with  a  cross 
over  the  stamp  to  show  that  it  is  a  monastery  (see 
Appendix,  pp.  369  seq.),  and  north  of  it  again  Peras- 
laue  (Pereyaslaf  Zalessky,  p.  29),  near  its  lake. 

Returning  to  the  Volga,  the  first  place  above 
Nijny  Novgorod  is  Balaghna  (Balakhna),  on  the  right 
bank.  To  this  town  Ivan  III,  on  subduing  Nov- 
gorod in  1479,  transferred  some  of  its  citizens. 
Higher  up,  and  on  the  same  side  of  the  river,  are 
louriauich  ( Yurievitch),  Kmyshma  (Kineshma),  left 
by  Ivan  III  in  his  will  to  Prince  Belsky  ;  and  Plessa 
^  Cf.  Herhersteiny  ii,  20. 


Cxl  INTRODUCTION. 

(Pless),  the  scene  of  a  great  battle  between  the 
Russians  and  Tartars  in  1540.  Above  this,  stand 
Costrome  (Kostroma)  and  Yearaslaue  (Yaroslaf,  p. 
28),  both  famous  for  their  flax  trade,  the  latter  much 
frequented  by  the  English  merchants  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  who  built  here  their  vessels  for  navigating 
the  Caspian.  Above  Yaroslaf  the  Volga  is  joined  by 
the  Sheksna  and  the  Mologa,  erroneously  united  on 
the  map.  These  two  rivers  are  navigable,  and  form 
part  of  the  elaborate  canal  systems  uniting  the  Volga 
with  the  Gulf  of  Finland.  The  Sheksna,  unnamed, 
is  represented  on  the  map  flowing  out  of  Lake  Biatla- 
ozera  (Bielozero,  white  lake)  ;  on  Herberstein's  map, 
Albus  Lacus ;  and  on  Wied's,  ^' Belli  Je sera  hoc  est 
amplum  mare  Hue  tem2^ore  belli  Dux  Moscouiw 
transfert  thesaurum  suum'\  Wied's  statement  is  con- 
firmed by  Herberstein,  who  remarks  that  the  city 
does  not  stand  in  the  lake  itself,  but  is  surrounded 
on  all  sides  by  marshes,  so  that  it  seems  impreg- 
nable.^ 

Outside  the  elbow  formed  by  the  Volga,  above  its 
confluence  with  the  Mologa,  Jenkinson  places  the 
mythical  town  of  Kholopia  ;  on  Wied's  map,  Holobe ; 
and  on  Herberstein's,  Chlopigorod.  Herberstein 
relates  an  amusing  anecdote  concerning  this  place,^ 
and  says  that  it  was  a  great  mart  town  in  the  fif- 
teenth and  sixteenth  centuries,  resorted  to  by  Turks, 
Tartars,  and  divers  people  from  remote  regions ; 
but  not  a  trace  of  it  is  left  at  the  present   day. 

^  He7'bersteiu,  ii,  31. 
'  Ibid.,  ii,  27,  32. 


INTRODUCTION.  CxU 

On  the  Upper  Mologa  is  Vstiug  Zelezna,  probably 
Ustiushna  of  modern  maps.  Eeturning  to  the 
main  river,  we  find  on  the  right  bank  Ouglets 
(Uglitch),  where  the  unfortunate  Dmitri,  Ivan's 
youngest  son,  was  killed  by  order  of  Boris  Godunof ; 
opposite  is  Casshim  (Kashin),  mentioned  in  Kussian 
annals  as  far  back  as  1238,  when  Batu  with  his 
hordes  took  it.  Higher  up  stands  Goradine  (Goro- 
detz),  otherwise  known  as  Vertiazin,  destroyed  by 
Ivan  in  1569  upon  a  suspicion  that  its  inhabitants 
were  traitors.  Twenty  miles  from  Goradine  is  Tuer 
(Tver),  once  the  seat  of  a  principality.  It  was  at 
Staritsa,  near  Tver,  that  our  traveller  had  his  last 
audience  of  the  Tsar  (p.  319). 

North-west  of  Tver  stands  Torjok,  a  place  known 
in  these  days  for  its  elaborate  embroidery  on  leather. 
Jenkinson's  map  places  the  source  of  the  Volga, 
Bha  or  Edel  (text,  p.  98),  in  a  lake  named  Yolock 
lacus,  whence  the  Boristhenes  (Dnieper)  and  Western 
Dwina  take  their  rise.  It  was  a  favourite  notion  of 
the  old  geographers  that  one  great  lake  fed  the 
sources  of  a  number  of  rivers,^  and  Jenkinson  appears 
to  have  fallen  into  the  prevailing  error.  Agnese 
shows  four  rivers  diverging  from  his  Palus  Magna, 
the  fourth  being  the  Neva.  Wied  and  Munster 
have  three,  but  Herberstein  is  better  informed,  for 
he  travelled  through  this  part  of  Russia,  separates 
every  river,  and  states  in  his  commentaries  that  he 
had  made  the  discovery  that  the  Bha  and  Borys- 
thenes  did  not  rise  from  the  same  source.     Volock, 

^  Cf.  Cathny,  p.  347. 


Cxlii  INTRODUCTION. 

the  name  given  by  Jenkinson  to  his  fictitious  lake, 
is  mentioned  by  Herberstein  as  a  fortified  city 
twenty-four  miles  due  west  from  Mosco.^ 

The  Don,  or  Tanais,  was  regarded  in  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century  as  the  eastern  limit  of  Europe. 
Jenkinson  placed  its  source  in  the  Rezanskoi  ozero 
(lake  of  Rezan,  p.  55),  and  made  it  flow  through  two 
more  lakes,  Plogo  ozero  (?),  and  luan  ozero,  the 
last  of  these  being  its  true  source.  Agnese  shows 
the  course  of  the  Don  with  its  great  easterly  bend 
very  well,  but  Wied  and  Herberstein  both  insert  the 
two  apocryphal  lakes,  and  connect  this  river  with 
the  Oka.  Jenkinson  shows  only  one  tributary  of 
the  Don,  the  Sosna.  Herberstein  has,  besides,  the 
Minor  Tanais  vel  Donecz  (Donets).  At  the  estuary 
of  the  Don,  in  the  Palus  Meotis  (Sea  of  Azof),  stands 
the  town  of  Asou  (Azof),  on  the  older  maps  Tana. 
Once  a  Greek,  and  afterwards  a  Genoese,  colony, 
Azof  had  been  a  flourishing  place  of  trade,  and 
the  starting-point  of  caravans  bound  for  Cathay. 
In  the  sixteenth  century  it  was  a  possession  of.  the 
Turks.  Wied's  map  has  *'Assow  Turca possidef\  and 
it  was  here  they  planned  their  expedition  against 
Astrakhan  in  1569  (text,  p.  424).  The  Borysthenes, 
or  Neper  (Dnieper),  rises,  according  to  the  map,  in 
Volock  lacus,  flows  past  Smolensk,  through  the 
borderlands  of  Russia,  Poland,  and  Lithuania,  receiv- 
ing a  left  tributary,  the  Sos  (Soj),  and  afterwards 
the  Desna.  The  old  Russian  town  of  Starodub  stands 
in  the  angle  formed  by  the  Dnieper  and  Desna.     On 

^  Herberstein^  ii,  22. 


INTRODUCTION.  Cxliii 

the  riglit  bank  of  the  former  is  Kiou  (Kieff),  "a  Citie 
stately  and  beautifull,  having  in  it  three  hundred 
churches  and  more",  before  Batu  Khan  and  his 
Tartars  destroyed  it  in  1241.^  Wied  and  Munster 
place  the  city  right  across  the  river.  To  the  west 
of  the  Dnieper  is  the  legend  **  Hcbc  pars  Lituanice 
Imperatori  Russics  subdita  esf\  referring  to  Ivan's 
conquests  in  the  earlier  years  of  his  reign  (p.  35). 
On  the  Western  Dwina  the  only  place  marked 
is  Vitebsk ;  but  this  part  of  the  map,  as  already 
stated,  is  the  weakest.  Neither  Polotsk,  Dunaburg, 
nor  Riga,  are  shown.  Sinus  Finlandicus  {Gulf 
of  Finland)  lies  north  and  south,  instead  of  east 
and  west ;  as  a  consequence  of  this  error,  the  rivers 
running  into  it  have  a  westerly  course,  nearly  parallel 
with  the  Dwina.  Lakes  Pskof  and  Peipus  are 
both  omitted,  while  Lake  Ladoga  is  divided  into  two 
small  lakes,  Radiskoff  (Ladoga)  and  Ourshock  (Ore- 
shok,  the  old  name  of  Schltisselburg),  from  the  latter 
of  which  issues  the  Volgha  fl.  (Neva).  Wied's 
errors  have  evidently  been  adopted  without  correc- 
tion by  Jenkinson,  who  had  not  seen  this  country 
when  he  made  his  map.  Herberstein  is  more 
accurate.  He  gives  to  Lake  Ladoga  its  relative  size  ; 
shows  the  Neva  flowing  out  of  it ;  but  confuses  the 
Gulf  of  Finland  with  the  Baltic,  naming  the  two 
collectively  Sinus  Livpnicus  et  Ruthenicus,  the 
boundary  of  the  Rutheni  or  Moscovites. 

In   the   region   about    Pskof  and    Novgorod,  on 
Jenkinson's    map,    the    Velika    fl.    (river    Veliki) 
^  Purckas,  ed.  cit.,  p.  404. 


Cxliv  INTRODUCTION. 

takes  its  rise  near  Owpocki  (Owpotchka),  flows 
north-east  to  Voronets  (Voronetch), — two  towns 
celebrated  in  the  wars  of  Russia  in  the  six- 
teenth century  with  Lithuania  and  Poland, — then 
north-west  to  Pskoue  (Pskof),  referred  to  in  the 
early  English  narratives  and  documents  as  Plesco, 
Plasco,  and  Vopsko.  Kebela,  on  Wied's  map  Ko- 
bela,  is  the  modern  Kublovsk.  Opposite  it,  a  river 
flowing  from  the  south  joins  the  Veliki  (Narova), 
having  no  existence  in  fact,  with  eight  town  stamps, 
four  on  either  side,  without  names.  These  appear  on 
Wied's  map  eis"  A  castra  Moscouitarum'  and'' 4  castra 
Liuoniorum" ,  on  a  river,  also  nameless,  and  probably 
represent  the  positions  of  the  armed  forces  of  Mus- 
covy and  Livonia,  near  Dorpat,  before  the  outbreak 
of  hostilities  in  1555,  the  date  of  publication  of 
Wied's  map.^  At  the  mouth  of  the  Yehki  (Narova) 
are  the  towns  of  Rougodine  (Rugodin)  vel  Narue 
(Narva),  the  former  being  the  name  for  Narva  in  the 
thirteenth  century  annals,  and  facing  it  on  the  right 
bank,  luan  gorode  (Ivangorod),  occupying  the  site  of 
the  ancient  city  of  Rugodin,  burnt  by  the  Nov- 
gorodians  in  1294.^ 

Next  come  Novogardia  (Novgorod),  the  district, 
with  its  city,  Nouogorod  Velica  (Veliki,  i.e.,  the 
Great),  described  by  Chancellor  in  1555,  correctly 
placed  at  the  outflow  of  a  river,  unnamed  (the  Volk- 

1  This  would  seem  to  show  that  the  date  1555  on  the  map,  in 
both  of  the  lower  corners,  was  really  the  year  of  its  production, 
and  not  a  slip,  as  Dr.  Michow  thinks.     Cf.  ante,  p.  cxx. 

^  Semeonof,  art.  *'  Ivangorod". 


INTRODUCTION.  Cxlv 

hof),  from  lake  lima  (Ilmen).  Lake  Ilmen  is  fed  by  no 
less  than  twenty  streams,  but  the  old  maps,  with 
their  exaggerated  way  of  drawing  rivers,  only  find 
room  for  three.  The  chief  of  these,  the  Msta — on 
Jenkinson's  map  Vista — was  crossed  by  Herberstein 
on  his  way  from  Novgorod  to  Mosco.  This  river,  as  he 
remarks,  is  navigable,  and  forms  part  of  the  Vyshni 
Volok  canal  system,  the  most  direct  but  most  diflScult 
of  the  water  highways,  uniting  the  Volga  with  the 
Neva.  The  centre  of  this  canal  system  and  chief 
town  of  the  district,  shown  on  Jenkinson's  map  as 
Volochock  (Vyshni Volochok),  near  lake  Ilmen,  stands 
on  the  Sna,  at  the  upper  end  of  the  Tveretski  canal, 
some  distance  from  the  lake.  Volochok  was  de- 
stroyed by  Ivan  in  1569.  Two  other  towns,  Louke 
(Veliki  Luki)  and  Borckoue  (Porkhof),  are  placed 
south  and  south-west  of  lake  Ilmen,  on  two  of  its 
tributaries,  the  Lovat  and  Sheloni.  The  former  is 
mentioned  in  the  annals  of  Novgorod  of  the  twelfth 
century  under  the  name  of  Luk,  without  the  prefix 
Veliki  (Great),  and  only  acquired  this  title  in  the 
fifteenth  century.  The  name  is  said  to  be  derived  from 
the  elbow  (luk,  a  bow)  described  here  by  the  Lovat. 
Porkhof,  on  both  banks  of  the  Sheloni,  is  mentioned 
as  a  wealthy  town  in  the  fourteenth  century,  when 
it  formed  part  of  the  province  of  Novgorod.^ 

Near  the  estuary  of  the  river,  erroneously  named 
Volgha  on  our  map,  discharging  into  the  Gulf  of 
Finland,  is  the  town  of  Yama,  the  Yamburg  of  the 

^  Semeonof,  arts.  "Veliki  Luki"  and  "  Porkhof". 


Cxlvi  INTRODUGTION. 

present  day,  near  St.  Petersburg.  In  the  north- 
western corner  of  the  map  the  countries  of  Careha, 
visited  a  few  years  later  by  Southam  and  Sparke 
(p.  194),  Lappia  and  Biarmia,  are  named.  Eastward 
again  is  CargopoHa,  the  province,  with  its  chief  town, 
Cargapowl  (Kargopol),  on  the  Onega,  at  the  outflow 
of  this  river  from  a  lake  unnamed  (Lacha).  Kargopol 
is  one  of  the  oldest  Russian  settlements  in  the  north, 
and  though  it  has  now  sunk  into  insignificance,  its 
history  is  by  no  means  devoid  of  interest.  It  was 
to  Kargopol  that  Prince  Dmitry  Shemiaka  and 
Prince  Johan  Mojaisky  fled  from  Vassili  Yassilivitch 
the  Blind,  in  1447.  In  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth 
century  Kargopol  was  an  important  place  of  trade, 
had  its  lieutenant-governor  and  other  high  officials, 
and  received  the  privilege  of  trading  in  salt.  In 
1565,  when  Ivan  divided  Russia  into  a  national  and 
reserved  portion,  he  selected  Kargopol  as  his  parti- 
cular property.^  The  course  of  the  On^ga  from  Lake 
Ladoga  through  the  Bielo  ozero  into  Lake  Lacha  is 
imaginary,  as  this  river  only  begins  at  the  last-named 
lake,  and  the  Onega  lake,  unconnected  with  the 
river,  is  not  shown  at  all.  It  should,  however,  be 
borne  in  mind  that  the  English  had  not  yet  visited 
this  region,  and  that  the  information  contained  in 
earlier  maps  was  vague  in  the  extreme. 

Wied  has  a  string  of  lakes  connected  by  rivers 

near  the  White   Sea ;  three  of  these  are  named  : 

Vigezero  (Vyg  ozero),  Vodloiezero  (Vodlo  ozero),  and 

Onega,  and  the  last-named  is  connected  by  a  river 

^  Semeonof,  art.  **  Kargopol". 


INTRODUCTION.  CXlvii 

(the  Svir)  with  Lake  Ladoga.  In  the  basin  of  the 
Dwina,  however,  where  the  English  merchants  and 
agents  passed  and  repassed,  our  author's  map  is  more 
accurate.  Here  the  Vologda  flows  past  the  town  of  the 
same  name  to  join  the  Sughana  (Suhona).  This  last- 
named  river  leaves  Coubensko  lacus(Lake  Kubensky, 
p:  25,  note),  has  on  its  right  bank  Suchko,  on  the 
left  Totma,  then  the  following,  all  situate  on  the 
right  bank — Brousenskoj  Bobronesko  and  Strelna. 
At  the  confluence  of  the  lug  fi.  (Yug)  with  the 
Suhona  is  the  great  mart  town  of  Vstiug  (Ustiug, 
text,  p.  24).  Below  it  the  Dwina,  owing  its  name 
{dwa,  two)  to  the  two  rivers  just  mentioned,  con- 
tinues its  course  to  the  White  Sea,  receiving  on  the 
right  the  Voichegda( Vychegda), flowing  from  Permia, 
a  region  occupied  on  the  map  by  a  picture  of  two 
bears,  and  a  town  of  the  name  of  Permevelick 
(?  Perm'e  Veliki),  not  to  be  identified,  however,  with 
the  city  of  Perm  on  the  Kama,  for  this  was  only 
founded  in  1568.  Below  the  Vychegda  the  Dwina 
is  joined  by  another  right  tributary,  the  Toima,  and 
below  this  again  by  a  left  affluent,  nameless  (the 
Vaga),  with  the  town  of  Shenkoria  (Shenkursk)  on 
its  upper  course.  This  province  is  named  on  the 
map  Meschora,  a  name  one  would  hardly  have  ex- 
pected to  find  so  far  north,  as  it  is  identical  with 
that  of  a  race  of  Turco-Finnish  origin,  now  inhabit- 
ing south-eastern  parts  of  Russia,  including  part  of 
the  Government  of  Riazan.  North  of  Meschora  the 
Dwina  enters  the  province  named  after  it,  and  flows 
past  Yemsa,  Colmogro,  and  Pinega. 


cxlviii  INTRODUCTION". 

Summing  up  the  merits  and  demerits  of  Jenkin- 
son's  map,  the  best  parts  are  the  northern  and  central, 
the  districts  on  the  Volga,  White  Sea,  and  Caspian. 
Here  the  topography  is  fairly  correct,  and  the 
distances,  when  measured  by  the  scale,  not  far  wrong. 
The  west  and  north-west  are  faulty,  and  are  evi- 
dently borrowed  from  Wied.  Owing  to  the  want 
of  longitudes,  the  Caspian  Sea  is  extended  too  far  to 
the  west,  part  of  it  is  almost  due  south  of  the  White 
Sea,  and  the  Gulf  of  Finland  is  also  too  far  west. 
The  materials  used  by  Jenkinson,  besides  his  own 
surveys  and  observations,  probably  comprised  those 
of  Stephen  and  William  Burrough  and  other  con- 
temporary Englishmen.  But  on  the  whole,  his  map 
may  be  considered  an  original  production  far  in 
advance  of  any  that  had  up  to  that  time  appeared. 
It  was  included  in  the  great  atlas  of  Ortelius,  and 
part  of  it  was  copied  by  Peter  Van  der  Aa,  in  his 
Aanmerkenswaardigste  zee  en  Landreisyen  (Ley den, 
1727),  accompanied  by  an  imaginary  picture  of 
Jenkinson's  landing  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Cas- 
pian. 

Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  estimation  in 
which  Jenkinson  was  held  by  his  own  countrymen 
from  the  extract  already  given  of  Kichard  Eden's 
preface  to  his  translation  of  Cortez'  Arte  of  Naviga- 
tion, and  from  the  following  rhyming  verse,  taken 
from  an  old  work,  entitled  Albion  s  England,  by 
William  Warner,  London,  1602  : — 


nde,    ^ 
lind.  J 


INTRODUCTION.  Cxlix 


Warner's  '' Albion* s  England'\  chap.  Ixvi,  p.  281. 

It  is  no  common  Labour  to  the  Riuer  Oh  to  sayle, 

Howbeit  Burrough  did  therein,  not  Dangerles  preuaile. 

He  through  the  foresayd  frozen  Seas  in  Lapland  did  ariue, 

And  thence,  to  expedite  for  06,  his  Labours  did  reuiue. 

What  he  amongst  the  Vaigats  and  the  barbarous  Sanweds, — notes 

Their  Idols,  Deer-skin  Tents,  how  on  their  backs  they  bare  their  Botes, 

In  which,  but  Hides,  securely  they  doe  fish  those  Seas  all  day ; 

And  how  on  Deere  they  ride,  and  all  on  Sleds  by  Deere  conuay ; 

Do  eate  their  Dead  ;  to  feast  their  friends  their  Children  sometime  slay ; 

Their  store  of  Sables,  Furres,  and  Pealts  fetcht  thence  from  farre  away: 

How  at  our  Crab  and  Lion  Signes  their  Frost  and  Snow  is  greate, — 

Let  be,  and  many  things  we  might  of  this  new  Tract  intreate, 

By  Burrough  found,  whose  Praise  not  much  is  Chancelors  behinde, 

As  Master  in  that  Ship  with  him  that  first  did  Russia  finde, 

And  in  this  Northeast  Trade  with  Praise  do  Pet  and  lachnan  mind. 

Yeat  longer  (for  not  largelier  One  yeelds  Matter)  let  vs  dwell 

Of  lenkinson.     But  where  shall  we  begin  his  Lawdes  to  tell, 

In  Europe^  Asia,  Affrickf    For  these  all  he  saw,  in  all 

Imployd  for  Englands  common  good  :  Nor  my  rejoycing  small. 

That  from  Elizabeth  to  Raigne,  and  I  to  Hue  begunne, 

Hath  hapned  that  Commerce  and  Fame  he  to  his  Natiues  wonne. 

Now,  vnder  his  Conduct,  was  hence  vnto  his  Home  conuaide 

The  Russian  first  Ambassadour,  Heere  honor'd  whilst  he  staide. 

Nor  Captaine  lenkinson  was  there  lesse  graced,  where  he  wrought 

That  all  things  to  a  wished  end  were  for  our  traffique  brought. 

Here-hence  also  a  friendly  League  twixt  either  Prince  effected ; 

Nor  little  is  their  Amitie  of  vs  to  be  respected : 

For,  though  the  Moscouites  from  vs  be  People  farre  remote, 

Yeat,  if  how  Danes  and  Norses  haue  inuaded  vs  we  note, 

And  how  the  Russies,  in  the  like  Attempts,  might  hold  them  backe, 

For  onely  it,  were  thence  no  Trade,  ill  might  their  Friendship  lacke. 

From  Mosco  then  by  lournies  long  the  Caspian  Sea  he  crost, 

Himselfe  and  Goods  by  Tartars  oft  in  danger  to  be  lost. 

Their  Hoordes  of  carted  Tents,  like  Townes,  which  Camels  drew  ;  their 

Kings, 
By  names  of  Murses,  Sultans^  Cans,  to  whom  for  passe  he  brings 
The  Russian  King  his  Letters  ;  how  (and  royally  they  troe) 
With  Wild-horse  flesh  and  Mares  milke  him  the  Kings  did  banquet  the ; 
Their  hawking  for  the  Wild-horse  (For  their  Hawks  will  seaze  vpon 
The  horses  necke,  who  chaffing  tiers  [tears],  and  so  is  kild  anon;  ; 
Their  oft  Rem  ones  for  Pastures  fresh  (nor  Grasse  their  Pasture  is, 
But  healthie  Brush,  few  Cattell  though  doe  thriue  as  theirs  with  this)  ; 


cl  INTRODUCTION. 

Their  naither  vse  of  Coyne,  or  Come  (for  Tillage  none  is  theare)  ; 
Such  warriors  and  Horse  Archers  as  they  Hue  not  whom  they  feare  ; 
Their  crosse-leg  eating  on  the  ground,  Pluralitie  of  wiues 
In  Turkeman  (So  the  whole  is  said),  and  more  of  their  rude  liues. 
And  how  the  Marchants  trauailing  by  Carav/in^  that  is, 
Great  Drones  of  laden  Camels,  Meate  and  Water  often  mis  ; 
And  how  for  vs  did  lenkinson  in  Bactra  Mart  begin 
Let  passe  ;  to  passe  to  it  for  vs  he  did  in  Persia  win ; 
Remembring  this,  that  in  Returne  from  Bactra  diuers  Kings 
Sent  in  his  charge  their  Legates,  whom  to  Mosco  safe  he  brings. 
Thence  did  he  sayle  for  England^  Hence  for  Mosco  backe  ag^ine, 
And,  with  our  Queene  Elisabeth  her  letters,  did  obtaine 
The  Mosicks  letters  to  the  Kings  by  whom  he  then  should  pas 
For  Persian  Traffique,  and  for  this  he  thence  im  barked  was. 

Now  in  Hyrcana^  Shyruan^  or  Media  (all  as  one), 

Suppose  our  lenkinson  before  King  Ohdolowcans  Throne. 

Though  sumptuous  Citties  he  possest,  yeat,  for  the  Summers  heate, 

On  airesome  Mountaines  held  he  then  his  Court,  with  Pleasures  great : 

Of  silke  and  gold  imbroyderie  his  Tents,  his  Robes  inchac't 

With  Pearles  and  pretious  Stones,  and  Looks  Maiestie  him  grac't. 

On  Carpets  rich  they  trode,  rich  traines  on  him  attendance  gaue, 

With  sixe  score  Concubines,  that  seem'd  so  many  Queenes  for  braue. 

Before  his  faire  Pauillion  was  of  water  cleere  a  Fount, 

Drinke  for  himselfe  and  his  (for  most  of  water  they  account). 

Scarce  Cleopatras  Anthony  was  feasted  with  more  cheere  a 

Of  varied  Meates  and  spice  Conceits  than  lenkinson  was  heere :  v 

In  formall  Hawking,  Hunting,  Chace,  not  the  came  Tristram  neere.  J 

Such,  was  this  King  for  stately,  suph  for  affable  and  kinde. 

There  and  abroad  so  lou'd  and  feard  as  like  was  rare  to  finde. 

Yeat,  notwithstanding  such  his  Wealth,  his  Signorie,  and  State, 

He  of  the  Pei'sian  Sophie  held  his  Land,  subdued  late  ; 

But  in  such  friendship,  as  the  Shaugh  (the  Sophie  so  is  saide) 

Would  yeeld  to  Obdolowcan  in  what  so  he  should  perswade : 

Which  well  in  lenkinson's  behalfe  but  shortly  after  made. 

Him  often  questioned  this  King  of  vs  and  Europs  strength, 

And  him,  with  Gifts  and  Priuiledge  for  Mart,  dismist  at  length. 

Silks  raw  and  wrought,  Spices,  and  Drugs,  and  more-els  worth  the  Mart 

Our  Marchants  fetch  from  thence  ;  &  theare  our  Marchandize  couert. 

Things  wisely  thus  dispatched  there,  with  men  for  his  defence, 

And  letters  from  that  King  vnto  the  Shaugh^  he  traueld  thence. 

In  trauell  thitherwards  he  grieves,  in  wonder,  to  behold 

The  down-Fals  of  those  stately  Townes  and  Castels  which,  of  old, 

Whilst  Persia  held  the  Monarchie,  were  famous  ouer  all : 

Nor  Alexander  wonne  of  these  one  Feece  with  labour  small. 


} 


INTRODUCTION.  cU 

The  mightie  Citties  Tauris  and  Persipolis  he  past  ; 

Two  ruin'd  Gates,  sundred  twelue  miles,  yet  extant  of  this  last. 

The  Gyants  Wonders  on  the  Hill  of  Quiquiffs  heard  he  tolde, 

And  of  the  yearely  Obit  which  their  Maides  to  Channa  holde  : 

This  was  indeed  a  wonder,  for  this  Virgin  so  was  bent 

To  Chastitie  that,  by  selfe-death,  the  Marrage  did  preuent. 

Here  Mandeuil,  perhaps,  had  bin  and  tooke  occasion  heere 

To  feare  least  Elenor  in  like  might  imitate  too  neere  : 

Even  loyes  in  Loue  discourage  Loue,  fr5  loyes  resumeth  cheere. 

Of  him,  therefore,  whilst  lenkinson  rests  at  his  lornies  end, 

With  Obdolowcans  Sonne,  that  on  the  Sophie  did  attend. 


} 


Chapter  Ixviit, 

At  Casben  hild  the  Shuwgh  his  Court,  who  thirtie  yeeres  and  odd 

Had  not  been  scene  abroad,  thereof  by  Prophesie  forbodd. 

Like  Maiestie  he  kept,  as  those  great  Monarchs  did  before, 

The  Macedons,  subdewed  them :  of  Wiues  he  had  like  store, 

Besides  most  bewtious  Concubines  not  lesse  than  fifteene  score ; 

And  yearely  of  the  fairest  Maides  and  Wiues  doth  make  new  choyce, 

When  much  the  Friends  and  Husbands  of  those  chosen  do  reioyce. 

Him  blesseth  he  to  whom  doth  he  one  of  his  Relicts  giue, — 

Yeat  Persian  Shaughs  esteeme  themselues  the  holiest  Kings  that  liue. 

For  when  a  Christian  (whom  they  call  an  Infidel,  because 

He  not  beleeues  in  Mahomet,  nor  Mortezalies  Lawes) 

Is  card  to  audience,  least  the  same  prophaine  wheare  he  doth  stand, 

Must  doffe  his  shooes,  and  to  and  fro  tread  on  new-sifted  sand. 


Our  Soueraignes  Letters  to  the  Shaugh  so  lenkinson  presents,  "^ 

Who,  being  askt  his  arrant,  said  those  Letters  like  contents,  f 

But  new-made  Peace  with  Turkic  him  of  new-sought  Trade  preuents.  ^ 

The  Turkish  Marchanta  fearing  least  their  Trafl&que  might  decrease, 

Had  by  that  Basha  mard  his  Mart  that  then  had  made  that  Peace. 

The  Shaugh  did  also  question  his  Beleefe,  and  quarrel  it ; 

So,  well  appaid  is  Jenkinson  if  well  away  he  git. 

Whom,  with  our  letters  to  the  Turke  the  Shaugh  to  send  was  bent, 

Had  not  the  Hyrcane  Murzey  Posts  vnto  his  Father  sent ; 

And  Obdolowcans  Letters  then  disswaded  that  intent. 

When,  with  a  Present  for  himselfe,  he  Thence  to  Hyrcan  went. 

And  theare  did  him  the  heart-trew  King  most  kindly  intertayne, 

And  thence  dismisse  with  Giftes,  when  he  no  longer  would  remayne. 

Nor  onely  his  Ambassadors  vnto  his  care  commends, 

But  moment  of  that  Ambassie  which  he  to  Mosco  sends. 

There  now  suppose  them  well  ariu'd,  and  bringing  gratefuU  newes 

Of  waightie  Messages  whoarin  the  Mosick  him  did  vse. 


clii  INTRODUCTION. 

Conuenient  time  he  nerethelesse  for  Persian  Trade  attends, 

Which  Arthur  Edwards^  thither  sent,  succesfully  theare  ends. 

This  Edwards^  and  a  many  here  vnnam'd,  deserued  well 

In  these  Imployments  ;  but  of  All  weare  tedious  al  to  tell, 

For,  sauing  of  Discouerers,  we  purpose  not  to  dwell, 

Els  would  we  here  reuiue,  but  that  through  Hakluts  Pen  they  liue 

(To  him,  your  Fames  sweet  Trumpetor,  Yee  English  Garlands  giue), 

A  Catalogue  oi  Names,  that  in  this  North  and  Northeast  Climes 

Have  more  obseru'd  and  more  deseru'd  than  perish  shall  with  times. 

Nor  be  my  Father  here  forgot :  for  he,  amongst  the  rest, 

Deserueth  in  this  Generall  remembrance  with  the  best. 

And  here,  from  out  those  churlish  Seas,  with  lenkinson  we  sayle 

To  London^  theare,  an  aged  Man,  to  tell  this  youthfuU  Taile  : 

How  he  had  past  All  Europe,  seene  all  Leuant  Hands,  and 

Greece,  TurTcie,  Affrick,  India,  Sur,  Agypt,  the  holie  Land, 

And  all  the  foresaid  Lands,  in  all  imployde  and  intertainde 

Of  Emperors  and  Kings,  as  if  him  selfe  a  King  had  raign'd. 

Rest  may  thy  honorable  Bones,  good  old-Man  in  sweet  Peace : 

Nor  haue  thy  PAcemx- Ashes  since  beene  barren  of  increase : 

But  late  had  we  a  Fowle  like  rare,  vs'd  oftner  Sea  than  Shore,    -j 

Ofte  swam  hee  into  golden  Strands,  but  now  will  so  no  more,       V 

For,  though  he  were  a  dyuing  Fowle,  to  Heaven  did  he  sore.       J 

In  England,  not  Arabia,  now  the  Phcenix  Birdes  be  bread, 

And  euermore  shall  theare  reuiue,  when  shall  the  olde  be  dead. 

The  Maiden  Empresse,  and  her  Knights,  their  Enterprises  rare, 

Which  now  haue  pearst  through  euerie  Pole,  of  all  admired  are. 

Remaineth  now,  that  we  intreate  of  great  Achiuements  done 

By  English,  in  contrarie  Clymes,  since  first  her  Crowne  begonne  ; 

But  ride  we  first  at  Anker,  though  a  roomesome  Sea  we  haue, 

To  listen  Staffords  Comforts  which  to  Elenoi'  he  gaue. 

Another  contemporary  notice  of  him  occurs  on  a 
terrestrial  globe,  one  of  the  celebrated  pair,  ter- 
restrial and  celestial,  made  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  1592,  known  as  the  Molyneux  Globes.^  It 
runs  as  follows  :  "  Ingens  Jlumen  Wolga  &  littus 
Septentrionaris  Caspii,  magistavam  Vrgentiam  ur- 
hem  d  regnum  Bagarice  anno  1558  peruestigauat 
Antonius  lenkinsonus.     Item  1562  Mediae  et  Per  sice 

1  Now  in  the  library  of  the  Middle  Temple. 


INTRODUCTION.  cllil 

regna  amplissima  idem  mare  d  fiumen  patefecit. 
Thomas  Southam  d  loan  Sparke  ah  oppido  Col- 
mogro  ad  ui^hem  Novagordiem  plusquam  1261  mil. 
Rithe  jiumi  penetrarunt  1560."  The  latter  part  of 
course  refers  to  Southam  and  Sparke's  journey,  given 
at  p.  190  of  our  text. 

Search  has  been  made  in  vain  for  a  portrait  of 
Jenkinson.  There  appears  to  be  no  certainty  of 
one  ever  having  been  taken.  The  portrait  of  Ivan, 
his  great  patron,  is  reproduced  by  photography 
from  an  original  (said  to  be  unique)  in  the  possession 
of  Senator  Rovinsky,  of  St.  Petersburg.  In  for- 
warding it,  M.  Vladimir  Stassof  writes  :  "  Je  crois 
que  ce  portrait  n'est  pas  d'une  complete  ressemblance, 
cependant  je  vous  I'envoie  k  cause  de  son  immense 
raretd."  It  is  engraved  on  wood  by  Hans  Weighel, 
of  Nuremberg,  and  represents  the  Tsar  in  the  prime 
of  life.     The  inscription  runs  as  follows  : 

^^  Die  Bildnus  Ywan  Wasiliewitz  desjetzigen  Gross  fiirstenn  Rewsen 
vn  der  Moschkaw. 

"  Schaw,  Mensch,  hie  hast  in  der  Figur 
Ein  warhafftig  Contrafactur, 
Entworffen  vnd  mit  Farb  gemalt, 
Mit  Kleydung,  Bildnus  vnd  Gestalt, 
Des  Grossfursten  in  Rewsen  jitz 
Ywan  Wasiliewitz. 
Der  Moschkawiter  wird  genandt 
Der  jitz  mit  gewaltiger  Hand 
Aus  Newgarden  seiner  Haubstat 
Ein  mechtig  Heer  gefitret  hat 
Wider  Folotzko  vnuerholn 
Des  mechtigen  Konigs  zu  Poln,  etc. 

"  Gedruckt  zu  Niirnberg,  durch  Hans  Weyghel 
Formschneyder." 


cliv  INTRODUCTION. 

The  following  is  a  translation  : 

"  Behold,  man,  here  hast  thou  in  this  figure 
A  true  likeness, 

Sketched  and  painted  with  colour, 
With  robe,  face,  and  figure, 
Of  the  Grand  Duke  now  in  Russia, 
Ywan  Wassilievitch, 
Who  is  called  the  Moscovite, 
Who  now  with  powerful  hand 
From  Novgorod,  his  chief  town, 
A  mighty  host  hath  led 
'Gainst  Polotsk, 
Of  the  mighty  King  of  Poland,^  etc. 

"  Printed  at  Nuremberg,  by  Hans  Weyghel, 
form  cutter  [engraver]." 


^  From  the  allusion  to  Polotsk,  the  date  of  the  portrait  may 
be  fixed  as  1563,  the  Tsar  being  then  thirty-three  years  of  age. 


SUPPLEMENTARY     NOTES. 


**  DollymanV\  p.  4. 

From  the  Hungarian  Ddldman,  from  ddhl,  red,  and  man,  a  thing. 
The  Dahlman  was  a  short  red  cloak  worn  by  the  Hungarian  guards. 
Dolman  is  still  the  term  applied  to  the  pelisse  worn  in  our  Hussar 
regiments. 


"...  great  rockes  of  Alabastre  .  .  ."p.  24. 

The  following  description  is  given  of  these  rocks  by  Le  Brun,  a 
traveller  of  the  last  century  : — "  We  found  the  bank  rocky  and 
elevated  as  we  approached  the  Alabaster  mountains,  which  are  ou 
the  left  as  we  advanced  towards  the  north.  We  landed  to  see 
them.  They  are  natural  subterranean  caves  formed  in  a  remark- 
able way,  and  are  called  by  the  people  *  Pissoertje'  (?  petchki), 
i.e.,  ovens.  The  principal  entrance  is  supported  on  pillars  of 
rock  like  pilasters,  several  of  these  opening  on  grottos.  Their 
extent  is  said  to  be  30  versts  (20  miles) ;  but  opinions  differ  ou 
this  point.  .  .  .  The  rocks  are  as  white  as  alabaster,  but  not  so 
hard.  This  locality  is  about  150  versts  (100  miles)  from  Archangel. 
The  mountains  form  a  belt  here  half  a  league  wide,  and  visible 
for  two  hours  along  the  river."  {Voyages  de  Corneille  Le  Brun, 
vol.  ii,  p.  429.) 


Jenkinson^s  route,  and  the  old  channels  of  the  Oxus  (see  Introduc- 
tion, p.  XX,  and  text,  pp.  69-74). 

Extract  from'B AROU  A.  Kaulbars'  Descriptions,  etc. 
In  1559  took  place  the  very  interesting  journey  of  Anthony 
Jenkinson,  whose  itinerary,  owing  to  the  scantiness  of  materials 
hitherto  available,  has  been  represented  in  the  most  strange 
fashion  ;  and  when  all  attempts  to  lay  it  down  with  any  ap- 
proach to  probability  led  to  negative  results,  it  was  alleged  that 


clvi  SUPPLEMENTARY   NOTES. 

Jenkinson  never  made  his  journey,  and  that  his  narrative  was 
therefore  nothing  better  than  fiction. 

In  our  day,  Jenkinson's  itinerary  and  narrative  may  be  explained 
in  the  most  natural  and  certain  way,  and  every  idea  of  his  want 
of  good  faith  must  disappear. 

Jenkinson,  as  M.  Lenz  considers  beyond  doubt,  landed  on  the 
peninsula  of  Mangishlak,  in  Kara-Kichu  bay  of  Mertvi  Kultuk 
gulf.  Hence,  on  the  5th  October,^  he  set  out  with  a  trading 
caravan  of  camels,  and  after  twenty  days'  march  arrived  at  a  large 
freshwater  lake,^  which  he  took  to  be  a  gulf  of  the  Caspian.  He 
then  adds:  "Note  that  in  times  past  there  did  fal  into  this  gulfe 
the  great  riuer  Oxus  .  .  .  and  now  commeth  not  so  farre,  but 
falleth  into  another  riuer  called  Ardocke." 

Starting  from  hence  on  the  4th  October,  the  caravan  reached 
on  the  7th  the  castle  of  Sellizure  (the  Shaijzure  of  Jenkinson's 
map).  This  castle  stood  on  a  high  hill.  Here  lived  the  Khan,  in 
a  poor,  badly  built  palace  with  earthen  walls.  On  the  south  side 
of  the  castle  lay  a  wide  plain,  which,  thanks  to  the  water  led  hither 
from  the  Oxus  by  means  of  dykes,  was  exceedingly  fertile  ;  and 
Jenkinson  adds  that  the  withdrawal  into  irrigating  canals  of  a 
large  quantity  of  water  had  so  weakened  the  Oxus  that  it  no 
longer  reached  the  Caspian  Sea  (i.e.,  the  freshwater  lake  which  he 
took  to  be  a  gulf  of  that  sea) ;  and  as  the  quantity  of  water  in  the 
river  continues  to  diminish,  when  it  shall  altogether  cease,  all  that 
country  is  doomed  to  become  a  wilderness. 

Setting  out  from  Fort  Sellizure  on  the  14th  October,  after  two 
days  Jenkinson  arrived  at  the  town  of  Kunia  Urgendj.  The  great 
freshwater  lake,  into  which,  according  to  Jenkinson,  the  Amu- 
daria  formerly  discharged,  can  only  have  been  lake  Sari-Kamish, 
which  at  that  time  contained  fresh  water,  because  the  present  Urun- 
daria  (Oxus)  had  fallen  into  it,  i.e.,  not  long  before  1559,  and  at 
flood-time  perhaps  continued  every  year  to  flow  into  it,  as  may  be 
surmised  from  the  extensive  irrigation  works  then  in  use  supplied 
from  the  Oxus,  and  extending  as  far  as  the  castle  of  Sellizure,  two 
marches  to  the  west  of  Kunia  Urgendj. 

The  approximate  distance  from  Kara-Kichu  bay  to  Sari-Kamish, 
according  to  the  most  recent  maps,  is  475  versts,  and,  with  wind- 

^  Jenkinson  is  sometimes  confusing  in  his  dates. 

2  ''  Where  we  found  the  water  very  fresh  and  sweete"  (text,  p.  67). 


SUPPLEMENTARY    NOTES.  clvii 

ings  of  the  road,  probably  about  500  versts.  This  makes  25  versts 
(about  17  miles)  for  each  of  Jenkinson's  twenty  marches — the  usual 
rate  of  travel  of  camel-caravans  at  the  present  day. 

On  rounding  the  northern  shore  of  the  lake,  Jenkinson,  it  may 
be  supposed,  saw  the  lower  Urun-daria,  examined  by  us  314  years 
afterwards.  Three  marches  farther  he  reached  the  castle  of 
Sellizure,  situate,  in  M.  Lenz*s  opinion,  on  the  summit  of  the 
southern  chink  (escarpment)  of  the  Ust  Urt.  Jenkinson's  descrip- 
tion of  the  castle  and  its  surroundings  vividly  reminded  me  of  the 
ruins  of  Deu-Kesken,  visited  by  us,  situate  on  the  cliff  of  the 
chink,  at  the  southern  foot  of  which  we  saw  the  wide  plain  still 
covered  with  luxuriant  vegetation,  seamed  in  all  directions  by 
dykes  and  traces  of  fields,  among  which  stand  habitations  built 
long  after  Jenkinson's  time,  and  in  their  turn  already  crumbling 
away. 

The  distance  from  the  western  shore  of  the  present  lake  of 
Sari-Kamish,  at  most  six  or  seven  versts  (about  four  miles)  from 
the  old  eastern  littoral,  to  Deu-Kesken  is  about  70  versts  (about 
47  miles),  therefore  three  marches  of  25  versts  each.  Sellizure, 
however,  may  be  identified  with  another  ruin  on  the  chink  of  the 
Ust  Urt,  10  to  12  versts  (about  eight  miles)  east  of  Deu-Kesken, 
of  which  the  Turkoman  guides  told  us,  calling  it  Shamak,  a  name 
somewhat  closer  to  Shaijzurey  as  the  castle  is  named  on  Jenkinson's 
map. 

This  last  name  is  so  unlike  any  known  in  Central  Asia,  that 
there  is  ground  for  supposing  an  accidental  error  or  misprint  in 
Jenkinson's  diary.     (See  note  on  p.  69.) 

From  Deu-Kesken  to  Kunia  Urgendj  by  road  the  distance,  as 
we  travelled,  is  about  70  versts ;  this  also  may  have  been  done  in 
two  marches,  particularly  if  my  supposition  about  the  ruins  of 
Shamak  be  correct. 

From  Kunia  Urgendj  Jenkinson  started  on  the  26th  November, 
and  proceeding  100  miles  along  the  water-course  of  the  Oxns, 
reached  the  great  river  Ardok,  flowing  to  the  North  with  great 
swiftness,  and  on  the  7th  December  he  arrived  at  the  fortress  of 
Kath. 

I  have  entered  more  fully  into  this  itinerary,  because  it  gives  us 
the  undeniable  fact  that  not  long  before  1559  the  Urun-daria 
reached  Sari-Kamish^  otherwise  the  water  of  this  lake  would  have 


Clviii  SUPPLEMENTARY   NOTES. 

been  salt,  as  it  is  now^ ;  but  about  the  time  of  Jenkinson's  arrival 
the  water  in  the  Urun-daria  began  to  disappear,  i.e.,  to  deflect 
towards  the  North ;  and  as  at  the  same  time  we  learn  from  him 
about  the  great  river  Ardok,  out  of  which,  according  to  the  de- 
scription, flowed  that  Oxus  along  whose  banks  Jenkinson  marched 
from  Kunia  Urgendj,  and  which,  as  I  think,  may  be  identified 
with  the  Kunia-daria,  just  as  the  Ardok  with  its  northerly  direc- 
tion is  probably  the  present  Amu-daria. 

With  reference  to  the  town  of  Kath,  the  most  recent  researches 
regarding  its  site  did  not  lead  to  any  definite  results,  though  the 
old  channel,  Akcha-daria,  examined  by  Colonel  Sobolef,  reminds 
us  of  the  Kizil-daria  of  Abul-ghazi,  at  the  mouth  of  which  stood  the 
town  of  Kath.  Professor  Lenz  is  of  opinion  that  even  before  1603 
there  was  water  in  the  Kizil-daria,  and  this  afterwards  disappeared 
in  consequence  of  the  great  irrigation  works  undertaken  by  the 
father  of  Abul-ghazi  on  its  banks  {Zapiski  Imp,  Buss,  geogr. 
ohshestva,  torn,  ix,  pp.  445-48). 


** Shirvansliak"  (see  pp.  129  seqq.) 
The  history  of  Shirvan,  like  the  country  itself,  is  an  almost 
untrodden  by-path  of  literature,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the 
labours  of  Professor  Dorn,  who  has  ably  worked  to  fill  in  the  gap, 
there  would  be  a  complete  want  of  a  good  guide  in  this  field  of 
inquiry. 

Dorn  has  written  a  history  of  Shirvan  from  the  foundation  of 
its  independent  dynasty  by  Naoshirvan,  or  Nushirvan  (see  note 
on  p.  129),  in  the  sixth  century,  to  its  final  absorption  in  the 
great  Russian  empire  about  the  beginning  of  the  present  century.' 
The  earlier  period  of  Shirvan  history,  when  this  country  was 
ruled  by  its  own  princes,  does  not  concern  us  in  the  present  work, 
however  interesting  to  the  student  of  history :  we  have  to  treat  of 

1  Dr.  Lansdell,  who  visited  Lakes  Sari-Kamish  as  recently  as  1882, 
found  the  water  intensely  salt,  more  so  than  sea-water,  and  its  density 
so  great  that  his  instrument  for  the  determination  of  the  specific 
gravity  of  different  waters  would  not  sink  below  a  point  which,  had 
the  scale  been  continued,  would  have  read  120°  {Russian  Central  Asia, 
ii,  399). 

2  Mem.  de  VAcad.  Imp.  de  St.  Pe'tersbourg,  6me  serie,  Sciences  Poli- 
tiques,  vols,  iv  and  v. 


SUPPLEMENTARY   NOTES.  clix 

Shirvan  when  it  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Sufi  Shahs  of 
Persia  (1538-78),  and  the  first  few  years  of  its  subjection  by 
Turkey. 

In  1562,  Anthony  Jenkinson  having  landed  at  Shabran,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  court  of  Abdullah,  whom  he  calls  "  Obdolowcan"  (see 
p.  132),  and  by  him  was  very  hospitably  received,  as  were  also  the 
other  Entrlish  agents — Alcock,  Cheinie,  Johnson,  Kitchin,  and 
Edwards,  who  followed  Jenkinson.  Abdullah  Khan's  governorship 
of  Shirvan  lasted  from  1549  to  1565;  and  is  thus  alluded  to  by 
Dorn.  After  Solyman  had  withdrawn  from  Persia  in  1549,  Shah 
Tahmasp  appointed  a  relative  of  his  own,  Abdullah  Khan,  son  of 
Kara  Khan  Ustadshlu,  to  the  governorship  of  Shirvan.  The  losses 
of  the  Turks  had  been  so  heavy  during  their  invasion  of  Persia 
that  Abdullah  could  employ  all  his  resources  to  ward  off  the 
attacks  of  Burhan  Ali  Khan,  son  of  Khalil,  and  the  last  reigning 
representative  of  the  princely  house  of  Derbend.  It  might  have 
been  expected  that  the  inhabitants,  after  experiencing  the  hope- 
lessness of  resistance,  would  have  submitted  to  be  quietly  governed 
by  Abdullah,  but  such  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  case. 
Whether  from  attachment  to  their  own  princes,  or  from  fear  of  the 
consequences  of  having  sided  with  Burhan,  a  party  of  them  rose 
in  revolt,  and  choosing  for  their  leader  one  Mehrab,  of  the  lineage 
of  Burhan,  appeared  determined  to  stand  by  him  to  the  last. 
Abdullah  Khan  suppressed  this  insun-ection,  and  another  one  after- 
wards. In  consequence  of  these  victories  his  fame  spread  far  and 
wide  in  Shirvan,  and  he  was  able  to  enjoy  in  peace  for  a  few  years 
the  power  and  credit  he  had  gained.  In  1553  Solyman  undertook 
his  fourth  campaign  against  Persia,  sending  a  large  force,  under 
the  command  of  Kasim,  a  scion  of  the  princely  house  of  Shirvan, 
into  this  country.  No  sooner  had  Kasim  appeared  before  Derbend 
than  the  Shirvanis,  doubtless  reckoning  on  the  powerful  support 
of  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  threw  off  their  allegiance  to  Abdullah 
and  declared  for  Kasim.  Abdullah,  however,  did  not  hesitate 
to  march  against  the  rebels,  though  vastly  superior  in  numbers  to 
his  own  force,  consisting  of  only  two  thousand  men.  A  battle 
was  fought  near  the  fortress  of  Gulistan  (see  p.  137),  resulting  in 
the  complete  defeat  of  the  rebels,  numbers  of  whom  were  slain. 
Of  their  decapitated  heads  it  is  recorded  a  tower  was  built  (see 
p.  136),  while  the  survivors  fled  into  Tabaseran.  Kasim  was 
either  left  on  the  field  of  battle^  or,  as  one  authority  has  it,  escaped 


Clx  SUPPLEMENTARY   NOTES. 

with  his  life,  but  disappeared  without  anything  more  being  heard 
of  him. 

By  the  suppression  of  this  revolt  Abdullah  Khan's  power  was 
still  further  increased.  He  exercised  it  with  a  wise  moderation 
and  firmness,  and  succeeded  in  making  himself  feared  throughout 
Shirvan,  Tabaseran,  and  Daghistan,  so  that  no  idea  of  opposing 
him  was  ever  afterwards  entertained.  His  power  and  the  justice 
of  his  rule  were  equalled  by  his  goodwill  towards  Europeans,  and 
particularly  towards  the  English,  who  were  at  that  time  making 
their  first  efforts  to  establish  commercial  relations  with  Persia, 
and  especially  with  the  rich  silk-producing  country  of  Shirvan,  by 
way  of  the  Caspian.  We  shall  see  how  he  endeavoured  in  every 
way  to  assist  Jenkinson  on  his  way  to  Persia,  and  how  the  latter, 
who  always  styles  him  **  King  of  Hyrcania",  owed  the  fortunate 
termination  of  his  visit  to  the  Shah  to  the  powerful  influence  of 
his  patron.  Finally,  when  his  mission  to  Persia  had  failed,  it  was 
from  Abdullah  Khan  that  he  obtained  a  privilege  of  free  trade  in 
his  dominions  ;  showing  that,  although  Abdullah  Khan  recognised 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Shah,  yet  in  his  own  territory  he  was  very 
independent,  and  could  to  a  certain  degree  trade  as  he  liked. 
Edwards,  in  recording  his  death  in  1565,  speaks  of  him  as  "this 
good  king,  our  friend  "  (p.  385).  He  also  mentions  that  it  was 
rumoured  that  the  son  of  Abdullah  Khan  would  succeed  his  father. 
Edwards  names  him  the  Mursay,  doubtless  identical  with  Shah 
Ali  Mirza,  mentioned  by  Jenkinson  (p.  141)  as  having  shown  him 
so  much  kindness  during  his  stay  at  Kazvin.  These  rumours  and 
hopes,  however,  were  unfulfilled,  and  there  were  many  changes  and 
disorders  in  Shirvan  after  Abdullah's  death — the  officials  were 
partly  discharged  from  their  posts  and  partly  fined  ;  others  were 
sent'  to  the  Shah  ;  and  the  office  of  governor  was  for  some  time 
vacant,  till  at  length  it  was  given,  not  to  Abdullah's  son,  but  to 
Ares  Khan  Ramlu,  who  held  it  during  the  remainder  of  Tahmasp's 
life. 

Ares  Khan  Ramlu  (1566-78)  was  master  of  the  court  and 
tutor  of  Prince  Sultan  Mahmud  Mirza,  son  of  Tahmasp.  As  long 
as  Tahmasp  lived,  and  the  peace  concluded  between  Persia  and 
Turkey  in  1560  remained  unbroken,  Shirvan  was  quiet,  and  Ares 
Khan  appears  to  have  ruled  his  province  without  any  remarkable 
occurrence.  During  his  governorship  the  visits  of  the  English 
continued.     Edwards,  who  arrived  in  Shemakha  in  1565,  left  it  in 


SUPPLEMENTARY    NOTES.  clxi 

April  the  following  year — Ares  Khan  was,  however,  not  then 
governor — and  travelled  to  Kazvin,  where  he  received  from  the 
Shah,  partly  through  the  mediation  of  two  Shirvani  notables,  a 
privilege  for  the  English  trade  to  Persia.  Edwards  then  returned 
to  Shemakha,  where  he  again  stayed  some  time,  and  appears  to 
have  left  it  in  1567.  One  year  later,  in  1568,  the  same  traveller 
returned,  when  "  Eras  bec.ke  Sultan"  (p.  407)  was  exercising  almost 
the  power  of  an  independent  prince,  if  we  may  judge  from  the 
slight  regard  shown  to  the  Shah's  letter  of  protection,  and  the 
w^ay  all  the  Englishman's  goods  were  opened.  Afterwards,  Ares 
Khan  "showed  a  more  friendly  disposition,  and  concerned  himself 
to  provide  camels  to  carry  the  English  wares  to  Shemakha,  where 
Edwards,  accompanied  by  Sparke,  Chapman,  Faucet,  and  Pingle, 
arrived  on  the  1st  September  1568. 

In  1568-9,  three  Englishmen,  Bannister,  Duckett,  and  Plum- 
tree,  visited  Shemakha,  and  remained  there  till  April  1570,  after- 
wards travelling  to  Ardebil.  But  in  1571  Bannister  returned  to 
Shemakha,  and  proceeded  thence  to  Arash,  at  that  time  an  im- 
portant place  of  trade,  where  he  died.  When  Plumtfee  left 
Shemakha  secretly,  in  order  to  travel  to  Cathay,  Ares  Khan,  con- 
cerned for  his  safety,  had  him  recalled  (p.  428). 

Upon  the  death -of  Tahmasp  in  1576,  affairs  in  Shirvan  took  a  dif- 
ferent turn.  In  Persia  itself  there  were  disturbances  arising  out 
of  the  disputed  succession,  and  at  length  the  weak  Muhammed 
Khudabendeh  (1578-85)  was  placed  on  the  throne.  Persian 
historians  assert  that  during  his  reign  the  Persian  kingdom  Was 
in  the  greatest  confusion.  .  News  of  these  disturbances  spread 
rapidly  into  other  countries,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  the 
Emperor  of  Turkey,  Murad  III,  should  have  thought  of  gaining 
what  advantage  he  could  for  his  own  state,  and  annexing  new 
provinces.  Among  these  were  Azerbaijan  and  Shirvan,  where 
disorders  had  freshly  broken  out,  and  where  the  power  of  the  Per- 
sians was  hardly  recognised.  Any  scruples  that  Murad  might 
have  had  about  breaking  the  treaty  with  Persia  might  have  been 
removed  by  the  invitations  which  reached  him  to  interfere  on 
behalf  of  the  native  princes  of  Shirvan,  who,  in  the  person  of  Abu- 
bekr,  son  of  Burhan,  had  once  again  taken  up  arms.  Another 
motive  for  his  interference  was  the  religious  one,  the  Shirvanis 
being  Saunis,  like  the  Turks.  All  this  excited  in  Murad  the  desire 
to  conquer  Azerbaijan  and  Shirvan.     He  therefore  sent  Mustapha 


clxii  SUPPLEMENTARY   NOTES. 

Pasha,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  against  Persia,  while  at  the 
same  time  he  ordered  Muhammed  Ghirai  Khan  of  the  Crimea 
to  cross  the  Khazarian  steppe  and  co-operate-  with  the  Turks. 
Mustapha's  success  was  surprising.  The  Persians,  though  fighting 
bravely,  were  beaten  and  driven  back,  chiefly  owing  to  their  want 
of  cohesion  and  combined  action.  Their  best  commanders  fell, 
and  the  Azerbaijan  troops  were  repeatedly  routed.  Mustapha, 
who  had  been  joined  by  Alexander,  King  of  Kakhetia,  marched 
quietly  into  Shirvan,  where  he  received  the  submission  of  the 
Lesghian  and  Daghistan  chiefs;  while  Ares  Khan,  governor  of 
Shirvan,  a  sensible,  prudent  man,  finding  that  he  could  not  main- 
tain himself,  retired  across  the  Kur,  where  he  encamped.  In  this 
way  Shirvan  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks  in  1578. 

Mustapha  Pasha  now  thought  he  might  rule  the  conquered 
countries  by  governors.  He  appointed  Osman  Pasha  Beglerbeg  of 
Shirvan,  dividing  it  into  fourteen  sanjaks  or  districts.  He  left 
Gaias  Pasha  in  Arash,  and  governors  in  the  other  provinces, 
renewed  the  fortifications  of  Shemakha,  Arash,  and  Baku,  and 
withdrew.  Abubekr  Mirza,  who  thereupon  became  tributary  lord 
of  Shirvan,  remained  in  that  country  to  take  whatever  further 
steps  were  necessary,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Turks,  in  order 
completely  to  subjugate  it. 

But  no  sooner  had  the  Turkish  leaders  departed  than  the  Per- 
sians again  took  the  field,  and  Ares  Khan,  the  former  governor, 
in  the  fighting  which  ensued,  to  borrow  an  expression  of  the  Per- 
sian historian,  "  won  a  martyr's  crown".  The  events  of  this  year 
(1578)  are  briefly  referred  to  by  Christopher  Burro  ugh  (see  pages 
447  seqq.^  452,  and  notes,  ih.). 


THE    TRAVELS 


ANTHONY    JENKINSON, 


THE   TRAVELS 

OP 

ANTHONY    JENKINSON 


The  manner  of  the  entring  of  Solyman  the  Great 

Turke  with  his  armie  into  Aleppo^  in  Syria,  marching  toward 

Persia  against  the  great  Sophie,  the  fourth  day  of 

Nouember  1553,  noted  by  Master  Anthonie 

lenkinson,  present  at  that  time.* 


There  marched  before  the  Grand  Signior,  otherwise  called 
the  Great  Turke,  6,000.  Esperes,^  otherwise  called  light  horse- 
men, very  braue,  clothed  all  in  scarlet. 

After  marched  10,000.  men,  called  Nortans,  which  be  tribu- 
taries to  y®  Great  Turk,  clothed  all  in  yellow  veluet,  and  hats  of 
tlie  same,  of  the  Tartaric  fashion,  two  foote  long,  with  a  great 

1  The  appearance  of  Jenkinson  at  Aleppo  was  made  at  the  time  of 
the  setting  out  of  Solyman  II  (the  Magnificent)  against  Persia  in  the 
autumn  of  1553.  This  expedition  was  brought  about,  in  a  great 
measure,  by  the  machinations  of  the  famous  Khousrem,  a  Russian  by 
birth,  better  known  as  Roxolana,  the  Sultan's  favourite  wife,  in  order 
to  secure  the  death  of  Mustapha,  the  Sultan's  eldest  son  by  a  Circassian 
slave.  In  order  to  obtain  her  ends,  it  was  suggested  that  Mustapha,  as 
Governor  of  Karamania,  was  about  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  the 
Persian  king  against  his  father.  An  old  historian  writes  : — "  This  tale 
suspitiously  told,  raised  in  the  wicked  and  vnnatural  father  new  and 
great  suspicions.  Wherfore,  the  yeere  following,  which  was  the  yeere 
1553,  he  (the  Sultan)  i-aised  a  great  armie,  giving  it  out,  that  the 
Persians  had  with  greater  power  than  before  invaded  /Siria,  and  that 
therefore  he,  for  the  loue  of  his  country  and  defence  of  his  empire, 


2  Hakluyt,  1589,  p.  81. 

3  Probably  a  misprint  for  EspeieSj  i.e.j  Spahis,  light  cavalry  ;  the 
same  word  as  Sepahi,  Sepoy. 


2  jenkinson's  account  of 

robe  of  the  same  colour  about  their  foreheads,  richly  decked, 
with  their  bowes  in  their  hands,  of  the  Turkish  fashion. 

After  them  marched  foure  Captaines,  men  of  armes,  called 
in  Turkish  Saniaques}  clothed  all  foure  in  crimson  veluet, 
euery  one  hauing  vnder  his  banner  twelue  thousand  men  of 
armes,  well  armed  with  their  morrions^  *  vpon  their  heads, 
marching  in  good  order,  with  a  ^hort  weapon  by  their  sides, 
called  in  their  language  Simittero.^ 

After  came  16,000.  lanizaries,^  callefd  the  slaues  of  the 
Grand  Signior,  all  afoote,  euery  one  hauing  his  harquebushe, 
who  be  his  gard,  al  clothed  in  violet  silke,  and  apparelled 
vpon  their  heads  with  a  strange  forme,  called  Cuomllucia,^ 
fashioned  in  this  sort :  the  entring  in  of  the  forehead  is  like 
a  skull  made  of  white  veluet,  &  hath  a  traine  hanging  downe 
behinde,  in  manner  of  a  French  hoode,  of  the  same  colour, 
and  vpon  the  forepart  of  the  saide  skull,  iust  in  the  middes  of 
his  forehead,  there  is  standing  bolt  vpright  like  a  trunke  of  a 

was  determined  to  goe  thither  with  his  armie,  and  in  person  himself 
represse  the  attempts  of  his  enemies.  Wherefore  the  armie  being 
assembled,  and  all  things  necessarie  orderley  pronided,  he  commanded 
to  set  forward,  and  in  a  few  days  after  followed  himself  ;  who  coming 
at  length  into  Siria,  presently  by  trustie  messengers  commanded 
Mustaph  to  come  vnto  him  at  Aleppo,  for  there  he  lay  encamped." 
Mustapha,  by  the  orders  of  his  father,  was  afterwards  bowstringed 
and  strangled  in  his  father's  tent  at  Enegli.  R.  Knolles,  Historie  of 
the  Turkes,  1603,  p.  761 ;  Hammer  Purgstall,  Hist,  de  V Empire  Otto- 
man, tom.  vi,  p.  56. — C. 

^  Sanjak,  a  governor  of  a  district  forming  part  of  a  Pashalik. 

2  Morion,  an  open  helmet.  *  Scymetar. 

*  The  Janizaries.  Turk.  "  yeni",  new?,  "  tcheri",  soldiers  (i.e.,  new 
soldiers),  often  Christians.  They  were  first  organised  under  Sultan 
Amurath  I  (1360).  Their  first  revolt  was  under  Solyman  I  (1512),  on 
account  of  their  being  compelled  to  winter  in  Tauris,  or  Tabriz,  in 
Persia.  The  second  was  caused  by  the  murder  of  Mustapha.  (See  note 
supra.  Cf.  Knolles,  pp.  191,  512,  f.  764  ;  also  Hammer,  vi,  57.)  Their 
final  revolt  was  at  Constantinople,  when  they  were  defeated  and  dis- 
banded in  1826.— C. 

^  "  Cuocullucia",  evidently  a  corruption  of  the  Turkish  "  kiikuleta", 
a  hood.    From  the  Italian  ''  cocoUa",  a  monk's  cowl. 


SOLYMANS   ENTRY   INTO   ALEPPO.  6 

foote  long  of  siluer,  garnished  most  richely  with  Goldsmiths 
worke,  and  pretioiis  stones,  and  in  the  toppe  of  the  saide 
trunke  a  great  bush  of  feathers,  which  wauereth  vp  and 
downe  most  brauely  when  he  marcheth. 

After  this  there  came  1,000.  pages  of  honour,  all  clothed 
in  cloth  of  golde,  the  halfe  of  them  carying  harquebushes,  and 
the  other  halfe  Turkish  bowes,  with  their  trusses  of  arrowes, 
marching  in  good  order. 

Then  came  three  men  of  amies  well  armed,  and  vpon 
their  harnesse  coates  of  the  Turkes  fashion,  of  Libard  skinnes,^ 
and  murrions  vpon  their  heads,  their  speares  charged,  and  at 
the  ende  of  their  staffe,  hard  by  the  head  of  y«  speare,  a 
horse  taile  died  in  a  bloody  colour,  which  is  their  ensigne : 
they  be  the  challengers  for  the  Turkes  own  person. 

After  them  came  seuen  pages  of  honour  in  cloth  of  siluer, 
vpon  seuen  white  horses,  which  horses  were  couered  with 
cloth  of  siluer,  all  embrodered  and  garnished  with  pretious 
stones,  emerauds,  diamonds,  and  rubies  most  richly. 

After  them  also  came  six  more  pages  of  honour,  clothed 
in  cloth  of  golde,  euery  one  hauing  his  bowe  in  his  hand,  and 
his  fawchine  of  the  Turks  fashion  by  his  side. 

Immediately  after  them  came  the  Great  Turke  himself e, 
with  great  pompe  &  magnificence,  vsing  in  his  countenance 
and  gesture  a  wonderfull  maiestie,  hauing  onely  on  each  side 
of  his  person  one  page  clothed  with  cloth  of  golde  :  he  him- 
self e  was  mounted  vpon  a  goodly  white  horse,  adorned  with 
a  robe  of  cloth  of  golde,  embrodered  moste  richly  with  the 
most  pretious  stones,  and  vpon  his  head  a  goodly  white 
tuck,  containing  in  length  by  estimation  fifteene  yards, 
which  was  of  silke  and  linnen  wouen  together,  resembling 
something  Callicut^  cloth,  but  is  much  more  fine  and  rich, 
and  in   the   toppe  of  his   crowne   a   little  pinnach  (sic)  of 

*  Libbard,  a  leopard. — Spenser  and  Milton. 

2  Calicut,  on  the  coast  of  India,  Bombay  Presidency.  Our  word 
''  calico"  is  derived  from  it.  This  is  probably  the  earliest  use  of  this 
term  in  the  English  language. 


4  SOLYMAN'S  entry   into   ALEPPO. 

white  Ostrich  feathers,  and  his  horse  most  richly  apparelled 
in  all  points  correspondent  to  the  same. 

After  him  followed  six  goodly  young  Ladies,  mounted 
vpon  fine  white  hackneis,  clothed  in  cloth  of  siluer,  which 
were  of  the  fashion  of  mens  garments,  embrodered  very 
richly  with  pearle,  and  pretious  stones,  and  had  vpon 
their  heades  caps  of  Goldsmiths  worke,  hauing  great  flackets 
of  heare  hanging  out  on  each  side,  died  as  red  as  blood, 
and  the  nailes  of  their  fingers  died  of  the  same  colour, 
euery  of  them  hauing  two  eunuches  on  each  side,  and  litle 
bowes  in  their  hands,  after  an  An  tike  fashion. 

After  marched  the  Great  Basha,  cheefe  conductor  of  the 
whole  armie,  clothed  with  a  robe  of  Dollymant^  crimson,  and 
vpon  the  same  another  short  garment  very  rich,  and  about  him 
fiftie  Janizaries  afoote,  of  his  owne  gard,  all  clothed  in  crimson 
veluet,  being  armed  as  the  Great  Turks  owne  Janizaries. 

Then  after  ensued  three  other  Bashas,  with  slaues  about 
them,  being  afoote,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand  men. 

After  came  a  companie  of  horsemen  very  braue,  and  in  all 
points  well  armed,  to  the  number  of  foure  thousand. 

All  this  aforesaid  armie,  most  pompous  to  behold,  which 
was  in  number  foure  score  and  eight  thousand  men,  en- 
camped about  the  citie  of  AU'ppOy  and  the  Grand  Signior 
himselfe  was  lodged  within  the  towne,  in  a  goodly  castle 
situated  vpon  a  high  mountaine :  at  the  foote  whereof  run- 
neth a  goodly  riuer,  which  is  a  branch  of  that  famous  riuer 
Euphrates. 

The  rest  of  his  armie  passed  ouer  the  mountaines  of 
Armenia,  called  nowe  the  mountaines  of  Camarye,  which  are 
foure  dales  iourney  from  Aleppo,  appointed  there  to  tarie  the 
comming  of  the  Grand  Signior,  with  the  rest  of  his  armie, 
intending  to  march  into  Persia,  to  give  battell  to  the  Great 
Sophie.  So  the  whole  armie  of  the  Grand  Signior^  con- 
taining as  well  those  that  went  by  the  mountaines,  as  also 
*  See  supplementary  note,  p.  civ. 


JENKINSON  S  SAFE-CONDUCT  GRANTED  BY  SOLYMAN.  5 

those  that  came  to  Aleppo  in  companie  with  him,  with  horse- 
men and  footemen,  and  the  conductors  of  the  camels  and 
victuals,  were  the  number  of  300,000.  men. 

The  camels  which  caried  munition  and  victuals  for  the  said 
armie,  were  in  number  200,000.^ 


The  safe  conduct  orpriuilege,  given  by  Sultan  Solyman  the 

Great  Turke,  to  Master  Anthony  lenJcinson  at  Aleppo  in 

Syria,  in  the  yeere,^  1553. 

Sultan  Solyman,  etc.,  to  all  Viceroyes,  Saniaques,  Caditz, 
and  other  our  Justicers,  Officers,  and  Subiects  of  Tripolis  in 
Syria,  Constantinople,  Alexandria  in  Egypt,  and  of  all  other 
Townes  and  Cities  vnder  our  Dominion  and  iurisdiction :  we 
will  and  commaund  you,  that  when  you  shall  see  Anthony 
lenkinson,  bearer  of  these  present  letters,  marchant  of  London 
in  England,  or  his  factor,  or  any  other,  bearing  the  said  letters 
for  him,  arriue  in  our  ports  and  hauens,  with  his  shippe  or 
shippes,  or  other  vessels  whatsoeuer,  that  you  suffer  him  to 
lade  or  vnlade  his  marchandise  wheresoeuer  it  shal  seeme 
good  vnto  him,  traffiking  for  him  selfe  in  all  our  countries 
and  dominions,  without  hindring  or  any  way  disturbing  of 
him,  his  shippe,  his  people,  or  marchandise,  and  without 
enforcing  him  to  pay  any  other  custome  or  tol  whatsoeuer, 
in  any  sorte,  or  to  any  persons  whatsoeuer  they  be,  saue 
only  our  ordinary  duties,  contayned  in  our  custome  houses, 
which  when  he  hath  paide,  we  will  that  he  be  franke,  and 
free,  as  well  for  himselfe,  as  for  his  people,  marchandise, 
shippe,  or  shippes,  and  all  other  vessels  whatsoeuer,  and  in 
so  doing  that  he  may  trafficke,  bargaine,  sell,  and  buy,  lade, 
and  vnlade,  in  all  our  foresaide  Countries,  landes,  and  domi- 
nions, in  like  sorte  and  with  the  like  liberties  and  priui- 

^  In  Hakluyt  mention  is  made  of  the  presents  given  at  the  same 
time  to  the  Saltan  by  the  Pashas  of  Aleppo,  Amante  (Hamath  ?),  and 
Damascns,  and  the  Sanjak  of  Tripoli.  ^  Hakluyt^  1589,  p.  82. 


6        jenkinson's  safe-conduct  granted  by  solyman. 

ledges  as  the  Frenchmen  and  Venetians  vse,  and  inioy,  and 
more  if  it  be  possible,  without  the  hinderance  or  impeach- 
ment of  any  man.     And  furthermore,  we  charge  and  com- 
maunde  all  Viceroy es  and  Consuls  of  the  French  nation, 
and  of  the  Venetians,  and  all  other  Consuls  resident  in  our 
Countreys,  in  what  port  or  prouince  soeuer  they  be,  not  to 
constraine,  or  cause  to  constraine  by  them,  or  the  sayde 
Ministers  and  Officers  whatsoeuer  they  be,  the  saide  Anthony 
lenkinson,  or  his  factor,  or  his  seruants,  or  deputies,  or  his 
marchandise,  to  pay  any  kinde  of  consuUage,  or  other  right 
whatsoeuer,  or  to  intermeddle  or  hinder  his  affaires,  and  not 
to  molest  nor  trouble  him  any  manner  of  way,  because  our 
wUl  and  pleasure  is,  that  he  shall  not  pay  in  all  our  Countries, 
any  other  then  our  ordinarie  custome.     And  in  case  any  man 
hinder  and  impeach  him  aboue  and  besides  these  our  present 
letters,  we  charge  you  most  expressly  to  defende  and  assist 
him  against  the  sayde  Consuls ;  and  if  they  will  not  obey  our 
present  commaundement,  that  you  aduertise  vs  thereof,  that 
we  jnay  take  such  order  for  the  same,  that  others  may  take 
example  thereby.     Moreouer,  wee  commaunde  all  our  Cap- 
taines  of  our  Gallies,  and  their  Lieutenants,  be  they  Foystes^ 
or  other  vessels,  that  when  they  shall  finde  the  sayde  lenkin- 
son, or  his  factor,  his  shippe  or  shippes,  with  his  seruants, 
and  marchapdise,  that  they  hurt  him  not,  neyther  in  bodie 
nor  goods,  but  th^t  rather  they  assist  ayid  defend  him  against 
all  such  as  seeke  to  doe  hipi  wrong,  and  that  they  ayde  and 
helpe  him  with  victuals,  according  to  his  want,  and  that 
whosoeuer  shall  see  these  presents,  obey  the  same,  as  they 
will  auoide  the  penaltie  in  doing  the  contrarie:   Made  in 
Aleppo  of  iSyria,  the  yeere  961.  of  our  holy  Prophet  Mahomet, 
in  the  yeere  of  Jesus  1553,  signed  with  the  scepter  and  signet 
of  the  Grand  Signior,  with  his  owne  proper  hande.^ 

^  Foist,  a  vessel  with  oars,  smaller  than  a  galley. 

*  In  the  original  1589  edition  of  Haklnyt's  Travels  is  added  the 
following  : — "  The  very  originall  hereof  was  deliuered  me  Rich .  Hakl. 
by  Master  lenkinson  in  the  Turkish  and  French  tongues." 


Instructions  giuen  to  the  Masters  and  Mariners  to 

be  "obserued  in  and  about  this  Fleete,  passing  this  yeere  1557, 
towards  the  Bay"  of  S.  Nicolas  in  Russia,  for  this  present 
Raze  to  be  made,  and  return  of  the  same  by  Gods  grace 
to  the  port  of  London,  the  place  of  their  right  dis- 
charge, as  in  the  Articles  ensuing  is  deduced.^ 


First,  it  is  accorded  and  agreed  betweene  the  seuerall  pro- 
prietories and  owners,  masters  and  companies  of  the  foure 
ships,  surnamed  the  Primrose,  the  lohn  Uuangelist,  the  Anne 
and  the  Trinitie,  and  the  Lieutenant,  Consuls,  assistants  and 
companie  of  the  Marchants  aduenturers,  that  the  above  named 
foure  shippes  shall  in  good  order  and  conduct  saile,  passe, 
and  trauaile  together  in  one  flote,  ginge,  and  conserue  of 
societie,  to  be  kept  indissolubly  to  be  seuered,  but  united 
within  continuall  sight,  so  farrefoorth  as  (by  winds  and 
weather)  by  possibilitie  shall  or  may  be  without  any  sepera- 
tion  or  departure  of  one  from  the  other. 

2.  Item,  it  is  agreed  that  the  good  ship  named  the  Primerose 
shalbe  Admirall  of  this  flote,  and  that  Anthonie  lenkin^on, 
Gentleman,  shalbe  Captaine  thereof,  and  that  all  the  other 
3.  ships  shall  ensue  and  folow  her  in  all  courses,  and  that  no 
course  nor  waying  (in  harborough  especially)  shall  be  made 
without  the  aduice,  consent,  and  agreement  of  the  saide 
Captaine,  the  Master,  his  mate,  and  two  other  officers  of  the 
said  shippe,  or  of  three  of  them  at  the  least. 

3.  Item,  that  the  said  Anthonie  is  and  shalbe  reputed 
and  taken  for  Captaine  generall  of  the  said  flote,  together 
with  all  such  orders,  preeminences,  priuiledges,  and  prefer- 
ments as  by  the  order  of  seas  is  due  and  accustomed  to  a 
Captaine  during  his  aboade  and  exercise  of  the  same. 

1  Hakluyt,  1589,  pp.  332-3. 


8  INSTRUCTIONS  TO   THE   FLEET. 

4.  It  is  also  ordeined,  that  if  any  one  or  moe  of  the  said 
3.  shippes  shalbe  out  of  sight,  either  before  or  behinde  the 
Admirall,  that  then  the  rest  of  the  shippes  shall  tacke  or 
take  of  their  sailes  in  such  sort  as  they  may  meete  and  come 
together,  in  as  good  order  as  may  be,  to  the  intent  to  keepe 
the  consortment  exactly  in  all  points. 

5.  It  is  also  constituted,  that  if  the  ships  shalbe  seuered  by 
miste  or  darke  weather,  in  such  sort  as  the  one  cannot  haue 
sight  of  the  other,  then  and  in  such  case  the  Admiral  shal 
make  sound  and  noise  by  drumme,  trumpet,  home,  gunne  or 
otherwise  or  meanes,  that  the  ships  may  come  as  nigh  to- 
gether, as  by  safetie  and  good  order  they  may. 

6.  It  is  also  to  be  obserued,  that  euery  day  once  the  other 
three  shippes  shall  sende  and  come  aboord  the  Admirall,  and 
there  consult  and  determine  of  such  matter  and  things  as 
shall  be  for  the  assurance  of  their  Nauigation,  and  most  ex- 
pedition of  the  same, 

7.  Item,  that  notes  &  entries  be  dayly  made  of  their  Naui- 
gations  put  in  writing  &  memorie,  &  that  the  yong  Mariners 
and  apprentices  may  be  taught  &  caused  to  learne  and  obserue 
the  same. 

8.  It  is  accorded  that  the  said  Captaine  shall  haue  the 
principal  rule  and  gouernement  of  the  apprentices :  And  that 
not  onely  they,  but  also  all  other  the  sailers,  shalbe  attendant 
and  obedient  to  him,  as  of  dutie  and  reason  appertaineth. 

9.  Also  that  no  beere  nor  broth,  or  other  liquor,  be  spilt 
vpon  the  balast,  or  other  place  of  the  shippe,  whereby  any 
anoyance,  stinke,  or  other  vnsauorines  shall  grow  in  the 
shippe  to  the  infection  or  hurt  of  the  persons  in  the  same. 

IQ.  Item,  that  the  Captaine  by  discretion  shall  from  time 
to  time  disship  ajiy  artificer  or  English  seruingman  or  ap- 
prentice out  of  the  Prvmerose  into  any  of  the  other  three 
shippes,  and  in  lieu  of  him  or  them,  take  any  such  apprentice 
as  he  shall  thinke  conuenient,  and  most  meete  to  serue  the 
benefite  of  the  Companie. 


INSTRUCTIONS  TO   THE   FLEET.  9 

11.  Item,  that  great  respect  be  had  to  the  gunners  and 
cookes  roomes,  that  all  danger  and  perill  of  powder  and  fire 
may  be  eschewed  and  auoyded. 

12.  Item,  that  singular  care  &  respect  be  had  to  the  ports 
of  the  ship,  as  well  in  Nauigation  as  in  harborow,  &  especially 
in  lading  and  vnlading  of  the  ships,  that  nothing  be  lacking 
or  surcharged  ;  and  that  the  bookes  may  oftentimes  be  con- 
ferred &  made  to  agree  in  eschuement  of  such  losses  as  may 
ensue. 

13.  Special  foresight  is  to  be  had,  that  at  the  WardhoTise 
no  treachery,  inuasion,  or  other  perill  of  molestation  be  done 
or  procured  to  be  attempted  to  our  ships  by  any  kinges, 
princes,  or  companies,  that  do  mislike  this  newe  found  trade 
by  seas  to  Russia,  or  would  let  and  hinder  the  same,  wherof 
no  small  boast  hath  bene  made :  which  giueth  occasion  of 
more  circumspection  and  diligence. 

14.  If  the  winde  &  weather  wil  serue,  it  is  thought  good 
rather  to  go  by  the  Wardhouse,  then  to  come  in  and  ancre 
there,  lest  any  male  engine,  or  danger  may  be  the  rather 
attempted  against  vs,  our  goodes  and  shippes  as  aboue. 

15.  It  is  thought  that  Richard  Johnson,  late  seruant  to  M. 
Chanceler,  shal  be  sent  home  in  this  next  returne,  to  in- 
struct the  companie  of  the  state  of  the  Countrey,  and  of  such 
questions  as  may  be  demanded  of  him,  for  our  better  ad- 
uertisements  and  resolutions,  in  such  doubts  as  shall  arise 
here :  and  that  he  shall  haue  the  roome  of  the  Captaine  in 
such  sort,  as  Master  lenkinson  is  in  this  present  cocket 
assigned  vnto.  And  if  Johnson  can  not,  may  not,  nor  will 
not  returne  and  occupie  the  said  place,  then  any  other  person 
to  be  preferred  thereunto,  as  by  the  discretion  of  our  said 
Captaine,  with  consent  of  our  Agents,  shall  be  thought  meete 
and  apt  to  supply  the  same. 

16.  Prouided  alway,  that  the  shippes  returning,  be  not 
disfurnished  of  one  such  able  man,  as  shall  occupie  the 
Captaineship  in  like  order,  as  is,  and  hath  bene  in  such  case 
appointed,  as  reason  and  good  order  requireth. 


10  INSTRUCTIONS   TO   THE   FLEET. 

17.  Item,  that  all  other  former  orders,  rules,  and  deuises, 
made  and  prouided  for  the  good  order  of  our  shippes,  wares, 
and  goods,  being  not  repugnant,  contrarie  or  diuerse,  to  these 
articles,  and  the  contents  of  the  same,  shall  be,  and  stand  in 
ful  force  and  effect,  to  be  in  all  respects  obserued,  and  kept  of 
all  and  euery  person,  and  persons,  whome  the  same  doth  or 
shall  touch  or  coucerne. 

In  witnesse  of  the  premisses  faithfully  to  be  obserued,  and 
kept,  the  owners  and  Masters  of  the  said  foure  shippes, 
together  with  the  said  Captaine,  to  these  seuenteene  articles, 
contained  in  two  sheetes  of  paper,  have  subscribed  their 
hands.  Giuen  in  London  the  third  of  May,  in  the  yeere  of 
our  Lord  God,  1557. 

%  Owners  of  the  Primerose^ — 
Andrew  Iudde. 
William  Chester. 
Anthony  Hickman. 
Edward  Casteline. 

If  Owners  of  the  John  Euangelist — 
Andrew  Iudde. 
William  Chester. 

^  Owner  of  the  Anne — 

lOHN   DiMOCKE. 

Owner  of  the  Trinitie — 
RT. 

^  Primrose^  240  tunnes,  Master  John  Buckland  ;  John  Euangelist^ 
170  tunnes,  Master  Laurence  Roundal ;  Anne^  of  London,  160  tunnes, 
Master  David  Philby  ;  Trinitie^  of  London,  140  tunnes,  Master  John 
^ohin^.—Hakluyt,  1599,  i,  297. 


The  first  voyage  made  by  Master  Anthony  Tenkinson, 

from  the  Citie  of  London,  toward  the  land  of  Russia,  begonne 
the  twelfth  day  of  Maye,  in  the  yeere,  1557.^ 


First,  by  the  grace  of  God,  the  day  and  yeere  aboue  men- 
tioned, I  departed  from  the  said  Citie,  and  the  same  day  at 
Grauesend  embarked  my  selfe  in  a  good  shippe,  named  the 
Primerose,  being  appointed,  although  vnworthy,  chiefe  cap- 
tain e  of  the  same,  and  also  of  the  other  three  good  shippes,  to 
say,  the  John  Euangelist,  the  Anne,  and  the  Trinitie,  hauing 
also  the  conduct  of  the  Emperour  of  Eussia,  his  ambassadour, 
named  Osejp  Nepea  Ghregorewich?  who  passed  with  his  company 
in  the  said  Primerose.  And  thus  our  foure  tall  shippes 
being  well  appointed,  as  well  for  men  and  victuals,  as  other 
necessarie  furniture,  the  saide  twelfth  day  of  the  moneth  of 
Maye,  we  weyed  our  ankers,  and  departed  from  the  saide 
Grauesend,  in  the  after  noone,  and  plying  downe  the  Thames, 
the  wind  being  Easterly,  and  faire  weather,  the  13.  day  we 
came  a  ground  with  the  Primerose  vpon  a  sand  called  the 
Blacke  taile,^  where  we  sate  fast  vntill  the  14.  day  in  the 

1  Uahluyt,  1589,  pp.  333-338.  2  gee  infra,  note,  p.  26. 

3  Blacktail  spit  is  on  Maplin  sands,  just  beyond  Shoeburyness.  In 
an  old  book  of  sailing  instructions  in  the  library  of  the  Geographical 
Society,  entitled  "TAe  Lighting  Colomne  or  Sea  Miirour,  by  Peter  Goos: 
dwelling  on  the  water  hard  by  the  new  bridge  at  the  signe  of  the  golden 
sea-mi  rrour",  printed  at  Amsterdam,  1638,  the  following  directions  are 
given  (p.  50)  for  sailing  this  coast: — "From  the  Shoebeakon  the 
course  is  almost  southwest  to  the  poynt  of  Blacktayle,  there  runneth 
off  a  Hooke  which  men  might  saile  within  comming  from  the  north- 
wards ;  but  if  you  keepe  from  the  shoare  in  7  fathom,  you  cannot 

take  hurt  of  it,  but  in  five  fathom  you  runne  within  it From 

Blacktayle  to  the  beacon  upon  the  Nore  the  course  is  West  southwest." 

...  At  the  outset  of  the  voyage  the  ships  were  unfortunate:  the 

Primrose  ran  aground  on  Blacktail  spit,  two  of  the  others  also  met 


12  ACCIDENTS  TO  THE  FLEET. 

morning,  and  then  God  be  praised,  she  came  off:  and  that 
day  we  plied  dowue  as  farre  as  our  Ladie  Holland}  and 
there  came  to  an  anker,  the  wind  being  Easterly,  and  there 
remained  vntill  the  20.  day :  then  we  weyed  and  went  out 
at  Goldmore  gate,^  and  from  thence  in  at  Balsey  slade,^  and 
so  into  Orwel  wands,*  where  we  came  to  an  anker :  but  as  we 
came  out  at  the  saide  Goldmore  gate,  the  Trinitie  came  on 
ground  on  certaine  rockes  that  lye  to  the  Northward  of  the 
saide  gate,  and  was  like  to  be  bilged  and  lost.  But  by  the 
aide  of  God,  at  the  last  she  came  off  againe,  being  very  leake : 
and  the  21.  day  the  Primerose  remaining  at  an  anker  in  the 
wands,  the  other  three  shippes  bare  into  Orwel  hauen,  where 
I  caused  the  saide  Trinitie  to  be  grounded,  searched,  and 
repaired.  So  we  remained  in  the  said  hauen  vntill  the  28. 
day :  and  then  the  winde  being  westerly,  the  three  shippes 
that  were  in  the  hauen  weied,  and  came  foorth,  and  in  com- 
ming  foorth  the  John  Euangelist  came  on  ground  vpon  a  sand, 
called  the  Andros,^  where  she  remained  one  tide,  and  the 
next  full  sea  she  came  off  againe  without  any  great  hurt, 
God  be  praised. 

The  29.  day  in  the  morning  all  foure  ships  weied  in  the 

with  accidents,  the  Trinity  touched  the  rocks  to  the  north  of  Gold- 
more  gate  and  was  nearly  lost,  and  the  John  Evangelist  grounded  in 
coming  out  of  Orwell  wands.  Navigation  in  those  days  was  attended 
by  many  difficulties,  and  shoals  and  rocks  were  doubtless  very  imper- 
fectly buoyed. 

1  In  later  editions  "our  ladie  of  Holland",  so  named  after  the  church 
dedicated  to  the  Virgin,  now  in  ruins.  It  is  a  promontory  on  the 
coast  of  Essex,  now  marked  as  Little  Holland ;  about  a  mile  off  is 
Holland  Hall.  Stephen  Burrough  mentions  anchoring  thwart  "our 
Ladie  of  Holland".— ^a/u/.,  1589,  p.  311. 

2  Goldmore  gate  was  the  southern  entrance  into  Harwich  harbour. 

5  Balsey  slade,  the  passage  marked  on  old  charts  "  the  Sledway". 
The  word  *'  slade"  is  the  Anglo-Saxon  sldd,  the  Icelandic  slddi^,  signi- 
fying a  flat  piece  of  low,  moist  ground. — Webster's  Dictionary. 

*  Orwell  wands,  the  estuary  of  the  OrweU. 

^  Andrew's  shoal  is  close  to  Orfordness.  CapJ  St.  Andrew  now 
stands  a  little  way  inland. 


COAST  OF  ENGLAND.  13 

Wands,  and  that  tide  went  as  farre  as  Orfordnesse,  where  we 
came  to  an  anker,  because  the  wind  was  northerly  :  And 
about  sixe  of  the  clocke  at  night,  the  wind  vered  to  the 
Southwest,  and  we  weyed  anker,  and  bare  cleare  of  the  nesse, 
and  then  set  our  course  northeast,  and  by  north,  vntill  mid- 
night, being  then  cleare  of  Yarmouth  sands.  Then  we  winded 
North  and  by  West,  and  North  northwest,  vntill  the  first  of 
lune  at  noone,  then  it  waxed  calme,  and  continued  so  vntill  lune. 
the  second  day  at  noone:  then  the  winde  came  at  North- 
west, with  a  tempest,  and  much .  raine,  and  we  lay  close  by, 
and  caped^  North  Northeast,  and  Northeast,  and  by  North,  as 
the  winde  shifted,  and  so  continued  vntill  the  third  day  at 
noone :  then  the  winde  vered  Westerly  againe,  and  we  went 
North  our  right  course,  and  so  continued  our  way  vntill  the 
fourth  day,  at  three  of  the  clocke  in  the  afternoone,  at  which 
time  the  winde  vered  to  the  Northwest  againe,  and  blewe  a 
fresh  gale,  and  so  continued  vntill  the  seuenth  day  in  the 
morning,  we  lying  with  all  our  shippes  close  by,  and  caping 
to  the  Northwards  :  and  then  the  wind  vering  more  Northerly, 
we  were  forced  to  put  roomer^  with  the  coast  of  England 
againe,  and  fell  ouerthwart  Newe  castel,  but  went  not  into 
the  hauen,  &  so  plied  vpon  the  coast  the  eight  day  &  the 
ninth. 

The  tenth  day  the  winde  came  to  the  North  Northwest,  and 
we  [were]  forced  to  beare  roomer  with  Flamborow  head,  where 
we  came  to  an  anker,  and  there  remained  vntill  the  seuenteenth 
day.®  Then  the  winde  came  faire,  and  we  weyed  and  set  our 
course  North  and  by  East,  and  so  continued  the  same  with  a 
meary  winde  vntill  the  21.  at  noone,  at  which  time  we  tooke 

1  The  expression  "to  cape",  to  keep  a  course.— Admiral  Smyth, 
Sailm-B'  Word  Book,  p.  159. 

*  "  Roomer",  old  term  for  going  large  or  from  the  wind. — Smyth, 
p.  579. 

3  Accidents  and  contrary  winds  had  delayed  their  progress.  It  was 
not  till  the  17th  June,  thirty-five  days  after  leaving  Gravesend,  that 
they  could  shape  a  course  for  Norway. 


14  HEILICH   ISLANDS,   OR   HELGE   LAND. 

the  Sunne,  and  had  the  latitude  in  60.  degrees.     Then  we 

shifted  our  course,  and  went  North  Northeast  and  Northeast, 

and  by  north,  vntill  the  25.  day.     Then  we  discouered  cer- 

Heiiich       taine  Islands,  called  Heilick  Islands,^  lying  from  vs  northeast. 

Islands  in  '  '      J      o  » 

ee^deg.  40.  being  in  the  latitude  of  66.  degrees,  40.  minutes.  Then  we 
went  north  and  by  West,  because  we  would  not  come  too 
nigh  the  land,  and   running  that  course  4.  hours,  we  dis- 

Siands.      couered,  and  had  sight  of  Bost  Islands,^  ioyning  to  the  mains 

1  Heilich  Islands  lie  off  that  part  of  the  coast  of  Finmark,  or 
Norway,  marked  Heilich  lant,  or  Helge  land.  This  was  the  country 
of  Other,  the  earliest  traveller  and  discoverer  of  the  extreme  north  on 
record.  Almost  due  north  of  Heilich  Islands  is  the  Rost  group  of 
islets,  and  north-east  of  these  the  Lofoden  Islands,  extending  for 
about  175  miles  from  S.W.  to  N.E.,  between  67°  30'  and  69"  30' 
north  lat.  The  following  sailing  directions  in  The  Lighting  Columne 
(p.  63)  may  serve  as  a  commentary  to  the  narrative  : — "  From 
the  Island  Gryp  to  the  Nomendals  Islands  the  coast  is  North  East 
eighteen  leagues,  but  from  Gryp  to  the  Nomendals  Islands  the 
course  is  North  East  eighteen  leagues,  but  from  Gryp  to  the  Island 
Rust  North  and  North  by  East  four  and  sixteen  leagues.  Betwixt 
them  ly  (besides  the  Nomendals  Islands)  also  the  islands  Holy 
land  and  Traenoch.  Traenoch  and  Rust  lye  thirteen  leagues  asunder. 
From  Rust  to  Wero  the  coast  is  North  East  and  by  north  nine  leagues, 
but  to  Loffoert  north  north  east  three  and  thirtye  leagues.  Betwixt 
Wero  and  Loffoert  lyeth  the  Maelstrome,  where  you  may  sayle  through 
but  at  still  water.  By  the  west  point  of  Loffoert  you  may  runne 
in  and  make  road  under  it.  And  also  you  may  runne  through  from 
thence  within  betwixt  the  islands  and  the  mayne  land,  all  along  unto 
the  North  Cape."  ....  This  coast  is  now  so  well  known,  that  it  is 
almost  needless  to  say  that  most  of  the  islands  have  bold,  precipitous, 
and  deeply  indented  coasts  ;  that  the  interior  is  elevated  and  very 
sterile  ;  and  that  several  of  the  mountains,  though  not  very  lofty,  are 
covered  with  perpetual  snow.  The  navigation  is  rendered  compara- 
tively easy  by  the  depth  of  water  (300  to  400  fathoms)  at  the  base  of  the 
cliffs,  and  the  largest  vessel  can  pass  without  danger  among  the  rocky 
islets,  though  almost  filling  the  narrow  space  between  them. —  The 
Voyage  of  the  Vega,  Nordenskiold,  i,  pp.  46-61  ;  Sailing  Directions  for 
the  White  Sea,  Imray  and  Son,  p.  2. 

2  Rost  Islands  are  mere  precipices  of  rock,  forming  a  termination, 
though  at  some  distance,  of  the  Lofoden  group.  Next  to  Rost  lies 
Vero,  adjoining  to  which  is  Moskan.     The  name  "  Rost"  is  the  old 


LOFODEN   ISLANDS.      THE  MAELSTROM.  15 

land  of  FinmarJce.  Here  the  Sunne  continueth  in  sight 
aboue  the  horizon,  almost  2.  moneths  together,  day  and 
night.  Thus  continuing  our  course  along  the  coast  of 
Norway  and  Finland,  the  27.  day  we  tooke  the  Sunne,  being 
as  far  shot  as  LofooU}  and  had  the  latitude  in  69.  degrees. 
And  the  same  day  in  the  afternoone  appeared  ouer  our 
heads  a  raine  bowe  like  a  semicircle,  with  both  ends  vp- 
ward.  Note  that  there  is  between  the  said  Eost  Islands  and 
Lofoote,  a  whirle  poole  called  Malestrand?  which  from  halfe  ^hir™"^® 
ebbe  vntil  halfe  flood,  maketh  such  a  terrible  noise  that  it  ^°°^®" 
shaketh  the  ringes  in  the  doores  of  the  inhabitats  houses  of 
the  said  Islands,  ten  miles  of.  Also  if  there  commeth 
any  Whale  within  the  current  of  the  same,  they  make  a 
pitiful  crie.  Moreouer,  if  great  trees  be  caried  into  it  by 
force  of  streams,  and  after  with  the  ebbe  be  cast  out  againe, 
the  ends  and  boughes  of  them  haue  bene  so  beaten,  that  they 

term  for  a  whirlpool,  which  is  still  retained  in  the  Scottish  isles,  e.g.y 
Sumburg  Roost,  between  the  Orkneys  and  Shetlands. — Metcalfe's 
Oxonian  in  Norway^  i,  237,  seq. 

1  The  largest  of  the  Lofoden  islands  are  Hindo,  Ando,  and  Langq, 
Ost  Vaagen,  West  Vaagen,  and  Flagstado.  All  of  them  are  rugged 
and  mountainous.  The  population  are  a  mixed  race,  partly  of  Scandi- 
navian, partly  of  Lappish  descent,  chiefly  dependent  on  the  fishery, 
which  was  established  previous  to  the  11th  century,  and  has  always 
attracted  a  large  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  mainland. — 
Chambers's  Encyclopedia,  art.  "  Lofoden". 

2  The  Malstrom,  or  Maelstrom  (*'  grinding  stream"),  also  called 
Moskenstrom,  is  to-  the  south  of  the  island  of  Moskenses,  the  southern- 
most of  the  Lofoden  group.  Like  the  SaltstrSm  (at  the  entrance  to 
Skjerstad  Fjord),  it  is  formed  by  the  tide  pouring  through  a  narrow 
strait  four  times  daily,  forming  a  tremendous,  roaring  cataract,  which 
it  is  dangerous  to  pass  except  at  certain  states  of  the  tide.  When  the 
wind  blows  against  the  current  the  Malstrom  becomes  extremely 
dangerous,  the  sea  for  several  miles  being  so  violently  agitated  that 
no  boat  can  live  in  it.  The  Malstrom,  though  more  famous,  is  sur- 
passed by  the  Saltstrom,  where,  during  spring  tides,  the  scene  is 
described  as  a  most  imposing  one. — Metcalfe's  Oxonian  in  Norway^ 
i,  237  ;  Badeker's  Norway  and  Sweden^  pp.  222,  227. 


16  SENIENO.      KETTELWICKE,   OH   KJOBYIG. 

are  like  the  stalkes  of  hempe  that  is  bruised.  Note,  that  all 
the  cost  of  FinmarJce  is  high  moimtaines,  and  hils,  being 
couered  all  the  yeere  with  snowe.  And  hard  aboord  the  shoare 
of  this  coast,  there  is  100.  or  150.  fadoms  of  water  in  depth. 
Thus  proceeding  and  sayling  forward,  we  fell  with  an  Island 
called  Zenam}  being  in  y^  latitude  of  70.  degrees.  About 
this  Island  we  saw  many  Whales,  very  monstrous,  about  our 
ships,  some  by  estimation  of  60.  foote  long :  and  being  the 
ingendring   time,   they    roared   and    cried    terribly.     From 

SiaiS!^^^  thence  we  fel  with  an  Island,  called  Kettelwicke}  This  coast 
from  Rost  vnto  Lofoote  lieth  north  and  south"',  and  from 
Lofoote  to  Zenam,  northeast  and  southwest,  and  from  Zenam 
to  Kettelwike,  east  northeast  and  west  southwest.  From  the 
said  Kettelwike  we    sailed   east  and   by   north  10.  leagues, 

Bound,  ^^^  ^^^  ^i\h  a  land,  called  Inger  sound ^  where  we  fished, 
being  becalmed,  and  tooke  great  plenty  of  Cods.  Thus 
plying  along  the  coast,  we  fel  with  a  Cape,  called  the  North 
Cape,*  which  is  the  northermost  land  that  we  passe  in  our 


^  Zeriam  (Senjen),  Senieno,  and  on  old  charts  Sanien,  is  a  large 
island  off  the  coast,  separated  by  a  strait  from  the  mainland.  It  is 
situated  north-east  of  the  Lofodens,  in  latitude  69°  to  69"  30',  or 
about  half  a  degree  south  of  its  position  according  to  Jenkinson. 

2  "  An  Island  called  Kettlewicke."  Jenkinson  is  slightly  in  error 
here,  there  being  no  island  of  this  name  off  this  part  of  the  coast  of 
Norway.  The  place  referred  to  is  Kjodvig,  at  the  north  end  of  the 
island  of  Soro.  It  was  first  observed  by  Stephen  Burrough  in  the 
Searchthrift,  May  23rd,  1556,  when  he  described  himself  as  being 
"thwart  of  the  Chappel,  which  I  suppose  is  called  Kedilwicke" 
(Hakluyt,  p.  313).  The  mention  of  the  *'  chappel"  maybe  an  oblique 
allusion  to  the  adjoining  Kjodvigfeld,  with  its  projecting  promontory, 
Tarhahen^  lying  midway  between  Senieno  and  Ingo,  and  which  by 
Jenkinson  might  easily  have  been  mistaken  for  an  island. — C. 

3  The  island  of  Ingo  lies  in  lat.  71°  5'  N.,  near  Maoso,  and  forty 
miles  west-south-west  of  the  North  Cape.  Prof.  Nordenskiold  says 
that  the  influence  of  warm  oceanic  currents  is  so  great  here  that 
potatoes  sometimes  yield  a  good  crop  ;  but  the  inhabitants  chiefly 
depend  on  fish  for  their  diet. —  Voyage  of  the  Vega,  i,  p.  40. 

*  The  latitude  of  the  North  Cape  is  exactly  what  Jenkinson  states 


THE   NORTH    CAPE.      VARDo.  17 

voyage  to  S.  Nicholas,  and  is  in  the  latitude  of  71.  degrees 

and  10.  minutes,  and  is  from  Inger  sound  East,  and  to  the 

Northwards  15.  leagues.     And  being  at  this  North  Cape  the 

2.  day  of  July,  we  had  the  sunne  at  north  4.  degrees  aboue 

the  Horizon.     The  3.  day  we  came  to   Wardhouse,'^  hauing  wardhoua 

such  mists  that  we  could  not  see  the  land. 

This  Wardhouse  is  a  Castle  standing  in  an  Island  2.  miles 
from  the  maine  of  Finland,  subiect  to  the  king  of  Deninarke, 

it  to  be,  viz.,  71°  10'.  It  was  always  recognised  as  the  northernmost 
point  of  the  island  of  Magero  till  the  last  Norwegian  Government 
surveys  found  that  another  point  projected  about  half  a  mile  beyond 
it  into  the  sea.  This,  however,  is  merely  a  low,  narrow  ledge  of  rock, 
almost  washed  by  the  waves,  and  cannot  injure  the  ancient  fame  of 
the  grand,  frowning  cliffs  which  keep  guard  over  the  northernmost  land 
of  Europe. — Voyage  from  Leith  to  Lapland,  by  W.  Hurton,  ii,  243,  seq 

The  North  Cape  was  so  called  by  Stephen  Burrough  in  Chan- 
cellor''s  and  Willoughby'' s  Voyage  in  1553.  Before  their  time  it  had 
been  known  as  Murmarisky  Noss  (Norman's  Cape)  ;  and  the  earliest 
written  account  of  a  voyage  round  it  was  drawn  up  by  Alfred,  King 
of  England,  who  derived  his  information  from  the  writings  of  Other 
the  Norman,  who  undertook  a  voyage  from  the  west  coast  of  Norway 
to  the  White  Sea,  towards  the  end  of  the  ninth  century. — Haniel, 
p.  \\Q\  Hahl,  1589,  p.  313. 

'  Vardo  (rendered  on  old  maps  "Wardhouse",  "Wardhuys", 
"  Vardohuus")  is  prettily  situated  on  an  island  of  that  name,  sepa- 
rated from  the  mainland  by -the  Bussesund.  The  town  has  two 
harbours,  the  larger  and  deeper  being  on  the  north  side,  protected  by 
a  large  new  breakwater,  and  the  other  on  the  south  side.  The 
fortress,  situated  to  the  west  of  the  town,  is  the  northernmost  in 
Europe.  It  was  once  a  place  of  strength,  and  enabled  Norway  to 
retain  possession  of  Finmarken.  Now  its  defences  are  dilapidated, 
and  the  garrison,  numbering  sixteen  men,  is  only  maintained  for  the 
purpose  of  firing  salutes  on  state  occasions.  The  town,  which  in 
1600  was  merely  a  group  of  miserable  fishing  huts,  now  consists  of 
neat,  well-built  houses,  covered  with  turf,  with  a  handsome  new  church 
built  of  timber.  In  the  vicinity  are  mxruQvou^  Hj elder  for  drying  fish. 
For  particulars  of  the  navigation  of  this  part  of  the  coast,  see  The 
Sea  Mii-rour,  p.  67  ;  and  for  engravings  showing  Vardo  as  it  was  in  the 
sixteenth  century  and  as  it  is  now,  see  Voyage  of  the  Vega,  vol.  i,  p.  64. 
— Baedeker's  Noi-vmy  and  Sweden,  p.  248  ;  Rae's  White  Sea  Peninsula^ 
p.  7. 


18  KEGOK    OX    fishers'  ISLAND. 

and  the  Eastermost  land  tliat  he  hath.  There  are  2.  other 
Islands  neere  adioyning  vnto  that,  whereon  the  Castle  of 
Wardhouse  standeth. 

The  inhabitants  of  those  3.  Islands  line  onely  by  fishing, 
&  make  much  stockefish,  which  they  dry  with  frost :  their 
most  feeding  is  fish ;  bread  and  drinke  they  haue  none,  but 
such  as  is  brought  them  from  other  places.  They  haue  small 
store  of  cattell,  which  are  also  fed  with  lish.^  From  Ward- 
house  we  sailed  south  southeast  ten  leagues,  and  fell  with  a 
Cape  of  land  called  Kegor^  ye  northermost  part  of  the  land 

*  The  practice  of  feeding  cattle  on  fish  is  very  general  in  northern 
countries  at  the  present  day.  In  Iceland,  dried  cods'  heads  are  given  to 
cows  and  ponies.  At  Soroka,  and  other  villages  on  the  White  Sea, 
smoked  herrings  answer  the  same  purpose. — Rae's  W}iite  Sea  Penin- 
sida,  p.  120. 

2  Kegor,  or  Kegur,  is  Cape  Nem^tsky  (i.e.,  German)  of  modern 
maps.  It  lies  about  thirty  miles  S.E.  from  Vardo,  at  the  north  end 
of  Ribatchi  (Fishers')  peninsula.  "  From  Wardhouse  to  the  poynt  of 
Kegor",  says  The  Sea  Mirrour.  "  the  course  is  south  east  and  south 
east  and  by  south  ten  leagues.  Betwixt  them  both  is  a  great  baye, 
wherein  are  divers  sounds  and  rivers,  amongst  other  the  river  Petsing, 
which  is  a  great,  faire  and  large  River  where  men  may  goe  in  with 
great  shipps,  a  good  ways  within  the  river  is  a  good  road,  there  is 
taken  and  laden  much  salmon,  but  there  fall  no  other  speciall  wares." 
Between  Vardo  and  Ribatchi  peninsula  the  easterly  winds  which  pre- 
vail in  summer  blow  with  as  much  regularity  as  almost  to  deserve  the 
name  of  trade  winds. 

"Kegor  is  a  fayre  haven  lying  at  the  north  end  of  the  Fishers 
Island,  a  little  without  the  poynt.  There  lye  two  or  three  rocks  at  the 
north  poynt  of  the  haven,  and  also  a  suncken  rock  in  the  middest  of 
the  havens  mouth  ;  you  leave  the  suncken  Rock  with  the  other  Rocks 
on  the  starboard  side  of  you,  and  runne  in  by  the  south  shoare,  and 
edge  them  behind  the  foresayd  rocks,  and  anchor  there  in  seven  or 
eight  fathom,  the  havens  mouth  lyeth  in  southwest,  it  is  there  so 
good  lying  as  in  any  haven  thereabouts  on  the  coast " 

"  The  Danes  call  this  haven  Easter  haven,  there  was  wont  to  be  the 
staple  of  Fish  where  every  one  must  come  to  buye,  therefore  the  Island 
is  yet  called,  whereon  Kegor  lyeth,  the  Fishers  Island. 

"It  is  indeed  no  island  but  very  neare  ;  it  is  fast  to  the  maine 
land  with  such  a  very  small  neck  that  the  Russes,  which  come  from 
Kilduyn  or  the  river  of  Kool,  and  are  bound  to  the  river  Pitsing,  doe 


PECHENGA   MONASTERY.  19 

of  Lappia.  And  betweene  Wardhouse  &  the  said  Cape  is  a 
great  Bay,  called  Bommeshaff,^  in  the  south  part  whereof  is  a 
Monasterie  of  Monkes  of  the  Busses  relisrion,  called  Pechin-  The  Monan- 

®        '  tene  of 

chow.^     Thus  proceeding  forward  and  sayling  along  the  coast  chow"' 
of  the  saide  lande  of  Lappia,  winding  Southeast,  the  fourth 
day  through  great  mists  and  darkenes  we  lost  the  companie 
of  the  other  three  ships,  and.  met  not  with  them  againe,  vntill 
the  7.  day,  when  we  fell  with  a  Cape  or  headland  called 

goe  alongst  within  this  land  and  haule  their  boates  over  that  small 
neck,  for  not  to  goe  about  a  seaboard." — The  Sea  Mirrour^  p.  67  ; 
Imray's  Sailing  Directions^  p.  24. 

^  Dommeshaff  (Varanger  fiord).  So  named  from  the  Domen  (dome- 
shaped)  hill,  S.E.  of  Vardo.  Stephen  Burrough,  in  his  search  for 
Chancellor's  missing  ships,  mentions  the  bay  {Uakl.,  p.  330),  and  it 
is  marked  on  Wm.  Burrough's  hitherto  unknown  MS.  map,  circa 
1558  (Old  Roy.  Lib.,  18,  D.,  iii),  as  well  as  on  that  of  Jenkinson.  The 
height  (530  ft.)  of  this  dome-shaped  hill  would  make  it  a  conspicuous 
landmark  to  navigators,  and  account  for  its  having  lent  its  name  to 
the  bay.  {Cf.  Norwegian  Government  Chart ;  Baedeker's  Norway  and 
Sweden,  p.  249.) — C. 

*^  Pechinchow.  Tiif an,  a  monk  of  Novgorod,  founded  the  cloister  of 
Pechenga  in  1533,  and  dedicated  it  to  the  Holy  Trinity.  He  undertook 
the  conversion  of  the  Lapps,  and  raised  partly  with  his  own  hands  the 
neighbouring  shrine  of  Boris — Gleb.  He  went  to  Mosco,  and  obtained 
from  Ivan  III  a  grant  of  lands  and  other  privileges  for  his  sanctuary. 
Pilgrims,  attracted  by  his  zeal  and  reputation,  came  from  far  and  near 
to  worship  at  the  shrine  erected  in  these  northern  solitudes.  Their 
offerings,  and  the  revenues  derived  from  fisheries  and  trade,  soon 
enriched  the  monastery  ;  but  the  Swedes  regarded  with  jealousy  the 
Russian  establishment  close  to  their  border,  and  in  1590  attacked  and 
destroyed  the  place,  putting  its  inmates  to  the  sword.  About  this  time 
the  monastery  of  Solovetsky  in  the  White  Sea  (founded  in  1429) 
was  strengthened,  and  enclosed  within  thick  stone  walls,  to  serve 
as  a  refuge  to  Russians  on  these  coasts.  Solovetsky,  the  island 
monastery,  is  large  and  prosperous  to  this  day,  while  Pechenga,  on  the 
mainland,  only  survives  in  name.  Pechinchow  is  the  genitive  case  of 
Pechenegi,  the  name  of  a  warlike  people  inhabiting  southern  Russia. 
It  is  difficult  to  account  for  their  name  being  carried  so  far  north  as  to 
have  found  a  resting-place  on  the  shores  of  the  White  Sea.  A  town 
in  the  Government  of  Kharkof  bears  the  same  name. — Karanisin,  i, 
240,  ii,  29;  Semeonof,  arts.  ''Pechenegi",  "Solovetsk";  Rae's  White 
Sea  Peninsula,  pp.  16-18,  and  172.     Herberstein  (Hakl.  Soc.),  ii,  p.  49. 


20  ENTRANCE  TO   THE   WHITE   SEA. 

Suetinose^  which  is  the  entring  into  ,the  Bay  of  ;S'.  Nicholas. 
At  this  Cape  lieth  a  great  stone,  to  the  which  the  barkes 
that  jiassed  thereby,  were  wont  to  make  offrings  of  butter, 
meale,  and  other  victuals,  thinking  that  vnlesse  they  did  so, 
their  barkes  or  vessels  should e  there  perish,  as  it  hath  bene 
oftentimes  scene :  and  there  it  is  very  darke  and  mistie. 
Note  that  the  6.  day  we  passed  by  the  place  where  Sir  Hugh 
Willoughhie,  with  all  his  companie,  perished,  which  is  called 
Arzina        Avziua  reca,  that  is  to  say,  the  riuer  Arzina.^     The  land  of 

reca,  the  "^ 

s^^HiS^'^^  Zap^m  is  an  high  land,^  hauing  snow  lying  on  it  commonly 
w^^*frozen^  ^11  the  yccre.     The  people  of  the  Countrey  are  halfe  Gen- 
tiles :*  they  line  in  the  summer  time  neere  the  sea  side,  and 

1  Sviatoi  Noss,  i.e.,  Holy  Promontory,  jingled  by  Dutch  and  EngUsh 
mariners  into  "  Swete  Nose",  forms  the  western  entrance  into  the 
White  Sea,  while  Cape  Kanin,  the  extreme  northern  point  of  Kanin 
peninsula,  faces  it  on  the  east. 

2  The  Arzina,  or  Varzina,  debouches  in  Nokuyef  Bay,  lat.  68°  20' 
and  long.  38°30'E.  of  Greenwich.  Here  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  with 
the  crews  of  his  two  ships,  perished  from  cold  in  1553-4,  and  here 
their  bodies  were  discovered  by  Russian  ^shermen.— England  and 
Russia,  Hamel,  p.  86  ;  Voyage  of  the  Vega,  i,  63. 

3  Mr.  Edward  Rae,  who  lately  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Lapland, 
thus  describes  it :  "  Dull  volcanic  rocks,  red  and  rounded  ;  abrupt 
grey  cliffs,  split  and  fissured,  .with  misty  snow  crowning  them,  rose 
hundreds  of  feet  from  the  dark  sea." — White  Sea  Peninsula,  p.  84. 

*  The  Lapps — ^for  these  are  the  people  referred  to  in  the  text — are 
a  Finnish  race  inhabiting  the  district  of  Kem  (formerly  Kola),  the 
so-called  peninsula  of  Lapland,  besides  northern  parts  of  Finland, 
Norway,  and  Sweden.  They  appear  to  have  been  known  as  "  Suomi", 
among  themselves,  and  in  the  twelfth  century  the  name  Lapp  was 
unknown.  Castren  derives  it  from  their  word  "  Loap"  or  "  Loop", 
signifying  "end",  as  applied  to  the  extreme  northern  position  of  their 
country  ;  Varelius  conjectures  that  it  was  first  applied  as  a  term 
of  derision  by  those  Finns  who  had  adopted  a  more  or  less  settled 
form  of  life,  to  kindred  tribes  who  retained  their  primitive  habits. 
The  Lapps  were  formerly  much  more  widely  distributed.  According 
to  Mathesius,  at  the  Reformation  there  were  Lapps  in  Ostrobothnia, 
and  throughout  the  wooded  districts  of  Finland  wherever  settlements 
and  agriculture  had  not  penetrated.  Russian  annalists  of  the  six- 
teenth century  mention  Lapps  not  only  on  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of 


THE  LAPPS.  21 

vse  to  take  fishe,  of  the  which  they  make  bread  ;  and  in 
the  winter  they  remooue  vp  into  the  Countrey  into  the 
woods,  where  they  vse  hunting,  and  kill  Deere,  Beares, 
Woolues,  Foxes  and  other  beasts,  with  whose  flesh  they  be 
nourished,  and  with  their  skinnes  apparelled  in  such  strange 
fashion,  that  there  is  nothing  scene  of  them  bare  but  their  The 

Lappians 

eies.     They  haue  none  other  habitation,  but  onely  in  tents,  couered  aii 

''  '  J  '  samng  their 

remouing  from  place  to  place,  according  to  the  season  of  the  ®y®^- 
yeere.     They  know  no  arte  nor  facultie,  but  onely  shooting, 

Kandalaks  and  Onega  Bay,  but  also  Christianised  and  heathen  Lapps 
(the  "half  Gentiles"  of  our  text)  on  the  river  Thuya,  falling  into  Lake 
Onega,  north  of  Petrozavodsk,  and  scattered  colonies  of  them  appear 
to  have  then  lived  in  the  district  of  Novgorod.  Even  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  the  Lapps  were  much  further  south  than  they  are  at 
present,  and  occupied  the  shores  of  Bothnia  and  the  southern  part  of 
the  Government  of  Uleaborg.  Their  gradual  disappearance  is  attri- 
butable partly  to  their  having  adopted  agricultural  pursuits  and  a 
settled  form  of  life,  partly  to  their  intermixture  with  Finns. 
Physically,  the  Lapps  are  small  in  stature,  with  low  forehead, 
prominent  cheekbones,  small  eyes,  dark  hair,  but  straight  nose. 
Their  language  resembles  the  Finnish,  differing  from  it,  however, 
as  much  as  Danish  does  from  Swedish.  The  Russian  Lapps 
support  themselves  almost  entirely  by  fishing,  living  in  summer 
scattered  along  the  shores  of  lakes,  rivers,  and  sea-coasts,  in  wooden 
huts,  and  returning  in  autumn  to  their  permanent  homes,  which  are 
fashioned  much  after  the  Russian  style.  Ever  since  the  Lapps  adopted 
settled  habits  and  the  Russo-Greek  faith,  they  began  to  discontinue 
hunting  reindeer,  which  obliged  them  formerly,  as  it  does  the  Sam- 
oyedes  now,  to  lead  a  semi-nomadic  life,  and  only  kept  a  few  of  these 
animals  in  a  domesticated  state.  In  this  way  hill  Lapps  became  water 
Lapps,  and  in  course  of  time  took  to  trade.  Their  dress  in  summer 
closely  resembles  that  of  the  Russians  ;  in  winter  they  wear  coats, 
trousers,  and  caps  of  reindeer  skin,  and  by  these  may  be  distinguished 
from  Finns.  The  Lapps  are  singularly  quiet  and  peaceful  in  charac- 
ter. To  this  day  sorcery  enters  into  their  religious  practices,  but  they 
are  rapidly  losing  their  ethnographical  peculiarities,  and  becoming 
more  and  more  Russian.  Mr.  Rae,  who  was  lately  among  them,  found 
them  very  different  from  those  of  Norway,  and  with  but  little  trace  of 
Mongolian  type  in  their  features,  leading  him  to  take  them  for  a 
distinct  race.  —  Semeonof,  art.  "Lopari";  White  Sea  Peninsula^ 
p.  108. 


22  ARIilVAL   IX   RUSSIA. 

which  they  exercise  daily,  as  well  men  as  women,  and  kill 
such  beasts  as  serue  them  for  their  foode.     Thus  proceeding 
along  the  coast  from  Suetinoze  aforesaid,  the  9.  day  of  luly 
wee  came  to  Cape  Grace,  being  in  the  latitude  of  ^^.  degrees 
and  45.  minutes,  and  is  at  the  entring  in  of  the  Bay  of 
S.  Nicholas.     Aboord  this  land  there  is  20.  or  30.  fadoms 
The  current  water  and  sundry  grounds  good  to  anker  in.     The  current  at 
Grace.        this  Cape  runneth  Southwest  and  Northeast.      From   this 
Cape  we  proceeded  along,  vntill  we  came  to  Crosse  Island,* 
which  is  seuen  leagues  from  the  said  Cape  Southwest :  and 
from  this  Island  wee  set  ouer  to  the  other  side  of  the  Baye, 
and  went  South  southwest,  and  fell  with  an  head  land  called 
roxenose,^  which  is  from  the  said  Island  25.  leagues.     The 
onhe^Bay'^  entring  of  this  Bay  from  Crosse  Island  to  the  neerest  land 
\i^\f Benin  ou  the  othcr  side  is  seuen  leagues  ouer.     From  Foxenose  pro- 
broad  at  the  ceeding  forward  the  twelfth  day  of  the  said  moneth  of  lulie, 
all  our  foure  ships  arriued  in  safe  tie  at  the  roade  of  Saint 
Nicholas  in  the  land  of  Russia,  where  we  ancored  and  had 
sayled  from  London  vnto  the  sayde  roade  seuen  hundred  and 
fifty  leagues.^     The  Russian  ambassadour  and  his  company 
with  great  ioy  gotte  to  shore,  and  our  shippes  here  forthwith 
discharged  themselues :  and  being  laden  againe  and  hauing  a 
AnRUBt.      {qAtq  winde,  departed  towarde  England  the  first  of  August. 
The  third  of  the  sayde  moneth  I  with  other  of  my  companie 

*  Sosnovetz,  or  Fir  Island,  better  known  to  English  sailors  as  Cross 
Island,  from  the  numerous  crosses  once  standing  on  it,  but  which 
have  been  ruthlessly  cut  down  for  fuel  ly  ships'  crews. — Admiralty 
Directions,  p.  19. 

»  Cape  Kerets,  commonly  known  to  English  sailors  as  Blue  Nose, 
at  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Archangel. — Admiralty  Directions^ 
p.  20. 

3  The  entrance  to  the  Northern  Dwina  was  in  early  times  by  Nicholas 
Channel,  the  westernmost  of  the  four  principal  arms  of  its  estuary. 
Here  stood  the  monastery  of  St.  Nicholas,  two  miles  and  a  half  from 
the  sea-coast,  mentioned  by  Thomas  Randolph,  Queen  Elizabeth's 
ambassador.  Ships  now  enter  by  the  Beriozofsky  (birch-tree)  Chan- 
nel, and  anchor  off  the  Solombal  Islands. — HakL,  1589,  p.  400. 


KHOLMOGORI.  23 

came  vnto  the  citie  of  Colmogro^  being  an  hundred  verstes 
from  the  Bay  of  Saint  Nicholas,  and  in  the  latitude  of  64. 
degrees  25.  minutes.  I  tarried  at  the  sayd  Colmogro  vntill 
the  fifteenth  day,  and  then  I  departed  in  a  little  boate  vp  the 
great  riuer  of  Dwina,  which  runneth  very  swiftly,  and  the 
selfe  same  day  passed  by  the  mouth  of  a  riuer  called  Pinego,  Pinego 
leaning  it  on  our  left  hand  fifteene  verstes  from  Colmogro.  On 
both  sides  of  the  mouth  of  this  riuer  Pinego^  is  high  land,  great 

1  IvholmDgori,  47  miles  S.E.  of  Archangel  on  the  Mosco  road,  is 
situated  on  an  island  formed  by  two  arms  of  the  Northern  Dwina. 
Kholmogori  is  as  ancient  as  Novgorod  itself,  and,  according  to  some, 
was  the  capital  of  Biarmia  (Permia).  Probably  before  the  Novgoro- 
dians  came  hither  there  stood  the  Finnish  town  of  "  Holmgard"  or 
"  Holmgavol",  mentioned  in  Scandinavian  sagas,  a  name  said  to  be 
derived  from  two  Scandinavian  words,  "  holmo"  or  "  kolmo",  island, 
and  "  gard",  government.  Kholmogori  first  appears  in  Russian  MSS. 
in  a  gramota,  or  letter  addressed  by  Grand  Duke  Johan  Johannovitch 
(1355-9)  to  the  posadnick  (governor)  and  boyards  of  the  Dwina.  Be- 
tween 1557  and  1587  it  was  the  residence  of  a  mayor,  who  exercised 
judicial  functions  over  the  whole  province.  Kholmogori  was  at  this 
period  a  flourishing  place,  and  it  was  then  that  Englishmen  settled 
here  and  built  several  handsome  houses.  Richard  Gray  established  a 
rope-walk  here  in  1555,  and  in  1557  English  workmen  were  sent  from 
London  to  superintend  it.  About  the  same  time  English  merchants 
founded  their  trading  factory  at  Kholmogori,  and  built  spacious  ware- 
houses to  contain  their  merchandise,  while  native  traders  occupied  the 
gostinni  dvor.  Randolph  writes  in  1 568,  "  Colmogoro  is  a  great  towne 
builded  all  of  wood."  Kholmogori  had  several  able  and  energetic 
governors,  among  whom  were  Zvenigorodsky,  Viazemsky,  Lashkarof, 
and  others.  In  1613  it  successfully  withstood  an  invasion  of  Poles 
and  Lithuanians  ;  and  in  1682  was  raised  to  a  bishopric,  its  first  bishop, 
Athanasius,  adorning  it  with  stone  churches.  In  1700  the  Voievode 
transferred  his  residence  to  Archangel  (then  known  as  New  Kholmo- 
gori), and  the  military  following  him,  Kholmogori  soon  declined.  It 
is  now  but  little  better  than  a  poor  village,  though  in  Lepekhin's 
time  (1770)  it  still  possessed  a  cathedral  ;  and  Dr.  Shaw,  in  his  Gazetteer 
of  the  World,  speaks  of  its  church,  docks,  and  school  of  navigation. — 
Vsevolojsky  and  Semeonof,  arts.  "  Kholmogori". 

2  The  Pinega,  a  right  tributary  of  the  Dwina,  rises  in  the  district 
of  Solvichegodsk,  where  it  is  formed  by  the  confluence  of  two  small 
rivers,  Bielaia  (White),  and  Chernaia  (Black).  It  has  a  course  of 
about  300  miles,  with  a  breadth  of  200  to  500  yards,  and  a  depth 


24  PASSAGE   UP  THE  DWINA. 

rockes  of  Alabastre,  great  woods  and  Pyneaple  trees  lying 
along  within  the  ground,  which  by  report  haue  lyen  there 
since  Noes  flood.   And  thus  proceeding  forward  the  nineteenth 

2?YeS^  day  in  the  morning,  I  came  into  a  town  called  Yemps}  an 
hundred  verstes  from  Colmogro.  All  this  way  along  they 
make  much  tarre,  pitch  and  ashes  of  Aspen  trees.      From 

vstiug.  thence  I  came  to  a  place  called  Vstiug^  an  ancient  citie,  the 
last  day  of  August.  At  this  citie  meete  two  riuers  :  the  one 
called  lug  and  the  other  Sucana,  both  which  fall  into  the 
aforesaid  riuer  of  Dwina.  The  riuer  of  lug  hath  his  spring 
in  the  land  of  the  Tartars  called  Gheremizzi^  ioyning  to  the 

varying  from  three  to  six  and  even  12  feet.  The  banks  are  steep  in 
places,  particularly  about  ten  miles  above  the  town  of  Pinega,  and  are 
composed  of  red  clay,  sandstone,  gypsum,  and  black  limestone.  Jenkin- 
son  was  therefore  right  in  speaking  of  "  great  rocks  of  alabaster",  for 
this  mineral  is  a  variety  of  gypsum.  The  "  pine-apple  trees"  were 
probably  stranded  logs  of  fir  or  larch,  for  which  this  river  is  parti- 
cularly noted,  though  the  allusion  is  evidently  to  fossilised  wood. 
Fossils  are  certainly  found  in  the  mountain  limestone  and  Permian 
strata  of  Pinega. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Pinega." 

'  On  Jenkinson's  map  "  Yemsa",  on  Gerard's  (dated  1613,  one  of  the 
oldest  of  Russia)  "Jemse",  and  on  Stieler's  Hand  Atlas  (51)  "Jemza", 
occur  as  the  name  of  a  left  affluent  of  the  Dwina.  Stieler  also  has 
"  Jemezkoje",  at  the  mouth  of  the  Jemza,  doubtless  the  place  referred 
to  by  Jenkinson. 

2  Ustiug  {i.e.,  mouth  of  Yug),  at  the  confluence  of  the  Yug  and  the 
Suhona,  was  known  as  Veliki  (Great)  Ustiug.  This  was  an  important 
place  of  trade,  and  particularly  for  the  shipment  of  corn,  flax, 
bristles,  tallow,  and  hides. 

3  The  Cheremissi  (Meri)  are  a  Tartar-Finnish  tribe,  occupying  parts 
of  the  Governments  of  Kazan  and  Viatka.  They  were  settled  on  the 
Volga  in  very  early  times,  and  are  mentioned  by  the  Russian  annalists 
as  inhabiting  the  districts  next  below  the  Mordva,  an  allied  race,  both 
having  been  included  in  the  country  of  the  Bolghars.  In  Jenkinson's 
time  their  settlements  reached  to  Viatka,  about  due  east  of  the 
sources  of  the  Yug,  and  between  this  river  and  Permia,  which  extended 
in  those  days  to  both  banks  of  the  Kama.  The  Cheremissi  were  sub- 
jected by  the  Novgorodians  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  soon  after- 
wards accepted  Christianity.  In  1870  they  numbered  210,000.— 
Schnitzler,  Statistique  de  la  Russie,  pp.  65.  200 ;  Drevniye  goroda, 
Shpelefsky,  p.  133  ;   Voirnno  Sfati.<if.  Shornik,  1871,  p.  97. 


OLD    RIVER   CKAFT.  25 

countrey  of  Permia :  and  Succana  hath  his  head  from  a 
lake  not  farre  from  the  citie  of  Vologhda.  Thus  departing 
from  Vstiug,  &  passing  vp  the  riuer  Succana,  we  came  to  a 
towne  called  Totma}  About  this  place  the  water  is  very 
shallow,  and  stonie,  &  troublesome  for  Barkes  and  boats  of 
that  countrey,  which  they  cal  Nassades  and  BosTieckes,^  to 
passe  that  way  :  wherein  marchandise  are  transported  from 
the  aforesayd  Colmoqro  to  the  citie  of  Vologhda:  These 
vessels,  called  Nassades,^  are  very  long  builded,  broade  made,  %^^^^^^' 
and  close  aboue,  flatte  bottomed,  and  draw  not  aboue  foure 
fuote  water,  and  will  carrie  two  hundred  tunnes  :  they  haue 
none  yron  appertaining  to  them  but  all  of  timber,  and  when 
the  winde  serueth,  they  are  made  to  sayle.  Otherwise  they 
haue  many  men,  some  to  hale  and  drawe  by  the  neckes  with 
long  small  ropes  made  fast  to  the  saide  boates,  and  some  set 

*  Totma  ranked  next  to  Veliki  Ustiug  as  a  place  of  trade.  It 
stood  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Suhona,  about  half-way  between  Lake 
Kubensky  and  the  fork  of  the  Yug  and  Suhona  rivers.  The  Suhona, 
on  leaving  Lake  Kubensky,  formed  a  loop  on  the  south-east,  the  ends 
of  which  were  almost  united.  Across  the  narrow  isthmus,  separating 
the  two  ends  of  this  bend.  Count  Gleb  Belosersky  cut  a  canal  in  1339, 
in  order  to  shorten  the  navigation.  By  this  means,  and  by  more 
recent  works,  uninterrupted  communication  was  opened  between  the 
White  Sea,  the  Baltic,  and  the  Caspian.  This  canal  system,  how- 
ever, by  checking  the  outflow  from  Lake  Kubensky,  tended  to  impair 
the  navigability  of  the  Suhona.  Hence  we  find  our  author  observing 
on  its  shallowness  and  stony  bottom.  The  channel  is,  in  fact,  much 
obstructed  below  the  town  of  Totma  by  ridges  of  hard  clay  and 
limestone. — Semeonof ,  art.  "  Suhona," 

2  "  Dosneckes",  for  doschanniJci  (derived  from  doska,  board  or  plank), 
were  flat-bottomed  river  craft  with  mast  and  deck. 

'  "  Nassades",  from  the  Russian  word  nasadit,  to  fix  or  place  upon, 
were  vessels  with  gunwales  used  in  river  navigation.  The  word  is  now 
obsolete,  though  preserved  in  popular  songs  and  traditions.  Jenkin- 
son's  description  of  the  mode  of  propelling  these  unwieldy  craft 
might  apply  to  that  still  practised  on  the  Upper  Volga,  or  at  all  events 
in  use  twenty  years  ago — the  clumsy  mast  and  sail,  only  set  with  the 
wind  right  behind  ;  the  numerous  crew  harnessed  to  the  tow-rope  ; 
the  long  poles — are  all  characteristic  of  river  navigation  in  Russia  about 
the  time  steam  power  was  beginning  to  be  introduced. — Dahl's  Diet. 


26  VOLOGHDA. 

with  long  poles.  There  are  many  of  these  Barks  vpon  the 
riuer  of  Dwina :  And  the  most  part  of  them  belongeth  vnto 
the  citie  of  Vologhda :  for  there  dwell  many  marchants,  and 
they  occupie  the  said  boates  with  carying  of  salt  from  the 
sea  side  into  the  sayde  Vologhda.  The  twentieth  of  Sep- 
tember I  came  vnto  Vologhda}  which  is  a  great  citie,  and  the 

^  Jenkinson  was,  therefore,  twenty-six  days  in  going  from  Kholmo- 
gori  to  Vologhda.  Randolph  made  the  same  journey  in  thirty  days. 
He  was  towed  up  stream,  this  being  the  only  mode  of  progress. 
Vologhda  is  one  of  the  oldest  of  Russian  towns,  having  been  founded 
in  the  thirteenth  century  by  the  Novgorodians  ;  though,  according  to 
another  account,  St.  Gerasim,  who  went  thither  from  Kief,  found  it  in 
existence  in  1147.  In  its  earliest  days  Vologhda  was  a  dependency  of 
Novgorod  ;  it  is  mentioned  in  a  gramota,  or  letter  addressed  by  the 
Novgorodians  to  Prince  Yaroslaf  in  1264  ;  and  it  was  plundered  in 
1273  by  Sviatoslaf,  Prince  of  Tver,  in  league  with  the  Tartars,  when 
its  inhabitants  were  carried  away  into  captivity  ;  but  in  the  four- 
teenth century  Vologhda  had  again  become  flourishing  and  populous. 
From  that  time  it  changed  its  allegiance,  repeatedly  now  paying 
tribute  to  the  princes  of  Novgorod,  now  to  those  of  Mosco,  and  it  was 
finally  united  with  the  principality  of  Mosco  by  Vassili-Vassilievitch 
the  Blind.  Vassili,  whose  dukedom  had  been  usurped  by  his  cousin 
Shemiaka,  lived  at  Vologhda  from  October  1446  to  February  1447, 
when,  finding  its  inhabitants  ready  to  espouse  his  cause,  he  with  their 
assistance  retook  Mosco.  Ivan  III  visited  Vologhda  in  1463  ;  and 
Ivan  IV,  with  whose  reign  we  are  chiefly  concerned,  intended  making 
it  his  principal  residence,  visiting  it  repeatedly,  and  on  the  last  occa- 
sion remaining  over  two  years  superintending  the  fortifications  he  had 
built  round  the  castle.  These  are  referred  to  by  Thomas  Randolph, 
Queen  Elizabeth's  ambassador.  It  was  to  Volgohda  that  Ivan  fled 
when  Mosco  was  burnt  by  the  Krim  Tartars;  and  here  took  place  that 
interview  between  the  enraged  Czar  and  Devlet  Ghirei's  ambassadors, 
of  which  Horsey  left  a  curious  account.  Joseph  Nepea,  the  first  Russian 
envoy  to  England  in  1556  (see  ante,  p.  11),  was  a  native  of  Vologhda, 
and  Horsey  resided  here  some  weeks  on  his  way  home.  Upon  the  opening 
of  trade  with  England,  Vologhda  became  a  depot  for  English  merchan- 
dise conveyed  hither  up  the  Dwina,  Suhona,  and  Vologhda  rivers. 
Land  was  given  to  the  English  merchants  to  build  a  house  and  stores, 
and  for  many  years  one  of  their  factors  continually  resided  here. 
Vologhda  has  lost  the  commanding  place  it  held  among  Russian  towns, 
much  of  the  White  Sea  trade  now  passing  to  the  Baltic. — HakL,  1589, 
p.  400;  Semeonof,  art.  "Vologhda";  Russia,  by  Dr.  Giles  Fletcher, 
Hakl.  Soc,  1856,  pp.  166-68. 


RUSSIAN    LOO-HOUSES.  27 

riiier  passeth  through  the  middest  of  tlie  same.  Tlie  houses 
are  builded  with  wood  of  Fine  trees,  ioyned  one  with 
another,  and  round  without:  the  houses  are  foure  square 
without  any  yron  or  stone  worke,  couered  with  birch  Barkes 
and  wood  ouer  the  same  :  their  Churches  are  all  of  wood, 
two  for  euery  parish,  one  to  be  heated  for  Winter  and  the 
other  for  Sommer.^ 

On  the  toppes  of  their  houses  they  laye  much  earth, 
for  feare  of  burning :  for  they  are  sore  plagued  with  fire. 
This  Vologhda  is  in  59.  degrees,  11.  minutes,^  and  is  from 
Colmogro  1000.  verstes. 

All  the  way  I  neuer  came  in  house,  but  lodged  in  the  wil- 
dernesse,  by  the  riuers  side,  and  carried  prouision  for  the 
way.    And  he  that  will  trauell  those  waies,  must  carrye  with  ^6?°^^°^*^* 
him  an  hatchet,  a  tinder  boxe,  and  a  kettle,  to  make  fire  and  *^*"®^'®™- 

1  Log-houses  are  constructed  very  much  in  the  same  way  at  the 
present  day  in  Russia,  and  they  are  far  more  comfortable  and  warmer 
than  those  built  of  brick.  The  following  is  the  modus  operandi  of  the 
Russian  builder.  Having  selected  his  logs,  he  planes  them  on  the  upper 
and  under  side,  in  order  that  they  may  lie  close  one  above  the  other; 
the  ends  are  then  dovetailed  together,  the  interstices  being  filled  in 
with  moss,  or  better  still,  with  tow,  because  it  does  not  harbour 
insects.  Openings  are  cut  for  doors  and  windows,  and  a  double  roof 
of  boards,  grooved  lo  carry  off  rain,  completes  the  structure.  All  this 
is  done  with  the  axe,  which,  in  the  hands  of  a  skilful  carpenter,  takes 
the  place  of  plane,  saw,  chisel,  and  hammer.  High  roofs  are  now 
invariably  in  use  ;  in  Jenkinson's  time  they  appear  to  have  been  flat 
and  covered  with  earth,  doubtless  as  a  preventive  against  fire,  and 
perhaps  also  for  warmth.  Brick  and  stone  are  now  largely  used  in 
building  in  Russia,  a  law  having  been  passed  many  years  ago  that 
when  a  wooden  house  had  been  burnt  down  in  a  town  it  could  only  be 
rebuilt  in  brick  or  stone.  Villages,  however,  are  entirely  made  of 
ivood,  and  the  cold  and  hot  churches  for  winter  and  summer  use 
are  to  this  day  general  in  most  of  the  northern  districts.  Birch  bark 
is  seldom  used  now  for  covering  wooden  houses,  a  sheathing  of  boards 
being  more  common  ;  but  the  rounded  log-houses,  uncovered  by  any 
external  coat,  are  the  most  familiar  sights  of  all. 

«  The  latitude  of  Vologhda  is  58°  If)'.  Jenkinson  places  it  nearly 
a  degree  too  far  north  ;  its  distance  from  Kholmogori  is  about  700 
miles. 


28  ROAD  TO  MOSCO.   YAROSLAF. 

seethe  meate,  when  he  hath  it :  for  there  is  small  succour  in 
those  parts,  vnlesse  it  be  in  townes.^ 

The  first  day  of  December,  I  departed  from  Vologhda  in 
poste  in  a  sled,  as  the  maner  is  in  Winter.^  And  the  way 
to  Moscua  is  as  followeth.  From  Vologhda  to  Coinmelski 
27.  verstes,^  so  to  Olmor  25.  verstes,^  so  to  Teloytske  20 
verstes,^  so  to  Vre  30.  verstes,^  so  to  Voshansko  30.  verstes,^ 
then   to  Yeraslaue  30.  verstes,^   which   standeth    vpon   the 

^  Post  travelling  in  Russia  has  made  considerable  progress  since  the 
time  of  Jenkinson.  On  all  the  chief  highways  there  are  good  post- 
houses,  and  if  provisions  are  not  plentiful,  there  is  the  never-failing 
samovar  to  fall  back  upon,  with  the  warming  cup  of  tea,  luxuries  un- 
known in  our  traveller's  time.  But  in  the  more  remote  parts  of  the 
country  it  is  still  necessary  to  take  provisions  for  the  road,  and  in 
view  of  a  possible  breakdown,  an  axe  or  hatchet  and  a  rope  are 
indispensable. 

2  The  Russian  ambassador,  Nepea,  Dr.  Standish,  Mr.  Grey,  and 
other  Englishmen  preceded  Jenkinson  to  Mosco.  Starting  from 
Kholmogori  the  29th  July,  they  reached  Vologhda  the  27th  August, 
and  Mosco  the  12th  September.  Their  mode  of  conveyance  from 
Vologhda  to  Mosco  with  their  merchandise  was  in  "  telegos",  or  open 
carts ;  hence  they  were  fourteen  days  on  the  road,  while  Jenkinson, 
who  waited  in  Vologhda  till  winter,  travelled  in  a  post- sledge,  and 
was  only  six  days  in  reaching  the  capital. — Hakl.,  1589,  p.  338. 

3  Commelski,  "  Nicola  Comoloscoi"  of  Isaac  Massa's  Novissima  Russia: 
Tabula,  1640 ;  probably  Nikolskoi,  near  the  river  Komela.  See 
French  map  of  Russia,  1 :500,000.— C. 

*  Olmor,  evidently  a  misprint  for  Obnor,  or  rather  St.  Obnorski  jam, 
an  old  post-station ;  Obnorski-Pavlof  monastery  lies  three  miles  E.  of 
the  highroad. — C. 

^  Teloytske,  probably  Teliatschia,  or  Boda  Teliatschia  of  French 
map. — C. 

5  Ure,  probably  Dei;  short  for  Derevnia,  village. 

'  Voshansko,  probably  Vochenskoi  of  French  map. — C. 

«  Yeraslaue  (Yaroslaf),  founded  by  Yaroslaf  the  Great  in  the 
eleventh  century,  has  always  been  a  great  entrepot  for  trade.  In  early 
days,  merchandise  destined  for  Persia  was  landed  here,  and  vessels 
were  built  at  ^^UstwicU  Zelezma'',  a.hont  100  miles  distant,  to  convey  it 
down  the  Volga.  An  old  writer  (Dr.  Giles  Fletcher)  says  of  it,  that 
its  situation  on  the  high  bank  of  the  famous  Volga  was  very  fair  and 
stately  to  behold.  He  adds :  "  In  this  Towne  .  .  .  dwelt  the  Russe 
King   Vladimir,  surnamed  laruslave,  that  married  the   daughter   of 


ROSTOF.      PEREYASLAF.  29 

great  riuer  Volga,  so  to  Rostoue,  50.  verstes/  then  to  Rogarin 
30.  verstes,2  so  to  Peraslaue  10.  verstes,  which  is  a  great 
towne,  standing   hard  by  a  faire   lake.^     From   thence  to 

Ilarald,  King  of  England.'^  Yaroslaf  was  a  favourite  resort  of  foreign 
merchants,  its  flax  trade  and  manufacturing  industry  giving  it  a 
leading  place  among  Russian  towns.  Besides  these  advantages, 
Yaroslaf  of  our  day  may  boast  of  its  fine  quay  along  the  Volga,  and  of 
its  many  public  buildings  and  institutions  for  learning. — History  of 
Trauayle  ...  a  collection  by  R.  Eden,  edited  by  R.  Willis,  1577,  p.  321; 
Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  pt.  iii,  p.  419. 

^  Rostoue  (Rostof ),  36  miles  S.S.W.  of  Yaroshf,  on  N.  shore  of  Lake 
Nero,  has  a  large  archbishop's  palace,  several  monasteries,  and  33 
churches.  Rostof  is  mentioned  by  Nestor  as  having  been  included  by 
Rurik  in  the  partition  on  the  death  of  his  brothers  (862).  It  paid  tribute 
to  Kief  till  the  death  of  St.  Vladimir.  It  then  lent  its  name  to  a  large 
principality,  comprising  Yaroslaf  and  parts  of  the  Governments  of 
Vladimir  (Suzdal),  Novgorod  (Bielozero),  and  Vologhda.  In  this  way 
Rostof  was  under  independent  princes  to  the  beginning  of  the  thir- 
teenth century.  During  this  time  it  was  made  an  episcopal  see  (trans- 
ferred in  1786  to  Yaroslaf),  its  early  prelates  distinguishing  themselves 
by  their  zeal  in  converting  to  Christianity  the  heathen  tribes.  Rostof 
has  suffered  many  times  from  fire  and  sword,  yet  it  is  considered 
one  of  the  best  district  towns  of  Russia. 

2  Rogarin  (Rogasino)  occurs  on  Stieler's  Hand  Atlas  (51),  one  stage 
north  of  Pereyaslaf,  its  right  position  according  to  the  text. 

3  Peraslaue  (Pereyaslaf),  called  Zalessky  {za,  beyond  ;  Zess,"  forest), 
from  the  dense  forests  surrounding  it,  stands  on  both  banks  of  the  Tru- 
bej,  near  Lake  Plescheiwo,  or  Pereyaslaf,  famed  for  its  herring  fishery. 
"  Ce  lac",  says  Vsevolojsky,  "  est  encore  remarquable  en  ce  que  Pierre  ler 
y  jeta  les  fondements  de  la  marine  Russe  en  y  faisant  construire  en 
1691  pour  son  instruction  une  frigate  et  quelques  autres  batiments, 

sur  lesquels  il  s'exer9oit  aux  manoeuvres la  frigate  n'existe  plus, 

mais  les  bateaux  y  sont  encore  soigneusement  conserves."  (See  also 
Schuyler's  Peter  the  Great,  vol.  i,  p.  271.)  Pereyaslaf  played  a  not 
unimportant  part  in  history.  In  1237,  and  again  in  1252,  it  was 
sacked  by  Tartars ;  in  1372,  Lithuanians,  led  by  Michail  of  Tver, 
besieged  it,  but  were  driven  away  with  heavy  losses.  In  1409  and 
1415,  Yedigher  and  his  Tartars  laid  it  waste.  In  1240,  Alexander 
Nefsky,  having  quarrelled  with  the  Novgorodians,  retired  to  Pere- 
yaslaf, and  his  son  Dmitry  afterwards  lived  there.  In  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  centuries  Pereyaslaf  became  an  appanage  of  Mosco, 
and  its  inhabitants  were  obliged  to  supply  the  court  with  fish. — 
Semeonof ,  art.  "  Pereyaslaf". 


December. 


30  POSTING.      RECEPTION   BY   THE   EMPEROR. 

Dowhnay  30.  verstes,^  so  to  Godoroke  30.  versteSj^so  to  Owchay^ 
30.  verstes,'^  and  last  to  the  Musco  25.  verstes,  where  I  ar- 
riued  the  sixt  day  of  December. 

There  are  14.  postes  called  Fannes^  betweene  Vologhda  and 
Musco,  which  are  accompted  500.  verstes  asunder. 

The  10.  day  of  December,  I  was  sent  for  to  the  Emperors 
Castle  by  the  sayd  Emperour,  and  deliuered  my  letters  vnto 
the  Secretarie,^  who  talked  with  me  of  diuers  matters,  by  the 
commandement  of  the  Emperour.  And  after  that  my  letters 
were  translated,  I  was  answered  that  I  was  welcome,  and 
that  the  Emperour  would  giue  me  that  I  desired. 

^  Dubna  (Dowbnay)  is  marked  "  Doobna"  on  the  French  map 
1:424000;  a  river  of  the  same  name  divides  the  Governments  of 
Vladimir  and  Mosco. 

2  Godoroke  (Gorodok)  also  finds  place  on  the  French  map,  and, 
doubtless,  marks  the  site  of  an  old  fort. 

3  Owchay^  evidently  the  Outscha  River  (near  Pushkino)  of  French 
map,  exactly  25  versts  from  Mosco. — C. 

*  The  Tartar  word  Yam  ("  Yanne"  of  the  text)  has  been  entirely 
superseded  by  the  Western  European  potcht  (poshta,  post),  though  pre- 
served in  yamstchik,  or  postal  driver.  The  Russian  posting  system 
was  entirely  modelled  after  that  of  the  Tartars,  though  the  words 
have  been  modernised,  or,  if  we  may  so  term  it,  Earopeanised.  An 
account  of  the  Yams^  as  prevailing  in  China  in  the  Middle  Ages,  will 
be  found  in  Colonel  Yule's  Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  from  the 
narratives  of  Friar  Odoric  and  Shah  Rukh's  ambassadors.  A  com- 
parison of  these  with  experiences  of  Russian  posting  shows  how 
close  a  resemblance  there  is ;  even  the  mode  of  carrying  express 
despatches  by  estafette  completely  answers  to  the  kidifu  of  the 
Tartars,  except  that  instead  of  foot-runners,  fleet  horses  are  kept  at 
every  station,  whose  riders,  when  carrying  important  despatches,  never 
draw  the  rein  from  one  end  to  the  other  of  the  stage,  averaging  about 

.  twelve  to  fifteen  miles.  Railways  and  telegraphs  are,  of  course,  revo- 
lutionising communications,  but  the  old  style  of  travel  is  being  intro- 
duced into  Central  Asia,  where  the  locomotive  has  not  yet  had  time 
to  penetrate.  The  etymology  of  the  word  "  yam"  is  from  the  Chinese 
pi-nuij  i.e.,  horse-post. — Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  ccii,  137-39. 

*  Jenkinson  does  not  say  who  this  secretary  was,  but  Killingworth 
informs  us  that  his  name  was  Evan  Mecallawicke  Weskawate  (Ivan 
Michailovitch  Viscovatof),  who  was  very  friendly  to  the  English. — 
if«R,  p.301. 


KKCEPTKJN    BY   THK    EMPKHOR.  31 

The  25.  day,  being  the  day  of  the  natiuitie,  I  came  into 
the  Emperours  presence,  and  kissed  his  hand,  who  sate  aloft 
iu  a  goodly  chaire  of  estate,  hauing  on  his  heade  a  crowne 
most  richly  decked,  and  a  stafite  of  golde  in  his  hand,  all 
apparelled  with  golde,  and  garnished  with  precious  stones. 

There  sate  distant  from  him  about  two  yardes  his  brother,^ 
and  next  vnto  him  a  boye  of  twelue  yeeres  of  age,  who  was 
inheritor  to  y®  Emperor  of  Casan?  conquered  by  this  Emperor 
8.  yeeres  past.  Then  sate  his  nobilitie  round  about  him, 
richly  apparelled  with  golde  and  stone.  And  after  I  had 
done  obeisance  to  the  Emperour,  he  with  his  owne  mouth 
calling  me  by  my  name,  bade  me  to  dinner,  and  so  I  departed 
to  my  lodging  till  dinner  time,  which  was  at  sixe  of  the 
clocke,  by  candle  light. 

The  Emperour  dined  in  a  faire  great  Hall,^  in  the  middest 
whereof  was  a  pillar  foure  square,  very  artificially  made, 

*  This  probably  was  Yuri,  younger  brother  of  Ivan,  in  whose  charge 
he  left  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom  when  he  was  absent. 

2  The  Tartar  boy  prince  was  Utamit,  or  Utamish  Glurei,  son  of 
Safa  Ghirei  and  the  beautiful  Nogai  princess,  Siyunbeka.  Utamit  was 
taken  with  his  mother  at  Kazan  in  1551,  and  brought  toMosco,  where 
he  was  baptised  in  1552,  under  the  name  of  Dmitri.  He  had  been 
placed  on  the  throne  of  Kazan  when  only  two  years  of  age,  on  the 
death  of  his  father  in  1549.  This  would  make  him  ten  years  of  age, 
not  twelve,  as  in  the  text.  Howorth  states,  on  what  authority  I  know 
not,  that  this  young  prince  died  at  Mosco  on  the  ]  1th  June  1556.  If 
this  be  correct,  the  young  prince  seen  by  our  traveller  in  December 
that  year  could  not  have  been  Utamish. — Karamsin,  viii,  99,  102,  212, 
221,  226  ;   Howorth's  Hist,  of  the  Mongols,  pt.  ii,div.  i,  p.  409. 

3  This  hall  was  the  celebrated  Granovitaya  palata,  where  ambassa- 
dors and  foreigners  of  distinction  were  received  in  audience,  and  enter- 
tained at  great  feasts.  The  old  building,  erected  in  the  fifteenth 
century  by  Ivan  III,  and  designed  by  two  Italian  architects,  Marco 
Ruffo  and  Petro  Antonio,  suffered  several  times  from  fires.  In 
1686  it  was  rebuilt  by  Prince  Galitsin,  and  after  the  great  fire  of 
1737  was  restored  by  the  Empress  Elizabeth.  This  hall  was  also  the 
place  of  assemblage  for  the  sobbri,  or  gatherings  of  notables,  to  discuss 
affairs  of  state  and  religion. — Semeonof,  art.  "Mosco";  Karamsin, 
vol.  viii,  passim. 


32  BANQUET   AT  THE   PALACE. 

about  which  were  diuers  tables  set,  and  at  the  vppermost 
part  of  the  Hall  sate  the  Emperour  himselfe,  &  at  his  table 
sate  his  brother,  his  Vncles  sonne,  the  Metropolitaine,  the 
young  Emperour  of  Casan,  and  diuers  of  his  noble  men,  all  of 
one  side.  There  were  diuers  Ambassadors  &  other  strangers, 
as  wel  Christians  as  Heathens,  diuersly  apparelled,  to  the 
number  of  600.  men,  which  dined  in  the  said  hall,  besides 
2000.  Tartars,  men  of  war,  which  were  newly  come  to  render 
themselues  to  the  Emperour,  &  were  appointed  to  serue  him 
in  his  warres  against  the  Lyfflanders,  but  they  dined  in  other 
hals.  I  was  set  at  a  litle  table,  hauing  no  stranger  with  me, 
directly  before  the  Emperors  face.  Being  thus  set  and  placed, 
the  Emperour  sent  me  diuers  bowles  of  wine  and  meade  & 
many  dishes  of  meat  from  his  own  hand,  which  were  brought 
me  by  a  Duke,  and  my  table  serued  all  in  golde  and  siluer, 
and  so  likewise  on  other  tables  there  were  set  boles  of  gold, 
set  with  stone,  worth  by  estimation  400.  pounds  sterling  one 
cup,  besides  the  plate  which  serued  the  tables. 

There  was  also  a  Cupboord  of  plate,  most  sumptuous  and 
rich,  which  was  not  vsed,  among  the  which  was  a  peece  of 
golde  of  two  yardes  long,  wrought  in  the  toppe  with  Towers 
and  Dragons  lieades  ;  also  diuers  barrels  of  golde  and  siluer,^ 
with  Castles  on  the  bungs,  richly  and  artificially  made.  The 
Emperour  and  all  the  Hall  throughout  was  serued  with 
Dukes,  and  when  dinner  was  ended,  the  Emperour  called 
niee  by  name,  &  gaue  mee  drinke  with  his  own  hande,  &  so  I 
departed  to  my  lodging. 

1  This  display  of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  which  made  so  great  an 
impression  on  our  traveller,  showed  the  extent  of  Russia's  commerce 
in  those  days.  Through  the  Tartars  she  had  dealings  with  the 
Levant,  and  much  of  the  wealth  of  the  Indies  found  its  way  to  the 
court  of  Mosco.  But  little  of  this  sumptuous  plate  came  from  the 
lately  sacked  Kazan,  for,  on  the  capture  of  this  fortress  in  1551,  Ivan 
abandoned  the  booty  to  his  army,  reserving  to  himself  only  the  crown 
and  sceptre  of  the  Czars,  and  the  national  standard  and  cannons,  saying 
the  only  riches  he  cared  for  were  '■''peace  with  honour''''  for  Russia. — 
Karamsin,  viii,  192. 


BLESSING   THE   WATERS.  33 

Note,  that  when  the  Eniperour  drinketh,  all  the  conipaiiie 
staude  vp,  and  at  euery  time  he  drinketh  or  tasteth  of  a  dish 
of  meate  he  blesseth  himselfe.  Many  other  things  I  saw 
that  day,  not  here  noted. 

The  4.  of  lanuarie,  which  was  Twelftide  with  them,  the 

Eniperour,  with  his  brother  and  all  his  nobles,  all  most  richly 

apparelled  with  gold,  pearles,  pretious  stones,  and  costly  furres, 

with  a  crowne  vpon  his  head,  of  the  Tartarian  fashion,  went 

to  the  Church  in  procession,  with  the  Metropolitan,  and  diners 

bishops  and  priests.     That  day  I  was  before  the  Emperour 

again  in  Busse  apparel,  and  the  Emperour  asked  if  that  were 

not  I,  and  his  Chancelor  answered  yea.     Then  he  bad  me  to 

dinner :  then  came  he  out  of  the  Church,  and  went  with  the 

procession  vpon  the  riuer,  being  all  frozen,  and  there  standing 

bare  headed,  with  all  his  Nobles,  there  was  a  hole  made  in 

the  ice,  and  the  Metropolitan  hallowed  the  water  with  great 

solemnitie,  and  seruice,  and  did  cast  of  the  said  water  vpon 

the  Emperours  sonne  and  the  Nobilitie.  That  done,  the  people 

with  great  thronging  filled  pots  of  the  said  water,  to  carry 

home  to  their  houses,  and  diners  children  were  throwen  in, 

and  sicke  people,  and  plucked  out  quickly  againe,  and  diuers 

Tartars  christened  :  all  which  the  Emperour  beheld.     Also 

there  were  brought  the  Emperours  best  horses,  to  drinke  at 

the  said  hallowed  water.*     All  this  being  ended,  he  returned 

1  This  ceremony,  since  transferred  to  St.  Petersburg,  is  perpetuated 
on  the  banks  of  the  Neva,  on  the  6th,  not  the  4th,  of  January. 
A  scaffolding  is  erected  opposite  the  Winter  Palace,  and  a 
wooden  temple  built  on  the  ice.  The  Emperor,  attended  by  the 
Metropohtan,  clergy,  and  high  officers  of  State,  then  proceeds 
to  a  raised  dais  prepared  for  him,  and  stands  with  head  uncovered, 
while  the  priests  chaunt  a  service  standing  round  an  open  hole 
cut  in  the  ice,  and  taking  the  blessed  water,  sprinkle  it  over  those 
present,  and  afterwards  among  the  people.  These  eagerly  press 
forward  to  receive  some  of  the  hallowed  drops,  believing  in  their 
extraordinary  virtue.  Immersion  of  children  and  full-grown  persons 
is  now  rare,  though  an  occasional  fanatic  jumps  itito  the  icy  water, 
and  is  immediately  pulled  out :  and  the  custom  of  bringing  the 
Emperor's  best  horses  to  drink  is  quite  obsolete. 


34  Mosco. 

to  his  pallace  againe,  and  went  to  dinner  by  candle  light,  and 
sate  in  a  woodden  house,  very  fairely  gilt.  There  dined  in 
the  place,  aboue  300.  strangers,  and  I  sate  alone,  as  I  did 
before,  directly  before  the  Emperour,  and  had  my  meat,  bread, 
and  drinke  sent  me  from  the  Emperour. 

The  citie  of  Mitsko^  is  great,  the  houses  for  the  most  part 

1  Jenkinson's  description  of  Mosco  is  somewhat  meagre,  but  he  was 
there   only  a  short  time,  and  was  intent  on  prosecuting  his  journey 
further  eastwards.      Herberstein,  who  was  at   Mosco  in    1517  and 
1526,  on  embassies  relating  to  Polish  affairs,  and  who  resided  there 
several  months,  has  left  full  particulars  of  this  city.     At  that  time 
Mosco  had  a  great  many  churches,  45,500  houses  and  cottages,  and 
100,000  inhabitants  ;  a  handsome  gostinny  dvor,  or  bazaar,  surrounded 
by  a  stone  wall,  stood  in  the  Great,  or  New  Suburb,  "i.e.,  outside 
the  Kremlin.   This,  in  1534,  was  surrounded  by  a  moat,  and  afterwards 
by  a  wall  with  towers,  abutting  on  the  Kremlin  on  the  east  side,  and 
forming  the  enclosure  now  so  well  known  as  the  Kitai  gorod  (i.e.,  central 
town),  a  name  it  received  afterwards  because  of  its  central  position 
between  the  Zemlianoi  gm^od  (earthen  town,  i.e.,  surrounded  by  an 
earthen  rampart)  and  the  Kremlin.    Towards  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  Mosco,  with  its  suburbs,  had  a  circumference   of  twenty 
versts,  or  about  twelve  miles  ;  the  princes  and  wealthy  boyards  lived 
inside  the  Kremlin.    The  Kitai  goi^od  was  the  great  place  of  trade  and 
barter  ;  here,  too,  lived  wealtny  boyards  and  guests.     The  Biely  gorod 
(white  town)  was  the  resort  of    boyards,  merchants,  and  burghers, 
whilst  in  the  Zemlianoi  gorod  lived  the  black,  or  common  people.    The 
oldest  historical  buildings  of  Mosco  are  the  walls  of  the  Kremlin, 
with  those  of  the  adjoining  Kitai  goi'od,  some  of  the  towers,  and  the 
Lobnoye  niesto  opposite  the  Spassky  gate,  mentioned  in  the  documents 
of  the  sixteenth  century  as  the  place  where  the  people  assembled  to 
hear  laws  promulgated  and  the  affairs  of  State  and  Church  decided. 
In  the  Kremlin  itself  are  the  Teremny  dvoi'etz,  the  private  palace  of 
the  Tsars,  dating  from  1487,  restored  in  1836,  according  to  the  ancient 
design,  and  the  Cathedral  of  the  Assumption,  built  by  the  Venetian 
Fioraventi,  under  Ivan  the  Third's  orders,  the  walls  of  which  have 
survived  so  many  fires  and  disasters,  and  are  still  standing.     These 
buildings  must  have  been  actually  seen  by  Jenkinson.     Of  others, 
such  as  the  Granovitaya  palata,  the  grand  banqueting  and  audience 
hall,  modem  changes  have  left  but  little  resemblance  to  what  they 
were  then.     But  the  general  appearance  of  the  city,  with  its  irregular 
streets,   its  numerous  churches  and  monasteries,  its  great  market- 
places and  bazaars,  has  remained  the  same. — Semeonof,  art.  "Mosco"; 
Herberstein,  Hakl.  Soc.,  ii,  1-7. 


THE    KKEMLIN.      LIVLANDEKS.  35 

of  wood,  and  some  of  stone,  with  windowes  of  yron,  which 
serue  for  summer  time.  There  are  many  faire  Churches  of 
stone,  but  more  of  wood,  which  are  made  hot  in  the  winter 
time.  The  Emperours  lodging  is  in  a  faire,  and  large  castle, 
walled  foure  square  of  bricke,  high,  and  thicke,  situated  vpon 
a  liil,  two  miles  about,  and  the  riuer  on  the  Southwest  side 
of  it,  and  it  hath  16.  gates  in  the  wals,  and  as  many  bulwarks. 
His  pallace  is  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  Castle,  by  a  long 
wall  going  north  and  south,  to  the  riuer  side.  In  his  pallace 
are  Churches,  some  of  stone,  and  some  of  wood,  with  round 
towers,  fairely  gilded.  In  the  Church  doores  and  within  the 
Churches,  are  images  of  golde:  the  chiefe  markets  for  all 
things,  are  within  the  saide  Castle,  and  for  sundry  thinges, 
sundry  markets,  and  euery  science  by  itselfe.  Also  in  the 
winter  there  is  a  great  market  without  the  Castle,  vpon  the 
riuer  being  frozen,  and  there  is  sold  come,  earthen  pots,  tubs, 
sleds,  &c.     The  Castle  is  in  circuite  2900.  pases. 

The  cuntrie  is  full  of  marish  ground,  and  plaine,  in 
woods  and  riuers  abundant,  but  it  bringeth  foorth  good 
plentie  of  corne.  This  Emperour  is  of  great  power:  for 
he  hath  conquered  much,  as  well  of  the  Lyfflanders}  Poles, 

*  Lyflanders  (Livonians),  German  inhabitants  of  Livland,  one  of 
the  Baltic  provinces  of  Russia-  At  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  Livland  was  under  the  Teutonic  Knights,  whose  power  soon 
afterwards  declined.  They  showed  jealousy  at  the  progress  of  Russia, 
and  thwarted  her  plans  by  preventing  artisans  and  handicraftsmen 
engaged  in  Germany  from  entering  Russia  and  instructing  its  people. 
They  also  placed  an  embargo  on  the  import  of  arms  and  metals  into 
this  country,  attributing  to  Ivan  ambitious  designs  of  conquest,  which 
were  not  altogether  foreign  to  his  policy.  Accordingly,  when,  in 
1554,  ambassadors  from  Livonia  sued  for  a  renewal  of  the  peace 
which  had  lasted  fifty  years,  Ivan  exacted  conditions ;  and  these  not 
having  been  fulfilled,  he  assumed  the  title  of  "  King  of  Livonia",  and 
sent  his  army  to  invade  this  country  in  the  autumn  of  1557.  After 
laying  it  waste  and  burning  several  towns,  his  troops  returned  in 
February  1558  to  Ivangorod  on  the  Narova.  Narva  itself  was  taken 
in  the  spring  of  the  same  year.  This,  followed  by  the  capitulation  of 
Dorpat  and  other  successes,  made  Ivan  master  of  Livonia,  broke  the 


:]G  LETTS.      SWEDES.      SAMOYEDES. 

Zettos,^  and  Swethens,^  as  also  of  the  Tartars  and  Gentiles, 
called  Samoydes^  hauing  thereby  much  inlarged  his  do- 
power  of  the  Teutonic  Knights,  and  opened  the  Baltic  to  Russian 
commerce. — Karamsin,  viii,  p.  292,  seq. 

1  Lettos  (Letts),  a  people  of  Slavonian  origin,  inhabiting  Lithuania 
and  parts  of  Livland.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  Lithuania  formed 
part  of  Poland.  Augustus,  King  of  Poland  and  Grand  Duke  of 
Lithuania,  espoused  the  cause  of  Livonia,  and  encouraged  the 
Teutonic  Knights  to  resist  Russia.  He  wrote  a  haughty  letter  to 
Ivan,  demanding  the  evacuation  of  the  Baltic  provinces  by  his  troops. 
This  demand  was  as  haughtily  declined  by  the  Tsar,  who  prepared  for 
war  with  Poland,  which  he  saw  had  become  inevitable.  The  lan- 
guage of  the  Letts  is  said  to  be  nearer  Sanskrit  than  any  other  of  the 
Aryan  group. — Karamsin,  viii,  p.  358. 

2  Sioethem  (Swedes).  Gustavus  Vasa  looked  with  anxiety  at  the 
increasing  power  of  Russia,  and  formed  a  league  with  Poland,  Livonia, 
Prussia,  and  Denmark  to  oppose  their  common  enemy,  endeavouring, 
though  unsuccessfully,  to  enlist  Queen  Mary  of  England  in  the  cause, 
and  induce  her  to  prohibit  the  English  from  trading  with  Russia. 
Hostilities  having  commenced,  Gustavus  thought  to  gain  an  easy 
victory.  But  his  troops,  having  failed  to  take  a  Russian  fortress,  were 
obliged  to  act  on  the  defensive,  and  being  worsted  in  several  en- 
counters, Gustavus  made  peace,  and  sent  an  embassy,  composed  of  his 
principal  officers  of  State,  to  Mosco,  in  February  1557,.  to  arrange 
terms  with  the  Tsar. — Karamsin^  viii,  p.  274,  seq. 

3  Samoydes  (Samoyedes),  a  people  of  Altaic  race,  inhabiting 
Northern  Russia  in  Europe  and  the  shore  of  the  Arctic  Sea  as  far 
east  as  the  Gulf  of  Taimur.  They  are  allied  with  Yakiites  and  other 
people  of  Finnish  race,  and,  like  these,  are  becoming  extinct,  some  of 
their  tribes  having  lost  their  distinctive  characteristics.  Of  their  early 
history  but  little  is  known ;  some  believe  them  to  have  originally 
come  from  High  Asia,  and  to  have  been  driven  towards  the  north- 
west of  the  continent  by  the  Huns.  This  was  the  opinion  of  Cas- 
tren,  who  devoted  himself  to  this  branch  of  ethnographical  research. 
Though  they  came  into  contact  with  the  Russians  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  they  have  remained  to  this  day  singularly  free  from  Russian 
influences  and  Christianity.  They  are,  strictly  speaking,  nomads  wan- 
dering from  place  to  place  with  their  reindeer,  living  in  tents  made  of 
the  skins  of  this  animal,  and  pursuing  their  occupations  of  hunters 
and  fishermen.  They  are  of  medium  height,  strongly  built,  muscular, 
and  active,  with  flat,  wide  faces,  large  heads,  straight  black  hair,  and 
small  obliquely-set  eyes.  They  worship  idols,  but  acknowledge  one 
supreme  being,  "  Sam  Num",  to  whom  their  Shamans,  or  priests,  pray. 


THE    METROrOLITAN.  :\  I 

minions.  He  keepeth  his  people  in  great  subiection  :  all 
matters  passe  his  iudgement,  be  they  neuer  so  small.  The 
lawe  is  sharpe  for  all  offenders. 

The  Metropolitan^  dealeth  in  matters  of  religion,  as  hini- 
selfe  listeth,  whome  the  Emperour  greatly  honoreth.  They 
vse  the  ceremonies  and  orders  of  the  Greeke  Church.  They 
worship  many  images,  painted  on  tables,  and  specially  the 
image  of  S.  Nicholas.  Their  Priests  be  married,  but  their 
wiues  being  dead,  they  may  not  marrie  tlie  second  time,  and 
so  become  Monkes,  whereof  there  are  a  great  number  in  the 
land. 

They  haue  foure  Lents  in  the  yeere,  and  the  weeke  before 
Shroftide  they  call  the  Butter  weeke,  &c. 

They  haue  many  sortes  of  meates  and  drinkes  when  they 
banket,  and  delight  in  eating  of  grosse  meates  and  stinking 
fishe.  Before  they  drinke,  they  vse  to  blowe  in  the  cup : 
their  greatest  friendship  is  in  drinking :  they  are  great 
talkers,  &  liers,  without  any  faith  or  trust  in  their  words, 
flatterers,  and  dissemblers.  The  women  be  there  very  obedient 
to  their  husbands,  and  are  kept  straightly  from  going  abroad, 
but  at  some  seasons.^ 

(Semeonof,  art.  "  Samoyede".)  Steven  Burrough  gives  a  description 
of  them  and  their  idol  worship  in  the  journal  of  his  voyage  to  the 
River  Ohi.—IIaU.,  1589,  p.  318. 

1  Archbishop  Macarius,  renowned  for  his  intelligence  and  active 
piety,  was  made  Metropolitan  in  1542  through  the  influence  of  the 
Shuisky  party,  during  the  minority  of  Ivan.  In  those  days  the  Metro- 
politan exercised  his  high  functions.  He  alone  had  free  access  to  the 
sovereign,  advised  with  him  on  affairs  of  State,  and  opposed  his  influ 
ence  to  that  of  powerful  nobles.  {Karamsiii,  viii,  p.  37.)  Metro- 
politans of  the  present  day  do  not  venture  to  interfere  in  State  affairs  ; 
in  all  other  respects  the  Greek  Church  in  Russia  is  but  little  altered. 

2  Russian  domestic  life  in  the  sixteenth  century  was  greatly 
influenced  by  the  Mongol  dominion,  which  lasted  upwards  of  two 
centuries.  In  nothing  was  this  more  apparent  than  in  the  seclusion 
of  women  and  the  degraded  position  they  held  in  the  family.  "When 
she  went  out  of  doors  the  woman  covered  her  face  with  the  fata,  or 
thick  veil,  like  that  woi  n  liy  Persian  women  of  the  present  day.    Like 


38  RUSSIAN   MANNERS. 

At  my  being  there,  I  heard  of  men,  and  women,  that  drunke 
away  their  children,  and  all  their  goods,  at  the  Emperours 
taueme,  and  not  being  able  to  pay,  hauing  impauned  him- 
selfe,  the  Tauerner  bringeth  him  out  to  the  high  way,  and 
beates  him  vpon  the  legges :  then  they  that  passe  by,  know- 
ing the  cause,  and  hauing  peraduenture  compassion  vpon  him, 
giueth  the  monie,  and  so  he  is  ransomed. 

In  euery  good  towne,  there  is  a  drunken  Tauerne,  called 
a  Cursemay,  which  the  Emperour  sometime  letteth  out  to 
farme,  &  sometimes  bestoweth  for  a  yeere  or  two  on  some 
Duke  or  Gentleman,  in  recompence  of  his  seruice :  and  for 
that  time  he  is  Lord  of  all  the  Towne,  robbing  and  spoiling, 
and  doing  what  pleaseth  him:   and  then  he  being  growen 

these,  too,  she  painted  her  face  and  darkened  her  eyebrows,  so  that,  to 
use  the  quaint  language  of  the  period,  a  man  might  discern  the 
colours  hanging  on  the  woman's  face  "almost  a  flight  shoot  off",  and  they 
looked  "  as  though  they  were  beaten  about  the  face  with  a  bag  of 
meal",  while  their  eyebrows  were  as  black  as  jet.  Rambaud,  in  his 
history  of  Russia,  remarks  that  the  custom  of  secluding  women  in 
Russia  was  older  than  the  Tartar  invasion.  He  traces  it  to  the 
Asiatic  origin  of  the  Slavs,  and  Byzantine  influence,  drawing  a  parallel 
between  the  gynoecum  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  Byzantium,  knd  the  terem, 
or  verkh,  the  upper  or  women's  apartment  in  Mosco.  Without  pausing 
to  consider  a  subject  of  no  little  ethnological  interest,  we  may 
observe  that  modern  Russian  travellers  find  a  counterpart  of  old  Rus- 
sian manners  and  customs  in  those  prevailing  at  the  courts  of  petty 
Asiatic  princes  at  the  present  day. 

As  to  the  obedience  of  women  to  their  husbands,  Herberstein 
relates  an  odd  anecdote  of  a  German  artilleryman  iharried  to  a  Rus- 
sian wife.  The  lady  reproached  her  husband  for  not  proving  his  love 
by  beating  her.  He  complied  with  her  wishes,  and  finally  cut  off 
her  head  and  legs.  In  England,  women  were  also  barbarously 
treated,  if  we  may  believe  an  old  distich: 

"  A  wife,  a  spaniel,  a  walnut-tree, 
The  more  you  beat  them  the  better  they  be." 

"  Beat  your  shuba"  (».«.,  fur  overcoat),  says  the  Russian  proverb, 
"and  it  will  be  warmer;  beat  your  wife,  and  she  shall  be  sweeter."^— 
Uakl,  1589,  p.  346;  Ramhaud,  i,  316-319;  Herberstein,  Hakl.  Soc., 
i,  94  ;  Javorsky's  Travels  of  the  Russian  Mission  to  AfyJiuuistan,  vol.  i, 
p.  37. 


DRESS.  39 

riche,  is  taken  by  the  Emperour,  and  sent  to  the  warres 
againe,  where  he  shall  spend  all  that  which  he  hath  gotten 
by  ill  meanes :  so  that  the  Emperour  in  his  warres  is  little 
charged,  but  all  the  burden  lieth  vpon  the  poore  people. 

They  vse  sadles  made  of  wood  and  sinewes,  with  the  tree 
gilded  w*  damaske  work,  and  the  seate  couered  with  cloth, 
sometimes  of  golde,  and  the  rest  SaphiarO-  leather,  well 
stitched.  They  vse  little  drummes  at  their  sadle  bowes,  by 
the  sound  whereof,  their  horses  vse  to  runne  more  swiftly. 

The  Russe  is  apparelled  in  this  manner^ :  his  vpper  garment 
is  of  cloth  of  golde,  silke,  or  cloth,  long,  downe  to  the  foote, 
and  buttened  with  great  buttons  of  siluer,  or  els  laces  of 
silke,  set  on  with  brooches,  the  sleeues  thereof  very  long, 
which  he  weareth  on  his  arme,  ruffed  vp.  Vnder  that  he 
hath  another  long  garment,  buttoned  with  silke  buttons,  with 
a  high  coller  standing  vp  of  some  colour,  and  that  garment  is 
made  straight.  Then  his  shirt  is  very  fine,  and  wrought 
with  red  silke,  or  some  gold,  with  a  coller  of  pearle.  Vnder 
his  shirt  lie  hath  linnen  breeches  vpon  his  legges,  a  paire  of 
hose  without  feete,  &  his  bootes  of  red  or  yellow  leather. 

^  Sivphian  (pronounced  Saffian),  Russian  for  leather  made  from 
goatskin. 

2  An  engraving  in  Herberstein  (vol.  i,  p.  96)  represents  the  dress 
and  equipments  of  the  Russian  boyard  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Its 
completely  Asiatic  character  has  bee^i  preserved  to  our  day  among  the 
lower  orders.  The  long  upper  garment,  or  kaftan,  reaching  to  the 
feet,  with  long  sleeves  ruffed  up  the  arm,  and  the  red  shirt,  are  worn 
by  traders  and  peasants  of  modern  Russia.  Herberstein  says  : — 
"  They  all  use  the  same  kind  of  dress  and  bodygear  ;  they  wear 
oblong  tunics  without  folds,  and  with  rather  tight  sleeves,  almost 
in  the  Hungarian  style,  in  which  the  Christians  have  buttons  to 
fasten  the  breast  on  the  right  side;  but  Tartars,  who  wear  a  similar 
garment,  have  the  buttons  on  the  left  side.  They  wear  boots  of  a 
colour  approaching  to  red,  and  rather  short,  so  as  not  to  reach  the 
knees ;  the  soles  are  protected  with  iron  nails.  They  nearly  all  have 
shirts  ornamented  round  the  neck  with  various  colours,  fastened  with 
necklaces,  or  with  silver  or  copper  gilt  beads  with  clasps  added  for 
ornament's  sake."  -  (i,  p.  100.) 


40  WEAPONS.      SLEDGES. 

On  his  head  he  weareth  a  white  Colepecke/  with  buttons  of 
siluer,  gold,  pearle,  or  stone,  and  vnder  it  a  blacke  Foxe 
cap,  turned  vp  very  broad. 

When  he  rideth  on  horse  backe  to  the  warres,  or  any 
iourney,  he  hath  a  sword  of  the  Turkish  fashion,  and  his 
bowe  and  arrowes  of  the  same  manner.  In  the  towne  he 
weareth  no  weapon,  but  onely  two  or  three  paire  of  kniues 
hauing  the  hafts  of  the  tooth  of  a  fishe,  called  the  Morse.^ 

In  the  Winter  time,  the  people  trauell  with  sleds,  in  Towne 
and  Countrey,  the  way  being  hard,  and  smooth  with  snow  : 
the  waters  and  riuers  are  all  frozen,  and  one  horse  with  a 
sled,  will  draw  a  man  vpon  it  400.  miles,  in  three  dales :  but 
in  the  Summer  time,  the  way  is  deepe  with  mire,  and  tra- 
uelling  is  very  ill. 

The  Busse,  if  he  be  a  man  of  any  abilitie,  neuer  goeth  out 
of  his  house  in  the  Winter,  but  vpon  his  sled,  and  in  Summer 
vpon  his  horse :  and  in  his  sled  he  sits  vpon  a  carpet,  or  a 
white  Beares  skinne:  the  sled  is  drawen  with  a  horse  well 
decked,  with  many  Foxes  and  Woolues  tailes  at  his  necke,^  & 
is  conducted  by  a  litle  boy  vpon  his  backe:  his  seruants 
stand  vpon  the  taile  of  the  sled,  &c. 

>  Colepecke  (kolpak),  a  word  of  purely  Tartar  origin,  meaning  the 
back  of  the  head,  and  afterwards  applied  to  a  covering  for  the 
head ;  it  corresponds  with  the  Russian  shapka  (probably  Eng.  shako, 
French  chapeau),  and  was  applied  to  any  kind  of  headgear.  Herber- 
stein  (p.  106)  mentions  their  white  peaked  hats  of  felt  (of  which 
coarse  mantles  were  made)  rough  from  the  shop.  The  word  is  found 
in  the  name  "  Kara-kalpak",' or  Black  Caps,  a  tribe  of  Mongol  Turks, 
settled  in  the  delta  of  Amu-daria.  See  Wood's  Shores  of  Lake  Aral, 
p.  189. 

2  Morse  (walrus).  Professor  Nordenskiold  says  that  doubtless  the 
walrus  was  hunted  by  Polar  tribes  long  before  the  historic  period, 
implements  of  walrus-bone  having  been  found  among  the  Northern 
graves.  Walrus  tusks  were  an  article  of  export  to  Lithuania  and 
Turkey;  and  the  Turks  manufactured  of  them  dagger-handles. — 
Voyage  of  the  Vega,  i,  158 ;  see  also  Herher stein,  i,  112  ;  and  ii,  111. 

3  Such  ornaments  as  are  described  in  the  text  have  become  obsolete  ; 
so  also  is  thg  driving  with  a  postillion.  It  is  only  in  the  case  of  some 
great  Church  dignitary  that  a  postillion  is  used,  but  this  is  disappearing. 


The  voyage  of  M.  Anthony  lenkinson,  made  from 

the  citie  of  Mosco  in  Russia,  to  the  citie  of  Boghar  in  Bactria, 

in  the  yere  1558  :  written  by  himself  e  to  the  Merchants 

of  London  of  the  Moscouie  companie.^ 


The  23.  day  of  Aprill,  in  the  yeere  1558  (hauing  obteined 
the  Emperour  of  Eussia  his  letters,  directed  viito  sundry 
kings  and  princes,  by  whose  dominions  I  should  passe)  I 
departed  from  Mosco  by  water,  hauing  with  me  two  of  your 
seruants,  namely,  Eichard  Johnson  and  Eobert  Johnson,^ 
and  a  Tartar  Tolmach,^  with  diners  parcels  of  wares,  as  by 
the  inuentory  appeareth  :  and  the  28.  day  we  came  to  a  towne 
called  Gollom,'*'  distant  from  the  Mosco  20.  leagues,  &  passing 

1  Haklmjt,  1589,  p.  347. 

2  Of  the  two  Johnsons,  Richard  was  appointed  by  the  Russia  Com- 
pany in  1565  to  the  command  of  an  expedition  to  Persia.  He  does  not 
appear,  however,  to  have  been  a  suitable  person  for  this  post,  judging 
from  a  letter  of  the  directors  printed  in  Hakluyt : — "  We  marveile 
that  Richard  Johnson  was  sent  into  Persia  as  chefe,  being  a  man  in 
our  opinion  unfitt  for  that  chardge,  and  nothing  so  fitte  as  another.'' 
— See  JIakluyt,  1589,  p.  376 ;  Hamel,  England  and  Mussia,  p.  169. 

^  Tolmatch  is  a  Tartar  word  meaning  "  interpreter".  From  its  close 
resemblance  to  "  Tollemache",  it  is  possible  that  the  noble  family  of 
this  name  may  be  descended  from  a  Tartar  ancestor.  The  suggestion 
may,  perhaps,  interest  some  learned  antiquary. 

*  Collom  (Kolomna)  stands  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Moskva,  at 
its  confluence  with  the  Oka,  and  is  the  chief  town  of  a  district  of  the 
Government  of  Mosco,  sixty-seven  miles  from  the  capital.  Kolomna 
is  mentioned  in  chronicles  as  far  back  as  1177.  At  that  time,  and 
down  to  the  fourteenth  century,  it  formed  part  of  the  Duchy  of 
Riazan.  It  was  frequently  sacked  by  the  Tartars  and  Poles,  and  in 
1525  was  completely  destroyed  by  Makhmet  Ghirei,  Khan  of  the 
Crimea.  Ivan  III  rebuilt  the  walls  and  fortifications,  which  exist  to 
the  present  day.  Kolomna  became  a  place  of  banishment  for  persons 
of   distinction  ;   it  received  a  few  of  the  exiled  Novgorodians  when 


42  THE   OKA.      PERESLAVL-RIAZAN. 

one  league  beyond  the  said  Collom,  we  came  vnto  a  riiier 
called  Occa}  into  the  which  the  riuer  Mosco  falleth,  and 
looseth  his  name:  and  passing  downe  the  said  riuer  Occa 
8.  leagues,  we  came  vnto  a  castle  called  Terreuettisko,^  which 
we  left  vpon  our  right  hand,  and  proceeding  forward,  the 
second  day  of  May,  we  came  vnto  another  castle  called 
Peroslaue?  distant  8.  leagues,  leaning  it  also   on  our  right 

Ivan  IV  reduced  their  city  to  ashes.  In  the  sixteenth  century, 
however,  when  our  traveller  visited  it,  Kolomna  was  a  mustering 
ground  or  rendezvous  for  the  various  expeditions  against  the  Tartars. 
— Semeonof,  art.  "  Kolomna". 

1  Occa  (Okk)  is  a  name  borne  by  several  rivers  in  Russia  ;  the  most 
important  is  that  mentioned  in  the  text,  a  right  tributary  of  the 
Volga.  The  Oka  has  a  length  of  930  miles,  and  drains  an  area  of  4,600 
square  geographical  miles.  It  flows  through  populous  districts,  and 
is  a  valuable  means  of  communication  between  manufacturing  and 
agricultural  settlements  on  its  banks. 

'  Terreuettisko  (Perevitsky  Torjok),  a  village  in  the  Government 
of  Riazan,  twenty  miles  from  the  district  town  of  Zaraisk.  This 
village  occupies  the  site  of  the  ancient  town  of  Perevitsk,  mentioned 
in  the  diary  of  Pimen,  Metropolitan  of  Mosco  in  1381.  Ruins  of  old 
fortifications  are  still  to  be  seen  on  the  high  bank  of  the  Oka. — 
Semeonof,  art.  "  Perevitsky  Torjok". 

3  Peroslaue  (Pereslavl,  or  Pereyaslavl)  is  the  modern  town  of  Riazan, 
still  known  as  Pereslavl-Riazan,  to  distinguish  it  from  Pereslavl- 
Zalesski  (ante^  p.  29),  a  town  in  the  Government  of  Vladimir.  The 
exact  year  of  the  foundation  of  Pereslavl  is  unknown.  According  to  an 
old  chronicle,  when  Roman -Igorevitch,  grandson  of  Gleb,  was  prince, 
Bishop  Arsenius  I.  laid  its  foundations  in  1198  a.d.,  near  a  lake,  "  with 
prayers  and  blessing  of  waters";  some,  however,  attribute  to  it  a  still 
earlier  existence  (1095),  and  mention  Yaroslavl,  the  son  of  Sviato- 
slavl,  a  famous  builder  of  cities,  as  its  founder.  Till  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  Pereslavl  occupied  an  insignificant  position  among 
Russian  cities;  but  in  1294  there  happened  a  miracle.  St.  Vassili, 
Bishop  of  Murom,  floated  thither  down  the  Oka  on  his  mantle — a 
perilous  kind  of  raft,  which  he  was  compelled  to  venture  upon  owing 
to  the  slanderous  accusations  of  his  leading  an  immoral  life  brought 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Murom.  At  Pereslavl  the  worthy  bishop 
established  his  see,  joining  Murom  with  it.  Pereslavl,  thus  honoured, 
rose  to  a  high  position  in  the  religious  world,  and  became  the  resi- 
dence of  the  princes  of  Riazan,  who  removed  hither  from  Old  Riazan. 
From  that  time  Pereslavl  became  one  of  the  most  important  towns  of 


OLD   KIAZAN.      KASSIMOF.  48 

hand.  The  third  day  we  came  vnto  the  place  where  Okie 
Jlezan}  was  situate,  being  now  most  of  it  ruined  and  ouer- 
growen,  and  distant  from  the  said  Peroslaue  6.  leagues :  the 
4.  day  we  passed  by  a  castle  called  Terecoiiia,^  from  Mezan 
12.  leagues,  and  the  6.  day  we  came  to  another  castle  called 
Cassim,^   vnder  the  gouernment  of  a  Tartar  prince  named 

Russia,  completely  echpsing  Old  Riazan.  It  shared,  in  common  with 
so  many  other  cities,  in  the  misfortunes  attending  Tartar  invasions ; 
but,  in  1564,  saw  for  the  last  time  before  its  walls  the  Tartar  host,  led 
by  Devlet  Ghirei,  Khan  of  the  Crimea,  who  was  compelled  to  retire 
after  ravaging  the  environs. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Pereslavl-Riazan". 

'  Old  Riazan  is  now  merely  a  village  standing  on  the  high 
right  bank  of  the  Okk.  Its  early  history  was  a  troublous  one, 
and  it  suffered  many  a  shock  from  Tartar  hordes  and  rival  Slav 
princes.  In  1237,  Batu,  grandson  of  Jinghiz  Khan,  destroyed  it; 
and  twenty  years  before  that  date,  Vsevolod,  son  of  Yuri,  Prince 
of  Vladimir,  reduced  it  to  ashes.  These  misfortunes,  but  chiefly  its 
unsuitable  geographical  position,  caused  its  abandonment,  and  gradu- 
ally New  or  Pereslavl-Riazan  became  the  capital.  A  ruined  fortress, 
defended  on  three  sides  by  ramparts,  on  the  fourth  by  the  precipitous 
bank  of  the  river,  long  marked  its  site,  and  excavations  made  in  its 
environs  during  the  present  century  have  brought  to  light  interesting 
historical  relics  of  the  old  princes  of  Riazan.  These  are  preserved  in 
the  Granovitaya  Palata  at  Mosco. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Riazan  Staraia". 

2  Terecouia,  on  Jenkinson's  map  "  Tereckhoue"  (Terikhovo),  is  a 
village  in  the  Spassky  district  of  the  Government  of  Riazan,  thirty 
miles  from  the  town  of  Spassky.  It  stood  on  the  Oka,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Pora,  and  was  the  site  of  a  monastery  referred  to  in 
the  Bolshoi  chertej,  or  great  survey  of  Russia,  referred  to  the  thirteenth 
century.  Terikhovo  received  a  charter  in  1520. — Semeonof,  art. 
"  Terikhovo". 

3  Cassim  (Kassimof ),  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Okk,  is  the  chief  town 
of  a  district  of  that  name  in  the  Government  of  Riazan,  with  a  his- 
tory buried,  like  its  ancient  walls,  by  Mongol  hordes  in  1376.  Ancient 
gramota,  or  Acts,  refer  to  it  under  the  name  of  Meschersk ;  and  in 
1452  the  place  must  have  so  far  recovered  its  downfall  as  to  have 
been  thought  worthy  a  gift  by  Duke  Vassili  the  Blind  to  the  Tartar 
prince  Kassim,  as  a  mark  of  gratitude  for  assistance  rendered  him  in 
recovering  his  Duchy  of  Mbsco  from  a  usurper  of  the  name  of 
Shemiaka.  Since  that  time  the  town  was  better  known  as  Kassimof, 
though  later  Acts  continue  to  mention  it  under  its  ancient  name.  For 
upwards  of  two  centuries,  from  1452  to  1677,  the  Tartar  princes,  or 


44  SHAH   ALL      MUHOM. 

Vtzm^  Zegoline}  sometime  Emperor  of  the  worthy  citie  of 
Gazan,  and  now  subiect  vnto  the  Emperor  of  Kussia.  But 
leaning  Cassim  on  our  left  hand,  the  8.  day  we  came  vnto  a 
fayre  towne  called  Morom^  from  Cassim  20.  leagues,  where 

Tsarevitchi  {i.e.,  sons  of  Tsars)  of  Kassimof,  remained  faithful  adhe- 
rents of  Mosco,  and  assisted  her  in  her  wars  against  Tartars,  Nov- 
gorod, Livonia,  and  Poland. — Semeonof,  art.  "Kassimof". 

^  Shah  Ali  is  the  Tartar  prince  spoken  of  under  the  name  of  Tsar 
Zegoline.  He  was  made  Khan  of  Kazan  in  1519,  but  was  obliged  to 
abdicate  in  1521,  owing  to  his  unpopularity  with  the  Tartars.  He 
then  took  refuge  with  the  Russian  Grand  Duke  Vassili,  who  gave  him 
two  towns  as  his  portion.  In  1526  Herberstein  saw  him  in  Mosco, 
and  speaks  of  him  as  "  King  Scheale",  holding  high  position  at  Court. 
Having  been  convicted  of  traitorous  dealings  with  Kazan,  he  was 
imprisoned  and  kept  in  captivity  for  several  years,  but  was  pardoned 
by  Ivan  the  Terrible,  and  received  a  gift  of  the  town  of  Meschersk 
(Kassimof).  Twice  again  he  was  placed  on  the  throne  of  Kazan,  but 
only  reigned  for  short  periods.  He  served  the  Russians  in  their  wars 
against  Sweden,  Livonia,  and  Poland,  returning  from  these  campaigns 
to  Kassimof,  where  he  erected  a  mausoleum,  in  which  he  was  interred 
in  1567.  This,  and  an  inscription  in  Arabic  relating  to  him,  are  still 
preserved. — Veliaminof  Zernof,  Izsledovauiya  o  Kassimofskikh  Taa- 
riakh,  pt.  i,  pp.  277-558  ;  Hoioorth,  pt.  Ii,  div.  1,  pp.  400-34  ;  Herber- 
stein, ii,  134-137. 

2  Murom,  in  55°  35'  N.  lat.,  is  well  situated  on  the  high  left  bank  of 
the  Oka,  here  a  broad,  navigable  river  ;  and  is  surrounded  by  great 
forests  abounding  in  bees  and  wild  animals.  With  these  advantages 
it  has  also  another,  that  of  being  the  mart  or  place  of  interchange  of 
the  products  of  the  manufacturing  districts  on  the  west  and  the  fer- 
tile corn-producing  plains  on  the  east.  Murom  is  one  of  the  very- 
oldest  cities  of  Russia,  and  is  connected  with  her  popular  legendary 
hero,  Ilya  Murometz  (i.e.,  Elijah  of  Murom).  The  name  is  said  to 
have  been  derived  from  a  Finnish  tribe,  who  founded  it  in  the  ninth 
century,  and  who  were,  according  to  Nestor,  subject  to  Rurik  the 
Varangian.  In  the  eleventh  century,  Murom  formed  an  independent 
dukedom,  and  its  first  prince  was  Gleb,  son  of  Vladimir,  who  reigned 
till  1016.  Subsequently  its  princes  appear  to  have  owned  allegiance 
to  other  dukes,  and  in  1353,  in  the  time  of  the  last  of  their  rulers, 
Yuri-Yaroslavitch,  they  became  united  with  Vladimir,  and  were  after- 
wards incorporated  with  Mosco.  Murom  was  ravaged  by  the  Bol- 
ghars  in  1087;  in  1096  it  was  taken  by  Isiaslaf,  son  of  Monomachos, 
In  1239,  1281,  and  1293  the  Tartars  laid  it  waste;  and  at  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Poles  put  to  the  sword  whole  suburbs 


NIJNY   NOVGOROD.  45 

wc  toolce  tlie  soiine,  and  found  the  latitude  5G.  degrees  :  and 
proceeding  forward  tlie  11.  day,  we  came  vnto  another  fayre 
towne  and  castle  called  Nyse  Nouogrod}  situated  at  the 
falling  of  the  foresaid  riuer  Occa  into  the  woorthy  riuer  of 
Volga,  distant  from  the  said  Morom  25.  leagues,  in  the  latitude 
of  56.  degrees  18.  minuts.  From  Rezan  to  this  Nyse  l^ouo- 
(/rod,  on  both  sides  the  said  riuer  of  Occa,  is  raised  the  greatest 
store  of  waxe  and  hony^  in  all  the  land  of  Kussia.  We  tarryed 
at  the  foresayd  Nyse  Nouogrod,  vntill  the  19.  day,  for  the 
comming  of  a  captaine  which  was  sent  by  the  Emperour  to 
rule  at  Astracan,  who  being  arriued,  and  hauing  the  number 
of  500.  great  boates  vnder  his  conduct,  same  laden  with 
victualles,  souldiers,  and  munition :  and  other  some  with 
merchandize,  departed  altogether  the  said  19.  day  from  the 
said  Nyse  Nouogrod,  and  the  22.  we  came  vnto  a  castle  called 

inhabited  by  its  fishermen.  The  traveller  Lepekhin,  who  visited 
Murom  in  1768,  found  there  eighteen  churches  and  two  monasteries, 
and  a  population  engaged  chiefly  in  raising  cucumbers  and  fishing.  The 
most  ancient  of  its  churches  is  the  Cathedral  of  the  Nativity,  contain- 
ing the  relics  of  David,  Prince  of  Murom,  and  his  wife  Theophronia, 
who  died  in  1228. — Semeonof,  art.  "Murom". 

^  Nijny  Novgorod  (lat.  56°  20'  N.),  the  seat  of  the  great  annual  fair 
visited  by  foreigners  from  all  countries,  came  within  that  tract  known 
to  Russians  in  early  days  as  Nizovshiye  Zemli  (the  lowlands),  com- 
prising the  country  inhabited  by  the  Finnish  tribe  of  Mordva,  who 
were  subjugated  by  the  Russians  after  they  had  founded  their  Duke- 
dom of  Suzdal.  Here,  in  1221,  Yuri,  son  of  Vsevolod,  founded  a 
town  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oka,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Novgrad 
(i.r.,  New  Town).  From  the  commencement,  Novgorod  promised  to 
become  great,  notwithstanding  every  kind  of  disaster,  and  it  finally 
rose  to  the  first  rank  among  Russian  towns.  Its  commanding  position 
at  the  confluence  of  two  great  rivers,  its  enormous  transit  trade,  and 
its  fair,  have  made  it  prosperous.  The  fortress,  or  "castle",  stands  on 
the  high  right  bank  of  the  Volga,  overlooking  its  broad  stream,  and  the 
lowlands  on  the  opposite  side. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Nijny  Novgorod". 

2  The  forests  round  Murom  abounded  with  bees,  affording  inex- 
haustible supplies  of  beeswax,  an  article  of  commerce  in  great  demand 
in  those  days  by  English  merchants. —See  Killingworth'is  letter  to  the 
merchant  adventurers,  Utdlai/f,  1  i)H\\  p.  21)^. 


46  VASSIL.      CHEBOKSARI. 

VasUiagorod^  distant  25.  leagues,  which  we  left  upon  our 
right  hand.  This  towne  or  castle  had  his  name  of  this 
Emperours  father,  who  was  called  Vasilius,  and  gorod  in  the 
Eusse  tongue,  is  as  much  to  say  as  a  castle,  so  that  Vasilia- 
gorody  is  to  say,  Vasilius  castle  :  and  it  was  the  furthest  place 
that  the  sayd  Emperor  conquered  from  the  Tartarres.  But 
this  present  Emperour  his  sonne,  called  Itta7i  Vasiluvich, 
hath  had  great  good  successe  in  his  warres,  both  against  the 
Christians  and  also  the  Mahometists  and  Gentils,  but  espe- 
cially against  the  Tartarres,  inlarging  his  Empyre  euen  to 
the  Caspian  sea,^  hauing  conquered  the  famous  riuer  of 
Volga,  with  all  the  countryes  thereabout  adiacent.  Thus 
proceeding  oh  our  iourney  the  25.  day  of  May  aforesaid,  we 
came  to  another  castle  called  Sahowshare^  which  we  left  on 

^  Vassil,  otherwise  known  as  Vassilsursk  (i.e.,  Vassil  on  the  Sura,  a 
right  affluent  of  the  Volga),  was  built  by  Vassili,  father  of  Ivan  lY,  in 
1523,  while  at  war  with  Sahib  Ghirei,  Tzar  of  Kazan.  Vassilsursk 
stands  at  the  confluence  of  the  Sura  with  the  Volga,  on  high  ground, 
and  parts  of  the  old  fortifications  are  still  visible.  It  is  now  the  chief 
town  of  a  district  of  the  same  name  included  in  the  Government  of 
Nijny  Novgorod. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Vassil". 

2  At  this  period  of  his  reign  (1557-58),  Ivan  IV  had  triumphed 
over  the  enemies  of  Russia.  Gustavus  Vasa,  King  of  Sweden,  had 
sued  for  peace  ;  Lithuania  had  renewed  the  truce  ;  whilst  the  Tartar 
kingdoms  of  Kazan  and  Astrakhan  had  fallen  at  the  feet  of  the  con- 
queror. By  the  downfall  of  these  Tartar  principalities,  the  Volga  had 
become  throughout  its  entire  course  to  the  Caspian  a  Russian  river. 
"  It  is  most  probable",  says  the  historian,  "  had  Ivan  then  followed  up 
his  victories  and  turned  his  arms  against  the  Crimea,  he  would  have 
found  a  third  Tartar  state  at  his  feet,  and  thus  advanced  by  two  cen- 
turies the  most  glorious  event  in  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Catherine 
lir—Karamsin,  viii,  268-269. 

3  Sabowshare  (Cheboksari),  a  district  town  of  the  Government  of 
Kazan,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Volga,  eighty  miles  from  Kazan. 
It  is  picturesquely  situated  in  a  hollow  surrounded  on  three  sides  by 
wooded  hills,  and  suffers  in  consequence  from  muddy  streets.  Ac- 
cording to  tradition,  a  village  of  Chuvashes  once  stood  here,  and 
the  name  of  their  chief  Shabkmar  is  said  to  be  perpetuated  in 
"  Cheboksari".  The  place  is  mentioned  in  documents  in  1371,  when 
Prince  Dmitri  Joannovitch  went  to  the  horde  of  Mamai.     For  two 


THE   MOKDVA.  47 

our  vij^lit  hand,  distant  from  Vasiliagorod  16  leagues.  The 
country  heerabout  is  called  Mardouits}  and  the  habitantes 
did  prof  esse  the  law  of  the  Gentils :  but  now  being  conquered 
by  this  Emperour  of  Russia,  most  of  them  are  Christened,  but 
lie  in  the  woods  and  wildernesse,  without  towne  or  habitation. 

centuries  after  this  its  name  does  not  occur  ;  only  after  the  fall  of 
Kazan  is  it  found  in  the  list  of  fortified  places  garrisoned  by  Streltsi. 
Cheboksari  in  recent  times  has  become  a  commercial  town  of  import- 
ance, owing  to  its  position  with  reference  to  the  grain-producing  dis- 
tricts.— Semeonof,  art.  "  Cheboksari". 

1  Mordovits  (i.e.,  the  country  of  the  Mordva),  a  Finnish  tribe  occu- 
pying parts  of  the  Volga  provinces,  and  extending  as  far  east  as  the 
southern  Ural  and  west  to  the  Moksha.  At  the  present  day  they  are  most 
numerous  in  the  Government  of  Simbirsk,  where  they  form  twelve 
per  cent,  of  the  population.     Their  numbers  in  European  Russia  have 
been  estimated  at  775,000  of  both  sexes.  Jornandes,  in  the  sixth  century, 
is  the  first  writer  who  mentions  them  ;  though,  if  their  tribe  Ersia  be 
identical  with  the  Aorsi,  the  first  notices  of  this  people  are  much  older, 
for  they  are  referred  to  by  Ptolemy,  Strabo,  and  Constantine  Porphyro- 
genitus.     Nestor,  the  annalist,  speaks  of  the  Mordva,  and  places  them 
next  to  their  kinsmen,  the  Meri.  In  1104,  the  Russian  prince,  Yaroslavl 
Sviatoslavitch,  attacked  them,  but  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss  ;  and 
it  was  only  with  the  removal  of  the  grand  ducal  throne  to  Vladimir 
that  the  Russians  began  gradually  to   subjugate  the   Mordva  and 
colonise  their  territory.     During  the  Tartar  dominion,  Russian  influ- 
en«e  over  this  tribe  made  but  little  progress  ;  after  the  fall  of  Kazan, 
however,  the  Mordva   and  their  allied  tribe,  the  Cheremissi,  were 
compelled  to  surrender  their  independence,  and  soon  embraced  the 
faith  of   their  conquerors,  who  pushed  their  colonies  far  into  their 
land.     The  Mordva  not  only  learnt  Russian,  but  in  course  of  time 
forgot  their  own  language,  which  was  only  preserved  in  their  songs 
and  by  the  women.    In  some  places  they  have  intermingled  so  much 
with  the  Russians  as  to  be  hardly  distinguishable  from  them.     Their 
physical  characteristics  are — medium  height;  fair  or  reddish  hair;  blue 
or  grey  eyes.     The  men  are  often  good-looking,  the  women  rarely^ 
In  manners  they  are  gentle,  honest,  and  hospitable,  but  superstitious, 
somewhat  dirty,  and  addicted  to  strong  drinks.     They  are  all  good 
agriculturists.     In  dress  the  men  are  hardly  to  be  distinguished  from 
Russian  peasants;  the  women  wear  white  linen  shirts,  embroidered 
with  red  wool,  confined  at  the  waist  with  a  broad  belt  of  variegated 
woollen  stuff  and  various  metal  ornaments  ;  high  pointed  head-dresses, 
embroidered  and  hung  with  coins  and  beads,  and  necklaces  of  coins 
or  beads. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Mordva". 


48  SVIAJSK.      OLD   AND   NEW   KAZAN. 

The  27.  day  we  passed  by  another  castle  called  Siuyasko^ 

distant  from  Shabow^hare  aforesaid  25.  leagues  :  we  left  it  on 

our  right  hand,  and  the  29.  came  vnto  an  Island  one  league 

cazan.        from  the  citie  of  Cazan^  from  which  falleth  downe  a  riuer 

1  Swyasko,  on  Jenkinson's  map  "  Suiatsko"  (Sviajsk),  a  district  town 
of  the  Government  of  Kazan,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Sviaga,  near 
its  confluence  with  the  Volga.  Sviajsk  was  founded  by  Ivan  in  1551 
as  a  military  post  for  the  campaigns  against  the  Tartars  of  Kazan 
and  the  Finnish  tribes  on  the  Volga.  Karamsin,  in  describing  Ivan's 
march  to  Kazan  in  1552,  says :  "  Le  13  Aoftt,  on  aper9ut  Sviajsk,  et  ce 
fut  avec  la  plus  vive  satisfaction  que  le  tzar  fixa  ses  regards  sur  cette 
ville  naissante,  fondee  sous  son  regne,  pour  attester  les  victoires  des 
Russes  et  le  triomphe  des  Chretiens  sur  les  infideles."  Sviajsk  was 
once  a  prosperous  place,  but  towards  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury it  declined,  its  mercantile  and  industrial  inhabitants  having 
transferred  themselves  to  the  neighbouring  Kazan.  Archaeologists 
have  supposed  that  Sviajsk  occupied  the  site  of  Suvar  or  Siva,  an 
ancient  town  of  the  Bolgars,  existing  in  the  tenth  century;  but  this 
is  doubtful. — Shpelefshy^  p.  49  ;  Karamsin,  viii,  p.  149  ;  Semeonof,  art. 
"  Sviajsk". 

2  Kazan,  capital  of  the  Government  of  this  name,  stands  about  three 
miles  from  the  Volga,  on  the  River  Kazanka.  Kazan,  in  its  present 
position,  only  dates  from  the  fifteenth  century  ;  the  ruins  of  the 
earlier  town,  mentioned  in  Russian  chronicles  as  having  been  destroyed 
by  the  Novgorodian  free  bands  in  1361,  being  situate  near  Kniaz 
Kamaief  village,  and  the  name  Staraia  (Old)  Kazan  still  Hngers  about 
the  place.  Kazan  was  in  those  days  frequently  pillaged  by  the  Rus- 
sians, and  did  not  become  important  till  after  the  downfall  of  Bolghar. 
In  1399,  Kazan  was  completely  demolished,  and  Ulu  Makhmet,  who 
established  the  Tartar  kingdom  of  Kazan,  decided  upon  finding  a  more 
suitable  site  for  his  capital.  Accordingly,  about  the  year  1437,  he 
founded  a  new  town,  surrounding  it  with  wooden  walls  ;  and  this, 
under  his  successors,  grew  in  wealth  and  became  an  emporium  of  com- 
merce. This  is  Karamsin's  version,  but  M.  Veliaminof  Zernof,  in  his 
Tsars  of  Kassimof,  says  Kazan  was  not  demolished  in  1399,  but 
continued  to  be  ruled  by  its  own  princes  till  1445,  when  Makhmutek, 
son  of  Ulu-Muhammed  (Makhmet),  formerly  Khan  of  the  Golden 
Horde,  took  it  in  war,  and  founded  the  new  Tartar  Khanat  of  Kazan 
(cf.  Karamsin,  v,  324-327  ;  F.  Zernof,  i,  1-13).  In  1552  (not  1549,  as 
would  appear  by  Jenkinson's  reckoning),  Ivan  laid  siege  to  Kazan, 
personally  conducting  operations  against  the  Tartar  stronghold.  In 
1553,  Kazan  was  formed  into  an  eparchy,  and  its  first  archbishop  was 
St.  Gouri,  whose  remains  are  preserved  in  the  cathedral. — Semeonof, 
art.  "  Kazan". 


KAZAN.      ISLAND   OF   MEKCHANTS.  40 

called  Cazanka  reca,  &  entreth  into  the  foresaid  Volga.  Cazan 
is  a  fayre  towne,  after  the  Eusse  or  Tartar  fashion,  with  a 
strong  castle,  situated  vpon  a  high  hill,  and  was  walled  round 
about  with  timber  and  earth,  but  now  the  Emperour  of 
Russia  hath  giuen  order  to  plucke  downe  tlie  olde  walles  and 
to  build  them  againe  of  free  stone.  It  hath  bene  a  city 
of  great  wealth  and  riches,  and  being  in  the  hands  of  the 
Tartarres,  it  was  a  kingdome  of  it  selfe,  and  did  more  vexe 
the  Russes  in  their  warres,  then  any  other  nation  :  but  9. 
yeeres  past,  this  Emperour  of  Riossia  conquered  it,  and  tooke 
the  king  captiue,  who  being  but  yoong  is  now  baptised  and 
brought  vp  in  his  court  with  two  other  princes,  which  were 
also  kings  of  the  said  Cazan,  and  being  ech  of  them  in  time 
of  their  raignes  in  danger  of  their  subiects  through  ciuil 
discord,  came  and  rendred  themselues  at  seuerall  times  vnto 
the  said  Emperor,  so  that  at  this  present  there  are  three 
princes^  in  the  court  of  Russia,  which  had  beene  Emperours 
of  the  said  Cazan,  whom  the  Emperour  vseth  with  great 
honor. 

We  remained  at  Cazan  till  the  13.  day  of  Tune,  and  tlien 
departed  from  thence  :  and  the  same  day  passed  by  an  Island 
called  the  Island  of  merchants,^  because  it  was  woont  to  be 

1  Upon  the  death  of  Safa  Ghirei  in  his  palace  at  Kazan,  caused  by 
an  accident  while  he  was  drunk,  his  son  Utemit  Ghirei  Khan,  at  that 
time  (1549)  only  two  years  of  age,  was  declared  his  successor.  This 
is  the  prince  to  whom  reference  is  made  in  a  previous  part  of  the 
narrative  {ante,  p.  31).  The  two  other  princes  mentioned  in  the  text 
were  probably  Shah  Ali  (ante,  p.  44),  placed  on  the  throne  of  Kazan 
by  Ivan  ;  and  Yedigher  Makhmet,  a  Nogai,  who  usurped  and  defended 
it  to  the  last,  and  who  was  captured  by  the  Russians  in  the  last 
desperate  struggle  at  the  walls. —^aramsin,  viii,  pp.  99,  187,  et  passim. 

2  This  island,  named  by  Russians  "  Gostinny"  (guests'),  was  a  great 
resort  of  merchants  till  Vassili,  father  of  Ivan,  forbade  his  subjects 
from  landing  there,  in  order  to  inconvenience  the  Tartars,  who  bought 
salt  from  Russians.  He  removed  the  annual  fair  to  Makarief,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Volga,  a  little  way  below  Nijny  Novgorod.  To  the 
latter  town  it  was  afterwards  transferred,  though  continuing  to  this 


50  THE   KAMA.      PERMIA. 

a  place  where  all  merchants,  as  well  Eusses  and  Cazanits,  as 
Nagayans  and  Crymmes,  and  diners  other  nations  did  resort 
to  keepe  mart  for  buying  and  selling,  but  now  it  is  forsaken, 
and  standeth  without  any  such  resort  thither,  or  at  Gazan,  or 
at  any  place  about  it,  from  Mosco  vnto  Mare  Caspium. 

Thus  proceeding  forward  the  14.  day,  we  passed  by  a  goodly 
riuer  called  Ca^na}  which  we  left  on  our  left  hand.  This 
riuer  falleth  out  of  the  countrey  of  Ferania^  into  the  riuer 
of  Volga,  and  is  from  Cazan  15.  leagues,  and  the  countrey 
lying  betwixt  the  said  Cazan  and  the  said  riuer  Cama  on 
the    left  hand   of    Volga  is  called    Vachen?  and  the  inha- 

day,  to  be  called  "Makarief  fair".  {Howorth,  pt.  ii,  p.  390.)  Ivan's 
wars  were  doubtless  disastrous  to  the  Levantine  trade,  which  formerly 
passed  this  way. 

^  The  Kama  falls  into  the  Volga  about  fifty  miles  below  Kazan. 
Its  course  through  the  Governments  of  Perm  and  Viatkais  over  1,000 
miles  long,  much  of  which  is  navigable.  It  is  the  highway  of  com- 
munication in  summer  for  the  trade  with  Siberia  and  the  mining  dis- 
tricts of  the  Ural,  and  may  be  rightly  termed  "  a  goodly  river". 

2  Permia  has  given  its  name  to  a  series  of  fossiliferous  rocks  widely 
distributed  through  Northern  Europe.  In  ancient  times  it  was  known 
as  a  country  inhabited  by  Finnish  tribes,  precursors  of  the  Russians, 
the  "Biarmar"  of  Scandinavians,  the  Permia  of  Byzantine  writers, 
and  the  Great  (Veliki)  Perm  of  Russian  annalists.  Nestor,  in  reca- 
pitulating the  nations  who  lived  to  the  east  of  the  Russ,  makes  men- 
tion of  it.  The  enterprising  Novgorodians  were  the  first  to  enter 
into  relations  with  it,  and  levied  tribute  there  as  early  as  the  eleventh 
century.  In  the  thirteenth  century  it  is  mentioned  as  their  dependency 
in  treaties  with  neighbouring  Russian  princes  ;  and  it  was  only  on  the 
fall  of  Novgorod,  in  1471,  that  Permia  was  finally  united  with  the 
dukedom  of  Mosco.  Its  first  Russian  colonisers  and  defenders  were 
the  Stroganofs,  who  received  grants  of  land  along  the  Kama.  The 
present  Government  of  Perm  includes  nearly  all  the  more  important 
mining  districts  in  the  northern  Ural.  These  are  grouped  round 
Ekaterinburg,  perhaps  the  most  progressive  and  flourishing  of  Russian 
towns. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Perm". 

3  Vachen,  here  used  for  "  Votiaken",  the  country  of  the  Votiaks,  a 
Finnish  tribe  allied  with  the  Cheremissi  {supra,  p.  24),  and  among  the 
earliest  inhabitants  of  Yiatka  and  the  country  to  the  west,  besides  parts 
of  the  Governments  of  Kazan  and  Orenburg.  The  Votiaks,  according 
to  their  own  traditions,  were  settled  in  the  Government  of  Kazan,  near 


VOTIAKS.      NOGAI-TAUTAHS.  51 

bitantes  be  Gentils,  and  Hue  in  the  wilJernesse  without 
house  or  habitation  :  and  the  countrey  on  the  other  side  of 
Volga  ouer  against  the  said  riuer  Caifiia  is  called  the  land  of 
Cheremizes}  halfe  Gentils,  halfe  Tartarres,  and  all  the  land  on 
the  left  hand  of  the  said  Volga  from  the  said  riuer  vnto 
Astracan,  and  so  following  the  North  and  Northeast  side  of 
the  Caspian  sea,  to  a  land  of  the  Tartarres  called  Turkeinen, 
is  called  the  countrey  of  Mangat  or  Nagay^  whose  inhabi-  f'*'^*^ 

the  modern  town  of  Arsk,  whence  they  were  driven  out  by  the  Tar- 
tars. They  called  themselves  "  Ot",  "  Ut",  "  Ud",  or  "  Udmurt",  but 
were  known  among  Tartars  as  the  "  Ar";  hence,  ethnologists  believe 
they  may  be  identified  with  the  "Ara"  or  "  Arini",  also  a  Finnish  race, 
anciently  inhabiting  parts  of  Northern  Siberia,  and  particularly  the 
banks  of  the  Yenisei.  These  "  Ara"  are  supposed  to  have  given  their 
name  to  the  town  of  Arsk,  but  are  now  extinct,  their  last  living 
representative  having  been  seen  by  Mullen  and  Gmelin  in  1738.  The 
Votiaks,  however,  are  numerous  to  this  day  in  the  Goverament  of 
Viatka,  on  the  Upper  Kama  and  on  the  Viatka  rivers,  and  they  are 
said  still  to  number  180,000  of  both  sexes.  As  regards  their  early 
history  but  little  definite  is  really  known,  except  that  they  fell  under 
the  sway  of  the  Novgorodians,  who,  in  one  of  their  descents  on  the 
Volga  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century,  took  their  fortress  of 
Bolvansky.  The  Votiaks  then  retired  towards  the  east,  and  took  up 
their  habitations  on  the  River  Cheptsa.  The  Tartar  Khan,  Sahip, 
partly  colonised  Kazan  with  this  people  in  the  thirteenth  century ; 
and  in  1469,  Ibrahim  formed  them  into  bands  for  the  defence  of  this 
city  against  the  Russians.  In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
Votiaks  living  near  Arsk  rebelled,  but  were  reduced  to  submission  by 
Ivan ;  and  in  his  wiU,  dated  1572,  they  are  assigned  to  his  heir,  together 
with  the  kingdom  of  Kazan.  As  late  as  1582,  however,  they  were  in 
arms  against  the  Stroganofs  ;  and  their  conversion  to  Christianity  did 
not  take  place  till  long  after  Jenkinson's  visit. — Semeonof ,  art.  "Voti- 
aki";  Karamsin,  viii,  p.  215. 

1  On  the  Cheremissi,  see  note,  p.  24. 

2  The  Nogai  Tartars  derived  their  name  from  Nogai,  grandson  of 
Teval,  seventh  son  of  Juchi,  the  founder  of  the  Golden  Horde,  and 
eldest  son  of  Jinghiz  Khan.  On  the  death  of  Batu,  Nogai  com- 
manded the  horde  of  Kipchak,  and  became  so  powerful  that  his  alli- 
ance was  sought  by  the  Eastern  Empire;  and  Michael  Palasologus  gave 
him  his  natural  daughter,  Euphrosyne,  in  marriage.  About  the  middle 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  Nogais  were  restricted  to  the  steppes 


52  NOOAI    HORDES. 

tantes  are  of  the  law  of  Mahomet,  and  were  all  destroyed  in 
the  yeere  1558,  at  my  being  at  Astracan,  through  ciuill 
warres  among  them,  accompanyed  with  famine,  pestilence, 
and  such  plagues,  in  such  sort,  that  in  the  sayd  yeere  there 
was  consumed  of  the  people,  in  one  sort  and  another,  aboue 
one  hundred  thousand :  the  like  plague  was  neuer  seene  in 
those  parts,  so  that  the  said  countrey  of  Nagay  being  a 
countrey  of  great  pasture,  remaineth  now  vnreplenished  to 
the  great  contentation  of  the  Russes,  who  haue  had  cruell 
warres  a  long  time  together. 

The  Nagayans  when  they  florished,  liued  in  this  manner : 
they  were  diuided  into  diners  companies  called  Hords,  and 
euery  Hord  had  a  ruler,  whom  they  obeyed  as  their  king, 
and  was  called  a  Murse.  Towne  or  house  they  had  none, 
but  liued  in  the  open  fieldes,  euery  Murse  or  King  hauing 
Hords.  his  Hords  or  people  about  him,  with  their  wiues,  children 
and  cattell,  who  hauing  consumed  the  pasture  in  one  place, 
remooued  vnto  another :  and  when  they  remooue  they  haue 
houses  like  tents  set  vpon  wagons  or  carts,  which  are  drawen 
from  place  to  place  with  camels,  and  therin  theyr  wiues, 
children,  and  all  theyr  riches,  which  is  very  little,  is  caried 
about,  and  euery  man  hath  at  the  least  foure  or  five  wiues 
besides  concubines.  Use  of  money  they  haue  none,  but  doe 
barter  theyr  cattell  for  apparell  and  other  necessaries.  They 
delight  in  no  arte  nor  science,  except  the  warres,  wherein 
they  are  expert,  but  for  the  most  part  they  be  pasturing 

north  of  the  Caspian  and  Black  Seas,  though  still  exercising  great 
influence  in  Southern  Russia,  and  extending  their  raids  to  Rezan,  and 
even  as  far  as  Mosco,  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury. Their  Khan,  Yussaf ,  renowned  as  well  for  his  spirit  as  for  his 
wisdom,  was  styled  by  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  "  Prince  of  Princes"; 
but  the  fall  of  Kazan  and  Astrakhan,  disunion  among  themselves, 
plagues,  and  other  reverses  had  weakened  them,  and  they  might  at  this 
time  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to  an  energetic  conqueror.— 'Semeonof, 
art.  "Nogai";  Karamsin,  iv,  chap.  3;  viii,  pp.  104,  288;  Howorth's  Hiftt. 
of  the  Mongols,  part  il,  passhn. 


THE   CRIMME  TARTARS.  63 

people,  and  haue  great  store  of  cattell,  which  is  all  theyr 
riches.  They  eate  much  flesh,  and  especially  the  horse,  and 
they  drinke  mares  milke,  wherewith  they  he  oftentimes 
drunke:  they  are  seditious  and  inclined  to  theft  and  murther. 
Come  they  sowe  not,  neither  doe  eate  any  bread,  mocking 
the  Christians  for  the  same,  and  disabling  our  strengths, 
saying  we  Hue  by  eating  the  toppe  of  a  weede,  and  drinke 
a  drinke  made  of  the  same,  allowing  theyr  great  deuouring 
of  fliesh,  and  drinking  of  milke,  to  be  the  increase  of  theyr 
strength.     But  now  to  proceed  forward  to  my  iourney. 

All  the  countrey  vpon  our  right  hand  the  riuer  Volga,  from 
ouer  against  the  riuer  Cama  vnto  the  towne  of  Astracan,  is 
the  land  of  Grimme}  whose  inhabitantes  be  also  of  the  law 
of  Mahomet,  and  line  for  the  most  part  according  to  the 
fashions  of  the  Nagayes,  hauing  continuall  wars  with  the 
Emperour  of  Russia,  and  are  valiant  in  the  field,  hauing 
countenance,  and  support  from  the  great  Turke. 

The  16.  day  of  lune  we  passed  by  certaine  fishermens 


^  The  Krim,  or  Crimme  Tartars  were  a  constant  source  of  trouble 
and  danger  to  Russia.  They  poured  forth  their  destructive  hosts  over 
the  plains  between  the  Volga  and  the  Don ;  they  ravaged  every  town 
too  weak  to  resist  them,  and,  in  1571,  under  Devlet  Ghirei,  set  fire  to 
Mosco  and  burnt  it  to  the  ground.  Sultan  Solyman  regarded  them  as 
a  bulwark  of  the  Mohanmiadan  power  on  the  east,  and  exhorted  them 
to  rally  round  the  cause  of  the  Prophet,  and,  laying  aside  tribal 
hatreds  and  jealousies,  succour  Kazan  and  Astrakhan.  Such  was  the 
dread  inspired  by  them  in  Russia,  that,  when  Ivan  was  on  the  point  of 
setting  out  with  his  army  against  Kazan,  his  chief  nobles  implored  him 
to  remain,  representing  the  danger  of  leaving  his  frontiers  exposed  to 
these  invaders.  Their  power  extended  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Volga, 
including  the  modem  Governments  of  Saratof  and  Simbirsk,  and  no 
Russian  could  venture  safely  east  of  the  Sura,  where  formerly  they 
had  freely  traded  with  the  ancient  kingdom  of  Bolghar.  Long  after 
they  had  ceased  to  be  a  source  of  danger  to  Russia,  remnants  of  their 
hordes,  mixed  with  Mordvas  and  outlaws,  infested  the  lower  Volga  as 
robbers  and  pirates ;  and,  as  will  be  seen  presently,  Jenkinson  nar- 
rowly escaped  falling  into  their  hands.  —  Karamsin,  viii  and  ix, 
paisim. 


54  THE   SAMARA.      SARATOF. 

houses  called  Fdowse}  twentie  leagues  from  the  riuer  Camay 
where  is  great  fishing  for  sturgion,  and  so  continuing  our 
way  vntill  the  22.  day,  and  passing  by  another  great  riuer 
called  Samar^  which  falleth  out  of  the  aforesayd  countrey, 
and  runneth  through  Nagay,  and  entreth  into  the  sayd  riuer 
of  Volga.  The  28.  day  we  came  vnto  a  great  hill,^  where 
was  in  times  past  a  castle  made  by  the  Crimmes,  but  now  it 
is  ruined,  being  the  iust  midway  betweene  the  sayd  Cazan 
and  Astrachariy  which  is  200.  leagues  or  therabout,  in  the 
latitude  of  51.  degrees  47.  minuts.  Vpon  all  this  shore  groweth 
abundance  of  licorish,  whose  root  runneth  within  the  ground 
like  a  vine. 

Thus  going  forward,  the  sixt  day  of  lulie  we  came  to  a 

*  **  Petowse",  doubtless  a  phonetic  rendering  for  Riboftsi,  "  fisher- 
men", the  Bnssian  R  and  English  P  being  interchangeable  ;  for  there 
is  no  such  place  as  "  Petowse"  on  the  Volga. 

*  The  Samara  rises  in  the  Obschi  Syrt,  or  "  general  water-parting", 
and  after  a  course  of  270  miles,  mostly  through  bare,  treeless 
plains,  falls  into  the  Volga  at  the  modem  town  of  Samara.  These 
plains  form  part  of  the  highly  productive,  corn-growing  districts 
east  of  the  Volga,  celebrated  for  their  loess,  or  black  earth  deposits. 
— Semeonof,  art.  "  Samara". 

3  The  "  great  hill"  referred  to  must  be  that  on  which  Saratof  now 
stands,  descending  in  steep  terraces  to  the  Volga,  and  partially 
enclosed  in  an  amphitheatre  of  hills.  Its  position,  about  half-way 
between  Kazan  and  Astrakhan,  in  lat.  51°  32',  accords  fairly  well  with 
the  text.  But  in  Jenkinson's  time  Saratof  stood  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  Volga,  about  seven  miles  higher  up  than  the  present  site.  It  was 
only  removed  to  the  right  bank  in  1 605,  probably  to  the  place  where 
the  Tartar  settlement  of  Sari-tau  {i.e.,  yeUow  hill)  once  stood,  and, 
according  to  Senkofsky,  where  their  chief  town  Burtassof  was  situated. 
Christopher  Burroughs,  who  passed  here  in  1579  on  his  voyage  to 
Persia  for  the  English  merchants,  speaks  of  it  as  Oueak  (the  Uvek  or 
Ucaca  of  writers  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries),  and  gives 
the  latitude  as  51"  SO'.  There  is  a  village  of  this  name  near  Saratof, 
where  antiquities  and  coins  have  been  dug  up.  Burroughs  says  there 
were  ruins  of  a  castle  still  visible  in  his  day,  and  tombstones  with 
characters  and  devices  graven  on  them.  He  also  mentions  the  abun- 
dance of  liquorice. — Hakl.,  1589,  p.  441  ;  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  i,  p. 
58  ;  Semeonof,  art.  "Saratof". 


1>EREV0L0G.      THE  DON.  55 

place  called  Perouolog}  so  named  because  in  times  past  the 
Tartarres  carryed  their  boates  from  Volga  vnto  the  riuer 
TanaiSy  otherwise  called  Don,  by  land,  when  they  would 
robbe  such  as  passed  downe  the  sayd  Volga  to  Astracan,  and 
also  such  as  passed  downe  by  the  riuer  Tanais,  to  Asophe, 
Caffa,  or  any  other  towne  situated  vpon  Mare  Uuximum,  into 
which  sea  Tanais^  falleth,  who  hath  his  springes  in  the 
countrey  of  Rezan,  out  of  a  plaine  ground.  It  is  at  this 
streight  of  Perouolog  from  the  one  riuer  to  the  other  two 
leagues  by  land,  and  is  a  dangerous  place  for  theeues  and 
robbers,  but  now  it  is  not  so  euill  as  it  hath  beene,  by  reason 
of  the  Emperour  of  Russia,  his  conquests. 

Departing  from  Perouolog,  hauing  the  wildernesse  on  both 
sides,  we  saw  a  great  heard  (sic)  of  Nagayans,  pasturing,  as  is 
abouesayd,  by  estimation  aboue  a  thousand  cammels  drawing 
of  carts  with  houses  vpon  them  like  tentes,  of  a  strange 
fashion,  seeming  to  be  a  farre  off  a  towne^ :  that  Hord  was 

1  Perevolog,  Pereuolock  of  Jenkinson's  map  (from  perevalit,  to 
drag  across),  is  the  name  given  to  a  narrow  neck  of  land  between 
the  Don  and  the  Volga.  The  place  referred  to  in  the  text  is  a  short 
distance  from  Tsaritsin,  the  terminus  of  the  Volga-Don  railroad, 
where  the  two  rivers  approach  to  within  eight  miles  of  one  another. 
Christopher  Burroughs. mentions  Perevolog,  and  says  it  was  reckoned 
thirty  versts  (twenty  miles)  thence  to  the  Don. — Semeonof,  art. 
"Perevolog";  HaJcluyt,  1589,  p.  441. 

2  The  Don  rises  in  Ivan-ozero  (i.e.,  Ivan's  lake,  also  indicated  on 
Jenkinson's  map),  in  the  Government  of  Tula.  Its  source  is  only 
586  feet  above  sea  level,  and  it  flows  through  remarkably  level  plains 
inhabited  for  the  most  part  by  the  Cossacks,  whose  exploits  against  the 
Tartars  were  at  that  time  (middle  of  sixteenth  century)  becoming 
known  in  Russia. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Don";  Karamsin^  viii,  p.  285  seqq. 

'  The  manner  of  moving  tents  on  carts  drawn  by  camels  was 
peculiar  to  those  Tartar  tribes  who  led  a  semi-nomadic  life  on  the 
plains  of  southern  and  south-eastern  Russia  (see  Yule's  Marco  Polo, 
2nd  edit.,  i,  247,  where  a  woodcut  is  given).  Throughout  Central 
Asia  the  universal  practice  at  the  present  day  is  to  take  the  tent  to 
pieces  and  pack  it  on  the  back  of  a  camel  or  bullock  ;  on  arriving  at 
the  destination,  it  is  quickly  set  up,  the  women  being  particularly 
expert  at  this  work. 


56  MURZA  ISMAEL.      OLD   ASTRAKHAN. 

belonging  to  a  great  Murse  called  Smille}  the  greatest  prince 
in  all  Nagay,  who  hath  slaine  and  driuen  away  all  the  rest, 
not  sparing  his  owne  brethren  and  children,  and  hauing 
peace  with  this  Emperour  of  Russia  he  hath  what  he  needeth, 
and  ruleth  alone,  so  that  now  the  Eusses  Hue  in  peace  with 
the  No.gayans,  who  were  woont  to  haue  mortall  warres 
together. 

The  14.  day  of  luly  passing  by  an  olde  castle,  which  was 
Astracan.    Q\^q   Astvacan^  and   leauing  it  vpon   our   right  hand,  we 

1  The  title  "Murza"  is,  according  to  Fischer,  derived  from  the 
Arabic  "  Amir  Zadeh".  Ismael,  the  prince  here  referred  to,  was 
brother  of  Yussuf,  father-in-law  of  Safa  Ghirei,  the  expelled  Khan 
of  Kazan,  and  allied  by  marriage  with  Shah  Ali,  Khan  of  Kassimof, 
(supra,  p.  44).  Ismael  was  a  warm  ally  of  Russia,  helping  her  in 
her  wars  against  the  Krim  Tartars  and  against  the  Khan  of 
Astrakhan.  After  murdering  his  brother  Yussuf,  he  wrote  to  the 
Tsar  :  "  Your  enemy  is  dead,  and  the  people  have  elected  me  by 
acclamation."  Ivan  cultivated  these  friendly  relations,  like  the 
politic  monarch  he  was,  but  would  not  suffer  himself  to  be  styled 
"brother"  by  a  Tartar  prince.  Ismael  died  in  1563  or  1564. — 
Karamsin,  viii,  253  ;  Hoioorth,  part  ii,  1036. 

2  Old  Astrakhan  (or  Stara  Astracan  of  Jenkinson's  map),  five  miles 
above  the  new  town,  stood  on  the  right  bank,  on  Sharin  hughor 
(hillock).  Long  before  Astrakhan  existed,  in  the  third  century, 
Atel  or  Itil,  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Khozars,  stood  here.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  sixth  century,  the  town  of  Balangiar  appears  to  have 
been  erected  at  the  mouth  of  the  Volga  ;  this  in  its  turn  gave  place, 
at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  to  the  Mongol  city  of  Tsitracan, 
capital  of  their  kingdom.  The  Tartars  called  it  Hadji-tarkhan,  or 
Adiash'tarkhan  ;  in  Russian  MSS.  of  the  thirteenth  century  it  is 
mentioned  as  Hozitarakan,  but  was  known  to  the  Georgians  as 
Khozar.  The  Venetian  envoy  Contarini  (1476)  was  the  first  to 
describe  Astrakhan  (or  Citracan).  He  speaks  of  it  as  a  small  town 
seventy-five  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Volga,  surrounded  by  a  low 
wall,  with  a  few  houses  built  of  bricks,  and  a  trade  in  spices,  which 
were  sent  to  Venice  by  way  of  Tana  or  Azof. 

After  the  fall  of  Kazan,  Yamgurchei,  Khan  of  Astrakhan,  volun- 
tarily submitted  to  Russia,  but  he  soon  afterwards  broke  his  oath  of 
fealty,  and  Ivan  sent  an  army  to  reduce  him  to  submission.  In  1554, 
Astrakhan  was  taken,  but  it  again  rebelled,  and  was  not  finally 
annexf'd  by  Russia  till  1557,  the  yoar  before  Jenkinson's  visit,  when 


NEW   ASTRAKHAN.  57 

arriued  at  New  Astracan,  which  this  Emperour  of  Eicma 
conquered  sixe  yeeres  past,  in  the  yeere  1552.  It  is  from 
the  Mosco  vnto  Astracan  sixe  hundreth  leagues,  or  there 
about.  The  towne  of  Astracan  is  situated  in  an  Island  vpon 
a  hill  side,  hauing  a  castle  within  the  same,  walled  about 
with  earth  and  timber,  neither  fayre  nor  strong,  the  towne 
is  also  walled  about  with  earth :  the  buildinges  and  houses 
(except  it  be  the  captain es  lodging,  and  certeine  other  gentle- 
mens)  most  base  and  simple.  The  Island  is  most  destitute 
and  barren  of  wood  and  pasture,  and  the  ground  will  beare 
no  corne :  the  ayre  is  there  most  infected,  by  reason  (as  I 
suppose)  of  much  fishe,  and  specially  sturgion,  by  which 
onely  the  inhabitantes  Hue,  hauing  great  scarsitie  of  flesh 
and  bread.  They  hang  vp  their  fish  in  tlieyr  streetes  and 
houses  to  dry  for  theyr  prouision,  which  causeth  such  abun- 
dance of  flyes  to  increase  there,  as  the  like  was  neuer  seene 
in  any  land,  to  their  great  plague.  And  at  my  being  at  the 
sayd  Astracan,  there  was  a  great  famine  and  plague  among 
the  people,  and  specially  among  the  Tartarres  called  Nagayans, 
who  the  same  time  came  thitlier  in  great  numbers  to  render 
themselues  to  the  Eusses  their  enemies,  and  to  seeke  succour 
at  their  hands,  their  countrey  being  destroyed,  as  I  said 
before :  but  they  were  but  ill  interteined  or  relieued,  for 
there  dyed  a  great  number  of  them  for  hunger,  which  lay 
all  the  Ilande  through  in  heapes  dead,  and  like  to  beastes, 
vnburyed,  very  pittifull  to  beholde  ;  many  of  them  were  also 

it  was  surrounded  by  an  earthen  rampart  and  palisade,  receiving  a 
garrison  of  Streltsi.  Since  then  its  history  has  been  eventful.  Fire, 
sword,  and  pestilence  have  more  than  once  ravaged  its  buildings  and 
decimated  its  population,  and  many  a  bloody  scene  has  been  enacted 
within  its  walls.  For  nearly  two  centuries,  however,  Asti-akhan  has 
passed  through  more  peaceful  times.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that, 
although  Astrakhan  was  not  finally  united  with  Russia  till  1557,  Ivan 
took  the  title  of  "  Tsar  of  Astrakhan"  in  all  important  documents  dating 
from  1552. — Semeonof,  art.  "Astrakhan";  Karamxiu,  viii,  248;  Hakl. 
8oc.,  Travels  of  Venetknis  in  Persia,  pp.  2i>,  147,  151. 


68  TRADE   OF   ASTKAKHAN. 

solde  by  the  Russes,  and  the  rest  were  banished  from  the 
Island.  At  that  time  it  had  bene  an  easie  thing  to  haue 
conuerted  that  wicked  Nation  to  the  Christian  faith,  if  the 
Russes  themselues  had  beene  good  Christians :  but  how 
should  they  shew  compassion  vnto  other  Nations,  when  they 
are  not  mercifull  vnto  their  owne.  At  my  being  there  I 
could  haue  bought  many  goodly  Tartars  children,  if  I  would 
haue  had  a  thousande,  of  their  owne  fathers  and  mothers,  to 
say,  a  boy  or  a  wench  for  a  loafe  of  bread  worth  sixe  pence  in 
England,  but  we  had  more  need  of  victualles  at  that  time 
then  of  any  such  merchandize.  This  Astracan  is  the  furthest 
holde  that  this  Emperour  of  Russia  hath  conquered  of  the 
Tartars  towardes  the  Caspian  sea,  which  hee  keepeth  very 
strong,  sending  thither  euery  yeere  prouision  of  men,  and 
victualles,  and  timber  to  builde  the  castle. 

There  is  a  certaine  trade  of  merchandize  there  vsed,  but 
as  yet  so  small  and  beggerly,  that  it  is  not  woorth  the 
making  mention,  and  yet  there  come  merchantes  thither 
from  diuers  places.^      The   chief  est   commodities   that   the 

^  The  trade  of  Astrakhan,  which  Jenkinson  found  in  almost  a 
moribund  condition,  had  been  much  larger  in  earlier  times.  Besides 
spices,  which  went  this  way  to  the  Adriatic,  silk  and  silken  stuffs  were 
imported  from  Transcaucasia  and  Persia,  sheepskins  and  woven 
cloths  from  Bokhara  and  Khiva.  Salt,  obtained  from  lakes  near  the 
Caspian,  was  among  the  most  valuable  of  commodities  dealt  in,  being 
sought  for  by  merchants  from  Mosco.  In  later  times  the  Russian 
Tsars  endeavoured  to  foster  the  trade  of  Astrakhan,  with  but  partial 
success.  Alexis  Mikhailovitch  founded  in  1 6  6  7  a  company  of  Armenian 
merchants,  and  built  a  vessel  to  protect  them  from  pirates.  In  Peter 
the  Great's  time  there  were  four  trading  companies,  one  of  which  was 
English,  but  Catherine  II  abolished  all  monopolies,  and  declared  the 
trade  free.  Notwithstanding  this  enlightened  policy,  the  Astrakhan 
trade,  hampered  by  restrictions  in  the  ports  of  Persia,  did  not  flourish, 
and  it  was  only  within  the  present  century  that  it  took  a  fresh  start. 
The  annual  exports,  consisting  chiefly  of  iron  and  hardware,  amounted 
between  1851  to  1860  to  £50,000;  the  imports,  silk,  fruits,  and 
cotton,  to  about  £90,000;  but  Astrakhan's  foreign  trade  is  much 
exceeded  by   its   transactions  with  its  neighbours  on  either  side — 


ENTRANCE  TO   CASPIAN.  59 

Russes  bring  thither  are  redde  hides,  redde  sheepe  skinnes, 
woodden  vessels,  bridles,  and  saddles,  kniues,  and  other 
trifles,  with  come,  bacon,  and  other  victualles.  The  Tartars 
bring  thither  diuers  kindes  of  wares  made  of  cotten  wooll, 
with  diuers  kindes  of  wrought  silkes :  and  they  that  come 
out  of  Persia,  namely  from  Shamackie,^  do  bring  sowing  silke, 
which  is  the  coursest  that  they  vse  in  Russeland,  Crasko, 
diuers  kindes  of  pide  silkes  for  girdles,  shirts  of  male,  bowes, 
swoords,  and  such  like  things :  and  some  yeeres  corne,  and 
wallnuts,  but  all  such  thinges  in  such  small  quantitie,  the 
merchantes  being  so  beggerly  and  poore  that  bring  the  same, 
that  it  is  not  worth  the  writing,  neither  is  there  any  hope 
of  trade  in  all  those  parts  woorth  the  following. 

This  foresaid  Island  oiAstracan  is  in  length  twelue  leagues, 
and  in  bredth  three,  and  lieth  East  and  West  in  the  latitude 
of  fortie  seuen  degrees  nine  minuts :  we  tarryed  there  vntill 
the  sixt  day  of  August,  and  hauing  bought  and  prouided  a 
boate  in  companye  with  certaine  Tartars  and  Persians,  we 
laded  our  goods,  and  imbarked  our  seines,  and  the  same  day 
departed  I,  with  the  same  two  Johnsons  hauing  the  whole 
charge  of  the  Nauigation  down  the  said  riuer  Volga,  being 
very  crooked,  and  full  of  flats  towards  the  mouth  thereof. 
We  entered  into  the  Caspian  sea  the  tenth  day  of  August  at 
the  Easterly  side  of  the  said  riuer,  being  twentie  leagues 

Transcaucasia  and  the  Volga  provinces.  To  the  former,  corn  is  shipped 
in  large  quantities  from  the  Governments  of  Samara,  Simbirsk,  and 
Saratof,  while  these  receive  in  exchange  the  produce  of  the  Caspian 
fisheries,  which  are  still  continued  on  an  extensive  scale.  The  whole 
value  of  the  trade  of  Astrakhan  was  estimated  in  1860  at  twenty-five 
millions  of  rubles,  or  about  £4,000,000.  Another  striking  feature  of 
Astrakhan  are  its  gardens,  producing  water  melons  in  enormous  quan- 
tities. These  are  shipped  in  large  lighters  to  the  towns  on  the  Upper 
Volga. — Semeonof,  art.  "Astrakhan". 

^  The  silk  of  Shemakha  (see  p.  131)  was  at  one  time  considered 
the  best  iu  Persia,  and  its  manufacture  was  the  chief  occupation  of 
the  inhabitants.  But  the  miserable  state  of  the  country,  owing  to 
wars,  interfered  with  the  silk  industry,  and  closed  many  of  the 
factories.— Semeonof,  art.  "  Shemakha". 


60  DELTA   OF  THE  VOLGA. 

from  Astracan  aforesaid,  in  the  latitude  of  fortie  sixe  degrees 
twentie  seuen  minuts.^ 

Volga  hath  seuentie  mouthes^  or  falles  into  the  sea :  and 
we  hauing  a  large  winde,  kept  the  Northeast  shoare,  and 
the  eleuenth  day  we  sailed  seuen  leagues  Eastnortheast, 
and  came  vnto  an  Island  hauing  an  high  hill  therein,  called 
Acmrgar?  a,  good  marke  in  the  sea.  From  thence  East  ten 
leagues,  we  fell  with  another  Island  called  Bawhyata*  much 
higher  then  the  other.  Within  these  two  Islands  to  the 
Northwards,  is  a  great  bay  called  the  Blew  sea.^  From 
thence  we  sayled  East  and  by  North  tenne  leagues,  and 
hauing  a  contrary  winde,  we  came  to  an  anker  in  a  fathom 
water,  and  so  ridde  vntill  the  fifteenth  day,  hauing  a  great 
storme  at  Southeast,  being  a  most  contrary  winde,  which  we 
ridde  out.  Then  the  winde  came  to  the  North,  and  we 
weyed,  and  set  our  course  Southeast,  and  that  day  sayled 
eight  leagues. 

Thus  proceeding  forwards,  the  seuenteenth  day  we  lost 
sight  of  land,  and  the  same  day  sailed  thirtie  leagues,  and 
the  eighteentli  day  twentie  leagues  winding  East,  and  fell 

*  The  delta  of  the  Volga  begins  about  thirty  miles  above  Astrakhan, 
where  the  Buzan,  a  large  arm,  leaves  the  main  river  on  the  left  side. 
Two  miles  and  a  half  above  this  town,  the  Balda,  another  channel, 
separates  from  the  Volga,  and  at  Astrakhan  itself  a  third  arm,  the 
Kutum,  diverges.  From  this  point  navigation  becomes  difficult, 
owing  to  the  numerous  channels  which  intersect  the  delta  in  all 
directions,  shallows  and  sand  banks  caused  by  the  ever-shifting 
current. 

'^  The  mouths  of  the  Volga  are  variously  estimated  at  between  80 
and  200,  but  they  are  so  continually  changing  that  no  correct  idea  can 
be  formed  of  their  number. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Volga". 

3  Doubtless  Ak-Kurghan  (i.e.,  white  hill).  The  terminology  of  the 
Caspian  has  completely  changed  since  Russian  Cossacks  gave  new 
names  to  islands,  bays,  and  promontories,  discarding  Tartar  appel- 
latives. 

'*  On  Jenkinson's  map,  Boghnata. 

^  The  S'lnye  Mortso  {i.e.,  little  blue  sea)  of  Russian  maps,  a  wide 
bay  to  the  north-east  of  the  Volga  estuary. 


THE   YAIK   OR   URAL.  61 

with  a  land  called  Buvyhleata}  being  seuentie  foure  leagues  Baughiiata. 
from  the  mouth  of  the  foresayd  Volga,  in  the  latitude  of 
fortie  sixe  degrees  fiftie  foure  minuts,  the  coast  lying  neerest 
East  and  by  South,  and  West  and  by  North.  At  the  poynt 
of  this  land  lyeth  buryed  a.holye  Prophet,  as^the  Tartars 
call  him,  of  theyr  lawe,  where  great  deuotion  is  vsed  of  all 
such  Mahometistes  as  doe  passe  that  waye.^ 

The  nineteenth  day  the  winde  being  West,  and  we  winding 
Eastsoutheast,  we  sailed  tenne  leagues,  and  passed  by  a 
great  riuer  called  Yahe?  which  hath  his  spring  in  the  lande 
of  Siberia,  nigh  vnto  the  foresayd  riuer  Cama,  and  runneth 
through  the  land  of  Nagay,  falling  into  this  Mare  Caspium. 
And  vp  this  riuer  one  dayes  iourney  is  a  towne  called  Sera-  serachike. 

^  This  name  appears  on  Jenkinson's  map  as  Bagthiar,  and  is  probably 
indicated  by  Boghata  Kultuk  (gulf)  and  Tourjinkoi  Boughau,  on 
French  map  1:500,000,  ten  leagues  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  Ural. 
The  text  speaks  of  a  country,  not  of  any  particular  point  of 
land. 

2  For  several  of  these  graves  cf.  Khanikof 's  map  of  the  Inner  Horde. 

'  The  Yaik  or  Ural  rises  on  the  northern  slopes  of  Mount  Iremel. 
one  of  the  highest  points  in  the  Ural  chain,  near  the  borders  of  Western 
Siberia  and  the  Government  of  Orenburg;  a  left  tributary  of  the 
Kama,  the  Bielaia  (white)  river,  has  its  sources  in  the  same  group  of 
mountains.  Jenkinson  is  therefore  so  far  correct  in  his  hydrography. 
The  Ural  is  historically  an  interesting  river.  On  its  banks  adventurous 
Cossacks  from  the  Don  founded  a  settlement  towards  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Here  they  served  Russia  as  a  frontier  guard,  and 
were  rewarded  by  the  concession  of  certain  rights  and  privileges,  of 
which  they  were  very  tenacious.  Here  they  grew  and  multiplied,  con- 
stantly engaged  in  fighting  remnants  of  Tartar  hordes,  who  roamed 
over  the  vast  steppes  beyond  the  border,  and  extending  their  raids 
even  as  far  as  Khiva.  Here,  too,  was  the  scene  of  Pugachof 's  revolt, 
in  which  Yaik  Cossacks,  discontented  at  losing  their  privileges,  joined. 
In  order  to  wipe  out  all  recollection  of  these  events,  Catherine  II 
changed  their  name,  as  well  as  that  of  the  river,  from  "  Yaik"  to 
"  Ural."  The  Ural  waters  the  country  of  the  Bashkirs,  and  forms  the 
the  S.E.  limit  of  the  Government  of  Orenburg.  On  its  right  are  the 
Volga  plains  ;  on  its  left,  the  boundless  steppe  where  the  wild  Kirghiz 
pasture  their  flocks  and  herds. — Hist,  of  Pugachof 's  Revolt^  Pushkin, 
part  I. 


62  SARAICHIK. 

chicke}  subiect  to  the  aforesayd  Tartar  prince  called  Murse 
Smille,  which  is  now  in  friendshippe  with  the  Eraperour  of 
Eussia.  Heere  is  no  trade  of  merchandize*  vsed,  for  that  the 
people  haue  no  vse  of  money,  and  are  all  men  of  warre,  and 
pasturers  of  cattell,  and  giuen  much  to  theft  and  murther. 
Thus  being  at  an  anker  against  this  riuer  Yake,  and  all  our 
men  being  on  lande,  sauing  I,  who  laye  sore  sicke,  and  fine 
Tartars,  whereof  one  was  reputed  a  holy  man,  because  hee 
came  from  Mecka,  there  came  vnto  vs  a  boate  with  thirtie 
men  well  armed  and  appoynted,  who  boorded  vs,  and  beganne 
to  enter  into  our  barke,  and  our  holy  Tartar  called  Azy,^ 
perceiuing  that,  asked  them  what  they  would  haue,  and 
withall  made  a  prayer :  with  that  these  rouers  stayed,  declar- 
ing that  they  were  Gentlemen,  banished  from  theyr  countrey, 
and  out  of  liuing,^  and  came  to  see  if  there  were  any  Busses 
or  other  Christians  (which  they  call  Caphars)  in  our  barke : 
to  whom  this  Azie  most  stoutly  answered,  that  there  were 
none,  auowing  the  same  by  great  othes  of  their  lawe,  (which 
lightly  they  will  not  breake)  whom  the  rouers  beleeued,  and 

*  Saraichik  ("  The  Little  Palace"),  about  forty  miles  up  the  Ural,  was 
visited  in  1338  by  Pascal  of  Vittoria,  a  Franciscan  monk.  He  went 
there  by  water  in  twelve  days  from  Sarai  on  the  Volga.  Saraichik 
was,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  head  quarters  of 
the  Nogai  Tartars,  and  Prince  Ismael,  as  may  be  inferred  from 
the  text,  had  his  residence  there.  The  ruins  of  this  town  were 
seen  by  Pallas  in  1769,  and  bricks  of  which  it  was  built  were  used  in 
building  the  town  of  Gurief  and  neighbouring  Cossack  stations. — 
Cathay  and  the  Way  Thither,  Hakl.  Soc,  pp.  234,  287,  288; 
Semeonof ,  aft.  "  Saraichikofskaia  stanitsa" ;  Aralo-Kaspian  Exp. 
Bogdanqf,  pt.  I,  p.  4. 

2  "  Azy"  is  evidently  intended  for  "Hadji",  a  title  given  to  Muham- 
medan  pilgrims  to  Mecca. 

3  These  "banished  gentlemen"  were  probably  usurpers  or  defeated 
rivals  and  enemies  of  reigning  Khans.  Having  fled  for  safety  to  the 
steppe,  they  supported  themselves  and  their  followers  in  the  best  way 
they  could.  "  Caphars",  evidently  from  the  Arabic  Kdfer,  an  un- 
believer, i.e.,  in  Muhammed.  The  incident  is  curious,  as  Jenkinson 
and  his  party  were  passed  off  by  the  Hadji  as  good  Mussulmans. — C. 


The 


NOUTII-EAST   SHORE   OF   CASPIAN.  63 

vpon  his  wordes  departed.  And  so  through  the  fidelitie  of 
that  Tartar,  I  with  all  my  companie  and  goods  were  saued, 
and  our  men  being  come  on  boorde,  and  the  winde  faire,  wee 
departed  from  that  place,  and  winding  East  and  So\itheast, 
that  day  being  the  second  of  August  sailed  16.  leagues. 

The  21.  day  wee  passed  ouer  a  bay  of  6.  leagues  broade,^ 
and  fell  with  a  Cape  of  land,  hauing  two  Islands  at  the 
Southeast  part  thereof,  being  a  good  marke  in  the  sea  :  and 
doubling  that  Cape  the  land  trended  Northeast,  and  maketh 
another  bay,  into  which  falleth  the  great  riuer  Yem,^  spring- 
ing out  of  the  land  of  Colmacke.  countrie  of 
The  22.  23.  and  24.  dayes,  we  were  at  an  ancre.^ 
The  25.  the  winde  came  faire,  and  we  sailed  that  day  20. 
leagues,  and  passed  by  an  Island  of  low  land,*  and  there 
about  are  many  flats  and  sands :  and  to  the  Northward  of 

^  Probably  the  wide  but  shallow  bay  of  Biely  (white)  Ilmen,  east  of 
the  mouths  of  the  Ural.  Further  east,  low,  flat  spits  of  land  follow 
in  succession,  running  far  out  to  sea,  partly  below,  partly  above  the 
surface  of  the  water.  In  comparing  Jenkinson's  narrative  with  modem 
surveys  of  the  Caspian,  it  should  be  remembered  that  upwards  of  three 
centuries  have  intervened,  and  that  the  gradual  desiccation  which  has 
been  going  on  throughout  this  time  has  wrought  a  great  change  in 
the  configuration  of  the  northern  and  north-eastern  shallow  coasts  of 
this  sea. 

2  The  estuary  of  the  Emba  is  in  46°  30'  N.  lat.  This  river  is  now 
lost  in  the  sand  long  before  reaching  the  Caspian.  How  long  ago  its 
mouth  was  desiccated  it  is  impossible  to  say,  for  the  oldest  fishermen 
have  no  traditions  of  an  outfall  here  into  the  sea,  and  a  dense  growth 
of  reeds  now  covers  its  estuary.  The  Emba  rises  in  49°  N.  lat.  in  the 
southern  offshoots  of  the  Ural  range,  a  country  formerly  inhabited 
by  Kalmuks,  but  now  comprised  in  the  territory  of  the  Kirghiz  of 
the  Lesser  Horde,  and  included  for  administrative  purposes  in  the 
Turgai  district  of  the  Government  of  Orenburg. — Semeonof,  art. 
"Emba";  Euss.  Survey  of  Caspian,  1875,  p.  30. 

3  Off  the  mouth,  or  what  had  been  the  mouth,  of  the  Emba. 

*  Perhaps  Lebiaji  (Swan),  one  of  the  numerous  low,  sandy  islands 
off  the  entrance  to  Mertvi  Kultuh  (i.e.,  dead  gulf),  the  "  great  bay" 
of  the  text.  Near  the  end  of  this  island  the  coast  has  a  south-westerly 
direction,  and  forms,  with  Busatchi  peninsula,  Kaulak  inlet. 


C4  MANGISHLAK   PENINSULA. 

this  Island  there  goeth  in  a  great  bay,  but  wee  set  off  from 
this  Island,  and  winded  South  to  come  into  deepe  water, 
being  much  troubled  with  shoalds  and  flats,  and  ranne  that 
course  10.  leagues,  then  East  Southeast  20.  leagues,  and  fel 
with  the  maine  land,  being  full  of  copped  hils,  and  passing 
along  the  coast  20.  leagues,  the  further  we  sailed,  the  higher 
was  the  land. 

The  27.  day  we  crossed  ouer  a  bay/  the  Southshoare  being 
the  higher  land,  and  fell  with  a  high  point  of  land:  and 
being  ouerthwart  the  Cwpe,  there  rose  such  a  stornie  at  the 
East,  that  we  thought  verily  we  should  haue  perished  :  this 
storme  continued  3.  dayes.  From  this  Ca'pe  we  passed  to  a 
port  called  Mangodaue,?  The  place  where  wee  should  haue 
arriued  at  the  Southermost  part  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  is  12. 
leagues  within  a  bay :  but  wee  being  sore  tormented,  and 
tossed  with  this  foresaid  storme,  were  driuen  vnto  another 
land  on  the  other  side  the  bay,  ouerthwart  the  said  Man- 
goslaue  being  very  lowe  land,  and  a  place  as  well  for  the  ill 


*  Probably  Koshak  Bay,  formed  by  Busatchi  and  Mangishlak  penin- 
sulas. The  bay  is  eighteen  miles  long  and  about  seven  miles  wide 
at  its  entrance.  Its  north  shore  is  low,  clayey,  and  flat,  being  hardly 
nine  feet  above  the  sea,  whilst  on  the  south  it  is  bordered  by  a  chain 
of  hills  intersected  by  two  or  three  small  ravines  and  a  wide  valley. 
Near  the  entrance  to  Koshak  Bay,  east  of  the  promontory,  was 
formerly  the  port  of  Mangishlak. — Russ.  Survey  of  Caspian,  pp. 
35,  37. 

*  "Mangishlak",  composed  of  two  words,  Mangu  and  Kishlak,  signi- 
fying the  village  or  abode  of  the  Mangyt  or  Nogai  Tartars,  is  the 
name  of  a  peninsula  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Caspian.  The  port 
here  was  the  point  of  departure  for  caravans  of  Russian  traders 
bound  for  Khiva,  and  for  a  long  while  Fort  Novo-Alexandrofsk, 
erected  on  this  peninsula,  served  Russia  as  a  foothold  in  Turkoman 
territory,  and  a  base  for  military  operations.  More  recently,  as  her 
influence  extended  further  south,  other  points  on  the  east  coast  were 
found  more  suitable  for  these  purposes,  and  the  fort  lost  much  of 
its  importance.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Lomakin's  detachment 
marched  from  this  place  against  Khiva  in  1873,  and  the  name  is  still 
retained  as  that  of  a  large  military  district. 


RAPACITY    OF   TURKOMANS.  65 

commoditie  of  the  hauen,  as  of  those  bruite  tielde  people, 
where  neuer  barke  nor  boate  had  before  arriued,  not  liked 
of  us. 

But  yet  here  we  sent  certaine  of  our  men  to  lande  to  talke 
with  the  gouernour  and  people,^  as  well  for  our  good  vsage  at 
their  handes,  as  also  for  prouision  of  camels  to  carry  our 
goods  from  the  saide  sea  side  to  a  place  called  Sellyzure? 
being  from  the  place  of  our  landing  fine  and  twentie  dayes 
iourney.  Our  messengers  returned  with  comfortable  wordes 
and  faire  promises  of  all  things. 

Wherefore  the  3.  day  of  September  1558.  wee  discharged 
our  barke,  and  I  with  my  companie  were  gently  intertained 
of  the  Prince,  and  of  his  people.^  But  before  our  departure 
from  thence,  wee  founde  them  to  bee  very  badde  and  brutish 
people,  for  they  ceased  not  dayly  to  molest  vs,  either  by 
fighting,  stealing  or  begging,  raysing  the  prise  of  horse  and 
camels,  and  victuals  double,  that  the  wont  was  there  to  bee, 
and  forced  vs  to  buy  the  water  that  wee  did  drinke :  which 
caused  vs  to  hasten  away,  and  to  conclude  with  them  as 
well  for  the  hier  of  camels,  as  for  the  price  of  such  as 
wee  bought,  with  other  prouision,  according  to  their  owne 
demaunde  :  So  that  for  euery  camels  lading  being  but  400. 

^  Jenkinson  does  not  say  who  this  "  people"  were,  but  they  may  be 
assumed  to  have  been  Turkomans  ;  and  the  "  governor"  mentioned 
in  the  text  must  be  understood  to  mean  "  elder"  {aksakal),  the  only 
persons  whose  authority  is  recognised  by  them. — Vesselof  sky's  Hist. 
Notes  on  Khiva,  p.  112,  note. 

2  See  infra,  p.  69. 

3  Travellers  have  often  spoken  of  the  bad  faith  and  predatory  habits 
of  the  Turkomans.  Major  (now  General)  Abbott,  after  living 
among  them  for  several  months,  was  attacked  and  severely  wounded, 
narrowly  escaping  with  his  life.  Major  Shakespear  took  an  unfavour- 
able view  of  their  character,  as  did  also  Muravief.  The  late  Mr. 
O'Donovan's  experiences  were  better  ;  but  it  should  be  remembered, 
in  his  case,  that  he  was  looked  upon  as  the  only  man  who  could  help 
them  in  their  necessities  against  Russia. — Herat  to  Khiva,  by  Major 
James  Abbott,  vol.  i,  passim  ;  Muravief  s  Travels,  Russian  edit.,  p.  34  ; 
The  Merv  Oasis,  by  E.  O'Donovan,  passim. 


66  PAYING   TOLL. 

waight  of  ours,  wee  agreed  to  giue  three  hides  of  Russia, 
and  foure  wodden  dishes,  and  to  the  Prince  or  gouernour  of 
the  saide  people  one  ninth  and  two  seuenths,^  Namely,  9. 
seuerall  things,  and  twise  7.  seuerall  things  :  for  money  they 
vse  none. 

And  thus  being  readie,  the  foureteenth  of  September  wee 
departed  from  that  place,  being  a  Garauan  of  1000.  camels. 
And  hauing  trauailed  fiue  dayes  iourney,  wee  came  to  another 
Princes  Dominion,  and  vpon  the  way  there  came  vnto  vs 
certaine  Tartars  a  horsebacke,  being  well  armed,  and 
s'eruants  vnto  the  said  Prince  called  Timor  Soltan^  gouernour 
of  the  said  Countrey  of  Mangoslaue,  where  we  ment  to  haue 
arriued  and  discharged  our  barke  if  the  great  storme  afore- 
said had  not  disappointed.  These  foresaid  Tartars  stayed 
our  Garauan  in  the  name  of  their  prince,  and  opened  our 
wares,  and  tooke  such  things  as  they  thought  best  for  their 
said  prince  without  money,  but  for  such  things  as  they  tooke 
from  me,  which  was  a  ninth,  (after  much  dissension)  I  ridde 
vnto  the  same  Prince,  and  presented  my  selfe  before  him, 
requesting  his  fauour,  and  pasport  to  trauaile  through  his 
countrey,  and  not  to  be  robbed  nor  spoiled  of  his  people  : 
which  request  he  graunted  me,  and  intertained  me  very 
gently,  commanding  mee  to  be  well  feasted  with  flesh  and 
mares  milke:  for  bread  they  vse  none,  nor  other  drinke 
except  water :  but  money  he  had  none  to  give  mee  for  such 
things  as  hee  tooke  of  mee,  which  might  bee  of  value  in 
Busse  money,  fifteene  rubbles,  but  hee  gaue  mee  his  letter, 
and  a  horse  worth  seuen  rubbles.  And  so  I  departed  from 
him  being  glad  that  I  was  gone  :  for  hee  was  reported  to  bee 

*  They  gave  the  prince  nine  several  things  and  twice  seven  several 
things,  the  numbers  nine  and  seven  being  considered  lucky. — 
Vesselofshyy  note,  p.  112  ;  cf.  Abulghazi,  p.  228. 

2  Timour  Sultan,  brother  of  Hadjim  Khan,  received  as  his  share,  on 
a  division  of  his  father's  heritage  in  1557,  half  the  town  of  Khiva 
and  the  Kara-Bakaul  Turkomans. — Hist,  des  Moguls  et  Tartars,  par 
Abul  Ghazi  Khan,  Desmaison,  p.  256;  Vesselofsh/,  note,  p.  113. 


CROSSING   THE   DESERT.  G7 

a  very  tyrant,  and  if  I  had  not  gone  vnto  him,  I  vnderstoode 
his  commaundement  was,  that  I  should  haue  bene  robbed 
and  destroyed. 

This  Soltan  liued  in  the  fieldes  without  Castle  or  towne, 
and  sate  at  my  being  with  him,  in  a  little  rounde  house 
made  of  reedes  couered  without  with  felt,  and  within  with 
Carpets.  There  was  with  him  the  great  Metropolitan^  of  that 
wilde  Countrey,  esteemed  of  the  people,  as  the  bishop  of  Rome 
is  in  most  parts  of  Europe,  with  diuers  other  of  his  chiefe 
men:  the  Soltan  with  this  Metropolitan,  demanded  of  me 
many  questions,  as  wel  touching  our  kingdoms,  iawes,  and 
Religion,  as  also  the  cause  of  my  comming  into  those  parts, 
with  my  further  pretence.  To  whom  I  answered  concerning 
all  things,  as  vnto  me  seemed  best,  which  they  tooke  in  good 
part.  So  hauing  leaue  I  departed  and  overtooke  our  Caraiian, 
and  proceeded  on  our  iourney,  and  trauailed  20.  dayes  in  the 
wilderness  from  the  sea  side  without  seeing  towne  or  habita- 
tion, carying  prouision  of  victuals  with  vs  for  the  same  time, 
and  were  driuen  by  necessitie  to  eate  one  of  my  camels  and 
a  horse  for  our  part,  as  other  did  the  like,  and  during  the  said 
20.  dayes  we  found  no  water,  but  such  as  we  drewe  out  of 
olde  deepe  wells,  being  very  brackish  and  salt,  and  yet  some- 
times passed  two  or  three  dayes  without  the  same.  And  the 
5.2  day  of  October  ensuing,  we  came  vnto  a  gulphe  of  the 
Caspian  sea  againe,  where  wee  founde  the  water  very  fresh 
and  sweete :  at  this  gulphe  the  customers  of  the  king  of 
Turkeman  met  vs,  who  tooke  custom e  of  euery  25.  one,  and 
7.  ninthes^  for  the  saide  king  and  his  brethren,  which  being 

^  By  "  Metropolitan"  must  be  understood  the  Sheik  ul  Islam,  or 
some  other  great  dignitary  of  the  Mohammedan  world.  The  title  is 
repeated  afterwards  in  speaking  of  Bokhara  (see  p.  83). 

2  Probably  a  misprint  for  3,  as  they  departed  on  the  4th.  (See 
infra.) 

'  An  error  has  crept  in  here,  probably  owing  to  the  ignorance  of  the 
transcriber  of  Central  Asian  manners.  "  Seven"  and  "  nine"  were,  as 
we  have  remarked  (note  p.  66),  the  lucky  numbers  ;  the  tax,  therefore. 


68  MISTAKEN   GEOGRAPHY.      HADJIM   KHAN. 

receiued  tliey  departed,  and  we  remained  there  a  day  after 
to  refresh  ourselues. 

Note  that  in  times  past  there  did  fal  into  this  gulfe^  y® 
great  riuer  Oxus,  which  hath  his  springs  in  the  mountaines 
of  Paraponisits  in  India}  and  now  commeth  not  so  farre,  but 
falleth  into  another  riuer  called  Ardocke,  \j\\\q\\  runneth 
towards  the  North,  and  consumeth  himself  in  the  ground, 
passing  vnder  ground  aboue  1000.^  miles,  and  then  issueth 
out  againe  and  falleth  into  the  lake  of  Kiihay. 

We   hauing   refreshed   ourselues   at   the   foresaide  gulfe, 

departed  thence  the  4.  day  of  October,  and  the  7.  day  arriued 

Iha^T?'  ^^  ^^  ^  Castle   called  Sellizure,  where    the   king  (called  Azim 

CanV  remained  with  3.  other  of  his  brethren,  and  the  9.  day 

levied  in  this  instance  was  one  in  twenty-five,  or  four  per  cent.,  and 
in  addition,  as  presents  for  the  Sultan  and  his  brethren,  seven  several 
things  and  nine  several  things. — VesselofsJcy,  note  on  p.  116. 

^  The  early  commentators  of  Jenkinson  were  sorely  puzzled  with 
this  "  gulf",  and  decided  that  it  must  have  been  Kara  bugaz,  to  which 
they  were  obliged  to  give  a  much  greater  extension  eastward  than  it 
ever  attained.  Recent  surveys  have  completely  dispelled  these  erro- 
neous conclusions,  in  showing  that  the  "fresh-water"  gulf  reached  by 
Jenkinson  on  the  14th  September  was  no  gulf  at  all,  but  Lake  Sari- 
Kamish,  at  that  time  united  with  the  Amu  daria,  and  occupying  a 
far  more  extensive  area  than  at  present.  Even  at  this  day  an 
occasional  overflow  from  the  Oxus  finds  its  way  into  Lake  Sari- 
Kamish.     (See  infra,  p.  74,  note.) 

2  Paraponisi  montes  of  Jenkinson's  map,  Paroponisus  of  Ptol.,  Bk. 
VI,  cap.  xi,  the  modem  Hindu  Kush. — C. 

3  In  Hakluyt,  1598,  f.  329,  these  figures  are  corrected  to  500. 
Later  on,  he  writes  that  the  Ardocke  flows  out  of  the  Oxus.  (See 
infra,  p.  74.) 

*  This  individual  has  been  identified  with  Hadjim  Khan  (in  Russian 
MSS.  his  name  is  spelt  Azim  Can).  Hadji  Muhammed  Khan,  or 
Hadjim  Khan,  son  of  Ogotai,  was  raised  to  the  throne,  or,  strictly 
speaking,  to  the  White  Carpet,  in  965  of  the  Hegira  (a.d.  1568),  at  the 
age  of  39,  and  reigned  till  1602.  He  had  five  brothers  :  Mahmud  Sul- 
tan, Pulad  Sultan,  Timur  Sultan,  AUa-Kuli  Sultan,  and  Suleiman 
Sultan.  Hadjim  Khan  received  as  his  appanage  the  town  of  Vezir, 
while  Alia  Sultan  had  Urgendj,  Kat,  and  Hazarasp. — Vesselofsky^  pp. 
110-116;  Abulghazi,  p.  263. 


SELLIZUKE.  69 

I  was  commaunded  to  come  before  his  presence,  to  whome  I 
deliuered  the  Emperours  letters  of  Russia  :  and  I  also  gaue 
him  a  present  of  a  ninthe,  who  entertained  me  very  well,  and 
caused  mee  to  eate  in  his  presence  as  his  brethren  did,  feast- 
ing me  with  flesh  of  a  wilde  horse,  and  mares  milke  without 
bread.  And  the  next  day  sent  for  mee  againe,  and  asked  of 
me  diuers  questions,  as  well  touching  the  affaires  of  the 
Emperour  of  Russia,  as  of  our  Countrey  and  lawes,  to  which 
I  answered  as  I  thought  good :  so  that  at  my  departure  he 
gaue  me  his  letters  of  safe  conduct. 

This  Castle  of  Sellizure^  is  situated  vpon  an  high  hill,  where 
the  king  called  the  Can  lyeth,  whose  palace  is  built  of  earth 
very  basely,  and  not  strong :  the  people  are  but  poore,  and 
little  trade  of  marchandise  among  them.  The  South  part  of 
this  Castle  is  lowe  lande,  but  j^ery  fruitfull,  where  growe 
many  good  fruites,  among  which  there  is  one  called  a  Dynie^ 
of  a  great  bignesse  and  full  of  moysture,  which  the  people 
doe  eate  after  meate  in  steade  of  drinke.  Also  there  growes 
another  fruite  called  a  Carbuse  of  the  bignesse  of  a  great 
cucumber,  yellow  and  sweete  as  sugar :  also  a  certaine  corne, 
called  legur^  whose  stalke  is  much  like  a  sugar  cane,  and  as 

1  This  "castle",  or  fortified  town,  of  Sellizure  (Shayzure  on  Jen- 
kinson's  map)  has  been  identified  with  Shahr,  or  Shehr  Vezir  (Shahr 
signifying  town),  now  marked  by  the  ruins  of  Deri  Kesken.  These 
ruins  stand  on  the  southern  skirt  of  the  Ust  Urt  upland,  overlooking 
an  extensive  level  plain,  marked  by  traces  of  former  irrigation.  They 
are  about  three  days'  march  from  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Sari-Kamish, 
and  the  same  distance  from  Kunia  Urgendj.  Baron  Kaulbars  visited 
them  recently. — Kaulbars,  in  Zapiski,  J.  R.  G.  S.,  jx,  p.  447. 

2  There  is  an  error  here  ;  dynie  are  sweet  melons.  Arbuze  (in 
Little  Russian  dialect  carhuze  or  garhuze)  are  water  melons.  Kwarezm 
was  always  famed  for  its  melons,  which  ripen  a  month  earlier  than  do 
thotc  ot  Uokhara.  One  kind,  with  green  rind  and  firm,  yellow  flesh, 
was  fajmtrly  prepared  by  cutting  into  slices  and  drying  in  the  sun, 
and  was  then  exported  to  India,  and  even  to  China. — Vesselofsky, 
p.  117;  Lerch,  p.  41  ;  De  Goeje,  p.  30;  BahVa Diet.,  herch's  Khiva,  p.  38. 

3  Holcuis  Sonjhum,  known  also  as  Djugara,  or  Sorgho,  is  one  of  the 
most  largely  cultivated  and  useful  plants  of  Central  Asia,  where  it 


\ 


70  ALI   SULTAN. 

high,  and  the  graine  like  rice,  which  groweth  at  the  toppe  of 
the  cane  like  a  cluster  of  grapes :  the  water  that  seiaieth  all 
that  Countrey  is  drawen  by  diches  out  of  the  riuer  Oxus, 
vnto  the  great  destruction  of  the  said  riuer,  for  which  cause 
it  falleth  not  into  the  Caspian  sea  as  it  hath  done  in  times 
past,  and  in  short  time  all  that  lande  is  like  to  be  destroyed, 
and  to  become  a  wildernes  for  want  of  water,  when  the  riuer 
of  Oxus  shall  faile.* 

The  14  day  of  the  moneth  we  departed  from  this  Castle 
of  Sellizure,  and  the  16.  of  the  same  we  arriued  at  a  citie 
called  Vrgense,^  where  we  payde  custome  as  well  for  our 
owne  heads,  as  for  our  camels  and  horse.  And  hauing  there 
soiourned  one  moneth,  attending  the  time  of  our  further 
trauaile,  the  king  of  that  Countrey  called  Aly  Soltani^  brother 
to  the  fore  named  Azym  Can,  returned  from  a  towne  called 
Corozan  within  the  borders  of  Persia,  which  hee  lately  had 
conquered  from  the  Persians,  with  whome  hee  and  the 
rest  of  the  kings  of  Tartaria  have  continuall  warres. 
Before  this  king  also  I  was  commaunded  to  come,  to 
whome    I    likewise   presented    the    Emperours   letters    of 

grows  to  a  height  of  ten  feet.  When  ground  into  flour,  sorgho  serves 
as  food  for  man  ;  horses  eat  the  grain  as  readily  as  barley,  cattle  feed 
upon  its  green  stalks,  and  sheep  on  its  leaves.  When  dried,  the  straw 
makes  excellent  fuel.  A  field  of  sorgho,  carefully  manured  and  irri- 
gated, will  yield  from  50  to  160-fold. — Kostenko,  pt.  iii,  p.  20. 

1  Jenkinson's  words  were  prophetic.  The  environs  of  Vezir  have 
literally  become  a  wilderness,  and  nothing  is  left  of  the  town  but  some 
rains. 

^  Jenkinson  distinguishes  between  Urgendj  and  Sellizure,  calling  the 
latter  a  "  castle",  the  former  a  city  or  town,  as  though  it  were  the 
more  important  place  of  the  two  ;  but  Sellizure  (i.e.,  Vezir)  was  the 
residence  of  Hadjim  Khan,  and  therefore  the  capital,  while  Urgendj, 
more  centrally  situated  and  larger,  might  easily  have  been  mistaken 
for  the  principal  town. — Vesselo/sky,  note,  p.  11. 

8  Ali  Sultan  frequently  made  raids  into  Khorassan,  the  province  ; 
there  is  no  town  of  this  name  (Vesselofsky,  p.  117,  note).  On  some 
old  maps,  however,  the  name  appears  with  reference  to  a  town,  and 
on  Jenkinson's,  Corassan  parva  and  magna  occur. — C. 


URGENDJ.  71 

Russia,  and  he  intertained  me  well,  and  demaunded  of 
me  diuers  questions,  and  at  my  departure  gaue  me  his 
letters  of  safe  conduct. 

This  Citie  or  towne  of  Vrgence^  standeth  in  a  plaine  ground, 
with  walles  of  earth,  by  estimation  4.  miles  about  it.  The 
buildings  within  it  are  also  of  earth,  but  ruined  and  out  of 
good  order :  it  hath  one  long  streete  that  is  couered  aboue, 
which  is  the  place  of  their  market.     It  hath  bene  wonne  and 

^  Urgendj,  now  known  as  Kunia  (Old)  Urgendj,  became  the  capital  of 
Kwarezm  after  Vezir  was  no  longer  habitable,  and  long  before  Khiva 
rose  to  be  the  principal  city  of  the  Khanat.  Urgendj  owed  its  first 
foundation  to  the  Arabs,  shortly  after  their  invasion  of  this  country. 
They  took  Fil,  a  town  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Jihun,  or  Oxus, 
mentioned  by  historians  under  the  name  of  El  Manzura,  a  name  by 
which  it  came  afterwards  to  be  known.  But  the  river,  ever  encroach- 
ing on  its  right  bank  and  undermining  their  town,  caused  its  inhabitants 
to  remove  to  the  opposite  bank  and  build  a  new  town,  which  they 
called  Urgendj,  or  Gurgandj.  Dimeshaki,  an  Arab  geographer  of  the 
fourteenth  century,  describes  it  as  nothing  more  than  a  village  at  first, 
but  afterwards  a  town  known  among  Arabs  as  El-Djordjaniya.  Ibn 
Batuta  proceeded  thither  from  Saraichik,  accomplishing  the  distance 
in  thirty  days.  Down  to  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  or  a  few 
years  antecedent  to  Jenkinson's  visit,  Urgendj  continued  to  be  a  place 
of  importance.  A  caravan  road  connected  it  with  the  Caspian  at 
Balkhan  Bay,the  Oxus  flowed  past  its  walls,  and  according  to  Abulghazi, 
fields,  vineyards,  and  gardens  continued  uninterruptedly  on  either 
bank  as  far  as  the  Caspian,  into  which  this  river  then  discharged,  the 
riparian  districts  being  inhabited  by  Turkomans  of  the  Adakli-Khizir, 
Ali,  and  Tivedji  tribes.  But  about  1575  the  Amu  daria  worked  a  new 
channel  for  itself  opposite  the  tower  of  Khast,  at  a  place  named  Kara 
Uighur  Tukai,  and  flowed  towards  the  fortress  of  Tuk,  debouching  into 
the  Aral,  called  by  Abulghazi  Sea  of  Syr,  probably  at  Aibughir  Bay. 
Owing  to  this  change,  the  neighbourhood  of  Urgendj  became  in  course 
of  time  a  wilderness,  though  for  many  years  after  the  event  recorded 
took  place,  and  even  when  Urgendj  itself  was  deserted  by  its  popula- 
tion, crops  were  sown  and  harvested  in  the  fruitful  tracts,  fertilised 
by  the  overflow  of  summer  floods,  and  the  Khan  with  his  followers 
would,  at  certain  seasons,  takes  up  his  abode  near  Urgendj,  and 
superintend  harvesting  operations.  Tuk  lay  north  of  KhAst,  and 
north-east  of  Urgendj,  at  a  distance  of  a  few  hours'  ride. — Abulghazi, 
p.  221. 


72  TARTAR   PRINCES. 

lost  4.  times  within  7.  yeeres  by  ciuill  wanes/  by  meanes 
whereof  there  are  but  fewe  marchants  in  it,  and  they  very 
poore,  and  in  all  that  towne  I  could  not  sell  aboue  4.  carseis. 
The  chiefest  commodities  there  solde,  are  such  wares  as  come 
from  Boghar,  and  out  of  Persia,  but  in  most  small  quantitie 
not  worth  the  writing.  All  the  land  from  the  Caspian  sea  to 
this  Citie  of  Vrgence,  is  called  the  lande  of  Turkeman,  and  is 
subiect  to  the  saide  Azim  Can,  and  his  brethren  which  be 
6.  in  nomber,^  and  one  of  them  hath  the  name  of  the  chiefe 
king  called  Can,  but  he  is  litle  obeyed  sauing  in  his  owne 
Dominion,  and  where  hee  dwelleth:  for  euery  one  will  be 
king  of  his  owne  portion,  and  one  brother  seeketh  alwayes  to 
destroy  another,  hauing  no  natural  loue  among  them,  by 
reason  that  they  are  begotten  of  diuers  women,^  and  com- 
monly they  are  the  children  of  slaues,  either  Christians  or 
Gentiles,  which  the  father  doeth  keepe  as  concubines,  and 
euery  Can  or  Sultan,  hath  at  the  least  4.  or  5.  wiues,  besides 
yong  maydens  and  boyes,  lining  most  viciously,  and  when 
there  are  warres  betwixt  these,  brethren,  (as  they  are  seldome 
without)  hee  that  is  ouercome  if  hee  be  not  slaine,  flieth  to 
the  fielde  with  such  companie  of  men  as  will  folio  we  him,  and 
there  liueth  in  the  wildernesse  resorting  to  watering  places, 
and  so  robbeth  and  spoyleth  as  many  Carauans  of  Marchants 
and  others  as  they  be  able  to  ouercome,  continuing  in  this 
sort  his  wicked  life,  vntill  such  time  as  hee  may  get  power 
and  ayde  to  inuade  some  of  his  brethren  againe.  From  the 
Caspian  sea  vnto  the  castle  of  Sellizur  aforesaid,  and  all  the 
Countreis  about  the  said  sea,  the  people  Hue  without  towne 
or  habitation  in  the  wilde  fieldes,  remoouing  from  one  place 
to  another  in  great  companies  with  their  cattle,  whereof  they 

1  These  civil  wars  were  probably  fought  between  Ali  Sultan  and 
his  brothers. 

'^  See  ante,  note,  p.  68. 

^  Two  sons,  Hadjim  and  Mahmud,  were  born  of  one  mother,  and 
two.  Pulad  and  Timur,  of  another. — A  hulfjhazi,  p.  253. 


TARTAR   SPORTS   AND   CUSTOMS.  73 

have  great  store,  as  camels,  horses,  and  sheepe  both  tame  and 
wilde.  Their  sheepe  are  of  great  stature  with  great  buttockes, 
waying  60.  or  80.  pound  in  waight.^  There  are  many  wilde 
horses,  which  the  Tartars  doe  many  times  kill  with  their 
haukes,  and  that  in  this  order. 

The  haukes  are  lured  to  sease  vpon  the  beastes  neckes  or 
heads,  which  with  chasing  of  themselves  and  sore  beating  of 
the  haukes  are  tired :  then  the  hunter  folowing  his  game, 
doeth  slay  the  horse  with  his  arrowe  or  sword.^  In  all  this 
lande  there  groweth  no  grasse,  but  a  certaine  brush  or  heath 
whereon  the  cattell  feeding,  become  very  fat. 

The  Tartars  neuer  ride  without  their  bowe,  arrowes,^  and 
sword,  although  it  be  on  banking,  or  at  any  other  pleasure, 
and  they  are.  good  archers  both  on  horsebacke,  and  on  foote 
also.  These  people  haue  not  the  vse  of  golde,  siluer,  or  any 
other  coyne,  but  when  they  lacke  apparell  or  other  neces- 
saries, they  barter  their  cattell  for  the  same.  Bread  they 
haue  none,  for  they  neither  till  nor  sow,  they  be  great 
deuourers  of  flesh,  which  they  cut  in  small  pieces,  and  eate 
it  by  handfuls  most  greadily,  &  especially  the  horse  flesh. 
Their  chiefest  drinke  is  mares  milke  soured,  as  I  haue  said 
before  of  the  Nagayans^  and  they  wilbe   drunke  with  the 

^  Sheep  are  to  this  day  the  chief  source  of  livelihood  to  the  inhabi- 
tant of  Turkestan  ;  indeed,  his  existence  is  mainly  dependent  upon 
them.  A  bad  winter,  with  scarcity  of  fodder,  followed  by  a  late 
spring,  reduces  his  stock  to  so  low  an  ebb,  that  their  owner  is  sensibly 
impoverished  ;  favourable  seasons,  on  the  other  hand,  with  abundance 
of  grass,  afford  him  plenty.  Immense  flocks  of  sheep,  large  herds  of 
horses,  and  a  good  many  camels,  are  the  chief  wealth  of  the  Kirghiz 
of  the  present  day. 

2  Hawking  continues  to  be  a  favourite  pastime  among  the  Kirghiz 
in  Turkestan.  For  hunting  large  game,  such  as  deer,  they  train  the 
harkiit,  or  golden  eagle,  to  seize  upon  the  prey  in  the  manner  de- 
scribed in  the  text. — Cf.  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  2nd  edit.,  i,  pp.  385,  386. 

•^  Bows  and  arrows;  however,  have  yielded  to  the  superior  attrac- 
tions of  the  more  deadly  matchlock  gun,  and  Russian  silver  pieces 
are  beginning  to  pass  as  currency  among  them. 

'  Cf.  page  .53. 


74  TARTAR  MANNERS.   ARDOK. 

same :  they  have  no  riuers  nor  places  of  water  in  this 
countrey,  vntil  you  come  to  the  foresaid  gulfe,  distant  from 
the  place  of  our  lading  20.  dayes  iourney,  except  it  be  in 
wels,  the  water  whereof  is  saltish,  &  yet  distant  the  one 
from  the  other  two  dayes  iourney  and  more.  They  eate 
their  meate  vpon  the  ground,  sitting  with  their  leggs  double 
vnder  them,  and  so  also  when  they  pray.  Arte  or  science 
they  haue  none,  but  Hue  most  idlely,  sitting  round  in 
great  companies  in  the  fields,  deuising,  and  talking  most 
vainely.^ 

The  26.  day  of  Nouember,  wee  departed  from  the  towne  of 
Vrgence,  and  hauing  trauailed  by  the  riuer  Oxus  100.  mile, 
we  passed  ouer  another  great  riuer  called  Ardocke,  where  we 
paid  a  certaine  petie  custome.     This  riuer  Ardocke^  is  great, 

1  This  description  of  the  Tartars  may  serve  at  the  present  day  as  a 
true  picture  of  the  manner  in  which  the  semi-nomadic  tribes  peopUng 
the  steppes  of  Central  Asia  pass  their  time,  except  where  they  have 
fallen  under  the  immediate  influence  of  Russian  masters. 

2  This  "Ardock"  was  long  a  puzzle  to  commentators  till  recent 
surveys  in  the  Amu  daria  delta  threw  new  light  on  the  subject,  and 
elucidated  the  fact  that  the  great  and  swiftly  flowing  river  crossed  by 
Jenkinson  was  none  other  than  the  Amu  daria.  Possibly  Ardok  was 
his  rendering  of  Taldyk  (straight)  or  Talryk,  the  local  name  of  its 
western  and  oldest  arm  as  it  flowed  north  of  Kunia  Urgendj  into  the 
Aral  Sea.  Jenkinson's  "  Oxus",  along  which  he  travelled  100  miles,  is 
the  Kunia  darm  (old  river)  or  daria  lyk,  joining  the  Amu  daria  oppo- 
site Sheikh- Abbas- Ali,  and  representing  the  Caspian  arm  of  this  river, 
which  in  his  time  had  ceased  to  flow  continuously  into  Lake  Sari- 
Kamish.  The  Aral  Sea  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence  both  from  text 
and  map,  evidently  proving  that  our  traveller  was  under  the  influence 
of  erroneous  ideas  prevalent  in  Western  Europe  on  the  geography  of 
these  countries  ;  for  though  Ptolemy  and  his  copyists  inserted  on  their 
maps  an  Oxianus  lacus  about  the  place  where  one  would  look  for  the 
Aral,  they  gave  no  relative  importance  to  it,  and  made  all  their  rivers 
debouch  in  the  Caspian,  while  sixteenth  century  cartographers,  such  as 
Wied,  completely  ignored  its  existence.  (Cf.  Kaulbars,  pp.  446-448  ; 
Herbert  Wood,  pp.  150,  236  ;  Ptolemy,  Bk.  vi,  chap,  xii  ;  and  Septima 
Asia  Tabula,  edit,  of  1513  ;  also  maps  of  Marino  Sanuto  1320,  Mar- 
telH  1495,  and  Wied  1555.)— C. 


KAIT   OR   KATH.  75 

and  very  swift,  falling  out  of  the  foresaid  Oxus,  and  passing 
about  1000.  mile  to  the  Northward,  it  then  consumeth  it  selfe 
in  the  ground,  and  passing  vnder  the  same  about  500.  mile, 
issueth  out  againe  and  falleth  into  the  lake  of  Kitay,  as  I 
haue  before  declared.^ 

The  7.  of  December  folowing  wee  arriued  at  a  Castle  called 
Kait^  subiect  to  a  Soltan,  called  Saramet  Soltan^  who  ment 
to  haue  robbed  all  the  Christians  in  the  Carauan,  had  it  not 
bene  for  feare  of  his  brother  the  king  of  Vrgence,  as  we  were 
informed  by  one  of  his  chiefest  counsailers,  who  willed  vs 
to  make   him   a  present,   which  he   tooke,   and   deliuered : 

1  Ante,  p.  68. 

2  Kath  (Cante  of  Jenkinson's  map)  stood  on  the  Yarmish  canal, 
probably  near  the  site  of  the  modern  Kait,  or  Ket.  It  was  mentioned 
by  El-Biruni,  an  Arab  writer  of  the  eleventh  century,  whose  birth- 
place was  not  far  off,  and  he  says  it  lay  immediately  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Jihun,  or  Oxus.  An  old  river  channel  has  been  traced  north 
of  Kait  in  a  strip  of  what  is  now  sandy  waste,  running  towards  the 
north-west,  south  of  the  little  town  of  Gurlen.  This  was  probably 
the  course  of  the  Oxus  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  and  here 
Kath  of  ancient  days  must  have  stood  on  the  right  bank  of  this  old 
river  bed,  south  of  Gurlen.  At  present  the  Amu  daria  is  about 
twelve  miles  distant  from  Kait,  and  only  approaches  its  old  channel 
near  Gurlen,  when  it  sweeps  to  the  right  with  that  tendency  to  under- 
mine its  right  bank  which  is  so  noticeable  a  feature  in  this  river. 
These  particulars  are  derived  from  M.  Lerch's  pamphlet  on  the 
history  and  geography  of  Khiva.  This  author  himself  visited 
Khiva  and  studied  the  subject  on  the  spot.  He  adds  that  Timur, 
in  1372,  undertook  several  campaigns  against  Kwarezm,  marching 
thither  from  Samarkand,  and  reaching  the  Jihun  above  Kath,  at 
a  place  named  Se-piye,  where  he  in  all  probability  crossed  to 
the  left  bank.  One  of  the  first  places  he  took  was  Kath.  On  his 
further  march  thence  against  Urgendj,  mention  is  made  of  the  Gurlen 
canal,  as  though  the  Amu  daria  flowed  east  of  Kath  and  Gurlen  as  it 
does  now;  but  this  was  evidently  not  its  course  in  Jenkinson's  time,  two 
centuries  later.  Ibn  Batuta,  who  travelled  to  Urgendj  in  1340,  about 
thirty  years  before  Timur 's  first  expedition,  passed  through  Kath,  and 
found  it  the  only  town  on  the  road  to  Bokhara. — Lerch,  pp.  20-21. 

3  Vesselofsky  suggests  that  perhaps  Suleiman  Sultan,  brother  of 
Hadjim  Khan,  may  be  the  person  here  mentioned. — Veaselofshj, 
p.  102. 


76  AN    ALARM    OF   ROBBERS. 

besides  we  paide  at  the  saide  Castle  for  custome,  of  euery 
camel  one  red  hide  of  Russia,  besides  petie  gifts  to  his 
officers. 

Thus  proceeding  in  our  iourney,  the  tenth  day  at  night 
being  at  rest,  and  our  watche  set,  there  came  vnto  us  foure 
horsemen,  which  we  tooke  as  spies,  from  whome  wee  tooke 
their  weapons  and  bound  them,  and  hauing  well  examined 
them,  they  confessed  that  they  had  scene  the  tract  of  many 
horsemen,  and  no  footing  of  camels,  and  gaue  vs  to  vnder- 
stande,  that  there  were  rouers  and  theeues  abroade :  for  there 
trauaile  fewe  people  that  are  true  and  peaceable  in  that 
Countrey,  but  in  companie  of  Carauan,  where  there  be  many 
camels,  and  horsefeeting  newe  without  camels  were  to  be 
doubted.  Whereupon  we  consulted  &  determined  amongst 
our  selues,  and  sent  a  poste  to  the  saide  Soltan  of  Kayte,  who 
immediately  came  himselfe  with  300.  men,  and  met  these 
foure  suspected  men  which  we  sent  vnto  him,  and  examined 
them  so  straightly,  and  threatened  them  in  such  sort,  that 
they*  confessed,  there  was  a  banished  Prince^  with  40.  men  3. 
dayes  iourney  forward,  who  lay  in  waite  to  destroy  vs,  if  he 
could,  and  that  they  themselues  were  of  his  companie. 

The  Soltan  therefore  vnderstanding  that  the  theeues  were 
not  many,  appointed  vs  80.  men  well  armed  with  a  Captaine 
to  goe  with  vs,  and  conduct  vs  in  our  way.  And  the  Soltan 
himselfe  returned  backe  againe,  taking  the  4.  theeues  with 
him.  These  souldiers  trauailed  with  vs  two  dayes,  consuming 
much  of  our  victuals.  And  the  3.  day  in  the  morning  very 
earely,  they  set  out  before  our  Carauan,  and  hauing  ranged  the 
wildernes  for  the  space  of  foure  houres,  they  mette  vs  com- 
ming  towardes  vs,  as  fast  as  their  horse  could  runne,  and 
declared  that  they  had  found  the  tract  of  horses  not  farre 

1  This  prince  may  have  been  Burum,  third  son  of  Budjugi  Khan, 
and  brother  of  the  slain  Dost  and  Isha,  concerning  whom  Abulghazi  is 
silent.  He  appears  to  have  held  Kath  during  his  brother  Dost's  Khan- 
ship. — Vesselofsky,  p.  121. 


DIVINATION   BY   BLADE-BONES.  77 

from  vs,  perceiuing  well  that  wee  should  meete  with  enemies, 
and  therefore  willed  vs  to  appoint  our  selues  for  them,  and 
asked  vs  what  we  would  giue  them  to  conduct  vs  further,  or 
els  they  would  returne.  To  whome  we  offered  as  we  thought 
good,  but  they  refused  our  offer,  and  would  haue  more,  and 
so  we  not  agreeing  they  departed  from  vs,  and  went  backe 
to  their  Soltane,  who  (as  wee  coniectured)  was  priuie  to  the 
conspiracie.  But  they  being  gone,  certaine  Tartars  of  our 
companie  called  holy  men,  (because  they  had  bene  at  Mecha) 
caused  the  whole  Carauan  to  stay,  and  would  make  their 
prayers,  and  deuine  howe  wee  should  prosper  in  our  iourney, 
and  whether  we  should  meete  with  any  ill  companie  or  no, 
to  which,  our  whole  Carauan  did  agree,  and  they  tooke 
certaine  sheepe  and  killed  them,  and  tooke  the  blade  bones^ 
of  the  same,  and  first  sodde  them,  and  then  burnt  them,  and 
tooke  of  the  blood  of  the  saide  sheepe,  and  mingled  it  with 
the  powder  of  the  saide  bones,  and  wrote  certaine  Characters 
with  the  saide  blood,  vsing  many  other  ceremonies  and 
wordes,  and  by  the  same  deuined  and  founde,  that  wee  should 
meete  with  enemies  and  theeues  (to  our  great  trouble)  but 
should  ouercome  them,  to  which  sorcerie,  I  and  my  companie 
gave  no  credite,  but  we  found  it  true :  for  within  3.  houres 
after  that  the  souldiers  departed  from  vs,  which  was  the 
15.  day  of  December  in  the  morning,  we  escried  farre  off 
diuers  horsemen  which  made  towards  vs,  and  we  (perceiuing 
them  to  be  rouers)  gathered  our  selues  together,  being  40.  of 
vs   well   appointed,  and   able  to  fight,  and  wee  made  our 

1  Blade-bones  of  sheep  have  a  peculiar  superstitions  significance  in 
Central  Asia.  Among  Kalmuks  in  Dzungaria  (now  a  Chinese 
province),  the  Lamas  inscribe  texts  and  prayers  on  them,  and  suspend 
a  rope  garnished  with  these  curious  symbols  at  the  entrance  to  their 
encampments.  The  Kalmuk  stops  his  horse  under  this  festoon,  and 
plucking  a  few  hairs  out  of  his  mane,  ties  them  to  the  rope.  In 
Mongolia  these  blade-bones  are  always  broken  and  thrown  aside,  it 
being  considered  unlucky  to  leave  them  unbroken. — Prejevalsky's 
Mongolia,  i,  56  ;  see  also  Purchan,  iii,  31. 


78  A   FIGHT   WITH  ROBBERS. 

prayers  together  euery  one  after  his  lawe,  professing  to  Hue 
and  die  one  with  another,  and  so  prepared  our  selues.  When 
the  theeues  were  nigh  vnto  vs,  we  perceiued  them  to  be  in 
nomber  37.  men  well  armed,  and  appointed  with  bowes, 
arrowes  and  swords,  and  the  Captaine  a  prince  banished  from 
his  Countrey.  They  willed  vs  to  yeelde  our  selues,  or  els  to 
bee  slaine,  but  wee  defied  them,  wherewith  they  shotte  at  vs 
all  at  once,  and  wee  at  them  very  hotly,  and  so  continued 
our  fight  from  morning  vntill  two  houres  within  night,  diners 
men,  horses  and  camels  being  wounded  and  slaine  on  both 
partes:  and  had  it  not  bene  for  4.  hand  gunnes^  which  I 
and  my  companie  had  and  vsed,  we  had  bene  ouercome  and 
destroyed :  for  the  theeues  were  better  armed,  and  were  also 
better  archers  than  we ;  But  after  wee  had  slaine  diners  of 
their  men  and  horses  with  our  gunnes,  they  durst  not  ap- 
proche  so  nigh,  which  caused  them  to  come  to  a  truce  with 
vs  vntill  the  next  morning,  which  we  accepted,  and  encamped 
ourselues  vpon  a  hill,  and  made  the  fashion  of  a  Castle,  walling 
it  about  with  packes  of  wares,  and  layde  our  horses  and  camels 
within  the  same  to  sane  them  from  the  shotte  of  arrowes  : 
and  the  theeues  also  incamped  within  an  arrowe  shotte  also 
of  vs,  but  they  were  betwixt  vs  and  the  water,  which  was  to 
our  great  discomfort,  because  neither  we  nor  our  camels  had 
drunke  in  2.  days  before.^ 

Thus  keeping  good  watche,  when  halfe  the  night  was  spent, 
the  Prince  of  the  theeues  sent  a  messenger  halfe  way  vnto 
vs,  requiring  to  talke  with  our  Captaine  in  their  tongue,  the 
Carauan  Basha,  who  answered  the  messenger,  I  will  not 
depart  from  my  companie  to  goe  into  the  halfe  way  to  talke 

^  Arqnebusses  were  the  only  hand  guns  known  at  this  time. 

*  This  style  of  fortified  camp  has  often  been  employed  by  the 
Russians  in  their  wars  with  Central  Asiatics,  and  has  stood  them  in 
good  stead  when  attacked  by  overwhelming  odds.  Jenkinson  and  his 
party  must,  however,  have  been  in  a  critical  situation,  cut  off  as  they 
were  from  the  water-supply. 


TRUCE — PARLEYS — AGREEMENT.  79 

with  thee  :  but  if  that  thy  Prince  with  all  his  companie  will 
sweare  by  our  Lawe  to  keepe  the  truce,  then  will  I  sende  a 
man  to  talke  with  thee,  or  els  not.  Which  the  Prince  vnder- 
standing  as  well  himselfe  as  his  companie,  swore  so  lowde 
that  wee  might  all  heare.  And  then  wee  sent  one  of  our 
companie  (reputed  a  holy  man)  to  talke  with  the  same  mes- 
senger. The  message  was  pronounced  aloude  in  this  order, 
Our  Prince  demaundeth  of  the  Carauan  Basha,  and  of  all 
you  that  be  Bussamians,'^  (that  is  to  say  circumcised)  not 
desiring  your  bloods,  that  you  deliuer  into  his  handes  as 
many  CapJiars,  that  is,  vnbeleeuers  (meaning  vs  the  Chris- 
tians) as  are  among  you  with  their  goods,  and  in  so  doing, 
hee  will  suffer  you  to  depart  with  your  goods  in  quietnesse, 
and  to  the  contrary,  you  shall  be  handled  with  no  lesse 
crueltie  then  the  Gaphars,  if  hee  ouercome  you,  as  he 
doubteth  not.  To  the  which  our  Carauan  Basha  answered, 
that  hee  had  no  Christians  in  his  companie,  nor  other 
strangers,  but  two  Turkes  which  were  of  their  Lawe,  and 
although  hee  had,  hee  would  rather  die  then  deliuer  them, 
and  that  wee  were  not  afraide  of  his  threatnings,  and  that 
should  hee  knowe  when  day  appeared.  And  so  passing  in 
talke,  the  theeues  (contrary  to  their  othe)  carried  our  holy 
man  away  to  their  Prince,  crying  with  a  lowde  voyce  in 
token  of  victorie.  Olio,  olio}  Wherewith  we  were  much 
discomforted,  fearing  that  that  holy  man  would  betray  vs : 
but  hee  being  cruelly  handled  and  much  examined,  would 
not  to  death  confesse  any  thing  which  was  to  vs  preiudiciall, 
neither  touching  vs,'  nor  yet  what  men  they  had  slaine  and 
wounded  of  ours  the  day  before.  When  the  night  was  spent, 
in  the  morning  we  prepared  ourselues  to  battel  againe,  which 
the  theeues  perceiuing,  required  to  fall  to  agreement  &  asked 

1  "  BnBsarmanni"  is  merely  a  variation  of  "  Mussulmanni",  in  fre- 
quent nae  among  the  illiterate  in  Rnssia. 
*  Allah  !  Allah ! 
'  /.«.,  Jenkinson  and  the  two  Johnsons. 


80  ARRIVAL   ON   THE   OXUS. 

much  of  vs:  And  to  be  briefe,  the  most  part  of  our  companie 
being  loth  to  go  to  battel  againe,  and  hauing  litle  to  loose,  & 
safe  conduct  to  passe,  we  were  compelled  to  agree,  &  to  giue 
the  theeues  20.  ninthes  (that  is  to  say)  20.  times  9.  seuerall 
things,  and  a  camell  to  carie  away  the  same,  which  being 
receiued,  the  thieues  departed  into  the  wildernes  to  their 
olde  habitation,  and  we  went  on  our  way  forward.  And 
o^^^®'  °*  that  night  came  to  the  riuer  Oxus^  where  wee  refreshed  our- 
selues,  hauing  bene  3.  dayes  without  water,  and  drinke,  and 
tarried  there  all  the  next  day,  making  merry  with  our  slaine 
horses  and  camels,  and  then  departed  from  that  place,  &  for 
feare  of  meeting  with  the  said  theeues  againe  or  such  like, 
wee  left  the  high  way  which  went  along  the  saide  riuer  and 
passed  through  a  wildernes  of  sand,  and  trauailed  4.  dayes 
in  the  same  before  we  came  to  water :  and  then  came  to  a 
well,  the  water  being  very  brackish,  and  we  then  as  before 
were  in  neede  of  water,  and  of  other  victuals,  being  forced 
to  kill  our  horses  and  camels  to  eate. 

In  this  wildernes  also  we  had  almost  fallen  into  the 
'handes  of  theeues :  for  one  night  being  at  rest,  there  came 
certaine  scoutes,  and  caried  away  certaine  of  our  men  which 
lay  a  little  separated  from  the  Carauan,  wherewith  there  was 
a  great  shoute  and  cry,  and  we  immediatly  laded  our  camels, 
and  departed,  being  about  midnight  and  very  darke,  and  droue 
sore  till  wee  came  to  the  riuer  Oxus  againe,^  and  then  we 

1  The  text  does  not  state  at  what  point  on  the  Oxus  Jenkinson 
arrived,  bat  it  may  be  assumed  to  have  been  about  half-way  between 
Khiva  and  Bokhara,  probably  near  Fort  Kavakli,  about  120  miles 
from  Bokhara  by  a  road  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Amu  daria. — 
Cf.  Col.  Walker's  map  of  Central  Asia 

*  Jenkinson's  route,  after  crossing  the  Amu  daria,  lay  up  the  right 
bank  of  this  river,  probably  to  Utch  Uchak,  near  the  ruins  of  Tunukliu. 
Here  the  road  to  Bokhara  bifurcates,  one  track  continuing  to  follow 
the  river,  the  other  striking  off  in  a  north-easterly  direction  across  a 
frightful  sand  desert.  It  was  by  this  latter  that  Vambery  travelled 
with  a  caravan  of  dervishes,  enduring  tortures  from  thirst  between 


BOKHARA.  81 

feared  nothing,  being  walled  with  the  said  riuer  :  and  whether 
it  was  for  that  we  had  gotten  the  water,  or  for  that  the  same 
theeues  were  farre  from  vs  when  the  scoutes  discouered  vs, 
we  knowe  not,  but  we  escaped  that  danger. 

So  vpon  the  23.  day  of  December  wee  arriued  at  the  citie 
of  Boghar  in  the  lande  of  Bactria.     This  Boghar^  is  situated  ^°fg^oJ'  * 

Bactria. 

Adam  Krilgan  aad  Kala-ata,  and  it  was  here  that  Kaufmann's  detach- 
ment nearly  perished  on  their  celebrated  march  to  Khiva  in  1873.  It 
was  a  choice  of  evils :  by  keeping  near  the  river,  caravans  were  almost 
sure  to  be  attacked  by  Turkoman  robbers,  whilst  by  plunging  into 
the  desert  they  had  to  encounter  dangers  arising  from  want  of  water, 
and  Band-storms.  Jenkinson  probably  followed  the  more  southern 
route  nearer  the  Oxus,  and  entered  Bokhara  via  Kara-kul,  marked  on 
his  map. 

^  In  saying  that  Bokhara  is  situate  in  the  lowest  part  of  the  country, 
our  author  doubtless  refers  to  its  relative  position,  which  appears  low ;  its 
absolute  elevation,  however,  is,  according  to  Burnes,  1 ,200  feet  above  sea 
level.  When  Bokhara  was  built  is  unknown.  Tradition  says  that  its  site 
was  formerly  occupied  by  a  great  number  of  lakes,  and  that  fishermen, 
attracted  by  the  abundance  of  fish_,  grew  rich,  and  began  cultivating 
the  soU.  As  the  population  increased,  and  houses  replaced  the 
original  huts,  a  town  was  formed,  and  this  was  Bokhara.  According 
to  another  account,  the  foundation  of  Bokhara  is  attributed  to 
Afrasiab,  the  mythical  hero  of  Turan.  Its  name  is  probably  derived 
from  the  Sanskrit  "Vihara",  a  reunion  of  wise  men,  a  monastery;  and 
it  certainly  bore  the  reputation  in  the  Mussulman  world  of  being  a 
place  of  great  learning  and  sanctity.  "  In  all  other  parts  of  the  world 
light  descends  upon  earth,  from  holy  Bokhara  it  ascends,"  was  a  well- 
known  saying  of  Muhammedans.  In  earlier  times  it  appears  to  have 
been  named  Numi,  or  Numij  Kent,  but  this  is  uncertain,  and  in  Chinese 
annals  of  the  seventh  century  it  is  mentioned  as  Bu-huo,  or 
Bu-ho,  while  in  the  record  of  its  capture  by  Jinghiz  the  name  is 
written  Pu-hua,  and  also  Bu-ha-r.  All  Muhammedan  authors  agree  in 
stating  that  Bokhara  is  one  of  the  most  ancient  cities  in  the  world. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Arabs,  who  converted  its  inhabitants  to  Muhammedanism.  Bokhara 
rose  to  the  summit  of  its  glory  under  the  Samanides,  who  set  up 
their  throne  here,  but  with  the  decline  of  this  dynasty  it  fell  under 
Turkish  rule  ;  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  Seljuk,  and  the  princes  of  Kwarezm 
becoming  successively  its  masters.  From  the  last  of  these  it  was  taken 
by  Jinghiz  in  1220,  and  burnt  to  the  ground.  Fifteen  years  after  its 
destruction  Bokhara  rose  once  more  from  its  ashes,  and  recovered  some 


82  BOKHARA. 

in  the  lowest  part  of  all  the  land,  walled  about  with  a  high 
wall  of  earth,  with  diners  gates  into  the  same  :  it  is  deuided 
into  3.  partitions,  where  of  two  parts  are  the  kings,  and  the 
3.  part  is  for  Marchants  and  markets,  and  euery  science  hath 
their  dwelling  and  market  by  themselues.  The  Citie  is  very 
great,  and  the  houses  for  the  most  part  of  earth,  but  there 
are   also   many   houses,   temples  and   monuments   of  stone 

of  its  former  prosperity  under  Okkodai,  son  of  Jinghiz.  In  1265  it  was 
visited  by  the  brothers  Polo,  and  we  read  in  the  book  of  Marco 
Polo:  "Quant  il  orent  pass6  eel  desert,  si  vindrent  a  une  cit^ 
qui  est  appel^e  Bocara,  moult  noble  et  grant"  (Pauthier,  p.  9). 
Hayton  I,  King  of  Armenia,  passed  through  it  on  his  homeward 
journey  (1264),  and  his  cousin  and  namesake  the  historian  gives  a 
similar  account  of  it,  for  he  speaks  of  Bokhara  and  Samarkand  as 
"  deux  grans  et  riches  citez"  (Pauthier,  p.  69,  note  8).  From  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  to  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  centuries,  or  from  the 
time  of  Marco  Polo  to  that  of  Jenkinson,  there  is  a  wide  gap  in  early 
notices  of  Bokhara,  only  partially  filled  by  Ibn  Batuta,  the  Moor,  and 
the  Spanish  envoy,  Don  Ruy  Gonzales  de  Clavijo,  to  the  court  of  Timur. 
During  the  whole  of  this  period  the  states  of  Central  Asia  were  torn 
by  civil  wars  which  arose  among  the  descendants  of  Jinghiz,  and  de- 
stroyed all  the  germs  of  returning  civilisation  in  the  unhappy  Oxus 
lands.  Under  the  strong  rule  of  Timiir,  Samarkand,  with  which  were 
linked  the  fortunes  of  Bokhara,  again  flourished ;  and  his  descendants, 
after  they  had  been  driven  out  of  all  their  possessions  south  of  the 
Oxus,  made  Bokhara  their  home,  embellishing  it  with  many  fine 
buildings.  From  1400  to  1500  may  therefore  be  considered  the  period 
of  renaissance  in  Bokhara.  This  was  put  an  end  to,  unhappily,  by 
another  period  of  intestine  orders,  with  invasions  of  Kirghiz  and 
Kalmuks.  It  was  not  till  a  few  years  before  the  visit  of  our  traveller 
that  AbduUa  Khan,  of  the  Sheibani  dynasty,  took  possession  of  the 
throne  and  restored  peace  and  prosperity  to  the  "  noble"  city.  With 
its  size  and  features  of  interest,  modern  writers  and  travellers,  from 
Burnes  in  1832  to  Schuyler  in  1873,  have  acquainted  us.  They  have 
spoken  of  its  walls,  eight  miles  in  circuit,  pierced  by  eleven  gates  ;  of 
its  ark  or  citadel  artificially  raised  in  the  centre  of  the  city;  of  its 
mosques,  colleges,  and  extensive  suburbs.  They  have  praised  its 
gardens,  markets,  and  baths,  and  described  the  extent  and  importance 
of  its  trade.  Mr.  Schuyler  says,  "you  cannot  walk  the  street  without 
seeing  that  it  is  really  a  capital". — See  Meyendorff,  passim]  Vambery's 
Hist,  of  Bokhara,  passim  ;  Bretschneider,  p.  166  ;  Burnes,  i,  chaps.  9 
and  10  ;  ii,  158  ;  Khanikof  pp.  79-87  ;  Schuyler,  ii,  85-108. 


BADNESS   OF   ITS   WATER.  83 

sumptuously  builded,  and  gilt,  and  specially  bathstones  so 
artificially  built  that  the  like  thereof  is  nof  in  the  worlde : 
the  manner  where  of  is  too  long  to  rehearse.  There  is  a  little 
Eiuer  running  through  the  middes  of  the  saide  Citie,  but  the 
water  thereof  is  most  vnholsome,  for  it  breedeth  sometimes 
in  men  that  drinke  thereof,  and  especially  in  them  that  be 
not  there  borne,  a  worme  of  an  ell  long,  which  lieth  com- 
monly in  the  legge  betwixt  the  flesh  and  the  skinne,  and  is 
pluckt  out  about  the  ancle  with  great  art  and  cunning,  the 
Surgeons  being  much  practised  therein,  and  if  shee  breake  in 
plucking  out,  the  partie  dieth,  and  euery  day  she  commeth 
out  about  an  inche,  which  is  rolled  vp,  and  so  worketh  till 
shee  be  all  out.^  And  yet  it  is  there  forbidden  to  drinke  any 
other  thing  then  water,  &  mares  milke,  and  whosoever  is 
found  to  breake  that  lawe  is  whipped  and  beaten  most 
cruelly  through  the  open  markets,  and  there  are  officers 
appointed  for  the  same  who  haue  authoritie  to  goe  into  any 
mans  house,  to  searche  if  hee  haue  either  Aquauita,  wine,  or 
brage,  and  finding  the  same,  doe  breake  the  vessels,  spoyle 
the  drinke,  and  punish  the  masters  of  the  house  most  cruelly, 
yea,  and  many  times  if  they  perceiue,  but  by  the  breath  of  a 
man  that  he  hath  drunke,  without  further  examination  hee 
shall  not  escape  their  handes. 

There  is  a  Metropolitane^  in  this  Boghar,  who  causeth  this 
lawe  to  be  so  streightly  kept,  and  he  is  more  obeyed  then  the 
King,  and  will  depose  the  kmg,  and  place  another  at  his  will 

1  The  bad  quality  of  the  water  has  been  the  subject  of  general 
comment.  This  is  led  from  the  Zarafshan,  which  flows  at  a  distance 
of  three  miles  from  the  city  by  a  canal  (the  Shehr-i-rud)  into  reser- 
voirs, and  is  allowed  to  stagnate  for  weeks,  breeding  infusoria,  to  which 
the  disease  alluded  to  by  Jenkinson — the  rishta  or  Guinea  worm — is 
attributed. 

2  We  have  before  remarked  (ante,  p.  67)  that  "  Metropolitan",  as 
applied  to  Muhammedan  dignitaries,  is  an  erroneous  term.  The 
highest  personage  in  their  hierarchy  is  the  Sheikh  ul  Islam,  who  pre- 
sides at  the  conferences  of  the  Ulemas,  and  is  chief  spiritual  adviser 
of  the  Khan. 


84  BURHAN   KHAN.      INFLUENCE   OF   PERSIA. 

and  pleasure,  as  hee  did  by  this  king  that  raigned  at  our 
being  there,  and  his  predecessour,^  by  the  meanes  of  the  saide 
Metropolitan  :  for  hee  betrayed  him,  and  in  the  night  slewe 
him  in  his  chamber,  who  was  a  Prince  that  loued  all  Chris- 
tians well. 

This  Countrey  of  Boghar  was  sometime  subiect  to  the 
Persians^  and  doe  now  speake  the  Persian  tongue,  but  yet 
now  it  is  a  kingdome  of  it  selfe,  and  hath  most  cruel  warres 
continually  with  the  saide  Persians  about  their  religion, 
although  they  be  all  Mahometists.^     One  occasion  of  their 

1  Burhan,  appanage  Khan  of  Bokhara,  is  probably  the  personage 
alluded  to.  Burhan  was  nominated  joint  ruler  of  Bokhara  with  Yar 
Mahommed  in  1550.  But  having  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Navruz 
Khakan  of  Maverannahr,  he  was  deprived  of  Bokhara,  and  obliged 
to  retire  to  Karakul.  In  1557  he  took  up  arms  against  Abdullah, 
but  was  defeated  by  this  Prince,  who  caused  him  to  be  assassinated. 
The  story  runs  that  he  was  betrayed  by  the  holy  hoja  Inibareh,  per- 
haps Jenkinson's  "Metropolitan",  and  met  his  end  at  the  house  of 
one  Murza  Eke-bi.  On  the  morrow,  at  dawn,  his  head  was  placed  on 
a  pike,  and  sent  to  Abdullah. — Howorth,  ii,  727-729  ;  Vambery,  p.  284. 

2  During  the  Khalifat,  the  country  and  city  of  Bokhara  formed 
part  of  the  province  of  Khorassan,  and  was  subject  to  Persian 
Princes  to  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  when,  upon  the  fall  of  the 
Samanide  dynasty,  a  warlike  tribe  known  as  the  Kharluks  invaded 
Maverannahr,  and  turned  the  tide  of  invasion  in  an  opposite  direc- 
tion. From  this  period  Northern  Persia  was  constantly  ravaged  by 
the  Tartars  and  their  allies.  But  the  Persian  language,  probably  used 
by  the  Arabs  in  converting  the  people  of  Central  Asia  to  Islam,  is 
to  this  day  spoken  in  Bokhara  by  the  Tadjiks,  a  people  of  Aryan 
descent. 

3  The  religious  hatred  between  Sunnis  and  Shiahs,  the  two  great 
sects  into  which  Muhammedans  were  divided,  increased  the  fury  of 
their  animosity.  Either  party  regarded  the  other  as  worse  than  heretics, 
and  their  fanaticism  led  them  to  commit  the  most  frightful  excesses, 
as  when  the  sacred  shrine  of  Imam  Riza  was  sacked  by  Abdul  Mum- 
min's  savage  warriors,  and  all  who  sought  refuge  within  its  sanctuary 
were  indiscriminately  slaughtered.  The  shaving  of  the  upper  lip  is 
religiously  practised  by  Sunnis  at  the  present  day,  the  beards  and 
.ends  of  the  moustache  are  left  untouched,  but  the  part  immediately 
under  the  nose  must  be  shaved  clean.— See  Schuyler,  ii,  180  ;  Vambery ^ 
28G  ;  Howorth,  ii,  735 


ABDULLA.H  KHAN.   MONEY  OF  BOKHARA.        85 

warres  is,  for  that  the  Persians  will  not  cut  the  haire  of  their 
vpper  lippes,  as  the  Bogharians  and  all  other  Tartars  doe, 
which  they  accompt  great  Sinne,  and  cal  them  Gaphars,  that 
is,  vnbeleeuers,  as  they  doe  the  Christians. 

The  king  of  Boghar^  hath  no  great  power  or  riches,  his 
reuenues  are  but  small,  and  he  is  most  mainteined  by  the 
Citie:  for  he  taketh  the  tenth  penie  of  all  things  that  are 
there  solde,  as  wel  by  the  craftes  men  as  by  the  Marchants,  to 
the  great  impouerishment  of  the  people,  whome  hee  keepeth 
in  great  subiection,  and  when  he  lacketh  money,  hee  sendeth 
his  officers  to  the  shoppes  of  the  saide  Marchants  to  take 
their  wares  to  pay  his  debts,  and  will  haue  credite  of  force, 
as  the  like  he  did  to  pay  mee  certaine  money  that  hee  owed 
me  for  19.  pieces  of  carsey.  Their  money  is  siluer  and 
copper,  for  golde  there  is  none  currant :  they  haue  but  one 
piece  of  silver,  &  that  is  worth  12.  pence  English,  and  the 
copper  money  are  called  Pooles,^  and  120.  of  them  goeth  to 
the  value  of  the  said  12.  d.  and  is  more  common  paiment 
then  the  siluer^  which  the  king  causeth  to  rise  and  fall  to  his 
most  aduantage  euery  other  moneth,  and  sometimes  twise  in 
a  moneth,  not  caring  to  oppresse  his  people,  for  that  hee 

1  Abdullah  Khan,  son  of  Iskender  Khan,  son  of  Janibeg,  grandson  of 
Abulkhair,  is  probably  the  "  King"  mentioned.  Abdullah  was  appanage 
Khan  of  Bokhara  at  this  time,  while  his  uncle,  Pir  Mahommed,  held 
the  supreme  Khanship.  Successful  in  his  wars,  Abdullah  became  ruler 
of  all  Maverannahr  in  1583,  upon  the  death  of  his  father,  and  left  a 
great  reputation  behind  him. 

2  Pooles  (Pules).  Khanikof  says  there  are  forty-four  pules  in  the 
silver  "  tenga",  worth  about  sixpence.  This  would  make  the  pule  equi- 
valent to  one-eighth  of  a  penny.  In  his  time  a  gold  coin,  the  "  tilla", 
was  also  current  at  Bokhara,  and  was  worth  twenty-one  tengas,  or 
about  half  a  sovereign  of  our  money.  The  Russian  coins  of  the  six- 
teenth century  were  in  name  almost  identical  with  those  of  Bokhara. 
John  Hussey  tells  us  that  there  were  "poles  and  dengas",  eighteen  of 
the  former  being  equal  to  a  "  poledenga"  (i.e.,  half-denga),  equiva- 
lent to  an  English  halfpenny  of  that  period.  Neither  Russians  nor 
Bokharians  had  any  gold  coinage. — Hakluyt,  p.  293  ;  Khanikof^  p. 
114. 


86  JENKINSON   INTERVIEWS   THE   KING. 

looketh  not  to  raigne  aboue  2.  or  3.  yeeres  before  hee  be 
either  slaine  or  driuen  away,  to  the  great  destruction  of  the 
Countrey  and  marchants. 

The  26.  day  of  the  moneth  I  was  commanded  to  come 
before  the  said  king,  to  whom  I  presented  the  Emperour  of 
Russia  his  letters,  who  interteined  vs  most  gently,  and  caused 
vs  to  eate  in  his  presence,  and  diuers  times  he  sent  for  me, 
and  deuised  with  me  familiarly  in  his  secret  chamber,  as 
well  of  the  power  of  the  Emperour,  and  the  great  Turke,  as 
also  of  our  countreis,  lawes,  and  religion,  and  caused  vs  to 
shoote  in  hand  gunnes  before  him,  and  did  himselfe  practise 
the  vse  thereof.  But  after  all  this  great  intertainement 
before  my  departure  he  shewed  himselfe  a  very  Tartar :  for 
he  went  to  the  warres  owing  me  money,  and  sawe  mee  not 
paide  before  his  departure  ;^  And  although  indeede  hee  gaue 
order  for  the  same,  yet  was  I  very  ill  satisfied,  and  forced 
to  rebate  part,  and  to  take  wares  as  paiment  for  the  rest, 
contrary  to  my  expectation,  but  of  a  begger,  better  paiment 
I  could  not  haue,  and  glad  I  was  so  to  be  paide  and  dis- 
patched. 

But  yet  I  must  needes  praise  and  commende  this  barbarous 
king,  who  immediatly  after  my  arriuall  at  Boghar,  hauing 
vnderstoode  our  trouble  with  the  theeues,  sent  100.  men  well 
armed,  and  gaue  them  great  charge  not  to  retume  before 
they  had  either  slaine  or  taken  the  saide  theeues.  Who 
according  to  their  commission  ranged  the  wildernes  in  such 

1  Abdullah  invaded  Khorassan  five  times,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
starting  on  his  first  expedition  against  that  country  when  Jenkinson 
was  at  Bokhara  in  1559.  These  earlier  expeditions  were  hardly 
deserving  to  be  called  wars,  they  were  rather  "  alamans'',  or  plundering 
raids  into  northern  Khorassan,  for  as  long  as  Tamasp  was  King  of 
Persia  he  was  strong  enough  to  protect  his  northern  provinces;  upon 
his  death,  however,  in  1576,  that  country  fell  into  a  state  of  anarchy 
and  confusion,  during  which  the  Uzbeks  were  able  to  take  Herat 
and  devastate  northern  Persia. —  Vamhery,  p.  284  ;  Hov)orth,  pt.  Ii, 
diy.  II,  733,  seqq. 


EETRIBUTION.      TRADE   OF   BOKHARA.  87 

sort,  that  they  met  with  the  said  companie  of  theeues,  and 
slewe  part,  and  part  fledde,  and  foure  they  tooke  and  brought 
vnto  the  king,  and  two  of  them  were  sore  wounded  in  our 
skirmish  with  our  gunners  :  And  after  the  king  had  sent  for 
me  to  come  to  see  them,  hee  caused  them  all  4.  to  be  hanged 
at  his  palace  gate,  because  they  were  Gentlemen  to  the 
example  of  others.  And  of  such  goods  as  were  gotten  againe, 
I  had  part  restored  me,  and  this  good  iustice  I  found  at  his 
handes. 

There  is  yeerely  great  resort  of  Marchants^  to  this 
Citie  of  Boghar,  which  trauaile  in  great  Carauans  from 
the  Countries  thereabout  adioyning,  as  India,  Persia, 
Balke,  Mussia,  with  diuers  others,  and  in  times  past  from 
Cathay,  when  there  was  passage,  but  these  Marchants 
are  so  beggerly  and  poore,  and  bring  so  little  quantitie 
of  wares,  lying  two  or  3.  yeeres  to  sell  the  same,  that 
there  is  nt)  hope  of  any  good  trade  there  to  be  had 
worthy  the  following. 

The  chiefe  commodities  that  are  brought  thither  out  of 
these  foresaide  Countreys,  are  these  following. 

1  Bokhara  owed  her  commercial  prosperity  to  her  central  position. 
Situated  at  the  cross-roads  where  merchants  from  Eastern  Asia  met 
those  from  the  West,  and  interchanged  the  wares  of  Europe  for  the 
produce  and  merchandise  of  Asia,  Bokhara  was  a  great  emporium  of 
trade.  It  also  served  as  a  depot  for  merchants  coming  from  the  South 
before  they  crossed  the  great  deserts  which  intervened  between  it  and  the 
northern  countries.  Having  no  industries  of  any  importance,  Bokhara 
depended  solely  on  agriculture  as  a  means  of  diverting  some  of  this 
trade  for  her  own  population,  whose  wants,  however,  were  not  large. 
Hence  the  small  extent  of  her  local  commerce,  and  the  unfavourable 
impression  it  produced  on  our  traveller.  The  unsettled  state  of  the 
country  and  insecurity  of  the  roads  must  also  doubtless  have  diminished 
the  trafl&c,  and  entirely  stopped  that  with  China.  That  this  had  been 
great,  may  be  gathered  from  incidental  notices  of  earlier  travellers — 
Marco  Polo,  Pegolotti,  and  John  de  MarignoUi.  But  wars  and  fresh 
invasions  diverted  much  of  the  trade  into  other  channels,  and  we  find 
the  caravans  taking  a  more  northerly  route  to  Cathay  via  Otrar, 
Tashkend,  and  the  line  of  the  Syr. 


88  TRADE    OF    BOKHARA   WITH    INDIA, 

The  Indians^  doe  bring  fine  whites,^  which  the  Tartars  doe 
roll  about  their  heads,  and  all  other  kinds  of  whites,  which 
serue  for  apparell  made  of  cotton  wooll  and  crasko,^  but 
golde,  siluer,  pretious  stones,  and  spices  they  bring  none.  I 
enquired  and  perceiued  that  all  such  trade  passeth  to  the 
Ocean  Sea,  and  the  vaines  where  all  such  things  are  gotten, 
are  in  the  subiection  of  the  Portingals}  The  Indians  carie 
from  Boghar  againe,  wrought  silkes,^  redde  hides,^  slaues  and 
horses,  with  such  like,  but  of  carseis  and  other  clothe,  they 
make  litle  accompt.  I  offered  to  barter  with  Marchants  of 
those  Countreis,  which  came  from  the  furthest  parts  of  India, 
euen  from  the  Countrey  of  Bengala,  &  the  Eiuer  Ganges,  to 
give  them  carseis  for  their  commodities,  but  they  would  not 
barter  for  such  commoditie  as  cloth. 

The    Persians''   doe   bring   thither    Graska,    wollen   cloth, 

^  Indian  trade  reached  Bokhara  viA  Meshed  and  Northern  Khorassan. 
In  Jenkinson's  day,  probably  only  some  of  the  commodities  im- 
ported from  India  in  modern  times  were  brought  to  Bokhara.  The 
fine  textiles  mentioned  by  him  have,  however,  continued  to  the  pre- 
sent day  to  be  supplied  from  that  country,  whilst  coarser  cottons 
and  linens  are  now  almost  exclusively  of  Russian  manufacture. — 
Khanikof,  pp.  111-179  ;  Schuyler,  ii,  95. 

2  I.e.,  Cambrics,  muslins. 

3  Crasko  (Crash,  from  the  Latin  Crassus),  coarse  linen. 

*  The  Portuguese  were  at  this  time  masters  of  the  coasts  of  India. 

^  Bokhara  silks  have  always  held  a  high  place  in  the  commerce  of 
Central  Asia.  The  silk  industry,  originally  introduced  by  the  Chinese, 
and  revived  by  Shah  Murad  Khan  in  1 785,  after  the  capture  of  Merv, 
is  estimated  at  four  and  a  half  millions  of  pounds,  Bokhara  alone  sup- 
plying one  and  a  half  millions.  The  dyers  are  mostly  Jews,  who  also 
trade  in  silk  yam. — Meyendorff,  p.  219  ;  Schuyler,  i,  191. 

^  The  red  hides  came  from  Russia,  always  celebrated  for  her  leather 
manufacture.  The  slaves  were  principally  Persians  captured  in  war, 
and  the  horses  were  the  Argamaks  referred  to  below. 

^  The  Persian  trade  with  Bokhara  came  mostly  via  Meshed  and 
Herat.  Khanikof  says,  in  1840,  four  caravans  annually  entered 
Bokhara  from  Meshed,  the  merchandise  dealt  in  being  chiefly  cotton 
and  silk  stuffs,  shawls,  carpets,  and  turquoises.     From  Bokhara  were 


PERSIA,  RUSSIA,  89 

linnen  clothe,  diuers  kindes  of  wrought  pide  silkes,  Argo- 
macks,'  with  such  like,  and  doe  carrie  from  thence  redde 
hides  with  other  Busse  wares,  and  slaues^  which  are  of  diuers 
Countreis,  but  cloth  they  will  buy  none,  for  that  they  bring 
thither  themselues,  and  is  brought  vnto  them  as  I  haue 
enquired  from  Aleppo  in  Syria,  and  the  parts  of  Turkie, 
The  Bussed   doe   carrie  vnto  Boghar,  redde  hides,  sheepe- 


exported  to  Persia  the  Kara-Kul  lambskins  for  the  peculiar,  high 
conical  hats  commonly  worn  by  Persians,  raw  cotton,  etc.  Persia 
received  manufactured  goods  from  the^Levant,  and  would  therefore 
require  none  from  Bokhara. 

1  The  Argamak  or  Turkoman  horse,  crossed  with  Arab  stock,  has 
always  been  famous  in  Central  Asia.  Horses  of  this  breed  were  sent 
as  presents  to  Russian  Tzars  and  Chinese  Emperors.  Herberstein 
mentions  them  in  Mosco,  and  they  always  formed  part  of  the  tribute 
to  China.  They  are  tall,  handsome  animals,  with  long  neck,  fine  legs, 
and  noble  carriage.  Among  their  defects  are  their  narrow  chest  and 
scanty  mane  and  tail,  besides  their  delicacy  and  liability  to  sore  backs, 
rendering  them  unserviceable  for  long  marches!  over  rough  country. 
Their  speed  and  endurance,  however,  are  highly  praised. — Meyeiidorff^ 
p.  209  ;  Khanikof,  p.  155  ;  Schuyler,  i,  129,  153,  338. 

2  The  slave  market  in  Bokhara  was  the  largest  in  Central  Asia,  and 
has  continued  till  very  recent  times.  It  was  supplied  chiefly  by 
captives  made  in  wars  with  Persia,  and  by  Turkoman  raids  into  this 
country.  Afghans,  a  few  Russians,  and  people  of  other  nationalities, 
were  among  the  unfortunate  victims  of  this  traffic.  Every  wealthy 
Bokharian  owned  slaves  and  cultivated  his  land  with  them.  In 
Meyendorf 's  time,  1820,  the  price  of  a  strong  man  was  from  640  to 
800  francs,  but  an  artisan  fetched  double  this  price.  Women,  unless 
they  were  young  and  beautiful,  had  a  lower  market  value.  Their  lot 
was  a  very  unhappy  one,  for  they  were  often  treated  with  great 
cruelty  by  their  masters. — Meyendorf  ,  pp.  178,  285,  286. 

3  The  Russian  trade  with  Bokhara,  from  the  length  of  time  it  has 
existed,  as  well  as  from  its  value,  is  more  important  than  any  other. 
Bokhara  cotton  is  largely  consumed  by  Russian  manufactories,  while 
Russian  prints  and  wares  supply  the  wauts  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
and  adjacent  cities  of  Central  Asia,  besides  being  carried  through 
Bokhara  to  Afghanistan  and  the  Indian  frontier.  As  early  as  the 
eighth  century  a  trade  route  from  India  to  the  Baltic  is  said  to  have 
passed  through  Bokhara,  and  the  Arabs  made  this  city  their  entrepot 


90  AND   CHINA. 

skinnes,  wollen  cloth  of  diuers  sorts,  wodden  vessels,  bridles, 
saddles,  with  such  like,  and  doe  came  away  from  thence, 
diuers  kindes  of  wares  made  of  cotton  woU,  diuers  kindes  of 
silkes,  Crasca,  with  other  things,  but  there  is  but  small 
vtterance.  From  the  Countreis  of  Cathay  is  brought  thither 
in  time  of  peace,  and  when  the  way  is  open,  muske,  rubarbe, 
satton,  damaske,  with  diuers  other  things :  at  my  being  at 
Boghare,  there  came  Carauans  out  of  all  these  foresaid 
Countreis,  except  from  Cathay,  and  the  cause  why  there 
came  none  from  thence,  was  the  great  warres  that  had  dured 
3.  yeeres  before  my  comming  thither,  and  yet  dured  betwixt 
2.  great  Countreis  and  cities  of  Tartars  that  are  directly  in 
the  way  betwixt  the  said  Boghar  and  the  said  Cathay,  and 
certaine  barbarous,  fielde  people,  as  well  Gentiles  as  Maho- 
metists  bordering  to  the  saide  Cities.  The  cities  are  called 
Taskent^  and  Caskayre^  and  the  people  that  warre  against 
Taskent  are  called  Cassak^  of  the  law  of  Mahomet,  and  they 

in  their  commercial  dealings  with  the  Khozars.  Merchants  from 
Bokhara  visited  Tara,  Tomsk,  and  Tobolsk  before  Yermak  conquered 
Siberia,  and  were  seen  in  Mosco  in  the  fifteenth  century.  The 
trade  route  in  Pegolotti's  time  (14th  century)  from  Tana  (Azof)  to 
Peking  passed  through  Astrakhan,  Sarai,  Saraichik,  Urgendj,  Bokhara, 
Samarkand,  and  Otrar.  That  the  Russian  grand  dukes  attached  im- 
portance to  the  cultivation  of  trading  relations  with  these  Central 
Asian  Khanats,  is  evident  from  the  negotiations  opened  by  Vassili 
Ivannovitch  with  the  famous  Baber,  and  from  the  interest  taken  by 
his  son  and  successor  in  Jenkinson's  mission.  Those  interested  in 
the  present  state  and  future  prospects  of  the  Bokhara  trade  would 
do  well  to  consult  M.  Petrof sky's  notes  in  Schuyler. —  See  also 
Meyend&rff,  pp.  227-252  ;  Khanikof,  pp.  165-172. 

1  Tashkend. 

2  Kashgar,  the  name  of  this  city,  was  also  applied  to  the  country  as 
it  is  at  this  day — Kashgaria,  or  Eastern  Turkestan. 

3  Cassaks  (Kazzaks),  improperly  called  "  Kirghiz",  form  the  greater 
part  of  the  semi-nomadic  population  of  Central  Asia  at  the  present 
day.  They  are  first  heard  of  under  the  name  of  "Uzbek  Kazzaks" 
about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  when  they  joined  the 
fortunes  of  the  descendants  of  Jinghiz,  and  took  part  in  the  wars 


KAZZAKS  AND   KALMUKS.  91 

which  warre  with  the  said  countrey  of  Caskayre,  are  called 
Kings/  Gentiles  &  idolaters.  These  2.  barbarous  nations 
are  of  great  force,  lining  in  the  fieldes  without  house  or 
towne,  &  haue  almost  subdued  the  foresaide  cities,  &  so 
stopped  vp  the  way,  that  it  is  impossible  for  any  Carauan  to 
pass  vnspoiled,  so  that  3.  yeeres  before  our  being  there,  no 
Carauan  had  gone,  or  vsed  trade  betwixt  the  Countreis  of 

which  ensued  between  these  princes  and  the  successors  of  Abulkhair 
of  the  Sheibani  dynasty.  Their  numbers  rapidly  increasing,  the 
Kazzaks  became  a  power  in  Central  Asia.  Baber  says  of  their  Khan 
Kasim,  that  he  kept  the  horde  in  better  order  than  any  other  Khan, 
and  that  his  army  numbered  nearly  300,000  men.  They  were  defeated 
by  the  Nogais,  but  recovered  their  prosperity  under  Ak  (Hakk) 
Nazar  Khan,  who  subdued  Mogolistan  or  Kashgaria,  and  harassed 
Turkestan.  About  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  they  occu- 
pied both  banks  of  the  Talas,  took  the  towns  of  Turkestan  (Hazret) 
and  Sabran,  and  threatened  Bokhara.  Danilo  Gubin,  the  Russian 
Envoy,  reported  in  1535  that  the  Kazzaks  had  become  very  powerful, 
and  had  taken  Tashkend.  The  name  "  Kazzak"  meant  "  freebooter", 
"free  lance",  or  "marauder". — Howorth,  pt.  ii,  pp.  627-634;  V. 
Zernof,  pt.  ii,  p.  330. 

^  Proba'bly  a  misprint  for  Kirghis  (see  map),  But  the  people 
referred  to  were  the  Kalmuks,  whose  Buddhism  would  account 
for  their  being  called  idolaters.  Their  powerful  empire  of  Dzun- 
garia,  once  the  heritage  of  Jagatai,  lay  to  the  north  of  Kashgaria, 
occupying  very  "nearly  the  same  extent  of  territory  as  that  now 
comprised  in  the  Chinese  province  of  Hi  or  Kuldja.  The  Kalmuks 
or  Dzungars  were  very  frequently  summoned  to  assist  the  rival 
princes^  of  Kashgar  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 
Upon  the  death  of  Sultan  Sayid  of  Kashgar,  the  most  remark- 
able ^^of  the  Mongol  Khans  descended  from  Toghluk  Timur,  in 
1534  his  eldest  son,  Rashid,  seized  the  capital  and  brought  all 
the  country  under  one  united  government.  But,  on  his  death,  owing 
to  dissensions  [among  his  sons,  the  several  States  comprising  it  fell 
asunder.  The  disturbed  state  of  Kashgaria  consequent  on  these  con- 
tentions, and  the  religious  wars  of  the  Hojas,  who  were  divided  into 
two  sects,  interfered  greatly  with  trade,  and  threw  it  into  other 
channels.  In  1678  the  Dzungars,  who  then  formed  a  powerful  con- 
federacy under  their  Khan  Galdan,  took  the  city  of  Kashgar,  and  ruled 
the  country  for  seventy-eight  years,  till  they  were  overthrown  by  the 
Chinese.— Bellew,  Kashmir  and  Kashgar,  p.  25  ;  Kuropatkine,  Kash- 
garia, 83-86. 


92  ROAD   TO   CATHAY. 

Cathay,  and  Boghare,  &  when  the  way  is  cleare,  it  is  9. 
moneths  iourney.^ 

To  speake  of  the  said  Countrey  of  Cathay,  and  of  such 
newes  as  I  haue  heard  therof,  I  haue  thought  it  best  to 
reserue  it  to  our  meeting.  I  hauing  made  my  solace  at 
Boghar,  in  the  Winter  time,  and  hauing  learned  by  much 
inquisition,  the  trade  thereof,  as  also  of  all  the  other  Countries 
thereto  adioyning,  and  the  time  of  the  yeere  being  come,  for 
all  Carauans  to  depart,  and  also  the  king  being  gone  to  the 
warres,  and  newes  came,  that  he  was  fled,  and  I  aduertised 
by  the  Metropolitan  himselfe,  that  I  should  depart,  because 
the  Towne  was  like  to  be  besieged :  I  thought  it  good  and 
meete,  to  take  my  iourney  some  way,  and  determined  to 
haue  gone  from  thence  into  Persia,  and  to  haue  scene  the 
trade  of  tliat  Countrey,  although  I  had  enformed  my  selfe 
sufficiently  thereof,  as  well  at  Astracan,  as  at  Boghar :  and 
perceaued  well  the  trades,  not  to  be  much  vnlike  the  trades 
of  Tartaria  :  but  when  I  should  haue  taken  my  iourney  that 
way,  it  was  let  by  diuers  occasions:  the  one  was,  the  great 
warres^  that  did   newly  begin  betwixt  the  Sophie,  and  the 

1  The  following  distances,  in  days'  journey,  are  given  by  Pegolotti 
of  the  trade  route  to  Peking  in  his  day  : — 

From  Organci  (Urgendj)  to  OUrarre  (Otrar)          .         .  35  to  40  days 

„      OUrarre       .         .     „  Armalec  (Almalik)     .         .  „  45  „ 

„      Armalec      .         .     „   Camexu  (Kanchu)      .         .  „  70  „. 
„      Camexu              '      „   Cassai  {Kingszi,  hod.  Hau- 

chau-fu)       .         .        .  „  45  „ 
„      Cassai                       „   Camhalu  {Khanbalik,  hod. 

Peking)        .         .         .  M  40  „ 

230    „ 

or  about  seven  months  and  a  half.  This  leaves  out  Bokhara,  and 
allows  nothing  for  halts  on  the  road,  for  the  boat  journey  down  the 
Han  river  to  its  confluence  with  the  Yangtse  Kiang  at  Hanchau-f  u,  or 
for  incidental  delays  on  so  long  a  journey.  Jenkinson  therefore  did 
not  over-estimate  the  distance  from  Bokhara  to  Cathay,  i.e.,  Peking,  at 
nine  months. — Cathay,  p.  288. 

2  I.e.;  Abdullah's  expeditions  against  Khorassan  (an^e,  p.  86). 


JENKINSON   LEAVES   BOKHARA.  93 

kings  of  Tartaria,  whereby  the  waies  they  were  destroied : 
and  there  was  a  Carrauan  destroyed  with  rouers,  and  theeues, 
which  came  out  of  Imlia,  and  Persia,  by  safe  conduct :  and 
about  ten  daies  iourney  from  Boghar,  they  were  robbed,  and 
a  great  part  slaine.     Also  the  Metropolitane  of  Boghar,  who 
is  greater   then  the  king,i  tooke  the  Emperours   letters   of 
Bttssia  from  me,  without  which  I  should  haue  bene  taken 
slaue  in  euery  place :  also  all  such  wares  as  I  had  receaued 
in  barter  for  cloth,  and  as  I  tooke  perforce  of  the  king,  and 
other  his  nobles,  in  paiment  of  monie  due  vnto  me,  were  not 
vendible  in  Persia:  for  which  causes,  and  diuers  others,  I 
was  constrained  to  come  backe  againe  to  Mare  Caspium,  the 
same  way  I  went:    so  that  the  eight  of  March,  1559,  we 
departed  out  of  the  said  Citie  of  Boghar,  being  a  Carauan  of 
600.  Camels,  and  if  we  had  not  departed  when  we  did,  I  and 
my  companie  had  bene  in  danger  to  haue  lost  life  and  goods. 
For  ten  daies  after  our  departure,  the  king   of  Samarcand 
came  with  an  armie,  &  besieged  the  said  Citie  of  Boghar,^  the 
king  being  absent,  and  gone  to  the  warres  against  another 
prince,  his  kinsman,  as  the  like  chanceth  in  those  Countries, 
once   in  two  or  three  yeeres.     For  it  is  maruell,  if  a  king 
raigne  there  aboue  three  or  foure  yeeres,  to  the  great  destruc- 
tion of  the  Countrey,  and  marchants. 

The  25.  of  March,  we  came   to    the   foresaid   towne  of 

*  The  clergy  of  Bokhara  were  all-powerful  at  this  time,  and 
exercised  their  authority  in  a  way  they  would  not  dare  in  later 
times,  when  Muhammedanism  lost  much  of  its  influence  in  Central 
Asia. 

*  The  King  of  Samarkand  here  referred  to  must  have  been  one  of 
the  sons  of  Navruz  Ahmed  Khan,  otherwise  known  as  Birak  or 
Borrak,  who  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  supreme  Khan  of 
Maverannahr  upon  the  death  of  AbduUatif,  but  was  obliged  to  fight 
his  rivals,  the  sons  of  Janibeg.  Navruz  was  Khan  of  Samarkand  when 
Sidi  Ali  visited  that  city  in  1554,  and  died  in  1556.  His  son,  Baba 
Sultan,  probably  succeeded  to  his  father's  rights,  and  attempted  to 
overthrow  the  power  of  Abdullah,  but  was  defeated. — Howortk,  pt.  ii, 
div.  II,  726  seqq. 


V^rgence. 


94  TARTAR   AMBASSADORS. 

Vrgetice,^  and  escaped  the  danger  of  400.  rouers,  which  lay 
in  waite  for  vs  backe  againe,  being  the  most  of  them  of 
kindred  to  that  companie  of  theeues,  which  we  met  with 
going  foorth,  as  we  perceaued  by  foure  spies,  which  were 
taken.  There  were  in  my  companie,  and  committed  to  my 
charge,  two  Ambassadours,  the  one  from  the  king  of  Boghar, 
the  other  from  the  king  of  Balke,  and  were  sent  vnto  the 
Emperour  of  Russia :  and  after  hauing  taried  at  Vrgenee,  and 
the  Castle  of  Zellysure,^  eight  daies  for  the  assembling,  and 
making  ready  of  our  Carauan :  the  second  of  Aprill  we 
departed  from  thence,  hauing  foure  more  Ambassadors  in 
our  company,  sent  from  the  king  of  Vrgence,  and  other 
Soltans,  his  brethren,  vnto  the  Emperour  of  Russia,  with 
answere  of  such  letters  as  I  brought  them :  and  the  same 
Ambassadors  were  also  committed  vnto  my  charge,  by  the 
said  kings,  and  princes :  to  whome  I  promised  most  faithfully, 
and  swore  by  our  lawe,  that  they  should  be  well  vsed  in 
Rutland,  and  suffered  to  depart  from  thence  againe  in  safetie, 
according  as  the  Emperour  had  written  also  in  his  letters : 
for  they  somwhat  doubted,  because  there  had  none  gone  out 
of  Tartaria  into  Russia,  of  long  time  before.^ 

The  23.  of  Aprill,  we  arriued  at  the  Mare  Caspium  againe, 
where  we  found  our  barke  which  we  came  in,  but  neither 

1  Ante,  p.  70.  «  Atite,  p.  69. 

3  Here  Jenkinson  seems  to  be  in  error,  for  Ambassadors  came  to 
Russia  from  Khiva  in  1557,  and  in  October  1558.  On  the  last-mentioned 
occasion,  the  Laurentian  MS.  (v,  267-8)  gives  the  name  of  the  envoy, 
Tenish  Azi,  though  it  may  be  that  the  annalist  confounded  this  embassy 
with  thai  accompanying  Jenkinson  in  1559.  In  any  case,  after  the 
fall  of  Kazan  and  Astrakhan,  it  is  recorded  that  the  Tsars  of  Khiva 
and  Bokhara  sent  distinguished  persons  to  Mosco  with  presents,  in 
order  to  gain  the  good-will  of  Ivan,  and  obtain  privileges  of  trading 
with  Russia.  As  a  result,  perhaps,  of  Jenkinson's  travels,  embassies 
arrived  in  Russia  from  Central  Asia  in  1563,  1566,  and  1583,  from 
Khiva,  Bokhara,  and  Samarkand,  their  object  being  chiefly  to  promote 
commercial  intercourse,  in  which  they  appear  to  have  succeeded. — 
Vesselofsky,  pp.  122,  123,  note  ;  Karams'm^  viii,  252. 


RESCUE   OF   SLAVES.  95 

anker,  cable,  cocke^  nor  saile :  neuertheless  we  brought  hempe 
with  vs,  and  spunne  a  cable  ourselues,  with  the  rest  of  our 
tackling,  and"  made  vs  a  saile  of  cloth  of  cotton  wooll  and 
rigged  our  barke,  as  well  as  we  could,  but  boate  or  anker  we 
had  none.  In  the  meane  time,  being  deuising  to  make  an 
anker  of  wood  of  a  cart  wheele,  there  arriued  a  barke,  which 
came  from  Astracan,  with  Tartars,  and  Busses,  which  had 
two  ankers,  w4th  whom  I  agreed  for  the  one :  and  thus  being 
in  a  readines,  we  set  saile,  and  departed,  I,  and  the  two 
Johnsons  being  Master  and  Marriners  our  selues,  hauing  in 
our  barke  the  said  sixe  Ambassadors,  and  25.  Eusses,  which 
had  been  slaues  a  long  time  in  Tartaria,^  nor  euer  had  before  [ 

my  comming,  libertie,  or  meanes  to  gette  home,  and  these  \ 

slaues  serued  to  rowe  when  neede  was.  Thus  sailing  some- 
times along  the  coast,  and  sometimes  out  of  sight  Of  land,  the 
13.  day  of  Maye,  hauing  a  contrarie  winde,  we  came  to  an 
anker,  being  three  leagues  from  the  shoare,  &  there  rose  a 
sore  storm e,  which  continued  44.  houres,  and  our  cable  being 
of  our  owne  spinning,  brake,  and  lost  our  anker,  and  being 
off  a  lee  shoare,  and  hauing  no  boate  to  helpe  vs,  we  hoised 
our  saile,  and  bare  roomer  with  the  said  shoare,  looking  for 
present  death :  but  as  God  prouided  for  vs,  we  ranne  into  a 

^  "  Cocke",  i.e.,  a  cock-boat.    Cf.  Shakspere — 

"...  yon  tall  anchoring  bark, 
Diminish'd  to  her  cock  ;  her  cock  a  buoy 
Almost  too  small  for  sight  ..." 

King  Lear,  iv,  sc.  6. — C. 

Vy  2  This  is  the  first  successful  attempt  on  record  of  the  rescue  of 
Russian  slaves  in  Central  Asia.  In  the  present  century,  Captain  (now 
General)  James  Abbott  undertook  to  negotiate  between  the  Khan  of 
Khiva  and  General  Perofsky  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  while  the 
late  Colonel  Richmond  Shakespeare  effected  the  release  of  a  large 
number  of  these  unfortunate  captives  at  Khiva,  and  led  them  safely 
back  to  Russia  (see  Abbott's  Hei-at  to  Khiva,  vol.  i,  passim).  Many 
Russian  slaves  intermarried  with  Kirghiz  women,  and  settled  on 
the  outskirts  of  towns,  where  their  descendants  are  known  as  Chahar- 
Kazzaks. 


96  STORM   ON    THE   CASPIAN. 

creeke  full  of  oze  and  so  saued  our  selues  with  our  barke,  we 
liued  in  great  discomfort  for  a  time.  For  although  we  should 
haue  escaped  with  our  Hues  the  danger  of  the  sea,  yet  if  our 
barke  had  perished,  we  knew  we  should  haue  bene,  either 
destroied,  or  taken  slaues  by  the  people  of  that  Countrey,^ 
who  line  wildly  in  the  field,  like  beastes,  without  house  or 
habitation.  Thus  when  the  storme  was  seased,  we  went  out 
of  the  creeke  again  :  and  hauing  sette  the  lande  with  our 
Compasse,  and  taken  certaine  markes  of  the  same,  during 
the  time  of  the  tempest,  whilest  we  ridde  at  our  anker,  wee 
went  directly  to  the  place  where  wee  ridde,  with  our  barke 
againe,  and  founde  our  anker  which  wee  lost :  whereat  the 
Tartars  much  maruelled,  howe  wee  did  it.  While  wee  were 
in  the  creeke,  wee  made  an  anker  of  woode  of  Cart  wheeles, 
which  wee  had  in  our  barke,  which  we  threwe  away,  when 
wee  had  founde  our  yron  anker  againe.  Within  two  daies  after, 
there  arose  another  great  storme,  at  the  Northeast,  and  we 
lay  a  trie,  being  driuen  farre  into  the  sea,  and  much  adoe  to 
keepe  our  barke  from  sinking,  the  billowe  was  so  great  -?  but 
at  the  last,  hauing  faire  weather,  wee  tooke  the  Sunne,  and 
knowing  howe  the  lande  laye  from  vs,  wee  fell  with  the 
Eiuer  Yake,  according  to  our  desire,  whereof  the  Tartars 
were  very  glad,  fearing  that  wee  shoulde  haue  bene  driuen 
to  the  coast  of  Persia,  whose  people  were  vnto  them  great 
enemies.^ 

1  /.e.,  Turkomans,  ante,  p.  65. 

2  Storms  are  not  of  common  occurrence  on  the  Caspian,  and  the 
dangers  of  navigation  arose  from  the  unseaworfhy  craft  in  use  in 
those  days,  and  from  shallows.  Persons  familiar  with  the  Caspian 
cannot  but  agree  with  Horace  : 

"  Non  semper  imbres  nubibus  hispidos 
Manant  in  agros  ;  aut  mare  Caspium 
Yexant  inaequales  procellae 
Usque."  Book  ii,  Ode  ix. 

3  The  Persians  and  Uzbek  Tartars  were  continually  at  war  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  their  enmity  being  embittered  by  religious  differences. 


ST.    GEORGE'S   CROSS   ON   THE   CASPIAN.  97 

Note,  that  during  the  time  of  our  nauigation,  wee  sette 
vppe  the  redde  crosse  of  S.  George,  in  our  flagges,  for  honour  The  English 
of  the  Christians,  which  I  suppose  was  neuer  scene  in  the  the  Caspian 
Caspia7i  ssa  before.^  We  passed  in  this  voyage  diners  for- 
tunes, notwithstanding  the  28.  of  Maye,  wee  arriued  in 
safetie  at  Astracan,  and  there  remained  till  the  tenth  of  June 
following,  as  well  to  prepare  vs  small  boates  to  goe  vp  against 
the  streame  of  Volga,  with  our  goods,  as  also  for  the  com- 
panie  of  the  Ambassadors  of  Tartarie,  committed  vnto  me, 
to  be  brought  to  the  presence  of  the  Emperour  of  Rmsia. 

This  Cas;pian  sea^  (to  say  some  thing  of  it)  is  in  length 
about  two  hundred  leagues,  and  in  bredth  150.  without  any 
issue  to  other  seas,  to  the  East  parte  whereof,  ioyneth  the 
great  desert  Countrey  of  the  Tartars,  called  Turkemen :  to 
the  West,  the  Countreyes  of  the  Chyrcasses,^  the  mountaines 
of  Caucasus,  and  the  Mare  Euxinunfi,  which  is  from  the  saide 
Caspian  sea  a  hundred  leagues.  To  the  North  is  the  riuer 
Volga,  and  the  land  of  Nagay,^  and  to  the  South  part,  ioyne 
the  Countries  of  Medial  and  Persia,.     This  sea  is  fresh  water 


*  From  the  marginal  note  in  Hahluyt,  Jenkinson  meant  the  English 
flag,  though  he  was  doubtless  aware  of  the  fact  that  Russia  had 
adopted  the  insignia  of  St.  George  from  the  Greeks,  who  represented 
this  saint  clad  in  armour.  (See  Herherstem^  frontispiece,  and  vol.  ii, 
139.) 

2  The  Caspian  Sea  is  750  miles  long  from  north  to  south,  and  350 
wide  in  the  broadest  part  from  east  to  west.  Jenkinson,  therefore, 
understates  its  length  by  150  miles,  and  over-estimates  its  breadth  by 
100  miles.  In  other  respects  his  description  of  this  sea  is  accurate, 
even  to  the  conjectural  underground  outflow,  which  may  account 
for  the  periodical  changes  in  its  level  observed  by  those  who  have 
studied  the  subject  locally,  and  compared  the  reports  of  travellers, 
from  Olearius  and  Hanway  to  Lerch  and  Reineggs.  For  earlier 
notions  of  the  Caspian,  see  Rawlinson's  Herodotus,  i,  327,  and  note. 

3  Cherkess,  a  general  name  for  the  mountaineers  of  the  Caucasus. 

^  I.e.,  the  country  round  Astrakhan,  east  and  west  of  the  Volga 
delta.     This  was  inhabited  by  Manghit  or  Nogai  Tartars. 

^  Media  was  the  country  now  comprised  in  the  north-western  part 
of  Persia,  with  which  it  was  united  under  the  Sassanian  dynasty.    It 


98  IlIVEltS   FALLING   INTO   THE   CASPIAN. 

in  many  places,  and  in  other  places  as  salt  as  our  great 
Ocean.  It  hath  many  goodly  riuers  falling  into  it,  and  it 
auoideth  not  it  selfe,  except  it  be  vnder  ground.  The  notable 
riuers  that  fall  into  it,  are  first  the  great  riuer  of  Volga, 
called  in  the  Tartar  tongue  Eddl}  which  springeth  out  of  a 
lake  in  a  marrish  or  plaine  ground,  not  farre  from  the  Citie 
of  Nouogrode,  in  Russia,  and  it  is  from  that  springe,  to  the 
sea,  aboue  two  thousand  English  miles.  It  hath  diners  other 
goodly  riuers  falling  into  it,  as  out  of  Seharia^  Yaick?  and 
Yeim  ;*  Also  out  of  the  mountaines  of  Caucasus,  the  riuers 
of  Oyrus,^  and  Arash,^  and  diners  others. 

As  touching  the  trade  of  Shamakye'  in  Media,  and  Tehris, 
with  other  townes  in  Persia,  I  haue  enquired,  and  doe  well 
vnderstande,  that  it  is  euen  like  to  the  trades  of  Tartaria, 
that  is  little  vtterance,  and  small  profite :  and  I  haue  bene 
aduertised  that  the  chiefe  trade  of  Persia  is  into  Syria,  and 
so  transported  into  the  Leuant  seas.  The  fewe  shippes  vpon 
the  Ca^ian  seas,  the  want  of  Marte  and  port  Townes,  the 
pouertie  of  the  people,  and  the  ice,  maketh  that  trade 
naught. 

At  Astracan,  there  were  Marchants  of  Shamakye,  with 
whome  I  offered  to  barter,  and  to  giue  them  kersies  for  their 

included  Raga,  or  Rey,  now  marked  by  some  ruins  east  of  Teheran, 
and  the  famous  Erbatana,  now  Hamadan.  The  Media  of  Atropates, 
commander  of  the  Median  contingent  at  the  battle  of  Arbela,  included 
the  basin  of  Lake  Urumiyeh,  as  well  as  the  valleys  of  the  Araxes,  Sefid 
Rud,  and  low  countries  of  Talish  and  Ghilan,  on  the  shores  of  the 
Caspian,  thus  nearly  corresponding  with  the  modem  Persian  province 
of  Azerbaijan. — Ritter's  Asia,  Iran.  Russ.  edit.,  pp.  101,  137  ;  Hero- 
dotus,  i,  595. 

1  Itil,  i.e.,  river,  was  the  old  name  for  the  Volga.  This  river  has  its 
source,  in  the  Ostashkof  district  of  the  Government  of  Tver,  in 
57°  10'  N.  lat.,  in  moss  bogs  crossed  by  lakes  at  an  elevation  of  840  feet. 
Its  length  is  reckoned  at  2320  miles. — Semeonof,  art.  "  Volga". 

*  Siberia,  so  named  after  Sibir,  a  town  in  the  Government  of 
Tobolsk. 

3  Yaik,  antCy  p.  61.  *  Emba,  ante,  p.  63. 

'  Kur.  *  Araxes.  ^  Shemakha,  ante,  p.  69. 


RETURN   TO   MOSCO.  99 

wares,  but  they  would  not,  saying,  they  had  them  as  good 
cheape  in  their  Countrey,  as  I  offered  them,  which  was  sixe 
rubbles  for  a  kersie,  that  I  asked :  and  while  I  was  at 
Boghar,  there  were  there  brought  thither  out  of  Persia,  cloth, 
and  diuers  commodities  of  our  Countreies,  which  were  solde 
as  good  cheape  as  I  might  sell  ours. 

The  tenth  daye  of  June,  wee  departed  from  Astracan, 
towardes  the  Mtcsko,  hauing  a  hundred  Gunners  in  our  com- 
panie,  at  the  Emperours  charges,  for  the  safe  conduct  of  the 
Tartarre  Ambassadors,  and  me.  And  the  eight  and  twentieth 
daye  of  July  following,  we  arriued  at  the  Citie  of  Cazan, 
hauing  beene  vppon  the  waye  from  Astracan  thither,  sixe 
weekes,  and  more,  without  any  refreshing  of  victuals  :  for  in 
all  that  waye  there  is  no  habitation. 

The  seuenth  of  August  following,  we  departed  from  Cazan 
and  transported  our  goods  by  water,  as  farre  as  the  Citie  of 
Morons,^  and  then  by  land :  so  that  the  second  of  September, 
we  arriued  at  the  Citie  of  Musko,  and  the  fourth  day  I  came  2  mo^S*^ 
before  the  Emperours  Maiestie,  kissed  his  hand,  and  pre-  September, 
sented  him  a  white  Cowes  taile^  of  Cathay ,  and  a  drurame  of 
Tartaria,  which  he  well  accepted.  Also  I  brought  before 
him  all  the  Ambassadors  that  were  committed  to  my  charge, 
with  all  the  Russe  slaues :  and  that  day  I  dined  in  his 
Maiesties  presence  and  at  dinner,  his  Grace  sent  me  meate 
by  a  Duke,  &  asked  me  diuers  questions,  touching  the  lands, 
&  Countreis  where  I  had  bene.  And  thus  I  remained  at  the 
Musko  about  your  affaires,  vntill  the  17.  day  of  Februarie, 
that  your  wares  were  sent  downe  :  &  then  hauing  licence  of 
the  Emperours  Maiesty  to  depart,  the  21.  day  I  came  to  jomH 
house  at  Vologhda,  and  there  remained  vntill  the  breaking 
vp  of  the  yeere,^  and  then  hauing  scene  all  your  goods  laden 
into  your  boates,  I  departed  with  the  same,  and  arriued 

*  Murom,  arUey  p.  44.  *  A  yak's  tail. 

^  In  other  words,  the  opening  of  navigation  is  what   Jenkinson 
waited  for  at  Vologhda, 


100 


COMPAKISON   OF  LATITUDES. 


withall  in  safetie  at  Golmogro,  the  9.  of  May,  1560.  And 
here  I  cease  for  this  time,  intreating  you  to  bears  with  this 
my  large  discourse,  which  by  reason  of  the  varietie  of  matter 
I  could  make  no  shorter,  and  I  beseech  God  to  prosper  all 
your  attempts. 


The  latitudes  of  certaine  principall  places  in 

Aussia,  and  other  Regions.^ 


MoscOf  in 

Nouo-grod,  the  great 

Nouo-grodj  the  lesse 

Colmogro 

Vologda 

Cazan 

Oweke 

Astracan 

At  the  entrance  into  the  Caspian  sea 

Manguslaue,  beyond  the  Caspian  sea 

Vrgence   in   Tartarpe,    20.    daies   iourney> 

from  the  Caspian  sea  .  ) 

BoghaTf   a   Citie    in   Tartaric ,   20.    daies) 

ioumey  from  Vrgence  .  ) 


Deg. 

Min 

55 

10 

58 

26 

56 

33 

64 

10 

59 

11 

55 

33 

51 

40 

47 

9 

46 

27 

45 

00 

42       18 


39       10 


1  These  latitudes  and  notes  are  inserted  by  Hakluyt  in  the  1599 
edition  in  the  above  order  ;  modem  authorities  as  below: — 


Latitudes. 

Authority. 

Tur.ur^                   (northern 
^^«^°                  Isouthem 

extremity    .     55° 
do.          .    55 

48') 
42 

Semeonof. 

Novgorod,  the  Great 

.    58 

31 

do. 

Nijny  Novgorod 

.    56 

20 

do. 

Khomogori 

.    64 

13 

do. 

Vologhda 

.    58 

15 

do. 

Kazan 

.    55 

48 

do. 

Uvek,  or  Ukek  (Ucaca) 

.    51 

23 

Yule. 

Astrakhan 

.    46 

4 

Semeonof. 

Mangishlak  peninsula                               )    .„ 
Northern  extremity, Cape  Tiuk- Karagan ) 

33 

Struve. 

Old  Urgendj 

.    42 

32 

Keith  Johnston 

Bokhara  CAmeer's  palace) 

.     39 

46  45 

'       Struve. 

ITINERARIES   TO   CATHAY.  101 


Certaine  notes  gathered  by  Richard  lohnson  (which 

was  at  Boghar  with  Master  Anthony  lenkinson)  of  the  reports 

of  Russes  and  other  straungers,  of  the  wayes  of  Russia 

to  Cathaya  and  of  diners  and  straunge  people.* 


The  first  note  giuen  by  one  named  Sarnichoke,  a  Tartarian 
subiect  to  the  Prince  of  Bogarskie  (Bokbarians),  which  are 
also  Tartars  bordering  vpon  Kizilbash  or  Persia,  declaring 
the  way  from  Astracan,  being  the  furthest  part  of  Russia, 
to  Cathaya  as  followeth. 

First  from  Astracan  to  Serackicke  by  land^  trauailing  at  leasure 
as  merchants  vse  with  wares  is  10.  dayes  iourney. 

From  Serachike  to  a  towne  named  Vrgenshe,^  15.  dayes.  OrYrgence. 

From  Vrgenshe  to  Bogarskie^  15.  dayes. 

From  Bogharskie  to  Cashar^  30.  dayes. 

From  Cashar  to  Cathaya^  30.  dayes  iourney. 

By  the  same  partie  a  note  of  another  way  more  sure  to  trauelly 
as  he  reporteth.^ 

From  Astracan  to  Turkemen  by  the  Caspian  sea,  10.  dayes 
with  barkes. 

From  Turkemen  by  land  specially  with  camels,  bearing  the 
weight  of  15.  poodes  for  their  common  burthens,  is  10.  dayes  to 
Vrgenshe. 

1  Eakl,  1589,  pp.  387-389. 

*  The  journey  from  Seraichik  {ante^  p.  62)  to  Urgendj,  according 
to  Pegolotti,  took  twenty  days  in  camel  waggons.  Ibn  Batuta  makes 
it  thirty  days'  journey. 

3  Bokhara,  ante,  p.  81.  *  Kashgar. 

*  This  second  itinerary  by  the  same  author  allows  only  ten  days  for 
the  voyage  from  Astrakhan  to  Turkomania  (presumably  Mangishlak 
peninsula,  or  Tiuk-Karagan  bay,  a  favourite  anchorage  on  this  coast, 
and  starting-place  of  caravans).  Jenkinson  took  twenty-eight  days  on 
the  voyage  ;  and  Abbott,  in  1840,  was  ten  days  sailing  from  Fort  Novo- 
Alexandrofsk  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ural.  From  the  Caspian  to 
Urgendj  was  a  journey  of  twenty  to  twenty-five  days  for  laden 
camels  ;  not  ten,  as  the  report  has  it. 


102  ITINEKARIES   TO   CATHAY. 

From  Vvgenshe  to  Bogharskie,  15.  dayes. 

Note. — At  this  citie  of  Boghar  is  the  marte  or  meeting  place 
betweene  the  Turkes  and  nations  of  those  partes  and  the 
Cathaians. 

Also  the  toll  there  is  the  40.  part  to  be  paid  for  merchandizes 
or  goods. 

From  thence  to  Cashar  or  Cashar  is  one  moneths  ioumey,  and 
from  Cashar  or  Caskar  (being  the  frontier  of  the  great  Can, 
hauing  many  townes  and  fortes  by  the  way)  is  also  a  moneths 
traueil  for  merchants  by  land  to  Cathay. 

Further  as  he  hath  heard  (not  hauing  bene  in  those  partes  him- 
selfe)  ships  may  saile  from  the  dominions  of  Cathaia  vnto  India. 
But  of  other  waies,  or  how  the  Seas  lie  by  any  coast  he  knoweth 
not. 

The  instruction  of  another  Tartarian  Merchant  dwelling  in  the 
citie  of  Boghar,  as  he  hath  learned  by  other  his  countrymen 
which  haue  bene  there. 

Or  Sera-  First  from  Astraxian  by  sea  to  Serachocke,  is  15.  dayes  (affirming 

also  that  a  man  may  traueil  the  other  way  before  written  by 
Turkemen). 

From  Serachocke  to  Vrgenshe  is  15.  dayes. 

From  Vrgenshe  to  Boghar  also  15.  dayes. 

Note. — These  last  30.  daies  ioumey  is  without  habitation  of 
houses,  therefore  trauellers  lodge  in  their  owne  tents,  carying  with 
them  to  eate  their  seuerall  prouisions :  and  for  drinesse  there 
be  many  wels  of  faire  water  at  equal  baiting  places  not  farre 
distant  daily  to  be  had. 
OrTaskent.  From  Boghar  to  Taskan^  easie  trauelling  with  goods,  is  14. 
dayes  by  land. 

From  Taskan  to  Ocdent^  7.  dayes. 

From  Ocdent  to  Caskar  20.  daies.  This  Cashar  is  the  head 
towne  or  citie  of  another  prince,  lying  betweeue  Boghar  and 
Cathaia^  called  JReshit  can.^ 

1  Tashkend. 

2  Uzkand,  site  of  some  ancient  ruins,  supposed  to  be  of  Greek 
origin. — Schuyler^  ii,  46.  *  Rashid  Khan. 


THE   MUSK  DEER.  103 

From  Caskar  to  Sowchik^^  30.  dales  iourney,  which  Sowchick 
is  the  first  border  of  Catliay. 

From  Swjockick  to  Camckick^  5.  dayes  iourney,  &  from  Cam- 
chick   to    Cathay   is   two   moneths   iourney,    all  the   way   being 
inhabited,    temperate   and   well  replenished   with    innumerable 
fruits,  and  the  chiefe  citie  in  that  whole  land  is  called  CamhuloOy^  baiuf""^" 
which  is  yet  10.  dales  iourney  from  Cathay. 

Beyond  this  land  of  Cathay  which  they  praise  to  be  ciuil  and 
vnspeakably  rich,  is  the  countrey  named  in  the  Tartarian  tongue 
Cara-calmacky  inhabited  with  blacke  people :  but  in  Cathay  the 
most  part  thereof  stretching  to  the  sunne  rising,  are  people  white 
and  of  faire  complexion.  Their  religion  also  as  the  Tartares 
report  is  Christian,  or  after  the  manner  of  Christians,  and  their  lan- 
guage peculiar,  dififering  from  the  Tartarian  tongue. 

There  are  no  great  and  furious  Beares  in  trauelling  through  the 
wales  aforesaid,  but  wolues  white  and  blacke.  And  because  that 
woods  are  not  of  such  quantltle  there,  as  in  these  partes  of  Russia, 
but  in  maner  rather  skant  then  plentifull,  as  is  reported,  the 
Beares  breed  not  that  way,  but  some  other  beasts  (as  namely  one 
in  Eusse  called  Barse^)  are  in  those  coasts.  This  Barse  appeereth 
by  a  skinne  of  one  scene  here  to  sell,  to  be  neere  so  great  as  a  big 
lion  spotted  very  faire,  and  therefore  we  here  take  it  to  be  a 
Leopard  or  Tiger. 

Note. — 20.  dayes  iourney  from  Cathay  is  a  countrey  named 
Angrim^  where  liueth  the  beast  that  beareth  the  best  muske,  & 

^  Suh-chau.  2  Kan-chau. 

*  Khanbalik  (Peking),  *  Barse,  Russian  for  leopard. 

*  The  name  Angrim  is  a  puzzle,  but  the  allusion  is  evidently  to 
Thibet,  the  country  of  the  musk  deer  (Moschus  moschiferus).  The 
musk  is  taken,  not  from  the  knee  of  this  animal,  but  from  a  bag 
situated  beneath  the  skin  of  the  abdomen.  Great  numbers  were  killed 
for  the  sake  of  this  scent,  which  fetched  a  high  price  in  the  Middle 
Ages.  —  Yule's  Marco  Polo,  passim;  Cathay,  clxxiv ;  Jardine's 
Naturalises  Library,  xi,  116. 

This  note  verges  on  the  fabulous,  or,  as  suggested  in  the  margin, 
takes  after  Sir  John  Mandeville's  extraordinary  stories  published  in 
the  first  edition  of  Hakluyt.  His  chapter  on  pigmies  should  be  read 
with  it :  and  Marco  Polo's  on  the  marvellous  people  with  golden  teeth 
inhabiting  the  borders  of  Yunnan. 


104  ANOTHER  WAY   TO   CATHAY. 

the  principal  therof  is  cut  out  of  the  knee  of  the  male.     The 
Madeuiiie    people  are  tawnie,  &  for  that  the  men  are  not  bearded  nor  differ 

Bpeaketh        .  ,      .         ^  •  -, 

hereof.  m  Complexion  fro  women,  they  haue  certame  tokens  of  iron,  that 
is  to  say  :  the  men  weare  the  sunne  round  like  a  bosse  vpon  their 
shoulders,  and  women  on  their  priuie  partes.     Their  feeding  is 

OrKitay.  rawc  flesh  in  the  same  land,  and  in  another  called  Titay,^  the 
Duke  there  is  called  Can ;  they  worship  the  fire,  and  it  is  34.  dayes 
iourney  from  great  Cathay,  and  in  the  way  lieth  the  beautiful! 
people,  eating  with  kniues  of  gold,  and  are  called  Comorom^  and 
the  land  of  small  people  is  neerer  the  Mosko  then  Cathay. 


Small 
people. 


The  instructions  of  one  of  Fermia,  who  reporteth  he  had  bene 
at  Cathay  the  way  before  written,  and  also  another  way  neere 
the  sea  coast,  as  followeth,  which  note  was  sent  out  of  Prussia 
from  Giles  Holmes. 

Pechora  but      First  from  the  prouince  of  Dwina  is  knowen  the  way  to  Pechora^ 
iourney  by   and  from  Pechora  trauelliug  with  olens^  or  harts,  is  sixe  dayes 

land  or 

water  fro'     iourney  by  land,  and  in  the  Sommer  as  much  by  water  to  the 
riuer  of  06.* 

The  Ob  is  a  riuer  full  of  flats,  the  mouth  of  it  is  70.  Russe 
miles  ouer.  And  from  thence  three  dayes  iourney  on  the  right 
hand  is   a   place  called   Chorno-lese,^  to   say  in  English,  Blacke 

1  Kithai,  or  Cathay,  as  China  was  known  to  the  people  of  Inner 
Asia. 

2  Comorom  is  probably  an  erroneous  rendering  of  Kara  muren,  as 
the  Hoang  ho,  or  Yellow  River,  was  known  among  Mongols.  (See 
M.  Polo,  ii,  69,  seqq.;  Hakluyt,  1589,  p.  54.) 

^  Russian  for  deer  of  all  kinds,  particularly  for  reindeer. 

*  Steven  Burrough  was  the  first  Englishman  to  attempt  to  reach 
the  Obi  by  water  in  1556.  He  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Pechora, 
met  with  Samoyeds,  whom  he  describes,  and  brought  home  reports  of 
the  Obi,  which  he  learned  from  masters  of  coasting  vessels  engaged  in 
hunting  walrus.  One  of  his  informants  was  Theodor  (Feodor),  possibly 
the  same  as  the  "  Pheother  Torotigin",  author  of  the  following  report. 
—HakL,  1589,  pp.  311-21. 

^  Correctly  translated,  "  black  forest".  The  name  is  of  no  import- 
ance beyond  showing  that  Russians  had  visited  the  Obi,  and  had 
penetrated  some  distance  up  it,  for  there  were  no  trees  for  some 
distance  from  its  mouth. 


THE  SAMOYEDES  OF  THE  SEA  COAST.         105 

woods,  and  from  thence  neere  hand  is  a  people  called  Pechey-conyy 
wearing  their  haire  by  his  description  after  the  Irish  fashion/ 

From  Pechey-cony  to  loult  Calmachey  3.  dayes  iourney,  and 
from  thence  to  Chorno  Callachay  3.  dayes  tending  to  the  South- 
east. 

These  two  people  are  of  the  Tartarian  faith,  and  tributaries  to 
the  great  Can. 


Here  follow  certaine  countreys  of  the  Samoeds^  which 

dwell  vpon  the  riuer  Ob,  and  vpon  the  sea  coasts  beyond  the  same, 

taken  out  of  the  Russe  tongue  word  by  word,  and  trauelled 

by  a  Russe  borne  in  Colmogro,  whose  name  was  Pheother 

Towtigin,  who,  by  report,  was  slaine  in  his  second 

voyage  in  one  of  the  sayd  countreys. 


Vpon  the  East  part  beyond  the  countrey  of  Ygori^  the  riuer  Oh 
is  the  most  Westermost  part  thereof.  Vpon  the  sea  coast  dwell 
SamoedSy  and  their  countrey  is  called  Molgomzeyj^  whose  meat  is 
flesh  of  olens  or  harts,  and  fishe,  and  doe  eate  one  another  some- 

1  The  name  of  this  people  affords  no  clue  to  their  identity,  while 
the  description  merely  points  to  their  being  barbarians  similar  in 
aspect  to  the  Irish  kernes  employed  in  the  Netherlands  towards  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  "  It  seemed",  said  one  who  had  seen 
them,  "  that  they  belonged  not  to  Christendom  but  to  Brazil." — 
Motley's  United  Netherlands,  ii,  155. 

2  For  a  description  of  the  Samoyedes,  see  note  on  p.  36. 

^  Vgori  (Ugria),  on  Jenkinson's  map  "  lorghoria",  the  country  of 
"  Zlata  Baba",  or  Golden  Old  Woman,  worshipped  by  the  people  of 
Obdora  at  the  mouth  of  the  Obi.  The  fable,  as  given  in  Herberstein 
(ii,  41),  is  figured  by  our  author,  who  represents  the  statue  apparently 
with  both  son  and  grandson.  The  name  "  Ugria"  has  been  given  to 
a  race  classed  by  Dr.  Latham  among  the  Turanian  Altaic  MongolidsB, 
and  comprising  Lapps,  Finns,  and  Permians  in  the  north  and  north- 
west of  Russia,  Magyars  in  Hungary,  Voguls  and  Ostiaks  of  Siberia. 
Our  word  " ogre"  is  perhaps  derived  from  this  people. 

^  Molgomzey  occurs  in  the  extreme  north-  east  corner  of  Jenkinson's 
map  as  "  Molgomzaia". 


106  HADJI   MAHOMET'S   ROUTE. 

times  among  themselues.  And  if  any  merchants  come  vnto  them, 
then  they  kill  one  of  their  children  for  their  sakes  to  feast  them 
withall.  And  if  a  merchant  chance  to  die  with  them,  they  burie 
him  not,  but  eate  him,  and  so  doe  they  eate  them  of  their  owne 
countrey  likewise.  They  be  euill  of  sight  and  haue  small  noses, 
Traueiiing  b^^  ^jjey  be  swift  and  shoote  very  wel,  and  they  trauaile  on  harts 
and  dogs,  ^ud  on  dogges,  and  their  apparell  is  Sables  and  Harts  skinnes. 
They  have  no  merchandise  but  sables  onely. 

2.  Item,  on  the  same  coast  or  quarter  beyond  those  people,  and 
by  the  sea  side  also  doeth  dwell  another  kind  of  Samoeds  in  like 
maner,  hauing  another  language.  One  moneth  in  the  yeere  they 
line  in  the  sea,  and  do  not  come  or  dwell  on  the  drie  land  for  that 
moneth. 

3.  Item,  beyond  these  people,  on  the  sea  coast,  there  is 
another  kind  of  Samoeds^  their  meate  is  flesh  and  fish,  and  their 
merchaundise  are  Sables,  white  and  blacke  Foxes  (which  the  Russes 
call  Pselts^)  and  harts  skins  and  fawnes  skins. 


The  relation  of  Chaggi  Memet,  a  Persian  Merchant,  to 

Baptista  Ramusius  and  other  notable  citizens  of  Venice,  touching 

the  way  from  Tauris,  the  chiefe  citie  of  Persia,  to  Campion, 

a  citie  of  Cathay,  ouerland:  in  which  voiage  he  himself e 

had  passed  before  with  the  carauans.^ 


From  Tauris^  to  Soltania 

6  dayes  iourney. 

From  Soltania  to  Cashin 

4 

From  Cashin  to  Veremi^ 

.         6 

From  Veremi  to  JSri^     . 

.       15 

»  Psets,  the  Arctic  fox  (Canis  lagopus). 

2  Reverse  of  Iter,  in  Ramusio  Delle  Navigazionl  e  Viaggi^  tom.  ii, 
p.  16,  1583  ;  also  Yule's  Cathay,  ccxvii.— C. 

3  Tabriz. 

4  Veramin,  two  marches  east  of  Teheran,  close  to  the  ancient  Rai. 
(See  Cathay,  ccxvii.)  ^  Herat. 


HADJI  Mahomet's  route,    letter  to  lane.        107 

From  Eri  to  Boghara   . 
From  Boghara  to  Samarchand 
From  Samarchand  to  Caskar 
From  Caskar  to  Acsu    . 
From  Acsu  to  Cwhi^     . 
From  Cuchi  to  Chialis^ 
From  Chialis  to  Turfov^ 
From  Turf  on  to  Camul* 
From  Camul  to  iSuccuir 
From  Succuir  to  Gauta^ 
From  Gauta  to  Campion 

Which  Campion  is  a  citie  of  the  Empire  of  Cathay  in  the  pro- 
uince  of  Tangut,  from  whence  the  greatest  quantitie  of  Rubarbe 
commeth. 


LETTER  TO   LANE. 

20  dayes 
5            , 
.       25 

lourney 

.       20 

.       20 

.       10 

.       10 

.       13 

.       15 

6 
6 

A  letter®  of  Master  Anthohie  lenhinson  vpon  his 

retume  from  Boghar  to  the  worshipful  Master  Henry  Lane^  agent 

for  the  Moscouie  Companie,  resident  in  Vologda,  written  in 

the  Mosco  the  18.  of  September  1559. 


WoRSHiPFULL  Sir,  after  my  heartie  commendations  premised 
with  most  desire  to  God  of  your  welfare  and  prosperous 
successe  in  all  your  affaires.  It  may  please  you  to  bee  aduer- 
tised  that  the  fourth  of  this  present  I  arriued  with  Richard 
Johnson  and  Bolert  lohnson  all  in  health  thankes  bee  to 
God.    Wee  haue  beene  as  farre  as  Boghar y  and  had  proceeded 


1  Kucha.  '  KArashahr.  »  Turfan. 

^  Hami.  ^  Kao-tai,  between  Kan-chau  and  Suh-chau. 

8  Hakluyt,  1599,  i,  305. 

^  Henry  Lane  accompanied  Chancellor  in  his  second  voyag^  to 
Russia  in  1555,  and  proceeded  with  him  to  Mosco  the  same  year.  He 
there  took  part  in  the  interviews  and  negotiations  which  led  to  the 
first  grant  of  privileges  to  English  merchants.  (See  Hakl..,  1589, 
p.  299.) 


108  SIR  JOHN  LOCKE. 

Master  len-  further  on  our  voyage  toward  the  lande  of  Cathay,  had  it  not 

kinsons  i  p  i        •  i 

voyage  in-   bene  lor  the  incessant  and  continuall  warres  which  are  in 

tended,  for 

Cathay.  all  thcse  brutall  and  wilde  countreys,  that  it  is  at  this 
present  impossible  to  passe,  neither  went  there  any  carauan 
of  people  from  Boghar  that  way  these  three  yeeres.  And 
although  our  iourney  hath  bene  so  miserable,  dangerous  and 
chargeable  with  losses,  charges  and  expenses,  as  my  penne  is 
not  able  to  expresse  the  same:  yet  shall  wee  bee  able  to 
satisfie  the  worshipfull  companies  mindes,  as  touching  the 

co^ueril'of    discouerie  of  the  Caspian  sea,^  with  the  trade  of  merchan- 

the  caspiai)  ^j^^e  to  bee  had  in  such  landes  and  countreyes  as  bee  there- 
about adiacent,  aud  haue  brought  of  the  wares  and  commo- 
dities of  those  countries  able  to  answere  the  principall  with 
profiteer  wishing  that  there  were  vtterance  for  as  great  a 
quantitie  kersies  and  other  wares  as  there  is  profite  to  bee 
had  in  the  sales  of  a  small  quantitie  (all  such  euill  fortunes 
being  escaped  as  to  vs  haue  chaunced  this  present  voyage)  for 
then  it  would  be  a  trade  worthie  to  bee  followed.  Sir,  for  that 
I  trust  you  will  be  here  shortly  (which  I  much  desire)  I  will 
deferre  the  discourse  with  you  at  large  vntill  your  comming, 
as  well  touching  my  trauel,  as  of  other  things.     Sir  John 

rnd?rom°  Luckc^  departed  from  hence  toward  England  the  seuenth  of 


Moscouia 
by  Sweden. 


^  By  discovery  we  must  understand  exploration,  the  Caspian  Sea 
having  been  discovered  and  sailed  over  centuries  before  Jenkinson's 
time.  (See  curious  representation  of  an  earlier  navigation  on  Catalan 
map,  1375.) 

2  From  this  passage — the  only  reference  to  the  subject— it  is  to  be 
inferred  that  the  journey  to  Bokhara  was  not  a  failure  from  a  com- 
mercial point  of  view. 

3  Sir  John  Locke  is  erroneously  mentioned  by  Fox  Bourne,  in  his 
English  Seamen  under  the  Tudors  (vol.  i,  p.  108),  as  having  accom- 
panied Jenkinson  to  Aleppo  in  1553.  His  name  occurs  (HakL,  1599, 
ii,  p.  114)  as  one  of  the  earliest  traders  to  the  Levant,  and  Thomas 
Locke  (probably  a  relation)  was  one  of  the  adventurers  in  the  second 
voyage  to  Guinea  in  1554  {HakL,  1589,  p.  89).  A  namesake 
of  the  first,  and  perhaps  descendant,  the  celebrated  author  of  the 
Human  Undefr standing,  wrote  the  history  of  navigation  prefixed  to 
Churchill's  collections  of  voyages,  recently  reprinted  in  the  collected 
works  of  John  Locke. — C. 


AURA  SOLTANA.  109 

this  present,  and  intendeth  to  passe  by  the  way  of  Sweden, 
by  whom  I  sent  a  letter  to  the  worshipfull  Companie,  and 
haue  written  that  I  intend  to  come  downe  vnto  Colmogro 
to  be  readie  there  at  the  next  shipping  to  imbarke  myselfe 
for  England,  declaring  that  my  seruice  shall  not  be  needfull 
here,  for  that  you  are  a  man  able  to  serue  their  worships  in 
greater  affaires  than  they  haue  heere  to  doe,  so  farre  as  I 
perceiue.  As  touching  the  Companies  affaires  here,  I  referre 
you  to  Christopher  Hudsons^  letters,  for  that  I  am  but  newly 
arriued.  Hauing  here  but  little  businesse  to  doe,  I  send  you 
Richard  lohnson  to  helpe  you  there  in  your  affaires.  Thus 
giuing  you  most  heartie  thanks  for  my  wench  Aura  Soltana,^  young  ^  * 
I  commend  you  to  the  tuition  of  God,  who  send  you  health  which  hJ^  ^ 

•^i-  1-        1.     J      •  gauetothe 

With  hearts  desire.  Queene 

■XT  J   -  1  afterwarde. 

Your  assured  to  command 

Anthonie  Ienkinson. 


The  Queenes  Maiesties  letters  to  the  Emperour  of 

Buasia,  requesting  Ucence,  and  safe  conduct  for  Master  Anthony 

lenkinsoTiy  to  passe  through  his  kingdome  of  Russia,  into 

Persia  to  the  Great  Sophie.^ 


Elizabeth  by  the  grace  of  God,  Queene  of  England  etc.  to 
the  right  excellent,  and  right  migbtie  Prince,  Lorde  John 
VasUiwiche,  Emperour  of  aU  Russia,  etc.  greeting,  and  most 

^  Christopher  Hudson,  whose  name  occurs  in  George  Killingworth's 
letter,  went  out  to  Russia  in  Chancellor's  second  voyage,  and  was 
afterwards,  in  1570,  chief  agent  of  the  Russia  Company  at  Narva. — 
Hakl,  1589,  pp.  299,  301,  426,  acq. 

2  This  is  the  only  allusion  to  Aura  Soltana,  whom  Jenkinson  may 
have  picked  up  at  Astrakhan  on  his  outward  journey,  for  he  mentions 
(^ante^  p.  58)  that  he  could  have  bought'  there  a  boy  or  a  wench  for  a 
loaf  of  bread.  If  this  surmise  be  correct,  it  is  probable  that  our 
traveller  would  have  sent  the  girl  back  to  Mosco  or  Vologhda,  en- 
trusting her  to  the  care  of  his  friend  and  countryman,  Henry  Lane. — C. 

3  In  Latin  and  English.— ^aA;/My<,  1589,  359-361. 


110  QUEEN   ELIZABETH'S   LETTER 

happie  increase  in  all  prosperitie.  Right  Mightie  Prince,  the 
amitie  of  your  Maiestie  towards  vs,  and  our  Subiects,  is  very- 
pleasant  to  vs  to  be  remembred,  which  being  begunne  by 
the  goodnes  of  God,  in  the  raigne  of  our  most  deere  brother 
of  happie  memorie,  King  Edward  the  Sixt,  and  afterwardes, 
through  your  not  onely  singular  humanitie,  fedde  and 
nourished  but  also  through  your  incredible  goodnes  increased, 
and  augmented,  is  nowe  so  firmed,  and  established,  with  all 
manner  of  tokens  of  your  beneuolence,  that  nowe  wee  doubt 
not,  but  that  from  hence  foorth,  during  many  ages,  the  same 
shall  endure  to  the  praise  of  God  to  both  our  glories,  to  the 
publike  great  commoditie  of  our  Realmes  on  either  part,  and 
to  the  priuate  desired  hope,  and  certaine  felicitie  of  all  our 
Subiects. 

And  although  that  this  your  goodnes  hath  bene  abound- 
antly  extended  to  all  our  Subiects,  that  haue  at  any  time 
repaired  into  any  part  of  your  Empire,  for  the  which  wee 
giue  (as  reason  is)  your  Maiestie  right  hartie  thankes,  and 
will  againe  shewe  the  like  vnto  yours,  right  willingly,  when- 
soeuer  opportunitie  shall  require:  yet  the  aboundance  of 
your  benignitie  both  in  receauing,  and  also  in  entertayning 
our  faithfull,  and  beloued  seruant,  Anthonie  lenJcinson,  the 
bringer  of  these  our  letters,  is  vnto  vs  for  him  priuately  very 
thankefull.  For  besides  this,  that  in  all  places  of  your 
Empire,  he  not  onely  by  your  Maiesties  sufferance,  but  also 
by  your  commandement,  enioyed  much  libertie,  and  great 
friendshippe,  your  goodnes  not  ceasing  in  this  your  domes- 
ticall  disposition  of  clemencie,  did  right  willingly,  and  of 
your  owne  aboundant  grace,  commende  the  same  our  well- 
beloued  seruant,  by  your  letters,  sealed  with  your  Imperiall 
seale,  to  sundry  forren  Princes,  vnto  whome  he  was  minded  to 
iourney:  which  your  magnificence  did  purchase  vnto  him 
happily,  and  according  to  his  desire,  both  passage  without  all 
perill,  through  your  notable  credite,  and  also  atchieuing  of  his 
iourney  through  your  commendation. 


TO   THE   TSAR.  Ill 

Therefore  like  as  these  your  duplicated  beneuolences,  both 
that  one  generally  exhibited  to  all  our  Subiectes,  frequenting, 
that  your  Kealme,  and  also  this  the  other  extended  apart  to 
this  our  right  faithfuU  seruant  Anthonie  lenkinson,  is  right 
assuredly  fastened  in  our  remembrance  not  onely  for  a  perpe- 
tuall,  and  grateful!  memoriall,  but  also  for  a  mutuall  and 
meete  compensation :  so  wee  desire  of  your  Maiestie,  to 
vouchsafe  from  hence  foorth  to  conserue  and  continue  the 
geminate  disposition  of  your  beneuolences,  both  generally  to 
all  our  Subiects,  and  also  priuately  to  this  our  beloued  ser- 
uant. And  we  doubt  not  but  at  our  request,  you  will  againe 
gratiously  shewe  vnto  the  same  Anthonie,  nowe  admitted  into 
our  seruice,  the  like  fauour  as  heretofore  your  Maiestie  of 
your  meere  notion,  did  exhibite  vnto  him  being  then  a  priuate 
person.  And  therefore  wee  desire  your  Maiestie  eftsoones  to 
graunt  to  the  same  our  seruant,  your  letters  of  licence,  pas- 
port,  and  safe  conduct,  through  the  tenor,  authoritie  and  helpe 
whereof,  he,  his  seruants,  together  with  their  marchandizes, 
baggages,  horses  and  goods  whatsoeuer,  that  shall  be  brought 
in,  or  carried  out,  by  or  through  all  your  Empire,  kingdome, 
dominions,  and  prouinces,  may  surely,  and  freely  iourney,  goe, 
passe,  repasse,  depart,  and  there  tarry  so  long  as  it  shall 
please  him  :  and  from  thence  returne,  whensoeuer  it  shall 
seeme  good  to  him,  or  his :  and  as  wee  doubt  not,  but  that 
your  Maiestie  in  the  goodnes  of  your  nature,  will  gratiously 
and  aboundantly  grant  all  these  good  offices  of  humanitie,  so 
wee  doe  hartely  desire,  that  your  Maiestie  will  likewise  vouch- 
safe to  commende  the  same  our  seruant,  together  with  all  his 
goods,  by  your  letters,  to  other  forren  Princes,  and  specially  to 
the  Great  Sophie,  and  Emperour  of  Persia,  into  whose  Empire, 
and  Jurisdictions,  the  same  our  seruant  purposeth  with  his 
for  to  iourney  chiefly  for  triall  of  forreine  marchandizes. 

We  therefore  doe  trust,  that  all  these  our  demands  shall 
tende,  and  haue  effect,  according  to  the  hope  of  our  seruant, 
and  to  our  expectation,  for  your  wealth,  for  the  commoditie 


112         THE  queen's  letter  TO  THE  SHAH. 

of  both  our  Subiects,  hickie  to  him,  thankefull  to  vs,  accept- 
able to  your  Maiestie,  and  very  profitable  to  our  Subiects  on 
either  part.  God  grant  vnto  your  Maiestie  long  and  happie 
felicitie  in  earth  and  euerlasting  in  heauen.  Dated  in  our 
famous  Citie  of  London,  the  25.  day  of  the  moneth  of  Aprill 
in  the  yeere  of  the  creation  of  the  world,  5523.  and  of  our 
Lorde  God  lesus  Christ,  1561.  and  of  our  raigne,  the  third. 


The  Queenes  Maiesties  letters  to  the  Great  Sophie^ 

of  Persia,  sent  by  Master  Anthony  lenkinson.* 


Elizabeth,  by  the  grace  of  God,  Queeue  of  England,  &c. 
Swriue^S^  To  the  right  mightie  and  right  victorious  Prince,  the  Great 
Italian^  *"      Sophie,  Emperour  of  the  Persians,  Medes,  Farthians,  Hyrcanes, 

Garmanarians,  Margians^  of  the  people  on  this  side,  and 

»  GeoflPrey  Ducket  erroneously  defines  "Sophi"  as  Persian  for 
"beggar"  (ffaJcL,  p.  422),  doubtless  referring  to  the  numerous 
religious  mendicants  in  the  East.  Sophi,  Sufi  or  Safi  was  a  philosophy, 
and  became  the  surname  of  a  dynasty  of  Persian  monarchs,  who 
adopted  the  tenets  of  the  "  Sufi  ".  Shah  Ismail  Sufi  developed  this 
religion  in  Persia  {circa  1500).  The  word  is  the  Arabic  "  Safi",  pure, 
clear,  bright,  also  just,  upright.  The  Greek  cocpo^,  whence  our  word 
sophistry  is  probably  derived. 

2  In  Latin  and  English.— RaJcluyt,  1589,  361-2. 

3  This  style  and  title  must  have  included  much  more  than  the 
Shah  of  Persia  could,  even  in  those  days,  claim ;  nor  do  the  names 
enumerated  represent  distinct  nationalities,  as  they  did  in  the  ancient 
Persian  empire.  They  were  used  merely  to  add  to  the  dignity  and 
importance  of  the  Shah  in  his  own  eyes.  It  is  needless  to  refer 
to  the  Medes  and  Parthians  ;  of  the  others  here  mentioned,  the 
Hy r canes  sv ere  the  inhabitants  of  Hyrcania,  south-east  of  the  Caspian, 
its  chief  town  being  Hyrcania,  i.e.^  Djurdjan  or  Hurgen,  now  marked 
by  some  ruins.  The  Garmanarians,  i.e.,  (Jarmanians,  inhabited  that 
province  of  Persia  now  known  as  Kerman,  bordering  on  the  Indian 
Ocean  ;  while  the  Margians,  or  inhabitants  of  Margiana,  joined  Bactria 
on  the  east,  and  took  their  name  from  the  river  Margus,  the  Murghab 
of  the  present  day,  on  which  once  stood  the  city  of  Antiochia 
Margiana,  in  modern  times  the  undeservedly  celebrated  Merv. 


THE   queen's  letter   TO  THE   SHAH.  113 

beyond  the  Eiuer  of  Tygris,  and  of  all  men,  and  nations, 
betweene  the  Caspian  sea,  and  the  gulph  of  Persia,  greeting, 
and  most  happie  increase  in  all  prosperitie.     By  the  goodnes 
of  the  Almightie  God,  it  is  ordayned  that  those  people,  which 
not  onely  the  huge  distance  of  landes,  and    the  inuincible 
widenes  of  Seas,  but  also  the  very  quarters  of  the  heauens 
doe  most  farre  separate,  and  sette  asunder,  may  neuerthelesse 
through  good  commendation  by  writing,  both  ease,  and  also 
communicate    betweene    them,   not    onely    the    conceaued 
thoughts  or  deliberations,  and  grate  full  offices  of  humanitie, 
but  also  many  commodities  of  mutuall  intelligence.    Therefore 
whereas  our  faithfuU,  and  right  welbeloued  seruant  Anthonie 
lenkinson,  bearer  of  these  our  letters,  is  determined  with  our 
license,  fauour  and  grace,  to  passe  out  of  this  our  Eealme,. 
and  by  Gods  sufferance  to  trauell  euen  into  Persia,  and  other 
your  Jurisdictions :  wee  minde  truely  with  our  good  fauour, 
to    sette    forward,   and    aduance,    that   his    right   laudable 
purpose:   and  that   the   more   willingly,   for   that    this  his 
enterprise    is   onely    grounded    vpon   an    hones.t   intent,  to 
establish   trade   of   marchandize   with    your   Subiects,   and 
with  other  strangers  traffiking  your  Realmes.      Wherefore 
we  haue  thought  good,  both  to  write  to  your  Maiestie,  and 
also  to  desire  the  same,  to  vouchsafe  at  our  request,  to  grant 
to  our  saide  seruant  Anthonie  lenldnson,  good  pasports,  and; 
safe  conducts,  by  meanes,  and  authoritie  whereof,  it  may  be 
free  and  lawful!  for  him,  together  with  his  familiars,  seruants„ 
cariage,  marchandize,  and  goods  whatsoeuer,  through  your 
Eealmes,  Dominions,  Jurisdictions,  and  Prouinces,  freely,  and 
without  impeachment,  to  iourney,  goe,  passe,  repasse,  depart, 
and  tarry  so  long  as  he  shall  please,  and  from  thence  to 
returne  whensoeuer  he  or  they  shall  thiuke  good.     If  these 
holye  -duties  of  entertainment,  and  sweete  offices  of  naturall 
humanitie,  may  be  willingly  concluded,  sincerely  embraced, 
and  firmely  obserued  betweene  vs,  and   our   Eealmes,   and 
Subiects,  then  wee  doe  hope,  that  the  Almightie  God  will 


114  INSTRUCTIONS    FROM 

bring  it  to  passe,  that  of  these  small  beginnings,  greater 
moments  of  things  shall  hereafter  spring,  both  to  our  furni- 
ture, and  honors,  and  also  to  the  great  commodities  and  vse 
of  our  peoples  :  so  it  will  be  knowen,  that  neither  the  earth, 
the  seas,  nor  the  heauens,  haue  so  much  force  to  separate  vs, 
as  the  godly  disposition  of  naturall  humanitie,  and  mutuall 
beneuolence,  haue  to  ioyne  vs  strongly  together.  God  grant 
vnto  your  Maiestie,  long  and  happie  felicitie  in  earth,  and 
perpetuall  in  heauen.  Dated  in  England,  in  our  famous 
Citie  of  London,  the  25.  day  of  the  moneth  of  Aprill,  in  the 
yeere  of  the  creation  of  the  world,  5523.  and  of  our  Lord 
lesus  Christ,  1561.  and  of  our  Eaigne  the  third. 


A  remembrance  giuen  by  vs  the  Gouernours,  Con- 
suls, and  A  ssistants  of  the  companie  of  Marchants,  trading  into 
Russia,  the  eight  day  of  May  1561.  to  our  trustie  friend e 
Anthonie  lenkinson,  at  his  departure  towards  Russia, 
and  so  to  Persia,  in  this  our  eight  iourney.^ 


First  you  shall  vnderstand,  that  we  haue  laden  in  our  good 
shippe,  called  the  Swallowe,  one  Chest,  the  keyes  whereof 
wee  doe  here  deliuer  you,  and  also  a  bill,  wherein  are  written 
particularly  the  contents  in  the  saide  Chest,  and  what  euery 
thing  did  coste :  and  because,  as  you  knowe,  the  saide  Chest 
is  of  charge,  wee  desire  you  to  haue  a  speciall  regarde  vnto 
it,  and  when  God  shall  sende  you  vnto  Musko,  our  minds  and 
will  is,  that  you,  with  the  aduise  of  our  Agents  there,  doe 
appoynt  some  such  presents  for  the  Emperour,  and  his  sonne, 
either  wine,  clothe  of  golde,  scarlet,  or  plate,  as  to  your  good 
discretion  shall  be  thought  meet,  and  when  you  haue  deli- 
uered  vnto  him  the  Queenes  Maiesties  letters,  and  our  said 
present  in  the  name  of  the  company,  we  thinke  it  good  that 
you  make  your  humble  sute  vnto  his  highness  in  our  name, 

»  ffakhyf,  1589,  p.  362. 


THE   MUSCOVY   COMPANY.  Il5 

to  get  his  licence  or  safeconduct  for  you  and  all  other  our 
seruants  or  Agents  at  all  times  heereafter,  with  such  wares 
and  merchandize  as  you  at  this  time,  or  they  heerafter  at  all 
other  times  shall  thinke  good,  to  passe  out  of  his  dominions 
towards  Tartaria,  Persia,  or  other  places,  and  also  to  returne 
vnto  Mosco  with  such  wares  and  merchandizes  as  you  shall 
bring  or  send  from  any  land  or  countrey  that  is  not  in 
his  dominions,  and  if  it  be  thought  good  by  you  and  our 
Agents  there  to  make  composition  with  the  Emperor  or  his 
ofi&cers  for  some  certaine  custome  or  tole  vpon  such  goods  as 
we  shall  passe  that  way,  to  the  intent  we  might  be  the  better 
fauoured,  we  referre  it  to  your  discretion,  foreseeing  that  the 
opening  of  this  matter  be  not  preiudiciall  vnto  our  former 
priuileges. 

And  for  the  sale  of  our  cloth  of  golde,  plate,  pearles, 
saphyres,  and  other  iewels,  we  put  our  trust  and  confidence 
in  you,  principally  to  sell  them  for  ready  mony,  time  to 
good  debters,  or  in  barter  for  good  wares,  so  that  you  make 
our  other  Agents  priuy  how  &  for  what  price  you  sell  any 
of  the  premises,  and  also  deliuer  such  summes  of  mony, 
billes  or  wares  as  you  shall  receiue,  vnto  our  said  Agents : 
thinking  good,  further,  that  if  you  perceiue  that  the  plate  or 
other  iewels,  or  any  part  thereof  will  not  be  solde  for  profit 
before  your  departure  from  the  Mosco,  that  then  you  cause 
them  to  be  safe  packed,  and  set  order  they  may  be  sent 
hither  againe  in  our  shippes  the  next  yeere,  except  you  per- 
ceiue that  there  may  be  some  profit  in  carrying  some  part  of 
them  into  Persia,  which  we  would  not  to  be  of  any  great  value. 

"We  haue  also  laden  in  the  said  Swallow  and  the  other  two 
ships,  80.  fardles,^  conteining  400.  karsies,*  as  by  the  enuoys^ 

1  Fardles.  Old  French.  The  old  form  of  far  deau^  a  pack,  bundle, 
was  probably  derived  from  Arab./ardoA,  a  package. — Skeat,  p.  203 — C. 

2  Karsie  (kersey),  a  coarse  woollen  cloth,  so  called  after  the  village 
of  Kersey,  in  Suffolk,  where  the  woollen  trade  was  established  by  a 
colony  of  Flemings. — Isaac  Taylor,  Words  and  Places,  p.  292. 

^  Fr.  envois,  i.e.,  invoices.. 


116  INSTRUCTIONS   FOR  THE  JOURNEY 

do  appeare,  which  fardles  be  packed,  and  appointed  to  be 
caryed  into  Persia :  neuerthelesse  if  you  chance  to  finde  good 
sales  for  them  in  the  Mosco,  we  thinke  it  were  good  to  sell 
part  of  them  there,  and  to  cary  the  lesse  quantity  with  you, 
because  we  be  vncertaine  what  vent  or  sale  you  shall  finde  in 
Persia  or  other  places  where  you  shall  come. 

If  you  obtaine  the  Eniperours  licence  to  passe  out  of  his 
dominions,  and  to  returne,  as  aforesaid,  and  that  you  perceiue 
you  may  safely  do  the  same,  our  minde  is,  that  at  such  time 
as  you  thinke  best  and  most  conuenient  for  that  pourpose,  you 
do  appoint  so  many,  &  such  of  our  hyred  seruants  or  appren- 
tises  as  you  thinke  necessary  &  meet  for  our  affayres,  and 
may  best  be  spared  to  go  with  you  in  your  said  voyage, 
whereof  we  would  one  to  be  such  as  you  might  make  priuie  of 
all  your  doings  for  diuers  considerations  and  causes  that  may 
happen  :  which  seruants  &  apprentises,  we  wil  and  command, 
by  this  our  remembrance,  to  be  obedient  vnto  you  as  vnto  vs, 
not  onely  to  go  with  you,  and  to  do  such  things  as  you 
command  them  in  your  presence,  but  also  to  go  vnto  such 
countries  or  plf^ces  as  you  shall  appoint  them  vnto,  either 
with  wares  or  without  wares,  and  there  to  remaine  and  con- 
tinue so  long  as  you  shall  thinke  good,  and  if  they  or  any  of 
them  will  refuse  to  do  such  things  as  you  do  appoint  them, 
as  aforesaid,  or  that  any  of  them  (be  he  hyred  seruant  or 
apprentise)  do  misuse  himselfe  by  any  manor  of  disobedience 
or  disorder,  and  will  not  by  gentle  and  fayre  meanes  be  re- 
formed, we  will  that  you  send  him  back  to  the  Mosco,  with 
straight  order  that  he  may  be  sent  from  thence  hither,  and 
let  vs  haue  knowledge  of  his  euill  behauior,  to  the  intent 
that  if  he  be  a  hyred  seruant  we  may  pay  him  his  wages 
according  to  his  seruice,  and  if  he  be  an  apprentise  we  may 
vse  him  according  to  his  deserts. 

We  will  also  that  you  take  with  you  such  karsies,  scarlet, 
&  other  clothes,  or  any  other  such  wares  of  ours,  as  you  shall 
thinke  good,  and  so  in  the  name  of  God  to  take  your  iourney 


TO    PERSIA  AND   RUSSIA.  117 

towardes  Persia,  either  by  the  way  of  Astracan  and  Mare 
Caspium,  or  otherwise,  as  you  shall  see  cause :  and  when 
God  sendeth  you  into  Persia,  our  minde  is,  that  you  repayre 
vnto  the  great  Sophie  with  the  Queenes  Maiesties  letters,  if 
he  be  not  too  farre  from  the  Caspian  sea  for  you  to  trauell, 
and  that  you  make  him  such  a  present  as  you  shall  thinke 
meete,  and  if  you  passe  by  any  other  kinges,  princes,  or 
gouernours,  before  or  after  you  come  to  the  presence  of  the 
Sophie,  likewise  to  make  them  some  present,  as  you  see  cause 
according  to  their  estate  and  dignitie,  and  with  all  to  procure 
letters  of  priuilege  or  safeconduct  of  the  sayd  Sophie  or 
other  princes  in  as  large  and  ample  maner  as  you  can,  for  the 
sure  establishing  of  further  trade  in  merchandize  by  vs  heer- 
after  to  be  made,  frequented  and  continued  in  those  parts, 
not  onely  that  we  may  freely  sell  in  all  places  within  his 
dominions  such  wares  as  we  cary  thither,  but  also  buy  and 
bring  away  any  maner  of  wares  or  merchandizes  whatsoeuer 
it  be,  that  is  for  our  purpose  and  commoditie  within  his 
dominions,  with  free  passage  also  for  vs  at  all  times  to  passe 
as  often  as  we  will  with  our  goods  and  merchandize  into 
any  part  of  India  or  other  countryes  therevnto  adioyning, 
and  in  like  maner  to  returne  through  his  dominions  into 
Russia  or  elswhere. 

And  for  the  sale  of  our  karsies  or  other  wares  that  you 
shall  haue  with  you,  as  our  trust  is  that  you  will  doe  for  our 
most  profite  and  commoditie :  euen  so  we  referre  all  vnto 
your  good  discretion,  as  well  in  the  sale  of  our  sayd  goodes, 
as  to  make  our  returne  in  such  thinges  as  you  shall  finde 
there,  and  thinke  best  for  our  profite.  But  if  passage  can 
not  be  had  into  Persia  by  Astracan,  or  otherwise,  the  next 
Summer,  which  shall  be  in  the  yeere  1562.  then  our  minde  is, 
that  you  procure  to  sell  our  karsies,  and  other  such  wares  as 
are  appoynted  for  Persia,  in  the  Mosco  or  other  the  Erape- 
rours  dominions,  if  you  may  sell  them  for  any  reasonable  price, 
and  then  to  employ  your  selfe  with  such  other  of  our  seruantes 


118  INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  THE   JOUKNEY 

The  pass-  as  you.  sliall  think  meete  for  the  search  of  the  passage  by  Nona 
Zembia.  "  ZerMa}  or  els  you  to  returne  for  England  as  you  thinke 
good.  Prouided  alwayes  that  if  you  doe  perceiue  or  vnder- 
stand,  that  passage  is  like  to  be  had  into  Persia  the  Summer 
following,  which  shall  be  in  the  yeere  1563,  and  that  you  can 
not  sell  our  karsies  in  the  Emperours  dominions,  as  afore- 
sayd,  at  a  reasonable  price  :  then  we  will  rather  they  may  be 
kept  till  the  sayd  Summer  in  the  yeere  1563.  and  then  you  to 
proceed  forwards  vpon  your  iourney  towards  Persia,  as  afore- 
sayd.  If  passage  into  Persia  can  not  be  obteined  the  next 
yeere,  neither  good  hope  of  passage  in  the  yeere  1563.  neither 
yet  in  the  meane  time,  good  sale  of  our  karsies  in  the  Empe- 
rours dominions,  then  we  thinke  good  for  you  to  see  if  you 
can  practise  to  cary  your  sayd  wares  by  safe  conduct 
through  Polonia,  or  any  other  wayes  vnto  GonstantiiKyple,  or 
els  where  you  thinke  better  sale  may  be  had,  then  in 
Russia. 

Thus  haue  we  giuen  you  to  vnderstand  our  meaninges  in  this 
intended  aduenture :  but  forasmuch  as  we  do  consider  and 
know,  that  if  we  should  prescribe  vnto  you  any  certaine  way, 
or  direct  order  what  you  should  doe,  we  might  so  worke 
cleane  contrary  to  our  purpose  and  intent :  therefore  know- 
ing your  approoued  wisedome  with  your  experience,  and  also 
your  carefnll  and  diligent  minde  in  the  atchieuing  and  bring- 
ing to  good  successe  (by  the  helpe  of  almighty  God)  all 
thinges  that  you  take  in  hand,  we  doe  commit  our  whole 
afiayres  concerning  the  sayd  aduenture  whollie  vnto  your 
good  discretion,  praying  God  so  to  prosper  you,  as  may  be 
first  for  his  glory,  secondly,  for  the  honour  and  commoditie  of 


*  Steven  Burrough  sailed  through  Vaigats  Straits  in  1556,  and 
heard  from  a  coaster  of  Nova  Zembla,  or  New  Land.  Burrough  was 
the  first  Englishman  to  hear  of  it,  and  his  partial  success  in  navigating 
towards  the  North-East  led  to  subsequent  expeditions  organised  by 
the  Muscovy  Company.     (See  Hakl.,  1589,  p.  318.) 


TO   PERSIA    AND   RUSSIA.  119 

this  realme,  and  next  for  our  profit,  with  the  increase  of  your 
good  name  for  euer. 

And  yet  further  desiring,  and  also  most  earnestly  requiring 
you  as  you  tender  the  state  of  our  company,  that  you  will 
haue  a  speciall  regard  vnto  the  order  of  our  houses  &  our 
seruants,  as  well  at  Colmogro  and  Vologda,  as  at  Mosco,  and 
to  see  and  consider  if  any  misorder  be  amongst  our  seruants 
or  apprentises,  whereby  you  thinke  we  might  heerafter  be 
put  to  hinderance  or  losse  of  any  part  of  our  goods  or  priui- 
lege  there,  that  you  do  not  onely  see  the  same  reformed,  but 
also  to  certifie  vs  thereof  by  your  letter  at  large,  as  our  trust 
is  in  you. 

And  for  the  better  knowledge  to  be  had  in  the  prices  and 
goodnesse  of  such  things  as  we  do  partly  suppose  you  shall 
finde  in  the  parties  of  Russia,  we  doe  heerewith  deliuer  you  a 
quantitie  of  certaine  drugges,  whereby  you  may  perceiue  how 
to  know  the  best,  and  also  there  is  noted  the  prices  of  such 
wares  and  drugges  as  be  heere  most  vendible :  also  we 
deliuer  you  heerewith  one  pound  and  one  ounce  weight  in  waights 

'J  r  o  and  drugs 

brasse,  to  the  end,  that  you  may  therby,  and  with  the  bill  of  J^^^^®'"?'?  ^ 
prices  of  wares  know  what  things  be  worth  heere.     As  for  *°^ 
the  knowledge  of   silks,  we  need   not  to  giue  you  any  in- 
structions therof,  other  then  you  know. 

Also  if  you  vnderstand  that  any  commoditie  in  Russia,  be 
profitable  for  vs  to  haue  with  you  into  Persia  or  other  places. 
our  mindes  is  that  our  Agents  shall  either  prouide  it  for  you, 
or  deliuer  you  money  to  make  prouision  your  selfe.  And 
because  the  Kusses  say  that  in  trauelling  Eastwards  from 
Colmogro  thirtie  or  fortie  dayes  iourney,  there  is  the  maine  The  maine 
sea^  to  be  found,  we  thinke  that  Eichard    lohnson  might  *h''"ti«^  , 

'  "       dayes  Ea3t< 

imploy  his  time  that  way  by  landf  and  to  be  at  Mosco  time  ^^^l^J^l^^ 
enough  to  goe  with  you  into  Persia  :  for  if  it  be  true  that  he 
may  trauell  to  the  sea  that  way,  and  that  he  may  know  how 

1  Probably  intended  to  refer  to  the  Kara  Sea. 


120  THE   JUUliNEY   TO    PERSIA    AND    RUSSIA. 

many  miles  it  is  towards  the  East  from  Colmogro,  it  will  be  a 
great  lielpe  for  vs  to  finde  out  the  straight  and  passage  that 
way,  if  any  be  there  to  be  had. 

William   Gerhard,)    _, 

rw,  T  r  Gouernors. 

Thomas  Lodge,        ) 

William  Merrike. 

Blase  Sanders. 


A  compendious  and  briefe  declaration  of  the  iourney 

of  M.  Anthonie  lenJcinson,  from  the  famous  citie  of  London  into  the 

lande  of  Persia,  passing  in  this  same  iourney  through  Russia,  Mus- 

couia,  and  Mare  Caspium,  aliS,s  Hircanum,  sent  and  imployed 

therein  by  the  right  worshipful!  Societie  of  the  Merchants 

Aduenturers,  for  the  discouerie  of  Lands,  Islands,  &c. 

Being  begunne  the  foureteenth  day  of  May,  Ann. 

1561:  and  in  the  third  yeere  of  the  raigne  of 

the   Queenes  Maiestie   that  now  is:  this 

present  declaration  being  directed  and 

written  to  the  foresayd  Societie.' 


First  imbarking  my  selfe  in  a  good  sliippe  of  yours,  named 
the  Swallow,  at  Grauesend,  hauing  a  fayre  and  good  winde, 
our  anker  then  weyed,^  and  committing  all  to  the  protection 
of  our  God,  hauing  in  our  sailing  diuersitie  of  windes,  and 
thereby  forced  to  direct  and  obserue  sundry  courses  (not  here 
rehearsed,  because  you  haue  beene  thereof  heeretofore  amply 
informed)  on  the  foureteenth  day  of  luly,  the  yeere  aforesaid, 
I  arriued  in  the  bay  of  S.  Nicholas  in  Russia  :  and  the  sixe 
and  twentith  day  of  the  same  moneth,  after  conference  then 
had  with  your  Agents  there,  concerning  your  worshippes 
affayres,  I  departed  from  thence,  passing  through  the  countrey 
of  Vago^  and  on  the  eight  day  of  August  then  following  I 

*  Hakluyt  (1589  ed,,  p.  365).  This  portion  of  the  text  has  been 
collated  with  the  MSS.  in  the  Hatfield  and  Helmingham  Hall  col- 
lections, for  access  to  which  we  have  to  thank  the  courtesy  of  their 
noble  owners.  In  a  few  instances  where  a  different  reading  occurs  in 
the  MSS.,  it  is  given  at  foot  of  text. 

2  Both  MSS.  add:  "and  so  availlinge",  i.e.,  lowering  sailes:  cf. 
Shakespere  "Vailing  her  high  top  lower  than  her  ribs"  (Merch.  Veil., 
.act  i,  sc.  i,  line  29). — C. 

3  Vago,  or  Vaga,  was  an  ancient  territorial  division  of  Northern 
Russia,  comprising  parts  of  what  are  now  known  as  the  Archangel, 
Vologhda,  and  Olonetz  Governments,  and  extending  along  the  course 


122  MARRIAGE   OF  IVAN. 

came  to  Vologda,  which  is  distant  from  Golmogro  seuen  hun- 
dred miles,  where  I  remained  foure  dayes,  attending  the 
arriuall  of  one  of  your  boates,  wherein  was  laden  a  chest  of 
iewels  with  the  present,  by  your  worshippes  appoynted  for 
the  Emperours  Maiestie :  which  being  arriued,  and  the  chest 
receiued,  I  therewith  departed  toward  the  citie  of  Moscouia, 
and  came  thither  the  twentith  day  of  the  same  moneth, 
where  I  immediatly  caused  my  comming  to  be  signified 
vnto  the  Secretarie  of  the  Imperiall  Maiestie,  with  the  Queenes 
The  highnesse   letters    addressed  vnto  the   same  his    Maiestie, 

Queenes 

letters  to  the  who   informed   the   Emperour  thereof.     But   his   highnesse 

Emperor  ^  ^ 

of  Russia,  hauing  great  affayres,  and  being  at  that  present  ready  to  be 
marryed  vnto  a  Lady  of  Chirchassi}  of  the  Mahometicall 
law,  commanded  that  no  stranger,  Ambassadour,  nor  other, 
should  come  before  him  for  a  time,  with  further  straight 
charge,  that  during  the  space  of  three  dayes  that  the  same 
solemne  feast  was  celebrating,  the  gates  of  the  citie  should 
be  shutte,  and  that  no  person,  stranger  or  natiue  (certeine  of 
his  householde    reserued)  should  come   out  of  theyr  sayd 

of  the  Vago,  a  left  tributary  of  the  Northern  Dwina,  for  a  length 
of  270,  and  a  breadth  of  130  miles.  This  region  was  in  early  days  in- 
habited by  a  tribe  known  to  ethnologists  as  the  Zavolotski  Chudi. 
Novgorodian  hunters,  attracted  by  the  abundance  of  wild  animals  in 
the  dense  forests  of  Vago,  first  visited  it  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
centuries,  and  from  that  time  it  came  to  be  included  in  the  Trans- 
Onega  half  of  the  Circum-Onega  piatina,  or  fifth,  another  ancient  terri- 
torial division.  Upon  the  fall  of  Novgorod,  Vago  was  united  with 
the  Grand  Duchy  of  Mosco,  and  divided  into  seven  districts.  In  1 770 
it  was  included  in  the  Government  of  Archangel,  its  chief  town  being 
then,  as  it  is  now,  Vago,  or  Shenkursk  (hence  "Vagani",  a  name 
applied  to  the  peasants  of  Shenkursk).  In  1780  the  Vago  country  was 
again  subdivided  into  two  districts,  one  of  which  became  part  of  the 
Archangel  Government,  the  other  of  Vologhda.  Jenkinson's  route 
would,  of  course,  have  lain  past  this  country. — Semeonof. 

^  Circassia.  His  first  wife,  Anastasia,  having  died  in  1560,  Ivan 
married,  26th  August  1561,  a  Circassian  lady,  daughter  of  Temgruk 
(Temruk),  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Cherkess  princes.  She 
is  described  as  charming,  and  on  being  admitted  into  the  Greek 
Church,  received  at  her  baptism  the  name  of  Mary. — Karamsiii^  ix,  41. 


JENKINSON   PRESENTS   HIS  LETTERS.  123 

houses  during  the  sayd  triumph,  the  cause  thereof  vnto  this 
day  not  being  knowne. 

The  sixt  of  September  following,  the  Emperour  made  a 
great  feast,  whereunto  were  called  all  Ambassadours  and 
strangers  being  of  reputation,  and  hauing  affayres :  amongst 
whom  I  was  one,  but  being  willed  by  the  Secretaries  first  to 
come,  and  to  shew  him  the  Queenes  Maiesties  letters,  I 
refused  so  to  doe,  saying  I  would  deliuer  the  same  vnto  the 
Emperours  owne  handes,  and  not  otherwise  :  which  heard, 
the  Secretarie  answered,  that  vnlesse  he  might  first  peruse 
the  said  letters,  I  should  not  come  into  the  Emperours  pre- 
sence, so  that  I  was  not  at  the  feast.  Neuerthelesse,  I  was 
aduertised  by  a  noble  man  that  I  was  inquired  for  by  the 
Emperours  Maiestie,  although  the  cause  of  my  absence  was 
to  his  Maiestie  vnknowne.  The  next  day  following,  I  caused 
a  supplication  to  be  made,  and  presented  it  to  his  highnesse 
owne  handes,  and  thereby  declared  the  cause  of  my  comming, 
signified  by  the  Queenes  Maiesties  letters,  and  the  answere  of 
his  sayd  Secretary,  most  humbly  beseeching  his  Grace  that 
he  would  receiue  and  accept  the  same  her  highnesse  letters, 
with  such  honor  and  friendshippe,  as  his  letters  sent  by 
Osepjp  Napeya  were  receiued  by  the  handes  of  our  late  Soue- 
reigne  lady  Queene  Mary,  or  els  that  it  would  please  his 
highnesse  to  dismisse  me,  saying  that  I  would  not  deliuer  the 
said  letters  but  vnto  his  owne  handes  for  that  it  is  so  vsed  in 
our  countrey.  Thus  the  matter  being  pondered,  and  the  effect 
of  my  suplication  well  disgested,  I  was  forthwith  commanded 
to  come  with  the  sayd  letters  before  his  Maiestie,  and  so 
deliuered  the  same  into  his  owne  handes,  (with  such  presents 
as  by  you  were  appoynted)  according  to  my  request,  which 
were  gratefully  accepted,  and  the  same  day  I  dined  in  his 

'  This  secretary,  who  appears  to  have  been  unfriendly  towards  Jen - 
kinson,  though  generally  well  disposed  towards  the  English,  was  pro- 
bably Mikhailof,  identical  with  Ivan  Michailof  Viscovaty,  already 
mentioned  {anle^  p.  30). 


124 


OSIP   NEPEA. 


Request  to 
passe  into 
Persia, 
thorow 
Moscouie. 


Osippe 
Nepeya, 
Embassa- 
dor from 
the  Empe- 
rour  of 
Russia  to 
Q.  Mary. 


Graces  presence,  with  great  inter tainment.  Shortly  after,  I 
desired  to  know  whether  I  should  be  licenced  to  passe  through 
his  highnesse  dominions  into  the  land  of  Persia,  according  to 
the  Queenes  Maiesties  request :  heereunto  it  was  answered, 
that  I  should  not  passe  thither,  for  that  his  Maiestie  ment  to 
send  an  armie  of  men  that  way  into  the  land  of  Chircassi, 
wherby  my  iourney  should  be  both  dangerous  and  trouble r 
some,  and  that  if  I  should  perish  therein,  it  would  be  much 
to  his  Graces  dishonour,  but  he  doubted  other  matters,  al- 
though they  were  not  expressed.  Thus  hauing  receiued  his 
answere,  neither  to  my  expectation,  nor  yet  contentation, 
and  there  remaining  a  good  part  of  the  yeere,  hauing  in  that 
time  solde  the  most  part  of  your  karsies  and  other  wares 
appointed  for  Persia,  when  the  time  of  the  yeere  required  to 
returne  for  England,  I  desired  pasport,  and  post  horses  for 
money,  which  was  granted  :  but  hauing  receiued  my  pasport 
ready  to  depart,  there  came  vnto  our  house  there  Osip 
Nepeya}  who  perswaded  me  that  I  should  not  depart  that 


Osip,  or  Osep  (Joseph)  Nepea  had  exerted  himself  before  on 
behalf  of  the  Enghsh,  not  unmindful  of  the  hospitality  shown  him  in 
England.  All  we  know  about  him  is  that,  being  Governor  of  Vologhda, 
he  was  appointed  by  the  Tsar  his  envoy  to  England  in  1554.  He 
sailed  with  Chancellor,  and  narrowly  escaped  drowning  in  the  ship- 
wreck in  Pitsligo  Bay,  landing  on  the  coast  of  Scotland  in 
November  that  year.  His  first  experiences  of  our  countrymen  were 
singularly  unfavourable,  for  he  lost  the  greater  part  of  the  valuable 
goods  he  brought,  which  were  plundered  by  the  lawless  popula- 
tion of  that  part  of  the  Scottish  coast.  Some  were  restored  to  him 
through  the  exertions  of  the  English  Government,  but  the  greater  part 
was  lost,  together  with  the  lives  of  some  of  his  suite.  Proceeding  by 
land  to  London,  he  everywhere  received  a  cordial  welcome.  On 
approaching  the  capital,  a  deputation  of  the  leading  citizens,  headed 
by  the  Lord  Mayor,  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  conducted  him 
through  the  streets,  which  were  thronged  by  enthusiastic  crowds,  to  a 
house  prepared  for  him  in  Fenchurch  Street.  He  was  received  in 
audience  by  King  Philip  and  Queen  Mary,  and  entertained  most 
hospitably  by  the  Muscovy  Company.  He  returned  to  Russia  in  1557 
with  Jenkinson  (jcinte^  p.  11),  loaded  with  marks  of  favour,  and  bearing 
costly  presents  to  his  sovereign.    Contemporary  historians  bear  witness 


LEAVE  TO  TRAVEL  IN  PERSIA.  125 

day,  saying  that  the  Einperour  was  not  truely  informed, 
imputing  great  fault  to  the  frowardnesse  of  the  Secretary,  who 
was  not  my  friend  :  before  whom  comming  againe  the  next 
day,  and  finding  the  same  Secretary  and  Osip  Nepeya  to- 
gether, after  many  allegations  and  obiections  of  things,  and 
perceiuing  that  I  would  depart,  I  was  willed  to  remaine 
vntill  the  Emperours  Maiestie  was  spoken  with  againe  touch- 
ing my  passage :  wherewith  I  was  content,  and  within  three 
dayes  after  sending  for  me,  he  declared  that  the  Emperors 
pleasure  was,  tliat  I  should  not  onely  passe  thorow  his  domi- 
nions into  Persia,  but  also  haue  his  Graces  letters  of  com- 
mendations to  f orren  princes,  with  certaine  his  affayres  com- 
mitted to  my  charge,  too  long  here  to  rehearse  -}  wherevpon 
I  appointed  my  selfe  for  the  voyage,  and  the  15.  day  of 
March,  the  yeere  aforesaid,  I  dined  againe  in  his  Maiesties 
presence  in  company  of  an  Ambassdour  of  Persia  and  others, 
and  receiuing  a  cuppe  of  drinke  at  his  Maiesties  hands,  I 
tooke  my  leaue  of  his  highnesse,  who  did  not  only  giue  me 
letters  as  aforesaid,  but  also  committed  matter  of  importance 
&.  charge  vnto  me,  to  be  done  when  I  should  arriue  in  those 
countries  whither  I  intended  to  go,  and  hauing  all  things  in 
readinesse  for  the  same  voyage,  I  departed  from  the  citie  of 
Mosco  the  27.  day  of  Aprill  1562,  downe  by  the  great  riuer 
of  Volga,  in  company  of  the  said  Ambassador  of  Persia,  with 

to  the  dignity  with  which  Nepea  acquitted  himself  of  his  ambassa- 
dorial functions,  and  to  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held.  His  name, 
which  is  quite  uncommon  in  Russia,  suggests  the  possibility  of  his 
having  been  Scotch  by  origin,  perhaps  related  to  the  well-known 
family  whose  present  representative,  Lord  Napier  and  Ettrick,  was  one 
of  the  most  successful  of  English  ambassadors  at  the  Court  of  St. 
Petersburg  in  modern  times. — Hakl.,  1589,  pp.  321-326,  338,  seqq.; 
Holinshed's  Chronicle,  p.  1132. 

^  What  these  affaim  were  we  are  unable  to  say;  if  they  concerned 
the  State,  perhaps  some  record  of  them  may  be  preserved  among  the 
archives  in  Mosco.  In  any  case,  Ivan  gave  our  traveller  an  order  to 
purchase  for  him,  in  Persia,  silk  and  precious  stones.  (See  Karamsin, 
ix,  p.  167,  and  note,  p.  617.) 


126 


DANGKKS   OF   THK   CASPIAN. 


M.  lenkin- 
son's  voy- 
acre  to 
Eoghar. 


whom  I  liad  great  friendship  and  conference  all  the  way 
downe  the  same  river  vnto  Astracan,  where  we  arriued  all  in 
health  the  10.  day  of  lune. 

And  as  touching  the  situations  of  the  cities,  towns,  castles, 
and  countryes,^  as  well  of  Mahometans  as  also  of  Gen  tils 
adioyning  to  the  same,  whereby  I  passed  from  Mosco  vnto 
Astracan,  I  omit  in  this  breuiat  to  rehearse,  for  that  I 
heretofore  haue  declared  the  same  most  amply  vnto  you  in 
my  voyage  to  Boghar.  Thus  being  arriued  at  Astracan,  as  is 
aforesaid,  I  repayred  vnto  the  captaine  there,  vnto  whom  I  was 
commended  from  the  Emperours  Maiesty,  with  great  charge 
that  he  not  only  should  ayd  and  succor  me  with  all  things 
need  full  during  my  abode  there,  but  also  to  safeconduct  me 
with  50.  gunners  well  appointed  in  two  strooges^  or  brigan- 
tines  into  the  Caspian  sea,  vntill  I  had  passed  certaine  dan- 
gerous places  which  pirats  &  rouers  do  accustome  to  haunt, 
&  hauing  prepared  my  barke  for  the  sea,  the  Ambassador  of 
Persia  being  before  departed  in  a  barke  of  his  owne,  the  15. 
day  of  luly,  the  yeere  aforesaid,  I  and  my  company  tooke 
our  voyage  from  the  said  Astracan,  and  the  next  day  at  a 
Si  cSplSi  West  sunne,^  passed  the  mouth  of  the  said  riuer  being  twentie 
miles  distant,  lying  next  Southeast."*  The  18.  at  a  Southwest 
sunne,^  we  passed  by  three  Ilands^  being  distant  nine  miles 
from  the  said   mouth  of   Volga,  and   Southsouthwest  from 


^  Both  MSS.  have  "  and  of  nations". 

'  The  stroog,  in  old  Russian,  was  a  river  craft  propelled  by  oars  and 
sail.  Those  commonly  used  on  the  Western  Dvina  were  of  about  150 
tons  burden.  From  the  circumstance  of  their  being  otherwise  called 
"  brigantines"  in  the  text,  it  is  probable  that  a  similar  craft  was  em- 
ployed by  pirates  on  the  Caspian.  The  word  is  derived  from  strogait, 
to  plane. 

3  I.e.,  4  p.m. 

*  Hatf .  MS.  has  "  south-west",  doubtless  the  correct  reading. 

*  I.e.,  2  p.m. 

«  There  are  numerous  islands  off  the  mouth  of  the  Volga,  and  it 
would  be  hardly  possible  to  identify  any  three  in  particular  with  those 
seen  by  Jenkinson. 


CHETERI  BUGRI.   TEKKT.  127 

thence,  sailing  Southsouthwest  tlie  next  day,  at  a  West  by 
North  sunne  we  fell  with  a  land  called  Challica  Ostriua,^ 
beinff  foure  round  Islands  together,  distant  from  the  said 
three  Islands  for  tie  miles.  From  thence  sailing  the  said 
course  the  next  day,  we  had  sight  of  a  land  called  Tuke^  in  The 

•^ '  °  '  countrey  of 

the  countrey  of  Tywmen,  where  pirats  and  rouers  doe  vse :  ^ywinen. 
for  feare  of  whom  wee  haled  off  into  the  sea  due  East  fortie 
miles,  and  fell  vpon  shallowes  out  of  the  sight  of  land,  and 
there  were  like  to  haue    perished,    escaping  most  hardly : 
then  the  22.  day  we  had  sight  of  a  goodly  Island  called  ^he^siaiid 
Chataldf  distant  from  the  said  Challica  Ostriua  a  hundred 

1  Helm.  MS.  has  *^Chatira'\  i.e.,  four.  Cfwtei'i  Bugri,  "island  of 
four  hillocks",  is  mentioned  by  C.  Burrough  {HakL,  p.  443).  This 
island  is  usually  sighted  on  the  voyage  from  Astrakhan  down  the 
Caspian,  and  is  marked  on  modern  maps. 

2  Hatf.  MS.  has  "  Tuzke";  Helm.  "Tirck".  The  place  referred  to, 
evidently  Terki,  is  at  the  mouth  of  the  Terek, where,  in  1569,  Ivan  caused 
a  fortress  to  be  erected  as  a  protection  to  his  father-in-law  Temruk,  and 
to  strengthen  his  own  position  in  this  country.  This  was  probably  the 
first  Russian  fortification  in  Caucasia.  It  occupied  the  site  of  the 
ancient  fortress  of  Tumen,  a  name  which  also  applied  to  the  low- 
lying  flat  country  to  the  north-west  of  the  Caspian,  spoken  of  by  the 
Venetian  envoy,  Josapha  Barbaro,  as  "  the  champaignes  of  Tumen". 
The  fortress  of  Terki,  four  years  after  it  was  built,  was  demolished  in 
deference  to  the  wishes  of  Selim  Sultan,  of  Turkey,  but  the  place  was 
chosen  by  Cossacks  and  other  free  lances  from  the  Volga  for  their 
settlement,  whence  their  name  "Terek  Cossacks".  In  1586  the 
town  was  rebuilt  and  garrisoned  by  Streltsi,  and  from  that  time 
became  an  important  base  of  operations  for  Russia  in  her  advance 
southward.  Owing  to  the  fresh  importance  the  place  had  assumed,  its 
fortifications  were  strengthened  in  1646,  according  to  the  most  im- 
proved system  of  engineering  in  those  days.  But  when  Peter  the 
Great  returned  from  Derbend  in  1723,  the  inhabitants  of  Terki  were 
transferred  to  new  fortresses,  and  the  place  was  converted  into  a 
redoubt,  garrisoned  by  200  men.  Terki  appears  on  d'Anville's  map  of 
the  Caspian  as  a  ruined  fort.  It  was  visited  towards  the  end  of  last 
century  by  Giildenstadt,  the  traveller,  who  found  remains  of  the  town 
wall  still  in  existence.—  Semeonof,  art.  "Terski". 

•^  Shetly  head,  not  island,  is  mentioned  by  C.  Burrough  {Hakl.,  p.  449), 
and  is  probably  the  land  sighted  by  Jenkinson,  who  did  not  approach 
within  six  miles  of  it,  and  might  easily  have  mistaken  the  promon- 
tory for  an  island. 


128         THE  COUNTRY  OF  THE  SHAMKHALS. 

miles,  the  winde  being  contrary,  and  a  stiffe  gale,  we  were 
not  able  to  seize  it :  but  were  forced  to  come  to  an  anker  to 
the  leeward  of  the  same  sixe  miles  off  in  three  or  foure 
fathom  water,  being  distant  from  the  maine  land  to  the 
Westward  of  vs,  which  was  called  Skafcayll  or  Connyke^  a 
countrey  of  Mahometans,  about  ^  miles,  and  so  riding  at 
two  ankers  a  head,  hauing  no  other  prouision,  we  lost  one  of 
them,  the  storme  and  sea  being  growne  very  sore,  and  thereby 
our  barke  was  so  full  of  leakes,  that  with  continuall  pump- 
ing, we  had  much  a  doe  to  keepe  her  aboue  water,  although 
we  threw  much  of  our  goods  ouerboord,  with  losse  of  our 
boate,  and  ourselues  thereby  in  great  danger  like  to  haue 
perished  either  in  the  sea,  or  els  vpon  the  lee  shoare,  where  w^e 
should  haue  fallen  into  the  handes  of  those  wicked  infidels, 
who  attended  our  shipwracke  :  and  surely  it  was  very  vnlike 
that  we  should  haue  escaped  both  the  extremities,  but  onely 

^  Both  MSS.  have  "  Shalkaules".  The  name  occurs  in  C.  Bur- 
rough's  narrative.  He  places  it  twenty-four  miles  north-north-west  of 
Derbend.  This  country  is  now  comprised  within  the  military  district 
(oblast)  of  Terek.  It  lies  between  the  right  bank  of  the  Terek,  the 
left  of  the  Sulak,  and  the  west  coast  of  the  Caspian,  and  is  known  as 
the  Kumyk  sub-district  (okrug).  On  the  south-west  it  extends  to  the 
Katchkalikof  chain,  an  ofFset  of  the  Caucasus  range.  It  is  a  low-lying 
strip  of  level  land  bordering  the  Caspian,  where  rivers  stop  their 
courses  before  reaching  the  sea,  and  form  numerous  lakes  and  marshy 
tracts,  breeding  fevers,  for  which  this  region  is  notorious.  Its  inhabi- 
tants are  chiefly  Kumyks,  a  people  of  Turkish  race,  supposed  by  some 
to  be  the  original  stock  which  peopled  this  country  and  have  since 
been  replenished  by  Tartars  and  refugees.  They  lived  under  their 
own  princes  or  Shamkhals  (evidently  the  word  in  the  text),  to  whom 
they  paid  tribute.  They  are  all  Sunni  Mohammedans.  Their  wealth 
consists  chiefly  of  cattle,  especially  sheep,  but  they  also  cultivate 
the  soil  and  own  vineyards.  Their  first  relations  with  Russia  date 
from  1559,  when  Aghim,  prince  of  the  Kumyks  of  Tumen,  became 
her  vassal.  Afterwards,  fortresses  were  built  in  their  country.  In 
1604,  the  Kumyks  rebelled,  and  obliged  the  Russian  garrisons  to  leave: 
but  in  1722,  during  Peter  the  Great's  expedition  against  Persia,  they 
renewed  their  allegiance,  and  are  now  completely  subdued. — Semeonof 
art.  "  Kumyksky". 

2  A  blank  in  both  editions  of  Hakluyt  and  in  the  MSS. 


SHIRVAN.      DERBEND.  129 

by  the  power  and  mercy  of  God,  for  the  storme  continued 
seuen  dayes,  to  wit,  vntill  the  thirtieth  day  of  the  same 
moneth :  and  then  the  winde  comming  vp  at  the  West  with 
fayre   weather,  our  anker  weyed,  and  our  saile  displayed, 
lying  South,  the  next  day  hailing  to  the  shore  with  a  West 
sunne,  we  were  nigh   a  lande   called   by  the   inhabitantes 
Shyruansha^  and  there  we  came  againe  to  an  anker,  hauing  Jfje^jajd  ..f 
the  winde  contrarie,  being  distant  from  the  sayd  Shatalet  150.  '**"*• 
miles,  and  there  we  continued  vntill  the  third  day  of  August, 
then    hauing   a  fayre   winde,  winding    Southsoutheast,  and 
sailing  threescore  miles,  the  next  day  at  a  Southeast  sunne 
we  arriued  at  a  citie  called  Derbent  in  the  King  of  Hyrcans  uerbont 
dominion,  where  comming  to  land,  and  saluting  the  captaine 
there  with  a  present,  he  made  to  me  and  my  company  a 
dinner,  and  there  taking  fresh  water  I  departed. 

This  citie  of  Derbent^  is  an  ancient  towne,  hauing  an  olde 

1  Shirvansha  (Shirvan)  formed  part  of  ancient  Media,  the  modern 
Russian  Government  of  Baku,  and  comprised  the  valleys  of  South- 
Eastern  Caucasus,  bordering  with  Georgia  on  the  west,  and  bounded 
by  the  Caspian  on  the  east  ;  on  the  south  it  extended  to  the  Kur. 
This  country  was  once  ruled  by  its  own  princes,  but  fell  into  the 
hands  of  Persia  in  the  fourteenth  century,  and  repeatedly  changed  its 
allegiance  during  the  wars  between  that  country  and  Turkey.  The 
name  is  probably  a  compound  of  Shir,  Persian  for  lion  (according  to 
Khanikof,  lion  holder  or  possessor  of  lions),  and  was  sometimes  applied 
to  the  Caspian. 

2  The  well-known  port  of  Derbend  is  picturesquely  situated  between 
the  main  range  of  the  Caucasus  and  the  Caspian.  The  town  commands 
the  only  passage  along  the  shore  from  north  to  south,  and  is  enclosed 
within  high  and  massive  walls,  with  towers  and  battlements.  Above 
stands  the  citadel,  built,  as  Jenkinson  describes,  of  fossiliferous  lime- 
stone. Outside  the  walls  to  the  south  are  vineyards  three  miles  in 
extent.  Derbend  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  Kobad,  a  Persian 
monarch  of  the  Sassanian  line,  and  completed  by  his  son,  Naoshirwan 
the  Just,  circa  542  ad.  The  town  was  built  as  a  protection  to  Persia 
against  the  inroads  of  Khazars,  and  no  finer  situation  could  have  been 
chosen  for  this  purpose.  Its  name  signifies  in  Persian,  "barrier"; 
the  Turks  called  it  Demir  Kapi,  "  Iron  Gate",  and  the  Arabs  Bdh-el- 
Ahwdh,  "Gate  of  Gates".      Derbend  has  been  for  the  most  part  a 


130  WALL   OF  ALEXANDER.     TIFLIS. 

castle  therein,  being  situated  vpon  an  hill  called  Castowe 
builded  all  of  freestone  much  after  our  building,  the  walles 
very  high  and  thicke,  and  was  first  erected  by  King  Alex- 
ander the  great,  when  he  warred  against  the  Persians  and 

wau.'^^*^  Medians,  and  then  he  made  a  wall  of  a  woonderfull  height 
and  thickenesse,  extending  from  the  same  citie  of  the 
Georgians,   yea   vnto   the    principall   citie    thereof    named 

orTiphiis.  Tewflish}  whicli  wall  though  it  be  now  rased,  or  otherwise 
decayed,  yet  the  foundation  remayneth,  and  the  wall  was 
made  to  the  intent  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  countrey 
then  newly  conquered  by  the  said  Alexander  should  not 
lightly  flee,  nor  his  enemies  easily  inuade.  This  citie  of 
Derhent  being  now  vnder  the  power  of  the  Sophie  of  Persia, 
bordereth  vpon  the  sea,  adioyning  to  the  foresaid  land  of 

degrees.  Shalfcall,  in  the  latitude  of  fortie  one  degrees.  From  thence 
sailing  Southeast  &  Southsoutheast  about  80.  miles,  the 
sixth  day  of  August,  the  yeere  aforesaid,  we  arriued  at  our 

possession  of  Persia.  In  1722,  however,  Peter  the  Great,  profiting 
by  the  disorders  in  that  country,  captured  this  place  and  left  a 
garrison  in  charge.  But  six  years  afterwards  Derbend  was  seized  by 
a  neighbouring  prince,  who  was,  however,  obliged  to  surrender  it  to 
Nadir  Shah.  In  1796  it  was  besieged  by  Russian  forces  and  taken, 
but  was  not  finally  incorporated  with  Russia  till  after  the  Treaty  of 
Gulistan,  1813.  With  reference  to  the  tradition  of  Alexander  the 
Great  being  its  founder  see  next  note. — Semeonof;  Yule's  Marco 
Polo,  i,  55. 

1  Tiflis,  founded  circa  1063,  capital  of  Georgia,  stands  on  both 
banks  of  the  Kur  or  Cyrus,  and  is  the  residence  of  the  lieutenants  of  the 
Tzar  in  Transcaucasia.  It  is,  perhaps,  the  most  thriving  and  beautiful 
town  in  his  dominions,  south  and  north  of  the  Caucasus.  The  wall 
mentioned  in  our  text  ran  inland  from  Derbend  along  the  ridges  of 
the  Caucasus,  though  how  far,  does  not  appear  to  be  certain, — Richard 
Eden  says  thirteen  days'  journeys  ;  according  to  Klaproth's  extracts 
from  the  Derbend  nameh,  it  extended  to  the  Dariel  pass.  Eichwald 
followed  it  for  twelve  miles.  Every  half  mile,  substantial  towers, 
crested  with  battlements,  were  erected  upon  it.  Tradition  ascribes  it  to 
Alexander  the  Great,  who  built  it  to  shut  up  the  Tartars,  the  Gog  and 
Magog  of  the  Scriptures,  and  it  bears  the  title  of  Sadd-i-Iskandar, 
the  rampart  of  Alexander. — Yule's  Marco  Polo,  2nd  ed.,  ii,  p.  537. 


SHABRAN.      SHEMAKHA.  131 

landing  place  called  Shahra'n},  where  my  barke  discharged :  shabran. 
the  goods  layd  on  shore,  and  there  being  in  my  tent  keeping 
great  watch  for  feare  of  rouers,  whereof  there  is  great  plenty, 
being  field  people,  the  gouernor  of  the  sayd  countrey  named 
Alcan  Murcy^  comming  vnto  me,  intertayned  me  very  gently,  Aican 

.  1    «  i?  J  Murcy  the 

vnto  whom  giumg  a  present,  he  appointed  for  my  saiegard  gouernor. 
fortie  armed  men  to  watch  and  ward  me,  vntil  he  might 
haue  newes  from  the  king  of  Shyruan.  The  12.  day  of  the 
same  moneth  newes  did  come  from  the  king,  with  order  that 
I  should  repay  re  vnto  him  with  all  speed :  and  for  expedi- 
tion, as  well  camels  to  the  number  of  fine  and  fortie  to  cary 
my  goodes,  as  also  horses  for  me  and  my  company  were  in 
readinesse,  so  that  the  goods  laden,  and  taking  my  iourney 
from  thence  the  said  twelft  day,  on  the  18.  of  the  same 
moneth,  I  came  to  a  citie  called  Slmmackye,^  in  the  said 
countrey  of  Hyrcan,  otherwise  called  Shyruan,  and  there  the 

1  Shabran's  Khali  (fort)  is  marked  on  Monteith's  map  of  Georgia 
and  Armenia;  on  Khatow's,  scale  1 :840000,  it  appears  as  Izabran-Kaleh, 
on  a  small  river,  the  Izabran,  falling  into  the  Caspian  not  far  from 
Nizabad  ;  and  on  Koch's  map  of  the  Caucasus.  Its  position,  however, 
seems  to  have  been  fixed  by  d'Anville  (see  his  atlas  and  map  of  the 
Caspian)  on  the  coast  of  Daghestan,  about  midway  between  Derbend 
and  Baku.  It  was  in  the  district  of  Kuba,  and  is  referred  to  by  the 
Arabic  author,  Chakany,  who,  speaking  of  an  invasion  of  Khazars,  says, 
apostrophising  their  sovereign,  "  Thou  madest  of  Derbend  a  hell,  and 
causedst  the  lamentations  of  Shabran"  (Dorn,  p.  305).  Angiolello 
mentions  it  as  an  unwalled  city  four  days'  march  from  Derbend. — See 
Zeno,  Hakl.  Soc.,  pp.  49,  57  ;  Angiolello,  ib.,  p.  113. 

2  Ali  Khan  Murza. 

3  Shamakye  (Shemakha).  There  were  two  towns  of  this  name — 
Old  and  New.  The  former,  Old  Shemakha,  seen  by  Jenkinson,  was 
destroyed  by  Nadir  Shah  in  1740,  and  is  now  a  heap  of  ruins.  New 
Shemakha,  about  twelve  miles  S.E.  of  the  old  town,  marked  by  some 
ruins  about  a  mile  from  the  post  station  of  Aksu,  suffered  terribly 
from  earthquakes,  and  the  seat  of  government  was  therefore  removed 
in  1859  to  Baku.  The  country  round  Shemakha  produced  the  best 
silk,  but  the  climate  was  hot  and  unhealthy. — Dorn,  Uber  die  einf&lle 
Her  alien  Russen  in  Tabaristan,  p.  121  ;  Schiltberger,  in  Hakl.  Soc., 
p.  45. 


132  THE  KING   OF   SHIRVAN. 

king  hath  a  fay  re  place,  where  my  lodging  being  appointed, 
the  goods  were  discharged :  the  next  day  being  the  19.  day,  1 
dirow?an  ^'^^  ®®^^  ^^^  ^^  comc  to  the  king  named  Ohdolowcan^  who 
kept  his  court  at  that  time  in  the  high  mountaines  in  tents, 
distant  from  the  said  Shamackye  twentie  miles,  to  auoid  the 
iniury  of  the  heat:  and  the  20.  day  I  came  before  his 
presence,^  who  gently  interteyned  me,  and  hauing  kissed  his 
handes,  he  had  me  to  dinner,  and  commanded  me  to  sit 
downe  not  farre  from  him.  This  king  did  sit  in  a  very  rich 
pauilion  wrought  with  silke  and  golde  placed  very  pleasantly, 
vpon  a  hill  side,  of  sixteene  fathom  long,  and  sixe  fathom 
broad,  hauing  before  him  a  goodly  fountaine  of  faire  water : 
whereof  he  and  his  nobilitie  did  drinke,  he  being  a  prince  of 
a  meane  stature,  and  of  a  fierce  countenance,  richly  ap- 
parelled with  long  garments  of  silke,  and  cloth  of  golde, 
imbrodered  with  pearles  and  stone:  vpon  his  head  was  a 
tolipane*  with  a  sharpe  end  standing  vpwards  halfe  a  yard 
long,  of  rich  cloth  of  golde,  wrapped  about  with  a  piece  of 
India  silk  of  twentie  yards  long,  wrought  with  golde,  and  on 
the  left  side  of  his  tolipane  stood  a  plume  of  fethers,  set  in 
a  trunke  of  golde  richly  inameled,  and  set  with  precious 
stones :  his  earerings  had  pendants  of  golde  a  handfuU  long, 
with  two  great  rubies  of  great  value,  set  in  the  ends  thereof: 
all  the  ground  within  his  pauilion  was  couered  with  rich 
carpets,  and  vnder  himself  e  was  spred  a  square  carpet  wrought 
with  siluer  &  gold,  &  there  vpon  was  laid  two  sutable 
cushions.  Thus  the  king  with  his  nobilitie  sitting  in  his 
pauillion  with  his  legs  acrosse,  and  perceiuing  that  it  was 

1  Abdullah  Khan,  King  of  Shirvan.  His  death,  on  the  2nd  of 
December  1565,  mentioned  by  Arthur  Edwards,  was  a  great  loss  to  the 
English  traders,  towards  whom  he  was  favourably  disposed.  See 
Edwards'  letter  to  the  Russia  Company. — Hahl.,  p.  377. 

2  Both  MSS.  add  :  "with  a  gifte". 

3  Turban.  The  Turkish,  Persian,  and  Russian  word  "  tolipan",  or 
"  tulpan",  means  a  tulip.  From  its  similarity  in  shape  to  the  flower, 
the  Eastern  head-dress  came  to  be  called  by  the  same  word. 


ROYAL  BANQUET.  133 

painefuU  for  me  so  to  sit,  his  highnesse  caused  a  stoole  to  be 
brought  in,  and  did  will  nie  to  sit  thereupon,  after  my 
fashion.  Dinner  time  then  approching,  diuers  clothes  were 
spred  vpon  the  ground,  and  sundry  dishes  serued,  and  set  in 
a  ranke  with  diuers  kindes  of  meats,  to  the  number  of  140. 
dishes  as  I  numbered  them,  which  being  taken  away  with 
the  table  clothes,  and  others  spred,  a  banket  of  fruites  of 
sundry  kindes,  with  other  banketting  meates  to  the  number 
of  150.  dishes,  were  brought  in:  so  that  the  two  seruices 
occupy ed  290.  dishes,  and  at  the  end  of  the  said  dinner  & 
banket,  the  king  said  vnto  me  Quoshe  quelde}  that  is  to  say, 
welcome :  and  called  for  a  cup  of  water  to  be  drawen  at  a 
fountaine,  and  tasting  thereof,  did  deliuer  me  the  rest, 
demanding  how  I  did  like  the  same,  and  whether  there  were 
so  good  in  our  countrey  or  not :  vnto  whom  I  answered  in 
such  sort,  that  he  was  therewith  contented  :  then  he  proponed 
vnto  me  sundry  questions,  both  touching  religion,  and  also 
the  state  of  our  countryes,  and  further  questioned  whether 
the  Emperour  of  Almaine,  the  Emperour  of  Russia,  or  the 
great  Turke,  were  of  most  power,  with  many  other  things 
too  long  heere  to  rehearse,  to  whom  I  answered  as  I  thought 
most  meet.  Then  he  demanded  whether  I  intended  to  goe 
any  further,  and  the  cause  of  my  comming :  vnto  that  I 
answered,  that  I  was  sent  with  letters  from  the  Queenes  most  ^i^g 
excellent  Maiesty  of  England,  vnto  the  great  Sophie,  to  S^tters^^ 
intreat  friendshippe  and  free  passage,  and  for  his  safeconduct  ^  °^'^^®" 
to  be  granted  vnto  English  merchants  to  trade  into  his 
Segniories,  with  the  like  also  to  be  granted  to  his  subiectes, 
when  they  should  come  into  our  countryes,  to  the  honour 
and  wealth  of  both  realmes,  and  commoditie  of  both  theyr 
subiects,  with  diuers  other  words,  which  I  omit  to  rehearse. 
This  said  king  much  allowing  this  declaration,  said  he  would 

1  Khush  geldi,  Turk.,  i.e.,  "welcome",  literally  "  thou  art  come 
happily".  Pietro  delle  Yalle  says  Turkish  was  much  spoken  in  Persia. 
--Pinkcrion,  ix,  14. 


134 


THE   TOWN    OF   KAZVIN.      HAWKING. 


Casbin. 


Multitude 
of  concu. 
bines. 


not  only  giue  me  passage,  but  also  men  to  safeconduct  me 
vnto  the  sayd  Sophie,  lying  from  the  foresaid  citie  of 
Shamakye  thirtie  days  iourney,  vp  into  the  land  of  Persia, 
at  a  castle  called  Casbin^ :  so  departing  from  the  king  at  that 
time,  within  three  dayes  after,  being  the  foure  and  twentie 
day  of  August  the  yeere  aforesayd,  he  sent  for  me  againe : 
vnto  whom  I  repayred  in  the  morning,  and  the  king  not 
being  risen  out  of  his  bedde  (for  his  maner  is,  that  watching 
in  the  night,  and  then  banketting  with  his  women,  being  a 
hundred  and  fortie  in  number,  he  sleepeth  most  in  the  day) 
did  give  one  commandement  that  I  should  ride  an  hawking 
with  many  Gentlemen  of  his  Court :  and  that  they  should 
shew  me  so  much  game  and  pastime  as  might  be,  which  was 
done,  and  many  cranes  killed :  we  returned  from  hawking^ 
about  three  of  the  clocke  at  tlie  afternoone.  The  king  then 
risen,  and  ready  to  dinner,  I  was  inuited  thereunto,  and 
approching  nigh  to  the  entring  in  of  his  tent,  and  being  in 
his  sight  two  gentlemen  incountred  me  with  two  garmentes 
of  that  countrey  fashion,  side  down  to  the  ground,  the  one  of 
silke,  and  the  other  of  silke  and  golde,  sent  vnto  me  from  the 
king,  and,  after  that  they  caused  me  to  put  off  my  vpper 
garment,  being  a  gowne  of  blacke  veluet  furred  with  Sables, 
they  put  the  sayd  two  garments  vpon  my  backe,  and  so  con- 
ducted me  vnto  the  king,  before  whom  doing  reuerence,  and 
kissing  his  hand,  he  commanded  me  to  sit  not  farre  from 
him,  and  so  I  dined  in  his  presence;  he  at  that  time  being 

1  Casbin  (Kazvin),  now  a  miserable  place,  falling  rapidly  into 
decay,  is  seven  days'  journey  east  of  Tabriz,  on  the  road  to  Teheran. 
DeUe  Valle  says  that  Kazvin  continued  to  be  the  chief  city  of  Persia 
till  Shah  Abbas  took  an  aversion  to  it,  and  removed  his  court  to 
Ispahan  {P'lnkerton^  ix,  72).  Olearius  remarks  that  it  contained 
100,000  inhabitants  in  1637.  Glazed  tiles,  of  some  beauty  in  design 
and  colour,  occasionally  found  among  its  ruins,  are  the  only  traces 
of  its  having  once  been  the  residence  of  Persian  sovereigns. 

'-^  Hawking  was  a  favouiito  pastime  of  the  Kings  of  Shirvan.  Ivan 
111,  Grand  Duke  of  Muscovy,  sent  ninety  falcons  as  a  present  to  an 
earlier  King  of  Shirvan. — Aihanashis  Ni/i-iiin,  in  Ilakl.  Sou.,  p.  4. 


HYRCANIA   OR   SHIRVAN.  135 

very  merry,  and  demanding  of  me  many  questions,  and 
amongst  other,  how  I  liked  the  maner  of  theyr  hawking. 
Dinner  so  ended,  I  required  his  highnesse  safeconduct  for  to 
depart  towards  the  Sophie,  who  dismissing  me  with  great 
fauour,  and  appointing  his  Ambassadour  (which  returned  out 
of  Eussia)  and  others,  to  safeconduct  me,  he  gaue  me,  at  my 
departure,  a  fay  re  horse  with  all  furniture,  and  custome  free 
from  thence  with  all  my  goods.  So  T  returned  to  Shamakye 
againe,  where  I  remayned  vntill  the  sixt  of  October,  to 
prouide  camels,  horses,  and  other  necessaries  for  my  intended 
iourney. 

But  now  before  I  proceed  further,  I  purpose  to  write  some- 
thing of  this  countrey  of  Hyrcan}  now  called  Shyruan,  with  Thedescrip- 
the  townes  and  commodities  of  the  same.     This  countrey  of  ^^yrcania. 
Hyrcan  in  times  past  was  of  great  renowne,  hauing  many 
cities,  townes,  and  castles  in  it :  and  the  kings  thereof   in 
time  of  antiquitie  were  of  great  power,  able  to  make  warres 
with  the  Sophies  of  Persia  :  but  now  it  is  not  onely  otherwise 
(for  that  the  cities,  townes  and  castles  be  decayed)  but  also 
the  king  is  subiect  to  the  sayd  Sophie  (although  they  have 
their    proper    king),    and    be    at    the    commandement    of 
the   sayd   Sophie,  who   conquered   them   not  many  yeeres  Danj?er  by 
passed,  for  theyr  diuersitie  in  religion,  and  caused  not  onely  religion, 
all   the    nobilitie    and  gentlemen  of   that    countrey  to   be 
put  to  death,  but  also  ouer  and  besides,  rased  the  walles 
of  the  cities,  townes,  and   castles  of  the   said   realme,   to 
the  intent  that  there  should   be  no  rebellion,  &  for   theyr 

*  Hyrcania  is  a  misnomer  for  this  country,  Shirvan  having  answered 
to  the  ancient  Media  Atropatene,  the  modern  Russian  Government  of 
Shemakha,  or  Baku;  while  Hyrcania  lay  to  the  south-east  of  the  Cas- 
pian, probably  represented  by  the  modern  Persian  province  of  Mazan- 
deran  {Zeno^  in  Hakl.  Soc,  p,  49,  note).  That  erroneous  ideas  pre- 
vailed regarding  these  Caspian  countries  in  those  times  is  evident  from 
the  allusion  in  Milton  to  the  "Hyrcanian  cliffs  of  Caucasus".  In 
Ptolemy's  time,  however,  the  Caspian  Sea  was  known  as  Mare 
Hyrcanum.— Pam</ise  Re gain'd^  Book  in,  line  317. 


136  ARRASH. 

great  terrour,  caused  a  turret  of  free  stone  and  flints  to  be 

erected  in  the  sayd  citie  called  Shamakye^  and  in  a  ranke  of 

Barbarous    flints  of  the  savd  turret  did  set  the  heads  of  the  sayd  nobilitie 

crueltie.  -^  -' 

and  gentlemen,  then  executed^:  this  citie  is  distant  from  the 

sea  side,  with  camels  seuen  dayes  iourney,  but  now  the  same 

being  much  decayed,  and  chieflie  inhabited  with  Armenians, 

The  citie  of  another  citie  called  Arrash^  bordering  vpon  the  Georgfians, 

Arrash.  ^  .  o  ' 

is  the  chiefest  and  most  oppulent  in  the  trade  of  merchandize; 

and  thereabouts  is  nourished  tlie  most  abundant  growth  of 

raw  silke,  and  thither  the  Turkes,  Syrians,  and  other  strangers 

The  com-     do  rcsort  and  traffike.     There  be  also  diners  good  and  neces- 

modities  of 

tbis  sarie  commodities  to  be  prouided  and  had  in  this  said  realme: 

countrey.  ^ 

videlizet,  galles,  rough  and  smooth,  cotten  wooll,  allome 
and  raw  silke  of  the  naturall  growth  of  that  countrey. 
Besides,  neere  all  kinde  of  spices  and  drugges,  and  some 
other  commodities,  which  are  brought  thither  from  out  of 
East  India,  but  in  the  lesse  quantitie,  for  that  they  be  not 
assured  to  have  vent  or  vtterance  of  the  same ;  but  the 
chiefest  commodities  there,  be  raw  silkes  of  all  sortes,  whereof 
there   is   great   plenty.     Not   farre  from   the  sayd  citie  of 

1  Ante,  pp.  98,  131. 

'^  Olearius  made  particular  inquiries  as  to  the  truth  of  this  story, 
which  he  attributes  to  John  Cartwright,  an  English  traveller  in  Persia, 
who  borrows  largely  from  Hakluyt,  but  found  no  foundation  for  it. 
He  confirms,  however,  our  author's  statement  regarding  the  ruined 
castle  or  fortress  of  Gulistan,  with  its  neighbouring  convent  and  tra- 
ditions. He  is  of  opinion  that  the  name  Gulistan,  signifying  "  flower 
garden",  was  derived  from  the  adjacent  valley,  which  is  remarkably 
beautiful.  This  name  is  not  uncommon  in  Persia,  being  given  to  any 
place  of  more  than  ordinary  attractions. —  Travels  of  the  Hoist ein 
Einhassy  in  Aloscovy  and  Tartary  (Paris,  1656),  p.  273  ;  The  Preccher's 
Travels,  in  the  Earl  of  Oxford's  collection,  vol,  i,  p.  726. 

3  Arrash  is  marked  Aresh  on  the  transcript  of  the  Russian  map  of 
Georgia,  by  Khatow  (1826).  It  stood  on  the  highroad  from  Baku  to 
Tiflif,  near  the  river  Kur,  in  swampy  ground.  The  unhealthincss  of 
the  place  caused  the  deaths  of  Banister,  Lawrence,  Chapman,  and 
other  Englishmen.  Cartwright,  in  the  work  just  quoted,  mentions  the 
city  of  Arasse,  and  says  he  was  six  days  travelling  thence  to  Tal>rijs  ; 
but  he  is  a  plagiarist.—  Cf.  Montcith's  map,  R.G.S. 


CASTLE   OF   GULISTAN.  137 

Shamakye,  there  was  an  old  Castle  called  Gullistone}  now  The  stronp; 

CftSLiG  or 

beaten  down  by  this  Sophie,^  which  was  esteemed  to  be  one  ^e^SjJ"® 
of  the  strongest  castles  in  the  world,  and  was  besieged  by  Alex- 
ander the  great,  long  time  before  he  could  winne  it.  And  not 
farre  from  the  said  castle  was  a  Nunnery  of  sumptuos  building 
wherin  was  buried  a  kinges  daughter,  ndimQ&Amelecke  Clmnnaf 
who  slew  herselfe  with  a  knife,  for  that  her  father  would  have 
forced  her  (she  professing  chastitie)  to  haue  taarried  with  a 
king  of  Tartary,  vpon  which  occasion  the  maidens  of  that 
countrey  doe  resort  thither  once  euery  yere  to  lament  her 
death. 

Also  in  the  said  countrey  there  is  a  high  hill  called  Qid- 
quiffs,^  upon  the  toppe  whereof  (as  it  is  commonly  reported) 
did  dwell  a  great  Giant,  named  Arneoste,  hauing  vpon  his 
head  two  great  homes,  and  eares,  and  eyes  like  a  horse,  and 
a  tayle  like  a  cowe.     It  is  further  said,  that  this  monster 

1  Gulistan  is  marked  as  a  castle  close  to  Old  Shemakha,  on 
Karte  v,  d.  Kaukasischen  Isthmus  v.  Dr.  Karl  Koch.  Angiolello 
relates  that  when  Shah  Ismail  attacked  Serman-kuli,  King  of  Shirvan, 
in  1509,  his  captains  found  Shemakha  deserted,  the  King  having 
fled  to  the  strong  castle  of  Culustan ;  and  another  contemporary 
traveller  says  this  castle  was  cut  out  of  the  solid  rock  and  deemed 
to  be  impregnable. — Angiolello, in  Hakl.  Soc,  p.  112  ;  and  i6.,p.  189. 

2  Ismail  Sufi,  not  Shah  Tahmasp,  was  the  conqueror  of  Shirvan  and 
Georgia  (see  preceding  note). 

'  Khanum,  Pers.  for  "lady".  The  shrine  of  the  chaste  Amelek  was 
no  longer  an  object  of  adoration  in  the  time  of  Olearius,  but  the 
inhabitants  resorted  thither  in  numbers,  to  escape  the  sultry  heat  of 
the  valley  below.  (See  Olearius,  Travels,  etc.,  p.  274.)  Captain  Telfer 
says  these  Virgin's  castles  {Kiz-kalessi,  or  Kiz  kaleh,  identical  in 
meaning),  with  their  strange  legends,  are  not  uncommon  in  the  East, 
and  mentions  several  instances  of  them.  (See  Travels  of  Johann 
Scldltherger,  in  Hakl.  Soc,  p.  149.)  The  last  part  of  this  tradition 
reminds  us  of  Jephtha's  daughter.  Judges  xi,  40. 

*  From  the  fortress  of  Gulistan,  Olearius  obtained  a  view  of  Mount 
Elbruz,  probably  the  "high  hill"  of  our  text.  The  name  here  given 
for  this  mountain  bears  a  resemblance  to  that  by  which  the  Caucasus 
is  known  to  the  inhabitants — Kav  Kaz  {Okarius,  p.  275),  and  the  tra- 
ditions connected  with  Elbruz  from  the  earliest  times,  round  oil'  the 
simile. — Sue  Ker  Porter's  Travds,  p.  128. 


The  towne 
of  Yauate. 


138  CURIOUS   TRADITIONS.      JEVAT.      THE   KUR. 

kept  a  passage  thereby,  vntill  there  came  an  holy  man  (termed 
Haucoire  ffamshe^)  a  kinsman  to  one  of  the  Sophies,  who 
mounted  the  said  hil,  and  combatting  with  the  said  Giant, 
did  bind  not  onely  him  in  chaines,  but  also  his  woman  called 
Zamisache,  with  his  sonne  named  After:  for  which  victorie 
they  of  that  countrey  haue  this  holy  man  in  great  reputation, 
and  the  hill  at  this  day  (as  it  is  bruited)  sauoureth  so  iU  that 
no  person  may  come  nigh  vnto  it.  But  whether  it  be  true 
or  not,  I  referre  it  to  further  knowledge. 

Now  to  returne  to  the  discourse  of  the  proceeding  in  my 
voyage  towards  the  great  Sophie.  The  6.  of  October  in  the 
yeere  aforesayd,  I  with  my  company  departed  from  Shamachie 
aforesayd,  and  hauing  iourneied  three  score  miles  came  to  a 
towne  called  Yauate,^  wherein  the  king  hath  a  faire  house, 
with  orchards  and  gardens,  well  replenished  with  fruites  of 
all  sorts.  By  this  towne  passeth  a  great  riuer  called  Curr^ 
which  springeth  in  the  mountaines  of  the  Georgians,  and 
passing  through  the  countrey  of  Hircania  aforesaid,  falleth 
in  to  the  Caspian  or  Hircan  Sea,  at  a  place  betweene  two 
ancient  townes  called  Shahran  and  Bacowe,^  situate  within 
the  realme  of  Hircane,  and   from   thence   issueth   further, 

*  Haucoire,  perhaps  "  Fakir",  or  dervish.  Hamzah  was  Mahomet's 
uncle,  but  the  personage  referred  to  may  probably  have  been  Hamzah 
Beg,  prince  of  the  Turkomans  of  the  White  Sheep.  He  reigned  in 
Mesopotamia  and  Cappadocia  forty  years,  and  died  in  1446,  being  suc- 
ceeded by  his  nephew  Jehanghir,  brother  of  the  celebrated  Uzun 
Hassan. — D'Herbelot,  Bibliotheque  Orientale. 

2  Yauate  (Jevat),  at  the  confluence  of  the  Kur  with  the  Araxes. 

3  The  Kur,  or  Cyrus,  has  its  source  in  the  Kizil-Gyaduk,  10,340  feet 
above  the  sea  (Sir  R.  Temple's  Asia,  p.  359).  It  loses  its  name  on 
joining  the  Araxes.  These  united  rivers  flow  into  the  Caspian  by 
one  mouth,  about  sixty  miles  south  of  Baku,  not,  as  Ducket  says, 
near  Baku,  or,  as  Jenkinson  states,  between  this  town  and  Shabran 
{Hakl.,  pp.  329,  425),  In  the  time  of  Strabo  the  Kur  and  Araxes 
appear  to  have  entered  the  sea  by  separate  mouths. 

*  Baku  and  its  naphtha  springs  have  been  noticed  by  numberless 
writers,  from  Jenkinson  to  the  author  of  a  paper  in  Good  Woi-ds 
(1884,  p.  95),  who  calls  this  ancient  town  a  quondam  hamlet.     Baku — 


BAKU.      ISMAIL   SUFI.  139 

passing  through  a  fruitful!  countrey,  inhabited  with  pasturing 
people,  which  dwell  in  the  Summer  season  vpon  moun- 
taines,  and  in  Winter  they  remooue  into  the  valleys  without 
resorting  to  townes  or  any  other  habitation  :  and  when  they 
remooue,  they  do  iourney  in  Carrauans  or  troopes  of  people 
and  cattell,  carrying  all  their  wiues,  children, and  baggage  vpon 
bullocks.  Now  passing  this  wild  people  ten  dayes  iourney, 
comming  into  no  towne  or  house,  the  16.  day  of  October  we 
arriued  at  a  citie  called  Ordowill,  where  we  were  lodged  in  The  ciue  of 

Ordowil  or 

a  hospital^  builded  with  faire  stone,  and  erected  by  this  Ardoui. 
Sophies  father   named  Ismael,^  onely  for  the  succour  and 
lodging  of  strangers  and  other  trauellers,  wherein  all  men 
haue  victuals  and  feeding  for  man  and  horse,  for  3.  dayes,  and 

since  1859,  capital  of  the  Government  of  the  same  name — is  situated 
in  the  south-western  corner  of  the  peninsula  of  Apsheron,  and  possesses 
the  finest  harbour  in  the  Caspian.  Its  foundation  is  referred  by  Dorn 
to  the  sixth  century.  After  the  Arab  conquest  it  fell  under  the 
power  of  the  Khans  of  Shirvan,  and  suffered  greatly  from  the  in- 
vasions of  Tokhtamysh  and  Shah  Ismail.  From  1509  it  formed  part 
of  Persia,  from  which  it  was  taken  by  the  Turks,  but  was  retaken  by 
the  Persian  Shah  Abbas  the  Great.  In  1723,  Baku  was  captured, 
after  a  long  siege,  by  a  Russian  squadron  under  Matiushkin,  but  was 
restored  to  Persia  in  1735.  In  1806,  after  the  treacherous  murder 
of  the  Russian  General,  Prince  Tsitsianof,  whose  monument  stands 
in  the  square,  it  was  finally  incorporated  with  Russia.  Its  name  is 
said  to  be  derived  from  two  Persian  words,  bad,  wind,  and  kuhidah^ 
to  beat,  the  appropriateness  of  which,  as  applied  to  Baku,  can  hardly 
be  denied  by  anyone  who  has  passed  a  few  days  there. — Semeonofy 
art.  "  Baku". 

1  Caravanserai. 

2  Ismail,  father  of  Shah  Tahmasp,  was  the  son  of  Sheikh  Hyder,  by 
Martha,  daughter  of  Uzun  Hassan,  and  Despina,  daughter  of  Kalo 
Johannes,  one  of  the  last  Christian  emperors  of  Trebizond.  Ismail 
overthrew  the  Uzbek  power  at  the  battle  of  Merv  Shah  Jehan  in 
1514,  and  reigned  twenty -five  years,  dying  in  1524.  He  introduced  the 
Sufi  or  Suffavean  religion  into  Persia  ;  his  father,  Sheikh  Hyder, 
having  been  the  first  to  espouse  it,  whence  his  followers  were  also 
called  Hyderi.  Ismail  is  said  to  have  been  a  bloodthirsty  tyrant,  only 
fit  to  be  compared  with  Nero. — Travels  of  a  Merchant,  Hakl.  Soc, 
p.  191. 


140  ARDEBIL.      TABRIZ. 

no  longer.  This  foresayd  late  prince  Ismael,  lietli  buried  in 
a  faire  Meskit}  with  a  sumptuous  sepulchre  in  the  same,  which 
he  caused  to  be  made  in  his  life  time.  This  towne  Orclowill^ 
is  in  the  latitude  of  38.  degrees,  an  ancient  citie  in  the 
prouince  of  Aderaugan^  wherein  the  princes  of  Persia  are 
commonly  buried,  and  there  Alexander  the  great  did  keepe 
his  court  when  he  inuaded  the  Persians.  Foure  daies  iourney 
The  citie  to  the  Westward  is  the  Citie  Tehris,^  in  old  time  called 
Tauris.  Ttturis,  the  greatest  citie  in  Persia,  but  not  of  such  trade  or 
merchandize  as  it  hath  bene,  or  as  others  be  at  this  time,  by 
meane  of  the  great  inuasion  of  the  Turke,^  who  hath  conquered 

1  Mosque.  This  mosque  and  Ismail's  tomb  have  been  repeatedly 
visited  by  Morier  and  others. 

2  Ordowill  (Ardebil),  once  a  town  of  great  repute,  but  now  an 
insignificant  village,  stands  on  the  plain  of  Mogam.  Its  history  is 
closely  associated  with  the  Sufi  monarchs  of  Persia,  whose  tombs  are 
still  preserved  there.  When  Ardebil  capitulated  to  the  Russians  in 
1828,  the  library  belonging  to  the  mosque  of  Shah  Sufi  was  sent  to 
Russia. — Montieth's  Kars  and  Erzeroum,  p.  150. 

3  Aderbaijan,  or  Azerbaijan,  the  north-westernmost  province  of 
Persia,  lies  between  the  Caspian  and  Black  Seas,  being  separated  from 
the  former  by  the  Russian  district  of  Lenkoran. 

*  Tabriz  was  three  or  four  days'  journey  from  Ardebil.  The  city 
was  situated  in  a  plain  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain,  and  was  surrounded 
by  a  beautiful  country.  It  was  about  twenty-four  (fifteen,  according 
to  another  account)  miles  in  circuit,  and  was  not  surrounded  by  walls. 
It  had  been  the  residence  of  Darius,  King  of  Persia,  and  contained 
many  elaborate  palaces  built  by  subsequent  kings.  Tauriz,  or  Tabriz, 
has  been  identified  with  the  Shushan  of  Esther,  the  northern  Ecbatana, 
and  other  ancient  cities  of  fame.  Friar  Odoric,  of  Pordenone,  says  it 
is  a  nobler  city  and  a  better  for  merchandise  than  any  other  in  the 
world.  There  are  now  no  traces  of  its  magnificence,  though  it  was 
still  in  splendour  in  the  seventeenth  century.  No  town  has  suffered 
more  from  the  ravages  of  war  and  earthquakes. — AngioleUo,  in  Hakl. 
Soc,  p.  121  ;  Cathay,  lb.,  p.  48  ;   Travels  of  a  Merchant,  ib.,  pp.  166-173. 

^  Solymau  II  invaded  Persia  in  1534,  and  advanced  to  Tabriz,  which 
he  took,  without,  however,  committing  any  disorder.  Driven  to  retire 
by  one  of  the  most  violent  storms  ever  recorded  in  history,  he  passed 
the  winter  at  Babylon,  where  he  caused  himself  to  be  crowned  King 
of  Persia.  The  following  year  he  again  advanced,  retook  Tabriz,  and 
sacked  it,  while  Tahmasp  retired  into  the  mountains  near  Kasvin, 


ARRIVAL  AT  PERSIAN  COURT.  141 

from  the  Sophie  almost  to  the  sayd  Citie  of  Tauris,  which 
the  sayd  Turke  once  sacked,  and  thereby  caused  the  Sophie  to 
forsake  the  same,  and  to  keepe  his  court  ten  dayes  iourney 
from  thence,  at  the  sayd  Citie  of  Cctshin. 

The  21.  day  wee  departed  from  Ordowill  aforesaid,  trauell- 
ing  for  the  most  part  ouer  mountaines  all  in  the  night  season 
and  resting  in  the  day,  being  destitute  of  wood,  and  there- 
fore were  forced  to  vse  for  fewell  the  dung  of  horses  and 
camels,  which  we  bought  deare  of  the  pasturing  people. 
Thus  passing  ten  dayes  iourney  the  yeare  aforesayd,  the 
second  day  of  Nouember  we  arriued  at  the  foresayd  Citie  of 
Cashen,  where  the  sayd  Sophie  keepeth  his  court,  and  were  m.  lenkin- 
appoynted  to  a  lodging  not  farre  from  the  kings  pallace,  and  at  the 
within  two  dayes  after  the  Sophie  commaunded  a  prince  court.  2 

•^  -^  ^  Nouember 

called  Shallie  Murzey}  sonne  to  Obdolowcan  king  of  Shiruan  ^^^2. 
aforesayd,  to  send  for  me  to  his  house,  who  asked  me  in  the 
name  of  the  sayd  Sophie  how  I  did,  and  whither  I  were  in 
health,  and  after  did  welcome  me,  and  inuited  me  to  dinner, 
whereat  I  had  great  entertainment,  and  so  from  thence  I 
returned  to  my  lodging.  The  next  day  after  I  sent  my 
interpreter  vnto  the  Sophies  Secretarie,  declaring  that  I  had 
letters  directed  from  our  most  gracious  Soueraigne  ladie  the 
Queenes  most  excellent  maiestie  of  the  Eealme  of  England, 
vnto  the  sayd  Sophie,  and  that  the  cause  of  my  comming 
was  expressed  in  the  same  letters,  desiring  that  at  conuenient 
time  I  might  come  into  his  maiesties  presence,  who 
aduertising  the  Sophie  thereof,  shortly  after  answered  mee 
that  there  were  great  affaires  in  hand :  Which  being  finished, 


denuding  the  country  of  supplies.  The  Turks  were  at  length  obliged 
to  retreat,  but  were  overtaken  and  defeated  by  the  Persian  general 
near  Bitlis. — Krusinski,  p.  21. 

^  Shah  Ali  Murza,  son  of  Abdullah  Khan,  King  of  Shirvan,  was 
rightful  heir  to  the  throne  upon  the  death  of  his  father,  but  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  confirmed  in  his  sovereignty  by  the  Shah.  (See 
Edwards's  letter,  HakL,  p.  377.) 


142  DEATH    OF    BAJAZET. 

I  should  come  before  his  presence,  willing  mee  in  the  meaue 
time  to  make  readie  my  present  if  I  had  any  to  deliuer. 
AmblsTa^.^^  At  this  time  the  great  Turkes  Ambassadour^  arriued  foure 
sCShie°  '^^  dayes  before  my  comming,  who  was  sent  thither  to  conclude 
a  perpetuall  peace  betwixt  the  same  great  Turke  and  the 
Sophie,  and  brought  with  him  a  present  in  gold  and  faire 
horses,  with  rich  furnitures  and  other  giftes  esteemed  to  be 
woorth  fortie  thousand  pound.  And  thereupon  a  peace  was 
concluded  with  ioyfull  feastes,  triumphs  and  solemnities, 
corroborated  with  strong  othes,  by  their  lawe  of  Alkaran,  for 
either  to  obserue  the  same,  and  to  Hue  alwayes  after  as 
sworne  brethren,  ayding  the  one  the  other  agaynst  all  princes 
that  should  warre  agaynst  them,  or  eyther  of  them.  And 
vpon  this  conclusion  the  Sophie  caused  the  great  Turkes 
Sonne  named  Baiset  Soltan,  a  valiaunt  prince  (who  beyng 
fled  from  his  father  vnto  the  Sophie,  had  remayned  in  his 
court  the  space  of  foure  yeeres)  to  bee  put  to  death.  In 
which  time  the  sayd  Turkes  sonne  had  caused  mortall  warres 
betwixt  the  sayd  princes,  and  much  preuailed  therein  :  The 
Turke  demaunded  therefore  his  sonne  to  bee  sent  vnto  him, 
and  the  Sophie  refused  thereunto  to  consent.  But  now  being 
slaine  according  to  the  Turkes  will,  the  Sophie  sent  him  his 
head  for  a  present,  not  a  little  desired,  and  acceptable  to  the 
vnnaturall  father.^    Discoursing  at  my  first  arriuall  with  the 

*  This  ambassador  was  Hassan  Aglia. 

2  KnoUes,  a  contemporary  historian,  gives  full  particulars  of  this 
embassy,  and  of  the  death  of  Bajazet.  The  circumstances  were 
these  : — Bajazet,  a  brave  and  energetic  prince,  had  offended  his  father, 
who  suspected  him  of  ambitious  designs  with  regard  to  the  succession, 
which  he  intended  for  his  favourite  son,  Selim.  Bajazet,  to  save  his 
life  and  the  lives  of  his  children,  fled  in  1556  to  Persia,  and  took 
refuge  with  Shah  Tahmasp,  his  father's  enemy.  He  was  at  first  well 
treated  at  the  Persian  Court,  but  after  awhile  Tamasp  became  irri- 
tated against  him,  and  threw  him  into  prison.  Solyman,  meanwhile, 
had  never  ceased  urging  the  surrender  of  Bajazet,  but  unsuccessfully, 
till  at  length  he  found  that  Tahmasp  was  open  to  a  bribe,  and  would 
consent  to  the  death  of  his  prisoner,  though  refusing  to  give  him  up 


DISCUSSING  TRADE   WITH   PERSIA.  143 

king  of  Shiruan  of  sundry  matters,  and  being  intertained  as 
hath  bene  before  declared,  the  sayd  king  named  Ohdolocan, 
demaunding  whether  that  wee  of  England  had  friendship  with 
the  Turkes  or  not,  I  answered  that  we  neuer  had  friendship 
with  them,  and  that  therefore  they  would  not  suffer  vs  to 
passe  through  their  countrie  into  the  Sophie  his  dominions, 
and  that  there  is  a  nation  named  the  Venetians,  not  farre 
distant  from  vs,  which  are  in  great  league  with  the  sayd 
Turkes,^  who  trade  into  his  dominions  with  our  commodities 
chiefly  to  barter  the  same  for  rawe  silkes,  which  (as  wee 
vnderstand)  come  from  thence :  and  that  if  it  would 
please  the  sayde  Sophie  and  other  princes  of  that  countrey, 
to  suffer  our  merchaunts  to  trade  into  those  dominions,  and 

alive.  Hassan  Agha,  a  trusted  agent,  was  sent  to  Persia,  visited 
the  prison  in  which  the  unfortunate  Bajazet  was  confined,  and 
recognised  in  him  his  playfellow  of  former  years.  Having  com- 
municated to  Solyman  the  results  of  this  interview,  he  was 
commissioned  to  strangle  Bajazet  with  his  own  hands,  an  order 
which  he  executed  with  revolting  brutality,  refusing  the  wretched 
man's  prayer  to  take  leave  of  his  children.  Bajazet's  three  sons,  also 
at  Kazvin,  were  bowstrung  in  the  same  way,  while  his  fourth  son,  an 
infant  at  Brussa,  suffered  the  same  fate.  The  circumstances  attending 
his  death  recall  to  mind  the  murder  of  the  young  princes  in  the  Tower, 
for  it  is  recorded  by  Knolles  that,  when  the  miscreant  hired  to  do  the 
bloody  deed  entered  the  room,  the  child  threw  his  arms  about  his  neck, 
and  so  melted  his  heart  that  he  was  found  lying  in  a  swoon  by  his 
intended  victim's  side,  another  having  to  discharge  his  bloody  task. 
This  murder  was  justified  by  Solyman  on  grounds  of  policy,  or,  as 
Knolles  quaintly  puts  it,  "lest  of  an  evil  bird  might  come  an  evil 
chick". — KnoUes's  Generall  Histcyrie  of  the  Turhes^  p.  781. 

1  This  is  hardly  correct.  Venice  had  for  nearly  a  century  been 
negotiating  with  the  Kings  of  Persia  to  attack  Turkey,  promising  as- 
sistance with  arms  and  ships  to  induce  Persia  to  make  war  and  weaken 
the  power  of  the  Turks,  which  was  then  at  its  zenith.  The  Venetians 
had  by  this  time  lost  their  maritime  supremacy  in  the  Levant  and 
Black  Sea,  where  the  trade  was  mostly  in  the  hands  of  Genoese.  It 
was  doubtless  with  the  view  of  regaining  their  former  position  in  the 
East  that  the  Republic  exerted  itself  strenuously  to  bring  about 
a  coalition  against  Turkey.  (See  Travels  of  Venetians,  in  Hakl.  Soc., 
passim.) 


144  TURKISH   INTRIGUE. 

to  give  vs  passeport  and  safe  conduct  for  the  same,  as  the 
sayde  Turke  hath  graunted  to  the  sayde  Venetians,  I  doubted 
not  but  that  it  should  growe  to  such  a  trade,  to  the  profits  of 
them,  as  neuer  before  had  bene  the  like,  and  that  they  should 
bee  both  furnished  with  our  cpmmodities,  and  also  haue 
vtterance  of  theirs,  although  there  neuer  came  Turke  into 
their  land,  pers wading  with  many  other  wordes  for  a  trade  to 
be  had.  This  king  vnderstanding  the  matter  liked  it  mar- 
ueilously,  saying,  that  hee  would  write  vnto  the  Sophie 
concerning  the  same  ;  as  he  did  in  very  deede,  assuring  me 
that  the  Sophie  would  graunt  my  request,  &  that  at  my 
returne  vnto  him  he  would  giue  me  letters  of  safe  conduct, 
and  priuiledges.^  The  Turkes  Ambassadour  was  not  then 
come  into  the  land,  neither  any  peace  hoped  to  be  concluded, 
but  great  preparation  was  made  for  warre  which  was  like 
much  to  haue  furthered  my  purpose,  but  it  chanced  other- 
The  Turkes  wisc.     For  the  Turkcs  Ambassadour  being  arriued  and  the 

merchaunts 

withstand    peace  concluded,  the  Turkish  merchants  there  at  that  time 

M.  lenkin-     ^ 

«o°-  present,  declared  to  the  same  Ambassadour,  that  my  comming 

thither  (naming  mee  by  the  name  of  Franke)  would  in  great 
part  destroy  their  trade,  and  that  it  should  bee  good  for  him 
to  perswade  the  Sophie  not  to  fauour  me,  as  his  highnesse 
ment  to  obserue  the  league  and  friendship  with '  the  great 
Turke  his  master,  which  request  of  the  Turkish  merchants, 
the  same  Ambassadour  earnestly  preferred,  and  being  after- 
wards dismissed  with  great  honour  hee  departed  out  of  the 
Eealme  with  the  Turkes  sonnes  head  as  aforesayd,  and  other 
presents. 

The  20.  day  of   Nouember  aforesayd,  I  was  sent  for  to 

^  Jenkinson's  instructions  (ante,  p.  117)  were  to  endeavour  to  divert 
part  of  the  Levantine  trade  into  another  channel,  in  order  that  England 
might  make  use  of  her  new  relations  with  Russia  to  open  a  new  trade 
route  by  way  of  the  Volga  and  Caspian  to  India.  His  want  of  success 
on  this  occasion  appears  to  have  been  chiefly  due  to  Turkish  influences, 
which  were  just  then  paramount  in  Persia. 


AUDIENCE  OF  THE  SHAH.  145 

come  before  the  sayd  Sophie,  otherwise  called  Sha.v3  Thamas}  Thtmw. 
and  about  three  of  the  clocke  at  after  nooue  I  came  to  the  J^^e?^^'^' 
court,  and  in  the  lighting  from  my  horse  at  the  court  gate 
before  my  feete  touched  the  ground,  a  paire  of  the  Sophies 
owne  shoes  termed  in  the  Persian  tongue  (Basmackes),^  such  as 
hee  himself  weareth  when  he  ariseth  in  the  night  to  pray  (as 
his  maner  is)  were  put  vpon  my  feete,  for  without  the  same 
shoes  I  might  not  be  suffered  to  tread  vpon  his  holy  ground, — 
being  a  Christian,  and  called  amongst  them  Gowenr}  that  is, 
vnbeleeuer,  and  vncleane :  esteeming  all  to  bee  infidels  and 
Pagans  which  doe  not  beleeue  as  they  doe,  in  their  false  filthie 
prophets  Mahomet  and Murtezallie*  At  the  sayde  court  gate 
the  things  that  I  brought  to  present  his  maiestie  with,  were 
deuided  by  sundry  parcels  to  sundry  seruitors  of  the  court 
to  cary  before  me,  for  none  of  my  companie  or  seruaunts 
might  be  suffered  to  enter  into  the  court  with  me,  my  in- 
terpreter onely  excepted.  Thus  comming  before  his  maiestie 
with  such  reuerence  as  I  thought  meete  to  bee  vsed,  I  de-  TheQueenea 

^  '  letters 

liu^red  the   Queenes   maiesties   letters   with    my    present,  deuuered. 
which  he  accepting,  demaunded  of  me  of  what  countrey  of 
Franks  I  was,  and  what   affaires  I  had  there  to  do :  vnto 
whom  I  answered  that  I  was  of  the  famous  Citie  of  London 
within  the  noble  realme  of  England,  and  that  I  was  sent 

^  Shah  Tahmasp,  eldest  son  of  Shah  Ismail  Sofi,  succeeded  to  the 
throne  npon  the  death  of  his  father  in  1524.  He  reigned  till  1576, 
when  he  died.  The  character  of  this  prince  has  been  drawn  by  a 
contemporary,  the  Venetian  envoy,  Vincentio  d'Alessandri.  He  de- 
scribes him  as  a  selfish,  avaricious  tyrant,  engrossed  in  his  own 
pleasures,  with  no  inclination  for  war,  though  vain  and  boastful. 
Descended  in  a  direct  line  from  Ali,  son-in-law  of  Mahomet,  he  was 
revered,  almost  worshipped,  by  the  fanatical  Shiah  Persians.  He  was 
of  medium  stature,  but  well  formed,  dark  in  face,  with  thick  lips  and 
grisly  beard.  Shah  Tahmasp's  grandson  was  the  renowned  Shah  Abbas 
the  Great.— See  d'Alessandri,  in  Hakl.  Soc,  pp.  211-229. 

2  Almost  identical  with  the  Russian  word  bashmaki,  shoes. 

3  Giaour.  Shamil's  Murids  called  the  Russians  "  Sarigiaours",  i.e., 
yellow  infidels. — Dcn^n,  p.  190. 

*  Murteza  Ali,  son-in-law  of  Mahomet. 


146  HIS   QUESTIONS.      A   FRIEND   AT    COURT. 

thither  from  the  most  excellent  and  gracious  soueraigne 
Ladie  Elizabeth,  Queene  of  the  sayd  Eealme,  for  to  treate  of 
friendship,  and  free  passage  of  our  merchaunts  and  people, 
to  repaire  and  traffique  within  his  dominions,  for  to  bring 
in  our  commodities,  and  to  carrie  away  theirs,  to  the  honour 
of  both  princes,  the  mutual  commoditie  of  both  realmes,  and 
wealth  of  the  subiects,  with  other  words  here  omitted.  He 
then  demaunded  me  in  what  language  the  letters  were 
written,  I  answered,  in  the  Latine,  Italian,  and  Hebrew: 
well  sayd  he,  we  haue  none  within  our  realme  that  vnder- 
stand  those  tongues.  Whereunto  I  answered  that  such  a 
famous  and  woorthie  Prince  (as  hee  was)  wanted  not  people  of 
all  nations  within  his  large  dominions  to  interprete  the  same. 
oSesloM!^^  Then  he  questioned  with  me  of  the  state  of  our  countries,  and 
of  the  power  of  the  Emperour  of  Almaine,  King  Philip, 
and  the  great  Turke,^  and  which  of  them  was  of  most  power: 
whom  I  answered  to  his  contentation,  not  dispraysing  the 
great  Turke,  their  late  concluded  friendship  considered.  Then 
he  reasoned  with  me  much  of  religion,  demaunding  whether 
I  were  a  Gower,  that  is  to  say,  an  vnbeleeuer,  or  a  MuselmaUy 
that  is,  of  Mahomets  lawe.  Vnto  whom  I  answered,  that 
I  was  neither  vnbeleeuer  nor  Mahometan,  but  a  Christian. 
What  is  that  sayd  hee  vnto  the  king  of  Georgians  sonne,^  who 
being  a  Christian  was  fled  vnto  the  sayd  Sophie,  and  hee 
answered  that  a  Christian  was  he  that  beleeueth  in  lesus 

1  Ferdinand  I,  Philip  II  of  Spain,  and  Solyman  the  magnificent, 
at  that  time  the  most  powerful  princes  in  Europe. 

2  Luarsab  I,  Kiog  of  Eastern  Georgia,  dying  in  1558,  left  two  sons, 
Simon  and  David,  between  whom  he  divided  his  dominions.  But  as 
neither  of  them  was  content  with  his  share,  they  declared  war  against 
each  other,  and  both  solicited  assistance  of  Tahmasp.  The  youngest 
happening  to  apply  first,  Tahmasp  answered  that  he  would  give  him 
all  his  father's  territories  provided  he  would  turn  Muhammadan. 
David  embraced  this  proposal,  joined  the  Persian  army,  and  was  sent 
to  Kazvin,  where  our  traveller  saw  him. — Chardin,  Voy.  en  Perse,  i, 
p.  174. 


DISMISSAL.      ORMUZ.  147 

Christibs,  affirmiug  him  to  bee  the  sonne  of  God,  and  the 
greatest  prophet:  Doest  thou  beleeue  so  sayd  the  Sophie 
vnto  mee :  Yea  that  I  doe  sayd  I :  Oh  thou  vnbeleeuer 
sayd  he,  we  haue  no  neede  to  haue  friendship  with  the 
vnbeleeuers,  and  so  willed  mee  to  depart.  I  being  glad 
thereof  did  reuerence  and  went  my  way,  being  accompanied 
with  many  of  his  gentlemen  and  others,  and  after  mee 
followed  a  man  with  a  Basanet^  of  sand,  sifting  all  the  way 
that  I  had  gone  within  the  said  paUace,  euen  from  the  sayd 
Sophies  sight  vnto  the  court  gate. 

Thus  I  repaired  againe  vnto  my  lodging,  and  the  sayd 
night  Shally  Murzey^  sonne  to  the  king  of  Hircane  aforesayd.  The  our- 
who  fauoured  mee  very  much  for  that  I  was  commended  vnto  ?|  ^^^^^y 

•/  Murzey. 

him  from  his  father,  willed  me  not  to  doubt  of  any  thing, 
putting  me  in  hope  that  I  should  haue  good  successe  with 
the  Sophie,  and  good  intertainment. 

Thus  I  continued  for  a  time,  daily  resorting  vnto  me  diuers 
gentlemen  sent  by  the  Sophie  to  conferre  with  me,  especially 
touching  the  affaires  of  the  Emperour  of  Kussia,  and  to  know 
by  what  way  I  intended  to  returne  into  my  countrey,  either 
by  the  way  that  I  came,  or  by  the  way  of  Ormus?  and  so 

1  Old  English,  a  little  basin. 

2  Shah  Ali  Murza,  ante^  p.  141. 

3  Ormuz  was  a  month  or  six  weeks*  journey  from  Kazvin  on  camels 
This  island  belonged  to  the  Portuguese,  and  was  reputed  to  be  of 
febulous  wealth.  Abdul  Rezak,  Shah  Rokh's  envoy,  describes  it  in 
glowing  terms  on  visiting  it  in  1442.  The  Moorish  proverb  ran,  *'  The 
world  is  a  ring,  and  the  jewel  in  it  is  Ormuz";  and  Milton  says,  "  out- 
shone the  wealth  of  Ormuz  and  of  Ind  {Paradise  Lost,  Bk.  ii,  line  2). 
In  1507,  the  great  Afonzo  Dalboquerque  took  Ormuz  for  his  sovereign, 
Don  Manuel,  after  an  action  which  holds  a  high  place  among  Portu- 
guese annals.  For  upwards  of  a  century  Ormuz  remained  a  Portu- 
guese possession,  till  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  having 
surrendered  to  the  East  India  Company's  fleet  in  1622.  On  this 
occasion  William  Baffin,  the  navigator,  received  his  death  wound. 
Ever  since,  Ormuz  has  remained  desolate.  —  See  Commentaries  of 
Afonzo  Dalboquerque  (Hakl.  Soc.),  i,  pp.  105-123,  and  iv,  p.  186; 
Baffin's  Voyages  (Hakl.  Soc.),  pp.  xlv  and  156. 


148  FRIENDLY   INTERVENTION. 

with  the  Portingals  shippes.      Vnto  whom  I  answered,  that 

I  durst  not  returne  by  the  way  of  Ormus,  the  Portingals  and 

wee  not  being  friends,  fully  perceiuing  their  meaning :  for  I 

tended        was  aduertised  that  the  sayde  Sophie  meant  to  haue  warres 

against  the 

PortiQgais.  with  the  Portingals,  and  would  haue  charged  me  that  I  had 
bene  come  for  a  spie  to  passe  through  his  dominions  vnto 
the  said  Portingals,  thinking  them  and  vs  to  bee  all  one 
people,  and  calling  all  by  the  name  of  Franks,  but  by  the 
prouidence  of  God  this  was  preuented. 

After  this  the  sayd  Sophie  conferred  with  his  nobilitie 
and  counsell  concerning  me,  who  perswaded,  that  he  should 
not  entertaine  me  well,  neither  dismisse  me  with  letters  or 
gifts,  considering  that  I  was  a  Franke,  and  of  that  nation 
that  was  enemie  to  the  great  Turke  his  brother,  perswading 
that  if  hee  did  otherwise,  and  that  the  newes  thereof  should 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Turke,  it  should  be  a  meane 
to  breake  their  new  league  and  friendship  lately  concluded : 
disswading  further  because  hee  had  no  neede,  neither  that  it 
was  requisite  for  him  to  haue  friendship  with  vnbeleeuers, 
whose  countreys  lay  farre  from  him,  and  that  it  was  best  for 
him  to  send  mee  with  my  letters  vnto  the  sayde  great  Turke 
for  a  present,  which  he  was  fully  determined  to  haue  done 
at  some  meete  time,  meaning  to  send  his  Ambassadour  vnto 
the  sayd  great  Turke  very  shortly  after. 

But  the  kiog  of  ffircanes^  sonne  aforesayd,  vnderstanding 

this  deliberation,  sent  a  man  in  post  vnto  his  father,  for  to 

declare  and  impart  the  purpose  vnto  him,  who  as  a  gracious 

prince,  considering  that  I  had  passed  through  his  dominions, 

mrcfief  °'  and  that  I  had  iourneyed  for  a  good  intent,  did  write  to 

letter  in  M.  the  Sophic^  all  that  which  hee  vnderstood  of  his  sayd  de- 

lenkinsona  ..  ii-i-ii  i       •  •,     t  •  •• 

behaife.  tcrmmation,  and  that  it  should  not  stand  with  his  maiesties 
honour  to  doe  me  any  harme  or  displeasure,  but  rather  to 
giue  mee  good  entertainment,  seeing  I  was  come  into  his 

*  /.«.,  the  King  of  Shirvan's  son,  ante,  p.  141. 
«  Hatf .  MS.  adds:  "  with  all  spede". 


FAVOURABLE   DECISION.      RETUEN.  149 

land  of  my  free  will,  and  not  by  constraint,  and  that  if  hee 
vsed  me  euill,  there  would  few  straungers  resort  into  his 
countrey,  which  would  be  greatly  vnto  his  hinderance,  with 
many  other  perswasions:  which  after  that  the  sayd  Sophie  had 
well  and  throughly  pondered  and  disgested  (much  esteeming 
the  same  king  of  Hircane,  beyng  one  of  the  valiantest 
princes  vnder  him  and  his  nigh  kinseman)  changed  his  de- 
termined purpose,  and  the  20.  day  of  March  1562.^  he  sent 
me  a  rich  garment  of  cloth  of  gold,  and  so  dismissed  me 
without  any  harme. 

During  the  time  that  I  soiourned  at  the  sayd  citie  of  Cashin, 
diuers  merchaunts  out  of  India  came  thither  vnto  mee,  with 
whom  I  conferred  for  a  trade  of   spices :    whereunto   thev  Conference 

^  ''    with. Indian 

answered  that  they  would  bring  of  all  sortes  so  much  as  wee  »»erdhanta. 
would  haue,  if  they  were  sure  of  vent,  whereof  I  did  promise 
to  assure  them,  so  that  I  doubt  not  but  that  great  abundance 
thereof  may  from  time  to  time  be  there  prouided  and  had.* 

The  same  twentith  day  of  March  I  returned  from  the  sayd  ^-  '^^^^^^- 
citie  of  Casbin,  where  I  remayned  all  the  Winter,  hauing  *'^™®* 
sent  away  all  my  cammels  before,  and  the  thirtieth  day  I 
came  to  the  sayde  Citie  of  Ordowill,  and  the  fifteenth  of 
Aprill  vnto  Zauaut^  aforesayde,  where  king  Ohdolowcan  was 
at  that  present,  who  immediately  sent  for  mee,  and  de- 
maunding  of  mee  many  questions,  declared  that  if  it  had  not 
bene  for  him,  I  had  bene  vtterly  cast  away,  and  sent  to  the 
great  Turke  for  a  present  by  the  Sophie,  through  the  euill 
perswasion  of  his  wicked  counsell,  and  that  the  Zieties*  and 

>  1563,  in  Hatf.  MS.  ;  Helm.  MS.  has  1562.  According  to  the 
Julian  calendar,  then  in  use,  the  year  ended  on  the  30th  March,  and 
therefore  1562  is  correct. 

'  It  appears  from  a  letter  of  Edwards'  that  the  trade  in  spices  was 
in  the  hands  of  Armenian  merchants,  who  bartered  with  the  Venetians 
at  Aleppo. — Hakl.y  p.  381. 

»  Jevat,  lat.  39°  59'  N.,  long.  48"  25'  E.,  ante,  p.  128. 

*  Probably  intended  for  "Tiziks",  as  Persian  merchants  were  called 
in  Astrakhan.     See  Pure  has,  iii,  245,  line  46. 


150 


SHEMAKHA.      ALCOCK   AND    CHEINIE. 


Priuiledges 
obtained  of 
Obdolow- 
can  which 
are  here- 
after an- 
nexed. 


An  Arme- 
nian sent  to 
Master 
lenkinson 
fro'  the 
King  of 
Georgia. 


holy  men  were  the  chief e  and  principall  procurers  and  moouers 
thereof:  but  the  Sophie  himselfe  meant  mee  much  good  at 
the  first,  and  thought  to  haue  giuen  me  good  entertainement, 
and  so  had  done,  had  not  the  peace  and  league  fortuned  to 
haue  bene  concluded  betweene  them  and  the  great  Turke. 
Neuerthelesse,  sayd  hee,  the  Sophie  hath  written  vnto  me  to 
entertaine  you  well,  and  you  are  welcome  into  my  countrey, 
and  so  hee  intreated  mee  very  gently,  in  whose  court  I  re- 
mayned  seuen  dayes,  and  obteined  of  him  letters  of  safe- 
con  ductes  and  priuiledges  in  your  names  to  be  free  from 
paying  custome,  which  I  deliuered  vnto  your  seruaunts 
Thomas  Alcocke  and  George  Wren,  at  their  departure  to- 
wards Persia  for  your  affaires  :^  and  his  highnesse  did  giue 
mee  two  garments  of  silke,  and  so  dismissed  me  with  great 
fauour,  sending  with  me  his  Ambassadour  againe  vnto  the 
Emperour  of  Eussia,  and  committed  the  chiefest  secrete  of 
his  affayres  vnto  mee,  to  declare  the  same  vnto  the  Empe- 
rours  maiestie  at  my  returne  :  and  thus  departing  the  tenth 
day  of  Aprill,  I  came  to  the  Citie  of  Shamacliie,  and  there 
remayning  certaine  dayes  for  prouision  of  cammels  downe  to 
the  Sea  side,  I  sent  from  thence  before,  men  to  repayre  my 
barke  and  to  make  her  in  a  readinesse.  And  during  my 
abode  in  Shamachie,  there  came  vnto  me  an  Armenian  sent 
from  the  King  of  Georgia,  who  declared  the  lamentable  state 
of  the  same  king,  that  being  enclosed  betwixt  those  two 

1  Alcock  went  to  Persia  with  Robert  Cheinie,  as  agents  for  the 
Russian  Company,  in  1563.  They  landed  at  some  port  in  Media,  pro- 
bably at  Jenkinson's  Shabran,  and  proceeded  thence  to  Shemakha, 
where  they  were  well  received  by  Abdullah  Khan.  Cheinie  remained 
at  Shemakha,  while  Alcock  travelled  to  Kazvin  to  buy  merchandise. 
Returning,  he  met  Cheinie  at  Levacta  (Jevat,  or  Djevat),  a  day  and  a 
half  from  Shemakha.  Meanwhile,  an  ill-feeling  had  grown  up  against 
foreign  merchants  in  consequence  of  a  Muhammadan  having  been 
killed  by  a  Russian.  Perceiving  this,  Alcock  and  Cheinie  hastened 
their  departure.  Cheinie  set  out  first,  and  safely  reached  Shemakha, 
when,  three  days  after  his  arrival,  he  heard  that  Alcock  had  been 
killed  on  his  way  thither. — IlalvL,  p.  375. 


A   MESSAGE   FROM   GEORGIA.  151 

cruell  tyrants  and  mightie  princes,  the  sayd  great  Turke  and 
the  Sophie,  he  had  continuall  warres  with  them,  requiring 
for  the  loue  of  Christ  and  as  I  was  a  Christian  that  I  would 
send  him  comfort  by  the  sayd  Armenian,  and  aduise  how  hee 
might  send  his  Ambassadour  to  the  sayd  Emperour  of  Eussia, 
and  whether  I  thought  that  hee  would  support  him  or  no: 
and  with  many  other  wordes  required  mee  to  declare  his 
necessitie  vnto  the  same  Emperour  at  my  returne:  adding 
further  that  the  sayd  king  would  haue  written  vnto  mee  his 
minde,  but  that  he  doubted  the  safe  passage  of  his  mes- 
senger. Unto  whom  I  did  likewise  answere  by  worde  of 
mouth,  not  onely  perswading  him  to  send  his  Ambassadour 
to  Eussia,  not  doubting  but  that  hee  should  finde  him  most 
honourable  and  inclined  to  helpe  him,  but  also  I  directed 
him  his  way  how  the  sayde  king  might  send  by  the  countrey 
of  Ghircassi,  through  the  fauour  of  Teneruke^  king  of  the  Teneruke, 

'  °  *^  King  of 

sayd  countrey,  whose  daughter  the  sayd  king  had  lately  chircassi. 
married.  And  thus  dismissing  the  sayd  Armenian,  within 
two  dayes  after  I  sent  Edward  Clearke^  your  seruaunt  vnto 
the  Citie  of  Arrash,  where  the  most  store  of  silkes  is  to  bee 
had,  giuing  him  Commission  to  haue  passed  further  into  the 
sayd  countrey  of  Georgia,  and  there  to  haue  repaired  vnto 
the  sayde  king.  And  after  my  commendation  premised,  and 
my  minde  declared,  to  haue  pursued  for  safeconduct  of  the 
same  prince  for  our  merchaunts  to  trade  into  his  dominions, 
and  that  obtained  to  haue  returned  againe  with  speede.  The 
same  your  seruant  iourning  to  the  sayde  citie  of  Arrash,  and 
there  finding  certaine  merchants  Armenians,  which  promised 
to  goe  to  the  sayde  cittie  of  Georgia,^  comming  to  the  borders 
thereof  was  perceiued  by  a  Captaine  there,  that  he  was  a 
Christian,  and  thereupon  demaunded  whither  he  went,  and 

1  Temgruk,  Ivan's  father-in-law. — See  ante,  fol.  91. 

2  Edward  Clark  is  mentioned  in  Edwards'  letter  {ffakl.,  p.  376  )  as 
the  most  suitable  person  to  represent  the  Company  in  Persia. 

3  i.e.,  Tiflis. 


162  DESCRIPTION   OF   PERSIA, 

vnderstanding  that  hee  could  not  passe  further  without  great 
suspicion,  answered  that  hee  came  thither  to  buie  silkes,  and 
shewed  the  king  of  Hircanes  letters  which  he  had  with  him, 
and  so  returned  backe  againe,  and  the  15.  of  Aprill  came  to 
Shamachie :  from  whence  I  departed  the  sixteene  of  the  same 
moneth,  and  the  one  and  twentie  thereof  comming  to  the  Sea 
side,  and  finding  my  barke  in  a  readinesse,  I  caused  your 
goods  to  bee  laden,  and  there  attended  a  faire  wind. 

But  before  I  proceede  any  further  to  speake  of  my  returne, 

I   intend  with  your   fauours  some  what   to  treate  of  the 

The  countrey  of  Persia,  of  the  great  Sophie,  and  of  his  countrey, 

Description  ,        , .    . 

of  Persia,     lawcs  and  religion. 

This  land  of  Persia  is  great  and  ample,  deuided  into  many 
kingdomes  and  prouinces,  as  Gillan,  Corasan,  Shiruan^  and 
many  others  hauing  diuers  Cities,  Townes  and  Castles  in  the 

Thechiefe    samc.      Eucry  prouince  hath  his  seuerall  king,  or  Sultane> 

cities  of 

Persia.  all  in  obcdicnce  to  the  great  Sophie.  The  names  of  the 
chief  est  Cities  be  these.  Teueris,  Casbin,  Keshan,  Yesse,  MesJcit, 
Heirin,  Ordmuill,  Shamachie,  Arrash^  with  many  others. 
The  C|Ountrey  for  the  most  part  toward  the  Sea  side  plaine 
and  full  of  pasture,  but  into  the  high  land,  high,  ful  of 
mountaines,  and  sharpe.  To  the  South  it  bordereth  vpon 
Arabia  and  the  East  Ocean.  To  the  North  vpon  the  Caspian 
sea  and  the  lands  of  Tariaria.  To  the  East  vpon  the  pro- 
uinces of  India,  and  to  the  West  vpon  the  confines  of 
Chaldoca,  Syria,  and  other  the  Turkes  landes.  All  within 
these  dominions  be  of  the  Sophies,  named  Shaw  Thomas,  sonne 
to  Ismael  Sophie.     This  Sophie  that  now  raigneth,  is  nothing 

1  Ghilan,  Khorassan,  Shirvan.  The  first  two  are  well-known  pro- 
vinces of  Persia  ;  the  last  now  forms  part  of  the  Russian  empire. 
From  the  circumstance  of  its  being  here  included  in  Persia,  it  is 
evident  that  Abdullah  Khan's  sovereignty  was  merely  nominal. 

2  These  cities  are  Tabriz,  Kazvin,  Kashan,  Yezd,  Meshed,  Herat, 
Ardebil,  Shemakha  and  Arrash  ;  all,  with  the  exception  of  the  two 
last,  noted  cities  at  the  present  day,  though  in  a  state  of  decay,  like 
evciy thing  in  Persia. 


SHAH   TAHMASP.      HIS   CHARACTER.  153 

valiant/  although  his  power  bee  great,  and  his  people  mar- 
tiall :  and  through  his  pusillanimitie  the  Turke  hath  much 
inuaded  his  countries,  euen  nigh  vnto  the  citie  of  Teueris 
wherein  he  was  woont  to  keepe  his  chiefs  court.  And  now 
hauing  forsaken  the  same,  is  chiefly  resident  at  Casbin  afore- 
sayd,  and  alwayes  as  the  sayd  Turke  pursueth  him,  hee  not 
being  able  to  withstand  the  Turke  in  the  field,  trusting  rather 
to  the  mountaines  for  his  safegard,  then  to  his  fortes  and 
castles,  hee  hath  caused  the  same  to  be  rased  within  his 
dominions,  and  his  ordinance  to  bee  molten,  to  the  intent 
that  his  enemies  pursuing  him,  they  should  not  strengthen 
themselues  with  the  same.'^ 

This  prince  is  of  the  age  of  fiftie  yeeres,  and  of  a  reason- 
able stature,  hauing  fiue  children.  His  eldest  sonne  he 
keepeth  captiue  in  a  prison,  for  that  hee  feareth  him  for  his 
valiantnesse  and  actiuitie :  he  professeth  a  kind  of  holynesse, 
and  saith  that  he  is  descended  of  the  blood  of  Mahomet  and 
Murtezalli^:  and  although  these  Persians  bee  Mahometans,  as 

^  The  character  of  Shah  Tahmasp,  as  drawn  by  Jenkinson,  agrees  in 
the  main  with  that  given  by  d' Alessandri  {Hakl.  Soc,  pp.  213-215),  who 
visited  his  court  in  1571.  According  to  this  writer,  Tahmasp  was 
sixty-four  years  of  age  (therefore  fifty-six  at  the  date  of  Jenkinson's 
visit),  and  had  eleven  sons  and  four  daughters.  His  eldest  son, 
Mohammed,  sumamed  Khodabundeh,  i.e.,  servant  of  God,  father  of  the 
celebra'fced  Shah  Abbas,  suffered  from  weak  eyes,  and  was  of  a  quiet 
disposition,  living  contentedly  on  a  small  domain  in  Khorassan.  Ismail, 
the  second  son,  was  of  an  enterprising,  restless  character,  and  for  this 
reason  was  kept  in  prison  by  his  father. 

2  "  As  when  the  Tartar  from  his  Russian  foe 
By  Astracan,  over  the  snowy  plains 
Retires  ;  or  Bactrian  Sophie  from  the  horns 
Of  Turkish  crescent,  leaves  all  waste  beyond 
The  realm  of  Aladule  in  his  retreat 
To  Tauris  and  Casbeen." 

Paradise  Lost,  Bk.  x,  line  431. 
^  This  family  traced  their  descent  from  Ali,  the  son-in-law  of  the 
prophet,  through  Mussa,  the  Seventh  Imam.     The  pedigree  is  given  in 
Travels  of  Venetians  (Hakl.  Soc),  p.  vii. 


154  RELIGION   OF   PERSIA. 

The  differ-   the  Turkes  and  Tartares  bee,  yet  honour  they  this  false  fained 

enceof  *'  "^ 

religion.  MurtezolUe,  saying  that  he  was  the  chiefest  disciple  that 
Mahomet  had,  cursing  and  chiding  daily  three  other  disciples 
that  Mahomet  had  called  Omar  Vsiran  and  Abebecke}  and 
these  three  did  slay  the  sayd  Murtezallie,  for  which  cause 
and  other  differences  of  holy  men  and  lawes,  they  haue  had 
and  haue  with  the  Turkes  and  Tartares  mortall  warres.  To 
intreat  of  their  religion  at  large,  being  more  or  lesse  Mahomets 
lawe  and  the  Alkoran,  I  shall  not  need  at  this  present. 
These  persons  are  comely  and  of  good  complexion,  proude 
and  of  good  courage,  esteeming  themselues  to  bee  best  of  all 
nations,  both  for  their  religion  and  holines,  which  is  most 
erroneous,  and  also  for  all  other  their  fashions.  They  be 
martiall,  delighting  in  faire  horses  and  good  harnesse,  soone 
angrie,  craftie  and  hard  people.  Thus  much  I  haue  thought 
good  to  treate  of  this  nation,  and  now  I  retume  to  discourse 
the  proceeding  of  the  rest  of  my  voyage. 

My  Barke  being  readie  at  the  Caspian  Sea  side  as  afore 
sayd,  hauing  a  faire  winde,  and  committing  our  selues  vnto 

The  3o.^f  Qq(J  the  30.  day  of  May,  one  thousand  fine  hundred  sixtie 
three,  wee  arriued  at  Astracan,  hauing  passed  no  lesse  dan- 
gers vpon  the  Sea  in  our  retume,  then  we  sustained  in  our 
going  foorth,  and  remayning  at  the  said  Astracan,  vntill  the 
tenth  day  of  lune,  one  hundred  gunners  being  there  admitted 
vnto  me  for  my  safegard  up  the  riuer  Volga,  the  fifteenth  of 
lulie  I  arriued  at  the  Citie  of  Cazan,  where  the  captaine 
entertained  me  well,  and  so  dismissing  mee,  I  was  conducted 
from  place  to  place  vnto  the  citie  of  Mosko,  where  1  arriued 
the  20.  day  of  August  1563.  in  safetie,  thankes  be  to  God, 
with  all  such  goods,  merchandizes,  and  iewels,  as  I  had  pro- 
uided  as  well  for  the  Emperours  stocke  and  account,  as  also 
of  yours,  all  which  goods  I  was  commaunded  to  bring  into 

1  Abubekr,  Omar,  and  Othman,  the  first  three  Khahf  s  cursed  by  the 
Shiahs,  because  they  put  to  death  Ali,  son-in-law  of  the  Prophet.— See 
ante^  p.  84. 


JENKINSON  RETURNS  TO  MOSCO.  155 

the  Emperours  treasurie  before  it  was  opened,  which  I  did, 
and  deliuered  those  parcels  of  wares,  which  were  for  his 
maiesties  account,  videlicet,  precious  stones,  and  wrought 
silkes  of  sundry  colours  and  sortes,  much  to  his  highnesse 
contentation,  and  the  residue  belonging  to  you,  viz.,  Craskoe, 
and  raw  silkes,  with  other  merchandizes  (as  by  account 
appeareth)  were  brought  vnto  your  house,  whereof  part 
there  remained,  and  the  rest  was  laden  in  your  ships  lately 
returned. 

Shortly  after  my  comming  to  the  Mosko,  I  came  before 
the  Emperours  maiestie  and  presented  vnto  him  the  apparell 
giuen  vnto  me  by  the  Sophie,^  whose  highnesse  conferred 
with  mee  touching  the  princes  affaires  which  he  had  com- 
mitted to  my  charge,  and  my  proceedings  therein  it  pleased 
him  so  to  accept,  that  they  were  much  to  his  contentation, 
saying  vnto  me,  I  haue  perceiued  your  good  seruice,  for  the 
which  I  doe  thanke  you,  and  will  recompence  you  for  the 
same,  wishing  that  I  would  trauell  againe  in  such  his  other 
affaires,  wherein  he  was  minded  to  employ  me :  to  whom  I 
answered,  that  it  was  to  my  heartie  reioycing  that  my  seruice 
was  so  acceptable  vnto  his  highnesse,  acknowledging  all  that 
I  had  done  to  bee  but  of  duetie,  humblie  beseeching  his  grace 
to  continue  his  goodnesse  vnto  your  worships,  and  euen  at 
that  instant  I  humbly  requested  his  maiestie  to  vouchsafe 
to  graunt  vnto  you  a  new  priuiledge  more  ample  than  the  Newpijai. 
first,  which  immediately  was  graunted,^  and  so  I  departed.  JJ^JfouSw^ 
And  afterwards  hauing  penned  a  briefe  note  how  I  meant  "^' 
to  haue  the  same  priuiledges  made,  I  repaired  daily  to  the 
Secretarie  for  the  perfecting  of  the  same,  and  obtained  it 
vnder  his  maiesties  broad  scale,  which  at  my  departure  from 
thence,  I  deliuered  vnto  the  custodie  of  Thomas  Glouer 
your  Agent  there.  The  copie  whereof  and  also  of  the  other 
priuiledges  graunted  and  giuen  by  the  king  of  Hircan,  I  haue 

»  Cf.  ante,  p.  149. 

2  There  is  no  trace  of  this  privilege  in  Hakluyt. 


IdM. 


156  ARRIVES  IN   LONDON. 

alreadie  deliuered  vnto  you.  Soiourning  all  the  Winter  at 
MosJco,  and  in  the  meane  time  hauing  bargained  with  the 
Emperours  maiestie,  I  sent  away  your  seruaunt  Edward 
Clearke  hither  ouerland  with  aduise,  and  also  made  prepara- 
tion for  sending  agayne  into  Persia  in  meete  time  of  the 
yeere.  And  committing  the  charge  thereof  vnto  your  seruants 
Thomas  Alcocke,  George  Wrenne,  and  Kichard  Cheinie,  the 
28.  of  lune  last,  I  departed  in  poste  from  the  sayd  Mosho, 
and  comming  to  Colviogro,  and  so  downe  to  the  Sea  side,  I 
found  your  ships  laden  and  readie  to  depart,  where  I  em- 
barked my  selfe  in  your  good  ship  called  the  Swallow,  the 
9.  of  luly,  one  thousand  fine  hundred  sixtie  foure,  and 
hauing  passed  the  Seas  with  great  and  extreme  daungers  of 
23^sept.  losse  of  shippc,  goods  and  life,  the  28.  day  of  September  last 
(God  bee  praysed)  wee  arriued  here  at  Londone  in  safetie. 

Thus  knowing  that  the  couragious  and  valiaunt  souldier 
which  aduentureth  both  fame,  member  and  life,  to  seme 
faithfully  his  soueraigne,  esteemeth  not  the  perils  and 
daungers  passed  (the  victorie  once  obtained)  neither  for  his 
guerdon  desireth  anything  more,  then  that  his  seruice  bee 
well  taken  of  him  for  whom  he  enterprised  it :  So  I  perceiuing 
your  fauourable  beneuolence  to  me  extended  in  accepting  my 
trauels  in  good  part  to  your  contentations,  doe  thinke  my  selfe 
therewith  in  great  part  recompensed :  beseeching  almightie 
God  to  prosper  your  aduentures,  from  time  to  time  hereafter 
to  be  made  for  reaping  the  fruits  of  my  trauels  (at  your  great 
charges,  and  to  my  no  small  dangers)  that  ye  may  plentifully 
gather  in  and  enjoy  the  same  to  the  illustrating  of  the  Queenes 
most  excellent  maiestie,  the  honour  and  commoditie  of  this 
her  highnesse  realme,  and  to  the  ample  benefite  and  abundant 
enriching  of  you  and  your  succession,  and  posterite  for  euer. 


A  copie  of  the  priuiledges   giuen   by  Obdolowcan, 

King  of  Hircania,  to  the  Companie  of  English  merchants  Aduen- 

turersfor  Russia,  Persia,  and  Mare  Caspium,  with  all  the  landes 

and  countries  adioyning  to  the  same,  obtained  by  M.  An- 

thonie  lenkinson  at  his  being  there  about  the  affaires 

of  the  sayd  company,  April  14.  Anno  1563.^ 


We  Obdolowcan  by  the  mightie  power  of  God  maker  of 
heauen  and  of  earth,  appointed  and  now  raigning  king  of 
Shiruan  and  Hircan,  of  our  meere  motion  and  great  goodnes, 
at  the  earnest  sute  and  request  of  our  fauoured  and  wel- 
beloued  Anthonie  lenkinson  Ambassadour,  haue  giuen  and 
graunted  vnto  the  right  worshipful!  sir  William  Garret, 
sir  William  Chester ,  sir  Thomas  Lodge,  M.  Richard  Mallarie, 
and  M.  Richard  Ghamberlaine,  with  all  their  companie  of 
merchants  Aduenturers  of  the  Citie  of  London  in  England, 
free  libertie,  safe  conduct,  and  licence  to  come  or  send  their 
factors  in  trade  cf  merchandize  into  our  countries,  and  to  buy 
and  sell  with  our  merchants  and  others,  either  for  readie 
money  or  barter,  and  to  tarie  and  abide  in  our  countrey,  so 
long  as  they  will,  and  to  goe  away  when  they  list,  without 
impediment,  let  or  hinderance,  either  of  bodie  or  goods. 

And  further  our  commandement  and  pleasure  is,  that  the 
said  English  merchaunts  with  their  company,  shal  pay  no 
maner  of  custome  for  wares,  which  they  or  their  factors  shal 
buy  or  sel  within  our  dominions.  And  if  at  any  time  our 
customers  or  other  officers,  or  any  of  them,  do  disturbe,  misuse, 
force  or  constraine  the  said  English  merchants  or  any  of 
them,  or  their  factors,  to  pay  any  maner  of  custome  or  dutie 
for  any  wares  they  bring  in  or  carie  out  of  our  dominions 

*  Hakluyt,  1589,  p.  374. 


158  PRIVILEGES   FOR   PERSIA. 

contrary  to  this  our  commandement,  and  the  same  be  knowen 
vnto  vs,  then  wee  will  that  the  said  customers  and  officers 
shall  loose  and  be  put  out  of  their  said  offices,  with  our 
further  displeasure,  and  the  said  English  merchants  to  haue 
restored  all  such  mony  and  wares  as  our  customers  haue  taken 
of  them  for  our  said  custome.  And  whensoeuer  the  said 
English  merchants  or  their  factors  shall  bring  any  maner  of 
wares  meet  for  our  treasurie,  then  our  treasurer  shal  take  the 
sayd  wares  into  our  treasurie,  and  shal  giue  vnto  the  said 
English  merchaunts,  either  ready  money  or  raw  silkes,  to  the 
value  of  their  said  wares.  And  wheresoeuer  this  our  letter 
of  priuiledges  shall  be  scene  and  read  within  our  dominion, 
wee  straightily  will  and  commaund  that  it  take  effect,  and  be 
obeied  in  all  points.  Dated  at  our  place  of  lauat,  the  day 
and  yeere  aboue  written,  and  sealed  with  our  princely  scale, 
and  firmed  by  our  secretarie  in  the  12.  yeere  of  our  raigne. 


PETITION  EELATING  TO   THE  NORTH-EAST 
PASSAGE.! 


Anthony  Jenkinson  to  the  Queen. 
To  the   Queues   Moste   Excellente  Maiestie.^ 

Experience  provethe  (moste  gracious  Soueraigne)  That 
Naturally  all  Princes  ar  desyrous  to  Imploye  theire  study 
and  extend  theire  power  to  advaunce  theire  Honnour,  fame 
and  Renowne  And  to  Enlardge  theire  domynions,  Kingdoms, 
and  Terrytories,  Wherfore  it  is  not  to  be  marveylid  at,  to  see 
them  eury  daye  ready  to  pruve  the  same ;  Not  regardinge 
any  costes,  perylls  or  laboures  that  theireby  may  chaunce. 

1  Jenkinson's  first  efforts  on  his  return  from  Persia  in  the  autumn 
of  1564  were  at  once  directed  towards  organising  a  voyage  to  Cathay 
by  the  north-east,  a  plan  of  discovery  that  had  never  been  wholly 
lost  sight  by  the  merchant  adventurers  to  Russia  from  the  period  of 
the  accidental  discovery  of  the  coast  of  Moscovy  by  Richard  Chancellor 
and  Stephen  Borough  in  1553.  The  origin  of  this  scheme  of 
Cathayan  enterprise  is,  however,  to  be  traced  to  the  mind  of  the  far- 
sighted  Sebastian  Cabot,  who  first  propounded  it  as  an  alternative 
and  far  better  route,  not  only  of  the  one  undertaken  by  him  or  his 
father  to  the  north-west  in  1477-9,  but  also  another  frequently  lost 
sight  of,  namely,  the  one  specially  recommended  by  Robert  Thorn, 
a  merchant  of  Bristol,  in  1527,  which  was  to  take  the  voyagers 
straight  across  the  North  Pole  and  bring  them  out  on  the  other  side 
of  the  globe.  The  first  to  revive  the  scheme  of  a  north-east  passage 
to  Cathay,  after  a  lapse  of  twelve  years,  upon  any  practical  basis  or 
new  data  acquired  by  experience  in  travel,  was,  undoubtedly,  Anthony 
Jenkinson  in  his  petition  to  the  Queen,  now  before  us,  and  printed 
for  the  first  time  in  extenso. 

2  Cott.  MS.,  Galba  D  ix,  f.  4.  This,  injured  at  the  edges,  has  been 
collated  with  the  MS.  at  the  State  Paper  Office,  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz., 
vol.  36  ;  and  several  cancelled  words  are  supplied  from  the  S.  P.  O. 
MS.     The  date  of  this  letter  is  30  May  1565. 


160  jexkixson's  petition  to  the  queen. 

The  Worlde  knowethe  that  the  desyer  of  princes  hathe  byn 
so  fervent  to  obtayne  theire  desyred  purposes,  That  they  haue 
adventured,  and  provid  things   to  mans  Coniecture  impos- 
sible, wiche  not   only  they  haue  made  very  possible,  But 
also  things  that  seemyd  very  liarde  and  dyffyculte,  they  haue 
made  very  facyle  and  easy.    And  this  to  doo,  some  neyther 
fearinge  God  nor  respectinge  naturall  cyvylytie,  Contrary  to 
all  righte,  Equytie,  humanytie  and  Conscyence,  have  not  only 
Spoylyd,   Eobbed   and    sacked  many   stronge   Cytties   and 
Countreys,  Neare  vnto  them,  But  also  haue  Disinheryted,  yea 
and  made  Captyve  vnto  them  Noble  Princes,  yea  suche  as  to 
any   mans   coniecture   wer   nothing   inferriour    vnto   them. 
Others   whome   the   feare   of  God   hathe   kept   within   the 
bounds  of  reason,  and  yet  of  no  lesse  magnanymytie  and 
noble  Courage,  then  they,  Haue  not  spared  to  torne^  vp  and 
downe  the  whole  worlde  so  many  tymes  that  the  people 
inhabitinge  the  farthyest  Eegions  of  the  Occidentall,  haue 
pursued  with  fervent  desyers,  labours,  perills  and  daungers. 
To   penetrate   and   enter  into   the  farthest  Regions  of  the 
Orientall,  and  in  lykwyse  those  people  of  the  Orientall  haue 
had  no  lesse  laboure  and  desyer  to  enter  and  penetrate  into 
the  farthest  partes  of  the  Occidentall ;   And  so  followinge 
theire  purchase^  haue  not  ceased  vntyll  they  coulde  passe  no 
further  by  reason  of  the  Greate  Seas  wiche  they  thoughte  to 
be  th'end  of  the  worlde.     Now  consideringe  that  this  noble 
and  Couragious  Desyer  never  dyethe  but  lyeth  hydden  in 
the   Harts  of   all  Noble  Princes  attending  oportunytye  to 
manyfest  it  self,  and  knowing  the  same  not  to  be  wanting  in 
your  maiestie,  I  thoughte  it  therfore  no  lesse  then  my  bownden 
dewtye   to   make   manyfest   vnto    your    moste    Excellente 
maiestie  myne  opynyon.  How  your  grace   maye   not   only 

1  Tarne,  A.  S.,  to  turn.-  -Halliwell. 

*  O.  Fr.  2>ourchas,  an  attempt  to  acquire,  endeavour. 

"  I'll get  meat  to  serve  thee, 

Or  lose  my  life  in  the  imrchasey — Beau,  and  Fl. 


jenkinson's  petition  to  the  queen.  161 

highly  advaunce  your  most  noble  fame  and  Eenowne,  But 
also  merveylously  increase  your  domynions  and  Eiches,  God 
prosperinge  th'enterpryse.  It  is  an  Enterpryse  to  discouer 
Certeyne  Eegions  and  Ilonds  by  the  Northe  Seas  not  hereto- 
fore discouerid  by  any  prince  in  these  partes  of  the  worlde. 
Yt  Semethe  that  three  partes  of  the  worlde  are  all  redy 
discoueryd  by  other  prynces.  For  owt  of  Spayne,  they  haue 
discouerd  all  the  Indias  and  Seas  Occidental  And  owt  of 
Portingale,  all  the  Seas  and  Indias  Orientall.  So  that  by  the 
Orient  and  Occident  they  have  compassed  three  partes  of  the 
vnknowen  worlde.  For  the  one  of  them  departinge  toward 
Th'oryent  and  the  other  towarde  Th'occident  met  in  theire 
tra veils  in  the  Sowthe  parte.^  And  of  the  Fowrthe  parte  of 
the  worlde  wiche  is  to  the  Northe  youre  maiesties  moste 
famous  progenitoures,^  and  your  grace  haue  discoueryd  Some 
pece.  But  the  best  parte  thereof  restithe  yet  vndiscoueryd 
which  is  the  Famous  Eegion  of  Cathaye  and  Infynyte  Ilondes 
neare  thereunto.  All  wiche  are  replenished  with  infynyt 
Treazures  as  Golde,  Sylver,  precious  stones,  Bawmes,^  Spices, 
Drogges  and  gumes,  For  as  from  the  Tropicks  to  bothe  the 
PoUes  the  Commodities  of  the  earthe  By  labour  be  hemp  and 
flax.  The  fruts  and  grayne  be  Apples,  Nuttes,  and  Come,  The 
metalls,  ledd,  Tynne  and  coprous.  The  stones  Christall, 
Jasper,  &c.  So  From  th&  Equinoctiall  to  bothe  the  Tropickes 
The  Comodyties  be  Sylke  and  cotton  woll,  Theire  fruts  and 
Corne,  Dattes,  pomgranattes,  all  spyces,  gomes,  Drogges  and 

^  The  Spaniards,  sailing  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  the  Por- 
tuguese rounding  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  met  at  the  Moluccas,  the 
famous  Spice  Islands.  Here  misunderstandings  arose  between  them, 
and  it  was  to  settle  these  differences  that  the  conference  was  held  at 
Badajos  in  1524. 

2  Both  Henry  VII  and  Henry  VIII  took  an  interest  in  maritime 
discovery.  But  it  was  during  the  reign  of  the  former  of  these  two 
sovereigns  that  expeditions  were  fitted  out,  and  commercial  enterprise 
took  a  fresh  start. 

3  Balms. 


162  jenkinson's  petition  to  the  queen. 

Ryse,  The  mettalls  Golde,  and  Silver,  The  stones,  Rubyes, 
Dyamants,  balasis,  &c.  Wherefore  yf  it  wolde  please  Al- 
mightye  God  that  this  Region  of  Cathaye  mighte  be  discoueryd 
by  your  maiestie  and  passage  fownde  thyther  by  the  northe, 
As  theare  wer  no  dought  of  the  fyndinge  of  all  these  Com- 
modyties  (in  greate  habondanns)  So  theare  sholde  also 
greate  Bennefyte  ryse  to  this  your  maiesties  realme  of  Eng- 
lande,  by  the  greate  vent  that  wolde  be  made  of  all  kynde  of 
woUon  commodyties  made  in  this  realme  in  those  colde 
countryes  Betwene  the  Imagyned  straighte  (of  no  dowghte 
to  be  fownde)  and  the  said  Lannd  of  Cathaye.  The  Naviga- 
tion wolde  be  shorter  by  the  Northe,  then  that  of  the 
Portingalles  by  the  Sowthe.  Thoughe  we  sholde  travell 
even  to  the  Ilonds  of  Spices,  Callyd  the  Moluciis^  by 
them  alredy  discoueryd,  by  twoo  thowsande  Leages,  which 
arr  Six  thowsande  myles.  And  as  farr  distante  as  Cathaye 
is  from  those  Ilonds,  So  moche  shorter  also  shall  owre 
travells  be,  And  yet  shalbe  as  amply  furnyshed  with 
Spyces  as  they  are  theare.  Besydes  Sylkes,  Golde  and  silver 
and  precious  stones  with  infynyte  other  comodyties  as 
I  haue  learned  in  my  Travells.  Nowe  towchynge  the  dann- 
gerousnes  of  the  Travell,  and  that  the  Northerly  Seas  be 
vnnavigable  for  th'extremytye  of  the  colde  (as  some  Cosmo- 
graphers  haue  affyrmed)  wiche  indeede  is  very  trewe,  yf  thje 
dewe  tymes  of  the  yere  be  not  obserued.^  But  as  experience 
and  practyse  hathe  detectid  these  Cosmographers  of  errors 


1  The  Moluccas,  or  Spice  Islands,  in  E.  long.  126°- 135°,  were  first 
discovered  by  Antonio  Debreu,  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Portugal, 
in  1512,  and  more  fully  explored  in  1564. —  Qf.  Major,  Prince  Henry ^ 
418  ;  Alboquerque  (Hakl.  Soc),  iii,  162. 

2  This  remark  shows  that  our  traveller  had  studied  the  subject  care- 
fully before  addressing  Her  Majesty.  Half  the  attempts  to  navigate 
these  seas  have  failed,  owing  to  the  season  chosen  being  too  early  or 
too  late,  and  from  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  ice. 
See  plan  of  Nordenskiold's  expedition,  presented  to  the  King  of 
Sweden, — Nordenskiold,  i,  12-33. 


jenkinson's  petition  to  the  queen.  163 

in  theire  Speculacion,  For  affyrmynge  the  partes  Sowthward 
to  be  bothe  inhabitable^  and  vnnavygable  for  th'extrea- 
mytye  of  the  heate,  so  I  make  no  dowte  at  all,  by  that 
smalle  practyse  and  experyence  that  I  haue  had  in  those 
northerly  Eegions,  but  that  they  ar  also  deceyuid  in  this. 
For  aswell  on  this  syde,  as  beyonde  the  Pole  twoo  or  three 
hundrethe  leages,  As  all  men  of  Knowlege  maye  consider, 
The  Seas  and  landes  be  as  temperat  when  the  Soonne  is  in 
the  northe  tropicke  as  they  be  in  these  partes.  And  for  the 
space  of  tenn  weekes  where  I  have  Traveled  there  is  con- 
tinuall  daie,  The  Sonne  alwaies  aboue  our  horison,  And  so 
the  nearer  the  Pole  the  longer  Daie,  whiche  is  no  smalle 
Comoditye,  and  Comforte  to  the  Naviganntes.  And  seinge 
that  the  Portingalles  and  Spanyardes  Haue  not  spared  to 
travell  vpon  vnknowen  Coastes,  Hauing  abowte  the  Equi- 
noctiall,  longe  Nightes,  We  sholde  haue  no  feare  at  all,  But 
rather  be  Encouraged  to  travell  and  Searche  for  this  passage, 
Hauinge  for  so  longe  tyme  Continuall  lighte  of  the  Soonne  (yf 
the  Season  be  Dewly  obserued).  And  lyke  as  there  is  varyety 
of  Opynions  Towchinge  this  passage  owte  of  this  cure  Occian 
into  th'east  Occian,  Some  affirminge  the  same  by  the  North- 
weste  (Takinge  there  Authorytie  of  Certen  awthors  who 
wrote  by  Coniecture)  which  opynyon  I  do  not  wholly  dissent 
from ;  So  am  I  fully  perswaded  that  to  the  Northeaste  there 
is  no  dowghte  of  a  passage  to  be  fownde,  For  that  like  as  I 
at  my  beinge  in  Scythia  and  Bactria,  I  divers  tymes  talked 
and  Conferred  with  Dyvers  Cathayens  who  wer  there  at  that 
present  in  trade  of  merchanndyse  Towchinge  the  comodyties 
of  theire  countrey,  And  how  the  Seas  aborded  vnto  them,  I 
Learned  of  them  that  the  said  Seas  had  theire  Course  to 
Certen  northerly  Eegions  with  whom  tliey  had  Traphyque 
by   Seas.     Also   hauinge    conferrence   with  th'inhabitantes 

^  I.e.,  uninhabitable. — Nares's  Glossary. 

"  Even  to  the  frozen  ridges  of  the  Alps. 
Or  any  other  ground  inhabitable.'' — Eich.  II,  act  i,  sc.  1. 


164  jenkinson's  petition  to  the  queen. 

of  Hugarye^  and  other  people  of  Sarneydes  and  Colmackes 
whose  Countreys  lye  very  fair  northerly  (and  nere  where- 
unto  I  gesse  the  said  passage  to  be)  whiche  people  Sayle 
alonge  the  saide  Coastes  Fysshinge  after  the  greate  Fyshe 
callyed  the  Morse  for  the  Benefyte  of  his  Teathe.  Of  Whome 
I  have  learned  that  beyonde  them  the  sayde  Lande  and 
Coastes  trenche  and  tende  to  the  East  and  to  the  South- 
warde,  And  that  the  Corrauntes  and  tydes  runne  East  South - 
easte  and  west  northweste  very  vehemently,  whiche  manifestly 
arguethe  a  passage.  Further  this  laste  yere  at  my  beinge  in 
Th'emperoure  of  Muscovia  his  Coorte,  yt  chaunced  that  there 
Cam  thyther  Certen  of  th'inhabitantes  of  the  foresaid 
Countryes  To  present  vnto  the  said  Prince  a  certen  straunge 
Hed  with  a  home  therein,  whiche  they  had  fownde  in  the 
Ilonde  of  Vagatts^  whiche  is  not  farre  from  the  River  of 
Obhe  and  the  mayne  land  of  Hugarye.  And  for  that 
Th'emperoure  neyther  any  of  his  people  knewe  what  yt  was 
for  the  straungenes  thereof  He  commaunded  that  Soche 
straungers  as  wer  thoughte  to  haue  any  Judgement  therin 
shold  see  the  same,  and  be  asked  there  Opynion  what  they 
thoughte  it  to  be.  Amounge  whome  yt  was  my  chaunce  to 
be.  And  so  was  it  fownde,  by  the  reporte  of  them,  that, 
before  had  seane  the  lyke.  To  be  the  Hedd  and  home  of  -an 
Vnycorne,^  wich  is  in  no  smalle  pryce  and  Estymacion  with 
the  saide  prynce.  Then  I  Imagynyd  with  my  Self  from 
whence  the  said  Hedd  sholde  Come,  And  knowinge  that 
Vny comes  are  Bredde  in  the  Landes  of  Cathay e,  Chynaye 
and  other  the  Orientall  Regions,  fel  into  Consideration  that 

1  Yugria,  or  Ugria,  was  the  extreme  north  of  Siberia,  ante,  p.  105. 

'  The  island  of  Vaigats  is  separated  from  the  mainland  of  Siberia 
by  Yugor  Shar,  called  '*  Pet  Straits",  after  the  explorer  Pet.  Vai- 
gats Sound,  or  Yugor  Shar,  is  the  best  entrance  into  the  Kara  Sea. — 
Nordenskiold,  i,  172. 

'  Probably  the  narwhal  (Monodon  monoceros).  The  male  has 
usually  a  long  twisted  tusk  projecting  forward  from  the  upper  jaw 
like  a  horn,  whence  it  is  called  sea  unicorn  or  unicorn  whale. 


jenkinson's  petition  to  the  queen.  165 

the  same  Hedd  was  Broughie  thyther  by  the  Course  of  the 
Sea,  And  that  theire  muste  of  necessytie  be  a  passage  owt  of 
the  sayde  Orientall  Occean  into  our  Septentrionall  Seas,^  for 
how  elles  cowlde  that  hedd  haue  come  to  that  Ilonde  of 
Vagatts.  Other  reasons  are  to  be  AUeagid  for  the  proffe  of 
the  said  passage,  wiche  for  feare  to  be  Tedious,  I  omitt 
Wherefore  moste  gracious  princes,^  ponderinge  the  Aforesaide 
and  Consideringe  youre  worthye  Navye,  Havinge  nowe,  God 
be  praysed,  quyetnes  with  alle  foreyne  prynces,  And  also 
men  apte,  skylfull,  &  redy,  to  venter  thire  lives  in  worthy 
attemptes,  And  also  with  what  smalle  charge  it  wilbe  com- 
passed, in  Kespecte  of  So  worthy  Attempte  [nothing  infery- 
oure  to  straungers  in  any  respecte].^  Yf  it  wold  please  your 
moste  Excellent  maiestie  to  sett  forwarde  this  famous  dis- 
couery  of  that  Renowned  Cathaye,  And  to  geve  order  in  tyme 
for  the  same,  for  that  suche  affayres  may  not  nor  cannot  be 
don  in  haste.  I  dowte  not  but  in  Shorte  tyme  by  the  Tra- 
phyque  thereof  your  maiestie  shall  growe  to  infynyte  ryches, 
And  be  accompted  therby  the  Famous  pryncesse  of  the  worlde, 
to  th'encrease  of  your  Renowne,  to  the  Discouraginge  of  your 
Ennemyes,  And  to  the  greate  weal  the  of  your  Eealme  and 
Subiectes,  Besyde  the  greate  bennefyte  by  the  mayntenaunce 
of  your  Navye.  And  to  the  prosecu tinge  hereof  and  full 
Atchyvinge  of  this  Enterpryse  Yf  Yt  wolde  please  your 
Highnes  to  ymploye  me,  your  poore  Seruante  in  the  same, 
and  think  me  worthy  to  take  the  said  charge,  I  am,  and 
wilbe,  moste  redye  to  serue  your  Maiestie  as  dewtye  Byndethe 
me,  and  to  venter  my  lyfe  as  fervente  Scale  movethe  me, 
whiche  yf  I  maye  lyve  to  accomplysh  I  shall  attayne  the 
some  of  my  Desyer,  wich  is  and  alwayes  hathe  bean  to  do 
servyce,  bothe  acceptable  to  your  Maiestie  and  also  bene- 


1  The  preceeding  paragraph  is  omitted  in  the  S.  P.  0.  MS. 

*  /.«.,  princess.     He  is  addressing  the  queen. 

*  Cancelled  in  the  original. 


166  jenkinson's  petition  to  the  queen. 

ficiall  to  my  natyve  Countrye  whiche  God  graunte,  Who 
longe  preserue  your  highnes  with  prosperous  Successe  in  alle 
your  Graces  attemptes. 

vltimo  Mail  1565. 

Youre  Maiesties  moste  humble  and  faithful!  Seruant. 

Anthony  Ienkenson. 

Endorsed:  vlt.  Maii  1565.     Jenkynson  for  ye  discovery  of 
ye  Cathay. 


DOCUMENTS  RELATING  TO  JENKINSON'S  SERVICE 

OFF  THE   COAST   OF   SCOTLAND^  IN  THE 

QUEEN'S   SHIP  ''  THE  AYDE". 


Anthony  Jenkinson  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford.^ 

{Sept.  25,  1565.p 

Ryght  honnorable  and  my  Singler  good  Lorde,  pleasyth  yt 

your  honnour  to  vnderstande,  that  this  day,  passinge  by  Holly 

^  The  same  year,  1565,  that  saw  Jenkinson  planning  the  discovery 
of  a  north-east  passage  to  Cathay,  found  him  employed  in  a  different 
way  on  the  Queen's  service.  Depredations  committed  by  English 
subjects  on  French  merchantmen,  and  frequent  complaints  made 
thereupon  by  the  Queen  Regent,  Catherine  de  Medicis,  and  her  son, 
Charles  XI  {Cal.  S.  P.,  For.  EHz.,  Nos.  1391,  1503,  and  1504),  led 
to  the  issue,  on  October  6,  1565,  of  a  warrant  under  the  Great 
Seal  against,  and  articles  for  suppressing,  piracy,  and  the  equipment 
of  vessels  to  apprehend  these  disturbers  of  the  peace.  For  this 
service  H.M.  ship  the  Ayde  was  commissioned,  and  left  Queen- 
borough  on  the  17th  September  1565,  under  the  command  of  Anthony 
Jenkinson.  His  orders  were  not  merely  to  stop  piracy,  although  this 
was  the  ostensible  object  in  view,  for  it  appears  from  his  corre- 
spondence that  he  was  furnished  with  secret  instructions. — Cal.  S.  P., 
Dom.  Eliz.,  vol.  xxxvi,  74;  vol.  xxxvii,  47,  48. 

2  Francis  Russell,  second  Earl  of  Bedford,  born  1528,  made  K.B.  at 
the  coronation  of  Edward  VI.  Upon  that  monarch's  decease,  he,  with 
others,  proclaimed  Lady  Mary  Queen  of  England,  and  took  part  in  her 
husband's  quarrel  with  France.  He  fought  at  the  battle  of  St. 
Quintin,  Aug.  10,  1557.  Bedford  was  twice  sent  as  ambassador  to 
France  by  Elizabeth.  In  1564  he  was  made  Governor  of  the  town 
and  castle  of  Berwick-upon-Tweed.  In  the  following  year  he  treated 
with  other  commissioners  for  a  marriage  between  Mary  Queen  of  Scots 
and  Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester.  He  was  god-father  to  Sir 
Francis  Drake,  and  guardian  of  George  Clifford,  Earl  of  Cumberland, 
who  afterwards  became  his  son-in-law.  He  died  at  Bedford  House  in 
the  Strand,  July  28,  1585,  at  the  age  of  fifty-eight,  and  was  buried  at 
Chenies,  Bucks,  where  there  is  a  noble  monument  to  his  memory. — See 
Anecdotes  of  the  House  of  Bedford  ;  and  Collins's  Peerage,  by  Sir  H. 
Brydges,  4th  ed.,  i,  271. 

3  S.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,  No.  1211  ;  No.  1527  in  CaL 


168  SERVICE   IN   THE  "  AYDE" 

Iland,^  toward  the  fryth,  in  one  of  the  quenes  Maiesties 
shipps  called  the  Ayde^  about  suche  servyce  and  affayres  as  I 
suppose  your  honnor  alredy  doth  vnderstande,  and  may  per- 
ceyve  by  the  Counseylls  lettre  herein  closed,  I  have  thought 
yt  good  to  advertyze  your  Lordship  of  my  arryvall,  attendinge 
your  further  order  and  advyce  for  my  further  dyvertyon  in 
all  things,  meaninge  to  lye  of  and  on  betwyxt  Holy  Hand  and 
the  mowth  of  the  sayd  fryth  (except  otherwise  forced  by 
wynd)  vntill  by  this  bearor  from  your  lordship,  I  E[eceive] 
answer,  and  although  yt  ys  the  Counseylls  pleasure  that  I 
shold  plye  to  the  Fryth  withowt  stayinge  in  any  place,  yett 
(savinge  Correctyon)  I  thinke  yt  not  best  so  to  doo,  butt 
rayther  to  keape  of  and  on  abowt  the  sayd  Holly  Hand  and 
Barwyck,  and  not  to  be  scene  abowt  the  Fryth  vntill  we  must 
needs,  lest  our  Cumminge  thyther  shold  be  suspected  for 
causes.  Nevertheles  I  meane  to  folow  Comyssyon,  except 
other  order  from  your  honnor,  and  for  that  I  knowe  not 
whether  the  sayd  Scottysh  lords  with  ther  provysyon  be  as 
yett  in  Scotland  arryved,  yt  may  please  you  to  vnderstand 
the  truthe  by  spyes  or  otherwise  and  to  signifye  vnto  me 
agayn  by  this  bearer,  the  Counsells  Lettre  inclosed  within 
your  lordships  to  th'end  yt  may  be  kept  secrett,  besechinge 
your  honnor  to  sertyfye  my  Lords  of  the  Counseyll  of  my 
arryvall  and  procedinge,  meaninge  by  Gods  grace  to  omytt 

'  Holy  Island,  ten  miles  S.E.  of  Berwick-on-Tweed. 
"  Then  from  the  coast  they  bore  away, 
And  reached  the  Holy  Island's  bay." 

{Marmion,  canto  ii.) 

2  In  S.  P.,  Dom.  Elizabeth,  1565,  July  5,  an  estimate  is  returned  for 
100  men  to  serve  the  Queen  in  the  ship  Ayde,  and  stores  for  the 
same.  This  ship  of  200  tons  burthen  was  afterwards  commanded  by 
Sir  M.  Frobisher  in  his  second  and  third  voyages  to  Meta  Incognita, 
in  1577  and  1578.  See  CoUinson's  Frobisher^ s  Voyages  (Hakl.  Soc.) 
for  "  inventarie  of  the  shyp  Ayde*^  (i6.,  p.  218).  She  carried  18 
guns,  and  was  commanded  by  Wm.  Fenner,  in  the  Armada  fight  of 
1588.— Fox  Bourne,  Eng.  Seamen,  i,  137  ;  ii,  217. 


OFF  THE  COAST  OF  SCOTLAND.  169 

nothing  that  may  be  doone  for  the  advauncement  of  this  ser- 
vice accordinge  to  my  bounden  dewtye.  Thus  the  lyvinge 
God  have  your  honnor  in  his  blessed  tuicion,  who  prosper 
you  in  all  your  affayres,  written  in  hast  aborde  the  Ayde 
here  in  Barwyk  rode  this  25th  of  September  1565. 

Your  honnours,  to  commande 

Anthony  Ienkynson. 

Indorsed :  To  the  righte  honnorable  and  my  Singuler  good 
Lord  Th'earle  of  Bedforde  Lord  Deputie  of  the  quenes 
maiesties  Towne  and  forte  of  Barwycke.^     hast  hast  hast. 

Postscript. — For  that  wee  are  forced  to  ancre  here  lest 
wee  shold  be  putt  of  from  the  Coste,  I  haue  thought  good  to 
sende  the  master  of  our  shipp  aland  to  th'entent  your  honnor 
may  talke  with  hym  (yf  yt  be  your  pleasure)  and  to  heare 
his  advyse,  wher  the  best  place  ys  to  attende  for  the  appre- 
hention  of  the  sayd  Scottyshe  Lords  with  ther  provyzyon, 
for  he  is  a  perfett  man  on  these  Costs  whom  (as  yett)  I  have 
nott  made  priuy  to  the  matter,  nor  any  other,  gevinge 
theym  to  vnderstande  that  wee  cum  hyther  to  apprehend 
Eovers. 


The  Earl  of  Bedford  to  Anthony  Jenkinson.^ 

[1565.    Sept,  26.] 

Whereas  one  Charles  Wilson,  Owner  and  master  of  a  ship 
remayning  about  the  holy  Ilande,  stayeth  with  his  company 
and  shippe  aforesaid  for  certaine  necessarie  aid  and  Supporte 
to  be  gyven  to  the  Lordes  of  the  Congregacon  in  Scotlande, 
the  Quenes  Maiesties  my  mastres  good  frendes,  and  for  the 
conveyance  and  transportacon  hyther  of  the  Countesse  of  Mur- 

^  Berwick. 

2  The  copy  of  Bedford's  letter  to  Jenkinson,  from  which  this  has 
been  transcribed,  is  enclosed  in  one  from  Bedford  to  the  Privy 
Council.— 5^.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,  No.  1310  ;  No.  1528  in  Cal 


170  SEUVICE   IN   THE  "  AYDE". 

ray^  now  with  childe  and  looking  to  be  shortely  therof  for 
the  wich  purpose  and  service  to  be  done,  I  haue  appointed 
him  the  space  of  one  moneth  wherof  there  remayne  yet 
unexpired  the  nombre  of  ten  dayes:  This  shalbe  therefore 
to  will  and  commaunde  you  not  to  trouble,  stay  or  molest 
the  said  Wilson  his  shipp  nor  company  nor  any  of  them 
during  the  tyme  above  written  vnexpired,  but  to  lett  him 
and  his  passe  quietely  by  you  for  the  Service  aforesaid.^ 
And  these  my  lettres  shalbe  your  warrante  and  discharge  in 
that  behalfe.  Geven  at  Barwick  this  xxvith  of  September 
1565. 

To  Anthony  Jenkinson,  appointed  for  th'appre- 
hension  of  Pirates  and  to  his  Deputes  ap- 
pointed in  that  Service  in  his  absence. 


Anthony  Ienkynson  to  ye  LL.  of  ye  Concell.^ 
[6  of  Octoh.  1565.] 

Ryght  honorable  and  my  migtie  good  Lordes,  Pleasy th  yt  your 
honnors  to  vnderstande  that  the  xxvth  of  the  last  passinge 
alonge  this  Coste  toward  the  fryth  accordinge  to  your  order,  I 
certyfyed  my  Lord  th'erle  of  Bedford  of  my  arry vail,  pcevinge 
by  his  Lordship  that  th'erle  of  Bothwell  was  past  and  landed 
in  Scotland  ii  dayes  before  I  was  redy  to  departe  owt  of 
quynborough  water  which  was  the  xvii  of  the  last  date.*    The 

*  Wife  of  the  Earl  of  Murray,  leader  of  the  Reformed  party  of 
Scottish  lords  who  rebelled  against  Mary.  Murray,  or  Moray,  was 
made  Regent  during  Mary's  captivity  at  Ldch  Leven,  and  was  assassi- 
nated on  the  14th  February  1569-70,  at  the  age  of  forty. 

2  Charles  Wilson  sailed  under  letters  of  marque  granted  by  the 
King  of  Sweden.  Though  probably  engaged  in  piracy,  he  had  ren- 
dered important  service  on  several  occasions. 

3  S.  P.,  Scotland  Eliz.,  xi,  61  ;  No.  1562  in  Cal,  For.  Ser. 

*  Bothwell  eluded  pursuit  and  landed  at  Eyemouth. — Bedford  to 
Cecil,  1 9th  Sept.  1565.  In  his  letter  to  the  Queen  of  the  same  date, 
Bedford  writes  :  "  The  English  must  use  all  the  revenge  they  can 
if  Bothwell  (who  is  now  two  days  since  landed  at  Eyemouth)  comes 
among  the  thieves  of  Liddesdale."— >S.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,Nos.  1201  and  1202. 


LETTER   TO   THE   PRIVY   COUNCIL.  171 

xxviii  of  the  same,  beinge  at  an  aiicre  viider  the  maye  not  far 
from  the  basse,^  the  wynde  cam  to  theast  and  to  the  north 
so  vehemently  that  wee  were  forced  to  goe  with  Inskyff,^ 
wher  wee  ancred  vnder  the  castell  who  shott  at  us.  The 
nixt  daye  there  cam  a  Trumpetor  aborde  sent  from  the  kinge 
and  quene  to  know  the  cause  of  my  cummyng  who  had  bene 
aduertysed  of  viii  shyppes  more  of  the  queues  Maiestyes  to 
be  on  the  Coaste,  requyrynge  me  also  to  cum  aland.  To 
whom  I  answered  that  I  was  sent  to  the  seas  to  apprehend 
Rovers,  and  givinge  Chase  to  a  pyratt  northward,  by  force  of 
weather  was  putt  thyther  havinge  no  other  cause  ther  to 
cum  nether  knew  I  of  any  moo  shyppes  of  the  queues 
Maiestyes  appoynted  to  the  northward,  and  for  my  cummynge 
alande  I  had  no  affayres  ther  to  doo  nor  any  suche  comyssyon  ; 
then  sayd  the  messenger,  the  kinge  and  quene  wyll  sends  to 
you  agayne  yf  suche  as  be  sent  may  safely  retorne,  which  I 
thought  good  to  graunte  and  with  this  answer  departed ; 
after  came  the  Trumpetor  agayne  with  two  or  three  Scotyshe 
gentlemen  and  Standen  with  his  brother  whom  I  thought  not 
good  to  staye  beinge  so  farre  within  daunger  and  the  wynde 
contrary,  leaste  I  shold  haue  putt  the  queues  Maiestyes  shipp 
in  hazard  and  peryll  dy vers  ways,  havinge  no  comyssyon  so  to 
doo.  One  of  the  Scotyshe  men  brought  me  a  present,  and  sayd 
yf  I  had  neede  of  victualls  or  any  other  thinge  for  the  queues 
highnes  shipp  I  shold  be  furnyshed,  and  so  they  departed. 
Then  I  dowbtinge  the  worste  that  myght  happen  brought  the 
shipp  lowse  and  turned  owt  and  cam  thwart  barwyck  the  4th 
of  this  present,  wher  gevinge  my  Lorde  gouvernor  to  vnder- 
stande  of  my  procedynge,  he  hath  geven  order  for  my  further 


1  The  Bass  Rock,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Firth  of  Forth. 

2  Inchkeith,  the  small  island  in  the  Firth  of  Forth ;  the  "  castle" 
referred  to  is  the  fort,  the  remains  of  which  were  visited  in  1773 
by  Dr.  Johnson,  who  found  there  the  inscription,  "Maria  Re, 
1564." — A  Journey  to  the  Hebrides,  in  vol.  ix,  p.  2,  of  Johnson's 
works.     Oxford,  1825. 


172  BEDFORD   TO  THE   PRIVY   COUNCIL. 

vyctuallinge^  for  one  monyth  more  to  ende  the  xiith  of 
November  next.  The  Lorde  Seaton'  noe  the  muny tyon  beinge 
not  yett  passed  I  meane  to  folow  your  honnors  Comyssyon 
for  the  apprehending  of  hym  and  taking  of  the  same  accord- 
inge  to  my  bounden  dewtye.  Trustynge  your  honours  doo  con- 
syder  the  marvelous  danger  of  this  coste  this  wyntar  weather 
and  that  for  easte  and  northely  wyndes  wee  haue  no  refuge 
but  the  fryth,  and  beinge  but  one  shyppe  and  the  Scottes  not 
our  freindes,  we  shalbe  in  greatt  daunger  from  tyme  to  tyme. 
Thus  comyttinge  your  honours  to  God  who  long  preserve  you. 
Amen. 

From  aborde  the  queues  maiesties  shyppe  th' ayde  this  6th 
of  October  1565  thwart  barwyck. 

Your  honnors  humble  servant  to 

commaunde  Anthony  Jenkynson. 

Endorsed — To  the  Eight  honnorable  and  his  especiall  good 
Lordes  the  LL.  of  the  queues  maiesties  most  honnorable 
privye  counsell. 

1  On  Oct.  6  Bedford  writes  to  Cecil  from  Berwick  :  "...  Jenkinson 
has  been  in  the  Firth,  and  what  he  has  done  there  and  how  he 
was  used  shall  appear  unto  him  by  his  own  letters.  The  man  had  no 
evil  meaning,  but  the  writer  wishes  he  had  not  been  there.  Jenkin- 
son is  victualled  here  as  Cecil  desired."  And  on  the  1 3th  October  Drury 
writes  to  Cecil :  "  Jenkinson's  victuals  have  failed  sithense  his  coming 
into  this  coast,  which  the  writer  has  supplied."—  Cal.  of  S.  P.,  For. 
Eliz.,  1565,  Nos.  1560,  1588. 

2  Lord  Seton  incurred  the  enmity  of  certain  powerful  Scotch  lords 
by  his  quarrel  with  Douglas,  and  fled  to  France,  where  he  joined 
Bothwell  and  Sutherland.  He  equipped  and  armed  a  vessel  for  the 
purpose  of  landing  on  the  Scottish  coast,  but  was  prevented  by 
Elizabeth.  It  was  at  Lord  Seton's  house  that  Queen  Mary  slept  on 
the  night  of  her  marriage  with  Darnley.  Randolph  writes  that  '*  two 
worse  friends  to  England  than  Earl  Bothwell  and  Lord  Seton  there 
are  not  in  Scotland."— CaZ.  S.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,  1044,  1280  (9),  1298, 
1456  (2). 


bedford  to  the  privy  council.  173 

The  Earl  of  Bedford  to  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council.^ 
[1565.    Nov.  12.] 

And  now  having  humbly  to  crave  your  lordshippes  good 
favour  I  shall  open  vnto  you :  That  moche  about  the  tyme  that 
Mr.  Tamworthe  was  by  the  Queues  Majestie  depeched  into 
Scotland,  there  arryved  here  one  Charles  Wilson  with  a 
shippe  well  furnyshed,  ryding  be  the  holy  Ilande.  This 
Wilson  was  in  some  parte  suspected  to  be  a  Pirate,  and  to 
haue  spoyled  eyther  the  Queues  Maiesties  subiectes,  or  the 
subiectes  of  other  Princes  her  Confederates,  but  vpon  his  offer 
to  stande  to  answere  that  he  had  comitted  against  any  suche 
Subiects  no  suche  offence  he  was  willed  by  me,  as  one  at  that 
present  thought  very  meete  for  the  purpose,  to  prepare  hym 
selfe  to  lye  in  waite  for  the  Erie  Bothewell  and  other  who 
were  with  armour  and  municons  repayring  towardes  Scot- 
lande  out  of  Flanders,  being  knowen  to  be  Enemyes  to  the 
Queues  Maiestie,  and  her  Eealme.  His  chaunce  was  to  hytte 
on  the  Erie  of  Sowtherlande,^  and  mysse  the  Erie  Bothwell, 
vpon  significacon  wherof  to  her  Maiestie  his  Service  was  in  that 
behalfe  not  misliked.  And  so  hauing  at  this  porte  no  manner 
shippe,  crayer^  or  other  vessell  meete  for  any  Service  (as 
Captain  Brickwell,  among  his  Instructions  to  her  Maiestie 
and  your  lordshippes,  did  1  doubt  not  declare  at  his  being 

1  S.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,  No.  1310  ;  No.  1668  in  Cat. 

'  The  Earl  of  Sutherland  was  uncle  by  marriage  to  Darnley,  having 
married  the  Earl  of  Lennox's  sister.  He  was  attached  to  Queen  Mary 
and  the  old  religion,  and  was  therefore  a  suspected  person.  He  was 
coming  from  Flanders  by  ship  when  he  was  captured  by  Wilson. 
His  health  appears  to  have  suffered  during  his  captivity  at  Berwick, 
and  Bedford  writes  repeatedly  for  orders  concerning  him,  Mary 
having  demanded  his  release.  On  the  7th  December  Elizabeth 
answers  her,  declining  to  set  the  Earl  of  Sutherland  at  liberty  until 
the  complaints  of  disorders  on  the  borders  are  redressed. — Cal. 
S.  P.,  For.  Eliz.,  1668,  1678,  1690,  1703,  1724. 

'  Also  Cra^j^  a  sort  of  small  vessel. — Nares's  Glossary. 


174  Bedford's  complaints 

there  before  you)  he  was  thought  meete  (because  we  had 
none  other  choyse)  to  be  employed,  and  therof  did  I  bothe 
advertyse  her  Majestic  and  mr.  Secretarie  also  by  my  lettres 
of  the  first  of  September.  And  so  was  I  forced  to  employe  hym, 
for  the  Service  aforesaid,  or  for  any  other  Event  that  might 
happen,  as  for  Transportation  to  Ayemouthe  if  the  Quenes 
Maiesties  pleasure  had  so  bene  to  have  had  it  intercepted 
from  the  Scotts.  And  it  was  as  lykely  that  Wilson  wold 
elles  haue  gone  into  Scotlande  to  haue  serued,  and  therefore 
as  I  saye  was  the  rayther  to  be  employed  here  because  we  had 
no  boate  nor  other  vessel  to  empeche^  hym,  he  being  seaboard. 
And  at  that  tyme  the  troubles  of  Scotland  began  to  waxe 
hotte,  and  some  aide  was  looked  for  to  have  bene  gyven  to 
the  lordes  of  the  Eealme  her  Maiesties  frendes,  wich  then 
might  best  haue  bene  sent  them  by  Sea,  but  chiefly  was  his 
Service  to  be  employed  to  bring  hyther  the  Countesse  of  Mur- 
ray, being  in  great  distresse  for  the  hard  shippe  of  her  good 
husbande,  they  both  looking  to  be  dryven  out  of  their  countrey, 
she  being  greate  with  childe  and  desyereng  to  come  hyther  to 
be  delyvered.  Wilson  was  preparing  for  her  transportacon 
when  Jenkynson  came  hyther  with  a  shipp  of  the  Quenes 
Maiestie  called  the  Ayde,  having  comission  to  apprhende 
pirates,  and  as  he  said  himself,  Wilson  above  all  other, 
albeit  it  appered  not  in  his  comission  from  your  lordshippes. 
Jenkynson  wold  haue  taken  Wilson,  whom  I  protest  to  your 
honors  I  knewe  not  to  haue  comitted  piracie,  yet  dealt  I 
herin  so  with  Jenkynson  as  that  Wilson  might  folowe  the 
purposed  service,  and  he  receyvd  discharge  for  his  suffring  of 
hym  so  to  do,  wich  I  prouided  for  hym  by  gyving  hym  my 
writing  vnder  my  hande  and  scale  in  such  forme  as  by  the 
copic  enclosed  appereth,  and  he  thinking  it  good  did  bothe 
accept  it  and  promisd  and  by  his  hande  in  myne  not  to  deale 
with  Wilson  till  this  service  aforesaid  were  ended. 

The  wynde  served  not  to  folowe  this  voyage,  and  I  scing 

1  Empeche,  to  hinder,  from  the  Fr.  ernpecher. 


AGAINST  JENKINSON.  175 

Wilsons  tyme  granted  hym  by  me  before  Jenkinsons  coming 
to  drawe  towarde  an  ende,  and  perceyviug  Jenkinson  to  be 
desirous  to  haue  hym,  gaue  afterward  to  Wilson  my  like 
writing,  the  viiith  of  October  for  xxtie  dayes  more,  making 
Jenkynson  priuie  therein,  and  I  hauing  sone  after  to  go 
towards  Carlile  to  see  and  comfort  these  afflicted  lords  of 
Scotland,  in  the  meane  tyme  of  my  absence  and  before  half 
his  license  were  expired  he  apphended  hym  going  towards 
her  as  farre  as  Donbarre  in  Scotlande  and  caryed  hym 
away.  So  as  the  good  lady  hauing  bene  aboue  fyue  sondry 
tymes  at  the  Fife  syde  with  her  trayne  awayting  for  her 
passage  sometimes  viii  dayes  togyther,  not  lying  one  night 
where  she  laye  th'other,  and  ryding  in  that  case  so  neere  her 
childing  above  vi"^  myles  to  and  fro,  having  moste  of  her 
stuffe  as  plate  and  other  things  with  her,  wich  whether  the 
same  be  lost  or  not  is  not  yet  knowen.  All  which  was  taken 
in  hand  vpon  Mr.  Randolphs  promys  and  myne.  And  this 
(I  saye)  wayting  for  her  passage  was  after  so  great  travaile 
and  troubles  in  th'ende  disappointed;  wich  I  must  needes 
thinke  Jenkynson  did  raither  for  the  hope  of  spoile  then  for 
any  good  meaning  of  faithefull  service  to  her  Maiestie  (as 
his  doing  in  the  frythe  can  testifie)  and  in  some  parte  also  to 
despite  and  deface  me.  And  wheras  Jenkynson  alledgeth 
that  he  wold  haue  done  that  seruice  him  selfe,  whether 
could  he  with  so  great  a  shippe  as  that  was  haue  discharged 
the  same  (for  a  muche  lesse  burden  if  it  had  bene  but  iii"  or 
iiii^^  tunne  at  the  most  could  scarcely  have  done  it,  and 
there  fore  would  not  I  haue  sent  nor  adventured  so  great  a 
shippe  therabout  as  this  of  her  Maiestie  was)  nor  yet  was  it 
ever  offred  to  haue  bene  done  by  hym.  So  as  I  saye  to  your 
honors  there  was  never  none  eyther  of  that  Board  or  that 
had  the  charge  vnder  Her  Maiestie  that  I  haue,  was  ever  so 
touched  in  honor  and  credite  or  so  trayterously  sought  vpon 
to  be  defaced  as  that  vile  man  did  me.  I  trust  your  lord- 
shippes  haue  consideration  that  if  Authoritie  be  not  counte- 


176  BEDFORD'S  COMPLAINTS.  AGAINST  JENKINSON. 

nanced  it  will  be  neglected  by  all  men,  and  sache  a  breache 
made  in  my  credite  as  this  is,  will  cause  men  that  shall 
haue  any  dealing  by  waye  of  Authoritie  vnder  the  Prince  to 
refuse  the  same  as  farre  as  they  dare,  or  ells  to  be  in  feare  to 
extende  it  when  it  should  do  best  service.  I  comitte  my  selfe, 
my  cause  and  myne  estimacon  herin  to  your  Lordshippes 
goodnes,  praieng  humbly  the  same  to  tender  it,  as  shall  be 

meetest  for  Her  Maiesties  service And  thus  praieng 

for  Her  Maiesties  most  prosperous  estate  I  humbly  take  my 
leave  of  your  good  11.  from  Barwicke  this  xiith  of  Novem- 
ber 1565. 

Your  Lordshipps  humble  at  Comaundement, 

F.  Bedford. 

'  Jenkinson^s  subsequent  service  in  the  "  Ayde"  may  be  traced  in  the 
State  Papers^  as  follows.  On  October  14,  Sir  W.  Drury,  Marshal  of 
Berwick,  writes  to  Cecil  that  Jenkinson  has  boarded  Wilson's  ship 
and  hastened  southwards,  taking  Wilson's  ship  with  him,  whereby  the 
service  that  Randolph  wrote  for  is  disappointed.  On  the  17th  of 
the  same  month,  Bedford  writes  to  Cecil  that  Jenkinson  has  gone  out 
of  these  parts  ;  on  the  19th,  "  he  desires  that  this  disorder  by  Jenkin- 
son be  remembered,  for  a  viler  part  could  not  have  been  played, 
things  standing  in  this  extremity  and  the  lady  so  near  her  time  in 
such  danger  as  she  is"  ;  again,  on  the  8th  November,  "  that  never 
was  any  so  abused  by  a  villain  as  he  has  been  by  Jenkinson,  of  whom 
he  means  to  write  to  the  Lords"  (i.e.,  of  the  Privy  Council).  It  does 
not  appear  what  judgment  was  passed  on  this  action  of  our  traveller, 
who,  in  arresting  Wilson,  merely  carried  out  his  instructions. — Cal.  of 
S.  P.,  For.  Series,  1596,  1603,  1607,  1659. 


G 

E2 

19— 

v.l 


Morgan,  Edward  Delmar 

Early  voyages  and  travels 
to  Russia  and  Persia 


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