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THE  ENGLAND  AND  HOLLAND  OF 
THE  PILGRIMS 


THE  ENGLAND  AND  HOLLAND 
OF  THE    PILGRIMS 

BY  THE  LATE 

HENRY  MARTYN  DEXTER,  D.  D.,  LL.  D. 

AND  HIS  SON 

MORTON  DEXTER 


pieRtbfrgtOePrcig 


# 
BOSTON    AND   NEW    YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 
^'be  mi'otxfiitie  ij^tcss,  Cambndge 

1905 


COPYRIGHT    I90S   BY    MORTON   DEXTER 
ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 


Published  October  jqos 


PREFACE 

Most  of  the  contents  of  this  work  were  collected  by  my  father, 
the  late  Dr.  Henry  M.  Dexter.  To  this  task  he  devoted  much  of 
his  time  for  many  years.  Of  Pilgrim  descent  and  born  almost 
within  sight  of  Plymouth  Rock,  he  desired  to  give  to  the  world 
a  more  complete  record  than  any  which  had  been  written  of 
the  religious  and  ecclesiastical  movement  in  England  that  made 
the  Pilgrims  what  they  were,  and  of  their  emigration  to  Holland 
and  their  life  there  before  they  came  to  America.  But  he  died 
in  1890,  leaving  his  chosen  task  unaccomplished. 

In  his  first  rough  draft  he  had  written  five  long  chapters  — 
which  appear  in  these  pages  as  the  first  five  books  —  and  a  part 
of  the  sixth.  But  they  were  hardly  more  than  rudely  shaped 
masses  of  crude  material,  as  he  had  not  reached  that  work  of 
revision  which  no  one  else  was  more  competent  than  he  to  per- 
form. By  his  will  the  manuscript  passed  at  his  death  into  the 
hands  of  Prof.  Franklin  B.  Dexter,  Litt.  D.,  of  Yale  University, 
and  myself.  Professor  Dexter  completed  the  author's  last  chap- 
ter, or  book,  and  I  have  rewritten  and  edited  the  whole,  adding 
considerable  material  obtained  by  my  own  researches. 

Had  Dr.  Dexter  lived  to  finish  it,  the  work  undoubtedly  would 
have  been  published  some  years  ago.  But,  much  although  1 
have  desired  to  hasten  its  appearance,  I  have  felt  that  he  would 
have  preferred  delay  on  my  part  to  any  neglect  of  careful  study. 
Until  1901  the  duties  of  an  exacting  profession  forbade  me  to 
give  it  more  than  my  spare  time.  Since  then  it  has  absorbed 
my  attention.  In  addition  to  the  use  of  his  own  unique  collec- 
tion of  the  special  literature  of  the  subject,  now  in  the  Yale 
University  Library,  and  besides  exhausting  the  resources  of 
American  libraries.  Dr.  Dexter  made  several  visits  to  Europe 
in  order  to  consult  original  sources  of  information  in  England 
and  Holland,  ana  I  have  pursued  the  same  course. 


vi  ,     PREFACE 

It  is  gTatifyiug  to  know  that,  although  the  completion  of  the 
work  has  been  delayed  so  long,  the  number  of  people  who  are 
specially  interested  in  the  Pilgrims  has  been  increasing  rapidly, 
so  that  such  a  study  may  expect  a  wider  welcome  than  it  could 
have  received  earlier.  That  it  could  not  have,  up  to  its  actual 
issue,  the  advantage  of  Dr.  Dexter's  probably  mirivalled  know- 
ledge of  the  subject  is  greatly  to  be  regretted.  But  so  far  as 
concerns  his  conscientious  effort  to  perform  his  undertaking 
thoroughly,  I  have  endeavored  to  supply  his  place.  That  no 
errors  have  escaped  correction  is  too  much  to  be  hoped,  but  I 
trust  that  they  may  not  prove  numerous  or  grave. 

Some  of  these  pages  necessarily  discuss  matters  dealt  with 
more  or  less  fully  by  Dr.  Dexter  in  his  earlier  work,  •'  The  Con- 
gregationalism of  the  Last  Three  Hundred  Years,  as  Seen  in 
its  Literature ;  "  e.  g.,  the  careers  of  Robert  Browne  and  John 
Robinson  and  the  history  of  the  Ancient  Church  in  Amsterdam. 
But  they  are  treated  here  independently,  although  with  few 
essential  changes  of  opinion. 

In  citing  from  ancient  publications  I  generally  have  retained 
the  ancient  spelling,  partly  because  of  its  quaintness,  and  partly 
because  I  believe  that  Dr.  Dexter  would  have  used  it.  But  in 
some  instances,  although  earlier  editions  have  been  consulted, 
I  have  had  to  depend  at  last  upon  modernized  editions  of  the 
works  cited,  and  in  these  cases  I  have  followed  their  spelling 
for  the  sake  of  quoting  exactly.  In  a  few  instances  quotations 
from  different  editions  of  the  same  work  have  seemed  neces- 
sary, and  now  and  then  the  same  name  is  spelled  differently. 
In  one  instance  (p.  381)  an  extended  abstract  is  set  in  smaller 
type,  in  order  to  save  space,  but  all  the  other  extracts  are 
intended  to  be  exact.  For  the  same  reason,  also,  the  notes  often 
have  been  grouped.  Dates  are  set  down  in  the  Old  Style  when 
they  relate  to  England,  —  which  retained  its  use  until  1752, 
—  and  in  the  New  Style  when  they  relate  to  Holland,  —  which 
abandoned  the  Old  Style  in  1583.    But  whenever  clearness  has 


PREFACE  vii 

seemed  to  require  it,  especially  in  connection  with  the  months 
of  January,  February  and  March,  a  date  has  been  stated  in  both 
the  Old  and  the  New  Styles. 

It  only  remains  to  acknowledge  gratefully  the  assistance 
which  has  been  rendered  me.  First,  and  chiefly,  my  thanks  are 
due  to  Professor  Dexter,  who  not  only,  at  considerable  cost  of 
time  and  labor,  completed  the  original  narrative  from  the  point 
at  which  Dr.  Dexter  unexpectedly  laid  down  his  pen,  but  also 
has  read  portions  of  my  own  manuscript  and  has  aided  me 
throughout  from  time  to  time  in  various  ways.  Mr.  George 
Ernest  Bowman,  editor  of  "  The  Mayflower  Descendant,"  Rev. 
W.  H.  Cobb,  D.  D.,  the  Librarian  of  the  Congregational  Li- 
brary in  Boston,  and  Miss  M.  E.  Stone  and  Miss  E.  E.  White, 
his  assistants,  and  Mr.  O.  A.  Bierstadt  and  others  of  the  Bos- 
ton Public  Library,  also  have  given  me  valuable  help. 

The  painstaking  cooperation  of  Mr.  G.  F.  Barwick,  B.  A.,  and 
his  subordinates  in  the  Reading  Room  of  the  British  Musemn 
Library,  in  London,  and  of  the  officials  of  the  Manuscript  Room 
in  the  same  institution,  and  of  the  Public  Record  Office,  has 
been  appreciated  heartily  ;  as  well  as  the  courtesy  of  S.  Wayland 
Kershaw,  M.  A.,  in  charge  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury's 
Library  at  Lambeth  Palace,  Canon  John  Watson,  Librarian 
at  York  Minster,  and  the  officials  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  at 
Oxford,  and  of  Trinity  College  Library,  at  Cambridge.  I  also  am 
indebted  to  the  courtesy  of  the  Syndic  of  the  University  Press, 
Cambridge,  for  permission  to  use  the  plan  of  Peterhouse  (p.  266), 
taken  from  Willis  and  Clark's  "  Arch.  Hist,  of  Cambridge." 

To  Dr.  J.  C.  van  Overvoorde,  the  learned  Archivist  of  the 
city  of  Leyden,  and  to  his  assistants,  Messrs.  W.  J.  J.  C.  Byle- 
veld  and  W.  C.  van  Rijn,  as  well  as  to  Messrs.  F.  de  Stoppelaer 
and  A.  E.  des  Tombes,  I  also  am  much  indebted.  And  to  no 
one  else  in  Leyden  do  I  owe  more  than  to  my  friend,  L.  G.  Le 
Poole,  Esq.  Morton  Dexter. 

Boston,  Mass.,  August  29,  1905. 


CONTENTS 

BOOK  I 

The  England  of  our  Fathers 

PAOE 

Chap.  I.  The  Country  and  the  People    . 3 

Population,  Classes,  3.  Homes,  9.  Roads,  Travel,  11.  Dress,  12. 
Food,  Drink,  14.  Amusements,  15.  Festivals,  16.  Crops,  Manu- 
factures, 17,  18.   Guilds,  18.   Marine  affairs,  19.    Army,  21. 

Chap.  II.  Education  and  Literature 22 

Illiteracy,  22.  Schools,  24.  General  literature,  28.  Separatist  lit- 
erature, 29. 

Chap.  III.   The  Shadows  in  the  Picture 31 

Unhygienic  conditions,  31.  Remedies,  32.  Epidemics,  33.  Sur- 
gery, 34.  Superstitions,  35.  Witchcraft,  36.  Callousness,  42. 
Coarseness,  47. 

BOOK  II 

The  Protestantism  of  our  Fathers 

Chap.  I.   The  Beginning  of  the  English  Reformation     ...    53 
Mediaeval  Church,  53.    Awakening,  54.    Colet,  56.    Hen.  VIII.  and 
his  break  with  Rome,  57. 

Chap.  II.  Progress  and  Retrogression 69 

Ed.  VI.  and  reform,  69.  England  at  Ed.'s  death,  80.  Mary's  reign 
and  results,  83. 

Chap.  III.   The  Issues  and  how  They  were  Met 88 

Perplexities  of  Eliz.,  88.  Reaction  against  Popery,  90.  Mild  re- 
form, 92.  Advice  from  Continent,  95.  Conformity,  96.  Eliz.'s 
attitude,  97.  Comments  on  Reformers,  99.  Bishops'  side  of  case, 
100.  Reformers'  side,  101.  Pressure  on  Reformers,  105,  109. 
Burning  of  Anabapts.,  107. 

Chap.  IV.   The  Literature  of  the  Conflict 112 

Separatists'  difficulties  in  publishing,  112.  Manifesto  of  Dissenters, 
114.  Suggestions  from  Continent,  118.  Popular  appeals,  119. 
True  aim  of  Reformers,  122.  Prominent  Reformers,  124.  Ap- 
peals to  authorities,  126.  Cartwright  and  Whitgift,  128.  Civil 
rulers  and  Church,  139.   More  severities,  140. 


X  CONTENTS 

Chap.  V.   More  Battles  of  the  Books 141 

Charges  against  State  Church,  141.  Eccles.  independence  not 
sought,  143.  Renewed  popular  appeals,  144.  Renewed  appeals  to 
authorities,  151.    Details  of  new  eccles.  govt.,  153.    Discussion,  155. 

Chap.  VI.   Some  Special  Features  of  the  Struggle     ....  165 
Extreme  views,  165.    Oath  ex  officio,  169.   Bancroft's  criticisms, 
170.   Attack  upon  Hooker,  173.   Family  of  Love,  177.    Marprelate 
Controv.,  179,    Summary,  184. 

Chap.  VII.   The   Earliest   Experiments  in   Practical  Church 

Reform     .     .     .• 188 

London  and  Norwich,  188,  203.  R.  Browne,  189.  Brownism,  193- 
198,202,211.  Fate  of  Church,  199.  Barrowe  and  Greenwood,  199. 
Summary,  210. 

BOOK   III 

The  Birthplace  of  the  Pilgrim  Church 

Chap.  I.   Scrooby 215 

Early  hist.,  215.  Princess  Marg.'s  visit,  218.  Wolsey's,  223. 
Manor-house  about  1558,  225.  Hen.  VIII. 's  visit,  228.  Partial  dis- 
mantling, 229.  Brewster  lease,  231.  Eliz.'s  attempt  to  buy,  233. 
Manor-house  in  1582,  236.  Jas.  I.'s  attempt  to  buy,  238.  Pilg. 
church  organized,  1606,  239.  Further  dismantling,  240.  Owner 
and  tenants,  241.    Mod.  house  and  estate,  246. 

BOOK  IV 

The  Pilgrims  themselves  and  how  the  Conflict  developed  them 

Chap.  I.  William  Brewster  and  English  University  Life  .     .  253 
Family,  253.    Peterhouse,  256.    Fellow-students,  259.   The  college, 
264,  265.    The  university,  264,  271. 

Chap.  II.   Glimpses  of  Public  Service 282 

Brewster's  stay  at  Cambridge,  283.  Entry  into  Davison's  service, 
286.    Position,  286.   In  Low  Countries,  290. 

Chap.  III.   The  Fall  of  Brewster's  Patron 299 

Mary,  Q.  of  Scots,  299.  Davison's  relation  to  her  fate,  310.  His 
imprisonment,  313.   Value  to  Brewster  of  service  under  him,  318. 

Chap.  IV.   Brewster  at  Scrooby  Manor 320 

Postmaster  and  bailiff,  320.  Family,  326.  Progress  towards  Separa- 
tism, 327. 

Chap.  V.   More  Controversy  about  the  True  Church     .     .     .  330 
Activity  of  Papists,  330.    Rural  England,  332.    Millenary  Petition, 
334.   Hamp.  Ct.  Conf.,  339. 


CONTENTS  xi 

Chap.  VI.  The  Controversy  Continued 352 

Discussion  prolonged,  352.  More  severities,  354.  Deprivation  of 
ministers,  357.    Sunday  observance,  371.    Revised  Bible,  375. 

Chap.  VII.   Other  Pilgrims  and  the  Exodus 377 

Clyf  ton,  377.  Smyth,  378.  Departure  to  Anist.,  386.  Pilg.  church, 
386.  Bradford,  387.  Minor  members,  391.  Robinson,  393.  Life  at 
Corpus  Christi,  393.  Becomes  Separatist,  400.  Persecutions,  401. 
Attempts  to  escape,  403. 

BOOK  V 

The  Pilgrims  in  Amsterdam 

Chap.  I.  Amsterdam  as  the  Pilgrims  found  It 411 

Hist,  and  characteristics,  411.  Oppression  by  Chas.  V.,  416.  By 
Phil.  II.,  417.    Revolt  and  reform,  418.    Relig.  toleration,  419. 

Chap.  II.   Earlier  English  Separatists 421 

F.  Johnson  and  his  ch.,  421.  Ainsworth,  423.  Troubles  of  church, 
425. 

Chap.  III.   The  Further  History  of  the  Ancient  Church  .     .  431 
Eng.  exiles  —  statistics,  431.    Confess,  of  Faith  and  efforts  for  re- 
cognition, 433.    Other  Eng.  churches  in  Amst.,  442.    Prosperity 
of  Anc.  Church,  445.    Smyth's  peculiarities,  446. 

Chap.  IV.   The  Pilgrims  in  the  City 449 

Robinson's  eccles.  labors,  451.  Smyth's  new  views  and  se-baptism, 
453.  Disruption  of  his  ch.,  460.  Arminian  Controv.,  461.  Johnson's 
drift  towards  Presbyterian  ism,  464.  Pilg.  application  for  leave  to 
settle  in  Leyd.,  467.   Dutch-Spanish  truce,  468. 

BOOK  VI 

The  Pilgrims  in  Leyden 

Chap.  I.  The  City  and  its  History 473 

Characteristics,  473.  Govt.,  476.  Siege,  478.  University,  482. 
Armin.  Controv.,  484.    Leicester  insurrect.,  485. 

Chap.  II.  Leyden  University  and  its  Great  Men 487 

Homes  and  employments  of  Pilgs.,  487.  Notable  features  of  city, 
491.   Univ.  and  faculty,  493. 

Chap.  III.  The  Pilgrims'  First  Year  in  Leyden  — 1609  .    .    .  500 
Early  researches,  500.    Public  records,  502.    Personal  details,  505. 
Form  of  marriage,  507.    Citizen's  oath,  509.    Armin.  Controv.,  510. 

Chap.  IV.   The  Succeeding  Years  —  1610 514 

Personal  details,  514.    Robinson's   literary   characteristics,  517. 


xii  CONTENTS 

Division  among  Eng.  at  Amst.,  520.  Armin.  Controv.,  524.  Utrecht 
revolt,  526.    Jiilich  campaign,  526. 

Chap.  V.   The  Succeeding  Years  — 1611-1612 529 

Pilg.  headquarters  secured,  529.  Personal  details,  533,  540.  Con- 
trov. over  Vorstius,  535.  More  troubles  at  Amst.,  536.  Order  of 
worship,  541. 

Chap.  VI.   The  Succeeding  Years  — 1613-1616 548 

Personal  details,  548,  552,  555,  559.  Armin.  Controv.,  551.  Robin- 
son's progress  toward  liberalism,  553.  Discussion  with  Ames,  557. 
Debate  with  Episcopius,  560.    Clyf ton's  death,  561. 

Chap.  VII.   The  Succeeding  Years  — 1617-1619 564 

Personal  details,  564,  571,  576.  Decision  to  leave  Holland,  566. 
Negotiations  about  emigration,  568,  573,  579.  Armin.  Controv., 
570,  574.   Synod  of  Dort,  575.    Pilg.  printers  suppressed,  578. 

Chap.  VIII.  The  Year  of  the  Departure  — 1620 583 

Personal  details,  583.  Hudson  scheme,  583.  Agreement  with 
Weston,  584.  Hindrances  in  getting  away,  585.  Departure  from 
Holland,  586.    From  England,  589. 

Chap.  IX.   Concluding  Words 591 

Robinson's  remaining  years,  591.   His  growth  in  liberalism,  592. 

APPENDIX 

The  Pilgrim  Company  in  Leyden 601 

Other  English  People  in  Leyden 641 

Citizenship  List 648 

English  Sources  of  the  Pilgrim  Emigration 649 

Plymouth  Colonists  from  Leyden 650 

INDEXES 

Index  of  Publieations 655 

General  Index 663 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

ScROOBY  Manor-House  AS  IT  IS  TO-DAY  .        .        Frontispiece 

The  Pilgrim  Region 215 

West  Side  of  Manor-House  « 246 

St.  Helen's  Church,  Austerfield 388 

The  Se-Baptism 456 

Pesyns-hof,  on  the  site  of  Robinson's  House        .        .        .  532 

Robinson  Tablet  on  the  Pieterskerk 592 


BOOK  I 

THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 


I  considered  the  dayes  of  olde,  and  the  yeeres  of  ancient  time. 
—  Ps.  Ixxvii :  5. 

The  fact  cannot  he  too  often  reasserted  that  human  being  s 
are  chiefly  what  their  forefathers  have  made  them,  and  that 
the  difference  between  any  one  generation  and  the  next  preced- 
ing is  barely  perceptible.  It  is  only  in  the  long  course  of  ages 
that  the  advance  of  civilization  is  marked,  only  a  comparison 
of  one  age  with  another  which  can  tell  us  in  what  direction 
we  are  progressing.  —  L.  O.  Pike,  Crime  in  England,  ii :  81. 

It  is  a  commonplace,  but  one  which  cannot  he  too  often  re- 
peated, that  we  must  interpret  an  ancient  writer  hy  himself 
and  by  his  own  age,  and  not  by  modern  notions.  We  must 
not  add  on  to  him  our  mysteries  and  moralities,  or  translate 
his  confused  modes  of  thought  into  our  more  distinct  ones 
(more  distinct  at  least  to  us).  Neither  must  we  measure  him 
hy  our  standards  of  right  and  wrong.  His  range  of  view  may 
he  limited,  but  we  cannot  safely  enlarge  it.  —  B.  Jowett,  In- 
trod.  to  Thucyd.  xv. 


THE  EI^GLAOT)  AKD  HOLLAJS^D 
OF   THE   PILGEIMS 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  COUNTRY  AND  THE  PEOPLE 

It  is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  earlier  colonists  of  New 
England  without  gaming  some  conception  of  that  Old  England 
out  of  which  they  came.  Its  traditions,  habits  and  methods 
became  prime  factors  of  their  great  endeavor  here,  even  while 
reaction  from  intolerable  oppression  of  the  conscience  was  the 
crowning  cause  of  their  self-exile  hither.  The  New  Plymouth 
of  1620  must  find  much  of  its  best  interpretation  in  that  old 
life  which,  sadly,  yet  with  a  great  hope,  the  Mayflower  was 
leaving  behind  the  hazy  hiUs  of  Cornwall  as  she  drew  away 
from  them  westward  on  her  eventful  voyage.  And  this  the 
more  because  the  tendency  of  the  present  always  is  to  judge 
old  times  mistakenly  by  the  standards  and  circumstances  of 
to-day.  Some  study  of  the  condition  of  the  mother  country, 
therefore,  is  imperative. 

We  may  take,  for  convenience,  an  even  period  for  our  start- 
ing-point. On  March  25,  1601,  which  to  the  English  nation 
was  the  birthday  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Queen  Elizabeth, 
then  nearing  sixty-eight,  was  in  the  fifth  month  of  the  forty-third 
year  of  her  reign.  At  this  date  England  appears  to  have  con- 
tained 4,000,000  ^  of  people,  or  a  little  more.  Of  these  perhaps 
225,000  lived  in  London  and  Westminster  and  their  suburbs. 
There  were  some  twenty-five  other  cities,  twelve  or  fifteen  of 
which,  especially  York,  Bristol,  Norwich,  Lincoln  and  Salisbury, 
were  of  considerable  size.    In  comparison  with  the  present  dis- 

1  Knight,  Hist.  Eng.  iii :  267.    Sir  Fred.  Eden,  State  of  Poor,  i :  92.    Pike,  Hist. 
Crime  in  Eng.  ii :  293.    Motley,  Un.  Neths.  iv :  119. 


4         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

tribution  of  population,  the  northern  counties,  especially  Lanca- 
shire and  Ciunberland,  were  thinly  peopled ;  and,  in  general, 
those  portions  of  the  realm  best  adapted  to  husbandry  were 
settled  most  fully. 

Many  causes  long  had  hindered  the  kingdom  from  any  such 
growth  as  has  marked  its  later  history.  Chief  among  these  were 
the  enormous  death-rate,  due  to  wretched  sanitary  conditions, 
the  terrible  devastations  of  epidemics  and  the  steady  waste  of 
life  in  war.  Moreover,  statesmen  then  deprecated,  and  even 
actively  hindered,  the  growth  of  population.^  Indeed,  repeated 
enactments  had  been  aimed  to  check  it. 

The  dissolution  of  monasteries  in  the  sixteenth  century,  by 
throwing  thousands  of  monks  or  nuns  upon  the  necessity  of  secu- 
lar self-support,  had  added  perceptibly  to  the  multitude  seeking 
labor  or  asking  to  be  housed  somehow  in  towns.  And,  while 
increasing  numbers  gravitated  towards  London,  the  old-time 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  nobles  of  the  rapid  advance  of  the 
burghers  in  wealth  and  power  lay  at  the  root  of  their  hostility 
to  the  enlargement  of  the  metropolis.  This  fact,  of  what  then 
was  regarded  as  wise  public  policy,  also  explains  the  palpably 
low  estimate  of  the  value  of  a  human  hfe,  and  how  the  State, 
seemingly  without  suspicion  of  injuring  itself,  could  submit  to 
the  most  appalling  losses,  and,  even  for  the  most  trivial  causes, 
could  imprison,  banish,  hang,  behead  or  burn  its  able-bodied 
citizens,  sometimes  by  dozens  and  scores  at  once. 

The  kingdom  was  divided  into  fifty-three  shires,  or  counties, 
of  which  thirteen  were  in  Wales.  Over  each  presided  a  lord- 
lieutenant,  beneath  whom  was  a  sheriff,  having  an  under-sheriff 
and  bailiffs  with  high  and  petty  constables.  In  each  were  held 
quarter  sessions,  with  jury  trials  and  petty  sessions  for  the  hear- 
ing of  minor  causes. 

This  English  people  was  divided  horizontally  into  four  ranks, 
gentlemen,  citizens,  yeomen  and  laborers.  The  first  included 
the  Sovereign ;  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  king's  eldest  son  ;  dukes 

^  Harrison  {Descrip.  Eng.  [FurnivaU's  ed.  1877]  306)  cites  the  judgment  of 
some  that  "  We  haue  alreadie  too  great  store  of  people  in  England  ;  and  that  youth 
by  marrieng  too  soone  doo  nothing  profit  the  countrie,  but  fill  it  full  of  beggars 
[to  the  hurt  and  vtter  vndooing  (they  sale)  of  the  commonwealth]."  State  Papers, 
Domestic  Proclamation  Bk.  41. 


THE  COUNTRY  AND  THE  PEOPLE         5 

—  although  at  this  date  there  happened  to  be  none  ;  marquises  ; 
earls  and  viscounts.^  Besides  whom  there  were  forty-three 
lords  or  barons ;  two  archbishops  and  twenty-two  bishops.  These 
ninety-two  in  right  of  birth  or  position  constituted  the  House  of 
Lords.  Below  them  were  simple  knights  and  esquires,  bearing 
coats  of  arms,  easily  to  be  had  for  money  by  those  of  good  educa- 
tion who  could  live  without  manual  labor,  with  lawyers,  physicians 
and  the  clergy. 

Originally  the  rank  of  Esquire  was  military,  but  the  name 
had  come  to  be  applied  to  those  regarded  as  gentlemen  by  birth, 
without  being  noblemen,  like  the  younger  sons  of  peers,  the 
elder  sons  of  knights  and  the  chief  representatives  of  ancient 
families.  Such  gentlemen  as  had  no  special  title  of  nobility,  and 
were  not  entitled  to  be  called  "  Esquire,"  were  addressed  and 
spoken  of  as  "  Master,"  or  "  Mr," 

The  second  rank  of  citizens,  or  burgesses,  were  the  freemen  of 
cities  and  boroughs,  competent  to  vote  for  members  of,  and  to 
sit  in,  the  lower  house  of  Parliament ;  with  conspicuously  suc- 
cessful merchants.  This  class  was  numerous,  and  in  the  fifteenth 
century  it  had  gained  great  influence,  much  of  which  it  had  lost 
during  the  interval. 

The  same  was  true  of  the  yeomen,  —  in  the  third  rank,  —  free- 
born  men,  who  from  their  own  land  had  an  annual  income  of  not 
less  than  six  pounds,  perhaps  il50  of  our  present  money.  Most 
of  them  were  thriving  farmers.  Now  and  then  they  climbed  to 
places  vacated  by  decayed  gentlefolk,  and  educated  their  sons. 
They  usually  fought  on  foot,  but  their  bravery  made  them  a  chief 
dependence  of  the  king.  They  were  addressed  by  their  Christian 
names,  and  were  spoken  of  as  "  Goodman  "  this  or  that.  In  legal 
instruments  they  were  described  by  their  class  title,  as  "  John 
Smith,  yeoman." 

In  the  fourth,  and  lowest,  rank  were  lumped  some  petty  mer- 
chants having  no  free  land,  copyholders,^  all  artificers,  poor 
husbandmen  and  day-laborers  ;  and,  lower  down,  the  rabble  rout 
of  the  non-industrious  and  the  criminal.    This  class,  whether 

^  There  were  respectively  one,  twenty  and  two. 

^  A  copyholder  was  so  named  because  he  held  his  land  by  grant  from  the  lord 
of  the  manor,  his  evidence  of  title  being  his  copy  of  entries  on  the  court  rolls. 


6         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

better  or  worse,  producers  or  non-producers,  had  neither  authority 
nor  voice  in  the  commonwealth.  Yet,  in  default  of  suitable 
yeomen,  the  superior  handicraftsmen  sometimes  were  put  upon 
inquests,  made  church-wardens,  sidesmen  or  ale-cunners,  and, 
now  and  then,  headboroughs,  tithing-men  ^  or  constables. 

He  who  recalls  with  what  imperfect  success  even  the  nine- 
teenth century  has  been  able  to  deal  with  the  relations  of  Church 
and  State  to  the  "  lower,"  or  the  "  dangerous,"  classes,  cannot 
be  surprised  that  300  years  ago  in  England  there  should  have 
been  not  only  very  many  in  straitened  circumstances,  but  also 
many  others  absolutely  destitute,  if  not  utterly  abandoned.  There 
were,  so  to  speak,  the  normal  poor :  the  widows  and  orphans  ;  the 
constitutionally  feeble,  the  blind,  lame  or  palsied,  victims  of 
accident  or  sufferers  from  chronic  distempers ;  the  worn  out 
with  age,  hardship  or  excess  ;  the  idiotic ;  and  those  who  have 
no  "  faculty,"  and  live  only  to  be  cheated,  to  lose  and  to 
waste. 

Add  to  these  other  multitudes  who  had  brought  home  from 
the  wars  an  inveterate  reluctance,  if  not  an  actual  inability, 
for  manual ,  labor ;  ^  households  emerging  decimated  and  pen- 
niless from  those  terrible  tidal  waves  of  epidemic  disease,^  which 
for  dreary  months  arrested  the  ordinary  goings-on  of  society ; 
and  thousands  born  in  abject  penury,  to  whose  utmost  endeavor 
no  avenue  of  honest  labor  gave  welcome.  Add  also  the  shame- 
less spawn  of  the  lowest,  born  under  a  hedge,  seldom  roofed 
when  not  in  prison,  lisping  in  "  pedlar's  French,"  ^  and  habitual 
beggars,  ever  on  the  watch  to  steal.  Of  this  last  and  worst  class, 
who  habitually  haunted  wild  lands  and  such  localities  as  the 

1  Sidesmen  were  assistants  to  church-wardens.  Ale-cunners  were  officers  ap- 
pointed to  inspect  bread,  ale  and  beer.  Headboroughs  were  officials  subordinate 
to  constables.  Tithing-men  were  men  appointed  for  every  hundred  families  to 
determine  lesser  causes  between  villages  or  individuals. 

2  R.  Hitchcock,  Pollitique  Plot  (1.580),  27. 

^  The  plague  had  appeared  in  London  eight  times  between  1592  and  1665,  kill- 
ing from  12,000  to  68,000  persons  each  time.  Li  1485,  1507,  1517  and  1528  an 
entirely  distinct  distemper,  known  as  the  "  sweating  sickness,"  caused  swift  and 
frightful  mortality  in  the  kingdom.  Enc.  Brit.  Graunt,  Observations  on  Bills  of 
Mortality  (5th  ed.),  46-54. 

*  "  A  speach  compact  thirty  years  since,  of  English,  and  a  great  number  of  od 
words  of  their  owne  deuising."  Harrison,  218.  Thomas  Harman  in  his  Caveat 
for  Cursetors  (repr.  1871)  gives  examples. 


THE  COUNTRY  AND  THE  PEOPLE  7 

Peak  of  Derbyshire,  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  more  than 
10,000  in  the  kingdom.^ 

Nor  were  these  various  classes  of  the  needy  and  wretched 
mainly  congregated,  as  now,  in  or  near  the  great  towns.  For 
example,  not  far  from  the  date  under  consideration,  a  careful 
"  survaie  "  was  made  of  the  little  town  of  Sheffield.^  It  showed 
that  on  January  2,  1615,  there  was  a  total  population  of  2207 
persons.  Of  these  725  were  "  begging  poore,"  unable  to  live 
without  charity.  There  were  100  householders,  able  to  do  some- 
thing for  the  relief  of  their  needy  townspeople  ;  yet  they  were 
but  poor  working  folk,  not  more  than  ten  of  whom  had  grounds 
of  their  own  that  would  keep  a  cow.  There  were,  further,  160 
householders  who  could  do  little  or  nothing  for  others;  who 
usually  by  the  hardest  labor  made  both  ends  meet,  but  who  by 
"  the  storme  of  one  fortnight's  sickness  would  be  driven  to  beg- 
gary." More  than  half  the  population  —  1222  —  were  children 
or  servants  of  these  260  householders,  of  whom  "  the  greatest 
parte  are  such  as  live  of  small  wages,  and  are  constrained  to 
work  sore  to  provide  them  necessaries." 

This  is  a  sombre  picture.  But  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
its  fairness.  The  condition  of  things  was  due  partly  to  the  waste 
and  woe  of  civil  war  and  partly  to  the  concentration  of  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  Crown  at  the  cost  of  the  comparative  inde- 
pendence and  vigor  of  the  towns.  Sir  Frederic  Eden^  also 
ascribes  the  development  of  the  poor,  as  a  distinct  class  needing 
support,  largely  to  the  beginnings  of  the  growth  of  commerce 
and  manufactures.  The  growth  of  woollen  manufactures  raised 
the  value  of  wool,  which  had  become  one  of  the  foremost  arti- 
cles of  English  production  and  export.  The  higher  price  of 
wool  stimulated  sheep  farming  on  a  large  scale.  That  could  be 
managed  only  by  consolidating  petty  holdings  into  large  tracts. 
This  deprived  many,  who  knew  how  to  do  nothing  but  work  on 
the  land,  of  that  opportunity,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  often 
was  done,  by  fraud  or  force,*  left  them  bitter  as  well  as  des- 
titute. One  shepherd  could  take  the  place  of  a  dozen  men  with 
plough,  hoe  and  scythe,  and  sometimes  the  major  part  of  the 

1  Harrison,  217,  218.  ^  j.  Hunter,  Hallamshire  (ed.  Gatty),  148. 

8  i :  57.  *  Moryson,  Itin.  iii :  147. 


8  THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

dozen  joined  the  tramps.  So  long  as  the  nation  was  made  up 
almost  wholly  of  land-owners  and  servile  land-workers,  the  lat- 
ter in  extremity  could  depend  upon  the  former.  But  as  villein- 
age, the  current  name  for  English  servitude,  declined,  those  who 
were  thrown  out  of  dependence  on  masterhood  for  sustenance, 
and  who  could  not,  or  would  not,  pass  up  into  the  higher  plane  of 
self-reliance,  were  left  to  starvation  or  beggary. 

Thus  there  came  to  be  in  the  land  a  permanent  host  of 
"  broken  men."  A  justice  in  Somersetshire,  in  1596,  declared 
that  in  that  county,  during  that  twelvemonth,  forty  persons  had 
been  executed  for  various  felonies,  thirty-five  burned  in  the 
hand  and  thirty-seven  whipped ;  and  that,  of  183  who  had  been 
discharged,  all  were  wicked  and  desperate  but  mostly  too  cun- 
ning to  be  convicted.  He  added  that  other  shires  were  in  as  ill 
a  case  or  worse,  enough  able-bodied  vagabonds  being  abroad, 
infesting  every  county  and  sometimes  massing  themselves  to 
spoil  the  inhabitants,^  "  if  they  were  reduced  to  good  subjection, 
to  give  the  greatest  enemy  her  majesty  hath  a  strong  battle." 

Perhaps  the  earliest  symptom  of  thought  for  their  relief  ap- 
pears in  the  remark  of  Blackstone  that,  by  the  common  law,  the 
indigent  are  to  be  "  sustained  by  parsons,  rectors  of  the  church, 
and  the  parishioners."  ^  The  monasteries,  at  first  numerous,  nat- 
urally were  resorted  to  by  the  needy,  who  received  largely  of 
their  bounty.  Yet,  as  Hallam  ^  suggests,  they  caused  the  same 
sort  of  misery  which  they  relieved.  As  early  as  1376  Parliament 
began  to  study  the  subject,  and  in  1388  the  germs  of  what  after- 
wards became  "  parochial  settlement "  appeared  in  a  statute. 
And,  after  many  generations  of  experiment,  all  these  devices 
almost  insensibly  passed,  in  1601,  into  that  famous  Act,  which, 
borrowing  from  former  legislation  the  appointment  of  overseers 
of  the  poor,  compulsory  assessments,  the  setting  at  work  of  all 
able  adults,  the  relief  of  the  impotent  and  the  apprenticing  of 
pauper  children,  added  some  new  provisions,  and  so  established 
what  remained  substantially  the  English  law  as  to  pauperism 
down  to  modern  days. 

1  Letter  of  Ed.  Hext.  to  Lord  Treas.    Strype,  Annals  (ed.  1824),  iv  :  404-412,  40. 
Harrison,  231. 

2  Comms.  (ed.  1807)  i :  359,  and  Introd.  sect.  iii. 
8  Const.  Hist.  Eng.  i :  80. 


THE   COUNTRY  AND   THE   PEOPLE  9 

Moreover,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reform  of  husbandry,  much 
labor,  thrown  off  through  the  absorption  of  small  farms,  was 
regained  by  the  adoption  of  a  more  thorough  tillage.  Middle- 
men, able  to  help  themselves  by  employing  others,  gradually  grew 
up.  The  quickening  of  manufactures  —  which  had  been  begun 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  with  some  rude  machinery  —  commerce 
and  the  fisheries  began  to  put  a  new  face  upon  the  national  wel- 
fare, and  the  last  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century  saw  the  fore- 
shadowing of  an  era  for  poor  people  beyond  anything  which  any 
poor-law  coidd  promote.^ 

Outside  of  the  towns  the  land  largely  was  unenclosed.^  At 
intervals  of  from  two  to  four  miles  would  be  a  parish  church, 
with  a  few  cottages,  and  not  far  away  the  manor-house  of  the 
squire,  who  perhaps  owned  most  of  the  land  within  sight.  His 
dwelling  ordinarily  would  be  ©f  two  stories,  the  upper  often 
overhanging  the  lower,  built  of  brick  or  stone ;  or  it  might  be 
framed  of  strong  timbers  with  studs  from  four  to  nine  inches 
apart  filled  in  with  stones  and  clay,  coated  with  whitewashed 
plaster  and  roofed  with  tiles  or  slates.  A  few  years  only  had 
elapsed  since  even  the  costliest  dwellings  had  depended  for  win- 
dows upon  lattice-work  pieced  out  with  horn  or  oiled  paper. 
Glass,  although  imported  for  churches  and  palaces,  hardly  had 
become  common. 

The  rooms  of  the  mansion  often  would  be  lofty  and  spacious, 
and  would  have  the  walls  hung  with  tapestry,  or  wainscoted  with 
native  oak.  The  domestic  offices  and  farm  buildings  would  be 
near  but  not  under  the  same  roof ;  excepting  sometimes  in  the 
north,  where  necessity  urged  most  shelter  from  least  material. 
The  better  residences  of  country  gentlemen  included  a  large  hall 
and  a  chapel.  The  yeoman's  home  had  several  rooms,  and  was 
roofed  with  reeds.  The  cottages  of  laborers  usually  were  of  clay 
waUs  upon  a  timber  frame,  thatched  with  straw,  windowed  with 
one  or  two  lattices,  and  seldom  including  more  than  two  rooms. 

Harrison  says  that  old  men  in  his  village  "  noted  three  things 
to  be  maruellouslie  altred  in  England  within  their  sound  remem- 

1  J.  R.  Green,  Hist.  Eng.  People,  ii :  384-390. 

2  Rye,  £ng.  as  Seen  by  Foreigners,  31.    See  also  road-maps  in  Owen's  Britannia 
Bepicta  (1764). 


10         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

brance."  One  was  the  number  of  chimneys,  in  their  youth  there 
having  been  not  more  than  two  or  three  in  most  country  towns, 
smoke  escaping  through  the  "  louver,"  ^  The  second  was  sleeping 
accommodations.  Instead  of  lying,  at  best,  upon  a  flock-bed 
stuffed  with  coarse  wool,  with  a  sack  of  chaff  for  a  bolster,  the 
farmer  had  feather-beds,  sheets  and  pillows,  which  latter  formerly 
had  been  accounted  luxuries  for  women  in  childbed.  The  third 
was  table  furniture.  Where  the  fathers  had  eaten  with  wooden 
platters  and  spoons,  their  sons  would  have  a  fair  garnish  of  pewter 
on  the  cupboard,  with  a  full  dozen  of  spoons.  Excepting  in  bed- 
rooms, the  floors,  even  of  palaces,  were  strewn  with  rushes. 

Most  dwellings  had  gardens,  although  scarcely  yet  had  people 
learned  how  useful  are  vegetables  in  supplying  wholesome 
nourishment  cheaply.  Harrison  enumerates  melons,  pumpkins, 
gourds,^  cucumbers,  radishes,  skirrets,^  parsnips,  carrots,  cab- 
bages, navews,^  turnips  and  all  kinds  of  salad  herbs.  Potatoes, 
brought  to  England  in  Raleigh's  vessels  a  quarter  of  a  century 
before,  had  not  become  generally  known.  The  gardens  of  the 
nobility  were  beautiful,  and  the  taste  for  rare  plants  had  begun 
to 'show  itself  among  some  who  had  but  little  land.  Harrison 
declares  that  his  own  home  lot,  containing  only  some  three  hun- 
dred square  feet,  which  he  tilled  himself,  contained  nearly  that 
number  of  "  simples,"  not  one  of  which  was  conunon.  Orchards 
yielded  apples,  pears,  plums,  walnuts  and  filberts,  and  gentle- 
men's grounds  often  abounded  further  in  cherries,  apricots, 
peaches,  grapes,  almonds  and  figs. 

Probably  not  above  a  quarter  of  the  land  was  cultivated,^ 
the  remainder  being  woods,  moors,  fens,  commons  and  parks  or 
warrens.  Of  the  forty  counties  in  England  but  fifteen  were  des- 
titute of  forests,  some  of  which,  like  Sherwood  and  Dean,  were 
of  great  extent.  Moors  and  mosses  occupied  immense  tracts. 
The  fens  of  Lincolnshire  were  famous  resorts  of  wild  fowl. 
Already  some  plans  had  been  made  for  the  reclamation  of  boggy 

^  "  A  turret,  lantern,  or  any  apparatus  on  the  roof  of  a  building  for  the  escape 
of  smoke."  —  Halliwell. 

^  Nearly  what  are  called  squashes  in  America. 

8  The  skirwort,  resembling  the  parsnip.     See  Evelyn,  Acetaria,  65. 

*  Navets,  either  French  turnips  or  rape-seed. 

^  G.  W.  Thornbury,  Shakspere's  England,  ii :  237. 


THE  COUNTRY   AND   THE   PEOPLE  11 

tracts,  which  soon  came  to  trial  on  a  larger  scale.^  Common 
lands  abounded.  There  were  comparatively  few  fences,  ploughed 
fields  being  separated  by  balks  of  earth.  Where  arable  land 
had  been  turned  into  pasture  there  were  enclosures,  excepting 
when  hundreds  of  acres  were  grazed  by  flocks  guarded  by  a 
shepherd  with  his  dog.  In  every  shire,  moreover,  were  numer- 
ous parks  and  warrens.  The  Crown  alone  had  nearly  two  hun- 
dred of  the  former,  which  supplied  venison  to  the  royal  tables. 
Every  noble,  and  almost  every  man  of  wealth,  also,  had  his  park, 
and  sometimes  it  was  miles  in  circuit.^  The  number  of  rabbit- 
warrens  was  almost  beyond  computation. 

The  highways  afforded  passage  and  offered  safety  in  degrees 
differing  with  locality,  most,  on  leaving  thickly  settled  territory, 
degenerating  quickly  into  mere  cart  or  bridle  paths.  Even  the 
Roman  roads,  originally  marvels  of  excellence,  had  not  been  kept 
up.  In  many  regions  the  ordinary  routes  had  become  so  defec- 
tive as  to  almost  interdict  inland  traffic.^  Morasses  had  to  be 
floundered  through  and  rocks  and  rough  places  evaded  or  over- 
come. When  the  path  reached  a  river  —  unless  the  stream  had 
been  bridged  by  private  or  ecclesiastical  benevolence  —  one  had 
to  ford  it,  or  to  creep  across  upon  a  single  timber,  with  a  hand- 
rail at  the  side,  leading  his  wading  or  swimming  beast.  When 
Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  was  removed  from  Bolton  Castle  to 
Ripon,*  in  1569,  the  party  were  from  early  morning  until  late 
in  the  evening  in  making  the  sixteen  miles.  Queen  Elizabeth 
died  on  the  morning  of  Thursday,  March  24-April  3,  1602-3, 
at  three  o'clock,  but  the  news,  carried  at  top  speed  by  an  eager 
courier,  did  not  reach  York,  then  counted  as  196  miles  from 
London,  until  daybreak  on  the  following  Sunday.^ 

Near  London  the  roads  were  said  by  Fynes  Moryson,  in 
1617,  to  be  "  sandy  and  very  faire,  and  continually  kept  so  by 
labor  of  hands."    Coaches  were  used  upon  them  but  seldom, 

^  S.  p.  Dom.  cxxvii :  143,  etc. 

^  Moryson,  iii :  148. 

^  Goods  cost  fifteen  pence  a  ton  per  mile  for  transportation  (Goadby,  10).  A 
penny  then  was  equal  to  about  ten  cents,  in  our  modem  money,  and  a  shilling  to 
about  $1.25. 

*  Leader,  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  in  Captivity,  27. 

^  Drake,  Eboracum,  130.    And  Drake  reckoned  it  only  150  miles. 


12         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

while  their  cost  was  great,  and  none  were  on  hire,  even  in  Lon- 
don, before  1630.  Most  Englishmen  who  could  afford  it  rode 
their  own  horses.  Yet  along  the  chief  thoroughfares  posthouses 
had  been  established  about  every  ten  miles,  where  horses  could  be 
hired.  Carriers  also  let  horses  from  town  to  town,  on  condition 
that  the  traveller  stay  at  the  inns  where  the  carriers  lodged. 
Between  London  and  the  chief  towns  such  carriers  made  regu- 
lar trips  with  long  covered  carts.  But  as  these  cumbrous  vehi- 
cles started  betimes  and  made  but  tardy  arrival,  few  made  use 
of  them.  Luggage  was  carried  upon  packhorses  or  in  two- 
wheeled  carts,  drawn  sometimes  by  five  or  six  horses  harnessed 
tandem.  When  the  Court  broke  up  in  one  place  to  migrate  to 
another,  there  would  then  be  several  hundred  of  these  carts, 
although  before  long  the  number  was  much  reduced. 

Fynes  Moryson  declared  in  1617,  that  "  the  World  affoords 
not  such  Innes  as  England  hath."  ^  The  humblest  village  con- 
tained some  little  thatched  house,  belike  with  an  ivy  bush  as 
a  sign,  whose  lowliness  found  easy  pardon  from  the  tired  and 
hungry  wayfarer  ;  while  on  frequented  thoroughfares  huge  hos- 
telries  stood  ready  to  welcome  either  the  solitary  horseman 
or  the  cavalcade  of  some  bishop  or  noble.  However  highway- 
men might  plot  with  servants  at  the  inns,  for  the  spoiling  of 
travellers  whose  luggage  promised  sujfificient  reward,^  there 
always  was  safety  as  well  as  comfort  within.  A  man  might  not 
command  his  own  household  more  freely  than  he  might,  with 
Jack  Falstaff,  take  his  ease  in  his  inn. 

Much  apparel  ^  of  the  time  would  seem  to  our  modern  eyes 
exaggerated,  if  not  preposterous.  Queen  Elizabeth  liked  mag- 
nificence in  those  about  her,  so  that  whoever  wished  to  secure 
her  favor  adorned  himself  and  cultivated  grandeur  in  his  retinue. 
The  Earl  of  Hereford  once  met  her  at  Elvetham  with  3000 
men  with  black  and  yellow  feathers  and  mostly  wearing  gold 
chains.  At  one  of  her  visits  to  Suffolk  she  was  attended  by 
200  bachelors  in  white  velvet,  with  as  many  burghers  in  black 
velvet  with  gold  chains,  and  1800  mounted  serving- men  in 
livery.    A  fashionable  lady  in  1601  had  her  hair —  occasionally 

1  iii:  151.  2  Harrison,  iii :  107,  lOS. 

^  See  hints  and  descriptions  in  Thornbury,  Goadby,  Fairholt  and  Drake. 


THE   COUNTRY  AND  THE   PEOPLE  13 

her  own,  but  more  often  false  or  clyecl  —  "  curled,  f risled  and 
crisped,"  piled  up  into  some  striking  fashion,  often  with  jewelled 
wreaths  of  gold  or  silver.  Her  neck  was  encircled  by  an  immense 
ruff  or  collar  from  one  to  two  feet  in  diameter  and  stiffened  by 
starch,  backed  by  forks  and  wires.i  Her  gown  was  of  some 
thick  quilted  brocade,  with  a  bodice  whose  point  descended  well 
below  the  knees,  and  its  skirt  was  puffed  out  all  around  by  an 
enormous  farthingale,  or  whaleboned  petticoat.  All  was  lifted 
to  an  unnatural  height  by  "  chopines,"  or  shoes  with  excessive 
cork  heels,  and  topped  off  by  a  velvet  hat  with  a  crown  gored 
like  a  balloon,  and  a  curved  brim. 

The  men  indulged  in  starched  ruffs,  but  of  comparatively 
moderate  dimensions.  They  wore  shirts  of  linen,  sometimes 
embroidered  extravagantly.  Jerkin,  doublet,  girdle,  hose,  nether 
stocks  and  rose-tied  shoes,  with  a  rich  short  cloak,  worn  mainly 
on  one  shoulder,  composed  a  costume  surmounted  by  a  steeple- 
crowned  hat  of  velvet,  taffeta  (watered  silk)  or  beaver,  orna- 
mented with  a  feather.  These  garments,  as  compared  with  ours, 
were  diversified  in  quality  and  gay  in  colors,  Jerkm,  doublet 
and  hose  might  be,  in  substance,  of  velvet,  silk,  satin,  camlet, 
grogram  or  taffeta ;  and  of  any  color.  Moreover,  they  often 
were  slashed,  jagged,  pinched  and  laced  with  gold  and  silver. 
One  absurd  fashion  for  men's  leg  wear  was  the  "  bombasted," 
or  "  beer-barrel,"  breeches.  These  were  so  stuffed  and  padded  2 
that  the  wearer  resembled  Jack  Falstaff's  "forked  radish." 
Lawyers  and  the  clergy  were  restricted  to  a  graver  costume, 
of  which  a  long  robe  was  the  chief  characteristic.  Physicians 
usually  were  habited  in  a  velvet  cap  and  a  doctor's  gown.  From 
the  girdle  hung  on  one  side  a  purse  and  a  dagger,  and  on  the 
other  a  long  rapier.  Most  men,  including  the  clergy,  wore  a 
short  dagger.  The  unsettled  state  of  society  made  it  only  rea- 
sonable to  equip  one's  self  for  self-protection. 

The  humbler  classes  were  clad  in  russet,  or  in  Lincoln  or 

1  Snpportasses.   Stubbes,  Anat.  of  Abuses,  D.  8. 

2  Bulwer  (Pedigree  of  Eng.  Gallant.  548)  says  that  a  man  took  out  of  his 
breeches  a  pair  of  sheets,  two  tablecloths,  ten  napkins,  four  shirts,  a  brush,  glass 
and  comb,  with  nightcaps ;  and  Strutt  (ed.  1842,  ii :  144,  n.)  says  that  a  special 
gallery  was  erected  around  the  inside  of  the  Parliament  House  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  members  who  wore  this  protuberant  attire. 


14         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Kendal  green ;  ^  sometimes  in  canvas,  fustian  or  leather.  Ap- 
prentices wore  round  woollen  caps ;  the  yeomen,  homespun  russet 
in  summer  and  frieze  in  winter ;  the  rustic,  some  coarse  gray 
cloth,  with  a  f  eatherless  hat  or  a  cap.  A  blue  suit,  with  a  silver 
badge  on  the  left  sleeve,  was  the  uniform  of  serving-men,  ex- 
cepting that  the  menials  of  bishops  were  clad  in  yellow.  The 
wives  and  daughters  of  farmers  made  their  kirtles,  or  loose 
gowns,  of  some  light  homespun  stuff,  with  hnen  aprons.  Upon 
the  head  they  often  had  a  linen  coif  under  a  high  felt  hat.  Men 
wore  the  hair,  beard  and  mustache  moderately  long,  and  beards 
had  distinctive  characters. 

A  revolution  quite  as  great  also  has  taken  place  in  respect  to 
the  table.  The  very  idea  of  the  modern  breakfast  was  mainly 
unfamiliar  to  the  English  mind.^  Excepting  for  farm  laborers, 
who  took  their  pottage,  more  or  less  heartened  by  meat,  by  the 
light  of  the  morning  star,  the  very  youlig  and  the  infirm  or  aged, 
but  two  meals  a  day  were  usual :  dinner,  at  from  half-j)ast  ten 
to  eleven  in  the  forenoon  in  the  country,  and  an  hour  later  in 
London,  and  supper  at  five  or  six  in  the  afternoon.  Both  tea 
and  coffee  still  were  to  be  unknown  for  more  than  a  generation.^ 
The  poor  ate  rye  or  barley  bread,  those  better  off  manchets  of 
white  wheat  flour.  Bacon,  souse,  brawn,  powdered  (salted)  beef 
or  mutton,  and  barrelled  (pickled)  herrings,  or  other  fish,  were 
the  mainstay  of  the  table  in  winter.  Brewis  *  was  eaten  largely. 
Meat  pies,  or  pasties,  especially  of  venison,  and  florentines^ 
were  much  regarded.  Such  pasties  also  were  filled  with  her- 
rings, pilchards,  eels  and  the  like.  Concluding  courses  con- 
sisted of  cakes  and  sweetmeats.  Common  people  ate  with 
wooden    or  latteen  ^  spoons  from  wooden    trenchers.     AU  fed 

^  Kendal  and  Lincoln  were  famous  for  the  manufacture  of  green  cloths  for 
foresters. 

^  Harrison,  i :  162.    Moryson,  iii :   150. 

^  Tea  is  said  to  have  been  sold  in  England  on  rare  occasions  as  early  as  1635, 
at  what  now  would  be  from  $175  to  $270  a  pound,  and  chiefly  to  princes  or  noble- 
men. CofFee  was  brought  into  England  first  by  Mr.  N.  Canopus,  a  Cretan,  who 
made  it  his  common  beverage  at  Balliol  College,  Oxford,  in  1641 ;  and  the  first 
cofPee-house  in  England  was  kept  by  a  Jew,  named  Jacobs,  in  Oxford,  in  1650. 
Haydn,  Diet,  of  Dates. 

*  Bread  soaked  in  pot-liquor.  ^  ^  meat  pie  having  no  bottom  crust. 

^  Iron  plated  with  tin. 


THE  COUNTRY  AND  THE  PEOPLE  15 

themselves,  as  their  fathers  had,  with  the  knife,  aided  by  the 
fingers  —  giving  much  use  to  the  napkin  —  as  it  still  was 
years  before  forks  ^  were  introduced  from  Italy.  In  the  hall,  at 
the  long  dining-table,  the  retainers  and  domestics  sat  with  the 
family,  but  below  the  salt.^  Beer,  spiced  ale  or  wine  was  the 
common  drink,  and  a  "  morning-draught,'-'  with  which  radishes 
frequently  were  taken,  often  served  as  breakfast.^  Little  wine 
was  made  in  England,  but  Harrison  speaks  of  fifty-six  kinds 
of  imported  French  or  German  clarets  or  white  wines,  and  of 
thirty  Italian,  Greek  or  Spanish  stronger  brands.  Tobacco  had 
made  its  way  into  the  kingdom,  it  is  understood,  in  1586,  with 
some  of  Raleigh's  Virginia  colonists,*  whom  Drake  carried  home. 
The  fashion  was  to  draw  the  smoke  from  the  pipe  into  the 
mouth  and  eject  it  through  the  nostrils.^  This  was  called 
"drinking  tobacco."  Snuff-taking  also  became  popular  before 
long.6 

The  date  under  consideration  was  before  the  advent  of  news- 
papers and  magazines,^  and  books  were  few  and  costly.  Con- 
sequently people  resorted  to  games  and  kindred  methods  of 
passing  their  leisure  hours.  Within  doors  they  indulged  in  rid- 
dles, jests  and  merry  tales,  and  often  in  cards,  dice,  draughts, 
shuttle-cock  and  shove-groat,  or  shovel-board,  and,  in  the  more 
cultivated  circles,  in  chess.  Then  there  were  dancing  and,  out 
of  doors,  wrestling,  quarter-staff,  pitching  the  bar,  tilting  at  the 

^  Thos.  Coryat,  Crudities,  90.  Moryson,  iii :  114.  Ben  Jonson,  Devil  is  an  Ass, 
Act  V.  sc.  3.  Court  and  Country  (ed.  Roxburgh,  1868),  201.  But  see  also  Town  Life 
in  15th  Cent,  ii :  74,  n. 

^  A  large  salt-cellar  -was  placed  about  in  the  middle  of  the  long  table,  and  the 
seats  above  were  assigned  to  guests  of  distinction,  and  those  below  to  depen- 
dants. 

^  J.  C.  Jeaffreson  {Booh  About  the  Table,  i :  219)  says  :  — 

"  The  '  morning-draught '  at  the  inn  was,  in  fact,  the  ordinary  breakfast  of  the 
majority  of  Englishmen.  .  .  .  Unless  they  bear  this  fact  in  mind,  readers  of  old 
biographies  are  apt  to  attribute  tavern-haunting  propensities  to  sober  and  discreet 
gentlemen." 

*  This  agrees  with  King  James's  statement  {Counterblast,  Works,  215)  better 
than  the  more  usual  account. 

6  Hentzner,  Itin.  (1598)  43. 

^  Decker,  Gull's  Horn-Book,  Proem  and  chap.  v. 

"^  Pamphlets  of  news  began  to  appear  soon  after  the  coming  in  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Burton,  Anat.  of  Melancholy,  1614.  The  first  proper  newspaper 
in  English  appeared  in  1622,  the  first  literary  periodical  in  1680.    Enc.  Brit. 


16         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

ring,  football,  liurling,i  running  at  quintaine,^  barley-break,^ 
and  shooting  at  butts,  with  fishing,  hawking  and  hunting.  Wan- 
dering companies  of  minstrels  and  harpers  were  common,  and 
rude  plays  were  acted  before  the  public.  Archery  was  required 
by  royal  order,  with  bow  of  yew,  ash  or  elm,  three  fingers  thick 
and  seven  feet  long,  and  with  arrows  of  ash,  from  two  and  a 
haK  to  four  feet  in  length,  and  heavy  or  light  for  long  or  short 
distances.  In  London  there  were  lounging  in  Paul's  Walk,^  bull 
and  bear  baiting,  masques  and  the  theatre. 

There  also  were  numerous  special  ceremonies  and  gambols  at 
specific  seasons  and  days  —  such  as  Christmas,  New  Year's,  May 
Day,  Twelfth  Day,  Plough  Monday ,5  Shrove  Tide,^  Easter,  Whit- 
suntide, Candlemas  Day,  Martinmas,  All  Hallow's  Eve,  and 
Sheep-shearing,  with  Church-ale,^  Leet-ale,  Lamb-ale,  Bride- 
ale,  Clerk-ale  and  others.  Annual  fairs  also  were  held,  during 
which  ordinary  business  was  suspended,  sometimes  by  law.  Not 
unnaturally  all  of  these  appropriated  valuable  time,  while  many 
helped  to  cause  a  grave  corruption  of  manners.  How  the 
Puritans  regarded  some  of  these  occasions  is  shown  by  their 
utterances.  Thus  Philip  Stubbes  in  1583  said  of  Christ- 
mas:— 

Who  is  ignorant  that  more  mischiefe  is  [at]  that  time  committed 
than  in  all  the  yeere  besides  ?  what  masking  and  mumming  !  whereby 
robberie,  whordome,  murther  and  what  not  is  committed  !  what  dicing 
&  carding,  what  eating  and  drinking,  what  banqueting  and  feasting 
is  than  [then]  vsed  more  than  in  all  the  yeere  besydes  !  to  the  great 
dishonor  of  God,  and  impouerishing  of  the  realme. 

^  A  small  ball  was  to  be  carried  "  by  force  or  slight  to  the  place  assigned." 
Carew,  Cornwall,  i :  197. 

^  A  bar  was  balanced  on  a  pivot  with  a  broad  board  at  one  end  and  a  bag  of 
sand  at  the  other.  The  play  was  to  hit  the  board  when  riding  by  and  escape  the 
bag  as  it  was  thrown  around  suddenly. 

2  Played  by  six  persons  coupled  by  lot,  on  a  ground  with  three  compartments, 
the  middle  one  being  named  "  hell."  The  middle  couple,  who  could  not  break 
hands,  had  to  catch  the  others,  who  were  allowed  to  do  so,  the  caught  taking  the 
place  of  the  catchers. 

*  The  middle  aisle  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  then  the  fashionable  resort  from 
3  to  6  p.  M. 

^  The  first  Monday  after  Epiphany. 

^  The  time  between  Ash  Wednesday  and  the  preceding  Saturday  evening. 

"^  An  annual  ale-drinking  picnic  for  the  benefit  of  the  Church. 


THE   COUNTRY   AND   THE   PEOPLE  17 

And  he  lays  equally  heavy  charges  ^  against  the  maying  customs 
of  that  time  in  describing  the  bringing  home  of  the  May-pole. 
Christopher  Fetherstone  also  said,  in  1582 :  "  The  abuses 
whiche  are  comitted  in  your  may-gaymes  are  infinite,"  ^  and 
went  considerably  into  details,  and  Henry  Barrowe  in  1590  con- 
demned this  whole  range  of  excess  with  equal  severity.^ 

Farming  was  the  great  industry  of  the  English  people. 
Michaelmas  Day,  September  29,  in  a  sense  began  the  agricultu- 
ral new  year,  when  rye  was  sown,  land  drained,  hempseed  beaten 
out,  wheat  threshed,  the  year's  crop  of  wool  sold,  strawberries, 
barberries  and  gooseberries  planted,  rushes  gathered  for  thatch 
or  floor,  and  cider  and  perry  made.  In  October  winter  wheat 
was  sown  and  children  kept  watch  against  hungry  crows.  No- 
vember saw  the  fat  pigs  killed,  barley  threshed,  souse  pickled,  beef 
salted,  peas  and  beans  seeded  down  and  the  garden  made  ready 
for  planting-time.  In  December  good  farmers  gathered  wood 
for  their  fires,  cleaned  and  repaired  farm-tools,  and  guarded  ten- 
der plants  from  frosts,  until  the  Christmas  holidays  set  them  all 
to  eating,  drinking  and  frolicking.  In  January  and  February 
gardens  were  planted,  oats  sown,  calves  weaned  or  killed  and 
the  hopyard  weeded.  March  saw  the  hops  set  and  the  fields 
rolled.  In  April  the  hops  were  poled  and  the  dairy  was  expected 
to  turn  out  a  crop  of  cheese.  May  was  weeding-time  and  bees 
were  swarmed.  In  June  were  sheep-shearing  and  the  beginning 
of  the  hay-curing,  completed  in  July.  In  August  came  wheat 
and  barley  harvest.  At  Bartholomew-tide  (August  24)  was  held 
Stourbridge  Fair,  when  butter  and  cheese  were  marketed.  Hop- 
picking  followed.    And  so  the  year  went  round. 

The  rent  of  land  had  risen  from  one  shilling  and  fourpence, 
or  one  and  eightpence,  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, to  perhaps  six  shillings  an  acre.  The  wheat  crop  was  the 
best,  but  averaged  not  over  fifteen  to  twenty  bushels  an  acre.* 
This  was  perhaps  five-eighths  of  a  ton,  while  barley  often  yielded 
a  ton  and  oats  a  ton  and  a  quarter.  But  the  value  of  wheat  had 
gone  up  faster  than  the  rent  of  the  land,  being  now  sometimes 

1  Anat.  174,  149. 

^  Dial,  against  light,  lewde  and  lascivious  dancing,  sig.  D.  7. 

^  Brief  Discoverie,  81. 

*  Thornbury,  ii :  243. 


18         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

forty  shillings,  instead  of  six.  Little  grain  was  exported.  The 
great  staple  for  foreign  trade  was  English  wool,  marketed  at 
Bristol,  Exeter,  Lincoln,  London,  Newcastle,  Winchester  and 
York,  whence  it  was  carried  by  the  Merchants  of  the  Staple  to 
Antwerp,  Bruges  or  Calais,  or  sold  more  miscellaneously  by 
the  Merchant  Adventurers.  Besides  the  London  livery  compa- 
nies there  were  three  great  trading  corporations  —  that  of  New 
Trades,  that  of  Tripoli  Merchants,  and  that  of  East  Land  Mer- 
chants, just  formed,  which  grew  into  the  East  India  Company. 

The  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  had  witnessed  the  rise 
of  the  guilds.  These  were  associations  of  craftsmen,  each  aim- 
ing to  secure  the  protection  and  monopoly  of  its  own  trade  in 
its  own  town.  This  form  of  organization  passed  through  many 
varieties  of  experience,  but  often  it  became  identified  with  the 
corporation  of  the  town,  and  exerted  political  power.  Some  of 
these  ancient  guilds  still  survive,  and,  although  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  their  powers  had  become  modified,  the  guild  con- 
tinued to  have  much  to  do  with  the  direction  of  trade  of  all  sorts. 

The  fall  of  Calais,  in  1558,  with  other  causes,  had  led  to  new 
attention  to  manufactures  at  home.  Flemings  were  invited 
into  Yorkshire  to  work  up  the  English  wool.  Coventry  had 
become  famous  for  its  "  true  blue  "  woollens,  as  had  other  towns 
for  their  green  cloths.  Manchester  had  just  begun  to  attract 
attention  to  its  "  coatings,"  or  cottons.  Norwich  and  Sandwich 
had  received  a  considerable  immigration  of  makers  of  baize, 
serges,  bombazines  and  beaver  hats.  In  London  the  Flemings 
made  felt  hats,  at  Bow  they  dyed,  at  Wandsworth  they  wrought 
in  brass,  at  Fulham  and  Mortlake  they  fabricated  arras  and 
tapestry.  French  and  Belgian  immigrants  also  had  set  up  lace- 
making  at  Cranfield  in  Bedfordshire,  and  at  various  towns  in 
Devon.  As  yet  there  were  no  factories,  all  such  labor  being  in 
the  family,  and  no  man  being  allowed  by  statute  to  have  more 
than  two  looms.  Yarmouth  learned  from  Dutch  incomers  how 
to  cure  herrings.  Lead  and  tin  were  smelted  in  Cornwall,  and 
the  roofs  of  English  churches  and  some  mansions,  and  of  many 
buildings  in  France,  were  covered  with  the  products.  Coal  mining 
was  in  its  infancy,  yet  considerable  coal  was  dug  in  Durham, 
Northumberland,  South  Wales  and  elsewhere. 


T^'  - 


r5^ 


SewW-i^  r 


7  c=. 


20         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

on  the  African  coast,  and  got  rid  o£  them  for  gold  in  the  Span- 
ish colonies,  netting  the  "  owners "  sixty  j)er  cent  on  their 
shares.  In  1577  Drake  made  the  first  English  voyage  around 
the  world,  returning,  late  in  1580,  laden  with  twenty  tons  of 
silver  and  gold  bullion,  with  emeralds,  pearls  and  miscellane- 
ous spoils  of  Spanish  ships  and  general  piracies.  The  queen 
knighted  him  and  gave  him  X10,000. 

At  tills  time  most  ships  were  small.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's 
Squirrel  was  of  only  ten  tons,^  and  of  Drake's,  five  vessels  the 
largest  was  of  only  100  tons,  while  their  united  tonnage  was 
less  than  300,  and  their  crews  all  together  mustered  only  166 
men.  A  few  vessels  ranged  from  400  to  900  tons,  and  one  of 
1500  tons  had  been  built  as  early  as  1512.^  Harrison  gives  the 
names  of  twenty-four  warships  and  three  galleys  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century.  He  further  estimates  that  135 
vessels,  including  goods-ships,  exceeded  100  tons  apiece,  and 
that  656  were  between  40  and  100  tons.  They  were  navigated 
as  well  as  was  possible  to  the  rude  science  of  the  period.  But 
although  the  compass  is  said  to  have  been  in  use  as  early  as 
about  1424,  nothing  like  the  log  ^  was  known,  and  the  clumsy 
astrolabe  and  cross-staff  were  relied  on  for  guiding  the  voyage 
and  determining  the  latitudes  and  longitudes.*  It  is  more  re- 
markable that  mariners  found  their  way  to  port  at  aU  than  that 
they  often,  perhaps  always,  blundered  in  so  doing  ;  and  the  more 
that  no  account  then  had  been  taken  of  the  dip  of  the  horizon, 
refraction  or  parallax,  and  that  the  tables  of  the  zodiacal  ephem- 
eris  were  recalculated  only  about  once  in  thirty  years. 

Such  ships  would  strike  a  modern  eye  as  wide  for  their  length, 
blunt-bowed  and  excessively  clumsy,  because  built  up  at  stem 
and  stern,  often  with  several  stories,  or  decks,  and  especially  by 
having  an  almost  mountainous  poop.  These  lofty  cabins  were 
called  castles.    That  at  the  poop,  highest  above  the  great  cabin, 

1  Goadby,  48. 

2  Enc.  Brit.    Charnock,  Hist.  Marine  Arch.  (ed.  1801)  ii :  58,  176,  178.    Cru- 
den'a  Gravesend  (131),  cited  by  Mrs.  Green,  Town  Life,  i:  84,  n. 

3  Purchas  dates  the  use  of  the  log  in  1607.   Enc.   Brit.     Mrs.  Green,    Town 
Life,  i :  107. 

*  Rev.  E.  F.  Slafter,  D.  D.,  N.  E.  Hist.  ^  Geneal.  Register,  xxxvi :  145.     John 
Davis,  Seaman's  Secrets.    Voyages  and  Works  (ed.  1880),  x:  276. 


THE  COUNTRY   AND  THE   PEOPLE  21 

was  called  the  Round  House.  Usually  there  were  a  foremast,  a 
mainmast,  and  a  small  mizzenmast,  at  or  near  the  taffrail,  and 
carrying  a  spanker.  There  would  be  a  topsail  upon  the  main- 
mast and  possibly  another  upon  the  foremast,  and  one  or  more 
jibs,  or  sprit-sails,  between  the  latter  and  the  bowsprit.  But 
the  chief  dependence  was  upon  the  fore  and  mainsails,  which 
were  square  and  of  good  size. 

At  this  time  there  was  no  standing  army  in  England.  ^  But 
most  men  were  liable  to  serve  in  the  militia,  and  were  drilled 
systematically  from  one  to  six  times  a  year.  Armor  had  become 
lighter  than  formerly.  Infantry  were  mostly  pikemen,  billmen 
or  musketeers.  But  the  practical  value  of  their  weapons  was 
much  impaired  by  rudeness  of  construction.  Cavalry  were 
armored  lancers,  fighting  with  pike,  sword  and  dagge  (pistol) ; 
cuirassiers,  wearing  a  cuirass  over  the  leather  jerkin  ;  or  arque- 
busiers,  additionally  equipped  with  the  arquebus.  The  larger 
pieces  of  ordnance,  the  robinet,  falconet,  falcon,  minion,  sacre, 
demi-culverin,  culverin,  demi-canon,  canon,  E  canon  and  basi- 
lisk, varied  in  weight  from  about  200  pounds  up  to  9000,  in 
bore  from  an  inch  and  a  quarter  to  eight  inches  and  three  quar- 
ters, and  in  charge  from  a  pound  or  two  of  powder  and  the  same 
weight  of  ball  up  to  sixty  pounds  of  powder  and  also  of  ball. 

1  Enc.  Brit,  ii :  569. 


CHAPTER  II 

EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE 

Up  to  the  seventeenth  century  most  of  the  common  people  had 
been  illiterate.  A  volume  of  the  Lansdowne  Manuscripts  ^  con- 
tains the  original  petition  of  the  church-wardens  and  others  of 
St.  Clement's  in  London,  apparently  dated  April  7,  1589,  with 
forty-eight  signers,  of  whom  seven  made  their  marks ;  and  also 
a  memorial  signed,  on  November  7,  by  thirty-six  of  the  parish 
of  St.  Michael's  in  St,  Albans,  touching  Mr.  Dyke,  their  rec- 
tor, of  whom  twenty-nine  made  their  marks.  Such  illiteracy, 
however,  probably  was  more  true  of  the  Establishment  than  of 
Dissenters ;  for  the  Reformation  had  tended  to  bring  about  a 
different  state  of  affairs.  Every  parent  thus  spiritually  moved 
would  desire  to  be  able  to  study  the  Bible  himself,  and,  accord- 
ing to  his  ability,^  he  would  instruct  his  children.  In  some 
places,  also,  rudimentary  schools  were  kept  in  the  Parvise,^  or 
little  room  over  the  church  porch.  Sometimes  a  weaver  or  a 
tailor  *  would  have  scholars  around  him  while  at  WQrk. 

A  peculiar  fact  may  be  recalled  here  —  that  of  the  privilege  of 

1  61 :  39,  23.  '    . 

2  As  late  as  1670,  Governor  Berkeley,  of  Virginia,  in  reply  to  the  question.  What 
course  is  taken  about  instructing  the  people,  said  :  "  The  same  course  that  is  taken 
in  England  out  of  towns ;  every  man,  according  to  his  ability,  instructing  his  chil- 
dren."—^mer.  Jour,  of  Educa.  March,  1856,  300. 

^  T.  Staveley,  Hist.  Churches  in  Eng.  159.     Evelyn,  Diary,  i :  4. 

*  Coote's  English  Schoolmaster  (1597),  v. :  "Such  men  and  women  of  trade  as 
Taylers,  Weavers,  Shop-Keepers,  Seamsters,  and  such  others,"  sometimes  under, 
took  "  the  charge  of  teaching  others  ;  "  and  were  not  e:^ected  to  be  much  in  ad- 
vance of  their  pupils.  On  the  other  hand,  Mrs.  J.  R.  Green  (Town  Life,  ii :  15) 
claims  that  in  the  fifteenth  century  "  apparently  reading  and  writing  were  every- 
where common  among  the  people,"  and  quotes  Rogers's  Agric.  and  Prices  (iv : 
502)  to  the  effect  that  "  in  the  royal  accounts,  the  principal  artizans  in  each  craft 
audit  ...  the  accounts  .  .  .  and  sign  every  page."  Probably  the  general  decline  of 
prosperity  after  the  fifteenth  century  was  accompanied  by  a  decline  of  attention 
to  popular  education. 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE  23 

the  clergy.  Christian  princes  early  granted  two  privileges  to  the 
Church  :  the  exemption  of  consecrated  places  from  the  sweep  of 
criminal  arrest,  or  the  right  of  sanctuary  ;  and  the  freedom  of  the 
persons  of  the  priesthood  from  process  before  the  secular  courts, 
or  the  benefit  of  clergy.  By  the  former,  whatever  robber,  mur- 
derer, or  worse,  could  outrun  the  officers  of  justice  and  grasp 
the  ring  on  the  church  door,i  crying  "  Peto  pacem  Dei  et 
Ecclesiae,,^^  was  temporarily  beyond  arrest,  with  possibilities  of 
permanent  escape.  By  the  latter,  when  any  priest  or  other  "  reli- 
gious person  "  was  smnmoned  before  a  civil  judge,  his  clerical 
tonsure  and  habit  secured  his  immediate  delivery  to  his  Ordi- 
nary, or  superior  church  official,  to  be  dealt  with  by  him ; 
usually  with  surprising  mildness.^ 

This  had  its  origin  in  the  rudest  times,  and  grew  into  a  legal 
process,  and  it  became  custom,  and  law,  to  accept  the  ability  to 
read  as  sufficient  proof  that  the  reader  really  belonged  to  the 
clerical  class  ;  and  it  became  common  for  a  rascal  who  could 
read,  and  so  could  demonstrate  his  "  clergy  "  out  of  a  book,  to 
lead  a  life  of  crime,  and  even  of  violence,  and  evade  punishment. 
So  grave  did  these  abuses  become  that,  in  1488-89,  a  law  was 
passed  to  insure  that  no  layman  should  have  the  benefit  of  his 
clergy  more  than  once,  enforced  by  the  expedient  of  branding 
upon  the  brawn  of  his  left  thumb  the  letter  M  if  he  were  a 
murderer,  and  the  letter  T  for  any  other  felony.  Surgery, 
however,  soon  learned  to  neutralize  this  scar,  and  it  became 
needful  sometimes  for  a  jury  to  decide  whether  a  given  accused 
party  already  had  been  cleared  and  branded. 

In  1536-37  and  1540-41,  Statutes  of  Henry  VIII.  slightly 
modified  this  condition  of  affairs,  but  an  act  of  1547  granted 
benefit  of  clergy,  without  branding,  to  every  peer  of  the  realm 
guilty  of  any  crime  clergyable  to  commoners,  or  of  house- 
breaking, highway-robbery,  horse-stealing,  or  robbing  churches, 
even  though  unable  to  read !  In  1576,  it  was  enacted  further 
that,   after   clergy  and  branding,  the   party,  instead   of  being 

^  Rogeri  de  Hovenden  Annalium,  pars  postr.  542,  Harl.  MS.  4292,  shows  that 
between  1478  and  1538  from  400  to  500  scoundrels  were  shielded  thus  by  taking 
"  sanctuary ' '  in  the  single  church  of  St.  John  at  Beverley,  Yorks.  See  Evelyn, 
ii :  264,  and  Pike,  ii :  254. 

'^  Pike,  i :  104,  116,  207,  300,  449,  482.   Blackstone,  Comms.  iv,  ch.  28. 


24         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

turned  over  to  his  Ordinary,  "  be  enlarged  and  delivered  out 
of  prison,"  power  being  reserved  to  the  justices  to  imprison  for 
not  more  than  a  year,  when  expedient.  With  modifications  in 
1717,  1719  and  1779,  this  extraordinary  provision  continued 
to  be  law  until  1827.  That  this  singular  proof  of  general 
illiteracy  had  full  force  as  evidence  in  1601,  is  shown  by  a 
Latin  record,  lately  discovered  in  the  Clerkenwell  Sessions 
House  in  London.  It  is  the  original  indictment,^  in  October, 
1598,  on  which  "rare"  Ben  Jonson  was  tried  for  the  murder, 
in  a  duel,  of  Gabriel  Spencer,  at  Shoreditch  on  September  22, 
previous.  Jonson  did  not  deny  the  crime,  but  pleaded  his 
clergy. 

It  seems  surprising,  at  first,  in  view  of  this  widespread  igno- 
rance,^  that  there  should  have  been  so  many  endowed  "free 
granunar  "  schools.  A  history  of  such  institutions,  published  in 
1818  by  a  distinguished  antiquary ,3  mentions  475  such  schools 
then  existing  or  known  to  have  existed.  For  twenty  no  date 
could  be  assigned,  which  argues  an  age  beyond  the  tradition  of 
men  then  living.  But,  of  252  traceable  to  a  period  before  1600, 
112  had  been  founded  before  1450  ;  eighty-three  between  1550 
and  1575,  and  thirty-seven  others  before  1600. 

Had  most  of  these  schools  corresponded,  as  some  did,  to  those 
now  known  by  the  same  name,  so  far  as  concerns  free  tuition,  the 
mass  of  the  people  hardly  could  have  failed  of  great  enlighten- 
ment. But  many  such  schools  speedily  fell  into  temporary  de- 
cay, if  they  did  not  die.^  Secondly,  they  were  "  free  "  ^  only  in 
the  sense  of  being  open  without  charge,  or  at  small  charge,  to 

^  Mid.  Co.  Bees,  i :  xxxyiii. 

2  Ibid,  ii :  282-285.  As  late  as  1662,  the  famous  Samuel  Pepys,  who  had  been  at 
school  in  Huntingdon  and  afterwards  at  St.  Paul's  School  in  London  until  he  was 
seventeen,  and  subsequently  was  an  M.  A.  at  Magdalen,  Cambridge,  and  who  had 
been  some  years  in  the  public  service,  says  {Diary,  ii  :  4) :  — 

"  By  &  by  comes  Mr.  Cooper,  ...  of  whom  I  intend  to  learn  mathematiques. 
.  .  .  After  an  houre's  being  with  him  at  arithmetique  (my  first  attempt  being  to 
learn  the  multiplication-table) ;  then  we  parted  till  tomorrow." 

3  Nicholas  Carlyle,  Concise  Description  of  Endowed  Grammar -Schools  in  Eng. 
and  Wales.     See  also  Harrison,  83. 

*  Docs.  Relating  to  Univ.  and  Colleges  of  Camb.  iii :  153. 

^  The  Latin  phrase  employed.  Libera  Schola,  rarely,  in  classical,  post-classical 
or  mediaeval  Latin,  meant  a  school  whose  teaching  was  gratuitous,  but  almost 
always  one  free  in  the  sense  of  being  exempt  from  certain  jurisdictions,  taxes,  etc. 


EDUCATION   AND   LITERATURE  25 

boys  selected  by  the  vicar  or  some  one  else  of  place  or  wealth, 
who  meant  to  send  them  to  college,  and  to  the  children  of  certain 
families  or  in  certain  locahties  designated  by  the  founder.^ 
Thirdly,  the  great  majority  of  them  were  so  feebly  mastered  as 
to  be  of  small  use,  even  to  their  select  pupils.  Roger  Ascham 
says  :  ^  — 

I  remember,  when  I  was  yong,  in  the  North  they  went  to  the  gramer 
schole  litle  children  :  they  came  from  thence  great  lubbers,  alwayes 
learning,  and  litle  profiting ;  learning  without  booke  everything,  vnder- 
standyng  with  in  the  booke  litle  or  nothing.  Their  whole  knowledge 
by  learning  without  the  booke  was  tied  onely  to  their  tongue  and 
lips,  and  neuer  asceded  vp  to  the  braine  and  head,  and  therfore  was 
sone  spitte  out  of  the  mouth  againe. 

John  Brinsley,  who,  in  1601  and  for  many  years  after,  was 
master  of  the  school  at  Ashby-de-la-Zouch,  which  dated  back  to 
1567,  published  several  works  from  which  the  quality  of  instruc- 
tion and  the  methods  of  management  may  be  inferred.^  He 
says  that  children  entered  these  "free"  schools  at  about  seven 
or  eight  years.  School  began  at  six  A.  M.,  the  usher  being  there 
to  enforce  order.  The  master  came  at  seven.  There  was  a  quar- 
ter-hour's intermission  at  nine,  and  the  forenoon  session  ended 
at  eleven.  Afternoon  school  began  at  one,  and,  with  a  short 
recess  at  three,  was  closed  at  half -past  five  by  the  reading  of  "  a 
peece  of  a  Chapter,"  the  singing  of  "  two  staues  of  a  Psalme," 
and  prayer.  Charles  Hoole,  who  was  master  of  a  free  school  in 
Rotherham  and  later  taught  in  London,  also  published  several 
schoolbooks  which  had  great  repute. 

But  it  is  Edmund  Coote  who  describes  that  training  which 
is  more  than  probable  for  most  of  those  who  came  to  New 
England.  It  would  be  a  cluster  of  ten  or  a  dozen  younglings 
grouped  around  some  clerk  or  dame  in  the  Parvise,  or  some 
weaver  at  his  loom  or  tailor  in  his  little  workshop.  The  horn- 
book provides  the  alphabet.  Then  Coote's  own  "  English  School- 
master "  takes  them  on.  Its  first  pages  are  columned  with  a6,  e6, 
ib,  ha  beb,  bi  bob,  etc.,  ending  in  a  lesson  for  reading,  which 

1  Staunton,  423,  67.  H.  C.  M.  Lyte,  Hist.  Eton.  Coll.  3,  19,  483.  Carlyle,  i : 
XXV  ii. 

2  Ascham,  Scholemaster  (ed.  1864),  170. 

8  Ludus  Literarius,  or  the  Grammar  School  (1612),  296-298,  259. 


26         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

illustrates  the  solicitude  for  good  morals  and  religion,  even  m 
primary  manuals  :  ■*  — 

Boy,  go  thy  way  to  the  top  of  the  hill,  and  get  me  home  the  bay 
nag,  fill  him  well,  and  see  he  be  fat,  and  I  will  rid  me  of  him,  for  he 
will  be  but  dull  as  his  dam  ;  if  a  man  bid  well  for  him,  I  will  tell  him 
of  it  [his  dulness]  ;  if  not,  I  do  but  rob  him :  and  so  God  will  vex 
me,  and  may  let  me  go  to  hell,  if  I  get  but  a  jaw-bone  of  him  iU. 

Eight  such  chapters,  each  increasingly  difficidt,  complete  the 
first  book.  The  second  book  has  six  chapters ;  treating  of 
words  of  one  syllable,  the  number  of  syllables  in  a  word,  etc. ; 
of  observations  needful  to  perfect  a  scholar,  and  how  scholars 
shall  appose  (question)  one  another.  There  follow  a  short  cate- 
chism, with  sundry  observations  and  prayers,  Scrijiture  selec- 
tions and  a  few  Psalms  in  metre.  There  are  added  some  words 
on  Arithmetic  and  a  brief  chronology,  the  whole  concluding 
with  a  vocabulary  explaining  words  often  er  met  with  than  under- 
stood. These  glances  into  the  quality  of  primary  education, 
even  in  the  glorious  age  of  Elizabeth,  indicate  that  Brinsley 
spoke  truth,  and  of  many  of  the  "  free,"  or  grammar,  schools, 
as  well  as  of  the  lesser  ones,  when,  in  1622,  he  thus  voiced  the 
lamentations  of  many  parents  :  ^  — 

My  Sonne  hath  bene  vnder  you  six  or  seven  yeares,  and  yet  is  not 
able  so  much  as  to  reade  English  well ;  much  lesse  to  construe  or 
vnderstand  a  peece  of  Latin,  or  to  write  true  Latin,  or  to  speake  in 
Latin  in  any  tolerable  sort,  .  .  .  Another  shall  complaine :  my  Sonne 
comes  on  neuer  a  whit  in  his  writing.  Besides  that  his  hand  is  such, 
that  it  can  hardly  be  read  ;  he  also  writes  so  false  English,  that  he  is 
neither  fit  for  trade,  nor  any  employment  wherein  to  vse  his  pen. 

A  boy  taking  the  course  in  a  grammar  school  should  have 
been  fitted  for  Cambridge  or  Oxford  at  fourteen  or  fifteen,  the 
earliest  usual  age  of  admission.^  As  we  shall  examine  later  the 
studies  and  methods  of  university  life,  only  a  general  glance  at 

^  The  English  Schoolmaster,  3,  11. 

^  A  Consolation  for  our  Grammar  Schooles,  etc.,  43. 

3  Christ.  Wordsworth  {Social  Life  at  Eng.  JJnivs.  in  18th  Cent.  94)  regards  the 
occasional  cases  of  persons  who  entered  at  ten  as  those  of  precocious  exceptions, 
and  looks  upon  fifteen  or  sixteen  as  the  usual  age ;  the  latter  (639)  having  signifi- 
cance because  such  scholars  then  wotild  be  eligible  for  holy  orders  after  their  seven 
years  at  the  university. 


EDUCATION  AND   LITERATURE  27 

them  is  given  here.  The  system  of  study  was  largely,  and  even 
vitally,  different  from  what  it  afterward  became.  By  the  Eliza- 
bethan statutes  Mathematics  —  in  place  of  the  earlier  grammar 

Logic  and  Rhetoric  were  the  three  studies  of  the  four  years 

which  preceded  the  bachelor's  degree.  These  were  the  "  Trivium." 
Then,  with  a  continuance  of  the  former,  followed  the  "  Quad- 
rivium,"  ^  Philosophy,  Astronomy,  Perspective  and  Greek,  filling 
the  three  years  before  proceeding  master  of  arts. 

Although  these  statutes  remained  in  force,  the  strictness  of 
their  application  had  declined.  Arithmetic,  and  whatever  phy- 
sical science  was  comprehended  under  Astronomy  and  Perspec- 
tive, if  not  Greek  —  of  which  the  same  was  true  a  little  later  — 
were  studied  before,  as  well  as  after,  bachelorhood,^  but  were 
not  compulsory.  And,  although  the  statute  continued  to  recog- 
nize only  Aristotle  and  Cicero  as  text-books  in  logic,  as  early  as 
1584  an  edition  of  the  "  Dialecticae  Libri  Duo  "  of  that  Peter 
Ramus,  who  in  1563  had  defended  in  the  College  of  Navarre 
the  then  astounding  proposition  that  all  the  precepts  of  Aris- 
totle are  founded  upon  fiction,  had  been  printed  in  Cambridge, 
and  the  Ramistic  logic  soon  had  large  acceptance  there.  Theo- 
logy also  received  much  attention.  Furthermore,  although 
the  official  theory  of  study  required  all  instruction  to  be  taken 
either  in  the  colleges,  from  their  tutors,  or  in  the  haUs  of  the 
university,  from  its  professors  or  lecturers,  so  that  nine  whole 
terms  of  actual  work  in  residence  had  to  precede  admission  to 
the  master's  degree,  exceptional  circumstances  had  modified 
the  rule,  which,  seven  years  later,  virtually  was  rescinded. 
Thus  a  considerable  and  undesirable  change  had  been  effected. 
Such  an  education  as  this  would  train  a  young  man  to  be  fa- 
miliar with  the  classics  and  with  theology  and  the  art  of  reason- 
ing, and  fit  him  to  speak  and  write  Latin  fairly  well,  but  it  had 
serious  drawbacks.  A  few  years  of  foreign  travel,  especially  in 
Italy,  gave  the  finishing  touch  to  the  education  of  a  young 
nobleman,  although  Ascham,  when  asked  his  opinion  by  Sir 
Richard  Sackville,  frankly  doubted  its  value.^ 

1  Wordsworth,  Schol  Acad.  82. 

2  MuUinger,  University  of  Cambridge,  ii :  404.    Masson,  Milton,  i :  226. 
8  Schol.  71. 


28         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

It  is  difficult  to  crowd  to-day's  conceptions  of  English  litera- 
ture back  into  the  narrow  horizon  of  1601.  It  long  ago  became 
the  fashion  to  speak  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  especially  in  resi)ect  to 
authorship,  as  "  the  golden  age  of  nierrie  England,"  and  more 
than  ninety-five  per  cent  of  that  reign  ali'eady  was  gone  by. 
Yet,  when  one  scans  closely  the  books  that  there  were  for  the 
people  who  could  read,  the  showing  is  neither  large  nor  brilliant. 
As  Ilallam  says :  ^  — 

It  is  in  consequence  of  the  rejDutation  for  learning  acquired  by  some 
men  distinguished  in  civil  life,  such  as  Smith,  Sadler,  Ralegh,  and 
even  by  ladies,  among  whom  the  queen  ^  herself,  and  the  accomjilished 
daughters  of  Sir  Antony  Cooke,^  Lady  Cecil  ^  and  Lady  Russell,  are 
particularly  to  be  mentioned,  that  tlie  general  character  of  her  reign 
has  been,  in  this  jjoint  of  view,  considerably  overrated. 

Eoger  Ascham's  repeated  and  familiar  glorification  of  that 
remarkable  girl,  Lady  Jane  Grey,^  has  suggested  an  exaggerated 
conception  of  the  feminine,  and,  indeed,  of  the  usual,  culture  of 
that  time.  When  Elizabeth  came  to  the  throne,  few  clergymen 
of  her  Establishment  knew  Greek,  while  the  majority  coidd  not 
even  read  into  English  the  Latin  of  their  public  prayers ;  ^  and 
that  this  was  true  of  the  most  learned  men  in  the  parishes  com- 
pels a  very  low  estimate  of  the  general  culture.  But  when  the 
exiles  who  had  fled  from  Bloody  Mary  to  the  Continent  came 
back  under  the  new  reign,  they  brought  a  better  state  of  things. 
And  after  1580  the  aspect  of  learning  throughout  the  kingdom 
brightened,  until  the  succeeding  decade  saw  the  beginning  of 
that  mighty  movement  of  mind  which  suddenly  exalted  the 
nation  to  an  illustrious  standing  in  good  letters. 

1  Lit.  Hist.  Eur.  i :  520.  2  Ascham,  Schol.  180.    Works,  i :  191. 

^  He  had  five  daughters,  esteemed  the  most  learned  women  of  the  time,  viz. ; 
Mildred,  mother  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  ;  Anne,  mother  of  Lord  Bacon ;  Margaret 
Rowlett,  Elizabeth  Russell  and  Catharine  Killigrew. 

*  Schol.  228. 

^  She  was  now  fifteen.    Ihid.  i :  227. 

"  Hallam  {Co7ist.  Hist.  Eng.  i :  198,  n.)  cites  a  census  of  the  clergy  of  the  Arch- 
deaconry of  Middlesex  in  1.5();i  Of  114  clergymen,  only  three  were  good  Latin  and 
Greek  scholars,  twelve  were  fair  scholars,  nine  knew  Latin  alone,  thirty-one  could 
re.ad  Latin  tolerably  well,  forty-two  read  it  very  badly,  and  seventeen  could  make 
nothing  of  it.  lie  adds :  ''  If  this  were  the  case  in  London,  what  can  have  been 
true  in  more  remote  parts  !  " 


EDUCATION  AND  LITERATURE  29 

It  would  be  very  impressive  as  an  object-lesson  for  some  one, 
rich  in  the  literature  of  our  tongue  in  all  departments  in  each 
century  since  it  has  had  existence,  to  put  aside  temporarily  such 
volumes  as  hardly  could  have  been  in  the  average  English  library, 
in  the  spring  of  1601,  and  to  note  what  would  remain.  Probably 
we  should  be  surprised  by  the  number  of  those  commonly 
accounted  Elizabethan  writers  whom  our  time-limit  would  ex- 
clude. As  in  prose  we  should  just  miss  Bacon,  Sir  Thomas 
Browne,  Burton,  Thomas  Fuller,  Milton,  most  of  Raleigh, 
Jeremy  Taylor  and  Izaak  Walton,  so  in  poetry  we  should  have 
to  lay  aside  the  great  galaxy  of  Milton,  Herbert,  Vaughan, 
Henry  More,  Quarles,  Drummond  of  Hawthornden,  Suckling, 
three  Beaumonts,  three  Fletchers,  John  Davies  of  Hereford, 
Wither,  Shirley,  most  of  Drayton,  Donne,  Carew,  Lord  Brooke, 
William  Browne,  Dekker,  Middleton,Cartwright,  Bishop  Corbet, 
Randolph,  Massinger,  George  Sandys,  Ben  Jonson  and  most  of 
Shakespeare  himself.  Of  the  barely  twenty-one  or  two  poets 
who  fairly  may  claim  places  before  the  date  of  our  survey, 
fourteen  fall  not  only  within  the  last  quarter  of  the  time,  but 
actually  within  its  concluding  nine  years. 

In  history,  travel,  theology  and  religion,  medicine,  music, 
education,  navigation,  husbandry,  etc.,  there  would  be  left  from 
four  or  five  to  fifteen  or  twenty  volumes  apiece,  but  the  really  con- 
spicuous works  in  each  could  be  numbered  upon  the  fingers  of 
one  hand.  And  in  general  prose  literature  there  were  only  seven 
or  eight  men  whose  writings  have  made  their  names  familiar 
now.  From  two  hundred  to  three  hundred  books  might  be  named 
which  had  come  into  being  by  1601.  But  probably  no  library 
included  all,  and  few  libraries  contained  half  of  them.  Indeed, 
many  existed  only  in  manuscript  and  never  became  popular,  if 
at  all,  until  printed  in  modem  days. 

Another  class  of  books,  indeed,  had  place  in  some  houses,  but 
not  openly,  the  literature  of  the  Separatists.  Often  written  in 
fragments  and  in  prison,  and  sent  secretly,  sheet  by  sheet,  to  be 
printed  by  some  Dutchman,  the  resultant  tracts  being  smuggled 
back  into  England,  it  was  a  matter  of  life  and  death  merely  to 
shelter  them.  Even  the  Scriptures  themselves  in  English  then 
were  so  costly,  as  well  as  so  liable  to  involve  the  reader  in  peril. 


30         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

that  probably  only  a  few  families  had  them.  Copies  were  kept 
chained  in  the  churches  for  public  use.^ 

The  condition  of  general  intelligence  in  1601  is  even  more 
difficult  for  us  to  make  real  to  ourselves,  for  in  almost  every 
particular  the  data  of  our  daily  life  have  received  substantial 
revision  since  then. 

It  is  enough  to  note  that  in  1601  it  was  from  a  few  years  to 
three  centuries  before  logarithms,  the  velocity  of  light,  the  laws 
of  motion  and  gravitation,  galvanism,  the  circulation  of  the 
blood,  vaccination,  life-insurance,  the  thermometer,  the  steam- 
engine,  gas,  photography,  cheap  postage,  the  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone, etc.,  were  discovered  or  invented.  It  was  hardly  the 
same  world  as  ours. 

1  See  Antiquary,  November,  1890,  209,  for  notices  of  chained  books  at  present. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  SHADOWS  IN  THE  PICTURE 

We  are  not  to  suppose  that,  because  of  their  ignorance  of  all 
this  as  yet  undiscovered  science  and  art,  the  people  of  that  day 
were  conscious  of  a  great  lack  waiting  to  be  supplied.  Within 
a  century  there  had  been  a  noticeable  decline  in  material  pros- 
perity, accompanied  by,  and  in  some  part  the  cause  of,  a  decline 
of  popular  intelligence.  The  growing  democratic  tendency  of 
the  fifteenth  century  had  been  suppressed,  and  power  had  been 
concentrated  in  the  Crown.^  With  the  resulting  partial  loss  of 
the  sense  of  personal  responsibility  for  the  public  welfare  had 
come  some  loss  of  stimulus  to  personal  intellectual  growth.  In 
some  things  the  average  Englishman  of  1601  was  not  much 
in  advance  of  his  ancestors  of  the  fifteenth  century.  The  popu- 
lar mind  was  crowded  with  crude,  false  and  pernicious  notions. 
It  was  at  the  mercy  of  honest  delusion  and,  too  often,  of  impu- 
dent empiricism.  The  condition  of  things  may  be  indicated  by 
an  examination  of  two  subjects  having  vital  relation  to  the 
civilization  of  that  time. 

Several  causes  peculiarly  exposed  people  to  dangerous  dis- 
tempers. They  had  but  the  most  general  notions  of  hygiene. 
Indeed,  they  had  almost  no  understanding  of  the  need  of  pure 
air,  pure  water  and  personal  cleanliness.^    Andrew  Boorde,^  a 

1  "  Municipal  independence  was  struck  down  at  the  very  roots,  and  the  free 
growth  of  earlier  days  arrested  by  an  iron  discipline  invented  at  Westminster  and 
enforced  by  a  selected  company  of  Townhall  officials,  whose  authority  was  felt  to 
be  ultimately  supported  by  the  majesty  of  the  king  himself.  .  .  .  Under  the  new 
conditions  the  individual  life  of  the  borough  ceased  to  have  the  same  significance 
as  of  old."  —  Mrs.  Green,  Town  Life,  ii :  445,  448. 

2  Erasmus,  Epis.  ccccxxxii,  App. :  — 

"  The  floors  [of  houses]  are  generally  strewed  with  clay,  and  that  covered  with 
rushes  which  are  now  and  then  renewed,  but  not  so  as  to  disturb  the  foundation, 
which  sometimes  remains  for  twenty  years  nursing  a  collection  of  spittle,  vomits, 
excrements  of  dogs  and  human  beings,  spilt  beer  and  fishes  bones,  and  other  filth." 

^  Authorities  for  these  statements  are  Boorde's  Breuyary  of  Health  (1547) ; 


32         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

famous  physician  of  the  sixteenth  century,  advised  people  to 
wipe  their  faces  daily  with  a  scarlet  cloth,  and  to  wash  them 
but  once  a  week.  Onyx  was  imagined  to  strengthen  the  heart, 
and  ruby  to  protect  from  the  plague  and  resist  poison.  Diamond 
also  preserved  from  poison,  yet,  if  taken  inwardly,  would  be 
deadly.  Tumors  were  to  be  reduced  by  being  stroked  with  a 
dead  man's  hand.  Pills  from  the  powdered  skull  of  a  hanged 
man,  water  drunk  from  that  of  his  victim,  powdered  mummy, 
scorpion  oil,  dried  entrails  and  equally  loathsome  doses  were 
thought  useful.  Chips  from  a  gallows  kept  off  the  ague.  The 
words  Ahi'axas  and  Abracadabra  were  much  worn  as  a  talis- 
man to  cure  the  ague.  Pepys  records  this  charm  as  efficacious 
for  a  burn  :  — 

There  came  three  Angells  out  of  the  East ; 

The  one  brought  fire,  the  other  brought  frost  — 

Out  fire  ;  in  frost. 

In  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost.     AMEN 

and  gives  another  for  a  hemorrhage. 

The  great  remedy  for  a  severe  flow  of  blood  was  scarcely  less 
preposterous,  viz. :  "  Cleave  a  hen  in  two,  and  lay  her  hot  upon 
the  wound,  and  it  will  staunch."  ^  This  was  thought  equally 
good  for  other  troubles.  When  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  ill, 
in  1612,  the  royal  physicians  attended,  with  the  famous  Dr. 
William  Butler  of  Cambridge.  A  cock  was  cloven  and  applied 
to  the  soles  of  the  feet,  but  in  vain.  Afterwards  Drs.  Palmer 
and  Gifford  were  called  in  and  discordium  administered,  but 
the  prince  died. 

On  the  other  hand,  blood-letting  was  a  constant  resort  for 
health,  and  even  that  was  mixed  up  with  astrology.^  It  was 
declared  to  be  very  dangerous  to  "  lette  bloud  in  anie  member, 
with  any  chirurgical  instrument  eyther  "  when  the  moon  is  in 
Tauro,  Gemini,  Leo,  Virgo,  Capricorn,  the  last  half  of  Libra 
or  first  of  Scorpio  ;  or  when  the  sun,  moon  or  lord  of  the  horo- 

Francis  'Q&coxCs  Hi storia  Viiae  et  Mortis  (1623) ;  Sharpe's  London  Magazine  (1863), 
Article,  "  Medicine  of  our  Forefathers ;  "  J.  M.  Richards's  Chronology  of  Medicine 
(1880) ;  Pepys's  and  Evelyn's  Diaries ;  Goadby's  England  of  Shakespeare,  and 
The  Roll  of  the  Royal  College  of  Physicians  of  London  (1818). 

1  Bacon  was  no  wiser  than  this.   Hist.  Vitae  et  Mortis  (ed.  1863),  vol.  x :  138, 137. 

2  R.  Harvey,  Astral.  Discourse,  75,  79. 


THE   SHADOWS  IN  THE   PICTURE  33 

scope  is  in  the  sign  which  rules  the  member  to  be  blooded,  etc. 
There  were  unlucky  days  in  every  month,  which  usually  were 
noted  in  almanacs,  and  particularly  set  down  in  Latin  verses  in 
ancient  calendars. 

Sometimes  as  many  as  forty  remedies  were  compounded  into 
a  single  prescription,  so  that  if  one  did  not  cure,  another  might. 
Sir  Walter  Raleigh  in  the  Tower  of  London  invented  a  Great 
Cordial  which  long  was  famous,  a  conglomeration  of  pearl,  mvisk, 
hartshorn,  bezoar,  mint,  borage,  gentian,  mace,  red  rose,  aloes, 
sugar,  sassafras,  spirits  of  wine  and  a  score  or  two  more  ingre- 
dients.i  Charles  II.  would  take  nothing  else.  In  1675  Lord 
Berkeley  having  a  fit  of  apoplexy  at  Whitehall,  several  famous 
doctors  finally  recovered  him  "  to  some  sense,  by  applying  hot 
firepans  and  spirit  of  amber  to  his  head ;  .  .  .  almost  a  miracu- 
lous restoration."^ 

The  essential  unreasonableness  of  the  public  mind  on  this  sub- 
ject is  revealed  also  by  its  attitude  toward  that  condition  of  the 
constitution  now  known  as  scrofula ;  which  usually  may  be  miti- 
gated slowly  and  sometimes  overcome  eventually,  but  which 
cannot  be  instantly  cured.  Our  fathers  called  it  "  king's  evil," 
and  fancied  that  it  could  be  healed  by  the  sovereign's  touch. 
Between  1661  and  1715  the  English  prayer-books  contained 
a  form  of  service  for  use  on  such  occasions.^  It  is  said  that 
Charles  II.  averaged  4000  such  "  cures  "  a  year,  and  that  as  late 
as  March  30,  1712,  two  hundred  persons  were  "touched"  by 
Queen  Anne. 

Aside  from  ordinary  diseases,  three  dire  disorders  ever  and 
anon  invaded  the  panic-stricken  and  nearly  helpless  homes  of  the 
people,  due,  beyond  doubt,  to  the  general  filthiness.  In  1617 
Moryson  said  of  England,  "  In  great  Cities  it  is  forbidden  to 
kill  Kytes  or  Ravens,  because  they  deuoure  the  filth  of  the 
streetes."  These  three  terrors  were  the  plague,  or  pest,  the  sweat- 
ing sickness,  and  the  smallpox.  The  plague  was  an  eruptive, 
contagious  fever,  accompanied  by  glandular  swellings,  which 
sometimes  carried  off  its  victims  in  a  few  hours,  and  which,  in 
the  worst  stricken  localities,  has  been  known  to  result  fatally  in 

1  W.  H.  Dixon,  Her  Majesty's  Tower,  i :  181.  2  Evelyn,  ii :  102. 

3  W.  H.  Frere,  New  Hist,  of  Book  of  Com.  Prayer  (ed.  1901),  253. 


34         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

over  ninety  per  cent  of  all  cases.  Down  to  its  last  appearance 
in  England,  in  1665  when  nearly  70,000  died  in  London  out 
of  a  population  of  460,000 — of  whom  two  thirds  were  sup- 
posed to  have  fled  from  the  contagion  —  it  is  said  to  have 
appeared  on  the  average  at  least  once  in  a  generation,  while  in 
a  few  congenial  localities  it  perhaps  lay  dormant  always. 

The  sweating  sickness  was  even  more  terrible.  It  was  known 
first  in  England  in  1485,  and  afterwards  in  1507, 1517  and  1528, 
and  its  last  appearance  was  in  1551.  It  often  attacked  the  supe- 
rior classes,  as  well  as  the  poor.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  akin 
to  what  now  is  known  as  miliary  fever,  and  its  distinguishing 
feature  was  a  chiU  followed  by  an  exhausting  sweat.  It  seldom 
lasted  longer  than  a  single  day,  and  sometimes  caused  death  in 
two  hours.  In  1517  many  distinguished  people  died  of  it.  In 
some  cases  half  the  population  of  a  town  perished. 

The  smallpox  has  been  so  robbed  of  its  terrors  by  vaccina- 
tion as  to  make  it  hard  to  understand  how  serious  it  was  in  for- 
mer times.  Its  malignance  used  to  be  aggravated  by  the  remedies. 
Not  until  1666  was  it  understood  that  measles  and  scarlet  fever 
differ  from  it,  and  that  free  ventilation  and  a  cooling  regimen 
furnish  it  the  best  treatment.  Next  to  the  other  two  diseases, 
this  used  to  be  most  destructive,  being  dreaded  especially  also 
as  sparing  no  exposed  person,^  and  as  exceptionally  loathsome 
and  disfiguring.  The  average  condition  of  the  public  health  may 
be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  in  Sheffield,  which  then  con- 
tained 2207  people,  there  had  been  between  1590  and  1601 
an  annual  average,  neglecting  fractions,  of  46  marriages,  136 
baptisms,^  and  132  deaths.^  This  gives  an  average  annual 
death-rate  of  sixty  in  the  thousand,  as  against  twenty-two  and 
a  half  for  the  whole  of  England  from  1840  to  1874,*  which  is 
rather  above  than  below  the  ordinary  average  now  in  healthy 
localities. 

A  slight  hurt  then  was  dangerous,  and  surgical  operations 
were  very  apt  to  prove  fatal.  Says  Pepys,  even  two  generations 
later,  on  October  19,  1663  :  — 

1  Haydn,  Diet,  of  Dates  (ed.  1883),  628.    Evelyn,  i:  239,  341  ;  ii:  212,  333. 

2  That  is,  probably,  136  births. 
8  Hunter,  Hallamshire,  21. 

*  Haydn,  562. 


THE   SHADOWS  IN  THE  PICTURE  35 

The  famous  Ned  Mullins,  by  a  slight  fall,  broke  his  leg  at  the  ancle, 
which  festered  ;  and  he  had  his  leg  cut  off  on  Saturday,  but  so  ill  done, 
notwithstanding  all  the  great  chyrurgeons  about  the  towne  at  the  doing 
of  it,  that  they  fear  he  will  not  live  with  it ; 

adding,  on  October  23  :  — 

Mr.  HoUiard,  .  .  .  tells  me  that  Mullins  is  dead  of  his  leg  cut  off  the 
other  day. 

As  to  the  supernatural,  also,  we  have  passed  so  far  from  the 
attitude  of  our  fathers  that  to  appreciate  it  is  almost  impossible.^ 
In  the  childhood  of  the  race  the  conception  of  a  spiritual  in- 
dweller,  whose  withdrawal  causes  death,  easily  suggested  the 
theory  that  to  some  other,  some  ghost  life  should  be  attributed 
all  abnormal  developments,  especially  all  whose  symptoms  in- 
volved any  appearance  of  conflict.  Thus  the  contortions  of 
hysteria,  epilepsy  and  insanity  were  ascribed  to  some  hostile 
spirit,  and  it  naturally  followed  that  the  road  to  prevention  and 
cure  lay  in  the  direction  of  forefending,  or  ending,  such  incar- 
nations. Hence  arose  exorcists  and  medicine-men,  with  their 
incantations. 

This  kind  of  belief  in  departed  spirits  easily  augmented  itself 
by  kindred  convictions  regarding  good,  and,  especially,  evil 
angels,  until  a  whole  science  of  demonology,  sorcery  and  witch- 
craft took  shape.  Christianity,  of  course,  found  it  in  full  force, 
and  to  some  extent  even  among  the  Hebrews.  The  Old  Testa- 
ment forbade  all  magical  arts.  The  chosen  people  were  com- 
manded to  avoid  enchanters,  inquirers  by  familiar  spirits,  con- 
suiters  of  the  dead  and  diviners  ;  and,  as  necessary  to  defend 
the  Israelites  from  the  abominations  of  the  Canaanites,  to  put 
wizards  and  enchantresses  to  death.  When  Christ  came,  He 
conformed  to  the  common  speech  —  because  his  use  of  exact 
terms  would  have  been  incomprehensible  —  and  confined  him- 
self to  such  practical  treatment  as  was  possible  and  benignant, 
trusting  to  the  increasing  influence  of  truth  to  lift  men  to  higher 

^  In  this  rlsumi  are  used  articles  in  the  Ejk.  Brit. ;  C.  W.  Upham's  Lectures  on 
Witchcraft  (1831),  and  Hist.  Witchcrajl  and  Salem  Village  (1867)  ;  the  third  vol. 
of  H.  C.  Lea's  Hist,  of  Inquisition ;  Scot's  Discovery  of  Witchcraft  (1584) ;  J.  Web- 
ster's Displaying  of  Supposed  Witchcraft  (1677) ;  and  King  James's  Daemonologie 
(1597). 


36         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

levels  of  intelligence.  The  early  centuries  of  the  Church,  how- 
ever, did  not  favor  rapid  advance  in  this  direction,  and  the  new- 
Christianity  and  the  old  paganism  kept  step  together  for  a  long 
time.  What  now  would  be  treated  as  hysteria,  epilepsy  or 
limacy,  was  supposed  to  be  "  possession  "  by  the  devil. 

Gradually  a  distinct  doctrine  of  witchcraft  formed  itself.  Its 
first  principle  was  that  Satan  is  in  incessant  warfare  with  the 
Church,  and  works  through  the  fallen  angels,  and  especially 
through  human  beings  whom  he  has  won  to  himself.  These, 
it  was  conceived,  sold  their  soids  to  him  formally  and  agreed 
to  help  him.  In  return  they  were  to  be  endowed  by  him  with 
extra-natural  power,  enabling  them  to  read  men's  thoughts, 
to  leave  their  bodies  and  return  to  them,  to  fly  through  the  air, 
to  transform  themselves  into  the  shapes  of  animals,  and  to  call 
up  the  spirits  of  the  dead.  The  special  weight  of  all  charges 
against  them  lay  in  the  supposed  fact  that  they  not  only  had 
freely  sacrificed  their  souls,  but  also  were  striving  to  tempt  men 
to  revolt  against  Christ's  beneficent  reign.  It  was  held  further 
that  Satan  sealed  the  compact  by  a  touch  which  calloused  the 
skin  and  left  a  permanent  "  witch-mark,"  and  that  the  fountain 
of  tears  was  dried  up.  Witches  oftenest  were  old  women,  "  wiz- 
ard "  being  the  term  for  a  man  thus  "  possessed."  The  distin- 
guishing feature  of  "  the  new  witchcraft  "  of  the  Middle  Ages 
was  the  notion  of  the  worship  of  Satan  in  the  Sabbat,  an  as- 
sembly held  at  night.  It  was  given  out  that  wizards  and  witches 
sailed  to  this  through  the  air,  astride  of  a  broomstick,  a  goat  or 
a  dog.  And  it  was  believed  that  the  most  infernal  rites  were 
celebrated  and  the  foulest  license  allowed. 

Since  the  Church  —  which  included  the  educated  and  well- 
to-do  people  —  soberly  believed  all  this,  of  course  the  masses 
lived  in  terror  of  these  pests.  Learned  writers  proved,  to  the 
general  affright,  that  witches  caused  abortion,  rendered  men 
impotent  and  women  barren,  dried  up  a  nursing  mother's  milk, 
killed  and  ate  infants,  entered  houses  at  night  and  slew  sleep- 
ing children  by  a  touch,  killed  unbaptized  children  when  they 
could,  raised  tempests,  hailstones,  and  plagues  of  locusts  and 
caterpillars,  caused  mortal  sicknesses,  and  blasted  men  with 
lightning. 


THE   SHADOWS  IN   THE   PICTURE  37 

Here  a  citation  from  Mr.  Lea's  learned  work  ^  is  in  order :  — 

To  understand  the  credulity  which  accepted  these  marvels  as  the 
most  portentous  and  dreadful  of  realities,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
they  .  .  .  were  facts  substantiated  by  evidence  irrefragable  according 
to  the  system  of  jurisprudence.  .  .  .  The  criminal  whom  endless  repe- 
tition of  torment  had  reduced  to  stolid  despair  naturally  sought  to 
make  his  confession  square  with  the  requirements  of  his  judge ;  the 
confession  once  made  he  was  doomed,  and  knew  that  retraction,  in 
place  of  saving  him,  would  only  bring  a  renewal  and  prolongation 
of  his  sufferings.  He  therefore  adhered  to  his  confession.  ...  In 
many  cases,  moreover,  torture  and  prolonged  imprisonment  in  the 
foulest  of  dungeons  doubtless  produced  partial  derangement,  leading 
to  belief  that  he  had  committed  the  acts  so  persistently  imputed  to 
him.  In  either  case,  desire  to  obtain  the  last  sacrament,  which  was 
essential  to  salvation,  and  which  was  only  administered  to  contrite 
and  repentant  sinners,  would  induce  him  to  maintain  to  the  last  the 
truth  of  his  confession.  No  proof  more  unquestionable  than  this  could 
be  had  of  any  of  the  events  of  life,  and  belief  in  the  figments  of  witch- 
craft was  therefore  unhesitating.  To  doubt,  moreover,  if  not  heresy, 
was  cause  for  vehement  suspicion.  The  Church  lent  its  overpowering 
authority  to  enforce  belief  on  the  souls  of  men.  The  malignant  powers 
of  the  witch  were  repeatedly  set  forth  in  the  bulls  of  successive  popes 
for  the  implicit  credence  of  the  faithful. 

Such  being  the  convictions  of  the  Romanism  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  there  was  nothing  in  the  dawning  Protestantism  of  the 
sixteenth  to  change  at  once  the  popular  beliefs.  Those  who 
undertook  the  herculean  task  of  modifying  pubUc  opinion  as  to 
any  matters  of  faith  sought  to  excite  as  little  antagonism  as 
possible.  Moreover,  the  natural  influence  of  Protestantism,  in 
throwing  men  back  upon  the  Bible  self-interpreted  for  the 
grounds  of  belief  —  even  while  sowing  seeds  which  would  ripen 
into  a  rational  faith  that  must  uproot  witchcraft  —  at  first  would 
be  to  strengthen  the  existing  conviction  of  its  reality  and  bale- 
ful power.  In  commenting  on  the  passage,  "  Thou  shalt  not 
suffer  a  witch  to  live,"  Calvin  says :  ^  "  Since  such  illusions 
carry  with  them  a  wicked  renunciation  of  God,  no  wonder  that 
He  would  have  them  punished  with  death." 

1  iii :  502.  For  an  official  selection  of  Papal  Bulls  on  this  subject,  see  Corpus 
Juris  Canonici.    Greg.  XIII.  Lib.  Sept.  Decretal,  v.  tit.  12. 

2  Exod.  xxii :  18.   Harm,  of  Pent,  ii :  90.   Inst.  I.  xiv  :  18. 


38         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

The  tenacity  of  this  delusion,  even  in  the  Protestant  mind,  is 
shown  by  two  facts.  In  1665,  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  Lord  Chief 
Justice  of  England,  one  of  the  most  devout  and  humane  of  his 
generation,  charged  a  jury  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds  ^  thus :  — 

That  there  are  such  creatures  as  witches,  I  make  no  doubt  at  all ; 
for  first,  the  Scriptures  have  affirmed  so  much ;  secondly,  the  wisdom 
of  all  nations  hath  provided  laws  against  such  persons. 

The  verdict  was  "  guilty,"  and  the  accused  died  protesting 
their  innocence. 

Exactly  one  hundred  years  later,  Blackstone  said  in  his 
" Commentaries"  ^  —  and  he  spoke  within  eight  years  of  the  emp- 
tying into  the  dock  at  Boston  of  the  tea  from  British  ships  — 

To  deny  the  possibility,  nay,  actual  existence,  of  witchcraft  and 
sorcery,  is  at  once  flatly  to  contradict  the  revealed  word  of  God  .  .  . 
and  the  thing  itself  is  a  truth  to  which  every  nation  in  the  world  hath 
in  its  turn  borne  testimony.  .  .  .  The  civil  law  punishes  with  death 
not  only  the  sorcerers  themselves,  but  also  those  who  consult  them.  .  .  . 
And  our  own  laws,  both  before  and  since  the  conquest,  have  been 
equally  penal ;  ranking  this  crime  in  the  same  class  with  heresy,  and 
condemning  both  to  the  flames.  The  President  Montesquieu  ranks  ^ 
them  also  both  together,  but  with  a  very  different  view :  Laying  it 
down  as  an  important  maxim,  that  we  ought  to  be  very  circumspect 
in  the  prosecution  of  magic  and  heresy  ;  because  the  most  unexcep- 
tionable conduct,  the  purest  morals,  and  the  constant  practice  of  every 
duty  in  life,  are  not  a  sufficient  security  against  the  suspicion  of  crimes 
like  these.  And  indeed  the  ridiculous  stories  that  are  generally  told, 
and  the  many  impostures  and  delusions  that  have  been  discovered  in 
all  ages,  are  enough  to  demoHsh  all  faith  in  such  a  dubious  crime  ;  if 
the  contrary  evidence  were  not  also  extremely  strong.  Wherefore  it 
seems  to  be  the  most  eligible  way  to  conclude,  with  an  ingenious  writer  * 
of  our  own,  that  in  general  there  has  been  such  a  thing  as  witchcraft ; 
though  one  cannot  give  credit  to  any  particular  modern  instance  of  it. 

It  is  true  that  there  had  been  a  few  utterances  on  the  other 
side.  In  1392  Walter  Brute  ^  declared  the  Popish  exorcisms 
abominable  and  absurd.  In,  or  about,  1577,  John  Wierus,  phy- 
sician to  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  maintained  ^  that  persons  accused 

1  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Chief  Justices  (ed.  1849),  i :  565.  2  Ed.  1790,  iv :  60. 

2  Spir.  of  Laws,  Bk.  12,  c.  5.  *  Addison,  Spectator,  No.  117. 
^  Story  of  Walter  Brute.   John  Foxe,  Acts  and  Monuments,  ed.  1844. 

®  De  Prestigiis  Damonum  et  Incantationibus. 


THE  SHADOWS  IN  THE  PICTURE  39 

of  witchcraft  were  unbalanced  and  deserved  pity.  Seven  or 
eight  years  later  came  out  in  London  the  courageous  "  Discovery 
of  Witchcraft,"  by  Reginald  Scot,  whose  object  was  to  stop  the 
cruel  persecutions  for  witchcraft  by  proving  that  there  was  no 
solid  foundation  for  the  infamous  superstructure  of  popular  be- 
lief. He  insisted  that  the  tales  were  fables  ;  that  witches,  who 
were  declared  able  to  squeeze  through  keyholes,  to  become  ani- 
mals, to  fly,  and  the  like,  never  escaped  thus  from  prison ;  that 
the  hypothesis  was  against  all  just  views  of  God,  and  that 
the  Bible  rightly  interpreted  gave  no  countenance  to  the  doc- 
trine. But  he  was  more  than  a  century  in  advance  of  his  age,  and 
King  James,  in  1597,  tried  to  demolish  him  in  the  preface 
to  his  own  "  Daemonologie,"  and  at  least  was  able  to  have  Scot's 
book  burned. 

There  was  a  revival  of  interest  in  this  subject  during  the 
seventeenth  century.  In  1600  Thomas  Ady  ^  had  publicly  dis- 
favored the  extreme  views  then  common,  as  had  Tobias  Tandle- 
rus^  six  years  later,  and  six  treatises,^  reaffirming  substantially 
the  old  views,  were  printed  within  twenty-five  years ;  while  at 
least  fourteen  more^  appeared  before  the  close  of  the  century 


1  Treatise  concerning  Witches  and  Witchcraft,  4°,  1600. 

^  De  Fascino  et  Incantatione,  Dissertationes  Physicae-Medicae,  1606. 

^  G.  GifFard,  Dialogue  concerning  Witches  and  Witchcrafts,  4°,  1603.  W.  Perkins, 
Discourse  of  the  damned  Art  of  Witchcraft,  etc.,  8°,  1608.  J.  Cotta,  The  Triall  of 
Witchcraft,  shewing  the  True  and  Right  Methode  of  the  Discouery,  4°,  1616.  A.  Roberts, 
A  Treatise  of  Witchcraft,  etc.,  4°,  1616.  T.  Cooper,  The  Mystery  of  Witchcraft, 
etc.,  12=',  1617.    R.  Bernard,  A  Guide  to  Grand  lury  men,  etc.,  24°,  1627. 

*  J.  Gavle,  Select  Cases  of  Conscience,  concerning  Witches  and  Witchcraft,  8°, 
1646.  Stearne,  Confirmation  and  Discovery  of  Witchcraft,  4°,  1648.  T.  Ady, 
Perfect  Discovery  of  Witches,  etc.,  4°,  1661.  J.  Glanvil,  A  Blow  at  Modern  Saddu- 
cism  In  Some,  or  Philosophical  Considerations  about  Witchcraft,  etc.,  4°,  1666.  M. 
Casaubon,  Of  Credulity  and  Incredulity  against  the  Sadducism  of  the  Times  in 
denying  Spirits,  Witches,  etc.,  8°,  1668.  A  Pleasant  Treatise  of  Witches.  Their 
Imps,  and  Meetings,  etc.  By  a  pen  near  the  Covent  of  Eluthery,  1673.  J.  Brinley, 
A  Discovery  of  the  Impostures  of  Witches  and  Astrologers,  8°,  1680.  J.  Brinley,  A 
Discourse  of  the  Impostures  Practised  in  Judicial  Astrology,  8°,  1680.  The  second 
part  of  the  foregoing.  J.  GlanvU,  Sadducismus  Triumphatus,  or  Full  and  Plain 
Evidence  Concerning  Witches  and  Apparitions,  8°,  1681.  R.  Bovet,  Pandaemonium, 
etc.,  8°,  1684.  G.  Sinclair,  Satan's  Invisible  World  discovered,  etc.,  12°,  1685.  A 
Discourse  Proving  by  Scripture  Sf  Season  And  the  Best  Authors,  Ancient  and 
Modern,  that  there  Are  Witches,  etc,  1686.  I.  Mather,  Cases  of  Conscience  concerning 
Witchcraft,  4°,  1691.  Sir  M.  Hale,  Collection  of  Modern  Relations  of  Matter  of  Fact, 
concerning  Witches,  4°,  1693. 


40         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

on  the  same  side,  with  two  ^  in  the  main  defending  the  doctrines 
of  Scot.    We  will  glance  at  two  of  these. 

The  "  Guide  to  Grand  lury  men,"  in  reference  to  witch  trials, 
was  written,  two  years  after  Robinson's  death,  by  Richard  Ber- 
nard, himself  a  Puritan,  with  whom  Robinson  had  a  controversy 
upon  church  polity,  but  with  whom  in  other  essentials  he  was  at 
one.  The  object  is  to  prove  that  although  there  may  be  both 
self-deceived  and  counterfeit  witches,  nevertheless,  there  are 
witches  who  make  an  express  league  with  Satan  ;  and  to  declare 
how  bewitchment  may  be  known  and  how  witches  are  to  be 
detected.  He  believes  in  the  "witch's  mark,"  favors  the  tear- 
test,  and  after  enumerating  various  ways  of  inducing  the  suspect 
to  confess,  he  advocates  torture,  or  "  a  shew  thereof  at  least," 
and  the  death  of  those  convicted. 

The  "  Discourse  of  the  damned  Art  of  Witchcraft  "  was 
preached  as  sermons  at  St.  Andrew's,  in  Cambridge,  by  William 
Perkins,  and  was  published  after  his  death,  in  1602.  No  man 
stood  higher  with  the  godly  people  of  England  than  he.  There 
is  reason  to  think  that  he  was  the  spiritual  teacher  of  Robinson, 
and  Robinson  certainly  had  a  great  regard  for  his  opinions. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  his  views  upon  this  subject  were 
those  in  which  our  fathers  were  indoctrinated.  Perkins  teaches 
that  witchcraft  is  an  actual  thing,  which  for  wise  reasons  God 
permits ;  that  there  is  a  league  between  Satan  and  the  witch ; 
that  witchcraft  includes  divination,  necromancy  and  juggling ; 
that  there  are  good  and  bad  witches ;  that  "  of  the  two  the 
more  horrible  and  detestable  Monster  is  the  good  Witch,"  and 
that  all  witches  should  be  put  to  death.  His  meaning  as  to 
these  "  good  witches  "  perhaps  comes  out  also  in  another  treatise, 
"  A  Resolution  to  the  Countrey-man,  proouing  it  vtterly  vnlaw- 
full  to  buie  or  use  our  yearely  Prognostications,"  in  which  he 
condemns  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  casting  nativities,  telling 
fortunes,  predicting  floods  or  droughts,  and  prophesying  life  or 
death.    And  this  reminds  us  again  that  the  public  mind  still  was 

^  J.  WagstafFe,  Question  of  Witchcraft  Debated  .  .  .  against  their  opinion  that  affirm 
Witches,  8°,  1671.  J.  Webster,  Displaying  of  Supposed  Witchcraft  .  .  .  that  there  is 
a  corporeal  League  made  betwixt  the  Devil  and  the  Witch,  etc.,  utterly  disproved,  fol. 
1677. 


THE   SHADOWS  IN   THE   PICTURE  41 

ruled  by  superstitions  in  regard  to  the  influence  of  the  planets, 
stars  and  moon  upon  human  fortunes. 

A  pertinent  illustration  is  found  in  a  little  volume  by  Rich- 
ard Harvey,  in  1583,  in  which  with  utmost  sincerity  he  declares 
that  the  "  malice  of  the  vnlucky  planet  Saturne,  hath  by  his 
mischieuous  importunitie  ouercome  and  vanquished  the  good, 
wholsome  &  sweete  nature  of  the  benevolous  and  favourable 
planet  lupiter,"  This  wiU  cause  floods,  cold  weather,  envy, 
debate,  quarrelling,  going  to  law,  persecution,  poverty,  sterility, 
barrenness,  fire,  shipwrecks,  pestilence,  and  many  other  mournful 
things.  And  he  adds  that  certain  direful  consequences  of  a 
small  eclipse  of  the  sun  m  the  previous  June  remained  to  be 
experienced,  which  he  particularizes  thus  :  ^  — 

The  whole  yeare,  to  speake  more  vniversally,  is  like  to  proue  but  a 
bad  yeare  for  al  nianer  of  cattel,  but  especially  and  principally  for 
sheepe.  Pease  &  Beanes,  I  suppose,  will  be  plentiful  and  good  cheape  : 
but  wheate,  by  my  coniectures,  will  be  scarce  &  very  deare.  Barlie 
shall  be  indifferent,  but  yet  of  the  two,  rather  deare  than  cheape.  We 
are  like  to  haue  good  store  of  Honie,  &  sufficient  plentie  of  Oyle. 
Butter  and  Cheese  slial  be  some  what  deare :  we  are  not  to  looke  for 
anie  store  or  aboundaunce  of  fruite  :  a  dearth  of  victualles  is  muche  to 
be  feared :  grieuous  losses  by  shipwracke  :  sundrie  danmiages  by  fire  : 
manie  shamefull  whoredomes,  thefts,  robberies,  spoiles,  oppressions, 
treacheries,  and  mutinies  greatly  to  be  dreaded  :  perillous  factions,  sedi- 
tions, tumultes,  insurrections  &  uprores,  togither  with  hote  preparance 
[preparation]  for  warre  to  be  looked  for,  especially  in  y"  Northeast 
countries.  Many  infirmities  and  diseases,  shal  generally  raigne,  both 
amongst  men,  women,  &  cliildren,  proceeding  of  unnatural  moist- 
nesse,  &  distemperate  heat,  as  by  ye  event  wil  more  sensibly  ajopeare. 
The  death  of  some  mightie,  and  renowmed  Magistrate  by  al  Astrolo- 
gical coniectures  is  to  ensue :  and  finally,  a  sore  mortalitie  is  very  like 
to  inuade  manye  places,  as  well  somewhat  neare  liande,  as  farther  off. 

The  community  was  not  wise  enough  to  treat  this  as  nonsense, 
and  the  book  threw  the  whole  kingdom  into  consternation. 
Even  the  Privy  Council  censured  the  author,  especially  because 
of  the  foretold  death  of  "  some  mightie,  and  renowmed  Magis- 
trate," supposed  to  mean  Queen  Elizabeth. 

^  An  Astrological  discourse  vpon  the  great  and  notable  Coniunction  of  the  two  Su- 
periour  Planets,  Satvbne  Sf  Ivpiter,  which  shall  happen  the  28  day  of  April,  1583, 
14,  74. 


42         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Public  thinking  was  saturated  with  infatuations  and  misjudg- 
ments,  and  nothing  seemed  too  incredible  for  sober  acceptance. 
It  was  not  long  since  Ricobaldi  gravely  had  asserted,  that  an 
Italian  woman  had  had  forty-two  children  before  her  fortieth 
year;i  and  the  "  Osnaburg  Chronicle  "  had  declared  that  one 
mother  had  300  sons  at  a  birth,^  and  that  a  man,  named  Nico- 
lanus  Piscis,  because  of  maternal  malediction,  lived  in  the  sea, 
unable  to  exist  out  of  water. 

With  all  this  superstition  there  was  a  hardness  of  feeling 
which  looked  without  emotion  upon  human  suffering,  and  toler- 
ated social  conditions  now  abhorrent.  Some  favorite  amuse- 
ments of  the  people  were  cruel.  There  was  a  "  Master  of  the 
King's  games  of  bears,  buUs,  and  mastiff  dogs,"  ^and  one  wrote 
in  1575  as  follows  :  ^  — 

It  waz  a  sport  very  pleazaunt  of  theez  beastz ;  to  see  the  bear  with 
hiz  pink  nyez  [eyes]  leering  after  hiz  enmies  approch,  the  nimblness 
and  wayt  of  ye  dog  too  take  hiz  auantage,  and  the  fors  and  experi- 
ense  of  the  bear  agayn  to  avoyd  the  assauts  :  ...  if  he  wear  taken 
onez,  then  what  shyft  with  byting,  with  clawyng,  Avith  roring,  tossing 
and  tumbling,  he  woold  Avoork  to  wynde  hymself  from  them  ;  and 
when  he  waz  lose,  to  shake  hiz  earz  twyse  or  thryse  wyth  the  blud 
and  the  slauer  about  his  fiznamy  [physiognomy]  waz  a  matter  of 
a  goodly  releef. 

In  1598   Paid  Hentzner  also  said  :     — 

There  is  still  another  place,  built  in  the  form  of  a  theatre,  which 
serves  for  the  baiting  of  Bulls  and  Bears,  they  are  fastened  behind, 
and  then  worried  by  great  English  bull-dogs.  ...  To  this  entertain- 
ment there  often  follows  that  of  whipping  a  blinded  Bear. 

All  this  continued  far  into  the  seventeenth  century.  The 
ducking-stool,  also,  and  the  scold's  bridle,  often  were  cruelly 
used  upon  the  innocent  and  helpless,  as  well  as  upon  those 
who  perhaps  had  earned  them  fairly. 

1  Fort.  Med.  Econ.  during  Mid.  Ages,  362-363. 

2  Evelyn,  September  1,  1641,  describes  seeing  at  Leyden  both  a  monument  to  a 
Countess  of  Holland  who  had  365  children  at  one  birth,  and  also  the  basins  in 
which  they  were  baptized!  So  Howells  {Famil.  Letters  (ed.  1754),  9),  and  Pepys, 
May  19-29,  1660. 

3  Rye,  215. 

*  Robert  Lanehani,  Letter  from  Kenilworth  Castle  (ed.  1821),  25. 
6  42. 


THE   SHADOWS   IN   THE   PICTURE  43 

This  hardness  of  the  general  heart  was  manifested  especially 
in  the  treatment  of  prisoners.  If  a  man  struck  another  in  the 
king's  court  so  as  to  draw  blood,  his  right  hand  was  chopped 
off  and  the  stump  seared  with  a  hot  iron.i  The  stocks  and  the 
piUory  were  designed  at  once  to  disgrace  a  culprit  and  to  tempt 
the  brutality  of  the  multitude.  Sometimes,  when  one  was  pil- 
loried, his  ears  were  nailed  to  the  post  and  he  was  left  to  tear 
himself  away.^  The  rabble  were  expected  to  pay  their  respects 
to  such  captives  by  pelting  them  with  stones  and  garbage. 
There  also  was  a  place  of  detention  hard  by  the  stocks,  appar- 
ently open  to  public  view  and  called  the  "  cage,"  in  which  per- 
sons arrested  for  slight  offences  were  kept.  A  generation  later, 
in  1631,  at  Salisbury,  a  prisoner  about  to  be  condemned  to 
transportation  for  felony,  threw  a  stone  at  the  judge,  which 
broke  the  wainscoting ;  whereupon  his  right  hand  was  cut  off, 
and  he  was  hung  upon  an  extemporized  gaUows  in  the  presence 
of  the  court.3  Hanging  usually  was  done  by  driving  the  pris- 
oner in  a  cart  under  the  gallows,  and  driving  on  the  cart, 
leaving  him  to  dangle ;  or  by  making  him  ascend  a  ladder, 
which  then  was  knocked  away. 

Treason  —  and  many  things  then  were  accounted  as  treason 
which  long  since  have  been  transferred  to  a  lower  grade  of 
guilt  and  penalty  —  was  punished  with  awful  severity,  as 
appears  from  the  sentence  of  the  Earl  of  Carlisle :  — 

The  award  of  the  Court  is  that  for  your  treason  you  be  drawn,  and 
hanged,  and  beheaded ;  that  your  heart,  and  bowels,  and  entrails, 
whence  came  your  traitorous  thoughts,  be  torn  out,  and  burnt  to  ashes, 
and  that  the  ashes  be  scattered  to  the  winds ;  that  your  body  be  cut 
into  four  quarters,  and  that  one  of  them  be  hanged  upon  the  Tower 

1  Stowe,  Annals,  581. 

2  See  case  of  Timothy  Penredd,  Pike,  ii :  82,  83,  85,  616.  The  last  person  to  be 
pilloried  in  England  is  thought  to  have  been  Robert  James  Bossy,  sentenced  for 
perjury  to  transportation  for  seven  years,  and  to  stand  one  hour  in  the  pillory  at 
the  Old  Bailey,  which  he  did,  June  24,  1834. —  Old  and  New  London,  ii:  471. 

^  The  account  shows  the  odd,  semi-French  lingo  then  in  use  :  — 
"Richardson,  C.  J.  de  C.  Banc.  al.  Assizes  at  Salisbury  in  summer,  1631,  fuit 
assault  per  prisoner  la  condemne  pur  felony  ;  que  puis  son  condemnation,  ject  un 
brickbat  a  le  dit  Justice,  qui  narrowly  mist ;  et  pur  ceo  immediately  fuit  indict- 
ment drawn  per  Roy  [Attor.^  Gen']  envers  le  prisoner,  et  son  dexter  manus  ampute 
and  fix  at  gibbet,  sur  que  luy  meme  immediatement  hange  in  presence  de  Court." 
—  Treby,  C.  J.,  Notes  to  Oyer's  Beports,  fol.  ed.  188,  b. 


44         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

of  Carlisle,  another  upon  the  Tower  of  Newcastle,  a  third  upon  the 
Bridge  of  York,  and  the  fourth  at  Shrewsbury ;  and  that  your  head 
be  set  upon  London  bridge. 

Those  convicted  of  robbery  were  hung  in  chains  and  left  to 
the  weather.  Perhaps  the  worst  punishment  of  all  was  the  peine 
forte  et  dure,  which,  about  1400,  succeeded  the  j^^ison  forte  et 
dure,  which  had  been  confinement  in  a  narrow  cell  and  absolute 
starvation.  The  terms  of  the  infliction  of  this  penalty  —  to 
which  those  were  sentenced  who  refused  to  plead  to  their  indict- 
ments, and  so  could  not  be  convicted,  and  preserved  their  lands 
for  their  heirs  —  were  these :  ^  — 

That  you  be  taken  back  to  the  prison  whence  you  came,  to  a  low 
dungeon  into  which  no  light  can  enter ;  that  you  be  laid  on  your  back 
on  the  bare  floor,  with  a  cloth  round  your  loins,  but  elsewhere  naked ; 
that  there  be  set  upon  your  body  a  weight  of  iron  as  great  as  you  can 
bear — and  greater;  that  you  have  no  sustenance,  save,  on  the  first 
day,  three  morsels  of  the  coarsest  bread,  on  the  second  day  three 
draughts  of  stagnant  water  from  the  pool  nearest  to  the  prison  door, 
on  the  third  day  again  three  morsels  of  bread  as  before,  and  such 
bread  and  such  water  alternately  from  day  to  day  until  you  die. 

Gradually  it  became  customary  to  place  a  sharp  piece  of  timber 
beneath  the  back  of  the  sufferer  to  hasten  death.  In  1658  a 
portion  of  the  mass  of  iron  and  stone  laid  upon  one  Strangeways 
was  placed  angle-wise  over  his  heart.  This  proving  insufficient 
to  crush  out  his  life,  the  attendants  added  the  weight  of  their 
own  bodies.2 

Other  methods  of  torture  also  were  tolerated,  and  apparently 
approved.  There  was  the  room  in  the  Tower,  "  Little  Ease," 
where  standing  erect  and  lying  at  length  alike  were  impossible. 
There  was  the  "  Dungeon  among  the  Bats."  There  were  the 
thumb-screw,  the  whip-cord  drawn  tighter  and  tighter  around 
the  thumbs ;  the  rack,  and  "  Skevington's  Davighter,"  invented 
by  a  lieutenant  of  that  name.  The  last  two  were  complementary 
to  each  other ;  the  former  straining  the  joints  and  ligaments 
apart,  the  latter  forcing  the  legs  back  to  the  thighs,  the  thighs 
to  the  stomach,  and  drawing  the  whole  body  together  by  iron 
bands,  until  the  blood  was  forced  out  of  the  tips  of  the  fingers, 

1  Pike,  i :  226,  387.  2  Harleian  Miscellany,  iv  :  1-11. 


T^HE   SHADOWS  IN   THE   PICTURE  45 

the  toes,  the  nostrils  and  the  mouth,  and  the  ribs  and  breast- 
bane  were  crushed  in.     . 

The  strange  insensibility  of  even  the  educated  classes  to  injus- 
tice and  cruelty  is  shown  strikingly  by  two  cases  almost  a  gen- 
eration later.  In  1621  one  Floyd,  a  gentleman  imprisoned  in 
the  Fleet,  spoke  slightingly  of  the  Elector  Palatine  and  his  wife. 
Just  then  the  comment  excited  popular  displeasure,  especially 
as  Floyd  was  a  Romanist.  The  House  of  Commons  took  up  the 
matter  and  the  king  interfered  to  protect  Floyd,  which  did  him 
no  good,  as  the  king  was  suspected  of  leaning  towards  Popery. 
Floyd  actually  was  sentenced  ^  —  and  this  took  place  within  six 
months  after  the  sailing  of  the  Mayflower  —  to  be  degraded 
from  his  gentility  and  held  infamous,  and  incompetent  to  testify 
in  a  court ;  to  ride  from  the  Fleet  to  Cheapside  on  horseback 
with  no  saddle  and  with  his  face  to  the  horse's  tail,  which  he 
was  to  hold  in  his  hand ;  there  to  stand  two  hours  in  the  pillory 
and  to  be  branded  with  the  letter  K ;  four  days  later  to  ride 
in  the  same  manner  from  the  Fleet  to  Westminster,  and  there 
stand  two  hours  in  the  pillory  with  words  on  a  paper  on  his  hat 
setting  forth  his  crime ;  to  be  whipped  at  the  cart's  tail  from 
the  Fleet  to  Westminster  Hall ;  to  pay  a  fine  of  £5000  ;  and 
to  remain  in  Newgate  a  prisoner  for  life.  On  Prince  Charles's 
urgency  the  whipping  was  omitted,  but  the  poor  man  seems  to 
have  undergone  the  remainder  of  his  sentence ! 

Roman  Catholics  frequently  were  objects  of  public  vengeance, 
but  less,  generally,  for  their  religion  than  for  their  constant  plots 
against  the  government.^  In  1580  it  was  declared  to  be  treason 
for  any  one  to  leave  the  Established  Church  and  become  a 
Romanist. 

In  1628  a  Scotch  divine,  Alexander  Leighton,  published  in 
Holland  "  An  Appeal  to  the  Parliament,  or  Sion's  Plea  against 
the  Prelacie,"  in  which  he  assailed  the  Church  of  England. 
Nothing,  however,  went  beyond  what  long  had  been  common  in 
the  invective  of  such  literature,  and  quite  as  common  in  the 
writings  of  the  bishops  and  their  apologists  as  in  those  of  their 

1  Hallam,  Const.  Hist.  Eng.  i:  361. 

^  The  Venetian  ambassador  in  London,  1608-11,  M.  A.  Correr,  in  his  Relation 
(VAngleterre,  traus.  by  Rye,  228. 


46         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

antagonists ;  nothing  which,  now  would  subject  its  author  to 
anything  severer  than  criticism  of  his  taste  and  emphasis.  But 
in  1630  the  Star  Chamber  took  it  uj)  and  Leighton  was  con- 
demned 1  unanimously  to  degradation  from  his  ministry,  to 
imprisonment  for  life,  to  the  enormous  fine  of  ,£10,000,  to  be 
whipped  and  set  in  the  pillory  at  Westminster  in  presence  of 
the  Court,  to  have  one  of  his  ears  cut  off  and  his  nose  slit,  to  be 
branded  in  the  face  with  the  letters  S  S  (Stirrer  of  Sedition), 
to  be  imprisoned  in  the  Fleet,  to  be  whipped  and  pilloried  again 
on  a  market-day  in  Cheapside  at  some  convenient  later  time, 
and  to  have  the  other  ear  cut  off. 

We  lack  some  of  those  helps  for  discovering  the  intimate 
quality  of  these  years  which  are  supplied  for  a  generation  or 
two  later  by  the  diaries  of  Pepys  and  Evelyn.  But  it  is  safe 
to  take  their  testimony  as  throwing  light  also  upon  the  earlier 
period,  because  there  is  no  evidence  that  in  their  days  the  Eng- 
lish were  less  civilized  than  formerly.  The  time  of  Charles  II., 
indeed,  exceeded  any  previous  period  in  its  shameless  debauchery. 
Yet  the  general  tone  of  English  society,  as  these  diarists  knew 
it,  was  essentially  the  same  as  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  cen- 
tury.   Says  Evelyn,  on  January  30,  1660  :  — 

This  day  (O  the  stupendous  and  inscrutable  judgments  of  God!) 
were  the  carcases  of  those  arch-rebels,  Cromwell,  Bradshawe  (the 
judge  who  condemned  his  Majesty)  and  Ireton  (son-in-law  to  the 
Usurper),  dragged  out  of  their  superb  tombs  in  Westminster  among 
the  Kings,  to  Tyburn,  and  hanged  on  the  gallows  there  from  nine  in  the 
morning  till  six  at  night,  and  then  buried  under  that  fatal  and  igno- 
minious monument  in  a  deep  pit ;  thousands  of  people  who  had  seen 
them  in  aU  their  pride  being  spectators. 

And  again,  on  October  17,  1660,  he  adds :  — 

I  saw  not  their  execution  [Scot,  Scroop,  Cook  and  Jones],  but  met 

their  quarters,  mangled,  and  cut,  and  reeking,  as  they  were  brought 

from  the  gallows  in  baskets  on  the  hurdle. 

And  Pepys  says,  October  21,  1660  :  — 

I  met  George  Vines,  who  carried  me  up  to  the  top  of  his  turret, 
where  there  is  Cooke's  head  set  up  for  a  traytor,  and  Harrison's  set  up 
on  the  other  side  of  Westminster  Hall.   Here  I  could  see  them  plainly. 

1  Rushworth,  Hist.  Coll.  ii :  55-57. 


THE   SHADOWS  IN   THE  PICTURE  47 

That  this  want  of  sensitiveness  exhibited  itself  in  other  direc- 
tions is  obvious.  Pepys  says,  January  1,  1660,  that  his  cousin, 
Anthony  Fenner,  was  "  so  civil  "  as  to  come  and  eat  oysters, 
neat's  tongues  and  anchovies  with  him,  and  make  himself  "  pretty 
merry  with  wine  of  all  sorts,  and  Northdowne  ale,"  although  that 
cousin's  only  child  had  died  that  morning.  He  also  narrates, 
April  4,  1662,  how  the  corpse  of  a  drowned  man  floated  up  and 
down  the  Thames  in  the  face  of  London  four  days,  no  one  taking 
the  trouble  to  bury  him ;  how  Bishop  Braybrooke's  body,  after 
it  fell  down  from  its  tomb  during  the  great  fire,  lay  a  long  time 
in  Convocation  House  Yard  "  to  be  handled  and  derided ;  "  and 
how  the  poor  remains  of  Katharine  of  Valois  were  —  February, 
1668  —  exposed  to  the  mocking  homage  of  passers-by  at  West- 
minster. 

Personal  habits  often  were  worse  than  careless.  King  James 
never  washed  his  hands. ^  Pepys  declares  that  his  own  wife  spent 
the  "Lord's  Day,"  November  22,  1668,  in  "making  herself 
clean,  after  four  or  five  weeks  being  in  continued  dirt ; "  and 
mentions  her  bathing  in  hot  water  as  xmlikely  to  be  repeated 
sufficiently  ;  and  more  than  once  speaks  of  scrubbing  his  own 
face  with  a  pumice-stone  as  "  a  very  easy,  speedy,  and  cleanly  " 
practice.  He  declares  that  he  was  driven  indoors  by  the  care- 
lessness of  Sir  William  Penn,  his  neighbor,  with  his  slops.  It 
was  not  unusual  for  the  persons  of  gentlemen  and  ladies  to  be 
troubled  with  vermin.  Pepys  narrates  how  once,  upon  a  jour- 
ney, at  an  inn  near  Salisbury  Plain,  a  peddler  was  dispossessed 
of  his  room,  Pepys  and  his  wife  occupying  the  bed,  and  their 
two  maids  a  trundle-bed  in  the  same  apartment,  and  how  they 
discovered  that  the  beds  were  "  good  but  lousy."  Mrs.  Pepys 
found  it  needful  in  this  respect  to  cleanse  assiduously  the  per- 
son of  a  new  maid  ;  he  himself  bought  a  periwig  that  was  full 
of  "  nits ; "  and,  calling  once  on  the  Russian  Embassy,  he  found 
its  members  busily  hunting  the  same  pests. 

The  freedom  with  which  sacred  things  often  were  treated  is 

^  James  Balfour,  Annales  of  Scotland,  ii :  108.  Pepys  (iii :  267)  declares  that : 
"  The  fine  Mrs.  Middleton  [a  famous  heauty  and  the  daughter  of  Sir  R.  Needham] 
is  noted  for  carrying  about  her  body  a  continued  sour  base  smell,  that  is  very 
offensive,  especially  if  she  be  a  little  hot." 

As  to  Charles  II  's  personal  disagreeableness,  see  Evelyn,  ii :  207. 


48         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

illustrated  by  the  fact  that  after  a  dinner  at  Lambeth,  the  palace 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  "  one  Cornet  Bolton  .  .  .  did 
pray  and  preach  like  a  Presbyter  Scot,  with  all  the  possible  im- 
itation in  grimaces  and  voice."  Pepys  says,  "  It  made  us  all 
burst ; "  but  adds  his  wonder  that  the  Bishop  (Sheldon)  should 
have  countenanced  such  a  scene  by  his  presence,  although  he 
did  "  have  the  room  door  shut." 

Excess  in  drinking  was  common  among  those  accounted  the 
best  peoj^le.  Pepys  himself  and  his  guests  caroused  until  they 
were  "  mighty  merry,  smutting  one  another  with  candle-grease 
and  soot,  till  most  of  us  were  like  devils,"  and  the  women  "  put 
on  periwigs."  A  young  parson  "  got  himself  drunk  before  din- 
ner." A  clerk  of  the  council  came  to  Pepys's  house  so  intoxi- 
cated that  Pepys  had  to  defend  the  ladies  from  his  maudlin 
approaches.  Sir  William  Penn  not  infrequently  was  in  such  a 
state  as  to  make  it  useless  to  do  business  with  him.  A  Govern- 
ment Commissioner  was  "  as  drunk  as  a  dogg,  but  could  stand, 
and  talke,  and  laugh."  Pepys's  surgeon  became  so  inebriated 
that  he  "  did  talk  nothing  but  Latin,  and  laugh,"  so  that  "  it 
was  very  good  sport  to  see  a  sober  man  in  such  a  humour, 
though  he  was  not  drunk  to  scandal "  !  Two  members  of  Par- 
liament were  so  tipsy  in  their  places  that  they  "  did  both  speak 
for  half  an  hour  together,  and  could  not  be  either  laughed,  or 
pulled,  or  bid  to  sit  down  and  hold  their  peace."  When  Pepys 
made  his  great  speech  in  the  Conmions,  it  was  impossible  to  get 
the  vote  because  his  speech  "  being  so  long,  many  had  gone  out 
to  dinner  and  came  in  again  half  drmik ;  "  and  the  same  frank 
narrator  mentions  more  than  one  instance  when  noblemen  be- 
came so  crazy  with  wine  as  to  strip  themselves  nearly  or  quite 
naked  and  run  amuck  through  the  streets. 

This  suggests  that  great  grossness  of  manners  then  was  ex- 
hibited even  in  respectable  circles.  Friends  paid  their  respects 
to  the  bridegroom  and  the  bride  after  they  had  retired  upon  the 
wedding-night ;  and  ladies,  while  still  in  bed,  or  while  dressing, 
received  their  male  friends.  Pepys  once  called  on  Mrs.  Turner, 
the  wife  of  a  serjeant-at-law,  and  was  admitted  to  her  bedroom 
where  she  was  robing  herself.  She  "  took  occasion  "  to  show 
him  her  leg,  which  he  declares  the  finest  he  ever  saw,  "  and  she 


THE  SHADOWS  IN  THE  PICTURE  49 

not  a  little  proud  of  it."  Fashionable  ladies  wore  masks  to  the 
theatre,  so  that  they  might  listen  to  the  vulgarity  of  many  plays 
without  the  trouble  of  blushing.^ 

In  1601  the  Established  Church,  of  course,  iiiled  religious 
matters  with  a  high  hand.  Whitgift  was  nearing  the  end  of  his 
primacy  at  Canterbury,  Matthew  Hutton  was  Archbishop  of 
York,  and  Richard  Bancroft,  soon  to  succeed  Whitgift,  was 
Bishop  of  London.  Many  rectors  were  university  graduates, 
and  some  were  men  of  learning  and  piety.  But  others  were 
different,  and  midtitudes  of  the  small  and  remote  parishes  either 
were  without  clergy  or  were  served  by  unfit  men.  The  service 
for  Sunday  and  for  baptisms,  marriages  and  burials  remained 
essentially  what  it  had  been  since  the  Reformation.  In  the 
country  marriages  often  were  put  off  till  late.  In  the  city  and 
among  the  higher  classes  they  sometimes  were  solemnized  at  a 
preposterously  early  age.^  A  public  betrothal  preceded  the 
marriage. 

The  "  passing  bell  "  ^  still  was  tolled,  as  in  the  old  unre- 
formed  days,  nor  had  that  ceremony  altogether  become  divested 
of  the  Romish  superstition  that  it  repeUed  evil  spirits.  After 
a  death  the  friends  assembled  for  the  "  liche-wake,"  *  which, 
once  having  the  purpose  of  tenderly  watching  the  body  until  its 
burial,  under  Romish  influence  had  degenerated  into  an  occasion 
of  drunkenness  and  scandal,  from  which  it  had  not  recovered 
itself  wholly.  At  the  funeral  service  the  body  was  met  by  the 
priest  at  the  churchyard  gate,  and  he  led  the  procession  into 
the  church,  where  the  prescribed  ritual  was  performed,  suc- 
ceeded by  the  burial  with  its  anthems,  prayers  and  collect. 

It  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  England  was  given  over  wholly 
to  rudeness,  ignorance,  superstition,  and  even  vice.  There  were 
many  earnest  men  and  women,  and  doubtless  among  all  classes, 

1  Evelyn,  ii :  270. 

2  Evelyn,  ii :  77, 135,  speaks  of  the  marriage  of  the  only  daughter  of  Lord  Arling- 
ton at  Jive  years,  and  of  her  remarriage  at  twelve  years.  Goadby  (68)  says,  "  Chil- 
dren of  twelve  were  married  in  solemn  state." 

3  ^  Hen.  IV,  1 :  1.  Pepys  refers  to  this  sixty-five  years  later  (iii :  203,  206). 
Jeremy  Taylor,  who  died  in  1667,  gave  forms  of  prayer  to  be  used  during  the  toll- 
ing of  the  passing  bell,  in  which  it  was  petitioned  that  the  spirits  of  darkness  might 
be  d'-'ven  far  from  the  couch  of  the  dying  sinner.    Drake,  i :  233. 

'     'rom  lich,  a  dead  body,  and  wake,  a  watching. 


50         THE  ENGLAND  OF  OUE  FATHERS 

of  upright  life,  fine  character,  and  ennobling  influence.  There 
was  much  sturdy  integrity  at  the  core  of  the  nation's  heart, 
however  diseased  the  body  social  and  politic  might  be.  There 
had  been  before,  and  there  was  to  be  again,  conscientious,  deter- 
mined effort  towards  a  nobler  life,  alike  personal  and  national. 
But,  nevertheless,  it  was  a  time  of  mental  and  moral  darkness. 

To  such  changes  from  this  old  order  of  things  as  already  had 
begun  to  be  wrought  by  Nonconformity  and  Separation,  allusion 
will  be  made  more  particularly  hereafter. 


BOOK  II 

THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 


The  toleration  of  free  siieech  and  free  thought  is  too  essen- 
tially modern  an  idea^  and  is  as  yet  too  imperfectly  reduced  to 
practice,  for  us  to  waste  siaprise  on  its  non-existence  in  past 
ages.  —  H.  C.  Lea,  Chapters  from  Religious  Hist,  of  Spain, 
15. 

So  absolute,  indeed,  was  the  authority  of  the  crown  that  the 
precious  spark  of  liberty  had  been  kindled,  and  was  preserved, 
hy  the  Puritans  alone ;  and  it  was  to  this  sect  .  .  .  that  the 
English  owe  the  whole  freedom  of  their  constitution.  —  Hume, 
Hist,  of  Eng.  ch.  40. 

Puritanism,  ivhich  began  in  impulses  of  liberty,  and  which, 
through  all  its  history,  has  been  so  associated  with  the  assertion 
of  political  independence  and  the  rights  of  conscience,  has  yet 
always  been  intolerant  of  dogmatic  differences.  In  the  seven- 
teenth century  it  manifested  this  intolerance  in  an  extreme  de- 
gree. —  TuLLOCH,  Eat.  Theol.  and  Christ.  Phil,  i :  63. 

If  in  some  things  they  were  too  rigid,  they  are  rather  to  be 
pitied,  consideri?ig  their  times  and  sufferings,  than  to  be  blasted 
with  reproach  to  posterity.  —  Bradford,  Dial,  in  Young's 
Chrons.  440. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION 

Great  and  critical  voyages  seldom  find  fair  winds.  One  must 
veer  and  tack.  The  sailor  rarely  seems  to  be  sailing  whither  he 
is  bound,  his  progress  being  won  through  a  series  of  courses 
which,  as  related  to  his  desired  haven,  seem  inapt. 

It  therefore  has  fallen  out  sometimes  that  what  in  the  Divine 
purpose  was  merely  a  long  subordinate  reach,  necessary  to  carry 
the  advancing  keel  clear  of  some  imminent  obstruction,  has  been 
mistaken  for,  and  persisted  in  as  if  it  were,  the  normal  direction 
of  the  voyage.  Thus  not  merely  has  the  intended  point  of  going 
about  been  overshot,  but  sometimes  the  ship  has  been  cast  away 
where  a  better  instructed  seamanship  would  have  escaped,  or 
has  been  sent  off  upon  a  false  errand  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
Such  mistakes  of  judgment  explain  some  of  the  saddest  passages 
of  history.  Rome  did  not  go  about  with  the  Reformation.  She 
fails  to  see  that,  in  thus  exalting  a  temporary  course  into  the 
permanent  direction  of  the  voyage,  she  has  fatally  mistaken  the 
sailing  directions  of  the  Word. 

The  true  relation  to  the  great  problems  of  human  destiny  of 
any  epoch,  procedure  or  people,  must  be  ascertained  essentially 
through  the  determination  of  its  real  place  in  and  its  genuine 
influence  upon  such  successive  alternations  of  advance.  The 
"  dark  ages  "  touched  their  gloomiest  point  near  the  middle  of 
the  fourteenth  century.  As  a  factor  in  human  development  the 
mediaeval  Church  had  a  threefold  function.  It  subjugated,  and 
in  some  measure  exalted,  rude  peoples  to  a  Christianity  which 
offered  at  least  a  yoke  and  a  name.  It  forestalled  the  absorption 
of  religious  organisms  in  the  State.  And,  in  its  monastic  retreats, 
it  collected  and  conserved  somewhat  of  the  ancient  learning. 
Then  its  ambition  overleaped  itself  and  its  fall  began.   Undertak- 


54  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

ing  to  reduce  all  divine  revelation  to  the  formulas  of  its  specific 
dogmas,  and  to  compress  within  its  ritual  all  expression  of  spirit- 
ual life,  it  assumed  also  to  depose  sovereigns  and  to  exact  secular 
tribute  from  all  nations,  and  resorted  to  exactions  as  illegitimate 
as  they  were  intolerable,  culminating  in  a  traffic  in  indulgences 
which  degenerated  into  demoralization  and  disgrace.  All  was 
emphasized  by  the  lurking  terrors  of  the  Inquisition.^  Thus  it 
hud  convinced  the  conscience  of  the  world  that  halfway  mea- 
sures no  longer  were  possible,  and  that  repudiation  remained  the 
only  available  reform. 

About  these  days,  as  by  some  common  impulse,  a  tendency 
towards  a  simpler,  purer,  and  more  vigorous  spiritual  life  began 
to  appear.  Wyclif  at  Oxford,  Huss  in  Prague,  John  of  Wesel, 
John  Wessel  of  Groningen,  at  Florence  Savonarola,  in  Mechlin 
John  von  Goch,  and  elsewhere  others,  moved  by  simultaneous 
stress  of  inward  conviction,  began  to  appeal  from  the  Papacy 
and  its  Decretals  to  Christ  and  his  Word.  This  was  the  time, 
too,  when  the  bonds  of  the  scholastic  philosophy  burst  asunder, 
a  new  spirit  began  to  electrify  the  thinking  nations,  and  new 
forces  combined  for  the  delivery  of  the  world. 

In  1453  Christendom  was  dismayed  by  the  fall  of  Constan- 
tinople. It  did  not  yet  appreciate  that,  as  one  result,  Greek 
scholars  of  eminence  ^  were  to  revive  the  study  of  classical  liter- 
ature in  Italy  and  all  over  Europe,  and,  particularly,  to  offer  to 
minds  just  then  eager  for  such  learning  the  inestimable  treasure 
of  Gospels,  Acts  and  Epistles  in  their  long  practically  unknown 
originals.^ 

Thus  that  which  many  had  supposed  the  death-knell  of  Chris- 

^  See  indulgences  and  the  Inquisition,  discussed  in  H.  C.  Lea's  Hist,  of  Inquis. 
i :  41-56,  etc. 

^  Cosmo  de  Medici  appointed  Argyropulos  Greek  professor  at  Florence.  Chal- 
condyles  taught  Greek  at  Milan.  John  Andrew  Lascaris  settled  in  Padua.  In  1513 
he  persuaded  Leo  X.  to  found  the  Greek  College  in  Rome,  of  which  he  hecame 
principal  as  well  as  superintendent  of  the  Greek  press.  Constantine  Lascaris 
taught  Greek  and  rhetoric  at  Naples.  Both  he  and  Chalcondyles  puhlished  Greek 
grammars.  But  the  knowledge  of  Greek  in  Italy  dates  back,  no  doubt,  to  the 
arrival  there  in  1396  of  Emanuel  Chrysolaras,  whose  Erotemata  was  the  first  Greek 
grammar  in  Europe  ;  and  John  Aurispa  in  1423  had  carried  into  Italy  a  considerable 
collection  of  the  Greek  classics. 

^  The  Latin  of  the  Vulgate  was  the  orthodox  language,  and  Greek  was  a  pagan 
and  heretical  tongue.   Seebohm,  Oxford  Beformers,  6. 


THE   BEGINNING  OF  THE   ENGLISH   REFORMATION       55 

tendom  proved  to  be  the  matin-bell  ringing  in  its  revival  and 
renovation.  Moreover,  almost  at  the  same  time  John  Gutenberg 
was  at  once  introducing  to  the  world  a  new  art  of  immeasurable 
value  and  bequeathing  some  of  the  most  splendid  specimens  of 
that  art  to  the  admiring  f  uture.^  Printing  once  thus  made  prac- 
tical, culture  began  to  be  diffused  among  the  people  ;  and  the 
sceptre  of  a  purely  positional  influence  passed  from  the  hand  of 
the  hierarchy  forever. 

The  discovery  of  America  in  1492  by  Columbus  and  the 
doubling  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  by  Vasco  de  Gama  five 
years  later  not  only  revealed  a  new  world,  but  also  strained  to- 
wards rupture  the  narrowness  of  former  conceptions  of  spiritual 
things,  and  intimated  that  of  old  charts  of  dogma  as  weU  as  of 
the  old  maps  of  continents  and  oceans,  the  divine  voice  might 
be  heard  saying,  "  Behold,  I  make  all  things  new !  "  The  rapid 
increase  of  commerce  contributed  to  the  same  result. 

With  the  sixteenth  century,  and  under  the  novel  social  condi- 
tions thus  suggested,  modern  Church  History  begins.  To  out- 
line, even  briefly,  the  general  course  of  the  great  Reformation 
would  be  outside  of  the  purpose  of  this  narrative ;  which  lunits 
itself,  as  its  chief  object,  to  determining  the  relation  of  the  Pil- 
grims to  that  ethical  and  ecclesiastical  past  which  was  behind 
them,  and  of  which  they  were  the  logical  and  the  theological  out- 
growth. To  do  this,  it  is  mainly  needful  to  note  the  progress  of 
religious  thought  in  England  and  the  Low  Countries. 

The  Reformation  in  our  Fatherland  was  to  be  extremely 
gradual,  was  to  assume  its  own  type  and,  excepting  as  it  passed 
into  Nonconformity,  was  to  be  arrested  in  mid-development. 
Those  devout  Englishmen  who  looked  towards  it  for  spiritual 
benefit  were  to  gain  no  direct  power  to  help  it  on  ;  and  were 
to  be  only  too  happy  if  they  could  serve  it  by  suffering  for  it, 

^  The  earliest  book  known  to  have  been  printed  with  movable  metal  type  for- 
merly was  styled  the  Mazarin  Bible  (because  a  copy  was  discovered  in  Cardinal 
Mazarin's  library),  but  now  is  called  the  Gutenberg  Bible.  It  was  printed  1450-55. 
It  is  in  two  volumes,  measuring  15|  in.  by  11^  in.,  is  without  title-page,  signatures 
or  pagination,  and  the  initials  and  rubrics  are  in  MS.  throughout.  There  are  641 
leaves  printed  in  double  columns,  with  42  lines  to  a  column.  At  the  sale  of  the 
Perkins  Library,  June  6,  1873,  a  copy  on  vellum  brought  £3400  and  one  on  paper 
£2690.  In  1847  the  Lenox  Library  copy  cost  about  $2500,  but  a  copy  haa  been  sold 
since  for  nearly  ^20,000.— BecoUections  ofJas.  Lenox,  31. 


56      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

while  gaining  from  it  indirectly  a  little  help  to  their  souls.  On 
the  other  hand,  those  in  power,  by  whom  its  public  measures 
were  to  be  shaped,  cared  mainly  for  the  freedom  which  was 
wrested  thereby  from  the  secular  tyranny  of  Rome.  So  far  from 
seeking  or  accepting  ethical  or  dogmatic  advances  or  advantages 
from  it,  they  appeared  anxious  for  nothing  else  so  much  as,  the 
Papal  supremacy  being  abolished,  to  preserve  all  things  as  they 
were. 

Spiritually  the  English  soil  was  well-nigh  without  culture. 
Wyclif,  indeed,  a  century  and  a  half  before  Luther,  had  antici- 
pated Protestantism,  and  even  Puritanism  ;  had  given  the  Scrip- 
tures to  his  countrymen  in  manuscript  ^  in  their  own  tongue  ;  and 
had  gained  an  influence  so  enduring  that,  when  the  throne  and 
the  nobles  tried  to  exterminate  his  teachings,  the  effort  in  large 
measure  failed.  Beyond  doubt,  the  principles  of  Lollardy 
secretly  survived,  preparing  some  men  to  welcome  and  assimi- 
late the  truths  of  the  new  German  agitation. 

There  also  had  been  at  Oxford,  much  later,  a  beginning  of 
reform  before  the  Reformation.  In  1496  John  Colet  delivered 
a  course  of  lectures  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  Their  sub- 
ject was  unusual.  It  was  conunon  to  lecture  on  Duns  Scotus  or 
Peter  Lombard.  But  Colet  drew  out  the  meaning  of  the  Bible 
in  the  most  plain  and  natural  manner,  instead  of  following  the 
misleading  fashion  of  the  day,  which  undertook  to  find  in  Scrip- 
ture four  senses  —  the  literal,  tropological,  allegorical  and  ana- 
gogical  —  of  which  the  last  three  almost  extinguished  the  first. 

His  lectures,  which  in  substance  survive  to  our  time,  are  as 
refreshing  in  their  terse  simplicity  as  if  from  the  pen  of  a  devout 
exegete  of  to-day.  And  their  delivery  at  Oxford  has  been  re- 
garded justly  as  the  first  overt  act  in  a  new  order  of  spiritual 
things.2  Fifteen  years  later,  when  Dean  of  St.  Paul's,  he 
preached  before  Convocation  a  sermon  which,  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  it  antedates  Luther's  first  great  public  move  by 
at  least  six  years,  becomes  remarkable  indeed.  Some  of  its 
opening  sentences  prove  this  :  — 

^  First  printed  in  a  scholarly  manner  by  Rev.  Josiah  Forshall  and  Sir  Frederic 
Madden  at  Oxford  in  1850  in  four  vols. 
2  Seebohm,  20, 


THE  BEGINNING   OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION       57 

We  wish,  that  once  remembring  your  Name  and  Profession,  ye 
would  mind  the  Reformation  of  Ecclesiastical  Affairs  :  for  assure 
your  selves  there  never  was  more  need  of  it,  the  state  of  the  Church 
did  never  more  desire  your  Endeavours.  The  Spouse  of  Christ  (whom 
ye  would  should  be  without  spot  or  wrinkle)  is  made  deform'd  and  ill- 
favour'd.  .  .  .  Wherefore  I  come  hither  to  day  (Fathers)  to  warn 
you,  that  in  this  your  Council  ye  bestow  your  whole  thoughts  upon  the 
Reformation  of  the  Church. 

Then,  taking  Romans  xii :  2  as  his  text,  he  dwells  upon  that 
conformity  which  it  forbids,  and  upon  that  reformation  which  it 
enjoins.  He  is  terribly  severe  upon  pride  of  life,  concupiscence, 
covetousness  and  engrossing  secidarities.  Then  he  implores  the 
clergy  to  rehearse  their  canons,  renew  their  vows  and  reform 
their  lives,  and  says,i  "  Wherefore  if  ye  will  have  the  Lay-Peo- 
ple to  live  after  your  Wish  and  Will,  first  live  you  your  selves 
after  the  WiU  of  God." 

Dean  Colet  died  eight  years  after  this,  and  before  Luther's 
movement  had  become  a  practical  issue  in  England.  Very  likely, 
had  he  lived,  he  would  have  been  more  repelled  from  many 
things  which  Luther  said  and  did  than  won  by  what  was  com- 
mon to  them.  While  he  lived,  however,  he  was  the  centre  of  a 
little  circle  of  kindred  spirits.  Chief  of  these  were  Erasmus 
and  Thomas  More.  The  "  Enchiridion  "  of  Erasmus,  as  Seebohm 
aptly  says,2  reechoed  the  very  key-note  of  Colet's  faith.  His 
"  Praise  of  Folly,"  with  its  stinging  lash  for  the  monks,  was  writ- 
ten in  More's  house.  His  "  Novum  Instrumentum  "  was  inspired 
by  the  same  purpose  which  had  animated  Colet's  Oxford  lec- 
tures. And  More's  "  Utopia,"  published  within  a  twelvemonth, 
faithfully  appHed  to  public  affairs  the  stimulus  and  the  sarcasm 
of  the  contrast  between  an  ideal  commonwealth  and  the  king- 
doms of  the  time.  In  the  desire  for  a  great  spiritual  advance 
these  three  famous  men  were  at  one,  however  they  differed  other- 
wise. And  in  heartening  Erasmus  to  those  herculean  labors 
which  produced  the  New  Testament  in  its  original  with  brief 
comment,  and  his  edition  of  Jerome,  both  Colet  and  More 
deserved  the  gratitude  of  the  world. 

Henry  VHI.  came  to  the  throne,  April  21,  1509,  a  well- 

1  Erasmus,  Life,  of  Colet  (trans,  in  Phenix,  1708),  ii :  1-12.  2  93. 


58  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

favored,  muscular,  hearty,  gallant,  intelligent,  and,  for  his  time, 
well-trained  youth  of  eighteen.  The  common  people  liked  him 
because  he  looked  their  ideal  of  a  king ;  scholars,  because  in 
more  than  royal  measure  he,  too,  was  a  scholar ;  and  statesmen, 
because  he  developed  a  large  capacity  for  public  activities,  and 
had  ambitions  for  England.  But  for  the  next  twenty  years  the 
dignitaries  of  the  Church  perhaps  liked  him  best  of  all,  because 
he  was  "  very  religious."  ^  Educated  by  ecclesiastics,  at  thirty 
he  published  a  treatise  ^  against  the  "  damnable  and  pestiferous 
errours  and  heresies  broached  by  Martin  Luther,"  which  so  grati- 
fied Pope  Leo  X  that  he  commanded  all  Christians  in  speaking 
or  writmg  of  Henry  to  add  after  the  word  "  king "  the  title, 
"Defender  of  the  Faith."  Soon  after  this,  however,  circum- 
stances put  an  entirely  new  face  upon  affairs. 

The  common  notion,  until  recently,  has  been  that,  after  ten 
or  twelve  years,  the  king  tired  of  a  wife  whom  he  had  married 
for  prudential  reasons,  in  his  extreme  youth;  whom,  as  his 
brother's  widow,  he  could  marry  only  by  special  dispensation 
from  Rome ;  whose  uncongeniality  was  exaggerated  by  the  fact 
that,  five  years  older  than  he,  she  was  more  than  twice  that 
much  his  elder  in  temperament  and  constitution  ;  and  that, 
having  fallen  in  love  with  one  of  her  ladies,  he  trumped  up  a 
charge  of  illegality  against  his  marriage  as  the  pretext  for  a 
divorce.    Other  considerations,  however,  should  be  recalled. 

Katharine  of  Aragon,  youngest  child  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella of  Spain,  came  to  England  in  1501,  aged  nearly  sixteen, 
to  marry  Arthur,  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the  wedding  took  place 
in  November,  he  being  about  ten  months  her  junior.  In  the 
next  April  he  died  suddenly.  Her  dowry  was  to  be  200,000 
ducats,  but  only  half  had  been  paid.  The  king  of  England 
wanted  the  remainder,  and  disliked  to  return  the  portion  already 
received.  The  king  of  Spain  also  desired  influential  friends.  So 
they  agreed  that  the  original  arrangement  should  remain  essen- 

1  According  to  the  standards  of  that  time.  The  Venetian  ambassador  reported 
(Despatches,  ii :  312) :  — 

"  His  Majesty  hears  three  masses  daily  when  he  hunts,  and  sometimes  five  on 
other  days  :  he  hears  the  office  every  day  in  the  Queen's  chamber,  that  is  to  say 
vespers  and  compline  [i.  e.  the  9  p.  m.  service]." 

2  Assertio  Septem  Sacramentorum  aduersus  Martin  Lutheru.   MDXXI. 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION      59 

tially  unchanged ;  that  the  Infanta  should  reside  in  England, 
and  in  time  should  wed  a  second  Prince  of  Wales,  who  was  not 
quite  eleven  at  his  elder  brother's  death.  To  obviate  ecclesiasti- 
cal objection,!  a  bull  was  procured  from  Pope  Julius  II.,  licens- 
ing such  a  marriage,  and  betrothal  took  place  on  June  25, 1504, 
the  intended  bridegroom  being  not  yet  thirteen.  However,  prob- 
ably to  leave  opportunity  for  any  more  promising  alliance,  Henry, 
acting  of  course  upon  his  scheming  father's  prompting,  on  the 
evening  before  he  became  fifteen  protested  before  witnesses  that, 
not  having  reached  the  age  of  consent  when  the  betrothal  had 
taken  place,  he  disclaimed  and  renounced  it. 

Thus  matters  rested.  Katharine,  upon  whom  or  upon  any  of 
whose  Spanish  friends  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  prudent 
protest  ever  were  served,  lived  on  in  England ;  the  paid  portion 
of  her  dowry  unreturned,  and  the  political  status  undisturbed 
either  by  open  repudiation  of  the  proposed  marriage,  which 
would  have  enraged  Spain,  or  by  its  consummation,  which  would 
have  angered  France. 

When  Henry  came  to  the  throne,  this  whole  question  came 
up  for  settlement.  In  the  judgment  of  the  Council  the  political 
horizon  remained  essentially  unaltered,  and  the  Spanish  alliance 
still  was  preferred,  on  the  whole,  to  one  with  France  or  the 
house  of  Burgundy.  The  protest  therefore  was  ignored.  It  was 
assumed  that  the  bull  of  1503,  supplemented  by  Katharine's 
claim  that  her  first  marriage  never  had  been  consummated,  met 
aU  objections,  and  on  June  3, 1509,  the  marriage  was  celebrated. 

For  ten  or  fifteen  years  the  union  seemed  happy.  But  in  1520, 
after  several  still-births  and  the  speedy  death  of  two  infant 
princes,  the  Princess  Mary,  born  February  18-28, 1516-17,  and 
infirm  from  infancy,  remained  the  sole  offspring.  The  queen's 
health  also  seemed  to  preclude  the  hope  of  better  things  to  come. 
In  these  circumstances,  the  king  recalled  the  old  Mosaic  statute,^ 
which  denounced  sterility  upon  such  a  union  as  his,  and,  mth 
the  habits  of  thought  of  that  age,  he  honestly  may  have  feared 
that  its  threatened  blight  was  resting  upon  his  household.    Could 

1  Warham,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  opposed  it,  and  many  others  disfavored 
it.     Burnet,  Hist,  of  Eef.  of  Ch.  of  Eng.  i :  35. 

2  Levit.  XX  :  21, 


60  THE   PROTESTANTISM   OF  OUR  FATHERS 

the  Pope  nullify  a  divine  ordinance?  If  not,  he  had  not  been 
married  legally  to  his  queen,  and  the  Princess  Mary,  feeble  at 
best,  had  no  legitimate  claim  to  the  throne. 

England  never  had  had  a  queen  reigning  in  her  own  right, 
and,  occurring  so  soon  after  the  conflicts  between  the  houses  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  this  possibility  awakened  anxiety.  Many 
besides  the  king  felt  that  the  birth  of  a  prince,  hopeless  except- 
ing from  some  new  alliance,  would  justify  almost  anything  needed 
to  secure  it.  But  Katharine  was  the  near  relative  of  Charles 
v.,  and  harshness  towards  her  would  imperil  relations  with  him. 
While,  should  the  Pope  revoke  his  predecessor's  dispensation 
licensing  the  marriage,  thus  making  it  void  from  the  beginning, 
he  would  impair,  awkwardly  if  not  perilously,  the  very  substance 
of  all  Papal  claim  to  spiritual  rectitude  and  supreme  authority. 

Apparently,  as  far  back  as  1524,  a  practical  separation  had 
begun  between  the  king  and  queen.^  By  the  summer  of  1527 
it  became  a  matter  of  conversation,  having  been  made  the  sub- 
ject of  secret  negotiations  earlier  at  Rome.  The  Pope  at  first 
was  rather  favorably  disposed,  appreciating  that,  should  the  lack 
of  a  male  heir  to  the  British  throne  cause  civil  war,  it  might 
injure  the  Church.  But  he  wanted  delay  because  of  the  delicacy 
of  his  relations  with  the  emperor.  Henry  grew  impatient.  He 
sent  embassy  after  embassy  to  Rome.  Distinct  threats  that, 
were  the  desired  separation  not  obtained  in  one  way,  it  would 
be  in  another,  were  not  withheld.  And  early  in  1527  a  collusive 
suit  was  entered  secretly  before  Wolsey,  Archbishop  of  York, 
and  Cardinal  and  Papal  Legate,  summoning  Henry  to  answer 
for  cohabiting  with  his  brother's  widow.  But  proceedings  finally 
were  droj)ped. 

When,  in  1528,  Clement  VII.  was  in  refuge  at  Orvieto,  he 
so  far  yielded  to  Wolsey,  who  was  terror-stricken  lest  the  Church 
shoidd  suffer,  as  reluctantly  to  commission  a  Legatine  Court 
to  try  the  case  in  England ;  and  he  empowered  Cardinal  Cam- 
peggio,  with  Wolsey,  to  constitute  it.  No  doubt  there  was  an 
accompanying  understanding    that   some    private  arrangement 

^  Brewer,  ccxxv.  But  from  what  the  king  told  Campeggio,  in  October,  1528 
(Ibid,  ccccx),  possibly  the  date  was  1526.  Sir  Thomas  Boleyn's  (Viscount  Roche- 
ford's)  deposition  {Ibid,  iv :  iii  (5774) )  would  make  it  1527. 


THE  BEGINNING   OF  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION      61 

should  be  effected  first,  if  possible.  Campeggio  could  do  nothing 
with  the  king,  and  turned  to  Katharine,  hoping  that  she  would 
retire  voluntarily  to  conventual  life.  But  she  was  as  immovable 
as  Henry.  She  indignantly  refused  to  concubinize  herseK  and 
illegitimate  her  daughter. 

•The  Legatine  Court  therefore  had  to  do  its  best.  On  May 
31,  1529,  it  was  opened  in  the  Great  Hall  of  Blacldriars, 
London.  It  dawdled  on,  Katharine  merely  protesting  and 
making  a  touching  appeal  to  the  king  for  justice,^  until,  on 
July  22,  by  order  from  Rome,  proceedings  suddenly  were  ad- 
journed until  October.  Angry  excitement  followed.  Charles, 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  gave  a  great  slap  on  the  table  and  blurted 
out :  ''  Now,  by  the  mass !  do  I  see  that  the  old-said  saw  is 
true,  that  never  was  Legate  or  Cardinal  did  good  in  England  I  "  2 
The  matter  then  was  postponed  until  Christmas  and  transferred 
to  Rome. 

For  the  first  time  it  began  to  look  as  if  Henry  VIII.  could 
not  have  his  own  way.  He  became  convinced  that  the  Pope  did 
not  intend  to  come  to  his  relief.  He  had  studied  the  literature 
of  the  subject  until  he  was  as  familiar  with  it  as  the  best  of  the 
canonists,  and  had  become  positive  that  Pope  Julius  II.  had 
exceeded  his  power  in  authorizing  the  marriage,  and  that  no 
marriage  really  had  taken  place.  Therefore  there  was  no  legal 
successor  to  the  crown.  With  one  exception,^  all  the  bishops  in 
England  confirmed  this  view.  Moreover,  he  already  had  been 
keeping  his  chosen  second  wife  for  nearly  two  years  in  magnifi- 
cent state  at  Greenwich  and  elsewhere,  too  near  to  himself  for 
Katharine's  peace,  his  own  honor  or  the  public  conscience. 

It  might  be  expected,  then,  that  he  would  insist  on  having 
his  way,  and  it  is  clear  that,  upon  the  last  postponement  of  his 
case,  he  began  to  plan  how  to  sever  his  kingdom  from  the 
spiritual  jurisdiction  of  Rome.  Certain  German  principalities 
and  kingdoms  of  the  north  already  had  moved  in  a  somewhat 
similar  direction.  A  change  of  agencies  followed,  Wolsey  — 
who  had  failed  ignominiously  in  all  these  negotiations  —  was 

^  Brewer,  eccclxxii.  ^  Ibid,  ccccxcviii. 

^  "Only  the  Bishop  of  Rochester  [Fisher]  refused  to  set  his  hand  to  it."  — 
Burnet,  i :  38. 


62  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

disgraced,  and  in  little  more  than  a  year  was  dead.  Parliament 
was  summoned,  after  an  interval  of  seven  years,  and,  no  doubt 
by  royal  instigation,  the  Commons  petitioned  the  king,  as  "  the 
only  Head,  Sovereign,  Lord  and  Protector  of  both  parties, 
spiritual  and  temporal,"  against  the  spiritual  courts  and  the 
abuses  committed  by  the  clergy,  and  several  acts  were  passed 
for  their  reform.  Subsequently,  under  the  same  fearful  pres- 
sure of  the  praemunire  ^  which  had  crushed  Wolsey,  the  two 
Convocations^  of  Canterbury  and  York,  which  by  law  were 
held  to  share  the  fallen  cardinal's  guilt,  were  compelled  to  ac- 
knowledge Henry  VIII.  as  "  the  Protector  and  Supreme  Head 
of  the  Church  and  Clergy  of  England,^''  the  demand  being 
softened  only  by  the  vague  clause,  "in  so  far  as  is  permitted 
by  the  law  of  Christ."  The  queen  took  alarm,  and,  on  her 
supplication,  two  briefs  of  inhibition  were  issued  by  the  Pope 
—  who,  however,  could  get  them  posted  no  nearer  than  Flan- 
ders —  threatening  the  king  with  the  greater  excommunication 
and  the  putting  his  kingdom  under  interdict. 

About  this  time  Thomas  Cranmer  suggested  the  manufacture 
of  a  public  sentiment  which  should  offset  the  Pope's  action.  It 
was  an  admitted  feature  of  the  Romanist  system  that  a  question 
affecting  the  extent  of  the  Papal  powers  must  be  decided  by  a 
General  Council,  which  perhaps  could  be  demanded  by  com- 
mon consent  of  Christendom.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  to 
appeal  to  the  universities  and  learned  men  throughout  Europe 
as  to  whether  the  dispensation  of  Pope  Julius  had  been  legiti- 
mately within  his  power. 

As  the  result,  the  advice  of  the  universities  of  Paris,  Orleans, 
Angers,  Bourges,  Toulouse,  Bologna,  Padua,  Cambridge  and 
Oxford,  as  well  as  that  of  above  a  hundred  learned  doctors, 
soon  was  laid  before  Parliament,  all  denying  the  validity  of  the 
dispensation.    This  gave  the  king  a  legal  pretext  for  appeal- 

^  Dealing  with  the  offence  of  asserting  the  supremacy  of  a  foreign  power,  like 
the  Pope,  over  the  realm.  It  involved  the  loss  of  civil  rights,  forfeiture  of  lands, 
goods  and  chattels,  and  imprisonment  during  the  royal  pleasure.  Erie.  Brit,  xix : 
65.3. 

^  A  kind  of  ecclesiastical  parliament,  composed  of  an  upper  house,  of  hishops, 
and  a  lower  house,  of  deans,  archdeacons  and  representatives  of  the  ordinary 
clergy,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  each  archbishop.  It  meets,  summoned  by  special 
writ,  whenever  Parliament  meets,  and  adjourns  when  Parliament  goes  out. 


THE   BEGINNING  OF  THE   ENGLISH   REFORMATION      63 

ing  to  a  General  Council.  The  Lords  also  joined  with  such  of 
the  Coumions  as  remained  in  London  after  the  prorogation  of 
Parliament  in  addressing  the  Pope,  imploring  him  to  confirm  so 
just  and  general  a  judgment.  In  June,  1531,  two  months  after 
Parliament  had  been  prorogued,  the  queen  once  more  was 
appealed  to  to  withdraw  her  recourse  to  Rome  and  consent  to 
arbitration  within  the  kingdom.  And  once  more  she  proudly 
refused. 

The  next  month  she  was  secluded  at  Ampthill.  Parliament 
reassembled.  All  statutes  giving  Rome  power  in  England  were 
abrogated.  The  annates  ^  were  made  payable  to  the  Crown. 
Peter's  pence  ^  were  abolished.  It  was  made  a  penal  offence  to 
ask  any  dispensation  from  Rome.  The  archbishops,  or  any  two 
bishops,  were  empowered  to  consecrate  new  bishops.  The  king 
was  styled  "  Supreme  Head  in  Earth  of  the  Church  of  England 
immediately  under  God."  The  power  of  visitation  of  the  Church 
to  correct  abuses  was  lodged  in  him.  Sequestration,  already 
begun,  which,  by  suppressing  the  monasteries,  would  yield  im- 
mense funds  and  enable  the  king  to  give  great  gifts  to  his  favor- 
ites, was  made  further  possible.  Yet  it  was  made  clear  that  no 
dogmatic  reform  was  desired,  existing  statutes  against "  heretics  " 
being  confirmed,  and  the  body  of  William  Tracy,  of  Todington, 
Gloucestershire,  being  dug  up  and  burned,  after  a  post-mortem, 
trial  and  condemnation  before  Convocation,  because  he  had  left 
nothing  to  any  priest  to  pray  for  his  soul.^ 

In  view  of  all  this,  the  Pope  trembled  in  fear  of  losing  Eng- 
land, yet  could  not  believe  Henry  so  intensely  in  earnest  that 
some  arrangement  could  not  be  contrived.  So  he  held  out  vague 
hopes  of  accommodation,  until  he  precipitated  the  catastrophe. 
The  king  at  last  determined  to  take  his  case  into  his  own  hands. 
In  great  privacy,  on  November  14,  1532,  he  was  married  to 
Anne  Boleyn.  Possibly  he  scrupled  less  to  take  this  course  be- 
cause the  Pope  himself  at  one  time  had  intimated  that  perhaps 
a  Papal  dispensation  could  be  had  authorizing  him  to  have  two 

^  A  year's  income  payable  to  the  Pope,  on  the  death  of  a  bishop,  abbot  or  parish 
priest,  by  his  successor. 

2  An  annual  gift  of  a  penny  by  every  Roman  Catholic  to  the  Pope. 
^  Strype,  Annals,  i  (2) :  198. 


64      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

wives  at  once !  ^  In  springtime  it  became  obvious  that  by  early- 
autumn  the  new  wife  would  become  a  mother,  and  therefore  that 
all  measures  needed  to  legitimate  her  offspring  must  be  taken 
speedily.  On  May  10,  1533,  Cranmer,  the  new  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  with  the  Bishops  of  London,  Lincoln,  Winchester, 
and  Bath  and  Wells,  opened  a  court  at  Dunstable,  and  cited 
Katharine  before  it.  She  refused  to  recognize  its  authority.  The 
court  denounced  her  for  contumacy,  and  went  on  and,  on  May 
23,  it  decreed  the  marriage  invalid  and  the  parties  separated,^ 
and  Katharine  was  notified  formally  that  she  no  longer  was 
queen,  but  simply,  as  the  widow  of  her  first  husband,  PrJficess 
Dowager  of  Wales.  On  May  31,  with  a  pageant  exceeding  in 
gorgeousness  anything  before  known  in  England,  Anne  Boleyn 
passed  from  the  Tower  to  Westminster,  where  she  slept.  The 
next  morning  in  the  Hall  she  was  crowned  and  anointed  queen 
by  archiepiscopal  hands  scarcely  washed  from  the  ink-stains  of 
the  Dunstable  divorce. 

Tidings  of  this  made  a  stir  in  Italy.  The  emperor  joined  in 
negotiations.  The  king  was  cited  to  Rome.  He  refused  to  go. 
He  still  intended  to  be  a  good  Catholic.  But  he  seems  to  have 
persuaded  himself  that  he  had  lived  illegally  with  Katharine. 
On  June  29,  he  appealed  from  the  Pope  to  the  next  General 
Council.^  The  Pope  was  angered.  His  first  impulse  was  to  ex- 
communicate, but  the  threatened  penalties  were  suspended  until 
September. 

The  king,  however,  began  to  look  about  him  for  aid  in  with- 
standing Rome,  and  to  take  steps  towards  an  alliance  of  all* 
who  were  renouncing  her  supremacy.  Under  this  menace  nego- 
tiations were  reopened  by  the  Pope.  Progress  was  made  towards 
a  court,  to  sit  at  Cambray,  to  condemn  the  original  marriage 
and  devise  relief  for  Henry  within  the  Papal  Church.  Once 
and  again  the  date  of  final  censure  was  postponed,  and  appar- 
ently the  delay  of  a  courier  precipitated  a  result  which  otherwise 

1  Gregory  Casalis  to  the  king,  September  18,  1530.    Herbert,  330. 

2  Herbert,  377. 

2  As  the  root  of  the  matter  was  whether  the  Pope  can  dispense  with  a  law  of 
Scripture,  he  himself  could  not  decide  thereon  impartially. 

*  The  kings  of  Poland  and  Hungary,  the  dukes  of  Saxony,  Bavaria  and  Bran- 
denburg, the  landgrave  of  Hesse,  etc.   S.  P.  Hen.  VIII,  v :  Pref .  ii-iv. 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE   ENGLISH   REFORMATION       65 

would  have  been  different.^  At  last,  in  March,  1534,  Henry  was 
excommunicated,  and  was  declared  to  have  forfeited  the  alle- 
giance of  his  subjects. 

This  action  was  met  bravely.  Even  before  it  was  reported, 
Convocation  declared  that  the  Bishop  of  Rome  had  no  more 
power  in  England  than  any  other  bishop,  and  his  name  was 
erased  from  the  mass-book.  Papal  authority  was  abolished  by 
the  Act  of  Supremacy.  A  fresh  oath  of  allegiance  was  enacted. 
The  coronation  oath  was  reconstructed.  All  affairs  were  read- 
justed. Final  appeals  were  ordered  to  be  made  to  the  king  in 
chancery  instead  of  to  Rome.  The  smaller  monasteries  were 
suppressed,  and  the  harbors  and  coasts  were  fortified. 

It  looked  for  a  time  as  if  some  elements  of  this  extraordinary 
reconstruction  might  make  for  Protestantism.  It  had  been  from 
direct  appeal  to  Scripture  that  the  first  marriage  had  been  in- 
validated. In  the  same  line  had  been  the  king's  license  for  the 
distribution  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  vernacular,  with  the  order 
to  place  a  copy  in  every  church.  No  doubt  some  little  begin- 
ning of  doctrinal  reformation  crept  in  among  the  people  thus. 
Indeed,  Henry  was  not  indifferent  to  the  religious  changes  on 
the  Continent.  In  1535  he  sent  envoys  to  Saxony  to  confer 
with  certain  of  the  most  influential  Lutheran  reformers.  Dis- 
cussions were  held,  at  some  of  which  not  only  Pontanus  and 
Burckhardt,  but  also  Luther  and  Melancthon,  were  present,  in 
hope  of  some  concord  of  faith  and  unity  of  action.  But  all  came 
to  little  or  nothing  because  of  English  reluctance  to  accept  por- 
tions of  the  Augsburg  Confession. 

Still  further,  in  1538  a  German  embassy  ^  visited  London, 
representing  John  Frederick,  Elector  of  Saxony,  and  Philip, 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  to  promote,  politically,  a  league  against 
the  Pope,  and,  doctrinaUy,  some  common  Confession  of  Faith. 

^  The  Pope  had  assented  to  terms  never  made  fully  public  which  Henry  approved. 
To  hear  from  England,  sentence  was  deferred  until  March  23.  Something  delayed 
the  courier.  The  Spanish  party  prevailed  and  sentence  was  made- public  against  the 
king,  affirming  the  validity  of  his  marriage  with  Katharine.  Two  days  later  the 
courier  arrived  with  the  king's  assent  to  the  proposition  of  the  Pope.  An  all-night 
session  of  the  cardinals  was  held  to  consider  the  situation,  but  the  result  was 
nothing. 

2  Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.  i  (i) :  348 ;  i  (i) :  507  (ii) :  386 ;  Cranmer,  ccxxxvii.  Hard- 
wick,  Hist,  of  Arts,  of  Relig.  56. 


66      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

But  England  was  not  ready  for  so  much  Protestantism.  And 
the  king  could  not  concede  the  equality  of  these  German  princes 
with  himself,  or  consent  to  any  scheme  in  which  England  did 
not  lead.  So  these  legates  returned  home.  But  they  deposited 
in  Cranmer's  mind  forces  which  subsequently  aided  strongly  to 
shape  the  Protestantism  already  vaguely  existing  there.^ 

Convocation  set  forth,  in  July,  1536,  by  the  king's  command, 
Ten  Articles  of  Religion,  the  first  five  of  which  were  taken  from 
the  Augsburg  Confession.  The  Scriptures,  with  the  Apostles', 
Nicene  and  Athanasian  Creeds,  were  declared  the  standard  of 
truth.  Three  sacraments  only,  baptism,  penance  and  the  Lord's 
Supper,  -were  mentioned,  much  in  Luther's  sense.  But,  with 
regard  to  images,  honoring  and  praying  to  saints,  purgatory, 
vestments,  candles,  palms  and  the  like,  no  important  change 
appeared.^  Yet  reliance  upon  the  clergy  to  explain  these  modi- 
fications and  the  rightfulness  of  the  abrogation  of  the  Pope's 
authority  was  the  only  way  of  reaching  the  masses,  and  this 
exaltation  of  preaching  helped  forward  reform.  So,  too,  the 
requirement  that  children  be  taught  the  Lord's  Prayer,  the 
Creed  and  the  Commandments  in  English  ^  laid  a  foundation 
for  church  service  in  the  vernacular  in  the  next  reign. 

But  the  majority  of  the  nation,  especially  in  the  less  enlight- 
ened regions,  still  was  set  on  the  ancient  beliefs ;  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  cloisters  was  unpopular  ;  and  an  insurrection  arose 
in  the  north.  So  the  king  took  sharp  measures  to  prove  that 
he  was  a  good  Catholic  still.  He  required  the  usual  church  cere- 
monies to  be  observed  to  the  last  genuflexion.  He  prohibited 
the  marriage  of  priests.  He  established  a  censorship  of  the 
press  and  insisted  upon  vigorous  dealings  with  Dissenters. 

His  church  supremacy  also  was  confirmed  by  a  new  act ;  the 
greater  abbeys  were  suppressed,  partly  that  the  upper  classes 
might  be  propitiated  with  their  lands ;  and,  in  1539,  the  san- 
guinary statute  of  the  Six  Articles  *  was  enacted,  which  in  sev- 

1  Lives  ofAbps.  of  Cant.  VII:  28,  30. 

2  See  Articles  in  full.    Burnet,  i  (3) :  215-216. 

*  Injunctions  given  by  Authority  of  the  King^s  Highness  to  the  Clergy  of  this 
Realm,  Art.  5.  This  was  the  king's  first  act  of  pure  ecclesiastical  suprenoacy. 
Burnet,  1(3):  161. 

*  But  Hook  says  (vii :   267) :  "  The  king  only  desired  through  this  statute  — 


THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE   ENGLISH   REFORMATION       67 

eral  particulars  receded  towards  Popery.  It  sanctioned  tran- 
substantiation,  reestablished  confession,  private  masses  and  vows 
of  chastity,  and  forbade  the  marriage  of  priests  and  the  giving 
of  the  cup  to  the  laity,  all  under  heavy  penalties.  The  only 
leaning  toward  reform  was  that  procedure  had  to  be  "  upon 
presentments,  and  by  a  jury  ;  "  although  this  did  not  save  those 
of  whom  it  was  thought  expedient  to  make  examples.  Still, 
among  the  prelates  there  were  some,  notably  Cranmer,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  who  sympathized  vitally  with  their  Pro- 
testant friends  on  the  Continent,  and  the  Bible  was  printed  in 
English  and  ordered  to  be  set  publicly  in  churches. 

There  is  literally  nothing  pleasant  in  the  last  days  of  Henry 
VIII.  Physical  excesses  rendered  him  so  corpulent  and  dis- 
eased in  his  fifty-sixth  year  that  he  had  to  be  wheeled  about, 
and  he  was  so  ill-tempered  that  he  was  a  burden  to  his  friends. 
The  succession  to  the  throne,  which  had  been  with  him  the  ur- 
gent motive  through  the  most  startling  vicissitudes  of  his  ex- 
traordinary career,  was  left,  after  all,  to  hang  upon  the  lives  of 
a  prince,  still  a  mere  lad  and  giving  small  promise  of  vigorous 
life ;  and  two  princesses,  respectively  twenty-nine  and  thirteen 
years  old,  each  of  whom  had  been  declared  illegitimate. 

The  king  himself,  first  "  Supreme  Head,  in  Earth,  of  the 
Church  of  England,"  died  substantially  an  unreformed  Roman 
Catholic.  In  his  will  ^  "  in  the  name  of  God,  and  of  the  Glorious 
and  Blessed  Virgin  our  Lady  St.  Mary,  and  of  aU  the  Holy 
Company  of  Heaven,"  he  desired  the  prayers  of  the  Virgin,  and 
aU  that  Holy  Company,  and  he  ordered  that  "  daily  masses  .  .  . 
be  said  perpetually  while  the  world  shall  endure  "  for  the  re- 
pose of  his  soul,  and  that  1000  marks  be  given  "  to  move  the 
poor  people  that  shall  have  our  alms  to  pray  heartily  unto  God 
for  remission  of  our  offences  and  the  wealth  of  our  soul." 

As  to  the  spiritual  future  of  the  kingdom,  it  clearly  was  his 
purpose  to  perpetuate  that  compromise  between  the  old  religion 
and  the  new  which  he  had  established  in  England,  by  which 
Romanist  doctrine  should  be  maintained  essentially,  while  Papal 

hung  in  terrorem  over  the  heads  of  the  Reformers  —  to  compel  silence  for  a  time, 
with  a  view  to  further  reform  in  due  season." 
1  Froude,  iv:  479-485. 


68      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

control  was  rejected.  And,  not  trusting  any  one  person,  he  pro- 
vided in  his  will  that  during  the  long  minority  of  his  son,  a 
Privy  Council  should  supervise  affairs.  As  its  members  he 
named  three  Reformers,  three  adherents  of  the  old  faith,  and 
ten  others  representing  intervening  shades  of  opinion.  In  the 
main  the  dying  king  left  the  nation  still  adhering  to  the  faith 
and  the  forms  of  Romanism.  But,  to  carry  his  point  against 
the  Pope,  he  had  been  forced  to  resort  to  some  arguments  which 
were  essentially  and  fruitfully  Protestant,  and  to  tolerate  some 
ecclesiastical  as  well  as  secular  officials  largely  leavened  by  the 
spreading  reform. 

The  reHgious  history  of  this  reign  has  been  dwelt  upon  with 
so  much  of  detail  in  order  to  show  how  really  insignificant  was 
the  actual  progress  of  England,  under  the  influence  of  the  man 
to  whom  her  rupture  with  Rome  was  due,  towards  either  doc- 
trinal or  practical  reform. 


CHAPTER  II 

PROGRESS  AND  RETROGRESSION 

Edward  VI.  came  to  the  throne,  January  28-rebruary  7, 
1546-47,  when  a  lad  of  nine.  He  was  intelligent  and,  indeed, 
precocious,  conscientious,  obstinate,^  evidently  impressed  by  his 
responsibilities  and  anxious  to  discharge  them  well.  Yet,  neces- 
sarily, he  was  mainly  dependent  upon  the  guidance  of  his  coun- 
sellors. Henry  had  sought  to  secure  that  these  should  be 
friendly  to  the  lad  and  to  each  other,  but  should  represent  dif- 
ferent opinions,  so  that,  at  least  until  the  young  king's  ma- 
jority, matters  might  go  on  much  as  in  the  past.  But  Cranmer, 
much  further  advanced  in  Protestantism  than  his  old  master 
probably  knew,  with  the  Earl  of  Hertford,  the  king's  uncle, 
proved  to  be  the  determining  forces  in  the  Council.  And  Hert- 
ford —  made  Duke  of  Somerset,  Protector  of  the  Realm  and 
Governor  of  the  King's  person  —  whose  chief  idea  seems  to 
have  been  to  play  the  king  j)ro  tempore^  also  was  committed 
strongly  against  Rome. 

It  is  further  obvious  from  the  speech  and  conduct  of  the 
young  monarch,  and  especially  from  his  "  Discourse  about  the 
Reformation  of  many  Abuses,"  ^  that  personally  he  was  earnestly 
in  favor  of  the  new  movement  in  religion.  Here  was  one  mighty 
force  likely  to  be  efficient.  On  the  other  hand,  in  addition  to 
the  multitudes  of  remaining  Romanists,  thousands  remembered 
that  the  late  king's  will  left  his  daughter  by  his  Spanish  wife  — 
who,  should  she  come  to  the  throne,  might  be  expected  to  carry 
England  back  to  the  Pope  —  next  in  succession  to  the  throne, 
and  governed  themselves  accordingly. 

^  Hook  says  (vii :  285) :  "  The  young  king,  -whose  precocious  talents  were  ac- 
companied by  the  self-sufficiency  and  obstinacy  by  which  the  Tudor  race  was,  for 
good  or  evil,  distinguished." 

2  In  fuU  in  Burnet,  ii  (2) :  69. 


70  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR   FATHERS 

Moreover,  Henry  VIII.  had  died  heavily  in  debt.  Although 
he  had  hegun  his  reign  with  a  large  sum  in  hand,^  his  extrava- 
gance, with  that  of  the  State,  had  driven  England  into  two 
grave  financial  errors.  She  had  borrowed  money  at  Antwerp  at 
usurious  rates,  and  she  had  begun  to  debase  her  own  coin. 
These  blunders  had  serious  influence  upon  her  subsequent  re- 
ligious development. 

The  reformers  lost  no  time.  The  coronation  oath  was  amended. 
Cranmer  in  his  address  to  the  youthful  monarch  repudiated  all 
dependence  upon  the  Bishop  of  Rome  ;  reminded  Edward  of 
the  boy-king  of  Israel,  Josiah ;  and  suggested  that,  as  in  Jo- 
siah's  case,  it  might  become  his  duty  to  suppress  idolatry.  A 
popular  movement  began.  The  officials  of  St.  Martin's,  in  Iron- 
monger Lane,  London,  cleansed  it  of  crucifix,  images  and  pic- 
tures of  saints  ;  and,  although  comi^eUed  to  restore  them,  were 
justified  by  the  primate  and  imitated  by  others.^  At  Canter- 
bury a  crucifix  was  melted  into  coin.  Nearly  forty  injunctions 
were  sent  out  in  the  king's  name,  and  the  clergy  were  required 
to  have  the  same  "  observed  and  kept  of  all  persons."  ^  The 
tendency  of  all  this  must  have  been  to  dislodge  remaining  Ro- 
manism, and  to  substitute  Protestantism.  A  translation  of  the 
"  Paraphrases  of  Erasmus  "  on  the  Gospels  and  the  Acts  also 
was  directed  to  be  studied  by  the  clergy  and  to  be  set  up  in 
churches  with  the  great  Bible,  so  as  to  be  accessible  by  every- 
body. 

A  royal  visitation  followed.  The  country  was  divided  into 
six  circuits,  and  representatives  of  the  Crown  were  sent  through 
them  to  inquire  how  far  old  superstitions  were  giving  way.  A 
Book  of  Homilies,*  or  sermons  in  English,  was  prepared,  to  sup- 
ply the  defects  of  a  ministry  largely  incompetent  to  make  ser- 
mons, and  still  more  so  to  make  sound  ones.  Preachers,  among 
whom  were  Hugh  Latimer,  and,  later,  John  Knox,  diligently 
instructed  those  whom  they  could  reach.  When  Parliament  met 
in  November  the  obnoxious  Six- Articles  BiU  and  the  old  stat- 

1  "  No  less  than  £1,800,000."    Ibid,  i  (1) :  2. 

2  Ibid,  ii  (1) :  9. 

3  A.  Sparrow,  Collection  of  Articles,  Injunctions,  Canons,  etc.  (ed.  1675),  11,  6. 

*  Certayne  Sermons  or  Homilies  appoynted  by  the  Kynges  Maiestie  to  be  declared 
and  redde  in  Churches,  etc.,  4to,  1547. 


PROGRESS  AND  RETROGRESSION  71 

utes  against  the  Lollards  were  repealed.  A  new  Order  for  the 
Communion,  in  English,  was  set  forth,  whose  vital  terms  of  ad- 
ministration were  these  :  ^  — 

When  he  [the  Priest]  doth  deliver  the  Sacrament  of  the  body  of 
Christ,  he  shall  say  to  every  one  these  words  following  : 

CI)c  boDp  of  our  lortj  l^csne  Cbtlfit,  tobici)  toae  jiijcn  for  t\)tt, 
preserve  tl)p  bolip  unto  ebcrlastins  lift. 

And  the  Priest  delivering  the  Sacrament  of  the  blood,  and  giving 
every  one  to  drink  once  and  no  more,  shall  say  : 

eri)c  blooti  of  our  lorti  '^csna  Cbrifit,  tobtcl)  teas  fiil)cU  for  tijcc,  j)re= 
ficrije  tl)p  fiioul  unto  eljerla0tin3;  lift. 

By  the  second  assembling  of  this  Parliament,  in  November, 
1548,  Cranmer  was  ready  with  his  draft  of  a  Prayer-Book  in 
Engiish,^  intended  to  supersede  the  ancient  Rome-saturated 
Latin  service. 

In  the  preface  of  this  volume  it  is  said  :  — 

Here  you  haue  an  ordre  for  praier  (as  touchyng  the  readyng  of 
holy  scripture)  ...  a  greate  deale  more  profitable  and  commodious, 
then  that  whiche  of  late  was  used.  It  is  more  profitable,  because  here 
are  left  out  many  thynges  whereof  some  be  vntrue,  some  vncertein, 
some  vain  and  supersticious  :  and  is  ordeyned  nothyng  to  be  read, 
but  the  very  pure  worde  of  God,  the  holy  scriptures,  or  that  whiche  is 
euidently  grounded  vpon  the  same  :  and  that  in  suche  a  language  & 
ordre,  as  is  most  easy  &  plain  for  the  vnderstandyng,  ...  It  is  also 
more  comodious,  bothe  for  the  shortnes  thereof,  &  for  the  plaines 
of  the  ordre,  &  for  that  the  rules  be  fewe  &  easy.  .  .  . 

And  where  heretofore,  there  hath  been  great  diuersitie  in  saying 
and  synging  in  churches  within  this  reahne  :  some  folowyng  Salsbury 
vse  ®  some   Herf ord  vse,  some  the  vse  of  Bangor,  some  of  Yorke,  & 

^  The  Order  of  the  Communion,  etc.  (5),  in  Sparrow.  At  once  translated  into 
Latin  by  Miles  Coverdale  and  sent  by  him  to  Calvin  (Original  Letters,  1537-58, 
Parker  Soc.  xix),  in  the  expectation  that  he  would  approve  and  print  it,  as  he 
could  more  easily  than  the  translator.    But  Calvin  does  not  seem  to  have  done  this. 

2  The  hooke  of  the  common  praier  and  administracion  of  the  sacramentes,  and  other 
rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Churche :  after  the  vse  of  the  Churche  of  England,  1549, 
fol.  iv. 

^  A  term  applied  to  the  ritual  as  arranged  by  authority  and  practised  in  any 
diocese.  Before  this  date  the  service,  with  a  general  resemblance,  had  varied  in 
minor  particulars  in  the  five  dioceses  named.  See  F.  Procter,  Hist.  Bk.  Com. 
Prayer,  4. 


72      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

some  of  Lincolne  :  Now  from  heceforth,  all  the  whole  realme  shall 
haue  but  one  vse. 

This,  commonly  called  the  First  Book  of  Edward  VI.,  had 
been  prepared  with  wide  consultation,  from  which  Lutherans, 
Calvinists  and  Zwingiians  had  not  been  excluded.  Of  its  thir- 
teen compilers  all  but  one  had  been  educated  at  Cambridge. 
Founded  on  the  Salisbury  ritual,^  from  whose  missal  and  bre- 
viary chiefly  it  was  rendered  into  English,  it  was  largely  in- 
debted to  a  German  work  ^  drawn  up  five  years  before  for  Her- 
mann, Prince  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  to  suggest  to  his  subjects 
a  Scriptural  form  of  doctrine  and  worship.  That  work  had  been 
done  by  Melancthon  and  Bucer,  their  model  being  a  form  com- 
posed fifteen  years  before  for  the  use  of  Brandenburg  and  Nu- 
remberg by  Luther.  Traces  of  the  influence  of  two  other  man- 
uals have  been  thought  to  exist  in  this  Prayer-Book :  one,  the 
reformed  breviary  of  Cardinal  Quignon  ;  ^  the  other,  the  Service- 
Book  *  of  the  church  at  Glastonbury,  which  is  believed  to  have 
suggested  the  Introductory  Sentences  and  the  Exhortation,  Con- 
fession and  Absolution,  with  the  Ten  Commandments  and  their 
Responses.^  Thus  a  considerable  consent  of  leading  Protestant 
minds  was  wrought  quietly  into  this  manual,  although  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  trace  anything  directly  back  to  Calvin,  whose  General 
Service-Book  also  probably  was  in  hand. 

The  new  Prayer-Book  was  sanctioned  by  Convocation,  but 
there  was  sharp  debate  in  Parliament,  and  some  bishops  opposed 
it  to  the  end.^  It  shows  unavoidable  traces  of  the  temporary 
and  compromised  condition  of  affairs.  It  uniformly  styles  the 
officiant  the  "  priest."  The  Communion  table  still  is  the  "  altar." 
The  name  of  the  Virgin  is  mentioned  specially  in  the  praise 

1  Hook,  vii :  252. 

^  Simplex  Judicium  de  Beformatione  Ecclesiarum  Electoratus  Coloniensis,  1543, 
A  Latin  rendering  {Simplex  ac  pia  Deliberatio,  1545)  was  issued  ;  and  in  1547  an 
English  version  :  A  Simple  and  religious  Consultation  of  us  Herman,  etc.  This  was 
revised  and  printed  again  the  next  year.    Both  are  in  the  British  Museum. 

^  Breviarium  Romanum,  ex  sacra  potissimum  Scriptura,  etc.,  1543.  Hook,  viii : 
269. 

*  Liturgia  Sacra,  seu  Ritus  Ministerii  in  ecclesia peregrinorum  profugorum  propter 
Evangelium  Christi  Argentinae,  etc.,  1551. 

^  Procter,  45-46. 

®  King  Edward's  Journal.  Burnet,  iii:  Coll.  of  Records:  6.  Traheron  to  Bul- 
linger,  Orig.  Letters,  Parker  Soc.  clii.     Ranke,  i:  175. 


PROGRESS  AND   RETROGRESSION  73 

offered  for  the  saints.  The  sign  of  the  cross  is  prescribed  in 
marriage,  confirmation,  anointing  the  sick,  and  the  consecration 
of  the  water  of  baptism,  and  twice  each  in  the  baptismal  and 
communion  services.  The  trine  immersion,  the  form  of  exorcism, 
the  anointing  and  the  chrism  are  retained  in  baptism,  and  the 
water  of  the  font  must  be  changed  and  reconsecrated  at  least 
once  a  month,  for  which  service  an  extended  form  is  provided. 
Prayer  is  offered  for  the  dead.  The  Communion  service  is  neu- 
tral as  to  the  Real  Presence. 

An  Act  of  Uniformity  made  the  use  of  this  liturgy,  which 
began  with  Whit-Sunday,  Jmie  9,  1549,  imperative.  On  the 
whole,  the  new  Prayer-Book  was  well  received,  largely,  no  doubt, 
because  so  much  of  it  was  old.  Many  Romanists  liked  it  as 
containing  the  primitive  elements  of  true  worship.  Most  Re- 
formers favored  it  because  they  so  much  had  their  own  way  in 
it.  But  some  Papists  termed  it  "  a  parliamentary  religion,"  and 
some  Protestant  extremists  thought  it  tinged  with  Lutheranism. 
It  was  translated  into  Latin.^ 

Events  moved  on  rapidly.  To  disfavor  to  the  last  degree  any 
possible  return  to  the  old  mass-books,  an  Order  in  Council,  after- 
wards confirmed  and  extended  by  act  of  Parliament,  required 
that  they  be  called  in,  defaced  and  destroyed.  Hooper  in  his 
Lent  Sermons  before  the  Court  ^  pleaded,  since  no  Christian 
sacrifice  now  requires  an  altar,  that  the  magistrates  remove  "  all 
the  monuments  and  tokens  of  idolatry  and  superstition,"  and  a 
movement  in  that  direction  began.  Multitudes  also  were  led  to 
scruple  the  priests'  robes  as  remnants  of  Popery ,2  especially  the 
scarlet  vestments  of  the  bishops. 

When,  in  1550,  Hooper  was  named  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  the 
matter  gained  prominence  by  his  reluctance  to  accept  the  office 
on  that  account.  He  declined  to  receive  the  tonsure  or  to  wear 
a  mitre,  or  any  robe  excepting  his  university  gown  of  black.  Con- 
troversy ran  high.  Bucer  at  Cambridge  and  Peter  Martyr  at  Ox- 
ford preferred  simplicity,  but  questioned  whether,  when  weightier 

^  By  Alex.  Alesius  —  known  also  as  Ales  and  Alane  —  whom  Cranmer  em- 
ployed so  that  Bucer  and  Martyr,  who  could  not  read  English,  might  give  him 
their  views  upon  it.    Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  i :  257. 

^  Fourth  Sermon  upon  lonas.     Early  Writings  of  Hooper.  Parker  Soc.  488. 

3  Bullinger  on  Prayer-Book,  Parker  Soc.  2  Zurich,  357. 


74  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

matters  should  have  been  adjusted,  the  vestments  and  ceremo- 
nies might  not  be  managed  more  easily.^  Hooper  inclined 
towards  a  more  serious  view.  To  him  the  oath  "  in  the  name  of 
God,  the  saints  and  the  gospels  "  was  impious  and  the  surplice 
the  very  badge  of  Antichrist.  He  was  forbidden  to  preach  and 
sent  to  the  Fleet.  Cool  reflection  brought  him  round  to  the  po- 
sition of  his  Continental  friends.  The  king  cancelled  the  objec- 
tionable portion  of  the  oath,  and  Hooper  agreed  to  wear  the  ob- 
noxious garments  when  preaching  before  the  king,  if  he  might 
disuse  them  afterwards. 

Such  discussions  stimulated  Protestantism  until  it  became 
obvious  that  the  Prayer-Book  had  not  gone  far  enough.  The 
king  himself  wanted  more  changes.^  Accordingly,  a  committee 
of  divines  under  Cranmer  undertook  its  revision  in  the  autumn 
of  1550.  Parliament  met,  January  23-rebruary  2,  1551-52, 
and  in  April  the  revised  Prayer-Book  was  adopted,  but  was 
not  to  be  used  until  All  Saints'  Day,  November  1.  The  many 
changes  made  imiformly  were  in  the  interest  of  Protestantism, 
so  far  as  they  were  doctrinal.  The  name  of  the  Virgin  Mary 
and  the  sign  of  the  cross  were  omitted.  Exorcism,  anointing 
and  the  trine  immersion  were  stricken  from  the  baptismal  ser- 
vice. Prayers  for  the  dead  disappeared.  In  the  rubric  concerning 
the  robing  of  the  clergy  it  was  ordered  that  neither  alb,  vest- 
ment nor  cope  be  put  on.  An  archbishop  or  bishop  was  to  wear 
a  rochet,  priests  and  deacons  the  surplice  only.  The  most  im- 
portant change  concerned  the  Lord's  Supper.  A  believer  in  the 
substantial  corporeal  presence  of  Christ  in  the  bread  and  wine 
might  have  accepted  the  Prayer-Book  of  1549  with  a  good  con- 
science, but  this  of  1552  represented  our  Lord  as  present  only 
as  He  always  is  present  to  the  prayers  of  his  disciples.  In 
place  of  "  The  body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  was  given 
for  thee,  preserve  thy  body  unto  everlasting  life,"  etc.,  the 
new  book  reads  :  — 

Take  and  eat  this,  in  remembrance  that  Christ  died  for  thee,  and 
feed  on  him  in  thy  heart  by  faith,  with  thanksgiving. 

1  Strype,  Eccl.  Mems.  ii  (2)  :  456,  and  Cran.  i :  304.   Epis.  Tigurin,  cclxiii,  cxxiv. 
Foxe,  Acts  and  Mons.  (ed.  1584)  iii:  120. 

2  Martyr  to  Bucer,  January  20,  1551.   Strype,  Cran.  ii  :  899. 


PROGRESS   AND   RETROGRESSION  75 

And  the  minister  that  delivereth  the  cup,  shall  say : 
Drink  this  in  remembrance  that  Christ's  blood  was  shed  for  thee, 
and  be  thankful. 

An  odd  fact  only  lately  has  become  known.  This  revised  lit- 
urgy not  only  had  been  printed,  but  was  bound  and  ready  for 
distribution.  It  required  the  consecrated  bread  to  be  delivered 
to  the  people  "  kneeling."  John  Knox  was  in  London  that  year 
and  was  a  royal  chaplain,  and  a  contemporary  letter  ^  intimates 
that  it  was  he  who  preached  before  the  king  and  the  Council  in 
October,  inveighing  against  kneeling  at  the  Lord's  Supper. 
There  is  some  probability,  also,  that  he  protested  before  the 
Privy  Council  against  this  rubric.^  All  ended  in  a  statement  ^ 
to  be  pasted  into  the  already  completed  books  :  — 

Lest  yet  the  same  kneelynge  myght  be  thought  or  taken  otherwyse, 
we  dooe  declare  that  it  is  not  mente  thereby,  that  any  adoracion  is 
doone,  or  ought  to  bee  doone,  eyther  vnto  the  Sacramentall  bread  or 
wyne  there  bodelye  receiued,  or  vnto  any  reall  and  essencial  presence 
there  beyng  of  Chrystes  naturall  fleshe  and  bloude.  For  as  concernyng 
the  Sacramentall  bread  and  wyne,  they  remayne  styll  in  theyr  verye 
naturall  substaunces,  and  therefore  may  not  bee  adored.  .  .  .  And  as 
concernynge  the  naturall  bodye  and  bloud  of  our  Saviour  Christ,  they 
are  in  heaven  and  not  here.  .  .  . 

Thus,  at  the  last  moment  and  in  a  manner  clearly  open  to  criti- 
cism, this  additional  heavy  weight  in  favor  of  Protestantism 
was  thrown  into  the  scale.* 

Coincidently  there  were  prepared  Articles  of  Faith,  author- 
itatively intended  "  for  the  auoiding  of  controuersie  in  opinions, 
&  the  establishment  of  a  godlie  Concorde."  It  already  has  been 
stated  that,  as  early  as  1536,  ten  Articles  had  been  ordained 
by  royal  authority  to  "  stablyshe  Christen  quietnes  and  unitie 
among  us."  They  were  a  compromise  and  never  were  whoUy 
satisfactory ;   while  the  heightened  conservatism  of  the  subse- 

^  Epis.  Tig.  cclxxiii. 

2  P.  Lorimer,  John  Knox  and  Ch.  of  Eng.  110. 

3  Two  Liturgies,  Parker  Soc.  279,  283. 

*  In  some  copies  this  was  pasted  in,  having  been  printed  on  a  slip  for  that  pur- 
pose. Sometimes  an  extra  leaf  was  intercalated,  interrupting  the  regular  paging. 
And  some  copies  were  issued  without  it,  or  with  it  so  ill  attached  that  it  was  lost 
in  the  course  of  time.  Liturgies  of  Ed.  VI.  Parker  Soc.  283. 


76      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

quent  reactionary  Six  Articles,  of  1539,  only  made  their  unfit- 
ness more  distressing.  Moreover,  by  some  the  Reformers  were 
suspected,  if  not  accused,  of  heresy,  a  disrepute  which  they 
determined  to  neutralize  by  an  authentic  statement  of  belief. 
Furthermore,  the  new  outspring  of  thought  which  the  Reforma- 
tion was  favoring  was  producing  over  all  the  Reformed  coun- 
tries a  crop  of  wild  vagaries  which  needed  criticism.  Accord- 
ingly in  1551  Cranmer  was  directed  to  recast  the  old  Articles 
to  meet  existing  needs.  He  long  had  desired  greatly,  and  the 
more  since  the  Romanist  gathering  at  Trent, ^  that  a  "  Godly 
Synod,"  representing  all  the  Reformed  churches,  might  enrich 
that  age,  if  not  also  succeeding  ages,  with  some  strong  and  sage 
deliverance,  not  merely  propounding  the  genuine  essence  of 
Orthodoxy,  but  also  illustrating  the  wisest  forms  of  its  expres- 
sion. He  was  the  more  anxious  that  this  should  be  international 
because  there  was  a  dearth  of  scholars,  fitted  for  such  work,  at 
home.2 

He  had  written  on  the  subject  to  Melancthon  several  times, 
and  addressed  him  again  early  in  1552,  saying  ^  that  the  king 
promised  his  own  royal  assistance  and  a  secure  and  quiet  place 
of  assembly  in  England  for  such  a  Synod.  He  also  had  written 
to  Calvin  and  Bullinger. 

In  the  time  of  Henry  VIII.,  Cranmer  at  Nuremberg  had  made 
the  acquaintance  of  Andreas  Osiander,  an  eminent  scholar  and 
critic,  whose  niece  he  married,  and  who,  as  an  un-Lutheranized 
Reformer,  strongly  won  his  sympathy.  Through  him  he  came  to 
know  others.  He  learned  to  think  highly  of  the  Swiss  theolo- 
gians.* It  pleased  him  greatly  when,  in  Edward's  time,  some  of 
them  visited  Cambridge  and  Oxford.  His  hospitality  to  them 
was  unbounded.  Such  men  as  Valerandus  Pollanus,  the  pastor 
of  the  Walloon  Church,  then  sheltered  in  Glastonbury ;  the 
converted  Jew,  John  Emanuel  Tremellius,  for  a  time  Hebrew 
professor  at  Cambridge ;  his  gifted  associate,  Anthony  Rodolph 
Chevallier,  a  personal  friend  of  Calvin  ;  and  the  Spanish  Francis 

1  In  session,  with  long  interruptions,  from  Dec.  13,  1545,  to  Dec.  4,  1563. 

2  Prin.  Cunningham,  Beformers  and  Theol.  of  Beformation,  190.    MuUinger,  ii : 
102. 

^  Parker  Soc.  cclxxxv,  ccxcviii ;  Elpis.  Tig.  cccxxxvii. 
*  Mullinger,  ii :   108. 


PROGRESS  AND   RETROGRESSION  77 

Encinas  —  often  known  as  Dryander  —  who  for  a  short  time 
taught  Greek  in  the  same  university  and  translated  the  New 
Testament  into  his  vernacular,  were  Cranmer's  casual  guests. 

But  he  also  welcomed  for  periods  of  weeks  or  months  others 
of  similar  qualities  and  fame.  Among  them  were  John  a  Lasco, 
the  Polish  nobleman,  who  was  superintendent  of  the  Dutch 
congregation  in  Austin  Friars,  London  ;  John  Uitenhovius,  from 
Ghent,  another  officer  of  that  same  church  ;  Martin  Bucer,  the 
famous  Alsatian ;  Peter  Martyr,  the  Florentine,  Regius  pro- 
fessor of  theology  at  Oxford ;  Paulus  Fagius,  the  German  ; 
Peter  Alexander,  a  French  refugee,  who  under  Cranmer's  roof 
compiled  a  new  volume  of  "  Sentences,"  to  correct  misrepresen- 
tations of  patristic  teaching  as  to  doctrines  at  issue ;  Matthew 
Negelinus,  afterwards  a  minister  at  Strasburg ;  and  Bernard 
Ochinus,  an  erudite  Italian,  the  author  of  effective  dialogues 
against  the  Pope's  primacy. 

Add  to  these,  most  of  whom  were  on  the  ground,  still  others 
with  whom  correspondence  was  maintained  freely — Calvin  and 
Melancthon,  with  Wolfgang  Musculus  and  Henry  BuUinger  of 
Zurich,  a  powerful  upholder  of  the  Zwinglian  doctrines,  who 
presumably  exerted  a  stronger  influence  over  this  phase  of  the 
Reformation  in  England  than  any  other  foreigner  i  —  and  it  is 
plain  that,  although  no  formal  synod  met,  the  new  Confession 
did  not  lack  the  aid  of  Continental  experts. 

The  body  of  doctrine,  which  took  the  shape  of  the  Forty-two 
Articles,  was  much  more  exclusive  and  repressive  than  inclusive 
and  upbuilding.  The  recent  and  novel  freedom  of  poj)ular 
thought  had  started  many  peculiar  opinions,  but  only  special 
study  can  develop  the  surprising  facts  adequately.  All  things 
considered,  it  would  have  been  unreasonable  not  to  expect  that 
intense  but  narrow  minds,  long  and  unjustly  repressed  and  now 
turned  loose  to  interpret  Scripture  for  themselves,  with  little 
knowledge  and  no  experience,  would  grow  giddy  and  think  that 
they  ought  to  believe,  preach  and  practise  many  things  con- 
trary to  the  ancient  ways.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  even  their 
worst  excesses  were  likely  to  be  only  corollaries  illegitimately 
drawn  from  postulates  common  to  them  and  to  the  most  discreet 

^  Cunninghani,  190. 


78      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Reformers  ;  with  whom  they  joined  in  asserting  the  supremacy  of 
the  Bible,  the  sacred  independence  of  the  individual  judgment 
and  conscience,  and  the  supreme  importance  of  personal  faith. 

Beginning  with  the  preaching  tours  of  Thomas  Miinzer  in 
1521,  and  growing  through  imagined  divine  revelations  into  a 
strange  mixture  of  socialistic  and  spiritual  truth  and  error  ; 
reaching  its  height  in  the  "  Peasants'  War  "  of  1525  ;  and  re- 
appearing ten  years  later  in  the  Miinster  insurrections  and 
excesses ;  ^  what,  from  a  single  distinctive  tenet,  it  became  com- 
mon to  call  Anabaptism  soon  grew  to  be  regarded  as  the  syn- 
onym  of  whatever  was  fanatical,  corrupt  and  corrupting.  This 
hydra-headed  public  nuisance,  with  some  forth-puttings  of 
Socinus,  Servetus,  Schwenkfeld  and  the  Gospellers,  with  the 
Arians,  Marcionists,  Libertines,  Danists,  etc.,  alarmed  Craumer 
and  his  associates.  They  felt  that  they  must  set  forth  on  behalf 
of  the  Church  of  England  with  authority  that  it  held  no  sym- 
pathy with  any  such  hallucinations  and  heterodoxies ;  and  that, 
if  it  repudiated  ancient  Papal  errors,  it  no  less  denied  the  fool- 
ish and  fatal  fancies  of  the  enthusiasts. 

Accordingly,  the  Forty-two  Articles  fall  into  four  classes. 
The  first  consists  of  distinct  assertions  of  truth  ;  the  second  of 
distinctions  between  the  Church  of  England  and  Romanism ; 
the  third  of  affirmations  condemning  tenets  known  by  the  gen- 
eral name,  Anabaptism  ;  the  fourth  of  such  as  controverted  both 
these  and  other  systems  believed  perilous. 

Of  the  first  class  there  are  four :  the  seventh,  setting  forth 
the  verity  of  the  Apostles',  the  Nicene  and  the  Athanasian 
Creeds  ;  the  thirty-second,  affirming  that  excommunicate  persons 
are  to  be  avoided  ;  the  thirty-fourth,  asserting  the  spiritual  value 
of  the  Book  of  Homilies  ;  and  the  thirty-fifth,  endorsing  the 
latest  Book  of  Common  Prayer. 

Of  the  second  class  there  are  nine  :  the  twelfth,  against  some 
Schoolmen,  and  denying  the  sufficiency  of  works  before  justifi- 
cation ;  the  thirteenth,  of  the  impossibility  of  works  of  super- 
erogation ;  the  twentieth,  of  the  Church,  denying  the  infallibility 
and  supremacy  of  Rome  ;  the  twenty-first,  limiting  the  author- 

^  Lambertna  Hortensius,  Tumultuum  Anabaptistarum,  1548,  passim.  Hardwick, 
Hist.  Arts.  Belig.  86-93. 


PROGRESS  AND  RETROGRESSION  79 

ity  of  the  Church  to  the  warranty  of  the  Bible ;  the  twenty- 
second,  that  General  Councils  are  convocable  only  by  the  civil 
power,  have  erred  and  enjoy  no  extra-Scriptural  prerogatives ; 
the  twenty-third,  that  the  doctrine  of  Purgatory  is  unscriptural ; 
the  twenty-fifth,  that  divine  worship  should  be  intelligible  to  the 
people ;  the  thirtieth,  that  Christ's  oblation  on  the  cross  needs 
no  supplementing  by  the  mass  ;  and  the  thirty-first,  sanctioning 
the  marriage  of  the  clergy. 

Of  the  third  class  there  are  twenty  :  the  first,  treating  of  the 
divine  unity  and  trinity ;  the  second,  of  the  very  manhood  of 
Christ ;  the  third,  of  his  descent  into  Hades ;  the  fourth,  of  his 
resurrection  ;  the  sixth,  of  the  abiding  value  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment ;  the  ninth,  that  man  has  no  free  will  without  grace  ;  the 
tenth,  of  grace  as  aiding,  yet  never  forcing,  the  will;  the  fif- 
teenth, of  sin  after  baptism  ;  the  sixteenth,  of  blasphemy  against 
the  Holy  Spirit ;  the  eighteenth,  declaring  that  sincerity  and 
sect-fealty  will  not  save ;  the  nineteenth,  that  men  are  bound  to 
keep  the  moral  law ;  the  twenty-fourth,  that  no  man  should 
minister  unless  regularly  called  ;  the  twenty-seventh,  that  the 
personal  unfitness  of  the  minister  does  not  destroy  a  sacrament ; 
the  thirty-third,  that  church  tradition  should  not  yield  un- 
duly to  private  judgment;  the  thirty-seventh,  that  Christians 
should  not  hold  their  property  in  common ;  the  thirty-eighth, 
that  a  Christian  may  take  a  civil  oath ;  the  thirty-ninth,  that 
the  resurrection  is  not  past ;  the  fortieth,  that  souls  neither  die 
nor  sleep  with  their  bodies  ;  the  forty-first,  that  the  millenarian 
second  coming  of  Christ  to  earth  to  reign  is  a  fable  ;  and  the 
forty-second,  that  belief  in  universal  restoration  is  dangerous. 

Of  the  fourth  class  there  are  nine  :  the  fifth,  asserting  that 
Holy  Scripture  contains  all  things  necessary  to  Salvation,  aimed 
at  the  Romanists  and  some  Illuihinati ;  the  eighth,  as  to  Ori- 
ginal Sin,  repudiating  Anabaptist  disbelief  and  the  Romanist 
theory  of  its  entire  eradication  by  baptism ;  the  eleventh,  that 
justification  is  "  by  only  faith  in  Jesus  Christ,"  not  by  works  ; 
the  fourteenth,  that  Christ  alone  is  sinless,  against  the  doctrine 
of  the  Immaculate  Conception,  and  all  Perfectionists  ;  the  seven- 
teenth, treating  of  Predestination  and  Election,  condemning 
certain  crude  and  extreme  views ;  the  twenty-sixth,  of  the  Sac- 


80  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

raments  ;  the  twenty-eighth,  of  Baptism,  against  both  Romanists 
and  Anabaptists  ;  the  twenty-ninth,  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  mak- 
ing more  of  it  than  the  Zwinglians  and  less  than  the  Transub- 
stantiationists  ;  and  the  thirty-sixth,  of  civil  magistrates,  con- 
demning the  Papal  secular  supremacy  and  the  Anabaj)tist  denial 
of  all  magistracy  and  of  the  lawfulness  of  war.^ 

Clearly,  most  of  these  Articles  are  not  tenets,  calmly  and 
symmetrically  crystallized  by  their  own  suggestive  law,  and, 
disregarding  external  facts,  from  the  Bible.  They  are  contro- 
versial propositions,  arraying  the  affirmations  and  condemnations 
of  that  Word  against  current  phases  of  belief.  Some  important 
doctrines  are  mentioned  only  indirectly.  Some  are  not  named 
at  all.  And  large  attention  is  given  to  toj^ics  unimportant  in 
such  a  summary  of  faith.  The  question  whether  these  Articles 
are  Calvinistic  or  Arminian^  relates  to  them  more  jjroperly 
in  their  revised  and  condensed  form  of  1562,  under  Eliza- 
beth. 

A  new  Act  of  Uniformity  accompanied  the  second  Prayer- 
Book.  Scarcely,  however,  had  the  nation  fairly  been  brought  to 
face  compliance  with  its  demands,  when  the  king,  never  robust, 
died,  on  July  6,  1553.  And  with  him  dropped  the  keystone  of 
the  arch  of  the  English  Reformation  in  its  secondary  form. 
More  than  a  month  later,  the  wasted  remains  of  this  remarkable 
boy,  not  yet  sixteen,  were  entombed  in  Westminster  Abbey .^ 

What  was  the  actual  condition  of  the  land  when  Edward  closed 
his  youthful  eyes  upon  it  ?   Hasty  generalization  might  have  in- 

1  Hardwick,  90,  100-106. 

2  As  it  was  eight  years  before  Arminius  was  born  when  these  Articles  were 
adopted,  and  as  Episeopius,  who  methodized  the  system,  was  not  born  until  Eliza- 
beth had  been  on  the  throne  a  quarter  of  a  century,  Arminianism,  as  such,  is 
unlikely  to  be  found  therein.  And  since  Cranmer  and  his  chief  helpers  themselves 
were  moderate  Melancthonian  Calvinists  (Cunningham,  190),  it  is  equally  un- 
likely that  anything  radically  anti-Calvinistic  can  be  detected  in  them. 

^  Stanley,  Mems.  West.  Abbey,  149,  150.  In  1869  researches  among  the  Abbey 
tombs,  in  discovering  the  original  leadeu  inscribed  plate,  revealed  the  unrecorded 
fact  that,  unique  among  the  rulers  of  the  land,  Edward's  epitaph  declared  that  on 
earth,  under  Christ,  he  had  been  Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  of  the  Church  of 
England,  France  and  Ireland  the  Supreme  Head.  To  this,  as  Dean  Stanley  says, 
"  as  with  a  pathetic  and  singular  earnestness  "  was  added  the  exact  time  of  his 
decease  :  "  he  departed  this  life  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  6  July,  1553,  in 
the  seventh  year  of  his  reign,  and  the  sixteenth  of  his  age." 


PROGRESS  AND  RETROGRESSION  81 

terpreted  all  this  process  of  legislation,  this  statement  of  doctrine 
and  these  symbols  of  faith  into  the  conclusion  that  England  was 
far  advanced  towards  a  prosperous  Protestantism.  But  a  calmer 
study  would  have  dispelled  the  illusion.  All  was  not  gold  that 
glittered.  Nor  did  all  glitter.  There  has  been  a  widespread  ten- 
dency to  believe  that  the  English  people  under  Edward  VI.  in 
its  majority  had  learned  to  love  Protestantism,  and  that  it  was 
due  mainly  to  the  fanatical  bigotry  of  his  successor  that  the 
nation  went  back  so  quickly  to  the  Papacy.  But  this  misrepre- 
sents the  truth.  Undoubtedly  Mary  was  an  intense  bigot,  but 
other  influences  than  hers  made  England  what  it  was  during 
her  doleful  reign. 

With  the  exception  of  Bonner,  Bishop  of  London,  Gardiner 
of  Winchester,  Heath  of  Worcester,  Tunstall  of  Durham,  and 
a  few  others,  most  of  the  eminent  clergy  had  committed  them- 
selves to  the  new  views.  Yet  the  real  sympathies  of  most  coun- 
try rectors  and  curates  seem  to  have  inclined  the  other  way. 
Underneath  the  thin  Protestant  seeming  was  the  solid  substance 
of  Popery.i    Many  were  too  ignorant  even  to  read  a  homily  ^ 

^  Hooper  described  the  condition  of  things  in  1549  to  BuUinger  in  this  sombre 
■way:  — 

"  The  public  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  is  very  far  from  the  order  and 
institution  of  our  Lord.  Although  it  is  administered  in  both  kinds,  yet  in  some 
places  the  Supper  is  celebrated  three  times  a  day.  Where  they  used  heretofore  to 
celebrate  in  the  morning  the  mass  of  the  apostles,  they  now  have  the  communion 
of  the  apostles ;  where  they  had  the  mass  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  they  now  have  the 
communion  which  they  call  the  communion  of  the  Virgin  ;  where  they  had  the  prin- 
cipal, or  high  mass,  they  now  have,  as  they  call  it,  the  high  communion.  They  still 
retain  their  vestments  and  the  candles  before  the  altars ;  in  the  churches  they 
always  chant  the  hours  and  other  hymns  relating  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  but  in  our 
own  language,  yet  most  carefully  observe  the  same  tone  and  manner  of  chanting 
to  which  they  were  heretofore  accustomed  in  the  papacy."  —  Epis.  Tig.  xxxv. 

^  Thomas  Lever,  in  his  sermon  before  the  king  on  the  third  Sunday  in  Lent, 
1550,  boldly  said  :  — 

"  Yes,  f orsoth  he  [the  common  parish  priest]  ministreth  Gods  sacramentes,  he 
sayeth  his  seruyce,  and  he  readeth  the  homilies,  as  you  fyne  flatring  courtiers, 
which  speake  by  imaginacion,  tearme  it :  But  the  rude  lobbes  of  the  countrey, 
which  be  to  symple  to  paynte  a  lye,  speake  foule  and  truly  as  they  fynde  it  and 
saye  :  He  ministreth  Gods  sacraments,  he  slubbers  vp  his  service,  and  he  can  not 
reade  the  humbles  [homilies].  Yet  is  there  some  that  can  reade  vei-y  well :  but 
how  many  of  those  be  not  either  supersticious  papystes,  orels  carnall  gospellers, 
whiche  by  their  euyll  example  of  lyuyng  and  worse  doctrine,  do  farre  more  harme 
then  they  do  good  by  their  f ayr  reading  and  saying  of  servyce."  —  Arber's 
reprint,  65. 


82  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

fairly.  Many  parishes  were  without  pretence  of  a  ministry.  In 
some  a  sermon  hardly  had  been  heard  since  the  Black  Preach- 
ing Friars  had  been  sui)f)ressed  fifteen  years  before.  Many 
church  edifices  were  tumbling  undet"  the  weather,  and  young 
fellows  stabled  their  horses  and  practised  pigeon-shooting  in 
St.  Paul's.  The  breaking  up  of  the  monasteries  and  other 
ecclesiastical  endowments  had  destroyed,  or  suspended,  most 
charitable  institutions.  Hospitals,  almshouses,  and  even  schools 
thus  were  swept  at  least  temporarily  out  of  sight. 

Of  the  fact  that  the  king  was  a  child  advantage  had  been 
taken  by  the  Privy  Council  and  the  government,  and  especially 
by  the  Lord  Protector ;  and  public  injustice  in  the  service  of 
private  ambition  and  avarice  had  been  conunitted  and  tolerated, 
until  the  country  was  indignant ;  and  until,  although  they  were 
the  king's  uncles,  both  the  Duke  of  Somerset  and  his  brother. 
Lord  High  Admiral  Seymour,  who  admitted  frauds  in  the  coin- 
age to  the  amount  of  £100,000,  had  been  beheaded  with  the  royal 
assent.  Some  of  the  best  of  the  nobility  had  retired  to  their 
estates  and  kept  aloof  from  public  affairs. 

Throughout  this  reign  all  the  business  of  the  kingdom  was  in 
a  bad  way  and  growing  worse.  Public  life  was  shamelessly  cor- 
rupt, private  life  alarmingly  impure.  Among  the  higher  classes 
luxury  and  waste  were  general,  and  fraud  all  but  universal. 
Because  of  the  false  policy  of  the  regency  and  of  rapacious 
swindling  by  some  members  of  the  government,  the  currency 
had  so  depreciated  that  the  rates  of  exchange  had  almost  checked 
foreign  commerce.  The  Antwerp  money-brokers,  who  had  driven 
a  sufficiently  hard  bargain  with  Henry  VIII.,  had  made  terms 
with  Edward  so  exorbitant  that  only  the  impossibility  of  pay- 
ing the  money  prevented  a  rebellion.  Huge  bales  of  goods  lay 
upon  the  quays  of  Continental  cities,  unsold  "  through  the 
naughtiness  of  the  making."  Thousands  of  laborers  were  driven 
to  choose  between  starvation,  stealing  and  beggary.  Prices 
had  gone  up  so  that  a  cow,  formerly  sold  for  six  shillings  and 
eight  pence,  could  not  be  bought  under  forty  shillings,  and  for 
wheat  that  could  have  been  had  earlier  for  six  shillings  and  eight 
pence  thirty  shillings  were  demanded.  The  stench-laden,  sick- 
ness-smitten, vermin-haunted   jails   were  crowded.     The   land 


PROGRESS  AND   RETROGRESSION  83 

swarmed  with  vagabonds.  Justice  was  paralyzed.    Law  availed 
nothing.^ 

Comparatively  little  of  all  this  though  he  could  see,  or  seeing 
understand,  Edward  VI.  evidently  had  been  distressed  by  the 
condition  of  things.  The  discourse  left  in  his  own  handwriting, 
aud  truly  remarkable  for  his  years,  "  About  the  Reformation  of 
Many  Abuses,"  suggests  both  his  keen  sense  of  the  evil  and  his 
sagacious  ideas  as  to  its  reform.  Bishop  Hooper,  in  a  letter  to 
Bullinger  at  about  the  middle  of  this  reign,  testifies  sadly  as  to 
the  general  state  of  religious  matters  :  ^  — 

How  dangerously  our  England  is  affected  by  heresies  of  this  kind 
[Anabaptism,  etc.],  God  only  knows  ;  •  .  .  There  are  some  who  deny 
that  man  is  endued  with  a  soul  different  from  that  of  a  beast,  and  sub- 
ject to  decay.  .  .  .  There  are  such  libertines  and  wretches  who  are 
daring  enough  in  their  conventicles  not  only  to  deny  that  Christ  is  the 
Messiah  and  Saviour  of  the  world,  but  also  to  call  that  blessed  seed  a 
mischievous  fellow  and  deceiver  of  the  world.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
great  portion  of  the  kingdom  so  adheres  to  the  popish  faction,  as  alto- 
gether to  set  at  nought  God  and  the  lawful  authority  of  the  magis- 
trates ;  so  that  I  am  greatly  afraid  of  a  rebellion  and  civil  discord. .  .  . 
The  state  of  our  country  is  indeed  most  deplorable. 

The  Pope  all  along  had  sought  to  aggravate  the  dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  suppressed  Romanism  of  the  English  reahn  by  secret 
emissaries  and  other  means,  and  to  persuade  men  that  all  exist- 
ing discomforts  and  dangers  were  due  to  England's  desertion 
of  her  ancient  faith.  Moreover,  many  Englishmen,  whose  gen- 
eral sympathies  at  first  were  with  the  new  theology,  had  been 
alienated  by  an  apparently  excessive  consideration  paid  to  the 
Continental  element  of  the  Reformation.  All  had  been  made 
worse  by  the  endeavor  of  Edward,  acting  upon  the  prompting 
of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  to  change  by  his  will  the  suc- 
cession to  the  throne  —  a  project  which  ended  in  speedy  im- 
prisonment and  eventual  death  for  the  Lady  Jane  Grey  and  the 
conspirators  who  had  used  her  as  their  reluctant  tool. 

When  Mary  came  to  the  throne,  July  19,  1553,  thirteen 
days  after  Edward's  death,  his  body  still  was  unburied;  and  she 

1  See  Froude's  fifth  vol.,  especially  pp.  114,  121,  154-155, 257, 259,  265,  324,  327, 
403,  415. 

2  June  25,  1549.   Epis.  Tig.  xxxiii. 
♦ 


84      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

announced  her  intention  of  inaugurating  her  reign  by  a  requiem 
and  dirge  for  him  with  a  mass  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. 
But  finally  she  compromised  by  having  the  mass  sung  in  her 
presence  in  the  Tower  coincidently  with  his  burial  at  West- 
minster. Soon,  however,  mass,  with  matins  and  vespers,  was 
said  in  Latin  at  St.  Paul's  before  the  restored  high  altar  and  by 
the  side  of  the  crucifix  replaced  in  the  rood-loft,  while  the  Real 
Presence  was  defended  from  the  pulpit. 

The  foreign  preachers  soon  felt  the  change.  Peter  Martyr 
was  imprisoned  six  weeks  in  his  house  at  Oxford.  It  was  only 
when  he  himself  pushed  up  to  London  and  pleaded  that  the  late 
king  had  invited  him  into  England,  and  had  expressly  refused 
him  leave  to  depart,  a  year  before,  that,  about  September  19, 
he  obtained  a  safe-conduct  ^  and  left  at  once. 

Finding  a  considerable  popidar  welcome  for  the  new,  which 
was  the  old,  religion,  and  being  reasonably  certain  that  the 
majority  of  the  nation  was  on  her  side,  the  queen  delivered  a 
succession  of  staggering  blows  against  reform.  She  forbade  the 
marriage  of  the  clergy,  and  those  who  were  married  had  to  sepa- 
rate from  their  wives.  More  than  eight  hundred  fled  to  the 
Continent,  among  whom  were  five  bishops,  five  deans,  five  arch- 
deacons and  more  than  fifty  doctors  of  divinity.  Many  hun- 
dreds of  noblemen,  merchants,  tradesmen,  artificers  and  others, 
also  became  refugees.  The  next  Parliament,  by  350  votes  to  80, 
restored  the  mass  and  reduced  the  clergy  to  celibacy. 

Anxious  about  the  succession,  the  queen  soon  married  that 
bitter  Romanist,  Philip  of  Spain.  Bonner,  once  more  Bishop  of 
London,  sent  through  his  diocese  Articles  of  Visitation,  that 
neither  scrap  nor  vestige  of  Protestantism  might  remain  therein. 
The  monks  came  out  of  their  retreats.  And  by  November  29, 
1554,  with  but  two  nays  in  a  House  of  Commons  of  360  mem- 
bers, England  formally  had  resumed  the  yoke  of  the  Pope.  In 
January  the  Statute  of  Reconciliation  repealed  sixteen  specific 
laws,  and,  from  a  strictly  ecclesiastical  point  of  view,  swept  away 
the  entire  anti-Papal  legislation  of  the  two  previous  reigns. 

1  Epts.  Tig.  clxxxii,  ccxxxvii.  Hardwick  (218)  speaks  of  a  proclamation  issued 
to  these  foreign  preachers  "  to  avoid  the  realme  "  within  twenty-four  days,  on  pain 
of  imprisonment  and  forfeiture,  but  no  such  proclamation  appears  in  Cardwell's 
Documentary  Annals. 


PROGRESS  AND  RETROGRESSION  85 

Even  the  old  bloody  Lollard  statutes  of  Henry  IV.  and 
Henry  V.  were  revived.  Only  as  to  the  succession  of  the  Prin- 
cess Elizabeth  to  the  throne,  and  the  refusal  to  restore  church 
property  which  had  been  alienated  into  lay  hands,  did  Parlia- 
ment remain  unyielding.  The  reason  of  action  in  the  former 
case  perhaps  lay  in  reluctance  to  disturb  adjustments  which 
Henry  VIII.  deliberately  had  made ;  in  the  latter  in  the  pal- 
pable fact  that  40,000  families,^  which  had  benefited  by  those 
wholesale  confiscations,  did  not  mean  to  be  disturbed. 

Had  Mary  used  her  good  fortune  with  moderation,  ruled  dis- 
creetly and  persecuted  no  man,  she  might  have  consolidated  the 
nation  again  as  an  integral,  and  fairly  submissive,  part  of  the  do- 
minions of  the  Pope.  *But  she  was  unfortunate  in  her  nature  and 
unhappy  in  her  circumstances.  The  finances  fell  into  confusion 
again  and  a  forced  loan  exasperated  the  citizens.  Her  confident 
expectations  of  bearing  an  heir  to  the  throne  ended  in  humili- 
ating disappointment.  Her  husband  went  back  to  Spain  and 
proved  false.  Even  those  who  once  had  liked  her  learned  to 
loathe  her.  Her  nature  became  abnormal  and  diseased.  Ail- 
ments latent  in  her  constitution  made  malignant  disclosure. 
She  grew  moody,  wretched,  almost  insane.  Her  conscience  was 
morbid.  She  fancied  that  her  troubles  were  distinctly  God's 
frowns.  And,  seeking  the  cause  of  such  divine  indignation,  she 
could  reach  no  other  conclusion  than  that  she  had  been  too  ten- 
der of  Protestantism.  So  she  admonished  her  bishops  to  heighten 
their  zeal  against  heretics.  Noailles,  the  friendly  envoy  of  the 
King  of  France,  wrote  to  his  master  :  ^  — 

She  is  in  a  continual  fury  because  she  can  neither  enjoy  the  pre- 
sence of  her  husband  nor  the  affection  of  her  subjects ;  and  is  actually 
in  momentary  dread  lest  she  may  be  assassinated  by  her  own  attend- 
ants. 

Swollen  and  haggard  with  disease,  this  wretched  queen  would 
sit  upon  the  floor  for  whole  days,  brooding  upon  her  misery, 
while  public  affairs  were  left  to  the  legate  of  the  Pope  and  a 
few  bigoted  Papists.  The  persecution  of  Nonconformists  grew 
more  savagely  cruel.  Not  only  were  some  of  the  noblest  men  in 
England,  such  as  Hooper,  Cranmer,  Latimer  and  Ridley,  burned 
1  Eanke,  i :  214.  ^  ]^a,y  7,  1556,  Ambassades,  v. 


86      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

at  the  stake,  but  even  the  dead  bodies  of  Bueer  and  Fagius 
were  disinterred  and  solemnly  tried  for  heresy  ;  and,  being  un- 
defended, their  coffins  were  chained  to  a  stake  in  the  market- 
place, Bibles,  primers  and  Prayer-Books  were  heajjed  around 
them,  and  the  books  and  the  poor  remains  of  bodies  were  re- 
duced to  one  common  ash-heap.  The  corpse  of  Catharine  Cathie, 
Peter  Martyr's  wife,  buried  in  the  cathedral  at  Oxford  before 
Mary  came  to  the  throne,  also  was  exhumed  and  cast  into  a 
cesspool  1  because  she  had  been  a  nun  before  her  marriage. 

What  those  endured  who  merely  suffered  long  imprisonment 
is  shown  by  a  letter  in  which  the  Bishop  of  Gloucester  describes 
his  experience  during  eighteen  months  in  the  Fleet :  ^  — 

He  [the  warden]  obtained  to  put  me  in  to  the  wards,  where  I  con- 
tinued a  long  time,  having  nothing  appointed  to  me  for  my  bed  but  a 
little  pad  of  straw,  a  rotten  covering,  with  a  tick  and  a  few  feathers 
therein,  the  chamber  being  vile  and  stinking,  until  by  God's  means 
good  people  sent  me  bedding  to  lie  in.  On  the  one  side  of  which  prison 
is  the  sink  and  filth  of  all  the  house,  and  on  the  other  side  the  town 
ditch ;  so  that  the  stench  of  the  house  hath  infected  me  with  sundry 
diseases.  During  which  time  I  have  been  sick  ;  and  the  doors,  bars, 
hasps  and  chains  being  all  closed  and  made  fast  upon  me,  I  have 
mourned,  called,  and  cried  for  help.  But  the  warden,  when  he  hath 
known  me  many  times  ready  to  die,  and  when  the  poor  men  of  the 
wards  have  called  to  help  me,  hath  commanded  the  doors  to  be  kept 
fast,  and  charged  that  none  of  his  men  should  come  at  me,  saying, 
"  Let  him  alone  ;  it  were  a  good  riddance  of  him."  And  among  many 
other  times  he  did  thus  the  18th  of  October,  1553,  as  many  can  wit- 
ness. .  .  .  And  sithence  that  time  I  have  paid  him  as  the  best  gentleman 
doth  in  his  house  :  yet  hath  he  used  me  worse  and  more  vilely  than  the 
veriest  slave  that  ever  came  to  the  hall-commons. 

The  high-water  mark  of  this  frenzied  hatred  towards  all  who 
were  not  Papists  is  indicated  by  a  proclamation  ^  five  months  be- 
fore Mary's  death  by  which  comforting,  speaking  to,  touching  or 
even  approaching  heretics  on  their  way  to  execution  was  made 
punishable  by  death  !  When,  having  reigned  a  little  more  than 
five  years,  this  miserable  woman  died,  she  had  been  the  direct 
or  indirect  cause  of  the  death  of  at  least  300  poor  sufferers. 

1  Froude,  vi :  435-436.  ^  Hooper,  Later  Writings,  Parker  Soc.  620. 

8  Froude,  vi :  480. 


PROGRESS  AND  RETROGRESSION  87 

The  later  years  of  her  reign  were  made  endurable  only  by 
the  certainty  that  its  end  must  come  soon.  It  was  better  to 
await  the  natural  accession  of  Elizabeth  than  to  submit  to  the 
sure  ills  of  a  revolution.  Yet  the  future  showed  little  of  light. 
War,  famine  and  plague  had  devastated  the  people,  and  the 
finances  were  nearly  exhausted. 

The  Pope's  legate.  Cardinal  Pole,  died  the  night  after  the 
queen,  and  thirteen  bishops  also  died  a  little  before  or  after  her. 
As  to  religion,  however,  notwithstanding  all  reaction  from  the 
abominations  of  her  reign  and  the  smart  of  renewed  subjugation 
to  Papal  oppression,  probably  a  large  majority  of  the  people,  if 
they  had  not  relished  the  rule  of  the  Pope  or  alliance  with 
Spain,  still  did  prefer  the  old  religion  to  the  new.  A  writer 
declares  that  "  the  Catholics  were  in  the  majority  in  every 
county  in  England,  except  Middlesex  and  Kent,"  ^  while,  as 
late  as  1585,  Edward  Rishton  asserts  that  the  majority  of  the 
nobility,  the  country  gentlemen  and  the  farmers  were  unmistak- 
ably Catholic ;  and  that  not  a  county,  excepting  those  near 
London  and  the  Court,  and  scarcely  any  towns  but  those  on 
the  sea-coast  had  accepted  Protestantism.^ 

1  Dom.  Mss.  Eliz.  1. 

2  Be  Orig.  ac  Prog.  Schism.  Angl.  1585,  159  verso.   Strype  {An.iu.  (1)  604)  cites 
Creichton,  a  Scotch  Jesuit,  to  the  same  effect. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  ISSUES  AND  HOW  THEY  WERE  MET 

Elizabeth,  who,  just  under  twenty-five,  now  came  to  the 
throne,  was  the  child  of  Anne  Boleyn.  She  had  inherited  her 
mother's  mild  Protestantism.  She  seems,  however,  to  have  con- 
formed quietly  during  Mary's  reign,  excepting  that  she  forbade 
Oglethorpe,  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  to  elevate  the  host  in  her  pre- 
sence. She  was  crowned  with  all  the  mediasval  rites.  Her  first 
Council  of  State  included  reformed  and  unreformed  members ; 
the  former  superior  in  influence,  the  latter  in  numbers.  She 
personally  favored  the  splendor  of  the  Romish  ritual  more  than 
the  Presbyterian  simplicity.  She  was  prejudiced  against  certain 
of  the  Marian  exiles  because  of  the  books  which  Knox  and 
Goodman  had  published  at  Geneva  against  the  rule  of  women, 
and  asserting  the  right,  under  stress  of  conscience,  of  disobe- 
dience to  magistrates.^ 

These  were  aimed  at  Mary,  the  first  queen  to  rule  by  herself 
and  in  her  own  right  over  England,  and  the  question  of  right 
fairly  was  open  in  her  case.  But  their  logic  pointed  at  the 
younger  sister  '^  also,  who  could  be  made  only  a  good  exception 
to  a  bad  rule.  Not  without  some  grounds,  then,  these  zealous 
reasoners  became  conscious  of  "  her  graces  displeasur."  Nor  is 
it  strange  that  Elizabeth's  distrust  extended  itself  to  the  Gene- 
van reformers  as  a  body.  Calvin  complained  to  Cecil  that  she 
declined  to  accept  a  copy  of  one  of  his  books.  Knox  she  would 
not  permit  even  to  pass  through  England. 

Indeed,  aU  personal  tastes  aside,  the  young  queen  was  en- 

1  First  Blast  of  the  Trvmpet  against  the  Monstrous  regiment  of  women  (1558),  1. 
How  Superior  Powers  ought  to  be  obeyd  of  their  subiects  :  and  wherein  they  may  law- 
fully by  God's  Worde  be  disobeyed  and  resisted  (1558),  166. 

2  Knox,  S.  P.  Scot,  i :  65. 


THE   ISSUES   AND   HOW   THEY   WERE   MET       '      89 

vironed  with  perplexities/  especially  in  the  religious  condition 
of  the  realm.  To  move  towards  the  Papacy  meant  to  go  counter 
to  her  own  major  convictions  and  her  past  with  all  its  best 
associations,  discreetest  advisers  and  most  constant  friends,  to 
be  false  to  her  father's  memory,  and  to  accept  the  stigma  of 
bastardy.  To  move  in  the  other  direction  meant  not  only  to 
face  the  hidden  dangers  of  a  Papal  hate,  but  also  to  encourage 
that  majority  of  her  subjects  which  had  clung  to  the  ancient 
faith ,  to  disaffect  that  large  number  of  her  Court  and  the 
gentry,  jurists  and  scholars  of  the  kingdom,  who,  alienated  from 
Rome,  still  disfavored  Geneva  and  Zurich  ;  and  to  summon  to 
her  most  intimate  support  men  with  whom  she  had  almost 
nothing  in  common,  and  whom  she  was  determined  never,  ex- 
cepting in  small  part,  to  follow.  Her  first  need  clearly  was  to 
gain  time  to  look  about  her,  to  consider  men  as  much  as  mea- 
sures, and  to  estimate  carefully  as  well  what  could  not  as  what 
could  be  done. 

When  the  news  of  Mary's  death  reached  the  Continent,  the 
exiles  there  began  to  hasten  home ;  some  having  large  expecta- 
tions of  an  uplifting  of  the  banner  of  Protestantism,  possibly  of 
Lutheranism  or  even  of  Calvinism,  over  the  new  Court.  The 
tidings  do  not  appear  to  have  been  confirmed  in  Strasburg  until 
December  19.^  On  December  20-30  Sir  Thomas  Wroth,  Sir 
Anthony  Cooke  and  others  started  from  Strasburg  for  London, 
and  Edwin  Sandys,  Robert  Home  and  numbers  more  followed 
as  soon  as  possible.  Meanwhile,  those,  like  Matthew  Parker, 
William  Bill,  Edmond  Guest,  William  Alley  and  William  May, 
who  had  been  secluded  in  England,  came  forth,  until  there  was 
at  hand  a  considerable  number  of  men  whose  learning  and  piety 
demanded  respect,  and  many  of  whom  gained  distinction  from 
their  association  alike  with  the  late  noble  army  of  martyrs,  such 

1  A  document  of  the  time  tersely  describes  this  :  — 

"  The  Queen  poor  ;  the  realm  exhausted ;  the  nobility  poor  and  decayed  ;  good 
captains  and  soldiers  wanting- ;  the  people  out  of  order  ;  justice  not  executed ;  all 
things  dear ;  excesses  in  meat,  diet  and  apparel ;  division  among  ourselves ;  war 
with  France ;  the  French  king  bestriding  the  realm,  having  one  foot  in  Calais  and 
the  other  in  Scotland  ;  steadfast  enemies,  but  no  steadfast  friends."  —  S.  P.  Dom. 
Address  to  Council. 

2  Zurich  Letters,  Eliz.  11. 


90  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

as  Cranmer,  Ridley  and  Latimer,  and  with  the  great  fathers  of 
the  Swiss  and  German  reformation. 

But  this  company  was  not  always  agreed,  excepting  in  their 
general  hostility  to  Rome.  Some,  like  John  Foxe,  Laurence 
Humphrey  and  Thomas  Sampson,  hardly  would  admit  that  any 
opinion  other  than  theirs  could  be  honestly  Protestant.  To 
them  even  every  remnant  of  the  vestments  of  Rome  was  "  a  de- 
filed robe  of  Antichrist."  Others,  like  James  Pilking-ton  and 
Robert  Home,  regarded  such  matters,  as  Martyr  and  Bullinger 
had  advised,  as  non-essentials,  to  be  tolerated  temporarily. 
Thomas  Young,  John  Scory  and  others,  who  had  been  sheltered 
in  Wesel — and  those  were  said  to  number  one  hundred — were 
content  with  Edward's  Prayer-Book,  having  used  no  other.^  No 
doubt,  however,  all  these  exiles  brought  home  an  ineradicable 
repugnance  towards  the  attire  and  the  ceremonies  which  had 
been  used  by  their  persecutors,  and  yearned  for  the  simplicity 
of  their  Continental  friends. 

On  the  Sunday  after  the  queen's  accession  Dr.  William  Bill, 
afterwards  Dean  of  Westminster,  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  a 
quieting  sermon.  But  he  was  followed  there,  a  week  later,  by 
Christopherson,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  a  "  notorious  Papist,"  who 
had  been  active  in  the  burning  of  the  bodies  of  Bucer  and 
Fagius,  and  who  exliorted  the  people  vehemently  against  the 
"  new  doctrine  ;  "  for  which  the  queen  imprisoned  him.  A  rush 
was  made  for  the  many  empty  pulpits  by  the  few  who  could  preach, 
which  threatened  confusion.  In  London  a  mob  tore  down  the 
crosses  and  threw  the  priests  into  the  kennels.  After  four  Sun- 
days more,  on  December  27,  1558,  the  queen  by  proclamation  ^ 
forbade  all  preaching  or  teaching  "  other  than  to  the  Gospells 
and  Epistles,  commonly  called  the  Gospel  and  Epistle  of  the 
day,  and  to  the  Ten  Commaundments  in  the  vulgar  tongue, 
without  exposition  or  addition,"  in  order  to  prevent  "  unfruteful 
dispute  "  and  "  occasion  to  break  common  quiet  "  —  this  "  until 
consultation  may  be  had  by  parlament,  by  her  majesty,  and  her 
three  estates  of  this  realme." 

Parliament  met,  on  January  23-February  2,  1558-59,  the 

1  Strype,  Eccles.  Mems.   iii  (1) :  233.    Soames,  Eliz.  Eelig.  Hist.  20. 

2  Cardwell,  Doc.  An.  i :  208. 


THE  ISSUES  AND   HOW  THEY  WERE  MET  91 

queen  having  been  crowned  eight  days  before.  Meanwhile,  a 
select  body  of  divines  —  Barker,  Bill  and  May,  who  had 
remained  in  England  during  Mary's  reign,  and  who  had  not 
become  familiar,  like  those  who  had  lived  on  the  Continent, 
with  the  idea  of  church  reconstruction  through  reversion  to  the 
Scriptures  alone ;  Cox  and  Whitehead,  who  had  been  at  Frank- 
fort ;  with  Grindal,  who  had  been  there  and  at  Strasburg,  and 
Pilkington,  who  had  stayed  at  Basel  —  had  been  holding  sessions 
with  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  in  Canon  Row,  Westminster,  to  revise 
the  second  Prayer-Book  of  Edward  VI.  for  parliamentary  action.^ 
In  the  House  of  Lords  the  Romish  party  had  great  advantage 
because,  as  no  new  Protestant  bishop  could  be  consecrated  until 
Parliament  had  modified  the  oaths  recognizing  the  Pope,  the 
Romish  prelates  had  their  own  way,  and  the  more  that  there 
happened  to  be  no  lay  peer  capable  of  arguing  with  them.^ 

Convocation  was  sitting  beside  Parliament,  having  been  opened 
with  High  Mass.  Yet  by  April,  through  act  of  Parliament  after 
a  great  debate,  England  once  more  was  severed  from  Rome. 
The  Ci'own  again  was  made  supreme  "  in  all  causes  Ecclesiastical 
as  well  as  civil,"  although  the  title,  Supreme  Head,  for  the 
sovereign  was  waived.^  The  statutes  of  Henry  IV.  and  Henry  V. 
against  heresy,  with  Mary's  act  reviving  them,  were  abolished 
and  the  monasteries  were  again  dissolved. 

On  April  18,  the  revised  Prayer-Book  was  proposed  in  the 
House  of  Commons  for  restoration.  Those  who  had  adopted 
the  Genevan  ideas  protested  that  it  exalted  "  fooleries  "  to  con- 
sequence and  sacrificed  truth  to  expediency,  and  the  Romanists 
of  course  fought  against  it.  But  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  with  a 
fine  of  a  shilling  for  every  Sunday's  absence,  passed  its  three 
readings  in  three  successive  days,  and,  substantially,  the  liturgy 
which  Cranmer  chiefly  had  framed  came  again  into  force.  The 
principal  changes  made  heightened  the  ceremonial  by  prescrib- 
ing that  the  ornaments  of  the  churches  and  ministers  should  be 
as  in  the  second  year  of  Edward  VI. ;  *  modified  the  commun- 

1  Strype,  Life  Sir  Thos.  Smith,  56. 

2  Zur.  Lets.  Eliz.  IV. 

^  Sandys  to  Parker  :  "  Mr.  Lever  wisely  put  such  a  scruple  in  the  Queen's  head 
that  she  would  not  take  the  title  of  supreme  head."  —  Corresp.  of  Parker,  xlix. 
*  Stats.  I  Eliz,  i.  cap.  2  :  sect.  xxv. 


92      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

ion  offices  so  that  it  might  be  possible  for  Romanist,  Lutheran, 
Calvinist  and  Zwinglian  each  to  insist  that  the  sense  was  his ; 
and  omitted  that  declaration  on  kneeling  which  had  been  added 
in  1552. 

Before  the  year  was  out  this  policy  of  compromise  had  been 
pursued  by  the  elevation  to  the  Primacy  of  Matthew  Parker,  a 
mild  conservative,  whose  opposition  to  Rome  was  largely  because 
the  Papacy  had  departed  from  primitive  Christianity  as  ex- 
pounded by  the  Fathers,  The  result,  as  it  seemed  to  one  of  the 
godly  ministers  of  Zurich,  was  that :  ^  — 

Perceiving  that  popery  can  neither  honestly  be  defended  nor  en- 
tirely retained  [they]  adopt  those  artifices  by  which  they  invent  a 
form  of  religion  of  a  mixed,  micertain,  and  doubtful  character,  and 
obtrude  the  same  upon  the  churches  under  the  pretext  of  evangelical 
reformation,  from  which  the  return  to  papistical  superstition  and  idol- 
madness  is  afterwards  most  easy.  .  .  .  We  have  now  experienced  in 
Germany  for  some  years,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the  churches,  the 
extent  of  influence  possessed  by  men  of  this  character ;  forasmuch  as 
their  counsels  appear  to  the  carnal  judgment  to  be  full  of  moderation, 
and  especially  adapted  to  the  promotion  of  concord :  and  it  is  likely 
that  the  common  enemy  of  our  salvation  will  also  find  suitable  instru- 
ments among  yourselves,  by  the  aid  of  which  he  will  endeavor  to  re- 
tain the  seeds  of  popery  ;  which  must  be  fimily  resisted. 

The  very  mild  form  of  the  Reformation  in  England  at  this 
time  may  be  indicated.  Upon  Elizabeth's  accession  almost  the 
whole  clergy  was  Romanist,  but  out  of  9400  priests  apparently 
less  than  200  resigned,^  although,  of  course,  the  extreme  Ro- 
manists now  took  their  turn  abroad.^  The  inevitable  inference 
is  that  several  thousand  ministers  outwardly  accej^ted  the  situa- 
tion, evading  the  oath  of  supremacy  when  possible,  absenting 
themselves,  shutting  up  their  churches,  and  perpetually  labor- 
ing, at  least  in  secret,  against  the  cause  which  their  vows  bound 
them  to  uphold. 

Like  priest,  like  people.  Comparatively  few  of  the  laity, 
however  bigoted  Romanists,  felt  obliged,  during  the  first  five 

^  Gualter  to  Masters,  Zur.  Lets.  Eliz.  V. 
2  Marsden,  Early  Puritans,  100. 

^  Dodd,  ii:  8.  Rishton  in  his  continuation  of  Sander's  Anglican  Schism  (26) 
says  that  some  300  of  all  conditions  went  abroad  at  once,  largely  to  Belgium. 


THE   ISSUES   AND   HOW  THEY   WERE   MET  93 

years  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  to  absent  themselves  from  the  churches 
with  their  modified  service.  But  for  the  bishops  neutrality  was 
impossible.  They  began  with  defiance  of  the  queen,  vaguely 
hoping  to  be  sustained  somehow,  by  Romanist  influence  from 
without  or  by  a  revolution.^  But  when  confronted  with  the  dis- 
tinct alternative  of  taking  the  oath  or  losing  their  sees,  only  one 
yielded,  Kitchin,  of  Llandaff  —  the  same  who  four  years  before 
had  sent  poor  Rawlins  White,  the  fisherman  of  Cardiff,  to  the 
stake  for  heresy .2  The  bishoprics  previously  empty,  or  vacated 
thus,  were  filled  by  Grindal,  Pilkington,  Home,  Davies,  Meuick, 
Berkeley,  Cheney,  Barlow,  Cox,  Alley,  Scory,  Bentham,  Bel- 
lingham,  Parkhurst,  Scambler,  Guest,  Jewel,  Sandys,  Best, 
Downham,  and  Young;  of  which  twenty-one,  thirteen  had 
passed  most  of  Mary's  reign  in  Germany  or  Switzerland,  and 
eight  had  contrived  to  stay  in  England.  Downham  had  been 
Elizabeth's  chaplain.  Cheney,  then  a  rector,  had  conformed. 
Bentham  and  Scambler  had  managed  somehow  to  preach  to 
Protestants  in  London.  The  Pope  did  not  neglect  some  counter- 
action.   But  his  nuncio  could  approach  no  nearer  than  Calais. 

Soon  after  Parker's  nomination  to  the  Primacy,  on  July  19, 
the  queen,  as  spiritual  head  of  the  Church,  issued  a  warrant  ^ 
creating  Parker  and  Grindal,  with  seventeen  associates,  a  High 
Commission,  six  of  whom  were  to  be  a  quorum,  to  enforce  the 
Act  of  Uniformity.  This  was  the  first  warrant  for  such  a  court, 
and  the  beginning  of  an  instriunent  of  oppression  *  which  always 
could  be  used  against  even  the  most  mild-mannered  Dissenter. 

Doctrinally,  further  than  as  involved  in  the  changes  referred 
to  already  in  the  Prayer-Book,  it  was  purposed  to  wait  for  a 
more  convenient  season.  While  the  Forty-two  Articles  of  Ed- 
ward were  held  in  abeyance,  recourse  was  had  to  a  brief  inde- 
pendent formula  of  eleven  clauses,  approved  by  the  archbishops 
and  bishops.    It  acknowledges  for  the  priest,  and  requires  from 

1  Froude,  vii :  90-93.  2  po^e,  Acts  and  Mons.  iii :  180. 

8  Queen's  Warrant  for  Court  of  High  Commission  in  Causes  Ecclesiastical,  sects. 
V,  ix.    Cardwell,  Doc.  An.  i :  255-263. 

*  Lingard,  the  Romanist  historian  of  England,  says  :  "  Whoever  will  compare 
the  powers  given  to  this  tribunal  with  those  of  the  Inquisition  which  Philip  the 
Second  endeavored  to  establish  in  the  Low  Countries,  will  find  that  the  chief  dif- 
ference between  the  two  courts  consisted  in  their  names."  —  Ed.  1S27,  viii :  60,  n. 


94  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

the  people,  belief  in  the  Trinity,  the  sufficiency  of  Scripture 
and  the  three  Creeds.  It  declares  that  the  true  teaching  of  the 
Word  authenticates  the  Church,  and  that  a  church  so  authenti- 
cated can  institute,  change  or  abolish  ceremonies ;  that  only  a 
ministry  lawfully  called  is  valid  ;  that  the  queen  is  supreme  in 
Church  as  in  State  ;  and  that  the  Pope's  power  has  been  law- 
fully repudiated.  It  asserts  that  the  Prayer-Book  is  agreeable 
to  the  Scriptures  ;  that  exorcism,  oil,  salt,  spittle  and  holy 
water  have  been  disused  reasonably ;  that  private  masses  and 
the  notion  that  they  release  from  Purgatory  are  most  ungodly  ; 
that  the  faithful  have  right  to  communion  in  both  kinds  ;  and 
that  images,  relics,  feigned  miracles,  pilgrimages,  candles,  beads, 
etc.,  lie  under  malediction  of  Scripture. 

When,  in  1562-63,  the  Forty-two  Articles  of  Edward  came  to 
revision  and  readoption  in  Convocation,  four  were  added,  seven 
subtracted  and  seventeen  modified,  leaving  thirty-nine.^  AU 
these  changes  appear  to  have  been  dictated  by  the  desire  to  dis- 
card such  as  were  becoming  obsolete,  to  insert  references  to 
newer  spiritual  vagaries,  and  to  clear  up  misrepresentations,  steer 
a  middle  course  between  extremists,  and  maintain  in  essentials 
that  general  policy  which  the  government  was  pursuing  in  other 
respects.^  No  immediate  action  of  Parliament  endorsed  and 
legalized  these  Articles  in  their  new  form,  so  that  for  several 
years  they  remained  merely  in  moral  force. 

Late  in  1564,  at  the  queen's  command.  Archbishop  Parker 
with  the  Bishops  of  London,  Ely,  Rochester,  Winchester  and 
Lincoln,  sent  out  certain  Advertisements,^  which  contained  four 
classes  of  articles  to  promote  unity  in  doctrine  and  practice. 
These  were  remarkable  chiefly  in  that  they  annulled  all  existing 
licenses  to  preach,  forbade  unlicensed  preaching,  required  the 
minister  to  wear  "  a  comely  surples  with  sleeves,"  every  celebrant 
of  the  communion  a  cope,  and  all  communicants  to  receive  kneel- 
ing ;  and  ordained  that  all  "  ecclesiasticall  persons  "  wear  long 

1  The  lOth,  16th,  19th,  39th,  40th,  41st  and  42d  articles  were  omitted.  The  5th, 
12th,  29th  and  30th  were  added. 

^  Hardwick  notes  the  odd  fact  that  no  small  part  of  the  fresh  matter  inserted 
was  borrowed  from  the  Confession  of  Wurtemberg,  "  a  Lutheran  Document,  itself  in 
turn  an  echo  of  the  Augsburg  Confession,"  125-147. 

8  Cardwell,  Doc.  An.  i :  321-331. 


THE  ISSUES  AND   HOW  THEY   WERE   MET  95 

gowns  and  caps  ordinarily  and  "  hattes  but  in  their  journeinge  ;  " 
winding  up  with  a  list  of  eight  pledges  of  obedience  required 
of  all  ecclesiastics.  This  deliverance  revealed  the  queen's  pur- 
pose to  crush  Nonconformity  by  the  mere  exercise  of  royal  pre- 
rogative, and  to  compel  scruplers  as  to  "  rags  of  Rome  "  to  wear 
them  or  become  mere  laymen.  She  proposed  this  of  her  own 
authority,  yet  she  meant  to  make  the  bishops  bear  the  respon- 
sibility.^ 

Very  earnest  were  the  appeals  for  advice  sent  by  some  tender- 
conscienced  ones  to  their  Continental  friends.  Not  more  than 
two  to  five  years  earlier  some  of  these  very  bishops  had  had 
scruples  upon  some  of  these  very  points.  Even  now  they  insisted 
that  they  conformed  simply  to  keep  the  high  places  of  the  Church 
from  the  Romanists .^  That  such  men  so  soon  should  turn  so 
sharp  a  corner  was  discouraging.  The  difficulty  scarcely  was 
relieved  by  the  advice  which  came  back  from  Switzerland  and 
Germany,  advice  not  always  self -consistent.  Martyr  at  first  said, 
on  July  15,1559:  — 

Truly,  if  we  hated  superstitions  from  the  heart,  we  should  endeavor 
by  all  means  that  their  very  vestiges  should  be  rooted  out. 

Later,  on  November  4,  he  declared  :  — 

Though  I  have  always  been  opposed  to  the  use  of  ornaments  of  this 
kind,  yet  as  I  perceived  the  present  danger  of  your  being  deprived  of 
the  office  of  preaching,  and  that  ...  as  altars  and  images  have  been  re- 
moved, so  this  resemblance  of  the  mass  may  also  be  taken  away,  pro- 
vided you  and  others  who  may  obtain  bishopricks  will  direct  all  your 
endeavours  to  that  object  (which  would  make  less  progress,  should 
another  succeed  in  your  place,  who  not  only  might  be  indifferent  about 
putting  away  those  relics,  but  would  rather  defend,  cherish  and  main- 
tain them  ;)  therefore  was  I  the  slower  in  advising  you  rather  to  refuse 
a  bishoprick,  than  to  consent  to  the  use  of  the  garments. 

^  Mitchell  (47  and  n.)  says :  "  The  peremptory  mandate  requiring'  them  to  give 
this  subscription  issued  from  the  sovereign  herself  ;  but  it  was  carried  out,  if  with 
reluctance  yet  with  submission,  by  several  of  the  prelates,  and  especially  by  Parker, 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  I  have  no  doubt  .  .  .  that  the  queen  wished  and  urged 
him  to  proceed,  just  as  she  encouraged  Aylmer's  action  against  Cartwright,  but 
that  (as  in  that  case)  she  wished  him  to  take  the  onus  on  himself." 

2  Home  to  Gualter :  "  We  complied  with  this  injunction,  lest  our  enemies  should 
take  possession  of  the  places  deserted  by  ourselves."  —  Zur.  Lets.  LXIV. 


96      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

And  on  February  1-11,  1560,  he  wrote  :  ^  — 

You  may  therefore  use  these  habits  either  in  preaching,  or  in  the 
administration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  provided  however  you  persist  in 
speaking  and  teaching  against  the  use  of  them. 

Bullinger  wrote  to  a  conformist :  — 

I  approve  of  the  zeal  of  those  persons  who  would  have  the  church 
purged  from  aU  the  dregs  of  popery  .  .  .  On  the  other  hand,  I  also 
commend  your  prudence,  who  do  not  think  that  churches  are  to  be  for- 
saken because  of  the  vestments  [of  the  clergy]. 

The  new  departure  was  followed  up  resolutely.  On  March 
26,  the  London  clergy  were  summoned  to  Lambeth,  and  in  pre- 
sence of  Archbishop  Parker,  Grindal,  Bishop  of  London,  and 
others  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  the  bishop's  chancellor 
pointed  to  Robert  Cole,  of  St.  Mary-le-Bow,  who  was  habited 
in  a  square  cap,  a  scholar's  gown,  and  tippet,  and  said  :  ^  — 

The  Council's  pleasure  is,  that  strictly  ye  keep  the  unity  of  apparel 
like  to  this  man,  ...  as  you  see  him  .  .  .  and  in  the  church  a  linen  sur- 
pHce  :  and  inviolably  observe  the  rubric  of  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer,  and  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Injunctions :  and  the  Book  of  Con- 
vocation fi-  e.  the  Thirty-nine  Articles]. 

Ye  that  wiU  presently  subscribe,  write  volo  ;  ye  that  wiU  not  sub- 
scribe write  nolo. 

Be  brief:  make  no  ivords! 

The  roll  of  churches  then  was  called,  and  of  the  ninety-eight 
clergy  present  sixty-one  submitted.  Thirty-seven  refused,  among 
whom  "  were  the  best."  ^  Those  refusing  were  suspended  and 
notified  that,  unless  they  yielded  within  three  months,  they  would 
be  deprived.  A  few  conformed,  some  entered  secular  callings 
and  some  landed  in  prison.  When  Parliament  met,  the  Com- 
mons, December  5,  1566,  sent  up  to  the  Lords  a  bill  making 
subscription  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  the  condition  of  hold- 
ing a  benefice  in  the  Church.  De  Feria,  the  Spanish  ambassador 
and  really  the  representative  of  the  Pope,  besought  the  queen 

1  Zur.  Lets.  XLIII,  XH,  XIV,  XVU,  I:  App.  II. 

2  Strype,  Grindal,  144. 

^  So  Parker  said.  Yet  he  added  :  "As  for  the  most  part  of  these  recusants,  I 
•would  wish  them  out  of  the  ministry,  as  mere  ignorant  and  vain  heads."  —  Corresp. 
ccvii,  ccix. 


THE   ISSUES   AND   HOW  THEY   WERE  MET  97 

to  defeat  the  measure;  and  she  consented,  nor  was  it  until  1571 
that  these  Articles  really  became  law.^ 

No  wonder  that  this  royal  action,  added  to  the  galling  yoke 
of  the  Advertisements,  hastened  a  crisis.  Hope  deferred  died 
altogether  out  of  many  breasts.  Elizabeth  had  been  queen  more 
than  eight  years  and  had  had  time  to  show  what  she  really 
was.2  At  the  beginning  of  her  reign  those  whose  views  had  sent 
them  into  voluntary  exile  during  Mary's  time  had  believed  her 
piety  genuine.  According  to  Holinshed  ^  she  certainly  offered 
a  good  prayer  before  she  started  for  her  coronation.  Sandys, 
on  the  eve  of  leaving  Strasburg  for  London,  wrote  to  BuUin- 
ger:  — 

The  queen  has  changed  almost  all  her  counsellors,  and  has  taken 
good  Christians  into  her  service  in  the  room  of  papists ;  and  there  is 
great  hope  of  her  promoting  the  gospel,  and  advancing  the  kmgdom  of 
Christ  to  the  utmost  of  her  power. 

On  her  coronation  day  Gualter,  in  a  letter  from  Zurich,  ex- 
pressed the  strongest  confidence  in  her  piety  and  her  purpose  to 
purify  the  Church.  He  also  wrote  to  Lord  Russell  that  her 
"  piety  had  been  already  proclaimed  through  the  whole  world ;  " 
and  to  Richard  Masters,  her  physician,  eulogizing  her  as  a 
"  most  godly  Queen."  In  February  following,  Sir  Anthony  Cooke 
wrote  to  Martyr,  "  the  zeal  of  the  queen  is  very  great." 

By  March  20-30,  however,  John  Jewel,  soon  to  be  Bishop  of 
Salisbury,  wrote  to  Martyr :  — 

Though  she  openly  favors  our  cause,  yet  is  wonderfully  afraid  of 
allowing  any  innovations  :  this  is  owing  partly  to  her  own  friends,  by 
whose  advice  everything  is  carried  on,  and  partly  to  the  influence  of 
Count  Feria,  a  Spaniard,  and  Philip's  ambassador. 

Less  than  a  month  later  he  complained  to  the  same  friend :  — 
If  the  queen  herself  would  but  banish  it  [the  mass]  from  her  private 
chapel,  the  whole  thing  might  easily  be  got  rid  of.  .  .   .  She  has,  how- 
ever, so  regulated  this  mass  of  hers  (which  she  has  hitherto  retained 
only  from  the  circumstances  of  the  times)  that  although  many  things 

1  Froude,  viii :  336-341 ;  x  :  194. 

2  Dodd  (ii :  30)  gives  fairly  the  Romanist  idea  of  her.  They  thought  her  Catholic 
leanings  were  "  in  a  strain  altogether  human  and  unevangelieal.'' 

3  Chrons.  1180. 


98      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

are  done  therein,  which  are  scarcely  to  be  endured,  it  may  yet  be  heard 
without  any  great  danger. 

By  the  middle  of  November  he  wrote  again  to  the  same  :  ^  — 

That  little  silver  cross,  of  ill-omened  origin,  stiU  maintains  its  place 
in  the  queen's  chapel.  Wretched  me  !  this  thing  will  soon  be  drawn 
into  a  precedent.  There  was  at  one  time  some  hope  of  its  being 
removed ;  .  .  .  But  as  far  as  I  can  perceive,  it  is  now  a  hopeless  case. 

These  hints  suggest  the  truth.  In  the  beginning  Elizabeth  had 
very  little,  if  any,  deep  sympathy  with  godliness,  while  every  day 
evolved  some  opposing  influence.  Great  cares  of  State  pressed 
heavily.  For  a  long  period  it  seemed  to  be  her  civil  strength  to 
sit  still  in  all  matters  of  religion.  Not  without  some  reason  did 
she  apparently  suppose  that  a  conformity,  which  at  first  might 
have  to  be  compulsory,  gradually  would  become  a  matter  of 
course,  and  finally  would  be  accepted  as  natural  and  proper.  She 
also  undertook  negotiations  with  Spain  and  France,  which  she  was 
unwilling  to  imperil  for  religion.  Moreover,  her  statesmen  and 
her  Parliament  constantly  begged  her  to  marry,  and  her  suitors, 
—  Philip  of  Spain,  the  Duke  of  Holstein,  the  Archduke  of 
Austria,  the  King  of  Sweden,  a  Saxon  prince,  the  Earl  of  Leices- 
ter, the  Earl  of  Arundel,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  Sir  WiUiam  Pick- 
ering and  the  Earl  of  Arran  —  would  be  on  and  off  almost  at 
the  same  time,  all  of  which  diverted  her  attention.  Furthermore, 
her  nature  seems  to  have  repelled  her  from  sympathy  with  spir- 
itual religion.  Waiving  all  questions  as  to  her  relations  with 
her  favorites,  she  plainly  was  self-wiUed,  haughty  and  sometimes 
insolent,  often  profane,  liable  to  ungovernable  rage,  parsimonious, 
and  not  seldom  cruel,  unjust  and  hypocritical ;  while  her  conceit, 
vanity  and  love  of  show  were  sometimes  preposterous.  These 
are  not  "  the  fruits  of  the  Spirit,"  and  no  character  which 
steadily  grows  in  the  direction  which  they  indicate  can  have 
much  sympathy  with  the  temper  or  aims  of  such  men  as  Sampson, 
Humphrey  and  the  others,  who  were  striving  to  bring  England 
back  to  "  the  simplicitie  that  is  in  Christ." 

Add  to  all  this  her  urgent  preference  for  the  showiness  of 
the  old  way,  which  restored  crucifix,  candles,  etc.,  to  her  chapel,^ 

^  Zur.  Lets-  I,  ii ;  II,  iii,  iv,  v^  vi ;  I,  iv,  vi,  xxiv.  ^  Ibid.  I,  liii,  Irii. 


THE   ISSUES   AND   HOW   THEY  WERE  MET  99 

and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  reformers  should  have  conckided 
that,  if  she  were  not  in  heart  a  Romanist,  she  was  at  least  so  hos- 
tile to  Protestantism  that  she  could  be  expected  to  do  nothing  in 
its  aid,  but  rather  to  oppose  it.  As  if  on  piirpose  to  annoy  the 
Protestants,  she  had  revived  the  fooleries  of  the  carnival.  And 
surely,  occurrences  ^  like  one  almost  contemporaneous  with  the 
issue  of  the  Advertisements,  must  have  confirmed  their  belief. 
On  Ash  Wednesday,  she  took  De  Silva,  then  Spanish  ambas- 
sador, to  St.  Paul's  to  hear  Dean  Nowell.  The  Dean's  subject  soon 
led  to  some  reference  to  images,  which  "  he  handled  roughly." 
"  Leave  that  alone !  "  commanded  Elizabeth  from  her  seat  of 
state.  But  the  Dean,  not  understanding  her,  went  on.  Where- 
upon she  screamed,  "  To  your  text !  Mr.  Deane ;  to  your  text ; 
leave  that :  we  have  heard  enough  of  that ;  to  your  subject !  " 
The  amazed  and  insulted  speaker  reddened,  stammered  and  sat 
down,  while  the  queen  sailed  away  with  her  Papal  friend. 

Of  course  some  then,  like  many  since,  belittled  the  conscien- 
tiousness of  those  who  were  aggrieved  by  these  tendencies,  and 
minimized  their  scruples  as  if  worthless.  The  Primate  contemp- 
tuously called  them  "  silly  recusants."  ^  Bishop  Jewel  wrote: 
"  That  matter  [of  the  surplice  and  ceremonies]  still  somewhat 
disturbs  weak  minds."  Bishop  Sandys  remarked  to  BuUinger  : 
"  There  is  some  little  dispute  about  using  or  not  using  the  popish 
habits  ;  "  and  Bishop  Grindal  wrote  :  ^  "It  is  scarcely  credible 
how  much  this  controversy  about  things  of  no  importance  has  dis- 
turbed our  churches,  and  still,  in  great  measure,  continues  to  do. 
Many  of  the  more  learned  clergy' seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of 
forsaking  their  ministry." 

Later  English  church  writers  also  have  failed  to  do  justice 
to  these  men.  Fuller  *  stigmatizes  them  as  "  fierce  (not  to  say 
furious)  sticklers  against  church-discipline."  Collier  ^  calls  their 
opinions  "  ill-supported  scruples  "  and  "  misapplication  of  zeal " 
and  the  "  indiscretions  of  zealots."  Heylyn  ^  uses  such  terms  as 
"  peevish  frowardness,"  "  unlawful  and  disorderly  conventicles  " 
and  "  zealous  and  conceited  of  their  own  dear  Sanctity."  Hook^ 

1  De  Silva  to  Phil.  Simancas  MSS.  March  12  ;  cited  by  Froude,  viii :  139. 

2  Parker,  Corresp.  ccix.  ^  Zur.  Lets.  I,  Ixvii,  Ixvi,  Ixxiii. 

*  Ch.  Hist.  Britain,  iv:  330.  ^  Eccles.  Hist.  Great  Britain,  vi :  394-395. 

e  Hist.  Presbs.  259,  264.  ^  Lives  Abps.  Cant,  vi :  152. 


100  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

styles  them  "  men  of  theory."  Lathbury  ^  insists  that  the  differ- 
ences were  simply  "  factious  disputes  concerning  trifles."  Perry  ^ 
accuses  them  of  a  "  bitter  and  litigious  spirit,"  and  of  "  convuls- 
ing, worrying  and  distracting  the  young  Church  ...  on  the 
miserable  questions  of  Church  vestments,  or  the  insignificant 
matter  of  the  use  of  the  cross  in  Baptism."  So  generally  fair- 
minded  a  man  as  Soames  ^  criticises  the  original  grounds  of 
separation  as  "  trivial  and  illiberal."  Marsden^  also  character- 
izes the  Separatists  as  showing  "  a  spirit  violent  and  discon- 
tented, a  '  zeal  for  discord.'  "  Curteis  ^  argues  that  "  a  narrow  and 
unstatesmanlike  bigotry  "  led  them  "  to  erect  some  mere  trifling 
matters  of  ecclesiastical  ceremony  and  arrangement  —  which  no 
human  being  desired  to  elevate  into  anything  more  than  sym- 
bols of  good  order,  and  proofs  of  canonical  obedience  —  into 
matters  of  morbid  scruple  and  obstinate  antipathy."  And  Hard- 
wick  ^  laments  that 

several  of  the  most  able  scholars  and  most  energetic  preachers,  —  men 
whose  hearts  were  overflowing  with  affection  for  their  parishes,  whose 
name  is  still  revered  among  the  worthies  of  their  generation,  and 
whose  writings  still  inform  and  edify  the  Church  —  were  victims  of 
these  petty  scruples,  and  must  therefore  be  in  part  responsible  not  only 
for  the  agitations  of  that  age,  but  also  for  the  mightier  tempests  which 
eventually  broke  upon  their  country,  levelling  alike  the  altar  and  the 
throne. 

No  judgment  can  be  scrupulously  fair  which  does  not  give  to 
each  side  the  benefit  of  its  own  contemporaneous  statements. 
This  testimony  from  the  bishops  we  have  in  the  letter  of  Grin- 
dal  and  Home  to  BuUinger  and  Gualter,*^  February  6-16, 1567  : 

The  sum  of  our  controversy  is  this.  We  hold  that  the  ministers  of 
the  Church  of  England  may  adopt  without  impiety  the  distinction 
of  habits  now  prescribed  by  public  authority,  both  in  the  administra- 
tion of  divine  worship,  and  for  common  use  ;  especially  when  it  is 
proposed  to  them  as  a  matter  of  indifference,  and  when  the  use  of  the 

1  Hist.  Prayer-Book,  42.  2  ^^gt,  Qh.  of  Eng.from  death  of  Eliz.  16. 

3  Eliz.  Belig.  Hist.  28.  *  Hist.  Early  Puritans,  52. 

5  Dissent  in  Belation  to  Ch.  of  Eng.  54.  He  cites  Parker  to  Burghley  (Parker 
Corresp.  ccclxix)  :  — 

"  Does  your  lordship  think  that  I  care  either  for  cap,  tippet,  surplice  or  wafer- 
bread,  or  any  such  ?    But  for  the  laws  so  established  I  esteem  them." 

^  Hist.  Christ.  Ch.  during  the  Eef  232.  ''  Ziir.  Lets.  I,  Ixxv. 


THE  ISSUES  AND   HOW   THEY  WERE   MET  101 

habits  is  enjoined  only  for  the  sake  of  order  and  due  obedience  to 
the  laws.  And  all  feeling  of  superstitious  worship,  and  of  the  neces- 
sity [of  these  habits]  as  far  as  making  it  a  matter  of  conscience,  may 
be  removed,  rejected  and  utterly  condemned,  both  by  the  terms  of  the 
laws  themselves,  and  the  diligent  preacliing  of  purer  doctrine.  They 
[the  objecting  ministers]  contend  on  the  other  hand,  that  these  habits 
are  not  on  any  account  now  to  be  reckoned  among  things  indifferent, 
but  that  they  are  impious,  papistical  and  idolatrous ;  and  therefore 
that  all  pious  persons  ought  rather  with  one  consent  to  retire  from  the 
ministry,  than  to  serve  the  church  with  these  rags  of  popery,  as  they 
call  them  ;  even  though  we  have  the  most  entire  liberty  of  preaching 
the  most  pure  doctrine,  and  likewise  of  exposing,  laying  open,  and 
condemning,  by  means  of  sound  instruction,  errors  and  abuses  of  every 
kind,  whether  as  to  ceremonies,  or  doctrine,  or  the  sacraments,  or  moral 
duties.  ...  If  we  were  to  acquiesce  in  the  inconsiderate  advice  of  our 
brethren,  and  all  unite  our  strength  illegally  to  attack  the  habits  by 
law  established,  to  destroy  and  abolish  them  altogether,  or  else  all  lay 
down  our  offices  at  once  ;  verily  we  should  have  a  papistical,  or  at 
least,  a  Lutherano-papistical  ministry  or  none  at  all.  But  honored 
brethren  in  Christ,  we  call  Almighty  God  to  witness,  that  this  discus- 
sion has  not  been  occasioned  by  any  fault  of  ours,  nor  is  it  owing  to  us 
that  vestments  of  this  kind  have  not  been  altogether  done  away  with  : 
so  far  from  it  that  we  most  solemnly  make  oath  that  we  have  hitherto 
labored  with  aU  earnestness,  fidelity,  and  diligence,  to  effect  what  our 
brethi'en  require,  and  what  we  ourselves  wish.^ 

A  little  later  we  find  Parker  and  Sandys  making  a  serious 
charge  against  their  opponents  :  ^  — 

The  church  is  sore  assaulted ;  but  not  so  much  of  open  enemies, 
who  can  less  hurt,  as  of  pretensed  favourers  and  false  brethren,  who 
under  the  colour  of  reformation  seek  the  ruin  and  subversion  both  of 
learning  and  religion.  Neither  do  they  only  cut  down  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal state,  but  also  give  a  great  push  at  the  civil  pohcy.  Their  colour 
is  sincerity,  under  the  countenance  of  simplicity,  but  in  very  truth  they 
are  ambitious  spirits  and  can  abide  no  superiority. 

On  the  other  side  we  have  several  contemporary  statements, 
drawn  up  by  the  dissentients  for  their  friends  on  the  Continent, 
extracts  from  which  present  the  difficulty  as  they  saw  it.  Cov- 
erdale,  Humphrey  and  Sampson,  in  July,  1566,  wrote  to  Fa- 
rell,  Viret,  Beza  and  others  thus :  — 

^  Strype  {An.  I  (1):   264)  bears  testimony  to  this. 

^  To  a  Brother  Eccles,  Commissioner.    Parker,  Corresp.  cccxxxi. 


102     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

It  is  now  settled  and  determined,  that  an  unleavened  cake  must  be 
used  in  place  of  common  bread  ;  —  that  the  communion  must  be  re- 
ceived by  the  people  on  their  bended  knees ;  —  that  out  of  doors  must 
be  worn  the  square  cap,  bands,  a  long  gown  and  tippet ;  while  the 
white  surplice  and  cope  are  to  be  retained  in  divine  service.  And 
those  who  refuse  to  comply  with  these  requirements,  are  deprived  of 
their  estates,  dignities,  and  every  ecclesiastical  office.  .  .  .  We  think 
that  it  must  be  assumed  in  this  question,  that  the  Jewish,  Turkish, 
Christian,  and  Popish  religions  have  each  their  own  peculiar  sacrar 
ments  and  signs ;  and  that  external  profession  ought  to  be  the  test 
and  badge  of  any  one's  doctrine  ;  and  that  we  are  to  seek  our  pattern 
not  out  of  the  cisterns  and  puddles  of  our  enemies,  but  from  the  foun- 
tain of  the  scriptures,  and  of  the  churches  of  God ;  so  as  not  to  be 
connected  by  any  similarity  of  rites  with  those  from  whose  religion  we 
are  altogether  abhorrent.  .  .  .  Nor  indeed  can  we  regard  these  things 
as  altogether  indifferent,  when  compulsion  is  made  use  of,  and  when 
too  they  are  branded  with  the  mark  of  superstition  ;  .  .  .  Nor  is  there 
any  occasion  in  the  church  of  Christ  .  .  .  that  sacred  garments  should 
be  worn  now-a-days  in  the  christian  temple,  or  that  a  dress  not  com- 
mon, but  distinct  and  peculiar,  should  be  prescribed  for  ordinary  use. 
But  jpe  think  with  Celestine,  that  the  clergy  should  be  distinguished 
from  the  people  by  their  doctrine,  not  their  garments ;  their  conversa- 
tion, not  their  dress ;  their  purity  of  mind,  not  their  adornment  of 
person ;  .  .  .  We  considered  it  more  for  the  good  of  the  church  to 
stand  fast  in  our  liberty  with  an  accession  of  godly  men  on  our  side, 
than  to  depart  from  the  ojiinion  we  have  taken  up  and  the  custom  we 
have  received,  to  the  scandal  of  many  and  the  downfall  of  purer  doc- 
trine. .  .  .  The  question,  we  confess,  is  nice,  and  difficult,  whether  it 
is  better  to  yield  to  circumstances,  or  to  depart  ;  to  admit  the  relics 
of  the  Amorites,  or  to  desert  our  post.  Either  alternative  is  harsh, 
grievous,  and  jDroductive  of  mischief  both  to  ourselves  and  the  church. 

About  the  same  time  Humphrey  and  Sampson  wrote  to 
Bullinger :  ^  — 

We  make  no  vexatious  opposition  ;  we  always  avoid  any  bitterness 
of  contention  ;  we  are  ready  to  enter  into  an  amicable  conference  ;  we 
do  not  voluntarily  leave  [our  churches]  to  the  wolves  ;  but  constrained 
and  driven  from  our  places,  we  depart  with  unwillingness  and  regret. 
We  leave  our  brethren  and  the  bishops  to  stand  or  fall  to  their  own 
master ;  and  we  look  most  submissively,  but  in  vain,  for  the  like  for- 
bearance  towards  ourselves.  .  .  .  Far   be   it  from  us  either  to  sow 

1  Zur.  Lets.  Eliz.  CVII,  I,  Ixxi. 


THE  ISSUES   AND   HOW   THEY  WERE   MET  103 

schisms  in  the  church  by  a  vexatious  contest,  or  by  a  hostile  opposi- 
tion to  our  brethren  to  do  an  injury  to  ourselves  :  ...  to  charge  with 
impiety  things  which  are  in  their  nature  indifferent :  far  be  it  from  us 
either  to  make  our  own  feelings  the  pretense  of  abuse,  or  under  the 
name  of  conscience  to  conceal  a  fondness  for  dispute.  These  dregs, 
and  this  leaven  of  popery  are,  believe  us,  the  source  of  the  whole 
controversy :  we  desire  it  to  be  taken  away  and  buried  in  eternal  ob- 
livion, that  no  traces  of  antichristian  superstition  may  remain.  .  .  . 
That  your  reverence  may  understand  that  the  controversy  is  of  no 
light  or  trifling  character,  but  of  great  importance,  and  that  we  are  not 
merely  disputing  about  a  cap  or  a  surplice,  we  send  you  some  straws 
and  chips  of  the  popish  religion. 

They  mention,  among  other  things  required  which  are  against 
their  conscience :  the  use  of  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  baptism ; 
the  requirement  of  surplice  and  cope  and  kneeling  and  using  un- 
leavened bread  at  the  Lord's  Supper  ;  popish  habits  —  rochet, 
square  cap,  tippet  and  long  gown  —  obligatory  upon  the  min- 
istry ;  the  absence  of  church  discipline ;  the  denial  of  the  sanc- 
tion of  law  to  the  marriage  of  the  clergy ;  the  retention  of  the 
popish  manner  of  betrothal ;  the  open  sale  of  dispensations  by 
the  bishops ;  ^  and  the  prohibition  of  ministers  from  preach- 
ing, or  even  expounding,  the  Scriptures  without  a  bishop's  fresh 
certificate  and  an  absolute  promise  to  conform. 

When  the  imcertainty  in  the  Protestant  mind  of  the  king- 
dom as  to  Elizabeth's  spiritual  affinities  and  the  influences  un- 
der which  she  placed  herself  are  remembered,  it  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  a  statement  of  difficulties,  thirteen  months  later,  to 
Bullinger  and  Gualter  by  George  Withers  and  John  Barthelot, 
culminated  thus  :  ^ — 

Moreover,  there  is  po^^er  given  by  act  of  parliament  to  the  queen,* 
and  the  archbishop,  to  introduce  whatever  ceremonies  they  please  into 
every  church  in  the  kingdom. 

^  Strype  {Grindal,  542)  mentions  the  prices  of  various  privileges.  A  license  to 
marry  withont  banns  cost  10s.  One  to  eat  flesh  on  forbidden  days,  40s. ;  with 
3s.  4d.  to  the  clerk,  6s.  8d.  to  the  archbishop,  3s.  4d.  to  the  commissary,  and  as  much 
to  the  registrar.  A  commendam  —  the  right  to  do  the  duty  and  have  the  revenue 
of  a  parish  pending  the  appointment  of  a  rector  —  cost  £16,  with  £8  to  the  queen, 
35s.  6d.  to  the  lord  chancellor,  13s.  9d.  to  the  clerk,  £3.  lis.  Id.  to  the  archbishop, 
17s.  9d.  to  the  commissary,  and  the  same  to  the  registrar. 

^  Zur.  Lets.  II,  Iviii. 

^  Parker,  Corresp.  CCLXXX  :  iii.   See  also  xciv. 


104  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Certainly  the  questions  at  issue  involved  more,  and  more  vital, 
matters  than  mere  vestments  or  trifles  of  any  sort. 

Particulars  have  been  dwelt  upon  thus  because  their  consider- 
ation seems  needful  to  a  fair  imderstanding  of  the  course  which 
many  of  the  most  conscientious  members  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land felt  bound  to  take.  Whether  right  or  wrong  in  their  judo-- 
ment — and  there  is  room  for  honest  difference  of  opinion  about 
it — those  men  most  sincerely  believed  the  very  substance  of  re- 
ligion to  be  so  involved  that  the  only  way  in  which  they  could 
work  the  works  of  Him  who  sent  them,  or  deliver  their  souls,  was 
to  oppose  unflinchingly  the  religious  influences  then  dominant 
in  the  nation,  and  to  endeavor,  by  the  sheer  force  of  intellectual 
and  moral  conviction  and  by  personal  example,  to  purify  and 
evangelize  them. 

In  time  their  Continental  friends  also  appreciated  the  gravity 
of  the  situation.  As  early  as  1555,  Calvin  had  written  to  Knox 
and  Whittingham :  ^  — 

In  the  liturgie  of  Englande  [in  Edward's  time]  I  see  that  there 
were  manye  toUerable  foolishe  thinges  .  .  .  there  was  not  that  puritie 
wliiche  was  to  be  desired.  Theis  vices,  though  they  coukle  not  at  the 
firste  daie  be  amended,  yet  seinge  there  was  no  manifeste  impetie 
[impiety]  they  were  for  a  season  to  be  tollerated  ...  If  godlie 
Religion  had  flourished  till  this  daie  in  Englande,  there  ought  to 
have  bin  a  thinge  better  corrected,  and  manie  thinges  cleane  taken 
awaie.  ...  I  cannot  tell  what  they  meane  whiche  so  greatly  delite  in 
the  leavinges  off  Popishe  dregges. 

And  Beza,  who  had  shared  the  impression  disseminated,  that 
the  controversy  was  wholly  ill-advised,  and  about  trivial  matters, 
changed  his  mind  and  wrote  to  Bidlinger :  ^  — 

I  thought  the  difficulty  was  only  about  the  matter  of  the  habits ; 
that  some  blemishes  were  left  behind,  which  the  Bishops  were  perhaps 
too  tardy  in  removing,  or,  as  is  everywhere  wont  to  be  the  case  in 
practice,  they  were  unable  to  obtain  what  they  most  desire.  But  if 
the  case  is  as  I  hear  it  to  be  (and  indeed  these  things  can  scarcely  be 
invented,)  where  did  such  a  Babylon  ever  exist  ? 

It  was  inevitable,  that,  as  those  who  felt  alike  and  acted 
together  in  regard  to  these  things  began  to  attract  public  atten- 

1  Epis.  Anglis  Francford  (ed.  1667),  98.  2  Zur.  Lets.  II,  Ix. 


THE  ISSUES   AND   HOW   THEY   WERE  MET  105 

tion,  they  should  receive  some  popular  designation.  About  15G5 
Parker  styled  them  "  these  precise  men,"  and  by  the  end  of 
1570  he  referred  to  them  as  "  the  precisians,"  which  name  soon 
passed  into  that  —  a  natui^al  synonym  —  of  "  Puritans,"  When, 
in  1571,  Field  and  Wilcox  published  their  "  Admonition  to  the 
Parliament,"  they  complained  in  its  preface  ^  that  the  bishops 
and  their  friends  — 

slaunderously  charge  poore  men  (whom  they  have  made  poore) 
with  grievous  faults,  calling  them  Puritans,  worse  tha  the  Donatists. 

To  which  Whitgift  replied  :  — 

This  name  Puritane  is  very  aptely  given  to  these  men,  not  bicause 
they  be  pure  no  more  than  were  the  Heretikes  called  Cathari^^  but  bi- 
cause they  think  them  selues  to  be  mundiores  caeteris,  more  pure  than 
others,  as  Catharl  did,  and  seperate  them  selues  from  all  other  Churches 
and  congregations  as  spotted  and  defy  led.  Bicause  also  they  suppose 
the  Church  which  they  haue  deuised  to  be  without  all  impuritie. 

These  Puritans  found  their  dearest  convictions  ridiculed,  as 
well  as  what  seemed  to  them  their  righteous  requests  disallowed. 
A  net  of  enactments,  of  which  some  lacked  all  qualities  of  just 
human  law,  as  all  lacked  the  higher  qualities  of  divine  law,  was 
closing  about  them,  designed  to  drive  them  into  absolute  con- 
formity. It  was  only  natural,  therefore,  that  they  shoidd  con- 
tend earnestly  for  their  liberty  of  faith  and  of  spiritual  life. 
Reference  has  been  made  to  the  proclamation  forbidding  preach- 
ing (1558),  the  Injunctions  (1559),  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
accompanying  the  Prayer-Book  (1559),  the  Court  of  High 
Commission  (1559),  the  Advertisements  (1563),  and  the 
Eleven  (1559)  and  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  (1563-71).  These 
were  but  the  beginnings  of  sorrows.  As  the  sturdy  English 
nature  resisted  such  tyi-annies,  the  queen  grew  more  sternly 
determined  to  enforce  them,  and  measure  after  measure  was 
adopted  in  the  vain  endeavor. 

Thus,  on  September  22,  1560,  a  proclamation  was  made  for 
the  banishment  within  twenty  days  of  such  "  Anabaptists  and 
such  lyke,  from  sundry e  partes  beyonde  the  seas  "  as  refused 

1  Reprinted  by  Whitgift  in  his  Answere  to  a  Certein  Libel  intituled  "  An  Admoni- 
tion to  the  Parliament  "  (1572),  10,  18. 

^  A  sect,  originally  of  Eastern  Europe  and  distinguished  for  asceticism. 


106      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

to  be  reconciled.  In  1563  an  Admonition  forbade  expounding 
without  license,  or  the  least  alteration  of  the  prescribed  divine 
service.  In  1564  an  Advertisement  required  the  solemn  pledge 
of  every  person  admitted  to  any  ecclesiastical  office  to  absolute 
uniformity.  And  when  remonstrance  and  argument  began  to 
get  to  press  on  the  Continent  and  to  work  cautiously  into  cir- 
culation in  England,  a  royal  letter,  of  January  24-February  3, 
1564—65,  denounced  them  as  "  seditious  and  slanderous  books," 
and  commanded  search  for  them  in  the  custom-houses,  and  all 
persons  even  suspected  of  complicity  with  their  circulation  to 
be  punished.  Articles  of  Enquiry  were  also  set  forth  by  Parker 
in  1567,  one  clause  of  which  was  meant  to  detect  any  minister 
favoring  Nonconformity.  And,  on  May  24,  1568,  an  Order  of 
Enquiry  was  issued  against  strangers  from  beyond  sea,  "  Anabap- 
tistes,  and  such  other  sectaris,"  and  ordering  their  prompt  trial. 

Just  here  it  is  suggestive  to  note  a  royal  proclamation  on 
April  26,  1569,  directing  the  maintenance  of  order  while  cer- 
tain licensed  games  were  played  on  Sundays,  to  wit :  — 

the  shotinge  with  the  standerd,  the  shotinge  with  the  brode  arrowe, 
the  shotinge  at  the  twelve  skore  prick,  the  shotinge  at  the  Turke,  the  lep- 
pinge  for  men,  the  runninge  for  men,  the  wrastlinge,  the  throwinge  of 
the  sledge,  and  the  pytchinge  of  the  barre,  with  all  suche  other  games 
as  have  at  any  time  heretofore,  or  now  be  lycensed,  used  or  played. 

On  November  6, 1569,  the  Council  desired  of  the  Archbishoj) 
of  Canterbury  the  names  of  all  "  recusants  "  openly  "  forbear- 
ing to  resort  to  their  parish  churches."  Soon  after,  and  appar- 
ently in  response  to  this  monition,  a  visitation  was  ordered  of 
all  territory  under  his  jurisdiction.  This  demanded  particularly 
whether  any  "  privily  use  or  frequent  any  kinde  of  divine  ser- 
vice, or  common  prayer,  other  than  is  set  forth  by  the  lawes  of 
this  realme,"  and  the  mention  of  any  "  that  keepe  any  secret 
conventicles,  preachings,  lectures,  or  readings  contrary  to  the 
lawes,"  or  any  "  suspected  of  heresy,  or  that  maintain  any  erro- 
nious  opinions."  Parliament,  which  had  not  met  for  five  years, 
was  summoned  on  April  2,  1571,  and  legalized  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles,  and  again,  in  May,  1572,  when  strenuous  measures, 
provoked  by  the  Pope's  excommunication  of  the  queen,  were 
enacted  against  the  Papists. 


THE  ISSUES  AND   HOW  THEY   WERE  MET  107 

On  August  13,  1571,  the  queen  again  addressed  the  Primate, 
"  straitly  "  charging  the  reform  of  Nonconformity.  In  the  same 
year  the  Archbishop  of  York  sent  out  injunctions,  among  many 
other  things  requiring  "  all  above  fourteen  years  of  age  to  re- 
ceive in  their  own  churches  the  communion  three  times  at  the 
least  in  the  year."  On  October  20,  1573,  the  queen,  regretting 
that  Nonconformity  grew  worse  rather  than  better,  sternly  or- 
dered j)relates,  justices  of  assizes,  and  "  Oyer  and  Terminer," 
and  mayors,  and  others  holding  authority,  to  execute  the  Act 
of  Uniformity.  This  was  reenforced,  on  November  7,  by  a  let- 
ter from  the  Privy  Council  to  the  Primate,  intimating  that 
existing  disorders  were  due  largely  to  his  dissembling,  and  warn- 
ing him,  should  not  matters  speedily  be  rectified. 

On  July  15,  1575,  almost  two  months  after  the  death  of 
Parker  had  vacated  the  Primacy,  the  determined  sovereign 
commissioned  ^  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  Lord  Keej^er  of  the  Great 
Seal,  to  legalize  the  burning  in  Smithfield  of  John  Peeters  and 
Henry  Turwert,^  two  obstinate  Flemish  Anabaptists.  The  war- 
rant seems  to  have  been  executed  on  July  22. ^  A  nearly  con- 
temporaneous publication  *  in  Dutch  and  in  rude  verse  purports 
to  outline  their  case  as  it  appeared  to  them,  and  seems  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  account  of  them  in  the  great  classic  Dutch 
record  ^  of  such  sufferers.  A  few  passages  are  quoted  in  the 
hope  that  the  most  literal  rendering  will  brighten  rather  than 
obscure  the  simple  story  :  — 


Listen,  from  Holland  bloody 

Some  went  forth 

In  order  to  follow  God's  Word. 

Being  persecuted,  and  so  it  being  hard  to  live, 

1  Cardwell,i:  292,  319,  330,  332,  340,  342,  346,  351,  354,359,  860,  368,  3T1-385, 
387,  392-393. 

2  Otherwise  known  as  Henry  Snel. 
^  Stow  and  Holinshed,  s.  d. 

*  Een  Nieu  Liedeken  gemarckt  van  twee  Frienden  opgheoffert  tot  Lonnen  in  Enghe- 
lant,  An.  1575.  Op  die  w'uss  "  Babel  is  nu  ghevallen  "  (1579,  24mo),  pp.  332.  (A 
neiv  song  composed  by  two  friends  sacrificed  in  London,  Eng.,  in  the  year  1575.  To 
the  tune  "  Babel  now  is  fallen.''') 

^  Het  Bloedig  Tooneel.  of  Martelaers  Spiegel  der  Doops-Gesinde  of  Weereloose 
Christenen  (1685),  697-699.  {The  Bloody  Stage,  or  Martyr's  Example  of  the  Baptist 
Sect  or  Harmless  Christians.) 


108  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

They  shipped  themselves,  for 

They  thought  without  difficulties 

They  could  stay  in  England. 

When  they  were  established 

In  London  within  the  town 

They  would  not  omit 

To  hear  God's  simple  word. 

The  Congregation  pure  came  together, 

It  was  on  an  Easter  day.^ 


We  were  without  suspicion  of  danger 

There  were  we  watched 

As  you  wQl  hereafter  understand. 

In  the  blessed  prayer 

We  were  occupied, 

The  constable  fiery 

He  then  burst  in 

He  spake  very  boldly,  in  words  very  hard, 

"  Who  is  the  preacher  ?  " 

He  called  us  —  listen  well 

He  called  us  "  devils  :  " 

Very  cruelly  he  spake  to  us  in  hard  words, 

—  To  us  in  harsh  words  — 

He  wrote  down  our  names 

And  remained  hard  in  heart. 

We  spake  well  —  kindly  —  to  him 

But  he  in  no  way  minished  his  wrath. 

He  has  driven  us  before  him 
As  sheep  to  the  slaughtering-place 
Taken  us  together  into  prison 
Five-and-twenty  altogether. 


It  then  describes  how  they  were  labored  with,  how  some 
weakened  and  "  fell  through  the  great  pressure,"  and  how 
others  were  bound  "  very  tightly  to  a  cart,"  and  with  a  whip 
were  driven  to  a  ship  to  be  carried  away. 

They  spoke  without  anger 

As  they  were  cruelly  beaten 
"  This  is  for  Christ's  sake." 

Two  of  them  were  condemned  to  the  flames. 

Next  Sunday  was  taken  to  them 

The  news  that  within  three  days 

They  would  be  burned. 

Then  they  said :  "  Do  you  wish  it  put  off  ?  " 

Henry  answered  courageously  : 

"If  it  must  be  as  you  say 

Let  it  be  as  quick  as  possible : 

1  April  3  in  1575. 


THE  ISSUES  AND   HOW   THEY  WERE   MET  109 

Ratlier  death  than  life." 

Henry  said  openly  : 

"  We  shall  be  free,  at  least,  then 

Of  the  horrible  vermin." 

Friday  now  soon  came  on 

Then  they  went  —  it  must  be  told  — 

To  Smithfield  to  die. 

John  said  :   "  I  am  not  ashamed 

Of  this  way  —  understand 

Many  prophets  of  veneration 

Have  gone  such  a  way." 


An  English  preacher 

Spake  to  them  mockingly 

Publicly  before  the  people  : 

"  They  do  not  believe  in  God  :  " 

John  then  replied  before  woman  and  man : 

"  We  believe  with  all  our  hearts 

In  God  the  Heavenly  Father 

And  in  Christ  His  Son." 

When  they  were  bound  to  the  stake 

"  Recant  and  be  pardoned,"  was  said. 

John  spake  firmly  :  "  You  have  tried 

To  bring  us  to  your  side 

And  now  since  you  could  not, 

You  set  about  to  kill  us." 

But  he  spake  to  stakes  and  pillars. 


Even  if  we  were  —  mark  it  well 
Ourselves  the  tares 

We  should  grow  up  till  harvest-time  : 
Such  is  the  decision  of  Christ. 

Articles  of  Enquiry  and  Visitation  were  issued  again  under 
Grindal,  the  new  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  1576,  aimed  to 
suppress  conventicles  and  secret  worship  of  every  sort.  Another 
order  in  the  same  year  from  him  forbade  laymen  and  deprived 
ministers  to  speak  publicly  on  religion  ;  and  in  the  next  year 
a  royal  charge  threatened  to  make  examples  of  such  bishops  as 
should  fail  to  imprison  all  who  attended  "  unlawful  assemblies  ;  " 
and  specially  directed  Whitgift,  then  Bishop  of  Worcester, 
"  that  all  such  prophecies  be  foi-borne."  On  January  17-27, 
1579,  the  Pri^^  Council  required  the  Primate  to  compel  aU 
preachers  to  administer  the  sacraments  according  to  law,  and 
to  send  "  intractables  "  before  it.  On  June  18,  1580,  it  com- 
plained ^  to  the  archbishop  once  more  of  so  many  absentees 
1  Cardwell,  Boc.  An.  i :  397-421,  424,  434,  440,  448. 


110      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

from  church,  and  required  him  to  correct  them  at  once  accord- 
ing to  the  direction  of  the  High  Commission.  On  January 
16-26,  1580-81,  the  Parliament  of  1572  once  more  passed 
acts  1  —  having  in  mind  Papists,  it  is  true,  more  than  Protes- 
tants —  fining  an  absentee  from  the  parish  church  £20  a  month, 
and  classing  among  felonies  the  pubKcation  of  anything  printed 
or  written  to  the  defamation  of  the  queen  ;  it  being  made  clear 
that  all  criticism  of  her  religious  intolerance  would  be  construed 
as  such  defamation. 

On  May  28, 1581,  the  Council,  moved  especially  by  the  recent 
Jesuit  invasion,  insisted  again  that  the  Primate  execute  the  law 
without  remissness.  Energetic,  if  not  savage,  Whitgift  suc- 
ceeded the  comparatively  mild  Grindal  as  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury on  September  23,  1583,  and  on  October  19  he  issued 
an  order  to  every  priest  in  his  jurisdiction  to  warn  all  Noncon- 
formists at  once ;  and,  if  they  persisted,  to  follow  them  up  even 
to  excommunication,  and,  if  necessary,  arrest. 

It  is  recorded  ^  that  "  the  state  of  the  Church,"  notwithstand- 
ing all  this  perpetual  shoring  up  by  enactments  and  penalties, 
was  "  now  but  in  a  tottering  condition,  both  from  the  Papists 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  disaffected  Protestants  on  the  other." 
Nevertheless,  apparently  without  doubting  its  efficacy,  the  queen 
persisted  in  the  old  course,  having  now  a  primate  after  her  own 
heart.  And  the  new  archbishop  within  a  month  sent  out  those 
remarkable,  and  indeed  epochal.  Articles,  ^  which  not  only  once 
more  drew  the  sword  against  the  Puritans,  but  even  threw  away 
the  scabbard.  All  private  catechising,  family  teaching  and 
religious  service  shared  by  non-members  of  the  household  were 
prohibited.  No  man  could  preach  who  did  not  "  four  times  a 
year,  at  the  least,  say  service,  and  minister  the  sacraments,  accord- 
ing to  the  book  of  common  prayer ;  "  who  did  not  wear  the 
prescribed  apparel ;  who  was  not  by  English  law  in  orders  — 
a  provision  aimed  at  Whittingham,  Travers,  and  perhaps  Cart- 
wright  and  others,  who  had  received  Presbyterian  ordination  on 
the  Continent ;  who  would  not  affirm  the  queen's  supremacy 
over  the  Church,  and  the  agreeableness  in  every  part  to  the 

1  Stats.  23  Eliz.  cap.  1.  2  Strype,  Whitgi/i,  i:  228. 

8  Card  well,  Doc.  An.  i:  457,  461,  466. 


THE  ISSUES  AND   HOW  THEY  WERE  MET  111 

Word  of  God  of  the  entire  Prayer-Book  and  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles  ;  or  who  had  not  a  bishop's  license. 

This  terrific  stringency  was  followed,  in  1585,  and  again  in 
1588,  by  Articles  aimed  to  detect  and  punish  all  non-confonn- 
ing  or  conventicle-using  ministers  and  others.  On  February  13- 
23,  1588—89,  the  queen  again  fulminated  a  proclamation  against 
schismatical  books  and  writings.  And  in  September,  1591,  the 
archbishop  ^  admonished  the  bishops  to  look  after  and  correct 
neglects  in  the  confirmation  of  children  who "  can  say  the  cate- 
chisme."  On  February  19-29,  1593,  a  new  parliament  was  sum- 
moned. This  condemned  persistent  Nonconformists  even  to  ban- 
ishment and  death.  The  Romanist  leanings  of  the  queen  found 
expression  in  this  Act  in  the  astonishing  proviso,  "  that  no  Popish 
Recusant  shall  be  compelled  or  bound  to  abjure,  by  virtue  of 
this  Act."  The  following  year,  on  August  26,  we  find  the  Privy 
Council  complaining  to  the  Primate  of  the  non-efficiency  of  the 
late  statute  in  the  cases  of  "  sundry  men's  wives  dwellinge 
within  the  dioces  of  Cant[erbury].,  that  refuse  to  come  to  the 
church :  and  that  sundrie  persons  do  entertayne,  keepe,  and  re- 
leive  servants,  and  others  that  be  recusants."  They  "  earnesthe 
require  "  his  lordship  to  look  to  this  and  enclose  a  schedule  of 
"  notes  and  directions."  And,  once  more,  on  December  27, 1596, 
we  have  Whitgift  addressing  the  Bishop  of  London  as  to  popular 
neglects.  A  great  "  dearth  and  scarcitye  "  prevailed.  A  closer 
observance  of  fasts  must  be  had,  and  public  prayers,  according 
to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  be  "on  all  Wednesdaies  and 
Frydaies  hereafter  devoutly  used."  A  monthly  return  of  "  the 
names  of  disobedient  delinquents  "  also  must  be  made. 

^  Articles  to  be  Enquired  upon  in  the  visitation  of  the  Diocese  of  Chichester,  ii :  22, 
and  Articles  to  he  Enquired  of  within  the  Diocese  of  Sarum,  ii :  33,  39,  42. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CONFLICT 

Through  more  than  thirty-six  years  we  have  followed  the  reso- 
lute policy  and  endeavor  of  the  State  to  repress  that  liberty  of 
thought  and  conscience  which  these  Puritans  claimed  as  a  right, 
and  as  the  condition  of  all  true  spiritual  life.  That  policy  and 
endeavor  had  crept  steadily  on  from  comparatively  petty  ques- 
tions as  to  caps  and  surplices,  until  they  had  covered  the  entire 
field  of  religious  conviction  and  conduct.  And  all  this  took 
place  —  or  seemed  to  do  so  —  in  the  interest  of  Rome  within  a 
professedly  Protestant  church. 

Of  course,  to  men  who  valued  eternity  more  than  time,  and 
truth  more  than  peace,  but  one  path  offered  itself  —  a  path 
along  which  the  noble  army  of  martyrs  always  has  walked.  As 
Englishmen,  at  once  loyal  and  devout,  they  could  not  but  en- 
deavor, first  to  maintain  a  clear  conscience,  and  then  to  adjust 
it  to  existing  civil  conditions  by  conformity,  wherever  possible, 
and  by  submission  to  all  suffering  involved  in  nonconformity. 
And  they  never  failed  to  appeal  to  the  reason  and  conscience  of 
queen,  privy  council,  parliament,  and  nation  in  the  effort  to  per- 
suade them  to  a  better  mind. 

Their  sole  avenue  of  approach  to  the  public  was  by  means  of 
such  broadsides,  pamphlets  and  volumes  as  they  could  produce. 
The  public  printing-offices  were  closed  to  them,  so  that  all  such 
work  had  to  be  done  by  dangerous  stealth  in  England  or  done 
abroad.  Foreign  workmen  —  at  Amsterdam,  Leyden,  Dort, 
Frankfort,  Zurich,  Geneva,  or  elsewhere  —  siare  to  blunder  in  a 
language  imperfectly,  if  at  all,  understood,  and  whose  "  proofs  " 
seldom  could  have  the  author's  supervision  ;  or  migratory  type- 
setters, working  in  enforced  obscurity  at  home,  necessarily  were 
their  resort.    And  so  Argus-eyed  were  the  officials  that  the 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  THE   CONFLICT  113 

results  of  their  painful  toil  never  were  out  of  danger  while  being 
smuggled  across  the  German  Ocean  or  passed  from  hand  to  hand 
in  England.  Yet  so  assiduously  did  these  men,  often  in  close 
imprisonment/  use  these  imperfect  means  of  reaching  the  pub- 
lic, that  more  than  100  of  their  works,  including  a  few  solid 
quartos,  can  be  named,  most  of  which  survive  to  our  time  in  a 
few  sporadic  copies.  Some  of  these  laborious  issues,  which 
appear  to  have  had  most  to  do  with  the  Genesis  and  Exodus  of 
English  Nonconformity  and  American  Congregationalism,^  it 
will  be  well  to  consider. 

Probably  as  early  as  1553,  and  before  the  close  of  the  first 
year  of  Mary's  reign,  we  hear  a  warning  note,  evidently  from 
some  refugee  in  Geneva  or  Strasburg,  appealing  to  Englishmen 
notio  surrender  any  of  the  favorable  results  accomplished  under 
young  Edward.    The  writer  says :  ^  — 

Is  it  not  an  abhomination  of  desolation  standinge  in  the  chief  cytie 
of  Englande,  to  se  a  franked  fat  Boore  sittinge  at  euery  sermon 
preached  at  Pauls  Crosse,  and  the  same  not  to  be  found  ones  in  the 
yere  in  the  same  pulpit,  feadinge  the  flocke  comitted  to  his  spirituall 
charge  ?  Is  it  not  abhomination  of  Desolation  standinge  in  the  holy 
place,  to  se  the  holy  Scriptures  in  our  native  English  tonge  written 
vpon  euerie  wall  in  the  Churches,  now  to  be  by  comaundmente  blotted 
out,  and  in  the  stede  thereof  erected  kerved  ymages  of  wood  and  of 
stone,  by  Gods  owne  sentence  accursed,  and  al  they  that  make  the 
same  ? 

In  the  third  year  of  Mary  one  John  Churchson  writes.*  Con- 
fessing  himself  "  a  pigmey,"  he  nevertheless  makes  bold  to  dis- 
cuss a  subject,  for  failure  to  understand  which  "  the  pitilesse 
slaughter  of  no  small  number  of  soules  "  is  going  on.  He  ex- 
hibits average  ability  and  some  patristic  learning.  He  is  moved 
especially  by  the  fact  that  "  of  late  tyme,  many  dy verse  scismes, 
sectes  and  heresies  haue  sprong  vp  in  the  churche  of  our  sauiour 
Jesus  Chryst,"  and  he  rephes  to  those  whom  he  stigmatizes  as 

^  Depositions  in  Egerton  Papers,  Camden  Soc.  1840,  171-175. 

2  This  term,  as  here  used,  of  course  includes  Unitarians,  Baptists,  etc. 

^  A  SHORT  Description  or  Antichrist  vnto  the  Nobilitie  of  Englande, 
etc.,  fol.  26. 

*  A  hrefe  Treatyse  declaryng  what  and  where  the  churche  is,  that  it  is  knowen,  and 
whereby  it  is  tryed  and  knowen,  1556  iv :  iii :  11, 33,  46, 49,  53,  63,  81,  125. 


114     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

"  donatystes."  That  must  be  the  true  church  which  is  universal, 
"  sensyble,  visible,  manyfest,  and  knowen ;  "  not  "  vnder  a 
busshell  or  stryke,^  but  vpon  the  candylstycke."  It  is  not  strange 
that  in  this  church  should  be  "  many  bad,  so  well  as  good." 
Here  he  reasons  thus  :  — 

Good  and  euil  be  in  the  church  but  amonge  heretykes  be  onely 
euyll,  &c.  We  graunte  in  the  Churche  of  catholykes  to  be  good  and 
bad,  but  as  come  &  cha£Ee  .  .  .  For  as  good  come  suffereth  no  det- 
riment ne  damage  by  myxture  of  the  chafEe,  but  is  rather  conserued 
&  preserued  good  therewyth,  lykewise  the  good  people  receiveth  no 
corruption,  contagion,  nor  infection  in  the  substaunce  of  their  rehgion, 
by  the  societie  of  the  euyll.  .  .  . 

He  declares  that  "  the  infallyble  tokens,"  distinguishing  the 
"  catholyke  churche,"  are  "  universalitie,  antiquitie  and  vnitie." 
Having  proved  this  to  his  own  content,  he  adds  :  — 

You  may  euidently  vnderstand  vnitie  to  be  a  sure  token  of  the 
Catholyke  Chinche,  from  the  which  those  fragementes,  that  be  dy- 
uided  and  broken,  doo  publyshe  and  thrust  fourth  dyssonante,  pug- 
naunt  and  contrariant  Doctryne,  by  the  vyolente  perswasyon,  and 
instructio  of  y*  proud  spyryte  of  error. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  in  1566,  the  London  clergy  sud- 
denly were  called  upon  to  subscribe  to  the  Act  of  Uniformity, 
and  that  thirty-seven  of  the  ninety-eight  present  refused  and 
suffered  accordingly.  Out  of  the  following  agitation  several 
publications  arose,  among  which  two  or  three  were  the  earliest 
examples  of  the  so-called  "  Puritan  literature."  The  first  place 
belongs  to  the  manifesto  of  the  dissentients.2  Its  object  is  to 
give  some  reasons  for  their  course.  Their  fundamental  principle 
is  that  all  things  should  be  done  to  edify,  i.  e.,  upbuild.  It  is 
their  business  to  build  up,  not  pull  down,  the  Church.  But 
to  wear  the  required  vestments  would  be  to  grieve  simple  Chris- 

1  An  old  measure,  containing'  sometimes  one  bushel,  and  sometimes  four. 

2  A  briefe  discourse  against  the  outwarde  apparrell  and  Ministring  garinentes  of  the 
popishe  Church,  16mo.  This  has  the  inside  runnings  title,  The  unfolding  of  the 
popish  attire.     It  also  is  called  A  Declaration  of  the  doings  of  those  ministers  of 

Gods  worde  and  Sacraments,  in  the  Citie  of  London,  which  haue  refused  to  wears  the 
outwarde  apparrell,  and  Ministring  garmentes  of  the  Popes  church,  4,  8,  9,  13-18,  20, 
41.  Abel  {Zur.  Lets,  ii :  xlix)  says  :  "  As  soon  as  the  authorities  heard  of  it,  the 
book  was  prohibited,  the  printers  cast  into  prison,  and  the  copies  destroyed." 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CONFLICT  115 

tians  and  encourage  obstinate  Papists.    Their  general  position 
is  stated  thus :  — 

If  the  Prince  shall  take  in  hande  to  commaunde  vs  to  doe  anye  of 
those  things  whiche  God  hath  not  commaunded,  in  such  sorte  that  we 
maye  not  leaue  them  vndone,  vnlesse  we  wil  thereby  runne  into  the 
penaltie  of  the  law  (whe  we  shal  see  that  in  doing  thereof,  we  can 
not  edifie  but  destroye)  we  must  then  refuse  to  doe  the  thyng  com- 
aunded  by  the  Prince,  and  humbly  submit  our  seines  to  suffer  the 
penaltie,  but  in  any  case  not  consent  to  enfringe  the  Christian  Ubex'tye, 
wich  is  to  vse  things  indifferent  to  edification  and  not  to  destruction. 

Then  they  justify  their  position.  They  cite  Jerome,  the 
clergy  of  Ravenna's  famous  averment :  "  discemendi  a  plehe, 
vel  ceteris  sumus,  doctrina,  non  veste :  conversatione,  non 
hdbitu :  mentis  jmritate,  non  vultu"  Bucer,  Martyr,  Ridley 
and  Jewel.    And  this  is  their  solemn  and  plaintive  ending :  — 

Our  goodes,  our  bodyes,  and  our  lyues,  we  do  with  al  humble  sub- 
mission yelde  into  y^  hands  of  gods  officers  vpon  earth  :  but  our  con- 
science we  keepe  vnspotted  in  the  sight  of  him  that  shall  iudge  al 
men.  Desiring  no  thing,  but  that  it  may  be  free  for  us  by  doctrine  to 
teach  y*  flocke  of  Christ,  whereof  we  have  taken  charge  :  and  when 
we  haue  so  taught  them,  to  goe  before  them,  in  doing  that  which  we 
haue  taught  according  to  the  truth  of  gods  holy  worde. 

This  was  replied  to  at  once  in  a  neat  black-letter  quarto  ^ 
from  the  press  of  Richard  Jugge,  the  queen's  printer.  The  book 
is  courteous  for  those  days  and  merely  replies  to  the  main  points 
of  their  argument ;  ending  by  quoting  Bucer  and  Martyr.  Its 
argumentative  quality  is  seen  in  the  answer  to  the  dissentients' 
plea  for  keeping  conscience  imdefiled :  — 

This  your  petition  in  some  thynges  touchyng  the  worshyp  of  God, 
myght  haue  his  place  :  But  in  these  matters  (which  you  call  indiffer- 
ent) what  is  it  that  shoulde  defyle  you  ?  the  thynge  it  selfe,  or  your 
weake  opinion  of  it  ?  The  thing  it  selfe  doth  not  pollute  you  :  For  (as 
S.  Paule  sayth)  to  the  pure,  all  thynges  are  pure.  And  agayne: 
Nothyng  is  common  or  vncleane  of  it  selfe.  Nowe  as  concernyng  your 
weaknes  (thankes  be  to  God)  that  which  the  same  S.  Paule  reporteth 
of  the  Corinthes,  may  be  verified  of  you  :  We  all  haue  knowledge. 

1  A  briefe  examination  for  the  tyme,  of  a  certaine  declaration,  lately  put  in  print  in 
the  name  and  defence  of  certaine  Ministers  in  London,  refusyng  to  weare  the  apparell 
prescribed  by  the  lawes  and  orders  of  the  Bealme,  4to,  54-84,  50,  6. 


116  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

And :  We  are  sure  that  an  Idoll  is  nothyng  in  the  worlde,  and  that 
there  is  none  other  God  but  one.  It  were  to  be  wyshed  (and  would  to 
God  there  were  no  examples  now  of  it)  that  none  of  them  wliich  pre- 
tende  herein  a  straytness  of  conscience,  dyd  strayne  a  Gnat,  and  swal- 
lowe  a  Camell. 

The  best  thing  in  the  book  is  an  appended  Latin  prayer,  wliich 
is  Englished  thus  :  — 

The  Churche,  0  Christ,  thy  spouse,  opprest  with  worldly  spight, 
Thy  ioyfull  peace  doth  crave,  by  thee  to  her  behight : 
Awake  sweete  Lorde  awake,  and  styll  this  raging  sea. 
That  thine  elect  be  saude,  whiche  once  were  gevne  to  thee. 

One  insinuation  occurs  against  the  quality  of  these  protestants  :  — 

They  be  but  a  very  fewe  in  them  selues,  other  then  such  as  haue  ben 
eyther  vnlearnedly  brought  vp,  most  in  prophane  occupations,  or  suche 
as  be  puffed  vjj  in  an  arrogancie  of  them  selues,  .  .  .  The  aduersaries  of 
true  religion  can  winne  no  great  rejoyce  at  these  mens  ouersightes, 
as  baying  but  a  very  fewe,  and  counted  in  deede  none  of  the  sincere 
and  learned  protestauntes,  howsoeuer  for  a  tyme  they  seemed  to  be 
amongest  vs. 

It  was  not  long  before  a  rejoinder  ^  appeared.  This  included, 
and,  sentence  by  sentence,  replied  to  the  "  Brief  Examination." 
As  to  the  taunt  of  the  scant  numbers  and  social  insignificance  of 
the  dissentients,  it  said :  — 

It  is  well  known  that  not  onelie  a  few  vnlerned  brought  vp  in  pro- 
phane occupations,  as  yow  vncharitable  and  slauderuslie  report :  but 
a  gret  nomber  of  wise,  godlie,  and  lernid  men,  such  as  haue  bene  and 
are  the  eldest  prearchers  in  England  neuar  stayned  with  any  recanta- 
cion,  or  subscription,  brought  upp  in  all  kind  of  lerning,  both  of  artes 
and  toungs,  such  as.  haue  the  name  not  onelie  at  home  but  also  in  for- 
raine  nations,  to  be  in  the  nomber  of  the  best  lerned  in  the  realm, 
agree  with  us,  in  this  cause,  and  of  them  partly  haue  wee  lernid  this 
iudgment.  .  .  .  To  be  called  from  an  occupation  to  the  mynisterie  of 
the  church,  is  no  more  reproch  nowe,  to  men  mete  for  that  function, 
than  it  was  to  Petar,  Paule,  and  the  rest  of  the  apostoles.    Yf  they  ^ 

1  An  Answerefor  the  tyme  to  the  examination  put  in  print,  without  the  authour^s  name, 
pretending  to  mayntayne  the  apparrell  prescribed  against  the  declaration  of  the  mynisters 
of  London.   M.D.LXVI.  16mo,  13,  16,  33,  26,  28,  33,  57,  76,  20,  18,  17. 

^  Dissenting  ministers  charged  with  unfitness  because  they  came  from  ''  occupa- 
tions." 


THE   LITERATURE  OF   THE   CONFLICT  117 

were  unmete  than  [then]  the  Bishopes  are  to  be  blamed  for  admitting 
them  and  most  of  all  for  retayning,  and  daylie  multiplying  others, 
whom  nothing  ells  but  a  capp  and  a  Surples  do  make  comendable. 

In  the  great  dearth  of  Christian  labor  in  the  kingdom,  those 
who  sincerely  desire  the  progress  of  religion,  it  is  urged,  ought 
to  welcome  all  fairly  competent  workmen.  As  to  the  vestments, 
the  authors  say,  "  wee  deni  not  but  that  they  are  reteynid  of  a 
good  intent,  but  we  see  that  an  euill  end  doth  follow  of  the 
restoring  of  the."  Upon  the  main  question  of  authority  and  its 
application  it  is  declared  :  — 

The  Ceremonies  and  apparell  tend  not  to  edification,  but  destruction, 
for  that  no  man  by  them  is  directed  to  Christ,  and  the  sinceritie  of  the 
Gospell,  neyther  yet  prouoked  to  amendment  of  lyfe,  but  to  Anti- 
christ, and  the  remembraunce  of  poperie.  .  .  .  When  we  graunt  them 
to  be  indifferent,  wee  speke  of  the  substans,  matter  and  creature,  we 
graunt  not,  that  they  are  indifferent,  in  euerie  kind  of  vse.  ...  As 
they  are  monumentes  of  idolatrie,  and  stombling  blockes  to  the  weke, 
they  are  no  to  be  receiued,  though  all  the  Princis  in  the  world  com- 
mand them.  ...  In  dede  we  confesse  the  magistrat  ought  to  set  forth 
Ecclesiasticall  lawes,  but  vnelie  out  of  gods  word,  ffor  neyther  the 
magistrat  nor  the  church,  hath  any  poure  but  to  edifie.  ...  It  is 
trew  all  edification,  order,  and  decencie  and  authoritie  of  magistrates 
haue  groundes  in  the  Scripture:  but  your  apparreU  hath  not  anie 
aedification,  dececie  or  order,  nor  lawfuU  authoritie,  for  wee  haue  no 
power  but  to  edifie.    Therefore  it  hath  no  grownd  in  the  Scripture. 

Very  rigorous  and  effective  is  the  protest  made  against  sus- 
pending everything  upon  the  question  of  vestments :  — 

But  now  experience  teacheth,  that  an  asse,  a  dissembling  papiste, 
a  dronkard,  a  Swerer,  a  Gamester,  so  he  receaue  your  apparell,  may 
haue  the  honor  of  retaining  his  lining,  but  qui  optime  praesunt  they 
that  rule  neuer  so  well,  and  are  comendable  in  all  poinctes,  that  S.  Paule 
requirith  in  a  perfecte  good  minister,  for  onlye  refusinge  the  appareU 
are  thruste  out,  as  men  vnworthy  of  any  honor  dewe  to  a  minister  of 
Christe. 

The  force  of  the  letters  of  Bucer  and  Martyr  is  parried  by  the 
suo^crestion  that  "  what  so  euar  seemed  to  them  toUerable  for  a 
tyme,  is  not  to  be  inforced  as  a  perpetuall  lawe."  And  the  sub- 
stance of  the  Nonconformist  position  is  declared  thus  in  the 
Address  to  the  Christian  Reader :  - — 


118      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Wee  thanke  god,  that  he  hath  gyven  vs  grace,  rather  to  sustayne 
such  reproche  at  your  handes,  and  what  so  euar  else  lawes  and  magis- 
trates shall  lay  vpo  vs,  then  to  peruert  the  synceritie  of  the  gospel,  by 
mynglyng  of  it  with  the  leuen  of  Antichrist. 

Not  unnaturally  those  who  were  distressed  at  home  looked 
abroad  for  sympathy  and  counsel.  Humphrey  and  Sampson 
each  wrote  to  Bullinger,  desiring  his  testimony.  The  gist  of 
their  inquiries  lies  in  three  points :  whether  the  prescribing  of 
habits  borrowed  from  abolished  Judaism,  or  from  idolaters  or 
heretics,  be  lawful ;  whether  the  sovereign  may  prescribe  them 
to  the  Church  when  they  do  not  tend  to  edification  ;  and  whether 
a  pastor  of  unblemished  life  and  doctriue  may  be  deposed  right- 
fully for  not  using  them. 

Bullinger  replied  to  both  letters  by  one  for  himself  and 
Gualter.    On  the  whole  they  advised  conformity ;  — 

I  also  exhort  you  all  .  .  .  that  every  one  of  you  should  duly  consider 
with  himself,  whether  he  will  not  more  edify  the  church  of  Christ  by 
regarding  the  use  of  habits  for  the  sake  of  order  and  decency,  as  a 
matter  of  indifference,  and  which  hitherto  has  tended  somewhat  to 
the  harmony  and  advantage  of  the  Church;  than  by  leaving  the 
church,  on  account  of  the  vestiarian  controversy,  to  be  occupied  here- 
after, if  not  by  evident  wolves,  at  least  by  ill-qualified  and  evil 
ministers. 

Contrary  to  the  expectation  of  those  addressed,  Bullinger 
immediately  sent  a  copy  of  this  letter  to  Bishops  Home,  Grindal 
and  Parkhurst ;  and  they,  contrary  to  the  expectation  of  Bullin- 
ger and  Gualter,  at  once  printed  the  same.  The  Swiss  pastors 
promptly  objected,  and  wrote  to  Coverdale,  Humphrey  and 
Sampson,  complaining  of  this  "improper  use"  of  their  commu- 
nication, and  protesting  in  advance  against  the  possibility  that 
men  in,  or  out  of.  Convocation,  should  distort  their  words  as 
"if  we  seemed  now  to  approve  and  desire  the  restoration  of 
things  that  every  pious  person,  who  is  acquainted  with  our 
writings,  has  long  known  us  to  disapprove  of."  They  wrote 
further  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,^  praying  him  — 
not  to  refuse  your  patronage  to  these  godly  brethren,  who,  notwith- 
standing they  may  have  erred  in  some  respects,  are  yet  deserving  of 
^  Zur.  Lets.  I :  Ixviii,  Ixix ;  App.  iii,  iv,  v  ;  ii ;  liv ;  i :  App.  vi ;  ii :  Iv. 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CONFLICT  119 

pardon,  as  it  is  plain  that  they  have  been  actuated  by  a  fervent  zeal 
for  godliness,  and  that  their  sole  object  is  to  have  the  church  purified 
from  aU  the  dregs  of  popery. 

The  same  year  saw  several  other  tractates  discussing  the 
general  subjects  involved,^  one  of  which  was  understood  to  pro- 
ceed from  the  Primate  ^  and  others  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Commis- 
sion. This  brought  out  one  or  two  on  the  other  side  to  counter- 
act its  influence.  One^  of  these,  made  up  of  extracts  from 
Bullinger's  works,  contained  the  following  effective  paragraph : 

It  is  not  meete  yt  any  King  or  Magistrate  shuld  think  that  he  hath 
any  authority  geven  him  to  make  new  lawes  of  the  worshii^ping  of 
God,  or  of  the  misteries  or  sacramentes.  .  .  .  The  Scripture,  which  is 
the  word  of  God,  doth  plenteously  ynough  set  out  &  declare  all  thinges 
whatsoeuer  perteyne  vnto  trew  religio,  eve  the  Lord  forbiddeth  to  put 
anything  to  his  word,  or  take  anything  fro  it.  Therefore  y*  Magistrate 
can  make  no  new  lawes  for  the  worshipping  of  God. 

The  only  immediate  result  was  that  the  queen  ordered  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  to  enforce  the  laws  as  they  stood. 
Clearly  nothing  was  to  be  hoped  for  directly  from  her  or  from 
the  hierarchy.  The  only  course  left  open  was  to  appeal  to  the 
general  judgment. 

Anthony  Gilby,  an  M.  A.  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  in 
1535,  who  had  spent  Mary's  reign  at  Frankfort  and  Geneva, 
had  been  made  vicar  of  Ashby-de-la-Zouch  by  the  Earl  of 
Huntingdon,  and  remained  such  until  he  resigned  in  1583  in 
favor  of  his  son-in-law.  Apparently  he  took  the  field  first  in  a 
pamphlet*  designed  to  cheer  the  troubled.  Later,  in  May,  1566, 
he  issued  a  popular  appeal.^  There  are  two  speakers :  Miles 

^  WTiether  it  be  mortall  sinne  to  transgresse  civil  lawes,  which  be  the  commaunde- 
mentes  of  Civill  Magistrates,  etc.,  1566,  8vo. 

2  Strype,  An.  i  (2) :   174. 

8  The  mynd  and  exposition  of  that  excellente  learned  man  Martyn  Bucer  uppon 
these  wordes  of  S.  Mathew :  Woo  be  to  the  worlde  bycause  of  offences,  etc.,  1566, 8vo ; 
and  The  iudgement  of  the  Reuerend  Father  Master  Henry  Bullinger,  Pastor  of  the 
church  of  Zurich,  in  certeyne  matters  of  religion,  etc.,  1566,  16mo,  Sig.  C.  iii,  verso. 

*  To  my  louynge  brethren  that  is  troublyd  about  the  popishe  apparrell,  two  short  and 
comfortable  Epistels,  1566,  8vo. 

^  A  Pleasavnt  Dialogve  Betweene  a  Souldior  of  Barwicke,  and  an  English  Chap- 
laine.  Wherein  are  largely  handled  Sp  laide  open,  such  reasons  as  are  brought  in  for 
maintenaunce  of  popishe  Traditions  in  our  Eng.  Church,  16mo,  B.  verso,  2,  3  verso, 
4  verso ;  C.  2  ;  D.  6  verso ;  K. ;  L.  5,  6 ;  M.  2. 


120      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Monopodios,  a  clever,  one-legged  soldier  of  Berwick,  and  Sir^ 
Bernarde  Blynkarde,  a  former  fellow-soldier,  who  lacks  a  finger 
and  an  eye  and  has  scant  learning  and  few  brains,  but  who 
somehow  has  become  a  parson  with  a  plurality  of  benefices, 
besides  being  the  private  chaplain  of  a  nobleman.  Sir  Bernarde 
is  so  transformed  by  the  regulation  garments  that  Miles  for  a 
time  doubts  his  identity,  and  then  inquires  :  — 

What  was  the  cause  that  thou  haste  bin  in  so  many  chaunges  of 
Apparell  this  forenoone,  nowe  blacke,  nowe  white,  now  in  silk  and 
gokle,  and  nowe  at  the  length  in  this  swouping  blacke  gowne,  and  this 
sarcenet  flaunting  tippet,  wearing  moe  homes  also  vpon  thy  heade 
than  euer  did  thy  father,  unlesse  he  were  a  man  of  the  same  order : 
I  pray  thee,  of  good  fellowship  tell  me  how  thou  art  come  to  this 
chaunge,  since  thou  leftest  our  companie :  for  surelie  I  haue  gotten 
nothing  by  my  long  seruice  but  stripes  and  woundes,  and  nowe  I  must 
needes  leaue  of  [f ]  this  trade,  because  I-  want  my  legges,  and  ashamed 
I  am  to  begge. 

Sir  Bernarde  candidly  confesses  that  Miles  is  the  better 
taught  of  the  two,  but  having  himself  entered  "  within  the  holy 
orders  of  Priesthood,"  he  insists  on  being  treated  with  due  re- 
spect ;  and,  when  begged  to  explain  how  all  has  come  about, 
he  says : — 

Why  man :  thou  knowest  not  what  a  state  this  is,  for  though  hee 
[the  archbishop]  finde  vs  neuer  so  very  dolts,  yet  can  he  and  the  other 
Bishops  by  the  laying  on  of  their  handes,  giue  vs  the  holy  Ghost :  for 
so  sayde  they  to  me  and  my  feUowes,  Holde,  take  the  holy  Ghost :  so 
that  I  am  no  more  of  the  lewde  laitie,  but  of  the  holy  spiritualitie, 
and  I  haue  gotten  a  good  Benefice  or  twaine,  and  am  called  maister 
Parson,  and  may  spend  with  the  best  man  in  our  towne,  and  doe 
keepe  company  with  Gentlemen  of  the  countrey,  in  hauking.  hunting, 
dicing,  carding,  and  take  my  pleasure  all  the  day  long :  so  that  I  do 
come  to  the  church  sometime  in  the  morning,  and  reade  a  little  whiles 
dinner  bee  made  readie. 

Miles  presses  for  particulars,  how  he  may  come  to  the  like,  and 
Sir  Bernarde  replies  :  — 

I  will  tell  thee  all  for  old  fellowships  sake,  and  I  will  helpe  thee  to 
auowe  some  [to  an  advowson]  for  money :  and  that  is  the  surest  way. 

1  As  most  ministers  had  taken  their  first  degree,  it  became  usual  to  call  them 
Dominus,  or  Sir. 


THE   LITERATURE   OF  THE   CONFLICT  121 

But  if  thou  haue  no  money,  then  must  thou  fawne  vppon  some  Gentle- 
man, that  either  hath  some  impropriations,  on  other  Benefices  in  his 
hancle,  or  else  hy  other  meanes,  to  seeke  some  little  gaine  by  it,  or 
hath  some  in  his  gifte.  Get  his  letters  to  the  Bishop,  and  thou  needest 
not  to  doubt  of  orders. 

He  adds,  however,  that  if  his  old  comrade  happens  to  be  in- 
fected with  the  modern  strict  notions,  he  would  better  abandon 
them,  and  warns  him  :  — 

There  are  verie  few  that  can  agree  to  the  Geneuians  fashion,  to 
haue  nothing  in  the  church  but  naked  walls,  and  a  poore  fellow  in  a 
bare  gowne,  telling  a  long  tale,  and  brauling  and  chiding  with  all  his 
auditorie.  Nay  my  Lorde  my  M[etropolitan].  will  none  of  that. 
As  for  my  Lorde,^  I  hearde  him  say,  that  he  could  neuer  go,  to  any  of 
these  Geneuians  Sermons,  that  hee  came  quiet  home,  but  that  there 
,was  euer  somewhat,  that  pricked  his  conscience,  hee  thought  alway 
that  they  made  their  whole  Sermon  against  him.  But  in  the  hearing 
of  Mattins,  euensong  &  pricksong  ^  at  Paules,  or  in  my  reading  of  my 
seruice  in  his  chapell,  he  sayth,  he  feeleth  no  such  thing,  for  he  is 
neuer  touched,  but  goeth  merilie  to  his  dinner. 

Miles  gets  the  better  of  his  acquaintance ;  who  admits  that 
he  "  cannot  reason  with  Scriptures,"  though  he  thinks  people 
"  starke  fooles,  that  wil  loose  so  good  liuings,  for  a  cappe  of 
two  shillinges,  or  a  Surples  that  shall  cost  them  nothing." 
Miles  now  and  then  interjects  a  solemn  warning,  such  as  :  "  Be- 
ware least  it  be  not  more  easie  at  the  day  of  iudgmet  to  the 
Sodomits,  then  to  the  English  mock-gospellers  ;  "  and  not  with- 
out some  effect,  as  Sir  Bernarde  says :  "  Me  thinke  I  smell  a 
ratte  in  this  geare.  All  is  not  golde  that  glittereth."  Sir  Ber- 
narde later  asks  whether,  in  the  dearth  of  educated  men,  cob- 
blers and  tailors  should  be  called  upon,  so  that  every  parish  may 
have  an  incumbent,  to  which  Miles  replies  :  — 

Yea  a  great  deale  better  were  it  so  to  doe  than  to  place  popishe 
Priestes,  the  deuourers  of  Christes  Lambes.  For  theyr  priest  crafte, 
was  the  wickedest  occupation  that  euer  was  in  the  worlde,  and  the 
most  craftie. 

*  The  nobleman  whose  chaplain  he  was. 

2  An  ancient  name  for  ornate  plain-song.  The  vellum  leaves  were  marked  with 
an  instrument  called  a  pricket,  so  as  to  enable  the  stave  of  four  lines  to  be  drawn 
thereupon.  —  Lee,  Glossary. 


122  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

The  "  Dialogue  "  is  accompanied  by  an  enumeration  of  "  An  hun- 
dred pointes  of  Poperie,  yet  remayning,  which  deforme  the  Eng- 
lishe  reformation,"  and  which  are  "  nothinge  but  a  packe  of 
poperie,  and  a  pudle  of  corruption." 

In  1570  Dr.  Percival  Wyburne  —  a  graduate  of  St.  John's 
College,  Cambridge,  who  in  Mary's  time  had  fled  to  Geneva, 
and  who,  on  returning,  became  a  canon  of  Norwich  and  West- 
minster, and  later  vicar  of  St.  Sepulchre's,  London,  and  had 
been  deprived  for  refusing  subscription  —  published  a  rejoinder 
to  the  attacks  upon  the  Nonconformists.^  He  points  out  that 
trials  always  have  caused  some  weak  Christians  to  fall.  He  then 
speaks  freely  of  the  bishops.  They  are  "  blinded  with  estima- 
tion of  them  selues,  with  desire  to  please  those  who  are  in  high 
authoritie,  and  with  carefuU  carking,  as  well  to  keepe  that 
which  they  haue,  as  also  greedily  to  gather  more  to  it."  They 
"pretende  one  thing  and  doe  plainlie  the  contrarie."  He  also 
testifies  as  to  some  of  the  ordinary  clergy  :  — 

I  knowe  double  beneficed  men  that  doe  nothing  els  but  eate,  drinke, 
sleepe,  play  at  dice,  cardes,  tables  [backgammon],  bowles,i& read  ser- 
uice  in  the  church ;  but  these  infect  not  their  flockes  with  false  doc- 
trine, for  they  teach  nothing  at  all. 

And  he  ends  thus  :  — 

Let  vs  wey  therefore  where  the  fault  is,  and  who  are  the  cause  of 
this  schisme.  First  of  all  such  Bishops  as  fled  in  Queene  Maries  time, 
or  els  taried  here  vnder  the  crosse,  had  cast  of,  renounced,  and  for- 
saken all  this  trumperie,  for  the  which  the  peace  is  nowe  disturbed, 
and  afterwarde  for  their  promotion  sake,  put  them  on  agayne :  yet 
no  man  seuered  him  selfe  from  them,  but  lined  and  laboured  in  louing 
consent,  tiU  such  time  as  they,  not  regarding  the  peace  of  Gods  Church, 
did  thrust  vs  their  brethren  fro  them  :  They  therefore  regard  not  the 
peace  but  are  the  authours  of  this  disturbance. 

Here  we  strike  the  initial  and  germinant  idea  of  that  "  Re- 
formation within  the  Reformation  "  which  is  known  as  Puri- 
tanism. The  fact  cannot  be  understood  too  distinctly,  stated 
too  clearly  or  remembered  too  faithfully,  that  the  old  notion 

1  A  comfortable  epistle  written  {as  it  is  thought)  by  Maister  Dlr.].  W[yborne], 
Doctour  o/Diuinitie  in  his  owne  defence,  and  [that  of  ]  the  brethren  that  suffer  depriua- 
lion  for  the  popish  ceremonies  urged  by  the  Bishops.  —  Bepr.  in  A  Parte  of  a  Begister, 
1-12. 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CONFLICT  123 

that  the  Puritans  undertook  to  supplant  the  church  government 
of  England  through  bishops  by  the  Presbyterian  system,  elabo- 
rated at  Geneva,  simply,  or  mainly,  for  the  sake  of  a  change  of 
polity,  is  an  untruth  which  wrongs  them,  while  misconceiving 
and  belittling  history.  Doubtless,  some  of  the  Marian  exiles 
had  brought  back  a  liking  for  Calvin's  system,  and,  other  things 
being  equal,  might  have  preferred  it  at  home.  But  it  is  difficult 
to  find  evidence  that  any  one  of  them  revolted  from  the  govern- 
ment of  bishops,  or  the  discipline  of  the  Church,  until  driven 
to  it  by  the  aggressions  of  the  government ;  or  for  any  other 
purpose  than  to  resist  the  refluent  wave  of  popery  and  preserve 
the  imperilled  essence  of  godliness. 

They  insisted  that  they  did  not  wish  to  sow  schisms,  to  charge 
with  impiety  things  indifferent,  or  to  conceal  a  disputatious 
spirit  under  the  name  of  conscience  ;  and  that  all  for  which 
they  asked  was  toleration  in  obeying  their  own  consciences, 
without  compelling  others  to  agree  with  them.  And  the  uniform 
advice  of  their  Continental  friends,  even  of  Calvin,  favored  their 
continuance,  if  in  conscience  they  could,  with  the  old  Church. 
Had  the  queen  and  her  counsellors  shown  moderation  and  con- 
ciliation, to  say  nothing  about  sympathy  with  the  evangelical 
purpose  of  the  Puritans,  and  granted  the  little  that  was  asked  ; 
and,  as  Coverdale  and  his  fellows  said,i  permitted  that  "  in  the 
dissimilarity  of  rites  they  may  preserve  the  sweetest  harmony 
of  spirit  and  brotherly  love,"  the  whole  current  of  English 
ecclesiastical  history,  and,  indeed,  of  American,  might  have  fol- 
lowed a  different  channel. 

Here,  then,  in  a  nutshell  we  have  the  origin  of  the  move- 
ment. A  few  devout  men,  trained  by  persecution  and  exile  to 
believe  in  the  unrighteousness  of  the  Papacy,  came  home  to  find 
the  Established  Church  only  partially  weaned  from  Rome,  prac- 
tically tolerant  of  worldly  living,  and  meagrely  using,  when  not 
altogether  misusing,  the  ordained  means  of  grace.  They  found 
it  hedging  up,  and  finally  forbidding,  all  endeavors  for  reform  ; 
until  they  were  forced  to  believe  that,  unless  through  a  revolu- 
tionary change,  which  should  sweep  the  ground  bare  of  all  that 

1  Zur.  Lets.  I,  Ixxi ;  11, 1,  xvii ;  I,  App.,  ii,  vi ;  II,  Ivii,  Ixi,  Ixxv,  xcvi,  xciv, 
civ,  XV,  1. 


124      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

was  and  so  make  room  for  the  growth  of  that  which  ought  to 
be,  the  effort  for  a  better  state  of  things  was  hopeless.  So,  in 
last  resort,  braving  the  misconceptions  of  many  old  friends,  with 
the  contempt  and  even  bitter  hostility  of  multitudes  of  often 
sincere,  but  misled  and  sometimes  savage  disciples,  facing  depri- 
vation, destitution  and  imprisonment  should  they  escape  Tyburn 
or  St.  Thomas  Watering,  these  heroic  men  took  their  lives  in 
their  hands  and  deliberately  undertook  to  reform  "  Reformed  " 
England. 

To  their  minds  the  first  essential  was  to  discredit  before  the 
popular  intelligence  the  existing  unscriptural  hierarchy,  with 
the  corrupt  system  of  which  it  was  the  fruit  and  crown.  The 
second  was  to  suggest  in  its  place  something  more  scriptural, 
more  congenial  to  a  devout  piety,  more  just  to  the  rights  of 
men  and  less  burdensome  to  the  public  treasury. 

Naturally,  those  who  were  like-minded  as  to  this  held  confer- 
ence. Among  them  was  Anthony  Gilby,  already  named,  who 
must  have  been  about  sixty.  Another  was  Thomas  Sampson, 
perhaps  fifty-three,  educated  at  Pembroke  Hall,  Cambridge,^ 
trained  in  the  common  law  in  the  Inner  Temple,  London,  or- 
dained by  Ridley,  an  exile  at  Strasburg,  and  resident  at  Geneva 
long  enough  to  become  attached  to  its  system.  In  1560  he  had 
refused  the  bishopric  of  Norwich  and  had  been  installed  canon 
of  Durham,  and  later  Dean  of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  where, 
after  the  Act  of  Uniformity  had  silenced  the  Papists,  he,  with 
Laurence  Humphrey  and  Andrew  Kingsmill,  were  the  only 
persons  who  could  preach.  But  he  had  been  ejected  and  im- 
prisoned because  he  would  not  conform,  and  now  had  just  been 
appointed  Prebendary  of  St.  Pancras  in  the  church  of  St. 
Paul  and  theological  lecturer  at  Whittington  College,  London. 
Another  was  Thomas  Lever,  about  fifty,  who  had  been  edudated 
at  St.  John's,  Cambridge ;  had  preached  repeatedly  before 
Edward  VI.  and  his  court,  and  at  Paul's  Cross,  sertnons  which 
have  come  down  to  our  time  for  their  bold  eloquence ;  who  took 
refuge  in  Zurich  and  Geneva,  and  finally  became  minister  of 
the  English  congregation  at  Aarau.    On  his  return  he  was  re- 

1  See  Brook,   Lives  of  Puritans ;    Ath.  Cant. ;  Strype,  etc.     Brook  says  that 
Sampson  was  educated  at  Oxford. 


THE   LITERATURE   OF  THE   CONFLICT  125 

puted  to  have  influenced  Queen  Elizabeth  to  decline  her  father's 
title,  Head  of  the  Church.  Subsequently  he  became  archdeacon 
of  Coventry  and  canon  of  Durham,  was  deprived  for  noncon- 
formity, but  retained  the  mastership  of  Sherburn  Hospital,  and 
continued  to  preach  without  wearing  the  habits. 

Another  was  Laurence  Hiunphrey,  still  under  forty-five,  who 
had  studied  at  both  Cambridge  and  Oxford  ;  who  spent  Mary's 
reign  in  Switzerland ;  who  came  back  to  be  appointed,  in  1560, 
Regius  professor  of  divinity  at  Oxford,  and  the  next  year  presi- 
dent of  Magdalen  College  and  afterwards  Dean  of  Gloucester 
and  of  Winchester.  Another  was  Nicholas  Standen,  who  had 
studied  at  Cambridge  and  been  rector  of  St.  Margaret's  in  East 
Cheap,  London,  but  had  been  deprived.  Others  were  John  Field 
and  Thomas  Wilcox,  graduates  of  Oxford  ;  one  in  charge  of  St. 
Mary's,  Aldermary,  and  the  other  of  Allhallow's,  Honey  Lane, 
London,  both  of  whom  had  refused  the  habits  and  so  lost  place. 

These  details  prove  that  the  leaders  of  the  new  reform  were 
not  men  of  no  learning  or  reputation,  dissatisfied  because  of  per- 
sonal ill-success,  and  favoring  something  new  in  the  hope  of  pri- 
vate advantage.  So  far  as  this  world  was  concerned,  they  had 
everything  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain  by  their  course. 

For  some  time  they  counselled  together  in  private  in  London, 
and,  as  their  numbers  grew,  they  left  their  congregations  and 
assembled  for  worship  "in  priuate  houses,  in  woods,  &  fields."^ 
Their  gatherings  were  contemptuously  termed  conventicles,  but 
they  preferred  the  name.  Conferences.^  In  time  a  considerable 
number  of  able  young  ministers,  who  afterwards  left  shining 
records  of  usefulness,  joined  the  company — such  as  William 
Bonham  ;  Nicholas  Crane,  of  Cambridge  ;  William  Charke,  of 
Peterhouse,  Cambridge,  who  in  1572  was  ejected  from  the  uni- 
versity for  maintaining  the  parity  of  the  ministry ;  Walter 
Travers,  of  Trinity,  Cambridge,  who  lived  in  Switzerland  long 
enough  to  agree  with  its  learned  divines,  was  ordained  at  Ant- 
werp by  a  Presbytery,  became  Cartwright's  assistant  there,  came 

^  R.  Bancroft,  Davngerovs  Positions  and  Proceedings,  etc.,  1593,  4to,  C5, 
■wrong'ly  numbered  41  (bis). 

^  Soames,  188.  Cartwrig-lit,  Second  Beplie  of  T.  C.  agaynst  Maister  Doctor 
Whitgijles  Second  answer  touching  the  churche  Discipline,  1575,  xxxviii. 


126  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

back  to  be  lecturer  at  the  Temple  Church  while  Richard  Hooker 
was  its  Master,  and  became  a  prominent  author  in  favor  of  the 
new  discipline,  but  who,  because  of  persecution,  took  refuge  in 
the  provostship  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  at  last  returned 
to  die  in  England  ;  Richard  Gardiner,  also  of  Cambridge,  and 
Stephen  Egerton,  of  both  universities  and  preacher  at  Black- 
friars,  London.  Among  them  then  also  were  Thomas  Barbar, 
fellow  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge,  preacher  to  crowded  congregar 
tions  at  St.  Mary-le-Bow  in  London,  and  suspended  for  refusing 
the  oath  ex  officio,  who  afterwards  turned  against  his  comrades ; 
and  Thomas  Edmunds,  who,  after  some  years  of  fidelity  to  the 
new  views,  at  last  took  the  oath.^ 

There  had  been  no  parliament  since  1566.  But  the  national 
treasury  was  low,  and  no  resource  remained  to  the  queen  but  to 
summon  another.  It  was  called  for  April  2,  1571.  The  little 
band  of  associate  Puritans  drew  up,  mainly  by  the  hands  of 
Field  and  Wilcox,  two  brief  communications  to  its  members,  to 
urge  them  towards  further  religious  reform.^  How  far  these 
were  supplied  to  those  addressed  does  not  appear ;  but  they  do 
not  seem  to  have  been  made  public  until  after  the  session,^  for 
Whitgif t  complained  ^  of  the  neglect.  Fuller,  who  wrongly  at- 
tributes the  twin  tracts  to  Cartwright,  says  that  the  title  gave 
some  offence.  But  the  writers  were  in  solemn  earnest,  and  the 
word  selected  had  a  force  which,  no  doubt,  both  commended  it 
to  their  choice  and  won  the  favor  of  serious  men  to  whom  it 
was  addressed. 

1  Brook,  i :  174,  362,  429 ;  ii :  113,  236,  289, 314 ;  iii :  512,  515.  Ath.  Cant,  ii : 
39,  236.  Strype,  Whitgifi,  264,  App.  274,  277.  Bancroft,  Davng.  Posits.  67,  89, 
121,  123-124. 

2  An  Admonition  to  the  Parliament,  1571,  16mo,  and  A  Seconde  Admonition  to  the 
Parliament,  by  T.  Cartwright,  1572,  12mo.  It  has  been  usual,  if  not  universal,  to 
speak  of  these  as  one,  yet  clearly  there  were  two.  The  first  comprised  but  twelve 
pages,  duly  concluded  with  "  Finis."  The  second  covered  nineteen,  also  ending  for- 
mally. When  republished  together,  almost  immediately,  they  were  introduced 
thus  (1)  :  — 

"  Two  treatises  yee  haue  heare  ensuing  (beloved  in  Christ)." 
And  the  next  year,  when  Cartwright  wrote  what  was  styled  A  Seconde  Admo- 
nition, he  said  (2) :  — 

"There  were  two  little  Treatises  lately  sette  forth,  both  tending  to  one  ende 
.  .  .  and  .  .  .  they  beare  one  name,  that  is.  An  admonition  to  the  parliament." 

3  May  29. 

*  Defense  of  the  Aunswere  to  the  Admonition,  34. 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CONFLICT  127 

This  "  Admonition  "  states  squarely  in  its  prelude  the  proposi- 
tion which  it  proceeds  to  argue  :  — 

In  a  few  words  to  saye  what  we  meane.  Either  must  we  haue  a 
right  ministerye  of  God  &  a  right  gouernment  of  his  churehe,  accord- 
ing to  the  scriptures  set  vp  (bothe  whiche  we  lacke),  or  else  there  can 
be  no  right  rehgion,  nor  yet  for  contempt  thereof  can  Goddes  plagues 
be  from  vs  any  while  deferred. 

And  it  is  declared  :  — 

"We  in  England  are  so  far  ofE,  from  hauing  a  church  rightly  re- 
formed, according  to  the  prescripte  of  Gods  worde,  that  as  yet  we  are 
scarse  come  to  the  outward  face  of  the  same. 

The  first  tract  aims  to  set  forth  "  a  true  platforme  of  a 
Churehe  reformed,"  by  way  of  emphasizing  "  the  great  vnlike- 
nes  betwixt  it  &  this  our  english  churehe."  Pure  preaching, 
sincere  sacraments  and  a  faithful  discipline  are  the  three  out- 
ward marks  of  a  true  Christian  church.  Specific  criticism  of  the 
State  Church  is  made  in  regard  to  each  of  these. 

Then,  say  they  :  — 

If  you  will  restore  the  church  to  his  ancient  ofPycers,  this  you  must 
do.  In  stead  of  an  Archbishop  or  Lord  bishop,  you  must  make  equal- 
itie  of  ministers.  In  steade  of  Chauncelors,  Archdeacons,  Offycialles, 
Commissaries,  Proctors,  Summoners,  churchwardens,  and  such  like, 
You  haue  to  plat  in  euery  congregation  a  lawf ull  and  godly  seigniorie. 
.  .  .  And  to  these  three  ioyntly,  that  is,  the  ministers.  Seniors  and 
deacons,  is  the  whole  regiment  of  the  churehe  to  be  committed. 

Some  discussion  follows  as  to  methods  of  discipline,  after  which 
occurs  this  deliverance  on  a  vital  point :  — 

Not  that  we  meane  to  take  away  the  authoritie  of  the  civill  Magis- 
trate and  chef e  gouernoure  .  .  .  but  that  .  .  .  the  Prince  may  be 
better  obeyed,  the  realme  more  florishe  in  godlinesse,  and  the  Lord 
himself  more  sincerely  &  purely  according  to  his  revealed  will  serued, 
then  heeretofore  he  hath  bene,  or  yet  at  this  present  is. 

This  first  part  ends  by  direct  appeal  to  Parliament  to  amend 
"  these  horrible  abuses ; "  assures  its  members  that,  in  so  doing, 
God  will  deliver  and  defend  them,  and  asks,  "is  a  reformation 
good  for  France  :  and  can  it  be  euill  for  Englande  :  is  discipline 
meete  for  Scotlande :  and  is  it  unprofytable  for  this  realme." 


128     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

The  second  part  details  twenty-one  Popish  abuses  which  still 
remain  in  the  reformed  Prayer-Book,  and  mentions  objections 
to  the  apparel  and  other  matters,  appealing  again  to  Parliament 
"  to  reform  Gods  church  according  to  your  duties  and  call- 
ynges."    As  for  themselves,  the  authors  declare  :  ^  — 

If  this  can  not  be  obtayned,  we  will  by  God's  grace  addresse  our 
selues  to  defend  his  truthe  by  sufEring,  and  willingly  lay  our  heads  to 
the  blocke,  and  thys  shall  be  oure  peace,  to  haue  quiet  consciences  with 
our  God. 

Letters  from  Beza  and  Gualter  are  appended  to  support  the 
views  advanced  by  the  authority  of  their  great  names ;  ^  and  the 
final  page  is  filled  out  thus  :  — 

England  repent,  Bishops  relent 

returne  while  you  haue  space, 

Time  is  at  hand,  by  truth  to  stand, 

if  you  haue  any  grace. 

loyne  now  in  one,  that  Christ  alone, 

by  scepter  of  his  word  : 

May  heare  the  stroke  :  least  you  prouoke 

his  heauy  hand  and  sword. 

The  authors  of  this  bold  appeal  soon  experienced  the  "  suf- 
fring  "  which  they  had  foreseen.  The  government  regarded  the 
"  Admonition  "  as  "  a  seditious  libel,"  and,  unable  to  stop  its  cir- 
culation, it  being  soon  reprinted  several  times,  imprisoned  Field 
and  Wilcox.  On  September  3  they  appealed  to  Lord  Trea- 
surer Burghley,  acknowledging  that  their  book  demanded  the 
reformation  of  abuses,  but  in  order  that  religion,  being  freed 
from  Popish  superstition,  might  be  restored  by  Parliament  with 
the  queen's  approbation.  They  besought  his  kind  interference, 
but  they  were  indicted  under  the  statute  of  uniformity  and  sent 
back  into  Newgate.  Here  they  became  a  rallying  point  for 
many,  and  before  long  a  new  champion  took  the  field. 

This  was  the  famous  Thomas  Cartwright,  not  yet  turned  of 
forty.  A  graduate  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge,  and  a  fellow  of 
Trinity,  he  had  become  a  popular  preacher  and  Lady  Margaret 

1  Admon.  to  Pari.  2,  4,  3,  4,  11,  13,  13-14,  16-30,  31-34,  33,  34. 

2  Gualter  wrote  to  Cox  {Zur.  Lets.  Eliz.  I :  App.  vii.)  that  it  distressed  him  that 
his  letter  had  been  published,  that  he  had  been  beguiled  into  writing  as  he  did 
by  false  accusations,  and  would  make  it  right  soon  by  a  public  testimony. 


THE   LITERATURE   OF   THE   CONFLICT  129 

profe.ssor  of  divinity,  had  been  deprived  and  banished  the  uni- 
versity, and  had  retreated  to  Antwerp  and  Middleberg,  where 
he  had  been  chaplain  to  the  English  merchants.  But  he  went 
back  just  then  and  joined  the  little  Puritan  company,  and 
surely  did  valiant  work  in  their  behalf.  The  archbishojD  saw  the 
inexpediency  of  leaving  the  "  Admonition  "  unanswered,  and  se- 
lected John  Whitgift,  a  fellow  of  Peterhouse,  Cambridge,  and 
Cartwright's  predecessor  as  Lady  Margaret  professor,  who  as 
vice-chancellor  had  banished  Cartwright,  to  reply.  In  a  few 
months  he  published  his  book.^  He  begins  by  wholesale  depre- 
ciation of  that  which  he,  nevertheless,  takes  pains  to  answer 
carefully. 

He  then  stigmatizes  the  logic  of  the  treatise,  as  so  weak  as 
hardly  to  need  to  be  met  by  argument.  He  goes  on,  however,  to 
the  extent  of  268  quarto  pages  —  enlarged  in  the  second  issue 
of  the  following  year  to  332,  although  the  little  book  to  which 
he  is  replying  is  only  a  16mo  of  fifty-eight  pages  —  to  take  it 
up,  sentence  by  sentence,  in  order  to  neutralize  its  force.  Nor 
does  he  forget  to  append  letters  from  Gualter  and  Bullinger, 
"  upon  better  information  "  revoking  those  of  Beza  and  Gualter 
which  had  come  out  with  the  "  Admonition." 

The  character  of  this  "Answere  "  maybe  inferred  sufficiently 
from  what  has  been  said,  and-  from  its  concluding  sentence :  — 

When  you  saye,  that  you  stryue  for  true  Religion  and  gouernemente 
of  the  Churche,  &c.  You  saye,  that  you  dooe  that,  whyche  is  to  bee 
wyshed  you  shoulde  doo :  But  youre  doings  tende  to  the  defacing  of 
true  ReHgion,  and  ouerthrowe  of  the  righte  gouernement  of  the 
Churche,  and  although  you  be  not  the  head  of  Antichrist,  yet  are  you 
his  taile  :  For  the  tayle  of  the  beast  (as  learned  me  *say)  be  false 
prophets,  hyj^ocrits,  such  as  stirre  vp  schismes  and  factions  among  true 
Clu'istians,  and  by  pretence  of  zeale,  by  cloked  and  couloured  meanes, 
seeke  to  drawe  into  the  Church  Anticlorist  backeward,  as  Cacus  ^  did 
the  oxen  into  his  denne. 

Cartwright  seems  to  have  been  quick  to  issue  another  pam- 

^  An  Answere  to  a  certen  Libel  intituled,  An  admonition  to  the  Parliament,  By 
lohn  VVhitgifie,  D.  of  Diuinitie,  1572,  4to,  vii,  viii,  ix,  x,  260. 

^  A  fabled  giant  on  Mt.  Aventinua,  who  stole  the  oxen  of  Geryon  from  Her- 
cules, concealing-  the  theft  by  dragging  them  backwards  into  his  cave,  so  that 
their  tracks  seemed  to  point  outwards. 


130      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

plilet,  "  A  Seconde  Admonition  to  the  Parliament."  Like  the 
first  it  was  brief,  having  but  eighty-four  small  pages.  It  is 
nothing  new,  he  says,  to  see  the  divine  admonitions  rejected  by 
those  who  should  be  first  to  heed  and  defend  them.  After  citing 
plenty  of  proofs  of  this  assertion  from  Scripture,  he  censures 
the  severity  with  which  Field  and  Wilcox  were  being  treated ; 
and  insists  boldly  that  in  the  day  of  judgment  it  will  be  easier  for 
Sodom  and  Gomorrha,  than  for  a  parliament  which  turns  a  deaf 
ear  to  such  "  Admonitions."  As  for  this  present "  Admonition," 
as  the  previous  ones  had  been  so  short  as  to  have  explained  not 
so  much  how  as  what  to  reform,  his  purpose  is  to  show  how  to 
do  these  things,  so  far,  at  least,  that  they  "  may  have  sufficient 
lyght  to  proceede  by."  The  present  condition  cannot  be  en- 
dured :  — 

I  say  that  we  are  so  skarce  come  to  the  outwarde  face  of  a  Churche 
rightly  reformed,  that  although  some  truth  be  taught  by  some  preach- 
ers, yet  no  preacher  may  withoute  greate  danger  of  the  lawes,  vtter  all 
truthe  comprised  in  the  booke  of  God.  It  is  so  circumscribed  &  wrapt 
within  the  compasse  of  suche  statutes,  suche  penalties,  suche  iniunctions, 
suche  advertisements,  suche  articles,  suche  canons,  suche  sober  caueats 
and  suche  manifolde  pamphlets  that  in  manner  it  doth  but  peepe  out 
from  behinde  the  screene.  The  lawes  of  the  lande,  the  booke  of  com- 
mon prayer,  the  Queenes  Iniunctions,  the  Commissioners  aduertise- 
ments,  the  Bishops  late  Canons,  Lindwoodes  Prouincials,  euery  bishops 
Articles  in  his  diocesse,  my  Lord  of  Canterburie's  sober  caueats  in  his 
licenses  to  preachers,  and  hys  highe  Courte  of  prerogatiue,  or  graue 
fatherly  faculties,  these  together,  or  the  worste  of  them  (as  some  of 
them  be  too  badde)  may  not  be  broken  or  offended  against,  but  with 
more  daunger  then  to  offende  against  the  Bible.  To  these  subscribing, 
and  subscribin'g  againe,  and  the  third  subscribing,  are  required,  for  these 
Preachers  and  others  are  endited,  are  fined,  are  prisoned,  are  excom- 
municated, are  banished,  and  haue  worse  things  threatned  them :  and 
the  Bible,  that  muste  haue  no  further  scope,  then  by  these  it  is  assigned. 
Is  this  to  professe  God  his  worde :  is  this  a  reformation  : 

He  repudiates  Anabaptism  and  contempt  of  magistracy,  but 
claims  that,  if  law  be  offended  by  truth,  the  law  should  be  re- 
formed and  not  the  holders  of  the  truth  punished.  He  declares 
it  wicked  to  attribute  to  a  prayer-book  authority  due  to  God's 
book  alone ;  and  that  indictment  and  imprisonment  for  such  a 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE  CONFLICT  131 

cause  are  "cruell  persecution."  He  insists  that  all  in  which 
the  Church  of  England  differs  from  the  Reformed  churches  of  the 
Continent  is  in  that  it  is  not  "  directed  by  the  course  of  the 
Scriptures."  So  that,  instead  of  being  "  singular,"  those  who 
plead  for  further  reform  desire  "  to  drawe  by  one  line  with  the 
primitiue  church,  and  the  churches  best  reformed  at  thys  day." 
Provision  should  be  made  for  a  preaching  ministry,  by  drawing 
upon  the  funds  of  the  bishops  and  the  cathedrals,  if  necessary. 
Each  parish  ought  to  have  a  pastor  and  teacher. 

The  bestowal  of  the  titles  of  Bachelors  and  Doctors  of 
Divinity  "  by  frendship,  or  corrupt  bribery "  is  condemned. 
The  pomp  and  apparelling  of  the  hierarchy,  and  its  cruel  treat- 
ment of  Nonconformists,  are  censured  heavily.  And,  with  sharp 
criticism  of  the  existing  way,  the  platform  of  a  true  church  is 
outlined,  with  its  officers  and  their  manner  of  election,  its  ser- 
vice, its  consistory  and  its  powers  of  discipline.  "  Tell  the 
church  "  is  "  tel  that  consistorie  of  the  lewes  and  the  scrip- 
tures that  directe  their  gouernement."  Allusion  is  made  to  the 
then  not  clearly  thought  out  Presbyterian  idea  of  "  a  more  gen- 
eral! Synode,  and  councell  of  the  whole  land  ...  to  whose  de- 
termination they  shall  stande,  excepte  there  be  a  more  general 
Synode  of  all  [Reformed]  churches."  ^ 

Early,  it  seems,  in  1573,  Cartwright  followed  this  pamphlet 
with  a  black-letter  quarto,^  refuting  Whitgift's  reply  to  the 
"  Admonition,"  his  authorship  being  avowed  by  the  initials  T.  C. 
He  begins  with  a  graceful  expression  of  regret  that  he  must  op- 
pose those  who  as  to  so  many  things  are  friends.  But  there  is  no 
good  reason  why  a  polity  employed  in  the  Apostles'  times  should 
be  stigmatized  as  "new,"  or  condemned  as  "strange"  when  now 
full-grown  across  the  Channel.  Least  of  all  should  that  be  ac- 
cused of  disorder 

whose  whole  worke  is  to  provyde  that  nothing  be  done  out  of  place, 
out  of  time,  or  otherwise,  then  the  condytion  of  euery  mans  calling 
will  beare  :  which  putteth  the  people  in  subiection  vnder  their  gouern- 
oures,  the  gouernoures  in  degree,  and  order  one  vnder  an  other,  as  the 

1  Second  Admonition,  16mo,  1,  3-5,6,  8,  9,  10,  12,  15,  16,  25,  31,  44-54. 
^  A  Beplye  to  an  Ansvvere  made  of  M.  Doctor  VVhitgiJie,  agaynste  the  Admoni- 
tion to  the  Parliament,  by  T.  C.  4to,  1,  2,  61. 


132      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Elder,  vnderneath  the  Pastor,  and  the  Deacon,  vnderneath  the  Elder, 
whych  teacheth,  that  a  Particuler  church,  shall  giue  place  vnto  a  Pro- 
uinciall  synode,  where  many  churches  are,  and  the  Prouincial  to  a 
Nationall,  and  likewyse  that,  vnto  the  Generall,  if  any  be,  and  aU  vnto 
Christe,  and  his  worde. 

Nor  can  such  a  system  be  condemned  justly,  as  — 

An  enemy  to  magistrates,  and  the  common  wealth.  ...  It  helped 
and  vpholded  the  common  wealths,  whych  were  gouerned  by  tyrantes, 
and  can  it  hinder  those,  whych  are  gouerned  by  godly  princes  ?  .  .  . 
If  it  be  asked  of  the  obedience  due  vnto  the  prince,  and  vnto  the 
magistrate,  it  answeareth  that  all  obedience  in  the  Lord,  is  to  be  ren- 
dred :  and  if  it  come  to  passe,  that  any  other  be  asked,  it  so  refuseth, 
that  it  disobayeth  not,  in  preferring  obedience  to  the  great  God,  before 
that  whych  is  to  be  giuen  to  mortall  man.  It  so  resisteth,  that  it  sub- 
mitteth  the  body,  and  goodes  of  those  that  professe  it,  to  abide  that 
whych  God  will  haue  them  suffer  in  that  case.  And  if  it  be  shewed, 
that  this  is  necessary  for  the  church,  it  cannot  be,  but  profitable  for 
the  common  wealth.  .  .  .  And  vndoubtedly,  seeing  that  the  church  & 
common  wealth  .  .  .  belike  vnto  Hypocrates  twinnes,  whych  were 
sicke  togither,  and  weU  togither,  laughed  togither,  and  weeped  to- 
gither,  and  alwayes  like  affected  :  it  can  not  be,  but  that  the  breaches 
of  the  common  wealth  haue  proceeded  from  the  hurtes  of  the  church, 
and  the  wants  of  the  one,  from  the  lackes  of  the  other.  Neyther  is 
it  to  be  hoped  for  y*  the  common  wealth  shall  flourishe,  vntill  the 
church  be  reformed. 

Two  principles  underlie  this  entire  argument :  the  all-suffi- 
ciency of  Scripture  in  its  revelations  of  the  primitive  Church  to 
furnish  the  model  of  all  church  government,  and  the  absolute 
inadmissibility  of  any  Papal  defilement  of  such  a  model.  The 
grasp  and  vigor  of  the  reasoning  are  indicated  by  this  passage  : 

Is  it  a  like[ly]  thyng  that  he  whych  did  not  only  appointe  the 
temple  and  the  tabernacle,  but  the  ornamentes  of  them,  woulde  not 
onely  neglecte  the  ornamentes  of  the  churche,  but  also  that,  wythout 
the  whych  (as  we  are  borne  in  hand)  it  canne  not  long  stande  ?  Shall 
we  thincke  that  he  whych  remembred  the  barres  there,  hath  forgotten 
the  pillers  heere  ?  or  he  that  there  remembred  the  pinnes,  did  heere 
forgette  the  master-builders  ?  howe  he  should  there  remember  the 
besomes,  and  heere  forget  Archbishoijpes,  if  anye  had  bene  neede- 
fuU? 


THE  LITERATURE  OF  THE   CONFLICT  133 

No  wonder  that  to  the  hierarchy  such  strong  sense  appeared 
dangerous.  Accordingly  a  proclamation  ^  was  issued,  on  June  11, 
1573,  denouncing  the  "Admonitions"  and  the  authors  as  di\4- 
sive.  All  persons  were  strictly  charged  to  keep  the  prescribed 
order,  and  all  who  had  any  copies  of  the  books  to  deliver  them 
up  within  twenty  days  or  go  to  prison.  On  the  day  after  the 
expiry  of  these  twenty  days  the  Bishop  of  London  wrote  to  Lord 
Burghley :  ^  — 

Althoughe  the  date  of  the  late  proclamation  for  bringinge  in  of  the 
acbnonition  to  the  parliament,  and  other  sediciouse  bokes  is  alredy  ex- 
pired, yet  the  whole  Citie  of  London,  where  no  doubt  is  greate  plentie, 
hath  not  brought  one  to  my  hande  and  I  can  hardely  think  yat  your 
Lordships  of  hir  Maiesties  jirivey  Counsell  haue  receyued  many. 

At  our  distance  of  more  than  300  years,  it  is  difficidt  to  re- 
cover and  properly  group  even  the  main  publications  which  had 
influence  in  this  sti'uggle,  a  difficulty  immensely  increased  by 
the  fact  that  those  of  the  Puritans  were  so  hunted  by  the  offi- 
cials that  their  surrej^titious  production  only  introduced  them  to 
a  most  precarious  life.  This  comes  out  graphically  upon  one 
title-page,  which,  instead  of  an  imprint  at  the  bottom  of  the 
page,  bears  these  lines  :  — 

The  Prynter  to  the  Reader. 
Thys  worke  is  fynished,  thankes  be  to  God, 
And  he  only  ■wil  keepe  vs  from  the  searchers  rod. 
And  though  master  Day  and  Toy  ^  watch  &  warde, 
We  hope  the  liuing  God  is  our  sauegarde. 
Let  them  seeke,  loke,  and  doe  now  what  they  can, 
It  is  hut  inuentions  and  pollicies  of  man. 
But  you  wil  maruel  where  it  was  fynished, 
And  you  shal  know  (perchance)  when  domes  day  is. 
Imprinted  we  know  where,  and  whan, 
ludge  you  the  place  and  [if]  you  can. 

This  book*  is  a  little  black-letter  of  sixteen  pages,  whose  object 
is  to  answer  objections  to  the  "Admonition." 

A  volume^ of  nearly  200  pages  soon  appeared,  apparently 

1  Grenville  Coll.  of  Procs.  150.  2  Lansd.  MSS.  xvii :  37. 

^  Officials  bidden  to  suppress  unlicensed  printing. 

■*  Certaine  Articles  collected  and  taken  (as  it  is  thought)  by  the  By  shops  out  of  a  litle 
hoke  entituled  An  Admonition  to  the  parliament,  wyth  an  Answere  to  the  same,  etc., 
1572,  16mo,  15. 

^  A  Defense  of  the  Ecclesiasticall  Regiment  in  Englande  defaced  by  T.  C  in  his 
Replie  agaynst  D.  VVhitgifie,  1574,  12mo,  11,  192,  122-132. 


134  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS- 

anonymous,  which  makes  heroic  endeavor  to  answer  the  criticisms 
of  the  established  order.  It  tries  to  show  that  the  State  Church 
ab*eady  is  very  nearly  what  it  should  be,  and  the  book  is  well 
seasoned  with  contempt  for  those  whom  it  answers.  In  its  eighth 
section,  on  the  Presbytery,  it  offers  perhaps  its  best  contribution 
as  to  the  real  merits  of  the  question,  some  of  its  suggestions 
being  fair  and  weighty,  e.  g. :  — 

Now,  if  this  be  true  that  euery  congregation  had  their  seniors  [el- 
ders], it  is  not  like[ly]  that  Antioch,  where  Christias  first  tooke  their 
name,  was  vnprouided  of  so  necessarie  an  office.  But  whereas  men- 
tion is  made  of  Prophets  and  Doctours,  Act.  13,  there  is  not  a  worde 
of  Seniors  :  therefore  it  is  not  like  that  any  such  were  there,  and  be- 
sides the  questions  of  religion  whiche  fell  out  at  Antioche,  beeing  de- 
cided at  Jerusalem,  argueth  no  suche  domesticall  and  neighborly  iuris- 
diction.  S.  Paule  repeating  al  the  offices  and  functions  of  the  Churche. 
Ej)he.  4.  speaketh  not  a  worde  of  seniors,  which  maketh  me  doubt  of 
their  authoritie  :  for,  otherwise  I  am  sure  the  Apostle  would  haue 
alowed  them  a  bench,  though  one  of  the  meanest  &  basest  in  the  co- 
pany. 

Whitgift  took  the  field  once  more,  late  in  1574,  in  a  great 
black-letter  folio.^  In  the  preface  he  insists  that  Cart  Wright's 
whole  argument  rests  upon  two  "  rotten  pillers  :  "  viz.,  that  the 
Church  in  Apostolic  times  must  be  our  model,  and  that  we  may 
not  lawfully  retain  anything  abused  under  the  Pope.  These  he 
tries  to  knock  away  by  proving  that  much  is  "  left  to  the  dis- 
cretion and  libertie  of  the  Church."  He  seeks  to  demonstrate 
his  own  superior  scholarship,  by  prefacing  his  plea  with  a  list 
of  twenty-one  "  dangerous  pointes  of  doctrine,"  and  another  of 
fifty-one  "  vntruthes,  and  falsified  authorities,"  all  of  which,  he 
alleges,  may  be  found  in  Cartwright's  "  Replye  "  to  his  former 
book.  To  his  credit  be  it  said,  however,  that  he  reprints  that 
"  Replye  "  paragraph  by  paragraph  as  he  answers  it;  and,  when 
needful,  he  even  cites  the  original  "  Admonition,"  and  also  his 
own  "  Answere  "  to  that  which  preceded  the  last  "  Replye,"  with 
which  he  now  is  dealing.  But  he  is  not  always  temperate  in  lan- 
guage ;  e.  g.,  he  declares  that  those  who  hold  the  new  views  not 

^  The  Defence  of  the  Aunswere  to  the  Admonition,  against  the  Beplie  of  T.  C.  by 
John  Whitgifte,  D.  D.  1574,  fol.  iv,  v,  viii,  ix,  256,  696,  697. 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  THE  CONFLICT  135 

only  refuse  to  go  to  church  but  also  "  spitte  in  our  faces,  reuile 
vs  in  the  streates  and  shewe  such  like  villanie  vnto  vs,  and  that 
onely  bicause  of  our  apparell." 

As  to  one  point,  that  in  any  event  the  civil  magistrate  should 
enforce  church  regulations,  both  parties  were  essentially  at  one. 
Cartwright  had  said  :  ^  — 

As  for  the  making  of  the  orders  &  cerimonyes  of  the  church,  they  doe 
(where  there  is  a  constituted  and  ordered  church)  pertayne  vnto  the 
mynisters  of  the  church,  and  to  the  ecclesiastycall  gouernoures,  and  that 
as  they  meddle  not  with  the  making  of  cyvill  lawes  and  lawes  for  the 
common  wealth  :  so  the  cyvill  magistrate  hath  not  to  ordayne  cere- 
monies pertayning  to  the  churche.  But  if  those  to  whome  that  doth 
appertayne,  make  any  orders  not  meete,  the  magistrate  may  and 
ought  to  hynder  them,  and  dryue  them  to  better,  for  so  much  as  the 
ciuill  magistrate  hath  thys  charge  to  see  that  nothing  be  done  agaynst 
the  glory  of  God  in  hys  dominion. 

Whitgif t  did  not  fail  to  point  out  the  weak  spot  in  this,  for 
he  replied :  — 

What  if  they  [the  ecclesiastical  governors]  saye  they  [their  orders 
which  the  secular  magistrate  says  are  "not  meete"]  be  meete,  &  wil 
stand  to  it,  as  you  do  now  in  this  f onde  [foolish]  platforme  ?  wiU  they 
not  crye  out  vpon  the  magistrate,  &  saye  that  he  is  a  persecutour, 
a  maynteiner  of  an  vnlawful  authoritie,  &  of  that  which  is  against  the 
glory  of  God,  if  he  withstands  the  ? 

But  as  to  the  main  issue  under  this  head,  Whitgift  only  finds 
fault  with  Cartwright  for  not  going  far  enough,  and  for  resting 
in  the  same  place  which  the  Papists  occupy. 

Certain  Church  of  England  writers  have  represented  that 
Cartwright  confessed  himself  worsted  and  undertook  no  further 
discussion.2  On  the  contrary,  during  the  next  year  he  published 
a  thick  quarto  ^  in  reply  to  Whitgift,  followed  within  two  years 
by  another.  The  type  of  the  former  suggests  that  probably 
it  came  from  the  Zurich  press,  which  at  about  the  same  time 
was  printing  the  "  Brieff  discours  off  the  troubles  begonne  at 
Franckford  in  Germany,  Anno  Domini  1554."    The  reasons  of 

1  Beplye  to  Ans.  192.  2  Fuller,  iv :  383  ;  Heylyii,  275  ;  Collier,  vi :  509. 

8  The  second  replie  of  Thomas  Cartwright :  agaynst  Maister  Doctor  Whitgiftes 
second  Answer,  touching  the  Churche  discipline.  M.D.LXXV.  4to,  xxvi,  xi,  395, 
667,  668,  666. 


136  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

the  delay  iu  preparing  the  volume  are  stated  to  have  been  his 
poor  health  and  his  exile.  Perhaps  the  weightiest  considerations 
which  Cartwright  urges  herein  in  reply  to  Whitgif t  are  as  follows. 
He  gives  this  thrust  at  the  reading  ministers  who  lacked  wit 
to  make  sermons  :  — 

Where  sermons  are  applied  to  the  present  circumstance,  whiche 
by  chaunge  off  times,  budding  off  new  vices,  rising  of  errors,  &c.  vary 
almost  every  day :  this  kinde  of  interpretation  (as  that  wliich  is 
starcke  and  annumed  [benumbed]  can  not  poursue  them,  for  when 
the  preacher  with  liis  sermon,  is  able  according  to  the  manifold  wind- 
inges,  and  turninges  of  sinne,  to  winde,  and  turne  in  with  yt,  to  thend 
[that]  he  may  stricke  it :  the  homilies  are  not  able  to  turne,  neither 
off  the  right  hand,  nor  off  the  left,  but  to  what  quarter  soeuer  the  ene- 
mies are  retyred,  yt  must  keepe  the  traine  wherin  it  was  set  off  the 
maker. 

He  insists  upon  these  two  axioms :  "  The  Scripture  is  a  per- 
fect rvde  off  all  actions,  which  can  fall  into  mas  life  ;  "  and  "  the 
churche  gouernement,  is  one  off  the  three  markes  off  tlie  Church  : 
.  .  .  yt  is  safely  taken,  from  the  Apostels  times  :  and  danger- 
ously from  the  first  500.  yeares  after  them."  And  his  chief 
point,  he  sets  forth  thus  in  closing :  — 

Thus  we  are  (by  the  grace  off  god)  come,  to  an  ende  off  this  trea^ 
tise,  wherin  let  the  reader  iudge,  whether  yt  hathe  bene  proued  that 
the  offices  off  archbishops  and  archdeacons  be  vnlawfull,  that  they 
came  not  into  the  church  300.  yeares  after  the  ascension  off  our  Sa. 
Christe :  that  there  names  are  hkewise  vnlawfull  by  the  worde,  for- 
bidde  by  auncient  councels,  not  to  be  founde  in  any  auncient  writing 
before  400.  yeares  approched.  Further  whether  that  euery  congrega- 
tion, owght  to  haue  a  bishop :  that  one  onely  may  haue  two  or  moe ; 
that  they  owght  all  to  haue  like  titles  and  autoritie.  Sauing  that  in 
their  meetings  for  orders  sake  one  by  consent  of  the  rest  gouerneth  that 
action,  in  suche  sorte  as  is  declared  .  .  .  Finally,  whether  that  euen 
the  elder  Bishops  when  they  were  declined  from  the  synceritie  off 
god's  ordinance,  and  the  archbishops  and  archdeacons  which  he  neuer 
ordained  :  were  much  more  tollerable  then  ours  :  as  those  whose  autor- 
ity  was  without  comparison  les,  and  pompe  none  at  all. 

Two  years  later  Cartwright,^  still  in  exile,  put  to  press  the 

1  It  has  been  thoug-ht  —  and  as  to  this  Dr.  Dexter  learned  that  he  had  been 
misled  in  his  Bibliography  of  1880  —  that  Cartwright  was  the  author  of  a  small 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  THE   CONFLICT  137 

remainder  ^  of  his  second  reply  to  Whitgift.  In  the  former  part 
he  had  critically  followed  Whitgift's  volume  down  to  its  discus- 
sion of  civil  offices  in  ecclesiastical  persons.  In  this  second  part 
he  aro;ues  that  it  is  unlawful  for  a  minister  of  Christ  to  bear 
civil  office ;  that  church  government  by  an  eldership  in  every 
congregation  is  perpetual ;  that  cathedral  churches  should  be 
turned  into  colleges,  or  put  to  some  good  use ;  that  excommu- 
nication does  not  belong  to  the  bishop  alone ;  that  the  deacon's 
office  is  eleemosynary ;  and  that  baptism  by  private  persons, 
especially  women,  is  unlawful  and  void,  etc.  Upon  one  point 
he  advances  a  little  beyond  where  he  and  his  party  so  far  had 
stood.  As  to  authority,  as  between  Church  and  State,  he  says : 
"  As  wel  in  the  decision  of  the  doctrine,  as  in  the  chois  of  the 
variable  ceremonies  of  the  church,  the  principal  autority  belogeth 
vnto  the  ministery." 

For  a  short  time  no  attempt  seems  to  have  been  made  to  set 
forth  in  any  systematic  form  the  new  polity  which,  in  general, 
had  been  advocated  in  the  "  Admonition  "  and  in  Cartwi'ight's 
books.  But  now  and  then  the  wide  discontent  thrust  itself  into 
notice.  A  fair  sample  of  these  exhibitions  of  feeling  is  tliis 
paragraph,  dated  1574  i^  — 

O  you  Pastours,  you  Preachers,  you  Guides  of  the  people,  &  you 
piUers  of  the  churches,  0  you  maisters  of  this  worke,  &  surueyors  as 
it  were,  of  this  building,  doeth  then  the  kingdome  of  heauen  stande 
in  eating  and  drinking  ?  Can  the  Temple  of  God  be  sustained  with 
Pluralities  and  Tot  quots,^  with  Deanries  and  Prebendes,  with  office 
and  honour  ?  hath  not  Christ  ordained  you  as  Lanternes  of  light,  as 
salt  of  the  earth,  and  ministers  of  Salvation  ?  Is  it  not  sayde  you  are 
Gods  labourers,  Gods  worckemen,  and  tbe  builders  of  Gods  Temple  ? 
Howe  happes  it  (then)  that  you  bee  builders  of  your  own  stoare,  and 

16mo,  entitled  An  Examination  of  M.  Dr.  Whitgijles  censures.  Conteined  in  two 
Tables,  set  before  his  book  intituled  the  defonce  of  the  Answere  to  the  admonition 
against  the  Replye  of  T.  C  1575.  But  Cartwright  said  in  the  introduction  to  the 
Second  Replye  (xxx)  that  he  had  just  seen  this  Examination,  after  he  had  ended 
that  Replye;  and  that  for  the  truth's  sake  he  was  glad  to  see  it,  and  heartily 
thanked  its  author.     This  of  course  proves  that  he  did  not  write  it. 

^  The  rest  of  the  second  replie  of  Thomas  Cartivright :  agaynst  Master  Doctor  Vvhit- 
gifts  Second  ansuer,  touching  the  Church  discipline.  M.D.LXXVII.  4to,  ii :  1-31, 
32-71,  73-76,  77-08,  79-115,  116-143,  170,  265. 

2  E.  Hake,  A  Touchstone  for  this  time  present,  etc.,  1574,  8vo. 

3  Exactions  of  annates  already  paid. 


138  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

not  builders  of  Gods  churche  ?  Maintayners  of  your  owne  wealth,  & 
not  sustainers  of  gods  temple  ?  feeders  of  your  selues  &  not  of  your 
flocke  ? 

In  1574  Walter  Travers  —  who  had  taken  his  degree  in 
Divinity  at  Cambridge,  had  been  connected  with  the  beginnings 
of  Puritanism  in  England,  and  had  found  refuge  in  Antwerp, 
where  he  subsequently,  in  1578,  was  ordained  by  a  Dutch 
synod  —  wrote  a  book,^  printed  at  Rochelle.  Its  object  is  to 
set  forth  the  necessity  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  with  the  facts 
that  it  can  be  made  certain  from  the  Scriptures  and  must  foUow 
them  closely ;  and  then  to  expound  the  functions  of  the  Scrip- 
tural office-bearers,  and  the  corresponding  duties  of  the  body 
of  the  Church  towards  them.  It  has  a  preface  by  some  one  else, 
said  to  be  Cartwright.^ 

In  the  same  year  Cartwright,  if,  indeed,  he  did  not  translate 
it,  superintended  the  issue  from  a  Continental  press  of  the  same 
work  in  a  black-letter  English  version.^  The  preface  is  that  of 
the  other.  The  book  itself  is  considerably  extended  —  although 
with  care  not  to  modify  the  sense  —  particularly  by  the  addition 
of  two  pages  *  of  direct  address  to  the  queen.  The  book  asserts 
as  fundamental  that  every  human  society  must  have  some  cer- 
tain manner  of  government  and  discipline,  and  that  for  the 
church  "  let . .  .  all  thinges  be  exacted  as  nere  as  male  be  vnto  the 
worde  off  God."  °  It  divides  ecclesiastical  discipline  into  ecclesi- 
astical functions,  and  the  duty  of  the  remainder  of  the  faithful. 

1  Ecclesiasticae  Disciplinae  et  Anglicanae  Ecclesiae  ah  ilia  aberrationis,  plena, 
e  verba  Dei,  ^  dilucida  explicatio,  M.D.LXXIIII,  16mo. 

2  Brook,  Cartwright,  243. 

3  A  full  and  plaine  declaration  of  Ecclesiasticall  Discipline  owt  off  the  word  off"  God, 
and  off  the  declininge  off  the  churche  off  England  from  the  same,  M.D.LXXIIII,  4to. 
Several  times  reprinted.  The  issues  of  Geneva  (1580,  16mo)  and  of  Leyden 
(Wm.  Brewster,  1617,  4to),  with  the  original  Latin  and  the  earliest  English 
editions,  are  in  Dr.  Dexter's  collection. 

*  Pages  188,  189.  Also  there  appears  to  have  been  prefixed  —  there  is  no  trace 
of  anything  resembling  it  in  the  Latin  original  —  an  elaborate  analysis,  or  "  a  table 
or  short  view  off  all  Ecclesiasticall  Discipline  ordained  by  the  word  of  God,''''  cover- 
ing both  sides  of  two  large  folding  leaves.  Probably  owing  to  its  size,  and  to  the 
ease  with  which  such  prefixed  or  appended  leaves  sufPer  damage,  it  is  now  seldom 
seen.  Brewster  alone  —  in  his  Leyden  issue  of  1617  —  reprinted  it,  making  five 
and  a  half  quarto  pages. 

5  Full  and  plain  declar.  17,  1-17,  44,  57,  39,  89-109,  110-117, 118-125,  128-132, 
161,  177,  178,  185,  187. 


THE  LITERATURE   OF  THE   CONFLICT  139 

There  are  two  sorts  of  ecclesiastical  ordinary  officials,  the  bishops 
and  the  deacons.  No  man  may  be  appointed  to  any  ecclesias- 
tical office  "  but  he  that  is  called  to  a  certen  churche  wherto 
exercise  it."  A  minister  must  be  maintained  by  the  Church,  but 
modestly.  A  plain  black  gown  is  most  suitable  as  his  apparel. 
The  "  consy story  or  councell  of  the  churche  "  is  declared  to  con- 
sist of  pastors,  doctors  and  elders.  To  it  the  keys  of  heaven  are 
entrusted.  It  is  declared  an  "  Aristocratic,  that  is,  that  gouern- 
ment  and  state  wherin  a  fewe  off  the  best  do  beare  the  rule." 
The  subject  of  Synods  is  touched  upon  lightly,  probably  not  yet 
having  been  thought  out.  Every  estate,  including  the  magistracy, 
is  declared  subject  to  discipline  ;  and  then  the  weak  point  of 
the  movement  reveals  itself  in  the  remission  of  the  whole  essen- 
tial work  of  the  Church  back  to  the  world  to  gain  its  effi- 
ciency :  — 

But  the  Magistrates  haue  this  proper  and  peculier  to  them  selves 
aboue  the  rest  off  the  faitlifuU.  To  set  in  order  and  estabhshe  the 
state  off  the  churche  by  ther  authoritie  and  to  preserue  and  mainteine 
it  according  to  godds  will  being  once  established.  Not  that  they  should 
rule  the  Ecclesiastical]  matters  by  their  authoritie,  for  this  belongeth 
vnto  Christ  alone  and  to  hym  he  hath  committed  this  charge,  but  .  .  . 
they  ought  to  prouide,  and  see  that  the  seruice  off  God  be  established 
as  he  hathe  appointed,  and  administred  by  suche  as  ought  to  admin- 
istre  the  same,  and  afterwardes  preserued  in  the  same  simplicitie  and 
sinceritie  vndefiled. 

A  few  years  of  comparative  quiet  followed  the  first  clamor  of 
this  disciplinarian  controversy.  Yet  this  quiet  had  its  uneasinesses 
for  faithful  men,  an  example  being  the  case  of  Richard  Gawi;on.i 
He  was  charged  before  the  bishop  with  having  confuted  the 
bishop's  chaplain.  He  acknowledged  that  he  had  confuted  some 
false  doctrine  of  the  chaplain.  Then  he  was  accused  of  repudi- 
ating lawful  ecclesiastical  authority,  which  he  denied.  A  sharp 
discussion  followed  on  the  propriety  of  the  name  and  style  of 
"  Lord  Bishop  : "  and  the  bishop  suspended  the  intrepid  preacher, 
who  commented  on  the  act  thus :  — 

^  The  Troubles  of  Mr.  Eichard  Gawton,  of  late  preacher  at  Norwich,  about  Anno. 
1576,  20  Aug.  396,  399.  Keprinted,  1590,  in  ^1  Parte  of  a  Register,  393-400. 
Strype,  An.  ii  (2) :  59. 


140      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUE  FATHERS 

I  perceiue  now  that  as  was  lately  affirmed,  if  one  had  .  .  .  the  diu- 
initie  of  S.  Paul,  if  he  were  heere  and  woulde  not  weare  the  surplesse, 
you  would  put  him  out.  Briefly  answered  [the  Registrar  or  some  offi- 
cial] they  would  doe  so.  And  the  Bishop  vpheld  it,  saying  :  if  S.  Paul 
were  here  hee  would  were  [wear]  a  fooles  coate  rather  then  bee  put  to 
silence.  I  answered,  hee  should  then  be  contrarie  to  his  owne  doctrine, 
for  if  hee  had  rather  neuer  eat  flesh,  then  hee  would  offend  his  weake 
brother,  he  would  also  be  as  scrupulous  to  goe  against  those  rules  the 
Holy  Ghost  had  set  downe  by  him. 

The  barbarism  of  tlie  government  towards  those  who  differed 
from  it  as  to  any  vital  matters  was  unabated.  Matthew  Ham- 
mond,i  a  plough-wright  of  Hetherset,  Norfolk,  was  burned  to 
death  at  Norwich  on  May  20, 1579,  having-  the  week  before  lost 
his  ears,  for  denying  the  divinity  of  Christ  and  abusing  the  queen 
and  council.  And,  on  November  3,  John  Stubbe,  a  gentleman 
and  scholar  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  and  a  lawyer  of  Lin- 
coln's Inn,  London,  had  his  right  hand  chopped  off  by  the  public 
executioner  for  a  pamphlet  against  the  threatened  marriage  of 
the  queen  with  the  Romanist  and  profligate  Francis  of  Valois, 
afterwards  Duke  of  Anjou.  Before  he  fainted,  he  had  time  to 
wave  his  hat  with  his  left  hand  and  shout,  "  God  save  the 
Queen !  "  and  he  lived,  after  a  merciless  imprisonment  in  the 
Tower,  to  be  employed  by  Lord  Burghley  in  the  refutation  of 
Cardinal  Allen,^  to  distinguish  himself  in  the  Irish  wars,  and 
finally  to  be  buried  in  the  sea-sand  of  France  with  military 
honors. 

1  Soames,  234. 

2  Then,  as  usually  after  his  misfortune,  he  added  Scaevus  (left-handed)  to  his 
signature. 


CHAPTER  V 

MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS 

Late,  it  seems,  in  1583  or  early  in  1584  began  another  battle 
of  the  books  about  church  affairs.  It  was  opened  by  William 
Stoughton,  a  professor  of  the  civil  law,  in  a  volume  ^  intended 
to  prove  by  existing  statutes  that  a  learned  ministry  was  com- 
manded by  law,  that  pluralities  were  prohibited,  that  excom- 
munication by  one  alone  was  unauthorized,  that  an  ecclesiastical 
person  could  exercise  no  civil  authority,  that  it  was  unlawful  to 
ordain  a  minister  without  a  specific  charge,  that  the  manner  of 
archbishops',  bishops',  and  archdeacons'  visitations  was  unwar- 
ranted, and  that  fees  for  Letters  of  Orders  were  forbidden. 
After  condemning  the  incompetent  clergy,  he  refers  to  the  pre- 
valent injustice  and  favoritism,  and  says  :  ^  — 

May  a  Byshop  depriue  an  honest  poore  man  from  his  benefice, 
dispossesse  a  faythfull  man  of  his  Ministerie,  stoppe  the  mouth  of  the 
Lordes  watchmen,  and  imprison  a  paynefull  [conscientious]  teacher 
in  the  Clinke,  in  case  hee  weare  not  a  Surplesse,  in  case  he  marrie 
not  with  a  Ring,  in  case  he  crosse  not  in  Baptisme,  or  in  case  hee  sub- 
scribe not  to  euerie  newe  Article  inuented  by  his  Ordinarie  ?  And 
may  not  the  same  Bishop  remoue  a  man  that  hath  openly  played  the 
hypocrite,  publikely  falsified  his  word.  ...  If  a  Puritane  (as  they 
call  him)  making  conscience  not  to  offende  his-  God  in  any  small 
thing,  for  his  conscience  sake  hee  worthie  to  he  whipped- and  excom- 
municated ;  is  a  Foolitane,  making  no  conscience  to  offend  his  God  in 
all  thinges  not  worthy  once  to  be  summoned  ? 

The  first  and  second  of  Stoughton's  contentions  soon  were 
replied  3  to   by   Richard  Cosin,  LL.  D.,  Dean  of  Arches  and 

1  An  Abstract  of  Certain  Acts  of  Parliament:  of  certains  her  Maiesties  Iniunc- 
tions:  of  certain  Canons,  Constitutions  and  Synod alles  prouinciall :  established  and 
in  force,  for  the  peaceable  gouernment  of  the  Church,  etc.,  1584,  4to.  2  99. 

3  An  Answer  to  the  Two  first  and  principall  Treatises  of  a  certeine  factious  lihell, 
putfoorth  latelie,  ivithout  name  of  Author  or  Printer,  and  without  approbation  by  au- 
thoritie  vnder  the  title  of  ''An  Abstract,''  etc.,  1584,  4to,  1,  33,  170. 


142  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

'<Vicar-general  of  the  Province  of  Canterbury;  who,  although 
a  civilian,  had  been  granted  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  He  be- 
gins with  a  sweeping  characterization  :  — 

It  seemeth  to  mee  that  the  principall  scope  of  the  authour  of  this 
booke  was,  couertlie  to  bring  the  gouernours  and  gouernement  ecclesias- 
tical! of  this  church  of  England  into  contempt,  hatred  and  obloquie, 
speciaUie  with  preiudicate  and  vnwarie  readers  of  it ;  as  though  the 
said  gouernours  were  either  grossely  ignorant,  or  wilfull  breakers  of 
lawes,  canons,  &c.  in  force,  touched  in  this  booke. 

This  is  not  without  some  warrant.  But  the  reader  may  de- 
cide that  he  sometimes  uses  strong  language  not  only  in  re- 
sponse to  that  of  Stoughton,  but  also  because  of  the  difficulty  of 
effective  reply  to  the  uncomfortably  telling  arguments  of  the 
"  Abstract."    Perhaps  his  strongest  position  is  that 

there  are  not  set  downe  in  particular  by  Scripture,  or  by  necessarie 
collection  to  be  gathered,  all  circumstances  of  .pohcie,  gouernement, 
disciphne  and  ceremonies  necessarie  and  vniformlie  to  be  vsed  in  euerie 
seuerall  church  :  and  that  the  christian  magistrats  and  gouernors  are 
not  in  the  said  former  points,  whereof  something  is  touched  in  scrip- 
ture, of  necessitie  tied  to  that  precise  forme  that  is  there  set  downe, 
but  to  the  generall  doctrine  concerning  them  ;  to  wit,  that  all  be  done 
to  edifieing,  orderlie,  comelie,  and  such  like. 

And  perhaps  the  weakest  is  the  insinuation  against  the  "  Ab- 
stract "  that,  if  its  charge  that  the  existing  ministry  is  largely 
unlearned  be  true,  danger  to  property  interests  will  arise,  due  to 
the  possible  invalidity  of  marriages  and  baptisms. 

Dudley  Penner  —  who  had  left  Peterhouse  at  Cambridge  be- 
fore graduating  to  take  the  ministry  of  Cranbrook,  Kent,  and, 
dissatisfied  with  the  State  Church,  had  gone  to  Antwerp  and 
Middleberg  to  be  chaplain  to  the  English  merchants  —  speedily 
replied  to  Dr.  Cosin  in  a  modest,  yet  effective,  little  16rao,i  in 
which  he  considers  objections  made  to  the  new  discipline  and 
argues  strenuously  for  the  eldership.  It  will  illustrate  how  far 
the  Puritans  of  those  days  were  from  favoring  any  really  popu- 

1  A  Counter-poyson,  Modestly  Written  for  the  time,  to  make  aunswer  to  the  obiections 
and  reproches,  wherewith  the  aunswerer  to  the  Abstract  would  disgrace  the  holy  Dis- 
cipline of  Christ,  London,  1584.  When  reprinted  in  1590  by  Waldegrave  (Parte  of 
Beg.  412-505),  Fenner's  name  was  prefixed  as  author,  he  having  died  in  1587. 
Ibid.  387. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         143 

lar  church  government  to  note  how  Fenner  parries  one  of  Cosin's 
statements.    Cosin  had  said  :  ^  — 

He  saith,  that  All  the  f aithf  ull  of  the  land  haue  an  interest  in  choise 
and  allowance  of  their  pastors.  So  that  hy  this  reckoning,  men,  women, 
and  children  (for  all  the  faithfull  be  interessed)  shall  haue  voices  in 
election  of  their  minister ;  and  if  one  dissent,  all  must  be  dashed,  if  we 
follow  that  rule. 

Which  Fenuer  answers  thus :  2  — 

Hee  is  not  ashamed  in  steede  of  encountring  with  the  trueth,  to 
frame  himselfe  an  vnknowne  aduersarie,  that  is,  in  steed  of  ouer- 
throwing  the  consent  of  people  in  Church-elections,  to  make  warre 
against  a  meere  populer  Election,  not  gouerned  with  fore-direction 
of  the  Elders,  which  hath  no  ground  in  the  scriptures,  and  was  neuer 
maintained  (as  himselfe  confesseth)  but  by  Anabaptists, 

To  the  objection  that  the  new  discipline  would  destroy  the 
queen's  rightful  authority  over  the  Church,  Fenner  replies  that 
those  for  whom  he  pleads  are  far  from  advocating,  or  even  con- 
ceiving, the  idea  of  any  proper  church-independency  of  the 
State.  Soon  after  —  probably  ^  at  the  bidding  of  his  ecclesias- 
tical superiors  —  Dr.  John  Copcot,  then  a  fellow  of  Trinity,  and 
later  Master  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge,  preached 
at  Paul's  Cross  a  defence  *  of  the  existing  constitution  of  the 
Church  against  Fenner's  assault.  Besides  arguing  squarely 
against  the  Eldership,  he  accuses  the  Puritans  of  denouncing 
the  Church  of  England  as  "  no  Church  but  after  a  sort,"  because 
"  it  lacketh  Discipline."  This  was  denied  ^  as  soon  as  the  manu- 
script sermon  could  be  obtained  :  — 

Our  wordes,  our  preaching  and  writinges  haue  alwayes  witnessed 
that  we  holde  the  Churche  for  a  true  Churche  of  Christ,  from  which 
no  member  may  separate  him  selfe :  although  he  must  disallowe  the 

1  Ans.  to  Abstract,  99,  206.  2  Counter-poyson,  24,  28. 

8  Strype,  An.  iii  (1) :  344. 

*  A  Sermon  preached  at  Powles  Crosse  in  1584,  wherein  answeare  is  made  unto  the 
autor  of  the  '  Counter-poyson,''  touching  the  sense  of  the  17th  verse  of  theffte  chapter  of 
the  first  to  Timothye,  etc.  Lambeth  Ms.  ccclxxiv  :  115.  An  extract  —  the  sermon 
seems  never  to  have  been  printed  in  full  —  is  in  ^  Parte  of  a  Reg.  507-508. 

^  A  defence  of  the  reasons  of  the  '  Counter-poyson^  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Elder- 
shippe,  against  an  answere  made  to  them  by  Doctor  Copequot,  etc.,  1586,  16mo,  9,  31. 
Usually  attributed  to  Fenner  (Ath.  Cant,  ii :  73),  but  the  introduction  implies  that 
some  one  else  wrote  it.  He  distingnishes  himself  from  Fenner,  and  hopes  that 
Fenner  "  will  take  it  in  good  part." 


144      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

wantes  in  her.  Wee  haue  alwayes  when  subscription  was  vrged,  bin 
readie  to  subscribe  to  the  Article  of  her  Maiesties  authoritie,  and  to 
the  substance  of  doctrine,  in  as  large  a  manner  as  the  statut  in  that 
behalf e  required.  .  .  .  Wee  haue  by  writinge  defended  the  cause  of  the 
Churche  and  our  Prince,  as  much  as  they,  that  we  say  no  more.  .  .  . 
Haue  we  not  by  perswasions  continued  many  in  the  bosome  of  the 
Church  ?  Yea  whe  through  weaknes,  because  of  many  abuses  they  would 
haue  departed?  Haue  wee  sought  redresse  by  any  other  meanes  tha 
by  huble  supplication  towards  our  Superiours  according  to  duetie  ? 

An  argument  of  great  force  follows  in  proof  that  the  Eldership, 
having  confessedly  had  existence  once  in  the  Church,  is  perpet- 
ual. 

The  movers  in  this  reform  comprehended  that  their  best  hope 
of  success  lay  in  influencing  those  masses  of  the  people  intelli- 
gent enough  to  comprehend  and  have  an  interest  in  the  subject, 
yet  not  high  enough  socially  to  feel  conclusively  the  adverse 
influences  of  the  Court  and  the  hierarchy.  One  method  wisely 
adopted  was  that  of  an  appeal  through  the  popiilar  form  of  the 
dialogue.  Gilby's  effort  of  the  sort  nearly  twenty  years  before 
has  been  referred  to.  Three  similar  endeavors  now  were  made, 
in  1584,  1588  and  1589.  The  first  ^  was  anonymous  and  was 
printed  openly  in  London.  There  are  four  speakers :  Ortho- 
doxos,  a  divine  who  argues  for  Puritanism ;  Philodoxos,  a  law- 
yer, leaning  towards  candor,  yet  no  convert  to  the  new  way ; 
Philochrematos,  a  bishop's  chaplain,  who  champions  the  Estab- 
lishment ;  and  Philodonos,  an  inn-holder,  full  of  the  prejudices 
of  his  class.  In  the  preface  the  writer  draws  a  sad  picture  of 
the  neglected  condition  of  the  Church. 

Philodonos  begins  by  the  stereotyped  complaint  that  "  there 
be  so  manie  new-fangled  Preachers,"  who  "  keep  small  hospi- 
talitie  themselues,  and  not  content  with  that,  they  preach  and 
crie  out  against  it  in  other  men,"  so  that  inn-keepers  make  but 
"  slender  provision."  He  well  remembers  "  when  a  dozen  or 
sixteene  Gentlemen  and  wealthie  yeomen  haue  met  together, 
and  made  merrie  foure  or  fiue  daies,  or  a  weeke,  at  cards  or 
Bowls,  as  the  time  did  serve.  Nowe  all  good  fellowship  is 
laide  aside,  the  worlde  is  waxen  stark  nought."  Orthodoxos 
speaks  of  the  real  condition  of  multitudes  of  pulpits  in  England 

1  A  Dialogue  concerning  the  strife  of  our  Churche:  etc.,  1584,  16mo,  71,  95,  100. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         145 

at  that  time  with  a  severity  justifiable  only  because  of  its  tremen- 
dous truth :  — 

Are  there  not  a  rablement  of  vngodlye  &  vnlearned  me  appointed 
to  be  guides  ouer  the  flock  of  Christ  ?  Is  there  not  lesse  account  made 
of  the  soules  of  gods  people,  then  men  make  of  their  hogs  ?  Are  there 
not  in  sundry  places  poore  sely  creatures  which  were  Popish  jjriests, 
that  a  man  shall  hardly  find  any  so  simple  in  all  their  parish,  such  as 
coulde  hardlye  Hue  :  as  seruing  men,  bankrupts  &  vntlu"iftes,  haue  they 
not  knocked  at  the  gate  and  bin  let  in  ?  Tailers,  sadlers,  shomakers, 
and  other  handy  crafts  men  that  could  scarce  read  english  before,  are 
they  not  consecrated,  and  become  masters  in  Israel  ?  A  multitude  of 
such  as  are  idle,  and  canot  indure  to  take  any  pains,  but  loue  to  play 
at  bowls,  cards  &  tables  a  great  part  of  y*  week,  and  to  be  at  the  ale- 
house drinking  among  good  fellowes,  haue  founde  the  ministery  y^ 
fittest  place  to  serue  their  turne.  For  their  chiefe  worke  is  vjjon  the 
Sunday  to  read  an  Homely,  and  then  he  hath  preached  as  wel  as  he 
that  studied  hardest  all  the  weeke.  Are  there  not  drunkards,  adul- 
terers, and  men  spotted  with  manye  foule  vices  in  this  holy  function. 

And,  to  the  plea  that,  although  many  of  the  clergy  be  "  Llinde 
guids  "  yet  the  people  do  well  enough,  because  "  they  depende 
upon  the  bishops  and  Archdeacons,  which  can  see  better  than 
the  Puritans,"  Orthodoxos  replies  :  — 

Noe,  no,  they  can  see  that  they  shal  be  kept  in  blindnesse,  as  they 
are,  but  what  can  they  doe  vnto  those  whome  they  neuer  saw  nor 
knew  ?  doth  there  goe  such  vertue  out  of  a  Byshoppe  or  an  Archdea- 
con, that  it  can  spreade  itselfe  ouer  aU  the  Country,  euen  to  saue  their 
soules,  that  neyther  heare  nor  see  them  ?  shall  the  blinde  bee  ledde  by 
those  that  neuer  come  nigh  them,  or  by  those  that  are  presente  and 
take  them  by  y*"  hand  ?  for  shame,  holde  youre  peace. 

As  to  the  actual  spiritual  needs  of  the  people,  he  adds :  — 

There  be  thousandes  which  bee  men  and  women  growen,  which  if  a 
man  aske  them  howe  they  shall  be  saued  they  can  not  tell.  As  for 
wickednesse,  in  pride,  enuie,  hatred,  &  al  sinns  yt  can  be  named  almost, 
it  doth  ouer  flowe,  &  yet  you  are  not  ashamed  to  say,  are  they  not 
christians  ?  do  they  not  call  vpon  God  at  their  ende  ? 

The  second  dialogue,^  soon  burned  by  the  authorities,^  which 

^  TTie  State  of  the  Church  of  Englande,  laide  open  in  a  conference  betweene  Diotrephes 
a  Byshopp,  Tertullus  a  Papiste.  Demetrius  an  Vstirer,  Pandochus  an  Inne-keeper,  and 
Paule  a  preacher  of  the  worde  of  God  [by  John  Udall],  1588,  16mo  (Arber's  ed.), 
(3,  31. 

2  Demonstr.  of  Disc.  viii. 


146      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

beyond  doubt  was  by  John  Udall,  who  soon  after  .j^rinted  the 
first  brief  systematic  manual  of  the  new  way  of  disciijline,  is 
shorter  and  abler.  There  are  five  speakers.  Diotrephes,  the 
bishop,  and  TertuUus,  the  Papist,  meet  Demetrius,  the  usurer, 
and  Paul,  the  preacher,  in  the  house  and  presence  of  Pandochus, 
the  inn-keeper.    As  before,  the  host  begins,  and  by  finding  fault. 

Our  towne  standeth  on  vitelling,  because  it  is  a  thorowfare,  and  he 
[the  Puritan  rector]  preacheth  against  good  fellowship  (which  hee  call- 
eth  drunkennesse)  and  against  playing  at  cardes  and  tables,  wherein, 
if  he  might  haue  his  wil,  I  and  my  neighbors  might  go  on  begging 
within  one  twelue-moneths,  and  he  hath  so  preuailed,  that  I  take  not 
so  much  by  foure  pounds  in  a  weeke,  as  I  was  woont  to  doe  :  yea  I 
have  had  ten  shillings  of  one  man  in  a  weeke  for  drincke  onelie,  that 
will  nowe  scarce  spend  thi"ee. 

In  general  this  dialogue  resembles  the  other,  but  the  Conclu- 
sion ventures  a  definite  suggestion  touching  a  petition  to  the  queen. 

The  third  dialogue,^  anonymous,  has  four  speakers :  Puritan, 
Papist,  Jack-of-both-sides,  and  Idol  Minister.  It  is  intensely 
severe  upon  the  Establishment.    Says  Puritan  :  — 

Wei,  he  [the  bishop]  stands  in  the  state  of  damnation  as  you  [Idoll- 
minister]  doe,  and  thus  much  I  say  vnto  you  and  to  all  ministers,  and 
to  him,  and  all  vsurping  Archbishops  and  Lord  Bishops  :  leaue  your 
vnlawful  callings  into  which  you  haue  intruded  your  selues,  and  with 
speed  repent,  and  humble  your  selues  before  the  Majestic  of  God,  con- 
fessing your  horrible  and  greeuous  sinnes  with  Peters  teares,  in  that 
you  are  the  cause,  yea  and  also  the  verye  murtherers  of  so  manye 
scales,  as  perish  in  your  charges. 

The  same  method  also  was  adopted  by  others  of  different 
judgment.  Two  instances  should  be  noted,  in  1582  and  1589. 
The  tone  of  each,  however,  suggests  that  it  came,  not  from  a 
violent  Churchman,  but  from  somebody  in  sympathy  with  the 
effort  to  deepen  and  enrich  its  piety,  yet  no  Separatist.  The 
former,^  indeed,  was  an  early  production  of  one  who  started 

^  A  Dialogue  vvherin  is  plainly  laide  open  the  tyrannicall  dealing  of  L.  Bishops 
against  Gods  children  :  with  certaine  points  of  doctrine,  etc.,  15S9,  12mo,  10. 

■^  A  Briefe  discourse  of  certaine  points  of  the  religion  which  is  among  the  commo  sort 
of  Christians,  which  may  be  termed  the  Countrie  Diuinitie,  etc.,  15S2,  16mo,  v,  1 
verso,  n  verso,  22  verso,  18,  23,  76.  In  the  same  year  he  published,  in  another 
direction,  A  Dialogue  betweene  A  Papist  and  a  Protestant,  applied  to  the  capacitie 
of  the  unlearned,  16mo. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         147 

with  the  Puritans  but  became  an  antagonist  of  the  Separatists, 
Georo-e  Gifford,  minister  of  Maldon,  Essex,  educated  at  Hart 
Hall,  Oxford.  In  its  Epistle  Dedicatory,  to  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, it  strongly  confirms  the  complaints  by  the  Puritans  of  the 
deplorable  condition  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  :  — 

Our  church  therefore  &  common  wealth,  being  the  Lords  husbandrie, 
is  ouergrowne  with  weedes  &  almost  laid  waste  .  .  .  Among  which 
[causes  of  this  condition]  the  want  of  a  sincere  ministerie  of  the 
woorde  is  the  greatest  through  absence  of  which,  there  is  a  flood  of 
ignorance  and  darknes,  ouerflowing  the  most  part  of  the  land :  the 
feare  of  God  is  banished  from  the  greatest  parte  :  the  woonderfull 
heapes  and  piles  of  sinne,  which  should  bee  washed  and  cleansed  away 
by  the  word,  do  vndoubtedly  with  one  voice  cry  alowd  in  the  ears  of 
the  Lord,  for  vengeance  vpon  the  whole  realme. 

To  convince  of  their  danger  "  indifferent "  men,  who  want  to 
enjoy  the  world  and  little  mind  what  coat  of  religion  they  wear, 
is  the  design.  The  characters  are  Zelotes,  a  mild  Puritan,  and 
Atheos,  one  of  the  class  referred  to.  Atheos  goes  to  church  and 
likes  the  parson.    When  asked  why,  he  replies  :  — 

Hee  is  as  gentle  a  person  as  euer  I  see  :  a  verye  good  fellowe,  bee 
will  not  sticke  when  good  Fellowes  and  honest  men  meete  together 
too  spends  his  groat  at  the  Alehouse. 

When  asked  if  this  parson  is  able  to  teach  the  people,  Atheos 
answers :  — 

I  knowe  not  what  teaching  yee  woulde  haue  ;  hee  doeth  reade  the 
seruice,  as  well  as  anye  of  them  all,  and  I  thinke  there  is  as  good 
edifying  in  those  prayers  and  Homilies,  as  in  anye  that  the  Preacher 
canne  make. 

Zelotes  reminds  him  that  a  boy  of  ten  years  old  can  do  all  this, 
and  wants  to  know  if  the  parson  "reprooue  naughtinesse,"  to 
which  Atheos  answers  :  — 

Yes,  that  hee  doeth,  for  if  there  bee  anye  that  doe  not  agree,  hee 
will  seeke  for  too  make  them  friendes  :  for  hee  will  gette  them  too 
playe  a  game  or  two  at  Bowles  or  Cardes,  and  too  drynke  together  at 
the  Alehouse :  I  think  it  a  Godlye  waye,  to  make  Charitie. 

The  faithfulness  with  which  those  still  unmoved  within  the 
Establishment  are  dealt  with  appears  thus  :  — 


148  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Zelot.  This  is  a  common  thing  among  all  the  packe  of  ye,  if  there 
be  any  man  which  hath  a  care  to  know  God,  and  seeketh  after  his 
worde,  &  will  not  comit  those  beastly  sins  which  ouerflow  in  all  places, 
then  you  which  cannot  abide  to  haue  Gods  word  set  foorth,  deuise  a 
number  of  lies  and  slaunders  against  them,  calling  them  Puritanes, 
rascals,  and  many  such  like.  On  the  contrary  part,  let  a  man  be  a 
common  drunkarde,  a  Dicer,  an  ignorat  beast,  which  hath  no  know- 
ledge of  God,  a  wretched  worldling,  or  any  kinde  of  such  person :  he 
is  an  honest  man. 

The  truth  as  to  the  relation  of  good  men  to  the  law  also  is  set 
forth  well :  — 

Zelot.  Hee  whiche  doeth  disobeye  the  Prince,  doeth  disobey  God 
vnto  his  damnation,  where  the  prince  setteth  foorth  and  mainteyneth 
Gods  worde.  But  if  there  be  a  prince  whiche  maketh  lawes  against 
the  lawes  of  God,  wee  must  obey  God  rather  then  men. 

The  point  of  view  of  the  author  as  to  Puritanism  is  explained 
thus :  — 

Atheos.  Naye  you  that  are  precise  Puritans  doe  find  faulte  where 
there  is  none :  you  condemne  men  for  euery  trifle. 

"Whereas  ye  are  but  men,  and  haue  your  infirmities  as  well  as 
other :  yet  yee  woulde  make  your  selues  as  holye  as  Angels. 

Zelotes.  I  abhorre  the  errour  of  the  Catharistes  or  Puritans,  I  con- 
fesse  that  I  am  loden  with  corruptions :  if  that  be  your  meaning,  to 
charge  mee  with  that  opinion,  which  is  wicked  and  diuelishe.  But  if 
yee  take  the  name  Puritane  for  one  which  hath  more  care  to  obey 
God,  then  the  common  sort,  and  therefore  laboureth  to  keepe  him  selfe 
pure  and  vnspotted  of  the  worlde  (as  Saint  James  S2)eaketh)  then 
looke  to  it,  that  yee  be  not  founde  among  those  which  reuile  not  men 
but  God.  If  ye  meane  by  precise  men,  those  which  are  so  scrupulous, 
as  to  make  sinne  where  there  is  none,  as  your  wordes  doe  playnely 
showe,  then  doe  I  vtterly  renounce  that  name. 

The  second  dialogue  ^  is  anonymous  and  also  has  two  speakers  : 
Sophronius,  a  zealous  churchman,  and  Arizelus,  a  weaker  and 
more  impetuous  brother,  who,  having  failed  to  find  edification 
in  the  husks  of  the  parson  of  his  parish.  Master  Tiniotheus,  has 
been  attracted  by  the  sermons  of  Master  Eulalus,  the  earnest 
rector  of  a  neighboring  village.    Of  course  Sophronius  gets  the 

^  Sophronistes :  A  Dialogue  perswading  the  people  to  reuerence  and  attend  the  ordi- 
nance of  God,  in  the  Ministrie  of  their  owne  pastors,  1589,  4to,  16,  68. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         149 

better  of  the  argument  and  persuades  liis  friend  to  attend  the 
parish  church.  The  kernel  of  the  argument  Kes  chiefly  in  this 
paragraph :  — 

Sophronius.  God  is  not  onely  the  author  of  the  Ministery,  but  also 
the  addresser  and  disposer  of  the  seueral  labors  of  his  seruants.  And 
therefore  what  iniurie  is  done  vnto  the  ordinance  of  God  by  the  Min- 
ister that  refuseth  to  teach  those  vnto  whom  he  is  particularly  sent : 
the  same  iniurie  is  done  vnto  his  prouidence,  by  those  of  the  people 
that  refuse  to  be  taught  by  him  whom  the  Lord  hath  expressely  sent 
vnto  them,  and  vnto  whose  ministery  he  hath  subiected  them. 

The  claim  that  ability  to  teach  is  essential  to  a  minister  is 
parried  thus  :  — 

It  [this  ability]  hath  in  deede  more  afl&nitie  than  other  parts  that 
should  be  in  him.  Yet,  ...  I  take  it  not  to  be  simply  essentiall,  as 
that  without  which  he  is  no  minister. 

Something  also  was  done  by  printing  sermons.  One  was  is- 
sued six  years  after  its  delivery  —  and  in  at  least  three  subse- 
quent editions,  one  printed  by  William  Brewster  at  Leyden  — 
a  discourse  ^  at  Paul's  Cross,  October  26, 1578,  by  Dr.  Laurence 
Chaderton.  He  was  a  great  light  of  Cambridge,  and  Master  of 
Emanuel  College,  and  when  in  advanced  years  —  he  lived  to  be 
over  102  —  he  resigned  his  lectureship  at  St.  Clement's  forty 
clergymen  begged  him  to  reconsider,  declaring  that  they  owed 
their  conversion  to  him.  His  allusions  to  the  bishops  and  the 
clergy  are  quite  as  severe  as  any  others.  On  another  point  — 
because,  although  he  had  marked  Puritan  sympathies,  he  stood 
high  in  public  esteem,  was  one  of  the  translators  of  the  "  Au- 
thorized "  version  of  the  Bible,  and  always  was  noted  for  modera- 
tion —  his  testimony  may  be  taken  safely  as  conclusive.  He 
says  :  — 

1  A  fruitful  sermon  vpon  the  3.  4-  5.  6.  7.  ^  8.  verses  of  the  12.  Chapiter  of  the 
Epistle  of  S.  Paule  to  the  Romanes,  etc.,  1584,  lOrao,  33,  table  opp.  1,  62,  42.  Not 
usually  recognized  as  by  Chaderton,  and  his  latest  biography  (Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  ix : 
430)  ignores  it.  But  Brook  (ii:  446)  says  that  he  preached  at  Paul's  Cross  and  that 
his  discourse  was  printed  ;  and  Ainsworth  (Counter-poyson,  206),  Fairlambe  (Recan- 
tation, 19,  27),  Francis  Johnson  (Certayne  Reasons,  6),  and  John  Robinson  (Relig. 
Communion,  ii :  81)  refer  to,  or  cite  from,  it  and  call  it  Chaderton's.  Also  C. 
Bowman  (Sari.  Ms.  7042,  iii)  deposed  that  "  he  was  drawn  to  his  present  course 
by  a  book  of  a  sermon  upon  the  12.  of  Romans,  made  by  Master  Chatterton." 
Clearly  Chaderton's  contemporaries  believed  him  its  author. 


150  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

If  it  bee  demaunded  why  there  is  in  the  Lande  such  grosse  igno- 
raunce  of  God  ?  the  aunswere  is  at  hande,  wee  wante  Doctoures  and 
teachers.  Whence  come  such  swarmes  of  Atheistes,  Idolaters,  Papists, 
erronious  and  hereticall  sectaries,  of  the  Family  of  Loue  and  such  like  ? 
there  are  no  doctors  to  teach,  nor  pastors  to  exhort.  How  commeth  it 
to  passe  that  in  a  Christian  church,  professing  newnesse  of  life,  and 
the  doctrine  of  regeneration,  there  shoulde  bee  such  a  huge  masse  of 
old  and  stinkinge  workes,  of  coniuring,  witchcraft,  sorceiy,  charming, 
blaspheming  the  holy  name  of  God,  swearing  and  forswearing,  pro- 
phaning  of  the  Lordes  Sabbothes,  disobedience  to  superiours,  contempt 
of  inferioures :  murther,  Manslaughter,  robberies,  adulterye,  Fornica- 
tion, couenant-breakers,  falsewitnesse-bearing,  liars  with  all  other 
kindes  of  vniversall  dealing  one  with  another  ?  Is  not  the  cause  eui- 
dent  ?  wee  lacke  Elders  and  Gouernours  of  euerye  congregation  to 
admonish,  correct,  suspende  and  excommunicate  such  noysome,  hurt- 
full,  &  monstruous  beastes,  out  of  the  house  of  God,  without  respect 
of  persons. 

In  general  this  sermon  Is  an  earnest,  effective  plea  against 
the  Church  of  England  as  it  was,  and  in  favor  of  essential  Pres- 
byterianism.  It  argues  that  the  six  verses  of  its  text  contain  a 
perpetual  law,  touching  the  government  of  Christ's  Church; 
under  certain  officers,  to  wit :  "  Pastours,  Doctours,  Elders, 
Deacons,  and  Widowes ;  "  and  it  condemns  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land for  lacking  these,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  for  having  such 
"as  namely  the  callings  of  Archby[ shops].,  Bysli[ops].,  Deans, 
Archdeacons,  Deacons,  Chancellers,  Commissaries  Officials,"  etc. 

To  this  discourse  Thomas  Rogers,  rector  of  Horninger,^  re- 
plied in  1590.  He  became  well  known  later  by  his  standard 
Exposition  of  the  Thirty -nine  Articles.  He^  tries  to  refute  the 
"  Fruitful  Sermon,"  but  ends  evasively,  apparently  meaning  to 
show  that,  even  if  the  positions  argued  against  be  mainly  true, 
they  do  not  justify  the  conclusions  drawn.  After  citing  what 
he  esteems  adverse  opinions  from  Calvin,  Bullinger  and  Beza, 
he  says : — 

Yee  see  the  ludgment  of  theis  men  also  against  the  determination 
of  our  Auctor,  and  that  in  ordering  our  Church  we  are  not  so  much 

^  Now  Horningsheath,  Bury  St.  Edmunds. 

^  A  Sermon  vpon  the  6.  7.  and  S.  Verses  of  the  12.  Chapter  of  S.  PauVs  Epistle 
vnto  the  Romanes,  etc.,  1590,  4to,  61. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         151 

to  respect  what  Th'  apostles  did,  as  to  what  ende  ;  the  best  reformed 
Churches  in  this  matter  of  Gouerment  do  diif  er ;  none  haue  the  same 
disciphne ;  neither  is  it  meete  theie  should ;  theie  all  content  them- 
selves with  a  gouerment  which  is  tolerable,  and  not  contrarie  to  Gods 
word ;  ours  is  commendable  (God  be  praised)  we  maie  be  content. 

Direct  appeal  to  the  queen  and  the  highest  court  of  legisla- 
tion also  was  not  neglected.  When  Parliament  assembled,  late 
in  1585,  a  16 mo  pamphlet  was  circulated  privately  among  its 
members,!  one  also  being  addressed  to  the  queen.  The  latter, 
about  half  as  large  as  its  fellow,  alleging  ^  that  "  the  greatest 
part  of  the  people  of  the  land,  are  altogether  blinde  and  igno- 
rant of  true  religion,"  and  that  in  congregations  of  one  or  two 
thousand  souls  not  over  four  or  five  persons  can  "  giue  an  ac- 
count of  their  faith  in  any  tollerable  manner,"  beseeches  "  the 
establishing  of  a  learned  ministerie,  whereby  wee  may  all  knowe 
the  Lordes  good  wiU  and  pleasure."    It  proceeds  :  — 

We  pray  your  highnes  .  .  .  that  .  .  .  you  woulde  not  sende  vs  to 
the  Bishops  of  this  lande,  or  commit  this  charge  of  establishing  of  an 
holy  ministerie  vnto  their  fidelitie.  For  if  they  shoulde  solemnely  pro- 
mise your  Maiestie,  and  that  with  an  oth,  that  they  woulde  haue 
speciall  care  of  this  matter,  yet  wee  could  not  bee  induced  to  beleeue 
that  they  would  performe  it,  either  could  wee  conceiue  any  comfort  by 
such  w  ords.  Because  that  by  the  space  of  this  nine  and  twentie  y eares, 
their  vnfaithfulnes  hath  manifestly  appeared,  in  that  they  hauing 
power,  haue  not  prouided  for  vs  themselues,  no  not  so  muche  as  lawe 
requireth,  neither  at  any  time  sought  means  either  in  Court  or  Coun- 
sell,  that  euer  wee  coulde  learne,  to  satisfie  our  hungrie  soules  with 
bread. 

The  other ,^  and  more  labored,  pamphlet,  addressed  to  the 
Parliament,  has  one  effective  feature,  the  graphic  portrayal  of 
the  result  of  any  attempt  at  conversation  on  personal  religion 
with  the  great  majority  of  the  people.  Speaking  of  the  common 
sort  of  rectors,  it  says  :  — 

^  The  humble  petition  of  the  Communaltie  to  their  most  renowned  and  gracious  Sou- 
ereigne  the  Lady  Elizabeth,  etc.,  1585, 16mo. 

^  The  citations  are  from  the  reprint  of  1588,  5,  26,  40. 

^  A  Lamentable  Complaint  Of  The  Commonalty,  By  Way  of  Supplication  to  the 
High  Court  Of  Parliament  For  A  Learned  Ministery,  1585,  16mo,  21,  10,  12,  24, 
28,  59,  64.  In  the  second  edition  this  is  a  dialogue,  as  in  the  later  reprint  in  A 
Parte  of  a  Register.   The  later  edition  is  cited  (1588),  27.   Parte  of  Reg.  212. 


152  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

So  we  pray  you  to  trie  these  men,  their  congregations,  which  in  some 
places  are  more  then  two  thousand  soules,  and  see  their  work :  moue 
but  these  small  questions  to  trie  their  knowledge  and  you  shall  haue 
the  like  answeres  for  the  most  part. 

Question.  Honest  man,  are  you  not  a  sinner  ? 

Ans.  Yea,  the  best  of  vs  all  are  sinners.  .  .  . 

Quest.  But  how  shall  you  bee  saued  from  your  sinnes,  tell  me  that  ? 

Ans.  By  my  good  workes,  and  by  my  good  deedes  I  hope :  and 
some  better  learned  will  say,  God  is  mercifuU. 

Qv£st.  Through  whom  is  God  mercif ull  unto  you  r 

Ans.  I  cannot  tell  that,  for  I  am  not  learned. 

Quest.  Then  I  will  tell  you,  God  is  mercifuU  through  Christ.  But 
what  was  Christ  ? 

Ans.  A  man,  I  trowe. 

Quest.  And  was  he  no  more  ? 

Ans.  Yes,  he  was  more. 

Quest.  What  more  ? 

Ans.  I  tolde  you  that  I  am  not  learned  to  answer  such  deep  ques- 
tions, for  I  was  neuer  asked  the  like  before. 

Quest.  Are  you  not  certainely  perswaded  that  you  shall  go  to 
heaven  ? 

Ans.  No,  for  you  cannot  be  certaine  of  that  your  self,  but  I  hope 
•well,  and  meane  as  well  as  the  best  of  you  Scripture  men. 

Its  great  appeal  is  for  a  ministry  godly  and  able  to  teach. 
The  "  simple  people  "  are  content  that  their  parson  "  spare  to 
speake  ...  in  the  Latine,  Greeke,  &  Hebrew  tongues  "  which 
they  understand  not ;  they  desire  not  ministers  "  whome  the 
Lorde  hath  not  sent,  and  sanctified  to  the  work  of  the  ministery ;  " 
and  they  need  more  than  "  quarterly  sermons ;  "  as  to  which  it 
says : — 

Yea,  our  children  will  as  soone  learne  the  Latin  tongue  by  going  to 
schoole  4.  houres  in  a  yeere,  as  we  that  be  children  in  vnderstanding 
the  scripture,  shall  attaine  to  a  true  knowledge  and  reformation  of  life 
fit  for  a  Christian  man,  by  hearing  4.  sermons  yeerely. 

And  they  plead  further :  — 

If  euery  one  of  you  [members  of  Parliament]  .  .  .  should  deuise 
many  strong  lawes  for  the  preseruation  of  her  majesties  person  (whom 
the  Lord  blesse  for  euer)  the  peace  and  prosperitie  of  this  land ;  and 
the  subversion  of  our  enemies  the  Papists  and  lesuites,  &  passe  ouer 
this  law  for  a  learned  ministery  .  .  .  those  good  lawes  would   be  as 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         153 

weake  and  fraile  to  bind  fast  the  head  strong  papists  and  lesuites,  as 
were  the  7.  greene  withs  neuer  dried,  and  the  new  ropes  neuer  occu- 
pied able  to  bind  mighty  Samson. 

The  spirit  with  which  such  appeals,  manifestly  saturated  though 
they  were  with  devout  sincerity,  were  received  by  the  bishops 
and  their  friends,  is  obvious  from  the  nearly  contemporaneous 
criticism  of  this  one  by  Dean  Sutcliffe,  of  Exeter.  He  speaks 
of  it  incidentally  thus  :  ^  — 

A  discourse  in  the  opinion  of  wise  men  very  preiudiciall  both  to 
her  Maiesties  authoritie  and  Lawes,  and  also  to  the  peace  of  Gods 
church,  and  propagation  of  the  Gospell,  and  certes  very  offensiue  for 
diffaming  of  diuers  honest  men  and  loyall  Subiects,  and  that  before 
the  Princes  presence,  which  was  not  therein  respected*;  and,  to  cease 
to  speake  much  of  a  discourse  so  httle  worth,  very  vnsufficient  and 
euilfeatured,  beeing  stuffed  with  many  weake  and  false  allegations, 
and  much  frivolous  and  idle  talke  as  it  were  of  a  dyscrasied  braine. 

In  elaborating  the  details  of  the  proposed  new  church  govern- 
ment, good  jjrogress  was  made,  especially  when  the  many  diffi- 
culties are  considered.  William  Fulke,  D.  D.,  after  study  in 
the  common  law  as  well  as  theology,  and  various  services  at 
home  and  abroad,  had  been  elected  Master  of  Pembroke  Hall, 
Cambridge,  in  1578.  In  1584  he  sent  out,  without  his  name,  a 
little  16mo,2  whose  unpretending  issue  was  like  the  touch  which 
discharges  a  Krupp  gun,  the  preliminary  to  a  tremendous  ex- 
plosion, since  it  brought  on  the  famous  Martin  Mar-Prelate 
controversy.  In  this  he  simplifies  and  reaffirms  several  essential 
principles  of  Travers's  "  Declaration  "  of  ten  years  before,  in  his 
"  Praeface  to  the  Christian  Reader,"  strongly  urging  her  Majesty 
and  the  Council  "  to  appoynt  on  both  sides  the  best  learned, 
most  Godly  &  moderate  men  to  debate  all  differences  of  vvaight." 
In  the  body  of  the  work  he  declares  pastors,  doctors,  governors, 
and  deacons  the  only  "  offices  instituted  of  God  "  for  the  Church. 
To  the  objection  that,  in  the  existing  condition  of  learning,  it 
would  be  impossible  to  provide  aU  churches  with  a  teaching 
ministry,  he  replies  :  — 

1  An  Ansirere  untoacertaine  calumnious  letter,  etc.,  1594,  4to.    To  the  Reader,  viii. 

2  A  Briefe  and  Plaine  Declaration,  concerning  the  Desires  of  all  those  faithfull 
Ministers  that  haue  and  do  seekefor,  the  Discipline  and  Reformation  of  the  Church 
ofEnglande,  etc.,  1584,  16mo,  7,  37,  40,  119,  125,  138,  141,  145. 


154     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

It  is  a  thing  necessarily  required  at  our  hands  by  God  almighty,  and 
therefore  we  must  object  no  impossibilitie,  especially  whe  our  owne 
negligence  is  the  cause  of  all  the  difficultie,  or,  if  you  will  so  call  it, 
impossibilitie.  We  confesse  it  will  be  harde  at  the  first,  but  we  must 
doe  our  endeuour,  and  commit  the  successe  vnto  God,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  but  in  time  it  will  grow  to  an  happy  ende.  .  .   . 

Synods,  he  explains,  have  "  authority  to  decree  concerning  cere- 
moniall  orders  of  the  Church :  Whereof  some  may  be  general! 
to  al  congregations,  some  particular  to  certaine  Churches.*' 
When  a  pastorate  is  to  be  filled,  the  Elders  "  ought  to  enquire 
.  .  .  wlier  they  may  finde  a  man  nieete  to  supplie  his  roome, 
and  therein  to  desire  aide  of  the  Synode."  Such  a  man  ought 
to  be  accepted  by  the  congregation,  unless  reasonable  objection 
can  be  made.  This  "  is  the  right  election  and  ordaining  of  Pas- 
tors, grounded  vppon  the  worde  of  God,  and  practised  by  the 
primatiue  Church,  two  hundred  yeeres  after  Christ." 

The  difficult  problem  of  the  inter-relation  of  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  authorities  is  made  as  clear  as  the  partially  self- 
contradictory  theory  then  held  would  achnit :  — 

It  is  the  chiefest  poynt  of  their  [civil  rulers]  dutie,  to  haue  especiall 
regarde  that  God  may  be  glorified  in  their  dominion,  and  therefore  they 
ought  to  make  ciuiU  lawes  to  binde  the  people  vnto  the  confession  of 
true  faith,  and  the  right  administring  and  receiuing  of  the  sacra- 
mentes,  and  to  all  ecclesiastical  orders.  ...  If  any  shall  offende 
against  the  laws,  whether  he  be  preacher  or  hearer,  beside  the  eccle- 
siasticall  censure,  which  he  shoulde  not  escape,  he  is  also  to  be  pun- 
ished in  bodye  by  the  ciuiU  magistrate.  .  .  . 

Four  years  later  John  Udall  sent  forth,  anonymously  and 
from  a  secret  press,  a  condensed,  systematized,  and,  one  might 
say,  scientific  treatise  ^  in  exposition  of  the  new  consistorial  dis- 
cipline. He  begins  by  an  unwisely  harsh  address  "  To  the  Sup- 
posed Gouernours  of  the  Church  of  England,  the  Archbishops, 
lord  Bishops,  Archdeacons  and  the  rest  of  that  order,"  saying  :  — 

Will  you  still  continue  in  your  damnable,  and  most  diuelishe 
course  ?  .  .  .  You  are  the  cause  of  all  the  ignorance,  Atheisme,  schismes, 

1  A  Demonstration  of  the  trueth  of  that  Discipline  which  Christ  hath  prescribed  in 
his  worde  for  the  gouernement  of  his  Church,  in  all  times  and  places,  vntill  the  Ende 
of  the  Worlde,  etc.,  1588  (?),  16rao.  Printed  again  in  1590,  ad  cat.  to  Parte  of  Eeg. 
8vo,  1,  2,  4,  5,  8,  85,  74-76. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         155 

treasons,  poperie  and  vngodlines,  that  is  to  be  founde  in  this  lande, 
etc. 

The  chief  purpose  of  the  treatise  is  to  prove  that  the 
charge  commonly  made  against  the  "  new  discipline,"  that  its 
advocates  were  seeking  to  set  up  something  "  not  warranted  by 
the  Worde,  not  heard  of  in  the  Church  of  God,  vntill  within 
this  few  yeares,  nor  toUerable  in  any  Christian  Common-weal," 
is  false.  He  reduces  the  whole  subject  to  definite  propositions, 
usually  extracted  from  the  "  Admonitions  to  Parliament,"  or 
some  treatise  of  Cartwright  or  Fenner,  and  defends  them,  often 
by  citations  from  the  Fathers  or  later  Church  writers.  All  is 
summed  up  as  follows  :  — 

Therefore,  vpon  these  grounds  of  Scriptures,  Fathers,  Coucels, 
Emperours,  Lawes,  Histories,  newe  Writers  and  cleare  light  of  reason, 
I  conclude,  that  (a)  Christ  hath  prescribed  vnto  vs  an  exacte,  and  per- 
fect platforme  of  gouerninge  his  Church  at  all  times,  and  in  all  jjlaces: 
which  is  tliis,  (b)  that  there  ought  to  be  no  ministers  of  the  worde,  but 
Pastours  &  Teachers,  whiche  are  to  be  (c)  called  by  the  people,  and 
(d)  ordained  by  the  Eldership,  are  (e)  of  equaU  authoritie  in  their 
seuerall  congregations,  must  (/)  with  all  faythfuU  diligence  ira- 
ploye  them  selues,  in  the  ministerie  of  the  worde  and  Sacramentes, 
{(/)  that  there  are  to  bee  in  every  Congregation,  certaine  Elders,  whose 
office  is  to  ouersee  the  behauiour  of  the  people,  and  assist  their  pas- 
tour,  in  the  gouernement  of  the  Church :  also  (h)  Deacons,  who  are 
to  be  imployed  only  in  receyuing,  and  bestowing  the  liberalitie  and 
goods  of  the  Church,  to  the  reliefe  of  the  poore,  and  other  necessarie 
vses :  Lastlie,  (I)  that  there  must  be  in  euery  Congregation  an  Elder- 
ship of  Pastour,  Teacher,  (if  they  can  haue  any)  and  Elders,  who  are 
ill  common,  to  see  that  the  Church  be  well  gouerned,  not  only  in 
maintayning  the  profession  and  practize  of  the  worde  in  generall,  (k) 
but  also  in  admonishing,  reprehending,  or  (I)  separating  from  the 
Lordes  Supper,  them  that  walke  offensiuely,  and  (m)  lastlie  in  excom- 
municating them,  that  by  no  other  meanes  can  be  reclaimed.  So 
that  all  and  euery  gouernement,  contrary  [to]  or  besides  this,  whether 
in  parte  or  in  whole,  swarueth  fro  that  order,  which  Christ  hath  set 
downe  in  his  worde  and  therefore  is  vnlawfuU. 

It  will  show  at  what  points  the  proposed  changes  touched  the 
public  interest  and  welfare,  to  cite  from  the  fourteenth  chapter 
the  chief  objections  urged  against  this  Presbyterian  plan,  with 
Udall's  replies. 


156      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

1.  Obiection.  By  this  euery  parishe  shal  followe  their  Seniors,^  and 
then  there  wilbe  so  many  Elderships,  so  many  diuers  fashions,  seeing 
one  may  not  medle  with  another. 

Anstvere.  The  gouernement  desired  is  vniforme  for  euerie  Church, 
and  admitteth  no  change,  no  not  in  outwarde  ceremonies,  without  a 
Synode  of  the  choyce  men  of  seuerall  Elderships. 

2.  Obiection.  If  they  being  all  meane  men,  chuse  an  Earle,  he  may 
not  refuse,  but  be  at  their  becke  and  commaundment. 

Answere.  No  man  that  is  chosen  is  compelled  to  an  office  against 
his  will,  but  he  that  despiseth  to  consult  with  others  in  Gods  matters, 
because  they  bee  poore,  reprocheth  God  that  made  them.  Prou. 
17.5. 

3.  Obiection.  It  ouerburdeneth  the  parrishe,  to  prouide  for  the 
nourishment  of  so  many  Church-officers. 

Answere.  It  is  not  necessarie  that  they  should  prouide  for  any 
moe  of  them,  sauinge  those  that  are  exercised  in  the  ministerie  of  the 
worde,  vnlesse  any  of  the  rest  may  neede  the  liberalitie  of  the  Church. 

4..  Obiection.  It  bringeth  in  a  newe  popedome  and  tyrannie  into 
the  Church. 

Anstvere.  It  is  blasphemie  to  tearme  the  gouernement  of  Christe 
so,  because  we  refuse  the  tyranny  of  the  pope,  shall  we  therfore  doe 
what  we  list,  and  not  yeelde  obedience  to  the  scepter  of  Christ. 

5.  Obiection.  It  is  a  kind  of  Donatisme  ^  to  chalenge  such  authori- 
tie  ouer  Princes. 

Answere.  And  it  is  flatterie  to  suffer  princes  to  doe  what  they 
liste  :  this  is  the  obiection  of  Gualter,  who  is  a  professed  enemie  to 
discipline. 

6.  Obiection.  It  taketh  away  princes  authoritie  in  causes  Ecclesi- 
asticall. 

Answere.  No  more  then  it  did  from  Dauid  in  his  time,  nor  so  much 
as  the  Bb.  [Bishops]  do  nowe,  for  the  prince  requireth  but  this,  to  see 
the  church  well  ordered,  which  the  Eldership  alloweth  and  craueth. 

7.  Obiection.  It  transformeth  the  state  of  the  common  wealth,  into 
a  meere  popularitie,  and  will  alter  the  gouernement  thereof. 

Answere.  It  neither  transformeth  nor  altereth  any  thing  in  it,  for 
let  it  be  shewed  what  damage  would  come  by  this  discipline  to  any 
Magistracie,  from  the  Princes  throne,  to  the  office  of  the  headborow. 

8.  Obiection.    It  wil  breede  contention  and  partialitie  in  iudgement. 

1  The  session  of  Elders  in  that  parish. 

2  The  Donatists  were  a  powerful  sect  in  the  beginning  of  the  4th  century  in 
North  Africa.  It  held  something  like  the  modern  theory  of  the  Church's  inde- 
pendence of  the  State,  and  the  spiritual  dependence  of  rulers,  like  private  persons, 
upon  the  Church. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         157 

Answere.  Where  can  be  greater  contention  then  the  Bb.  maintaine 
for  their  kingdome,  or  greater  partialitie  then  in  them,  to  their  kins- 
folkes,  seruantes,  Sycophants,  &c. 

9.  Ohiection.    It  will  bee  contemned,  and  so  good  order  neglected. 
Answere.    None  euer  deserued  more  contempt,  then  the  BB.  and 

their  officers  doe,  for  all  their  pompe  :  but  God  whose  ordinance  it  is 
will  procure  sufficient  awe  vnto  it.  marke  howe  these  obiections  stand 
together,  in  the  4.  it  was  tyrannie,  and  here  it  is  too  contemptible. 
These  be  contrary. 

10.  Ohiection.    All  alterations  be  dangerous. 

Answere.  Neuer  (where  we  change  from  the  obedience  of  Anti- 
christ, to  the  seruice  of  the  liuinge  God)  was  it  euer  daungerous  to 
amende  things  amisse,  by  that  course  whiche  is  described  of  God :  etc. 

The  reputed  author  of  a  volume  which  told  so  many  dis- 
agreeable truths  could  not  escape  penalty.  Udall  was  examined 
by  the  Court  of  High  Commission,  January  13-23,  1589-90, 
charged  with  being  the  writer  of  the  "  Dialogue  "  and  the  "  De- 
monstration." He  refused  to  answer  and  was  imprisoned,  and, 
at  the  assizes  at  Croydon,  was  tried,  July  24, 1590,  for  "  wicked, 
scandalous  and  seditious  libel."  He  refused  again  to  deny  under 
oath  his  authorship  and  was  found  guilty,  but  judgment  was  de- 
ferred. Placed  at  bar  in  the  next  February,  he  was  sentenced 
to  death.  Influential  friends,  however,  saved  his  life,  and  there 
was  some  prospect  of  his  being  sent  to  Syria  or  Guinea  for  the 
Turkey  merchants.  But  that  failed,  and  he  died  in  the  Mar- 
shalsea  at  about  the  end  of  1592.  His  memory  might  have  been 
honored  more  had  he  boldly  avowed  responsibility  for  what  he 
had  done  in  conscience. 

Fulke's  last  little  book  produced  a  commotion  beyond  any- 
thing to  be  expected.  John  Bridges,  Dean  of  Salisbury,  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Oxford,  replied  to  it,  first  in  a  sermon  at  Paul's 
Cross,  and  then  —  it  took  him  more  than  two  years  —  in  a 
quarto  ^  of  more  than  1400  pages.  Part  of  this  deals  with  argu- 
ments by  Calvin,  Beza  and  others,  but  the  main  stress  is  put 
upon  the  "  Briefe  and  Plaine  Declaration."  Fulke's  book  weighs 
four  ounces  and  a  quarter.  Bridges's  reply  weighs  four  pounds 
and  a  quarter.    The  latter,  indeed,  reprints  the  former.    But  an 

1  A  Defence  of  the  Government  established  in  the  Church  of  Englande  for  Ecclesias- 
tical matters,  etc.,  1587, 4to,  iii. 


158      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

undeniable  prolixity  pervades  the  dean's  replication.    The  work 
is  learned  but  dull,  and  made  little  impression. 

Ponderously  ineffective  although  this  book  was,  to  leave  it 
unanswered  never  would  have  done.     Dudley  Tenner,  almost 
immediately  after  its  appearance,  wrote  a  brief  reply ,i  confining 
himself  to  the  first  fifty-three  pages,  in  which  the  dean  seeks  to 
pulverize  the  preface  of  Fulke's  little  book.    Fenner's  intention 
clearly  was  to  answer  Bridges' s  in  "  seuerall  Treatises."  ^    His 
early  death   prevented  this.     But   apparently   he   left  another 
manuscript,^  printed  the  next  year  by  the  same  secret  press, 
which  valiantly  defends  the  new  discipline.    The  first  is  inter- 
esting  for  its  citations  refuting  the  dean's  denial^  that   the 
bishops  reviled  their  opponents.^    Fenner  cites  instances.    One 
bishop,  he  declares,  insulted  some  godly  ministers  by  sneering  ^ 
at  them:   "  You  are  hoyes,  prlncokes  [pert  youths],  etc.  a?id 
will  you  teache  all  others?"    In   Cambridge  another  bishop 
told  them  that,  if  he  had  a  boy  who  reasoned  as  they  did,  he 
would  "  britche  "  him.     To  another  he  said,  "  You  are  a  foole, 
and  can  saye  nothing,  holde  your  peace,  let  another  speahe  ;  " 
and  of  another :  "  He  vxis  a  dolt !  "    Junius  and  Tremellius 
were  called  "  Drunken  Germanes.  .  .  .  It  was  pitie  that  euer 
they  were  home  ;  "  and  a  bishop  hurried  a  minister  out  of  his 
episcopal  presence  with  the  rude  command  :   "  Haue  him  aioay, 
let  him  goe  ho?7ie  and  skoolde  with  his  wife  !  "  and,  looking 
"  stedfasthe  "  upon  another,  said :  "  Thou  hoye,  beardlesse  boye, 
yesterday  birde,  newe  out  of  the  shells     And  when  another 
minister  had  pleaded  "  Let  vs  rather  vndergoe  anie  punishement, 
then  so  bee   iudged   of,"  the   bishop   responded:   "  Vnder-goe 
goose,  vnder-goe  foole,  as  you  are  phantasticall  in  your  opinions, 

1  A  Defence  of  the  godlie  Ministers,  against  D.  Bridges  slaunders  contayned  in  his 
ansvvere  to  the  Preface  before  the  Discourse  of  Ecclesiasticall  gouernement,  with  a  De- 
claration of  the  Bishops  proceeding  against  them,  etc.,  1587,  4to.  Part  of  this  (44-51) 
was  reprinted  in  A  Parte  of  a  Reg.  (387-393). 

2  Defence.  Pref. 

3  A  Defence  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Discipline  ordayned  of  Go  I  to  he  vsed  in  his 
Church.  Against  a  Eeplie  of  Maister  Bridges,  to  a  brief e  and  plain  Declaration  of  it, 
which  was  printed  An- 1584,  etc.,  1588,  4to. 

*  Briefe  and  Plaine  Declar.  iv. 

5  Def  of  Eccles.  Discip.  11. 

6  Def.  of  God.  Mins.  42-45. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         159 

so  are  you  in  your  wordes.    Where  diddest   thou  euer  reade 
vndergoe  ?  "  ^ 

A  passage  in  the  second  volume,  issued  in  1588,  ilhistrates 
the  earnestness  of  these  Dissenters.  Re]3lying  to  Bridges's  claim 
of  great  good  done  by  the  Church,  it  is  said :  ^  — 

If  there  were  a  commission  graunted,  to  examine  what  hath  bin 
done  by  these  officers,  and  their  Courtes,  for  these  nine  and  twentie 
yeares,  what  good  they  haue  done,  and  on  th'other  part  what  insuffi- 
cient Ministers  they  haue  made,  what  godly  learned  Ministers  they 
have  put  to  silence,  and  depriued  of  their  benefices,  and  other  places 
of  ministerie ;  what  ceremonies  &  subscriptions  they  haue  vrged : 
what  constitutions  and  articles  they  haue  set  out,  and  sworne  men  to 
present,  what  conuocations  and  scenes  they  haue  kept,  what  faculties 
and  dispensations  they  haue  graunted  and  taken,  what  censures,  sus- 
pensions, &  excommunications,  they  haue  set  forth,  howe  manie,  of 
what  sorte,  and  for  what  causes,  they  haue  cast  into  prisons,  howe 
long,  and  in  what  prisons  and  order  they  haue  kept  them  there,  what 
oppressions  and  extortions  haue  bin  committed,  what  couering  and 
cloakinge  of  f owle  and  shamefuU  matters,  with  a  number  of  such  like. 
I  doubt  not,  but  all  men,  that  indifEerenthe  considered  these  things, 
would  be  constrayned  to  say :  It  is  the  niercie  of  the  Lorde  that  wee 
are  not  consumed. 

John  Penry  also  took  part  in  the  controversy,  not  merely  by 
several  pamphlets  ^  in  1587  and  1588  —  for  the  first  of  which 
he  suffered  a  month's  imprisonment  —  urging  upon  the  queen 
and  Parliament  and  the  people  of  Wales  that  some  better  order 
be  taken  for  the  preaching  of  the  gospel  there ;  *  but  still  more, 
in  1589,  by  a  direct  appeal  ^  to  Parliament  against  the  injurious 

1  "Undergo"  was  a  current  word.  Milton  and  Shakespeare  use  it,  the  latter 
seventeen  times. 

^  Def.  of  Eccles.  Discip.  135. 

*  A  Treatise  containing  the  Aequity  of  an  Humble  Supplication  which  is  to  be  exhib- 
ited vnto  Mr  Gracious  Maiestie,  and  this  High  Court  of  Parliament,  in  the  behalf e  of 
the  country  of  Wales,  etc.,  1587,  Svo.  An  exhortation  vnto  the  gouernours  and  people 
of  hir  Maiesties  countrie  of  Wales,  to  labour  earnestly  to  haue  the  preaching  of  the 
Gospell  planted  among  them,  1587,  Svo.  A  viewe  of  some  part  of  such  publike  ivants 
and  disorders  as  are  in  the  seruice  of  God,  within  her  Majesties  Countrie  of  Wales, 
etc.,  1588, 16mo. 

*  --1  defence  of  that  which  hath  bin  written  in  the  questions  of  the  ignorant  ministerie, 
and  the  communicating  with  them,  1588,  16mo. 

5  TA'  Appellation  of  lohn  Penri,  vnto  the  High  Court  of  Parliament,  from  the  bad 
and  injurious  dealing  ofth'  Archb.  of  Canter b.  S,-  other  his  colleagues  of  the  high  com- 
mission, etc.,  1589,  Svo,  25. 


160     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

dealing  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  High  Com- 
mission ;  wherein  he  utters  words  which  his  own  judicial  murder 
less  than  five  years  later  made  memorable  :  — 

The  spilling  of  my  blood  for  this  cause,  though  it  be  a  matter  to  be 
regarded  of  you  that  are  in  authoritie  :  yet  I  thanke  the  Lorde,  it  is 
not  the  thing  that  I  feare :  .  .  .  But  the  discrediting  of  the  truth  by 
my  hard  vsage,  is  the  thing  that  I  regarde,  and  the  spilling  of  my 
blood  for  defending  the  trueth,  and  writing  against  impietie,  is  it,  that 
I  fear  me,  will  make  this  lande  an  astonishment  to  our  neighbors 
round  about  vs. 

Still  more  urgently  does  he  plead  ^  in  1590  for  genuine  reform. 
He  mingles  a  denunciation  which  is  almost  savage  with  a  coun- 
sel which  is  tenderly  faithful.   Thus,  he  says  of  the  hierarchy :  — 

Wil  you  then  come  vnto  them,  and  see  what  they  are  ?  Alas,  you 
can  behold  heere  no  other  sight  but  a  multitude  of  desperate  and  for- 
lorne  Athiests.  .  .  .  You  shal  finde  among  this  crue,  notliing  els,  but 
a  troup  of  bloody  soule  murtherei's,  sacriligious  church  robbers,  and 
suche  as  haue  made  them  selues  fatte  with  the  blonde  of  mens  soules, 
and  the  vtter  ruine  of  the  Church.  The  whole  endeauour  of  which 
cursed  generation,  ever  since  the  beginning  of  hir  Maiesties  raigne, 
hath  tended  no  otherway,  then  to  make  a  sure  hand  to  keepe  the 
church  in  bondage,  that  being  bound  in  their  handes,  it  shoulde  not 
dare  for  feare  of  being  murthered  to  seeke  for  liberty. 

But,  exhorting  his  brethren,  he  says :  — 

I  beseech  you  be  not  ashamed  of  the  chaine  of  your  brethren ; 
mourne  with  those  that  lainent  for  the  cause  of  God.  When  they  are 
imprisoned,  think  your  selues  to  be  in  bondes.  And  I  do  esjiecially 
and  aboue  al  thinges  beseech  those  that  fauor  the  reformation,  to 
labour  more  and  more  in  the  reforming  of  themselues,  and  such  as 
belong  vnto  them.  ...  It  might  haue  bene  something  toUerable  in 
times  past  for  a  sincere  professor,  to  haue  an  ignorant,  an  vntaughte, 
and  a  vnreformed  family :  but  in  this  cleare  light,  and  in  a  profession 
of  so  great  sincerity  to  continew  in  these  sinnes,  is  altogether  vnbe- 
seeming  the  gospell  of  Christ. 

1  A  Treatise  ivherein  is  manifestlie  proved,  that  Reformation  and  those  that  sin- 
cerely fauor  the  same,  are  vnjustly  charged  to  be  enemies,  vnto  hir  Maiestie,  and  the  state, 
etc.,  1590,  4to,  5,  x.  Another  volume,  probably  printed  at  Edinburgh  in  this  year, 
has  been  attributed  to  him  {Ath.  Cant,  ii,  157) :  An  Humble  Motion  with  submission 
vnto  the  Right  Honorable  LL.  of  hir  Maiesties  Privie  Counsell,  etc.,  1590,  4to.  Partly 
reprinted  in  1641.  It  is  able,  but  the  internal  evidence  seems  conclusive  against 
Penry's  authorship. 


MOKE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         IGl 

Evidently  it  was  felt  that  the  contention  of  the  reformers, 
founded  upon  the  miscellaneous  character  and  obvious  moral 
defects  of  many  whom  the  State  Church  sheltered,  had  force 
and  needed  attention.  One  effort  made  to  neutralize  it  was  the 
translation  from  the  French,  by  Thomas  Wilcox,  of  a  "  Treatie  of 
the  Churche,"  ^  by  Bertrand  de  Loque,  of  Turenne.  It  argues  that 
the  true  Church  is  identified  by  two  marks,  the  pure  preaching 
of  the  word  and  the  lawful  administration  of  the  sacraments. 
As  to  the  purity  of  the  Church,  it  replies  to  those  who  insist  that 
regenerate  church  members  should  separate  themselves  from 
merely  formal  members  :  — 

Saint  Paul  considereth  the  Church  not  in  herselfe,  but  in  lesus 
Christe  her  heade,  which  shee  taketh  holde  of  by  faith :  .  .  . 

Moreover  wee  might  say  that  Saint  Paul  speaketh  of  sanctification 
or  holinesse  promised,  and  which  is  not  yet  fully  accomplished,  as 
though  he  called  &  saide  the  Church  to  bee  without  spot,  not  that  it 
is  so  here  belowe  on  the  earth,  but  because  that  one  day  it  shall  so  bee 
aboue  in  heauen.  And  after  this  sorte  Saint  Augustine  vnderstandeth 
it.  "  lesus  Christ  "  (saith  he  ^)  "  cleanseth  his  Church  by  the  washing 
of  Christians  to  make  it  vnto  himself e,  without  spott  or  wrinckle,  not 
in  this  ivorld,  but  in  the  world  to  come." 

Several  eminent  men  took  part  in  this  controversy  on  the  side 
of  the  Establishment.  Dr.  Robert  Some,  rector  of  Girton,  and 
about  this  time  Master  of  Peterhouse,  Cambridge,  within  two 
years  printed  three  quartos.^  The  superciliousness  of  most 
Churchmen  towards  the  new  disciplinarians  finds  fresh  illustration 
therein.  And,  in  concluding,  he  says :  "  I  haue  and  doe  submit 
my  labour  to  the  iudgement  of  the  learned,  therefore  not  of  you 
or  your  ignorant  disciples."  Such  insolence  perhaps  had  some 
effect,  in  leading  the  multitude  who  never  saw,  or  never  would 
read,  the  arguments  of  the  Reformers  to  despise  them,  while 

1 A  Treatie  of  the  Churche  conteining  a  true  discourse,  to  knowe  the  true  Church  by, 
etc.,  1581,  16mo,  15-17,  189. 

2  Lib.  de  nuptiis  Concup.  cap.  34. 

^  A  Godly  Treatise  containing  and  deciding  certaine  questions,  mooued  of  late  in 
London  and  other  places,  touching  the  Minisierie,  Sacraments  and  Church,  etc.,  1588, 
4to.  A  D fence  of  svch  points  in  R.  Somes  last  treatise,  as  M.  Penry  hath  dealt 
against,  etc.,  1588,  4to.  A  Godly  Treatise  wherein  are  examined  ^-  confuted  many 
execrable  fancies,  giuen  out  ^  holden, partly  by  Hen.  Barrowe  and  lohn  Greenwood: 
partly  by  other  of  the  Anabaptisticall  order,  1589,  4to. 


162  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

hardly  failing  to  irritate  the  reformers  themselves  to  further 
indignation. 

A  more  imj)ortant  contributor  to  the  discussion  on  the  same 
side  was  Matthew  Sutcliffe,  Dean  of  Exeter,  already  mentioned. 
He  directly  attacked  Udall's  "  Demonstration  of  Discipline  "  in  a 
quarto  ^  which  at  least  has  a  vigorous  title.  He  exhibits  the  too 
common  flippant  arrogance,  and  dedicates  his  volume  "  to  the 
factious  and  turbulent  T.  C.  W.  T.  I.  P.,^  and  to  the  rest  of  that 
anarchical  disordered  Alphabet  which  trouble  the  quiet  and  peace 
of  the  Church  of  England  ;  "  and  as  he  thinks  that  such  "das- 
tards and  recreants  "  should  be  dealt  with  by  "  han die-strokes  of 
Syllogisme,"  he  fills  his  book  with  logic  chopped  fine.  His  con- 
ception of  the  condition  of  things  in  England,  if  the  new  dis- 
cipline were  to  prevail,  is  presented  thus :  — 

What  may  he  the  fantasie  or  imaginarie  forme  of  this  reformation 
in  matters  of  Ecclesiasticall  goiiernment  ?  They  themselues  skill 
[Jcnoiv]  not :  or  when  you  haue  supplanted  or  ouertur7ied,  or  turned 
out  those  Ecclesiasticall  Senators  and  gouernours  tuhich  we  haue, 
whence  shall  the  stcpjdle  bee  of  able  gouernours  1  from  beyond  the  seas  ? 
that  is  impossibilltie.  From  your  selues  ?  that  is  matter  of  difficultie. 
From  vs  againe  ?  that  were  egregious  and  ridiculous  follie.  .  .  .  If  I 
say,  your  mortall  or  immortall  hatred  against  the  state  ecclesiasticall 
caried  you  to  extinguish  this  order  established  in  the  Church  alreadie : 
blessed  God,  how  woidd  you  proceed  to  the  choice  of  a  new  Senate 
Ecclesiasticall  and  their  imiestiture  f  whiles  a  inan  might  heare 
you  say  of  the  7iew  Doctor  or  Pastor,  Elder  or  Deacon,  This  man 
hath  zeale  hut  no  learning,  that  man  learning  but  no  zeale,  the  other 
neither  zeale  nor  learning ;  such  a  man  is  factious  and  full  of  deadly 
poison,  he  a  base  crafts-man  or  artisan,  another  is  auaricious,  and 
would  carie  away  otir  bag.  T.  C.  will  overtoppe  all,  or  loueth  the 
preheminences  as  Diotrephes,  each  man  taking  exception  vfito  other. 
Doe  ye  not  foresee,  or  rather  doe  you  not  see  as  in  a  glasse,  the  image 
or  bodily  shape  of  the  imagined  state,  which  you  so  impetuouslie 
striue  for,  and  we  striue  against,  and  striue  will  in  a  good  cause  vnto 
the  death  ?  .  .  . 

It  will  illustrate  how   this   controversy  broadened   itself  to 

1  A  Bemonstrance :  or  Plaine  Detection  of  Some  of  the  Favlts  and  Hideovs  Sores 
of  Such  Sillie  Syllogismes  and  Impertinent  Allegations,  as  ovt  of  sundrie  factious 
Pamphlets  and  Rhapsodies,  are  cobled  vp  together  in  a  Booke,  Entituled  "  A  Demon- 
stration of  Discipline:''^  etc.,  1590,  4to,  xii,  ix. 

2  Thomas  Cartwright,  Walter  Travers,  and  John  Penry. 


MORE  BATTLES  OF  THE  BOOKS         163 

glance  at  another  volume  of  this  year.  Anthony  Marten  was  a 
member  of  Trinity  Hall,  Cambridge,  in  1564,  but  does  not 
appear  to  have  taken  any  degree.  Six  years  later  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  sewer  ^  of  the  queen's  chamber,  and  afterwards  also 
royal  librarian  in  Westminster  Palace.  He  sent  forth  a  mod- 
erate, candid  and  Christian  treatise,^  designed  in  the  main  to 
plead  for  things  as  they  were.   Of  the  new  discipline  he  says  :  — 

Of  the  gouernment  by  an  elder  ship  there  is  nothing  certaine,  neither 
in  the  Scriptures  themselues,  nor  in  any  of  the  auncient  histories,  or 
monuments  of  the  Fathers.  For  the  necessitie  of  the  first  beginning, 
before  Churches  were  planted,  must  not  be  so  neerely  exemplified,  as 
the  practise  of  the  Apostles  afterwarde  (when  the  Church  was  spread 
and  increased  in  sundry  Prouinces  and  Kingdomes)  must  be  regarded. 
For  the  first  kinde  by  Elders,  was  but  of  necessitie,  and  for  a  time  in 
some  places,  till  other  meanes  were  founde :  But  the  last,  which  was 
done  by  Bishoppes,  was  more  certaine,  and  more  vniversall,  and  more 
like  to  be  perpetuall. 

Now  therefore  since  this  kinde  of  gouernment  by  Bishops,  is  found 
to  be  the  verie  ordinance  of  Christ,  the  practise  of  the  Apostles  while 
they  lined,  and  the  constant  order  of  the  vniuersall  Church,  before  that 
Antichrist  abused  the  same,  what  obiection  can  there  be  made  against 
it,  .  .  .  If  they  finde  that  the  bishops  doe  any  thing  against  the  comande- 
ment  of  God,  or  that  they  execute  not  those  thinges  which  are  com- 
mitted vnto  them,  like  faithful!  and  iust  stewardes  of  God,  let  those 
thinges  bee  declared,  but  let  not  the  iuste  gouernement,  whose  authour 
is  Christe  and  the  Apostles,  and  whose  protector  is  the  lawfull  and 
Godly  Magistrate,  bee  blamed. 

In  another  place,  and  in  the  same  mild  and  proper  spirit,  he 
refers  to  a  complaint  which  may  have  had  some  justice  :  — 

I  doubt  not,  but  that  yee  your  selues,  or  the  most  of  you,  which  be 
learned  in  the  Scriptures,  and  haue  experience  of  some  Churches 
abroade,  were  reasonablie  well  aduised  of  the  ground  of  your  gouern- 
ment, before  ye  published  and  professed  your  opinions,  yet  is  not 
euery  one  of  your  partakers  and  followers  so  well  able  to  iudge  of 
those  things  which  you  shew  vnto  them  :  but  that  by  mistaking,  or 
not  vnderstanding  that  which  you  teach,  they  are  easily  carried  from 
one  error  to  another,  till  at  the  length  they  become  of  no  religion 
at  all. 

^  Tasters  and  servers  of  food  at  royal  feasts. 

"  A  Reconciliation  of  all  the  Pastors  and  Cleargy  of  the  Church  of  England,  1590, 
8vo,  101  verso,  19. 


164      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Upon  a  certain  class  of  minds  this  reasoning,  in  a  temper  so  un- 
wontedly  courteous,  must  have  had  considerable  influence. 

In  the  last  days  of  the  same  year  Sutcliffe  sent  to  press 
another  treatise  ^  more  definitely  undertaking  to  overthrow  the 
new  discipline.  He  goes  carefully  over  the  several  points  in- 
volved, in  the  effort  to  offer  conclusive  objections  and  to  estab- 
lish the  new  notion  of  the  divine  right  of  episcopacy.  His 
manner  may  be  inferred  from  this  passage :  — 

The  cause  of  lawes,  orders,  learning,  and  reward,  commeth  also 
now  in  question  :  for  if  that,  which  the  preshyterie  shall  deeme  to  be 
according  to  Gods  word,  must  passe  for  law,  what  hope  of  law  and 
order  ?  if  the  vnlearned  husbandman  and  artificer  be  iudge  and  dis- 
poser of  the  rewards  of  learning,  let  euery  man  leaue  the  Vniuersitie 
and  Schooles,  and  betake  himselfe  to  the  plough,  or  some  good  occu- 
pation, that  he  may  learne  to  be  an  elder  rather  than  a  schollar. 

He  insists  that  this  consistorial  discipline  must  overthrow  the 
queen's  supremacy,  abate  her  revenues,  threaten  the  power  of 
Parliament  and  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  abridge  Magna 
Charta  and  impair  the  common  law,  hinder  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice, overthrow  the  ministry  by  diminishing  the  rewards  of  learn- 
ing, and  introduce  confusion  everywhere.  Three  times  again 
within  five  years  Sutcliffe  printed  upon  this  general  subject 
books  2  on  which,  as  they  introduce  no  new  or  important  fea- 
ture, we  need  not  dwell. 

^  A  Treatise  of  Ecclesiasticall  Discipline  :  Wherein  that  confused  forme  of  gou- 
ernment,  which  certeine  vnder  false  pretence,  arid  title  q/"  Reformation,  and  true  dis- 
cipline, do  striue  to  bring  into  the  Church  of  England,  is  examined  and  corfuted,  1591, 
4to,  Epis.  ded.  128-136,  166. 

^  An  Ansivere  to  a  certaine  Libel  Svpplicatorie,  or  rather  Diffamatory,  and  also  to 
certaine  calumnious  Articles,  and  Interrogatories,  both  printed  and  scattered  in  secret 
corners,  to  the  slaunder  of  the  Ecclesiasticall  State,  and  put  forth  vnder  the  name  and 
title  of  a  Petition  directed  to  her  Maiestie:  etc.,  1592,  4to.  An  Answere  vnto  a  Cer- 
taine Calumnious  Letter  published  by  M.  Job  Throkmorton,  and  entituled  A  defence  of 
I.  Throkmorton  against  the  slaunders  of  M.  Svtcliffe,  etc.,  1595,  4to.  The  examirwL' 
tion  of  M.  Tho.  Cartwrights  late  apologie,  etc.,  1596,  4to. 


CHAPTER  VI 

SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE 

Ever  since  the  first  cleavage  of  the  English  Chiirch  from  Rome, 
under  Henry  VHI.,  of  course  a  contest  had  been  going  on  be- 
tween the  theologians  of  the  Papacy  and  the  Reformation,  to 
which,  with  rare  exceptions,  it  has  not  been  pertinent  to  allude. 
In  1562  Bishop  Jewel  had  published  his  "  Apologie  "  ^  in  defence 
of  the  Church  of  England,  a  plea  against  the  Papal  exclusion  of 
the  Reformers,  from  the  reassembled  Council  of  Trent.  In  that 
work  "all  that  was  contended  for  was  that  Episcopacy  was 
permissible  and  not  against  the  Scriptures."  ^    In  it  he  says  :  ^  — 

For  whereas  some  use  to  make  so  great  a  vaunt,  that  the  Pope  is 
Peter's  only  successor,  as  though  thereby  he  carried  the  Holy  Ghost 
in  his  bosom,  and  cannot  err,  this  is  but  a  matter  of  nothing,  and  a 
very  trifling  tale.  Gods  grace  is  promised  to  a  good  mind,  and  to  one 
that  feareth  God,  not  unto  sees  and  successions. 

Whitgift,  Cooper  and  others  were  of  the  same  mind,  and, 
apparently,  this  was  then  the  general  doctrine  of  the  English 
Church.  But,  in  or  about  1566,  Hadrian  Saravia,  of  Spanish 
extraction,  who  had  taught  divinity  at  Leyden  and  been  pastor 
of  the  Walloon  church  there,  became  a  prebendary  of  Canter- 
bury, and  afterwards  a  teacher  in  Jersey  and  a  great  friend  of 
the  archbishop.  He  disseminated  more  extreme  views  as  to  the 
Apostolical  Succession,  and,  in  1590,  published  a  volume*  ex- 
plaining and  defending  them.    Beza  replied  ^  and  Saravia  an- 

^  Apologia  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  1562,  8vo.  Translated  by  Lord  Bacon's 
mother  and  published,  1564,  as  An  Apologie  or  answere  in  defence  of  the  Churche  of 
Englande,  etc.    Reprinted  in  Jewel's  Works,  1848,  iii :  5-112. 

2  Perry,  i :  19. 

^  Jewel,  iii  :  44. 

*  De  Diversis  Ministrorvm  Evangelii  Gradibus,  etc.,  1590,  4to.    2.  See  also  39,  41. 

^  Ad  Tractationem  de  Ministrorum  Evangelii  gradibus,  A  Saraviae. 


166     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

swered^  Beza.  Ricliard  Bancroft,  chaplain  to  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellor and  soon  to  be  Bishop  of  London  and  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, is  understood  to  have  imbibed  this  doctrine  privately 
from  Saravia,  and  it  is  thought  to  have  colored  his  famous  ser- 
mon 2  at  Paul's  Cross  on  Feb.  9-19, 1588-89.  He  illustrates  the 
cool  assurance  with  which  the  advocates  of  the  established  way 
treated  opponents  :  — 

The  doctrine  of  the  church  of  England  is  pure  and  holie  :  the  gov- 
ernment thereof,  both  in  respect  of  hir  majestie,  and  of  our  Bishops  is 
lawfull  and  godlie :  the  booke  of  common  praier  containeth  nothing  in 
it  contrarie  to  the  word  of  God.  .  .  . 

If  any  one  of  you  now,  my  brethren,  be  otherwise  affected,  the  fault 
is  in  yourselves :  for  they  remaine  (as  the  nature  of  truth  requireth) 
to  be  as  they  were  before  :  but  you  through  your  rashnes  in  following 
of  everie  spirit,  are  growen  to  a  woonderfuU  newf anglenes :  and  are 
indeed  become  meere  changelings. 

About  1593  two  labored  treatises  appeared  on  this  general 
subject,  one  of  which  took  its  place  among  the  classics  of  Eng- 
lish prose  literature.  Both  championed  the  Church  of  England, 
but  they  differed  in  method.  One  author  was  Ricliard  Hooker, 
then  about  forty,  who  had  proceeded  M.  A.  at  Corpus  Christi 
College,  Oxford,  in  1577,  had  been  made  a  fellow  and  public 
Hebrew  lecturer,  and  later  had  been  rector  of  Drayton  Beau- 
champ  and  Master  of  the  Temple,  London.  At  the  same  time 
Walter  Travers  was  evening  lecturer  in  this  church,  and,  as 
he  favored  the  new  views,  not  seldom,  "  the  forenoon  Sermon 
spake  Canterbury ;  and  the  afternoon  Geneva."  Led  thus  to 
appreciate  the  need  of  thorough  discussion  of  so  grave  a  sub- 
ject. Hooker  undertook  a  treatise  upon  the  vital  principles  of 
the  questions  at  issue.  In  1591  Whitgift  transferred  him  to 
Boscombe,  near  Salisbury,  where  he  elaborated  his  first  four 
.volumes,^  published  in  1593.  He  announces  his  fundamental 
principle  thus  :  — 

^  Defensio  Tractationis  de  diversis  Ministrorum  Evangelii  gradibus  ab  H.  S,,  etc., 
4to. 

2  A  Sermon  preached  at  Paules  Crosse  the  9.  of  Februarie,  etc.,  1588,  16mo,  89, 
102,  etc. 

^  TTie  Laives  of  Ecclesiasticall  Politie,  written  in  defence  of  the  present  gouernment 
established,  against  the  new  desired  discipline,  1593,  fol.  (ed.  1807)  362 ;  Bk.  iii : 
sect.  2 ;  Pref .  174.   The  fifth  book  came  out  in  1597 ;  the  sixth  and  eighth  in  1648  ; 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         167 

He  which  affirmeth  speech  to  be  necessary  amongst  all  men  through- 
out the  world,  doth  not  thereby  import  that  all  men  must  necessarily 
speak  one  kind  of  Language  ;  even  so  the  necessity  of  Polity,  and 
Regiment  in  all  Churches  may  be  held  without  holding  any  one  cer- 
taine  form  to  be  necessary  in  them  all. 

This  is  a  low-church  position.  It  concedes  that  no  "  certaine 
form "  of  polity  is  required  by  Scripture.  Furthermore,  the 
whole  second  book  shows  that  there  are  other  sources  of  the 
knowledge  of  God's  will,  and  that  it  is  sufficient  if  the  superior 
advantages  of  Episcopacy  can  be  maintained  from  them.  Inci- 
dentally he  suggests  a  difficulty  in  the  practical  application  of 
the  new  discipline  which  must  have  proved  serious :  — 

It  may  justly  be  feared,  whether  our  English  Nobility,  when  the 
matter  came  in  trial,  would  contentedly  suffer  themselves  to  be  always 
at  the  call,  and  to  stand  to  the  sentence  of  a  number  of  mean  persons, 
assisted  with  the  presence  of  their  jjoor  teacher  ;  a  man  (as  sometimes 
it  happeneth)  though  better  able  to  speak,  yet  little  or  no  wliit  apter 
to  judge,  than  the  rest :  from  whom,  be  their  dealing  never  so  absurd, 
(unless  it  be  by  way  of  complaint  to  a  Synod,)  no  appeal  may  be  made 
unto  any  one  of  higher  power,  in  as  much  as  the  order  of  your  Disci- 
phne  admitteth  no  standing  inequality  of  Courts,  no  spiritual  ludge  to 
have  any  ordinary  superiour  oh  earth,  but  as  many  Supremacies  as 
there  are  Parishes  and  several  Congregations. 

The  other  writer  was  Thomas  Bilson,  also  an  Oxford  student, 
who,  at  New  College,  passed  M.  A.  in  1570  and  D.  D.  in  1580-81. 
He  became  a  "  noted  preacher,"  and  was  a  prebendary  of  Win- 
chester and  warden  of  the  college,  subsequently  becoming  Bishop 
of  Worcester  and,  later,  of  Winchester.  He  was  reputed  a  pro- 
founder  scholar  than  Hooker,  but  he  lacked  Hooker's  genius. 
He  takes  the  high-church  side  ^  and  argues  that  bishops  are 
divinely  appointed  as  successors  of  the  Apostles  and  to  hold 
authority  over  the  Church,  so  that  no  true  church  may  lack 
them.    He  says  :  — 

all  tog-ether  first  in  1662.  Doubts  exist  of  the  gpenuineness  of  the  fifth,  seventh 
and  eighth  hooks.  Probably  no  reliance  should  be  placed  upon  any  language  in 
them  which  is  not  in  harmony  with  that  of  those  published  before  the  author's 
death  in  1600. 

1  The  Perpetual  Governement  of  Christes  Chvrch,  etc.,  1593,  4to,  106,  109,  111, 
233,  3,  5,  7,  14,  414. 


168  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR   FATHERS 

The  authoritie  of  their  [the  Apostles']  first  calling  liueth  yet  in 
their  succession.  .  .  .  There  must  either  be  no  church,  or  els  these 
must  remaine  :  for  without  these  no  church  can  continue.  .  .  .  To 
create  ministers  by  imposing  hands,  is  to  giue  them,  not  onely  power 
and  leaue  to  preach  the  word,  and  dispence  the  Sacraments  ;  but  also 
the  grace  of  the  Holy  Ghost  to  make  them  able  to  execute  both  parts 
of  their  function.  This  none  can  giue,  but  they  that  first  receiued  the 
same.  •  .  . 

If  the  power  of  the  Keies  bee  given  to  the  Apostles  and  their  suc- 
cessours  ;  then  haue  laie  Elders  (who  doe  not  succeed  in  the  Apostles 
roumes  and  functions)  nothing  to  doe  with  the  Apostles  keies.  .  .  . 

In  the  beginning  having  laid  down  this  principle  :  — 

We  must  not  frame  what  kind  of  regiment  we  list,  for  the  minis- 
ters of  Christes  Church,  but  rather  obserue  and  marke  what  maner  of 
externall  gouernment  the  Lord  hath  best  liked  &  allowed  in  his  Church 
euen  from  the  beginning  ; 

he  urges  that  Adam  governed  the  Church  930  years,  and  that 
Seth  helped  him  during  500  of  them,  and  continued  the  service 
112  years  more.  Thus  he  traces  down  a  patriarchal  pontificate 
from  Adam  to  Moses.  Under  Moses  there  were  priests  above 
Levites,  from  which  he  infers 

that  the  Leuitical  discipline  vnder  Moses  doeth  cleerely  confirme  a 
diuersitie  of  degrees  amongst  Pastours  and  ministers  in  the  Church  to 
be  more  agreeable  to  the  wisedome  of  God  reuealed  in  liis  lawe,  then 
a  generall  equalitie  or  paritie. 

All  ends  thus,  not  without  plausibility :  — 

Where  all  are  equal,  there  is  as  great  danger  of  pride  and  conten- 
tion, as  where  one  is  superiour  ;  yea,  the  prioritie  of  one  man  in  euery 
prouince,  as  we  see  confirmed  by  the  practise  and  experience  of  the 
vniversall  Church  of  Christ  since  the  Apostles  times,  is  sooner  re- 
sisted and  better  endured,  then  the  waywardnesse  and  headinesse  of 
so  many  Gouernours  as  you  must  and  would  haue  in  your  changeable 
regiment  of  Presbyters.^ 

^  The  view  which  he  confutes  is  given  elsewhere  (iii)  :  — 

"  They  haue  framed  a  Running  regencie,  that  shall  goe  round  to  all  the  Preshy- 
ters  of  each  place  hy  course,  and  [en]dure  for  a  weeke,  or  some  such  space  ;  for 
the  deuise  is  so  newe,  that  they  are  not  yet  resolued  what  time  this  changeable 
superioritie  shall  continue.  .  .  .  They  pronounce  this  onely  to  be  Gods  institution, 
and  this  ouerseer  or  Bishop  to  be  Apostolike  ;  all  others  they  reiect  as  humane." 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         169 

The  same  writer  a  short  time  before,  by  royal  command,  had 
written  a  volume,^  which,  as  a  dialogue  between  Theophilus, 
a  Christian,  and  Philander,  a  Jesuit,  answered  forcibly  Dr. 
William  Allen's  "  Defence  of  English  Catholiques."  ^  But  it  so 
nearly  demonstrated  that  in  religion  subjects  need  not  obey 
that  afterwards  it  bore  undesigned  fruit.^ 

In  their  eagerness  against  dissenters  the  Church  tribunals  for 
some  time  had  been  supplementing  the  meagre  obtainable  testi- 
mony by  requiring  those  accused  to  take  the  oath  ex  officio 
'niero^  thus  confessing  or  accusing  themselves  of  any  criminal 
matter,  no  one  else  having  accused  them.  This  was  resisted, 
even  to  imprisonment,  by  the  more  resolute  Puritans,  who  in- 
sisted that  it  was  "  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  an  in- 
quisition tyrannical."  ^  So  believed  James  Morice,  attorney  of 
the  Court  of  Wards,  who  sent  a  wi-itten  argument  to  the  Lord 
Treasurer,  "  to  shew  the  iniquity  of  these  proceedings,"  in  which 
he  boldly  declares  :  — 

That  the  exacting  of  Oathes  ex  officio,  is  a  great  indignitie  to  the 
Crowne  and  Scepter  of  this  Kingdome,  and  a  wrong  and  injui'ie  to 
the  freedome  and  libertie  of  the  subjectes  thereof.  That  the  same  is 
not  necessarie  or  profitable  to  the  Church  and  common  wealth,  but 
hurtfull  to  them  both,  brought  in  onely  by  the  practize  of  the  Popish 
cleargie,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  publique  peace  and  tranquillitie  of  this 
Realme,  and  that  the  same  neuer  had  any  good  allowaunce  by  anie 
lawe,  custome,  ordinaunce  or  statute  of  this  Kingdome,  etc. 

To  this  Dr.  Cosin  soon  replied  in  a  small  quarto,  of  which  only 
forty  copies  seem  to  have  appeared,  enlarged  in  1593  to  a  sub- 
stantial volume.^  It  cites  Scripture,  history,  the  classics,  and 
especially  the  Fathers,  in  proof 

1  The  Trve  Difference  betweene  Christian  Svbiection  and  vnchristian  rebellion,  etc., 
1585,  4to,  i. 

2  A  true,  sincere  and  modest  Defence  of  English  Catholiques  that  suffer  for  their 
faith  both  at  home  and.  abrode,  etc.,  1584,  12mo. 

^  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  v  :  44.  "  Whilst  this  True  Difference  served  the  Queen's  pre- 
sent purpose,  it  contributed  more  than  any  other  work  to  the  humiliation  and 
death  of  Charles  T." 

*  J.  S.  Burn.  High  Commission,  27. 

°  Strype,  Whitgift,  ii:  28.  Fuller,  v:  105-115.  Morice 's  book  appears  to  have 
been  A  Brief  Treatise  of  Oathes  exacted  by  Ordinaries  and  Ecclesiasticall  ludges. 
1591,  4to,  57. 

^  An  Apologie  for  Svndrie  Proceedings  by  Jurisdiction  Ecclesiasticall ;  of  late 


170     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

that  this  [ex  officio  mero~\  oathe  ^  in  a  Criminall  matter,  tendered  by- 
one  in  authoritie,  being  warranted  by  the  politicise  lawes  of  the 
Realme,  or  the  Church :  ought  not  to  be  refused,  except  there  were 
some  direct  Prohibition  thereof,  by  the  lawe  of  God. 

John  Penry  again  sought  to  serve  the  cause  in  an  anonymous 
review^  of  Bancroft's  Paul's  Cross  sermon.  It  was  attributed 
to  John  Knox. 3  Besides  a  general  denial  and  the  refutation, 
one  by  one,  of  many  points  of  that  discourse,  he  rei^lies  espe- 
cially to  Bancroft's  attempt  to  excite  popular  feeling  against  the 
Puritans  as  enemies  to  the  queen.  Bancroft  himself  also  appealed 
to  the  public  twice  within  a  short  time.  One  *  volume  purports 
to  be  a  candid  history  of  the  new  discipline  and  a  fair  criticism 
of  its  points.  It  concludes  with  an  extended  resume  in  which 
this  "  pragmatical "  polity  is  censured  as  devised  at  Geneva, 
established  there  by  craft,  and  thence  obtruded  upon  churches 
elsewhere ;  as  having  an  original  mrknown  and  unwarranted  by 
Scripture ;  as  so  lately  hatched  as  to  have  no  certain  name ;  as 
banishing  apostolical  bishops,  yet  having  Doctors  of  its  o^\ti  ;  as 
making  princes  and  noblemen  but  its  inferior  officers  ;  as  un- 
certain whether  its  new-fangled  elders  are  lajonen  or  ecclesiastics ; 
as  very  costly  ;  as  condemning  in  others  what  it  approves  in  itself ; 
as  disdaining  the  ancient  Fathers  and  general  councils ;  as  pre- 
tending to  allow  of  nothing  but  Scripture,  yet  depending  alto- 
gether upon  its  own  friends  and  synods ;  as  wresting  the  Scrip- 
tures, etc.    In  the  other  volume^  he  seeks  to  awaken  popular 

times  by  Some  chalenged,  and  also  diuerslie  by  them  impugned,  etc.  to  which  is  added 
L.  Andrew^s  Numquid  per  Ivs  diidnum  Magistratui  liceat  a  lleo  lusiurandum  exigere, 
etc.,  1593,  4to,  iii  :  160. 

^  Whoever  wishes  to  understand  the  full  operation  of  this  oath  shoixld  study  it 
as  employed  hy  the  Inquisition  (Lea,  Inquis.  i :  413-416,  etc.).  Those  who  argued 
in  its  favor  referred  eagerly  to  the  alleged  fact  that  Calvin  employed  such  an  oath 
at  Geneva,  and  they  dwelt  particularly  upon  the  two  cases  of  Caraperell  and  the 
■widow  Balthasar,  iii :  159;  Collier,  vii :  66;  Fuller,  v  :  112. 

^  A  briefe  discovery  of  the  vntruthes  and  slanders  {against  the  true  gouernement  of 
the  Church  of  Christ)  contained  in  a  Sermon,  preached  the  S.  of  Februarie  15S8,  by 
D.  Bancroft,  etc.,  1590,  4to. 

^  The  title-page  of  Dr.  Dexter's  copy  bears  the  sentence,  in  a  handwriting  of 
that  period  :  "  y"  Author  supposed  to  be  Mr.  Knox  of  Scotland." 

*  A  Survay  of  the  Pretended  Holy  Discipline,  etc.,  1593,  4to,  461-464. 

^  Davngerous  Positions  and  Proceedings,  published  and  practised  within  this  Hand 
of  Brytaine,  vnder  pretence  of  Reformation,  and  for  the  Presbyteriall  Discipline. 
1593, 4to,  44,  104,  128,  144-184. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         171 

fear  and  distrust  of  the  Puritans.  The  last  forty  pages  mainly 
attempt  to  fasten  odium  upon  them  in  connection  with  the 
movements  of  William  Hacket,  a  crazy  maltster  of  Oundle, 
and  his  associate  fanatics,  Edmund  Coppinger  and  Henry 
Arthingion. 

Every  now  and  then  the  old  complaint  against  the  inadequacy 
of  the  ministry  was  renewed.  Miles  Mosse,  of  Bury  St.  Ed- 
munds, appealed  to  Edmund  Seambler,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  in 
1590  through  a  "  diffamatorie  Epistle,"  ^  asserting  that  "  manie 
Ministers  of  the  word  ^vrite  much,  but  preach  little."  To  which 
some  Miles  Christianus,  said  to  have  been  Thomas  Rogers,  of 
Horninger,  conceding  much,  replied  :  ^  — 

Were  some  (whome  I  could  name)  in  their  studies  writing,  when 
they  are  either  at  the  Pondes  with  their  spaniels  ducking,  or  in  the 
Alhes  with  their  mates,  bowUng  :  I  am  sure  they  would  tliinke  them 
much  iniured,  that  priuely,  much  more  in  publike  monuments,  are 
disgraced  as  faultie,  which  bestow  that  time  profitably  in  writing  for 
a  generall  benefite,  which  others  bestow  vainly  (often  times  wickedly) 
for  a  short  and  priuate  pleasiu-e. 

In  1596  Thomas  Morton,  a  fellow  of  St.  John's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, and  afterwards  successively  Bishop  of  Chester,  Lichfield 
and  Coventry,  and  Durham,  dedicated  to  the  queen  a  double 
treatise,^  in  which,  with  unusual  concessions,  he  still  argues 
against  the  reformers.  He  admits  that  there  can  be  particular 
churches,  and  that 

the  greatest  nmnber  of  a  Church  rightly  established,  may  thus  gener- 
ally be  determined,  to  wit,  that  the  Church  consist  of  no  moe  then 
can  without  confusion,  or  any  manifest  inconuenience  meet  together 
at  one  time,  and  in  one  place,  to  serue  God. 

He  also  admits  that  ecclesiastical  censures,  when  deserved,  apply 
to  Christian  rulers  as  weU  as  to  the  people,  although  the  excom- 

1  A  Short  Catechisme,  1590. 

2  Miles  Christianus,  or  a  iust  Apologie  of  nil  necessarie  writings  and  uriters,  etc., 
1590,  4to,  19.  The  substance  of  Mosse's  work  is  included,  in  its  separate  proposi- 
tions, in  this  one. 

^  Salomon  :  or  a  treatise  declaring  the  state  of  the  kingdome  of  Israel,  as  it  was  in 
the  dales  of  Salomon :  Whereunto  is  annexed  another  treatise,  of  the  Church  :  or,  more 
particularly,  Of  the  right  Constitution  of  a  church,  1596,  4to,  ii :  33,  85 ;  i:  71  ;  ii: 
89,  111. 


172  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

munication  of  the  prince  ought  not  to  be  sudden,  and,  unless 
publicity  be  absolutely  needful,  should  be  private.  He  is  clear, 
however,  that  good  people  ought  to 

labour  to  continue  that  gouernment  which  is  in  force  in  that  place  or 
country  where  we  hue,  although  we  doe  perhaps  imagine,  yea  &  jjer- 
swade  our  selues  that  we  could  finde  out  a  better  forme. 

Again,  he  urges  that  it  is  a  good  man's  duty  to  remain  in  a 
very  imperfect  church,  if  its  imperfections  be  "  not  so  great,  but 
that  notwithstanding  them,  we  haue  the  meanes  of  saluation  & 
edification."  He  also  indorses  fully  the  magistrate's  preeminent 
charge  of  the  souls  of  his  subjects. 

On  Dec.  24, 1597,  John  Howson,  a  student  at  Christ  Church, 
Oxford,  and  afterwards  the  first  bishop  of  that  see,  preached  at 
Paul's  Cross  a  powerful  sermon  ^  from  Matt,  xxi :  12, 13,  vigor- 
ously attacking  all  buying  and  selling  of  spiritual  pi'omotion  as 
unlawful.  He  insists,  however,  that  our  Saviour's  teaching  is 
"  not  to  pull  downe  Churches  for  the  abuse  of  them,  or  the  abuse 
of  the  Priest ;  but  reforme  the  abuse  and  retaine  the  good  vse." 
On  May  21,  at  the  same  place,  he  completed  his  treatment  of 
the  same  text.''^    He  ends  thus  :  — 

I  saye  with  S.  Chrysostome  upon  these  words,  But  you  haue  made 
it  a  denne  of  thieves.  ...  I  would  to  God  it  could  haue  beene  [said] 
only  of  the  lewes,  and  not  of  the  Christians  ;  I  would  to  God  it  could 
haue  bene  apjjlyed  to  Christians  heretofore,  and  not  vnto  vs ;  .  .  . 
These  things  are  so  manifest,  that  they  require  neither  exposition,  nor 
application  ;  I  would  to  God  they  were  more  obscure,  and  hidden  from 
vs,  and  that  we  did  not  maintaine  these  prophanations,  by  pretences, 
and  long  custom  es,  as  these  lewes  did.  Wherefore  if  we  lament  ouer 
them  [the  Jews],  we  haue  cause  to  weepe  and  howle  for  our  selues, 
who  have  added  as  great  increase  and  strength  to  these  sinnes,  as  time 
hath  added  yeares  and  increase  to  the  world. 

About  this  time  two  letters  were  addressed  publicly  to  Mr. 
Hooker,  called  out  by  his  work  already  mentioned.^  One  was 
from  his  old  pupil,  George  Cranmer,  who  says :  — 

1  A  Sermo7i preached  at  Paides  Crosse  the  [2]4-  of  December,  1597,  etc.,  1597,  4to, 
19. 

2  A  Sermon  preached  at  Paules  Crosse,  the  21.  of  May,  159S,  etc..  Concluding  a 
former  Sermon,  etc.,  1.598,  4to,  .51. 

^  Concerning  the  New  Church  Discipline,  etc.,  1598, 4to,  2,  24.    Reiirinted  1642. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         173 

Now  of  late  yeares  the  heate  of  men  towards  the  Discipline  [Pres- 
byterianism]  is  greatly  decaied :  their  iudgments  begin  to  sway  on 
the  other  side  :  the  learned  haue  weighed  it  and  found  it  light :  wise 
men  conceiue  some  feare,  lest  it  prove  not  only  not  the  best  kinde  of 
gouernment,  but  the  very  bane  and  destruction  of  all  gouernment. 

He  then  names  religious  evils  which  the  disciplinarian  contro- 
versy has  promoted,  and  desires  Hooker  to  prepare  another 
treatise  correcting  certain  faults  remaining ;  concluding  finely 
thus :  — 

The  chiefest  labour  of  a  Christian  should  be  to  know  ;  of  a  Minis- 
ter, to  preach  Christ  crucified :  in  regard  whereof  not  only  worldly 
things,  but  even  things  otherwise  precious,  even  the  Discipline  it  selfe  is 
vile  and  base :  where  as  now,  by  the  heat  of  contention,  and  violence 
of  affection,  the  zeale  of  men  towards  the  one  hath  greatly  decayed 
their  love  to  the  other.  Hereunto  therefore  they  are  to  be  exhorted, 
to  Preach  Christ  crucified,  the  mortification  of  the  flesh,  the  renewing 
of  the  spirit,  not  those  things,  which  in  time  of  strife  seeme  precious, 
but  passions  being  allayed,  are  vaine  and  childish. 

The  other  letter  ^  is  different.  It  has  been  attributed  to  Cart- 
wright.^  Whoever  wrote  it  had  keen  perceptions  and  a  trench- 
ant pen.  After  reference  to  Hooker's  announced  intention  to 
inform  men  of  the  estate  of  the  Established  Church,  the  author, 
speaking  avowedly  for  others,  proceeds  :  — 

Howbeit  sometimes  goodlie  promises  are  meere  formal,  and  great 
offers  serue  onely  to  hoodwinke  such  as  meane  well.  .  .  .  Wee  there- 
fore, your  louing  countrymen,  .  .  .  hauing  so  goodlie  a  champion  to 
offer  combat  in  our  defence,  were  made  verie  secure,  and  by  the 
sweete  sounde  of  your  melodious  stile,  almost  cast  into  a  dreaming 
sleepe  :  Wee  happelie  remembring  your  Preface  that  there  might  bee 

^  A  Christian  Letter  of  certain  English  Protestants,  vnfained  fauourers  of  the 
present  state  of  Eeligion,  avthorized  and  professed  in  England;  vnto  that  Reuerend 
and  learned  man,  Mr.  R.  IIoo[ker].  requiring  resolution  in  certaine  matters  of  doc- 
trine, etc.,  1599,  4to.    Reprinted  in  Hanbury's  Hooker,  1830. 

■■2  Wordsworth  (Eccles.  Biog.  3d  ed.  iii:  515,  n.)  says  :  — 

"  Somewhere  I  have  seen  the  '  Christian  Letter  '  attributed  to  Dr.  Andrew  Willet, 
but  I  cannot  at  present  recall  the  authority.  I  remember,  however,  that,  at  the 
time,  it  seemed  to  me  good." 

But  the  inherent  probabilities  strong'ly  disfavor  Willet,  whose  great  strength 
was  anti-Papal  and  exegetical ;  and  who  seems  to  have  kept  on  good  terms  with 
the  Establishment,  which  gave  him  many  favors,  until  his  death,  in  1621.  Covell 
declares  that  this  work  "  was  not  the  least  cause  to  procure  his  [Hooker's]  death." 


174  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

some  other  cause,i  opened  at  the  length  our  heauie  eyes,  and  casting 
some  more  earnest  and  intentiue  [attentive]  sight  into  your  manner 
of  fight,  it  seemed  vnto  vs  that  couertlie  and  vnderhand  you  did  bende 
all  your  skill  and  force  against  the  present  state  of  our  English 
church  :  and  by  colour  of  defending  the  discipline  and  gouernement 
thereof,  to  make  questionable  and  bring  in  contempt  the  doctrine  and 
faith  it  selfe. 

The  writer  and  his  sympathizers  do  not  wish  to  be  hard  upon 
"  Maister  R.  Hoo,"  who  may  have  slipped  unadvisedly.  He  may 
have  been  overcarried  by  his  zeal.  Doubtless  he  cannot  always 
mean  what  he  seems  to  say.  So  in  charity  they  give  him  an 
opportunity  to  explain  himself.^ 

They  have  selected  a  few  principal  things,  which  trouble 
many  Christians,  upon  which  they  ask  him  to  speak  further ; 
and  then,  by  the  use  of  the  "  deadly  parallel  column  "  in  a  rudi- 
mentary form,  they  try  to  show  that  at  least  fifteen  of  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles  —  viz.,  1,  6, 10, 11,  12, 13, 14, 15, 17,  19,  23,  25, 
26,  27  and  28  —  have  been  undermined  by  his  "  Ecclesiastical 
Polity."  They  hope  he  can  explain  all  this,  in  which  event  they 
will  give  him  "  condigne  praise  ;  "  but  it  seems  to  them  needful 
that  he  should  attempt  so  much,  at  the  least.  Otherwise,  they 
ask,  "  Shall  wee  doe  you  wronge  to  suspect  you  as  a  priuie  and 
subtill  enemie  to  the  whole  state  of  the  Englishe  Church,  and 
that  would  haue  men  to  deenie  her  Maiestie  to  haue  done  ill  in 
abolishing  the  Romish  religion,  and  banishing  the  Popes  author- 
itie."    Perhaps  the  unkindest  cut  is  this :  — 

Our  last  scruple  and  demand  is  this,  seeing  your  bookes  bee  so  long 
and  tedious,  in  a  stile  not  vsuall.  .  .  .  And  that  your  Prefaces  and  dis- 
courses before  you  come  to  the  question  are  so  longe,  &  mingled  with 
all  kinde  of  matters  and  sutes  of  learning  and  doctrine  :  whether  your 
meaning  bee  to  shewe  your  selfe  to  bee  some  rare  Demosthenes,  or 
extraordinarie  Rabbi,  or  some  great  Pythagoras,  that  enjoyne  your 
scholars  or  your  aduersaries  to  fine  yeares  silence  before  they  can  be 
perfect  in  your  meaning,  or  able  to  replye. 

^  The  reference  seems  to  be  to  the  beginning  of  Hooker's  preface  :  — 
"  That  posterity  may  know  we  haue  not  loosely  through  silence  permitted  things 
to  passe  away  as  in  a  dream,  there  shall  be  for  men's  information  extant  thus 
much  concerning  the  present  state  of  the  Church  of  God,  established  amongst  vs." 
2  Christ.  Let.  6-33,  48,  49,  45,  46. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         175 

This  merciless  onslaught  was  supposed  to  have  hastened 
Hooker's  speedy  death ;  but  the  pamphlet  is  almost  forgotten 
although  then  it  was  reputed  to  be  "  the  first  publication  of  the 
Doctrinal  Puritans.-'  ^  Three  or  four  years  later  Dr.  William 
Covell,  once  fellow  of  Queen's  CoUege,  Cambridge,  and  then 
vicar  of  Sittingbourne,  Kent,  sought,  as  many  thought  ineffec- 
tually, to  make  the  needed  explanations  ^  which  Hooker  did  not 
live  to  attempt. 

Two  general  publications  in  the  last  decade  of  the  century, 
upon  the  same  general  subject  from  the  opposite  side,  deserve 
mention.  In  1590,  or  thereabouts,  for  the  book  is  undated, 
Robert  Waldegrave,  the  Puritan  printer,  reissued  in  a  single 
volume^  forty-two  Puritan  tracts  of  the  last  few  years,  includ- 
ing several  to  which,  in  their  original  editions,  reference  already 
has  been  made.  The  other  is  a  small  quarto,*  dated  1595  — the 
copy  in  Dr.  Dexter's  collection  has  upon  its  title-page  the  auto- 
graph of  William  Brewster  —  which  appears  to  have  been  the 
first  publication  of  the  remarkable  Francis  Johnson.  It  dis- 
cusses the  ministry  of  the  Church  of  England  and  the  relation 
of  Christian  people  towards  it.  It  insists  that  magistrates  are 
to  be  obeyed  in  the  Lord,  not  against  the  Lord ;  and  that  a 
false  ministry  should  not  be  heard  by  God's  people,  even  if  it 
preach  some  truth.    In  conclusion,  it  says  :  — 

It  Is  to  be  accounted  an  happy  benefit  and  greatly  to  be  desired, 
that  the  Church  and  people  of  God  may  have  rest  ad  be  sufPred  to 
lead  a  godly  life  In  peace  and  quyetnes.  .  .  .  But  If  this  cannot  be  had 

^  Intrpd.  to  Hanbury's  Hooker,  i  :  x.  He  styles  the  pamphlet  "  very  rare,"  as 
■well  as  "  important." 

^  A  lust  and  Temperate  Defence  of  the  Five  books  of  Ecclesiastical  Policie  written 
by  M.  Richard  Hooker,  etc.,  1603,  4to.  Hanbury  calls  this  "  an  excessively  rare 
Tract,  never  reprinted,"  and  himself  reprints  it  in  his  Hooker  (ii :  449-568).  He, 
too,  raises  the  question  whether  Hooker's  reputation  does  not  need  further  defence 
than  that  furnished  in  this  treatise. 

^  To  this  he  gave  the  singularly  unsuggestive  name,  A  Parte  of  a  Register,  con- 
tayninge  sundrie  memorable  matters,  written  by  diuers  godly  and  learned  in  our  time, 
which  standefor,  and  desire  the  reformation  of  our  Church,  etc.,  1590,  8vo. 

*  A  Treatise  of  the  Ministery  of  the  Church  of  England.  Where  in  is  handled  this 
question,  Whether  it  be  [better  ?]  to  be  separated  from  or  ioyned  vnto.  Which  is  dis- 
cussed in  two  letters ;  the  one  written  for  it  [by  A.  Hildersham]  the  other  [by  F. 
Johnson]  against  it,  etc.,  1595,  4to,  49,  71,  133,  136,  19,  39,  52,  89,  137. 


176  THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

in  peace  without  persecution,  yet  must  we  not  therefore   refuse  or 
turne  from  the  way  and  commaundement  of  Christ. 

In  1599  Philippe  de  Mornay,  a  distinguished  French  Protes- 
tant and  counsellor  to  the  king,  sent  out  a  discussion  of  the 
Church,^  soon  reprinted  in  English  at  London,  which  at  least 
makes  some  utterances  grateful  to  the  Puritans,  e.  g. :  — 

A  Priest  &  a  Bishoppe  in  the  Primitiue  Church  were  all  one,  and 
if  they  differ  now  in  Titles  and  in  Miters,  in  the  essentiall  dignitie 
they  differ  nothing  at  aU.  ...  If  the  ambition  of  Bishops,  &  the  negli- 
gence of  priests  haue  confounded  all  these  things,  and  abolished  the 
ancient  order  of  the  church,  it  must  not  seem  strange  if  we  labor  to 
restore  it  again.  ...  In  a  word,  the  first  bishops  of  the  Christian 
Church  were  but  Priests,  and  those  Priests,  Bishops  :  and  the  first 
ministers  of  the  Reformation  were  Priests,  and  consequently,  Bishops. 
And  these  Priests  by  the  institution  of  the  Apostles,  had  the  power 
of  laying  on  hands,  which  also  our  Priests  or  Ministers  haue  done,  ac- 
cording to  the  Canons  of  the  Apostles.  Therefore,  the  Ministers  that 
are  ordayned  by  them  are  well  ordained,  nor  may  their  calling  bee 
calumniated,  or  called  in  question. 

During  these  excited  years  all  religious  literature  manifested 
the  universal  criticism  and  unrest.  How  church  questions  in- 
terwove themselves  with  others  is  seen  in  a  course  of  exegeti- 
cal  sermons  on  the  Apocalypse,^  by  George  Gifford,  of  Maldon, 
Essex,  in  which,  reaching  the  ninth  verse  of  the  seventh  chap- 
ter, which  speaks  of  the  "  great  multitude,  which  no  man  could 
number,"  etc.,  he  tries  to  confute  the  Separatists,  thus :  — 

Chiefly  looking  backe  into  the  idolatrous,  darke  and  bloudie  king- 
dome  of  Antichrist,  a  Donatist  ^  will  iudge  few  or  none  to  remaine. 
But  to  correct  this  boldnes,  here  is  shewed  that  euen  in  the  most  mis- 
erable times,  the  Lord  did  preserue  his  Church,  had  his  elect  in  the 
confused  heape,  and  that  in  a  marueilous  great  number. 

He  cannot  explain  the  twenty-fourth  verse  of  the  second  chap- 

^  Tractatus  De  Ecclesia,  qvo  praecipve  quae  hoc  nostra  tempore  agitatae  fuerunt 
guestiones  excutiuntur,  1599,  16mo,  505,  517,  518.  A  Treatise  of  the  Chvrch,  wherein 
are  handled  al  the  principall  questions,  mooued  in  our  time  concerning  thai  matter, 
1606,  4to,  377,  385,  386. 

2  Sermons  upon  the  whole  Booke  of  the  Revelation,  1596,  4to,  148,  80. 

^  Six  years  before,  he  had  published  against  the  Separatists  a  specific  treatise 
entitled  A  Plaine  Declaration  that  our  Brownists  befall  Donatists. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         177 

ter  — "  But  unto  you  I  say,  and  unto  the  rest  in  Thyatira,  as 
many  as  have  not  this  Doctrine,  and,  which  have  not  known  the 
depths  of  Satan,  as  they  speak  ;  I  will  put  upon  you  none 
other  burden  "  —  without  a  similar  reference  :  — 

Now  as  Sathan  laide  the  foundation  of  this  his  deepe  diuinitie  in 
the  Apostles  times,  which  he  afterward  did  further  builde  vp  by  the 
Valentinians  and  others,  so  in  these  last  times,  so  soone  as  euer  the 
light  of  the  gospell  brake  forth,  hee  set  it  on  foote  againe  by  the  Ana- 
baptists, Lj/bertiJies,  Familie  of  Loue,  and  other  such  monsters  :  for 
they  boast  of  such  deepenes  of  illumined  elders,  and  men  deified  that 
looke  whatsoeuer  they  committed,  euen  the  fowlest  deeds,  yet  they 
sinne  not. 

This  passage  suggests  that  the  religious  struggle  in  England 
included  one  factor,  mysterious  and  elusive,  yet  of  obvious  power, 
which  it  is  easier  to  recognize  than  to  comprehend,  the  Familists, 
or  the  Family  of  Love,  whose  originating  and  animating  spirit 
was  one  Henry  Niclaes  ^  —  "  H.  N."  He  was  born  in  Munster 
in  1502.  As  eaidy  as  in  his  ninth  year  he  seemed  to  himself  to 
see  visions  sealing  his  union  with  God,  and  to  be  made  entirely 
one  with  the  will  and  word  of  God  and  inspired  to  be  an  ex- 
pounder of  divine  love.  He  soon  began  labors  for  holy  secrecy. 
He  and  his  disciples  conformed  to  the  established  religion  where- 
ever  they  were.  His  aim  was  not  a  new  sect  but  a  new  spirit 
within  all  sects. 

He  had  no  sympathy  with  Luther  or  the  Reformation.  He 
valued  the  ceremonies  of  the  Roman  Church,  but  sought  to  in- 
itiate the  reign  of  divine  love  everywhere.  Meantime  he  amassed 
wealth  as  a  merchant.  About  1561  persecution  drove  him  to 
England  for  some  years,  where  he  attracted  kindred  minds,  af- 
terwards retreating  to  Kampen  and  Cologne.  He,  or  his  disci- 
ples for  him,  printed  many  small  tracts,  several  of  which  were 
translated  from  Low  Dutch  into  English.  These  are  "  rarer 
than  white  crows,"  yet  they  seem  easier  to  be  found  than  under- 
stood. 

^  The  best  accounts  of  him  and  of  the  Family  of  Love  are  in  Robert  Barclay's 
Inner  Life  of  Relig.  Socs.  of  Commotuvealth  (1876,  25-35),  and  John  Hunt's  Relig. 
Thought  in  Eng.  from  Ref.  to  End  of  Last  Century,  1870,  i :  235-237. 


178      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Dr.  Dexter  owned  five  of  his  treatises,^  and  six  ^  which,  in  his 
day  or  soon  after,  were  published  against  his  views.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  grasp  the  sense,  or  feel  the  fascination,  of  his  utterances, 
or,  on  the  other  hand,  to  discern  the  cause  of  the  bitter  hostility 
which  he  awakened.  There  is  a  tangled  wilderness  of  words, 
through  which  the  paths  of  thought  are  hard  to  be  discovered. 
Apparently  unconscious  that  he  is  verging  upon  blasphemy,  he 
claims  ^  to  be  "  annoynted  with  the  Holie-gost,  in  the  Olde- 
age  of  the  holie  Vnderstanding  of  lesu  Christ :  godded  with 
God,  in  the  spirit  of  his  Loue  :  made-heyre  with  Christ  in  the 
heavenlie  Goods  of  the  Riches  of  God,"  etc.  A  few  sentences 
may  be  cited  from  his  great  "  Revelatio  Dei."* 

7.  Moreouer,  in  thissame  Reuelation  of  the  great  Glorie  of  God, 
and  in  this  same  liuelie  Demonstration  or  Shewinge  of  the  many  and 
manifolde  Thinges,  both  of  that  which  is  in  Heauen  and  also  of  that 
which  is  on  Earth,  so  came-there  also  vnto  mee  out  of  thesame 
heauenlie  Beeinge,  Testimony-of-trueth,  which  distinctlie  infourmed 
mee  of  the  Diuersitie  of  thinges,  and  resolued  mee  also  ;  with  cleere 
vnderstandinge  ;  of  the  Thinges  which  I  vnderstoode  not,  &  were 
shewed  vnto  mee. 

8.  But  trulye,  they  are  all  straunge  and  incredible  Thinges,  before 
the  Contemners  of  the  heauenlie  Woorkes  of  God,  and  before  all  Vn- 
derstandinges  of  y^  Wisdom  of  the  Fleash  :   But  before  the  godlie 

^  The  Principall  Epistles  of  H.  N.  which  he  hath  set-foorth  through  the  holy  Spirit 
of  Zioue,  etc.,  1574,  1648,  16nio. 

Revelatio  Dei:  the  Bevelation  of  God,  and  his  great  Propheatie,  etc.,  1574,  16mo. 

The  Prophetie  of  the  Spirit  of  Loue,  16mo. 

JSvangelium  Regni :  A  Joyful  Message  of  the  Kingdom,  etc.,  Ifimo. 

Terra  Pads:  A  True  Testification  of  the  Spirituall  Lande  of  Peace,  etc.  16mo. 

2  A  Confutation  of  monstrous  and  horrible  heresies  taught  by  H.  N.  and  embraced 
of  a  number,  who  call  themselues  the  Familie  of  Love,  by  I.  Knewstub,  1579,  8vo. 

A  Confutation  of  Certaine  Articles  deliuered  vnto  the  Family  of  Loue,  etc.,  by 
William  Wilkinson,  1579,  8vo. 

An  Epistle  sent  unto  two  daughters  of  Warwick  by  H.  JV.  refuted  by  Henry  Ains- 
worth,  4to. 

A  Description  of  the  Sect  called  the  Familie  of  Love,  ivith  their  common  Place  of 
residence,  etc.  by  one  Mrs.  Susanna  Snow,  1641,  4to.  Repr.  in  Harl.  Misc.  iii :  540- 
542. 

Herestography  :  or  a  description  of  the  Hereticks  and  Sectaries  of  these  latter  times, 
by  E.  Pagitt,  1645,  4to. 

A  Survey  of  the  Spirituall  Antichrist,  opening  the  secrets  of  Familisme,  by  S.  Ruth- 
erford, 1648,  4to. 

8  Evang.  Beg.  3.  *  7. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         179 

Vnderstandinges,  which ;  vnder  the  Obedience  of  the  Loue ;  haue  a 
regarde  on  the  Beeing  of  God  and  his  Almightines,  to  a  great  loye 
in  their  Spirit,  and  to  a  great  Thankes-geeuing  to  the  highest  God, 
because  that  Hee  ;  thesame  God  ;  hath  manifested  his  Light,  Life, 
and  Wisedom,  and  the  Vnderstandinge  of  his  secreat  Woorkes,  among 
the  Chiklren  of  Men,  vpon  the  Earth. 

9.  Moreover,  in  all  this  that  I  sawe  and  hearde,  and  that  was 
opened  vnto  mee,  I  was  forced  in  my  Spirit,  to  write-it-all,  tothende 
that  the  secreat  heauenlie  AVoorkes  of  God,  mought  be  also  declared 
amonge  all  Loners  of  the  Trueth,  and  vnderstanded  and  loued  by 
them,  in  their  Vnderstandinge. 

H.  N.  clearly  seems  to  have  claimed  to  be  sent  of  God  as 
truly  as  Moses  and  the  prophets,  and  to  have  asserted  for  his 
writings  an  authority  equal  to  that  of  the  Bible.  So  far  as  any 
great  purpose  reveals  itself  through  his  glucose  style,  it  is  that 
of  exalting  the  divine  love  and  the  duty  of  love  between  men. 
In  some  respects  he  anticipated  George  Fox  and  in  others 
Swedenborg.  There  is  no  evidence  that  he  or  his  genuine  fol- 
lowers were  guilty  of  the  immorality  freely  charged.  The  name, 
the  Family  of  Love,  assumed  by  them,  favored  false  inferences, 
and  bad  people  stood  ready  to  cloak  their  own  misdeeds  with 
a  pretence  of  discipleship.  But,  so  far  as  such  charges  ^  had 
force,  they  were  true  of  the  counterfeit  members  only  of  this 
remarkable  sect.  Perhaps  the  worst  thing  said  about  them  truly 
was  in  the  queen's  proclamation  against  them  in  1580  ^  that 
they  did  not  recognize  the  binding  force  of  an  oath  before  a 
magistrate. 

As  has  been  said,  Fulke's  "  Briefe  and  plaine  Declaration  " 
caused  a  startling  commotion.  It  had  the  immediate  effect  of 
calling  out  the  tremendous  treatise  of  Dean  Bridges,  already 
mentioned,  and  that  led  to  the  famous  Martin  Mar-prelate 
pamphlet  war.  Possibly  the  instigators  and  author  of  those 
excoriating  productions  were  otherwise  ready  for  their  experi- 
ment of  a  novel,  vigorous,  slashing  appeal  to  the  shrewd  masses 
of  the  English  people,  and  of  an  assault  from  a  fresh  quarter 
upon  the  State  Church.  Probably  Dean  Bridges  became  the 
shining  mark  for  arrows  long  enquivered,  awaiting  an  opportu- 
nity of  effective  discharge.    As  a  target  he  surely  was  big  and 

1  Harl.  Misc.  iii :  568.  ^  CardweU,  i :  451.  » 


180      THE  PKOTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

befitting.  And  the  first  two  Martins  —  the  "  Epistle  "  ^  and  the 
"  Epitome  "  ^  —  although  little  quartos,  together  less  than  one 
fourteenth  of  the  size  of  the  volume  into  which  their  missiles 
were  hurled,  by  their  light  broadsides  wrought  a  havoc  upon  it, 
a;ccompanied  by  a  popular  commotion,  only  to  be  paralleled  by 
the  famous  modern  attack  of  the  little  iron-clad  Monitor  upon 
the  bidky  Merrimac. 

The  result  was  to  disenchant  thousands  of  the  English  people 
of  that  fictitious,  exaggerated  reverence  for  the  hierarchy  which 
for  generations  had  incapacitated  them  to  think  for  themselves  ; 
and  to  convince  them  that  sound  common  sense  vigorously  em- 
ployed might  enable  an  ordinary  man,  nobody  knew  who,  writ- 
ing nobody  knew  where,  and  printing  his  surreptitious  screeds 
nobody  knew  how,  not  only  to  argue  down  doctors  of  divinity, 
but  to  baffle  and  confound  even  bishops  and  archbishops,  not  to 
say  the  Star  Chamber  and  the  Privy  Council  itself.  So  far  as 
gleanings  from  every  possible  source  instruct  us,  there  were  in 
all  seven  genuine  Martin  Mar-prelate  tracts  ^  and  eleven  which 

^  Oh  read  ouer  D.  lohn  Bridges,  for  it  is  a  worthy  worke :  or  an  epitome  ofthefyrste 
JBooke,  of  that  right  worshipfull  volume,  written  against  the  Puritanes,  in  the  defence 
of  the  noble  cleargie,  by  as  worshipful  a  prieste,  lohn  Bridges,  Presbyter,  Priest  or 
elder,  doctor  of  Diuillitie,  and  Deane  of  Sarum.  Wherein  the  arguments  of  the  puri- 
tans are  wisely  prevented,  that  when  they  come  to  ansivere  M.  Doctor,  they  must  needes 
say  some  thing  that  hath  bene  spoken.  Compiled  for  the  behoofe  and  overthrow  of  the 
Parsons,  Fyckers,  and  Currats,  that  haue  lernt  their  Catechismes,  and  are  past  grace ; 
by  the  reverend  and  worthie  Martin  Marprelate  gentleman,  and  dedicated  to  the  Con- 
focationhouse.  The  Epitome  is  not  yet  published,  but  it  shall  be  when  the  Bishops  are 
at  conuenient  leysure  to  view  the  same.  In  the  meane  time,  let  them  be  content  with  this 
learned  Epistle.  Printed  oversea,  in  Europe,  within  two  furlongs  of  a  Bounsing 
Priest,  at  the  cost  and  charges  of  M.  Marprelate,  gentleman,  1588  [?],  4to.  Repr. 
1843,  12mo.   Also  by  Arber. 

'^  Same  title  as  the  Epistle  down  to  "and  dedicated."  Then  it  g-oes  on  —  by  a 
second  Epistle  to  the  Terrible  Priests.  In  this  Epitome,  theforesaide  Pickers,  ^c.  are 
very  insufficiently  furnished,  with  notable  inabilitie  of  most  vincible  reasons,  toanswere 
the  cauill  of  the  puritanes.  And  lest  M.  Doctor  should  thinke  that  no  man  can  write 
without  sence  but  his  selfe,  the  senceles  titles  of  the  Seueral  pages,  and  the  handling  of 
the  matter  throughout  the  Epitome,  shewe  plainely,  that  beetle-headed  ignorance,  must 
not  Hue  and  die  with  him  alone.  Printed  on  the  other  hand  of  some  of  the  Priests, 
1589  [?],  4to.   Repr.  1843,  12mo,  and  by  Arber. 

^  Two  have  just  been  named.   The  others,  briefly,  are  these  :  — 

Certaine  Minerall  and  Metaphisicall  School  points,  etc.    A  broadside,  1589. 

Hay  any  worke  for  Cooper :  or  a  briefe  Pistle,  etc.,  1589  [?],  4to.  Repr.  1642. 
Also  by  Arber. 

The  Protestatyon  of  Martin  Marprelat  wherein  not  withstanding  the  surprizing  of 
the  printer,  he  maketh  it  known  vnto  the  world  that  he  feareth  neither  proud  priest, 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         181 

directly  replied  to  them/  with  four  or  five  collateral  pleas 
against  Martin,^  and,  no  doubt,  as  many  at  least  in  his  favor, 
which  last  have  disappeared. 

The  chief  English  expert  upon  the  subject  declares  this  Mar- 
tin Mar-prelate  war  to  have  been  "  the  controversy  of  the  Eliza- 
bethan age."^    At  any  rate,  it  is  clear  to  any  candid  student 

Antichristian  pope,  tiranous  prellate  nor  godlesse  catercap,  etc.,  1589  [?],  12mo. 
Repr.  by  Arber. 

Theses  Martinianm :  That  is  Certaine  demonstrative  Conclusions  sette  downe  and 
collected  {as  it  should  seeme)  hy  that  famous  and  renowned  Clarke,  the  reuerend 
Martin  Marprelate  the  great,  etc.,  1589  [?].    Repr.  by  Arber. 

The  iust  censure  and  reproofe  of  Martin  lunior.  Wherein  the  rash  and  nndiacrete 
headines  of  the  foolish  youth  is  sharply  mette  with,  and  the  boy  hath  his  lesson  taught 
him,  I  warrant  you.  by  his  reuerend  and  elder  brother,  Martin  Senior,  sonne  and  heire 
vnto  the  renowmed  Martin  Marprelate  the  Great,  etc.,  1589  [?],  12mo. 

1  An  Admonition  to  the  People  of  England,  etc.  T.  Cooper,  1589,  4to,  and  again 
16mo.    Also  1847,  I2mo. 

Antimartinus,  sive  monitio  cuiusdam  Londinensis  ad  adolescentes  utriusque ;  Aca- 
demice  contra  personatum,  (juendam  rabulam,  qui  se  Anglice  Martin  Marprelat  .  .  . 
vocat,  etc.    A.  L.  [?],  1589,  4to. 

A  Whip  for  an  Ape  :  or  Martin  displaied,  1589  [?],  4to. 

Mar-Martine,  1589  [?],  4to.    Repr.  in  Caesura  Literaria,  vi :  236,  and  by  Arber. 

Marre-Martin,  etc.,  1589  [?],  4to.    Repr.  by  Arber. 

A  Countercuffe  giuen  to  Martin  lunior,  by  the  venturesome,  hardie,  and  renouned 
Pasquill  of  England e.   T.  Nash  [?],  1.589,  4to.    Repr.  by  Arber. 

Pappe  with  an  hatchet,  etc.,  J.  Lily  [?],  1589  [?],  4to.  Repr.  1844,  and  by  Arber. 

The  Returne  of  the  renoivned  Caualiero  Pasquill  of  England,  etc,  lo89,  4to.  Repr. 
by  Arber. 

Jn  Almond  for  a  Parrat,  or  Cuthbert  Curry-knaues  Almes,  etc.  T.  Nash  [?], 
1589  [?],  4to.    Repr.  1846,  12mo,  and  by  Arber. 

Martins  Months  minde,  that  is,  A  certaine  report  and  true  description  of  the  Death 
and  FuneraUs.  of  aide  Martin  Marre-pr elate,  etc.,  1589,  4to. 

Plaine  Percevall  the  Peace-Maker  of  England.  Sweetly  indevoring  with  his  blunt 
persuasions  to  botch  vp  a  Eeconciliation  between  Mar-ton  and  Mar-tother,  etc.  R. 
Harvey  [?],  1589  [?],  4to.    Repr.  1860,  12mo,  and  by  Arber. 

2  Asinus  Onustus :  The  Asse  ouerladen.  To  his  Louing  and  deare  Mistress 
Elizabeth  the  blessed  Queene  of  England,  etc.,  1589  [?],  4to.  Repr.  1642  and 
1689. 

A  Theologicall  Discourse  of  the  Lamb  of  God,  and  his  enemies.  Containing  a  brief 
commentary  of  Christian  faith,  together  with  a  detection  of  old  and  new  Barbarisme 
now  called  Martinisme.   R.  Harvey  [?],  1590,   4to. 

A  Friendly  Admonition  to  Martin  Mar-prelate  4^  his  Mates,  etc.  L.  Wright  [?], 
1590,  4to. 

A  Myrrour  for  Martinists.  And  all  other  Schismatiques,  which  in  these  daungerous 
daies  doe  breake  the  godlie  vnitie,  and  dislurbe  the  Christian  peace  of  the  Church,  etc. 
T.  Tnrswell  [•?],  1590,  4to. 

An  Advertisement  for  Pap-hatchet,  and  Martin  Marprelate,  etc.  G.  Harvey,  1592, 
4to. 

3  W.  Maskell,  Hist,  of  Martin  Marprelate  Controversy  in  reign  of  Eliz.  221. 


182  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

who  makes  thorough  investigation,  that  this  controversy  has 
been  as  much  underrated  in  its  relation  to  the  movement  of  the 
popular  thought,  as  it  has  been  misrepresented  in  its  essential 
quality.  Dr.  Dexter  has  considered  elsewhere,^  at  some  length, 
this  portion  of  the  English  literature  of  the  period,  and  has  de- 
fended it  from  the  condemnation  which  it  almost  invariably  has 
received. 

As  the  result  of  years  of  research,  he  was  able  to  find  all 
these  tracts,  and  so  to  have  opportunity  to  estimate  them  intel- 
ligently. And  a  most  thorough  and  conscientious  examination 
convinced  him  that,  so  far  as  the  Martinists  were  concerned, 
although  strong  language  occurs,  with  rude  and  graphic  turns 
of  thought,  and  now  and  then  an  inwoven  strand  of  coarse  and 
stinging  speech  from  the  current  life  of  common  men  of  that 
day,  nothing  brutal  or  obscene  appears.  That  bitterness  now 
and  again  tinges  the  words  of  Martin,  as  the  official  severity 
towards  him  increases,  is  true.  But  an  unselfish,  devout  and 
noble  purpose  inspires  and  justifies  him  ;  and  there  is  a  tonic 
quality  in  even  his  sharpest  and  freest  utterances,  which  cannot 
be  said  of  most  of  the  counterblasts  which  the  bishops'  attorneys 
issued  against  him. 

Dr.  Dexter  believed  that  Henry  Barrowe  wrote  ^  these  genu- 
ine Martins,  and  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  John  Penry 
was  their  publisher.^  Together,  presumably,  upon  this  theory, 
they  conceived  of  the  possibility  of  bringing  to  bear  ujDon  the 
heavy  and  lingering  labor  of  church  reform  that  tremendous 
power  which  ridicule,  satire  and  sarcasm  possess  for  the  dis- 

1  Cong,  in  Lit.  186-202. 

2  In  his  Cong,  in  Lit.  (194-201)  Dr.  Dexter  gave  his  reasons  for  this  conjecture, 
largely  founded  upon  the  resemblance  in  style  between  the  Martins  and  Barrowe's 
acknowledged  works.  The  discussion  which  followed  only  confirmed  his  opinion  that 
Barrowe  was  Martin.  This  conviction  was  strengthened  by  his  larger  acquaintance 
with  Barrowe's  manner  of  thinking  and  writing,  due  to  his  having  possessed  him- 
self of  all  of  the  ten  books  which,  other  than  the  Martins,  are  attributed  to  Barrowe's 
pen.  To  his  mind  Barrowe's  authorship  of  the  Martins  became  a  moral  certainty. 
But  had  he  lived  to  read  Dr.  F.  J.  Powieke's  Henry  Barrow,  Separatist,  etc.  (Lon- 
don, J.  Clarke  &  Co.,  1900,  82-85),  probably  he  would  have  revised,  if  not  aban- 
doned, this  conclusion.  Dr.  Powicke  seems  to  prove  that  Barrowe  cannot  have 
been  Martin,  although  he  throws  no  light  upon  the  question  who  Martin  actually 
was. 

^  This  is  proved  in  Cong,  in  Lit.  193. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         183 

comfiture  of  abuses  ;  which  Erasmus  and  Beza  not  long  before 
had  ilhistrated  in  Latin,^  but  which  never  up  to  that  time 
seems  to  have  been  experimented  with  in  English.  Whoever 
furnished  the  "  copy,"  "  shete  by  shete,"  ^  Penry  apparently 
took  charge  of  it,  and  at  Kingston-upon-Thames  ;  ^  at  Fawsley, 
in  Northamptonshire  ;  at  Coventry  ;  in  Newton  Lane,  at  Man- 
chester ;  or  at  Woolston,  had  it  printed  after  their  rude  fashion, 
as  opportunity  could  be  found  or  made.  When,  in  the  summer 
of  1589,  the  second  and  last  press  in  this  emj)loy  was  discovered, 
and  Penry  fled  to  Scotland,  the  printing  of  the  Mar-prelate 
tracts  came  to  an  instant  and  final  end.  The  land  was  scoured 
to  apprehend  Martin,  but,  if  he  were  Barrowe,  he  was  so  safe 
in  the  Fleet  Prison  that  they  never  found  him.  And,  as  he  and 
Greenwood,  who,  as  his  cell-companion,  must  have  known  the 
facts,  and  Penry  all  three  were  martyred  in  1593,  the  secret  of 
their  joint  labors  in  this  behalf  remained  untold. 

One  thing  is  clear,  that  Martin  was  not  instigated  by  the 
leading  Puritans.  The  second  tract,  the  "  Epitome,"  which  fol- 
lowed the  "  Epistle  "  at  a  sufficient  distance  of  time  to  observe 
and  record  the  fact,  says  :  *  — 

The  Puritans  are  angrie  with  me :  I  meane  the  puritane  preachers. 
And  why  ?  Because  I  am  to  open.  Because  I  iest.  ...  I  did  thinke 
that  Martin  shoulde  not  haue  beene  blamed  of  the  puritans,  for  telHng 
the  truth  openly. 

Some,  like  good  Richard  Greenham,  doubted  the  wisdom  of 
that  way  of  advocating  righteousness  ;  ^  "  For  (said  he)  the  ten- 
dency of  this  Book  is  to  make  sin  ridiculous,  whereas  it  ought 
to  be  made  odious."  Others,  like  Thomas  Cartwright,  who  were 
anxious  to  have  the  whole  Church  of  England  become  Presby- 
terian in  a  quiet,  orderly,  wholesale  manner,  took  special  pains 
to  dissociate  ^  themselves  from  Martin. 

Most  of  the  Establishment  were  furious  at  what  they  deemed 

^  The  former  in  Moriae  Encomium  and  several  of  his  Familiarum  CoUoquiorum 
Formulae ;  the  latter  in  Epis.  Magistri  Benedicti,  etc. 
^  Egerton  Papers,  Camden  See.  1840,  175. 
8  Harl.  Ms.  7042  :  8,  19-25.  ^  iii. 

6  S.  Clarke,  Lives  Thirty-two  Eng.  Divines  (ed.  1677),  13. 
**  Lansd.  Ms.  Ixiv  :  20. 


184  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

the  Intolerable  impudence  of  such  literature.  The  more  sedate 
and  devout,  like  Thomas  Turswell,  cahiily  referi-ed  the  whole 
thing  to  the  devil.^  Doubtless,  also,  he  fairly  expressed  the 
judgment  of  many,  that  some,  who  had  answered  Martin,  had 
gone  beyond  bounds  in  doing  so. 

If  now  we  go  back  over  the  ground  which  we  have  traversed, 
and  recall  the  spirit  of  the  many  treatises  which,  between  the 
issue  of  the  "First  Admonition  to  the  Parliament "  and  the  close 
of  the  century,  set  forth  and  urged  upon  the  public  mind  and 
conscience  church  government  by  eldership,  or  which  opposed 
this  teaching,  several  things  become  clear.  First,  and  most  dis- 
tinct, is  manifest  the  dominant  motive  of  the  movement,  a  pro- 
found conviction  widely  felt,  that  grave  spiritual  harm  was  being 
done  to  the  cause  of  morality  and  religion  and  to  the  best  wel- 
fare of  the  English  nation,  not  merely  by  the  methods  of  the 
Church  by  law  established,  but  by  its  very  existence  as  such  ;  and 
this  to  that  degree  that  no  reasonable  expectation  remained  of 
any  genuine,  satisfactory  reform,  excepting  through  a  radical 
reconstruction.  It  must  be  remembered  and  emphasized  that 
the  fundamental,  impelling  principle  of  the  Puritans  was  not 
dissatisfaction  with  church  government  by  bishops  for  its  own 
sake,  but  the  conviction  that  the  hierarchy  as  it  was,  and  was 
likely  to  remain,  threatened  the  very  existence  of  vital  godliness. 
This  led  them  to  reinvestigate  the  Scriptures  upon  the  matter, 
and  that  reinvestigation  confirmed  their  conviction. 

Evidently  the  Presbyterianism  which  many  zealous  Puritans 
wished  to  import  from  Geneva,  as  the  sufficient  remedy  for 
everything  wrong  in  the  Church  of  England,  had  not  yet  made 
itself  entirely  intelligible  and  self-consistent,  even  to  its  warmest 
friends.  Calvin  himself  had  not  even  suggested  that  graded 
unity  of  session,  presbytery,  synod  and  assembly,  which  was  its 
final  manner  of  development.  Indeed,  there  is  evidence  that  he 
doubted  whether  that  form  of  church  government  which  worked 
well  in  Geneva  would  work  well  always  and  everywhere.  He 
himself  proposed  to  Sigismund,  king  of  Poland,  a  polity  com- 
bining the  Episcopal  with  the  Presbyterian  elements.^    And  in 

^  Mijrrour  for  Martinist/t,  iv  :  1. 
2  P."  Henry,  Calvin,  i :  401. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         185 

his  "  Institutes,"  ^  he  says  that  an  arrangement  which  is  effectual 
among  a  few  must  not  be  transferred  forthwith  to  the  whole 
world.  His  personal  aptness  for  arbitrary  power  inclined  him 
towards  not  only  a  strong  but  even  a  hierarchical  government. 
He  continued  to  be  permanent  president  of  the  consistory  in 
Geneva,  although  he  thus  violated  his  own  rules.  Beza  declared 
that  Calvin  "  in  effect  "  was  Bishop  of  Geneva.  In  1548,  in  his 
letter  ^  to  the  Protector  Somerset,  Calvin  speaks  incidentally  of 
"  prelates  and  curates,"  "  pastors  and  curates,"  and  "  bishops 
and  curates,"  as  if  he  had  no  fault  to  find,  either  with  those 
terms  in  their  English  sense  or  with  the  form  of  polity  involving 
them. 

Very  late  in  1644,^  seems  to  have  been  published  a  little 
manual  *  which,  on  its  title-page,  was  stated  to  have  been  found 
in  Cartwright's  study  after  his  death.  This  has  been  represented 
as  a  reissue  °  of  the  English  translation  of  the  work  of  Walter 
Travers  printed  on  the  Continent  in  1574  and,  as  has  been  seen, 
the  first  reduction  to  definite  form  of  the  new  way  of  church 
discipline.  But  the  treatise  of  Travers,  as  issued  in  Latin,  con- 
tained 308  pages  in  16mo,  and  as  Englished,  presumably  by 
Cartwright,  204  pages  in  quarto.  This  fact  alone  should  have 
suggested  the  impossibility  of  its  reproduction  in  coarse  type  in 
a  pamphlet  of  less  than  twenty-four  small  quarto  pages.  This 
Directory  appears  to  be  the  work  to  which  Bancroft  refers  ^  as 
the  "  Form  of  Discipline  "  which,  "  about  the  yeare,  1583  .  .  . 
is  lately  come  to  light."  Apparently  Bancroft  knew  it  only  in 
Latin.  From  extracts  which  he  gives  from  letters  written,  in 
1585,  by  Field  to  Travers  and  by  GeUisbrand  and  Sands  to 
Field,  it  seems  to  have  been  used  in  embodying  those  local 
Classes,  which  were  formed  covertly  about  that  time  in  various 
localities.    Bancroft  speaks  of  a  new  edition,  probably  in  Eng- 

^  Lib.  iy.  c.  vi.  sect.  8. 

2  Jules  Bonnet,  Lets,  of  Calvin,  ii :   177,  183. 

^  Thoraason  indorsed  on  the  title-page  of  his  copy,  as  its  day  of  issue,  "  14  Feb. 
1644-.5."    Brit.  Mus.  Lib. 

*  A  Directory  of  church  Government.  Anciently  Contended  for,  and  as  farre  as 
the  Times  would  suffer, practised  by  the  first  Nonconformists  in  the  dales  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  etc.,  1644,  4to. 

^  Price,  Hist.  Prot.  Nonconformity,  i :  363. 

8  Davng.  Posit.  69,  70-72,  76,  77. 


186      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

lish,  a  copy  of  which  —  of  course  no  copies  then  gained  public 
circulation  —  no  doubt  was  left  by  Cartwright,  from  which  this 
reprint  was  made.i 

It  begins  with  a  brief  declaration  of  the  principles  of  church 
Discipline,  and  a  precise  statement  of  the  restored  "  Synodical 
Discipline  "  completes  it.  There  are  twenty-four  "  heads,"  which 
include  the  necessity  of  a  calling  to  the  ministry  and  the  man- 
ner of  entering  upon  the  work,  election  by  the  Church,  the  order 
of  prayer,  of  preaching,  of  the  catechism,  the  sacraments,  mar- 
riage, schools,  elders,  consistories,  censures,  etc.  There  is  to  be 
a  consistory,  or  session,  in  each  church,  and  one  minister  and 
one  elder  are  to  represent  that  church  session  at  conferences, 
which  are  to  meet  every  six  weeks.  Delegates  from  twenty-four 
conferences  —  two  ministers  and  two  elders  from  each  —  form  a 
provincial  synod.  Every  such  synod  is  to  send  three  ministers 
and  three  elders  to  constitute  a  national  synod.  Yet  all  seems 
tentative,  and  the  fatally  weak  features  reveal  themselves  in 
"  The  Form  of  the  Subscription,"  with  which  all  concludes :  — 

This  Discipline  wee  allow  as  a  godly  Discipline,  and  agreeable  to 
the  Word  of  God,  (yet  so  far  as  wee  may  be  first  satisfied  in  the  things 
hereunder  noted)  and  desire  the  same  so  acknowledged  by  us  to  be 
furthered  by  all  lawfull  meanes,  that  by  publique  authority  of  the 
Magistrate,  and  of  our  Church  it  may  bee  established. 

Which  thing,  if  it  may  bee  obtained  of  Her  right  Excellent 
Majesty,  and  other  the  Magistrates  of  this  Kingdome,  we  promise  that 
we  will  doe  nothing  against  it  whereby  the  publique  peace  of  the 
Church  may  be  troubled.  In  the  meane  time  we  promise  to  observe  it 
so  far  as  it  may  be  lawfull  for  us  so  to  doe,  by  the  publique  lawes  of 
this  Kingdome,  and  by  the  Peace  of  our  Church. 

Here,  disregarding  all  minor  structural  difficulties,  are  at 
least  four  insuperable  objections  to  the  fitness  of  the  Presbyte- 
rianism  thus  outlined  to  furnish  at  that  time  an  adequate  remedy 
for  the  spiritual  evils  needing  correction.  —  First,  this  Directory 
waits  for  the  civil  power  to  initiate  the  desired  substitution  of 

^  In  connection  with  the  observance,  by  the  Synod  of  the  Presbyterian  Church 
in  England,  of  the  Tercentenary  of  the  establishment  of  the  first  Presbytery  in  Eng- 
land at  Wandsworth,  in  1572,  this  Directory  was  reprinted  in  facsimile  by  Prof. 
Lorimer,  of  the  English  Presb.  College,  with  an  eight-page  introduction. 


SOME  SPECIAL  FEATURES  OF  THE  STRUGGLE         187 

Presbyterianism  for  Episcopacy ;  an  absurdity  which  it  seems 
incredible  that  they  should  not  have  realized.  Secondly,  should 
such  a  beginning  of  reform  ever  prove  possible,  its  failure  is  in- 
evitable, as  it  is  to  be  left  to  be  carried  on  by  public  authority. 
Thirdly,  the  basis  proposed  for  church-membership  —  baptized 
children,  of  the  age  of  fourteen,  who  confess  their  faith  and 
submit  themselves  to  the  discipline,  dependence  being  placed 
upon  church  censures,  when  needed,  to  lift  up  the  resultant 
church-life  to  the  gospel  standard  —  really  is  indistinguishable 
in  principle  from  that  which  it  seeks  to  supplant.  Fourthly,  if 
vaguely,  yet  really,  through  the  proposed  national  synod,  this 
system  so  binds  all  the  congregations  of  its  contemplated  Church 
into  organic  unity,  to  be  enforced  by  civil  constraint  from  with- 
out, that  no  local  assembly  can  move  constitutionally,  even 
towards  a  better  life,  until  all  other  portions,  or  a  majority  of 
them,  are  ready  to  move  with  it. 

That  a  mind  so  sagacious  and  well-informed  as  Cartwright's 
should  not  merely  have  felt  content  in  such  a  scheme,  but  also 
have  urged  it  and  suffered  for  it,  can  be  explained  only  by 
remembering  that  environment  of  inveterate  conservatism  which 
made  it  almost  impossible  for  him  to  see  things  as  they  actually 
were. 

Surely  somebody  soon  must  be  led  of  the  Lord  to  see  that 
only  by  a  different  road  could  it  be  reasonably  possible  to  move 
towards  success.  So  now  it  is  time  to  ask  whether  any  better 
suggestion,  with  any  larger  hope,  were  offered  from  any  other 
quarter  during  these  laboring  years. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE   EARLIEST  EXPERIMENTS   IN   PRACTICAL  CHURCH 

REFORM 

It  is  not  unnatural  that  the  earliest  traces  of  efforts  to  organize 
churches  of  a  new  and  purer  sort  should  be  found  in  London. 
The  hostile  watchfulness  of  the  government  was  not  much,  if  at 
all,  more  keen  there  than  elsewhere ;  while  it  was  easier  both  to 
find  sympathizers  with  reform,  and  also  to  escape  notice.  In 
1567  John  Smith  and  six  others  were  examined  before  the  Lord 
Mayor  and  the  Bishop  of  London,  and  it  was  testified  ^  that  in 
Queen  Mary's  days  a  congregation  had  met  in  London,  and  had 
used  "  a  booke  and  order  of  preaching,  ministring  of  the  Sacra- 
mentes  and  Discipline,"  like  those  of  the  English  at  Geneva. 
At  some  time  before  1571,  certain  of  these  persons  united  as  a 
church,  of  which  Richard  Fytz  was  pastor  and  Thomas  Rowland 
deacon.  A  short  declaration,^  "  The  trewe  Markes  of  Christ's 
Church,"  which  they  set  forth,  maintained  three  positions :  the 
free  and  pure  preaching  of  the  Gospel ;  the  simple  ministry  of 
the  sacraments,  after  the  pattern  of  Christ ;  and  the  church 
control  of  the  New  Testament.  These  are  good  Congregational 
principles,  but  they  scarcely  touch  actual  polity. 

In  the  scanty  traces  left  by  these  people  no  proof  appears 
that  they  differed  essentially  from  Puritans  in  general,  least  of 
all  that  they  had  rediscovered  the  original  Congregationalism. 3 

1  Parte  of  Beg.  25. 

2  S.  P.  Bom.  Eliz.  xx:  107.  Wadding-ton,  Hist.  Paps.  1  ser.  11-14;  Cong.  Hist. 
i:  742-745.    J.  Brown,  Pilg.  Paths.  ofN.  Eng.  27. 

^  Dr.  Brown  (22-33)  believes  this  church  to  have  been  Congregational.  He  also 
regards  it  as  "  a  link  between  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  and  the  brethren  of  the  earlier 
generation  "  that  John  Bolton —  who  was  connected  with  "  the  church  already  es- 
tablished "  in  Amsterdam,  i.  e.,  the  "  Ancient  Church,"  when  the  Pilgrims  arrived 
there  —  had  been  an  elder  of  Fytz's  church.  But  the  Pilgrims  did  not  join  the 
Ancient  Church,  and  there  is  no  mention  of  Bolton  in  any  of  their  writings,  nor 
any  evidence  that  they  ever  had  any  connection  with  him. 


EXPERIMENTS   IN   PRACTICAL   CHURCH   REFORM     189 

Grindal  ^  represents  their  contention  to  have  been  "  concerning 
the  habits,"  and  says  that  they  hekl  meetings,  administered  the 
sacraments  and  discipline,  and  ordained  church  officers  "  after 
their  own  way."  But  this  is  no  more  than  was  done  by  other 
Puritans.  There  is  no  evidence  that  this  particular  movement 
left  seeds  of  influence  in  the  world's  soil,  which  afterwards  grew 
into  the  Congregationalism  of  the  present.  We  therefore  are 
left  to  look  ten  or  twelve  years  later  towards  Cambridge  and 
Norwich  for  the  first  suggestion  which  was  made  available  prac- 
tically of  a  polity  havnng  elements  of  truth,  and  so  of  success, 
which  the  Presbyterianism  of  Calvin  and  Cartw^ight  lacked. 

Eobert  Browne  was  born  at  Tolethorpe,  in  Rutlandshire, 
about  1550,  and  was  a  member  of  Corpus  Christi,  or  Benet, 
College,  Cambridge,  in  1570,  taking  his  B.  A.  there  in  1572.2  In 
1571  he  seems  to  have  been  domestic  chaplain  to  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk.  Then  he  taught  ^  for  about  three  years.  Even  then  his 
conviction  of  his  spiritual  duty  to  his  pupils  was  so  strong, 
that  he  was  dismissed.*  But  he  continued  to  teach  privately, 
and  successfully,  mitil  the  plague  sent  him  home.  His  father 
was  well  off  and  he  might  have  remained  at  home  comfortably. 

1  Zur.  Lets.  LXXXII. 

2  The  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.  (vii  :  57)  suggests  that  Browne  may  have  entered  some 
other  college,  and  have  migrated  to  Corpus  in  1570,  which  would  account  for  his 
taking  a  degree  there  so  soon  after  matriculation.  Perhaps  this  is  favored  by  the 
fact  that,  if  he  were  born  in  1550,  or  thereabouts,  he  hardly  would  have  waited 
until  his  twentieth  year  in  those  days  before  going  to  Cambridge. 

^  In  Dr.  Dexter's  words  :  — 

"  Browne  has  been  written  about  more  and  understood  less  than  most  men  of  his 
day.  Fuller,  who  claimed  some  personal  knowledge  of  him,  started  misstatements 
about  his  character  and  career  which  most  subsequent  biographers  have  copied  ; 
while,  owing  to  the  zeal  with  which  they  were  burned,  his  books  have  been  largely 
unknown.  When  I  began  special  study  in  regard  to  him,  many  years  since,  diligent 
search  in  England  Avas  rewarded  at  last  by  the  sight  of  four  of  his  principal 
treatises,  which  explain  his  system.  And,  in  1875, 1  discovered,  among  the  anony- 
mous and  unassigned  quartos  in  the  library  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  at 
Lambeth  Palace,  a  little  volume,  badly  printed  and  without  title-page,  printer's 
name,  place  or  date,  passages  in  which  I  immediately  recognized  as  having  been 
cited,  as  from  him,  by  some  of  his  antagonists.  It  proved  to  be  —  with  the  aim  of 
explaining  his  church  failure  at  Middleberg  —  a  substantial  autobiography,  cover- 
ing the  years  during  which  he  was  becoming  a  Separatist  and  shaping  his  system. 
With  the  help  of  this,  with  letters  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  his  other 
books,  and  the  parish  records  of  Achurch-cum-Thorpe,  it  became  possible  at  once 
to  reconceive  of  and  reconstruct  both  his  life  and  his  system." 

*  Trve  and  Short  Declar.  2,  i,  6,  7,  18, 19,  20. 


190  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR   FATHERS 

But  his  sense  of  duty  led  him  back  to  Cambridge,  where  he  j)ut 
himself  under  the  training  of  that  advanced  Puritan,  Rev.  Rich- 
ard Greenham,  of  Dry  Drayton.^  He  soon  developed  such  pulpit 
power  as  to  be  invited,  with  consent  of  the  mayor  and  vice- 
chancellor,  to  preach  in  Cambridge.  This  led  him  to  a  reexam- 
ination of  principles.  He  decided  that  it  must  be  the  business 
of  the  church  itself,  and  not  the  bishop,  to  call  and  receive  him. 
He  also  debated  the  whole  question  thoroughly,  not  only  with 
his  conscience  but  also  with  those  who  took  most  interest  in 
such  matters  —  he  called  them  "  the  forwardest."  The  result 
was  that 

he  thought  it  lavvfuU  first  to  be  tried  ofE  the  bishops,  then  also  to 
suffer  their  power,  though  it  were  vnlawfuU,  iff  in  aniething  it  did  not 
hinder  the  trueth.  But  to  be  authorised  of  them,  to  be  svvorne,  toe 
subscribe,  to  be  ordained  &  receaue  their  licensing,  he  vtterlie  mis- 
liked  &  kept  hiself  cleare  in  those  matters. 

His  brother  ^  obtained  for  him  the  bishop's  seals.  But  Robert 
would  not  pay  the  fees,  and,  when  his  brother  paid  them,  Robert 
lost  one  seal  and  burned  another.  He  also  condemned  the  sys- 
tem openly,  and  explained  that  he  refused  to  become  connected 
regularly  with  the  Cambridge  parish  to  which  he  preached  be- 
cause "he  sawe  the  parishes  in  such  spiritual  bondage  that 
whosoeuer  would  take  charge  off  them  must  also  come  into  that 
bondage  with  them."  After  six  months  of  labor  he  decided  that 
the  Lord  called  him  "  to  a  further  &  more  effectual  message," 
and,  although  his  hearers  "  gathered  him  a  stipend,"  he  returned 
it  and  "  gaue  them  warning  of  his  departure."  Never  physically 
strong,  in  the  excitement  of  these  experiences  he  fell  "  soare 
sick."  After  recovery  he  reached  the  conclusion  which  proved 
to  be  the  long  waited-for  pivot  on  which  further  reform,  and 
the  whole  future  of  free  churches,  was  to  turn.  This  he  states 
thus :  — 

Therefore  he  finding  the  parishes  toe  much  addicted  &  pliable  to 
that  lamentable  state,  he  iudged  that  the  kingdom  off  God  was  not 

^  Perhaps  five  miles  N.  W.  from  Cambridge. 

2  Perhaps  named  Philip,  as  he  mentions  a  "  Browne  "  of  that  name  as  with  him 
at  Cambridge.  —  Trve  and  Short  Declar.  1. 


EXPERIMENTS   IN   PRACTICAL   CHURCH   REFORM     191 

to  be  begun  by  whole  parishes,  but  rather  off  the  worthiest,  were  they 
neuer  so  fevve  .  .  . 

He  considered  that  if  there  were  not  onelie  faultes  but  also  open  and 
abominable  wickedness  in  any  parish  or  companie,  &  thei  would  not 
or  could  not  redresse  them,  but  were  held  in  bondage  hie  antichristian 
power,  as  were  those  parishes  in  Cambridge  by  the  bishops ;  then 
euerie  true  Christian  was  to  leaue  such  parishes,  &  to  seek  the  Church 
of  God  where  so  euer. 

This  cut  the  knot.  Thenceforth  his  quest  was  to  find  some 
place  where  others  thought,  or  could  be  brought  to  think,  as  he 
thought.  He  was  in  sublime  and  sorrowful  earnest.  While  he 
still  was  in  doubt,  Robert  Harrison,  whom  he  had  known  at 
Cambridge,  came  back  from  Norwich  intending  to  be  ordained 
by  the  bishop.  Browne  dissuaded  him,  and  Harrison  soon  re- 
turned to  Norwich.  Browne  remembered  that  in  Norfolk  some 
were  "  uerie  forward,"  removed  thither  and  found  welcome 
in  Harrison's  dwelling.  The  two  young  men  thought  out  and 
classified  the  new  ideas  in  which,  in  the  main,  they  were  agreed, 
but  at  first  Harrison  could  not  go  so  far  as  Browne. 

As  revealing  the  process  of  the  formation  of  the  first  substan- 
tially Congregational  church  on  record  since  the  days  of  primitive 
Christianity,  the  details  are  worth  noting :  — 

There  was  a  day  appointed,  and  an  order  taken  ffor  redresse  off  the 
former  abuses  and  for  cleaning  to  the  Lord  in  greater  obedience.  So 
a  conenat  was  made  &  ther  mutual  cosent  was  geue  to  hould  together. 
There  were  certain  chief  pointes  proued  vnto  them  by  the  scriptures, 
all  which  being  particularlie  rehersed  vnto  them  with  exhortation, 
thei  agreed  vpon  them,  &  pronouced  their  agrement  to  ech  thing  par- 
ticularlie, saiing :  to  this  we  geue  our  consent. 

First  therfore  thei  gaue  their  consent  to  ioine  them  selues  to  the 
Lord,  in  one  couenant  and  felloweshipp  to  gether  &  to  keep  and  seek 
agrement  vnder  his  lawes  and  gouernment ;  and  therefore  did  vtterlie 
flee  and  auoide  such  like  disorders  &  wickedness  as  was  mencioned 
before. 

Further  thei  agreed  off  those  v\'hich  should  teach  them  and  v^^atch 
for  the  saluation  of  their  soules  whom  thei  allowed  and  did  chose  as 
able  &  meete  ffor  that  charge.  For  thei  had  sufficient  triall  and  testi- 
monie  thereoff  by  that  which  thei  hard  &  sawe  by  them  and  had  re- 
ceaued  of  others.  So  thei  praied  for  their  watchfulness  and  diligence 
and  promised  their  obedience. 


192  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Likewise  an  order  was  agi'eed  on  ffor  their  meetings  together,  ffor 
their  exercises  therein,  as  for  praier,  thanckesgiuing,  reading  of  the 
Scriptures,  for  exhortation  &  edifying,  ether  by  all  men  which  had  the 
guift  or  by  those  which  had  a  special  charge  before  others.  And  for 
the  lawfulnes  ofE  putting  forth  questions  to  learne  the  trueth,  as  iff 
anie  thing  seemed  doubtful  &  hard,  to  require  some  to  shewe  it  more 
plainlie,  or  for  anie  to  shewe  it  himselfe  &  to  cause  the  rest  to  under- 
stand it.  Further  for  noting  out  anie  speciall  matter  of  edifiing  at  the 
meeting,  or  for  talcking  seuerally  thereo,  with  some  particulars,  iff 
none  did  require  publique  audience,  or  if  no  waightier  and  more 
necessarie  matter  were  hadled  of  others. 

Againe  it  was  agreed  that  anie  might  protest,  appeale,  complaine, 
exhoi't,  dispute,  reproue  &c.  as  he  bad  occasion,  but  yet  in  due  order, 
which  was  the  also  declared. 

Also  that  all  should  further  the  Kingdom  off  God  in  themselues,  & 
especiallie  in  their  charge  &  househould,  iff  thei  had  anie,  or  in  their 
freindes  &  companions  and  whosoeuer  Vvas  Vvorthie. 

Furthermore  thei  particularlie  agreed  off  the  manner  howe  to  Vvatch 
to  disorders,  &  reforme  abuses,  &  for  assembling  the  companie,  for 
teaching  priuatlie,  and  for  warning  and  rebukeing  both  priuatlie  & 
openlie ;  for  appointing  publick  humbling  in  more  rare  iudgementes, 
&  publick  thankesgeuing  in  straunger  blessinges  ;  for  gathering  &  testi- 
fying voices  in  debating  matters  and  propounding  them  in  the  name 
off  the  rest  that  agree  ;  for  an  order  of  chosing  teachers,  guides,  & 
releeuers  when  thei  want ;  for  separating  cleane  from  vncleane ;  for 
receauing  anie  into  the  fellowship ;  for  preseting  the  dailie  successe  of 
the  church,  &  the  wantes  thereof  ;  for  seeking  to  other  churches  to 
haue  their  helpe,  being  better  reformed,  or  to  bring  them  to  reforma- 
tion ;  for  taking  an  order  that  none  contend  openlie,  nor  persecute, 
nor  trouble  disorderly,  nor  bring  false  doctrine,  nor  euil  cause  after 
once  or  twise  warning  or  rebuke. 

Thus  all  thinges  were  handled,  set  in  order,  &  agreed  on  to  the 
comfort  off  all,  &  soe  the  matter  w^rought  &  prospered  by  the  good 
hand  of  God. 

There  is  incontrovertible  evidence,  both  from  Browne's  books 
and  from  what  can  be  recovered  surely  as  to  his  methods,  that 
his  fundamental  principle  was  that  which  lay  at  the  foundation 
of  all  genuine  Puritanism.  He  was  not,  as,  with  mistaken  per- 
sistence, he  has  been  charged  with  having  been,  a  restless,  dis- 
satisfied fanatic,  looking  everywhere  for  novelty,  until,  having 
conceived  of  democracy  as  a  possible  form  of  church  polity,  he 


EXPERIMENTS   IN   PRACTICAL  CHURCH  REFORM     193 

devoted  himself  to  substituting  it  for  that  of  the  State  Church.^ 
On  the  contrary,  he  receded  from  things  as  they  were  slowly, 
and  only  under  irresistible  compulsion  from  a  supreme  convic- 
tion, with  which,  in  his  thought,  polity  at  first  had  no  connection. 
That  couAdction  was  the  same  which  had  promjjted  Cartwright 
and  all  the  great  Puritan  leaders. 

He  was  grieved  and  overwhelmed  by  his  observation  of  the 
too  common  worldliness  of  those  parish  assemblies  which  were 
the  only  churches  of  Christ  known  to  the  English  establishment. 
In  them  the  Lord's  Supper  practically  belonged  to  the  selfish, 
the  undevout,  and  even  to  the  actually  sensual  as  truly  as  to  the 
very  elect  of  God.  He  could  not  read  the  New  Testament  ex- 
cepting as  bidding  all  true  believers  to  separate  themselves  from 
such.  Because  the  bishops  not  only  tolerated,  but  justified,  this 
state  of  things,  he  insisted  that  they  could  not  be  true  ministers 
of  God.  And,  because  the  Presbyterian  Puritans  remained  in  such 
a  system,  and  neither  undertook  nor  suggested  anything  which 
would  sever  the  devout  from  such  unholy  alliances  forced  upon 
them  by  the  State,  he  parted  company  with  them.  Their  con- 
tinued conformity  seemed  to  him  a  surrender  of  their  first  prin- 
ciples at  once  inexplicable  and  indefensible.  The  more  he  studied 
it,  the  more  perilous  the  situation  seemed.  Nor  was  any  dawn 
of  hope  afforded  by  appeals  to  the  government.  It  seemed  that, 
in  the  nature  of  things,  the  magistrate  never  would  attempt  any 
such  work.  So  at  last  he  decided  that  those  who  were  wiUing:  and 
waiting  must  go  forward,  in  fealty  to  God's  clear  command  to  his 
people  to  separate  themselves  from  the  world. 

Of  gradual  growth  in  his  own  mind,  his  completed  system,  as 
gathered  from  his  five  books  ^  which  have  survived,  involves 
eleven  inter-related  principles. 

1.  It  cannot    but  be  the  first  and  supreme  duty  of    every 

1  The  ninth  edition  of  the  Enc.  Brit,  (iv  :  392)  represents  that  it  was  purely  an 
issue  of  church  government,  and  not  at  all  one  of  doctrine,  which  he  raised.  The 
Diet,  of  Xat.  Biog.  {vii  :  58)  also  declares  his  contention  to  have  been  for  a  "new 
theory  of  Ecclesiastical  polity,"  and  accuses  him  unfairly  of  having  had  little 
concern  to  convert  a  world  lying  in  wickedness. 

^  A  Treatise  of  reformation  ivithout  tarying  for  anie,  and  of  the  wickednesse  of  those 
Preachers  which  will  not  reforvie  till  the  Magistrate  comviaunde  or  compell  them,  etc., 
1582,  4  to. 

A  Booke  which  Sheweth  the  life  and  manners  of  all  true  Christians,  and  howe  vnlike 


194  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Christian  to  seek  the  utmost  purity  of  behef  and  life.^  This  he 
holds  in  common  with  all  genuine  Puritans.  Beyond  this,  and 
because  of  his  interpretation  of  the  relation  of  this  to  personal 
duty,  he  parts  company  with  them. 

2.  The  Church  of  England  is  so  corrupt  inwardly,  and  out- 
wardly so  under  unscriptural  subjection  to  the  State,  that,  hav- 
ing failed  to  reform  it,  the  utmost  purity  of  belief  and  life 
cannot  be  attained,  excepting  by  separation  ^  from  it.  He  re- 
gards the  fact  that  anything  like  true  church  discipline  is 
unknown  to  the  Establishment  as  one  of  the  strongest  con- 
ceivable arguments  that  this  cannot  be  the  true  church.^ 

3.  No  reasonable  hope  of  reform  for  the  Church  by  the  civil 
power  remains,  and  no  obligation  to  wait  for  prince  or  magis- 
trate* exists.  More  than  a  generation  earlier  Bishop  John 
Hooper  had  said  in  his  "  Declaration  of  the  Ten  Command- 
ments : "  ^  — 

As  touching  the  superior  powers  of  the  earth,  it  is  not  unknown 
unto  all  them  that  hath  readen  and  marked  the  scripture,  that  it 
appei'taineth  nothing  unto  their  office  to  make  any  law  to  govern  the 
conscience  of  their  subjects  in  religion. 

But  probably  Browne  never  had  heard  of  this  utterance. 
Presumably  he  supposed  himself  to  be  setting  forth  something 
quite  unsupported  by  the  judgment  of  any  one  else  when  he 
said :  — 

The  magistrates  .  .  .  haue  no  Ecclesiasticall  authoritie  at  all,  but 
onelie  as  anie  other  Christians,  if  so  they  be  Christians.®  .  .  . 

they  are  vnto  Turkes  and  Papistes  and  Heathen  folke.  Also  thepointes  and  partes  of 
all  Diuinitie,  etc.,  1582,  4to. 

A  Treatise  vpon  the  23.  of  Matthewe,  both  for  an  order  of  studying  and  handling  the 
Scriptures,  and  also  auoyding  the  Popishe  disorders,  and  vngodly  commvnion  of  all 
false  Christians  and  especiallie  of  wicked  Preachers  and  hirelings,  1582,  4to. 

An  Answere  to  Master  Cartwright  his  Letter  for  loyning  with  the  English  Churches, 
etc.,  1583  [?],  4to. 

A  Trve  and  Short  Declaration,  Both  of  the  Gathering  and  loyning  together  of  cer- 
taine  Persons  :  and  also  of  the  Lamentable  Breach  and  Diuision  which  fell  amongst 
them,  1584  [?],  4to. 

1  See  the  whole  Trve  and  Short  Declar.  In  fact  this  belief  underlies  all  that  he 
■wrote. 

2  Treat.  23.  Matt.  30,  31,  32,  39.  ^  Ans.  to  Cartwright,  84. 
*  Treat,  ofref.  passim.                                  ^  Early  Writings,  280. 

6  Treat,  ofref.  4. 


EXPERIMENTS   IN   PRACTICAL   CHURCH  REFORM     195 

If,  then,  the  magistrates  will  commaunde  the  Souldiour  to  be  a 
Mmister,  or  the  Preacher  to  giue  ouer  his  calling,  and  chaunge  it  for 
an  other,  they  ought  not  to  obey  him.  ...  In  all  thinges  wee  must 
firste  looke  what  is  the  Lordes  will  and  charge,  and  then  what  is  the 
wiU  of  man.^  .  .  . 

4.  The  Genevan  plan  offers  no  trusty  assurance  of  reform.  It 
waits  helplessly  in  the  vain  hope  that  the  State  will  take  the 
initiative  ;  while,  at  best,  it  offers  nothing  beyond  a  transfer  of 
the  parishes,  with  all  their  unscriptural  and  undesirable  fea- 
tures, to  another  system,  which  easily  may  be  worse  than  the 
first,  embracing  the  entire  baptized  population  without  regard 
to  personal  character .^ 

5.  Therefore,  since  every  believer  is  bound  to  seek  in  religion 
a  purity  not  found,  and  not  in  reason  to  be  looked  for,  in  the 
State  Church,  all  true  Christians  ought  to  separate  themselves 
from  it  into  churches  from  which  the  irreligious  are  excluded.^ 

6.  Any  such  separated  assemblage  of  believers,  whose  mem- 
bers unite  by  a  public  covenant  with  each  other  and  with  God 
thus  becomes  a  genuine,  and  so  far  as  organization  goes,  a  per- 
fect church.* 

7.  Church  authority  rests  only  in  the  supremacy  of  Christ 
over  these  local  companies  of  believers,  making  itself  manifest 
and  practical  through  the  interpretation  by  their  members  of 
the  principles  of  the  Bible  and  the  leadings  of  divine  Providence, 
under  the  promised  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

Contrary  to  the  almost  universal  assumption  of  those  who 
have  known  him,  in  the  nearly  entire  absence  of  his  writings, 
chiefly  from  conjecture  and  hostile  testimony,  Browne  had  no 
idea  of  proposing  a  democracy,  although  his  system  necessarily 
amounts  to  that.  It  was  meant  to  be  an  absolute  monarchy. 
But  its  king  is  the  invisible  Christ.    He  reigns  through  visible 

1  Booke  which  Shew.  Def.  117 ;  Treat,  ofref.  5,  7,  12,  10,  11,  14,  15. 

2  Treat.  23.  Matt.  47;   Treat,  ofref.  5,  10,  13. 

3  Trve  and  Short  Declar.  7  ;  Treat.  23.  Matt.  46. 

*  This  cut  another  Gordian  knot.  That  age  had  been  so  educated  to  believe 
that  a  true  church  must  show  some  lineal  descent  from  the  Apostles  that  it  was 
unable  to  conceive  how  to  form  one,  excepting  by  aid  of  the  hierarchy.  Browne 
taught  it  to  cease  worrying  about  making  connection  with  the  unsavory  aqueduct 
purporting  to  come  down  from  the  Christian  era,  and  to  dig  a  well  in  the  sand 
anywhere,  if  they  wanted  pure  water. 


196      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

vice-regents,  every  member  of  his  true  church  being  one.  There- 
fore, in  the  last  analysis,  his  will  as  to  any  particular  case  is 
ascertainable  from  them.  His  voice  is  to  be  heard  in  the  testi- 
mony of  a  majority  of  the  voices  of  the  Church,  the  spiritual 
democracy  thus  interpreting  his  absolute  monarchy. 

8.  According  to  Scripture  the  officers  of  such  a  church  are  a 
pastor,  a  teacher,  one  or  more  elders,  one  or  more  relievers  — 
or  deacons  —  and  one  or  more  widows  —  or  deaconesses.^ 

9.  The  Lord's  Supper  is  the  seal  of  the  union  of  such  a 
church  in  one  body  of  which  Christ  is  head,  and  all  members 
should  endeavor  to  receive  it  worthily,  and  should  separate  from 
all  "  vnmeete  to  receaue." 

10.  As  one  great  purpose  of  such  a  church  is  to  nurture  and 
aid  all  its  members  towards  spiritual  perfection,  it  shoidd  watch 
them  constantly,  and  lovingly  and  faithfully  amend  or  stimulate 
whatever,  in  the  common  judgment,  needs  to  be  so  treated.^ 

11.  All  such  local  churches  have  a  privilege  and  duty  of  co- 
operative fellowship.  One  in  their  common  Lord  and  aim,  they 
must  be  one  with  each  other.  The  relation  is  that  of  equal  sister- 
hood ;  in  no  sense  of  control,  in  all  senses  of  friendliness  and 
help. 

As  to  this,  again,  Browne  has  been  misrepresented,  even  by 
some  of  his  own  household.  Most  of  his  books  having  been  de- 
stroyed, some  early  critics,  who  charged  him  with  originating  a 
rigidly  independent  way,^  possessed  and  misled  the  public  mind. 
But  the  charge,  directly  in  the  face  of  clear  proof  to  the  con- 
trary, should  not  have  passed  unchallenged  until  our  day.  The 
fact  is  that  he  held  and  taught  the  fellowship  of  the  churches 
positively.  Provision  was  made  expressly  in  the  constitution  of 
the  original  church  at  Norwich  for  "  seeking  to  other  churches 
to  haue  their  help,  being  better  reformed,  or  to  bring  them  to 
reformation."  And,  in  his  most  matured,  systematized  and  care- 
ful statement,  he  teaches  that :  — 

There  be  Synodes,  or  the  meetings  of  sundrie  churches  :  which  are 
when  the  weaker  churches  seeke  helpe  of  the  stronger,  for  deciding 
or  redressing  of  matters.  .  .  . 

1  Booke  which  Shew.  Defs.  85,  37,  38,  48,  54,  55,  52,  53,  59,  60. 

^  True  and  Short  Declar.  20.  ^  Joim  Cotton,  Way  of  Churches  Cleared,  5. 


EXPERIMENTS  IN  PRACTICAL  CHURCH  REFORM     197 

A  Synode  is  a  loyning  or  partaking  of  the  authoritie  of  manie 
Churches  mette  togither  in  peace,  for  redress :  and  deciding  of  mat- 
ters, which  can  not  wel  be  otherwise  taken  vp. 

That  he  uses  the  word  "  authority  "  here  in  the  sense  given 
it  by  Congregationalists  rather  than  Presbyterians  is  clear  from 
what  he  says  in  another  book.  He  is  justifying  himself  for  not 
remaining  in  Cambridge  under  the  bishop,  and  says  :  ^  — 

Therefore  is  the  church  called  the  pillar  &  ground  of  trueth.  1  Tim. 
3 :  15.  &  the  voice  of  the  whole  people,  guided  bie  the  elders  &  for- 
wardest,  is  said  to  be  the  voice  of  God.  .  .  .  Therefore  the  meetinges 
together  of  manie  churches,  also  of  euerie  whole  church,  &  of  the 
elders  therein,  is  aboue  the  Apostle,  aboue  the  Prophet,  the  Euangel- 
ist,  the  Pastor,  the  Teacher,  and  euerie  particular  Elder.  For  the 
ioining  and  partaking  of  manie  churches  together,  &  of  the  authoritie 
which  manie  haue,  must  needes  be  greater  and  more  waightie  then 
the  authoritie  of  anie  single  person.  And  this  alsoe  ment  Paul  where 
he  saith,  1  Cor.  2  :  22.  Wee  are  yours,  &  you  are  Christes,  &  Christ 
is  Codes.  Soe  that  the  Apostle  is  inferior  to  the  church,  &  the 
church  is  inferior  to  Chi-ist,  &  Christ,  cocerning  his  manhood  &  office 
in  the  church,  is  inferior  to  God. 

This  system  is  self-consistent  and  logical.  It  is  the  exact  op- 
posite of  that  of  the  Papacy  and  the  prelacy.  The  latter  teaches 
a  Christ  afar  off,  reigning  through  a  self -perpetuating  hierarchy 
over  a  laity  whose  sole  duty  is  to  submit  and  obey.  Browne 
taught  a  Christ  equally  regnant,  yet  indwelling  and  exercising 
his  gracious  power  through  all  true  believers,  who  by  faith 
have  been  lifted  into  vital  union  with  Him  ;  who  are  to  choose, 
ordain  over  themselves,  submit  to,  and  cooperate  with,  a  ministry 
of  instruction  and  of  service.  Brownism  —  as  its  enemies  called 
it  —  thus  became  that  strange  anomaly,  an  absolute  monarchy 
which,  interpreted  by  the  philosophy  of  results,  could  have  de- 
veloped only  into  a  pure  democracy.  Those  who  ask  why  this  sys- 
tem commended  itself  so  swiftly  to  many  should  remember  that  it 
alone  offered  instant,  effectual  remedy  for  the  insufficiency  and 
delay  of  the  Presbyterian  plan.  Where  Providence  clearly  led 
the  way,  it  authorized  any  company  of  faitliful  men  to  unite  and 
thus  form  a  Christian  church. 

It  is  true  that  Browne  followed  the  nomenclature  of  the  New 
1  Trve  and  Short  Declar.  20,  2.   Also  Booke  which  Shew.  Def.  51. 


198  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Testament  in  naming  "  Elders  "  among  his  church  officers,  but 
by  his  theory  they  were  merely  some  of  the  "  most  forwarcle  in 
gifte,"  duly  chosen  by  the  church  for  oversight  and  counsel,  and 
redressing  things  amiss.  That  is,  the  original  Brownism  simply 
gave  the  name  of  elders  to  what  Congregational  churches  call 
their  Church,  or  Standing,  Committee ;  which  experience  has 
proved  to  be  useful,  but  which,  instead  of  exercising  authority 
over,  and  practically  supplanting,  the  church  owes  its  existence 
and  power  to  the  church  choice  and  remains  subordinate  to  the 
church.  In  the  only  extracts  which  have  survived,  in  the  cita- 
tions of  his  opponents,  from  three  treatises  of  Browne's  not 
known  to  have  been  preserved  in  full,i  he  combats  the  Presby- 
terian theory  of  elders. 

Browne  also  demonstrated  the  intensely  religious  spirit  which 
presided  over  the  birth  of  his  system  by  the  vigor  of  its  pro- 
visions for  personal  growth  in  grace.  It  threw  every  member 
of  every  church  directly  upon  God  and  liis  Word.  It  bade 
every  one  feel  that  by  diligence  and  prayer  he  could  know  of 
the  doctrine.  It  taught  him  to  regard  himself  as  under  a  sacred 
obligation  to  so  conduct  liimseK  that  it  would  be  natural  and 
cono^ruous  for  the  Great  Head  of  the  Church  to  counsel  and 
act  through  him.  This  idea,  although  familiar  to  the  Christian 
consciousness  of  our  day,  then  was  comparatively  novel,  and 
must  have  been  stimulating.  In  fact,  this  maligned  system  of 
this  abused  man  had  in  it  the  elements  of  both  a  nobler  manli- 
ness and  a  richer  godliness  than  any  which  it  was  intended  to 
supplant.  Browne,  however,  probably  was  not  moved  conclu- 
sively, or  even  especially,  by  any  conviction  that  he  was  repro- 
ducing the  original  polity  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  He  was 
striving  to  make  decadent  religion  live  again,  and  was  led  chiefly 
by  his  Christian  common  sense  as  applied  to  what  was  in  the 
English  Church,  but  which  clearly  should  not  have  been  there. 

His  little  church  at  Norwich  became  fully  persuaded,  after 
much  trouble  and  persecution,^  that  the  Lord  called  them  out  of 
England,  and  they  emigrated  in  a  body  to  Middleberg,  in  Zealand, 

^  Two  are  in  Bancroft's  Sermon  at  Paules  Crosse,  76,  96-   The  third  is  referred 
to  by  Bredwell.    Detection,  124. 

2  True  and  Short  Declar.  19,  21,  22-24 ;  Booke  which  Shew.  Defs.  53,  115. 


EXPERIMENTS   IN  PRACTICAL  CHURCH  REFORM     199 

apparently  in  the  autumn  of  1581.  After  about  two  years  of 
changeful  fortunes,  the  organization  was  broken  up  ;  mainly 
because  many  members  proved  incompetent  to  meet  the  high 
demands  of  their  system.  Browne  makes  it  plain  that  the  rock 
on  which  they  split  was  their  rule  enjoining  constant  mutual 
criticism.  Out  of  the  practice  of  this  grew  surmises  and  con- 
tentions, which  ended  in  sharp  recriminations,  open  defiances 
and  final  disruption.  Browne,  with  a  few  followers,  got  back  to 
Scotland,  to  England,  and,  finally,  to  the  Establishment  and 
permanent  discredit ;  relievable  only  by  the  probable  supposi- 
tion 1  that,  returning  confessedly  with  shattered  health,  he  never 
regained  entire  soundness  of  either  body  or  mind. 

That  all  of  Browne's  books,  upon  which  the  authorities  could 
lay  hold,  were  destroyed  has  been  mentioned.  On  June  30  the 
queen  issued  a  special  proclamation  ^  against  them.  Thus  hunted 
down,  they  hardly  gained  much  popular  circulation  or  influence. 
But  no  doubt  a  copy  here  or  there,  well  hidden  and  at  safe  hours 
consulted,  sowed  its  seeds  of  free  thought  to  bring  forth  fi-uit  in 
other  minds. 

In  1586  —  on  Nov,  19,  apparently  just  two  days  3  before 
poor  Browne,  on  his  humiliated  way  back  to  the  Church  of 
England,  was  elected  Master  of  the  gTammar-school  of  St. 
Olave's,  Southwark  —  Henry  Barrowe,  already  mentioned,  well 
born  in  Norfolk,  a  B.  A.,  in  1569-70,  of  Clare  Hall,  Cambridge, 
and  a  member  of  Gray's  Inn,  London,  in  1576  ;  who  had  fre- 
quented her  Majesty's  Court  and  had  led  a  wild  life,  but  whose 
mind  had  been  fixed  suddenly  and  convincingly  upon  religion  ; 
was  arrested  at  the  Clink  Prison,  in  Southwark.  He  was  visit- 
ing John  Greenwood,  a  B.  A.  of  Corpus  Christi,  Cambridge,  in 
1580-81,  who  had  been  imprisoned  for  holding  a  private  con- 
venticle. Barrowe  probably  made  this  call  chiefly  as  a  friend,  yet, 
possibly,  in  part  as  a  lawyer.  But,  once  in  the  trap,  the  door 
was  shut  behind  him  without  other  warrant  than  the  expressed 

1  Cong,  in  Lit.  116-128.  ^  Qrenville  Coll.  fol.  225. 

3  Waddington  (Hist.  Paps.  1  ser.  46;  Hidden  Ch.  32)  names  Nov.  21,  1.586,  as 
the  date  of  Browne's  election,  and  again  (Cong.  Hist,  i :  23)  gives  it  as  Nov.  21, 
1589.  A  writer  in  Notes  Sf  Queries,  May,  1854  [494],  also  says  1589.  The  proba- 
bilities favor  the  earlier  date.  Barrowe 's  visit  and  arrest  [Exams,  of  Henry  Bar- 
rowe, lohn  Grenewood  and  lohn  Penrie,  1593,  3)  were  on  Sunday,  Nov.  19,  1586. 


200     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

wish  of  the  archbishop  to  have  him  apprehended  as  soon  as 
possible. 

From  this  date  these  two  men  spent  most  of  their  time,  usu- 
ally together,  in  one  or  another  prison,  until,  on  Apr.  6,  1593 
— r  a  little  more  than  two  years  after  Browne  had  become  rector 
of  Achurch-cum-Thorpe  ^  —  they  were  hanged,  also  together,  at 
Tyburn.2  During  these  less  than  seven  years  they  wrote  much ; 
Barrowe,  who  obviously  was  the  abler,  principally  taking  the 
lead.  They  were  encompassed  with  difficulties,  already  ex- 
plained. Yet  they  managed  to  increase  the  Separatist  literature 
of  their  time  greatly,  alike  in  bulk  and  in  merit.  More  than 
1000  pages  of  their  treatises  can  be  counted,  with  more  than 
800  of  which  it  seems  certain  that  Barrowe  chiefly  had  to  do, 
and  of  nearly  half  of  which  he  appears  to  have  been  sole  author 
—  without  including  the  more  than  275  pages  of  the  Mar-pre- 
late tracts,  if  Barrowe  wrote  them. 

These  two  men  must  have  studied  Browne's  books,^  or  some 
of  them,  and  also  his  fate  and  that  of  his  church.  They  must 
have  consented  to  his  fundamental  principle,  that  any  local  com- 
pany of  Christian  believers,  joined  together  and  to  Christ  by 
mutual  covenant,  is  a  true  church.  But,  deterred  by  the  ill- 
working  of  the  experiment  in  Zealand,  they  had  reacted  from 
Browne's  doctrine  of  the  equality  of  all  believers  in  the  control 
of  church  affairs,  and  had  turned  to  the  Genevan  plan  to  supply 
its  place.  That  is,  they  held,  with  Browne,  to  the  idea  of  the 
local  church,  self-complete  and  seK-completed  by  its  own  action  ; 
but  felt,  with  Cartwright,  that  its  management  might  be  en- 
trusted most  wisely  to  elders.  In  1589  they  contrived  to  have 
printed  at  Dort  a  "  litle  thyng  of  one  shete  of  paper,"  *  which, 

1  Peterborough  Registers^  Sept.  6,  1591. 

^  The  pathetic  story  of  these  two  men  is  told  at  some  length  in  Cong,  in  Lit. 
205-252. 

^  No  reason  to  the  contrary  appears.  There  is  every  prohability  that  they 
studied  all  such  works  as  came  within  reach ;  and  as  Browne  seems  (Bancroft, 
Sermon  at  Paules  Crosse,  76)  to  have  written  a  treatise,  perhaps  never  printed, 
"against  one  Barowe,"  upbraiding  him  for  his  "  presbyterie  or  eldermen,"  and  as 
no  other  "  Barowe  "  seems  likely  to  have  been  addressed  thus,  the  supposition 
that  the  two  men  crossed  swords  in  argument  as  to  the  eldership  harmonizes  all. 
Clearly  Barrowe  accepted  Browne's  view  of  the  church  itself. 

*  Deposition  of  Rob.  Stokes,  Egerton  Paps.  175. 


EXPERIMENTS   IN  PRACTICAL  CHURCH   REFORM     201 

as  the  earliest  quasi  Congregational  creed  ^  that  has  come  down 
to  us  ipsissimis  verbis,  deserves  consideration  as  to  the  points 
which  have  been  raised.    It  defines  a  church  thus  :  ^  — 

This  Church  \_one  church  as  there  is  one  God,  etc.]  as  it  is  vniver- 
sallie  vnderstood,  conteyneth  in  it  all  the  Elect  of  God  that  haue  bin, 
are,  or  shalbe :  But  being  considered  more  particularlie,  as  it  is  seen 
in  this  present  world,  it  consisteth  of  a  comjianie  and  fellowship  of 
faithful  and  liolie  people  gathered  in  the  name  of  Christ  Jesus,  their 
only  King,  Priest,  and  Prophet,  worshipping  him  aright,  being  peace- 
ablie  and  quietlie  governed  by  liis  Officers  and  lawes,  keeping  the 
vnitie  of  faith  in  the  bond  of  peace  &  love  vnfained. 

In  another  volume,  a  year  later,  they  repeat  this  definition  a  lit- 
tle more  at  length.    As  to  the  choice  of  officers,  they  say  :  — 

Thus  hath  euerie  one  of  the  people  interest  in  the  election  and  ordi- 
nation of  their  officers,  as  also  in  the  administration  of  their  offices, 
vpon  transgression,  offence,  abuse,  &c.,  having  an  especiall  care  vnto 
the  inviolable  order  of  the  Church,  is  aforesaid. 

They  add  :  — 

The  office  of  the  Auncientes  [elders]  is  expressed  in  their  descrip- 
tion :  Their  especiall  care  must  bee,  to  see  the  ordinaunces  of  God 
truely  taught  and  practized,  aswel  by  the  officers  in  dooing  their  duetie 
vprightlie,  as  to  see  that  the  people  obey  willinglie  and  readily.  It  is 
their  duetie  to  see  the  Congregation  holdy  and  quietly  ordered,  and  no 
way  disturbed,  by  the  contentious  .  .  .  not  taking  away  the  libertie 

^  A  Trve  Description  ovt  of  the  Word  of  God,  of  the  Visible  Church,  1589,  1,  3,  5. 
Dr.  Dexter  adds :  "  An  odd  bit  of  literary  history  is  connected  with  this  '  litle 
thyng.'  It  is  excessively  rare.  I  know  of  copies  in  Europe  only  in  the  British 
Museum  and  at  Lambeth  —  each  with  the  date  1589  as  finis.  But  Henoch  Clap- 
ham  (Errour  on  the  Right  Hand,  1G08, 11)  charges  that  Arthur  Billet  reprinted  this 
tract  at  Amsterdam,  placing  at  the  top  of  the  seventeenth  page  a  paragraph  which 
Barrowe  originally  had  placed  after  the  two  paragraphs  which  there  follow  it  — 
thus  essentially  softening  the  tone  of  the  Creed  as  to  excommunication  and  its 
effects  —  yet  retaining  the  old  date  at  the  end.  I  never  have  seen  this  referred  to 
elsewhere.  As  reprinted  by  Wall  (More  Work  for  the  Deane,  1681)  and  by  Han- 
bury  (1839,  i :  23-34),  the  ordfer  is  that  which  Clapham  criticises.  But  Alison,  in 
his  Plaine  Confutation  of  this  Creed,  printed  the  year  after  the  Dort  original  and 
several  years  before  the  Amsterdam  alleged  reissue,  taking  it  up  paragraph  by 
paragraph  for  answer,  gives  these  three  in  the  order  in  which  Clapham  asserts 
that  Barrowe  originally  wrote  them.  This  looks  as  if  Clapham  were  correct, 
and  as  if  Wall  and  Hanbury  had  reprinted  from  the  second  edition,  supposing  it 
to  be  the  first,  naturally  misled  by  the  false  date  at  the  end." 

^  A  Collection  of  certain  Letters  and  Conferences,  Lately  Passed  Betwixt  Certaine 
Preachers  ^  Two  Prisoners  in  the  Fleet,  1590,  4to,  67. 


202      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

of  the  least,  but  vpholding  the  right  of  all,  wiselie  iudging  of  times  and 
circumstances.  They  must  bee  readie  assistauntes  to  the  Pastour  and 
Teachers,  helping  to  beare  their  burden,  but  not  intruding  into  their 
office. 

In  his  able  and  elaborate  work,i  Barrowe  tries  hard  to  har- 
monize this  power  of  the  elders  with  the  perfect  liberty  of  every 
private  member :  — 

Who  can  doubt,  but  that  every  Christian  hath  Power  and  Authority 
in  due  time  and  place  (not  disturbing  Christ's  holy  order  in  his  Church) 
publickly  to  reproue  any  publick  Transgression  of  any  Member  of  the 
Church,  or  of  the  whole  Church ;  as  also  to  discouer  and  refute  any 
Error  escaped  or  dehvered  in  publick  Doctrine  :  yet,  this  (as  is  said) 
in  due  Time  and  Order,  giuing  leaue  and  place  unto  the  Elders  and 
Prophets  of  the  said  Congregation  first. 

And,  remembering  that  the  average  Christian  then  hardly 
could  be  expected  to  know  enough  to  deal  orderly  and  soberly 
in  high  matters,  he  says  again  :  — 

To  this  I  Answer  that  they  are  to  reprove  no  more  than  their  as- 
sured Knowledge  leadeth  them  unto.  If  they  transgress  the  limits  .  .  . 
then  are  they  for  so  doing  subiect  to  reproof  and  censure  for  abusing 
their  Liberty. 

As  to  Browne's  fundamental  idea  that  the  godly  people  must 
reform  the  Church  without  waiting  for  the  magistrate,  when  it 
was  charged  upon  him  as  a  part  of  his  teaching,  Barrowe  re- 
plied :  2  — 

We  are  to  obey  God  rather  then  men,  and  if  anie  man  be  ignorant 
let  him  be  ignorant  still ;  We  are  not  to  stay  from  doing  the  Lord's 
Commaundement  vppon  the  pleasure  or  ofEence  of  anie. 

Here  we  have  Browne's  contribution  to  the  long  and  wide 
controversy,  the  idea  of  local  churches  composed  of  "  the  for- 
wardest,"  and  independent  of  the  State.    And  we  have  the 

1  A  Briefe  Discoverie  of  the  False  Church,  etc.,  1590,  4to  (ed.  1707),  240,  242. 

2  A  Collection  ofcertaine  Sclaunderous  Articles  gyuen  out  hy  the  Bisshops  against 
such  faithfull  Christians  as  they  now  vniustly  deteyne  in  their  Prisons  togeather  with 
the  answeare  of  the  saide  Prisoners  therunto.  Also  the  some  of  certaine  conferences 
had  in  the  Fleete,  according  to  the  Bisshops  bloudie  Mandate  ivith  Two  Prisoners 
there,  1590,  4to,  47. 


EXPERIMENTS  IN   PRACTICAL   CHURCH  REFORM     203 

Genevan  idea  of  a  session  of  elders,  with  whom  is  the  power,  the 
church  being  the  supporting  body  and  the- eldership  the  energy 
within  ■  which  drives  and  guides.  Individual  members  have 
rights,  but  they  must  wait  for  the  elders.  When  it  is  asked 
who  are  to  judge  whether  those  members  transgress  the  limits 
of  their  knowledge,  and  become  liable  to  reproof,  the  answer  is, 
the  elders.  When  it  is  inquired  who  is  to  administer  in  such  a 
case,  the  answer  again  is,  the  elders.  And,  if  members  rebuke 
the  elders,  and  the  question  rise  who  shall  decide  whether  in 
such  rebuke  they  have  exceeded  their  liberty,  the  answer,  still 
and  always,  is,  the  elders. 

In  Barrowe's  mind  this  hybrid  scheme,  substantially  involv- 
ing a  Congregational  church  managed  by  a  Presbyterian  session, 
solved  all  difficulties.  It  was  Barrowism  in  distinction  from 
Brownism.  The  Congregationalism  of  it  broke  the  deadlock  of 
Cartwright's  failure  to  move  towards  reform,  and  the  Presby- 
terianism  of  it  was  expected  to  forefend  that  anarchy  which  had 
ruined  poor  Browne's  experiment.  They  woidd  reform  by  com- 
panies, queen  or  no  queen,  wherever  good  people  enough  should 
be  so  minded.  And  in  each  company  the  pastor,  teacher  and 
"  Auncientes"  would  manage  all  things  discreetly  and  success- 
fully ;  and  the  "  most  humble,  meek,  obedient,  faithfuU,  and  lov- 
ing people,  ...  all  bound  to  edifie  one  another,  exhort,  reprove, 
&  comfort  one  another  lovingly,"  ^  in  sober-minded  submissive- 
ness  would  endorse  what  the  elders  had  done,  and  the  millennium 
soon  might  be  expected  to  dawn  ! 

As  early  as  1587  or  1588  we  jEind  references  to  secret  gather- 
ings of  Separatists  in  or  near  London,  which  may  have  had 
some  connection  with  these  teachings  of  Barrowe  and  Green- 
wood. But  they  were  followed  up  so  closely  that  their  members 
spent  much  time  in  prison.  The  scattered  hints  which  remain 
indicate  that  for  three  or  four  years  a  secret  brotherhood  ex- 
isted, which  admitted  members  ;  which,  on  one  occasion  cer- 
tainly, expelled  a  member ;  and  at  whose  instigation  and  for 
whose  use  the  "  Trve  Description  "  was  prepared  in  1589  ;  but 
which  was  not  fully  officered,  and  therefore  did  not  enjoy  the 
sacraments,  until  the  early  autumn  of  1592.  Then,  according 
<■  ^  Trve  Descrip,  2. 


204      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

to  tlie  deijosition  of  Daniel  Buck,^  of  Southwark,  Francis  John- 
son was  chosen  pastor  ;  John  Greenwood,  apparently  out  of 
prison  temporarily,  doctor,  or  teacher ;  Christopher  Bowman 
and  Nicholas  Lee,  deacons,  and  Daniel  Studley  and  George 
Knyveton,  elders  ;  showing,  as,  indeed,  seems  clear  from  Green- 
wood's participation,  that  this  was  a  Barrowist  church.  Seven 
infants  were  baptized  and  the  Lord's  Supper  was  administered, 
so  that  the  body  at  last  became  fully  organized  according  to  its 
princij)les. 

On  Apr.  6  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  suffered  martyrdom  and 
Joluison  was  left  in  charge  of  the  church.  Doubtless  lie  and  his 
little  company  took  great  comfort,  in  spite  of  their  limitations, 
in  their  initial  incarnation  of  what  they  believed  the  true  theory 
of  a  church.  But  their  time  was  short.  On  Dec.  5  following, 
Johnson  was  arrested,  and,  only  a  little  later,  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  other  members  of  the  church  were  surprised  at 
their  Sunday  worship  in  the  Islington  woods,  and  were  hurried 
to  prison.^ 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  authorities  saw  that  they 
had  gone  too  far.  The  majority  of  the  church  soon  were  set  free, 
clearly  in  the  expectation,  if  not  with  the  pledge,  that  they 
would  emigrate.  A  few  left  for  Holland  before  the  end  of  1593. 
They  tarried  a  while  at  Campen  and  at  Naarden,^  but  at  last 
they  settled  at  Amsterdam.  Here,  before  long,  they  came  under 
the  ministry  of  Henry  Ainsworth,  who  filled  a  large  place  in 
the  history  of  English  Separatism  in  Holland  until  his  painful 
death  in  1622  or  1623.  Francis  Johnson  and  his  brother 
George  were  detained  in  prison  until  the  spring  of  1597.  Pos- 
sibly this  delay  was  because  Francis  had  offended  the  authorities, 
as  will  be  explained  hereafter.  In  the  autumn,  however,  they 
reached  Amsterdam  and  joined  their  comrades.    The  church  was 

1  Deposition  of  Wm.  Gierke,  Harl.  Ms.  7042  :  110,  116,  117,  etc.,  14,  18,  399.  See 
also  p.  421. 

^  Barrowe's  Platform,  54,  56.  They  were  "  unbalea  [without  bail]  comitted." 
They  had  "  neyther  meate,  drinke,  fyre,  [nor]  lodging."  Their  friends  were  not 
allowed  access  to  them.  Husbands  and  wives  were  separated  into  different  pris- 
ons. Some  had  not  a  penny  about  them.  All  was  "  contrary  to  all  law,  aequitie 
and  conscience." 

■^  T.  White,  Discov.  of  Brownisme,  15.  G.  Johnson,  Disc,  15.  C.  Lawne,  Prophane 
Schisme,  27.  <, 


EXPERIMENTS  IN  PRACTICAL  CHURCH  REFORM     205 

substantially  together  once  more  and  was  fully  officered,  Johnson 
resuming  his  pastorate  and  Ainsworth  becoming  teacher.  Here 
the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century  found  them,  but  in  cir- 
cmustances  painfully  indigent  and  otherwise  distressing. 

These  ten  closing  years  of  the  sixteenth  century,  after  the 
printing  at  Dort  of  Barrowe's  "  Briefe  Discoverie,"  gave  birth  to 
scarcely  any  ideas  which  were  new  to  the  great  controversy. 
Robert  Harrison,  Browne's  friend,  who  nevertheless  parted  from 
him  at  Middleberg  and  apparently  remained  there  with  a  frac- 
tion of  the  original  Norwich  company  until  his  death  in,  or 
about,  1595,  printed  a  small  volume  ^  which  Brewster  thought 
worthy  of  being  reprinted  at  Ley  den  in  1618.  Harrison's  pur- 
pose was  to  give  comfort  and  cheer  to  those  remaining  in  Eng- 
land. He  was  prompted,  in  part,  by  the  fact  that  Browne  had 
just  abandoned  the  enterprise,  and  he  labors  to  show  that  the 
"  untoward  example  of  any  man,"  even  one  "  of  gi-eat  credit  and 
estimation,"  whom  "  the  Lord  used  also  for  a  speciall  instru- 
ment unto  many  things,"  ought  not  to  "  quench  our  zeale." 

He  is  strenuous  as  to  the  right  of  every  church  to  establish 
its  own  ministry,  saying :  — 

Admit  there  be  onely  one  church  in  a  nation,  and  they  want  a 
Pastor :  must  they  seek  over  sea  &  land  to  get  a  minister  ordained  by 
other  ministers  ?  But  what  if  there  should  be  but  only  one  apparant 
to  us  in  the  world :  shal  that  church  for  ever  be  deprived  after  they 
haue  once  wanted  a  minister,  for  default  of  authority  to  cal  &  ordain 
another  ? 

But  as  to  the  magistracy  Harrison  is  behind  Browne,  say- 
ing :  — 

The  civill  Magistrates  may  &  ought  also  to  strike  with  their  sword, 
every  one  which  being  of  the  Church,  shal  openly  trausgresse  against 
the  Lord's  commandements. 

In  1586  Stephen  Bredwell,  apparently  a  London  physician 
of  repute,  printed  an  "  Admonition  "  2  to  the  new  Separatists,  fol- 

^  A  Little  Treatise  vppon  thefirste  Verse  of  the  122.  Psalm.  Stirring  tip  unto  carefull 
desiring  Sj-  dutifull  labouring  for  true  Church  Gouernement,  etc.,  1583,  16mo  (ed. 
1818),  39,  40,  66,  46,  79. 

^  A  Detection  of  Edward  Glover's  Heretical  Confection,  etc.  with  an  Admonition  to 
thefolloivers  of  Glover  and  Browne,  1586,  16mo. 


206     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

lowed,  two  years  later,  by  a  second  attack  ^  upon  Browne.  The 
opinion  lias  been  expressed  already  that  Browne  in  later  life 
was  at  least  partially  insane.  This  gains  strong-  support  from 
Bredwell's  second  book.  He  assails  Browne,  largely  on  the 
ground  of  his  mental  unsoundness,  and,  as  he  mast  have  had 
sj)ecial  knowledge  of  such  matters  and  talks  as  if  he  knows 
Browne  well,  his  testimony  has  weight.  He  speaks  of  the  "  tem- 
pest "  of  Browne's  "  disturbed  and  stormie  affections ;  "  says  that 
he  has  been  "  bitten  &  torne  "  by  Browne,  "  as  it  were  with  a 
mad  dog ;  "  calls  his  pen  "  furious,"  and  speaks  of  "  the  inward 
mines  and  downefall  of  iudgement "  in  his  case.  He  says, 
"  Browne  is  sound,  his  braine  is  sicke."  He  adds,  "  This 
Trouble-church  Browne  ...  is  (in  a  heauie,  though  iust  iudge- 
ment) compassed  about  with  a  strong  delusion,"  and,  "  If  he  be 
so  mad  that  he  vnderstandeth  not  practise  to  be  workes,  then  is 
he  too  mad  to  bee  talked  wdthall."  His  criticism  upon  one  of 
Browne's  positions  is,  "  Whereunto  if  I  shoulde  answere  hee  was 
madde,  I  sliould  fauour  him  much,  in  mouing  pitie  for  him  : 
and  if  it  be  not  taken  so,  both  friends  and  enemies,  must  needes 
set  a  harder  sentence  vjjpon  him."  Finally,  he  declares,  "  And 
thus  (belike)  because  Browne  is  not  yet  so  madde,  as  that 
hee  will  suffer  no  clothes  vpon  him,  wee  shoulde  not  beleeue 
diuerse  of  his  great  friendes,  who  say,  he  is  madde,  or  out  of  his 
wittes,  whereby  they  seeke  to  excuse  his  dealings." 

So  far  as  he  reasons  agamst  Browne's  system,  Bredwell  con- 
demns it  for  teaching  that  "  there  may  bee  a  true  Church  of 
God  without  the  Presbyterie,"  and  insists  that  no  man  ought  to 
forsake  the  Lord's  Supper  on  account  of  the  presence  of  the  un- 
worthy ;  that  the  Church  of  England  is  no  more  unsound  than 
divers  churches  from  which  no  separation  is  advised ;  and  that 
discipline  is  not  essential  to  a  church. 

In  the  summer  of  1590,  Cartwright,  then  Master  of  the  Hos- 
pital at  Warwick,  wrote  to  his  sister-in-law,  to  persuade  her 
against  Brownism.    The  original  letter,^  in  the  British  Museum, 

^  The  Basing  of  the  Foundations  of  Brovvnisme,  etc.,  1588,  4to,  66,  xiii,  65,  112,  72, 
13,  97,  ii. 

2  A  Letter  against  Brownisme  :  to  his  sister-in-law,  Mrs.  Anne  Stubbes.  Harl.  Ms. 
7581,  4. 


I 


EXPERIMENTS  IN  PRACTICAL   CHURCH   REFORM     207 

shows  how  the  controversy  looked  to  a  master-mind  thoroughly 
familiar  with  the  subject,  and  prepossessed  towards  Presbyteri- 
anism.  He  boldly  controverts  the  main  premise  of  the  Sepa- 
ratists thus :  — 

As  a  wief  that  hath  broken  her  faith  is  not  forthwith  out  of  accompt 
of  a  wife,  untille,  she  beinge  convinced  [convicted]  thereof,  be  for 
that  cause  divorced  from  her  husband.  So  the  Church  notwithstand- 
ing her  spiritual  adultery,  is  not  unchurched  neither  ceases  to  be 
reputed  a  church  untill  such  tyme  as  the  Lord,  taking  away  the  min- 
istring  of  the  w^ord  from  her,  and  the  administration  of  the  Sacra- 
ment, hath,  as  it  were,  by  bill  of  divorce  disabled  her. 

This  year,  1590,  was  fruitful  of  treatises  on  church  govern- 
ment. Of  nearly  thirty  perhaps  half  were  aimed  at  the  Sepa- 
ratists. One,i  by  Dr.  R.  Alison,  is  a  review  of  the  little  tract 
by  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  before  noted,  seeking  to  neutralize 
its  force.  A  second  is  by  George  Gifford,  already  mentioned, 
who  seeks  to  fasten  upon  the  Brownists  an  odious  name  ^  out  of 
the  past,  while  publishing  to  the  world  "  some  of  their  heresies, 
and  frantike  opinions."  He  also  is  emphatic  in  connecting 
Barrowe  and  Greenwood  directly  with  Browne  himself,  no  doubt 
expressing  the  common  judgment.  This  was  replied  to  at  once 
by  Greenwood,^  and  in  the  same  year  Gilford  answered  *  him. 
In  the  next  year  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  together  replied  ^  to 
Gilford's  last.  This  reply  is  the  small  quarto  alread}^  mentioned 
as  having  been  burned,  excepting  two  copies,  by  Francis  John- 
son before  it  could  be  circulated,  and  reprinted  by  him  at  his 
own  expense  in  1605.  Gilford  seems  to  have  obtained  a  copy, 
and,  although  conceding  that  the  book  had  been  "  intercepted," 
thought  it  worth  a  short  notice.^  Only  a  few  points  of  this  dis- 
cussion need  be  noted. 

^  A  Plaine  Confutation  of  a  Treatise  of  Brovvnisme,  Published  by  some  of  that  Fac- 
tion, Entituled  A  Description  .  .  of  the  Visible  Church,  etc.,  1590, 4to.    See  p.  201,  n.  1. 

2  A  Short  Treatise  against  the  Donatists  of  England,  whome  we  call  Brownists,  etc., 
1590,  4to. 

^  An  Answer  to  Geo.  Gifford^s  Pretended  Defence  of  Bead  Prayers  and  Devised 
Leitourgies,  etc.,  1590,  4to. 

*  A  Plaine  Declaration  that  our  Brownists  be  full  Donatists.  .  .  .  Also  a  replie  to 
Master  Greenwood  touching  read  prayer,  etc.,  1590,  4to. 

^  A  Plaine  Refutation  of  M.  Giffards  Booke,  etc.,  1590,  4to. 

®  A  Short  Reply  vnto  the  last  printed  books  of  Henry  Barrow  and  John  Green- 
wood, the  chiefe  ringleaders  of  our  Donatists  in  England,  etc.,  1591,  4to. 


208      THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

Barrowe  and  Greenwood  deny  any  connection  with  tlie  Brown- 
ists,i  and  define  their  own  position  as  between  the  practically 
popular  government  of  the  Brownists  and  the  obviously  aristo- 
cratic government  of  the  Presbyterians,  arguing  that  both  the 
elders  and  the  people  have  voices  in  church  action.  They  also 
vindicate  the  right,  and  assert  the  duty,  to  form  separate  churches 
in  needful  circumstances,  thus  :  — 

The  Church  in  this  estate  consisting  only  of  private  men,  ought  to  erect 
this  ministerle  and  governement :  ells  should  they  also  cease  and  never 
be  had  againe  vpon  the  earth  :  and  so  should  there  neuer  be  any  estab- 
lished Church,  ministrie,  Sacraments  etc,  agayne  in  this  world. 

And,  as  to  waiting  for  the  civil  authorities  to  undertake  church 
reform,  they  say  :  — 

For  this,  we  alleadged  the  examjjles  and  practize  of  the  Apostles,  who 
then  had  bene  guiltie  of  the  same  disobedience  &  rebellion,  if  Princes 
in  this  busines  had  bene  to  be  stayed  for,  or  their  restrainte  had  bene 
a  sufficient  let  [hindrance]  :  yea  that  persecution  and  the  crosse  of 
Christ  were  vtterly  abolished,  if  the  Church  and  faithfull  were  not  to 
proceede  in  their  duties,  vntiU  Pi'inces  giue  leave.  We  shewed  also, 
that  the  obedience  and  practice  of  Gods  will  was  no  disobedience  or 
prejudice  to  the  Prince. 

In  1596,  while  probably  the  majority  —  at  any  rate,  the  pas- 
tor and  elders  who,  by  their  theory,  constituted  the  most  impor- 
tant portion  —  of  the  Amsterdam  church  remained  imprisoned 
in  London,  there  was  printed,  presumably  at  Amsterdam,  a  lit- 
tle quarto,^  of  twenty-two  pages,  describing  their  position  with 

1  Plaine  Ref.  184,  76,  78,  198. 

2  A  Trve  Confession  of  the  Faith  and  Humble  Acknowledgment  of  the  Alegeance, 
which  wee  Mr  Maiesties  Subjects,  falsely  called  Brownists,  doo  hould  towards  God, 
and  yeild  to  hir  Majestie  and  all  other  that  are  ouer  vs  in  the  Lord.  Set  down  in 
Articles  or  Positions,  for  the  better  ^  more  easie  vnder standing  of  those  that  shall  read 
yt :  And  published  for  the  cleering  of  otir  selues  from  those  vnchristian  slanders  of 
heresie,  schisme,  pryde,  obstinacie,  disloyaltie,  sedicion,  ^c.  which  by  our  aduer- 
saries  are  in  all  places  given  out  against  vs,  1596,  4to,  iii,  v.  Unquestionably  the 
result  of  much  conference  between  the  two  separated  portions  of  the  church. 
G.  Johnson  ( Disc.  10)  says  :  "  The  church  for  5.  or  6.  yeares  practised  as  the  Pastor, 
elders  and  brethren,  being'  in  prison  at  London,  wrote  unto  them."  See  also  a  state- 
ment by  F.  Johnson  {Inquirie  and  Ansiver  of  Thos.  White,  his  Discoverie,  64)  as  to 
correspondence.  Clearly  the  Confession  was  the  result  of  such  consultation.  The 
documents  were  sent  back  and  forth  by  messengers. 


EXPERIMENTS   IN   PRACTICAL  CHURCH   REFORM     209 

some  precision.  It  begins  with  a  touching  preface,  referring, 
with  details,  to  their  long  and  bitter  persecution. 

Their  motives  are  to  testify  to  "  the  rufull  estate  of  our  poore 
Contrymen,"  and  to  condemn  the  "  barbarous  crueltie  "  of  the 
hierarchy,  e.  g. :  — 

24.  soules  have  perished  in  their  prisons,  with  in  the  Cittie  of  Lon- 
don only,  (besides  other  places  of  the  Land)  &  that  of  late  yeeres. 
Manie  also  have  they,  by  their  immanitie  [inhumanity]  caused  to 
blaspheme  and  forsake  the  faith  of  our  glorious  Lord  lesus  Christ,  and 
many  mo[re]  they  terrifie  and  keep  from  the  same.  For  all  this,  yet 
were  not  these  savage  men  satisfied,  .  .  .  but  they  procured  certeine 
of  vs  (after  manie  yeeres  emprisonment)  to  be  indighted,  arrayned, 
condemned  and  hanged  as  felons  .  .  .  Henry  Barrow,  lohn  Green- 
wood (and  lohn  Penry)  whose  perticular  examinations,  araignments 
and  maner  of  execution,  with  the  circumstances  about  them,  if  thou 
didst  truly  vnderstand  (gentle  Reader)  it  would  make  thy  hart  to 
bleed,  considering  their  vnchristian  and  vnnatuvall  usage.  About  the 
same  tyme  they  executed  also  one  William  Denis,  at  Thetford  in 
Northfolke,  and  long  before  they  kylled  two  men,  at  Bury,  in  Suffolk, 
Coppyn  and  Elias  [Thacker],  for  the  like  testimonie.  Others  they 
deteyne  in  their  prysons  to  this  day,  who  look  for  the  like  measure  at 
their  mercilesse  hands,  yf  God  in  mercye  release  them  not  before. 

The  essential  points  of  the  "  Confession  "  form  a  summary  of 
doctrinal  belief,  intended  to  refute  the  charge  of  theological 
looseness,  together  with  five  or  six  principles  of  polity. 

Like  the  "  Trve  Description,"  this  "  Confession,"  although 
somewhat  vague  as  to  the  eldership,^  seems  to  teach  that,  al- 
though a  vote  of  the  whole  body  is  essential  to  the  reception  or 
discipline  of  members,  the  real  control  of  church  affairs  rests 
with  its  officers.  As  to  the  civil  power  and  their  relations  with 
it,  they  declare  frankly  :  — 

It  is  the  Office  and  duty  of  Princes  and  Magestrates,  who  by  the 
ordinance  of  God  are  supreme  Governers  vnder  him  over  all  persons 
and  causes  within  their  Realmes  and  Dominions,  to  suppress  and  root 
out  by  their  authoritie  all  false  ministeries,  voluntarie  Religions  and 
counterfeyt  worship  of  God.  .  .  .  And  on  the  other  hand  to  establish 
&  mayntein  by  their  lawes  every  part  of  Gods  word  bis  pure  Relligion 

^  Probably  the  difficulty  of  governing  a  church  in  Amsterdam  by  a  body  of  elders 
in  the  London  prisons  led  to  a  lighter  statement  of  this  doctrine  than  might  have 
been  drawn  up  otherwise,  and  certainly  than  their  habitual  practice  implied. 


210  THE   PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR   FATHERS 

and  true  ministerie  .  .  .  yea  to   enforce   al  their  Subiects  whether 
Ecclesiastical  or  civill,  to  do  their  dutyes  to  God  and  men. 

One  further  point  deserves  consideration.  The  twenty-sixth 
article  provides  for  mutual  watchfulness.  In  general,  beyond 
doubt,  this  provision  is  Scriptural  and  wholesome.  But  such  a 
theory  must  be  guarded  from  morbidness  in  conception  and  exag- 
geration in  administration.  George  Johnson's  garrulous  volume  ^ 
shows  that  the  mistake  of  Browne's  church  was  made  again 
when  this  London-Amsterdam  church  undertook  to  administer 
a  similar  rule.  However  helj)ful  towards  sanctification  habitual 
mutual  criticism  might  prove  to  a  company  of  judicious,  dis- 
criminating believers,  it  was  a  perilous  resource  for  these  zeal- 
ously conscientious,  rudely  cultured,  hasty  and  plain-spoken 
Separatists. 

On  the  whole  this  "  Confession "  takes  a  highly  respectable 
rank  as  a  clear,  compact  and  Scriptural  formula,  nor  does  it 
lack  some  felicities  of  style.  Two  years  later  it  was  translated 
into  Latin  .2 

Our  review  of  the  chief  religious  and  ecclesiastical  events  of 
the  sixteenth  century  has  shown  that  the  origin  of  Puritanism 
was  both  broader  and  deeper  than  that  mere  "  scrupling  of  the 
vestments"  in  which  so  many  writers  have  lodged  it.  Cart- 
wright,  Travers  and  their  co-workers  brought  home  from  Conti- 
nental exile  a  conception  of  church  government  by  the  eldership 
which  afterwards  developed  into  the  full-fledged  Presbyterian- 
ism  of  to-day.  But  they  neutralized  their  own  endeavors  effec- 
tually by  waiting  for  the  civil  power  to  initiate  that  more  genuine  , 
and  thorough  reformation,  needful  to  complete  what  already 
was  begun,  by  proposing  to  leave  that  reformation,  when  ac- 
complished, under  civil  control ;  and  by  holding  to  the  old, 
all-embracing,  national  theory  of  a  church  including,  by  his  birth- 
right and  baptism,  every  citizen,  of  whatsoever  character,  look- 
ing to  discipline,  if  to  anything,  to  raise  the  general  life  to  the 
gospel  standard.  Nor  was  there  struck  out  from  all  their  multi- 
plied discussions  a  spark  of  real  light  upon  the  grave  and  gloomy 
difficulties  of  the  situation. 

1  A  Discourse  of  some  Troubles,  etc.,  95-97,  123-135,  v. 

2  Confessio  Fidei  Anglorum  Qvorvndam  in  Bdgia  Exidantium,  1598,  16mo. 


EXPERIMENTS  IN   PRACTICAL  CHURCH  REFORM     211 

It  has  been  shown,  further,  that  the  first  practical  suggestion 
of  relief  came,  in  1580,  from  Browne,  who  sought  to  shape  a 
polity  which,  by  Scripture  and  common  sense,  should  authorize 
the  action  by  which  any  company  of  spirituaUy  "  forward  "  be- 
lievers might  emancipate  itself.  Without  waiting  for  the  prince, 
or  even  for  a  majority  of  the  people,  it  might  constitute  itseK 
by  mutual  covenant  a  local  church,  competent  for  the  regular 
election  and  ordination  of  its  own  officers  and  the  independent 
management,  under  Christ,  of  its  own  aifairs.  And  such  a 
church  —  every  member  of  which,  by  faithful  personal  union  to 
Christ,  would  become  a  viceroy  of  the  great  Head  of  the  Church, 
a  divinely  ordained  channel  through  whom  the  power  of  Christ 
would  flow  to  inform  decision  and  to  energize  action  —  would  be 
indistinguishable  from  a  democracy  to  human  view.  It  also  has 
appeared  that,  by  laying  upon  the  membership  of  such  a  church 
a  burden  of  responsibility  for  each  other's  personal  perfection, 
Browne  brought  about  an  explosion  terminating  his  experi- 
ment. 

Beyond  this  it  has  been  seen  how  Barrowe,  laying  hold  of 
Browne's  seminal  idea  of  the  separation  of  the  righteous  from 
the  unrighteous ;  yet  seeking  to  pilot  his  separated  company 
safely  away  from  the  rocks  of  popular  government  and  the 
shoals  of  self-conceit,  borrowed  from  Calvin  and  Cartwright  their 
session  of  elders,  and  conceived  the  idea  of  establishing  Congre- 
gational churches,  each  of  which  should  elect  a  board  of  Pres- 
byterian elders  and  confide  to  it  the  entire  control  of  church 
affairs. 

The  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  then,  found  the  Church 
of  England  in  some  degree  honeycombed  by  Presbyterianism. 
There  were  Puritans  in  plenty  both  in  and  out  of  its  pulpits, 
who  were  striving  vaguely  or  urgently  for  better  things.  They 
were  seeking  in  all  ready  ways  to  move  the  Queen,  the  Court 
and  the  State  to  blow  a  trumpet  of  reform  by  which  the  bishops 
should  be  officially  overthrown,  and  church  government  by  the 
eldership  should  take  the  place  of  the  hierarchy. 

Here  and  there,  also  —  and  most  of  them  had  much  of  the 
experience  which  Paul  describes  ^  as  his  own  :  — 
1  2  Cor.  xi:  23-27.    Gen.  vera.  ed.  1577. 


212     THE  PROTESTANTISM  OF  OUR  FATHERS 

In  labours  more  abundant :  in  stripes  aboue  measure :  in  prison  more 
plenteously :  in  death  oft.  .   .  . 

In  perils  of  mine  own  natio,  ...  in  perils  in  the  citie,  in  perils  in 
the  wildernes,  in  perils  in  the  sea,  in  perils  among  false  brethren, 

In  wearines  and  painfuhies,  in  watching  often,  in  hunger  &  thirst, 
in  fastings  often,  in  colde  and  in  nakednes, 

were  a  few  heroic  souls  unable  to  rest  in  mere  Puritanism. i  In 
their  judgment  it  halted  criminally,  and  became  of  no  avail, 
precisely  when  and  where  it  ought  to  have  gone  forward  most 
urgently.  Therefore  they  found  no  peace  until  they  had  pushed 
on  into  a  Separation  which  should  clear  their  skirts  of  guilt,  and 
set  an  example  to  an  ungodly  world  and  a  frigid,  half-hearted 
and  hesitant  hierarchy  —  an  example  of  companies  of  believers 
covenanted  together  to  reproduce  the  original  polity,  and  able 
to  work  for  the  Master  with  a  freedom  of  movement  and  a 
beauty  and  glory  of  result,  such  as  had  not  been  seen  upon  earth 
for  more  than  a  thousand  years. 

So  the  last  day's  sun  of  the  year  1600  went  down  upon  a 
small  company  of  Barrowists,  who  were  struggling  against  grim 
and  grinding  poverty  to  maintain  themselves  as  a  Christian 
church  in  Amsterdam ;  together  with  a  little  body  of  sympa- 
thizers maintaining  an  associate  church  life  feebly  and  secretly 
in  London ;  and  possibly  a  scattered  few  occasionally  meeting 
together  in  the  safe  night-time,  or  in  the  shelter  of  some  dense 
wood,  in  Norwich,  Chattisham  or  the  West  of  England,  or  even 
in  Ireland^  —  rari  nantes  in  gurgite  vasto. 

^  It  may  be  noted  here  —  in  addition  to  what  has  been  stated  about  others  — 
that  the  oldest  Baptist  church  appears  to  have  been  founded  in  1611,  although 
there  had  been  little  companies  of  Baptist  worshippers  here  or  there  for  nearly  or 
quite  a  century  previous.  Baptist  scholars  do  not  agree  as  to  whether  immersion 
was  practised  by  these  assemblies  or  was  reintroduced  in  1641,  or  possibly  in  1633. 

-  G.  Johnson  speaks  (Disc.  205)  of  wishing  to  appeal  his  case  to  the  church  in 
Norwich,  and  of  a  letter  to  his  brother  from  "  Mr.  Hunt  the  pastor  of  the  Church 
at  Chatsum."  F.  Johnson  says  {Inq.  and  Ans.  of  Thos.  White,  52-53)  that  White 
and  twelve  or  thirteen  of  his  company  first  joined  a  (Separatist)  Church  "  in  the 
West  parts  of  England,"  and  Bredwell  speaks  (Rasing,  iv.)  of  Separatists  in  "  the 
West,  almost  to  the  uttermost  borders  thereof."  Penry  in  a  letter  (Li/e,  176)  urges 
"  Comfort  the  brethren  in  the  West  and  North  countries ;  "  and  Barrowe's  Plat- 
form (49-53)  has  a  letter  from  Separatists  in  Ireland  to  a  Scotch  preacher  named 
Wood. 


BOOK  III 

THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 


Out  of  the  eater  came  meate,  and  out  of  the  strong  came 
sioeetnesse.  —  Judges  xiiii :  14. 

A  little  07ie  shall  become  as  a  thousand,  and  a  small  one  as 
a  strong  natioyi :  I  the  Lord  will  hasten  it  iji  due  time.  — 
Isaiah  Ix :  22. 

The  first  imjjression  on  reaching  Scroohy,  is  that  of  perfect 
wonderment  how  so  small  a  'place  coidd  p)0ssihly  have  origi- 
nated the  Pilgrim  Movement.  —  E.  Arber,  Story  of  Pilg. 
Faths.  58. 


THE  PILGRIM   REGION 


CHAPTER  I 

SCROOBY 

NoTTiNGHAMSHiEE  thrusts  up  its  northern  angle,  like  a  bhmt 
spear-head  some  fifteen  miles  in  depth,  between  Yorkshire  and 
Lincolnshire,  where  they  come  together  below  the  junction  of 
the  Ouse  and  the  Trent  to  form  the  Humber.  The  point  of 
contact  of  these  counties  is  very  nearly  in  the  same  latitude  with 
the  southern  extremity  of  the  opening  through  which  the  Hum- 
ber pours  into  the  German  Ocean,  and  is  about  forty-five  miles 
due  west  from  it.  A  range  of  hills  stretches  for  about  fifty 
miles  almost  directly  north  from  Grantham  and  Lincoln,  until  it 
pushes  the  channel  of  the  Humber  northward  at  West  Halton 
and  Winteringham.  The  Trent,  with  its  affluents,  drains  the 
basin  lying  west  of  these  hills  and  between  them  and  those  of 
Sheffield  and  the  West  Riding  of  York.  For  twenty-five  or 
thirty  miles  southwest  from  the  Himiber,  this  basin  for  the  most 
part  is  broad  and  shallow,  as  if  it  had  been  the  bottom  of  a  lake. 
It  contains  many  wide  stretches  of  meadows  and  fruitful  fields, 
now  well  drained  but  in  old  times  swamp  lands,  the  favorite 
haunts  of  all  manner  of  wild  creatures  loving  moist  places. 

The  Trent  lies  well  over  towards  the  eastern  side  of  this 
valley,  skirting  the  western  base  of  the  hills.  Its  sluggish  tribu- 
taries, the  Idle  and  the  Ryton,  extend  southward  and  westward  ; 
the  former  towards  Nottingham  and  Newstead  Abbey,  the  latter 
enriching  itself  from  the  springs  of  the  border  of  the  adjacent 
shire,  and  emptying  into  the  Idle  about  six  miles  south-southeast 
of  the  junction  of  the  three  counties.  The  tongue  of  fenny  laud 
in  the  midst  of  encompassing  moors,  formed  by  the  confluence 
at  an  acute  angle  of  gently  rolling  hills  within  eyeshot  on  either 
side,  and  once  admirably  situated  for  hunting  —  being  within 
easy  ride  of  the  famous  old  Sherwood  Forest  of  Robin  Hood,  on 


216        THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 

the  south,  and  of  Hatfield  Chase,  on  the  north,  and  itself  sur- 
rounded by  the  natural  haunts  of  game  —  lies  m  the  parish  of 
Scrooby,  Notts.,  and  came  very  early  into  the  possession  of  the 
northern  archbishop. 

At  what  precise  date  existing  records  do  not  show.  Dooms- 
day Book  1  describes  it  as  one  of  the  properties  of  the  see  of 
York,  although  no  palace  seems  to  have  been  there  then.  Al- 
most exactly  a  century  later,  however,  an  official  record  ^  im- 
plies the  use  of  a  residence  when  his  occasions  attracted  the 
archbishop  to  the  extreme  southern  portion  of  his  domain.  In 
1207  King  John  ordered  three  tuns  of  Vascon  wine  and  one  of 
Mussac  to  be  conveyed  thither,^  in  language  possibly  signifying 
not  merely  his  interest  in  his  half-brother,  the  incumbent  of  the 
see,  but  also  some  personal  expectation  of  comfort  therefrom. 
And  five  years  later,  Aug.  28-30,  1212,  he  claimed  hospital- 
ity *  there,  and  signed  orders  which  went  thence  to  distant 
parts  of  the  kingdom. 

During  the  following  century,  including  the  reigns  of  Henry 
III.  and  the  first  two  Edwards,  tlii-ough  the  meagre  public 
records  we  gain  occasional  glimpses  of  what  was  going  on  there. 
Whatever  of  comfort,  or  even  of  rude  splendor,  then  existed 
evidently  was  not  only  kept  up  well  but  considerably  increased. 
During  the  periodical  sojournings  of  the  archbishop  it  became 
the  resort  of  church  and  conventual  officials,  tendering  alle- 
giance and  desiring  recognition,  and  of  civil  suitors,  asking  ad- 
ministration upon  the  estates  of  the  dead,  or  other  judgments. 
Its  parks  were  stocked  with  deer.    Grain  was  laid  up  there.   It 

^  The  common  name  of  the  Liber  de  Wintonia,  a  record  of  a  survey  of  England 
in  the  time  of  William  the  Conqueror,  completed  in  108G.  It  is  in  two  volumes  ; 
one  a  folio  [pp.  382  double],  and  one  a  quarto  [pp.  450  double]  ;  and  is  in  the  Pub- 
lic Record  Office,  London.  It  is  supposed  to  be  so  named  because,  between  differ- 
ent judgments  concerning  any  land,  its  authority  always  has  been  held  to  be 
conclusive.    The  record  is  :  — 


"In  SVDTONE,  Scrobi,  Madressei, 
I.  car.  trae  VI  bov  ad  ged.  etc.  [under 
the  head  of]    Terra  Archiep.  Ehor.  etc. 


In  Sutton,  Scrooby  and  Mattersey  [or 
Lownd],  one  carucate  [as  much  as  one 
team  can  plough  in  a  year,  usually  100 
acres,]  and  six  ox-gangs  to  be  taxed, 
etc." 
Ed.  1862,  i :  vii. 

2  Mag.  Bot.  Pipae  for  I  Rich.  I.  1189-90,  9,  10. 

3  Close  Roll.  9  John,  1207,  xxviii  Jul.  *  Close  Roll.  14  John,  1212. 


SCROOBY  217 

had  a  chapel  ^  of  its  own,  although  the  comely  little  parish 
chureli  of  St.  Wilfred  —  the  beautiful  gray  spire  of  which  re- 
mains to  this  day,  probably  the  only  unaltered  object  within  the 
ranoe  of  one's  vision  —  stood  within  1000  feet.  In  1287  an 
important  document  ^  was  signed  there. 

At  intervals,  although  not  frequently,  during  the  next  150 
years,  while  a  third  Edward,  a  second  Richard  and  the  fourth 
Henry  were  reigning,  this  remote  place  was  dignified  now  and 
then  by  the  brief  stay  of  some  one  high  in  rank.  A  chamber 
built  there  found  mention  for  its  importance.  Game  was  hunted 
and  stored.  The  Bishop  of  Whitherne^  was  there.  On  June  19, 
1300,  Archbishop  Corbridge  there  gave  leave  for  two  Minorites 
—  Michael  de  Merton  and  Reginald  de  King-ton  —  to  confess 
those  of  the  York  Province  who  were  going  to  fight  in  Scotland.'* 
On  Sunday,  Dec.  18,  1300,  Robert,  abbot  of  Roche  Abbey, 
professed  canonical  obedience  there.^  On  July  12,  1306,  Arch- 
bishop Greenfield  wrote  from  Scrooby  to  Pope  Clement  V.  that 
he  had  obeyed  his  mandate,  and  desired  the  Bishops  of  Carlisle 
and  Whitherne  and  the  Chancellor  and  Chamberlain  of  Scotland 
to  cite  the  Bishop  of  Glasgow,  but  had  learned  that  the  last 
named  bishop  had  been  captured,  with  other  rebels,  after  seizing 
Cupar  Castle ;  so  that  they  could  not  serve  the  citation  without 
,the  king's  leave,  which  he  would  not  give.^ 

On  Sunday,  Apr.  13,  1315,  the  same  archbishop  wrote  from 
Scrooby  to  his  official  at  York,  directing  him  to  summon  all  the 
clergy  to  a  council  of  war  at  Doncaster  against  the  Scots.  Next 
day  he  sent  word  to  Jolin  de  Mowbray  to  attend  the  same  council, 
and  named  fifty  others  similarly  summoned.  And  on  May  19, 
1320,  Archbishop  Melton  wrote  from  Scrooby  to  an  official  at 
York,  ordering  him  to  forbid  the  tilting  and  tournament,  then 
arranged  to  be  held  near  York,  on  pain  of  the  greater  excommu- 

^  Dec.  20,  1301,  Sir  Wm.  de  Ros,  Jr.,  of  Ingmanthorp,  did  homage  to  the  arch- 
bishop in  the  chapel  of  Scrooby  for  the  manor  of  Muskham.  Dixon  and  Raine, 
Fasti  Eboracenses,  i :  312,  321,  359,  395,  433. 

^  An  elaborate  instrument  settling  old  differences  between  the  Vicar  of  Blyth 
and  some  of  the  neighboring  religious  people.    Raine,  Blyth,  59. 

^  He  professed  obedience,  June  20,  1300.    Fast.  Eb.  i :  390,  n. 

*  Hist.  Paps,  and  Lets,  from  North.  Registers,  1873,  143. 

^  Aveling,  Hist.  Roche  Abbey,  44. 

6  Hist.  Paps.  172-175,  245,  246-247,  305. 


218        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

nication.  Troubles  at  Blyth,  near  by,  were  adjusted  there,  not 
for  the  first  time,  on  Jan.  22,  1346.1  On  July  26,  1347,  the 
will  of  Sir  John  de  Warren,  eighth  Earl  of  Surrey,  was  proved 
there.2  On  Sept.  6, 1464,  the  archbishojj  there  commanded  Lord 
William,  Bishop  of  Dromore,  his  suffragan,  to  confer  benediction 
upon  John  Gray,  abbot-elect  of  Roche  Abbey  ;  ^  and  on  Dec. 
19,  1486,  six  years  before  Columbus  discovered  America,  the 
ai-chbishop  there  did  a  like  service  for  Thomas  Thurne,  abbot- 
elect.  Then,  in  the  fragrant  summer  of  the  eighteenth  year  of 
Henry  VII.,  on  June  12,  1503,  Margaret,  eldest  daughter  of  the 
monarch,  on  her  way  to  Scotland  to  become  the  second  wife  of 
its  king,  James  IV.,  made  stay  at  Scrooby. 

Fortunately  for  us,  John  Younge,  Somerset  Herald,  had 
place  in  the  company  in  order  to  record  its  progress.  The  prin- 
cess left  Tuxford,  some  twenty  miles  nearer  London,  and  "  drew 
hyr  Way  ryght  to  sirowsby  (a  Manayer  of  the  Reverend  Father 
in  God  my  Lord  the  Archbyshop  of  Yorke)  to  her  Bedd."  * 
There  was  the  Earl  of  Surrey,  Lord  Treasurer  of  England, 
"  varey  noblely  arayed  and  all  his  Trayne,"  including  "  many 
Nobles,  Lords,  Knights  and  Squyers,"  together  "  with  my  Lady 
his  Wyife,  accompaned  of  many  Ladys  and  Gentyllwomen  varey 
noblely  arayed."  There  was  the  Earl  of  Kent  and  the  Lords  of 
Strange,  Hastings  and  Willoughby,  "varey  nobly  arayed  and 
accompany d  of  theire  Folks  in  Liveray,  and  on  Horses,  rychely 
in  Apparayll."  There  were  Sir  Davy  Owen  and  Sir  Thomas 
Worteley  and  their  suites.  There  was  Sir  Ralph  Vernell, 
"  accompayned  of  my  Lady  his  Wyife,  of  many  Gentylmen, 
G en tylls women,  and  others  abidyng  in  Scotland,  by  the  Space 
folouyng  the  good  Plaisure  of  the  Kyng."  There  was  the  "  Rev- 
erend Father  in  God  my  Lord  the  Bischop  of  Norwych,  well 
accompanyed  and  honestly  arayed."  There,  too,  was  the  "  Rev- 
erend Father  in  God  my  Lord  the  Bishop  of  Morrey  ^  [Moray] , 
Embassador  of  the  King  of  Scotts,  well  and  honestly  arayed." 

Then  came  "  Ladyes  mounted  upon  fayre  Pallefrays,  many 
Squyers  before  them,"  and  then  "  a  Char[iot]  "  having  several 

1  Raine,  Blyth,  60.  ^  "  j^  manerio  de  Seroby,"  Pubs.  Surtees  Soc.  45. 

3  Aveling-,  60,  64.  *  Leland,  Collectanea  de  Bebus  Britannicis,  iv  :   265-300. 

^  Andrew  Fornian,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews. 


SCROOBY  219 

"  Foternen  "  with  "  sixe  fayre  Horseys  leyd,"  and  "  others,  Gen- 
tylls  women  of  the  sayd  Ladyes,  mounted  upon  Pallefrays  well 
appoynted."  There  also  were  "  Johannes  and  his  eompanye,  the 
Menstrells  of  Musick ;  "  after  whom  marched  officers  and  ser- 
geants and  marshals,  gentlemen  "  ordonned  [ordained]  to  make 
Space,  that  more  playnly  the  sayd  Queue  and  her  Companey 
might  bee  better  sene ;  "  the  rear  of  the  cavalcade  proper  being 
brought  up  by  a  great  company  of  retainers.  There  was,  also, 
the  local  escort  through  Nottinghamshire,  "  Mr.  William  Per- 
poynt,  Scheriff  of  Nothynhamshyre,  having  in  his  Felloweschip 
Sir  John  Marcant,  Sir  John  Dunehara,  Sir  William  Beron, 
Knights,  and  other  Gentylmen  and  Sqviyers,  accompayned  of 
their  Folks  well  honnestly  drest  of  their  Liverays,  and  horsed, 
to  the  Nomber  of  two  hundreth  Horsys." 

Moreover,  there  marched  in  attendance  from  Tuxford  a  nu- 
merous company  of  "honest  Personnes,  next  Neybours  of  the 
said  Place,  all  on  Horseback,  honnestly  drest,  for  to  se  the  sayd 
Quene,  wyth  many  other  Personages  a  Foot  in  grett  nomber ; 
lykewys  the  next  Morning  att  hyr  departyng ;  "  this  language 
implying  that  these  last  did  not  spend  the  night  at  Scrooby. 
This  would  leave  to  sleep  within  the  precincts  of  the  archi- 
episcopal  manor-house  the  300,  who  comjDOsed  what  may  be 
termed  the  through  train,  together  with  the  200,  of  the  Notting- 
hamshire escort,  who  would  give  place  the  next  day,  at  the  near 
line  between  the .  shires,  to  a  like  troop  under  Sir  William 
Conyers,  the  Sheriff  of  Yorkshire,  doubtless  with  some  others. 

At  this  time  Thomas  Savage  was  Archbishop  of  York  and  in 
possession  of  this  residence.  We  do  not  know  why,  as  the  nar- 
rative implies,  he  was  not  present  to  do  honor  to  his  sovereign's 
daughter,  or  who  acted  as  his  deputy.  But  we  cannot  doubt 
that  amplest  preparation  had  been  made  for  the  care  of  so  large 
and  gallant  a  company.  Sherwood  Forest  and  Hatfield  Chase 
doubtless  had  been  hunted  and  the  moors  despoiled  of  their 
game,  as  soon  as,  a  few  days  before,  tidings  of  this  burdensome 
intended  honor  had  arrived  ;  while  the  local  deer-parks,  the  fish- 
ponds and  the  dove-cote  had  made  generous  contribution.  Nor 
is  it  unlikely  that,  as  the  custom  ^  was,  neighbors  and  friends 

1  The  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  wrote,  Mar.  30,  1603,  from  Whitehall  to  Worksop 


220        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

from  near  and  far  had  come  to  see  the  great  sight,  bringing  with 
them  "  fatt  capons  &  hennes,  partrydges,  or  the  lyke,"  to  in- 
crease the  resources  of  the  hospitable  manor-house,  so  that  not 
only  none  should  want,  but  that,  as  we  know  happened  when 
the  king  himself  came,  much  might  be  left  for  the  poor  of  the 
neighborhood.  1 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  these  from  400  to  600  people 
had  sejjarate  rooms  or  beds,^  or  their  steeds  unshared  stabling. 
The  princess  and  her  titled  attendants  doubtless  were  well 
accommodated,  albeit  after  what  we  should  regard  as  a  some- 
what rude  fashion.  But  most  of  the  company  must  have  be- 
stowed themselves  upon  the  floors  of  the  great  hall  and  other 
spacious  apartments,  much  as  a  regiment  in  bivouac  extemporizes 
quarters  for  itself,  while  the  horses  which  overflowed  the  stables 
would  be  picketed  in  the  ample  courts  or  neighboring  meadows. 
But  nobody  would  go  to  sleep  hungry  or  thirsty.  There  would 
be  plenty  of  food  of  some  sort,  and,  if  the  Vascon  and  the  Mus- 
sac  ran  low,  there  would  be  abundance  of  good  home-brewed  ale 
to  take  their  place. 

After  more  serious  work  was  over,  we  safely  may  imagine 
Johannes  and  his  "  Menstrells  of  Musick  "  enlivening  the  long 

that  he  might  entertain  the  new  king-  [James,  proclaimed  six  days  before,  who 
must  make  his  way  from  Scotland].  So  he  bade  John  Harper,  "  to  lett  all  my 
good  frends  in  Derbyshire  &  Staffordshire  know  so  much,  to  the  end  that  I  may 
have  theire  companie  against  such  tyme  as  his  Ma'"^  shall  come  thither."  He  pro- 
raised  to  let  the  exact  time  be  known  as  soon  as  possible  :  "  but  then  yt  wilbe  to  late 
for  your  horses  or  anie  thinge  else  to  be  prepared,  unlesse  you  prepare  them  presently 
upon  the  receipt  hereof."  The  postscript  is  significant :  "  I  will  not  refuse  any 
fatt  capons  &  hennes,  partrydges,  or  the  lyke,  yf  the  Kinge  come  to  mee."  The 
letter  bears  an  endorsement  showing  that  it  was  circulated  among  the  "  good 
frends,"  as  requested,  viz. :  — 

"  I  receiued  this  letter  from  my  cousine  Harpur,  that  you  gentlemen  may  see  yt, 
&  consider  of  yt;  &  w"'  all  I  understand  by  him  that  M"!  Henry  Cavandish 
answered  the  noblemen  to  his  credit,  w''''  I  am  glad  of,  &  those  that  love  him. 
—  John  Curzon."    HunteT,  Sheffield,  121. 

Evidently  Curzon,  after  he  had  authenticated  this  letter  thus,  sent  it  round  to 
the  neighboring  gentry  ;  who  doubtless  were  more  than  glad  to  take  part  in  such 
a  pageant  and  to  carry  ample  provision  with  them. 

1  Nichols,  Progresses  of  Jas.  I.  i  :  87. 

2  Cavendish  says  that  280  beds  were  ready  in  Hampton  Court  Palace  in  1.52'7. 
(E.  Law,  Hist.  Hamp.  Ct.  Pal.  i :  105.)  But  that  palace  was  many  times  larger 
than  Scrooby  Manor-house  ever  was,  although  the  latter  sometimes  was  called  a 
palace. 


SCROOBY  221 

twiliglit  with  their  glees  and  carols ;  but,  unless  we  underrate 
their  ability  as  harmonists  or  overrate  the  fondness  of  the  fair 
Margaret  for  the  melodies  of  art  as  compared  with  those  of 
nature,  probably  at  last  she  passed  with  resignation  even  from 
the  "  most  excellent  soide-ravishing  musique,"  as  it  died  away 
under  the  windows  of  the  "  great  chamber,"  to  the  sweeter  still- 
ness of  the  moonlit  plain,  just  modulated  by  the  soft  ripple  of 
the  Ryton  as  it  washed  one  side  of  one  of  the  courts,  enriched 
now  and  then  by  the  muffled  call  of  the  cuckoo  and  the  inde- 
scribably pathetic  trill  of  the  nightingale,  whose  lineal  descen- 
dants to  this  day  haunt  and  gladden  the  spot. 

"  The  Xlllth  Day  of  the  said  Monneth  she  departed  from 
the  sayd  Place,  accompanyed  as  before."  Not  at  dawn,  how- 
ever. For  time  was  given  for  the  reassembling  of  the  dispersed 
horse  and  foot  companies  of  neighbors,  and  for  the  gathering  of 
the  northern  sheriff's  escort,  which  probably  came  down  from 
Doncaster.  Presumably  Johannes  and  his  men  now  came  to  the 
front,  and  it  was  with  the  blast  of  trumpets  that  the  "  varey 
noble  Trajme  "  clattered  out  upon  the  drawbridge  over  the  moat, 
turning  sharply  to  the  right  almost  at  once  by  the  "mylnes 
[mills]  of  Scroby  water,"  which  added  to  the  revenues  of  the 
see  while  serving  the  countryfolk,  and  so  down  to  the  ford,  on 
the  other  side  of  which  the  Yorkshire  cavalcade  awaited  them 
with  loyal  shoutings. 

The  Scrooby  palace  seems  to  have  reached  its  best  estate 
soon  after  this  date.  It  is  on  record  that  Archbishop  Savage, 
who  was  extravagantly  fond  of  hunting,  "  built  much  hei^e,"  until 
it  was  ample  for  the  frequent  entertainment  of  "  the  great  num- 
ber of  goodly  tall  fellows  "  who  habitually  attended  him.  It 
must  be  remembered,  however,  that  seven  or  eight  archiepisco- 
pal  residences  belonged  to  the  see  of  York,  and  that  the  prelate 
was  itinerating  1  among  them  almost  constantly.  Therefore  his 
stay  at  each  residence  was  apt  to  be  brief ;  and,  instead  of  fur- 
nishing so  many  edifices  elaborately,  such  dignitaries  took  with 
them  from  place  to  place  not  only  a  retinue  of  under-servants, 

^  Fast.  Eb.  i :  308.  "  A  bishop,  like  his  sovereign,  was  rarely  more  than  three 
days  at  a  time  in  one  place.  He  was  always  passing  from  residence  to  residence 
with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremony  of  a  great  feudal  baron." 


222        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

but  all  lighter  furniture,  as  well  as  tlie  richer  furnishings  of 
their  tables.  That  most  conscientious  volume  ^  which  begins  the 
history  of  the  northern  archbishops  in  627,  to  leave  it,  to  the 
great  loss  of  scholars,  with  John  de  Thoresby  in  1373,  says :  — 

Hawks  and  hounds  were  frequently  his  [the  archbishop's]  compan- 
ions on  his  travels,  and  he  would  turn  aside  every  now  and  then  from 
the  beaten  causeway  to  flush  the  heron  from  its  waterpool,  or  to  chase 
the  red  deer  through  the  woods.  Behind  the  archbishop  there  rode  a 
long  train  of  domestics,  who  carried  with  them  the  wardrobe  and  the 
plate,  and  a  great  part  of  the  furniture  of  their  master.  With  these 
each  of  his  manor-houses  or  castles  was  equipped,  to  be  stripjied  again 
when  the  visitors  deserted  it. 

Wolsey,  next  but  one  in  succession  to  Archbishop  Savage, 
was  a  constant  absentee  from  his  province  during  the  time  of 
his  prosperity.  We  know,  however,  that  in  his  journeyings  he 
always  carried  with  him  a  service  of  plate  of  very  great  value.^ 
It  belonged  to  such  general  conditions  that  some,  at  least,  of 
these  abiding-places  would  be,  not  caravansaries  exactly,  merely 
offering  bare  rooms,  to  be  furnished  wholly  by  the  traveller,  but 
skeleton  homes,  so  to  speak,  perhaps  stocked  with  the  more  solid 
articles  of  household  use,  yet  needing  to  be  refurnished  at  every 
recurring  period  of  residence  with  the  lighter  and  more  luxu- 
rious equipments. 

Moreover,  it  was  necessary  that  each  of  these  manor-houses 
should  be  in  charge  of  some  resident  agent,  to  look  after  the 
crops,  collect  rents,  make  repairs,  keep  everything  in  some  con- 
dition of  thrift,  and,  at  however  sudden  notice,  make  suitable 
provision  for  the  periodical  visitations  of  the  archbishop.  And 
where  the  manorial  property  was  large,  as  at  Scrooby,^  and  many 
tenants  and  divers  interests  required  attention,  it  was  inevitable 
that,  for  public  convenience,  some  authorized  legal  represen- 
tative of  the  archbishop  always  should  be  in  residence  to  afford 

1  Fast.  Eb.  i:  308.  2  5,  Giustinian  at  Court  of  Henry  VIII-  ii :  314. 

^  "  The  civil  government  of  the  soke  or  liberty  of  Southwell  cum  Scrooby,  com- 
prehending' twenty  townships,  is  separated  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  county  of 
Nottingham.  The  justices  of  the  peace  are  appointed  by  the  Archbishop  of  York, 
but  are  under  a  commission  from  the  crown ;  they  hold  quarter-sessions  at  South- 
well and  Scrooby."  —  Cavendish,  Wolset/,  Wordsworth,  Eccles.  Biogs.  (ed.  1858),  625 
and  n.,  627,  628,  630. 


SCROOBY  223 

to  the  rural  population  such  advantage  of  the  absent  proprie- 
tor's constructive  presence  as  might  be  had  by  deputy.  That 
such  an  ojfficer  habitually  resided  at  Scrooby  is  matter  of  fair 
inference.  That  one  actually  was  on  the  ground  in  the  sixteenth 
century  will  be  shown  later  from  documentary  evidence. 

It  is  a  quieter,  not  to  say  a  more  sombre,  picture  which  we  get 
of  Scrooby  when,  almost  a  generation  afterwards,  a  ray  from 
written  history  once  more  falls  upon  it.  It  is  later  in  the  year, 
and  the  brown  ripeness  of  the  harvest  time  mellows  and  enriches 
the  landscape.  That  great  but  falling  statesman,  who  was  tak- 
ing the  archbishopric  in  his  fall,  now,  driven  with  averted  face 
from  the  Court,  was  on  his  way  to  this  place  of  temporary  rest. 
For  several  days  couriers  had  been  arriving  with  orders,  and 
heavy-laden  sumpter-mules  and  packliorses  had  been  coming  in 
over  the  drawbridge,  while  aU  the  premises  had  been  astir  with 
the  bustle  of  preparation. 

Cardinal  Wolsey  had  been  at  Southwell  since  about  May  1, 
and  desired  to  push  on  towards  the  heart  of  his  ecclesiastical 
province.  It  was  not  until  the  very  last  of  August,  however, 
that  matters  altogether  suited  his  movement.  There  was  a  large 
gathering  of  worshipful  gentlemen  for  his  escort.  But  Wolsey 
was  so  anxious  to  avoid  the  great  hunt  which  they  were  planning 
for  him  that  he  stole  a  march  upon  them  in  the  gray  of  a  Mon- 
day morning,  and  so  paced  his  mule  over  the  sixteen  miles  that 
he  reached  Newstead  Abbey  before  six  o'clock,  leaving  most  of 
his  grand  escort  in  their  beds.  But  "  the  matter  was  laughed  at, 
and  so  merrily  jested  out,  that  all  was  well  taken."  The  next 
day,  Aug.  30,  they  dined  at  Rufford  Abbey  and  slept  at  Blyth 
Abbey,  so  that  it  was  on  the  last  day  of  the  last  summer  month, 
towards  noon,  when,  without  music  or  maidenly  presence,  his 
large  cortege  drew  by  the  Serlby  woods  into  the  great  North 
Road  and  passed  on  to  Scrooby  into  the  manor-house  courts. 

The  whole  of  September  was  spent  here.  On  Sunday  it  was 
the  habit  of  the  cardinal-archbishop  to  make  an  excursion  to 
some  neighboring  parish  church  —  at  Bawtry,  Misson,  Everton, 
Mattersey  or  Harworth  —  and  say  or  hear  mass,  causing  one  of 
his  chaj)lains  to  preach  to  the  congregation.  After  service  he 
would  dine  at  "  some  honest  house  in  the  towne,  where  should  be 


224        THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 

distributed  to  the  people  a  great  almes  of  meate  and  drinke ;  or 
of  money  to  supply  the  want  of  meate,  if  the  nomber  of  the  pore 
did  so  excede  in  necessity."  And  for  the  week  days  his  servant  ^ 
draws  a  genial  picture  of  this  wily  and  worn  old  diplomat  offer- 
ing himself  as  a  peacemaker  for  old  strifes.  Nor  will  this  limn- 
ing of  these  fine  autumn  days  here  be  complete  if  we  do  not 
remember  that  there  were  able  men  in  the  suite  of  the  cardinal, 
and  that  with  the  diversions  of  the  chase  they  mingled  converse 
in  art  and  studies  in  good  letters,  so  that  the  walls  of  this  rural 
palace  not  merely  resounded  with  the  strong  Saxon  of  the  time, 
but  sometimes  echoed  a  finer  flavor  of  speech  in  the  flowing 
measures  of  Petrarch  and  the  statelier,  if  not  profounder,  periods 
of  Castiglione.^ 

With  the  exception  of  its  dry  enumeration  among  the  posses- 
sions of  the  see  of  York  in  the  sworn  list,^  returned  to  the  kin  2^ 
in  1535,  of  the  property  of  the  Church,  our  next  glimpse  of  this 
manor-house  is  in  the  almost  equally  arid,  but  more  instructive, 
mention  of  the  famous  antiquaiy,  Leland,  who,  three  years  later, 
paused  there  on  his  journey  in  search  of  notable  objects  in  that 
part  of  the  kingdom.  He  found  but  two  things  in  the  "  mene 
Tounelet  of  Scroby "  to  detaiii  his  pen.  One  was  the  hewTi- 
stone  parish  church,  not  big,  but  "  very  welle  buildid,"  which 
remains  to  justify  his  praise.    "  The  second  "  ^ 

was  a  great  Manor  Place,  standing  withyn  a  Mote,  and  [be]longging 
to  tharchbishop  of  York,  buildid  yn  to  [two]  Courtes,  whereof  the 
first  is  very  ample,  and  al  builded  of  Tymbre,  saving  the  Front  of  the 
Haule,  that  is  of  Brike,  to  the  wich  ascenditiir  per  gracilis  lajyideos. 
The  ynner  Courte  Building,  as  far  as  I  markid,  was  of  Tymber  Build- 

1  Cavendish,  who  wrote  this  memoir,  was  Wolsey's  "  gentleman  usher." 

2  Edmond  Bonner,  afterwards  Bishop  of  London,  was  Wolsey's  Master  of  my 
Lord's  Faculties  and  Jurisdictions.  In  a  letter  from  him,  at  Serooby,  to  Cromwell 
at  this  time  he  says  :  — 

"  And  wher  ye  willing-  to  make  me  a  g-ood  Ytalion  promised  unto  me,  longe 
ag-on,  the  Triumphes  of  Petrarche  in  the  Ytalion  tonge.  I  hartely  pray  you  at 
this  tyme  by  this  beyrer,  Mr.  Augustine  his  seruant,  to  sende  me  the  said  Boke 
with  some  other  at  your  deuotion  ;  and,  especially,  if  it  please  you,  the  boke  called 
Cortigiano  in  Ytalion." 

Ellis,  Orig.  Lets.  3d.  Ser.,  ii :  177. 

Probably  he  was  studying  in  view  of  a  possible  Italian  mission,  and  within  two 
years  he  was  sent  to  Rome. 

8  Valor  Ecclesiasticus,  v:  IS.  *  Itin.  i:  36. 


SCROOBY  225 

ing,  and  was  not  in  cumpace  past  the  4.  parte  of  the  utter  [outer] 
Courte. 

These  are  very  dry  bones  indeed,  little  better  than  nothing  as 
the  foundation  of  an  imaginary  plan.  Yet,  with  such  help  as 
may  be  found  elsewhere,  they  suggest  a  rude  conception  of  the 
edifice  at  that  period.  In  the  Chapter-house  at  York  are  leases 
of  the  property,  the  first  of  which  dates  back  to  within  twenty 
years  of  that  time,  and,  interpreting  them  by  Leland's  descrip- 
tion and  amplifying  Leland  by  particulars  which  they  name, 
some  general  idea  of  the  premises  becomes  possible. 

First  of  all,  divided,  and  guarded,  from  the  surrounding  ter- 
ritory on  its  south  end  and  its  west  side  by  a  moat,  and  on  the 
north  side,  without  doubt,  by  the  river  Ryton,  was  a  large 
outer  court.  Entrance  to  this  was  gained  over  a  drawbridge 
and  through  a  gate-house  ^  on  the  west  side,  the  gate-house 
"  standing  length-wise  South  and  North,"  and  likely  to  be  the 
dwelling  of  the  keepers,  falconers,  etc.  On  its  eastern  side 
this  outer  court  had  a  house  ^  "  with  chambers,  rooms,  appur- 
tenances, etc.,  commonly  used  for  the  Archbishop's  offices,  at 
such  times  as  the  Archbishop  kept  house  at  Scrooby."  The 
"  great  chamber  "  was  a  building,  or  in  a  building,  in  the  north- 
west corner.  The  remainder  of  the  east  and  south  sides  of  this 
court  appears  to  have  been  filled  by  "  barns,  stables,  etc.,"  ap- 
parently -including  the  dove-cote,  the  grange,  or  granary,  the 
forge,  the  kennels,  the  mews  for  the  hawks,  and  other  outbuild- 
ings. That  part  of  the  west  side  between  the  great  chamber  and 
the  gate-house  seems  to  have  been  unoccupied  by  buildings,  and 
doubtless  was  protected  by  a  wall  or  fence  inside  of  the  moat. 

Most  of  the  north  end  of  this  great  court,  which  skirted  the 
river,  appears  to  have  been  left  open  for  access  to  the  stream. 
At  all  events  the  leases  offer  no  suggestion  of  any  building  but 
the  "  great  chamber  "  on  that  side.  It  seems  impossible  to  har- 
monize Leland's  language,  which  places  the  great  hall,  with  its 
brick  front  and  its  stone  steps,  on  the  outer  court,  with  the 
descriptive  terms  of  the  leases,  unless  the  hall  stood  at  the  north- 
east corner  of  that  court  on  the  river-bank,  forming  the  northern 

^  Lease  to  James  Bryiie,  Eegister  of  Leases,  1543-87,  at  York,  99-100. 
'^  Lease  to  Sam.  Sandys,  Dec  20,  1582,  Reg.  Leases,  York,  327. 


226        THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 

portion  of  the  division  between  the  two  courts  and  having  one 
side,  or  one  end,  facing  each  court.  There  also  was  "  one  house, 
or  buikling,  adjoining  to  the  Hall  on  the  South  part,"  continu- 
ing the  division  between  the  courts. 

He  who  entered  by  the  gate-house  evidently  would  have  had 
to  cross  this  great  outer  court  obliquely  to  the  left,  and  to 
pass  between  the  house  adjoining  the  hall,  on  his  left  hand,  and 
the  house  devoted  to  chambers,  rooms  and  offices,  on  his  right 
hand,  in  order  to  reach  the  inner,  and  lesser,  court.  According 
to  Leland,  this  was  not  more  than  one  fourth  the  size  of  the 
outer  court.  But  Leland  qualifies  this  statement  by  adding  "  as 
far  as  I  markid,"  as  if  he  were  not  sure  of  his  estimate.  And, 
as  there  is  evidence  that  this  inner  court  was  bordered  by  the 
manor-house,  the  chapel  —  probably  under  the  same  roof  ^  — 
one  or  more  galleries  ^  from  one,  or  each,  of  these  to  the  hall, 
and  by  the  kitchen,  the  pantry,  the  bakehouse  and  the  brew- 
house  ;  and  that  there  were  "  other  houses,  edifices  and  build- 
ings standing  in  the  Little  Court  there  ;  "  ^  and  that  the  enclo- 
sure also  contained  an  orchard  and  two  or  more  fishponds ;  * 
either  it  must  have  been  larger  than  Leland  intimates,  or  the 
outer  court  must  have  been  more  extensive  than  we  can  fairly 
presume  it  to  have  been. 

^  This  often  was  the  case,  as  surviving  structures  prove.  And  so  much  of  the 
present  farmhouse  as  presumably  was  part  of  the  former  manor-house  indicates 
that  probably  it  was  true  in  this  instance.  If  the  manor-house,  as  distinct  from 
the  chapel,  bordered  on  the  court  proper,  it  must  have  extended  further  from  the 
river  than  the  plan  indicates,  and  further  than  any  traces  of  it  in  the  farmhouse 
suggest.    The  point  cannot  be  determined  beyond  question. 

-  Arch.  Heath's  recorded  purpose  of  pulling  down  one  gallery  from  the  chapel 
to  the  hall  implies,  but  does  not  prove,  that  there  were  at  least  two.  The  ancient 
part  of  the  farmhouse  indicates  that  a  gallery  formerly  ran  from  one  building  to 
the  other  across  the  front  of  the  modern  garden  and  at  the  height  of  one  story 
above  the  ground  floor.  There  may  have  been  a  second  gallery,  parallel  with  the 
first,  and  at  the  same  height,  from  building  to  building,  at  the  back  of  this  open 
space,  as  indicated  by  the  dotted  lines  in  the  plan.  Or,  the  second  gallery  may 
have  been  under  the  first,  with  none  on  the  river-bank.  Or,  there  may  have  been 
a  double  gallery  at  the  front,  and  a  single,  or  another  double,  gallery  at  the  back. 

^  Some,  or  all,  of  these  minor  structures  may  have  stood  by  themselves,  and 
the  language  of  the  Sandys  lease  rather  implies  this.  But,  as  the  court,  with  its 
orchard  and  ponds,  must  have  been  undesirably  crowded  if  it  had  in  it  several 
such  independent  buildings,  it  seems  more  likely  that  they  formed  a  range  enclos- 
ing its  southeast  corner,  and  the  lease  does  not  necessarily  forbid  this  interpretation. 

*  Tradition,  the  custom  of  the  time,  local  history  and  the  present  aspect  of  the 
grounds  unite  to  support  this  statement  as  to  the  ponds. 


SCROOBY 


227 


Possibly  the  following  plan  approximates  the  outlines  of  the 
place  as  accurately  as  any  modern  study  of  the  few  recorded 
facts  can  do  so.^ 

14 


A.  Outer,  or  greater,  court. 

B.  Inner,  or  lesser,  court. 

C.  Open  space,  part  of  lesser  court. 

1.  Gate-house. 

2.  Great  chamber. 

3.  Great  haU. 

4.  House  adjoining  hall. 

5.  5.  Galleries. 

6.  Manor-house. 

7.  Chapel. 


8.  House  on  east  side  of  orchard. 

9,  9.    Kitchen,   pantry,   bakehouse,    brew- 

house,  etc. 

10.  House  of  chambers,  offices,  etc. 

11.  11,  11.  Bams,  stables,  sheds,  etc. 

12.  Fishponds. 

13.  Orchard. 

14.  River  Ryton. 

15.  15,  15.  Moat. 


It  was  largely  a  forest  country  when  this  manor-place  was 
erected,  so  that  Leland  undoubtedly  is  right  in  saying  that  the 
most  of  these  structures  were  of  timber.  Excepting  the  hall 
front  and  possibly  the  chapel,  if  it  stood  by  itseK,  probably  they 
all  were  constructed  of  oaken  frames  filled  in  with  mortar-work 
of  stones  and  plaster.  This  was  the  fashion  of  much  of  the  do- 
mestic architecture  of  the  early  centuries  of  England,  and  some 
fine  gabled  examples  of  it  remain  to  the  present  day. 

Such  —  well  placed,   substantial,  spacious,^  comfortable  and 

1  There  are  no  recorded  details  of  the  dimensions  of  the  buildings. 

2  Thoroton  (Hist.  Nottinghamshire,  ed.  1797,  iii :  479)  says  :  — 

"  Here  [at  Serooby]  within  memory  [i.  e.  of  his  first  ed.,  1677]  stood  a  very  fair 
Palace,  a  far  greater  House  of  receit,  and  a  better  Seat  for  provision  than  South- 
well, and  had  attending  to  it  the  North  Soke,  consisting  of  very  many  Towns 
thereabouts  ;  it  hath  a  fair  Park  belonging  to  it." 


228        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

hosj)itable,  yet  plain,  and,  if  in  any  part  comely,  probably  in  no 
part  magnificent ;  the  centre  of  a  widely  extended  farming 
region,  a  good  point  of  departure  for  hunting  parties,  and  a 
quiet  residence  for  brief  respite  from  official  labors,  or  for  the 
performance  of  imperative  duties  —  was  the  Scrooby  palace  in 
its  best  estate. 

Soon  after  Leland's  visit,  apparently  ^  during  the  same  season, 
a  royal  stay  enlivened  the  spot  for  a  summer's  day  and  night. 
Henry  VIII.^  himself  halted  there,  with  a  gallant  company,  in 
his  northern  progress.  With  him  were  the  Dukes  of  Norfolk  and 
of  Suffolk  ;  Robert,  Earl  of  Sussex,  Great  Chamberlain  of  Eng- 
land ;  Lord  John  Russell,  Great  Admiral ;  Cuthbert  Tunstall, 
Bishop  of  Durham  ;  Sir  Thomas  Cheyney,  Treasurer  of  the 
Household ;  Sir  John  Gage,  Comptroller  of  the  same  ;  Sir  An- 
thony Browne,  Master  of  the  Horse  ;  Sir  Anthony  Wyngiield, 
Vice  Chamberlain  ;  Sir  Thomas  Wriothesley,  Secretary  ;  and 
Sir  Richard  Riche,  Chancellor  of  the  Augmentations  ;  with  their 
attendants.  The  Court  then  followed  the  Sovereign  and  his 
ministers,  and  for  the  time  being  was  where  they  were,  so  that 
a  meeting  of  the  Privy  Council  was  held  at  Scrooby  Manor  — 
perhaps  in  the  "  great  hall,"  or  in  the  house  of  offices  —  on 
Aug.  17,  1541. 

As  the  result  couriers  soon  were  speeding  southward,  bearing 
letters  to  Sir  John  Baker,  Chancellor  of  the  Tenths,  and  to 
"  Mr.  Moyle,"  signifying  to  them  that 

the  Kings  Ma'*^  [Majesty]  had  assigned  them  to  be  comissioners  at 
Calais  for  the  s''vey  and  odering  of  ctain  [certain]  things  which  his 
Ma**  would  have  done  there,  and  therfore  requyring  them  to  put 
themselves  in  such  arredynes  [a  readiness]  as  they  might  upon  atlver- 
tisement  of  the  Kings  Ma"^^  further  pleas'"  to  be  gyven  unto  them  for 
that  purpose  repayre  thither  accordingly. 

On  the  previous  day  the  king  and  his  company  had  been  at 
Gainsborough,  and  they  proceeded  to  Hatfield  on  the  day  fol- 
lowing. 

Whether  Henry  VIII.  at  this  visit  became  so  charmed  by  the 
spot  as  to  desire  it  for  his  own,  there  is  no  evidence.    But  the 

1  Hunter,  Coils.  20. 

2  Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  Privy  Council,  Nicolas,  vii :  233. 


SCROOBY  229 

next  record  concerning  tlie  property  seems  to  be  one,  a  little 
less  than  three  years  later,  of  its  sale  by  Archbishop  Holgate  ^ 
to  the  king,  a  transfer  ratified  on  the  same  day  by  the  dean  and 
chapter  of  York.^  It  is  set  down  in  the  rent  roll,  apparently  at 
this  time,^  as  rated  at  £32  14s.  8d.  annually.  Six  or  seven  years 
afterwards  it  was  repurchased  from  the  Crown  by  Holgate,  whom 
Strype  calls  "  the  only  wealthy  Bishop  then  in  England,"  for 
X630  7s.  8d. ;  *  to  be  his  own  and  his  wife  Barbara's  during 
their  lives,  and  "  then  to  [pass  to]  his  successors,  Archbishops 
of  York."  ^  Holgate  and  his  wife  died  soon  after,  and  the  manor 
again  became  the  j^roperty  of  the  see. 

Nicholas  Heath,  the  next  archbishop,  appears  to  have  decided 
that  the  best  interests  of  all  concerned  no  longer  required  that 
it  be  kept  up.  It  demanded  a  large  outlay  for  immediate  re- 
pairs, with  a  considerable  yearly  expenditure ;  and  he  deter- 
mined to  take  down  the  buildings  which  were  in  the  worst  state, 
and  to  make  the  jDroperty  a  source  of  income  to  the  see,  still 
retaining  a  moderate  residentiary  right  therein.  Accordingly,  on 
July  4,  1558,  he  leased  Scrooby  Manor  to  James  Bryne^  for 
twenty-one  years  at  an  annual  rate  of  X20  15s.  lOd.  The  in- 
strument gave  the  lessee  leave  to  dispark  the  park  and  to  dis- 
pose of  the  deer.'^  It  bound  him  to  find  food  and  lodging  for  the 
workmen  who  were  to  take  down  certain  buildings  —  the  gate 
[house]  of  the  said  manor-place,  standing  lengthwise  south  and 
north ;  one  house  or  building  adjoining  the  hall  on  the  south 
part,  and  the  great  chamber  on  the  north  part  and  standing 
upon  the  west  side  of  the  said  manor-place ;  the  hall  and  one 
gallery  leading  from  the  same  to  the  chapel ;  together  with  the 
pantry  and  the  kitchen.  AU  these  the  archbishop  was  to  pull 
down  and  carry  away  at  his  pleasure.  A  further  stipulation  is 
that,  whenever   the  archbishop  should  wish  to  visit   Scrooby, 

1  Feb.  6-16,  1544-45, 36  Hen.  VIII.  Sixty-seven  other  manors  were  alienated  by 
Holgate  at  about  the  same  time,  in  exchange  for  advowsons,  which  increased  his 
personal  wealth  at  the  expense  of  the  see. 

2  Drake,  Eboracum,  545-546. 

^  May,  1552,  6  Ed.  VI.    About  $818  in  modern  money.    The  greater  purchas- 
ing power  of  money  then  makes  this  equivalent  in  value  to  a  much  larger  sum. 
■*  About  $15,760  in  our  money.       ^  Strype,  Eccles.  Mems.  (ed.  1822),  ii  (2) :  77. 
6  Beg.  Leases,  York,  99-100.    About  $520. 
^  Probably  to  release  its  large  area  for  tillage. 


230        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

Bryne  was  to  provide  lodgings,  for  a  day  and  a  niglit,  for  the 
archbisboj)  himself,  twelve  men  and  fourteen  horses. 

A  comparison  of  these  plans  for  dismantling  with  the  account 
of  the  premises  already  given  demonstrates  that,  even  after  this 
partial  demolition  had  been  accomjjlished,  the  precise  date  of 
which  is  unknown,  qviite  enough  of  the  buildings  in  their  ancient 
amplitude  remained  to  make  the  place  convenient  and  desirable 
for  the  entertainment  of  even  gentle-folk.  As  all  now  was  under 
the  control  of  Bryne,  who  was  not  only  lessee  of  the  j)roperty 
but  also  receiver  and  bailiff  legally  representing  the  archbishop,^ 
and  as  all  had  taken  on  a  commercial  drift,  probably  at  about 
this  time  it  began  to  be  understood  that  travellers  along  the 
great  North  Road  might  find  accommodation  in  what  was  left 
of  these  capacious  premises.  Nameless  wayfarers  came  and  went 
and  left  no  sign.  But  during  the  next  decade,  when  rebellion 
surged  up  almost  to  its  very  doors,  we  have  repeated  evidence  of 
the  presence  here,  now  and  then,  as  guests,  of  men  who  have 
left  their  names  upon  the  records  of  the  time. 

In  the  summer  of  1560  Sir  William  Cecil,  Secretary  of  State, 
sent  to  Queen  Elizabeth  from  Scrooby  a  courier  bearing  de- 
spatches.2  Eight  summers  later,  June  2,  1568,  Alexander  Clark, 
Provost  of  Edinburgh,  sent  word  thence  to  Cecil  that  Lord  Mer- 
ries and  Fleming  were  offended  at  being  brought  to  Court,  that 
Fleming  was  to  be  sent  by  the  queen  to  France,  and  that  a  sus- 
picious Frenchman  in  a  black  cloak  was  haunting  Edinburgh  — 
should  he  not  be  stayed  ?3  Not  quite  eighteen  months  later, 
Nov.  30,  1569,  Thomas  Wentworth  wrote  from  Scrooby  to 
the  Marquis  of  Winchester  that  the  rebels  had  been  lying 
between  York  and  Tadcaster  for  a  week  or  more  ;  that  a  great 
company  of  soldiers  and  gentlemen  was  with  the  Lord  President 
in  York  ;  that  Lord  Darcy  was  at  Doncaster,  and  that  the  coun- 
try was  sorely  charged  in  making  sundry  kinds  of  musters,  and 
organized  robberies  under  that  name.  And,  just  a  week  later, 
Dec.  7,  Admiral  Lord  Ed.  Clynton  dated  there  a  dispatch  *  to 

^  Beg.  Leases,  York,  265. 

2  S.  P.  For.  Eliz.  Stevenson,  1560-61,  100. 

3  S.  P.  Scot.  Eliz.  Thorpe,  1509-89,  xv :  34. 

4  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  Lemon,  Ix :  24. 


SCROOBY  231 

the  Justices  of  Hereford,  stating  that  he  would  send  on  his 
men  towards  Sir  George  Bowes  at  Barnard  Castle  with  all  dili- 
gence ;  adding  that,  having  been  much  wearied  by  marching 
with  their  armor  on  through  the  heavy  ways,  they  were  unwill- 
ino-  to  trudge  thus  more  than  five  or  six  miles  a  day.  Doubtless 
his  troops  were  around  him  as  he  wrote,  waking  the  echoes  of 
the  old  manor-house  and  repairing  the  fatigue  of  their  last 
march  with  the  best  that  Bryne  could  manage  for  them. 

We  have  no  record  of  what  became  of  Bryne.  But  about  four 
and  a  half  years  before  his  time  would  have  expired,  we  find 
Archbishop  Grindal  —  who  had  succeeded  after  the  short  term 
by  which  Thomas  Young  had  followed  Heath  —  leasing  the  same 
property,  on  Jan.  3,  1574,  for  the  same  period  and  with  like 
provisions  for  his  occasional  entertainment,  to  William  Marshall 
for  the  slightly  augmented  sum  of  X21  2s.  6d,  a  year.  Appar- 
ently Marshall  did  not  succeed  Bryne  in  his  bailiwick  as  he  did 
in  his  rental.  And  here  we  strike  the  first  link  in  the  chain  of 
circumstances  which  connects  this  spot  with  the  early  life  of  the 
New  World. 

On  Jan.  4,  1575,  Archbishop  Grindal,  just  before  his  transla- 
tion to  Canterbury,  granted  ^  "  to  our  trusty  and  well-beloved 

1  The  document  (Reg.  Leases,  York,  265)  is  as  follows :  — 

Omnibus  Chri.  fidelibus  ad  quos  presentes  litera  jiervenerint  Edmundus  permis- 
sione  divina  Ebar  Archiepus  Anglie  primas  et  Metropolitanus  Saltm  in  domino  sempi- 
ternd  Cum  Nicholaus  nuper  Ebor  ArchiepHs per  scriptu  suum  gerens  datam  tertio  die 
mensis  lanuarii  Anno  dho  viillmo  qiiingenmo.  quinquagesimo  octavo  [1558]  ex  gratia 
sua  speciali  ac  ex  certa  scientia  ac  mero  motu  suis  tradiderit  et  conceperit  delecto  et 
Jideli  seruienti  suo  Jacobo  Bryne  generoso  inter  alia  Officium  Receptoris  Dominii  sive 
Manerii  de  Scrobye  et  totius  libtatis  ejusdem  in  Com.  Nottinghm.  Ac  etid  officiu 
BalUnatus  dmii  sive  Manerii  de  Scrobye  et  totius  libtatis  ejusdem  in  Com.  Nott.  pre- 
dict, habendum  gaudendum  et  percipiendum  officia  predicta  dicto  Jacobo  Bryne  per  se 
velper  sufficientem  deputatum  suum  sive  deputates  suss  sufficientes  pro  termino  vita 
ejusdem  Jacobi.  Ac  etia  dederit  et  concesserit  prefato  Jacobo  proexercioe  et  occupar 
predci  officii  receptoris  dominii  sive  Manerii  sui  de  Scrobye  predicta  quadraginta 
solidos  bone  et  legalis  monete  Anglie  2-  annu  ac  pro  exercioe  et  occupatione  officii  Bal- 
Unatus dfui  sive  Manerii  de  Scrohje £redicta  viginti  sex  solid  et  octo  denarios  bone  et 
legalis  monete  Anglie  p  annu  habendu  et  pcipiendum  vadia  et  feod.  predicta  unacd 
oibus  et  oimodis  aliis  vadiis  feod.  profxuis  comoditatibus  regardis  emoliment.  et  pre- 
heminentiis  quibuscunq.  predict,  officiis  sen  eor.  alteri  antehec  tempora  debit,  et  con- 
suet,  prefato  Jacobo  Bryne,  et  assignat.  suis  pro  termino  vite  ipsius  Jacobi  tarn  p. 
manus  suis  proprias.  qH  p.  manus  Receptoriis-generalis  Archiepatus  Ebor.  et  sitcces- 
soru  quoru  pro  tempore  existentium  ad  festa  Aiiunciationis  bte.  J\farie  Virginis  et 
sancti  Michaelis  Archi.  £  equales porcoes  annuatim  solvend.  duran  termino  vite  dicti 


232         THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE  PILGRIM   CHURCH 

servant  William  Brewster,"  the  office  of  "  Receiver  of  our 
Lordship  or  Manor  of  Scrooby,  and  of  all  the  liberties  of  the 
same  in  the  County  of  Nottingham."  ^    Further,  Brewster  was 

Jacohi  prout  per  predictu  scriptu  suum  plenius  patet.  Sciatis  qd  nosper  diver  sis  bonis 
et  rationalibus  causis  et  cosideraton  nos  ad  hoc  specialiter  movend.  tradidimus  dimisi- 
mus  et  concepimus,  ac  per  jjresentes  pro  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  tradimus  dimit- 
timus  et  concedimus  dilecto  et  Jideli  servienti  nro  \Villmo  Brewster  jiiredictu,  officiU 
receptoris  dnii  sive  Manerii  nfi  de  Scrobie  et  totius  libtate  ejusdem  in  Coin.  Nottingham 
preced.  necnon  officiu  predictH  BaUinatus  Dominii  sive  Manerii  nri  de  Scrobye  et 
totius  libtate.  ejusdem  in  Coin.  NottinghrU  pred.  habendum  gaudendum  occupandti  et 
exercendum  officia  predicta  dicto  Willmo  Brewster  per  se  vel  per  sufficientem  depu- 
tatum  suum,  sive  deputatos  suos  sufficientes  pro  termino  vite  ejusdem  Will  mi.  Dedi- 
mus  etiam  et  concessimus,  ac  per  presentes  pro  nobis  et  successoribus  rvris  damns  et 
concedimus  prefato  Willmo  Brewster  jwo  erercitione  et  occupatione  predicti  officii 
receptoris  dnii  sive  manerii  de  Scroby  predict,  quadraginta  solidos  bone  et  legalis 
monete  Anglie  per  annu.  Ac  pro  exercitione  et  occupatione  predicti  officii  ballinatus 
dominii  sive  manerii  mi  de  Scrobye  pred.  viginti  sex  solidos  et  octo  denarios  legalis 
monete  Anglie  p  annH  habendum  et  pcipiendum  vadia  et  feoda  predict.  unacU  oibus 
et  01  mod.  aliis  vadiis  feod.  jyroficuis  comoditatibus  regard,  emoliment.  et  pre- 
heminentiis  quibuscunq.  pred.  officiis  seu  eorH  alteri  antehec  tempora  debit  et  consuet. 
prefato  Willino.  et  assigimt.  suis  jyro  termino  vite  predict.  Willm.  tam  p.  manus  suas 
proprias  qiii  p.  manus  receptoris  generalis  Archiepatus  Ebor  et  successor,  sua.  pro 
tempore  existeh  ad  festa  Annunciationis  J^te  Marie  Virginis  [25  Mar.]  et  Sancti 
Michaelis  [29  Sept.]  Archie  p.  equales  portiones  annuatim  solvend.  duran.  termino 
vite  dicti  Willmi,  et  si  contingat  predca  seperalia  vadia  et  feoda  aut  aliqud  inde  pcella. 
a  retro  fore  in  parte  vel  in  toto  post  aliquod  festum  festorH  predictor,  in  quo  solvi 
debeant  non  soluta.  Ad  tunc  bene  liceat  et  licebit  prefato  W^illmo  Brewster  et  assignat. 
suis  in  maneria  nra.  de  Askham  et  Lanehih  et  libtates  eorundem  in  coin  pred.  p.  cett. 
possession  dci  dmi  de  Scrobye  ac  in  oia  alia  terr.  et  tenia  nra,  in  Askham  et  LanehWi 
predict,  intrare  et  pro  pred.  feod.  et  vadiis  sic  a  retro  existentibus  distringere  dis- 
trictiones  q.  sic  captos  licite  aspertare,  ab  ducere,  effugare  et  jjenes  se  retinere,  quosq 
de  predict,  feod.  et  vadiis  unacum  arreragiis  eorundem  siquefuerint  sibi  fuerit  ple- 
narie  satisfactH  etpsolutH.  In  cujus  rei  Testimoniu  sigillu  iirm  magnu  pntibus  apposui- 
mus.  Dai.  in  Castro  nro  de  Cawoodd  quarto  die  mensis  lanuarii,  Anno  Regni  dUe 
Elizabeth  dei  grat.  Anglie,  Francie,  et  Hibernie  Regine  Jidei  defens  c)i-c.  decimo 
octavo  [1575-76]. 

Nos  itaq  Mattheus  Hutton  sacre  theologie  professor,  decanus  ecclie  cathedralis  et 
Metropol.  beati petri  Ebor.  et  CapitulU  ejusdem  ecclie  omnibus  et  singlis  in  bUs  patenti- 
bus  pntibus  annexis  content,  expressis  et  specificate  habito  primitus  sup.  eisdem  incapi- 
tulo  nro  tractatu  solemni  et  diligenti  qui  in  hoc  casu  requiritur  cnns'entimus  eaq  oia  et 
singula  quantii  ad  nos  attinet  et  de  jure  possumus  pro  nobis  et  success,  nris  ratifica- 
mus  approbamus  et  conjirmamusper  presentes  Juribus  Ubtatibus  ordinationibus  Statut. 
et  consuetudinibus  ivris  et  dicte  Ecclie  nre  in  oibus  semp.  salvis.  In  cujus  rei  testi- 
moniu sigillu  iirm  commune  pu  lib.  est  appensum.  Dat.  Ebore  in  domo  nra  Capitulari 
duodecimo  die  mensis  lanuarii  Anno  din  scdm  cursum  et  coputacoem  Ecclie  Angli- 
cane  millesimo  quingentesimo  septuagesimo  quinto  [12  Jan.  1575-76]. 

^  The  State  Papers  (Dom.  Eliz.  eexlvi:  80)  contain  a  document,  Remembrances 
touching  Southwell  and  Scroby,  of  the  probable  date  of  1582,  only  six  or  seven 
years  later  than  Brewster's  commission.   According  to  this  there  were  in  the  ter- 


SCROOBY  233 

commissioned  to  "  the  office  of  Bailiff  of  our  Lordship  or  Manor 
of  Scrooby  and  all  the  liberties  of  the  same  in  the  County  of 
Nottingham,  to  hold,  enjoy,  occupy,  and  exercise  the  said  offices 
by  himself,  or  his  sufficient  deputy,  or  deputies,  to  the  end  of 
his  life."  He  was  to  have  for  the  first  office  X2  a  year,  and  for 
the  second  £1  6s.  8d.  Residence  in  the  manor-house  is  not  pre- 
scribed but  ajipears  to  be  implied  necessarily,  so  that  we  may 
assume  that,  at,  or  about,  this  date,  this  local,  legal  representa- 
tive of  the  archbishop  began  to  live  upon  the  spot  where  we  find 
him  subsequently  as  an  agent  of  the  government  as  well.  There 
is  evidence  -  that  he  already  had  resided  in  the  neighborhood 
for  some  time,  inasmuch  as,  in  1571,  one  of  the  same  name  — 
with  William  Dawson  and  Thomas  Wentworth  —  had  been 
assessed  in  Scrooby  parish,  he  on  property  of  the  annual  value 
of  X3. 

One  of  the  most  abundantly  demonstrated  characteristics  of 
Elizabeth  is  her  greed.  Scarcely  anything,  gold,  jewels  or  lands, 
came  amiss  to  her.  It  therefore  need  not  excite  surprise  that 
the  next  fact  in  the  annals  of  Scrooby  implies  that  she  had  cast 
a  longing  eye  upon  this  manor,  and  had  hinted  that  it  would  be 
an  agreeable  addition  to  her  estates.  Her  letter  of  suggestion 
has  not  survived.  But  we  find  Archbishop  Sandys  writing 
to  her,  on  Nov.  24,  1582,^  and  his  letter  shows  that  she  had 
gone  so  far  as  to  send  him  for  signature  a  lease  in  due  form, 
conveying  the  manors  of  Southwell  and  Scrooby  to  the  Crown 
for  the  period  of  seventy  years,  at  a  rental  for  Scrooby  of  <£40 
a  year. 

He  had  received  her  communication  at  Bishopsthorpe  six  days 
before,  and,  mindful  that  it  was  most  dutiful  to  answer  by 
word  of  mouth,  had  begun  a  journey  to  the  Court.  But,  after 
three  days  of  travel,  he  had  fallen  so  ill,  because  of  grief,  that  he 
was  driven  to  set  forth  by  his  pen  what  he  had  intended  to  plead 
in  person.  He  begs  to  remind  her  that  he  is  an  old  man  ;  that 
already  he  has  painfully  travailed  in  the  gospel  for  thirty-five 
years,  during  which  time,  as  heaven  and  earth  will  witness,  he 

ritory  of  Scrooby,  for  which  Brewster  would  be  responsible,  seventeen  towns,, and 
a  park  "  of  old  time  disparked." 

1  Hunter,  Colls.  19,  57.  2  Le  Neve,  58. 


234        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE  PILGRIM   CHURCH 

always  has  walked  uprightly,  and  never  has  impaired  any  eccle- 
siastical living,  but  always  has  left  the  same  in  better  case  than 
he  found  it.    In  conscience  he  must  continue  the  same  course. 

From  this  general  starting-point  of  principle  he  passes  to 
her  Majesty's  special  object.  Even  to  her,  he  cannot  yield  that 
by  which  he  would  grieve  God,  kill  his  own  conscience  and  dis- 
honor her.  She  has  pledged  herself  in  his  presence  at  Rich- 
mond never  to  impair  any  bishopric,  and  has  declared  that,  if 
any  were  damaged,  it  never  should  be  her  faidt  whom  God  had 
made  as  a  nurse  to  the  Church.  He  is  sure,  therefore,  that  she 
has  been  misinformed.  Her  original  request  had  been  that  he 
would  lease  to  the  Crown  one  manor,  naming  none ;  while  the 
instrument  forwarded  for  his  signature  specifies  two  great 
manors,  Southwell  and  Scrooby,  with  all  their  appurtenances, 
being  all  belonging  to  the  see  of  York  in  Nottinghamshire,  and 
estimated  to  be  the  third  part  of  the  entire  property  of  the 
province.  These  manors,  he  says,  "  be  stately,"  and,  these 
granted  away,  the  archbishop  would  be  excluded  from  Notting- 
hamshire, which  is  wholly  in  his  diocese ;  most  of  which  he 
personally  already  has  visited  twice  in  the  way  of  ordinary  juris- 
diction 1  and  a  third  time  with  the  High  Commission  ;  and 
where  his  habit  at  such  times  has  been  to  keep  house  for  four 
months  together. 

Furthermore,  the  rent  offered  for  Scrooby  in  the  queen's  pro- 
posed lease  is  but  a  pitiful  X40  a  year,  while  for  300  years  its 
rent  has  been  ^170,  or  more.^  He  also  is  compelled  by  law  to 
"  repair  two  fair  Houses  standing  u^^on  these  two  Manors : 
whither  I  resort  for  my  lodging,  at  such  times  as  I  come  thither 
for  your  Majesty's  service,"  yet  this  lease  would  exclude  him 
from  both.  Again,  he  is  specially  restrained  from  selling  or 
giving  away  any  timber  or  trees,  while  this  lease  grants  to 
whomsoever  it  might  put  into  possession  liberty  to  cut  down 
and  sell  all  woods,  underwoods  and  trees,  which  "  were  an  un- 

^  He  had  been  translated  from  London  to  York  Mar.  S-18,  1575-76,  and  so 
had  held  his  position  only  about  five  years. 

2  S.  P.  Eliz.  ccxlvi :  80.  About  $4250.  See  p.  229,  n.  3.  Probably  the  apparent 
discrepancy  is  to  be  explained  by  assuming  that  the  smaller  sum  was  the  rental  of 
the  manor-house  estate  itself  only,  and  the  larger  one  that  of  the  whole  property 
associated  with  it,  including  the  "  towns,"  etc. 


SCROOBY  235 

cloinge  unto  the  Con  trey  yf  the[y]  sholde  [be]  cutt  do^vTie." 
Moreover,  there  jDertain  to  the  two  manors  in  question  as  many 
as  thirty-two  towns,  with,  it  is  thought,  1000  tenants.^  These, 
for  the  most  jjart,  are  poor  copy-holders,  who  have  enjoyed 
privileges  of  which  the  proposed  lease  might  strip  them,  to  their 
sorrow  and  the  public  discontent. 

To  make  a  long  story  short,  the  archbishop  estimates  that, 
with  the  direct  loss  in  rents  (^9100),  the  probable  value  of 
woods  that  might  be  cut  down,  and  the  increased  revenues  that 
might  be  obtained  from  tenants  —  all  existing  particular  leases 
expiring  within  twenty  years,  leaving  every  one  at  the  mercy  of 
the  new  holder  for  a  whole  half -century  after  that  —  and  the 
parks,  perquisites  of  courts  and  other  sources,  there  probably 
would  result  from  the  arrangement  suggested  by  her  Majesty  a 
clear  loss  to  the  see  of  York  of  .£70,000,  at  the  very  least. 
"  Too  much,  most  gracious  Sovereign,"  he  goes  on  to  plead,  "  to 
pull  from  a  poor  Bishopric  inferiour  to  many  others  in  Revenue, 
but  superiour  in  Charge  and  Countenance."  He  cannot  consent 
to  it.  The  Lord  forbid  !  It  would  be  the  spoil  and  ruin  of  that 
which  in  conscience  he  is  bound  to  help  and  not  to  hurt.  It  would 
be  chronicled  by  the  Papists  to  the  slander  of  the  gospel  and  to 
his  own  perpetual  infamy.  He  assures  himself  that  her  Majesty, 
knowing  the  facts,  cannot  press  the  matter,  nor  mislike  him  for 
his  zeal.  Rather  she  must  think  him  unworthy  to  live,  should 
he  consent  to  so  great  a  wrong.  And  so  he  most  humbly  takes 
his  leave,  with  zealous  protestations  of  loyalty.  We  hear  no 
more  from  the  queen  in  this  connection.  Probably  she  saw,  if 
not  the  injustice  of  her  proposition,  at  least  the  impolicy  of 
pressing  it  in  the  face  of  an  opponent  at  once  so  clear-headed 
and  so  determined. 

The  last  mentioned  lease  of  the  Scrooby  manor-house  proper 
still  had  more  than  twelve  years  to  run,  when,  on  Dec.  20, 1582,2 
three  weeks  and  five  days  after  the  date  of  the  archbishop's  letter 
to  the  queen,  because  of  Marshall's  death  or  removal,  the  arch- 
bishop made  a  new  indenture  of  the  premises,  this  time  to  his 

^  If  the  to-wns  pertaining  to  Scrooby  averaged  like  the  others,  the  seventeen  had 
a  little  more  than  thirty-one  tenants  apiece,  about  535  in  all. 
2  Reg.  Leases,  York," 327-328. 


236        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

oldest  son,  Samuel,  then  just  turned  of  his  majority.  As  before, 
it  was  for  twenty-one  years,  and  at  the  annual  rent  of  X21  2s. 
6d.  As  William  Brewster,  Sr.,  then  had  been  in  residence  nearly 
seven  years,  as  receiver  and  bailiff,  such  specification  of  the  pre- 
mises as  was  made  in  this  lease  assumes  peculiar  interest  as 
describing  its  general  character  and  probable  appearance  at  the 
point  where  New  England  history  touches  it.  This  is  the  more 
true  because  a  local  historian  has  stated  ^  mistakenly  that  "  the 
manor-house  of  Scrooby  had  gradually  and  insensibly  dwindled 
down,  through  lapse  of  ages,  from  a  large  mansion  to  a  moder- 
ately-sized farm-house,  ...  a  plain  farm  tenement."  But,  in 
fact,  this  lease  to  Samuel  Sandys  binds  him  to  rej)air,  maintain 
and  uphold  premises  as  follows :  1.  The  Manor-house.  2.  The 
Chapel.  3.  The  Bake-house.  4.  The  Brew-house.  5.  The  Gal- 
lery .^  6.  The  house  newly  repaired  standing  at  the  east  side  of 
the  orchard.  7.  All  other  houses,  edifices,  buildings,  etc.,  stand- 
ing in  the  little  court.  8.  The  house  standing  at  the  east  side 
of  the  great  court,  with  chambers,  rooms,  appurtenances,  etc., 
which  house  had  been  commonly  used  for  the  archbishoi)'s  offices. 
9.  The  barns  standing  on  the  east  and  south  sides  of  the  great 
court.  10.  The  stables,  etc.,  standing  on  the  east  and  south 
sides  of  the  same.    11.  The  park  palings,  etc. 

Here,  surely,  still  remained  extensive,  if  not  stately,  erections. 
And  here,  as  can  be  proved,  all  things  did  remain  much  the 
same  for  more  than  half  a  century  longer,  until,  as  the  place 
became  less  and  less  essential  to  the  personal  convenience  of  the 
archbishop,  the  buildings  at  last  were  neglected  and  finally  did 
fall  into  comparative  decay.  But  there  is  no  proof  that  during 
the  twenty -five  years  succeeding  the  date  of  this  lease  —  at  the 
end  of  which  time  the  exodus  of  the  surviving  Brewsters,  with 
their  local  friends,  to  Holland  closed  the  immediate  connection 
of  this  spot  with  the  history  of  New  England  —  any  change  of 
importance  took  place  in  its  size,  appearance  or  accommodation. 

As  it  will  be  more  convenient  to  set  forth  hereafter  the  little 
that  is  known  of  the  English  life  of  these  Brewsters,  it  is  merely 

1  Raine,  Blyth,  129-130. 

-  Unquestionably  one  still  connecting  the  hall  with  the  chapel,  the  other,  or 
others,  having  been  pulled  down  in  Bryne's  time. 


SCROOBY  237 

noted  here  that  at  some  time  in,  or,  possibly,  before,  1588,i 
William  Brewster,  Sr.,  the  archbishop's  legal  representative  at 
the  manor-house,  was  appointed  to  the  additional  office  of  post- 
master under  the  Crown.  At  that  time  a  post-master  was  the 
forwarder  of  government  despatches  only,  but  he  also  was  ex- 
pected to  keep  an  inn  for  the  accommodation  of  others  than 
government  officials  who  travelled  post,  and  to  furnish  them 
with  horses  for  the  next  stage,  which  implies  an  establishment 
with  a  number  of  horses  and  servants,  such  as  quite  naturally 
might  be  housed  in  the  old  manor-place. 

We  gain,  now  and  then,  through  some  meagre  record  of  the 
time,  a  further  glimpse  of  what  happened  here.  On  Sept.  11, 
1592,  Richard  Topliffe  wrote  to  the  Lord  Keeper  and  begged 
him,  when  sending  northward  to  Lord  Huntington,  to  address 
a  note  to  him  at  his  house  in  Somerby,  and  command  the  post 
at  "  Scrohij  "  to  forward  it.2  On  Sept.  10, 1600,  Talbot,  Earl  of 
Shrewsbury,  wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  York  :  ^  — 

The  next  Sprynge,  .  .  .  me  thynks  your  Grace  may  doe  exceed- 
yngly  well  to  cum  thither.  You  may  come  fyrst  to  Cawood,  thence  to 
Scrowby,  and  so  to  Rugliford,  a  peece  of  an  owlde  abbay  o£  myne. 

In  1603  another  royal  progress  made  a  pleasant  excitement 
for  a  day  in  this  rural  neighborhood.  Elizabeth's  long  reign 
was  over  at  last,  and  King  James  had  succeeded  her.  Pro- 
claimed in  London  Mar.  24-Apr.  3,  1602-3,  it  was  several 
days  before  he  learned  that  the  second  crown  actually  had  fallen 
to  hun,  and  he  did  not  leave  Edinburgh  for  London  until  Apr.  5. 
He  passed  the  night  of  Apr.  19  in  Doncaster.  The  next  day 
he  rode  on  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury's  house  at  Worksop.  On 
his  way  thither,  at  Bawtry  —  or,  more  likely,  at  the  ford  of  the 
Ryton,*  which  seems  to  have  marked  the  boundary  between  the 
two  counties,  — 

the  High  Shiriffe  of  Yorkshire  took  his  leave  of  the  King ;  and 
there  Mr.  Askoth  [Ayscough],  the  High  Shiriffe  of  Nottinghamshire, 
received  him,  being  gallantly  appointed  both  with  horse  and  man  ; 
and  so  he  conducted  his  Majestie  on  tiU  he  came  within  a  mile  of 

1  S.  P.  Bom.  Lemon,  1581-90,  ccxxxiii :  48. 

2  S.  P.  Dom.  Green,  1591-94,  cexliii :  8. 

3  Puhs.  Surtees  Soc.  1843,  159.        *  Leland,  Itin.  i :  35. 


238        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

Blyth,  where  his  Highness  lighted,  and  sat  down  on  a  banke  side  to 
eat  and  drinke.^ 

The  chronicler  has  not  recorded  details  as  minutely  as  the 
Somerset  Herald  did  of  the  progress  over  nearly  the  same  ground 
almost  exactly  a  century  earlier,  but  still  we  have  mention  of  a 
stately  comjDany.  There  were  the  king  himself ;  and  with  him  the 
Duke  of  Lenox  ;  the  Earls  of  Argyle,  Murray,  and  Cassilis  and 
Mar  ;  the  French  ambassador,  and,  in  general,  "  multitudes  of 
Lords,  Barons,  and  Gentlemen  of  Scotland,  and  some  French." 

The  fact  that  this  cavalcade  was  heading  for  Worksop  through 
Blyth  must  have  led  them,  apparently,  to  diverge  from  the 
great  North  Road  a  third  of  a  mile  north  of  the  ford,  and,  leav- 
ing Scrooby  Manor  perhaps  a  short  mile  on  the  left,  to  skirt 
the  west  bank  of  the  winding  Ryton  through  Serlby  wood,  cross- 
ing the  river  at  Blyth.  This,  with  the  fact  that  the  archbishop 
then  regarded  Scrooby  as  one  of  his  abodes  only  in  the  most 
occasional  way,  probably  explains  why  he  made  the  king,  so  far 
as  we  know,  no  offer  of  hospitality  there.  Presumably  the 
Brewster  family  was  not  unmindful  of  so  imposing  a  pageant, 
and  we  scarcely  can  be  wrong  in  assuming  WiUiam  Brewster  to 
have  been  present  as  one  of  the  Nottinghamshire  escort,  and 
others  of  his  household  to  have  been  in  the  throng  of  specta- 
tors. 

Hardly  four  months  later,  on  Aug.  18,  1603,  we  find  the 
new  sovereign  writing  an  autograph  letter  to  the  Archbishop  of 
York,  in  which  he  too  attempts  to  gain  the  manorial  property  at 
Scrooby  for  the  Crown.    He  says  :  ^  — 

We  have  observed  in  o'^  [our]  passage  from  o'^  realme  of  Scotland 
hitherwardes  that  neere  oT  forest  of  Sherwood  in  Nottinghamshire  we 
have  no  howse  meet  for  of  abode  whensoever  in  o^  like  passage  be- 
tween of  two  realmes  w'^'^  o'  affaires  will  oft  constrain  us  unto,  We 
shall  have  cause  to  take  of  pleasure  in  that  forest.  And  we  have  been 
withall  informed  that  neere  to  the  same  are  two  howses  and  mannors 
belonging  to  the  see  of  Yorke  called  Scroby  and  Southwell,  both  very 
well  seated  for  our  convenience  in  regard  as  well  of  the  holsomnes  of 
the  ayre  as  of  their  neernes  to  that  plaice  of  of  sport  which  hath  caused 
us  to  enter  into  consideration  how  we  might  obtain  the  s?  two  howses 

1  Nichols,  Prog.  Jas.  I.  i :   85.  2  S.  P.  Dom.  Jas.  I.  iii :  No.  27. 


SCROOBY  239 

and  the  lands  to  them  belonging  of  you  without  great  detriment  to  the 
church,  and  we  have  found  the  most  expedient  way  to  be  by  taking 
the  same  in  exchange  from  you  for  other  rents  of  ours  to  be  assigned 
to  you  for  them. 

He  adds  that  his  messenger  will  open  his  mind  more  particu- 
larly. He  offers  the  prelate  as  much  rent  of  impropriations  or 
tithes  within  the  latter's  diocese,  or  within  the  shire  of  York, 
as  shall  "  amount  at  the  least  to  the  yearely  rent  of  Scroby  and 
Southwell,  with  the  lands  to  them  belonging,"  and  he  will  add 
a  confirmation  of  certain  doubtful  lands  claimed  by  the  church 
of  Southwell.    He  further  urges  these  three  considerations  :  — 

First,  we  are  informed  that  the  s?  two  houses  are  exceedingly  de- 
cayed, so  as  it  is  not  likely  that  yf  selfe  or  anie  successor  of  yours 
wilbe  willing  to  be  at  the  charge  of  repairing  them  as  we  intend. 
Secondly,  that  nether  yourself  nor  any  of  your  predecessors  have  used 
to  resyde  there,  so  as  they  are  of  little  use  to  you  nor  shall  be  to  your 
successors.  And  thirdly  that  the  mannf  of  Southwell  ^  hath  not  been 
w**^  out  question  moved  to  it  in  the  desyer  of  the  late  Queen  deceased, 
and  before  which  though  we  have  no  purpose  to  take  benefit  of,  yet  is 
a  good  inducement  to  you  why  you  should  the  rather  give  us  content- 
ment in  granting  us  our  desire. 

For  some  reason,  either  that  the  king  later  changed  his  mind,  or 
that  Matthew  Hutton  took  a  view  of  the  matter  quite  in  accord 
with  that  of  Archbishop  Sandys  earlier,  the  coveted  property 
remained  in  the  possession  of  the  northern  see. 

Three  years  later,  as  will  be  described  more  fully  hereafter, 
the  Scrooby  manor-house  became  the  birthplace,  and,  for  a  short 
time,  the  home,  of  that  Separatist  Church,  which,  after  its  transi- 
tional exile  in  Holland,  bore  in  the  Mayflower  the  seeds  of  its 
fresh  life  to  the  planting  of  the  New  World.  The  voices  of  the 
grave  and  fatherly  Richard  Clyf ton  and  tlie  scholarly  and  broad- 
minded  John  Robinson  were  heard  within  it,  preaching,  praying 
and  catechizing,  making  clear,  as  they  understood  it,  the  truth 
of  Scripture  long  eclipsed  by  mistaken  interiDretations  and  harm- 
ful practices,  and  animating  their  hearers  to  a  noble  zeal. 

The  story  of  Scrooby  Manor  now  is  mainly  told.    In  1607 

^  Whether  the  king  confused  the  two  manors  and  attributed  here  to  Southwell 
what  was  true  of  Scrooby,  or  referred  to  some  facts  to  which  we  have  no  clue,  can 
only  be  conjectured. 


240        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH 

Brewster  resigned  his  place  there  under  government  to  seek  re- 
fuge in  Amsterdam  and  Leyden.  It  may  be  possible,  from  the 
Lease-books  at  York,  to  learn  every  incumbent  of  the  property 
through  the  intervening  generations.  But  it  has  seemed  hardly 
worth  while  to  investigate  the  nest  so  closely  after  the  bird  had 
flown.  Two  additional  facts,  however,  each  of  which  is  believed 
to  be  fresh  to  public  knowledge,  may  be  told. 

On  May  1,  1636,  Samuel  Harsnet,  executor  of  his  father,  the 
late  Archbishop  of  York,  petitioned  ^  the  king,  declaring  that 
his  father  had  held  the  office  but  two  years  and  six  months,  and 
that  the  latter's  estate  was  being  sued  by  his  successor  for  dilap- 
idations to  the  amount  of  X7000,  of  which  sum  the  decay  of 
Ripon  and  Scrooby  houses  was  rated  at  X4020,  more  than  the 
deceased  prelate's  whole  personal  estate.  He  added  that  the  lands 
belonging  to  these  houses  had  been  leased  out  by  preceding 
archbishops,  so  that  only  the  bare  houses,  which  were  in  utter 
decay,  remained  unleased.  No  archbishop  had  lived  in  either 
manor-house  for  forty  or  fifty  years.^  He  pleaded  that  these 
houses,  if  repaii'ed,  would  be  more  burdensome  than  useful,  and 
that  there  were  three  habitable  palaces  elsewhere.  And  he  asked 
for  a  commission  to  examine  the  facts,  and,  if  they  were  found 
to  be  as  he  represented,  that  the  houses  might  be  demolished 
and  all  parties  freed  from  further  responsibility  for  them. 

This  petition  was  granted,  on  May  10, 1636,  and  Sir  Hardulf 
Wasteneys,  Sir  Arthur  Ingram,  Sr.,  Sir  Matthew  Pahner,  Sir 
Arthur  Ingram,  Jr.,  Sir  Henry  Goodrich,  George  Stanhope, 
D.  D.,  Phineas  Hodson,  D.  D.,  Henry  Wickham,  D.  D.,  William 
Malloi-pe,  Sr.,  William  Francklin,  William  Stanely,  William 
Sanderson,  Hugh  Cartwright,  Thomas  Benson,  D.  D.,  Gervase 
Nevill,  clerk,  parson  of  Headon,  and  Matthew  Levett,  clei'k,  and 
John  Favour,  clerk,  both  prebendaries  at  York,  were  appointed 
to  examine  and  certify  as  prayed.  Then  follows  the  certificate  of 
Sir  A.  Ingram,  Sr.,  and  five  others  of  the  commission  declaring 
the  averments  of  the  petition  to  be  true,  with  a  minute,  dated 
at  Hampton  Court,  on  June  8  of  the  same  year,  that  the  king 

1  S.  p.  Dom.  Chas.  I.  ccexx :  No.  64. 

^  This  ■would  carry  the  last  archiepiscopal  use  of  Scrooby  as  an  occasional  resi- 
dence nearly  or  quite  back  to  the  time  of  Arch.  Sandys  and  of  Brewster's  bailiffage. 


SCROOBY  241 

is  pleased  to  order  that  the  above-named  houses  be  demolished, 
provided  the  Archbishop  of  York  should  consent.  There  follows, 
also,  a  letter  by  Archbishop  Neile,  of  York,  to  Archbishop  Laud, 
dated  in  Jan.,  1636-37,  saying  that  he  wishes  the  old  houses 
demolished,  but  "  so  as  may  be  best  for  his  suit  of  dilapidations."  i 
All  the  probabilities  of  the  case,  therefore,  seem  to  settle  it  that 
in  the  summer  of  1637  the  last  demolition  took  place  at  Scrooby, 
enough  being  spared,  and  suitably  repaired,  to  shelter  the  resi- 
dent farmer,  the  "  ]Aa.m  farm  tenement "  which  is  there  to  this 
day  and  which  the  vicar  of  Blyth  in  1860  seems  to  have  sup- 
posed to  have  been  all  that  was  there  300  years  ago,^ 

The  other  fact  it  is  especially  gratifying  to  make  known, 
because  it  rescues  the  memory  of  Archbishop  Sandys  from  an 
unpleasant  charge  by  the  man  who  first  demonstrated  the  con- 
nection of  this  neighborhood  with  the  early  history  of  New  Eng- 
land, and  whose  judgment  deservedly  was  ahnost  conclusive 
when  he  was  fully  informed.  In  his  "  Collections  "  ^  concerning 
our  Pilgrim  Fathers,  Rev.  Joseph  Hunter,  long  an  assistant- 
keeper  of  her  Majesty's  records,  accuses  Archbishop  Sandys  of 
the  wrongful  perpetual  alienation  of  Scrooby  Manor  from  the 
see  of  York,  and  of  nepotism,  in  having  passed  this  property 
into  the  hands  of  his  oldest  son,  Samuel,  in  some  way  requiring 
"  a  special  justification."  In  his  first  edition,  in  1849,  he  refers 
to  this  as  blemishing  a  character  in  many  respects  worthy  of  high 
esteem.  But  the  fact  is  that  the  Scrooby  Manor,  since  Holgate 
bought  back  the  property  from  the  Crown  in  Edward's  time, 
never  has  been  out  of  the  possession  of  the  see  of  York.  Leased 
by  a  succession  of  long  leases,  it  always  has  reverted  to  the  see 
to  be  leased  again. 

He  who,  by  leave  of  the  vicar  of  Sutton-cum-Lownd,  will  ex- 
amine *  the  parish  papers  in  the  church  of  St.  Wilfred  at  Scrooby 
will  find  the  "  official  apportionment  of  rent  charge  in  lieu  of 
tithes  in  the  Parish  of  Scrooby,"  °  dated  May  11,  1848,  upon 

1  S.  p.  Dom.  Chas.  I.  cccxlv  :  No.  85. 

'■^  Evidently  a  portion  of  this  was  included  in  the  edifice  in  the  day  of  its  best 
condition.  3  23,  n. 

4  This  Dr.  Dexter  did,  July  14,  1871. 

5  Illustrated  by  a  sworn  plan  of  the  parish,  made  in  1850  by  "  R.  Wisrhtman, 
Surveyor."  The  official  survey  is  signed  "  Geo.  Wingrove  Cook,  Assistant  Tithe 
Commissioner." 


242        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE  PILGRIM   CHURCH 

which  —  numbered  from  fourteen  to  eighteen,  inckisive —  he  will 
discover  the  territory  formerly  enclosed  within  the  ancient  moat, 
and  will  find  it  stated  distinctly  that  it  is  owned  by  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  and  leased  to  R.  Pemberton  Milnes,  Esq.,  father 
of  the  late  Lord  Houghton  and  grandfather  of  the  present  Earl 
of  Crewe  who  is  lord  of  the  manor  to-day.  The  Sandys  fam- 
ily seems  to  have  continued  tenants  in  possession  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  Francis,  grandson  of  Sir 
Samuel  and  great-grandson  of  the  archbishop,  and  his  daughter, 
Penelope,  lie  buried  in  the  church.  By  the  marriage  of  another 
daughter  of  Francis,  the  lease  appears  to  have  passed  to  the 
Stapletons,  of  Myton,  and  thence  to  the  Listers,  of  Hull,  from 
whom  it  went  into  the  hands  of  the  eminent  family  whose  tenure 
still  is  unexpired.  No  shadow  of  wrong,  therefore,  ought  to  rest, 
as  to  this,  upon  the  memory  of  the  archbishop. 

It  only  remains  to  note,  as  completing,  by  corroborating,  this 
bit  of  history  which  has  been  narrated,  that  Thoroton,  the 
great  historian  of  that  part  of  England,  writing  within  forty 
years  of  the  demolition  of  the  buildings,  says  :  ^  — 

Here  [at  Scrooby],  within  memory,  stood  a  very  fair  Palace,  a  far 
greater  House  of  receit,  and  a  better  Seat  for  provision  than  South- 
well, and  had  attending  to  it  the  North  Soke,  consisting  of  very  many 
Towns  thereabouts ;  it  hath  a  fair  park  belonging  to  it.  Archbishop 
Sandes  caused  it  to  be  demised  2  to  his  son  Sir  Samuel  Sandes,  since 
which  the  House  hath  been  demolished  almost  to  the  ground. 

The  visitor  who  seeks  what  now  remains  of  this  ancient 
manor-house  will  find  himself  repaid,  even  by  the  little  which 
time  and  change  have  left  to  aid  him  in  imagining  what  it  was. 
If  his  visit  fortunately  should  fall  in  May,  June  or  July,  he 
may  be  sure  of  a  charming  excursion,  at  the  least.  A  rough  but 
sufficiently  clear  map  of  the  district  is  on  the  next  page. 

He  should  make  his  headquarters  at  Bawtry,^  which  is  con- 
veniently intermediate  between  the  chief  places  to  be  sought. 
Thence  let  him  stroll  southward  along  the  main  road.    A  little 

1  iii :  439. 

2  "  Demise  "  used  to  mean,  and  still  sometimes  means,  to  transfer  property  for 
a  term  of  years.    Perhaps  Mr.  Hunter  was  misled  by  this  word  in  Thoroton. 

^  Scrooby  has  a  station  near  the  manor-farm.  But  only  few  trains,  and  those 
the  slowest,  stop  there.    At  Bawtry  the  Crown  Inn  is  the  best. 


SCROOBY 


243 


before  he  leaves  the  houses  of  the  village  behind  him,  he  will 
notice  the  spacious  grounds  of  Bawtry  Hall  beyond  a  high  wall 
on  his  right.  These,  with  their  fine  trees  and  dense  shrubbery, 
stretch  for  a  long  half-mile  to  the  Serlby  road,  which  diverges 
on  that  side.  A  few  min- 
utes' further  walk  straight 
on  will  bring  him  to  where 
Scrooby  toll-bar  used  to 
be,  until  within  the  mem- 
ory of  living  men.  On  the 
left,  since  he  reached  the 
open  country,  have  been 
enclosures  running  back 
towards  the  railway,  which 
here  is  practically  parallel 
with  the  highway ;  some 
green  with  pasturage,  and 
enlivened  by  the  animals 
which  they  feed ;  some, 
very  likely,  fragrant  with 
new-mown  hay ;  some  wav- 
ing with  rapidly  ripening 
grain,  often  dotted  under- 
neath with  scarlet  pop- 
pies ;  some  brown  with 
recent  tillage,  or  striped 
with  the  delicate  green  of 
late  crops  of  beets  or  tur- 
nips, just  cresting  the 
straight  furrows  with  their 
springing  verdure.  The 
intersecting  hedges  are 
brilliant  and  odorous  with 
hawthorn  blossoms,  or, 
later,  flecked  with  privet- 
flowers,  elder-blows,  wild 
roses  and  the  sweet-scent- 
ed buff  honeysuckle  and 


A.  Austerfleld. 

B.  Bawtry. 

C.  Scrooby. 

1.  Alleged    Bradford    cot- 

tage. 

2.  St.  Helen's  Churcli. 

3.  Footpath  from  Auster- 

fleld. 

4.  Bawtry  station. 

5.  Great    Northern    Rail- 

road. 

6.  Bawtry  Church. 


7.  Crown  Inn. 

8.  Chapel  and  hospital  of 
St.  Mary  Magdalene. 

9.  Bawtry  Hall. 

10.  le,  10,  10.  The  former 
great  North  Road. 

11.  Lane. 

12.  12,  12.  River  Ryton. 

13.  Scrooby  mill. 

14.  Manor-house. 

15.  St.  Wilfred's  Church. 

16.  Scrooby  station. 


244        THE   BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE   PILGRIM  CHURCH 

bramble-blooms.  Now  and  then  some  breath  of  exceptional 
sweetness  upon  the  breeze  tells  of  acres  to  windward  blossoming 
with  peas  or  beans,  and  musical  with  the  hum  of  bees. 

Passing  on  by  the  site  of  the  old  bar,  where  a  narrow  road 
comes  in  from  the  west,  he  will  see,  dx\e  south  and  a  little  to  the 
left,  rather  more  than  half  a  mile  away,  over  the  meadows 
across  the  stream  which  shines  immediately  below,  and  partially 
eclipsed  by  foliage,  the  comely  gray  spire  of  St.  Wilfi-ed's 
Church,  unaltered  since  the  Pilgrims  looked  upon  it  before 
they  began  their  pilgrimage.  Some  twenty  degrees  from  it 
towards  the  left,  and  east,  he  will  notice  several  tall  Lombardy 
poplars,  with  one  or  two  others  by  themselves  more  to  the  east. 
The  cluster  of  buildings  at  the  right  of  the  latter  is  what  re- 
mains to  represent  the  palace  whose  cellars  King  John  was 
stocking  with  Vascon  and  Mussac  almost  700  years  ago.  A  by- 
lane  —  more  than  a  mere  cart-path  but  less  than  a  road,  in 
part  bordered  by  a  hedge,  on  the  left,  but  mostly  open  on  the 
right  to  that  uncommon  thing  in  this  part  of  England,  a  piece 
of  waste  land,  a  prickly  little  wilderness  of  gorse,  thistles  and 
nettles,  studded  wdth  occasional  brambles  and  wild-rose  bushes 
—  by  its  look  of  rural  promise  beckons  away  from  the  broad 
and  dusty  highway,  which  itself  before  long  swerves  perceptibly 
towards  the  left. 

As  one  walks  down  this  lane,  if  it  be  not  too  far  on  in  the  sea- 
son, the  cuckoo  almost  surely  will  be  heard  across  the  meadows, 
while  many  little  birds  of  pleasant  song  call  out  of  the  thickets, 
or  from  among  the  dark  boughs  of  something  very  like  a  di- 
minutive group  of  New  England  pitch-pines,  which  stands  down 
the  way  a  little  to  the  east.  At  fortunate  hours  one  may  see 
here  the  heaven-seeking  lark,  mounting  high  and  dropping  an 
ever  sweeter  song  while  receding  into  the  far  invisible  ;  although 
one  is  more  likely  to  be  amused  by  the  saucy  clamor  of  black- 
coated  rooks,  scolding  each  other  as  they  fly.  In  June,  wher- 
ever a  few  trees  afford  a  sufficient  canopy,  the  ground  beneath 
them  is  blue  with  the  sweet  but  strong-scented  wild  hyacinth. 
In  July  the  quaint  bells  of  the  foxglove  abound.  And  in  each 
month  the  patch  of  wilderness  between  the  lane  and  the  highway 
is  gay  with  the  vivid  contrast  of  the  sombre  green  of  the  foliage 


SCROOBY  245 

of  the  gorse  with  the  brilliance  of  its  yellow  flowers,  and  beauti- 
ful with  the  variegated  loveliness  of  just  such  pansies,  grow- 
ing wild  in  profusion,  as  the  flower-gardens  of  New  England 
rejoice  in  as  the  fruit  of  painstaking. 

Passing  on  along  the  lane  over  two  little  bridges  —  one  of 
which  lets  off  the  overflow  from  the  river  where  a  dam  has 
utilized  it,  while  the  other  sluices  a  brook,  which,  by  some  engi- 
neering craft,  has  been  made  to  underrun  the  larger  stream  — 
one  skirts  a  pleasant  field  on  the  left,  stretching  off  towards  the 
manor  farmhouse,  but  on  the  hither  side  of  the  water,  beyond 
which,  straight  ahead  but  on  the  further  bank  of  the  river,  is 
the  mill,  in  turning  which,  to  grind  the  village  wheat,  the  lazy 
Ryton  is  made  to  work  its  passage  to  the  Idle  and  the  sea.  Evi- 
dences of  farm  life  abound.  The  meadow  is  dotted  with  cows. 
There  are  swans  and  ducks  and  geese  upon  the  stream.  Beyond 
the  mill-bridge  the  hamlet  begins.  There  may  be  forty  or  fifty 
houses.  Most  of  them  are  modest  cottages,  low  and  long,  with 
dingy  brick  walls  and  bright  red-tiled  roofs.  The  tiny  inn.  The 
Saracen's  Head,  stands  on  the  main  road,  fronting  the  church 
but  with  a  house  or  two  intervening.  The  five  or  six  streets  are 
narrow,  short  and  sometimes  crooked.  But  the  hedges  are  richly 
green,  and  the  little  plots  in  front  of  the  dwellings  are  comely 
with  flowers,  while  many  windows  show  pots  of  blooming  gera- 
niums, and  the  almost  universal  white  muslin  curtains  give  a 
tidy  and  tasteful  look  to  even  the  himablest  abode. 

Following  the  lane  over  the  milldam,  and  keeping  always  to 
the  left,  one  soon  reaches  the  entrance  to  the  manor-house 
grounds.  The  gate  stands  between  the  side  of  a  brick  house  on 
the  north  and  a  smart,  small,  modern  cottage  on  the  south,  and 
seems  to  mark,  beyond  a  doubt,  the  ancient  place  of  entrance, 
where  the  drawbridge  gave  access  through  the  gate-house.  It  is 
about  370  feet  south  from  the  river.  On  its  right,  skirting  the 
meadow,  the  old  moat  may  be  traced  distinctly  for  130  feet 
down  that  side.  Just  beyond  an  elder  bush,  grown  into  a  tree, 
it  turns  towards  the  east,  at  an  angle  of  95  degrees,  and  takes  a 
nearly  straight  course  for  420  feet,  for  most  of  which  distance 
it  lately  has  been  deepened  again  to  hold  water.  Then,  at  the 
oblique  angle  of  122  degrees,  it  extends  in  a  straight  line  north-. 


246        THE  BIRTHPLACE   OF  THE  PILGRIM   CHURCH 

easterly  for  about  475  feet,  until  it  strikes  the  railway.  The 
Ryton,  whose  slightly  winding  course  here  averages  nearly  east 
and  west,  forms  the  northern  and  longest  boundary  —  some  675 
feet  —  of  what,  if  the  little  corner  shaved  off  by  the  railway  be 
included,  is  an  irregular  quadiilateral  enclosure.  It  contains 
between  six  and  seven  acres.^ 

Entering  at  the  gate  and  following  the  wagon-track,  which 
bends  towards  the  river  and  the  farmhouse  on  the  north  —  soon 
parting  company  with  a  cart-path  running  off  on  the  left  to  the 
farmyard  —  a  little  more  than  200  feet  bring  one  to  a  point 
between  two  well-grown  sycamores.  In  front,  and  at  a  little 
greater  distance  to  the  northeast,  is  the  present  farmhouse.  A 
little  kitchen  and  flower  garden,  perhaps  100  feet  square,  sepa- 
rates the  house  from  the  farm -buildings  on  the  left,  the  nearest 
of  which  rises  at  its  south  end  into  a  second  story,  to  form  a 
dove-cote.  This  building  is  the  cow-house,  a  portion  of  whose 
frame  illustrates  the  ease  with  which,  in  this  world,  some  things 
may  be  transferred  from  aesthetic  and  sacred  to  humble  and 
secular  uses.  These  two  buildings  are  the  only  ones  upon  the 
premises  which  directly  suggest  connection  with  the  manor-house 
that  was ;  and  of  these  the  cow-house,  for  the  most  part,  like 
the  barns,  sheds,  etc.,  obviously  is  an  erection  of  the  last  century. 
The  present  orchard,  on  the  left  as  one  passes  from  the  entrance 
to  the  farmyard,  also  clearly  is  of  no  great  age.  A  rough  gen- 
eral plan  of  the  modern  estate  is  shown  on  the  following  page. 

Turning  to  face  the  west,  the  spire  of  St.  Wilfred's  presents 
itself  again  as  a  pleasing  link  between  the  present  and  the  past. 
Excepting  this  and  most  of  the  village  lanes,  the  calm  river  on 
the  north,  the  distant  landscape  and  the  over-arching  sky,  it  is 
doubtful  if  anything  outside  of  the  enclosure  remains  as  it  was 
in  the  olden  time. 

^  The  official  table  is :  — 

ac.       r.      p. 

Manor-yard        .......  4        3      24 

Orchard 16 

House  and  garden     ......  1       10 

Farmyard           .......  17 

Stackyard 3        3 

6        2       10 


WEST   SIDE   OF   MANOR-HOUSE 


SCROOBY 


247 


Advancing  to  ascertain  what  that  is  now  visible  is  worthy  of 
examination,  it  will  be  found  that  the  southern  part  of  the  farm- 
house, that  which  includes  the  best  room,  with  its  bay-window, 
and  the  front  entry  with  the  stairs,  has  walls  of  exceptional 


A.  Entrance  gate. 

B.  Orchard. 

C.  Barnyard. 

D.  Garden. 

1.  Farmhouse. 

2.  Cow-house,  where  beams  are. 

3.  3,  3,  3,  3.  Sheds. 

4.  Small  open  enclosure. 

5.  Sycamores. 


6.  Cart  path. 

7.  Thorn  trees. 

8.  8.  Old  pear  trees. 

9.  Apple  tree. 

10,  10,  10,  10,  10,  10,  10.  Willows. 

11.  River  Ryton. 

12.  Railway. 

13,  13,  13.  Ditch  where  moat  was. 


thickness,  and  seems  much  older  than  the  remainder  of  the 
building  which  has  been  erected  upon  and  around  it.  We 
hardly  can  go  astray  in  the  conclusion  that  this  is  a  lingering 
portion  of  one  of  the  original  structures.  But  precisely  what  it 
was,  how  it  was  related  to  the  general  plan,  and  what  was  the 
primary  intent  of  the  large  round-headed  arch  in  its  western 
side,  one  cannot  presume  to  say.  Perhaps  the  most  plausible 
supposition  is  that  it  was  one  end  of  the  old  chapel  and  that  the 
arch  had  some  connection  with  a  gallery. 

A  window,  or  door,  has  been  bricked  up  in  the  outer  wall  on 


248        THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 

this  west  side,  halfway  from  the  south  side  of  the  arch  to  the 
front  corner.  A  small  double-arched  window  at  the  left  of  the 
top  of  the  arch  also  evidently  is  very  old.  As  one  looks  out 
through  this  from  the  head  of  the  staircase  inside  the  thickness 
of  this  part  of  the  wall  is  seen  to  advantage. 

The  jsartition  which  divides  this  end  of  the  house  lengthwise 
in  the  middle  also  is  of  considerable  thickness,  as  is  evident 
when  one,  having  ascended  the  stairs  and  passed  back  to  the 
east  side  of  the  house,  turns  to  the  right  into  the  little  end  room. 
Here  he  can  see  another  arch  bricked  up,  and,  within  easy  reach, 
in  the  wall  adjoining  at  a  right  angle,  another  small  window  or 
niche.  The  possibility,  not  to  use  a  stronger  term,  that  this  arch 
was  a  doorway  into  the  chapel,  and  the  niche  a  receptacle  for 
holy  water,  occurs  to  one  at  once. 

Much  of  the  roof  of  one  division  of  the  cow-house  is  upheld 
by  oaken  timbers,^  the  shajjes  of  which  bear  witness  that  they 
were  wrought  for  a  more  honorable  place.  Not  long  ago  there 
were  four  of  the  larger  tie-beams,  stretching  from  wall  to  wall; 
ten  of  that  medium  size  which,  in  the  original  framing,  connected 
these  tie-beams  horizontally;  and  nearly  forty  smaller  ones, 
whose  function  it  was,  being  framed  up  and  down  between  those 
last  described,  to  take  on  the  roof-boarding  directly.  Each  of 
these  was  wrought  into  a  simple  ornamental  form  —  although 
they  hardly  can  be  described  as  carved  —  the  product  of  a 
somewhat  rude  workmanship,  yet  sufficiently  well  executed  to 
have  rendered  the  whole  effect  pleasing,  although  scarcely  or- 
nate. 

The  dimensions  of  these  largest  beams  fix  the  width  of  the 
building  which  they  originally  were  fitted  to  cover  at  about 
seventeen  feet.  Such  a  roof  scarcely  can  have  been  that  of  any- 
thing but  the  great  hall  or  the  chapel,  and  seems  hardly  wide 
enough  for  the  former,  while  of  about  the  natural  proportions 

^  Dr.  Dexter  received  permission  to  take  away  three  of  these  beams,  oue  of  which 
now  is  in  the  Congregational  Library  in  Boston.  It  may  be  added  that  he  visited 
the  place  at  least  eight  times,  in  1851,  1865,  1871,  1872,  1877,  1881,  1884  and 
1887.  In  1871  he  remained  six  weeks,  and  —  with  the  aid  of  his  son  who  also  has 
visited  the  spot  repeatedly,  and  as  recently  as  1902  —  by  permission  of  the  late 
Lord  Houghton,  then  lord  of  the  manor,  he  made  thorough  examination  of  the  pre- 
mises, including  measurements  and  excavations. 


SCROOBY  249 

for  the  chapel  of  such  an  establishment  as  this  manor-house  cer- 
tainly was.  It  is  worth  noting  here,  perhaps,  that  the  church  in 
Misson,  in  the  near  neighborhood  and  apparently  of  about  the 
same  age  as  this  manor-house,  has  a  roof  strikingly  similar  in 
pitch,  form  and  material  to  that  which  these  beams  evidently 
upheld.  There  seems  to  be  little  or  no  doubt  that,  wherever  the 
chapel  was  in  1600,  and  earlier  and  later,  these  beams  —  which, 
after  it  had  been  demolished  in  1637,  still  being  tough  and 
hearty,  were  then,  or  at  some  subsequent  time,  put  to  their 
present  baser  use  —  helped  to  roof  it  in  ;  and,  accordingly,  that 
they  were  over  the  heads  and  echoed  the  voices  of  Robinson, 
Clifton,  Brewster,  Bradford  and  their  associates  in  the  days 
when  the  Mayflower  church  was  formed.  If  the  insensate  things, 
when  degraded  to  their  present  position,  only  could  have  taken 
comfort  in  the  thought  that  a  stable  and  a  manger  are  sacredly 
historic  in  connection  with  the  church  of  the  New  Testament ! 

At  different  points,  as  one  strolls  about  the  place,  the  obser- 
vant eye  readily  catches  other,  although  less  striking,  traces  of 
the  past.  Just  by  the  rear  of  the  poultry-house  the  segment  of 
a  circular  rubble  foundation  crops  out  of  the  gi'ound.  A  sec- 
tion of  the  stone  vmderpinning  of  some  structure  is  built  into 
the  base  of  the  brick  garden  wall  which  is  in  a  line  with  it  near 
the  entrance  to  the  farmyard.  Fragments  of  carved  stone-work 
lie  in  the  rubbish-heaps.^  A  few  inches  from  the  root  of  the 
pear  tree  which  lies  nearly  prone  with  age,  yet  still  makes  an- 
nual endeavor  to  take  its  place  in  leaf  with  the  rest  of  nature, 
a  little  south  of  the  centre  of  the  front  meadow,  one  may  dig 
up  bricks,  scarcely  concealed  by  the  turf,  still  in  position  as  the 
masons  laid  them  centuries  ago.  Halfway  between  this  spot 
and  the  pair  of  thorn  trees  in  the  direction  of  the  barnyard 
may  yet  be  discerned  with  some  distinctness  a  circular  mound 
nearly  eighteen  feet  in  diameter,  slightly  hollowed  in  the  centre, 
like  the  crater  of  an  extinct  volcano,  which,  on  being  opened, 
proved  to  be  full  of  bricks,  stones  and  mortar.  A  similar 
mound,  more  perfectly  preserved  and  quite  as  rich  in  debris, 
lies  about  fifty  feet  more  to  the  west.^   And  at  various  other 

^  One  of  these  fragments  also  is  now  in  the  Congreg-ational  Library  in  Boston. 
^  These  may  represent  the  ancient  fishponds,  which  must  have  been  in  about 


250        THE  BIRTHPLACE   OF   THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH 

places  may  be  found  the  remains  of  buildings  or  of  terraced 
mounds  which  seem  to  have  had  some  relation  to  the  ancient 
days  and  structures.  This  is  true,  especially,  in  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  estate,  where  considerable  embankments  remain. 
All  this  is  not  much  !  No  :  not  much  —  only  that,  at  some 
times  and  in  some  places  and  with  regard  to  some  things,  a  lit- 
tle is  more  than  much.  There  is  a  flavor  of  the  majesty  of  a 
mighty  past  about  even  these  simplicities  ;  bringing  back  to  us 
that  "  golden  age  of  merry  England  "  which  knew  not  the  day 
of  its  visitation,  and  sullied  the  splendor  of  the  time  of  its 
Spenser  and  its  Shakespeare,  its  Bacon  and  its  Milton,  by 
threshing  multitudes  of  the  most  Christian  of  its  people  with 
the  rods  of  its  Star  Chamber  and  its  High  Commission,  and 
by  carefully  gathering  much  of  the  chaff  into  its  garners  and 
savagely  driving  the  heaviest  of  the  grain  out  of  the  land  and 
over  the  sea.^ 

this  part  of  the  premises,  and  which,  if  it  were  desired  to  fill  them  up,  naturally 
would  have  had  such  debris  thrown  into  them. 

'  A  tablet  lately  has  been  placed  upon  the  low  wall  in  front  of  the  bay  window 
of  the  house,  bearing  this  inscription  :  — 

This  tablet  eracted  by  the  Pilgrim  Society  of  Plymouth,  Mass., 
U.  S.  A.,  to  mark  the  site  of  the  ancient  manor-house  where  lived 

William  Brewster 
from  1588  to  1608,  and  where  he  organized  the  Pilgrim  Church,  of 
which  he  became  ruling  elder,  and  with  which,  in  1608,  he  removed 
to  Amsterdam,  in  1609  to  Leyden,  and  in  1620  to  Plymouth,  where 
he  died 

AprU  16,  1644. 


BOOK  IV 

THE   PILGRIMS   THEMSELVES   AND   HOW 
THE   CONFLICT   DEVELOPED   THEM 


A  patient  suffering,  loheii  we  cannot  in  conscience  obey,  is 
the  best  obedience.  —  W.  Beadshaw,  Treat,  of  Div.  Worship, 
44  margin. 

It  will  generally  be  found  that  the  leaders  in  enterprises  of 
this  kind,  though  but  private  men  and  little  known  perhaps  in 
their  own  time,  were  not  of  the  very  obscure,  but  men  of  some 
education,  of  some  energy,  and  even  of  some  position  in  the 
social  scale. — Hunter,  Founders  of  New  Plymouth,  3. 

A7id  being  a  little  raised  above  the  rest  in  fortune,  attain- 
ments, and  socicd  ptosition,  all  we  read  of  him  seems  to  be  but 
in  the  natural  course  of  things,  and  had  there  been  no  Brew- 
ster at  hand,  it  is  probable  that  no  Separatist  Church  would 
have  been  gathered  after  Smith  and  the  Gainsborough  people 
had  withdrawn.  —  Ibid.  54. 

It  was  not  the  mingling  of  good  and  bad  in  the  national 
church,  but  the  fact  that,  under  the  episcopcd  order,  the  power 
of  self-purification  lodged  by  God  with  the  people  loas  lost, 
which  drove  John  Robinson  into  Separation.  —  Rev.  O.  S. 
Davis,  Ph.  D.,  John  Robinson,  The  Pilgrim  Pastor,  115. 

Whereupon  we  (the  weakest  of  all  others^  have  been  per- 
swaded  to  embrace  this  truth  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  though 
in  great  and  manifold  afflictions,  &,  to  hold  out  his  testimony 
as  we  do,  though  without  approbation  of  our  Sovereigne, 
knowing  that  as  his  apj)robatio7i  in  such  p)oints  of  God's  wor- 
ship as  his  word  warranteth  not,  cannot  make  them  laiqful ; 
so  neyther  can  his  discdloivance  make  unlawful  such  duties  of 
religion,  as  the  tvord  of  God  approveth,  nor  can  he  give  dis- 
pensation to  any  j^erson  to  forbeare  the  same.  —  Robinson, 
Justif.  of  Separ.  14. 


CHAPTER   I 

WILLIAM  BREWSTER  AND   ENGLISH   UNIVERSITY  LIFE 

When  the  seventeenth  century  came  in,  on  Mar.  25-Apr.  4, 
1601,  the  two  persons  who  were  to  be  the  chief  leaders  of  that 
Pilgrim  emigration  which  was  to  have  so  large  a  part  in  shaping 
the  fortunes  of  the  New  World,  were  Kving  in  England,  one  in 
Nottinghamshire  and  the  other  in  Yorkshire,  within  three  miles 
of  each  other.  The  former,  William  Brewster,  was  in  middle  life. 
The  latter,  William  Bradford,  was  entering  upon  his  twelfth  year. 
It  is  uncertain  where  Brewster  was  born.  Even  his  birthday 
is  undetermined  within  a  twelvemonth.  That  such  uncertainty 
should  exist  as  to  the  dates  of  both  the  birth  and  the  death  ^  of 
one  so  eminent  is  strange  indeed.  The  nearest  approach  to  exact- 
ness in  regard  to  the  former  is  in  an  affidavit  at  Leyden,  June 
25,  1609,  in  which  he  declares  himself  "  aged  about  forty-two 
years."  ^  This  indicates  that  he  was  born  in  1566,  making  him 
enter  the  new  century  at  thirty-five.  His  father's  name  was  Wil- 
liam and  his  mother's  Prudence,  and  no  other  child  of  theirs  was 
living  in  1590.^  His  father  appears  to  have  lived  in  Scrooby 
when  this  son  was  about  five,  for  a  William  Brewster  was  as- 
sessed to  the  subsidy  of  1571,  in  the  township  of  Scrooby-cum- 
Ranskill,  on  goods  valued  at  three  pounds.*  Four  or  five  years 
later,  as  we  have  seen  already,  this  William  Brewster,  Sr.,  became 
the  Ai'chbishop  of  York's  receiver  and  bailiff,  which  evidently  in- 
volved residence  in  the  manor-house. 

1  See  Dr.  Dexter's  art.  in  :Y.  E.  Hist.  ^  Gen.  Register,  1864,  18. 

2  Getuignis  boeck  van  Leiden,  K.  fol.  20,  verso. 

^  The  probate  record,  of  July  24,  1590,  mentions  only  a  son,  William.  Act  Book. 
York,  Eetford  cum  Laneham,  1590.    See  p.  323. 

*  Only  two  others  —  Thomas  Wentworth,  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford's  family,  who 
then  lived  in  the  manor-house,  and  William  Dawson  —  were  assessed  thus,  which, 
as  well  as  the  sum,  implies  that  Brewster  was  a  man  of  some  substance.  Hunter, 
Colls.  19. 


254:  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

We  lack  proof  of  his  origin,  and  the  search  is  especially  diffi- 
cult because  it  runs  back  of  existing  parish  registers.  Clearly 
there  was  in  the  neighborhood  a  family  of  his  name,  and  of  a 
station  making  his  connection  with  it  not  improbable.  In  1565,^ 
about  six  years  before  our  first  trace,  through  the  subsidy  record, 
of  the  presence  of  William  Brewster,  Sr.,  at  Scrooby,  one  Henry 
Brewster  became  vicar  of  Sutton-cum-Lownd,  about  four  miles 
south  from  Scrooby  and  forming  one  parish  with  it.  In  1584, 
or  about  six  years  before  the  senior  William's  death,  a  James 
Brewster  was  made  master  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  Mary  Magda- 
lene in  Bawtry,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  northwest  of  the  Scrooby 
manor-house.^  In  1590,  the  year  in  which  the  senior  William 
died  at  Scrooby,  a  warrant  was  issued  against  James  Brewster 
and  two  others,  for  having  "  profaned  and  ruinated  "  the  chapel 
of  the  hospital.  Early  in  1596,  after  William  Jr.  had  been  post 
at  Scrooby  for  at  least  two  years  in  his  own  right,  James  finally 
was  ousted,  and  two  years  later,  on  the  death  of  Henry,  he  became 
vicar  of  Sutton,  which  took  him  to  Scrooby  once  on  each  Sunday 
during  the  ten  remaining  'years  of  William's  tenancy  of  the 
manor-house. 

There  must  have  been  at  least  a  considerable  acquaintance  be- 
tween these  men,  and  it  has  been  natural  to  suppose  them  of  one 
family.  Hunter  thought  the  younger  William  and  James  to  be 
brothers,  but  no  child  excepting  William  Jr.  appears  in  the  settle- 
ment of  William  Sr.'s  estate.  The  new  "  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography  "  suggests  that  William  may  have  been  the  son  of 
Henry  or  James.  But  Henry  had  no  children,  James  was  young 
enough  to  be  William's  brother,  and  William's  father  had  the 
same  name.  If  other  considerations  favored  it,  the  striking  simi- 
larity of  their  signatures  might  indicate  that  William  and  James 
were  brothers.  Hunter  supplies  these,  one  being  from  a  facsimile 
in  Davis's  "  New  England's  Memorial "  and  the  other  from  the 
Sutton  records.  Dr.  Dexter  compared  an  autograph  of  Wil- 
liam's in  his  own  possession,  written  when  William  was  much 

1  Hunter,  Colls.  73,  79,  82,  84,  74,  86. 

2  See  plan  of  district,  p.  243.  The  hospital,  now  an  humble  cottage,  -where  one 
or  two  poor  women  are  maintained,  at  least  in  part,  by  the  endowment,  stands  just 
inside  the  Harworth  line  but  is  a  part  of  Bawtry  village. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER   AND   UNIVERSITY  LIFE        255 

younger,  with  the  original  autographs  of  James  upon  the  Sutton 
records,  and  the  resemblance  between  them  is  much  closer  than 
would  be  inferred  from  Hunter's  reproductions. 

James  Brewster  copied  the  entire  first  volume  of  the  records 
of  his  parish,  and  continued  the  register  down  to  his  own  death  ; 
and  when  he  inscribed  his  family 
name,  which  occurred  often,  he  wrote 
it  in  one  way,  in  accord  with  the 
handwriting  of  the  time  ;  while,  when 
he  wrote  his  own  name  therein,  as  his 
signature,  which  he  did  four  times, 
he  wrote  it  in  another  way,  with  pe- 
culiarities precisely  resembling  char- 
acteristics of  the  well-known  signa- 
ture of  William.i  But  the  facts  that 
William  Brewster  never  suggested 
such  a  relationship  ;  that  Bradford, 

who  hardly  could  have  helped  knowing  the  truth,  makes  no 
reference  to  it ;  and  that  the  settlement  of  the  estate  of  the 
senior  William  implies  that  William  Jr.  was  the  only  living 
child ;  seem  to  refute  any  such  supposition  .^ 

A  single  other  suggestion  occurs.  In  the  State  Papers  for 
1582  3  is  a  petition  from  inhabitants  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds  to 
the  Privy  Council,  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Handson  and  Mr.  Gayton, 
ministers  there  who  had  been  ejected.  This  is  signed  by  174 
, names.  The  first  five  are  designated  as  "gentlemen,"  and  the 
thirteenth   is   that   of  William  Brewster.    William,  the   son, 

^  As  given  above,  1  is  the  signature  of  James,  from  the  parish  records ;  2  that 
of  William,  from  the  title-page  of  a  book  from  his  library  in  Dr.  Dexter's  posses- 
sion (now  in  the  Yale  University  Library) ;  and  3  is  the  name  as  commonly  writ- 
ten at  that  time,  and  as  always  written  in  the  parish  records  by  James,  excepting 
when  he  wrote  his  own  signature. 

^  A.  Steele  (Chief  of  Pilgrims,  38)  infers  that  Brewster  was  descended  from  the 
Brewsters  of  Wrentham  because  an  "  old  copy  of  the  same  coat  of  arms  ''  is  said 
to  have  been  preserved  in  one  branch  of  the  family  in  this  country.  But  there  ap- 
pear to  be  several  Brewster  families  in  this  country,  and  a  coat  of  arms,  unless  sup- 
ported by  conelusive'proof ,  is  not  satisfactory  evidence.  It  deserves  record,  however, 
that  when  Brewster  was  cited  before  the  High  Court  of  Commission,  Dec.  1,  1607, 
—  see  p.  401  —  he  was  described  officially  as  "  William  Bruster  of  Scrowbie,  gen." 
"  Gen  "  doubtless  is  an  abbreviation  of  "  generosus  "  i.  e.,  "  well-born." 

3  5.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  CLV.  No.  5. 


256  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

then  was  about  sixteen,  and  his  father,  William,  who  had  been 
in  Scrooby  at  least  eleven  years,  might  have  been  from  forty  to 
forty-five.  He,  too,  might  have  had  a  father,  William,  still 
living  and  sixty-five  to  seventy  years  old  ;  and  a  resident  of 
Bury  St.  Edmunds  and  the  signer  of  that  name  to  this  petition. 
When  his  father  became  receiver  and  bailiff,  William  must  have 
been  nine  or  ten  years  old,  and  we  must  think  of  him  then,  and 
for  some  years  afterwards,  as  living  in  the  manor-house  ;  which 
still  must  have  been  impressive  to  a  boy's  mind. 

It  is  a  necessary  inference  from  the  few  data  in  our  posses- 
sion that  this  Brewster  family  was  neither  socially  obscure  nor 
poor.  If  WiUiam  Brewster,  of  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  were  his 
gTandfather,  possibly  the  young  WiUiam  spent  some  years  with 
him  and  studied  at  the  grammar  school  there,  founded  by  Edward 
VI.  and  having  the  rights  of  two  scholarships  at  Cambridge. 
Or,  if  at  home,  he  may  have  prepared  for  the  university  under 
Henry  Brewster,  the  vicar,  no  doubt  quite  competent  for  such 
instruction.  Preparation  for  Cambridge  or  Oxford  turned  largely 
upon  a  good  knowledge  of  Latin. ^  A  beginner  had  to  make 
himself  familiar  with  William  Lyly's  grammar,  first  published 
in  1513  for  the  scholars  of  St.  Paul's,  and  so  enjoined  by  Henry 
VIII.2  as  to  make  it  "  penal  for  any  publicly  to  teach  any  other." 
The  writing  and  speaking  of  Latin  also  were  subjects  of  special 
drill. 

On  Dec.  3,  1580,  William  Brewster  was  matriculated  at  St. 
Peter's,^  more  commonly  called  Peterhouse,  the  oldest  of  the 
fourteen  colleges  at  that  time  grouped  into  the  University  of 
Cambridge.  Founded  on  Mar.  31,  1284,  by  Hugh  Balsham, 
Bishop  of  Ely,  in  1309  it  had  gained  possession  of  the  property 
of  the  friars  of  the  order  De  Poenitentia  Jesii.^  Originally  the 
support  of  a  master  and  fourteen  perpetual  feUows  was   con- 

^  Fitzherbert,  Descrip.  Oxoniensis  Acad.  17.   Lyte,  Hist.  Eton  Coll.  150. 

2  Fuller,  Ch.  Hist.  Brit.  Bk.  v :  19.  This  regulation,  says  Masson  (Milton,  ed. 
1859,  i  :  48),  continued  in  force  through  James's  reign. 

^  Matric.  Reg.    Cambridge. 

*  The  second  Council  of  Lyons,  in  1274,  in  favor  of  the  four  great  orders  of 
friars  suppressed  all  others ;  including  that  De  Poenitentia,  whose  property  in  pass- 
ing to  Peterhouse  became  the  earliest  instance  of  that  species  of  conversion  which 
so  largely  augmented  the  resources  of  the  Universities  at  a  later  period.  Mul- 
linger,  i :  229,  231. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        257 

templated.  But  in  Brewster's  time  there  weve  felloios,  who  lived 
from  the  revenues  of  the  college  ;  ^  fellow-com,7noners,  who  sat 
at  the  table  and  enjoyed  the  conversation  of  the  feUows ;  scholars, 
or  students  partly  supported  from  the  funds  of  the  institution  ; 
Bihle-derks,  whose  duty  it  was  to  read  the  Scriptures  aloud  at 
meals  :  pensionei's,  who  paid  a  2^G7isio.  or  rent,  for  lodging  in 
the  coUege  ;  and  sizars,  or  poor  students,  who  performed  menial, 
or  semi-menial,  services. 

All  of  these  classes  may  not  have  been  represented  always  in 
the  body  of  students,  but  most  of  them  were.  No  returns  of  the 
precise  years  of  Brewster's  membership  of  Peterhouse  remain. 
But  seven  years  before  there  were  in  residence  the  master  and 
fifteen  fellows,  five  Bible-clerks,  sixty  pensioners,  and  eight 
sizars,  eighty-nine  in  all.  Forty-eight  years  later  the  figures 
were :  the  master  and  seventeen  fellows,  twenty-one  scholars 
and  Bible-clerks,  and  101  other  students —  140  in  all.  If  this 
growth  were  distributed  evenly,  the  number  in  Brewster's  years 
must  nearly,  if  not  quite,  have  reached  100. 

To  which  class  Brewster  belonged  cannot  be  determined. 
Probably  he  was  a  pensioner,  the  class  most  natural  to  the  child 
of  a  family  in  comfortable  but  not  affluent  circumstances. 
The  cost  of  living  for  a  pensioner  probably  was  forty  to  fifty 
pounds  a  year,  of  the  current  value  of  money. 

Peterhouse  had  been  for  twenty-six  years  under  the  master- 
ship of  Dr.  Andrew  Perne,  then  not  far  from  sixty-one.  Edu- 
cated at  St.  John's,  he  was  afterwards  a  fellow  of  Queen's,  be- 
fore becoming  the  head  of  Peterhouse,  and  was  Dean  of  Ely .2 
He  had  gone  through  the  Reformation  and  what  followed  with 
a  supple  sagacity,  which,  under  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI. 
and  his  two  sisters,  had  saved  not  only  Dr.  Perne's  head  but 
also  his  prominence.  He  had  preached,  under  Mary,  at  the  ex- 
huming and  cremation  of  the  poor  remains  of  Bucer  and  Fagius, 
and,  under  Elizabeth,  had  taken  prominent  part  in  atonement 

1  C.  Wordsworth,  Social  Life  at  Eng.  Univs.  in  ISth.  Cent.  98,  646,  639,  641 
(from  Cooper's  Annals  and  Camb.  Univ.  Cal.),  648,  650.  Masson,  i :  76-78  (from 
Add.  Mss.  11,720  Brit.  Mus.  Lib.).    Hentzner,  Itin.  G4.    Mullinger,  i :  252  ;  ii :  399. 

-  Ath.  Cunt,  ii:  45.  This  work,  Cooper's  /I nna/s,  Fuller's  Worthies,  the  Egerton 
Papers,  the  Enc.  Brit,  (ninth  ed.),  and  the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.  supply  most  of  the 
biographical  details. 


258  THE  PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

to  their  memory.  He  was  twice  Papist  and  twice  Protestant,  and 
five  times  Vice-chancellor  of  Cambridge.  The  wags  turned  his 
name  into  a  Latin  verb — periio,  pernare,  pernavi^  pernatum 
—  "I  rat ;  I  change  often  ;  "  i  and,  in  1588,  Martin  Mar- 
prelate  referred  to  him  as  "  Dr.  Turncoats  "  and  "  the  Old 
Turner."  ^ 

Nevertheless,  he  had  his  good  qualities.  His  lack  of  keen 
theological  convictions  was  not  accompanied  by  a  duUed  moral 
sense,  nor  was  he  to  be  despised  as  a  scholar  or  a  man  of  affairs. 
Under  Edward  he  had  been  one  of  the  six  chaplains  appointed 
to  go  through  the  kingdom  and  set  forth  the  reformed  doctrines, 
and  in  1563  he  shared  the  work  of  revising  the  "Bishops'" 
Bible,  the  books  assigned  to  him  being  Ecclesiastes  and  Can- 
ticles. In  August,  1564,  he  preached  in  King's  College  chapel 
before  the  queen  a  discourse,  which  so  pleased  her  that  she  said 
that  "  it  was  the  first  that  ever  she  heard  in  Latin,  and  she 
thought  she  should  never  hear  a  better."  Archbishop  Parker 
sent  his  son  to  Peterhouse  to  be  under  Perne's  tutelage  and 
influence. 

He  exhibited  genuine  public  spirit  in  regard  to  his  college, 
and  provided  in  his  will  for  a  new  library  building,  besides  large 
gifts  from  his  own  collection  of  books  and  manuscripts  ;  ^  and 
Fuller  declared  that  his  doctrinal  laxness  increased  his  useful- 
ness in  one  respect :  *  — 

His  memory  ought  most  to  be  honored  (saving  God's  living  temples, 
is  better  than  building  dead  Colleges)  on  this  account,  because  in  the 
days  of  Queen  Mary  he  was  the  screen  to  keep  off  the  fire  of  persecu-- 
tion  from  the  faces  and  whole  bodies  of  many  a  poor  Protestant ;  so 
that  by  his  means  no  Gremial  ®  of  the  university  was  martyred  therein. 

In  situation  Peterhouse  ^  then  was,  as  it  still  is,  the  south- 
easternmost  college,  the  first  on  the  left  as  one  enters  Cam- 
bridge by  the  Trumpington  road.  A  few  steps  further  on  at 
the  right  was  Pembroke  (1347).    From  this  point  the  street 

1  MuUinger,  ii :  179-180.  ~  Epistle,  16,  39,  43. 

^  "  Supposed  to  be  the  worthiest  in  all  England."    Cooper,  Annals,  ii :  278. 
*    Worthies,  ii :  464. 

^  An  intimate  friend,  or  child  born  in  the  lap. 

®  Mnllinger,  as  most  trustworthy,  is  followed.   Masson  sometimes  gives  other 
dates. 


WILLIAM  BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        259 

wound  on  a  half-mile  or  more  to  its  junction  with  Bridge  Street, 
ha%dng  on  the  east  a  single  college,  Corpus  Christi,  or  Benet 
(1352),  with  several  churches  —  St.  Botolph's,  St.  Mary's,  St. 
Michael's,  and  All  Saints,  with  St.  Sepulcher's  opposite  to  the 
point  of  junction  —  interspersed  with  shops  and  dwellings. 

On  the  left  eight  colleges  were  abutting,  or  near  :  Queen's 
(1448),  100  yards  along  Silver  Street ;  Catherine's  (1475)  ; 
King's  (1440)  ;  Clare  Hall  (1359),  150  yards  down  a  lane  ; 
Trinity  Hall  (1350),  next  north  of  Clare  ;  Gonville  and  Caius 
(1348)  ;  Trinity  (1546),  and  St.  John's  (1511).  Magdalen 
(1542)  was  near  Castle  Hill,  to  the  northwest.  Jesus  (1497) 
was  approached  through  Jesus  Lane  out  of  Bridge  Street,  to 
the  north.  And  Christ's  (1505)  was  on  the  west  side  of  the 
town.  It  was  still  four  or  five  years  before  Emanuel  was  founded, 
near  Christ's. 

We  can  identify  only  a  few  then  resident  in  these  other  col- 
leges who  became  famous  in  some  degree,  and  whom  Brewster 
must  have  seen,  and  may  have  known.  John  Udall,  matricu- 
lated at  Christ's  two  years  before,  soon  had  migrated  to  Trinity, 
was  about  taking  his  B.  A.  when  Brewster  reached  Cambridge, 
and  must  have  remained  throughout  the  latter's  residence.  He 
was  to  become  author  of  the  "  Dialogue  "  and  "  Demonstration," 
already  mentioned,  and  was  to  die  in  the  Marshalsea.  John 
Greenwood,  of  about  equal  standing,  was  in  Corpus  Christi,  and 
was  to  share  the  martyrdom  of  Henry  Barrowe  at  Tyburn. 
George  Johnson,  brother  of  Francis,  matriculated  at  Christ's 
when  Brewster  entered  Peterhouse  and  remained  eight  years, 
taking  both  degrees.  He  went  through  banishment  and  ship- 
wreck to  Amsterdam,  was  excommunicated  with  his  father,  and 
died  in  prison  at  Durham  in  1605,  when  nearly  done  publishing 
a  volume  on  his  family  troubles  and  the  Ancient  English  Church 
in  Amsterdam.  Brewster  brought  a  copy  of  the  book  to  this 
country. 1 

Possibly  Thomas  Settle,  who  shared  George  Johnson's  arrest 

as  a  Brownist  in  1592,  still  was  at  Queen's,  where  he  had  been 

matriculated   in   1575,   and   which   he  left   without   a  degree. 

Thomas  Brightman  was  just  proceeding  B.  A.  at  Queen's,  where 

^  Plym.  Court  Records.    Wills,  i :  53-59.   Inventory  of  Eng.  Books.   Item  79. 


260  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

he  was  a  stout  advocate  of  the  new  views  of  religion.  He  be- 
came rector  of  Hawnes  in  Bedfordshire.  He  was  an  eminent 
preacher  and  scholar.  He  left,  in  Latin  manuscript,  commen- 
taries on  the  Apocalypse,  Daniel  and  the  Canticles,  which  were 
printed  at  Frankfort  in  1609,  at  Heidelberg  in  1612,  and  at 
Leyden,  in  English,  in  1616  — Brewster  leaving  a  cojDy  in  his 
library  —  and  at  London  in  1644. 

Another  was  the  afterwards  famous  William  Perkins.  He 
took  his  B.  A.  at  Christ's  about  the  time  of  Brewster's  entrance, 
and  became  a  fellow  about  1582.  Beginning  soon  to  preach  to 
the  prisoners  in  Cambridge  Castle,  he  won  a  pulpit  reputation 
and  was  chosen  lecturer  at  Great  St.  Andrew's.  His  works  fill 
three  stout  folios,  and  some  made  their  way  into  Latin,  Welsh, 
Dutch  and  even  French  and  Spanish.  He  could  write  only 
with  his  left  hand,  the  other  being  lame.  This  suggested  to 
somebody  a  Latin  couplet  which  Fuller  rendered  thus :  ^  — 

Though  nature  thee  of  thy  right  hand  bereft, 
Right  well  thou  writest  with  the  hand  that 's  left. 

Both  John  Robinson  2  and  William  Bradford  ^  refer  to  him 
with  profound  respect,  and  eleven  copies  of  his  treatises  are  in 
the  list  of  Brewster's  library. 

About  this  time,  moreover,  two  men  were  preachers  to  the 
university,  whose  names  survive  in  connection  with  the  religious 
controversies.  One  was  Dr.  John  Copcot,  a  fellow  of  Trinity 
and  a  university  preacher  in  1576,  who  in  1584  attacked  Dud- 
ley Fenner's  "  Counterpoyson  "  at  Paul's  Cross,  and  three  years 
later  became  master  of  Corpus  Christi.  The  other  was  Peter 
Baro,  from  the  Isle  of  France,  who  had  studied  law  at  Bourges, 
and  divinity  at  Geneva,  being  ordained  by  Calvin  himself,  and 
who  in  1573  became  a  member  of  Trinity.  Li  1574  he  was 
chosen  Lady  Margaret  professor  of  divinity  in  the  university, 
but  during  Brewster's  residence  objection  was  made  to  certain 
of  his  teachings. 

Of  men  then  or  later  prominent  in  a  social  or  literary  way 
there  were  many.  Robert  Devereux,  even  then  second  Earl  of 
Essex,  was  in  Trinity,  and  some  eighteen  months  senior  to  Brew- 

1  H.  Holland,  Iconess.     Fuller,  Holy  State,  84. 

^  Just,  of  Sep.  421.  3  Hist.  6. 


WILLIAM  BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        261 

ster.  He  bore  himself  with  rare  courtesy  towards  his  social  infe- 
riors, and,  by  his  repeated  interpositions  on  behalf  of  Sir  William 
Davison,  and  by  the  presence  in  Brewster's  library  of  a  volume 
about  him,i  a  possible  Cambridge  acquaintance  is  suggested. 

Of  those  more  or  less  known  in  letters,  at  Pembroke,  among 
the  fellows,  was  Richard  Harvey,  later  eminent  as  a  judicial 
astrologer  and  an  antagonist  of  Martin  Mar-prelate.  At  Cor- 
pus Christi,  a  close  contemporary  with  Brewster,  was  Christo- 
pher Marlowe,  "  the  father  of  English  tragedy,  and  the  creator 
of  English  blank  verse."  At  Queen's  was  John  Harvey,  a 
brother  of  Richard,  and  also  a  prognosticator. 

There,  too,  was  John  Darrell,  who,  as  a  pretended  exorcist, 
was  degraded  from  the  ministry  and  imprisoned;  and  whose 
case  suggested  the  seventy-second  canon  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, prohibiting  ministers  from  undertaking  exorcism  without 
episcopal  license.  At  King's,  matriculated  in  the  same  year 
with  Brewster,  were  Joseph  Jessop,  afterwards  secretary  to  Sir 
Francis  Walsingham  and  a  learned  physician ;  and  George 
Brooke,  youngest  son  of  Lord  Cobham.  The  queen  had  pro- 
mised him  the  mastership  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  Cross,  near 
Winchester.  But,  as  King  James  refused  to  fulfil  her  promise, 
Brooke  joined  in  the  plot  in  which  Raleigh  was  implicated  and 
was  beheaded. 

At  Clare  Hall  was  Robert  Greene,  who  in  his  way  became 
the  most  popular  writer  of  his  day.  At  Trinity  were  Dr.  John 
Still,  to  be  master  of  the  college,  and  author  of  one  of  the 
earliest  of  English  comedies  ;  Giles  Ascham,  eldest  son  of  fa- 
mous Roger;  and  William  Barrett,  who,  in  1597,  was  "recon- 
ciled "  to  Rome,  the  "  Lambeth  Articles  "  being  an  ovitcome  of 
the  controversy  which  he  had  caused. 

At  St.  John's  were  Robert  Spaulding  to  be  Regius  professor 
of  Hebrew  and  a  translator  of  the  "  King  James's  "  version  of 
the  Bible  ;  and  Andrew  Downes,  avIio,  with  his  pupil,  John  Bois, 
was  reviving  the  almost  forgotten  knowledge  of  Greek,  and  after- 
wards, with  Bois  and  four  others,  was  charged  with  the  final 

^  Bacon,  Declaration  of  the  Practices  ^  Treasons  attempted  and  committed  hy 
Robert,  Late  Earl  of  Essex  and  his  Complices  against  her  Maiestie  and  her  King- 
doms.    Invent.  154. 


262  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

revision  of  the  new  version  of  the  Bible.  John  Milward,  to  be 
chaplain  to  King  James  and  Prince  Henry,  also  was  there ;  and 
at  Magdalen  was  Sir  Edward  Loftus,  to  be  the  queen's  prime 
serjeant-at-law  in  Ireland. 

In  addition  to  these  were  a  few  others,  whom  Brewster  must 
have  seen,  who  had  more  standing  in  the  university  but  still 
frequented  her  halls.  Everard  Digby,  of  St.  John's,  gained  promi- 
nence by  philosophical  works  attacking  the  method  of  Ramus. 
Another  at  St.  John's  was  Robert  Stokes,  who,  adopting  Sepa- 
ratist opinions,  became  the  medium  for  the  printing  of  several 
books  by  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  on  the  Continent.  Eleazer 
Knox,  second  son  of  John,  also  was  at  St.  John's,  and  after- 
wards became  a  university  preacher.  At  Magdalen  was  John 
Lyly,  M.  A.,  come  over  the  year  before  from  Oxford,  whose 
fame  rested  largely  upon  his  strained  and  stilted  "  Euphues." 
And,  possibly,  when  the  Scrooby  lad  first  reached  Cambridge,  he 
found  there,  before  their  flitting,  Robert  Browne  and  Robert 
Harrison,!  the  two  apostles  of  that  polity  whose  influence  was  to 
identify  his  own  name  imperishably  with  the  annals  of  the  New 
World. 

Fifteen  men  can  be  identified  who  must  have  been  Brewster's 
fellow-students  at  Peterhouse.  One  was  Edmund  Coote,  who 
had  only  just  taken  his  B.  A.  He  is  first  heard  from  subse- 
quently in  1596  as  head-master  of  the  grammar  school  in  Bury 
St.  Edmmids,  where  he  published  "  The  English  School-Master." 
Then  there  w^-s  Robert  Priest,  who  translated  the  "  Stirpimn 
Historiae  Pemptades  "  of  Rembert  Dodoens,  his  work  becoming 
the  f  ouhdation  of  "  The  Herbal,  or  General  History  of  Plants,"  of 
John  Gerard,  in  1597.  Another  was  James  Scruby,  who  became 
vicar  of  Cherryhinton,  near  Cambridge,  and  wrote  sundry  Latin 
verses.  Another  was  Abraham  Fleming,  who  preached  eight 
times  at  Paul's  Cross  between  1589  and  1606,  and  was  rector 
of  St.  Pancras,  Soper  Lane,  in  London.  He  became  a  volu- 
minous author,  and  is  reputed  the  first  translator  of  Virgil's 
Bucohcs  and  Georgics  into  English  verse.^   And  Reginald  Bain- 

*  See  Cong,  in  Lit.  69. 

"^  Cunning-bam,  Handbook  of  Loud,  ii :  621.    Moi-e  than  thirty  printed  books  are 
catalogued  to  him  and  a  much  larger  number  of  manuscripts. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        263 

brigg  became  head-master  at  Appleby,  and  left  valuable  manu- 
sei'ipts,  now  in  the  Cotton  and  Lansdowne  collections. 

Another  was  John  Morden,  who,  in  April,  1581,  while  Brew- 
ster must  have  been  in  residence,  in  a  disputation  in  the  logic 
schools  reflected  on  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  the  suitor  of  the  queen, 
and  was  imprisoned.  Robert  Bownd  was  chosen  a  fellow  and, 
later,  was  expelled  from  his  fellowship.  He  was  a  brother  of 
Nicholas,  the  author  of  the  "  Sabbathum  Veteris  et  Novi  Testa- 
menti,"  which  precipitated  the  Sabbath  controversy  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century.  Charles  Home  became  M.  A. 
in  1577,  held  his  place  with  unusual  tenacity,  being  senior  fel- 
low in  residence  as  late  as  1595-96,  and  left  some  Greek  and 
Latin  verses.  Miles  Sandys  held  two  prebends  in  the  cathedral 
at  York.    He  wi'ote  some  verses  on  Sidney's  death. 

Mark  Sadlington  succeeded  Robert  Browne  in  1591  as  master 
of-  St.  Olave's  grammar  school,  and  later  became  vicar  of  Sun- 
bury,  and  wrote  a  book  on  the  treason  of  Ducket  and  one  upon 
Spanish  acts  in  the  West  Indies.  Nicholas  Deane  in  1599  was 
appointed  a  commissioner  to  suppress  schism  in  the  Province  of 
York,  and  in  1602  became  Archdeacon  of  Carlisle.  Thomas 
Mudd,  who  became  a  fellow  of  Pembroke  Hall,  wrote  a  com- 
edy, acted  in  the  college,  which  "  too  saucily  reflected  on  "  the 
mayor  of  the  town.  After  three  days  in  the  Tolbooth  he  apolo- 
gized. Robert  Sayer,  getting  into  trouble  by  his  papistical  ten- 
dencies, finally  became  professor  of  divinity  at  Monte  Cassino, 
and  left  eight  or  ten  volumes  of  good  work,  from  his  point  of 
view.  The  famous  John  Penry  seems  to  have  been  matriculated 
at  Peterhouse  on  the  same  day  with  Brewster.  His  leanings 
then  were  towards  Romanism,  and  he  "berhymed  Dr.  Perne's 
new  statutes,  and  made  a  by-word  of  his  bald  pate."  He  be- 
came a  Puritan  and  started  out  upon  that  brilliant  but  brief 
career  which  was  ended  by  his  martyrdom  at  St.  Thomas  Wa- 
tering on  May  29,  1593.  Fynes  Moryson,  the  eminent  traveller, 
was  another,  and  his  famous  work  ^  is  exceptionally  entertaining 
and,  for  its  date,  instructive. 

Before  considering  Brewster's  history  at  Peterhouse,  it  will 

1  An  Itinerari/  Written  hy  Fi/nes  Moryson,  Gent.,  first  in  the  Latine  Tongue,  and 
then  translated  hy  him  into  English,  1617. 


264  THE   PILGRIMS  AND  THE   CONFLICT 

be  worth  while  to  examine  the  conditions  of  student  life.  In 
important  respects  its  features  differed  from  what  now  are 
known  by  similar  names.  In  doing  this  the  statements  of  two 
most  learned  and  accurate  works/  both  of  Cambridge  author- 
ship, will  be  used  freely. 

The  ancient  university  was  a  corporation  of  learned  men  as- 
sociated for  teaching,  and  no  one  else  could  teach  in  their  do- 
main without  their  sanction,  granted  only  upon  proof  of  his 
ability.  The  test  consisted  of  examinations  and  public  disputa- 
tions ;  the  sanction  took  the  form  of  a  public  ceremony,  and  the 
name  of  a  degree ;  and  the  teachers,  or  doctors,  so  elected,  or 
created,  lectured  in  the  public  schools.  The  degree  was  simply 
a  license  to  teach.  The  recipient  became,  ipso  facto^  one  of 
the  ruling  body,  the  corporation  of  the  university.  Such  a  uni- 
versity, as  a  corporation,  did  not  house  or  feed  its  students.  The 
only  essential  buildings  were  those  required  for  its  general  meet- 
ings and  ceremonies,  a  library  and  lecture  rooms. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  college  was  a  foundation  endowed  by 
private  munificence  for  the  complemental  work  of  lodging  and 
boarding  poor  young  men,  who  desired  university  privileges 
but  lacked  means.  Consequently,  there  came  to  be  as  many 
colleges  in  connection  with  a  university  as  the  number  of  young 
men  wishing  to  study  there  required,  and  as  wealthy  benefac- 
tors provided.  Each  college  had  its  own  buildings,  and  each 
was  governed  by  its  own  statutes.  The  students  from  all  the 
colleges  attended  the  public  lectures  and  disputations  of  the 
university,  and,  at  first,  the  older  students  were  expected  to 
assist  the  younger  in  private  study.  As  numbers  increased  and 
larger  endowments  permitted,  lecturers  were  appointed  for  this 
purpose  from  the  members  of  the  college,  and  each  college  had 
its  private  exercises  in  preparation  for  the  public  ones  of  the 
university.  Sons  of  well-to-do  parents  lodged  and  ate  where 
they  liked,  under  the  general  supervision  of  the  university  rules, 
and  had  no  relation  to  any  instruction  other  than  the  public 
teaching  of  the  university.  But  in  time  the  obvious  value  of 
collegiate  training  for  the  university  exercises  and  the  superior 

1  R.  Willis  and  J.  W.  Clark,  Arch.  Hist,  of  Camb.  1886 ;  and  J.  B.  MuUinger, 
Univ.  of  Camh.  from  Earliest  Times  to  Accession  of  Chas.  I.  1873,  1884. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY  LIFE        265 

comfort  of  the  college  buildings  led  even  the  sons  of  the  wealthy 
to  seek  to  share  therein,  paying  rent  and  charges  in  some  col- 
lege rather  than  outside.^  Old  members  of  a  college  also,  who 
had  lost  their  right  to  its  freedom,  sometimes  were  allowed  to 
resume  residence  for  further  study. 

The  usual  plan  of  an  English  college  suggests  its  derivation 
from  the  monastery.  Its  general  enclosure  within  walls ;  its 
disposition  into  courts  ;  its  refectory,  kitchen  and  offices ;  its 
chapel  and  master's  lodge  ;  all  have  monastic  analogies.  Only 
by  lodguig  its  scholars  in  chambers,  in  place  of  a  grand  dor- 
mitory, does  it  differ  essentially.  This  arrangement  favored 
that  gradualness  of  construction  which  was  the  almost  invaria- 
ble result  of  growth.  One,  two  or  three  sides  of  a  quadrangle 
could  be  built  at  the  outset  and  would  serve  until  what  was 
lacking  could  be  added.  When  Dr.  Caius,  physician  to  Ed- 
ward VI.  and  to  Mary  and  Elizabeth,  refounded  Gonville  Hall, 
and  established  what  since  has  been  known  as  Gonville  and 
Caius  College,  in  Cambridge,  he  introduced  a  principle,  which, 
although  lacking  approval  at  Oxford,  has  been  adopted  gen- 
erally at  Cambridge,  the  leaving  one  side  of  the  quadrangle 
open  .2 

The  system  may  be  comprehended  by  studying  Peterhouse  as 
it  was  in  Brewster's  time.  When  Bishop  Balsham  founded  it, 
in  1284,  he  secured  two  inns  hard  by  the  Httle  church  of  St. 
Peter.  These  were  called  "  Hostels,  or  literary  inns."  For  a 
long  time,  such  quarters  were  attached  to  many  colleges.  Soon 
after  Balsham's  death,  in  1286,  and  with  money  left  by  him,  a 
haU  was  built,  and,  by  1352,  a  house  was  annexed  to  the  hos- 
tels on  Trumpington  St.,  between  them  and  the  churchyard. 
Afterwards  there  were  occasional  additions,  e.  g.,  a  library  in 
1431-48  and  a  kitchen  in  1450,  until  1467,  when  the  college 
was  completed  for  the  time.  Between  then  and  almost  the  be- 
ginning of  the  seventeenth  century  there  are  traces  of  a  bake- 
house, (salt)  fish-house,  coal-house,  lime-house,  granary,  hay- 
house,  wheat-loft,   dove-cote,  hen-house  and   observatory.    The 

^  "  This  privilege  was  scantily  granted,  and  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  become 
general  until  after  the  Reformation."    Willis  and  Clark,  i :  xv  ;  ill :   247. 
'^  Docs.  Relating  to  Univ.  and  Colls,  of  Cainb.  ii :  262.  ■• 


266 


THE   PILGRIMS   AND  THE   CONFLICT 


original  hostels  seem  to  have  survived,  and,  with  the  house  first 
added,  to  have  presented  an  unbroken  front  upon  Trumpington 
St.    The  grounds  were  entered  by  the  northeast  corner  through 


"^nJil^^*'0'^  St 
Plan  of  Peterhouse. 


A.  A.  Churchyard. 

B.  Entrance  to  college. 

C.  Outer  Court. 

D.  Quadrangle. 

E.  Passage. 

F.  F.  Exterior  grounds. 

G.  Passage. 

1.  St.  Peter's  Church. 

2,  2,  2,  2.  Students'  rooms. 


3.  House  first  added. 

4.  4.  Original  hostels. 

5.  stone  parlor. 

6.  Staircase. 

7.  Hall. 

8.  Buttery. 

9.  Kitchen. 

10.  Library  building. 

11,  11,  11,  11.  Outbuildings. 


the  churchyard.  Passing  into  this,  one  turned  sharply  to  the 
left  through  a  covered  passage  into  the  outer  court.  Next,  un- 
less he  roomed  in  a  hostel,  he  turned  to  the  right  through  a 
fence  intq  the  quadrangle,  which  —  although  a  little  irregular, 


WILLIAM  BREWSTER   AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        267 

the  south  side  being  three  feet  longer  than  the  north  —  was 
about  148  feet  from  east  to  west  by  about  eighty-six  from  north 
to  south.    At  this  time  it  was  without  trees. 

Making  the  interior  circuit  of  it,  starting  at  the  southeast  cor- 
ner, one  would  pass  first  the  windows  of  some  students'  rooms, 
and  then  those  of  the  "  stone  parlor,"  the  modern  Combination 
Room,^  where,  as  there  were  no  chimneys  in  the  students'  rooms, 
a  fire  was  kept  in  cold  weather.  Next  would  come  the  hall,  where 
all  gathered  at  meals,  and  next  the  buttery ,2  the  kitchen  com- 
pleting the  row.  Following  the  hollow  square  northward,  to  the 
right,  the  library  —  excepting  where  a  passage  at  its  north  end 
led  to  an  exterior  yard  —  occupied  the  upper  story  of  the  whole 
side.  Turning  again  to  the  I'ight,  he  would  find  the  whole  dis- 
tance —  excepting  another  narrow  passage,  about  forty  feet  from 
the  west  end,  to  the  churchyard,  with  a  sun-dial  over  its  inner  arch 
—  eastward,  back  to  the  place  of  his  entrance,  occupied  by  dormi- 
tories, which,  like  the  hostels,  seem  to  have  been  two  stories  high. 

To  have  gained  an  interior  view,  one  would  have  entered  first 
the  common  parlor,  and  found  that  this  communicated  by  a  door 
with  the  "  high  table  "  end  of  the  hall,  and  was  ornamented,  as 
now,  by  a  wainscoting  of  small  oblong  j)anels,  the  upper  two 
rows  of  which  were  filled  with  portraits,  on  the  wood,  of  past 
masters  or  benefactors.    Of  those  now  in  existence  twen;;y -three  ^ 

^  In  direct  descent  from  the  Pisalis  or  Calef actor ium  of  the  Benedictine  monas- 
tery. At  Oxford  it  went  by  the  name  of  the  "  Common  Room."  The  name  Com- 
bination Room  appears  first  in  the  Cambridge  records  in  1(550. 

2  From  botelerie,  a  butlery  or  place  for  bottles.  It  opened  into  the  dining--hall  by 
a  door  cut  in  half,  with  a  ledge  on  the  top  of  the  lower  half  to  rest  tankards  on, 
which  lower  half  was  called  the  buttery-hatch. 

^  These  were  :  — 

1.  A  view  of   the   two  original  18.  Mr.  Lownde,  D.  D 1519 

hostels 12S0  14.  William  Martin 1519 

2.  King  Edward  1 1283  15.  Thomas  Burgoyne    ....  1520 

3.  Hugh  de  Balsham    ....  1284  16.  John  Edmondes    .....  1527 

4.  Simon  de  Montacute      .     .     .  1344  17.  Doctor  Shirton 1530 

5.  Simon  Langham 1395  18.  The  widow  of  Master  Wolfe  .  1540 

6.  Thomas  de  Castro-Bernard    .  1420  19.  Andrew    Perne,    D.  D.,    then 

7.  John  Holbroke 1430                 Master. 

8.  Thomas  Lane 1472  20.  Sir  Edward  North     ....  1564 

9.  John  Warkeworth    ....  1498  21.  Robert  Smith 1565 

10.  Thomas  Denman 1500     22.  Archbishop  Whitgif  t    .     .     .     1569 

11.  Henry  Hornbie 1516     23.  Henry  Wilshawe 1578 

12.  Edmund  Hanson 1516 


268  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

may  have  been  there  then.  Nearly  every  one  was  underwritten 
by  a  Latm  distich.  The  floor  would  have  been  strewn  with 
rushes.  The  furniture  would  have  consisted  of  "  a  fayre  long 
table  of  waynscott,"  with  several  forms,  or  benches.  Passing  on 
into  the  hall,  he  would  have  found  hmiself  on  the  dais,  or  raised 
platform,  the  room  having  an  open  roof  of  timber  and  a  hanging 
of  arras  on  the  wall,  at  least  behind  the  dais  on  which  stood  the 
high  table  for  the  master  and  fellows.  At  the  other,  the  western, 
end  was  the  principal  door,  on  the  right,  opening  into  the  quad- 
rangle, and  opposite  to  it  one  opening  into  the  garden.  In  many 
colleges  a  passage  from  door  to  door  was  screened  off,  but  at 
Peterhouse  no  screen  was  built  until  1638.  Crowning  the  roof 
over  this  passage  was  a  bell-turret.  The  hall  contained  a  large 
fireplace,  painted  in  colors,  and  had  a  stone  floor  covered  with 
rushes.  It  was  furnished  with  heavy  oaken  tables,  supported  on 
trestles  and  bordered  by  equally  solid  oaken  forms,  the  master 
only  having  a  chair.  These  benches,  however,  were  rendered 
more  comfortable  by  leather  cushions. 

The  buttery  and  kitchen,  which  fiUed  out  the  south  side  of  the 
range  of  buildings,  need  not  detain  us.  The  library  occupied 
the  whole  second  story  of  the  western  end  of  the  enclosure.  It 
was  completed  in  1450.  About  twenty-five  feet  north  from  the 
door  into  the  kitchen  at  the  southwest  corner  of  the  quadrangle, 
was  an  entrance  still  admitting  to  the  handsome  stone  "  vise," 
or  spiral  staircase,  nine  feet  in  diameter,  built  450  years  ago  by 
Keginald  Ely,  up  and  down  which  Brewster  must  have  passed 
many  a  time.  This  library,  now  divided  into  students'  rooms, 
had  a  row  of  equidistant,  two-light  windows  on  each  side,  and  a 
window  of  three  lights  at  the  north  end.  It  had  been  fitted  with 
bookcases  between  1447  and  1450.  The  facts  that,  as  early  as 
1418,  it  contained  by  catalogue  302  volumes,  divided  among 
seventeen  subjects,^  and  that  Dr.  Perne,  already  master  for  more 

1  At  that  date  a  part  of  every  such  library  was  chained  to  the  cases  and  a  part 

was  distributable  for  the  use  of  the  students.    This  catalogue  of  Peterhouse  library 

in  1418  is  interesting  :  — 

Chained.  Free.  Total. 

Theolog^y 61  36  97 

Nat.  PhUosophy     ....  32  ^  ( 

Mor.         "  .     .     .     .       5^  n9  59 

Metaphysics 3  )  ' 


WILLIAM  BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        269 

than  a  quarter  of  a  century  when  Brewster  was  there,  was  an 
active  pi'onioter  of  libraries,  make  it  probable  that  this  collection 
was  especially  well  furnished. 

Books  reserved  for  library  use  were  chained  to  the  cases  and 
placed  on  the  shelves  with  backs  inward,  and  a  catalogue  of 
those  in  each  case  was  wTitten  on  an  oaken  panel  at  its  end.^ 
The  unchained  volumes  were  at  the  service  of  students  for  study 
in  their  rooms,  and  were  guarded  in  chests  having  two  locks, 
one  key  being  kept  by  the  master  and  the  other  by  the  senior 
dean.  It  was  ten  years  after  Brewster's  matriculation  before  the 
new  library  was  begun,  and  about  fifteen  before  it  was  completed. 

The  whole  northern  side  of  the  quadrangle,  to  tlie  fence  and 
the  main  entrance  from  the  churchyard,  was  occupied  by  a 
range  of  students'  rooms,  which  extended  above  and  beyond  this 
entrance  to  Trmnpington  St.  There  also  were  such  rooms  in  the 
end  of  the  row  of  buildings  on  the  south  side  of  the  quadrangle, 
between  the  parlor  and  the  outer  court,  as  well  as  in  the  original 
hostels.  At  Peterhouse,  as  at  Clare  Hall  and  King's  Hall,  in 
that  only  two  students  were  assigned  to  each  apartment,  the 
custom  differed  from  that  at  St.  John's,  Trinity  and  Emanuel, 
and  largely  at  Oxford,  where  there  were  three  and  sometimes 
four.  A  door  from  the  quadrangle  led  into  a  narrow  entry  with 
stairs,  and  there  was  a  suite  of  rooms  on  each  side.  This  con- 
sisted of  a  common  room,  some  eighteen  by  twenty  feet,  and  two 

Astronomy 10 

Alchemy 1 

Arithmetic 1 

Music 1 

Geometry 1 

Rhetoric 1 

Logic 5 

Grammar 6 

Poetry 4 

History 4 

Medicine 15 

Civil  Law 9 

Common  Law 18 

302 

1  C.  Wordsworth,  Scholae  Academicae,  4,  n.  In  three  collections  in  England 
books  still  are  attached  to  the  shelves  by  chains :  the  Chapter  Library  in  Hereford 
Cathedral ;  a  library  in  the  Parish  church  of  All  Saints  in  the  same  city  ;  and  the 
library  of  Wimborne  Minster. 


15 


15 

20 

\n 

23 

4 

3 

18 

20 

29 

19 

37 

270  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

small  studies.  The  beds  —  sometimes  two  high  beds,  and  some- 
times one  high  and  the  other  a  "  truckle,"  or  trundle,  bed, 
rolled  under  the  other  in  the  daytime  —  were  in  the  large  room, 
privacy  being  found  only  in  the  studies.  The  furniture,  as  shown 
by  inventories,  was  extremely  simple  —  the  two  beds,  a  leaden 
jug,  and  a  rude  bowl,  a  plain  wooden  table,  two  forms  or  a  few 
stools  or  a  settle,  a  cupboard,  and  wooden  shutters  for  the  win- 
dows, and  in  each  small  room  a  desk  for  writing  and  a  sheK  or 
two  for  books. 

The  master's  quarters  were  over  the  parlor,  and  by  an  out- 
side staircase  he  could  descend  directly  to  the  parlor,  hall  and 
garden.  He  dined  and  supped  with  the  students  in  the  hall,  sit- 
ting at  the  middle  of  the  table  upon  the  dais,  and  he  had  an 
extra  bedroom  for  guests.  College  funds  ordinarily  were  stored 
in  a  large  oaken  chest,  strapped  with  iron  bands  and  with 
several  different  locks  requiring  to  open  it  the  simultaneous 
presence  of  several  officials,  each  with  his  own  key.  The  com- 
mon seal,  the  charters,  royal  letters-patent  and  similar  valuables 
were  guarded  in  the  same  manner.  For  the  safe-keeping  of 
these  chests  a  special  strong  room  was  required,  and  in  Peter- 
house  this  was  above  the  buttery,  and  the  chests  had  three  keys 
apiece,  one  held  by  the  master,  one  by  the  senior  dean  and  one 
by-  one  of  the  fellows. 

In  addition  to  the  exterior  western  enclosure  with  outbuild- 
ings, an  irregular  tx-act  of  land,  perhaps  400  feet  by  360,  skirted 
the  buildings  on  the  west  and  south,  and  contained  a  grove 
and  the  dove-cote,  the  observatory,  a  kitchen-garden  and  the 
tennis  court.  This  was  divided  from  the  Coe  Fen  and  the  river 
Cam  by  a  stone  wall  with  a  coping  of  red  brick,  built  in  1501-2 
and  yet,  considerably  patched,  in  existence.  Near  its  south- 
western end  still  may  be  seen  an  ancient  doorway,  evidently  a 
part  of  the  original  wall,  which  gave  access  to  the  fen  and  the 
river,  and  with  which  Brewster  must  have  been  familiar. 

The  earliest  colleges  had  no  private  chapels.  All  students  in 
them  were,  for  the  time  being,  legally  members  of  the  jaarish  in 
which  they  lodged.  As,  at  the  outset,  a  college  was  essentially 
a  religious  community,  most  of  whose  members  were  preparing 
for  holy  orders,  attendance  upon  church  service  was  habitual. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER   AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        271 

and  it  was  important  that  the  college  be  near  a  parish  church. 
This  is  why  Peterhouse  originally  adjoined  the  churchyard  of 
St.  Peter's.  Bishop  Balsham,  uniting  in  himself  the  founder  of 
the  college  and  the  bishop  of  the  diocese,  in  1285  appropriated 
the  livins:  of  St.  Peter's  —  rebuilt  in  1352  and  rededicated  as 
St.  Mary  the  Less  —  to  the  college,  which  was  to  receive  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  living,  and  to  provide  for  the  parish  by  a  parochial 
chaplain  appointed  by  the  master  and  fellows.  The  church  is 
100  feet  long  and  twenty-seven  wide,  without  aisles  or  any 
division  between  nave  and  chancel  excepting  the  base  of  an 
ancient  screen  cut  down  to  the  level  of  the  pews.  In  Brewster's 
time  there  appear  to  have  been  in  it  about  sixty  "  superstitious 
pictures,  some  popes  and  crucifixes,  with  God  the  Father  sitting 
in  a  chair  and  holding  a  globe  in  his  hand,"  which  were  re- 
moved in  1643.  A  side  entrance,  opposite  to  the  easternmost 
passage  from  the  churchyard  into  the  college,  offered  easy  access 
to  the  students.^ 

Such  being  the  belongings  of  Brewster's  own  college,  we  are 
concerned  next  with  those  of  the  university,  whither  he  used  to 
go  for  his  principal  instruction,  in  company  with  the  students 
of  the  thirteen  other  colleges.  These  were  almost  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  north  along  Trumpington  St.,  and  100  feet,  or  so,  down 
a  passage  on  the  left,  known  as  Schools  St.,  or  St.  Mary's  Lane. 
Here  stood  the  Schools  Quadrangle,  begim  in  the  last  quarter 
of  the  fourteenth  century  and  completed  apparently  about  1475, 
a  large,  two-storied  erection  surrounding  a  court.  Externally 
it  was  about  150  feet  in  front  by  100  in  depth,  the  enclosed 
quadrangle  being,  perhaps,  seventy-five  feet  by  fifty.  On  the 
ground  floor  were  a  consistory  on  the  left  and  a  Doctor's  vestry 
on  the  right  of  the  front  entrance,  and  over  them  was  the 
small  library.  The  large  room  on  the  left  side  of  the  quadrangle 
was  devoted  to  the  School  of  Civil  Law,  and  above  it  was  the 
great  library.  The  corresponding  room,  longer,  because  it 
occupied  the  greatest  width  of  the  building,  was  used  by  the 
students  in  Divinity,  and  over  it  was  the  Regent,  or  Senate, 
House,  for  the  meetings  of  the  university  authorities  and  for 

^  The  present  chapel,  in  the  middle  of  the  outer  quadrangle  and  fronting  Trump- 
ington St.,  where  the  old  hostels  have  been  removed,  and  connected  with  the  two 
sides  of  the  quadrangle  by  cloisters,  was  built  in  1628-32. 


272  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

other  important  assemblies.  The  School  of  Logic  occupied  the 
ground  floor  of  the  building  at  the  rear  of  the  quadrangle,  and 
above  it,  at  first,  was  the  "  Humanities,"  or  Terence  School, 
later  devoted  to  Civil  Law,  Greek  and  Rhetoric. 

The  terms  and  studies  of  the  university  remained  as  Eliza- 
beth earlier  had  approved  them.  The  student's  year  began 
on  Oct.  10,  with  the  Michaelmas  term,  continuing  until  the 
Christmas  vacation,  on  Dec.  16.  The  second,  or  Lent,  term 
began  on  Jan.  13  and  extended  until  the  tenth  day  before 
Easter,  which  in  1581  was  Mar.  17.  After  the  Easter  vaca- 
tion, of  three  weeks,  the  Easter  term  began,  on  Apr.  12, 
continuing  twelve  weeks  and  two  days  until  the  Friday  after 
Commencement  Day,  always  the  first  Tuesday  in  July.  The 
day  was  so  named  because  candidates  for  the  higher  degrees  then 
were  said  to  commence  in  those  degrees.  Then  followed  the 
long  vacation  of  three  months. 

The  prescribed  studies  for  the  B.  A.  degree  were  these :  for 
the  first  year.  Rhetoric  ;  for  the  second  and  third  years.  Logic ; 
and  for  the  fourth  year,  Philosophy;  to  be  pursued  in  one's  own 
college  and  by  attendance  at  the  university  lectures.  Further- 
more, during  this  four  years'  course,  the  scholar's  knowledge 
was  to  be  tested  by  two  university  disputations  in  the  public 
schools  and  two  responsions  in  his  own  college. ^  The  Qua- 
drivium,  through  which  the  Bachelor  of  Arts  proceeded  on  his 
way  to  the  M.  A.  degree,  required  the  further  study  of  Philo- 
sophy, with  Astronomy,  Perspective  and  Greek,  and  a  comple- 
tion of  the  college  studies,  with  steady  attendance  upon  all 
disputations  of  Masters  of  Arts  and  with  three  university 
responsions  to  an  opponent  Master  of  Arts,  two  similar  college 
exercises  and  one  college  declamation.  At  this  date,  probably 
some  of  these  later  studies  had  been  pushed  back  into  the  ear- 
lier years.  Masson^  says  that  a  generation  later  Greek  was 
taught  regularly  from  the  beginning. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  the  university  teaching  at  this 
time  were  up  to  the  average  of  those  days  in  excellence.  At 
any  rate,  this  doubt  was  felt  strongly  by  Walter  Travers,  who, 

^  These  less  important  examinations  in  one's  own  college  were  called  the  "  Lit- 
tle-go." 2  Milton,  i :  227. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        273 

six  years  before,  had  spoken  plainly  from  his  own  recent  know- 
ledo-e,  a  testimony  apparently  confirmed  in  the  same  year  by 
Cartwright,  his  probable  translator.    The  two  said  :  ^  — 

That  which  was  most  liberallie  and  bountif ullie  geven  for  the  main- 
tenaunce  off  good  lerning  is  abused  to  riott  and  idlenes  :  That  the 
hiues  for  Bees,  are  become  deus  for  droanes  :  that  They  are  no  more, 
colledges  off  studentes,  but  monasteries  and  cloisters  off  idle  and  snor- 
ing monckes.   .  •  . 

The  vniuersities  ought  to  be  the  seede  and  the  frye  ^  off  the  holie 
ministerie  thorowghe  out  the  realme :  but  now  there  is  scarce  one  sent 
out  into  the  churche  in  many  yeres  that  is  fitte  for  suche  an  office.  It 
ought  in  deede  to  be  like  the  Aple  tres  off  Persia  wheroff  Theophras- 
tus  maketh  mencion :  which  doth  budde,  blossome  and  beare  fruit  at 
all  times  off  the  yere  :  and  bringeth  furth  some  fruit  which  is  allready 
ripe  and  some  other  buddinge,  and  newe  growing  out.  So  the  vniver- 
sities  should  haue  some  allwaies  fitte,  and  as  it  wer  ripe  aUready  to 
take  the  ministery,  ad  some  other  ripening  and  budding  oute  :  but  now 
neither  ripe  fruit  faUethe  from  the  tree,  neither  is  the  blossome  such 
as  declareth  any  plenty  or  store  to  come  hereafter.* 

Probably  Brewster  was  about  entering  his  fifteenth  year  in  the 
early  winter  of  1580  when  he  was  matriculated.*  As  at  Peterhouse 
two  usually  occupied  the  same  rooms,  he  must  have  been  thrown 

^  Full  and  plaine  declar.  iii. 

^  The  word  ''  fry"  means  the  swarm  of  young  fish  just  from  the  eggs  of  the 
spawn,  and  was  used  of  any  immature  growths.  Full  and  plaine  declar.  144,  iii. 
verso. 

^  Mullinger  (ii :  262)  refers  to  this  utterance  as  illustrating  "  the  unfairness  and 
misrepresentation  too  common  among  the  Puritan  writers  of  the  period,"  and 
mentions  a  letter  of  Cox  to  BuUinger  in  1568  (Zur.  Lets.  1 :  208)  and  one  from 
Whitgift  a  few  months  before  Archbishop  Parker's  death  to  him  (Strype,  Parker, 
ii :  326)  declaring  that  Cambridge  alone  since  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign 
had  sent  out  at  least  450  preachers,  while  100  still  remained  there.  Whitgift  how- 
ever does  not  assert,  as  Mullinger  implies,  that  these  were  "  competent  "  preachers. 

*  His  Leyden  afi&davit  (see  p.  505)  fixes  his  birth  in  1566  or  1567,  while  the  uni- 
versity statute  (Statuta  Acad.  Cant.  207)  seems  to  negative  the  latter  year.  He 
could  not  have  been  matriculated  legally  in  1580  unless  born  as  early  as  1566.  If 
his  birthday  had  been  Mar.  25,  1566,  its  New  Year's  Day,  he  still  would  have 
lacked  113  days  of  having  completed  his  "  quartuvi  decimum  annum  "  on  Dec.  3, 
1580.  Yet  apparently  as  much  license  as  that  was  not  uncommon.  John  Cotton 
entered  Trinity,  Cambridge,  at  thirteen ;  John  Davenport  Brasenose,  Oxford,  be- 
fore fourteen ;  John  Norton  Peterhouse  at  fourteen  {Magnalia,  iii :  14,  52,  32) ; 
Francis  Bacon  Trinity,  Cambridge,  at  twelve  years  and  three  months  (Diet.  Nat. 
Biog.  ii ;  328),  and  George  Cranmer  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  at  about  thirteen  (Ath. 
Ox.  i:  700).  Evidently  the  rule  was  disregarded  in  special  cases.  Mullinger  (iv : 
390)  thinks  the  average  age  to  have  been  sixteen. 


274  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

into  intimacy  with  some  fellow-student.  Presumably  it  was  one 
of  longer  standing  than  he.  It  is  likely,  however,  that  by  Brew- 
ster's time,  there  were  in  the  college  one  or  more  professors  to 
instruct  its  members,  so  that  young  students  no  longer  were  de- 
pendent upon  their  more  advanced  companions.  Archbishop 
Parker  said,  in,  or  about,  1564,  in  regard  to  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land and  the  universities  :  ^  — 

Every  one  of  the  colledges  have  their  Professors  of  the  tongues,  and 
of  the  liberal  sciences,  (as  they  call  them,)  which  do  trade  [train]  up 
youth  privately  within  their  halls  ;  to  th'end  they  may  afterward  be 
able  to  go  furth  thence  into  the  common  schools  [the  university  public 
exercises]  as  to  open  disputation,  as  it  were  into  jilain  battail,  there  to 
try  themselfe. 

In  the  common  schools  of  both  the  Universities,  there  are  found  at 
the  King's  charge,  and  that  very  largely,  five  Professors  and  Readers, 
that  is  to  say,  the  Reader  of  Divinity,  the  Reader  of  the  Civil  Law,  the 
Reader  of  Physick,  the  Reader  of  the  Hebrew  tongue,  and  the  Reader 
of  the  Greek  tongue. 

And  for  the  other  Professors,  as  of  Philosophy,  of  Logique,  of 
Rhetorick,  and  of  the  Mathematicks,  the  Universities  themselves  do 
allow  stipends  unto  them.  And  these  Professors  have  the  ruling  of 
the  disputations,  and  other  school  exercises,  which  be  daily  used  in 
[these]  common  schools. 

The  daily  routine  would  be  much  as  follows.  At  five  A.  M., 
on  the  ringing  of  the  college  bell,  the  student  would  repair  to 
Little  St.  Mary's  to  morning  service,  followed  sometimes  by  a 
short  homily  from  one  of  the  fifteen  fellows,  the  exercises  last- 
ing about  an  hour.  The  regular  labors  ^  of  the  day  then  would 
follow  —  the  various  studies  pursued  within  the  college  walls  ; 
and  the  imiversity  exercises,  in  the  Schools  building,  lectures  by 
the  university  professors,  or  public  disputations.  At  ten  or 
eleven  o'clock  they  dined  ^  in  the  hall.  The  meal  consisted  of  a 
joint  of  roast  beef,  mutton  or  veal,  varied  now  and  then  by 

^  Strype,  Parker,  iii :   111. 

2  Probably  the  old  custom  of  having  no  breakfast  still  continued.  Lever  de- 
scribes this  (Arber's  reprint,  1871,  122)  at  Paul's  Cross  in  1550.  See  also  Stat. 
Acad.  Cantab.  265. 

^  Clearly  a  change  of  the  dinner  hour  from  10  to  11  A.  M.  occurred  about  this 
time,  and  not  to  make  room  for  breakfast  but  so  that  they  "  might  lye  in  bed  the 
longer."  It  was  more  than  a  century  later  that  the  dinner  hour  was  pushed  along 
to  twelve.   Wordsv/orth,  Soc.  Life  at  Eng.  Univs.  in  18th  Cent.  124. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        276 

boiled  meat  "  hauyng  a  fewe  porage  made  of  the  brotlie  of  the 
same  byefe,  wyth  salte  and  otemell,  and  nothynge  els."  On 
Fridays  they  had  only  fish.  At  Peterhouse  it  was  prescribed  as 
early  as  1344  that  a  passage  of  Scripture  should  be  read  aloud 
by  a  Bible-clerk  while  the  eating  proceeded.  This  custom  still 
was  in  force  in  1629  ^  and  must  have  formed  a  part  of  Brewster's 
daily  experience.  After  dinner  there  would  be  some  declamation 
or  dispute,  and  then,  excepting  for  evening  prayers  in  St.  Mary's 
and  supper  at  five  o'clock,  "  not  much  better  then  theyr  dyner," 
the  students  were  their  own  masters,  with  restrictions.^ 

Excepting  sizars  on  errands,  they  could  go  out  into  the  town 
only  by  special  leave,  and  accompanied  by  a  tutor  or  a  Master 
of  Arts  ;  nor  could  they  even  converse  with  each  other  except- 
ing in  Latin,  French,  Greek  or  Hebrew.  All  but  fellows  were 
required  to  wear  gowns  of  prescribed  stuff  and  pattern,  reach- 
ing to  the  ankles,  and  round  caps.  Fellows  wore  square  caps. 
They  could  not  frequent  taverns,  courts,  boxing-matches,  skittle- 
grounds,  dances,  bear-fights  or  cocking-mains.  They  were  for- 
bidden to  go  to  Sturbridge  Fair.  They  could  not  loiter  about 
the  markets  or  highways.  They  might  not  bathe  in  the  Cam.^ 
They  were  prohibited  from  frequenting  dice-houses  and  from 
playing  with  dice,*  and  could  play  cards  only  during  twelve 
days  after  Christmas,  and  then  only  moderately  and  at  a  proper 
time  in  the  hall.  Boating,  football  and  cricket  were  not  uni- 
versity sports,  but  archery  was  encouraged  ^  at  Peterhouse.  All 
infractions  of  these  statutes  subjected  the  offender,  if  a  younger 
student,  to  corporal  punishment ;  if  an  adult,.^  to  a  fine,  or,  for 
the  graver  offences,  to  be  discommonsed  —  i.  e.,  shut  out  of  the 
dining-hall  —  to  be  set  in  the  college  stocks,  or  to  be  expelled. 

1  Atidit  Book,  1628-29. 

2  Masson,  i:  112-116.    Wordsworth,  Soc.  Life,  438. 

^  A  regulation  of  1571  condemned  any  Bachelor  of  Arts  caught  bathing  in  Cam- 
bridge to  the  stocks  in  his  college  hall  for  a  whole  day.  Later,  and  perhaps  at 
this  time,  there  was  a  "  cold-bath  much  frequented  by  the  students  "  in  the  "  Gar- 
den of  Peterhouse." 

*  Masson  was  misled  in  representing  (i:  113)  that  dice  were  permissible  at  about 
Christmas.    The  language  of  the  statute  (xlvii),  "  alere  nulla  tempore,"  is  definite. 

»  "  Butts  are  mentioned  at  Peterhouse  in  1.588-89,  and  again  in  1613." 

^  MuUinger,  i :  369.  Only  persons  eighteen  or  more  years  old  were  considered 
adults. 


276  THE  PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Such  was  the  system.  By  its  very  strictness  it  prepares  us  to 
learn  that,  during  the  ten  years  since  these  statutes  had  been 
enacted,  the  officials  had  weakened  steadily  in  enforcing  them, 
while  the  daily  habit  of  the  place  had  relaxed  their  stringency 
still  further.  Two  years  before  Brewster's  membershijj  the  au- 
thorities found  much  fault  with  the  students'  "  excessive  ruffs," 
"  apparell  of  velvet  and  silk,"  and  "  swords  and  rapiers  ;  "  and 
insisted  that  there  was  danger  that  the  university  "  shall  become 
rather  a  storehouse  for  a  staple  of  prodigall,  wastfull,  ryotous, 
unlerned,  and  insufficient  persons."  ^ 

Of  the  studies  which  the  new  student  pursued  we  have  a  fair 
knowledge.  In  Rhetoric,  to  which  the  first  year  was  especially 
assigned,  the  lectures  and  instruction  were  founded  upon  Quin- 
tilian,  Hermogenes  and  the  orations  of  Cicero.  The  statutes  of 
Elizabeth  had  made  such  modifications  that  Grammar  —  i.e., 
the  Latin  ^  language  as  acquired  by  the  study  of  Terence,  Pris- 
cian,  Boethius,  Donatus,  Virgil  or  Ovid,  with  some  training  in 
verse  composition  —  was  left  to  the  preparatory  schools.  But  the 
requirement  that  it  be  used  in  the  quadrangle  and  even  on  the 
street  insured  a  facile,  if  not  necessarily  elegant,  command  of  it. 
Greek  had  fallen  almost  into  disuse  at  Cambridge.^  In  the  very 
year  of  Brewster's  matriculation  "  the  knowledge  of  the  lan- 
guage in  the  former  home  of  Ascham  and  Cheke  *  had  become 
almost  extinct."^  But,  as  Bradford  testifies  distinctly^  that 
Brewster  at  Cambridge  gained  "  some  insight  in  ye  Greeke,"  he 
must  have  done  his  best  with  such  facilities  as  he  found.  The  rule 
of  Elizabeth "  required  that  the  Greek  professor  interpret  Homer, 
Isocrates,  Demosthenes  and  Euripides,  "  ant  alium  ex  antiquiori- 
bus,^^  but  that  evidently  was  an  ideal,  rather  than  an  actual, 
practice. 

Mathematics,  which  had  taken  the  place  of  Latin,  also  had 
been  dropped  for  the  most  part ;  although  a  student  could  hear 

1  MuUing-er,  ii :  393. 

2  Wordsworth,  Schol.  Acad.  83. 

3  MuUinger,  ii :  402.  The  same  was  true  in  Italy.  Hallara,  Lit.  Eur.  (ed.  1S39) 
iii :  3. 

*  St.  John's.  But  this  hardly  could  have  been  true  of  one  college  without  being 
measurably  true  of  all. 

5  Peck,  Desiderata  Curiosa,  328.    Hallam,  Zit,  Eur.  i :  321,  n.    MuUinger,  ii :  420. 

6  Hist.  409.  7  Stats.  Acad.  Cantab.  228. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND    UNIVERSITY   LIFE        277 

lectures  based  upon  the  "  Practica  Arithmetiee  "  of  Jerome  Car- 
danus,  and  the  "  De  Arte  Supputandi "  of  Cuthbert  TunstalL 
In  Geometry  he  might  have  the  definitions,  axioms  and  a  few 
of  the  easiest  propositions  of  Euclid. ^  So  far  as  he  was  taught 
Astronomy,  it  was  in  the  old  system  from  the  "  Ahnagest  "  of 
Ptolemy ;  while  for  cosmical  and  geographical  intelligence  he 
still  would  be  remanded  to  the  "  Timaeus  "  of  Plato  and  the 
ancient  notions  of  Strabo,  Pliny  and  Pomponius  Mela.  It  was 
not  only  permitted  but  quite  common  for  the  younger  students 
to  attend  the  free  lectures  of  the  later  years.  Thus  Sir  Simon 
D'Ewes,  who  spent  only  two  years  and  a  part  of  the  third  at  St. 
John's,  Cambridge,  was  in  the  habit,^ 

while  yet  but  a  freshman,  of  attending  at  the  Divinity  professor's  lec- 
tures, and  also  at  the  Divinity  Acts  in  the  schools.  He  also  attended 
the  public  lectures  of  old  Downes  in  Greek  (Demosthenes's  "  De  Co- 
rona "  being  the  subject)  and  of  Herbert,  the  poet,  in  Rhetoric. 

It  is  likely  that  the  Scrooby  lad  broadened  his  base  of  study  to 
some  extent  in  the  same  manner. 

It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that,  at  fifteen  and  sixteen,  he  was  in- 
different to  recreation.  Although  the  general  tone  of  his  sub- 
sequent manhood  suggests  that,  even  then,  his  was  a  serious 
nature,  one  cannot  doubt  that  he  shared  in  all  the  manly  and 
honest  English  fun  of  the  place.  Undoubtedly  he  subsidized 
whatever  was  at  hand  within  his  college  —  the  garden,  the  ten- 
nis court  and  the  archery  ground,  etc.  He  sauntered  by  the 
observatory  through  the  gateway,  even  then  ancient,  to  the  Coe 
Fen  and  the  Cam.  Duly  authorized,  he  strolled  about  the  town 
and  looked  up  the  other  colleges.  And  he  must  have  rambled 
off.  three  or  four  miles  to  the  northwest,  to  Madingley,  with  its 
fine  old  hall ;  or,  almost  as  far  northeast  to  Sturbridge,  which 
offered  the  different  attractions  of  the  greatest  fair  in  Ensrland 
and  the  disused  chapel  of  an  ancient  hospital  for  lepers;  or 
southeast  to  Trumpington  and  the  Gog-Magog  hills,  crowned  by 
the  ruins  of  an  ancient  camp  with  a  triple  entrenchment ;  or 
southwest  to  Grantchester,  possibly  the  old  Roman  station  of 

1  The  Elements  of  Geometry  .  .  .  of  Eudide  {now  first)  translated  into  the  English 
toung,  by  H.  Billingsley,  1570. 

2  Masson,  i :  228. 


278  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

the  neighborhood.    But  he  took  care  to  return  before  eight  in 
winter  and  nine  in  summer/  when  the  gates  were  locked. 

Although  the  ceremony  of  "  salting  "  the  freshmen  had  been 
forbidden  ten  years  before,  such  college  customs  die  hard  ;  and 
probably  youthful  ingenuity  had  invented  a  substitute  not  differ- 
ing much  from  the  original.  Very  likely  Brewster  underwent  the 
discipline,  as  Bacon  did  at  Trinity  seven  years  before,  and  the 
Earl  of  Essex  at  the  same  college  three  years  still  earlier.^  At 
'  Oxford  the  freshmen  were  seated  upon  benches  in  the  hall  before 
their  senior  undergraduates,  and  were  called  upon,  one  by  one, 
to  mount  the  table  and  "  speake  some  pretty  apothegme,  or  make 
a  jest  or  bull,  or  speake  some  eloquent  nonsense  to  make  the 
company  laugh."  The  self-possessed  and  quick-witted,  who  did 
well,  were  rewarded  with  plenty  of  beer  or  sack.  Others  had  to 
swallow  large  draughts  of  heavily  salted  water,  or  "  cawdel." 
This  was  "  salting."  "  Tucking "  followed,  the  drawing  blood 
from  the  chin,  or  under  lip,  by  the  sharp  finger-nail  of  some 
upper-class  man.  All  ended  with  the  administration,  by  the 
senior  cook,  to  all  newcomers  of  an  oath  sworn  upon  an  old 
shoe,  which  each  was  required  to  kiss  reverently.  The  only  frag- 
ment of  this  formula  remaining  is  this  :  — 

Item  tu  jurabis,  quod  j^enniless  bench  non  visltabis.^ 

The  costs  fell  upon  the  freshmen  and  were  charged  in  the  tutor's 
accounts.* 

Probably  during  Brewster's  residence  at  Peterhouse  he  also 
witnessed,  in  some  college,  another  form  of  amusement  which 
found  favor  occasionally  with  both  the  authorities  and  the  stu- 
dents.   At  least  as  early  as  1536,^  the  "  Plutus  "  of  Aristopiianes 

^  Stats.  Acad.  Cantab.  269.  The  winter  is  defined  as  extending-  from  Sept.  29  to 
Mar.  2.5,  the  renaainder  of  the  year  being  summer. 

-  Among  his  expenses  (Cooper,  Annals,  ii :  352-356)  is  this  in  midsummer,  1577  : 
"  Item,  for  my  Lord  at  the  saltinge,  according  to  the  custome,  vijs." 

■5  An  Oxford  oath  —  no  doubt  Cambridge  had  its  equivalent  —  and  the  "  penni- 
less bench  "  was  a  seat  for  loungers  under  a  wooden  canopy  at  the  east  end  of  old 
Carfax  Church,  notorious  as  the  "  idle  corner  "  of  Oxford. 

*  The  student  had  to  carry  with  him  his  year's  supply,  which  usually  was  lodged 
in  his  tutor's  hands  and  doled  out  to  him.  Whitgift  was  Bacon's  tutor,  and  from 
his  accounts  we  learn  what  the  ceremony  cost  the  young  philosopher. 

5  Mullinger,  ii :  73,  75,  430-431,  319,  431.  As  to  the  "  mysteries  "  and  "  morali- 
ties" of  those  days  in  England,  see  Hallam,  Lit,  Eur.  i :  346  (ed.  1830). 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        279 

was  performed  at  St.  John's  during  Christmas  week.  The  play 
was  a  favorite  weapon  of  the  Reformers  when  Christendom  was 
straining  to  free  itself  from  the  bondage  of  the  Pope.  In  the 
sixteenth  century  the  "  Pammachius  "  of  Thomas  Kirchmayer, 
which  abounds  in  invective  against  Romish  superstitions,  was 
translated  into  English,  and  it  was  acted  during  Lent  in  1545 
at  Christ's  College.  In  1586  John  Smyth,iat  Great  St.  Mary's, 
inveighed  against  the  custom  of  having  plays  in  the  colleges  on 
not  only  Saturday,  but  even  on  Sunday,  evenings.  In  the  ac- 
counts and  audit-books  of  the  several  colleges  there  is  corrobora- 
tive proof  of  this  play-acting,  and  evidence  that,  in  1571-72,  a 
comedy  was  performed  in  the  hall  at  Peterhouse  which  it  took 
twelve  pounds  of  candles  to  light  up.  In  Brewster's  day  the 
students  also  resorted  sometimes  to  the  inns,  where  plays  were 
performed  whose  remote  relation  to  decorum  rendered  them 
inadmissible  to  the  colleges. 

PerhajDS  the  Commencement  exercises  also  may  be  regarded 
as  entertaining  to  the  student  just  closing  his  freshman  year, 
and  merely  a  spectator.  In  1581  they  were  on  Tuesday,  July  4.^ 
The  evening  before  and  the  day  itself  ^  were  the  chief  occasions 
of  the  year,  and  Cambridge  was  full  of  visitors  and  fat  with 
feasts.  The  principal  event  was  the  conferring  of  the  higher 
degrees  *  —  M.  A.,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  etc.  From  early  morning  till 
late  afternoon  of  the  day  before,  and  during  much  of  the  day 
itself,  there  were  disputations  in  Theology,  Philosophy,  and,  usu- 
ally. Civil  Law,  Medicine  and  Music,  in  crowded  Great  St.  Mary's. 
Each  debate  was  opened  by  a  Respondent,  and  carried  on  by 

^  It  is  at  least  doubtful  whether  this  were  the  Separatist  of  Gainsborough  and 
Amsterdam.  MuUinger  asserts  it  (ii :  319),  but  Prof.  Scheffer  thinks  that  the 
Cambridg-e  life  of  the  famous  se-Baptist  was  later,  in  1586-93.    Ms.  letter. 

2  This  account  is  condensed  mainly  from  Masson's  record,  i :  139-144. 

^  Called  the  Vesperiae  Comitiorum  and  the  Dies  Comitiorum. 

*  The  conferring;  of  the  degree  of  B.  A.  did  not,  as  with  us,  occur  at  Com- 
mencement, but  earlier  {Stats,  ii.).  At  the  beginning  of  the  Lent  term,  the  twelfth 
of  residence  and  study,  the  quadrennium  of  undergraduateship  closed  and  the 
scholar  was  ready  to  commence  B.  A.  Having  fulfilled  the  formalities,  he  then 
was  declared  by  the  Proctor  a  Bachelor  of  Arts,  entitled  to  date  back  his  admis- 
sion to  that  degree  to  the  beginning  of  the  current  year.  In  Milton's  time,  a  gen- 
eration later  than  Brewster's,  Masson  says  (i :  140)  that  usually  there  would  be 
between  200  and  300  candidates  for  the  M.  A.,  from  two  or  three  to  twelve  or  fif- 
teen for  the  D.  D.,  and  fewer  still  for  the  others. 


■280  THE  PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Opponents.  There  also  was,  specially  connected  with  the  philo- 
sophical disputes,  a  praevaricatoy\  or  varier,^  who  indidged  in 
drolleries  and  hits  at  the  Dons.  By  the  aid  of  his  waggery  the 
irrepressible  desire  to  make  a  noise  found  excuse  and  vent. 
Wordsworth  ^  has  printed  one  of  these  speeches  from  the  origi- 
nal of  1631,  and,  although  one  cannot  now  unravel  all  the 
tangles  of  its  allusions,  evidently  many  sentences  must  have 
brought  down  the  house.  Frequently,  also,  there  was  something 
mirth-provoking  in  the  mere  subject  of  a  grave  discussion. 

Thus  in  1615,  at  a  sort  of  extemporized  Commencement  for 
the  entertainment  of  King  James  I.,^  the  thesis  argued  in  phi- 
losophy was :  Whether  dogs  could  make  syllogisms.  The  king 
was  about  equally  fond  of  dialectics  and  of  hunting,  and  he 
listened  eagerly.  Matthew  Wren,  then  just  thirty  —  to  be 
Bishop  of  Hereford,  Norwich  and  Ely  —  and  John  Preston  — 
twenty-eight,  to  become  a  Puritan,  to  recant  and  to  serve  as 
chaplain  of  Prince  Charles,  preacher  at  Lincoln's  Inn  and  Mas- 
ter of  Emanuel  College  —  were  the  disputants.  Preston  opened 
in  the  affirmative  :  — 

The  major  proposition  present  in  the  mind  of  a  harrier  is  this : 
The  hare  has  gone  either  this  way,  or  that  way  ; 

With  his  nose  he  smells  out  the  minor  proposition  : 
He  has  not  gone  that  way ; 

Whence  he  concludes : 
Ergo,  this  way  —  with  open  mouth. 

This  was  applauded.  Whereupon  the  opponent,  Wren,  put 
himseK  to  his  distinctions  :  — 

Dogs  may  have  sagacity,  hut  not  sapience ;  specially  in  things  con- 
cerning their  belly,  may  he  nasutuli  non  logici ; 

It  is  easy  to  see  that : 
This  dog  has  place  under  this  category  : 

Whence  it  follows : 
Ergo,  this  harrier  does  not  muke  a  syllogism. 

Preston  was  hastening  to  put  his  argument  into  another  form, 

^  So  called  from  his  varying  the  question  by  a  play  upon  its  words  or  a  trans- 
position of  its  terms. 

2  Schol.  Acad.  275-286.  8  Nichols,  iii :  58. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  AND   UNIVERSITY   LIFE        281 

when  the  moderator  stopped  him  and  silenced  both.  "Where- 
upon the  king  spoke  forth  :  — 

I  had  myself  a  dog,  that  .  .  .  had  light  upon  a  very  fresh  scent, 
but  considering  that  he  was  all  alone,  and  had  none  to  second  and  as- 
sist him  in  it,  observes  the  place  and  goes  away  unto  liis  fellows,  and 
.  .  .  prevailed  with  a  party  of  them  to  go  along  with  him,  and  bring- 
ing them  unto  the  place,  piu*sued  it  imto  an  open  view. 

Then  he  begged  to  know  what  better  the  moderator  could 
have  done,  and  desired  him  to  think  either  better  of  his  dogs 
or  not  so  highly  of  himself ! 

Usually  it  was  two  or  three  P.  M.  when  these  Acts  and  Re- 
sponsions  were  finished.  The  ceremonies  of  graduation  in  the 
Arts  followed,  ten  or  a  dozen  of  the  Inceptors  of  King's  Col- 
lege being  attended  to  first.  Then  the  Proctor  said  :  "  Rcliqui 
expectahunt  creationem  in  scholis  philosophicis,^^  and  the  re- 
maining 200,  or  so,  crossed  the  street  to  the  Schools  building 
and  were  graduated  more  rapidly.  The  candidates  for  the  degree 
of  D.  D.  had  been  admitted  at  noon,  and  the  Doctors  of  Law 
and  of  Physic  followed  the  Masters  of  Arts ;  so  that,  by  about 
five  o'clock,  all  were  ready  for  the  closing  hymn,  after  which 
they  dispersed  to  that  "  havoc  of  meat  and  wine  "  with  which, 
when  the  day  was  over,  its  fatigue  was  repaired. 


CHAPTER   II 

GLIMPSES   OF   PUBLIC    SERVICE 

Probably  Brewster  had  not  seen  his  home  between  his  Decem- 
ber entrance  at  Cambridge  and  his  July  departure.  Commence- 
ment over,  doubtless  he  stai'ted  at  once  for  Yorkshire,  by  the 
Great  North  Road,  which  ran  directly  by  the  entrance  to  the 
old  manor-house  and  not  more  than  nine  or  ten  miles  west  of 
Cambridge.  His  route  would  have  lain  westerly,  by  Madingley 
and  Hardwicke  and  through  St.  Neots,  to  Caxton,  fifty  miles 
from  London  and  ninety-seven  from  Scrooby,  and  then,  turning 
North,  through  Godmanchester,  Huntingdon  and  Stilton,  to 
Stamford  and  thence,  by  way  of  South  Witham,  Grantham, 
Newark  and  Tuxford  to  his  own  home-country  and  his  father's 
door.  The  journey  must  have  taken  two  or  three  days,  accord- 
ing to  the  state  of  the  roads  which  usually  were  very  bad.  A 
speed  of  above  four  miles  an  hour  probably  was  exceptional. 

Stamford  had  been  brought  into  a  certain  rivalry  with  both 
Cambridge  and  Oxford.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  HI.  the  lec- 
tures of  the  Carmelites  on  di\nnity  and  the  liberal  arts  led  to 
the  erection  of  colleges  there,  and  it  became  celebrated  as  a 
place  of  education.  It  is  even  declared  that  the  buildings  were 
magnificent  and  nearly  a  mile  in  circumference.^  In  the  four- 
teenth century  disturbances  occurred  at  Oxford,  which  issued 
in  the  migration  of  many  scholars  to  Stamford,  with  some  from 
Cambridge.  This  led  to  a  royal  mandate  in  the  seventh  year 
of  Edward  III.,  ordering  all  such  students  to  return  ;  ^  so  that 
now  some  remnants  of  old  buildings  are  all  that  Stamford  has 
to  show  for  this  phase  of  its  life. 

^  Peck,  Antiq.  Annals  of  Stamford,  viii :  44  ;  x  :   3. 

2  Mulling-er,  i :  135,  n.  Merlin  had  prophesied  long  before  :  Doctrinae  Studium 
quod  nuTic  viget  at  Vada  Bourn  [Ox  ford]  tempore  venturo  celelrabitur  ad  Vada 
Saxi  [Stone  ford,  or  Stamford]. 


GLIMPSES   OF   PUBLIC   SERVICE  283 

Newark  also  had  much  to  interest  him.  An  old  Norman 
stronghold,  dating  back  to  Egbert,  king  of  the  West  Saxons, 
rebuilt  in  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth  century  ancVstiU  further 
reconstructed  100  years  later,  it  long  was  known  as  the  key  of 
the  North.  The  church  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  with  its  beauti- 
ful tower,  crowned  with  an  octagonal  spire,  223  feet  high,  was 
accounted  then,  as  it  is  now,  one  of  the  finest,  as  well  as  largest, 
of  parish  churches.  And  the  shapely  Beaumond  Cross,  ahnost 
100  years  old,  then  adorned,  as  it  still  adorns,  the  market-place. 
Although  his  route  did  not  lie  through  any  specially  picturesque 
districts,  it  did  not  lack  many  scenes  of  quiet  rural  loveliness. 

Whether  Brewster  went  back  to  Peterhouse  in  October  is 
uncertain,  although  the  presumption  that  he  did  so  is  strong. 
Bradford's  "  History  "  supplies  some  indirect  and  vague  testi- 
mony, and  some  whose  directness  is  scarcely  less  vague.  It  states 
that  "  he  spent  some  small  time  at  Cambridge,"  ^  and  attained 
some  learning,  viz.  :  the  knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue  and 
"  some  insight  "  into  the  Greek,  and  that  then  and  there  he  was 
"  first  seasoned  "  with  the  "  seeds  of  grace  and  vertue,"  after 
which  he  went  to  the  Court  and  served  "  that  religious  and  godly 
gentleman,  Mr.  Davison." 

The  phrase  "  some  small  time,"  taken  absolutely,  may  mean 
but  a  part  of  one  year :  while,  taken  relatively  to  the  frequent 
periods  of  seven,  and,  in  some  cases,  twelve,  fourteen,  or  even 
nineteen  years  spent  at  the  university,  it  may  mean  more  than 
one  year,  or  even  than  two  or  three  years.  The  author  of  a 
modern  memoir  of  Brewster  says  :  ^  — 

How  long  Brewster  remained  at  Cambridge  University  is  unde- 
fined ;  but,  considering  the  many  years  usually  passed  there,  and  his 
probable  age  on  leaving,  the  time  indefinitely  expressed  in  his  friend's 
memoir,  may  imply  a  period  sufficiently  long,  though  not  longer  than, 
to  take  his  first  degree. 

This  implication  is  not  probable.  Had  Brewster  taken  his  B.  A., 
there  is  no  reason  why  the  fact  should  not  hav3  place  upon 
the  uriiversity  records.  And,  in  view  of  the  exaggerated  respect 
then  paid  to  such  honors  and  of  the  poverty  of  the  Plymouth 
Colony  in  that  regard^  it  is  incredible,  if  Brewster  had  taken 
1  409.  2  A.  Steele.  Chief  of  Pilgs.  42. 


284  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

his  first  degree,  tliat  Bradford,  who  must  have  known  it,  should 
not  have  mentioned  tlie  fact.  Furthermore,  if  Bradford  were 
aware  that  the  period  of  Brewster's  stay  at  Cambridge  was  less 
than  the  first  year,  already  abridged  by  sixty  days  because  of 
the  lateness  of  his  entrance,  would  he  not  have  said  "  a  few 
months  "  ?  As  large  preparation  in  Latin  preceded  entrance, 
little  light  shines  from  Bradford's  words  about  Latin  and  Greek. 
As  we  have  seen,  the  statutes  assigned  to  the  first  year,  mainly, 
Rhetoric  ;  to  the  second  and  third  Logic  ;  and  to  the  fourth  Phi- 
losophy. So  that,  had  he  stayed  through  the  entire  twelve  terms 
preceding  the  Bachelor's  degree,  even  then  he  would  have  spent 
but  little  time  with  his  classics. 

Nor  can  we  gain  a  conclusive  hint  from  any  custom  of  leav- 
ing at  one  time  more  than  another  on  the  part  of  those  who 
abridged  the  full  course.  Many  did  leave  thus.^  Oliver  Crom- 
well went  from  Sidney  Sussex,  after  a  year  there.  Both  Anthony 
and  Francis  Bacon  migrated  to  Gray's  Inn  from  Trinity  at 
Christmas,  1575,  having  been  matriculated  in  June  two  years 
before.  Each  man's  case  was  a  law  unto  itself.  We  therefore 
are  forced  to  inquire  whether  we  can  discover  any  suggestion  of 
one  tiaie  rather  than  another  as  the  probable  date  of  Brewster's 
leaving  Cambridge.  Bradford,  without  actually  saying  so, 
seems  to  imply  that  he  went  from  Peterhouse  into  the  service  of 
Sir  William  Davison.  Of  course,  Brewster  might  have  left  for 
some  other  cause  and  have  entered  Davison's  employ  subse- 
quently. But,  had  he  left  the  university  for  any  other  reason, 
probably  Bradford  would  have  intimated  it. 

Bradford  says  that  Brewster  "  served  .  .  .  Mr.  Davison, 
diverce  years,  when  he  was  Secretary  of  State."  But,  as  Davi- 
son was  not  yet  Secretary  of  State  when  employed  in  the  Low 
Countries  in  the  manner,  as  Bradford  goes  on  ■  especially  to 
name,  with  which  Brewster  was  associated,  and,  as  he  held  that 
office  less  than  six  months,  it  is  plain  that  Bradford's  reminis- 
cences, written  many  years  afterwards,  can  be  relied  upon  only 

^  From  the  lists  given  by  Masters  {Hist.  Corp.  Chris.  Coll.  Last  app.  1-54)  it 
seems  that  nearly  or  quite  thirty  per  cent  of  all  matriculated  there  up  to  almost 
1750  left  before  taking  a  degree,  and  nothing-  seems  to  indicate  that  Corpus  was 
exceptional  in  this  respect.    See  Masson,  Milton,  i :   101. 


GLIMPSES   OF  PUBLIC   SERVICE  285 

for  general  trustworthiness.  We  therefore  must  inquire,  further, 
whether  there  were  any  occurrences  in  Davison's  life  such  as  to 
suggest  one  time  rather  than  another  for  that  transfer  of  Brew- 
ster from  Cambridge  to  his  employ  which  Bradford  indicates ; 
or  any  circumstances  which  may  have  led  to  an  acquaintance 
prompting  the  elder  man  to  seek,  and  the  younger  to  consent 
to,  the  friendly  relation  which  followed. 

William  Davison  ^  first  emerges  to  notice  in  June,  1566,  as 
private  secretary  to  Sir  Henry  KiUigrew,  who  was  sent  from 
the  English  court  to  Scotland.^  Killigrew  was  back  and  forth 
often  during  the  next  ten  years.  But  whether  Davison  were 
attached  to  him  personally  or  remained  with  the  English  lega- 
tion in  Edinburgh  does  not  appear.  At  any  rate,  in  or  about 
1570,  he  married  Katharine,  daughter  of  Francis  Spelman,  of 
Norfolk,  an  alliance  which  brought  him  into  near  relations  with 
the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Lord  Burghley,  Sir  Philip  Sidney  and 
Lord  Bacon. 

On  Aug.  17,  1575,  Killigrew  urged  that  Davison  be  sent 
to  Scotland  as  ambassador,  and  early  in  1576  the  latter  was 
sent  to  the  Low  Comitries  to  report  on  the  prospect  of  a  perma- 
nent peace  between  Spain  and  Holland,  and  on  Aug.  2,  1577, 
he  was  appointed  resident  English  agent  at  Antwerp.  He  made 
himself  most  acceptable  to  the  States  of  Holland,  and,  on  their 
appeal  for  a  loan  he  engaged  to  obtain  it ;  and  in  May,  1579, 
he  seems  to  have  secured  them  £50,000.  At  about  that  time  he 
received  the  reversion  of  the  place  of  Clerk  of  the  Treasury  and 
Warrants  and  Custos  Brevium  of  the  King's  Bench,  from 
which  he  gained  no  benefit,  however,  until  the  next  reign.^ 

Early  in  1583,  when  it  was  learned  that  La  Motte  Fenelon, 
a  French  envoy,  was  on  his  way  to  Scotland  to  arrange  an  alli- 
ance between  James  and  the  French,  Davison  was  sent  to  Edin- 
burgh with  Robert  Bowes  to  counteract  the  scheme.  Apparent 
success  attended  this  embassy,  and  Davison  went  back  to  Lon- 
don in  May.    But  the  circumstances  which  promoted  the  rising 

^  Two  facts  suggest  his  bumble  origin  :  1.  that,  in  his  later  years  becoming  an 
expert  genealogist,  he  seems  to  have  written  no  genealogy  of  his  own  family  ;  2. 
that  he  received  a  grant  of  arms,  which  implies  that  he  inherited  none. 

'^  Memoirs  of  Sir  Jas.  Melvill,  314. 

3  July  2.3,  1607.   Harl.  Ms.  830:  115. 


286  THE  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

of  the  Earl  of  Gowrle  and  the  evidently  growing  strength  of 
the  French  interest  in  Scotland  led  to  Davison's  recall.  He 
was  there  in  May  and  June,  1584,  and  in  September  he  returned 
to  London. 

,We  now  have  reached  the  first  probable  date  for  the  begin- 
ning of  acquaintance  between  him  and  young  Brewster.  If 
Brewster  had  remained  at  Peterhouse  for  three  years,  he  would 
have  gone  home  to  Scrooby  in  July,  1583,  so  that  probably  he 
would  have  been  at  the  manor-house  when  Davison  might  have 
paused  there  on  one  of  his  journeys.  Brewster,  then  some  seven- 
teen or  eighteen  years  old,  must  have  been  an  attractive  young 
man.  So  that  we  have  but  to  sujDpose  the  envoy  to  have  rested 
for  a  night  at  Scrooby,  and  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  two  might 
have  been  drawn  together  in  the  most  natural  way.  And,  had 
Davison  just  then  been  in  want  of  such  a  helper  as  Brewster 
seemed  likely  to  become,  and  had  the  young  man  and  his 
parents  felt  the  not  uncommon  desire  that  he  might  obtain  some 
post  of  honorable  service  under  the  government,  it  may  have 
seemed  wise  for  him  to  abandon  the  remainder  of  his  university 
career  and  go  up  to  the  Court  in  the  employ  of  so  true  a  patriot, 
so  sagacious  a  statesman  and  so  religious  a  man  as  Davison  was 
understood  to  be. 

Of  course,  other  ways  of  entrance  upon  the  life  which  followed 
are  within  conjecture.  His  tutor  at  Cambridge  may  have  moved 
in  the  matter.  The  Archbishop  of  York,  whom  his  father  was 
serving  and  whose  occasional  visits  to  Scrooby  must  have  made 
him  acquainted  with  the  youth,  may  have  suggested  his  advance- 
ment. But,  in  the  lack  of  positive  knowledge,  and  even  of  sug- 
gestion, the  foregoing  hypothesis  seems  possible  and  natural, 
and  therefore  reasonable.  At  all  events,  the  autumn  of  1583 
and  the  following  winter  seem  to  have  seen  Brewster  in  London 
as  a  member  of  Davison's  household. 

But  in  what  precise  capacity  ?  As  to  this  some  writers  seem 
to  have  been  misled.^    It  cannot  be  assumed  fairly  that  a  young 

1  Jeremy  Belknap,  who  wrote  100  years  ago  {Amer.  Biog.  ii :  253),  represents 
Brewster  as  receiving  the  gold  chain.  Steele  uniformly  regards  him  as  holding 
"  office,"  and  as  in  a  place  of  "  high  trust,"  apparently  as  a  sort  of  deputy 
under  Davison  (51-99).  Hon.  W.  T.  Davis  said  in  the  Boston  Advertiser,  Dec.  29, 
1885  :   "  The  fact  is  that  William  Brewster  was  secretary  of  William  Davison,  who 


GLIMPSES   OF   PUBLIC   SERVICE  287 

man  who  still  lacked  three  or  four  years  of  his  majorit}^  without 
full  education,  and  whose  social  position  could  not  make  special 
claim  for  public  advancement,  would  have  been  appointed  deputy 
clerk  of  the  Privy  Council  or  assistant  Secretary  of  State.  Brad- 
ford, still  our  sole  informant,  says :  ^  — 

He  went  to  y''  Courte,  and  served  that  religious  and  godly  gentleman, 
Mr  Davison,  diverce  years,  when  he  was  Secretary  of  State  ;  who  found 
him  so  discreete  and  faithfuU  as  he  trusted  him  above  all  other  that 
were  aboute  him,  and  only  imployed  him  [employed  him  only]  in  all 
matters  of  greatest  trust  and  secrecie.  He  esteemed  him  rather  as  a 
Sonne  then  a  servante,  and  for  his  wisdom  &  godlines  (in  private)  he 
would  converse  with  him  more  like  a  freind  &  familier  then  a  maister. 
He  attended  his  mf  when  he  was  sent  in  ambassage  by  the  Queene  into 
y^  Low-Countries,  in  y*^  Earle  of  Leicesters  time,  as  for  other  waighty 
affaires  of  state,  so  to  receive  possession  of  the  cautionary  townes,  and  in 
token  &  signe  therof  the  keyes  of  Flushing  being  delivered  to  him 
[Davison]  in  her  ma"/*  name,  he  [Davison]  kepte  them  some  time,  and 
comitted  them  to  his  servante  [Brewster],  who  kept  them  under  his 
pilow,  on  which  heslepte  y*"  first  night.  And,  at  his  [Davison's]  returne, 
y*  States  honoured  him  [Davison]  with  a  goulde  chaine,  and  his  [Brew- 
ster's] maister  coinitted  it  to  him  [Brewster],  and  comanded  him  to 
wear  it  when  they  arrived  in  England,  as  they  ridd  thorrow  the  country^ 
till  they  came  to  y*^  Courte.  He  [Brewster]  afterwards  remained  with 
him  [Davison]  till  his  troubles,  that  he  was  put  from  his  place  aboute 
y''  death  of  y*^  Queene  of  Scots  ;  and  some  good  time  after,  doeing  him 
manie  faitlifull  offices  of  servise  in  y^  time  of  his  troubles. 

Now  we  have  to  add  to  the  antecedent  probabilities,  which 
have  been  explained,  these  facts  just  detailed  :  1.  Brewster 
"  served "  Davison ;  2.  Davison  liked  him  so  much  that  he 
treated  him  more  like  a  son  than  a  servant ;  3.  Davison's  most 
familiar  converse  with  him  was  "  in  private,"  as  if  their  relative 
positions  made  open  social  familiarities  hardly  natural  or  wise  ; 
4.  Davison  is  called  Brewster's  "  maister  "  three  times,  and  Brew- 
ster twice  is  called  Davison's  "  servante,"  besides  being  credited 
with  "  manie  faithfuU  offices  of  servise  "  (to  Davison)  in  the  time 
of  his  troubles,  that  is,  when  he  was  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  or 
in  disgrace  in  his  London  home  and  needed  from  Brewster  little 

■was  a  secretary  of  state  under  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  not  his  servant  in  any  sense 
of  the  word  as  used  to-day."  • 

1  Hist.  409. 


288  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

diplomatic  or  secretarial  aid  ;  5.  Davison  committed  the  keys  of 
Flushing  and  the  gold  chain  to  Brewster  for  safe  keeping,  as  he 
would  to  a  confidential  servant.  And  we  may  not  forget  that, 
more  than  a  year  and  a  half  after  their  connection  had  been 
severed  and  Brewster  had  gone  back  to  Scrooby,  Davison  spoke 
of  himself  as  having  been  Brewster's  "  master."  ^  All  this 
accords  best  with  the  conckision  that  Brewster  became  Davi- 
son's confidential  personal  attendant,  something  more  than  a 
valet  and  something  different  from  a  private  secretary,  holding 
thus  a  position  of  constantly  growing  value  and  responsibility, 
one  neither  menial  nor  in  any  sense  diplomatic,  yet  useful  and, 
in  its  measu.re,  honorable. 

Young  men  then  did  not  get  on  very  fast.  Three  or  four  years 
earlier,  on  Dec.  29,  1580,  Sir  Henry  Killigrew  wrote  to  Davi- 
son :  — 

Thanks  for  your  friendly  mention  of  my  nephew.  Pray  use  him  in 
all  things  as  a  common  servant ;  ^  he  should  be  kept  with  a  hard  hand. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  by  "  my  nephew,"  evidently  desig- 
nating some  one  then  abroad  with  Davison  as  an  attendant. 
Sir  Henry  might  have  referred  to  Anthony  or  Francis  Bacon,  or 
to  Thomas  or  Robert  Cecil,  afterwards  Earls  of  Salisbury  and 
Exeter,  it  is  apparent  that  even  young  men  of  noble  blood  had 
little  chance  of  entering  the  Ship  of  State  through  the  cabin 
window.  But,  in  whatever  capacity  Brewster  served  Davison,  he 
certainly  won  entire  confidence  and  rendered  himself  of  great 
value. 

The  autumn  of  1583  best  fits  all  the  probabilities  as  the  date 
of  the  beginning  of  this  service.  In  that  case  Brewster  doubt- 
less accompanied  Davison  back  to  Scotland  soon  after,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  confusion  caused  by  the  rising  of  the  Earl  of  Gowi'ie 
m  Queen  Mary's  behalf  and  the  growing  strength  of  the  French 
party.  Davison's  passports  for  return  were  signed  in  May, 
1584,3  but  he  does  not  appear  to  have  reached  London  until  Sep- 
tember. He  seems  to  have  served  a  short  time  then  as  clerk  of 

1  iS.  p.  Dorn.  Eliz.  ccxxxiii :  48.  ' 

2  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  Add.  20.  Killigrew's  use  of  the  term  "  servant "  implies  that 
it  did  not  necessarily  mean  a  menial.  So  does  Davison's  use  of  it  in  reference  to 
Geo.  Cranmer.    See  p.  298,  n.  2. 

3  Harl.  Ms.  291. 


GLIMPSES   OF  PUBLIC   SERVICE  289 

the  Privy  Council.^   But  late  in  November  or  early  in  December 

he  was  sent  abroad  once  more.^ 

■ 

Philip  II.,  of  Spain,  had  been  striving  for  years  to  reduce  the 
Low  Countries  to  obedience  and  to  suppress  Protestantism  there. 
England  could  not  help  feeling  an  interest  in  the  struggle,  for 
the  Fope  had  declared  Elizabeth  excommunicated  and  deposed, 
and  had  absolved  her  subjects  from  all  allegiance  to  her.  Thus 
far  nothing  but  lack  of  power  had  prevented  the  Papists  from 
overthrowing  the  government  and  putting  Mary,  Queen  of 
Scots,  upon  the  throne  under  Philip's  protection.  His  intention 
to  send  a  great  fleet  to  conquer  England  had  been  proclaimed 
openly,  while  seminary  priests  and  Jesuits  were  known  to  be 
plotting  perpetually  to  kill  Elizabeth ;  and  the  recent  assassina- 
tion of  William  the  Silent  had  emphasized  the  dangers  of  the 
situation  to  the  English  people.  Elizabeth  was  much  perplexed. 
She  distrusted  the  wisdom  of  the  leading  Netherlanders.  She 
was  reluctant  to  support  any  people  in  a  conflict  with  their  nom- 
inal sovereign,  lest  she  furnish  a  bad  precedent  for  use  at  home. 
She  doubted  the  safety  of  sending  troops  out  of  the  realm  when 
any  day  might  bring  tidings  of  a  formidable  approaching  inva- 
sion. Her  frugal  mind  also  shrunk  from  every  extra  expendi- 
ture. And  she  especially  dreaded  the  inevitable  calling  of  a 
session  of  Parliament. 

But  perhaps  she  could  not  altogether  resist  sympathy  with  the 
Dutch  in  their  life  or  death  struggle  with  Rome.  Nor  could  she 
overlook  the  fact  that  the  success  of  the  rapacious,  treach- 
erous and  inhuman  Philip  in  the  Low  Countries  would  mean 
the  certainty  of  the  immediate  advance  upon  England  of  the 
strongest  power  in  the  world,  made  stronger  by  that  success. 
In  a  quiet  way  she  already  had  done  a  little  to  aid  the  Dutch. 
She  was  strategist  enough  to  know  that,  if  war  with  Spain  must 
come,  it  was  both  easier  and  safer  to  defend  her  own  country 
in  the  Netherlands  than  on  English  soil  after  the  Netherlands 
should  have  been  conquered.  Her  ministers  were  essentially  of 
one  mind,  although  Burgliley  favored  a  more  cautious  policy 
than  ^Valsingham. 

Late  in  October,  1584,  a  serious  deliberation  took  place  in 

1  Strype,  Ann.  iii,  1 .   420.  2  Motley,  Un.  Neths.  i :  85. 


290  THE   PILGRIMS   AND  THE   CONFLICT 

the  Privy  Council  as  to  "  whether  her  majesty  should  presently 
relieve  the  States  of  the  Low  Countries."  An  account  of  it  sur- 
vives in  the  handwriting-  of  Burghley.^  The  difficulties  of  such 
relief  were  recognized  fully.  Yet  it  was  appreciated  that  the 
queen  would  be  obliged  to  succumb  to  the  power  of  Spain  and 
the  liberties  of  England  be  hopelessly  lost  if  the  Provinces 
should  be  left  without  help  at  Philip's  mercy.  Moreover,  nego- 
tiations had  been  going  on  between  the  Low  Countries  and 
France,  as  well  as  England,  and  there  was  a  possibility  of  their 
being  absorbed  into  the  dominions  of  Henry  III.  They  pre- 
ferred this  to  conquest  by  Spain.  Elizabeth  did  not  desire  it, 
yet  perhaps  she  might  have  assented  to  it  as  the  lesser  of  two 
evils.  All  things  considered,  it  was  decided  that  a  "  wise  per- 
son "  should  be  despatched  to  Holland  to  report  whether  an 
agreement  had  been  made  yet  with  France,  and,  if  so,  whether 
it  included  that  the  king  of  France  declare  war  against  Philip. 
Should  this  be  the  fact,  the  envoy  was  to  express  her  Majesty's 
content  that  the  Provinces  were  to  be  relieved  thus  from  the 
tyranny  of  Spain.  Otherwise  he  was  to  assure  them  that  she 
would  "  strain  herself  as  far  as,  with  preservation  of  her  own 
estate,  she  might  to  succour  them  at  this  time." 

He  also  was  to  make  minute  inquiries  as  to  the  condition  of 
the  Low  Countries,  how  much  money  they  coidd  raise  and  how 
large  an  army  and  navy  they  would  maintain.  If  possible, 
moreover,  he  was  to  arrange  that,  if  Elizabeth  went  to  their  as- 
sistance, they  should  offer  her  the  towns  of  Flushing  and  Mid- 
dleberg  and  the  Brill,  "  as  gages  for  her  expenses."  Davison 
was  selected  as  the  "  wise  person  "  to  perform  this  delicate  and 
difficult  work.  He  surely  had  superior  qualifications.  He  had 
served  the  queen  in  Holland  five  years  before.  He  had  a  wide 
acquaintance  with  its  statesmen,  and  was  a  great  favorite  with 
them.  Whether  he  spoke  Dutch  or  not,  he  spoke  French,^  which 
answered  nearly  the  same  purpose. 

Early  in  December  he  was  at  The  Hague,  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  Brewster  attended  him.  On  Dec.  8,  he 
asked  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  the  States-General, 
the  Dutch  parliament,  with  which  he  might  confer.    Negotia- 

1  S.  P.  For.  Holl.  and  Fland.  Oct.  10,  1584.  ^  Leycester  Corresp.  59. 


GLIMPSES   OF   PUBLIC   SERVICE  291 

tions  began.  But  because  of  the  perpetual  and  mysterious 
reluctances  of  Elizabeth  and  of  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  were 
just  sending  an  embassy  to  offer  the  sovereignty  of  their  Prov- 
inces to  Henry  HI.,  long  delays  ensued.  It  was  March  before  a 
definite  refusal  ended  the  French  coquetry,  and  July  before  a 
dozen  cautious  Dutchmen,  commissioned  to  make  formal  offers 
to  the  queen,  arrived  in  London.  It  was  a  part  of  the  policy  of 
the  English  ministry  during  this  long  suspense  to  seem  indiffer- 
ent, if  not  reluctant,  towards  any  alliance,  and  in  April  Davison 
was  ordered  home. 

The  succeeding  negotiations  also  were  hindered  greatly.  The 
Netherlanders  desired  the  queen  to  extend  her  sovereignty  over 
Holland  and  to  take  her  pay  in  the  possession  of  the  land,  but 
she  preferred  coin  to  command.  She  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  sovereignty,  but  demanded  eventual  payment  in  hard 
cash  for  every  shilling  to  be  expended,  and,  until  payment,  must 
have  as  solid  security  a  cautionary  town  in  each  Pi'ovince.  Day 
after  day  passed  while  the  two  parties  haggled,  and  Antwerp, 
besieged  by  the  Spaniards,  was  left  to  its  fate.  At  last,  on  Aug. 
12,  a  provisional  treaty  was  made  and  a  part  of  the  embassy  at 
once  left  for  Holland,  bearing  it  home  for  ratification.  Five 
days  later,  Aug.  17,  Antwerp  fell.  The  queen  at  once  hurried 
Davison  back  to  Holland  to  complete  arrangements  so  that 
all  might  not  be  lost.  He  was  to  report  her  extreme  regret  that 
Antwerp  had  surrendered,  but  that  its  faU  had  not  altered  her 
detei-mination.  He  was  to  promise  5000  foot  soldiers  and  1000 
horsemen  from  England,  but  was  to  demand  that  the  necessary 
garrisons  for  the  cautionary  towns  be  included  in  this  general 
contingent.  Some  "  person  of  quality  "  should  be  sent  over  in 
the  queen's  name  to  help  govern  the  country,  and  the  important 
fortified  towns  of  Flushing,  which  guarded  the  entrance  to  the 
West  Schelde  and  the  approaches  to  Antwerp,  and  Brill,  which 
watched  the  mouth  of  the  Maas  and  the  sea-way  to  Rotterdam, 
were  to  be  garrisoned  by  her  until  she  should  have  been  reim- 
bursed. 

On  this  last  point  new  complications  arose.  Incredible  al- 
though it  seems,  it  was  November  before  the  queen  reluctantly 
consented  that  the  two  garrisons  should  be  in  addition  to  the 


292  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

forces  before  agreed  to  be  sent.  Another  hitch  in  the  negotia- 
tions gave  Davison  serious  trouble.  Flushing  was  the  property 
of  Count  Maurice  of  Nassau,  and  he  naturally  objected  to  the 
proposed  arrangement.  When  this  finally  was  adjusted  and  the 
temporary  transfer  of  Flushing  to  English  occupancy  made, 
Davison  received  the  keys  in  the  queen's  name.  According  to 
Bradford,  who  of  course  had  the  fact  from  Brewster,  Davison 
turned  them  over  for  safe  keeping  to  Brewster,  who  the  first 
night  slept  with  them  under  his  pillow.  Then  there  was  a  fur- 
ther delay  in  the  sending  over  of  the  "  person  of  quality  "  and 
of  the  governors  of  Flushing  and  Brill  which  led  to  something 
almost  approaching  anarchy,  throwing  upon  poor  Davison  a  griev- 
ous additional  load.  As  no  English  money  had  yet  been  sent, 
he  coidd  keep  the  troops  already  there  from  starving  only  by 
using  his  own  personal  credit.^ 

Sir  Philip  Sidney  was  sent  over  in  November  to  be  Governor 
of  Flushing,  and  Burghley's  eldest  son.  Sir  Thomas  Cecil,  was 
named  as  Governor  of  Brill.  A  small  remittance  of  money  and 
supplies  also  was  made,  but  with  the  strictest  orders  that  the 
garrisons  were  to  do  garrison  work  alone,  and  not  until  Dec.  9 
did  the  Earl  of  Leicester  sail  from  Harwich.  He  was  welcomed 
at  Flushing  by  Sidney  and  Count  Maurice  with  a  military  and 
civic  procession,  and  his  striking  presence  at  first  disposed  the 
plain  Hollanders  to  exult  over  him  as  a  national  deliverer. 

He  soon  started  on  a  triumjjhal  progress,  presumably  with 
Davison  and  Brewster  in  his  train,  reaching  Middleberg  on 
Christmas  Eve,  by  the  New  Style  —  in  use  in  Holland  since 
Jan.  1,  1583  —  where  he  received  an  enthusiastic  welcome,  and 
a  great  banquet.  He  returned  the  compliment  the  next  day  by  a 
sumptuous  repast.  He  and  his  suite,  however,  soon  needed  the 
benefit  of  all  which  they  had  eaten  and  drunk,  for,  sailing  on 
the  day  after  for  Dordrecht,  with  a  fleet  of  200  vessels,  with  fa- 
voring conditions  a  voyage  of  less  than  a  day,  they  were  so  delayed 
by  a  dense  and  chilly  fog  that  the  passage  took  five  days,  and 
they  became  so  hungry,  besides  being  almost  frozen,  that  some 
offered  vainly  a  pound  of  silver  for  a  pound  of  bread.2    From 

^  Cot.    Ms.  Galha.  c.  viii :  217. 

2  Letter  of  Sir  John  Conway.   S.  P.  Holl.  Dec.  27,  1585. 


GLIMPSES   OF  PUBLIC   SERVICE  293 

Dordrecht,    however,   they  had  a  continuous  ovation   through 
Rotterdam  and  Delft  to  The  Hague. 

It  must  have  seemed  a  strange  sight  to  Brewster,  but  Dutch 
fancy  and  ingenuity  ran  almost  mad  in  the  effort  to  do  honor 
to  the  queen's  envoy.  Cannon  thundered,  bells  rang,  tar-barrels 
burned  and  Latin  orations  were  delivered.  Whales  and  other 
marine  monsters  were  represented  as  horses  for  the  champions  in 
a  tilt.  There  were  dramatic  portrayals  of  siege,  famine  and  pesti- 
lence. Seven  beautiful  maidens  personified  the  United  States 
of  Holland,  offering  golden  keys,  and  seven  others  impersonated 
the  Sciences,  presenting  garlands.  Even  a  barber  adorned  his 
shop  with  seven  score  of  copper  basins,  with  a  wax-light  in  each 
and  a  rose  and  a  posy  for  the  queen  ;  and,  among  other  mani- 
festations as  acceptable  then  as  they  seem  extraordinary  now, 
several  Apostles  stood  on  the  bank  while  the  Saviour  was  repre- 
sented as  walking  on  the  water  and  ordering  his  disciples  to 
cast  their  nets,  the  fish  taken  being  presented  to  his  Excellency ! 
Leicester  wrote  home  to  Walsingham  :  ^  — 

Never  was  ther  people  I  think  in  that  jollyty  that  these  be.  I 
could  be  content  to  loose  a  lymme  that  hir  majesty  dyd  se  these  con- 
treys  and  towens  as  I  have  ;  she  wold  than  think  a  hole  subsedye 
well  spent,  but  only  to  have  the  good  assurance  and  commandment 
of  a  few  of  these  townes.  .  .  .  And  yf  her  majesty  had  not  taken 
them  at  this  nede,  but  forsaken  them,  she  had  lost  them  for  ever 
and  ever,  and  now  hath  she  them,  yf  she  wyU  kepe  them,  as  the  cltty- 
sens  of  London,  in  all  love  and  affection. 

These  preliminaries  concluded,  however,  the  Dutch  statesmen 
proceeded  to  business.  On  Jan.  9,  1585-86,^  two  of  the  Com- 
missioners waited  upon  Davison  to  request  a  copy  of  Leicester's 
commission.  The  document  was  read,  and  it  gave  him  abso- 
lute command  of  all  the  English  forces  in  the  Netherlands,  with 
authority  to  smnmon  from  England  whomsoever  he  might  think 
likely  to  help  him.  On  Jan.  11  the  deputies  of  all  the  States 
waited  upon  him,  Davison  and  several  others  of  his  suite  being 
present,  and  offered  him  the  office  of  absolute  governor  and 

1  Leyc.  Cor.  80. 

2  Perhaps  Motley  gives  the  best  consecutive  account  of  these  occurrences  ( Tin. 
Neths.  i :  408-457). 


294  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

general  of  all  their  forces,  together  with  the  disposal  of  their 
revenues.  Leicester  directed  Davison  to  thank  them  warmly  in 
French,  and  to  add  that  he  had  no  doubt  that  their  action 
would  lead  the  queen  to  increase  her  assistance.  They  might 
put  fullest  confidence  in  his  intent  to  help  them.  He  also 
asked  them  to  reduce  their  proposition  to  writing. 

On  Jan.  14  Davison  received  the  formal  offer,  and,  Leices- 
ter, having  gone  to  Leyden,  it  was  there,  apj^arently  through 
the  agency  of  Davison  as  interpreter  and  intermediary,  that,  on 
Jan.  22,  the  arrangement  was  consummated.  Leicester  was  to 
be  Governor-general  of  the  United  Provinces,  to  have  supreme 
command  by  land  and  sea,  and  to  exercise  final  authority  in 
matters  civil  and  political.  It  is  interesting  to  remember  that 
Brewster  probably  accompanied  his  master  and  was  paying  his 
first  visit  to  the  place  which,  a  few  years  later,  was  to  be  asso- 
ciated so  intimately  with  his  own  life. 

Leicester  then  directed  Davison  to  return  to  England  at  once 
to  explain  what  had  been  done.  Accordingly,  Leicester  having 
been  inaugurated  with  splendid  ceremonies  on  Feb.  4,  on  Feb. 
14  Davison,  of  course  accompanied  by  Brewster,  left  for  Lon- 
don. Probably  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  States-General 
manifested  their  profound  respect  for  the  departing  envoy  by 
the  gift  of  the  gold  chain. 

Unfortunately,  just  then,  when  unusual  reasons  for  haste  ex- 
isted, contrary  winds  detained  him  some  five  or  six  days.  While 
he  is  delayed  let  us  go  back  to  consider  a  fact,  as  yet  unmen- 
tioned,  which  was  to  affect  seriously  his  welcome  at  the  Court ; 
and  which  furnishes  the  only  explanation  of  that  otherwise  in- 
comprehensible dilly-dallying  of  the  queen,  who  procrastinated 
and  prevaricated,  haggling  over  every  detail,  leaving  the  English 
contingent  to  almost  die  of  hunger,  cold  and  nakedness  ;  forbid- 
ding the  few  available  ti'oops  to  be  sent  into  action ;  a^jpointing 
Leicester  to  command  and  then  prohibiting  his  exercise  of  au- 
thority ;  and  whose  utmost  achievement  exhausted  itself  in  per- 
petually new  endeavors  to  seem  to  do  something  for  the 
Netherlanders  without  doing  anything. 

This  missing  link  is  made  clear  by  contemporary  correspon- 
dence, mainly  preserved  in  the  Spanish  archives  at  Simancas. 


GLIMPSES   OF   PUBLIC   SERVICE  295 

inaccessible  until  within  the  last  haK-century,  and  first  studied 
by  Motley.  It  is  the  fact  that,  diu'ing  this  whole  period  of 
alleged  anxiety  to  aid  the  Dutch  against  Spain,  the  Machiavel- 
ian  queen,  unknown  to  her  Privy  Council,  was  engaged  in  a 
secret  intrigue  with  the  Duke  of  Parma,  and  with  Philip  him- 
self, for  a  peace  in  which  the  Netherlanders  should  be  sacri- 
ficed.i  Hence  her  strange  willingness  to  delay  the  blow  and  to 
strike  softly.  Hence  her  msistence  on  the  cautionai-y  towns,  that 
she  might  turn  them  over  to  Philip.  And  hence  her  towering 
rage  when  she  discovered  that  Leicester  had  committed  her 
openly  to  a  more  decided  policy  than  she  intended,  and  —  a  fact 
which  he  had  concealed  from  Davison  —  had  gone  beyond  the 
letter  of  his  instructions. 

Davison's  letter  to  Leicester,  written  back  from  London,  on 
Feb.  17-27,  states  that  he  was  detained  at  Brill  until  Feb.  11— 
21,  and  only  anchored  at  "-  the  Reculvers  within  Margate  "  by  ten 
or  eleven  o'clock  the  next  day.  Margate  is  two  or  three  miles 
from  the  north-easternmost  projecting  point  of  England  south 
of  the  Thames,  and  the  Peculvers  is  a  cliff  some  eight  or  nine 
miles  alongshore  from  it  on  the  south  shore  of  the  estuary  of  the 
Thames.  The  stiff  north-wester  which  had  speeded  them  across 
the  German  Ocean  would  have  been  nearly  dead  ahead  for  the  re- 
mainder of  the  voyage  to  London.  Davison  and  Brewster  there- 
fore j)robably  landed  ^  and  took  post-horses  to  Gravesend,  at  least 
forty-three  miles.  This  was  on  Saturday,  and  they  apparently 
arrived  about  midnight  at  Gravesend,  where  they  doubtless 
took  the  tilt-boat  for  London,  arriving  early  Sunday  morning. 

Bradford  says  that  Davison  not  only  committed  his  gold  chain 
to  Brewster's  care,  but  commanded  him  to  wear  it  as  they  rode 
through  the  country.  It  must  have  glistened  around  Brewster's 
neck,  therefore,  during  that  hurried  winter  afternoon  and  even- 
ing ride,  through  Reculver  and  the  hamlet  of  Hoathe,  into 
Canterbury,  and  so  on,  over  the  chalk  hills  of  Kent,  through 
Harbledown,  with  its  ancient  hospital  for  lepers,  and  Boughton, 

1  Motley.  Un.  Neths.  i :  488-582.    Fronde,  xii  :  38-78. 

"^  Steele  (72)  interprets  Davison's  letter  as  declaring'  that  they  made  the  whole 
passage  to  London  by  water.  It  does  not  require  that  interpretation,  and  acquain- 
tance with  the  localities,  as  well  as  Bradford's  language  about  the  gold  chain,  indi- 
cates that  they  landed  at  the  Reculvers  and  posted  to  Gravesend. 


296  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Preston,  Ospringe,  with  its  beacon  and  hospital  ruins,  and  Bap- 
child,  with  its  quaint  okl  resting-place  for  Canterbury  pilgrims, 
and  Sittingbourne,  Rainham,  Chatham  and  Rochester,  with  its 
venerable  Norman  ruins,  and  Strood  to  the  Thames  at  Gravesend. 

Davison  learned  at  once  from  Walsingham  ^  that  Elizabeth 
had  been  made  very  angry  by  Leicester,  and  he  found  her  so. 
She  swore  great  oaths  at  Leicester  for  having  disobeyed  her 
absolute  command  —  of  which  Davison  now  learned  for  the  first 
time  —  and  at  Davison  himself  and  Sidney  for  not  having  pre- 
vented it.  Davison  explained  how  necessary  all  had  seemed  to 
them.  He  even  declared  that  he  "  might  have  been  accused  of 
madness,"  had  he  dissuaded  Leicester.  It  passed  his  comprehen- 
sion why  she  should  be  in  such  a  paroxysm  of  passion,  for  he  had 
no  suspicion  of  the  unrevealed  scheme  which  her  old  favorite 
unconsciously  had  thwarted.  Other  interviews  followed.  Davison 
maintained  his  courageous  and  candid  defence,  the  queen  grad- 
ually adjusted  herself  to  the  situation,  and  in  time  the  storm  was 
overblown. 

Testimony  to  the  conspicuous  wisdom  and  inestimable  value 
of  Davison  in  the  Low  Countries  is  uniform  and  abundant. 
Sidney  endorsed  them  in  the  highest  terms.2  Leicester  declared 
that  he  had  done  her  Majesty  notable  service  and  wanted  him 
sent  back  to  Holland,  for  "  without  him  I  confess  myself  quyte 
maymed."    And  he  pleaded  again  that :  — 

yf  her  majesty  wyll  shew  me  any  favour,  that  thys  may  be  one,  to 
have  Mr,  Davyson  retorn  agayn  to  me,  who  I  assure  you  ys  the  most 
sufficient  man  to  serve  hir  majesty  that  I  know  of  all  our  nation ;  for 
he  knoweth  all  partes  of  these  countreyes,  and  all  persones  of  any 
accompt,  with  all  their  umores,  and  hath  great  credytt  among  them  all 
here.  And  the  better  servyce  shall  he  be  able  to  doe  yf  yt  may  please 
hir  majesty  to  gyve  him  such  countenance  as  may  encrease  his  credyt 
here,  for  here  hath  byn  many  brutes  [rumors]  and  reportes  of  hir 
good  intentyon  toward  him,  and  he  wyll  deserve  any  goodness  she 
shall  bestow  uppon  him,  whatsoever  yt  be. 

Davison  soon  resumed  attendance  in  the  Privy  Council.  On 
Jidy  11,  1586,  Walsingham,  writing  to  Leicester,  said:^  — 

1  Leyc.  Cor.  117,  121.  ^  Cot.  Ms.  Galba.  c.  viii :  213. 

3  Leyc.  Oor.  67,  77,  343. 


GLIMPSES   OF  PUBLIC   SERVICE  297 

She  [the  queen]  is  lothe  to  send  a  spetyall  person  to  your  lordship 
and  the  Counsell  of  State  there,  in  respect  of  charges;^  .  .  .  She 
seemeth  to  he  dysposed  to  make  Mr,  Davyson  my  assystaunt  in  the 
place  I  serve.  The  gentleman  [Davison]  is  very  muche  greeved  with 
the  dyslyke  he  understandethe  your  lordship  hathe  of  him.^  For  my 
own  parte,  I  doe  not  fynde  but  that  he  hathe  dealt  well,  bothe  for  the 
cause  and  towards  your  lordship,  whos  good  opinion  and  favor  he  dothe 
greatly  desyre. 

Perhaps  this  disposition  of  the  queen  may  explain  the  "  brutes 
and  reportes  "  to  which  Leicester  had  referred.  Davison  received 
congratulations  upon  his  elevation  before  the  middle  of  Septem- 
ber,3  and  was  included,  on  Oct.  6,  as  one  of  "  our  Principal  Secre- 
taris,"  in  the  warrant  for  the  trial  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.^ 
His  formal  commission  as  such,  however,  was  not  dated  at  West- 
minster until  Dec.  12. 

On  Oct.  7  John  Carpinter  wrote  to  Davison,  begging  the  new 
Secretary  to  leave  some  place  unfilled  which  might  be  given  to 
his  brother  Cranmer's  son  George.^  George  Cranmer,  thus 
recommended  by  Davison's  brother-in-law,  was  a  nephew  by 
marriage  of  Davison's  sister,  and  therefore  had  a  claim  of  affinity 
in  addition  to  superior  qualifications  for  office.  He  had  been  at 
Corpus  Christi,  Oxford,  where  he  had  Richard  Hooker  for  his 
tutor,  and  for  an  intimate  friend,  Edwin  Sandys,  son  of  the 
Archbishop  of  York.  Izaak  Walton  describes  graphically  a  visit 
which  they  made  to  Hooker  in  1585.  Cranmer  soon  after  wrote 
to  his  uncle  Carpinter  a  letter  of  thanks^  "  for  so  honoui-able  a 

^  This  illustrates  the  niggardliness  of  Elizabeth  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs. 

2  What  is  referred  to  is  not  apparent.  Perhaps,  when  Leicester  learned  of  the 
queen's  indignation  with  him,  he  thought  for  a  time  that  Davison  had  not  defended 
him  stoutly  enough.  If  any  misunderstanding  existed,  it  was  cleared  up  soon,  for 
Leicester's  allusions  to  Davison  uniformly  are  warmly  complimentary. 

3  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  cxciii :  34. 

*  Life,  40.  "And  also  to  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  William  Davison,  Esq., 
another  of  our  Principal  Secretaris,  and  of  our  Privy  Council."  A  letter  from 
Davison  to  Walsinghara  (Harl.  Ms.  290 :  174)  says  that  it  was  not  intended  origi- 
nally that  Davison  should  belong  to  the  Commission.  His  name  was  added  because 
the  language  of  the  statute  required  that  all  the  Privy  Council  be  members. 

^  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  cxciv:  19.  Carpinter  had  married  Davison's  sister,  Anne, 
and  Thomas  Cranmer,  nephew  to  the  Archbishop,  had  married  Carpinter's  sister, 
Anne,  so  that  George  Cranmer,  eldest  son  of  Thomas  and  Anne,  was  nephew  by 
marriage  to  Davison's  sister. 

s  Ihid.  cxciv  :  31. 


298  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE  CONFLICT 

place  of  service,"  so  that  his  immediate  entrance  into  the  Secre- 
tary's official  household  may  be  inferred.  From  the  fact  that, 
less  than  six  months  afterwards,  Davison  ^  refers  to  Cranmer  as 
representing  him  in  his  absence  froin  the  Court  and  sending-  to 
him  thence  her  Majesty's  suggestions,  it  is  evident  that,  although 
ajjparently  Brewster  then  had  been  in  his  service  half  as  many 
years  as  Cranmer  had  been  months,  the  latter  occupied  the  higher 
and  more  representative  position. 

Three  or  four  months  of  prosperity  and  busy  work  followed, 
yet  they  were  not  without  premonitions  of  a  storm  approaching. 
At  this  time  Davison  had  a  house  in  London,  where  he  resided 
when  not  in  daily  attendance  upon  the  Court,  which  rotated 
between  Whitehall,  Richmond,  Hampton  Court,  Nonsuch,  Oat- 
lands  and  Greenwich,  where  the  queen  liked  best  to  be,  espe- 
cially in  summer.  No  doubt  Edwin  Sandys,  then  a  prebend  of 
York  Cathedral,  when  visiting  at  his  father's  London  house, 
woidd  drop  in  now  and  then  at  Davison's  to  see  George  Cranmer, 
and  thus,  if  Brewster  had  not  made  his  acquaintance  already  at 
Scrooby,  the  two  young  men  doubtless  formed  the  friendship 
which  clearly  existed  later  between  them. 

^  Campbell,  Davison,  371-372.  "  The  next  morning  I  received  a  letter  from 
Cranmer  ray  servant,  whom  I  left  at  court,  signifying  unto  me  her  Majesty's 
pleasure." 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON 

Our  story  now  turns  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  Mary,  daughter  of 
King  James  V.  and  Mary  of  Lorraine.  She  was  ahnost  nine 
years  younger  than  Elizabeth. ^  Her  father  having  died  imme- 
diately after  her  birth,  she  was  crowned  before  she  had  com- 
pleted her  first  year.  In  1548,  when  not  yet  six,  she  was  be- 
trothed to  the  Dauphin  Francis  of  France  and  taken  thither. 
There,  in  the  most  corrupt  court  of  Europe,  she  passed  her 
youth.  At  fifteen  years  and  five  months  her  marriage  to  the 
Dauphin  took  place.  He  became  king  on  July  10,  1559,  but 
died  on  Dec.  5,  1560,  leaving  Mary  a  widow  when  two  days 
less  than  eighteen.  Her  mother,  queen-dowager  of  Scotland 
during  all  these  years,  died  nearly  six  months  before  Mary's 
husband,  and  affairs  in  Scotland,  where,  on  Aug.  25,  1560, 
under  the  influence  of  John  Knox,  Catholicism  had  been  sup- 
pressed, summoned  Mary  home.  Elizabeth  denied  her  a  safe- 
conduct  through  England,  but  Mary  managed  to  reach  Leith. 

As  a  matter  of  policy  she  assented  to  the  continuance  of  the 
new  creed  and  to  some  endowment  of  the  Protestant  ministry 
from  the  confiscated  lands  of  the  Romanists.  It  is  needless 
here  to  follow  minutely  her  checkered  way.  In  less  than  seven 
years  she  had  been  married  again  to  her  cousin  Henry,  Lord 
Darnley ;  had  borne  the  son  who  succeeded  Elizabeth  on  the 
English  throne,  and  once  more  widowed,  by  Darnley's  mur- 
der, had  married  his  murderer ;  had  been  miserably  separated 
from  him  ;  had  abdicated  in  favor  of  her  son  ;  and  had  been  im- 

^  Henry  VII.  of  England  had  three  children,  Arthur,  Henry  and  Margaret. 
Arthur  died  young.  Henry  became  the  famous  Henry  VIII.  Margaret  married 
James  IV.  of  Scotland.  Their  son,  Elizabeth's  cousin,  James  V.,  married  Mary  of 
Lorraine,  so  that  their  only  child,  Mary.  Queen  of  Scots,  was  second  cousin  to 
Elizabeth.  If  Elizabeth  failed  to  marry  and  have  offspring,  Mary,  if  she  survived 
Elizabeth,  being  nearest  in  blood  would  be  heir  to  the  English  throne. 


300  THE   PILGRIMS   AXD   THE   CONFLICT 

prisoned  in  the  island  castle  of  Loclileven.  In  May,  1568,  she 
escaped  to  Hamilton  Palace,  gathered  6000  men,  revoked  her 
abdication,  and  summoned  Murray,  the  regent,  to  submit.  Eliz- 
abeth offered  her  help  if  she  would  accept  English  mediation 
and  seek  no  foi'eign  assistance,  but  the  message  arrived  too 
late.  Murray  routed  Mary's  forces,  while  she  fled  into  Cumber- 
land, where  there  still  were  plenty  of  Roman  Catholics.  She 
now  was  really  a  prisoner,  and  continued  such  for  her  eighteen 
remaining  years,  at  Bolton  Castle,  Tutbury,  Coventry,  Sheffield 
Castle,  Wingfield  Manor,  Tutbury  again  for  a  little  while,  and 
then,  under  Sir  Amyas  Paulet,  a  stern  Puritan,  at  Chartley 
Manor.  And  here  she  was  when  Davison  became  a  Secretary  of 
State  in  the  autumn  of  1586. 

It  has  been  intimated  already  that  Elizabeth's  irresolution 
towards  the  Low  Countries  was  due  partly  to  her  desire  for  a 
compromise.  Philip  was  not  such  an  implacable  Romanist  as 
not  to  have  an  eye  to  the  main  chance.  There  was  a  middle 
party  in  France,  which  had  reacted  from  the  horrors  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's Day  without  espousing  the  Huguenot  cause.  And 
some  close  observers  felt  reasonably  sure  that  the  Pope,  in  his 
dread  of  an  overmastering  Spanish  influence,  might  be  per- 
suaded to  moderation.  It  was  not  yet  clear  whether  the  Ro- 
manist League  were  prepared  to  reduce  all  Protestant  revolt  at 
the  point  of  the  sword.  If  yes,  then  neither  Holland  nor  England 
could  afford  to  be  either  inactive  or  unaUied.  If  no,  then  there 
might  be  something  better  in  the  near  future  than  a  Protestant 
alliance,  whose  approach  towards  vitality  necessarily  must  bring 
on  hostilities. 

Spain  really  was  too  poor  to  invade  England  wisely.  And 
neither  were  the  English  Romanists  nor  the  Pope  specially 
eager  to  see  Philip's  "  claim  "  —  he  had  been  Bloody  Mary's 
husband  —  materialized.  This  state  of  affairs  confused  English 
politics.  On  the  whole,  the  queen  favored  possible  adjustments 
so  far  as  to  be  indisposed  towards  any  policy  of  advance,  in 
Holland  or  at  home,  vigorous  enough  to  prevent  them.  She 
seems  to  have  desired  to  help  the  Low  Countries  just  enough 
to  keep  their  heads  above  the  waters  of  absolute  absorption  by 
Spain  without  going  far  enough  to  drive  Spain  or  France  to 


THE   FALL   OF  BREWSTER'S   PATRON  301 

extremities.  Burghley  and  Walsingham  differed  from  her,  and 
steadily  urged  a  more  spirited  policy. 

Meanwhile,  an  almost  constant  succession  of  plots  for  the  re- 
lease of  Mary,  the  assassination  of  Elizabeth,  or  both,  occurred, 
by  the  connivance  of  the  large  Papist  element  remaining  in  Eng- 
land with  Jesuit  emissaries  from  abroad.  With  all  her  faults 
Elizabeth  was  no  coward.  She  derided  all  suggestions  of  per- 
sonal danger,  and  trusted  her  Catholic  subjects  much  more  than 
her  Privy  Council  did.  She  even  maintained  known  Papists  at 
the  Court,  probably  relying  for  her  safety  upon  the  fact  that 
through  them  she  kept  up  her  secret  correspondence  with  Philip, 
which  made  it  for  their  interest  to  not  only  spare  but  also  de- 
fend her. 

Walsingham  knew  almost  everything  that  was  going  on.  He 
had  reduced  espionage  to  a  system.  He  had  agents  m  the  Col- 
lege of  Cardinals,  the  Jesuit  seminaries,  the  French  embassy, 
the  Spanish  Court  and  the  mansions  of  the  chief  Romanists  in 
England,  so  that  he  knew  when  treason  was  brewing  among 
them.  It  was  a  knowledge,  however,  which  could  be  used  but 
sparingly.  He  could  not  prove  legally  a  hundred  things  of 
which  he  had  no  doubt.  Nor  could  he  set  before  her  Majesty 
more  than  mere  hints  of  his  opinion  on  some  disturbing  matters. 
Furthermore,  this  sort  of  testimony  often  so  conflicted  with 
itself  as  to  make  a  reasonable  conclusion  excessively  difficidt. 
For  example,  was  the  captive  queen,  around  whom  these  plots 
were  perpetually  crystallizing,  a  party  to  them  herself?  Did 
she,  in  reality,  favor  the  assassination  of  the  queen  regnant? 
If  so,  could  that  fact  be  brought  home  to  Elizabeth  so  that  her 
unfailing  irresolution,  heightened  by  the  natural  pleadings  of 
kinship,  could  be  animated  to  that  conclusion  which  the  great 
and  loyal  majority  of  the  nation  was  ready  to  demand,  that  the 
public  safety  be  secured  by  Mary's  execution^ 

It  became  clear  that,  if  this  one  matter  could  be  settled,  great 
gain  of  internal  quietness  would  result,  and  Walsingham  devised 
a  subtle,  widely-reaching  scheme,i  to  which  he  gained  Elizabeth's 
consent.    Mary  was  removed  from  Tutbury  Castle  to  Chartley 

^  All  the  chief  details  are  given  by  Froude,  xii :  228-300.     Green,  Hist.  Eng. 
People  {ed.  1879J,  ii:  438. 


302  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Manor,  whicli  was  much  more  accessible.  Moreover,  it  was  not 
far  from  Burton-on-Trent,  even  then  famous  for  its  breweries. 
Walsingham  obtained  the  confidential  services  of  a  son  of  a 
neighboring  Romanist  family,  and  through  him  entrapped  Mary 
into  a  secret  correspondence  with  Romanists  at  home  and  abroad, 
all  of  which  was  translated  by  Phillips,  Walsingham's  secretary, 
and  copied.  A  Burton  brewer  sent  a  cask  of  beer  weekly  to 
Chartley  for  the  special  use  of  the  captive  queen  and  her 
attendants.  A  tight  box  containing  the  ingoing  letters  was 
hidden  in  the  cask,  the  answers  being  substituted  in  the  box 
when  the  empty  cask  went  back  to  Burton.  Phillips,  residing  at 
Chartley  nominally  to  aid  Paulet  in  his  ti-ust,  deciphered  and 
copied  these  letters  in  transit,  and  then  forwarded  the  originals, 
apparently  undiscovered,  and  sent  the  copies  to  Walsingham.^ 

The  plan  worked  perfectly.  Mary  and  her  correspondents 
felt  certain  of  its  safety.  Yet  assurance  was  made  doubly  sure 
by  the  use  of  a  new  cipher,  but,  as  the  key  had  to  accompany 
the  first  communication,  it  fell  into  Phillips's  hands.  Writing 
thus,  with  an  imagined  absolute  freedom  on  each  side,  each  side 
betrayed  itself.  Most  unfortunately,  also,  for  Mary,  just  at  this 
time  what  was  known  as  the  Babington  Conspiracy  ^  was  being 
hatched.  Nearly  a  dozen  young  Papists,  most  of  whom  either 
were  remotely  connected  with  Elizabeth's  household  or  had 
access  to  her  person,  bound  themselves  together  to  kill  her. 
Lords  Burghley,  Walsingham,  Hunsdon,  her  first  cousin,  and 
Vice-chamberlain  KnoUys.  The  Prince  of  Parma  was  to  swoop 
across  the  German  Ocean  upon  Newcastle  or  Scarborough  and 
free  Mary ;  and  a  general  revolution,  aided  by  a  contemporary 
invasion  by  Philip  himself,  was  to  make  England  once  more  a 
Catholic  country  mth  Mary  upon  the  throne.  This  comprehen- 
sive plot  was  communicated  to  Mary  by  letters  which,  in  Phil- 
lips's translations,  probably  were  in  Walsingham's  hands  as  soon 
as,  through  the  beer-barrel,  they  reached  hers. 

^  Proofs  are  in  the  State  Papers,  mostly  in  letters  {Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  Mss.) 
from  Sept.,  1585,  to  Aug.,  1586,  by  Paulet  to  Walsingham  and  by  T.  Morgan  to 
Mary,  with  their  answers,  etc. 

2  Headed  by  Anthony  Babington.  The  Pope  —  Gregory  XIII.  —  sent  them  his 
blessing.  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  ii :  308.  Simpson,  E.  Campion,  157.  Papiers  (fEtat 
relatifs  a  Vhistoire  de  VEcosse  au  XVI^  Steele,  etc.   Bannatyne  Pubs.  v.  iii.  etc. 


THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON       303 

The  keen  interest  with  which  the  secretary  and  Queen  Eliza- 
beth awaited  Mary's  reply  can  be  imagined.  They  soon  had  it. 
She  cordially  approved  the  plan.  She  suggested  methods.  She 
devised  precautions.  For  herself,  she  said  that  fifty  or  sixty 
mounted  men  easily  might  carry  her  off  when  she  went  out  to 
ride  with  her  usual  escort  of  but  fifteen  or  twenty.  They  might 
set  the  house  on  fire  at  night  and  kidnap  her  in  the  confusion, 
in  which  case  they  must  wear  some  badge  easily  recognizable. 
Or,  when  a  cart  was  coming  in  with  stores,  it  could  be  upset  in 
the  gateway  and  an  ambushed  force  could  rush  in.  As  to  the 
assassination  of  Elizabeth,  she  said  to  Babington :  "  You  will 
keep  four  men  wth  horses  saddled,  to  bring  word  when  the 
deed  is  done  that  they  may  be  here  before  my  guardian  learns 
of  it,"  and  "to  prevent  accident,  let  the  horsemen  choose  differ- 
ent routes,  that  if  one  is  intercepted  another  may  get  through." 
She  spoke  elsewhere  of  "  their  design  being  accomplished,"  re- 
ferring to  the  same  proposed  murder.  Still  further,  in  the  post- 
script ^  to  her  letter,  she  added :  "  I  would  be  glad  to  know  the 
names  and  qualities  of  the  six  gentlemen  which  are  to  accom- 
yjlish  the  designment,  for  that  it  may  be  I  shall  be  able,  upon 
knowledge  of  the  parties,  to  give  you  some  further  advice  neces- 
sary to  be  followed  therein."  ^  These  young  conspirators  were 
allowed  to  go  on  until  all  needed  proof  was  in  Walsingham's 
possession,  when  they  were  arrested  and  the  brilliant  bubble 
burst. 

On  an  August  morning  after  Davison  had  resumed  his  seat 

1  The  genuineness  of  this  postscript  has  been  denied  by  Mary's  defenders,  but 
apparently  in  vain. 

^  Ranke  (Hist.  Eng.  i  :  30(5)  says :  "  If  we  enquire  whether  Mary  Stuart  knew 
of  these  schsmes,  and  had  a  full  understanding-  with  the  conspirators,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  at  all  of  it.  She  was  in  correspondence  with  Babing-ton,  whom  she 
designates  as  her  greatest  friend.  The  letter  is  still  extant  in  which  she  strength- 
ens him  in  his  purpose  of  calling  forth  a  rising  of  the  Catholics  in  the  differ- 
ent counties,  and  that  an  armed  one,  with  reasons  for  it  true  and  false,  and  tells 
him  how  he  may  liberate  herself.  ...  In  the  letter  we  even  come  upon  one  pas- 
sage which  betrays  a  knowledge  of  the  plot  against  Elizabeth's  life  ;  there  is  not 
a  word  against  it,  rather  an  approbation  of  it,  though  an  indirect  one."  And,  as 
to  the  postscript,  he  answers  Tytler's  suggestion  {Hist.  Scot.  viii.  App.)  of  its  in- 
terpolation by  saying  (307,  n.) :  "  What  would  liave  been  the  use  of  it  [i.  e.  of 
interpolating  it]  as  the  letter  even  without  this  addition  would  have  sufficed  to 
condemn  her." 


304  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

in  the  Privy  Council,  and  just  before  he  was  promoted  to  a  place 
beside  Walsingham,  Mary  Stuart  accepted  an  invitation  from 
Sir  Amyas  Paulet  to  ride  over  to  Tixall  and  hunt  a  buck.  Her 
two  secretaries,  Nan  and  Curie,  with  other  attendants,  were  in 
the  party.  They  had  almost  reached  their  destination  when  a 
company  of  horsemen  appeared.  For  a  moment  the  ex-queen 
must  have  thought  that  her  hour  of  victory  had  come.  But  it 
proved  her  hour  of  defeat  and  humiliation.  As  the  cavalcades 
neared  each  other.  Sir  Thomas  Gorges  ^  rode  forward  from 
among  the  strangers  and  handed  to  Sir  Amyas  a  royal  order 
for  the  removal  of  Mary  to  Tixall  and  the  arrest  of  the  secre- 
taries. Her  quick  wit  divined  instantly  that  all  was  lost,  but 
her  spirit  was  luibroken.  She  stormed  and  denounced,  and 
challenged  her  attendants,  if  they  were  men  and  not  cowards, 
to  fight  for  her.    But  they  had  more  sense. 

She  was  taken  on  to  Tixall,  where  she  was  kept  for  a  fort- 
night. The  secretaries  were  hurried  off  to  London,  and  Sir 
Amyas,  with  Sir  William  Wade,  who  had  ridden  down  with 
Gorges,  hastened  back  to  Chartley,  where  her  entire  correspon- 
dence and  notebooks  were  secured  and  sent  up  to  Court. 
Among  other  things  were  found  the  keys  to  no  fewer  than 
sixty  ciphers  which  had  been  used  in  her  correspondence.  When 
the  Privy  Council  read  this  mass  of  manuscript,  which  they  did 
with  minutest  patience,  they  learned  not  only  the  true  inwardness 
of  Mary's  character,  but  also  her  exact  relation  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  powers,  and  how  far  many  English  noblemen  had 
favored  her  pretensions  to  the  throne. 

This  work  of  the  Privy  Council,  early  in  September,  1586, 
must  have  been  shared  by  Davison  its  clerk,  although  probably 
Brewster  got  little  knowledge  of  it.  Letters  survive  ^  showing 
that  before  the  middle  of  this  month  Davison  was  being  solicited 
for  office,  as  a  Secretary  of  State.  Camden  ^  made  the  sugges- 
tion that  he  was  promoted  to  a  secretaryship  so  that  he  might 

^  Seventh  child  and  youngest  son  of  Sir  Edward  Gorges,  and  great-uncle  of  Sir 
Ferdinando,  who  is  called  "  the  founder  of  the  State  of  Maine."  Brown,  Pedi- 
gree of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  5. 

2  .S.  P.  Bom.  Add.  297-298.    S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  cxciii :  34 ;  cxciv :   8,  15. 

^  Complete  Hist.  Eng.  By  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  Sir  John  Hay  ward,  Wil- 
liam Camden,  etc.,  ii :  538. 


THE   FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S   PATRON  305 

become  Elizabeth's  scapegoat  iu  the  matter  of  the  Queen  of 
Scots.  But  there  is  ample  proof  that,  for  nearly  three  months 
longer  Elizabeth  had  no  idea  of  needing  any  scapegoat,  because 
she  fully  intended  to  spare  Mary's  life.  Moreover,  another  sec- 
retary was  needed,  and  Davison  had  exhibited  exceptional  fitness 
for  the  position,  and  had  earned  it  by  long  and  brilliant  service. 
The  Earl  of  Essex  afterwards  wrote  of  him  to  King  James  :  ^  — 

I  must  say  truly  that  his  sufficiency  in  council  and  matters  of  state 
is  such  as  the  Queen  herself  confesseth  in  her  kingdom  she  has  not 
such  another  ;  his  virtue,  religion  and  worth,  in  all  degrees,  is  of  the 
world  taken  to  be  so  great,  as  no  man  in  his  good  fortune  hath  had  a 
more  commendable  love  than  this  gentleman  in  his  disgrace. 

And  Lord  Burghley  declared :  ^  — 

Sure  I  am,  and  I  presume  to  have  some  judgment  therein,  I  know 
not  a  man  In  the  land  so  furnished  universally  for  the  place  he  had, 
neither  know  I  any  that  can  come  near  him. 

Babington  and  his  fellow-conspirators,  crushed  under  an  over- 
whelming mass  of  testimony,  were  executed  at  Tyburn  in  the 
last  week  of  September. 

Mary  Stuart  remained.  Therefore  the  terrible  and  vexing 
problem,  what  should  be  done  with  her,  remained.  Elizabeth 
secretly  wrote  to  her  ^  that  if  she  would  confess  in  a  private 
letter  and  ask  forgiveness,  all  should  be  pardoned.  This  ap- 
peal was  unanswered.  Paulet  insisted  that  he  could  not  be 
responsible  for  Mary's  safe-keeping  much  longer  at  Chartley. 
Day  after  day  the  Council  proposed  expedients  which  her  vari- 
able Majesty  rejected.  Her  ministers  insisted  that  Parliament 
must  be  summoned,  and,  as  long  as  she  could,  she  resisted  that. 
At  last  she  no  longer  could  refuse  to  convene  a  court  of  inquiry, 
but  could  not  decide  then  where  it  should  meet  or  when,  anc^the 
disgusted  premier  wrote  :  ^  "  With  weariness  of  talk  her  Majesty 
hath  left  all  off  till  a  time  I  know  not  when." 

Clearly,  EKzabeth  had  embarrassed  herself  by  past  lenities, 
and  that,  too,  in  the  face  of  the  best  public  sentiment.^    When 

1  Ayscough  Mss.  4108  :  23.  2  Strype,  An.  III.  i :  542. 

3  Camden,  ii :  526.  *  S.  *.  Dom.  cxeiii :  28. 

^  Upon  the  news  of  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  at  Paris,  Edwin  Sandys, 
then  Bishop  of  London  and  afterwards  Archbishop  of  York,  had  written  to  Burgh- 


306  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE  CONFLICT 

Mary  had  been  dethroned  by  her  own  Scotch  subjects,  Elizabeth 
had  offered  her  an  asylum  in  England,  and  had  befriended  her 
after  her  escape  from  Lochleven.  In  1568,  when  the  famous 
"  casket  "  letters  had  satisfied  the  Privy  Council  that  Mary 
had  assented  to  the  murder  of  her  second  husband  and  afterwards 
had  married  his  murderer,  Elizabeth  had  hushed  up  the  facts 
and  thus  had  led  the  world  to  suppose  her  cousin  innocent.  And 
when,  in  return  for  this  forbeai-ance,  Mary  had  plotted  a  Span- 
ish invasion,  with  the  incidental  accompaniment  of  the  queen's 
assassination,  and  Parliament  had  demanded  that  such  continual 
unrest  and  danger  be  stopped  in  the  only  effectual  way,  Eliza- 
beth still  had  interposed  to  save  Mary.  And,  now  that  the  same 
game  had  been  played  once  more,  the  old  morbid  fear,  lest  she 
be  accused  of  sterner  treatment  towards  Mary  than  she  herself 
had  received  from  her  own  half-sister,  seems  to  have  tormented 
her.  This,  with  her  chronic  habit  of  never  doing  until  to-mor- 
row what  can  be  avoided  to-day,  appears  to  have  lain  near  the 
source  of  those  motives  by  which  her  extraordinary  conduct  now 
was  actuated. 

At  last  Mary  was  sent  to  Fotheringay  Castle,  in  Northamp- 
tonshire ;  and,  on  Sept.  28,  the  commission  to  try  her  met  at 
Windsor.  For  a  month  the  experts  had  been  going  over  the 
intercepted  correspondence,  with  the  result  of  absolute  assur- 
ance of  her  connection,  always  as  a  consenting  and  often  as  an 
originating  force,  with  most  of  the  recent  troubles  of  the  king- 
dom. Elizabeth  declared  the  demonstration  perfect  and  the  in- 
ference unavoidable.  She  told  the  French  ambassador  that 
Mary  had  plotted  to  kill  her.^  He,  for  his  master,  hoped  that 
she  would  not  be  hard  with  Mary,  and  she  replied  that  she 
could  make  no  more  promises.  On  Oct.  8  the  twelve  judges 
conferred  at  Westminster  with  as  many  peers  as  could  be  as- 
sembled and  decided  that  Mary  must  be  formally  tried.  Where- 
upon they,  with  all  other  peers  of  age  in  England,  were  re- 
quired to  gather  at  Fotheringay  for  that  purjDose. 

ley  —  Sept.  5,  1572  —  enclosing-  earnest  recommendations  of  what  should  be  done 
at  once  for  the  safety  of  the  queen  and  the  realm,  the  first  of  which  was  :  "  Furth- 
with  to  CUTTE  OF  th^SCOTTISH  QUENE'S  heade  :  ipxa  est  nostri  fundi  calam- 
itas."  —  Lans.  Ms.  15  :  41. 

1  Egerton  Papers,  Oct.  4,  1586. 


THE   FALL  OF   BREWSTER'S   PATRON  307 

The  assize  began  on  Oct.  12.  As  Walsingham,  because  of 
his  close  connection  with  the  evidence,  was  obliged  to  attend, 
Davison  remained  at  Court  in  waiting  upon  the  queen.  Still 
shrinking  from  the  last  extremity,  Elizabeth  now  through  Davi- 
son instructed  Walsingham  ^  that,  if  Mary  would  confess  in 
private,  before  the  formal  opening  of  the  court,  to  one  or  more 
of  the  Privy  Council,  "  her  request  was  not  to  be  refused." 
But  Mary  assumed  the  airs  of  injured  innocence.^  And,  as  all 
the  incriminating  evidence  was  in  the  cipher  handwriting  of  her 
two  secretaries,  she  had  the  meanness  to  insist  that,  if  they 
were  guilty,  she  had  not  known  of  their  crime.  Her  intention 
clearly  was  to  capture  the  court  by  her  womanly  arts,  which  so 
seldom  had  failed  her.  So  consummate  an  actress  was  she  that 
she  emphasized  an  indignant  denial  of  plotting  against  the 
queen's  life  by  bursting  into  tears  as  she  exclaimed  :  "  I  would 
never  make  shipwreck  of  my  soul  by  conspiring  the  destruc- 
tion of  my  dearest  sister."  ^  All  resulted  in  the  only  way  in 
which  an  honest  trial  could  result,  in  the  unanimous  conviction 
of  Mary  as  having  conceived  and  plotted  Elizabeth's  destruc- 
tion. 

Parliament,  which,  after  having  been  prorogued  twice,  met  on 
Oct.  29,  considered  the  evidence  down  to  its  smallest  particulars 
and  thoroughly  debated  every  debatable  point ;  and  unanimously 
sent  up  to  the  queen  their  joint  petition*  that  "a  just  condem- 
nation might  be  followed  by  as  just  an  execution."  To  this  the 
queen  replied^  that,  so  far  as  her  own  interests  were  concerned, 
she  willingly  would  pardon  her  cousin  now,  if  penitent ;  that  she 
gladly  would  lay  down  her  own  life  if  England  thereby  could  be 
better  governed  ;  and  that  her  situation  was  so  cruel  and  unpre- 
cedented that  she  must  have  time  to  reflect. 

Fronde  states  the  perplexities  of  the  case  very  well :  ^  — 

To  Protestant  England  the  Queen  of  Scots  was  a  menace  of  civil 
war  and  ruin.  To  Elizabeth,  if  individually  dangerous,  the  Queen  of 
Scots  was  also  a  political  security.  To  put  her  to  death  would  be  at 
once  dreadfully  distressing  to  herself,  and  would  be  construed  by  the 

1  S.  P.  Bom.   Oct.  8.  2  (70^  Ms.  Calig.  c.  ix :  533. 

^  S.  P.  Mary  Q.  of  Scots.    Narrative  of  Proceedings.   Oct.  12. 

*  D^ Ewes'' s  Journals.    Petit,  of  Pari. 

5  Speech  of  q.  Eliz.   Camden,  ii :  526,       «  xii :  313. 


308  THE  PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

charity  of  the  world  into  private  revenge.  The  execution  would  involve 
an  entire  change  of  policy.  The  shifts  which  had  served  her  so  long 
would  serve  her  no  longer.  For  the  remainder  of  the  reign  she  was 
almost  certain  to  be  involved  in  war,  while  she  would  risk  offending 
France  and  Scotland,  whose  friendship  was  of  vital  consequence  to 
her. 

After  three  days'  delay  Elizabeth  requested  Parliament  to 
find  "  some  other  way."  She  seems  to  have  favored  an  Act  fix- 
mg  the  succession  of  her  crown  upon  James  VI.  of  Scotland, 
then  twenty,  the  son  of  Mary  by  Lord  Darnley,  and  remitting 
his  mother  to  solitary  confinement  for  life.  But,  after  further 
discussion  for  a  whole  week,  Parliament  voted  unanimously  that 
the  scaffold  alone  offered  security,  and  sent  the  Lord  Chancellor 
and  the  Speaker  to  the  Court,  then  at  Richmond,  to  urge  that 
longer  delay  "  would  be  likely  to  provoke  the  anger  of  Almighty 
God." 

They  found  the  queen  still  vacillating.  Parliament  adjourned 
until  February,  and  the  utmost  that  could  be  gained  from  her 
was  that  their  action,  which  had  been  kept  secret  until  it  "  was 
more  than  a  month  old,"  was  published.  The  effect  was  almost 
startling.  For  twenty-four  hours  all  bells  were  ringing  for  joy 
in  all  steeples.  London  was  ablaze  with  illuminations  and  bon- 
fires lit  up  the  land,  the  exultation  of  a  now  mainly  Protestant 
people  over  what  they  took  to  be  the  assvirance  of  a  long  delayed 
safety.  The  Court  migrated  to  Greenwich  for  Christmas,  and 
the  sentence  was  sent  down  to  Fotheringay  by  Lord  Buckhurst 
and  Secretary  Beale,  whom  Mary  received  with  defiance,  and  an 
embassy  from  Scotland  and  one  from  France  appeared  upon  the 
scene. 

Just  at  this  juncture  an  exciting  incident  occurred,  as  to 
which  Brewster  may  have  shared  Davison's  experiences  in  some 
degree.  Walsingham,  indignant  with  the  queen,  especially  be- 
cause she  had  allowed  him,  as  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  securit}^,  to 
be  ruined  financially  by  having  to  pay  Sidney's  debts  incurred 
on  her  behalf,  had  retired  from  Court  to  his  own  house  at  Barn- 
Elms.  To  him  there  came,  on  Jan.  10,  1586-87,  one  Stafford, 
with  what  seemed  a  cock  and  bull  story  of  a  fresh  conspiracy  to 
kill  Elizabeth,  to  which  M.  Chasteauneuf,  the  French  ambassa- 


THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON       309 

dor  in  London,  was  privy.  Stafford's  repute  was  bad,  and  Wal- 
singham  shnt  the  door  in  his  face.  Stafford  at  once  went  to 
Davison,  who  heard  him  through.  Perhaps  the  younger  secre- 
tary had  as  little  real  faith  as  his  senior  in  the  story,  but  he  saw 
that  the  rumor  might  be  played  off  against  the  French  remon- 
strances in  regard  to  Mary. 

It  was  alleged  that  Du  Trappes,  Chasteauneuf's  servant,  and 
Cordallion,  his  secretary,  had  conspired,  on  Chasteauneuf's  ur- 
gency, with  one  Moody,  a  prisoner  in  Newgate,  to  kill  the  queen 
in  order  to  serve  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Moody  was  to  exj)lode 
powder  under  the  queen's  bedroom.^  Du  Trappes  was  sent  to 
the  Tower  and,  on  Jan.  12,  Chasteauneuf  was  summoned  to 
Burgliley's  house,  Exeter  House,  Strand,  where  Burgliley, 
Leicester  —  at  home  on  leave  from  Holland  —  Vice-chamberlain 
Hatton  and  Davison  were  present.  Chasteauneuf  indignantly 
insisted  that  Stafford  had  made  the  original  suggestion  and  had 
been  threatened  with  exposure.  On  being  confronted  with  both 
Staff oi'd  and  Du  Trappes,  it  appeared  that  the  ambassador  was 
at  least  so  far  connected  with  the  plot,  if  there  Were  one,  as 
to  have  said  nothing  about  it.  The  matter  had  force  enough, 
and  probably  this  was  precisely  what  Davison  foresaw,  to  pre- 
vent the  king  of  France  from  meddling  further  with  Mary's 
case. 

Almost  confemporaneously  five  envoys  from  the  Low  Coun- 
tries arrived,  to  appeal  for  additional  English  aid  both  in  troops 
and  funds ;  a  demand  exasperating  to  the  queen.  On  Jan.  28 
they  had  audience  in  the  Privy  Council  chamber  at  Greenwich, 
Davison  being  present,  and  her  Majesty  made  some  vigorous 
utterances  in  French.  Two  days  later  the  envoys  assembled 
again  ^  in  Burghley's  apartment  in  the  palace,  Davison  being  pre- 
sent, and  the  discussion  was  in  Latin.  In  the  manuscript  report 
of  these  occasions  a  significant  remark  is  accredited  to  Davison. 
Lord  Admiral  Howard  asked  if  the  Dutch  coidd  not  avoid  put- 
ting an  army  into  the  field  just  then,  because  England  was  likely 

1  S.  p.  Dom.  Eliz.  cxcvii :  15.  This  statement  is  another  proof  that,  in  spite  of 
the  usual  rigor  of  imprisonment,  some  prisoners  now  and  then  were  allowed  more 
or  less  liberty. 

^  Hague  Archives.  Conference  des  Deputes  avec  les  Commissaires  de  S.  M.  Feb. 
17. 


310  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

to  have  her  hands  full  at  once  with  Spain.    Then  said  Davi- 


son 


We  are  on  the  brink  of  open  war  with  Spain ;  with  France,  which 
is  arresting  all  English  persons  and  property  within  her  dominions ; 
and  with  Scotland,  which  countries  are  thought  to  have  made  a  league 
on  account  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  whom  it  will  be  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  put  to  death  in  order  to  preserve  the  life  of  her  Majesty  the 
Queen  of  England,  and  to  be  about  to  make  war  upon  us.  All  this  will 
cost  us,  in  this  current  year,  at  least  eight  hundred  thousand  pounds 
sterling.  Nevertheless  her  Majesty  is  sure  to  help  you  so  far  as  she 
can,  and  I,  for  my  jiart,  will  do  my  best  to  keep  her  well  disposed  to 
your  cause,  even  as  I  have  already  done,  as  you  very  well  know.   "< 

When  the  report  of  the  Stafford  conspiracy  came  out,  it  ex- 
asperated the  public  to  an  abnost  furious  demand  for  Mary's 
immediate  execution.  But  Elizabeth  still  demurred,  although 
the  death-warrant  awaited  only  her  signature  and  the  Great 
Seal. 

While  matters  were  lingering  thus  the  stinging  news  came 
that  Sir  William  Stanley  and  his  confederate,  Rowland  York, 
had  betrayed  Deventer  and  the  fort  of  Zutphen  to  the  Span- 
iards. The  former  was  considered,  next  to  Amsterdam  and  Ant- 
werp, the  most  important  mart  of  the  Provinces.  It  was  thriving 
with  commerce  and  manufactures,  and  was  the  centre  of  the 
Dutch  trade  with  the  Baltic.  The  latter  had  been  immortalized 
a  little  before  by  the  death  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney  in  fighting  for 
it,  and  was  the  only  fruit  of  Leicester's  recent  campaign.  How- 
ever he  might  mitigate  these  tidings  to  the  royal  ear,  the  sturdy 
English  commonalty  could  contain  themselves  no  longer.  These 
places  fell  on  Jan.  19,  1586-87,  and  on  Feb.  1,  by  which  time 
the  slow-moving  news  had  reached  the  English  ear.  Lord  Ad- 
miral Howard,  soon  to  lead  the  English  ships  against  the  Span- 
ish Armada,  waited  upon  the  queen  at  Greenwich  and  told  her 
plainly  that  it  was  unsafe  to  hesitate  longer,  and  that  the  only 
safe  course  for  her  Majesty,  the  government  and  the  nation  was 
to  execute  Mary. 

For  the  first  time  the  queen  seemed  to  be  moved,  and  she 
bade  him  tell  Davison,  who,  Walsingham  still  being  in  retire- 
ment, was  sole  Secretary  in  attendance,  to  bring  her  the  war- 


THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON       311 

rant.  Howard  at  once  gave  Davison  her  message.  Davison 
accordingly  procured  the  warrant,  with  other  papers  awaiting 
signature,  and  placed  them  before  her.  She  asked  him  what  he 
had,  and  he  replied,  "  Wai*rants  and  other  papers."  She  inquired 
if  the  Admiral  had  not  directed  him  to  bring  her  the  warrant 
for  the  execution  of  the  Queen  of  Scots,  and  he  handed  it  to 
her.^  She  read  it,  signed  it  and  laid  it  down  for  the  bold  signa- 
ture to  dry,  explaining  to  him  that  she  had  delayed  so  long  that 
the  world  might  see  that  the  act  was  done  reluctantly,  as  a  neces- 
sity, and  in  neither  malice  nor  revenge.  She  then  ordered  him 
to  carry  the  warrant  immediately  to  the  Lord  Chancellor  for 
the  Great  Seal,^  showing  it  to  Walsingham  on  the  way,  and 
then  to  send  it  down  with  all  speed  to  the  Commissioners.  She 
directed  that  the  execution  take  place  at  Fotheringay,  and  ab- 
solutely forbade  him  to  trouble  her  more  about  the  matter  until 
the  deed  should  have  been  done.  She  also  directed  him  to  man- 
age all  as  quietly  as  possible,  because  of  her  own  danger. 

She  complained  of  Sir  Amyas  Paulet  and  Sir  Drew  Drury, 
as  if  —  no  other  interpretation  is  possible  —  they  might  have 
relieved  her  of  this  dreaded  responsibility  by  poison  or  other- 
■wise ;  and  she  had  the  assurance  to  ask  Davison  if  they  could 
not  be  prevailed  upon,  even  then,  to  do  her  that  favor.  He  was 
certain  that  they  could  not  be.  But  she  insisted  so  earnestly, 
putting  into  his  mouth  the  very  words  which  she  would  have 
used  to  them,  that  he  was  forced  to  promise  to  state  her  wish  to 
Walsingham.  Stopping  to  see  Walsingham,  he  reported  what 
had  taken  place  and  went  on  to  Sir  Thomas  Bromley,  the  Lord 
Chancellor,  who  affixed  the  Great  Seal. 

The  next  morning  the  queen  sent  Davison  word  that,  if  he 
had  not  been  with  the  Lord  Chancellor  already,  he  might  for- 
bear until  he  should  hear  further  from  her.  He  hurried  to 
Greenwich  to  tell  her  that,  in  accordance  with  her  express  com- 

1  The  different  accounts  are  here  harmonized,  so  far  as  possible,  reliance  being 
placed  especially  upon  Davison's  own.    Cot.  Ms.  Titus,  evii :  48. 

'■^  Froude  (xii :  346,  n.)  quotes  a  rumor  that  the  Seal  was  affixed  by  the  Lord 
Chancellor  under  the  impression  that  he  was  certifying  some  petty  warrant  for 
the  affairs  of  Ireland  (Chasteaunetif  au  Boy.  Mars.  1587).  But,  as  Davison  himself 
pleaded  afterwards  (Bodleian.  Juridici.  7843:  862,  235)  that  the  Lord  Chancellor 
"by  Sealing  must  needs  haue  knowledge,"  it  may  be  doubted  whether  this  were 
not  mere  Court  gossip. 


312  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

mand  and  extreme  urgency,  the  warrant  had  passed  the  Great 
Seal  the  previous  afternoon.  She  sullied,  and  he  asked  if  she 
had  changed  her  purpose.  She  declared  that  she  had  not,  but 
again  suggested  how  Sir  Amyas  Paulet  might  relieve  her.  Davi- 
son replied  that  for  any  private  person  to  take  life  was  murder, 
and  that  the  most  open  way  was  safest  and  best,  if  the  act  were 
to  be  done  at  all ;  whereat  she  swung  out  of  the  room.  He  com- 
prehended the  state  of  her  mind  so  clearly  that  he  at  once  told 
Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  the  Vice-chamberlain,  all  the  circum- 
stances ;  adding  that,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk's  exe- 
cution, she  meant  to  throw  off  the  odium  upon  some  one  else  ;  and 
that  he  was  resolved  to  do  nothing  that  could  leave  the  respon- 
sibility upon  him.  Hatton  replied  that  he  was  heartily  glad  that 
the  matter  was  so  far  advanced,  and  that  any  man  unwilling  to 
share  the  responsibility  ought  to  be  hanged.  The  two  then  went 
to  Burghley,  and  the  three  agreed  to  report  the  matter  to  the 
Privy  Council. 

When  the  Council  met  they  agreed  that  Elizabeth  had  done 
as  much  as  reasonably  could  be  expected,  and  each  declared  his 
willingness  to  bear  his  share  of  responsibility.  They  decided, 
especially  as  she  had  forbidden  expressly  that  the  subject  be 
mentioned  to  her  until  all  should  be  over,  not  to  trouble  her 
further,  but  to  dispatch  Robert  Beale,  Walsingham's  secretary, 
and  sometimes  an  acting  Secretary  of  State,  with  the  warrant 
to  Lord  Kent  and  Lord  Shrewsbury,  the  Commissioners  named 
to  see  it  executed. 

The  queen  made  no  allusion  to  the  matter,  excepting  that  one 
day  she  told  Davison  that  she  had  been  so  vexed  by  dreaming 
the  night  before  that  Mary  had  been  executed  that  she  could 
have  done  to  him  "  I  wot  not  what."  He  inquired  if  she  "  had 
not  a  full  and  resolute  meaning  to  go  through  with  the  said  exe- 
cution according  to  her  warrant."  She  rej)lied,  swearing  a  vehe- 
ment oath,  that  she  had  not  changed  her  mind,  but  she  wanted 
all  done  so  as  to  relieve  her  of  blame.  She  asked  if  any  answer 
had  come  from  Paulet,  and  suggested  a  certain  Wingfield,  who, 
she  thought,  would  do  the  deed.  Davison  remonstrated  that  she 
must  either  endorse  or  disallow  such  an  agent.  If  the  former, 
she  would  assume  a  much  more  serious  responsibility  than  by 


THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON       313 

proceeding  according  to  law.  If  the  latter,  she  would  do  griev- 
ous injustice  to  faitliful  servants.  The  next  day,  Feb.  5, 
brought  Paulet's  answer.  He  coidd  not  leave  ujion  his  posterity 
the  stain  of  his  havinfj  taken  life  without  full  warrant  of  law. 
When  Davison  informed  the  queen,  she  sneered  at  Paulet  as 
"  precise."  ^  But  on  Feb.  7,  Davison  having  to  see  her  on 
another  matter,  she  "  swore  a  great  oath,  that  it  was  a  shame 
for  us  all  that  it  [Mary's  execution]  was  not  already  done,  con- 
sidering that  she  [Elizabeth]  had,  for  her  part,  done  all  that 
law  or  reason  could  require  of  her." 

On  Feb.  9  Henry  Talbot  brought  to  Greenwich  the  tidings 
that  the  once  beautiful,  and  always  brilliant  and  daring, 
Queen  of  Scots  had  been  executed  on  the  previous  day.  Eliza- 
beth heard  the  news  with  calmness.  She  seems  to  have  said 
nothing  when  the  bells  in  all  the  steeples  were  ringing  for  joy. 
But  she  sent  for  Vice-chamberlain  Hatton  the  next  morning 
and  complained  that  Davison  had  betrayed  her.  Davison  was 
informed  by  the  Privy  Council  of  her  charge.  But,  convinced 
of  her  purpose  to  lay  her  responsibility  upon  some  one  else,  the 
accusation  did  not  astonish,  or  at  first,  perhaps,  much  alarm 
him,  especially  as  the  other  members  of  the  Council  freely 
avowed  themselves  jointly  responsible  with  him.  They  advised 
him,  however,  to  keep  out  of  her  way  for  a  few  days,  which 
he  did.  But  on  Feb.  11  Elizabeth  formally  convoked  the 
Council  and  rated  them  soundly.  Burghley,  who  acknowledged 
that  he  had  taken  the  lead,  she  particularly  denounced.  Davi- 
son, absent  because  of  illness,  she  accused  of  violating  her  posi- 
tive commands  and  ordered  to  the  Tower.  The  Council  begged 
her  to  pause,  Burghley  protesting  with  especial  firmness.  But 
she  was  inexorable. 

Davison  hardly  could  credit  the  rumor  which  reached  him 
until  Lord  Buckhurst  came  with  the  warrant.  The  only  clemency 
to  be  had  was  a  short  delay  at  home,  and  on  Feb.  14  he  was 
taken  to  those  strong  lodgings  on  the  Thames  bank,  whither 
for  more  than  a  century  no  privy  councillor  had  been  sent  ex- 
cepting upon  the  charge  of  high  treason.  Doubtless  Brewster 
accompanied  his  master,  for  Bradford  says  distinctly  :  — 

^  He  was  a  Puritan  or  "  Precisian,"  as  they  often  were  called. 


314  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

He  afterwards  remained  with  him  [Davison]  till  his  troubles,  that 
he  was  put  from  his  place  aboute  y''  death  of  y*  Queene  of  Scots ; 
and  some  good  time  after,  doeing  him  manie  faithfuU  offices  of  servise 
in  y*  time  of  his  troubles. 

Davison  soon  was  hardly  in  a  financial  condition  to  keep  up 
his  London  house  with  Brewster  there  acting  for  him,  and  his 
health  was  so  poor  i  that  he  must  have  needed  an  attendant ;  so 
that,  as  State  prisoners  in  the  Tower  were  allowed  one  or  two 
retainers,  probably  the  young  man,  then  about  twenty-one, 
served  his  master  there  in  whatever  capacity  service  was  needed. 
If  not  resident  with  him,  Brewster  must  have  gone  in  and  out 
daily.  If  lodged  within  the  gates,  probably  he  had  a  room  in 
the  Beauchamp  Tower,  assigned  to  retainers.  Its  windows 
looked  down  Great  Tower  St.  as  far  as  Allhallows,  Barking,  the 
church  at  which  Pepys  says  that  the  Great  Fire  stopped. 

The  Tower  was  in  charge  of  a  Constable  of  high  rank.  In 
time  his  lieutenant  became  the  actual  keeper.  A  bare  room,  with 
a  stone  or  oaken  floor,  an  iron-clamped  door  and  a  gi-ated  window 
or  two,  was  furnished  by  the  State.  All  else,  even  food,  the 
occupant  must  obtain  for  himself.  Probably  Brewster's  first 
service  here  was  to  superintend  the  procuring  of  a  little  furni- 
ture, with  a  few  books  and  other  comforts.  As  a  Secretary  of 
State  Davison  may  have  been  permitted  to  be  fed  from  the 
table  of  the  lieutenant,  then  Sir  Owen  Ilopton,  for  which  privi- 
lege, as  for  everything  else,  he  would  have  had  to  pay  smartly. 

As  soon  as  this  committal  to  the  Tower  proved  that  the  queen 
actually  proposed  severity^  effort  was  not  lacking  to  mollify 
her.  While  she  still  was  infuriated  towards  himself,  Burgliley 
sent  her  an  earnest  appeal  in  behalf  of  Davison. 

But  her  circumstances  disposed  her  to  be  unyielding.  Scot- 
land years  before  had  sought  to  disjDOse  of  Mary,  but  her  dig- 
nity was  hurt  by  England's  action.  And  James,  now  twenty, 
whose  acquaintance  with  his  mother  had  been  chiefly  political, 
seems  to  have  thought  that  it  would  look  well  were  he  to  profess 
regret.    Elizabeth  sent  Sir  Robert  Carey  to  him  at  Edinburgh 

1  A  few  days  before  his  arrest  he  had  "  an  attack  of  palsy  "  and  was  "  ill  in 
bed"  at  home,  and,  more  than  a  month  after  his  imprisonment,  he  still  was  suffer- 
ing from  that  attack  and  wore  his  left  arm  in  a  sling.  —  Nicolas,  Life,  115, 116, 131. 


THE   FALL   OF   BREWSTER'S   PATRON  315 

with  one  of  the  meanest  letters  which  stain  the  pages  of  history. 
She  said  in  it :  ^  — 

My  dearest  Brother :  I  would  to  God  thou  knewest  ...  the  in- 
comparable Grief  my  Mind  is  perplexed  with,  upon  this  lamentable 
Accident  which  is  happened  contrary  to  my  Meaning  and  Intention. 
...  I  request  you,  that  as  God  and  many  others  can  witness  my 
Innocence  in  this  matter,  so  you  will  also  believe,  that  if  I  had  com- 
manded it,  I  would  never  deny  it.  I  am  not  so  faint-hearted,  that  for 
Terrour  I  should  fear  to  do  the  thing  which  is  just ;  or  to  own  it  when 
it  is  once  done  :  No,  I  am  not  so  base  nor  ignobly  minded.  .  .  .  Per- 
suade yourself  this  for  Truth,  that  as  I  know  this  is  happen'd  deserv- 
edly on  her  part,  so  if  I  had  intended  it,  I  would  not  have  laid  it 
upon  others,  but  I  will  never  charge  myself  with  that  which  I  had  not 
so  much  as  a  Thought  of. 

James  hardly  could  equal  her  as  a  liar,  but  in  thrifty  mean- 
ness he  was  quite  her  peer.  He  had  sold  himseH  to  her  a  twelve- 
month before  for  "  hounds,  horses  and  X5000  a  year  "  ^  and  the 
prospect  of  succession  to  her  throne  indirectly  held  out,  for 
which  his  mother  had  cursed  him  ;  ^  and,  having  received  a  copy 
of  Mary's  will,  disinheriting  him,  seized  at  Chartley,  he  had 
intimated  that  he  would  make  no  trouble,  and  hoped  that  for 
the  rest  of  her  life  she  would  be  "  so  bestowed  that  she  would 
have  to  confine  herself  to  saying  her  prayers."  *  And,  now  that 
all  was  over,  he  suggested  that,  if  Elizabeth  would  persist  in  her 
excuses  to  save  his  credit,  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
Spain.  The  French  had  not  forgotten  that  Mary  Stuart  had 
been  a  queen  of  France,  and  they  now  talked  of  war ;  while  of 
course  Spain  was  furious  that  all  plotting  for  a  Romanist  insur- 
rection in  England  around  her  as  a  centre  was  ended,  and 
thence  also  came  threats  of  strife. 

How  far  Elizabeth  really  was  alarmed  may  be  a  question. 
But  it  suited  her  to  take  advantage  of  all  to  shift  the  responsi- 
bility of  Mary's  death  upon  others.  She  almost  dismissed  her 
whole  ministry.    She  meditated  a  charge  of  high  treason  against 

1  Camden,  ii :  536.  -  S.  P.  Scot.  July  9,  1585. 

^  Lets,  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.  Trans,  from  Coll.  of  Prince  Lobanoff,  Mar.  12, 
1585.  "  If  my  son  persists  in  this,  you  can  assure  him  .  .  .  that  I  will  invoke  the 
malediction  of  God  on  him." 

*  Eg.  Paps.  Oct.  4,  158G. 


316  THE   PILGRIMS   AND  THE   CONFLICT 

Davison,  but  her  judges  declared  that,  since  she  had  signed  the 
death-warrant,  he  only  could  be  charged  with  misunderstanding 
or  contempt.  She  even  proposed  to  send  him  to  the  Scotch,  that 
they  might  wreak  their  rage  upon  him,  but  saw  that  this  would 
be  generally  abhorred. 

On  Mar.  12  he  was  visited  by  Vice-chamberlain  Hatton 
and  John  WoUey,  Latin  secretary  to  the  Council,  and  five  for- 
mal questions  were  put  to  him.^  The  visit  was  repeated  on 
Mar.  14  and  again  on  Mar.  16.  The  clear  design  of  these 
interviews  was  to  obtain  admissions  to  be  used  against  him. 
But  his  cautious  and  honest  answers  offered  no  encouragement, 
excepting  only  that  out  of  regard  for  her  Majesty's  repvitation 
he  remained  silent  as  to  Sir  Amyas  Paulet.  Had  his  conscience 
permitted  him  to  pretend  to  admit  her  representations,  and 
throw  himself  upon  her  mercy,  very  likely  she  woidd  have  par- 
doned and  restored  him.  As  it  was,  his  calm  persistence  left 
her  no  alternative  but  to  abandon  her  own  false  position  or  to 
treat  him  as  if  really  guilty. 

Of  course  she  did  the  latter,  and  a  commission  was  appointed 
to  try  him.  It  had  thirteen  members,^  including  Sir  Christopher 
Wraye,  Chief  Justice,  who  presided  as  Lord  Privy  Seal,  and 
Archbishops  Whitgift  and  Sandys.  It  met  in  the  famous  Star 
Chamber  on  Mar.  28,  1587.  At  least  four  members,  it  is  said, 
were  laiown  to  be  in  sympathy  with  the  enemy .^  Davison  still 
had  his  left  arm  in  a  sling  and  obviously  needed  attendance, 
which  Brewster  seems  most  likely  to  have  rendered  ;  which  ser- 
vice would  have  brought  him  face  to  face  with  some  of  the  chief 
dignitaries  of  the  land  on  a  very  exigent  occasion. 

The  charge  was  of  misprision  and  contempt.  Davison  was 
accused  of  having  disobeyed  the  queen  in  showing  the  warrant, 
after  it  had  been  signed,  to  the  Privy  Council,  and  in  abetting 
their  sending  it  to  execution  without  her  knowledge  and  order. 

1  Harl.  Ms.  419  :  IfiS. 

2  Ms.  in  Caius  Coll.  Camh.  A.  1090,  8 :  267.  Bodleian  Ms.  Juridid.  7843 : 
862,  235.   J.  S.  Burn,  Star  Chamber,  59. 

^  Froude,  xii :  373.  "  Of  these  Lumley  and  Worcester  had  been  in  every  Cath- 
olic conspiracy  since  the  beginning  of  the  reign  ;  Cumberland  was  in  Ballard's 
[the  Jesuit  instigator  of  the  Babington  Conspiracy]  list,  and  Crofts  a  pensioner 
of  Philip.    With  a  Court  so  composed  he  was  condemned  before  he  was  tried." 


THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON        317 

The  prosecutor  reminded  Davison  that  he  had  testified  that  the 
queen  had  said  that  "  she  thought  of  some  other  course  to  be 
pursued."  It  must  have  required  tlie  utmost  self-restraint  for 
Davison  to  refrain  from  the  true  explanation  of  this  phrase. 
But  he  loyally  guarded  her  reputation,  and  simply  said  that  he 
had  acted  as  he  thought  the  best  interests  of  her  majesty  and 
the  kingdom  required.  As  for  the  secrecy  imposed,  he  had 
understood  that  to  refer  not  to  the  Privy  Council,  of  whom 
many  must  know  and  all  had  the  right  to  know  the  facts,  but 
to  the  public.  He  had  told  the  Council  that  it  was  the  queen's 
pleasvire  to  have  the  warrant  executed,  and  respectfully  put 
himself  upon  her  conscience  whether  he  had  not  just  cause  for 
saying  so. 

He  was  acquitted  unanimously  of  evil  intent  but  condemned 
for  malfeasance  through  haste,  and  was  punished  by  dismission 
from  the  public  service,  a  fine  of  10,000  marks  —  equivalent  at 
our  values  to  over  $160,000  —  and  imprisonment  at  the  queen's 
pleasure.  Perhaps  this  excessive  fine  was  named  in  the  confi- 
dence that  her  conscience  never  would  suffer  her  to  insist  upon 
its  payment.  But  she  exacted  the  uttermost  farthing.  Per- 
haps her  greed  could  not  resist  the  glamour  of  so  large  a  sum. 
Poor  Davison  was  ruined,  and  in  addition,  ill  though  he  was, 
was  left  to  suffer  in  the  Tower  indefinitely,  probably  little  less 
than  two  years.  The  Earl  of  Essex  bravely  sought  without 
success  to  regain  for  him  the  royal  favor  ;  and  he  himself, 
on  Dec.  7,  1590,  vainly  addressed  to  her  a  touching  appeal 
"  from  my  poor  desolate  house  in  London  ; "  but,  while  she 
finally  seems  to  have  released  him,  she  would  do  nothing  else 
for  him.  When  James  succeeded,  he  was  more  just  than  she 
had  been.  But  Davison  did  not  long  enjoy  the  little  sunshine 
that  brightened  his  declining  years,  dying  at  Stepney,  Dec. 
21,  1608.  That  he  was  a  sincere,  devout  man,  as  well  as  a 
statesman  of  wisdom  and  learning,  is  conceded.  Indeed,  the 
sternness  of  his  integrity  probably  was  the  real  cause  of  the 
queen's  persistent  hostility.  He  was  too  much  an  embodied 
conscience  for  her  comfort. 

Bradford  makes  it  certain  that  Brewster  clung  to  Davison 
for  "  some  good  time  after  "  his  condemnation  and  imprison- 


318  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

ment.  Davison  himself  furnishes  the  first  positive  subsequent 
date  in  Brewster's  life.  In  the  State  Papers  survives  an  original 
letter,^  already  referred  to,  from  Sir  John  Stanhope  to  the  ex- 
Secretary,  dated  simply  Aug.  22.  But  Stanhope  wrote  as  Post- 
master-general and  did  not  become  such  until  Jime  20,  1590, 
while  other  circumstances  fix  the  date  as  not  later  than  that 
year.  The  letter  answers  a  request  from  Davison  that  he  would 
appoint  young  William  Brewster  post-master  at  Scrooby,  alleg- 
ing objections.  On  its  back  are  memoranda  in  Davison's  hand- 
writing, one  of  which  urges  that  Brewster  already  has  had  prac- 
tical possession  of  the  place  above  a  year  and  a  half.  This 
implies  necessarily  that  Brewster  had  left  Davison's  employ  and 
gone  back  to  Scrooby  as  early  at  least  as  from  January  to 
March,  1588-89,  a  few  weeks,  possibly  mouths,  less  than  two 
years  after  Davison  had  been  condemned  and  sent  back  to  the 
Tower.  Davison's  letter  of  Dec.  7,  1590,  to  the  queen,  from 
his  house  in  London  implies  that  his  imprisonment  then  was 
ended,  but  how  long  before  then  is  not  evident.  Whether  Brew- 
ster remained  in  his  service  until  his  release  and  went  home  af- 
terwards, or  something  called  the  young  man  away  before  that 
time,  we  do  not  know.  It  looks  as  if  the  heavy  fine,  together 
with  the  large  expense  of  the  imprisonment  itself,  must  have 
exhausted  Davison's  resources  so  far  that  he  no  longer  could, 
or  would,  retain  in  his  service  one  to  whom  such  a  position 
thenceforth  could  not  promise  advancement. 

Although  this  connection  ended  very  differently  from  their  pre- 
sumable expectations,  the  value  of  it  to  Brewster,  especially  in 
fitting  him  for  the  peculiar  life  which  he  was  to  live,  must  have 
been  inestimable.  To  have  been  so  long,  at  the  most  formative 
period  of  his  career,  m  the  family,  feeling  the  example,  and,  as 
Bradford's  testimony  fairly  implies,  in  some  sense  enjoying  the 
intimacy,  of  so  cultivated  a  scholar,  so  sagacious  a  statesman 
and  so  excellent  a  man  as  Davison  undeniably  was,  was  extraordi- 
nary good  fortune.  Close  and  constant  attendance  upon  his 
master  in  the  latter's  official  capacity  at  the  Court  and  in  Hol- 
land necessarily  involved,  also,  his  becoming  somewhat  familiar 
with  all  the  most  notable  personages  in  the  two  countries.    He 

1  S.  P.  Dom.  ccxxxiii :   48. 


THE  FALL  OF  BREWSTER'S  PATRON       319 

often  must  have  seen  the  queen  and  her  circle  of  lords  and 
ladies.  He  must  have  known  well  —  at  least  in  the  manner 
in  which  the  attendants  in  the  library  of  the  British  Museum,  in 
London,  to-day  come  to  know  many  great  scholars  —  Burghley, 
Walsingham,  Bromley  of  the  Great  Seal,  all  the  honorable 
lords  of  the  Privy  Council  and  the  two  archbishops. 

He  must  have  seen  and  heard  Francis  Bacon, ^  then  for  the 
first  time  in  Parliament ;  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  resplendent  in 
high  favor  at  Court ;  Sir  Francis  Drake,  who  was  making  the 
whole  nation  wild  with  excitement  over  the  just  completed  first 
English  voyage  around  the  world;  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  whom 
Elizabeth  called  "  one  of  the  jewels  of  her  crown  "  and  sent  to 
Holland  among  the  distinguished  men  in  whose  train  Brewster 
was ;  and  the  handsome,  brilliant  and  notable,  even  if  too  am- 
bitious, Leicester.  And,  when  we  remember  that  twenty-four 
years  later  he  was  to  find  refuge  there,  it  is  easy  to  see  how 
specially  instructive  must  have  been  his  experiences  in  the  Low 
Countries  ;  although  little  can  he  have  thought,  when  standing 
with  his  master  by  the  clock-tower  of  St.  Peter's  in  Leyden, 
that,  by  extending  his  hand,  he  could  almost  touch  the  very 
wall,  across  the  narrow  street,  within  which  he  was  to  find  shel- 
ter for  years,  after  he  should  have  been  driven  out  of  his  own 
land. 

Nor  would  the  knowledge  of  affairs  unavoidably  gained  in 
such  a  service  at  such  a  time  be  less  helpfully  instructive ;  the 
familiarity  with  politics  and  statecraft,  alike  in  their  weightier 
principles  and  their  practical  methods  and  processes  ;  and,  espe- 
cially, the  discrimination  of  motives  and  the  observation  of  the 
true  and  high  relations  of  conscience  to  a  just  public  life,  AVho 
can  tell  how  much  Brewster's  private  knowledge  of  the  nobility 
of  Davison's  consent  to  suffer  wrongfully  —  even  to  the  extent 
of  wrecking  his  private  fortune  and  bringing  his  public  career 
to  what  must  have  seemed  to  most  men  an  inglorious  end,  rather 
than  to  become  accessory  to  conduct  which  he  could  not  ap- 
prove —  may  have  had  to  do  with  heartening  the  young  man 
himself  for  the  life  of  long  self-denial  which  he  lived? 

^  He  brought  over  Bacon's  volume,  Of  the  Proficiencie  and  Advancement  of 
Learning. 


CHAPTER  IV 

BREWSTER   AT  SCROOBY  MANOR 

When  Brewster  returned  to  the  Scrooby  manor-house  he  soon 
found  hmiself  indispensable,  even  if  he  had  not  been  summoned 
home,  for  his  father  appears  to  have  been  failing  in  health.  As 
we  have  seen,  the  latter  had  been  commissioned  as  bailiff  and 
receiver  of  the  lordship,  or  manor,  of  Scrooby  on  Jan.  4, 1575—76. 
In  holding  these  offices  he  apparently  became  the  legal  repre- 
sentative of  the  owner,^  and  this  involved  not  merely  collecting 
the  annual  rents  and  generally  managing  the  estates,  but  prob- 
ably also  presiding  over  the  manorial  courts  and  the  custody  of 
records.  Further,  it  is  clear  that  for  some  undefined  previous 
period  this  manor-house  had  been  a  regular  post-house  on  the 
Great  North  Road,  and  its  occupant  post-master ;  ^  a  fact  adding 
much  to  his  former  duties. 

In  July,  1556,  the  Council  took  action  in  regard  to  "  the 
postes  betweene  this  and  the  Northe."  ^  When  the  stages  of  this 
Great  North  Road  from  London  to  Scotland  were  established 
systematically  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  Scrooby  was  made 
the  twelfth  from  London  and,  in  the  other  direction,  the  fif- 
teenth from  Berwick-upon-Tweed.*  When  Brewster,  the  father, 
died,  in  1590,  his  son  took  his  place  as  post.  Such  a  post- 
master, however,  was  not  what  the  name  now  suggests.  Letters 
then  sent  by  post  usually,  if  not  always,  were  government  mis- 
sives, passed  from  messenger  to  messenger  at  each  station ;  per- 
sonal correspondence,  so  far  as  it  existed,  being  left  to  go  by 

1  H.  Hall,  Soc.  in  Eliz.  Age.    The  Steward,  17. 

'^  The  first  English  Post-niaster-general  on  the  records  was  Sir  Bryan  Tuke,  in 
1533.  Very  likely  the  route  by  Dover  to  the  Continent  was  established  first.  But 
that  to  York,  Berwick  and  Edinburgh  surely  must  have  been  second. 

3  Enc.  Brit,  xix  :  562.    S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  Add.  xxvii :  116. 

4  Hunter,  Colls.  69. 


BREWSTER   AT   SCROOBY  MANOR  321 

private  hand.^  In  connection  with  the  carrying  of  government 
despatches  a  system  of  forwarding  travellers  also  grew  up  natu- 
rally. Horses  much  of  the  time  unemployed  for  the  one  purpose 
served  readily  for  the  other.  An  additional  service  was  the  occa- 
sional sending  of  messengers  on  government  business  out  on  the 
cross-roads,  and,  although  this  might  not  be  called  for  often, 
constant  readiness  for  it  had  to  be  maintained.  Into  all  this 
responsibility  Brewster,  w^ho  could  not  have  been  much,  if  at  all, 
over  twenty-three,  now  entered. 

Probably  one  of  his  last  experiences  in  London  must  have 
been  that  of  the  wild  excitement  when,  on  the  evening  of  July 
19,  1588,  signal  fires  flashed  over  the  kingdom  the  tidings  that 
the  long  expected,  and,  even  by  so  brave  a  people,  the  much 
dreaded  Spanish  Armada  had  been  sighted  in  the  Channel. 
Doubtless  he  never  forgot  the  sensations  of  the  next  sixty  days, 
during  which  frequent  expresses  on  foaming  horses  came  plung- 
ing in  from  the  coast,  bringing  tidings.  Thrilling  indeed  it  must 
have  been  to  hear  how  that  enormous  expedition,  conceived  iij 
the  sin  of  Papal  pride,  brought  forth  in  the  iniquity  of  naval 
inefficiency,  and  now  known  to  have  been  ill  provisioned,  ill 
armed,  iU  commanded  and  ill  piloted,  in  spite  of  all  its  spirited 
fighting  had  melted  away  under  the  fierce  attacks  of  the  smaller 
but  swifter  and  better  handled  English  vessels  and  the  stress  of 
weather  and  of  want,  until  its  miserable  remnant  found  its 
inglorious  way  back  to  Spain . 

It  was  then,  in  the  dawn  of  a  new,  and  in  most  respects  more 
glorious,  era  for  England  that  Brewster  began  to  live  again  in 
Scrooby.  Gladdened  by  the  amazing  victory  which,  under  Provi- 
dence, it  had  won,  and  assured  that  there  no  longer  need  be  fear 
lest  Spain  should  reduce  the  kingdom  to  vassalage  to  Rome,  the 
nation  sprang  forward  at  once  to  a  condition  of  material  prosper- 
ity and  intellectual  advancement  which  speedily  gained  for  the 
succeeding  years  the  title  of  "  the  golden  age  of  merry  England." 

To  men  of  Brewster's  religious  ideas,  however,  this  new  era 
was  to  prove  little  better  than  the  old.  The  queen  hated  the 
new  Presbyterian  way.    Yet  she  had  no  such  devotion  to  the 

^  In  England,  as  late  as  tlie  fifteenth  century,  drovers  were  the  principal  me- 
diums of  private  correspondence.  —  Enc.  Amer.  App.  xiii :  748. 


322  THE  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

State  Church  as  to  insist  upon  the  subjection  to  it  of  any  ex- 
cepting Puritan  dissenters.  Remnants  of  Popery  lingered  in  her 
own  chapel.  Romanist  members  of  her  own  household  were 
winked  at  in  their  disobediences,  and  Catholic  country  gentle- 
men were  allowed  to  do  much  as  they  pleased  at  home.  While 
Mary  Stuart  lived,  the  exciting  centre  of  perpetual  treason,  and 
the  Spanish  Armada  loomed  in  the  future,  Elizabeth  had  felt 
the  strength  of  her  throne  to  be  in  the  Puritans,  and  sometimes 
had  overlooked  aberrations  on  their  part.  But  that  access  of 
new  solidity  to  the  realm  which  dated  from  the  downfall  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  modified  all  this. 

Many  Roman  Catholics  conformed,  and  not  unnaturally  de- 
manded the  full  benefit  of  the  by  no  means  inconsiderable 
Romanism  still  dormant  in  the  established  ritual.  The  screws 
therefore  were  given  a  few  additional  turns.  The  bishops  were 
ordered  to  see  the  ecclesiastical  laws  executed  —  against  Pre- 
cisians. The  spiritual  courts,  for  a  time  comatose,  took  on  new 
vigor ;  and  that  pressure  upon  Separatists,  which  ended  in  mar- 
tyrizing some  and  in  driving  multitudes  out  of  the  kingdom,  was 
felt  once  more. 

Naturally,  the  battle  of  the  books  began  again,  preluded  a 
little  by  Bancroft's  audacious  sermon  at  Paul's  Cross  attacking 
the  Puritans.  Indeed,  Brewster  may  have  carried  with  him 
down  to  Scrooby  the  lately  issued  dialogue  by  Udall,  "  The 
State  of  the  Churche  of  Englande,"  or  even  a  copy  of  Martin 
Marprelate's  "  Learned  Epistle,"  which  his  former  fellow-stu- 
dent, John  Penry,  had  just  contrived  to  get  published. 

Even  if  Brewster  had  not  been  summoned  back  to  Scrooby, 
his  presence  there  soon  must  have  supplied  a  real  need.  From 
the  beginning  of  1589,  as  a  practical  and  permitted,  although 
uncommissioned,  deputy,  he  discharged  ^  his  father's  duty  as  the 
"  Post  of  Scrooby,"  and  received  the  fee  therefor.  Very  likely 
he  also  acted  as  bailiff  and  custodian  of  the  property.  It  would 
be  gratifying  to  know  how  far  he  had  become  a  decided  Puritan, 
and  whether  he  took  any  special  interest  in  the  Martin  Mar-pre- 
late war.  But  no  record  survives  to  enlighten  us.  It  is  of  some 
interest  here  to  recall  that  George  Sandys,  son  of  the  late  Arch- 

1  S.  P.  Bom.  Eliz.  ccxxxiii :  48. 


BREWSTER  AT   SCROOBY  MANOR  323 

bishop  of  York,  and  then  less  than  thirteen,  who  was  to  be  out- 
done by  Fynes  Moryson  only  as  a  traveller,  no  doubt  passed 
through  Scrooby,  and  probably  stopped  at  his  father's  former 
manor,  on  his  way  to  be  matriculated  that  summer  at  St.  Mary's 
Hall  at  Oxford.  In  the  last  weeks  of  the  same  year,  also,  on 
Mar.  6,  1589-90,  the  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  instructed 
the  High  Sheriff  of  Nottinghamshire  ^  to  attach  James  Brewster 
and  others  for  having  "  profaned  and  ruinated  "  the  house  and 
chapel  of  the  Bawtry  Hospital  of  St.  Mary  Magdalen,  to  which 
reference  already  has  been  made.  This  must  have  been  a  matter 
of  considerable  local  interest,  especially  to  William  Brewster, 
and  whether  James  were  his  relative  or  not. 

In  June,  1590,  the  Earl  of  Worcester  went  down  to  Scotland, 
stopping  at  Scrooby,  where  Brewster,  the  father,  furnished  him 
with  post-horses.  On  his  return,  some  weeks  later,  he  found  the 
old  man  dead.^  The  York  records  show  that  on  July  24,  1590, 
administration  on  his  estate  at  Scrooby  was  granted  to  his  son 
William  ;  ^  his  widow,  Prudence,  who  alone,  besides  the  son,  is 
mentioned,  declining  the  trust.  In  view  of  the  interests  involved, 
yomig  Brewster  went  up  to  London  soon  after  his  father's  death, 
to  ask  to  ,be  legalized  in  the  place  whose  duties  he  really  had 
performed  for  eighteen  months.  He  was  absent  on  this  errand, 
as  the  widow  said,  when  the  Earl  of  Worcester  stayed  at  the 
manor-house  on  his  return. 

It  happened  that  Thomas  Randolph,  Post-master-general,  also 

1  Hunter,  CoZ/s.  82.  But  why  the  sheriff  of  Notting-hamsliire  was  addressed  is  not 
explained.  Bawtry,  and  Harworth,  in  which  the  hospital  really  stands,  were  then, 
as  now,  in  Yorkshire.    Perhaps  James  Brewster  lived  near  by  in  Nottinghamshire. 

^  Stanhope's  letter.    S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  ccxxxiii :  48. 

^  The  record  is  this  {Act  Bh.  for  Deanery  of  Retford  cum  Laineham,  s.  d.) : 
"  Vicesimo  quarto  die  mensis  Julii  1590,  Administraco  oim  et  Singulor  Bono? 
Jurifi  et  Creditor  que  fuertint  Willmi  Brewster  nup.  de  Scrooby  defunct  Comissa 
fuit  Willmo  Brewster  filio  eiusdem  dep.  in  forma  Juris  jurat.  Saluo  Jure.  etc. 
Prudentia  Brewster  Vid.  Relca  eiusdem  Def.  Administracoem  bin  oi  in  se  suscipere 
renunciant  et  reensaii.  Et  exhibuit  Inven"  soliit  v.  s.  Et  d~cns  Wiihsus  et  alii 
obligantur.  [On  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  the  month  of  July,  1590,  administration 
of  all  and  singular  the  goods,  rights  and  credits  which  were  of  William  Brewster, 
late  of  Scrooby,  deceased,  was  granted  to  William  Brewster,  the  son  of  the  said 
deceased,  sworn  in  form  of  law.  Saving  any  other  person's  right.  Prudence  Brew- 
ster, Widow,  the  Relict  of  the  said  deceased  having  renounced  and  refused  to  take 
upon  herself  administration  of  the  said  deceased.  And  he  exhibited  an  Inventory. 
Five  shillings  were  paid.    And  the  said  William  and  others  are  bound.]  " 


324  THE. PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

had  just  died,  so  that  his  successor,  Sir  John  Stanhope,  was  new 
to  his  subordinates.  One  Samuel  Bevercotes,  Stanhope's  cousin, 
applied  to  Stanhope  to  give  the  place  to  a  friend  of  his,  and 
Stanhope  did  so.  Young  Brewster  understood  that  the  position 
had  been  substantially  his  for  a  year  and  a  half,  and  had  been 
promised  to  him  by  Mr.  Randolph,  and  therefore  did  not  ask 
appointment  to  it  from  Stanhope,  whom  he  did  not  know,  but 
dealt  with  Mr.  Mylls,  the  chief  clerk,  with  whom  he  always  had 
done  his  business.  When  he  found  that  another  had  been  com- 
missioned over  his  head,  he  applied  to  Davison  to  intercede  for 
him.  Davison,  who  seems  to  have  been  at  liberty  then  in  Lon- 
don, remonstrated  at  once  with  Stanhope. 

Stanhope  replied  with  significant  courtesy,^  and  said  that 
Brewster  had  not  applied  to  him,  and  rather  complained  of  that 
neglect.  He  added  that  he  had  been  informed  that  it  was  not 
true  that  the  young  man  had  "  had  admyttance  and  use  of  the 
place  in  his  father's  tyme,"  nor  did  he  know  that  Mr.  Randolph 
had  promised  Brewster  the  appointment.  He  therefore  had  given 
it  to  another.  But  if  any  satisfactory  way  of  retreat  could  be 
found,  he  would  revoke  the  grant.  Davison  replied,  showing 
that  Brewster  had  held  the  place  by  Randolph's  gift  long  before 
his  father's  death :  as  appeared  from  the  record  of  his  name  in 
the  roll  with  the  other  post-masters ;  from  his  receipt  of  the  fee 
for  the  year  and  a  half  just  past ;  from  the  testimony  of  his 
master  —  probably  Davison  himself  —  who  had  recommended 
him ;  from  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Mylls,  who  was  aware  of  the 
appointment,  and  had  registered  Brewster's  name  and  paid  him 
his  salary :  and  from  the  fact  that  he  had  been  performing  the 
duties  of  the  place  for  a  year  and  a  half,  as  the  next  post-masters 
on  each  side  would  testify.  He  urged  that  no  exception  coidd 
be  taken  to  Brewster's  honesty  or  efficiency  ;  that  to  remove  him 
would  be  unkind  in  view  of  his  great  charges  incurred  for  pro- 
vision for  the  service  in  that  "  hard  year,"  and  would  ruin  him;  ^ 
and  that  it  would  be  a  harmful  public  example.  For  all  which 
reasons  he  "  ought  to  be  no  more  displaced  than  the  rest  of  the 
postes." 

^  He  addressed  his  letter  to  his  "  honorable  frend,  Mr.  Secretary  Daveson." 
2  S.  P.  Dom.  Eliz.  ccxxxiii :  48. 


BREWSTER   AT   SCROOBY   MANOR  325 

So  vigorous  a  statement  from  sucli  a  quarter  clearly  prevailed. 
Brewster  was  iu  full  possession  of  the  office  at  the  earliest  date 
to  which  the  existing  post-office  records  run  back,  Apr.  1, 1594  ;  ^ 
which  implies  that  he  had  continued  to  hold  it.  He  performed 
its  duties  for  seventeen  years. 

The  year  1590  must  have  been  absorbed  so  largely  by  the 
special  cares  incident  to  the  settlement  of  the  estate  and  the 
consequent  readjustment  of  all  affairs  connected  with  his  office, 
that  he  could  have  had  little  opportunity  for  anything  else. 
Nevertheless,  he  probably  kept  his  ear  open  to  the  voices  on 
behalf  of  reform  in  religion  which  were  sounding  in  the  king- 
dom, and  his  eye  upon  that  literature  which  was  urgent,  if  not 
eloquent,  in  that  regard.  Among  the  books  which  he  left  behind 
him  at  Plymouth  was  Barrowe's  "  Brief  Discouerie  of  the  False 
Church,"  already  mentioned,  which  came  out  this  year,  and 
which,  if  studied  by  Brewster,  may  have  helped  to  form  his 
later  opinions.  Several  other  publications  of  the  same  year, 
which  have  been  named,  also  may  have  influenced  hun. 

Down  to  the  close  of  the  century  few  data  remain  which  shed 
much  light  upon  his  life.  Among  events  of  which  he  probably 
heard,  and  which  must  have  moved  him  more  or  less,  were 
Browne's  recantation  and  appointment  as  rector  of  Achurch- 
cum-Thorpe,  in  September,  1591 ;  the  arrest  of  Barrowe  and 
Greenwood  in  December,  1592,  followed  by  their  judicial  mur- 
der in  April,  1593,  and  by  that  of  Penry  in  the  following  June  ; 
and  the  departure  of  Francis  Johnson's  church  to  Holland, 
completed  by  the  winter  of  1595  ;  while  the  death  of  Henry 
Brewster,  vicar  of  Sutton  and  Scrooby,  near  the  end  of  1597- 
98,  and  the  institution  of  James  Brewster  in  his  place  early 
in  1598  occurred  close  at  hand.  In  the  literature  towards  which 
perhaps  his  mind  was  turning  seriously  were  two  or  tliree  light 
skirmishing  volumes  between  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  and  Gif- 
ford  and  Sutcliife ;  two  bitter  ones  by  Bancroft ;  the  earlier 
books  of  Hooker's  masterly  work  ;  and  that  treatise  of  Francis 
Johnson's,  on  "  The  Ministery  of  the  Church  of  England,"  which 
Brewster  seems  to  have  brought  to  Plymouth  ;  and  one  or  two 
other  works  claiming  brief  mention  hereafter. 
^  Hunter,  Colls-  66. 


326  THE  PILGKIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

His  former  fellow-servant,  George  Cranmer,  may  have  sent 
him,  in  1598,  the  letter  ^  which  Cranmer  published  to  his  revered 
instructor,  Kichard  Hooker,  in  which,  without  accepting  fully 
the  positions  of  the  reformers,  he  made  decided  concessions  to 
them. 

Brewster's  own  work  was  steady  and  must  have  been  exact- 
ing. The  earliest  records  of  the  Post  Office  mention  him  as 
in  full  possession  of  the  Scrooby  division  from  Apr.  1,  1594, 
through  the  century  at  a  salary  of  twenty  pence  a  day,  or  <£30 
8s.  4d.  a  year,2  about  $760  in  modern  money.  He  seems  to 
have  married  as  early  as  1591  or  1592.  But,  beyond  the  facts 
that  his  wife's  first  name  was  Mary,  that  she  was  about  two 
years  younger  than  he,^  and  that  she  lived  until  some  years 
after  reaching  New  England,*  we  have  no  details  about  her. 
Apparently  their  first  child  ^  was  born  in  1592  or  1593,  and 
that  they  named  him  Jonathan,  a  Bible  name  then  rare,  seems 
to  indicate  the  progress  of  the  joarental  mind  along  the  path  of 
Puritanism.  A  confirming  hint  is  that  the  next  child  known  to 
us,  who  seems  to  have  been  born  before  1600,  was  called  Pa- 
tience,^ and  that  the  second  daughter  of  whom  there  is  distinct 
trace,  also  probably  born  at  Scrooby,  just  before  the  flight  to 
Holland,  was  named  Fear."  In  some  one  of  these  years,  also, 
Brewster's  mother,  Prudence,  must  have  been  borne  from  the  old 

^  Concerning  the  New  Church  IHscijdine.  This  edition,  of  1642,  is  said  to  be  the 
first  (Hanbury,  Hooker,  i:  cxxiii).  But  what  motive  led  to  its  being  printed  first 
forty-two  years  after  its  author  and  its  recipient  both  were  dead  ?  Moreover,  Dr. 
Dexter's  copy  contains  the  endorsement,  in  a  handwriting  apparently  of  the  time, 
"  reprinted  "  1642. 

2  Hunter,  Colls.  66.  ^  gee  p.  505  n.  ^  Bradford,  Hist.  451. 

^  Admitted  a  citizen  of  Leyden,  twenty-five  being  the  age  required,  on  June  30, 
1617  (Poorter-Bk.  1603-38,  107),  which  confirms  his  affidavit. 

^  The  two  girls  came  to  Plymouth  in  the  Anne,  in  1623,  and  then  were  ap- 
proaching, if  they  had  not  reached,  marriageable  age.  Patience  married  Thomas 
Prenee  in  1624,  and  Fear  became  the  second  wife  of  Isaac  Allerton  in  1626;  These 
dates  imply  their  birth  at  Scrooby. 

"^  "  There  was  a  meaning  and  purpose  in  the  adoption  of  names  such  as  these. 
The  names  previously  used  in  England  had  been  for  the  most  part  the  names  of 
holy  men  and  women,  who  had  been  honoured  by  the  Ancient  Church,  and  placed 
by  her  in  the  Kalendar.  They  had  therefore  a  relation  to  the  abrogated  system, 
and  they  contributed  to  keep  up  the  memory  of  it,  which  the  Puritans  wished  to 
see  die  away.  They  had  recourse  therefore  to  Old  Testament  names,  and  to  such 
words  as  fear,  love  and  patience." — Hunter,  Colls.  142. 


BREWSTER  AT  SCROOBY  MANOR  327 

manor-house  to  the  little  churchyard,  where  the  shadow  of  the 
beautiful  spire  of  St.  Wilfred's  still  daily  rests  for  a  little  while 
upon  the  unremembered  spot. 

In  considering  Brewster's  progress  towards  Separatism  it  is 
needful,  in  the  lack  of  much  direct  testimony,  to  study  the  sug- 
gestions of  Bradford  nearly,  or  quite,  half  a  century  later,  as  he 
mourned  the  recent  loss  of  his  lifelong  friend.  Referring  to 
Brewster's  leaving  Davison's  service,  he  says  :  ^  — 

Afterwards  he  wente  and  lived  in  y"  country,  in  good  esteeme, 
amongst  his  freinds  and  y*  gentle  men  of  those  parts ;  espetially  the 
godly  &  religious.  He  did  much  good  in  y*"  countrie  wher  he  lived,  in  pro- 
moting and  furthering  religion,  not  only  by  his  practiss  &  example,  and 
provocking  and  incouraging  of  others,  but  by  procuring  of  good  preach- 
ers to  y"  places  theraboute,  and  drawing  on  of  others  to  assiste  & 
help  forward  in  such  a  worke ;  he  himselfe  most  comonly  deepest  in 
y"  charge,  &  some  times  above  his  abiUitie.  And  in  this  state  he  con- 
tinued many  years,  doeing  y''  best  good  he  could,  and  walking  accord- 
ing to  y"  light  he  saw,  till  y*^  Lord  reveiled  further  unto  him.  And  in 
y*  end,  by  j"  tiranny  of  y*"  bishops  against  godly  preachers  &  people, 
in  silenceing  the  one  &  persecuting  y®  other,  he  and  many  more  of 
those  times  begane  to  looke  further  into  things,  and  to  see  into  y''  unlaw- 
fullnes  of  their  callings,  and  y*  burthen  of  many  anti-christian  corrup- 
tions, which  both  he  and  they  endeavored  to  cast  of ;  as  y*"^  allso  did, 
as  in  y^  beginning  of  this  treatis  is  to  be  seene. 

Here  are  six  intimations.  (1.)  Brewster  from  the  beginning 
of  his  adult  residence  at  Scrooby  enjoyed  the  confidence  and 
esteem  of  the  neighborhood,  and  particularly  of  the  more  cul- 
tivated and  religious  people.  (2.)  He  was  recognized  as  dis- 
tinctly on  the  side  of  good  order  and  piety.  (3.)  He  was  active 
in  endeavoring  to  have  the  gospel  preached  there.^  In  other 
words,  he  was  a  Puritan.  (4.)  He  bore  even  more  than  his  fair 
share  of  the  cost  of  such  endeavors.  (5.)  He  continued  this  for 
many  years  in  substantially  his  old  relations  ;  that  is,  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  State  Church.  (6.)  Some  special  development  of  re- 
ligious tyranny  and  the  steadily  increasing  hopelessness  of  any 
improvement  within  the  Church  at  last  drove  him,  and  others 
like  him,  on  to  Separation. 

1  Hist.  410. 

2  In  the  smaller  towns  and  the  rural  districts  sermons  rarely  were  heard. 


328  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

So,  then,  when  the  first  hour  of  the  seventeenth  century 
struck,  William  Brewster  was  thirty-five ;  a  young  husband  and 
father ;  an  officer  of  the  queen ;  residing  at  Scrooby  in  the 
manor-house  of  an  archbishop  ;  having  some  university  culture 
from  Cambridge,  enlarged  by  an  experience  of  certain  work  at 
the  royal  Court,  and  broadened  by  an  observation  which  had 
reached  into  the  Tower  as  well  as  extended  beyond  the  narrow 
seas ;  refined  by  some  acquaintance  with  many  good  and  great 
men ;  recognized  as  religious  and  influential,  and  the  subject  of 
profound  spiritual  convictions  which  gradually  were  deepening 
towards  the  absorption  of  all  the  great  aims  of  life.  Yet  he  still 
was  within  the  communion  of  the  Established  Church,  and  his 
hands  were  full  of  work  of  various  kinds.  So  much,  at  the 
least,  we  can  see. 

The  first  great  civil  event  of  the  new  century  was  the  death 
of  the  queen,  on  Mar.  24,  the  last  day  of  1602-3.  Brewster  must 
have  had  news  of  it  long  before  most  people  in  the  North.  As 
soon  as  her  last  breath  was  drawn,  Sir  Robert  Carey,  who  had 
been  waiting  for  the  event,  received  the  tidings  from  his  sister. 
Lady  Scrope,  with  a  ring  from  one  of  the  dead  queen's  fingers, 
with  which,  as  his  credential,  he  started  at  once  for  Edinburgh.^ 
He  covered  the  more  than  300  miles  in  three  days  and  two  nights. 
Scrooby  was  a  little  more  than  halfway,  so  that  at  some  time 
on  Friday,  Mar.  25,  Sir  Robert  must  have  halted  at  the  old 
manor-house,  and  must  have  broken  the  great,  if  not  unantici- 
pated, news.  On  the  next  day,  or  the  next  but  one,  Thomas 
Somerset  and  Sir  Charles  Percy,  the  authorized  messengers  of 
the  Privy  Council,  must  have  arrived  at  a  soberer  pace. 

The  opening  years  of  the  century  seem  to  have  been  years  of 
material  prosperity  for  Brewster.  On  July  1,  1603,  his  salary 
as  post-master  was  raised  from  twenty  pence  to  two  shillings  ^  a 
day.  In  1605  we  gain  a  glimpse  of  the  manor-house  as  a  post- 
house  under  his  charge.  Sir  Timothy  Hutton,  son  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  slept  there  on  a  journey  from  York  to  London, 
and  lunched  there  on  his  return.    He  noted  ^  that  he  paid  the 

1  S.  R.  Gardiner,  Hist.  Eng.  i :  55. 
-  P.  O.  Accounts.    Hunter,  Colls.  67. 
3  Surtees  Sac.  Fubs.  Hutton  vol.  197-204. 


BREWSTER   AT   SCROOBY   MANOR  329 

Scrooby  Post  for  a  conveyance  and  guide  to  Tuxford  ten  shil- 
lings, and  for  a  caudle,^  supper  and  breakfast  seven  sbillings, 
ten  pence.  Returning  he  paid  eight  shillings  for  conveyance  to 
Doncaster,  and  for  "  burned  sack,  bread,  beer  and  sugar  to 
wine  "  two  shillings,  wth  three  pence  to  the  hostler. 

^  A  hot  drink,  composed  of  wine,  egg,  bread,  sugar  and  spices. 


CHAPTER  V 

MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH 

The  fii'st  years  of  the  century  were  comparatively  peaceful. 
No  doubt  something  of  the  fierceness  of  the  old  conflicts  had 
burned  out,  but  the  obvious  fact  that  the  queen  was  nearing 
the  end  of  her  reign  was  not  without  influence.  Mary  Stuart's 
son,  James  VI.  of  Scotland,  trained  by  the  Scotch  Presbyterians, 
was  to  succeed  her.  The  most  bigoted  officials  of  the  English 
Establishment  could  not  forget  the  change  liable  to  happen  on 
any  day  at  Court,  and  its  probable  effect  upon  themselves.  And 
the  Dissenters,  not  without  some  hope,  were  content  to  bide 
their  time.  All  was  made  easier,  too,  by  the  age  of  the  Primate, 
then  almost  seventy. 

The  Papists  took  advantage  of  the  lull  to  circulate  quietly 
some  pleas  against  Protestantism,^  and  in  1601  William  Barlow, 
a  chaplain  to  the  Primate,  soon  to  be  Dean  of  Chester  and, 
later.  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  replied  ^  to  them. 

In  the  same  year  a  "  Petition  to  the  Queene  for  Association 
[union]  in  Religion,"  ^  by  Thomas  Digges,  was  published  post- 
humously. Its  main  contention  is  that  if  "  all  gentlemen,  Magis- 
trats,  &  possessioners  within  this  realme  shall  take  the  oth  of 
association,  for  the  defence  &  perpetuation  of  religion,"  Roman- 
ist hopes  and  practices  alike  will   be  checked.    But  that  this 

1  One  book  was  Certain  Articles,  or  forcible  reasons  discouering  the  palpable  absurd- 
ities, and  most  intricate  errours  of  the  Protestantes  Religion,  4to. 

-  ^-1  Defence  oj' the  Articles  of  the  Protestants  Religion,  in  aunsweare  to  a  libell  lately 
cast  abroad  intituled,  Certaine  Articles,  4to. 

^  Humble  Motives  forr  Association  to  maintaine  religion  established  ;  etc.,  16mo,  6. 
41,  xvii,  xxiii.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  this  is  signed  "  By  Thomas  Dig-gs,  Gentle- 
man," the  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.  attributes  it  to  Wm.  Bradshaw.  Ath.  Cant,  counts 
it  among  Digges's  volumes.  As  Digges  died  in  1595,  and  the  work  has  an  unsigned 
appendix  dated  "  December,  1601,"  Bradshaw  may  have  written  the  appendix  and 
published  the  book. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  331 

plan  was  not  intended  to  extinguish  Puritanism  is  clear  from 
the  appended  appeal  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  which 
urges : — 

Te  shal  find  temie  jmritds  for  one  forinallst  [among  the  clergy  of 
the  land  not  non-residents  and  dumb  dogs],  &  that  one  puritan  doth 
more  advance  the  gospell,  &  suppr esse  popery,  than  tenne  formalists. 
For  he  attends  [to]  his  viinistery,  ifc  not  [to]  imdt'qdying  or  exchang- 
ing of  benefices.  He  preacheth,  not  once  a  moneth,  or  lesse,  but 
euery  Saboth  day,  &  that,  not  to  please  the  eare,  but  to  moue  the 
heart. 

And,  referring  to  a  recent  utterance,  in  a  book  called  "  Newes 
from  Spaine  &  Hollad,"  that,  if  the  queen  lived  much  longer, 
the  Puritans  would  be  extinguished,  it  replies :  — 

Nay  much  more  possible  &  likely  it  is,  that  the  Puritan  shall  over- 
come the  Protestant  tha  the  contrary  :  For  that  the  pui'itan  build- 
eth  directly  vpo  the  protestants  first  grounds  in  religion,  and  deduceth 
thereof  clearly,  and  by  ordinary  consequence,  all  his  conclusions  :  which 
the  protestant  cannot  denie  by  diuinity,  but  onlie  by  policy,  and  hu- 
maine  ordination,  or  by  turning  to  Catliolique  aunsweres,  contrary 
to  their  oune  j^rinciples.  And  theirefore  it  is  hard  for  any  man,  sin- 
cerely to  be  a  Protestant,  but  that  he  wil  easily  passe  on  also  (more  or 
lesse)  to  be  a  Puritan. 

It  was  some  English  Romanist,  probably,  as  the  book^  has  no 
imprint  and  resembles  those  from  the  secret  presses  of  the  Ro- 
manists, who  replied  to  Digges,  just  before  the  queen's  death. 
The  quality  of  his  censure  is  indicated  thus  :  — 

Then  the  lying  spirit  of  Puritanes  by  which  every  basest  fellowe  is 
to  prescribe  Religion  to  the  vniversaU  worlde,  and  no  doctrine  can  be 
maintained  without  that  mans  allowance,  cannot  be  a  maintenance  but 
destruction  to  true  Reuerence  :  as,  to  giue  a  shorte  example  in  a  briefe 
discourse,  there  haue  beene  by  morall  iudgement.  700.  sectes  of  Here- 
tickes,  which  haue  pleaded  this  kinde  of  Maintenance.  Therefore  it 
is  oddes  699,  to  one,  that  Puritanes  will  destroy  and  not  maintaine 
Religion. 

The  genuine  Established  Churchman  sometimes  was  not  much 
behind  the  Romanist  in  severity.     For  instance,  Josias  Nichols, 

1  A  Briefe  Censure  upon  the  Puritane  pamphlet,  entituled,  Humble  Motyues  for  As- 
sociation, etc.,  16mo,  14. 


332  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

of  Eastwell,  Kent,  at  about  this  time  argued  ^  that  the  religion 
of  the  State  Church  is  the  only  true  one,  and  insisted  that  "  the 
pretended  Religion  of  the  Sea  of  Rome  is  a  false,  bastard,  new, 
vpstart,  hereticall  and  variable  sujierstitious  devise  of  man."  ^  In 
the  summer  of  the  same  year  Nichols  also  set  forth  a  vigorous  yet 
kindly  volume,^  in  the  main  pleading  the  Puritan  cause.  It  says 
that  the  name,  as  a  reproach,  really  is  more  appropriate  for  the 
Papists,  and  declares  :  — 

Who  so  feareth  an  oth,  or  is  an  ordinarie  resorter  to  sermons,  ear- 
nest against  excesse,  ryot,  poperie,  or  any  disorder,  they  are  called  in 
the  vniuersitie  prescisians,  and  in  other  places  pm'itans. 

It  claims  that  the  Puritan  cause  has  been  much  injured  by  the 
Mar-prelate  controversy,  and  condemns  each  side  with  equal 
severity.  It  insists  that  the  godly  preaching  ministers  are  not 
enemies  to  the  State ;  that  they  cannot  but  "  ever  love  her 
Maiestie,  and  all  the  godlie  wise  Magistrates ;  "  that  the  best 
good,  and  even  the  safety,  of  the  queen  and  her  government  will 
be  promoted  by  toleration  of  a  "  godlie  ministerie,"  and  that,  in 
fact,  the  Puritans 

by  their  chearefull  obedience  to  God,  and  thankfuU  declaration  of  their 
loue  vnto  their  jirince,  &  dutiful!  practise  of  iustice,  equitie,  trueth, 
mercie  &  concorde,  one  with  an  other  :  shew  them  selues,  the  true  and 
faithfull  professors  of  Christes  most  blessed  Ghosjiell. 

His  frank  testimony  as  to  the  religious  condition  of  the  king- 
dom also  deserves  notice.  In  1702  Cotton  Mather  said  that, 
when  Bradford  was  born,  the  people  of  Austerfield  were  "  as 
unacquainted  with  the  Bible,  as  the  Jews  do  seem  to  have  been 
with  part  of  it  in  the  days  of  losiah  ;  a  most  Ignorant  and 
Licentious  People^  and  like  unto  their  Priest^  *  Hunter  says 
of  this :  ^  — 

As  to  the  moral  and  religious  state  of  the  village  in  which  he  [Brad- 

^  Abrahams  Faith  :  that  is.  the  olde  religion.  Wherein  is  tnvght  that  the  religion 
now  puhlikely  taught  and  defended  by  order  in  the  Church  of  Ei^gland,  is  the  onely 
true  catholicke,  auncient,  and  unchangeable  Jaith  of  Gods  Elect,  etc.,  1603,  4to. 

2  Abrs.  Faith.   Title  pag-e. 

*  The  Plea  of  the  Innocent :  Wherein  is  Averred  :  That  the  Ministers  and  People 
Falsely  Termed  Puritans  Are  Injuriously  Slandered  for  Enemies  or  Troublers  of  the 
State,  etc.,  16mo,  4,  11,  31,  98,  154,  251, 218,  226. 

*  Mag.  ii :  3.  &  Colls.  121. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  333 

ford]  was  born,  it  was  probably  neither  much  better  nor  much  worse 
than  the  other  agricultural  villages  of  England  at  that  time  were. 

Whatever  the  state  of  things  may  have  been  in  Austerfield  then, 
here  is  a  candid  and  apparently  devout  man  testifying  thus  of 
rural  England  in  general  in  the  last  years  of  Elizabeth  :  — 

We  finde  by  great  experience  (and  I  haue  now  fine  and  twentie  yeares 
obserued  it)  that  in  those  places  where  there  is  not  preaching  and  pri- 
uate  conferring  of  the  Minister  &  the  people,  the  most  part,  haue  as  little 
knowledge  of  God  and  of  Clirist,  as  Turkes  and  Pagans.  One  would 
not  thinke  it  so  :  seeinge  they  haue  the  holy  scriptures  read  in  aknowen 
tongue,  and  now  and  then  Sermons  quarterlie,  yet  surely  it  is  true  in 
verie  many  places.  For  I  haue  bene  in  a  parish  of  foure  hundred 
comunicantes,  and  marueiling  that  my  preachinge  was  so  little  regarded, 
I  tooke  vpon  me  to  conferre  with  euerie  man  and  woman,  before 
they  receaued  the  communion.  And  I  asked  them  of  Chi'ist,  what  hee 
was  in  his  person :  what  his  office  :  howe  sinne  came  into  the  worlde  : 
what  punishement  for  sinne :  what  becomes  of  our  bodies  being  rotte 
in  the  graues  :  and  lastlie,  whether  it  were  possible  for  a  man  to  line  so 
vprightlie,  that  by  well  doeing  he  might  winne  heauen.  In  all  the 
former  questions,  I  skarse  found  tenne  in  the  hundred,  to  haue  anie 
knowledge,  but  in  the  last  question  skarse  one  but  did  affirme,  that  a 
ma  might  be  saued  by  his  own  wel  doing :  and  that  he  trusted  he  did 
so  Hue  that  by  Gods  grace  he  should  obtaine  euerlasting  life  by  seru- 
ing  of  God  &  good  prayers,  &c.  Where  I  am,  I  haue  bene  21.  yeares, 
I  haue  euerie  yere  communed  with  such  strangers  as  haue  come  into 
this  parish,  either  house-keepers  or  seruauntes ;  and  being  small,  there 
comes  some  yere  not  passing  six,  some  tenne,  and  some  yeares  more. 
And  truelie  God  is  my  witnesse,  that  I  lie  not,  I  haue  f  ounde  some  that 
haue  comde  from  parishes,  where  there  hath  bene  diligent  teaching, 
to  aunswere  me  verie  handsomlie  in  all  these  thinges  :  but  I  can  hardlie 
remember  anie  one,  which  had  continued  vnder  a  Non-resident  and  vn- 
preaching  ministerie,  that  had  any  knowledge,  especiallie  to  tell  what 
Christ  is,  or  that  we  are  saued  by  faith  in  him,  and  not  by  workes. 
Therefore  I  haue  asked  the  like  of  others,  whiche  tooke  the  same 
paines  as  I  did,  and  they  have  affirmed  to  me  the  verie  same. 

He  insists  repeatedly  that  the  policy  of  repression  and  subscrip- 
tion has  been  not  only  cruelly  oppressive  of  good  men,  but  also 
actually  stimulating  to  vice  and  crime. 

Dr.  William  Covell,  then  vicar  of  Sittingbourne,  Kent, 
thought   Nichols's    volume   needed  answer.    Yet    in  his  much 


334  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

larger  reply  ^  he  neither  refutes  nor  denies  Nichols's  charges, 
but  argues  that  kings  have  authority  over,  and  should  have  care 
for,  church  government ;  that  the  Church  ought  to  have  a  disci- 
pline, but  not  that  which  the  reformers  desire  :  that  the  exist- 
ing arrangements  of  the  Church  of  England  are  good  enough  ; 
and  that  toleration  in  the  main  would  be  intolerable.  And,  in- 
dicating how  the  hopes  of  many  Separatists,  that  the  new  king 
would  be  more  indulgent  to  them  than  the  old  queen  had  been, 
were  regarded  by  many  Churchmen,  he  says  :  — 

In  one  word  the  Church  cannot  feare  a  more  dangerous  and  fatall 
enemie  to  her  peace  and  happines,  a  greater  clond  to  the  light  of  the 
Gospell,  a  stronger  hand  to  pull  in  Barbarisme,  and  pouertie,  into  all 
our  Land,  a  more  furious  monster,  to  breed  contempt,  and  disobedience 
in  all  states  ;  a  more  fretting  Cankar  to  the  very  marrowes  and  sin- 
ewes  of  this  Church,  and  kingdome,  than  the  Anabaptist  [he  means 
Brownists,  Barrowists  and  Separatists  generally]  ;  who  is  proud  without 
learning,  presumptuous  without  authoritie.  Zealous  without  knowledge, 
holy  without  Religion  ;  in  one  word  a  dangerous  and  malicious  Hypo- 
crite. Sundrie  of  these  manifest  and  violent  disturbers  of  the  peace  of 
this  Church  and  the  Common-wealth,  were  banished  from  amongst  vs 
in  the  dayes  of  ovir  late  Souereigne,  we  heare  they  are  returnd  ;  they 
make  petitions,  they  hope  for  fauour. 

The  king  on  his  way  to  London  2  was  approached  by  a  Puri- 
tan deputation,  bearing  a  petition  ^  of  sundry  ministers  of  the 
Church  of  England  desiring  reformation,  and  anxious  to  reach 
the  royal  ear  before  the  hierarchy  could  close  it  against  them. 
It  conunonly  was  called  the  Millenary  Petition,  as  expressing 
the  desires  of  a  thousand  suppliants.*    It  represents  this  great 

^  A  Modest  and  reasonable  examination,  of  some  things  in  vse  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, etc.,  1604,  4to,  205,  212. 

2  Apr.  4,  IfiO:^. 

^  The  Humble  Petition  of  the  Ministers  of  the  Church  of  England,  desiring  Befor- 
mation  of  certain  Ceremonies  and  abuses  of  the  Church.  Fuller.  Bk  x  :  27;  Collier, 
viii :  267  ;  Perry,  372,  n. 

*  Strype  ( Whitgift,  565)  .says  :  "  They  were  some  hundreds  short."  Collier  (vii : 
273)  says  :  "  There  wanted  some  hundreds  to  complete  the  number."  Fuller  (v : 
265)  says:  "  There  were  but  seven  hundred  and  fifty  preachers'  hands  set  there- 
unto, but  those  all  collected  only  out  of  five  and  twenty  counties."  Hook  (Lives 
Archbps.  Cant,  new  ser.  v:  179)  calls  it  "  the  great  lying-  petition."  Gardiner  (i : 
163)  more  truly  says :  "  The  fact  seems  to  have  been  that  there  were  no  signatures 
at  all  to  it."  In  The  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  the  True,  Modest  and  lust  Defence  of 
this  Petition,  in  the  British  Museum   (Add.  Ms.  8978),  which  was  printed  by 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE   TRUE   CHURCH     335 

body  of  the  clergy  not  as  "  factious  men  affecting  a  popular 
parity  in  the  Church,"  nor  "  as  Schismatikes  ayming  at  the  dis- 
solution of  the  state  Ecclesiastical,"  but  as  faithful  Christians 
and  loyal  subjects  who  can  do  no  less  than  acquaint  him  with 
their  griefs.    They  request :  — 

1.  That,  in  the  church  service,  the  signing  of  the  cross  in 
baptism,  interrogatories  put  to  infants  and  confirmation  may  be 
discontinued ;  that  baptism  be  never  administered  by  women  ;  ^ 
that  the  cap  and  surplice  be  no  longer  imperative  ;  that  exami- 
nation precede,  and  a  sermon  accompany,  the  communion  ;  that 
certain  terms,  such  as  "  priest,"  "  absolution,"  and  the  like,  with 
the  ring  in  marriage,  be  discontinued ;  that  the  length  of  the 
service  be  abridged,  the  psalmody  improved,  the  Lord's  day  kept, 
holiday  ceremonies  less  insisted  on,  and  uniformity  of  doctrine 
prescribed ;  that  no  Popish  opinion  be  taught  or  defended  ;  and 
that  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus,  and  the  reading  of  the  Apoc- 
rypha be  not  required. 

2.  That  no  ministers  be  authorized  but  able  and  sufficient 
men,  and  that  they  be  required  to  preach  diligently,  esj^ecially 
upon  the  Lord's  day  ;  that  those  already  in  service,  but  unable  to 
preach,  be  charitably  removed  or  compelled  to  maintain  preachers  ; 
that  non-residence  be  forbidden ;  that  the  lawfulness  of  minis- 
ters' marriage  be  recognized ;  and  that  subscription  be  required 
only  to  the  Articles  of  Religion  and  the  supremacy  of  the  king. 

3.  That  bishops  who  hold  prebends,  parsonages  or  vicarages, 
in  addition  to  their  bishoprics,  relinquish  them ;  that  beneficed  ^ 

Brewster  at  Leyden  in  1618,  it  is  distinctly  said  (13)  :  "No  copies  of  the  sayd 
petition  were  delivered  to  any  beside  our  selues,  (excepting'  that  only  which  was 
exhibited  to  your  Majesty)  since  which  time  no  copies  at  all  were  dispersed  into 
any  quarters  of  the  realme,  much  lesse  into  all :  neither  before  were  any  hands 
required  to  it,  but  only  consent."  Probably  these  "  consents  "  had  been  received 
to  the  full  extent  claimed.  Supplementary  circulars  seem  to  have  been  sent  out 
from  London,  on  June  30  following,  by  Henry  Jacob  (see  p.  438).  See  circular  in 
the  Oxford  A7isiV€re  (viii),  and  also  0.  Ormerod"s  Picture  of  a  Puritane  (8)  and 
Henry  Jacob's  Reasons  Taken  out  of  Gods  Word  (v). 

1  Because  of  the  Romish  belief  that  baptism  is  essential  to  salvation,  any  mid- 
wife had  been  authorized  to  baptize  a  dying  infant  when  a  priest  could  not  be 
summoned. 

^  A  benefice  is  an  ecclesiastical  living  endowed  with  a  fixed  income,  for  the 
maintenance  of  a  clergyman  legally  responsible  for  conducting  divine  service.  Its 
clerical  holder,  when  formally  instituted,  is  a  beneficed  man. 


336  THE   PILGRIMS   AND  THE   CONFLICT 

men  be  restrained  from  holding  two  or  three  benefices,  and 
sometimes  three  or  four  dignities  ^  in  addition  ;  and  that  abuses 
in  impropriations  ^  be  remedied. 

4.  That  church  discipline  be  administered  strictly  according 
to  the  law  of  Christ,  or,  at  least,  that  enormities  be  redressed, 
as  that  excommunication  go  not  forth  in  the  names  of  lay  per- 
sons, or  for  trifles,  or  without  consent  of  the  pastor  ;  that  un- 
reasonable fees  be  not  extorted  ;  that  divers  Popish  canons,  such 
as  those  forbidding  marriage  at  certain  times,  be  abolished  ;  that 
the  length  of  ecclesiastical  suits  be  restrained  ;  the  oath  ex  officio  ^ 
be  used  more  sparingly ;  and  that  licenses  for  marriage  without 
banns  be  granted  more  cautiously. 

There  is  nothing  extreme  here.  There  is  no  Brownism  or 
Barrowism,  and  little  of  distinctive  Presbyterianism.  There  is 
nothing  threatening  danger  to  Church  or  State.  Had  he  met 
these  petitioners  courteously  and  candidly,  consenting  to  give 
their  reqiiests  a  fair  examination,  and,  so  far  as  they  were  well 
founded,  to  do  what  he  coidd,  without  unwise  interference  with 
existing  institutions,  to  grant  them,  the  majority  of  those  who 
had  spoken  through  this  document  woidd  have  been  satisfied ; 
most  of  the  worst  existing  troubles  would  have  been  healed ; 
and  James  might  have  reigned  over  a  people  in  the  main  well 
united  in  him  as  their  sovereign.  But,  with  all  his  learning,  he 
had  not  learned  practical  wisdom,  and  whatever  sense  he  had 
was  not  common  sense. 

Puffed  up  with  an  enormous  self-conceit,  he  had  adopted  the 
notion  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  in  its  most  extravagant  form. 
He  was  fond  of  saying  "  No  bishop,  no  king."  The  Establish- 
ment became  to  him  but  another  name  for  a  loyal  and  safe  civil 
government.  This  of  course  threw  him  under  the  influence  of 
the  bishops,  who  used  their  opportunity  to  the  utmost.    Janles 

^  As  the  rank  of  dean,  archdeacon,  canon  or  prebendary. 

^  The  appropriation  of  church  revenues  to  lay  or  private  use. 

^  The  process  was  to  assume  that  a  man  was  guilty  of  some  offence,  althoug-h 
no  one  had  accused  him  of  it,  and  then  make  him  swear  that  he  was  not  guilty. 
Blackstone  says  (iii :  27)  :  "  It  was  then  usually  denominated  the  oath  ex  officio, 
whereof  the  high  commission  Court  in  particular  made  a  most  extravagant  and 
illegal  use ;  forming  a  court  of  inquisition,  in  which  all  persons  were  obliged  to 
answer,  in  cases  of  bare  suspicion."  It  was  abolished,  with  the  High  Commission 
Court,  in  1640. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE   CHURCH    337 

was  ignorant  of  the  English  people.  Indeed,  he  had  had  little 
means  of  learning  the  attitude  of  the  nation  upon  the  subjects 
of  this  address.  A  wiser  man  would  have  waited  and  would 
have  abstained  carefully  from  seeming  to  slight  such  a  docu- 
ment. Probably  the  majority  of  the  clergy,  and  doubtless  a 
large  majority  of  the  laity,  was  far  from  sympathizing  with  the 
millenarians.  Great  difficulties  would  have  hindered  any  seri- 
ous attempt  to  modify  the  church  services.  But  neither  king 
nor  bishops  had  any  intention  of  even  seriously  considering  the 
questions  raised. 

It  was  natural,  perhaps,  that  the  first  public  response  should 
come  from  those  specially  clerical  centres,  the  universities.  On 
June  9  Cambridge  passed  a  grace  ^  that  whoever  in  that  uni- 
versity should  attack  the  doctrine  or  discipline  of  the  Church  of 
England  shoiild  be  suspended  from  all  degrees  already  taken, 
and  forbidden  all  others.  And,  some  three  months  later,^  the 
authorities  at  Oxford  issued  a  pamphlet  ^  making  brief  and  bit- 
ter reply  to  the  Petition.  It  attempts  to  prove  that  the  abuses 
complained  of  deserve  no  severe  rej)rehension,  least  of  all  such 
changes  as  these  "absurd  Brownists"  —  "weake  in  judgment," 
"  factious  Schismaticks,"  in  their  "  insolent  attempts,"  their 
"  childish  fallacies,"  their  "  scurrile  pamphlets  "  —  have  "  mali- 
ciously and  iniuriously  "  made  themselves  "  ridicidous  "  by  urg- 
ing.   To  grant  their  requests,  it  is  insisted,  would  be 

so  jyremdiclall,  both  to  the  Civil  state  in  general,  and  in  particular,  to 
so  many  of  the  very  best  of  the  Ministery ;  that  if  it  shoulde  take  effect, 
...  it  woukl  breede  a  strange  alteration  in  the  one  ;  and  in  the  other 
it  would  for  the  present,  not  only  impoverish  vs,  and  our  Vniversities, 
but  make  both  them  and  vs,  and  the  whole  Cleargy  very  base  and 
contemptible  in  the  eies  of  our  own  people,  as  also  a  By-word  &  a 

^  Camb.  Univ.  Trans,  during  Pur.  Controv.  ii :  203.  A  "grace"  is  an  act,  vote 
or  decree  of  the  governing  body.   See  p.  438. 

^  The  second  edition  of  the  Oxford  tract  contains  a  letter,  dated  Oct.  7,  1603, 
from  the  Cambridge  dons  endorsing  the  Oxford  view,  and  the  Oxford  men,  in- 
serting it  in  their  second  edition,  say  that  it  reached  them  "  immediately  after" 
the  printing  of  their  first  edition. 

^  The  Answere  of  the  Vicechanclorr.  the  Doctors,  both  the  Proctors,  and  other  the 
Heads  of  Houses  in  the  Vniversity  of  Oxford.  .  .  .  To  the  humble  Petition  of  the 
Ministers  of  the  Church  of  England,  desiring  Reformation  of  certaine  Ceremonies  and 
Abuses  of  the  Church,  1G03,  4to,  iv,  22,  vii,  iv,  9,  10,  26,  2S,  29. 


338  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

skorne  to  our  neighbour  nations ;  And  for  succeeding  ages,  it  would 
cut  of  all  hope  of  a  learned  Ministerie,  and  of  that  grounded  learning, 
which  as  yet  is,  and  heretofore  hath  beene,  the  glorie  and  honour  of 
this  kingdome. 

A  few  days  after  this  "  Answere  "  was  published,  Cambridge 
sent  over  a  Latin  letter  ^  endorsing  the  Oxford  scorn.  The  Ox- 
ford men  got  out  a  new  edition  of  their  pamphlet,  adding  these 
contributions  from  Cambridge,  and  so  between  them  public  con- 
tempt was  put  upon  the  movement.  One  of  the  best  modern 
English  historians  says :  ^  — 

Their  demands  were  treated  with  that  cool  insolence  which  scarcely 
deigns  to  argue  with  an  ojiponent,  and  which  never  attemi)ts  to  un- 
derstand his  case.  It  was  taken  for  granted  that  no  concessions  could 
be  made  by  the  King,  unless  he  were  prepared  for  the  establislmient 
of  Presbyterianism,  and  it  was  argued  that  the  hearts  of  the  people 
would  be  stolen  away  from  their  Sovereign  by  preachers  who  would 
be  sure  to  teach  them  that  the  King's  "  meek  and  humble  clergy  have 
power  to  bind  their  King  in  chains  and  their  Prhice  in  liiiks  of  iro, 
that  is  (in  their  learning)  to  censure  him,  to  enjoine  him  penance,  to 
excommunicate  him ;  yea  (in  case  they  see  cause)  to  proceed  against 
him  as  a  tyrant." 

In  only  three  respects  was  the  king  prompted  towards  action 
by  this  petition.  First,  in  May  he  instructed  the  Primate  to 
ascertain  how  many  ministers  in  the  land  could  preach,  with  the 
number  of  communicants  and  of  recusants  in  every  parish. 
Secondly,  early  in  July  he  advised  the  universities  to  adopt  the 
recommendation  of  the  third  clause  of  the  memorial,"^  and  devote 
part  of  the  impropriated  tithes  to  the  maintenance  of  ministers 
who  could  preach.  But  Whitgift  objected  so  strongly  that  no- 
thing was  done.  Thirdly,  he  caused  the  famous  Hampton  Court 
Conference  to  be  held. 

Tlie  proclamation  convoking  this  announced  that  the  king 
had  decided  that  he  could  best  show  his  thankfulness  to  God  by 
redeeming  the  Church  from  such  scandals  as  existed  in  it.  But 
it  was  his  business  to  find  out  what  they  were  ;  and  he  wanted 
the  matter  left  to  him.    He  particularly  cautioned  "  reformers," 

1  Introd.  to  second  ed.  of  Answere,  1604.  ^  Gardiner,  i :  166. 

3  WUkins,  Concilia,  iv  :  368-369.  Strype,  Whitgift,  ii :  470.  S.  P.  Bom.  ii :  38- 
39. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  339 

who,  "  uuder  pretended  zeal,  affected  novelty,  and  so  confusion  in 
all  estates."  He  intended  to  "  preserve  the  estate,  as  well  ecclesi- 
astical as  politic,"  reforming-  only  "  abuses  apparently  proved." 

Accordingly  he  summoned  the  Priniate,i  eight  bishops,  seven 
deans,  one  archdeacon  and  one  royal  chaplain  ;  and,  to  re- 
present the  Puritans,  Drs.  Rainolds  and  Sparks  and  Rev. 
Messrs.  Knewstubs  and  Chaderton.^  It  is  plain  that  these 
divines  were  summoned^  less  for  any  purpose  of  debate  than 
for  some  outward  seeming  of  fairness,  and  that  they  might  be 
snubbed  and  silenced.  Dr.  William  Barlow,  Dean  of  Chester, 
afterwards  published  an  official  account"^  of  the  Conference. 
The  insolence  which  the  reformers  had  to  endure  will  become 
evident  by  a  glance  at  some  things  which  occurred,  supplement- 
ing Barlow  by  others. 

1  Strype,  Whitgifc,  485,  492.  These  members  were  Areh.  Whitgift,  Canterbury. 
Bishs.  Bancroft,  London  ;  Matthew,  Durham ;  Bilson,  Winchester ;  Babington, 
Worcester ;  Rudd,  St.  Davids ;  Watson,  Chichester ;  Robinson,  Carlisle ;  and 
Dove,  Peterborough.  Deans  Montagu,  Chapel  Royal,  London ;  Ravis,  Christ 
Church  ;  Edes,  Worcester  ;  Andrews,  Westminster  ;  Overall,  St.  Paul's ;  Barlow, 
Chester ;  and  Bridges,  Salisbury.  Archdeacon  King,  Nottingham.  Dr.  Field, 
Chaplain  to  the  king. 

2  John  Rainolds  was  fifty-four,  had  been  educated  at  Corp.  Christ.,  Oxford,  had 
made  special  study  of  the  Romanist  controversy,  had  been  Dean  of  Lincoln  and 
Master  of  Queen's,  and  now  was  President  of  Corp.  Christ.  An  expert  Greek  and 
Hebrew  scholar,  the  next  year  he  was  appointed  by  the  king  a  translator  of  the 
new  version  of  the  Bible.  Thomas  Sparks  took  B.  A.  at  Magdalen,  Oxford,  in 
1570,  became  rector  of  Bletchley,  Bucks,  and  later  chaplain  to  the  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln and  Archdeacon  of  Stow.  He  became  a  noted  Puritan.  The  king  is  said 
to  have  converted  him  back  to  conformity  at  this  Conference.  At  all  events, 
Sparks  published,  in  1607,  A  Brotherly  Perswasion  to  unitie  and  uniformitie  in  judg- 
ment and  practise,  etc.,  4to.  John  Knewstubs,  then  sixty-three,  had  been  fellow  of 
St.  John's,  Cambridge,  where  he  had  united  in  the  weekly  conferences  for  Bible 
study.  In  1579  he  became  rector  of  Cockfield,  Suff.,  and  was  suspended  in  1583. 
He  subscribed  the  Book  of  Discipline,  and  labored  privately  for  reform.  Laurence 
Chaderton.  also  sixty-three,  was  a  fellow  of  Christ's,  Cambridge.  In  157fi  he  dis- 
puted on  Arminianism  with  Baro.  He  preached  the  famous  Fruitful  Sermon  at 
Paul's  Cross,  Oct.  20,  1578,  subsequently  was  preacher  at  the  Middle  Temple,  and 
in  1584  became  the  first  Master  of  Emanuel,  which  position  he  held  thirty-eight 
years.    He  also  was  a  translator  of  the  new  Bible. 

^  See  Brook,  Lives  of  Purs,  ii :  447  ;  Barlow,  Sum  and  Subs.  23. 

*  The  Svmme  and  Svbstance  of  the  Conference  Which  it  pleased  his  excellent  Ma- 
iestie  to  haue  with  the  Lords  Bishops,  and  others  of  his  Clergie,  (at  which  the  most  of 
the  Lords  of  the  Councell  were  Present)  in  his  Maiesties  Privie  Chamber,  at  Hampton 
Court,  Jan.  U,  1603,  4to.  Reprinted,  1707,  in  the  Phenix  (i :  139-180).  See  also 
Fuller  (v:  206);  Dodd  (ii:  326)  and  Letter  of  Toby  Matthew,  Strype,  Whitgift 
(iii:  402). 


340  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

The  parties  assembled  at  Hampton  Court  on  Saturday, 
Jan.  14-24, 1603-4.  The  four  Puritans  sat  down  upon  a  bench 
in  the  Presence  Chamber,  where  they  were  left  during  the  whole 
day;  their  only  consolation  being  that  three  deans,  the  arch- 
deacon and  the  chaplain  shared  their  exclusion.  The  king  made 
"  an  excellent  oration  of  an  hour  long."  He  wanted  no  innova- 
tion in  ecclesiastical  order,  but  complaints  had  been  made.  If 
the  alleged  evils  were  dangerous,  he  would  cure  them.  If  frivo- 
lous, he  would  deal  with  those  factious  Puritans  so  that  they 
would  neither  boast  nor  glory.  He  was  holdmg  this  prelimi- 
nary private  interview  with  the  bishops,  so  that,  if  anything 
needed  to  be  done,  it  could  be  arranged  beforehand. 

He  then  referred  to  three  subjects  upon  which  he  wanted 
light ;  the  Prayer-book,  excommunication,  and  the  religious 
state  of  Ireland.  Under  the  first  head  he  asked  whether  confir- 
mation implied  that  baptism  were  invalid  without  it,  whether 
baptized  infants  needed  to  be  examined  in  adult  years,  what 
absolution  meant,  and  whether  private  baptism  by  women  and 
laics  were  tolerable.  As  to  the  second,  he  inquired  if  men  were 
excommunicated  for  too  light  causes  and  too  often.  As  for  Ire- 
land, he  wanted  it  planted  with  schools  and  ministers.  The 
archbishop  on  his  knees  blessed  God  "  for  setting  ouer  vs  a 
King  so  wise,  learned  and  iudicious,"  and  went  on  to  "  enforme 
his  Maiestie  of  all  these  pointes."  A  general  discussion  of  some 
hours  followed,  the  king  "  disputing,"  as  Dean  Montagu  wrote,i 
"  with  the  Bishops  so  wisely,  wittily  and  learnedly,  with  that 
pretty  patience,  as  I  think  never  man  living  heard  the  hke." 

On  Monday  forenoon  the  four  Puritans  were  called  in.  Only 
the  Bishops  of  London  and  Winchester,2  with  the  deans  and 
doctors,  were  present,  excepting  Prince  Henry  and  Mr.  Patrick 
Galloway ,3  sometime  of  Perth.  The  king  repeated  part  of  his 
speech  of  Saturday,  and  informed  the  Puritans  that  he  would 
hear  them.  They  kneeled  down  and  Rainolds  spoke  a  "  short 
preamble  gratulatory,"  and  then  explained  their  desires  in  these 
four  points  :  — 

1  E.  Law,  Hist.  Hamp.  Ct.  Pal.  ii :  35. 

2  Toby  Matthew  in  Strype,  Whitgift,  iii :  404. 

3  One  of  the  king's  Scotch  chaplains. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  341 

1.  That  the  Doctrine  of  the  Church  might  be  preserued  in  purity, 
according  to  God's  Word.  2.  That  good  Pastors  might  be  planted  in 
all  churches,  to  preach  the  same.  3.  Tliat  the  Church  gouernment 
might  be  sincerely  administred  according  to  God's  AVord.  4.  That 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  might  be  fitted  to  more  increase  of  pietie. 

He  had  not  proceeded  far  when  Bancroft,  Bishop  of  London, 
interrupted  him,  begged  the  king  to  enforce  the  ancient  canon 
that  schismatics  are  not  to  be  heard,  and  sneered  at  the  four 
Puritans  for  coming  before  the  king  "  in  Turky  goiines,  not  in 
their  Scholastical  babites,  suiting  to  their  degrees."  The  king, 
however,  had  the  justice  to  rebuke  the  bishop. 

Without  following  the  discussion,  it  is  enough  to  notice  that 
Rainolds  and  Knewstubs,  who  spoke  for  the  Puritans,  were  sub- 
jected to  a  running  fire  of  sneers  and  invective.  One  of  their 
objections  was  "  a  meere  cauil."  Another  suggested  the  remark, 
"  a  Puritane  is  a  Protestant  frayed  out  of  his  wits."  Knew- 
stubs was  informed  by  James  that  he  did  not  know  what  Knew- 
stubs meant,  and  the  lords,  when  apj)ealed  to,  politely  declared 
themselves  equally  uncertain.  The  king  himself  went  rampant.^ 
He  repeatedly  aired  his  favorite  saying:  "No  bishop,  no  king;" 
and  said  :  "  If  these  be  the  greatest  matters  you  be  grieued  with, 
I  neede  not  haue  bin  troubled  with  such  importunities  and  com- 
plaints." He  joined  in  the  sneers.  He  did  not  want  the  "  snh- 
scription  of  Laikes  &  Idiots."  Speaking  of  Christian  liberty, 
he  declared  :  "  I  will  none  of  that ;  I  will  haue  one  doctrine 
and  one  discipline,  one  Religion  in  substance,  and  in  ceremony." 
He  said  of  the  objecting  Puritans  :  — 

I  haue  liued  among  this  sort  of  men  .  .  .  euer  since  I  was  ten  yeares 
old,  but  I  may  say  of  my  selfe,  as  Christ  did  of  himselfe :  Though  I 
liued  among  them,  yet  since  I  had  ability  to  iudge,  I  was  neuer  of 
them ;  neither  did  anything  make  me  more  to  condemne,  and  detest 
their  courses,  then  that  they  did  so  peremptorily  disallow  of  al  things, 
which  at  all  had  been  vsed  in  Popery. 

And,  in  reply  to  some  plea  about  the  presbyters  of  the  churches, 
he  blazed  out :  — 

A  Scottish  Presbytery  which  ...  as  wel  agreeth  with  a  Monarchy, 
as  God  and  the   Devill.   Then  Jack  &  Tom,  &  Will  &  Dick,  shall 

1  Sum  and  Subs.  8o,  *(,  66,  71,  72,  79-83. 


342  THE   PILGRIMS  AND    THE   CONFLICT 

meete,  and  at  their  jileasures  censure  me,  and  my  Councell,  and  all 
our  proceedinges  :  Then  Will  shall  stand  vp,  and  say,  it  must  be  thus  ; 
then  Dick  shall  reply,  and  say,  nay,  mary  [marry],  but  wee  will  haue 
it  thus.  And  therefore,  here  I  must  once  reiterate  my  former  speech, 
Le  Roy  s'amsera :  Stay,  I  pray  you,  for  one  seuen  yeares  before 
you  demaund  that  of  mee,  and  if  then  you  find  me  purseye  and  fat, 
and  my  winde-pipes  stuffed,  I  will  pei-haps  hearken  to  you  :  for  let 
that  gouernement  bee  once  vp ;  I  am  sure  I  shall  bee  kept  in  breath ; 
then  shall  we  all  of  vs,  haue  worke  enough,  both  our  hands  ful.  But 
Doctor  Reyn[olds].  till  you  finde  that  I  grow  lazy,  let  that  alone. 

Barlow  adds  that,  as  James  withdrew,  he  tartly  remarked  : 
"  If  this  bee  al  that  they  haue  to  say,  I  shall  make  them  con- 
form themselves,  or  I  wil  harrie  them  out  of  the  land,  or  else 
doe  worse." 

Even  as  smoothed  over  by  the  courtly  phrasing  of  this  pre- 
judiced chronicler,  the  record  renders  it  clear  that  the  king 
and  the  prelates  gave  the  Puritans  no  fair  chance  ;  and,  indeed, 
treated  them  with  discourtesy.  And,  according  to  more  im- 
partial reporters,  his  Majesty  and  the  bishops  appear  to  even 
less  advantage.  After  this  second  meeting.  Sir  John  Harring- 
ton, of  the  Privy  Council,  wrote  :  ^  — 

The  King  talked  much  Latin,  and  disputed  with  Dr.  Reynolds  ;  but 
he  rather  used  u.pbraidings  then  arguments ;  told  them  they  wanted  to 
strip  Christ  again,  and  bid  them  "  away  with  their  snivelling."  More- 
over he  wished  those  who  would  take  away  the  surplice,  "  might  want 
linnen  for  their  own  breech."  The  Bishops  seemed  much  pleased,  and 
said  his  Maiestie  spake  "  by  the  power  of  inspiration."  I  wist  not 
what  they  mean  ;  but  the  [inspiring]  spirit  was  rather  foul-mouthed. 

The  final  session  was  on  Jan.  18.  The  bishops  and  deans  all 
were  present,  reinforced,  by  royal  order,  by  the  five  Knights 
and  Doctors  of  the  Arches ;  ^  the  four  Puritans  being  left  sole 
tenants  of  the  bench  in  the  Presence  Chamber.  After  the  re- 
port of  the  archbishop  and  the  bishoj)S,  recommending  three  or 
four  trifling  changes  in  the  rubrics,  discourse  turned  to  the 
High  Commission,  and  the  king  defended  the  oaths  compurga- 
tory  and  ex  officio  in  case  of  certain  offences.    It  will  illustrate 

^  Harrington's  Brief e  Notes  in  Nugae  Antiquae,  i :  181. 

^  Sir  Daniel  Donne,  Sir  Thomas  Crumpton,  Sir  Richard  Swale,  Sir  John  Bennet 
and  Sir  Drew  Drury. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  343 

the  extent  to  which  flattery  could  be  carried  by  grave  men  in 
high  station  to  cite  Barlow's  account  of  what  followed  the  king's 
speech.^ 

All  the  Lords  and  the  rest  of  the  present  Auditors,  stood  amazed 
at  it:  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  said,  that  undoubtedly  his 
Majesty  spake  by  the  speciall  assistance  of  God's  spirit.  The  Bishop 
of  London  upon  his  knee,  protested,  that  his  heart  melted  within  him, 
(and  so  hee  doubted  not,  did  the  hearts  of  the  whole  Company)  with 
ioy,  and  made  haste  to  acknowledge  unto  almighty  God,  the  singular 
mercie  wee  haue  receiued  at  his  hands,  in  giving  us  such  a  King,  as 
since  Christ  his  time,  the  like  he  thought  hath  not  beene,  whereunto 
the  Lords,  with  one  voyce,  did  yeeld  a  very  affectionate  acclamation. 
The  Ciuilians  present,  confessed,  that  they  could  not  in  many  houres 
warning,  haue  so  judiciously,  plainly,  and  accurately,  and  in  such  a 
hriefe  described  it. 

The  king  then  requested  the  lords  and  bishops  to  consult  fur- 
ther on  some  minor  matters,  and,  finally,  the  four  Puritans 
were  called  in  and  told  what  had  been  determined.  A  little 
questioning  and  disputing  was  about  to  follow,  when 

his  Majesty  shut  vp  all  with  a  most  pithy  exhortation  to  both  sides 
for  unity,  perswading  diligence  in  each  mans  place,  without  violence 
on  the  one  party,  or  disobediece  on  the  other  and  willed  them  [the 
Puritans]  to  deale  with  their  frieds  abroad  to  that  purpose :  for  his 
Majesty  feared,  and  had  some  experience,  that  many  of  them  were 
ticklish  and  humorous  [capricious]  ;  nor  that  only,  but  laborers  to  per- 
vert others  to  their  fancies  ;  he  now  saw,  that  the  exceptions  against 
the  Comunion  Booke  were  matters  of  weaknesse. 

Under  the  circumstances  Rainolds  and  his  colleagues  felt 
that  no  more  could  be  said  ;  excepting  that  Chaderton  begged 
that  the  wearing  of  the  surplice  and  the  use  of  the  cross  in 
baptism  might  be  remitted  to  some  ministers  in  Lancashire, 
who  feared  lest,  were  they  driven  to  use  them,  some  of  their 
people  would  slide  back  into  Popery.  The  king  promised  to 
inquire  and  that,  if  he  received  good  testimony  about  these 
ministers,  he  would  instruct  the  Bishop  of  Chester  to  be  con- 
siderate with  them. 

Knewstubs  then  pleaded  for  a  similar  favor  for  "  some  honest 
Ministers  in  Suffolke.'"    Whitgift  had  half  uttered  an  answer 

1  Sum  and  Subs.  96,  100,  104,  106. 


344  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

when  James  said  sharply  :  "  Let  me  alone  with  him,"  and  went 
on :  — 

Sir,  saith  the  king,  you  shew  your  selfe  an  uncharitable  man,  wee 
haue  here  taken  paines,  and  in  the  end  haue  concluded  of  an  unitie, 
and  uniformity,  and  you,  forsooth,  must  preferre  the  Credits  of  a  few 
private  men,  before  the  generall  peace  of  the  Church. 

Thus  ended,  in  disappointment,  injustice  and  insult,  what 
easily  might  have  been  the  brightest  and  most  hopeful  day 
which  England  yet  had  seen,  to  say  nothing  of  its  relation  to 
the  new  reign  from  which  so  many  had  hoped  so  much.  It  was 
decided  that  that  policy  of  brute  force  over  the  souls  of  men, 
which  many  hoped  would  be  left  to  the  darkness  of  past  years, 
should  be  kept  alive  to  distract  England  for  years  to  come. 
Whitgift,  who  had  many  noble  qualities,  although  usually  unfair 
and  severe  towards  the  Puritans,  was  near  his  end,  and  it  may 
not  be  strange  that  his  essentially  narrow  mind  helped  to  shape 
what  took  place.    But  Bancroft  was  in  his  prime. 

James  disclosed  his  omi  spirit  in  a  letter  remaining  in  his 
own  handwriting,  apparently  written  the  next  day  :  ^  — 

We  haue  kept  suche  a  reuell  with  the  Puritanis  heir  [here]  these 
two  dayes,  as  was  neuer  harde  the  lyke,  quhaire  [where]  I  haue  pep- 
perid  thaime  as  soundhe  as  ye  haue  done  the  papists  thaire ;  it  waire 
no  reason  that  those  that  will  refuse  the  airie  signe  of  the  crosse  after 
baptisme  shoukl  haue  thaire  pursis  stuffid  with  any  moe  soHde  and 
substantiall  crossis.  Thay  fledde  me  so  from  argument  to  argument 
without  euer  ansouring  me  directlie,  tit  est  eorum  moris,  as  I  was 
forcid  at  last  to  saye  unto  thaime,  that  if  any  of  thaime  hadde  bene  in 
a  colledge  disputing  with  thair  skoUairs,  if  any  of  thaire  disciples  had 
ansoured  thaim  in  that  sorte,  thay  wolde  haue  fetchid  him  up  [tied 
him  up  for  a  flogging]  in  place  of  a  replye,  and  so  shoulde  the  rodde 
have  plyed  upon  the  poore  boyes  buttokis.  I  haue  such  a  booke  of 
thairs  as  maye  uell  conuerte  infidellis,  but  it  shall  neuer  conuert  me, 
except  by  turning  me  more  earnistlie  against  thaim. 

1  Cot.  Ms.  Vespasian,  F.  iii :  71.  This  letter  begins  :  "  My  honest  blake,  I  darre 
not  saye  faced  3  "  —  which  seems  nonsense  —  and  usually  has  been  said  to  have 
been  written  to  some  unknown  Mr.  Blake  in  Scotland.  But  Gardiner  {Hist.  Eng. 
174)  notes  that  in  James's  cipher  "3  "  always  means  "Northampton."  He  there- 
fore regards  the  letter  as  written  to  Henry  Howard,  Earl  of  Northampton,  who, 
although  a  Catholic,  was  a  favorite  with  James,  and  had  taken  part  in  Cecil's 
secret  correspondence  with  him  while  he  was  still  in  Scotland.  Gardiner  reads  the 
line  thus :  "  My  honest  black,  I  dare  not  say  [black-]  faced  Northampton." 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  345 

As  for  the  State  Church,  the  net  results  of  the  Conference  ^ 
were  these :  the  forbidding  of  baptizing  by  women ;  the  inser- 
tion of  "  remission  of  sins "  in  the  rubric  of  absokition  ;  the 
dihition  of  the  term  "confirmation"  by  the  phrase  "an  exam- 
ination of  children ; "  the  alteration  of  a  few  words  in  the  Do- 
minical Gospels ;  and  a  resolution  that  there  be  a  revision  of 
the  Bible,  which  Rainolds  has  the  credit  of  proposing.  These 
gains  only  made  a  bad  matter  worse  for  the  Puritans  by  con- 
vincing them  that  they  had  nothing  else  to  hope  for  from  the 
new  reign.  A  few  years  more  elapsed,  however,  before  they 
reached  the  sad  conclusion  that  even  the  most  blameless  and 
useful  Christian  life  would  not  be  permitted  outside  of  the  Es- 
tablishment.   And  these  continued  to  be  years  of  discussion. 

From  the  statesman's  side  came  out,  in  1604,  a  powerful  vol- 
ume 2  by  Prof.  William  Stoughton,  who  had  troubled  Dr.  Cosin 
and  others,  twenty  years  before,  by  his  "  Abstracte  of  certain 
Acts  of  parlement,"  It  answers  passages  in  Whitgift's  reply  to 
the  "  Admonition."  It  argues  that  the  planting  of  a  new  ecclesi- 
astical government  will  not  subvert  existing  laws,  because  the 
whole  Papal  law  is  abolished  by  the  twenty-fifth  statute  of 
Henry  VIII.  It  insists  that  the  Crown  cannot  give  to  prelates 
any  power  properly  called  spiritual ;  that  the  common  manner 
of  election  in  the  old  churches  was  by  the  people ;  and  that 
there  need  be  no  fear  lest  the  return  to  that  practice  work  harm. 
As  to  the  great  question  in  what  manner  the  proposed  polity 
would  affect  the  king,  it  says  :  — 

Neither  is  there  any  cause  for  anie  Monarch  in  the  world,  to  feare 
the  making  of  christian  commo  people,  by  familiar  exj^erience,  to 
haue  the  sence  &  feeling  of  the  principles  and  reasons  of  Aristocracie. 
For  if  a  people  haue  once  submitted  their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  Christ, 
they  can  Hue  a  peacable  &  godly  life,  vnder  all  kinds  of  powers, 
because  they  knowe  all  kind  of  powers,  to  be  the  ordenance  of  God. 
But  especially,  there  is  not,  neyther  euer  was,  neyther  euer  can  there 
be,  any  cause  for  any  King,  or  Monarch  of  England,  greatly  (as  the 

1  Fuller,  t:  304;  Rymer,  xvi:  565,  574. 

2  An  Assertion  for  true  and  Christian  Church-Policie.  Wherein  certaine  politike 
obiections  made  against  the  planting  of  Pastours  and  Elders  in  Every  Congregation, 
are  sufficientlie  aunswered,  etc.,  1G04,  16mo,  40-81,  50,  205,  235,  359,  363.  A 
second  edition  was  published  in  4to  in  1642  by  the  author's  son. 


346  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Admonitor  insinuateth)  to  feare,  that  the  common  people,  will  very 
easely  transferre  the  principles,  and  reasons  of  Aristocracie,  to  the 
gouerment  of  the  common  weale ;  and  therevpon  bee  induced  to  thinke 
that  they  haue  iniurie,  if  they  haue  not  as  much  to  doe  in  civill  mat- 
ters, as  they  haue  in  matters  of  the  Church. 

Later  it  ingeniously  turns  this  consideration  end  for  end,  urg- 
ing that  the  people  will  not  feel  aggrieved  if  they  have  not  as 
much  to  do  with  the  Church  as  with  the  State.  It  was  not  in 
the  power  of  books,  however,  to  alter  the  king's  intense  dislike 
of  Presbyterianisin. 

The  old  direct  controversy  with  the  Papists  kept  droning 
on.  In  1602  a  reply  ^  to  the  Preface  of  the  Rhemish  Testament 
appeared,  reiDrinted  sixteen  years  afterwards  by  Brewster  in  its 
place  in  the  folio  which  it  introduces.  It  makes  this  point  at 
the  outset :  — 

The  true  religion  heing  like  the  heauenlie  bodies  which  neuer  change  : 
the  Popish  religion  resembleth  the  earth,  which  as  the  potters  claye  is 
readie  to  receaue  any  forme.  .  .  .  Hereof  it  is  that  they  which  some- 
tyme  did  so  deadly  hate  the  instruction  of  the  youth,  in  the  groundes 
&  principles  of  religion ;  that  they  coulde  not  heare  the  worde  of 
Catechisme  with  patient  eares :  nowe  in  feare  of  a  generaU  falling 
from  them  through  opinion  either  of  their  blockish  ignoraunce  or 
slugglshe  negligence ;  are  constrayned  hoth  to  write  and  teach  their 
Catechismes. 

In  1603  Dr.  John  Dove,  a  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  man  and 
rector  of  St.  Mary  Aldermary,  London,  published  a  volume,^ 
reprinted  the  next  year,  seeking  to  reconcile  English  Papists  to 
the  Church  of  England.  He  added  a  final  word  to  Protestants, 
reminding  them  that  the  way  "  to  restore  them  which  haue 
fallen  "  is  "  by  gentlenesse."  Sir  Francis  Hastings,  also  an  Ox- 
ford man,  "  a  severe  Puritan  and  Presbyterian,"  had  published 
several  small  treatises  in  the  Papal  controversy  which  in  1602 
called  out  a  reply  ^  from  Robert  Persons,  the  famous  Jesuit, 

1  Sun  Theo  en  Christo:  The  Ansvvere  to  the  Preface  of  the  Rhemish  Testament.  By 
T.  Cartwright,  1602,  16mo,  63. 

2  A  Perswasion  to  the  English  Recusants,  to  Reconcile  themselues  to  the  Church  of 
England,  etc.,  1603,  4to.  The  Brit.  Museum  copy  has  on  its  title-pag-e  the  auto- 
graph of  some  "  Jo:  Robinson."  The  date  and  authorship  of  the  book  make  it 
likely  that  he  was  the  Pilgrim,  and  the  Library  authorities  so  believe. 

^  The  Warn-Word  to  Sir  Ft  Hastinges  Wasi-word,  1602,  8vo.  2d  encounter,  33 
verso,  137  verso. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  347 

sometimes  known  as  Nicolas  Dolman.  It  terms  John  Foxe  "  the 
most  famous  Iyer  that  euer  perhaps  took  pen  in  hand  ; "  and 
claims  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  to  be  a  unit  while  the  Pro- 
testants are  divided  scandalously. 

In  the  same  year  Gabriel  Powel,  also  of  Oxford,  sought  to 
strike  Rome  and  possibly  to  stimulate  the  king  against  Papists. 
His  little  book  ^  balances  opposite  considerations  on  confronting 
pages,  thus  aj^pealing  to  the  common  mind  with  force.  In  1604 
many  Roman  Catholics  memorialized  the  king,  although  not 
addressing  him  directly  but  circidating  their  memorial^  for 
popular  effect.  They  asked  only  for  license  to  practise  their 
religion  privately,  and  suggested  that  such  permission  would 
aid  the  king  against  the  "  presuming,  imperious  "  Puritan,  and 
strengthen  the  throne  by  projsitiating  "  all  the  Catholike  Kings 
and  Rulers  in  Christendome,"  who  far  outnimibered  the  Pro- 
testant sovereigns.  This  drew  out  an  immediate  reply ,^  which 
urged  reasons  of  State  against  what  was  asked,  and  objected 
also  on  "grounds  of  true  Christian  Religion ; "  following  the 
appeal  section  by  section  and  almost  line  by  line.  In  1605  John 
Radford,  who  had  been  ordained  j)riest  at  Doiiay  in  1587  and 
sent  home  in  1589  to  labor  privately,  j^rinted  a  volume*  which 
evidently  aided  in  recruiting  for  the  Pope  in  England.^  It  be- 
gins well,  with  declarations  that  there  is  but  one  truth,  to  be 
learned  only  of  Christ.  But,  in  answering  the  question,  "  How 
may  I  then  an  vnlerned  man  discerne  the  light  of  the  truth," 
it  artfully  suggests  that  the  Papal  church  is  the  only  one  of 
which  Christ  knows  anything,  and  that  "  to  goe  to  the  heretiks 
Church  is  to  deny  Christ  for  Christ  is  the  truth."  Almost  con- 
temporaneously  was  reissued  another  earnest  volume^  on  the 

^  The  Catholikes  Supplication  vnto  the  Kings  Maiestie ;  for  Toleration  of  Catho- 
like Beligion  in  England,  etc.,  1605,  4to,  39,  5. 

2  A  Supplication  to  the  Kings  most  excellent  Maiestie,  Wherein,  seuerall  reasons  of 
State  and  Eeligion  are  briefely  touched,  etc.,  4to.    Repr.  in  the  reply  to  it,  3,  4,  5,  8. 

^  The  Supplication  of  Certaine  Masse-Priests  falsely  called  Catholikes,  etc.,  1604, 
4to. 

*  A  Directorie  Teaching  the  Way  to  the  Truth  in  a  Briefe  and  Plaine  Discovrse 
against  the  heresies  of  this  time,  etc.,  160.5,  16mo,  1.  4,  497. 

^  Autohiog.  of  Fath.  Thos.  Manhy,  alias  Rogers.  Bees.  Eng.  Prov.  Soc.  Jesus, 
xi :  603. 

®  A  Survey  of  the  New  Beligion.  Detecting  Many  Grnsse  Ahsvrdities  which  it  im- 
plieth,  etc.,  1605,  4to.   Epis.  to  King-:  13  ;  Epis.  to  Council :  7,  394. 


348  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE  CONFLICT 

Papal  side,  somewhat  enlarged  and  with  a  special  address  to 
the  Privy  Council,  by  Dr.  Matthew  Kellison,  then  reading  di- 
vinity lectures  at  Rheims  and  within  a  year  of  the  presidency 
at  Douay,  which  he  held  until  his  death.  He  labors  to  demon- 
strate the  great  difference  between  the  Catholic  religion  and 
the  new  doctrines,  but  his  work  is  a  plea  rather  than  an  argu- 
ment, and  made  very  little  impression.  It  was  answered  soon, 
and  very  sharply,  by  Dean  Sutcliffe,  of  Exeter.i 

One  of  the  fellows  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge,  was  Thomas 
Morton,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Chester,  Lichfield  and  Coventry, 
and  Durham,  who  had  held  some  public  discussion  with  Romish 
recusants,  and  was  urged  by  Bancroft,  now  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, to  reply  to  a  plausible  recent  volume  ^  by  John  Brerely 
—  really  James,  or  Laurence,  Anderton,  of  Lostock,  Lanca- 
shire.^ Morton  prepared  an  elaborate  argument  *  defending  the 
English  Church,  founded  upon  the  concessions  of  Romanists  and 
issued,  in  two  parts,  in  1605-6.  It  is  very  learned,  and  the 
Romanists  could  avoid  its  force  only  by  the  twofold  plea  that 
the  Papal  authors  cited  were  not  representative,  and  that  the 
various  disaorreements  between  them  did  not  concern  essentials. 
Sutcliffe  ^  aired  his  vocabulary  of  abuse  once  more,  prompted  by 
a  tract  of  the  Jesuit,  Robert  Persons,  but  neither  said  anything 
worth  mention.  Persons  ^  also  paid  his  respects  to  Morton,  in 
1607,  scolding  him  for  being  a  hypocrite  and  liar. 

A  quieter  and  wiser  treatment  of  the  Papists  was  offered  by 
Richard  Field,  whose  treatise "'  on  the  Church  has  held  a  place 
in  the  literature  of  the  English   Establishment  perhaps   only 

1  The  Examination  and  Confutation  of  a  certain  scurrilous  treatise  entituled,  The 
survey  of  the  newe  Religion,  etc.,  1606,  4to. 

2  The  Protestants  Apologiefor  the  Roman  Church,  1604,  4to. 

3  Dodd,  ii :  386-387. 

*  Apologia  Catholica  ex  meris  lesuitarum  contradictionibus  confata,  etc.,  1605,  4to, 
and  Apologiae  Catholicae  Pars  Secunda,  etc.,  1606,  4to. 

^  The  Blessings  on  Movnt  Gerizzim,  and  the  Curses  on  Movnt  Ehal :  or  the  Happie 
Estate  of  Protestantes,  compared  with  the  miserable  Estate  of  Papists  vnder  the  Popes 
Tyrannie,  4to,  380. 

^  A  Treatise  tending  to  Mitigation  tovvardes  Catholicke  Subiectes  in  England,  etc., 
by  P.  R.,  1607,  179,  287. 

"  Of  the  Church.  Four  Bookes.  By  Richard  Feild,  Doctor  of  Diuinitie,  1606, 
4to,  iii :  15,  16,  40,  72,  59,  54,  55  ;  and  The  Fifth  Booke  of  the  Chvrch,  Together  with 
an  Appendix,  etc.,  1610,  4to. 


MORE   CONTROVERSY   ABOUT   THE   TRUE   CHURCH    349 

second  to  Hooker's.  He  rose  to  be  a  canon  of  Windsor  and  a 
chaplain  to  the  king.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  friend  of  Hooker 
in  his  last  years.  In  1606  he  published  his  first  part,  the  second 
following  four  years  later.  His  style  is  in  refreshing  contrast  to 
Sutcliffe's.    He  is  fair  and  usually  mild  and  courteous. 

His  first  book  defines  the  Church,  the  second  describes  it,  the 
third  identifies  it,  and  the  fourth  expounds  its  privileges.  The 
Church  is  the  body  of  those  whom  God  calls  by  knowledge  and 
sanctifies  by  grace.  But  some  are  partial  in  knowledge,  and 
therefore  heretics ;  some  not  in  miity,  and  therefore  schismatics ; 
some  in  unity,  yet  not  in  sincerity,  and  therefore  hypocrites ;  all 
these  being  in  the  Church  as  opposed  to  infidels  and  open  un- 
believers. The  true  Catholic  Church  always  is  distinguishable 
from  Pagans,  Jews,  heretics  and  schismatics  by  three  essential 
notes :  the  profession  of  those  supernatural  verities  which  God 
has  revealed  in  Christ,  the  use  of  such  holy  ceremonies  and  sacra- 
ments as  he  has  ordained,  and  a  union  of  men  in  this  profession 
and  use  under  appointed  pastors.  The  Latin  Chvirch  used  to  be 
the  true  Church,  but  needed  reformation  when  Luther  came. 

This  true  Church  Dr.  Field  identifies  with  the  Reformed 
Churches,  which,  although  they  neither  are, 

nor  perhaps  hereafter  shall  bee,  in  all,  or  the  most  parts  of  the  worlde, 
yet  are  they  catholique,  for  that  they  doe  continuate  themselues  with 
that  Church,  which  hath  been,  is,  or  shall  bee,  in  all  places  of  the 
worlde,  before  the  comming  of  Christ,  and  undoubtedly  already  hath 
heene  in  the  most  part  thereof. 

When  the  fifth  book,  treating  of  the  office  of  the  Church, 
came  out,  it  indicated  a  moderation  in  marked  contrast  with 
Bancroft's  High  Church  claims.  If  men  of  the  spirit  of  Field 
had  controlled  affairs,  the  Puritans  might  have  had  some  chance 
within  the  Church.  But  the  bishops  and  the  king  —  and  over 
them  a  higher  Power,  for  his  own  wise  reasons  —  had  decreed 
otherAvise. 

Two  attacks  of  another  sort  upon  Romanism  in  1606  help  to 
show  the  public  dread  of  it.  Much  the  more  important  is  a  little 
anonymous  treatise  ^  suggested  by  a  conversation  at  a  dinner- 

^  A  Eeporte  of  a  Discovrse  concerning  supreme  power  in  of  aires  of  Religion.  Mani- 
festing that  this  power  is  a  right  of  Begalitie  inseparably  annexed  to  the  Soueraigntie 


350  THE  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

table.  It  argues  against  Papal  supremacy  in  England.  The 
other  was  by  Oliver  Ormerod,  of  Emanuel  College,  Cambridge, 
and  afterwards  of  Huntspill,  Somerset,  who,  having  issued  the 
year  before  a  singular  volume  ^  "  made  dialogue-wise  "  against 
the  Puritans,  now  printed  a  similar  one  ^  against  the  Romanists. 
A  passage  from  it  illustrates  the  current  style  and  the  common 
line  of  argument.  A  rector  finds  a  parishioner  praying  before  a 
cross  and  accosts  him  :  — 

Minister:  How   now,  neighbour,  haue  I  found   you  crouching  to  a 

Crucifix  ?  .  .  . 

Recusant ;  .  .  .  let  me  make  an  end  of  my  prayers,  and  then  I  will 

come  and  conferre  with  you. 

M. :  No,  neighbour,  God  loueth  alacritie  in  his  worke ;  excuses  he 

much  disliketh.    The  delay  that  Elizetis   made,  let  me  go  kisse  my 

father,  and  those  shifts  in  the  Gospell,  let  mee  goe  burie  my  father,  or 

take  leaue  of  my  f rinds,  are  not  admitted  in  the  Lord's  businesse  :  noe 

more  is  this  of  yom's,  let  mee  make  an  ende  of  my  prayers. 

R. :  Yes,  I  pray  you  giue  me  leaue. 

M. :  I  pray  you  intreate  me  not ;  for  I  dare  not  giue  you  leaue  to 

commit  idolatrie. 

R. :  Idolatrie  ?    Do  you  charge  me  with  idolatrie  ? 

M. :  It  is  an  old  saying,  and  I  see  that  it  is  true,  not  onely  in  cor- 

porall  whoredome,  but  in  spirituall  [Prov.  xxx :  20]  an  adulterous 

woman  eateth  ;  and  after  wipeth  her  mouth,  and  saith,  I  haue  not 

committed  iniquitie.    With  what  face  can  you  denie  your  self e  to  be 

an  idolator  ?  haue  I  not  taken  you  in  ipso  facto  ? 

R. :  You  haue  taken  me  indeede  praying  before  a  crucifixe,  but  I  hope 

you  account  not  that  Idolatrie. 

M. :   Yes,  Saint  Ambrose  \_de    Obitu   Theodos']  telleth  you,  that  to 

worship  the  Crucifixe  is  grosse  idolatrie :  and  before  him  Arnobius 

made  this   answer  in  the  behalfe  of  all  true   Christians  \_Adversiis 

Gentes.  Lib.  8]   Cruces   nee  colimus   nee   optamus :   vos  2^l(^nQ  qui 

ligneos  deos  consecratis,  cruces  ligneas,  ut  deorum  vestrorum  partes, 

forsitan  adoratis.    TVe  neither  worshipjpje  crosses,  nor  wish  for  them, 

of  Euery  State,  etc.,  1606,  8vo.  Possibly  this  may  have  been  a  rudimentary  issue 
of  Sir  John  Hayward's  Of  Supremacie  in  affairs  of  Religion,  printed  in  1024. 

^  The  Pictvre  of  a  Puritane:  or,  a  Relation  of  the  opinions,  qualities,  and  prac- 
tises of  the  Anabaptists  in  Germanie,  and  of  the  Puritanes  in  England,  etc.,  1605, 
8vo. 

^  The  Picture  of  a  Papist :  or,  a  Relation  of  the  damnable  heresies,  detestable  quali- 
ties, and  diabolicall  practises  of  sundry  hereticks,  informer  ages  and  of  the  Papists  in 
this  age,  etc.,  1606,  8vo,  1. 


MORE  CONTROVERSY  ABOUT  THE  TRUE  CHURCH  351 

you  that  consecrate  ivoodden  Gods  do  happily  adore  ivoodden  Crosses, 
as  parts  of  your  Gods.  In  a  word,  you  may  as  iustly  be  tearmed 
Chazinzarij  &,  Staurolatrae,  as  the  Armenij  :  for  you  ^yorshippe  the 
Crosse  of  Christ  as  well  as  they. 

R. :  No,  we  worship  not  the  Crosse  it  selfe,  but  Christ  that  was  cruci- 
fied on  the  Crosse. 

M. :  Yes,  Thomas  Aquinas,  Alexander  de  Hales,  Gregorle  de  Valen- 
tia,  and  the  rest  of  your  chiefest  doctors  doe  teach,  that  Cinicifixes 
are  to  bee  worshipped  with  the  very  same  worship,  wherewith  Clirist 
himselfe  is  to  be  worshipped. 

R. :  I  Aunswere  with  Cardinal  Bellarmine,  that  albeit  Crucifixes  are 
to  be  worshipped  with  the  same  worship ;  yet  is  it  with  respect  to 
Christ :  and  that  the  worship  passeth  by  the  image  to  him. 
M. :  This  shift  will  not  serue  your  turne  ;  for  to  co-adore  the  crucifixe 
with  Christ,  is  palpable  Idolatrie,  as  may  be  prooued  by  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Councell  of  Ephesus. 
R. :  How  I  pray  you  ? 

M. :  Nestorius  conceiued  the  manhood  of  Christ  to  be  a  distinct  perso 
from  the  word,  or  sonne  of  God  :  and  withall  he  framed  a  co-adora- 
tion, whereby  this  manhood  was  to  be  adored  with  the  word.  Now 
the  Counsell  of  Ephesus  condemned  tliis  co-adoration:  in  like  sort 
may  we  condemne  your  co-adoration  of  the  crucifixe  with  Christ. 

Of  course  there  was  discussion  of  general  points  of  theology 
during  these  years,  but  it  hardly  needs  mention  here.  The  de- 
scent of  Christ  to  the  underworld,  as  to  which,  possibly  in  def- 
erence to  the  views  of  Calvin,  the  Third  Article  had  been 
altered  in  the  last  revision  under  Parker,  was  discussed.  Bilson  ^ 
and  others^  labored  to  refute  Calvin,  and  Broughton^  took  the 
other  side,  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  write  to  Geneva  upon  the 
subject  in  Greek.^ 

^  The  Svrvey  of  Christs  Sufferings  for  mans  redemption  ;  and  of  his  descent  to 
Hades,  or  Helfor  our  deliuerance,  1604,  fol. 

^  A  Treatise  of  the  Sufferings  and  Victory  of  Christ,  in  the  work  of  our  redemp- 
tion, etc.,  1598,  16mo.    Signed  H.  I.,  i.e.  Henry  Jacob. 

A  Briefe  Answere  vnto  certaine  obiections  and  reasons  against  the  descension  of 
Christ  into  hell,  etc.,  1604,  4to. 

'^  An  Explication  of  the  Article  KaTrjKdev  eis  a5e  of  our  Lordes  souies  going  from 
his  body  to  Paradise ;  touched  by  the  Greek,  generally  aSov,  The  world  of  Souies  ; 
termed  Hel  by  the  old  Saxon,  ^-  by  all  our  translations  :  with  a  defense  of  the  Q.  of 
Englands  religion,  etc.,  1605,  4to. 

*  A070S  Ttpos  Tovs  Teve&awvs  irepi  rrjs  /carajSocreais  et$  aSov,  etc.,  1601,  16mo. 


CHAPTER   VI 

THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED 

Within  the  Establishment  discussion  upon  points  questioned 
by  the  Puritans  and  the  Separatists  went  forward  steadily. 
Among  other  volumes  some  unidentified  breath  —  "  I.  F."  — ■ 
blew  a  short  blast  in  Latin  upon  a  "  Tuba  Academica."  ^  The 
writer  is  severe  upon  the  Puritans  as  being  specially  obstinate, 
quarrelsome,  and  ambitious  to  appear  better  than  others.  But 
evidently  his  book  passed  quickly  into  obscurity.  To  under- 
stand the  full  force  of  the  general  discussion,  those  acts  of  the 
government  which  provoked  it  must  be  noted.  While  Whitgift 
still  was  lying  unburied  at  Lambeth,  the  king  sent  out  a  pro- 
clamation 2  upon  the  Prayer-Book.  He  had  been  "  importuned 
with  informations,  very  specious,"  and  "  the  complainers  "  had 
held  assemblies  without  authority,  and  otherwise  were  "  carry- 
ing a  verie  apparent  show  of  sedition,  more  then  of  zeal,"  The 
Hampton  Court  Conference  had  been  held,  with  "  small  effects." 
There  really  was  no  ground  for  any  change,  but,  that  the  "  pub- 
lic form  "  should  "  be  free,  not  only  from  blame  but  from  sus- 
picion," it  had  been  thought  best  "  that  some  small  things 
might  rather  be  explained  than  changed."  This  had  been  done. 
A  new  Prayer-Book  had  been  printed,  incorporating  these  ex- 
planations ;  and  now  must  be  used  "  as  the  only  publick  form 
of  serving  God,  established  and  allowed  to  be  in  this  realm." 
And  the  new  whip  ended  with  this  snapper :  — 

Last  of  all  we  do  admonish  all  men,  that  hereafter  they  shall  not 
expect  nor  attempt  any  further  alteration  in  the  common  and  public 
form  of  God's  service,  .  .  .  for  that  neither  will  we  give  way  to  any 
to  presume,  that  our  own  judgment  hauing  determined  in  a  matter  of 

^  Tuba  Academica,  qua  Patrmn  antiquorum  defensionem  Author  libere  audacterque 
suscepit,  etc.,  1()03, 16mo,  28. 
2  Cardwell,  ii :  76,  79. 


THE  CONl'ROVERSY  CONTINUED  353 

this  weight,  shall  be  swayed  to  alteration  by  the  frivolous  suggestions 
of  any  light  spirit ;  neither  are  we  ignorant  of  the  inconveniences  that 
do  arise  in  gouernnient,  by  admitting  innovation  in  thinges  once  set- 
tled by  mature  deliberation. 

A  fortnight  after  this  assumption  of  spiritual  authority  by 
the  new  monarch,  Parliament  and  Convocation  met  for  the  first 
time  under  his  reign.  The  king  not  only  interfered  beforehand 
in  the  elections,  but  also,  in  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  Par- 
liament, attacked  the  Puritans.  They  were  confused  in  policy, 
ever  discontented  with  the  government,  and  "  scarcely  to  be 
endured  in  a  well  regulated  Commonwealth."  Such  language 
was  singidarly  ill-advised  before  a  House  of  Commons  of  which 
it  was  said  that  three  out  of  four  were  Puritans,  or  Puritanically 
inclined.^ 

Convocation  spent  its  time  mostly  in  discussing  "  such  Can- 
ons, Orders,  Ordinances,  and  Constitutions  "  as  were  thought 
needful.  The  result  ^  soon  was  published,  and  chilled  the  heart 
of  every  one  who  hoped  for  reform.  It  begins  by  condemning 
every  one  who  impugns  the  king's  supremacy  over  the  Church 
or  says  that  the  Church  of  England  is  not  a  true  and  an  Apos- 
tolical Church,  etc.  It  further  denounces  all  who  separate 
themselves  from  the  State  Church,  combine  in  a  new  brother- 
hood, and  affirm  that  ecclesiastical  rules  may  be  made  without 
the  royal  authority.  All  such  persons  become  excommunicates. 
Further,  every  parishioner  must  receive  the  communion  at  his 
rector's  hands  at  the  least  thrice  in  the  year,  including  Easter ; 
and  all  students  in  colleges  four  times  a  year  at  least.  Every 
candidate  for  the  ministry  must  subscribe  three  articles  ;  assert- 
ing (1)  the  royal  supremacy  in  all  spiritual  or  ecclesiastical 
things  as  well  as  temporal ;  (2)  that  the  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  contains  nothing  contrary  to  the  word  of  God,  and  that 
he  himself  will  use  it  "  and  none  other  "  in  worship  ;  and  (3) 
that  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  are  "  aU  and  every  "  agreeable  to 
the  word  of  God. 

It  also  decrees  that  the  licenses  of  all  non-conforming  minis- 

1  S.  p.  Bom.  vii :  2. 

2  Constitutions  and  Canons  Ecclesiasticall,  etc.,  1604,  8vo,  3,  4,  7,  8,  9,  17,  18,  36- 
38,  52,  73,  110,  14". 


354  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

ters,  remaining  such  after  admonition,  shall  be  void  ;  that,  on 
pain  of  excommunication,  no  religious  meetings  shall  be  held  in 
private  houses  ;  and  that  all  whom  church  wardens,  questmen 
or  assistants  regard  as  schismatics  shall  be  presented  to  the 
bishop's  court.  These  stringent  statutes  are  flanked  by  a  royal 
proclamation  that  every  minister  should  read  them  to  his  con- 
gregation in  church  ouce  a  year. 

As  Convocation  was  prorogued  on  July  9,  this  code  of  church 
canons  probably  was  sent  forth  before  the  summer  was  over. 
As  petitions  had  been  offered  both  in  Parliament  and  Convoca- 
tion for  reform  in  the  Prayer-Book,  and  as  many  ministers  evi- 
dently still  retained  their  livings  who  favored  the  Genevan  dis- 
cipline, the  king  made  a  further  effort  for  uniformity.  On  July 
16  he  issued  another  j)roclamation,i  declaring  that,  the  matter 
having  been  settled,  conformity  must  be  insisted  upon  and  pre- 
tended reformers  punished.  Accordingly  he  gives  them  until 
the  last  of  November  to  decide.  Unless  they  conform  by  that 
date,  they  must  "  dispose  of  themselves  and  their  families  some 
other  waies."  He  expects  all  church  officials  and  civil  magis- 
trates to  "  do  their  uttermost "'  to  bring  about  the  desired  re- 
sult. The  king  received  vigorous  aid.  On  Dec.  4  Bancroft  was 
consecrated  as  primate.  His  hard  and  narrow  mind  could  con- 
ceive but  imperfectly  that  the  Puritans  were  acting  from  con- 
science.2  He  therefore  felt  no  compunction  in  sternly  enforcing 
the  law.  Before  the  close  of  his  first  week  with  the  Council  he 
had  begun  this  work. 

Some  Englishmen,  however,  would  not  submit  to  all  this  in 
silence.  Acting  with  caution,  they  managed  to  reach  the  public 
through  the  press  with  both  profoundly  reasoned  and  more  pop- 
ular appeals.  One  of  the  first  of  the  latter  was  another  dia- 
logue,^  between  a  Puritan  Old  Protestant  and  a  New  Formalist, 
attributed  to  Rev.  Samuel  Hieron,  of  Modbury,  Devon.*  The 
first  speaker  asks  for  the  latest  news,  and  is  answered :  — 

1  Cardwell,  ii :  80-84.  2  Wilkins.  Concilia,  iv  :  410,  408-409. 

^  A  Short  Dialogue  proving  that  the  Ceremonyes  and  some  other  Corruptions  now 
in  question,  are  defended  by  none  other  Arguments  than  such  as  the  Papists  haue 
heretofore  vsed  ;  and  our  Protestant  writers  have  long  since  answered,  etc.,  1605,  4to, 
36,  50. 

*  Brook,  Puritans,  ii :  271. 


THE   CONTROVERSY    CONTINUED  355 

Old  Protestant :  Sir,  I  heare  a  very  pitifull  and  general!  com- 
plainte  of  well  disposed  people  for  the  suspending,  depriuing,  and 
silencinge  of  theyr  preachers,  especiallye  in  Northamptonshire,  where 
very  many  haue  bine  soe  proceeded  with,  and  I  heare  that  the  like 
course  is  taken  also  in  other  Countries  [counties]  in  so  much  as  it  is 
certainely  reported,  that  the  number  of  such  as  are  beprived  [deprived], 
silenced,  suspended,  and  admonished ;  amounts  to  the  some  of  275. 
at  the  least :  (which  is  a  very  lamentable  thing,  specially  in  so  great  a 
want)  besides  many  others  that  are  in  questio,  and  many  others  who 
being  of  the  same  iudgment  &  practise  are  like  to  be  talked  withal, 
and  in  the  same  sorte  proceeded  with,  when  the  Bishops  will. 

After  explaining,  in  answer  to  New  Formalist,  that  the  Puri- 
tan of  the  day  was  none  other  than  the  True  and  Old  Protest- 
ant, the  author  concludes  by  a  reference  to  the  jiainfulness  of 
the  situation.! 

A  second  dialogue,^  by  Samuel  Gardiner,  was  on  the  other 
side.  Irenaeus  thinks  that  Antimachus  appears  sad,  and  is 
told :  — 

1  am  sad  indeed,  because  I  may  not  vse  the  liberty  of  my  conscience, 
and  because  for  conscience  sake  onely  I  am  depriued  of  my  lining. 

Irenaeus  fears  that  Antimachus  is  "  not  conformable  "  and  has 
fallen  under  censure  of  the  law,  and  learns  that  he  has  hit 
"  the  onelye  argument  "  of  his  friend's  troubles.  The  inquiry 
proceeds : — 

Iren.  And  why  may  not  you  with  a  good  conscience  digest  the 
orders  of  the  Church,  as  well  as  others,  that  are  graue,  and  learned 
and  are  not  to  be  touched  with  Popery,  for  order  and  peace  sake  ? 

Antimachus  mentions  many  reasons  which  they  discuss ;  first 
agreeing  that  he  who  proves  to  have  the  weaker  side  shall  yield. 
The  priestly  garments  and  the  cross  in  baptism  then  are  con- 
sidered at  great  length,  Irenaeus  of  course  being  the  victor. 
Whether  just  or  exaggerated,  the  author's  picture  of  the  situa- 
tion probably  had  some  foundation. 

^  Twenty  pages  follow  devoted  to  Certayne  Reasons  why  it  seeineth  that  the 
Preachers  icho  refuse  the  Subscription  and  Ceremonies  vrged,  should  not  for  that  their 
refusall  be  remooved  from  their  charges,  or  inhiUtted  to  preach :  humbly  offered  to 
consideration. 

2  A  Dialogue  or  Conference  betweene  Irenaeus  and  Antimachus,  about  the  rites  and 
Ceremonies  of  the  Church  of  England,  1605,  4to,  1,  54. 


356  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

The  very  Sowter  [shoemaker]  and  cobler  now  adayes,  .  .  .  will  bee 
so  bold  as  to  giue  a  blow  to  them  that  are  his  head,  with  the  fist  of  his 
eluishness.  The  Cooke,  .  .  .  wil  ...  be  sawcing  Diuinity  &  be  too 
saucy  with  it :  ...  A  frivolous  Fidler,  if  hee  be  not  harping  vpon  this 
string,  the  Churches  gouernment,  as  the  biasse  of  the  worlde  now 
goeth,  is  out  of  his  element.  Euery  Tailor  hath  his  shredding  sheares 
for  the  ceremonies,  and  hath  a  measure  of  his  owne  for  the  matters  of 
the  Church.  The  Smiths  prentise  wil  not  stand  out,  but  listeth  to  blow 
the  coales  of  contention  among  vs.  The  common  people  will  take 
vpon  them  to  put  on  Aarons  raiment,  the  Rochet  and  habite  of  a 
Bishop  and  Minister,  and  teach  him  what  to  do,  and  how  to  shape  his 
sermons  to  sute  their  affections.  Now  to  all  of  you,  howsoere  ye  be 
stiled,  that  are  of  the  brotherhood  of  these  busie  bodies,  I  wish  more 
heede  and  attendance  be  giuen  to  your  seuerall  vocations,  and  not  so 
to  leaue  your  selues  as  you  do,  and  take  such  vagaries  with  the  pro- 
digall  Sonne  .  .  .  into  so  farre  a  countrey,  the  matter  of  Church 
gouernment  being  so  farre  and  wide  from  your  profession,  and  not  to 
be  spanned  and  fadomed  by  the  length  and  reach  of  your  discretion. 

About  this  time  appeared  a  closely  reasoned  anonjonous  argu- 
ment,^ addressed  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the 
Bishops  of  London,  Lincoln,  Worcester,  Exeter  and  Peter- 
borough, inquiring  whether  a  Christian  magistrate  have  the 
right  to  give  orders  touching  the  worship  of  God,  not  having 
the  word  of  faith  for  his  warrant  in  the  same ;  or  to  enjoin  the 
use  of  any  one  garment  as  essential  to  ministerial  service ;  or, 
if  so,  to  enjoin  such  a  garment  not  differing  in  matter  and  form 
from  that  already  appropriated  by  "  Idolatrous  Pidestes  in 
their  Idoll  service  ?  "  Then,  in  an  imaginary  colloquy,  the 
prelates  insist  that  they  do  not  take  the  things  complained  of 
from  the  Papists,  but  from  their  predecessors  ;  and,  in  fact,  are 
restoring  these  "  superstitious  abuses  "  to  their  ancient  integ- 
rity.   To  which  their  questioners  reply  :  — 

Your  Lordships  argument  of  such  ancientie,  and  of  such  integritie 
of  these  ceremonies,  as  declineth  from  that  ancient,  and  in  al  poyntes 
and  qualities    certeyne  and  vpright  forme  of   Gods  worshippe  .  .  . 

^  Certaine  Deinandes  with  their  grounds,  drawne  out  of  holy  Writ,  and  propounded 
in  foro  conscientiae  by  some  religious  Gentl  vnto  the  reverend  Fathers,  Itichard,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  Richard  Bishop  of  London,  William  Bishop  of  Lincolne,  Gar- 
vase,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  William,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  ^  Thomas,  Bishop  of  Peter- 
borough, etc.,  1605,  4to,  4,  6-i,  67,  68. 


THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED  357 

argueth  rather  corruption  and  noveltie,  then  eyther  any  ancientie  or 
integritie. 

And  they  finally  declare  :  — 

Ministers  notwithstanding  hate  nothing  more  than  Noveltie,  and 
crave  nothing  so  much  as  that  the  most  certeyne  and  most  single  forme 
of  Gods  worship,  left  to  the  Churches,  by  the  Ajjostle,  without  your 
many,  and  vncerteyne  rites  and  ceremonies,  might  be  restored,  to  her 
primative  and  Apostolicall  ancientie  and  integritie. 

When  November  came,  300  ministers  ^  are  said  to  have  been 
deprived  at  once.  They  did  not  cease  discussion,  however. 
Early  in  December  sundry  ministers  in  the  diocese  of  Lincoln 
appealed  to  the  king.^  They  objected  to  the  Prayer-Book, 
first,  that  in  different  ways  it  was  unscriptural  and  misleading ; 
secondly,  that  it  enjoined  ceremonies  contrary  to  God's  word. 
As  to  ceremonies  they  said :  "  They  cannot  be  used  without 
iust  cause  of  greife  giuen  to  many  of  the  godly,  and  scandall 
both  to  the  weake  brethren,  and  to  the  wicked,"  and  exj)lained 
and  enforced  this  point  at  length. 

Other  ministers  in  other  counties  followed.  Nor  were  they 
unsupported  by  the  laity.  On  Feb.  9  the  king  was  petitioned  ^  in 
aid  of  the  deprived  ministers  by  forty-four  gentlemen  of  North- 
amptonshire. Sir  Francis  Hastings,  now  a  member  of  Parlia- 
ment for  Somerset,  who  had  drawn  up  the  paper,  was  confined 
to  his  country  house.  A  few  others  met  with  similar  treatment. 
And  the  king  bade  the  universities  achnit  no  one  to  a  degree 
thenceforth  who  had  not  taken  the  oath  of  supremacy  and 
another  oath^  of  allegiance  to  the  Episcopal,  as  opposed  to  the 
Presbyterian,  ideal  of  church  government. 

^  Collier,  vii:  321.  Gardiner  says  (i  :  213,  n.)  :  "The  niimber  has  been  esti- 
mated as  low  as  49  ;  but  the  arguments  in  Vaughan's  Memorials  of  the  Stuarts  seem 
to  me  conclusive  in  favour  of  the  larger  number.  To  the  authorities  quoted  there 
may  be  added  the  petition  of  the  Warwickshire  ministers  \_S.  P.  Dom.  xi  :  68],  who 
speak  of  27  being  suspended  in  that  county  alone  ;  though  the  Bishop  expressed 
his  sorrow  for  that  which  he  was  forced  to  do." 

2  An  Abridgment  of  that  Booke  which  the  Ministers  of  Lincoln  Diocess  deliuered  to 
his  Maiestie  upon  the  first  of  December  last,  being  the  first  part  of  an  Apologye  for 
themselues  and  their  brethren  that  refuse  the  subscription,  and  coiformitie  which  is 
required.  1605,  4to.  Passim  and  49. 

3  S.  P.  Dom.  Jas.  I.  xi  :  69,  95,  74. 
*  S.  P.  Dom.  Jas.  I.  xiii :  63. 


358  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Considerable  discussion  followed.  Thomas  Hutton  —  a  fellow 
of  St.  John's,  Oxford,  who  later  became  vicar  of  St.  Kew,  in 
Cornwall,  and  a  prebendary  of  Exeter  —  published  two  volumes  ^ 
against  the  Nonconformists,  condemning  them  severely.  A  vigor- 
ous reply  ^  came  out  speedily  from  some  unnamed  author, 
who  denies  and  disproves  Hutton's  imputations.  It  is  needless 
to  cite  all  the  volumes  which  this  discussion  soon  produced, 
although  a  glance  at  some  titles  ^  suggests  the  extent  and  the 
character  of  the  popular  feeling.  The  deprived  ministers  had 
reason  to  complain  of  gi-eat  injustice  indirectly  shown  them, 
as  well  as  in  their  exclusion  from  their  livings.  One  of  them 
spoke  thus  :  *  — 

Whereas  our  not  apjjroving  by  Subscription  the  former  faultes  is 
one  and  a  cheefe  cause  for  which  so  many  of  us  are  turned  out  .  .  . 
yet  in  the  sentences  of  our  suspensions  and  deprivations,  in  pulpits, 
in  courts,  and  in  al  places,  by  al  sorts,  and  meanes,  we  are  cried  out 
on,  as  vien  that  suffer  lustly  and  for  evil  doing,  for  our  disobedience  to 
laivfid  authority  in  thinges  lawfid  and  indifferent. 

^  Beasons  for  Refvsall  of  Svbscription  to  the  booke  of  Common  praier,  vnder  the 
handes  of  certaine  Ministers  of  Deuon  and  Cornwall,  etc.,  1605,  4to. 

The  Second  and  Last  Part  of  Reasons  for  Eefusall  of  Subscription  to  the  Booke  of 
Common  prater,  etc.,  1606,  4to,  259. 

^  The  Remoouall  of  certaine  Imputations  laid  vpon  the  Ministers  of  Deuon  and  Corn- 
wall by  one  M.  T.  H.  and  in  them,  ipon  all  other  ministers  els  where,  refusing  to  Sub- 
scribe, 1606,  4to,  66. 

^  For  example  :  — 

G.  Powel.  A  Consideration  of  the  Depriued  and  Silenced  Ministers  arguments,  for 
their  Restitution  to  the  vse  and  lihertie  of  their  Ministerie,  etc.,  4to. 

Certaine  Arguments  to  perswade  and  provoke  the  most  honorable  and  High  Court  of 
Parliament,  etc.  to  promote  and  advance  the  sincere  Ministerie  of  the  Gospell.  as  also 
Zealously  to  speakefor  the  Ministers  thereof  now  degraded,  deprived,  silenced  or  ad- 
inonished,  or  afterward  like  to  be  called  into  question  for  subscription,  ceremonyes,  etc., 
4to. 

[W.  Bradshaw.]  A  Myld  and  lust  Defence  ofcertayne  argvments,  at  the  last  session 
of  Parliament  directed  to  that  most  Honorable  High  Court,  in  behalf  of  the  Ministers 
suspended  and  deprived,  etc.,  1606,  4to. 

J.  Sprint.  Considerations  touching  the  points  in  difference  between  the  godly  minis- 
ters and  people  of  the  Church  of  England  and  the  seduced  brethren  of  the  Separation, 
1607, 4to. 

J.  Sprint.  Arguments:  That  the  best  Assemblies  of  the  present  Church  of  England 
are  true  visible  Churches  ;  That  the  Preachers  in  the  best  Assemblies  of  England,  are  true 
ministers  of  Christ,  1607,  4to. 

G.  Powel.    A  Rejoinder  unto  the  Myld  Defence,  etc.,  1607,  4to, 

*  S.  Hieron.  A  Defence  of  the  Ministers  Reasons  for  Refusall  of  Subscription,  etc., 
1607,  4to,  iv. 


I 


THE   CONTROVERSY   CONTINUED  359 

In  this  discussion  William  Bradsliaw  i  was  conspicuous  on  the 
Puritan  side.  A  graduate  of  Emanuel,  Cambridge,  he  had  been 
tutor  in  the  family  of  the  governor  of  Guernsey,  where  he  was 
leavened  by  Cartwright.  He  was  a  Puritan  but  no  Separatist. 
Two  of  his  books  gained  wide  notice.  One  condemned  the  use 
of  the  cross  in  baptism,  as  the  unlawful  religious  use  of  a  Popish 
idol.  The  next  year  this  was  answered  ^  by  Leonard  Hutton, D.  D., 
of  Christ  Church,  Oxford,  and  vicar  of  Weedon  Beck,  North- 
amptonshire, in  a  very  long  but  not  specially  important  vol- 
ume. 

Bradshaw,  in  the  "  Myld  and  lust  Defence  "  attributed  to 
him,  pursued  the  censurer  of  the  petition  of  the  deprived  clergy- 
men along  every  blind  lane  and  over  every  high  fence  of  his 
argmnent.  His  chief  distinction,  however,  is  that,  in  1605, 
he  first  stated  definitely,^  as  related  to  the  general  faith,  the 
oijinions  of  the  Puritans,  which  he  did  because  so  many  "  absurd, 
erronious,  scismaticall  and  Heriticall  opinions  "  were  attributed 
to  them. 

In  his  first  chapter  he  affirms  that  they  hold  that  the  word 
of  God  is  "of  absolute  perfection,"  and  therefore  that  only 
forms  of  worship  should  be  practised  which  it  prescribes  or 
directly  warrants.    In  the  second  he  defines  a  church  and  its 

^  The  following  are  attributed  to  him :  — 

A  Treatise  of  Divine  Worship,  etc,  1604,  16mo. 

A  Shorte  Treatise  of  the  Crosse  in  Bajitisme,  etc.,  1604,  16mo. 

A  Consideration  of  Certain  Positions  Archiepiscopall,  1604,  16mo. 

A  Treatise  of  the  Nature  Sf  Use  of  Things  Indifferent,  etc.,  1605,  IGmo. 

English  Puritanisme :  Containeing :  The  maine  Ojnnions  of  the  rigidest  sort  of 
those  that  are  called  Puritanes  in  the  Realme  of  England,  1605,  16mo. 

A  Protestation  of  the  Kings  Supremacie,  made  in  the  name  of  the  afflicted  minis- 
ters, etc.,  1605,  16mo. 

A  Proposition  Concerning  Kneeling  in  the  very  act  of  Eeceiuing,  etc.,  1605,  16mo. 

Twelve  General  Arguments  Prouing  that  the  Ceremonies  Imposed  upon  the  Minis- 
ters of  the  Gospel  in  England  by  our  Prelates,  are  vnlawful,  1605,  16mo. 

-  An  Answere  to  a  Certaine  Treatise  of  the  Crosse  in  Baptisme,  etc.,  1605,  4to. 

3  Eng.  Pur.  ii :  .3,  4,  5-12,  12-21,  22,  24-32,  34.  In  1610  a  Latin  version  of  this 
t^ct.  translated  and  prefaced  by  William  Ames,  was  printed  at  Frankfort,  as : 
Puritanismus  Anglicanvs,  Sive  Praecipua  Dogmata  eorum,  qui  inter  vulgo  dictos  Puri- 
tanos  in  Anglia,  rigidiores  habentur,  16mo.  This  often  has  been  reputed  to  be  Ames's 
treatise,  and  is  reprinted  as  such  in  his  own  Opera  Omnia  (ii  (2) :  471-506).  Why 
it  should  have  been  appropriated  thus  does  not  appear.  More  than  a  century  later 
Increase  Mather  (Disquis.  Concern.  Eccles.  Councils,  1716,  K.  vi)  declared  the 
book  to  be  "  perfect  Congregationalism." 


360  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

obligations,  etc.,  agreeing  substantially  with  Robert  Browne.  The 
third  chapter  deals  with  pastors  and  their  duties,  holding  that 
they  are  the  highest  spiritual  officers  known  to  the  Church  ;  that 
no  pastor  should  bear  civil  office,  to  preach  being  his  highest 
function ;  that  he  must  interpret  the  Bible  like  any  other  book  ; 
that  every  church  also  should  have  a  doctor  [teacher] ,  especially 
to  instruct  the  ignorant,  etc.  In  the  fourth  chapter  it  is  ex- 
plained that,  in  order  to  prevent  a  minister's  being  "  as  it 
were  a  Pope,"  the  congregation  is  to  choose  elders,  some  of  its 
"  Grauest,  Honestest,  Discreetest "  men,  "  as  Assistants  unto 
the  Ministers  in  the  spiritual  regiment  of  the  Congi-egation." 

The  fifth  chapter  considers  the  censures  of  the  Church.  The 
keys  are  by  Christ  "  committed  to  the  aforesaid  spiritual!  Officers 
and  Gouerners,  and  unto  none  other."  The  extremest  censure 
is  not  to  be  administered  without  the  free  consent  of  the  whole 
congregation ;  church  officers  being  as  amenable  as  others  to  all 
censures,  and  the  civil  magistrate  having  jurisdiction  over  him 
who  forsakes  spiritual  communion  with  the  Church.  The  sixth 
chapter  defines  more  distinctly  the  weak  spot  of  this  j)olity,  the 
relation  of  the  civil  magistrate  to  the  Church.  He  has  supreme 
power  over  all  the  churches.  Yet  he  himself  is  a  member  of  some 
particular  church,  and  is  as  amenable  to  its  govei'ument  as  the 
meanest  subject.  Apparently  to  make  a  point  against  Bancroft's 
new  jure  dimno  doctrine  of  the  episcopate,  Bradshaw  insists 
that  whoever  holds  that  doctrine  and  denies  the  king's  power  to 
remove  all  the  bishops,  and  to  dispose  of  all  their  temporalities 
at  liis  own  pleasure,  denies  "  a  principal  part  of  the  King's 
Supremacy." 

To  add  to  the  confusion  there  were  many  men  of  many  minds, 
even  among  those  reluctant  to  conform.  One  of  these,  Henoch 
Clapham,  issued  a  jslea  ^  for  peace.  Good  people  can  manage  to 
hear  such  as  have  subscribed.  They  preach  the  same  gospel  as 
before.  Scruplers  can  take  the  sacrament  safely,  for  it  will  not 
hurt  them  if  unfit  people  commune  at  the  same  time  with  them. 
As  to  the  genuineness  of  the  Church,  he  urges :  — 

Pastorall  preaching,  administration  of  Sacraments,   and  publlque 

1  An  Epistle  to  such  as  be  distracted  in  mynd  in  respect  of  present  styrres  in  the 
Church,  etc.,  1605,  4to,  3,  4,  5. 


THE   CONTROVERSY   CONTINUED  361 

exercise  of  discipline,  doe  appe-rtaine  to  the  beeing  of  a  perfect  estab- 
lished Church.  But  before  such  establishment  or  Constitution,  there  is 
a  true  Church  of  beleeuers  ;  &  before  such  a  Church  also,  there  is  som 
one,  two  or  three  visible  Christians.  A  true  visible  Clu-istian  is  one 
thing.  A  true  visible  Church  a  second  thing :  and  a  Church  perfectly 
constituted,  is  a  third  thing. 

From  a  different  angle  came  an  accordant  plea,  by  Dr 
Thomas  Sparks,  of  Bletchley,  Bucks,  already  mentioned.  He 
was  one  of  the  very  small  nmiiber  who  obtained  "  satisfaction  " 
from  the  Hampton  Court  Conference.  Hence  this  volume,  which, 
endeavoring  to  minimize  the  differences  until  they  should  amount 
to  little  or  nothing,  reaches  its  climax  in  an  exhortation  to  "  vnitie 
of  iudgment,  and  vniformitie  of  practise." 

A  vigorous  anonymous  utterance  ^  against  the  procedures  of 
Bancroft  and  the  Council  also  came  from  the  diocese  of  Worces- 
ter. After  a  manly  appeal  to  the  Privy  Council,  there  is  a 
picturesque  likening  of  the  Church  to  a  building  shaken  by  a 
tempest,  and  the  substance  of  the  tract  is  expressed  thus  :  — 

Not  to  weare  a  Surplice  in  the  ministration  of  Divine  seruice,  not 
to  make  a  crosse  in  Baptisme,  &  not  to  subscribe,  &c,  in  it  selfe,  is 
not  a  sinne  against  any  commandment  of  God,  nor  a  thing  scandalous 
vnto  the  people  :  And  seeing  also  the  Parsons  who  refuse  to  weare  and 
vse  the  same,  be  in  euery  respect  men  of  good  note,  condition,  fame, 
qualitie  and  behauiour,  ...  we  may  lawfvdly  (as  we  tliinke)  conclude 
in  their  behalf  e,  that  .  .  .  they  ought  to  be  respected  and  tolerated, 
rather  then  for  their  ref vsall  meerly  standing  vpon  their  consciences  .  .  . 
to  be  suspended,  excommunicated  or  depriued,  yea  and  in  so  generall 
and  doubtf  ull  a  case  of  conscience,  vpon  so  slender  a  ground  of  periury 
or  contempt,  vpon  persons  every  way  so  peaceable  &  well  qualified,  and 
wherein  no  Scandall  hath  ensued,  we  suppose  it  can  not  be  shewed 
among  all  the  decrees  and  sentences  recorded,  among  all  the  Popish 
canonists,  that  euer  any  Popish  ordinaries,  in  any  age  haue  vsed  the 
like  iudiciall  rigour  against  any  their  Popish  Priests. 

The  worm  will  turn.  And  one  of  these  silenced  ministers, 
John  Burgess,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  Tower  for  something 
said  in  a  sermon  at  Greenwich,  addressed  to  Bishop  Chaderton 

^  A  Brotherly  Perswasion  to  Vnitie,  and  Vniformitie  in  Ivdgement,  and  Practise, 
etc.,  1607,  4to,  81-83. 

^  Certaine  Considerations  Drawne  from,  the  Canons  of  the  last  Sinod,  and  other  the 
Kings  Ecclesiasticall  and  statute  law,  etc.,  1G05,  4to,  xv,  51. 


362  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

an  "  Apologie,"  ^  whicli  seems  to  have  been  circulated  in  manu- 
script. Dr.  Covell  was  ordered  to  answer  it,  and  printed  it  para- 
graph by  paragraph  that  he  might  do  so.  Burgess  insists  that 
he  ah-eady  has  subscribed  four  times,  and  lawfully  may  refuse  to 
subscribe  again.    So  he  says  to  his  bishop  :  ^  — 

I  Now  beseech  your  Lordship  to  remember,  that  most  of  us  have 
beene  peaceable  in  Israeli ;  .  .  .  And  say  we  cannot  conforme  in 
euerie  poynt ;  you  know  who  said  ^  the  varietie  of  Ceremonies  did 
commend  the  vnitie  of  faith :  and  would  God  you  would  thinke  that 
our  labour  in  the  Church  might  doe  more  good  in  one  yeare,  then  the 
Ceremonies  wiU  while  the  world  standeth :  and  though  in  your  wise- 
domes  you  thinke  the  retayning  of  them  to  make  vnto  the  Churches 
increase  and  benefit,  is  it  vnpardonable  that  we  should  thinke  another 
course  better  ?  .  .  .  O  my  good  Lord  will  it  not  bee  enough  to  keepe 
safe  and  wellf'enced  your  iurisdictions  and  personall  dignities  ?  not 
enough  to  deuide  the  honors  to  your  selues,  and  labours  to  us  ? 

To  this  Covell  replies  that,  if  anything  contrary  to  the  word 
of  God  were  imposed,  the  fact  should  be  proved,  assuming  that 
such  proof  cannot  be  offered,  adding  *  that,  if  the  ceremonies 
seem  unlawful,  even  then  to  obey  is  better  than  to  offer  sacrifice, 
and  that  disobedience  is  rebellion. 

About  this  time  Dr.  William  Wilkes,  a  royal  chaplain,  joined 
the  discussion,^  So  far  as  he  offers  reasoning,  he  founds  it  upon 
the  statement  that 

the  iust  constitutions  of  lawful  Princes,  are  the  setled  boundaries  of 
duty  vnto  their  Subjects,  and  doe  confine  euery  man  within  the  lists 
of  his  particular  obedience,  as  the  land-mai'kes  in  the  fields  doe  limit 
out  their  inheritance. 

In  1606  several  Scotch  clergymen,  who  had  offended  the 
king,  were  summoned  to  Hampton  Court,  where,  as  a  means  of 

^  Reasons  by  ivay  of  an  Apologie,  deliuered  to  the  Lf  Bp.  of  Lincolne,  etc.,  Ms. 

^  As  printed  by  Covell  in  A  Briefe  Answer  vnto  certaine  Beasons  by  way  of  an 
Apologie,  etc.,  1606,  8vo,  153. 

^  Just  who  is  meant  is  not  clear.  Possibly  the  apostle  Paul  (Eph.  4).  Gregory 
the  Great  said  (Lib.  I.,  Epis.  43) :  "  In  una  fide,  nihil  ojficit  sanctae  Ecclestae  con- 
suetiido  diversa ;  "  and  Ridley  said  {Reply  to  Hooker  on  the  Vestment  Controv.  Letters 
of  Bradford,  Parker  Soe.  ii :  389) :  "  Ancient  authors  do  agree  and  say  that 
these  be  reasonable  causes,  why  ceremonies  may  vary,  and  that  the  variety  thereof 
ought  not  to  break  the  unity  of  faith." 

*  Briefe  Ans.  156-1.57. 

^  Obedience  or  Ecclesiasticall  Vnion,  etc.,  1605,  4to,  iii :  3. 


THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED  363 

grace  to  them,  four  Eugiish  prelates  were  ordered  to  preach  to 
them  what  are  known  as  the  Hampton  Court  Sermon s.^  Bishop 
Barlow,  of  Lincoln,  from  Acts  xx :  28,  labored  to  prove  from 
Scripture  and  the  Fathers  the  superiority  of  bishops  over  j^res- 
byters  and  the  inconveniences  of  parity  in  the  Church.  Bishop 
Buckeridge,  of  Rochester,  from  Rom.  xiii :  5,  maintained  the 
royal  supremacy  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  and  offended  the 
Scotch  by  classing  Pope  and  Presbyterians  together  in  the 
matter  of  encroachment  upon  princes.  Bishop  Andrewes,  of 
Chichester,  from  the  somewhat  fanciful  text.  Num.  x :  1,  2, 
Mahe  thee  hvo  Trumjjets  of  Silver,  of  one  ichole  i^eeee  shalt 
thou  make  them,  etc.,  tried  to  prove  a  king's  authority  to  con- 
vene Councils. 

Dean  King,  of  Christ  Church,  came  last,  and  his  text  was 
even  more  remote  from  his  subject.  Starting  with  the  words, 
Solomon  had  a  vineyard  at  Baal-hamon :  he  let  out  the  vine- 
yard unto  keepers,  etc..  Cant,  viii :  11,  he  argued  that  lay  elders 
were  unknown  to  the  early  Church,  and  that  the  Genevan 
scheme  lacked  warrant  from  either  inspiration  or  precedent. 
Somehow  the  hard-headed  Scotchmen  strangely  failed  of  useful 
conviction  from  these  discourses. 

Mingling  with  all  these  clei'ical  voices  of  conflict  were  a  few 
from  secular  sources.  In  1604  Lord  Bacon,  then  forty-three, 
published  a  small  volume  ^  without  his  name,  and  dedicated  to 
the  king  with  an  obsequiousness  remarkable  from  such  a  man 
to  such  a  man.  It  mattered  little  to  the  Puritans  that  he  ursfed 
that  reforms  doubtless  were  needed  ;  that  church  government 
ought  to  be  varied  to  suit  "  time,  &  place,  and  accidents  ;  "  that, 
while  the  substance  of  doctrine  is  immutable,  rites,  ceremonies,  and 

^  One  of  the  foure  sermons  preached  before  the  King^s  Majestie  at  Hampton  Court 
[Sunday,  Sept.  21,  1606].  This  concerning  the  Antiquitie  and  Superioritie  of  Bishops, 
4to. 

A  Sermon  on  Rom.  xiii :  5  preached  at  Hampton  Court  [Tuesday,  Sept.  23], 
before  the  Kings  Maiestie,  1606,  4to. 

A  Sermon  preached  before  the  Kings  Maiestie  at  Hampton  Court  Concerning  the 
Eight  and  Power  of  calling  Assemblies.    On  Sundai/  Sept.  28,  1606,  4to,  54. 

The  fourth  Sermon  preached  at  Hampton  Court  on  Tuesday  the  last  of  Sept.  1606, 
4to. 

'■^  Certaine  Considerations  touching  the  better  piacificalion.  and  Edification  of  the 
Church  of  England,  8vo,  4,  5,  8,  11,  12,  43. 


364  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE   CONFLICT 

"  the  perticular  Hierarchies,  policies,  and  disciplines  of  Churches  " 
should  be  "  left  at  large ;  "  that  he  wisely  doubted  many  things 
to  which,  so  long  as  the  law  covered  them,  he  still  in  conscience 
would  adhere ;  and  that  he  anticipated  great  increase  of  pros- 
perity, if  but  "  the  sword  of  the  Spirit  were  better  edged,  by 
strengthening  the  authoritie  and  suppressing  the  abuses  in  the 
Church."  It  was  something  that  such  a  man  should  concede 
even  so  much,  but  his  concessions  were  not  likely  to  have  any 
practical  influence. 

A  more  impressive  judgment  survives  from  a  man  who  hardly 
might  be  remembered  but  for  his  connection  with  this  subject. 
Among  the  books  printed  anonymously  abroad  in  1607  is  one 
of  his.^  It  states  that  Thomas  Lad,  a  Yarmouth  merchant,  was 
charged  with  attending  a  conventicle  because,  on  a  Sunday  after 
service,  he,  living  in  the  house  of  one  Jackler,  lately  a  preacher 
there,  had  joined  with  Jackler  in  repeating  the  substance  of  the 
sermons  preached  that  day  in  church.  Lad  was  arrested  and 
forced  to  make  oath  as  to  what  took  place  at  this  pretended 
conventicle ;  and,  having  answered  twice  on  that  oath  before 
the  Chancellor,  was  taken  before  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission- 
ers to  make  further  reply  upon  a  new  oath.  He  refused,  unless 
allowed  to  see  his  former  answer,  being  accused  of  j^erjury. 
For  this  refusal  he  was  imprisoned  without  bail  until  brought 
to  bar  by  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  from  the  King's  Bench. 
Richard  Maunsel,^  a  preacher,  also  was  charged  with  having 
been  concerned  in  a  petition  to  the  lower  house  of  Parliament; 
and,  for  refusing  to  take  the  oath  ex  officio,  he  too  was  jailed 
without  bail  by  the  Commissioners  until  brought  to  bar  by  a 
similar  writ.    Nicholas  Fuller  pleaded  for  both. 

He  argued  that  their  imprisonment  plainly  was  in  defiance 
of  the  statutes,  and  that  even  the  statutes  relied  upon  had  no 
longer  any  legal  force.  He  also  emphasized  the  atrocity  of  the 
oath  ex  officio.    But  his  plea  did  not  avail. 

^  The  Argument  of  Master  Nicholas  Fvller,  in  the  case  of  Thomas  Lad,  and 
Richard  Mavnsell,  his  Clients,  etc.,  1607,  4to,  1,  2,  3,  etc. 

2  Minister  of  Yarmouth  (Brook,  ii :  183),  and  author  of  The  Vnlaufulnes  of 
Reading. Frailer,  or,  the  Answer  of  Mr.  Richard  Mavnsel.  Preacher,  vnto  certain 
arguments  or  Reasons,  etc.,  1G19,  8vo.  It  shows  that,  if  a  Puritan,  he  was  not  a 
Separatist. 


THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED  365 

Francis  Mason  — Archdeacon  of  Norfolk  — in  1607  entered 
the  lists  for  the  Establishment.  Having  preached  at  Norwich, 
on  June  16,  1605,  from  I  Cor.  xiv  :  40,  he  was  induced  to  ex- 
pand his  sermon  into  a  treatise.^  He  writes  like  a  good  man, 
but  he  mixes  metaphors  amusingly,  and  his  logic  is  not  strong. 
One  of  his  urgent  reasons  why  all  should  conform  is  that  Non- 
conformity helps  the  Brownists.  Perhaps  the  weightiest  sug- 
gestion in  the  book  is  under  its  forty-fourth  head  :  — 

We  all  acknowledge  him  [the,  king]  to  be  supreme  gouernour  ouer 
all  persons,  &  causes  ecclesiasticall  and  temporal! :  is  he  gouernoour  of 
all  persons,  and  shall  he  not  gouerne  you  ?  Do  you  acknowledge  him 
gouernour  ouer  all  causes,  &  shall  he  not  appoint  you  w  hetlier  your 
garments  shall  be  blacke  or  white,  round  or  square  ?  Shall  wee  teach 
the  people  obedience,  and  be  our  selues  examples  of  disobedience  ? 

About  this  time  "  Thomas  Whetenhall  Esquier "  also  pub- 
lished a  book  2  which  notes  that  the  seven  churches  of  Asia  were 
true  churches  of  Christ,  although  many  corruptions  had  crept 
into  them  even  then,  and  quotes,  with  comments,  from  seventy- 
six  authors,  in  proof  of  the  need  of  reformation.  He  answers 
one  main  objectioix  thus  :  — 

The  Kings  Majestie  ...  is  peswaded  that  the  governement  and 
State  of  the  Church  wherein  it  was  left  in  Q.  EUzahethes  time  .  .  . 
is  fittest  to  remaine  &  continue  in  this  Realme  of  England.  But  I 
would  aske,  who  hath  perswaded  the  King  so,  but  the  Lord  bishops 
whose  great  livings  &  pompous  estate  they  are  so  loath  to  leaue. 
To  whom  I  will  but  deliver  the  wordes  of  M.  Calvhie,  .  .  .  That  the 
Churches  of  the  whole  Kingdome  of  England  are  not  yet  brought  into 
so  good  order  as  all  good  men  doe  wish  and  desire,  and  at  the  first 
had  good  hope  it  would  haue  hen  done,  that  I  assure  you  doth  exceed- 
inglie  grieue  mee,  but  to  the  overcoming  of  all  impediments  it  is  need- 
full  to  haue  an  univeriable  indeauour.  But  now  it  is  convenient 
and  a  matter  of  very  necessity,  that  the  Queene  shoxdd  know  and 
vnderstand  that  you  doe  willinglie  remitt,  and  from  your  selues  vtter- 
lie  reiect  whatsoever  sauoureth  of  earthly  Lordship,  that  vnto  the 
exercisinge  of  your  s^jirituall  function  ye  may  stedfastly  keepe  a  law- 
full  authoritie  and  such  as  is  giuen  you  of  God.    Now  therefore  if 

^  The  Authoritie  of  th<'  Church  in  making  Canons  and  Constitutions  concerning 
things  indifferent,  and  the  obedience  thereto  required,  etc.,  1607,  4to,  iv :  15,  68,  G6. 

^  A  Discourse  of  the  Abvses  now  in  Question  in  the  Chvrches  of  Christ,  etc.,  1G06, 
4to,  1-4,  188. 


366  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

my  Lords  the  Bishopes,  according  to  M.  Calvins  advise  would  ioyne 
to  gether  and  first  crie  vnto  God  for  the  salvation  of  their  soules,  and 
then  on  their  knees  to  desire  his  Maiestie  to  pardon  their  former 
offence,  and  humbly  request  him  to  take  from  them  their  great  lyuings 
and  pompous  estate  and  vnlawfull  superioritie  over  the  Churches  and 
make  them  like  their  fellow-ministers  ;  His  Maiestie  would  surely  say  ; 
now  it  is  evident  to  all  me  and  out  of  all  doubt,  that  you  seeke  Gods 
glory  and  not  your  oune. 

It  hardly  need  be  added  that  no  mention  occurs  of  any  episco- 
pal acceptance  of  this  suggestion. 

Under  the  relentless  lead  of  Bancroft,  Convocation  now 
enacted  a  series  of  extraordinary  canons,  and  defended  them  in 
a  set  treatise.^  But  the  king  disliked  some  things  about  the  pol- 
itics treated  therein,  and  forbade  the  treatise  to  be  offered  for- 
mally for  his  assent.  It  still  remains,  however,  and  is  significant 
of  the  spirit  in  which  the  Church  of  England  then  dealt  with 
Dissenters. 

As  before,  in  Martin  Mar-prelate's  time,  the  weapon  of  ridi- 
cule also  was  tried  against  the  Puritans.  A  play  ^  w^as  written 
by  one  Wentworth  Smith,  but  it  is  vulgar  and  prosaic.  It  de- 
scribes a  Puritan  widow  smiling  upon  a  possible  second  husband 
while  her  cheeks  still  were  wet  with  tears  for  her  first.  The 
sneers  at  the  Puritans  are  put  into  various  mouths,  yet  have 
but  one  voice.    For  example  :  — 

lie  sooner  expect  mercy  from  a  Vsurer  when  my  bonds  forfetted, 
sooner  kindnesse  from  a  Lawier  when  my  mony's  spent :  nay  sooner 
charity  from  the  deuiU,  then  good  from  a  Puritaine  ? 

And  again  :  — 

He  [the  dead  husband]  would  eate  fooles  and  ignorant  heires  cleane 

vp; 

And  had  his  drinck,  from  many  a  poor  man's  browe, 

E'en  as  their  labour  brewde  it  ? 

He  would  scrape  ritches  to  him  most  vniustly ; 

The  very  durt  betweene  his  nailes  was  Ill-got : 

And  not  his  owns.  .  .  . 

^  This  does  not  seem  to  have  been  published  in  full  until  IfiOO,  when  Arch. 
Sancroft  printed  it  under  the  title  of  Bishop  Overalls  Convocation  Book.  MDCVI, 
etc.,  4to. 

*  The  Pvritaine,  or  the  Widdow  of  Watling-Streete.  Acted  by  the  Children  of 
Paules.    Written  by  W,  S.,  1607,  4to,  6,  14,  24,  27. 


THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED  367 

Oh  ;  —  a  Sermons  a  fine  short  cloake  of  an  houre  long,  and  wil  hide 
the  vpper-part  of  a  dissembler,  Church.  I  [Aye],  he  seem'd  al  Church, 
&  his  coscience  was  as  hard  as  the  Pulpit ! 

And  a  nasal-voiced  servant,  when  his  master  took  off  his  gold 
chain,  "  sneakt  it  away,  by  little  &  little,  most  Puritanically." 

The  difficulties  and  the  diligence  of  the  early  Nonconformists 
are  indicated  again  by  a  volume  ^  written  by  Robert  Parker,^  a 
fellow  of  Benet  CoUege,  Cambridge,  afterwards  beneficed  in  Wil- 
ton, Wilts.,  who  wrote  earnestly  against  the  cross  in  baptism. 
Being  obliged  to  fly  to  Holland,  he  did  the  best  he  could,  lack- 
ing "  bookes  and  conference,"  and  published  there,  in  1607,  in 
two  parts,  a  folio  of  370  pages.  The  first  part  argues  that  the 
use  of  the  cross  in  baptism  is  idolatry,  superstition,  hypocrisy 
and  impiety.  The  second  part  accuses  this  practice  of  injustice, 
soul-murder,  spiritual  adultery,  etc.  Those  for  whom  he  speaks, 
however,  are  no  Brownists,  Anabaptists,  or  "  Newfanglistes." 
His  great  urgency  is :  — 

Whereas  all  meanes  of  Saboth  pollution  must  be  abolished,  as  God 
him  selfe  doeth  giue  example,  in  taking  the  Manna  out  of  the  way, 
when  once  it  grew  to  be  an  occasion  of  Saboth-breach :  and  the  cere- 
monies of  jjresent  controversie  are  many  wayes  guiltier  of  his  impi- 
etie  :  praye  we  against  them,  as  M'.  Foxe  prayed  hartily  once  against 
the  Surplice  :  It  is  pitie  such  baytes  of  poperie  are  left  (saith  he)  to 
take  christians  in.  God  take  them  away  fro  vs,  or  els  vs  fro  them  : 
for  God  knoweth  they  be  the  cause  of  much  blindnes  and  strife 
amongst  men. 

To  show  the  methods  which  the  Papists  were  taking  to  win  the 
young  and  simple,  he  cites  a  ballad,  "  The  Lament  of  the 
Crosse,"  to  the  tune  of  "  The  L.  Courtneis  dumps,"  which  had 
been  scattered  abroad  recently :  — 

^  A  Scholasticall  Discourse  Against  Symbolizing  with  Antichrist  in  Ceremonies  : 
especially  in  the  Signe  of  the  Crosse,  1607,  fol.  ui,  i:  177;  ii :  113,  120,  115;  i: 
196,  92. 

2  Father  of  Thomas  Parker,  one  of  the  earliest  pastors  of  Newbury,  Mass. 
C.  Mather  says  of  him  (Mag.  iii :  143)  :  "It  was  the  honour  of  that  great  man,  to 
be  the  father  of  such  learned  books,  as  that  of  his  De  Politia  Ecclesiastica,  and 
that  Of  the  Cross;  .  .  .  yea,  to  be  in  some  sort  the  father  of  all  the  nonconform- 
ists in  our  age,  who  yet  would  not  call  any  man  their  father." 


368  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

Without  the  Crosse  S.  Augustine  saith  — 

Reads  him,  and  you  may  see  — 
No  man  is  stedfast  in  the  faith, 

Nor  Christened  well  may  be. 

No  Sacrifice,  no  holy  Oyle, 

No  washing  in  the  Fonte, 
Nor  any  thing  can  thee  assoyle, 

If  thou  the  Crosse  doe  want. 

Christ  crucified  he  doth  affirme, 
When  that  he  rose  from  death, 
»  Hath  left  his  Crosse  here  after  him, 

For  to  increase  our  faith. 

Children  by  it  haue  Christendome, 

The  water  blest  also  : 
The  holy  Ghost  appeares  to  some, 

And  gifts  of  grace  bestow. 

When  that  this  Crosse  is  made  aright. 

Of  them  that  hallowed  be  :  ^ 
Where  it  is  not,  there  wanteth  might, 

For  ought  that  I  can  see. 

Saint  Chrysostome,  in  likewise, 

Perswades  himself  herein  ; 
And  saith  by  this  a  man  doth  rise, 

From  death  and  deadly  sinne. 

The  Crosse  is  at  our  birth,  saith  he, 

And  where  that  we  be  fed  : 
The  Crosse  it  is  most  meet,  perdie,^ 

When  that  we  shall  be  dead. 

This  book  by  Parker  deserved,  and  had,  wide  influence,  and 
that  Brewster  left  a  copy  indicates  that  it  may  have  had  some 
influence  upon  him. 

With  all,  there  were  not  wanting  earnest  pleas  from  the  re- 
formers that  they  might  receive  common  justice,  at  the  least. 
As  early  as  1604  Henry  Jacob  made  a  general  appeal.^  He 
takes  the  bull  by  the  horns  in  a  dedication  to  the  king.    It  is 

^  That  is,  when  the  sign  of  the  cross  is  made  in  baptism  by  a  regularly  conse- 
crated priest. 

^  A  corruption  of  the  oath  Par  dieii. 

*  Seasons  Taken  ovt  of  Gods  Word  and  the  best  Humane  Testimonies  proving  a 
Necessitie  of  Reforming  Ovr  Cbvrches  in  England,  etc.,  1604,  4to,  v,  iii-vii,  iii, 
1-57,  57-80. 


J 


THE   CONTROVERSY   CONTINUED  369 

needful  for  those  for  whom  he  pleads  to  defend  themselves.  So 
he  submits  their  cause  to  him  whom  they  recognize  as  "  the 
noblest  pillar  of  the  Gospell,  and  the  greatest  hope  for  the  pro- 
pagation and  establishing  thereof  that  is  in  all  Christendom." 
This,  by  the  way,  is  flattery  as  real  as,  if  less  fulsome  than, 
either  Wilkes's  or  Bacon's. 

He  then  advances  four  propositions  :   (1)  reform  is  needful ; 

(2)  for  200  years  after  Christ,  Diocesanism  was  unknown, 
bishops   outranking  pastors  only  in  priority  and  not  in  rule ; 

(3)  the  New  Testament  Scriptures  set  forth  the  ordinary  form 
of  church  government ;  and  (4)  that  form,  not  being  change- 
able by  man,  is  alone  lawful.  Those  whom  he  represents  hold 
these  principles  but  desire  to  exercise  charity  towards  all.  The 
tract  concludes  with  an  appeal  to  "  all  the  godly,  learned,  and 
faithfull  pastors  of  the  severall  Churches  in  England,"  in  which 
he  acknowledges  distinctly  that  it  is  not  enough  to  have  and'to 
enjoy  "  the  Preaching  and  Sacraments  .  .  .  without  longing  for 
and  seeking  further  to  walke  in  the  perfect  way,  now  that  it  is 
discovered."  In  1606  he  made  further  effort  ^  to  secure  a  peace- 
ful solution  of  the  difficulties  in  another  little  quarto,^  also  dedi- 
cated to  the  king :  — 

Your  Maiestie  professed  before  you  came  to  the  croivne,  that  you 
did  equally  loue  &  honor  the  learned  &  graue  men  of  either  of  these 
opinions  :  ^  and  it  is  no  small  heartes-griefe  unto  us,  that,  since  your 
comming  into  this  land,  your  Affections  are  so  alienated  &  estranged 
from  us,  .  .  .  who,  before  we  saw  your  face,  laboiired  by  all  good 
meanes  (not  without  some  danger)  to  promote  your  Maiesties  iust 
Title  to  this  Crowne,  and  haue  ever  since  carryed  our  Selues  duetifully 
towards  your  Maiestie,  and  peaceably  in  the  seruice  of  God,  and 
of  his  Churches.  .  .  .  May  it  therfore  please  your  most  excellent 
Maiestie  to  reade  this  Offer,  &  to  weigh  in  all  the  partes  thereof  tlie 
equitie  &  iustice  of  it,  &  the  most  certaine  advantage  that  the  truth 
(on  which  side  soever  it  is)  shall  receiue  by  the  acceptance  of  it :  may 
it  please  you  likewise  to  urge  the  Prelates,  whom  it  deepely  concemeth, 

^  Brook  (ii :  333)  so  decides,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

2  A  Christian  and  Modest  Offer  of  a  most  Indifferent  Conference,  etc.,  1606,  4to, 
iii,  and  passim. 

^  That  is  :  those  who  favored  government  by  elders,  and  those  who  preferred 
the  existing  polity.   Basil.  Dor.  6. 


370  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

to  admitt  of  it ;  and  to  secure  hy  Royall  ^jrotection  those  that  shalbe 
Actors  in  it. 

The  "  offer  "  was  that  the  silenced  ministers  select  six  or  eight, 
to  be  met  by  an  equal  number  of  representative  prelates  or 
clergy,  to  debate  publicly  sixteen  proj)ositions  involving  the 
points  at  issue. 

Nothing  could  be  fairer  in  letter  or  spirit  than  this  proposal ; 
yet  nothing  was  more  certain  than  that  it  would  not  be  ac- 
cepted. The  necessity  of  publicly  treating  the  reformers  as  on 
a  level  with  their  opponents  would  have  forbidden  it,  had  not 
the  assumed  infallibility  of  the  State  Church  blocked  the  way 
effectually.  The  popular  house  of  Parliament  tried  to  mitigate 
matters,  but  its  utmost  was  little.  It  stubbornly  refused  to  do 
business  on  Sunday,  even  at  the  request  of  the  Lords  ^  and 
although  the  Privy  Comicil  habitually  met  on  that  day  after 
service.    And  as  to  religion,  it  said  frankly :  — 

Your  Maiesty  should  be  misinformed  if  any  man  should  deliver 
that  the  Kings  of  England  liaue  any  absolute  power  in  themselues 
either  to  alter  religion  (which  God  foref end  should  be  in  the  power  of 
any  mortal  man  whatsoeuer)  or  to  make  any  laws  concerning  the  same, 
otherwise  then  in  temporal  causes,  by  consent  of  Parliament.   .   .  . 

When  it  met  again,  on  Nov.  5,  1606,  the  Gunpowder  Plot 
was  agitating  the  nation,  and  the  excitement  against  Roman 
Catholics  was  availed  of  for  the  framing  a  new  oath  of  alle- 
giance. Directly  this  touched  only  Popish  recusants.  Yet  the 
king,  in  a  volume  ^  to  explain  and  defend  it,  also  freed  his  mind 
about  the  Puritans.  In  his  address  to  the  fraternity  of  mon- 
archs  he  says  :  — 

As  I  euer  Tnaintained  the  state  of  Bishojjs  and  the  Ecclesiasticall 
Hierarchie  for  order  sake ;  so  urns  I  euer  an  enemy  to  the  confused 
Anarchie  orparitie  of  the  Puritanes,  as  ivel  appeareth  in  my  Basiaikon 
ilnpoN.  .  .  .  I  cannot  enouxjh  looonder  with  what  brazen  face  this 
Answerer  ®  could  say,  That  I  was  a  Puritane  in  Scotland,  and  an  enemy 
to  Protestants :  /  that  was  persecuted  hy  Puritanes  there,  not  from 

1  Gardiner,  i :  191,  205.   S.  P.  Bom.  viii :  70. 

2  Premonition  to  Monarchs.    Works  (ed.  1616),  305. 

^  Bellarmine.  James  refers  to  the  book  of  Matt.  Tortus  as  that,  some  of  whose 
statements  he  is  answering,  but  as  Tortus  is  "  an  obscure  Authour,  utterly  im- 
knowen  to  me,"  he  is  assumed  "  to  be  one  person  with  Bellarmine." 


THE   CONTROVERSY   CONTINUED  .  371 

my  birth  only,  hut  euen  since  fotire  moneths  before  my  birth?  I  that 
in  the  yeere  of  God  84  erected  Bishops,  and  depi^essed  all  their  23023ular 
paritie,  I  then  being  not  18  y ceres  of  age  ?  I  that  in  my  said  Booke 
to  my  Sonne,  do  speak  tenne  times  more  bitterly  of  them  nor  of  the 
Papists  ;  haueing  in  my  second  Edition  thereof  affixed  a  long  Ap)olo- 
getlke  Preface,  only  in  odium  Puritanorum  ?  And  I  that  for  the  space 
of  sixe  yeeres  before  my  comming  into  England,  laboured  nothing  so 
much  as  to  depresse  their  Paritie,  and  re-erect  Bishops  againe  ?  .  .  . 
And  surely  I  glue  a  falre  commendation  to  the  Puritanes  in  that 
place  of  my  booke,  when  I  affirme  that  I  haue  found  greater  honesty 
with  the  high-land  and  border  theeues,  then  with  that  sort  of  people. 

In  the  same  volume  this  extraordinary  sovereign  also  insists : 
"  I  do  constantly  maintaine  that  no  man,  either  in  my  time,  or 
in  the  late  Queenes,  euer  died  here  for  his  conscience."  To  say 
nothing  of  Papists  who  had  been  offered  up  with  every  sign  of  a 
good  conscience  on  their  part,  six  CongTegationalists  had  been 
hanged  within  sixteen  years,  besides  twenty-five  who  in  reality 
had  been  martyred  in  the  foul  London  prisons,^  in  addition  to  a 
never  definitely  determined  number  of  others  elsewhere  in  the 
realm. 

An  important  side  issue  must  not  be  overlooked.  At  the 
Hampton  Court  Conference  Dr.  Rainolds  had  "  earnestly  de- 
sired a  straighter  course  "  ^  for  better  Sabbath-keeping,  to  which 
suggestion  "  hee  found  a  generall  &  vnanimous  assent."  His 
13roposition  was  symptomatic  of  a  special  reexamination  of  the 
Sabbath  question,  begun  at  least  eight  years  before.  In  1595  a 
volume  ^  by  Nicholas  Bownd,  rector  of  Norton,  Suffolk,  opened 
a  controversy  even  yet   hardly  closed.    He  declares  *  that  the 

1  Cong,  in  Lit.  206-207. 

^"Barlow,  Sum  and  Subs.  45. 

^  The  doctrine  of  the  Sabbath  plainely  layde  forth,  and  soundly  proved  by  testimo- 
nies both  of  holy  ScrijAure,  and  also  of  olde  and  new  Ecclesiasticall  writers,  etc.,  1595, 
4to.  Republished  in  1606  in  two  books  as  Sabbathum  Veteris  et  Novi  Testamenti, 
4to.  Dr.  John  Hunt  in  Eelig.  Thought  in  Eng.  (i :  132)  says  that  this  book  was 
"  first  published  in  1595  but  suppressed  until  1606,"  and  also  that  the  Sabbath 
controversy  began  with  the  Hampton  Court  Conference  in  1603.  But  the  first  edi- 
tion of  Bownd's  book  was  "  quickly  dispersed  into  the  hands  of  men  "  and  a  new 
edition  was  called  for  in  two  years  (1597).  But  the  Ms.  "  miscarried,"  and  the 
second  issue  was  delayed  until  1606.  Moreover,  the  controversy  had  been  stirred 
up  seven  or  eight  years  before  the  Hampton  Court  Conference. 

4  Sab.  Vet.  7.  82,  88,  122,  128,  180, 185,  262,  211,  272,  280,  286,  330,  335,  339, 
366,  372,  380,  433,  and  (2d  ed.)  ix. 


372  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

seventh  part  of  our  weekly  time  is  due  to  God,  consecrated  by 
him  from  the  beginning.  The  day  was  changed  by  the  Apostles 
from  Saturday  to  Sunday,  and  its  name  altered  to  the  Lord's 
Day.  It  should  be  a  day  of  rest,  worship  and  physical  benefit. 
Magistrates  must  restrain  men  from  Sabbath  work.  All  recrea- 
tions honest,  and  all  delights  lawful,  for  other  days  must  be 
abstained  from.    Feasting  is  wrong,  excepting  that :  — 

Concerning  the  feasts  of  Noblemen  and  great  personages  .  .  .  be- 
cause they  represent  in  some  measure  the  Maiestie  of  God  on  the  earth, 
.  .  .  much  is  to  bee  granted  vnto  them  :  yet  they  must  remember,  that 
as  the  Lord  hath  aduanced  them,  so  they  are  to  aduance  the  Lords 
worship. 

We  also  must  abstain  from  needless  worldly  conversation. 
The  day  is  to  be  sanctified  by  worship,  common  prayer,  public 
reading  of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  sacraments.  It  is  a  whole  day 
of  twenty-four  hours,  beginning  not  at  evening  but  at  morning. 
Meditation  and  private  prayer  should  precede  the  public  service, 
and  works  of  mercy  should  follow  it. 

This  treatise  caused  debate.  The  Romish  Church  —  and  mul- 
titudes remembered  the  nation  as  it  was  before  the  Reformation 
—  of  course  had  accustomed  England  to  treat  the  remainder  of 
Sunday  after  the  church  service  as  a  holiday.  The  Reformation 
inevitably  led  to  a  reinvestigation  of  the  whole  subject  of  holi- 
days and  holy  days  in  the  light  of  the  Bible,  interpreted  by  that 
evangelical  spirit  which  animated  Puritanism.  In  the  main,  the 
Puritans  accepted  Dr.  Bownd's  argument  as  offering  the  true 
interpretation  of  the  day.  The  first  issue  of  the  book  soon  was 
exhausted,  but  some  accident  prevented  a  second. 

However,  tlaree  other  treatises  soon  followed,  enforcing  the 
same  truth.  Of  these,  one,i  by  George  Widley,  —  the  others 
have  not  proved  accessible,  if  they  survive,  —  differs  from 
Bownd's  little,  if  at  all,  in  doctrine,  but  is  briefer.  It  merits 
attention  because  of  the  reasons  given  for  one  position  which  the 
Puritans  of  New  England,  at  least,  modified. 

Wee  begin  our  Sabbath  at  the  dawning  of  the  day,  for  these  reasons  : 
first,  because  Christ   rose   in   the    dawning   it   was   necessarie  (our 

1  The  Doctrine  of  the  Sabbath,  handled  in  fovre  ser er all  B cokes  or  Treatises,  etc., 
1604,  4to,  Gl. 


THE  CONTROVERSY  CONTINUED  373 

Sabbath  being  to  be  kept  in  remembrance  thereof)  that  our  clay  should 
then  begin.  Secondly,  to  put  a  difference  betwixt  the  Jewish  Sabbath, 
and  the  true  Chi-istian  Sabbath,  it  was  needfull  that  ours  should  begin 
at  morning,  when  by  the  resurrection  of  Christ  the  world  began  to  bee 
renewed :  whereas  the  other  began  at  night,  when  the  world  in  the  crea- 
tion was  finished.  Thirdly,  that  the  night  following  is  accounted  a 
part  of  the  day  precedent,  we  see  Act.  20.  vers.  7.  .  .  . 

Such  teaching  aroused  opposition  from  a  few  who  wished  to 
make  it  still  more  stringent,  and  from  the  great  multitude  who 
clung  to  the  ancient  Sunday  customs,  and  who,  repudiating 
Puritanism  in  other  particulars,  repudiated  especially  its  Sab- 
batical strictness.  Within  a  half-century  of  Dr.  Bownd's  book, 
more  than  a  dozen  authors  ^  entered  the  field,  but  their  discus- 
sion was  later  than  the  period  which  we  are  considering. 

Another  volume,  already  alluded  to,  came  out  early  in  the 
century.  In  1599,  at  Paris,  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  after  careful 
study  of  various  countries,  drew  up  a  report  of  the  state  of 
religion  where  he  had  been.  His  manuscript  was  copied  several 
times  for  his  friends,  and  in  1605  —  "  from  a  spurious  stolne 
Copie  .  .  .  shamefully  falsified  "  —  it  ^  was  printed  anonymously 

1  Three  Questions  Answered,  etc.    By  Thos.  Broad,  1621,  4to. 

Tractatus  de  Sabbato,  in  Quo  Dortrina  Ecclesiae  jmmitivae  declaratur  ac  defend - 
itur,  1627,  4to  ;  and  Vindiciae  Sabbathi,  or  an  Answer  to  two  Treatises  of  Master 
Broads.    By  Geo.  Abbot,  1641,  4to. 

A  Discourse  upon  the  Sabbath  Day,  etc.,  1628,  8vo  ;  and  A  Defence  of  that  most 
ancient  and  sacred  Ordinance  of  God,  the  Sabbath  Day,  etc.  By  Theophilus  Bra- 
bourne,  1632,  4to. 

A  Learned  Treatise  on  the  Sabbath,  etc.    By  Edward  Brerewood,  1630,  4to. 

The  Doctrine  of  the  Sabbath  Vindicated  in  Confutation  of  a  Treatise  of  the  Sab- 
bath, irritten  by  E.  B.  against  N.  B.    By  Richard  Byfield,  1631,  4to. 

The  Doctrine  of  the  Sabbath,  etc.    By  Bishop  J.  Prideaux.    Trans,  into  English, 

1634,  4to. 

A  Treatise  of  the  Sabbath-Day,  containing  a  Defence  of  the  Orthodoxall  Doctrine 
of  the  Church  of  England  against  Sabbatarian-novelty.   By  Bishop  Francis  White, 

1635,  4to. 

A  Soveraigne  Antidote  against  Sabbatarian  Errours :  or,  a  Decision  of  the  Chief e 
Doubts  and  Difficulties  touching  the  Sabbath,  etc.,  1636,  4to. 

A  Discourse  of  the  Sabbath  and  the  Lords  Day,  Wherein  the  Difference  both  in 
their  Institution  and  their  due  Observation  is  briefly  handled.    By  C.  Dow,  1636,  4to. 

The  History  of  the  Sabbath.    In  two  books.    By  P.  Heylin,  1636,  4to. 

The  Doctrine  of  the  Sabbath,  etc.,  in  divers  Sermons.    By  G.  Walker,  1638,  4to. 

Sabbatum  Redivivum,  or  the  Christian  Sabbath  Vindicated.  By  D.  Cawdry,  1645, 
8vo. 

2  A  Relation  of  the  State  of  Religion  :  and  with  what  Hopes  and  Pollicies  it  hath 


374  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

in  London.  In  spite  of  endeavors  to  stop  the  sale  and  punish 
the  printer,  it  was  twice  reissued  surreptitiously,  so  that  three 
editions  were  "  stolen  into  the  world  "  before,  in  1629,  an  au- 
thentic and  "  perfect  copy  "  ^  was  printed,  still  anonymously,  at 
the  Hague.  It  hardly  can  be  doubted,  both  because  of  the  sub- 
ject and  of  his  relations  with  the  author,  that  a  copy  of  the  first 
printed  issue  soon  came  into  Brewster's  hands. 

The  work  is  only  a  part  of  what  was  proposed,  being  confined 
to  Koman  Catholic  countries  ;  that  which  was  to  deal  with  "  the 
churches  reformed "  being  reserved  and  never  completed.  As 
to  the  likelihood  of  church  consolidation  his  conclusion  is :  — 

And  this  is  all  I  can  say  for  any  hope  or  meanes  of  this  generall 
vnity  ;  and  so  must  I  leave  and  recommend  it  to  God,  as  being  both 
our  best  and  nowe  onely  remaining  poUicie,  to  addresse  our  vnited 
and  generall  supplications  to  his  divine  power  and  maiestie  :  That  it 
may  please  him,  by  that  ever-springing  fountaine  of  his  goodnes  and 
gratious  mercie,  even  beyond  all  humane  hope  (if  it  may  stand  so  with 
his  blessed  will)  and  by  such  meanes  as  to  his  Divine  wisedome  are 
ever  in  readinesse,  to  effect  those  things  which  to  mans  wit  may  seeme 
impossible. 

One  labored  treatise  also  demands  mention,  Thomas  Rogers, 
rector  of  Horninger,  Suffolk,  who  twenty-eight  years  before  had 
published  an  exposition  of  the  Articles  of  Ileligion,^  in  which 
each  article  was  dissected  into  propositions  and  each  proposition 
epitomized  analytically,  reissued  it^  in  1607,  exjDanding  some 
doctrinal  heads,  arguing  all  at  large  from  church  authorities  as 
well  as  from  Scripture  and  the  Confessions,  and  arraying  against 
each  all  such  errors  as  opposed  them.  Of  course  this  led  him 
into  the  thick  of  the  fight.  He  goes  rapidly  over  the  ground 
from  Cranmer's  time,  showing  how  factions  have  been  increas- 
ing, although  subscription  has  been  three  times  enjoined  upon 

heene  framed,  and  is  maintained  in  the  severall  States  of  these  we sterne  partes  of  the 
World,  1605,  4to. 

^  Evropae  Speculum,  or  A  View  or  Survey  of  the  State  of  Eeligion  in  the  Westerne 
parts  of  the  World,  etc.,  1629,  4to.  Repr.  in  1632,  1637,  1638,  1673  and  1687,  and, 
in  Italian,  in  1625,  and  in  French,  at  Amsterdam,  in  1641. 

^  The  English  Creede,  Wherein  is  contained  in  Tables,  an  exposition  on  the  Articles 
which  euery  Man  is  to  subscribe  vnto,  1579,  fol. 

^  The  Faith,  Doctrine  and  Religion  professed,  and  protected  in  the  Bealme  of  Eng- 
land, and  Dominions  of  the  same,  etc.,  1607,  4to,  x,  xviii,  92. 


THE   CONTROVERSY   CONTINUED  375 

them.  Meanwliile  these  Nonconformists  and  Recusants  have 
clauned  perpetually  that  they  differ  in  no  doctrine  from  the 
Church.    Moreover,  they  lately  have 

set  vpon  vs  afresh  again,  by  dispersing  in  printed  Bookes  ....  their 
Sabbath  Speculations,  and  Fresbi/teria7i  (that  is  more  then  either 
Kingly,  or  Popely)  Directions  for  the  obseruation  of  the  Lords 
day.  ... 

They  ruinate,  and  at  one  blow  beate  downe  all  Times  and  Days,  by 
just  authority  destined  to  Religious  and  Holy  uses,  besides  the  Lords 
day,  saying  plainly,  &  in  peremptory  words,  that  the  Church  hath 
none  authority,  ordinarily,  or  from  year  to  year  perpetually  to  sanc- 
tify any  other  day  to  those  uses,  but  onely  the  Lords  day.  ...  I  haue 
read  .  .  .  how  it  was  preached  in  a  Market-Town  in  Oxfordshire,  that 
to  do  any  seruile  work,  or  businesse  on  the  Lords  Day,  is  as  great  a  sin 
as  to  Kill  a  man,  or  to  commit  Adultery.  It  was  Preached  in  Somerset- 
shire, that  to  throw  a  bowl  on  the  Sabbath-Day,  is  as  great  a  sin  as 
to  Kill  a  Man.  It  was  preached  in  Norfolk,  that  to  make  a  Feast,  or 
Wedding-Dinner  on  the  Lords  Day,  is  as  great  a  sin,  as  for  a  Father 
to  take  a  Knife  and  cut  his  childs  throat.^  .  .  . 

He  catalogues  the  heresies  arraigned,  and  cites  in  notes  the 
passages  on  which  he  relies  for  proof.  As  to  some  thirty  of  the 
Thirty-nine  Articles,  he  charges  upon  the  reformers  no  diver- 
gence from  the  old-time  doctrine.  As  to  the  others,  however, 
especially  those  treating  of  the  Church,  the  Ministry,  and  the 
Magistracy,  he  accuses  Puritans,  Brownists,  Barrowists,  Ana- 
baptists, the  Family  of  Love,  and  others,  with  diverse  and  scan- 
dalous unsoundness.  On  the  whole,  his  volume  was  more  likely 
to  irritate  than  to  convince. 

It  should  not  be  overlooked  that  the  new  version  of  the 
Bible  was  in  process  of  creation  at  this  very  time.  We  have 
seen  that,  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference,  Dr.  Rainolds 
urged  the  importance  of  a  new  translation.  Neither  Parlia- 
ment, Convocation,  nor  the  Privy  Council  seems  to  have  taken 
any  action  in  the  matter.  Most  of  the  translators  —  there  ap- 
pear to  have  been  fifty-four  at  first,  probably  selected  for  the 
king's  appointment  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  —  bore 

^  In  extreme  times  extreme  men  say  extreme  things,  and  possibly  these  asser- 
tions could  have  been  proved.  But  such  was  not  the  tone  of  the  great  body  of 
those  who  argued  for  the  hallowing  of  the  Lord's  Day. 


376  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

their  own  expenses ;  excepting  that  those  who  for  nine  months 
devoted  their  whole  time  to  the  final  revision  were  paid  by  the 
Barkers,  who  enjoyed  a  long  copyright  upon  the  result.  It  took 
about  four  years  to  complete  the  first  revision,  which  was  re- 
ferred to  twelve  of  their  number  for  a  thorough  reexamina- 
tion, after  which  about  two  years  more,  with  the  supervision  of 
Dr.  Miles  Smith,  a  canon  of  Hereford,  and  Bishop  Bilson,  carried 
the  version  through  the  press. 

It  never  was  authorized  or  endorsed  by  Parliament,  but  upon 
its  own  merits,  and  particularly  because  it  was  unencumbered 
by  notes,  it  won  its  own  way  to  its  preeminence.  King  James 
did  not  suggest  it,  or  pay  a  penny  towards  it,^  or  recognize  it 
officially  in  any  way ;  his  chief  action  in  connection  with  it 
being  the  enforcement  of  rules  aimed  to  prevent  any  gain  to  the 
Puritans  through  the  result,  e.  g. :  "  The  old  ecclesiastical  words 
to  be  kept,  videlicet,  the  word  '  Church '  not  to  be  translated 
'  Congregation,'  "  etc.  The  good  men,  including  Chaderton  and 
Rainolds,  who,  between  1604  and  1609,^  while  the  controversy 
which  we  have  considered  was  going  on,  quietly  did  this  great 
work  at  their  own  charges,  deserve  the  praise  for  what,  because 
of  a  dedication  prefixed  to  many  copies,  it  has  been  common  to 
call  "  King  James's  Version." 

^  "  We  of  ourself  in  any  convenLent  time  cannot  well  remedy  it ;  "  i.  e.,  the  empti- 
ness of  the  treasury  out  of  which  the  translators  ought  to  have  been  paid.  Card- 
well,  ii :  66,  111, 

2  Arch.  Bancroft  notified  the  intended  translators,  June  30,  1604,  of  the  king's 
pleasure  "  that  they  should,  with  all  possible  speed,  meet  together  in  their  Univer- 
sity and  begin  the  same  "  (Anderson,  477). 


CHAPTER   VII 

OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND  THE   EXODUS 

We  now  return  to  Brewster  at  Scrooby.  Something  of  that 
earnest  controversy  which  we  have  traced  must  have  agitated 
his  retirement.  That  he  must  have  taken  special  interest  in 
some  pleas  by  the  Puritans  it  is  safe  to  infer.  We  ali-eady  have 
seen  Bradford's  record  that,  in  his  residence  at  Scrooby,  Brew- 
ster won  general  esteem,  was  exceptionally  active  in  promoting 
earnest  religion,  and  long  maintained  substantially  his  old  church 
relations,  but  that,  at  last,  he  became  a  Separatist.  Probably,  also, 
if  his  desire  for  evangelical  preaching  were  unsatisfied  at  St. 
Wilfred's,!  he  sought  for  it  at  first  in  neighboring  churches  of 
the  Establishment. 

While  Brewster  still  was  in  Davison's  employ,  Richard  Clyf- 
ton  had  been  instituted  at  Babworth,  seven  or  eight  miles  south 
of  Scrooby,  Here  he  began  to  preach  Puritan  doctrine  before 
long,2  perhaps  soon  after  Brewster  had  come  back  to  the  old 
manor-house.  To  aU  appearance  Clyfton  was  first  of  the  clergy 
of  that  region  to  seek  to  indoctrinate  it  in  those  warmer  and 
stricter  conceptions  of  religion  which  gradually  led  to  Separa- 

^  In  the  British  Museum  is  an  account  of  parishes  near  Doncaster,  ten  miles 
from  Scrooby,  about  1612,  by  Thomas  Toller  and  Richard  Clark,  vicars  of  Shef- 
field and  Braythwell.  They  enumerate  60  parishes,  and  find  in  them  preachers 
"  sufficient  and  painfull,"  12  ;  non-preachers,  42  ;  negligent  and  insufficient,  26  ; 
scandalous  ministers,  10  (Birch  Add.  Ms.  4293  :  41).  Another  document  recom- 
mends the  erection  of  a  college  at  Ripon,  and  -declares  that  the  people  there- 
abouts are  all  ignorant  of  religion,  having  been  untaught  for  above  30  years.  Its 
presumed  date  is  Nov.  1590.   S.  P.  Bom.  Eliz.  ccxxxiv :  35. 

2  Some  words  by  Clyfton  in  1610,  in  reply  to  Smyth,  indicate  that  Smyth  had  to 
do  with  Clyf ton's  conversion  to  Separatism.  "  As  for  any  former  truthes  whereof 
you  have  bene  an  instrument  of  myne  instruction  ...  I  am  thankful  to  God  for 
it.  But,  if  you  remeber.  that  truth  that  you  informed  me  of  was  concerning  the 
truenesse  of  this  [Separate]  Church  whereof  I  stand  a  member,  which  you  now 
hold  to  be  Antichristian."    Plea,  226. 


378  THE  PILGRIMS  AND   THE  CONFLICT 

tion.  He  has  high  testimony  as  an  able  and  good  man,i  whose 
labors  overflowed  the  boundaries  of  his  little  parish. 

Somewhat  later  John  Smyth  ^  also  went  from  his  fellowship 
at  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  and  his  subsequent  office  of 
preacher  in  Lincoln,  to  Gainsborough,  in  Lincolnshire,  about 
ten  miles  east  from  Scrooby.  His  relation  to  the  church  in 
Gainsborough  at  first  is  doubtful.  There  is  proof,  however, 
that  early  in  his  residence  there  his  mind  was  exercised  upon 
current  issues,  and  that  he  consulted  others.  Bradford  declares 
that  he  was  of  able  gifts.^  In  1601  Richard  Bernard  ^  became 
vicar  of  AVorksop,  some  ten  miles  south  of  Scrooby.  He  was 
one  of  the  Puritans  who  felt  strongly  the  need  of  a  deeper 
piety  in  the  State  Church,  but  who,  after  hesitation,  settled 
back  into  zealous  defence  of  it.  In  addition  to  the  regular 
pi'eaching  of  a  few  such  men,  possibly  some  lecturer  now  and 
then  wandered  into  those  parts  and  was  welcomed  at  the  manor- 
house. 

These  religious  convictions  gradually  drew  together  little 
sympathizing  companies  "  of  sundrie  towns  &  villages,  some  in 
Notinghamshii'e,  some  of  Lincollinshire,  and  some  of  Yorkshire, 
where  they  border  nearest  together."  ^  Their  experiences  can 
be  described  best  in  Bradford's  own  terse  words  :  — 

When  as  by  the  travell  [labor]  &  diligence  o£  some  godly  &  zealous 
preachers,  &  Gods  blessing  on  their  labours,  .  .  .  many  became  inlight- 
ened  by  y''  word  of  God,  .  .  .  the  worke  of  God  was  no  sooner  mani- 
fest in  them,  but  presently  they  were  both  scoffed  and  scorned  by  y*^ 
prophane  multitude,  and  y^  minsters  urged  with  y^  yoak  of  Subscrip- 
tion, or  els  must  be  silenced ;  and  y*^  poore  people  were  so  vexed  with 
apparators,^  and  pursuants,  &  y*  commissarie  '^  courts,  as  truly  their 
affliction  was  not  smale  ;  which,  notwithstanding,  they  bore  sundrie 

1  Bradford,  Hist.  10.   Dial,  in  Young,  Chrons.  Plym.  453.   Smyth,  Paral.  2. 

"  See  Dr.  Dexter's  True  Story  of  John  Smyth,  1881. 

3  Hist.  9.   Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  450. 

*  A  voluminous  writer  and,  no  doubt  from  his  proximity  to  them,  especially 
active  against  these  Separatists.  Smyth  intimates  (Paral.  2)  that  Bernard  lost  his 
place  at  Worksop  for  refusing  conformity,  but  "  revolted  back." 

6  Bradford,  Hist.  8,  9. 

^  Officers  of  an  ecclesiastical  court,  who  summoned  persons  to  appear  before  the 
judge.   Lee,  Glossary. 

'  The  officer  of  a  bishop  who  has  been  appointed  formally  to  exercise  spiritual 
jurisdiction  in  the  bishop's  name  and  on  his  behalf.   Ibid. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  EXODUS  379 

years  with  much  patience,  till  they  were  occasioned  (by  y*^  continuance 
&  encrease  of  these  trouhls,  and  other  means  which  y^  Lord  raised  up 
in  those  days)  to  see  further  into  things  by  the  light  of  y*  word  of 
God :  How  not  only  these  base  and  beggerly  ceremonies  were  unlaw- 
full,  but  also  that  y*  lordly  &  tiranous  power  of  y''  prelats  ought  not 
to  be  submitted  unto. 

We  should  note  here  a  fact  which  has  a  considerable  influence 
upon  the  early  history  of  the  Plymouth  Colony.  The  men  who 
constituted  the  nucleus  of  the  movement  which  Bradford  was 
describing  were  mostly  in  the  common  walks  of  life.  They  had 
inborn  intelligence,  good  sense,  solid  habits  of  industry,  frugal- 
ity and  self-reliance,  and  such  rude  education  as  was  within 
their  reach.  Above  all  they  had  a  regnant  conscience.  But  not 
many  were  of  "  gentle  blood."  ^  Few  seem  to  have  been  land- 
owners. They  had  not  even  that  expansion  of  the  faculties  apt 
to  be  bred  by  the  aims  and  risks  of  commerce.  In  the  main 
they  were  plain  farmers  ^  whose  names,  excepting  in  a  line  or 
two  upon  the  parish  parchments  at  birth,  marriage  and  burial, 
seldom  went  upon  record.  Hence  the  difficulty,  after  300  years, 
of  identifying  them  precisely.  In  many  cases  the  first  volumes 
of  the  parish  records,^  which  naturally  would  contain  such 
notices,  have  been  lost,  or  kept  so  carelessly  that  their  contents 
often  are  illegible.  A  considerable  examination  of  such  records 
now  remaining  in  the  neighborhood  of  Scrooby  has  proved  sin- 
gularly barren  of  results.  The  Austerfield  volume  gives  Brad- 
ford's baptism,  and  that  at  Harworth  suggests  a  bare  possibility 
as  to  George  Morton.  But  this  is  nearly  the  whole  story. 
Sutton-cum-Lownd,  some  four  miles  to  the  south,  to  which 
Scrooby  is  adjoined  ecclesiastically,  has  records  which,  partly 
by  the  aid  of  James  Brewster's  apparently  very  careful  copy, 
run  back  to  1538.    But  the  most  diligent  search  reveals  in  it 

^  In  its  old  English  sense  this  phrase  means  horn  into  the  class  ahove  the  yeo- 
manry, and  not  obliged  to  work  for  a  living,  naturally  implying  some  special  de- 
gree of  good  breeding  and  education. 

2  Bradford,  Hist.  11. 

^  Parish  records  were  first  ordered  to  be  kept  in  1.5-38,  and  odd  misapprehen- 
sions greeted  them.  The  earliest  parish  record  remaining  at  Scrooby  dates  back 
only  to  1695,  and  at  Babworth  to  1623.  The  Gainsborough  records  touch  1.564, 
but  are  illegible. 


380  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

no  traces  of  the  Pilgrim  emigrants.^  Nor  do  archives  of  any 
other  description  offer  much  aid,  the  fact  being  that  England 
then  was  largely  destitute  of  records  preserving  the  details  of 
the  daily  life  of  her  people. 

The  earliest  existing  Court  Roll  of  the  freehold  and  copyhold 
courts  of  the  Archbishop  of  York,  as  lord  of  Scrooby  Manor, 
runs  back  only  to  the  year  1621.2  Nothing  existed  then  corre- 
sponding to  modern  Registries  of  Deeds,  by  which,  for  example, 
William  Bradford's  sale  ^  of  the  property  left  him  at  Auster- 
field  might  have  been  traced,  and  the  location  of  his  house 
determined.  The  Act-books  of  the  High  Court  of  Commission 
for  Ecclesiastical  Causes  are  almost  the  only  remaining  resource, 
but  are  scanty  in  details,  and  suggest  scarcely  more  than  a  half- 
dozen  names  as  belonging  to  a  movement  which  must  have 
carried  out  of  England  several  hundreds  in  all. 

It  appears  to  have  been  in  1602  *  that  the  subsequent  fol- 
lowers of  John  Smyth  at  Gainsborough  united  in  an  independent, 
separate  church.  There  is  evidence,  although  it  is  not  conclu- 
sive, that  Smyth  was  a  preacher  in  Lincoln  until  March,  1605.^ 
He  cannot  have  removed  to  Gainsborough  much  before  the  end 
of  1604,  and  Bradford  rather  implies  that  he  did  not  become 
pastor  of  the  church  there  until  after  the  division  into  two 
churches  in  1606.^  His  views,  apparently  on  going  to  Gains- 
borough and  certainly  soon  afterwards,  had  an  important  rela- 

1  Yet  more  than  seventy  names  occur  which  are  common  in  New  England. 

2  Raine,  Blyth.,  125. 

^  "  Here  [in  Austerfield]  and  in  some  other  places,  he  had  a  comfortable  inher- 
itance left  him  of  his  honest  parents.  .  .  .  At  the  end  of  two  years  [after  reaching 
Holland]  he  did,  being  of  age  to  do  it,  convert  his  estate  in  England  into  Money." 
C.  Mather,  Mag.  II :   3,  4. 

*  Bradford  names  no  year  as  the  birth-date  of  Smyth's  church,  but  his  nephew, 
Nath.  Morton,  who  had  his  papers  and  his  promptings,  says  {N.  E.  Mem.  1):  "In 
the  year  1602  divers  godly  Christians  .  .  .  entred  into  Covenant,"  etc.  And 
Prince  {An.  i :  4)  says  :  "  I  suppose  he  [Morton]  had  the  account,  either  from 
some  other  writings  of  Governour  Bradford,  the  Journals  of  Governour  Winslow, 
or  from  oral  conference  with  them,  or  other  of  the  l^*  planters ;  with  some  of 
whom  he  was  contemporary,  and  from  whence,  he  tells  us,  he  received  his  Intelli- 
gence." 

^  Bernard,  who  knew  Smyth  well,  declares  that  the  book,  A  paterne  of  true 
Prayer  or  exposicon  vppon  the  lords  prayer  (1605),  by  John  Smythe  of  Lincoln,  was 
by  Smyth,  the  se-Baptist.   Powicke,  H.  Barrow,  245-249. 

6  Hist.  9. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  EXODUS  381 

tion  to  the  history  of  the  Pilgrims.  They  are  made  plain  by  a 
little  manual,!  which  he  printed  at  Amsterdam  a  few  years 
later,  as  well  as  by  two  other  volumes  ^  soon  written  by  him. 
In  substance  their  essential  features  are  these  :  ^  — 

The  visible  church  is  a  visible  communion  of  two  or  more  saints 
covenanted  with  God  and  each  other  to  use  freely  all  the  holy  things 
of  God  according  to  the  Word  for  mutual  edification  and  for  God's 
glory.  This  is  the  only  religious  society  that  God  has  ordained  on 
earth.  Whatever  company  worships  God  without  belonging  to  a  visi- 
ble church  sins. 

Visible  churches,  constituted  according  to  the  forged  device  of  men, 
are  idols,  and  to  join  them  and  worship  God  in  them  is  to  join  to 
idols. 

Three  things  are  requisite  to  a  true  visible  church  :  (1)  true  matter  — 
saints  ;  (2)  true  form  —  inwardly,  the  spirit,  faith  and  love  ;  and,  out- 
wardly, a  covenant  respecting  God  and  the  faithful ;  (3)  true  proper- 
ties —  communion  in  the  holy  things  of  God,  and  the  power  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  to  receive,  preserve  and  cast  out. 

Members  are  of  two  sorts,  prophets  and  private  persons.  .Prophets 
are  men  endued  with  gifts  fitting  them  to  edify,  exhort  and  console, 
and  all  who  have  such  gifts  may  prophesy.  Private  persons  are  men, 
having  the  right  to  propound  their  doubts,  to  be  resolved  by  the  pro- 
phets ;  and  women,  who  are  to  have  their  doubts  resolved  privately  by 
their  husbands  at  home,  or  by  some  other  of  the  church.  To  this  exer- 
cise of  prophecy,  unbelievers  or  non-believers  may  be  admitted. 

Oflicers  are  of  two  sorts,  bishops  and  deacons.  Bishops  also  are 
called  elders  or  presbyters.  Jointly  they  form  the  eldership  or  presby- 
tery. They  are  of  three  sorts :  pastors,  teachers  and  governors.  The 
first  two  can  administer  the  sacraments.  All  must  be  apt  to  teach  and 
all  officially  share  the  government  of  the  church.  The  deacons  and 
"widows" — women  of  at  least  sixty  —  collect  and  distribute  the 
church's  funds. 

Officers  become  such  by  election,  approbation  and  ordination.  Elec- 
tion is  by  the  majority  vote  of  members  in  full  communion.    Approba- 

1  Principles  and  inferences  concerning  the  visible  Church,  1607,  16mo. 

2  Paralleles,  Censvres,  Observations,  apjierteyning  to  three  several  Writinges :  (1) 
A  Lettre  written  to  Mr.  Bic.  Bernard,  by  lohn  Smyth.  (2)  A  Book  intituled.  The 
Separatists  Schisme  jjublished  by  Mr.  Bernard  (S)  An  Answer  made  to  that  book  .  .  . 
by  Mr.  H.  Ainsworth.    By  lohn  Smyth,  1609,  4to. 

The  Dijerences  of  the  Churches  of  the  seperation,  etc.    By  lohn  Smyth,  4to. 
^  Prins.  and  infs.  7,  8,  9,  10,  etc.    The  following  abstract  is  not  an  exact  quo- 
tation, but  is  set  in  smaller  type  in  order  to  save  space. 


382  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

tion  is  finding  the  oificer-elect  to  have  been  chosen  according  to  rule ; 
and  every  member  must  object  what  he  can,  especially  those  who  did 
not  vote  for  him.  If  valid  objection  be  made,  another  must  be  chosen. 
If  the  objections  prove  trifling,  the  election  is  approved  and  if  the 
objectors  still  oppose,  they  are  to  be  censured.  Ordination  is  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  approved  officer  to  his  office  by  prayer,  with  imposition 
of  hands  and  a  charge.  Ordination  and  imposition  of  hands  apj^ertain 
to  the  whole  church,  as  do  election  and  approbation,  yet,  for  the  sake 
of  order,  the  fittest  members  ordain  in  behalf  of  all. 

The  church's  treasury  is  holy.  None  without  may  contribute  to  it, 
and  nothing  gotten  by  wicked  means  may  be  received.  Its  use  is  spe- 
cially for  the  saints  —  for  holy  things,  e.  g.,  the  bread  and  wine  for 
the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  for  holy  persons,  i.  e.,  to  supjiort  church  offi- 
cers and  the  poor,  either  of  that  church  or  of  any  other  true  church. 

The  church's  power  of  preserving  appertains  to  every  member.  The 
pastor's  chief  endeavor  must  be  to  make  the  church  zealous,  holy  and 
obedient ;  the  teacher's  to  prevent  ignorance  and  error  ;  the  governor's 
to  maintain  order  ;  the  deacon's  to  see  that  none  lack  necessaries  and 
that  provision  be  made  for  holy  things ;  the  widow's  to  relieve  the 
bereaved  and  ill ;  the  elder's  to  order  the  public  actions  of  the  church ; 
the  prophet's  to  resolve  doubts  and  explain  the  scriptures  ;  the  pastor's 
and  teacher's  to  moderate  and  determine  all  matters  out  of  the  Word; 
the  members'  to  bear  one  another's  burdens,  admonish  the  unruly  and 
excommunicate  or  restore  the  fallen. 

Admonition  is  a  duty.  An  excommunicated  person  is  to  be  read- 
mitted into  communion  upon  repentance,  yet  special  watch  always 
must  be  kept  over  him. 

Every  true  visible  church  is  of  equal  power  with  every  other.  The 
erecting  i  of  visible  churches  appertains  alike  to  princes  and  private 
persons. 

Whatever  is  contrary  to  this  order  of  the  visible  church  is  antichris- 
tian.  Whoever  erects  another  form  is  Antichrist,  and  whoever  yields 
to  any  other  constitution,  laws,  officers,  ministry  or  worship  is  the  ser- 
vant of  Antichrist. 

This  was  Brownism  and  not  Barrowisra,  probably  in  part  be- 
cause of  the  influence  of  Browne's  books  upon  Smyth's  mind 
during  the  nine  months  before  he  gained  his  full  vision  of  Sep- 
aration.2    Unlike   most  Separatists,   he  never  repudiated,  but 

^  Smyth's  word,  used  of  course  in  the  sense  of  founding  the  church  itself,  not  of 
building'  its  house  of  worship. 

2  Paral.  5,  6,  8,  9,  101,  109,  135,  67.   Difs.  28.   Prins.  and  infs.  25,  19. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND  THE   EXODUS  383 

rather  welcomed,  the  name  "  Brownist."  Perhaps  he  did  not 
emphasize  as  much  as  Browne  Christ's  lordshij*  over  his  people, 
to  the  degree  that  the  vote  of  each  church-member  is  only 
Christ's  vote  cast  through  him ;  but  he  held  the  principle  dis- 
tinctly.   He  says  in  so  many  words  that 

the  powre  of  Christ  which  we  speak  of  is  a  ministerial  delegated  powre 
given  to  man  :  &  that  the  question  is  who  is  the  first  subiect  of  this 
ministerial  powre,  who  receave  it  immediately  from  Christ :  I  say 
the  body  of  the  church  is  the  first  subject  of  it,  &  I  say  that  whatso- 
ever the  Eldership  hath,  it  hath  from  Christ  through  the  body  of  the 
Church,  &  by  the  Churches  disposition.  .  .  .  The  body  of  the  Church 
having  al  her  powre  from  Christ  retaineth  &  keepeth  it  intire  to  it 
self,  &  doth  not  so  delegate  it  to  any  officers,  as  that  she  leeseth 
(loseth)  it  &  is  deprived  of  it. 

He  states  it  elsewhere  repeatedly  with  equal  clearness. 

As  to  the  fellowship  of  the  churches  Smyth  is  less  distinctly 
Congregational  than  Browne.  He  says  nothing  about  synods  or 
councils,  and  nothing  directly  as  to  transfers  of  membership ; 
although  the  question  is  raised  whether  a  church  may  suffer  her 
officers  to  be  translated  from  herself  to  other  churches.  Yet,  in 
the  clause  concerning  ministrations  to  the  needy,  reference  is 
made  to  a  possible  duty  towards  the  poor  of  "  any  other  true 
church."  In  the  stringent  circumstances  of  these  early  Congre- 
gational bodies,  springing  into  sporadic,  solitary  and  precarious 
existence,  other  matters  filled  a  larger  place  in  their  considera- 
tion than  the  mutual  relations  of  their  churches.  But  Smyth 
seems  to  have  gone  farther  than  Browne  from  the  true  wisdom 
as  to  churches  and  the  civil  power.    Browne  says  :  ^  — 

They  [the  magistrates]  may  doo  nothing  concerning  the  Church, 
.  .  .  but  onelie  to  rule  the  common  wealtb  in  aU  outwarde  Justice,  to 
maintaine  the  right  welfare  and  honor  thereof,  with  outward  power, 
bodily  punishment,  &  ciuil  forcing  of  me.  And  therefore  also  because 
the  church  is  in  a  common  wealth,  it  is  of  their  charge  :  that  is  con- 
cerning the  outward  prouision  &  outward  iustice,  they  axe  to  looke  to 
it,  but  to  copell  religion,  to  plant  churches  by  power,  and  to  force  a 
submission  to  Ecclesiasticall  gouernement  by  lawes  &  penalties,  be- 
longeth  not  to  thera.^ 

^   Treat,  of  ref.  12.  ^Ibid.l.    Booke  which  Shew.  11,  15. 


384  THE  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

But  Smyth,  unable  to  disregard  the  glamour  of  the  magistracy 
which  still  palsied  most  believers,  declares  it  fundamental  ^  that 
Princes  must  set  up  churches  and  require  all  subjects  who  are 
fit  for  membership  to  join  them.^ 

Whether  all  the  "  forward  "  believers  of  the  region  united 
with  this  church  and  remained  in  its  fellowship  during  its  stay 
at  Gainsborough,  we  do  not  know.  In  one  place  Bradford  rather 
implies  ^  that  the  "  2.  distincte  bodys  or  churches  "  were  con- 
temporaneous ;  but  on  the  whole  his  words  seem  best  reconciled 
with  the  theory  that  the  Scrooby  people  were  not  embodied 
separately  until  1606,  when  the  Gainsborough  company  went  to 
Amsterdam.  Smyth,  who  had  received  regular  Episcopal  ordi- 
nation on  taking  his  fellowship  at  Christ's  College,  renounced 
it  and  was  reordained  by  his  church.^ 

Bradford  says  that  there  were  "  others  of  note  "  in  the  Gains- 
borough comjjany,  but,  although  a  long  list  might  be  made  of 
those  who  afterwards  had  more  or  less  to  do  with  Smyth's  for- 
tunes, it  is  impossible  to  identify  many  conclusively  with  the 
beginning  of  the  movement.  Hugo  Bromhead  and  his  wife, 
Anna,  seem  to  have  been  from  North  Wheatley,  a  few  miles 
from  Gainsborough.  A  letter  of  his  in  the  British  Museum  ^ 
indicates  that  he  had  some  education  and  was  a  vigorous  rather 
than  well-balanced  thinker.  This  letter,  dated  about  1606, 
which  therefore  describes  affairs  when  the  company  first  reached 
Amsterdam,  and  before  Smyth's  restless  spirit  had  introduced 
those  radical  changes  which,  as  Bradford  says,  "  buried  them- 
selves, &  their  names,"  is  specially  interesting  as  it  gives  their 
order  of  public  service  :  — 

I.  we  begynne  wth.  prayer  ;  after[wards]  reade  some  one  or  tow  chap- 
ters of  the  bible,  gyve  the  sense  thereof  and  conferr  upon  the  same  ; 
that  done  we  lay  aside  oure  bookes,  and  after  a  solemne  prayer  made 

1  Prins.  and  infs.  29.  2  Paral.  119.  ^  Hist.  9,  10. 

*  He  says  {Paral.  102) :  "  For  I  vtterly  renounce  your  orders  which  I  had  from 
Wieka,  prelate  of  Lincolne,  ...  &  I  receaved  &  do  retayne  my  ministery  from 
that  particular  Church  whereof  I  am  Pastor."  This  shows  that  he  entered  upon  his 
fellowship  during  Wickham's  bishopric  at  Lincoln  —  Nov.,  15Si-Feb.,  1595. 
Bernard  also  says  {Plaine  Evids.  20)  :  "  By  and  by  in  Brownisme  he  renounced 
[his  Church  of  England  ministry]  &  was  made  minister  by  Tradesmen,  and  called 
himselfe  The  Pastour  of  the  Church  at  Gainsborough." 

6  Harl.  Ms.  360  :  70. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS   AND   THE  EXODUS  385 

by  the  I.  speaker,  he  propoundeth  some  text  owt  of  the  Scripture  and 
prophesieth  owt  of  the  same  by  the  space  of  one  hower,  or  thre  quar- 
ters of  an  hower.  After  him  standeth  up  the  2.  speaker  and  pro- 
poundeth owt  of  the  same  text  the  Uke  tyme  and  [way  ^]  some  time 
more,  some  tyme  lesse.  After  him  the  3.  the  4.  the  5.  so  many  as  the 
tyme  will  geue  leaue.  Then  the  1.  speaker  cocludeth  wth.  prayer  as 
he  began  with  prayer  ;  with  an  exhortation  to  cotribution  to  the  poore, 
wch.  collection  being  made  is  also  cocluded  with  prayer. 

This  morning  exercise  begynes  at  eight  of  the  clocke,  and  cotinueth 
unto  twelue  of  the  clocke :  the  like  courses  and  exercise  is  obserued  in 
the  afternoone  from  2.  of  the  clocke  unto  5.  or  6.  of  the  clocke  :  last 
of  aU  the  execution  of  the  gouerment  of  the  church  is  handled. 

Thomas  Helwys  '^  and.  his  wife  Joan  at  one  time  were  of  Bas- 
ford,  Notts.,  some  thirty  miles  southwest  from  Gainsborough. 
He  lived  to  become  the  minister  of  a  section  of  Smyth's  divided 
congregation,  and  afterwards  to  lead  his  own  people  back  to  Lon- 
don, where  he  had  some  prominence  among  Baptists.  Clearly  he 
lacked  culture  suited  to  his  aspirations,  and  Kobinson  describes 
him  as  ignorant.^  John  Murton  *  appears  to  have  been  a  resi- 
dent of  Gainsborough  ^  and  a  little  under  age  when  the  church 
was  formed.  He,  too,  grew  into  the  ministry,  and,  like  Helwys, 
finally  opposed  Smyth  in  Amsterdam ;  and  he  also  returned  to 
London,  to  minister  to  a  Baptist  church  and  to  suffer  imprison- 
ment.6    Three  books "'  indicate  that  he  was  a  close  student  of 

1  Illegible  in  the  Ms. 

2  The  Diet,  of  Nat.  Biog.  thinks  him  probably  a  son  of  William  Helwys,  of  Ask- 
ham,  Notts.,  about  ten  miles  southeast  of  Scrooby. 

^  Robinson  says  this  twice.    Of  Relig.  Com.  Works,  iii:  175,277. 

*  In  his  marriage  entry  at  Amsterdam,  Aug.  23,  1608,  he  is  put  down  as  aged 
25,  which  throws  back  his  birth  to  1582  or  1583  (Puiboken,  s.  d.).  He  married  Jane 
Hodgkins  of  Worksop.  He  was  a  furrier.  His  name  sometimes  was  spelled  Mor- 
ton, but  in  his  letters  he  spelled  it  Murton. 

5  The  record  clearly  is  "  Queynsborch,"  which  suggests  Queensborough ;  but 
Prof.  Scheffer,  familiar  with  Dutch  pronunciation,  takes  it  for  Gainsborough, 
which  the  probabilities  certainly  favor. 

6  In  the  British  Museum  is  a  tract  dated  Nov.,  1646,  and  entitled  The  Sealed 
Fountaine  opened  to  the  Faithfull,  and  their  Seed,  etc.,  by  J.  Wilkinson,  addressed 
"  by  J.  W.  prisoner  at  Colchester  against  lohn  Morton,  Prisoner  at  London."  If 
the  latter  were  Murton,  as  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  he  must  have  been  then 
between  60  and  70  years  old. 

"  Objections  Answered  by  way  of  Dialogue,  etc.,  1615,  16mo.  Repr.  by  H.  Knol- 
lys  Soc.  1896. 

A  Most  Humble  Supplication  of  Many  of  the  Kings  Maiestys  Loyal  Subjects,  ready 


386  THE   PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

Scripture,  an  independent  and  forcible  reasoner,  and  not  unac- 
quainted with  current  literature. 

James  I.  was  on  the  throne  within  a  few  months  after  Smyth 
had  associated  his  followers  by  covenant  at  Gainsborough.  As 
we  have  seen,  after  the  king's  advent  the  screws  of  conformity 
were  tightened  steadily.  The  Millenary  Petition,  ending  in  the 
farce  of  the  Hampton  Court  Conference ;  the  elevation  of  the 
narrow  and  bitter  Bancroft  to  the  primacy ;  and  other  occur- 
rences, resulting  in  the  adoption  of  Bishop  Overall's  book  by 
Convocation  in  the  spring  of  1606,  made  it  clear  that  England 
no  longer  was  a  tolerable  home  for  a  Separatist  church.  In  the 
late  autumn  of  that  year,i  therefore,  Smyth  and  his  people  aj)- 
pear  to  have  gone  over  to  Amsterdam,  where  Johnson's  church 
already  had  been  for  about  nine  years. 

Those  left  behind  now  proceeded  to  congregate  themselves,^ 
doubtless  in  the  chapel  of  the  Scrooby  manor-house,  which  was 
ready  to  their  hands  through  Brewster's  occupancy.  We  are 
not  without  suggestions  of  the  method  pursued.  Fourteen 
years  afterwards  John  Murton  said  :  ^  — 

Is  this  so  strange  to  lohn  Robinson  ?  do  we  not  know  the  beginnings 
of  his  Church  ?  that  there  was  first  one  stood  vp  and  made  a  couenant, 
and  then  another,  and  these  two  ioyned  together,  and  so  a  third,  and 
these  became  a  Church,  say  they,  etc. 

Moreover,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  we  have  the  language 
which  they  used.    They  agreed  together  ^ 

to  testify  all  ciuil  Obedience  by  the  Oath  of  Allegiance,  or  otherwise,  etc.,  1620.  Also 
repr.  by  the  H.  Knollys  Soe.  1896. 

A  Description  of  what  God  hath  predestinated  concerning  Man,  etc.,  1620,  16mo. 

^  Prince  (1 :  19)  implies  the  beginning  of  October.  Bradford,  from  whom  he 
seems  to  be  quoting,  mentions  no  date.  N.  Morton  says  nothing  of  it.  But  Prof. 
Scheffer,  who  has  studied  the  whole  subject  minutely  in  Amsterdam,  assigns  the 
date  as  in  the  text  ("in  't  late  najaar  denkelijk  October  of  November,  1606." 
De  Brownisten  te  Amsterdam,  85). 

2  When  in  the  autumn  of  1607  they  began  to  remove  to  Holland,  Bradford  says 
{Hist.  10)  "  they  had  continued  togeither  aboute  a  yere." 

^  Descrip.  169. 

*  Bradford,  Hist.  9.  Daniel  Buck  testified  in  1593  (Harl.  Ms.  7042 :  399)  that  when 
he  joined  the  church  of  which  Johnson  and  Ainsworth  became  pastor  and  teacher,  he 
promised  "  that  he  wold  walke  with  the  rest  of  y'  Congregation  as  they  did  walke 
in  the  waye  of  the  Lords,  &  as  far  as  might  be  warranted  by  ye  Word  of  God." 
Neal   says  {Hist    Puritans   (ed.   1837),  i :  262)    that  Henry   Jacob's    church  in 


OTHER   PILGRUVIS   AND   THE   EXODUS  387 

to  walke  in  all  his  wayes  made  known,  or  to  be  made  known,  unto  them, 
according  to  their  best  endeauors,  whatsoeuer  it  should  cost  them,  the 
Lord  assisting  them. 

Chief  among  this  covenanting  company  was  Richard  Clyfton,^ 
who  either  had  been  ejected  from  Babworth,  or,  for  conscientious 
scruples,  had  surrendered  his  rectorate,  and  whom  probably  they 
ordained  their  pastor.  He  still  resided  in  Babworth  in  the  autumn 
of  1598  when  his  youngest  child,  Eleazer,  was  born.  Whether  he 
remained  there  or  removed  at  some  time  to  Scrooby  is  unknown. 
But  we  do  know  that  "  by  his  paines  and  dilligens  "  he  did  "  much 
good  "  in  the  region,  "  and  under  God  "  was  "  a  means  of  y^  con- 
version of  many."  Perhaps  cares  and  persecutions  aged  him 
prematurely,  for,  born  in  or  about  1553,  he  hardly  can  have 
been  more  than  fifty-five  when  they  went  to  Amsterdam ;  yet 
Bradford  calls  him  "  a  grave  and  fatherly  old  man  when  he 
came  first  into  Holland,  having  a  great  white  beard." 

Bradford  himself  comes  next  in  our  study.  Brewster  hardly 
can  have  fairly  entered  upon  his  new  work  in  liis  old  Scrooby 
home  before  the  child,  William  Bradford,  was  born  within 
three  miles  from  the  manor-house,  with  whom  he  was  to  be  as- 
sociated afterwards  more  intimately  than  with  any  other  person 
outside  of  his  own  family. 

Just  northeast  of  the  railway  station  at  Bawtry  a  by-path 
leads  across  the  country  to  Austerfield.  It  conducts  one  over 
rustic  stiles  and,  in  the  season,  through  fields  of  waving  grain 
towards  a  small  hamlet,  the  dwellings  of  which  intimate  poverty 

1616  confederated  thus  in  London:  "Standing  together,  they  joined  hands,  and 
solemnly  covenanted  with  each  other,  in  the  presence  of  Almighty  God,  to  walk 
together  in  all  Gods  ways  and  ordinances,  according  as  he  had  already  revealed,  or 
should  farther  make  them  known  to  them."  Winslow  also  describes  (Hypoc.  JJnm. 
92)  the  Massachusetts  men,  who,  we  know,  copied  in  some  degree  from  Plymouth, 
as  covenanting  "  to  walke  in  all  his  wayes  revealed,  or  as  they  should  bee  made 
knowne  unto  them,  and  to  worship  Him  according  to  his  will  revealed  in  His  writ- 
ten Word  onely." 

1  Son  of  Thomas,  of  Normanton,  Derbyshire.  Married  Anne  Stuffen,  of  Work- 
sop, in  Sept.,  1586,  two  or  three  months  after  becoming  rector  of  Babworth.  Had 
three  sons  and  three  daughters,  all  born  in  Babworth  ;  the  youngest,  Eleazer,  born 
Nov.  1,  1598.  An  old  family  Bible  in  the  Taylor  Institution,  Oxford,  contains 
details  of  his  history  and  family,  but  gives  no  clue  to  his  university.  Dr.  Dexter 
had  a  complete  transcript  of  these  notes,  and  Arber  cites  them.  Story  of  Pilg. 
Faths.  95. 


388  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

but  not  pauperism,  with  a  few  of  larger  suggestiveness.  After 
passing  two  thirds  of  the  way  through  the  village,  he  will  discover 
on  his  right  the  little  churchyard  and  the  quaint  old  parish 
church,  St.  Helen's.^  Some  things  about  it  are  unchanged  since 
lonof  before  the  date  to  which  we  now  are  taken  back.  It  was 
built  by  John  de  Builli  in  the  latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century, 
and  its  Norman  doorway,  at  the  side,  with  a  compound  arch, 
zigzag  and  beak  ornaments  and  a  rude  carving  of  a  dragon,  is 
assigned  to  that  date.  The  exterior  has  not  been  greatly  altered. 
In  Bradford's  time  the  inside  evidently  was  a  plain,  boxlike 
room,  with  a  narrow  chancel  extension.  The  rude  oaken  chancel 
railing  apparently  is  several  hundred  years  old,  and  somfe  panes 
of  glass  in  the  windows  must  have  let  in  the  light  upon  services 
here  300,  or  even  400,  years  ago.  Within  the  last  seven  or 
eight  years  the  church  has  been  restored,  and  enlarged  to  its 
earlier  size  and  shape  by  the  addition  of  an  aisle  on  the  outside 
of  the  old  north  wall.  Several  pillared  arches  in  that  wall,  filled 
in  and  plastered  over,  have  been  reopened.  They  seem  to  have 
been  built  up  before  his  time.^ 

There  were  living  in  Austerfield  about  1575  a  William  Brad- 
ford ^  and  a  John  Hanson.  Apparently  they  were  better  off  than 
their  neighbors.  They  were  the  only  residents  assessed  to  the 
subsidy,  Bradford  being  taxed  on  twenty  shillings'  annual  value 
of  land  and  Hanson  on  sixty  shillings  of  goods,  which  implies 
that  the  former  was  the  leading  farmer  and  the  latter  the  shop- 
keeper of  the  village.  Hanson  had  married  Margaret  (or  Mary) 
Gresham,  July  23,  1560,  and  they  had  a  daughter,  Alice,  born 
Dec.  8,  1562.  No  record  of  Bradford's  marriage  is  known,  but 
he  seems  to  have  been  married  and  had  three  sons,  William, 
Thomas  and  Robert,  each  of  whom  married  and  had  issue.  Wil- 
liam married  Alice  Hanson  on  June  21,  1584.    Thomas's  mar- 

^  So  called  as  early  as  1471,  according  to  a  will  of  that  date. 

^  The  old  baptismal  font  is  a  hollowed  block  of  stone  some  twenty-three  inches 
in  diameter  at  the  top  and  about  nine  inches  deep  at  the  centre.  It  was  superseded 
some  years  ago  by  a  smart  new  one  in  Gothic  style,  and  was  appropriated  by  the 
clerk  as  a  trough  for  his  poultry.  But  since  American  attention  has  been  attracted 
to  the  spot,  it  has  been  replaced  in  the  church. 

^  These  facts  as  to  the  Bradford  family  are  mainly  from  Hunter's  Collections 
and  C.  Mather's  Magnolia,  supplemented  by  Dr.  Dexter's  personal  researches  in 
the  records. 


OTHER   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   EXODUS  389 

riage  is  not  recorded,  but  he  had  a  daughter,  Margaret,  baptized 
Mar.  9-19, 1577-78.  Robert  married  Alice  Waigestaff  on  Jan. 
Sl-Feb.  10,  1585-86. 

William  and  Alice  Bradford  had  three  children.  The  eldest 
was  Margaret,  baptized  Mar.  8-18,  1585-86,  who  was  buried 
the  next  day.  The  second  was  Alice,  bajjtized  Nov.  30,  1587. 
Nothing  more  about  her  is  known  positively,  but  various  circum- 
stances imply  that  she  died  while  comparatively  young,  and  the 
records  note  the  burial,  on  Jan.  30-Feb.  9,  1607-8,  of  an 
Alice  Bradford  not  otherwise  accounted  for.  The  third  child, 
baptized  at  the  old  stone  font,  on  Wednesday,  Mar.  19-29, 
1588-89,  was  to  become  historic.  The  record,  made  by  the 
rector.  Rev.  Henry  Fletcher,  who  performed  the  service,  runs 
thus :  "  William  sone  of  Willm  Bradfourth  baptized  the  xixtn 
day  of  March  Anno  dm.  1589." 

Evidently  this  Bradford  family  had  neither  poverty  nor  large 
riches.  Yet  Robert  Bradford  plainly  was  of  some  consequence,^ 
and  his  will  suggests  something  as  to  the  family  from  which  the 
future  Governor  of  the  Plymouth  Colony  came.  The  testator 
describes  himself  as  "  Robert  Bradfourth,  of  Austerfield,  yeo- 
man." He  makes  an  energetic  declaration  of  his  Christian  faith, 
and  leaves  ten  shillings  to  the  chapel  in  Austerfield.  He  gives 
small  legacies  to  two  servants  and  to  Thomas  Silvester,  rector 
of  Aukley.  He  then  bequeaths  to  his  eldest  son,  Robert,  the 
reversion  of  two  leases  held  by  him  in  Austerfield  and  Martin, 
his  best  yoke  of  oxen,  certain  household  furniture,  "  the  counter 
where  the  evidences  are,"  and  his  corselet  with  all  its  belongings. 
The  residue  of  the  property  is  divided  equally  among  his  four 
children,  who  are  made  executors  :  Robert,  then  ahnost  eighteen  ; 
Mary,  about  sixteen  ;  Elizabeth,  about  twelve  ;  and  Margaret, 
about  nine.    He  requests  his  neighbor,  Mr.  Richardson,  of  Baw- 

1  He  was  buried  Apr.  23,  1C09.  Aust.  Par.  Fees.  Hunter  {Colls.  105-109)  gives 
an  abstract  of  his  will.  Aukley,  or  Alkley,  was  a  hamlet  four  or  five  miles  north- 
west from  Austerfield.  Silvester's  will,  in  1615,  indicates  that  he  had  a  library  of 
Eng-lish  and  Latin  books,  large  for  such  a  place  in  th6se  days  and  possibly  of  some 
value  to  William  Bradford  in  his  youth.  Martin,  or  Morton,  is  an  old  family  seat, 
possibly  then  a  parish  or  hamlet,  adjoining  Austerfield  and  Bawtry.  George  Mor- 
ton, the  Pilgrim,  probably  was  born  there.  It  still  is  so  much  of  an  estate  that  it 
was  sold  in  1891  for  $150,000. 


390  THE  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  CONFLICT 

try,  to  take  charge  of  Robert  and  Margaret  during  their  mi- 
norities ;  William  Downes,  of  Scrooby,  of  Elizabeth ;  and  Mr. 
Silvester  of  Mary.  Hunter  sums  up  his  discoveries  about  the 
Bradford  family  thus :  — 

"Yeoman"  [by  which  name  they  called  themselves]  implies  a  con- 
dition of  life  a  little  better  than  that  which  would  now  be  indicated  by 
the  word.  The  yeomanry  of  England  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  formed 
the  class  next  to  those  who  were  the  acknowledged  gentry  using  coat- 
armour  of  right.  They  lived  for  the  most  part  on  lands  of  their  own. 
.  .  .  This  will  [that  just  referred  to]  shows  the  Bradfords  to  have 
been  at  this  time  intimately  acquainted  with  tbe  best  of  the  people  liv- 
ing in  their  neighborhood,  if  it  be  allowed  that  holding  a  lease  from 
the  Catholic  family  of  Morton  implies  acquaintance  with  them.  The 
Mr.  Richardson,  to  whom  he  commits  two  of  the  children,  was,  next  to 
the  Mortons,  the  most  considerable  person  then  at  Bawtry.  .  .  .  On 
the  whole  it  appeal's  that  the  Bradfords  of  Austerfield,  during  the 
eighteen  years  that  he  [William]  was  living  amongst  them  .  .  .  asso- 
ciated with  the  best  of  the  slender  population  by  whom  they  were  sur- 
rounded. 

Local  tradition  associates  a  house  still  standing  in  Austerfield 
with  this  family.  The  lack  of  records  of  real  estate  transfers 
makes  it  impossible  to  demonstrate  the  truth  of  this  tradition. 
Probably  it  deserves  little  credit,  yet  it  has  endured  for  two  or 
three  generations,  at  the  least.  There  are  insci'ibed  stones  in  the 
little  churchyard  but  none  of  any  Bradfords.  In  fact,  excepting 
in  the  cases  of  the  more  recent  graves  or  of  a  few  comparatively 
older  ones  protected  by  monuments,  to  identify  any  grave  is 
almost  hopeless.^ 

Bradford  was  hardly  more  than  sixteen  when  the  Scrooby 
church  was  formed.  Orphaned  ^  while  yet  a  lad,  his  grandfather, 
William,  and  his  uncles,  Thomas  and  Robert,  intended  him  for 

^  In  English  churchyards  stones  more  than  from  75  to  100  years  old  seldom  have 
legible  inscriptions.  Moreover,  Gervase  Milner,  then  parish  clerk  and  sexton  at 
Austerfield,  said  in  1865  that  he  seldom  buried  any  one  without  digging  up  a  part 
of  some  one  else.  On  the  previous  day,  in  opening  a  grave  for  an  interment,  he 
had  exhumed  bones  and  part  of  a  coffin,  and  had  thrown  earth  over  them  until  the 
funeral  party  was  gone,  and  then  replaced  them  upon  the  top  of  the  new  body  in 
the  old  grave ! 

2  His  father  was  buried  on  July  15,  1591,  when  the  son  was  less  than  two  years 
old.  His  mother  appears  to  have  been  married  again,  on  Sept.  23,  1593,  to  Robert 
Briggs,  and  may  have  died  soon  after. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   EXODUS  391 

"  the  affairs  of  Husbandry  "  upon  the  farm  which  he  inherited.^ 
But  as  a  boy  he  was  weak,  and  "  soon  and  long  sickness  "  indis- 
posed hiin  to  farming,  while  also  turning  his  thoughts  and  tastes 
from  "  the  Vanities  of  youth."  About  1602  the  Scriptures  made 
a  lasting  impression  upon  his  mind,  and  soon  after,  under  the 
influence  of  Clyfton's  illuminating  ministry,  he  decided  that  it 
was  his  duty  to  withdraw  from  the  State  Church,  and  to  unite 
with  the  Separatists. 

In  this  he  encountered  the  bitter  opposition  of  his  uncles  and 
neighbors,^  but  his  answer  was :  — 

"Were  I  like  to  endanger  my  life,  or  consume  my  estate  by  any  un- 
godly Courses,  your  counsels  to  me  were  very  seasonable :  But  you 
know  that  I  have  been  diligent  and  provident  in  my  calling,  and  not 
only  desirous  to  augment  what  I  have,  but  also  to  enjoy  it  in  your 
Company  ;  to  part  from  which  wiU  be  as  great  a  cross  as  can  befal 
me.  Nevertheless,  to  keep  a  good  conscience,  and  walk  in  such  a  way 
as  God  has  prescribed  in  his  Word,  is  a  thing  which  I  must  prefer  be- 
fore you  all,  and  above  Life  itself.  Wherefore,  since  't  is  for  a  good 
cause  that  I  am  like  to  sufEer  the  disasters  which  you  lay  before  me, 
you  have  no  cause  to  be  either  angry  with  me,  or  sorry  for  me ;  yea,  I 
am  not  only  willing  to  part  with  everything  that  is  dear  to  me  in  tliis 
world  for  this  cause,  but  I  am  also  thankful  that  God  has  given  me  an 
heart  so  to  do,  and  will  accept  me  so  to  sufEer  for  him. 

There  also  are  brief  allusions  to  several  others  of  the  Scrooby 
company.  Richard  Jackson  was  one,  and  seems  to  have  lived 
there.  Late  in  1607  he  was  cited  ^  before  the  High  Court  of 
Commission  "  for  his  disobedience  in  matters  of  religion,"  fined 
twenty  pounds,  and  an  attachment  was  ordered.  The  next 
August  his  case  came  up  again  and  he  was  described  as  "  late 
of  Scrooby,  now  of  Tickhill."  Robert  Rochester  also  was  a  resi- 
dent of  Scrooby,  who,  Himter  says,*  was  dealt  with  as  a  Sepa- 

^  We  are  remitted  for  most  of  the  details  of  his  life  to  the  N.  E.  Memorial  of 
Sec.  Morton,  of  the  Plym.  Col.,  and  to  Cotton  Mather's  Magnalia.  But  Morton's 
mother  •was  a  sister  of  Bradford's  second  wife,  and  Morton  had  custody  "  of  such 
Manuscripts  as  he  [Bradford]  left  in  his  study,  from  the  year  1620.  unto  1646." 
It  is  likely  that  Mather  had  the  benefit  of  some  of  these  private  sources  of  history, 
as  Prince  afterwards  had. 

2  Mag.  ii :  3. 

^  Act-books  of  Commission,  Dec.  1,  1607  ;  Aug.  2,  1608. 

*  Colls.  128,"  126,  127. 


392  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

ratist  by  the  Commissioners  in  1608.  But  no  other  mention  of 
him  appears.  Francis  Jessop  also  was  one.  He  was  a  younger 
son  of  a  good  family  in  Worksop.  Himter  says  that  it  was 
literary  ^  and  religious,  professing  itself  Puritan,  but  only  in  the 
case  of  Francis  going  so  far  as  Separation.  He  was  married 
at  Worksop,  on  Jan.  24-Feb.  3,  1604-5,  to  Frances  White, 
supposed  to  have  been  a  sister  of  Bridget  White,  who  married 
John  Robinson,  Jane  White,  who  married  Randall  Thickins, 
and  Roger  White,  a  member  of  the  Ley  den  company  after  1621, 
and  perhaps  earlier.  Worksop  is  only  nine  miles  from  Scrooby, 
and  Jessop,  who  must  have  been  about  twenty-eight,  and  these 
Whites  may  have  been  among  those  who  formed  the  church. 

Gervase  Neville  was  another.  Although  in  Amsterdam  he 
went  all  lengths  with  Smyth  into  Anabaptism  and  Se-baptism, 
he  deserves  mention  here,  not  only  as  one  of  the  company,  but 
also  because  there  is  a  fuller  account  in  his  case  than  in  that  of 
any  one  else  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Ecclesiastical  Causes 
Commission  Court  dealt  with  these  men.  The  following  extract 
is  from  the  official  documents :  ^  — 

Nov.  10.  1607.  Office  of  Court  against  Gervase  Nevyle  of  Scrooby. 
Informacion  hatha  bene  geuen  and  presentment  made  that  the  said 
Gervase  Nevyle  is  one  of  the  sects  of  Barrowists,  or  Brownists,  hould- 
ing  &  mainteining  erronious  opinions  &  doctrine  repugnant  to  the  Holie 
Scriptures  &  Worde  of  God,  for  which  his  disobedience  &  schismaticall 
obstinacie  an  attachment  was  awarded  to  WilUam  Blanchard  messen- 
ger, etc.,  to  apprehend  him ;  by  vertue  whereof  being  by  him  brought 
before  his  Grace  &  saide  Associates  [the  High  Court],  &  charged 
with  his  errors  &  daingerous  opinions  &  disobedience,  his  Grace  in  the 
name  of  himself  haveing  charged  him  therewith,  as  also  with  certain 
contemptuous  speeches  &  frequenting  of  conventicles  and  companie 
of  others  of  his  profession,  he  required  him  to  take  an  oath  to  make 
answere  (so  farr  as  he  ought  &  was  bounde  by  lawe)  to  certaine  interro- 
gatories or  questions  by  them  conceived  &  sett  downe  in  writeing  to  be 
propounded  &  [ad]ministred  unto  him  &  others  of  his  bretheren  of  the 
separation  &  sect  aforesaid,  which  he  obstinatelie  &  uterlie  refused, 

1  Hunter  is  mistaken  in  calling  Francis  the  author  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Errors 
of  the  English  Anabaptists,  162-3,  4to.  That  was  "by  Edmond  lessop,  who  some- 
time walked  in  the  said  errors  with  them."  It  may  be  added  that  Francis  is  re- 
corded at  Leyden  as  from  "Rotherham  and  Sheffield." 

2  Act-books,  s.  d. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  EXODUS  393 

.  *  . 

denying  to  geve  his  Grace  answere,  &  protesting  very  presumptuouslie 

&  insolentlie  in  the  presence  of  God  againste  his  authoritie  (and  as  he 
tearmed  it)  his  Antichristian  hierarchie  ;  but  yet  yealded  to 
answere  to  the  rest  of  the  said  Commissioners  (excepting  his  Grace 
onelie)  although  it  was  by  them  shewed  unto  him  that  his  Grace  was 
cheefe  of  th'  Ecclesiastical!  Commission,  by  vertue  whereof  he  was 
convented,  &  they  all  did  then  &  there  sit.  And  then,  after  divers 
godly  exortacions  &  speeches  to  him,  they  did  propound  &  reade  the 
said  interrogatories  unto  him,  and  presentlie  sett  downe  his  answere 
unto  the  same  in  their  presences  under  his  hand.  And  forsomuch  as 
thereby,  as  also  by  his  unreverent,  contemptuous  &  scandalous  speaches 
it  appeared  that  he  is  a  very  daingerous  schismaticall  Separ[at]ist, 
Browneist,  and  irreligious  subject,  houlding  &  mainteyning  divers 
erronious  opinions,  the  said  lord  Archb.  with  his  colleagues  aforesaid 
have  by  their  strait  warrant  committed  him,  the  said  Gervase,  to  the 
custodie  of  the  said  William  Blanchard  by  him  to  be  therewith  deliv- 
ered to  the  handes,  warde  &  safe  custody  of  the  keeper  or  his  deputie 
keeper  of  his  Highnesses  Castle  of  Yorke,  not  permitting  him  to  have 
any  libertie  or  conference  with  any,  without  spetiall  license  from  three 
at  the  least  of  the  saide  Commissioners  (whereof  one  to  be  of  the 
quorum). 

As  Neville  was  in  York  Castle  in  the  March  following,  the 
church,  while  in  Scrooby,  did  not  see  much  of  him.  Elizabeth 
Neal  also  is  recorded  in  Leyden  as  from  Scrooby,  but  no  details 
are  given. 

One  remains,  chiefest  of  all,  John  Robinson.  Apparently  he 
was  born  in  Lincolnshire,^  and  perhaps  at  Gainsborough,^  in 
1576  or  1577.^  Of  his  parentage  or  early  training  no  account 
is  known.  He  appears  first  at  Corpus  Christi,  or  Benet,'^  College, 
Cambridge,  in  1592.^ 

^  The  Corp.  Chris,  register  (Masters's  Hist.  Corp.  Chris.  List  of  Members,  41) 
says  Lincolnshire,  and  Bishop  Hall  {Apol.  against  Brownists,  98)  says :  "  Lincoln- 
shire was  your  Country." 

2  So  Hunter  judges  (Colls.  93).  The  Gainsborough  parish  records  go  back  to 
1564,  but  the  first  volume  is  so  illegible  that  the  record,  if  there,  cannot  be  iden- 
tified. 

^  An  inference  from  the  record  of  his  matriculation  at  Leyden  :  "  Sept.  5,  1615. 
Cass,  permissu  [by  leave  of  the  magistrates]  Joannes  Robints  [onus — evidently 
added  afterwards]  ;  Anglus.  An.  xxxix.    Stud.  Theol.  Alit  familiam  [has  a  family]." 

*  So  called  because  it  had  for  its  chapel  the  church  of  St.  Benedict  (St.  Benet), 
and  was  bounded  on  one  side  by  a  street  of  that  name. 

*  Masters  (41)  notes  of  one  of  five  John  Robinsons,  connected  with  the  college 
before  1677,  "  beneficed  near  Yarmouth  in  Norf .  but  being  molested  by  the  Ecclesi- 


394  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Corpus  Cliristi  is  north  of  Peterhouse  on  the  other  side  of 
Trurapington  St.  Of  the  fifteen  colleges  ^  it  was  fifth  in  age, 
having  been  founded  in  1352  by  members  of  the  Guilds  of  Cor- 
pus Christi  and  the  Blessed  Virgin,  apparently  so  that  priests 
there  educated  might  be  obliged  to  celebrate  without  fees  any 
masses  desired.^  In  1573  ^  it  had  had  ninety-one  members,  and 
in  1621  it  had  but  140  —  a  Master,  twelve  fellows,  thirty-three 
scholars  and  ninety-four  students  —  the  average  membership  of 
the  fifteen  colleges  then  being  about  180.  John  Jegon,  to  be- 
come Bishop  of  Norwich,  was  Master  and  Vice-chancellor  of  the 
university  as  well,  Lord  Burgliley  still  being  Chancellor.  The 
college  had  a  good,  but  not  brilliant,  record.  Among  its  gradu- 
ates were  Richard  Wolnian,  one  of  the  canonists  in  the  matter 
of  the  divorce  of  Henry  VIII.,  a  signer  of  the  letter  to  the  Pope, 
and  part  author  of  "  The  Institution  of  a  Christian  Man ; "  Mat- 
thew Parker,  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  Sir  Nicholas 
Bacon,  Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal ;  Richard  Fletcher,  Bishop 
of  Bristol  and  then  of  London ;  Christopher  Marlowe,  already 
mentioned  ;  John  Copcot,  in  his  day  Master  of  the  College ;  and 
Thomas  Cavendish,  the  third  circumnavigator  of  the  globe. 

Tlie  church  of  St.  Benedict,  adjoining  it,  long  served  for  its 
chapel,  until  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon  built  one.  This  was  begun 
in  1579,  but  not  finished  until  many  years  later,  so  that  it  is 
doubtful  whether  it  were  in  use  in  Robinson's  time.  It  was  not 
consecrated  until  long  afterwards.  Hardly  a  fragment  of  the 
original  church  of  St.  Benedict  now  remains,  excepting  the 
square  west  tower,  which  is  thought  to  be  the  oldest  structure 
in  Cambridge.  Robinson  must  have  been  familiar  with  it.  The 
Library  then  was  an  attic  over  the  new  chapel. 

No  important  change  had  occurred  in  the  university  since 
Brewster's  time.  In  1588  the  Vice-chancellor  had  complained 
of  "  the  excesse  and  disorder  of  apparell,"  ^  and  Lord  Burghley 

astical  Courts,  removed  to  Leyden,  where  he  sat  up  a  Congregation  upon  the  Model 
of  the  Brownists." 

^  One,  Emanuel  (1584),  had  been  established  since  Brewster  was  matriculated 
in  1580. 

2  Mullinger,  i :  247-249. 

^  Wordsworth,  Soc.  Life  at  Eng.  Univs.  641.  Foundation  of  Univ.  Camh.  Brit. 
Mus.  Add.  Ms.  11,720. 

*  Lans.  3fs.  Ivii :  83  ;  Harl.  Ms.  7041 :  199. 


I 


OTHER   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   EXODUS  395 

had  issued  strict  orders  for  reform.  The  most  significant 
event  had  concerned  Francis  Johnson.  In  January,  1588-89,  he 
preached  a  sermon  which  angered  the  authorities.  With  Cuth- 
bert  Bainbridge,  who  had  offended  similarly,  he  was  imprisoned. 
Lord  Bui-gldey  thought  that  the  Heads  took  "a  verie  hard  course," 
but  they  replied  that  the  offenders  assumed  to  possess  new  light 
from  heaven,  so  that  it  seemed  best  to  make  an  example  of  them.^ 
Johnson  then  appealed  directly  to  Burgliley. 

It  looks  as  if,  by  Burghley's  advice,  he  made  some  recantation ;  ^ 
but  it  was  insufficient,  and  the  Heads  expelled  him  from  the  uni- 
versity. He  appealed  to  the  university  itself,  but  was  disallowed, 
and,  as  he  would  not  depart,  he  was  confined  again.  He  apj^ealed 
once  more  to  Lord  Burgliley,  and  his  appeal  was  seconded  by 
"  a  supplication  of  Lxviij.  scholars  of  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge," all  masters  of  arts  and  mostly  fellows,  urging  the  dan- 
gers threatening  the  whole  university  if  appeal  from  the  sentence 
of  the  Vice-chancellor,  expressly  permitted  by  the  statutes,  should 
be  disallowed.  Of  the  signers,  fourteen  —  one  of  whom  was  An- 
thony Wotton,  afterwards  first  professor  of  divinity  in  Gresham 
College  —  were  of  King's  CoUege ;  twelve  of  Emanuel ;  eleven 
of  St.  John's;  eleven  of  Trinity;  nine  of  Clare  Hall;  seven  — 
including  William  Perkins,  and  Thomas  Morton,  afterwards 
Bishop  successively  of  Chester,  Lichfield  and  Coventry,  and 
Durham  —  of  Christ's  ;  and  four  —  of  whom  Thomas  Brightman 
was  one — of  Queen's.  This  "  supplication  "  was  accompanied 
by  a  note  from  William  Branthwayte  —  then  fellow  of  Emanuel 
and  afterwards  a  translator  of  the  Bible,  Master  of  Gonville 
and  Caius,  and  Vice-chancellor  —  who  declared  that  "  the  cause 
doth  greatly  concerne  the  hole  body  of  the  University,  it  being 
for  the  retayning  of  such  privileges  as  by  statute  are  gTaunted 
unto  us."  ^  A  new  Vice-chancellor,  Thomas  Preston,  now  had 
assumed  office,  and  the  matter  ended  in  Johnson's  resigning  his 
fellowship,  and  leaving  the  university  early  in  1590. 

The  Vice-chancellor's  special  anxiety  was  excited  because,  as 
he  asserted,  the  Puritan  members  in  their  sermons  claimed  the 
right  of  private  judgment  in  religion,  encouraged  the  persecuted, 

1  Lans.  Ms.  Ixi :  8,  10,  12,  15,  16. 

2  Brook,  ii :   93.  3  lans.  Ms.  cvii  :   28. 


396  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

and  compared  the  State  Church  unfavorably  with  the  Presby- 
terian.^  This  evil  condition  he  ascribed  principally  to  "  Mr.  lohn- 
son's  complottinge  with  his  associates  ;  "  which  indicates  that,  for 
a  young  man  under  thirty,  Joluison  had  a  large  influence  ;  and 
that  Robinson  stood  a  fair  chance  of  becoming  leavened  with 
Puritanism  during  his  stay  at  Cambridge. 

We  can  recover  a  few  incidents  which  diversified  his  univer- 
sity career.  He  haraiy  had  settled  down  to  work  when  a  wave 
of  excitement  swept  over  the  colleges  because  of  "  the  makeing 
of  shewes,  and  playing  of  enter ludes,"  with  "  bearebay tings  and 
bulbaytings,"  etc.,  at  the  time  of  Stui'bridge  Fair.  The  Privy 
Council  intei'fered  after  the  j^layers  had  become  so  insolent  as 
to  set  up  their  bills  upon  the  college  gates.  During  his  second 
year  his  own  college.  Corpus  Christi,  also  was  agitated  by  a  con- 
troversy between  Master  Jegon  and  a  majority  of  the  fellows 
over  the  choice  of  a  proctor.  Ther6  was  a  great  tumult  in 
the  Regent-house,  "  with  laughinges,  hemminges,  hissinges,  and 
clamorous  speeches,  violently  keeping  the  doare  against  the  said 
officer." 

In  December,  1595,  Dr.  William  Whitaker,  Master  of  St. 
John's,  died.  A  controversy  on  predestination  and  free-will  had 
been  disturbing  the  university,  which  led  to  a  conference  at  Lam- 
beth between  the  Archbishop  and  Drs.  Whitaker  and  Tyndal, 
and  this  produced  the  famous  Lambeth  Articles .^  The  filling 
of  Whitaker's  place  led  to  a  struggle  between  the  Puritans  and 
non-Puritans,  the  latter  triumphing  and  electing  Dr.  Richard 
Clayton.  Moreover,  there  soon  followed  a  contention  almost 
precisely  foreshadowing  that  to  which  Robinson  himself  was  to 
become  a  party  later  at  Leyden.  Peter  Baro,  a  Frenchman,  had 
been  made  Margaret  professor  of  divinity  at  Cambridge.  After 
nearly  twenty  years  of  service,  objections  by  the  more  rigid 
Calvinists  led  to  his  withdrawal.  His  general  doctrine  appears 
to  have  been  an  anticipation  of  some  tenets  of  Arminianism. 

Robinson's  later  undergraduate  years  were  marked  by  re- 
peated conflicts  between  town  and  gown.    In  November,  1596, 

1  Lans.  Mss.  Ixii :  42  ;  Ixxi :  83  ;  Ixxv :  7  ;  Ixxvii :  6  ;  Ivii :  87 ;  Ixxix :  59-69 ; 
ciii:  83,84. 

^  Schaff,  Creeds  of  Christendom,  i :   658. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS   AND   THE   EXOUUS  397 

the  civil  authorities  of  Cambridge  complained  to  Lord  Burghley 
of  many  misdemeanors  on  the  part  of  members  of  the  university  ; 
and  he  instructed  the  masters  of  the  colleges  to  correct  them. 
But  they  disputed  the  charges.  A  year  later,  however,  matters 
came  to  such  a  pass  that  the  Heads  notified  him  that  they  could 
not  well  endure  them.  Accordingly,  great  efforts  were  made 
for  adjustment,  but  disturbances  kept  occurring  for  a  long 
time.^ 

There  remain  in  the  Lansdowne  Manuscripts  notes  of  two 
kinds  which  reveal  the  status  of  the  university  durmg  Robin- 
son's membership.^  One  supplies  the  subjects  of  disputation  at 
a  commencement  in  1597,  containing  eight  topics  in  civil  law, 
two  in  theology  and  ten  in  philosophy.  The  two  in  theology  are 
these : — 

Politica  Mosis  non  sunt  Christianis  rehuspuhlicis  ohtrudenda  [The 
peculiarities  of  the  Mosaic  economy  are  not  to  be  insisted  upon  in 
Christian  commonwealths] ;  and 

Unio  2'>ersonaUs  non  toUit  carnis  Christi  circumscriptionem  [Individ- 
uaUty  of  character  does  not  interfere  with  a  share  in  the  communion 
of  Christ's  body]. 

Clearly  those  who  suggested  such  themes  were  not  anxious  to 
promote  Puritanism. 

The  other,  in  1597,  when  Robinson  probably  was  one  of  the 
"  godlie  and  painfidl  "  students  of  divinity,  gives  the  number 
of  students  and  preachers  in  the  university  :  — 

Studentes  within  the  coUedges  in  Cambridge     ....  1950 

Graduates        ...........     657 

Preachers  almoost  all  unprovided  for        .....     122 

Besides  manie  which  be  readie  to  be  employed. 
Of  these  there  be  : 

Poore  studentes  which  be  verie  godlie  and  pain- 
full, and  for  lack  of  exhibicion  shall  be  for- 
ced to  forsake  there  studyes     .......     269. 

In  1598  Robinson  became  a  fellow  ^  of  Corpus,  and  presuma- 

1  Sloan  Ms.  3562  :  36,  43,76;  Rarl  Ms.  7047  :  81. 

2  Ixxxiv:   101,  100. 

^  Dr.  Lamb  in  his  reprint  of  Masters's  Hist,  of  Corpus  states  that  Robinson  suc- 
ceeded Mr.  Morlev. 


398  THE   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

bly  took  orders  at  the  same  time.^  As  yet,  therefore,  he  clearly 
was  only  a  Puritan.  How  long  he  remained  in  residence  upon 
his  fellowship  is  unknown,  as  is  the  place  where  he  began  his 
ministry  in  connection  with  it.  Neal,  who  published  in  1732, 
says  that  he  was  "  a  Norfolk  divine,  beneficed  about  Yarmouth,"  2 
but  gives  no  authority.  Hunter  thinks  ^  that  he  may  have  been 
the  Robinson  who  for  a  time  —  1595  to  1608  —  held  the  per- 
petual curacy  of  Mundham,  some  fourteen  miles  from  Yar- 
mouth ;  but  Ashton  declares  *  that  the  name  of  that  Robinson 
was  Robert.  It  is  only  certain  that  John  Robinson's  labors 
were, near  Norwich,  and  probably  in  it,  for  at  least  a  part  of  the 
time  between  1600  and  1604,  and  that  he  was  susi3ended  at 
last  for  his  increasing  nonconformity ;  his  bishop  being  John 
Jegon,  his  former  Master  at  Corpus.  Robinson  seems  to  have 
made  an  effort  -at  first  to  retain  some  connection  with  the 
Church  of  England  by  using  a  le?ised  chapel  or  through  the 
mastership  of  some  hospital,^  positions  in  which  some  special 
toleration  might  be  expected.  But  this  effort  failing,  it  looks  as 
if  he  preached  for  a  little  while  in  Norwich  ^  to  a  small  Sepa- 
ratist congregation.' 

If   the    statement  of  Dr.  Lamb  —  who    reissued    Masters's 
"  History  of  Corpus  Christi  "  in  1831,  and  added  to  the  former 

1  "  It  is  required  that  they  [Fellows  of  Corpus]  shall  '  one  and  all '  be  in 
priests  orders."   Mullinger,  i  :  250. 

2  Ed.  1844,  i :  244.  3  Colls.  94.  *  Works  of  Robinson,  i :  xvi,  n. 

^  J.  Hall,  Com.  Apol.  115.  Hall  meanly  says:  "  Neither  doubt  we  to  say  that 
the  Mastership  of  the  hospital  at  Norwich,  or  a  lease  from  that  City  (sued  for 
with  repulse)  might  have  procured  that  this  Separation  from  the  Communion,  Gou- 
erneraent,  and  Worship  o^  the  Church  of  England,  should  not  haue  beene  made  by 
John  Eobinson." 

^  Ames  writes  {Second  Manuductionfor  Mr.  Bobinson,  29)  :  "  He  [Robinson]  de- 
clared then  [when  he  went  to  Cambridge  in  1G04  to  resign  his  fellowship]  to  one 
of  his  acquaintace,  that  he  had  been  amogest  some  company  of  the  Seperation  be- 
fore his  Comming  to  Camb :  &  exercising  amongest  them  had  renounced  his 
former  ministery." 

"^  Ainsworth's  language  (Counterpoyon,  240),  if  we  knew  any  other  fact  corrobo- 
rating it,  would  persuade  us  that  it  was  in  Norwich  itself  that  Robinson  had 
been  beneficed,  and  that  it  was  a  portion  of  his  former  flock  which  followed  him 
into  Separatism  :  "  Witnesse  the  late  practice  in  Norwich  ;  where  certeyn  citizens 
were  excommunicated  for  resorting  vnto  and  praying  with  Mr.  Robinson,  a  man 
worthily  reverenced  of  all  the  city,  for  the  graces  of  God  in  him  as  your  selfe 
[Mr.  Crashaw]  also  I  suppose  will  acknowledge,  and  to  whome  the  cure  and  charge 
of  their  soules  was  ere  while  [some  time  before]  committed." 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND  THE  EXODCS  399 

record  of  Robinson  the  statement  that  he  resioned  his  fellow- 
ship  in  1604  —  be  correct,  it  probably  was  then  that  he  took 
the  definite  step  of  separation.  Doubtless  he  was  well  informed 
of  the  growth  of  Separatism  at  Gainsborough,  in  connection 
with  the  labors  of  Smyth  and  Clyfton,  and  he  may  have  been 
led  thither,  like  Browne  to  Norwich,  by  such  knowledge.  Sadly 
leaving  Norwich,  he  lingered  a  little  at  Cambridge,  in  order  to 
resign  his  fellowship  and  renew  some  former  acquaintances. 
William  Perkins  had  died  in  1602,  and  "  heavenly "  Paul 
Baynes  had  succeeded  him  as  lecturer  at  St.  Andrews,  but 
Laurence  Chaderton  still  was  Master  of  Emanuel.  Robinson 
has  left  a  record  of  a  part  of  this  experience.^ 

Coming  to  Cambridge  ...  I  went  [in]  the  forenoon  to  Mr. 
Cha[derton]  his  exercise  :  who,  upon  the  relation  Avhich  Mary  made 
to  the  disciples  of  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  delivered,  in  effect,  this 
doctrine,  that  "  the  things  which  concerned  the  whole  church  were  to 
be  declared  publicly  to  the  whole  church  [Matt,  xxviii,  Mark  xvi] 
and  not  to  some  part  only  ;  "  bringing,  for  instance  and  proof,  the 
words  of  Christ,  Matt,  xviii :  17,  Tell  it  to  the  Church  :  confirming 
therein  one  main  ground  of  our  difference  from  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land, which  is,  that  Christ  hath  given  his  power  for  excommunication 
to  the  whole  church  gathered  together  for  his  name,  as  1  Cor.  v.,  the 
officers  as  the  governors,  and  the  people  as  the  governed  in  the  use 
thereof ;  unto  which  church  his  servants  are  commanded  to  bring 
their  necessary  complaints.  And  I  would  desire  mine  opposite  ^  either 
to  show  me  how  and  where  this  church  is,  having  this  power,  in  the 
parish  assemblies  ;  or  else  by  what  warrant  of  God's  word  I  (knowing 
what  Christ  the  Lord  commanded  herein)  may  with  good  conscience 
remain  a  member  of  a  church  without  this  power  (much  less  where 
the  contrary  is  advanced)  and  so  go  on  in  the  known  transgression  of 
that  his  commandment,  IWl  the  CMirch  ? 

In  the  afternoon  I  went  to  hear  Mr.  B[aynes]  the  successor  of  Mr. 
Perkins,  who,  from  Ej^h.  v.  and  v.  7  or  11,  showed  the  unlawfulness 
of  familiar  conversation  between  the  servants  of  God  and  the  wicked, 
upon  these  grounds,  or  the  most  of  them  :  1.  That  the  former  are 
light,  and  the  other  darkness,  between  which  God  hath  separated. 
2.  That  the  godly  hereby  are  endangered  to  be  leavened  with  the  others' 

^  A  Manumission  to  a  Manuduction.     The  late  Dr.  Chas.  Deane  had  the  only 
known  copy.    It  was  reprinted  in  1852  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Sac.  Colls,  i :  165-194,  189. 
2  Dr.  Wm.  Ames,  whose  first  Manuduction  he  is  answering. 


400  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

wickedness.  3.  That  the  wicked  are  hereby  hardened,  in  receiving 
such  approbation  from  the  godly.  4.  That  others  are  thereby  of- 
fended, and  occasioned  to  think  them,  all  alike,  and  as  birds  of  a 
feather,  which  so  flock  together.  Whom  afterwards  privately  I  de- 
sired, as  I  do  also  others,  to  consider  whether  these  very  reasons  make 
not  as  effectually  and  much  more  against  the  spiritual  communion  of 
God's  people  (especially  where  there  wants  the  means  of  reformation) 
with  the  apparently  wicked,  to  whom  they  are  as  light  to  darkness. 

Robinson  thought  it  a  specially  kind  Providence  that  led  him 
to  hear  these  discourses,  and  was  satisfied  that,  with  his  convic- 
tions, the  only  honorable  course  was  that  of  avowed  separa- 
tion. And,  when  accused  afterwards  by  Dr.  Ames  ^  of  inconsist- 
ency in  attending  the  worship  of  the  Established  Church  after 
he  had  separated  from  it,  he  defended  both  himself  and  his 
separation. 

Probably  it  was  soon  after  this  visit  to  Cambridge  that  he 
joined  the  Separatists  under  Clyfton.  How  long  it  was  before 
Smyth's  company  emigrated  and  whether  Robinson  ever  be- 
longed to  them  is  unknown,  the  only  clear  fact  being  that,  what- 
ever associates  he  joined,  it  was  for  some  time  only  as  a  private 
member.  When  the  Scrooby  people  became  a  church,  we  have 
Bradford's  word  ^  that  he  was  a  member,  "  a  famous  and  worthy 
man  .  .  .  who  afterwards  was  their  pastor  for  many  years." 

We  may  think  of  these  Scrooby  Christians,  then,  as  fairly 
organized  in  the  autumn  of  1606,  and  as  holding  "  their  meet- 
ings every  Saboth  "  in  the  manor-house  chapel,  notwithstanding 
all  the  "  dilligence  &  malice  of  their  adversaries."  But  detection 
sooner  or  later  was  certain.    So  Bradford  says  frankly :  — 

They  could  not  long  continue  in  any  peaceable  condition,  but  were 
hunted  &  persecuted  on  every  side,  so  as  their  former  afflictions  were 
but  as  flea-bitings  in  comparison  of  these  which  now  came  upon  them. 
For  some  were  taken  &  clapt  up  in  prison,  others  had  their  houses 
besett  &  watcht  night  and  day,  &,  hardly  escaped  their  hands ;  and  y^ 
most  were  faine  to  flie  &  leave  their  howses  &,  habitations,  and  the 
means  of  their  livelehood.    Yet  these  «fe  many  other  sharper  things 

1  Manud.  9. 

^  Hist.  10,  11.  Bradford's  use  of  the  word  "afterwards  "  here  implies  strong'ly, 
althoufrh  it  does  not  prove,  that  it  was  Clyfton  who  was  the  pastor  of  the  church 
at  Scroobv. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND   THE  EXODUS  401 

which  affterward  befell  them,  were  no  other  then  they  looked  for,  and 
therfore  were  y*  better  prepared  to  bear  them  by  y'  assistance  of 
Gods  grace  &  spirite. 

During  all  this  time  Brewster  steadily  had  .held  on  his  way 
in  his  place  and  work  at  the  manor-house.  On  Tuesday,  Mar. 
31-Apr.  10,  1607-8,  he  received  seventy-three  pounds  as 
salary  for  two  years  then  ending.^  Six  months  later,  however, 
on  Sept.  30,  having  resigned,  he  was  succeeded  by  Francis 
Hall.  Evidently  the  long-gathering  storm  was  about  to  burst. 
The  surrender  of  his  position  under  government  no  doubt  in- 
volved his  withdrawal  from  the  premises. 

It  may  be  noted,  in  passing,  that  Davison,  who  was  buried 
on  Dec.  24, 1608,  still  was  in  Stepney  when  Brewster  laid  down 
his  office.  If  Brewster  went  up  to  London  to  adjust  his  accounts, 
he  cannot  have  failed  to  call  upon  his  former  master,  who  was 
quietly  awaiting  his  exchange  of  worlds.  Not  a  Separatist  him- 
self, he  nevertheless  was  so  liberal  and  devout,  that  an  inter- 
view with  him  in  the  mellow  ripeness  of  his  last  days  would  not 
disturb  his  old  servant's  loyalty  to  the  cause  to  which  now  he 
was  fully  pledged. 

Two  months  after  his  resignation,  as  appears  by  these  records, 
Brewster  was  cited  before  the  High   Court  of  Commission  :  ^ 

Dec.  1  [1607].  Office  v.  Richard  Jackson  par[ish].  Scrowbie.  For 
his  disobedience  in  matters  of  religion.  Process  served  on  him  &  he 
gave  his  word  to  appear  to  day.  Does  not  appear.  Fined  £20  &  attach- 
ment ordered. 

Same  day.  [Dec.  1,  1607.]  Office  v.  "William  Bruster  of  Scrow- 
bie, gen.  Information  is  given  that  he  is  a  Borrownist  or  disobedient 
in  matters  of  religion.  Process  served  and  he  gave  his  word  to  appear 
to  day.  Does  not  appear.  Fined  twenty  pounds,  and  attachment  or- 
dered. .  .  . 

December  15th.  1607.  Office  v.  Richard  Jackson,  &  Wm.  Bruester 
of  Scroivbie.  For  Brownisme.  An  attachment  was  awarded  to  W. 
Blanchard  to  apprehend  them,  but  he  certifieth  that  he  can  not  finde 
them,  nor  understand  where  they  are. 

Another  record  furnishes  the  names  of  the  Commissioners :  — 

Richard   Jackson,  William    Brewster,  and    Robert    Rochester,   of 
Scrooby,  in  the  county  of  Nottingham,  Brownists  or  Separatists,  for 
^  Hunter,  Colls.  67,  68,  131.  ^  Act-books  in  York  Registry,  s.  d. 


402  THE  PILGRIMS   AND   THE   CONFLICT 

a  fine  or  amercement  of  £20.  apiece  set  and  imposed  upon  every  of 
them  by  Robert  Abbot  and  Robert  Snowden/  Doctors  of  Divinity, 
and  Matthew  Dodsworth,  Bachelor  of  Law,  Commissioners  for  Causes 
Ecclesiastical  within  the  province  of  York,  for  not  appearing  before 
them  upon  lawful  summons  at  the  Collegiate  Church  of  Southwell, 
the  22d  day  of  April,  anno  Domini  1608  —  £60. 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  question  of  exiling  themselves  be- 
came increasingly  urgent.  Most  of  them  can  have  had  only  a 
vague  notion  of  what  would  befall  them  should  they  emigrate. 
But  they  were  willing  to  risk  almost  everything  materially  if 
they  could  be  sure  of  liberty  of  conscience.  And,  whatever  un- 
certainty overhung  the  future  in  Holland,  to  remain  in  England 
meant  either  absolute  ecclesiastical  submission  or  perpetual  per- 
secution.   So,  Bradford  says  :  ^  — 

Seeing  them  selues  thus  molested,  and  that  ther  was  no  hope  of 
their  continuance  ther,  by  a  joynte  consente  they  resolved  to  goe  into 
y^  Low-Countries,  wher  they  heard  was  freedome  of  Religion  for  all 
men ;  as  also  how  sundrie  from  London,  &  other  parts  of  y*^  land,  had 
been  exiled  and  persecuted  for  y"  same  cause,  &  were  gone  thither, 
and  lived  at  Amsterdam,  &  in  other  places  of  y''  land. 

No  warm  glow  of  romance  gilded  the  project,  but  they  un- 
dertook it  deliberately  in  its  utmost  prosaic  reality.  To  quote 
again  the  touching  words  of  their  own  chronicler :  — 

To  leave  their  native  soyle  and  countrie,  their  lands  &  livings,  and 
all  their  freinds  &  f amillier  acquaintance,  it  was  much,  and  thought 
marvelous  by  many.  But  to  goe  into  a  countx'ie  they  knew  not  (but 
by  hearsay),  wher  they  must  learne  a  new  language,  and  get  their  liv- 
ings they  knew  not  how,  it  being  a  dear  place,  &  subjecte  to  y''  mis- 
eeries  of  warr,  it  was  by  many  thought  an  adventure  almost  desperate, 
a  case  intolerable,  &  a  misserie  worse  than  death.  Espetially  seeing 
they  were  not  acquainted  with  trads  nor  traffique,  (by  which  y*  coun- 
trie doth  subsiste,)  but  had  only  been  used  to  a  plaine  countrie  life,  & 
y®  inocente  trade  of  husbandrey.  But  these  things  did  not  dismay 
them  (though  they  did  sometimes  trouble  them)  for  their  desires  were 
sett  on  y*  ways  of  God,  &  to  enjoye  his  ordinances  ;  but  they  rested 
on  his  providence,  &  knew  whom  they  had  beleeved. 

^  Abbot  became  Bishop  of  Salisbury  in  1615  and  Snowden  Bishop  of  Carlisle 
in  1616  Dodsworth  was  father  of  Roger  Dodsworth,  the  great  charter  antiquary 
and  the  originator  of  the  Monasticon. 

2  Hist.  10,  11. 


OTHER  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   EXODUS  403 

Probably  most  of  them  had  comparatively  little  to  leave,  yet 
for  that  very  reason  that  little  became  all  the  more  precious. 
Could  they  have  embarked  openly,  that  would  have  been  one 
thing.  But  their  actual  experience  was  quite  another.  Bradford 
says : — 

Though  they  could  not  stay,  yet  were  y^  not  suffered  to  goe,  but  y^ 
ports  &  havens  were  shut  against  them,  so  as  they  were  f  aine  to  seeke 
secrete  means  of  conveance,  &  to  bribe  &  fee  y^  mariners,  &  give  ex- 
terordinarie  rates  for  their  passages.  And  yet  were  they  often  times 
betrayed  (many  of  them),  and  both  they  &  their  goods  intercepted  & 
surprised,  and  therby  put  to  great  trouble  &  charge,  of  which  I  will 
give  an  instance  or  tow  &  omitte  the  rest. 

There  was  a  large  companie  of  them  purposed  to  get  passage  at 
Boston  ^  in  Lincolin-shire,  and  for  that  end  had  hired  a  shipe  wholy 
to  them  selves,  &  made  agreement  with  the  maister  to  be  ready  at  a 
certaine  day,  and  take  them  and  their  goods  in,  at  a  conveniente  place, 
wher  they  accordingly  would  all  attende  in  readines.  So  after  long 
waiting,  &  large  expences,  though  he  kepte  not  day  with  them,  yet  he 
came  at  length  &  tooke  them  in,  in  y''  night.  But  when  he  had  them 
&  their  goods  abord,  he  betrayed  them,  haveing  before  hand  com- 
plotted  with  y^  serchers  &  other  officers  so  to  doe  ;  who  tooke  them, 
and  put  them  into  open  boats,  &  ther  rifled  &  ransaked  them,  searching 
them  to  their  shirts  for  money,  yea  even  y*  women  furder  then  became 
modestie ;  and  then  carried  them  back  into  y*  towne,  &  made  them  a 
spectackle  &  wonder  to  y^  multitude,  which  came  flocking  on  all  sids 
to  behould  them.  Being  thus  first,  by  the  chatchpoule  officers,  rifled,  & 
stripte  of  their  money,  books  and  much  other  goods,  they  were  pre- 
sented to  y*  magestrates,  and  messengers  sente  to  informe  y^  lords  of 
y"  Counsell  of  them  ;  and  so  they  were  comitted  to  ward.  Indeed  y® 
magestrats  used  them  courteously,  and  shewed  them  what  favour  they 
could  ;  but  could  not  deliver  them,  till  order  came  from  y*^  Counsell- 
table.  But  y*"  issue  was  that  after  a  months  imprisonmente,  y*"  greatest 
parte  were  dismiste,  &  sent  to  y^  places  from  whence  they  came  ;  but 
7.  of  y^  principall  were  still  kept  in  prison,  and  bound  over  to  y^ 
Assises. 

Bradford  declares  elsewhere  ^  that  Brewster  was  one  of  these 
seven. 

In  one  way  or  another  a  portion  of  the  church  reached  Hol- 

1  A  little  over  fifty  miles  in  an  air  line  from  Scrooby. 

2  Hist.  412,  13,  16. 


404  THE   PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

land  during  1607,  probably  the  year  of  the  Boston  endeavor 
above  described  ;  and  in  the  spring  of  1608  others  tried  again. 

It  so  fell  out  that  they  light  of  a  Dutchman  at  Hull,  having  a  ship 
of  his  owne  belonging  to  Zealand  ;  they  made  agreeniente  with  him, 
and  acquainted  him  with  their  condition,  hoping  to  find  more  faith- 
fuUnes  in  him,  then  in  y''  former  of  their  owne  nation.  He  bade  them 
not  fear,  for  he  would  doe  well  enough.  He  was  by  apjjointment  to 
take  them  betweene  Grimsbe  &  Hull  wher,  was  a  large  comone  a  good 
way  distante  from  any  towne.  Now  aganst  the  prefixed  time,  the 
women  &  children,  with  y*"  goods,  were  sent  to  y"  place  in  a  small 
barke,  which  they  had  hired  for  y*  end ;  and  y^  men  were  to  meete 
them  by  land.  But  it  so  fell  out,  that  they  were  ther  a  day  before 
y^  shipe  came,  &  y*  sea  being  rough,  and  y*  women  very  sicke,  pre- 
vailed with  y*^  seamen  to  put  into  a  creeke  hard  by,  wher  they  lay  on 
ground  at  low-water.  The  nexte  morning  y*^  shipe  came,  but  they  were 
fast,  &  could  not  stir  till  aboute  noone.  In  y''  mean  time,  y*"  shipe 
maister,  perceiveing  how  y^  matter  was,  sente  his  boate  to  be  getting 
y^  men  abord  whom  he  saw  ready,  walking  aboute  y'^  shore.  But  after 
y^  first  boat  full  was  gott  abord,  «fe  she  was  ready  to  goe  for  more,  the 
m'  espied  a  greate  company,  both  horse  &  foote,  with  bills,  &  gunes, 
&  other  weapons  ;  for  y^  countrie  was  raised  to  take  them.  Y*"  Dutch- 
man seeing  y',  swore  his  countries  oath,  "  sacremente,"  and  having  y* 
wind  faire,  waiged  his  Ancor,  hoysed  sayles,  &  away.  But  y"  poore 
men  which  were  gott  abord,  were  in  great  distress  for  their  wives  and 
children,  which  they  saw  thus  to  be  taken,  and  were  left  destitute  of 
their  helps ;  and  them  selves  also,  not  having  a  cloath  to  shifte  them 
with,  more  then  they  had  on  their  baks,  &  some  scarce  a  peney  aboute 
them,  all  they  had  being  abord  y^  barke.  It  drew  tears  from  their 
eyes,  and  any  thing  they  had  they  would  have  given  to  have  been  a 
shore  againe ;  but  all  in  vaine,  ther  was  no  remedy,  they  must  thus 
sadly  part- 
Comprehending  the  situation,  the  men  on  the  beach,  except- 
ing the  few  needed  to  help  the  women  and  children,  escaped 
before  they  could  be  arrested.    The  narrator  continues:  — 

But  pitifull  it  was  to  see  y*^  heavie  case  of  these  poore  women  in 
this  distress ;  what  weeping  &  crying  on  every  side,  some  for  their 
husbands,  that  were  caried  away  in  y''  ship  as  is  before  related ;  others 
not  knowing  what  should  become  of  them,  &  their  litle  ones ;  others 
againe  melted  in  teares,  seeing  their  poore  litle  ones  hanging  aboute 
them,  crying  for  feare,  and  quaking  with  could.    Being  thus  appre- 


OTHER   PILGRIMS   AND  THE   EXODUS  403 

heiided,  they  were  hurried  from  one  place  to  another,  and  from  one 
justice  to  another,  tiU  in  y"  ende  they  knew  not  what  to  doe  with  them  ; 
for  to  imprison  so  many  women  &  innocent  chikh'en  for  no  other  cause 
(many  of  them)  but  that  they  must  goe  with  their  husbands,  semed 
to  be  unreasonable  and  all  would  crie  out  of  them ;  and  to  send  them 
home  againe  was  as  difficult,  for  they  aledged,  as  y^  trueth  was,  they 
had  no  homes  to  goe  to,  for  they  had  either  sould,  or  otherwise  dis- 
posed of  their  houses  &  livings.  To  be  shorte,  after  they  had  been 
thus  turmoyled  a  good  while,  and  conveyed  from  one  constable  to 
another,  they  were  glad  to  be  ridd  of  them  in  y*^  end  ujion  any  termes  ; 
for  all  were  wearied  &  tired  with  them.  Though  in  y*^  mean  time  they 
(poore  soules)  indured  miserie  enough :  and  thus  in  y^  end  necessitie 
forste  a  way  for  them. 

The  result  of  an  examination  of  the  shore  from  Kingston- 
upon-Hull  to  Great  Grimsby  is  as  follows :  An  air  line  drawn 
southeast  from  Hull  strikes  Grimsby  at  about  sixteen  miles.  Of 
these  the  first  two  are  across  the  Humber,  and  the  remaining 
fourteen  skirt  an  almost  straight  line  of  low,  marshy  shore, 
having  no  marked  indentations  and  only  six  or  seven  little 
streams  which  drain  the  country  from  three  to  six  miles  back. 
The  "  creeke  hardby,"  where  the  bark  found  refuge  over  night, 
must  be  looked  for  in  the  mouth  of  one  of  these  streams. 

Probably  no  radical  change  of  this  shore  has  taken  place  in 
the  last  300  years,  in  which  case  the  place  which  seems  to  meet 
the  conditions  best  is  Stallingborough,i  where  are  the  Kiln  ferry 
and  light,  four  or  five  miles  north  of  Grimsby.  Here  appears 
to  have  been  "  a  large  comone  a  good  way  distante  from  any 
towne."  And  the  name,  Nun's  Creek,  which  the  stream  bears, 
may  be  due  to  some  derisive  or  blundering  association  of  the 
spot  with  its  sheltering  of  this  persecuted  company  of  women. 
If  this  were  the  locality,  probably  the  women  and  children  with 
the  goods  were  floated  down  the  Idle  to  the  Trent  and  down  the 
Trent  to  the  Humber,  a  circuitous  journey  of  from  sixty  to 
seventy-five  miles ;  while  the  men  would  "  meete  them  by  land  " 
by  a  trudge  of  forty  or  fifty  miles  across  country. 

^  Arber  says  (94) :  "  Local  opinion  would  seem  to  favor  East  Halton  Skitter- 
haven,  in  Lat.  53°,  41',  30"  ;  because  that  is  the  only  break  in  the  specified  coast 
line  of  Lincolnshire  viz.  between  Hull  and  Great  Grimsby  :  from  which  latter  place 
it  is  distant  some  twenty  miles." 


406  THE  PILGRIMS  AND   THE   CONFLICT 

Bradford  says  that  Robinson,  Brewster  and  other  principal 
members  were  among  the  last  to  reach  Holland,  having  stayed 
to  help  the  weakest  over  before  them.  If  his  words  include 
Clyfton,  as  seems  implied,  we  have  the  approximate  date  at  which 
this  first  emigration  of  the  Pilgrims  was  completed,  as  we  know 
that  Clyfton  arrived  in  Amsterdam  in  August,  1608.^  To  reach 
that  city  by  sea  from  England  then  was  an  undertaking  which 
in  these  days  of  rapid  transit  needs  to  be  studied  in  order  to  be 
appreciated.  After  crossing  the  perhaps  200  miles  of  ocean  it 
was  necessary  to  skirt  the  sand-dunes  of  the  Dutch  coast  for  fifty 
miles  or  so,  find  and  enter  the  difficult  opening  of  the  Marsdlep^ 
which  gave  access  to  the  Zuyder  Zee  ;  continue  along  its  nar- 
row and  crooked  channels,  bordered  by  dangerous  shoals,  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Y^  and  encounter  the  intricacies  of  this  a  few 
miles  farther  to  the  city.  Even  in  good  weather,  a  long  time 
and  great  patience  were  needed  by  those  on  a  clumsy  sailing 
vessel  to  accomplish  so  tortuous  a  course.  To  all  of  which 
storm  and  tempest  sometimes  made  serious  addition,  as  may  be 
seen  by  referring  to  the  experiences  of  those  who  got  aboard 
that  day  in  the  Humber,  but  without  their  families  and  their 
goods.    They 

endured  a  f earfull  storme  at  sea,  being  14.  days  or  more  before  y^^  ar- 
ived  at  their  porte,  in  7.  wherof  they  neither  saw  son,  moone,  nor 
stars,  &  were  driven  near  y*  coast  of  Norway  ;  the  mariners  them  selves 
often  despairing  of  life  ;  and  once  with  shriks  &  cries  gave  over  all,  as 
if  y^  ship  had  been  foundred  in  y*  sea,  &  they  sinking  without  recov- 
erie.  But  when  mans  hope  &  helpe  wholy  failed,  y*  Lords  power  «fe 
mercie  appeared  in  their  recoverie  ;  for  y*^  ship  rose  againe  &  gave  y* 
mariners  courage  againe  to  manage  her.  And  if  modestie  woud  suffer 
me,^  I  might  declare  with  what  fervente  prayres  they  cried  unto  y® 
Lord  in  this  great  distres  (espetialy  some  of  them,)  even  without  any 
great  distraction,  when  y*  water  rane  into  their  mouthes  &  ears  ;  «&; 
the  mariners  cried  out,  We  sinke,  we  sinke  ;  they  cried  (if  not  with 
mirakelous,  yet  with  a  great  hight  or  degree  of  devine  faith).  Yet 
Lord  thou  canst  save,  yet  Lord  thou  canst  save ;  with  shuch  other  ex- 
pressions as  I  will  f  orbeare.    Upon  which  y^  ship  did  not  only  recover, 

^  "  Richard  Clyfton,  with  his  wife  and  children  came  into  Amsterdam  in  Hol- 
land, August  1608."    Clyfton  Bible.    Taylor  Inst.  Oxford. 
2  This  is  conclusive  that  Bradford  was  on  board. 


OTHER   PILGRIMS   AND   THE   EXODUS  407 

but  shortly  after  y^  violence  of  y*  storme  begane  to  abate,  and  y^  Lord 
filed  their  afflicted  minds  with  shucli  comforts  as  every  one  canot 
understand,  and  in  y®  end  brought  them  to  their  desired  Haven,  where 
y*^  people  came  flockeing  admiring  their  deliverance,  the  storme  having 
ben  so  longe  &  sore,  in  which  much  hurt  had  been  don,  as  y®  masters 
freinds  related  unto  him  in  their  congrattulations. 

These  two  endeavors  are  all  which  this  reticent  chronicler 
describes.  He  intimates,  however,  that  there  were  other  similar 
experiences  on  a  smaller  scale,  in  which  parties  of  the  church 
were  betrayed,  surprised  and  intercepted.  But,  in  a  sense,  at 
last  all  ended  well. 

In  y^  end,  notwithstanding  all  these  stormes  of  opposition,  they  all 
gatt  over  at  length,  some  at  one  time  &  some  at  another,  and  some  in 
one  place  &  some  in  an  other,  and  mette  togeather  againe  according 
to  their  desires,  with  no  small  rejoycing. 

Nor  was  the  cloud  without  its  silver  lining. 

I  may  not  omitte  y^  fruite  that  came  hearby,  for  by  these  so  pub- 
lick  troubls,  in  so  many  eminente  places,  their  cause  became  famouss, 
&  occasioned  many  to  looke  into  y^  same ;  and  their  godly  cariage  & 
Christian  behaviour  was  such  as  left  a  deep  impression  in  the  minds 
of  many.  And  though  some  few  shrunk  at  these  first  conflicts  &  sharp 
beginnings,  (as  it  was  no  marvell)  yet  many  more  came  on  with  fresh 
courage,  &  greatly  animated  others. 

As  the  last  detachment,  of  the  feeblest  with  the  strongest, 
was  welcomed  on  the  quays  of  Amsterdam  by  those  earlier 
arrived,  and  as  Clyfton  and  Robinson  once  more  led  their  praises 
and  their  prayers,  one  wonders  whether  the  pastor  or  the  teacher 
did  not  borrow  a  verse  from  the  experience  of  Paul :  ^  — 

they  that  could  swimme  .  .  .  cast  themselves  first  into  the  sea,  and 
[went]  .  .  .  out  to  land : 

And  the  other,  some  on  boardes,  and  some  on  certeine  pieces  of  the 
ship  :  and  so  it  came  to  passe  that  they  came  all  safe  to  land. 

^  Acts  xxvii :  43,  44,  modified  a  little.   Gen.  vers.  ed.  1577. 


BOOK  Y 

THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 


\ 


Noro  touclilng  out  Cuntry,  &  fieinds,  our  answer  is,  that 
we  deem  the  want  of  them  a  greivous  losse,  which  we  would  also 
redeem  at  a  great  rate.  Yet  for  our  Cuntry,  we  do  not  for- 
sake it,  but  are  by  it  forsaken  &  expelled  by  most  extream 
lawes,  &  violent  proscriptions  contrived,  &  exequuted  by  the 
Prelates,  &  on  their  behalf  —  Robinson,  Of  Relig.  Commun. 
39. 

The  successe  of  that  i^ety  Province  of  Holland  {of  which 
the  Grand  Seigneur  proudly  said.  That  if  they  should  trouble 
him  as  they  did  the  Spaniard,  he  would  send  his  men  with 
shovels  and  jnck-axes,  and  throw  it  into  the  Sea^  I  cannot  al- 
together ascribe  to  the  ingenuity  and  industry  of  the  people, 
but  to  the  mercy  of  God,  that  hath  disposed  them  to  such  a 
thriving  Genius,  and  to  the  will  of  his  jj^ovidence,  that  dis- 
poseth  her  favour  to  each  Countrey  in  their  j)reordinate  season. 
—  Sir  Thos.  Browne,  Relig.  Med.  Sect.  17. 

There  were  more  Disputes,  Contests,  and  Quarrels,  amongst 
the  fexo  Brownists,  and  other  Independant  Sectaries,  which 
resorted  thither  the  latter  end  of  Queen  Elizabeth's,  King 
James  the  Firsfs  time,  and  so  on,  than  among  the  whole  Dutch 
Nation  ever  since  they  Reform'd  :  ^Tis  unaccountable  what 
impertinent  Controversies  arose  between  them,  even  to  the  Col- 
our q/ Aaron's  Ephod,  whether  it  were  Blew,  or  a  Sea-green, 
which  made  an  irreconcilable  difference  between  their  Pastors, 
and  consequently  the  Flocks  divided.  —  W.  Baron,  Dutch 
Way  of  Toleration,  10. 


CHAPTER  I 

AMSTERDAM   AS   THE   PILGRIMS   FOUND   IT 

Amsterdam  bestrides  the  Amstel  where  it  merges  in  the  P", 
which  continues  the  Zui/der  Zee  westward  towards  the  North 
Sea.  The  city  is  a  little  more  than  fifteen  English  miles  east 
from  that  sea,  and  a  little  less  than  fifty  nearly  south  of  the 
3Iarsdiep^  the  narrow  channel  between  North  Holland  and  the 
island  of  Texel,  which,  until  the  recent  completion  of  the  Bever- 
wijk  Canal,  furnished  the  main  deep  water  entrance  for  its  vast 
commerce.  The  city  got  its  name  —  originally  Amstelredam, 
the  dam,  or  dyke,  of  the  Amstel  —  from  the  river  and  the  em- 
bankments at  the  outlet.  About  1200  the  place  was  a  small 
fishing  village.  By  1300  it  lined  two  streets — now  the  War- 
moes-straat  (Pot-herbs-street)  and  the  Kalver-straat  (Calves- 
street)  —  one  on  each  side  of  the  river,  and  its  profile  showed 
but  a  single  lofty  tower,  that  of  the  Oude  Kerh  (Old  Church), 
still  standing.  The  town  was  shaped  much  like  a  horseshoe, 
a  little  widened  at  the  heel.  The  pre-Eeformation  Amsterdam 
was  that  portion  of  the  present  city  which  extends  along  the 
J^froni  the  Geldersche  (Golden)  Quay^  to  the  Haringi^ahherij 
Tooren  (Herring-packery  Tower),  and  is  girded  by  the  Sing  el 
(girdle).  The  Amsterdam  of  1600  had  broadened  until  it  in- 
cluded twelve  bastions  in  its  landward  circuit  and  covered  the 
territory  which  the  Ileerengracht  (street  of  the  gentry)  en- 
closes. Two  further  enlargements  took  place  in  1611  and  1613, 
until  it  gathered  in  substantially  what  the  Prinsengracht 
(Princes'  street)  now  surrounds. 

Two  things  caused  these  rapid  and  considerable  enlargements. 
One  was  that  sudden  up-springing  of  trade  due  to  the  temporary 
destruction  of  Antwerp,  then  in  Spanish  hands,  as  a  port  of  entry, 
when  the  States  of  Holland  secured  the  forts  on  the  Scheldt. 
The  other  was  the  immense  stimulus  to  maritime  enterprise,  due 


412  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  AMSTERDAM 

to  the  geographical  discoveries  of  that  age,  of  which  the  Hol- 
landers promptly  took  mercantile  advantage.  It  is  hard  to  ap- 
preciate now  that  in  1601  the  Netherlands  led  the  commerce 
of  the  world.  When  the  twelve  years'  truce  with  Spain  was 
signed  in  1609,  Amsterdam  is  said  ^  to  have  increased  in  twenty 
years  from  70,000  to  130,000  people,  and  it  more  than  doubled 
again  during  the  next  decade.  Great  territorial  enlargement 
became  inevitable  ;  and  for  a  time  newcomers  had  to  camp  in 
temporary  shelters  outside  of  the  walls,  while  streets  were  being 
laid  out  and  houses  erected.  "  As  much  land  as  a  man's  foot 
could  cover  was  worth  a  ducat  in  gold." 

Fynes  Moryson  visited  the  city  twice  within  seventeen  years 
of  this  date,  and  says :  ^  — 

Fiue  streets  of  this  City  are  diuided  with  water  :  the  River  Tay 
fiowes  like  a  large  and  calme  sea  on  the  North  side,  where  is  a  safe 
port,  the  traffick  being  great  in  this  City,  and  at  3Iidelburg  since  the 
passage  to  Antwerpe  was  stopped.  Vpon  the  Hauen  hes  a  field  or 
market-place  called  Camp-platz,  where  the  Citizens  vse  to  behold  their 
friends  going  to  sea,  and  returning  home.'  From  this  place  towards 
the  South  lies  Warmerstraat,  a  long  and  large  street,  between  two 
rivers,  which  part  of  the  City  is  called  the  New  Ditch.  The  Merchants 
in  summer  meet  vpon  the  Bridge,  and  in  winter  they  meet  in  the  New 
Church,  in  very  great  number,  where  they  walke  in  two  rankes  by 
couples,  one  ranke  going  vp,  and  another  going  doune,  and  there  is  no 
way  to  get  out  of  the  Church ;  except  they  slip  out  of  the  doores,  when 
in  one  of  these  rankes  they  passe  by  them.  On  the  East  side  of  the 
City  there  is  a  wall  of  stone,  higher  then  the  City,  hauing  a  pleasant 
walke  vpon  it.  In  the  same  place  are  houses  for  exercise  of  shooting 
in  gunnes  and  crosse-bowes  :  beyond  this  wall  there  is  another  of 
earth,  and  betweene  these  wals  the  new  City  was  plotted  out.  Avhere 
of  few  houses  were  then  built,  but  since  I  heare  it  is  fully  finished. 
Likewise  on  the  South  and  West  sides  there  be  two  like  wals,  and  be- 
tween them  the  plot  of  the  said  new  City,  in  which  many  faire  houses 
were  then  built.  The  fields  on  all  sides  without  the  gates  being  fenny 
and  drouned  with  water,  doe  make  the  City  more  strong,  but  for  this 

^  T.  Contarini  in  Ms.  archives  of  Venice  (Motley,  Un.  Neths.  iv :  551-552). 
Antwerp  in  the  same  time  shrunk  from  150,000  to  80,000. 

2  Itin.  44,  200. 

^  A  tower,  called  the  Schreijer^s  Tooren  (Criers'  Tower)  in  allusion  to  the  weep- 
ing on  such  occasions,  stood  at  the  junction  of  the  Oude  Gracht  (Old  Canal)  with 
the  Y. 


AMSTERDAM  AS  THE   PILGRIMS   FOUND   IT  413 

cause  (they  say)  the  foundations  of  the  houses  being  laid  in  water, 
cost  as  much  or  more  as  the  houses  themselues.^  The  river  Amster 
.  .  .  running  from  the  South  through  three  lakes,  entereth  tliis  city, 
and  passing  through  it,  fals  into  the  River  Tay  on  the  North  Side. 
The  City  hath  five  gates,  which  are  shut  at  dinners  and  suppers,  though 
the  danger  of  the  warre  be  farre  from  them. 

There  be  two  Churches  in  which  they  have  two  sermons  on  each 
second  day,  and  foure  on  Sifinday.  The  City  lay  in  length  from  the 
North  to  the  South,  but  adding  the  plot  of  the  new  City,  it  is  of  a  round 
forme.  The  streetes  are  ni,rrow,  and  the  building  of  bricke,  with  a 
low  roof  e  shewed  antiquity.  /  They  haue  two  Almeshouses  (called  Gast- 
hausen,  that  is.  Houses  fori  strangers)  which  were  of  old  Monasteries. 
One  of  these  houses  built  round,  was  a  Cloyster  for  Nunnes,  wherein 
sixty  beds  at  this  time  were  made  for  poore  women  diseased,  and  in 
another  chamber  thereof  were  fifty-two  beds  made  for  the  auxiliary 
Soulders  of  England,  being  hurt  or  sicke,  and  in  the  third  roome 
were  eighty-one  beds  made  for  the  hurt  and  sicke  Souldiers  of  other 
Nations  :  to  which  Souldiers  and  Sickeweomen  they  giue  cleane  sheetes, 
a  good  diet,  and  necessary  clothes,  with  great  cleanlinesse,  and  allow 
them  Physitians  &  Surgions  to  cure  them  :  and  most  of  the  Cities  in 
these  Prouinces  haue  like  houses. 

It  held,  even  then,  a  foremost  place  among  the  busiest  marts 
of  the  age.  The  famous  bank  of  Amsterdam  was  established  in 
1609.  The  blight  of  Antwerp,  Ghent,  Bruges  and  other  towns 
had  crowded  thousands  of  artisans  into  the  North.  So  that  what 
Motley  declares  to  have  been  an  unequalled  development  of 
industry  had  been  realized  in  Amsterdam,  Enkliuy sen  and  other 
cities  of  North  Holland,  even  during  the  bloodiest  years  of  the 
Spanish  war.  The  cruisers  of  the  United  Provinces  blockaded 
the  Flemish  coast,  so  that  hardly  a  poor  herring-boat  could  run 
into  places  in  Spanish  hands ;  while  the  ships  of  Amsterdam 
were  sailing  and  trading  everywhere.  Moreover,  as  early  as  1578 
Dutch  merchants  had  opened  trade  with  Kola  and  Archangel, 
and  before  1600  Amsterdam  had  sent  out  three  polar  expedi- 
tions, all  of  which  took  leading  rank  among  endeavors  to  dis- 
cover a  northeast  passage  to  India. 

Naturally,  the  population  of  Amsterdam  became  cosmopolitan. 
Still  chiefly  Dutch,  it  also  inchided  representatives  of  almost 
every  known  people.   Intolerance  elsewhere  had  driven  thither 

1  The  palace,  built  in  1648  as  a  town-hall,  is  said  to  rest  upon  13,659  piles. 


414  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

so  many  Jews  that  they  characterized  one  locality  and  had  a 
synagogue.  Many  others  also  were  refugees.  They  were  liable, 
therefore,  at  least  at  first,  to  be  very  poor.  It  is  greatly  to  the 
credit  of  the  Dutch  that,  while  themselves  suffering  by  a  dreadful 
and  protracted  war,  they  had  established  a  system  of  partial 
support  of  such  needy  ones  at  their  homes,  in  distinction  from 
those  who  were  cared  for  wholly  in  the  almshouse.  At  about 
1608  Pontanus  estimated  that  in  the  newer  part  of  the  town, 
where  apparently  the  poor  most  congregated,  there  were  1611 
families  assisted  thus  ;  of  whom  not  more  than  thirteen  per  cent 
were  Hollanders.  This  suggests  the  question  why,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century,  Holland  and,  in  particular, 
Amsterdam  thus  offered  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  in  conscience. 

When  Philip  II.  succeeded  Charles  V.  on  the  throne  of  Spain, 
about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  Netherlands,  then 
known  as  Flanders,  comprised  seventeen  provinces,  in  the  main 
coextensive  with  the  present  Holland  and  Belgium.  Each  was 
a  separate  State  under  its  own  rider,  and,  if  temporarily  allied 
with  a  neighbor,  independent  sovereignty  still  was  maintained. 
Although  these  provinces  did  not  all  speak  the  same  tongue, 
and  ancient  rivalries  still  prevented  absolute  fusion,  a  strong 
general  resemblance  existed,  and  many  of  their  aims  and  sym- 
pathies were  common.  In  each  the  consent  of  an  Assembly 
made  up  from  the  clergy,  the  nobles  and  delegates  of  towns,  was 
constitutionally  indispensable  to  the  imposition  of  any  tax,  and 
no  one  not  a  native  of  a  province  could  hold  office  therein.  The 
residents  of  these  provinces  seem  to  have  been  above  the  aver- 
age of  that  time  in  self-reliance  and  a  certain  culture.  That 
safety  depended  upon  an  ever  watchful  conflict  with  a  threaten- 
ing ocean  stimulated  the  manlier  elements  of  their  nature.  They 
were  unsurpassed  in  skill  and  intrepidity  as  sailors,  and  their 
frequent  and  long  voyages,  while  increasing  their  wealth,  also 
enlarged  their  knowledge,  and  especially  taught  them  that  some 
seemingly  impossible  things  can  be  done,  and  heartened  them 
towards  untried  methods. 

Such  peculiarities  always  had  hindered  their  union,  compelling 
the  sovereign  for  the  time  to  content  himself,  so  far  as  con- 
cerned them,  "  with  the  position  —  not  too  grateful  to  a  Spanish 


AMSTERDAM   AS  THE   PILGRIMS  FOUND   IT  415 

(Jespot  —  of  head  of  a  republic,  or,  to  speak  more  properly,  of 
a  confederacy  of  republics."  ^  To  be  sure,  there  came  to  be  a 
Supreme  Court  at  Meclilin,  with  jurisdiction,  on  appeal,  over  all 
provincial  Courts.  There  also  was  a  central  and  confederate 
Assembly,  the  States-General.  But  its  power  was  limited, 
and  no  subsidy  recommended  by  it  took  effect  within  a  province 
until  confirmed  by  the  provincial  body. 

During  the  long  reign  of  Charles  V.  considerable  encroach- 
ment upon  some  of  these  privileges  had  occurred.  As  he  was 
born  at  Ghent,  was  fond  of  Flanders  and  liked  to  bestow  high 
places  upon  Flemings,  the  Netherlanders  tolerantly  said  little 
when  he  interfered  with  their  rights.  They  could  forgive  much 
to  a  popular  monarch,  under  whose  almost  boundless  sway  they 
could  go  up  and  down  the  earth  safely  and  bring  home  the  fat 
and  sweet  of  every  land.  Moreover,  his  home  policy  so  fostered 
husbandry  and  manufactures  that  Flanders  contained  no  fewer 
than  350  cities,  with  more  than  6300  smaller  towns,^  healthy 
and  vigorous  with  a  diligent,  hard-working  population.^ 

These  provinces  guarded  their  local  and  individual  rights  so 
jealously  that  the  Brabanters  even  qualified  their  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  the  emperor  by  a  clause  nullifying  it,  should  their 
peculiar  privileges  be  disregarded.*  Women  about  to  become 
mothers  were  known  to  journey  to  Brabant,  that  their  children 
might  be  born  into  its  franchises.^  Many  from  outside  of  the 
nation  settled  at  Antwerp,  whose  merchants  became  the  bankers 
of  Europe.  London  capitalists  had  a  factory  there.  There  also 
were  Portuguese,  Italian,  Hanseatic  and  Turkish  companies ; 
so  that  these  great  cities  of  the  Netherlands  learned  something 
at  least  of  many  foreign  tongiies,  customs  and  faiths.  All  this 
prosperity  had  its  influence  not  only  upon  the  middle  but  also 
upon  the  humbler  classes.  Guicciardini,  who  had  lived  more 
than  a  generation  in  the  Netherlands,  declared  ^  that  it  was  rare 
to  find  even  a  peasant  who  could  not  read  and  write. 

1  Prescott,  Phil.  II.  i :  364. 

2  F.  Strada.  De  Bella  Belg.  i :  32. 

^  Guicciardini  (207)  assigns  at  this  date  to  Ghent  70,000  inhabitants,  to  Brussels 
75,000,  to  Antwerp  100,000,  and  estimates  London  at  150,000  and  Paris  at 
300,000. 

*  Prescott,  Phil.  IL  i :  371.  ^  Strada,  ii:  61.  6  225. 


416  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

When  the  Reformation  broke  out  in  Germany,  its  flying 
seeds  found  good  soil  over  the  border  among  these  Nether- 
landers.  Later,  many  foreigners,  connected  closely  with  the 
prosperity  of  the  Low  Countries,  came  thither  from  Protestant 
communities  and  brought  the  new  ideas  of  religion  with  them. 
Yomig  Flemish  nobles  also,  who  resorted  to  the  University  of 
Geneva,  were  apt  to  return  home  inoculated  with  Calvin's  zeal 
against  the  Pope.  So  Charles  V.  awoke  one  day  to  the  distress- 
ing fact  that  the  dreadful  heresy,  which  it  had  been  a  great 
object  of  his  life  to  suppress,  was  rooting  itself  comfortably  in 
his  Dutch  dominions,  and  he  at  once  undertook  to  put  it  down 
by  sheer  force. 

In  March,  1520,  he  issued  the  first  of  a  series  of  eleven 
"  placards,"  ^  by  which,  through  cumulative  severities,  he  en- 
deavored to  eradicate  Protestantism  from  Flanders  by  extirpat- 
ing every  person  professing  it.  They  decreed  that  every  one 
convicted  of  heresy  should  be  burned,  buried  alive  or  beheaded. 
The  same  terrible  fate  was  proclaimed  against  all  who  read, 
copied  or  dealt  in  heretical  books,  who  publicly  or  privately 
disputed  on  the  Scriptures,  or  taught  or  advocated  the  doctrines 
of  the  Reformation.  Every  informer  was  to  have  half  of  the 
culprit's  confiscated  property.  The  courts  were  forbidden  to 
show  the  slightest  mercy,  and  it  was  made  a  penal  offence  to 
solicit  any  relief.^  Of  course  a  branch  of  the  Inquisition  was 
established  in  Flanders,  an  eminent  lawyer,  a  member  of  the 
Council  of  Brabant,  being  made  inquisitor-general.  But  before 
long  he  was  fiying  for  his  life.  The  emperor  had  to  modify  his 
plan,  and  four  members  of  the  secular  clergy  were  made  inquis- 
itors, with  the  provision  that  no  sentence  could  be  pronounced 
by  them  without  first  receiving  the  sanction  of  some  member  of 
the  provincial  council.     Even  thus,  however,  the  opj)ression  was 

^  G.  Brandt  (Hist.  Ref.  Low  Countries,  i :  42)  says :  ' '  The  promulgation  of  it 
.  .  .  was  a  violation  of  the  Privileges  of  the  Land :  for  whereas  formerly  the  old 
Counts  of  Holland  never  made  any  Laws  of  importance  without  consent  of  the  No- 
bility and  Commons  ;  the  Emperor  by  vertue  of  his  own  authority  only,  made  this 
Placard  at  Worms,  without  ever  communicating  a  matter  of  that  weight  to  the 
States  of  the  Land,  otherwise  than  by  requiring  them  to  promulgate  the  same ; 
which  nobody  durst  oppose." 

'^  E.  van  Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas.  10. 


AMSTERDAM  AS   THE   PILGRIMS  FOUND   IT  417 

terrible.  Great  numbers  suffered  the  loss  of  property  and  even 
life.^  But  it  was  made  so  clear  that  it  was  not  for  the  pecuni- 
ary interest  of  the  emperor  to  press  such  a  bloody  policy,  that  it 
was  relaxed ;  and  in  his  last  year  he  sorrowfully  acknowledged  ^ 
that  it  had  been  a  dismal  failure. 

Philip  II.,  who  succeeded  him  in  1556,  was  born  in  Spain, 
spoke  only  Spanish,  affected  Spanish  ways,  pi-ef erred  Spanish 
officials,  and  in  every  way  made  himself  a  foreigner  to  his  Dutch 
subjects.  Without  those  amiable  qualities  which  had  led  the 
Flemings  to  tolerate  his  father's  mistakes,  Philip  also  lacked 
aU  power  of  adjustment  to  circumstances  in  matters  of  con- 
science ;  his  fundamental  principle  being  that  he  could  not,  and 
would  not,  rule  over  "  heretics."  When  he  found  that  Protestant- 
ism had  crossed  the  Pyrenees,^  he  grasped  it  at  once  with  the 
iron  hand  of  the  Inquisition,  and  burned  and  butchered  until  he 
had  cleared  the  Castilian  land  of  all  suspected  of  it. 

It  is  not  needful  to  detail  what  followed.  The  works  of  Pres- 
cott.  Motley  and  Young  ^  give  the  English  reader  graphic  and 
trustworthy  accounts  of  the  successive  steps  by  which  the  piti- 
less Philip,  with  the  aid  of  the  even  more  odious  Alva,  drove 
the  Netherlanders  into  their  terrible  war.  The  confederacy  of 
Dutch  nobles,  at  first  known  as  the  Compromise,  but  which 
gloried  in  the  scornful  epithet  hurled  at  them  by  the  govern- 
ment, "  the  Beggars  "  —  "  Les  Gueux  ;  "  the  sudden  storm  of 
iconoclasm,  which  swept  over  the  provinces,  stripping  more  than 
400  churches  of  their  paintings,  images  and  Romanist  parapher- 
nalia ;  the  commissioning  of  Alva,  crafty,  stubborn,  insolent  and 
savage,  to  march  a  Spanish  army  from  Italy  into  the  Low  Coun- 

1  Prescott  (Fhil.  II.  i :  379)  discredits  the  usual  statement  that  at  least  50,000 
were  executed  under  Charles  V.  Grotius  {An.  12)  puts  the  number  at  100,000. 
But  a  much  smaller  number  is  probable. 

2  Prescott,  Phil.  IL  i :  383. 

^  Ibid,  i :  417.  Many  may  be  unaware  what  a  little  history  Protestantism  at  one 
time  had  in  Spain. 

*  A  modest  volume  {Hist  of  Neths.  1884),  by  Alex.  Young-,  gives  an  always 
graphic  and  usually  exact  summary  of  Flemish  affairs  during  this  period ;  in  the 
shaping-  of  which  he  uses  well  some  material  not  in  Motley's  or  Prescott's  posses- 
sion. In  certain  aspects  also  C.  M.  Davies's  Hist,  of  Holland  and  the  Dutch  Nation 
(1851)  is  valuable,  and  it  has  a  good  map.  W.  J.  Hofdijk's  Leyden^s  Wee  en  Zege- 
praal  (1573-74)  also  is  a  help.  It  was  reprinted  in  1874  at  Leyden,  and  has  two 
large  ancient  plates  illustrating  the  siege  of  Leyden. 


418  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

tries  to  punish  these  misdeeds  and  to  regulate  affairs ;  the  judi- 
cial murder  of  Egmont  and  Hoorne ;  the  sending  of  1800  men 
to  the  scaffold  ^  within  three  months ;  the  condemning  of  citi- 
zens to  torture  unto  death  for  singing  the  songs  of  Le&  Gueux, 
for  having  attended  a  Calvinistic  funeral  years  before,  or  even 
for  saying  "  one  must  obey  God  rather  than  man  ;  "  and,  finally, 
the  sentence  to  death  as  heretics,  on  Feb.  16,  1568,  of  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Low  Countries,  excepting  a  few  specified, 
followed  by  Philip's  order,  on  Feb.  26,  that  this  sentence  "  be 
put  in  execution  without  favor  or  respect  of  persons,"  and  by 
Alva's  outrageous  extortion  of  excessive  and  extraordinary  taxes 
—  these  facts  suggest  how  bitter  injustice,  without  hope  of  re- 
dress, nursed  a  spirit  of  resistance  ^  until  the  Utrecht  union  of 
Holland  and  Zealand  with  five  other  provinces  became  the  germ 
of  the  Dutch  Republic  and  brought  about  a  toleration  in  matters 
of  religion  elsewhere  unknown. 

The  Reformation  at  first  did  not  include  the  principle  of  lib- 
erty of  conscience,  but  only  transferred  the  custody  of  men's 
souls  from  the  old  to  a  new  religion.  It  is  therefore  greatly  to 
the  credit  of  William  of  Orange,  who  now  came  to  the  front  in 
Netherland  affairs,  that  he  was  almost  a  pioneer  in  urging  that 
religious  persecution  is  useless  and  barbarous.  When,  then,  in 
the  summer  of  1584,  one  of  Philip's  paid  miscreants  assassi- 
nated William,  it  is  not  hard  to  believe  that  in  the  fury  of  the 
hour  and  for  long  years  afterwards,  especially  in  North  Holland, 
where  the  spirit  of  liberty  showed  itself  most,  a  fugitive  for  the 
sake  of  conscience  was  able  to  find  a  safer  refuge  there  than  the 
world  afforded  elsewhere. 

As  early  as  1569  the  States-General  agreed  that  liberty  of 
conscience  should  be  allowed  to  both  the  Reformed  and  the 
Roman  Catholic,  and  about  1573  the  Reformed  religion,  as 
taught  at  Geneva,  was  admitted  into  the  public  churches,  and 
"  the  rest  of  the  sects  that  endeavoured  to  promote  the  Refor- 
mation .  .  .  had  likewise  their  share  of  liberty  of  conscience, 
and  the  exercise  of  their  Religion  in  private  meetings." 

Amsterdam,  moreover,  had  special  preeminence  in  this  new 

1  G.  P.  Fisher,  Reformation,  302.    Motley,  Un.  Neths.  ii :   291. 

2  Brandt,  i :  266,  295,  298,  308,  463-468,  460,  338. 


AMSTERDAM  AS  THE  PILGRIMS  FOUND   IT  419 

catholicity.  In  May,  1578,  a  revolution  there  placed  Reformed 
ministers  in  the  churches  which  the  Romanists  formerly  had 
occupied,  and  gave  other  denominations  permission  to  worship 
in  private.  And,  although  such  freedom  often  was  opposed,  on 
the  whole  it  was  maintained.  Burgomaster  Hooft,  who  served 
at  intervals  from  1588  mitil  the  arrival  of  the  Pilgrims,  is  said 
by  Brandt  to  have  told  the  city  officials  —  in  1598,  in  the  case 
of  a  velvet  weaver,  accused  of  teaching  that  Christ  was  a  mere 
man,  and  that  the  common  translation  of  the  Bible  was  false  — 
that  they  ought  to  be  careful  lest  they  invade  the  liberty  of 
others  almost  before  they  had  recovered  their  own.  He  argued 
that  no  magistrate  has  authority  in  matters  of  faith,  and  insisted 
that  the  wisest  course  would  be  "  to  disturb  no  man  on  account 
of  his  conscience,"  according  to  the  ancient  custom  of  that  city 
in  particular. 

Brandt  remarks  that  in  1596  the  magistrates  of  Amsterdam 
especially  showed  great  favor  to  the  Anabaptists,  in  spite  of  the 
clergy,  explaining  that 

the  Governours  of  that  great  Emporium,  or  mercantile  city,  looked, 
upon  it  as  the  most  effectual  means  of  promoting  Trade,  knowing  those 
people  to  be  very  industrious,  and  that  by  their  propagating  all  sorts 
of  Manufactures,  and  Handicrafts,  they  brought  great  advantage  to 
the  said  City. 

Thus  Amsterdam  became  famous  as  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed 
in  conscience,  and,  naturally,  was  maligned  therefor.  A  sample 
of  its  treatment  by  the  satirists  is  this  extract :  ^  — 

They  countenance  only  Calvinisme,  but  for  Trades  sake  they  Tol- 
erate all  others,  except  the  Papists  ;  which  is  the  reason  why  the  trea- 
sure and  stock  of  most  Nations  is  transported  thither,  where  there  is 
full  Liberty  of  Conscience :  you  may  be  what  Devil  you  will  there,  so 
you  be  but  peaceable  :  for  Amsterdam  is  an  "  University  of  all  Religions, 
"  which  grow  here  confusedly  (like  stocks  in  a  Nursery)  without  either 
"  order  or  Pruning.  If  you  be  unsettled  in  your  Religion,  you  may 
"  here  try  all,  and  take  at  last  what  you  like  best ;  if  you  fancy  none, 
"  you  have  a  Pattern  to  follow  of  two  that  would  be  a  Church  to  them- 
"  selues :  Its  the  Fair  of  all  the  Sects,  where  all  the  Pedlars  of  Reh- 
"  gion  haue  leaue  to  vend  their  Toyes,  their  Ribbands  and  Phanatique 

1  Butch  Drawn  to  the  Life  (1664),  48. 


420  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   AMSTERDAM 

"  Rattles :  their  Republick  is  more  to  them  than  Heaven ;  and  God 
"  may  be  more  safely  offended  there  than  the  States-General." 

Probably  Joseph  Hall,  afterwards  a  bishop,  uttered  the  oj)in- 
ion  of  those  English  who  had  no  sympathy  with  Amsterdam's 
peculiarities,  when  he  said  to  John  Smyth  and  John  Robin- 
son :  ^  — 

Compare  the  place  you  have  left,  with  that  you  have  chosen  ;  let 
not  feare  of  seeming  to  repent  over-soone,  make  you  partiall.  Loe, 
there  a  common  harbour  of  all  opinions,  of  aU  heresies ;  if  not  a  mix- 
ture. Here  you  drew  in  the  free  and  clear  aire  of  the  Gospell,  without 
that  odious  composition  of  ludaisme,  Arrianisme,  Anabaj^tisme : 
There  you  live  in  the  stench  of  these  and  more.  You  are  unworthy  of 
pitie,  if  you  will  approve  your  misery.  Say  if  you  can,  that  the  Church 
of  England  (if  she  were  not  yours)  is  not  an  heaven  to  Amsterdam. 
How  is  it  then,  that  our  gnats  are  harder  to  swallow,  than  their 
camels  ? 

1  To  Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Rob[inson].  Ringleaders  of  the  late  Separation  at  Am- 
sterdam, 1634,  i :  288. 


CHAPTER  II 

EARLIER  ENGLISH  SEPARATISTS 

As  has  been  said,^  the  Separatist  church  organized  in  London 
in  1587,  or  thereabouts,  was  composed  of  disciples  of  Henry 
Barrowe,  who  appears  to  have  received  his  first  impulses  from 
Robert  Browne.  But  he  sought  to  amend  Browne's  theory,  par- 
ticularly by  substituting  Calvin's  and  Cartwright's  Presbyterian 
eldership,  as  set  forth  in  the  "  True  Description,"  for  the  practical 
democracy  of  Brownism.  For  a  time  their  meetings  were  held 
in  private  houses,^  or  in  a  garden-house  near  Bedlam,  the  Dept- 
ford  or  Ratcliife  woods,  or  those  gravel-pits  at  Islington  which 
had  been  so  used  in  the  days  of  Queen  Mary.  Some  twelve  or 
fourteen  expounders  ^  labored  with  them.  Twenty-five  members  '^ 
are  recorded,  who,  sometimes  after  long  confinement,  died  in 
prison  or  a  few  days  after  release,  the  majority  in  Newgate.  In 
1592,  Greenwood  being  out  of  prison  on  bail,  they  organized 
this  fluctuating  body  at  the  house  of  one  Foxe,  a  schoolmaster 
in  Nicholas  Lane,  and  subscribed  a  formal  covenant.  Francis 
Johnson  was  chosen  pastor.  Greenwood  teacher,  Daniel  Studley 
and  George  Knyveton  elders,  and  Christopher  Bowman  and 
Nicholas  Lee  deacons.  Seven  infants  were  baptized,  and  the 
Lord's  Supper  was  administered.^ 

1  P.  203. 

2  Had.  Ms.  7042,  55,  59-62,  66,  112,  114,  116,  399,  400. 

*  Messrs.  Colshill,  Cooper,  —  or  Cowper,  —  Egerton,  Gardner,  G.  Johnson,  Phil- 
lips, Forester,  Settel,  Smyth,  Sparke,  Stanhope  and  Wygginton. 

*  Robert  Aweburne,  John  Barnes,  Scipio  Bellet,  Robert  Bowie,  John  Chandler, 
Nicholas  Crane,  "  Father  "  Debream,  Mr.  Denford,  Thomas  Drewet,  George  Ding'h- 
tie,  Margaret  Farrar,  Thomas  Hewet,  William  Howton,  Richard  Jackson,  Walter 
Lane,  "  Widow  "  Maynard,  Judith  Myller,  John  Purdy,  Roger  Rippon,  "  Widow  " 
Rowe,  Thomas  Stevens,  Jerome  Studley,  John  Swaltee,  Anna  Tailour  and  Henry 
Thomson. 

"  Johnson  "  tooke  water  and  washed  the  faces  of  them  that  were  baptized  .  .  . 
saying  onely  .  .  .  '  I  do  baptize  thee  in  y^  name  of  the  Father,  of  the  Sonne,  &  of 
the  Holy  Ghost, '  without  useing  any  other  ceremony  ther  in,"  and  without  godfathers 


422  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

Johnson's  history,  already  outlined  in  part,  had  been  some- 
what remarkable.  He  was  a  son  of  John  ^  Johnson,  sometime 
mayor  of  Richmond,  Yorkshire,  and  was  born  in  1562.  With 
his  younger  brother,  George,  he  went  to  Cambridge,  where  he 
became  a  fellow  of  Christ's  College.  On  Jan.  6,  1588,  a  ser- 
mon by  him  at  St.  Mary's,  from  I  Pet.  v :  1-4,  on  church  gov- 
ernment irritated  the  authorities.  All  ended  in  his  retiring  to 
Middleberg,  like  Browne  earlier ;  where,  unlike  Browne,  he  was 
pastor  of  the  English  Merchants  worshipping  in  the  Gasthiiis 
Kerh^  and  received  £200  a  year.  He  kept  his  eye  upon  those 
Dutch  printing-offices  whose  aid  the  English  Separatists  sought. 
One  day  in  1591  he  discovered  a  treatise  by  Barrowe  and  Green- 
wood in  press  at  Dort.  He  was  made  the  agent  of  its  suppres- 
sion and  burned  the  whole  edition,  excepting  two  copies,^  one 
of  which  he  kept  to  read.  But  the  wronged  authors  soon  had 
their  revenge.  The  reading  of  his  copy  made  him  doubt  whether 
they  were  not  right,  after  all.  And  he  gave  up  his  good  posi- 
tion, sought  out  Barrowe  in  the  Fleet,  at  London,  and  became 
a  zealous  convert  to  his  Separatist  views.  Fourteen  years  later 
he  reprinted  the  destroyed  book. 

On  Apr.  6,  1593,  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  were  hanged  at 
Tyburn,  and,  at  about  the  same  time,  Johnson  and  more  than 
fifty  of  the  little  church  were  seized  and  confined.^  But  the 
authorities  soon  perceived  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  banish  Bar- 
rowists  than  to  hang  them.  Before  his  martyrdom,  which  followed 
that  of  Barrowe  and  Greenwood  in  fifty-two  days,  Penry  had 
advised  the  little  church  to  emigrate  together  to  some  place  where 
they  could  worship  God  in  peace,^  and  Barrowe  left  a  legacy  to 

and  godmothers.  ..."  Five  whig-ht  loves  or  more,  were  sett  upon  y"^  Table,  and 
the  Pastor  did  breake  y^  breade,  and  then  delyvered  it  unto  some  of  them,  &  the 
Deacons  delyvered  to  the  rest ;  some  of  y^  s*^  Congregation  sittinge  &  some  standing 
about  the  Table  ;  and  [then]  the  Pastor  delivered  the  Cupp  unto  one  &  he  to  an- 
other till  they  had  all  dronken,  useing  the  words  at  y*  delyverye  therof,  according 
as  is  sett  down  in  the  Eleventh  of  the  Cor.  y''  24  verse." 

1  In  Cong,  in  Lit.  (263)  mistakenly  called  Jacob. 

-  Steven,  Hist.  Scot.  Ch.  Rotterdam,  316. 

^  Ibid.  424.  But  Gifford,  who  possibly  had  better  information,  says  (Short  Beply, 
iii) :  "  Some  few  haue  escaped,  and  are  dispersed  among  their  fellowes.  Wherefore  I 
hold  it  needfull  to  publish  some  answere." 

*  Barrowe,  P/a^/'orwj,  53-57.  Letter  of  Johnson  to  Bnrghley.  Lans.  Ms.  Ixxv  :  50. 
,  ^  Waddington,  John  Penry,  173-175.   From  the  Yelverton  Mss.  probably.  Penry's 


EARLIER  ENGLISH   SEPARATISTS  423 

the  church  as  a  body,  presumably  to  aid  this  undertaking.  Dur- " 
ing  that  summer  and  autumn  this  emigration  began,  although 
for  nearly  four  years  longer  Johnson,  with  the  elders  and  other 
members,  was  detained  in  the  Clink.  The  fugitives  made  for 
Amsterdam,  the  foremost  arriving  before  the  close  of  that  year.^ 
This  company  of  first  Separatist  emigrants  hardly  can  have 
exceeded  fifty  or  sixty .^  Judging  by  their  subsequent  abodes, 
they  probably  settled  in  the  newest  part  of  the  city,  on  the  east 
side  near  the  Reguliers  Poort  (Gate  leading  out  to  the  Monas- 
tery of  Regiilar  Friars),  not  far  from  the  present  Mint.^  Here 
there  soon  appears  among  them  the  man  who  on  the  whole  was 
their  finest  character,  who  left  the  richest  deposit  in  literature, 
and  who  for  his  humility  and  sweetness  deserves  worthiest  re- 
membrance, yet  whose  early  life  has  been  unknown  until  recently. 
Henry  Ainsworth  was  born  in  1569,  or  1570,  in  Swanton-Mor- 
ley,'^  near  Norwich.  His  father,  Thomas,  was  a  yeoman,  and 
also  appears  to  have  had  a  daughter,  Anna.  Henry  was  matric- 
ulated at  St.  John's,  Cambi^idge,  where  he  studied  one  year.^ 
He  migrated  to  Gonville  and  Cains,  where,  at  eighteen,  he  was 
admitted  a  scholar,  on  Dec.  15,  1587,  Dr.  Perse  being  his  surety 
and  tutor.  Apparently  he  remained  more  than  three  years,^  but 
did  not  graduate.  These  were  years  of  theological  ferment,  those 
of  the  Mar-prelate  conflict  and  in  which  Barrowe  made  his  se- 
verest assaults  upon  the  existing  order,  and  that  ferment  agitated 

daughter,  Deliverance,  for  a  time  was  in  F.  Johnson's  family  at  Amsterdam,  and 
seems  to  have  been  a  cause  of  contention  there.    G-  Johnson,  Disc.  131, 136. 

1  F.  Johnson,  Inq.  and  Ans.  63.  Hoornbeeck,  Sum.  Controv.  Eelig.  740.  Scheffer, 
De  Brownisien.  19. 

'  Th.  White  {Discov.  of  Brownixm,  21)  speaks  of  "  27,  or  thereabouts,  euen  one 
halfe  of  them,  at  that  time,  and  that  of  the  elder  sorte,"  and  seems  to  refer  to  the 
first  comers. 

^  The  marriage  records  name  the  residences  of  the  English  members  of  this  con- 
gregation married  there,  1.598-1617.    Scheffer  confirms  this  in  a  manuscript  letter. 

*  E.  Axon,  Henri/  Ainsworth,  his  Birthplace  and  his  Death,  3. 

s  The  Eegister  of  Admissions  to  Gonville  and  Caius  College  (J.  and  S.  C.  Venn, 
1887).  This  gives  Dec.  15.  The  University  Registers  record  Ainsworth  as  matricu- 
lated as  pensioner  at  St.  John's,  Dec.  8,  1.587-  The  difi'erence  in  date  may  be  due 
to  an  error  in  copying.  Probably  Roger  Williams's  misstatement  {Bloody  Tenent, 
174),  that  Ainsworth  "  scarce  set  foot  within  a  Colledge  walls,"  was  due  to  the 
long  interval  before  Williams  was  at  Pembroke. 

^  Mr.  Venn,  editor  of  Beg.  of  Admissions  to  Gonville  and  Caius  Coll.,  says  (Ms. 
letter)  that  Ainsworth  remained  tbere  until  Lady  Day,  Mar.  25,  1590-91. 


424  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

Cambridge.  Dr.  William  Whitaker  was  Master  of  St.  John's, 
and  Dr.  Thomas  Legge  of  Gonville  and  Caius.  The  latter  was 
a  native  of  Norwich,  and  some  acquaintance  with  the  Ainsworths 
may  have  led  to  the  transfer  of  the  student,  on  his  way  to  be- 
come a  Puritan  of  the  Puritans,  from  the  domain  of  one  sup- 
posed to  lean  towards  the  Puritans  ^  to  that  of  one  accused  of 
favoring  Popery .2 

An  old  map  of  Cambridge  shows  that  the  tongue  of  land  be- 
tween Bridge  and  High  streets  then  was  called  The  Jewry  ; 
presumably  because  occupied  by  people  of  Hebrew  descent.  This 
was  directly  across  the  street  from  St.  John's  and  close  to  Gon- 
ville and  Caius,  and  possibly  Ainsworth  laid  the  foundation  in 
some  one  of  those  Jewish  houses  of  that  knowledge  of  Hebrew 
and  its  cognate  tongues  which  gave  his  later  labors  lasting  value 
and  fame.^  That  he  remained  a  scholar  on  the  foundation  for 
more  than  three  years  is  evidence  of  his  diligence  and  capacity, 
so  that  his  removal  in  the  beginning  of  1591  without  his  degree 
no  doubt  was  due  to  scruples  of  conscience. 

The  various  evidence  in  his  case  suggests  as  to  his  subsequent 
course  that  he  went  to  London,  as  the  headquarters  of  known 
dissent,  embodied  in  the  half-formed  church  of  which  Johnson 
became  pastor  with  a  second  small  company  apparently  under 
the  lead  of  "  one  Collins,"  '*  and  there  fell  into  the  "  hands  of 
authority,"  and  went  to  hear  a  bishop  or  somebody  else  preach.'^ 
Then  he  went  to  Ireland  ^  to  begin  professional  labors,  but  after 
a  year  or  two  realized  that,  even  there,  the  queen's  hand  was  too 
heavy  upon  Dissenters  to  be  endured  safely,'^  and  shaped  his 

I  MuUinger,  ii :  339. 

^  Archb.  Sandys  wrote  to  Burghley  on  Feb.  11,  1581-82,  asking  him  "to  take 
order  that  Dr.  Legge  should  take  no  more  pupils  to  breed  and  train  up  in  popery, 
adding  that  all  the  popish  gentlemen  in  the  north  country  sent  their  sons  to  be 
brought  up  in  popery  under  him  and  Mr.  Swale  [Pres.  of  Caius]."  Ath.  Cant,  ii :  455. 

^  In  1877  W.  Aldis  Wright,  Sec.  of  the  English  company  of  Old  Testament  Re- 
visers, told  Dr.  Dexter  that  Ainsworth's  Commentary  on  the  Pentateuch  and  Psalms 
often  had  been  helpful  to  that  company. 

*  R.  Bancroft,  Survay  of  the  Pretended  Holy  Discipline,  428. 

^  These  extremists  accused  any  one  of  their  number  who  attended  even  a  single 
service  of  the  State  Church  of  "  apostating." 

''  Hoornbeeck,  740.   John  Shaw,  Advice  to  Son.  Ms.  451. 

'^  The  Parliament  of  15G0,  which,  after  Bloody  Mary  restored  to  Ireland  the 
ecclesiastical  legislation  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI.,  left  the  Church  of  Ire- 


EARLIER  ENGLISH  SEPARATISTS  425 

course  through  London  to  Amsterdam ;  where  we  soon  identify 
him  witli  the  experiences  of  the  Loudon  emigrants.  He  took 
the  office  of  teacher,  which  the  martyrdom  of  Greenwood  had 
vacated.  But  by  their  theory  this  office  of  itseK  possessed  no 
power.  The  power  was  where  the  elders  were.  According  to 
their  confession  of  faith,  it  was  an  awkward  fact  that  most  of 
the  ship  was  in  Amsterdam  while  the  rudder  and  steering  gear 
were  in  London  and  divided  there  between  the  Fleet  and  the 
Clink  Prisons.  Hence,  as  George  Johnson  testifies,  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  "  the  Church  for  5.  or  6.  yeares  practised  as  the 
Pastor,  Elders,  and  brethren,  being  in  prison  at  London  wrote 
unto  them,"  special  messengers  occasionally  going  between.^ 

We  now  must  glance  at  the  fortunes  of  these  imprisoned 
members.  Confinement,  more  or  less  close,  in  noisome  jails  was 
not  their  only  trial.  The  same  morbid  conscientiousness  as  to 
trifles  which  had  ruined  Browne's  Middleberg  enterprise  ap- 
peared among  them.  In  1594  Francis  Johnson,  then  in  the 
Clink,  became  attached  to  Mrs.  Thomasine  Boys,^  a  member  of 
his  church  and  a  widow,  who  had  considerable  jewelry,  some 
superior  wearing  apparel  and  £300  in  money.  Joluison's  brother, 
George,  in  the  Fleet,  remonstrated  that  she  was  "  much  noted 
for  pride,  which  would  give  great  offence  if  ...  it  should  not 
be  reformed."  But  Francis  was  "  so  inveighed  and  overcaried 
with  the  said  M.  T.  B."  that  nothing  could  stop  him,  and  their 
marriage,  in  the  prison,  soon  followed.^ 

When  the  union  was  made  public  Francis  was  closely  con- 
fined and  his  wife  forbidden  to  visit  him.  Much  excitement 
followed  and  great  offence  was  taken  at  her  dress  and  behavior. 

land  more  dependent  on  the  State  than  that  of  England.  Heretics  were  made 
amenable  to  royal  commissioners  or  Parliament  without  reference  to  any  Synod  or 
Convocation. 

1  Roger  Waterer  was  "  to  be  chose  &  appointed  for  a  minister  or  messenger  in 
affaires  betweene  the  Church  [in  Amsterdam]  and  the  Prisoners  [in  London]  ; " 
and  W.  Asplin,  David  Bristoe,  John  Nicholas,  Richard  Paris,  John  Beacham, 
William  Houlder  and  William  Shepheard  are  suggested  as  ''wandering  starres," 
who  went  "  up  and  doune,  hither  and  thither  to  &  from  England."  Disc.  119,  32, 
159.    Inq.  and  Ans.  64. 

2  Disc.  10,  94-114,  128,  180,  214. 

^  They  had  at  least  one  child.  Perseverance,  who  married  John  Green,  and,  with 
him  and  three  children,  came  to  Charlestown,  Mass.,  in  1632.  Wyman,  Charles- 
town  Eecs.  i :  563. 


426  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  AMSTERDAM 

George  vainly  wrote  her  letters  of  expostidatiou.  He  urged 
other  members  of  the  church  to  deal  with  her,  but  they  "  were 
loth  &  would  not."  He  then  reported  to  Francis  that  the  un- 
godly world  called  her  "  a  bouncing  girl,"  and  "  in  pride  and 
vaine  apparel "  joined  her  with  "  the  Bishop  (as  they  call  liim) 
of  London's  wife."  And  he  complained  later  that,  her  husband 
being  in  prison  and  the  brethren  in  great  need  beyond  seas,  she 
wore  "  3,  4  or  5  golde  rings  at  once,  ...  so  that  many  of  y® 
Saints  are  greened ; "  and  intimated  that  "  her  heart  is  not  so 
mortified  and  sanctified  "  as  it  ought  to  be. 

George  sent  this  letter  to  her,  so  that  her  husband  need  not 
be  troubled  with  it,  but  requested,  in  case  of  her  failure  to  re- 
form, that  it  might  be  forwarded  to  Francis.  It  was  forwarded 
and  it  made  him  very  angry.  He  "  returned  taunts  and  revil- 
ings,  calling  his  brother  fantastical,  fond  [silly],  ignorant,  ana- 
baptistical,  and  such  like,  boasting  of  the  modesty  &  wisdome 
of  his  wife."  More  correspondence  and  recrimination  followed. 
George,  seeking  to  carry  out  the  principles  of  the  gospel,  per- 
suaded Thomas  Settel  and  Daniel  Studley,  two  other  imprisoned 
members,  to  join  him  in  his  labor,  and  their  compliance  indi- 
cates that  he  had  some  justification.  Kindly  relations,  however, 
were  renewed  for  a  time. 

But  a  year  or  two  later  public  offence  was  taken  again  at 
"  the  Pastor's  wifes  pride  and  his  vanity  thereabout,"  and  strife 
broke  oat  afresh.  In  the  midst  of  it  the  prisoners  were  released 
to  be  banished,  pending  which  departure  peace  was  made  once 
more.  Early  in  1597  an  English  colony  in  North  America  was 
proposed,  and  certain  merchants,  planning  a  voyage  of  fishing 
and  exploration,  and  to  settle  in  or  near  Rainea,^  got  leave 
from  the  Privy  Council  to  take  "  divers  persons  whose  minds 
are  continually  in  an  ecclesiastical  ferment,"  bonds  being  given 
that  these  never  should  return  unless  willing  to  conform.^  Ac- 
cordingly Francis  Johnson  and  Elder  Studley  were  assigned  to 
the  Ho^jewell  and  George  Johnson  and  John  Clark  to  the 
Chancewell,  The  remainder  made  their  way  to  Amsterdam. 
On  June  27,  the  Chancewell  having  been  wrecked,  the  expedi- 

1  One  of  the  Magdalen  Islands  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence. 

2  Beg.  of  Priv.  Coun.  Mar.  25,  1597. 


EARLIER  ENGLISH   SEPARATISTS  427 

tion  was  abandoned,^  and  early  in  September  the  four  "  exiles  " 
landed  at  Southampton,  whence  they  travelled  to  London  and 
Amsterdam,  where  at  last,  in  the  autumn  of  1597,  the  church 
was  in  one  body  together. 

The  newcomers  found  that  those  who  had  reached  Holland 
had  made  a  fair  start  as  a  separate  church  in  the  midst  of  an 
alien  community.  But  they  had  not  escaped  tribulation  from 
without,  or  even  from  within.  Apparently  for  ill-advised  at- 
tacks upon  the  Reformed  churches  of  Holland,^  they  had  to  seek 
shelter  outside  of  Amsterdam  for  a  time,  and  about  1595  ^  they 
lived  at  Kampen  and  then  at  Naarden.*  Once  more  domiciled 
in  Amsterdam,  they  scarcely  had  settled  themselves  when  some 
of  them  were  led  away  by  the  Dutch  Anabaptists,  and  the 
church,  unable  to  restore  them,  cut  them  oif ;  and  but  a  short 
time  afterwards  they  withdrew  fellowship  from  others  for 
"  schisme."  ^ 

Their  new  machinery  was  incomplete  and  ill  adjusted.  Its 
power  of  guidance  and  restraint  was  too  weak  for  its  power  of 
propulsion.  The  reforming  instinct  was  unsymmetrically  strong, 
and  they  were  so  eagerly  hospitable  to  new  notions  as  contin- 

^  Hakluyt,  Voyages  of  Eng.  Nation  (ed.  1810),  iii :  242-249.  G.  Johnson,  Disc 
109-113. 

^  Attached  to  a  minute  of  Feb.  4,  1607,  in  the  records  of  the  Eng.  Ref.  Church 
in  Amsterdam  is  a  note  that  at  some  previous  date  the  Brownists  had  been  "  ban- 
ished out  of  the  city  "  for  "  writing  libels  and  scandalous  attacks  "  against  the 
Reformed  churches.  No  trace  of  any  such  banishment  appears  after  1600,  and 
this  note  seems  to  refer  to  some  occurrence  five  years  earlier. 

^  The  date  is  indicated  by  testimonies  locating  them  in  these  places.  , 

*  Taifinus  and  Arminius,  then  Amsterdam  pastors,  speak,  on  Mar.  3, 1599  (Praes. 
ac  Erud.  Vir.  Epist.  79),  of  advice  given  these  men  before  they  went  to  Naarden 
and  after  their  return.  Th.  White  (Discov.  of  Brownisme,  15)  accused  Deacon 
Bowman  of  cheating  the  poor  of  the  church  "  of  halfe  that  which  the  magistrates 
of  Narden  had  given  them  weekelye."  F.  Johnson  (Inq.  and  Ans.  46)  acknowledges 
that  about  eleven  years  before  —  i.  e.,  in  1595  —  the  magistrates  of  Naarden  helped 
their  poor  ;  and  G.  Johnson  (Disc.  151,  157)  speaks  of  what  took  place  "  while  the 
church  was  at  Narden." 

^  F.  Johnson  {Inq.  and  Ans.  63)  admits  the  essential  justice  of  White's  charges 
(Discov.  21).  In  Trin.  Coll.,  Cambridge,  Library  is  a  little  book  by  Henoch  Clap- 
ham,  Tlieological  axioms  or  conclusions  :  publikly  controuerted,  discussed  and  con- 
cluded by  that  poore  English  Congregation  in  Amsterdam :  To  whome  H.  C.  For  the 
present  administreth  the  Ghospell,  etc.,  1597,  4to.  No  other  explanation  of  the  rela- 
tion of  him  and  his  work  to  the  history  of  Separatism  in  Amsterdam  at  this  date 
is  so  prob<T,ble  as  the  supposition  that  his  "  poore  English  Congregation  "  was  this 
cleavage  from  the  First  Church,  that  of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth. 


428  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   AMSTERDAM 

ually  to  undervalue  settled  truths.  They  lacked  sound  judg- 
ment, and  became  an  easy  prey  to  plausible  error.  An  observer,^ 
disposed  to  be  fair,  spoke  of  them  at  this  time  as  "  now  miser- 
ably rent,  devided  and  scattered."  They  suffered  also  from  pov- 
erty. Even  in  a  city  where  plenty  of  work  was  at  hand  their 
unfamiliarity  with  the  language  and  the  principal  industries 
hampered  them.  George  Johnson  says  that  the  brethren,  of 
whom  some  had  been  students,  had  to  card,  and  spin,  or  to 
learn  trades.  They  were  not  left  absolutely  to  their  own  re- 
sources. Barrowe  had  left  them  something,  and  money  was  sent 
them  by  friends  in  London  and  Middleberg,  and  even  Barbary.^ 
But  George  Johnson,  although  neither  "  in  disdaine  nor  discon- 
tent," calls  the  aid  thus  received  "  small,"  and  adds  "  many 
weekes  1  had  not  above  6,  7  or  8  pence  the  weeke  to  live  upon." 
The  neediest  also  profited,  beyond  doubt,  as  among  the  ''  poor 
dwellers  at  home  "  of  the  city,  and  personal  charities  sometimes 
mitigated  the  general  hardship.  Yet  probably  some  suffered 
actual  distress,  while  clearly  all  endured  more  or  less  privation. 
When,  in  the  spring  of  1599,  the  officers  of  the  church  wrote 
to  Junius  at  Leyden,  they  hoped  that  he  would  pity  them 
"  everywhere  reproched ;  eaten  vp  in  a  maner  with  deep  pov- 
erty." ^  Francis  Johnson  soon  hired  a  large  house  near  the 
Reguliers  Poort.  As  he  had  sundry  rooms  to  spare  he  may 
have  been  acting  for  others  of  the  company  also.  Ainsworth  * 
then  was  about  twenty-six  and  unmarried.    Some  ten  years  later 

1  J.  Pajjne,  Royall  Exchange,  48. 

2  Disc.  61,  60,  62,  37,  67.  The  church  in  Barbary  was  one  of  English  mer- 
chants and  was  presided  over  by  T.  Bernher,  one  of  the  signers  of  the  appeal  in 
behalf  of  Francis  Johnson  at  Cambridge.  He  afterwards  was  complained  of  as 
having  gone  beyond  sea  "to  be  made  minister  by  a  presbyterie  there."  Lans. 
Ms.  Ixxix :  61. 

^  Certayne  Letters,  46. 

*  Dr.  Steuart,  in  the  memoir  of  Ainsworth  prefixed  to  the  Edinburgh  edition 
(1789)  of  The  Communion  of  Saints  and  An  Arrow  against  Idolatry,  states  (xv),  on 
the  authority  of  a  manuscript  note  in  a  copy  of  Ainsworth's  Annotations  in  his 
possession,  that  "  his  external  circumstances  at  Amsterdam,  like  those  of  the 
church  in  general,  were  very  abject :  He  is  said  to  have  been  Porter  there  to  a 
bookseller,  who  first  of  all  discovered  his  skill  in  the  Hebrew  language  and  made 
it  known  to  his  countrymen."  Brook  (1813)  seems  to  have  copied  this  from  St6u- 
art,  and  it  is  referred  to  in  the  notes  of  later  editions  of  Neal's  Hist,  of  Puritans, 
although  Neal  himself  (1732)  does  not  seem  to  have  heard  of  it.  It  has  prob- 
ability. 


EARLIER  ENGLISH   SEPARATISTS  429 

he  lived  in  the  Sing  el  near  the  Hei  Poort  ^  (Gate  on  piles) 
and  close  to  the  old  Lutheran  Church. 

Poor  George  Johnson,  however,  was  not  offered  even  a  cor- 
ner of  the  supei-fluity  of  Francis.  Their  differences  over  Mrs. 
Johnson  soon  broke  out  afresh.  These  were  discussed  with 
growing'  bitterness  at  intervals  until  August,  1598,  when  they 
resulted  in  the  excommunication  of  George,^  soon  followed  by 
that  of  their  father,  who  had  joined  them  and  had  sought  to 
make  peace.  George  pleaded  for  an  appeal  of  his  case  to  the 
church  in  Norwich  or  to  the  Reformed  churches  on  the  ground. 
But  Francis  and  the  church  persistently  refused. 

As  for  the  odd  methods  by  which  a  church  constructed  on  the 
Congregational  plan  with  Presbyterian  equipments  had  to  man- 
age its  affairs,  George  Johnson's  pages  also  are  instructive.  He 
says  :  ^  — 

The  next  Lords  day  [Jan.22-Feb.  1, 1597-98]  after  exercise,  y^  El- 
ders propoimded  to  y"  Church  choise  of  officers  &  ajjpointed  y*^  Lords 
day  following,  .  .  .  Which  day  .  .  .  y*  Church  nominated  some  [for 
deacons],  y^  [the  elders]  also  nom[inate]d  others.  In  chusing  some 
gave  y''  voices  frely  :  others  suspended  :  Y^  voices  being  gath[ere]d  for 
deacons,  William  Eiles  &  Robt  Jackson  had  y^  most  voices,  unto  whom 
y*  P[astor]  &  M.  [Elder]  Studley  w"^  not  consent,  but  w*^  have  M. 
Mercer  &  Jacob  Johnson  chosen,  who  had  not  above  one  or  two  free 
voices  :  y^  P.  &  M.  Stud.  sayg.  y"  y^  w^  give  y^  suspendd  voices  to 
the[m].  &  so  they  shd  have  y^  most  voices.  .  .  .  Ans[we]r  was  given  to 
y^  Elders  y'  election  ought  to  be  free ;  y*  y*  suspendd  voices  ought  not 
to  be  given  more  to  one  then  another.  Then  y*  P.  said  y*^  [suspended] 
voices  were  committed  to  y™  to  give  where  y^  pleasd  :  it  was  ansd 
y'  y*  brethn  ought  not  so  to  give  over  y'  power  ;  as  also  y'  no  such 

1  Puiboken,  Mar.  29,  1607. 

2  George  Johnson  returned  to  England,  probably  in  1604,  and,  instead  of  going 
back  to  the  Establishment,  as  charged  (Ath.  Cant,  ii :  435),  Francis  declares  (Inq. 
and  Ans.  61)  that  he  did  not  "  contrary  our  generall  cause  and  testimony  against 
the  Church  of  England,"  but  was  imprisoned  for  refusing  to  do  so  ;  and  in  Durham 
jail  (Clyfton,  Adv.  14)  he  died  "  under  their  hands  "  for  the  cause  of  Separatism. 
His  Discourse,  printed  at  Amsterdam  in  1603,  concludes  abruptly  at  the  bottom 
of  page  214,  his  funds  probably  being  exhausted.  Bradford  and  Robinson  both 
speak  reproachfully  of  him,  but  he  was  in  his  grave  before  they  saw  Amsterdam, 
and  they  necessarily  took  their  impressions  of  him  from  his  surviving  enemies. 
Ainsworth  had  some  sympathy  with  him  and  would  not  pronounce  the  sentence  of 
excommunication  against  him. 

^  Disc.  151. 


430  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

order  c[oul]cl  be  shewed  from  y*  worde  to  be  used  in  choise  of  ch[urc]h 
off  [icejrs  ;  hereabout  was  some  controversy  but  y^  elders  w[oul]d.  have 
y''  wil  therein  :  .  .  .  unto  wh[ic]h  y*^  brethn  wd  not  consent,  and  so  for 
y^  time  y^  agreed  not  in  choice  of  Deacons.  .  .  .  [They,  the  eklers] 
yeelded  not  ...  to  receive  y*'  best,  but  deferred  y^  election,  til  at 
length  [some  weeks  later]  y^  got  there  wil. 


I 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   FURTHER   HISTORY   OF  THE   ANCIENT   CHURCH 

The  English  exiles  in  time  adjusted  themselves  measurably  to 
the  industries  of  their  new  home.  As  they  appear  to  have  been 
largely  from  London  and  vicinity,  probably  more  of  them  were 
artisans  than  of  the  later  companies  of  Smyth  and  Robinson, 
who  were  mostly  farmers.  Thanks  to  the  variety  and  precision 
of  the  Dutch  records,  we  can  get  some  authentic  hints  of  their 
employments.  A  volume  in  the  Amsterdam  archives  —  Pui- 
hoken  der  Stadt,^  Aug.  1567-Jan.  1617 — contains  marriage 
records,  and  differs  from  contemporaneous  volumes  at  Leyden 
in  including  the  autograph  signatures  of  the  parties.  Moreover, 
it  mentions  their  occupations.  A  careful  scrutiny  has  yielded 
the  names  of  118  Englishmen,  mostly  residents  of  the  city,  who 
were  married  there  between  Nov.  7,  1598,  and  Jan.  14,  1617. 

Of  these,  there  are  102  whose  occupations  are  recorded. 
Forty-six  different  trades  or  professions  are  named.  Twenty- 
nine  are  credited  with  one  person  each :  those  of  barber,  carder, 
carpenter,  cobbler,  compositor,  cooper,  draper,  engraver,  fore- 
man, furrier,  goldsmith,  hat  dresser,  ligatuur  Worker,  mercer, 
minister,  painter,  pewterer,  physician,  printer,  sailor's  barber, 
seaman,  sheath  maker,  silk  ribbon  weaver,  smith's  journeyman, 
Spanish  chair  maker,  sword  cutter,  tobacco-pipe  maker,  turner 
in  ivory,  and  wood  sawyer.  Eleven  have  two  each :  bombazine 
finisher,  button  maker,  chandler,  cutler,  damask  weaver,  em- 
broiderer, hod  man,  schoolmaster,  smith,  trunkmaker  and  turner. 

1  The  Amsterdam  record  of  Wm.  Bradford's  marriage,  Nov.  9,  1613,  has  his 
earliest  known  autograph  signature  (he  was  then  twenty-three)  as  well  as  the  only 
known  autograph  of  his  bride,  then  sixteen.  The  volume  also  contains  autographs 
of  other  English  people.  Prof.  SchefFer,  the  local  antiquary,  sent  Dr.  Dexter  a 
transcript  of  these  118  records  which  include  English  names,  and  also  published 
the  same  list  in  his  De  Brownisten  te  Amsterdam,  160-168. 

^  A  kind  of  fustian  or  bombazine. 


432  THE  PILGRIMS   IN   AMSTERDAM 

One,  mason,  has  three.  One,  glover,  has  four.  One,  tailor, 
has  six ;  and  one,  fustian  worker,  has  thirty-eight.  In  the 
eighty-four  marriage  records  where  the  bridegroom's  age  is 
given,  the  average  is  about  twenty-six  years  and  nine  months. 
In  the  seventy-three  cases  where  the  bride's  age  is  stated,  the 
average  is  almost  exactly  twenty-four  years.  Evidently  a  large 
proportion  of  this  English  company  was  in  comparative  youth. 

These  records  include  the  marriage  of  Henry  Ainsworth  ;  i  of 
Deliverance^  a  daughter  of  John  Penry  ;  of  Elizabeth ,3  a  sister 
of  Francis  Johnson  ;  of  John  Murton,*  already  mentioned  and 
afterwards  a  Baptist  minister  and  author ;  of  Daniel  Studley,^ 
an  original  elder  of  Johnson's  church ;  and  three  marriages 
of  Jean  de  la  Cluse,^  an  elder  of  Ainsworth's  company  and  an 
author.  But  only  a  few  of  tlie  church  can  have  been  mentioned 
thus,  and  also  English  people  must  have  been  there  who  in  no 
way  were  connected  with  the  Separatists.  Nevertheless,  the  facts 
just  noted  have  a  certain  value. 

After  the  church  had  adjusted  itself  a  little  to  its  new  position, 
they  translated  their  Confession  of  Faith  "*  into  Latin,  as  has 
been  noted  already,  that  the  Reformed  ministers  around  them 
and  the  Christian  world  at  large  might  understand  their  spiritual 
position.  They  dedicated  the  book  to  the  members  of  the  uni- 
versities at  Leyden,  St.  Andrews,  Heidelberg,  Geneva  and  else- 
where, because  these  scholars  were  able,  and,  presumably,  willing, 
to  convince  them  of  their  errors ;  and  so  that,  if  the  Confession 
agreed  with  Scripture,  it  might  be  approved  by  silence  or  by 
letters  of  commendation. 

A  wholly  new  preface  was  designed  to  refute  the  natural  pre- 

^  To  Marjorie  (Hallett)  Appleby,  from  Ipswich,  widow  of  Richard,  Apr.  17, 
1607. 

^  To  Samuel  Whitaker,  from  Somersetshire,  May  31,  1611.  He  was  23  and  she 
21. 

^  To  William  Latham,  from  Sherburn,  Yorks.,  Sept.  16,  IGOO.  He  was  36  and 
she  38. 

*  To  Jane  Hodgkin,  from  Worksop,  Sept.  9,  1608.  He  was  25  and  she  23. 

^  To  Ursula  Clark,  June  24,  1614.    Each  had  been  married  before. 

^  As  widower  of  Catharine  de  L'Epine,  to  Alice  Dickens  (?),  Aug.  22,  1604;  to 
Jacqueline  May,  from  Wisbeach,  May  5,  1609 ;  and  to  Ann  Harris,  from  Hand- 
borough  (Hanbury,  Worces.),  aged  27,  Nov.  29,  1616. 

^  Corrfessio  Fidei  Anglorum  Qvorvndam  in  Belgia  Exvlantivm,  etc.,  1598,  i:  3, 
5-14.   See  p.  208. 


THE   FURTHER   HISTORY   OF   THE   ANCIENT  CHURCH    433 

sumption  against  its  authors  because,  although  the  Reformation 
had  appeared  to  prevail  in  England,  English  people,  who  clauued 
to  be  neither  heretics  nor  schismatics,  had  exiled  themselves. 
This  was  not  because  of  a  few  defects,  such  as  might  charac- 
terize the  purest  eartlily  church;  nor  because  of  disaffection 
toward  the  government;  but  because:  (1)  the  entire  people, 
mostly  Papists,  had  been  included  by  wholesale,  and  without 
regard  to  spiritual  fitness,  in  the  Church,  on  the  transfer  of  the 
nation  from  the  sway  of  Mary  to  that  of  Elizabeth  ;  (2)  the 
same  Popish  clergy  and  prelacy  were  set  over  them  as  before ; 
(3)  most  of  the  inferior  clergy  were  unlearned  and  could  not 
preach,  so  that  the  people  remained  as  blind  as  under  the  Papacy ; 
and  (4)  the  administration  of  worship  was  largely  that  of  the 
old  mass-book  turned  into  English.  Therefore,  to  cleanse  them- 
selves from  antichristian  pollutions,  they  had  refused  to  conform, 
and,  unless  they  conformed,  they  were  doomed  to  confinement 
in  noisome  prisons,  from  which  there  seldom  was  release  except- 
ing by  death.  They  were  thankful  for  a  place  of  rest  upon  a 
foreign  soil  and  desired  charitable  judgment. 

The  translation  of  this  Confession  into  Latin  and  the  com- 
position of  the  new  preface,  although  shared  by  the  pastor,  and 
possibly  by  his  brother  George,^  apparently  was  chiefly  by 
Ainsworth.  The  forty-five  articles  of  1596  remained  in  sub- 
stance unchanged.  Four  ^  went  into  Latin  without  verbal 
alteration.  Twenty-three^  conveyed  the  same  idea  as  before 
with  slight  changes  of  form.  Thirteen  ^  amended  clauses  for 
greater  clearness.  Four  ^  were  rewritten  to  expand  their  mean- 
ing. One  ^  received  a  considerable  addition  to  make  it  condemn 
semi-papal  corruptions  more  fully.  And  also  in  ten,"  presumably 
because  scholars  especially  were  addressed,  original  Greek  words 
of  the  New  Testament  were  introduced  which  had  not  appeared 
in  the  English  Confession. 

1  Disc.  119.  "  Nos.  XX,  xxiv,  xxv,  and  xxxvi. 

^  Nos.  iv,  V,  viii,  x,  xii,  xiii,  xv,  xvi,  xviii,  xix,  xxi,  xxvi,  xxvii,  xxix,  xxxi,  xxxii, 
xxxiv,  XXXV,  xxxix,  xl,  xli,  xlii  and  xlv. 

*  Nos.  i,  ii,  iii,  vi,  vii,  ix,  xi,  xiv,  xxii,  xxiii,  xxxiii,  xxxvii  and  xxxviii. 

^  Nos.  xvii,  xxviii,  xliii  and  xliv.  ^  No.  xxx. 

"^  Nos.  ii  (twice),  vii,  xiii,  xv  (twice),  xvii,  xix,  xxviii,  xxxiii,  xxxiv  and  xxxix 
(three  times). 


434  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   AMSTERDAM 

Of  course  coj)ies  were  forwarded  to  the  several  institutions 
named.  One  reached  the  Professor  of  Theology  at  Leyden  late 
in  1598  or  early  in  1599.  Correspondence^  followed.  Junius 
wrote  to  the  church,  on  Jan.  9,  1599.  As  they  had  left  him  no 
alternative,  he  had  to  say  that  as  to  their  doctrine  he  saw  no  need 
of  a  new  Confession.  If  it  were  to  defend  themselves,  nobody 
accused  them.  If  they  felt  obliged  to  make  public  appeal,  they 
should  have  addressed  the  Reformed  churches  of  Amsterdam 
first.  If  wrong  had  been  done  them  in  England,  as  they  had 
left  England  why  not  be  quiet  about  it  ?  If  they  desired  to  re- 
form England,  could  they  do  so  now,  since  they  could  not  while 
there  ?  He  had  no  right  to  judge  them,  and  strangers  should 
not  intermeddle.  It  had  long  been  the  conviction  of  good  men 
that  when  truth  of  doctrine  remains  in  a  church,  members 
ought  not  to  separate  from  it  rashly.  If  they  would  live  faith- 
ful, devout  lives,  that  would  ajDprove  their  cause  more  than 
published  writings. 

Junius  sent  this  letter  to  the  Dutch  and  French  ministers  of 
the  Reformed  churches  of  Amsterdam,  to  be  read  before  deliv- 
ery to  the  English  Church.  That  church  replied  on  Feb.  19. 
They  had  supposed  that  he  would  communicate  their  book  to 
his  colleagues.  As  for  appealing  first  to  the  Reformed  of  Am- 
sterdam, the  rest  which  they  enjoyed  was  due  to  the  magistrates 
rather  than  the  ministers,  some  of  whom  had  denounced  tliem 
as  heretics  and  schismatics ;  had  credited  untruths  about  them 
which  they  had  not  been  allowed  to  refute  ;  and  had  taken  no 
notice  of  their  Confession  when  furnished  in  writing.  They 
assented  to  much  which  he  had  said,  but  urged  that  he  should 
give  a  helpful  judgment. 

On  March  3  Taffinus  and  Arminius,  pastors  of  the  Walloon 
and  one  of  the  Reformed  churches  of  Amsterdam,  wrote  to 
Junius.  They  went  into  details  as  to  their  embarrassments 
due  to  the  presence  of  the  exiles.  One  of  the  three  elders  of  the 
English  Church,  Mr.  Slade,  an  educated  man,  had  become  assist- 

1  Praest.  ac  Erud.  Vir.  Epist.  (ed.  1704),  65-84.  This,  excepting  the  fourth  letter 
and  adding  another  by  the  Fratres,  dated  July  1, 1602,  the  Latin  original  of  which 
escaped  the  compiler  of  the  Praest.  etc.,  was  translated  into  English  and  printed  in 
1602  as  Certayne  Letters,  by  one  R.  G.    Brandt  (i :  480),  also  cites  them. 


THE   FURTHER  HISTORY   OF  THE   ANCIENT  CHURCH    435 

ant  master  of  a  grammar  school/  which  involved  his  attendance 
upon  the  Reformed,  the  State,  Church.  This  was  "  apostasy," 
and  he  was  dealt  with.^  The  English  drew  up  a  statement  of 
the  vital  differences  which  separated  them  from  the  Reformed 
churches.  In  condensed  form  these  were  quoted  by  Taffinus  and 
Arminius  thus  :  ^  — 

1.  The  constitution  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Amsterdam 
lacks  proper  order,  in  that :  (1)  this  church  never  meets  together  ; 

(2)  the  ministers  never  sanctify  the  Lord's  Day  with  the  people  ; 

(3)  the  presence  of  the  church-members  can  never  be  made  cer- 
tain ;  (4)  no  public  action  can  be  rightly  done.  2.  Children  of 
non-church-members  are  baptized,  and  there  is  no  oversight  of 
them  as  baptized  members.  3.  They  employ  in  public  worship 
formulas  of  prayer  other  than  those  enjoined  by  Christ.  4.  The 
command  of  Christ  in  Matt,  xviii:  15-17  is  not  properly  ob- 
served. 5.  God  is  worshipped  in  temples  that  have  been  con- 
secrated to  idols.4  6.  They  do  not  support  their  ministry  as 
Christ  ordained  (I  Cor.  ix  :  14),  but  use  the  same  manner  with 
the  Papists  and  others.  7.  Their  eldership  is  annual,  not  for 
life.  8.  They  marry  in  church,  as  if  it  were  an  ecclesiastical  act, 
when  it  concerns  the  civil  government  only.  9.  They  use  a  new 
censure  of  suspension,  which  Christ  never  required.  10.  They 
consecrate  certain  days  to  the  Nativity,  the  Resurrection,  the 
Ascension,  etc. 

The  two  Amsterdam  pastors  discussed  these  articles  and 
various  collateral  matters;  intimated  that  they  had  urged  the 
magistrates  to  enforce  greater  regularity  in  the  relation  of  the 
Separatists  to  the  State  ;  and  made  it  clear  that  the  Fratres 
Angli  were  regarded  as  conceited,  factious  and  disagreeable. 

Junius  replied  to  Johnson's  church  that  if  his  counsel  dis- 
pleased them  it  could  be  disregarded.    To  this  second  letter  of 

1  Wagenaar,  i:  416.    Brandt,  i:  4T9.    White,  Discov.  of  Brownism,  19. 

2  G.  Johnson,  Disc.  213.  He  was  suspended  and  then  excommunicated.  White, 
Discov.  19. 

3  Praest.  ac  Erud.  79.  Brandt  (i  :  479)  adds  an  eleventh  :  "They  receive  for 
members  of  their  Church  impenitent  persons,  being  excommunicated  ;  by  which 
means  the  true  Members  become  one  body  with  those  that  are  delivered  to  Satan. 
I  Cor.  v.h;  I  Tim.  1  :  20." 

*  The  old  churches  in  which  the  Papists  had  worshipped  before  the  Reformation. 


436  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   AMSTERDAM 

his  the  church  prepared  a  rejoinder,  but  laid  it  aside  unsent. 
More  than  three  years  later,  however,  some  one  surreptitiously 
published  in  London  an  English  translation  of  Junius's  two 
letters,  suppressing  their  replies.  They  then  sent  him  this 
delayed  answer  with  a  third,  on  July  1,  ^602.^  A  few  more 
communications  closed  the  correspondence,  leaving  each  side 
about  where  it  had  been  at  first.  These  exiles,  when  sending 
their  Confession  to  the  universities,  asked  approval  either  by 
silence  or  in  writing.  No  response  appears,  excepting  from 
Ley  den,  and  even  Junius's  answer  was  susceptible  of  the  inter- 
pretation that  he  had  found  nothing  against  their  faith.  Whether 
the  exiles  interpreted  this  almost  unbroken  silence  —  very  likely 
that  of  contempt  —  into  a  general  endorsement  of  their  positions 
is  not  certain.    But  John  Smyth  said  ten  years  later :  ^  — 

Seing  the  Seperation  have  published  the  confession  of  their  Faith 
.  .  .  &  the  said  Christian  vniversities  have  not  disalowed  that  their 
confession  .  .  .  ,  their  silence  is  therfore  in  al  equity  to  be  accounted 
their  consent :  &  Mr.  lunius  his  silence  what  is  it  els  to  be  esteemed 

but  consent  ? 

A  local  theological  occurrence  must  have  interested  these 
English.  In  the  summer  of  1598  the  city  was  excited  by  two 
reputed  Socinian  or  Unitarian  missionaries,  Christopher  Ostorod 
and  Andrew  Voidovius.^  The  burgomasters  seized  their  books 
and  papers.  The  books  were  sent  to  Leyden  for  examination 
by  the  professors  of  divinity,  who  declared  them  heretical. 
Whereupon  the  Leyden  magistrates  sent  them  to  the  Commit- 
tee of  the  States-General,  who  ordered  them  burned,  and  directed 
the  authors  to  make  o£E  within  ten  days,  also  warning  the  Pro- 
vinces to  beware  of  the  men.  The  curiosity  of  the  deputies  and 
others  rescued  the  volumes,  and  the  two  suspects  repaired  to 
Friesland,  where  they  privately  printed  a  defence  and  complaint. 
Their  treatment,  although  an  exception  to  the  policy  of  toleration, 
certainly  demonstrated  by  its  comparative  mildness  that  the 
Dutch  were  not  apt  scholars  of  Spain  in  Inquisitorial  severities. 

Until  James  I.  came  to  the  English  throne  the  church  seems 
to  have  led  a  more  peaceful  life.  Yet  evidence  survives  that  it 
was  agitated  repeatedly  by  controversies  upon  subjects  nowcon- 
1  Cert.  Lets.  iii.  ^  Paral.  127.  ^  Brandt  tells  the  story,  i :  476. 


THE  FURTHER  HISTORY  OF  THE   ANCIENT  CHURCH    437 

sidered  insignificant.  We  know  little. of  the  Separatist  Cliurch 
in  Norwich,  excepting  that,  as  George  Johnson  called  it  the 
elder  sister  of  the  London  church,  it  probably  sprang  from 
Browne's  labors  ;  that  a  Mr.  Hunt  was  its  pastor ;  and  that 
Johnson  ineffectually  sought  to  have  his  case  referred  to  its 
friendly  advice.^  One  Mr.  Woolsey,  presumably  a  member  of 
it,  who  was  imprisoned  for  his  faith  in  the  Norwich  jail,  had 
abandoned  meat,  and  wrote  to  the  Amsterdam  church,  in  1601, 
in  solemn  anxiety  to  slip  the  yoke  of  his  vegetarianism  over  its 
neck.    But  it  declined.^ 

A  dispute,  a  little  later,  also  throws  light  upon  the  times. 
It  was  between  Hugh  Broughton  and  Ainsworth.  Broughton 
took  his  B.  A.  at  Magdalen,  Cambridge,  in  1570,  subsequently 
becoming  a  fellow  of  St.  John's  and  afterwards  of  Christ's.  He 
became  a  proficient  in  Hebrew  and  Greek,  and,  going  up  to 
London,  distinguished  himself  as  a  Puritan  scholar  and  preacher. 

In  1605  he  printed  in  Amsterdam  a  little  quarto  ^  urging  a 
new  translation  of  the  Bible.  He  referred  to  "  Aaron's  ephod  " 
(Exod.  xxviii :  6),  declaring  the  common  translation  wrong,  be- 
cause the  Jews  held  silk  as  unclean,  and  that  the  ephod  was 
made  of  wool.  Ainsworth  courteously  disputed  this  in  a  letter 
to  Broughton,*  who  was  very  angry  and  reviled  Ainsworth. 
Seven  or  eight  letters  were  exchanged,  but  neither  could  con- 
vince the  other. ^ 

Meanwhile  discussion  of  the  great  issues  had  been  going  on. 
In  1596  an  argument  by  Henry  Jacob,  then,  although  inclined 
to  Puritanism,  a  clergyman  of  the  State  Church,^  had  been  sent 

1  Disc.  205,  206. 

-  A  Seasonable  Treatise  for  This  Age:  occasioned  by  a  Letter  written  by  one  Mr. 
Woolsey,  prisoner  in  Norwich,  to  the  then  Exiled  Church  at  Amsterdam,  etc.,  1657, 
4to. 

^  An  Advertisement  of  Corrvption  in  ovr  Handling  of  Religion,  etc.,  1605,  4to,  6, 
88,  4.  7. 

*  Certayne  Questions  concerning :  1.  Silk  or  Vvool  in  the  High  Priests  Ephod ;  etc., 
1605,  4to. 

^  In  his  Annotations  upon  Exodus  (1617)  Ainsworth  said  "fine  linnen  twined" 
(xxviii :  6),  and  the  late  Revised  Version  has  it  "  fine  twined  linen." 

®  Brook  says  (ii :  330)  that  Jacoh  "  embraced  the  principles  of  the  Brownists  " 
and  retired  with  them  to  Holland  in  1593.  Yet  here  he  is  in  1596  defending-  the 
Church  of  Eng-land  ;  and,  in  1600,  we  find  F.  Johnson  (Ans.  to  H.  Jacob,  iii)  call- 
ing him  "  a  Priest  of  the  Orders  of  the  Prelates,"  and  "  a  member  of  that  Church, 
yea  a  Minister  of  it,  even  a  Priest  of  the  Prelates  creation." 


438  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

to  Francis  Johnson,  still  in  the  Clink,  arguing  that  the  Estab- 
lished churches  were  true  churches.  Several  communications 
passed,  and  these  arguments  and  replications  were  printed  in 
1599"  in  a  small  quarto  i  at  Middleberg.  As  this  was  published 
especially  for  readers  in  the  Low  Countries,  Johnson  the  next 
year  sent  out  a  volume  ^  in  answer. 

The  famous  Millenary  Petition  has  been  described.  It  seemed 
desirable  to  have  it  supported  as  strongly  as  possible,  and  Jacob, 
who  then  was  in  London,  undertook  this  work.  On  June  30, 
1603,  he  sent  out  circulars^  to  clergymen  supposed  to  favor  the 
petition,  "  lohere  unto  a  consent  of  as  many  as  cbvenietly  we  can 
get,  i&  very  hehoouefiiir  As  we  have  seen,  the  university  offi- 
cials promptly  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  assaulted  Church,*  and 
spoke  reproachfully  of  the  Brownists.  Possibly  they  had  noted 
that  the  Amsterdam  exiles  had  not  included  Cambridge  and 
Oxford  among  the  "  celeberrimis  Academiis  Christianis  "  to 
whom  they  had  made  special  appeal.  After  various  complaints 
of  Puritans  and  Brownists,  they  tartly  declared  :  — 

(To  stop  that  mouth  of  iniquity,  which  is  wont  to  traduce  vs  for  a 
dumb,  vnlearned,  Idoll  Ministery)  there  are  at  this  day,  more  learned 
men  in  this  Land,  in  this  one  Kingdome  ;  then  are  to  be  found  among 
al  the  Ministers  of  the  [Reformed]  Religion,  in  France,  Flaunders, 
Germany,  Poleland,  Denrnarke,  Geneva,  Scotland,  or  (to  speake  in 
a  worde)  in  all  Europe  besides. 

This  cold-water  treatment  toned  up  Jacob  to  the  conviction  that 
the  Established  Church  was  in  perilous  need  of  reform.    He 

^  A  defence  of  The  Chvrches  and  Ministery  of  Englande,  1599,  4to. 

2  An  Answer  to  Maister  H.  Jacob  his  Defence  of  the  Churches  and  Ministery  of 
England,  by  Francis  lohnson  an  Exile  of  lesvs  Christ,  1600,  4to,  217.  This  states 
(200)  that  an  ecclesiastical  commissioner  —  Mr.  Justice  .Wroth  —  said  to  W.  Smith, 
"  a  great  acquaintance  "  of  Jacob  :  "  Come  to  church  —  and  be  a  Divell,  if  thou 
wilt !  " 

^  The  Epistle  Dedicatorie  of  The  Answere  of  the  Vice-Chancelor,  etc.  in  Oxford, 
etc.  (viii)  contains  what  purports  to  be  an  exact  copy.  That  "  H.  I."  was  Henry 
Jacob  is  probable  from  what  the  Oxford  men  say  of  him  :  "  When  he  lived  among 
vs  "  (he  was  at  St.  Mary's  Hall),  and  it  is  made  certain  by  Jacob's  own  admission 
in  his  later  work  (Reasons  Taken  Out  of  God^s  Word,  v)  where  he  refers  to  the 
charg-e  made  by  the  Oxford  men  as  leading  him  to  justify  himself  by  writing  that 
book.  Strype  also  (  Whitgift,  ii :  481)  affirms  that  the  "  principal  agent  and  spe- 
cial procurator  "  of  the  petition  was  "  one  Henry  Jacob." 

*  Ans.  of  Vice-Chan,  vii :  12,  15,  iv,  31.   See  p.  337. 


THE   FURTHER   HISTORY   OF  THE   ANCIENT  CHURCH    439 

soon  printed  a  little  book  in  which,  scattering  no  shot  upon  the 
Separatists,  he  ably  defended  four  propositions,  for  substance 
these  :  ^  (1)  The  State  Church  needs  reform.  (2)  For  200  years 
after  Christ  the  churches  were  ordinary  congregations  only,  and 
the  bishops  purely  parishional.  (3)  The  Scriptures  set  forth  — 
beyond  all  extraordinary  offices,  etc.,  like  Apostles  —  an  ordi- 
nary form  of  church  government  then  in  use.  (4)  That  form, 
unchangeable  by  men,  alone  is  lawful.  That  he  already  was 
nearing  Barrowism  is  apparent  from  what  he  says  of  the  proper 
management  of  church  affairs  :  — 

In  the  maner  heereof  we  hold  this  only  to  be  necessarie  &  ordinarie, 
that  the  Ecclesiastical  Guides  [of  course  the  elders]  there  (apart  fro 
the  People)  do  first  by  themselves  prepare  and  determine  the  whole 
matter,  namely  in  such  sort  that  the  People  may  not  neede  to  do  ought 
afterward  but  only  Consent  with  them,  and  freelie  signifie  their  con- 
sent in  it. 

He  saw,  however,  in  view  of  Browne's  shipwreck  at  Middleberg 
and  the  troubles  of  Johnson's  church  at  Amsterdam,  that  this 
would  be  denounced  at  once  as  opening  the  door  to  anarchy ;  so 
he  suggested  a  remedy  :  — 

If  anie  where  it  should  fall  out  that  this  People  thus  guided,  &  being 
so  few,  will  yet  presume  to  be  in  their  Church- Elections,  &c.  vnrulie 
and  violent,  then  the  Princes  next  dwelling  Officers  of  Justice  may, 
and  ought,  to  make  them  keepe  peace  and  quietnes.  Which  thing 
how  easie  it  is  for  the  meanest  of  them  to  do,  the  simplest  may  per- 
ceaue.  AU  which  verilie  being  well  considered,  this  Ecclesiastical! 
Governement  questionles  is  most  reasonable,  yea  necessarie. 

The  Amsterdam  exiles  also  felt  keenly  that  the  shot  from  the 
English  universities  was  aimed  at  them,  and  they  returned  it  as 
soon  as  they  could,  the  next  year.2  After  stating  how  they  felt 
injured,  they  reprinted,  in  English,  their  Confession  of  1596, 
and  then  replied  to  specific  assaults.  They  abhorred  the  errors 
of  Familists  and  Papists.  They  were  accused  of  absurdity  but 
no  examples  were  given.    And,  in  proof  that  their  petitions  to 

*  Seasons  Taken  ovt  of  Gods  Word,  ii,  28. 

^  A)i  Apologie  or  Defence  of  svch  Trve  Christians  as  are  commonly  (but  vniustly) 
called  Brovvnists :  Against  such  imputations  as  are  layd  vpon  them,  by  the  Heads  and 
Doctors  of  the  Vniversity  of  Orford,  etc.,  1C04,  4to,  1,  2,  4-29,  30-118. 


440  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

the  king  were  not  "  insolent  and  strange,"  they  reprinted  these 
and  explained  the  occasions  of  their  presentation  ;  thus  revealing 
a  passage  of  their  history  unmentioned  otherwise. 

The  Millenary  Petition  was  presented  in  April,  1603.  Dur- 
ing May  and  Jiine,  great  hopes,  and  even  expectations,  doubt- 
less were  entertained  that  King  James,  because  of  his  Presbyte- 
rian training,  would  favor  the  modification,  if  not  removal,  of 
those  forms  and  usages  which  made  the  Church  so  obnoxious. 
Even  the  Catholics  prepared  a  petition  ^  for  toleration.  These 
English  exiles  at  once  started  a  deputation  to  London  to  implore 
the  king  that  they  might  return  to  England  in  peace.  Probably 
Johnson  and  Ainsworth  were  sent,  accompanied  by  an  elder  and 
a  deacon,  the  imj)ortance  of  the  mission  justifying  its  cost. 
Separatists  in  England  also  joined  them  in  this  appeal.^ 

Their  petition  urged  that  they  always  had  acknowledged  the 
true  theology  of  the  State  Church.  A  copy  of  their  Latin  Con- 
fession of  1598  was  annexed.  After  some  time  they  asked  leave 
to  exj)lain  their  position  further  and  to  present  fourteen  particu- 
lars, showing  the  difference  between  them  and  the  Church.  Con- 
siderable more  time  having  brought  no  reply,  they  besought  the 
king  not  to  let  their  "  small  number,  contemptible  estate  or  many 
infirmities  "  dwarf  the  great  truths  which  they  advocated.  Forty 
pages  explained  and  supported  the  fourteen  positions,  and  they 
concluded  this  third  petition  with  a  plea  for  treatment  at  least 
as  fair  as  that  granted  to  strangers.  After  additional  weeks  of 
delay,  "an  honorable  personage"  offered,  if  they  could  put  the 
pith  of  what  they  wanted  into  a  few  lines,  to  show  them  to  the 
king.  So,  for  the  fourth  time,  they  tried,  pleading  for  leave  to 
practise  their  religious  beliefs  in  England,  leaving  to  the  gov- 
ernment the  reform  of  abuses,  and  for  a  fair  opportunity  to  dis- 
cuss with  representatives  of  the  State  Church  the  points  at  issue 
between  them. 

^  The  Catholikes  Svpplicatton  vnto  the  King^s  Maiestie ;  for  toleration  of  Catholike 
Beligion  in  England,  etc.,  1603. 

"  The  second  petition  began  thus :  "  The  humble  Supplication  of  sundry  your 
Maiesties  faithful!  Suhiects,  who  have  now  a  long  tyme  been  constreyned  eyther  to  live  as 
exiles  abroad,  or  to  endure  other  grievous  persecutions  at  home. ybr  bearing  witnesse 
to  the  truth  of  Christ  against  the  corruptions  of  Antichrist  yet  remayning''^  Apol,  33, 
etc. 


THE  FURTHER  HISTORY  OF  THE   ANCIENT  CHURCH    441 

How  much  longer  they  cooled  their  heels  ineffectually  around 
the  outskirts  of  the  Court  cannot  be  told.  But  it  is  safe  to 
imagine  them  as  gloomily  journeying  back  to  Amsterdam,  in 
the  summer  or  autumn,  with  their  depressing  tidings.  At  about 
this  time,  also,  the  church  experienced  hostility  from  certain 
former  sympathizers.  At  some  time  after  Johnson's  church  had 
reached  Holland,  a  small  company,  essentially  like-minded,  ar- 
rived in  Amsterdam,  apparently  from  the  West  of  England.^ 
Some  twelve  or  thirteen,  they  joined  the  Ancient  Church. 
Thomas  White  ^  was  their  leader,  with  Thomas  Powell  as  an 
active  coadjutor.  Some  months  later  —  as  Johnson  intimates 
because  these  men  were  not  given  office  —  they  formed  a  second 
church. 

This  weakling  enterprise  soon  died,  and  White  returned 
to  England  and  to  the  Establishment,  and  published  a  little 
book^  assailing  his  former  associates.  Johnson  thought  its  ac- 
cusations, which  included  some  of  alleged  immoralities,  re- 
quired reply.  White  then  made  gross  charges  against  Johnson's 
church,  and  Johnson  and  Ainsworth,  with  seven  or  eight  others, 
brought  suit  for  slander*  against  White  and  his  wife.  Rose,  in 
the  Dutch  courts.  But  White  proved  his  statements.  Johnson 
and  his  associates  were  condemned  in  costs  and  charges,  and 
the  civil  action  dropped  there.    One  cannot  help  believing,  after 

1  Barrowe's  Platform  (140)  contains  a  "  Memorandum  "  of  an  event  in  1604, 
which,  whether  or  not  it  relates  to  White  and  his  company  directly,  illustrates  a 
similar  experience.  It  refers  to  four  persons,  who,  having  been  imprisoned  three 
months  for  Separatism,  were  ordered  to  "  take  their  oathes  to  depart  the  Realme 
within  one  moneth,  and  not  to  returne  ag'aine  into  any  of  the  dominions  of  the  late 
Queene,  without  leave  from  his  Maiestie,  or  His  Highnes  Successors."  They  de- 
sired to  be  discharged  without  an  oath,  or  to  swear  with  conditions.  Finally  they 
added  to  the  oath  the  clause  :  "  hut  if  the  performance  of  any  dutie  to  Prince.  Coun- 
trey,  Parents,  or  the  like,  doe  move  me  to  returne,  I  will  then  be  free  of  the  Oath." 
The  magistrates  then  bade  them  "pay  their  fees  and  be  gone  within  a  moneth." 

■^  Thomas  White  and  Rose  Grimbrye  (?)  of  London,  widow  of  John  Philips, 
published  intentions  of  marriage  in  Amsterdam.  Apr.  24,  1604,  which  fixes  the 
date  of  his  arrival  as  before  that  time  {Puiboken}.  He  is  set  down  as  from  Sach- 
tenfort  (possibly  Saddleworth,  Yorks.)  and  as  twenty-six. 

3  A  Discoverie  of  Brownisme :  or  A  briefe  declaration  or  some  of  the 
error.'!  and  abhominations  daily  practised  and  increased  among  the  English  company 
of  the  spperation  remanying,  FOR  THB  PRESENT,  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland.  By 
Thomas  White,  1605,  4to. 

*  Proph.  Schisme,  28, 31. 


442  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   AMSTERDAM 

weighing'  the  evidence,  that  Johnson's  company  unconsciously 
had  harbored  a  few  reprobates.  Certainly,  it  soon  afterwards, 
by  general  consent,  cast  out  at  least  one. 

Another  who  published  a  book  ^  and  said  his  say  as  to  Fran- 
cis Johnson  among  others,  was  Peter  Fairlambe,  one  of  the 
early  company  which  worshipped  in  the  woods  of  Deptford  and 
Ratcliffe.  He  seems  to  have  been  in  the  service  of  the  Merchant 
Adventurers,  in  Dantzic,  Denmark,  the  Low  Countries,  and 
even  Barbary,  also  being  banished  for  his  religious  convictions. 
In,  or  soon  after,  1597  he  returned  to  England  and  to  the  Es- 
tablishment. His  book  is  valuable  for  its  list  of  publications  on 
each  side,  including  also  certain  unprinted  manuscripts  in  circu- 
lation and  having  some  popular  effect.  In  1605^  Francis  John- 
son reprinted  at  his  own  cost  that  copy  of  the  "  Plaine  Refuta- 
tion of  M.  Giffards  Booke  intituled  A  short  treatise  against  the 
Donatists  of  England,"  ^  by  Henry  Barrowe  and  John  Green- 
wood, which  had  made  him  a  Separatist. 

We  now  have  reached  the  date  when,  aside  from  such  feeble 
and  transitory  assemblies  as  those  of  White  and  Henoch  Clap- 
ham,*  Johnson's  company  ceased  to  be  the  sole  English  church 
in  Amsterdam.  Probably  John  Smyth  and  his  followers  arrived 
in  October  or  November,  1606,  and  established  themselves  at 
once  as  "the  Second  English  Church  at  Amsterdam."^    Brad- 

^  The  Recantation  of  a  Brownist,  or,  a  lieformed  Puritan,  etc,  1606,  4to,  iii,  iv. 

^  We  owe  knowledge  of  his  connection  with  this  reprint  to  Bradford,  who  says 
{Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  425)  of  Johnson  :  "  Coming  to  live  at  Amsterdam,  he  caused 
the  same  books,  which  he  had  been  an  instrument  to  burn,  to  be  new  printed  and 
set  out  at  his  own  charge  ;  and  some  of  us  here  present  testify  this  to  be  a  true 
relation,  which  we  heard  from  his  own  mouth  before  many  witnesses." 

^  As  he  seems  to  have  reprinted  the  title-page  word  for  word,  the  book  appears 
to  the  casual  reader  to  be  of  the  first  edition,  and  has  been  so  misunderstood  and 
catalogued.  But  the  Advertisement  to  the  Reader  fixes  the  date  as  fourteen  years 
later. 

*  See  p.  427,  n.  5. 

^  In  Cong,  in  Lit.  (312)  the  statement  was  accepted  too  hastily  from  Brook  (ii : 
196)  and  Barclay  (63,  68)  that  Smyth  and  his  company  at  first  joined  the  First 
Church,  that  of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth.  But  the  probability  is  the  other  way. 
Smyth  says  (Di/erences  of  Churches,  title-page)  that  that  book  is  published  partly 
'■  for  the  removing  of  an  vnjust  calumnie  cast  vppon  the  brethren  of  the  Sepera- 
tion  of  the  Second  English  Church  at  Amsterdam  ;  "  and  Bradford  (Dial.  Young^ 
Chrons.  450)  says  :  "  He  [Smyth]  was  some  time  pastor  to  a  company  of  honest 
and  godly  men  which  came  with  him  out  of  England,"  and  adds  (Hist.  16)  :  "  see- 
ing how  Mr.  John  Smith  and  his  companie  was  allready  fallen  in  to  contention  with 
y®  church  y'  was  ther  before  them." 


THE  FURTHER  HISTORY  OF  THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH    443 

ford,  who  must  have  known  many  of  them,  as  well  as  their  gen- 
eral reputation  in  England  and  their  history  in  Holland,  says 
that  they  \vere  "  honest  and  godly  men."  Smyth  himself  was  an 
impulsive  man,  who  clearly  attached  his  friends  to  him  strongly. 
He  could  turn  his  hand  to  more  than  one  thing,i  and  was  unselfish, 
benevolent,  and  courageous,  never  ashamed  to  own  any  wrong 
which  he  had  discovered  in  himself,  a  good  preacher  and  a 
scholar  of  some  attainments.  He  possessed  many  qualities  of  a 
great,  as  well  as  a  good,  man.  Yet  his  mind  was  restless,  his 
conscience  morbidly  sensitive  about  trifles,  and  his  will  fitful 
and  fluctuating,  not  in  its  great  purposes  but  in  its  relation  to 
the  data  of  perceptions  and  volitions  on  which,  as  a  foundation, 
purposes  stand.  Bradford  described  him^  as  truly  as  tersely 
thus :  "  His  inconstancy  and  unstable  judgment,  and  being  so 
suddenly  carried  away  with  things,  did  soon  overthrow  him." 
Robinson  condemned  him  severely  ^  for  yielding  to  this  vacil- 
lating temperament :  "  For  Mr.  Smyth,  his  instability  &  wanton- 
nes  of  wit  is  his  syn,  &  our  crosse." 

Soon  after  Smyth's  company  arrived  still  another  English 
church  was  embodied  in  the  city.  There,  as  elsewhere,  were 
British  Presbyterian  merchants.  The  authorities  recognized 
them  and  assigned  them  for  services  the  old  Beguyn  (Nunnery) 
Chapel,  on  a  court  just  off  the  Kalver-straat,  still  used  by  the 
same  organization,  now  called  the  Scottish  Church.  The  city 
also  paid  its  pastor's  salary.  On  Sunday,  Apr.  29,  1607,  John 
Paget  was  inducted  into  its  ministry  by  John  Douglas,  chaplain 
of  a  Scotch  regiment,  assisted  by  three  members  of  the  Classis 

1  Declar.  of  Faith  of  Eng.  People,  42.  "  After  a  certain  time  (living  at  Amster- 
dam) he  began  to  practise  Physicke,  (knowing  that  a  man  was  bound  to  vse  the 
gifts  that  the  lord  had  bestowed  vppon  him  for  the  Good  of  others)  in  admin- 
istring  whereof,  he  vsvally  took  nothing  of  the  poorer  sort :  and  if  they  were 
rich,  he  tooke  but  halfe  so  much  as  other  Doctors  did."  It  is  worth  noting  here 
that  Smyth  evidently  supported  himself  and  took  no  salary.  In  his  last  book, 
The  Eetractation  of  his  Errours,  published  in  1612,  after  his  death,  by  the  surviv- 
ing members  of  his  church,  he  says  (40) :  "  From  that  company  of  English  people 
that  came  over  together  out  of  the  north  parts  with  me  I  affirme  thus  much  :  That 
I  never  received  of  them  all  put  together  the  value  of  forty  shillings,  to  my  know- 
ledge since  I  came  out  of  England."  Of  course  he  may  have  inherited  some  pro- 
perty. 

2  Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  450. 

3  Justif  of  Sep.  58. 


444  THE    PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

of  Amsterdam.^  Johnson's  people  —  who  seem  to  have  wor- 
shipped for  ten  years  in  some  house  on  the  Groencn-Burgwal  ^ 
(Green  Rampart)  —  now,  by  aid  of  English  friends,  were  erect- 
ing a  church  building.  This  was  upon  a  narrow  passage  opening 
at  a  right  angle  upon  the  Barndesteeg  (Lane  of  burnings,  i.  e.,  of 
heretics),  which  runs  from  the  Nieuioemarkt  (New  market)  to 
the  Oude-zijds  Achterburgioal  (Old  wide  rear  Rampart).  The 
passage  still  retains  the  name  Bruingang  (Brownists'  Alley). 
But  misfortune  pursued  them.  The  records  of  the  English,  or 
Scotch,  Church  say,  on  Mar.  16,  1607  :  ^  — 

The  beforesaid  Brownist  preaching-house,  being  half  ready,  God 
sent  his  strong  wind  most  furious  from  heavens,  and  cast  the  house, 
only,  and  no  other,  flat  down  unto  the  ground ;  which  was  a  sign  that 
they  do  not  build  upon  the  rock,  the  true  and  wise  foundation. 

Apparently  this  was  not  only  a  chapel*  but  a  headquarters 
for  the  congregation.  The  building^  which  took  the  place  of 
this  one,  which  was  burned  in  1662,  still  stands.  Its  length  is 
parallel  to  the  alley,  which  is  so  narrow  that  one  can  touch  both 
sides  at  once.  It  looks  a  little  like  a  church  and  more  like 
a  tenement  house.  It  is  probable  that,  in  addition  to  a  large 
room  for  their  meetings,  it  had  smaller  living  rooms.^  That  this 
disaster  did  not  wholly  crush  their  spirits  is  indicated  by  Ains- 
worth's  marriage,  only  a  week  from  the  next  Thursday.  More- 
over, during  this  year  the  church  reprinted  its  Latin  Confession 
of  Faith,  adding  to  it,  also  in  Latin,  those  Points  of  Difference 
between  themselves  and  the  Church  of  England  which  they 
had  offered  to  King  James.' 

1  W.  Steven,  Hist.  Scot.  Ch.  Rotterdam,  273. 

^  Wagenaar,  ii :  174. 

^  Supplied  by  Rev.  John  Mcllraith,  pastor  in  1871. 

*  The  only  sngg-estion  as  to  its  internal  arrangement  seems  to  be  the  state- 
ment (Proph.  Schisme,  40)  that  the  elders  sat  upon  "  a  throne  in  a  high  and 
eminent  place." 

^  It  was  sold  at  auction  on  Jan.  9,  1867.  The  auction  poster  describes  it  as  "  of 
old  called  the  English  Brownist  Church,  standing  in  the  Brownist  Lane." 

*•  The  burial  record  of  John  Smyth  in  the  Niewe  Kerk  (New  Church)  at  Am- 
sterdam, on  Sept.  1.  1612,  shows  that  he  was  borne  to  his  grave  from  the  bake- 
house of  Jan  Munter.  The  late  Frederik  MuUer,  an  expert  antiquary,  was 
positive  that  such  establishments  were  used  as  the  headquarters  of  these  poor 
churches. 

'^  Confessio  Fidei  Angloritm,  etc.    They  published  simultaneously  an  edition  in 


THE  FURTHER  HISTORY  OF  THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH    445 

During  the  few  quiet  months  while  these  two  churches  dwelt 
side  by  side  the  times  were  hard.  Bradford,  writing  many  years 
afterwards,  could  not  forget  what  he  knew  about  them.  In  that 
quaint  "  Dialogue  between  Some  young  men  born  in  New  Eng- 
land, and  sundry  Ancient  men  that  came  out  of  Holland  and 
Old  England,"  which  his  nephew.  Secretary  Nathaniel  Morton, 
copied  into  the  Plymouth  Church  records,  he  says  :  ^  — 

Young  Men  :  Indeed,  it  seems  they  have  sometimes  suffered  much 
hardness  in  the  Low  Countries,  if  that  be  true  that  is  reported  of  such 
a  man  as  Mr.  Ainsworth,  that  he  should  live  for  some  time  with  nine 
pence  a  week.  To  which  is  replied  by  another,  that  if  people  suffered 
him  to  live  on  nine  pence  a  week,  with  roots  boiled,  either  the  people 
were  grown  extreme  low  in  estate,  or  the  growth  of  their  godhness 
was  come  to  a  very  low  ebb. 

Ancient  Men  :  The  truth  is,  their  condition  for  the  most  part  was 
for  some  time  very  low  and  hard.  It  was  with  them  as,  if  it  should 
be  related,  would  hardly  be  beUeved.  And  no  marvel.  For  many  of 
them  had  lain  long  in  prisons,  and  then  were  banished  into  New- 
foundland, where  they  were  abused,  and  at  last  came  into  the  Low 
Countries,  and  wanting  money,  trades,  friends,  or  acquaintances,  and 
languages  to  help  themselves,  how  could  it  be  otherwise  ?  The  report 
of  Mr.  Ainsworth  was  near  those  times,  when  he  was  newly  come  out 
of  Ireland  with  others  poor,  and  being  a  single  young  man  and  very 
studious,  was  content  with  a  little.  And  yet,  to  take  off  the  aspersion 
from  the  people  in  that  particular,  the  chief  and  true  reason  thereof  is 
mistaken  ;  for  he  was  a  very  modest  and  bashful  man,  and  concealed 
his  wants  from  others,  until  some  suspected  how  it  was  with  him,  and 
pressed  liim  to  see  how  it  was ;  and  after  it  was  known,  such  as  were 
able  mended  his  condition  ;  and  when  he  was  married  afterwards,  he 
and  his  family  were  comfortably  provided  for. 

At  this  time  the  Ancient  Church  comprised  "  about  three 
hundred  communicants,"  to  which  number  probably  from  100 
to  200  more  of  children,  youth  and  non-communicant  adults 
should  be  added.  "  Truly,"  says  Bradford,  "  there  were  in  them 
many  worthy  men."    And  he  continues,  "  If  you  had  seen  them 

English,  thus  entitled  :   The  Confession  of  faith  of  certayn  English  people  living  in 
Exile,  in  the  Low  Countreyes.    Together  with  a  brief  note  of  the  special  heads  of  those 
things  wherin  we  differ  fro  the  Church  of  England,  etc.   Reprinted  in  the  year  1607. 
16mo.   A  copy  is  in  the  Brit.  Mu8.  Library.     See  pp.  208  and  432,  n.  7. 
1  Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  440. 


446  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

in  their  beauty  and  order,  as  we  have  done,  you  would  have 
been  much  affected  therewith."  Daniel  Studley,  Stanshall  Mer- 
cer, George  Knyveton  and  Christopher  Bowman  were  their  elders, 
and  David  Bristow,  M.  Braithwait  and  Thomas  Bishop  their 
deacons.  They  also  had  a  venerable  and  beloved  deaconess,^ 
who  kept  children  quiet  during  worship  and  ministered  to  the 
poor,  ill  and  afflicted.  No  hint  exists  of  the  place  where  Smyth's 
"  Second  "  church  used  to  meet.  Probably  it  was  near  its  elder 
sister.  Evidently  the  two  churches  had  much  friendly  confer- 
ence.^ So  far  as  appears,  their  general  views  harmonized  for  a 
few  months.  Various  records  indicate  that  the  new  company 
comprised  at  least  from  seventy-five  to  a  hundred  members. 

Clearly  Smyth  by  nature  was  unusually  hospitable  to  plaus- 
ible new  views  of  religion,  and  had  an  almost  chivalric  willing- 
ness to  adopt  them,  wherever  they  might  lead,  which  amounted  to 
little  less  than  recldessness.  In  England  he  had  vacillated  so  that 
even  Ainsworth  said  he  had  published  "  three  sundry  books 
wherein  he  hath  shewed  himself e  of  3.  several  religions  ; "  and, 
in  another  book,  had  so  contradicted  himself  that  there  was  lit- 
tle need  of  "  an  other  mans  sword  to  peirce  the  bowels  of  his 
errour,  when  his  own  hand  fighteth  against  himself."  He  was 
not  long  in  the  stimulating  air  of  Holland  before  he  began  to 
diverge  from  the  ordinary  Separatist  opinions,  and  eventually 
he  lost  the  confidence  of  the  great  majority  of  the  wise  and 
good  of  his  generation.  His  first  notion  was  that  translation  of 
the  original  Scriptures  necessarily  results  in  an  apocrjrphal  writ- 
ing, unlawful  for  use  in  worship.  He,  and  his  church  following 
him,  strove  to  persuade  the  Ancient  Church  to  the  same  view. 
At  least  two  public  conferences  were  held,  and  at  the  second  he 
offered  a  "  writing "  on  the  subject.  This  has  been  denied. ^ 
But  Ainsworth,  then  teacher  of  the  older  church,  who  wrote  on 
the  spot  less  than  a  twelvemonth  later,  surely  must  have  known 
the  facts,  and  says  :  — 

^  Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  455. 

2  Clyfton,  Plea,  ix.  "  To  the  Elders  and  brethren  were  you  [Smyth]  most  wel- 
come, and  glad  they  were  of  you,  so  long  as  you  walked  in  the  faith  with  them." 
Ainsworth,  Defence,  2,  iii,  iv. 

3  Editorially  in  the  Chicago  Standard,  July  1,  18S0,  and  the  New  York  Exam- 
iner and  Chronicle,  Aug.  19,  1880. 


THE  FURTHER   HISTORY   OF  THE  ANCIENT  CHURCH    447 

There  was  one  onely  difference  between  M.  Smyth  and  us,  when 
first  he  began  to  quarrel ;  .  .  . 

That  difference  was  this.  He  with  his  followers  breaking  off  co- 
inunion  with  us/  charged  us  with  synn  for  using  our  English  Bibles 
in  the  worship  of  God  ;  &  he  thought  that  the  teachers  should  bring 
the  originals  the  Hebrew  and  Greek,  and  out  of  them  translate  by 
voice.  His  principal  reason  against  our  translated  scripture  was  this  : 
No  Aj^ocrypha  writing,  hut  onely  the  Canonical  Scrijitures,  are  to 
be  tised  in  the  Church,  in  time  of  Gods  worship.  Every  written 
translation  is  an  Apocryjoha  writing,  &  is  not  Canonical  Scripture. 
Therefore  every  tvritten  translation  is  unla^vful  in  the  Church  in 
time  of  Gods  tvorship.  .  .  .  A  translation  being  the  work  of  a  mans 
wit  &  learning,  is  as  much  and  as  truly  an  humane  writing,  as  the 
Apocrypha  (so  commonly  called)  writings  are,  and  seeing  it  hath  not 
the  allowance  of  holy  m^n  inspired^  but  is  of  an  hidden  authoritie,  it 
may  he  justly  called  Apocrypha,  &c.  And  ther  fore  not  to  be  brought 
into  the  'worship)  of  God  to  he  read.^ 

That  this  point  of  the  translation  was  the  onely  difference,  as  it  is 
known  to  al  that  then  heard  his  publik  protestatio  ;  so  his  words  in 
writing  shew  it.  Translations  written  (sayth  he)  are  not  refreyned  in 
the  case  of  scandal,  for  we  desired  that  they  might  he  ref reined  for 
our  sakes,  that  ive  might  keep  communion,  &  it  would  not  he  yeilded. 

So,  if  we  would  have  layd  aside  our  translated  Bibles,  communion 
(they  say)  should  have  been  kept  with  us.^ 

Such  a  man  almost  certainly  would  go  further,  and  we  soon 
find  him  denying  the  propriety  of  using  a  book  in  either  preach- 
ing or  singing,  thus  :  *  — 

2.  We  hold  that  seing  prophesying  is  a  part  df  spirituall  worship  : 
therfore  in  time  of  prophesying  it  is  unlawfull  to  have  the  booke  as  a 
help  before  the  eye. 

3.  We  hold  that  seeing  singing  a  Psalm  is  a  part  of  spirituall  wor- 

1  That  is,  tetween  the  two  churches. 

2  Diferences  of  Churches,  12. 

3  Corroborated  by  Clyfton  {Plea,  v)  :  "  First  calling  into  question,  whether  the 
scriptures  being  translated  into  other  tongues,  were  not  the  writings  of  men. 
.  .  .  Then  casting  the  reading  of  them  out  of  the  worship  of  God,  affirming  that 
there  is  no  better  warrant  to  bring  translations  of  Scripture  into  the  Church,  and  to 
read  them  as  parts  and  helps  of  worship,  then  to  bring  in  exjyositions,  paraphrasts  and 
sermons  vpon  the  Scripture,  seing  all  these  are  equally  humane  in  respect  of  the 
worke,  equally  divine  in  respect  of  the  matter  they  handle.  Difs.  10.  And,  for  the 
same  cause,  separated  themselves  from  other  Churches  that  did  read  and  vse  the 
same  in  their  publike  meetings."   Also  Hoornbeeck,  Sum.  Controv.  Relig.  740. 

*  Bifs.  iii.   Def  4. 


448  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

ship  ;  therefore  it  is  unlawful!  to  have  the  book  before  the  eye,  in  time 
of  singing  a  Psalm. 

That  part  of  public  worship  also  was  speedily  discontinued,  as 
we  know  from  Ains worth,  who  says  :  — 

If  it  [singing]  be  an  ordinary  part  of  worship,  why  perform  they 
it  not,  but  quarrel  with  vs,  who  accounting  it  an  extraordinary  gift 
now  ceased,  do  content  our-selves  with  joint  harmonious  singing  of  the 
Psalmes  of  holy  Scripture. 

This  is  confirmed  by  a  letter  of  Hugo  and  Anne  Bromhead,^ 
which  describes  their  order  of  worship  and  makes  no  mention  of 
singing. 

Upon  two  other  matters  Smyth  had  reached  conclusions  at 
variance  with  those  of  the  Ancient  Church.  One  was  that  all 
elders  should  be  pastors,  lay-elders,  so-called,  being  antichris- 
tian,  and  that  the  ''  informed  jjj'esbyterie  .  .  .  consisting  of 
three  kinds  of  Elders^  Pastors,  Teachers,  Riders  is  none  of 
Gods  ordinance,  hut  mans  device.''  The  other  was  that  con- 
tributions to  the  church  treasury  should  be  with  "  a  se2)aration 
from  them  that  ar  loithout ;  "  giving  being  a  part  of  spiritual 
worship.^ 

We  have  seen  that  Amsterdam  was  regarded  as  a  hotbed  of 
heresy,  and  no  doubt  many  there  were  "  come-outers "  from 
almost  every  ancient  faith.  It  was  not  a  good  place  for  any 
restless  and  unstable  man.  It  was  not  a  good  place  for  Smyth. 
He  seems  to  have  come  very  soon  under  the  influence  of  Hans 
de  Ries  and  Lubbert  Gerrits,  well-known  Dutch  Baptists,^  with 
results  which  speedily  manifested  themselves. 

1  To  W.  Hamerton  of  London,  1609.  Uarl  Ms.  360  :  70.  The  date  of  this  un- 
dated  letter  is  indicated  by  the  facts  that  it  was  written  at  Amsterdam  and  says  : 
"  there  be  divers  books  written  by  our  pastors  touching  .  .  .  the  diferences  be- 
tween us  and  the  other  churches  here>"  which  hardly  was  true  before  1609. 

2  Difs.  iii.  Def.  114. 

8  Evans,  Uarly  Eng.  Baptists,  211. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  PILGRIMS   IN   THE   CITY 

We  now  have  reached  the  time  when  the  last  detachment  of 
the  Pilgrim  company  arrived  in  Amsterdam  — August,  1608. 
Even  among  all  the  multifarious  industries  of  the  place,  to 
maintain  themselves  was  anything  but  easy.  But  they  were 
equal  to  it.    As  Bradford  quaintly  says  :  ^  — 

It  was  not  longe  before  they  saw  the  grime  &  grisly  face  of  povertie 
coming  upon  them  like  an  armed  man,  with  whom  they  must  bukle 
&  incounter,  and  from  whom  they  could  not  flye ;  but  they  were 
armed  with  faith  &  patience  against  him,  and  all  his  encounters  ;  and 
though  they  were  sometimes  foyled,  yet  by  Gods  assistance  they  pre- 
vailed and  got  y*^  victorie. 

We  are  almost  without  information  as  to  their  life  during  their 
scant  year  in  Amsterdam.  We  do  not  know  even  their  numbers, 
although  there  hardly  can  have  been  less  than  from  125  to  150 
persons.^  Clyfton  probably  was  their  teacher.  Robinson  surely 
was  their  pastor.   Presumably  they  then  had  no  elder. 

In  Amsterdam  they  soon  must  have  felt  some  spiritual  disap- 
pointment. The  Ancient  Church  was  measurably  at  peace,  but 
there  were  mutterings  of  a  coming  storm.  Smyth's  company 
also  —  which  they  must  have  known  best,  because  of  its  Gains- 
borough origin  —  was  much  "  drawn  away  "  from  its  original 
views  and  already  threatened  with  a  permanent  division.  Pos- 
sibly the  Scrooby  company  never  undertook  to  settle  perma- 
nently in  Amsterdam,  but  made  temporary  arrangements  until 

1  Hist.  16. 

2  Their  application  for  leave  to  settle  in  Leyden,  early  in  the  next  year,  is  for 
"one  hundred  persons,  or  thereabouts,  men  and  women."  Clyfton  and  his  family, 
and  probably  others,  remained  ;  so  that,  if  the  phrase  "  men  and  women  "  were 
meant  to  exclude  children  from  the  account,  the  total  number  while  in  Amsterdam 
hardly  can  have  been  smaller  than  that  suggested  in  the  text. 


450  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

they  could  see  light  elsewhere.  And  it  demonstrates  their  re- 
ligious sincerity  that  their  solicitude  was  wholly  on  that  side, 
for,  difficult  although  the  struggle  was  in  Amsterdam  in  regard 
to  "  their  outward  means  of  living  and  estats,"  it  was  unlikely 
that  they  could  be  equally  comfortable  elsewhere.  Bradford's 
language  ^  implies  familiarity  with  the  preaching  and  teaching 
of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth,  whom  probably  he  often  heard.  Yet 
Kobinson's  church  mainly  worshipped  by  itself  and  never  was 
merged  in  either  of  the  others.^  Apparently  the  three  churches 
maintained  their  separate  existence,  officers  and  worship  side 
by  side,  but  with  cordial  fellowship.  Yet  the  difficulty  of  accom- 
modating the  Pilgrim  church  by  itself  must  have  caused  the 
occasional  worship  of  some  members  with  the  Ancient  Church. 

Soon  after  Robinson's  arrival  a  pamphlet  letter,  directed  to 
Smyth  and  himself  jointly  as  "  Ringleaders  of  the  late  Separa- 
tion at  Amsterdam,"  reached  them,  by  Joseph  Hall,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  Exeter  and,  later,  of  Norwich.  It  survives  in  a  re- 
print,^  seventy-three  years  later,  and  in  Hall's  works.  It  assumes 
that  really  there  is  no  other  side  to  the  subject  than  his  own. 
Its  tenor  is  indicated  by  this  passage :  — 

We  hear  of  your  separation,  and  mourne  ;  yet  not  so  much  for  you, 
as  for  your  wrong  :  you  could  not  do  a  greater  iniurie  to  your  mother, 
than  to  file  from  her.  Say  shea  were  poore,  ragged,  weake ;  say  she 
were  deformed ;  yet  shee  is  not  infectious ;  Or  if  she  were,  yet  she  is 
yours.  This  were  Cause  enough  for  you,  to  lament  her,  to  pray  for 
her,  to  labour  for  her  redresse,  not  to  avoid  her :  This  unnaturalnesse 
is  shamefuU ;  and  more  hainous  in  you,  who  are  rejiorted,  not  parties 
in  this  evill,  hut  authors.  .  .  .  The  God  of  heaven  open  your  eyes, 
.  .  .  otherwise,  your  soules  shall  find  too  late,  that  it  had  been  a  thou- 
sand times  better  to  swallow  a  Ceremonie,  than  to  rend  a  Church : 

1  Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  445,  448,  455-456. 

2  Bradford  says  {Ibid.  453)  that  Clyfton  belonged  to  the  Leyden  church,  but, 
unwilling  to  move  from  Amsterdam,  was  dismissed  to  the  Ancient  Church.  Had 
these  two  churches  been  united  during  1608,  Robinson  and  the  others  leaving  for 
Leyden  would  have  had  to  be  dismissed.  Paget  (Arrow,  58),  who  lived  in  Amsterdam 
at  the  time,  says  :  "  By  such  a  reason  as  this  you  might  prove  that  Mr.  Robinson 
and  his  company  separated  from  you  at  his  first  comming  into  this  land,  because 
they  gathered  a  new  Church  apart  from  you  [Ainsworth,  etc.]  in  the  same  citie, 
you  being  here  a  Church  before  them." 

^  Letter  concerning  Separation,  etc.,  1681,  i:  287-288. 


THE  PILGRIMS  IN  THE  CITY  451 

yea,  that  even  whoredomes  and  murders  shall  abide  an  easier  answer 
than  Separation. 

One  of  Robinson's  next  labors  must  have  been  the  replying  i 
to  Hall.  There  is  no  trace  of  any  help  from  Smyth.  He  points 
out  that  Separation  always  is  "  very  odious  in  the  eyes  of  all 
them  from  whom  it  is  made."  Hence  the  "  Church  of  England 
can  better  brook  the  vilest  persons  continuing  communion  with 
it,  then  any  whomsoeuer  separating  from  it."  Still,  "  Separation 
from  the  world  ...  is  the  first  step  to  our  communion  with 
God,  and  angels,  and  good  men."  If  the  Separatists  have  given 
just  offence,  let  them  be  blamed.  But  if  "your  Church  be 
deeply  drenched  in  apostasy,  and  you  cry  Peace,  Peace,  when 
sudden  and  certain  desolation  is  at  hand,  it  is  you  that  do 
wrong."  He  and  his  people  are  not  ungrateful  to  their  mother 
Church.  They  have  done  to  her  only  what  she  did  to  her  mother, 
the  Church  of  Rome.  As  to  Amsterdam,  they  do  not  gather 
"  churches  by  toune-rowes  as  they  doe  in  England,  and  [hold] 
that  all  within  the  parish  procession  are  of  the  same  Church  ;  " 
and  they  have  nothing  in  common  with  Jews,  Arians  and  Ana- 
baptists but  the  streets  and  market-place.   And  he  concludes  :  — 

Lastly,  the  terrible  threat  you  vtter  against  vs,  .  .  .  would  certainly 
fall  heauy  vpon  vs,  if  this  answere  were  to  bee  made  in  your  Consis- 
tory Courts,  or  before  any  of  your  EcclesiasticaU  iudges  ;  but  because 
we  know,  that  not  Antichrist,  but  Christ  shalbe  our  iudge,  we  are  bold 
vpon  the  warrant  of  his  word  and  testament  ...  to  proclaim  to  all 
the  world  separation  fro  whatsoeuer  riseth  vp  rebeUiously,  against  the 
scepter  of  his  kingdome,  as  we  are  vndoubtedly  perswaded,  the  Com- 
munion, gouernment,  ministery,  and  worship  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land doe. 

Johnson  printed  this  year  '^  a  small  quarto,  most  of  which  he 
had  written  before,^  to  justify  Separatism.^   And,  late  in  that 

1  "From  the  other,  I  received,  not  two  moneths  since,  a  stomakful  [angry] 
Pamphlet"  (Hall,  Com.  Apol.  iv).  The  title  was  An  Answer  to  a  Censorious  Epis- 
tle. No  copy  of  the  first  issue  of  either  has  survived,  but  Hall  in  his  Com.  Apol. 
reprints,  apparently  entire,  Robinson's  answer  to  his  first  letter.  Ashton  also  has 
extracted  and  consecutively  arranged  it  in  his  H'^orirso/Eoiiinson,  iii:  401-420.  Com. 
Apol.  (margin)  3,  and  passim. 

2  Ainsworth  in  his  Counterpoyson,  issued  about  Dec,  1608,  refers  (151)  to  this 
book  as  "  lately  published." 

**  Pre/,  iii. 

*  Certayne  Beasons,  and  Arguments,  prouing  that  it  is  not  lawfull  to  heare  or  haue 


452  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  AMSTERDAM 

year,i  Ainsworth  issued  a  more  solid  treatise  ^  on  the  differences 
between  liis  people  and  the  English  State  Church,  replying 
especially  to  Sprint's  "  Considerations "  and  "  Argmnents," 
Crashawe's  attack  at  Paul's  Cross,  and  Bernard's  book  aimed 
at  them.  It  is  important  for  its  candor,  its  scope,  its  conclusive- 
ness, and  the  incidental  value  of  its  historical  references.  One 
of  the  last  implies  that  Robinson  had  had  charge  of  a  Norwich 
church,  and  afterwards  had  labored  with  Separatists  there  or  near 
by.  It  will  aid  the  understanding  of  Ainsworth's  position  on 
some  matters,  which  finally  divided  his  company,  to  note  his 
view  of  the  church,  the  eldership  and  popular  government.  He 
says : — 

The  true  church  is  a  People  called  of  God  by  the  Gospel,  from  the 
world,  vnto  the  Communion  or  fellowship  of  his  son  lesus  Clirist,  in 
whom  they  are  coupled  and  built  togither,  to  be  the  habitation  of  God 
by  the  spirit. 

More  particularly,  they  that  are  called  of  God,  &  members  of  the 
church  vniversal,  are  vnited  and  gathered  into  many  churches  or  con- 
gregations, in  severall  cities  and  countries :  every  [all]  of  which 
churches  being  joyned  togither  in  the  profession  and  practise  of  the 
Gospel  of  Christ,  haue  his  power  and  presence  with  them,  &  is  to  con- 
vene or  come  togither  in  one,  for  the  worship  of  God,  and  the  perform- 
ance of  publick  duties. 

Neyther  that  ruling  power  of  Christ,  which  the  Puritans  (whereby 
I  suppose  M.  Bern[ard]  meaneth  the  Christian  reformed  churches  in 
other  countries,)  say  is  in  the  Presbyterie  ;  doe  we  say  is  in  the  multi- 
tude ;  for  we  acknowledge  Christ  to  have  ordeyned  a  Presbyterie  or 
Eldership,  and  that  in  every  church  ;  for  to  teach  and  rule  them  by  his 
own  word  and  lawes  ;  vnto  whom  all  the  multitude,  the  members,  the 
Saincts,  ought  to  obey  and  submit  themselves,  as  the  Scriptures  teach. 

So  then,  ioY  popular  government  (which  Mr.  Bern,  would  traduce  vs 
by)  we  hold  it  not,  we  approve  it  not ;  for  if  the  multitude  govern,  then 

any  Spiritual!  Communion  with  the  present  ministerie  of  the  Church  of  England,  1608, 
4to. 

^  Crashawe's  questions  were  dated  May  21,  1608,  and  Bernard's  book  June  18, 
1608 ;  so  that,  allowing  time  for  the  latter  to  reach  Amsterdam  and  for  Ainsworth, 
with  his  other  labors,  to  prepare  his  answer  and  send  it  through  the  press,  it 
hardly  can  have  been  completed  before  the  last  month  of  the  year  by  the  Dutch 
reckoning. 

^  Counterpoyson :  Considerations  touching  the  points  in  difference  between  the  godly 
Ministers  Sj- people  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  Seduced  brethren  of  the  Separa- 
tion, etc.,  1608,  4to.   Again  in  1642.   115,  121,  176,  177. 


THE  PILGRIMS   IN   THE   CITY  453 

who  shalbe  governed  ?  Christian  liberty  (which  all  have)  is  one 
thing,  the  raynes  of  government  (which  some  have)  is  another  thing. 

Smyth,  arraigned  by  Hall  as  a  "  Ringleader  "  with  Robinson  in 
this  Amsterdam  separation,  took  no  part  in  the  reply.  Even  before 
Robinson's  arrival  he  had  become  the  "  ringleader  "  of  another 
separation,  apparently  resulting  in  non-communion  with  the  An- 
cient Church  for  sin  in  using  the  English  Bible  in  worship. 
His  volume  about  this,  "  The  Dif erences  of  the  Churches  of  the 
Seperation,"  seems  to  have  been  issued  at  least  two  months  before 
Robinson  arrived,  and  it  hardly  could  have  been  two  months 
later  ^  when  he  took  that  famous  additional  step  with  which  his 
memory  is  identified  specially. 

Soon  after  reaching  Amsterdam  he  became  convinced  ^  that 
their  baptism  in  childhood  was  fatally  defective  in  two  respects. 
He  decided  that  only  those  can  be  truly  baptized  who  confess 
their  faith  with,  and  in,  the  rite,  which  infants  cannot  do ;  so 
that  he  and  his  company  were  unbaptized.^  Further,  he  felt 
that,  having  been  handed  down  for  centuries  through  a  false 
church,  genuine  baptism  had  ceased  among  men  —  that  so 
esteemed  being  but  an  empty  form  —  and  to  hoj)e  to  recover  it 
was  vain.4  The  ordinance  in  its  purity  must  be  originated  de 
novo,  if  that  might  be  done  Scripturally,  and  he  decided  that 
it  could  be,  and  must  be.^  Accordingly  he  undertook  it  at 
once.  Thus  far,  no  question  of  the  form  of  administration  was 
raised.  The  first  step  was  to  clear  the  ground  of  aU  rubbish  of 
the  past.    This  was  accomplished  by  a  formal  disavowal  of  the  old 

^  The  book  is  undated,  but  Prof.  Scheffer  says  :  "  I  put  down  the  date  of  the 
issue  of  the  Diferences  as  in  the  spring  or  summer  of  1608  {Ms.  letter,  Jan.  21,  18S2). 
He  also  dates  the  se-baptism  "  in  October,  1608." 

^  Apparently  Hans  de  Ries,  Lubbert  Gerrits,  or  other  Dutch  Anabaptists,  -with 
■whom  Smyth  and  his  people  were  affiliated  later  (Evans,  i  :  211),  already  had 
begun  to  leaven  him  with  their  views.  Bradford  says  {Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  451)  : 
"He  was  drawn  away  by  some  of  the  Dutch  Anabaptists." 

"  Char,  of  Beast,  iii,  v,  vii. 

■*  There  were  at  least  five  reasons  why  they  did  not  ask  baptism  of  the  Mennon- 
ites :  (1)  They  could  not  be  sure  of  the  purity  of  even  their  Daptism  in  the  remote 
past.  (2)  The  difference  of  language  hampered  them.  (3)  It  is  likely  that  they  did 
not  care  to  rank  themselves  at  once  with  the  Dutch  Anabaptists.  (4)  They  were 
hardly  in  full  theological  sympathy  with  the  Mennonites.  (5)  To  have  been  bap- 
tized by  them  may  have  involved  joining  their  church. 

^  He  argued  for  it  stoutly.    C/iar.  of  Beast,  58. 


454  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

baptism,  and  of  their  existing  church  estate,  including  the  abdi- 
cation by  the  officers  of  their  official  functions.  They  agreed 
together  and  declared  publicly  that  they  were  no  longer  pastor, 
deacons  and  flock ;  no  longer  members  of  Christ's  church ;  no 
longer  baptized  people ;  but  simply  individual  Christians,  desir- 
ing church  quality,  fellowship  and  privilege  according  to  a  new 
manner  which  their  more  enlightened  consciences  could  approve. 
That  such  a  procedure  was  inevitable  according  to  their  new 
princij)les  is  plain.i  That  it  actually  was  taken  by  them  there 
are  four  credible  witnesses.  First,  Ainsworth,  who  must  have 
known  the  facts,  and  who  says,  "  He  and  his  followers  having 
dischurched  themselves  and  dissolved  their  communion,"  ^  pro- 
ceeded, etc.  Secondly,  Clyfton,  who  had  known  Smyth  for  years, 
who  declared  that  Smyth's  influence  had  helped  to  lead  him  into 
Separatism,^  and  who,  even  after  Smyth's  ajjostasy,  spoke  of  him 
as  "  him  that  was  deere  vnto  me,"  who  was  in  Amsterdam  at 
the  time,  who  assuredly  loiew  what  took  place,  and  who  says :  — 

After  this  [separation  from  other  churches  which  read  and  used  the 
Bible  in  public  service],  they  dissolved  their  Church,  .  .  .&  Mr.  Smyth 
being  Pastor  thereof,  gave  over  his  office,  as  did  also  the  Deacons,  and 
devised  to  enter  a  new  communion  by  renouncing  their  former  bap- 
tisme,  and  taking  upon  them  an  other,  of  man's  invention. 

Thirdly,  Robinson,  long  familiarly  acquainted  with  all  parties, 
who  declares  :  ^  — 

1  Inattention  to  this  fact  has  involved  some  in  error.  The  Chicag-o  Standard  on 
July  1,  1880,  said  :  "  In  the  company  was  another  minister  [Helwys]  besides  him- 
self [Smyth],  who  had  the  same  power  to  administer  the  ordinance  which  Smyth 
had.  Each  could  administer  the  ordinance  to  the  other,  and  no  cutting  of  the  knot 
would  be  called  for.  Indeed,  in  such  circumstances,  the  resort  to  such  a  proceed- 
ing as  the  solemn  baptizing  of  himself  by  Mr.  Smyth,  iu  order  to  qualify  himself 
to  baptize  the  rest,  is  so  irrational  and  absurd  as  to  seem  out  of  the  question  in  the 
case  of  persons  such  as  John  Smyth  and  Thomas  Helwys  are  upon  all  hands 
admitted  to  have  been."  This  reasoning  overlooks  that :  (1)  Smyth  had  laid  down 
his  ministry  for  the  second  time  and  was  waiting  to  be  made  a  minister  again 
more  properly  ;  (2)  up  to  this  date  Helwys  never  had  been  a  minister ;  and  (3),  if 
both  had  been,  and  still  were,  ministers,  it  would  have  been  an  absurdity,  after  hav- 
ing denounced  their  former  baptism  and  dissolved  their  church-estate  as  imaginary 
and  false,  to  proceed,  in  virtue  of  a  ministerial  character  solely  dependent  upon 
that  imagination  and  falsehood,  to  perform  ministerial  acts. 

2  Defence,  82. 

^  Plea,  2,  5,  226.  Ans.  to  Mr.  Smythe^s  Epis.  to  the  Header,  1. 
*  OfBelig.  Com.  48. 


THE   PILGRIMS  IN   THE   CITY  455 

which  [the  process  of  the  action  taken]  was,  as  I  have  heard  from 
themselves,  on  this  manner.  Mr.  Smith,  Mr.  Helw[ysJ.  &  the  rest, 
haveing  vtterly  dissolved,  &  disclaymed  their  former  Ch  :  state,  &  min- 
istery,  came  together  to  erect  a  new  Ch  :  by  baptism. 

And,  fourthly,  Bernard,  writing  within  the  next  year,  who  in- 
sists :  ^  — 

By  this  trick  is  he  [Smyth]  dispastored,  and  is  but  among  them  as  a 
priuate  person,  till  he  be  againe  elected ;  this  is  most  true  :  And  thus 
hath  he  beene  off  and  on  in  the  Ministerie  two  or  three  times.  He 
was  made  minister  by  Bishop  JVickani,  that  by  and  by  in  Brownisme 
he  renounced ;  &  was  made  Minister  by  Trades-men,  and  called  him- 
selfe,  The  Fastour  of  the  Church  at  Gainsbrough  ;  this  hath  he  lost 
againe  by  his  Se-baptisticke  way,  till  he  be  chosen  againe. 

After  this  preparatory  action,  they  naturally  turned  to  Smyth, 
who  had  created  the  exigency,  for  deliverance.  Robinson  says  ^ 
that  there  was  "  some  streyning  of  courtesy,  who  should  begin," 
probably  because  Smyth,  with  all  his  "  forwardness,"  really  was 
modest  ^  and  very  likely  to  urge  Helwys  or  Murton  ^  to  take  the 
lead.  But  all  looked  to  him,  and  he  went  forward.  The  manner 
of  procedure  is  settled  by  testimony,  uniform  in  character  not 
only  until  the  entire  generation  within  whose  knowledge  the 
event  occurred  had  passed  away  but  until  two  or  three  genera- 
tions more  had  died,  in  fact  until  a  time  when  only  surviving 
documentary  evidence  could  reverse  its  significance. 

Much  study,  comparing  and  harmonizing  all  accounts,  seems 
to  lead  to  these  conclusions.  They  met  where  they  were  accus- 
tomed to  worship,^  included  in  the  furniture  of  which  room  was 

1  Plaim  Euid.  20.  2  OfBelig.  Com.  84. 

^  Whoever  reads  The  last  Booke  of  lohn  Smith,  called  the  Betractation  of  his 
Errours  and  the  Confirmation  of  the  Truth,  will  recog-nize  this  engaging  element  in 
his  character.  The  only  known  copy  of  the  book  is  in  the  library  of  York  Min- 
ster, England  ;  but  R.  Barclay  reprinted  it  in  his  Inner  Life  ofBelig-  Socs.  of  Com- 
monwealth, 118-125. 

*  Murton  was  in  full  sympathy  with  what  was  done.  Descrip.  of  what  God  hath 
Predest.  concern.  Man,  1620,  159. 

^  In  Dr.  Baxter's  monograph,  The  True  Story  of  John  Smyth,  the  Se-Baptist,  etc. 
(1881),  it  is  conjectured  (30)  that  the  baptism  took  place  in  the  river  Amstel, 
the  parties  wading  in  a  little  way,  and  the  water  being  lifted  in  the  hand  from 
the  stream  ;  it  being  perfectly  clear  that  at  that  date  nobody  in  Amsterdam, 
not  even  the  Anabaptists,  baptized  by  immersion.  Since  then  it  has  been  made 
plain  by  Schcffer  —  who,  as  a  professor  in  the  Mennonite  (Baptist)  College  in 


456  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   AMSTERDAM 

a  three-legged  stool,^  which  held  a  basin  of  water.  Ranging 
themselves  around  this  stool,  and  without  preliminary  prayer,^ 
Smyth  dipped  up  water  in  his  hand  ^  and  poured  it  over  his 
own  forehead  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son  and  Holy  Ghost. 
Then  he  repeated  the  ceremony  in  the  case  of  each  of  the  others 
—  Helwys,  Murton,  Pygott,  Overton,  Bromhead,  Jessop,  Hodg- 
kins,  Bywater,  Grindal,  Halton,  etc.,  not  forgetting  Mary 
Smyth,  Anna  Bromhead,  Ursula  Bywater,  the  Dickens  sisters 
and  the  other  women  —  thus,  according  to  their  common  con- 
viction, giving  to  each  a  genuine  reinitiation  into  the  true 
earthly  kingdom  of  God.*  Afterwards  worship  was  held,  end- 
that  city,  must  be  presumed  to  have  been  a  competent  judge  —  that  the  baptism 
took  place  in  the  room  ordinarily  used  for  worship. 

^  Prof.  SchefEer  states  that  the  accompanying  illustration  reproduces  an  engrav- 
ing by  Cornells  van  Sichem  from  a  picture  by  Barend,  who  lived  about  1535  and  was 
commissioned  by  the  city  of  Amsterdam  to  paint  a  set  of  pictures  relating  to  the 
Anabaptists.  These  pictures  were  destroyed  when  the  old  State-house  was  burned, 
July  7,  1652,  and  survive  only  in  van  Sichem's  engravings.  SehefFer  added :  "  As 
these  were  accurate  copies,  they  should  be  regarded  as  faithful  representations  of 
events  by  one  who  witnessed  them  himself.  The  way  in  which  the  baptism  is  ad- 
ministered, by  pouring  water  taken  from  the  dish  upon  the  head  of  the  recipient, 
is  without  any  question  quite  historical."  As  this  was  the  Anabaptist  method  of 
baptism,  it  is  unlikely  that  Smyth  adopted  any  other.  Moreover,  Lubbert  Gerrits, 
one  of  the  principal  Waterlanders  of  Amsterdam,  in  writing  soon  after  to  the 
church  at  Leeuwarden  said  (Evans,  i  :  212)  of  Smyth's  people  :  "  We  .  .  .  have 
summoned  these  English  before  us,  and  again  most  perfectly  examined  them  as 
regards  the  doctrine  of  salvation  and  the  government  of  the  church,  and  also 
inquired  for  the  foundation  and  form  of  their  baptism,  and  we  have  not  found 
that  there  was  any  difference  at  all,  neither  in  the  one  nor  the  other  thing,  be- 
tween them  and  us."  Van  Braght's  work  upon  the  Dutch  Anabaptist  Martyrs  {Het 
Bloedig  Toonell,  of  Martelaers  Spiegel,  der  Doops-Gesinde  of  Weerloose  Christenen, 
1685,  ii :  507)  also  has  a  statement  made  in  1570  to  the  Burgomasters'  Court  by 
Faes  Dirksz,  an  Anabaptist,  that  those  who  baptized  him  did  so  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord,  the  Father,  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  that  the  water  was  poured 
over  his  head  from  a  dish. 

2  Robinson  says  {Of  Relig.  Com.  48):  "  Vnto  which  [baptism]  they  also  ascribed 
so  great  v'rtue,  as  that  they  would  not  so  much  as  pray  together  before  they 
had  it." 

^  The  picture  plainly  suggests  this. 

*  That  the  testimony  of  those  qualified  to  testify  is  uniform  is  shown  by  these 
statements  :  — 

(1)  Smyth  himself.  In  his  last  tract,  published  after  his  decease  {Last  Booke, 
37),  he  says :  "  Seeing  ther  was  no  church  to  whome  we  could  Joyne  with  a  Good 
conscience,  to  haue  baptisme  from  them,  ther  for  wee  might  baptise  our  selues : 
that  this  is  so  the  Lord  knoweth."  And  again  (36)  :  "  Maister  Hel[wys].  saith 
that  although  ther  be  churches  alreadie  established,  ministers  ordained  and  sacra- 
ments administered  orderly,  yet  men  are  not  bound  to  Joyne   to  those   former 


i 


THE   SE-BAPTISM 


I 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   THE   CITY  457 

ing  with  the  Lord's  Supper ;  and  at  last  they  felt  themselves 
a  genuine  church  of  Christ,  if  the  only  one  upon  earth. 

churches  established,  but  may  being  as  yet  unbaptised  baptise  them  selues  (as  we 
did)  and  proceed  to  build  churches  of  them  selues." 

(2)  Aiusworth.  He  says  {Defence,  09,  82)  :  "Mr.  Smyth  anabaptised  himself 
with  water  .  .  .  Having  .  .  .  thus  doon  to  himself."  "  He  .  .  .  anabaptised 
himself  and  then  anabaptised  others." 

(3)  Robinson.  He  states  {Of  Eelig.  Com.  48):  "As  I  have  heard  from  them- 
selves .  .  .  Mr.  Smyth  baptized  first  himself,  and  next  Mr.  Helwis.  &  so  the  rest, 
makeing  their  particular  confessions." 

(■4)  Clyfton.  He  was  on  the  ground,  wrote  on  the  general  subject,  and  refers 
again  and  again  to  Smyth's  rebaptizing  himself  {Plea,  172,  178,  179, 180,  183,  185, 
186,  224.  Only  important  words  are  cited).  "  In  your  new  baptising  of  your  selves." 
"  If  you  that  baptise  your  self  (being  but  an  ordinary  man)  may  this  do,  then  may 
an  other  do  the  like,  and  so  every  one  baptise  himself e."  "  And  so  Mr.  Smyth  was  a 
Church,  when  he  baptised  himself,  which  is  absurd  to  think."  "And  as  for  two 
baptising  themselves  or  one  an  other,  that  can  they  not  do  without  calling  from 
God."  "This  new  opinion  inableth  any  man,  be  he  master  or  servant  to  baptise 
himself."  "Resolve  me  how  you  can  baptise  your  self  into  the  church  being  out 
of  it,  yea  and  where  there  was  no  church  ?  "  "  Seing  you  have  already  chaunged 
your  mind  again  concerning  your  baptising  of  yourself."  "  As  you  have  begunne 
to  recall  your  baptising  of  your  selfe  (as  we  heare)  in  some  respect,  vidz.  in  that 
you  baptised  your  selfe  and  others  without  lawful  calling  ;  "  etc. 

(5)  Henoch  Clapham.  He  undoubtedly  referred  {Error  on  the  Left  Hand,  1608, 
22)  to  Smyth  when  he  described  a  man  that  "liued  in  Netherland,  who  running 
from  the  English  Church  here,  to  the  Brownist ;  from  the  Brownist  to  a  particular 
faction  of  his  owne,  whereto  he  did  baptize  himselfe ;  from  that  [as  we  shall  see 
to  be  true  of  Smyth]  to  one  sect  of  the  Anabaptists,  where  they  baptized  him 
againe." 

(6)  Some  person  known  only  as  I.  H.  In  1610  he  published  in  London  a  Descrip- 
tion of  the  Church  of  Christ,  which  is  levelled  against  "  one  Maister  lohn  Smith 
.  .  .  and  a  companie  of  English  people  with  him  now  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland, 
whome  he  hath  there  with  himselfe  re-baptised  "  (title-page)  in  which  he  asks 
(23) :  "  Tell  us  one  thing  Master  Smith,  by  what  rule  baptised  you  your  selfe  ?  .  .  . 
Yon  durst  presume  without  either  word  or  example,  to  baptise  your  selfe." 

(7)  Bishop  Joseph  Hall.  He  says  {Com.  Apol.  1610,  iv,  6)  that  he  (Smyth) 
"  hath  washt  of[f]  thy  [the  Church  of  England's]  Font-water  as  unclean."  "He 
hath  renounced  our  Christendome  with  our  Church,  and  hath  washt  of  his  former 
water  with  new." 

(8)  Richard  Bernard.  He  says  {Plaine  Euidences,  1610,  17-20,  30,  314-315) : 
"  He  [Smyth]  is  a  Se-Baptist,  because  hee  did  baptise  himselfe."  "  I  aske  there- 
fore whether  the  visible  Church  was  among  them  or  no,  when  Mr.  Smith  did  bap- 
tise himselfe  ?  "  "  By  baptising  of  himselfe,  ...  he  is  become  Mr.  Smith  the 
Anahaptisticall  Se-baptist.  .  ,  .  He  did  baptize  himselfe."  "  M.  Smith  did  baptize 
himselfe  contrary  to  the  scripture." 

(9)  Lubbert  Gerrits.  Writing  in  1610  to  the  church  at  Leeuwarden  and  refer- 
ring to  Smyth  (see  whole  letter  in  Evans,  i :  211-213),  he  says  :  "  The  act  of  bap- 
tizing by  which  he  has  baptized  himself." 

(10)  Edmund  Jessop.  He  says  {Discov.  of  Errors  of  Eng.  Anabap.  1623,  65) : 
"Mr.  Smith  baptized  himselfe  first,  and  then  Mr.  Helwis  and  lohn  Morton,  with  the 
rest. 


458  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

"VVliile  still  at  Gainsborough  Smyth  appears  to  have  had  fre- 
quent conference  with  Bernard,  then  of  Worksop ;  who  had 
wavered  on  the  edge  of  Separation,  but  now  condemned  it  as 
"  error  &  schism."     In  the  closing  months  of   1607  ^  the  in- 

"  If  I  should  now  demande  of  you  your  warrant  for  a  man  to  baptize  himselfe ; 
I  much  maruell  where  you  would  finde  such  a  practise  in  all  the  new  Testament  of 
Christ." 

(11)  Ephraim  Pagitt.  He  says  {Heresiography,  1648,  75):  "Mr.  Smith  .  .  . 
from  a  Protestant  turned  Brownist ;  and  from  a  Brownist  he  turned  Anabaptist ; 
yea,  a  Se-baptist,  and  rebaptised  himselfe." 

(12)  John  Shaw.  He  says  {Ms.  Advice  to  his  Son,  1664.  Brit.  Mus.  450) :  "  One 
Smith  .  ,  ,  flew  so  high  that  he  turned  not  only  Anabaptist  but  Se-baptist,  and 
baptised  himself." 

(13)  Ancient  Truth  Revived,  or  a  true  State  of  the  Antient,  Suffering  Church  of 
Christ,  commonly  (but  falsly)  called  Brownists  (1677,  36)  says  :  "  One  lohn  Smith, 
first  a  minister  in  England  .  .  .  added  Sin  unto  Sin  and  baptised  himself  ;  then  he 
baptized  one  Mr.  Helvish."  So  much  for  witnesses,  including  Smyth  himself,  in  the 
same  century.  Their  unanimity  is  unbroken.  In  those  days  nobody  denied  or 
questioned  the  fact  of  the  se-baptism.  Again  and  again  during  Smyth's  lifetime 
and  while  Helwys  and  Murton  still  held  the  pen,  the  act  was  charged  upon  them 
as  an  ecclesiastical  irregularity  needing  justification,  but  there  is  no  trace  of  any 
attempt  or  desire  on  their  part  to  deny  it.  But  more  than  125  years  after  the 
event,  and  when  the  sources  of  Nonconformist  history  were  largely  inaccessible, 
Thomas  Crosby,  writing  a  history  of  the  English  Baptists  and  confessing  that  the 
defences  which  Smyth  wrote  for  himself  were  "not  to  be  met  with  "  {Hist.  1738, 
i  :  98),  suggested  that  the  charge  that  Smyth  baptized  himself  was  not  unlikely  to 
be  a  report  taken  up  "  against  him  upon  slender  evidence,  and  after  one  had  pub- 
lished it,  the  others  might  take  it  from  him  without  any  enquiry  into  the  truth  of 
it."  Seventy-three  years  later  Joseph  Ivimey  improved  upon  Crosby's  suggestion 
and  declared  confidently  (Hist.  Eng.  Bapts.  1S1\,  i:  115):  "There  is  no  doubt 
but  this  silly  charge  was  fabricated  by  his  enemies,  and  it  is  an  astonishing  in- 
stance of  credulity  that  writers  of  eminent  talents  have  contributed  to  perpetuate 
the  slander."  Seven  years  later  Adam  Taylor  said  (Hist.  Eng.  Gen.  Bapts.  1818, 
i  :  85)  almost  the  same  thing.  David  Benedict  thought  {Gen.  Hist.  Bapt.  Denom. 
1848,  330)  that  Smyth's  method  "  is  not  very  clearly  stated,"  and  presumed  that  the 
company  first  formed  a  church  and  then  appointed  Smyth  and  Helwys  "  to  baptize 
each  other  and  afterwards  to  baptize  the  rest."  Mr.  S.  B.  Underbill  {Letter  to 
Dr.  Benedict  in  Watchman,  July  14,  1853)  urged  that  Se-baptisra  means,  not  that 
they  administered  the  ordinance  to  themselves,  but  that  among  them  they  com- 
menced the  practice  of  dipping.  But  the  facts  are  that  they  were  not  dipped, 
and,  according  to  contemporaneous  testimony,  that  Smyth  administered  the  ordi- 
nance to  himself  by  sprinkling  or  affusion.  Evans  {Early  Eng.  Bapts.  1862,  i : 
204-209)  submits  some  of  the  evidence,  but  is  evasive.  And  the  Chicago  Standard, 
of  July  1,  1880,  claimed  the  whole  story  of  se-baptism  to  be  due  to  an  honest  mis- 
apprehension by  John  Robinson,  who  reported  the  "  absurd  "  statement  as  "  what 
he  had  thus  heard,"  and  it  added  :  "  There  is  no  other  theory  of  the  matter,  which 
in  the  light  of  history  will  stand  the  test."  But,  if  it  be  possible  to  prove  any  fact 
by  evidence,  it  is  proved  that  Smyth  baptized  himself  and  then  his  people. 

1  Paral.  2,  iii.    "  Mr.  Bernard  had  in  his  hands  this  lettre  of  myne  six  or  seven 


THE   PILGRIMS  IN   THE   CITY  459 

dignant  Smyth  sent  in  manuscript  to  Bernard  a  hasty  letter  i 
defending  it.  Six  or  seven  months  later  Bernard  repHed  in  a 
book  2  which  to  those  attacked  seemed  dangerous.  In  Decem- 
ber following  Ainsworth  published  his  "  Counterpoyson,"  al- 
ready mentioned,  which  in  large  part  answered  Bernard.  But 
Smyth  thought  it  best  to  print  his  letter,  and,  "  parallele-wise," 
to  compare  Bernard's  book,  Ainsworth's  answer  and  the  letter, 
which  he  did  in  January,  1609.^  This  was  three  months  after 
his  se-baptism,  but  he  did  not  refer  to  that  because  "  necessity 
enforceth  the  identity  of  this  lettre  without  correction  eyther  of 
matter  or  wordes."  He  feared  "  least  Mr.  Bernard  should  say 
it  is  not  the  lettre  he  had  from  mee."  Moreover,  he  had  an- 
other book  in  hand,  which  offered  better  opportunity  for  urging 
his  new  views  of  baptism. 

Early  in  1608,  before  Clyfton  left  England,  Smyth  appears 
to  have  sent  him  in  manuscript  two  "  Anabaptistical  Proposi- 
tions." *  One  argued  against  infant  baptism ;  the  other  that 
".  Antichristians  "  converted  are  to  be  admitted  into  the  true 
Church  by  baptism.  Clyfton  had  replied,  also  in  manuscript,  on 
Mar.  14,  1608,  and  Smyth  had  quickly^  rejoined.  Perhaps 
hoping  to  win  Clyfton  by  personal  persuasion,  Smyth  did  not 
hasten  to  publish  his  portion  of  this  debate.  But  when,  in 
August,  Clyfton  arrived,  and  all  hope  of  converting  him  was 
abandoned,  and  when,  six  weeks  later,  the  se-baptism  had  taken 
place,  no  reason  remained  why  the  plea  for  the  new  views  should 
be  longer  reserved,  but  every  reason  why  it  should  be  published. 

monthes  before  he  published  this  his  book."  But  the  book  is  twice  dated  18  June, 
1608. 

^  Ibid.    "  This  letter  written  to  Mr.  Bernard  in  private,  vppon  three  days." 

^  Christian  Advertisements  and  Counsels  of  Peace.  Also  Disswasions  from  the 
Separatists  Schisme,  commonly  called  Brownisme,  1608,  16mo,  i:  200. 

•^  Parallelles,  Censures,  Observations.  Aperteyning :  to  three  Several  Writinges,  (1) 
A  Lettre  written  to  Mr.  Ric.  Bernard,  by  lohn  Smyth.  (2)  A  Book  intituled,  The 
Separatists  Schisme  published  by  Mr.  Bernard.  (3)  An  Answer  made  to  that  book 
called  the  Sep.  Schisme  by  Mr.  H.  Ainsworth.  Wherevnto  also  are  adioyned.  (1)  The 
said  Lettre  written  to  Mr.  Ric.  Bernard  divided  into  10.  Sections.  (2)  Another  Lettre 
written  to  Mr.  A.  S.  (3)  A  third  Lettre  urritten  to  cfrtayne  Brethren  of  the  Seperation. 
By  lohn  Smyth,  1609,  4to.  This  is  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford  :  in  Queen's 
Coll.,  Cambridge,  and  the  Yale  Library  (Dexter  Collection). 

*  Plea,  2,  213. 

6  "  I  end  writing  this  24  March,  160S."    Char,  of  Beast,  71. 


460  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

So  it  was  issued  a  few  days  after  that  ^  which  replied  to  Bernard, 
although  the  date  of  the  original  preface  of  the  previous  year 
was  unchanged.^  Its  title  ^  mdicates  some  feeling  and  proved 
offensive. 

Clyf ton's  reply,*  in  1609,  is  invaluable  for  its  incidental  notices 
of  this  Amsterdam  life.  It  is  an  unpremeditated  proof  of  the 
influence  which,  in  spite  of  his  peculiarities,  Smyth  had,  that  his 
tractate  published  in  1608,  "  The  Diferences  of  the  Churches  of 
the  Seperation,"  received  elaborate  answer  ^  by  Ainsworth  after 
the  se-baptism,  and  even  after  that  happened  which  is  to  be 
spoken  of  next. 

Scarcely  had  Smyth  and  his  freshly  confederated  church  be- 
come settled  when  he  moved  on  to  another  plane  of  belief  and 
action  ;  first  suspecting,  and  then  affirming,  that  they  had  had 
no  right  to  baptize  and  "  church "  themselves  ;  so  that,  in 
fact, 

their  new  washed  companie  is  no  true  church,  and  that  there  cannot 
be  in  a  church  the  administratio  of  baptisme  &  other  ordinances  of 
Christ,  without  Officers,  contrarie  to  his  former  judgment,  practise  & 
writings. 

Smyth,  it  was  added,  — 

yet  resteth  not,  but  is  inquiring  after  a  new  way  of  walking,  (as  the 
same  persons  affirme)  breeding  more  errors,  as  is  strongly  suspected, 
and  by  his  manuscripts  partly  appeares. 

All  ended  for  the  time  in  the  disruption  of  the  new  body,  only 
about  ten  members^  maintaining  it  for  a  while,  the  majority 
going  out  after  more  truth. 

^  Ainsworth  says  {Defence,  118)  :  "  A  lew  dayes  after  [his  late  book  called  Par- 
allelles,  etc.]  he  [Smyth]  setts  out  The  character  of  the  Beast." 

^  This  circumstance,  with  the  fact  that  the  letter  to  Bernard  stayed  unprinted 
some  time,  has  caused  confusion  in  the  chronology  of  the  bibliography  of  the  writ- 
ings of  these  men.    The  credit  of  clearing  it  up  is  due  to  Scheffer. 

^  The  character  of  the  Beast,  or  the  False  Constitution  of  the  Church  Discovered  in 
Certayne  Passages  betwixt  Mr.  JR.  Clyfton  ^  lohn  Smyth,  etc.,  1609,  4to.  The  Bod- 
leian has  fhe  only  discoverable  copy. 

*  A  Plea  for  Infants  and  Elder  People,  concerning  their  Baptisme :  Or  a  Processe 
of  the  Passages  between  M.  John  Smyth  and  Richard  Clyfton,  etc.,  4to.  A  little  less 
rare  than  that  to  which  it  replies.  It  is  in  the  Brit.  Museum,  the  Bodleian,  and 
the  Dexter  Collection  at  Yale. 

^  A  Defence  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  Worship,  and  Ministerie,  used  in  the  Chris- 
tian churches  separated  from  Antichrist,  etc.,  1609,  4to. 

6  Clyfton,  Plea,  vi. 


THE   PILGRIMS  IN   THE   CITY  461 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  in  Holland  the  Dutch 
did  not  enter  much  into  minute  criticisms  of  doctrine.  The  Cal- 
vinists  gradually  favored  ecclesiastical  independence  of  the  State. 
The  Lutherans  admitted  the  civil  power  to  co-action.  Strife  re- 
sulted, with  the  limitation  of  the  Church  to  a  provincial  organ- 
ization. The  Provinces  were  subdivided  into  Classes,  each 
congregation  being  governed  on  the  Presbyterian  plan.  And, 
as  many  young  men,  educated  at  Geneva  under  Calvin  and  his 
successors,  became  pastors  of  these  congregations,  they  sought 
to  control  the  Classes  and  the  Synods  in  favor  of  rigid  Calvin- 
ism. Towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  however,  the 
Arminian  Controversy  began.  The  earhest  theologians  of  the 
Reformation  adopted  Augustine's  view  of  unconditional  predes- 
tination. In  the  main  Calvin  had  inculcated  this,  and  Beza,  who 
succeeded  him  at  Geneva,  had  taught  its  extreme  form.  Melanc- 
thon's  followers  adopted  a  milder  opinion  which  the  Lutherans 
mostly  accepted.  In  Holland,  therefore,  where  Lutheranism  early 
prevailed  largely,  a  foundation  was  laid  for  the  less  strenuous 
view.  But  this  dissent  from  rigid  Augustinianism  first  gathered 
coherency  and  force  under  the  influence  of  Arminius. 

James  Arminius  was  born  at  Oudewater  in  1560  and  was 
among  the  earliest  students  in  Leyden  University.  The  Mer- 
chants' Guild  of  Amsterdam  paid  for  his  education.  Afterwards 
he  studied  at  Geneva  and  Padua,  and  was  in  Rome  when  sum- 
moned, in  1588,  to  Amsterdam  and  ordained.  There  for  fifteen 
years  he  was  pastor,  preacher  and  educator.  Constitutionally 
mild,  candid  and  liberal,  he  did  not  favor  enforced  uniformity. 
Consequently  many  thought  him  dangerous.  When  the  Curators 
of  Leyden  University  had  to  fill  Junius's  chair  of  theology,  in 
1602,  they  finally  chose  him.  But  that  choice  aroused  opposi- 
tion. Francis  Gomar,  another  professor  of  theology,  especially 
opposed  it.    But  the  Curators  insisted  upon  their  choice. 

Some  conflict  naturally  occurred  in  treating  controverted 
points  before  the  students.  Discussions  on  such  themes  arose 
often.  The  North  and  South  Holland  Synods  wrangled  over 
them.  In  April,  1608,  Arminius  and  Uitenbogart,  a  minister  at 
the  Hague,  memorialized  the  States  to  call  a  National  Synod, 
affirming  that  they  were  charged  with  preventing  one,  and  de- 
claring 


462  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   AMSTERDAM 

tliat  they  neither  had,  nor  did  meditate  the  introducing  any  novelty,  or 
anything  contrary  to  the  Word  of  God,  but  designed  to  adhere  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  Christian  Reformed  Churches. 

Their  petition  was  refused.  Persistent  misrepresentations  so 
increased,  however,  that  Arminius  once  more  addressed  the  States- 
General,  recounting  his  annoyances.  One  thing  led  to  another 
until,  on  Oct.  30,  1608,  by  direction  of  the  States,  he  met  their 
Assembly  and  stated  his  views  upon  Predestination,  Free  Will, 
the  Grace  of  God,  the  Perseverance  of  the  Saints,  the  Certainty 
of  Salvation,  Perfection,  the  Divinity  of  the  Son,  and  Justifica- 
tion ;  advocated  some  revision  of  the  Confession  and  Catechism  ; 
and  declared  the  two  questions  decisive  as  to  every  matter  of 
theology  to  be :  (1)  Is  it  true  by  God's  Word  ?  and  (2)  Is  it 
necessary  to  salvation  ?  He  pledged  himself  never  to  urge  any 
doctrine  not  clearly  demonstrable  by  the  divine  Word,  disavowed 
any  intent  to  tyrannize  over  others,  and  offered  to  resign  rather 
than  be  the  occasion  of  division.  On  Dec.  12  Gomar  obtained 
leave  to  attend  the  States,  accused  Arminius  of  Pelagianism, 
Jesuitism  and  other  errors,  and  also  appealed  for  a  Great 
Synod. 

These  appearances  before  the  States  were  after  the  Pilgrims 
reached  Amsterdam,  and  must  have  interested  them.  There  also 
was  going  on,  nearer  to  them,  a  procedure  which  must  have 
arrested  their  attention.  At  Alkmaer  the  Classis,  a  minority 
only  being  present,  undertook  to  thwart  the  purpose  of  the  State 
to  revise  the  Confession  and  Catechism  by  proposing  a  new 
pledge,  binding  ministers  to  declare  those  two  formularies  en- 
tirely in  accord  with  the  Scriptures  and  the  fundamentals  of 
salvation  and  to  oppose  whatever  was  contrary  to  them.  Four 
ministers  refused  to  sign  this.  One  of  the  four  was  suspended 
at  once  by  the  Classis  and  the  others  after  some  weeks.  There- 
upon they  appealed  to  the  States-General  to  order  the  whole 
subject  adjudicated  by  a  provincial  or  national  Synod.  The 
States  ordered  the  Classis  not  to  molest  them.  The  Classis 
replied  that  it  was  its  own  business,  and  carried  the  matter 
before  the  North  Holland  Synod,  which  condemned  the  four 
ministers. 

Adolphus  Venator,  then  minister  at  Alkmaer,  also  became 


THE  PILGRIMS  IN  THE  CITY  463 

involved.  He  taught  some  young  men  Latin  and  Greek,  and 
had  encouraged  them  to  act  the  "  Andria"  of  Terence.  He  also 
had  written  a  little  treatise,  called  "  Democritus,"  and  an  "  Epi- 
thalamium,"  regarded  by  his  severer  critics  as  undignified.  Not 
long  afterwards  he  also  was  accused  of  unorthodoxy  and  sum- 
moned before  the  Consistory.  Finally  he  was  suspended  from 
his  ministry,  and  the  church  —  which  offered  no  objection  to  the 
interposition  of  the  State  when  it  could  be  used  for  church  pur- 
poses'—  appealed  to  the  magistracy  to  exclude  him.  But  the 
Council  refused.  The  Classis  protested.  His  two  colleagues 
absented  themselves  when  he  preached.  His  deacons  would 
only  collect  the  alms,  at  the  intermission  in  the  sermon,^  and 
would  not  remain.  He  was  not  allowed  to  baptize.  But  the 
Council  supported  him,  and  the  States  sent  two  deputies  to 
Alkmaer,  who  decided 

that  the  informations  taken  against  him,  with  the  proofs  thereunto 
belonging  are  not  sufficient  to  convict  him :  for  which  reason  it  was 
ordered  on  pain  of  discretionary  punishment,  that  none  should  pre- 
sume to  charge  or  defame  him  therewith. 

The  affair  helped  to  stimulate  excitement  in  the  Reformed 
churches,  which  was  to  culminate  at  the  National  Synod  of  Dort. 
Bradford  intimates  ^  that,  during  the  year  spent  in  Amsterdam, 
they  saw  that  contention  was  about  to  disturb  the  Ancient 
Church.  Some  vagueness  beclouded  the  conception  which  this 
first  Barrowist  church  had  of  the  eldership.    Yet  the  tendency 

1  Dr.  Dexter's  journal  has  an  entry  concerning  the  service  at  St.  Peter's  Cathe- 
dral, Leyden,  on  Sunday,  Aug.  13,  1865,  from  which  the  following  extract  is 
taken  :  "  There  was  singing,  then  prayer  (extempore)  not  long.  Then  the  minister 
.  .  .  began  his  sermon  (from  Mark  x :  13-16)  with  an  explication  of  the  text,  ,  .  . 
and  then  announced  his  subject  .  .  .  As  soon  as  this  announcement  was  made,  a 
little  bell  struck  and  they  sang  again,  repeating  some  verses  twice.  .  .  .  At  the 
same  time  five  or  six  men  came  in  from  a  side  door,  with  little  velvet  bags  [at  the 
ends  of  long  rods]  and  circulated  through  the  congregation  taking  a  collection.  .  .  . 
They  kept  at  it  for  at  least  half  an  hour  —  of  course  after  the  preacher  had  re- 
sumed his  sermon  —  going  to  the  same  persons  again  and  again.  Nobody  appeared 
to  decline  to  contribute,  but  everybody  bowed,  as  if  in  thanks  for  the  courtesy  of 
the  opportunity.  When  a  bag  was  filled  ...  it  was  emptied  rattlingly  into  a  sort 
of  coal-scuttle,  which  at  the  end  was  carried  out  through  the  door  by  which  the 
men  had  entered."  Two  separate  collections  always  are  taken ;  one  for  the  poor, 
and  another  for  certain  church  expenses.  When  there  is  a  third  it  is  for  missions 
or  some  other  special  object. 

2  Hist.  16. 


464  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

was  strong  towards  Barrowism  on  this  point,  instead  of  Brown- 
ism.  Pastor  Johnson  and  those  of  his  church  who  agreed  with 
him,  evidently  the  majority,  were  advancing  towards  a  strict 
Presbyterianism  tending  to  exalt  the  office,  and  to  increase  and 
intensify  the  jsower,  of  the  elders.  The  various,  long-enduring 
and  perplexing  difficulties  of  the  church  appear  to  have  created, 
probably  in  Johnson's  mind,  a  distrust  of  the  multitude.  Elder 
Studley,  also,  who  especially  seems  to  have  influenced  Johnson, 
intensely  disliked  any  admission  of  the  brethren  to  church  con- 
trol, and  once,  when  some  fifteen  members  were  said  to  have 
conferred  together  against  him,  broke  out,^  saying  :  "  Here  was 
a  beginning  to  tread  the  pathwaie  mito  popular  government  — 
the  verie  bane  to  all  good  order  in  Church,  and  Common  weale." 
Bradford  says  of  Johnson :  ^  — 

He,  by  reason  of  many  dissensions  that  fell  out  in  the  church,  and 
the  subtilty  of  one  of  the  elders  of  the  same,  came  after  many  years 
to  alter  his  judgment  about  the  government  of  the  Church,  and  his 
practice  thereupon,  which  caused  a  division  amongst  them. 

The  explanation  of  this  is  in  the  next  treatise  by  Johnson. 
Although  not  printed  until  1611,  it  may  have  been  written 
some  time  before,  and  it  expressly  refers  to  circumstances  evi- 
dently reaching  back  to  the  year  of  the  Pilgrims'  stay  in  Am- 
sterdam.   He  says  :  ^  — 

Only  twoo  things  there  are,  which  for  some  causes  I  think  needful 
to  be  mentioned  and  observed. 

The  first  is,  that  the  Papistes  by  insisting  vpon  the  letter  of  the 
Scripture,  have  misvnderstoode  and  perverted  the  meaning  of  those 
wordes  of  Christ,  This  is  my  body,  &c.  And  as  the  Anabaptistes  press- 
ing the  letter,  have  erred  in  like  maner  about  other  wordes  of  Christ 
recorded  by  the  same  Evangelist,  where  it  is  saide,  Teach  all  nations, 
and  baptize  them  :  Sweare  not  at  all :  Resist  not  evill,  etc.  So  have 
many  of  vs  done  likewise  about  these  wordes  of  Christ :  Tell  the 
Church,  etc. 

The  other  is,  that  the  misvnderstanding  hereof,  and  the  practise 

^  An  Advertisement  concerning  a  Book  lately  published  by  Christopher  Lawne  and 
others  against  the  English  exiled  Church  at  Amsterdam,  1612,  122. 

2  Dial.  Young,  Chrons.  445. 

^  A  short  Treatise  Concerning  the  exposition  of  those  words  of  Christ,  Tell  the 
Chckch,  &c.  Matt.  18.  17.  1611,  4to,  iii :  6,  3,  4,  5,  12,  13,  17,  25. 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   THE   CITY  465 

ensuing  therevpon,  hath  bene  a  great  meanes  and  speciall  occasion  of 
straunge  opinions,  and  aberrations,  of  lamentable  contentions  and  divi- 
sions, of  opposing  and  despising  the  Elders  governement,  of  emulation 
and  debate  among  people,  with  sundrie  other  evills  arising  and  spread- 
ing them  selves  daylie,  to  the  great  dishonour  of  God,  and  our  oune 
continuall  griefe,  and  trouble,  and  much  reproach  from  others  abroad. 

He  copies  from  the  "  Apologie,"  which,  with  Ainsworth,  he  had 
published  for  the  church  in  1604,  the  statement  ^  that  "  the  power 
of  excommunication  is  in  the  body  of  the  Church,"  with  the 
principal  reasons  for  it  there  given,  and  argues  that  they  there 
had  mistaken  the  mind  of  God.  He  urges  that  the  word 
"  church  "  often  means  the  Assembly  of  Elders ;  that  Christ 
was  speaking  to  Jews,  and  that  they  would  so  vmderstand  it ; 
that  in  the  church  here  referred  to  women  may  speak,  which 
they  cannot  do  in  the  true  church  ;  that  to  understand  the 
church  as  the  tribunal  would  involve  excessive  attention  to 
trifles,  and  would  not  promote  the  good  order  of  government ; 
that  in  Israel  by  this  word  ("  church  "  or  "  congregation  ")  was 
miderstood  the  Assembly  of  Elders,  and  that  the  New  Testament 
precepts  should  be  construed  by  those  of  the  Old ;  that  the 
elders  are  the  church's  officers  and  their  actions  are  its  actions ; 
that  all  the  members  cannot  meet,  excepting  on  the  Lord's  Day 
when  to  settle  controversies  would  not  be  proper ;  and,  finally, 
that  there  is  no  Scriptural  precept  or  example  for  excommuni- 
cation by  a  church  without  officers.  He  also  notes  that  in  their 
"  Apologie "  they  had  invited  brotherly  correction,  promising 
reform  when  convinced ;  and  inquires  "  if  thus  we  should  hear 
others  from  abroad,  should  we  not  do  it  also  at  home  among 
ourselves  ?  " 

While  Johnson  was  drifting  off  thus  into  a  polity  wholly  un- 
like that  which  always  had  controlled  the  church,  and  was  lead- 
ing after  him  all  whom  he  could  influence,  Ainsworth,  the  teacher, 
steadily  held  the  faith  as  declared  by  them  in  their  two  "  Confes- 
sions "  and  their  "  Apologie,"  and  expounded  habitually  by  all 
parties  in  repeated  treatises,  and  thirty  or  forty  of  the  company 
supported  him.  Although  conceding  real  and  considerable  power 
to  the  eldership,  they  held  distinctly  that  the  membership  of  a 

1  62,  63. 


466  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  AMSTERDAM 

church  has  imjsortant  rights  in  its  government.  Ainsworth,  how- 
ever, was  far  from  Brownism.  He  could  only  say :  ^  "  We  give 
not  to  the  people  goverment,  as  before  I  have  shewed,  but  a 
right  and  power  to  observ  and  doo  all  the  commandements  of 
Christ,  touching  his  prophetical,  priestly,  and  kingly  office,  by 
the  Elders  teaching,  guiding  and  governing  of  them  in  the  Lord." 
In  his  debate  with  Smyth  he  explains  his  view  of  the  eldership 
thus :  ^  — 

The  Elders  are  to  teach  and  rule  the  Church  by  Christs  own  word 
and  lawes,  as  I  have  expressed.^  And  herein  I  presuppose  that  both  * 
the  Elders  wil  teach  and  rule  according  unto  godlynes,  &  the  people 
wiU  obey  the  godly  doctrines  &  directions  of  their  Elders,  without  mis- 
like  or  discontentment. 

At  the  same  time  he  held  fully  to  their  Twenty-third  Article, 
that  as  every  congregation  has  power  to  choose  and  ordain  its 
minister,  so  it  has  to  depose,  or  even  excommunicate,  him.  He 
also  held  to  the  Twenty-fourth  Article,  which  expressly  lodges 
the  power  to  receive  and  discard  members  in  "  the  whole  body 
together  of  every  Christian  congregation."  He  remembered, 
moreover,  that  in  the  Third  Petition,  addressed  to  King  James, 
they  had  insisted  on  these  positions  earnestly. 

That  these  two  parties,  assured  that  their  opposite  conclu- 
sions were  vital,  especially  as  opening  an  ecclesiastical  path 
unknown  since  the  Apostles'  time  —  a  path  which  every  one 
ought  to  tread  —  could  not  live  long  harmoniously  in  one  church 
is  evident.  Naturally,  the  Pilgrims,  seeing  the  tempest  approach- 
ing, hurried  to  seek  peace  elsewhere.  The  Pilgrim  church  under 
Robinson  had  taken  a  long  step  towards  the  democracy  of  the 
earlier  Brownism  and  the  later  Congregationalism.  It  had  not 
discarded  the  eldership,  and  Robinson  more  than  once  sets  forth 
the  supposed  value  of  this  office.    But  in  his  church  the  officers 

^  Animad.  133,  24.  Robinson  and  Brewster  a  few  months  later  speak  of  "  some 
30  of  the  brethren  there,"  as  acting  with  Ainsworth  in  the  controversy  that  fol- 
lowed. 

2  Bef.  127. 

^  In  his  Counterpoyson  (176),  the  previous  December. 

*  He  should  have  said  "both  that."  He  was  not  referring  to  unanimity  in  the 
action  of  the  elders,  if  there  were  two,  but  to  action  (1)  of  them,  and  (2)  of  the 
people,  in  harmony. 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   THE  CITY  467 

had  much  less  power,  and  the  ordinary  members  much  more, 
than  on  either  Johnson's  theory  or  Ains worth's-  Perhaps  they 
might  have  continued  to  live  in  peace  with  Ainsworth.  But 
trouble  with  Johnson  and  his  upholders  was  certain  to  come. 

As  has  been  said,  it  was  not  with  the  prospect  of  worldly 
advantage,  but  quite  the  contrary,  that  the  Pilgrims  turned 
towards  Leyden.  They  foresaw  that  its  limited  commerce  would 
tell  against  them.  But  they  were  willing  to  adventure  much  for 
peace,  and  eager  to  develop  their  ideas  of  church  life  and  to 
manage  their  affairs  in  their  own  way.  Brewster  unquestionably 
had  been  in  Leyden  twenty-three  years  before,  and  of  course 
knew  its  attractiveness  well,  while  both  he  and  Robinson  must 
have  been  specially  drawn  thither  by  the  university.  Early  in 
February,  1609,  no  doubt  by  a  committee  including  Robinson 
and  Brewster,  formal  application  was  made  to  the  civil  officials 
of  Leyden  for  the  requisite  permission. 

In  one  of  the  folios  ^  in  the  Hall  of  Records  in  that  city  their 
request  ^  is  entered,  and,  translated,  is  as  foUows :  — 

To  the  Honorable  the  Burgomasters^  and  Court,  of  the  City  of 
Leyden : 

With  due  submission  and  respect  Ian  Robarthse,  Minister  of  the 
Divine  Word,  and  some  of  the  members,  of  the  Christian  Reformed 
Religion,  born  in  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  to  the  number  of  one 
hundred  persons  or  thereabouts,  men  and  women,  represent  that  they 
desire  to  come  to  live  in  this  city  by  the  first  day  of  May  next,  and  to 
have  the  freedom  thereof  in  carrying  on  their  trades,  without  being  a 
burden  in  the  least  to  any  one. 

They,  therefore,  address  themselves  to  Your  Honors,  humbly  pray- 
ing that  Your  Honors  will  be  pleased  to  grant  them  free  consent  to 
betake  themselves,  as  aforesaid.    This  doing,  etc 

This  is  undated  and  unsigned,  but  the  place  of  its  entry  and 
the  action  of  the  Burgomasters,  written  on  the  margin,  fix  the 
time.    That  action  follows :  — 

The  Court,  in  making  a  disposition  of  this  present  Memorial,  declare 
that  they  refuse  no  honest  persons  free  ingress  to  come  and  have  their 

^  Gerechts  Dag-boek.   G.  33  verso. 

^  First  brought  to  the  notice  of  American  scholars  in  an  article  on  John  Robin- 
son, by  Prof.  N.  C.  Kist,  of  Leyden  University,  in  the  Nederlansch  Archief  voor 
Kerkelijke  Geschiedenis  for  184S,  369-407. 


468  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   AMSTERDAM 

residence  in  this  city,  provided  that  such  persons  behave  themselves, 
and  submit  to  the  laws  and  ordinances :  and,  therefore,  the  coming  of 
the  memorialists  wiU  be  agreeable  and  welcome. 

Tliis  done  by  the  Burgomasters  in  their  session  at  the  Council  House 
the  12  day  of  February,  1609. 

(signed)  J.  van  Hout.  Secretarius. 

Probably  during  March  and  April  those  who  were  about  remov- 
ing were  busy  in  preparing  for  their  migration. 

In  the  interval  an  event  occurred  which  must  have  been  hailed 
as  a  pleasant  omen.  The  civil  relations  between  the  Nether- 
lands, France  and  Spain  never  had  been  settled  solidly.  Henry 
IV.  had  been  opposing  the  Dutch  secretly,  while  avowedly  their 
friend.  A  marriage  project  between  a  Spanish  prince  and  one 
of  his  daughters  was  included  in  his  schemes.  But  the  children 
were  very  young,  and  it  occurred  to  him  that  a  truce,  long  enough 
to  let  them  grow  up  and  to  enable  him  to  argue  the  Dutch  out 
of  their  high  notions  of  libertj",  was  desirable. 

In  August,  1608,  negotiations  began.  But  Prince  Maurice 
opposed  it  stoutly,  and  so  intense  became  the  popular  opposition 
that  by  the  end  of  September  every  hope  of  avoiding  fresh 
hostilities  seemed  gone.  Yet  Sir  Ealph  Winwood,  the  Enghsh 
ambassador,  urged  that  a  truce  was  better  than  war,  and  that 
the  kings  of  both  England  and  France  would  guarantee  its 
observance.  In  October  a  united  effort  in  the  same  direction 
was  entered  upon  by  the  ambassadors  of  England,  France,  Den- 
mark, and  others.  Party  spirit  rose  to  its  highest.  Libellous 
pamphlets  abounded.  Olden-Barneveld,  Advocate-general  of  Hol- 
land, who  favored  the  truce,  was  so  disgusted  that  he  resigned. 
The  Assembly  besought  him  to  return,  and  his  policy  gained 
force.  Prince  Maurice  also  accidentally  drew  from  Henry  IV.  a 
letter  saying  :  — 

I  know  the  general  affairs  of  Christendom  better  than  is  possible 
for  you ;  I  can  judge  this  matter  more  justly  than  you  can ;  and  I 
know  that  a  truce  established  and  guaranteed  as  is  proposed,  will  bring 
you  more  happiness  than  you  can  derive  from  war. 

The  public  mind  now  swung  in  the  other  direction.  Negotia- 
tions were  resumed,  and  by  Apr.  9  a  truce  for  twelve  years  was 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN  THE   CITY  469 

signed.  It  was  a  victory  for  the  Dutch.  They  secured  recognized 
independence  for  twelve  years,  with  the  right  to  trade  to  the 
Indies,  and  they  did  not  concede  the  freedom  of  Roman  Catholic 
worship.  There  was  joy  among  them,  and  the  English  exiles 
must  have  rejoiced  with  them. 

A  more  domestic  matter  occurred  during  these  last  days  in 
Amsterdam,  the  marriage  ^  of  William  Jepson  and  Rosamond 
Horsfield,  both  from  Worksop,  Notts.  He  was  twenty-six,  and 
a  house-carpenter,  and  she  was  twenty-three.  In  each  case  it 
was  the  first  marriage.  The  wedding  was  on  Apr.  28,  and  they 
were  prominent  among  the  company  in  Leyden  until  their  deaths 
a  quarter  of  a  century  later.  That  she  did  not  sign  their  mar- 
riage request  implies  her  imperfect  early  education. 

Doubtless  their  change  of  abode  was  made  by  water.  Most 
of  their  way  must  have  lain  through  the  Haarlemmer  Meer  (Sea 
of  Harlem),  a  lake  some  fifteen  miles  by  seven.  And  when  they 
were  not  upon  its  open  surface  they  must  have  been  gliding 
through  narrow  water-lanes  with  green  and  blooming  borders. 
At  last,  entering  one  of  the  channels  of  the  Rhine,  they  followed 
it  into  the  very  heart  of  Leyden,  and  perhaps  to  the  very  houses 
awaiting  them. 

^  Puiboken,  s.  d.  The  only  other  similar  record  during  this  period  perhaps  re- 
lating to  the  Pilgrim  company  is  that  of  Henry  CuUandt  (Collins)  and  Margaret 
Grimsdike  on  July  22,  1G08,  both  from  Sutton,  Notts. 


BOOK  YI 

THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 


They  were  Jirangers  and  pilgryms  on  the  earth. 

For  they  that  faye  fuch  thinges,  declare  plainly  that  they 
Jeeke  a  countrey. 

And  if  they  had  bene  mindefidl  of  that  countrey,  from 
whence  they  came  out,  they  had  leasure  to  haue  returned. 

But  nowe  they  defire  a  better,  that  is  an  heauenly  :  Where- 
fore God  is  not  aJJiamed  of  them  to  bee  called  their  God :  for 
hee  hath  prepared  for  them  a  citie.  — Heb.  xi:  13-16.  Gen. 
vers. 

Such  is  our  accord  in  the  case  of  religion,  with  the  Dutch 
reformed  churches,  as  that  we  are  ready  to  subscribe  to  all  and 
evei'y  article  of  faith  in  the  same  church,  as  they  are  laid  down 
in  the  Harm,ony  of  Confessions  of  Faith,  published  in  their 
name :  and  one  only  particle  (and  the  same  not  of  the  greatest 
weight^  in  the  sixth  article,  touching  the  Scrijjtures,  being 
conveniently  interpreted,  and  conformably  to  itself,  and  the 
general  judgment  of  the  learned  amongst  them.  —  Robinson, 
Just,  and  Neees.  Apol.    Works,  iii :  8. 

Much  excellent  use  may  be  made  of  this  History :  As  .  .  . 
That  God's  Children  are  like  Starres,  that  shine  brightest  in 
the  darkest  night:  Like  Torches  that  are  the  better  for  beat- 
ing :  Like  Grapes,  that  come  not  to  the  proof,  till  they  come  to 
the  presse :  Like  Spices,  that  smell  sweetest,  when  jiounded  : 
Like  young  Trees,  that  root  the  faster  for  shaking :  Like  Vines, 
that  are  the  better  for  bleeding :  Like  Gold,  that  looks  the 
brighter  for  scouring  :  Like  Glow-worms,  that  shine  best  in  the 
dark:  Like  Juniper,  that  smels  sweetest  in  the  fire:  Like  the 
Pomander,  lohich  becomes  more  fragrant  for  chafing :  Like 
the  Palm-tree,  which  proves  the  better  for  pressing :  Like  the 
Cammomile,  which  the  more  you  tread  it,  the  more  you  spread 
it.  Yea  God  knoweth  that  we  are  best,  when  we  are  worst, 
and  live  holiest,  when  we  die  fastest ;  and  therefore  he  frames 
his  dealing  to  our  disposition,  seeking  rather  to  profit,  than 
to  please  us.  —  S.  Clarke,  Gen.  Martyrol.    Epis.  to  Reader. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   CITY  AND   ITS   HISTORY 

Holland  is  not  a  country  of  magnificent  distances,  and  he  who 
visits  Leyden  in  summer  will  not  weary  of  gazing  upon  the 
green  polders  before  he  arrives.  Leaving  the  station,  he  finds 
himself  in  the  Station's  Weg  (Station  St.)  leading  out  westerly 
to  several  pleasant  villages  and  the  sea.  Following  this  to  the 
right  for  several  minutes  between  coffee-houses  with  inviting 
gardens,  attractive  residences  and  a  few  shops,  he  reaches  a 
densely  shaded  avenue  which  crosses  the  Station's  Weg.  This 
is  the  Singel  (Girdle),  formerly,  when  Leyden  had  walls  and 
bastions,  the  counterscarp,  now  levelled  and  a  beautiful  prome- 
nade almost  entirely  around  the  city.  Crossing  this,  and  the  v/ide 
canal  which  everywhere  borders  it,  the  location  of  the  former 
city  wall  is  reached.  The  territory  here  is  covered  on  the  left 
by  the  pleasure  grounds  of  the  Amicitia  Club  and  on  the  right 
by  the  Plantation,  where  the  new  Hospital  stands.  Here  the 
highway  becomes  the  Steen-straat  (Stone  St.),  and  a  few  steps 
bring  one  to  the  Beesten-3Iarkt  (Cattle  Market),  a  triangular 
space  extending  to  the  Galge-water'^  (Gallows  water),  at  the 
end  of  the  Oude  Vest^  (Old  Rampart)  canal. 

Turning  to  the  left  across  the  Blaauice-poorts-brug  ^  (Blue 
Gate  Bridge)  over  the  expanse  where  the  Oude  Vest  joins  the 
Rhine,  he  reaches  the  mouth  of  the  Haarlemmer  Straat  (Har- 
lem St.),  the  principal  street  of  the  newer  city,  running  par- 
allel with  the  Old  Rhine,  perhaps  250  feet  away,  to  the  Zijl 
Poort  (Zyl  Gate),  one  of  the  two  eastern  exits.  Turning 
again,  to  the  right,  and  crossing  the  Rhine  over  the  Borstel- 

1  In  1608  the  street  was  called  Elei-weg  (Clay  St.). 

2  Filling  the  place  on  the  north  which  the  city  wall  occupied  between  the  sec- 
ond enlargement  of  the  city  and  the  third. 

'^  Of  blue  stone. 


474  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

hrug  (Brush  Bridge),  a  short  advance  and  another  turn,  to 
the  left,  deliver  him  in  the  oldest  and  principal  thoroughfare, 
the  Breede  straat  (Broad  St.),  which,  with  its  extension,  the 
Hoogewoerds  (High  Dike),  intersects  the  earlier  town  and 
leads  out  towards  Utrecht.  On  it  are  the  City  Hall,  the  Gemeen- 
landshuis  van  JRijnland,^  the  Walloon  Church  —  in  a  part  of 
what  then  was  the  St.  Catharine's  Hospital —  the  Post  Office,  the 
halls  of  the  Amicitia,  Minerva  and  Concordia  Societies,  the 
Museum  of  Antiques,  the  Ethnographical  Cabinet,  etc.  Here 
also  are  the  Golden  Lion  and  other  hotels. 

The  general  shape  of  the  city  proper,  as  defined  by  the 
Singel,  is  something  between  an  ellipse  and  a  parallelogram,  a 
little  less  than  a  mile  in  average  length  by  a  little  more  than 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  average  breadth,  lying  east  and 
west.  Its  outline  suggests  the  contour  of  an  oblong  palm-leaf 
fan,  the  Rhine,  as  it  runs  out  on  the  west,  representing  the 
handle.  The  sides  of  this  elliptical  parallelogram  are  diversified 
by  fourteen  arrow-head  projections,  the  old  bastions,  now  the 
sites  of  the  Observatory,  the  University  Hospital,  various  manu- 
factories, several  cemeteries,  and  the  Plantzoen,  or  public  park. 
These  green-banked  bastions,  by  their  irregular  outline  varying 
that  of  the  encompassing  water-lane  and  of  the  Singel  beyond 
it,  greatly  enhance  the  picture squeness  of  the  town.  Almost 
exactly  in  its  centre  is  its  only  hillock,  the  Burg,  or  citadel,  an 
artificial  circular  mound  in  the  point  of  land  where  the  Old  and 
New  Rhines  unite.  It  dates  back  to  the  shadowy  period  of  his- 
tory, is  perhaps  150  feet  in  diameter  at  the  summit,  and  rises 
high  enough  to  look  down  upon  the  houses  which  separate  it 
from  the  river.    It  is  crowned  by  an  old  brick  fort. 

The  Rhine  enters  Leyden  on  the  east  in  two  streams  about 
three  eighths  of  a  mile  apart,  having  divided  near  Leyderdorp, 
and  leaves  it  on  the  west  in  one.  But  the  Rhine  water  sur- 
rounds much  of  the  city  in  the  broad  channels,  the  New  Rhine 
and  the  Steenschur  (Stone  Storehouse  Canal),  which  border 
the  Singel,  and  passes  through  it  in  several  streams ;  while 
small  canals  gridiron  it  and  render  almost  every  house  con- 
venient to  water  transit. 

^  Occupied  by  the  States  of  North  Holland. 


THE   CITY  AND   ITS   HISTORY  475 

The  Leyden  of  300  years  ago  is  strikingly  discernible  to-day. 
Until  a  comparatively  recent  date  the  town  declined,  hardly 
feeling  the  impulse  of  commerce  and  manufactures.  Down  to 
almost  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  original  city 
occupied  only  the  space  between  the  New  Rhine,  on  the  north 
and  east,  and  the  Steenschur  and  the  Ra'penhurg  (Gleaners' 
Fort  Canal),  on  the  south  and  west.^  The  Burg  was  without 
the  walls,  across  the  river  in  a  wood  beyond  where  St.  Pancras 
Church  now  stands.  One  conspicuous  building  then  was  an 
Orphan  Asylum  on  the  north  side  of  the  Breede-straat.  St. 
Peter's,  the  City  Hall,  the  Prison,  s'  Gravenstein  (the  residence 
of  the  Counts  of  Holland),  the  Gemeenlandshuis  van  Itijnland^ 
and  St.  Catharine's  Hospital  were  where  they  remain. 

The  first  enlargement,  in  1294,  was  due  to  the  growth  of  the 
cloth  trade.  Many  Flemings  removed  to  Leyden  on  that  ac- 
count. It  brought  within  the  walls  the  space  between  the  Old 
and  New  Rhines,  as  far  east  as  the  present  HeerengracTit 
(fashionable  quarter),  nearly  doubling  the  enclosed  territory. 
The  second  enlargement  in,  or  about,  1355,  on  the  north  side, 
bordered  the  entire  town  from  the  Rapenburg,  on  the  west,  to 
the  Heerengracht,  on  the  east,  and  carried  the  north  line  up  to 
the  Oude  Vest.  It  added  more  than  fifty  per  cent  to  the  in- 
walled  territory,  and  made  place  for  the  Vrouwe  Kerlc  (Church 
of  the  Virgin),  now  torn  down,  the  St.  EKzabeth's  Hospital, 
the  Insane  Asylum,  the  Lepers'  House  and  various  convents  or 
almshouses. 

The  third  enlargement  was  on  the  south  and  west,  in  1389. 
It  extended  in  a  rude  semicircle,  following  the  existing  line  and 
carrjdng  the  lower  northwest  corner  out  to  the  present  Witte- 
poort  (White  Gate)  ;  whence  it  swept  around  southerly  and 
easterly  to  the  New  Rliine  by  the  Hoogewoerds-poort.  It  was 
larger  than  either  former  addition  and  included  the  sites  of  the 
Doelens  (Garrison-house),  the  Convent  of  the  White  Nuns, 
now  the  principal  university  building,  with  the  Celle-Broeders 
Klooster  (Monks'  Cloister)  and  the  French  College.^ 

^  A  ground  plan  of  this  earliest  form  of  the  city  is  in  Van  Leewen's  Korte  Besgry- 
ving  van  het  Lugdiinum  Batavorum  nu  Leyden  (1672,  ISmo),  opp.  26;  also  a  very 
fine  one  is  in  J.  J.  Orlers's  Beschrijving  der  Stad  Leyden. 
^  On  the  Groene-hasegracht  (Green  Hares'  Canal). 


476  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

The  fourth  enlargement  was  in  progress  while  the  Pilgrims 
were  there,  and  began  in  1610.  It  was  on  the  north  and  north- 
west, extending  the  town  as  much  as  the  third  had  towards  the 
west  and  south.  It  added  the  large  bastion  where  the  Univer- 
sity Hospital  is  now,  with  three  or  four  more  along  the  northern 
outline,  but  also  stopped  at  the  Heerengracht.  A  final  enlarge- 
ment took  place  in  1644,  extending  the  whole  eastern  side  and 
carrying  the  Zijl-poort  and  the  Hoogewoerd&-imort  a  long  way 
east  to  their  present  positions.  It  added  six  bastions,  which  re- 
main.^ As  the  result  of  its  gradual  and  regular  development  and 
solidity  of  construction,  and  of  the  slight  need,  until  recently, 
of  tearing  down  or  rebuilding,  it  is  easy  both  to  recover  some 
idea  of  the  city  of  1609  and  to  find  many  genuine  bits  of  it. 

The  history  of  the  Low  Countries  has  been  outlined  during 
their  change  from  Romanist  provinces  of  Spain  to  Reformed 
and  independent  states.  Reference  also  was  made  to  the  com- 
posite character  of  the  Dutch  nation.  We  must  consider  now 
a  little  the  chiief  features  of  the  Dutch  civil  life. 

To  an  extent  unknown  elsewhere,  the  Dutch  constitution  was 
founded  upon  and  adjusted  to  a  basis  of  independent  local  sover- 
eignties, or  municipal  governments.  Disregarding  the  North- 
men, Dutch  history  begins  in  the  eleventh  century,  with  Dirk 
III.,  the  first  Count  of  Holland,  who  established  himself  on  the 
Rhine  and  the  Maas,  and  whose  family  ruled  the  country  for  al- 
most 400  years,  gradually  becoming  practically  independent.  Be- 
fore the  fourteenth  century  there  were  in  Holland  no  estates  and 
no  general  political  life.  The  Count  was  the  nation.  Still,  he 
recognized  the  people,  whose  money  he  needed.  Over  the  open 
country  he  set  his  bailiffs,  and  over  the  towns  his  sheriffs.  When 
grave  matters  arose  the  town  bell  summoned  all  to  the  public 
square  and  the  vote  of  the  citizens  was  given  —  a  vague  civic 
democracy.  His  demands  for  revenue  modestly  were  styled  his 
prayers  for  supplies.  They  were  issued  mostly  to  the  towns, 
which  gradually  received  liberties  from  him  in  return  for  taxes 
paid  and  troops  furnished. 

Thus,  under  William  II.  and   Floris  V.   (1248-96)  Dort, 

^  Meursius  has  a  map  containing  these  enlargements  well  marked,  excepting  the 
last,  which  was  made  after  the  book  was  written. 


THE   CITY   AND   ITS   HISTORY  477 

Delft,  Haarlem,  Middleberg,  Leyclen  and  others  became  muni- 
cipalities. Each  was  ruled  first  by  the  Count's  judges,  aided  by 
a  committee  of  one  from  each  quarter  of  the  town.  The  former 
administered  justice,  the  latter  ordered  civic  affairs,  by  degrees 
taking  precedence.  When  Duke  Charles  died,  these  towns  in- 
sisted upon  concessions  from  his  heiress,  the  Duchess  Mary, 
which  were  granted  reluctantly  in  the  Great  Privilege  of  March, 
1477.  During  the  last  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century  the 
Provinces,  imperfectly  united  in  the  States-General,  gained 
steadily.  Their  sailors  scoured  all  seas,  their  manufactures  ab- 
sorbed skill  and  industry  from  the  decadent  Spanish  Nether- 
lands, and  the  supremacy  of  their  town  governments  made  itself 
secure. 

Each  town  was  governed  by  a  tribunal  of  two,  three  or  four 
burgomasters  —  in  Ley  den  four  —  and  several  judges  —  in  Ley- 
den  eight.  Its  duties  were  to  keep  the  fortifications  in  repair, 
to  call  out  the  militia,  when  needed,  to  levy  taxes,  and  to  admin- 
ister the  finances.  The  burgomasters  had  charge  -of  the  police, 
of  the  peace,  of  the  munitions  of  war  and  of  cleansing  and 
victualling  the  town.  The  judges  were  a  court  having  "  the  low 
jurisdiction  "  in  civil,  and  minor  criminal,  cases  ;  and  in  some 
places,  Leyden  being  one,  they  were  empowered  by  special  grant 
to  try  capital  crimes.  The  Count  had  a  representative  in  each 
municipality,  the  schoiit  ^  (sheriff),  who  watched  over  the  Count's 
interests,  brought  suspects  to  trial,  and  made  sure  that  the  judg- 
ments of  the  burgomasters'  court  took  effect.  There  also  was 
in  every  town  a  select  body  of  citizens,  the  Town  Council,  origi- 
nally created  to  consider  vital  matters.  But  in  many  places  it 
became  a  mere  nominating  caucus. 

Town  government  and  privilege  extended  over  a  certain 
space  outside  of  the  walls.  Territory  not  so  included,  generally 
called  "  open  country,"  was  under  some  noble  or  abbot,  or  gov- 
erned by  bailiffs  representing  the  Count.  Originally  the  chief 
nobles  formed  the  Council  of  State,  but  towns,  as  they  grew  in 
importance,  became,  by  deputies,  members  of  the  Council,  each 
town  having  one  vote.  The  whole  body  of  nobles  also  had  but 
one  vote.    The  States-General  met  to  consider  specific  matters 

1  C.  M.  Davies,  Hist.  Holland  and  Dutch  Nation,  i:  77. 


478  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

only.  If  a  new  subject  arose,  the  deputies  went  home  to  con- 
sult ;  and  no  measure  prevailed  without  the  vote  of  the  nobles 
and  of  every  town. 

The  Dutch  allowed  nothing  to  cause  neglect  of  education.  In 
this  the  Reformed  Church  differed  radically  from  the  Romish. 
The  latter  resolutely  opposed  jDopular  improvement.^  As  late  as 
1567  the  Reformed  at  Leyden  were  forced  to  promise  that 
"  neither  they  nor  their  Preachers  would  erect  or  open  any 
Schools."  But  twenty  years  later,  the  Netherlands  having 
gained  some  management  of  their  own  affairs,  the  Synod  bade 
the  Consistories,  or  assemblies  of  the  ministers  and  elders  of  the 
Reformed  Chui-ches,  to  provide  schools,  with  good  masters,  to 
train  children  of  all  classes  in  reading,  writing,  rhetoric  and  the 
liberal  arts,  as  weU  as  in  the  catechism  and  the  doctrines  of 
religion ;  being  especially  careful  to  maintain  enough  theologi- 
cal students  at  the  public  expense.^  The  public  school  ^  became 
"  the  common  property  of  the  people,  paid  for  among  the  muni- 
cipal expenses;" 

During  the  Spanish  war  Leyden  was  besieged.  Under  Don 
Francis  Valdez  a  blockade  was  begun  on  Oct.  31, 1573.  Learn- 
ing that  the  city  was  somewhat  short  of  food,  the  Spaniards  sur- 
rounded it  to  starve  it  out.  This  investment  had  continued  for 
nearly  five  months,  when,  on  Mar.  21,  1574,  the  city,  incon- 
venienced but  not  yet  much  straitened,  saw  the  enemy  march 
away  to  resist  the  invasion  of  Count  Louis  of  Nassau. 

But  the  Leydeners,  assuming  that  Count  Louis  would  win  and 
that  the  Spaniards  were  gone  finally,  neglected  the  commonest 
dictates  of  prudence,  enforced  by  the  counsel  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  took  no  special  measures  to  victual  the  town  or  to 
increase  its  military  strength.  They  realized  their  folly  on  May 
26,  when  —  Louis's  troops  having  been  cut  to  pieces  and  he 

1  In  1544  the  people  of  Wesel  took  measures  to  open  a  school.  But  an  edict 
from  Brussels  forbade  the  country  to  have  any  dealings  with  that  place,  on  pain 
of  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law.  Moreover,  in  1582  the  king  of  Spain  published 
a  placard  forbidding  any  person  to  study  the  sciences  in  the  newly  established  uni- 
versity at  Leyden,  on  pain  of  being  "  rendered  incapable  of  any  employment." 
Brandt,  i:  81,2.39,387. 

^  Decree,  Sijnod  15SG,  Arts,  xvii-xix.    Davies,  ii :  202. 

3  Motley,  iln.  Neths.  iv :  567.   Brandt,  ii :  10. 


THE   CITY  AND   ITS   HISTORY  479 

himself  killed  at  Mookerheyde  —  they  saw  Valdez  reappear  with 
8000  Germans  and  Walloons,  who  soon  threw  their  lines  around 
the  town,  building  sixty-two  redoubts.^  There  were  in  the  city 
but  five  companies  of  the  burgher  guard,  with  a  small  corps  of 
"  freebooters,"  and  the  stock  of  food  was  far  less  than  it  should 
have  been.  But  the  people  remembered  that  every  additional 
arm  holding  a  weapon  would  have  involved  a  mouth  needing  to 
be  filled  daily,  and  appointed  John  van  der  Does  —  Janus  Dousa 
in  literature  —  their  commander. 

William  of  Orange,  without  sparing  wholesome  reproach, 
strove  to  encourage  them  by  pointing  out  that,  could  they  defeat 
the  Spanish  purpose,  they  probably  would  improve  materially  the 
fate  of  their  country  and  of  unborn  generations.  The  conflict  had 
become  one  of  Protestantism  and  Christian  liberty  against  the 
Papacy,  the  Inquisition  and  the  bloodiest  intolerance.  Heaven 
surely  would  take  their  part  and  reward  their  patriotism.  If 
they  could  hold  out  for  three  months,  he  felt  sure  of  relieving 
them,  and  they  pledged  themselves  to  do  what  men  could. 

Valdez  soon  offered  an  amnesty.  Excepting  a  few,  specified 
by  name,  the  entire  body  of  the  Netherlanders  was  invited  to 
receive  full  forgiveness,  upon  condition  of  abjuring  Protestant- 
ism. The  invitation  mistook  the  Dutch  temper.  Only  two  per- 
sons —  so  runs  the  extraordinary  record  —  in  the  whole  land 
accepted  it ;  a  Utrecht  brewer  and  a  son  of  a  refugee  peddler 
from  Leyden.  With  these  contemptible  exceptions,  the  whole 
nation  scornfully  rejected  the  offer. 

Some  besiegers  knew  persons  inside  the  town  and  wrote  to 
them,  begging  them  to  have  pity  upon  "  their  poor  old  fathers, 
their  daughters  and  their  wives  "  by  yielding  to  the  inevitable. 
It  throws  Hght  upon  the  remarkable  manners  of  those  days  that 
from  within  the  town  absolutely  no  answer  to  all  these  missives 
went  back,  excepting  this  line,  from  the  moral  Apothegms  attrib- 
uted to  Dionysius  Cato  :  — 

Fistula  dvlce  canit,  volucrem  cum  decipit  anceps.^ 

^  Tlie  site  of  one  Spanish  camp  still  is  to  be  seen.  It  is  a  triang'ular  island  in 
the  Vliet  near  a  bridge  about  a  mile  out  of  town  along  the  continuation  of  the 
Heeren-straat. 

-  "  Sweetly  plays  the  fowler  on  his  pipe  while  he  spreads  his  net  for  the  bird." 
Meursins,  52.   Hofdijk,  Leyden's  Wee,  81. 


480  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

It  is  needless  to  describe  this  doleful  siege  at  lengih.  By  July 
tlie  city  had  purchased  all  the  food ;  and  half  a  pound  of  meat, 
with  the  same  weight  of  bread,  was  given  daily  to  each  full- 
grown  mail,  and  to  others  in  proportion.  Valdez  again  made 
magnificent  offers,  but  in  vain,  although  many  were  dying  and 
all  were  living  upon  the  smallest  allowance  that  would  keep 
breath  in  the  body.  The  Prince  of  Orange,  failing  to  muster 
sufficient  troops  to  defeat  the  besiegers,  determined  to  cut  the 
embankments  excluding  the  sea  and  drown  out  the  invaders. 
This  meant  utter  ruin  to  the  villages  which  dotted  the  polders. 
Yet  that  could  be  recovered  from.  "  Better  a  drowned  land  than 
a  lost  land  "  ^  was  the  patriotic  cry.  The  great  sluices  at  Rotter- 
dam, Delfshaven  and  Schiedam  were  opened  and  the  dykes  along 
the  Maas  and  the  Yssel  were  cut,  and  the  ocean  slowly  invaded 
the  land.  Provisions  were  loaded  upon  200  food  vessels  for  the 
famishing  town.  But  the  waters  deejDened  so  slowly  that  it 
seemed  doomed  to  perish  before  help  could  arrive.  Dogs,  cats 
and  vermin  became  luxuries.  As  the  natural  result,  the  plague 
broke  out  and  at  least  one  fifth  of  those  whom  famine  had  spared 
soon  died.  The  people  bore  all  this  with  wonderful  fortitude. 
But  one  day,  in  a  fever-turn  of  irritation,  inevitable  at  such  a 
time,  brave  Burgomaster  van  der  Werff  was  reproached  and 
threatened  by  a  few  famishing  wretches.  He  offered  them  his 
own  body  for  food  but  swore  that  he  never  would  surrender,  and 
so  inspired  ^  them  with  fresh  courage  that  they  went  up  on  the 
ramparts  and  shouted  defiance  to  the  Spaniards.^ 

The  ocean  was  first  let  in  on  Aug.  3.  But  the  water  around 
Leyden  was  not  a  foot  deep  on  Sept.  1.  By  Sept.  11  a  strong 
dyke  five  miles  from  Leyden  was  pierced  and  the  relieving  fleet 
sailed  through.  But  the  slow  rise  of  the  waters  again  stranded 
the  fleet.  Just  then,  however,  on  Oct.  1,  a  fierce  gale  came  from 
the  northwest,  soon  shifting  to  blow  even  more  violently  from 
the  southwest.  This  raised  the  depth  of  the  water  to  two  feet, 
so  that  the  vessels  could  proceed.    The  forts  of  Zouterwoude 

1  Hofdijk,  125. 

2  Motley,  Rise,  ii :  570,  557,  571.   A  beautiful  park  in  Leyden  is  named  after 
him  and  contains  a  statue  of  him  with  memorial  bas-reliefs  upon  its  pedestal. 

3  Fruytiers,  25. 


THE   CITY  AND   ITS   HISTORY  481 

and  Lammen,,  still  in  the  way,  were  abandoned,  and  witli  the 
glorious  dawn  of  Sunday,  Oct.  3,  129  dreadful  days  after  its 
second  siege  had  begun,  Leyden  was  delivered.^ 

Admiral  Boisot  entered  the  city  by  the  Vliet?  The  poor 
famishing  survivors  dragged  themselves  to  the  canal  borders  and 
bread  and  meat  were  handed  them.  To  a  few  the  sudden  revid- 
sion  was  fatal.  Some  choked  themselves  in  the  hurry  of  satisfy- 
ing their  aching  hunger.  Some  died  of  over-eating.  But  as  soon 
as  the  first  ravening  of  appetite  had  been  mitigated,  the  magis- 
trates led  a  devout  procession  to  St.  Peter's.  Beautifully  does 
Motley  picture  the  scene  :  ^  — 

The  Admiral,  stepping  ashore,  was  welcomed  by  the  magistracy, 
and  a  solemn  procession  was  immediately  formed.  Magistrates  and 
citizens,  wild  Zealanders,  emaciated  burgher  gtiards,  sailors,  soldiers, 
women,  children  —  nearly  every  living  person  within  the  walls,  all  re- 
paired without  delay  to  the  great  Church,  stout  Admiral  Boisot  lead- 
ing the  way.  The  starving  and  heroic  city,  which  had  been  so  firm  in 
its  resistance  to  an  earthly  king,  now  bent  itself  in  humble  gratitude 
before  the  King  of  kings.  After  prayers,  the  whole  vast  congrega- 
tion joined  in  the  thanksgiving  hymn.*  Thousands  of  voices  raised 
the  song,  but  few  were  able  to  carry  it  to  its  conclusion,  for  the  uni- 
versal emotion,  deepened  by  the  music,  became  too  full  for  utterance. 
The  hymn  was  abruptly  suspended,  while  the  multitude  wept  like 
children.  Tliis  scene  of  honest  pathos  terminated,  the  necessary  mea- 
sures for  distributing  the  food  and  for  relieving  the  sick  were  taken 
by  the  magistracy. 

By  order  of  William  of  Orange  the  neighboring  towns  were 
called  upon  at  once  for  contributions  to  set  Leyden  on  its  feet 
again,  and  Delft  alone  gave  the  value  of  2000  gilders  within  two 
days.  Moreover,  by  a  kind  Providence,  on  the  day  after  Ley- 
den was  relieved  the  wind  drove  back  the  waters  to  their  ac- 
customed channels,  making  it  easy  to  repair  the  damages. 

The  moral  effect  of  this  life  and  death  grip  upon  civil  liberty 
and  the  Reformed  religion  by  which  Leyden  had  held  Spain  at 
bay  so  magnificently,  and  of  the  vast  sacrifices  of  the  States 
which  had  saved  her,  was  very  great.    The  whole  Netherlands 

1  Bor,  Nederlantsche  Oorlogen,  vii :  fol.  62. 

2  A  river  which  enters  the  town  on  the  south  side. 

3  Bise,  ii :  576.  *  Psalm  ix.  Hof dijk,  230. 


482  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

was  nerved  to  a  new  obstinacy  of  resistance.  And  Spain  learned 
that,  after  all  her  enormous  expenditures  of  money  and  men  for 
so  many  years,  she  had  made  no  progress  in  subduing  the  Dutch. 
Their  spirit  was  indomitable,  while,  so  far  from  being  destroyed, 
the  Reformed  faith  was  indestructible.  Beyond  question,  Ley- 
den's  fiery  trial  had  done  a  great  service  to  all  the  States. 

This  William  the  Silent  and  the  States  themselves  were 
quick  to  recognize.  An  annual  fair,  beginning  on  Oct.  1  —  Oct. 
3  to  be  a  solemn  festival  —  was  established.  And  on  Feb.  6, 
1575,  a  charter  was  granted  founding  a  university  in  Leyden  in 
recognition  of  the  patriotism  of  its  citizens.  It  illustrates  afresh 
the  anomalous  condition  of  things  that  in  this  very  act  of  cele- 
brating successful  rebellion  against  Philip,  the  Hollanders  still 
maintained  the  fiction  of  his  sovereignty ;  this  charter  declaring 
the  grant  of  power  to  emanate  from  him.i 

The  recent  overthrow  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  had  re- 
leased much  propert}'  to  the  State.  The  new  university  was  well 
endowed  from  this  at  the  outset,  and  for  its  abode  was  given 
the  empty  cloisters  of  St.  Barbara,  on  the  corner  of  the  Rapen- 
hurg  and  the  Valdersgracht  (Fidlers'  St.),  the  present  Lange- 
hrugge  (Long  Bridge),  the  same  premises  afterwards  appropri- 
ated to  be  the  Prinsenhof  (^vi\d\\c  guest-house  for  royal  visitors). 
Measures  were  taken  immediatelj^  to  secure  eminent  instructors. 
Van  der  Does,  who  had  commanded  ably  during  the  siege,  and 
whose  genius  and  learning  also  commended  him  specially,  was 
appointed  its  first  Curator.  He  had  studied  at  Lier,  Delft, 
Louvain,  Douay  and  Paris,  and  had  wide  acquaintance  with 
scholars. 

Early  in  1575  a  grand  festival  of  institution  and  inaugura- 
tion was  held.  Even  its  minuter  details  are  described  in  con- 
temporary documents.  It  was  on  Feb.  8.^  It  began  at  seven 
A.  M.,  with  a  religious  service  in  St.  Peter's.  At  nine  a  grand 
procession  was  formed  in  the  Breede-straat  in  front  of  the  City 
Hall,  including  the  four  battalions  of  civic  troops,  two  as  its 

1  Van  Mieris,  iv :  514. 

2  Motley  (Bise,  ii :  580)  gives  the  date  as  Feb.  5.  Young  (Hist.  Neths.  175) 
makes  the  same  error.  But  the  contemporary  and  early  authorities  are  explicit ; 
e.  g.,  "  die  octavo  Februarij  "  (Meursius,  18).  So  Orlers,  i:  195  ;  Van  Mieris,  ii : 
545 ;  Fabricius,  24. 


THE   CITY  AND   ITS   HISTORY  483 

van  and  two  as  its  rear  guard.  Religion,  Law  and  Medicine 
were  represented  in  the  picturesquely  typical  fashion  of  the 
time.  Minerva  was  there,  in  full  armor,  with  Aristotle,  Plato, 
Cicero  and  Virgil ;  while  a  host  of  local  and  other  dignitaries 
followed  in  brilliant  robes  of  office.  The  whole  city  was  deco- 
rated, and  all  manner  of  exultation  exhibited  itself  in  ways 
which  taxed  heavily  the  Latin  of  the  chronicler. 

The  procession  moved  eastward  along  the  Breede-straat  and 
its  continuation  the  Nohel-straat  (Noble  St.),  under  a  tri- 
umphal arch  upon  the  Hoogewoerds  bridge,  and  then  swept  to 
the  right,  following  the  curve  of  the  Steenschur  around  to  the 
Nonnen-hrug  (Nuns'  Bridge),  which  it  crossed,  under  a  second 
arch,  passing  then  along  the  Rapenhurg  to  a  final  arch  crown- 
ing the  bridge  over  the  Valdersgracht  and  to  the  St.  Barbara 
cloister,  its  destination.  The  inaugural  address  was  delivered  by 
Caspar  Coolhaes.  Educated  at  Diisseldorf,  he  had  been  called 
to  the  great  church  in  Leyden  just  before  the  siege,  and  now,  at 
thirty-eight,  became  for  a  time  the  acting  professor  of  Theo- 
logy in  the  university.  This  service  concluded,  the  procession 
resumed  its  march,  traversing  the  Breede-straat  again,  and 
making  a  circuit  through  the  north  part  of  the  city,  finally 
disbanding  at  the  jimction  of  the  Oude  Vest  and  the  Rhine. 

The  wise  policy  was  pursued  of  winning  fame  for  the  new 
university  by  making  it  worthy  of  fame.  This  was  done  by  se- 
curing, so  far  as  possible,  teachers  already  renowned.  The  first 
Curator,  van  der  Does,  was  a  great  attraction,  and  Ludovicus 
Cappellus,  who  had  been  professor  of  Civil  Law  at  Bordeaux 
and  later  pastor  of  the  great  churches  at  Paris  and  Meaux, 
early  undertook  a  professorship  of  Theology.  Justus  Lipsius 
was  the  first  professor  of  History,  editing  Seneca  and  Tacitus, 
and  sending  out  from  the  Plantin  press  at  Antwerp  various 
works  whose  elegant  scholarship  excited  universal  admiration. 
John  Drusius  filled  its  chair  of  Oriental  languages  for  nine 
years,  having  gone  thither  from  Oxford  with  a  reputation  which 
attracted  students  from  all  Protestant  countries.  Moreover,  for 
his  last  sixteen  years,  the  famous  Joseph  Justus  Sealiger  was  its 
professor  of  Belles-Lettres  ;  the  man  of  whom  Mark  Pattison 
said  that,  when  he  died,  "  the  most  richly  stored  intellect  which 


484  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

had  ever  spent  itself  in  acquiring  knowledge  was  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Omniscient." 

The  young  institution  did  not  remain  long  in  the  St.  Bar- 
bara premises.  For  some  reason  it  was  moved  east,  appar- 
ently in  September,  along  the  Maperiburg  to  the  chapel  of  the 
Falyde  Beguynen  (Veiled  Nuns  Convent),  where  the  Library 
now  is.  Here  it  remained  until  1581,  when  it  was  transferred 
across  the  canal  to  the  deserted  premises  of  the  Witte  Nonnen 
(White  Nuns),  opposite  the  end  of  the  Kloksteeg  (Bell  Lane), 
where  its  principal  building  is  to-day.  Very  likely  the  larger 
possibilities  of  securing  land  for  the  Botanical  Garden  —  which, 
under  the  renowned  Peter  Paauw  soon  became  famous  —  influ- 
enced this  final  selection. 

The  religious  perturbations  of  the  land,  already  alluded  to, 
were  increased  in  Leyden  by  differences  between  the  Reformed 
ministers.  Peter  Cornelison  wanted  elders  and  deacons  named 
by  the  Consistory  independently  of  the  magistrates.  Coolhaes 
thought  that,  upon  nomination  by  the  Consistory,  the  civil  au- 
thorities should  approve.  The  magistrates  naturally  sided  with 
Coolliaes.  Out  of  this  difference  ^  grew  a  wider  one,  in  a  way 
precluding  the  Arminian  difficulties.  Coolhaes  avowed  unusu- 
ally liberal  views  of  infant  baptism,  the  Lord's  Supper,  and 
election,  and  paroxysms  of  indignation,  now  difficult  to  be  under- 
stood, were  exhibited. 

Of  course  Leyden  also  watched  interestedly  that  great  series 
of  events,  between  the  Pacification  of  Ghent,  in  1576,  and  the 
Act  of  Abjuration,  of  1581,  by  which  Holland  and  Zealand  for- 
mally threw  off  the  Spanish  yoke,  acknowledging  the  divine 
right  of  kings,  yet  insisting  that  Philip  had  forfeited  all  rights 
by  his  tyranny.  But  almost  the  only  special  event  in  her  own 
history  was  one  in  1587,  connected  with  the  disgraceful  record 
of  Leicester's  later  months  in  the  Netherlands  as  Queen  Eliza- 
beth's representative. 

Most  of  the  Brabanters  and  Flemings  attracted  to  Leyden 
were  rigid  Calvinists.  But  the  tremendous  pressure  of  the  siege 
had  so  pidverized  religious  distinctions  that  a  Papist  who  had 
fought  and  starved  for  the  common  liberty  was  regarded  ahnost 

1  Brandt,  i :  367. 


THE  CITY  AND  ITS  HISTORY  485 

as  one  of  themselves  by  his  Protestant  comrades,  and  a  Protest- 
ant as  a  Papist  by  his  compatriot  Romanists.  The  records 
show  that  one  or  two  magistrates  were  Romanists,  while  not 
only  was  a  public  school  kept  by  a  Romanist,  but  even  old  Bur- 
gomaster Van  der  Werff  sent  his  son  to  it.  Yet  in  time  reh'gious 
differences  grew  bitter  and  affected  civil  affairs.  Leyden  had 
taken  open  issue  with  the  Synod  held  at  Dort  in  1581,  and 
had  supported  Coolhaes,  in  defiance  of  its  excommunication. 
Multitudes  withdrew  from  the  Leyden  churches.  The  Lord's 
Supper  was  discontinued  for  more  than  eighteen  months,  and, 
when  resumed,  in  1582,  scarcely  100  persons  at  first  attended.^ 
The  place  seemed  a  favorable  hotbed  for  the  seeding  of  se- 
dition, and,  when  that  illustrious  Calvinist,  Leicester,  began 
plotting  to  gain  possession  of  some  important  cities  to  reestab- 
lish his  waning  power,  his  friends  in  Leyden  made  a  serious 
effort  to  effect  a  revolution  in  his  favor.  Jacques  Volmar,  a 
deacon  of  the  Reformed  Church  ;  Adolph  van  Meetkerke,  for- 
merly President  of  Flanders,  whom  Leicester  had  made  a  member 
of  the  Council  of  State,  but  whom  the  States  had  removed  ; 
Cosmo  de  Pescarengis,  a  Genoese  captain  ;  Dr.  Hadrian  Sara- 
via,  a  professor  of  Divinity  and  preacher  in  the  French  church, 
and  others  entered  into  the  scheme. 

Captain  Nicolas  de  Maulde,  who  commanded  the  Leyden 
forces  and  had  been  disgusted  by  the  way  in  which  the  Sluys 
garrison  had  been  sacrificed  a  little  while  before,  also  joined 
the  plot.  Early  on  Sunday  morning,  Oct.  11,  1587,  he  was  to 
march  his  troops  to  the  City  HaU,  where  he  was  to  meet  a  body 
of  armed  citizens.  Together  they  were  to  seize  the  City  Hall  in 
the  name  of  the  Earl  and  publish  a  placard  announcing  their 
object.  But  the  Genoese  captain  was  imprisoned  for  debt  ^  just 
then,  and  one  conspirator,  alarmed  thereby,  revealed  all  that 
he  knew  to  the  authorities.  Although  De  Meetkerke,  Saravia 
and  others,  made  their  escape,  Volmar  and  De  Maulde  were 
arrested.  They  claimed  that  they  had  acted  under  Leicester's 
orders.  But  of  course  they  could  produce  no  written  proof,  and, 
in  any  case,  he  left  them  to  their  fate.    Volmar,  De  Pescaren- 

1  Brandt,  i :  382, 

2  Brandt  says  (i :  420)  :  "  Being  suspected  of  some  other  crime." 


486  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

gis  and  De  Maulde  were  beheaded  on  Oct.  26.  In  the  case  of 
De  Maulde,  who  is  said  to  have  been  young  and  handsome,  an 
ancient  custonx  was  violated,  the  entreaty  of  a  noble  lady,  who 
claimed  his  life  by  demanding  him  as  her  husband  on  the  scaf- 
fold, being  denied.  The  magistrates  were  inexorable,  and  it  even 
was  whispered  ^  that  of  the  two  fates  De  Maulde  preferred  the 
axe.  The  severity  shown  in  this  execution  illustrates  the  revul- 
sion of  the  popular  feeling  in  regard  to  Leicester. 

In  1600  Ley  den  replied  to  questions  of  the  nobles  about  the 
Lutherans  that  they  "  were  the  best  Patriots  of  the  State,  and 
.  .  .  ought  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  what  was  formerly  conceded 
to  them."  In  1605  the  Classis  of  Dort  requested  the  Synod  of 
Rotterdam  to  discuss  the  disputes  about  the  doctrines  of  the 
Reformed  Churches.  This  was  supposed  to  be  aimed  at  Armin- 
ius,  and  it  prompted  the  Curators  of  the  ui^iversity  to  inquire 
of  the  Divinity  professors  whether  such  disputes  occurred.  To 
which  the  three  professors,  Gomar,  Arminius  and  Trelcatius,^ 
replied  that  possibly  they  did  occur  among  the  students,  but 
there  were  no  differences  between  themselves. 

Reference  has  been  made  already  to  the  contentions  between 
Gomar  and  Arminius.  But  they  did  not  reach  their  height  until 
after  the  Pilgrims  had  settled  in  Leyden.  The  air  of  Holland, 
however,  was  surcharged  with  excitement,  centrmg  about  these 
two  men,  and  there  was  a  skirmish  of  pamphlets. 

1  Bor.  xxiii :  97. 

^  Lucas  Trelcatius,  Jr.,  successor  of  his  deceased  father. 


CHAPTER  II 

LEYDEN  UNIVERSITY  AND  ITS  GREAT  MEN 

So  far  as  the  theological  or  the  political  atmosphere  was  con- 
cerned, the  Pilgrims  probably  saw  little  difference  between 
Amsterdam  and  Ley  den.  Although  much  less  famous  commer- 
cially than  Amsterdam,  Leyden  was  a  busy  city  of  about  50,000  ^ 
people,  unlike  Amsterdam  in  the  predominance  of  manufactures, 
particularly  of  woollen  cloths,  and  especially  in  its  decided  ele- 
ment of  student  life.  Serge,  baize,  bombazine,  fustian  and  some- 
thing like  modern  "  rose  blankets  "  were  the  staples.  The  Oude 
Vest  canal  became  a  favorite  resort  of  the  cloth-makers,  and  on 
fine  days  one  could  see  on  its  borders  great  numbers  of  people 
scouring  their  cloths  and  then  drying  them  upon  frames  attached 
to  the  houses ;  a  sight,  indeed,  not  unknown  now  in  connection 
with  laundry  work. 

Forgetting  that  the  idea  of  weaving  by  machinery  was  not 
evolved  until  the  eighteenth  century,^  and  that  not  until  the 
nineteenth  was  there  a  power-loom,  some  have  imagined  Leyden 
at  this  time  as  having  huge  mills.  But  weaving  then  was  done 
in  private  houses,  a  hand-loom  and  a  spinning-wheel  being  house- 
hold articles  nearly  as  indispensable  as  a  brass  kettle.  Different 
headquarters  also  were  provided  for  different  sorts  of  cloth,  Baai- 
halle^  Fusteyn-halle^  LakeTh-Tialle,  Saai-halle  (baize,  fustian, 
cloth,  and  serge-halls)  and  the  like,  to  which  the  fabric  was 
taken  to  be  inspected  and  stamped  by  the  proper  officials. 

The  first  task  of  the  Pilgrims  was  to  find  homes,  and  their 
chief  members  no  doubt  counselled  together  in  order  to  secure 
for  Robinson  quarters  spacious  enough  to  enable  them  all,  with 

^  The  Enc.  Brit,  says  (xiv  :  495)  that  the  population  was  much  more  than  50,000 
in  1623,  and  was  estimated  at  100,000  in  1640. 

^  In  1745  Jacques  de  Vaucanson  nearly  completed  the  great  invention,  but  missed 
it.    Enc.  Brit,  xxiv  :  465  ;   xiii :  539. 


488  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

some  crowding,  to  meet  there  for  worship.  Possibly  a  few  found 
shelter  in  property  owned  by  the  city.  That  confiscation  of 
Romanist  convents,  etc.,  to  which  reference  has  been  made, 
sometimes  carried  with  it  the  title  to  many  small  tenements. 
For  example,  the  ground  plan  ^  of  the  premises  of  the  Falyde 
Beguynhof  shows  that  there  were  some  fifty  small  houses, 
grouped  about  the  central  court  and  the  chapel.  Probably  the 
State,  or  city,  sold  such  dwellings  now  and  then,  but  obviously 
a  few  years  before  Robinson's  company  arrived  it  still  held  con- 
trol of  a  number  of  them.  If  some  Pilgrims,  and  perhaps  Rob- 
inson himself,  found  shelter  there,  it  would  suggest  one  reason 
why,  two  years  later,  they  pitched  upon  the  almost  adjoining 
property  as  their  headquarters. 

Their  distribution  among  the  industries  of  the  place  is  sug- 
gested by  the  various  volumes  of  public  records  covering  the 
period  between  1609  and  July,  1620,  which  will  be  described 
later.  Of  course  it  is  not  possible  to  associate  all  the  English 
then  in  Leyden  with  Robinson's  company,  but  probably  the 
major  portion  of  them  had  some  connection  with  it ;  a  connec- 
tion rendered  almost  certain  for  many,  as  to  whom  other  evi- 
dence is  lacking,  by  the  presence  with  them  on  various  occasions, 
as  witnesses,  sponsors  or  sureties,  of  those  known  to  have  been 
Pilgrims.  Although  no  hint  occurs  as  to  how  some  well  known 
members  of  the  company,  e.  g.,  Thomas  Blossom  and  John  Carver, 
employed  themselves,  the  records  mention  the  occupations  of  131 
persons,  whose  names  or  other  details  concerning  whom  imply 
their  English  connections,  and  eighty-six  of  whom  are  known  to 
have  belonged  in  some  sense  to  the  Pilgrim  company.  Concern- 
ing the  others,  who  cannot  be  proved  to  have  been  members  of 
it,  if  at  all,  until  after  the  departure,  in  July,  1620,  of  those 
who  came  to  America,  there  also  is  considerable  information. 

Among  these  131  persons  fifty-seven  occupations  were  repre- 
sented —  taking  them  as  recorded,  although  several  are  almost 
identical  —  as  follows  :  baize  weaver,  two  ;  baker,  one  ;  block 
maker,  one ;  bombazine  weaver,  three  ;  brewer's  man,  two  ;  bunt- 
ing maker,  one ;  cabinet  maker,  one ;  camlet  merchant,  two ; 
candle  maker,  one ;  card  maker,  one  ;  carpenter,  one  ;  cloth 
^  Platte-grond  van  1578.     In  Leiden  voor  300  Jaren.   Nos.  8,  33. 


LEYDEN  UNIVERSITY  AND  ITS  GREAT  MEN         489 

draper,  one  ;  cloth  filler,  one  ;  cloth  maker,  one  ;  cloth  merchant, 
three  ;  cloth  weaver,  one  ;  cloth  worker,  one  ;  clothier,  two  ; 
cobbler,  two  ;  cooper,  one  ;  draper,  one ;  engi-aver,  one  ;  fustian 
weaver,  four ;  glove  maker,  three  ;  grocer,  one  ;  hat  maker,  four ; 
jeweller,  one  ;  leather  dresser,  one  ;  leather  worker,  one  ;  linen 
weaver,  three ;  lock  maker,  one ;  looking-glass  maker,  two ;  mason, 
two ;  merchant,  five  ;  minister,  one  ;  polisher,  one  ;  printer,  four  ; 
pump  maker,  one  ;  real  estate  dealer,  one  ;  ribbon  weaver,  three  ; 
say  1  weaver,  twenty-two ;  shoemaker,  two  ;  shop  keeper,  one ; 
silversmith,  one  ;  smith,  one  ;  stocking  seller,  one  ;  student,  three ; 
tailor,  five  ;  tallow  chandler,  one  ;  tobacco  worker,  one  ;  tobacco 
merchant,  three  ;  tobacco-pipe  maker,  three  ;  twine  maker,  one  ; 
watch  maker,  two ;  wood  sawyer,  one ;  wool  carder,  five ;  wool 
comber,  eight.^ 

That  they  engaged  in  such  hmnble  employments  as  some  of 
these  was  due  to  the  three  facts  that  many  of  them  had  been 
men  of  lowly  station  in  England ;  that  most  of  them,  having 
been  farmers,  now  had  to  turn  to  such  trades  as  could  be  learned 
easily ;  and  that,  in  most  cases,  having  been  compelled  to  sacri- 
fice much  of  whatever  property  they  had  in  order  to  escape  from 
England  at  all,  they  were  poor  and  were  obliged  to  accept  at 
once  whatever  work  could  be  found.  The  records  show,  however, 
that,  although  two  or  three  of  those  who  remained  in  Leyden 
after  1620  seem  to  have  failed  to  prosper,  being  entered  in  the 
census  of  Oct.  15,  1622,  as  "  too  poor  to  be  taxed,"  most  of  the 

^  Say,  or  saai,  probably  was  a  coarse,  thick  ■woollen  fabric,  like  that  of  a 
blanket. 

^  Arranged  in  the  order  of  numbers  they  are  as  follows :  — 

Baker,  block  maker,  bunting  maker,  cabinet  maker,  candle  maker,  card  maker^ 
carpenter,  cloth  draper,  cloth  filler,  cloth  maker,  cloth  weaver,  cloth  worker, 
cooper,  draper,  engraver,  grocer,  jeweller,  leather  dresser,  leather  worker,  lock 
maker,  minister,  polisher,  pump  maker,  real  estate  dealer,  shop  keeper,  silver- 
smith, smith,  stocking  seller,  tallow  chandler,  tobacco  worker,  twine  maker  and 
wood  sawyer,  one  each. 

Baize  weaver,  brewer's  man,  camlet  merchant,  clothier,  cobbler,  looking-glass 
maker,  mason,  shoemaker  and  watch  maker,  two  each. 

Bombazine  weaver,  cloth  merchant,  glove  maker,  linen  weaver,  ribbon  weaver, 
student,  tobacco  merchant  and  tobacco-pipe  maker,  three  each. 

Fustian  weaver,  hat  maker  and  printer,  four  each. 

Merchant,  tailor  and  wool  carder,  five  each. 

Wool  comber,  eight. 

Say  weaver,  twenty-two. 


490  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

comiDany,  although  in  many  cases,  as  Bradford  declares,^  only 
after  a  severe  struggle,  raised  themselves  above  actual  want. 
Some  engaged  in  several  different  occupations  successively,  and 
ordinarily  with  imjjroved  fortunes. 

As  for  their  dwellings,  if  the  same  period  —  from  May,  1609 
to  July,  1620  —  be  examined,  mention  is  found  in  seventy-four 
cases,  including  two  successive  residences  in  eleven  instances  and 
three  in  two  instances.  But  in  three  or  four  cases  ownership 
rather  than  occupancy  may  be  unplied.  Forty -six  ^  are  those  of 
Pilgrims,  but  only  eight  ^  of  these  became  Mayflower  passengers. 
Nine  *  others  are  recorded  before  1620  of  joersons  who  may  have 
belonged  to  the  company,  and  the  census  of  Oct.  15, 1622,  names 
the  residences  of  fourteen  more  who  are  known  to  have  been, 
and  of  five  ^  who  may  have  been.  Pilgrims  before  the  departure ; 
most  of  whom  probably  had  lived  before  1620  where  1622  found 
and  recorded  them.  Clearly  they  gravitated  towards  St.  Peter's 
and  its  neighborhood,  a  most  desirable  locality.    Three  fourths 

1  Hist.  17,  19,  22-23. 

-  In  the  Achtergracht,  W.  Bradford,  1617.  Barharasteeg,  T.  Rogers,  1620. 
Bogertsteeg,  J.  Spooner,  1616.  Boisstraat,  R.  Cushman,  1616.  Coepoortsgracht, 
J.  Keble,  1614.  Dwarsheerensteeg,  H.  Collet,  1612  ;  J.  Keble,  1614.  Groenensteeg, 
W.  White,  1615.  Groenhasegracht,  W.  Jepson,  1614  ;  W.  Minter,  1614  ;  W.  Robert- 
son, 1614 ;  R.  Simmons,  1619.  Hontmarckt,  R.  Cushman,  1616.  Hoogewoerd,  R. 
Peck,  1609.  Jacobsgracht,  T.  Willet,  1615.  Eorte  Heerensteeg,  H.  Collet,  1614. 
Marendorp,  R.  Peck,  1610;  Eliz.  Pettinger,  1610;  W.  Pontus,  1610.  Marepoort,  S. 
Fuller,  1617.  Middleberg,  J.  Carver,  1609.  Nieuwestadt,  E.  Chandler,  1619 ;  S. 
Lee,  1619.  Nieuwesteeg,  S.  Butterfield,  1617 ;  R.  Thiekins,  1015.  Nonnensteeg, 
R.  Cushman,  1616.  Pieterskerkgracht  (Eloksteeg) ,  I.  Allerton,  1620;  J.  AUerton, 
1616;  T.  Blossom,  1617;  T.  Brewer,  1615;  J.  Brewster,  1619;  Mary  Butler, 
1611  ;  S.  Fuller,  1615 ;  E.  Jessop,  1618 ;  R.  Peck,  1019 ;  J.  Robinson,  1612 ; 
W.  White  (another),  1618.  Stinksteeg,  W.  Brewster,  1609.  St.  Ursulasteeg,  W. 
Brewster,  1609.  Styensteeg,Fi.  Jessop,  1615.  Uiterstegracld,  R.  Masterson,  1614; 
W.  White,  1610  ;  R.  Wilson,  1614.  Veldestraat,  J.  Jenney,  1618.  VHet,  Z.  Bar- 
row, 1616.     Near  Vrowekerk,  Mary  Butler  (another),  1616. 

^  I.  Allerton,  J.  Allerton,  Bradford,  Brewster,  Carver,  Fuller,  Rogers  and 
White  (the  first-named). 

*  The  nine  are  :  Achtergracht,  J.  Leighton,  161.3.  East  Eapenburg,  T.  Edwards, 
1616.  Mirakelsteeg,  S.  Singleton,  1617.  Nonnensteeg,  P.  Edwards,  1610;  H.  Rich- 
ard, 1614.  Noordende,  D.  Crickett,  1616.  Pieterskerkgracht,  J.  Ainsworth,  1618 ; 
J.  Bailey,  1616.     Sonnerveltsteeg,  J.  Robertson,  1613. 

^  The  fourteen  are :  J.  Spooner,  in  the  Ketelboersteeg,  and  Z.  Barrow,  R.  Chan- 
dler, J.  Crips,  J.  Dunham,  D.  Fairfield,  E.  Horsfield,  J.  Hurst,  W.  Jepson,  W.  Pon- 
tus, A.  Price,  S.  Tracy,  R.  Wilkins  and  T.  Willet  in  the  Zevenhuysen.  The  five 
are  :  P.  Cushman,  in  the  Oostnieuivelant,  and  Josephine  Brown,  A.  Garretson,  Su- 
sanna Halton  and  J.  Smith  in  the  Zevenhuysen. 


LEYDEN  UNIVERSITY  AND  ITS  GREAT  MEN         491 

of  them  lived  not  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  house 
on  the  Klokstecg,  under  the  very  shadow  of  St.  Peter's  and  only 
a  stone's  throw  from  the  university,  which  became  their  head- 
quarters and  where  Robinson  lived  until  he  died.  Leyden  then 
was  a  specially  agreeable  place  of  residence.  Bradford  called  it 
"  a  fair  &  bewtifull  citie,  and  of  a  sweete  situation."  And  a 
French  chronicler,  who  wrote  from  intimate  knowledge,  said,^ 
"  The  City  of  Leyden  is,  without  contradiction,  one  of  the  grand- 
est, cleanest,  and  most  agreeable  cities  of  the  world." 

Some  of  its  more  conspicuous  features  still  characterize  it. 
They  found  two  great  Reformed  churches,  in  which  they  may 
not  have  worshipped  much,  but  under  which  they  buried  their 
dead.  Near  the  centre  of  the  original  city  was  the  huge,  but 
severely  plain,  cathedral,  the  PietersTcerh.  This  was  partly  sur- 
rounded by  a  dozen  quaint  little  houses,  nestling  up  against  it, 
erected  in  1593,  for  the  use  of  subordinate  officials,  and  occu- 
pied when  the  Pilgrims  were  there.  A  few  memorial  tablets 
within  the  building  then  were  in  place,  among  them  those  of 
Rembert  Dodonaeus  and  John  Heurnius,  famous  university  pro- 
fessors. 

Northwest  from  the  Pietersherh,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Rhine,  was,  and  still  is,  St.  Pancras,  near  the  Burg  and  there- 
fore often  called  the  Hooglandsche  Kerk  (Church  of  the  High- 
lands). Probably  the  only  monument  of  any  distinguished 
person  then  buried  there  is  that,  dating  back  to  1604,  of  burgo- 
master Van  der  Werff .  In  addition  to  these  two  great  Reformed 
churches  there  was,  also  across  the  Rhine  and  on  the  present 
Haarlemmer-straat,  the  Lieve  Vrowe,  or  Marie,  Kerk,  now  de- 
stroyed, dedicated  in  1365  to  the  Virgin,  and  after  the  Reforma- 
tion the  gathering  place  of  the  French  and  Walloons.  Probably 
few  monuments  adorned  its  interior  in  1609,  although  it  con- 
tained the  fresh  graves  of  two  university  professors  ;  the  great 
Scaliger,  since  transferred  to  the  Pieterskerk,  and  Carl  Clu- 
sius. 

Next  to  the  cathedral  the  most  important  building  was,  and 
is,  the  Stadt-huis,  or  Raad-huis  (City  Hall,  or  Senate  House), 
on  the  Breede-straat ;  a  long,  picturesque  structure  adorned 
^  Les  Helices  de  Leide,  1. 


492  THE  PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

with  grotesque  pinnacles,  and  an  elaborate  tower  containing  a 
sweet  chime  of  bells.  The  date  of  its  construction  is  unknown. 
But  it  was  rebuilt  in  1481,  and  again,  in  part,  in  1577  and 
1597.  There  are  two  side  doors  at  the  street  level  and  an  im- 
posing main  entrance  between  them  by  steps  up  to  the  next 
floor.  Above  one  of  the  side  entrances  is  a  waU  tablet  with  the 
legend :  ^  — 

S3en)aert  §eer  ^oUanb  : 

(gn  5alid)t  Set)ben  ; 

followed  by  this  enigmatical  inscription  :  ^  — 

^a  §2!Borte  ^3)nger8  noot, 

(Sebrad^t  f)abbe  te  boot 

^3  mm  5e8  b35^§ent  a)?en§(5^en 

nUi  @obt  ben  §eer  S3erbroot 

®a  i)Q  5$ng  333Seber  broot 

©00  35eel  33353  S^SnSten  3333en§S^en. 

Moreover,  a  mosaic  arrangement  of  the  pavement  in  the  street 
called  attention  to  the  arms  of  the  city,  the  date  of  the  siege, 
1574,  and  the  motto:  9'itet  jonber  (^ob.^ 

Two  pictures  still  hang  within  which  must  have  been  there 
in  the  Pilgrims'  time,  and  on  which,  no  doubt,  they  looked 
somewhat  askance.  One,  by  Cornelis  Engelbrechtszen,  repre- 
sents in  the  middle  panel  the  Crucifixion  and  on  the  two  sides 
the  Sacrifice  of  Abraham  and  the  Brazen  Serpent.  Formerly 
it  was  the  altar-piece  of  the  Klooster-Marienpoel  (Convent  by 
the  Mary's  Pool).  The  other  is  a  Last  Judgment  by  Lucas  van 
Leyden.  This  picture,^  also  a  triptych,  in  pre-Reformation 
days  adorned  the  high  altar  of  St.  Peter's. 

^  "  God  keep  Holland :  And  bless  Leyden." 

2  This  contains  129  letters,  corresponding  to  the  number  of  days  of  the  siege, 
and  the  sum  of  its  capitals  when  added  is  said  to  equal  1574,  the  year  of  the 
siege  (Van  Mieiis,  ii :  364).   A  rough  translation  is  as  follows  :  — 

"  When  the  black  famine 
Had  brought  to  death 
Nearly  six  thousand  people, 
Then  the  Lord  God  repented 
And  gave  us  bread 
As  much  as  we  could  wish." 

3  "  Not  without  God." 

*  Other  pictures  of  later  dates  on  the  walls  touchingly  suggest  striking  inci- 
dents of  the  siege. 


LEYDEN   UNIVERSITY   AND   ITS   GREAT  MEN         493 

Among  other  buildings  of  note  there  were,  clustering  around 
the  cathedral,  on  the  north  the  Lokhorst^  or  mansion  of  the 
Counts  of  Holland,  and  the  Gevangenhuis,  or  prison ;  and  on 
the  south  the  Comanderie^  the  ancient  residence  of  the  Order 
of  Hosijitallers,  or  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  and,  a  few  steps 
towards  the  Rapenhurg,  the  buildings  of  the  Falyde  Beguyn- 
hqf,  and  a  little  farther  west  the  old  chapel  of  the  White 
Nuns,  where  the  main  instruction  of  the  university  was  given. 
Then  there  were  the  Gemeenlandshuis^  or  hall  of  the  deputies 
of  the  United  States  of  Holland,  a  little  west  of  the  City  Hall 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Breede-straat ;  the  Priusenhof^  the 
same  convent  of  St.  Barbara  where  the  university  had  had  its 
beginning,  then  used  for  the  entertainment  of  distinguished 
visitors  ;  and  the  Doelen,  or  headquarters  of  the  municipal 
guard,  where  the  Naval  Training  School  now  is. 

There  also  were  the  Lepi'oos-huis  (Lepers'  Hospital),  in  the 
extreme  northwest  corner  of  the  second  enlargement  of  the 
town  ;  the  Pest  en  Dol-huis  (Plague  and  Insane  Hosj)ital), 
just  northwest  of  the  Vrowe7ikerk ;  and  the  Wees-huis  (Or- 
phans' Home)  near  St.  Pancras.  Scattered  about  the  town, 
also,  were  other  structures  formerly  convents,  nunneries,  or 
hospitals.  Moreover,  just  behind  the  Lokhorst  was  the  Groote 
School,  a  free  school.  The  building  had  been  refitted  finely  at 
the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  the  inscription  ^  over  its 
entrance :  — 

Pietati,  Linguis,  et  Artibus 
Liberalis,  S.  S.  P.  Q.  Lug. 
dunensis  Restau.  C. 
Anno.  CIO.IO.C 

must  have  given  them  a  wholesome  reminder  of  the  close  rela- 
tion of  a  free  school  to  a  free  state. 

The  university  had  found  its  permanent  quarters  in  the  Con- 
vent of  the  White  Nuns.  Its  premises  were  a  heterogeneous 
group  of  buildings,  but  they  fairly  met  the  growing  needs  of 
the  young  institution.  Some  of  its  first  professors  have  been 
mentioned.     Among  the  others,   Petrus  Tiara,   skilled   in   the 

1  Van  Mieris,  ii :  442.   "  To  Piety,  the  Languages  and  Liberal  Arts,  the  Senate 
and  People  of  Leyden  have  rebuilt  this  Structure.   In  the  year  1600." 


494  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

Greek,  was  its  earliest  Rector  Marjnificus.  John  van  der  Does 
—  Janus  Dousa  —  its  earliest  Curator,  was  "  a  living  library, 
and  a  walking  museum." 

Eleven  distinguished  divines  had  taught  theology  there  and 
had  died  or  removed.  Lucas  Trelcatius,  Sr.,  and  Francois  du 
Jon  —  Francis  Junius  —  perished  by  the  plague  about  1602, 
each,  especially  Junius,  with  an  honorable  fame. 

Some  early  instructors  withdrew,  sometimes  because  they 
could  not  well  refuse  invitations  from  riders  to  whom  they  owed 
allegiance.  Ludovicus  Cappellus  was  called  away  by  the  Count 
Palatine  in  the  next  year.  Caspar  Coolhaes  was  summoned  back 
to  the  ministry  at  St.  Peter's  as  soon  as  his  successor  coidd  be 
secured.  William  Fengeraeus  was  recalled  to  France  in  1579. 
Lambert  Danaeus,  a  Genevan  graduate,  was  transferred  to  Ghent 
in  1582  after  a  year  at  Leyden.  Hadrian  Saravia,  a  rare  theo- 
logian and  linguist,  foolishly  became  involved  in  the  plot  in  favor 
of  the  Earl  of  Leicester  in  1587.  Charles  Gallus,  from  Arnheim, 
who  had  studied  theology  with  both  Calvin  and  Beza,  accepted 
a  chair  of  theology  at  Leyden  in  1587,  but  retired  in  1591. 

The  other  professorships  had  suffered  fewer  changes.  In  law 
three  noted  men  had  completed  their  service.  Hugo  Donellus, 
who  had  taught  at  Geneva,  Heidelberg  and  elsewhere,  began 
legal  instruction  at  Leyden  and  labored  successfully  for  eight 
years.  Julius  Beyma  came  to  Leyden  from  Wittenberg  and 
taught  for  fifteen  years ;  and  Cornelius  Neustadius,  one  of  her 
own  doctors  of  law,  taught  and  also  served  as  Curator  for  over 
thirty  years.  In  medicine,  too,  three  famous  men  had  done  their 
work.  Peter  Forestius,  founded  the  medical  department,  but 
withdi'ew  soon.  Gerard  Bontius,  associated  with  Forestius,  al- 
ways read  Galen  and  Hippocrates  in  their  originals,  and  in 
practice  had  no  superior.  John  Heurnius,  of  Utrecht,  coming 
to  Leyden  at  thirty-seven,  served  also  as  Hector  Magnificus  for 
almost  the  entire  twenty  years  until  his  death  in  1601. 

Nor  should  the  venerable  Hebraist,  Francis  Raphelengius,  with 
his  quarto  Arabic  Lexicon,  be  forgotten ;  nor  his  even  more 
Orientally  learned  colleague,  John  Drusius,  who  had  taught  He- 
brew, Chaldaic  and  Syriac  at  both  Cambridge  and  Oxford  when 
he  was  twenty-two,  and  was  professor  of  the  Oriental  tongues  at 


LEYDEN  UNIVERSITY  AND  ITS  GREAT  MEN         495 

Leyden  from  1577  to  1585.  Justus  Lipslus  was  first  to  teach 
history,  becoming"  a  professor  in  1579.  It  is  said  that  he  offered 
to  repeat  the  whole  of  Tacitus  with  a  dagger  at  his  breast,  to  be 
thrust  home  should  he  misquote  or  even  hesitate.  Apparently 
he  was  secretly  a  Romanist  and  surely  died  in  that  church.  Paul 
Merida,  of  Dort,  was  his  successor,  and  after  fifteen  years  of  ser- 
vice, received,  when  he  died  in  1607,  the  epitaph :  "  Ave  et 
Salve,  Vir  paucis  comparande.^'  Logic  had  the  service  of  Peter 
Molonaeus,  educated  at  Sedan  and  Paris,  for  six  years  from 
1592  until  he  was  called  to  Paris  by  Catharine,  the  sister  of 
Henry  IV.  And  Carl  Clusius  had  ended  a  long  life  of  devo- 
tion to  natural  science  by  teaching  botany  at  Lej^den  for  sixteen 
years.  He  left  his  impress  distinctly  upon  the  still  famous 
Botanical  Garden. 

To  turn  from  the  dead  or  withdrawn  to  the  living  and  resi- 
dent, Robinson  must  have  found  one  who  had  been  there  from 
the  beginning,  Cornelius  de  Groot,  or  Grotius,  an  uncle  of  the 
great  Hugo.  He  taught  philosophy  first,  but  afterwards  civil 
law.  He  had  been  Rector  Magnificus  six  times,  and  was  the 
oldest  in  service,  altly)ugh  not  in  age,  of  the  fifteen  who  can  be 
identified  as  carrying  on  the  university  work  at  that  time.  He 
had  two  colleagues,  Everard  Bronckhorst  and  Gerard  Tuningius, 
the  former  of  whom  had  been  twenty-two  and  the  latter  nineteen 
years  in  service.  Bronckhorst  had  been  a  professor  at  Erfurt 
and  Wittenberg,  and  in  1587  went  to  Leyden  for  the  remainder 
of  his  life.  Tuningius  was  much  younger,  a  native  of  Leyden 
and  a  graduate  of  the  university,  who  began  to  serve  his  alma 
mater  at  twenty-four,  and  it  was  said  that  when  he  opened  his 
mouth  the  university  itself  seemed  to  speak.  He  then  was  forty- 
three  and  he  died  the  next  year.  The  two  shining  lights  in  theo- 
logy were  Francis  Gomar  and  Jacob  Arminius,  already  men- 
tioned. The  former  was  forty-six,  and  had  served  fifteen  years. 
The  latter  was  two  years  older,  although  nine  years  the  junior 
in  office. 

There  were  three  instructors  in  medicine,  Peter  Paauw,  Aelius 
Everardus  Vorstius  and  Otto  Heurnius,  who  were  respectively 
forty-five,  forty-four  and  thirty-two,  and  had  been  twenty,  eleven 
and  eight  years  in  service.    Paauw  had  studied  at  Leyden  and 


496  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

Paris  and  had  been  a  professor  at  Rostock,  afterwards  studying 
anatomy  in  Italy.  He  had  come  to  Ley  den  in  1589  and  had 
done  a  great  work  there  in  the  Anatomical  Museum  and  the 
Botanical  Garden,  as  well  as  by  his  direct  instructions.  Vorstius, 
having  studied  at  Leyden,  Heidelberg  and  Cologne,  in  1598  set- 
tled for  the  balance  of  his  life  —  he  died  in  1624  —  at  Leyden. 
Otto  Heurnius  was  the  oldest  son  of  John.  Educated  at  Leyden, 
he  became  teacher  of  philosophy  in  1599,  and,  when  his  father 
died  in  1601,  took  his  place. 

In  the  languages,  also,  there  were  three  professors,  Bonaven- 
tura  Vulcanius  in  Greek,  William  Coddaeus  in  Hebrew  and 
Daniel  Heinsius  in  the  Oriental  tongues.  Latin  was  used  rather 
than  expounded.  Vulcanius  was  born  in  1538.  His  education 
at  Louvain,  Basle  and  Geneva  was  continued  by  translating  the 
Greek  fathers  into  Latin  in  the  service  of  Cardinal  Mendoza  in 
Spain  and  his  brother  Ferdinand,  Archdeacon  of  Toledo.  In 
1581  he  was  called  to  Leyden,  where  he  taught  for  thirty- three 
years,  becoming  emeritus  in  1610.  He  was  the  oldest  of  the 
faculty,  being  seventy-one.  Coddaeus  was  born  in  Leyden  in 
the  year  when  the  university  was  founded.  His  diligence  in 
Greek  and  Hebrew  led  the  authorities,  after  the  death  of  Raphe- 
lengius  in  1601,  to  advance  him  to  the  latter's  place.  Heinsius 
was  one  of  the  most  famous  scholars  of  that  age.  He  studied  at 
Franeker  and  Leyden,  where  he  became  a  favorite  with  the  great 
Scaliger,  van  der  Does,  St.  Aldegonde  and  Merida.  At  eighteen 
he  began  to  teach  languages,  afterwards  politics  and  history, 
and,  still  later,  the  Oriental  tongues. 

The  third  oldest  in  the  faculty  was  Rudolf  Snellius,  then 
sixty-three,  who  had  taught  there  thirty  years.  Educated  at 
Heidelberg,  Cologne  and  Marburg,  he  began  teaching  the  hu- 
manities at  Leyden  in  1578  and  later  Hebrew  and  mathematics. 
Dominicus  Bendius  was  professor  of  history  and  Roman  law. 
He  had  taken  his  LL.  D.  at  Leyden  in  1585,  in  which  year  he 
was  sent  to  England  as  one  of  the  deputation  to  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, and  formed  a  special  friendship  with  Sir  Philip  Sidney. 
He  was  appointed  professor  of  eloquence  at  Leyden  in  1603. 
Gilbert  Jaccheus  was  born  in  Aberdeen  and  educated  at  St. 
Andrews  and  in  Germany.   He  taught  philosophy.  At  this  time 


LEYDEN   UNIVERSITY   AND   ITS   GREAT  MEN         497 

Reiuerus,  a  son  of  the  famous  Gerard  Bontius,  also  was  teach- 
ing natural  philosophy  here.  Clearly,  this  Leyden  faculty  in- 
cluded many  remarkable  men  from  the  beginning.  The  famous 
Graevius,  himself  one  of  the  greatest  classical  scholars  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  declared  that  more  eminent  men,  holding 
the  front  rank  for  intellect  and  erudition,  had  flourished  in  that 
university  than  in  all  others  in  Europe.  Sir  William  Hamilton 
also  affirmed  ^  that  "  Leyden  has  been  surpassed  by  many  other 
Universities,  in  the  emoluments  and  in  the  nmnber  of  her  chairs, 
but  has  been  equalled  by  none  in  the  average  eminence  of  her 
professors ;  "  and  Mullinger,  the  learned  historian  of  Cambridge, 
has  called  ^  it  "  the  most  famous  Protestant  seat  of  learning  in 
the  seventeenth  century." 

The  number  of  undergraduates  soon  became  large,  and,  al- 
though the  Dutch  no  doubt  always  were  in  the  majorit}'-,  students 
came  from  England,  France,  Germany,  Hungary,  Poland  and 
even  Russia.  They  found  quarters  as  best  they  could,  and  the 
town  was  crowded  with  them.  Doubtless  the  ordinary  laws  of 
supply  and  demand  soon  made  the  cost  of  shelter  and  food  a 
serious  matter,  which  probably  had  something  to  do  with  an  im- 
portant development  which  soon  followed.  In  1591^  the  authori- 
ties of  West  Friesland  warned  the  States  that  comparatively  few 
young  men  were  becoming  divinity  students.  As  this  warning 
was  echoed  from  other  quarters,  it  was  determined  to  found  a 
college  of  theology  with  accommodations  for  thirty-one  students. 
It  was  recognized  that,  without  some  general  training  in  other 
studies,  it  is  difficult  to  become  a  good  theologian,  and  therefore 
the  college  was  given  an  intimate  relation  to  the  university.  Its 
opening  ceremonies,  on  Oct.  6, 1592,  were  less  grand  than  those 
in  1575,  yet  were  impressive. 

Sermons  were  preached  in  the  three  great  churches.  Pieter 
Hack  discoursed  in  St.  Peter's,  Henry  GaUus  in  St.  Pancras, 
and  Daniel  de  NieUes,  in  French,  in  the  Vroweherh.  John 
Cuchlinus  was  the  head  of  the  new  college.  He  had  pfeached 
for  eighteen  years  at  Amsterdam.  His  ability  was  so  evident 
that  all  turned  to  him  to  found  the  new  enterprise  at  Leyden, 

^  Disserts,  and  Discussions,  375,  3(>4. 

2  ii :  212,  n.  »  Orlers,  i :  218-249. 


498  THE  PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

and  he  reluctantly  consented  and  bore  his  part  on  this  occasion. 
After  these  sermons,  a  procession  was  formed  in  front  of  the 
City  Hall  in  which  walked  the  chief  dignitaries  of  Church  and 
State,  as  well  as  the  university  professors.  The  march  ended  in 
the  large  hall  of  the  university.  Jan  van  Hout,  Secretary  of 
Leyden  from  1564  to  1609,  read  a  paper,  and  Cuchlinus  dehv- 
ered  a  Latin  oration.    All  was  concluded  by  a  feast. 

The  place  assigned  to  the  college  was  the  old  convent  of  the 
Celle-hroeders  (Cell-brothers),  on  the  west  side  of  the  Celle- 
hroeders-g^'acht.  New  buildings  appear  to  have  been  erected  in 
a  quadrangle  enclosing  a  square,  and  some  university  buildings 
now  occupy  the  site. 

Cuchlinus,  however,  as  soon  as  the  college  had  begun  to  run 
smoothly  slipped  back  to  Amsterdam.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Jeremias  Bastingius.  After  study  at  Geneva  and  Heidelberg 
and  a  ministry  in  Antwerp,  he  had  been  driven  out  by  the 
Spanish  troubles.  He  filled  the  place  of  Cuchlinus  well  for 
about  five  years,  dying  in  1598.  He  left  a  theological  treatise  ^ 
which-  was  translated  into  English  at  Cambridge.  Then  the  au- 
thorities recalled  Cuchlinus,  and  he  served  most  acceptably 
until,  in  1606,  during  a  discourse  on  the  Divine  Obedience,  he 
was  seized  with  paralysis  of  the  tongue  "  et  in  coelestem  patriam 
migravity  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son-in-law,  Peter  Bertius, 
educated  partly  in  England,  who  taught  philosophy,  and  had 
been  three  years  at  work. 

This  experiment  worked  so  well  that  the  Walloon  churches, 
stimulated  by  a  legacy  of  48,000  florins  ^  and  aided  by  the 
States,  dedicated  a  smaller  institution  for  French  students  on 
May  30,  1606.^  The  service,  which  included  the  inaug-uration 
of  Daniel  Colonius,  who  had  been  minister  of  a  French  and 
Dutch  church  in  Rotterdam,  resembled  the  other  in  general. 
The  inaugural  oration  was  by  John  Polyander,  then  pastor  of 
the  French  Church  at  Dort  and  afterwards  a  theological  pro- 
fessor' at  Leyden.     Colonius    served    until    1635,   during   the 

^  An  Exposition  or  Commentarie  vpon  the  Cateckisme  of  Christian  Religion  'IMitch 
is  taught  in  the  Schooles  and  Churches,  both  of  the  Lowe  Countries  c^~  of  the  dominions 
of  the  Countie  Palatine,  1593,  16mo. 

2  From  N.  Halletus.  Meursius,  39.  ^  Qrlers,  i :  238. 


LEYDEN   UNIVERSITY  AND  ITS  GREAT  MEN         499 

whole  of  Robinson's  residence.  The  quarters  of  this  French 
College  were  east  of  the  Doelen  on  the  Groene-hase-gracht 
(Green  Hares'  St.).  In  addition  to  the  twenty  or  thirty  highly 
educated  men  in  these  chairs  and  the  pastors  of  the  various 
churches,  there  were  others,  among  whom  was  Peter  Scriverius, 
a  poet  and  historical  scholar.  He  was  well  known  in  Holland 
as  late  as  1652,  and  was  a  co-resident  with  Robinson. 

These  Enghsh  people  also  must  have  met,  even  if  uncon- 
sciously, several  persons  who  won  fame  in  a  field  in  which  the 
Pilgrims  had  little  knowledge  and  perhaps  less  interest.  Three 
or  four  artists,  whose  names  the  world  does  not  forget,  must 
have  come  often  within  their  vision.  Esaias  van  der  Velde 
seems  to  have  been  working  in  Leyden.  Adrien  van  der  Venne 
was  studying  at  the  university,  preparatory  to  a  life  of  art,  and 
his  strong  religious  sympathy  with  tlie  Puritans  suggests  the 
possibility  of  intercourse  with  them.  Somewhere  about  the 
streets  they  also  may  have  seen  a  lad  of  thirteen,  to  gain  fame 
as  Jan  van  Goyen,  as  well  as  the  young  Jan  Lievensz,  after- 
wards well  known  in  London ;  and  also  the  child  Rembrandt  van 
Rijn,  who  was  to  become  the  prince  of  Dutch  art  and  one  of  the 
greatest  painters  in  history. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   PILGRIMS'   FIRST   YEAR  IN  LEYDEN  — 1609 

No  journals  or  other  personal  records  by  any  of  the  Pilgrims 
have  come  to  light  to  tell  us  of  their  life  in  Leyden.  Bradford's 
History  assigns  to  this  portion  of  the  narrative  only  forty-two 
pages/  of  which  all  but  four  are  devoted  to  "the  reasons  & 
causes  of  their  removall ;  "  while  Winslow  allots  it  not  even 
three. ^  Such  a  man  as  Robinson  probably  kept  a  diary,  and 
Brewster,  Bradford  and  Winslow  may  have  done  so.  There 
is  little  likelihood,  however,  that  any  such  treasure-trove  is  to 
enrich  us. 

Lacking  such  help,  the  historian  must  make  the  best  of  the 
meagre  hints  to  be  had.  Until  the  middle  of  the  last  century 
Leyden  was  practically  unknown  by  American  scholars,  and 
the  occasional  references  to  it  concerning  the  Pilgrims .  often 
were  misleading.^  But  in  1842  Mr.  George  Sumner  made  care- 
ful inquiry  on  the  ground,  and  his  observations  were  published 
in  1846  as  "  Memoirs  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden."  *  His  princi- 
pal objects  were  to  correct  depreciations  of  the  Pilgrims  and  to 
amend  some  too  favorable  statements  ;  to  show  that  Prince  had 
been  misinformed  as  to  their  having' had  a  church  allowed  them 
for  worship,  and  as  to  the  circumstances  of  Robinson's  burial ; 
and  to  state  that  the  record  of  his  interment  had  been  found, 
and  also  that  he  had  been  admitted  to  the  imiversity. 

Ten  years  later  Mr.  W.  F.  Bartlett  published  "  The  Pilgrim 

1  17-59.  2  jjyp_  Unmask,  88-90. 

^  Prince  says  {Annals,  i:  160)  "the  City  had  such  a  value  for  them  [re- 
garded the  Pilgrims  so  highly],  as  to  let  them  have  one  of  their  Churches,  in  the 
Chancel  whereof  He  [Rohinson]  lies  Buried."  Mrs.  Adams  {Letters  of  Wife  of  John 
Adams,  ed.  1840,  348)  also  says :  "  I  visited  the  church  at  Leyden,  in  which  our 
fore-fathers  worshipped."  Both  were  misled  by  tradition.  See  also  Marshall's 
Life  of  Washington  (i :  93),  Bozman's  Maryland  (376),  and,  for  a  reply  to  such  sug- 
gestions, Holmes's  Annals  (i :  572). 

*  S  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  ix:  42-74. 


THE   PILGRIMS'  FIRST  YEAR  IN   LEYDEN  501 

Fathers,"  going  over  the  ground  which  they  had  trodden  and 
devoting  twenty-six  pages  to  Leyden.  But  he  added  little,  if 
anything,  of  original  research.  The  next  contribution  of  value 
was  in  1859,  when  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy  —  who  had  repre- 
sented the  United  States  at  The  Hague,  had  made  personal 
investigation  at  Leyden  and  had  employed  officials  of  that  city 
to  aid  him — published  his  results  in  three  numbers  ^  of  the  "  His- 
torical Magazine,"  of  New  York.  His  discoveries  included  four- 
teen marriages,  three  admissions  to  citizenship,  the  deed  ^  of  the 
house  purchased  by  Robinson  and  his  associates,  a  bit  of  &  fac- 
simile of  a  map  of  1670  showing  the  spot,  the  letter  in  which 
the  Pilgrims  asked  leave  to  remove  to  Leyden,  and  some  less 
important  matters.  Apparently  he  supposed  that  he  had  ex- 
hausted the  sources.^  The  investigations  for  this  work  were 
begun  in  1863  and  have  been  continued  until  the  present  time.* 
They  have  involved  eleven  visits  to  Leyden,  have  included  pro- 
longed and  repeated  personal  examination  of  the  records,  and 
have  resulted  in  considerable  additions  to  the  facts. 

It  remains  to  reduce  what  has  been  acciunulated  thus  to  chron- 
ological order,  and  to  determine  what  light  is  thrown  upon  the 
life  of  the  men  and  the  nature  of  the  enterprise.  From  this 
point,  although  it  will  be  important  to  follow  contemporary  pub- 
lic affairs,  our  study  must  be  devoted  chiefly  to  the  revelations 
of  these  records.  But  first,  a  few  words  about  the  records  them- 
selves. 

There  are  in  Leyden  more  than  a  score  of  different  sets  of 
books,  officially  kept  to  meet  the  regular  demands  of  public 
affairs  and  running  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 

1  Sept.,  Nov.  and  Dec,  1859,  261-263,  330-335,  357-359. 

2  The  publication  of  the  deed,  in  Nov.,  1859,  had  been  anticipated  by  the  re- 
marks of  Geo.  Sumner  at  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  the  monument  in 
Plymouth  on  Aug-.  2,  18.")9,  reported  in  the  Boston  papers  of  Aug.  3. 

3  He  said  on  Apr.  6,  1863,  in  a  private  letter  to  Dr.  Dexter:  "  I  spent  several 
days  in  a  personal  examination  of  the  books  with  his  [Baron  J.  C.  Rammelman 
Elzevir,  Archivist  of  Leyden's]  assistance,  and  endeavored  to  obtain  all  that  is 
there  extant." 

*  1905.  Dr.  Dexter's  visits,  varying  in  length  from  a  few  days  to  a  month,  were 
in  1865,  1871, 1872,  1876,  1884  and  1887.  They  have  been  supplemented  by  my  own 
—  in  1891,  1901,  1902,  1904  and  1905  —  affording  me  seven  months  of  careful 
study  of  the  various  records  (including  some  which  Dr.  Dexter  did  not  find  acces- 
sible) and  resulting  in  some  further  discoveries  of  facts. 


602  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

century,  in  which  the  Pilgrims  left  traces.  That  the  happenings 
thus  recorded  often  are  comparatively  insignificant  does  not  pre- 
vent them,  in  the  absence  of  other  testimony,  from  having  con- 
siderable historical  value.    The  books  are  these  :  — 

1.  The  Kerkelijhe  Houwelijksche  Proclamatie  Boehen^  records 
of  betrothals  ^  of  persons  belonging  to  the  State  Church. 

2.  The  Echt  Boehen^  or  betrothal  records  of  persons  not  be- 
longing to  the  State  Church,  which  therefore  include  most  such 
entries  relating  to  the  Pilgrims.  Each  record  usually  includes 
most  of  the  following  particulars :  (a)  the  date ;  (b)  the  name 
of  the  intending  groom  ;  (c)  his  residence ;  (d)  his  occupation  ; 
(e)  the  fact  whether,  or  not,  it  is  his  first  marriage ;  (f )  the 
name  of  at  least  one  accompanying  witness ;  (g)  the  name  of 
the  bride  ;  (h)  her  residence  ;  (i)  whether,  or  not,  it  is  her  first 
marriage  ;  (k)  the  name  of  at  least  one  witness  for  her  ;  (1)  the 
dates  of  the  three  publications  of  the  banns ;  (m)  the  subse- 
quent date  of  the  marriage  itself;  and  (n)  the  names  of  the 
officiating  magistrates. 

3.  The  Trouw  Boehen,  additional,  and  often  parallel,  be- 
trothal records. 

4.  The  Pui  Boehen,  still  another  set  of  marriage  records. 

5.  The  Registers  van  de  Overledene  Personen  he  graven 
binnen  der  Stadt  Leyden,  or  burial  records ;  which  profess  to 
include  the  interment  of  every  person  buried  in  Leyden  since 
their  first  date.  Often,  but  not  always,  they  state  the  residence 
of  the  deceased. 

6.  The  Blaffaarden  van  den  Hoofd  Kerhen,  containing  re- 
ceipts of  burial-fees  in  St.  Peter's. 

7.  The  Eecords  of  the  Owners  of  Graves  in  St.  Peter's. 

8.  The  Kaartenhoehen  van  Straaten,  etc.,  including  street- 
plans,  with  the  dimensions  of  lots  and  names  of  owners  and  occu- 
piers. 

9.  The  Tweede  Register  vervaltende  Zevenhiiyzen  and  the 
Tweede  Register  Zuid  Rapenhurg,  containing  records  of  own- 
ership and  transfers  of  estates  in  those  neighborhoods,  with 
many  details. 

1  Betrothals  had  more  prominence  than  marriages,  the  latter  merely  being  re- 
garded as  consummating  the  former. 


THE   PILGRIMS'   FIRST  YEAR  IN  LEYDEN  503 

10.  The  Bon  of  Wijk  Registers,  or  ward  registers,  with  names 
of  families,  etc. 

11.  The  Ilegisters  der  Burgers  in  het  Hoofdgelt  betalende, 
or  lists  of  citizens  paying  a  poll-tax,  etc. 

12.  The  Ce7isus,  taken  October  15,  1622. 

13.  The  Poorter  Boeken,  or  records  of  citizenship,  giving 
the  names  of  all  persons  who  took  the  oath  of  citizenship  and 
became  invested  mth  its  privileges.  These  usually  specify : 
(a)  the  name  of  the  person ;  (b)  his  occupation ;  (c)  his  resi- 
dence ;  (d)  the  names  of  his  two  guarantors ;  (e)  the  fact  of 
the  payment  of  his  fee ;  (f )  the  names  of  the  schepenen, 
or  sheriffs,  who  superintended  the  transaction ;  and  (g)  the 
date. 

14.  The  Procuratie  and  the  Groot  Procuratie  Boeken,  or 
records  of  powers  of  attorney. 

15.  The  Getuignis  Boehen,  or  records  of  affidavits. 

16.  The  Inhreng  Boeken,  or  records  of  agreements  to  sell 
property. 

17.  The  Kustinghoehen  met  Overstelling,  the  Protocol  van 
IVaarhrieven,  the  Protocol  van  Schult  en  Rente  Brieven,  and 
the  Protocol  van  Opdrachts,  different  series  including  records 
of  sales  of  houses,  lands,  etc.,  deeds  of  transfer,  etc. 

18.  The  Hypothek  Boeken,  or  mortgage  records. 

19.  The  Ger edits  Dag  Boeken,  or  court  day  records,  in 
which  are  such  matters  as  the  request  for  leave  to  reside  in 
Leyden. 

20.  The  Burgmeester' s  Dag  Boek,  which  preserves  details  of 
the  burgomaster's  official  doings. 

21.  The  Register  van  Binnen  Wachters,  or  roll  of  the  night- 
watch,  or  city  guard  ;  and 

22.  The  various  university  records,  including  its  Register  of 
Matriculations  and  its  Criminal  en  Civil  Ding  Boeken,  noting 
the  relation  of  the  university  tribunal  to  criminal  and  civil 
affairs. 

The  value  as  testimony  of  these  records  often  is  impaired, 
however,  and  not  infrequently  is  destroyed,  by  the  fact  that  in 
Leyden  all  English  names  seem  to  have  been  written  by  the 
Dutch  officials  according  to  sound,  and  never  from  memoranda 


504  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

supplied.^  Thus  an  entry  easily  became  uncertain.  Apparently 
few  errors  were  made  as  to  the  transactions,  but  many  and  gi-ave 
blunders  clearly  were  made  in  the  names  ^  of  the  individuals  in- 
volved. The  recording-  official,  unfamiliar  with  English,  natu- 
rally spelled  their  names  from  his  Dutch  point  of  view.  Instead 
of  wonder  that  so  many  uncertainties  obscure  the  subject,  there 
is  reason  for  gratitude  that  so  much  of  substantial  value  can  be 
recovered. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  migration  from  Amsterdam  was 
completed  early  in  May,  1609,  perhaps  in  its  first  week,  and 
that  they  were  sufficiently  settled  by  the  second  Sunday  of  that 
month.  May  10,  to  hold  services.  On  that  day  it  is  likely  that 
they  crowded,  almost  without  exception,  into  Robinson's  house, 
wherever  it  may  have  been,  and  united  in  worship.  Robinson 
had  been  their  pastor  for  some  time,  but  before  long,  and  per- 
haps then,  they  first  completed  their  organization  by  calling 
Brewster  to  his  aid,  as  elder.    Says  Bradford  :  ^  — 

Being  thus  setled  (after  many  difficulties)  they  continued  many 
years  in  a  comfortable  condition,  injoying  much  sweete  &  delightefuU 
societie  &  spirituall  comforte  togeather  in  y^  wayes  of  God,  under  y* 
able  ministrie,  and  prudent  governmente  of  Mr.  John  Robinson,  & 
Mr.  William  Brewster,  who  was  an  assistante  unto  him  in  y*  place  of 
an  Elder,  unto  which  he  was  now  called  &  chosen  by  the  church. 

At  about  this  time  Bradford,  now  a  little  more  than  nineteen, 
must  have  learned,  very  likely  as  his  first  tidings  in  Leyden  from 
England,  of  the  death  of  his  uncle,  Robert  Bradford,  of  Auster- 
field.*  Probably  it  took  place  while  the  company  was  in  the 
act  of  removing.  As  William's  father,  who  had  inherited  the 
eldest   son's   share   of  his   own   father's   property,   presumably 

^  There  seems  to  be  no  book  at  Leyden  containing  autograph  signatures  of  per- 
sons able  to  write,  like  one  at  Amsterdam. 

^  In  the  cases  of  names  as  to  which  other  means  of  identification  exist  it  is  pos- 
sible to  point  out  these  departures  from  accuracy.   For  example :  — 

Bradford  =  Brecf/brf,  Breefort,  Kadfort ;  Butter&eld  =  Bot kerf ylt,  Butterfelt; 
Cushman=  Coetsman,  Kousman,  Kouztman;  Fuller  =  i^o/Zer,  Veller,  Volijer ;  Good- 
man =  Coedmoer ;  Robinson  =  Eobartse,  Eobhenson,  Bobhensoon,  Bobberts,  Bobbert- 
son,  Bobens,  Bobinsz,  Bobints ;  Southworth  =  Houthward,  Sadtwoot,  Sodert,  Sodt- 
waert,  Soldwaert,  Southward,  Soutwaert,  Sudtwert,  Sutwaert ;  Thickins  =  Dekins, 
Thickens,  Tickins,  Tykyns. 

^  Hist.  17.  '  See  p.  389. 


THE   PILGRIMS'   FIRST  YEAR  IN  LEYDEN  605 

had  handed  it  down  to  his  heirs,  and  as  William's  mother's 
father,  John  Hanson,  also  had  been  one  of  the  more  prosper- 
ous residents  of  the  place,  beyond  doubt  there  was  property  of 
some  value,  very  likely  under  this  deceased  uncle's  oversight, 
awaiting  the  young  man's  acquisition  of  the  right  at  his  ma- 
jority to  dispose  of  it.  This,  indeed,  is  matter  of  direct  testi- 
mony, but  the  time  for  the  exercise  of  that  right  had  not  yet 
come. 

Turning  now  to  the  public  records  for  1609,  the  first  three 
items  relating  to  the  Pilgrims  had  place  in  the  second  month 
of  their  residence,  and  concerned  Brewster.  On  June  12  a 
power  of  attorney  is  recorded,^  in  Dutch  and  Latin,  by  which 
Ann  Peck,  born  at  Launde  (Lownd),  Notts.,  and  her  guardian, 
William  Brewster,  give  to  Thomas  Simkinson,  a  merchant  at 
Hull,  power  to  receive  seven  pounds  sterling,  which  she  had  de- 
posited with  Mr.  Watkin,  pastor  at  Clarborough,^  when  she  left 
England.  Again  on  Saturday,  June  20,  there  is  recorded  the 
burial  ^  in  St.  Pancras  of  "  a  child  of  William  Brewster,  dwell- 
ing in  the  Stink-steeg  "  *  (Stench  Lane). 

Again,  on  Thursday,  June  25,  we  find  an  af&davit  ^  which 
furnishes  the  only  known  authority  for  certain  dates.  The  fol- 
lowing is  a  translation  :  — 

There  appeared  before  the  undersigned  sheriffs  William  Brewster, 
Englishman,  aged  about  forty-two  years ;  Mary  Brewster,  his  wife, 
aged  about  forty  years ;  and  Jonathan  Brewster,  his  son,  aged  about 
sixteen  years,  confirming  successively  upon  oath,  being  judicially  sum- 
moned by  the  bailiff,  at  the  requisition  of  Bernard  Rosse,  Englishman, 
living  at  Amsterdam  ;  that  is  it  true  and  to  them  known  that  the  plain- 
tiff [Rosse]  has  lately  carried  to  their  house,  situated  in  the  lane  called 
St.  Ursula's,  a  bale  in  which  were  several  pieces  of  English  cloth,  etc. 

Doubtless  the  parties  to  this  affidavit  were  Elder  Brewster,  his 
wife  and  their  oldest  son  ;  and,  as  the  handwriting  is  distinct  in 

^  Groot  Proc.  Bk.  D.  16,  and  (Latin)  230,  vers.  After  the  first  of  each  kind, 
these  references,  excepting  in  special  cases,  ■will  be  omitted.  But  all  are  in  my 
possession. 

2  About  seven  miles  southeast  of  Scrooby. 

^  Beg.  Over.  Pers.  iii :  8,  vers.  Not  necessarily  an  infant.  Any  minor  unmarried 
child  was  so  described. 

*  A  short  lane  near  the  Hoogewoerds  Bridge.    Orlers,  i :  78. 

*  Getuig.  Bk.  K.  fol.  xxvi,  vers. 


606  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

both  the  Dutch  and  French  ^  records,  the  fibres  may  be  ac- 
cepted as  fixing  their  ages  within  a  year.  This  entry  also 
shows  that,  since  the  preceding  Saturday,  Brewster  had  re- 
moved from  the  unpleasant  Stirik-steeg  to  the  more  agreeable 
St.  Ursula's  lane,  in  the  extreme  northwest  corner  of  the  city. 
The  circumstance  suggests  the  migratory  tendency  inevitable 
at  the  first  settling  down  of  100  or  more  people  in  a  strange 
and  already  crowded  town,  and  that  at  first  some,  if  not  all,  had 
to  make  the  best  of  whatever  quarters  they  could  find.  The  re- 
mainder of  the  affidavit  ^  is  unimportant,  merely  indicating  that 
Brewster  already  was  engaged  in  some  industry  ^  allied  to  that 
which  then  characterized  the  town. 

It  is  possible,  and  indeed  probable,  that  on  July  10  John 
Carver  buried  a  child  in  St.  Pancras,*  but  the  indistinctness  of 
the  record  throws  doubt  upon  the  last  name.  The  fact  of  such 
an  interment  should  be  noted,  however.  Apparently  the  first 
betrothal  at  Leyden  among  them  took  place  on  Oct.  1,  1609.^ 
Most  of  the  record  follows  :  — 

Robert  Peck,ftisteyniverker,  yong-  Robert     Peck,     fustian    weaver, 

man  uit  Engeland,  wonende   al-  never  before  married,  from  Eng- 

haer   op   de  Hoogewoerd   in    de  land,     dwelling    here    upon    the 

blaauwe     Leeuwerik,      vergezel-  Hoogewoerd   in   the    Blue    Lark, 

schapt  met  Jan  Jennee  en  Jaco-  accompanied   by  John  Jennings  ^ 

bus  Herst  zyn  bekenden  ;  and    Jacob    Hurst,   his    acquain- 

met,  tances,             [and]  with 

^  Another  volume,  Heg.  des  Temoins,  etc.,  K.  fol.  26,  gives  a  French  translation 
of  this  affidavit. 

'^  The  sheriffs,  or  aldermen,  before  whom  the  affidavit  was  taken,  were  A.  Jas- 
par  van  Vesanevelt  and  A.  P.  van  de  Werff.  There  were  five  pieces  of  English 
cloth  in  the  bale.  When  opened  one  piece  was  found  damaged.  Apparently  the 
damaged  part  had  to  be  cut  off  and  sold  as  a  remnant,  and  the  object  was  to  ad- 
just the  matter  fairly. 

^  Bradford  implies  (Hist.  412)  that  at  first  Brewster  had  a  somewhat  hard 
time:  '  Affter  he  came  into  Holland  he  suffered  much  hardship,  after  he  had 
spent  y*^  most  of  his  means,  haveing  a  great  charge,  and  many  children ;  and,  in  re- 
gard of  his  former  breeding  &  course  of  life,  not  so  fitt  for  many  imployments  as 
others  were,  espetially  such  as  were  toylesume  &  laborious.  But  yet  he  ever  bore 
his  condition  with  much  cherfuUnes  and  contentation." 

»  Eeg.  Over.  Pers.  3 :  10. 

5  Echt  Bk.  A.  152,  vers. 

^  It  has  been  accepted  that  Jennings,  and  not  Jenny,  was  the  witness  here,  in 
spite  of  the  spelling  of  the  name,  probably  because  Jennings  is  more  likely  to 
have  been  in  Leyden  in  1609.   But  it  is  not  certain  that  Jenny  was  not  the  witness. 


THE   PILGRIMS'   FIRST  YEAR   IN   LEYDEN  507 

leanne      3Iarit,      jongedochter,  Jane    Marit  [Merritt]  never  be- 

uit     Engeland,       vergezelschapt  fore  married,   from  England,  ac- 

met   Dorotea    Ament,    haar    be-  companied     by    Dorothy   Ament 

kende.  [Hammond],  her  acquaintance. 

They  were  married  on  Nov.  21.  Robert  Peck  was  a  brother  of 
Ann,  the  ward  of  William  Brewster,  and  John  Jennings,  who 
also  at  this  time  was  a  fustian  weaver,  was  from  near  Colches- 
ter, and  was  a  faithful  member  of  the  company  for  the  next 
thirty  years. 

As  many  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims  may  be  interested  to 
learn  the  exact  terms  in  which  their  ancestors  were  married  by 
the  Leyden  magistrates,  an  official  form,  set  down  in  the  be- 
ginning of  one  of  the  volumes  of  marriage  records,^  is  trans- 
lated here,  as  follows :  — 

This  day  have  appeared  before  N.  and  N.,  magistrates  of  the  city 
of  Leyden,  A.  of  the  one  part,  and  B.  of  the  other  part;  the  said 
parties  and  each  of  them,  freely  and  without  constraint  or  persuasion 
of  any,  acknowledging  and  declaring  that  by  hand  and  mouth  they 
have  entered  into  engagements  of  espousal  and  marriage  ;  and  to  this 
end  the  said  A.  has  by  these  presents  given,  and  gives,  his  faith  and 
fealty  to  the  said  B.  and  acknowledges,  holds  and  takes  her  for  his 
wife  and  lawful  spouse.  In  like  manner  the  said  B.  also,  in  virtue  of 
these  promises  has  given,  and  gives,  her  faith  and  fealty  to  the  said 
A.  whom  she  takes,  holds  and  recognizes  as  her  spouse,  lord  and  law- 
ful husband.  Each  of  them  promises  respectively  and  reciprocally, 
that,  neither  by  regret,  love,  design,  nor  for  any  other  cause  or  occa- 
sion, wiU  either  ever  abandon  the  other,  but  on  the  contrary,  that  they 
will  live  peaceably,  amicably,  and  with  concord  together  as  true  chil- 
dren of  God  (in  His  fear)  following  His  ordinance  for  such  and  so 
long  time  as  this  present  union  be  not  dissolved  and  made  void  by 
death.  In  testimony  of  which  they  have  invoked  and  called  upon  God 
Almighty,  praying  that  it  will  please  Him  to  bless,  with  His  Holy 
Spirit  accompanying  and  crowning,  their  marriage  with  His  grace 
and  favour. 

Done  before  the  said  magistrates  at  Leyden,  etc. 

1  Echt  BoeJc  van  de  geene  die  op  het  Baethuys  haare  geboden  verzoeken,  B. 
fol.  1.  This  record  states  that  this  form  of  marriage  began  to  be  employed  in 
1611.  But  Brandt  implies  (ii :  11)  that  it  was  substantially  in  use  ten  years  ear- 
lier. At  any  rate  it  must  have  been  used  during  almost  the  entire  residence  of 
the  Pilgrims  at  Leyden. 


508  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

The  next  record  touches  the  university  life.  But  it  is  a  mere 
entry  that  on  Oct.  27,  1609,  George  Rogers,  an  EngHshman, 
was  matriculated  in  medicine.^  He  was  twenty -five  and  lived 
with  Thomas  Blossom.  To  be  under  Blossom's  roof  meant  that 
he  had  opportunity  of  meeting  the  Pilgrims,  and  possibly  he 
was  one  of  them. 

Before  this  first  year  ended  one  more  of  the  company  appeared 
upon  the  records,  Roger  Wilson,  then  twenty-five.  He  is  known 
from  the  Leyden  archives  only,  but  is  referred  to  nearly  thirty 
times  during  ten  years.  He  was  born  at  Sandwich,  Kent,  in 
1584,  and  was  baptized  in  St.  Clement's  Church.^  When  and 
how  he  became  interested  in  Separatism  is  unknown.  He  is 
found  with  Robinson's  church  in  Leyden,  soon  after  their  ar- 
rival, as  one  of  their  working  force,  and  appears  to  have  been  the 
first  to  receive  the  privileges  of  citizenship.  One  difficulty  which 
the  Pilgrims  encountered  was  that,  while  the  lowest  kinds  of 
hard  work  were  free  to  them,  if  they  could  find  employers, 
skilled  labor  had  to  submit  to  conditions.  An  extract  from  a 
private  letter  ^  from  Mr.  Motley,  written  in  1871,  at  The 
Hague  while  he  was  studying  Dutch  history,  is  pertinent.  He 
says  :  — 

I  cannot  doubt  that  the  motive  for  members  of  Robinson's  com- 
pany to  become  citizens,  was  for  business  purposes.  Leyden  from  the 
earliest  times  was  famous  for  its  cloth  manufacture.  .  .  .  And  there, 
and  in  Dordrecht  and  many  other  towns,  it  was  provided  as  far  back 
as  the  twelfth  century,  that  no  man  should  deal  in  cloth  that  was  not  a 
member  of  the  guild. 

To  be  a  member  of  a  guild  the  right  of  citizenship  was  an  essential 
requisite.  .  .  .  The  same  rule  would  apply  to  the  many  other  trades 
and  manufactures  then  flourishing  in  the  Netherland  Republic ;  as 
dyers,  silversmiths,  printers,  booksellers,  linen-weavers,  cabinet-makers, 
etc.,  for  all  which  guilds  the  Letters  Patent  may  be  found  among  the 
various  charters  \^Ifandveste7}~\  of  the  cities. 

To  become  a  citizen  one  had  to  be  twenty-five.  At  least  two 
guarantors,  themselves  citizens,  were  required,  and  the  payment 

^  Beg.  Matric.  s.  d. 

2  Certified  by  Rev.  A.  M.  Chichester,  vicar  of  St.  Mary's  and  St.  Clement's,  in 
April,  1875. 

8  In  Dr.  Dexter's  collection.   Dated  24  Aug.,  1871. 


THE   PILGRIMS'    FIRST  YEAR  IN   LEYDEN  509 

of  three  florins  and  twenty  stivers.  The  "  poorter's  "  oath  also 
had  to  be  taken  before  two  magistrates.  The  record  of  Wilson's 
admission,  a  sample  of  the  many  others,  is  as  follows :  — 

Rogier   Wilson,    bakker,    van  Roger    "Wilson,    baker,     from 

Sandwitz  in  Engelant,  is.  op  de  Sandwich    in    England,   is   upon 

yetuygenlsse  en  borchtochte  van  the  testimony  and  surety  of  Mat- 

Mathys  lans  ende  P'leter  Boey,  thias  Jones   and  Peter  Boey,  ad- 

als  poorter  aangenomen.  mitted  as  a  citizen. 

tendage  voore.  On  the  same  date  as  the  next 

3  Fl.  20  s.  previous  entry. 

7  Dec.  1609.  3  Florins,  20  stivers. 

7  Dec.  1609. 

The  oath  taken,  translated,  was  this :  ^  — 

This  you  swear :  that  you  will  be  loyal  and  faithful  to  the  country 
of  Holland,  and  to  your  fellow-citizens  in  this  city  ;  that  you  will  be 
obedient  to  the  Sovereign  Estates  of  Holland,  and  the  Burgomasters 
of  this  municipality  ;  that  with  all  your  power  and  might,  to  your  best 
knowledge,  you  will  help  to  maintain  and  strengtlien  the  rights  and  priv- 
ileges of  tlie  country,  and  of  this  city  ;  and  that  in  case  there  shall  come 
to  your  knowledge  any  attempt  or  deliberation  of  deed  or  word  tend- 
ing to  the  prejudice  of  these  united  countries  called  the  countries  or 
towns  of  the  land,  and  more  especially  of  this  said  town  [Leyden],  you 
will  immediately  make  it  known  to  the  Burgomasters  of  this  city.  And, 
further,  that  you  will  do,  and  refrain  from  doing,  all  that  it  becomes 
a  good  and  loyal  dweUer  in  this  town  to  do,  and  to  refrain  from  doing. 

So  help  you  God  ;  and  His  Holy  Word  ! 

[To  which  was  responded]  Thus  truly  I  swear  :  God  being  my 
Helper. 

So  much  for  the  suggestions  of  the  archives  as  to  the  fortunes 
of  individuals  of  the  company  during  1609.  Few  and  brief  al- 
though they  are,  they  afford  some  welcome  light.  For  succeeding 
years,  although  never  abundant,  they  are  more  numerous  and 
diversified.  Meanwhile,  their  personal  concerns  cannot  have  en- 
grossed the  Pilgrims  to  the  suppression  of  their  watclif  ul  interest 
in  public  affairs,  especially  theological. 

Among  early  occurrences  of  this  sort  must  have  been  a  pub- 
lic disputation  2  on  July  25,  1609,  on  the  calling  of  men  to  sal- 
vation. The  ferment  as  to  certain  points  of  doctrine  which  were 
1  Poorter  Bk.  F.  45,  and  fol.  1.  2  Brandt,  ii:  55,  etc. 


510  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

debated  hotly  between  the  rigid  Genevans  and  those  of  milder 
views  has  been  mentioned,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  these  differ- 
ences had  showed  themselves  in  Leyden  between  the  friends  of 
Gomar  and  those  of  Arminius.  This  disputation  was  one  of  a 
series  of  public  discussions.  Arminius  was  the  speaker,  and  de- 
nied that  men  are  converted  by  an  irresistible  divine  force.  After- 
wards Gomar,  addressing  him,  exclaimed :  "  Never  did  I  hear 
in  this  University  such  language,  and  arguments  so  effectually 
opening  the  door  to  Popery.  ...  I  will  refute  you  publicly." 
Arminius  replied  that  in  no  way  had  he  favored  Popery,  and 
that  the  theory  that  God  exercises  a  resistless  force  in  man's 
salvation  was  contrary  to  Scripture,  to  ancient  belief  and  to  the 
Reformed  Confession  and  Catechism. 

The  next  month  the  States  called  the  two  professors  before 
them,  each  being  accompanied  by  four  ministers.  After  confer- 
ence as  to  the  revision  of  the  Confession,  Gomar  objected  to  dis- 
pute such  questions  before  the  civil  authorities,  but  offered  to 
debate  with  Arminius  in  an  ecclesiastical  assembly,  to  which  the 
States  might  send  deputies.  The  States  preferring,  however, 
that  the  matter  should  go  on  as  begun,  Gomar  yielded,  on  con- 
dition that  each  party  should  transmit  his  papers  to  the  Synod 
to  be  judged  ecclesiastically,  to  which  Arminius  readily  con- 
sented. Gomar  began  with  Justification,  as  to  which  Arminius 
affirmed  entire  agreement,  merely  preferring  to  use  Scriptural 
language.  As  for  Predestination,  Grace,  Free  Will  and  Perse- 
verance, discussion  brought  them  no  nearer  than  formerly,  but 
the  Conference  was  ended  soon  by  the  illness  of  Arminius. 

The  States  then  demanded  the  judgment  of  the  witnesses, 
and  particularly  suggestions  how  to  heal  these  antagonisms. 
Gomar's  friends  declared  that  the  only  effectual  restoration  of 
peace  must  be  found  in  a  national  or  provincial  Synod,  undoubt- 
edly expecting  to  secure  a  majority  therein  and  silence  their 
opponents  by  law.  But  the  friends  of  Arminius  claimed  that  he 
had  the  whole  tenor  of  the  Gospel  on  his  side.  J.  Uitenbogart, 
a  pastor  at  The  Hague,  was  spokesman  for  the  latter.  He  made 
a  speech,  remarkable  for  its  comprehensiveness  and  candor,^ 
pointing  out  that  the  Confession  and  Catechism  had  been  drawn 

^  Brandt,  ii :  55,  etc.    Uitenbogart,  471,  etc.    Triglandus,  417,  etc. 


THE   PILGRIMS'   FIRST  YEAR   IN   LEYDEN  511 

up  at  first  merely  as  convenient  helps  and  had  no  right  to  the 
authority  claimed  for  them  ;  and  that,  if  a  Synod  should  be  held, 
it  should  deal  amicably  with  existing  differences  and  see  what 
could  be  done  to  check  Popery,  and  i-estore  the  weakening  dis- 
cipline of  the  Church. 

Clearly  the  States-General  on  the  whole  sympathized  with 
Arminius.  They  emphatically  ordered  the  Classis  of  Alkmaer 
to  restore  its  excluded  ministers,  especially  Venator.  But,  while 
the  obdurate  classis  was  studying  how  to  reaffirm  its  refusal 
safely,  the  somewhat  sudden  death  of  Arminius  altered  matters 
for  a  time. 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  justly  any  marked  individuality  ex- 
posed to  the  conscientious  misunderstandings  of  a  period  of  active 
theological  conflict.  Moreover,  at  this  time  piety  was  regarded  ex- 
tensively as,  if  not  synonymous  with,  at  least  inseparable  from  dog- 
matic belief,  and  the  rigidly  orthodox  were  positive  of  the  Hea- 
ven-declared authenticity  of  their  views  to  the  last  jot  arid  tittle. 

Arminius  was  born  three  years  before  the  English  Church 
settled  down  upon  the  Thirty-nine  Articles.  •  He  was  at  Leyden 
university  when  his  patron,  Rodolph  Snellius,  was  teaching  there 
the  philosophy  of  Ramus  with  all  the  zeal  of  a  new  convert. 
The  ardent  young  man  naturally  accepted  the  fascinating  nov- 
elty. Subsequently,  at  Geneva,  his  advocacy  of  it  made  him  un- 
comfortable and  he  retired  to  Basel.  Afterwards,  before  he  was 
ordained  at  Amsterdam  in  1588,  although  modifying  his  utter- 
ances, he  still  held  to  the  Ramist  scheme.  This  made  it  easy 
for  him  to  welcome  new  methods  of  stating  old  truths,  and  also 
rendered  him  susj)icious  to  conservative  minds,  and  soon  the  sub- 
ject of  calumny.  Just  as  he  was  conciliating  the  general  regard, 
in  the  year  following  his  ordination  he  was  called  upon  for  a 
special  service.^  Richard  Koornhert  denounced  the  doctrine  of 
unconditional  predestination,  and  Arnold  Cornelius  and  Reinier 
Donteklok,  opposing  him,  claimed  that  God's  decree,  instead  of 
preceding  and  determining,  succeeds  and  results  from  the  Fall. 
This  was  in  the  teeth  of  strict  Genevan  theology.  Arminius,  re- 
cently from  that  seat  of  orthodoxy,  was  requested  to  correct 
them.    He  took  the  task  in  hand.    But  the  longer  he  reflected, 

1  Brandt,  i :  336. 


512  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

the  greater  grew  his  difficulties.  He  did  not  complete  the  work. 
The  more  he  studied,  the  more  he  also  inclined  to  assert  man's 
freedom  and  to  limit  the  range  of  the  unconditional  decrees  of 
God.  Of  course  his  orthodoxy  soon  was  questioned,  and  when, 
subsequently,  he  expounded  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  his  cau- 
tious statements  led  to  the  charge  of  Pelagianism.  That  he 
afterwards  opposed  the  requiring  all  ministers  to  siga  the  Creed 
and  Catechism  annually  increased  this  distrust. 

These  suspicions  distressed  him.  Upon  all  the  fundamentals 
of  the  Gospel  he  agreed  with  his  accusers.  He  did  not  think 
vital  the  few  points  in  which  he  differed  from  them,  and  his  sen- 
sitive nature  "  felt  a  stain  like  a  wound."  His  friends  believed 
that  the  clamor  against  him  really  caused  his  death.  He  died 
on  Oct.  19,  1589,  and  was  buried  in  St.  Peter's  on  Oct.  23. 
He  is  supposed  by  many  to  have  been  the  originator  and  first 
example  of  that  rationalistic  latitudinarianism  which  in  the 
nineteenth  century  commonly  was  known  as  Arminianism.  As 
well  might  George  Washington  be  stigmatized  as  a  communist 
because  he  was  a  republican.  The  testimony,  more  than  seventy 
years  ago,  of  a  distinguished  American  scholar,  Moses  Stuart,  is 
significant.    He  said  :  ^  — 

In  reference  to  what  is  now,  and  has  for  a  long  time  been,  called 
Arminianism  among  us,  we  may  well  and  truly  say,  that  Arminius 
himself  was  no  Arminian. 

Arminius  himself,  to  use  the  language  of  the  present  times,  was 
merely  a  moderate  Calvinist ;  and  moderate,  too,  in  a  very  limited  de- 
gree ;  for  on  most  points  he  seems  to  have  been  altogether  as  strenu- 
ous as  Calvin  himself. 

A  careful  examination  of  Arrainius's  own  statements  ^  shows 
that  he  held  fully  and  firmly  the  divinity  of  Christ ;  the  deprav- 
ity of  man  ;  the  perfection  of  the  Word  of  God,  in  itself,  as  a 
rule  for  man  ;  the  doctrines  of  grace  and  free  will ;  salvation  of 
the  redeemed  through  the  blood  of  Christ ;  regeneration  by  the 
Holy  Spirit ;  and  eternal  punishment.  Although  more  rigid  than 
they  upon  important  points,  he  was  essentially  what  would  be 

1  Bib.  Bepos.  1831,  i :  301,  304. 

2  Jacobi  Arminii,  Opera  Theologica,  1629,  4to  (Leyden),  and  1631  (Frankfort); 
The  works  of  James  Arminius,  D.  T>.,  formerly  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  University 
of  Leyden,  translated  frovi  the  Latin  in  three  volumes,  1853  (Auburn  and  Buffalo). 


THE   PILGRIMS'   FIRST  YEAR  IN  LEYDEN  513 

called  now  a  New  School  Calvinist ;  while  Gomar  and  his  sym- 
pathizers were  far  more  conservative  than  any  modern  Old 
School  Calvinist.  The  university  corporation  placed  upon  its 
records  an  elaborate  testimonial  ^  to  the  public  ability  and  pri- 
vate worth  of  Arminius. 

Although  his  death  removed  the  most  prominent  advocate  in 
Holland  of  the  more  liberal  view  of  the  Reformed  creed,  it  did 
not  allay  the  excitement.  The  Classis  of  Alkmaer  continued  con- 
tumacious, supported  by  that  of  Enkhuyzen,  which  moved  for  a 
formal  remonstrance  to  the  States,  and  requested  the  calling  of 
the  long-desired  Synod.  The  States  replied  sharply  that  the 
Synod  would  have  been  convoked  already,  had  the  Alkmaer 
churches  obeyed  a  reiterated  command.  They  must  obey.  After 
obedience,  the  most  advantageous  ecclesiastical  gathermg  should 
be  called. 

A  glance  back  to  Amsterdam  shows  that  this  year  a  corre- 
spondence,^ printed  in  1615,  was  opened  between  Henry  Ains- 
worth  and  a  Romanist  priest  of  the  same  family  name,^  although 
not  known  as  a  kinsman.  John  Ainsworth,  in  Newgate  prison, 
sent  out  a  manuscript,  on  man's  justification,  with  the  wish  that 
Henry  would  reply.  Henry  responded,  and  six  letters  followed 
and  as  many  answers.  All  are  kindly  for  those  days.  The  Bar- 
rowist  contended  that  all  religious  differences  should  be  settled 
from  the  Scriptures.  The  Romanist  insisted  that  the  bare  text 
of  Scripture  can  be  made  a  sufficient  rule  of  faith  only  by  the 
Pope's  ruling.  Each  was  tenderly  anxious  for  the  other's  salva- 
tion, but  the  discussion  seems  only  to  have  fortified  each  in  his 
own  views. 

1  Brandt,  ii :  62,  64. 

2  The  Trying  Out  of  the  Trvth :  Begunn  and  Prosequuted  in  Certayn  Letters  or 
Passages  between  John  Aynsworth  and  Henry  Aynsworth,  etc.    1615.    4to. 

8  Probably  John  Aynsworth  was  the  man  enrolled,  Apr.  1,  1602,  among  the 
Angli  Faitperes  at  Douay  as  Joannes  Amswortus,  Londinens,  and  subsequently  as 
loannes  Aynsworthus,  sent  thence  to  England  in  1608  (T.  F.  Knox,  First  and 
Second  Diaries  of  Eng.  Coll.  Douay,  1878,  284,  34).  Whether  he  were  the  "  Mr. 
Ainsworth,  priest,"  spoken  of  {Bees.  Eng.  Provs.  S.  J.  vii :  Pt.  2,  1088)  as  at  Wis- 
beach  Castle  in  June,  1615,  is  uncertain  although  probable.  Probably  he  was  the 
John  Ainsworth  whose  answers,  on  Mar.  20,  1614,  with  those  of  twenty-one  other 
priests  in  Newgate,  as  to  allegiance  are  in  Tierney's  Dodd  (iv  :  cciv).  H.  Ainsworth 
says  {Trying  Ovt,  3)  of  J.  A.  "  Whom  for  nation  and  name,  (&  I  know  not  whither 
also  for  neerer  alliance)  I  regard  as  is  meet." 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  —  1610 

The  year  1610  with  the  exiles  no  doubt  was  one  of  comparative 
prosperity.  The  fourth  enlargement  of  the  city  took  place  then. 
All  industries  must  have  felt  some  impulse  from  this  growth 
and  the  least  skilful  Englishmen  must  have  been  able  to  take 
advantage  of  the  increased  demand  for  labor.  Possibly  some  of 
the  company  found  homes  in  houses  in  the  new  quarter. 

There  were  only  two  weddings  among  them.  One  was  that  of 
William  Poutus  and  Wybra  Hanson,  the  first  marriage  of  each. 
He  was  a  fustian  weaver  and  lived  on  the  premises  of  one  Douver, 
who  had  a  great  brewery  on  the  present  Haarlemmer-straat. 
The  name  of  Hanson  was  well  known  around  Austerfield.  It 
was  that  of  Bradford's  mother,  and  Wybra  may  have  been  his 
relative,  although  he  is  not  recorded  as  present  on  this  occasion. 
Possibly  she  had  emigrated  under  his  care.  The  betrothal  was 
on  Nov.  13  and  the  witnesses  were  William  Brewster  and  Ed- 
ward Southworth,  Roger  Wilson,  Susanna  Fuller  (sister  of 
Samuel),  Jane  White  (Mrs.  Robinson's  sister)  and  Mary  But- 
ler. They  were  married  on  Dec.  4.  The  other,  on  Dec.  31,  was 
that  of  John  Jennings  and  Elizabeth  Pettinger,  and  neither  had 
been  married  before.  He  too  was  a  fustian  weaver,  from  some- 
where near  Colchester.  In  after  years  he  is  described  as  mer- 
chant, stocking  weaver  and  tobacco  dealer.  She  and  her  sister, 
Dorothy,  came  from  "  Moortel "  in  England.  The  betrothal  was 
on  Dec.  17,  in  the  presence  of  Edward  Southworth,  Roger 
Wilson,  Jane  (Mrs.  Robert)  Peck  and  Anna  (apparently  Mrs. 
Bernard)  Ross. 

Only  a  single  death  is  recorded  and  there  is  uncertainty  as  to 
that.  On  Nov.  27  there  was  buried  in  St.  Peter's  "  a  child  of 
Jonathan  William's  son,  living  on  the  church  street."   If  we 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  515 

knew  that  Jonathan  Brewster  had  been  married,  the  natural  in- 
terpretation of  this  entry  would  refer  it  to  a  death  in  his  family, 
which  lived  on  that  street ;  and  if  the  name  were  Jonathan 
William's  son  Brewster,  as  it  is  on  his  admission  to  citizenship 
in  1617,  it  would  be  clear  that  he  is  referred  to.  Jonathan  was 
not  a  Dutch  name,  and  appears  only  once  or  twice  during  many 
years  in  connection  with  Englishmen  in  Leyden,  and  with  no 
one  else  likely  to  have  been  referred  to  at  this  time.  In  view  of 
the  common  Dutch  custom  of  designating  a  man  merely  as  his 
father's  son,  omitting  the  last  name  in  each  case,  there  seems  no 
doubt  that  Jonathan  Brewster  is  meant ;  although  no  record  of 
his  marriage  ever  has  appeared,  and  at  this  time  he  cannot  have 
been  much  over  seventeen  years  old,^  which  renders  his  having 
been  married  long  enough  to  have  a  child  improbable,  although 
not  impossible.  On  the  other  hand,  he  certainly  buried  his  wife 
on  May  10,  1619.^  He  may  have  had  an  early  attachment  in 
England,  and  expediency  and  convenience  may  have  led  to  mar- 
riage, even  at  his  early  age.  Such  marriages  were  not  unknown. 
Dorothy  May  was  only  sixteen  when  she  became  Mrs.  William 
Bradford.  On  the  whole,  therefore,  it  seems  quite  certain  that 
Jonathan  Brewster  had  been  married  and  that  this  was  his  child. 
Six  known  members  of  the  company  became  citizens  in  1610. 
Bernard  Ross  was  admitted  on  Apr.  2,  guaranteed  by  Roger 
Wilson  and  Mahieu  van  der  Mersche,  the  latter  evidently  Dutch. 
Of  course  at  first  the  English  applicants  for  citizenship  had  to 
rely  to  some  extent  upon  the  endorsement  of  Dutch  acquain- 
tances. Later  they  were  able  to  testify  in  behalf  of  one  another. 
William  Lisle  was  admitted  on  June  21,  guaranteed  by  Nicho- 
las Hawley  and  Roger  Wilson ;  Abraham  Gray  on  June  25, 
guaranteed  by  Lisle  and  Wilson  ;  and  John  Turner  on  Sept. 
27,  vouched  for  by  Lisle  and  by  Peter  Boey,  who  had  guaran- 
teed Wilson  in  the  previous  December.  It  is  unknown  whether 
Boey  were  a  Dutchman  or  some  Englishman,  and  perhaj)s  a 
Pilgrim,  whose  name  was  misunderstood.  William  Robertson 
was  admitted  on  Dec.  3,  endorsed  by  Ross  and  Wilson ;  and 
Henry  Wood  on  Dec.  10,  endorsed  by  Gray  and  Wilson.  Ross, 
who  lived  in  Amsterdam  when  he  sent  the  cloth  to  Brewster  in 
^  See  p.  505.  2  j{gg  q^  4 .  73  ygpg 


516  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

June,  1609,  had  removed  to  Leyden.  Presumably  he  is  the  man 
of  that  name,  described  as  a  leather  merchant,  who  made  a  de- 
position in  April,  1616.  Lisle  was  from  Yarmouth,  but  his 
employinent  is  not  stated.  Gray  was  from  London,  and  was  a 
cobbler.  Turner  was  a  merchant.  Robertson  was  a  leather 
dresser,  and  was  thirty-seven.  Wood  was  a  draper,  and  became 
one  of  the  four  or  five  purchasers  of  Robinson's  house. 

A  note  of  one  business  transaction  also  exists.  On  Mar.  12 
Thomas  Blossom,  from  Cambridge,  gave  to  his  wife  Ann  —  who 
had  inherited  several  houses  with  land  in  Cambridge  from  her 
mother's  father  by  will  —  power  of  attorney  to  transfer  them  to 
any  persons  to  whom  by  English  law  they  might  be  sold,  and, 
specially,  to  sell  two  houses  in  the  parish  of  St.  Giles. 

This  must  have  been  a  busy  year  for  Robinson,  for,  in  addi- 
tion to  whatever  secular  employment  he  perhaps  may  have  fol- 
lowed for  his  support,  in  whole  or  in  part,  and  to  his  ministerial 
labors,  he  completed  and  had  printed  ^  his  "  A  Ivstification  of 
Separation,"  a  quarto  of  480  pages.  It  was  against  Bernard's 
"  The  Separatists  Schisme,"  and  also  against  his  "  Christian  Ad- 
vertisements and  Counsels  of  Peace,"  published  in  1608,  and 
already  mentioned,  which,  although  a  little  book,  had  attracted 
considerable  notice.  In  the  latter,  especially,  Bernard  dissuades 
from  Brownism  because  of  its  novelty,  its  schism,  its  abuse  of 
Scripture,  its  non-approval  by  the  Reformed  churches,  God's 
judgments  against  it,  its  ill  success,  etc. ;  and  alleges  that  it 
condemns  all  former  Christian  profession,  refuses  to  join  with 
imperfect  men,  wrests  the  Scriptures,  etc.  He  also  advances 
eight  propositions  against  Brownism :  that  the  English  Church 
is  a  true  church  ;  that  a  particular  church  should  not  be  ex- 
pected to  be  free  from  false  professors  ;  that  popular  govern- 
ment is  unwarrantable ;  that  "  tell  the  church  "  means  tell  the 
church  governors  ;  that  a  man  is  not  polluted  by  the  sin  of  an- 
other ;  that  the  Established  ministers  are  true  ministers,  while 
the   Separatists   are  not   "  lawfully  made  ; "    that   the  regular 

^  The  book  names  no  place  of  issue,  but  as  yet  the  press  was  more  within  reach 
of  the  exiles  in  Amsterdam  than  in  Leyden ;  and  Fowler  {Shield  of  Defence,  8) 
says  that  "  Mr.  Th[orpe]  hath  had  a  hand  in  the  printing  of  Mr.  Bobinson''s  book 
against  Mr.  Bernard."  Giles  Thorpe  was  a  deacon  of  Ainsworth's  church,  and  a 
printer  who  avowed  responsibility  for  several  Separatist  volumes. 


THE   SUCCEEDING   YEARS  517 

worship  in  England  is  not  idolatrous  ;  and  that  "  stinted  and  set 
prayer  "  is  lawful.  Finally,  it  stigmatizes  twelve  more  alleged 
"  opinions  of  the  Separators"  ^  as  "  far-fetched  conclusions,  from 
unsound  premises." 

Both  Ainsworth  and  Smyth  had  answered  it  in  volumes ^ 
largely  devoted  to  other  things.  But  Robinson  felt  that  it  needed 
further  criticism,  and  the  more,  probably,  because  some  of  the 
English  at  Leyden  and  Amsterdam  had  been  Bernard's  parish- 
ioners formerly.  This  labor  also  led  Robinson  directly  to  defend 
the  reasonableness  of  his  views.  While  he  was  printing  this  re- 
ply, Bernard  sent  out  a  second  volume  ^  elaborating  his  positions ; 
so  that  Robinson  introduced  into  his  own  treatise  some  com- 
ment upon  this  second  book  also. 

He  certainly  did  thorough  work  in  this  reply,  answering  in 
detail  Bernard's  assaults  upon  Separatism,  especially  for  the 
benefit  of  the  common  mind.  The  volume  is  one  of  the  most 
important  from  Robinson's  pen.  Doctrinally,  for  substance,  he 
frankly  associates  his  church  with  that  of  Johnson  at  Amster- 
dam. 

His  tolerance  is  as  conspicuous  as  it  was  unusual.  For  ex- 
ample :  *  — 

I  am  verily  perswaded  there  are  in  many  congregations  [of  the  Eng- 
lish Church]  many  that  truely  fear  God  :  (and  the  Lord  encrease  their 
number,  and  graces)  and  if  they  were  separated  from  the  rest  into 
visible  communion,  I  should  not  doubt  to  account  them  such  cogrega- 
tions,  as  vnto  which  God  had  given  his  sacraments.   .   .   . 

I  doubt  not  but  the  truthes  taught  in  Rome  have  been  effectuall  to 
the  saving  of  many. 

A  similar  Christian  appreciation  breaks  out  like  sunlight  in  his 
characterization  of  his  own  church  :  — 

If  ever  I  saw  the  beauty  of  Sion,  &  the  glory  of  the  Lord  filling  his 
tabernacle,  it  hath  been  in  the  manifestation  of  the  divers  graces  of 
God  in  the  Church,  in  that  heauenly  harmony,  and   comely   order, 

1  Disswasions  from  the  Way  of  the  Separatists  .  .  .  commonly  called  Brownisme  ; 
better  known  as  The  Separatists  Schisme,  150,  151. 

2  Counterpoyson  and  ParaUeles. 

^  Plaine  Euidences :  The  Church  of  England  is  Ajjostolicall ;  the  Separation  Schis- 
maticall,  etc.    1610,  4to. 
*  Justif.  of  Sep.  319,  460,  212,  78,  84,  274,  140,  79. 


518  THE    PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

wherein  by  the  grace  of  God  we  are  set  and  walk :  wherein,  if  your 
eyes  had  but  seen  the  brethrens  sober,  and  modest  carriage  one  toward 
an  other,  their  humble,  and  willing  submission  vnto  their  guides,  in 
the  Lord,  their  tender  compassion  towards  the  weak,  their  fervent  zeal 
against  scandalous  offenders,  and  their  long  suffering  towards  all,  you 
would  (I  am  perswaded)  chaunge  your  mind. 

His  style  throughout  is  notable  for  its  terse  and  pithy  expres- 
sions and  the  quaint  homeliness  of  its  interpretations  and  appli- 
cations. Sometimes  he  indulges  effectively  in  sarcasm,  as  in  his 
rej)ly  to  Bernard's  criticism  of  the  Brownists  for  their  excom- 
munications :  — 

Indeed  no  man  can  challendge  Mr.  B.  &  his  church  of  Worksop  for 
any  such  heady  and  rash  excommunications,  they  are  very  moderate 
this  way,  and  can  beare  in  communion  with  them  any  graceles  person 
whomsoever  til  his  dying  day,  and  then  commit  ful  charitably  the  body 
of  their  deceased  brother  to  the  graue,  with  a  devout  prayer  for  his 
joy  full  resurrection  :  so  charitable  are  they  both  to  the  living  and  the 
dead. 

He  "  carries  the  war  into  Africa "  skilfully  by  printing  in 
full  a  paper  which  Bernard,  when  almost  a  Nonconformist,  had 
given  him  containing  in  Bernard's  own  writing  eight  reasons  to 
prove  the  bishops  antichristian ;  and  by  the  following  home 
thrust :  — 

Once  you  know  Mr.  B.  you  did  separate  from  the  rest  [of  your 
parish]  an  hundred  voluntary  professors  into  covenant  with  the  Lord, 
sealed  vp  with  the  Lords  supper,  to  forsake  all  knowne  sinn,  to  hear 
no  wicked  or  dumb  Ministers,  and  the  like,  which  covenant  long  since 
you  have  dissolved,  not  shaming  to  affirme  you  did  it  onely  in  policy 
to  keepe  your  people  from  Mr.  Smyth. 

He  also  uses  the  reductio  ad  absurdum  effectively,  thus  :  — 

A  man  may  go  out  of  these  countryes  wher  I  now  live,  as  many 
do,  and  hyre  a  house  in  any  parrish  of  the  land  [England]  ;  he  is  by 
the  right  of  his  house,  or  f  erm,  a  member  of  the  parish  Church,  where 
he  dwels,  yea  though  he  have  been  nousled  [nursed]  vp  all  his  life 
log  in  Popery,  or  Atheism,  &  though  he  were  formerly  neyther  of  any 
Church,  or  religion.  Yea  though  he  should  professe  that  he  did  not 
look  to  be  saved  by  Christ  onely,  and  alone,  but  by  his  good  mean- 
ings, and  well  doings :  yet  if  he  will  come,  &  hear  divine  service  he  is 
matter,  true  as  steel  for  your  Church  :  .  .  . 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  519 

And  what  if  the  Lord  should  now  rayse  vp  a  company  of  faythfuU 
men  and  women  in  Barbary,  or  America,  by  the  reading  of  the  scrip- 
tures, or  by  the  wrytings,  conferences,  or  sufferings  of  some  godly 
men,  must  tliey  not  separate  themselves  from  the  filthines  of  the  hea- 
then to  the  Lord  ?  .  .  .  nor  have  any  communion  together  for  their 
mutuall  aedification,  and  comfort,  till  some  vagrant  Preist  from  Rome 
or  England  be  sent  vnto  them  to  begin  theyr  Church  matters  with  his 
service  book  ?  .  .  .  Nay  if  this  were  a  true  ground,  that  Church  matters 
might  not  be  begun  without  officers,  it  were  impossible  that  such  a  peo- 
ple should  ever  eyther  enioy  officers,  or  become  a  Church,  yea  I  may 
safely  ad,  that  ever  there  should  be  in  the  world  after  the  vniversal 
visible  apostacy  of  Antichrist,  any  true  eyther  Church,  or  officers. 

His  argument  antagonizes  Bernard's  positions  oiie  by  one  and 
reinforces  ably  the  general  doctrinal  claims  of  the  Separatists. 
At  this  time  he  agreed  with  the  other  Separatist  churches  in  all 
main  particulars,  even  disfavoring  the  hearing  of  the  gosjDel, 
however  purely  preached,  from  the  pulpits  of  the  Establishment. 
Thus  he  says  :  — 

Now  for  the  demaund  [made  by  Bernard,  whether  they  would  listen 
to  his  sermons  if  he  preached  nothing  but  the  true  word  of  God]  .  .  . 
As  it  was  vnlawfuU  to  communicate  with  Corah  or  with  Vzziah  though 
they  burnt  true  incense,  or  with  leroboam's  Preists  though  they  offered 
true  sacrifices,  so  it  is  vnlawfuU  to  communicate  with  a  devised  ^  min- 
istery,  what  truth  soever  is  taught  in  it. 

Not  only  was  his  first  edition  exhausted,  but  the  book  was 
reprinted  fourteen  years  after  his  death. 

There  is  some  evidence  that  it  was  this  year  to  which  Brad- 
ford refers  in  saying :  ^  "  We  some  of  us  knew  Mr.  Parker,^ 
Doctor  Ames,  and  Mr.  Jacob  in  Holland,  when  they  sojourned 
for  a  time  at  Leyden."  Henry  Jacob  certainly  was  in  Leyden 
in   this   year,    as   he    dates    a  preface,*  printed   by  a   Leyden 

1  From  the  French  diviser  (to  divide).  A  ministry  which,  throug-h  its  relation 
to  a  patron  who  holds  its  gift  as  a  part  of  his  property,  is  a  "  hireling  "  ministry. 

2  Dial.    Young,  Chrons.  439. 

^  Robert  Parker,  educated  at  Benet  College.  Cambridge,  held  the  benefice  of 
Wilton,  Wilts.  Offending  by  writing  A  Scholasticall  Discourse  Against  Symbolizing 
with  Antichrist  in  Ceremonies :  especially  in  the  Signe  of  the  Crosse  (1607,  fol.),  he 
took  refuge  in  Holland,  where  he  became  chaplain  to  the  garrison  at  Doesborgh. 
See  p.  367.    Ames  was  the  famous  Amesius. 

*  To  The  Divine  Beginning  and  Institution  of  Christ's  true  Visible  or  Ministeriall 
Church,  etc.,  12mo. 


620  THE  PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

printer,  "  From  Leyden.  Decemb.  20,  An°  1610."  And  Mat- 
thias Nethenus,  in  the  preface  ^  to  Ames's  Latin  works  in  1658, 
says  that  Ames  was  driven  from  England  for  his  Calvinism  and 
that  certain  English  merchants  sent  him  and  Parker  to  Leyden 
to  write  against  the  English  hierarchy.  The  three  men  must 
have  been  there  together.  But  Ames  had  small  patience  with 
Separatism,  and  Parker  presumably  was  making  those  researches 
which  increased  the  force  of  that  Latin  plea^  for  Presbyterian- 
ism  which,  cut  short  perhaps  one  half  by  his  death  in  1614,  was 
printed  at  Frankfort  in  1612.  Jacob,  too,  being  charged  with 
leanings  toward  Brownism  in  the  book  ^  which  he  then  was  pub- 
lishing, denied  the  charge  two  years  afterwards.  Doubtless, 
therefore,  Robinson  had  to  cultivate  the  grace  of  meekness  in 
order  to  enjoy  intercourse  with  these  visitors.  In  the  university 
circle  the  chief  event  was  the  election  of  Conrad  Vorstius,  pro- 
fessor and  pastor  at  Steinfurt,  in  July,  as  the  successor  of 
Arminius,  but  months  passed  before  his  acceptance. 

This  year  also  was  eventful  among  the  English  at  Amsterdam. 
Having  formally  unchurched  his  old  church  and  renounced  his 
former  ministry,  and  having  rebaptized  himself  and  his  people, 
and  so  reorganized  them  into  another  church,  Smyth  soon  ad- 
mitted that  their  "  new-washed  companie  "  was  "  no  true  church." 
This  vacillating  course  speedily  led  to  the  division  of  his  or- 
ganization. About  ten  *  members  stood  firm,  but  the  majority 
who  sided  with  Smyth,  probably  not  many  more  than  thirty,^ 
among  whom  Hugo  Bromhead  and  Thomas  Pigott  were  chief, 
departed,  and  were  excommunicated  by  the  minority,  headed  by 
Helwys  and  Murton,  for  heresy,*^    Thus  thrust  out  of  all  church 

1  Gul.  Amesii  SS.  Theol.  Doct.  etc.,  i:  vi-ix.  Also  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  Arts.  Ames 
and  V.  Gary. 

^  De  Politeia  Ecclesiasticae  Christi,  et  Hierarchica  opposita,  Lihri  Tres,  etc.,  ed. 
1G38,  iv.  Parker's  lack  of  sympathy  with  Robinson  is  shown  in  a  citation  in 
C.  Lawne's  Proph.  Schisme,  68-70. 

^  A  Declaration  and  Plainer  Opening  of  certain  points,  with  a  sovnd  confirmation 
of  some  other,  contained  in  a  treatise  intituled  The  Diuine  Beginning,  etc.,  1(312,  5. 

*  Clyfton,  Plea,  vi. 

^  The  names  of  sixteen  men  and  sixteen  women  are  attached  to  a  document  in 
the  archives  of  the  Meilnonite  College,  Amsterdam,  which  seems  to  have  had  a 
place  in  these  negotiations  and  is  printed  in  The  True  Story  of  John  Smyth,  the 
Se-Baptist,  36. 

®  A  Declaration  of  the  Faith  of  English  People  remaining  at  Amsterdam  in  Hoi- 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  521 

life,  Smyth  and  his  little  band  applied  for  admission  to  a  Men- 
nonite,  or  Waterlaiider,i  church  in  Amsterdam.  Objection  was 
made  that  they  had  baptized  themselves  unwarrantably,  where- 
upon, by  their  document  ^  already  mentioned,  they  confessed  their 
error  and  pleaded  to  be  taken  back  into  the  true  Church  of 
Christ.  But  Helwys,  Murton,  William  Pigott  and  Thomas  Sea- 
mer,  representing  those  who  had  excommunicated  them,  pro- 
tested ^  against  their  reception.  Counsel  was  sought  from  a  sister 
church  in  Leeuwarden.  The  letters  still  exist.  The  Leeuwarden 
church  delayed  and  evaded,  the  matter  dropped  for  the  time,  and 
poor  Smyth  appears  to  have  passed  the  brief  remainder  of  his 
life  in  an  unchurched  state  ;  ^  although  his  people  renewed  their 
application  successfully  three  years  after  his  death.^ 

The  long  threatened  outbreak  in  the  Ancient  Church  occurred 
about  December,'^  1609,  and  1610  was  lurid  with  it.  It  was 
due  to  the  incompatibility  of  two  hostile  polities  at  work  in  one 
body.  Johnson,  and  Elder  Studley,  with  those  whom  they  led, 
were  crowding  their  system  constantly  over  towards  its  Presby- 
terian side,  exalting  the  jjowers  of  ±he  eldership  and  ignoring  the 
rights  of  the  brotherhood,  until  they  reached  the  position  that  a 
local  church  has  no  power  excepting  to  elect  elders."    It  cannot 

land,  1611,  16.  Another  book  was  printed  in  1612  with  the  same  title.  The  first 
was  by  Helwys  and  his  company  ;  the  second  by  "  the  remainder  of  Mr.  Smyth's 
Company,"  and  published  after  his  death.  The  only  known  printed  copies  of 
either  are  in  the  York  Minster  Library,  but  manuscript  copies  are  in  the  Dexter 
Collection  at  Yale. 

^  These  perhaps  might  be  styled  Liberal-Quaker-Baptist.  They  baptized  by 
sprinkling  or  affusion  and  disregarded  doctrinal  controversy.  As  Mennonites  they 
got  their  name  from  Menno  Simons ;  as  Waterlanders  from  their  location  in  North 
Holland. 

'■^  This  confirms  the  fact  of  the  se-baptism  — ' '  quod  incorperint  se  ijjsos  bapti- 
zare,'"  etc.  Orig.  Ms. 

^  This  correspondence  is  in  the  Amst.  archives,  and  is  printed  by  Evans  (i :  209), 
but  with  an  error  of  a  year  in  the  date. 

*  Evans  represents  the  application  as  successful  at  this  time.  But  Scheffer  says 
that  Evans  has  confounded  this  one  with  a  later  application,  made  in  1615. 

5  Scheffer,  Ms.  letter. 

^  The  secession  of  Ainsworth  and  his  friends  seems  to  have  been  at  about  Christ- 
mas, 1610,  and  he  says  {Animad.  1.37)  that  they  had  "  a  twelv  moneths'  dispute," 
which  throws  its  beginning  back  to  December,  1609. 

^  Without  assigning  chapter  and  verse,  excepting  when  verbal  citation  is  made, 
this  account  is  drawn  from  close  comparison  and  harmonization  of  Clyfton's  Ad- 
vertisement (22-35),  Johnson's  Treatise  of  the  Ministery  (113-114)  and  Treatise  con- 


522  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

even  ordain  them.  It  cannot  cast  out  an  offending  member  or 
depose  an  erring  elder.  All  cburcli  power  is  in  the  eldership.^ 
The  practical  issue  of  this,  of  course,  would  be  worse  than  gov- 
ernment by  an  aristocracy,  giving  control  perhaps  to  a  triocracy. 
As  Ainsworth  said  :  ^  — 

Touching  their  hierarchie  the  Eldership  they  wilnot  I  think  deny, 
but  the  greater  number  of  voices  among  them  must  prevayl.  Now  that 
being  so,  a  Church  having  a  Pastor,  and  a  Teacher  that  are  learned, 
and  3.  or  4.  ruling  Elders,  which  are  as  unlearned  as  the  other  of  the 
people,  taken  of  trades  men  and  the  like  :  these  3.  or  4,  Rulers  (whose 
power  they  have  proportioned  with  the  Princes  of  Israel)  shal  by 
their  number  of  voices  cary  matters  [i.  e.,  in  the  body  of  the  elders], 
though  it  be  against  Pastor,  Teacher,  and  500  brethren.  Yea,  these 
[three  or  four  ignorant  men]  may  excommunicate  or  depose  the  Pas- 
tor and  Teacher,  and  cast  out  of  the  brethren :  but  none  can  excom- 
municate them,  or  depose  them  joyntly  from  their  offices.  The  utmost 
that  we  can  find  these  men  to  allow  the  Church  in  these  exigents, 
[exigencies],  is,  when  they  have  doon  al  they  can,  to  sejmrate  ^  from 
them :  and  this  power  any  man  hath  in  the  church  of  Rome. 

StiU  further,  Johnson  and  his  adlierents  refused  to  heed  the 
thirty-eighth  article  of  their  Confession,  which  required  churches 
in  difficulty  to  have  the  counsel  and  help  one  of  another  in  all 
needful  affaii-s.  Not  venturing  to  deny  the  principle  absolutely, 
they  objected  whenever  its  employment  was  souglit.  Ainsworth, 
Jean  de  la  Cluse  and  others  remained  faithful  to  the  mild  Bar- 
rowism  of  their  original  Articles  of  1596.  As  to  the  crucial  ques- 
tion, Ainsworth  succeeded  better  in  reemphasizing  than  in  ex- 
plaining the  popular  side  of  their  mixed  polity.  The  most  which 
he  could  say  was  this  :  ^  — 

We  give  not  to  the  people  goverment,  as  before  I  have  shewed, 
but  a  right  and  power  to  observ  and  doo  al  the  commandements  of 
Christ,  touching  his  prophetical  preistly  and  kingly  office,  by  the  Elders 
teaching,  guiding  and  governing  of  them  in  the  Lord. 

We  .  .  .  distinguish  the  government^  and  the^jowe?':  acknowledging 
government  to  be  by  the  officers ;  but  power  in  the  whole  body  of  the 
Church. 

r.erning  the  18th  Matthew  (23-30,  123-138),  and,  especially,  Ainsworth 's  Animadver- 
sion (passim)  and  Robinson  and  Brewster's  letter  therein  (133-136). 

1  Adv.  34.  2  Animad.  39.  ^  Treat.  18  Matt.  25. 

*  Animad.  24,  10,  34,  39,  109,  132. 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  523 

But  liis  effective  opposition  to  all  endeavors  to  neutralize  the 
rights  of  the  people  in  the  practical  atlministration  of  the  church 
showed  that,  had  he  lived  when  democracy  was  a  conceded  pos- 
sibility, he  probably  would  have  been  a  democrat. 

After  contention  had  begun  to  blaze,  Ainsworth's  party  made 
three  propositions.  They  offered  to  remain  quietly  in  the  An- 
cient Church  if  by  common  consent  no  change  should  be  made 
in  its  working  processes.  But  this  was  declined  as  leaving  "  the 
ordinance  of  God  touching  the  eldership  to  be  troden  under- 
foot." They  next  proposed  "  a  peaceable  parting ;  and  to  be 
two  distinct  congregations,"  in  brotherly  fellowship.  But  this 
was  refused  unless  they  would  leave  Amsterdam.  The  third  pro- 
posal was  to  seek  counsel  from  the  Leyden  church.  But  this, 
too,  was  rejected,  partly  as  the  Leyden  church  "  was  in  the  same 
error,"  and  partly  because  counsel  could  be  had  from  the  Re- 
formed French  or  Dutch  churches  of  Amsterdam  —  to  which  it 
was  a  sufficient  answer  that  they  could  not  discuss  the  contro- 
versy in  English.  Johnson's  party  at  last  said,  however,  that, 
while  they  could  not  authorize  the  plan,  or  even  approve  it,  if 
the  Leyden  church  were  to  come,  they  would  "  permitt "  that. 

"  Some  30.  of  the  brethren,"  Ainsworth  apparently  not  being 
among  them,  then  wrote  to  the  Leyden  church,  asking  its  help. 
Robinson  and  Brewster  first  replied  to  the  whole  church,  de- 
clining to  interpose  unless  tliey  were  properly  called  and  with 
"  best  hope  of  good  issue."  Several  letters  passed,  all  ending  in 
the  stubborn  "  they  would  not  approve,  but  onely  permit."  Rob- 
inson and  Brewster  then  went,  as  individuals.  Finally,  on  Ains- 
worth's solicitation,  they  went  representing  their  church  and 
"  with  some  vehemency  "  reproved  what  was  judged  evil.  The 
Ancient  Church  had  deposed  Ainsworth  and  other  Elders  and 
brethren,  an  action  which  the  Leyden  men  induced  them  to 
rescind. 

The  Leyden  church  proposed  a  middle  course,  that  offences 
be  dealt  with  first  by  the  elders  as  church  governors,  and,  this 
failing,  that  then  they  be  judged  by  the  whole  church.  But  this 
was  unacceptable.  Johnson^  finally  almost  solved  the  difficulty 
by  proposing  the  free  dismission  of  dissatisfied  members  to  Ley- 
den.   His  church  agreed.    Ainsworth  and  his  friends  "  did  never 


524  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEX 

desire,  but  for  peace  sake,  consented."  The  Leyden  church 
agreed,  and  sent  its  officers  to  Amsterdam  once  more  to  ratify 
the  j)lan,  and  it  was  approved  again  by  Johnson  and  his  ad- 
herents. But  suddenly  the  latter,  giving  no  reason,  revoked 
their  repeated  assent  unless  Ainsworth  and  his  friends  would 
remove  to  Leyden.  This  they  could  not  jDromise  because,  as  they 
plaintively  said  :  "  We  could  not  tel  before  we  came  thither 
&  tried,  whether  there  would  be  meanes  found  for  our  livins; 
there,  or  no." 

It  now  was  evident  to  the  minority  that  all  ordinary  expedi- 
ents were  exhausted.  Yet,  they  still  exercised  a  noble  patience, 
winning  praise  from  the  Leyden  men  for  "  Mr.  Ainsworth's 
great  moderation,  upo  whom  the  rest  did  much  depend."  Each 
party  appealed  again  to  the  Leyden  church,  bvit  it  made  no  reply. 
Finally,  on  Dec.  25,  1610,  the  dissidents  withdrew,  and,  oddly, 
they  obtained  for  their  meeting-place  a  former  synagogue,  only 
one  door  from  the  Ancient  Church.  The  Johnsonians  now 
formally  deposed  Ainsworth  again  from  the  Teacher's  office, 
and  excommunicated  ^  the  seceders. 

The  Pilgrims  also  must  have  continued  to  watch  the  wider 
theological  conflict.  This  year  brought  in  a  new  f)arty  name. 
Those  ministers  who  believed  that  Arminian  notions  wei-e  under- 
mining the  coiumon  faith  persistently  urged  their  Classes  and 
Conventions  to  adopt  declarations  of  absolute  submission  to 
the  Catechism  and  Confession.  This  annoyed  all  who  had  doubts 
about  these  formulas,  and  wished  them  revised  by  a  Synod.  A 
number  of  them  framed  a  remonstrance  to  the  States.  They 
complained  that  they  were  falsely  suspected.  They  sought  no 
alteration  in  religion.  They  simply  wished  it  recognized  offi- 
cially that  their  subscription  to  the  Confession  and  Catechism 
ought  to  be  interpreted  as  being  to  those  formulas  as  far  as  they 
were  Scriptural.  They  specified  doctrines  which  seemed  un- 
scriptural,  adding  their  own  views  as  to  election,  the  redemj)tive 

^  Baillie  says  (Dissvasiue,  ed.  1655,  7)  that  each  party  excommunicated  the  other. 
But  Lawne  (Proph.  Schisme,  62)  and  Paget  (Arrow.  94)  confine  this  action  to  the 
Johnson  party ;  and  Cotton  ( Way  of  Cong.  Chks.  6)  expressly  says,  as  is  the  truth 
beyond  all  question:  "Mr.  Ainsworth  and  h*  company  did  not  excommunicate 
Mr.  Johnson  and  his,  but  onely  withdrew  from  them,  when  they  could  no  longer 
live  peaceably  with  them." 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  625 

office  of  Christ,  divine  grace  and  perseverance.  The  Confession 
and  Catechism,  if  interpreted  as  they  suggested,  not  only  would 
"  remain  unhurt,"  but  would  furnish  a  basis  for  harmony  and 
union  with  all  the  Reformed  Churches.  They  begged  the  States 
to  summon  a  Synod,  or,  at  least,  to  insist  upon  forbearance  and 
toleration.  And  since  this  Remonstrance  might  be  misconstrued, 
they  prayed  the  States  to  defend  them,  particularly  from  church 
censures.  The  parties  to  this  historic  document,  drawn  up  by 
Uitenbogart,  thenceforth  were  called  the  Remonstrants. 

On  its  presentation  to  the  States  a  consultation  took  place 
upon  the  wisdom  of  holding  a  provincial  Synod  immediately. 
The  majority  favored  the  Remonstrants.  But,  as  it  was  almost 
certain  that  such  a  Synod  would  be  controlled  by  the  anti- 
revisionists,  it  was  decided  to  postpone  it  and  to  require  the 
Classes  and  churches  not  to  annoy  anybody  about  these  lately 
contested  points.  Such  orders  were  issued,  but  often  were  disre- 
garded, especially  in  Leyden,  where  the  Classis  defied  them.  On 
the  examination  of  Cornelius  Tetrode,  a  Leyden  student,  it  insisted 
that  Adam  fell  necessarily,  because  of  a  previous  divine  decree ; 
that  the  regenerative  force  is  irresistible ;  and  that,  should  a 
believer  be  guilty  of  drunkenness,  adultery  and  murder,  he 
could  not  die  before  being  converted  and  recovered.  Formal 
complaint  of  this  was  made  to  the  States,  who  sent  two  of  their 
members,  with  three  city  officials,  to  interview  the  Classis,  who 
demanded  a  categorical  answer  whether  the  Classis  would  obey 
or  not.  Festus  Hommius,  pastor  of  the  Walloon  Church  in  Ley- 
den, kept  them  at  bay  six  hours,  but  the  vote  favored  the  States, 
and  Hommius  promised  to  labor  for  peace.  A  few  days  later 
much  the  same  thing  took  place  at  Bodegrave. 

At  about  this  time  the  deputies  of  the  Synods  of  North  and 
South  Holland  complained  against  the  resolution  of  the  States, 
pledging  themselves  to  prove  the  positions  of  the  Remonstrants 
contrary  to  Scripture,  the  Confession  and  the  Catechism,  and 
prajdng  for  a  provincial  Synod.  The  States  still  opposed  a 
Synod,  but  on  Dec.  23  they  arranged  a  conference  between 
representatives  of  the  two  parties.  Late  in  this  year  Simon 
Episcopius  was  called  to  be  minister  of  Bleiswick.  But  at  his 
examination,   the   Consistory  of    Amsterdam,   whose  members 


526  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

differed  from  him  upon  predestination,  alleged  his  credentials 
insufficient.  After  a  delay  of  three  weeks,  the  majority  of  the 
Classis  declared  the  credentials  satisfactory  and  went  on  with 
the  examination.  The  minority  retired,  protesting,  and  a  few 
seceded  from  the  Classis. 

In  secular  respects  also  this  year  was  eventful.  The  early 
spring  witnessed  unprecedented  tempests  and  inundations.  A 
third  of  Holland  was  under  water,  causing  immense  loss.  It 
became  difficult  to  collect  taxes  and  meet  the  public  expenses. 
Moreover,  in  February  an  insurrection,  headed  by  one  Dirk 
Kanter,  broke  out  in  Utrecht,  aiming  to  sever  that  city  with  its 
province  from  the  confederacy  and  relying  to  some  extent  upon 
the  Romanists.  The  power  was  seized  and  the  offices  transferred. 
Prince  Maurice  marched  over  with  troops,  but  Kanter  managed 
to  secure  his  confirmation  of  the  new  regime.  After  the  prince 
had  returned  to  The  Hague,  however,  the  new  Utrecht  authori- 
ties began  to  "  reform  "  matters.  The  States  vainly  tried  nego- 
tiation and  finally  sent  Frederic  Henry,  younger  brother  of 
Maurice,  with  more  troops  and  orders  to  reduce  the  rebellion 
at  anj^  cost.  Kanter  and  his  friends  discreetly  accepted  banish- 
ment, and  the  former  state  of  things  was  resumed.  Oddly,  there 
appeared  in  connection  with  this  business  something  undeniably 
like  a  democratic  tendency.  Win  wood,  the  English  ambassador, 
says : ^  — 

During  this  contestation  which  we  have  had  with  the  Town  of 
Utrecht,  there  have  been  some  who  would  have  broached  this  Heresy 
amongst  us,  that  not  the  States,  but  the  common  People,  the  ordinary 
Burgher,  the  Schipper  [skipper],  the  Foremen  and  in  one  Word,  the 
Riffraff  of  the  Country,  are  the  Masters  of  the  Provinces  :  Tliey  are 
the  greater  Part,  they  bear  the  Burden  of  the  Imposts  and  Taxes, 
they  were  the  first  that  did  shake  off  the  Yoke  of  Spaine,  and  in  them 
the  Power  doth  consist,  at  their  Arbitrament  to  make  the  Magistrate 
and  to  depose  him,  .  .  .  and  in  consequence,  to  alter,  fashion  and 
settle  the  Government  of  the  State. 

The  chief  political  event  of  the  year  to  the  Low  Countries 
was  the  campaign  ending  in  the  capture  of  Jiilich.  The  death 
of  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  in  1609,  had  brought  the  long  struggle 

^  Memorials,  iii :  139. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  627 

between  the  Romanists,  Lutherans  and  Calvinlsts  to  a  head, 
and  the  States,  with  Henry  IV.  of  France,  interfered.  On  the 
eve  of  leaving  Paris,  the  king  was  assassinated.  This  modified 
but  did  not  prevent  the  intended  campaign.  On  July  13  Prince 
Maurice,  with  13,000  foot,  3000  horse  and  thirty  pieces  of 
artillery  marched  straight  and  alone  for  Julich,  and  had  nearly 
reduced  it  when  the  Marshal  de  la  Chartre  came  up  with  8000 
or  more  French  troops.  The  place  soon  surrendered,  and  the 
citadel  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Protestant  Princes  of 
Brandenburg  and  Neuburg.  A  governor  in  their  interest  was 
appointed  in  the  province,  and  the  troops  of  the  States  returned 
home,  having  won  a  victory  without  losing  a  man.  It  placed 
Protestantism  in  command  of  territory  valuable  in  itself,  and 
invaluable  in  its  extension  of  the  frontier  to  a  safer  distance 
and  in  its  strategic  importance  as  facilitating  communication 
between  the  Dutch  and  the  Protestants  of  Central  Germany, 
thus  giving  to  the  Protestants  greater  influence  throughout  the 
border  provinces.  The  Pilgrims  were  no  more  likely  than  many 
others  to  grasp  its  full  significance,  but,  as  it  was  a  victory  for 
Protestantism,  they  must  have  rejoiced  in  it. 

In  England  Parliament  was  in  session  twenty-three  weeks, 
from  Feb.  9,  but  did  little  beyond  disputing  with  the  king  over 
money  for  his  needs,  largely  debts  recklessly  incurred,  and  about 
the  royal  prerogative.  James  was  determined  to  get  all  that  was 
to  be  had  and  the  Commons  to  check  his  extravagance  and  to 
insist  upon  their  political  rights.  One  proposition  growing  out 
of  grievances  urged  by  the  lower  House  was  that  the  deprived 
ministers  be  permitted  to  preach,  if  they  would  not  criticise 
the  Established  Church,  but  it  was  flatly  refused.  In  general, 
it  was  asked  that  the  power  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  be  re- 
strained by  statute,  but  James  declared  that  he  would  see  that 
no  abuses  took  place,  which  amounted  to  nothing. 

When  Parliament  reassembled,  on  Oct.  16,  the  former  strife 
went  wearily  on.  The  Commons  —  fresh  from  the  people,  with 
whom  James's  prodigality  was  most  unpopular  —  simply  grow- 
ing more  determined  and  the  king  more  angr3%  Thus  began 
that  long  contest  between  the  throne  and  the  people  which  was 
closed  only  near  the  end  of   the    century,  under  William  of 


528  THE  PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

Orange,  by  the  victory  of  the  Commons.  The  news  of  the 
assassination  of  Henry  of  Navarre  led  to  the  tightening  of  the 
policy  against  recusants.  The  Romanists  had  the  worst  of  it,  but 
Protestants  also  suffered.  One  new  feature  was  a  penalty  upon 
married  women  refusing  to  commune  in  the  Established  Church. 
They  were  to  be  imprisoned  unless  their  husbands  paid  ten 
pounds  a  month  in  their  behalf.  In  June  the  king  at  last  de- 
stroyed the  independence  of  the  Scottish  Church.  By  threats  of 
fine  and  imprisonment  against  his  opponents  and  by  packing  the 
Assembly  with  his  adherents,  the  reluctant  clergy  having  been 
openly  terrorized,  he  established  Episcopacy  in  Scotland;  that 
is,  under  the  shadow  of  Episcopacy  he  established  his  own  au- 
thority over  the  Presbyterian  assemblies.  To  the  Pilgrims  mat- 
ters at  home  must  have  seemed  to  be  going  from  bad  to  worse. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  — 1611-1612 

The  first  and  most  important  event  in  1611  in  the  Pilgrim  his- 
tory was  a  movement  to  purchase  an  estate  in  the  Kloksteeg 
(Bell  Lane).  Forbidden  to  worship  in  any  ordinary  church  or 
chapel,  they  were  restricted  to  some  house.  Naturally  this  would 
be  one  of  their  own,  and  presumably  Robinson's.  Doubtless 
they  had  been  scanning  the  city  to  find  some  purchasable  dwell- 
ing, large  enough  to  accommodate  their  assemblies  and  fairly 
central  and  reputable  in  situation.  If,  moreover,  one  could  be 
had  with  land  enough  for  a  few  cottages,  where  some  of  their 
families  could  live,  perhaps  all  which  they  could  expect  would 
be  secured.    Such  a  house  they  found. 

The  earKest  record  connecting  it  with  them  is  on  Jan.  27,^ 
when  John  Robinson,  "  minister  of  God's  word  of  the  English 
congregation,"  William  Jepson,  Henry  Wood  and  Jane  White, 
"  not  married  at  this  time  but  assisted  by  Nicholas  White,^  jew- 
eller," agreed  to  buy  of  Johann  de  Lalaiug  the  house  called  the 
Groenepoort  (Green  Door).  The  record  of  the  completion  of 
the  bargain  is  dated  May  5,^  and  is  translated  here :  — 

We,  Pieter  Arentsz  Deyraan  and  Amelis  van  Hogeveen,  aldermen 
in  Ley  den,  certify  that  Mr.  Johann  de  Lalaing  has  appeared  before 
us,  declaring  for  himself  and  his   heirs  that  he  has  sold,  and  by  these 

1  Iiibreng  Bk.  M.  18  verso.  Two  vols,  are  labelled  M,  and  this  record  is  in  one 
only. 

2  '■  Assisted  "  probably  means  vouched  for  as  financially  competent.  If  he  had 
furnished  money  the  fact  almost  certainly  would  have  been  stated.  No  further 
reference  to  him  has  been  found,  excepting  that  Nicholas  Peck,  when  matriculated 
on  Dec.  7,  1611,  lived  with  him.  He  may  have  been  a  relative  of  Jane  White,  Mrs. 
John  Robinson  and  Roger  White. 

^  Prothocol  van  Waerbrieven,  MM  10.5.  In  the  Tweede  Beg.  Zevenhuysen  (161) 
the  briefer  record  of  the  sale  is  dated  Mar.  14.  But  the  internal  evidence  seems  to 
establish  the  date  as  May  5. 


530  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

presents  does  sell,  unto  John  Robinson,  minister  of  God's  word  of  the 
English  congregation  in  this  city,  William  Jepson,  Henry  Wood  and 
Randall  Thickins,  who  has  married  Jane  White,  together  jointly,  and 
each  for  himself  an  equal  fourth  part,  a  house  and  garden,  with 
grounds  adjacent  on  the  west  and  south  sides  thereof,  standing  and 
being  in  this  city  on  the  south  side  of  the  Pieterskerkhof  near  the 
belfry,^  [which  house  has  been]  named  from  old  times  the  Green  Door. 
Bounded  by  and  having  situated  on  the  one  side  eastwai'dly  a  certain 
small  room  which  the  appearer  [Lalaing]  reserves  for  himself,  being 
over  the  door  of  the  house  hereby  sold  ;  next  thereto  is  William  Sy- 
monson  van  der  Wilde  and  next  to  him  is  the  residence  of  the  Com- 
mandery ;  and  on  the  other  side  to  the  west  having  the  widow  and 
heirs  of  Huijck  van  Alckemade,  and  next  to  him  the  appearer  himself, 
and  next  to  him  is  the  Donckeregracht  ^  [Dark,  or  Covered,  Canal] 
which  also  bounds  the  aforesaid  grounds  ;  and  next  is  the  Veiled  Nuns 
Court  (stretching  from  the  [Pieters]  Aer^/i-o/  before  mentioned  to  the 
rear  of  the  i^aZyc^e  Beguynhofheiove  named). ^  All  and  so  as  the 
aforesaid  house  is  at  present  built  and  made,  used  and  occupied,  with 
everything  thereto  attached,  fastened  to  the  ground  or  nailed,  to  him 
the  appearer  belonging,  subject  to  a  yearly  rent-charge  of  eleven 
stivers  and  twelve  pence  payable  by  the  tenant  to  the  Heer  van  Poel- 
geest.  And  he  the  appearer  promises  to  warrant  and  defend  the 
aforesaid  house  and  grounds,  subject  to  the  before  named  rent-charge 
from  all  other  incumbrances  with  which  the  same  might  be  charged, 
and  burdened  for  a  year  and  a  day  and  forever,  as  is  just ;  hereby 
pledging  thereto  all  his  goods  moveable  and  immoveable,  now  owned 
or  to  be  owned  by  him,  without  any  exception  whatsoever.  Fur- 
ther, the  appearer  hereby  acknowledges  that,  with  regard  to  the 
aforesaid  sale,  he  has  been  fully  satisfied  and  paid  the  sum  of  eight 
thousand  gilders,  the  last  penny  with  the  first,  of  forty  groats  each  ; 
two  thousand  being  paid  down,  and  five  hundred  to  be  paid  on  May 
day,  1612,  as  the  first  year,  and  annually  thereafter  until  all  be  paid, 
being  secured  by  a  mortgage.  And  all  this  in  good  faith  and  without 
fraud.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  appended  our  seals  on  the  fifth  of 
May  of  the  year  1611. 

Signed  I.  Swanenbuech. 

1  The  low  tower,  built  for  the  bell  after  the  spire  of  the  cathedral  fell  in  1512,  in 
the  little  square  in  front  of  the  cathedral. 

2  As  convenience  dictated,  the  small  canals  were  arched  over,  in  some  cases  be- 
coming streets. 

^  This  parenthesis  is  in  the  marjjin  of  the  document,  and  evidently  was  intended 
to  declare  that  the  estate  sold,  and  not  that  of  the  Falyde  Beguynkof,  extended  as 
described. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS 


531 


Desirability  of  position  and  convenience  of  access  were  com- 
bined well  in  this  estate.  It  was  just  across  the  Kloksteeg  — 
a  narrow  but  somewhat  important  street  —  from  the  cathedral 
and  but  one  door  from  the  13  12 

Commandery.  The  little 
square  in  front  of  St. 
Peters  alone  sej)arated  it 
from  the  old  palace  of  the 
Counts  of  Holland,  and  it 
was  but  a  few  steps  from 
the  university  and  under 
the  very  shadow  of  its  li- 
brary. It  was  fairly  cen- 
tral, and  was  reached  from 
all  directions  by  con- 
verging streets.  Winslow 
says  ^  that  it  was  spacious, 
and  examination  of  the 
documents  shows  that  a 
considerable  lot  went  with 
it. 

There  was  the  usual 
small  garden  at  the  rear 
of  the  house  and  of  the 
same  width,  and  the  lan- 
guage of  the  deed,  "  with 
grounds  on  the  west  and 
south  sides  thereof  adja- 
cent," implies  adjoining 
land,  and  the  Caerte  van 
Heeren  Straet,  Salomons 
Straet.  Cloch  Steeck  met 


10 


1.  Kloksteeg. 

2.  Corner  of  St.  Peter's. 

3.  Corner  of  Belfry. 

4.  Robinson's  house. 

5.  Garden. 

6.  Additional  lot. 

7.  Estate    of    van    der 
Wilde. 

8.  Estate  of  van  Alcke- 
made. 

9.  Estate  of  de  Lalaing. 


10.  Estate  of  Dirck  van 
Boostel,  apparently  bought 
betv\een  1578  and  1611  by 
de  Lalaing. 

11.  Donckeregracht. 

12.  Falyde  Beguynhof  and 
grounds. 

13.  Tenements  belonging  to 
the  Fahjde  Beguynhof. 

14.  Land  of  the  Command- 
ery. 


^  "  Our  pastor's  house  being' large."  Hypocrisie  Vnmasked,  90.  The  accompany- 
ing  photograph  shows  the  front  of  the  house,  built  in  l(i8o,  on  the  same  site,  and 
also  the  small  tablet,  inserted  in  the  wall  under  the  right-hand  arched  window  in 
1865,  by  Dr.  Dexter  and  Prof.  G.  E.  Day,  D.  D.,  having  this  inscription  :  — 

On  this  spot 

Lived,  taught  and  died 

John  Robinson. 

1611-1625. 


532  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

de  Zuyt  ende  West  zljdvan't  Pieters  Kerclchof  QJldc^  of  Heeren 
St.,  Salomon's  St.,  Kloksteeg  and  the  south  and  west  side  of  the 
Pieterskerk)  in  the  admirable  Cart  houc  van  Straaten  himien 
dleser  Stadt  ^  (Book  of  maps  of  streets  in  this  city)  of  1578, 
or  thereabouts,  suggests  some  idea  of  the  size  and  shape  of  this 
estate. 

It  was  irregular,  but  had  an  extreme  length  of  about  300  by 
an  extreme  width  of  about  150  feet.  Its  front  on  the  Kloksteeg 
was  only  twenty-five  and  one  half  feet,  the  width  of  the  house 
and  of  the  garden.  But  behind  this  garden  was  an  open  lot, 
which  would  have  been  almost  square,  and  nearly  150  feet  long 
and  wide,  had  not  the  Fcdyde  Beguynhof  cut  off  a  corner  some 
fifty-five  by  fifty  feet  at  the  southwest.  It  is  not  easy  to  see  how 
its  description  as  extending  from  the  Pieterskerkhof  in  front  on 
the  north  to  the  rear  of  the  Falyde  Beguynhof  as  its  southern 
line,  and  as  being  partly  bounded  by  the  Donckeregracht^  can  be 
reconciled  with  the  other  conditions  named  and  with  the  sugges- 
tions of  the  chart,  unless  its  outline  approximated  that  suggested 
above.    The  estate  must  have  included  about  a  haK-acre  of  land. 

The  price  agreed  upon  was  8000  gilders  —  $3200,  equal  in 
modern  value  to  about  $16,000  —  of  which  2000  gilders  were 
paid  and  the  balance,  secured  by  mortgage,  was  to  be  discharged 
at  the  rate  of  500  gilders  annually,  on  May  1.  A  small  sum  also 
was  to  be  paid  yearly,  ajjparently  as  ground-rent,  to  the  Seigneur 
of  Polheest.^  Moreover,  the  house,  when  sold,  was  under  lease 
to  another  party,  having  a  year  more  of  residence,  and  he  was 
to  pay  228  gilders  rent  for  that  year.  Doubtless  one  reason  for 
the  purchase  of  a  property  thus  encumbered  was  to  secure  a  sit- 
uation so  admirably  suited  to  all  their  desires.  Presumably  they 
imi?iediately  occupied  the  land.  Jepson,  one  of  the  j)urchasers, 
was  a  carpenter,  and  it  is  likely  that  as  soon  as  possible  he  built 
some  cottages  upon  these  grounds.  At  all  events  it  is  certain 
from  the  records  that  twenty-one  houses  were  built  on  the  open 
lot  after  this  jDurchase  and  before  1647.^    And  that  as  many  as 

^  Published  in  fac-simile  in  a  handsome  folio  in  1874  by  W.  Pleyte,  in  his  iei- 
den  voor  300  jaren,  etc. 

^  A  village  two  or  three  miles  west  from  Leyden. 

^  Tweede  Beg.  Zeven.  161-171.  One  of  these  little  houses  was  sold  in  1678  for  18.5 
g-ilders,  another  for  150.  and  another  for  100.    Ten  were  sold  in  1678  for  1125  gil- 


PESYNS-HOF,  ON   THE   SITE   OF   ROBINSON'S   HOUSE 


THE   SUCCEEDING   YEARS  533 

twelve  families  of  the  comijany  are  recorded  as  living  there,  and 
that  at  least  as  many  more  are  mentioned  as  living  close  to  the 
cathedral,  as  they  naturally  woidd  be  spoken  of  if  living  on  this 
estate,  probably  implies  that  these  dwellings  were  erected  soon. 
The  weddings  in  the  comj)any  this  year  numbered  five.  On 
Apr.  1  Randall  Thickins  ^  and  Jane  White  were  betrothed  in 
the  presence  of  John  Robinson  and  his  wife,  Bridget,  believed  to 
have  been  Jane  White's  sister,  William  Brewster  and  Rosamond 
(Mrs.  William)  Jepson.  Thickins  was  from  London  and  was 
a  looking-glass  maker,  and  probably  became  a  printer  later,  in 
connection  with  Brewster  and  Brewer.  The  White  sisters  are 
thought  to  have  been  from  Beverly,  Yorks.,  or  Worksop,  Notts. 
The  wedding  was  .on  Apr.  21.  On  July  29  William  Bassett, 
from  Sandwich,  widower  of  Cicely  Light,  was  betrothed  to  Mar- 
garet Oldham,  the  witnesses  being  Edward  Southworth,  Roger 
Wilson,  Wybra  (Mrs.)  Pontus  and  Elizabeth  Neal.  They  were 
manned  on  Aug.  13.  Bassett  was  a  master  mason.  He  had 
been  betrothed  on  Mar.  19  to  Mary  Butler,  from  Norwich, 
with  William  Brewster,  Roger  Wilson,  Anna  Fuller  and  Rose 
Lisle  as  witnesses,  but  she  had  died  before  their  wedding- 
day.  His  second  wife,  also,  died  before  1621,  for  he  came  to 
Plymouth  in  that  year  in  the  Fortune,  accompanied  by  a  third 
wife,  Elizabeth.2  As  there  is  no  record  of  his  third  marriage  in 
Leyden,  she  must  have  lived  somewhere  else.  On  Oct.  7  Isaac 
Allerton  and  Degory  Priest  were  betrothed,  and  on  Nov.  4  they 
were  married.  AUerton's  bride  was  Mai-y  Norris,  said  to  have 
been  from  Newbury,  and  they  were  accompanied  by  Richard 
Masterson,    Edward    Southworth,    DiHe    (doubtless    Priscilla) 

ders,  one  in  1681  for  123  and  six  for  600.  Some  evidently  were  larger  than  others, 
although  the  difference  in  prices  also  may  have  heen  due  to  difference  of  condition. 
It  should  be  noted  here  that  at  present  little  houses  surround  the  garden,  as  in  all 
Dutch  "  hofs,"  so  that  the  spot  must  look  very  much  as  it  did  in  the  Pilgrims' 
time. 

1  Echt  Bk.  A.  166.  In  the  Dexter  Collection  at  Yale  is  a  fac-simile  of  Tliickins's 
name  as  written  on  the  fly-leaf  of  a  book  in  the  British  Museum,  by  John  Robin- 
son. Dr.  Dexter  thought  that  this  i.s  not  Thickins's  own  signature,  but  that  it  was 
written  by  Robinson  on  giving  Thickins  a  copy  of  the  book.  The  writing  resem- 
bles that  of  what  Dr.  Dexter  believed  to  be  an  autograph  of  Robinson  in  his  pos- 
session, and,  at  any  rate,  settles  the  spelling  of  the  name  as  Thickins,  and  not 
Dickens. 

2  Goodwin.    Pilg.  Eepub.  191. 


634  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

Carpenter  and  Anna  Fuller.  He  was  from  London,  and  was  a 
tailor.  With  their  three  children,  Bartholomew,  Remember  and 
Mary,  they  came  to  America  in  the  Mayflower.  Priest  also  was 
from  London,  and  was  a  hat  maker.  His  bride  was  Sarah,  a 
sister  of  Allerton,  and  already  the  widow  of  one  John  Vincent. 
Their  witnesses  were  Samuel  Fuller,  William  Lisle,  Rosamond 
(Mrs.  William)  Jepson  and  Mrs.  Thickins.  He  also  became  a 
Mayflower  passenger,  but  his  wife  and  their  two  daughters, 
Mary  and  Sarah,  remained  behind,  and  after  his  death  at  Plym- 
outh, she  became  Mrs.  Cuthbert  Cuthbertson,  and  came  with 
him  and  her  daughters  to  Plymouth  in  1623.  The  fifth  couple 
to  wed  were  William  Buckram  and  Elizabeth  Neal.  They  were 
betrothed  on  Nov.  30,  in  the  presence  of  William  Butler,  Abra- 
ham Gray,  Mrs.  Robinson  and  Mrs.  Thickins,  and  were  married 
on  Dec.  17.  He  was  a  block  maker  from  Ipswich,  and  had  lost 
his  first  wife,  Judith.  Elizabeth  Neal  was  one  of  the  few  mem- 
bers of  the  company  recorded  as  from  Scrooby. 

Apparently  the  only  death  during  the  year  was  that  of  Mary 
Butler,  just  mentioned.  She  lived  on  the  Pietersherkgracht, 
and  was  buried  in  St.  Peter's  on  Apr.  11.  The  only  man  ad- 
mitted to  citizenship  who  can  be  identified  as  one  of  the  com- 
pany was  Bartholomew  Smith.  He  took  the  oath  on  Apr.  5, 
guaranteed  by  John  Carpenter  and  Jacob  Stevens.  He  was 
a  merchant  from  London,  and  seven  years  later  he  seems  to  have 
become  a  tobacco-pipe  maker.  On  Nov.  4  Robert  Cushman, 
from  Canterbury,  a  wool-comber,  bought  of  Cornelis  Ghysberts 
van  Groenendael  a  house  on  the  west  side  of  the  Nonnensteeg, 
a  short  street  continuing  the  Klohsteeg  beyond  the  Rapenhurg 
southerly  to  the  Achtergracht  (Back  St.).  Although  in  a  good 
neighborhood,  being  close  to  the  university,  it  must  have  been 
quite  small,  for  its  price  was  but  eighty  gilders  down,  with  an- 
nual payments  thereafter,  bringing  up  the  whole  sum  to  about 
180  gilders. 

In  the  university  the  year  ui^itnessed  the  entrance  of  Peter 
Cunaeus,  a  Leyden  graduate  who  had  studied  subsequently  in 
England,  upon  twenty-seven  years  of  service,  as  professor  first 
of  Latin  and  afterwards  of  political  law  ;  and  of  John  Poly- 
ander,  educated  at   Heidelberg   and   Geneva,  and  for  twenty- 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  535 

two  years  a  pastor  at  Dordrecht,  upon  a  professorship  of 
theology. 

A  correspondence  took  place  at  this  time  between  William 
Ames  and  Robinson  about  Christian  fellowship.  Three  letters 
have  been  preserved,^  two  by  Ames  with  one  by  Robinson.  Ames 
argued  that  it  is  a  duty  to  commune  with  any  one  who  is  in  com- 
munion with  Christ ;  and  that  the  point  is  yielded  when  those 
who  are  about  to  form  a  church  hold  practical  communion  with 
each  other  upon  that  subject.  Robinson  denied  that  external 
communion  necessarily  follows  the  discerning  of  inward  com- 
munion with  Christ.  The  chief  theological  event  of  the  year  was 
the  dispute  about  Conrad  Vorstius.  As  has  been  said,  he  had 
been  elected  in  1610  to  the  theological  chair  vacated  by  Ar- 
minius.  He  was  then  a  little  over  forty.  He  had  been  offered 
a  theological  chair  at  Geneva,  but  preferred  to  go  to  Steinfurt, 
where  he  soon  acquired  fame.  While  there  complaints  were 
made  against  his  soundness,  and  he  went  to  Heidelberg  and 
stated  his  views  to  those  who  had  authorized  him  to  teach,  and 
the  faculty  merely  blamed  him  for  some  youthful  expressions. 
In  1610,  however,  he  published  at  Steinfurt  a  volume  ^  which 
renewed  the  subsided  clamor.  Beyond  question  the  Leyden 
authorities,  while  they  doubtless  expected  him  to  favor  the  gen- 
eral views  of  Arminius,  believed  him  free  from  all  Socinian 
taint,  and,  had  he  remained  at  Steinfurt,  probably  he  would 
have  died  in  the  odor  of  orthodoxy.  But  he  reached  Leyden 
just  when  a  violent  conflict  was  beginning,  and  the  question 
whether  he  should  be  one  of  the  teachers  of  theology  there 
thrust  him,  his  opinions,  utterances  and  tendencies,  pitilessly 
under  suspicion  and  prejudice.  Soon  after  his  name  w^as  first 
proposed,  a  clamor  was  made  against  him  which,  on  investiga- 
tion by  the  States  and  the  university  Curators,  came  to  nothing. 
In  May,  1611,  however,  six  ministers  claimed  that  he  had  pub- 
lished unsound  doctrine,  but  the  States  were  unconvinced  and 
he  was  duly  installed. 

In  August,  and  before  he  had  begun  lecturing,  a  swarm  of 

1  Printed  by  C.  Lawne  and  his  associates  in  Proph.  Schisme  (47-54).  There  is  no 
reason  to  suspect  their  genuineness. 

2  Tractatus  Theologicus  De  Deo,  etc.    1610. 


536  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

pamphlets  began  a  new  attack,  and  King  James,  having  read 
his  treatise  on  the  nature  of  God,  wrote  to  Winwood,  calling 
Vorstius  a  "Monster"  and  a  "viper"  and  his  opinions  "mon- 
strous blasj)hemie  and  horrible  Atheisme "  and  ordering  Win- 
wood  to  warn  the  States  "  how  infinitely  wee  shall  bee  displeased 
if  such  a  Monster  receive  advancement  in  the  church."  The 
States  considered  the  matter.  The  king  soon  wrote  again, 
threatening  to  consult  other  Reformed  Churches  "  how  to  ex- 
tinguish and  remand  to  hell  these  abominable  Heresies."  Mean- 
while no  Englishmen  would  be  allowed  to  repair  to  "  so  infected 
a  place,  as  is  the  Vniversitie  of  Leyden."  On  Dec.  19  Wmwood 
transmitted  another  protest,  and  James  even  had  the  books  of 
Vorstius  burned  in  St.  Paul's  churchyard  in  London  and  at 
Cambridge  and  Oxford. 

One  needs  to  remember  who  James  I.^  was,  whom  Henry  IV. 
of  France  called  "  the  wisest  fool  in  Christendom,"  in  order  to 
appreciate  the  absurdity  of  such  complaint  of  a  man  who  had 
written  a  volume  to  clarify  and  elevate  the  popular  idea  of  the 
divine  nature.  That  this  absurdity  was  not  unrecognized  is 
plain  from  the  fact  that  the  end  of  the  year  left  the  States  still 
treating  Vorstius  as  a  professor  in  quality  and  honor ;  although, 
because  of  political  considerations,  he  refrained  from  public 
instruction.  The  near  presence  of  such  a  suspect  and  the  pro- 
gi'ess  of  such  a  controversy  must  have  interested  the  Pilgrims, 
especially  their  pastor. 

At  Amsterdam,  early  in  the  year,  four  members  of  the  church 
remaining  with  Johnson,  left  abruptly  and  joined  the  English 
Reformed  Church.^  The  elders  of  the  abandoned  body  failed  to 
secure  their  attendance  in  private  session,  but  on  July  9  the 
offenders  appeared  before  the  church  as  a  whole.  Charges  and 
countercharges  of  schism  and  other  sins  were  made  and  the 
meeting  did  no  good.  Before  the  end  of  the  following  January 
Christopher  Lawne,  John  Fowler,  Clement  Sanders  and  Rob- 
ert Bulward  were  excommunicated.    The  bitterness  apparent  in 

^  J.  R.  Green  admits  that  James  was  a  ripe  scholar,  yet  adds  (Hist.  Eng.  People, 
iii:  55) :  "He  had  in  fact  the  temper  of  a  pedant,  a  pedant's  conceit,  a  pedant's 
love  of  theories,  and  a  pedant's  inability  to  bring  his  theories  into  any  relation  with 
actual  facts." 

2  Proph.  Schisme,  1-6,  20,  82. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  637 

this  trial  also  showed  itself  otherwise.^  John  Trappes,  of  Ains- 
worth's  company,  offered  to  prove  before  magistrates  "  that 
there  is  2)robable  murder^  and  approved  ivhoredomes  inalntained 
or  suffered  in  M.  Johnsons  Church,'"  and  Elder  de  la  Cluse 
endorsed  the  charge.  During  the  year  Johnson  defended  his 
new  view  of  church  polity  in  a  quarto,  expounding  the  eigh- 
teenth chapter  of  Matthew  so  as  to  justify  his  interpretation. 
He  says  :  ^  — 

Where  [in  their  ancient  Confession  of  Faith]  it  is  saide,  that  by 
those  wordes  {Tel  the  Church)  Christ  meant  not  the  Presbyterie 
(that  is  the  Congregation  of  Elders),  \i  [that  Confession]  is  vnsounde, 
and  can  not  be  warranted  by  the  Scriptures. 

Here  should  be  mentioned  "  A  note  of  some  things  called  into 
question  and  controverted  in  the  exiled  English  Church  at 
Amsterdam,"  an  undated  pamphlet  of  four  pages  of  which 
only  one  copy  ^  is  extant,  and  which,  in  an  ancient  handwriting, 
is  assigned  hypothetically  to  1611.  From  internal  evidence  it 
cannot  have  proceeded  from  the  Johnson  party,  since  it  aims 
"  not  to  abridge  the  brethren  of  their  assent  or  any  right  that 
doth  appertejTie  vnto  them  by  the  word  of  God."  But  it  con- 
cedes that  it  is  a  mistake  to  infer  from  the  eighteenth  of  Matthew 
that  the  elders  may  not  admonish  an  offender,  and  that  he  may 
not  be  excommunicated  should  he  despise  their  admonition.  Per- 
haps it  was  an  utterance  of  the  Ainsworth  party  when  they  were 
striving  to  concede  all  they  could  to  Johnson  without  absolutely 
disfranchising  the  church. 

Smyth,  with  the  few  who  had  clung  to  him,  found  refuge  in 
a  bakehouse  ^  belonging  to  Jan  Munter,  a  friendly  Waterlan- 

1  Lawne  (Proph.  Scliisme,  83)  tells  the  following,  which,  even  after  all  due  de- 
duction, indicates  what  some  of  these  men  were  like :  "  Thomas  Cocky  and  lacob 
Johnson,  two  men  of  note  amongst  them  [the  Ancient  Church],  both  of  them  pro- 
phets, falling  into  variance  one  with  another,  one  of  them  brings  in  before  the 
Church  a  List  of  fifteene  lyes  wherewith  he  charged  the  other  ;  the  other  againe, 
to  requite  his  paines,  brings  in  at  the  next  turne  against  him  a  List  of  sixteene 
lyes;  betwixt  them  both  they  make  vp  the  summe  of  31  lyes." 

'^  A  Short  Treatise  Concerning  the  Exposition  of  those  Words  of  Christ  "  Tell  the 
Church,"  etc..  Matt.  18,  17,  1611,  4to,  7. 

3  In  the  Prince  Collection  in  the  Boston  Public  Library,  where  it  is  bound  up 
with  Johnson's  Short  Treatise,  3,  4. 

*  Some  churches  then,  says  Frederik  MuUer,  had  peculiar  bakehouses  to  make 


538  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

der.i  Helwys,  Murton  and  their  associates,  after  purging  them- 
selves of  Smyth  and  his  adherents,  continued  in  Amsterdam.  In 
1611  they  printed  "  A  Declaration  of  Faith  of  English  People 
remaining  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland  "  ^  to  justify  their  course  — 
which  they  thought  a  middle  one  between  that  of  the  companies 
of  Johnson  and  Ainsworth  and  that  of  Smyth  —  and  to  gather  the 
scattered  English  believers  to  themselves.  They  set  forth  their 
creed  in  twenty-seven  articles.  It  was  Calvinistic  on  the  Trinity, 
the  Eall  and  the  Atonement.  It  was  Arminian  on  Predestination 
and  Falling  from  Grace.  It  was  Separatist  in  its  doctrine  of  the 
Church.  It  sided  with  Ainsworth  on  Church  Government  and 
the  Eldership.  It  was  with  the  Mennonites  in  denying  Infant 
Baptism.  It  differed  from  Smyth's  latest  views  as  to  Oaths  and 
the  Magistracy.  It  contained  an  affectionate  tribute  to  him,  yet 
bore  testimony  against  his  errors.  Helwys,  moved  by  the  current 
Arminian  discussions,  also  prepared  two  other  books,  whose  titles 
suo:orest  their  sisrnificance.^ 

In  England  the  year  was  unmarked  in  ecclesiastical  matters. 
Thomas  Bilson,  then  Bishop  of  Winchester,  printed  a  new  edi- 
tion, in  Latin,*  of  what  his  biographer  terms  his  "  superfluously 
learned  and  unattractive  "  ^  "  Perpetual  Government  of  Christs 
Church,"  of  1593  ;  a  book  which,  nevertheless,  is  called  even  now 
"  one  of  the  best  defences  of  the  divine  right  of  Episcopacy."  ^ 
The  supreme  literary  and  religious  event  of  the  year  was  the 
first  issue  of  the  revised  Bible.  Scholars  like  Ainsworth  and 
Robinson  must  have  watched  for  it.  Yet  it  is  not  certain  that 
any  copy  of  either  of  the  two  folio "  editions  of  this  year  reached 

bread  for  the  poor.  This  building  may  have  been  such  a  one,  and  also  may  have 
sheltered  poor  members.     Evans,  i :  220. 

^  Ms.  letter  of  Prof.  Scheffer. 

^  The  only  known  copy  is  a  lOmo,  in  the  York  Minster  Library,  Eng.  But  it 
has  been  partly  reprinted  in  Crosby's  Hist.  Eng.  Bapts.  (ii :  App.  1)  and  in  the 
Hansard  KnoUys  Society's  Confessions  (3-10). 

^  A  Short  and  Plaine  Proof  e  by  the  Word  and  Workes  of  God,  that  Gods  Decree  is 
not  the  Carise  ofanye  Mans  Sinne  or  Condemnation,  etc.,  8vo. 

An  Advertisement  or  Admonition  unto  the  Congregations  which  men  call  the  New 
Fryelers,  etc.,  16mo. 

*  De  Perpetua  Ecclesiae  Christi  Gvbernatione  in  qua  tractantvr  Patria  potestas 
quam  Deus  primum  in  Patriarchis pro  regenda  Ecclesia  sua  instituit,  4to. 

'^  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  v  :  44. 

6  J.  Hunt,  Relig.  Thought  in  Eng.  i :  88. 

'  It  was  long-  supposed  that  only  one  edition  was  printed  in  1611,  and  Anderson 


THE  SUCCEEDING   YEARS  539 

Amsterdam  or  Leyden.  Probably  they  knew  that  one  rule  of 
the  revisers  was  this  :  "  The  old  ecclesiastical  words  to  be  kept : 
as  the  word  '  Church  '  not  to  be  translated  '  Congregation,'  ^ 
etc."  At  any  rate  the  Pilgrims  long  clung  to  the  Genevan  ver- 
sion, and  it  was  nearly  half  a  century  before  that  of  1611  estab- 
lished itself  as  the  Bible  of  English-speaking  people. 

Of  much  more  interest  to  them  then,  no  doubt,  was  a  volume  2 
by  Barrowe,  which  has  a  little  of  the  old  Martin  Marprelate 
flavor.  Like  issues  of  the  fifteenth,  and  many  of  the  earlier  ones 
of  the  sixteenth,  century,  it  carries  its  date,  "  MDCXI,"  on  its 
last  page  ;  that  on  the  title-page  being  the  year  of  the  martyr- 
dom of  that  principal  author  from  whom  it  was  named.  It  is  a 
dialogue  on  religion  between  Desiderius,  an  imperfectly  enlight- 
ened and  somewhat  prejudiced  inquirer,  and  Miles  Micklebound, 
a  well-informed  and  fairly  candid  Separatist.  Its  object  appar- 
ently is  only  to  render  available  apt  quotations  from  Wiclif, 
Hooper,  Fenner,  Cartwright  and  others ;  a  letter  written  in 
1594  by  a  Brownist  in  Ireland  to  a  Mr.  Wood,  a  Scotch 
preacher  there ;  two  petitions,  one  by  Barrowe  and  the  other 
by  some  unnamed  person  ;  and,  especially,  the  "  first  part "  of  a 
"  Platforme  "  remaining  in  Barrowe's  maimscript,  the  publish- 
ing of  which  it  was  thought  would  greatly  aid  the  truth  and 
which  fills  exactly  one  third  of  the  book  and  vitalizes  its 
title.3 

so  states  (Annals,  ii.  Chron.  Index,  xxii).  But  Henry  Stevens  in  The  Bibles  in  the 
Caxton  Exhibition  (1877,  109-111)  proves  that  there  were  two,  and  that  they  were 
distinguished  oddly  by  different  readings  —  "  he  went "  and  "  she  went  "  —  of  Ruth 
iii :  15,  whence  they  have  become  known  as  "  the  great  He  Bible  "  and  "  the  great 
She  Bible." 

1  Anderson,  ii:  377. 

2  An  apparently  unique  copy  is  in  the  British  Museum.  Mr.  Henry  Barrowes 
Platform:  which  may  serve  as  a  Preparative  to  urge  away  Prelatisme :  with  some 
other  parts  of  Poperie,  etc.    1593.    18mo. 

^  In  discussing  communion  between  Christians,  Desiderius  refers  (143)  to  the 
fact  that  some  Brownists  hold  private  communion,  with  those  with  whom  they 
cannot  in  conscience  commune  publicly,  to  be  right,  and  wants  Miles's  judgment 
as  to  that.  Miles  replies  :  "  For  their  opinion  I  would  have  ray  judgment  spared 
at  this  time  :  Onely  this  I  say,  that  their  difference  is  not  such  as  ought  to  make 
any  division  between  them." 

The  copy  in  the  British  Museum  contains  this  marginal  note  in  the  handwriting 
of  the  period  :  "  This  answer  concerning  private  communion  is  not  in  Barrowe's 
[manuscript  ?]  neither  do  any  of  us  approve  of  it :  but  it  is  the  corruption  of  the 
printers." 


540  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

There  are  added  a  Memorandum,  dated  1604,  showing  the 
severity  of  the  English  government  towards  the  Separatists, 
and  an  anonymous  Writing,  justifying  marriage  by  others  than 
the  clergy.  The  Platforme  is  a  vigorous  argument  against  the 
hiei'archy. 

1612. 

The  archives  reveal  comparatively  little  about  the  Pilgrims 
during  1612.  Thei-e  were  only  three  weddings.  William  White 
and  Susanna,  or  Anna,  Fuller  were  betrothed  on  Jan.  27,  with 
her  brother,  Samuel,  WiUiam  Jepson  and  his  wife,  Rosamond, 
and  Sarah  (Mrs.)  Priest  as  witnesses.  They  were  married  on 
Feb.  11.  White  was  a  wool-carder.  George  Morton  and  Juliana 
Carpenter  were  betrothed  on  July  6,  in  the  presence  of  his 
brother,  Thomas  Morton,  Roger  Wilson,  Alice  Carpenter,  her 
sister,  and  Anna  Robinson.  He  was  a  merchant  from  York  and 
without  much  doubt  originally  from  Harworth,  near  Bawtry  and 
Austerfield.  She  was  a  daughter  of  Alexander  CarjDenter, 
from  Wrington,  Somerset.    Their  marriage  took  place  on  July 

23.  They  came  to  Plymouth  in  1623,  in  the  Anne  or  Little 
James,  with  their  four  children,  Nathaniel,  Patience,  John  and 
Sarah.  Edward  Pickering,  also  a  merchant,  and  from  London, 
and   Mary  Stubbs,^  from    Stromsey,  were  betrothed  on   Nov. 

24,  accompanied  by  Henry  Marshall,  George  Morton,  Randall 
Thickins,  Roger  Wilson  and  Agnes  and  Alice  Carpenter,  Juli- 
ana's sisters.    They  were  married  on  Dec.  15. 

On  July  20  William  Bridgman  buried  a  child  in  St.  Peter's, 
and  no  other  death  in  the  company  is  chronicled.  William 
Bradford  became  a  citizen  on  Mar.  30,  endorsed  by  William 
Lisle  and  Roger  Wilson,  and  Henry  Collet  on  the  same  day, 
endorsed  by  Abraham  Gray  and  Richard  Masterson.  On  Mar. 
21  Henry  Collet  bought  a  house  on  the  Dioarsheerensteeg  in  the 
Zevenhuysen,  from  Thomas  van  Oudemarck,  and  on  Apr.  19 
Robert  Cushman  bought  another  house  near  by  in  a  place  on 
the  south  side  of  the  Nonnensteeg  from  Cornelis  Ghysberts  van 
Groenendael,  Richard  Masterson  becoming  surety  for  him,  for 
^  Her  last  name  seems  to  be  written  "  Stuws  "  in  the  records. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  541 

780  gilders.  He  paid  200  gilders  down  and  100  more  were  to 
be  paid  in  a  year  and  the  balance  later,  with  five  gilders  annu- 
ally as  ground-rent  to  the  city.  On  May  1  the  purchasers  of 
the  house  on  the  Klokateecj  received  possession  of  it  and  un- 
doubtedly Robinson  moved  in  at  once.  Possibly  they  already 
had  constructed  a  chapel,  for  use  in  worship,  within,  or  as  an 
addition  to,  the  main  house.  As  Bradford  says^  that  before 
they  left  Leyden  the  church  numbered  nearly  three  hundred, 
and  Wiuslow  that  they  met  in  Robinson's  house,  unless  this 
were  much  larger  than  the  known  facts  indicate,  some  addition 
must  have  been  made.  Probably  their  first  really  well  accom- 
modated worship  since  reaching  Leyden  was  on  the  next  Sab- 
bath, May  6. 

It  is  worth  while  to  try  to  realize  to  ourselves  the  character 
of  their  Sabbath  services.  Clyfton,  to  whom  the  whole  move- 
ment was  largely  due,  and  who  was  pastor  or  teacher  of  the 
church  in  Scrooby,  but  who  remained  at  Amsterdam,  left  two 
descriptions,  essentially  the  same  ;  one  in  his  "  Plea  for  In- 
fants "  (1610),2and  the  other  in  his  "  Advertisement  "  (1612).3 
As  the  two  volumes  were  in  manuscript  for  some  time  previous 
to  these  dates,  as  Clyfton  belonged  to  the  Ancient  Church  in 
Amsterdam  after  the  other  Pilgrims  left,  and  as  there  is  no 
evidence  of  any  difference  in  the  order  of  service  between  this 
church  and  Robinson's,  presumably  the  foi-m  here  given  is  that 
used  in  Leyden.  The  two  versions,  the  longer  one  being  taken 
from  the  "  Plea "  and  the  briefer  from  the  "  Advertisement," 
are  as  follows :  — 

1.  Prayer  and  giving  thanks  by  1.  For  prayer  &  giving  of  thanks, 
the  Pastor  or  Teacher.  that   is   publiquely  performed  by 

our  Pastor  or  Teacher,  who  invo- 
cate  the  name  of  God  &  praise 
him  for  his  benefits,  as  the  spirit 
directs  their  harts  to  conceive  and 
giveth  utterance,  &  that  without 
the  use  of  any  book  during  that 

^  Dial,  in  Young.  Chrons.  455,  etc.,  and  Hyp.  Vnm.  90. 
2  Ans.  to  Smyth's  I^is.  to  Reader,  10,  11. 
8  xiv.    See  p.  384. 


542 


THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 


2.  Reading  of  two  or  three  chap- 
ters of  the  Bible,  with  brief  Ex- 
planation of  the  same,  as  the  time 
may  serve. 


3.  The    singing    of 
Psalmes  of  David. 


some  of   the 


4.  A  sermon  —  that  is,  the  pastor 
or  teacher  expounds  and  enforces 
some  passage  of  the  Scripture. 


5.  The  singing  againe  of  some  of 
the  Psalmes  of  David. 

6.  The  sacraments  are  adminls- 
tred,  —  that  is,  the  Lords  Supper 
on  stated  Lords  Days,  and  bap- 
tism whenever  there  might  be  a 
candidate. 


action,  according  to  these  Scrip- 
tures, Rom.  8.  26. 27.  Ejjh.  6,  18, 
19.    Col.  4.  2.    Act.  6.  4.    Num. 

6,  23.  24.-27.  Nehem.  9,  3-38. 
Ezra  9,  5-15.  &  10.  1.  loel  2, 
17. 

2.  They  read  the  holy  scriptures, 
translated  into  our  owne  language, 
some  two  or  three  chapters  or 
moe,  as  tyme  wil  serve,  shewing 
briefly  the  meaning  thereof. 
Which  is  warranted  by  these  Scrip- 
tures. Neh.  8,  3-8.  Deut.  31, 11. 
Act.  15,  21.  Col.  4,  16.  I  Thes. 
5.  37.   1  Tim.  4,  13. 

3.  The  Pastor  or  Teacher  taketh 
some  Scripture,  which  they  ordi- 
narily follow,  and  after  the  read- 
ing thereof,  do  expound  and  apply 
the  same,  by  doctrine,  exhortation, 
&c.  to  the  further  edification  of 
the  church :  according  to  these 
Scriptures.  Luk.  4.  16-21.  Act. 
8.  35.  &  13. 15,  and  26.  7.  1  Tim. 
4, 13.  2  Tim.  4,  2.  And  together 
with  the  preaching  of  the  word, 
the  Sacraments  are  administred 
after  the  rules  of  Christ,  with 
prayer  and  thankesgiving,  accord- 
ing to  these  Scriptures  :  Matt.  28, 
19.  I  Cor.  11,  23.  &c.   Act.  20, 

7.  &c. 

4.  Some  of  the  Psalmes  of  David, 
before  and  after  the  exercise  of 
the  word  (the  same  being  first 
read  and  opened  by  the  Pastor 
or  Teacher,)  is  sung  of  the  whole 
church  together  to  the  praise  of 
God,  and  our  own  edification,  ac- 
cording to  these  Scriptures :  Eph. 

5.  19.  Col.  3,  16.  Matt.  26,  30. 
Act.  16,  25.  Psal.  95.  &  92,  1.  & 
66.  2.  &  89.  1. 


THE   SUCCEEDING   YEARS  643 

7.  Collection  is  then  made,  as  each  Lastly,  each  one  as  he  is  able, 
one  is  able,  for  the  support  of  the  contributeth  to  the  Treasurie, 
officers,  and  the  poor.  whereby  the   Officers  &  poor  of 

the  church,  are  maynteyned  :  ac- 
cording to  these  Scriptures  :  I 
Tim.  5,  17.  18.  I  Cor.  9,  7-14. 
Gal.  6.  6.  I  Tim.  5. 16.  Luk.  22. 
1,  2.  3.  4.  Matt.  26,  9.  10.  11. 
Act.  2, 42.  45, 46.  &  4,  34. 35-37. 
I  Cor.  16.  1,  2.  2  Cor.  8,  4,  15. 
And  this  is  that  worshij)  and  ser- 
vice we  publikely  practise,  which 
Mr.  S[myth].  calleth  false  wor- 
ship :  how  truly,  let  the  Reader 
now  judge. 

Probably  they  also  used  that  version  of  the  Psalms  which 
their  friend  Ains worth  had  just  prepared.  At  any  rate  they 
l^rought  it  to  Plymouth,  where  it  continued  in  use  for  seventy 
years.  A  copy  was  left  by  Brewster.  As  issued  in  this  year,  it 
was  a  vellum-covered  quarto  ^  of  352  pages,  from  the  press  of 
Deacon  Giles  Thorp.  It  contained  a  new  prose  translation  from 
the  Hebrew ;  a  translation  in  metre ;  "  singing  notes,"  mostly  taken 
from  "  former  Englished  psalms  "  or  the  "  gravest  and  easiest  " 
of  the  French  or  Dutch  tunes ;  and  expository  annotations. 
It  is  likely  that  the  Twenty-third  Psalm  was  chosen  on  this  first 
Sabbath  to  express  their  gratitude  and  trust.  Rude  although 
their  version  of  it  seems  now,  it  helped  them  to  praise  with  a 
fervor  which  led  Winslow,  a  generation  afterwards,  to  revert  to 
the  singing  of  such  psalms  by  that  people  in  that  place  as 
"  the  sweetest  melody  that  ever  mine  eares  heard."  ^  Very  likely 
they  also  sang  the  One  Hundredth  Psalm  on  that  occasion. 

It  should  be  noted  that  apparently  the  Pilgrims,  when  they  had 
any  distinctively  church  action  to  take,  took  it  on  the  Sabbath 
at  the  close  of  worship,  as  entirely  appropriate.  Ainsworth, 
whose  general  views  closely  resembled  theirs,  declares  :  ^  "  The 
Church  judgments  are  the  Lords  works,  not  ours,  and  there- 

^   The  Book  of  Psalmes :  Englished  both  in  Prose  and  Metre.    With  Annotations, 
etc.,  Ifil2.    Four  editions  are  in  the  Dexter  Collection  at  Yale. 
^  Hyp.  Vnrn.  91.  ^  Animad.  44. 


644  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

fore  fittest  to  be  doon  on  the  Lords  day."    And  Robinson  bears 
similar  testimony  :  ^  — 

This  whole  proceeding  we  make,  and  use  ordinarily  on  the  Lord's- 
day,  as  being  properly  the  Lord's  work,  a  work  of  religion,  directly 
respecting  the  soul,  and  conscience  :  and  of  spiritual  nature,  as  being 
an  administration  of  Christ's  kingdom,  which  is  not  of  this  world. 
John  xviii :  36.  And  this  also  when  the  whole  church  is  gathered  to- 
gether, as  which  it  concerneth  many  ways.    I  Cor.  iv  :  4,  5. 

Apart  from  the  Pilgrims,  the  earliest  important  event  in 
Leyden  was  the  call  of  Simon  Episcopius  to  teach  theology  in 
the  university.  Vorstius,  although  appointed  successor  to  Armin- 
ius,  had  not  been  allowed  to  assume  office,  and  in  February 
the  Curators  elected  Episcopius,  then  twenty-nine.  In  part  this 
choice  was  a  matter  of  avowed  policy,  to  exemplify  toleration 
by  providing  two  professors  of  theology  of  opposite  opinions. 
John  Polyander,  Gomar's  successor,  was  more  amiable  than  he, 
although  holding  substantially  the  same  views.  But  between  him 
and  Episcopius,  the  foremost  disciple  of  Arminius,  entire  sym- 
pathy was  impossible.  Episcopius  delivered  his  inaugural  ad- 
dress, on  Feb.  23,  on  the  theme,  "  How  Best  the  Kingdom  of 
Christ  among  Men  May  Be  Built  Up."  The  topic  suggests  a 
typical  feature  of  his  belief  —  that  the  central  idea  of  Chris- 
tianity is  practical  rather  than  theoretical ;  while  the  watchwords 
of  his  exhortation  were  these  three,  truth,  justice,  peace,  which 
represent  his  spirit. 

Meanwhile  Vorstius  had  been  summoned  to  The  Hague  by  John 
of  Barneveldt,  the  chief  executive  of  Holland,  to  defend  himself 
before  the  Provincial  Assembly.  Early  in  March  he  was  heard 
and  satisfied  most  of  his  auditors,  but  in  vain.  King  James  had 
demanded  his  exclusion  from  Leyden,^  and,  disinclined  although 
Barneveldt  was  to  submit  to  James's  dictation,  the  theological, 
and  especially  the  political,  complications  of  the  time  seemed 
to  require  the  sacrifice  of  any  mere  individual.  Vorstius  was 
ordered  to  choose  some  other  residence  than  Leyden  or  The 
Hague  and  to  prepare  a  written  reply  to  his  accusers,  eighteen 
months  being  allowed  him.    Accordingly  he  settled  at  Gouda. 

1  Works,  iii  :  137. 

2  Ms.  Eesolutions  of  the  Court  of  Holland,  at  The  Hague  :  Feb.  27,  1612. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  546 

In  the  English  colony  at  Amsterdam  the  most  prominent 
event  of  the  year  was  the  death,  in  August,  of  Smyth,  then  not 
far  from  fifty.  He  died  of  quick  consumption  and  was  buried 
in  the  Nieuwe  Kerh  on  Sept.  1. 

Earlier  in  the  year  several  members  of  Ainsworth's  portion 
of  the  Ancient  Church  took  legal  measures  to  expel  Johnson's  ^ 
followers  from  the  meeting-house  built  for  the  original  church. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  in,  or  about,  1607  that  church  had 
been  assisted  from  England  to  erect  a  building  which  Johnson 
and  his  friends  still  occuisied.  It  had  been  an  implied,  if  not  an 
expressed,  condition  that  the  church  should  adhere  to  its  ori- 
ginal creed.  After  the  separation  in  1610  the  question  rose, 
which  party  retained  the  right  to  the  building.  Ains worth  and 
his  supporters  agreed  publicly  that  they  "  would  rather  bear  the 
wrong,  than  trouble  the  Magistrate  with  our  controversie,"  and, 
as  a  body,  they  took  no  other  action.  But  two  men  and  one 
woman  of  their  nimiber,  being  chief  owners  of  the  building,  felt 
unable  to  submit  to  the  loss  of  their  intei-est  in  it.  After  en- 
deavors to  arrange  for  an  amicable  sale  to  those  in  possession 
had  failed,  and  when  the  Johnsonians  also  had  refused  arbitra- 
tion, even  after  being  urged  by  the  Burgomasters,  Ainsworth's 
church  did  not  forbid  these  individual  owners  to  maintain  their 
legal  and  moral  rights.  No  actual  record  of  the  decision  has 
been  found,  but  there  is  evidence  that  the  Ainsworth  party  was 
in  possession  soon  after  ^  and  that  the  Johnsonians  were  else- 
where.^ 

About  midsummer  there  was  published  in  London  a  scurrilous 
tract,  already  referred  to,  "  The  Prophane  Schisme  of  the 
Brownists  or  Separatists,  with  the  Impietie,  Dissensions,  Lewd, 
and  Abhominable  Vices  of  that  impure  Sect,"  ^  purporting  to  be 
by  four  excommunicated  members  of  Johnson's  church.^    It  con- 

^  Animad.  2-3.  2  Pag-et,  Arrow,  304. 

3  Skidd  ofBef.  33.    Hoombeeck,  Sum.  Controv.  740. 

*  The  preface  to  Robinson's  book  hints  that  Ames  and  others  in  sympathy  with 
him  were  the  real  authors  of  the  tract  passing  under  the  name  of  Lawne,  etc.  A  few 
months  later  these  same  writers,  excepting  Lawne,  published  at  Amsterdam  A 
Shield  of  Defence  against  the  Arrows  of  Schisme.  In  the  preface  they  complain  of 
injury  done  them  in  the  tampering  with  the  text  of  their  former  book  by  some 
unnamed  person,  through  whose  intervention  it  was  published. 

^  See  p.  536. 


546  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

sists  mainly  of  accusations  against  that  church  and  its  officers. 
Several  incidental  references  to  Robinson  and  other  Pilgrims 
appear,  and  there  is  quoted  a  part  of  the  correspondence  be- 
tween Ames  and  Robinson  about  Christian  communion,  already 
referred  to.  Later  in  the  year  this  pamphlet  was  answered  by 
Clyfton  in  "  An  Advertisement  concerning  a  book  lately  pub- 
lished by  Christopher  Lawne  and  others,"  in  which  the  accused 
are  defended,  Studley  contributing  a  statement.^ 

Another  publication  by  an  English  exile  in  Holland  was  Henry 
Jacob's  "  Declaration  and  Plainer  Opening  of  Certain  Points  .  .  . 
contained  in  a  Treatise  intituled,  The  Divine  Beginning  ...  of 
Christes  true,  visible  and  ministeriall  Church."  It  is  a  letter  to 
a  friend  in  England,  dated  at  "  Middleborough,"  Sept.  4,  1611, 
to  deny  having  joined  the  Separatists  and  to  explain  further  his 
doctrine  of  the  church.  An  undated  pamphlet,  edited  by  Thomas 
Pigott,  also  was  issued,  probably  in  the  winter  of  1612-13,  with 
the  title  substantially  as  follows :  "A  Declaration  of  the  Faith 
of  the  English  People  remaining  at  Amsterdam,  being  the  re- 
mainder of  Mr.  Smyths  Companie.  With  an  Appendix  giving 
an  account  of  his  sickness  and  death."  It  includes  Smyth's  last 
book,  "  The  Retractation  of  his  Errours."  The  Confession  of 
Faith  is  memorable  as  an  early  Baptist  creed. 

In  England  a  contract  was  signed  in  May  for  the  marriage 
of  King  James's  only  surviving  daughter,  the  Princess  Eliza- 
beth, then  fifteen,  to  the  young  Elector  Palatine,  conspicuous  in 
the  Union  of  German  Protestants,  with  which  James  had  just 
formed  a  treaty  of  alliance.  The  match  hardly  was  briUiant,  but 
the  king's  preference  of  a  Protestant  son-in-law  eventually  led  to 
the  establishment  of  the  Protestant  succession  on  the  British 
throne. 

King  James's  alacrity  in  advocating  the  persecution  by  an- 
other government  of  its  heretical  subjects  has  appeared  in  the 
case  of  Vorstius.  He  also  applied  his  principles  unflinchingly 
at  home.  In  March  one  Bartholomew  Legate,  a  professed  Arian, 
was  convicted  of    heresy,   upon   James's  instigation,    and  was 

^  In  1613  another  pamphlet  appeared  in  London  over  Lawne's  name,  entitled 
Brownisme  turned  the  In-side  out-ward.  It  is  less  personal,  and,  although  dealing 
■with  matters  treated  in  the  former  pamphlet,  it  adds  little  to  the  facts. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  547 

burned  at  Smithfield,  having  the  melancholy  distinction  of  being 
the  last  of  a  long  list  of  Englishmen  to  suffer  this  fate  there  in 
the  name  of  religion.  This  year  also  were  printed  at  Oxford  for 
the  first  time  the  arguments  of  Walter  Travers  and  Richard 
Hooker,  before  the  Privy  Council  in  1591,  on  the  doctrinal  dif- 
ferences between  Calvinism  and  the  Church  of  England. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  —  1613-1616 

The  year  1613  found  the  Pilgrims  well  settled  in  Ley  den. 
They  had  become  so  far  identified  with  its  life  as  to  feel  mea- 
surably at  home.  The  struggle  for  a  living  still  was  severe.  But 
their  increasing  familiarity  with  the  language  and  customs  of  the 
people  and  their  unfailing  good  repute  had  removed,  or  modi- 
fied, some  early  hindrances  of  their  prosperity,  and  certain  perils 
which  threatened  their  welfare  later  had  not  yet  become  appar- 
ent.   They  prized  especially  their  religious  freedom. 

Five  weddings  occurred.  On  Mar.  15,  Samuel  Fuller,  wid- 
ower of  Alice  Glascock,  was  betrothed  to  Agnes,  one  of  Alex- 
ander Carpenter's  daughters.  They  were  accompanied  by  Alex- 
ander and  Alice  Carpenter,  her  father  and  sister,  Edward 
Southworth,  William  White  and  his  wife,  Susanna,  and  Roger 
Wilson.  They  were  married  on  Apr.  24.  Fuller  was  a  say- 
weaver  and  from  London.  Later  he  served  the  Pilgrims  well  as 
a  physician.  Thomas  Morton  has  said  —  upon  what  authority 
is  unknown  —  that  he  was  born  at  Wrington,  Somerset,  from 
which  the  Carpenters  had  come,  and  had  been  bred  a  butcher.^ 
On  May  7  Edward  Southworth  and  Alice  Carpenter  themselves 
were  betrothed  in  the  presence  of  Fuller,  Thomas  Southworth, 
Edward's  brother,  Roger  Wilson,  Elizabeth  (Mrs.  John)  Jen- 
nings and  Anna  (probably  Mrs.)  Ross.  The  marriage  was  on 
May  28.  On  Nov.  1  Henry  Collins  and  Mrs.  Jennings's  sister, 
Dorothy  Pettinger,  were  betrothed,  accompanied  by  William 
Bradford,  Edward  Southworth,  Mrs.  Jennings  and  Mrs,  Ross, 
and  they  were  married  on  Nov.  20.  Collins  lived  in  Amsterdam 
and  was  a  bombazine-weaver.  He  had  lost  his  first  wife,  Mar- 
garet Grimsdike.  He  and  his  first  wife  both  were  from  Sutton, 
Notts.,  near  Scrooby,  and  he  is  recorded  ^  in  Amsterdam  as  hav- 

1  New  Eng.  Canaan,  III.  18,  152. 

^  Doop,  Trouw  en  Begrafenis  Regs.  666 :  68. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  549 

ing  shown  "  a  certificate  of  nativity  in  the  hand  of  Richard 
Clyfton,  minister  at  Sutton,"  the  contents  of  which  also  were 
"  entered  in  Sutton." 

The  next  wedding  took  place  in  Amsterdam  on  Dec.  10.  It 
was  that  of  William  Bradford,  who  was  betrothed  there  on  Nov. 
9  to  Dorothy  May,^  a  daughter  of  Henry  May,  from  Wisbeach, 
Cambs.,  who  witnessed  their  banns  in  Amsterdam.  They  were 
betrothed  again  at  Leyden,  unaccompanied  and  "  by  attestation 
upon  their  own  behalf,"  on  Nov.  15.  The  Leyden  records  re- 
port the  marriage  with  the  note  "  No  certificate  left."  Bradford 
was  twenty-three  and  she  was  only  sixteen.  She  accompanied 
him  to  America  in  the  Mayflower  but  was  drowned  at  Province- 
town.  They  left  their  only  child,  John,  behind  them,  and  he 
came  over  in  1627.  Bradford  afterwards  married  Edward 
Southworth's  widow  (Alice  Carpenter),  but  there  is  no  au- 
thority for  the  tradition  that  they  had  been  lovers  in  youth 
and  had  been  separated.  In  1625  Henry  May  lived  in  Leyden, 
and  very  likely  was  the  Mr.  May  prominent  in  the  Ancient 
Church  in  Amsterdam  as  early  as  1598,  and  who  in  1622  was 
Jean  de  la  Cluse's  fellow-elder  in  Ainsworth's  branch  of  that 
church.  The  last  marriage  was  that  of  Moses  Fletcher  and 
Sarah  Denby,  on  Dec.  21,  after  betrothal  on  Nov.  30  attended 
by  Bradford,  William  Lisle,  Mrs.  Priest  and  Margaret  Savory. 
It  was  a  second  marriage  in  each  case,  he  having  lost  his  first 
wife,  Maria  Evans,  and  she  her  first  husband,  William  Denby. 
Fletcher  was  a  smith,  and  he  came  over  in  the  ISIayflower, 
leaving  her  in  Leyden. 

No  one  known  as  a  member  of  the  company  is  entered  as 
having  died  this  year.  Only  two  became  citizens :  William 
Minter  on  May  3,  guaranteed  by  Abraham  Gray  and  Roger 
Wilson:  and  Edmond  Chandler  on  Nov.  11,  by  Wilson  and 
Henry  Wood.  On  June  13  Thomas  Smith,  then  forty-six,  and 
Anthony  Fretwell,  then  thirty-six,  made  affidavit  in  behalf  of 
Joseph  Freeman.  Smith  was  a  wool-comber  from  Colchester 
and  had  been  a  deacon  of  "  the  English  church  "  at  Amster- 
dam, but  of  which  church  is  unknown.  Presumably  he  belonged 
to  the  company  in  Leyden,  and  Fretwell  and  Freeman  may 
1  D.,  T.  and  B.  Begs.  667 :  52  and  Pui  Bk.  s.  d.  (Amst.)  Echt  Bh.  B.  25.  (Leyd.) 


550  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

have  been  Pilgrims,  but  there  is  no  other  indication  of  the 
fact. 

Changes  in  the  university  were  few.  The  veteran  professor 
of  Mathematics,  Rudolf  Snellius,  died  in  March,  after  thirty- 
four  years  of  service ;  and  Dominicus  Baudius,  professor  of 
History,  in  August,  having  taught  ten  years.  The  Faculty  of 
Philosophy  was  strengthened  by  the  appointment  to  his  father's 
chair  of  Willebrord  Snellius,  son  of  Rudolf,  then  twenty-two,  who 
already  had  lectured  for  three  years.  Episcopius  continued  his 
teaching  without  incident.  But  in  April  he  visited  Amster- 
dam, to  be  sponsor  for  his  brother's  eldest  child,  and  a  surviving 
letter  ^  says  that  the  officiating  minister  travelled  outside  the 
printed  form  of  service,  trying  to  entrap  him  into  Calvinistic 
admissions  ;  while  the  clergy  were  rude  and  the  populace  offered 
gibes  and  violence. 

Concerning  the  English  in  Amsterdam  little  appears.  Prob- 
ably it  was  in  this  spring  that  Francis  Johnson,  with  certain 
followers,  migrated  to  Emden.  Not  all  of  his  adherents,  how- 
ever, removed  with  him,  and  evidence  that  Clyfton  remained 
behind  is  the  record  ^  of  the  death  of  his  wife,  Anne,  in  Amster- 
dam on  Sept.  3, 1613,  aged  fifty-eight.  Ainsworth's  "  Animad- 
version," already  referred  to,  appeared  this  year.  It  explains  their 
recourse  to  law  about  the  meeting-house,  and  justifies  the  doc- 
trinal differences  which  led  to  the  separation.  All  references  to 
the  Leyden  church  are  friendly.  Robinson  and  Brewster  con- 
tribute an  account  of  the  part  taken  by  them,  and  Robinson  also 
answers  objections  by  Johnson  to  his  former  writings  on  church 
government.  There  was  no  other  fruit  of  Robinson's  pen  this 
year,  and  one  Leonard  Busher,  apparently  leader  of  some  Ana- 
baptist secession  in  Amsterdam,^  complained*  in  1614  that  Rob- 
inson "  hath  had  a  writing  of  mine  in  his  hands  above  six 
months,  and  as  yet  I  can  get  no  answer."  This  year  another 
book  by  Jacob  on  church  government  was  printed,  perhaps  at 
Geneva.  Its  scope  is  indicated  by  its  title  :  "  An  Attestation  of 
many  Learned,   Godly,   and  famous   Divines,  Lightes  of  Reli- 

1  Brandt,  ii :   127-129.  2  Clyfton  Family  Bible.    Oxford.   Taylor  Inst. 

^  C.  Lawne,  Proph.  Schisme,  56. 

*  Religion's  Peace,  in  Tracts  on  Liberty  of  Conscience.   Hans.  Knollys  See.  52. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  551 

gion,  and  pillars  of  the  Gospell,  iustifying-  this  doctrine,  viz. 
That  the  Church-governement  ovight  to  bee  alwayes  with  the 
peoples  free  consent.  Also  this,  That  a  true  Church  vnder  the 
Gospell  contayneth  no  more  ordinary  Congregations  but  one," 
etc.  The  prefatory  epistle  is  dated  18  July,  1612.  A  copy  was 
in  Brewster's  library. 

The  controversy  in  the  Dutch  Church  grew  hotter.  At  the 
end  of  February  six  eminent  ministers  —  including  Hommius, 
for  the  Conservatives,  and  Uitenbogart,  for  the  Remonstrants,  — 
vainly  conferred  at  DeKt.  While  the  States  were  trying  to  heal 
the  breach,  a  letter  arrived  from  King  James  declaring  a  com- 
plete reversal  of  opinion  since  the  case  of  Vorstius !  He  now 
wrote  of  the  opinions  in  dispute  :  "  We  do  not  perceive  either 
of  them  to  be  so  absurd  as  not  to  consist  with  the  truth  of  the 
Christian  faith,  as  well  as  with  the  salvation  of  men's  souls."  ^ 

In  England  theological  literature  this  year  included  no  im- 
portant works.  Only  two  deserve  notice  :  "  The  Auncient  Ec- 
clesiastical! Practise  of  Confirmation  confirmed,"  by  Dr.  George 
Hakewill,  chaplain  to  Prince  Charles,  written  for  the  prince's 
confirmation  in  Easter  week  ;  and  the  first  two  volumes  of  Thomas 
Jackson's  valuable  commentary  on  the  Apostles'  Creed.  But, 
in  general  literature,  the  year  saw  the  first  editions  of  Drayton's 
"  Polyolbion  "  and  Purchas's  "  Pilgrims." 

State  affairs  also  were  of  small  interest.  The  Elector  Pala- 
tine married  the  Princess  Elizabeth  at  Whitehall  on  Sunday, 
Feb.  14,  and  by  the  end  of  April  the  young  couple  had  reached 
The  Hague  on  their  homeward  way,  where,  on  May  16,  he  wit- 
nessed the  signing  of  a  treaty  of  alliance,  agreed  to,  at  James's 
request,  by  the  States  of  Holland  and  the  princes  of  the  Protes- 
tant Union  in  Germany.  Prince  Frederick  then  hastened  home, 
and  Elizabeth,  proceeding  more  leisurely,  spent  the  night  of 
May  21  at  the  Prinsenhof  in  Leyden,  being  received  with  "  a 
glad  and  Royall  welcome,"  the  Pilgrims  surely  being  interested 
spectators. 

In  March  three  commissioners  were  sent  to  London  ^  by  tlie 
Dutch  Company  of  East  India  Merchants  in  an  unsuccessful 

^  Winwood,  Mems.  iii :  452. 

2  Cal.  S.  P.  Colon.  E.  Indies.   1513-1616,  64.    Gardiner,  ii :  201. 


552  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

attempt  to  arrange  differences  between  that  body  and  the  Eng- 
lish East  India  Company.  By  order  of  the  States,  Hugo  Grotius, 
who,  although  under  thirty,  already  was  eminent  in  both  law 
and  literature,  went  with  them  ;  and  interesting  glimpses  of  the 
great  Dutch  scholar  in  English  society  are  afforded  in  the  di- 
aries of  Casaubon  and  the  letters  of  Archbishop  Abbot. 

1614. 

The  next  year,  1614,  was  uneventful.  There  were  only  three 
marriages.  Roger  Wilkins,  a  wool-carder,  was  betrothed  to 
Anna  Hardy,  daughter  of  Anna  Hallett,  on  Mar.  28,  accom- 
panied by  John  Keble,  Roger  Wilson,  Sarah  Carey  and  Mrs. 
Hallett.  They  were  married  on  Apr.  12.  She  was  either  a 
widow  or  the  daughter  of  Mrs.  Hallett  by  a  former  husband. 
Samuel  Terry,  a  say-weaver  from  Caen  in  Normandy,  was  be- 
trothed to  Mildred  Charles  on  May  16,  with  Samuel  Fuller, 
Roger  Wilson,  Mary  (probably  Mrs.  William)  Ring  and  Mrs. 
Thickms  as  witnesses.  Their  wedding  was  on  May  31.  Terry 
apparently  was  a  Walloon  and  was  admitted  to  the  Pilgrim 
Church  ^  from  the  French  Church  in  Leyden,  but  when  is  not  re- 
corded. Probably  it  was  at  about  this  time  and  because  of  his 
marriage  to  a  Pilgrim.  John  Jenny,  a  brewer's  drayman,  from 
Norwich  and  more  recently  from  Rotterdam,  was  betrothed  to 
Sarah  Carey,  from  "  Moncksoon,"  on  Sept.  5,  Roger  Wilson 
and  Jane  Lee  accompanying  them.    The  marriage  was  on  Nov.  1. 

The  only  recorded  burial  is  that  of  a  child  of  John  Keble  on 
July  23  in  St.  Peter's.  As  Keble  apparently  had  been  married 
before  settling  in  Leyden,  and  possibly  long  before,  this  child 
is  more  likely  to  have  been  well  grown  than  an  infant.  Isaac 
Allerton's  is  the  only  discoverable  admission  to  citizenshi}?.  It 
took  place  on  Feb.  7  and  Roger  Wilson  and  Henry  Wood 
vouched  for  him.  In  respect  to  business  matters  it  is  noted  that 
on  Jan.  2  Richard  Masterson,  wool-comber,  from  Sandwich, 
bought  a  house  of  Roger  Wilson  for  800  gilders.  It  was  on 
the  Uiterstegracht  (Outermost  St.),  almost  on  the  eastern  bor- 
der of  the  city.    On  Mar.  28  Henry  Collet  sold  to  John  Keb|e 

^  Winslow,  Hijp.  Vnmash.   96. 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  .    563 

the  house  on  the  Dwarsheerensteeg  which  he  had  bought  in 
March,  1612,  from  Thomas  van  Ouderaarck.  On  Sept.  10 
William  Minter  bought  a  house  on  the  Groenhasegracht  from 
William  Jepson  for  850  gilders,  and  Jepson's  deed  of  sale 
declares  that  William  Robertson  owned  the  next  house  on  one 
side. 

No  changes  occurred  this  year  in  the  university  proper.  But 
Girard  John  Vossius,  master  of  the  Latin  School  at  Dort,  be- 
came regent  of  the  Dutch  Theological  College  in  Leyden  in 
place  of  Peter  Bertius.  He  was  thirty-seven  and  became  famous 
for  his  elegant  scholarship. 

During  this  year  Robinson  published  his  work,  "  Of  Reli- 
gious Communion,  Private,  &  Publique,"  etc.  In  the  preface 
the  occasion  of  this  writing  is  traced  to  Lawne's  "  Prophane 
Schisme  of  the  Brownists,"  in  1612,  to  which  Ames  had  con- 
tributed the  private  correspondence  ^  on  fellowship.  Robinson 
•felt  that  this  unauthorized  publication  did  not  state  his  views 
fully,  and  accordingly  wrote  this  treatise.  His  chief  aim  is  to 
show  2 

that  we,  who  profess  a  separation  from  the  English  national,  provin- 
cial, diocesan,  and  parochial  church,  and  churches,  in  the  whole  formal 
state  and  order  thereof,  may  notwithstanding  lawfully  communicate  in 
private  prayer,  and  other  the  like  holy  exercises  (not  performed  in 
their  church  communion,  nor  by  their  church  power  and  ministry,) 
with  the  godly  amongst  them,  though  remaining,  of  infirmity,  mem- 
bers of  the  same  church,  or  churches,)  ^  except  some  other  extraordi- 
nary bar  come  in  the  way,  between  them  &  us. 

This  indicates  a  milder  doctrine,  showing  that  his  Separatism 
tended  to  become  more  liberal. 

His  treatise  gives  incidentally  some  interesting  details  of  the 
practice  of  the  church  in  Leyden.  It  is  noticeable  that  he  dis- 
avows "  popularity,"  i.  e.,  democracy  like  that  of  modern  Con- 
gregationalism.   He  says :  — 

The  government  of  the  church,  then,  as  it  is  taken  most  strictly  for 
the  outward  ordering,  directing  and  guidance  of  the  same  church  in 
her  affairs,  ...  we  place  in  the  bishops,  or  elders  thereof,  called  by 

1  See  p.  535.  2   Works,  ed.  1851,  iii :  2,  134-138. 

8  Quoted  as  printed.  The  second  parenthesis  doubtless  should  begin  with 
" though." 


554  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

Christ,  and  the  church  to  feed,  that  is  to  teach,  and  rule  the  same.  .  .  . 
Which  their  government,  and  the  nature  thereof,  I  will  plainly  lay 
down  in  such  particulars,  as  wherein  the  people's  liberty  is  greatest : 
which  are  reduced  to  these  three  heads;  1.  Exercise  of  prophesying: 
2.  Choice  of  officers  :  and  3.  Censuring  of  offenders. 

As  to  prophesying,  he  declares  that  "  the  officers,  after  their 
ordinary  teaching,"  give  the  other  church  members  opportunity 
to  ask  questions,  to  state  doubts,  or  to  exhort.  Thus  the  people 
have  a  certain  liberty,  yet  "the  officers  govern."  As  to  the 
choice  of  officers,  he  says :  — 

We  do  take  for  our  directions  the  practice  of  the  apostles,  and 
apostolical  church,  Acts  i.  and  vi.  and  xiv,  .  .  .  We  do  read.  Acts  vi, 
how  the  apostles  call  together  the  multitude  ;  show  them  the  necessity 
of  choosing  deacons,  what  their  work  is,  and  how  they  must  be  quali- 
fied, and  how  many  they  would  have  chosen :  whom,  being  chosen 
accordingly,  by  the  multitude,  they  ordain,  .  .  .  Where  it  is  evident, 
that  though  the  calling  did  chiefly  depend  upon  the  multitude,  yet  did 
the  government  of  the  whole  action  lie  upon  the  officers.  Conformable' 
whereunto  is  our  practice,  so  near  as  we  can,  upon  the  like  occasion. 

As  to  censure,  he  says :  "  We  propound  to  ourselves  the  rule 
of  Christ,  Matt,  xviii.  17,"  etc.,  and  explains  its  apijlication.  He 
adds,  as  to  the  mutual  relations  of  officers  and  people :  — 

But  for  that  the  officers  are  frail  men,  and  those  "  not  lords  over 
God's  heritage,"  as  are  princes,  and  magistrates  over  their  subjects, 
but  ministers  and  servants  of  Christ  the  husband,  and  the  church  the 
wife,  whom  the  thing  concerns  in  their  places,  as  well  as  them,  1  Pet. 
V.  3  ;  1  Cor.  iv.  1 ;  2  Cor.  iv.  1,  5,  we  think  it  lawful  for  the  brethren, 
either  doubtfxd  of  anything  in  the  officer's  administration,  to  propound 
their  doubt  for  satisfaction ;  or  seeing  them  failing  in  any  material 
thing,  to  admonish  them  of  their  duty  and  that  they  "  look  to  their 
office,"  Col.  iv.  17,  or,  if  need  stand,  to  supply  the  same  for  the  further 
clearing  of  things. 

Then  follows  the  passage,  already  cited,i  about  transacting  such 
business  on  the  Sabbath.  Evidently  the  usage  of  the  Pilgrim 
Church  was  more  liberal  than  that  of  the  Ancient  Church,  and 
essentially  like  that  of  Ainsworth's  church.  It  was  on  the  way 
to,  but  had  not  yet  reached,  the  more  democratic  positions  which 
it  came  to  hold  in  America.    This  treatise  was  answered  in 

1  p.  544. 


THE  SUCCEEDING   YEARS  565 

November  by  a  pamphlet  of  ten  pages,  printed  at  Dort,  entitled 
"  A  Manudiction  for  M^  Robinson,  and  such  as  consent  with 
him  in  privat  communion,  to  lead  them  on  to  publick."  It  was 
unsigned,  but  is  known  to  have  been  by  Ames.  He  also  printed 
anonymously  at  Dort  a  work  by  William  Bradshaw,  "  The  Vn- 
reasonablenesse  of  the  separation  Made  apparant  by  an  exami- 
nation of  M^  lohnson's  pretended  reasons,  published  in  1608," 
a  forcible  statement  of  the  Puritan,  as  opposed  to  the  Sepa- 
ratist, view  of  membership  in  the  English  Church. 

Of  the  English  in  Amsterdam  the  most  noteworthy  record  is 
that  of  the  successful  renewal,  on  Nov.  6,  by  the  remnant  of 
John  Smyth's  followers,  some  thirty,  of  their  appeal  for  admis- 
sion to  a  Waterlander  church. 

The  breach  between  the  Remonstrants  and  the  Contra-Re- 
monsti'ants  widened.  Appeals  to  the  States  led  to  the  passage 
in  January  of  an  ordinance,  drawn  by  Hugo  Grotius,  which  de- 
fined the  limits  of  permissible  doctrine  in  regard  to  predestina- 
tion, but  vainly. 

English  theological  literature  was  unimportant,  and  the  prin- 
cipal additions  to  general  literature  were  Raleigh's  "  History  of 
the  World  "  and  the  first  instalment  of  Chapman's  translation  of 
the  Odyssey.  Napier's  first  exposition  of  his  invention  of  loga- 
rithms also  appeared.  Little  happened  politically.  Parliament 
met  on  Apr.  5,  but  quickly  refused  supplies  for  the  treasury 
until  its  grievances  had  been  redressed,  particularly  as  to  the 
claims  of  the  Crown  to  levy  impositions  upon  merchandise  with- 
out Parliament's  consent.  A  wrangle  between  the  two  houses 
ended  in  dissolution  on  June  7.  The  sinister  result  was  that  the 
king  was  led  thereby  to  turn  to  Spain  for  alliance  and  aid. 

1615. 

The  matrimonial  history  of  the  company  for  1615  includes 
four  entries.  Roger  Chandler,  from  Colchester,  a  say-weaver, 
and  Isabella  Chilton,  from  Canterbury,  were  betrothed  on  May 
22,  with  Roger  Wilson,  Catherine  (Mrs.)  Carver,  and  Sarah 
(Mrs.  William)  Minter  as  witnesses.  The  wedding  was  on 
July  21.    Samuel  Butler,  a  merchant  from  Yarmouth,  and  Sarah 


556  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

Porter,  from  "  Mindelton,"  Suff.,  were  betrothed  in  presence  of 
Samuel  Fuller,  William  and  Rosamond  Jepson,  and  Sarah 
Minter  on  Aug.  7,  and  were  married  on  Aug.  25.  Sept.  16 
witnessed  the  betrothal  of  Edmond  Jessop,  from  Ackworth, 
Yorks.,  a  bombazine-worker,  the  three  months'  widower  of  Ellen 
Underwood,  to  Abigail  Hunt,  from  Guernsey,  accompanied  by 
Samuel  Fuller,  WiUiam  and  Rosamond  Jepson,  and  Mary  (prob- 
ably Mrs.  Henry)  Wood.  They  were  wedded  on  Oct.  3.  Eight 
years  later  he  became  the  author  of  "  A  Discovery  of  the  Errors 
of  the  English  Anabaptists."  James  Kingsland,  a  clothier,  arid 
Ellen  Carlisle,  a  sister  of  James  Carlisle  and  Anna  (probably 
Mrs.  Bernard)  Ross,  from  Hull,  also  were  betrothed  in  the  pre- 
sence of  Robert  Joy,  Bartholomew  and  Dorcas  (doubtless  Mrs.) 
Smith,  and  Anna  Ross  on  Nov.  27,  and  were  married  on  Dec.  12, 

The  burial  list  this  year  is  the  longest  thus  far.  On  Jan.  25 
Randall  Thickins,  then  living  on  the  Nieuwesteeg^  buried  a 
child  in  St.  Peter's.  It  must  have  been  young,  and  no  other 
child  of  his  is  recorded.  In  the  same  place,  on  June  15,  Ellen 
Underwood,  from  Ackworth,  Yorks.,  the  first  wife  of  Edmond 
Jessop,  was  laid  to  rest.  He  then  lived  in  the  Sty ensteeg  (Stone 
Lane).  Three  days  later,  on  June  18,  William  White,  Samuel 
Fuller's  brother-in-law,  then  residing  in  the  Groenesteeg  (Green 
Lane),  buried  a  child  in  St.  Pan  eras  ;  and  only  eleven  days 
afterwards,  on  June  29,  poor  FuUer  buried  a  child  of  his  own 
in  St.  Peter's,  and  laid  his  wife  beside  it  in  four  days  more,  on 
July  3.  He  lived  then  close  at  hand  in  the  JPieterskerMqf. 
And  on  July  10  Thomas  Willet,  who  lived  on  the  Jacobsgracht, 
buried  a  child,  also  in  St.  Peter's. 

Five  more  men  in  the  company  took  the  oath  of  citizenship  : 
John  Keble,  from  Canterbury,  wool-comber  and  say-draper,  on 
Apr.  27,  on  the  guaranty  of  Edmond  Chandler  and  Henry 
Wood  ;  Alexander  Price,  camlet-merchant,  on  May  18,  on  that 
of  Roger  Wilson  and  Wood  ;  Thomas  Smith,  from  Colchester, 
cloth-merchant  and  ex-deacon,  on  July  29,  on  that  of  Jan  Ques- 
troy  Peters  and  Francois  van  der  Becke ;  Samuel  Lee,  hat- 
raaker,  on  Oct.  19,  on  that  of  Bradford  and  Wilson;  and 
Degory  Priest,  from  London,  also  a  hat-maker,  on  Nov.  16,  on 
that  of  Isaac  AUerton  and  Wilson. 


THE   SUCCEEDING   YEARS  557 

On  Feb.  17,  Thomas  Brewer,^  then  thirty-five,  was  matricu- 
lated in  letters  in  the  university,  and  John  Robinson,  the  Pil- 
grim pastor,  received  permission  on  Aug.  5  ^  to  become  a 
member  of  that  institution.  Rev.  Robert  Durie,  an  Englishman 
of  fifty -five,  who  had  come  to  Leyden,  to  be  the  first  pastor  of 
the  Reformed  Scotch  Church,  at  almost  the  same  time  with 
Robinson,  had  been  matriculated  on  Apr.  27,  IGIO.  The  rea- 
son of  his  speedy  admission  to  university  privileges  doubtless 
was  that  his  church  was  in  direct  fellowship  with  the  Dutch 
Establishment,  and  had  its  house  of  worship  and  his  salary  pro- 
vided by  the  State.  Admission  to  the  university  then  involved 
some  exemptions  from  taxation  and  from  service  in  the  city 
guard,  as  well  as  a  free  annual  allowance  of  beer  and  wine.^ 
The  Rector  Magnificus  for  this  year  was  Cornelius  Swanenbur- 
gius,  pi-ofessor  of  Law,  and  on  Sept.  5  he  admitted  Robinson 
to  the  coveted  enrolment.  The  record  of  admission  describes 
Robinson  as  "  An.  xxxix,"  which  means  not  aged  thirty-nine, 
but  in  his  thirty-ninth  year.  The  phrase  is  of  importance  since 
it  is  the  only  known  record  on  the  subject. 

In  this  year  Robinson  replied*  to  Ames's  pamphlet  of  the 
previous  November.  His  title  was  "  A  Manumission  to  a  Manv- 
dvction,  or  Answer  to  a  Letter  inferring  Publique  communion 
in  the  parrish  assemblies  upon  private  with  godly  persons  there." 
He  insists  earnestly  that  private  Christian  fellowship  with  mem- 
bers of  other  churches  does  not  involve  formal  public  commun- 
ion with  those  churches.  He  answers  his  opponent's  questions 
and  expands  some  arguments,  especially  on  the  status  of  the 
priest  in  the  Church  of  England.  The  two  main  questions,  in 
his  view,  are  whether  the  jurisdiction  of  bishops  in  their  dioceses 
is  lawful  or  not,  and  whether  parochial  ministers  in  England 
preach  by  authority  of  the  bishops  or  not.  Of  course  he  answers 
the  first  negatively  and  the  second  affirmatively,  and  his  reason- 
ing reveals  his  attitude  towards  the  administration  of  the  Church 
of  England. 

Before  the  year  ended,  Ames,  stiU  anonymously,  followed  up 

1  Utiiv.  Bees.  3.  d.  ^  Burgmeester's  Dag  Bk.  B.  272. 

^  Sumner,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls,  iii.  ser.  ix :  57,  72.   Dexter,  Cong,  in  Lit,  388. 

*  Eepriuted  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls,  iv.  ser.  i :  165-194. 


558  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

his  justification  of  the  ministry  of  that  church  by  "  A  Second 
Manvdvction,  for  Mr.  Robinson.  Or  a  confirmation  of  the  for- 
mer in  an  answer  to  his  manumission."  It  is  a  detailed  rejaly  to 
Robinson  with  little  novelty  of  topic  or  treatment.  Among  other 
publications  of  the  year  appealing  specially  to  the  Pilgrims  was 
the  controversial  correspondence  between  Henry  and  John  Ains- 
worth,  written  in  1609  and  already  referred  to.^ 

A  peculiarly  exciting  disturbance,  in  connection  with  the  per- 
secution of  the  Remonstrants  in  the  National  Church,  occurred 
in  Amsterdam,  where  Simon  Goulart,  the  younger,  who  for 
fourteen  years  had  been  a  pastor  of  the  French  Walloons,  and 
now  was  about  forty,  was  suspended  by  his  Consistory  for  de- 
fending Remonstrant  innovations  in  doctrine. 

At  King  James's  request  the  negotiations  attempted  in  1613 
between  the  Dutch  and  English  East  India  Companies  were 
resumed  early  in  1615  at  The  Hague,  but  were  closed  prema- 
turely by  the  Dutch  demand  for  a  joint  warfare  upon  Spain 
because  of  her  aggressive  course  in  the  East  Indies.  Such  action 
was  impossible  for  the  British  king  just  then,  for  a  marriage 
between  the  heir-apparent  and  the  Spanish  Infanta  was  under 
consideration. 

The  most  important  theological  works  of  the  year  in  England 
were  William  Bradshaw's  "  Treatise  of  Justification "  and 
George  Carleton's  "  Directions  to  know  the  True  Church,"  the 
latter  being  aimed  specifically  at  the  Romanists.  A  notable  illus- 
tration of  the  spirit  in  which  ecclesiastical  offences  stiU  were 
liable  to  be  treated  in  England  occurred  this  year.  Edmond 
Peacham,  a  Somersetshire  rector,  was  charged  with  railing  at 
his  bishop  and  with  treasonable  writings.  He  was  actually,  al- 
though ineffectually,  tortured,  and  of  this  barbarity  persons  no 
less  eminent  than  Lord  Bacon  and  Archbishop  Abbot  were  wit- 
nesses, if  not  instigators. 

1616. 

The  next  year,  1616,  was  somewhat  more  eventful,  owing  to 
the  current  theological  differences.    But  the  internal  history  of 

1  See  p.  513. 


THE   SUCCEEDING   YEARS  559 

the  Pilgrim  body  was  much  like  that  of  the  preceding  years. 
Roger  Wilson,  who  had  officiated  as  a  witness  at  so  many  be- 
trothals, was  the  first  to  need  similar  service  this  year.  He  was 
betrothed  to  Elizabeth  Williams  on  Nov.  11,  accompanied  by 
her  brother,  Thomas  Williams,  afterwards  a  Mayflower  pas- 
senger, and  by  Elizabeth  Spalding.  They  were  married  on  Mar. 
26.  Whether  or  not  Henry  Wilson  was  a  relative  of  Roger  is 
not  known,  but  he  was  the  first  to  follow  Roger  into  matrimony, 
being  betrothed  on  May  13  to  Elizabeth  Nicholas,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  John  Carver,  William  Jepson,  Mrs.  Bradford  and  Sarah 
(Mrs.  William)  Minter.  He  was  from  Yarmouth  and  was  a 
pump-maker.  She  also  was  from  Yarmouth,  and  their  wedding 
was  on  May  28.  Zechariah  Barrow,  who  had  lost  his  first  wife, 
Ellen,  and  was  a  wool-carder,  was  betrothed  to  Joan  Barrow 
on  June  16,  with  John  Crackstone,  Moses  Fletcher  —  both  of 
whom  came  over  in  the  Mayflower  —  and  Mrs.  Pontus  for  wit- 
nesses. They  were  married  on  July  2.  John  Spooner,  a  ribbon- 
weaver  living  on  the  Bogertsteeg  (Bogert  Lane),  who  had  buried 
his  first  wife  in  the  spring,  and  Ann  Peck,  the  ward  of  William 
Brewster,  from  Lownd,  were  betrothed  on  Nov.  9,  accompanied  by 
Samuel  Lee  and  Elizabeth  Spalding,  and  were  married  on  Dec.  24. 

The  dead  of  the  year  numbered  seven.  Robert  Cushman, 
then  living  on  the  Nonnensteeg,  buried  a  child  in  St.  Peter's  on 
Mar.  11.  Mrs.  John  Spooner  (Susanna  Bennett)  was  interred 
in  the  same  place  on  Mar.  28.  John  AUerton,  living  in  the 
Pieterskerkhof,  buried  a  child  there  on  May  21.  Another  Mary 
Butler,  the  one  who  had  witnessed  the  banns  of  William  and 
Wybra  Pontus,  also  was  buried  there  on  July  16.  Poor  Cush- 
man was  called  upon  to  part  with  two  more  of  his  stricken  family 
in  October.  His  wife,  Sarah,  was  buried  in  St.  Peter's  on  the 
11th  and  another  child  on  the  24th.  Since  March  he  had  re- 
moved from  the  Nonnen&teeg  to  the  Boisstraat.  William  White 
also  buried  another  child  in  St.  Pancras  on  Dec.  21. 

On  June  3  Thomas  Smith  and  Joseph  Lambertson  guar- 
anteed Joseph  Crips  for  citizenship,  and  on  Dec.  16  John 
Keble  and  William  Minter  performed  the  same  service  for 
William  Jepson.    On  Apr.  11  Bernard  Ross  ^  made  a  deposi- 

1  Proc.  Bk.  ad  lites,  A,  s.  d. 


560  THE  PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

tion  in  regard  to  his  lawsuit  with  Joseph  Lewis.  He  was 
obliged  to  go  to  Amsterdam  and  England  and  was  afraid  that 
Lewis  might  take  advantage  of  his  absence  to  try  to  get  the 
case  decided  against  him. 

Outside  of  the  Pilgrim  congregation  an  event  in  which  they 
must  have  felt  some  interest  was  the  death  of  Robert  Durie, 
minister  of  the  Reformed  Scotch  Church,  who  was  buried  in  St. 
Peter's  on  Sept.  16,  aged  sixty-one.  At  this  date  his  more 
famous  son,  John  Durie,  was  about  twenty. 

In  the  university  circle  this  year  witnessed  some  specially 
vigorous  attacks  upon  Episcopius,  the  most  important  being  in- 
stigated by  Hommius.  A  formal  investigation  of  the  charge  of 
Socinianism  was  held  before  the  Curators  of  the  university  and 
the  Burgomasters,  but  the  result  satisfied  neither  party. 

Probably  it  was  not  far  from  this  time  that  Robinson  dis- 
puted publicly  with  Episcopius,  especially  in  one  formal  debate. 
It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  so  little  is  knoNvn  about  an 
event  so  significant  in  itself  and  so  full  of  interest  to  the  Pil- 
grims. The  invitation  to  represent  the  conservative  party  was  a 
tribute  at  once  to  Robinson's  conceded  ability  as  a  reasoner  and 
a  public  speaker,  and  to  his  growing  prominence  in  the  intel- 
lectual and  theological  fellowship  of  the  city.  It  was  a  notable 
mark  of  respect  and  confidence  which  must  have  gratified  him 
and  all  his  company,  apart  from  the  fact  that  it  necessarily 
added  to  their  good  repute  as  a  body.  Nor  can  the  advantage 
of  such  an  invitation  have  remained  merely  local.  Throughout 
Holland  interest  in  the  current  discussions  was  so  great  that 
such  a  debate  was  followed  widely  and  with  keen  attention,  and 
Robinson  must  have  become  known  much  more  generally  and 
favorably  than  before  by  his  mere  selection  to  encounter  so  dis- 
tinguished a  champion  as  Episcopius.  But  his  characteristic 
modesty,  shared  by  his  friends,  prevented  any,  excepting  the 
most  scanty,  record  of  the  affair  from  being  handed  down. 

In  marked  contrast  to  what  was  customary,  he  had  taken 
pains  to  hear  both  sides,  frequenting  the  lectures  not  only  of 
Polyander,  with  whom  he  agreed,  but  also  of  Episcopius  ;  "  by 
which  means,"  says  Bradford,^  — 

1  Hist.  20,  21. 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  561 

he  was  so  well  grounded  in  y^  controversie,  and  saw  y*"  force  of  all 
their  arguments,  and  knew  y"  shifts  of  y"  adversarie,  and  being  him 
selfe  very  able,  none  was  fitter  to  buckle  with  them  then  him  selfe,  as 
appered  by  sundrie  disputs ;  so  as  he  begane  to  be  terrible  to  y"  Armin- 
ians. 

Apparently  several  minor  discussions  took  place,  in  which  Rob- 
inson participated  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  conservatives, 
and,  spurred  on  by  these,  Episcopius  "  put  forth  his  best 
stringth,  and  set  forth  sundry  Theses,  which  by  publick  dispute 
he  would  defend  against  all  men."  It  was  this  challenge,  espe- 
cially, which  Kobinson  was  persuaded  to  take  up.  He  was  re- 
luctant to  serve.  "  He  was  loath,  being  a  stranger."  But  it  was 
urged  by  Polyander  and  the  "  chiefe  preachers  of  y^  citle  "  that 
"  such  was  y®  abilitie  and  nimblnes  of  y®  adversarie,  that  y® 
truth  would  suffer  if  he  did  not  help  them."    So  he  yielded. 

However  radically  Episcoj)ius  may  have  differed  from  Rob- 
inson, he  probably  had  no  occasion  to  complain  of  unfairness  or 
discourtesy  on  Robinson's  part,  which  must  have  been  an  un- 
usual experience.    Bradford  says  further  of  Robinson  :  — 

The  Lord  did  so  help  him  to  defend  y*'  truth  &  f oyle  this  adversarie, 
as  he  put  him  to  an  apparent  nonplus,  in  this  great  &  publike  au- 
dience. And  y^  like  he  did  a  2.  or  3.  time,  upon  such  like  occasions. 
The  which  as  it  caused  many  to  praise  God  y*  the  truth  had  so  famous 
victory,  so  it  procured  him  much  honour  &  respecte  from  those  lerned 
men  &  others  which  loved  y*^  trueth. 

Doubtless  Episcopius  was  as  conscientious  as  Robinson,  and 
allowance  must  be  made  for  the  natural  predisposition  of  Brad- 
ford and  Winslow,  the  only  reporters  of  the  affair,  in  favor  of 
their  pastor.  Yet  probably  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  their 
statements  that  Robinson  generally  was  regarded  as  having  had 
the  best  of  the  argument.  Indeed  Bradford  adds  that,  "  were  it 
not  for  giveing  offence  to  y«  state  of  England,  they  would  have 
preferd  him  otherwise  if  he  would,  and  [if  he  would  have] 
alowd  them  [they  would  have  shown  him]  some  publike  fa- 
vour." 

From  Amsterdam  came  the  news  of  the  death,  on  May  20,  of 
Richard  Clyfton,  aged  about  sixty-three,  the  original  pastor  or 
teacher  of  the  Scrooby  church.    To  the  Pilgrims,  especially  to 


662  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

those  from  Scrooby  and  vicinity,  who  had  been  identified  with 
the  formation  of  the  church  and  its  earliest  struggles  and  perils, 
this  news  must  have  caused  genuine  sorrow.  He  was  the  first 
of  their  original  leaders  to  be  taken  away,  and,  although  during 
the  seven  years  since  they  had  left  Amsterdam,  most  of  them 
probably  had  seen  him  seldom,  they  cannot  have  failed  to  con- 
tinue to  regard  him  with  respect  and  affection.  He  remained 
with  that  portion  of  the  Ancient  Church  which  adhered  to 
Francis  Johnson,  and  he  took  some  part  in  the  controversies 
which  have  been  described.  ^  But  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  bitter  in  spirit.  How  far  he  sympathized  with  Johnson's 
extreme  views  is  uncertain.  Although  ready  to  make  sacrifices 
for  his  convictions,  his  natural  disposition  evidently  was  peace- 
able. Apparently  he  aged  prematurely,  and  he  may  have  pre- 
ferred to  acquiesce  to  a  large  degree  in  what  he  could  not  help 
rather  than  to  contest  it,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  did  not 
maintain  cordial  relations  with  the  Pilgrims  as  long  as  he  lived. 

During  the  year  Henry  Ainsworth  carried  through  the  press 
the  first  instalment  of  his  valuable  exegetical  work,  "Annotations 
upon  the  first  Book  of  Moses,  called  Genesis."  There  was  is- 
sued also,  under  the  care  of  Dr.  Ames,  a  learned  treatise,  De 
Pollteia  Ecclesiastica  Christi,  et  Hierarchica  opj^osita,  Libri 
Tres,  written  by  Robert  Parker,  who  died  before  its  publica- 
tion. A  copy  of  it  is  named  in  the  inventory  of  Brewster's 
library,  which  also  includes  another  book  printed  this  year, 
"  The  Revelation  of  S.  John  illustrated  .  .  .  By  Thomas  Bright- 
man.  Imprinted  at  Leiden,  by  John  Claesson  van  Dorpe,  at 
the  Signe  of  the  golden  Sunne.    Anno  1616." 

In  March  a  new  English  ambassador  succeeded  Winwood  at 
The  Hague,  Sir  Dudley  Carleton.  His  correspondence  for  the 
next  dozen  years  contains  much  of  great  interest  in  relation  to 
current  Dutch  history.  A  sentence  in  his  letter  of  instructions  ^ 
emphasizes  the  hierarchical  claims  of  King  James :  — 

^  Arber  condemns  Clyfton  {Story  Pilg.  Faths.  116)  as  countenancing  Studley's 
faults  in  the  Advertisement,  and  declares  that  Clyfton  retracted  his  own  condem- 
nation of  Lawne's  Prophane  Schisme.  His  authority  is  Paget  {Arrow.  4).  But  his 
quotation  does  not  make  it  certain  that  Paget  refers  to  Clyfton,  and  he  accepts 
Lawne's  accusations  against  the  Ancient  Church  as  trustworthy  too  readily. 

2  Letters  from  and  to  Sir  D.  Carleton,  ed.  1780,  6,  82. 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  563 

In  Holland  there  lately  have  been  violent  and  sharp  contestations 
among  the  towns  in  [the]  cause  of  religion,  which  we  fear  are  rather 
for  the  time  allayed  than  quenched  and  extinguished.  If  therefore 
they  should  be  unhappily  revived  during  your  time,  you  shall  not  for- 
get, that  you  are  the  minister  of  that  master,  whom  God  hath  made 
the  sole  protector  of  his  religion. 

Carleton's  despatches  this  year  refer  often  to  the  religious 
dissensions  ;  and  the  last  one,  on  Dec.  29,  calls  attention  to  the 
schism  then  at  its  height  in  Leyden,  "  where  they  have  divided 
their  churches  betwixt  the  orthodox  and  Arminian  factions,  the 
one  refusing  to  communicate  with  the  other." 

In  this  year  Henry  Jacob  returned  to  Englaijd  and  organ- 
ized in  Southwark  a  church  on  Congregational  principles  which 
generally  is  accounted  the  mother  church  of  the  modern  English 
Independents,  or  Congregationalists.  At  the  same  time  he  pub- 
lished, but  anonymously,  a  declaration  of  principles,  "  A  Con- 
fession and  Protestation  of  the  Faith  of  certain  Christians  in 
England.  .  .  .  Also  an  Humble  Petition  to  the  King'  s  Majesty 
for  toleration  therein."  In  the  Established  Church  the  most 
conspicuous  publication  was  Dr.  Richard  Mocket's  Doctrina  et 
Politia  Ecclesiae  Anglicanae,  which  was  charged  with  hetero- 
doxy and  burned.  The  general  literature  of  the  year  included 
a  collection  of  the  "  Works  "  of  King  James,  edited  by  Bishop 
James  Montagu,  of  Winchester ;  and,  of  much  more  impor- 
tance to  the  Leyden  Pilgi'ims,  as  matters  turned  out,  Captain 
John  Smith's  "  Description  of  New  England,"  with  a  map  of 
the  coast  as  alleged  to  have  been  surveyed  by  him  in  1614. 

The  year  also  was  marked  in  England  by  the  downfall  of  the 
reigning  favorite,  the  Earl  of  Somerset,  and  the  rise  of  a  more 
dangerous  successor,  George  Villiers,  whose  influence  fostered 
the  Spanish  match.  But  an  equally  memorable  fact  in  the  view 
of  posterity  is  the  death  of  Shakespeare  on  Apr.  23  at  Stratford- 
upon-Avon. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  — 1617-1619 

Coming  events  of  serious  importance  began  to  cast  their  shadows 
before  during  1617.  Gradually  it  was  becoming  evident  to  the 
Pilgrims  that  Holland  did  not,  and  could  not,  afford  the  sort  of 
refuge  and  opportunity  which  they  desired.  Reluctant  though 
they  were  to  emigrate  again,  and  uncertain  though  they  were 
where  to  go,  they  seem  to  have  decided  this  year  that  their 
very  existence  as  a  church,  and  even  as  a  body  of  English  people, 
depended  upon  some  such  a  step.  Meanwhile  their  life  went  on 
much  as  hitherto. 

There  is  no  record  of  the  death  of  the  first  Mrs.  John  Jennings 
(Elizabeth  Pettinger),  but  she  must  have  died  before  this  year,  as 
her  husband  was  betrothed  again  on  Mar.  3,  this  time  to  Rose,  a 
daughter  of  William  Lisle.  The  friends  present  were  John  Car- 
ver and  Rosamond  (Mrs.  William)  Jepson.  They  were  married 
on  Mar.  23.  At  this  time  Jennings  was  a  merchant.  Samuel 
Fuller,  who  had  lost  his  second  wife  (Agnes  Carpenter)  the 
year  before,  also  was  betrothed  again  on  May  12  to  Bridget  Lee, 
accompanied  by  Josephine  and  Samuel  Lee,  her  mother  and 
brother,  and  they  were  married  on  May  27.  Two  others  of  the 
company,  Cuthbert  Cuthbertson,  a  hat-maker,  and  Elizabeth 
Kendall,  also  were  betrothed,  in  presence  of  Elizabeth  and  Ed- 
ward Kendall,  her  mother  and  brother,  on  May  12,  and  were 
married  on  May  27.  As  Cuthbertson  had  been  living  with  Lee, 
there  must  have  been  some  intimacy  between  these  two  couples, 
and  probably  there  was  a  double  wedding. 

Henry  Collet,  whose  first  wife  had  been  Anna  Harris,  and 
Alice  (Thomas),  the  widow  of  John  Howarth,  were  betrothed 
on  May  19  and  wedded  on  June  3,  the  witnesses  of  the  betrothal 
being  John  Crackstone,  Thomas  Harris  —  Collet's  brothei"-in- 
law  —  and  Isabel  (Mrs.  Roger)  Chandler;  and  on  June  5,  Robert 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  565 

Cushman  married  a  second  wife,  Mary  Singleton  ;  their  be- 
trothal, when  John  Keble  and  Mrs.  Carver  had  attended  them, 
also  having  been  on  May  19.  John  Reynolds,  from  London,  a 
printer  employed  by  Brewer  and  Brewster,  and  Prudence  Grin- 
don,  also  from  London,  were  betrothed  on  July  28,  in  presence 
of  Mary  (Mrs.  William)  Brewster  and  her  son  Jonathan  and 
Mary  (Mrs.  Isaac)  Allerton,  and  were  married  on  Aug.  18. 
Stephen  Butterfield,  from  Norwich,  a  say-weaver,  and  Rose 
Singer,  from  Yarmouth,  were  betrothed  on  Oct.  13,  Abraham 
Gray  and  Sarah  (Mrs.  William)  Minter  accompanying  them, 
and  were  married  on  Oct.  30  ;  and  Henry  Jepson,  from  Worksop, 
Notts.,  a  brother  of  William  and  a  say-weaver,  and  Jane  Powell, 
from  Maldon,  Essex,  were  betrothed  on  Dec.  8,  with  Henry  Wood 
and  Jane  Lee  for  witnesses  ;  and  their  wedding  took  place  on 
Dec.  23,  or  very  soon  afterwards,  that  being  the  date  of  the 
third  and  last  publication  of  their  banns. 

On  Apr.  12  Thomas  Blossom,  who  lived  in  the  Pieterskerkhof^ 
buried  a  child  in  St.  Peter's,  and  on  Nov.  11  another  child  of 
John  Carver,  then  living  on  the  Middlegracht,  appears  to  have 
been  buried  in  St.  Pan  eras,  although  in  this  instance  again  there 
is  doubt  about  the  name.  Thomas  Tinker,  a  wood-sawyer,  was 
admitted  as  a  citizen  on  Jan.  6,  being  vouched  for  by  Abraham 
Gray  and  John  Keble  ;  and  Jonathan  Brewster,  described  as  a 
ribbon- weaver,  on  June  30,  on  the  guaranty  of  two  Dutchmen, 
Isaac  de  Syde  and  Sebastianson  van  Hout. 

Not  much  light  falls  uj)on  the  business  transactions  of  the  Pil- 
grims this  year,  but  on  June  12  we  find  WiUiam  Bradford  ^  bor- 
rowing 400  gilders  from  Jan  van  Griecken,  a  goldsmith,  at  six 
and  a  quarter  per  cent  interest,  on  his  house  in  the  AchtergracJit 
as  security ;  and  on  June  17  Thomas  Brewer  buying  from  Jo- 
hann  de  Lalaing  the  Groenehms  (Green  House),  on  the  Pieters- 
kerkhqf  and  next  but  one  to  John  Robinson's.  He  paid  600 
gilders  down  and  agi-eed  to  pay  131  and  a  quarter  gilders  an- 
nually. 

Just  when  Brewer  and  Brewster  started  as  printers  is  not  re- 
corded. But  it  must  have  been  as  early  as  this  year,  or  even 
1616,  for  at  least  four  volumes  can  be  traced  to  their  press  at 

1  Prot.  Schuh.  en  Rent.  N.  365,  verso. 


566  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

this  time,  two  in  Latin  and  two  in  English.  The  Latin  imprint 
gives  their  place  of  business,  "  in  Vico  Chorali,^^  i.  e.,  in  the 
Koorsteeg  (Choir  Alley).  The  books  are  Dr.  Ames's  Ad  Re- 
sponsum  Nic.  Grevinchovii  Rescriptio  contracta^  a  16mo ; 
Thomas  Cartwright's  Commentarii  Succincti  &  Dilucidi  in 
Proverbia  Scdomonis,  etc.,  a  4to ;  "  A  Full  and  plaine  Decla- 
ration of  Ecclesiastical  Discipline,"  probably  by  W.  Travers ; 
and  "  An  Abridgment  of  that  Book  which  the  Ministers  of 
Lincoln  Diocess  delivered  to  his  Majestic  upon  the  first  of  De- 
cember 1604." 

Turning  to  their  general  affairs,  their  uneasiness  in  the  in- 
evitable conditions  of  Dutch  life  now  becomes  apparent.  Brad- 
ford paints  the  shadows  in  the  picture  and  Winslow  confirms 
him.  Clearly  the  Pilgrims  were  disappointed  by  their  Dutch  ex- 
periment in  several  important  respects.  Their  original  hope  of 
receiving  considerable  accessions  from  England  had  not  been 
realized.  Bradford  says  that "  few  in  comparison  would  come  to 
them,  and  fewer  that  would  bide  it  out  and  continew  with  them," 
such  newcomers  finding  themselves  unable,  or  unwilling,  to 

endure  y^  great  labor  and  hard  fare,  with  other  inconveniences  which 
they  [the  Pilgrims]  underwent  &  were  contented  with  .  .  .  yea,  some 
preferred  &  chose  y^  prisons  in  England,  rather  then  this  libertie  in 
Holland,  with  these  aflBlictions. 

When  it  is  recalled  what  the  English  prisons  were,  a  strong 
and  saddening  light  is  thrown  upon  the  condition  of  the  Pilgrims 
in  Leyden.  That  some  had  attained  to  a  modest  measure  of 
prosperity  must  be  true.  But  such  testimony  —  written  calmly 
by  one  who  knew  all  the  facts  thoroughly  —  makes  it  clear  that 
others  had  failed  to  lift  themselves  out  of  comparative  poverty 
and  hardship. 

Moreover,  old  age  was  stealing  upon  many.  The  danger  also 
grew  greater  daily  of  absorption  into  the  Dutch  nation  and  of 
losing  their  English  characteristics,  to  which  they  clung  with 
intensest  loyalty.  The  strain  of  their  life  was  ruining  not  merely 
the  happiness  but  even  the  bodily  vigor  of  their  children,  and 
inevitable  moral  temptations  had  proved  too  much  already  for 
some.    Nor  could  they  bring  themselves  to  abandon  the  mission- 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  567 

ary  i^urpose  which  they  had  cherished  from  the  first,  that  they 
might  demonstrate  somewhere  the  value  to  mankind  of  a  pure 
and  democratic  church.    In  Bradford's  words  :  — 

A  great  hope  &  inward  zeall  they  had  o£  laying  some  good  founda- 
tion, or  at  least  to  make  some  way  therunto,  for  y*^  propagating  &  ad- 
vancyig  y*  gospeU  of  y^  kingdom  of  Clirist  .  .  .  ;  yea,  though  they 
should  be  but  even  as  stepping-stones  unto  others  for  y*^  performing  of 
so  great  a  work. 

But  it  was  useless  to  expect  to  accomplish  this  jiurjjose  in  Hol- 
land, especially  just  then.  Winslow's  testimony  ^  also  should  be 
quoted  :  — 

Considering  amongst  many  other  inconveniencies,  how  hard  the 
Country  was  where  we  lived,  how  many  spent  their  estate  in  it,  and 
were  forced  to  return  for  England;  how  grievous  to  live  from  under 
the  protection  of  the  State  of  England;  how  like  wee  were  to  lose  our 
Language,  and  our  name  of  English  ;  how  little  good  wee  did,  or  were 
Hke  to  do  to  the  Dutch  in  reforming  the  Sabbath  ;  how  unable  there  to 
give  such  education  to  our  children,  as  wee  ourselves  had  received. 

Furthermore,  they  remembered  that  the  truce  with  Spain 
would  expire  soon,  and  they  had  heard  too  much  of  the  terrors 
of  the  earlier  struggle  to  wish  to  risk  their  renewal.  Bradford 
adds,  although  his  words  apply  to  the  next  two  or  three  years 
better  than  to  this  :  — 

There  was  nothing  but  beating  of  drumes,  and  preparing  for  warr, 
the  events  wherof  are  allway  uncertaine.  Y^  Spaniard  might  prove  as 
cruel  as  the  salvages  of  America,  and  y^  famine  and  pestelence  as  sore 
hear  as  there,  &  their  libertie  less  to  looke  out  for  remedie. 

Reluctantly,  therefore,  but  more  and  more  clearly,  they 
reached  the  conclusion  that  they  must  leave  Holland.  Long 
and  earnest  discussions  ensued  and  they  seem  to  have  decided 
to  go  to  some  part  of  America.  But  Bradford  leaves  it  doubtful 
how  far  they  were  agreed.  He  says,  "  it  was  fully  concluded  by 
y*  major  parte  to  put  this  designe  in  execution  ;  "  but  whether  the 
minority  were  large  or  small,  and  whether  it  strongly  ojjposed 
this  conclusion  or  only  felt  unable  personally  to  help  fulfil  it,  is 
left  uncertain  ;  and  whether  he  means  the  design  of  emigrating 
at  all,  or  that  of  seeking  a  home  in  America,  is  not  plain. 
1  Hyp.  Unm.  88-89. 


568  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

Then  the  question  arose,  where  in  America  to  go.  Ajjparently 
the  choice  lay  between  Guiana  ^  and  some  part  of  the  North 
American  territory  granted  in  1606  to  the  Virginia  Company, 
and  it  was  decided  to  attempt  an  independent  settlement  under 
the  Virginia  government.  But,  as  the  Jamestown  colony  was 
controlled  by  Churchmen,  an  effort  was  made  to  secure  ^from 
King  James  a  pledge  of  religious  freedom. 

For  this  purpose  Robert  Cushman  and  Deacon  John  Carver 
were  sent  to  London  in  the  summer  ^  or  autumn  of  this  year,  to 
negotiate  with  the  Virginia  Comjjany.  They  submitted  to  the 
Council  a  somewhat  remarkable  paper,^  subscribed  in  behalf  of 
the  Leyden  church  by  Robinson,  its  pastor,  and  Brewster,  its 
elder.  This  document  presents,  in  seven  propositions,  or  arti- 
cles, the  position  of  the  Pilgrims  as  to  the  English  government 
and,  especially,  to  the  Established  Church.  It  specifically  assents 
to  the  Articles  of  the  Church  of  England  and  acknowledges 
the  king's  authority  and  that  of  the  bishops  and  other  ecclesias- 
tical officers.    It  foUows  here  in  full :  — 

Seven"  Artikes  which  y*  church  of  Leyden  sent  to  y*  CounseU  of 
England  to  bee  considered  of  in  respeckt  of  their  judgments  occationed 
about  theer  going  to  Virginia,  Anno  1618. 

1.  To  y*^  confession  of  fayth  pubHshed  in  y®  name  of  y^  Church  of 
England  &  to  every  artikell  theerof  wee  do  w"'  y"^  reformed  churches 
wheer  wee  live  &  also  els  where  assent  wholy. 

2.  As  wee  do  acknolidg  y^  docktryne  of  fayth  theer  tawght  so  do 
wee  y**  fruites  and  effeckts  of  y'^  same  docktryne  to  y'^  begetting  of 
saving  fayth  in  thousands  in  y*^  land  (conformistes  &  reformistes)  as 
y^  ar  called  w""  whom  also  as  w"*  our  bretheren  wee  do  desyer  to  keepe 
sperituall  communion  in  peace  and  will  pracktis  in  our  parts  all  law- 
full  thinges. 

3.  The  Kings  Majesty  we  acknolidg  for  Supreame  Governor  in  his 
Dominion  in  all  causes  and  over  all  parsons  [persons],  and  y*  none 
maye  decklyne  or  apeale  from  his  authority  or  judgment  in  any 
cause  whatsoever,  but  y'  in  all  thinges  obedience  is  dewe  unto  him 

^  Their  attention  may  have  been  drawn  thither  by  Raleigh's  fascinating  narrative, 
published  in  1596,  and  perhaps  also  by  Robert  Harcourt,  who  was  there  in  1609 
and  published  his  account  in  1613-14.   Bradford,  Hist.  27,  n. 

^  Not  until  after  June  5,  as  Cushman  was  married  on  that  day  in  Leyden. 

^  A  copy,  preserved  in  the  State  Paper  Office,  London,  wns  published  for  the  first 
time  in  1857  by  Hon.  Geo.  Bancroft.  Colls.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  2d  ser.  vol.  3.  pt.  1, 
301-2. 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  569 

ether  active,  if  y"^  thing  commanded  be  not  agaynst  Gods  woord,  or 
passive  yf  itt  bee,  except  pardon  can  bee  obtayned. 

4.  Wee  judg  itt  lavvfull  for  his  Majesty  to  apoynt  bishops,  civill 
overseers,  or  officers  in  awthoryty  onder  him,  in  y*^  severall  provinces, 
dioses,  congregations  or  parrishes  to  oversee  y"  Churches  and  governe 
them  civilly  according  to  y*'  Lasves  of  y''  Land,  untto  whom  y*  ar  in  all 
thinges  to  geve  an  accomit  &  by  them  to  bee  ordered  according  to 
Godlynes. 

5.  The  authoryty  of  y"  present  bishops  in  y''  Land  wee  do  acknolidg 
so  far  forth  as  y*"  same  is  indeed  derived  from  his  Majesty  untto  them 
and  as  y*^  proseed  in  his  name,  whom  wee  will  also  theerein  honnor  in 
aU  things  and  hime  in  them. 

6.  Wee  beleeve  y'  no  sinod,  classes,  convocation  or  assembly  of 
Ecclesiasticall  Officers  hath  any  power  or  awthoyty  att  all  but  as  y*^ 
same  by  y*^  Majestraet  geven  unto  them. 

7.  Lastly,  wee  desyer  to  geve  untto  all  Superiors  dew  honnor  to 
preserve  y''  unity  of  y*  speritt  Wt^  all  y  feare  God,  to  have  peace  w''^ 
all  men  what  in  us  lyeth  &  wheerein  wee  err  to  bee  instructed  by  any. 
Subscribed  by 

John  Robinson 

and 
Willyam  Brewster. 

At  first  glance  these  propositions  seem  to  concede  some  points 
for  which  the  Separatists  had  contended  vigorously,  but  exami- 
nation reveals  the '  adroitness  of  their  language.  Undoubtedly 
the  authors  saw  that  their  only  hope  of  obtaining  the  needed 
concession  lay  in  minimizing  their  differences  with  the  State 
Church,  and  in  going  just  as  far  towards  submission  as  they 
could  without  actual  surrender.  They  could  put  their  o^vn  Cal- 
vinistic  interpretation  upon  the  Thirty-nine  Articles,  and  thus 
accept  them.  Their. chief  difficulty  lay  in  assenting  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  king  and  the  bishops,  and  here,  if  their  words 
are  studied,  it  is  plain  that  they  discriminated  carefully  between 
civil  and  spiritual  authority.  The  former  they  conceded,  but 
they  were  non-committal  as  to  the  latter.  The  sixth  article  is 
hardest  to  be  reconciled  with  their  previous  views.  They  may 
have  been  willing  to  yield  the  point,  or  some  interpretation  of 
their  language,  not  readily  perceptible  now,  may  have  been  in 
their  minds.  Both  what  they  said  and  what  they  left  unsaid  are 
significant.    As  Bancroft  implies  in  his  introduction  to  this  doc- 


570  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

ument,  they  wished  to  avoid  a  conflict  with  the  king  and  the 
hierarchy,  especially  just  then,  and  to  go  to  a  land  where,  what- 
ever nominal  authority  the  latter  might  have,  they  would  be 
much  less  likely,  and  perhaps  unable,  to  hinder  the  Pilgruns 
from  assuming  ecclesiastical  self-control.  The  earliest  date  in 
connection  with  these  negotiations  is  in  a  letter  of  Nov.  12,  pre- 
served by  Bradford,  from  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  ^  to  Eobinson  and 
Brewster,  and  transmitted  by  Cushman  and  Carver  on  their  re- 
turn from  their  mission.  The  answer,  also  quoted  by  Bradford 
and  dated  at  Ley  den  on  Dec.  15,  was  carried  by  Carver  and 
another  on  going  again  to  London  in  that  month  to  press  the 
negotiations. 

The  breach  between  the  Remonstrants  and  the  Contra-Re- 
monstrants  continued  to  increase.  The  two  parties  were  led, 
respectively,  by  John  of  Barneveldt,  the  Advocate  of  Holland, 
and  Prince  Maurice,  the  Stadtholder  and  Captain-General.  A 
vital  practical  question  was  that  of  calling  a  National  Synod. 
This  Prince  Maurice  advocated,  for  personal  reasons.  But 
Barneveldt  oj)posed  it,  as  unconstitutional,  and  carried  a  vote  on 
Aug.  4  in  the  States  of  Holland,  the  most  imiDortant  province, 
forbidding  it.  In  Leyden  the  magistrates  sympathized  with  the 
Remonstrants,  although  a  majority  of  the  inhabitants  were  on 
the  other  side.  The  vote,  however,  quickly  was  declared  illegal 
by  the  Grand  Council  and  on  Nov.  11  the  States,  although  only 
by  a  bare  majority,  approved  a  National  Synod  for  the  next 
year.  Add  now  to  these  turmoils  the  threatenings  of  disorders 
in  the  neighboring  German  states,  which  soon  resulted  in  the 
outbreak  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that 
the  English  Pilgrims  were  looking  for  a  new  refuge. 

To  them  the  most  important  publication  in  Holland  must  have 
been  Francis  Johnson's  last  addition  to  the  long  controversy 
between  Ainsworth  and  himself,  "  A  Christian  Plea,  conteyn- 
ing  three  Treatises,  I.  The  first,  touching  the  Anabaptists.  II. 
The   second,  touching   such   Christians,  as  now  are  here,  com- 

1  In  the  eighth  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Hist.  MSS.  (App.  Pt.  ii :  45) 
is  an  extract  from  a  note  by  Sir  Nathanael  Rich  (?)  to  the  effect  that  he  had 
heard  that  Sir  Edwin  moved  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  to  "  give  leave  to  the 
Brownists  and  Separatists  to  go  to  Virginia,  and  designed  to  make  a  free  pop- 
ular State  there,  and  himself  and  his  assured  friends  to  be  the  leaders." 


THE   SUCCEEDING   YEARS  571 

monly  called  Remonstrants  or  Arminians.  III.  The  third, 
touching  the  Reformed  Churches."  On  the  title-j)age  he  styles 
himself,  "  Pastour  of  the  auncient  English  church,  now  sojourn- 
ing at  Amsterdam,"  which  indicates  that  he  had  returned  from 
Emden  and  still  ministered  to  some  remnant  of  his  followers. 

In  the  mother  country  the  chief  contribution  to  current  re- 
ligious discussions  was  Jolin  DarreU's  "  A  Treatise  of  the 
Church,  written  against  them  of  the  Separation,  commonly 
called  Brownists,  wherein  the  true  doctrine  of  a  Visible  Church 
is  taught,"  etc.  He  is  famihar  with  the  various  divisions  in  the 
church  at  Amsterdam,  and  with  Robinson's  relation  to  them.^ 
In  this  year  appeared  that  interesting  "  Itinerary,"  by  Fynes 
Moryson,  referred  to  in  earlier  chapters ;  and  on  June  12,  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh  set  sail  on  another  voyage  to  Guiana,  in  the  il- 
lusory hope  of  regaining  royal  favor  by  discovering  gold. 

1618. 

Nothing  which  happened  in  Leyden  during  1618,  excepting 
the  share  of  the  Pilgrims  in  the  negotiations  about  their  intended 
emigration,  can  have  been  so  interesting  to  them,  especially  to 
Robinson,  as  the  great  Synod  of  the  National  Church  of  Hol- 
land, held  at  Dort,  or  Dordrecht.  But  some  particulars  of  their 
history  claim  first  mention. 

This  year  there  were  six  weddings.  Edward  Winslow,  from 
London,  born  at  Droitwich,  near  Worcester,  in  October,  1595, 
and  destined  to  become  famous  in  connection  with  the  Plymouth 
Colony  and  even  in  the  public  service  of  his  native  land,  but  at 
this  time  a  printer  in  Leyden,  was  betrothed  on  Apr,  27  to 
Elizabeth  Barker,  from  "  Chatsum,"  in  presence  of  Isaac  and 
Mary  Allerton,  Jonathan  Brewster  and  Jane  Hazel,  a  niece  of 
the  bride.  They  were  married  on,  or  soon  after.  May  6.  They 
both  came  over  in  the  Mayflower.  Apparently  Winslow  be- 
longed to  an  English  family  higher  in  social  standing  than  those 
of  most  of  the  other  more  eminent  Pilgrims  and  had  been  at- 
tracted to  the  company  while  travelling  for  pleasure.  On  June 
15  Samuel  Lee,  a  hat-maker,  and  Maria  Nash  were  betrothed, 
^  Ded.  Epis.  vi,  and  155. 


572  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

accompanied  by  Israel  Nash,  probably  her  father  or  brother, 
and  Ehzabeth  Jones,  and  they  were  married  on  June  30.  On 
July  4  Bartholomew  Smith,  from  London,  then  a  tobacco-pipe 
maker,  who  had  lost  his  first  wife,  Dorcas,  was  betrothed  again 
to  Elizabeth  Carlisle,^  from  Hull,  widow  of  James  Carlisle,  with 
Bernard  and  Anna  Ross  for  witnesses.  The  date  of  their  wed- 
ding is  not  named. 

Ten  days  later,  on  July  14,  the  two  daughters  of  Thomas 
Willet,  from  Norwich,  were  betrothed :  Rebecca  to  Daniel 
Fairfield,  from  Colchester,  a  son  of  Jacob  Fairfield  and  a  say- 
weaver,  with  Roger  Simmons  and  Mary  Allerton  as  witnesses  ; 
and  Sarah,  whose  first  husband,  William  Minter,  had  died,  to 
Roger  Simmons,  from  Sarum,  a  mason,  with  Thomas  and  Alice 
Willet,  her  parents,  and  John  Carver  and  Daniel  Fairfield  as 
witnesses.  Daniel  and  Rebecca  were  married  on  Aug.  4  and 
Roger  and  Sarah  on  Aug.  18.  The  last  of  the  six  weddings  was 
on  Dec.  22,  that  of  Thomas  Smith  —  not  the  cloth-merchant  and 
ex-deacon,  but  another  —  a  wool-comber,  from  "Berry,"  and 
Anna  Crackstone.  They  had  been  betrothed  on  Dec.  12,  accom- 
panied by  John  Crackstone,  her  father,  and  Patience,  one  of 
Brewster's  daughters. 

The  first  death  was  that  of  Mrs^  William  White,  living  in  the 
Pieterskerhhof —  the  wife,  not  of  Samuel  Fuller's  brother-in- 
law,  the  wool-carder,  but  of  another,  a  tobacco-merchant.  She 
was  buried  in  St.  Peter's  on  Jan.  27.  John  Robinson  was  next 
to  be  stricken  and  he  buried  a  child  in  the  same  place  on  May 
15.  This  child,  or  another  who  was  buried  there  on  Feb.  7, 1621, 
may  have  been  the  Anna  Robinson,  not  otherwise  accounted  for, 
who  had  witnessed  the  banns  of  George  Morton  and  Juliana 
Carpenter  on  July  6,  1612.  On  June  16  John  Jenny,  then  liv- 
ing in  the  Veldestraat  (Field  Street),  buried  a  child  in  the 
same  church  ;  and  Edmond  Jessop,  living  in  the  Pieterskerkkof, 
one  on  July  24.  Thomas  Brewer's  sad  experience  also  must 
have  awakened  their  keenest  sympathy.  He  buried  one  child 
in  St.  Peter's  on  Aug.  30  ;  another,  a  son,  on  Oct.  3  ;  and  his 
wife  herself  on  Oct.  20. 

Thomas  Rogers,  a    camlet  -  merchant,    became  a  citizen    on 

1  Kerk.  Houw.  Proc.  Bk.  H.  2o6. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  573 

June  25,  his  guarantors  being  William  Jepson  and  Roger  Wil- 
son ;  Andrew  Sharp,  a  cloth-worker,  on  Aug.  24,  his  being 
Wilson  and  Alexander  Price  ;  and  Henry  Stafford,  a  tallow-chan- 
dler, on  Nov.  26,  his  being  Samuel  Lee  and  George  de  Paau. 

Negotiations  about  emigi-ation  made  little  progress.  Brad- 
ford preserves  a  letter,  of  Jan.  27-reb.  6,  1617-18,  fi'om  Rob- 
inson and  Brewster  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme,^  a  leader  in  the 
Virginia  Company.  It  implies  that  objections  to  the  ecclesias- 
tical order  of  the  Pilgrims  hindered  favorable  action  by  the 
Council ;  and  enclosed  were  two  additional  statements  of  the  at- 
titude of  the  Leyden  church.  Either  was  to  be  used,  as  Sir 
John  might  see  fit,  and  the  briefer  one,  which  they  preferred, 
ended  thus  :  "  The  oath  of  Supremacy  we  shall  willingly  take  if 
it  be  required  of  us,  and  that  convenient  satisfaction  be  not  given 
by  our  taking  the  oath  of  Allegiance."  Bradford  and  Winslow 
intimate  that  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  in  the  Virginia  Company,  and 
Sir  Robert  Naunton,  who  became  Secretary  of  State  in  January, 
1618,  were  special  friends  at  this  juncture.  They  state  further 
that  the  king  was  urged  to  connive  at  their  emigration  without 
sanctioning  it  openly ;  but  Winslow  says  that  his  Majesty  di- 
rected a  conference  with  Archbishop  Abbot,  of  Canterbury,  and 
Bishop  King,  of  London,  and  that  this  led  to  negotiation  with 
the  Virginia  Company. 

Bradford  adds  a  letter,  of  Feb.  14,  apparently  to  Robinson 
and  Brewster,  from  the  agent  to  whom  the  delivery  of  the  let- 
ter to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme  had  been  entrusted,  one  Sabine 
Staresmore,  a  young  convert  to  Independency,  who  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Southwark  church  founded  in  1616  by  Henry  Jacob, 
and  subsequently  2  of  Robinson's  church  in  Leyden,  and  in  1622 
of  Ains worth's  church  in  Amsterdam.  A  later  letter,  of  Sept. 
4,  from  Staresmore  to  Carver,  written  in  "  Wodstreete  Comp- 

^  Alex.  Brown  claims  [Getiesis  of  U.  S.  ii :  1058]  some  reason  for  thinking 
Wolstenholme  a  relative  of  John  Rohinson,  but  does  not  prove  it.  See  also 
p.  984. 

2  After  1619,  when  he  published  a  small  book  in  London  on  The  Unlawfulness 
of  Reading  in  Prayer.  His  letter  to  Carver  refers  to  the  fact  that  one  Francis 
Blackwell,  one  of  Johnson's  adherents,  at  some  previous  time  in  1618  led  away 
some  of  the  latter's  remaining  people.  They  submitted  to  the  English  ecclesiasti- 
cal authorities  and  appear  to  have  betrayed  Staresmore.  They  set  out  to  join  the 
Virginia  Colony,  but  mostly  perished. 


574 


THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 


ter,"  a  London  prison,  he  having  been  arrested  for  attending 
a  Separatist  meeting,  also  is  given  by  Bradford. 

Brewer  and  Brewster  continued  their  printing  in  Leyden,  and 
the  books  issued  generally  were  of  a  sort  commending  their 
views.  The  several  volumes  traceable  to  this  origin  in  1618, 
although  none  state  the  place  of  printing  or  the  publishers' 
names,  were  these :  "  A  Conf vtation  of  the  Rhemists  Transla- 
tion, Glosses  and  Annotations  on  the  New  Testament  .  .  ."  by 
Thomas  Cartwright ;  ^  "  Certain  Reasons  of  a  Private  Christian 
against  Conformitie,"  by  Tho :  Dighton,  Gent. ;  "  A  Little 
Treatise  vpon  the  first  verse  of  the  122.  Psalme,"  by  R.  Harri- 
son, a  reprint ;  "  A  Godly  Sermon  vpon  the  3.  4.  5.  6.  7.  and  8. 
verses  of  the  12.  chapter  of  the  Epistle  of  S.  Paule  to  the 
Romans  .  .  ."  attributed  to  L.  Chaderton  ;  "  A  Trve,  Modest,  and 
lust  Defence  of  the  Petition  .for  Reformation,"  (in  1603)  ; 
"  The  Peoples  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophesie,"  ^  by  John 
Robinson ;  Hieronymi  Pk'dadelphi  de  Regimine  Ecclesiae 
Scotianae  Brevis  Melatio,  (by  David  Calderwood,  then  an  exile 
in  Holland)  ;  and  De  vera  et  genuina  Jesu  Christi  Domini  et 
Scdvatoris  nostri  Religione. 

Carleton's  despatches  show  how  violent  were  the  religious 
outbreaks  in  Leyden  meanwhile.  At  length,  on  Oct.  23,  the 
Prince  of  Orange  summarily  dismissed  the  entire  magistracy, 
appointing  in  their  stead  pronounced  Contra-Remonstrants  who 
would  vote  with  the  orthodox  in  the  States,  and,  on  Aug.  29, 
John  of  Barneveldt,  Grotius  and  other  Remonstrant  leaders  were 
arrested.  Meantime  preparations  for  the  National  Synod  went 
on,  and  for  the  Pilgrims  two  preliminary  publications  must  have 
had  significance.    One  was  an  edition  of  the  "  Articles  of  Faith 


^  This  has  a  preface,  "  The  Publisher  to  the  Stvdious  Reader,"  probably  from 
Brewster's  own  pen.  Of  special  interest  is  its  reference  to  the  chief  inspirer  of  the 
work,  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  as  "  a  man  of  eminent  place  and  power,  who  here- 
in as  in  other  affaires,  was  accounted  the  mouth  and  hand  of  the  late  Queen  and 
state." 

^  Against  John  Yates,  minister  of  the  Church  of  England  in  Norwich,  who  had 
published  his  book  the  previous  year  to  prove  "  ordinary  Prophesie  in  publick  out 
of  o£Bce,  vnlawfull."  Robinson's  preface  is  addressed  "  To  my  Christian  Friends 
in  Norwich  and  thereabeuts,"  and  the  argument  is  an  expansion  and  confirmation 
of  a  portion  of  that  in  his  Justification  of  Separation,  which  Yates  had  criticised. 


THE   SUCCEEDING  YEARS  575 

of  the  National  Church,"  ^  with  full  citations  of  all  interpreta- 
tions by  different  theologians,  published  by  Hommius,  appar- 
ently Robinson's  most  intimate  friend.  The  other,^  by  Ames, 
was  a  confutation  of  the  arguments  of  the  Remonstrants  on  the 
five  Articles  specially  disputed. 

On  Oct.  18  a  general  fast  was  held,  and  on  Nov.  13  the 
Synod  opened.  There  had  been  six  such  Synods  earlier,  between 
1568  and  158G,  of  which  the  third  and  fourth  also  had  been  held 
in  Dort.  The  importance  of  this  one  lay  in  its  aim  to  establish 
a  new  and  more  definite  standard  of  orthodoxy  for  the  Reformed 
Church.  Its  interest  for  the  Pilgrims  must  have  been  increased 
by  their  knowledge  of  some  men  deeply  concerned  in  it,  espe- 
cially Episcopius,  the  leader  of  the  Remonstrants. 

The  Synod  included  nineteen  members  from  the  Reformed 
Churches  of  Switzerland  and  Germany,  and  five  British.  Of  the 
latter,  selected  by  the  king,  the  chief  were  Bishop  Carleton,  of 
Llandaff,  Dean  Hall,  of  Worcester,  Robinson's  former  antago- 
nist, and  John  Davenant,  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Cambridge. 
A  spectator,  who  left  valuable  reports,  was  John  Hales,  on  leave 
of  absence  from  his  fellowship  at  Merton,  Oxford,  Carleton's 
chaplain,  and  sent  by  him  to  watch  the  Synod.  Ames  also  was 
present,  as  a  paid  theological  adviser  to  the  Contra-Remon- 
strants. 

Organization  was  perfected  on  Nov.  14.  Johannes  Bogerman, 
minister  of  Leeuwarden,  an  active  Contra-Remonstrant,  was 
president.  Festus  Hommius  was  one  of  the  two  secretaries.  The 
principal  topics  of  discussion  for  three  weeks  were  a  new  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible,  the  best  mode  of  catechising,  the  baptism 
of  children  of  heathen  parents,  the  training  of  ministerial  candi- 
dates, and  the  reform  of  free  printing.  Meanwhile,  representa- 
tive Remonstrant  clergy,  Episcopius  being  the  chief  spokesman, 
had  been  cited  to  defend  their  opinions,  Gomar  and  Bogerman 
mainly  replymg. 

In  Amsterdam  the  earliest  event  of   note  was  the  death  of 

*  Specimen  Controversiarum  Belgicarum,  etc.   1618.  4to.   The  preface  is  dated 
Oct.  8. 

^  Coronis  ad  Collationem  Hagiensem,  etc.    1618.  4to. 


576  THE   PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

Francis  Johnson,  who  was  buried  there  on  Jan.  20.  A  letter,^ 
of  that  date,  from  Matthew  Slade  to  Carleton  says :  — 

This  day  we  have  buried  Master  Francis  Johnson,  a  man  that 
hath,  many  years,  been  Pastor  of  the  Brownists  :  and  (having  cast 
himself,  and  drawn  others,  into  great  troubles  and  miseries,  for  their 
ojnnions  and  schism)  did,  a  few  days  before  his  death,  publish  a 
Book  ;  wherein  he  disclaimed  most  of  his  former  singularities  and  re- 
futed them.  To  which  Work,  he  hath  also  annexed  a  brief  Refutation 
of  the  Five  Articles  [of  the  Synod  of  Dort]. 

The  very  title  of  this  book  is  unknown.  How  far  Johnson  re- 
canted never  is  likely  to  be  shown.  At  the  end  of  the  year,  also, 
a  volume,  already  quoted  from,  was  published  there  by  John 
Paget,  entitled,  "  An  Arrow  against  the  Separation  of  the 
Brownists,"  containing  a  controversial  correspondence  between 
him  and  Ainsworth  fi-om  July,  1617,  until  December,  1618, 
and  treating  mainly  of  the  views  of  the  Amsterdam  Separatists. 
Paget  refers  to  Robinson's  opinions  as  justifying  his  own  criti- 
cisms of  Ainsworth. 

In  England  the  chief  theological  work  probably  was  by  John 
Sprint,  minister  of  Thornbury,  Gloucester,  entitled  "  Cassander 
Anglicanus ;  Shewing  the  Necessity  of  Conformity  to  the  pre- 
scribed Ceremonies  of  our  Church,  in  Case  of  Depriuation." 
Brewster  left  a  copy,  and  its  argument,  by  one  who  had  refused 
conformity  until  threatened  with  deprivation,  is  refuted  in  the 
preface  to  Brewster's  edition  of  the  "  Trve,  Modest,  and  lust 
Defence  of  the  Petition  for  Reformation." 

1619. 

During  1619  the  plan  of  the  Pilgrims  to  emigrate  took  a 
more  definite  shape,  but  arrangements  were  not  completed. 
Their  more  personal  records  include  four  marriages.  Two 
couples  were  betrothed  on  Sept.  16  :  Roger  Wilkins,  the  wid- 
ower of  Anna  Hardy,  and  a  wool-carder,  to  Margaret  Barrow, 
with  her  father,  Zechariah  Barrow,  Isaac  Allerton  and  Rose 
(Mrs.  Stephen)  Butterfield  for  witnesses,  their  wedding  occur- 
ring on  Oct.  5  ;  and  John  Goodman,  the  widower  of  Mary 
1  S.  p.  Holl.  123.   Cited  by  E.  Arber,  Story  of  Pilg.  Fatks.  129. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  577 

Backus,  a  linen-weaver,  and  Sarah  Hooper,  with  Samuel  Fuller, 
Rosamond  (Mrs.  William)  Jepson  and  Fuller's  sister,  Susanna 
(Mrs.  William)  White  for  witnesses,  they  being-  married  on 
Oct.  10.  The  other  two  couples  may  have  had  a  double  wed- 
ding-. At  any  rate  they  were  betrothed  and  married  on  the  same 
days,  Nov.  8  and  23.  Richard  Masterson,  from  Sandwich,  a 
wool-carder,  married  Mary  Goodale,  from  Leiston,  Suff.,  their 
witnesses  being  John  Ellis,  William  Talbot,  Mary  Finch  and 
Elizabeth,  wife  or  daughter  of  John  Keble  ;  and  Thomas  Jones, 
from  Dorchester,  a  say- weaver,  married  Anna  Swift,  from  Yar- 
mouth, theirs  being  Robert  Robertson  and  Margaret  Savory. 
Four  deaths  are  recorded.  On  Feb.  18  Samuel  Lee,  then  living 
in  the  Nieuivestadt  (New  Town),  buried  a  child.  So  did  Ed- 
mond  Chandler  on  Mar.  26.  On  May  10  Jonathan  Brewster, 
living  in  the  Pieterskerldiof^  laid  his  wife  to  rest ;  and  Sept. 
12  Robert  Peck,  living  in  the  same  place,  also  buried  a  child. 
All  these  interments  were  in  St.  Peter's. 

William  Ring,  a  say-weaver,  was  sworn  in  as  a  citizen  on 
June  7,  vouched  for  by  William  Bradford  and  Alexander  Price  ; 
and  on  Dec.  2  Christopher  Ellis,  vouched  for  by  Frederick 
Jones  and  Quiryn,  Mees.  On  Mar.  20  Richard  Masterson  had 
occasion  for  guarantors  of  his  good  credit,  and  John  Ellis,  his 
brother-in-law,  then  fifty  and  a  wool-comber,  and  Roger  Wil- 
son, then  thirty-four,  endorsed  him  by  affidavit  before  the 
authorities.  On  an  unnoted  day  in  April  Samuel  Lee,  then 
thirty,  and  Degory  Priest,  then  forty,  deposed  to  their  know- 
ledge of  Nicholas  Claverly,i  pipe-maker,  who  had  lived  in  Ley- 
den  for  four  years ;  and  on  Aug.  21  John  Brown,  a  wool- 
comber,  and  Robert  Robertson,  from  Colchester,  a  polisher, 
made  affidavit  in  behalf  of  Robert  AUerton,  a  Scotchman,  who 
had  lived  there  twelve  years.  Whether  he  were  related  to  Isaac, 
or  John,  or  both  is  unknown.  On  Apr.  19  William  Bradford 
sold  his  house,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Achtergracht  between 
the  Paradissteeg  and  the  Bouwen-Lotiwensteeg  (a  personal 
name,  e.  g..  Smith's  Lane),  to  Jan  des  Obrys  for  1120  gilders. 
Robei-t  Cushman  sold  to  John  de  Later  on  Sept.  19  the  house 
on  the  Xonnensteeg  which  he  had   bought  in  November,  1611, 

1  This  entry  is  crossed  out. 


578  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

for  the  same  price  paid  for  it,  180  gilders.  On  the  next  day, 
Sept.  20,  Roger  Simmons  sold  to  Jacob  Cornelis  de  Haas  for 
746  gilders,  more  than  100  gilders  less  than  Minter  had  paid  for 
it  in  1614,  the  house  on  the  Groenehasegracht  which  his  wife, 
Sarah,  had  inherited  from  her  first  husband,  William  Minter ; 
and  William  Robertson  is  mentioned  again  as  owning  the  next 
house  on  one  side. 

During  1619  the  publications  of  Brewer  and  Brewster  got 
them  into  trouble,  as  will  appear.  We  know  of  only  four  books 
printed  by  them  :  "  The  Second  Part  of  a  Plain  Discovrse  of 
an  Vnlettered  Christian.  By  Tho.  Dighton,  Gent. ;  "  "  An  An- 
swer to  the  Ten  Covnter  Demands,  propovnded  by  T.  Drakes." 
By  Wil.  Euring ;  ^  "  Perth  Assembly,"  by  David  Calderwood  ;2 
and  Robinson's  "  lust  and  Necessarie  Apologie."  ^  This  last  tract 
shows  the  general  harmony  between  Robinson's  church  and  the 
Dutch  Reformed  churches.  He  endeavors  to  minimize  the  differ- 
ences, which  he  tabulates  somewhat  thus :  the  conception  of  the 
church ;  the  baptism  of  children  of  non-members ;  the  use  of  a 
liturgy  ;  the  office  of  elders  ;  the  keeping  of  certain  holy  days ; 
the  allowance  of  marriage  by  ministers ;  the  observance  of  the 
Sabbath  ;  the  allowing  members  to  prophesy  in  public ;  the 
treatment  of  church  buildings  as  consecrated ;  and  the  compara- 
tive regard  for  the  magistrate's  authority  in  religious  matters. 

^  Notable  for  two  passages.  One  (8)  professes  loyalty  to  the  king's  government 
in  the  very  language  of  the  third  of  the  seven  Articles  submitted  in  1617  by  Rob- 
inson and  Brewster  in  behalf  of  their  church.  In  the  other  (36)  the  author  refers 
to  a  suggestion  of  removal  to  Virginia,  and  says :  "  When  some  of  ours  desired  to 
haue  planted  ourselues  there,  with  his  majesties  leaue  upon  these  three  grounds, 
first,  that  they  might  be  means  of  replanting  the  gospel  amongst  the  heathens. 
Secondly,  that  they  might  liue  vnder  the  King's  government.  Thirdly,  that  they 
might  make  way  for,  and  unite  with  others,  what  in  them  lieth,  whose  consciences 
are  grieved  with  the  state  of  the  Church  in  England :  the  Byshops  did  by  all 
means  oppose  them,  and  their  friends  therein."  These  passages  suggest  that  the 
writer  was  in  intimate  relations  with  the  Leyden  church.  But  his  name  is  otherwise 
unknown.  He  professes  (iv)  to  "  have  not  been  brought  up  among  the  Muses,  but 
Mariners,"  and  (7)  to  be  writing  "here  in  England."  His  name  may  have  been 
fictitious. 

2  Published  before  July.  For  evidence  of  Calderwood's  authorship  see  E.  Arber, 
Story  Pilg.  Faths.  181,  2.38-242. 

3  An  English  translation  by  the  author  appeared  in  1625,  A  lust  and  Necessarie 
Apologie  of  certain  Christians,  no  less  contumeliously  then  commonly  called  Brownists 
or  Barrowists.   4to. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  679 

The  volume  commands  respect  for  its  scholarship,  dialectic  skill 
and  gentleness. 

Negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Company  were  resumed,  appar- 
ently in  April.  Cushman  went  to  London  again,  this  time  with 
Brewster.  On  May  8  he  reported  to  the  church  that  progress 
had  been  balked  by  obstacles  in  the  Virginia  Company.  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  had  been  superseded  as  treasurer  and  governor 
by  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  and  Smith's  indignation  threatened  a  long 
wrangle,  while  advices  from  Jamestown  were  likely  to  absorb 
the  Company's  attention. 

At  the  next  meeting,  however,  on  Wednesday,  May  26, 

one  Mr.  Wencop,  commended  to  the  Company  by  the  [late]  Earle  of 
Lincolne,  intending  to  goe  in  person  to  Virginia,  and  there  to  plant 
himself  e  and  his  associates,  presented  his  pattent  now  to  the  Cort ;  w"^ 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  that  meeteth  upon  Friday  morning  at 
M''"  Treasurer's  house  to  consider  ; 

and  Bradford  says  that  the  patent  which  the  Leyden  agents 
were  seeking 

by  the  advise  of  some  freinds  .  .  .  was  not  taken  in  y®  name  of  any 
of  their  owne,  but  in  y^  name  of  M""'  John  Wincob  (a  religious  gentle- 
man then  belonging  to  y*^  Countess  of  Lincoline),  who  intended  to  goe 
with  them. 

Of  Wincob  we  know  no  more ;  nor  do  we  know  the  Earl  of 
Lincoln,  who  died  in  January,  1619,  as  interested  in  these  exiles. 
On  June  9  Wincob's  patent  was  sealed,  and  probably  Brewster 
and  Cushman  then  returned  to  Leyden. 

The  next  testimony  comes  from  Carleton,i  and  has  to  do  with 
the  press  of  Brewer  and  Brewster.    On  July  27  he  writes  :  — 

I  have  seen,  within  these  two  days,  a  certain  Scottish  book,  called 
Perth  Assembly,  written  with  much  scorn  and  reproach  of  the  pro- 
ceeding in  that  kingdom  concerning  the  affairs  of  the  church.  It  is 
without  name  either  of  author  or  printer  ;  but  I  am  informed  it  is 
printed  by  a  certain  English  Brownist  of  Leyden,  as  are  most  of  the 
puritan  books  sent  over  of  late  days  into  England  :  which  being  directly 
against  an  express  placart  of  the  states-general,  which  was  published 
in  December  last,  I  intend  (when  I  have  more  particular  knowledge 
of  the  printer)  to  make  complaint  thereof,  conceiving  that  his  majesty 
will  not  disUke  I  should  do  so. 

1  Letters,  379-390,  423. 


580  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

On  Aug.  1,  he  writes  that, 

in  search  after  that  book,  I  beheve  I  have  discovered  the  printer  of 
another,  De  Regimine  Ecclesim  Scoticance  .  .  .  ;  and  that  is  one 
William  Brewster,  a  Brownist,  who  hath  been  for  some  years  an 
inhabitant  and  printer  at  Leyden,  but  is  now  within  these  three  weeks 
removed  from  thence,  and  gone  back  to  dwell  in  London  ;  ...  as  I 
am  informed,  he  hath  had,  wliilst  he  remained  here,  his  hand  in  all 
such  books  as  have  been  sent  over  into  England  and  Scotland  ;  as  par- 
ticularly a  book  in  folio,  intitled,  A  Confutation  of  the  Bhemists 
Translation,  Glosses  and  Annotations  on  the  New  Testament,  anno 
1618,  was  printed  by  him :  so  was  another  in  decimo  sexto,  De  vera 
&  genidna  Jesu  Christi  .  .  ,  Religione. 

According  to  Carleton,  then,  Brewster  returned  to  London 
about  July  11,  but  on  Aug.  1  (Aug.  11  in  Holland)  Naunton^ 
reports  that  Brewster  is  "  frighted  back  into  the  Lowe  Coun- 
tries by  the  Bishopps  pursivants."  But  Carleton  replies  on 
Aug.  30 :  — 

I  have  made  good  enquiry  after  William  Brewster  at  Leyden, 
and  am  well  assured,  that  he  is  not  returned  thither ;  neither  is  [it] 
likely  he  will,  having  removed  from  thence  both  his  family  and 
goods. 

This  was  the  end  of  Brewster's  printing,  and  apparently  of 
Brewer's.  The  evidence  indicates  that  Brewster  avoided  arrest 
and  remained  in  England  until  the  Pilgrims  arrived  there  in 
1620,  joining  them  then  for  the  voyage  to  America.  It  now 
was  Brewer's  turn  to  be  harassed  and  the  University  "  Register  " 
describes,  on  Sept.  21,  a  seizure  of  his  tyjjes,  and  an  examina- 
tion of  his  library  to  discover  what  he  had  printed.  The  next 
day  Carleton  writes  as  follows  :  — 

In  my  last  [not  preserved]  I  advertised  your  honour,  that  Brew- 
ster was  taken  at  Leyden,  which  proved  an  error,  in  that  the  schout 
[bailiff],  .  .  .  being  a  dull  drunken  fellow,  took  one  man  for  another. 
But  Brewer,  who  set  him  on  work,  and  being  a  man  of  means  bare 
the  charge  of  the  printing,  is  fast  in  the  University's  prison.  ...  I 
expect  to-morrow  to  receive  his  voluntary  confession  of  such  books,  as 
he  hath  caused  to  be  printed  by  Brewster  for  this  year  and  a  half, 
or  two  years  past. 

1  8.  P.  Bom.  1619-23,  ex:  i. 


THE  SUCCEEDING  YEARS  681 

Six  days  later  he  reports  Brewer's  examination  as  unsatisfac- 
tory, and  adds : — 

I  have  now  used  the  Prince  of  Orange's  authority,  who  hath 
spoken  himself  to  the  rector  *  of  the  university,  not  to  give  the  prisoner 
liberty  until  his  majesty's  pleasure  be  known  concerning  him,  which 
the  rector  doth  promise  shall  be  fulfilled,  notwithstanding  that  the 
whole  company  of  Brownists  doth  oif er  caution  for  Brewer  ;  and  he 
being  a  university-man,  the  scholars  are  likewise  stirred  up  by  the 
Brownists  to  plead  privilege  in  that  kind  when  caution  is  offered.  .  .  . 

It  appeared  that  this  Brewer  and  Brewster,  whom  this  man  set 
on  work,  having  kept  no  open  shop,  nor  printed  many  books  fit  for 
public  sale  in  these  provinces,  their  practice  was  to  print  prohibited 
books  to  be  vented  underhand  in  his  majesty's  kingdoms. 

Carleton  seems  to  be  correct.  Apparently  their  earliest  issues 
were  in  1617,^  and  they  attempted  little  or  no  general  printing, 
but  confined  themselves  to  theological  or  ecclesiastical  works, 
such  as  were  "  prohibited  "  in  England.  At  first  they  printed 
the  address  of  their  office,  but  soon  omitted  it.  That  Brewer's 
imprisonment  violated  the  university  privileges  is  probable  ;  and 
ordinarily,  if  his  arrest  had  occurred  at  all,  such  remonstrances 
woidd  have  prevailed.  But,  although  the  Dutch  went  as  far  as 
they  dared  in  disregarding  King  James,  the  end  of  their  truce 
with  Spain  was  near,  and  in  this  case,  as  in  others  already 
mentioned,  political  considerations  controlled  them.  Finally,  at 
Carleton 's  request.  Brewer  was  sent  to  England  in  December. 

He  went,  however,  voluntarily  and  not  as  a  prisoner,  al- 
though under  oversight.  Moreover,  the  English  government 
had  to  agree  to  pay  his  expenses  and  send  him  back  within 
three  months.  And  William  Lisle,^  and  one  Jenkins,  probably 
a  Pilgrim  but  not  otherwise  mentioned,  accompanied  him. 

Meanwhile  other  stirring  events  had  occurred.  On  Jan.  14 
the  Sjmod  at  Dort  dismissed  the  committee  of  Remonstrants  in 
disgrace,  their  answers  and  bearing  having  displeased  the  pre- 
judiced majority.  On  Sunday,  Apr.  14,  the  outcome  of  the 
Synod  being  foreseen,  all  Keformed  churches  in  Leyden  were 

1  Reinier  de  Bondt,  Professor  of  Medicine. 

2  But  apparently  they  began  work  by  Oct.,  1616.    Arber,  237. 
8  Letter  of  Sir  W.  Zouch,  Arber,  227. 


582  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

occupied  by  the  Contra-Remonstrants,  supported  by  tbe  new 
magistrates.  Ten  days  later,  the  Dutch  members  of  the  Synod 
sentenced  the  Remonstrants,  expelling  them  from  all  stations  in 
the  Church  and  the  universities.  Finally,  on  May  6,  the  canons 
adopted  respecting  the  five  mooted  points  of  doctrine  were  an- 
nounced, and  three  days  later  the  assembly  ended. 

Episcopius  was  driven  from  the  country,  and  his  university 
chair  was  vacated.  Of  other  changes  in  the  teaching  force,  due 
to  this  cause,  the  chief  was  the  dismission  of  Peter  Bertius, 
Professor  of  Ethics.  Another,  destined  to  have  influence  upon 
Robinson's  opinions,  was  Ames's  removal  to  Leyden  to  take  the 
place  of  Hommius  as  overseer  of  theological  students  educated 
for  the  ministry  by  certain  Amsterdam  merchants,  Hommius 
succeeding  Vossius  as  Regent  of  the  Theological  College. 

The  chief  contribution  to  the  literature  of  the  Arminian  con- 
troversy was  by  Pierre  du  Moulin,  a  Reformed  minister  of  Paris, 
a  delegate  to  the  Synod  of  Dort  but  unable  to  attend,  who  now 
published  a  work,  Anatome  Arminianismi,  se^i,  Envcleatio  Coii- 
troversiarvm  Qvae  in  Belgio  agitantur.^  .  .  .  Little  else  of  theo- 
logical importance  appeared,  but  there  came  out  a  tract  by  their 
London  fellow-disciple,  Sabine  Staresmore:  "  The  Vnlawfvlnesse 
of  Reading  in  Prayer.  Or,  the  Answer  of  Mr.  Richard  Mavnsel 
Preacher  vnto  certain  Argvments  or  Reasons,  drawne  against 
the  using,  or  communicating,  in,  or  with  the  Booke  of  Common 
Prayer,  etc."  The  author  mentions  an  interview  with  Mr.  Maun- 
sel,  and  adds  :  — 

I  asked  you  whether  you  would  undertake  a  conference  with  Mr. 
Robinson,  who  I  conceived  was  like  to  come  over  [to  England]  about 
the  Virginia  voyage,  and  then  you  did  in  plain  words  refuse  it,  upon  no 
other  ground,  then  because  he  was  a  Brownist,  as  you  pleased  to  terme 
him. 

Politically  the  Calvinistic  triumph  over  the  Arminians  was 
followed  by  the  startling  result  of  the  trial  of  John  of  Barne- 
veldt,  the  head  of  the  State-rights  party,  who  was  marked  for 
destruction  and  whose  execution  took  place  at  The  Hague  on 
May  23. 

^  An  English  translation  appeared  in  London  in  1620. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  YEAR  OF  THE  DEPARTURE  — 1620 

We  now  have  reached  1620,  the  famous  year  when  their  under- 
taking was  successfully  executed.  Few  records,  however,  throw 
light  upon  their  last  months  in  Leyden.  There  was  one  wedding. 
On  Jan.  10  Leonard  Dunster,  a  say- weaver,  and  Mary  Brown, 
a  daughter  of  Mary  (Mrs.  James)  Sunderland,  apparently  from 
Colchester,  were  betrothed,  with  her  mother  and  step-father  as 
witnesses,  and  they  were  married  on  Jan.  25. 

Isaac  AUerton,  then  living  in  the  Pieterskerhhqf^  buried  a 
child  in  St.  Peter's  on  Feb.  5.  On  Apr.  1  Thomas  Rogers  ^  sold 
his  house,  on  the  Barharasteeg^  for  300  gilders  to  Mordecai 
Cohen.  On  June  10  Fuller,  Winslow,  Bradford  and  Isaac 
Allerton  wrote  ^  to  Carver  and  Cushman,  the  active  agents  in 
England,  Brewster  evidently  being  in  hiding,  in  which  Thomas 
Nash'is  mentioned  as  recently  arrived  in  Leyden.  Presumably 
he  had  been  there  before  and  had  gone  to  England  on  their 
behalf.  Evidently  he  brought  back  the  pilot  who  took  the 
emigrants  to  England  in  the  Speedwell  in  August,  and  Nash 
probably  went  as  far  as  Plymouth,  Eng.  He  became  conspic- 
uous among  those  who  remained  in  Leyden,  and  appears  now 
and  then  in  the  records  until  1640. 

Early  in  the  year  another  project  ^  for  colonization  came  up. 
According  to  Winslow,  the  Dutch  offered  the  Pilgrims  free  pas- 
sage to  the  Hudson  river  and  to  furnish  every  family  with 
cattle  if  they  would  "  go  under  them."  Who  made  this  offer  is 
unknown.  It  may  have  come  from  the  directors  of  the  Amster- 
dam company  which  for  several  years  had  controlled  most 
of  the  trade  to  New  Amsterdam,  now  New  York,  and  who,  on 

1  Prot.  Op,  -w  w,  46. 

2  Bradford,  Hist.  49.   The  absence  of  Brewster's  signature  may  be  an  additional 
indication  that  he  had  remained  in  England. 

8  Ibid.  43,  n. 


584  THE   PILGRIMS   IN  LEYDEN 

Feb.  12,  petitioned  ^  the  Stadtholder  for  protection  to  Robinson's 
company  if  they  should  emigrate  thither.  In  English  the  signi- 
ficant passage  is  this  :  — 

Now  it  happens  that  there  is  residing  at  Leyden  a  certain  English 
preacher,  versed  in  the  Dutch  language,  who  is  well  inclined  to  pro- 
ceed thither  to  live,  assuring  the  petitioners  that  he  has  the  means  of 
inducing  over  four  hundred  families  to  accompany  liim  thither,  both 
out  of  this  country  and  England,  provided  they  would  be  guarded 
and  preserved  from  all  violence  on  the  part  of  other  potentates,  by  the 
authority  and  under  the  protection  of  your  Princely  Excellency  and 
the  High  and  Mighty  Lords  States-General,  in  the  propagation  of  the 
true,  pure  Christian  religion,  in  the  instruction  of  the  Indians  in  that 
country  in  true  learning,  and  in  converting  them  to  the  Christian 
faith,  and  thus,  through  the  mercy  of  the  Lord,  to  the  greater  glory 
of  this  country's  government,  to  plant  there  a  new  Commonwealth,  all 
under  the  order  and  command  of  your  Princely  Excellency  and  the 
High  and  Mighty  Lords  States-General. 

A  request  was  added  for  two  ships  of  war  to  guard  the  territory, 
and  this  item  was  a  sufficient  reason  for  its  negative  answer. 

Further  negotiations  were  abandoned  by  the  advice  of 
Thomas  Weston,  a  London  merchant,  who,  as  Bradford  ^  says  : 

came  to  Leyden  aboute  y*^  same  time,  .  .  .  haveing  much  conferance 
^th  ]y[r.  Robinson  &  other  of  y®  cheefe  of  them,  perswaded  them  to 
goe  on  (as  it  seems)  &  not  to  medle  with  y*  Dutch,  or  too  much  to 
depend  on  y®  Virginia  Company  ;  for  if  that  failed,  if  they  came  to 
resolution,  he  and  such  marchants  as  were  his  freinds  (togeather  with 
their  owne  means)  would  sett  them  forth. 

He  must  have  told  them  also  that  his  friends  controlled  a 
patent  from  the  Virginia  Company,  on  Feb.  2,  to  John  Peirce 
and  others.  They  accepted  his  proposals,  articles  of  agreement 
were  approved  by  him,  for  the  Merchant  Adventurers  of  Lon- 
don, and  by  them,  and  Cushraan  and  Carver  were  sent  again  to 
England  to  complete  arrangements.  Preparations  for  emigra- 
tion then  were  hastened  at  Leyden.    In  Bradford's  words  :  — 

Those  that  weare  to  goe,  prepared  them  selves  with  all  speed,  and 
sould  of[f]  their  estats  and  (such  as  were  able)  put  in  their  moneys 

1  Docs.  Belat.  to  Col.  Hist.  ofN.  Y.i:  22-24. 

2  Hist.  42-58.  Arber  shows  (300)  that  Weston's  visit  must  have  been  between 
Feb.  2  and  Apr.  1. 


THE  YEAR   OF  THE   DEPARTURE  585 

into  y^  commone  stock,  which  was  disposed  by  those  appointed,  for 
y*  making  of  generall  provisions. 

Winslow  explains  that  it  was  decided  that  only  the  younger  and 
stronger  members  should  go  at  the  first,  and,  as  a  small  major- 
ity elected  to  remain,  Robinson  was  desired  to  stay,  Brewster,^ 
the  Elder,  accompanying  the  emigrants.    Bradford  says  :  — 

They  concluded  both  what  number  and  what  persons  should  prepare 
themselves  to  goe  with  y^  first ;  for  all  y'  were  willing  to  have  gone 
could  not  gett  ready  for  their  other  affairs  in  so  shorte  a  time  ; 
neither  if  all  could  have  been  ready,  had  ther  been  means  to  have 
trasported  them  alltogeather ; 

and  adds :  — 

It  was  allso  promised  to  those  y*  wente  first,  by  y^  body  of  y^  rest, 
that  if  y'^  Lord  gave  them  life,  &  meas,  &  opportunitie,  they  would 
come  to  them  as  soone  as  they  could. 

This  implies  that  practically  the  whole  company,  including 
those  originally  reluctant,  had  decided  to  go  ultimately.  But  it 
is  more  probable  that  some  did  not  intend  to  go  at  all.  Brad- 
ford adds,  confirming  Winslow  :  — 

Those  that  staled  being  y*  greater  number  required  y^  pastor  to  stay 
with  them  ;  and  indeede  for  other  reasons  he  could  not  then  well  goe, 
.  .  •  The  other  then  desired  y®  elder,  M""  Brewster,  to  goe  with  them, 
which  also  was  condescended  unto. 

And,  in  regard  to  their  church  organization,  he  continues  :  — 

It  was  also  agreed  .  .  .  that  those  that  went  should  be  an  absolute 
church  of  them  selves,  as  well  as  those  y'  staid  .  .  .  yet  with  this  pro- 
viso, that  as  any  of  y^  rest  came  over  to  them,  or  of  y*^  other  returned 
upon  occasion,  they  should  be  reputed  as  members  without  any  further 
dismission  or  testimoniall. 

Various  hindrances,  however,  chiefly  in  England,  befell  them. 
Bradford  adds  :  — 

Some  of  those  y'  should  have  gone  in  England,  fell  of  &  would  not 
goe  ;   other  marchants  &  freinds  y'  had  offered   to  adventure  their 

1  This  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  Brewster  had  returned  to  Leyden ;  nor 
do  Winslow's  words  (Hyp.  TJnm.  90)  :  "  The  minor  part,  with  Master  Brewster 
their  Elder,  resolved  to  enter  upon  this  great  work,"  although  each  utterance 
rather  suggests  that  he  had.  On  the  whole  it  is  more  prohable  that  he  was  in 
England. 


586  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

moneys  withdrew,  and  pretended  many  excuses.  Some  disliking 
[that]  they  wente  not  to  Guiana ;  others  againe  would  adventure 
nothing  excepte  they  wente  to  Virginia.  Some  againe  (and  those 
that  were  most  relied  on)  fell  in  utter  dislike  with  Virginia,  and 
would  doe  nothing  if  they  wente  thither.  In  y^  midds  of  these  distrac- 
tions, they  of  Leyden,  who  had  put  of  their  estats,  and  laid  out  their 
moneys,  were  brought  into  a  greate  streight,  fearing  what  issue  these 
things  would  come  too  ;  but  at  length  y^  generalitie  was  swaid  to  this 
latter  opinion  [i.  e.,  to  go  to  Virginia]. 

Moreover,  Weston,  then  in  London,  insisted  upon  altering  the 
accepted  conditions,  to  their  disadvantage,  and  Cushman,^  un- 
authorized, conceded  his  demands. 

Bradford  preserves  a  letter  from  Robinson  to  Carver,  prob- 
ably of  June  4,  which  depicts  pathetically  their  lack  of  funds 
and  their  disappointment  in  Weston  and  Cushman,  and  criti- 
cises the  changes  made  in  the  agreement.  Then  follow  the  let- 
ter of  June  10,  from  Fuller,  Bradford,  Winslow  and  AUerton 
to  Cushman  and  Carver,  consisting  mainly  of  remonstrances  to 
Cushman  and  messages  to  Weston ;  and  two  replies  by  Cush- 
man, one  undated,  defending  himself,  and  the  other  of  June  11, 
mentioning  having  secured  the  refusal  of  the  Mayflower.  Still 
another  letter  is  in  Bradford,  written  by  Cushman,  June  10,  to 
Carver  at  Southampton.  There  had  been  some  prospect  that 
certain  emigrants  from  Amsterdam,  presumably  English  exiles, 
would  join  them,  and  Cushman  says :  — 

As  for  them  of  Amsterdam  I  had  thought  they  would  as  soone  have 
gone  to  Rome  as  with  us  ;  for  our  libertie  is  to  them  as  ratts  bane,  and 
their  riggour  as  bad  to  us  as  y*  Spanish  inquisition. 

Probably  it  was  fortunate  for  the  Plymouth  Colony  that  they 
did  not  venture.  Meanwhile  the  Speedwell,  a  vessel  of  about 
sixty  tons,  to  be  used  in  America,  had  been  bought  and  equipped 
in  Holland,  whence  she  was  to  bear  them  to  England,  where  the 
Mayflower,  of  three  times  her  capacity,  was  to  join  in  transport- 
ing them. 

When  at  last  ready  to  sail,  they  kept  a  day  of  fasting  and 
prayer,  and  Robinson  preached  from  Ezra  viii :  21,  the  last 
sermon  which  the  colonists  were  to  hear  from  him.    The  occa- 

^  Carver  was  acting  for  them  at  Southampton  and  Cushman  at  London. 


THE  YEAR  OF  THE  DEPARTURE  587 

sion  must  have  been  affecting.  Their  peculiar  ties  were  about 
to  be  severed,  and  even  some  families  were  to  be  divided.  Their 
future  was  unknown  and  dark.  They  could  foresee  only  that 
trials  and  perils,  perhaps  surpassing  any  in  their  whole  sad  ex- 
perience, must  be  encoimtered.  But  they  made  brave  efforts 
to  maintain  courage  and  cheerfulness.  Winslow  tells  us  that 
after  their  worship 

they  that  stayed  at  Leyden  feasted  us  that  were  to  goe  at  our  Pastors 
house  being  large,  where  we  refreshed  our  selves  after  our  teares,  with 
singing  of  Psalmes,  making  joyful  melody  in  our  hearts,  as  well  as 
with  the  voice. 

It  was  during  these  services  that  Robinson  uttered  those  famous 
exhortations  which  Winslow  has  paraphrased  in  saying  :  — 

Hee  used  these  expressions,  or  to  the  same  purpose  ;  We  are  now 
ere  long  to  part  asunder,  and  the  Lord  knoweth  whether  ever  he 
should  live  to  see  our  faces  again :  but  whether  the  Lord  had  ap- 
pointed it  or  not,  he  charged  us  before  God  and  his  blessed  Angels,  to 
follow  him  no  further  then  he  followed  Christ.  And  if  God  should 
reveal  anything  to  us  by  any  other  instrument  of  his,  to  be  as  ready 
to  receive  it,  as  ever  we  were  to  receive  any  truth  by  his  Ministery  : 
For  he  was  very  confident  the  Lord  had  more  truth  and  light  yet  to 
breake  forth  out  of  his  holy  Word. 

This  advice,  so  much  discussed,  must  be  interpreted  by  the 
context,  in  which  Lutherans  and  Calvinists  are  instanced  as 
fettered  by  the  beliefs  of  their  original  leaders,  a  conservatism 
which  Robinson  condemns. 

Probably  it  was  on  Friday,  July  31,  that  the  emigrants  left 
Leyden  for  Delfshaven,  the  port  of  Delft,  on  the  Maas.  The 
canal  route  remains  much  as  it  was  then.  They  doubtless  left 
Leyden  by  the  Vliet,  which  stretches  south  for  a  mile  and  then 
turns  to  the  southwest.  A  few  villages  diversify  the  green  ex- 
panse and  near  Ryswick  the  canal  bends  almost  southeast  to 
Delft.  Passing  through  this  picturesque  city,  it  continues  to 
Delfshaven.  The  distance  is  perhaps  twenty-five  miles  and  the 
journey  must  have  occupied  six  or  eight  hours.  They  found  the 
Speedwell  ready,  and,  in  addition  to  their  Leyden  friends, 
others  had  come  even  from  Amsterdam  to  take  leave.  They 
sailed  on  the  next  day,  Aug.  1,  and  no  picture  of  the  intervening 


588  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

hours  and  of  their  parting  can  surpass  that  furnished  by  Brad- 
ford's touching  words :  — 

That  night  was  spent  with  Htle  sleepe  by  y*  most,  but  with  freindly 
entertainment  &  Christian  discourse  and  other  reall  expressions  of  true 
christian  love.  The  next  day,  the  wind  being  faire,  they  went  aborde, 
and  their  freinds  with  them,  where  truly  dolfuU  was  y''  sight  of  that 
sade  and  mournfuU  parting  ;  to  see  what  sighs  and  sobbs  and  praiers 
did  sound  amongst  them,  what  tears  did  gush  from  every  eye,  &  pithy 
speeches  peirst  each  harte;  that  sundry  of  y^  Dutch  strangers  y*  stood  on 
y^  key  as  spectators,  could  not  refraine  from  tears.  Yet  comfortable 
&  sweete  it  was  to  see  shuch  hvely  and  true  expressions  of  dear  &  un- 
fained  love.  But  y*  tide  (which  stays  for  no  man)  caHng  them  away  y* 
were  thus  loath  to  departe,  their  Reve"^:  pastor  falling  downe  on  his 
knees,  (and  they  all  with  him,)  with  watrie  cheeks  coinended  them 
with  most  fervente  praiers  to  the  Lord  and  his  blessing.  And  then 
with  mutuall  imbrases  and  many  tears,  they  tooke  their  leaves  one  of 
an  other ;  which  proved  to  be  y^  last  leave  to  many  of  them. 

Winslow's  reference  to  these  scenes  suggests  that  Robinson's 
final  prayer  was  offered  on  the  quay,  but  probably,  as  Brad- 
ford says,  it  was  on  shipboard.  The  claim  that  they  held  ser- 
vice in  a  Delfshaven  church  is  neither  demonstrable  nor  prob- 
able. 

A  long  and  tender  parting  letter  of  advice  by  their  pastor, 
written  four  days  earlier,  is  transcribed  by  Bradford.  Whether 
it  were  given  them  or  sent  later  is  uncertain.  Bradford  also  has 
one  of  the  same  date  from  Robinson  to  Carver  personally. 

The  Speedwell  made  a  quick  passage  to  Southampton, 
where  they  found  the  Mayflower,  which  had  brought  other  colo- 
nists from  London.  They  also  found  Carver  and  Cushman, 
and  drew  up  on  Thursday,  Aug.  3-13,  a  letter  to  the  Lon- 
don merchants  about  the  revised  conditions.  These  are  named 
by  Bradford.  Their  chief  features  are  that  the  partnership  was 
to  continue  seven  years,  when  an  equal  division  of  all  capital 
and  profits,  including  "  houses,  lands,  goods  and  chatles,"  was 
to  be  made.  The  original  conditions  had  provided  that  then  the 
houses  and  improved  lands  should  remain  the  private  property 
of  the  colonists,  and  that  during  the  term  of  partnership  each 
colonist  should  have  two  days  a  week  for  his  personal  affairs. 
Weston's  alterations,  accepted  by  Cushman,  had  injured  their 


THE  YEAR  OF  THE   DEPARTURE  589 

prospects  gravely.  But  they  were  comparatively  helpless.  Yet 
they  sailed  without  modifying  their  position,  although  it  cost 
them  dearly.  They  even  were  obliged  to  sell  some  supplies  in 
order  to  pay  their  debts,  and  found  themselves  in  "  great  ex- 
tremities, scarce  haveing  any  butter,  no  oyle,  not  a  sole  to 
mend  a  shoe,  nor  every  man  a  sword  to  his  side,  wanting  many 
muskets,  much  armoure,  &c."  After  about  a  year,  however, 
when  Cushman  visited  the  colony,  they  were  in  such  straits 
that  they  conceded  the  demands  of  the  Adventurers  rather 
than  allow  them  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 

According  to  Bradford,  the  two  vessels  set  sail  on  Aug.  5-15 
from  Southampton.  But  they  made  slow  progress  and,  after 
covering  about  150  miles,  the  Speedwell  was  reported  leaky  and 
they  both  put  into  Dartmouth,  apparently  on  Sunday,  Aug. 
13-23.  While  there,  Cushman,  on  Thursday,  Aug.  17-27, 
wrote  to  Edward  Southworth,  formerly  of  Leyden  but  then  of 
London,  a  letter,  transcribed  by  Bradford,  showing  that  Cush- 
man had  lost  all  heart  for  the  voyage.  Once  more  they  sailed, 
on  Wednesday  Aug.  23-Sept.  2,^  but,  when  some  distance  at 
sea,  fresh  complaints  of  the  Speedwell's  condition  ^  arosie,  and  they 
put  back  again  to  Plymouth.  There  it  was  decided  to  reduce 
the  expedition  to  one  shipload,  and  the  Speedwell  with  some 
twenty  passengers,  including  Cushman  and  his  family,  returned 
to  London. 

The  final  departure  was  from  Plymouth  on  Wednesday, 
Sept.  6-16.  The  passengers  numbered  102.  Of  the  ship's 
officers  it  is  known  only  that  the  captain's  name  was  Jones ;  ^ 
but  there  is  evidence  that  Giles  Heale  *  probably  was  its  doctor, 

1  Capt.  John  Smith,  N.  Eng's  Trials,  1622,  16. 

2  She  had  been  oversparred  purposely  so  as  to  cause  her  to  strain  and  leak,  but 
in  proper  trim  was  perfectly  sound.  Her  captain  wished  to  evade  his  agreement 
to  serve  the  colony  for  a  year. 

^  Neill  claims  to  have  identified  him  with  Thos.  Jones,  captain  of  the  Lion  in 
1617  {N.  E.  Hist.  Sf  Gen.  Reg.  xxviii :  314-316),  but  the  evidence  is  not  convin- 
cing, and  a  Christopher  Jones  appears  at  Plymouth,  as  witness  to  the  nuncupative 
will  of  William  Mullins,  on  or  before  Feb.  21,  1621  {Ibid,  xlii:  63).  It  is  reason- 
ably certain  that  he  was  an  officer  of  the  Mayflower. 

*  Another  witness  of  Wm.  Mullins's  will.  A  copy  of  Ainsworth's  Psalms  was 
sold  in  London  a  few  years  ago  with  the  inscription  on  the  fly-leaf,  "  Given  unto 
Mr.  Giles  Heale,  chirurgeon,  by  Isaacke  Allerton,  tailor,  in  Virginia,  the  x  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1620." 


690  THE  PILGRIMS  IN  LEYDEN 

and  that  "  Master  Williamson,"  ^  concerned  in  the  earliest  en- 
counters with  Indians  at  Plymouth,  was  another  officer,  perhaps 
the  agent  of  the  Merchant  Adventurers.  The  ancient  cause- 
way where  they  embarked  at  Plymouth  has  disappeared,  but  in 
1891  a  memorial  tablet  was  placed  in  the  pavement  of  the  ad- 
joining Barbican  pier. 

^  One  of  Mullins's  executors. 


CHAPTER  IX 

CONCLUDING  WORDS 

The  remaining  incidents  in  Robinson's  life  deserve  record.  On 
Feb.  7,  1621,  he  buried  a  child  in  St.  Peter's,  and  another  on 
Mar.  27,  1623.  Durie,  if  meant,  probably  would  have  been 
termed  "  the  Scotch  preacher,"  but  the  record  says  "  the  Eng- 
lish preacher  "  in  each  case,  and  the  former  entry  gives  his 
residence  as  the  Pietersherhhof  and  the  latter  as  "  by  the  bell 
house,"  i.  e.,  the  tower  opposite  to  Robinson's  door.  On  June 
1,  1621,  he  received  a  power  of  attorney  enabling  him  to  sell 
his  brother-in-law's,  Randall  Thickins's,  rights  in  the  Robin- 
son house.  The  census  of  Oct.  15,  1622,  records  him  in  the 
Zevenhuyseyi  with  his  wife,  Bridget,  their  children,  Jolm,^ 
Bridget,  Isaac,  MerCy,^  Fear  and  James,  and  their  servant, 
Mary  Hardy. 

In  1624  he  published,  probably  in  London,  his  "  A  Defence 
of  the  Doctrine  propovnded  by  the  Synode  at  Dort ;  "  and  also 
"  An  Appeal  on  Truths  behalfe."  In  1625,  one  of  his  last  labors, 
he  saw  through  the  press  at  Leyden  his  "  Observations  Divine 
and  Morall." 

He  died  on  Mar.  1,  1625,  after  an  illness  of  eight  days, 
painless  but  incurable.  It  was  not  the  plague,  then  raging,  but 
some  disease  which  Roger  White,  in  a  letter*^  of  Apr.  28  to 
Bradford  and  Brewster,  calls  "  a  continuall  inwarde  ague,  but 
free  from  infection,  so  yt  all  his  freinds  came  freely  to  him." 
White  touchingly  adds,  "  And  if  either  prayers,  tears,  or 
means,  would  have  saved  his  life,  he  had  not  gone  hence."  He 
was  buried  in  St.  Peter's  on  Mar.  4,  many  university  pro- 
fessors and  other  eminent  citizens  being  present.    The  church 

1  Either  he  or  James  probably  was  the  sou  intended  for  the  ministry.  (See  let- 
ter by  Walaeus,  p.  592.)    He  is  more  likely  to  have  been  the  one,  as  the  oldest  son. 

2  Probably  the  child  buried  May  27,  1623. 

3  Bradford,  Hist.  205. 


592  THE   PILGRIMS   IN   LEYDEN 

register  shows  that  nine  florins  were  paid  for  opening  the  grave. 
This  sum  was  customary,  —  only  six  had  been  paid  in  the  case 
of  Arminius,  —  the  few  instances  of  a  larger  payment  being 
those  of  burials  at  some  other  than  the  usual  time,  then  between 
12  M.  and  1.30  p.  m.  The  place  of  his  gi-ave  is  unknown,  but 
a  tradition,  possibly  well-founded,  locates  it  in  the  bay  or  al- 
cove ^  which  projects  from  the  cathedral  at  the  point  nearest  to 
his  house. 

His  widow  is  recorded  as  in  Leyden  as  late  as  April  6,  1640, 
and  Hoornbeeck  states  that  she  and  their  children,  with  others 
of  his  friends,  joined  the  Dutch  Church. 

In  1872  Dr.  Dexter  found  in  the  archives  of  the  English  Re- 
formed Church  at  Amsterdam  a  document  of  which  this  is  a 
translation  :  — 

I,  the  undersigned,  hereby  certify  that  D[omine].  Rubbensonus, 
pastor  of  the  English  church  here  which  is  called  the  Brownists',  has 
at  divers  times  conversed  with  me  concerning  the  separation  between 
their  congregation  and  the  other  English  congregations  in  this  country, 
and  that  he  has  at  divers  times  testified  that  he  was  disposed  to  do  his 
utmost  to  remove  this  schism  ;  that  he  was  also  averse  to  educating 
his  son  for  the  work  of  the  ministry  in  such  congregations,  but  much 
preferred  to  have  him  exercise  his  ministry  in  the  Dutch  churches  ; 
that  to  this  end,  by  the  help  of  Domine  Teelllnck  and  myself,  he  had 
also  begun  to  move  some  good  people  in  Middelburg  to  provide  some 
decent  support  for  his  son's  studies  for  a  few  years  ;  that  he,  moreover, 
at  divers  times  assured  me  that  he  found  in  his  congregation  so  many 
difficulties  in  connection  with  this,  that  he  with  a  good  part  of  his  con- 
gregation was  resolved  to  remove  to  the  West  Indies  where  he  doubted 
not  he  should  be  able  to  accom23lish  his  desires. 

This  has  passed  between  us  at  divers  times. 

Given  at  Leyden,  25.  May,  1628. 

Antonius  Walaeus, 

Professor  of  theology  in  the  university. 

^  The  accompanying  photograph  represents  the  memorial  tablet  to  Robinson 
erected  in  1891  by  the  National  Council  of  Congregational  Churches  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  on  the  outside  wall  of  St.  Peter's,  just  across  the  Kloksteeg  from  the 
site  of  his  house.  It  was  unveiled,  with  public  ceremonies,  by  a  committee  of  the 
Council  on  July  24,  1891.  Addresses  were  delivered  in  the  cathedral  by  Rev.  C.  R. 
Palmer,  D.  D.,  chairman  of  the  committee,  and  by  representatives  of  the  city,  the 
university,  etc.  A  man  still  living  recalls  having  seen  Robinson's  name  in  the 
alcove  pavement  on  a  stone  now  removed. 


ROBINSON   TABLET   ON   THE   PIETERSKERK 


CONCLUDING  WORDS  593 

That  which  is  above  testified  concerning  the  union  of  the  English 
churches  in  this  country,  I,  the  undersigned,  likewise  certify  that  I  have 
divers  times  heard  from  the  late  D[omine].  Robinson. 

At  Leyden,  26.  May,  1628. 

Festus  Hommius,  Rector  of  the  Theological  College. 

The  history  of  this  document  is  unknown.  Perhaps  it  was 
written  to  aid  the  transfer  of  members  of  Robinson's  church  to 
the  Dutch  Church.  It  suggests  that  Robinson,  always  catholic 
for  his  time,  came  to  regard  the  position  of  the  Reformed  churches 
as,  on  the  whole,  the  wisest.  It  may  indicate  the  explanation  of 
his  willingness  to  subscribe  to  the  articles  drawn  up  for  sub- 
mission to  the  Council  in  1617.^  The  same  revision  of  opinions 
also  is  intimated  by  a  manuscript  found  in  Robinson's  study  and 
published  in  1634,  "  A  Treatise  of  the  Lawfulnes  of  Hearing 
of  the  Ministers  in  the  church  of  England."  ^  Here  he  exhibits 
increasing  mildness  towards  the  Anglican  Church,  and  Hoorn- 
beeck  states,  in  a  highly  laudatory  notice,^  that,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Ames  and  Parker,  he  began  to  consider  returning  to 
that  church.  That  he  grew  increasingly  liberal  in  mind  with  ad- 
vancing years  is  easy  to  be  believed.  It  is  a  common  experience 
with  good  men.  But  Hoornbeeck's  assertion  cannot  be  accepted 
without  more  evidence  than  seems  to  exist.  Moreover,  Robin- 
son probably  did  not  contemplate  going  to  the  West  Indies. 
Doubtless  Walaeus  had  the  Plymouth  Colony  in  mind.  Another 
little  book  from  Robinson's  pen  is  "  A  Briefe  Catechism  con- 
cerning Church  Government."  Although  no  edition  earlier  than 
that  of  1642  is  now  known,  it  probably  was  printed  at  Leyden 

1  See  p.  568. 

^  The  introductio'n,  by  the  printers,  shows  (xi)  that  the  Leyden  church  still  ex- 
isted, although  it  had  dwindled  to  about  one  fifth  of  its  former  size.  Moreover, 
the  following  extract  from  the  Acts  of  the  Church  Council  of  St.  Peter'^s,  June  17, 
1639,  to  which  Mr.  L.  G.  LePoole  has  called  my  attention,  proves  that  the  church 
still  lingered  at  that  date  :  "  John  Meester  and  his  wife,  also  Steven  Butterfield, 
English,  from  the  congregation  of  the  sainted  Robinson,  complaining  since  his 
death  of  a  lack  of  appropriate  exercises,  so  that  they  cannot  be  edified  as  if  they 
were  members  of  some  other  church  provided  with  a  pastor,  request  that  they  may 
be  allowed  to  become  members  of  our  church,  which  is  granted  by  the  brethren." 
And  John  Cotton  says  ( Way  of  Cong.  Churches  Cleared,  14)  that  as  Robinson's 
church  began  before  him,  so  "  it  continued  after  him,  and  still  doth,"  which  state- 
ment apparently  was  written  in  1647. 

'  Sum.  Controv.  Eelig.  Lib.  x. 


594  THE   PILGRIMS  IN   LEYDEN 

before  his  death.  Evidently  it  was  prepared  for  his  own  use  in 
instructing  his  congregation. 

Like  Browne,  the  re-discoverer  of  substantial  Congregation- 
alism, Robinson — who,  although  not  precisely  a  modern  Con- 
gregationalist,  did  more  than  any  one  else,  excepting  Browne, 
to  prepare  the  way  for  its  later  development  —  seems  to  have 
failed  to  find  in  its  workings,  as  he  knew  them,  something  which 
he  expected.  The  time  was  not  ripe  for  it.  The  best  conditions 
with  which  he  had  to  deal  were  unfavorable.  In  order  to  get 
rid  of  the  traditions  and  beliefs  which  hindered  its  growth  into 
a  self -consistent  and  efficient  form  of  church  life,  as  in  the  early 
years  of  the  Christian  era,  experiment  with  it  in  the  free  atmos- 
phere of  a  new  country  and  an  unformed  political  State  had 
become  necessary.  Neither  Browne  nor  Robinson  was  able  to 
share  in  making  that  experiment,  but  each  contributed  much 
which  helped  the  experiment,  when  made,  to  succeed. 

In  the  Plymouth  Colony  and,  later,  in  that  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  the  free  church  system  flourished.  It  had  a  large  part  in 
shaping  the  thought  and  life  of  the  colonists.  It  tinctured  their 
political  ideas  and  aided  powerfully  in  preparing  the  way  for 
American  independence,  and  ever  since  their  day  it  has  con- 
tinued a  potent  factor  for  good  in  our  national  life.  In  the  mo- 
ther country  also,  although  hampered  by  many  hostile  conditions 
and  not  wholly  free,  even  yet,  to  do  its  best  work,  it  has  be- 
come conspicuous  and  effective,  and  during  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury it  accomplished  much  of  what  it  could  not  bring  to  pass  in 
the  seventeenth. 

During  the  intervening  generations  Episcopacy  and  Presby- 
terianism,  too,  have  freed  themselves  from  most  of  their  former 
unlovely  and  discreditable  characteristics,  and  now  they  exhibit 
on  each  side  of  the  Atlantic  a  purer  and  nobler  spirit  than  ever 
in  the  past.  Each  of  the  three  forms  of  church  organization  and 
government  has  been  benefited  by  the  example  of  the  others. 
Each  also  has  learned  already,  in  larger  measure  than  could  have 
seemed  possible  to  the  devoutest  minds  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, that  Christianity,  as  taught  and  illustrated  by  Christ  him- 
self, is  spiritual  rather  than  dogmatic  or  ecclesiastical. 

It  would  be  a  mistake,  however,  to  regard  the  Pilgrim  Colony 


CONCLUDING  WORDS  595 

in  America,  the  outgrowth  of  the  conditions  and  struggles  which 
these  pages  have  narrated,  as  merely  ecclesiastical  in  origin 
or  development.  Primarily  it  was  this,  but  also  it  was  more 
than  this.  It  was  one  of  the  earliest  manifestations  of  that  re- 
sistless impulse  of  expansion  and  conquest  which  asserted  itself 
in  the  England  of  that  period,  and  even  earlier  in  Spain,  and 
which  changed  the  whole  face  of  the  globe.  It  opened  a  fresh  and 
vitally  important  era  in  human  history.  It  was  practically  the 
beginning^  of  the  civilized,  permanent  settlement  of  an  almost 
unknown  continent.  It  prepared  the  way  for  the  birth  of  a  new 
and  mighty  nation.  The  world's  debt  to  the  Pilgrims  is  not 
limited  by  any  denominational  lines.  It  is  universal.  The  ad- 
herents of  the  free-church  systems  fairly  may  claim  to  possess 
special  justifications  for  pride  in  the  Pilgrim  history,  but  nobody 
can  monopolize  it.  All  lovers  of  intelligence,  progress,  and  civil, 
as  well  as  religious,  liberty  have  the  right  to  share  in  it. 

Vale,  et  sine  gratia,  sine  odio,  lege,  jiidica. 

Episcopius,  Op.  u,  Pt.  2  :  108. 

^  "Virginia  in  it's  infancy  was  struggling-  for  life,  and  what  it's  fate  would 
have  been  if  the  fathers  of  it  in  England  had  not  seen  the  rise  and  growth  of 
other  colonies  near  it,  is  uncertain.' '  —  Hutchinson,  Hist.  Col.  Mass.  Bay,  i :  3. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX 

Dr.  Dexter  caused  investigations  of  the  Amsterdam  and  Leyden 
archives  to  be  made,  in  order  to  learn  everything  relating  to  the  indi- 
vidual Pilgrims  during  the  whole,  or  any  part,  of  their  residence  in 
Holland.  He  also  made  such  researches  himself.  But  the  results  were 
incomplete  and  sometimes  inexact,  as  he  did  not  live  to  perfect  them. 
I  have  supplemented  his  efforts  by  more  than  seven  months  of  per- 
sonal examination  of  the  records,  and  the  following  pages  contain  the 
fruits  of  this  labor.  The  chief  sources  of  information  have  been  men- 
tioned already.^  Some  advantage  also  has  been  taken  of  knowledge 
gained  elsewhere. 

Some  members  of  the  Pilgrim  comjiany  in  Leyden  are  known  posi- 
tively, e.  g.,  William  Bradford,  William  Brewster  and  John  Robin- 
son. The  records  show  who  were  associated  with  them  in  all  sorts  of 
transactions,  and  thus  indicate  their  fellow-members.  When  they  had 
need  of  witnesses  or  guarantors  they  sometimes  called  in  their  Dutch 
or  Walloon  friends,  but  ordinarily  they  depended  upon  each  other  for 
such^  services.  There  also  were  English  residents  who  did  not  belong 
to  their  body,  yet  even  somewhat  remote  links  of  connection  may  not 
be  disregarded  because  the  Pilgrims  numbered  more  than  those  who 
can  possibly  be  identified  now.^  The  first  names  of  those  who  cer- 
tainly, or  presumbly,  belonged  to  their  company  are  italicized,  as  are 
the  last  names,  in  parenthesis,  of  married  women  who  were  Pilgrims 
before  marriage. 

As  the  Dutch  recorders  wrote  down  an  English  name  merely  from 
the  sound,  seldom,  if  ever,  inquiring  how  it  was  spelled,  it  often  is 
difficult,  and  occasionally  is  impossible,  to  be  certain  what  English 
name  is  represented.  Sometimes  this  can  be  determined  by  external 
evidence.  For  example,  the  name  of  Brewer  is  established  by  the 
letters  of  his  countryman.  Ambassador  Carleton,  although  the  Dutch 
records  give  it  as  Brower,  Bronwer  and  Braeber  ;  and  Pontus,  writ- 
ten at  Leyden  as  Pantus  and  Pantes,  is  settled  by  the  Plymouth  Col- 
ony records.    But  in  such  a  case  as  that  of  Rose  Singer's  last  name, 

1  Pp.  502,  503. 

2  111  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  II,  Ser.  XVII :  167-194  for  April, 
1903,  is  a  paper  by  me,  briefly  summarizing  the  following  notes  as  to  the  memberT 
ship  of  the  company  in  Leyden.  Since  that  article  was  written  I  have  discovered 
some  additional  facts,  and  in  a  few  instances  my  opinion  has  been  amended. 


600  APPENDIX 

recorded  as  Chinheur,  one  is  left  in  doubt.  Prolonged  study,  remem- 
bering the  peculiarities  of  the  Dutch  pronunciation,  and  consultation 
with  English-speaking  Dutch  scholars  have  led  to  the  conclusions 
which  are  set  down.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  that  they  are  correct  in 
every  instance,  but  at  any  rate  they  are  probable.  A  few  ])ersons, 
evidently  holding  relations  with  the  English,  are  included,  although  no 
English  equivalents  of  their  names  are  known,  because  they,  too,  may 
have  been  English  whose  names  the  Dutch  clerks  have  managed  to 
disguise ;  e.  g.,  Peter  Boey  and  George  Matersc^. 

When  it  is  possible  that  the  deceased  first  husband,  or  wife,  of  one 
of  the  company  may  have  been  in  Leyden  for  a  time,  such  a  person  is 
included  ;  e.  g.,  Samuel  Fuller's  first  wife,  Alice  (Glascock).  When 
the  only  known  parent  (or  both  parents)  was  in  Leyden  until  July, 
1620,  it  is  assumed,  if  there  is  no  indication  to  the  contrary,  that  the 
children  also  were  there ;  e.  g.,  the  Allerton  children.  Each  case, 
however,  needs  to  be  considered  by  itself,  and  occasionally  in  very 
similar  conditions  different  conclusions  have  seemed  probable.  Un- 
doubtedly some  other  persons,  not  now  to  be  identified,  were  members 
of  the  company,  which  from  first  to  last  —  i.  e.,  from  the  spring  or 
early  summer  of  1609  to  about  the  end  of  July,  1620  —  must  have 
included  at  least  from  400  to  500  individuals.  The  examination  of 
the  records  has  been  continued  down  to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  by  which  time  the  members  of  the  company  had  died,  had 
left  Holland,  or  had  become  absorbed  in  the  Dutch  population. 

In  connection  with  their  residences  in  Leyden  it  should  be  noted 
that  several  names  are  those  of  districts,  much  like  the  wards  of  a 
modern  city  and  each  including  a  number  of  streets.  Such  are  the 
Noordende,  Nieuwestadt,  Zevenhuysen,  etc.  At  least  a  hundred  and 
fifty  of  the  company  lived  within  the  shadow  of  the  Pieterskerk  or 
within  five  minutes'  walk  of  that  spot.  Apparently  the  Pieterskerkhof 
was  similar  in  appearance  to  the  "  hofs  "  in  a  modern  Dutch  town  and 
evidently  was  the  little  colony  of  houses  built  upon  the  grounds  of  the 
Robinson  estate.  Sometimes,  also,  it  is  called  the  Groenepoort,  and  in 
other  instances  somewhat  dissimilar  names  evidently  mean  one  place ; 
e.g.,  Coepoortsteeg  and  Coepoortsgracht, Middleherg  and Middlegracht. 

It  has  not  been  thought  worth  while  to  print  the  hundreds  of  refer- 
ences to  the  Dutch  archives  which  substantiate  the  successive  items 
mentioned,  many  of  which,  indeed,  have  been  given  already,  but  they 
all  are  in  my  possession.  In  the  following  lists  M.  against  a  name 
means  that  its  owner  came  over  in  1620  in  the  Mayflower  ;  F.  in  1621 
in  the  Fortune  ;  and  A.  L.  j.  in  1623  in  the  Anne  or  the  Little  James. 

M.  D. 


APPENDIX  601 

THE  PILGRIM  COMPANY  IN   LEYDEN. 

Ainsworth,  John.  Tobacco-worker.  Betrothed  to  Eliz.  Keble  Dec.  5, 
1636,  with  witnesses  Thos.  Nash  and  her  moth.,  Eliz.  Keble. 
Married  Dec.  24.  Guaranteed  as  citizen  by  Tlios.  Johnson  and 
Sam.  Lee  Nov.  4,  1639.  With  bro.-in-law,  Wm.  Back,  and 
wives  sold  house  to  Steph.  Butterfield  May  3,  1646.  Witnessed 
betrothal  of  Sam.  Lee  Oct.  18,  1648.    Lived  on  Pleterskerksteeg. 

Elizabeth  (Keble).    Wife  of  John.    With  motli.  and  sist.,  Mercy, 

mortgaged  house  on  Dwarsheerensteeg  for  300  gilders  Sept.  13, 
1638.  With  sist.,  Mercy,  and  husbands  sold  house  on  St.  Mlchel- 
steeg  for  1500g.  to  Steph.  Butterfield  May  3,  1646.  Sold  mort- 
gaged house  for  1700g.  to  Dirckson  van  Assel  Dec.  13,  1646. 
Wit.  bet.  of  Gid.  Bartlett  Feb.  10,  1651.  Lived  on  Chursteeg. 
Wit.  bet.  of  John  Price  June  8,  1651.  Do.  Jas.  Jennings  May 
21,  1654. 

AUerton,  Isaac,  m.  From  London.  Tailor.  Bet.  to  Mary  Norris 
Oct.  7,  1611,  with  wits.  Rich.  Masterson,  Ed.  Southworth,  Dille 
(Priscilla)  Carpenter  and  Anna  (Susanna)  Fuller.  Mar.  Nov.  4. 
Guar,  by  Rog.  Wilson  and  Hen.  Wood  Feb.  7,  1614.  Guar,  bro.- 
in-law,  Deg.  Priest,  Nov.  16,  1615.  Wit.  bet.  of  Ed.  Winslow 
Apr.  27,  1618.  Do.  Rog.  Wilkins  Sept.  16,  1619.  Buried  child  ^ 
in  St.  Peter's  Feb.  5, 1620.  Then  lived  in  Pieterskerkhof.  With 
Bradford,  Fuller  and  Winslow  wrote  letter  from  Leyd.  to  Car- 
ver and  Cushman  in  Eng.  June  10,  1620. 

Alary  {Norris).    M.    From   Newbury,  Berks.    Wife  of  Is.    Wit. 

bet.  of  John  Reynolds  July  28,  1617.  Do.  Ed.  Winslow  Apr.  27, 
1618.    Do.  Dan.  Fairfield  July  14,  1618. 

.    Child  of  Is.  and  Mary.    Died  Feb.,  1620. 

Bartholomew,    m.    Son  of  Is.  and  Mary. 

Remember,    m.    Dau.  of  Is.  and  Mary. 

Mary.    m.    Dau.  of  Is.  and  Mary. 

John.   M.   Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.,  May  21,  1616.    Then  lived  in 

Pieterskerkhof. 

.    Child  of  John.    Died  1616. 

Robert.  From  Scotland.  John  Brown  and  Rob.  Robertson  de- 
posed, Aug.  21,  1619,  that  he  had  lived  in  Leyd.  12  years. 

Arnold,  Elias.  Watch-maker.  Bet.  to  Sincere  Pickering  Feb.  22, 
1636,  with  wits,  his  bro.,  Nath.  Arnold,  of  Amst.,  and  her  moth., 
Mary  Pickering.  Mar.  Mar.  18.  Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jennings,  Jr., 
Aug.  21,  1648.    Lived  on  Bapenburg. 

^  Not  necessarily  young.    Of  any  age  under  twenty-one. 


602  APPENDIX 

Arnold,  Sincere  (Pickering).    Wife  of  Elias. 

Sylvanus.    From  London.    Hat-maker.    Bet.  to  Hest.  Butterfield, 

July  16, 1632,  with  wits,  her  bro..  Staph.  Butterfield,  and  Sar. 

Lee.    Mar.  July  31.    Lived  on  G-roenensteeg. 

Hester  (Butterfield).    Wife  of  Sylv. 

Back,  William.   Son  of  Hen.    Shoemaker.    Bet.  to  Mercy  Keble  Apr. 

7,  1640,  with  wits.  Corn.   Symons   and   her  moth.,  Eliz.  Keble. 

Mar.  Apr.  30.    Lived  on  Langehrugge,    With  bro.-in-law,  John 

Ainsworth,  and  wives  sold  house  to  Steph.  Butterfield  May  3, 

1646. 
Mercy   (Keble).    Wife  of  Wm.     With  moth,  and  sist.,   Eliz., 

mortgaged  house  on  Dwarsheerensteeg  for  300g.  Sept.  13,  1638. 

With  sist.,  Eliz.,  and  husbs.  sold  house  on  St.  Michelsteeg  for 

1500g.  to  Steph.  Butterfield  May  3, 1646.    Sold  mortgaged  house 

for  1700g.  to  Dirckson  van  Assel  Dec.  13,  1646. 
Bailey,  Daniel.    Wit.  bet.  of  Sus.  Bailey  to  Is.  Chilton  May  6,  1615. 

Prob.  her  bro.-in-law. 

Susanna  (de  la  Cluse).    From  Norwich,  Norf.    See  Sus.  Chilton. 

Barker,  Elizabeth.  M.     From  "  Chatsum."  ^     See  Eliz.  Winslow. 
Barlow,  Thomas.  Bur.  wife  in  St.  Pet.  July  1,  1621.    Then  lived  on 

Langebrugge.    Wit.  bet.   of  dau.,  Abig.,  to  John  Dunham  Oct. 

7,  1622.    Do.  dau.,  Anna,  to  Nath.  Walker  May  28,  1624.    Do. 

dau.,  Mary,  to  Steph.  Foster,  of  Rotterdam,  June  4,  1639. 

( ).   Wife  of  Thos.    Died  1621. 

Abigail.    Dau.  of  Thos.    See  Abig.  Dunham. 

Anna.    Dau.  of  Thos.    Wit.  bet.  of  sist.,  Abig.,  to  John  Dunham, 

Oct.  7,  1622.    See  Anna  Walker. 
Mary.  Dau.  of  Thos.    Bet.  to  Steph.  Foster,   printer's  man,  of 

Rotterdam,  June  4,  1639,   with  wits,  her  fath.,  Thos.   Barlow, 

and  Bridg.  Robinson.    Mar.  July  23. 
Barrow,^  Zechariah.    Wool-carder.  Widower  of  Ellen.    Bet.  to  Joan 

Barrow  June  16, 1616,  with  wits.  John  Crackstone,  Mos.  Fletcher 

and  Wyb.  Pontus.    Mar.  July   2.    Lived   on    Vliet.    Wit.  bet.  of 

dau.,  Marg.,  to  Rog.  Wilklns,  Sept.  16,  1619.    At  census  of  Oct. 

15,  1622,  hved  with  wife  in  ZevenMiysen.    Bur.  in  St.  Pancras 

May  22,  1624.    Then  lived  on  Ramsteeg. 

Ellen  ( ).    1st  wife  of  Zech. 

Joan  (Barrow).    2d  wife  of  Zech. 

Margaret.    Dau.  of  Zech.  and  Ellen.    See  Marg.  Wilkins. 

Bartlett,  Gideon.    Tobacco-pipe-maker.    Bet.  to  Anna  Stuart,  Feb.  10, 

1651,  with  wits.  John  Price  and  Eliz.  Ainsworth.    Mar.  Mar.  4. 
^  Doubtless  Chattisham,  Suff.  ^  Possibly  Barry. 


APPENDIX  603 

Bartlett,  Anna  (Stuart).   Wife  of  Gid. 

Bassett,  William,    f.    From  Sandwich,  Kent.  Master-mason.    Widr.  of 

Cicely.    Bet.  to  Mary  Butler,  Mar.  19,  1611,  with  wits.  Wm. 

Brewster,  Rog.  Wilson,  Anna  (Susanna)  Fuller  and  Rose  Lisle. 

She  died  before  marriage.    Bet.  to  Marg.  Oldham,  July  29,  1611, 

with  wits.   Ed.   Southworth,  Rog.  Wilson,  Eliz.  Neal  and  Wyb. 

Pontus.    Mar.  Aug.  13.    Mar.  3d  wife,  Eliz. ,  before  coming 

to  N.  E.  in  1621. 

Cicely  (Light).    1st  wife  of  Wm. 

Margaret  (Oldham).   2d  wife  of  Wm. 

Elizabeth  ( ).    f.   3d  wife  of  Wm. 

Beere,  Elizabeth  (Sharp).    See  Eliz.  Coit. 

Belden,  Marcus.    Guar.  John  Spooner  Sept.  18,  1623. 

Bennett,  Anthony.    Cloth-maker.    Widr.  of  Eliz.    Bet.  to  Mercy  Peck 

Apr.  6,  1644,  with  wits.  Pet.  Powell  and  Eliz.  Williams.    Mar. 

Apr.  23.    Lived  on  Langegracht. 

Elizabeth  (Whittington).    1st  wife  of  Anth. 

Mercy  (Peck).    2d  wife  of  Anth. 

Bishop,  Elizabeth  ( ).    From  Canterbury,  Kent.  Wit.  bet.  of  dau., 

Mary,  to  Pet.  Wood,  Jr.,  July  8,  1643. 

Mary.    Dau.  of  Eliz.    See  Mary  Wood. 

Mary  (Another).    See  Mary  Johnson. 

Blossom,    Thomas.    From  Cambridge.    Geo.   Rogers,   student,  when 

matric.  in  Leyd.  Univ.,  Oct.  27, 1609,  lived  with  him.   Gave  power 

of  atty.  to  wife,  Ann,  Mar.  12, 1610,  to  sell  houses  in  Cambridge, 

Eng.    Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  Apr.  12,  1617.    Then  lived  in  Pie- 

terskerkhof.    With  Fras.  Jessop,  Rich.  Masterson,  Thos.  Nash 

and  Rog.  White  wrote  to  Wni.  Bradford  at  Plym.,  N.  E.,  Nov.  30, 

1625.   Wrote  to  same  Dec.  15,  1625.^   Came  to  N.  E.  with  wife 

and  two  sons  in  1629. 
Ann  ( ).    Wife  of  Thos.    Inherited  by  will  of  moth's,  fath. 

certain  houses  in  Cambridge,  Eng.,  and  received  power  of  atty. 

from  husb.  to  sell  them,  especially  two  in  St.  Giles  Parish,  Mar. 

12,  1610. 

.    Child  of  Thos.  and  Ann.    Died  1617. 

Thomas.    Son  of  Thos.  and  Ann. 

Peter.   Son  of  Thos.  and  Ann. 

Boey,  Peter.    Guar.  Rog. Wilson  Dec.  7, 1609.    Do.  John  Turner  Sept. 

27,  1610. 
Bowman,  Margaret.    Bet.  to  Edm.  Elias  White  Aug.  14, 1629.    Banns 

forbidden.    See  E.  E.  White. 

1  Bradford.   Letter  Bk.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.  I.  iii :  41,  44. 


604  APPENDIX 

Bradford,  William.  M.  From  Austerfield,  Yorks.  Fustian-weaver. 
Guar,  by  Win.  Lisle  and  Rog.  Wilson  Mar.  30,  1612.  Wit.  bet. 
of  Dor.  Pettinger  Nov.  1, 1613.  Bet.  to  Dor.  May  at  Amst.  Nov. 
9,  1613,  he  being  23  and  she  16,  with  wit.  her  fath.,  Hen.  May  ; 
and  at  Leyd.  Nov.  15  unaccompanied  and  by  "  attestation  upon 
their  own  behalf."  Mar.  at  Amst.  Dec.  10.  The  Leyd.  records 
have  an  entry  of  the  marriage  with  the  note  "  No  certificate  left." 
Wit.  bet.  of  Mos.  Fletcher  Nov.  30,  1613.  Guar.  Sam.  Lee  Oct. 
19,  1615.  Borrowed  400g.  from  Jan  van  Griecken  on  house  in 
Achtergradvt  June  12,  1617.  Sold  this  house  for  1120g.  to  Jan 
des  Obrys  Apr.  19,  1619.  Guar.  Wm.  Ring  June  7,  1619.  With 
Is.  Allerton,  Fuller  and  Winslow  wrote  letter'  from  Leyd.  to 
Carver  and  Cushman  in  Eng.  June  10,  1620. 

Dorothy  {May),  m.  From  Wisbech,  Cambs.  Dau.  of  Hen.^  Wife 

of  Wm.    Wit.  bet.  of  Hen.  Wilson,  May  13,  1616. 

John.    Son  of  Wm.  and  Dor.   Came  to  Plym.  in  1627  or  soon 

after. 

Brewer,  TJiomas.  Printer.  Matric.  in  Letters  at  Leyd.  Univ.  Feb.  17, 
1615,  aged  35.  Bought  Groenehuis,  next  but  one  to  John  Robin- 
son's, for  3200g.  from  Johann  de  Lalaing,  June  17,  1617.  Bur. 
child  in  St.  Pet.  Aug.  30,  1618.  Bur.  son  there  Oct.  3,  1618. 
Bur.  1st  wife  there  Oct.  20,  1618.  Assoc,  with  Wm.  Brewster 
in  printing  business.  Exam,  by  univ.  authorities  Sept.  21-23, 
1619,  and  had  printing  materials  seized  upon  demand  of  Eng. 
ambassador.    Imprisoned.    Exam,  further  Oct.  21,  1619.    Sent  to 

Eng.,  accomp.  by  Jenkins  and  Wm.  Lisle  Nov.  12,  1619. 

Ordered  detained  in  Leyd.  May  9, 1620.  Bur.  young  dau.  in  St. 
Pet.  Aug.  27,  1620.  Lived  in  Zevenhuysen^^  Oct.  15,  1622,  with 
wife,  six  children,  and  Thos.  and  Hest.  Willis  (not  servants  and 
possibly  the  Willets).  As  one  of  Merch.  Advents,  signed  at  Lon- 
don Apr.  7,  1624,  and  Oct.  — ,  1626,  letters  to  Plym.  Col.  and 
made  new  terms  through  Is.  AUei'ton,  Sold  house  in  Leyd.  July 
15,  1630.  E.  Arber  cites  document  ^  to  the  effect  that  Brewer 
lived  in  Kent  about  1626. 

( ).   1st  wife  of  Thos.   Died  1618. 

1  Hist.  49. 

2  Rog.  White  in  letter  of  Dec.  1,  162.5  {Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.  I.  iii :  42),  to  Brad- 
ford speaks  of  "  your  father-in-law,  Mr.  May." 

8  The  record  describes  him  as  "  Eng-elsch  Edelman,"  i.  e.,  English  noblenaan. 
Apparently  he  was  understood  to  be  of  high  descent. 

*  Story,  246.    James  Martinis  Detection  of  Brownists  in  Kent. 

"  The  said  Brewek  .  .  .  being  a  man  of  good  estate,  is  the  general  patron  of 
the  Kentish  Brownists ;  who,  by  his  means,  daily  and  dangerously  increase." 


APPENDIX  605 

Brewer, .    Child  of  Thos.  and  1st  wife.    Died  Aug.,  1618. 

.    Son  of  Thos.  and  1st  wife.    Died  Oct.,  1618. 

Stephen.    Son  of  Thos.  and  1st  wife. 

Trintye.    Son  of  Thos.  and  1st  wife. 

Margaret  ( ).    2d  wife  of  Thos.    Must  have  mar.  him  soon 

after  1st  wife's  death,  as  she  apparently  had  four  children  before 
Oct.  15,  1622.1 

Daniel.    Son  of  Thos.  and  Marg. 

Rebecca.    Dau.  of  Thos.  and  Marg. 

John.   Son  of  Thos.  and  Marg. 

Daniel.    (A  second)  son  of  Thos.  and  Marg. 

Brewster,  William,  m.  From  Scrooby,  Notts.  Teacher  and  master- 
printer.  Guardian  of  Ann  Peck  on  June  12,^  1609.  Bur.  child 
in  St.  Pan.  June  20,  1609.  Then  lived  on  Stinksteeg.  Made 
affidavit  June  25,  1609,  with  wife  and  son,  Jon.,  of  receipt  of 
bale  of  cloth  from  Bern.  Ross.  Then  about  42  and  lived  on 
St.  Ursulasteeg.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Pontus  Nov.  13,  1610.  Do. 
Wm.  Bassett  Mar.  19,  1611.  Do.  Rand.  Thickins  Apr.  1,  1611. 
Do.  Wm.  Buckram  Nov.  30,  1611.  Sent  to  Eng.  with  Rob. 
Cushman  in  1617  to  treat  with  Virg.  Co.  With  Robinson  received 
at  Leyd.  letter  of  Nov.  12-22,  1617,  from  Sir  E.  Sandys.  With 
Robinson  replied  Dec.  15,  1617.  With  Robinson  sent  to  Sir  John 
Wolstenholme  letter  of  Jan.  17,  1617,  and  two  declarations  of 
belief  of  church  for  submission  to  Council.  Cushman's  letter  of 
May  8-18,  1619,  from  London  seems  to  prove  that  Brewster 
then  was  in  England  again.  Whether  he  ever  returned  to  Leyd. 
is  uncertain.  The  following  works  were  printed  by  Brewer  and 
himself :  — 

1.  An  Abridgement  of  that  Book  which  the  Ministers  of  Lincoln  Dio- 
cess  delivered  to  his  Majestic  upon  the  first  of  December  last,  being  the 
first  part  of  an  Apologye  for  themselues  and  their  brethren  that  refuse 
the  subscription  and  conformitie  which  is  required.     [Reprint.]  1617. 

2.  Commentarii  Succincti  Sf  Dilucidi  in  Proverbia  Salomonis.  Quibus 
adhibita  est  Prcefatio  lohannis  Polyandri.  By  T.  Cartwriglit.  4to.  1616 
or  1617. 

3.  A  Full  and  plaine  Declaration  of  Ecclesiastical  Discipline.  By 
W.  Travers  (?).     1616  or  1617. 

1  Possibly  she  was  a  -widow  already  having  children.  This  supposition  would 
account  for  their  number.  But  the  records  do  not  suggest  it.  All  the  children 
have  Brewer  as  the  last  name  or  the  contrary  names  would  be  stated.  That  two 
contemporary  children  should  have  the  same  first  name  was  the  fact  occasionally 
later  iu  the  Plym.  Col.,  but  no  other  instance  at  Leyden  has  been  noted. 

2  Recorded  twice,  and  one  entry  says  June  10. 


606  APPENDIX 

4.  Guil.  Amesii  ad  Responsum  Nic.  Grevinchovii  Rescriptio  con- 
tracta.   By  W.  Ames.   1617. 

5.  A  Trve,  Modest,  and  Ivst  Defence  of  the  Petition  for  Reformation, 
exhibited  [in  1603]  to  the  Kings  most  excellent  Maiestie,  containing  an 
Answere  to  the  Confutation  published  under  the  names  of  some  of  the  Vni- 
versitie  of  Oxford.   16mo.   1618. 

6.  Certain  Reasons  of  a  Private  Christian  against  Conformitie  to  kneeling 
in  the  very  act  of  receiving  the  Lords  Supper.  By  T.  Dightou.   16mo.   1618. 

7.  A  Little  Treatise  vpon  the  first  verse  of  the  122.  Psalme.  [Reprint.] 
By  R.  Harrison.    16mo.    1618. 

8.  A  Godly  Sermon  upon  the  3.  4.  5.  6.  7.  and  8.  verses  of  the  12. 
chapter  of  the  Epistle  of  S.  Paule  to  the  Romanes.  By  L.  Chaderton  (?). 
16mo.   1618. 

9.  The  Peoples  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophesie,  against  M^.  lohn 
Yates,  his  Monopolie.   By  J.  Robinson.    16mo.    1618. 

10.  A  Confvtation  of  the  Rhemists  Translation,  Glosses  and  Annotations 
on  the  New  Testament.   By  T.  Cartwright.   fol.   1618. 

11.  De  vera  et  genuina  Jesu  Christi  Domini  et  Salvatoris  nostri  Religione. 
16mo.    1618. 

12.  Hieronymi  Philadelphi  de  Regimine  Ecclesiae  Scoticanae  Brevis 
Relatio.    By  David  Calderwood.    1618. 

13.  Apologia  Ivsta  et  Necessaria  Qvorvndam  Christianorum,  ceque  con- 
tumeliose  ac  communiter  dictorum  Brownistarum  sive  Baroivistarum.  By 
John  Robinson.    16mo.    1619. 

14.  Perth  Assembly.  Containing  the  Proceedings  thereof.  Anon.  [But 
by  David  Calderwood.]   4to.    1619. 

15.  The  Second  Part  of  a  Plain  Discovrse  of  an  Vnlettered  Christian, 
wherein  by  Way  of  demonstration  hee  shevveth  what  the  reasons  bee  which 
hee  doth  ground  upon,  in  refusing  conformity  to  kneeling  in  the  act  of 
receiving  the  Lords  Supper.  By  Tho.  Dighton,  Gent.    16mo.    1619. 

16.  An  Answer  to  the  Ten  Covnter  Demands,  propvnded  by  T.  Drakes, 
Preacher  of  the  Word  at  H.  and  D.  in  the  County  of  Sussex.  By  Wil. 
Euring.    16mo.    1619. 

Brewster,  Mary.  M.  From  Scrooby.  Wife  of  Wm.  Made  affid.  with 
husb.  and  son,  Jon.,  June  25,  1609.  Then  about  40.  Wit.  bet. 
of  John  Reynolds  July  28,  1617. 

.    Child  of  Wm.  and  Mary.    Died  1609. 

.  Jonathan,    f.    From  Scrooby.    Son  of  Wm.  and    Mary.    Born 

Aug.  12,  1693.''  Ribbon-maker.  Made  affid.  with  parents  June 
25, 1609.  Then  about  16.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  Nov.  27,  1610. 
Guar,  by  Is.  de  Syde  and  Sebastianson  van  Hout  June  30,  1617. 
Wit.  bet.  of  John  Reynolds  July  28,  1617.  Do.  Ed.  Winslow 
Apr.  27,  1618.  Bur.  wife  in  St.  Pet.  May  10,  1619.  Lived  in 
Pieterskerkhof. 

^  Brewster  Bk.  See  Mayflower  Descendant,  i :  7. 


APPENDIX  607 

Brewster, ( ).    Wife  of  Jon.    Died  1619. 

.    Child  of  Jon.    Died  1610. 

Patience.   A.  l.  j.   Dan.  of  Wra.  and  Mary.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos. 

Smith  Dec.  12,  1618.    Mar.  T.  Prince  in  1624,  at  Plym. 
Fear.   A.  l.  j.    Dau.  of  Wm.  and  Mary.    Mar.  Is.  AUerton  in 

1626  at  Plym. 

Love.    M.    Son  of  Wm.  and  Mary. 

Wrestling,   m.    Son  of  Wm.  and  Mary. 


Bridgman,  William.   Joined  with  Brewsters  in  affid.  June  25,  1609. 

Then  about  26.    Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  July  20,  1612.    Guar.  John 

Lee  July  9,  1629.    Then  kept  inn. 

.    Child  oi^Vm.    Died  1612. 

Brook,  Hubert.    From  Leicester.    Watch-maker.    Guar,  by  Sam.  Lee 

and  Jac.  van  de  Wan  Nov.  1,  1630.    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Masterson 

Sept.  16,  1633. 
Brown,  John.  Wool-comber.    Deposed  with  Rob.  Robertson  about  Rob. 

Allerton  Aug.  21,  1619. 

Mary.    From  Colchester,  Essex.    See  Mary  Dunster. 

Buckram,    William.    From    Ipswich,   Suff.     Block-maker.    Widr.  of 

Judith.    Bet.  to  Eliz.  Neal  Nov.  30,  1611,  with  wits.  Wm.  Brew- 
ster,   Abr.    Gray,   Bridg.    Robinson    and    Jane    Thickins.    Mar. 

Dec.  17. 

Judith  ( ).    1st  wife  of  Wm. 

Elizabeth  (Neal).    2d  wife  of  Wm.  , 

Butler,  Mart/.   From  Norwich.   Bet.  to  Wm.  Bassett  Mar.  19,  1611. 

Died  before  marriage.   Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Apr.  9,  1611.    Lived  on 

JPieterskerkgracht. 
(Another).    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Pontus  Nov.  13,  1610.    Bur. 

in  St.  Pet.  July  16,  1616.    Lived  near  Vrouwekerk. 
Samuel.  From  Yarmouth,  Norf  .^  Merchant.    Bet.  to  Sar.  Porter 

Aug.  7, 1615,  with  wits.  Sara.  Fuller,  Wm.  Jepson,  Rosam.  Jepson 

and  Sar.  Minter.    Mar.  Aug.  25. 

Sarah  {Porter) .    Wife  of  Sam. 

Butterfield,    Hester.    From   Diss,  Norf.    Sist.    of  Steph.    See   Hest. 

Arnold. 
Stephen.    From  Norwich.    Bro.   of  Hest.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to 

Rose  Singer  Oct.  13,  1617,  with  wits.  Abr.  Gray  and  Sar.  Minter. 

Mar.  Oct.  30.    Lived  on  Nieuwesteeg.    Wit.  bet.  of  sist.,  Hest., 

to  Sylv.  Arnold  July  16,  1632.    Then  lived  near  Kraan.    Guar. 

by  Chris.  Ellis  and  John  Jennings  Nov.  20,  1637.    Then  book- 

1  Much  more  probably  that  from  which  several  Pilgrims  had  come  than  the 
other  Yarmouth,  that  in  the  Isle  of  Wight. 


608  APPENDIX 

seller.  Bought  house  on  St.  Josephsteeg  for  1050g.  from  Hen. 
Jepson  June  6, 1642.  Bought  house  on  St.  Michelsteeg  for  ISOOg. 
from  Eliz,  Ainsworth  and  Mercy  Keble  May  3, 1646.  Bur.  in  St. 
Pet.  Dec.  24,  1652.    Then  lived  by  Doelens. 

Butterfield,  Rose  {Singer).  Wife  of  Steph.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog.  Wilkins 
Sept.  17,  1619.- 

John.    Son  of  Steph.    Sold  to  Pet.  Godefroy  for  1175g.    Feb. 

27,  1669,  house  bought  by  Steph.  in  1642.  Mortgaged  house  for 
500g.  Mar.  11,  1670.  Bought  for  3790g.  from  est.  of  Fear  Jen- 
nings house  near  Coepoort  May  31,  1670.  A  guard,  of  her  chil- 
dren. Sold  mortgaged  house  for  842g.  to  Mich.  Verschoore  June 
4,  1672. 

Carey,  Sarah.  A.  l.  j.  From  "  Moncksoon."  i  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog. 
Wilkins  Mar.  28,  1614.    See  Sar.  Jenny. 

Carlisle,  James.  From  Hull,  Yorks.  Silver-smith.  Bro.  of  Anna  and 
Ellen.    1st  husb.  of  Eliz. 

Anna.    From  Hull.    Sist.  of  Jas.  and  Ellen.    See  Anna  Ross. 

Ellen.  From  Hull.  Sist.  of  Jas.  and  Anna  See  Ellen  Kings- 
land. 

Elizabeth  ( ).    Wife  of  Jas.    See  Eliz.  Smith. 

Carpenter,  Alexander.  From  Wrington,  Somers.  Wit.  bet.  of  dau., 
Jul.,  to  Geo.  Morton  July  6, 1612.  Do.  dau.,  Agnes,  to  Sam.  Fuller 
Mar.  15,  1613. 

Agnes  (or  A7ina).    Dau.  of  Alex.    Wit.   bet.  of  Ed.  Pickering 

Nov.  24, 1612.    See  Agnes  Fuller. 

Alice.     A.  L.  J.     Dau.  of  Alex.    Wit.  bet.  of  sist.,  Jul.,  to  Geo. 

Morton  July  6,  1612.  Do.  Ed.  Pickering  Nov.  24,  1612.  Do. 
sist.,  Agnes,  to  Sam.  Fuller  Mar.  15,  1613.  See  Alice  South- 
vForth. 

t/nliana.     A.  L.  j.     Dau.  of  Alex.     See  Jul.  Morton. 

Priscilla  (or   Dille).    Dau.  of  Alex.  Wit.   bet.   of  Is.  Allerton 

Oct.  7,  1611.  Came  to  Plym.,  N.  E.  "  soon  after  1627."  "  There 
mar.  Wm.  Wright. 

John.     Say-weaver.     Guar.  Bart.  Smith  Apr.  5,  1611. 


Carver,  John.  M.     Apparently  bur.  child  in  St.  Pan.  July  10,  1609. 
Then  lived  on  Middleberg.     Wit.  bet.  of  Hen.  Wilson   May  13, 

1  Probably  Monk  Soham,  Suff.    Possibly  Monkton,  Hants. 

^  Goodwin,  462.  He  also  says  that  there  was  another  daughter,  Mary,  who 
buried  her  aged  mother  at  Wrington  in  1644  and  then  came  over  to  Plymouth, 
■where  she  died  in  1687,  aged  about  90.  As  no  mention  of  the  mother  or  of  this 
daughter  occurs  at  Leyden,  possibly  they  never  went  to  Holland  but  remained  at 
Wrington.    She  seems  to  have  been  poor  in  1644. 


APPENDIX  609 

1616.  Do.  John  Jennings  Mar.  3,  1617.  Apparently  ^  bur. 
anoth.  child  in  St.  Pan.  Nov.  11,  1617.  Then  lived  on  Middle- 
gracht.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog.  Simmons  July  14,  1618.  Acted  more 
or  less  with  Brewster  and  Cushman  as  agent  of  Pilgrims  in  Eng- 
land 1617-20. 

Caxvev,  Catharine  { ).  M.  Wife  of  John.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog.  Chan- 
dler May  22,  1615.     Do.  Rob.  Cushman  May  19,  1617. 

.    Prob.  child  of  John  and  Cath.    Died  1609. 

.    Prob.  child  of  John  and  Cath,    Died  1617. 

Chandler,  Edmond.  Say-weaver.  Guar,  by  Rog.  Wilson  and  Hen. 
Wood  Nov.  11,  1613.  Guar.  John  Keble  Apr.  27,  1615.  Bur. 
child  in  St.  Pet.  Mar.  26,  1619.  Then  lived  in  Nieuwestadt. 
Guar.  Rog.  White  May  5,  1623.  Then  draper.  Guar.  Ed. 
Coolidge  Apr.  17,  1626.    Then  pipe-maker. 

.    Child  of  Edm.    Died  1619. 

Roger.    From    Colchester.    Say-weaver.     Bet.   to  Isab.  Chilton 

May  22,  1615,  with  wits.  Rog.  Wilson,  Cath.  Carver  and  Sar. 
Minter.  Mar.  July  21.  Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  with  wife  and  two 
children  Oct.  15,  1622. 

Isabella  {Chilton).   Wife  of  Rog.    Wit.  bet.  of  Hen.  Collet  May 

19,  1617. 

Samuel.    Son  of  Rog.  and  Isab. 

Sarah.  Dau.  of  Rog.  and  Isab. 

Charles,  Mildred.    See  Mild.  Terry. 

Chilton,  Angelina.    See  Ang.  Nelson. 

Isaac.    From  France.    Looking-glass-maker.    Bet.  to  Sus.  Bailey 

May  6,  1615,  with  wits.  Dan.  Bailey,  prob.  her  bro.-in-law,  her 
parents,  Jean  and  Cath.  de  la  Close, ^  and  Anna  van  Tyburgen. 
No  rec.  of  wedding.    Prob.  it  was  at  Amst.^ 

^  In  the  first  case  the  name  in  the  record  seems  to  be  Carceer,  and  in  the  sec- 
ond Taver.    Without  much  doubt  each  stands  for  Carver. 

2  They  lived  in  Amsterdam,  but  apparently  had  lived  earlier  in  Norwich  and 
London,  Eng.  He  was  an  elder  (Cong,  in  Lit.  339.  But  J.  Howells  —  Epis.  Ho. 
Elian.  10  —  says  a  deacon)  in  Ainsworth's  church  in  1612.  The  Leyden  records 
give  "  Cathlyne  "  plainly.  But  as  the  Amsterdam  records  state  that  when  Jean 
married  Alice  (Lewis),  widow  of  Thos.  Dickens,  Aug.  7,  1604,  he  was  widower  of 
Cath.,  the  Leyden  clerk  must  have  set  down  Susanna's  mother's  name,  which  nat- 
urally might  have  been  mentioned,  as  that  of  her  step-mother  who  evidently  was 
present.  This  step-mother  must  have  been  Jacqueline  (May)  de  la  Cluse,  from 
Wisbech,  Carabs.,  whom  Jean  had  married  May  14,  1609,  sister  of  Dor.  (May) 
Bradford. 

^  The  absence  of  any  entry  of  a  marriage  following  a  betrothal  may  have  been 
accidental  in  some  cases,  but  is  more  likely  to  mean  that  the  wedding  took  place 
elsewhere  and  was  recorded  where  it  occurred. 


610  APPENDIX 

Chilton,  Susanna  (de  la  Cluse,  Bailey).    Wid.  of .    Wife  of  Is. 

Isabella.    From  Canterbury.    See  Isab.  Chandler. 

Clark,  Susanna  (Cleary).    Wid.  of  Thos.  John  Lee  and  Thos.  Mitchell 

testified  to  her  good  standing  Aug.  15,  1622. 
Claverly,  Nicholas.    Tobacco-pipe-maker.    Sam.  Lee   and  Deg.  Priest 

deposed,  Apr.  — ,  1616,  that  he  had  lived  in  Leyd.  4  years.    For 

some  reason  this  record  is  crossed  out,  but  the  deposition  evidently 

was  made. 
Clement,  Anthony.    Bombazine-weaver.    Wit.   bet.  of    Steph.  Tracy 

Dec.  18,  1620.    Guar.  Rog.  White  May  5,  1623.    Widr.  of  Jane. 

Bet.   to   Clara  Jones  Mar.  5,  1627,  with  wits.    Quivyn   Johnson 

and  Mary  Jones.    Mar.  Mar.  20.    Lived  on  Marendoiy. 

Jane  (Jones).    1st  wife  of  Anth. 

Clara  (Rogers,  Jones).    Wid.  of  John.    Lived  on  Haarlemstraat. 

2d  wife  of  Anth. 
Coit,  John.    Bro.  of  Thos.    Wit.  his  bet.  Apr.  14,  1623. 
Thos.    Say-weaver.    Bet.   to   Eliz.    Beere    Apr.  14,  1623,  with 

wits,  his  bro.,  John  Coit,  John  Fowle,  and  her  moth.,  Jane  Sharp. 

Mar.  Apr.  29.    Bet.  to  Pris.  Phillips  Mar.  17,  1626,  with  wits. 

Wm.  de  Corninck  and  Justina  Jones.    Mar.  Apr.  4. 
Elizabeth  (Sharp,  Beere).   Dau.  of  Jane.    Wid.  of .    1st  wife 

of  Thos. 
Priscilla  (Fletcher,   Phillips).  Wid.  of  .    2d  wife  of  Thos. 

See  Pris.  Terry. 
Collet,   Henry.    Twine-maker.    Bought   house   on    Dtoarsheerensteeg 

from  Thos.  van  Oudermarck  Mar.  21,  1612.   Guar,  by  Abr.  Gray 

and  Rich.  Masterson   Mar.  30,    1612.    Sold  same  house  to  John 

Keble   Mar.   28,  1614.    Widr.  of  Anna.    Bet.  to  Alice   Howarth 

May  19,   1617,   with  wits.    .John  Crackstone,  Thos.  Harris  and 

Isab.  Chandler.  Mar.  June  3.    Lived  on  Korte  Heerensteeg. 

Anna  (Harris).    1st  wife  of  Hen. 

Alice  {Thomas,  Hoivarth).  Wid.  of  John.  2d  wife  of  Hen. 

Coolidge,  Edward.  Tailor.  Guar,  by  Edm.  Chandler  and  John  Spooner 

Apr.  17,  1626. 
Cox,  Valentine.    1st  hush,  of  Anna. 

Anna  (Hamden).-^    Wid.  of  Val.    See  Anna  Hatfield. 

Crackstone,  John.    m.    From  Colchester.    Wit.  bet.  of  Zech.  Barrow 

June  16,  1616.    Do.  Hen.  Collet  May  19,  1617.    Do.  dau.,  Anna, 

to  Thos.  Smith  Dec.  12,  1618. 

{Anna).    Dau.  of  John.    See  Anna  Smith. 

John.  M.    Son  of  John. 

*  Hentem  in  entry. 


APPENDIX  611 

Crips,  Joseph.  From  Chichester,  Sussex.  Card-maker.  Guar,  by 
Joost  Lambrechts  and  Thos.  Smith  June  3,  1616.  Lived  in 
Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15,  1622. 

Christina.    Wife  of  Jos. 

Anna.    Dau.  of  Jos.  and  Christ. 

Jeremiah.    Son  of  Jos.  and  Christ. 

Crook,  Anthony.    Advocate.    Husb.  of  Eliz. 

Elizabeth  (Ellis).    Evidently  related  to  Chris.,  etc.    Mortgaged 

ten  houses  in  Groenepoort  to  minor  child  of  Jochem  Rous  Oct.  5, 
1667.  Sold  house  for  300g.  to  Aernout  Couerniet  -Jan.  7,  1668. 
Sold  anoth.  for  750g.  to  Pet.  La  Broij  Mar.  10,  1668.  Sold 
anoth.  for  420g.  to  Pet.  Piadt  June  30,  1668.  Sold  anoth.  for 
625g.  to  Nich.  Schinkels  Nov.  15,  1668.  Sold  anoth.  for  900g. 
to  John  Poock  Dec.  8,  1668.  Her  children.  Rich,  and  Hest.,  wife 
of  Lenfer  Ramp,  sold  the  ten  mortgaged  houses  to  Mary  Maar- 
tens  Mar.  2,  1678. 

Hester.    Dau.  of  Anth.  and  Eliz.    Mar.  Lenfer  Ramp. 

Richard.    Son  of  Anth.  and  Eliz. 

Cushman,  Robert.  From  Canterbury.  Wool-comber.  Bought  house 
from  Corn.  Ghysberts  van  Groenendael  Nov.  4,  1611.  Bought 
anoth.  from  same  Apr.  19,  1612.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  Mar.  11, 
1616.  Then  lived  on  Nonnensteeg.  Bur.  wife,  Sar.,  in  St.  Pet. 
Oct.  11,  1616.  Then  lived  on  Boisstraat.  Bur.  anoth.  child  in 
St.  Pet.  Oct.  24, 1616.  Then  lived  on  Hontmarckt.  Bet.  to  Mary 
Singleton  May  19, 1617,  with  wits.  John  Keble  and  Cath.  Carver. 
Mar.  June  5.  Sold  first  named  house  to  John  de  Later  Sept.  19, 
1619.  With  Brewster  and  Carver  acted  as  agent  of  Pilgrims  in 
England  1617-20.  Went  as  far  as  Plym.,  Eng.,  with  Pilg.  emi- 
grants but  returned.  Letters  ^  from  him  at  Lond.  to  company  at 
Leyd.  and  to  Carver,  at  Dartmouth  to  Southworth,  and,  appar- 
ently from  Lond.,  to  Plym.  Col.  preserved  by  Bradford.  Visited, 
Plym.  Col.  in  1621. 

Sarah  ( ).    1st  wife  of  Rob.    Died  1616. 

.    Child  of  Rob.  and  Sar.   Died  Mar.  1616. 

.    Child  of  Rob.  and  Sar.    Died  Oct.  1616. 

Thomas,    f.    Son  of  Rob.  and  Sar.    Born  1607." 

Mary  {Singleton).    Wid.  of  Thos.    2d  wife  of  Rob. 

Cuthbertson,  Cuthhert.    A.  l.  j.    Hat-maker.    Bet.  to  Eliz.  Kendall 

1  Hist.  36,  51 ,  54,  56, 122, 143, 159.  Also  one  from  Jas.  Sherley  and  others  to  the 
Col.  "  wrote  with  Mr.  Cushman's  hand  ;  and  it  is  likely  was  penned  hy  him  at  the 
other's  request."   Letter  Bk.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.  I.  iii :  29. 

-  14  in  1621.    Goodwin,  190.    Mayflower  Descendant,  iv  :  .37-38. 


612  APPENDIX 

May  12,  1617,  with  wits,  her  bro.  and  moth.,  Ed.  and  Eliz.  Ken- 
dall, and  Eliz.  Keble.  Mar.  May  27.  Bet.  to  Sar.  Priest  Oct.  25, 
1621,  with  wits.  John  Josephson,  Wm.  White  and  Sar.  Talbot. 
Mar.  Nov.  13. 

Cuthbertson,  Elizabeth  (Kendall).    1st  wife  of  Cuth. 

Sarah  (Allerton,  Vincent,  Priest),    a.  l.  j.    Sist.  of  Is.   Wid. 

of  John.   Wid.  of  Deg.    2d  wife  of  Cuth. 

Samuel.   A.  l.  j.    Son  of  Cuth. 

Denby,  William.    1st  hush,  of  Sar. 

Sarah.    Wid.  of  Wm.    See  Sar.  Fletcher. 

Dennis,  Herbert.  Guar.  Rob.  Robertson  and  John  Warnes  May  20, 
1622. 

De  Soete,  John.    1st  husb.  of  Anna. 

Anna  (Kendall).    Dau.  of  Aar.  Wid.  of  John.    See  Anna  Dun- 

ster. 

Dunham  (or  Denham),  John.  Widr.  of  Sus.  Bet.  to  Abig.  Barlow 
Oct.  7,  1622,  with  wits,  her  fath.  and  sist.,  Thos.  and  Anna  Bar- 
low. Mar.  Oct.  22.  Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15,  1622,  with 
three  children  by  1st  wife. 

Susanna  (Kenney).    1st  wife  of  John. 

John.    Son  of  John  and  Sus. 

Humility.    Dau.  of  John  and  Sus. 

Thomas.    Son  of  John  and  Sus. 

Abigail  (Barlow).    2d  wife  of  John.    Wit.  bet.  of  sist.,  Anna, 

to  Nath.  Walker  May  28,  1624. 

Dunster,  John.    Bro.  of  Sim.    Wit.  his  bet.  Sept.  22,  1623. 

Leonard.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Mary  Brown  Jan.  10, 1620,  with 

wits,  her  moth,  and  step-fath.,  Mary  (Brown)  and  Jas.  Sunder- 
land.   Mar.  Jan.  25.    Wit.  bet.  of  Jas.  Milbrook  Nov.  17,  1622. 

Mary  (Brown).    Dau.  of  Mary  (Brown)   Sunderland.    Wife  of 

Leon, 

Simon.    Bro.  of  John.   Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Anna  de  Soete  Sept. 

22,  1623,  with  wits.  John  Dunster  and  Anna  Martins.  Mar. 
Oct.  8. 

Anna  (Kendall,  de  Soete).    Wid.  of  John.    Wife  of  Sim. 

Ellis,  John.  Wool-comber.  Deposed  to  knowledge  of  bro.-in-law, 
Rich.  Masterson,  Mar.  20,  1619.  Then  about  50.  Wit.  bet.  of 
Rich.  Masterson  Nov.  8,  1619.  Apparently  had  been  married 
twice  with  one  child  by  each  wife.  Having  removed  to  Eng.  and 
being  about  to  marry  again,  gave  house  on  Barbarasteeg  to  son, 
Chris.,  June  18,  1629.  Gave  nothing  to  dau.,  Mary,  she  having 
had  much  more  from  her  mother's  estate. 


APPENDIX  613 

Ellis, (Masterson).    Prob.  2d  wife  of  John. 

Mary.    Dau.  of  John. 

Christopher}    Son  of  John.    Cabinet-maker.    Guar,   by  Fred. 

Jones  and  Quiryn  Mees  Dec.  2,  1619.  Bet.  to  Hest.  Leonard 
Nov.  12,  1621,  with  wit.  Pet.  van  Zyl.  Mar.  Dec.  3.  Received 
house  on  Barbarasteeg  fi'om  fath.  June  18,  1629.  Bought  two 
houses  from  Martha  Jepson,  by  her  guards.,  John  Jennings  and 
John  van  Leevven,  Jan.  11, 1636.  Sold  house  on  Sonnerveltsteeg 
for  llOOg.  to  And.  Parkins  Aug.  4,  1636.  Sold  house  in  Fie- 
terskerkhof  iov  llOOg.  to  And.  Williams  June  18,  1637.  Bought 
several  houses  in  Groenepoort  from  Marth.  Jejjson,  by  same 
guards.,  June  25,  1637.  Guar.  Steph.  Butterfield  Nov.  20,  1637. 
With  And.  Johnson,  guard,  of  children  of  Jasper  Eelhont,  and 
Ivar  Powells  sold  house  on  Langeschoolsteeg  to  Sierick  van  Trit- 
sum  Dec.  3,  1637.  Sold  house  for  1200g.  May  10,  1638.  Sold 
house  on  Papengracht  for  645g.  to  Dud.  Rochester  Nov.  8, 1638. 
Sold  house  for  400g.  to  Corn,  van  Warraont  Mar.  17,  1639. 
Sold  him  anoth.  for  600g.  May  16,  1639.  Sold  mortgage  for 
1438g.  to  Benj.  de  Wannemaker  May  17,  1639.  Bought  from 
Pet.  Gerritson  part  of  house  in  Groenepoort  formerly  owned  by 
Thos.  Brewer  May  4,  1640.  Sold  house  for  3248g.  to  Jac.  Lau- 
wyck  Apr.  29,  1641.  Sold  house  for  4590g.  to  And.  de  Moieys 
May  31,  1641.  Sold  house  on  Bouwenlouwensteeg  for  534g.  to 
Charel  Volmans  June  25, 1641.  Sold  house  for  2183g.  to  Hillis 
van  Heussen  Oct.  10, 1641.  Sold  half  house  on  Langegracht  for 
850g.  to  Pet.  de  Norm  Oct.  16,  1641.  Sold  house  for  680g.  to 
Rich.  Thonisson  Apr.  16,  1642.  As  guard,  of  children  of  Josse 
Maria  van  Houtons  sold  house  for  750g.  to  Joachim  Lemme  May 

27,  1642.  Sold  house  for  455g.  to  Hen.  Melchiors  July  4,  1642. 
Rented  house  valued  at  300g.  for  15g.  a  year  to  Tobias  Moyaert 
Jan.  16,  1643.  On  same  day  also  sold  him  house  for  2310g.  Sold 
house  for  1480g.  to  Cath.  van  de  Wyngaert  May  6,  1643.  Sold 
house  for  1182g.  to  Carl  Toinison  June  3,  1643.  Sold  house  for 
602g.  to  Jost  dementia,  wid.  of  Prof.  Reynerus  Bontius,  June  22, 
1643.  With  And.  Parkins  sold  house  for  712g.  to  Christ.  Hene- 
man  Aug.  6,  1643.  Sold  house  on  Langebrugge  for  1640g.  to 
Alb.  Henricks  van  Diggerhorst  July  15,  1645.  Joined  night 
watch,  or  city  guard,  in  place  of  Hen.  Peterson,  sent  to  hospital, 
June  26,  1646.    Sold  vacant  lot  for  160g.  to  Hillis  Janson  May 

28,  1647.    Sold  house  for  770g.  to  Hendrick  van  Stoffeert  May  7, 

^  Generally  recorded  as  Stoffel  Janson,  i.  e.,  Christopher,  son  of  John.    Now  and 
then,  however,  his  name  is  written  Stoffel  Janson  Ellis,  thus  identifying  him. 


614  APPENDIX 

1648.  Sold  house  for  567g.  to  John  van  de  StofPe  Dec.  10,  1G48. 
Sold  house  for  900g.  to  Machtel,  wid.  of  Gerrit  Adrieiis,  and 
oths.  June  18,  1650.  Excused  from  service  in  night  watch,  be- 
ing 60  years  old,  Aug.  22,  1651.  With  John  Price  became  guai-d 
of  Sam.  Parkins  July  31,  1653.  Will  dated  Sept.  23,  1656.  Died 
before  Aug.  11,  1668. 

Ellis,  Hester  (Leonard).  Wife  of  Chris.  Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jones,  Sept. 
29,  1634. 

Abraham.  Son  of  Chris,  and  Hest.  Cabinet-maker.  Eleven  houses 

in  Groenepoort'^  transferred  to  him  Feb.  29,  1664.  Applied  to 
magistrates  Jan.  21,  1666,  for  leave  to  mortgage  one  house  in  or- 
der to  raise  money  to  repair  oths.  By  fath's.  will  had  income 
from  them  but  could  not  mortgage  or  sell  without  special  per- 
mission.   Living  in  Leyd.  in  1681. 

Jacob.    Son  of  Chris,  and  Hest. 

Anna.    Dau.  of  Chris,  and  Hest.    Living  unmarried  in  Leyd.  in 

1681. 

England,^  Thomas,   m.    Wit.  bet.  of  Jac.  McConkey  May  31,  1613. 

Fairfield,  Daniel.  From  Colchester.  Son  of  Jac.  Say-weaver.  Wit. 
bet.  of  Rog.  Simmons  July  14,  1618.  Bet.  to  Rebec.  Willet  same 
day  with  wits.  Rog.  Simmons  and  Mary  Allerton.  Mar.  Aug.  4. 
Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15, 1622,  with  wife  and  three  children. 
Wit.  bet.  of  sist.-in-law,  Hest.  Willet,  to  Pet.  Wood  Oct.  19,  1623. 

Rebecca  {Willet).    Wife  of   Dan.    Wit.  bet.  of   sist.,  Hest.,  to 

Pet.  Wood  Oct.  19,  1623.    See  Rebec.  Jepson. 

Daniel.    Son  of  Dan.  and  Rebec. 

Rebecca.    Dau.  of  Dan.  and  Rebec. 

John.    Son  of  Dan.  and  Rebec. 

Fassett,    Roger.     Glove-maker.   Guar,    by  Geo.    Ferguson    and    Pet. 

Wright  Sept.  8,  1623. 
Ferguson,  George.    From  Scotland.    Shoe-maker.     Deposed  in   1616 

that  he  was  36.    Guar.  Rog.  Fassett  Sept.  8,  1623.    Do.  Wm. 

Smith  Feb.  16,  1626.    Do.  Humph.  Howell  Dec.  4,  1626. 
Ferris,  John.    Bro.-in-law  of  Rob.  Lamkin.    Wit.  his  bet.  Mar.  18, 

1616. 
Finch,  Mary.    Wit.  bet.  of  Rich.  Masterson  Nov.  8,  1619. 
Fletcher,  3£oses.   M.   Smith.    Widr.  of  Maria.    Bet.  to  Sar.    Denby 

Nov.  30,  1613,  with  wits.  Wm.  Bradford,  Wm.  Lisle,  Sar.  Priest 

and  Marg.  Savory.   Mar.  Dec.  21.   Wit.  bet.  of  Zech.  Barrow  June 

16,  1616. 

^  Here  this  evidently  is  the  same  as  the  Pieterskerkhqf. 
2  Undoubtedly  the  Thos.  English  of  the  Mayflower. 


APPENDIX  615 

Fletcher,  Maria  (Evans).    1st  wife  of  Mos. 

Sarah  ( ,  Denhij).    Wid.  of  Wm.    2d  wife  of  Mos. 

Fowle,  John.  Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Coit  Apr.  14,  1623.  Do.  Mart.  West 
Dec.  27,  1625. 

Freeman,  Joseph.  Vouched  for  by  affids.  of  Anth.  Fretwell  and  Thos. 
Smith  June  13,  1613. 

Fretwell,  Anthony.  From  Norwich.  Tailor.  Made  affid.  in  behalf  of 
Jos.  Freeman  June  13,  1613.  Then  36.  Guar.  Pet.  Wi'ight  May 
6,  1622. 

Fuller,  Samuel.  M.  From  London.  Say-weaver.  Said  to  have  been 
born  at  Wrington,  Somers.,  and  bred  a  butcher.^  Wit.  bet. 
of  Deg.  Priest  Oct.  7,  1611.  Do.  Wm.  White  Jan.  27,  1612. 
Widr.  of  Alice.  Bet.  to  Agnes  Carpenter  Mar.  15,  1613,  with 
wits,  her  fath.,  Alex.  Carpenter,  Ed.  Southworth,  Wm.  White, 
Rog.  Wilson,  her  sist.,  Alice  Carpenter,  and  his  sist.,  Anna  (Su- 
sanna) White.  Mar.  Apr.  24.  Wit.  bet.  of  sist.-in-law,  Alice  Car- 
penter, to  Ed.  Southworth  May  7,  1613.  Do.  Sam.  Terry  May 
16,  1614.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  June  29,  1615.  Bur.  wife  there 
July  3,  1615.  Then  lived  in  Pieterskerkhof.  Wit.  bet.  of  Sam. 
Butler  Aug.  7,  1615.  Do.  Edm.  Jessop  Sept.  16,  1615.  Bet.  to 
Bridg.  Lee  May  12, 1617,  with  wits,  her  moth,  and  bro.,  Josephine 
and  Sam.  Lee.  Mar.  May  27.  Then  lived  near  Marejyooy't.  Wit. 
bet.  of  John  Goodman  Sept.  16,  1619.  With  Is.  Allerton,  Brad- 
ford and  Winslow  wrote  letter  from  Leyd.  to  Carver  and  Cushnian 
in  Eng.  June  10,  1620. 

Alice  (Glascock).  1st  wife  of  Sam. 

Agnes  (^Carpenter).  2d  wife   of  Sam.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  July  3, 

1615. 

.    Child  of  Sam.    Died  1615. 

Bridget  {Lee).  A.  L.  j.  3d  wife  of  Sam.    Wit.  bet.  of  bro.,  Sam. 

Lee,  Mar.  26,  1621. 

Susanna.    M.    Sist.  of  Sam.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Pontus  Nov.  13, 

1610.  Do.  Wm.  Bassett  Mar.  19,  1611.    Do.  Is.  Allerton  Oct.  7, 

1611.  See  Sus.  White. 

Golding,  Elizabeth.    From  Diss.    See  Eliz.  Johnson  and  Eliz.  Price. 
Goodale,  Mary.    From  Leiston,  Suff.    See  Mary  Masterson. 
Goodman,  John.    m.    Linen-weaver.    Widr.   of    Mary.    Bet.   to  Sar. 

Hooper  Sept.  16,  1619,  with  wits.  Sam.  Fuller,  Rose  Jepson  and 

Anna  (Susanna)  White.    Mar.  Oct.  10. 

Mary  (Backus).    1st  wife  of  John. 

Sarah  {Hooper).    2d  wife  of  John. 

1  Morton's  New  Eng.  Canaan,  152. 


616  APPENDIX 

Gray,  Abraham.  From  London.    Cobbler.    Guar,  by  Wm.  Lisle  and 

Rog.  Wilson  June  25,  1610.    Guar.   Hen.  Wood  Dec.  10,  1610. 

Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Buckram   Nov.  30,  1611.    Guar.   Hen.  Collet 

Mar.  30,    1612.    Do.  Wm.    Minter   May  3,    1613.    Do.  Thos. 

Tinker  Jan.  6,  1617.    Wit.  bet.  of  Steph.  Butterfield  Oct.  13, 

1617. 
Greenwood,   John.    From  London.    Matriculated  at   Leyd.  Univ.  in 

Philos.  July  9,  1625,  aged  20.  Then  lived  with  John  Keble.  Bet. 

to  Bridg.  Robinson  May  10, 1629,  with  wits.  Sam.  Lee,  Thos.  Nash, 

Ellz.  Keble  and  Bridg.  Robinson,  the  bride's  moth.  Mar.  May  26. 

Matric.  in  Theol.  May  22,  1634,  aged  28.    Still  lived  with  John 

Keble. 
Bridget   {Robinson).  Lived  on  Beestemarckt.    Wife   of  John. 

Mar.  Wm.  Lee,  of  Amst.,  from  Eccleston,^  July  25, 1637. 
Grindon,  Prude7ice.    From  London.    See  Prud.  Reynolds. 
Hallett,  Anna  ( ,  Harding).    Wit.  bet.  of  dau.,  Anna  Harding,  to 

Rog.  Wilkins  Mar.  28, 1614. 
Hammond,  Dorothy.    Memb.  of  Smyth's  church  at  Amst.  in  Mar., 

1609.2    Wit.  bet.  of  Rob.  Peck  Oct.  1,  1609. 
Hanson,  Wybra.    See  Wyb.  Pontus. 

Harding.  Anna.    Dau.  of  Anna  Hallett.    See  Anna  Wilkins. 
Hardy,   Michael.    From    Sudbury.^    Baize-weaver,    Lived  on   Schei- 

straat.    Bet.  to  Mary  Hardy  Sept.  11,  1626,  with  wits.  Francois 

Le  Leu  and  Ann  Spooner.    Mar.  Sept.  26. 
Mary.    From  Colchester.    Servant  in  Robinson's  family  Oct.  15, 

1622.    Wife  of  Mich. 
Hari'is,  Thomas.    1st  husb.  of  Jane.    Wit.  bet.  of  Hen.  Collet  May  19, 

1617.    Prob.  bro.  of  Anna  (Harris)  Collet. 

Jane.    Wid.  of  Thos.    See  Jane  Milbrook. 

Hatfield,  Thomas.    Wool-comber.    Bet.  to  Anna  Cox   Apr.  16,  1621, 

with  wits.  John  Hawley  and  Jane  Lee.    Mar.  May  1.    Wit.  bet.  of 

Rob.  Warriner  Mar.  1,  1624. 

Anna  (Hamden,  Cox).    Wid.  of  Val.  Wife  of  Thos. 

Hawley,  John.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Hatfield  Apr.  16, 1621. 

Nicholas.    Guar.  Wm.  Lisle  June  21,  1610. 

Hazel,*  Jane.  Niece  of  Eliz.  Barker.    Wit.  her  bet.  to  Ed.  Winslow 

Apr.  27,  1618. 
Hillebrant,  Margaret.  Wit.  bet.  of  Jac.  McConkey  May  31,  1613. 

^  Probably  Eggleston,  Dur. 

2  Evans.    Early  Eng.  Bapts.  i:  252. 

2  Whether  that  in  Derby.,  Mid.,  or  SufF.  is  unknown. 

*  Spelled  Phesel  in  the  entry,  but  with  the  P  crossed  out. 


APPENDIX  617 

Hooper,  Sarah.    See  Sar.  Goodman. 

Horsfield,  Edward.  Prob.  fath.  or  bro.  of  Rosani.  Lived  with  Win. 
Jepson  Oct.  15,  1622. 

Rosamond.   From  Worksop,  Notts.    See  Rosam.  Jepson. 

Horswell,  Mary.    See  Mary  Parsons. 

Howarth  (or  Houth),  John.    1st  husb.  of  Alice. 

Alice  {Thomas).    Wid.  of  John.    See  Alice  Collet.^ 

Howell,  Humphrey.  Tailor.  Guar,  by  Geo.  Ferguson  and  John 
Spooner  Dec.  4,  1626. 

Hunt,  Abigail,    From  Guernsey.    See  Abig.  Jessop. 

Hurst,  Jacob.  Linen-weaver.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rob.  Peck  Oct.  1,  1609. 
Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15,  1622,  with  wife,  three  children 
and  maid.    "  Too  poor  to  be  taxed." 

Margaret.    Wife  of  Jac. 

Isaac.    Son  of  Jac.  and  Marg. 

Mary.    Dau.  of  Jac.  and  Marg. 

Silvester.    Son  of  Jac.  and  Marg. 

Jackson,  William.  Stocking-seller.  Made  affid.^  Feb.  26, 1619.  Then 
40.   Guar,  by  John  Keble  and  Rog.  White  May  26,  1631. 

Jacobson,  William.    Wit.  bet.  of  Geo.  Matersc^  Apr.  6,  1640. 

Jenkins,'^ .    With  Wm.  Lisle  accomp.  Thos.  Brewer  to  Eng.  in 

Nov.-Dec,  1619. 

Jennings,  John.  From  near  Colchester.  Fustian-weaver.  Wit.  bet.  of 
Rob.  Peck  Oct.  1,  1609.  Bet.  to  Eliz.  Pettinger  Dec.  17,  1610, 
with  wits.  Ed.  Southworth,  Rog.  Wilson,  Jane  Peck  and  Anna 
Ross.  Mar.  Dec.  31.  Bet.^  to  Rose  Lisle  Mar.  3, 1617,  with  wits. 
John  Carver  and  Rose  Jepson.  Mar.  Mar.  23.  Then  merchant. 
Guar,  by  Hen.  Jepson  and  John  Keble  Nov.  25,  1627.  Then 
lived  on  Coepoortsgracht  and  stocking-merchant.  Wit.  bet.  of 
John  Masterson  Sept.  16,  1633.  With  John  van  Leewen,  as 
guards,  of  Marth.  Jepson,  sold  houses  Jan.  11  and  Dec.  5,  1636, 

^  Its  purport  was  that,  when  he  recently  was  in  Amsterdam,  one  Rob.  Starre 
was  charged  with  some  offence  and  was  in  hiding,  and  that  Starre's  wife  had 
begged  him,  when  he  should  have  returned  to  Leyden,  to  warn  Benj.  Engells  and 
Geo.  Hillers  to  go  away  lest  they  be  arrested  and  forced  to  testify  against  her  hus- 
band. Without  their  evidence  she  thought  that  the  action  against  Starre  would  be 
dropped. 

2  Letter  from  Sir  W.  Zouche  to  Sir  B.  Carleton,  Nov.  26-Dec.  6, 1619.  Quoted  by 
Arber.  Story,  226-227. 

^  This  entry  affords  one  of  the  most  striking  illustrations  of  the  strange  trans- 
formations of  English  names  in  the  Dutch  records.  Jennings  is  called  here 
Jan  "  Gielles,"  but  is  described  as  "  widower  of  Eliz.  Pettinger,"  which  identifies 
him. 


618  APPENDIX 

and  June  25, 1637.  Guar.  Steph.  Butterfield  Nov.  20, 1637.  Then 
tobacco-dealer.  Made  will  May  18,  1639.  Bjuglit  house  in  Coe- 
poortsteeg  in  1642. 

Jennings,  Elizabeth  {Pettinger).  1st  wife  of  John.  Wit.  bet.  of  Ed. 
Southworth  May  7,  1613.  Do.  sist.,  Dor.,  to  Hen.  Collins  Nov.  1, 
1613. 

Hose  (Lisle).    2d  wife  of  John.    Wit.  bet.  of  Steph.  Tracy  Dec. 

18,  1620.  Do.  Mart.  West  Dec.  27,  1625.  Lived  on  Coej)oorts- 
gracht.  Wit.  bet.  of  And.  Parkins  Jan.  4,  1630.  Do.  John  Mas- 
terson  Sept.  16,  1633.  Made  will  May  18,  1639.  Wit.  bet.  of 
dau.,  or  step-dau.,  Mercy,  to  Sim.  Stuart  Mar.  17,  1640.  Then 
lived  on  Delftsche  Vliet.  Bought  house  from  Balten  van  Vliet 
May  16,  1641.  Bought  anoth.  on  Coejpoortsgracht,  for  2400g. 
from  heirs  of  wid.  of  Hen.  Hendricks  Nov.  21, 1642.  Wit.  bet.  of 
son,  or  step-son,  John  Jennings,  Jr.,  Aug.  21, 1648.  Bought  anoth. 
house  Oct.  29,  1648.  Made  codicil  to  will  Oct.  11, 1666.  Bur.  in 
St.  Pet.  between  Feb.  11  and  18  (prob.  11  or  12),  1668.  Then  lived 
on  Coepoortsg7'acht.    Inventory  of  property  dated  Mar.  18,  1668. 

Elizabeth.    Dau.  of  John.    See  Eliz.  Vliers. 

John.    Son  of  John.    Wool-comber.    Lived  on  Coepoortsgracht. 

Bet.  to  Fear  Robinson  Aug.  21,  1648,  with  wits.  Elias  Arnold 
and  Rose  Jennings,  his  moth,  or  step-moth.  Mar.  Sept.  8.  Made 
will  Dec.  1,  1664.  Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Dec.  7,  1664.  Then  lived  on 
Molesteeg. 

Fear  (Robinson).  Lived  on  Kloksteeg.  Wife  of  John,  Jr.  Chose 

Is.  de  Meij  and  Thos.  Jones  guards,  of  three  minor  children,  Mar. 
12,  1668.  Received  Apr.  18,  1668,  as  share  of  husb.'s  estate 
house  on  Coepoortsgracht,  valued  at  about  1950g.,  which  his 
fath.  had  bought  in  1642.  Made  will  ^  Mar.  20,  1669.  Made 
codicil  Jan.  27,  1670.  Died,  leaving  three  minor  children,  before 
May  31, 1670.  House  of  hers  near  Coepoort,  prob.  the  above,  sold 
to  John  Butterfield  on  that  date  for  3790g.  by  guards,  of  her 
children. 

Mercy.    Dau.  of  John.     See  Mercy  Stuart. 

Joseph.    From   London.  Cloth-filler.    Bet.  to  Sar.  Lee  May  21, 

1654,  with  wits.  John  de  Bort, Jennings,  his  bro.,  and  E^' 

Ainsworth.    Mar.  June  14. 

Sarah  ( ,  Lee).  Wife  of  Jos. 


1  One  record  {Burg.  Bag.  Bk.  B.  f ol.  272)  says  plainly,  "  Will  of  John  Jen- 
nings, widower  of  Fear  Robinson,  of  date  Mar.  20, 1669."  But  the  recorder  trans- 
posed the  names.  John  had  died  in  1664,  and  the  record  should  read,  "  of  Fear 
Hobinson  Jennings,  widow  of  John." 


APPENDIX  619 

Jenny,  John.    A.  L.  j.    From   Norwich.    Brewer's  man.    Bet.  to  Sar. 

Carey  Sept.  5,  1614,  with  wits.  Rog.  Wilson  and  Jane  Lee.    Mar. 

Nov.  1.    Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  June  16,   1618.    Then  lived  on 

Veldestraat. 

Sarah  {Carerf).   A.  L.  j.    Wife  of  John. 

.    Child  of  John  and  Sar.    Died  1618. 

Sarah.   A.  L.  j.    Dau.  of  John  and  Sar. 

Samuel.    A.  L.  J.    Son  of  John  and  Sar. 

Abia:ail.    A.  l.  j.    Dau.  of  John  and  Sar. 


Jepson,  Anna.  Moth,  of  John.    Wit.  his  bet.  Apr.  18,  1637. 

John.  From   Yarmouth.    Cooper.    Bet.  to  Hel.  Smith  Apr.  18, 

1637,  with  wits.  And.  Parkins,  John  Price,  Anna  Jepson,  his 
moth.,  and  Dor.  Parkins.    Mar.  May  9. 

Helena  (Smith).  Wife  of  John. 

Henry.  From  Worksop.   Bro.  of  Wm.  Say-weaver.   Bet.  to  Jane 

Powell  Dec.  8,  1617,  with  wits.  Hen.  Wood  and  Jane  Lee.  Mar, 
Dec.  23  ^  or  soon  after.  Guar,  by  Wm.  Jepson  and  John  Keble 
May  17,  1621.  Guar.  Jos.  Spalding  June  11,  1621.  With  bro., 
Wm.,  bought  house  on  St.  Josephsteeg  July  21,  1621.  Received 
power  of  atty.  from  Hen.  Wood  to  sell  property  Feb.  2,  1622. 
Guar.  John  Jennings  Nov,  25,  1627.  Sold  property  for  Hen. 
Wood  Dec.  13,  1629.  Wit.  bet.  of  bro.-in-law.  Pet.  Powell,  June 
13,  1631.  Bought  right  of  bro.  Wm.'s  heir,  Marth.  Jepson,  in 
house  in  St.  Josephsteeg  owned  jointly  Dec.  5,  1636.  Then  mer- 
chant. Sold  this  house  for  lOSOg.  to  Steph.  Butterfield  June  6, 
1642, 

Jane  {Powell).  Wife  of  Hen.  Wit.  bet.  of  bro.,  Pet.  Powell, 

June  13,  1631.  Then  lived  in  Vrowencamp.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm, 
Waldron  Aug,  25,  1634, 

Thomas,    Leather-worker.  Widr.  of  Christina.    Bet.   to  Rebec. 

Fairfield  Sept.  18,  1626,  with  wits.  Pet.  Wood  and  Hest. 
Thomas.'^    Mar.  Oct.  3. 

Christina  (Wood).    1st  wife  of  Thos. 

Rebecca  (Willet,  Fairfield).  2d  wife  of  Thos. 

William.  From  Worksop.    Bro.  of  Hen,     Carpenter,  afterwards 

merchant.  Bet,,  at  Amst.,  to  Rosam.  Horsfield  Apr.  11,  1609, 
he  being  26  and  she  25.  Mar.  Apr.  28.  With  John  Robinson,  Hen. 
Wood  and  Jane  White  bargained  for  house  in  Kloksteeg,  Jan.  27, 
1611.    Completed  purchase  May  5,  1611.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  White 

1  The  date  of   the  third,  and  last,  publication  of  the  banns,  usually  followed 
immediately  by  the  wedding. 

2  Hest.  (Wiilet)  Wood,  dau.  of  Thos.  Willet. 


620  APPENDIX 

Jan,  27,  1612.  Sold  house  on  Groenhasegracht  for  971g.^  to 
Wni.  Minter  Sept.  10,  1614.  Wit.  bet.  of  Sam.  Butler  Aug.  7, 
1615.  Do.  Edm.  Jessop  Sept.  16,  1615.  Do.  Hen.  Wilson  May 
13,  1616.  Guar,  by  John  Keble  and  Wm.  Minter  Dec.  16,  1616. 
Then  said  to  be  from  Hull.  Guar.  Thos.  Rogers  June  25,  1618. 
Do.  bro.,  Hen.  Jepson,  May  17,  1621.  With  bro.,  Hen.,  bought 
house  on  St.  Josephsteeg  July  21,  1621.  Lived  in  Zevenhuysen 
Oct.  15,  1622,  with  wife,  two  daus.  and  Ed.  Horsfield.  Bought 
out  oth.  owners  of  Robinson  estate  Dec.  13,  1629.  Believed  to 
have  died  of  plague  in  1635,  aged  about  52. 

Jepson,  Rosamond  {Horsfield).  Wife  of  Wni.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rand.  Thick- 
ins  Apr.  1, 1611.  Do.  Deg.  Priest  Oct.  7,  1611.  Do.  Wm.  White 
Jan.  27,  1612.  Do.  Sam.  Butler  Aug.  7,  1615.  Do.  Edm.  Jessop 
Sept.  16,  1615.  Do.  John  Jennings  Mar.  3,  1617.  Do.  John 
Goodman  Sept.  16, 1619.  Do.  Wm.  Officier  July  27, 1624.  Died 
before  Jan.  11,  1636. 

Abigail.     Dau.    of  Wm.    and    Rosam.     Died    before   Jan.    11, 

1636. 

Martha.    Dau.  of  Wm.  and  Rosam.    As  sole  surviving  heir  sold, 

by  guards.,  John  Jennings  and  John  van  Leewen,  two  houses  to 
Chris.  Ellis,  Jan.  11, 1636.  Sold  her  half  of  house  in  St.  JosepJv- 
steeg  to  oth.  owner,  her  uncle,  Hen.  Jepson,  Dec.  5,  1636.  Sold 
little  houses  in  Robinson  estate,  the  Groenepoort,  to  Chris.  Ellis, 
June  25,  1637. 

Elizabeth.    Perhaps  dau.  of    Hen.    See  Eliz.  Loder  and  Eliz. 

Matersc^. 

Jessop,  Edmond.  From  Ackworth,  Yorks.  Bombazine-weaver.  Bur. 
wife,  Ellen,  in  St.  Pet.  June  15, 1615.  Then  lived  on  Styensteeg. 
Bet.  to  Abig.  Hunt  Sept.  16,  1615,  with  wits.  Sam.  Fuller,  Wm. 
and  Rosam.  Jepson  and  Mary  Wood.  Mar.  Oct.  3.  Bur.  child  in 
St.  Pet.  July  24,  1618.  Then  lived  in  Pieterskerkhof.  Auth.  of 
"  A  Discovery  of  the  Errors  of  the  English  Anabaptists  "  in  1623. 

Ellen  {Underwood).    From  Ackworth.    1st  wife  of  Edm.    Died 

1615. 

Abigail  {Hunt).   2d  wife  of  Edm. 

.    Child  of  Edm.    Died  1618. 

Francis.    From  Rotherham  and  Sheffield,  Yorks.   Son  of  Rich. 

Had  mar.  Frances  White,  at  Worksop,  Jan.  24,  1605.  Guar,  by 
John  Keble  and  Rog.  White  May  5,  1625.  Then  shop-keeper. 
With  Blossom,  Rich.  Masterson,  Thos.  Nash   and    Rog.    White 

^  Another  record  says  85(^. 


APPENDIX  621 

wrote  letter  from  Leyd.  to  Bradford  and  Wm.  Brewster  Nov,  30, 

1625.    Returned  to  Eng.,  to  Beccles,  Suff.    Mar.  again  in  1637. 
Jessop,  Frances  (White).    From  Worksop.    Apparently  sist.   of  Rog. 

White,  Bridg.  Robinson  and  Jane  Thickins.   Wife  of   Francis. 

Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Nash  Oct.  27,  1628.    Died  in  Eng.  in  1636. 
Johnson,  Jacob.    1st  husb.  of  Eliz. .   Guar.  Wm.  Smith  Feb.  16, 

1626. 
Elizabeth  ( ).   Dau.  of  Wm.   Wid.  of  Jac.    Lived  in  Vrowen- 

camp.    See  Eliz.  Peck. 

Qiiiryn.   Wit.  bet.  of  Anth.  Clement  Mar.  5,  1627. 

Thomas.    Wool-comber.    Guar.  Wm.  Kibbett  and  Walt.  Tucker 

Dec.  6, 1638.    Do.  John  Ainsworth  Nov.  4, 1639.   Widr.  of  Mary. 

Bet.  to  Eliz.  Golding  Mar.  2,  1640,  with  wits.  Sam,  Lee  and 

Anna  Spooner.^  Mar.  Mar.  20.    Then  lived  on  Oade  Vest. 

Mary  (Bishop).    1st  wife  of  Thos. 

Elizabeth  (Golding).    2d  wife  of  Thos.  Lived  on  Oostdvjerststeeg. 

See  Eliz.  Price. 
Jones,  Clara  (Rogers).    See  Clara  Clement. 

Dorothea.    Wit.  bet.  of  Jas.  Milbrook  Nov.  17,  1622. 

Elizabeth.   Wit.  bet.  of  Sam.  Lee  June  15,  1618. 

Frederick.    Guar.  Chris.  Ellis  Dec.  2,  1619. 

Jane.  See  Jane  Clement. 

John.    Widr.  of  Pris.    Bet.  to  Eliz.  Thomas  Sept.  29,  1634,  with 

wits.  Pet.  van  der  Bosch   and   Hest.   Leonard.^    Mar.   Oct.  15. 

Lived  on  Vrowensteeg. 

Priscilla  (Jennings).   1st  wife  of  John. 

Elizabeth  (Seymour,  Thomas).    Wid.  of  Sam.    2d  wife  of  John. 

Justina.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Coit  Mar.  17,  1626. 

Mary  {Van   Vredenhurg).    Moth,  of   Anna   Van  Vredenburg. 

Wit.  bet.  of  dau.,  Anna,  to  Sim.  Moses  Nov.  4,  1616.    Do.  Anth. 

Clement  Mar.  5,  1627. 
Thomas.    From  Dorchester,  Dorset.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Anna 

Swift  Nov.  8, 1619,  with  wits.  Rob.  Robertson  and  Marg.  Savory. 

Mar.  Nov.  23. 

Anna  (Sivift).    Wife  of  Thos. 

Thomas  (Another).    From  "  Beere,"  *  Kent.  Say-weaver.   Bet.  to 

Jane   Peters  June  13,  1637,  with  wits.  Rob.  Lamkin   and  her 

moth.,  Mary  de  Croo.   Mar.  July  19.  Lived  on  Haarlemstraat. 

Guar.  Raph.  Lovell  Sept.  23,  1639.    Guard.,  with  Is.  de  Meij,  of 

^  Ann  (Peck-Spooner)  Powell.  ^  Hest.  (Leonard)  Ellis. 

^  Unknown.  If  in  Kent,  it  must  have  been  some  small  place.  The  Beer  in  Devon 
and  that  in  Dorset  are  unlikely. 


622  APPENDIX 

Fear  Jennings's  children  Mar.  12,  1668.  As  such  sold  house  on 
Coepoortsgracht  for  3790g.  to  John  Butterfield,  May  31,  1670. 

Jones,  Jane  (de  Croo,, Peters).  Dau.  of  Mary.  Wid.  of  Abr.  Wife  of 
Thos. 

Josephson,  John.    Wit.  bet.  of  Cuth.  Cuthbertson  Oct.  25,  1621. 

Joy,  Robert.    Wit.  bet.  of  Jas.  Kingsland  Nov.  27,  1615. 

Keble,  John.  From  Canterbury.  Wool-comber  and  say-draper.  Wit. 
bet.  of  Rog.  Wilkins  Mar.  28,  1614.  Bought  house  on  Divar- 
sheerensteeg  from  Hen.  Collet  same  day.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet. 
July  23,  1614.  Then  lived  on  Coepergracht.  Guar,  by  Edm. 
Chandler  .and  Hen.  Wood  Apr,  27,  1615.  Guar.  Wm.  Jepson 
Dec.  16,  1616.  Do.  Thos.  Tinker  Jan.  6,  1617.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rob. 
Cushman  May  19,  1617.  Guar.  Hen.  Jepson  May  17,  1621.  Do. 
Fras.  Jessop  May  5,  1625.  Had  John  Greenwood  in  fan)ily  July 
9,  1625,  and  (doubtless  with  wife,  Bridg.)  May  22,  1634.  Guar. 
John  Jennings  Nov.  25,  1627.  Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Nash  Oct.  27, 
1628.  Do.  And.  Parkins  Jan.  4,  1630.  Guar.  Wm.  Jackson  May 
26, 1631.  Then  tobacco-merchant.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm,  Waldron  Aug. 
25, 1634.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Oct.  19,  1635.    Then  lived  in  Camp. 

Elizabeth  {Acres).  Wife  of  John.  Wit.  bet.  of  Cuth.  Cuthbert- 
son May  12, 1617,  Do,  Rich,  Masterson  Nov.  8,  1619,  Do.  John 
Greenwood  May  10,  1629,  Bur,  dau.  in  St.  Pan.  May  2,  1635. 
Bur.  hush,  in  St.  Pet.  Oct.  19,  1635.  Then  lived  in  Camp.  Wit. 
bet.  of  dau.,  Eliz.,  to  John  Ainsworth  Dec.  5,  1636.  With  daus., 
Eliz.  and  Mercy,  mortgaged  for  300g.  Sept.  13,  1638,  house  on 
Divar sheer ensteeg  bought  by  her  husb.  in  1614.  Wit.  bet.  of  dau., 
Mercy,  to  Wm.  Back  Apr.  7,  1640.  Then  lived  on  Vischhrugge. 
Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  May  2,  1645.    Then  lived  in  Marendorp. 

Elizabeth.    Dau.  of  John  and  Eliz.    See  Eliz.  Ainsworth. 

Mercy.    Dau.  of  John  and  Eliz.    See  Mercy  Back. 

.    Child  of  John  and  Eliz.    Died  1614. 

.    Dau.  of  John  and  Eliz.    Died  1635. 

Kendall,  Aaron.    Husb.  of  Eliz. 

Elizabeth   ( ).    Wife,  or  wid.,  of  Aar.    Wit.  bet.  of  dau., 

Eliz.,  to  Cuth.  Cuthbertson  May  12,  1617. 

Elizabeth.    Dau.  of  Aar.  and  Eliz.    See  Eliz.  Cuthbertson. 

Edward.    Son  of  Aar.  and  Eliz.    Wit.  bet.  of  sist.,  Eliz.,  to  Cuth. 

Cuthbertson  May  12,  1617. 

Anna.    Dau.  of  an  Aar.,  perhaps  the  same.    See  Anna  de  Soete. 

Kibbett  (or  Cubitt),  William.  From  Norwich.  Tobacco-merchant. 
Guar,  by  Thos.  Johnson  and  Sam.  Lee  Dec.  6,  1638.  Guar.  Mich. 
KnoUys  May  14,  1640. 


APPENDIX  623 

Kingsland,  James.    Clothier.    Bet.  to  Ellen  Carlisle  Nov.  27,   1615, 

with  wits.  Rob.  Joy,  Bart,  and  Dorcas  Smith  and  Anna  Ross. 

Mar.  Dec.  12. 

Ell67i  {Carlisle).   Wife  of  Jas. 

Knollys,  Michael.    From  London.    Guar,  by  Wni.  Kibbett  and  Sam. 

Lee  May  14,  1640. 
Lamkin,  Robert.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Jacq.  de  Graef  Mar.  18,  1616, 

with  wits.  John  Ferris  and  her  moth.,  Jacobmyne  de  Graef.    Mar. 

Apr.  16.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Phillips  Aug.  9,  1630.    Do.  Thos. 

Jones  June  13, 1637.    Do.  Wm.  Parsons,  his  apprentice,  Mar.  13, 

1638.    Lived  on  Haarlemstraat. 
Jacqueline  (de  Graef).  Wife  of  Rob.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Parsons 

Mar.  13,  1638. 
Le,^  Tryphosa.    A.  L.  j.    See  Try.  Tracy. 
Lee,  Bridget.    A.  l.  j.    Dau.  of  Josephine.    Sist.  of  Sam.    See  Bridg. 

Fuller. 
Jane.'    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jenny  Sept.  5,  1614.    Do.  Hen.  Jep- 

son  Dec.  8,  1617.    Do.  Thos  Hatfield  Ajjr.  16,  1621. 

John.    Made  afRd.  with  Thos.   Mitchell  about  Sus.  Clark  Aug. 

15,  1622.  Then  44.  Guar,  by  Wm.  Bridgman  and  Rich.  Monck 
July  9,  1629.    Then  tobacco-merchant. 

Josephine.    Moth,  of  Sam.  and  Bridg.    Wit.  bet.  of  dau.,  Bridg. 

to  Sam.  Fuller  May  12,  1617. 

Samuel.    Hat-maker.    Guar,  by  Wm.  Bradford  and  Rog.  Wilson 

Oct.  19, 1615.  Wit.  bet.  of  John  Spooner  Nov.  9, 1616.  Do.  sist., 
Bridg..  to  Sam.  Fuller  May  12,  1617.  Bet.  to  Maria  Nash  June 
15,  1618,  with  wits.  Isr.  Nash  and  Eliz.  Jones.  Mar.  June  30. 
Guar.  Hen.  Stafford  Nov.  26,  1618.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  Feb. 
18,  1619.  Then  lived  in  Niexiwestadt.  Deposed  with  Deg.  Priest 
to  knowledge  of  Nich.  Claverly  Apr.  — ,  1619.  Then  30.  (Entry 
crossed  out.)  Bet.  to  Sar.  Talbot  Mar.  26,  1621,  with  wits.  Is. 
Marcus  and  his  own  sister,  Bridg.  Fuller.  Mar.  Apr.  10.  Guar. 
Jas.  Spalding  June  11,  1621.  Do.  Rob.  Robertson  and  John 
Warnes  May  20,  1622.  Wit.  bet.  of  bro.-in-law,  Sam.  Thomas, 
Jan.  31,  1623.  Do.  John  Greenwood  May  10, 1629.  Guar.  Hub. 
Brook  Nov.  1,  1630.  Wit.  bet.  of  And.  Parkins  Jan.  12,  1636. 
Then  lived  near  St.  Pancras.  Guar.  Wm.  Kibbett  and  Walt. 
Tucker  Dec.  6, 1638.  Then  tobacco-merchant.  Bought  house  for 
lOOOg.  Feb.  15,  1639.    Guar.  Raph.  Lovell  Sept.  23,  1639.    Do. 

1  This  usually  has  been  taken  as  Le ,  but  is  quite  as  likely  to  be  Lee.  Sam. 

Lee's  name  is  recorded  so  at  least  once. 

^  Seems  to  be  recorded  once  or  twice  as  Joanna  Lyons. 


624  APPENDIX 

John  Ainsworth  Nov.  4,  1639.  Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Johnson  Mar. 
2,  1640.  Guar.  Mich.  KnoUys  May  14,  1640.  Sold  house  on 
Houck  van  Hoogelandsche  Voorsteeg  for  2532g.  to  Jehens  An- 
thony June  5, 1640.  Sold  mortgage  of  548g.  to  Benj.  de  Wanne- 
maker  Sept.  8,  1642.    Guar.  Thos.  Otley  Sept.  26,  1642.    Bet.  to 

Sar.  Oct.  18,  1648,  with  wits.  John  Ainsworth  and   her 

moth..  Deb.  . .  Mar.  Oct.  27.    Then  lived  on  Pieterskerk- 

chunsteeg.  Bur.  in  St.  Pan.  Sept.  16, 1652.  Then  lived  in  Kerk- 
hof.    Had  become  bankrupt.    House  sold  June  13,  1653. 

Lee,  Maria  (Nash).  1st  wife  of  Sam. 

.    Child  of  Sam.  and  Mar.    Died  1619. 

Sarah  (Thomas,   Talbot).  Sist.  of  Sam.  Wid.  of  Wm.  2d  wife 

of  Sam.  Wit.  bet.  of  Cuth.  Cuthbertson  Oct.  25,  1621.  Do.  Sylv. 
Arnold  July  16,  1632. 

Sarah  ( ).  Dau.  of  Mich,  and   Deb.  3d  wife  of  Sam.    See 

Sar.  Jennings. 

Leonard,  Hester.    See  Hest.  Ellis. 

Lisle  (or  Lesley),  William.  From  Yarmouth.  Guar,  by  Nich.  Haw- 
ley  and  Rog.  Wilson  June  21,  1610.  Guar.  Abr.  Gray  June  25, 
1610.  Do.  John  Turner  Sept.  27,  1610.  Wit.  bet.  of  Deg.  Priest 
Oct.  7,  1611.  Guar.  Wm.  Bradford  Mar.  30,  1612.    Wit.  bet.  of 

Mos.  Fletcher  Nov.  30,  1613.    With Jenkins  accomp.  Thos. 

Brewer  to  Eng.  in  Nov.-Dec,  1619. 

Eose.  Dau.  of  Wm.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Bassett.    Mar.  19,   1611. 

See  Rose  Jennings. 

Mary.  Dau.  of  Wm.    See  Mary  West. 

Catharine.     Dau.  of  Wm.    See  Cath.  Masterson. 

Loder,  William.  1st  husb.  of  Eliz. 

Elizabeth  (Jepson).  Wife  of  Wm.    See  Eliz.  Matersc^. 

Lovell,  Raphael.  Cloth-draper.    Guar,  by  Thos.  Jones  and  Sam.  Lee 

Sept.  23,  1639.    Guar.  Thos.  Otley  Sept.  26,  1642. 
Lyons,  Joanna.    Apparently  same  person  as  Jane  Lee. 
Marcus,   Isaac.    Wit.  bet.  of  Sam.  Lee,  Mar.  26,  1621.    Do.  Thos. 

Nash  Oct.  27,  1628. 
Marshall,  Henry.    Wit.  bet.  of  Ed.  Pickering  Nov.  24,  1612. 
Martins,  Anna.  Wit.  bet.  of  Sim.  Dunster  Sept.  22,  1623.    • 
Masterson,  John.    From  Henley.^    Say-weaver.    Lived  in  CoepoortS' 

gracht.     Bet.  to  Cath.  Lisle  Sept.  16,  1633,  with  wits.    Hub. 

Brook  and  John  and  Rose  Jennings.    No  record  of  wedding. 

Catharine  (Lisle).  Wife  of  John. 

Richard.  From  Sandwich.  Wool-carder.    Wit.  bet.  of  Is.  AUer- 

^  Whether  that  in  Oxford.,  Suff.  or  Sussex  is  unknown. 


APPENDIX  625 

ton  Oct.  7,  1611.  Guar.  Hen.  Collet  Mar.  30,  1612.  Surety  for 
Rob.  Cushraan  in  buying  house  Apr.  19,  1612.  Bought  house  on 
Uiterstegracht  for  800g.  from  Rog.  Wilson  Jan.  2,  1614.  Subj. 
of  depos.  of  John  Ellis  and  Rog.  Wilson  Mar.  20,  1619.  Bet.  to 
Mary  Goodale  Nov.  8,  1619,  with  wits.  John  Ellis,  Wm.  Talbot, 
Mary  Finch  and  Eliz.  Keble.  Mar.  Nov.  23.  With  Blossom,  Eras. 
Jessop,  Thos.  Nash  and  Rog.  White  wrote  letter  to  Bradford  and 
Wm.  Brewster,  Nov.  30,  1625.  Came  with  wife  to  Plym.,  N.  E., 
in  1630. 
Masterson,  Mary  {Goodale).  Wife  of  Rich. 

Materscd,  George.  Son  of  Hen.  Linen-weaver.  Bet.  to  Eliz.  Loder 
Apr.  6,  1640,  with  wits.  Wm.  Jacobson  and  Bridg.  Robinson.^ 
Mar.  Apr.  21.    Lived  in  Vrowencamp. 

EHzabeth  (Jepson,  Loder).  Wid.  of  Wm.    Lived  in  Pieterskerk- 

hof.    Wife  of  Geo. 
McConkey,  Jacob.    From    Scotland.    Glove-maker.    Bet.  to    Bletgen 
Peters  May  31,  1613,  with  wits.  Thos.  England  and  Marg.  Hil- 
lebrant.    Mar.  June  22. 

Bletgen  {Peters).   Wife  of  Jac. 

Merritt,  Jane.  See  Jane  Peck. 

Milbrook,  James.  Say-weaver.  Bet.  to  Jane  Harris  Nov.  17,  1622, 
with  wits.  Leon.  Dunster  and  Dor.  Jones.    Mar.  Dec.  4. 

Jane  (Harris).    Wid.  of  Thos.    Wife  of  Jas. 

Minter,  William.^  From  Norwich.  1st  husb.  of  Sar  (Willet).  Guar, 
by  Abr.  Gray  and  Rog.  Wilson  May  3,  1613.  Bought  house  on 
Groenhasegracht  for  850g.^  from  Wm.  Jepson  Sept.  10,  1614. 
Guar.  Wm.  Jepson  Dec.  16,  1616. 

Sarah  (  Willet).    Dau.  of  Thos.   Wife  of  Wm.    Wit.  bet.  of  Rog. 

Chandler  May  22,  1615.  Do.  Sam.  Butler  Aug.  7,  1615.  Do. 
Hen.  Wilson  May  13,  1616.  Do.  Steph.  Butterfield  Oct.  13,  1617. 
See  Sar.  Simmons. 
Mitchell,  Thomas.  Made  affid.  with  John  Lee  about  Sus.  Clark  Aug. 
15,  1622.  Then  56.  Thought  to  have  been  fath.  of  Experience 
Mitchell,  who  came  to  Plym.,  N.  E.,  in  1623,  and,  possibly,  the 
Thos.  Mitchell,  from  Cambridge,  who  belonged  to  Eras.  Johnson's 

1  Wid.  of  John.  Her  daughter,  Bridget,  had  become  Bridget  Lee  and  was  living 
in  Arast. 

■^  A  John  Minter  is  recorded  as  having  had  Arthur  Aston  living  with  him  when 
the  latter  was  matriculated  in  Leyd.  Univ.  as  a  student  in  Letters  June  8,  1611. 
Nothing  but  the  name,  Minter,  connects  either  with  the  Pilgrims,  yet  John  is 
likely  to  have  been  related  to  Wm. 

3  Another  record  says  97  Ig. 


626  APPENDIX 

church  at  Ams.  in  1597-98,  a  turner,  widr.  of  Maria,  bet.  to  Marg., 
wid.  of  Chris.,  Uochin  (or  Digchin)  in  Amst.  Apr.  15,  1606,  and 
mar.  May  9. 

Monck,  Richard.    Tobacco-merchant.    Guar.  John  Lee  July  9,  1629. 

Morton,  George.  A.  L.  j.  From  York.  Bro.  of  Thos.  Prob.  born  at 
Harworth,  Notts.  Merchant.  Bet.  to  Jul.  Carpenter  July  6, 1612, 
with  wits.  Thos.  Morton,  Rog.  Wilson,  her  fath.  and  sist.,  Alex, 
and  Alice  Carpenter,  and  Anna  Robinson.  Mar.  July  23.  Wit. 
bet.  of  Ed.  Pickering  Nov.  24,  1612. 

Juliana  ^  {Carpenter).    A.  L.  j.    Wife  of  Geo. 

Nathaniel.   A.  l.  j.    Son  of  Geo.  and  Jul.    Born  1613. 

Patience.    A.  l.  j.    Dau.  of  Geo.  and  Jul.    Born  1615. 

John.    A.  L.  J.    Son  of  Geo.  and  Jul.    Born  1616. 

Sarah.   A.  L.  j.    Dau.  of  Geo.  and  Jul.    Born  1618. 

Thomas,    r.    Bro.  of  Geo.    Wit.  his  bet.  July  6,  1612. 

Thomas,  a.  l.  j.    Son  of  Thos. 

Moses,  John.    From  Sandwich.    Bet.  to  Josine  Sacharias  Dec.  5,  1619. 

Wit.  bet.  of  Help.  Terry  May  9,  1637.    Lived  on  Oude  Singel. 

Josine  (Sacharias).    From  Gouda.    Wife  of  John. 

Simon.    Lock-maker.    Bet.  to  Anna  Van  Vredenburgh  Nov.  4, 

1616,  with  wits,  his  guard..  Pet.  Wall,  and  her  moth.,  Mary  Jones. 

No  record  of  wedding. 

Anna  (Van  Vredenburgh).    Wife  of  Sim. 

Myers,  Dorothy.    From  Yarmouth.    See  Dor.  Parkins. 
Nash,  Israel.    Wit.  bet.  of  Sam.  Lee  June  15,  1618. 

Maria.    Possibly  sist.  of  Isr.    See  Mar.  Lee. 

Thomas.    Mentioned  in  letter  of  Is.  Allerton,  Bradford,  Fuller 

and  Winslow  from  Leyd.  to  Carver  and  Cushman  in  Eng.,  June 
10,  1620,  as  recently  arrived  from  Eng.  with  their  pilot.  Prob. 
went  with  Pilg.  emigrants  as  far  as  Plym.,  Eng.  With  Blossom, 
Fras.  Jessop,  Rich.  Masterson  and  Rog.  White  wrote  to  Bradford 
and  Wm.  Brewster  from  Leyd.  letter  of  Nov.  30,  1625.  Widr. 
of  Marg.  (Porter) .  Bet.  to  Marg.  Stuart  Oct.  27, 1628,  with  wits. 
John  Keble,  Is.  Marcus,  Frances  Jessop  and  Eliz.  White,  the 
bride's  aunt.  Mar.  Nov.  11.  Lived  in  Rijnsburgerpoort.  Wit. 
bet.  of  John  Greenwood  May  10,  1629.  Do.  And.  Parkins  Jan. 
4,  1630.  Then  lived  in  Noordende.  Wit.  bet.  of  John  Ainsworth 
Dec.  5,  1636.    Do.  Sim.  Stuart,  his  step-son,  Mar.  17,  1640. 

Margaret  (Porter) .    1st  wife  of  Thos. 

( .  Stuart).    Niece   of  Eliz.  White.    Wid.  of  Simeon. 

2d  wife  of  Thos. 

1  Here  set  down  as  from  "  Baert "  (Bath  ?)  in  Eng. 


APPENDIX  627 

Neal,  Elizabeth.    From  Scrooby.   Wit.  bet.  of  Win.   Bassett  July  29, 

1611.    See  Eliz.  Buckram. 
Nelson,  Robert.  Baize-weaver.    Bet.  to  Ang.  Chilton  Aug.  6, 1622,  with 

wits.  Rog.  and  Marg.  Wilkins.    Mar.  Aug.  27. 

Angelina  (Chilton).    Wife  of  Rob. 

Nicholas,  Elizabeth.   From  Yarmouth.   See  Eliz.  Wilson. 

Norris,  Mary.   See  Mary  Allerton. 

OflBcier,  William.    Bet.  to  Rose  Prince  July  27,  1624,  with  wits.  Rog. 

White  and  Rosam.  Jepson.    Mar.  Aug.  17. 

Rose  (Prince).^    Wife  of  Wm. 

Oldham,  Margaret.    See  Marg.  Bassett. 

Otley,  Thomas.    From  London.    Cloth-weaver.  Guar,  by  Sam.  Lee  and 

Raph.  Lovell  Sept.  26,  1642. 
Parkins,  Andrew.   From  Yarmouth.    Brewer's  man.    Widr.  of  Mar. 

Bet.  to  Marg.  Woodcock  Jan.  4,  1630,   with  wits.  John   Keble, 

Thos.  Nash,  Rose  Jennings  and  Ann  Spooner.     Mar.   Jan.   19. 

Then  lived  near  Rijnsijljjoort.    Bet.  to  Dor.  Myers  Jan.  12,  1636, 

with  wits.  Sam.  Lee  and  Pet.  and  Anna  Powell.  Mar.  Feb.  2. 

Then  merchant.    Lived  in  Noordende.    Bought  house  on  Sonner- 

veltsteeg  for  llOOg.  from  Chris.  Ellis  Aug.  4,  1636.    Wit.  bet.  of 

John  Jepson  Apr.  18,   1637.    With  Chris.  Ellis  sold   house  for 

71 2g.  to  Christian  Heneman  Aug.   6,   1643.    Died  before  July 

31,  1653. 

Maria  ( ).    Dau.  of  Wm.    1st  wife  of  And. 

Margaret    (Woodcock).     Lived   in    Vrowencamp.    2d    wife    of 

And. 
Dorothy  (Myers).    3d  wife   of  And.  Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jepson 

Apr.  18,  1637. 
Samuel.    Son   of    And.  and   Dor.    Had  Chris.   Ellis  and  John 

Price  as  guards.  July  31,  1653.  Mar.  Anna  van  Ackern.    Nom. 

for  postal  service  Oct.  2,  1669.    Involved  in  debt  by  wife.    Both 

died  in  1679. 
Parsons,  William.   From  Newbury.^    Clothing-dealer.    Apprentice  of 

Rob.  Lamkin.    Bet.  to  Mary  Horswell  Mar.  13,  1638,  with  wits. 

Rob.  and  Jacq.  Lamkin.    Mar.  Apr.  3. 

Mary  (Horswell).    Wife  of  Wm. 

Peck,  Ann.    From  Lownd.^   Sist.  of   Rob.    Ward  of  Wm.  Brewster. 

Gave  power  of  atty.  June  (10  or)  12,  1609,  to  Thos.  Simkinson, 

of  Hull,  Eng.,  to  receive   £7   left  by  her  with  Mr.   Watkinson, 

^  "  brine  "  in  entry. 

2  Prob.  Berks.    The  records  say  Yorfes.,  but  that  in  Berks  seems  the  only  one. 

^  Whether  that  in  Line,  Notts,  or  Su£E.  is  unknown.    Prob.  Notts. 


628  APPENDIX 

minister  of  Clarborough,  Notts.  See  Ann  Spooner  and  Ann 
Powell. 

Peck,  Robert.  Bro.  of  Ann.  Fustian-weaver.  Bet.  to  Jane  Mevritt  Oct. 
1, 1609,  with  wits.  Jac.  Hurst,  John  Jennings  and  Dor.  Hammond. 
Mar.  Nov.  21.  Lived  at  Blue  Lark  on  Hoogewoerd.  Lived  in 
Marendorp  in  1610.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  Sept.  12,  1619. 
Then  lived  in  Kerkhof.  Wit.  bet.  of  Pet.  Powell  June  13,  1631. 
Then  lived  on  Molesteeg  and  later  on  Kolfmakersteeg.  Bur.  wife 
in  St.  Pet.  Nov.  2, 1631.  Then  lived  on  KoUemhersteeg .  Bet.  to 
Eliz.  Johnson  Feb.  26, 1633,  with  wit.  Pet.  Powell.    Mar.  Mar.  19. 

Jane  (Merritt).    1st  wife  of  Rob.    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jennings 

Dec.  17,  1610.   Died  1631. 

:    Child  of  Rob.  and  Jane.    Died  1619. 

Elizabeth  ( ,  Johnson) .    Wid.  of  Jac.    2d  wife  of  Rob. 

Mercy.    Perhaps  dau.  of  Rob.  and  Jane.    Lived  in  St.  Pancras- 

kerkhof  in  1644.    See  Mercy  Bennett. 

Peters,  Bletgen.    See  Blet.  McConkey. 

Jane  (de  Croo) .    See  Jane  Jones. 

Pettinger,  Dorothy.  From  "  Moortel."  ^  Sist.  of  Eliz.  Bet.  to  Hen. 
Collins,  of  Amst.,  widr.  of  Marg.  (Grimsdike),  Nov.  1,  1613, 
with  wits.  Wm.  Bradford,  Ed.  Southworth,  her  sist.,  Eliz.  Jen- 
nings, and  Anna  Ross.    Mar.  Nov.  20. 

Elizabeth.  From  "Moortel."  Lived  at  Douver's  in  Maren- 
dorp.  Sist.  of  Dor.    See  Eliz.  Jennings. 

Phillips,  Priscilla    (Fletcher) .    From  Sandwich.    Wid.   of .    See 

Pris.  Coit  and  Pris.  Terry. 

Thomas.  From  Norwich.  Lived  at  Vrydom,  near  Leyd.  Say- 
weaver.  Bet.  to  Sus.  Sears  Aug.  9,  1630,  with  wits.  Rob.  Lam- 
kin  and  her  moth.,  Eliz.  Sears,    Mar.  Aug.  25. 

Susanna  (Sears) .    Wife  of  Thos. 

Pickering,  Edward.  From  London.  Merchant.  Bet.  to  Mary  Stubbs 
Nov.  24,  1612,  with  wits.  Hen.  Marshall,  Geo.  Morton,  Rand. 
Thickins,  Rog,  Wilson  and  Alice  and  Anna  (Agnes)  Carpenter. 
Mar.  Dec.  15.  One  of  Merch.  Advents,  in  London  1620-22. 
Apparently  reluctant  to  invest  in  scheme  for  colony.^ 

Mary  (Stubbs).    Wife  of  Ed. 

'  Mary.    Lived  on  Papengracht.    Wit.  bet.  of  dau..  Sincere,  to 

Elias  Arnold  Feb.  22,  1636. 

^  Prob.  either  Moortown,  Leic,  or  one  of  the  seven  Mortons,  presumably  that 
in  Line,  or  Notts. 

2  Bradford,  Hist.  47, 49,  117. 

^  Plainly  written  Thickins.    But  the  daughter's  is  Pickering,  which  probably 


APPENDIX  629 

Pickering,  Sincere.  Dau.  of  Mary.  See  Sine.  Arnold. 

Pontus,  William.  Fustian-weaver.  Lived  at  Douver's  in  Marendorp. 

Bet.  to  Wyb.  Hanson  Nov.  13,  1610,  with   wits.  Wm.  Brewster, 

Ed.   Southworth,  Rog.   Wilson,   Mary   Butler,  Anna    (Susanna) 

Fuller  and  Jane  White.  Mar.  Dec.  4.  Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  with 

wife  and  dau.  Oct.  15,  1622.    Then  wool-carder  and  "  too   poor 

to  be  taxed."    Came  to  Plym.,  N.  E.,  by  1633. 
Wybra  (Hanson).    Wife  of  Wm.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Bassett  July 

29,  1611.    Do.  Zech.  Barrow  June  16,  1616. 

Mary.    Dau.  of  Wm.  and  Wyb. 

Porter,  Margaret.    See  Marg.  Nash. 

Sarah.  From  "  Mindelton."  ^    See  Sar.  Butler. 

Powell,  Jane.  From  Maldon,  Essex.  Sist.  of  Pet.  See  Jane  Jepson. 
Peter.  From  Essex.   Glove-maker.    Lived  in  Vrowencamp.   Bet. 

to  Ann  Spooner  June  13,  1631,  with  wits,  his  bro.-in-law.  Hen. 

Jepson,   her  bro.,  Rob.  Peck,  his  sist.,  Jane  Jepson,  and  Hest. 

Wood.  Mar.  June  28.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rob.  Peck  Feb.  26, 1633.  Do. 

And.  Parkins  Jan.  12,  1636.    Do.  Anth.  Bennett  Apr.  6,  1644. 
Ann  (Feck,  Spooyier) .  Wid.  of  John.  Lived  in  Noordende.  Wife 

of    Pet.  Wit.   bet.  of  And.  Parkins  Jan.  12,   1636.    Do.  Thos. 

Johnson  Mar.  2,  1640.    Then  lived  on  Papengracht. 
Price,  Alexander.  Camlet-merchant.  Guar,  by  Rog.  Wilson  and  Hen. 

Wood  May   18,  1615.    Guar.  And.   Sharp  Aug.   24,  1618.  Do. 

Wm.  Ring  June  7,  1619.    Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15,  1622, 

with  wife  and  three  children.    Bought  house  on  Nonnensteeg  for 

175g.  from  Hen.  Richard  Dec.  13,  1627.    Then  say-draper. 

Jane  ( ) .  Wife  of  Alex. 

John.  Son  of  Alex,  and  Jane.    Prob.  wit.  bet.  of  John  Jepson 

Apr.  18,  1637. 
Joseph.  Son  of  Alex,  and  Jane.    Only  survivor  of  fath.    Left 

orph.  children  whose  guard,  sold,  June  2,  1671,  house  bought  by 

Alex,  in  1627  for  same  sum  paid  for  it,  175g. 

Isaac.  Son  of  Alex,  and  Jane. 

John.  From  Kingston.^  Student  in  Leyd.  Univ.  Wit.  bet  of  Gid. 

Bartlett  Feb.  10, 1651.    Bet.  to  Eliz.  Johnson  June  8,  1651,  with 

wits,  his  bro.,  Jos.  Price,  and  Eliz.  Ainsworth.  Mar.,  at  Oudekerk, 

IS  right.  No  Mary  Thickins  is  known.  Yet.  as  Ed.  Pickering  had  gone  back  to 
England  by  1622,  this  Mary  presumably  is  another  than  his  wife,  although  she 
may  have  remained  in  Holland  or  returned  there. 

^  Presumably  one  of  the  twelve  Middletons  and  probably  that  in  Norf.  or 
Yorks.    But  possibly  one  of  the  ten  Miltons. 

2  There  are  twelve.    Probably  he  came  from  that  in  Norf.  or  Cambs. 


630  APPENDIX 

near  Amst.,  June  25.  With  Chris.  Ellis  was  guard,  of  Sam.  Par- 
kins July  31,  1653. 

Price,  Elizabeth  (Golding,  Johnson) .  Wid.  of  Thos.    Wife  of  John. 

Joseph.  Bro.  of  John  (stud.).  Wit.  his  bet.  June  8,  1651. 

Priest,  Degory.  M.  From  London.  Hat-maker.  Bet.  to  Sar.  Vincent 
Oct.  7,  1611,  with  wits.  Sam.  Fuller,  Wm.  Lisle,  Rosam.  Jepson 
and  Jane  Thickins.  Mar.  Nov.  4.  Guar.  Nov.  16,  1615,  by  bro,- 
in-law,  Is.  Allerton,  and  Rog.  Wilson.  Deposed  with  Sam.  Lee 
to  knowledge  of  Nich.  Claverly  Apr.  — ,  1619.  Then  40.  (Entry 
crossed  out.) 

Sarah  {Allerton,  Vincent) .    A.  l.  j.    Sist.  of  Is.  Wife  of  Deg. 

Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  White  Jan.  27,  1612.  Do.  Mos.  Fletcher  Nov. 
30,  1613.    See  Sar.  Cuthbertson. 

Mary.    A.  L.  j.    Dau.  of  Deg.  and  Sar. 

Sarah.    A.  l.  j.    Dau.  of  Deg.  and  Sar. 

Prince,  Rose.    See  Rose  Officier. 

Reynolds,  John.  From  London.  Printer.  Employed  by  Brewer  and 
Wm.  Brewster.  Bet.  to  Prud.  Grindon  July  28,  1617,  with  wits. 
Jon.  Brewster,  Mary  Allerton  and  Mary  Brewster.  Mar.  Aug.  18. 
Later  removed  to  Amst.  and  there  mar.  Persis  Bailey  Apr.  24, 
1621. 

Prudence  {Grindon).  1st  wife  of  John. 

Ring,  Mary.  Prob.  wife  of  Wm.  Wit.  bet.  of  Sam.  Terry,  May  16, 
1614.  Very  likely  the  widow  Ring  who,  with  children,^  came  to 
Plym.,  N.  E.,  about  1629. 

William.  Say-weaver.  Guar,  by  Wm.  Bradford  and  Alex.  Price, 

June  7,  1619.  Accomp.  Pilg.  emigrants  as  far  as  Plym.,  Eng.,^ 
but  returned. 

Robertson,  Robert.  From  Colchester.  Polisher.  Deposed  with  John 
Brown  about  Rob.  Allerton  Aug.  21,  1619.  Then  about  38.  Wit. 
bet.  of  Thos.  Jones  Nov.  8,  1619.  Guar,  by  Herb.  Dennis  and 
Sam.  Lee  May  20,  1622. 

William.  Leather-dresser.  Guar,  by  Bern.  Ross  and  Rog.  Wil- 
son Dec.  3,  1610.  Was  37  in  1611.  Owned  house  on  Groenhase- 
gracht  next  to  Wm.  Jepson 's  Sept.  10,  1614,  and  same  house 
Sept.  20,  1619. 

1  She  -was  at  Plymouth  in  1630  and  had  at  least  three  children,  Andrew,  Eliza- 
beth and  Susanna,  who  were  grown  up.  If  she  were  the  same  woman,  probably 
these  children  were  with  her  in  Leyd.,  although  they  do  not  appear  in  the  records 
there. 

2  Cushman's  letter  to  Southworth.  Bradford,  Rist.  71.  The  name  is  misprinted 
King  in  the  Hist.    It  is  plainly  Ring  in  Bradford's  manuscript. 


APPENDIX  G31 

Robinson,  Anna.^  Perhaps  dau.  of  John  and  Bridg.  Wit.  bet.  of 
Geo.  Morton  July  6,  1612. 

John.    From  Gainsborough,  Line.    Pastor  of  Pilg.  church.   With 

Wm.  Jepson,  Hen.  Wood,  and  Jane  White,  his  sist.-in-la\v,  bar- 
gained for  Groenepoort,  a  house  with  land  on  Kloksteeg,  for  8000g. 
Jan.  27,  1611.  Wit.  bet.  of  Jane  White  to  Rand.  Thickins 
Apr.  1,  1611.  Completed  purchase  of  house  May  5,  1611. 
Gained  possession  May  1, 1612.  Granted  leave  to  join  univ.  Aug. 
5,  1615.  Enrolled  Sept.  5, 1615,  aged  38.  Prob.  bur.  child  in  St. 
Pet.  May  15,  1618.^  Bur.  anoth.  child  there  Feb.  7,  1621.  Atty. 
for  bro.-in-law.  Rand.  Thickins,  to  sell  latter's  rights  in  their 
estate  June  1,  1621.  Lived  in  this  house  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15, 
1622,  with  wife,  six  children  and  Mary  Hardy,  a  servant.  Bur. 
child  in  St.  Pet.  Mar.  27,  1623.    Wrote  these  works :  — 

An  Answer  to  a  Censorious  Epistle.   1608  or  1609. 

A  Ivstification  of  Separation  from  the  Church  of  England.  Against 
Mr.  Richard  Bernard,  his  invective  Intitvled ;  The  Separatist's  Schisme,  etc. 
4to.  1610. 

Of  Religious  Communion  Private,  Sj"  Publique.  With  the  silencing  of  the 
clamoure  raysed  by  Mr.  Thomas  Helwisse  agaynst  our  reteyning  the  Bap- 
tism receaved  in  Engl:  ^  administering  of  Bapt :  vnto  Infants.  As  also, 
A  Survey  of  the  confession  of  fay th  published  in  certain  conclusions  by  the 
remaynders  of  M'.  Smythes  company.   1614. 

A  Manumission  to  a  Manvdvction,  or  Answer  to  a  Letter  inferring  Pub- 
lique communion  in  the  parrish  assemblies  upon  private  with  godly  persons 
there.    1615. 

The  Peoples  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophesie,  against  Mr.  lohn  Yates, 
his  Monopolie,  etc.   1618. 

Apologia  Ivsta  et  Necessaria  Quorvndam  Christianorum,  aeque  contu- 
meliose  ac  communiter  dictorum  Brownistarum,  sive  Barowistarum,  etc. 
1619.   Reprinted  in  English  in  1625. 

A  Defence  of  the  Doctrine  propovnded  by  the  Synode  at  Dort :  Against 
John  Mvrton  and  his  Associates,  in  a  Treatise  intituled :  A  Description 

^  The  name  Robinson  occasionally  occurs  in  the  archives  as  Roberts,  and  an 
Anna  Roberts,  widow  of  Jan  Schetter,  of  Utrecht,  is  recorded  in  Leyden,  Aug.  22, 
1625  (Hypothek  Bk.S.  .345),  as  paying  to  her  unmarried  sister,  Bridget  Roberts, 
from  Assenroij,  an  annual  rent  of  over  18g.  The  identity  of  names  is  noticeable, 
and  something  may  have  led  Bridget  Robinson,  the  daughter  and  unmarried  in 
1625,  to  live  away  from  Leyden  for  a  time.  At  her  marriage,  in  1629,  although 
in  Leyden,  she  did  not  live  with  her  family  on  the  Kloksteeg,  but  in  the  Cattle 
Market.  Jan  Schetter  may  have  been  some  Englishman  whose  name  the  Dutch 
clerk  misunderstood,  or  Anna  may  have  married  a  Hollander.  But  the  prob- 
ability is  strong  that  this  Anna  and  Bridget  did  not  belong  to  the  John  Robinson 
family. 

^  The  entry  is  "  A  child  of  John  Robert  of  the  Pieterkerkhof." 


632  APPENDIX 

what  God,  etc.  With  the  refutation  of  their  Answer  to  a  Writing  touching 
Baptism.   1624. 

An  Appeal  on  Truths  hehalffe  (concerninge  some  differences  in  the 
Church  at  Amsterdam).    1624. 

Observations  Divine  and  Morall.  For  the  Furthering  of  knowledg  and 
virtue,  4to.    1625. 

A  Treatise  of  the  Lawfulnes  of  Hearing  of  the  Ministers  in  the  Church 
of  England.  .  .  .  Together  loith  a  Letter  written  by  the  same  Authore, 
and  approued  by  his  Church  :  which  followeth  after  this  Treatise.  Pub- 
lished 1634,  nine  years  after  his  death. 

A  Briefe  Catechisme  concerning  Church  Government.    Pub.  1642. 

Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Mar.  4,  1625.  For  oth.  facts  of  pars.  hist,  etc., 
see  body  of  this  book  (pp.  560,  591). 

Robinson,  Bridget  {White).  Prob.  orig.  from  Worksop,  Notts.,  or 
Beverley,  Yorks.  Sist.  of  Rog.  White,  Jane  Tliickins,  and,  ap- 
parently, Frances  Jessop.  Wife  of  John.  Wit.  bet.  of  sist.,  Jane 
White,  to  Rand.  Thickins  Apr.  1,  1611.  Do.  Wrn.  Buckram  Nov. 
30, 1611,  Agreed,  as  John's  wid.,  to  pay  int.  on  her  share  of  part, 
2000g.,  of  purchase  money  still  due  for  estate  on  Kloksteeg  Jan. 
15,  1626.  Wit.  bet.  of  dau.,  Bridg.,  to  John  Greenwood  May  10, 
1629.  With  oth.  owners  sold  her  share,  and,  as  his  atty..  Rand. 
Thickins's  share  of  house  to  Wm.  Jepson  Dec.  13,  1629.  Still 
lived  in  Pieterskerkhof  in  1635.  Wit.  bet.  of  Mary  Barlow 
June  4,  1639.    Do.  of  Geo.  Matersc^  Apr.  6,  1640. 

John.    Son  of  John  and  Bridg. 

Bridget.    Dau.  of  John  and  Bridg.    See  Bridg.  Greenwood. 

Isaac.    Son  of  John  and  Bridg.    Came  to  Plym.,  N.  E.,  in  1631. 

Mercy.    Dau.  of  John  and  Bridg. 

Fear.    Dau.  of  John  and  Bridg.    See  Fear  Jennings. 

James.^    Son  of  John  and  Bridg.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  May  26,  1638. 

Then  lived  in  Engelschepoort. 

.     Child  of  John  and  Bridg.    Died  1618. 

.    Child  of  John  and  Bridg.    Died  1621. 

.     Child  of  John  and  Bridg.    Died  1623. 

Rogers,  George.  Student  in  Leyd.  Univ.  Lived  with  Thos.  Blossom 
when  matric,  in  Med.,  Oct.  27,  1609.    Then  25. 

Thomas,   m.    Camlet-merchant.  Guar,  by  Wm.  Jepson  and  Rog. 

Wilson  June  25,  1618.  Sold  house  on  Barbarasteeg  for  300g.  to 
Mordecai  Cohen  Apr.  1,  1620. 

Joseph."^   M.    Son  of  Thos. 

^  Or  Jacob.     Entered  as  Jacobus. 

2  Bradford  says  (Hist.  45.3)  that  Thos.  Rogers  had  other  children  and  that  they 
came  over,  but  they  do  not  appear  in  Ijeyden. 


APPENDIX  633 

Ross,  Bernard.  While  living  in  Amst.  sent  cloth  to  Wm.  Brewster  be- 
fore June  25, 1609.  Guar.,  in  Leyd.,  by  Mahieu  van  der  Mersche 
and  Rog.  Wilson  Apr.  2,  1610.  Guar.  Wm.  Robertson  Dec.  3, 
1610.  Prob.  the  Bern.  Ross  who  made  depos.  Apr.  11,  1616, 
about  difficulty  with  Jos.  Lewis.  Wit.  bet.  of  Bart.  Smith  July  4, 
1618. 

Anna  {Carlisle) .  Evidently  wife  of  Bern.  Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jen- 
nings Dec.  17, 1610.  Do.  Ed.  Southworth  May  7, 1613.  Do.  Dor. 
Pettinger  Nov.  1,  1613.  Do.  sist.,  Ellen,  to  Jas.  Kingsland  Nov. 
27,  1615.  Do.  sist.-in-law,  Eliz.,  to  Bart.  Smith  July  4,  1618. 

Savory,  Margaret.  Wit.  bet.  of  Mos.  Fletcher  Nov.  30,  1613.  Do. 
Thos.  Jones  Nov.  8,  1619. 

Sears,  Elizabeth.  From  Sandwich.  Moth,  of  Sus.  Wit.  her  bet.  to 
Thos.  Phillips  Aug.  9,  1630. 

Susanna.    See  Sus.  Phillips. 


Seymour,  Elizabeth.    Sist.  of  Jane.    See  Eliz.  Thomas  and  Eliz.  Jones. 

Jane.    Sist.  of  Eliz.    Wit.  her  bet.  to  Sam.  Thomas  Jan.   31, 

1623. 

Sharp,  Andreiv.  Cloth-worker.  Guar,  by  Alex.  Price  and  Rog.  Wilson 
Aug.  24, 1618. 

Jane  ( ) ,    Moth,  of  Eliz.  (Sharp)  Beere.    Wit.  her  bet.  to 

Thos.  Coit  Apr.  14,  1623. 

Silloway,  Margai-et.   See  Marg.  Warriner. 

Simmons,  Roger.  From  Sarum,  Wilts.  Mason.  Bet.  to  Sar.  Minter 
July  14,  1618,  with  wits.  John  Carver,  Dan.  Fairfield  and  her 
parents,  Thos.  and  Alice  Willet.  Mar.  Aug.  18.  Then  lived  at 
Amst.,  but  apparently  removed  soon  to  Leyd.  Wit.  bet.  of  Dan. 
Fairfield  July  14,  1618.  Sold  for  746g.  Sept.  20,  1619,  house  on 
Groenhasegracht  bought  by  Wm.  Minter  in  1614. 

Sarah  (  Willet,  Minter) .   Wid.  of  Wm.   Wife  of  Rog.    Bur.  in 

St.  Pet.  Mar.  6,  1629. 

Singer,  Rose.    From  Yarmouth.    See  Rose  Butterfield. 

Singleton,  Mary.    From  Sandwich.    See  Mary  Cushman. 

Smith,  Bartholomew.  From  London.  Merchant.  Guar,  by  John  Car- 
penter and  Jac.  Stevens  Apr.  5,  1611.  Wit.  bet.  of  sist.-in-law, 
Ellen  Carlisle,  to  Jas.  Kingsland  Nov.  27, 1615.  Evidently  husb. 
of  Dorcas  Smith  and  the  Bart.  Smith  (from  Lond.,  tobacco-pipe- 
maker  and  widr.  of  Dorcas)  bet.  to  Eliz.  Carlisle  July  4, 1618,  with 
wits.  Bern,  and  Anna  Ross,  her  bro. -in-law  and  sist. 

Dorcas  ( ) .  1st  wife  of  Bart.    Wit.  bet.  of  Jas.  Kingsland 

Nov.  27, 1615. 

Elizabeth  {Carlisle).   Wid.  of  Jas.   2d  wife  of  Bart. 


634  APPENDIX 

Smith,  Helena.  From  Yarmouth.  Lived  on  Sonnerveltsteeg.  See  Hel. 
Jepson, 

Thomas.  From  "  Berry."  ^  Wool-comber.  Bet.  to  Anna  Crack- 
stone  Dec.  12,  1618,  with  wits,  her  fath.,  John  Crackstone,  and 
Patience  Brewster.    Mar.  Dec.  22. 

Anna  {Crackstone) .    Wife  of  Thos. 

Thomas  (Another) .  From  Colchester.  Cloth-merchant.  Ex-dea- 
con of  Eng.  Church  in  Amst.  Deposed  to  knowledge  of  Jos. 
Freeman  June  13, 1613.  Then  46.  Guar,  by  Jan  Questroy  Peters 
and  Francois  van  der  Becke  June  29,  1615.  Guar.  Jos.  Crips 
June  3,  1616. 

William.  Engraver.  Guar,  by  Geo.  Ferguson  and  Jac.  Johnson 

Feb.  16,  1626. 

Southworth,  Edward.  Bro.  of  Thos.  Say-weaver.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm. 
Pontus  Nov.  13,  1610.  Do.  John  Jennings  Dec.  17,  1610.  Do. 
Wm.  Bassett  July  29,  1611.  Do.  Is.  Alierton  Oct.  7,  1611.  Do. 
Sam.  Fuller  Mar.  15,  1613.  Bet.  to  Ahce  Carpenter  May  7, 
1613,  with  wits.  Sam.  Fuller,  Thos.  Southworth,  Rog.  Wilson, 
Eliz.  Jennings  and  Anna  Ross.  Mar.  May  28.  Wit.  bet.  of  Dor. 
Pettinger  Nov.  1,  1613.  Lived  in  Lond.  in  Aug.,  1620.  Died  be- 
fore summer  of  1623. 

Alice  {Carpenter) .  A.  l.  j.  Wife  of  Ed. 

Constant.  Son  of  Ed.  and  Alice.    Came  to  Plym.,  N.  E.,  in  1628, 

aged  "  about  14." 

Thomas.  Son  of  Ed.  and  Alice.  Born  1616.    Came  over  soon 

after  Constant."^ 

Thomas.  Bro.  of  Ed.  Wit.  his  bet.  May  7, 1613. 

Spalding,  Elizabeth.  Possibly  wife  or  sist.  of  Jos.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog. 
Wilson  Mar.  11,  1616.  Do.  John  Spooner  Nov.  9,  1616. 

Joseph.  Tailor.  Guar,  by  Hen.  Jepson  and  Sam.  Lee   June  11, 

1621.  Lived  with  John  Spooner  on  Ketelboersteeg  in  Wolhuis, 
Oct.  15,  1622. 

Spooner,  John.  Ribbon-maker.  Bur.  1st  wife,  Sus.,  in  St.  Pet.  Mar. 
28,  1616.  Then  lived  on  Bogertsteeg.  Bet.  to  Ann  Peck  Nov.  9, 
1616,  with  wits.  Sam.  Lee  and  Eliz.  Spalding.  Mar.  Dec.  24. 
Lived  with  wife  and  three  children  on  Ketelboersteeg  in  Wolhtiis 
Oct.  15,  1622.  Had  Jos.  Spalding  in  family.  Guar,  by  Marcus 
Belden  and  Jacques  Duvaechijs,  Jr.,  Sept.  18,  1623.  Then  fac- 
tor. Guar.  Ed.  Coolidge  Apr.  17,  1626.    Do.   Humph.   Howell 

^  Probably  either  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  Su£F.,  often  shortened  into  Bury,  or  one  of 
the  three  Burys  in  Hunts.,  Lane,  and  Sussex. 
2  Goodwin,  322,  462,  249,  460-461. 


APPENDIX  G35 

Dec.  4, 1626.  Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  July  6, 1628.    Then  lived  in  Noord- 

ende. 
Spooner,  Susanna  {Bennett) .  1st  wife  of  John.    Died  1616. 
Ann  {Peck) .  Sist.  of  Rob.    2d  wife  of  John.    Wit  bet.  of  Mich. 

Hardy   Sept.  11,  1626.    Do.  And.  Parkins  Jan.  4,  1630.    Then 

lived  near  Wittepoort.    See  Ann  Powell. 

Sai'ah.  Dau.  of  John. 

John.  Son  of  John. 

Rebecca.   Dau.  of  John. 

Stafford,  Henry.    Son  of  John.   Tallow-chandler.  Guar,   by  Geo.  de 

Paau  and  Sam.  Lee  Nov.  26,  1618. 
Stevens,  Jacob.  Guar.  Bart.  Smith  Apr.  5,  1611. 
Stuart,  Anna.  From  Yarmouth.   Prob.  sist.  of  Sim.    Lived  in  Noord- 

ende.    See  Anna  Bartlett. 

Simeon.  1st  husb.  of  Marg. 

Margaret  ( ).  Niece  of  Eliz.  (Wales)  White.  Wid.  of  Simeon. 

See  Marg.  Nash. 
Simon.  From  Yarmouth.    Son  of   Simeon   and   Marg.  Tobacco- 
pipe-maker.    Bet.  to  Mercy  Jennings  Mar.  17,  1640,  with   wits. 

Thos.  Nash  and  her  moth.,  Rose  Jennings.    Mar.  Apr.  17.    Lived 

in  Noordende. 
Mercy  (Jennings).  Lived  on  Delfsche  Vllet.    Wife  of  Simon. 

Apparently  died  without  children   before   settlement  of  her  par- 
ents' estate  in  1668. 
Stubbs,  Mary.  From  "  Stromse."  ^  See  Mary  Pickering. 
Sunderland,  James.  Step-fath.  of  Mary  Brown.  Wit.  her  bet.  to  Leon. 

Dunster  Jan.  10, 1620. 
Mary  ( ,  Brown).  Wifeof  Jas.  Moth,  of  Mary  Brown.  Wit. 

her  bet.  to  Leon.  Dunster  Jan.  10,  1620. 
Swift,  Anna.  From  Yarmouth.    See  Anna  Jones. 
Symons.  Cornelius.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Back  Apr.  7,  1640. 
Talbot.  William.    1st  husb.  of  Sar.    Wit.   bet.   of    Rich.   Masterson 

Nov.  8.  1619. 

Sarah  {Thomas).  Sist.  of  Sam.  Wife  of  Wm.    See  Sar.  Lee. 

Terry,  Help.  Bunting-maker.    Lived  on  Sprachsteeg.    Bet.  to  Pris. 

Coit  May  9,  1637,  with  wits.  John  Moses  and  Eliz.  (dau. 

of  Mich,  and  living  on  Oude  Vredesgracht) .  Mar.  June  1. 
Priscilla  (Fletcher,  Phillips,  Coit).  Wid.  of .  Wid.  of  Thos. 

Lived  on  Korte  Sandstraat.  Wife  of  Help. 
Samuel.    Fi'om  Caen,  Normandy.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Mild. 

Charles    May    16,  1614,  with  wits.  Sam.  Fuller,  Rog.  Wilson, 
^  Probably  either  Strumpshaw,  Norf .,  or  Romsey,  Hants. 


636  APPENDIX 

Mary  Ring  and  Jane  Thickins.    Mar.  May  31.    Admitted  to  Pilg. 
church  in  Leyd.  from  French  church.^ 
Terry,  Mildred  {Charles).    Wife  of  Sam. 

Thickins,  Randall.  From  London.  Looking-glass-maker.  Bet.  to 
Jane  White  Apr.  1,  1611,  with  wits.  Wm.  Brewster,  John  Robin- 
son, Rosam.  Jepson  and  the  bride's  sist.,  Bridg.  Robinson.  Mar. 
Apr.  21.  Representing  wife  completed  purchase  of  Robinson's 
house  with  Wm.  Jepson,  Robinson  and  Hen.  Wood  May  5, 1611. 
Wit.  bet.  of  Is.  Allerton  Oct.  7,  1611.  Do.  Ed.  Pickering  Nov. 
24,  1612.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  Jan.  25,  1615.  Then  lived  on 
Nieuivesteeg.  Appointed  John  Robinson  atty.  to  sell  his  share  of 
estate  June  1,  1621,  having  removed  to  Amst.  and  being  about 
to  return  to  Eng.  Sold  this  property  by  Bridg.  Robinson,  atty.,  to 
Wm.  Jepson  Dec.  13,  1629. 

Jane  (  White).    Wife  of  Rand.    Wit.  bet.  of  Deg.  Priest  Oct.  7, 

1611.    Do.  Wm.  Buckram  Nov.  30,  1611.    Do.  Sam.  Terry  May 
16,  1614. 

.    Child  of  Rand,  and  Jane.    Died  1615. 

Thomas,  Samuel.  Bro.  of  Sar.  Bet.  to  Eliz.  Seymour  Jan.  31,  1623, 
with  wits.  Sam.  Lee  and  her  sist.,  Jane  Seymour.    Mar.  Feb.  18. 

Elizabeth  (Seymour) .    Wife  of  Sam.    See  Eliz.  Jones. 

Sarah.    Sist.  of  Sam.    See  Sar.  Talbot  and  Sar.  Lee. 

Tinker,  Thomas.  M.  Wood-sawyer.  Guar,  by  Abr.  Gray  and  John 
Keble  Jan.  6,  1617. 

( ).   M.    TTi/eofThos. 

.    M.    Son  of  Thos. 

Tracy,  John.  Ribbon-weaver,  Guar,  by  John  Natalis  and  Rog.  White 
Sept.  6,  1624. 

Stephen.    A.  L.  j.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Tryphosa  Le  Dec.  18, 

1620,  with  wits.  Anth.  Clement  and  Rose  Jennings.    Mar.  Jan.  6, 

1621.  Lived  with  wife  in  ZevenMiysen  Oct.  15,  1622. 
Tryphosa  (Le).    a.  l.  j.    Wife  of  Steph. 

Sarah.    A.  L.  j.    Dau.  of  Steph.  and  Try. 

Tucker,  Walter.    From  Newport.'^    Guar,  by  Thos.  Johnson  and  Sam. 

Lee  Dec.  6,  1638. 
Turner,  John.    M.    Merchant.    Guar,  by  Pet.  Boey  and  Wm.  Lisle 

Sept.  27,  1610. 

.    M.    Son  of  John. 

.    M.    Son  of  John. 

Van  Vredenburg,  Anna.    See  Anna  Moses. 

^  E.  Winslow.   Hyp.  Vnm.  96.  Date  not  stated. 

2  Which  of  the  six  is  not  stated.   Probably  that  in  Yorks. 


APPENDIX  637 

Vincent,  John.    1st  husb.  of  Sar.  Priest. 

Sarah  {Allerton) .    A.  l.  j.    Wid.  of  John.    See  Sar.  Priest  and 

Sar.  Cuthbertson. 
Vliers,  Burchard.    Husb.  of  Eliz. 
Elizabeth    (Jennings).    Wife  of  Burch.    Received  as  share  of 

parents'  estate  house  on  Lange  Rainsteeg  Mar.  28,  1668.    Made 

wiU  June  2,  1668. 
Samuel.     Son  of    Burch.    and  Eliz.     As    only   surviving    child 

sold  house  on  Lange  Ramsteeg,  inherited  from  moth.,  Feb.  4, 

1671. 
Waldron,  William.    From  "  Clackfort."  ^    Bombazine-weaver.    Widr. 

of  Ruth  Walker.2   Bet.  to  Anna  Wood  Aug.  25,  1634,  with  wits. 

John  Keble  and  Jane  Jepson.    Mar.  Sept.  16. 

Anna  (Wood) .    2d  wife  of  Wm. 

Wales,  Elizabeth.    Aunt  of  Marg.  (Stuart)  Nash.    See  Eliz.  White. 
Walker,  Nathaniel.    Say-weaver.    Widr.  of  Jane.    Bet.  to  Anna  Bar- 
low May  28,  1624,  with  wits,  her  fath.  and  sist.,  Thos.  Barlow 

and  Abig.  Dunham.    Mar.  June  15. 

Jane  ( ).    1st  wife  of  Nath. 

Anna  (Barlow) .    2d  wife  of  Nath. 

Wall,  Peter.  Son  of  Hen.    Guard,  of  Sim.  Moses.  Wit.  his  bet.  Nov. 

4,  1616. 
Warnes,  John.  From  Wymondham   (or   Windham),  Norf.    Cobbler. 

Guar,  by  Herb.  Dennis  and  Sam.  Lee  May  20,  1622. 
Warriner,  Robert.  Wool-carder.  Bet.  to  Marg.  Silloway  Mar.  1,  1624, 

with  wits.  Thos.  Hatfield  and  Sar.  Wiseman.     Mar.  Mar.  17. 

Margaret  (Silloway).  Wife  of  Rob. 

West,  Martin.  Candle-maker.  Widr.   of  Joanna.  Bet.  to  Mary  Lisle 

Dec.  27, 1625,  with  wits.  John  Fowle  and  her  sist.,  Rose  Jennings. 

Mar.  Jan.  24,  1626. 

Joanna  ( ).  1st  wife  of  Mart. 

Mary  {Lisle).  2d  wife  of  Mart. 

White,  Jane.  From  "  Bebel."  ^  Sist.  of  Rog.  White  and  Bridg.  Rob- 
inson and,  apparently,  of  Frances  Jessop.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Pon- 

tus  Nov.  13,  1610.    With  Wm.  Jepson,  John  Robinson  and  Hen. 

Wood  and  assisted  by  Nich.  White,   bargained  for  Robinson's 

house,  Jan.  27,  1611.    See  Jane  Thickins. 
Joseph.  Wit.  bet.  of  Cuth.  Cuthbertson  Oct.  25,  1621. 

^  Undiscoverable.  Possibly  Claeton,  Essex. 

2  Had  married  her,  and  had  lived  in  Amst.   Whether  he  continued  to  live  there 
or  in  Leyd.  does  not  appear. 

3  Probably  Beverley,  Yorks. 


638  APPENDIX 

White,  Nicholas}  Jeweller.  "  Assisted  "  Jane  White  in  business  about 
Robinson's  house  Jan.  27,  1611,  she  then  being  unmarried. 

Roger.  Bro.  of  Bridg.  Robinson  and  Jane  Thickins  and,  appar- 
ently, of  Frances  Jessop.  Grocer.  Bet.,  at  Amst.  and  aged  32,  to 
Eliz.  Wales,  aged  22,  Feb.  20,  1621.  Mar.,  at  Leyd.  Mar.  13. 
Guar,  by  Edm.  Chandler  and  Anth.  Clement  May  5, 1623.  Wit. 
bet.  of  Wm.  Officier  July  27,  1624.  Guar.  John  Tracy  Sept.  6, 
1624.  Sent  news  of  death  of  bro.-in-law,  John  Robinson,  to  Plym. 
Col.  in  letter  to  Bradford  and  Brewster  Apr.  28,  1625.'^  Guar. 
Fras.  Jessop  May  5,  1625.  With  Blossom,  Fras.  Jessop,  Rich. 
Masterson  and  Thos.  Nash  wrote  to  Bradford  and  Brewster  Nov. 
30,  1625.  Wrote  to  Bradford  Dec.  1,  1625.2  Guar.  Wm.  Jack- 
son May  26,  1631. 

Elizabeth  (Wales).  Wife  of  Rog.    Aunt  of  Marg.  (Stuart) Nash. 

Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Nash  Oct.  27,  1628. 

William.  M.  Wool-carder.    Bet.  to  Sus.  Fuller  Jan.   27,  1612, 

with  wits,  her  bro.,  Sam.  Fuller,  Wm.  and  Rosam.  Jepson  and  Sar. 

^  Priest.  Mar.  Feb.  11.  Wit.  bet.  of  bro.-in-law,  Sam.  Fuller,  Mar. 
15,  1613.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pan.  June  18,  1615.  Then  lived  on 
Groenesteeg.  Bur.  anoth.  child  there  Dec.  21,  1616.  Then  lived 
on  Uiierstegracht. 

Susanna  (Fuller),  m.  Wife  of  Wm.  Wit.   bet.   of  bro.,   Sam. 

Fuller,  Mar.  15,  1613.  Do.  John  Goodman  Sept.  16,  1619. 

.    Child  of  Wm.  and  Sus.  Died  1615. 

.    Child  of  Wm.  and  Sus.  Died  1616. 

Resolved,  m.  Son  of  Wm.  and  Sus. 

William.  Tobacco-merchant.  Bur.  wife  in  St.  Pet.  Jan.  27, 1618. 

Then  lived  in  Pieterskerkhof.  Wit.  bet.  of  Cuth.  Cuthbertson 
Oct.  25,  1621.  Guar,  by  Corn,  van  Qaackenbos  and  Corn,  van 
Voosboom  Dec.  8,  1628. 

( ).    Wife  of  Wm.  Died  1618. 


Edmund  Elias.  Son  of  Wm.   (Apparently  the  tobacco-merch.) 

Lived  near  Sijl^wort.  Bet.  to  Marg.  Bowman  Aug.  14,  1629, 
with  wits.  Geo.  Bosoy  and  Anna  Borfaeu.  But,  through  burgo- 
master of  Leyd.,  Geo.  Winter,  of  Amst.,  to  whom  she  had  engaged 
herself  already,  forbade  banns,  after  they  had  been  published 
twice,  and  marriage  with  White  was  broken  ofiP. 

Whlttington,  Elizabeth.    See  Eliz.  Bennett. 

^  Written  de  Witte,  one  of  the  Dutch  forms  of  White.    Possibly  brother,  or  other 
relation,  of  Jane  and  the  others.    No  other  mention  of  him  occurs. 

2  Bradford,  Hist.  20.5. 

3  Bradford.    Letter  Bk.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.  I.  iii :  42. 


APPENDIX  639 

Wilkins,  Roger.  Wool-carder.  Bet.  to  Anna  Harding  Mar.  28,  1614, 
with  wits.  John  Keble,  Rog.  Wilson,  Sar.  Carey  and  the  bride's 
moth.,  Anna  Hallett.  Mar.  Apr.  12.  Bet.  to  Marg.  Barrow  Sept. 
16,  1619,  with  wits.  Is.  Allerton,  her  fath.,  Zech.  Barrow,  and 
Rose  Butterfield.  Mar.  Oct.  5.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rob.  Nelson  Aug.  6, 
1622.  Lived  with  wife  and  dau.  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15,  1622. 
"  Too  poor  to  be  taxed." 

Anna  {Harding).  1st  wife  of  Rog. 

Margaret  {Barrow).    2d  wife  of  Rog.    Wit.  bet.  of  Rob.  Nelson 

Aug.  6,  1622. 

Sarah.    Dau.  of  Rog. 

Willet,  Thomas.  From  Norwich.  Bur.  child  in  St.  Pet.  July  10, 1615. 
Then  lived  on  Jacobsgracht.  Wit.  bet.  of  dau.,  Sar.  Minter,  to 
Rog.  Simmons  July  14,  1618.  Lived  with  dau.,  Hest.,  in  Zeven- 
huysen  Oct.  15,  1622.^ 

Alice.    Wife  of  Thos.    Wit.  bet.  of  dau.,  Sar.  Minter,  to  Rog. 

Simmons  July  14,  1618. 

Sarah.    Dau.  of  Thos.  and  Alice.    Had  mar.  Wm.  Minter  before 

going  to  Leyd.    See  Sar.  Minter  and  Sar.  Simmons. 

Rebecca.    Dau.  of  Thos.  and  Alice.    See  Rebec.  Fairfield  and 

Rebec.  Jepson. 

Hester.    Dau.  of  Thos.  and  Alice.    See  Hest.  Wood. 

Thomas.    Son  of  Thos.  and  Alice.     Born   1610-11.     Came  to 

Plym.,  N.  E.,  by  1631. 

.    Child  of  Thos.  and  Alice.   Died  1615. 

Williams,  Elizaheph.  From  Yarmouth.  Sist.  of  Thos.  See  EHz.  Wilson. 

Elizabeth   (Prob.  anoth.).    Lived  on  Rapengracht.    Wit.  bet.  of 

Anth.  Bennett  Apr.  6,  1644. 

Thomas.  M.  Bro.  of  Eliz.    Wit.  her  bet.  to  Rog.  Wilson  Mar.  11, 

1616. 

Wilson,  Henry.  From  Yarmouth.  Pump-maker.  Bet.  to  Eliz.  Nich- 
olas May  13,  1616,  with  wits.  John  Carver,  Wm.  Jepson,  Dor. 
Bradford  and  Sar.  Minter.    Mar.  May  28. 

Elizabeth  {Nicholas).    Wife  of  Hen. 

Roger.    From  Sandwich.    Bapt.  in  St.  Clement's  in  1584.  Guar. 

by  Pet.  Boey  and  Matys  Janson  Dec.  7,  1609.  Guar.  Bern.  Ross 
Apr.  2,  1610.  Do.  Wm.  Lisle  June  21,  1610.  Do.  Abr.  Gray 
June  25,  1610.  Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Pontus  Nov.  13,  1610.  Guar. 
Wm.  Robertson  Dec.  3,  1610.  Do.  Hen.  Wood  Dec.  10.  1610. 
Wit.  bet.  of  John  Jennings  Dec.    17,   1610.    Do.    Wm.   Bassett 

^  Thos.  Brewer  then  had  in  his  household  Thos.  and   Hest.  Willis.    Whether 
these  were  the  Willets  or  not  cannot  be  determined. 


640  APPENDIX 

Mar.  19  and  July  29,  1611.  Guar.  Wm.  Bradford  Mar.  30, 1612. 
Wit.  bet.  of  Geo.  Morton  July  6,  1612.  Do.  Ed.  Pickering  Nov. 
24,  1612.  Do.  Sam.  Fuller  Mar.  15,  1613.  Guar.  Wm.  Minter 
May  3,  1613.  Wit.  bet.  of  Ed.  Southworth  May  7,  1613.  Guar. 
Ed.  Chandler  Nov.  11,  1613.  Sold  house  on  Uiterstegracht  for 
800g.  to  Rich.  Masterson  Jan.  2,  1614.  Guar.  Is.  AUerton  Feb. 
7,  1614.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog.  Wilkins  Mar.  28,  1614.  Do.  Sam. 
Terry  May  16,  1614.  Do.  John  Jenny  Sept.  5,  1614.  Guar. 
Alex.  Price  May  18,  1615.  Then  say-weaver.  Wit.  bet.  of  Rog. 
Chandler  May  22,  1615.  Guar.  Sam.  Lee  Oct.  19, 1615.  Do.  Deg. 
Priest  Nov.  16, 1615.  Bet.  to  EHz.  Williams  Mar.  11,  1616,  with 
wits,  her  bro.,  Thos.  Williams,  and  Eliz.  Spalding.  Mar.  Mar.  26. 
Guar.  Thos.  Rogers  June  25,  1618.  Do.  And.  Sharp  Aug.  24, 
1618.  Deposed  to  knowledge  of  Rich.  Masterson  Mar.  20,  1619. 
Then  canilet-merch.  and  about  34. 

Wilson,  Elizabeth  (  Williams).    Wife  of  Rog. 

Winslow,  Edward,  m.  From  London.  Son  of  Ed.  Born  at  Droit- 
wich.  Wore,  Oct.  — ,  1595.  Printer.  Bet.  to  Eliz.  Barker  Apr.  27, 
1618,  with  wits.  Is.  Allerton,  Jon.  Brewster,  Mary  Allerton  and 
Jane  Hazel,  the  bride's  niece.  Mar.  May  6  or  soon  after.  With 
Is.  Allerton,  Bradford  and  Fuller  wrote  letter  from  Leyd.  to 
Carver  and  Cushman  in  Eng.  June  10,  1620. 

Elizabeth  {Barker) .    m.    Wife  of  Ed. 

Wiseman,  Sarah.    Wit.  bet.  of  Rob.  Warriner  Mar.  1,  1624. 

Wood,  Anna.  From  Yarmouth.  Lived  in  Vrowencamp.  See  Anna 
Waldron. 

Christina.    Perhaps  sist.  of  Pet.    See  Christ.  Jepson. 

Henry.    Draper.    Guar,  by  Abr.  Gray  and  Rog.  Wilson  Dec.  10, 

1610.  With  Wm.  Jepson,  John  Robinson  and  Rand,  and  Jane 
Thickins  bargained  for  and  bought  Robinson's  house  Jan.  27  and 
May  5,  1611.  Guar.  Edm.  Chandler  Nov.  11,  1613.  Do.  Is. 
Allerton  Feb.  7,  1614.  Do.  John  Keble  Apr.  27,  1615.  Do.  Alex. 
Price  May  18,  1615.  Wit.  bet.  of  Hen.  Jepson  Dec.  8,  1617. 
Made  Hen.  Jepson  his  atty.  to  sell  his  share  of  Robinson's  house 
Feb.  2,  1622.    Made  sale  by  Jepson  Dec.  13,  1629. 

Mary  ( ) .    Perhaps  wife  of  Hen.    Wit.  bet.  of  Edm.  Jessop 

Sept.  16,  1615. 

Peter.    From  Staindrop,  Dur.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Hest.  Wil- 

let  Oct.  19,  1623,  with  wits,  her  bro.-in-law  and  sist.,  Dan.  and 
Rebec.  Fairfield.  Mar.  Nov.  4.  Wit.  bet.  of  sist.-in-law.  Rebec. 
Fairfield,  to  Thos.  Jepson  Sept.  18,  1626.  Do.  son.  Pet.,  July  8, 
1643.   Then  lived  in  Vrowencamp. 


APPENDIX  641 

Wood,  Hester  (Willet).  Wife  of  Pet.  Wit.  bet  of  sist.,  Rebec.  Fair- 
field, to  Thos.  Jepson  Sept.  18,  1626.  Do.  Pet.  Powell  June  13, 
1631.    Do.  son,  Pet.,  July  8,  1643. 

Peter.    Son  of  Pet.  and  Hest.    Say-weaver.    Lived  in  Vrowen- 

cani]).^  Bet.  to  Mary  Bishop  July  8,  1643,  with  wits,  his  parents, 
Pet.  and  Hest.  Wood,  and  her  moth,,  Eliz.  Bishop.  Mar.  July 
25.  Left  Leyd.  about  1645.  Estate  divided  Aug.  8,  1680,  he 
not  having  been  heard  from  for  20  years. 

Mary  (Bishop).    Lived  on  Rhine.    Wife  of  Pet.,  Jr. 

Thomas.    Son  of  Pet.  and  Mary. 

Abigail.     Dau.  of  Pet.  and  Mary.    Mar.  Matt.  Siericx  before 

Aug.  8,  1680. 

Maria.    Dau.  of  Pet.  and  Mary.    Mar.  Is.  Day  before  Aug.  8, 

1680. 

Elizabeth.    Dau.  of  Pet.  and  Mary.    Mar.  Jac.  Plateel  and  died 

before  Aug.  8,  1680. 

Henry  (Another).    Perhaps  son  of  Hen.    Came  to  Plym.,  N.  E,, 

by  1643. 

Woodcock,  Margaret.    See  Margaret  Parkins. 

Wright,  Peter.  From  Norwich.  Say-weaver.  Guar,  by  Anth.  Fret- 
well  and  Malliaect  Cloet  May  6,  1622.  Guar.  Rog.  Fassett  Sept. 
8,  1623. 


OTHER  ENGLISH  PEOPLE  IN  LEYDEN.'' 

Acton,  Anna.    Moth,  of  Elean.    Wit.  her  bet.  to  Thos.  Hackney  Jan. 

7,  1611. 

Eleanor.    Dau.  of  Anna.    See  Elean.  Hackney. 

William.    Prob.  fath.  or  bro.  of  Elean.    Wit.  her  bet. 

Ainsworth,  John.    Mason.    Guar.  Sam.  Curtis  Dec.  3,  1610. 

Aston,  Arthur.    Matric.  at  Leyd.  Univ.  in  Letters  June  8,  1611,  aged 

15.  Lived  with  John  Minter. 

1  In  a  letter  of  Oct.  30,  1863,  from  Baron  Elzevir,  then  Archivist  of  Leyd.,  to 
Dr.  Dexter  the  writer  says  :  — 

"  In  1644  a  congregation  of  Brownisten  existed  in  the  Vrouwekamp  at  Leyden 
proved  by  a  gathering  in  their  church  or  house  in  behalf  of  the  poor  protestant 
Irishmen,  persecuted  by  the  Catholics  or  papists." 

He  adds,  in  another  communication,  his  opinion  that  one  of  John  Keble's  two 
houses  in  this  locality  was  used  by  the  company  for  religious  meetings  after  Rob- 
inson's death  in  1625.  But  no  evidence  of  this  appears  beyond  the  holding  of  this 
single  meeting. 

2  This  list  is  not  absolutely  complete,  but  it  includes  all  who  seem  at  all  likely 
to  have  had  any  relations  with  the  members  of  the  Pilgrim  Company. 


642  APPENDIX 

Augustine,  Jane.    Wit.  bet.  of  Nich.  Haskins  May  16,  1618. 

Thomas.    Wit.  bet.  of  Nich.  Haskins  May  16,  1618. 

Bailey,  John.   Lived  in  Pieterskerkhof.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Sept.  23, 

1616. 
Barker  (or  Baker),  Dorothy.    Moth,  of  Mercy.    Wit.  her  bet. 

Mercy.    Dau.  of  Dor.    See  Mercy  Buckingham. 

Barrett,  John.    From  Sandwich.    Fustian-weaver.    Widr.  of  Abig.  van 

der  Welde.    Bet.  to  Hel.  Hendricks  Oct.  28,  1616,  with  wits,  her 

cOusin,  John  Ganne,  and  her  sist.,  Anna  Myers.    Mar.  same  day. 

Helen  (Myers,  Hendricks).    Wid.  of  Dan.    Wife  of  John. 

Brown,  Josephine.  Wid.  of  Wm.   Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  16, 1622, 

with  children  and  four  servants. 

William.    Son  of  Josephine. 

Percy.    Son  of  Josephine. 

Barbara.    Dau.  of  Josephine. 

Mary.    Dau.  of  Josephine. 

Mary  (Another).   Lived  on  Cortemaeren.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Jan. 

15,  1628. 
Buckingham,  Samuel.    From  Crediton,  Devon.    Bet.  to  Mercy  Barker, 

of  Amst.,  Feb.  12,  1639,  with  wits,  her  moth.,  Dor.  Barker,  and 

Pet.  Stalpaerts.    Mar.  Mar.  12. 

Mercy  (Barker) .  Wife  of  Sam. 

Butterfield,  Abraham.    Lived  in  Nieuwestadt.    Bur.  in  St.  Pan.  Sept. 

15,  1635. 
Stephen.    Lived  near   Vischhrugge.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Sept.  23, 

1635.    Perhaps  son  of  Steph.  of  Pilg.  Comp. 
Campbell,  William.    From  Scotland.    Guar,  by  Geo.  Drummond  and 

Jacques  van  de  Burge  May  20,  1611. 
Carpenter,  D.    Had  Lawrence  Wright,  student,  living  with  him  Aug. 

22,  1612. 

.    "  The  wife  of  Master."    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Oct.  4,  1620. 

Cox,  George.  From  Coventry.  Glove-maker.  Bet.  to  Marg.  Manuel  Oct. 

1,  1627,  with  wits.  Rog.  Pachet  and  Eliz.  Davids.  Mar.  Oct.  17. 

Marguerite  (Manuel) .    From  Guise,  France.    Wife  of  Geo. 

Crichton,  William.    Guar,  by  Simon  Cuypen  and  And.  May  Oct.  12, 

1618.    Made  affid.  with  Wm.  Dennis  Jan.  1,  1620.    Then  48. 
Crickett,   Daniel.    From    Sandwich.     Bet.   to   Frangoise    Le   Mahieu 

Apr.  23,  1611.    Lawrence  Lancey  a  wit.    Mar.  June  10. 
Fran^oise  (Le   Mahieu).    Wife  of  Dan.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Mar. 

18,  1616.    They  then  lived  in  Noordende. 
Cruger,  Robert.  Tobacco-merchant.  Deposed  with  Sim.  Higgins  about 

Rob.  Day  Mar.  24,  1621.    Then  42. 


APPENDIX  643 

Crutz,  Robert.    Guar.  Anth.  Hatfield  May  27,  1611. 

Curtis,    Samuel.     From    Scotland.     Wool-comber.     Guar,    by   John 

Ainsworth  and  Anth.    Hendrickson   Dec.  3,   1610.    Was  33   in 

1612. 
Cushman,  Peter.    Lived  in  Oostnieuwelant  Oct.  15,  1622. 
Cuypen,  Samuel.    Son  of  Thos.    Guar.  Wm.  Crichton  Oct.  12,  1618. 
Davids,^  Elizabeth.    Wit.  bet.  of  Geo.  Cox  Oct.  1,  1627.    See  Eliz. 

Halinek. 
William.  Cloth-maker.  Bet.  to  Marg.  Reyers  Apr.  15, 1625,  with 

wits.  Jochim  Jochimson  and  Jacquemyntge  Michielson.  Mar.  May 

3  or  soon  after. 

Margaret  (Reyers).    Wife  of  Wm. 

Davidson,  Thomas.    Widr.  of  Cath.    Bet.  to  Sar.  Neal  Apr.  25,  1637, 

with  wits.  Geo.  Salomon  and  Anna  Juwelen.    Mar.  May  18. 

Catharine  (Dome).    1st  wife  of  Thos. 

Sarah  (Thomas,  Neal) .    Wid.  of  Jos.    2d  wife  of  Thos. 

Dawson,  Andrew.    From  Scotland.    Deposed  with  Jas.  Moore  about 

Henley  Johnson  Apr.  13,  1611.    Then  35. 
Day,  Robert.    Cloth-draper.    Subj.  of  depos.  of  Rob.  Cruger  and  Sim. 

Higgins  Mar.  24,  1621. 
Dennis,  William.    Made  afl&d.  with  Wm.  Crichton  Jan.  1,  1620. 
Dome,  Catharine.    See  Cath.  Davidson. 
Dow,  Samuel.    Say-draper.    Guar,  by  Nath.  Drew  and  Abr.  Woods 

Aug.  26,  1622. 
Drew,  Nathan.    Guar.  Sam.  Dow  Aug.  26,  1622. 
Drummond,  George.    Guar.  Wm.  Campbell  May  20,  1611. 
Edmands,  Nathaniel.    Wit.  bet.  of  Abel  Jones  Jan.  10,  1614. 
Edwards,  Phineas.    Stocking-weaver.    Bought  house  on  Nonnensteeg 

for  390g.  Aug.  4,  1610.    Sold  it  to  Hen.  Richard  June  5,  1614. 

Tobias.    From  Colchester.     Baize-weaver.    Lived  on  East  Ra- 

penburg.    Bet.  to  Mary  de  Bonnet  Mar.  18,  1616.    Mar.  Apr.  5. 

Mary  (de  Bonnet).    Wife  of  Tob. 


Fones,  Lydia.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Hackney  Jan.  7,  1611. 
Ganne,  John,    Wit.  bet.  of  cousin,  John  Barrett,  Oct.  28,  1616. 
Garretson,  Albert.    Student  in  Leyd.  Univ.    Lived  in  Zevenhuysen 
Oct.  15,  1622,  with  wife,  children  and  sist. 

Susanna  (Peters).    Wife  of  Alb. 

Anna.    Dau.  of  Alb.  and  Sus. 

Susanna.    Dau.  of  Alb.  and  Sus. 

Mary.    Dau.  of  Alb.  and  Sus. 

Daniel.    Son  of  Alb.  and  Sus. 

^  Eliz.  (Davids,  Joosten)  Halinek. 


644  APPENDIX 

Garretson,  Peter.    Son  of  Alb.  and  Sus. 

Margaret.    Sist.  of  Alb. 

George, .    See  Morris. 

Gerritson,  Peter.    Guar.  Anth.  Hatfield  May  27,  1611.    Sold  part  of 

Thos.  Brewer's  former  house  in  Groenepoort  to  Chris.  Ellis  May 

4,  1640. 
Greenwood,  William.    From  Norwich.    Bet.  to  Rach.  Pettes  Nov.  24, 

1617,  with  wits.  Sam.  Singleton   and  Rob.  and  Marg.  Hopkins. 

No  record  of  wedding. 

Rachel  (Pettes).    Wife  of  Wm. 

Hackney,  Thomas.    Wool-comber.    Bet.  to  Elean.  Acton  Jan.  7,  1611, 

with  wits,   her  prob.  fath.,  or  bro.,  Wm.  Acton,  Rob.  Knights, 

her  moth.,  Anna  Acton  and  Lyd.  Foues.    Mar.  May  27. 

Eleanor  (Acton).    Wife  of  Thos. 

Halinck,  Elizabeth  (Davids,  Joosten).    From  London.    Wid.  of  Mal- 

jaert.    Wife  of  Corn.    Wit.  bet.  of  Geo.  Cox  Oct.  1,  1627. 
Halton,   Susanna.    Wid.   of  Clem.    Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15, 

1622,  with  two  children. 

.    Child  of  Clem,  and  Sus. 

John.    Son  of  Clem,  and  Sus. 

Haskins,   Nicholas.    From  Norwich.    Baize-weaver.    Widr.  of  Mary, 

Bet.  to Wright  May  16,  1618,  with  wits.  Thos.  and  Jane 

Augustine,  John  Chyschen  (Haskins  ?)  and  Ursula  Peters.    No 

record  of  wedding. 

Mary  ( ).    1st  wife  of  Nich. 

(Johnson,  Wright) .    Wid.  of  Pet.    2d  wife  of  Nich. 

Hatfield,  Anthony.    Guar,  by  Rob.  Crutz  and  Pet.  Gerritsoik^May  27, 

1611. 
Hendricks,  Daniel.    1st  husb.  of  Hel. 

Helen  (Myers).    Wid.  of  Dan.    See  Hel.  Barrett. 

.    See Jones. 

Hendrickson,  Anthony.    Guar.  Sam.  Curtis  Dec.  3,  1610. 

Higgins,  Simon.   Hat-maker.   Deposed  with  Rob.  Cruger  about  Rob. 

Day  Mar.  24,  1621.   Then  about  28. 
Hopkins  (or  Atkins),  Margaret.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Greenwood  Nov. 

24,  1617. 

Robert.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Greenwood  Nov.  24, 1617. 

Hunt,  Jacob.    From  Wales.    Baize-weaver.    Lived  in  Leyd.  in  1612. 
Johnson,  Andrew.    As  guard,  of  children  of  Jasp.  Eelhont  with  Chris. 

Ellis  and  Ivar  Powells  sold  house  Dec.  3,  1637. 
Cornelius.    Looking-glass-maker.    Guar.    John  Robertson   June 

15,  1612. 


APPENDIX  645 

Johnson,  Henley.   Subj.  of  affid.  of  And.  Dawson  and  Jas.  Moore  Apr. 

13,  1611. 
Jones,  Abel.    From  London.   Stocking-weaver.  Bet.  to Hendricks 

Jan.  10, 1614,  with  wits.  Nath.  Edmands  and Ysbrants.  Mar. 

Jan.  25.    Guar.  Aar.  Lovett  May  28,  1638.    Then  tailor. 

(Hendricks) .    Wife  of  Abel. 

John.    Wit.  bet.  of  Rich.  Richardson  Feb.  19,  1622. 

Susanna.    See  Sus.  Richardson.    Perhaps  dau.  or  sist.  of  John. 


Juwelen,  Anna.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Davidson  Apr.  25,  1637. 
Kendall,  Elizabeth.    Dau.  of  Aar.  and  Anna  (Cornelis) .    Bet.  to  Mos. 

Paijens  Mar.  21,  1618,  with  wit.  her  moth. 
Knights,  Alice.    From  Yarmouth.   See  Alice  Smith. 

Robert.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Hackney,  Jan.  7,  1611. 

Lancey,  Lawrence.    Wit.  bet.  of  Dan.  Crickett  Apr.  23,  1611. 
Leighton,  John.    Lived  on  Achtergracht.    Bur.  in  St.  Pet.  Mar.  14, 

1613. 
Lewis,  Joseph.    Referred  to  in  depos.  of  Bern.  Ross  Apr.  11,  1616. 
Lewison,  Jacob.    Guar.  John  Robertson  June  15,  1612. 
Lovett,  Aaron,    From   Sandwich.     Baize-merchant.     Guar,    by    Dan. 

Severijn  and  Abel  Jones  May  28,  1638. 
May,  Andrew.    Guar.  Wm.  Crichton  Oct.  12,  1618. 
Minter,  John.    Had  Arth.  Aston,    stud.,    living   with   him   June   8, 

1611. 
Moore,   James.    From    Scotland.    Deposed    with   And.    Dawson    to 

knowledge  of  Henley  Johnson  Apr.  13,  1611.    Then  30. 
Morris    (or  Morse),  Elizabeth.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.,  July  28,  1617. 

Prob.  moth,  or  sist. 

John.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.    Prob.  fath.  or  bro. 

William.    Hat-maker,    Bet.  to George  July  28,  1617,  with 

wits,  his  fath.,  or  bro.,  John  Morris,  his  cousin,  John  Sterling,  Ed. 

Williams,  Eliz.  Morris  and  Magd.  Peters.    Mar.  Aug.  12.    Then 

lived  with  Ed,  Williams, 

( George).    Wid.  of  Rob.    Wife  of  Wm. 

Fanny.    Wit.  bet.  of  Rich.  Richardson  Feb.  19,  1622. 


Moses,  Jane.    Bet.  to  Wm.  Poor  Nov.  27,  1615. 

Myers,  Anna.    Sist.  of  Hel.    Wit.  her  bet.  to  John  Barrett  Oct.  28, 

1616.    Prob.  same  as  Mary  Anna  Myers,  who  wit.  bet.  of  Jos, 

Parsons  July  8,  1621. 
Helen.    From  Sandwich.    Sist.  of  Anna.     See  Hel.   Hendricks 

and  Hel.  Barrett. 
John.    Perhaps  fath.  or  bro.  of  Anna  and  Hel.    Wit.  bet.  of  Jos. 

Parsons  July  8,  1621. 


646  APPENDIX 

Neal,  Edward.    From  Warrenton,^  Lane.    Bet.  to  Mary  van  Rokigen 

Nov.  25,  1616,  with  wits,  his  bro.,  John  Neal,  and  Jane  Scudder. 

No  record  of  wedding. 

Mary  (Buffkin,  van  Rokigen).    Wid.  of  Louis.    Wife  of  Ed. 

John.    Bro.  of  Ed.    Wit.  his  bet.  Nov.  25,  1616. 

Joseph.    1st  husb.  of  Sar. 

Sarah  (Thomas).    Wid.  of  Jos.    See  Sar.  Davidson. 

Parsons,  Joseph.    From  Colchester.    Say-weaver.    Bet.  to  Mar.  Smith 

July  8,  1621,  with  wits.  John  Myers,  her  fath.,  Rob.  Smith,  and 

Mary  Anna  Myers.    Mar.  July  29  or  soon  after. 

Maria  (Smith) .    Wife  of  Jos. 

Peck,  Nicholas.  Matric.  at  Leyd.  Univ.  in  Med.  Dec.  7,  1611,  aged  30. 
Peters,  Magdalene.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Morris  July  28,  1617. 

Ursula.    Wit.  bet.  of  Nich.  Haskins  May  16,  1618. 

Pettes,  Edward.    From  London.    Wool-carder.    Widr.  of  Anna.    Bet. 

to  Eliz.  Potters   Dec.  30,  1609,  with  wits.  Raph.  and   Marth. 

Rowlands.    No  record  of  wedding. 

Anna  (Johnson).    1st  wife  of  Ed. 

Elizabeth  (Brants,  Potters).    Wid.  of  John.    2d  wife  of  Ed. 

Rachel.    From  London.    See  Rach.  Greenwood. 

Poor,  William.    Bet.   to  Jane  Moses  Nov.  27,  1615.    No  record  of 

wits,  or  wedding. 
Potters,  John.    1st  husb.  of  Eliz. 
Elizabeth  (Brants) .   From  Waltham.^   Wife  of  John.    See  Eliz. 

Pettes. 
Randall,  George.    Made  depos.  Feb.  26,  1619. 
Reyers,  Margaret.    See  Marg.  Davids.  ^ 

Richard,  Henry.    From   Sandwich.     Bought  house    on  Nonnensteeg 

from  Phin.  Edwards  June  5,  1614.    Sold  it  for  175g.  to  Alex. 

Price  Dec.  13,  1627. 
Richardson,  Richard.  Wool-carder.   Bet.  to  Sus.  Jones  Feb.  19, 1622, 

with  wits.  John  Jones  and  Fanny  Morris.    Mar.  Mar.  12. 

Susanna  (Jones).    Wife  of  Rich. 

Robertson,  John.    From  Norwich.    Guar,  by  Corn.  Johnson  and  Jac. 

Lewison  June  15,  1612.    Perhaps  the  John  Robertson,  living  on 

the  Sonnerveltsteeg,  licensed  Nov.  9,  1613,  to  sell  beer. 
Rochester,  Dudley.    Bought  house  on  Papengracht  for  645g.  from 

Chris.  Ellis  Nov.  8,  1638. 
Root,  Roger.    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Wiseman  May  16,  1625. 
Rowlands,  Mary.    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Tessens  Jan.  26,  1613. 

^  Warrington. 

^  Whether  in  Line,  Lane,  or  Kent  is  unknown. 


APPENDIX  647 

Rowlands,  Martha.    Wit.  bet.  of  Ed.  Pettes  Dec.  30,  1609. 

Raphael.    Wit.  bet.  of  Ed.  Pettes  Dec.  30,  1609. 

Salomon,  George.    Wit.  bet.  of  Thos.  Davidson  Apr.  25,  1637. 

Scudder,  Jane.    Wit.  bet.  of  Ed.  Neal  Nov.  25,  1616. 

Simmons,  Anna.    Bet.  to  Wm.  Bradford,  soldier  at  Nymegen,  June  2, 

1622. 

Jane.    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Wiseman  May  16,  1625. 

Singleton,  Samuel.    Hod-carrier.    Wit.  bet.  of  Wm.  Greenwood  Nov. 

24,  1617.    Lived  on  Mirakelsteeg.    Belonged  to  night  watch,  or 

city  guard,  Apr.  30,  1620.    Bur.  in  St.  Pan.  June  14,  1620. 
Mary  (Williams).  Wid.  of  Sam.    Deposed  Aug.  7,  1620,  that  he 

had  been  dead  two  months. 
Smith,  John.    From  Yarmouth.    Say-weaver.    Widr.  of  Fanny.    Bet. 

to  Alice  Knights  Oct.  20,  1618,  with  wits.  John  and  Anna  Lepe- 

laer.    Mar.  Nov.  11.    Lived  in  Zevenhuysen  Oct.  15,  1622. 

Fanny  (Wrangham).    1st  wife  of  John. 

Alice  (Knights) .    2d  wife  of  John. 

Maria.   From  Colchester.    Dau.  of  Rob.    See  Mar.  Parsons. 

Robert.    Father  of  Mar.    Wit.  her  bet.   to  Jos.  Parsons  July  8, 

1621. 

Roger.    Wool-comber.    Was  34  in  1611. 

Spooner,  Mrs.    Bur.  child   in   St.   Pet.   May  18,  1630.    Bur.   anoth. 

June  3,  1630.    Bur.  anoth.  June  20,  1630. 
Stalpaerts,  Peter.    Wit.  bet.  of  Sam.  Buckingham  Feb.  12,  1639. 
Sterling,  John.    Wit.  bet.  of  cousin,  Wm.  Morris,  July  28,  1617. 
Stuart,  Robert.    Lived  in  Leyd.  in  1612. 
Watts,  Thomas.    1st  husb.  of  Eva. 

Eva  ( ).   Wid.  of  Thos.    See  Eva  Wiseman. 

White,  Rosamond.    Wit.  bet.  of  John  Wiseman  May  16,  1625.    Pos- 
sibly wife  of  Thos.  White  of  Amst.,  who  pub.  "  A  Discoverie  of 

Brownism  "  in  1605. 
Wiggins,  Susanna.   Wit.  bet.  of  Mahieu  Casier  Dec.  18,  1627. 
Williams,  Andrew.    Bought  house  in  Pieterskerkhof  for  llOOg.  from 

Chris.  Ellis  June  18,  1637. 
Edward.    Had  Wm.  Morris  living  with  him  when  Morris  was 

bet.,  July  28,  1617.   Wit.  his  bet. 
Wilson,  Thomas.    From  Cambridge.    Say-weaver.    Date  uncertain. 
Wiseman,  John.   Tailor.    Bet.  to  Eva  Watts  May  16,  1625,  with  wits. 

Rog.  Root,  Jane  Simmons  and  Rosam.  White.   Mar.  May  31. 

Eva  (Watts).    Wid.  of  Thos.    Wife  of  John. 

Woods,  Abraham.    Say-weaver.    Guar.  Jac.  Woods  Mar.  29,   1613. 

Do.  Sam.  Dow  Aug.  26,  1622. 


648  APPENDIX 

Woods,  Isaac.    Guar.  Jac.  Woods  Mar.  29,  1613. 

Jacob.    Say-weaver.    Lived  in  Hoofdkerken.    Guar,   by  Abr.  and 

Is.  Woods  Mar.  29,  1613. 

Wright, .    Wid.  of  Pet.    See Haskins. 

Lawrence.    Student   in   Leyd.  Univ.    Matric.  in  Med.  Aug.  22, 

1612,  aged  22.    Lived  with  D.  Carpenter. 


From  the  two  foregoing  lists  an  estimate  of  numbers  may  be  made, 
as  follows.  It  is  as  nearly  exact  as  is  possible  in  the  existing  condi- 
tions. 

Known,  or  fairly  presumable,  members  of  the  Pilgrim  Com- 
pany in  Leyden  until  July,  1620,  298 

Others  associated  more  or  less  closely  with  them  until  that  time, 
or  with  the  remaining  members  later,  281 


579 
Deduct  those  named  more  than  once,  106 

The  whole  Pilgrim  colony,  473 

The  other  English  in  Leyden,  1609-81,  of  whom  per- 
haps some  belonged  to  the  colony,  169 
Deduct  those  named  more  than  once,  16 


153  153 
Total  English  colony  likely  to  have  been  associated  with  

the  Pilgrims  in  any  degree  626 

There  were  others,  however,  who  do  not  appear  to  have   been  so 

associated.  ^ 

CITIZENSHIP  LIST. 

The  following  siocty-five  members  of  the  Pilgrim  Company  became 
citizens  of  Leyden.  Before  the  emigration  in  July,  1620,  these 
thirty-three :  — 

1609.  Pet.  Boey  and  Rog.  Wilson. 

1610.  Abr.  Gray,  Nich.  Hawley,*  Wm.  Lisle,  Wm.  Robertson,  Bern. 

Ross,  John  Turner  and  Hen.  Wood. 

1611.  John  Carpenter,*  Bart.  Smith  and  Jac.  Stevens.* 

*  A  star  over  a  name  means  that  the  date  at  which  its  owner  became  a  citizen 
is  not  recorded  but  that  in  the  course  of  this  year  he  guaranteed  some  one  else, 
thus  demonstrating  his  own  previous  citizenship. 


APPENDIX  649 

1612.  Wm.  Bradford,  Hen.  Collet  and  Rich.  Masterson.* 

1613.  Edm.  Chandler  and  Wm.  Minter. 

1614.  Is.  AUerton. 

1615.  John  Keble,  Sam.  Lee,  Alex.  Price,  Deg.  Priest  and  Thos. 

Smith. 

1616.  Jos.  Crips  and  Wm.  Jepson. 

1617.  Jon.  Brewster  and  Thos.  Tinker. 

1618.  Thos.  Rogers,  And.  Sharp  and  Hen.  Stafford. 

1619.  Chris.  Ellis,  Fred.  Jones  *  and  Wm.  Ring. 

After  the  departure  of  the  emigrants  these  thirty-tioo  :  — 

1621.  Hen.  Jepson  and  Jos.  Spalding, 

1622.  Herb.    Dennis,*   Anth.   Fretwell,*   John    Warnes    and    Pet. 

Wright. 

1623.  Marcus   Balden,*  Anth.  Clement,*  Rog.   Fassett,  Geo.  Fergu- 

son,* John  Spooner  and  Rog.  White. 

1624.  John  Tracy. 

1625.  Eras.  Jessop. 

1626.  Ed.  Coolidge,  Humph.  Howell,  Jac.  Johnson  *  and  Wm.  Smith. 

1627.  John  Jennings. 

1628.  Wm.  White. 

1629.  Wm.  Bridgman.* 

1630.  Huh.  Brook. 

1631.  Wm.  Jackson. 

1637.  Steph.  Butterfield. 

1638.  Thos.  Johnson,*  Wm.  Kibbett  and  Walt.  Tucker. 

1639.  John  Ainsworth,  Thos.  Jones  *  and  Raph.  Lovell. 

1640.  Mich.  KnoUys. 
1642.  Thos.  Otley. 


ENGLISH  SOURCES  OF  THE   PILGRIM  EMIGRATION. 

The  English  homes  of  the  Pilgrims,  when  known,  have  been  stated 
in  connection  with  individuals.  As  to  many  no  record  exists.  In  most 
cases  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  place  recorded  is  that  of  birth  or  of 
residence  just  before  leaving  for  Holland,  and  in  some  a  doubt  remains 
which  of  two  or  more  places  of  the  same  name  is  meant.  Yet  there  is 
a  certain  interest  in  noting  from  what  parts  of  England  they  went,  and, 
so  far  as  the  various  hindrances  permit,  this  has  been  attempted,  as 
follows :  — 


650  APPENDIX 

From  the  North  of  Eng.    Dur.  (1)  —  with  Scot.  (3)  —  4  —   4 
From  the  East  of  Eng.      Yorks.  (East.)        ...       5 

Norf 32 

Suff 3 

Essex 11 

Kent .     17  —  68 

From  the  Middle  of  Eng.   Yorks.  (remainder)    .     .       6 

Line .       2 

Notts 9 

Cambs. 3 

Leic 1 

Berks 2 

Wilts 1  —  24 

From  the  South  of  Eng.     Somers 5 

Dorset 1 

Sussex 3 

Hants 1  —  10 

From  London 17  —  17  —  123 

Uncertain  —  prob.     .     .     Notts.,   Norf.,   Suff.,  or 

Kent—  .  .  .  .  14  —  14  —  137 
This  classification,  although  necessarily  very  imperfect,  affords  some 
suggestion  as  to  the  comparative  prevalence  of  Nonconformity  at  the 
period.  But  it  is  more  than  probable  that  those  who  fled  to  Holland 
from  the  Scrooby  region  alone  —  in  So.  Yorks.,  Notts,  and  Line. — 
numbered  several  scores  of  persons,  although  only  some  twelve  or 
fifteen  can  be  traced  to  that  region  from  the  Dutch  records. 

PLYMOUTH  COLONISTS  FROM  LEYDEN. 

Children  who  were  in  Leyden  with  parents  who  became  colonists  are 
included.  The  following  thirty-five  ^  persons  came  over  in  1620  in  the 
Mayflower :  — 

Allerton,  Isaac.  AUerton,  Bartholomew. 

Mary.  Remember. 

^  The  John  and  Bridget  Tilley  of  the  Mayflower  probably  came  from  Shipton, 
Shrops.,  and  were  not  the  John  Telly  and  Bridg-et  (van  der  Welde)  who  were  be- 
trothed in  Leyden  Feb.  13,  1615,  with  his  fath.,  Paul  Telly,  as  wit.  and  married 
Mar.  3.  Bradford  says  three  times  distinctly  that  Eliz.  Tilley  was  John's  daughter 
(Hist.  450,  453).  And  she  had  married  John  Rowland  long  enough  before  the 
division  of  cattle  in  the  colony,  June  1,  1627,  to  have  two  children  then  and  must 
have  married  him  as  early  as  1624-25,  when  she  could  have  been  only  nine  or  ten 
years  old  if  she  were  the  daughter  of  the  John  married  —  and  for  the  first  time  — 
in  Leyden  in  1615.  Edward  Tilley,  of  the  Mayflower,  apparently  was  from  Ship- 
ton,  and  €he  records  of  that  place  show  that  there  also  were  John  Tilleys  there. 


APPENDIX 

Allerton,  Mary. 

Priest,  Degory. 

John. 

Rogers,  Thomas. 

Bradford,  William. 

Joseph. 

Dorothy. 

Tinker,  Thomas. 

Brewster,  William. 

Thomas,  Mrs 

Mary. 

.    Son. 

Love. 

Turner,  John. 

Wrestling. 

.    Son. 

Carver,  John. 

.    Son. 

Catharine. 

White,  William. 

Crackstone,  John. 

Winslow,  Edward. 

John,  Jr. 

Susanna. 

English  (England), 

Thomas. 

Resolved. 

Fletcher,  Moses. 

Williams,  Thomas. 

Fuller,  Samuel. 

Elizabeth. 

Goodman,  John. 

651 


No  student  of  the  Leyden  records  is  likely  to  doubt  the  identity  of 
Thos.  English  and  Thos.  England.  Another  passenger.  Desire  Minter, 
has  been  supposed  to  have  come  from  Leyden,  but  there  is  no  evidence 
of  her  ever  having  been  there.  Bradford  says  '  that  she  "  returned  to 
her  freinds  .  .  .  and  dyed  in  England,"  which  suggests  that  she  may 
have  joined  the  company  at  Southampton. 

The  following /o?/r  came  over  in  1621  in  the  Fortune  :  — 

Bassett,  William.^  Cushman,  Thomas. 

Brewster,  Jonathan.  Morton,  Thomas. 


The  following  twenty-four  came 

over  in  1623  in  the  Anne  or  the 

Little  James :  — 

Brewster,  Fear. 

Jenny,  Sarah. 

Patience. 

Sarah. 

Cuthbertson,  Cuthbert. 

Samuel. 

Sarah. 

Abigail. 

Samuel. 

Morton,  George. 

Fuller,  Bridget. 

Juliana. 

Jenny,  John. 

Nathaniel. 

^  Hist.  450.  Francis  Cook  also  may  have  been  the  man  of  that  name  who  was 
married  to  Hester  Mahieu  in  Leyden  on  June  9, 1603,  but  no  allusion  to  him  occurs 
later. 

2  Bassett's  third  wife,  Elizabeth,  apparently  was  from  Leyden,  but  there  is  no 
proof  of  her  presence  there,  or  any  record  of  their  marriage. 


652  APPENDIX 

Morton,  Patience.  Priest,  Sarah. 

John.  Southworth,  Alice. 

Sarah.  Tracy,  Stephen. 

Thomas,  Jr.  Tryphosa. 

Priest,  Mary.  Sarah. 

The  following  eighteen  came  over  later  at  different  times :  — 

Blossom,  Thomas.    1629.  Pontus,  William.   1630. 

Ann.    1629.  Mary.    1630. 

Thomas,  Jr.    1629.  Ring,  Mary.    1630. 

Peter.    1629.  Andrew.    1630. 

Bradford,  John.  1627  or  soon  after.  Elizaheth.    1630. 

Chandler,  Edmond.  1633  or  earlier.  Susanna.  1630. 

Roger.    1633  or  earlier.  Robinson,  Isaac.    1631. 

Masterson,  Richard.    1630.  Southworth,  Constant.    1628. 
Mary.   1630.  Thomas.   1628  or  soon  after. 

Eighty-one  in  all.  It  is  not  absolutely  certain  that  Edmond  and 
Roger  Chandler  and  the  Rings  are  the  same  who  were  in  the  company 
at  Leyden,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  in  the  matter.  Robert  Cush- 
man  also  made  a  short  visit  to  the  colony  in  1621. 


INDEXES 


INDEX   OF  PUBLICATIONS 


This  index  is  intended  to  serve  merely  as  a  guide  and  only  indicates  titles.  In 
order  to  prevent  it  from  being  largely  a  duplicate  of  the  General  Index,  which 
follows  it,  authors  whose  names  occur  solely  in  connection  with  the  titles  of 
their  works  ordinarily  are  mentioned  in  this  index  only.  A  reference  here  to 
a  work  by  any  other  author  is  in  each  case  to  that  mention  of  the  work  which 
gives  its  title  most  fully,  and  all  other  references  to  it  are  in  the  General  Index 
under  the  author's  name. 


Abkidg.  Bk.  Deliv.  to  Maj.,  357,  566. 

Abr.'s  Faith,  J.  Nichols,  382. 

Abstr.  Acts  Pari.,  Stoughton,  141. 

Acet.,  Evelyn,  10. 

Act-bk.,  York,  253,  328,  391,  392,  401. 

Act  Suprem.,  65. 

Act  Uniform.,  73,  80,  91,  98,  105,  107, 

114. 
Acts  and  Mens.,  Foxe,  38. 
Acts  Ch.  Coun.  St.  Pet.,  Leyd.,  593. 
Add.  MSS.  Brit.  Mus.,  257. 
Admon.  Pari.,  Gartwright,  126. 
Admon.  Peop.  Eng.,  Cooper,  181. 
Ad  Respons.  N.  Grev.,  Ames,  566. 
Ad  Tract,  de  Minis.  Grad.,  Beza,  165. 
Adv.,  Glyfton,  429. 
Adv.  cone.  Bk.  Lately  Pub.,  464. 
Adv.  Corrup.,  Broughton,  437. 
Adv.  or  Admon.,  Helwys,  538. 
Adv.  Pap-hatchet,  R.  Harvey,  181. 
Advice  to  Son,  Shaw,  424,  458. 
Advs.,  94,  97,  105. 

Agric.  and  Prices,  J.  E.  T.  Rogers,  22. 
Ainsworth,  Axon,  423. 
Almond  for  Parrot,  Nash,  181. 
Am  bass.,  Noailles,  85. 
Amer.  Biog.,  286. 
Amer.  Jour.  Educ,  22. 
Amesii,  Gul.  (Op.),  520. 
Anat.  Abuses,  Stubbes,  13. 
Anat.  Armin.,  P.  du  Moulin,  582. 
Anat.  Melan.,  R.  Burton,  15. 
Anc.  Eccles.  Pract.  Confirm.,  Hakewill, 

551. 
Anc.  Truth  Rev.,  458. 
Angl.  Schism,  Sanders,  92. 
Animad.,  Ainsworth,  466. 
x\nnals,  Anderson,  376,  .539. 
Annals,  C.  H.  Cooper,  257,  258,  278. 
Annals,  Holmes,  .500. 
Annals,  Prince,  500. 


Annals,  Scot.,  Balfour,  47. 

Annals,  J.  Stow,  43, 107. 

Annals,  Strype,  8,  63,  87,  101,  119,  124, 
139,  143,  289,  305. 

Annots.,  H.  Ainsworth,  428. 

Ans.  for  Time,  116. 

Ans.  of  Vice-chanc,  335,  337,  438. 

Ans.  to  Cartwright,  Browne,  194. 

Ans.  to  Cens.  Epis..  Robinson,  451. 

Ans.  to  Cert.  Calum.  Let.,  Sutcliffe, 
153. 

Ans.  to  Cert.  Libel,  Whitgift,  105. 

Ans.  to  Cert.  Libel  Supplic,  Sutcliffe, 
164. 

Ans.  to  G.  Gifford,  Greenwood,  207. 

Ans.  to  Jacob,  F.  Johnson,  437. 

Ans.  to  Ten  Demands,  Euring,  578. 

Ans.  to  Treat.  Cross  Bapt.,  Bradshaw, 
359. 

Ans.  to  Two  Treats.,  Cosin,  141. 

Antimartinus,  181. 

Antiq.  Annals  Stamford,  Peck,  282. 

Antiquary,  80. 

Apol.,  Johnson-Ainsworth,  465. 

Apol.  against  Brownists,  J.  Hall,  393. 

Apol.,  CathoL,  T.  Morton,  348. 

Apol.,  Eccles.  Angl.,  Jewell,  165. 

Apol.  for  Sundry  Proceeds.,  Cosin,  169. 

Apol.  or  Defence,  439. 

Appeal  to  Pari.,  or  Slon's  Plea,  Leigh- 
ton,  45. 

Arch.  Hist.  Camb.,  Willis-Clark,  264, 
265. 

Arg.,  N.  Fuller,  364. 

Args.,  Sprint,  .3.58. 

Armiu.  Op.,  512. 

Arrow,  Paget,  524. 

Arts.,  Eleven,  93,  105. 

Arts.  Enquiry,  106,  109,  111. 

Arts.  Faith  Nat.  Ch.,  Horamius,  574. 

Arts.,  Forty-two,  77-80,  93,  94. 


656 


INDEX  OF   PUBLICATIONS 


Arts.,  Injuncts.   and  Canons,  Sparrow, 

70. 
Arts.,  Lambeth,  261,  396. 
Arts.,  Seven  (Pilg.),  568. 
Arts.,  Six,  66,  70,  76. 
Arts.,  Ten,  66,  75. 
Arts.,  Thirty-nine,  94,  105,  106. 
Arts.  Visitation,  84. 
Asin.  Onust.,  181. 

Assert,  for  Ch.  Policy,  Stoughton,  345. 
Assert.  Sept.  Sacram.,  Hen. VIII,  58. 
Astrol.  Disc,  R.  Harvey,  32. 
Ath.  Cant.,  124,  126,  160,  257,  429. 
Ath.  Ox.,  273. 

Attest,  of  Learn.  Divines,  Jacob,  550. 
Audit-bk.,  Peterhouse,  275. 
Austerf.  Par.  Recs.,  379,  389. 
Author.  Ch.  in  Making  Canons,  Mason, 

365. 

Bannatyne  Pubs.,  302. 

Barrow,  H.,  Powicke,  182,  380. 

Basil.  Dor.,  Jas.  I,  369. 

Beschr.  Stad  Leyd.,  Orlers,  475,  482, 
497,  498. 

Bible,  Bishops',  258. 

Bible,  Clyfton,  387. 

Bible,  Gutenberg,  55. 

Bible,  Mazarin,  55. 

Bible.  Revised,  375. 

Bib.  Repos.,  512. 

Birch  Add.  MSS.,  377. 

Blessings,  Gerizim,  Sutcliffe,  348. 

Bloody  Ten.,  Williams,  423. 

Blow  at  Mod.  Sadducism,  Glanvil,  39. 

Blyth,  Raine,  217,  218,  2.36,  380. 

Bodleian  Jurid.,  311,  316. 

Book  Psalms,  Ains worth,  543,  589. 

Book  Wh.  Sheweth,  Browne,  193. 

Brev.  Rom.,  72. 

Breviary  Health,  Boorde,  31. 

Brief  Ans.  to  Objects,  against  Descens. 
Christ  into  Hell,  351. 

Brief  Ans.  to  Cert.  Reasons,  Covell, 
362. 

Brief  Censure  Pur.  Pamph.,  331. 

Brief  Discourse  against  Outward  Ap- 
parel, 114. 

Brief  Discourse  Cert.  Points  of  Relig., 
GifPord,  146. 

Brief  Discourse  Troubles  Frankfort,  135. 

Brief  Discov.  False  Ch.,  Barrowe,  17. 

Brief  Discov.  Untruths,  Penry,  170. 

Brief  Exam,  for  Time,  11.5. 

Brief,  Plain  Declar.,  Fulke,  153. 

Brief  Treat.  Declaring  Ch.,  113. 

Brief  Treat.  Oaths,  Morice,  169. 

Britan.  Depict.,  Owen,  9. 

Broth.  Persnas.  to  Unity,  Sparks,  339. 

Brownism  Turned  Inside  Out.,  Lawne, 
546. 


Caesura  Lit.,  181. 

Caius  Coll.  MSS.,  316. 

Calvin,  Henry,  184. 

Calvin  Letters,  Bonnet,  185. 

Camb.  Un.  Matric.  Regs.,  256. 

Carab.  Un.  Trans.,  337. 

Campion,  Simpson,  302. 

Carleton's  Letters,  562. 

Cartwright,  Brook,  138. 

Cases  Consc.  cone.  Witchcraft,  I.  Mather, 

39. 
Cassander  Angl.,  Sprint,  576. 
Cath.  Supplic,  Powel,  347,  440. 
Cav.  for  Cursetors,  Harman,  6. 
Cert.  Args.  to  Persuade  Pari.,  358. 
Cert.  Arts  or  Reasons,  330. 
Cert.  Arts  out  of  Admon.  to  Pari.,  133. 
Cert.  Consids.  from  Canons  Last  Syn., 

361. 
Cert.  Consids.  touching  Pacif.,  Bacon, 

363. 
Cert.  Demands,  356. 
Cert.  Letters,  428,  434,  4.36. 
Cert.  Letters  and  Confers.,  201. 
Cert.  Miner,  and  Metaph.  Sch.  Points, 

Marprelate,  180. 
Cert.  Questions,  H.  Ainsworth,  437. 
Cert.  Reasons,  F.  Johnson,  149. 
Cert.  Reasons  against  Conform.,   Digh- 

ton,  574. 
Cert.  Sermons,  70. 

Cert.  Slanderous  Arts.,  Barrowe,  202. 
Chapters  Relig.  Hist.  Spain,  Lea,  52. 
Charlestown  Recs.,  Wyman,  425. 
Char,  of  Beast,  Smyth,  453. 
Chief  of  Pilgs.,  Steele,  255,  283,  286, 

295. 
Christ.  Adverts.,  Bernard,  459. 
Christ.  Letter,  173,  174. 
Christ.,  Mod.  Offer,  Jacob,  369. 
Chronol.  of  Med.,  Richards,  32. 
Chrons.,  Holinshed,  97,  107. 
Chrons.  of  Pilgs.,  Young,  52.      (See  W. 

Bradford.) 
Close  Roll,  Kg.  John,  216. 
Colet's  Lects.,  Romans,  56. 
Collectanea,  Leland,  218. 
Collects,  cone.  Founders  N.  Plym.,  Hun- 
ter, 228. 
Comfort.  Epis.,  Wyburne,  122. 
Comment.,  Apos.  Creed,  Jackson,  551. 
Comment.,  Blackstone,  8. 
Comment.,  Cartwright,  566. 
Comment.  Pent.,  H.  Ainsworth,  424. 
Com.  Apol.,  J.  Hall,  398. 
Commun.  Saints,  Steuart,  428. 
Cone.  New  Ch.  Discip.,  G.  Cranmer,  172. 
Concil.  Mag.  Brit,  et  Hibern.,  D.  Wil- 

kins,  338,  354. 
Concise   Descrip.  Endow.  Gram.  Schs.. 

Carlyle,  24,  25. 


INDEX  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


657 


Confessio  Fid.,  210,  432,  444,  465. 
Confession  and  Protest.,  Jacob,  563. 
Confessions,  KnoUys  Soc,  538. 
Confirm.       and      Discov.      Witchcraft, 

Stearne,  39. 
Confut.  Cert.  Arts.,  Wilkinson,  178. 
Confut.  Heresies  H.  N.,  Knewstiibs,  178. 
Confut.  Rhem.  Trans.,  Cartwright,  574. 
Congm.  in  Lit.,  H.  M.  Dexter,  182,  199, 

200,  262,  371,  422,  442,  557. 
Consid.  Cert.  Posits.,  Bradshaw,  359. 
Consid.     Deprived     Ministers'     Args., 

Powel,  358. 
Consids.   touching    Difference,    Sprint, 

358. 
Consolat.  for  Gram.  Schs.,  Brinsley,  26. 
Cornwall,  R.  Carew,  16. 
Coron.  ad  Coll.  Hag.,  Ames,  575, 
Corp.  Jur.  Can.,  Greg.  XHI,  37. 
Costumes  in  Eng.,  F.  W.  Fairholt,  12. 
Cotton  MSS.,  263,  292,  296,  307,  309, 

344. 
Counterblast,  Jas.  I,  15. 
CountercufiE,  Nash,  181. 
Counterpoison,  H.  Ainsworth,  149. 
Counterpoison,  D.  Fenner,  142. 
Court  and  Country,  15. 
Cranmer,  Strype,  65,  74. 
Credulity  in  Deny.  Witches,  Casaubon, 

39. 
Creed,  First  Cong'l,  201. 
Creeds,  66. 

Creeds  Christendom,  SchafE,  396. 
Crudities,  Coryatt,  15. 

Daemonology,  Jas.  I,  35. 

Dang.  Proceeds,  and  Posits.,  Bancroft, 

170. 
Davison,  Campbell,  298. 
De  Bello  Belg.,  Strada,  415. 
De  Brownisten,  Scheffer,  386. 
De  Divers.  Min.  Evang.  Grad.,  Saravia, 

165. 
De  Fascin.  et  Incant.,  Tandlerus,  39. 
De  Orig.  acProg.  Schism.  Angl.,  87. 
De  Perpet.  Eccles.  Gubern.,  Bilson,  538. 
De  Polit.  Eccles.,  Parker,  520. 
De  Prestig.  et  Incant.,  Wierus,  38. 
De  Reg.  Eccles.  Scot.,  580. 
De  Vera  et  Gen.  Relig.,  574. 
Declar.  and  Plain.  Open.,  Jacob,  .520. 
Declar.  Faith  Eng.  Peop.,  443,  520. 
Declar.  Practices  Earl  Essex,  F.  Bacon, 

261. 
Defence  Arts.  Prot.  Relig.,  Barlow,  330. 
Defence  Chhs.  and  Mins.  Eng.,  438. 
Defence  Eccles.  Discip.,  D.  Fenner,  158. 
Defence  Godly  Mins.,  D.  Fenner,  158. 
Defence  Govt.  Ch.  Eng.,  Bridges,  157. 
Defence    Holy  Scrips.,   H.   Ainsworth, 

460. 


Defence  Mins.  Reasons,  Hieron,  358. 

Defence  Reas.  Counterpois.,  143. 

Defence  R.  Some's  Last  Treat.,  Some, 
161. 

Defence  That  Written,  Penry,  159. 

Defense  Ans.  Admon.,  Whitgift,  134. 

Defense  Eccles.  Reg.,  133. 

Defens.  Tract.,  Saravia,  166. 

Delices  de  Leide,  491. 

Demonstr.  Discip.,  145. 

Demonstr.  Truth  Discip.,  Udall,  154. 

Descrip.  Brit.,  W.  Harrison,  4. 

Descrip.  Ch.  Christ,  457. 

Descrip.  Fain.  Love,  Snow,  178. 

Descrip.  N.  Eng.,  J.  Smith,  563. 

Descrip.  Oxon.  Acad.,  Fitzherbert,  256. 

Descrip.,  What  God  Predestin.,  Murton, 
386. 

Desid.  Curiosa,  276. 

Despatches  Venet.  Ambas.,  58. 

Detection  E.  Glover,  Bredwell,  205. 

Devil  an  Ass,  Jonson,  15. 

D'Ewe's  Journ.,  307. 

Dial.  Ceremonies,  Gardiner,  355. 

Dial.  Light  Dancing,  Fetherstone,  17. 

Dial.  Pap.  and  Prot.,  GifEord,  146. 

Dial.  Strife  of  Ch.,  144. 

Dial.  Tyran.  Dealings,  146. 

Dial.  Witches,  Gifford,  39. 

Dialect.  Lib.  Duo,  Ramus,  27. 

Diary,  Evelyn,  10,  22,  23,  32-34, 42,  46- 
49. 

Diary,  Pepys,  24,  32,  34,  42,  46-48, 
314. 

Diet.  Dates,  Haydn,  14,  34. 

Diet.  Nat.  Biog.',  73,  149,  169,  189,  193, 
257,  273,  302,  385,  520,  538. 

Differences  Chhs.,  Smyth,  460. 

Directory  Ch.  Govt.,  Cartwright,  185. 

Directs,  to  Know  True  Ch.,  G.  Carle- 
ton,  558. 

Discourse  Abuses,  Whetenhall,  365. 

Discourse  Damned  Art  Witchcraft,  Per- 
kins, .39. 

Discourse  Impostures,  Brinley,  39. 

Discourse,  Proving  Witches,  39. 

Discourse,  Reform.,  Ed.  VI,  69. 

Discourse,  Some  Troubles,  G.  Johnson, 
210. 

Discov.  Brownism,  T.  White,  441. 

Discov.  Errors  Eng.  Anabapts.,  Jessop, 
392, 

Discov.  Impostures,  Brinley,  39. 

Discov.  Witchcraft,  Scot,  35. 

Display.  Supposed  Witchcraft,  Webster, 
35,  40. 

Disquis.  cone.  Eccles.  Coun.,  I.  Mather, 
359. 

Dissent  in  Relat.  to  Ch.  Eng.,  Curteis. 
100. 

Disserts,  and  Discuss.,  Hamilton,  497. 


658 


INDEX  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


Dissuasions  from  Separatists,  Bernard, 

517.  _ 
Dissuasive    from    Errors   of   Time,    R. 

Baillie,  524. 
Doctr.  et  Polit.  Eccles.  Angl.,  Mocket, 

563. 
Docum.  Annals,  E.  Cardwell,  84,  90, 93, 

94,  107,  109,  110,  179,  352,354,  376. 
Docums.  Relat.  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  584. 
Docums.  Relat.  Univ.  Camb.,  24,  265. 
Doomsday  Bk.,  216. 
Dress,  Habits  Eng.  Peop.,  J.  Strutt,  13. 
Dutch  Drawn  to  Life,  419. 
Dutch  Way  of  Tolerat.,  Baron,  410. 

Early  Eng.  Bapts.,  Evans,  448,  616. 

Eboracum,  Drake,  11,  12,  49,  229. 

Eccles.  Biogs.,  Wordsworth,  173,  222. 

Eccles.  Discip.,  Travers,  138. 

Eccles.  Memors.,  Strype,  65,  74,  90,  229. 

Een  Nieu  Liedeken,  107. 

Egerton,  Paps.,  113,  183,  200,  257,  315. 

Enc.  Amer.,  321. 

Enc.  Brit.,  6,  15, 20, 21,  35,  62,  193,  257, 

320,  487. 
Enchirid.,  Erasmus,  57. 
Eng.  Creed,  T.  Rogers,  374. 
Eng.  Puritanism,  Bradshaw,  359. 
Eng.  Schoolmaster,  Coote,  22. 
Eng.  Seen  by  Foreigners,  Rye,  9,  42, 45. 
Epis.  Anglis  Frankfort,  Calvin,  104. 
Epis.  Mag.  Benedict.,  Erasmus,  183. 
Epis.,  Marprelate,  180. 
Epis.  Tigurin.,  74-76,  81,  83,  84. 
Epis.  to  Distracted,  Clapham,  360. 
Epis.  unto  Daus.  Warwick,  Refut.    by 

Ainsworth,  178. 
Epists.,  Erasmus,  31. 
Epit.,  Marprelate,  180. 
Error  on  Left,  Clapham,  457. 
Error  on  Right,  Clapham,  201. 
Europ.  Specul.,  E.  Sandys,  374. 
Evang.  Reg.,  Niclaes,  178. 
Exam,  and  Chron.,  446. 
Exam,     and     Confut.    Scurril.    Treat., 

Sutcllffe,  348. 
Exam.  Barrowe,  Greenwood,  Penry,  199. 
Exam.    Cartwright's   Late    Apol.,    Sut- 

cliffe's,  164. 
Exam.  Whitgift's  Censures,  137. 
Exhort,    to    Govs,    and    Peop.    Wales, 

Penry,  159. 
Explic.  Karrj^Oev,  Broughton,  351. 
Expos.  Catech.,  Bastingius,  498. 

Faith,   Doctr.   and   Relig.  in   Eng.,  T. 

Rogers,  374. 
Famil.  CoUoq.  Form.,  Erasmus,  183. 
Famil.  Letters,  Howells,  42,  609. 
Fast.  Ebor.,  Dixon -Raine,    217,    221, 

222. 


Fast.  Eccles.  Angl.,  J.  Le  Neve,  23-3. 
First  and  Sec.  Diar.  Eng.  Coll.  Douay, 

T.  F.  Knox,  513. 
Foedera,  T.  Rymer,  345. 
Friendly     Admon.      to     Marprel.,     L. 

Wright,  181. 
Fruitful  Serm.,  Chaderton,  149. 
Full,  Plain  Declar.,  Travers,  138. 

Genesis  U.  S.,  A,  Brown,  573. 

Gen.  Martyrol.,  Clarke,  472. 

Giustinian  at  Ct.  Hen.  VIII,  222. 

Godly  Serm.,  Chaderton,  574. 

Godly  Treat.,  Some,  161. 

Godly  Treat.  Confut.  Execrable  Fancies, 

Some,  161. 
Gravesend,  Cruden,  20. 
Grenville,  Collect.  Proclams.,  113,  199. 
Grindal,  Strype,  96,  103. 
Grt.  Schs.  of  Eng.,  Staunton,  25. 
Guide  to^  Grand  Jury  Men,  Bernard,  39. 
Gull's  Horn  Bk.,  Dekker,  15. 

Hague  Archives,  309. 

Hallamshire,  Hunter,  7,  34. 

Hamp.  Ct.  Serms.,  Barlow,  etc.,  363. 

Handbk.  Lond.,  Cunningham,  262. 

Harl.  Misc.  44. 

Harl.  MSS.',  23,  149,  178,  179,  183,  204, 
285,  288,  297,  316,  386,  394,  397,  421, 
448. 

Harmony  Pent.,  Calvin,  37. 

Hay  Work  for  Cooper,  Marprelate,  180. 

Herbal,  Gerard,  262. 

Heresiog.,  Pagitt,  178. 

Het  Bloed.  Toon.,  Van  Braght,  107. 

Hidden  Ch.,  Waddington,  199. 

Hieron.  Phil.,  Calderwood,  574. 

High  Commis.,  Burn,  169. 

Hist,  and  Stands.,  West.  Assemb,,  Mitch- 
ell, 95. 

Hist.  Arts.  Relig.,  Hardwick,  65. 

Hist.  Christ.  Ch.  during  Ref.,  Hardwick, 
100. 

Hist.,  Ch.,  of  Brit..  T.  Fuller,  99. 

Hist.  Ch.  of  Eng.,  Perry,  100. 

Hist.  Chhs.  in  Eng.,  Staveley,  22. 

Hist.  Col.  Mass.  Bay.  Hutchinson,  595. 

Hist.,  Cong'l.,  J.  Waddington,  188,  199. 

Hist.  Const,  of  Eng.,  Hallam,  8. 

Hist.  Corp.  Christ.  Coll.,  Masters,  284, 
393,  397,  398. 

Hist.  Early  Purs.,  J.  B.  Marsden,  92. 

Hist.  Eccles.  Govt.  Brit.,  Collier,  99. 

Hist.,  Eliz.  Relig.,  H.  Soames,  90. 

Hist.  Eng.,  Froude,  67. 

Hist.  Eng.,  Gardiner,  328. 

Hist.  Eng.,  Herbert,  Ld.,  etc.,  304. 

Hist.  Eng.,  Hume,  52. 

Hist.  Eng.,  Knight,  3. 

Hist.  Eng.,  Lingard,  93. 


INDEX  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


659 


Hist.  Eng-.,  L.  von  Ranke,  72,  85,  303. 

Hist.  Eng'.  Bapts.,  Crosby,  538. 

Hist.  Eng.  Bapts.,  Ivimey,  458. 

Hist.  Eng.  Ch.,  Dodd,  92. 

Hist.  Eng-.  Gen.  Bapts.,  Taylor,  458. 

Hist.  Eng-.  Peop.,  Green,  9. 

Hist.  Eton  Coll.,  Lyte,  25,  256. 

Hist.,    Gen.,  Bapt.    Denom.,   Benedict, 

458. 
Hist.  Hamp.  Ct.  Pal.,  Law,  220,  340. 
Hist.  Holl.  and  Dutch,  Davies,  417,  477. 
Hist.  Inquis.,  Lea,  35. 
Hist.  Mar.  Arch.,  Charnock,  20. 
Hist.  Marprel.  Controv.,  Maskell,  181. 
Hist.  Neths.,  A.  Young,  417,  482. 
Hist.  Nottingham,  Thoroton,  227- 
Hist.  Pays  Bas,  Van  Metereu,  416. 
Hist.  Plym.  Plant.,  Bradford,  260. 
Hist.  Presbs.,  Heylin,  99. 
Hist.  Plot.  Nonconform.,  T.  Price,  185. 
Hist.  Purs.,  Neal,  386,  428. 
Hist.  Ref.  Ch.  of  Eng.,  Burnet,  59,  61, 

66,  69,  72. 
Hist.  Reform.  Low    Countries,  Brandt, 

416. 
Hist.  Roche  Abbey,  Aveling,  217,  218. 
Hist.  Salem,  Upham,  35. 
Hist.    Scotch    Ch.,   Rotterdam,   Steven, 

422,  444. 
Hist.  Scotland,  Tytler,  303. 
Hist.  Vit.  et  Mort.,  F.  Bacon,  32. 
Hist.  World,  Raleigh,  555. 
Histor.  Collects.,  J.  Rushworth,  46. 
Histor.  Paps.,  Waddington,  188,  199. 
Histor.    Paps,    and   Lets,    from   North. 

Regs.,  217.  ■ 
Holy  State,  T.  Fuller,  260. 
Hooker.  Hanbury,  173. 
Hooper,  Early  Writings,  73. 
Hooper,  Later  Writings,  86. 
Humble  Motion,  160. 
Humble  Motives  for  Assoc,    Digges, 

330. 
Humble  Petit.  Commonalty,  151. 
Humble  Petit.  Ministers,  334. 
Humble  Supplic,  440. 
Hypoc.  Unmask.,  Winslow,  387,  636. 

Iconess,  Holland,  260. 
Injunctions.  105,  107. 
Inner  Life  Relig.  Socs.  Commonwealth, 

Barclay,  177,  442,  455. 
Inq.  and  Ans.,  Johnson,  212. 
Instit.  of  Christ.  Man,  Wolman,  394. 
Institutes,  Calvin,  37. 
Itin.,  Hentzner,  15. 
Itin.,  Leland,  224. 
Itin.,  Moryson,  571. 

Just  Censure   Martin,  Jr.,  Marprelate, 
181. 


Just,  Necess.  Apol.,  Robinson,  578. 
Just,  Temp.   Defence   Hooker,    Covell, 

175.    , 
Justif.  Separ.,  Robinson,  516. 

Knox  and  Ch.  Eng.,  Lorimer,  75. 
Korte  Besgryving,  Van  Leewen,  475. 

Lambeth  MSS.,  143. 

Lament.  Complaint  Commonalty,  151. 

Lans.  MSS.,  22,  133,  183,  306,  394-396, 

422,  428. 
Laws  Eccles.  Polit.,  Hooker,  166. 
Lects.  Witchcraft,  Upham,  35. 
Leicester  Corresp.,  290,  293,  296. 
Letter   against   Brownism,  Cartwright, 

206. 
Letter  cone.  Separ.,  J.  Hall,  450. 
Letter  from  Ken.  Castle,  Laneham,  42. 
Letters,  Mrs.  Adams,  500. 
Leyd.  Recs.,  501,  502,  506. 
Leyd.  300  Jaren,  Pleyte,  488. 
Leyd's.  Wee,  Hof dijk,  417,  479, 480, 481. 
Lib.  de  Nup.  Con.,  Augustine,  161. 
Life  Colet,  Erasmus,  57. 
Life  Smith,  Strype,  91. 
Life  Washington.  Marshall,  500. 
Lit.  Hist.  Eur.,  Hallam,  28. 
Little  Treat.  Ps.  122 :  1,  R.  Harrison,  205. 
Liturg.  Sac,  72. 
Liturgs.  Ed.  VI,  75. 
Liturgs.  Two,  75. 

Lives  Archbs.  Cant.,  W.  F.  Hook,  99. 
Lives  Ch.  Justs.,  Campbell,  38. 
Lives  Purs.,  Brook,  124. 
Lives    Thirty-two   Eng.    Divs.,   Clarke, 

183. 
Logos    pros    tons  Geneb.,   Broughton, 

351. 
LoUard  Stats.,  71,85,  91. 
Lond.  Mag.,  Sharpe,  32. 
Lud.  Lit.,  Brinsley,  25. 

Magnalia,  C.  Mather,  388. 

Mag.  Rot.  Pip.,  Rich.  I,  216. 

Manuduct.,  Ames,  555. 

Manumiss.  to  Manuduct.,  Robinson,  399. 

Mar-Martine,  181. 

Marre-Martin,  181. 

Martin's  Month's  Mind,  181. 

Mary,  Scots,  Leader,  ll. 

Mary,  Scots,  Letters,  315. 

Mary,  Scots,  MSS.,  302. 

Maryland,  Bozman,  500. 

Mass.  Bay  Recs.,  19. 

Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  500,  557. 

Mayflow.  Descend.,  611. 

Med.  Econ.  Mid.  Ages,  Fort,  42. 

Memoirs,  Melvill,  285. 

Memorials,  Winwood,  526. 

Memorials  N.  Eng.,  N.  Morton,  391. 


660 


INDEX  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


Memorials  Stuarts,  K.  Vaughan,  357. 

Memorials  West.  Abbey,  Stanley,  80. 

Middlesex  Co.  Rees.,  24. 

Mild,  Just  Defence,  Bradshaw,  358. 

Miles  Christ.,  T.  Rogers,  171. 

Milton,  Masson,  27. 

Mind  of  Bncer,  119. 

Minis.  Ch.  Eng.,  F.  Johnson,  .325. 

Mirror  Martinists,  Turswell,  181. 

Modest,  Reason.  Exam.,  Covell,  334. 

Mod.  Relat.  cone.  Witches,  Hale,  39. 

Mor.  Encom.,  Erasmus,  183. 

More  Work  for  Dean,  T.  Wall,  201. 

Most  Hum.  Supplic,  Murton,  385. 

Myst.  Witchcraft,  T.  Cooper,  39. 

Nederl.  Archief.,  Kist,  467. 

Nederl.  Oorlogen,  Bor,  481,  486. 

N.  Eng.  Canaan,  T.  Morton,  548,  615. 

N.  Eng.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  20,  253, 

589. 
N.  Eng.  Trialls,  J.  Smith,  589. 
News  from  Spain  and  HoU.,  331. 
Note  Things  Called  in  Quest.,  537. 
Notes  and  Quer.,  199. 
Nov.  Test.,  Erasmus,  57. 
Nug.  Antiq.,  342. 
N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  568. 

Obed.  or  Eccles.  Un.,  Wilkes,_  .362. 

Objections  Ansd.,  Murton,  385. 

Observations  Bills  Mortal.,  Graunt,  6. 

Of  Ch.,  R.  Field.  348. 

Of  Cross,  T.  Parker,  367. 

Of  Profic.  and  Advance.  Learning,   F. 

Bacon,  319. 
Of  Relig.  Comraun.,  Robinson,  553. 
Of  Suprem.  in  Relig.,  Hayward,  350. 
Old,  New  Lond.,  43. 
Order,  Enquiry,  106. 
Orig.  Lets.,  H.  Ellis,  71,  72,  224. 
Osnaburg  Chron.,  42. 
Overall's  Convoc.  Bk.,  366,  .386. 
Oxford  Ref.,  Seebohm,  54,  56. 
Oyer's  Reports,  Notes,  43. 

Pamraachius,  Kirchmayer,  279. 

Pandaemon.,  Bovet,  39. 

Papiers  d'Etat,  Ecosse,  302. 

Pappe  with  hatch.,  Lily,  181. 

Parall.,  Smyth,  459. 

Paraphras.,  Erasmus,  70. 

Parker  Corresp.,  91,  96,  99,  101,  103. 

Parker,  Strype,  273,  274. 

Part  of  Reg.,  Waldegrave,  122,  139, 142, 

143,  151,  1.58,  175,  188. 
Pattern  True  Pray.,  Smyth,  380. 
Pedig.  Eng.  Gall.,  Bulwer,  13. 
Pedig.  F.  Gorges,  Brown,  304. 
Penry,   J.,  Pilg.    Martyr,   Waddington, 

422. 


People's  Plea,  Robinson,  574. 

Pert".  Discov.  Witches,  Ady,  39. 

Perpet.  Govt,  of  Ch.,  Bilson,  167. 

Persuas.  to  Eng.  Recus.,  Dove,  346. 

Perth  Assemb.,  Calderwood,  578,  579. 

Peterbor.  Reg.,  200. 

Petit.  Assoc.  Relig.,  Digges,  330. 

Phenix,  339. 

Phil.  II,  Prescott,  415,  417. 

Pict.  Pap.,  Ormerod,  350. 

Pict.  Purit.,  Ormerod,  335,  350. 

Pilg.  Paths.,  J.  Brown,  188. 

Pilg.  Repub.,  Goodwin,  533,  611,  634. 

Placards,  416. 

Plain  Confut.,  Alison,  207. 

Plain  Declar.,  Gifford,  207. 

Plain  Evid.,  Bernard,  517. 

Plain  Percevall,  R.  Harvey,  181. 

Plain    Refut.    Gifford,   Barrowe-Green- 
wood,  442. 

Platform,  Barrowe,  539. 

Plea  Infants,  Clyfton,  460. 

Plea  Innoc,  J.  Nichols,  332. 

Pleas.  Dial.,  Gilby,  119. 

Pleas.  Treat.  Witches,  39. 

Plyra.  Col.  Recs.,  259. 

Politic  Plot,  Hitchcock,  6. 

Praest.  ac  Erud.  Vir  Epis.,  Taffinus-Ar- 
minius,  427,  434,  435. 

Praise  Folly,  Erasmus,  57. 

Pr.  Bk.  1549,  71-74, 80,  90,  91, 105, 128, 
352-354. 

Pr.  Bk.  1552,  74. 

Pr.  Bk.,  BuUinger  on,  73. 

Pr.  Bk.,  First,  Ed.  VI,  72. 

Pr.  Bk.,  Hist.,  Lathbury,  100. 

Pr.,  Bk.  of  Com.,  71. 

Pr.,  Bk.  of  Com.,  Hist.,  Procter,  71,  72. 

Pr.,  Book  of  Com.,  New  Hist.,  Frere,  33. 

Pr.  Bk.,  Rev..  74. 

Prin.  Epists.  H.  N.,  Niclaes,  178. 

Prins.  and  Infers.,  Smyth,  381. 

Proceeds.  Priv.  Coun.,  Nicolas,  228. 

Prof.  Schism,  Lawne,  545. 

Progs.  Jas.  I,  Nichols,  220,  238,  280. 

Proph.  Spir.  Love,  Niclaes,  178. 

Propos.  cone.  Kneeling,  Bradshaw,  359. 

Protest.  King's  Suprem.,  Bradshaw,  359. 

Protest.  M.  Marp.,  Marprelate,  180. 

Profs.  Apol.  Rom.  Ch.,  Brerely,  348. 

Public  Wants,  Wales,  Penry,  159. 

Pur.,  or  Widow,  W.  Smith,  366. 

Quest.  Witchcraft,  Wagstaffe,  40. 

Rat.  Theol.,  Christ.  Phil.,  Tulloch,  52. 
Razing  Founds.    Brownism,    BredweU, 

206. 
Reasons  by  way  of  Apol.,  Burgess,  362. 
Reasons  for  Refus.  Subscrip.,  T.  Hutton, 

358.     Also  2d  Pt. 


INDEX  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


661 


Keasons  Taken  Out  God's  Word,  Jacob, 

368. 
Recant.  Brownist,  Fairlambe,  442. 
Recoils.,  Lenox,  55. 
Reconcil.  Pastors,  Marten,  163. 
Recs.  Eng.  Prov.  S.  J.,  513. 
Reformat.,  Fisher,  418. 
Reformers  and   Theol.,  Prin.  Cmining- 

ham,  76,  77,  80. 
Reg.    Admis.    Gon.-Caius   Coll.,  Venn, 

423. 
Reg.  Leases,  York,  225,  229-231,  235. 
Reg.  Priv.  Coun.,  426. 
Rejoind.  to  Mild  Def .,  Powell,  358. 
Relation  State  Relig.,  E.  Sandys,  373. 
Relig.  Commun.,  Robinson,  553. 
Relig.  Med.,  Browne,  410. 
Relig.  Thought,  Eng.,  Hunt,  177. 
Relig's.  Peace,  Busher,  550. 
Reminise.  Ct.  HolL,  544. 
Remonstr.,  Sutcliffe,  162. 
Removal  of  Imput.,  358. 
Reply  to    Ans.   Whitgift,   Cartwright, 

125. 
Reply  to  Hooker,  Ridley,  362. 
Reply,  Second,  Cartwright,  125.    Rest 

of  Replv,  137. 
Reply,  Short,  Gifford,  207. 
Report   of   Disc.   cone.  Sup.   Power   in 

Relig.,  349. 
Report  of  Roy.  Com.  Hist.  MSS.,  570. 
Resol.  to  Countryman,  Perkins,  40. 
Retract.,  Smyth,  455. 
Return  of  PasquUl,  181. 
Revel.  Dei,  Niclaes,  178. 
Revel.  St.  John,  Brightman,  562. 
Rise  Dutch  Repub.,  Motley,  480. 
Robinson,  O.  S.  Davis,  252. 
Roll  Roy.  Coll.  Phys.,  32. 
Roy.  Exchange,  Payne,  428. 

Sabbat.  Errors,  Sov.  Antid.,  373. 
Sabbath  and  Ld's.  Day,  Dow,  373. 
Sabbath  Day,  Defence,  Braboume,  373. 
Sabbath    Day,    Discourse,    Braboume, 

373. 
Sabbath  Day,  Treat.,  F.  White,  373. 
Sabbath,  Doctr.,  Byfield,  373. 
Sabbath,  Doctr.,  Prideaux,  373. 
Sabbath,  Doctr.,  Walker,  378. 
Sabbath,  Doctr.,  Widley,^372. 
Sabbath,  Hist.,  Heylin,  373. 
Sabbath,    Learn.    Treat.,     Brerewood, 

373. 
(Sabbath)  Three  Quests.,  Broad,  373. 
Sabbathi  Vindic,  Abbot,  373. 
Sabbathum    Vet.    et     Nov.    Test.,    N. 

Bownd,  371. 
Sabbato,  Tract,  de,  Abbot,  373. 
Sabbatum  Redeviv.,  Cawdry.  373. 
Sadducis.  Triumph.,  Glanvil,  39. 


Salomon,  T.  Morton,  171. 

Satan's  Invis.  World  Discov.,  Sinclair, 

39. 
Schol.  Acad.,  Wordsworth,  27, 269,  276, 

280. 
Scholast.  Disc,  T.  Parker,  519. 
Sealed  Fount.  Opened,  Wilkinson,  385. 
Season.  Treat.,  Woolsey,  437. 
Second   Admon.    to    Pari.,  Cartwright, 

126. 
Second  Manuduct.,  Ames,  398. 
Second  Pt.  Plain  Disc,  Dighton,  578. 
Select  Cases  Consc.  cone.  Witches,  Gavle, 

39. 
Sermon,  Bancroft,  166. 
Sermon,  Copcot,  143. 
Sermon,  Lever,  81. 
Sermon,  T.  Rogers,  150. 
Sermons,  Howson,  172. 
Sermons,  Revel.,  Gifford,  176. 
Shakespeare's  Eng.,  Thornbury,  10,  12, 

17. 
Shakespeare's  Time,  Goadby,  32. 
Sheffield,  Hunter,  220. 
Shield  of  Def.,  Fowler,  545. 
Short  Catech.,  Mosse,  171. 
Short  Dial.,  Hieron,  354. 
Short,  Plain  Proof,  Helwys,  538. 
Short  Reply,  Gifford,  422. 
Short  Treat,  against  Donatists,  Gifford, 

207. 
Short  Treat,  cone.  Tell  Ch.,  F.  Johnson, 

464. 
Simancas  MSS.,  99. 
Sloane  MSS.,  397. 
Society  Eliz.  Age,  H.  Hall,  320. 
Soc.  Life  Eng.  Univs.,  Wordsworth,  26, 

257,  274,  275,  394. 
Sophronistes,  148. 
Spectator,  38. 

Spir.  of  Laws,  Montesquieu,  38. 
Standard,  Chicago,  446,  454,  458. 
Star  Chamber,  Bum,  316. 
State  Ch.  Eng.,  Udall,  322. 
State  of  Poor,  Eden,  3,  7. 
State  Papers,  Dom.,  11,  64,  87,  89,  188, 

230,  234,  237,  238,  240,  241,  255,  288, 

297,  304,  307,  309,  318,  322-324,  338, 

3.53,  370,  377.  580. 
State  Papers,  Dom.  Add.,  288,  304,320. 
State  Papers,  Dora.  Jas.  I,  357. 
State  Papers,  Dom.  Proc.  Bk.,  4. 
State  Papers  For.,  230. 
State  Papers  HoU.  and  Fland.,  290,  292. 
State  Papers  Mary,  Scots,  307. 
State  Papers  Scot,  88,  2.30,  315. 
Statut.  Acad.  Cant.,  273,  274,  276,  278. 
Statut.  Reconcil.,  84. 
Stirp.  Hist.  Pempt.,  Dodoens,  262. 
Story  Pilg.  Faths.,  Arber,  214. 
Sum  and  Subst.,  Barlow,  339. 


662 


INDEX  OF  PUBLICATIONS 


Sum.  Controv.  Eelig.,  Hoombeeck,  447. 

Sun  Theo,  346. 

Supplic.  of  Mass  Priests,  Radford,  347. 

Supplic.  to  King,  347. 

Surtees  Soe.  Pubs.,  218,  237,  328. 

Survey  Christ's  Sufferings,  Bilson,  351. 

Survey  New  Relig.,  Kellison,  347. 

Survey  Pretend.  Holy  Discip.,  Bancroft, 

170. 
Survey    Spir.    Antichrist,    Rutherford, 

178. 

Table,  Bk.  about,  Jeaffreson,  15. 
Terra  Pacis,  Niclaes,  178. 
Th'  Appellation,  Penry,  159. 
Theol.  Axioms,  Clapham,  427. 
Theses  Martin.,  Marprelate,  181. 
To  Div.  Begin,  of  Ch.,  Jacob,  519. 
To  Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Rob.,  J.  Hall,  420. 
To  my  Loving  Breth.,  Gilby,  119. 
Touchstone  for  Present,  Hake,  137. 
Tower,  Her  Maj's.  W.  H.  Dixon,  33. 
Town  Life,  Mrs.  J.  R.  Green,  15, 
Tract,  de  Deo,  Vorstius,  535. 
Tract,  de  Eccles.,  De  Mornay,  176. 
Treat,  cone.  18th  Matt.,  F.  Johnson,  521. 
Treat,  cone.  Witches,  Ady,  39. 
Treat,  contain.   Equity  Hum.  Supplic, 

Penry,  159. 
Treat,  of  Ch.,  Darrell,  571. 
Treat,  of  Ch.,  De  Loque,  161. 
Treat,  of  Div.  Worsh.,  Bradshaw,  359. 
Treat,  of  Eccles.  Discip.,  Suteliffe,  164. 
Treat,  of  Justif.,  Bradshaw,  558. 
Treat,  of  Minis.  Ch.  Eng.,  Hildersham- 

F.  Johnson,  175. 
Treat,  of  Nat.  and  Use  Things  Indiff., 

Bradshaw,  359. 
Treat,    of    Reform,    without   Tarrying, 

Browne,  193. 
Treat,  of  Suf .  and  Vict,  of  Christ,  Jacob, 

351. 
Treat,  of  Witchcraft,  Roberts,  39. 
Treat.,  Short,  of  Cross  in  Bapt.,  Brad- 
shaw, 359. 
Treat.  Tend,  to  Mitig.  towards  Cath. 

Subjs.,  Persons,  348. 


Treat,  upon  23  Matt.,  Browne,  194. 

Treat.  Wherein  Proved,  Penry,  160. 

Trial  Witchcraft,  Cotta,  39. 

Troubles,  R.  Gawton,  139. 

True  Confess.,  208-210. 

True  Descrip.  Vis.  Ch.,  201,  203,  421. 

True  Difference,  Bilson,  169. 

True  Marks  Christ's  Ch.,  188. 

True,  Modest,  Just  Def.  of  Petit.,  334, 

574. 
True,  Short  Declar.,  Browne,  194. 
True,    Sincere,    Modest    Def.   of    Eng. 

Caths.,  Allen,  169. 
True   Story  J.  Smyth,   H.  M.   Dexter, 

378. 
Trying  Out  Truth,  H.  Ainsworth,  513. 
Tuba  Acad.,  I.  F.,  352. 
Tumult.  Anabapt.,  Hortensius,  78. 
Twelve  Gen.  Args.,  Bradshaw,  359. 

Univ.  Camb.,  Mullinger,  27. 

Unlaw,  of  Read.  Pray.,  Maunsell,  364. 

Unlaw,    of    Read.    Pray.,    Staresmore, 

582. 
Un.  Neths.,  Motley,  3. 
Unreason,  of  Separ.,  Bradshaw,  555. 
Utop.,  T.  More,  57. 

Val.  Eccles.,  224. 

Voyages  Eng.  Nat.,  Hakluyt,  427. 

Voyages,  Wks.,  J.  Davis,  20. 

Warn-word   to   Hastinge's    Wast-word, 

Persons,  346. 
Watchman,  458. 

Way  of  Chhs.  Cleared,  Cotton,  593. 
Wheth.  Sin   to   Transgress  Civ.  Laws, 

119. 
Whip  for  Ape,  181. 
Whitgift,  Strype,  110,   126,    169,  334, 

338-340,  438. 
Wolsey,  Cavendish,  220,  222,  224. 
Works,  Jas.  I,  370. 
Works,  Jewel,  165. 
Works,  Robinson,  451. 
Worthies,  T.  Fuller,  257,  258. 
Wurtemberg,  Confess.,  94. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


As  the  Appendix  is  arranged  alphabetically,  names  occurring  there  are  not 
included  here  without  special  reason. 


Abbot,  G.,  378. 

Abbot,  R.,  402,  573. 

Abel,  114. 

Achurch-cum-Thorp,  189,  200,  325. 

Adams,  Mrs.  J.,  500. 

Addison,  .38. 

Ady,  T.,  39. 

Ainsworth,  Anna,  423. 

Ainsworth,  H.,  149.  178,  204,  205,  381, 

398,  423,  424,  429,  432,  433,  437,  440, 

441,  444-448,  451,  452,  454,  457,  459, 

460,  465,  466,  513,  517,  521-524,  543, 

550,  558,  562. 
Ainsworth,  J.,  513,  558. 
Ainsworth,  T.,  423. 
Alesius,  A.,  73. 
Alison,  R.,  201,  207. 
Allen,  Card.,  140,  169. 
Alley,  W.,  89,  93. 
Alva,  417,  418. 
Ames,  W.,  359,  398-400,  519,  520,  535, 

545,  553,  557,  562,  575, 582,  593. 
Anabaptism,  78,  83,  419. 
Anderton,  J.,  348. 
Andrews,  339. 
Anjou,  98,  140,  263. 
Anne,  Q.,  33. 

Antwerp,  18,  70,  291,  411-413,  415. 
Appleby,  Marj.,  432. 
Arber,  E.,  81.  180,  181,  214,  274,  387, 

405,  562,  578,  581,  584.  • 
Argyropulos,  54. 
Armada,  Span.,  321. 
Arminianism,  396,  512. 
Arminius,  J.,    80,  427,  434,  435,  461, 

462,  510-513,  592. 
Arthington,  H.,  171. 
Arthur,  Prince,  58,  299. 
Ascham,  R.,  25,  27,  28. 
Ashton,  R.,  398,  451. 
Aston,  A.,  625. 
Aukley,  389. 
Aurispa,  J.,  54. 

Austerfield,  243,  332,333,  380,  387-390. 
Aylmer,  95. 

Babington  Conspir.,  302,  305. 
Babworth,  377,  379,  387. 
Bacon,  A.,  284,  288. 


Bacon,  Anne,  28,  165. 

Bacon,  F.,  29,  32,   261,  273,  278,  284, 

285,  288,  363,  558. 
Bacon,  N.,  107,  394. 
BaiUie,  524. 
Bainbridge.  C,  395. 
Baker,  J.,  228. 
Ballard,  316. 

Balsham,  H.,  256,  265,  271. 
Balthasar,  Wid.,  170. 
Bancroft,  G.,  568,  569. 
Bancroft,  R.,  49,  125,  126,166, 170, 185, 

198,  200,  322,  325,  341,  344,  348,  349, 

354,  360,  366,  376,  386,  424. 
Baptists,  Early,  212. 
Barbar,  T.,  126. 
Barbary,  428. 
Barker,  91. 
Barkers,  376. 
Barlow,  93. 

Barlow,  W.,  330,  339-343,  371. 
Barneveldt,  J.,  468,  544,  570,  574,  582. 
Baro,  P.,  260,  .396. 
Baron,  W.,  410. 
Barrowe,  H.,  17,  182,  199-211,  325,  421, 

422,  428,  441,  539. 
Barrowism,  201-203,  208,  211. 
Barthelot,  J.,  103. 
Bartlett,  W.  F.,  500. 
Bawtry,  223, 237, 242,  243,  254, 389, 390. 
Baynes,  P.,  .399. 
Beale,  R.,  308,  312. 
Bedford,  118. 
Belknap,  J.,  286. 
Bellarmine,  Card.,  351,  370. 
Bellinghara,  93. 
Benedict,  458. 

Benet  (C.  Christ.)  CoU.,  189,  393. 
Bentham,  93. 
Berkeley,  22. 
Berkeley,  33. 
Berkeley,  93. 
Bernard,  R.,  39,  40,  378,  380,  381,  384, 

452,  455,  457-459,  516-519. 
Bernher,  T.,  428. 
Best,  93. 

Bevercotes,  S.,  324. 
Beza,  T.,  104,  128,  129,  150,  157,  165, 

183,  185,  461. 


664- 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Bill,  W.,  89-91. 
Billet,  A.,  201. 

Bilson,  T.,  167,  169,  351,  376,  538. 
Bishop,  T.,  446. 
Blackstone,  8,  23,  38,  336. 
Blackwell,  F.,  573. 
Blake  344. 

Blanchard,  W.,  392,  393,  401. 
Blyth,  217,  218,  223, 238. 
Boissot,  481. 

Boleyn,  Anne,  63,  64,  88. 
Boleyn,  T.,  60. 
Bolton,  J.,  188. 
Bonham,  W.,  125. 
Bonner,  E.,  81,  84,  224. 
Books  chained,  30,  269. 
Bossy,  R.  J.,  43. 
Bowes,  R.,  285. 

Bowman,  C,  149,  204,  421,  427,  446. 
Bownd,  N.,  263,  371-373. 
Bownd,  R.,  263. 
Boys,  Mrs..  425,  426,  429. 
Bozman,  500. 
Bradford,  Alice,  389. 
Bradford,  Alice  H.,  388,  389. 
Bradford,  Alice  W.,  389. 
Bradford,  Eliz.,  389,  390. 
Bradford,  Marg.,  389. 
Bradford,  Marg-.,  389. 
Bradford,  Marg.,  389,  390. 
Bradford,  Mary,  389,  390. 
Bradford,  R.,  388,  389. 
Bradford,  R.,  389,  390. 
Bradford,  T.,  388. 
Bradford,  W.,  388. 
Bradford,  W.,  388. 

Bradford,  W.,  253,  255,  260,  276,  283, 
284, 287,  295,  326,  327,  3.32,  377-380, 
384-391,  400,  402-407,  431,  442,  443, 
445,  446,  449,  450,  453,  463,  464,  490, 
491,  .504,  .506,  519,  541,  560,  561,  567, 
583-.586,  591,  630,  632,  638. 
Bradshaw,  W.,  252,  330,  358-360,  558. 
Braithwait,  M.,  446. 
Brandt,  G.,  416,  418,  419,  434-436,  478, 

484,  485,  507,  509-511,  513,  550. 
Branthwayte,  W.,  395. 
Braybrooke,  47. 
Bredwell,  S.,  198,  205,  206,  212. 
Brewer,  J.  S.,  60,  61. 
Brewer,  T.,  579-581. 
Brewster,  Fear,  326. 
Brewster,  H.,  254,  256,  325. 
Brewster,  Jas.,  2.54,  255,  323,  325,  379. 
Brewster,  Jon.,  326,  505,  514. 
Brewster,  Mary,  326,  505. 
Brewster,  Patience,  326. 
Brewster,  Prudence.  253,  323,  326. 
Brewster,  W.  Sr.,  232,  236-238,   253- 

2.56,  320,  323. 
Brewster,  W.,  138,  149,  175,  205,  240, 


252-298,  304,  308,  313,  316,  317-329, 

346,  368,  377,  386,  401,  403,  406,  466, 

467,  505-507,  523,  550,  568,  573,  574, 

579-581,  585. 
Brewster  Tablet,  250. 
Brewster's  Fellow-students,  259-263. 
Brewsters,  255. 
Bridges,  J.,  157-159,  179. 
Briggs,  R.,  390. 
Brightman,  T.,  259, 395,  562. 
Brill,  290-292. 
Brinley,  J.,  39. 
Brinsley,  J.,  25,  26. 
Bristow,  D.,  425,  446. 
Bromhead,  Anna,  384,  448. 
Bromhead,  H.,  384,  448,  520. 
Bromley,  T.,  311. 
Brook,  B.,  124,  126,  138,  149,  339,  354, 

369,  395,  428,  437,  442. 
Broughton,  H.,  351,  437. 
Brown,  A.,  573. 
Brown,  J.,  188. 
Browne,  P.,  190. 
Browne,  R.,  189-208, 211,  262,  325, 360. 

382,  383,  421,  422. 
Browne,  T.,  29,  410. 
Brownism,  193-198,  202,  211,  381,  382. 
Brute,  W.,  38. 

Bryne,  J.,  225,  229-231,  236. 
Bucer,  M.,  72,  73,  77,  86,  115,  117,  257. 
Buck,  D.,  204,  386. 
Buckhurst,  308,  313. 
Builli,  J.  de,  388. 
Bullinger,  H.,  77,  90,  96,  118,  119,  129, 

1.50. 
Bulward,  R.,5.36. 
Burckhardt,  65. 
Burgess,  J.,  361. 

Burghley,  128,  133,  140,  285,  289,  290, 
301,  305,  309,  312,  313,  394,  .395,  397. 
Bury  St.  Edmunds,  38,  255,  256,  262. 
Busher,  L.,  550. 
Butler,  W.,  32. 
Butterfield,  S.,  593. 

Caius,  265. 

Calais,  18,  93. 

Calderwood,  D.,  574,  578. 

Calvin,  J.,  37,  71,  72,  76,  77,  88,  104, 

123,  150,  157,  170,  184,  185,  189,  211, 

36.5,  421,  461. 
Cambray,  64. 
Cambridge,   62,   72,   76,    189-191,  282, 

337,  338,  397,  399,  424. 
Cambridge  Colleges,  259,  394. 
Camden  Soc,  183. 
Camden,  W.,  304,  305,  307,  315. 
Campeggio,  60,  61. 
Camperell,  170. 
Canopus,  N.,  14. 
Canterbury,  70,  166. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


665 


Carey,  R.,  314,  328. 

Carleton,  G.,  558. 

Carleton,  D.,  562,  574,  579-581. 

Carlisle,  43. 

Carpinters,  297. 

Caitwright,  T.,   29,  95,   110,  125,  126, 

128-138,  162,  173,  183,  185-187,  189, 

193,  200,  203,  206,  210,  211,  273,  346, 

359,  421. 
Carver,  J.,  568,  570,  584,  588. 
Casalis,  G.,  64. 
Cathari,  105. 
Cathie,  Cath.,  86. 
Cavendish,  H.,  220,  222,  224. 
Cavendish,  T.,  19,  394. 
Cecil,  Lady,  28. 
Cecil,  R.,  288. 
Cecil,  T.,  288,  292. 

Chaderton,  L.,  149,  343,  361,  376,  399. 
Chalcondyles,  54. 
Ch.,  Amst.,  Ainsworth's,  522,  524,  545, 

554. 
Ch.,  Amst.,  Anc,  Johnson's,  188,  386, 

423,  427,  429,  432-^36,  441,  442,  445, 

449,  521-524,  536,  545,  554. 
Ch.,  Amst.,  Clapham's,  427,  442. 
Ch.,   Amst.,   Eng.   (Scot.)    Presb.,   427, 

443,  444. 
Ch.,  Amst.,  Robinson's,  449,  450. 
Ch.,  Amst.,  Smyth's,  442,  446,  454-457, 

460,  555. 
Ch.,  Amst.,  White's,  441,  442. 
Ch.,  Lond.,  First  Cong-'l.,  563,  573. 
Ch.,  Norwich,  lUl,  196,  198,  212,  437. 
Ch.,  Pilg.,  Scrooby,  239,  384,  386,  393. 
Charke,  W.,  125. 
Charles,  Prince,  45. 
Charles  I,  169. 
Charles  II,  33,  46,  47. 
Charles  V,  60,  415-417. 
Chartley,  300,  301,  304,  305. 
Chartre,  de  la.  527. 
Chasteauneuf,  308,  309. 
Chattisham,  212,  602. 
Cheney,  93. 
Chichester,  A.  M.,  508. 
Christopherson,  90. 
Christ's  Coll.,  Camb.,  378,  422. 
Chrysolaras,  E.,  54. 
Chrysostom,  172. 
Churchson,  J.,  113. 
Clapham,  H.,  201,  360,  427,  442,  457. 
Clark.  J.,  426. 
Clark.  R.,  377. 
Clark,  Ursula,  432. 
Clayton,  R.,  396. 
Clem.  VII,  60. 
Clergy,  Benefit  of,  23. 
Clerke,  VV..  204. 
Clink  Prison,  199,  423,  425,  438. 
Cinse,  de  la,  J.,  432,  537. 


Clyfton,  Anne,  387,  550. 

Clyfton,  E.,  387. 

Clvfton,  R.,  239,  377, 387,  400,  406,  407, 

446,  447,  449,  450,  454,  457,  459,  400, 

520,  521,  541,  546,  550,  561,  562. 
Clyfton,  T.,  387. 
Cole,  R.,  96. 
Colet,  J.,  56,  57. 
Collier,  99,  135,  170,  334,  357. 
Collins,  424. 
Collins,  H.,  469. 
Coramis.,  High,  93,  105,  110,  160,  234, 

336. 
Commis.,  High  Ct.,  380,  391,  392,  401. 
Coramun.,  Order,  71,  74,  75. 
Confess.,  Augs.,  65,  66,  94. 
Confess.,  Wurtem.,  94. 
Cong'l  Lib.,  Boston,  248,  249. 
Constantinople,  51. 
Contarini,  T.,  412. 
Convocation,  62,  63,  65,  66,  72,  91,  353, 

354,  366. 
Cook,  A.,  28,  89,  97. 
Cook,  F.,  651. 
Cook,  G.  W.,  241. 
Coolhaes,  C,  483,  485. 
Cooper.  165. 
Coote,  E.,  22,  25,  262. 
Copcot,  J.,  143,  260,  394, 
Coppin,  209. 
Coppinger,  E.,  171. 
Cordallion,  309. 
Cornelison,  P.,  484. 
Cornelius,  A.,  511. 
Corp.  Christ.  (Benet)  Coll.,  Camb.,  189, 

393. 
Correr,  M.  A.,  45. 
Coryat,  T.,  15. 
Cosin,  R.,  141-143,  169,  345. 
Cotta,  J.,  39. 

Cotton,  J.,  196,  273,  524,  593. 
Covell,  W.,  173,  175,  333,  362. 
Coverdale.  M.,  71,  101,  118,  123. 
Cox,  91,  93,  273. 
Crane,  N.,  125. 
Crane,  N.  (anoth.),  421. 
Cranmer,  G.,  172, 273,  288,  297,  298,  326. 
Cranmer,  T.,  62,  64-67,  69-71,  73,  74, 

76-78,  85,  90.  _ 
Cranmer,  T.,  Friends,  76-77. 
Cranmer,  T.  (neph.),  297. 
Crashaw,  398,  452. 
Creichton,  87. 
Crewe,  242. 
Crofts,  316. 
Cromwell,  46,  284. 
Crosby,  T.,  458. 
Cumberland,  316. 
Cunaeus,  P.,  534. 
Curie,  304. 
Curteis,  100. 


666 


GENERAL   INDEX 


Curzon,  J.,  220. 

Cushman,  R.,  568-570,  579,  584,  586, 
588,  589. 

Darnley,  H.,  299. 

Darrell,  J.,  261,  571. 

Davenport,  J.,  273. 

Davies,  93. 

Davis,  J.,  20. 

Davis,  O.  S.,  252. 

Davis,  W.  T.,  286. 

Davison,  W.,  283-298,  304,  305,  307- 

314,  316-319,  401. 
Dawson,  W.,  233,  253. 
Day,  G.  E.,  531. 
De  Poenitent.,  Order,  256. 
Deane,  C,  399. 
Deane,  N.,  263. 
Delfshaven,  587,  588. 
Denis,  W.,  209. 
De  venter,  310. 
D'Ewes,  S.,  277,  307. 
Dexter,  Collect.,  138,  175,  255,  459, 508, 

521,  533,  543. 
Dexter,  H.  M.,  1.36,  170,  178,  182,  189, 

201,  241,  248,  2.53,  254,  326,  378,  387, 

388,  4;51,  463,  .501,  531,  592. 
Deyman,  P.  A.,  529. 
Dickens,  Alice,  432. 
Bigges,  T.,  330. 
Dirksz,  F.,  456. 

Dodd,  C,  92,  97,  339,  348,  513. 
Dodonaeus,  R.,  491. 
Dodsworth,  M.,  402. 
Does,  van  der,  J.,  479,  482,  483. 
Dolman,  N.,  347. 
Donatista,  156. 
Donteklok,  R.,  511. 
Dort  (Dordrecht),  200,  205,  422. 
Dort,  Syn.,  463,  575,  581,  582. 
Douglas,  J.,  44.3. 
Downes,  A.,  261,  277. 
Downes,  W.,390. 
Downham,  93. 
Drake,  F.,  15,  20,  319. 
Drury,  D.,  311. 
Ducket,  263. 
Durie,  J.,  560,  591. 
Durie,  R.,  557,  560. 
Du  Trappes,  309. 

Eden,  F.,  3,  7. 

Edmunds,  T.,  126. 

Ed.  VI,  69,  70,  80-83,  256. 

Egerton,  S.,  126. 

Egmont,  418. 

Eiles,  W.,  429. 

Eliz.,  Princess,  546,  551. 

Eliz.,  Q.,  3,  11,  12,  28,  41,  85,  88,  92-99, 

103,  107,  111,  233-235,  289-291,  294- 

297,  299-303,  305-317,  328. 


Ely,  R.,  268. 

Elzevir,  J.  C.  R.,  501,  641. 

Emden,  550,  571. 

Engelbrechtszen,  C,  492. 

Epine,  del',  Cath.,  432. 

Episcopius,  S.,  80,  525,  544,  550,  560, 

561,  582,  595. 
Erasmus,  31,  57,  183, 
Essex,  260,  278,  305,  317. 
Evans,  458,  521. 
Everton,  223. 

F.  I..  352. 

Fabricins,  482. 

Fagius,  P.,  77,  86,  90,  257. 

Fairlambe,  P.,  149,  442. 

FalstafF,  J.,  12,  13. 

F^nelon,  La  M.,  285. 

Fenner,  A.,  47. 

Fenner,  D.,  142,  143,  158. 

Feria,  96,  97. 

Fetherstone,  C,  17. 

Field,  J.,  105,  125,  126,  128,  130,  185. 

Field,  R.,  348,  349. 

Fisher,  61. 

Flanders,  415,  416. 

Fleet  Prison,  86,  183,  422,  425. 

Fleming,  A.,  262. 

Fletcher,  H.,  389. 

Fletcher,  R.,  394. 

Floyd,  45. 

Flushing,  290-292. 

Forshall,  J.,  56. 

Fotheringay  Castle,  306,  308,  311. 

Fowler,  516. 

Fowler,  J.,  536. 

Foxe,  421. 

Foxe,  J.,  38,  74,  90,  93,  347. 

Francis,  Dauph.  Fr.,  299. 

Fred.,  Elect.  Pal.,  546,  551. 

Fred.,  Hen.,  526. 

French,  Peddlers,  6. 

Frobisher,  M.,  19. 

Froude,  J.  A.,  67,  83,  86, 93,  97,  99, 295, 

311,  316. 
Fruytiers,  480. 
Fulke,  W.,  153,  179. 
Fuller,  N.,  364. 
FuUer,  T.,  29,  99,  126,  135,  169,  170, 

189,  256-258,  260,  334,  339,  345. 
Fytz,  R.,  188. 

G.,  R.,  434. 

Gainsborough,  228,    378-380,  384-386, 

393,  399. 
Galloway,  P.,  340. 
Gardiner,  81. 
Gardiner,  R.,  126. 
Gardiner,  S.,  355. 
Gardiner,  S.  R.,  328,  334,  338,  344,  357, 

370,  551. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


667 


Gawton,  R.,  139. 

Gayton,  255. 

Gellisbrand,  185. 

Geneva,  88,  89,  113,  166,  184,  185,  188, 

416. 
Gerrits,  L.,  448,  453,  457. 
Gifford,  32. 

Gifford,  G.,  39,  147,  176,  207,  422. 
Gilbert,  H.,  20. 
Gilby,  A.,  119^  124,  144. 
Glastonbury,  76. 
Glastonbury  Service  Bk.,  72. 
Goadby,  E.,  11,  12,  19,  20,  32,  49. 
Goeh,  von,  J.,  54. 

Gomar,  F.,  461,  462,  486,  510,  513. 
Gorges,  T.,  304. 
Goulart,  S.,  558. 
Gowrie,  286. 
Graevius,  497. 
Gravesend,  295. 
Green,  J.  R.,  9,  301,  536. 
Green,  J.  R.,  Mrs.,  20,  22,  31. 
Greenham,  R..  183,  190. 
Greenwich,  61,  298,  310. 
Greenwood,  J.,  183,  199,  203,  204,  207- 

209,  259,  262.  325,  421,  422,  425,  442. 
Greg.  Great,  362. 
Greg.  XIII,  302. 
Gresham,  Marg.,  388. 
Grey,  Jane,  28,  83. 
Grimbrye,  Rose,  441. 
Grimsby,  404,  405. 
Grimsdike,  Marg.,  469. 
Grindal,  91,  93,  96,  99,  100,  103,  109, 

110,  118,  189,  231. 
Grotius,  H.,  417,  552,  555,  574. 
Gualter,  92,  97,  118,  128,  129. 
Guest,  E.,  89,  93. 
Gueux,  Les,  417,  418. 
Guiana,  568,  586. 
Guicciardini,  415. 
Gutenberg,  J.,  55. 

Hackett,  W.,  171. 

Hague,  The,  290,  293,  374. 

Hale,  M.,  38,  39. 

Hales,  de.  A.,  351. 

Hales,  J.,  575. 

Hall,  F.,  401. 

Hall,  J.,  393,  398,  420,  450,  451,  453, 

457. 
Hallam,  H.,  8,  28,  45,  276,  278. 
Halletus.  N.,  498. 
Hamilton  Pal.,  300. 
Hamilton,  W.,  497. 
Hammond,  M.,  140. 
Hamp.  Ct.,  220,  240. 
Hamp.   Ct.   Conf.,  338-344,   352,  371, 

375,  386. 
Hamp.  Ct.  Preachers,  363. 
Hanbury,  173,  175,  201,  326. 


Handborough,  432. 

Handson,  255. 

Hanson,  Alice,  388. 

Hanson,  J.,  388,  505. 

Hanson,  Marg.  G.,  388. 

Hanson,  Wybra,  514. 

Harcourt,  R.,  568. 

Hardwick,  65,  78,  80,  84,  94,  100. 

Harper,  J.,  220. 

Harrington,  J.,  342. 

Harris,  Ann,  432. 

Harrison,  4,  6-10,  12,  14, 15,  20,  24. 

Harrison,  R.,  191,  205,  262. 

Harsnet,  S.,  240. 

Harvey,  G.,  181. 

Harvey,  R.,  32,  41,  181,  261. 

Harworth,  223,  254,  379. 

Hastings,  F.,  346,  357. 

Hatfield,  216,  219,  228. 

Hatton,  C,  309,  312,  313,  316. 

Hawkins,  J.,  19. 

Hawkins,  W.,  19. 

Heale,  G.,  589. 

Heath,  N.,  81,  226,229,231. 

Helen's,  St.,  388. 

Helwys,  Joan,  385. 

Helwys,  T.,  385,  454,  456,  458, 520,  521, 

538. 
Helwys,  W.,  385. 
Hen.  Ill  (Eng.),  216,  282. 
Hen.  Ill  (Fr.),  290,  291. 
Hen.  IV(Fr.),  468,  527,  536. 
Hen.  VII  (Eng.),  218,  299. 
Hen.  VIII  (Eng.),  57-70,  82,  85,  228, 

256,  299. 
Hen.,  Prince,  340. 
Hentzner,  P.,  15,  42,  257. 
Herbert,  64. 
Herbert,  G.,  29,  277. 
Hereford,  12. 
Herman,  Prince  Arch.,  72. 
Hertford,  69. 
Hesse,  Phil.,  65. 
Heurnius,  J.,  491. 
Heylin,  P.,  99, 135,  373. 
Hieron,  S.,  354,  358. 
Hildersham,  A.,  175. 
Hodgkin,  Jane,  385,  432. 
Holgate,  229,  241. 
Holgate,  Barbara,  229. 
Holland,  Countess,  42. 
Hommius,  F.,  525,  551,  560,  575,  593. 
Hooft,  419. 

Hook,  66,  69,  72,  99,  334. 
Hooker,  R.,  126,  166, 167, 172-175, 597, 

325,  326,  349,  547. 
Hoole,  C,  25. 

Hooper.  J.,  73,  74,  81,  83, 85,  86,  194. 
Hoornbeeck,  423,   424,  447,  545,  592, 

593. 
Hoorne,  418. 


668 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Hopton,  0.,  314. 

Home,  C,  2(i3. 

Home,  R.,  89,  90,  93,  95, 100,  118. 

Horsfield,  Rosam.,  469. 

Hortensius,  L.,  78. 

Houghton,  242,  248. 

Hout,  van,  J.,  468,  498. 

Howard,  309-311. 

Howson,  J.,  172. 

Hudson  Propos.,  583. 

Hull,  404,  405. 

Humber,  215,  405. 

Hume,  52. 

Humphrey,  L.,  90,  98,  101,  102,  118, 
124,  125. 

Hunt,  212. 

Hunt  (anoth.),  437. 

Hunt,  J.,  177,  371,  538. 

Hunter,  J.,  7,  34,  220,  228,  233,  241, 
242,  252,  2.54,  255,  320,  323,  325,  326, 
328,  332,  388-393,  398,  401. 

Huss,  J.,  54. 

Button,  L.,  359. 

Hutton,  M.,  49,  239. 

Hutton,  Thos.,  358. 

Hutton,  Tim.,  328. 

Idle,  215. 

Inquisition,  54,  93,  170,  416,  417. 

Ireland,  212,  424. 

Isabella,  Q.,  58. 

Islington,  204,  421. 

Ivimey,  J.,  458. 

Jackler,  364. 

Jackson,  Rich.,  391,  401. 

Jackson,  Rob.,  429. 

Jackson,  T.,  551. 

Jacob,  H.,  335,  351,  368,  386,  437,  4.38, 

519,  520,  546,  563. 
Jacobs,  14. 
James  I  (Eng.  VI,  Scot.),  15,  35.  39,  47, 

237-239,  280,  308,  314,  315,  317,  330, 

334,  336,  344,  370,  376,  386,  527,  536, 

546,  551,  562. 
James  IV  (Scot.),  218,  299. 
James  V  (Scot.),  299. 
Jegon,  J.,  394,  396,  398. 
Jenkins,  581. 

Jennings,  J.,  506,  507,  618. 
Jenny,  J.,  506. 
Jepson,  W.,  469. 
Jerome,  115. 
Jessop,  E.,  392,  457. 
Jessop,  F.,  392. 
Jessop,  Frances  W.,  392. 
Jewell,  J.,  93,  97,  99,  115,  165. 
John  (Wesel),  .54. 
Johnson,  Eliz.,  432. 
Johnson,  F.,  149, 175,  204,  205,  207, 208, 

212,  325,  395,  396,  421-423,  425-429, 


437-439,  441,  442,  451,  464,  465,  517, 
521-524,  536,  537,  550,  570,  576. 

Johnson,  G.,  204,  208,  210,  212,  259, 
421-123,  425-429,  433,  435,  437. 

Johnson,  Jac,  429,  537. 

Johnson,  John,  422,  429. 

Johnson,  Persev.,  425. 

Jones,  C,  589. 

Jones,  T.,  589. 

Jonson,  B.,  15,  24,  29. 

Jowett,  B.,  2. 

Jugge,  R.,  115. 

Julich,  526,  527. 

Julius  II,  59,  62. 

Junius,  158,  428,  434-436. 

Kampen,  204,  427. 

Kanter,  D.,  526. 

Kath.  (Aragon),  58-64. 

Kath.  (Valois),  47. 

Kellison,  M.,  348. 

Kendal,  14. 

Kent,  312. 

Kent  (Co.),  87. 

Killigrew,  Cath.,  28. 

KiUigrew,  H.,  285,  288. 

Kiln  Ferry,  405. 

King,  573. 

KingsmiU,  A.,  124. 

Kingston,  405. 

Kist,  N.  C,  467. 

Kitchiu,  93. 

Knewstubs,  J.,  178.  341,  343. 

Knollvs.  H.  Soc,  385,  386. 

Knox,"  J..  70,  75,  88,  170,  299. 

Knox,  T.  F.,  563. 

Knyveton,  G.,  204,  421,  446. 

Koomhert,  R.,  511. 

L.,  A.,  181. 

Lad,  T.,  364. 

Lamb,  397,  398. 

Lambeth,  48,  189,  201. 

Lascaris,  C,  54. 

Lascaris,  J.  A.,  54. 

Latham,  W.,  4.32. 

Lathbury,  100. 

Latimer,  H.,  70,  85,  90. 

Laud,  241. 

Lawne,  C,  204,  520,  524,  535-537,  545, 

546,  550,  553. 
Lea,  H.  C,  35,  37,  52,  54,  170. 
Lee,  N.,  204,  421. 
Legate,  B.,  546. 
Legatine  Ct.,  60,  61. 
Legge,  T.,  424. 

Leicester,  98,  285,  292-297,  310,  819. 
Leicester  Revolt,  485,  486. 
Leighton,  A.,  45,  46. 
Leland,  218,  224-228,  237. 
Le  Neve,  233. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


669 


Le  Poole,  593. 

Leo  X,  54,  58. 

Lever,  T.,  81,  91,  124,  274. 

Leyden,  Professors,  etc.,  483,  493-498, 

550,  553,  5«2. 
Leyden,  Records,  502,  503. 
Leyden,  Residences  of  Pilgs.,  490. 
Leyden,  Siege,  478-481. 
Lincoln,  3,  14,  378,  380. 
Lingard,  J.,  93. 
Lisle,  W.,  581. 
Listers,  242. 
Liverpool,  19. 
Lochleven,  300,  306. 
Lollardy,  56. 
Lombard,  P.,  56. 
London,  3,  11,  90,  188,  212,  295,  308, 

320,  323,  415. 
Loque,  de,  B.,  161. 
Lorimer,  P.,  75,  186. 
Love,  Fam.  of,  177-179. 
Lumley,  316. 

Luther,  M.,  56-58,  65,  66,  177. 
Lyly,  W.,  256. 
Lyons,  Sec.  Coun.,  256. 

Madden,  F.,  56. 

Marg.,  Princess,  218-221,  299. 

Marlowe,  C,  261,  394. 

Marprelate,  M.,  179-184,  258,  423. 

Marsden,  92,  100. 

Marshall,  500. 

Marshall,  W.,  231,  235. 

Marten,  A.,  163. 

Martin  (Morton),  389,  390. 

Martin's,  St.,  70. 

Martyr,  P.,  73,  74,  77,  84,  90,  95,  115, 

117. 
Mary,  Bloody,  59,  60,  81,  83-88,  188. 
Mary,  Duch.  of  HoU.,  477. 
Mary  Lorraine,  299. 
Mary  Magd.  Hosp.,  254,  323. 
Mary,  Scots,  11,  289,  299-313,  315. 
Maskell,  W.,  181. 
Mason,  F.,  365. 
Mass.  Bay,  19. 
Masson,  D.,  27,  256-258,  272,  275,  277, 

279,  284. 
Mather,  C,  332,  367,  380,  388,  391. 
Mather,  I.,  39,  359. 
Mattersey,  216,  223. 
Maunsell',  R.,  364,  582. 
Maurice,  Prince,  292,  468,  526,  527, 570. 
May,  H.,  604. 
May,  Jacq.,  432. 
May,  W.,  89,  91. 
Mayflower,  586,  588,  589. 
Mcllraith,  J.,  444. 
Medici,  de,  C,  .54. 
Meester,  J.,  593. 
Melancthon,  65,  72,  76,  77,  461. 


Mercer,  S.,  429,  446. 

Merick,  93. 

Merlin,  282. 

Mersius,  476,  479,  482. 

Michael's,  St.,  22. 

Middleberg,    129,   189,    198,   290,    292, 

422,  428. 
Middlesex,  28,  87. 
Millenary    Petit.,    334-336,    386,    438, 

440. 
Milner,  G.,  390. 
Milnes,  R.  P.,  242. 
Minter,  J.,  625. 
Misson,  223. 
Mitchell,  A.  F.,  95. 
Mocket,  R.,  562. 
Montagu,  J.,  340,  563. 
Montesquieu,  38. 
Moody,  309. 
Morden,  J.,  263. 
More,  T.,  57. 
Morgan,  T.,  302. 
Morice,  J.,  169. 
Morley,  397. 
Mornay,  de.  P.,  176. 
Morton,  G.,  379,  389. 
Morton,  N.,  380,  386,  391,  445. 
Morton,  T.,  171,  348,  395. 
Moryson,  F.,  7,  11, 12,  14,  33,  263,  323, 

412,  571. 
Mosse,  M.,  171. 

Motley,  J.  L.,  3,  289,   293,   295,  412, 

413,  417,  418,  478,  480-482. 
MuUer,  F.,  444,  537. 

MuUinger,  J.  B.,  27,  76,  2.56-258,  264, 
273,  275,  276,  278,  279,  282,  394,  398, 
424,  497. 

MuUins,  W.,  589,  590. 

Mundham,  398. 

Miinster  Insurrect.,  78. 

Munter,  J.,  444,  537. 

Miinzer,  T.,  78. 

Murphy,  H.  C,  501. 

Murray,  300. 

Murton,  J.,  385,  386,  432,  455,  458,  520, 
521,  538. 

Mus.,  Brit.,  189,  201,  206,  319. 

Mylls,  324. 

Naarden,  204,  427. 
Nan,  304. 
Naunton,  R.,  573, 
Neal,  Eliz.,  393. 
Neille,  241. 
Nestorius,  351. 
Nethenus,  M.,  520. 
Newark,  283. 
Newcastle,  18,  302. 
Newstead  Abbey,  215,  223. 
Neville,  G.,  392. 
Nichols,  J.,  331,3.32. 


670 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Niclaes,  H.,  177-179. 
Nicolas,  228,  314. 
Noailles,  85. 
Norfolk,  189,  312. 
Northampton,  344. 
Northumberland,  83. 
Norton,  J.,  273. 
Norwich,  3,  189,  191,  398. 
NoweU,  99. 
Nun's  Creek,  405. 
Nuremberg,  72,  76. 

Oglethorpe,  88. 

Olave's,  St.,  199,  263. 

Orange,  Prince,  581. 

Ormerod,  0.,  335,  350. 

Ostorod,  C,  436. 

Oxford,  14, 56,  62,  76, 86,  278,  337, 338. 

Paget,  J.,  443,  450,  524,  545,  562,  576. 

Pagitt,  E.,  178,  458. 

Palmer,  32. 

Parker,  M.,  89,  92-96,  99-101,  103,  105- 

107,  119,  258,  273,  274,  351,  394. 
Parker,  R.,  367,  519,  562. 
Parkhurst,  93,  118. 
Parma,  Prince,  295,  302. 
Parvise,  22. 
Pattison,  M.,  483. 
Paul,  St.,  362. 
Paulet,  A.,  300,  302,  304,  305,  311-313, 

316. 
Peaeham,  E.,  558. 
Peasants'  War,  78. 
Peck,  R.,  507. 
Peeters,  J.,  107. 
Peirce,  J.,  584. 
Pembroke,  19. 
Penn,  W.,  47,  48, 
Penredd,  T.,  43. 
Penry,  Deliv.,  432. 
Penry,  J.,  159,  160,  162,  170,  182,  183, 

209,  212,  263,  322,  325,  422,  432. 
Pepys,  Mrs.,  47. 
Percv,  C,  328. 

Perkins,  W.,  39,  40,  260,  395,  399. 
Perne,  A.,  257,  258,  263,  268. 
Perry,  100,  165. 
Perse,  423. 

Persons,  R.  (N.  Dolman),  346,  348. 
Peterhouse,  256-258,  262,  265-271,  279. 
Phil.  II,  19,  84,  93,  289,  290,  295,  300, 

302,  414,  417,  418. 
Phillips.  302. 
Pigott.  T.,  520,  546. 
Pigott,  W.,  521. 
Pike,  L.  0.,  2,  3,  23,  43,  44. 
Pilkington,  J.,  90,  91,  93. 
Piscis,  N.,  42. 
Pleyte,  W.,  532. 
Plym.  (Col.),  19. 


Plym.  (Eng.),  589,  590. 

Pole,  Card.,  87. 

Polyander,  J.,  498,  534,  544,  560. 

Pontanus,  65,  414. 

Powel,  G.,  347,  358. 

PoweU,  T.,  441. 

"  Precisians,"  105,  313. 

Presbyterianism,  203,  210,  211. 

Presb.  Tercent.,  186. 

Preston,  J.,  280. 

Preston,  T.,  395. 

Prince,  T.,  326,  380,  386,  391,  500. 

Printing,  Secret,  112,  133,  183. 

Protestantism,  Span.,  417. 

Purehas,  20. 

"  Puritans,"  105. 

Quignon,  72. 

Radford,  J.,  347. 

Rainea,  426. 

Rainolds,  J.,  339-343,345,371,  375,  376. 

Raleigh,  W.,  10,  15,  19,  28,  29,  33,  261, 
555,  568,  571. 

Ramus,  P.,  27,  262. 

Randolph,  T.,  323,  324. 

Ravenna,  Clergy,  115. 

Reculvers,  295. 

Reform.  Contin.,  416,  418. 

Reform.  Eng.,  55,  57,  92. 

Rich,  N.,  570. 

Richardson,  43. 

Richardson  (anoth.),  389,  390. 

Ricobaldi,  42. 

Ridley,  85,  90,  115,362. 

Ries,  de,  H.,  448,  453. 

Ripon,  240,  377. 

Rishton,  E.,  87,  92. 

Road,  Great  North.,  282,  320, 

Roberts,  A.,  39. 

Robinson,  J.,  40,  149,  239,  252,  260, 346, 
385,  386,  393-400,  406,  407,  410,  429, 
443,  449-454,  456,  457,  466,  467,  487, 
495,  500,  501,  504,  517,  520,  523,  529, 
531,  533,  535,  541,  544,  550,  553,  555, 
557,  560,  5.61,  568,  573,  574,  578,  585- 
588,  591-594. 

Robinson,  R.,  398. 

Roche  Abbey,  217. 

Rochester,  R.,  391,  401. 

Rogers,  T.,  150,  171,  374. 

Ross,  B..  505. 

Rowland,  T.,  188. 

Rowlett,  Marg.,  28. 

RufPord  Abbev,  223. 

Rughford,  237'. 

Russell,  Eliz.,  28. 

Ryton,  215,  225,  237,  238,  246. 

Sabbat,  36. 
SackvUle,  R.,  27. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


671 


Sadler,  28. 

Sadlington,  M.,  263. 

Sampson,  T.,  90,  98,  101,  102,  118,  124. 

Sancroft,  366. 

Sanctuary,  Right  of,  23. 

Sanders,  C,  536. 

Sands,  185. 

Sandys,  89,  91,  93,  97,  99, 101, 233, 239, 

241,  242,  305,  316,  424. 
Sandys,  E.,  297,  298,  373,  570,  573,  579. 
Sandys,  F.,  242. 
Sandys,  G.,  29,  322. 
Sandys,  M.,  263. 
Sandvs,  Penel.,  242. 
Sandys,  S.,  225,  236,  241,  242. 
Saravia,  H.,  165,  166,  485. 
Savage,  T.,  219,  221,  222. 
Savonarola,  54. 
Saxony,  Elect.,  65. 
Sayer,  R.,  263. 
Seambler,  E.,  93,  171. 
Seheffer,  J.  G.  de  H.,  279,  385,386,  423, 

431,  453,  455,  456,  521,  538. 
Scory,  J.,  90,  93. 
Scot,  R.,  35,  39. 
Scotus,  D. ,  56. 
Scriverius,  P.,  499. 
Scrooby,  320,  379. 
Scrooby  Manor,  221,  222-242,  245-250, 

380. 
Scrope,  Lady,  328. 
Seamer,  T.,  521. 
Seebohm,  54,  56,  57. 
Separatists,  Early,  203,  212,  421. 
Settle,  T.,  259,  421,  426. 
Seymour,  82. 
Sheffield,  7,  34. 
Sheldon,  48. 
Sherley,  J.,  611. 

Sherwood  Forest,  70,  215,  219,  238. 
Shrewsbury,  219,  237,  312. 
Sidnev,   P.,   285,    292,   296,   308,    310, 

319. 
Silva,  de,  99. 
Silvester,  T.,  389,  390. 
Simons,  M.,  521. 
Skitterhaven,  E.  Halton,  405, 
Slade,  M.,  434,  576. 
Slafter,  E.  F.,  20. 
Smith,  J.,  188. 
Smith,  J.  (Capt.),  563,  589. 
Smith,  M.,  376. 
Smith,  T.,  91,  579. 
Smith,  W.,  366. 
Smith,  W.  (anoth.),  438. 
Smith,  AVent.,  366. 
Smyth,  J.,  279,  377,  378,  380-386,  392, 

399,  400,  436,  442-444,  446-448,  449- 

451,  453-460,  517,  520,  521,  537,  538, 

545. 
Snel  (Turwert),  H.,  107. 


Snellius,  R.,  511,  550. 

Snowden,  R.,  402. 

Some.  R.,  161. 

Somerset,  Duke,  82,  185. 

Somerset,  Earl,  563. 

Somerset,  T.,  328. 

Somersetshire,  8. 

Southampton,  588. 

Southwell,  222,  223,  233,  234,  238,  239, 

242,  402. 
Sparks,  T.,  361. 
Speedwell,  586-589. 
Spelman,  F.,  285. 
Spelman,  Kath.,  285. 
Spencer,  G.,  24. 
Sprint,  J.,  358,  452,  576. 
Stafford,  308,  309. 
Stallingborough,  405. 
Stamford,  282. 
Standen,  N.,  125. 
Stanhope,  J.,  318,  324. 
Stanley,  W.,  310. 
Stapletons,  242. 
Star  Chamber,  46. 
Staresmore,  S.,  573,  582. 
Starre,  R.,  617. 
States-Gen.,  290,  415. 
Staveley,  T.,  22. 
Stepney,  317,  401. 
Stevens,  H.,  539. 
Stokes,  R.,  200,  262. 
Stoughton,  W.,  141,  142,  345. 
Strangeways,  44. 
Strutt,  13. 
Stuart,  M.,  512. 
Stubbe,  J.,  140. 
Stubbes,  Mrs.,  206. 
Stubbes,  P.,  13,  16. 
Studley,  D.,  204,  421,  426,  429, 432,  446, 

521. 
Stuffen,  Anne,  387. 
Sturbridge  Fair,  17,  275,  277,  396. 
Suffolk,  61. 

Sumner,  G.,  500,  501,  507. 
Sunday  Games,  106. 
Sutcliffe,  M.,  153,  162,  164,  348. 
Sutton,  216,  241,  254,  379. 
Swale,  424. 

Swanenburgius,  C,  557. 
Swannenburch,  I.,  530. 

Taffinus,  427,  434,  435. 
Talbot.  H.,  31.3. 
Tandlerus,  T.,  39. 
Taylor,  A.,  458. 
Tavlor.  J.,  29,  49. 
Tetrode,  C,  525. 
Thacker,  K,  209. 
Thiekins,  R.,  533. 
Thoraason,  185. 
Thoresby,  de,  J.,  222. 


672 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Thoroton,  227,  242. 
Thorp,  G.,  516,  543. 
Tickhill,  391. 
Tilley,  Bridget,  650. 
Tilley,  E.,  650. 
Tilley,  J.,  650. 
Tilley,  P.,  650. 
Toller,  T.,  377. 
Topliffe,  R.,  237. 
Tortus,  M.,  370. 
Tower,  84,  313,  314. 
-Tracy,  W.,  63. 
Traheron,  72. 
Trappes,  J.,  537. 
Travers,  W.,  110, 125, 138, 158, 162, 166, 

185,  210,  272,  547,  566. 
Treby,  43. 
Trelcatius,  L.,  486. 
Tremellius,  J.  E.,  76,  158. 
Trent,  215,  405. 
Trent,  Coun.,  76. 
Triglandus,  510. 
Tuke,  B.,  320. 
Tulloch,  52. 

Tunstall,  C,  81,  228,  277. 
Turner,  Mrs.,  48. 
Turswell,  T.,  181,  184. 
Turwert  (Snel),  H.,  107. 
Tuxford,  218,  219,  282,  329. 
Tyburn,  124,  200,  422. 
Tyndal,  396. 

Udall,  J.,  145,  146,  154,  157,  162,  259, 

322. 
Uitenbogart,  461,  510,  551. 
Underbill,  S.  B.,  458. 
Use,  Bangor,  71. 
Use,  Hereford,  71. 
Use,  Lincoln,  72. 
Use,  Salisbury,  71. 
Use,  York,  71. 
Utrecht,  418,  526. 

Valentia,  de,  Greg.,  351. 
Van  der  Does,  J.,  479,  482. 
Van  der  Velde,  E.,  499. 
Van  der  Venne,  A.,  499. 
Van  der  WerfF,  480,  485. 
Van  der  Werff,  A.  P.,  506. 
Van  Hogeveen,  A.,  529. 
Van  Laewen,  475. 
Van  Leyden,  L„  492. 
Van  Mieris,  482,  493. 
Van  Rijn,  R.,  499. 
Van  Vesanevelt,  A.  J.,  506. 
Vaucanson,  de,  J.,  487. 
Venator,  A.,  462. 
Venn,  423. 
Villiers,  G.,  563. 
Virginia,  586. 
Virginia  Co.,  573,  579,  584. 


Voidovius,  A.,  436. 

Vorstius,  C,  520,  535,  536,544,  551. 

Wade,  Sir  W.,  304. 

Waddington,  J.,  188,  199,  422. 

Wagenaar,  435,  444. 

Waigestaff,  Alice,  389. 

Walaeus,  A.,  592. 

Waldegrave,  R.,  142, 175. 

Wall,  201. 

Walsingham,  F.,  289,  296,  301-304,  307, 

308-311,  574. 
Walton,  I.,  29,  297. 
Warham,  59. 

Watering,  St.  T.,  124,  263. 
Wentworth,  T.,  230,  233,  253. 
Wessel,  J.,  54. 
Weston,  T.,  584,  586,  588. 
Whetenhall,  T.,  365. 
Whitaker,  S.,  432. 
Whitaker,  W.,  .396,  421. 
White,  Bridg.,  .392. 
White,  Frances,  392. 
White,  Jane,  392. 
White,  E.,  93. 
White,  Rog.,  392,  591. 
White,  T.,  204,  212,  423,  427,  435,  441, 

442. 
Whitehead,  91. 
Whitgift,  J.,  49,  105,  109-111,  126, 129, 

131,  134-137,  165,  166,  273,  278,  316, 

338,  343-345,  352. 
Wliittingham,  110. 
Whittington  Coll.,  124. 
Wickham,  384,  455. 
Widley,  G.,  372. 
Wierus,  J.,  38. 
Wightman,  R.,  241. 
Wilcox,   T.,   105,   125,    126,   128,    130, 

161. 
Wilfred's,  St.,  217,  241,  327,  377. 
Wilkes,  W.,  362. 
Willet,  A.,  173. 
William,  Orange,   289,  418,   479,  482, 

527. 
Williams,  R.,  423. 
Williamson,  590. 
Wilson,  R.,  .508. 
Wincob,  J.,  579. 
Wingfield,  312. 
Winslow,  E.,  380,  541,  543,  567,  573, 

585  587 
Winwood,  R.,  468,  526,  536,  551. 
Withers,  G.,  103. 
WoUey,  J.,  316. 
Wolman,  R.,  394. 
Wolsey,  Card.,  60,  62,  222-224. 
Wood,  212,  539. 
Woolsey,  437. 
Worcester,  323. 
Worcester  (town),  316. 


I 


GENERAL  INDEX 


673 


Worksop,  219,  237,  238,  378,  392,  432. 

Wosteubolnie,  J.,  573. 

Wotton,  A.,  395. 

Wraye,  C,  310. 

Wren,  M.,  280. 

Wrentham,  255. 

Wright,  L.,  181. 

Wright,  W.  A.,  424. 

Writers,  Eliz.,  29. 

Wroth,  438. 

Wroth,  T.,  89. 


Wyburne,  P.,  122. 
Wyclif,  J.,  54,  56. 

Yarmouth,  393. 

Yates,  J.,  574. 

York,  3,  11,  18,  224,  234,  320. 

York,  R.,  310. 

Young,  T.,  90,  93,  231. 

Younge,  J.,  218. 

Zutphen,  310. 


Electrotyped  and  printed  by  H.  O.  Houghton  &=  Ce. 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A. 


University  of  Toronto 
Library 


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