Skip to main content

Full text of "The English factories in India, 1618-1669 : a calendar of documents in the India Office, British Museum and Public Record Office"

See other formats 


\><.^ 


i 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2010  with  funding  from 

University  of  Toronto 


http://www.archive.org/details/englishfactories11fost 


■1  «^^.^«g« 

SIl^    GEORGE    OXENDEN 


v. 


THE  ENGLISH  FACTORIES 
IN  INPIA 

1661-64 

BY 

WILLIAM    FOSTER,  CLE. 


PUBLISHED    UNDER    THE    PATRONAGE    OF   HIS    MAJESTY'S 
SECRETARY  OF  STATE  FOR  INDIA  IN  COUNCIL 


OXFORD 

AT    THE    CLARENDON    PRESS 

1923 


OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

London        Edinburgh        Glasgow        Copenhagen 

New  York    Toronto    IMelhourne    Cape  Town 

Bombay     Calcutta     INIadras     Shanghai 

HUMPHREY  MILFORD 
Publisher  to  the  University 


Printed  in  England 


PREFACE 

The  present  volume  has  been  prepared  on  the  same  plan  as  the 
preceding  one  ;  that  is  to  say,  a  chronicle  has  been  given,  year  by 
year  (divided  geographically),  of  the  leading  events,  and  these  have 
been  described  mainly  by  means  of  quotations  from  the  con- 
temporary documents  preserved  at  the  India  Office  and  the  Public 
Record  Office.  The  only  change  that  has  been  made  in  the  scheme 
is  the  suppression,  to  save  space,  of  the  separate  chapters  on  Persia. 
So  far  as  the  letters  to  and  from  that  country  bear  upon  Indian 
topics,  they  have  been  dealt  with  in  the  sections  devoted  to  the  Surat 
Presidency  ;  and  since  the  East  India  Company's  trade  with  Persia 
at  that  time  was  at  a  very  low  ebb,  the  change  has  involved  little 
or  no  loss  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  history  of  the  Company. 
The  letters  contain,  it  is  true,  some  interesting  references  to  the 
internal  affairs  of  Persia;  but  these  have  had  to  be  left  to  be  deak 
with  by  some  other  historian. 

The  change  of  method  in  this  respect  has  been  necessitated  by 
the  abundance  of  material  more  strictly  germane  to  the  professed 
object  of  the  series  and  especially  by  the  appearance  of  Bombay  as 
a  permanent  feature  in  Anglo-Indian  history.  In  the  present 
volume  the  cession  of  the  island  to  King  Charles,  the  abortive 
expedition  under  the  Earl  of  Marlborough  to  take  possession,  and 
the  sufferings  of  the  expeditionary  force  upon  the  island  of  Anjidiv, 
are  for  the  first  time  fully  described  from  original  sources.  Another 
topic  which  has  helped  to  swell  the  work  is  that  of  the  attack  made 
by  Sivaji  upon  Surat  at  the  beginning  of  1664,  and  the  gallant 
defence  of  the  English  factory  under  Sir  George  Oxenden. 

The  portrait  of  Oxenden  which  forms  the  frontispiece  is  from  an 
original  painting  in  the  possession  of  the  family,  which  Lady  Capel 
Cure    kindly    caused    to    be    photographed   for    the    purpose    by 


iv  PREFACE 

Mr.  Donald  Macbeth.  The  name  of  the  artist  is  not  known. 
Since  Oxenden  did  not  return  to  this  country  after  his  departure 
for  Surat  in  1662,  while  the  fortification  in  the  background 
obviously  refers  to  his  post  as  Governor  of  Bombay  (1668),  it 
seems  clear  that  the  picture  was  painted  after  his  death  (1669) ;  and 
this  may  account  for  certain  details  of  the  costume,  which  appear 
to  be  of  later  date.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  features  were 
taken  from  an  earlier  portrait. 

Acknowledgements  are  also  due  to  Lady  Capel  Cure  for  permitting 
me  to  consult  and  make  use  of  Sir  George  Oxenden's  letterbooks, 
&c.  (referred  to  in  the  text  as  'Oxenden  Papers').  These  have 
since  found  a  permanent  resting-place  in  the  Department  of  Manu- 
scripts, British  Museum. 

The  map  of  the  west  coast  of  India  given  in  the  1655-60  volume 
will  be  found  of  great  assistance  in  following  the  course  of  events  in 
that  region  during  the  period  covered  by  the  present  instalment. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

1661.  The  Surat  Presidency i 

The  Madras  Agency 32 

The  Bengal  Agency 60 

1662.  The  Close  of  Andrews's  Administration  at 

Surat 72 

Sir  George  Oxenden,  President  ....  92 

The  Expedition  to  Bombay 123 

The  Coast  and  Bay 145 

1663    Affairs  at  Surat 186 

Shipman  at  Anjidiv 214 

The  Malabar  Coast 228 

The  Coromandel  Coast 266 

The  Bengal  Factories 287 

1664.   SivAji's  ATTACK  UPON  Surat 296 

Other  Events  at  Surat 316 

The  Expeditionary  Force  AT  Anjidiv.        .        .  332 

The  Malabar  Coast 341 

The  Madras  Agency 360 

The  English  in  Bengal 392 

References  to  Documents  Quoted         ....  404 

Index 409 


THE  ENGLISH  FACTORIES  IN  INDIA 

I  66  1-64 

THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

In  the  last  volume  we  noted  the  dispatch  to  England  of  the 
Richard  and  MartJia  and  the  Blackamoor  in  January,  1661,  the 
return  oi  ^o.  American'^  from  Gombroon,  and  the  arrival  of  the  long 
overdue  Eagle  from  home  in  the  middle  of  February.  We  now 
proceed  to  chronicle  the  other  events  of  the  early  part  of  the  year. 

Owing  to  the  break  of  twelve  months  in  the  series  of  '  Surat 
Letters  Sent '  and  a  still  larger  gap  in  the  register  of  the  letters 
received,  we  are  dependent  chiefly  upon  the  few  documents  preserved 
in  the  Original  Correspondence  series  and  upon  the  extracts  from 
the  Surat  Consultations,  &c.,  given  in  Sir  George  Forrest's  Selections 
from  the  Letters,  &c.,  hi  the  Bombay  Secretariat,  Home  Series ^  vol.  i, 
supplemented  by  the  press  list  issued  by  the  Bombay  Record 
Office.  From  these  sources  we  learn  that  in  January  the  Vine  was 
dispatched  to  Gombroon,  the  Sivally  to  Lahribandar,  and  the 
Hopezvell  to  Bantam  and  Macassar,  the  last-named  carrying  Richard 
Bladwell  and  Thomas  Coates  as  supercargoes ;  '^  in  February  the 
American  started  again  for  Gombroon  ;  in  March  the  Snrat  Frigate 
departed  for  Mokha,  with  Ralph  Lambton  and  Valentine  Nurse  ; 
early  in  April  the  Eagle  was  sent  to  Kung  and  Gombroon  ;  and  in 
the  same  month  the  American  sailed  once  again  on  a  voyage  to 
Gombroon  and  Basra,  with  George  Cranmer  and  Robert  Sainthill 
as  merchants  in  charge. 

The  dispatch  of  the  American  on  the  former  of  these  two  errands 
was  the  occasion  of  serious  contumacy  on  the  part  of  Matthew 

^  Also  called  the  Amerzca  and  the  Ame7-ican  Frigate. 

^  Also  John  South,  a  private  trader  proceeding  to  Macassar.  A  letter  from  him  to 
John  Lambton,  dated  from  Siam  i  September,  1661,  and  forming  O.C.  2895,  gives  an 
account  of  the  voyage.  It  is  summarized  in  Dr.  J.  Anderson's  English  Iittercoiose  with 
Siam  (1890),  p.  91. 

259?  B 


2  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,   1661 

Gray,  the  Secretary  to  the  Council.  It  was  known  that  a 
Second  was  needed  at  Gombroon,  and  Gray  feared  that  the  choice 
would  fall  upon  him  ;  wherefore  he  departed  from  Swally  for  Surat 
without  permission,  and  wrote  from  the  latter  place  to  say  that  in 
no  circumstances  would  he  go  to  Persia.  President  Andrews  and 
John  Lambton  (then  the  only  other  member  of  the  Council)  thereupon 
(9  February)  held  a  consultation,  at  which  Gray  was  dismissed  from 
his  post  as  Secretary,  and  was  threatened  with  expulsion  from  the 
Company's  service  in  the  event  of  his  continuing  refractory.  This 
had  no  effect  upon  the  culprit,  and  so  two  days  later  he  was  sum- 
moned, and  was  asked  point  blank  whether  he  would  go  to  Gom- 
broon. His  emphatic  refusal  was  followed  by  a  resolution  to  dismiss 
him  from  the  service,  exclude  him  from  the  factory,  and  send  him 
home  ;  but  evidently  he  made  some  sort  of  submission,  for  although 
for  a  time  he  was  superseded  by  Francis  Anderson,  yet,  when  the 
latter  went  home  at  the  close  of  the  year,  Gray  was  allowed  to 
resume  his  post  as  Secretary. 

The  disastrous  outcome  of  the  voyage  of  the  Swally  is  narrated 
in  a  letter  to  Bengal  of  16  February  : 

A  small  pinnace,  called  the  Swally,  by  the  coward ise  and  base- 
nesse  of  the  master  [Robert  Tucker],  though  accompanied  with  14 
English  men,  left  her  floatinge  in  the  sea,  because  theysawe6  small 
frigots  at  a  good  distance  from  them  and  feared  they  would  fight 
them.  Neaver  was  such  an  action  heard  of;  14  English  to  runne 
away  from  a  vesscll  with  six  gunns,  full  laden  with  the  Companies 
goodes,  and  neaver  a  stroke  struck  or  any  boarded  them  or  shott 
a  gunn  at  them  ;  it  being  to  the  losse  of  the  Company  3,000/.  and 
more. 

Early  in  April  much  excitement  was  caused  by  an  affray  between 
some  Dutchmen  and  Englishmen  at  Mora  (two  miles  north-east  of 
Swally),  in  which  two  of  the  latter  were  slain.  This  led  to  con- 
siderable correspondence  between  the  representatives  of  the  two 
nations,  and  a  protest  by  the  President  and  Council  against  the 
Dutch  Director,  who  would  do  no  more  than  dispatch  the  man 
accused  of  the  murder  to  Batavia  for  trial  (see  Forrest,  op.  cit., 
pp.  188-91  and  O.C.  2876-82).  Andrews  contented  himself  with 
sending  the  papers  home  ;  and  no  one  appearing  at  Batavia  to 
prosecute,  the  accused  was  after  a  time  liberated  {Batavia  Dagh- 
Register,  166 1,  p.  366). 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  3 

The  next  item  of  interest  is  the  loss  of  the  Welcome.  This  vessel, 
having  returned  from  Achin  very  leaky,  was  docked  at  Umra  (on 
the  Tapti,  a  little  below  Surat).  After  being  patched  up,  she  was 
got  out  into  the  river  on  5  April ;  but  she  repeatedly  grounded  in 
going  down  the  stream  and  at  last  stuck  fast.  It  was  then  decided 
to  break  her  up,  and  use  the  materials  in  building  a  pinnace  to 
replace  her. 

These  occurrences  were  narrated  to  the  Company  in  a  letter,  dated 
10  and  13  April,  which  was  sent  overland  (list  of  packet :  O.C.  2885); 
but  all  that  has  survived  of  it  is  an  extract  relating  to  the  affray  at 
Mora  {O.C.  2882).  Its  contents,  however,  may  be  inferred  in  part 
from  the  Company's  reply  (19  March,  1662)  given  later.  In  the 
same  month  Joseph  Hinmers  and  William  Forster  were  dispatched 
in  the  Vine  to  Queda  and  Johore,  and  Francis  Cobb  on  a  junk  to 
Achin,  The  Eagle  was  sent  on  a  voyage  to  Gombroon,  arriving 
there  on  9  May. 

The  loss  of  the  letter  just  referred  to  is  the  more  to  be  regretted 
because  it  contained  some  account  of  the  disaster  which  had  over- 
taken the  factors  stationed  at  Rajapur,  The  exact  date  of  this 
event  is  not  known,  but  it  was  probably  soon  after  16  February, 
1661,  when  Revington,  Randolph  Taylor,  and  Giffard  wrote  to  the 
Company  a  letter  filled  mainly  with  accusations  against  President 
Andrews  (particularly  on  the  score  of  private  trading),  but  speaking 
cheerfully  of  their  own  prospects.  They  had  sold  all  their  stock  of 
goods  except  the  brimstone  ('  which  is  fallen  in  price  since  Panella 
Castle  was  taken '),  and  mostly  at  a  good  profit.  Since  they  had 
nothing  to  do,  owing  to  the  want  of  stock  and  the  non-receipt  of 
instructions  from  Surat,  Revington  and  Taylor  were  proposing  to 
go  to  Goa  for  a  month : 

And  there  we  doe  intend  to  talk  with  the  Governours  freindly 
(and  not  like  Mr.  Andrews,  who  abused  them  by  his  letters)  and 
see  what  can  be  done  for  the  obteyning  of  any  one  place  of  theirs ; 
in  which  designe  if  we  miss  of  our  expectation  in  doing  nothing  to 
the  purpose,  its  no  more  then  if  we  satt  still  in  Kojapore  doing 
nothing. 

A  postscript  added  that  Richard  Napier,  '  who  came  out  of 
England  a  mellencholly  person,  and  so  continued ',  was  dangerously 
ill,  and  not  expected  to  live. 

B  2 


4  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

In  the  absence  of  any  account  of  the  disaster  from  the  English 
records,  the  story  must  be  pieced  together  from  other  sources. 
After  the  escape  of  Sivaji  from  Panala,  as  related  in  the  last  volume, 
the  King  of  Bijapur,  annoyed  at  the  ill-success  of  his  general,  Sidi 
Johar,  assumed  the  command  of  the  army  himself,  with  the  result 
that  several  of  Sivaji's  forts,  including  Panala,  were  captured.  The 
rains  enforced  a  pause  in  the  operations  ;  and  the  Maratha  chief 
took  the  opportunity  to  fill  his  treasury  by  plundering  Rajapur. 
According  to  Grant  Dufif  {History  of  the  Mahrattas,  ed.  Edwardes, 
vol.  i.  p.  143), '  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  [1661]  he  again  appeared 
before  Rajapoor,  which  he  took  and  plundered.  On  this  occasion 
the  English  sustained  some  loss,  and  several  of  their  factors  were 
seized  and  confined  in  a  hill  fort  for  two  years,  on  an  accusation, 
never  substantiated,  of  having  assisted  Seedee  Johur  with  mortars 
and  shells,  at  the  siege  of  Panalla.'  In  a  note  the  author  adds  that 
'  the  unfortunate  Englishmen  were  not  finally  released  without 
paying  a  ransom.  There  appears  to  have  been  some  reason  for 
Sivajee's  suspicion,  though  the  fact  was  never  fully  ascertained'. 
The  papers  printed  in  the  last  volume  prove  that  the  charge  was 
true,  and  explain  Sivaji^s  harsh  treatment  of  Revington  and  his 
companions.  Some  details  are  supplied  by  letters  from  the  Dutch 
Chief  at  Vengurla,  as  summarized  in  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register, 
1661  (p.  215): 

Concerning  the  English,  the  Resident  [at  Vengurla]  writes  that . . . 
they  have  received  no  compensation  for  the  munitions  of  war  which 
they  lent  to  the  King  of  Bijapur  for  use  against  Sivaji ;  but  they 
have  suffered  great  damage  from  that  rebel  on  this  account.  For 
he,  so  soon  as  the  old  Queen  had  departed  for  Mokha,  raised  his 
head  once  more,  and,  reflecting  on  the  injury  he  had  received  at  the 
hands  of  the  English,  about  the  middle  of  March  [N.S.]  sent  1000 
horse  and  about  3000  foot-soldiers  to  take  possession  of  Rajapur. 
This  force,  on  reaching  the  town,  invited  the  principal  inhabitants 
to  come  out  and  escort  it  in,  according  to  custom,  promising  to  do 
no  harm.  These  simple  men,  suspecting  no  evil,  went  to  the  place 
of  meeting,  accompanied  by  the  English  Resident,  Revington,  with 
two  or  three  other  Englishmen,  who  thought  it  well  to  pay  this 
mark  of  respect.  They  were  all  immediately  seized  and  their  pro- 
perty confiscated,  after  tortures  had  been  inflicted.  Revington  and 
those  who  accompanied  him  were  placed  in  one  of  Sivaji's  fortresses  ; 
while  the  Englishmen  who  had  remained  behind  in  Rajapur  were 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  5 

likewise  imprisoned,  and  one  died  under  torture.  Their  factory 
was  entirely  stripped,  even  the  floor  being  dug  up  in  search  of 
hidden  treasure.  The  robbers  also  plundered  many  foreign  mer- 
chants, who  yearly  bring  goods  to  Rajapur  from  Persia  and  Muskat. 
Several  Rajas  and  others  gathered  troops  together ;  but  Sivaji's 
men,  satisfied  with  their  plunder,  made  off  without  awaiting  the 
attack. 

A  later  letter,  written  at  Vengurla  on  29  July  {ibid.  p.  448),  says  : 

The  English  resident,  Revington,  is  still  imprisoned  with  his 
colleagues  by  Sivaji  in  a  certain  inland  fort,  named  Soangur.^ 
Salabat  Khan "-  has  sent  an  envoy  to  obtain  their  release,  and  is 
himself  at  present  in  the  field  with  a  great  army  against  Bahlol 
Khan. 

Our  next  piece  of  information  comes  from  a  letter  sent  to  Surat 
by  Revington  and  his  fellow  prisoners  (the  two  Taylors  and  Philip 
Giffard),  dated  at  "  Soangur  ',10  June,  1661.  No  contemporary 
version  is  available,  and  all  we  have  to  go  upon  is  a  transcript  (with 
altered  spelling)  made  by  Robert  Orme  in  1785  from  a  volume  now 
missing.  This  transcript  is  to  be  found  in  the  Orme  MSS.  in  I.O. 
Library,  vol.  155,  p.  i.  The  original  letter  was  written  at  intervals 
(as  here  numbered),  and  the  date  refers  to  the  last  section  only : 

(I)  Yours  of  the  2d.  of  May  I  receiv'd  in  Soangur  Castle  the 
8th  June,  unto  which  I  reply.  The  original  of  our  disaster  adds  no  fuel 
to  our  discontent,  it  being  first  our  duty  to  our  masters  to  stand  or 
fall  with  their  estate,  and  innocency  in  ourselves,  which  made  us 
fear  no  evil,  that  we  did  not  run  away  (although  we  could  have 
done  it)  at  Sevagee  s  approach.  .  .  .  God  be  thanked,  we  are  not  in 
fault,  but  in  misery  for  our  sins  towards  God,  not  Sevagi,  out  of 
whose  hand  pray  God  deliver  us  by  His  provident  and  our  own 
endeavours ;  which  prompted  us  to  write  to  you  before  from 
Waysetty  Castle,^  and  now  we  are  further  encouraged  by  your 
letter  to  write  again,  which  we  accept  of,  in  hopes  you,  follow- 
ing our  advice  in  this  particular,  will  be  a  ready  way  to  gain  our 
liberty,  vizt.  Sevagi,  you  may  please  to  know,  was  the  only  person 
we  had  to  work  withall  about  Danda  R[ajapore]  C[astle]  ;  and  to 
that  purpose  talk'd  with  Dowrowgis,*  his  chief  servant,  the  last  year 
about  it,  and  understood  that,  if  that  castle  were  taken  from  the 

^  SoDgarh,  three  miles  NW.  of  Mahad,  Kolaba  District. 
^  Sidi  Johar.     See  the  previous  volume,  p.  378  n. 

^  Wasota  (Vasota),  a  fort  on  the  edge  of  the  Sahyadris,  about  twenty  miles  west  of 
Satara. 

*  Daruji  'see  the  previous  volume,  p.  358). 


6  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

Siddy,  all  this  country  about  it  would  fall  into  Sevagi's  hands,  and 
that,  if  we  assisted  him  in  that  business,  there  would  be  nothing  in 
reason,  either  for  money  or  port  towns,  but  should  be  given  or 
granted.  Upon  this  subject  his  Braman  at  Rajahpore,  when  we 
were  prisoners,  talked  with  us  something,  promising  us  a  handsome 
seat,  called  Meate  Bunder,^  upon  the  coast ;  but  at  this  time  we 
told  him  our  intentions  was  lost  through  his  imprisoning  and 
robbing  us.  .  .  .  After  this  he  set  a  [lakh  ?]  of  pagodas  on  our  heads 
to  gain  our  liberty,  and  so  sent  us  prisoners  to  Waysetty  Castle. 
Now  his  reason  for  this  is  meerly  arbitrary,  and  more  we  know  not 
what  to  say,  unless  you  can  give  yourselves  a  reason  why  he  robbs 
all  Banians,  Moorsmen,  Persians,  and  Arabians,  and  afterwards 
imprisons,  frown  and  drubb  them  for  more  money.  .  .  .  Here  are 
several  brave  Persians  and  Arabians,  that  he  trapaned  from  aboard 
ship  this  year,  who  suffers  worse  then  we  do  ;  and  the  only  reason, 
we  [beleive,  is?]  he  hopes  to  have  our  assistance  against  Danda 
Rajapore  Castle;  for  we  beleive  his  demanding  a  [lakh?]  of 
pagodas  from  us  is  only  to  bring  us  to  secure  him  in  that  par- 
ticular. 

They  advise,  therefore,  that  the  following  proposals  be  made : 
(i)  That  Sivaji  should  grant  the  prisoners  their  liberty,  and  restore 
what  has  been  taken  from  them  ('  or  at  least  our  liberty ').  (2)  That 
he  should  undertake  to  pay  the  charges  of  the  English  ships 
engaged  in  the  reduction  of  Danda  Rajpuri.  If  he  omits  to  inquire 
how  much  this  will  be,  a  means  will  be  provided  '  to  creep  out  of 
our  obligation,  if  we  please,  by  asking  more  than  he  will  give '.  If 
he  does  ask,  the  reply  might  be  10,000  pagodas  for  each  of  four 
ships.  In  that  case,  '  we  have  another  hole  for  to  creep  out  at,  for 
we  may  demand  all  the  money  beforehand,  which  he  will  never  do '. 

(3)  That  he  should  give  the  Company  a  convenient  port  town,  with 
liberty  to   build  a  fort,   he  providing  the  labour    and   materials. 

(4)  That  he  should  allow  the  English  to  receive  half  the  customs 
revenue  of  that  town,  their  own  imports  and  exports  being  duty 
free.  (5)  That  he  should  consent  to  the  establishment  of '  a  tanksall 
[taksdl:  mint]  for  a  current  coyning  of  silver  all  over  his  country, 
and  that  no  Mallabars  shall  be  countenanced  by  him ;  which  we 
think  fit  to  put  in,  because  at  Rajahpore  he  told  us  he  was  a  Mallabar 

^  Professor  Jadunath  Sarkar,  in  his  valuable  work  on  Shivaji  and  his  Times  (p.  431), 
says  that  this  is  a  general  term  for  salt-ports  (Mahr.  mith,  salt,.  But  endently  the  factors 
understood  the  reference  to  be  to  some  particular  place. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  7 

himself  and  has  of  them  at  command '.  (6)  That  the  English 
should  be  allowed  to  buy  saltpetre  freely.  (7)  That  a  warehouse 
should  be  given  to  them  in  the  port  town  to  be  ceded.  These  are 
the  lines  they  propose  to  go  upon  in  any  conference  with  Sivaji, 
and  it  would  be  well  if  the  Surat  authorities  would  write  to  him 
to  the  same  effect.  It  is  possible  that,  '  being  a  perfidious  man 
himself,  he  may  doubt  whether  the  English  will  perform  their 
promises,  once  he  has  released  the  prisoners.  The  answer  should 
be  that,  as  the  grant  of  a  town,  &c.,  is  to  be  contingent  on  the 
English  carrying  out  their  contract,  it  would  be  more  reasonable  to 
expect  security  from  him. 

If  he  should  be  insolent,  and  say  we  were  now  in  his  hands  and 
he  would  keep  us  and  our  money  till  the  business  was  done,  [the 
reply  is  ?]  that  keep  us  and  kill  [us  ?]  he  may,  but  for  money  and 
service  he  never  would  have  from  us  so  long  as  he  kept  us.  We 
expect  every  day  to  be  called  by  [  ]  Ro wgee  Pundett  [Raoji 
Pandit],  who  is  sent  by  Sevagi  to  examine  us,  we  having  not  seen 
Sevagi  since  we  parted  Rajapore.  .  .  .  This  day  the  Braman  en- 
ordered  a  Moorman  to  be  tortured  with  stripes  before  our  face,  we 
suppose  to  terrify  us ;  and  this  day  we  have  privately  given  it  out, 
to  one  that  is  likely  to  tell  him  again,  that,  if  we  are  not  released, 
there  were  those  in  Surat  that  would  grant  Oranzeebs  desire  in 
transporting  an  army  into  Decan ;  which  hitherto  the  English 
would  never  do,  because  they  were  friends  with  the  Queen  of 
Decan,  but  she  being  now  deposed  and  gone,  it  would  be  as  little 
prejudice  as  trouble  to  us,  were  it  to  be  revenged  ;  and  this,  we 
beleive,  will  fright  him  more  than  the  stick  did  us.  And  let  us  tell 
you  a  profer  to  Shasta  Ckaune,'  who  lies  about  the  hill  not  above 
7  gow  ^  or  40  course  off  us,  would  be  very  acceptable  to  the 
C[kaune?],  as  the  business  may  be  carry ed,  and  then  Sevagi  may 
be  soon  routed,  for  all  the  difficulty  is  in  Chasta  Ckaunes  coming 
down  the  hill ;  but  of  this  let  nothing  be  said  or  done  before  we 
advise  you  to  it.  . . .  If  he  [Sivaji]  writes  for  money,  please  to  tell  him 
(as  we  have  done  by  letters)  our  masters  will  never  pay  a  pice  for 
our  liberties,  and  although  you  have  money  of  theirs  in  your  hands, 
yet  you  dare  not  pay  1000  pagodas,  much  less  a  greater  sum.  And 
one  thing  more  we  must  give  you  a  caution  of,  not  to  beleive  any 

1  Shaista  Khan  (for  whom  see  p.  67  of  the  last  volume)  liad  been  made  Viceroy  of  the 
Deccan  about  July,  1659. 

2  Hind,  gati,  a  measure  of  distance  to  which  varying  lengths  are  assigned.  Tavernier 
makes  it  equal  four  kos ,  and  in  a  document  of  1666  we  find  it  treated  as  equivalent  to 
six  miles. 


8  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENXY,  1661 

report  that  speaks  we  should  do  or  say  anything  contrary  to  this  ; 
for  it  is  possible  they  will  write  to  you  we  have  agreed  to  pay  so 
much  money  for  our  liberty,  to  hear  what  you  will  say. 

In  writing  about  Danda  Rajpuri,  it  would  be  advisable  to  leave 
Revington  some  latitude  '  to  steer  another  way ',  if  necessary.  It 
would  be  best  to  tell  Sivaji  that  the  negotiations  are  left  to 
Revington  and  his  associates. 

Our  granadoes  were  not  sold  to  the  Sciddy  of  Dandah.  but  to 
Sciddy  Joar,  the  Kings  General,  w^ho  hath  now  Carapatan  [Khare- 
patan]  and  the  island  too,  and  himself  gone  to  his  country.  Our 
cosset  [messenger  :  kdsidi  in  his  way  saw  Rustan  Jemah,  who  told 
him  he  [had]  written  three  letters  to  me  to  go  away.  I  am  glad  to 
hear  so  much,  for  by  that  he  must  know  of  Sevagi's  intentions  ;  but 
he  speaks  a  gross  untruth.  .  .  . 

(II)  On  reconsideration,  they  think  it  advisable  to  name  no 
precise  sum  to  Sivaji  as  the  expense  of  the  ships.  'Pray  prefer 
our  liberty  before  anything  else  :  which  when  he  hath  granted, 
then  tell  him  you  will  confirm  what  we  shall  have  concluded  with 
him  ;  otherwise  not.'  Should  they  write  for  money, '  let  it  signify 
nothing,  and  let  the  Rajah  know  so  much'.  To  their  letter  the 
Portuguese  Captain  of  Chaul  has  replied  evasively,  referring  them  to 
Goa  as  being  nearer  to  them  (which  is  untrue),  but  saying  that.  '  if 
he  hath  your  order,  he  will  send  what  we  want '.  Napier  died  at 
Rajapur  '  about  a  month  since  '.  A  merchant  who  owes  money  to 
the  Company  has  been  '  drubb'd  to  death  in  Kelna '.  He  has 
money  in  Persia,  the  proceeds  of  which  may  be  returned  in  the 
Bijapur  junks.     These  should  be  seized. 

They  will  pay  the  Company  etc.  all  they  have  lost,  with  advan- 
tage for  this  affront.  For  now  the  Queen  is  banished,  most  of  the 
Umbraws  [nobles :  nmara\  make  it  their  business  to  rob  and  spoil 
this  part  of  the  country ;  and  they  only  keep  the  bastard  king  a 
time  for  name's  sake,  because  they  know  not  who  else  to  set  up, 
Shasta  Ckaun  having  taken  Durveice,^  the  heir  to  this  crown,  in  one 
of  Sevagi's  castles. 

Revington  begs  for  some  shirts,  breeches,  and  cotton  waistcoats ; 
also  '  a  small  tooth  comb,  for  among  70  prisoners  he  cannot  keep 

^  No  clue  has  been  found  to  the  person  intended. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  9 

himself  so  clean  as  he  would   do '.     Any  goods  bought  this  year 
should  be  brought  down  to  Karwar. 

We  hear  of  an  army  coming  from  Agra  ;  and  Sevagi  is  providing 
for  them,  and  hath  lately  enlarged  and  strengthened  his  country  by 
overcoming  the  two  Rajahs  of  Dulvice  and  the  Rajah  of  Singapore;  ^ 
by  which  means  he  commands  all  the  coast  from  Danda  Rajahpore 
Castle  to  Carapatam,  which  he  threatens  and  resolves  the  next 
monzoon  to  command  as  far  as  Goa,  and  then  farewell  Goa  in 
a  short  time. 

The  losses  of  the  Company  and  of  the  prisoners  amount  to 
12,000  pagodas,  of  which  the  Company's  share  is  from  two  to  three 
thousand.  The  latter  sum  is  almost  covered  by  debts  due  in  the 
country ;  '  so  that  the  Company  will  not  be  much  loosers,  but  we 
shall,  if  our  masters  right  us  not '. 

(III)  The  Brahman  has  not  yet  spoken  to  them.  Several 
prisoners  have  been  cruelly  tortured.  '  I  pray  God  deliver  us  from 
the  hell  we  are  in,  and  from  another.' 

(IV)  They  have  now  had  an  intei-view  with  the  Brahman.  He 
demanded  money  ;  to  which  they  replied  that  they  themselves  had 
none,  and  that  their  masters  would  sooner  spend  money  in  taking 
vengeance  for  their  wrongs.  He  then  asked  '  what  business  we 
could  do  for  his  master '.  They  made  their  proposals  about  Danda 
Rajpuri,  suggesting  that  they  should  be  released  immediately, 
'  and  after  the  rains  were  over,  we  would  send  to  Sevagi  to  conclude 
the  business '.  He  professed  to  mistrust  them  ;  whereupon  they 
suggested  that  he  might  keep  the  money  of  which  they  had  been 
plundered  ;  '  to  which  he  answered,  when  we  were  gone,  we  should 
not  value  the  money '.  After  further  talk,  he  said  that  his  master 
might  assign  Dabhol  to  the  English.  They  replied  that  it  was 
useless  to  speak  of  any  business  unless  he  were  ready  to  give  them 

^  Professor  Jadunath  Sarkar,  writing  of  the  year  1656,  says  {Shivaji,  p.  56):  *  West  of 
Javli,  in  the  Konkan  plain,  near  the  centre  of  the  Ratnagiri  district,  lay  the  principality 
of  Shringarpur.  ...  As  Shiva  entered  the  countrj',  the  chief  fled  away,  and  the  minister 
surrendered  it  and  was  taken  into  Shivaji's  pay.  Other  petty  chiefs  of  the  neighbourhood 
were  reduced  to  submission  and  their  lands  annexed.  Thus  the  eastern  half  of  Ratnagiri 
became  Shiva's,  while  Rajapur  and  the  ports  continued  under  Bijapur  till  1660  and  in 
some  cases  even  later.'  The  reference  to  the  *  Rajahs  of  Dulvice '  is  based  on  a  confusion 
of  terms.  Professor  Sarkar  tells  me  that  dalvi  is  a  Kanarese  word  meaning  the  agent  of  a 
desai  or  local  governor  ;  and  Grant  Duff  (ed.  Edwardes,  vol.  i.  p.  109)  says  that  *  the 
Dnlweys  of  Sringarpoor  .  .  .  were  .  .  .  nearly  independent  '• 


lo  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,   1661 

their  liberty.  He  next  objected  that  the  English,  if  they  took 
Danda  Rajpuri  Castle,  might  keep  it  for  themselves.  Reply  was 
made  that  the  ships  would  only  beat  down  the  defences  and  the 
actual  assault  would  be  left  to  Sivaji's  men.  Finally,  he  came  back 
to  the  question  of  ransom. 

He  must  have  money ;  for  his  master  Sevagi  could  not  attend 
the  other  business.  Therefore  bid  us  set  down  quiet  for  a  month 
or  two,  and  afterwards  it  may  be  his  master  would  look  upon  us  ; 
[upon]  which  we  rose,  telling  him  his  master  might  slight  the 
business,  yet  the  JNIogull  would  give  the  English  three  lack  of 
rupees  to  take  it  [Danda  Rajpuri]  for  them  ;  therefore  bid  him 
chew  upon  that  cudd  ;  upon  which  he  said  How,  how,  how, 
what 's  that  ?  and  sat  down  again.  And  we  told  it  him  again,  and 
went  away  ;  while  he  only  said  he  would  give  us  a  jebob  [answer : 
Jawdb'\  for  that  too.  Two  days  after,  Sevagi  came  to  Marr  town,^ 
below  this  hill,  where  he  staid  about  two  days,  called  for  the 
Persians  and  Arabs,  and  demanded  money  from  them  ;  and  so 
commanded  them  to  the  castle,  and  hath  delivered  them  and  all 
the  prisoners  into  Rowgie  Punditts  hands,  to  do  with  them  as  he 
thinks  fit,  which  is  very  bad.  But  for  us  we  are  to  sit  still  till  his 
return  from  Cullean  Boondy,-  a  town  which  the  Mogul  took  lately 
from  him,  which  he  hopes  to  retake  this  rainy  times,  and  then  we 
shall  hear  and  see  him. 

The  factors  went  to  the  Brahman  and  desired  to  know  what 
answer  Sivaji  would  give  to  the  Surat  letter.  He  said  'he  had 
little  to  reply  unto  it ',  but  would  write.  He  bade  them  send  for 
money,  as  without  that  they  would  not  be  released.  They  asked 
what  amount  they  should  say ;  to  which  he  replied  ioo,coo  pagodas. 
On  their  telling  him  that  the  Surat  factors  could  not  raise  such  a 
sum,  he  answered,  '  let  them  write  what  they  will  give,  and  I  will 
tell  you  what  I  will  take  '.  They  assured  him  that  nothing  would 
be  offered,   but  he  insisted   upon   their   writing.     In   replying,    it 

'  Mahad  (Mahar}.     Sivaji  often  resided  in  the  town. 

*  Kalyan,  in  Thana  district,  is  familiar  to  modern  travellers  as  an  important  railway 
junction  not  far  from  Bombay.  Tavernier  calls  it  '  Callian  Bondi',  which  his  editor, 
Dr.  Ball,  interprets  (vol.  ii.  errata)  as  Kalyan  Bandar  (port).  That  this  guess  is  incorrect 
is  shown  by  the  nse  of  the  double  name  in  the  text  and  (as  '  Gallian  Beundey ')  in 
A  Description  of  Bombay  (1724),  p.  24.  The  place  was  evidently  known  at  this  time  as 
Kalyan-Bhiwandi,  i.e.  the  Kalyan  near  Bhiwandi,  the  ancient  trade  centre  standing  six 
miles  to  the  north-westwards ;  the  double  designation  being  probably  employed  to  dis- 
tinguish the  town  from  other  Kalyans.  If  the  proposed  raid  was  actually  made,  it  was 
unsuccessful,  for  the  Moguls  retained  possession  of  the  place  till  1670. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  11 

would  be  well  to  claim  only  the  amount  lost  by  the  Company, 
rating  it  at  about  3,500  pagodas  ;  they  themselves  '  shall  be  content 
to  loose  the  rest ',  if  only  their  release  can  be  obtained.  They  send 
a  draft  of  a  letter  to  Sivaji  for  this  purpose. 

Vauggee  is  dead,  and  severall  vessels  cast  away  upon  the  coast. 
All  the  Umbraws  are  divided,  and  we  beleive  Vizapore  [Bijapur] 
will  be  plundered. 

An  offer  might  be  made  to  '  Rowgy  Punditt '  of  666  rupees  which 
Revington  claims  from  the  Company  as  wages ;  but  Surat  should 
stand  firmly  against  paying  anything  more.  The  letter  should  be 
sent  by  somebody  '  who  knows  how  to  speak  the  honour  of  our 
country  and  the  English,  and  how  willing  we  were  to  make  Sevagi 
our  friend  ' ;  for  this  '  Hossan  '  might  do, '  having  learned  his  lesson'. 
Some  money  and  clothes  should  be  sent  for  the  prisoners  as  well. 
Whoever  comes  must  try  to  persuade  Sivaji  that  the  English  are  in 
earnest  about  Danda  Rajpuri,  for  that  '  is  the  only  aim  he  hath '. 
If  the  Council  disapprove  of  the  conditions,  '  let  not  him  know  so 
much,  for  if  you  do  not  like  them,  you  may  make  some  evasion  or 
other  when  we  are  at  liberty '.  In  any  case,  the  English  cannot 
take  the  castle  for  themselves  '  without  good  store  of  men,  and 
where  will  you  have  them  but  from  Sevagi  ?  '  The  envoy  should 
be  careful  to  deliver  the  letter  into  Sivaji's  own  hands,  '  for  we  fear 
these  Bramans  make  letters  to  speak  what  they  please '. 

The  records  are  then  silent  until  7  December,  1661,  when  the 
President  and  Council  wrote  to  the  Company,  referring  to  their 
previous  letter  (now  missing)  dispatched  in  April  : 

From  whence  now  we  shall  begine,  ending  that  subject  where 
then  we  concluded,  which  was  with  Mr.  Henry  Revingtons  im- 
prisonment by  Sevagy,  a  rebell  unto  the  King  of  Decan ;  who  kept 
him  and  seven  more  English  in  prison  six  months,  demanding  a 
vast  summe  of  mony  for  their  releasement.  Though  we  writt  many 
perswasive  letters  unto  him  for  releasement,  yet  they  would  not  be 
taken  notice  of,  till  Mr.  Revingtons  sicknes  (being  a  dropsey) 
caused  a  feare  of  his  death,  that  upon  his  peroll  [i.  e.  parole]  and 
promise  of  returne  when  well,  leaveing  all  the  rest  but  his  chyrur- 
gion  behind  him,  he  was  sent  away  from  him,  and  came  to  us  the 
17th  of  October  passed,  in  a  weake  condition.  Noe  meanes  nor 
care  was  nor  is  omitted  for  the  restauration  of  his  health,  but  [we] 
feare  his  recovery.     The  rest  are  all  in  prison,  and  [we]  have  not 


13  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

heard  from  them  since  Mr.  Revingtons  arrivall.  The  country  all  in 
a  cumbustion  ;  noe  tradeing  nor  civill  commerce.  The  rebell  of  one 
side,  the  King  of  this  country  for  the  other,  and  divers  discontented 
nobles  within  the  kingdome,  rent  it  all  to  peeces.  What  will  be  the 
end,  God  knowes  :  but  to  gaine  the  other  Englishes  liberty  we  shall 
use  all  meanes  possible. 

It  is  pleasant  to  notice  that,  now  Revington  had  returned  to 
Surat  ruined  and  broken  in  health,  the  former  ill-feeling  between 
him  and  the  President  had  vanished.  Further  on  in  the  same  letter 
the  Company  was  assured  that,  *  if  it  please  God  to  spare  his  life, 
none  of  his  friends  at  home,  nor  selfe  here,  shall  have  the  least 
cause  to  complaine  for  want  of  respect  or  courtesy  to  be  shewed 
unto  him  ;  as  his  experience  hath  allready  approved  '. 

The  death  of  Revington  evidently  followed  within  a  few  days. 
On  12  December  a  consultation  was  held  at  Surat,  where  it  was 
recorded  that  he  had  died  intestate  and  heavily  indebted,  by  reason 
of  his  losses  in  the  Deccan,  and  it  was  decided  that  (apart  from 
some  few  personal  belongings,  which  were  to  be  sold  to  defray  the 
wages  of  his  servants)  the  little  estate  remaining  should  be  put  into 
the  Company's  cash  and  applied,  so  far  as  it  would  go,  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  debts  of  the  deceased. 

We  now  return  to  our  chronicle  of  the  course  of  events  at  Surat. 
In  July  came  fresh  trouble  with  the  Governor.  This  seems  to  have 
arisen  partly  from  the  seizure  of  a  Malabar  vessel  by  the  English, 
but  chiefly  from  a  dispute  between  the  Governor  (Mustafa  Khan) 
and  President  Andrews  over  certain  moneys  claimed  by  the  former. 
As  regards  the  first  point,  we  find  from  the  instructions  given  to  the 
commanders  of  the  Surat  Frigate  and  the  American  (Forrest,  ut 
supra,  pp.  186,  188)  that  all  ships  belonging  to  Malabar  ports  other 
than  Calicut  were  to  be  seized  and  destroyed,  unless  they  had 
English  passes.^  Evidently  the  result  of  these,  or  similar  orders  to 
other  vessels,  had  been  the  bringing  of  a  Malabar  prize  to  Swally. 
Some  years  before,  there  had  been  friction  between  the  Surat 
authorities  and  the  English  over  the  capture  by  the  latter  of  Malabar 

'  This  was  probably  in  retaliation  for  .acts  of  piracy.  The  letter  from  Rajapur  of 
16  February,  1661,  reports  that  a  vessel  under  English  colours  had  been  taken  by  the 
Malabars  and  carried  into  Danda  Rajpuri.  The  writers  suggest  that  this  was  probably 
a  junk  belonging  to  President  Andrews  or  his  Indian  partners. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  13 

vessels  trading  to  that  port  (see  EnglisJi  Factories,  1642-5,  p.  3)  ; 
and  now  Mustafa  Khan  forced  the  President  and  Council  to  relinquish 
their  prey.  The  other  dispute  was  more  serious.  Of  its  origin  in 
1657  something  has  been  said  in  the  last  volume  (p.  124).  The 
bargain  then  made,  by  which  Revington  sold  a  number  of  guns  for 
the  reduction  of  Surat  Castle,  had  of  course  nothing  to  do  with  the 
Company,  since  the  guns  were  private  property  ;  but  it  had  been 
stipulated  that  part  of  the  purchase  money  should  be  deducted 
annually  out  of  the  sum  to  be  paid  as  customs,  and  this  had  accord- 
ingly been  done,  the  money  being  doubtless  handed  over  to  Reving- 
ton. Mirza  Arab,  when  Governor,  had  objected  strongly  to  the 
arrangement ;  and  his  successor,  Mustafa  Khan,  made  a  still  more 
determined  stand  against  its  continuance.  He  insisted  that  the 
price  agreed  upon  was  excessive,  and  declared  that  he  would  return 
the  guns  and  that  the  President  and  Council  must  pay  up  the  sums 
they  had  deducted  on  that  account.  This  being  refused,  the  factory 
was  strictly  blockaded,  until  on  27  July  it  was  decided  at  a  con- 
sultation to  comply  with  the  Governor's  demands.  Even  this  did 
not  satisfy  him,  and  he  proceeded  to  require  that  (i)  all  goods 
should  in  future  be  landed  at  Surat  and  pay  customs  there,  and  (2) 
the  President  should  not  either  sail  on  the  river  or  quit  the  city 
without  express  permission.  The  intention  of  the  first  stipulation 
was  to  prevent  any  goods  being  smuggled  up  country  direct  from 
Swally ;  but  any  such  measure  would  have  a  serious  effect  upon 
the  trade  of  the  English,  inasmuch  as  it  would  not  only  force 
them  to  pay  customs  on  goods  which  were  merely  landed  at  Swally 
for  trans-shipment  to  Persia  and  elsewhere,  but  also  much  impede 
the  re-embarkation  of  such  goods.  In  consequence  another  con- 
sultation was  summoned  on  29  July,  at  which  the  fiery  President 
proposed  to  his  colleague  that  the  Eagle  should  be  ordered  to  seize 
the  junks  returning  from  Mokha  ;  but  to  this  Lambton  would  by  no 
means  consent.^  In  the  end  the  matter  seems  to  have  been 
arranged  by  the  mediation  of  some  of  the  principal  merchants. 

The  following  account  of  the  whole  dispute  was  given  to  the 
Company  by  the  President  and  Council  in  their  letter  of  7  Decem- 
ber, 1 661 : 

^  The  consultations  are  printed  in  Forrest,  op.  cit.,  pp.  192-5. 


14  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

Next  we  are  to  give  you  an  accomptt  of  our  imprisonment.     In 
the  prementioned  last  letter  we  acquainted  Your  Worships  with  the 
takeing  of  a  Mallabar  laden  with  rice ;  and  upon  the  ladeing  of  the 
Eagle  all  freight  goods  \vere  hindered  and  ourselves  detained  in 
Soorutt,  unlesse  that  [were]  returned  ;  it  being  forct  out  of  our  hands 
at  that  time  we  proceeded  to  act  in  your  affaires.     The  monzoone 
noe  sooner  done,  but  another  quarrell  was  picked.     Moneys  were 
owing  upon  accomptt  of  customes  ;  which  by  the  Governour  were 
at  the  begin eing  of  the  raines  earnestly  calleed  for,  when  that  the 
constant  practiced  custome  is  to  cleare  that  accomptt  in  August. 
But  though  we  (to  live  quiettly)  sent  him  the  custome  moneys,  yet 
it  would  not  content  him,  unlesse  we  would  allsoe  pay  the  mony 
that  had  been  received  by  Mr.  Revington  etc.  upon  gunns  bought 
of  him  by  a  former  Governour,  Meirza  Ameena,  in  the  time  of  the 
warrs  betwixt  Morad-bux  and  Dora  Shaw,  sonns  to  Shaw  Jehaun. 
The  demaunds  concerned  not  Your  Worships  nor  ourselves  ;  there- 
fore we  returned  answeare  that  we  would  write  unto  Mr.  Revington, 
and  desired  soe  much  time  as  wee  might  have  answear,  to  be  freed 
from  trouble.     His  reply  was  that,  unlesse  we  would  signe  a  bill 
to  pay  the  mony  if  Mr.  Revington  would  not,  he  would  have  the 
mony  presently  and   returne  the  gunns.     We  answear'd  that  the 
gunns  were  not  the  Companies  nor  ours,  and  we  had  nothing  to  doe 
with  them  ;  and  soe  ended  the  dispute  for  that  time.    He  continued 
calling  for  the  moneys  three  or  four  dayes,  and  still  we  returned  the 
same  answear,  resolveing  to  pay  none  of  your  money  soe  unjustly  ; 
that  the  17th  of  July  he  shutt  up  our  dores,  sett  a  watch  about  the 
house,  and  would  not  suffer  water  or  provisions  for  four  dayes  to 
come  into  the  house,  we  being  in  all  (with  servants)  40  persons.    On 
the  23rd  we  had  20  seers  of  flesh,  5  seers  of  butter,  30  halfe  penny 
breads,  and  this  given  in  through  the  wickett  of  our  gate,  keepeing 
a  watch  of  nearest  300  or  two  \sic\  men  about  the  dore.     And  soe 
continued  for  15  dayes,  until  that  he  was  weary  that  way,  and  then 
opened  our  dores,  endeavoureing  to  surprize  us  by  subtilety  and  faire 
words  to  get  us  out  of  the  house  and  keepe  us  in  prison  in  his  owne  ; 
but  we,  feareing  his  falcenesse,  kept  ourselves  safe  ;  untill  all  the 
merchants  in  the  towne  cryed  out  upon  his  abuse,  and  then  he  sent 
severall  persons  to  compose  the  difference  ;  which  in  the  conclusion 
was  his  takeing  of  the  gunns,  and  things  to  runn  in  the  old  channell. 
We  visitted  him,  and  he  us  ;  which  cost  Your  Worships  a  piscash 
for  our  beateing;  and  this  is  the  custome  of  this  country.     This 
trouble  held  us  untill  the  arrivall  of  the  Constantinople  ;  which  if  had 
arrived  before  their  jouncks  from   Mocha,  we  should  have  made 
them  sensible  of  their  unjustice  ;  but  they  all  being  in  the  river,  we 
thought  the  better  practice  would  be  to  shew  a  faire  outside,  as  they 
did  ;  for  twas  but  a  faire  outside,  as  we  have  now  cause  to  complain 
and  the  latter  end  of  our  letter  will  acquaint  Your  Worships. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  ij 

Such  was  the  account  given  to  their  employers  by  Andrews  and 
Lambton  ;  but  in  the  Batavia  DagJi-Registcr^  1661  (p.  411),  we 
have  a  version,  derived  from  the  Dutch  factors  at  Surat,  which 
shows  that  the  conclusion  was  not  so  favourable  to  the  English  as 
is  made  out  above.  After  narrating  the  rise  of  the  dispute,  the 
Dutch  say  that  an  agreement  was  made  to  refer  it  to  the  decision  of 
the  Emperor.  Mustafa  Khan  thereupon  wrote  to  the  court ;  but 
Andrews  neglected  to  put  his  side  of  the  case.  Aurangzeb  decided 
that  the  price  agreed  upon  for  the  cannon  (21^  rials  of  eight  the 
double  maund)  was  too  high,  and  that  only  16  rials  should  be 
allowed  ;  if  the  English  would  not  agree  to  the  reduction,  they  must 
take  back  the  guns.  This  decision  was  very  unpalatable  to  the 
President,  who  was  at  the  same  time  being  pressed  by  the  Company's 
creditors ;  and  he  resolved  to  withdraw  secretly  from  Surat,  with 
two  or  three  of  his  chief  associates,  and  continue  the  negotiations 
from  on  board  ship.  For  this  purpose  two  small  vessels  were  pre- 
pared, and  it  was  intended  that  the  party  should  go  aboard  dis- 
guised as  Muhammadans  to  avoid  discovery.  The  design  was, 
however,  betrayed  by  one  of  the  factory  servants  to  the  Governor, 
who  thereupon  ordered  the  Kotwal  to  place  a  guard  upon  the 
factory  and  allow  no  one  to  leave.  After  a  time  the  President  sent 
an  order  to  the  vessels,  which  had  dropped  down  the  river,  to  come 
up  again  and  watch  for  him,  should  he  manage  to  escape.  This 
note  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Governor,  who  doubled  the  guard, 
resolving  to  starve  the  English  into  surrender.  Andrews  maintained 
a  defiant  attitude  for  some  time,  but  at  last  on  23  July  was  forced 
to  make  overtures  to  the  Governor  for  a  reconciliation.  Mustafa 
Khan  insisted  that,  as  a  preliminary,  the  two  English  boats  should 
be  hauled  on  land  and  dismantled.  Then  the  Shahbandar  and 
certain  of  the  chief  merchants,  including  Virji  Vora,  negotiated  an 
agreement,  by  which  (i)  the  English  were  allowed  four  months  in 
which  to  pay  the  amount  owing,  the  price  of  the  guns  being 
reckoned  at  the  reduced  rate;  (2)  the  President  was  always  to 
obtain  the  Governor's  permission  before  leaving  the  city ;  (3)  the 
two  vessels  were  to  remain  where  they  were  until  the  next  English 
ships  arrived  ;  {4)  goods  brought  to  Swally  were  to  remain  there 
under  a  guard  of  soldiers,  to  prevent  their  illicit  disposal.  Thus  the 
dispute  ended  and  the  blockade  of  the  factory  was  raised. 


i6  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

On  5  September  appeared  the  Const anthiople  Merchant  from 
England,  under  Robert  Brown,  bringing  a  letter  from  the  Company 
which  will  be  dealt  with  later.  There  had  been  a  general  expecta- 
tion that  a  new  President  would  arrive  from  England  this  season, 
since  Andrews  had  been  notified  in  1659  that  he  would  be  at  liberty 
to  return  home  at  the  expiration  of  three  years'  service  '  in  this 
Stocks  imployment '  (see  the  last  volume,  p.  309),  and  this  period 
would  expire  in  the  middle  of  September,  1661.  The  Company's 
letter,  however,  made  it  clear  that  they  had  no  immediate  intention 
of  superseding  Andrews ;  and  the  President  took  occasion  to 
reassert  his  authority  over  his  restive  subordinates.  He  called  a 
general  assembly  of  the  factors  on  3  October,  the  proceedings  at 
which  will  be  found  recorded  in  Sir  George  Forrest's  Selectioiis 
(p.  195).  The  Company's  letter  was  read  to  the  assembly  and  its 
members  were  called  upon  to  say  whether  they  would  submit  to 
the  commands  of  the  President  and  Council.  Naturally,  no  one 
was  bold  enough  to  defy  Andrews,  who  then,  '  exhorting  them  to 
love  and  amity,  dismissed  them  '. 

Later  in  the  same  month  (25  October),  a  consultation  was  held, 
at  which  Andrews,  Lambton,  and  Revington  discussed  the  feasi- 
bility of  carrying  out  the  Company's  former  instructions  regarding 
the  dispatch  of  a  fleet  to  Gombroon  to  enforce  their  claims.  This 
design,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  postponed  the  previous 
season  for  want  of  the  necessary  means ;  and  the  Council  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  for  the  same  reason  no  action  was  now  possible. 
They  noted  that  the  Company  had  sent  out  only  one  ship  instead 
of  the  promised  three,  and  that,  whereas  eight  vessels  were  requisite, 
only  two — the  Constantinople  Merchant  and  the  Siirat  Frigate — 
were  actually  available,  for  the  American  must  be  sent  home,  the 
Eagle  could  not  be  kept  back  another  year  (owing  to  defects  and 
the  discontent  of  her  mariners),  and  the  Vine  and  Hopezvell  were 
still  absent.  The  ships  were  in  want  of  necessaries  and  of  men  ; 
their  burden  was  too  small  to  contain  the  goods  which  would  have 
to  be  taken  out  of  the  junks  in  the  process  of  searching  them  ;  and 
experienced  factors  to  superintend  this  work  were  lacking.  Further 
considerations  were  : 

5ly.  The  power  of  the  Dutch  is  too  great  to  be  overruled  by  our 
small  force.    The  number  of  their  shipping  in  Persia  the  two  passed 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  17 

yeares  assures  us  they  are  acquainted  with  our  designe,  and  await 
an  opportunity  to  affront  us.  61y.  The  danger  of  our  employers 
estate  remayning  in  Persia  undisposed  off .  .  .  which  upon  approach 
of  our  shipping  will  certainly  be  seized  on.  y\y.  The  danger  of 
those  persons  [that]  shall  remayne  here  while  the  design  is  acting ; 
for  wee  cannot  block  up  the  Persian  Gulph  but  this  King  will  be 
sensible  of  the  injury  done  to  his  port ;  and  if  wee  lately  received  so 
great  injuries  from  these  people  without  offence  given,  what  may 
wee  expect  when  they  have  a  pretended  cause  ?  Lastly,  the  want  of 
a  place  or  harbour  for  securitie  of  our  shipping  to  winter  in  at  our 
retourne  from  Persia,  which  at  soonest  will  be  the  latter  end  of  May, 
and  then  this  coast  is  too  dangerous  to  adventure  on. 

It  was  therefore  decided  that  'this  Persian  affaire'  should  be 
'  referred  to  our  masters  further  consideration  for  a  larger  supply 
of  shipping  and  men  '.     Finally, 

The  President  propounded  the  Companies  commission  for  the 
taking  of  Danda  Rojapore  Castle ;  but  there  was  the  same  want  of 
men  and  shipping  objected.  The  President  also  having  a  com- 
mission directed  to  President  Wyche,^  which  was  not  to  be  opened 
untill  the  Persian  action  was  finished  (and  yet  remayns  sealed), 
supposing  the  same  may  give  further  instructions  concerning  Danda 
Rojapore,  that  affaire  lies  dormant  untill  a  greater  force  awake  it.- 

In  communicating  this  decision  to  their  employers  (7  December), 
Andrews  and  Lambton  did  not  hide  their  annoyance  at  the  lack  of 
support  from  home. 

We  begg  leave  to  intimate  the  designe  cannot  be  putt  in  execu- 
tion by  force  soe  small  as  you  are  pleased  at  any  time  to  send  unto 
us ;  nor  are  you  rightly  informed  at  home,  nor  is  the  business  stated 
as  it  ought.  .  .  .  And  should  we  (with  that  nothing  of  force  in  com- 
parison with  the  opposition  we  shall  meete  with)  begine  it,  we  should 
be  baffled.  .  .  . 

All  thoughts  of  warlike  operations  having  perforce  been  laid 
aside,  Andrews  busied  himself  in  preparing  cargoes  for  the  two 
vessels  that  were  to  go  home  at  the  end  of  the  year.  The  Constanti- 
nople Merchant  had  brought  out  a  stock  of  over  30,000/.,  of  which 
two-thirds  were  in  '  rex  dollers ',"  rials  of  eight,  or  silver  ingots ;  and 

'  See  the  preceding  volume,  p.  338. 

-  The  record  of  the  consultation  has  been  printed  at  full  length  by  Sir  George  Forrest 
{op.  cit.,  p.  196),  from  a  copy  preserved  at  Bombay. 

'  German  Reichsthakr.  The  Company  invoiced  them,  like  the  rials  of  eight,  at  5^'. 
apiece. 

259:  C 


i8  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

this  supply  of  money,  together  with  the  proceeds  of  the  merchandise, 
enabled  the  Council  to  go  to  work  with  a  will.  The  Eagle  had 
already  been  sent  down  the  Malabar  Coast  for  pepper,  and  had 
been  followed,  towards  the  end  of  September,  by  the  Constantinople 
Merchant  {O.C.  2897),  w'ith  instructions  to  visit  Goa,  Karwar, 
Cochin,  and  Porakad.  The  Surat  Frigate,  which  sailed  in  her 
company,  was  to  stay  at  Cochin,  there  to  lade  and  send  letters  to 
Kayal.  From  Porakad,  having  taken  in  pepper  and  cassia  lignum, 
the  Constantinople  Merchant  was  to  return  to  Cochin,  pick  up  the 
Surat  Frigate,  and  sail  straight  for  Swally.  All  Malabar  vessels 
met  with  were  to  be  seized,  as  being  '  our  auncient  enemyes ' ;  and 
in  addition,  any  belonging  to  Bljapur  ports,  'from  St.  Johns  ^  unto 
Goa',  in  retaliation  for  the  imprisonment  of  the  Rajapur  factors. 

The  Constantinople  Merchant  returned  (without  her  consort)  at 
the  end  of  November ;  and  the  goods  she  brought,  together  with 
those  collected  at  Surat,  sufficed  to  lade  the  American,  which 
had  arrived  from  Basra  on  8  November.  The  latter  vessel  sailed 
accordingly  on  11  December,  and  reached  England  in  the  following 
June. 

Before  dealing  further  with  the  letter  which  she  carried  home 
(dated  7  December),  some  account  must  be  given  of  the  one  from 
the  Company  to  which  it  replied.  In  this  communication  (dated 
27  March,  1661)  the  Committees,  after  detailing  the  cargo  sent  out, 
announced  some  important  changes  : 

Wee  haveing  received  many  greate  discoragements  by  losse 
during  this  Stock,  and  seriously  considering  with  our  selves  the  vast 
charg  that  wee  are  at,  by  continuing  many  unnecessary  factories  in 
your  parts,  to  the  inriching  of  our  factors  and  other  our  servants 
and  to  the  impoverishing  of  our  stock  and  disheartning  of  the 
adventurers  (the  Stock  now,  after  three  yeares.  being  sould  at  85  per 
cent.),  wee  have  thereupon  resolved,  and  doe  hereby  order,  that  the 
factories  of  Agra,  Amadavad,  Mocha,  and  Bussora  bee  imediatly 
discerted,  and  that  our  howses  and  all  remaynes  in  each  and  every 
of  those  factories  bee  sold  and  disposed  of  to  the  best  advantage  of 
the  Company.  Our  factories  at  Scynda  and  Gombroone  rests  yet 
under  our  consideration,  having  relation  to  that  action  of  Persia, 
of  which  wee  hope  to  receive  a  good  accompt  from  you,  and 
accordingly  shall  then  give  our  directions,  either  for  their  discerting 

^  Sanjan,  about  90  miles  north  of  Bombay,  in  the  Dahanu  taluka. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  19 

or  continuance,  as  occasion  shall  require.  The  factories  of  Surratt, 
Rajapore,  Carwarr,  and  Caile  Vella  wee  apoint  to  bee  kept  up  and 
continued,  till  wee  shall  alsoe  bee  advised  from  you  of  the  successe 
of  the  Persians  businesse,  and  whither,  according  to  our  comission, 
you  have  gotten  into  your  posession  Danda  Rajapore  or  some  other 
place  on  that  coast ;  and  then  peradventure  wee  shall  thinke  fitt  to 
make  some  alteration. 

It  was  next  intimated  that  the  Committees  had  resolved  to  place 
the  Bengal  factors  under  the  Agent  at  ^Madras.  They  had  'had 
some  thoughts  likewise  of  reducing  our  Presidency  in  Surratt  to  an 
Agency ',  but  had  been  deterred  by  the  consideration  that  Andrews 
had  held  the  post  for  some  time  and  was  probably  rendering 
eminent  service  by  successfully  carrying  through  '  the  Persian 
designe '. 

Wee  shall  therefore,  till  the  next  succession,  continue  it  a  Preci- 
dency,  and  doe  hereby  allow  to  Mr.  Mathew  Andrewes  the  sallary 
of  300/.  per  annum,  to  comence  from  the  death  of  Precident  Wyche 
and  to  end  at  his  coming  for  England  or  leaving  or  dismising  from 
this  our  seivice. 

After  expressing  confidence  that  Andrews  would  justify  the  trust 
reposed  in  him  and  would  promote  '  love  and  amitie '  among  his 
subordinates,  the  Committees  proceeded  to  strengthen  his  authority : 

Wee  expect  and  require  that  all  subordinat  factors  and  all  others 
whomsoever  shall  yeild  all  due  obedience  to  such  orders  and  direc- 
tions as  shall  from  time  to  time  and  at  all  times  bee  given  them 
from  our  President  and  Counsell.  And  if  any  shall  apose  the  same, 
either  by  willfull  refractorinesse  or  negligence,  wee  give  you,  our 
President  and  Councill,  full  power  to  displace  them  and  settle 
others  in  their  imployments ;  as  also  upon  eminent  miscariages  to 
retorne  them  for  England,  drawing  up  their  charg,  attested  under 
the  hands  of  such  as  can  prove  the  fact  against  them. 

The  letter  went  on  to  say  that  the  reduction  in  the  number  of 
factories  would  render  it  unnecessary  to  entertain  any  more  factors. 
The  Company  refused,  therefore,  to  confirm  the  recent  appointments 
made  by  the  President  and  Council,  though  they  approved  the 
retention  of  Henry  Gary  and  Thomas  Hoskins,  and  sanctioned  the 
engagement  of  Francis  Jacobs,  Richard  Ball,  and  Samuel  Barnard, 
at  20/.  per  annum  each.  All  others  employed  without  the  Com- 
pany's  authority  were   to   be   dismissed   and   sent   home.     After 

C  2 


20  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY.  \66\ 

renewing  previous  orders  that  '  all  matters  bee  acted  and  concluded 
on  by  the  joynt  advice  of  our  President  and  Counsell',  and  that  all 
letters,  accounts,  &c.,  should  be  open  to  the  latter,  the  Committees 
continued : 

Wee  are  advised  from  experienced  persons  that  there  hath  bine, 
and  still  is,  a  very  ill  custome  continued  amongst  you,  namely,  that 
only  such  persons  (or  few  others)  are  admited  into  our  warehouses, 
to  see  and  buy  our  goodes,  but  those  whoe  are  brought  thither  by 
your  howse  broker,  and  that  our  warehouses  are  not  constantly 
kept  open  for  all  buyers ;  which  hath  questionlesse  bine  prejuditiall 
unto  us.  Wee  therefore  hereby  require  you  that  for  the  future  you 
restraine  noe  persons  whomsoever,  either  brokers  or  others,  to  visitt 
our  warehouses  and  view  all  comodities  which  they  shall  desire,  and 
that  some  person  or  persons  bee  apointed  to  attend  that  worke 
constantl}',  that  soe,  when  any  buyers  shall  apeare,  they  may  bee 
admited  into  our  warehowses  to  see  and  buy  such  goodes  as  they 
shall  desire. 

W^ith  a  view  to  promote  the  sale  of  their  imported  goods,  the 
factors  were  authorized  to  take  even  a  small  profit  on  them  ;  in  the 
case  of  broadcloth,  about  20  per  cent,  advance  on  cost  might  be 
accepted.     This  course,  it  was  hoped,  would  obviate  the  need  of 
sending  out  so  much  treasure  (which  was  '  not  very  well  relished  '  at 
home)  and  also  '  give  a  wound  to  private  trade '.     The  Constanti- 
nople Ma-chant  was  believed  to  have  on  board  many  prohibited 
goods,  for  which  a  strict  search  should  be  made  upon  her  arrival  ; 
any  private  trade  thus  discovered  should  be  seized  and  only  sur- 
rendered upon  payment  of  the  mulcts  laid  down  in  the  charter- 
party.     After  notifying  the  appointment  of  Captain  John  Hunter 
as  Agent  at  Bantam  and  of  Captain  John  Button  to  receive  the 
island  of  Pulo  Run  from  the  Dutch  and  act  as  its  Governor,  the 
Committees  went  on  to  direct  the  disposal  of  the  Vine  and  other 
local  shipping.     As  factories  were  not  to  be  maintained  in  future 
at  Basra  or  Mokha,  it  was  thought  that  one  of  these  small  vessels 
would  suflSce  for  all  purposes  at  Surat  ;  a  second  was  therefore  to 
be  sent  on  a  voyage  to  Achin  and  thence  to  Madras,  where  she  was 
to  be  left  at  the  disposal  of  the  Agent  there ;  and  the  third  was 
similarly  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Bantam  Agent.     The 
commanders  might  be  allowed  to  return  to  England,  should  they 
so  desire,  others  being  appointed  in  their  places.    A  further  change 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  i65i  21 

was  next  announced  in  the  general  policy  as  regards  shipping. 
Hitherto  it  had  been  a  frequent  practice  to  retain  vessels  from 
England  for  a  year  in  Indian  waters  upon  demurrage  before  sending 
them  back. 

Wee  are  resolved,  by  the  Almighties  asistance,  for  the  time  to 
come  not  to  keepe  any  shiping,  either  in  your  or  any  other  parts, 
upon  demorage,  haveing  already,  by  what  ships  are  come  home, 
found  the  charg  to  bee  exceeding  greate  (divers  other  ships  being 
still  in  India  upon  the  same  accompt),and  the  profitt  made  by  their 
voyages  in  India  not  countervailing  the  one  half  of  their  charg  of 
demorage.  Wee  therefore,  having  descerted  the  premencioned 
factories,  shall  make  it  our  endeavour  to  drive  a  full  and  a  larg 
trade  yearley,  out  and  home. 

The  factors  were  accordingly  desired  to  be  'very  active  and 
sedulous '  in  getting  cargoes  ready,  so  as  to  avoid  the  detention  of 
ships  beyond  the  dates  named  in  their  charter-parties  for  the  com- 
mencement of  the  homeward  voyage. 

There  remained  a  number  of  miscellaneous  topics  to  be  men- 
tioned. The  Committees  desired  that  their  thanks  be  conveyed  to 
Virji  Vora  for  some  calicoes,  &c.,  sent  by  him  as  a  present  to  the 
Company.  Any  deficiency  in  Malabar  pepper  should  be  supplied 
in  that  from  'Ouiloane'  (Ouilon),  '  of  which  wee  desire  a  larg 
quantitie  yearely'.  Directions  were  given  that  Malabar  pepper 
should  be  discriminated  in  the  invoices  from  that  of  '  Quiloane '  : 
that,  if  two  sorts  of  pepper  were  sent  home  in  one  ship,  one  kind 
should  be  put  up  in  bales,  the  other  being  laden  loose:  and  that 
'none  bee  shott  in  the  bread  roome '.  A  postscript  complained  of 
a  great  deficiency  in  the  pepper  sent  home  in  the  Coast  Frigate, 
and  gave  an  important  ruling  on  the  point  whether  the  subordinate 
factories  were  at  liberty  to  address  the  Company  direct,  or  whether 
this  was  a  privilege  reserved  for  the  President  and  Council.  The 
Committees  ordered  that  notice  should  be  given  to  all  such  factories 
that  they  would  be  expected  to  '  advise  us  of  all  necessary  trans- 
actions with  them  .  .  .  and  what  elce  may  bee  conducible  to  the 
promoting  of  our  affaires '. 

The  contents  of  this  letter  could  not  have  been  very  palatable  to 
President  Andrews  and  his  colleague  Lambton ;  and  when  the 
former  came  to  draft  the  reply,  he  could  not  entirely  suppress  his 


22  THE  SURAT  PRESIDE^'CY,  1661 

ill-humour.  After  noticing  the  small  supply  sent  out,  the  letter 
says  that  it  is  useless  to  dwell  upon  the  point,  since  the  Company 
ignore  '  reasonable  advices '  as  to  the  need  of  more  money. 

Only  we  must  acquaint  you  that  twice  the  summe  will  not 
advance  your  creditt  here.  Our  reason  we  will  give  allsoe.  Per- 
ticuler  persons  that  have  been  entertained  in  your  service  have 
dyed  in  debt,  and  the  declaration  made  by  your  command  by  us  of 
the  not  owneing  of  any  hath  locked  up  the  purses  of  all  merchants 
here,  and  allsoe  their  breasts,  for  entertaineing  the  least  good 
thought  of  us,  as  were  formerly  practiced. 

They  have  done  their  best  to  sell  the  goods  sent  out,  and  have 
succeeded  in  disposing  of  the  broadcloth  at  over  the  20  per  cent, 
advance  stipulated  for.  Such  sales,  however,  will  not  '  wound 
private  trade '  so  long  as  the  Company  permit  as  much  more  broad- 
cloth to  be  brought  out  by  private  persons.  This  the  President 
and  Council  could  not  remedy: 

For  though  we  sett  a  person  on  board  to  take  notice  and  seize 
of  all  private  trade  according  to  order,  and  watch  a  shoare  allsoe, 
yet  we  could  not  seize  one  peece,  it  being  carryed  away  in  the  night 
by  boates  ;  which  we  knew  not  of  till  we  heard  of  it  in  the  custome 
house,  and  there  we  are  in  soe  low  esteeme  that  we  could  not 
seize  it. 

They  have,  however,  sold  all  the  goods  the  Company  sent  out, 
and  could  have  disposed  of  as  many  more.  The  silver  ingots  have 
turned  out 

Much  to  Your  Worships  lose,  espetially  this  yeare  ;  this  dominere- 
ing  Governour  not  being  content  to  hinder  all  trade  by  takeing  into 
his  custody  all  ryalls  of  each  merchant  that  comes  to  this  port,  but 
he  allsoe  hindered  the  usuall  persons,  shroffes,  that  use  yearely  to 
buy  Your  Worships  silver,  that  we  were  forced  to  quoyne  it  our- 
selves '  ;  and  that  takeing  soe  much  time,  we  have  not  yet  dispatcht 
it,  [he]  not  suffering  to  doe  that  untill  i^  dayes  past. 

As  regards  the  abandonment  of  various  factories,  the  Council  point 
out  that  none  has  existed  at  Agra  for  some  time :  the  factors  at 
Ahmadabad  must  be  retained  for  a  while,  but  they  shall  be  recalled 
when  the  investment  is  finished ;  and  none  will  in  future  be  sent  to 
Basra.  Anthony  Smith  remains  at  Mokha  until  his  stock  of  goods 
is  sold.     The  private  debts  he  left  at  Ahmadabad  are  causing  con- 

1  i.e.  make  direct  arrancrements  with  the  mint  aulhontic5. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  23 

siderable  trouble,  as  his  creditors  will  not  allow  the  Company's 
goods  to  leave  until  they  obtain  some  satisfaction.  Any  surplus 
buildings  will  be  sold  as  soon  as  a  reasonable  price  can  be  obtained. 
Kayal  they  are  willing  to  make  over  to  the  Madras  Agency,  if  the 
Company  approve.  Concerning  Bengal  they  have  only  an  unfavour- 
able report  to  make,  for  '  the  factory  in  the  Bay  is  very  distractedly 
managed  '.  Andrews  then  thanks  the  Company  for  confirming  him 
in  the  post  of  President,  but  protests  against  the  reduction  of  his 
salary,  which  he  looks  upon  as  a  breach  of  agreement.  He  intimates 
his  intention  of  returning  to  England  as  soon  as  the  Company's 
business  will  permit.  As  regards  the  directions  to  send  home 
certain  factors,  the  only  one  that  can  now  be  released  is  Anderson, 
who  returns  accordingly  in  the  American.  Of  the  rest,  Hinmers, 
Coates,  Clopton,  and  William  Forster  are  absent  on  voyages. 

Those  with  us,  as  William  Tyrwhitt,  Streynsham  Master,  and 
two  young  men  more,  we  cannot  part  with  and  doe  your  busines ; 
for  bookes  cannot  be  coppyed,  nor  businesse  dispatched,  without 
help.  Therefore  we  humbly  begg  your  pardon  that  we  send  them 
not  home  ;  their  industry  and  ingenuity  being  more  then  those  that 
we  have  here  by  you  entertained,  and  should  be  sent  home,  were 
not  perticuler  intrest  of  some  persons  (great  amongst  you)  preferred 
privately.  .  .  .  Six  you  appointed  for  the  Office ;  and  noe  more 
then  Mr.  Gray  (Secretary)  and  Streynsham  Master  can  we  trust 
unto,  the  rest  being  young  and  learners.  And  others  that  have 
been  in  severall  factory's.  Seconds  etc.,  thinke  it  a  great  debaseing 
and  scorne  to  write  in  the  Office,  though  little  experience  may  be 
made  more  only  there  ;  but  conceipt  is  above  practice  ;  and  enough 
of  such  we  have  here,  and  (to  be  plaine)  dare  not  send  them  home, 
for  feare  ourselves  are  sent  for  allsoe,  soe  little  are  we  encouraged 
by  yourselves.  Here 's  hands  enough,  but  the  worke  never  the 
lighter. 

Next  comes  an  indignant  repudiation  of  the  suggestion  that  any 
matters  are  kept  secret ;  while  against  the  assertion  that  their 
broker  has  hindered  certain  merchants  from  dealing,  an  equally 
emphatic  protest  is  made. 

We  are  soe  farr  from  it  that  none  did  lesse  valine  the  house 
broker  (that  hath  been  vallued  by  others  for  their  owne  ends)  then 
we  doe ;  all  knowing,  that  are  here,  [that]  the  poorest  broker  and 
the  strangest  may  come  as  freely  (and  doth  come)  as  the  richest  or 
he  that  speakes  most  English ;  for  we  have  not  been  soe  long  in 


24  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

your  serv^ice  but  that  we  understand  something  of  language  and 
custome  of  the  country  ;  yet  keepe  the  English  custome  allsoe, 
that  he  which  bids  most  takes  it.  Whosoever  was  the  informer  was 
very  ignorant,  or  elce  he  would  have  advised  allsoe  that  never 
were  Chout  and  the  rest  in  soe  small  esteeme  in  the  towne  as  now, 
because  of  any  persons  comeing  to  buy  without  him  freely,  as  our 
buying  of  any  without  him. 

The  reply  to  the  Company's  caution  against  excessive  expendi- 
ture on  housekeeping  is  interesting  for  its  reference  to  the  drought 
of  1660-1. 

We  humbly  answear  that  noe  countiy  under  the  sunn"  hath  the 
same  plenty  in  one  yeare  as  another.  When  that  the  gentleman 
or  men  that  were  here  which  advised  it,  twas  enough  ;  it  might  be 
a  plentifull  yeare.  But  the  two  yeares  past,  never  come  was  soe 
deare,  but  only  in  a  great  famine  40  yeares  since,^  we  say,  as  the 
two  yeares  past ;  and  not  only  corne,  but  all  other  provisions, 
caused  by  little  raine.  If  you  will  be  pleased  to  make  us  pay  for 
filling  our  bellies,  we  must  submit ;  but  we  humbly  conceive  that 
noe  servants  in  England,  of  our  quallity,  eate  their  victualls  in  feare 
of  an  after  reckoning  ;  espetially  when  we  neither  feast  it  nor  feed 
on  dainty's,  but  plaine  food.  And  to  plead  a  little  for  ourselves, 
and  satisfye  the  curious,  tis  but  rice,  mutton,  beefe,  and  henns  ; 
nothing  elce,  not  any  other  variety  doe  we  spend  your  mony  in. 

In  conformity  with  the  Company's  orders,  one  of  the  smaller 
vessels  (viz.  the  Sjirat  Frigate)  will  be  sent  to  Bantam.  The 
Hopeivell  and  Vi?ie  have  not  yet  returned.  The  new  Royal  JVelcojue, 
built  at  Surat  (partly  from  the  materials  of  the  wrecked  IVeicovie) 
at  the  cost  of  nearly  2,coc/.,  will  probably  be  ventured  to  England 
the  next  season.  It  is  a  mistake  to  keep  vessels  in  Indian  waters 
for  any  length  of  time. 

We  have  noe  place  of  resort,  to  command  carpenters,  timber,  etc. 
from  the  country,  nor  noe  stores  sent  out  from  yourselves  ;  that  the 
conclusion  must  be  ruine,  which  hath  been  since  to  many  of  your 
ships  that  might  have  been  raigneing  still ;  and  will  be  soe  to  those 
you  have  now.  For  tis  not  small  cost  or  careening  that  can  hinder 
a  worme  from  the  planke,  when  two  sheathings  in  two  yeares  are 
eaten  off,  as  constantly  they  are  here.     Here  is  noe  tarr  to  be  gott, 

^  The  famine  of  1630-1  (see  English  Factories,  1630-3,  p.  xiii).  The  scarcity  of 
which  the  factors  were  feeling  the  effects  was  due  to  a  failure  of  the  rains,  and  was  very 
severe  in  Rajputana  (Tod's  Rajasthati,  ed.  Crooke,  vol.  i.  p.  454,  and  Elliot  andDowson's 
History  of  India,  vol.  vii.  p.  263). 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  25 

noe  beefe,  and  men  (Englishmen)  [that,]  upon  any  accident  of 
a  long  voyage  can  h've,  Hke  these  heathens,  on  rice.  Here  is  noe 
nailes  (propper  for  use)  procureable;  noe  anchors,  yet  tis  impossible 
but  some  will  be  lost,  espetially  when  noe  cables  are  sent  out  to 
keepe  them  that  we  have  ;  for  they  weare  out  with  useing,  before 
the  anchor.  Nor  is  there  any  other  stores  attaineable,  that  is  as 
necessary  as  the  sayles. 

The  writers  agree  with  the  Company  as  to  the  inadvisability  of 
detaining  chartered  ships. 

The  keepeing  of  any  charterparty  shipp  in  the  country  cannot  be 
profifitable ;  first,  because  of  theire  small  obedience  to  command  ; 
next,  because  of  the  uncertainety  of  employment  of  freight,  and 
[the]  small  stock  you  are  pleased  to  employ  ;  and  last  of  all,  because 
of  their  ill  fitting  out  for  the  most  part. 

The  Eagle,  for  example,  is  in  a  wretched  condition ;  and  though 
the  American  is  better  in  this  respect,  the  mate  (John  Mallison),  who 
succeeded  to  the  command  on  the  death  of  the  master,  has  given 
'  exceeding  trouble,  both  for  his  owne  ends  and  allsoe  in  respect  to 
demorage ',  for,  knowing  that  the  delay  would  be  paid  for  at  a  high 
rate,  he  has  purposely  hindered  the  embarkation  of  goods.  It  is 
'  better  to  lade  ten  shipps  of  Your  Worships  then  one  hired  one '. 
The  decision  of '  driveing  a  full  trade  out  and  home '  is  also  a  wise 
one ;  though  it  is  suggested  that  a  trade  from  Surat  to  China  and 
the  Philippines  would  prove  advantageous.  It  is  impossible  to 
provide  beforehand  the  large  quantity  of  goods  desired,  unless  the 
Company  w'ill  send  out  a  double  stock,  in  order  that  there  may 
always  be  money  in  hand  for  investment. 

In  addition  to  answering,  as  above,  the  Company's  letter  of 
27  March,  1661,  Andrews  and  Lambton  had  something  to  say 
concerning  the  piece-goods  ordered  in  the  preceding  one  of  24 
September,  1660  (see  the  previous  volume,  p.  336).  Some  of  these 
were  only  procurable  in  Agra  and  its  neighbourhood ;  others  only 
at  Ahmadabad,  the  factory  at  which  place  was  to  be  given  up. 

All  that  know  India  know  that  at  Soorutt  neither  Mercoolees  or 
Eckbarees,  nor  any  quantity  of  Deriabauds,  is  procureable,  but  by 
chance ;  and  though  we  have  writt  up  to  Banians  to  provide  such 
goods,  and  we  have  faire  words,  yet  we  knowe  none  will  venture 
soe  much  money  in  those  three  sortes  of  cloth,  upon  an  uncertainety 
and  choice  of  ours  whether  we  like  them  or  noe ;  and  if  we  possi- 


26  THE  SURAT  PRESIDEXCV,  1661 

tively  agree  to  take  them,  experience  too  to  often  hath  taught  us 
^ve  shall  be  most  uncontionably  cheated.  The  factory's  at  both 
places  will  quitt  their  cost,  for  two  or  three  persons  is  enough  in 
each  ;  and  if  those  sortes  of  goods  are  wanted,  there,  if  to  expecta- 
tion (that  is,  if  good,  and  lenghts  and  breadths  answeareable),  there 
they  must  be  provided.  For  it  hath  been  our  busines  to  seeke  out 
both  for  Mercoolees  and  Deriabauds ;  20  corge  we  have  not  as  yet 
attained  of  the  former,  and  not  a  peece  in  Ahmadavad  or  Soorutt 
of  the  latter,  that  is,  of  the  large  Deriabauds  ;  nor  will  not,  till  the 
caphila  arrives,  which  will  be  in  February.  The  factory'-  in 
Ahmadavad  cannot  be  dissolved,  if  you  will  have  chints  and  quilts  ; 
unlesse  you  will  put  all  into  Banians  hands,  and  then  youle  need 
noe  English  neither  in  Soorutt.  And  if  Eckbarees  were  procured 
in  Agra  and  sent  downe  to  be  chinted  in  Ahmadavad,  the  chints 
will  come  downe  farr  finer  and  cheaper.  .  .  .  The  other  sortes  of 
goods,  as  Dungarees  and  Sovaguzzees,  are  the  only  commodity  of 
Rajapore,  or  rather  CoHapore,  and  therefore  not  procureable.  And 
indeed  for  such  a  quantity  of  cloth  etc.  spice  as  is  enordered,  we 
have  not  mony  to  buy  a  quarter  part ;  being  in  debt  to  Vergee 
Vorah  and  house  servants  very  much,  and  soe  must  be.  if,  when  we 
intreate  soe  earnestly  (and  shew  reason  for  it),  you  will  please  to 
send  out  noe  more. 

The  Compan}-'s  order  that  no  coffee  should  be  sent  home  had 
arrived  too  late.  A  quantity  had  already  been  bought  at  Mokha 
('  soe  cheape  as  never  any  was  '),  and  as  prices  were  low  at  Surat  and 
the  A7nerica7inee6ed  ballast,  it  had  now  been  shipped  in  her.  For 
the  latter  reason  some  red  earth,^  procured  at  Gombroon,  had  also 
been  sent  home.  The  pepper  in  that  vessel  was  procured  at  the  price 
limited,  but  for  ready  money,  as  '  v.-e  cannot  bartar  at  Ouiloan  or 
Porcatt  with  any  goods  '. 

The  letter  refers  to  a  communication  received  from  some  of  the 
factors  at  Achin,  making  charges  against  their  chief,  Henry  Gary.'^ 
These  will  be  investigated  ; 

But  by  what  we  are  informed,  the  young  men  are  ambitious  to 
be  Cheifes,  and  despise  Mr.  Gary  for  his  poverty,  though  cannot 
blame  him  for  his  abillity.  We  hope  by  the  Eagle  to  give  you 
a  full  accompt,  both  of  this  and  of  the  place  ;  which  now  is  hardly 
worth  sending  unto,  the  Dutch  haveing  engrossed  the  pepper,  and 

*  Red  ochre  from  Ormus.     There  is  still  a  considerable  trade  in  this  article,  which  is 
used  in  the  preparation  of '  Indian  red '  for  artist's  colours. 
-  See  Orme  MSS.  in  I.  O.  Library,  vol.  155.  p.  31. 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  27 

the   goods   sent   selling    for    losse ;    the    gold    procureable    being 
allsoe  deare. 

Finally,  we  have  a  fresh  complaint  against  Mustafa  Khan : 

At  this  time  we  are  hindered  by  the  Governour  from  dispatching 
the  Constantinople  by  this  Governours  practices ;  being  that  few 
dayes  since  a  Mallabar  was  taken,  of  small  vallue/  yet  because  two 
or  three  of  the  rogues  escaped  on  shoare  and  brawled  unto  him  that 
they  were  merchant  men,  not  pirats,  he  would  force  us  to  deliver 
the  vessell  wnto  him,  by  stopping  our  goods  and  hindering  all  he 
cann  your  affaires.  We  need  not  discourse  of  the  necessity  of 
a  place  of  your  owne  to  reside  in,  being  that  since  the  open  trade 
we  have  by  these  people  (that  looke  upon  us  as  women,  not  men) 
been  still  abused  for  noe  cause,  takeing  all  pretences  for  an  occasion 
of  affronting  us. 

With  this  letter  went  home  a  list  giving  particulars  of  the  staffs 
of  the  factories  immediately  under  the  control  of  the  President  and 
Council.  The  first  section  contained  the  names  of  those  who 
had  been  approved  by  the  Company.  At  Surat,  besides  President 
Andrews  and  John  Lambton  (Accomptant),  were  Thomas  Rolt 
(Warehousekeeper),  Matthew  Gray  (Secretary),  Robert  Ward 
(Surgeon),  Charles  James  (employed  on  Swally  Marine),  Francis 
Jacobs  (employed  in  the  Cloth  Warehouse),  and  William  Broxon^ 
(Steward) ;  also  George  Cranmer  and  Robert  Sainthill, '  voyadgers '. 
At  Achin  were  Henry  Gary,  Francis  Cobb,  John  Widdrington,  and 
John  Atkins.  At  'Scindy':  Nicholas  Scrivener,  William  Bell, 
Valentine  Nurse,  and  John  Cox.  At  Ahmadabad  :  Richard  Crad- 
dock  and  Ralph  Lambton.  At  Broach  :  Thomas  Hoskins  and 
Thomas  Carver.  At  Karwar :  Robert  Master''  and  Richard  Ball. 
At  Kayal :  Walter  Travers,  John  Harrington,  and  Alexander 
Grigsby.  At  IMokha :  Anthony  Smith.  In  Persia :  Nicholas 
Buckeridge  (Agent),  Stephen  Flower,  and  Edward  Swinglehurst. 
The   absentees    were :    Randolph    Taylor,   Richard    Taylor,    and 

^  Possibly  the  prize  referred  to  in  a  consultation  printed  in  Forrest,  op.  cit.,  p.  197. 
The  question  was  whether  the  prize  might  be  appropriated  by  the  owner  of  the  vessel  that 
had  captured  her,  viz.  Chhota.  It  was  decided  that,  as  the  prize  had  been  taken  by  virtue 
of  a  commission  from  the  President  and  Council,  she  belonged  to  the  Company ;  but 
Chhota  was  promised  some  allowance. 

-  He  went  home  in  the  Eagle  (January,  1662). 

2  Brother  of  Streynsham  Master  (see  P.  R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  nos.  52,  53;  also 
O.C.  3142). 


28  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

Philip  Giffard  (all  '  prisoners  in  Decan  ') ;  and  Richard  Bladwell,  on 
a  voyage  in  the  Hopcivell.  Since  the  last  shipping  the  following 
had  died :  Richard  Napier  and  Samuel  Barnard  in  Rajapur ; 
Matthew  Forster  and  Richard  Brough  in  Persia ;  and  Henry 
Revington  and  Francis  Rushworth  in  Surat.  The  second  section 
of  the  list  gave  the  names  of  persons  employed  without  the  sanction 
of  the  Company.  Seven  of  these  were  in  Surat,  viz.  William 
Tyrwhitt  (Assistant  to  the  Accomptant),  Streynsham  .Master  and 
John  Child  (writers  in  the  office),  Henry  Bromfield  (employed  on 
the  Marine),  Richard  Lambton,  Robert  Commins,  and  Robert 
Jacobs.  In  Persia  :  Robert  Garway  and  John  Yard.  At  Ahmada- 
bad  :  William  Rolt.  At  Achin  :  Benjamin  Clopton.  At  Karwar  : 
Edward  Lloyd.  At  Kayal :  Francis  Nelthrop.  Sent  to  Johore  in 
the  Vine:  Joseph  Hinmers  and  William  Forster.  Voyaging  in  the 
Hopezvcll:  Thomas  Coates.  Sent  in  a  junk  to  Oueda :  William 
Marshall.     Prisoner  in  the  Deccan  :  Robert  Ferrand. 

The  President  and  Council  had  still  to  lade  the  Eagle  and 
Constantinople  Merchant ;  and,  despite  the  return  of  the  Snrat 
Frigate,  they  found  it  no  easy  task.  Whilst  thus  engaged,  they 
received  a  letter  from  Agent  Chamber  at  Madras,  informing  them 
that,  as  he  was  unable  to  provide  a  cargo  for  the  Truro,  he  had  sent 
that  vessel  to  Surat  to  be  laden  for  England,  promising  to  give  the 
Presidency  credit  for  any  expenditure  incurred  in  so  doing.  This 
letter,  dated  27  September,  arrived  on  12  December,  166 1,  and 
three  days  later  Andrews  and  Lambton  relieved  their  feelings  in 
a  furious  epistle  to  Chamber,  declaring  his  promise  worthless, 
recording  a  protest  against  him  for  all  losses  that  might  ensue 
from  his  unjustifiable  action,  and  intimating  that  they  intended  to 
take  no  notice  of  the  ship  on  its  arrival.  Furious  letters,  however, 
could  not  stop  the  Truro,  which  anchored  at  Swally  on  5  January, 
1662,  having  on  board  towards  her  lading  merely  50  tons  of  pepper 
and  10  of  saltpetre.  An  examination  of  the  vessel  increased  the 
President's  exasperation,  for  it  appeared  that  she  was  in  a  bad  state 
and  would  need  a  considerable  amount  of  time  and  money  to  fit 
her  for  the  homeward  voyage.  He  flung  an  angry  protest  at  her 
captain,  George  Swanley,  for  coming  to  a  port  not  named  in  his 
charter-party  and  with  his  ship  in  such  a  state  {O.C,  2914) ;  to  which 
Swanley  replied  that  he  had  simply  obeyed  the  orders  of  the  Agent 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  29 

on  the  Coast,  and  that  it  was  no  fault   of  his  if  the   Company's 
servants  failed  to  find  a  lading  for  the  ship  {O.C.  2915). 

Amidst  all  their  vexations,  President  Andrews  and  his  colleagues 
had  at  all  events  one  thought  to  sweeten  their  Christmas  feast. 
The  marriage  of  King  Charles  II  with  Catherine  of  Braganza  (May, 
1 66 1)  was  an  event  of  deep  significance  to  Europeans  in  the  East, 
for,  apart  from  the  cession  of  Bombay  as  part  of  the  new  Queen's 
dowry,  it  threw  the  shield  of  English  protection  over  the 
Portuguese,  now  hard  pressed  by  the  Dutch.  The  East  India 
Company  took  no  steps  to  make  the  alliance  known  to  its  servants 
in  India ;  but  the  news  filtered  through,  and  was  reflected  in  the 
following  passage,  which  occurs  in  a  letter  from  Surat  to  Masulipa- 
tam  dated  15  December,  1661  : 

We  are  friends  with  the  Governour  [of  Surat]  ;  though  'tis  noe 
matter  if  we  are  out,  our  Royall  King  being  marryed  to  the  Infanta 
of  Portugall,  and  in  dowry,  besides  a  vast  summe  of  ready  mony, 
hath  Goa  and  many  other  places.  Twelve  shipps  are  comeing  out 
and  4,coo  men  ;  which  we  have  letters  allready  of  from  Allepo. 
Every  day  we  waite  the  confirmation. 

A  still  more  ejxaggerated  rumour  had  reached  the  Dutch  at 
Batavia  in  October,  viz.  that  the  dowry  of  the  Princess  was  to 
include  all  the  Portuguese  possessions  in  the  East  {Batavia  Dagh- 
Register,  1661,  p.  330).  This  report  merely  served  to  stimulate  the 
Dutch  to  push  on  the  more  energetically  with  their  campaign 
against  the  Portuguese,  in  order  to  secure  as  much  as  possible 
before  being  brought  to  a  standstill. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  new  year  Robert  Master  and  Richard 
Ball  were  dispatched  to  Karwar  in  the  Seajloiver  (hired  from  Beni 
Das),  with  orders  (3  January,  1662)  to  send  back  in  that  vessel 
a  cargo  of  pepper  and  seed-lac,  remaining  themselves  to  establish 
a  factory.  They  were  to  present  the  Governor  with  a  horse  and  to 
deliver  to  him  a  letter  from  the  President  and  Council.  An  agree- 
ment was  to  be  made  with  him  as  to  the  rate  of  customs  to  be  paid 
and  other  necessary  conditions,  including  the  contribution  to  be 
made  by  him  (as  offered)  towards  the  cost  of  erecting  a  factory 
house.  This  should  be  '  in  a  convenient  place  on  the  river '  and 
should  be  well  fortified.  The  cost  was  not  to  exceed  2,000  pagodas, 
of  which  the  Governor  ought  to  provide  1,500. 


30  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

In  the  middle  of  January,  1662,  the  Constantinople  Merchant  and 
the  Eagle  departed  for  England,  carrying  a  letter  from  the  President 
and  Council,  dated  1 1  January.  This  complained  bitterly  of  the 
trouble  caused  by  the  arrival  of  the  Truro ;  but  intimated  that, 
should  she  be  repaired  in  time  to  save  the  monsoon,  they  had 
enough  pepper,  cassia  lignum,  cotton  yarn,  and  Karman  wool  to 
lade  her  home.  Complaint  was  also  made  of  the  '  pragmaticall  ' 
and  '  dominering '  behaviour  of  the  purser  of  the  Eagle  (Charles 
Conyers),  whose  impatience  had  nearly  led  to  that  vessel  leaving 
Karwar  without  the  pepper  she  had  been  sent  to  fetch.  The  two 
vessels  had  now  good  cargoes  of  olibanum,  myrrh,  pepper,  cowries, 
and  other  goods  ;  but  saltpetre  could  not  be  obtained,  'the  Captaine 
of  this  townes  castle  ingrossing  it,  under  pretence  of  the  Kings 
service '.  The  factory  at  Ahmadabad  had  been  closed,  Craddock 
and  his  colleagues  having  come  down  to  Surat.  The  Hopcivell  had 
not  returned  from  Bantam  ;  and  the  Surat  Frigate  was  lying  in 
Swally  Road  much  out  of  repair. 

Mr.  Master  and  Mr.  Ball  we  have  sent  to  Carrwar,  there  to  settle, 
carrying  with  them  a  cargazoone  in  money  and  cloth  to  the  amountt 
of  ma[hmudi]s  75,458:18.  And  this  we  have  laden  on  Benedas 
his  vessaill,  allowing  him  freight  and  by  that  meanes  clearing  his 
debt.  There  is  noe  trade  at  Rajapore  ;  the  whole  country  being  a 
meere  feild  of  blood  ;  the  King  of  Decan  [i.e.  Bijapur]  at  open 
warrs  with  this  King  Oranshaw,  severall  rebells  within  the  country 
of  Decan  warring  both  with  their  owne  King,  one  another,  and  this 
King  allsoe,  that  we  cannot  but  feare  it  will  reach  hither  suddenly. 
Wee  shall  endeavour  to  cleare  the  factory  of  Mocha  this  yeare,  and 
send  noe  more  to  Bussora.  Allsoe  Scyndy,  we  suppose,  will  not 
be  worth  the  charge.  To  Porcatt  we  shall  send  three  factors  to 
reside,  pepper  being  in  the  raine  times  procured  30  per  cento 
cheaper  and  better  then  in  the  monzoone ;  which  will  be  worth  the 
charge.  To  Persia  allsoe  we  shall  send  an  Agent  ;  but  to  Atchein 
will  be  to  noe  purpose,  because  since  the  opening  of  the  port  soe 
many  junckes  have  swarmed  thither  that  there  is  noe  vend  of  goods 
there  nor  noe  buying  to  proffitt.  And  indeed  we  have  noe  stocke 
to  spare  to  any  place ;  soe  little  money  are  you  pleased  to  send  us. 
Yet,  if  possible,  we  shall  send  (as  you  have  enordered)  to  Bantam  ; 
hopeing  that  the  Hopezuell  and  Vines  arriveall  will  reimburse  us, 
as  allsoe  furnish  us  with  moneys  to  pay  for  the  ladeing  of  a  new 
vessaill  that  your  President  intends  (God  willing)  to  come  home 
upon,  if  your  (as  yet  unknowne)  commands  hinder  not;  for  seeing 


THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661  31 

that  you  are  pleased  to  cutt  off  his  sallary  and  allsoe  intimate  the 
dismissing  your  service,  as  to  pay  for  the  expences  above  your 
allowance,  he  cannot  serve  at  that  rate,  and  therefore  humbly 
desires  approbation  of  his  intention.  .  .  .  We  could  not  get  any 
rariety's,  either  of  beasts  or  birds,  though  we  sent  farr  and  neare, 
that  were  fitt  to  be  presented  His  Royal!  Majesty ;  ^  only  the  finest 
Broach  bafta's  procureable  we  have  laded  on  board  the  CoJistanti- 
Hople,  and  the  captain  hath  promised  a  perticuler  care,  which  we 
hope  will  come  safe  to  your  reception. 

A  postscript  added  two  days  later  recommended  for  employment 
Benjamin  England  ('  in  your  service  at  Persia ')  ;  mentioned  a  dis- 
pute over  the  ownership  of  certain  goods  carried  by  Col.  Rainsford 
to  Muskat,  and  thence  forwarded  to  Buckeridge  in  Persia ;  and 
notified  the  grant  of  a  passage  to  '  our  late  minister,  Mr.  Thomas 
Thompson ',  who  was  returning  at  his  own  request,  and  had  proved 
himself  '  a  very  able  and  honest  preacher '.  This  letter  reached 
the  hands  of  the  Company  at  the  beginning  of  June,  1662. 

The  letters  from  Persia  during  the  year  contain  little  of  impor- 
tance for  our  present  purpose.  Matthew  Forster,  who  had  reached 
Gombroon  as  Agent  on  8  December,  1660,  died  on  10-  May, 
1661,  and  Richard  Brough  succumbed  also  on  the  23rd  of  the  same 
month,  leaving  Stephen  Flower,  Edward  Swinglehurst,  and  Francis 
Rushworth  to  carry  on  the  business  at  the  port.  Nicholas 
Buckeridge  was  all  this  time  at  Ispahan,  endeavouring  to  obtain 
as  large  a  proportion  as  possible  of  what  was  due  to  the  Company 
as  its  share  of  the  Gombroon  customs,  and  also  to  procure  an 
answer  from  the  King  to  the  letter  addressed  to  him  by  the  East 
India  Company.  By  the  middle  of  August  he  had  been  joined  by 
Flower  and  Rushworth  ;  and  all  three  seem  to  have  returned  to 
Gombroon  towards  the  close  of  the  year.  Buckeridge  had  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  600  tumans  (2,000/.)  as  the  Company's  share 
of  customs,  and  this  was  deemed  satisfactory,  though  the  total 
revenue  from  that  source  was  reckoned  to  be  between  fifteen  and 
sixteen  thousand  tumans,  and  the  Shahbandar  was  reported  to 
have  embezzled  about  four  thousand  more.  As  a  result  of  his 
extortions,  Gombroon  was  being  deserted  by  shipping,  in  favour  of 
Kung  and  Bandar  Rig.     A  reply  to  the  Company's  letter  had  not 

1  For  the  orders  given  by  the  Company  on  this  point,  see  the  preceding  volume,  p.  337. 
*  In  O.C.  2893,  2S94  the  date  is  given  as  11  May. 


32  THE  SURAT  PRESIDENCY,  1661 

been  forthcoming.     Buckeridge  proceeded  to  Surat,  arri\ing  there 
19  December. 

Concerning  the  voyage  of  the  American  to  Basra  (see  p,  i)  we 
have  some  details  in  a  letter  sent  to  the  Company  from  thence  by 
Cranmer  and  Sainthill  on  7  August.  1661.  The  vessel,  after  calling 
at  Gombroon,  reached  Basra  on  16  July.  Her  commander,  Thomas 
Crowther,  died  twelve  days  later,  and  was  succeeded  by  John 
Mallison.  At  the  time  of  writing,  three  other  vessels  were  lying  in 
the  port  *  under  the  English  cullers  ',  viz.  the  Ormus  Merchant,  the 
Diamond,  and  the  Seaflower.  These  did  not  belong  to  the  Com- 
pany (the  last  two  being  the  property  of  their  Surat  broker,  Beni 
Das),  and  their  wearing  an  English  flag  was  probably  in  virtue  of 
their  having  an  English  pass.  The  letter  mentions  that  the  house 
promised  by  the  Basha,  '  in  satisfaction  for  money'longe  since  lent', 
was  being  erected.  The  vessel  was  to  leave  Basra  on  20  September. 
Whether  she  did  so  at  the  time  fixed  is  not  known  ;  but  (as  we 
have  seen)  she  got  back  to  Surat  on  8  November. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,   1661 

The  letter  which  Agent  Chamber  and  his  colleagues  (William  a 
Court  and  William  Gifford)  sent  to  the  Company  by  the  Katherine 
on  II  January,  1661,  has  been  analysed  in  the  last  volume.  At 
the  end  of  the  month  the  Madras  Merchant  and  the  East  India 
MercJiant,  which  had  both  arrived  from  Balasore  a  few  days 
previously,  were  also  dispatched  to  England,  the  former  carrying 
another  letter  to  the  Company,  dated  28  January.  In  this  references 
were  made  to  several  matters  touched  upon  in  the  preceding  volume 
of  this  series. 

The  greate  dearth,  that  hath  bin  in  these  parts  now  these  18 
moncthes,  hath  bin  noe  small  obstruccion  to  our  trade.  ...  If  Mr. 
William  Isaacson  had  bin  desirous  to  have  stayed  in  this  countrey, 
wee  should  have  enterteyned  him.  But  haveing  possessions  fallne 
to  him  by  the  death  of  freinds,  hee  was  sollicitous  to  us  to  take 
passage  last  yeare  on  the  Mayfloiver  (haveing  then  payd  him  300 
rialls  for  18  monethes  in  this  new  Stock) ;  but  shee  missing  of  her 
passage,  hee  came  back  upon  the  Trtteroe.    In  his  absence.  Captain 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  ^^ 

Porter  ^  spared  us  his  minister  till  hee  came  out  of  the  Bay.  But 
the  alteraccions  that  have  bin  soe  lately  in  England,  now  soe  many 
spirituall  promotions  are  to  bee  conferred,  they  are  both  bound 
home,  one  upon  the  Madras  and  the  other  on  the  East  India 
Merchantt.  Soe  that  you  may  please  to  take  into  consideracion 
that  wee  may  bee  furnished  with  some  godly  divine  to  performe 
the  ministerial!  function,  which  must  now  h'ght  upon  the  Agent 
himselfe,  till  you  shall  send  one  forth  for  some  continuance. 
Notice  hath  bin  given  that  Mr.  Isaacson  hath  a  paper  about  two 
Franciscan  fryers,^  of  whome  Your  Worshipps  have  bin  severall 
times  advised.  They  have  bin  continued  by  Sir  Andrew  Cogan, 
Mr.  Day,  Mr.  Thomas  Ivie,  Mr.  Aaron  Baker,  and  Agent  Greenhill ; 
and  there  is  more  reason  for  their  resideing  now  then  formerly, 
because  there  are  soe  many  Christians  that  inhabite  in  your  towne, 
which  otherwise  would  all  goe  to  St.  Thoma ;  and  those  gentlemen 
before  specifyed,  that  are  at  home,  can  resolve  you  more  fully  of 
this,  and  how  necessary  their  resideing  is,  unlesse  you  shall  please 
to  send  out  a  competent  number  of  our  owne  countrey  inhabitants  ; 
whereof  Mr.  Thomas  Chamber  shall  further  certify  you,  when  hee 
shall  personally  come  before  you.  In  the  meane  season,  wee  shall 
see  that  they  use  their  ceremonyes  to  themselves,  and  in  their  pro- 
fession give  offence  to  none. 

The  letter  also  contained  the  usual  details  about  the  cargoes  of 
the  vessels  and  other  commercial  topics.  The  Company  was  advised 
to  send  out  coral  ('  wee  knowe  noe  more  staple  commodity  for  this 
country '),  lead,  quicksilver,  vermilion,  alum,  and  brimstone,  but 
very  little  broadcloth.  The  Anne,  it  was  mentioned,  was  riding  in 
the  roads,  '  being  uncapeable  to  voyage  home '.  She  was  valued 
at  1,368/.,  and  it  would  be  decided  later  whether  to  leave  her 
where  she  was  or  to  employ  her  on  a  coasting  voyage.  A  postscript 
of  30  January  excused  errors  in  the  marking  of  bales  and  copying 
of  accounts  by  stating  that,  owing  to  shortage  of  factors,  two 
soldiers  of  the  garrison  had  been  employed  on  those  duties. 

About  a  fortnight  before  these  two  ships  sailed  for  England,  the 
Concord  (Captain  Roger  Kilvert),  which  had  arrived  from  Bengal 
a  few  days  earlier,  was  dispatched  to  Gombroon,  with  Francis 
Rushworth  as  supercargo.  In  a  letter  entrusted  to  his  care,  dated 
15  January,  the  Agent  in  Persia  was  reminded  that  a  considerable 

^  William  Porter,  the  commander  of  the  East  India  Merchant. 

*  The  two  padres  were  Ephraim  de  Nevers  and  Zenon  de  Bauge.     See  the  previous 
volume,  p.  402. 

2.^97  D 


34  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

sum  was  due  to  Madras  on  account  of  cargoes  consigned  to  him  for 
sale,  and  was  urged  to  make  a  speedy  return,  '  for  the  Company 
requyres  from  us  this  yeare  20,cco/.  sterling  more  then  wee  have 
to  pay  for '.  Rushworth  might  remain  behind,  if  necessary,  to  look 
after  any  unsold  goods,  but  in  that  case  he  should  return  to  Madras 
in  a  later  ship.  A  yearly  supply  of  horses  and  of  wine,  &C.5  for 
household  use  was  requested. 

On  19  February  the  Madras  factors  were  still  without  definite 
information  concerning  the  great  events  that  had  taken  place  at 
home,  though,  as  they  mentioned  in  a  letter  to  Walter  Travers  at 
Tuticorin  : 

Our  Dutch  freinds  att  Pollicatt  have  advised  us  of  brave  newes 
from  England  :  the  principall  is  that  the  King  (Charles  the  Second) 
was  received  into  London  with  greate  pomp  the  29  May  last,  Vv'ith 
many  other  circumstances  of  his  inthroneing. 

Three  days  later  they  asked  the  Surat  President  and  Council  for 
confirmation  of  these  reports,  as  they  understood  that  a  letter  and 
printed  papers  on  the  subject  had  been  received  via  Persia  from  the 
English  Consul  at  Aleppo  ;  adding  that '  meane  time  wee  could  doe 
noe  lesse  then  testify  our  allegiance  by  a  solemne  thancksgiveing 
day '.  The  main  purpose  of  their  letter,  however,  was  to  represent 
their  financial  needs,  and  to  plead  for  an  early  remittance  of  the 
money  due  to  the  Madras  Agency  for  cargoes  sent  to  Surat  and 
Persia,  amounting  (apart  from  freight  money  and  profit)  to  34,725 
pagodas.  The  balance  in  their  books  against  the  Company  ex- 
ceeded 15.CC0  pagodas,  and  the  yearly  investment  ordered  for 
England  alone  was  nearly  65,000  pagodas.  They  therefore  begged 
for  instructions  whether  they  were  to  borrow  the  requisite  funds  or 
'  sitt  still  till  more  stock  arrive  '.  The  A;i7ie  w^as  riding  at  anchor 
without  employment,  being  indebted  to  the  Company  over  600/. 
sterling.  Orders  were  requested  whether  she  was  to  be  left  as  she 
was,  or  seized  for  the  debt. 

Captaine  Knox  being  left  on  Zeiloan,  there  's  none  of  her  officers 
nor  shipps  company  dare  undertake  to  sell  her.  .  .  .  Wee  finde  the 
mariners  remayning  averse  from  makeing  a  voluntary  surrender  of 
her  into  the  Companies  hands,  either  att  a  sett  price  or  otherwise, 
though  themselves  confesse  there  is  noe  other  way  of  saving  any 
thing  of  her  for  the  owners. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  ^^ 

With  regard  to  Edward  Winter's  liabilities,  the  letter  said  that 
his  agents  were  believed  to  have  taken  steps  to  avoid  bringing  back 
to  India  any  part  of  his  estate  from  Oueda  or  Pegu,  lest  seizure 
should  be  made  thereof;  but  'if  you  shall  advise  us  therein,  wee 
shall  in  a  legall  manner  question  his  factors  for  such  debts  as  shall 
appeare  just  and  dew  to  our  masters '. 

In  these  parts  wee  have  remayned  hitherto  free  from  the  warres 
which  have  disturbd  other  parts  of  India  ;  but  now  some  rumours 
of  the  approach  of  some  forces  of  Oram  Zaib  this  way  cawseth  a 
generall  apprehension  of  feare  ;  yet  not  without  some  hopes  that  it 
is  only  to  receive  the  ordinary  tribute. 

The  position  of  the  An;ie  was  so  dangerous,  owing  to  the  worn 
condition  of  her  rigging  and  her  shortage  of  crew,  that  the  Madras 
Council  did  not  wait  for  orders  from  Surat  or  for  a  voluntary 
surrender,  but  on  15  March,  1661,  seized  the  vessel  for  debt,  at  the 
same  time  undertaking  that  the  Company  would  allow  the  owners 
the  amount  of  her  estimated  value.^  Ralph  Hodgkins  (formerly 
mate  in  the  Concord)  was  confirmed  in  the  command  of  the  ship  ; 
her  name  was  changed  to  TJie  Hope ;  and  in  the  middle  of  April  she 
was  dispatched  to  Achin  with  William  Gifford  as  supercargo.  The 
letter  she  carried  to  the  English  factors  there  intimated  that  she 
was  chiefly  sent  to  bring  back  elephants  on  freight  terms,  as  on  her 
previous  voyage. 

Which  was  soe  much  money  absolutely  gained  to  the  Honourable 
Company  our  masters.  And  this  is  the  first  ship  that  ever  received 
that  sort  of  creatures  aboard  for  them  ;  other  of  our  masters 
comanders  allwayes  excuseing  the  takeing  in  of  ellephants,  because 
they  cannot  cutt  downe  the  sides  of  their  ships,  as  the  Moors 
juncks  doe. 

A  small  lading  of  calicoes,  iron,  and  salt  was  sent ;  but  even  these 
goods  had  been  obtained  on  credit,  '  the  Company  being  indebted 
here  nearest  6,000/.,  and  noe  quick  stocke  remaining  '.  If  returned 
speedily,  the  vessel  would  be  sent  again  to  Achin  in  August. 
Gifford  was  given  permission,  if  no  elephants  were  offered  as  freight, 
to  buy  some  on  the  Company's  account ;  in  which  case  they  were  to 

1  For  subsequent  proceedings  in  England  see  p.  8  of  Mr.  D.  W.  Ferguson's  Captain 
Robert  Knox. 

D  2 


S6  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

be  brought  to  Madras  rather  than  to  Masulipatam,  as  being  the 
better  market. 

An  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Masulipatam  factors  to  execute 
the  orders  received  from  England  and  Surat  regarding  interlopers 
had  evidently  produced  a  commotion  there ;  for,  writing  on  23  April 
to  that  place.  Chamber  and  A  Court  said  : 

As  touching  the  JVinUr  Fi-igott  being  made  ready  by  Mr. 
Thomas  Turner  and  Mr.  William  Jearsey  to  voj'age  to  Pegu  :  seeing 
that  you  have  seized  upon  her,  and  have  wrote  to  the  Presidency  of 
Suratt  to  know  their  pleasure,  it  cannot  be  long  now  before  you 
will  receive  their  orders.  .  .  .  You  may  well  know  that  all  this  might 
have  bin  saved,  if  Mr.  Jearsey,  Mr.  Turner,  and  the  rest  that  call 
themselves  freemen  had  bin  sent  up  to  the  Fort  (as  hath  beene 
often  enordred  from  Suratt  and  us)  and  so  to  have  voyaged  home, 
according  to  the  Honourable  Companies  orders.  But  if  it  be  so 
difficult  a  matter  to  unroost  them  that  wee  must  come  there  our- 
selves to  doe  it,  it  wilbe  in  such  a  manner  as  will  not  be  to  their 
likeing ;  and  so  much  you  may  acquaint  them. 

Some  additional  particulars  are  given  in  a  letter  from  Chamber 
to  Surat,  dated  24  May,  1661  : 

Wee  have  received  grevious  complaints  from  the  Cheifes  of  all  the 
factory's  in  and  about  Metchlepatam  of  Mr.  Thomas  Turner  and 
Mr.  William  Jearsey,  about  their  attempting  to  send  a  vessell  of 
Mr.  Winters  to  Pegue,  and  other  insolent  behaviours,  in  holding  out 
the  great  house  at  Maddapollam  with  great  gunns  and  armed  men. 
These,  and  others  that  call  themselves  freemen,  are  harboured  in 
those  parts  contrary  to  our  consents.  Wee  understand  that  they 
have  sent  you  a  coppy  of  all  passages,  of  their  protesting  and 
answers ;  so  beleeve  you  have  given  them  their  orders  and  directions 
before  this.  Wee  advise  them  still  forthwith  to  be  observant  to 
your  comaund,  and  to  execute  the  same,  that  noe  tyme  be  lost. 

And  in  another  letter  from  Chamber  to  the  Viravasaram  factors 
of  the  same  date,  answering  one  of  11  April : 

Whereby  you  give  to  understand  that  Mr.  Jearsey  hath  taken  up 
his  quarters  at  Maddapollam,  and  that  Mr.  Turner  is  much 
strengthned  by  his  assistance  ;  for  now,  you  say,  they  are  able  to 
make  100  Rashboots  or  peons  and  have  fortified  their  house  with 
a  couple  of  small  gunns  mounted  at  the  topp  thereof,  aswell  as 
severall  others  mounted  in  all  passages  below.  You  say  't  must  be 
a  considerable  charge  to  reduce  them  to  their  obedience,  and  would 
know  our  pleasure  what  you  should  further  doe  herein.  . . .  Now  wee 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  37 

can  say  noe  more  then  what  you  have  bin  often  told,  that  is,  to 
advise  you  to  execute  such  lawfull  comands  as  you  have  or  shall 
receive  from  the  Companies  President  and  Council).  And  whereas 
you  mencion  that  they  make  this  resistance  purposely  to  gett  what 
they  please  ashoare  from  the  Great  George  ^  at  her  arrival! ;  but  in 
such  case,  when  you  shall  heare  the  Great  George  to  be  arrived,  wee 
hold  it  very  convenient  (for  the  full  executeing  of  the  Suratt  Presi- 
dents injunctions)  that  you  forthwith  force  the  house  to  yeild,  by 
stormeing  or  otherwise,  with  all  the  force  you  are  able  to  make  ;  for 
noe  question  the  power  of  the  Suratt  President  etc.  is  sufficient  to 
justify  your  actions.  As  yett  wee  have  had  noe  ship  arrived  ;  but 
very  likely,  before  the  Georges  arrivall,  we  may  have  a  ship  from 
Persia  or  England,  and  then  at  their  arrivall  at  iVIetchlepatam  wee 
shall  enorder  that  their  ships  company  give  you  all  the  assistance 
they  are  able. 

We  do  not  hear  that  any  attempt  was  made  to  storm  the  inter- 
lopers' stronghold.  Probably  the  factors  felt  by  no  means  assured 
that  the  authority  of  the  Surat  Council,  or  even  of  the  Company 
itself,  would  be  sufficient  to  secure  immunity  for  them  in  England, 
should  such  an  attempt  result  in  loss  of  life ;  and  in  any  case  they 
were  not  obliged  to  act  until  either  the  St.  George  arrived  from 
Queda  or  fresh  instructions  came  from  Surat. 

The  letter  to  Masulipatam  of  23  April  referred  also  to  a  proposal 
from  that  place  to  detain  the  incoming  junks  until  certain  debts 
were  paid.  To  this  suggestion  Chamber  and  A  Court  replied  by 
advising  a  reference  to  the  President  at  Surat. 

A  letter  to  Masulipatam  from  Madras,  dated  9  May,  announced 
the  death  of  William  a  Court  five  days  previous,  after  an  illness  of 
about  three  weeks.  Chamber,  thus  left  without  a  Council  (since 
Gifford  had  gone  to  Achin),  wrote  to  Thomas  Shingler  at  Petapoli 
(9  May)  to  hand  over  charge  to  Ambrose  Salisbury  and  repair  to 
Fort  St.  George.  This  he  accordingly  did,  after  a  delay  of  some 
weeks,  and  was  duly  appointed  Accomptant. 

At  Surat  President  Andrews  and  his  colleague  Lambton  were 
watching  Chamber's  proceedings  with  much  disfavour.  Writing  to 
Bengal  on  16  February,  1661,  they  commented  in  scathing  terms  on 
the  actions  of  the  Madras  factors.     Probably,  therefore,  they  were 

^  The  St.  George  was  the  name  given  by  Winter  to  the  junk  taken  from  Mir  Jumla. 
She  is  here  called  the  Great  George  to  distinguish  her  from  the  Little  George,  for  which 
see  p.  40. 


38  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  x66i 

not  sorry  to  take  a  step  which  they  knew  would  annoy  Chamber, 
by  insisting  upon  the  expulsion  of  the  two  French  padres.  Their 
letter,  dated  15  February,  1661,  has  not  been  preserved,  but  its 
tenor  is  evident  from  Chamber's  reply  of  24  May. 

The  Company  hath  not  wrote  of  them  [the  padres]  since  Agent 
Ivyes  comeing  out,  which  was  in  the  yeare  1643  5  "or  ^^^'^  ^^'^^  tell 
whether  they  did  then  meane  them,  for  their  word  is  only  Popish 
preists.     And  six  yeares  after  that,  Padre  Ephraim  was  treacher- 
ously seized  upon  by  the  padres  of  St.  Thoma  and  sent  to  the  In- 
quisition at  Goa,^  where  he  might  have  layen  till  this  tyme,  if  he  had 
not  bcene  redeem'd  by  President  Merry  and  his  then  Councill ;  for 
his  crymes  were  very  heynous  in  their  profession,  for  his  holding 
disputacions  with  them  on  all  occasions  against  praying  to  saints 
and  carved  images.     And  if  these  padres  crymes  were  soe  greate 
then   as   the    Portugall   padres  take  them  to  be,  they  are  much 
aggravated  since  ;  for  upon  all  occasions  of  christnings,  burialls,  and 
weddings  they  come  to  our  divine  service  and  heare  preaching  and 
praying  according  to  the  manner  and  institution  of  the  Church  of 
England  ;  so  that  if  ever  they  light  againe  into  the  Portugalls  hands, 
they  will  certenly  be  burnt,  for  there  hath  beene  ever  bitter  enmity 
betwixt  that  church  and  this  of  the  French  padres,  and  one  of  the 
reasons  of  there  continuance  many  yeares  agoe  was  the  great  con- 
troversyes  betweene  ours  and  their  nacion  and  the  churches.     And 
this  is  the  last  reason  why  you  would  have  them  put  out  of  towne, 
because  of  the  many  affronts  you  suffer  by  the  Portugalls  in  your 
parts  ;  so  it  will  follow  that  the  reason  why  you  would  putt  them 
out  was  one  maine  cause  why  other  Presidents  and  Agents  con- 
tinued them  in  the  towne.     When  Mr.  Thomas  Chamber  came  first 
to  P'oit  St.  George  (which  is  15  yeares  agoe),  he  did  as  much 
admire  [i.e.  wonder]  as  any  man  elce  that  they  had  a  church  and 
other  grounds  given  them  and  liberty  to  exercise  their  superstition  ; 
till  these  reasons  were  given  of  their  admittance.     First,  it  was  con- 
cluded by  those  eminent  persons  that  have  had  the  governement  of 
Fort  St.  George 'since  the  first  building  thereof:    (i)  that  if  the 
French  padres  went  away,  the  Portugalls  would  leave  the  towne ; 
(2)  these  padres  were  invited  to  recide  in  the  towne  for  the  gaining 
Portugalls  to  inhabitt ;  (3)  the  dispeopling  of  the  towne  of  Christians 
was  accompted  a  weakning  to  the  Fort ;  (4)  the  residence  of  the 
Portugalls  was  reckoned  a  cause  of  encrease  of  trade  and  the  Com- 
panies customes  ;  (5)  the  terrour  and  awe  that  many  white  men  in 
the  towne  strikes  to  our  neighbours  ;  (6)  the  honour  and  reputacion 
that  redounds  to  the  Company  among  the  princes  of  India  in  the 

^  See  English  Factories,  1651-4,  p.  xxviii. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCV,   1661  39 

multitude  of  their  people  ;  (7)  it  was  sayd  that  the  glory  of  a  king 
was  the  multitude  of  his  subjects.  And  these  padres  and  towne 
dwellers  have  oftentymes  offered  to  take  an  oath  to  be  true  and 
loyall  to  the  King  and  Company,  as  Catholiques  use  to  doe  in 
England.  For  these  reasons  they  have  beene  invited  and  continued 
by  Sir  Andrew  Cogan,  Mr.  Francis  Day,  Mr.  Thomas  I  vie,  twice 
by  Mr.  Aaron  Baker  (for  he  hath  bin  three  tymes  President  in 
India,^  and  this  last  tyme  had  600/.  per  annum),  and  lastly  by 
Agent  Henry  Greenhill.  Now  it  need  not  be  told  you  how  much 
Mr.  Thomas  Chamber  is  inferiour  in  quality  to  any  of  the  aforesaid 
gentlemen,  nay,  not  worthy  to  carry  pen  and  inke  after  some  of 
them,  who  soe  much  excelled  in  the  governement  of  the  Fort  and 
towne  and  mannagement  of  the  Companies  trade ;  for  in  most  of 
their  tymes  there  was  never  less  than  60  Englishmen  in  the  garrison, 
whereas  now  the  Company  hath  but  30  that  are  able  to  serve,  and 
but  eight  of  them  their  servants  and  thothers  pickt  up  as  they  were 
scattered  here  and  there.  You  may  consider  that  the  countrey  is 
all  in  an  uprore,  by  15,000  of  the  Generals  souldiers  that  have  left 
his  armey  and  putt  all  the  countrey  in  a  hurley  burley.-  The 
Companies  priviledges  are  in  some  hazard,  the  King  sending  downe 
from  Gulcondah  a  Moores  Governour  into  the  towne  with  a  huge 
trayne  to  receive  his  part  of  customes.  But  the  Companies  privi- 
ledges shalbe  mainteyned,  if  things  may  runn  in  their  old  channell ; 
but  it  will  neither  be  safe  for  the  Fort  nor  towne,  if  the  Fi-ench 
padres  should  be  at  this  tyme  excluded.  Now,  if  you  will  please  to 
looke  upon  the  Companyes  proffitts,  it  wilbe  divers  tymes  asmuch 
againe  as  it  is  now  by  the  expiracion  of  tenn  yeares,  and  may  likely 
pay  all  the  charges  of  the  Fort  and  factory.  For  at  the  Companies 
first  beginning  to  build  a  fort,  there  was  here  but  only  the  French 
padres "  and  about  six  fishermens  houses ;  soe,  to  intice  inhabitants 
to  people  the  place,  proclamacion  was  made  in  the  Companies  name 
that  for  the  terme  of  30  yeares  noe  custome  of  things  to  be  eaten, 
dranke,  or  worne  should  be  taken  of  any  of  the  towne  dwellers. 
Now  21  yeares  of  that  tyme  is  expired,  and  soe  much  art  being 
used  to  bring  the  Companies  towne  in  the  beauty  that  now  it  is, 
and  multitude  of  inhabitants  (which  are  those  that  payes  the  dutyes), 
it  will  be  much  damage,  both  in  poynt  of  customes  and  other  taxes, 
to  our  masters  to  give  their  subjects  for  soe  long  tyme  the  customes 
of  foresaid  things  freely ;  and  now  the  proffitts  within  so  short  a 
tyme  [are  ?]  to  returne  to  the  choultrey,  wilbe  to  unmake  what  hath 

^  The  term  is  here  used  as  equivalent  to  'the  East  Indies'.  Baker  was  President  at 
Bantam  in  1640-3,  1645-9,  and  1650-2,  and  at  Madras  in  1652-5. 

-  See  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1661,  pp.  40,  126,  320,  406. 

2  This  is  not  correct.  The  first  French  padre  arrived  two  years  after  the  building  of 
the  Fort. 


40  THE  MADRAS  AGENXY,  1661 

beene  soe  long  a  makeing,  if  the  towne  should  be  soe  suddenly  dis- 
peopled. Now  you  have  received  the  reasons  why  the  French 
padres  were  invited  hither,  as  also  the  reasons  why  they  have  bin 
continued  ;  and  if  you  still  persist  in  their  expulsion,  now  the  people 
are  unquiett  and  the  countrey  all  in  an  uprore,  Mr.  Thomas 
Chamber  is  not  of  sufficiency  to  undergoe  soe  hard  a  taske  as  is  now 
on  his  hands,  or  to  rectify  or  amend  any  thing  that  hath  bin  acted 
or  practiced  by  men  of  such  excellent  judgements  as  hath  beene 
here  Presidents  and  Agents,  especially  what  hath  bin  setled  and 
allowed  by  President  Baker,  whoe  was  twice  sent  by  the  Honour- 
able Company  to  purge  the  Coast.  Therefore  you  may  please  to 
thinke  of  said  Chamber  his  abilityes  ;  and  if  you  find  him  not  fitt 
for  his  employment,  he  shall  willingly  embrace  what  buisnes  in  your 
judgements  shalbe  suitable  to  his  capacity. 

The  expulsion  of  the  two  Capuchins  would  have  been  both  un- 
grateful and  unwise,  and  Chamber's  sturdy  refusal  commands  our 
respect.  President  Andrews,  it  would  seem,  deemed  it  prudent  to 
ignore  the  challenge  thus  given  him,  for  he  took  no  step  to  remove 
the  defiant  Agent. 

Reverting  to  Chamber's  letter  to  Surat  of  24  May,  we  find  a 
reference  made  therein  to  a  design  on  the  part  of  President 
Andrews  to  send  a  ship  to  Queda  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  the 
Si.  George  with  a  view  to  her  restoration  to  the  Nawab.  Chamber 
said  that  he  was  keeping  the  design  '  very  private '  and  had 
instructed  Johnson  to  promise  '  Tappa  Tap '  ^  that  satisfaction 
should  be  given  to  his  master.  The  purchase  of  a  vessel  called 
the  Little  George  was  defended  on  the  ground  of  the  necessity 
of  fetching  from  Porto  Novo,  Pondicherri,  and  '  Connimeere '  - 
some  of  the  Company's  goods,  '  which  lay  in  great  danger  to 
be  stole  by  a  great  army  that  lay  not  far  off'.  The  President 
was  thanked  for  sanctioning  the  borrowing  of  funds  for  invest- 
ment, and  the  limit  he  had  fixed  of  9  per  cent,  interest  was 
declared  to  be  sufficient. 

Writing  on  the  same  day  to  MasuHpatam,  Chamber  said : 

It  is  the  Presidents  and  Councills  earnest  desire  that  the  value  of 
the  Nabobs  juncke  should  be  satisfied  to  him  or  his  factor  in 
Metchlepatam,  and  that  wee  should  enorder  Mr.  Johnson  to  make 
an  end  of  that  long  difference  which  hath  beene  betweene  him  and 

^  Mir  Jumla's  agent  at  MasuHpatam  (see  the  preceding  volume,  p.  1S7). 
"  Coiiimere,  11  miles  north  of  Pondicherri. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  41 

the  Company.  What  wee  can  say  now  is  but  what  wee  have  sayd 
before :  that  when  shee  shalbe  arrived,  upon  the  ending  of  all 
differences  with  the  Nabob  shee  should  be  delivered  to  Tappa  Tap, 
But  upon  the  delivery  there  must  be  a  great  caution  that  there  be 
taken  a  firme  acquittance  or  discharge.  Otherwise  we  shall  never 
know  when  we  have  done ;  for  they  will  receive  any  thing  that 
shalbe  given  them,  and  afterwards  be  demanding  more  and  more 
still. 

On  4  July  the  Royal  James  and  Henry ^  under  Captain  Maurice 
Blackman,  arrived  from  England  by  way  of  Guinea,  bringing  from 
the  latter  place  gold  dust  to  the  value  of  12,500/.,  but  no  goods 
from  home.  By  her  a  letter  was  received  from  the  Company  dated 
13  September,  1660  {Letter  Books,  vol.  2,  p.  330).  This  renewed 
former  complaints  against  the  Madras  factors  for  delaying  the 
homeward  voyage  of  the  Love  by  ordering  her  to  call  at  Porto 
Novo,  with  the  result  that  '  shee  is  lost  and  perished  in  the  sea ' ; 
and  expressed  a  fear  that  for  a  similar  reason  the  Mayfloiver  had 
met  the  same  fate.  Positive  orders  were  therefore  given  that  for 
the  future  no  ship  quitting  Madras  for  England  after  i  December 
should  touch  at  Porto  Novo.  The  calicoes  obtained  at  that  place 
were  approved  as  '  well  made  and  desireable  here  ',  but  henceforth 
they  were  to  be  fetched  to  Madras  in  small  vessels  in  readiness  for 
transport  to  England.  Note  was  taken  of  the  fact  that  in  1659  the 
Marigold  had  left  behind  unsold  most  of  the  Company's  goods  she 
had  carried  from  Madras  to  Macassar,  and  a  conviction  was 
expressed  that  this  was  due  to  the  amount  of  freight  goods  carried 
thither. 

This  your  sending  of  freight  goods  in  our  ships  wee  conclude  is 
not  consistant  with  our  profifit,  but  much  to  our  disadvantage,  and 
principally  serves  for  the  colouring  of  that  exorbitancy  of  private 
trade  which  hath  a  long  time  binne  and  is  still  practized  among 
you,  selling  your  owne  goods  and  retourning  their  proceeds  on  the 
ship,  and  leaving  ours  to  awaite  a  further  market.  Therefore  wee 
are  resolved  not  to  give  liberty  for  the  lading  aboard  any  of  our 
ships  any  goods  whatsoever  but  what  shall  properly  and  solely 
aperteine  to  the  accompt  of  us  the  Company  in  gennerall,  and 
require  you  to  take  espetiall  notice  hereof  and  see  it  performed 
accordingly. 

The  Royal  James  and  Henry  was  to  be  sent  back  to  England  as 
soon  as  possible,  with  a  lading  of  saltpetre,   sugar,  calicoes,  and 


42  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

pepper  (if  procurable).     A   second   ship,  if  available,   should    be 
returned  at  the  same  time. 

Wee  cannot  but  admire  that,  wee  having  sent  out  from  hence  to 
the  Coast  and  the  Bay  to  the  amount  of  about  120,000/.,  and  that 
what  you  have  returned  us,  and  what  is  lost,  doth  not  much  exceed 
the  one  half  of  the  said  some,  that  j^et  you  should  complaine  for 
want  of  stock,  and  further  say  that,  after  you  had  laded  your  home- 
ward bound  shipping,  that  you  should  bee  out  of  stock  and  enforced 
to  make  use  of  your  creditts.  .  .  .  Wee  must  therefore  conclude  that 
you  have  not  binn  only  ill  manadgers  of  our  buisnesse  but  also 
wastfully  and  lavishly  expend  our  monies  in  building  warehouses 
and  buying  jouncks  to  maintaine  your  private  trade,  not  only 
without  but  contrary  to  our  order,  which  prohibits  all  unnecessary 
charges  and  confined  you  to  a  yearly  allowance  in  your  expences, 
which  wee  expect  you  exactly  confine  your  selves  unto  ;  which 
expence  wee  doubt  not  might  bee  defraied  by  the  yearly  proffitt 
which  ariseth  from  the  sale  of  our  goods  and  bullion. 

The  factors  were  therefore  again  required  to  forbear  all  un- 
necessary outlay,  and  were  ordered  to  sell  the  Winter  Frigate,  as 
one  ship  per  annum  would  suffice  in  future  for  the  trade  with 
Bantam,  &c.  The  private  goods  on  board  the  Marigold,  which  the 
factors  had  described  as  provisions  and  other  necessaries  for  Winter 
and  his  family,  had  proved  to  be  largely  private  trade,  as  Chamber 
and  his  colleagues  might  have  discovered,  had  they  made  '  a  more 
strickter  inquisition '.  The  letter  then  referred  to  the  seizure  of 
Mir  Jumla's  junk,  and  the  resulting  troubles  in  Bengal. 

Wee  hope  Mr.  Trevisa  hath  composed  the  difference ;  which  wee 
expect  the  estate  of  Mr.  Greenhill  and  Mr.  Chambers  shall  make 
good  unto  him  [the  Nawab],  being  it  was  acted  by  them  without 
"our  order  or  direction  and  never  owned  by  us.  nor  divers  of  our 
factors  there  when  the  seizure  was  made,  but  objected  against,  and 
the  said  Mr.  Greenhill  etc.  entreated  to  make  a  surrender  of  the 
jounck  back  to  the  Nabob,  which  hee  would  not  consent  unto.  Wee 
observe  what  estate  of  Mr.  Greenhills  you  have  secured,  and  hope 
that  the  buisnesse  will  bee  so  composed  that  you  will  have  sufficient 
to  give  a  reasonable  satisfaction  to  the  Nabob. 

The  dispatch  of  a  ship  to  Achin,  when  one  was  available,  was 
approved,  especially  as  the  proceeds  of  its  cargo  would  be  returned 
in  gold.  Homeward-bound  vessels  were  to  start  not  later  than 
I  January  ;  no  goods  were  to  be  stowed  otherwise  than  in  the  hold, 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  43 

and  no  ship  was  to  be  overloaded.  Fine  goods  were  to  be  distri- 
buted among  the  returning  vessels,  instead  of  being  put  all  together 
in  one.  Particulars  were  given  of  the  shipping  intended  for  dis- 
patch to  the  Coast  the  following  season.  No  cannon  or  ammunition 
would  be  sent  out  until  further  advice.  Winter  would  be  required 
to  account  for  the  stock  entrusted  to  him,  and  meanwhile  the 
outstanding  debts  should  be  collected,  or  else  recovered  from  his 
estate.  Permission  was  given  for  the  return  of  William  Betts,  a 
soldier  in  the  Fort,  and  of  Francis  Harvey,  who  went  out  in  the 
Mar7£-old. 

Wee  entend  very  suddenly  to  present  to  our  Kings  Majestic  (who 
is  now,  by  Gods  providence,  retorned  and  setled  in  the  goverment 
of  his  kingdomes)  a  narration  of  those  abuses  which  have  binn  put 
upon  us  by  the  Dutch  ;  amongst  which  wee  will  inscert  their  pro- 
ceedings at  Porto  Nova,  in  frustrating  you  of  the  promised  freight 
by  their  threatening  of  those  country  people  and  confiscating  of 
their  goods  ;  and  wee  doubt  not  but,  by  the  assistance  of  his  Royall 
Majestic,  to  receive  satisfaction  from  them  for  all  our  damages,  and 
to  bring  them  to  a  better  conformity  in  the  future. 

Should  saltpetre  be  procurable  at  20  or  25  new  pagodas  per  ton, 
two  or  three  hundred  tons  should  be  provided  yearly  for  ballast. 
'  Ten  lusty  blacks,  men  and  women ',  might  be  expected  from 
Guinea,  for  transmission  to  the  intended  settlement  at  Pulo  Run. 
In  future  more  calicoes  would  be  required  for  England,  of  which 
particulars  would  be  sent  by  the  next  ship. 

After  a  short  interval  the  Royal  J^aincs  and  Henry  was  dispatched 
(23  July)  from  Madras  to  Masulipatam,  where  she  was  to  land 
a  supply  of  money,  and  then  await  instructions  before  proceeding 
to  Bengal. 

On  9  August,  1 66 1,  the  Coasi  Frigate  (Captain  John  Elliott) 
and  the  Discovery  (Captain  John  Gosnoll)  arrived  at  Madras  from 
England,  with  cargoes  aggregating  53,800/.  They  brought  letters 
from  the  Company,  dated  28  January  {Letter  Books,  vol.  2,  p.  364) 
and  6  February,  1661.  The  first  of  these  directed  that  the  Discovery 
should  proceed  to  Jambi,  Macassar,  and  Bantam.  It  then 
announced  an  important  change  in  the  administration  on  the 
eastern  side  of  India,  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made 
on  p.  19: 


44  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

Wee  having  seriously  considered  and  debated  how  our  affaires  in 
your  parts  may  for  the  future  bee  manadged  to  the  encoragement  of 
the  Company  in  the  advancement  of  our  stock,  have  concluded, 
and  doe  hereby  order,  that  the  Agenc}'  in  the  Bay  shall  from 
henceforth  bee  reduced  to  a  factory  and  bee  under  the  power  and 
subordination  of  the  Agency  at  Fort  St.  George,  and  that  all  the 
factories,  both  on  the  Coast  of  Coromandell  and  in  the  Bay  of 
Bengala,  that  shall  bee  found  necessarie  to  bee  continued,  shall  from 
time  to  time  receive  order  and  directions  for  the  manadgment  of 
our  businesse  from  our  Agent  and  his  Counsell  that  wee  now  doe, 
or  shall  hereafter,  settle  and  establish  at  Fort  St.  George ;  which 
place,  wee  conceive,  is  most  propper  for  the  residency  of  the 
Agency.  Howsoever,  wee  require  you  that  by  the  next  oportunity 
you  seriously  consider,  and  retorne  us  your  opinions,  touching  the 
conveniency  or  inconveniency  of  the  place,  or  of  any  other  place 
which  may  bee  more  proper  and  comodious  for  the  setling  the 
cheife  residency  upon,  for  the  advance  of  trade.  ...  In  the  meane 
time  wee  desire  you  to  make  it  your  worke  to  improve  the  manu- 
facture of  cloath  at  and  about  the  Fort  what  possibly  you  can,  both 
for  varietie  of  sorts,  quantities,  well  makeing,  and  cheapnes  of 
prices,  and  to  reduce  our  charge  into  as  narrow  a  compasse  as  may 
be,  not  exceeding  those  allowances  which  wee  have  formerly 
allotted  unto  you. 

The  loss  of  the  Love  and  the  non-arrival  of  the  Mayflower  had 
seriously  discouraged  the  Company's  shareholders,  '  whoe  cannot 
now  (after  three  yeares)  dispose  of  their  subscriptions  but  at  6  or  8 
per  cent,  losse '  ^  ;  and  the  blame  for  this  state  of  things  was  placed 
largely  upon  the  Madras  factors.  Nevertheless,  the  Company  did 
not  make  any  immediate  change  in  the  administration,  but  ordered 
that 

Mr.  Thomas  Chamber,  if  upon  the  place  at  the  arriveall  hereof 
and  that  then  his  resolution  bee  not  to  retorne  for  England  but 
to  remaine  there  (which  wee  leave  to  his  owne  choice),  shall  bee 
our  Agent,  and  that  Mr.  William  Acourt  shall  be  Second ;  whoe, 
with  the  rest  of  Counsell  joyntly,  wee  doe  apoint  to  carry  on  our 
busines,  both  on  the  Coast  and  Bay,  for  this  next  yeare,  or  untill 
wee  from  hence  shall  give  further  directions.  If  Mr.  Thomas 
Chamber  bee  purposed  to  come  for  England,  wee  doe  then  ordayne 

^  The  difference  between  this  statement  .nnd  that  on  p.  18  may  be  accounted  for  by 
supposing  that  in  the  text  the  loss  is  reckoned  upon  the  nominal  value  of  the  share,  while 
in  the  other  extract  it  is  calculated  on  the  amount  (one-half)  actually  jiaid  up.  This  is 
supported  by  a  passage  quoted  on  a  later  page. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  45 

Mr.  William  Acourt  to  bee  our  Cheifc  till  our  further  order.  Wee 
doe  also  apoint  that  the  Counsell  shall  consist  of  four  persons  upon 
the  place,  with  the  Cheifes  of  the  other  factories  when  present ; 
whoe  shall  joyntly  act  and  manadge  all  our  affaires  and  businesse, 
and  that  all  matters  bee  debated  and  concluded  of  by  consultacion, 
and  not,  as  formerl}^  singly  by  our  Agent  and  such  as  hee  hath 
deputed  ;  which  wee  utterly  dislike  and  will  by  noe  meanes  allow  off 
in  the  future. 

The  Committees  then  alluded  to  their  great  desire  for  cinnamon 
'  of  any  sort ',  and  to  this  end  ordered  the  Agent  to  send  a  fit  person 
to  Ceylon  to  treat  with  the  king  for  the  establishment  of  a  factory 
there.  A  belief  was  expressed  that  the  Dutch  would  not  dare  to 
hinder  this  project,  in  view  of  the  restoration  of  King  Charles, 
whose  protection  was  confidently  expected.  If,  however,  the  Dutch 
should  give  any  trouble,  a  protest  should  be  recorded  against  them, 
and  particulars,  duly  attested,  should  be  sent  home.  The  letter 
then  explained  that  the  amalgamation  of  the  two  Agencies  had 
been  decided  upon  because  of  '  the  discontents  and  animosities ' 
that  had  arisen  between  them  ;  and  expressed  a  hope  that  the 
Agent  and  Council  at  Madras,  having  now 'noe  co-equall,  either 
to  contend  with  or  to  opose  you ',  would  justify  the  confidence 
reposed  in  them.  The  two  junior  members  of  the  Council  were  to 
be  selected  by  Chamber  and  A  Court,  with  the  consent  of  the  Chiefs 
of  the  other  factories.  The  Council  were  to  have  unrestricted  access 
to  all  books  and  papers,  and  all  decisions  were  to  be  taken  by  the 
majority.  In  case  of  the  death  of  a  member,  his  successor  was  to 
be  chosen  by  the  survivors ;  but  every  appointment  to  the  Council 
was  to  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Company.  Two  '  able 
and  discreete  persons '  were  to  be  dispatched  in  the  Coast  Frigate 
to  Masulipatam,  one  of  whom  was  to  proceed  to  Bengal ;  these 
were  to  be  provided  with  suitable  instructions  '  for  the  setling  of 
all  our  aftaires  in  the  severall  factories '.  Power  was  given  to  the 
Agent  and  Council  '  to  dispose  of  our  factors,  in  all  our  factories, 
as  may  most  conduce  to  our  advantage ',  and  to  replace  any  who 
should  prove  refractory,  sending  the  offenders  home.  No  Bengal 
sugar  was  to  be  provided  in  future,  either  for  England  or  Persia. 

Also  now  considering  that  England  may  not  for  the  future  vend 
so  much  saltpeeter  as  it  used  to  doe,  so  that  wee  supose  about  6  or 
800  tonns  anually  from  all  ports  of  India  will  be  suffitient  to  suply 


46  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

our  marketts ;  of  which  wee  judg  wee  must  bee  necessitated  anually 
to  bring  from  Surrat  about  ico  tonns,  for  kintladge  of  those  ships 
which  shall  come  from  thence ;  and  you  haveing  in  your  last 
letters  advised  us  that  quantities  of  that  spetie  may  be  provided  at 
the  Coast,  if  mony  beforehand,  to  be  invested  in  the  proper 
seasons :  wee  doe  rather  desire  that  our  quantitie  may  be  suplyed 
at  the  Coast  then  to  fetch  it  from  the  Bay ;  and  hope  you  will 
procure  it  as  good  and  as  cheape  as  that  from  the  Bay.  But  if  it 
should  come  out  somthing  dearer  in  its  prime  cost  then  that  in 
the  Bay,  yet,  considering  our  keepeing  a  factory  for  it  purposely  at 
Pattana.  and  our  ships  goeing  thither  to  fetch  it,  wee  conceive  it 
will  be  nothing  to  our  disadvantage.  Wee  therefore  desire  you  to 
encourage  the  makeing  of  it  on  the  Coast,  that  at  leastwise  wee 
may  anually  have  150  tonns,  which  may  be  sent  to  the  South 
Seaes  [i.e.  Bantam],  for  kintlage  for  our  ships  which  come  thence  ; 
wee  being  compelled,  for  want  of  kintlage  in  those  parts,  to  bring 
thence  ginger,  sugar,  etc.,  on  which  (all  things  considered)  is  little 
advanced.  And  the  rest  of  the  saltpeeter  which  you  shall  provide 
at  the  Coast  will  serve  to  come  from  thence  to  England. 

After  alluding  (in  a  passage  quoted  later)  to  the  manufacture  of 
taffetas  in  Bengal,  the  Committees  made  complaints  about  defects 
in  those  recently  received,  and  ordered  that  more  care  should  be 
exercised  in  future.  They  transmitted  a  list  of  goods  required, 
together  with  a  pattern  of  fine  '  parcallaes ',  to  show  the  amount  of 
'  stifning '  desired  in  the  cotton  goods,  which  should  all  be  '  well 
whited,  and  a  small  eye  ^  of  blew  infused  into  them '.  Attention 
was  next  directed  to  the  fate  of  the  captives  in  Ceylon  : 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Samuell  Vassall,  John  Morginson,  and  Thomas 
Marsh,  whoe  were  cast  away  in  our  ship  the  Persimi  Merchant  and 
afterward  seized  upon  by  the  Mallabars  at  Zeilon  .  .  .  hath  pro- 
cured an  order  from  His  IMajestie  unto  us  that  speedie  care  bee 
taken  that  the  prenamed  persons  bee  inquired  after  and  freed  from 
their  bondage.  Wee  therefore  require  that  you  carefully,  and  with 
what  expedicion  may  bee,  endeavour  to  comply  with  the  said  order, 
and  procure  the  liberty  and  freedome  of  the  said  persons  ;  and  also 
to  make  inquiry  what  is  become  of  those  ten  men  whome  I\Ir, 
Trevisa  advised  us  left  him  and  intended  to  goe  overland  for 
Collimba  [Colombo],  and  procure  theire  freedome  alsoe  ;  adviseing 
us  by  your  next  what  you  shall  doe  herein.  .  .  . 

The  second  letter  from  the  Company,  dated  6  February,  1661, 

*  A  tinge  (see  the  Oxford  Eng.  Diet.,  s.v.). 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  47 

o-ave  particulars  of  the  cargo  of  the  Coast  Frigate  and  ordered  her 
early  dispatch  to  Bengal.  The  factors  at  Macassar  were  to  be 
supplied  with  '  Steele  in  small  gadds  [i.  e.  bars],  procureable  with 
you '.  Note  was  taken  of  the  suggestion  that  a  present  for  the 
King  of  Golconda  should  be  sent  out  by  the  Company  ;  but  a  desire 
was  expressed  for  information  first '  what  advantage  and  priviledges 
wee  receive  from  or  by  the  said  King '.  A  request  was  then  made 
for  '  any  rarietie  of  birds  or  beasts,  etc'  for  presentation  to  King 
Charles  II.  In  a  previous  letter  (see  p.  399  of  the  last  volume)  the 
Committees  had  refused  to  sanction  the  employment  of  Bearing, 
Noell,  and  Bridges ;  but  the  matter  had  since  been  reconsidered, 
and  they  were  accepted  as  factors,  at  a  salary  of  20/,  per  annum 
each.  A  certain  Peter  Thomas,  understood  to  be  *  in  your  parts ', 
was  also  to  be  employed,  at  a  like  salary.  Each  year  a  list  of 
factors,  &c.,  was  to  be  sent  home.  The  vessels  were  to  be  searched 
for  private  trade,  and  any  such  goods  found  were  to  be  detained 
until  the  owners  paid  the  appointed  mulcts.  Every  effort  was  to  be 
made  to  dispose  of  the  commodities  sent  out.  If  low  prices  would 
ensure  an  increased  trade  in  such  goods,  the  factors  were  authorized 
to  accept  a  very  reasonable  profit  (20  per  cent,  in  the  case  of  broad- 
cloth). Coarse  calicoes  were  to  be  provided  for  the  Far  Eastern 
market.  Although  the  Bengal  factors  were  now  placed  under  the 
Madras  Agent,  this  should  not  prevent  them  from  writing  direct 
to  the  Company  about  matters  of  trade,  as  opportunity  offered. 
Finally,  permission  was  given  to  engage  John  Burnell  as  a  factor, 
should  he  be  thought  qualified  ;  his  salary  would  be  fixed  by  the 
Company  after  receiving  a  report  upon  his  abilities. 

Four  days  after  the  arrival  of  these  two  ships  from  home,  the 
Concord  appeared  from  Gombroon ;  and  she  was  closely  followed 
by  the  Barbadoes  Merchant  from  Bantam,  with  a  cargo  of  5,100/. 
On  15  August  the  Concord  was  dispatched  to  Masulipatam,  carrying 
goods  and  money  for  investment,  and  advices  of  the  instructions 
received  from  the  Company.  Amongst  other  things,  the  Masuli- 
patam factors  were  told  that,  since  no  investment  was  to  be  made 
for  Persia,  the  Petapoli  factory  would  probably  be  of  little  use,  and 
Ambrose  Salisbury  might  therefore,  if  they  pleased,  be  recalled 
from  thence  to  help  them.  From  Masulipatam  the  Concord  and 
the  Royal  James  ajtd  Henry  were  to  sail  in  company  for  Bengal. 


48  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

The  opportunity  was  taken  to  send  a  letter  via  Masulipatam  to  the 
President  and  Council  at  Surat,  acquainting  them  of  the  change  by 
which  the  Bengal  factories  had  been  placed  under  the  Agent  at 
Madras,  and  of  the  state  of  affairs  at  the  latter  place.  Complaint 
was  made  of  the  very  small  returns  received  from  Persia,  and  a  fear 
was  expressed  that  the  end  of  the  season  would  find  the  Madras 
factors  heavily  in  debt.  With  reference  to  the  instructions  con- 
tained in  the  dispatch  just  quoted  to  send  factors  to  make  investiga- 
tions at  Masulipatam  and  Hugli,  Chamber  and  Shingler  said  that 
they  were  shorthanded,  owing  to  the  death  of  A  Court  and 
Symonds,  the  detention  of  Rushworth  in  Persia,  and  the  sickness 
of  Shingler,  Charlton,  and  Noell  ;  but,  on  the  arrival  of  the  Truro, 
if  some  one  could  possibly  be  spared,  he  should  be  sent  to  l^engal 
to  inquire  into  the  state  of  affairs  there. 

But  if  it  be  true  (as  wee  heare)  that  Mr.  Jonathan  Trevisa  hath 
not  yet  sent  the  Company  any  accompts  since  the  entring  into  his 
charge,  nor  is  able  to  render  an  accompt  of  the  Companies  cash 
and  goods  (which  it  scemes  he  hath  kept  alwayes  in  his  owne 
custody),  wee  purpose  then  to  remannd  him  to  Fort  St.  George, 
with  Mr.  Thomas  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Ion  Kenn,  or  at  least  one  of 
them,  to  advise  us  of  all  passages  ;  for  otherwise  'twilbee  a  thing 
impossible  to  have  things  remidied.  As  }'et  wee  know  not  what 
remedy  you  have  given  them  ;  but  wee  hold  it  very  expedient  that 
Mr.  Jonathan  Trevisa  doth  not  take  charge,  neither  of  moneys  nor 
godownes,  till  wee  understand  better  of  his  proceedings.  There- 
fore have  made  this  yeares  consignement  expressly  to  him  and 
Mr.  Thomas  Hopkins  etc.  factors. 

Chamber  was  evidently  uneasy  about  the  Company's  intention  to 
hold  him  partly  responsible  for  the  seizure  of  Mir  Jumla's  junk,  for 
the  letter  continues : 

Wee  shall  further  implore  you  that  you  would  certify  us  how  you 
have  proceeded  about  getting  the  Nabobs  junke  from  Keddah,  and 
what  effects  is  there  found  of  Mr.  Winters ;  for  there  be  them  that 
will  now  seeme  to  taske  Mr.  Thomas  Chamber  to  be  partaker  of 
that  action,  which  was  singly  done  by  Agent  Henry  Greenhill,  who 
had  provoakement  enough  from  the  Nabobs  ministers  in  these 
parts,  as  you  have  often  heard.  The  matter  was  done  by  the 
deceaseds  absolute  comaund,  without  the  least  consultacion  or 
advice  taken  with  said  Chamber.  W^ee  have  had  in  the  Companies 
stocke  of  Agent  Greenhills  ever  since  his  decease  .  .  .  more  then 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  49 

8,000  pagodas,  which  is  worth  twice  as  much  as  his  juncke,  though 
'twere  never  returned. 

The  President  and  Council  were  earnestly  begged  to  settle  the 
difference  with  Mir  Jumla  in  a  satisfactory  manner ;  in  which  case 
'  wee  shall  alwayes  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  much  obliged  unto 
you '. 

On  24  August  the  Coast  Frigate  sailed  from  Madras  for  Masuli- 
patam  with  goods  and  treasure.  After  landing  these,  she  was  to  pro- 
ceed to  Bengal  to  take  in  cargo  for  England.  The  Discovery  followed 
her  to  Masulipatam  on  9  September,  with  orders  to  return  speedily, 
bringing  the  calicoes  provided  in  those  parts  for  Bantam.  A  week 
later  the  Barbadoes  Merchant  departed  for  the  same  destination, 
having  on  board  Thomas  Shingler,  James  Noell,  and  Peter  Thomas. 
The  two  last-named  were  to  remain  in  those  parts  as  factors,  but 
Shingler's  was  a  temporary  mission  (carrying  out  the  Company's 
orders  already  noted)  to  look  into  the  state  of  affairs  at  Masuli- 
patam, the  Chief  of  which  (Johnson)  had  long  been  ill.  Shingler 
performed  his  task  in  about  a  month's  time  and  returned  to  Madras 
in  the  same  vessel. 

On  22  September  the  Truro  arrived  at  Fort  St.  George  from 
Bantam,  bringing  only  a  small  quantity  of  pepper  and  three  factors 
belonging  to  the  Coast  establishment,  viz.  Ralph  Coningsby,  Robert 
Bearing,  and  John  Sledd.  As  it  was  too  late  for  her  to  proceed  to 
Bengal,  and  the  Agent  and  Council  had  more  ships  to  lade  for 
England  than  goods  to  send  in  them,  it  was  decided  to  send  the 
Truro  to  Masulipatam,  carrying  Coningsby  and  Sledd  to  reinforce 
the  staff  of  factors,  and  thence  to  dispatch  her  to  Surat,  on  the 
chance  that  a  cargo  for  home  could  be  provided  for  her  there. 
This  action,  as  we  have  seen  in  a  previous  chapter,  much  exas- 
perated the  President  and  Council ;  but  it  was  not  altogether 
unreasonable,  seeing  that  the  Company's  servants  were  bound  by 
charter-party  to  send  the  vessel  home  that  season,  that  the  Coast 
had  three  ships  to  lade  for  England  while  Surat  was  believed  to  be 
short  of  shipping,  and  that  the  Presidency  was  considerably  in  debt 
to  the  Coast  Agency. 

On  her  way  from  Masulipatam  to  Surat,  the  Truro  called  at 
Madras.     Chamber  took  the  opportunity  of  sending  a  letter  to  the 

3597  .  E 


50  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

President,  dated  19  October,  1661,  which  contained  some  passages 
of  interest : 

Wee  have  not  had  a  general!  from  Mr.  Trevisa  etc.  nigh  this 
12  monethes.  .  .  .  The  An7ie  (or  Hope)  was  dispeeded  from  thence 
[Achin]  the  16  July  last,  and  the  15  October  was  not  arrived  at 
Metchlepatam.  What  is  become  of  her,  God  AUmighty  only 
knowes.  .  .  .  You  tell  us  now  that  the  factories  in  and  about 
Metchlepatam  are  immediately  subordinate  unto  us  (which  wee 
knowe),  as  likewise  those  in  Bay  Bengala,  which  makes  in  us  an 
addition  only  of  care  and  sorrow.  Notwithstanding,  wee  shall 
allwayes  direct  them  to  observe  what  you  shall  enjoyne  them  to  bee 
acted  for  our  masters  benefitt.  And  one  thing  is  that  of  expulsing 
interloopers  in  and  about  those  factories ;  and  if  they  are  not  of 
power  to  doe  it,  if  you  command  us,  wee  will  goe  downe  our  selves 
to  see  it  performed,  though  twill  bee  chargeable  to  our  employers 
in  piscashes  as  will  bee  expected  to  bee  given  to  severall  great  men, 
as  is  accustomary.  Wee  are  much  aggrieved  to  heare  how  you  are 
abused  by  the  Surat  Governour,  and  that  hee  hath  confined  you 
prisoners  to  the  Companies  howse.  If  this  bee  indured  by  these 
governours,  they  will  presume  further ;  and  wee  have  the  like  com- 
plaint to  present  concerning  Xaigee  ^  (whoe  is  father  to  him  that  is 
the  Visapore  [Bijapur]  generall  and  hath  Mr.  Revington  in  durance)  ; 
for  hee  came  in  July  last  to  Porta  Nova  and  robbed  and  pillaged 
the  towne  ;  whereof  the  Companies  merchants  were  the  greatest 
loosers,  having  taken  from  them  in  ellephants,  callicoes,  broad  cloth, 
copper,  benjamen  [benzoin],  etc.  goodes  to  the  value  of  30,000 
pardawes,  and  are  utterly  unable  to  pay  the  Company  their  remaynes 
in  their  hands,  being  about  4,000  pa[godas],  unlesse  our  masters 
will  licence  us  to  vindicate  them  by  their  shipping  at  sea,  for  this 
Xaigee  hath  now  Porta  Nova  in  possession.  And  shall  expect  your 
advice  how  you  will  direct  us  for  the  vindicating  of  our  masters  in 
this  businesse  and  their  merchants.  These  hapning  but  two  dayes 
before  the  arriveall  of  Capt.  Kilvert  in  the  Concord  in  that  port ; 
whome  wee  had  appoynted  to  take  in  those  effects,  but  instead  of 
goodes  brought  us  these  sad  tidings.  .  .  . 

About  20  November  the  Discovery  left  Fort  St.  George  for 
Bantam.  A  letter  she  carried  to  the  Agent  there  is  chiefly 
occupied  with  commercial  details,  but  the  following  passages  may 
be  quoted : 

By  the  Berbadoes  Merchant  wee  sent  you  seven  slaves,  and  doe 

^  Shahji,  the  father  of  Sivaji.  His  depredations  in  the  Camatic,  nominally  on  behalf  of 
the  King  of  Bijapur,  have  been  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  volume. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  51 

now,  by  order  from  the  Honourable  Company,  send  more  ten 
coffrees,^  men  and  woemen,  that  they  appoynted  to  come  from 
Guiney  on  XheRojall James  and  Henry,  to  bee  transported  from  hence 
to  you  for  service  in  the  isle  of  Pollaroone.  And  wee  have  added 
more  to  them  thirteen  slaves  of  these  natives,  understanding  you 
want  such  people  for  servile  offices  in  the  factoryes  subordinate 
to  your  Agency.  .  .  .  Wee  have  sent  Mr.  Robert  Bering  on  this 
shipp  .  .  .  whome  you  may  have  occasion  to  employ  in  Japarra  or 
Maccasser.  .  .  .  Likewise  there  is  one  Samuell  Hanmer,  whome  the 
Company  hath  appoynted,  with  some  other  English,  to  goe  uppon 
the  shipp  for  Pollaroone.  This  Hanmer  hath  had  employement 
from  us  in  Porta  Nova  and  Pullecherry,  in  imbaling  our  goodes  and 
looking  to  our  washers,  till  the  places  were  destroyed  by  the  Viza- 
pore's  army.  .  .  .  With  this  same  Hanmer  there  goeth  six  English 
[soldiers]  .  .  .  for  supply  of  Pollaroone,  being  all  that  wee  can 
spare.  .  .  .  These  men  are  all  payd  their  full  salary  to  the  end  of 
December ;  our  custome  here  being  to  allowe  our  English  souldiers 
four  rials  of  eight  ^  per  moneth  for  their  dyett  and  all  wages  dew  to 
them.  ...  As  for  such  South  Sea  goodes  here  requested  .  .  .  there  is 
nothing  wee  can  say  is  staple,  except  it  bee  copper  and  tuttanague  ^ 
.  .  .  but  for  gold,  it  never  failes ;  but  silver  is  att  such  a  lowe  ebb 
that  19  rialls,  Mexicoe  or  Sevill,  will  but  make  10  pagodas  ;  which  is 
a  farr  greater  difference  betwixt  the  proporcion  of  silver  and  gold 
then  was  when  Capt.  Hunter*  lived  on  this  coast. 

The  first  vessel  to  leave  for  England  at  the  end  of  the  season  was 
the  Barbadoes  Merchant,  which  sailed  on  28  November,  with  a  long 
letter  from  Chamber  and  Shingler  to  the  Company  of  that  date. 
In  this,  after  an  account  of  shipping  arrived  and  departed,  an  answer 
was  given  to  the  letters  received  during  the  year  from  home.  It 
was  declared  that  there  was  now  no  reason  for  ships  to  call  at  Porto 
Novo,  since  '  the  towne  is  wholly  destroyed  and  the  merchants 
totally  ruined  by  Xagee,  the  Visapore  King's  generall '.  That  the 
Company's  money  had  been  wasted  in  buying  vessels  and  in  erecting 
buildings  was  strenuously  denied.  The  Mtcskat  Frigate  was  bought 
from  Winter  by  the  order  of  the  Surat  President;  and  ihQ  Little 

^  African  negroes.  The  term  was  adopted  by  the  Portuguese  from  the  Arabic  kofra, 
pi.  of  kd/ir,  '  an  unbeliever ',  and  was  the  original  of  our  word  Caffre. 

^  Represented  in  the  MS.  by  a  conventional  sign. 

'■'  Sometimes  used  for  a  Chinese  alloy  of  copper,  zinc,  and  nickel,  and  sometimes  for 
either  zinc  or  pewter. 

■*  The  new  Agent  at  Bantam.  He  was  on  the  Coromandel  Coast  between  1624  and 
1633- 

E    2 


5a  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

George^  purchased  from  Winter's  '  procurators  ',  had  ah-eady  earned 

twice  her  cost. 

For  what  wee  have  layd  out  in  making  goedownes  and  finishing 
outworkes  about  the  Christian  towne,  wee  knowe  there  is  none  that 
shall  surveigh  the  worke  but  will  count  it  a  necessary  expence,  now 
you  having  greater  occasions  then  in  praeceding  yeares  for  ware- 
howses  to  stowe  your  goodes  ;  greate  part  thereof  being  layed  out 
in  Agent  Greenhill's  lifetime ;  the  rest  of  the  charges  will  appeare 
when  the  point  by  the  river  side  is  finished.^ 

Out  of  the  supplies  sent  to  the  Coast,  considerable  consignments 
had  been  made  to  Bantam,  Persia,  and  Surat,  and  the  returns  were 
still  outstanding.  As  for  the  expenses  of  the  Agency  being  defrayed 
from  the  proceeds  of  the  commodities  received  from  England,  this 
could  hardly  be  the  case  if  the  cost  of  the  Fort  St.  George  garrison 
were  included  ;  for  the  remaining  outlay,  '  it  might  be  donne  in 
some  yeares  ',  especially  if  more  discrimination  were  used  in  the 
goods  sent  out.  The  homeward  bound  ships  arrived  from  Bengal 
so  late  that  there  was  no  time  to  search  them  thoroughly  for  private 
trade.  With  regard  to  the  Nawab's  junk,  she  was  believed  to  be 
still  at  Queda  ;  but  the  Surat  Council  had  undertaken  to  settle  that 
business.  Chamber  denied  responsibility  for  her  seizure,  and 
begged  the  Company  to  suspend  judgement  until  his  return.  Betts 
and  Harvey  would  be  released  and  sent  home,  as  ordered,  though 
'  your  Fort  is  but  weakely  manned  ;  and  this  is  a  time  not  to  bee 
unprovided,  when  wee  have  noe  lesse  then  five  or  six  armies  within 
the  compasse  of  100  miles  about  us'.  The  measures  taken  regarding 
the  Bengal  factories  were  then  detailed,  and  assurances  were  given 
that  an  effort  would  be  made  to  improve  the  manufacture  of  calicoes 
upon  the  Coast. 

Your  Worships  doe  seeme  to  propound  whither  Fort  St.  George 
or  some  other  place  might  bee  the  fittingest  to  make  the  cheife 
residency  on  this  coast.  .  .  .  The  worst  inconvenience  of  trade 
here  is  at  some  time  of  fowle  weather,  insomuch  that  wee  can- 
nott  send  boates  off  now  and  then  in  7  or  8  dayes  togeather.  .  .  . 
All  that  wee  shall  say  is  that  when  Metchlepatam  was  in  its 
greatest   flourishing  condicion  and   your  towne  here  nothing  but 

*  '  This  Point  or  Bastion  was  almost  certainly  the  one  marking  the  north-west  angle  of 
the  town,  and  it  is  considered  to  be  identical  with  the  work  which,  ten  years  later,  was 
designated  "  Sir  Thomas  Chambers  point"  '  (Love's  Vestiges  of  Old  Madras,  vol.  i.  p.  206). 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  53 

a  heape  of  sand,  that  place  was  not  thought  fitt  for  the  Agency. 
Having  then  such  large  priviledges  grauntcd  by  the  Gentue 
Nague,  then  Governour  of  this  countrey,  which  have  bin  con- 
firmed by  the  Gentue  King,  Nabob,  and  all  Vice-Roys  since,  it 
is  soone  answered  whither  'twere  better  to  make  a  place  anew  or 
continue  in  that  you  have  allready  made  ;  for  to  have  a  towne  with 
fortifications  as  this  is,  in  any  of  the  King  of  Golconda's  dominions, 
if  'twere  now  to  doe,  it  would  not  bee  money  that  could  purchase 
it ;  and  for  to  have  any  fortification  allready  built  to  your  hands, 
unlesse  St.  Thoma  and  Trincombarr  [Tranquebar],  there  's  none. .  .  . 
And  for  St.  Thoma,  the  Dutch  have  bin  endeavouring  to  gripe  it  into 
their  hands,  if  the  King  of  Golconda  would  consent  unto  it ;  having 
att  severall  times  piscashed  him  with  large  presents  that  hee  would 
stand  newter.^  But  a  place  of  that  circuite  as  is  St.  Thoma  cannott 
bee  sufficiently  guarded  without  five  times  the  number  of  souldyers 
as  are  enterteyned  in  your  Fort  St.  George.  For  the  scituation  of 
either,  there  cannott  bee  much  difference,  being  but  two  miles 
asunder.  As  for  the  Dutch,  they,  it  seemes,  have  found  their  castle 
of  Pollicat,  but  nine  leagues  from  us,  to  bee  the  place  most  proper 
and  commodious  for  the  cheife  residency  of  their  affaires,  for  that 
governour's  jurisdiction  reacheth  from  Japhnagapatam  ^  to  Bay 
Bengali  it  selfe. 

With  regard  to  the  proposed  settlement  in  Ceylon  : 
The  bad  tidings  related  you  of  the  interception  of  the  Aime  or 
Hope's  men  at  Cottiarro  will  bee  some  discouragement  for  setling 
a  factory  in  any  part  of  Zeiloan  ;  for  nothing  can  bee  there  under- 
taken without  a  fortification  and  souldyers  kept  continually  in 
guerrison.  And  in  that  place  wee  acquaynted  you  in  our  last  that 
the  Dutch  began  to  fortify;  but  have  understood  of  late  that  they 
have  deserted  it.  And  this  is  the  place,  as  wee  have  said,  where 
the  Aline  lost  her  menn;  but  whither  trade  bee  there  to  bee  had, 
wee  cannott  say.  For  the  Dutch,  though  they  have  many  fortifica- 
tions on  Zeiloan,  can  gett  but  small  quantitys  of  cinamon,  for  it 
never  bore  the  like  price  in  India  as  it  doth  now.  But  for  a  place 
for  riding  of  shipps  and  comeing  on  shoare,  neither  the  Dutch  nor 
Portugalls  have  the  like  in  India  as  is  Cuttiarro  ^ ;  and  [wee]  beleive 
some  at  home  allready  have  related  unto  you  soe  much.  If  not, 
Capt.  Charles  Wylde,  in  the  Berbadoes  Merchant,  can  sufficiently 
informe  you  of  the  place  and  the  commodiousnesse  of  the  harbour, 
being  there  in  the  Sea  Floiver,  with  Mr.  Marmaduke  Grimstone,  15 

1  See  Hague  Transcripts  (at  I.O.),  ser.  i.  vol.  xxiv.  nos.  667-9,  vol.  xxv.  no,  670;  also 
Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1661,  pp.  400,  402. 
^  Jafnapatam,  in  Ceylon. 
3  koltiar  (now  Trinkomali)  Bay.     For  Wylde's  visit,  see  the  preceding  volume,  p.  395. 


54  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

yeares  agonne.  But  'tis  a  question,  though  it  should  bee  fortifyed, 
whither  any  trade  of  cinnamon  could  bee  procured  to  countervaile 
the  charge  ;  but  you  need  not  question  but  'twill  bee  an  unparalelled 
place  for  the  receptacle  of  goodes  and  rendezvous  of  shipping.  To 
gett  the  liberty  of  Mr.  Vassall  and  the  other  English  that  were 
surprized  of  the  Persia  MercliaJits  and  Aimes  menn,  there  can  bee 
noe  other  course  taken  then  to  lye  before  that  port  with  a  couple  of 
vessells,  though  but  of  30  tuns  and  four  gunns  a  peece ;  and  then 
the  King  would  understand  that  the  port  was  blockt  up,  and  prob- 
ably would  come  to  some  conclusion  about  the  goodes  likewise 
that  hee  hath  stopped  of  the  Anne  Frigott  for  the  money  lent  out 
on  respondentia  ;  and  all  the  goodes  the  freighters  laded  on  her  is 
all  seized  on,  and  the  freight  not  yet  recovered  a  penny.  And  in 
these  contingencyes  the  peoples  eyes  are  only  uppon  Your  Worships, 
and  to  have  a  couple  of  small  ketches  or  hoyes  come  out  in  quarters 
in  a  shipps  hold,  and  men  shipt  out  to  mann  them  ;  and  then  noe 
doubt  but  all  would  bee  recovered.  Wee  meane  as  well  the  goodes 
that  are  imbargued,  as  the  persons  of  our  countrey  men  that  are 
made  prisoners. 

The  home  authorities  were  then  assured  that  all  accounts  and 
correspondence  were  '  allwayes  in  the  office  for  each  factor  in  the 
Fort  to  take  cognizance  of  at  their  pleasure '.  The  administrative 
changes  ordered  were  noted.  Since  A  Court  was  dead,  William 
Johnson  would  be  called  shortly  to  head-quarters  to  confer  about 
the  choice  of  fresh  members  of  the  Council. 

When  Your  Worships  were  wrote  unto  two  yeares  agone  about 
provision  of  a  faire  present  for  the  King  of  Golconda,  it  was  at  the 
motion  of  our  freinds  that  were  principalis  of  Verash'roone  and 
Pettepolee ;  being  incited  thereunto  at  their  first  comeing  by  some 
people  that  had  relacion  to  some  of  the  King's  officers.  But  since 
wee  heare  that  there  hath  bin  a  large  present  given  to  the  King's 
Bramony  by  Mr,  Johnson  etc.  in  Metchlepatam  of  pagodas  old 
386.  5. 4.  For  it  is  not  only  the  present  that  is  to  bee  looked  uppon, 
but  the  manner  of  its  presentacion  ;  which  must  bee  by  the  princi- 
pall  servants  on  the  Coast,  attended  on  by  a  large  traine,  which  will 
bee  as  expensive  as  the  present  it  selfe.  But  when  Pollaroone  is 
brought  to  perfection,^  it  cannott  bee  avoyded.  But  His  Majestic 
is  indifferently  well  satisfyed,  haveing  furnished  him  with  the 
granadoes  (as  wee  advised)  and  severall  greate  gunns  in  time  of 
open  trade  ;  which  though  hee  paid  for,  hee  takes  as  kindly  as  if 
part  of  them  were  given  him.  In  the  interim,  if  you  shall  please  to 
send  us  four  or  six  culvering  iron  (of  the  old  mettall)  and  two  of 

'  When  a  supply  of  spices  would  be  available  for  presentation. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  t66i  ^^ 

brasse  of  the  largest  length,  wee  have  occasion  at  present  to  use 
them  about  the  outmost  points  of  the  towne.  And  if  need  bee  that 
the  King  must  bee  presented  before  your  said  island  becomes 
fruitfull,  one  or  two  of  these  gunns  at  most  will  bee  sufficiently 
satisfactory,  without  removeing  further.  Neither  need  wee  feare  to 
furnish  him  with  any  of  this  sort  of  ammunition  as  against  our 
selves  ;  for  when  they  are  once  gonne,  they  will  bee  carried  away 
farr  enough  for  ever  returning  againe.  The  priviledges  that  you 
enjoy  from  the  King  of  Golconda  are  noe  other  in  these  parts  (as 
wee  have  said)  then  was  at  the  first  building  of  your  fort  and 
towne ;  which  is,  that  you  have  such  a  circuite  belonging  to  the 
towne  of  Madraspatam,  and  the  inhabitants  to  bee  counted  as  your 
subjects,  and  the  justice  to  bee  executed  by  you ;  only,  one  halfe 
of  the  customes  to  bee  paid  to  the  Diwan,  [by]  which  is  meant  the 
King's  Vice  Roy  or  cheife  governour  of  the  countrey.  But  your 
priviledges  in  Metchlepatam  are  of  a  larger  extent ;  for  there,  by 
His  Majesties  cowle,  you  pay  noe  customes  in  any  of  his  territories 
called  his  Antient  Patrimoney  (for  these  parts  goe  by  the  name  of 
his  New  Conquests).  .  .  . 

The  dispatch  of  the  Truro  to  Surat  was  next  related  ;  and  par- 
ticulars were  given  of  the  cargo  of  the  Discovery,  sent  to  Bantam. 
No  freight  goods  had  been  accepted  for  the  latter,  in  obedience  to 
the  Company's  order. 

This  hath  bin  a  very  unhealthfull  yeare  on  Coast  Chormandell ; 
for  .  .  .  wee  have  not  only  lost  Mr.  William  a  Court  (in  whose  place 
Mr.  Thomas  Shingler  is  constituted  Accomptant  Gennerall  by  the 
Praesident  and  Councill  of  Surat),  but  alsoe  in  Metchlepatam  and 
Verashroone  Mr.  William  Daniell,  Cheife  in  the  latter  factory,  and 
Mr.  Thomas  Symonds,  that  was  appoynted  to  keepe  the  accompts 
in  the  roome  of  Mr.  Ellis,  have  breathed  their  lasts,  the  first  the 
beginning  of  September,  and  the  other  about  a  moneth  before. 

The  shortage  of  assistants  in  those  parts  and  the  illness  of 
Johnson  led  the  Agent  to  dispatch  thither  Shingler  and  Noell,  the 
former  of  whom  had  since  returned  to  Madras.  The  factors  whose 
engagement  has  been  sanctioned  have  been  employed  accordingly, 
except  John  Burnell,  who  refused  to  sign  indentures  'for  any  sett 
time '.  The  Winter  Frigate,  which  the  Company  ordered  to  be 
sold,  had  been  directed  from  Surat  to  proceed  on  a  voyage  to 
Achin.  She  had  been  refitted  at  Narsapur,  and  recently  made  for 
Madras,  but  was  driven  by  bad  weather  into  Porto  Novo. 

Finally,  the  letter  recounted  what  had  been  done  to  meet  the 


^6  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

Company's  wishes  for  contributions  to  King  Charles's  collection  of 
strange  animals : 

Wee  have  sent  downe  both  to  Metchlepatam  and  Bay  Bengala,^ 
desiring  our  freinds  in  both  places  to  lay  out  for  what  rareities  of 
beasts,  fowle,  etc.  procureable.  Wee  have  putt  aboard  here  two 
greate  and  one  small  antelops,  two  pellicans,  and  two  noorees  ^  or 
Maccasser  parrots  ;  wishing  they  may  live  home,  and  in  such  a  case, 
that  Your  Worships  may  make  of  them  a  royall  present  to  the 
King's  Majestie. 

The  Coast  Frigate  reached  Madras  from  Balasore  on  5  January, 
1662,  bringing  William  Gifford,  who  had  returned  from  Achin  in 
the  Hope,  and  who  now  resumed  his  post  on  the  Council.  Eleven 
days  later  that  ship  was  dispatched  to  England,  with  a  letter  to 
the  Company  dated  15  January.  This  announced  the  safety  of  the 
Hope  (formerly  the  Anne),  which  after  a  long  voyage  had  been 
driven  by  fierce  winds  into  Balasore.  She  brought  only  two  ele- 
phants, one  of  which  died  before  it  could  be  landed,  while  '  for  the 
other  was  paid  600  rupees  for  her  head '.  The  Bengal  factors 
intended,  it  was  understood,  to  send  the  vessel 

To  the  Maldivas  to  fetch  cowrees,  and  with  some  probability  like- 
wise to  gaine  some  part  or  all  the  treasure  that  was  lost  in  the 
Persia  MerchaJit ;  for  there  hath  bin  some  passengers  come  into 
the  Bay  that  have  averred  that  they  saw  some  chists  with  Your 
Worships  marke  in  the  Kings  custody,  and  that  hee  kept  it  till 
some  should  come  to  demand  it.  Soe  Mr.  Henry  Aldsworth  was 
appointed  to  goe  factor  on  the  ship  in  prosecution  hereof 

The  Hope' s  voyage  to  Achin  had  been  a  failure,  for  the  markets 
there  were  so  '  clogged  '  that  goods  fetched  less  than  cost  price.  It 
was  well  that  the  ship  had  not  been  sent  home,  as  she  proved  so 
leaky  that  she  had  sometimes  four  feet  of  water  in  her  hold.  The 
Winter  Frigate  was  still  at  Porto  Novo,  and  needed  further  repairs. 
Already  her  '  trimming '  had  cost  as  much  as  would  have  sufficed 
to  buy  a  vessel  at  home  of  double  her  burden ;  and  probably  the 
best  course  would  be  to  break  her  up.  The  Concord  had  reached 
Masulipatam  from  Bengal  so  late  that  orders  had  been  sent  to  the 
factors  there  to  dispatch  her  direct  to   England  from  that  port. 

'  In  a  letter  of  24  August,  1661,  which  suggested  that  '  nothing  may  take  better  then 
a  rhinoceros  or  some  spotted  deere,  if  may  be  easily  procured '. 
2  Malay  niiri,  a  parrot. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  57 

Kilvert,  her  commander,  died  at  Balasore,^  and  Ralph  Hodgkins 
succeeded  to  his  post.  The  Royal  James  and  Henry  had  not  yet 
returned  to  Madras,  and  would  probably  make  a  voyage  to  Persia, 
for  want  of  sufficient  cargo  to  take  home. 

To  make  an  investment  in  peetre  att  Metchlepatam  is  alltogeather 
frustrated  by  the  late  famine,  that  hath  undone  all  the  poore  worke- 
men.  Besides,  the  President  etc.  hath  absolutely  forbidden  any 
thinge  to  bee  layd  out  in  that  commodity,  sayeing  that  the  Bay  is 
the  onely  place  that  you  require  the  procury  thereof. 

Hopkins,  Rogers,  and  Chamberlain  had  died  in  Bengal,  and 
Coningsby  at  Masulipatam.  William  Bradford  had  accordingly 
been  taken  into  the  service,  after  having  served  more  than  ten 
years  without  wages.  Vacancies  would  be  filled  after  the  arrival 
of  Johnson,  who  had  been  summoned  to  Madras.  All  the  goods 
received  from  England  had  been  sold,  but  the  broadcloth  did  not 
realize  more  than  20  per  cent,  advance.  Less  should  be  sent  in 
future  of  this  commodity,  for  the  country  had  been  glutted  with  it 
'  since  the  time  of  open  trade '.  Rigging  and  other  ships'  stores 
were  much  needed.  Outstanding  debts  were  very  heavy,  but  some 
recoveries  were  hoped  for. 

The  Royal  James  and  Henry  anchored  at  ^Madras  from  Balasore 
on  22  January,  1662,  and  three  days  later  was  dispatched  to  Gom- 
broon, with  a  letter  to  the  factors  begging  them  to  remit  the  money 
they  owed  to  Fort  St.  George,  and  also  to  send  a  supply  of  young 
horses,  as  '  wee  have  promised  our  Great  Governour  some '.  The 
return  of  Rushworth  was  also  desired.  A  quantity  of  gumlac  was 
on  board,  belonging  to  Mir  Jumla  ;  in  view  of  his  power  in  Bengal, 
the  Company's  dues  on  that  parcel  should  be  remitted. 

The  Concord  reached  Fort  St.  George  on  24  January,  and  after 
six  days'  delay  resumed  her  voyage  to  England.  She  took  with 
her  a  letter  from  Chamber  and  his  Council,  dated  29  January,  1663, 
which  contained  little  beyond  a  disquisition  on  the  state  of  affairs 
in  Bengal,  and  an  answer  to  the  complaints  made  from  Surat 
concerning  the  dispatch  of  the  Truro  to  that  port. 

Allusion  has  already  been  made  to  the  agitation,  for  which  the 

^  On  26  September,  1661,  according  to  Hodgkins's  log  {^Marine  Records,  no.  Ixviii), 
which  begins  at  the  departure  of  the  ship  from  Balasore  on  2 1  December. 


58  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661 

Rev.  William  Isaacson  was  largely  responsible,  against  the  French 
padres  at  Madras.  On  his  arrival  in  England  in  the  autumn  of 
1661,  Isaacson  brought  the  matter  before  the  Court  of  Committees, 
at  whose  instance  he  submitted  also  a  list  of  other  abuses  at  Fort 
St.  George.^  This  is  of  sufficient  interest  to  warrant  a  lengthy- 
quotation. 

The  maine  inconveniencie  I  have  observ'd  hath  bin  the  want  of 
a  good  and  knowing  Councell  to  assist  the  Agent :  such  a  Councell 
as  will  not,  for  any  by-respects  on  the  one  side  or  feare  on  the 
other,  relinquish  their  free  vote  in  any  thing  that  shall  conceme  the 
Honourable  Company.  On  this  depends  the  whole  management 
of  Your  Worships  affaires  in  those  parts ;  the  want  of  which  hath 
bin  of  late  a  great  obstruction  to  the  good  government  of  Your 
Worships  towne,  whilst  onely  the  Agent  and  Timana-  (a  blacke 
servant)  are  privy  to  all  passages,  and  those  that  were  appointed  by 
the  Honourable  Company  to  be  of  the  Councell  shold  never  be 
calld  to  advise  with  them.  This  complaint  I  have  heard  severall 
times  from  some  of  the  Councell.  In  the  second  place,  whereas 
Your  Worships  desire  is  that  the  inhabitants  of  your  towne,  as 
painters,  weavers,  etc.,  shold  be  encouraged  by  a  good  treatment  of 
them,  they  have  on  the  contrary  bin  much  discouraged  by  the 
enhanceing  the  price  of  rice  ;  which  is  occasioned  by  the  engrossing 
all  into  the  hands  of  one  man  (its  easily  imagined  whose) ;  which  is 
no  better  then  a  monopoly  of  his  owne  raysing,  and  by  this  meanes 
makes  a  famine  where  God  sends  none.  So  that  the  painters  and 
weavers  are  forc't  to  sett  a  higher  value  upon  their  worke  and  cloth, 
and  consequently  the  Honourable  Company  must  needes  feele  it. 
But  into  whose  purse  the  gaines  of  all  this  goes  may  easily  be  con- 
jectured. Another  inconveniency  which  I  have  observ'd  is  the 
unkind  usage  of  those  that  wold  willingly  furnish  the  towne  with 
rice  and  other  privisions,  so  they  might  have  free  liberty  to  sell 
their  goods  publikely,  after  discharging  the  usuall  custome ;  which 
of  late  hath  not  bin  granted,  and  I  have  had  severall  complaints 
from  honest  men  about  it ;  which  discourages  them  from  bringing 
rice  and  other  provisions  to  our  port,  and  forces  them  to  cary  it 
to  other  places  where  they  may  have  more  freedome. 

Attention  is  next  drawn  to  the  practice,  when  ships  are  dispatched 

^  This  document,  which  is  undated  and  unsigned,  but  is  in  Isaacson's  handwriting,  now 
fonns  O.C.  2856  a.     It  has  been  printed  in  full  in  Love's  Vestiges  (vol.  i.  p.  179). 

*  Beri  Timmanna  had  been  the  chief  native  assistant  from  an  early  date.  An  account 
of  bis  services,  written  by  a  descendant,  has  been  printed  in  the  appendix  to  Selections 
from  the  Records  of  the  South  Arcot  District,  no.  2. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1661  59 

to  Macassar,  of  sending  little  stock  on  account  of  the  Company,  but 
mainly  goods  belonging  to  private  persons  (on  freight  terms). 

But  when  men  that  are  intrusted  by  their  masters  shall,  in  the 
names  of  great  men,  Moores  of  the  countrey  (pretending  that  they 
have  done  great  courtesies  to  the  Honourable  Company,  and  there- 
fore cannot  take  fraight  for  their  goods)  shall  send  40  or  50  bales 
of  goods  for  their  owne  proper  accompt  under  this  notion,  and  so 
cheate  the  Honourable  Company,  I  leave  it  to  Your  Worships 
considerations  to  judge  whither  these  men  are  to  be  trusted 
any  longer. 

Another  '  inconveniencie '  which  Isaacson  found  •  very  pre- 
posterous '  was : 

That  the  Honourable  Company  shold  want  [i.e.  lack]  a  church 
for  the  service  of  God  in  their  owne  towne,  when  the  Romane 
Catholiques  have  one  that  stands  in  the  heart  of  the  towne  ;  where 
they  have  likewise  a  churchyard  to  bury  their  dead,  whilst  wee  are 
forc't  to  cary  our  dead  corpses  out  of  the  towne.  Besides,  there 
are  so  many  of  their  pittifull  Christians  dye  of  fowle  diseases,  that 
in  time  of  the  heates  it  is  enough  to  breed  infection.  I  am  certaine 
the  sentt  is  very  noysome  to  them  that  live  neere  the  burying  place. 
I  have  spoken  sufficiently  of  the  two  French  padres  insolencyes 
in  another  writing ;  therefore  shall  not  farther  enlarge  upon  that 
subject.  There  is  one  thing  more  which  I  shall  propose  to  Your 
Worships  considerations^  which  in  my  opinion  seemes  somewhat 
incongruous  to  the  good  government  of  the  soldiers  in  the  Honour- 
able Companyes  fort,  vizt.  that  foure  of  the  cheife  officers  belonging 
to  the  garison  shold  be  suffered  to  keepe  punch  houses ;  for  by  this 
meanes  they  that  shold  see  good  order  kept  amongst  the  soldiers 
doe  for  their  owne  benefitt  occasion  the  greatest  disorder.  I  hope 
I  shall  not  need  to  putt  Your  Worships  in  mind  of  sending  over 
not  onely  an  able  minister,  but  a  schoole  master  likewise,  for  the 
education  of  young  children.  They  are  both  so  necessary  that 
the  place  cannot  well  subsist  without  them.  If  no  minister,  then  the 
French  padres  will  have  the  more  advantage  over  our  Christians, 
if  they  are  suffi^red  to  remaine  in  Your  Worships  towne.  If  you 
please  to  send  a  schoole  master,  many  of  those  that  now  have  their 
education  under  the  French  padres  wilbe  brought  to  the  English 
schoole. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Isaacson's  unfavourable  report  of  the 
state  of  affairs  at  Madras  helped  to  decide  the  Company  to  recall 
Chamber. 


6o 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661 

We  have  now  to  follow  more  particularly  the  fortunes  of  the 
factories  in  'the  Bay',  viz.  Hugli,  Patna,  Kasimbazar,  and  Balasore, 
which  were  all  under  the  superintendence  of  Agent  Trevisa.  Some- 
thing has  already  been  said  upon  this  subject  in  the  previous 
chapter,  and,  owing  to  the  paucity  of  documents  surviving  (only 
four  in  all  ^)  that  originated  in  the  Agency,  there  is  not  much  to  add. 
Most  of  our  information  is  derived  from  letters  addressed  to  Bengal 
from  Surat  or  Madras. 

The  first  letter  that  calls  for  notice  is  one  from  the  President  and 
Council  at  Surat  to  Trevisa  and  his  colleagues,  dated  16  February, 
1661.  This  answered  one  of  18  October,  1660,  which  had  been 
nearly  four  months  on  the  road.     It  noted  that 

The  Nabob  [Mir  Jumla]  is  more  civill  then  you  expected.  That 
it  may  be  encreased,  and  a  trade  continued,  wee  have  writt  unto 
our  friendes  on  the  Coast  to  make  an  end  of  talkinge  and  act  some- 
thing in  order  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Nabob,  that  he  may  not 
returne  to  a  troubling  you  againe.  Though  wee  feare  the  worst, 
yet  our  endeavours  with  the  Kinge  by  our  agents  at  courte  shall 
not  be  wanting,  to  maintaine  quietnesse  ;  and  hope  that  neither  in 
perticular  nor  generall  you  will  have  any  cause  to  complaine.  Tis 
noe  small  content  to  heare  that  he  proceeded  no  further,  for  he 
might,  having  all  the  power  in  his  hand,  and  picking^  more 
engadged  to  him  then  any  in  his  kingdome.  But  that  wee  knowe 
he  feares  the  consequence,  he  would  not  have  spared  the  satisfying 
his  covetous  appetite. 

The  next  letter  from  Surat — a  private  one  from  Andrews  and 
Lambton  to  Trevisa  himself,  dated  15  May,  1661 — shows  that  the 
Agent's  persistence  in  keeping  everything  in  his  own  hands,  and 
his  contemptuous  treatment  of  his  colleagues,  had  not  only  roused 
much  ill  feeling  among  the  latter  but  had  also  created  some  alarm 
at  head-quarters.  Trevisa  is  blamed  for  not  writing  more  frequently  : 
for  not  reporting  the  departure  of  Matthias  Halstead  for  England  : 

^  Three  of  these  {O.C.  2888,  2S96,  2899)  are  from  Sheldon  at  Kasimbazar  to  Aldvvorth 
at  Patna,  and  relate  only  to  matters  of  private  trade.  The  fourth  (C.C  2907)  is  from 
Trevisa  and  Powell  at  Balasore  to  Aldworth  ( 1 4  December)  and  contains  nothing  of  moment. 

*  Probably  we  should  read  '  the  King '. 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  i66i  61 

and  for  not  appointing  a  Second  and  entrusting  him  with  the  keep- 
ing of  the  accounts,  in  accordance  with  the  Company's  orders. 

Next,  that  you  should  be  soe  indiscreet  as  to  take  moneys  of 
Merejumbla's,^  when  the  other  busines  ^  is  not  cleared,  we  cannot 
sufficiently  admire.  And  lastly,  that  you  cannot  refraine  your 
passion,  but  let  it  runn  soe  high  as  to  excite  all  those  fellow  servants 
of  yours  to  be  set  against  you ;  with  many  other  things  that  they 
complaine  of,  which  we  omitt. 

Trevisa  is  urged  to  be  more  punctual  in  correspondence :  to  be 
ready  to  repay  Mir  Jumla's  money  on  demand :  to  make  up  his 
accounts  :  and  to  reconcile  himself  to  the  other  factors. 

The  Royal  James  and  Henry — the  first  ship  that  reached  the 
Coast  from  England  during  the  year — brought  out  a  letter  from  the 
Company  to  the  Bengal  factors,  dated  as  far  back  as  14  September, 
1660  {Letter  Books,  vol.  ii.  p.  334).  In  this  a  brief  reply  was  made 
to  parts  of  the  letter  from  Bengal  dated  23  November,  1659,  of 
which  some  account  was  given  in  the  preceding  volume  (p.  295). 
A  hope  was  expressed  that  the  differences  with  Mir  Jumla  had 
been  adjusted.  Since  saltpetre  could  be  bought  on  the  Coromandel 
Coast  at  8/.  or  9/.  a  ton,  the  chief  provision  would  be  made  there 
in  future,  and  not  above  200  tons  per  annum  need  be  procured  at 
Patna.  Sugar  should  not  be  sent  to  England  (prices  having  fallen 
too  low)  or  provided  for  Persia.  Raw  silk  might  be  bought  for 
sending  home,  if  it  could  be  had  at  prices  not  exceeding  jj.  dd.  the 
pound  of  24  ounces ;  also  taffetas,  and  '  silke  clouts '  for  the  trade 
in  Guinea. 

This  letter  was  sent  on  to  its  destination  by  the  same  ship,  which 
(as  already  noted)  left  Madras  on  23  July,  1661.  Little  more  than 
a  fortnight  later  the  Agent  and  Council  at  Fort  St.  George  received 
the  Company's  letter  of  28  January,  1661  (see  p.  43),  which 
advised  them  that  the  Agency  in  Bengal  had  been  abolished  and 
the  factors  there  placed  under  the  supervision  of  Chamber  and  his 
colleagues.     With   this   came  a   letter   addressed    to   the   Bengal 

*  Apparently  Mir  Jumla,  having  mora  cash  in  hand  than  he  could  conveniently  employ, 
had  lent  some  of  it  to  the  English  factors,  on  the  understanding  that  he  would  be  repaid 
in  goods. 

2  The  dispute  over  Mir  Jumla's  ship,  which  had  been  captured  at  Madras  in  1656,  as 
related  in  the  last  volume. 


63  THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661 

factors,  of  the  same  date,  notifying  them  of  the  change,  and 
charging  them  to  obey  any  directions  they  might  receive  from 
Madras.  In  forwarding  this  letter  to  Trevisa  and  his  colleagues  on 
14  August,  1 66 1,  Chamber  and  Shingler  made  a  vigorous  effort  to 
reform  what  was  amiss  in  the  Bengal  factories.  Understanding 
that  Trevisa  '  doth  keepe  himselfe  altogether  at  Hughly ',  and 
required  all  letters  to  be  sent  up  to  him  from  Balasore  unopened, 
they  expressly  ordered  Thomas  Hopkins,  if  at  the  latter  place,  to 
'  open  the  generall  packett '  before  forwarding  it  to  Hugh,  where, 
after  perusal,  copies  were  to  be  made  of  the  letters  for  transmission 
to  Patna  and  Kasimbazar,  for  the  information  of  the  heads  of  those 
factories.  At  the  same  time  Ion  Ken  was  directed  to  take  over 
from  Trevisa  the  charge  of  the  Company's  cash  and  warehouses, 
unless  by  a  general  consultation  it  was  decided  to  entrust  this  duty 
to  some  other  of  the  subordinate  factors.  Instructions  were  given 
as  to  the  goods  to  be  provided  for  the  season's  shipping,  and  a  hope 
was  expressed  that  many  had  already  been  procured,  '  haveing  soe 
large  a  quick  stocke  as  76,000  rupees  of  the  Nabobs  in  your  hands  '• 
Reference  was  also  made  to  the  Company's  letter  to  Madras  of 
28  January,  1661,  in  which,  besides  recommending  that  saltpetre 
should  be  purchased  on  the  Coromandel  Coast  in  order  to  obviate 
the  maintenance  of  a  factory  at  Patna,  the  Committees  replied  as 
follows  to  certain  suggestions  made  in  the  Bengal  letter  of 
23  November,  1659: 

Our  last  letters  from  Hughly  say  that  some  conveniencies  must 
be  made  at  Casambazar  (besides  what  is  already  built)  for  silk 
winders,  weavers,  and  for  warehouse  roome.  Wee  doe  confesse 
that  wee  doe  find  good  advance  on  the  taffataies  made  there,  they 
being  bought  theare  cheaper  then  in  other  places;  but  wee  doubt 
that,  considering  our  keepeing  of  a  factory  purposely  for  their  pro- 
curie,  as  also  if  wee  should  goe  on  in  this  way  of  building  as  is  by 
them  desired,  and  (which  is  the  worst  of  all)  our  advanceing  monies 
beforehand  to  such  a  needy  genneration  as  weavers  are,  espetially 
where  wee  have  noe  power,  may  in  the  end  make  them  deare  unto 
us.  Therefore  in  the  first  place  wee  doe  propose  unto  you  to  make 
treyall  whither  you  can  soe  contrive  as  to  make  a  contract  with 
some  of  those  merchants  which  reside  at  Casambazar,  to  deliver 
you  at  Hughly  20,000  long  and  10,000  short  peices,  of  the  same 
goodnesse  as  the  musters  are  which  they  shall  leave  with  you.  For 
wee  are  soe  farr  from  intending  to  comply  with  them,  in  licensing 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661  63 

them  to  goe  on  with  building  at  Casambazar,  that  our  desires  are, 
if  with  conveinency  possibly  it  may  be  done,  to  reduce  all  our 
factories  in  the  Bay  onely  to  Hughly,  though  wee  allowed  two  or 
three  men  the  more  to  live  at  Hughly,  one  or  more  of  which  might 
bee  imployed  to  Casambazar  or  Pattana,  as  occations  should 
require.  And  in  the  next  place,  to  try  whither  you  cannot  procure 
the  makeing  of  taffataies  at  and  about  Fort  St.  George,  by  the 
bringing  of  your  silk  from  the  Bay  and  procureing  the  weavers  etc. 
to  transplant  themselves  from  Casambazar,  or  any  other  places,  to 
the  Fort.  If  this  last  could  take  place,  it  would  highly  conduce  to 
our  advantage.  And  wee  might  trust  the  people  freer,  where  wee 
have  the  jurisdiction,  then  w  ee  can  in  other  places ;  whereas  now 
our  indeavours  onely  are  to  improve  the  manufacture  there,  where 
its  possible,  as  soone  as  it  is  come  to  maturity,  wee  be  at  their 
mercy  to  stop  or  doe  as  they  please.  And  they  in  those  parts  are 
very  apt  to  pick  quarrells  and  abuse  us,  as  they  did  the  last  yeare, 
to  stop  all  our  trade  in  the  Bay,  under  the  pretence  of  warrs 
amongst  themselves  and  a  difference  aboute  the  Nabob.  Wee  there- 
fore desire  that  wee  may  keepe  as  few  factories  in  all  places  as 
possible  ;  for  experience  hath  taught  us  that  factories  are  very 
expensive  ;  and  wee  neaver  yet  knew,  though  kept  for  a  season,  but 
that  debts  were  made  and  wee  came  of  with  losse.  But  if  neither 
of  these  twoe  propositions  .  .  .  can  take,  wee  doe  propose  a  third  . .  . 
which  is,  whither  you  may  not  procure  the  makeing  of  the  taffataies 
at  Hughly,  by  procuring  the  weavers  etc.  to  come  and  live  there, 
being  it  lieth  all  in  one  river  and  is  not  above  {blank^  miles 
distance.  And  though  they  should  cost  us  somthing  more  the 
makeing  there  then  they  doe  at  Casambazar,  yet  it  would  be  saved 
by  excuseing  the  charge  of  a  factory,  and  might  in  effect  prove  as 
cheape,  if  not  cheaper,  then  now  they  doe,  all  things  considered. 
These  our  propositions  wee  leave  to  your  serious  consideracions,  and 
to  act  therein  as  may  most  conduce  to  our  profitt.  However,  take 
espetiall  care  that  wee  may  be  furnished,  one  way  or  other,  with  the 
quantities  ^f  taffataies  and  saltpeeter  desired,  although  wee  con- 
tinue our  factory  at  Casambazar  (where  wee  absolutly  forbid 
building)  for  the  provition  of  taffataies,  and  the  factory  at  Pattana 
for  saltpeeter  ;  desiring  you  to  have  an  espetiall  care  so  to  contrive 
both  these  and  all  other  our  negotiations,  that  our  charg  thereby 
may  bee  lesned  and  not  increased. 

With  regard  to  the  Company's  suggestion  that  some  Bengal 
weavers  should  be  induced  to  emigrate  to  Fort  St.  George,  the 
Madras  Agent  and  Council  said  : 

Pray  lett  us  have  your  opinions  how  this  proposicion  may  be 


64'  THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661 

effected  ;  for  wee  hold  the  difficulty  not  to  be  so  great,  seeing  the 
Portugalls  in  their  tyme  of  prosperity  did  bring  their  buisnes  soe 
well  about  that  their  taffatyes  were  made  at  Chaul ;  which  are  the 
best  for  true  makeing  in  all  poynts  that  are  made  in  any  other  part 
of  India.  Now  it  would  be  farr  easier  for  us  to  bring  silke  and 
workemen  for  Madraspatam  then  'twas  for  the  Portugalls  to  carry 
them  to  Chaul. 

It  was  also  announced  that  Captain  Elliott  of  the  Coas^  Frigate 
and  Captain  Kilvert  of  the  Concord  were  willing 

To  adventure  their  ships  up  to  Hughly.  You  know  it  hath  bin 
the  Companies  desire,  if  it  could  be  brought  about ;  but  former 
commanders  have  bin  backward.  .  .  .  Wee  understand  it  may  be  a 
months  tyme  gained  in  their  dispeed  backe  to  the  Coast ;  and  if 
the  adventure  were  so  great  as  some  would  make  it,  the  Dutch 
would  not  send  soe  many  great  ships  up  to  Hughly  every  yeare  as 
they  doe. 

If  the  Balasore  factors  should  find  the  two  captains  still  of  the 
same  mind,  '  and  noe  appearance  of  much  danger',  the  attempt 
should  be  made.  As  regards  the  distribution  of  factors,  Chamber- 
lain was  to  remain  at  Patna,  and  Hopkins  at  Balasore ;  while,  if 
Ken  were  made  Accountant  at  HugH,  Sheldon  should  take  charge 
at  Kasimbazar.  Attention  was  directed  to  the  Company's  desire  for 
a  reduction  in  the  number  of  factories  maintained  in  Bengal. 

By  the  same  conveyance  went  a  short  letter  to  Hopkins  and  his 
associates,  also  dated  14  August,  advising  them  to  obey  all  instruc- 
tions received  from  the  Surat  Council,  and  begging  them  to  com- 
municate '  what  salve  they  have  used  for  your  soare '.  When  an 
account  has  been  taken  from  Trevisa,  the  Madras  factors  would  be 
glad  to  know  how  matters  stand, '  for  wee  shall  make  mad  worke,  if 
wee  let  things  run  on  with  that  confusion  as  wee  feare  they  are 
now  in '. 

On  8  September  Chamber  and  Shingler  sent  a  further  letter 
overland  to  Hugh,  in  which  they  ordered  Trevisa,  Hopkins,  and 
Ken  to  come  to  Fort  St.  George  by  the  last  ship  of  the  season, 
bringing  with  them  complete  accounts  of  each  factory  from  the 
beginning  of  the  New  General  Stock.  The  object  was  to  make  a 
careful  examination  of  the  state  of  affairs.  This  was  expected  to 
take  about  a  month  ;  after  which  the  three  factors  would  be  sent 
back  to  their  stations  in  the  Little  George. 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661  65 

When  writing  to  the  Company  on  28  November,  1661,  the 
Madras  factors  recounted  the  steps  they  had  taken  to  remedy  the 
confusion  in  Bengal,  and  explained  that  Trevisa  and  his  colleagues 
had  been  summoned  to  Fort  St.  George  because  the  shortage  of 
suitable  factors  at  the  latter  place  made  it  impossible  to  depute  one 
to  make  an  investigation  on  the  spot,  as  the  Company  had  ordered. 
With  regard  to  the  suggestion  that  taffetas  should  be  made  at 
Madras  instead  of  in  Bengal,  the  writers  observed  : 

It  must  bee  a  worke  of  time.  Neither  may  you  ever  expect  that 
the  commodity  can  bee  made  here  to  bee  affoorded  as  reasonably  as 
in  Bengalah  ;  for  all  provisions  of  victuall,  when  at  the  cheapest,  is 
here  three  times  dearer  then  in  Cassambazar  and  Huighly,  where 
these  taffaties  are  made,  and  consequently  the  weavers  and  other 
workemen  employed  therein  can  maintaine  themselves  at  §  lesse 
then  those  that  shalbee  employed  in  this  your  towne.  It  will  not 
bee  long  till  wee  shall  have  two  or  three  pieces  (for  a  muster)  made  by 
some  of  these  weavers,  and  shall  guesse  by  them  if  making  of 
taffaties  may  possibly  here  bee  donne. 

In  the  subsequent  letter  to  the  Company  dispatched  on  15  January, 
1662,  the  Madras  factors  reported  that  their  colleagues  in  Bengal 
were  of  opinion  that 

'Twil  bee  difficult  to  bring  inhabitants  from  Cassambazar  to  live 
in  Hughly,  for  the  makeing  of  taffaties  and  workeing  of  silke  ;  but 
they  make  it  something  probable  that  condicions  may  bee  made 
with  the  merchants  and  weavers  in  Cassambazar  to  bring  that 
manufacture  downe  to  Hugly.  But  to  perswade  any  of  those  in- 
habitants to  come  to  your  towne  and  jurisdiction  in  Madraspatam, 
it  cannot  bee  hoped ;  for  their  cast  or  linage  is  such  that  they  shall 
loose  their  birthright  if  they  come  upon  salt  water.  But  to  that 
which  is  of  most  consequence  wee  have  received  noe  reply,  whether 
saltpeetre  may  bee  brought  downe  to  Hughly  without  maintaining 
a  factory  at  Pattana ;  for  on  that  grosse  comodity  depends  most  the 
tonage  of  all  the  shipping. 

With  regard  to  Captain  Elliott's  undertaking  to  carry  his  vessel 
up  the  Hugh  River,  Chamber  and  his  colleagues  reported  that 

Hee  arrived  with  us  from  Ballasore  the  5  current.  Wee  under- 
standing that  hee  had  not  performed  conditions,  wee  had  the  matter 
in  strict  examinacion.  At  length  for  his  justificacion  hee  brought 
us  testimony  that  hee  was  urgent  with  Mr.  Jonathan  Trevisa  etc, 
factors  to  performe  his  covenant,  but  was  forbid  by  them  to  prose- 

2597  F 


66  THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661 

quite  the  designe,  and  that  [he]  should  wait  for  his  ladeing  to  bee 
brought  him  by  boats  from  Hugly.  ...  If  Mr.  Jonathan  Trevisa 
comes  up  as  wee  enordered  (which  wee  question,  because  the 
Suratt  President  and  Councill  say  tis  unnecessary),  wee  shall 
endeavour  to  remidy  what  is  amisse  in  all  those  factories  ;  and,  if 
it  bee  possible,  soe  to  contrive  that  all  your  shipping  hence  forward 
may  goe  up  directly  for  Hugly.  Then  Ballasore  factory  will  bee 
unnecessary,  finding  it  onely  expensive  (as  are  all  the  other  factories 
too  much),  and  then  you  may  expect  that  your  Bay  busines  will 
bee  brought  into  some  decorum,  which  is  now  out  of  frame.  For 
the  Dutch  (as  you  will  understand  from  Capt.  Elliot)  have  had  this 
yeare  noe  lesse  then  8  ships,  some  whereof  were  600  tunns,  that 
have  tided  it  up  to  Hugly  ;  and  the  difficulty  and  danger  is  not  soe 
much  as  is  supposed,  as  said  Capt.  Elliot  can  informe  you.  And  if 
a  gratuity  be  given  for  encouragement  to  them  that  shall  begin  it,^ 
Your  Worships  will  in  the  conclusion  receive  the  benefit  by  saveing 
the  expences  that  is  yearly  disbursed  in  transporting  your  course 
goods  from  Hugly  to  Ballasore  Road.  Besides,  the  ships  will  bee 
better  secured  in  the  stormy  weather  that  commonly  happens  in 
October,  and  the  mens  healths  preserved. 

In  the  same  letter  it  was  stated  that  certain  accounts  had  been 
received  from  the  Bengal  factories  and  were  being  sent  to  England, 
but  that  others  were  still  awaited.  The  deaths  of  three  factors  in 
those  parts,  viz,  Hopkins,^  Rogers,  and  Chamberlain,  were  also 
reported. 

The  Madras  letter  to  the  Company  of  29  January,  1662.  con- 
tained likewise  some  passages  relating  to  Bengal  affairs. 

Wee  are  afraid  wee  shall  scarcely  meet  suddenly  with  any  com- 
mander soe  willing  to  voyage  up  as  was  Capt.  Elliott ;  for  when 
wee  have  made  the  proposicion,  other  commanders  have  demanded 
security  from  us.  in  case  of  miscarriage  to  pay  the  value  of  their 
ship  and  the  proffitts  of  the  voyage,  what  she  would  have  earned  by 
freight.  Therefore  wee  shall  say  itt  over  againe,  that  it  will  bee 
necessary  for  Your  Worships  to  bind  your  ships  by  charter  party  to 
goe  up  to  Hugly ;  or  else,  as  your  trade  is  now  beaten  in  the  Bay, 
wee  can  depend  upon  noe  certainty  of  kintlage  or  other  goods  you 
require  ;  for  as  yet  wee  never  had  a  ship  come  from  thence  fully 
impleated,  and  sometimes  not  a  peece  of  goods.  .  .  .  Since  the  Bay 
accompts  were  dispeeded  on  the  Coast,  we  have  had  a  little  time  to 

*  Although  the  Company  took  this  advice,  it  was  not  until  1678  that  an  English  ship 
(the  Falcon)  managed  to  reach  Hugli  (see  the  Diary  of  William  Hedges,  vol.  iii.  pp. 
197-200,  and  Diaries  of  Sireynsham  Master,  vol.  i.  p.  227  «.). 

2  On  12  July,  1661  [Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1661,  p.  398). 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661  67 

peruse  copies  of  those  books,  and  find  their  expences  to  bee  more 
then  ordinary,  or  you  to  approve  of.  And  when  wee  shall  make 
complaint  to  them  of  it  .  .  .  wee  question  whether  wee  shall  bee 
heard  or  not.  for  soe  much  as  the  Surat  President  wrote  them  that, 
though  their  Agency  is  reduced  to  a  factory,  yet  their  port  and 
comport  of  living  ought  to  bee  the  same.  And  whereas  that  Presi- 
dency was  adviced  that  Your  Worships  had  made  it  subordinate  to 
this  Agency,  they  wrote  to  the  Bay  they  would  maintaine  their 
prerogative,  and  to  us  that  the  goverment  is  theirs  ;  wherein  they 
have  ride  us  of  much  trouble,  for  which  wee  heartily  thanck  them, 
and  hope  they  will  admonish  our  Bay  friends  to  make  compliance 
in  their  investments  for  the  future ;  else  wee  must  bee  forced  to 
kintlage  your  shipping  with  stones  instead  of  course  goods,  they 
haveing  several!  times  prohibited  the  buying  of  saltpeetre  in  and 
about  Metchlepatam.  There  is  one  Mr.  Henry  Powell,  that  by 
authority  from  the  President  etc.  in  Suratt  is  enordred  to  bee  enter- 
teined  in  Bengali  in  your  service.  Hee  hath  sent  us  his  indenture 
and  bond  for  your  security,  which  is  now  remitted  to  you.  Wee 
cannot  tell  by  whose  appointment  our  Bay  friends  hath  built  for 
Your  Worships  accompt  a  ship  called  the  Mathezv  and  Thomas, 
which  they  determine  shall  voyage  to  the  Maldivas  for  cowrees;^ 
and  believe  she  will  bee  the  ruine  of  the  Hope  or  Anne,  whose 
triming  by  this  means  will  bee  neglected,  that  nothing  will  come  of 
her.  The  Nabob  (or  Mier  Jumlah)  doth  indeavour  to  ingrosse  all 
commodities  in  Bengali  (whereof  wee  hinted  something  to  you  two 
years  agon),  and  now  proffers  your  factors  to  furnish  them  yearly 
with  saltpeetre,  such  a  quantytie  as  they  shall  agree  upon.  It  may 
bee  because  hee  would  make  a  proffitt  of  it,  [that  he]  hath  bin  an 
obstacle  of  the  procuring  it.  Wee  are  advised  that  the  merchants 
in  Pattana  owes  for  6,000  maunds  Bengali,  which  will  make  30,000 
baggs ;  but  how  the  debt  of  petre  will  bee  now  gott  in,  wee  cannot 
at  present  give  you  an  accompt. 

The  suggestion  in  the  above  letter  that  the  Surat  President  was 
interfering  unduly  in  Bengal  affairs  appears  to  have  been  a  malicious 
distortion  of  the  truth.  It  happens  that  we  possess  the  letter  written 
by  Andrews  to  Hugh  (26  September),  and  obviously  its  main  object 
was  to  soothe  the  ruffled  feelings  of  the  Bengal  factors,  and  to 
assure  them  of  protection  against  any  arbitrary  action  on  the  part 
of  Chamber,  whose  general  conduct  was  viewed  at  Surat  with  sus- 
picion.    It  says : 

•  And  to  see  whether  anything  could  be  recovered  of  the  goods  salved  from  the  wreck 
of  the  Persia  Merchant  (cf.  p.  56).  An  Englishman  named  George  Gales  had  told  Trevisa 
that  he  had  seen  some  of  these  in  the  custody  of  the  king  of  the  islands  {O.C.  3000). 

F  2 


68  THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661 

Though  the  Agencie  is  by  the  Honourable  Company  reduced,  yet 
the  power  is  the  same,  and  the  order  better,  being  accomptable  to 
the  Fort  as  your  accompt  currant,  and  so  consequently  freed  from 
trouble,  being  to  lade  the  goods  you  buy  for  their  disposall  there ; 
and  therfore  your  respects  to  each  other  is  not  to  be  lessen'd,  nor 
care.  Wee  suppose  that  from  the  Agent  at  the  Fort  you  will 
receive  large  instructions,  though  hee  apprehends  more  than  hee 
needs  of  wee  know  not  what  power,  which  is  not  so.  Yet  that 
which  concerns  the  Companies  affaires  you  are  to  take  notice  of ; 
and  hope  hee  will  endeavour  their  advantage  really,  as  well  as 
profess  it.  Wee  shall  not  from  hence  thwart  in  things  that  are 
necessary  to  be  observed,  and  (to  prevent  mistakes)  advise  him  what 
wee  enorder  you,  that  there  may  be  no  confusion.  For  the  lading 
of  the  shipps,  and  how  many,  hee  can  give  you  a  more  immediate 
accompt  then  wee  ;  only  wee  shall  desire  to  be  taken  notice  of,  that 
wee  shall  maintain  our  prerogative. 

The  same  letter  makes  a  further  reference  to  the  money  received 
by  Trevisa  from  Mir  Jumla  : 

The  Nabobs  money  wee  possitively  enorder,  without  disputing  or 
pretences,  to  be  paid  by  Mr.  Trevisa  back,  and  that  accompt  cleared  ; 
and  that  for  the  future  none  undertake  such  an  unthankfuU  and 
trespassing  part  of  service.  His  ship  wee  shall  endeavour  to  recover, 
and  hope  in  March  next  to  give  you  certaine  advice  of  our  pro- 
ceedings therin. 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  year,  as  far  as  it  can  be  gathered  from 
the  English  records.^  Some  further  information  is  furnished  by 
letters  from  the  Dutch  factors  in  Bengal  (summarized  in  Batavia 
Dagh-Register,  1661),  which  also  throw  some  interesting  light 
upon  local  history.  The  rirst  of  them  (p.  6),  dated  in  November, 
1660,  mentions  that  '  Badorchan  *  (Bahadur  Khan),  the  rightful  heir 
of  the  island  of  Hijili — by  which  term  appears  to  be  meant  the 
district  along  the  coast  from  the  Rupnarayan  to  the  Subarnarekha — 
had  escaped  from  the  prison  into  which  Shah  Shuja  had  thrown 
him,  and  had  made  himself  master  of  that  territory.  This  had 
moved  Mir  Jumla,  now  dignified  with  the  title  of  Khankhanan,  to 
press  the  Dutch,  Portuguese,  and  English  to  lend  vessels  to  assist 
in  the  reconquest  of  the  district ;  but  the  enterprise  had  been  stayed 

^  Some  notes  on  trade  matters,  derived  from  the  advices  of  Ken  and  others  in  1661, 
have  been  printed  in  Wilson's  Early  Annals  of  the  English  in  Bengal  {vol.  i.  p.  375)  from 
Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.,  no.  34123. 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  1661  69 

by  the  coming  of  Khan  Dauran,  to  be  Governor  of  Orissa.^  A  second 
letter  (p.  43),  written  on  28  December,  1660,  says  that  Mir  Jumla, 
having  induced  the  Emperor  to  allot  the  Hijili  district  to  Bengal, 
was  making  preparations  to  subdue  Bahadur  Khan,  and  had 
requisitioned  an  English  sloop  and  a  Dutch  galliot.  He  was  also 
pressing  the  Dutch  to  dispatch  a  vessel  to  Arakan  in  pursuit  of 
Shah  Shuja.  The  King  of  Arakan  had  sent  an  ambassador  to  the 
Nawab  with  a  letter  couched  in  imperious  terms,  demanding  the 
restoration  of  certain  districts  belonging  to  him  which  had  been 
occupied  by  the  imperial  troops.  Mir  Jumla  dismissed  the  envoy 
with  a  courteous  answer  and  a  small  present. 

The  same  letter  reports  serious  disturbances  in  Orissa.  '  The 
Great  Raja,  Kirstna  Bens',^  with  two  or  three  other  important 
chiefs  and  several  thousands  of  attendants,  came  to  wait  upon  the 
new  Governor,  Khan  Dauran,  in  order  to  do  homage  to  him  as  the 
Emperor's  representative;  whereupon  they  were  suddenly  attacked — 
with  the  connivance,  it  was  thought,  of  the  Governor — and  a  fright- 
ful slaughter  ensued.     The  result  was  a  rebellion. 

The  next  letter  (p.  75)  is  from  Hugli,  under  date  of  29  January, 
1661.  It  refers  to  an  attempt  (mentioned  also  in  the  preceding 
communication)  on  the  part  of  Mirza  LutfuUah  Beg,  the  Dlwan  of 
Patna,  to  monopolize  the  sale  of  saltpetre  for  the  benefit  of  the 
imperial  revenues.  He  was  forcing  the  dealers  to  deliver  their 
saltpetre  to  him,  regardless  of  their  contracts  with  the  Dutch.  The 
latter  averred  that  these  proceedings  were  prompted  secretly  by 
Chamberlain,  acting  through  the  English  broker,  Ganga  Ram,  who 
had  promised  that  his  employers  would  take  from  the  Dlwan  all  the 
saltpetre  thus  secured.  The  Director  at  Hiigli,  Matheus  van  den 
Broek,  complained  both  to  Mir  Jumla  and  to  Trevisa.  The  latter 
disclaimed  any  participation  in  the  design,  and  readily  agreed  with 
the  Dutch  chief  to  have  no  dealings  with  the  Diwan,  and  to  make 
no  purchases  except  at  first  hand  and  on  the  old  footing.  Hopes 
of  a  settlement  of  the  dispute  were,  however,  entertained,  owing  to 

^  Apparently  the  district  referred  to  had  formerly  been  regarded  as  belonging  to  Orissa. 
Valentyn  {Oud  en  Nieuw  hidien,  vol.  v.  p.  158)  snys  that  it  was  taken  from  that  province 
by  Shah  Shnja  and  annexed  to  Bengal. 

^  Dr.  Thomas  thinks  that  this  represents  '  Krishna  Vansa '.  Probably  he  was  the 
representative  of  the  ancient  ruling  family. 


70  THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  i66i 

the  dispatch  of  a  parwana  from  Mir  Jumla  to  Lutfullah  Beg,  for- 
bidding him  to  hinder  the  Dutch  from  trading  freely  in  that  com- 
modity. The  Navvab  was  continuing  his  operations  against  Bahadur 
Khan,  and  the  Dutch  had  dispatched  a  vessel  to  Hijili  to  assist. 

A  letter  of  7  March  (p.  238)  continues  the  story.  Hijili  had  now 
been  conquered,  thanks  to  the  assistance  rendered  by  the  Dutch. 
The  rebel  leader,  Kamal  Khan  (brother  of  Bahadur  Khan),  had 
been  killed,  and  Bahadur  Khan  himself  taken  prisoner.  A  galliot 
which  the  Dutch  had  built  at  Hiigli  for  the  Navvab  was  about  to  be 
sent  up  to  him  at  Dacca,  manned  by  six  or  seven  English  runaways, 
under  the  command  of  •  Mr.  Dortson  '.^  Trevisa,  in  view  of  the 
small  amount  of  business  done  by  the  English  and  the  disturbed 
state  of  the  country,  had  abolished  the  factory  at  Balasore  ^  and 
summoned  the  factors  to  Hugli,  asserting  that  in  future  their  ships 
would  come  up  the  river  to  that  town,  as  was  the  practice  of  the 
Dutch.  The  English  were  in  high  spirits  at  the  news  of  the  restora- 
tion of  their  king. 

The  next  communication  from  Bengal  (p.  387)  is  dated  10  October, 
1 66 1.  From  this  we  learn  that  on  6  May  Bahadur  Khan,  with 
eleven  companions,  was  brought  a  prisoner  to  Dacca  ;  but  Mir  Jumla 
had  shown  no  gratitude  to  the  Dutch  for  their  share  in  the  cam- 
paign. The  galliot  already  mentioned  had  reached  Dacca  towards 
the  end  of  May.  Its  English  crew  had  shown  a  mutinous  spirit, 
and  Durson,  in  trying  to  enforce  discipline,  had  been  wounded  in 
four  places.  Report  said  that  Mir  Jumla  had  been  ordered  by  the 
Emperor  to  attack  '  Hassou  ',"  and  that  in  his  absence  'Akalaschan' 
(Mukhlis  Khan?)  would  act  as  his  deputy  in  Bengal.  Chamberlain 
was  accused  of  trying  secretly  to  buy  saltpetre  from  Lutfullah  Beg, 

1  Doubtless  Captain  John  Durson,  for  whom  seep.  193  of  the  precedini^  volume. 

-  This  statement  proved  to  be  premature. 

'  Probably  for  '  Hajo ',  i.  e.  Cooch  Behar.  Mir  Jumla  started  at  the  beginning  of 
November,  1661,  and  reached  the  capital  on  19  December.  For  an  account  of  the  cam- 
paign see  an  article  by  H.  Blochmann  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal^ 
vol.  xli.  part  i  (p.  64).  In  the  naval  flotilla  accompanying  the  Nawab  were  several  Portu- 
guese, English  (probably  including  Durson  and  his  companions),  and  Dutch  sailors. 
Among  the  last-named  were  some  survivors  from  the  Ter  Schelling,  which  had  been 
wrecked  just  before  on  the  coast  near  Sandwip.  The  narrative  of  one  of  these  was  pub- 
lished in  Dutch  in  1675,  and  in  French  six  years  later,  as  a  supplement  to  the  travels  of 
Jan  Struys.  It  describes  briefly  the  operations  in  Cooch  Behar  and  at  more  length  the 
subsequent  invasion  of  Assam. 


THE  BENGAL  AGENCY,  166]  71 

in  spite  of  Trevisa's  agreement  with  the  Dutch.  The  DIvvan  had 
scraped  together  about  10,000  maunds  of  saltpetre,  mostly  of 
poor  quality.  Trevisa,  dissatisfied  with  Chamberlain's  proceedings, 
threatened  to  remove  him  ;  but  the  other  factors  took  his  part,  and 
protested  against  the  Agent.  However,  the  death  of  Hopkins,  who 
was  the  ringleader  of  this  opposition,  and  the  intervention  of  Presi- 
dent Andrews,  enabled  Trevisa  to  regain  his  authority ;  and  so 
Chamberlain  was  obliged  to  repair  to  Hugli,  leaving  many  debts 
unpaid  in  Patna.  Trevisa  and  Chamberlain  went  down  together 
from  Hugli  to  Balasore  on  10  August,  to  await  the  incoming  ships. 
No  business  had  been  done  at  Balasore,  as  the  governor  would  let 
no  goods  pass  without  examination  and  Khan  Dauran  had  forbidden 
trade  with  the  English  before  his  permission  was  obtained.  In 
consequence  Trevisa  had  returned  to  Hugli  to  escape  these  diffi- 
culties. The  English  factors  in  Bengal  had  been  placed  under  the 
Agent  at  Madras.  Apart  from  saltpetre  the  English  trade  was 
small ;  yet  they  were  maintaining  large  factories  at  Patna,  Kasim- 
bazar,  and  Hugli.  At  Dacca  was  residing  a  certain  Mr.  Pits,^  with 
five  English  sailors.  He  lived  at  the  ships'  timber  wharf,  where  he 
was  superintending  the  building  of  a  galliot,  though  not  entertained 
by  the  Nawab  for  this  purpose.  He  was  also  peddling  broadcloth 
and  other  goods,  in  a  way  that  was  bringing  discredit  upon  the 
English.  He  had  no  admittance  to  the  Nawab  and  no  influence  of 
any  sort. 

These  letters  contain  also  much  information  about  Dutch  trade 
in  Bengal,  which  was  evidently  of  far  greater  importance  than  that 
of  the  English.  The  profits  for  the  year  1660  are  stated  (on  p.  7) 
to  have  been  \^^,'j 4.4.  gulden,  and  those  for  the  next  twelve  months 
are  given  (p.  397)  as  nearly  204,200. 

^  Evidently  this  was  William  Pitt,  who  has  been  often  mentioned  in  the  two  preceding 
volumes. 


73 


THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S  ADMINISTRA- 
TION AT  SURAT,   1662. 

After  dispatching,  as  already  narrated,  the  Constantinople 
Merchant  and  the  Eagle  to  England  in  the  middle  of  January, 
President  Andrews  and  his  Council  had  still  to  lade  the  Truro  for 
the  same  destination.  This  was  not  accomplished  until  27  February, 
after  considerable  bickering  between  her  captain  and  the  President, 
who  refused  to  give  the  vessel  a  formal  dispatch,  maintaining  that 
by  charter-party  she  ought  to  have  gone  home  from  the  Coromandel 
Coast  and  that  he  could  take  no  responsibility  for  the  prolongation 
of  her  voyage.  Owing  to  this  and  other  disputes,  the  Truro,  as 
recorded  later,  did  not  actually  get  away  until  late  in  March. 

In  the  meantime  several  other  vessels  had  sailed  for  various 
destinations.  At  a  consultation  held  in  Surat  on  21  January,  1662, 
it  was  resolved  to  send  the  Surat  Frigate  to  Bantam  (in  obedience 
to  the  Company's  orders),  with  Nicholas  Scrivener  (who  had 
evidently  given  up  his  post  in  Sind)  and  Robert  Sainthill  as  super- 
cargoes :  to  dispatch  Richard  Craddock  to  Gombroon  as  Agent, 
with  George  Cranmer  for  second,  and  William  Rolt  as  an  assistant : 
to  send  a  vessel  to  Mokha,  under  the  charge  of  Ralph  Lambton, 
mainly  to  fetch  away  Anthony  Smith :  and  to  take  measures  to 
settle  a  factory  at  Porakad,  on  the  Malabar  Coast.  The  reasons 
given  for  this  last  step  are  as  follows  : 

The  Honourable  Company  having  desired  yearly  large  quantities 
of  pepper  of  the  sort  of  Porcat,  wee,  knowing  it  in  the  season  of  the 
yeare  to  be  provided  30  to  40  per  cent,  cheaper  and  better  then  at 
the  arrivall  of  our  shipping  there,  have  drawne  off  from  the  factory 
at  Cale-Velea  two  persons,  vizt.  John  Harrington  and  Alexander 
Grigsby,  well  experienced  in  the  trade  of  Porcat,  with  intention  to 
settle  them  there  and  provide  such  quantities  of  cleane  pepper,  to  be 
shipt  off  in  October,  as  wee  shall  furnish  them  with  stockes  from 
hence  to  effect  ;  and  have  left  only  two  persons  at  Cale-Velea,  for 
the  provission  of  a  little  cloth  ;  having  formerly  given  our  employers 
reasons  why  the  factory  of  Cale-Velea  is  most  propper  to  be  sub- 
ordinate to  the  Fort  Agencie. 

John  Child  was  to  be  sent  to  assist  in  the  factory  at  Karwar ; 
Henry  Bromfield,  '  now  employed  on  the  Marine ',  was  to  be  trans- 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1662  73 

fened  at  the  close  of  the  monsoon  to  Surat  as  an  assistant  to  the 
Secretary  ;  and  [Samuel]  Salisbury  was  appointed  steward  of  the 
Surat  factory. 

In  accordance  with  these  decisions,  the  Surat  Frigate,  under 
Edward  Collard,  sailed  at  the  end  of  January  for  Karwar,  Porakad, 
and  Bantam.  Besides  Scrivener  and  Sainthill,  she  had  on  board 
Harrington,  Grigsby,  and  Child  (who  were  to  be  landed  at  their 
respective  destinations),  the  surgeon  who  had  been  released  by 
Sivaji  to  accompany  Revington  to  Surat  and  who  was  now  trans- 
ferred to  Bantam,  and  lastly  Robert  Tucker,  the  former  commander 
of  the  Swally  pinnace.  That  vessel,  as  already  narrated  (p.  2), 
had  been  captured  a  year  before  by  Malabar  pirates ;  and  apparently 
intelligence  had  now  been  received  that  she  was  lying  at  some  port 
near  Karwar,  and  would  be  surrendered  on  demand.  The  Surat 
Frigate  was  to  proceed  thither  and  *  fetch  her  off,  either  by  composi- 
tion or  force ' ;  after  which  she  was  to  be  laden  at  Karwar,  and 
dispatched  to  Surat,  A  visit  was  also  to  be  paid  to  Calicut  (Robert 
Master  being  taken  on  board  for  that  purpose)  in  order  to  recover 
certain  goods  left  there  by  Master.  All  '  Mallabarrs  or  Decanees ' 
met  with  were  to  be  captured,  the  vessels  burnt,  and  the  men  set  on 
shore. 

The  instructions  given  to  Harrington  and  Grigsby  were,  upon 
their  arrival  at  Porakad,  to  treat  with  the  King  for  a  monopoly  of 
the  pepper  grown  in  his  country. 

And  if  the  Dutch  prevent  not,  you  may  also  make  an  overture  at 
Quiloan,^  by  treating  with  the  Principall  of  that  place,  on  the  same 
condition  as  mentioned.  But  take  care  that  in  the  articles  it  may 
not  be  mentioned  that  they  have  leave  to  sell  unto  any  other 
merchants  but  the  factors  of  the  Honourable  Company.  And 
which  place  you  see  yeild  better  pepper,  more  convenience  of 
residence,  cheapest  goods  attainable,  and  best  harbour,  there  to 
reside.  .  .  .  You  have  no  dependance  on  the  factory  of  Cale  Velea, 
but  are  imediately  under  the  Presidencie.  .  .  . 

By  the  same  conveyance  went  a  letter  for  transmission  to  Travers 
at  Kayal,  upbraiding  him  with  his  bad  management  of  the  Com- 
pany's affairs.  It  complained  that  the  factory  had  proved  '  a  deare 
bought  experiment  at  the  Companies  cost ',  and  hinted  that  it  would 

'  Qnilon  is  about  35  miles  south  of  Porakad. 


74  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

probabi}'  be  closed  in  the  following  autumn.  The  cloth  provided 
there  the  previous  year  had  proved  unsaleable  in  many  places  and 
had  at  last  been  sent  to  England ;  but  that  recently  received  was  much 
better,  and  a  further  consignment  of  the  same  quality  was  desired. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  Siirat  Frigate  sailed,  Henry  Gary 
arrived  from  Achin,  bringing  but  a  poor  return,  which  he  excused 
on  the  grounds  that  trade  was  bad  at  that  place  (owing  to  the 
number  of  ships  that  had  arrived)  and  that  goods  from  the  Coast 
were  more  saleable  there  than  those  from  Surat.  He  was  made 
acquainted  with  the  charges  which  had  been  preferred  against  him 
by  his  assistants  (see  p.  26).  To  these  he  returned  indignant  denials 
(26  February),  which  were  considered  at  a  consultation  held  the 
following  day.  It  was  declared  that  his  replies  were  '  ample  and 
satisfactory ' ;  yet  evidently  the  President  and  Council  were  not 
entirely  convinced  of  his  innocence,  for  they  resolved  to  let  the 
matter  stand  over  until  the  arrival  of  the  accusers,  who,  it  was 
thought,  might  '  bring  further  proofes  of  their  charge  '. 

The  Hopeivell,  which  had  left  Swally  a  year  before  on  a  voyage 
to  Bantam  and  Macassar,  returned  on  i  February,  1662.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Surat  letter  to  the  Company  of  the  27th  of  that 
month, 

Having  a  long  passage  to  Bantam,  caused  by  the  crossnesse  of 
the  deceased  comander,  Symon  Freeman,  she,  though  indeavouring 
to  gett  hir  voyage  to  Macasser,  could  not  obtaine  it,  but  harboured 
in  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Syam  ;  where  the  marchants  your 
servants  (Mr.  Bladwell  and  Mr.  Coates,  his  assistant)  going  on 
shoare,  found  courteous  entertainment  and  a  cleare  remitting  of 
the  debt  owed  there  to  the  Kinge,  as  delivery  of  the  howse  which 
was  formerly  Your  Worshipp[s]  and  a  great  part  of  custome  free  ; 
all  this  under  the  Kings  chope  [seal :  chhdp\  But  the  intent  of 
sending  the  shipp  being  onely  to  fetch  of[f]  the  remaynes  at 
Maccasser,  wee  laded  but  a  small  stocke  of  aboute  1000/.  on  hir, 
and  that  she  there  sould.  But  they  seeing  soe  small  a  cargoe, 
caused  one  of  the  Kings  Vissiers  (a  potent  person  in  the  court  and 
citty)  to  abuse  them ;  and  the  monsoon  being  done,  hee  being  then 
the  marchant  to  take  his  price  for  the  small  part  of  goods  which  the 
time  then  would  not  give  leave,  being  to  some  owing '  ;  which  when 

^  The  passage  is  unintelligible  as  it  stands,  and  the  further  reference  on  p.  82  does  not 
afford  much  help.  Dr.  Anderson's  English  Intercourse  with  Siam  gives  some  information 
regarding  the  voyage. 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1662  75 

they  had  procured  what  freight  would  be  laden,  voyadged  to 
Atcheen  and  there  tooke  in  some  more  and  very  considerable, 
amounting  unto  nearest  1500/.  or  there  aboutes.  But  the  opening 
of  the  trade  may  countervaile  the  coast  [i.  e.  cost]  and  the  mischance 
in  loosing  the  voyadge,  soe  Your  Worships  please  to  make  use  of 
it ;  the  Dutch  in  that  place  raysing  a  vast  benifitt,  lading  20  shipps 
every  yeare  from  thence  ;  it  being  now  the  mart  of  the  South  Seas 
for  Chyney,  Macasser,  etc.,  esspetially  since  the  Dutch  have 
freighted  [i.  e.  frighted]  them  from  Macasser.  The  market  may  bee 
better  supplyed  from  the  Coast  ;  and  to  that  purpose  wee  shall 
send  a  list  of  those  goods  that  the  Kinge  etc.  grandees  are  desireous 
of,  which  they  sent  musters  of.  Mr.  Coates,  by  the  Kings  com- 
mand, is  there  left.  Had  wee  a  stocke  to  invest,  it  would  bee  done 
to  good  advantage  from  hence  ;  but  wee  being  in  soe  exceeding 
want,  must  lay  it  a  side  for  the  present  to  your  servants  at  the 
Coast,  unto  whome  wee  shall  sudainly  send  advices. 

James  Snow,  the  new  commander  of  the  Hopewell,  having  com- 
plained of  the  mutinous  behaviour  of  his  crew,  President  Andrews 
and  John  Lambton  repaired  on  board  (24  February)  and  held  an 
inquiry,  with  the  result  that  one  sailor  was  condemned  to  be  ducked 
three  times  from  the  yard-arm,  and  another  to  be  sent  home  in 
chains  for  trial.  The  crew  having  thus  been  cowed  into  submission, 
the  vessel  departed  early  in  March  for  Gombroon,  with  Craddock 
and  Cranmer  as  passengers.  Flower  was  to  be  allowed  either  to 
remain  as  Third  in  Persia  or  to  return  to  Surat,  at  his  choice.  In 
place  of  William  Rolt.  Robert  Manly  was  sent,  to  act  as  interpreter. 
Craddock's  instructions  (3  March)  permitted  him  to  dispatch  the 
Hopewell  to  Masulipatam  and  Bengal,  if  sufficient  freight  should  be 
forthcoming ;  if  not,  she  was  to  return  to  Swally.  *  Tockerse ' 
(Thakursi),  the  discarded  broker  at  Gombroon,  was  to  be  forced,  if 
possible,  to  repair  to  Surat,  and  for  this  purpose  (as  also  to  fetch 
any  letters  received  overland)  Captain  Roger  Middleton  had  been 
dispatched  about  14  February  to  Gombroon  in  a  small  vessel  called 
the  Harry,  commanded  by  James  West.  A  new  broker,  *  Suntocke 
Vetcheraz '  (Santokh  Becharaj),  was  now  sent  with  Craddock. 

By  the  Hopewell  was  dispatched  a  letter  to  the  Company,  dated 
27  February,  1662,  to  be  forwarded  overland.  This  narrated  the 
course  of  events  since  the  departure  of  the  Eagle.  The  venture  to 
Porakad  was  declared  to  have  originated  in 


76  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

The  King  of  the  place  and  country  people  earnestly  sending  to  us 
for  the  settlement  of  a  factory.  The  cheapnesse  of  pepper  (in  the 
absence  of  shipping)  there  bought  will  pay  more  then  the  charge  . .  . 
if  the  prevailling  Dutch,  who  now  are  indeavoring  the  taking  of  all 
those  partes,  hinder  not  our  designe  ;  they  having  20  shippsof  warr 
and  3  or  4,000  souldiers  now  beseiging  Cochin,  if  not  already  have 
taken  it. 

As  regards  the  new  settlement  at  Karwar,  the  President  and 
Council  said  : 

Carware  is  the  best  place  that  yealds  the  biggest  and  weightiest 
pepper.  Unto  which,  upon  the  earnest  desires  of  the  Governour  of 
the  country  and  people,  [we]  have  sent  Mr.  Robert  Masters  and 
Mr.  Ball,  with  a  young  man,  John  Child,  there  to  reside  and  to  pro- 
cure what  their  stocke  will  reatch  unto ;  which  is  but  small,  being 
unfurnishd  with  money  here  to  pay  debts,  and  noe  creditt  at  all. 
The  [?  dullness  of]  trade  in  this  place,  by  the  basenesse  of  the 
Governour  and  coruption  of  officers,  both  here  and  at  court,  hinders 
[i.  e.  obstructions]  being  the  only  practice,  hath  caused  them  soe  to 
abuse  all  marchants  that  noe  mony  is  procureable  ;  and  therefore  to 
recruite  both  factories  must  waite  the  supply  from  your  selves,  or 
else  both  our  hopefuU  intents  and  desires  wilbe  frustrated.  For  if 
money  were  sent  to  invest  in  the  raine  times  at  Carwarr,  neare  20 
or  25  per  cent,  might  bee  gained  in  price. 

Other  passages  of  interest  are : 

At  present,  nor  these  two  monelhs  passed,  none  of  your  servants 
have  resided  at  Ahmadavad.  .  .  .  On  the  Triiroe  ...  we  proceeded 
to  lade  what  wee  had  left,  as  cotton  yarne,  cassia  lignum  wood  of 
Carwar,  and  pepper,  with  some  few  Ginney  stuffs ;  .  .  .  The  want 
of  money  to  pay  for  what  sent  before  and  these  now  laded,  with 
what  also  to  bee  laded  on  your  new  Royall  Welcome^  is  very  greate, 
and  not  to  bee  procured  as  formerly  in  this  place.  The  reason  is, 
as  rehearsed  formerly  [see  p.  22],  you  being  pleased  to  disowne  all 
debts  (which  is  a  new  thinge  here) :  next,  the  taking  notice  the 
small  stocke  you  are  pleased  to  send  out  and  great  quantity  of 
shipping,  which  they  knowe  must  bee  laded  and  imployed,  and 
knowe  not  when  their  money,  if  lent,  may  bee  retou'-ned  :  and  last 
of  all,  the  scarsity  was  never  soe  great  as  now,  caused  by  the 
Governour  taking  all  marchants  money  into  his  hands  for  accompt 
of  the  KingC;  which  before  they  sould  to  whome  they  pleased  and 
at  what  price  they  could  best  agree  with  the  Shreofe  of  the  towne  ; 
but  he  [i.  e.  the  Governor]  gives  them  his  owne  price  and  make[s] 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1662  77 

« 
them  what  weight  hee  pleases.^  That  hath  frighted  most  of  the 
marchants  from  this  place,  that  to  this  day  there  is  not  ashippgone 
out  of  the  port  to  Persia,  which  is  the  onely  port  that  supplyes  them 
in  the  monsoon  with  money.  The  oppression  and  wronge  of  this 
Governour  to  all  marchants,  our  selves,  Dutch,  Persians,  are  soe 
great  that  there  is  a  generall  complaint.  Not  a  weeke  passes  our 
heads  but  he  creates  some  new  trouble  towards  us  or  other.  The 
Dutch  are  not  permitted  to  sell  their  goods  as  formerly,  their  copper 
being  called  into  the  Kings  mint.  The  Persian[s]  forced  bydelayes 
and  demurrs  to  pay  twice  the  custome  of  the  place  for  dispatch. 
[So]  that  untill  their  pride,  by  a  just  calling  them  to  accompt  for 
injuries  and  delayes,  bee  brought  downe,  you  cannot  trade  here  with 
any  freedome  or  profitt.  All  which  wee  leave  to  Your  Worshipps 
consideration.  .  .  .  To  supply  the  want  of  money  soe  often  reitirated, 
and  to  lade  the  shipps  dispeeded,  wee  have  charged  bills  of  exchange 
now  to  the  amounte  of  14,549/.,  and  hope  you  will  not  onely  make 
punctuall  payment,  but  bee  pleased  to  looke  upon  it  as  a  peece  of 
service  worthy  your  thanckes.  Mr.  Rushworth  deceased  here  in 
December  last,  upon  his  arrivall  from  Persia.  .  .  . 

The  bills  of  exchange  here  mentioned  were  in  repayment  of  cash 
paid  into  the  Company's  treasury  at  Surat  by  President  Andrews 
and  John  Lambton,  who  were  probably  glad  of  this  pretext  for 
remitting  home  part  of  their  private  fortunes.  The  Company,  how- 
ever, were  very  indignant  at  this  procedure,  and  refused  to  accept 
the  bills  when  presented.^ 

The  letter  from  which  we  have  just  quoted  reached  London  on 
21  October,  1662,  accompanied  by  one  from  Craddock  and  Cranmer, 
dated  from  Gombroon  3  May.  The  latter  document  is  not  extant ; 
but  according  to  the  Company's  reply  to  Surat  of  24  March,  1663, 
it  forwarded  '  the  copie  of  the  King  of  Persiaes  comaund  to  the 
Shabander,  requireing  him  to  make  payment  to  us  of  the  full 
moyetie  of  the  customes,  and  that  the  English  bee  respectfully 
used '. 

The  factors  had  also  advised  that  the  Hopewell  had  been  dis- 
appointed of  a  rich  freight,  owing  to  Andrews's  own  vessel,  the 
Ormus   Merchant,  arriving    first   and    carrying   away  the   goods. 

1  Cf.  p.  22.  Evidently  the  Governor  was  trying  to  get  for  himself  the  profits  of  the 
middleman.  Previously  the  shroffs  had  bought  the  foreign  silver  brought  to  the  port  and 
then  sold  it  to  the  imperial  mint;  but  now  the  merchants  were  forced  to  dispose  of  their 
money  to  the  Governor  at  his  valuation. 

*  See  Court  Minutes  of  the  E.  bidia  Co.,  1660-3,  PP-  265,  &c. 


78  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

They  had  further  charged  Andrews  with  lading  his  own  ship  with 
pepper,  and  sending  none  in  the  Hopewell. 

The  next  ship  to  leave  Swally  was  the  Seajlower,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Nicholas  Collastathe,  engaged  for  a  round  voyage  to 
Mokha,  Basra,  Gombroon,  and  back.  The  merchants  sent  in  her 
were  Bladwell,  Ralph  Lambton,  and  Bromfield,  and  their  instruc- 
tions were  dated  i8  March,  1662.  At  the  first  of  the  places  named 
they  were  to  sell  their  calicoes  and  buy  coffee,  any  surplus  money 
being  brought  away  in  '  Lackere  and  PuUerre  dollors,^  old  and  new, 
or  Mexico  and  Sevill '.  Bladwell,  accompanied  (it  was  hoped)  by 
Anthony  Smith,  after  closing  the  factory  in  obedience  to  the 
Company's  orders,  was  to  return  direct  to  Surat  '  on  the  Gjinsavoy 
[^Ganjsawdi],  one  of  this  Kings  jounks  '  ;  while  the  other  two  were 
to  go  in  the  Seaflower  to  Basra,  or  at  all  events  to  Gombroon,  in 
order  to  dispose  of  their  coffee.  They  were  given  a  letter  to 
Anthony  Smith,  complaining  of  his  disobedience  to  reiterated  orders 
for  his  return  to  Surat  and  of  the  hindrance  caused  to  the  Company's 
trade  at  Ahmadabad  by  his  unpaid  debts,  and  urging  him  to  clear 
his  accounts  at  Mokha  and  come  to  Surat. 

On  20  March  an  equally  sharp  letter  was  sent  to  Bell,  who  had 
succeeded  Scrivener  as  the  head  of  the  factory  in  Sind.  He  was 
warned  that,  if  he  could  not  procure  a  steady  supply  of  saltpetre 
and  calicoes  at  reasonable  prices,  the  factory  would  be  withdrawn  ; 
he  must  get  in  the  outstanding  debts,  and  take  particular  care  to 
keep  within  his  allowance  for  expenses,  for  any  excess  would  be 
charged  to  his  own  account.  A  similar  letter  of  16  April  censured 
his  extravagance  and  ordered  him  to  be  ready  to  come  away  in  the 
Vi7ie,  which  would  arrive  in  the  latter  part  of  October. 

While  these  ships  were  being  got  ready,  the  disputes  with  the 
captain  of  the  Truro  about  her  lading  and  dispatch  continued ;  and 
Swanley  gave  the  fiery  President  great  offence  by  an  incident 
which  is  thus  described  in  the  record  of  a  consultation  held  on 
20  March : 

The  slighting  and  dispising  of  the  Presidents  orders,  and  abuse  in 

'  In  the  letter  to  Smith  we  find  the  variant  '  Lackaree  and  Fullary  ryalls'.  The  latter 
is  probably  an  adaptation  of  '  pillar '  and  the  former  the  Hind,  lakri,  a  stick  or  staff,  both 
terms  referring  to  the  representation  of  the  '  Pillars  of  Hercules  '  on  the  '  pillar  dollar  ', 
which  was  a  favourite  coin  at  Mokha. 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,   1662  79 

dishonouring  a  person  of  his  qualitie,  in  wearing  his  flag  in  disrespect 
to  the  Company,  when  they  have  two  shipps  of  their  owne  in  the 
road,  refusing  to  strike  it,  although  so  commaunded  by  the  President : 
and  when  the  President  was  on  board  the  Companyes  shipp,  his  not 
lowering  his  flag  nor  saluting  him  with  a  gunn,  and  putting  out 
a  piece  of  a  torne  auncient  :  are  things  not  unregarded,  even  by  the 
natives  here,  and  very  much  conducing  to  the  dis-repute  of  the 
Company  whome  hee  represents. 

At  last,  under  a  threat  that  if  he  did  not  sail  by  the  27th,  he 
would  be  ordered  to  put  the  goods  ashore  again,  Swanley  lifted  his 
anchor  on  the  23rd  and,  after  some  delay  caused  by  the  vessel 
grounding,  departed  on  his  homeward  voyage  the  following  day. 
In  a  packet  which  he  carried  with  him  were  two  letters  from 
the  President  and  Council,  dated  respectively  10  and  24  March. 
The  second  letter  is  mostly  taken  up  with  complaints  of  Swanley's 
behaviour,  but  the  first  contains  several  passages  that  call  for 
notice.  In  it  Andrews  v.^rote  that  Francis  Jacobs  had  died  on 
7  March,  and  that  Tyrwhitt  was  lying  dangerously  ill.  The  Vine 
had  returned  from  Johore,  having  made  a  considerable  freight;  and 
it  was  intended  to  send  her  on  a  similar  voyage  to  Basra.  She  was, 
however,  in  a  bad  state,  and  materials  for  repairing  were  not 
available. 

Besides,  the  marriners,  because  of  noe  martiall  law  in  use.  are 
growne  such  despisers  of  government  practised  in  a  greate  manner, 
that  they  will  ordinarily  mutiny  and  abuse  commanders,  and  not 
forbeare  our  selves  ;  caused  by  their  large  stay  out,  and  accustomed 
to  liberty  without  feare. 

It  was  stated  that  the  cost  of  building  the  Royal  Welcome  (370 
tons)  at  Surat,  including  her  gear  and  stores,  with  three  months  pay 
to  her  crew,  and  allowing  over  800/.  for  the  materials  salved  from 
her  wrecked  namesake,  had  been  about  4,000/.  Andrews  hoped  to 
sail  in  her  for  England  the  ensuing  season,  having  been  prevented 
for  the  time  being  by  lack  of  cargo.^  This  deficiency  he  attributed 
mainly  to  '  the  folly,  if  not  knavery  ',  of  the  Karwar  factors,  who  had 

^  A  rumour  seems  to  have  reached  London  that  Andrews  intended  to  make  for  an 
Italian  port,  thus  placing  himself  and  his  estate  out  of  the  reach  of  his  employers.  They 
therefore  applied  to  the  King  for  letters  to  Florence  and  Genoa  on  the  subject,  and  to  the 
Duke  of  York  for  instructions  to  English  men-of-war  in  the  Mediterranean  to  seize  the 
Royal  IVelcome  and  send  her  home  (^Court  Minutes,  1660-3,  PP-  -33>  &c.). 


8o  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

sent  back  the  Seaflozuer  empty.  It  had  now  been  decided  to  em- 
ploy the  Royal  Welcome  in  a  voyage  to  Gombroon.  The  letter 
concluded  with  an  entreaty  for  a  supply  of  money  and  ships'  stores  ; 
while  a  postscript  intimated  that  '  this  day  the  Governour  invited 
himselfe  to  your  howse  ;  which  could  not  cost  nothing '. 

The  Royal  Welcome,  under  the  command  of  Edward  Mason, 
sailed  for  Persia  at  the  end  of  March,  laden  with  freight  goods  ;  and 
about  lo  April  she  was  followed  by  the  Vine,  which  was  to  go  on 
from  Gombroon  to  Basra,  after  embarking  George  Cranmer.  By 
the  latter  vessel  a  letter  was  dispatched  to  England,  dated  lo  April, 
1662,  which  recorded  with  satisfaction  that  the  freight  money 
already  earned  by  the  Royal  Welcome  would  defray  about  half  her 
cost,  while  the  freight  on  the  Vine  for  this  voyage  was  over  1,100/. 
Andrews  plumed  himself  much  on  his  success  in  securing  so  much 
freight,  'when  noe  lesse  then  17  large  jounckes  of  the  Kinges  and 
marchants  etc.  this  yeare  are  now  riding  in  the  Hole,  seecking 
freight '. 

Letters  from  the  Company  were  being  anxiously  awaited  ;  and 
meanwhile  the  factors  would  do  their  best  to  collect  cotton  yarn, 
calicoes,  saltpetre,  &c.,  for  the  next  fleet. 

Pepper  also,  from  Carwar ;  for  none  cann  bee  gott  at  Rojapore, 
nor  the  English  released.  Wee  intend,  if  possible,  to  take  some  of 
their  jounckes  from  Mocho,  and  gaine  their  liberty  and  restitution 
of  estate  of  Your  Worships  etc.  taken  from  Mr.  Henry  Revington  ; 
for  many  letters  wee  have  sent  to  Sevagee  that  declares  it,  and 
received  noe  answeare  ;  and  shall  now  send  unto  the  Kinge  of  the 
country ;  wishing  our  endeavours  may  bee  more  efifectuall. 

The  President  repeated  the  announcement  of  his  intention  to  go 
home  next  season.  The  intelligence  was  also  given  that  the  Dutch 
had  taken  Cranganur,  and  were  besieging  Cochin. 

The  letter  sent  by  the  same  conveyance  to  Agent  Craddock  in 
Persia  was  chiefly  occupied  in  explaining  the  reasons  why  it  was 
necessary  for  him  to  dispatch  Cranmer  to  Basra,  one  of  which  was 
that: 

The  cuttaries  ^  have  promised  large  quantities  of  freight  moneyes 
to  returne  it  [i.e.  the  freight  cargo]  upon  hir ;    therefore  thincke  it 

>  In  the  letter  to  Mokha  of  i8  March,  1662,  it  was  stated  that  few  ships  had  been 
laded  for  that  port  from  Sural,  '  because  of  the  coutrees  falling  out  with  the  Governour  '. 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1663  81 

fitt  hee  should  proceed,  to  assist  in  making  the  freight  and  lading 
the  shipp. 

Other  reasons  were  developed  in  a  special  letter  to  Cranmer. 
He  was  to  superintend  the  sale  of  the  Seaflowcrs  coffee,  lade  the 
Vine  and  send  her  (with  Ralph  Lambton  on  board)  to  Lahrlbandar 
and  Surat,  and  return  himself  in  the  Seafloiver.  Should  the  latter 
vessel  fail  to  reach  Basra,  Cranmer  was  to  embark  in  the  Vine. 

The  Master  of  the  Horses  belonging  unto  the  Basshaw  of  that 
place,  you  well  knowe,  came  embassadore  to  this  Kinge  ;  unto 
whome  wee  have  recomended  the  finishing  the  soe  long  expected 
buisnese  of  satisfaction  for  the  Honourable  Companies  howse, 
taken  away  by  the  Basshaw.  And  now  having  received  possitive 
order  from  the  Company  to  disolve  the  factory  of  Bussora,  wee  ad- 
vise you  to  take  what  moneyes  possible  you  can  procure  in  lieu  of 
the  [apjpraised  to  bee  build  howse  . .  .  and  leave  it  unto  the  Companie 
after  to  demand  full  satisfaction  for  wronge. 

The  reference,  in  the  letter  to  the  Company,  to  the  capture  of 
Cranganur  reminds  us  that  the  Dutch  were  actively  pressing  on  with 
their  scheme  for  mastering  as  many  as  possible  of  the  Portuguese 
settlements  in  India.  A  force  under  Rijkloff  van  Goens  occupied 
Quilon  towards  the  end  of  November,  1661,  and  then  sailed  north- 
wards to  Cochin,  which  was  the  real  object  of  the  attack.  As 
a  preliminary,  Van  Goens  determined  to  make  himself  master  of 
Cranganur,  which  lies  eighteen  miles  to  the  north  of  Cochin;  so, 
leaving  three  ships  to  blockade  the  latter  port,  he  landed  his  troops 
near  the  former  and  commenced  the  siege.  After  a  fortnight  in  the 
trenches,  the  Dutch  decided  to  try  the  alternative  of  storming  the 
fortress  ;  and  in  this,  despite  a  vigorous  resistance,  they  were 
successful  (5  January,  1662).  Marching  southwards,  Van  Goens 
next  beleaguered  Cochin,  but  here  his  good  fortune  deserted  him. 
An  attempt  to  carry  the  place  by  storm  proved  a  failure,  and, 
after  losing  many  men  from  sickness,  he  abandoned  the  siege  on 
20  February.^ 

The  news  of  the  capture  of  Cranganur  was  probably  brought  by 

The  word  appears  to  be  the  Gujarati  kothdri,  meaning  a  storekeeper  or  merchant  (see 
also  Hedges'  Diary,  vol.  ii.  p.  311). 

^  For  references  to  the  siege  and  capture  of  Cranganur  and  the  attempts  upon  Cochin, 
see  the  Hist.  MSS.  Commissioners'  report  on  the  Finch  MSS.,  vol.  i.  pp.  209,  &c. 
A  Dutch  account  will  be  found  in  Hague  Transcripts,  ser,  i.  vol.  xxvi.  no.  687. 

2597  G 


82  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

the  Dutch  ships  which  arrived  at  Swally  and  landed  from  two 
to  three  hundred  Portuguese  prisoners.  These  the  President  and 
Council  arranged  to  transport  to  Daman,  and  on  27  March  orders 
were  issued  accordingly  to  Robert  Tucker,  now  master's  mate  of  the 
Vine. 

The  ill  feeling  caused  by  the  Dutch  success  was  probably  in  part 
the  occasion  of  a  fresh  scuffle  between  English  and  Dutch  sailors, 
which  took  place  on  6  April.  The  scene  was  *  a  tippling  howse '  at 
'  Little  Damkin  ','  kept  by  *  Black  Harry,  alias  Jevah  [Jiwa]  ',  and  it 
resulted  in  the  death  of  a  Dutchman  and  the  wounding  of  Robert 
Tucker.  On  the  demand  of  the  Dutch  Director,  an  inquiry  was 
held  on  II  April.  The  English  witnesses  were  unanimous  that  the 
Dutch  were  the  aggressors  ;  and  no  doubt  an  answer  in  that  sense 
was  returned  to  the  Director. 

At  the  beginning  of  May  letters  were  dispatched  (probably  by 
country  ships  bound  thither)  to  the  factors  in  Achin  and  Siam 
(Ayuthia)  respectively.  The  one  addressed  to  Thomas  Coates  at 
the  latter  place  regretted  his  enforced  stay  there.  As  little  profit 
could  be  expected,  the  President  and  Council  had  no  intention 
of  sending  a  fresh  stock  from  Surat,  but  they  would  acquaint  the 
Madras  Agent  with  the  overtures  made. 

You  may  advise  the  Vissiers  from  us  of  our  discouragment 
caused  by  his  unhandsome  dealings  of  returning  goods  soe  much  to 
losse  when  sould,  contrary  to  the  customes  of  all  nations.  The 
person[s]  that  were  sent  from  the  Kinge  on  the  shipp  are  here  safe 
in  the  towne  ;  but  [wee]  knowe  not  what  course  they  will  take  to 
come  backe.  The  Dutch  shipps,  wee  sopose,  so  many  coming  and 
going  from  that  port,  will  afoard  you  the  civillity  and  kindnesse  of 
a  passage  to  Bantam  ;  and  that,  wee  thincke,  wilbee  your  best  way 
to  come  of[f]  that  place,  if  soe  bee  a  shipp  from  the  Cost  bee  not 
sent.  .  .  .  Onely,  before  you  leave  the  place,  secure  the  howse  and 
debt,  and  acquaint  the  Vissiers  wee  have  advised  the  Honourable 
Company  of  the  Kings  favour  and  [?  will]  write  their  answeare.  and 
that  you  are  ordred  to  Bantam  to  fully  informe  the  Companies 
servants  there  residing  of  the  trade,  that  it  may  be  setled  to  their 
content. 

The  letter  to  Achin  intimated  that  no  further  investment  in  that 

*  Damka  is  a  village  about  2i  miles  north-east  of  Swally.  'Little  Damkin  was 
probably  in  the  neighbourhood. 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  i66a  83 

direction  was  contemplated,  as  the  prospects  of  trade  were  so  poor. 
The  factors  were  instructed  to  get  in  outstanding  debts,  and  buy 
gold  or  copper  as  the  only  profitable  means  of  making  a  remittance. 
The  Vine  had  brought  news  that  Clopton  had  gone  from  Achin  to 
Johore  with  some  goods,  which  had  had,  however,  to  be  sold  at 
a  loss  ;  this  venture  was  disapproved,  and  a  hope  was  expressed 
that  he  had  returned  to  his  post.  Neither  a  stock  for  trade  nor 
anything  for  presentation  to  the  Queen  was  being  sent  on  the  present 
occasion. 

The  present  sent  (as  said)  by  the  Queen  unto  our  soverigne  lord 
the  Kinge  ^  is  soe  dispicable  that  it  deserves  not  the  name  nor  title 
of  one,  and  the  ellephant  given  the  President  is  of  the  same  esteeme  : 
one  being  unworthy  soe  royall  a  person,  and  the  other  being  un- 
profitable. [So]  that  wee  have  noe  reson  to  returne  acknowledg- 
ment for  either,  but  shall  send  it  [i.e.  the  present]  unto  the  Honourable 
Company  and  shall  leave  it  unto  them  to  dispose  of  The  begining 
of  the  next  monsoon  wee  expect  a  new  President,  and  then  you  may 
have  new  advices  and  orders. 

Since  there  was  not  enough  work  for  three  factors,  Widdrington 
and  Clopton  were  to  take  the  first  opportunity  of  returning  to 
Surat.  This  would  give  them  the  chance  of  substantiating  their 
charges  against  Gary,  and  explaining  their  contumacious  behaviour. 
Should  they  refuse  to  obey,  Cobb  was  directed  to  exclude  them 
from  the  factory  and  assume  sole  charge. 

After  waiting  for  nearly  three  weeks  for  the  two  factors  to 
appear,  '  and  the  season  of  the  yeare  being  now  past '  for  ships  to 
arrive  from  Achin,  Andrews  and  Lambton  held  a  consultation  on 
20  May,  at  which  they  resolved  that  Gary  had  sufficiently  vindicated 
his  innocence  and  that  he  should  be  advanced  to  '  the  place  and 
dignitie  of  one  of  the  Councell  of  India  etc' ;  whereupon  he  took 
his  seat  accordingly.  At  the  same  consultation  a  severe  censure 
was  passed  upon  Robert  Master  for  '  his  remissness  in  advices '. 
This,  and  his  neglect  to  provide  a  cargo  for  the  Seajlower^  seemed 
to  confirm  a  statement  made  by  Edward  Lloyd  that,  in  suggesting 
the  establishment  of  a  factory  at  Karwar,  Master 

^  Translations  of  the  letter  from  the  Queen  of  Achin  to  Charles  II,  mentioning  the 
presentation  of  some  ambergris,  &c.,  will  be  found  in  CO.  77,  vol.  viii  ;pp.  192,  194, 
196)  at  the  Public  Record  Office. 

G  a 


84  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

Had  no  other  designe  then  to  get  himself  Chief  of  the  factory ; 
telling  said  Lloyd  (when  hee  asked  him  why  hee  told  the  President 
there  was  pepper,  when  hee  knew  'twas  all  sent  up  the  country) 
what  did  hee  care,  so  hee  could  but  get  thether,  whether  there  was 
pepper  or  no. 

Nothing  could  be  done  for  the  present  '  to  remedie  these  evills  *, 
but  it  was  intended  •'  to  supply  that  factory  with  a  better  head  '  in 
the  autumn.  It  was  also  resoh-ed  that  Joseph  Hinmers,  now 
returned  from  Johore,  should  be  employed  to  assist  the  Accountant, 
at  a  suitable  recompense.  The  excuse  made  was  that  none  of  the 
factors  appointed  by  the  Company  was  available  for  this  duty. 

The  next  subject  for  the  consideration  of  the  Council  w^as  how 
best  to  provide  the  piece-goods  ordered  in  a  letter  recently  received 
from  the  Company.  This  was  dated  2  September,  1661,  and  had 
been  sent  overland  by  way  of  Aleppo.  Its  contents  show  that 
Andrews  had  completely  forfeited  the  confidence  of  his  employers. 
Much  displeasure  was  expressed  at  the  continued  bickerings  between 
Revington  and  the  President,  as  evinced  in  the  latest  letters 
received  ;  and  an  intimation  was  given  that  the  Committees  did  not 
believe  the  latter's  assurances  that  he  was  practising  frugality  in 
household  expenditure. 

Wee  are  informed  the  contrary,  and  that  you  are  more  profuse, 
both  in  your  howse  expences,  stable  expences,  etc.  then  your 
predecessors,  using  more  ostentation  in  flaggs  and  other  vanities  at 
your  goeing  abroad  then  formerly  hath  beene  accustomed  ;  which 
must  needs  exhaust  our  stock  farr  beyond  that  anuall  allowance 
which  wee  alloted  to  your  factorie ;  .  of  which  wee  cannot  aprove, 
neither  shall  wee  allow  of  it. 

Andrews  was  also  censured  for  expending  the  Company's  money 
in  '  buying  and  building  of  shipping '  without  authority.  The 
accounts  showed  that  the  port-to-port  trade  of  the  Welcome,  Vine, 
and  Sii7-at  Frigate  had  resulted  in  a  loss  ;  and  so  the  former  orders 
were  repeated  for  the  transfer  of  two  of  these  vessels  to  Bantam  and 
the  Coast.  The  reduction  in  the  number  of  factories  was  also  con- 
firmed, and  no  new  settlements  were  to  be  established. 

Wee  .  .  .  absolutly  herby  require  you  not  to  settle  any  new 
factories,  or  to  proceed  in  the  planting  or  fortifying  of  Angediva,^ 

*  See  the  previons  volume,  p.  332. 


ADIVIINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1662  85 

or  to  ingage  us  in  any  new  discoveries,  or  in  the  buying  or  building 
of  any  shipps  or  hovvses,  without  our  espetiall  order. 

An  intimation  was  next  given  that  three  ships  would  be  dis- 
patched to  Surat  in  the  spring  of  1662,  with  a  stock  of  about 
6o,coo/.  Returns  were  to  be  made  in  cowries,  cardamoms,  gumlac, 
cotton  yarn,  aloes,  turmeric,  camphor,  cassia  lignum,  spices 
(especially  cinnamon),  drugs,  Kayal  and  other  piece-goods,  chintzes, 
quilts,  and  pepper.  No  saltpetre  was  to  be  sent,  as  that  from  Bengal 
was  far  cheaper. 

Evidently  the  Council  at  Surat  were  sanguine  of  borrowing  the 
necessary  funds  for  the  rest  of  the  investment,  for  they  had  already 
dispatched  Thomas  Hoskins  to  Broach  to  buy  goods,  and  on  18  May 
they  had  sent  Benjamin  England  to  help  him.  Moreover,  on  the 
very  day  that  the  consultation  was  held  (20  May),  they  deputed 
Thomas  Rolt  and  Streynsham  Master  to  Ahmadabad  ^  to  buy  cotton 
yarn,  lac,  chintzes,  piece-goods,  &c.,  furnishing  them  with  a  supply 
of  treasure,^  promising  more,  at  all  events  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet, 
and  bidding  them  to  borrow  in  the  meanwhile  as  much  as  was 
necessary.  For  pepper  and  cardamoms  reliance  was  apparently 
placed  upon  Karwar,  w^hither  on  22  May  was  dispatched  a  stinging 
letter  of  reproof  to  Master,  ordering  him  not  to  fail  to  procure 
a  supply  of  these  commodities. 

On  4  June  a  fresh  consultation  was  held,  at  which  the  question  of 
how  to  raise  the  necessary  funds  was  again  debated.  The  broker 
still  professed  his  inability  to  obtain  a  loan,  and 

Now,  by  loss  of  severall  jounks  going  to  Bussorah  from  this  port 
and  retourne  of  others  that  have  lost  their  voyadg,  the  towne  is  in 
that  condition  that  no  money  can  be  now  expected ;  and  the  Presi- 
dent hath  already  furnished  them  with  what  estate  hee  hath  in 
India.     So  that  wee  cannot  in  probabillity  see  how  goods  can  be 

^  'In  the  month  of  May,  1662,  I  was  sent  to  Ahmadavad  Second  to  Mr.  Rolt,  now 
Sir  Thomas  Rolt.  .  .  .  The  following  December  we  both  returned  to  Suratt,  Sir  George 
Oxinden  being  arived  to  withdrawe  that  factor}'.  I  was  then  apointed  to  assist  the  Second, 
Mr.  Goodier,  in  keeping  the  generall  bookes  of  accompts,  which  were  found  in  great 
disorder.  ...  In  this  station  and  imploy  I  continued  untill  the  yeare  1668  '  {^The  Diaries  of 
Streynsham  Master,  vol.  i.  p.  191). 

^  '  The  money  delivered  yon  are  tulporas  abeses,  a  sort  sould  for  weight  here,  [?  100]  for 
rupees  60J,  and  in  Ahm[adavaz]  for  more.'  The  Persian  abbasi  was  worth  about  idd.  in 
general.  '  Tulpora '  has  already  appeared  as  '  turpora '  in  Eng.  Fact.,  1646-50,  p.  1 23  ;  no 
explanation  of  the  term  has  yet  been  found. 


86  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

provided  for  the  lading  home  of  the  shipps.  The  desired  quantities 
of  Deriabauds  and  Mercoles  .  .  .  are  not  attainable  in  this  towne, 
and,  for  want  of  the  settlement  of  a  factory  at  Agra  or  Lucnow,  they 
can  never  be  provided  according  to  the  dimencions  and  goodness 
required  for  the  Europe  market.  In  this  affaire  wee  have  been  more 
then  ordinary  serious  ;  first,  by  appointing  a  broker  to  goe  up  to 
Agra  and  settle  himself  for  the  provission  of  those  goods  against  the 
time  of  the  shipps  arrivall,  at  which  tyme  wee  promised  to  remitt 
moneys  to  him  ;  but  the  long  journey  of  two  monthes,  and  want  of 
moneys  when  there,  gives  us  little  hopes  to  expect  any  thence  for 
this  yeares  shipping  (this  being  the  only  tyme  of  yeare  for  their 
procury),  and  discourages  him  from  going  up.  Having  waved  the 
first,  wee  next  consulted  with  severall  sherroffs  for  the  provission  of 
said  goods  on  bemah  [Hind,  bund]  or  ensurance,  a  wa}-,  though  it 
be  dishonourable  to  our  employers  and  something  unprofitable,  yet 
certaine.  and  the  only  means  left  to  be  possessed  with  the  said  goods 
for  the  timely  impleating  the  shipps.  They  promise  to  invest 
ioo,oco  rupees  in  Agra,  if  wee  will  pay  them  now  ready  money  in 
Surat  20.CC0  rupees,  a  thing  impossible  for  us  to  doe  at  this  tyme, 
as  before  rehersed.  So  that,  both  these  wayes  failing  us  for  want  of 
money,  wee  cannot  hope  that  any  will  be  found  in  this  towne  before 
the  shipps  departure. 

A  letter  sent  from  Surat  to  Karwar  on  23  June  answers  one  of 
a  month  earlier  from  Master,  who  was  then  at  Hubli.  It  was 
couched  in  the  usual  scolding  terms,  and  blamed  severel}-  both 
Master  and  Ball  ;  but,  notwithstanding  the  general  dissatisfaction 
expressed  with  their  proceedings,  the  factors  were  ordered  to  provide 
large  quantities  of  pepper^  cardamoms,  seed-lac.  and  calicoes,  to  be 
paid  for  in  the  autumn.  Other  letters  were  written  about  this 
time  to  the  factors  at  Tatta,  Ahmadabad,  and  Broach,  about  the 
provision  of  goods;  and  in  all  of  them  the  President  displayed  the 
hectoring  manner  which  he  seems  to  have  thought  appropriate  in 
all  dealings  with  his  subordinates. 

Whilst  thus  the  ordinary  business  of  buying  and  selling  was  going 
on  at  Surat,  Randolph  Taylor  and  the  other  survivors  of  the  Rajapur 
factors  were  pining  in  a  Maratha  prison.  They  had  now  been 
removed  to  the  hill-fortress  of  Rairi,  which  Sivaji  about  this  time 
made  his  capital,  renaming  it  Raigarh  ('the  royal  fort').  Their 
position  may  well  have  seemed  to  them  hopeless,  for  the  Maratha 
chieftain  would  not  hear  of  their  release  except  upon  payment  of 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1662  87 

a  heavy  ransom.  They  were  allowed  to  send  letters  and  to  draw 
a  bill  of  exchange  (probably  for  current  expenses)  upon  the  Surat 
factory,  where  ft  was  promptly  paid  ;  but  the  reply  (10  March)  of 
the  implacable  President  afforded  no  consolation.  Though  some 
peevishness  on  their  part  might  well  have  been  excused  in  the  cir- 
cumstances, Andrews  soundly  rated  them  for  their  '  disrespect  and 
abusive  language  ',  and  pointed  out  that,  had  they  obeyed  his  orders 
to  leave  Rajapur,  they  would  not  have  been  in  their  present  pre- 
dicament. As  for  writing  again  to  Sivaji,  the  Council  had  too  much 
work  on  hand  to  spend  time  unnecessarily 

In  inditing  and  sending  costly  letters  to  a  rogue  that  takes  noe 
notice  of  them,  for  never  yet  any  answeare  was  returned.  ...  It  may 
bee  your  closer  imprisonment,  caused  by  the  nonsucceeding  of  your 
designe,  hath  made  you  more  impatiently  abusive,  as  you  were  in 
your  last  letter  ;  which  wee  shall  wave. .  .  .  Knew  wee  how  probably 
to  obtaine  it  [i.  e.  their  release]  without  answering  the  demands  of 
those  unreasonable  men,  wee  should  not  faile  to  put  it  in  practice ; 
but  our  answeare  to  you,  and  them  also,  is  to  part  with  noe  money ; 
for  though  the  good  opinion  you  have  of  your  selves  have  caused 
you  to  set  a  valine  upon  your  selves,  yet  indeed  wee  knowe  not  for 
what,  unlesse  disobeidience  to  orders,  abusing  superiours,  bee  com- 
mendable. .  .  .  How  you  came  in  prison  you  knowe  very  well. 
'Twas  not  for  defending  the  Companies  goods ;  'twas  for  going  to 
the  seige  of  Pannella  and  tossing  balls,  witha  flagg  that  was  knowne 
to  bee  the  Englishes.  ...  It  [i.  e.  Sivaji's  action]  was  but  as  any 
other  would  doe,  having  power  to  revenge  himselfe  of  such  affronts  ; 
for  marchants  are  not  to  sell  their  goods,  when  if  of  that  nature  as 
granadoes,  to  goe  and  shoote  them  off  against  an  enemy ;  for  mar- 
chants,  while  trading  in  a  strainge  country  and  may  live  quietly,  if 
not  medling,  must  looke  for  a  requitall  of  their  deserts.  .  .  .  None 
but  what  rehearsed  is  the  cause  of  your  imprisonment ;  Mr.  Reving- 
ton  himselfe  having  mentioned  the  comands  of  Savagee  [?  not]  to 
sell  any.  ... 

This  was  cold  com.fort  for  the  unhappy  prisoners ;  and  not  much 
encouragement  was  afforded  by  a  later  communication,  dated 
17  May,  if  it  ever  reached  them.  By  this  time  the  President's 
anger  had  abated,  and  he  spared  them  further  reproaches.  He 
enclosed  a  letter  for  Sivaji  on  the  subject  of  their  release,  and 
intimated  that  one  was  being  sent  to  the  King  of  Bijapur  for  the 
same  purpose  ;  but  if  the  ransom  demanded  was  a  large  one,  '  wee 


88  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

have  it  not  to  spare '.  Failing  the  success  of  these  methods,  it  was 
proposed  to  employ  force,  by  blockading  the  coast  towns  and 
seizing  any  vessels  returning  from  Mokha  or  Persia. 

'Tis  reported  the  ould  Queen  is  to  returne ;  ^  and  if  it  bee  our 
good  fortune  to  light  on  hir,  surely  the  King  will  not  faile  to  procure ' 
your  release  for  hir,  beside  a  returne  of  satisfaction.  .  .  .  Wee  most 
willingly  would  procure  you  freedome  ;  but  how  to  treate  by  send- 
ing a  person  into  soe  remote  a  country  and  into  an  enemyes  (wee 
know  not  whether),  is  most  [?  unjcertaine.  Knew  wee  but  any 
certainty  of  attaining  your  desires,  and  our  expectation  answeares 
such  a  mission,  wee  would  not  spare  \sic]  a  parcell  of  money  that 
wee  could  disburse.  .  .  . 

In  accordance  with  the  promise  thus  given,  a  consultation  was 
held  at  Surat  on  21  July  to  discuss  the  blockade  of  the  Malabar 
Coast.  The  Royal  Welcome  and  Hopewell  had  been  instructed  to 
proceed  from  Gombroon  to  Goa  or  some  adjacent  port  and  there  to 
spend  the  rainy  season.  It  was  now  decided  to  employ  them  in 
seizing  any  junks  returning  to  Malabar  ports  from  Mokha,  and 
instructions  were  accordingly  sent  to  their  commanders  for  one 
vessel  (the  Hopeivcll)  to  cruise  off  Rajapur  and  Kharepatan,  while 
the  other  watched  Vengurla,  Dabhol,  and  the  neighbouring  harbours. 
The  blockade  was  to  last  until  20  September,  when  both  ships  were  to 
proceed  to  Karwar  to  fetch  the  pepper  accumulated  there.  A  par- 
ticular watch  was  to  be  kept  for  the  *  Queen  of  Decan  ',  who,  if 
captured,  was  to  be  brought  to  Swally,  care  being  taken  to  '  use 
hir  with  all  the  respect  requisite  to  bee  showed  soe  eminent 
a  person '. 

On  the  last  day  of  July  another  consultation  was  held,  to  settle 
a  further  dispute  with  the  Governor  of  Surat  over  the  guns  sold  by 
Revington  in  1657.  In  obedience  to  the  Emperor's  orders,  Mustafa 
Khan  had  taken  over,  at  the  reduced  price,  the  fifteen  of  these  guns 
that  were  at  Swally  ;  but  he  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with 

^  From  references  on  pp.  4,  7,  and  8,  it  would  appear  that  the  dowager  queen  of 
Bijapur  had  been  forced  to  give  up  her  power  and  leave  the  country  for  a  time.  She 
accordingly  started  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Mecca  in  the  middle  of  February,  i66t,  in  a  small 
Dutch  vessel  (the  Bantam)  from  Vengurla,  and  reached  Mokha  a  month  later  {^Batavia 
Dagh- Register,  1661,  pp.  159,  211,  439,  &c.).  Manucci  (vol.  ii.  p.  300)  says  that  in 
all  she  went  four  times  to  Mecca,  and  tells  a  curious  story  of  her  first  visit.  Tavemier 
was  at  Ispahan  when  she  was  returning  on  one  of  these  occasions. 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1662  89 

the  nine  that  were  at  Ahmadabad  (which  was  outside  his  jurisdic- 
tion) and  demanded  the  return  of  the  money  which  had  been  paid 
for  them.     The  Council  decided  to  temporize. 

It  was  therfore  concluded  that  Mr.  Lambton  and  Mr.  Gary 
should  vissit  the  Governour  and  desire  him  to  give  a  reason  why, 
contrary  to  his  promise  and  the  Kings  commaund,  hee  refused  pay- 
ment for  the  gunns  at  Ahmadavad  ;  and  then,  if  they  found  him  to 
persist  in  his  wilfullness  for  repayment  of  the  money,  they  were  to 
desire  him  to  deferr  the  conclusion  of  the  business  untill  such  tyme 
as  they  had  wrote  unto  the  King  and  received  his  answere.  To  the 
first  hee  replyed  that  hee  had  lately  received  the  Kings  phirmaund 
to  the  contrary  ;  to  their  next  hee  would  by  no  means  consent,  but 
would  have  the  mony  paid  back  presently.  Since  nothing  that  was 
just  would  prevaile  with  him,  the  President  retourn'd  Mr.  Gary  to 
desire  him,  since  wee  could  neither  receive  money  for  the  gunns  nor 
have  wee  the  gunns  in  our  possession,  that  hee  would  give  us  a  cer- 
tificate that  the  gunns  were  not  paid  for.  Neither  would  hee  submitt 
to  this  equitie  ;  insomuch  that,  finding  wee  could  bring  him  to  no 
reason,  wee  subscribed  to  the  premises. 

Thereupon  the  President  wrote  (31  July)  to  Rolt  at  Ahmadabad, 
desiring  him  to  induce,  if  possible,  the  Dlwan  to  write  in  their  favour 
to  the  court  or  to  Mustafa  Khan.  Andrews  sent  also  a  memorial 
to  Aurangzeb,  complaining  of  the  Governor's  action  and  beseeching 
His  Majesty  to  intervene.  This  letter,  as  also  many  of  the  consul- 
tations of  1662,  will  be  found  printed  at  full  length  in  Sir  George 
Forrest's  Selections  from  State  Papers,  Bombay,  vol.  i. 

In  the  midst  of  this  wrangle  with  the  Surat  authorities,  the 
following  record  of  a  consultation  held  on  6  August,  1662,  strikes 
a  pleasant  note  of  charity  and  consideration. 

At  the  humble  request  of  poore  Tulcidas,  a  faithfull  and  indus- 
trious servant  of  the  Honourable  Companies,  the  President  conveen'd 
his  Councell,  presented  them  with  his  indeed  deplorable  condition, 
that  having  lived  many  yeares  in  great  repute,  abounding  with 
riches,  much  respected  for  his  faithfull  dealing,  hee  is  reduced  now 
(by  reason  of  the  great  debts  oweing  unto  him  by  some  of  our 
nation)  to  so  great  povertie,  his  condition  so  meane  that  the  small 
proffit  hee  reap's  by  his  employment  in  the  Honourable  Companies 
service  (which  is  his  whole  dependance)  is  not  sufficient  for  the  sub- 
sistance  of  his  family.  Wee,  being  very  sensible  of  the  truth  hereof, 
called  to  memory  that  many  yeares  since,  when  hee  was  in  a  flourish- 
ing condition,  hee  had  an  annuity  of  500  mamoodoes  allowed  him 


90  THE  CLOSE  OF  ANDREWS'S 

by  the  Company :  which  wee  doe  now  againe  revive,  not  doubting 
our  masters  approbation  thereof,  since  tis  great  charity  and  no  less 
then  his  contynnuall  attendance  on  their  affaires  merritts.  .  .  . 

A  further  h"ght  on  the  dispute  with  the  Governor  is  thrown  by 
the  record  of  a  consultation  held  on  i8  August,  1662  : 

The  President  being  this  day  informed  by  Chout  Tocquer.^  made 
knowne  to  his  Councell  that  our  present  differrence  with  this 
Governour  was  not  occationed  by  any  demaunds  on  accompt  of  the 
gunns.  but  for  moneys  due  for  custome  of  goods  appertaining  to 
Bannians  and  perticuler  men,  and  entered  by  Deoldas  in  the  Com- 
panyes  name.  This  Councell,  taking  into  consideration  so  great  an 
abuse  offerred  to  the  Company,  and  the  effects  thereof  daylie 
appearing  in  the  affronts  they  receive  from  this  Governour,  thought 
fit  to  appeare  [?  before]  the  Governour,  to  adjust  the  accompt  of 
customes  and  make  knowne  the  proceedings  of  the  broker.  In 
performance  whereof,  it  was  manifest  also  that  the  said  Deoldas, 
without  our  privitfe  or  order,  had  receiv'd  from  the  Governour 
2500  rupees  on  a  percell  of  lead  sold  by  us,  giving  us  no  knowledg 
thereof;  for  which  his  unwarrantable  actions  wee  delivered  him  to 
the  justice  of  the  Governour  to  cleare  accompts  with  him  ;  and  at 
present  his  further  censure  was  suspended  by  this  Councell. 

The  matter  was  again  considered  at  a  consultation  held  eight  days 
later.  The  President  was  for  dismissing  the  culprit  out  of  hand  ; 
but  Lambton  and  Gary  demurred,  on  the  ground  that  Chhota 
Thakur  had  made  himself  responsible  for  his  assistant's  liabilities 
and  that  the  Company  had  not  actually  sustained  any  loss. 
Andrews,  thus  outvoted,  was  forced  to  acquiesce  in  the  retention  of 
Deodas,  and  to  content  himself  with  threatening  a  protest  against 
his  colleagues  and  an  unfavourable  report  to  the  Company. 

The  letters  of  this  month  do  not  present  much  that  is  of  special 
interest.  On  6  August  a  few  lines  were  written  to  the  prisoners  at 
Rairi,  acquainting  them  with  '  our  indeavours  for  your  libertys  ' ;  and 
a  longer  letter  was  sent  on  19  August  to  the  following  effect : 

Wee  received  a  letter  from  the  marchant  unto  whome  wee  writt 
in  Rajapore  for  the  delivery  of  our  letter  unto  the  King  of  that 
country  ;  who,  according  unto  our  desire,  delivered  it,  and  received 
a  verball  answeare  that  for  him  to  write  to  Savage  was  to  noe  pur- 
pose :  hee  would  not  regard  it ;  but  an  army  of  his  was  proceeding 
towards  him,  and  he  hoped  that  might  accomplish  his  and  our 

^  Chhota  Thakur,  the  Company's  broker.     Deodas  was  his  assistant. 


ADMINISTRATION  AT  SURAT,  1663  91 

desires,  for  soe  soon  as  able  hee  would  set  you  free  ;  and  promised 
further  hee  would  write  in  a  few  dayes  unto  us.  Upon  the  receipt 
of  his  letter  wee  shall  againe  adresse  our  selves  unto  him  ;  and  hope, 
the  monsoon  being  neare  ended,  some  oppertunity  will  offer  to  put 
in  practice  our  desires  for  your  liberty,  either  by  some  person  falling 
into  our  hands  or  procurey  of  them  from  the  shoare.  Our  endea- 
vours shall  not  bee  wanting. 

On  10  September  Andrews  and  his  Council  addressed  a  letter  to 
Master  and  his  colleagues  at  Karwar,  replying  to  two  communica- 
tions recently  received.  The  former  of  these  was  characterized  as 
'  mallapart '  and  the  writers  were  severely  rated  for  their  presump- 
tion. The  price  of  pepper  at  Hubli,  it  was  contended,  ought  not  to 
exceed  8  or  9  pagodas  a  gunny,  since  a  few  years  back  it  was  pro- 
curable at  Rajapur  at  about  that  figure. 

Take  good  notice  of  it ;  for,  jugle  never  soe  well,  the  Devill  in 
good  time  may  bee  found  out  of  his  circle  ;  and  15  dayes  journey  of 
oxen  it  is  comonly  from  Hubely  to  Rajapore  (which  place  furnishes 
that  markett),  but  Hubely  is  not  distant  from  the  groath  of  pepper 
3  dayes. 

The  quantity  of  cardamoms  previously  ordered  was  increased  to 
600  bales,  in  addition  to  the  600  tons  of  pepper  required ;  and  an 
assurance  was  given  that  funds  would  be  provided  to  pay  for  these 
goods,  which  were  to  be  sent  up  in  the  Hopcivell  and  the  Royal 
Welcome. 

With  this  letter,  and  an  unimportant  one  of  the  same  date  to 
Hoskins  at  Broach,  the  record  of  President  Andrews's  administration 
comes  to  an  end.  On  19  September,  \662,\.hG  Richard  and  Martha, 
commanded  by  Edmund  Seaman,  anchored  in  Swally  Hole,  bring- 
ing Sir  George  Oxenden  ^  as  President,  and  on  the  following  day 
Andrews  repaired  on  board  with  his  colleagues  and  handed  over 
charge. 

^  This  spelling  has  been  used  in  the  previous  volnmes  and  is  here  retained ;  but  it 
should  be  noted  that  he  himself  signed  '  Oxinden  ". 


92 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,   1662. 

That  the  Committees  of  the  East  India  Company  had  long  been 
dissatisfied  with  Andrews's  management  and  suspicious  of  his  good 
faith  in  the  matter  of  private  trade  is  obvious  from  many  references 
in  the  foregoing  pages ;  but  in  any  case  a  change  was  overdue. 
The  choice  they  made  was  a  happy  one.  George  Oxenden, 
a  younger  son  of  an  ancient  family,  had  been  sent  to  the  East  as 
a  boy  to  seek  his  fortune,  and  his  success  had  been  entirely  due  to 
his  own  exertions.  His  character  for  probity  stood  high  ;  while  his 
long  experience  had  given  him  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  trade. 
His  portrait  (see  the  frontispiece)  shows  a  shrewd  face,  with  alert 
eyes  and  a  firm  mouth ;  and  the  record  of  his  administration  proves 
what  sterling  qualities  underlay  a  somewhat  homely  exterior.  At 
the  time  of  his  appointment  he  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  having  been 
born  in  1620.  Apparently  he  was  unmarried,  and  hence  had  no 
home  ties  to  deter  him  from  returning  to  India  ;  while  the  ill  success 
of  his  last  voyage,  which  had  involved  him  in  a  lawsuit  that 
threatened  to  engulf  his  entire  fortune,  was  another  motive  for 
seeking  further  employment.  Finding  him  prepared  to  accept  the 
post,  the  Committees  quickly  came  to  terms  with  him,  and  on 
35  October,  1661,  he  was  appointed  President  at  a  salary  of  300/. 
per  annum,  with  an  additional  yearly  allowance  of  200/.,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  experience  and  of  the  extra  trouble  involved  in 
reorganizing  matters  at  Surat.  By  this  arrangement  the  recent 
reduction  of  the  President's  salary  was  maintained,  while  at  the 
same  time  Oxenden  was  able  to  draw  a  similar  amount  to  that 
which  had  been  given  to  President  Wyche.  An  important  change 
was  made  by  tacitly  excluding  Madras,  Bengal,  and  Bantam  from 
his  control.  This  was  doubtless  done  with  Oxenden's  concurrence  ; 
he  had  no  acquaintance  with  those  parts,  and  his  responsibilities  in 
Western  India  were  likely  to  need  the  whole  of  his  attention.  His 
correct  title,  as  given  in  his  commission  (19  March,  i66a),  was 
'  President  and  Cheife  Director  of  all  our  affaires  in  Surratt  and  all 
other  our  factories  in  the  north  parts  of  India  [i.  e.  the  East  Indies], 
from  Zeilon  to  the   Redd  Sea '.      The  dignity  of  the   post   was 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662         93 

enhanced  by  the  King's  bestowal  of  a  knighthood  upon  Oxenden 
(24  November,  1661). 

The  new  President  sailed  in  the  Richard  and  Martha  about  the 
end  of  March,  1662  ;  and  at  the  same  time  departed  the  King's 
squadron,  under  the  Earl  of  Marlborough,  charged  with  the  duty  of 
taking  over  the  island  of  Bombay  from  the  Portuguese.  Of  this 
expedition  something  will  be  said  on  a  later  page. 

Oxenden  carried  with  him  a  letter,  addressed  to  '  Our  President 
and  Counsell  in  Surratt',  and  dated  19  March,  1662.  This  com- 
mences by  answering  the  missing  letter  already  mentioned  of  10 
and  13  April,  1661,  received  on  16  December  following.  The 
question  of  sending  an  embassy  to  Delhi,  '  to  congratulate  the  new 
Kings  coming  to  the  crowne ',  is  left  to  the  decision  of  Oxenden  and 
his  Council.  In  response  to  a  request  for  copper,  '  of  that  sort  as 
the  sugar  vessells  are  made  of,  a  supply  to  the  value  of  2,000/.  is 
being  sent.  With  regard  to  the  attempts  made  to  undervalue  the 
silver  bullion  received  from  England,  it  is  insisted  that  each  ingot  is 
of  the  fineness  invoiced,  and  the  factors  are  instructed  to  stand  out 
for  the  full  value.  The  reasons  given  for  exceeding  the  allowance 
fixed  for  household  expenses  at  Surat  are  rejected  as  unsatisfactory,, 
and  any  expenditure  above  the  authorized  rate  is  ordered  to  be 
charged  to  the  President's  account  ;  '  and  the  rather,  because  the 
excesse  hath  arisen  from  the  enterteynment  of  Mr.  Andrewes  owne 
servants,  factors,  and  masters  imployed  in  his  vessells  to  severall 
places,  to  our  very  greate  damage'.  The  amount  already  fixed 
will,  it  is  hoped,  suffice ;  but  if  the  new  President  and  his  Council 
find  it  insufficient,  '  they  shall  have  the  liberty  in  some  moderate 
measure  to  exceed  our  lymitted  allowance '.  The  tyrannical  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Governor  of  Surat  are  next  noticed,  but  the  matter 
is  left  to  the  discretion  of  Oxenden  and  his  colleagues.  Investiga- 
tion will  probably  show  that  Revington's  agreement  about  the  sale 
of  the  guns  was  '  a  reall  bargaine ',  which  ought  to  be  carried  out  in 
its  entirety. 

The  next  thing  that  requires  our  observation  is  the  large  comen- 
dations  which  you  give  of  Carwarr  and  Porcatt,  and  the  large 
quantities  of  pepper  and  other  comodities  procureable  in  those  places, 
both  for  sale  in  England  and  India  ;  the  King  of  Porcatt  haveing 
built  a  howse  at  his  owne  charge  for  the  reception  of  our  factors  and 


94         SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

engaged  to  deliver  all  the  pepper  of  the  groweth  of  his  country 
unto  them.  And  because  wee  hope  the  prosecution  of  this  designe 
may  bee  of  considerable  proffitt  and  advantage  unto  us,  wee  aprove 
of  your  sending  of  twoe  factors  to  reside  at  Porcatt ;  and  wee 
earnestly  referr  it  to  the  serious  consideration  of  our  President  and 
Counsell  for  the  sending  of  more  factors  and  setling  of  factories  at 
those  places  where  they  may  bee  most  comodious  for  us,  and 
maturely  to  consult  the  best  way  for  the  bringing  downe  of  the 
pepper  from  Carwarr  Country  to  Carwarr  Howse,  and  the  gayning 
of  as  much  cinamon  and  cashia  lignum  ^  as  you  can  procure.  If  (as 
you  informe  us)  our  lead  and  cloth  will  sell  for  ready  mony  at 
Raybagg  and  torne  better  to  our  accompt  then  in  barter  for  pepper, 
being  that  pepper  may  bee  bought  at  Carwarr  with  the  same  mony 
and  at  cheaper  rates,  wee  shall  not  presse  the  bartering  of  our  said 
comodities  as  formerly  wee  have  done,  but  referr  it  wholly  to  your 
prudence  and  discretion  to  direct  things  as  may  most  conduce  to 
our  proffitt. 

In  view  of  the  commendations  given  of  Henry  Gary,  he  is  allowed 
a  salary  of  50/.  per  annum,  to  commence  from  the  time  of  his 
admission  to  the  service,  and  he  is  appointed  a  member  of  the 
Council  at  Surat,  unless  it  is  thought  advisable  to  send  him  to  one 
of  the  other  factories.  A  supply  of  cables  and  other  ship's  stores 
is  forwarded.  Buckeridge  is  censured  for  his  long  stay  at  Ispahan 
and  for  employing  Young  again  ;  these  proceedings  are  to  be 
investigated  and  satisfaction  required  from  him.  The  calicoes 
formerly  obtained  at  Kayal  were  both  good  and  cheap  ;  the  Com- 
mittees are  surprised,  therefore,  to  find  that  factory  decried  as 
unprofitable,  and  they  suspect  bad  management  in  the  matter. 

Though  Mercolees  and  Derebands  (as  you  write  us)  are  not  pro- 
cnreable  at  Surratt  either  soe  good  or  soe  cheape  as  at  Agra,  wee 
must  bee  content  with  the  fewer  and  not  settle  that  factory  upon 
any  pretence  whatsoever  ;  wee  being  best  judges  of  our  owne 
actions,  and  wee  doubt  not  but  the  quantitie  desired  by  us  may  bee 
furnished  at  Surratt  etc.  at  cheaper  rates  then  to  keepe  a  chargeable 
factory  on  our  hands  only  for  their  provision. 

The  continuance  of  a  factory  at  Ahmadabad  is  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  President  and  Council.  The  letter  goes  on  to  advise  that  the 
following  factors  have  been  engaged  :  John  Goodier-  (66/.  13^.4^^.), 

'  The  wild  cinnamon  of  the  Malabar  Coast  (see  p.  343  of  the  preceding  volume). 
''■  The  '  Goodyear '  of  previous  volumes.     He  had  gone  home  in  1656. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662         95 

Gerald  Aungier  (30/,),  Charles  Smeaton  (30/.),  Caesar  Chamberlain 
(25/.),  John  Petit  (25/.),  Richard  Francis  (25/.),  Charles  Bendish 
(25/.),  William  Jones  (2c/.),  William  Blackman  (20/.),  Henry 
Oxenden  ^  (20/.),  George  Gibbon  (20/.),  Henry  Chown  (2c/.),  and 
William  Shipman  ^  (20/.).  Their  salaries  are  to  begin  on  arrival 
and  to  cease  on  dismissal  or  embarkation  for  England.  Streynsham 
Master  is  allowed  a  salary  of  30/.  from  the  arrival  of  the  Richard 
and  Martha  ;  Philip  Giffard's  remuneration  is  to  be  increased  to 
ao/.  from  the  same  date ;  and  leave  is  given  to  re-engage  William 
Jesson,  if  he  has  cleared  himself  from  his  debts.  Certain  sailors  are 
to  be  allowed  to  return  to  England.  As  '  a  large  vent '  of  English 
manufactures  is  desired,  the  permission  formerly  given  to  dispose  of 
broadcloth  at  only  20  per  cent,  profit  is  renewed.  It  is  hoped  that 
a  stock  of  goods  is  ready  for  dispatch  to  England.  The  arrange- 
ments for  the  dispatch  of  a  squadron  under  Lord  Marlborough  to 
take  possession  of  Bombay  are  next  described.  The  Company  has 
also  freighted  the  Richard  and  Martha,  and  in  her  has  sent 
Sir  George  Oxenden,  who  has  been  chosen  to  succeed  to  the  post  of 
President,  and  to  investigate  the  transactions  of  Andrews  and 
others.  Particulars  of  the  cargoes  of  the  various  ships  are  next 
given.  That  of  the  Richard  and  Martha  consisted  of  broadcloth, 
lead,  coral,  quicksilver,  copper,  ivory,  brimstone,  and  sundries,  to  the 
value  of  15,030/.,  gold  ingots  to  the  value  of  1,385/,,  silver  ingots  to 
the  value  of  13,725/.,  and  rials  of  eight  invoiced  at  5,125/.:  total, 
35,265/.  By  the  Convcrtine  were  sent  goods  to  the  value  of  2,253/. 
and  silver  ingots  worth  8,499/.  5  while  the  Mary  Rose  and  the 
Dunkirk  each  carried  5,000/.  in  rials  of  eight.  All  the  ships  are  to 
be  returned  to  England  as  speedily  as  possible,  except  the  Converting 
As  for  that  vessel, 

If  our  affaires  bee  setled  in  Persia,  and  that  lading  can  possibly 
bee  gayned,  that  you  then  send  her  for  England.  But  if  the  Persia 
businesse  bee  not  composed,  then  wee  would  have  you  to  send  her 
away  timely  with  the  Siirratt  Friggott  or  Vine  to  Gombroone, 
there  to  act  according  to  such  directions  as  you  shall  give,  either  for 

^  Second  son  of  the  new  President's  eldest  brother,  Sir  Henry  Oxenden. 

'  From  the  Court  Minutes  of  2 1  March,  1 662,  it  appears  that  he  was  a  son  of  Sir  Abraham 
Shipman  and  was  already  *  resident  in  India '  (see  the  last  volume,  p.  344).  He  was 
entertained  at  his  father's  request,  with  the  proviso  that  he  should  be  free  to  quit  the 
service  and  join  Sir  Abraham  when  he  pleased. 


96         SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

treating  or  otherwise,  as  wee  have  largly  directed  in  our  former 
instructions.  .  .  .  These  twoe  ships,  wee  conceive,  will  bee  suffitient 
to  carry  on  that  worke,  haveing  the  repute  of  His  Majesties  ships 
beeing  with  you. 

li  the  differences  with  the  Persians  have  been  composed,  but  no 
cargo  can  be  provided  for  dispatch  to  England  in  the  Convcrime, 
she  should  be  sent  to  Gombroon  with  freight  goods,  and  on  her 
return  be  employed  in  a  voyage  to  Bantam  with  a  lading  of  Indian 
commodities  to  the  value  of  6,000/.  From  that  port  she  will  be 
sent  home  direct  with  a  cargo  of  pepper.  Should  she  return  to 
England  direct  from  Surat,  some  other  vessel  must  be  dispatched  to 
Bantam  in  her  place.  On  her  way  out  she  will  transfer  to  the 
pinnace  Chestmit  part  of  her  cargo,  with  which  the  latter  will 
proceed  to  Mozambique,  there  to  trade  for  gold,  ivory,  and  ebony 
wood.  The  ebony  wood,  with  some  red  earth  (if  she  goes  to 
Gombroon)  and  a  quantity  of  cowries,  will  serve  as  kentledge  for 
the  Convcrtinc  on  the  homeward  voyage.  Some  minor  topics  are 
next  touched  upon  ;  and  then  the  President  and  Council  are  directed 
to  investigate  certain  claims  made  against  Revington  by  some 
'  Banian  brokers '.  Next,  a  strong  proof  of  the  Committees'  con- 
fidence in  Oxenden  is  given. 

When  it  shall  please  the  Almightie  to  arrive  our  elected  President, 
Sir  George  Oxinden,  at  Surratt,  wee  give  him  power  and  liberty 
that  hee  make  choice  of  such  able  and  honest  persons,  out  of  those 
whome  wee  have  enterteyned,  to  bee  of  Counsell  with  him  for  the 
manadgment  and  carrying  on  of  our  affaires.  But  if  it  should  soe 
happen  (which  God  defend)  that  hee,  the  said  Sir  George  Oxinden, 
should  decease  before  his  arriveall  there,  in  such  case  wee  doe 
apoint  Mr.  Henry  Garry,  Mr.  John  Lambton,  Mr.  John  Goodier, 
and  Mr.  Anthonie  Smith  to  bee  Comissioners,  and  joyntly  to 
manadge  all  our  affaires  untill  a  new  President  or  further  order  and 
directions  shall  bee  sent  by  us. 

Oxenden  and  his  Council  are  directed  to  inquire  into  the  dis- 
missal of  Matthew  Gray,  whose  salary,  contingent  on  a  favourable 
result,  is  raised  to  30/.  per  annum.  A  similar  increase  is  granted  to 
Robert  Master.  After  conferring  with  the  new  President,  the 
following  establishment  is  laid  down  :  for  Surat,  Persia,  and  '  Synda ', 
t6  persons,  besides  the  President;  for  '  Rajapore  and  Decan ',  6  ; 
for  Calicut  and  Kayal,  4  ;  and  for  voyaging  to  Achin,  &c.,  4  more : 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662  97 

in  all,  30.  The  President  and  Council  are  given  full  power  to  place 
and  displace  any  of  the  factors ;  also  to  dismiss  contumacious 
members  and  ship  them  to  England. 

The  Committees  next  bethought  themselves  of  the  instructions 
given  in  1660  (see  the  previous  volume,  p.  337)  to  undertake  war- 
like operations  against  the  Persians  and  afterwards  to  endeavour  to 
secure  Danda  Rajpuri  castle. 

Upon  a  late  debate  of  that  comission  and  instructions  which  wee 
formerly  gave  and  sent  out  on  the  Eagle,  relating  to  the  manadg- 
ment  of  our  affaires  in  Persia,  wee  have  concluded  that  if  noe  pro- 
ceedings bee  alreadie  made  against  the  Persians  in  a  hostile  manner, 
that  then  wee  leave  it  to  the  discretion  of  our  President  and  Coun- 
sell  whither  to  proceed  absolutely,  accordingly  to  what  directions 
wee  formerly  gave,  or  to  omitt  what  part  thereof  you  shall,  upon 
mature  and  prudent  consultation,  thinck  fitt ;  provided  that  you 
sell,  or  compound  with  the  Persians  for,  noe  more  then  only  the 
areares  of  customes  which  shall  bee  due  to  the  Company,  wee 
intending  to  reserve  and  mainteyne  our  priviledges  of  receiveing  the 
halfe  customes,  and  our  owne  goodes  custome  free,  in  the  port  of 
Gombroone.  If  at  the  arriveall  of  these  ships  Danda  Rajapore  shall 
bee  in  posession  for  the  use  of  the  Company,  then  wee  require  that, 
with  what  conveniency  you  can  and  with  discreete  manadgment, 
you  remove  from  Surratt  and  settle  your  Presidency  in  that  place, 
and  there  secure  and  fortifie  your  selves  as  well  as  you  can,  with 
what  English  are  in  those  parts,  till  wee  shall  bee  advised  from  you 
of  your  condition  ;  and  then  wee  shall  proceed  to  furnish  you  with 
all  things  needfull  that  your  advices  shall  require. 

Finally,  some  former  instructions  are  reiterated  that  certain 
factors,  employed  by  the  United  Joint  Stock,  who  had  helped 
themselves  to  the  whole  of  their  wages,  should  repay  the  sums 
they  had  drawn,  pending  a  final  settlement  of  the  accounts  of  that 
Stock. 

In  the  commission  and  instructions  given  to  Oxenden,  reference 
is  made  to  a  printed  declaration  promising  a  reward  for  the  discovery 
of  private  trade  in  prohibited  goods ;  this  he  is  to  distribute  freely. 
After  giving  the  President  and  Council  full  authority  over  the 
Company's  servants,  the  document  proceeds  : 

For  all  other  English  men  that  shall  bee  in  your  parts  and  have 
noe  relation  or  dependance  on  us,  but  on  the  contrary  remaine  there 
and  act  to  our  prejudice,  you  have  power  herewith  perticulerly  given 

8597  H 


98         SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

you,  under  the  Kings  Majesties  privy  seale,  to  seize  their  persons 
and  forthwith  to  retorne  them  for  England ;  which  wee  require  you 
accordingly  to  put  in  execution. 

Oxenden's  engagement  is  declared  to  be  '  for  the  terme  of  four  or 
five  yeares ',  at  the  remuneration  already  mentioned.  Special  in- 
structions are  given  him  for  dealing  with  his  predecessor  and  other 
offenders. 

Wee  have  drawne  up  severall  perticulers  as  a  charge  against 
Mr.  Mathew  Andrewes,  and  alsoe  another  against  Mr.  Henry 
Revington  ;  ^  which  wee  herewith  deliver  you  and  referr  you  unto 
them.  And  wee  hereby  require  you  that,  imediatly  upon  your 
arriveall  at  Surratt,  you  secure  the  person  and  estate  of  the  said 
Mr.  Andrewes,  and  then  strictly  to  call  him  to  accompt  for  all  those 
abuses  and  damages  laid  to  his  charge,  and  for  what  other  you  may 
there  gett  the  knowledge  off;  and  wherein  it  shall  justly  apeare  that 
hee  hath  acted  contrary  to  his  trust  and  to  our  damage,  wee  doe 
require  that  hee  make  us  sattisfaction,  by  paying  the  full  value  into 
our  cash  with  interest.  And  then  wee  further  require  that  hee,  the 
said  Mr.  Andrewes,  bee  sent  for  England  by  the  next  shipping,  and 
a  full  accompt  given  us  how  you  have  proceeded  with  him. 

Revington  is  to  be  treated  more  mildly ;  and  upon  his  making 
good  any  losses  he  had  caused,  it  is  left  to  the  President  and 
Council  either  to  employ  him  again  or  send  him  to  England,  as 
they  shall  see  fit.  All  other  factors  detected  in  malpractices  are  to 
be  forced  to  make  satisfaction.  Should  a  settlement  be  arrived  at 
in  the  case  of  Andrews  and  Revington,  full  releases  must  be  taken, 
in  order  to  prevent  legal  action  in  England  either  against  Oxenden 
or  the  Company. 

In  perticuler  wee  desire  you  to  examine  the  past  actions  of  Chout 
Tocker  and  Somgee  Chittee  [Somaji  Chitta],  twoe  of  Mr.  Andrewes 
creatures,  whome  hee  makes  use  of  to  drive  on  his  ends  and 
manadge  a  trade  togither.  They  have  bouglit  the  ship  Mayjlower, 
as  wee  are  informed,  in  partnership,  and  fitted  her  for  a  voyage  and 
put  aboard  her  noe  lesse  then  25  English  men. 

^  The  charges  against  Andrews  will  be  detailed  later.  Those  made  against  Revington 
(whose  death  was  not  known  in  England)  included  an  accusation  that  he  had  brought 
about  the  seizure  of  the  Company's  goods  and  servants  at  Rajapur,  '  by  his  voluntary 
takeing  part  with  Rustam  Jemah  against  Sevagee  and  seizing  upon  his  jouncks,  goeing 
himselfe  in  person,  with  Mr.  Taylor,  to  one  of  Sevagees  castles  that  was  beseiged,  carrying 
a  gunner  along  with  him,  and  asisted  in  fireing  the  granadoes'. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662         99 

The  royal  warrant  referred  to  was  in  the  following  terms : 

Charles  R. 

Whereas  complaint  hath  been  made  unto  Us,  on  behalfe  of  the 
Company  of  Merchants  Trading  into  the  East  Indies,  that  divers 
English  men,  having  noe  relation  or  dependance  on  the  said 
Company,  doe  saile  the  Indian  jouncks,  teach  the  natives  there  to 
build  and  navigate  ships,  and  trade  in  those  parts  to  the  greate 
prejudice  of  the  English  nation,  contrary  to  Our  royall  charter 
graunted  to  the  said  Company,  Our  will  and  pleasure  is  that  you 
cause  all  such  disorderly  persons,  resideing  within  your  jurisdiction 
and  agency,  as  shall  in  the  said  manner  violate  the  priviledges, 
imunities,  and  powers  graunted  by  Our  said  charter  to  the  said 
East  India  Company,  to  the  prejudice  and  discouragment  of  trade  in 
those  parts,  to  bee  forthwith  seized  and  sent  for  England.  And  for 
so  doeing  this  shall  bee  suffitient  warrant  and  authoritie  unto  you. 
Given  at  Our  Court  at  Whitehall,  the  21th  of  February,  in  the 
13  yeare  of  Our  reigne.  By  His  Majesties  comaund, 

Edward  Nicholas. 

Having  thus  reviewed  the  documents  with  which  Oxenden  was 
armed,  we  turn  now  to  his  account  of  his  voyage  and  subsequent 
proceedings.  This  is  contained  in  a  long  letter  to  the  Company, 
dated  30  November,  1663,  signed  by  Oxenden,  Goodier,  and 
Aungier.  After  mentioning  a  previous  letter  from  Madeira,  where 
the  Earl  of  Marlborough  was  riding  with  the  Dunkirk  and  the 
Mary  Rose,  the  writers  say  that  on  13  August  they  reached 
Johanna,  where  they  found  Lord  Marlborough  in  the  Dunkirk,  and 
the  Leopard  from  Lisbon  with  a  Portuguese  Viceroy^  on  board. 
After  visiting  and  conferring  with  the  latter,  Oxenden  sent  Aungier 
and  Bendish  aboard  the  Dunkirk,  their  instructions^  being  to 
proceed  to  Goa,  where,  in  accordance  with  an  agreement  already 
made,  the  Leopard  was  to  be  offered  to  the  Viceroy  to  carry  goods 
and  passengers  to  Lisbon  on  freight  terms  ;  if  not  required,  she  was 
to  come  to  Surat.  This  done,  the  Richard  and  Martha  sailed 
again  on  16  August,  after  taking  out  of  the  Dunkirk  the  treasure 
she  was  carrying  for  the  Company.  The  '  outward  road  of  Swally  ' 
was  reached  on  18  September. 

^  Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro.     Strictly  speaking,  he  was  Governor,  not  Viceroy,  until 
a  year  Liter.     Lord  Marlborough's  expedition  is  dealt  with  in  the  next  chapter. 
^  A  copy  forms  O.C.  2936. 

H  a 


ICO        SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

The  next  day  mored  in  Swally  Hole,  and,  in  a  few  lynes  ^  ex- 
pressing your  commaunds,  sent  up  Mr.  John  Goodier,  signifieing 
your  pleasure  to  Mr.  Mathew  Andrews,  Mr,  Lambton,  etc.  the 
Councell  .  .  .  with  summons  for  their  repayre  downe  to  receive  your 
further  orders  concerning  them  ;  which  they  readily  complyed  with, 
and  were  with  me  the  next  day  ;  when  haveing  served  Mr.  Andrews 
etc.  with  a  clause  onely  of  your  letter,  keepeing  all  the  rest  private, 
hee  and  the  rest  all  presently  resigned  in  obediance  to  your 
comaunds.  And  haveing  gratulated  your  servant  in  the  Presidency, 
every  one  takeing  their  place,  hee  [Oxenden]  related  unto  us  how 
deepely  you  rescented  the  unhandsome  usuage  of  the  Governor  and 
other  the  King  of  Indias  ministers  of  Surratt  towards  your 
servants  .  .  .  with  which  you  are  soe  much  displeased  that  you  have 
comaunded  me  to  take  an  accomptt  and  demaund  satisfaction,  for 
you  were  resolved  noe  longer  to  suffer  such  indignities  to  be  put 
upon  your  servants  and  nation  ;  His  Majesty  of  England  also, 
haveing  taken  cognizance  of  it,  hath  comaunded  a  squadron  of  his 
royall  navy  to  right  his  subjects  in  faviour  of  the  Honorable 
Company,  and  that  you  had  comaunded  your  President  to  draw  of 
and  desert  soe  dishonourable  and  unproffitable  a  trade,  and  therefore 
was  come  to  call  away  your  servants  from  the  severall  factoryes, 
presently  writteing  away  for  Ahmadavad  by  expresse  to  require 
them  to  repayre  downe.  By  this  time  the  news  was  whispered  up 
and  downe  and  was  flowne  up  to  Surratt ;  which  brought  downe  all 
your  Bannian  servants,  led  up  by  your  cheife  broker  Choutt ;  unto 
whome  your  President  declared  that  your  buisness,  by  their 
tretcherous  manadgment  of  it,  was  no[w]e  come  to  an  end  in  that 
place,  and  therefore  willed  them  to  repayre  back  againe  to  their 
severall  habitations,  for  you  had  noe  further  employment  for  them, 
onely  to  present  the  Honorable  Companies  love  to  Virgee  Vorah 
and  to  let  him  know  that  you  had  comanded  us  to  satisfie  what  was 
due  unto  him  .  .  .  therefore  desired  him  to  send  such  bills  by  his 
servant  to  cleare  his  accompt  and  receive  his  moneys  from  aboard 
the  ship,  for  wee  had  noe  order  to  trust  it  ashoare ;  wishing  the 
brokers  also  to  publish  to  the  whole  towne  your  resolutions  that  all 
persons  should  repaire  to  the  Marine  and  receive  satisfaction  where- 
in they  had  any  just  demaunds  upon  you,  although  you  could  quitt 
scores  by  oppressions  and  wrongs  sustained,  but  as  for  that  you  were 
resolved  to  take  a  more  honourable  way  to  right  your  selves.  This 
nettles  the  Governor,  who  presently  sends  downe  his  tents  and 
a  person  of  quality  to  welcom  your  President  thither,  and  a  festivall 
entertainement,  which  was  refused,  wishing  him  to  lett  the 
Governor  know  hee  had  noe  such  children  to  deale  with.     Many 

1  A  copy  forms  O.C.  293S. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        loi 

promisses  from  the  Govemour  he  made,  backt  with  perswasions  and 
intrcaties  of  his  owne ;  but  in  the  conclusion  wee  sent  him  ashoare 
againc  with  our  greviances ;  which  hee  presently  sent  away,  and 
waited  at  the  water  side  for  an  answer.  In  this  interim  comes  into 
the  Hole  4  or  5  frigotts,  wherein  was  two  embassadors,  one  of  the 
King  of  Indias,  the  other  the  Bashaw  of  Bussora[s],^  who  had 
through  the  lateness  of  the  yeare  lost  their  voyadges.  The 
Governor,  being  informed  of  their  arrivall,  wrott  downe  to  them, 
desireing  them  to  use  their  perswasions.  The  letter  was  read  before 
us ;  wherein  hee  obliged  himselfe  for  the  performance  of  what  ever 
they  should  promise  in  his  behalfe.  Soe  they  sent  to  desire  that 
they  might  give  the  President  a  vissitt,  and  were  admitted  aboard 
your  ship.  These,  after  some  cerimonies  were  over,  fell  to  perswade 
with  me  with  great  importunity,  that  much  time  was  spent  ;  but  at 
last  I  tould  them  it  was  lost  labour :  I  was  a  servant  under  command, 
and  limitted  by  my  sovereigne  and  my  masters,  and  must  and 
would  obey  comission.  They  askt  what  twas  would  satisfie  mee. 
I  tould  them  publique  acknowledgments  for  publique  affronts,  and 
some  assureance  that  the  like  bee  not  offered  to  the  nation  in 
the  future  ;  and  thereupon  gave  them  a  perticular  accompt  of  all 
abuses  wee  had  suffered ;  with  which,  sheweing  some  outward 
rescentment  that  wee  could  not  be  prevailed  with  to  come  ashoare, 
they  tooke  their  leaves.  And  thus  haveing  spent  the  best  part  of  the 
day,  the  next  morning  earely  they  went  for  Surratt ;  whither  I  also 
writt  to  the  steward  of  your  house  to  require  all  persons  under 
your  rooffe  that  they,  presently  upon  receipt  of  my  letter,  pack  up 
all  their  lomber  and  leave  the  towne.  And  endeed  wee  had 
two  reasons  that  did  prompt  us  to  this ;  one  was  to  cleare  the 
house,  before  I  came  thither,  of  a  great  many  persons  that  had 
harboured  themselves  and  made  their  nest  to  your  great  expence, 
and  also  that  their  chests  and  things  cleareing  at  the  custome-house 
might  make  a  noise  to  waken  the  people  that  the  English  were 
goeing  away  all  and  leaveing  their  house  ;  which  tooke  it's  desired 
effect,  for  wee  have  by  that  meanes  cleared  your  house  of  a  strange 
rable  that  had  gott  themselves  seated  there,  eateing  and  drinkeing 
all  upon  your  cost  (which  is  one  of  the  least  mischeifes  they  did 
you),  and  secondly  their  leaveing  your  house  empty  caused  great 
murmerings  in  the  towne  that  they  were  all  undone  and  ruined 
through  the  inconsiderate  actings  of  a  rash  and  heady  Governor. 

^  For  the  envoy  from  Basra  (who  was  now  returning)  see  p.  8i.  Tavernier  mentions 
the  arrival  at  Delhi  of  this  ambassador,  who  had  come  to  congratulate  the  Emperor  on 
his  accession  (ed.  Ball,  vol.  i.  p.  373).  See  also  Bernier  (ed.  Constable,  p.  133)  and 
Manucci  (vol.  ii.  pp.  109,  115).  The  dispatch  of  an  ambassador  from  Delhi  to  Basra  is 
noted  in  a  letter  of  12  August,  1662,  from  Aleppo  Hist.  MSS.  Commission's  Report  on 
Finch  MSS.,  vol.  i.  p.  209). 


I02        SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

And  as  this  was  in  every  mans  mouth,  comes  up  the  two  em- 
bassadours    and    delivered    our    complaints    and    that   wee  were 
prepareing  to  saile  (as  indeed  wee  made  shew  off,  by  causeing  the 
captain  to  gitt  up  his  topp  masts  and  crost  his  yards  at  their  goeing 
up,  to  quicken  them).     They  tould  the  Governour  every  perticular 
what  I    had    said,  and   their  owne  sence  upon    itt,  in    the   open 
presence,  blameing  him  for  his  usuage  of  us  and  that  he  had  thereby 
spoyled  the  Kings  port,  which  hee  must  looke  to  answer ;  and  with 
such  discourse  baited  him  out  of  the  cumpany  and  caused  him  to 
retire,  desireing  them  at  parting  to  thinke  of  a  way  how  to  pacific 
us  and  reconsile  the  differance  and  he  would  consent  to  it.     Where- 
upon there  was  a  councell  called  of  all  the  cheife  merchants  and 
other  the  emanent  persons  in  the  towne,  and  the  result  was  that  the 
Governour  should  send  down  his  Dewan  (who  is  the  sole  mannadger 
of  the  Kings  buisness)  and  all  the  rest  of  the  Kings  officers  and  all 
the  emanent  merchants,  aswell  the  inhabitants  in  towne  as  strangers, 
that  were  of  quallity,  takeing  with  them  the  Governours  promise 
sollemply  to  perform e  what  ever  they  should  engage   to  us  in. 
Which  newes  was  brought  to  us  long  before  they  could  come  downe 
(soe  good  was  our  intelligence  that  wee  had,  in  a  (&w  howres  after, 
all  things  relating  to  our  buisness).     Soe  that,  being  acquainted  with 
their  commission,  upon  thir  request  they  were  sent  for  ;  amongst  the 
rest,  your  old  freind,  Virgee  Vorah,  which  wee  name  because  hee  is 
perticularly  knowne  to  you  all.     Much  discourse  and  bandieing  wee 
had.     They  promised  a  reformation  in  all  that  wee  should  desire, 
and  a  confirmation  of  all  your  antient  rights  and  privilidges.     Wee 
tould  them  words  were  wind  and  wee  would  not  trust  to  them.     To 
bee  breife,  there  were  great  perswasions  used  and  promises  passed. 
At  last  wee  started  a  doubt  that  the  captain  of  the  ship  and  chiefe 
offecers  would  not  bee  willing  to  lett  us  goe  (wee  haveing  before 
prepared  the  captain  in  what  hee  should  say).     To  bee  breife,  he 
was  sent  for  into  the  great  cabbin  ;    who  came,  attended  with  his 
officers.     The\-  salluted  him  and  the  rest,  and  tould  him  they  were 
in  generall  termes  come   from  the   Governor,  but  perticularly  of 
their  owne  love  and  respect  to  us,  to  invite  us  to  Surratt.     The 
captain  tould  them  wee  had  little  incuradgment,  when  they  should 
consider  your  preceeding  Presidents  usuage  ;    whereupon  they  all 
engaged  themselves  to  him  also.     Hee  will  give  you  the  accompt, 
if  you    please   to   demaund   it.     Soe   wee  at    last  were  wonn  to 
accompany  them  ashoare,  for  without  your  President  they  would  not 
goe.     Soe  wee  considered  the  time  spent  apace,  for  'twas  the  last  of 
September  before  wee  sett  foote  ashoare,  and  all  your  stock,  for  wee 
laid  all  by,  not  dareing  to  appeare  too  forward  or   countenance 
anything  that  was  matter  of  trade  whilst  wee  were  upon  termes ; 
for  they  arc  a  quick  dcserning  people,  and  would  suddenly  have 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662       103 

apprehended  that  our  standing  out  was  but  a  bare  pretence,  and  soe 
have  overthrowne  all  our  designes  and  laught  at  our  folly.  Wee  had 
two  or  three  parts  more  to  play,  but  (as  said  before)  the  time  tooke 
us  short,  the  ships  calleing  upon  us  for  there  dispatches  downe  the 
coast  of  Mallabarr,  for  the  provision  of  a  lardg  quantity  of  goods  for 
the  ladeing  His  Majesties  friggotts  ;  which  seariously  waigheing, 
wee  were  unwilling  to  wast  more.  Soe  the  merchants  and  wee 
rested  on  the  Marrine  that  night,  and  the  next  day  went  up  to 
Surratt  in  company  ;  [and]  were  received  with  acclamations  and 
expressions  of  joy,  the  Governour  useing  many  expressions  of 
kindness  for  the  future  and  [promising?]  all  the  immunities  and 
priviledges  that  former  practice  could  entitle  our  nation  too ; 
excussing  himselfe,  protesting  what  had  passed  was  forced  upon  him 
by  the  rash  and  inconsiderate  actions  of  a  young  man  whose  yeares 
were  too  greene  for  soe  w^eighty  an  employment.  Wee  tould  him 
wee  were  sorry  it  had  reflected  soe  much  upon  the  nation  ;  but  he 
said  that  his  honour  was  also  invaded.  And  be  pleased  to  know 
hee  is  a  nobleman  of  the  greatest  quality  of  any  that  ever  was 
Governor  of  Surratt,  and  maintaine[s]  his  port  accordingly.  Hee 
had  at  court  the  pay  of  3000  horse  (which  is  the  manner  of  their 
takeing  degree  and  place,  and  bespeakes  their  honour).  The  usuall 
compliaments  and  cerimones  being  passed,  he  vested  your 
President  with  pamerins^  and  gaive  him  a  horse  (which  is  brought 
to  your  accompt)  and  soe  dismist  us,  accompanied  with  all  the 
cheife  merchants  in  towne,  who  brought  us  to  your  house,  and  soe 
tooke  their  leaves.  Our  next  buisness  was  to  make  vissitts  to  the 
severall  ambassidors  and  merchants  that  had  obliged  us  in  the  same 
nature ;  [so]  that  it  was  the  5th  October  before  wee  could  think  of 
anything  of  buisness  ;  when  wee  ordered  your  treasure  and  goods  to 
bee  laden  into  the  hoyes,  and  is  safely  landed  in  this  custome 
house. 

Thus  a  notable  success  had  been  scored — and  without  recourse 
to  the  methods  of  violence  favoured  by  President  Andrews.  By 
Oxenden's  adroit  diplomacy  the  Governor  had  been  forced  to  agree 
to  the  English  demands ;  yet  he  had  the  consolation  of  making  the 
concession  to  a  new-comer,  and  not  to  his  former  opponent,  now  dis- 
graced ;  and  moreover  he  could  represent  it  as  having  been  granted 
at  the  pressing  instance  of  the  whole  mercantile  community.  To  the 
latter  the  settlement  was  doubtless  a  source  of  satisfaction,  if  only  as 
a  salutary  check  to  a  ruler  of  whose  arbitrary  proceedings  they 
themselves  had  cause  to  complain. 

1  Shawls  of  honour  (Mahr.  pamari). 


104       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

Oxenden's  statement  that  no  business  was  transacted  prior  to 
5  October  is  not  strictly  correct.  He  had  already  constituted  his 
Council  by  choosing  Lambton,  Goodier,  and  Gary,  and  with  their 
help  had  indited  letters  to  various  factories.  Thus,  on  22  September 
one  was  sent  to  the  factors  at  Achin,  countermanding  Andrews's 
orders  to  them  to  bring  their  goods  to  Surat  in  a  native  junk. 
This  being  contrary  to  the  Company's  express  commands,  the 
factors  were  instructed  to  await  the  coming  of  the  J^i;ie,  which  would 
be  dispatched  to  them  about  March,  1663.  A  letter  to  Fort 
St.  George  of  the  same  date  announced  Oxenden's  arrival  and 
expressed  a  hope  of  '  freindly  correspondance  betweene  us  for  the 
future,  layeing  asside  all  animosities  '.  The  next  two  letters  require 
some  explanation.  It  was  judged  important  to  fetch  up  as  early  as 
possible  the  goods  accumulated  at  Kayal  and  at  Porakad  ;  but  the 
only  suitable  vessel  available  for  that  purpose  was  the  Hopcivell^  the 
building  of  which  was  one  of  the  Company's  grievances  against 
Andrews.  However,  the  Council  made  a  virtue  of  necessity,  and 
agreed  with  the  late  President  that  the  vessel  should  be  used  for 
this  purpose,  without  prejudice  to  the  question  of  her  ownership  ;  if 
later  on  it  should  be  decided  that  he  was  responsible  for  her,  he  was 
to  be  paid  a  suitable  fi'eight  for  the  voyage  now  contemplated. 
She  was  accordingly  prepared  for  a  voyage  to  Porakad  with  a  stock 
of  goods  and  with  letters  for  the  factors  at  that  place  and  at  Kayal. 
These  enjoined  Travers  to  send  his  goods  from  Kayal  to  Porakad 
for  shipment,  and  the  factors  at  the  latter  place  (Harrington  and 
Grigsby)  to  supply  him  with  any  funds  he  might  need.  Travers 
was  also  directed  to  close  temporarily  the  factory  at  Kayal  and 
repair  to  Surat,  either  with  the  goods  or  as  soon  after  their  dispatch 
as  he  could  clear  off  any  debts  that  were  owing.  His  recall  was 
only  '  to  discourse  the  whole  buisness  of  that  trade ',  and  he  was  to 
'  satisfie  the  cuntry  people  that  it  is  not  our  intents  to  desert 
the  factory  .  .  .  and  that  you  are  designed  to  returne  againe '. 
A  further  step  taken  by  the  Council  on  3  October  was  to  send 
a  supply  of  money  to  Thomas  Rolt  and  Streynsham  Master  at 
Ahmadabad,  bidding  them  speed  up  their  investments. 

The  Hopewell  sailed  on  9  October,  accompanied  by  the  Richard 
and  Martha^  bound  for  Karvvar.  In  a  letter  of  that  date,  addressed 
to  Master  and  Ball  at  that  port,  the  President  and  Council  sent 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        105 

them  the  necessary  funds  for  the  purchase  of  the  pepper, 
cardamoms,  &c.,  required,  and  urged  them  to  do  their  utmost 
to  procure  large  quantities  of  those  commodities.  Master  was  to 
return  to  Surat  as  soon  as  he  could  be  spared,  in  order  that  '  the 
conveniences  and  advantages  of  that  trade '  might  be  discussed 
with  him  ;  and  Caesar  Chamberlain  was  sent  to  assist  during  his 
absence.  The  Hoprduell  carried  also  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Marl- 
borough, who  would,  it  was  hoped,  be  found  off  Goa.  It  answered 
a  communication  from  him  (see  p.  131),  dated  26  September, 
acquainting  them  of  the  refusal  of  the  Portuguese  to  surrender 
Bombay.  This  piece  of  news  was  very  unwelcome  to  the  President 
and  Council,  as  foreshadowing  a  delay  in  placing  His  Lordship's 
squadron  at  their  disposal  for  refreighting,  and  they  begged  him  to 
dispatch,  if  possible,  one  or  more  of  his  ships  to  Karvvar  and 
Porakad  to  take  in  cargo.  They  also  informed  him  that  by  this 
conveyance  they  were  sending  Henry  Gary  to  Goa  to  relieve 
Aungier  (who  was  to  return  to  Surat)  of  the  duty  of  relading  the 
Leopard — a  task  for  which  Gary  was  well  fitted  by  his  experience 
and  his  linguistic  abilities.  His  Lordship  was  asked  to  do  anything 
in  his  power  to  obtain  the  release  of  the  unhappy  prisoners  in  the 
Deccan  ;  and  finally  a  word  of  caution  was  given  in  the  following 
paragraph : 

The  worst  of  newes  here  is  a  credable  report  that  this  King 
is  dead,  which  [will  ?]  cause  some  alterations.  These  people  could 
and  did  acquaint  us  two  or  three  dayes  before  your  letters  arived 
what  passed  twixt  Your  Lordship  and  those  people,  and  of  their 
refusing  you  to  land  your  souldiers  ;  wherefore  some  jeallosies  [i.  e. 
suspicions]  were  started  to  this  Governour  that  you  might 
probably  be  inclined  to  bring  them  hither ;  which  hath  given 
us  some  trouble  (it  being  agrivated  by  the  Kings  death),  but  wee 
have  at  present  passified  him  by  assureing  him  and  the  rest  of  the 
Kings  ministers  here  in  towne  that  you  were  not  nor  would  not 
bring  them  hither.  For  if  any  such  thing  should  bee,  you  may 
certainely  conclude  all  our  buisnesse  wilbe  obstructed  here  ;  for  wee 
cannot  expect  other  then  a  seasure  and  stop  upon  the  Companies 
goods  and  estate  here,  that  wee  shall  not  be  able  to  send  one  ship 
home  ;  which  wee  beseech  Your  Honour  to  take  into  your  serious 
consideration. 

This  protest,  however,  failed  to  stop  Lord  Marlborough  from 
coming  to  Swally,  as  related  in  the  next  chapter,  on  18  October. 


io6       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

In  the  circumstances,  it  was  clearly  impossible  for  the  Earl  to  place 
his  ships  at  the  disposal  of  the  President  and  Council  by  30  October, 
as  required  by  the  agreement  between  the  Company  and  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Navy.  It  was  therefore  resolved,  at  a  con- 
sultation held  on  22  October,  to  ask  him  to  hand  over  the  Convertine, 
on  her  arrival,  in  order  that  she  might  carry  home  at  least  a  portion 
of  the  goods  that  had  been  collected  for  the  lading  of  the  squadron. 
It  was  further  decided  not  to  proceed  with  the  investment  for 
Bantam. 

A  fresh  cause  of  perplexity  to  Oxenden  and  his  Council  was  the 
widespread  belief  (referred  to  above)  that  Aurangzeb  was  dead  and 
that  general  unrest,  if  not  civil  war,  would  follow.^  Writing  to  the 
Ahmadabad  factors  on  i  November,  they  said  : 

Wee  take  notice  of  the  arrivall  of  your  new  Govenour  ^  and  the 
present  you  made  him  ;  which  was  too  much  for  our  buisnes  there, 
what  ever  hee  expected  ;  for  wee  have  weighed  it  and  find  that  soe 
slender  investments  cannot  possibly  support  the  charge  and  expence 
that  it  is  now  under.  .  .  .  Wee  are  certainely  informed  the  King  is 
dead  long  since,  and  are  very  confident  of  the  truth  of  our  advices  ; 
which  gives  us  occasion  to  suspect  troubles  and  riseings  all  about ; 
and  probably,  if  wee  should  prolong  time,  our  goods  may  be  blockt 
up,  or  at  best  run  a  farr  greater  danger  in  the  future. 

The  factors  were  accordingly  instructed  to  bring  away  what  goods 
they  had  ready,  leaving  the  broker  to  gather  in  the  rest  and  to  take 
care  of  the  Company's  house  and  household  stuff.  As  nothing  was 
said  upon  the  subject  in  the  letter  to  the  Company,  it  is  evident  that 
by  the  end  of  the  month  the  President  and  Council  had  learned  that 
the  report  of  the  Emperor's  death  was  false. 

Meanwhile  Sivaji's  prisoners  at  Rairi  had  heard  of  the  arrival  of 
a  new  President  and  of  the  Earl  of  Marlborough,  and  had  written  to 
both,  beseeching  their  intervention  for  the  purpose  of  securing  their 
release.  The  one  addressed  to  Lord  Marlborough  was  sent  by  him 
to  the  President,  as  thus  related  in  a  letter  from  Aungier  at  Bombay, 
dated  26  September : 

Yesterday  there  came  aboard  us  one  Mr.  Matthew  Noell  from 

^  This  seems  to  have  been  an  echo  of  the  alarm  excited  at  Delhi  by  the  severe  illness 
from  which  the  Emperor  suffered  in  May- June,  1662. 

"  Mahabat  Khan  had  been  appointed  Viceroy  of  Gujarat,  in  succession  to  Jaswant  Singh. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        107 

Chaull,  who  tells  us  that  hee  was  sent  thither  by  Mr.  Andrewes  in 
order  to  the  releife  of  Mr.  Randolph  Taylor  etc.,  the  Companies 
servantts  at  Rojapore.  Hee  brought  us  letters  from  the  said 
Mr.  Taylor,  giving  a  relation  of  their  imprisonment,  and  likewise 
a  way  proposed  for  their  release,  by  intercepting  the  Queen  of 
Vizapore,  remaining  now  incognita  at  Chaull.^  My  Lord,  being 
unacquainted  with  the  nature  of  this  affaire  and  unwilling  to  doe 
anything  without  Your  Worships  advice,  hath  sent  you  their  papers 
under  Capt.  Browns  covert,  expecting  Your  Worships  answer ; 
having  his  hands  full  of  his  owne  business,  and  little  inclination  to 
embroyle  himselfe  in  such  a  concernment.  I  have  taken  care  to 
send  them  those  necessaries  they  write  for,  and  should  bee  very 
glad  to  serve  them  in  any  thing  I  could,  both  as  my  countrymen 
and  fellow  servants. 

The  prisoners'  letter  to  Surat  arrived  on  7  November,  and  a  week 
later  a  reply  was  sent,  assuring  them  that  efforts  were  being  made 
to  obtain  their  freedom.  The  President  and  Council  had  already 
arranged  that 

Bennidas  should  use  his  contrivance,  by  a  Braman  to  be  sent  to 
Sovagee  to  deale  with  his  Bramans,  if  by  this  way  he  may  be  pre- 
vailed with  ;  which  wee  are  assured  carries  good  probability  with  it. 
And  Vealgee  ^  hath  commission  and  order  to  doe  what  ever  may  be 
sutable  to  your  release.  Hee  is  voyadged  downe  the  coast  in  ship 
Richard  and  Martha.  And  last  of  all,  wee  are  our  selves  in  action 
for  your  redemption  by  this  Govenor,  who  is  become  highly  civill 
unto  our  nation  since  the  President  arived,  granting  all  whatever  is 
desired  from  him  with  the  greatest  freedome  imaginable,  that  wee 
live  now  in  good  reputation,  being  encouraged  to  make  new  requests. 
Wherefore,  it  being  accustomary  that  all  Presidents  that  are  new 
commers  doe  present  the  Govenor  etc.  the  Kings  ministers  of  this 
towne,  which  wee  are  in  hands  to  doe ;  at  which  time  wee  are 
invited  to  make  our  request  in  your  behalves  that  this  Govenor, 
with  some  other  of  the  principall  officers,  would  wright  to  this 
Kings  gennerall,  Shasta  [Ckaune],  who  is  reported  to  presse  hard 
upon  Sovagee  ;  which  being  effectually  importuned  hence  in  a  letter, 
may  worke  for  your  libertyes. 

At  the  same  time  Oxenden  deemed  it  only  right  to  inform  the 
imprisoned  merchants  that  the  Company  at  home  regarded  ihcm  as 

1  The  dowager  queen  of  Eljapur,  Bari  Sahiba,  had  returned  from  her  pilgrimage  (see 
supra,  p.  88),  reaching  Vengurla  at  the  end  of  August  {Batavia  Dagh-Rcgistcr,  1663, 
p.  316). 

2  Valji,  one  of  the  Company's  brokers. 


ic8       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

having  brought  their  afflictions  on  themselves,  and  were  disposed  to 
claim  from  them  compensation  for  the  losses  suffered  through  their 
'  rash  undertakeings  '.  They  must  be  prepared,  therefore,  to  justify 
themselves  when  released.  As  regards  their  letter  to  Lord  Marl- 
borough, the  President  and  Council  had  entreated  him  to  do 
anything  in  his  power  to  effect  the  release  of  the  prisoners  ; 

But  the  dissatisfaction  His  Lordship  received  at  Bumbay  from 
the  Vice  King  hath  wrought  upon  him  soe  passionatly  that  he  came 
thence  directly  to  Swally,  whence  he  is  resolved  not  to  stirr,  noe,  not 
out  of  his  ship  (though  all  possible  perswasions  have  most  urgently 
been  used),  but  weights  the  season  for  his  returne  for  Europe  againe. 
The  Royall  Wellcome,  wee  understand  by  letters  lately  received 
from  her  from  Curvvarr,  lay  off  and  on  upon  that  coast,  to  fruitless 
expence  of  time  without  effecting  any  thing,  till,  haveing  spent  her 
commissionated  time,  [she]  prosecuted  what  was  further  appointed 
to  her  to  comply  with. 

The  captives  had  asked  leave  to  arrange  terms  of  ransom  ;  to  this 
the  President  and  Council  agreed,  '  if  an  ordinary  summe  will 
redeeme  you '.  They  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  Company's 
books,  in  a  '  totterd '  condition,  and  were  having  them  copied. 
Randolph  Taylor  having  made  certain  charges  against  Andrews, 
he  was  advised  to  send  a  written  statement  at  once,  as  the  late 
President  was  going  home  shortly  and  it  was  desired  to  transmit 
the  charges  to  the  Company  at  the  same  time. 

To  this  letter  the  two  Taylors  and  Giffard  replied  from  Rairi 
(20  December)  on  a  scrap  of  paper,  intimating  that 

As  yet  there  is  no  alteration  in  our  condition.  .  .  .  Wee  dayly 
expect  the  returne  of  the  Governor  of  this  castle,  and  then  hope  to 
conclude  on  somthing.  God  grant  us  once  free  of  this  misery  ; 
for  the  effecting  of  which  wee  purpose  to  enorder  Herjee  [Harji]  at 
Chaul  to  voyage  to  Rajaporc  and  try  if  the  merchants  there  can 
prevaile  with  Rougy  Pondit,  Governor  of  those  parts,  to  write  to  his 
master  in  our  behalfe  ;  which  if  that  rogue  will  be  pers waded  to  doe, 
it  will  be  very  advantageous  to  us. 

The  Royal  Welcome  returned  on  14  November  from  her  voyage 
down  the  coast ;  and  two  days  earlier  the  Vine,  from  Basra,  anchored 
at  Swally.  On  her  way  she  had  called  at  Lahrlbandar  and  embarked 
Bell  and  the  other  Sind  factors,  together  with  the  saltpetre  and 
calicoes   they   had  provided.     As  her  ma.ster  (Joseph  Blackman) 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        109 

reported  that  she  was  unfit  for  another  voyage  until  repaired,  a  sur- 
vey was  ordered  to  be  made  of  her  defects. 

Ralph  Lambton  and  Henry  Bromfield  also  arrived  in  the  Vine, 
leaving  at  Basra  Cranmer  and  Bladwell.  A  letter  from  these  two, 
dated  30  September,  1662,  was  brought  by  Lambton.  It  was  short 
and  reported  little  more  than  that  Cranmer  had  reached  Basra  on 
2  July,  and  that  eight  days  later  the  Seaflotver  had  come  in  badly 
damaged,  having  lost  her  voyage  to  Mokha  owing  to  foul  weather, 
which  had  spoilt  most  of  her  cargo.  The  President's  letter  to  the 
Basha  had  been  delivered,  but  the  factors  could  get  '  noethinge  but 
faire  words '.  Commenting  on  this  in  their  letter  to  the  Company 
of  30  November,  Oxenden  and  his  Council  remarked  upon  the  loss 
likely  to  accrue  through  Andrews's  action  in  hiring  the  Seaflower 
from  Beni  Das  at  10,000  mahmudis  for  the  vessel  alone,  which  was 
manifestly  unfit  for  such  a  voyage. 

The  intelligence  brought  by  the  Royal  Welcome,  and  the  non- 
arrival  of  the  Convertine,  prompted  a  fresh  application  to  Lord 
Marlborough,  who  at  length  consented  to  spare  the  Mary  Rose  for 
a  voyage  to  Karwar.  She  started  accordingly  on  20  November, 
carrying  a  letter  to  the  factors  there,  bidding  them  to  lade  and 
return  her  without  delay.  Three  days  later  the  Hopewell  appeared 
at  Swally,  her  voyage  to  Porakad  having  been  frustrated  by  the 
interference  of  the  Dutch.  The  following  account  of  the  incident  is 
given  in  a  letter  of  30  November  from  Oxenden  to  the  English 
Consul  at  Aleppo  : 

The  Dutch  are  now  bcseigeing  Cochine  both  by  sea  and  land, 
and  will  certainely  carrie  it,  they  haveing  great  force.  Their  insolence 
still  continue[s],  to  the  dishonour  of  our  nation  and  danger  to  our 
masters.  .  .  .  Meeteing  the  Hopewell  nere  Cochine  in  persuance  of 
her  voyage,  [they]  carried  her  before  the  comaunder  of  their  flett, 
detained  her  seven  ^  dayes  there,  and  at  last  would  not  suffer  her 
to  proceed  to  her  port,  nor  send  soe  much  as  an  open  letter  to  the 
factours  there  to  acquaint  them  with  their  condition.  Soe  that,  for 
want  of  the  goods  of  these  factories,  I  doubt  His  Majesties  ships 
will  goe  home  dead  freighted  ;  which  doubtless  will  putt  His  Majesty 
in  mind  of  the  injuries  that  himselfe  and  his  subjects  suffer  by  the 
Dutch  in  these  parts.^ 

^  From  other  letters  it  appears  that  this  should  be  '  five '. 

^  For  protests,  &c.,  on  the  subject  see  O.C.  2955,  2956,  and  2961  ;  also  Hague  Tran- 
scripts, ser.  i.  vol.  xxvi.  no.  688,  and  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  P-  129.     The  Dutch 


3  10       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

At  the  end  of  November  a  small  vessel — the  Orimis  Merchaiit — 
was  dispatched  to  Gombroon,  canying  letters  from  the  President 
and  Council  to  the  Company  and  from  Lord  Marlborough  and  Sir 
Abraham  Shipman  to  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York ;  also 
covering  letters  to  Agent  Craddock  and  to  the  English  Consul  at 
Aleppo,  begging  the  early  transmission  of  the  packet  to  England. 
From  the  one  to  the  Company  we  have  already  made  lengthy 
quotations,  but  there  still  remain  portions  that  call  for  notice.  The 
first  relates  to  a  dispute  with  the  Governor  of  Surat  over  broadcloth. 
For  some  years  the  chief  officials  had  arrogated  to  themselves  the 
right  of  taking  the  best  of  the  broadcloth  at  their  own  price,  alleging 
that  it  was  for  the  Emperor's  service.  Oxenden  firmly  resisted  this, 
and  after  much  dispute  the  Governor  gave  way  ;  '  but  referred  him- 
selfe  to  your  Presidents  curtisie,  that  tould  him  the  Kings  money 
was  as  good  as  anothers,  if  it  were  as  much  '.  It  was  hoped  to  dispose 
of  all  the  cloth  brought  by  the  ships  at  a  profit  of  70  per  cent.  If 
private  trade  in  this  article  could  be  stopped,  the  Company  might 
safely  send  between  six  and  seven  thousand  pounds  worth.  Of 
copper  the  factors  could  readily  sell  1,000  maunds  ;  but  it  should  be 
sent  in  square  cakes,  unwrought,  not  in  wrought  plates  like  those 
recently  supplied. 

This  commodity  rises  and  falls  according  to  what  the  Dutch 
brings  in,  who  supplies  this  place  with  vast  quantities  yearely  from 
the  Southward.  However,  it  is  ready  money,  and  will  sell  in  a  daye 
or  twos  warning  at  price  currant.  [So]  that,  if  you  can  have  it 
reasonable,  by  sending  for  it  from  the  place  from  whence  it  comes,^ 
wee  presume  you  will  have  it  more  cheaper  and  excuse  you 
the  trouble  of  sending  out  soe  much  bullion  or  plate  yearely. 

Of  alum  4,000  maunds  (36I  lb.)  would  sell  at  the  equivalent  of  8j. 
per  maund  ;  and  of  tin  a  similar  quantity  at  i^s.  or  28j.  the  maund. 

case  was  thai  tiiey  were  blockading  tlie  whole  coast:  that  the  detention  of  the  vessel  was 
due  to  a  hope  that  Van  Goens  himself  would  arrive  and  jrive  her  permission  to  continue 
her  V03'age  :  that  they  had  offered  to  send  one  of  tlieir  own  ships  to  Porakad  to  fetch  the 
goods  to  the  Hopewell,  if  her  officers  would  give  up  i^uc'.'i  l-'orluguese  letters  as  they  had 
brought  from  Goa  for  the  Governor  of  Cochin.  The^ie  tj:ins  the  Enc^lish  tltclined, 
jiverriiig  that  they  had  no  such  letters.  The  Diitcli  further  claimed  that  tliey  had  supplied 
the  Ilopcive U  w'wXi  firewood,  water,  and  victuals.  To  these  statements  the  Encdish  made 
no  allusion  in  reporting  the  matter  home,  though  it  is  true  that  liiey  forwarded  a  copy  of 
the  Dutch  answer. 

^  The  Dutch  obtained  copper  largely  from  Japan. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1663        iii 

Rough  amber  and  coral  were  in  demand  ;  of  the  latter  5,000/.  or 
6,000/.  worth  might  be  sent  out.  Lead  to  the  value  of  2,000/.  would 
yield  profit.  Of  quicksilver  300  maunds,  and  of  vermilion  200, 
might  be  supplied.  Brimstone  was  so  dear  in  England  that  it 
could  only  be  disposed  of  to  profit  on  the  Malabar  Coast ;  still, 
500  maunds  might  be  ventured.  The  *  ellaphants  teeth  '  sent  out 
recently  were  too  highly  priced  to  be  remunerative,  especially  as 
some  of  them  were  '  scabby  '.  In  all  from  40,000/.  to  50,000/.  worth 
of  goods  might  be  sent  out  yearly ;  but  care  must  be  taken  to  buy 
them  at  reasonable  prices  and  especially  to  prevent  the  same  articles 
being  brought  out  as  private  trade. 

The  letter  goes  on  to  relate  the  discovery  of  gross  frauds  on  the 
part  of  the  Company's  brokers,  particularly  '  Samgee  Chitta,  who 
have  served  you  in  this  place  these  40  or  50  yeares  and  ought 
to  have  beene  for  you '.  So  long  as  Andrews  was  in  power,  these 
men  had  the  weavers  at  their  mercy ;  but  now  a  day  of  reckoning 
had  come.  Oxenden  commenced  by  swooping  down  upon  the 
warehouse  and  comparing  the  quality  of  the  piece-goods  there  with 
the  approved  samples.  The  broker  maintained  that  '  the  goods 
were  according  to  the  muster ' ;  whereupon  the  King's  broker  and 
several  leading  merchants  were  called  in,  who  confirmed  the 
President's  judgement  that  the  contrary  was  the  case.  A  brief 
examination  showed  also  a  deficiency  in  the  measurements,  and 
Oxenden  proposed  to  have  each  cloth  measured,  and  a  proportionate 
deduction  made  in  the  cases  where  they  were  short  of  the  required 
dimensions.  Somaji  Chitta  contrived  to  put  off  this  ordeal  for 
several  days  ;  until  the  President,  losing  patience,  fixed  a  time  and 
sent  Goodier  and  '  Singa  Saw '  [Sinha  Shah],  a  broker  formerly 
employed  by  Breton  at  Ahmadabad,  to  make  the  inquisition. 
Somaji  Chitta  'refused  to  suffer  them',  and,  being  called^before  the 
Council, '  saucily '  replied  that  he  had  bought  the  goods  on  his  own 
credit  and  that  the  Company's  factors  should  not  have  them  unless 
they  would  take  them  as  they  were  and  at  the  prices  originally 
agreed  upon.  He  was  at  once  told  that  he  might  keep  the  goods  ; 
and  his  dismissal  promptly  followed,  Sinha  Shah  being  installed  in 
his  place.     The  weavers  were  next  called  upon  for  an  explanation. 

They  desired  to  know  what  the  bargaine  was.     Wee  tould  them, 


112       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

according  to  what  your  broker,  Samgee  Chitta,  persvvaded  your  late 
President,  Mr.  Andrews,  was  agreed  upon  to  be,  65  mam[oodies] 
per  peece.  They  replyed  that  they  received  noe  more  then  5f 
mam[oodies],  and  that  not  paid  them  in  money,  but  in  leiw  thereof 
in  old  worme  eaten  decayed  corne  and  pice  (which  is  a  copper  coyne 
whereof  32^  goes  to  a  rupee  ^).  which  was  given  out  to  them  at  i  and 
i^  pice  ovxr  and  above  the  rupees  reall  vallue ;  whereupon  they 
made  the  goods  answerable  to  their  payment ;  but  if  they  had 
received  what  their  stuffs  were  rated  at,  they  would  have  answered 
our  expectation  and  the  sample. 

It  was  also  discovered  that  Somaji  had  received  advances  in 
rupees  and  had  given  them  out  to  the  weavers  'at  12,  14,  15,  and 
16  mam[oodies]  per  cent,  rupees  exchange,  and  nothing  brought  to 
your  accompt'.  By  such  means  he  had  cheated  the  Company 
(they  reckoned)  out  of  not  less  than  25  or  30  per  cent.,  besides 
charging  them  for  interest  on  the  advances,  and  exacting  12  per 
cent,  brokerage  from  the  weavers.  The  advances  to  the  weavers 
could  not  be  avoided.  In  the  first  place,  they  were  necessary 
to  engage  the  weaver  not  to  give  priority  to  other  work  ;  in  the 
second, 

The  goods  are  much  better  ;  for  a  weaver  cannot,  with  all  the 
skill  he  hath,  make  a  peece  of  bafta  or  stuffe  soe  thick  and  well 
wove,  notwithstanding  he  h^ve  the  same  yarne  and  the  same 
quantity,  in  the  dry  time  as  they  can  in  the  raines  or  wett  time. 

Somaji's  frauds  were  not  confined  to  piece-goods.  Similar  abuses 
had  come  to  light  in  the  purchase  of  cotton  yarn. 

It  is  made  or  spun  in  the  out  villadges  by  the  porest  sort  of 
people  ;  from  whence  it  is  gleaned  up  by  persons  that  trade  in  it, 
with  whom  two  of  your  brokers  relations  are  joyned  that  are 
partners.  These  drive  the  same  trade  of  giveing  out  old  worme 
eaten  decayed  corne  in  the  severall  neighbouring  villadges  ;  which 
they  take  out  in  yarne,  and  in  parcells  bring  it  to  your  warehouses 
to  sell,  where  these  two  forenamed  kinsmen  of  Samgee  Chittas  sett 
as  buyers  in  your  behalfe,  thereby  makeing  what  prizes  pleases 
them  for  their  owne  goods  ;  the  consequence  whereof  may  easily  be 
understood.  Your  President  hath  likewise  an  inckling  of  other 
grosse  abuses  to  your  prejudice  in  the  raizeing  the  prizes  of  all 
commodities  you  deale  in,  by  over  rateing  of  charges  ;  for  they  have 
underhand  jougling  with  the  washers,  beaters,  diers,  nay,  to  the  very 

^  This  is  evidently  an  error  for  '  a  mahmudi  *. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  i66a       113 

packers,  indeed  in  every  thing  ;  [so]  that  wee  know  not  as  yet  where 
it  will  end. 

As  directed  by  the  Company,  the  charges  brought  by  Andrews 
against  the  broker  Chhota  had  been  investigated,  and  the  most 
material  had  been  proved  against  him.  In  addition,  it  had  been 
found  tliat  he  had  been  confederate  with  Somaji  and  partner  in  his 
thefts.  The  matter  would  be  further  probed  after  the  departure  of 
the  fleet ; 

For  your  President  is  fully  resolved  to  distroy  this  nest  of  vermine, 
if  they  prevent  him  not  with  foule  play,  by  an  untimely  doass 
to  send  him  out  of  the  world  before  his  time,  which  hee  is  tould  is 
threatened  ;  for  it  is  very  true  that  these  Banians,  that  doe  resent 
the  killing  of  a  fly,  doe  not  scruple  the  killing  of  a  man. 

The  letter  having  been  kept  open  for  a  few  days,  owing  to 
a  delay  in  the  sailing  of  the  vessel,  the  President  and  Council  were 
able  to  add  that  they  had  sold  most  of  the  broadcloth  in  one  parcel  at 
J  IS.  3^.  a  yard.  Their  copper  had  also  been  disposed  of  at  22^ 
rupees  per  maund  of  36!  lb. 

A  price  at  present  exceeding  the  marketts  ;  but  it  came  by  faviour 
of  the  Governor,  [who],  contrary  to  his  owne  commands  upon  other 
merchants  and  the  Kings  express  order,  lycenced  yours  to  be  trans- 
ported whether  the  buyers  please  ;  which  is  lookt  upon  as  a  very 
great  kindness,  and  hath  not  onely  procured  you  a  chapman  but 
advanct  it  in  sale ;  whilst  here  is  lodged  in  the  towne  upward  of 
20,000  maunds  bought  the  last  yeare  from  the  Dutch,  which  the 
Governor  require[s]  may  be  brought  into  and  made  pice  of. 

The  displaced  brokers  were  holding  many  conferences  with  Virji 
Vora,  who  was  doing  his  best  to  deter  other  merchants  from  pur- 
chasing the  copper  brought  by  the  ships.  Discovering  this,  the 
President  and  Council  sought  out  other  buyers,  engaging  themselves 
to  take  back  the  copper  if  the  purchasers  were  '  obstructed,  which 
Virgee  Vorah  hath  sufficiently  endeavoured  to  doe,  and  still  is  very 
buisy  in  it '.  The  sale  of  their  coral  had  likewise  been  hindered  by 
Virji  Vora  'threatening  all  other  buyers  from  dealing  with  us  for  it, 
whose  greatness  awes  them  all ',  ^whereupon  advice  was  sent  to 
Ahmadabad,  and  some  merchants  of  that  city  had  promised  to  come 
down  to  view  the  coral.  The  charges  against  Andrews  had  not  yet 
been  examined.     The  Chestnut  had  arrived  at  Swally  from  Johanna 

2597  I 


114       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

on  27  November,^  bringing  news  that  the  Convertine  might  be 
expected  shortly.  The  stoppage  of  the  Hopeivell  by  the  Dutch  was 
then  narrated  ;  and  finally,  the  news  was  given  that  '  Mr.  John 
Lambton  departed  this  life  the  21th  currant,  and  is  most  vastly  in 
debt  '.2 

Although  this  letter  does  not  mention  the  arrival  of  Sir  Abraham 
Shipman  in  the  Leopard,  this  must  have  happened  before  it  was 
actually  dispatched  ;  ^  for,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  English 
Consul  at  Aleppo,  likewise  dated  30  November,  Oxenden  names 
the  Leopard  among  the  ships  arrived,  and  says  : 

Sir  Abraham  hath  since  bine  at  Goa.  to  deliver  His  Majesties 
letters  to  the  Governours  there  ;  who  with  their  Councell  have  given 
their  consents  under  hands  for  its  delivery ;  notwithstanding  which, 
the  Vice  Roy  will  not  deliver  the  island.  Soe  that  My  Lord  of 
Marleburgh,  in  prossecution  of  his  commission,  is  designed  for 
England  with  His  Majesties  ships  (which  wee  shall  endeaviour  to 
lade),  leaveing  the  souldiers  upon  an  island  not  many  leagues  from 
Goa,  untill  further  orders  are  received  from  the  Kings  Majestic. 

Shipman's  force  was  to  be  left  upon  the  island  of  Anjidiv  (see 
p.  139),  and  it  was  to  be  conveyed  thither  by  the  Chestnut  and  the 
Leopard^  the  latter  of  which  was  thereafter  to  sail  for  England 
without  returning  to  Swally.  In  order  that  she  might  not  go  home 
entirely  empty,  a  quantity  of  pepper  was  placed  aboard  her,  and  she 
was  further  directed  to  call  at  Karwar  and  Porakad,  if  possible,  for 
more  cargo.  Before  doing  so,  she  was  to  seek  the  Dutch  fleet 
blockading  Cochin  and  desire  its  commander's  assent,  protesting  in 
due  form  in  the  event  of  his  refusal.  Even  in  that  case  the  vessel 
was  to  proceed  to  Porakad,  to  see  whether  the  Dutch  would  go  so 
far  as  to  prevent  all  communication  with  the  shore. 

Letters  to  the  factors  at  Karwar  and  Porakad.  dated  6  December, 
1662,   apprising   them    of    these   arrangements,   and    one    to   the 

^  Her  outward  voyage  is  described  in  a  letter  from  her  commander,  John  Stevens,  to 
the  Navy  Commissioners,  14  January,  1663  (P.R.O.  :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  2).  She  reached 
Bomhay  on  15  Nov.,  and  not  finding  the  fleet  there,  went  on  to  Swally. 

*  He  appears  to  have  been  buried  at  Swally,  as  in  Capt.  Millett's  log  {Orme  MSS., 
no.  263),  under  daie  of  1 7  October  1 663, '  Mr.  Lambtons  tomb  '  is  mentioned  as  a  landmark 
on  leaving  Swalley  Hole.  Apparently  it  has  disappeared,  unless  it  be  the  monument 
(without  inscription)  which  is  commonly  called,  but  quite  wrongly, '  Tom  Coryat's  Tomb  '. 

'  According  to  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663  (p.  307),  Shipman  reached  Swally  on 
1 7  November. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        115 

Company,  dated  two  days  later,  were  delivered  to  Captain  Minors. 
The  one  to  Porakad  instructed  the  factors  not  to  quit  that  place, 
even  though  they  had  to  remain  idle,  '  for  wee  will  not  leave  our 
possession  and  right  to  the  factories '.  The  letter  to  the  Company 
contained  also  an  account  (see  p.  139)  of  Shipman's  visit  to  Goa,and 
the  steps  that  were  being  taken  to  provide  the  Leopard  with  cargo. 
That  this  would  in  any  case  be  poor,  they  attributed  to  the  action 
of  the  Dutch  in  stopping  the  Hopewell.  Unless  a  remedy  were  found 
for  such  abuses,  the  Company  '  must  bid  ferwell  to  all  India '  ; 
for,  should  Cochin  fall,  as  was  confidently  expected,^  the  Dutch 
would  be  absolute  masters  of  the  trade  in  pepper,  cassia  lignum, 
and  cardamoms.  The  President  and  Council  had  also  to  relate  an 
attempt  to  fire  their  warehouse,  made  by  the  kinsmen  of  Somaji 
Chitta,  the  dismissed  broker.  Gaining  access  on  the  pretext  of 
looking  for  some  pieces  of  calico  belonging  to  them,  they  secretly 
set  fire  to  some  cotton-wool.  The  incendiaries  had  timed  their  plot 
for  a  day  when  the  President  and  Council  were  at  the  Marine  and 
the  other  factors  might  be  expected  to  be  '  abroad '  in  consequence. 

But  they  were  mistake.  Wee  returned  the  next  evening  un- 
expected, and  came  whilst  the  fire  was  kindling.  It  was  discovered 
by  a  smoak  that  first  gave  the  allarum  and  directed  us  to  the  ware- 
house, from  whence  it  was  perceived  to  proceed  ;  which  wee 
presently  broke  open,  and  found  the  roome  filled  with  soe  horred 
a  smoake  that  wee  were  constrained  to  take  turnes  for  the  releeve- 
ing  one  another  in  runing  in  to  pull  out  the  yarne  etc.  ;  which  by 
many  hands  was  not  long  a  doeing,  and  by  that  meanes  put  out  the 
fire.  It  was  discovered  in  time,  that  there  was  onely  a  part  of  the 
pillow  a  fier  and  entered  upon  the  cotten  yarne,  but  a  very  few 
seames  ^  burnt. 

The  possibility  of  an  accidental  origin  of  the  fire  was  out  of  the 
question,  and  the  motive  was  concluded  to  be,  not  so  much  to  injure 
the  Company,  as 

To  prevent  the  sending  home  of  such  as  wee  had  bought  since  they 
were  cashered,  that  they  might  not  bee  compared  with  such  of  those 
as  will  goe  home  this  yeare  of  their  buyeing  (the  vast  difference  in 

^  Cochin  surrendered  on  28  December  1662  {O.S.),  and  Cannauore,  the  last  stronghold 
of  the  Portuguese  on  that  coast,  capitulated  on  6  February,  1663.  For  an  account  of  the 
attack  upon  the  latter  place,  see  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  p.  178. 

^  Bundles.     Originally  the  word  meant  a  pack-horse's  load. 

I  a 


ii6        SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

price  and  goodnesse  is  such)  ;  but  wee  hope  to  prevent  them. 
What  their  next  attempt  will  be,  time  must  produce  ;  but  as  yet 
there  is  noe  damage. 

The  Leopard 3Si6.  the  Chestnut  departed  on  12  December,  after 
taking  on  board  the  expeditionary  force.  Their  experiences  at 
Karwar  are  narrated  in  the  next  chapter,  and  we  are  only  concerned 
here  with  the  former's  attempt  to  carry  out  her  instructions  with 
regard  to  Porakad.  As  instructed,  her  captain  sought  out  the 
Dutch  fleet  at  Cochin  to  announce  his  errand.  That  city  had  just 
fallen,  and  Minors  was  told  that  Porakad  was  a  dependency  of 
Cochin,  and  no  other  Europeans  could  be  allowed  to  trade  there. 
An  offer  was  made  to  fetch  the  goods  from  Porakad  to  Cochin  for 
delivery  to  the  Leopard,  and^  this  being  refused,  it  was  intimated 
that  she  would  be  permitted  to  go  thither  herself  for  them,  but  only 
on  condition  that  the  factory  was  dissolved  and  that  a  promise  was 
given  that  the  English  would  not  attempt  to  trade  at  Porakad  in 
future.^  Minors  had  no  authority  to  make  any  such  arrangements  ; 
and  as  the  Dutch  refused  to  permit  him  to  proceed  on  his  voyage 
on  any  other  terms,  he  sailed  direct  for  England,  on  23  January, 
1663,  and  arrived  there  towards  the  end  of  June. 

Returning  to  Surat  and  its  affairs,  we  note  that  on  16  December, 

1662,  a  consultation  was  held,  at  which  William  Bell  was  arraigned 
for  various  misdemeanours  committed  whilst  acting  as  chief  in  Sind. 
He  was  accused  of  keeping  in  his  own  hands  (contrary  to  standing 
orders)  the  management  of  the  factory  accounts,  and  of  utilizing 
this  to  pay  himself  wages  which  were  not  due.  He  had  failed  to 
pay  into  the  Company's  treasury  at  Surat  the  money  he  had 
brought  with  him,  '  and  in  the  conclusion  tould  us  hee  had  not 
wherewithall  to  satisfie  it,  and  in  a  slight  reply  bid  us  charge  it  to 
his  accompt '.  He  had  taken  about  a  month  to  produce  an  invoice 
of  the  few  goods  he  brought  from  Sind,  and  still  longer  to  finish  his 
account,  'idleness  is  so  habituall  in  him'.  Finally,  in  his  corre- 
spondence with  President  Andrews  he  had  used  *  most  scurrilous 
and   saucy    language '.     Having   found    him    guilty  on  all    these 

^  See  Court  Minutes,  &c,  of  the  East  India  Company,  1660-63,  PP-  337»  364;  also 
Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  103,  pp.  239-40,  269,  279,  and  the  Batavia  Bagk- Register, 

1663,  p.  183. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        117 

charges,  the  Council  decided  to  send  him  home,  '  as  a  person  most 
unfitt  to  serve  the  Company '. 

Meanwhile  Oxenden  and  his  colleagues  had  been  investigating  the 
charges  made  against  the  late  President.  The  Company  had  drawn 
up  a  formidable  indictment,  of  which  the  principal  articles  were 
(i)  that  he  had  broken  his  engagement  by  indulging  in  private 
trade:  (a)  that  he  had  exceeded  the  allowance  made  for  house- 
keeping at  Surat,  spending  part  of  it  on  his  own  employees  : 
(3)  that,  after  the  accident  to  the  Hopeivell,  which  he  had  constructed 
for  his  own  purposes^  he  turned  her  over  to  the  Company  and 
charged  to  them  the  cost  of  her  building,  without  authority  :  (4) 
that  he  had  sent  his  own  vessels  to  the  Malabar  Coast,  bought  up 
goods,  and  then  invoiced  them  to  the  Company  at  higher  rates : 
(5)  that  he  had  bought  the  Mayflower  '  in  Banians  names  ',  and 
employed  her  and  other  country  ships  to  various  ports  to  the 
damage  of  the  Company  :  (6)  that  the  sale  of  the  Company's  goods 
sent  in  the  Stirat  Frigate  to  Macassar  had  been  spoilt  by  the  com- 
petition of  his  private  trade  sent  in  the  same  vessel :  (7)  that  he  had 
paid  1200/.  to  Mrs.  Wyche  out  of  the  Company's  funds,  pretending 
that  there  were  sufficient  effects  to  meet  this ;  but  afterwards  he 
wrote  that  there  had  been  such  losses  in  various  ventures  that  there 
was  not  enough  remaining  to  discharge  a  debt  to  Tulsi  Das,  and 
that  the  Company  must  take  steps  to  make  recovery  from 
Mrs.  Wyche  :  (8)  that  the  loss  of  the  Swally  was  caused  by 
Andrews  taking  out  her  master  to  command  his  own  Mayflower, 
and  putting  in  his  place  '  a  runegate  boy  ' :  (9)  that  he  had  sent  the 
Hopewell  to  Macassar  filled  mostly  with  private  trade :  (10)  that 
a  loss  was  caused  by  sending  the  Constantinople  Merchant  to  Goa 
and  Vengurla  instead  of  to  Raybag,  as  recommended  by  Revington  : 
(11)  that  the  same  ill-advised  action  had  led  to  the  seizure  by  the 
Dutch  of  the  munitions  carried  by  that  vessel :  (i  2)  that  in  order  to 
carry  on  his  private  trade  without  hindrance,  he  sent  Forster  to 
Persia,  and  endeavoured  to  force  Gray  to  go  there  also.  All  losses 
resulting  from  these  delinquencies  were  ordered  to  be  charged  to 
Andrews'  account  with  interest. 

To  the  accusations  thus  made,  John  Lambton,  the  Accountant  at 

Surat,  on  18  November,  1662,  added  a  series  of  most  damaging 

harges  against  his  former  chief.     He  accused  him  (i)  of  pocketing 


ii8       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

4,000  mahmudis  out  of  the  freight  money  of  the  Welcome  in  1659: 

(2)  of  selling,  without  the  concurrence  of  his  Council,  some  quick- 
silver and  coral  at  a  lower  price  than  had  been  previously  offered : 

(3)  of  imposing  a  fine  upon  a  subordinate  and  retaining  the  money : 

(4)  of  selling  his  own  goods  to  the  Company  at  an  excessive  price : 

(5)  of  filling  up  the  American  with  unvendible  cargo,  in  order  that 
his  own  Ormus  Merchant  might  have  all  the  freight  for  that 
voyage:  (6)  of  sending  home  some  saltpetre  of  his  own,  and  charg- 
ing for  it  at  a  price  above  that  sanctioned  by  the  Company :  (7)  of 
calculating  the  rial  of  eight  at  4I  mahmudis  in  making  payment  for 
the  bill  of  exchange  he  drew  on  the  Company ;  the  ordinary  rate 
was  4|  mahmudis  to  the  rial,  and  by  this  device  Andrews  saved 
13,226  mahmudis:  (8)  of  detaining  the  Hopewell  several  days  at 
Swally,  in  order  to  allow  the  Ormus  Merchant,  bound  for  the  same 
destination,  to  get  a  good  start  and  glean  up  the  freight  for  goods 
waiting  at  Gombroon  :  (9)  of  neglecting  to  discharge  Wyche's  debt 
to  Tulsi  Das,  in  consequence  whereof  the  latter  could  not  pay  what 
he  owed  to  the  Company. 

To  both  sets  of  charges  Andrews  (23  December)  returned 
emphatic  denials.  His  answers  are  too  full  to  be  gone  into  at 
length  ;  and  the  same  applies  to  the  rejoinders  sent  to  Andrews  by 
the  President  and  Council  (iS  January,  1663),  and  of  the  attestations 
made  in  their  support.  Suffice  it  to  say  that,  at  a  consultation  held 
on  23  December,  1662,  Oxenden  and  his  colleagues  declared  that 
Andrews  had  been  justly  charged  and  was  liable  to  make  satisfac- 
tion to  the  Company.  He  had  averred  that  he  had  no  estate  left  in 
India,  and  had  desired  that  the  case  might  be  remitted  to  the  home 
authorities,  who,  he  alleged,  had  sufficient  means  of  his  in  their 
hands  as  security,  since  they  had  refused  to  pay  the  bill  of  exchange 
he  had  drawn  upon  them.  It  was  decided,  however,  that  he  should 
not  be  allowed  to  go  home  unless  he  would  give  a  bond  for  10,000/. 
to  answer  all  demands  the  Company  might  make  upon  him.  See- 
ing no  other  course  open,  he  executed  the  required  bond  (18  January, 
1663),  and  was  thereupon  allowed  to  embark  for  England  in  the 
Richard  and  Martha. 

There  was  one  question  on  which  it  was  necessary  to  come  to  at 
least  a  provisional  decision,  and  that  was  the  disposal  of  the  Hope- 
ivell  and  the  Royal  Welcome.   The  cost  of  building  these  vessels  had 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        119 

been  charged  to  the  Company,  but  the  ex-President's  right  to  do 
this  was  disputed,  and  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  authorities  at 
home  would  not  throw  them  back  on  his  hands.  As  a  way  out  of 
the  difficulty  Oxenden  offered  to  buy  both  of  them  for  his  own 
account,  paying  the  money  into  the  Company's  treasury  and  under- 
taking to  make  the  vessels  over  to  the  Company  should  they  desire 
to  have  them,  which  was  unlikely  in  view  of  the  orders  already 
received  that  the  port-to-port  trade  was  to  be  abandoned  (see 
pp.  20,  84).'^ 

Upon  his  return  to  England,  Andrews,  after  a  long  wrangle, 
settled  his  account  with  the  Company  ;  and  at  various  dates  between 
1671  and  1680  he  was  elected  a  'Committee'  of  that  body.  His 
town  house  appears  to  have  been  at  Barn  Elms,  but  he  had  also  an 
estate  at  Walton-upon-Thames  in  Surrey  (of  which  county  he  was 
Sheriff  in  1674)  and  later  at  Mere  in  Wiltshire,  where  he  bought 
a  property  named  Woodlands,  In  April,  1675,  he  was  knighted  by 
King  Charles,  '  aboard  an  East  India  ship'.  From  1679  to  1681, 
and  again  from  1689  to  1698,  he  was  M.P.  for  Shaftesbury.  He 
died  at  Mere  on  13  March,  171 1,  in  his  eighty-second  year,  his  wife, 
Ann,  having  predeceased  him  in  September,  1709.  They  were  both 
interred  in  a  vault  under  the  north  chancel  aisle  of  Mere  church ; 
and  their  coffins  were  found  when  the  vault  was  opened  in  1891 
(information  kindly  furnished  by  the  Rev.  F.  E.  Trotman). 

The  Richard  ajid  Martha  appears  to  have  got  back  to  Swally 
in  December,  and  the  Mary  Rose,  with  Aungier  on  board,  early  in 
the  following  month.     The  former  vessel  brought  a  letter  from 

1  "itt  Factory  Records,  Miscellaneous,  vol.  ii.  p.  12,  and  Letter  Books,  vol.  iii.  p.  297. 
In  the  former  volume  (p.  23)  are  some  notes  of  a  conversation  between  Andrews  and  an 
official  of  the  Company  at  home  (apparently  in  the  spring  of  1669),  in  which  the  former 
alleged  that  he  could  have  sold  the  two  vessels  at  a  considerable  profit  to  a  merchant  of 
Surat,  and  '  that  before  his  departure  from  Surratt  he  gave  Sir  George  Oxinden  (the 
Companyes  President)  severall  presents,  and  particulerly  he  gave  him  one  very  large 
dyamond,  when  he  accepted  of  the  shipps  Royall  Wellcome  and  Hopewell,  to  the  vallue  of 
about  4  or  500/2.  sterling '.  He  further  accused  Oxenden  of  employing  as  one  of  the 
Company's  brokers  '  Somjee  Nautgee'  [Somaji  Nathji],  to  whom  he  owed  16,000  rupees. 
Other  passages  of  interest  are  :  '  that  the  custome  for  brokerage  att  Surratt  and  countrey 
thereabouts  is  two  per  cent.  .  .  .  that  the  merchants  that  lade  goods  uppon  the  Companies 
shipps  on  accompt  fraight  in  India  doe  allow  the  brokers  for  brokerage,  as  alsoe  the 
Companies  Presidents  or  Chiefes  so  much  per  cent,  for  their  care  or  pains  in  makeing  upp 
the  fraight ;  soc  that  the  Companye  ought  not  to  allow  any  consideration  for  brokerage  or 
otherwise.' 


120       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  i66a 

Master,  Ball,  and  Chamberlain,  dated  at  Karwar  i  December, 
relating  the  steps  taken,  with  Valji's  aid,  to  secure  her  lading  and 
the  sale  of  the  goods  she  had  brought.  Master,  it  was  stated,  would 
proceed  to  Surat  in  the  Mary  Rose. 

Mr.  Snow  in  the  Hopewell  hath  surprized  a  shipp  of  MuUuck 
Molla's  (the  King  of  Canara's  merchant  and  the  same  man  that 
Velgee  bought  the  pepper  of),  who  came  from  Zeilon,  she  being 
imploy'd  by  the  Dutch  factors  at  Bassinore  ^  to  carry  rice  thither. 
Of  this  businesse  you  will  heare  more  at  large  by  Capt.  Seaman  and 
Robert  Masters  when  he  arrives ;  in  the  interim  wee  desire  you  to 
inquire  after  what  was  in  her. 

On  6  January,  1663,  Lord  Marlborough  departed  from  Swally  in 
the  Dunkirk,  intending  to  follow  Shipman  to  Anjidiv,  and  see  his 
force  safely  installed  upon  that  island,  before  proceeding  tc  England 
himself.  To  his  care  was  entrusted  a  brief  letter  to  the  Company 
dated  5  January,^  giving  an  account  of  the  dispatch  of  the  Leopard 
to  Porakad.  Goods  had  been  put  aboard  the  Dunkirk  to  the  value 
of  93,796  rupees.  The  conduct  of  Lord  Marlborough  was  warmly 
praised,  and  both  he  and  Capt.  Brown  were  commended  to  the 
Company  for  their  attention  to  its  interests. 

The  Richard  and  Martha  sailed  for  England  about  two 
weeks  later,  carrying  a  letter  of  19  January,  1663.  Of  this  only 
extracts  are  now  to  be  found  at  the  India  Office ;  but  the  whole 
letter  is  available  among  the  Oxenden  Papers,  in  a  volume  con- 
taining copies  of  the  Surat  Letters  Out  from  September  i66a  to 
September  1663.  In  it  the  President  and  Council  declared  their 
opinion  that  an  embassy  to  Delhi,  to  congratulate  the  new  emperor, 
was  inadvisable, 

In  regard  your  present  and  consumptive  condition  as  to  your 
stock  will  very  ill  beare  the  cutting  out  such  large  thongs  as  must 
foreceably  goe  to  the  undertaking  of  such  a  work ;  nor  will  any 
enlargements  of  privilidges  and  immunities  which  wee  cann  possibly 
expect  to  be  granted  ansvvere  the  vast  charge  you  must  unavoyd- 
ibly  be  att ;  soe  great  a  summ  is  required  to  correspond  [to]  his 
greatness  and  our  nations  honour,  especially  to  follow  the  Dutch, 

^  Barktir  (called  by  the  Portuguese  Bacanor),  in  lat.  13°  2S|'.  The  '  King  of  Canara  ' 
was  the  Ikkeri  (Bednur)  Raja.     '  Mulluck  MoUa  '  is  'Malik  MuUa  '. 

*  There  is  no  copy  available  at  the  India  Office,  and  we  here  make  use  of  one  found 
among  the  Oxenden  Papers. 


SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662        121 

whose  great  Commandore  of  Surratt  is  butt  lately  returned  from 
thence  much  unsatisfied,  after  the  expence  of  six  monthes  time  and 
100,000  rupees  which  he  hath  given  away  to  the  King,  his  nobles 
and  attendance  for  admittance  ;  a  considerable  summ,  and  yett  he 
vowes  it  was  not  regarded  or  scarce  lookt  upon,  nor  hath  he  gott 
any  grant  considerable.^  He  hath  brought  downe  two  from  the 
King. 

The  writers  then  discussed  the  concessions  obtained  by  the 
Dutch,  and  affirmed  that  the  only  one  of  value  was  the  reduction  of 
one  per  cent,  in  the  customs  payable  at  Surat.  The  factory 
expenses  had  been  reduced,  and  all  possible  frugality  would  be 
exercised  in  future.     One  obstacle  to  economy  was  that 

The  mamody,  that  useth  alwayes  in  former  time  to  bee  at  20  and 
more  pice,  is  now,  by  the  dearness  of  the  copper,  fallen  to  13^  and 
14  pice,  whilst  provisions  noe  whitt  the  cheaper ;  and  the  stewards 
disbursments  are  for  the  most  part  in  pice,  afterwards  reduced  into 
mamodies. 

The  Governor  continued  to  be  extremely  civil.  The  factories  at 
Karwar  and  Porakad  must  be  retained,  if  possible.  No  information 
had  been  received  from  that  at  Kayal.  The  factory  at  Ahmadabad 
would  be  withdrawn.  Jesson  was  grateful  for  the  Company's  offer 
of  employment,  but  thought  it  well  not  to  accept.  The  investments 
in  piece-goods  had  been  put  in  hand,  but  some  of  those  required 
were  not  obtainable.  Owing  to  the  non-surrender  of  Bombay,  the 
King's  ships  were  not  yet  available.  Nothing  had  been  done  regard- 
ing the  use  of  force  against  the  Persians,  and  the  matter  was  again 
referred  to  the  consideration  of  the  Company.  The  factory  in  that 
country  was  very  expensive.  After  touching  on  various  points,  the 
letter  reported  the  receipt  of  overtures  for  trade  from  Bhatkal, 
Cannanore,  Vengurla,  Banda,^  and  other  places  on  that  coast ;  and 
it  went  on  to  refer  to  Robert  Master's  report  upon  the  state  of 
affairs  at  Karwar,  where  the  Governor  was  building  a  house  for  the 
Company's  servants,  '  two  storyes  high,  made  of  very  good  square 
stone  of  a  great  thikness'.  It  was  urged  that  the  retention  of 
this  factory,  for  the  supply  of  pepper  and  cardamoms,  was  of  the 

*  For  this  mission  of  Dirck  van  Adrichem  to  Delhi  see  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register, 
1663,  pp.  105,  294-306 ;  Hague  Tranuripts,  series  i.  vol.  xxvi.  no.  689 ;  Valentya 
(vol.  iv,  p.  261).     It  is  mentioned  also  by  Bernier,  Tavernier,  and  Manucci. 

"^  About  six  miles  south  of  Vadi,  in  Savantwadi  District. 


122       SIR  GEORGE  OXENDEN  PRESIDENT,  1662 

highest  importance.  Andrews  had  refused  to  give  account  of  his 
doings  to  the  President  and  Council  and  had  insisted  upon  his 
responsibility  to  the  home  authorities  alone ;  but  he  was  at  last 
brought  to  sign  a  bond  of  10,000/.  to  give  the  Company  full  satisfac- 
tion and  had  thereupon  been  permitted  to  proceed  to  England.  An 
account  of  Oxenden's  purchase  of  the  Hopewell  and  Royal  Welcome 
was  next  given  ;  and  the  letter  closed  with  some  particulars  regard- 
ing the  estate  of  John  Lambton. 

Another  letter  to  the  Company,  dated  25  January  and  sent  by  the 
Mary  Rose,  is  likewise  represented  at  the  India  Ofifice  by  a  frag- 
ment only,  but  is  available  among  the  Oxenden  Papers.  It  for- 
warded, and  commented  upon,  the  accounts  of  the  various  factories, 
most  of  which  had  now  been  closed.  A  considerable  reduction  had 
been  made  in  the  house  expenses  at  Surat,  despite  the  increased 
number  of  factors  there.  William  Bell  was  sent  home  by  that 
vessel,  and  the  charges  against  him  were  detailed.  John  Cox 
(formerly  employed  at  Tatta)  and  Benjamin  England  were  likewise 
returned.  Bladwell  would  have  been  sent  also,  but  he  had  absconded. 
Arrangements  for  the  return  of  factors  and  seamen  should  be  in- 
cluded in  future  charterparties,  as  the  captains  were  very  unwilling 
to  accept  such  passengers.  A  request  was  forwarded  from  Tulsi 
Das  Parak  for  support  in  his  claims  against  Virji  Vora.  The  arrival 
of  the  Convertine  was  reported.  In  her  long  voyage  she  had  lost 
thirteen  of  her  soldiers  and  seven  of  her  crew.  She  was  about  to 
proceed  to  Anjidiv  to  land  the  rest  of  the  soldiers,  and  would  then 
be  laded  for  Bantam. 

An  account  of  the  cargoes  carried  home  by  the  Dunkirk,  Richard 
and  Martha,  and  Mary  Rose  will  be  found  in  the  Batavia  Dagh- 
Register,  1663  (p-  3°^)-  They  reached  England  towards  the  end  of 
June,  1663. 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  123 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY.   1662 

The  treaty  of  23  June,  1661,  between  the  Kings  of  England  and 
Portugal,  providing  for  the  marriage  of  the  former  to  the  sister  of 
the  latter,  contained  several  stipulations  bearing  upon  English 
interests  in  the  East.^  By  a  secret  article  appended  to  the  treaty, 
King  Charles  undertook  to  negotiate  a  satisfactory  peace  between 
Portugal  and  the  United  Provinces,  and,  in  the  event  of  the  latter 
refusing  to  make  terms,  an  English  force  was  to  be  sent  to  the  East 
Indies  to  defend  the  Portuguese  territories  there  against  the  Dutch. 
By  the  eleventh  article,  with  a  view  to  this  contingency  and  for  the 
improvement  of  English  commerce  in  the  East,  the  Portuguese 
monarch  ceded  the  port  and  island  of  Bombay  with  all  its  rights, 
profits,  territories,  and  appurtenances,  and  covenanted  to  yield 
possession  thereof  with  all  convenient  speed,  with  the  proviso  that 
the  inhabitants  should  be  permitted  to  remain  and  to  enjoy  the  free 
exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  By  the  twelfth  article, 
English  merchants  were  guaranteed  the  same  privileges  of  trade  at 
Goa,  Cochin,  and  Diu  as  the  Portuguese  themselves  ;  but  not  more 
than  four  English  families  were  to  be  resident  at  one  time  in  any  of 
those  places.  Further,  by  the  fourteenth  article,  it  was  agreed  that, 
should  the  English  sovereign  at  any  time  recover  from  the  United 
Provinces  any  towns  or  territories  which  had  formerly  belonged  to 
Portugal,  the  latter  power  would  lay  no  claim  to  them  ;  also  that 
should  Portugal  recover  Ceylon,  the  port  of  Galle  should  be  ceded 
to  Great  Britain ;  while  if  the  English  should  obtain  possession  of 
that  island,  they  should  make  over  Colombo  to  the  Portuguese ;  in 
either  event  the  cinnamon  trade  was  to  be  equally  divided  between 
the  two  countries. 

To  the  attentive  student  of  the  records  of  the  previous  years  it 
might  appear  that  the  cession  of  Bombay  was  due  either  to  solicita- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  British  Government,  inspired  by  the  East 
India  Company,  or  to  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  the  govern- 

'  An  English  translation  of  the  treaty  will  be  found  in  Materials  towards  a  Statistical 
Account  of  Bombay,  vol.  i.  p.  i  ;  also  in  Sir  George  Forrest's  Selections  from  the  Bombay 
State  Papers,  Home  Series,  vol.  ii.  p.  367. 


124  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

ment  at  Lisbon  by  the  authorities  of  Portuguese  India,  alarmed  at 
the  relentless  encroachments  of  the  Dutch,  whose  progress  it  seemed 
impossible  to  stay  without  foreign  aid.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  either 
conclusion  would  be  wrong.  To  the  second  a  contradiction  is 
supplied  by  the  opposition  that  was  offered  in  the  East  to  the 
actual  transfer;  while,  as  regards  the  first,  not  only  is  material  cor- 
roboration lacking,  but  all  the  evidence  available  points  the  other 
way.  It  is  true  that  the  Surat  factors,  exasperated  by  the  treat- 
ment they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Mogul  authorities,  had 
some  time  before  urged  upon  their  employers  the  desirability  of 
securing  a  stronghold  on  the  western  coast,  and  had  even  opened 
negotiations  with  the  Government  of  Goa  for  the  transfer  of  Bombay 
or  some  neighbouring  station  for  that  purpose  ;  while  the  Company 
at  home  had  approached  the  Protector  on  the  subject.  But  there 
is  no  evidence  that  representations  had  been  made  to  King  Charles 
upon  the  point ;  and  indeed  Bombay  hardly  fulfilled  the  conditions 
laid  down  by  the  Company  (see  the  previous  volume,  p.  321)  that 
the  spot  to  be  made  the  English  head-quarters  should  be  so  situated 
'  that  trade  from  India  might  bee  brought  and  drawne  downe  there- 
unto ',  and  that  it  should  be  '  able  to  defray  its  owne  charge '. 
There  was  no  reason  to  think  that  the  island  of  Bombay  would 
yield  at  once  sufficient  revenue  to  pay  the  charges  of  maintaining 
fortifications  and  a  garrison ;  while  the  mainland  opposite  offered 
small  prospect  of  trade  in  itself  and  was  too  rugged  and  too  exposed 
to  the  depredations  of  Sivaji's  troopers  to  encourage  the  hope  that 
it  could  be  made  a  channel  of  commerce.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in 
the  autumn  of  1661  the  Company  was  sounded  by  Lord  Clarendon 
as  to  whether  it  was  disposed  to  take  over  Bombay,  or  at  least  to 
bear  part  of  the  charge ;  but  the  Committees  decided  {Court 
Minutes,  &c.,  1660-3,  p.  137)  that  it  would  not  be  advantageous  to 
adopt  either  course,  and  so  they  respectfully  declined.  And  again, 
in  November,  1667,  when  they  at  last  agreed  to  accept  its  transfer, 
they  assured  the  Treasury  Commissioners  '  that,  if  the  Portugalls 
had  offered  them  this  island  before  His  Majestie  was  possessed 
thereof,  the  Companie  would  not  have  accepted  it '. 

The  real  origin  of  the  cession  of  the  island  is  clear  enough. 
Apart  from  the  matrimonial  alliance,  which  was  a  long-cherished 
scheme  of  the  Queen- Regent  of  Portugal,  that  country  had  urgent 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  125 

need  of  support  in  its  hard  struggle  against  Spain  and  the  United 
Provinces  ;  and  such  support  King  Charles  was  ready  to  give,  at  all 
events  against  further  aggression  on  the  part  of  the  latter  country. 
Not  only  was  there  in  England  a  feeling  of  jealous  alarm  at  the 
growth  of  Dutch  commerce  and  Dutch  sea  power,  which  seemed 
a  threat  to  the  national  security,  but  in  addition  there  was  special 
cause  for  apprehension  in  the  progress  made  by  the  Hollanders  in 
their  attacks  upon  the  Portuguese  possessions  in  India.  Should 
these  succeed — and  there  appeared  to  be  little  doubt  that  they 
would — the  Dutch  would  acquire  a  complete  monopoly  of  the  spice 
and  pepper  trade  in  the  East,  and  the  English  share  in  that  branch 
of  commerce  would  be  menaced  with  destruction.  Portugal,  there- 
fore, was  ready  to  bid  high  for  an  English  alliance,  and  for  this 
purpose  territorial  concessions  seemed  the  most  attractive  bait. 
For  some  time  it  was  rumoured  that  Goa  itself — nay,  all  the  Portu- 
guese possessions  in  India — were  to  be  ceded.  Lord  Winchilsea, 
touching  at  Lisbon  on  his  way  to  Constantinople,  wrote  in  Novem- 
ber, 1660,  to  King  Charles  that  Tangier  (which  was  important  for 
the  security  of  English  trade  in  the  Mediterranean)  was  almost  sure 
to  be  offered  ;  while  to  the  Lord  Treasurer  he  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  cession  of  the  Portuguese  rights  in  Ceylon  (which  could 
then  easily  be  recovered  from  the  Dutch,  either  by  treaty  or  con- 
quest) would  be  of  more  value  than  Goa  or  any  other  place  in  India 
itself.^  Probably,  however,  the  cession  of  Goa  was  not  seriously 
considered.  It  would  have  been  hard  to  reconcile  Portuguese  sen- 
timent to  such  a  loss,  and  moreover  the  control  and  defence  of  so 
large  a  slice  of  territory  would  have  entailed  a  serious  burden  on 
the  English  Government.  All  that  they  really  needed  was  a  base 
in  Indian  waters,  from  which  effective  assistance  could  be  given  to 
the  Portuguese,  if  required  ;  and  for  this  Bombay  appeared  to  be 
entirely  suitable. 

It  may  be  mentioned  in  passing  that  the  necessity  for  England 
to  interfere  actively  in  the  war  was  obviated  by  the  conclusion  of 
a  peace  between  Portugal  and  Holland  within  a  few  weeks  of  the 
signature  of  the  Marriage  Treaty.  Had  ratification  followed 
quickly,  the  Portuguese  might  have  been  spared  the  loss  of  Cochin 

^  Report  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Commission  on  the  Finch  MSS.,  vol.  i.  pp.  85,  86. 


126  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  i66a 

and  Cannanore  ;  but  it  was  not  until  May,  1662,  that  the  treaty 
was  ratified  at  Lisbon,  and  then  the  Dutch  delayed  their  ratification 
until  the  December  following,  with  the  result  that  the  news  did  not 
reach  Batavia  until  June,  1663.^ 

Preparations  for  taking  possession  of  Bombay  went  on  during  the 
closing  months  of  1661,  and  on  27  December  a  committee  of  the 
Privy  Council,  headed  by  the  Duke  of  York,  was  formed  to  look 
after  'all  affayres  relating  to  Bonne  Bay  in  the  East  Indies'  {Privy 
Cojincil  Registers^  vol.  Iv.  p.  506).  The  question  of  the  exact 
limits  of  the  new  acquisition,  as  intended  by  the  treaty,  became 
later  the  subject  of  acute  controversy  ;  but  clearly  it  was  understood 
in  London  that  the  cession  comprised  not  only  the  island  on  which 
Bombay  was  situated,  but  also  the  larger  one  to  the  northward, 
known  as  Salsette  Island.  Aungier  {infra,  p.  134)  says  that  a  map, 
showing  all  this  territory  as  ceded,  was  delivered  to  King  Charles 
during  the  negotiations ;  and  Pepys,  on  the  authority  of  Capt. 
Minors,  declares  that  the  Portuguese  '  made  the  King  and  Lord 
Chancellor,  and  other  learned  men  about  the  King,  believe  that 
that  and  other  islands  which  are  near  it  were  all  one  piece ;  and  so 
the  draught  was  drawn  and  presented  to  the  King,  and  believed  by 
the  King  and  expected  to  prove  so  when  our  men  came  thither ; 
but  it  is  quite  otherwise '  (5  September,  1663).  Further  confirma- 
tion of  the  statement  as  to  the  map  ^  is  supplied  by  the  letter  to  the 
Portuguese  ambassadors  of  25  July,  1663,  referred  to  on  a  later 
page.  Moreover,  from  the  instructions  given  in  August,  1661,  to 
Sir  Richard  Fanshaw,  who  was  about  to  set  out  for  Lisbon  as 
English  ambassador,  it  appears  that  King  Charles  had  sought  to 
obtain  in  addition  the  town  of  Bassein,  which  guarded  the  channel 
running  round  the  northern  side  of  Salsette  Island  and  so  past 
Trombay  into  Bombay  Harbour.     The  passage  is  as  follows  : 

You  shall  very  earnestly  press  that  Bassine  may  likewise  be  put 
into  our  hands,  which  we  insisted  on  in  our  demand,  and  understood 
by  the  answer  made  to  us  that  the  ambassador  had  had  power 
committed  to  him  to  have  consented  to  the  same,  out  he  protesting 
against  having  any  such  power  prevailed  with  us  to  leave  the  same 

^  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  p.  236.  The  treaty  is  printed  ia  Biker's  Tratados, 
vol.  iv.  p.  80. 

^  For  a  fruitless  search  for  this  map  in  1677  see  CO.  77,  vol.  xiii.  f.  125. 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  127 

out  of  the  treaty.  Therefore  you  shall  confer  freely  with  him  upon 
it  and  let  him  know  that  we  depend  upon  him  still  to  assist  us  in 
the  procuring  thereof;  and  in  the  managing  those  instances  you 
shall  govern  yourself  by  his  advice,  and  if  he  doth  wish  that  you 
should  for  the  present  suspend  any  such  demand,  as  presuming  that 
it  cannot  be  reasonable  or  effectual,  you  shall  forbear  it  accordingly.^ 

For  the  post  of  governor  of  the  island  and  commander  of  the 
troops  sent  thither,  the  choice  fell  upon  Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  of 
whose  previous  career  little  is  known,  save  that  he  had  served  on 
the  royalist  side  in  the  civil  war.^  To  provide  the  garrison,  four 
new  companies  were  raised,  to  be  commanded  respectively  by 
Shipman  himself.  Col.  John  Hungerford  (third  son  of  Sir  Anthony 
Hungerford),  Capt.  John  Shipman,  and  Capt.  Charles  Povey.  Sir 
Abraham  was  paid  2/.  per  day.  Col.  Hungerford  12s.,  and  the  other 
two  officers  8^.  each.  All  four  received  a  pound  for  every  man 
enlisted.  Each  company  had  seven  subordinate  officers,  two 
drummers,  and  a  hundred  privates  (at  gd.  a  day  each).  There  was 
a  small  detail  of  artillery  attached  to  each  company,  besides  a 
chaplain,  surgeon,  &c.,  for  the  whole  force.  Out  of  compliment 
to  the  house  of  Braganza,  the  uniform  had  sea-green  facings.^ 
To  meet  the  expenses  of  the  force  a  Treasury  warrant  was  issued 
on  4  March,  1662,  for  the  payment  to  Shipman  of  10,907/.  4^., 
which,  with  i,2co/.  previously  assigned  to  him,  was  estimated  to 
be  sufficient  to  provide  eighteen  months'  pay  for  all  concerned 
{Calendar  of  Treasury  Books,  1660-7,  pp.  372,  375). 

Sir  Abraham  Shipman  was  provided  with  a  commission  from 
King  Charles,  appointing  him 

Governor  and  Commander  in  Cheife  in  and  upon  Our  said  Island 

^  Report  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Comrnission  on  the  Heathcote  MSS.,  1899,  p.  18. 
The  instructions  include  also  a  suggestion  that,  if  Fanshaw  learns  that  Goa  is  besieged  by 
the  Dutch,  he  should  propose  that  an  English  garrison  be  admitted,  pointing  out  that  this 
would  secure  the  city  from  capture  without  impairing  the  sovereignty  of  Portugal. 

^  For  some  particulars  see  Notes  and  Queries,  series  i.  vol.  vi.  p.  419,  series  x.  vol.  iii. 
p.  197,  and  series  x.  vol.  x.  p.  i  ;  also  Calendar  of  Clarendon  State  Papers,  vol.  i. 
pp.  244,  310,  323. 

^  The  survivors  of  the  corps  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  1st  Bombay  European  Regiment 
of  Foot,  which  was  in  modern  times  the  second  battalion  of  the  Royal  Dublin  Fusiliers. 
The  details  given  above  are  taken  mostly  from  an  article  in  Notes  and  Queries  (series  x. 
vol.  X.  p.  i)  by  Mr.  Charles  Dalton,  based  upon  the  pay  lists  and  muster  rolls  in  the 
Public  Record  Office  {C.O.  77,  vol.  viii.  nos.  125,  126). 


128  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

of  Bombay,  and  of  all  Our  forts  and  forces  raised  and  to  be  raised 
there  for  Our  sei-vice,  either  in  the  said  island  or  in  any  other  island 
or  part  of  the  firm  land  in  the  East  Indies,  which  shall  be  either 
conquered  by  us  or  be  rendred  and  delivered  up  to  us.' 

Of  the  instructions  given  to  him  at  the  same  time  we  have  only 
a  copy  ^  (made  in  1677)  from  the  original  draft,  which  was  partly 
drawn  up  by  Lord  Clarendon.  Shipman  is  directed  upon  arrival 
to  demand  and  receive  the  island,  '  with  the  artillery,  amunition, 
&c.',  and  thereupon  to  put  the  fortifications  into  order,  and  to 
administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  inhabitants.  The  document 
proceeds  : 

Our  maine  design  in  putting  Our  selfe  to  this  great  charge  for 
making  this  addition  to  Our  dominions  being  to  gain  to  Our  subjects 
more  free  and  better  trade  in  the  East  Indies,  and  to  enlarge  Our 
dominions  in  those  parts  and  advance  thereby  the  honour  of  Our 
Crown  and  the  generall  commerce  and  weale  of  Our  subjects,  you 
are  with  all  convenient  speed  and  advice  to  make  use  of  the  best 
ways  and  means  for  incouragment  and  invitation  of  Our  subjects 
and  strangers  to  resort  and  trade  there  ;  and  you  are  especially  to  give 
all  manner  of  incouragment,  helpe,  and  assistance  to  the  subjects 
of  the  King  of  Portugall  in  the  East  Indies,  and  to  protect  them, 
as  much  as  in  you  lyeth,  in  their  trade  and  navigation  there.  You 
are  also  to  keep  a  very  good  correspondance  with  the  Vice  King  of 
Goa  and  all  other  Portugall  Governors,  and  likewise  with  the  natives 
of  the  country,  and  to  do  all  you  can  to  settle  a  trade  amongst 
them.  .  .  .  You  are  to  give  such  encouragment  as  securely  you 
may  to  such  natives  and  others  as  shall  submit  to  live  peaceably 
under  Our  obedience  and  in  due  submission  to  the  government  of 
the  island ;  and  you  are  to  suffer  them  to  enjoy  the  exercise  of 
their  own  religion  without  the  least  interuption  or  discountenance. 

Shipman's  force  was  to  be  conveyed  to  Bombay  by  a  squadron 
of  the  royal  navy,  consisting  of  the  Dunkirk,  the  Mary  Rose, 
the  Leopard  (a  frigate  of  44  guns),  the  Convertine  (of  40  guns, 
captured  from  the  Dutch  in  1651),  and  the  Chestnut  (a  12-gun 
pinnace).  The  command  of  this  squadron  was  given  to  James 
Ley,  third  Earl  of  Marlborough,  whose  earlier  career  will  be  found 
in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.     As  the  royal  treasury 

'  P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  xiii.  p.  129.     This  is  a  copy,  made  in  1677. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  131.    This  and  the  preceding  document  have  been  printed  in  the  youmal  of 
Indian  History,  vol.  i.  pt.  iii.  p.  522.    See  also  A  DescHption  of .  .  .  Bombay,  1724,  p.  7, 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  129 

was  in  its  usual  state  of  depletion,  an  arrangement  was  negotiated 
with  the  East  India  Company,  by  which  that  body  undertook  to 
victual  the  ships  and  to  lade  them  at  Surat  for  the  return  voyage 
with  merchandise,  for  which  freight  was  to  be  allowed  at  the  usual 
rates.  If  the  amount  of  freight  money  thus  earned  for  the  govern- 
ment should  be  less  than  the  sum  advanced  by  the  Company,  the 
latter  was  to  be  allowed  to  deduct  the  difference  out  of  its  payments 
for  customs  {Calendar  of  Dom.  State  Papers,  1660-1,  p.  440). 

Some  apprehension  was  felt  lest  the  authorities  at  Goa  should 
refuse  to  honour  the  draft  made  upon  them  from  Lisbon ;  and  it 
was  therefore  arranged  between  the  two  courts  that  a  fresh 
Governor  or  Viceroy  should  be  sent  out  in  the  English  fleet  (Lord 
Clarendon's  autobiography,  vol.  i.  p.  445).  The  personage  chosen 
for  the  post  was  Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro,  and  the  vessel  detailed 
for  his  conveyance  from  Lisbon  to  India  was  the  Leopard^  com- 
manded by  Captain  Richard  Minors.^  The  instructions  ^  given 
(24  January)  to  Lord  Marlborough  by  the  Duke  of  York  (as  Lord 
High  Admiral)  included  an  injunction  to  use  force,  if  necessary,  to 
secure  the  landing  of  the  Viceroy  at  Goa.  The  rest  of  the  docu- 
ment was  occupied  by  the  usual  directions  as  to  the  maintenance  of 
discipline,  &c. ;  and  it  was  laid  down  that,  in  the  event  of  Marl- 
borough's death,  the  command  of  the  squadron  was  to  devolve 
upon  Arnold  Brown,  the  captain  of  the  Dunkirk. 

The  voyage  out,  which  commenced  on  6  April,  1662,  was  chiefly 
marked  by  the  inability  of  Marlborough's  ships  to  keep  company. 
As  already  mentioned,  when  Oxenden  reached  Madeira,  he  found 
there  only  the  Dunkirk  and  the  Mary  Rose.  On  the  voyage  being 
resumed,  the  latter  dropped  behind  ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Leopard  ]ovci^dL  company  from  Lisbon,  with  the  Portuguese  Viceroy  ^ 

^  This  was  the  man  who  had  previously  commanded  for  a  time  the  garrison  of  Fort 
St.  George  (see  the  1651-4  volume,  p.  43,  and  the  1655-60  one,  p.  33).  A  chance  refer- 
ence in  the  Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663  (p.  115),  informs  us  that  he  was  brother-in-law  to 
Sir  Edward  Winter.  Since  neither  married  the  sister  of  the  other,  they  must  both  have 
married  into  the  same  Indian  or  half-cast£  family,  probably  in  Madras.  This  conclusion 
is  supported  by  the  fact  that  Minors,  in  a  petition  to  the  King  in  1669  {Cal.Dom.  S.  P., 
1668-9,  p.  229),  spoke  of  his  estate,  house,  and  family  as  being  in  the  East  Indies. 

^  Printed  in  full  in  The  Times  of  27  July,  1886.  A  MS.  copy  will  be  found  in  Home 
Misc.,  vol.  60. 

^  It  is  convenient  to  use  this  title,  though,  as  already  explained  (p.  99),  De  Mello  de 
Castro  was  as  yet  only  '  Governor '. 

2597  K 


130  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOIVIBAY,  1662 

on  board;  and  the  Dunkirk  and  she  arrived  at  Johanna  (Comoro 
Islands)  on  11  August  in  safety.  After  waiting  a  week  for  the 
missing  vessels,  Marlborough  decided  to  sail,  fearing  that  otherwise 
he  would  lose  the  monsoon.  Just  before  their  departure,  an  un- 
fortunate dispute  arose  with  the  Viceroy.  The  Portuguese  had  a 
grievance  against  the  people  of  Johanna,  who  had,  they  alleged, 
robbed  their  factory ;  and  De  Mello  de  Castro  took  advantage  of 
his  presence  there  with  two  English  ships  to  enforce  an  accommoda- 
tion. This  involved  the  surrender  of  42  natives,  who  were  claimed 
as  Portuguese  subjects,  and  Marlborough  consented  to  allow  these 
to  be  taken  aboard  the  Leopard.  The  King  of  Johanna,  fearing 
future  trouble,  asked  for  a  written  acknowledgement  under  the 
Viceroy's  hand  that  he  had  received  full  satisfaction  ;  and  Marl- 
borough, who  felt  some  responsibility  in  the  matter,  seeing  that  the 
fear  of  his  guns  had  been  the  chief  reason  why  the  islanders  had 
acceded  to  the  Portuguese  demands,  made  this  a  condition  of  his 
undertaking  the  troublesome  duty  of  carrying  the  native  passengers. 
The  Viceroy,  however,  stood  upon  his  dignity  and  obstinately 
refused  to  give  more  than  a  formal  receipt  for  the  negroes,  and  that 
only  under  the  hand  of  one  of  his  officers.  Lord  Marlborough,  on 
being  appealed  to,  thought  this  '  nott  att  all  reasonable,  in  relation 
to  the  country  people  nor  our  selves  '  {O.C.  2939),  and  intimated  to 
De  Mello  de  Castro  that,  unless  he  would  comply  with  the  demand, 
the  passengers  would  be  landed.  The  Viceroy  '  utterly  refused  to 
give  any  other  discharge ',  and  thereupon  '  all  the  blackes  were  sett 
ashoare  againe  ',  including  (according  to  the  Viceroy's  account)  some 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  his  cabin.  De  Mello  de  Castro  was 
already  nettled  by  the  slights  he  considered  that  he  had  received 
from  Captain  Minors  ;i  and  this  last  affront  was  deeply  resented, 
although  for  the  present  he  thought  it  best  to  make  a  show  of 
keeping  on  good  terms  with  ^Marlborough. 

Bombay  was  reached  on  18  September,  1662.^    Lord  Marlborough 

^  It  may  well  be  supposed  that  De  Mello  de  Castro,  considering  the  rank  and  dignity 
of  his  office,  expected  that  he  would  be  treated  with  as  much  deference  as  if  he  were  being 
conveyed  to  his  post,  as  usual,  in  a  royal  Portuguese  galleon.  No  special  instructions 
appear  to  have  been  given  to  Minors  on  the  point ;  and  to  him,  probably,  the  Viceroy 
and  his  suite  of  eighty  persons  were  simply  troublesome  passengers,  with  far  too  exalted 
ideas  of  their  own  importance. 

^  A  Portuguese   account    of   the  voyage   and  of  the   subsequent  negotiations  up   to 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1663  131 

was  now  in  a  difficulty.  There  was  no  sign  of  the  Mary  Rose  with 
Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  who  alone  was  commissioned  to  demand 
the  transfer  of  the  island  ;  but  it  seemed  undignified  to  wait  in- 
definitely, and,  moreover,  Marlborough  was  impatient  to  be  gone. 
He  therefore  decided  to  ask  the  Viceroy  to  make  over  the  place  at 
once  to  Col.  Hungerford,  Shipman's  second-in-command.  This  re- 
quest De  Mello  de  Castro  refused,  with  every  show  of  justification. 
The  English  admiral  had  no  credentials  to  produce,  and  the 
Viceroy's  instructions  were  to  require  a  letter  from  King  Charles, 
specifying  the  person  to  whom  the  surrender  was  to  be  made.^  De 
Mello  de  Castro  had  thus  a  good  excuse  for  declining  Marlborough's 
request ;  and,  apart  from  his  own  feelings  of  resentment,  he  had  an 
urgent  reason  for  adopting  this  course,  in  the  strong  objections 
entertained  by  his  countrymen  at  Bombay  to  the  proposed  surrender. 
The  Portuguese  in  India — many  of  whom  were  half-castes,  while 
others  never  expected  to  see  Portugal  again — were  very  lukewarm 
in  their  patriotism,  and  were  disposed  to  question  the  right  of  the 
Lisbon  authorities  to  make  over  any  part  of  their  territory  without 
their  consent."  Bombay  had  valuable  possibilities  as  a  port,  and 
the  island  was  well  populated  and  fairly  flourishing.  Its  Portuguese 
landowners  were  naturally  up  in  arms  against  the  proposed  surren- 
der ;  while  the  ecclesiastics  backed  them  up  by  representing  the 
wickedness  of  handing  over  Catholics  to  a  Protestant  power.  At 
Goa,  it  is  true,  there  was  a  party  in  favour  of  the  cession,  which 
would,  it  was  hoped,  secure  English  help  against  the  Dutch,  whose 
operations  to  the  southwards  were  causing  much  alarm ;  but  the  in- 
fluence of  this  party  was  not  strong  enough  to  overcome  the 
opposition. 

We  turn  now  to  the  accounts  given  in  the  records  of  these  events. 
The  first  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  Lord  Marlborough  at  Bombay 
to  Sir  Geo.  Oxenden,  dated  26  September,  1662  : 


December  1662  will  be  found  at  p.  3  of  the  third  volume  of  Biker's  Tratados.  A  brief 
narrative  of  the  negotiations  from  the  English  side  is  given  in  P.R.O. :  CO,  11,  vol.  viii. 
no.  141. 

^  See  O.C.  3053-4,  and  Biker's  Tratados,  vol.  iii.  p.  38. 

^  '  It  is  averred  that  Bombaim  many  years  ago  was  granted  by  former  kings  of  Portugal 
to  the  Jesuits  and  ceTia.in  Jidalgos  as  a  reward  for  good  services,  and  that  the  present  king 
has  therefore  no  right  to  make  it  over  to  another'  {Batavia  Dagh-Reghter,  1663,  p.  183). 

K2 


132  THE  EXPf:DITIOX  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

Wee  sett  sayle  from  Johanna  the  21th  of  August.  .  .  .  The  i8th 
instant  wee  came  to  an  ancor  here.  Not  to  trouble  you  or  my  selfe 
(who  am  not  very  well)  with  all  the  perticulars,  it  shall  suffice  for 
the  present  to  tell  you  that  all  the  art  or  contest  I  could  use  could 
not  perswade  the  surrender  of  this  paltry  island  (most  basely 
deserted  to  the  Arabians  the  last  yeare  ^)  till  the  arrivall  of  Sir 
Abraham  Shipman  ;  the  cause  pretended  [was]  want  of  a  sufficient 
power  given  to  Col.  Hungerford  in  case  of  Sir  Abrahams  mis- 
carriage or  absence.  Where  the  fault  will  light,  I  know  not ;  the 
burthen  and  trouble,  I  am  sure,  will  come  most  to  my  share  for  the 
present.  I  would  have  landed  the  souldiers,  to  have  here  expected 
the  arrivall  of  Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  but  the  souldiers  would  not 
land  without  theire  armes,  which  is  denyed  by  the  Vice  Roy  ;  so  as 
I  am  forced  to  take  the  souldiers  on  board  againe.  And  for  soe 
much  as  the  Vice  Roy  hath  declared  that  he  cannot  open  the  letters 
directed  to  the  Governors  of  India,^  I  am  resolved  to  goe  for  Goa 
and  deliver  those  letters  ;  as  alsoe  the  rather  for  that  our  men  fall 
sick  apace  in  this  roade,  neither  can  wee  gett  any  thing  worth  the 
having  for  our  money.  I  will  dispatch  from  Goa  with  all  hast,  and 
call  in  here,  as  I  come  up,  to  see  if  Sir  Abraham  Shipman  be  come, 
and  likewise  to  receive  your  advise  upon  the  returne  of  this 
messenger  ;  resolving  to  cause  Mr.  No  well  [see  p.  106]  to  stay  here 
for  that  purpose,  as  alsoe  that  with  him  I  may  safely  leave  such 
orders  as  are  fitt  for  mee  to  give  to  any  of  the  fleete  that  may 
happen  to  come  to  this  place  in  mine  absence  :  for  there  is  none 
that  I  dare  trust  upon  this  place,  being  such  as  I  feare  to  our  cost 
wee  shall  find  them.  ...  I  would  I  were  with  you,  or  at  least  from 
hence,  where  I  can  neither  eate  nor  drincke.  Our  men  alsoe  fall 
downe  apace. 

By  the  same  conveyance  went  letters  from  Captain  Brown,  of 
the  Dunkirk  (dated  20  September),  and  from  Gerald  Aungier  (26 
September),  giving  further  particulars.  The  former,  after  describ- 
ing the  voyage  from  Johanna,  wrote  : 


'  In  a  letter  from  Surat  to  the  Company  of  26  March,  1667,  reference  is  made  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Bombay  not  having  the  courage  to  withstand  '  a  few  small  vessails  sent  by 
the  Arabs.'but  fled,  leaving  the  place  to  be  pillaged  and  ruinated  by  fire,  anno  1662  '.  The 
same  incident  is  mentioned  in  Aungier's  report  of  15  December,  1673  {O.C.  3910)  : 
*  About  the  midle  or  center  of  the  fort  is  the  Governors  house,  built  formerly  by  the 
Portugalls,  but  was  burnt  by  the  Arabs  of  Muscat  when  they  surprized  and  tookethe  island 
from  the  Portugueze  in  anno  1661  [_sic\.  Soe  that  when  the  English  tooke  possession  of 
the  island  there  was  litle  more  then  the  walls  left  ;  but  since  it  cam  into  the  Companies 
hands  it  hath  bin  much  repaired.' 

^  Luiz  de  Mendo9a  Furtado  and  Pedro  de  Lancastre. 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1663  133 

Our  admirall  was  pleased,  a  while  after  wee  ankored,  to  goe 
aboard  the  Leopard  to  give  the  Governour  ^  the  welcome  to  the 
port,  and  to  declare  to  him  the  reason  of  our  comming  to  the  port 
was  his  orders  led  him  hither  to  receive  the  island  for  His  Majestys 
of  Englands  use  by  his  souldiers,  befor  [he]  proceeded  for  Goa  ; 
therefore  desired  he  would  take  it  into  consideration  and  take 
course  that  the  island  might  bee  speedily  delivered,  that  wee  might 
further  prosecute  our  voyage  to  Goa.  But  to  that  (as  I  understood 
from  My  Lord)  he  gave  little  satisfaction,  saying  that  he  could 
doe  nothing  till  he  was  seated  in  his  power  at  Goa,  yett  he  would 
speake  with  the  Governors  of  the  places  here  adjacent.  Since 
which  time  he  hath  [done]  nothing,  butt  delayed  us  ;  and  hath  gott 
things  from  aboard  the  Leopard,  and  now  resolves  not  to  goe  to 
Goa  with  us,  pretending  that  he  hath  order  from  the  King  of 
Portingall  to  visitt  those  northerne  factoryes,  and  therefore  (being 
here  now)  he  will  stay  to  finnish  that  worke.  .  .  .  This  time  of  our 
being  here  I  have,  by  order  of  our  Admirall,  employed  in  sounding 
and  discovering  this  island  of  Bombay  ;  which  was  most  strangely 
represented  to  His  Majesty  our  gracious  King,  with  presumption 
that  it  conteyned  from  the  bay  to  the  north  as  farr  as  the  entrance 
of  Bassine,  as  alsoe  to  the  east  all  Trombay  etc.  to  the  said 
entrance  ;  but  we  find  it  much  contrary,  for  that  that  space  con- 
taines  three  islands  distinctly,  vizt.,  Tanna,  the  northernmost  (next 
to  Bassine),  which  is  the  biggest :  ^  the  next  to  that  is  Salsett,  upon 
which  is  the  harbour  of  Trombay,  and  is  a  good  island :  but  the 
island  of  Bombay  lyes  not  more  then  nine  miles  north  and  south, 
and  narrower  east  and  west,  and  is  about  22  miles  in  circuite,  a  faire 
channell  parting  it  from  Salsett.  A  draught  of  which  I  shall  make 
bould  to  present  Your  Worship,  God  sending  me  to  see  your  face 
at  Surratt.  I  am  heartily  sorry  to  see  our  expectations  soe  much 
shortned  by  this  ;  butt  more  that  wee  are  not  like  peaceably  to 
enter  upon  this,  nor  to  land  our  souldiers  in  any  equipag,  through 
the  pride  of  a  perfidious  Portingall. 

Aungier's  account  was  as  follows  : 

His  Lordship  made  a  formall  demand  of  the  place,  according  to 
articles,  the  same  day  wee  arrived.  The  Viceroy  spent  five  dayes 
in  consultation,  and  at  last  after  many  trivial!  and  insignificant 
pretences,  his  result  [i.  e.  resolution]  was  this,  that  his  instructions 

^  De  Mello  de  Castro.  Bruce  {Annals,  vol.  ii.  p.  126),  not  understanding  that  the 
*  Governor '  and  the  '  Viceroy '  (of  the  factors'  letters)  were  identical,  concluded  that  the 
Governor  of  Bombay  '  evaded  the  cession  of  the  island '  and  the  Viceroy  '  refused  to  inter- 
pose his  authority  ' ;  and  this  statement  has  been  copied  by  later  historians. 

*  No  justification  can  be  found  for  treating  the  portion  of  Salsette  which  contains 
Thana  as  a  separate  island. 


134  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

out  of  Portugall  ^  ordered  him  not  to  surrender  the  place  without 
His  Majestie  of  Englands  immediate  letter,  confirmed  by  his  owne 
hand  and  seale  ;  adding,  morover,  that  his  order  was,  though  Sir 
Abraham  Shipman  were  arrived  with  the  Kings  letter,  not  to  deliver 
possession  before  the  moonzoone  were  ended.  The  first  My  Lord 
could  but  conclude  as  prudentiall  enough,  and  Your  Worship  may 
imagine  what  answer  hee  had  to  make,  being  soe  ill  provided  (by 
whose  fault  I  dare  not  censure)  of  such  authenticke  letters  and 
necessary  instructions  in  case  Sir  Abraham  Shipman  should  not 
timely  arrive.  My  Lords  next  demand  was  that  the  soldiers  in  the 
interim  might  bee  received  a  shore ;  to  which  His  Excellencies 
peremptory  answer  was  that  they  might  come  a  shore  to  refresh 
themselves,  but  without  their  armes,  and  gave  this  for  his  reason, 
that  his  men  aboard  the  Leopard  were  not  suffred  to  wear  their 
armes.  This  pretence  (considering  the  miserable  condition  of  the 
place  and  people,  the  weakness  and  malice  of  the  argument,  and 
the  necessity  of  delivering  the  fort  to  us  according  to  articles)  gave 
My  Lord  some  disturbance.  However,  being  willing  to  loose  noe 
more  time  and  to  comply  with  the  present  conjuncture,  hee  makes 
this  proposall :  that  the  Vice  Roy  should  assigne  to  the  Collonell 
and  soldiers  some  convenient  place,  and  quarters  sufficiently  capable 
of  such  a  nomber  of  men,  wherein  they  might  have  roome  to  exer- 
cise their  arms,  and  that,  in  case  any  of  the  soldiers  were  taken  out 
of  the  circuit  with  their  armes  about  them,  they  might  justly  bee 
punished  as  hee  thought  good.  To  this  My  Lord  has  received  yet 
noe  positive  answer,  though  it  bee  two  dayes  since  he  sent  it  ;  soe 
that  at  present  wee  cannot  divine  what  the  issue  of  this  affaire  will 
prove.  The  want  of  the  Mary  Rose  and  Convertine,  and  espetially  Sir 
Abraham  Shipmans  orders,  putting  us  all  to  a  stand  ;  so  that  My 
Lord  is  not  yet  able  to  resolve  what  course  to  take.  But  I  find  him 
inclined  to  spend  some  five  or  six  dales  more  here,  in  expectation 
of  the  ships  .  .  .  and  afterwards  to  fall  downe  to  Goa  with  the 
Leopard.  But  which  gives  him  the  greatest  disturbance  is  that  the 
place  doth  not  answer  our  Kings  expectation  by  four-fifths  of  what 
was  represented  to  him  ;  for  by  the  draught  which  was  delivered  to 
His  Majestie  Bombay,  Salsett,  and  Tanna  were  included  all  in  one 
island  and  all  under  the  name  and  royalty  of  Bombay ;  but  Capt. 
Browne  and  myselfe.  having  sailed  round  this  island,  doe  find  it 
farr  otherwise,  being  in  extent  scarce  one-fifth  part  of  the  other  two 
islands,  and  this  is  all  the  Portugalls  intend  to  surrender  at  last  to 
us ;  which  how  it  will  bee  resented  in  England,  I  leave  Your 
Worships  wisdome  to  conjecture.  .  .  . 

^  For  the  Portuguese  text  of  these  see  Archivo  da  Rela^ao  de  Goa,  by  L.  I.  de  A\Tanches 
Garcia,  part  ii.  p.  531.  An  English  version  is  printed  in  Materials  toivards  a  Statistical 
Account  of  Bombay,  vol.  i.  p.  9. 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  135 

There  was  nothing  to  be  done  but  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
Mary  Rose  with  Sir  Abraham  Shipman.  That  vessel  made  her 
appearance  early  in  October  ;  and  Shipman  promptly  delivered  to 
the  Viceroy  a  letter  from  King  Charles  and  exhibited  his  own 
commission.  De  Mello  de  Castro  had  now  no  refuge  save  in 
quibbling  over  the  validity  of  Sir  Abraham's  credentials.'  Writing 
to  him  on  5  October,  he  expressed  surprise  that  the  form  of  these 
documents  should  differ  from  that  of  those  sent  to  Lisbon  and 
Tangier,  and  pointed  out  the  following  '  defects '  : 

First,  that  the  letter  from  His  Most  Serene  Majesty  of  Great 
Brittan  is  not  subscribed  b}'  the  Secretary  of  State,  as  in  Portugall 
the  custome  is  (without  which  noe  buisnese  can  be  dispatched). 
Secondly,  Your  Lordships  pattent  is  not  subscribed  by  the  hand 
of  His  Most  Serene  Majesty  of  Great  Brittan,  without  which, 
according  to  the  expresse  lawes  of  Portugall,  it  can  have  noe  force 
nor  power,  neither  is  to  be  obeyed  by  any  ;  yea,  he  is  to  be  punished 
that  giveth  obedience  thereunto.  Thirdly  (which  is  of  the  greatest 
consequence).  Your  Lordship  hath  not  produced  any  procuration 
from  His  Most  Serene  Majesty  of  Great  Brittan,  which  ought  to  be 
incerted  in  the  instrument  to  be  made  upon  the  surrender  of  the 
island,  as  .  .  .  was  soe  ordered  by  the  instructions  of  the  King  my 
master  .  .  .  and  since  this  is  an  especiall  clause,  upon  supposition 
whereof  the  King  my  master  hath  ordered  the  delivery  of  the 
island,  it  not  appeareing,  there  is  none  can  doubt  that  the  power 
to  make  the  surrender  is  not  in  me.  Wherefore  I  desire  Your 
Lordship  to  defferr  the  receiveing  of  actuall  possession  untill  such 
time  as  a  procuration  from  the  Most  Serene  King  of  Great  Brittan 

^  Among  the  State  Papers,  Portugal,  at  the  Public  Record  Office  (vol.  vi.  f.  214)  is  a 
letter  from  Thomas  Maynard,  English  Consul  at  Lisbon,  saying  that  he  had  been  shown 
by  the  Secretary  of  State  there  a  paper  containing  the  reasons  given  by  the  Viceroy  for 
rejecting  the  English  credentials.  These  were  that  in  the  first  place  the  documents  were 
clearly  counterfeits,  for  the  letter  from  King  Charles  had  evidently  been  sealed  only  on 
the  day  of  delivery,  and  moreover  Marlborough's  instructions  referred  to  De  Mello  de 
Castro  as  Viceroy,  though  they  were  written  nearly  a  month  before  he  was  appointed  to 
that  post ;  in  the  second  place,  Marlborough  had  refused  to  go  to  the  aid  of  the  Portuguese 
at  Cochin,  though  assistance  against  the  Dutch  was  as  much  a  part  of  the  treaty  as  the 
surrender  of  Bombay.  Maynard  added  that  he  could  not  say  whether  these  reasons  were 
really  given  by  the  Viceroy  or  whether  they  were  invented  at  Lisbon. 

The  same  letter  states  that  the  news  of  the  cession  of  the  island  reached  Chaul  about 
two  months  before  the  English  fleet  appeared  ;  '  at  which  the  inhabitance  of  Chaul  and 
Basaim  murmured,  saying  the  King  of  Portugal  did  not  understand  what  a  considerable 
place  he  parted  with,  and  that  he  was  deceived  by  his  ministers  ;  therefore  they  resolved 
to  oppose  the  delyvery  of  it  to  the  English,  and  to  that  purpose  r[a]ise  500  men  '. 


136  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

may  in  due  time  be  brought  hither,  which,  being  acknowledged  by 
the  Secretary  of  State  at  Lisbon,  will  easily  dispell  these  clouds  of 
doubts.  In  the  meane  time  I  doe  promise,  in  the  name  of  the  Most 
Serene  King  of  Great  Brittan,  to  preserve  this  island  to  be  hereafter 
delivered,  either  to  Your  Lordship  or  any  other  who  shall  bring 
the  procuration  executed  in  manner  as  is  aforesaid ;  and  upon  this 
condition  onely  I  doe  constitute  my  selfe  his  Governour,  in  the 
same  manner  as  if  I  had  bene  actually  constituted  by  His  Most 
Serene  Majesty  of  Great  Brittone.  And  this  is  all  that  I  can  doe 
in  this  affayre. 

This  was  of  course  the  merest  chicanery.  As  we  have  seen,  the 
Viceroy's  instructions  were  to  ask  for  credentials  from  the  English 
King  and  to  make  over  the  island  to  the  person  named  therein. 
Shipman  had  produced  a  letter  from  King  Charles  to  the  Viceroy, 
which  gave  the  necessary  information,  but  De  Mello  de  Castro 
affected  to  regard  this  as  a  private  communication,  and  demanded 
the  production  of  a  formal  procuration.  Evidently  his  intention 
was  to  create  as  much  delay  as  possible,  aud  it  was  probably  with 
the  same  object  that  he  inserted  the  stipulation  that  the  formal 
procuration  should  be  certified  by  the  Secretary  of  State  at  Lisbon. 
At  the  same  time  he  was  evidently  uneasy  as  to  the  light  in  which 
his  action  would  be  viewed  by  his  sovereign,  who,  as  he  doubtless 
knew,  was  sincerely  bent  upon  fulfilling  the  conditions  of  the 
marriage  treaty.  To  the  latter  he  wrote  a  long  apology,  dwelling 
upon  the  wrongs  he  had  received  from  the  t!nglish  and  the  alleged 
deficiencies  in  Shipman's  credentials ;  arguing  also  that  the  treaty 
did  not  contemplate  the  transfer  of  the  island  until  peace  was 
concluded  with  the  Dutch,  or  absolutely  refused  by  them.  He 
declared  that  Bombay  was  '  the  best  port  Your  Majesty  possesses  in 
India,  with  which  that  of  Lisbon  is  not  to  be  compared '  ;  that  the 
English  would  force  its  Catholic  inhabitants  to  change  their  religion  ; 
and  that  the  loss  of  the  island  would  have  the  most  serious  con- 
sequences for  the  trade  of  Portuguese  India.  In  conclusion,  he 
urged  that  the  English  claim  should  be  compromised  by  a  money 
payment  (up  to  a  million  crusados),  asserting  that  Portuguese 
India  would  gladly  assist   in   finding  the  necessary  funds  ^     The 

1  .See  Biker's  Traiados,  vol.  iii.  p.  4  ;  also  iMemorias  sohre  as  Possessoes  Portttguezas  na 
Asia,  by  G.  de  M.  T.  Pinto,  ed.  by  J.  H.  da  Cunha  Rivara,  p.  174,  An  Erglish  trans- 
lation is  given  in  J.  G.  da  Cunha's  Origm  of  Bombay,  p.  245. 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  137 

Viceroy  also  addressed  letters  to  King  Charles  and  Queen  Catherine, 
complaining  bitterly  of  the  treatment  he  had  experienced  at  the 
hands  of  Lord  Marlborough  and  Captain  Minors,  recommending 
the  promotion  of  the  master  of  the  Leopard  (who  alone  had  been 
kind  to  him),  and  explaining  the  impossibility  of  handing  over 
Bombay  in  the  absence  of  a  formal  procuration  (Public  Record 
Office:   CO.  77,  vol.  viii.  nos.  137-40). 

Thus  rebuffed,  Marlborough  and  Shipman  decided  to  quit  Bombay, 
where  their  continued  presence  would  be  at  once  humiliating  and 
purposeless.  Shipman  resolved  to  proceed  in  the  Leopard  to  Goa, 
to  see  whether  a  more  favourable  answer  could  be  obtained  there  ; 
and  Marlborough  concluded  to  take  the  Dunkirk  and  Mary  Rose, 
with  the  soldiers,  to  Swally.  The  sequel  is  thus  related  in  the 
President  and  Council's  letter  to  the  Company  of  30  November, 
1662  : 

When  wee  had  proceeded  thus  farr  in  our  advice,  came  newes  of 
the  Diinkirks  arrivall  to  the  Barr  foote.  It  was  the  18  October, 
and  the  19th  in  the  evening  wee  repair'd  to  the  Marine  and  went 
aboard  to  give  the  Lord  Marleburgh  a  vissitt ;  and  were  informed 
he  was  quit[e]  cast  off  by  the  Vice  King  etc.  and  were  not  suffered 
to  land  his  souldiers,  upon  pretence  that  the  instrument  and  letter 
designed  to  that  purpose  by  the  King  of  Portugall  weer  defective 
and  that  they  could  not  surrender  the  island  upon  such  lame  con- 
signements.  The  inclosed  letter  to  your  President  from  My  Lord, 
and  the  Vice  Kings  to  Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  will  give  you  their 
last  result  [i.  e,  resolution]  ;  by  which  perceiveing  nothing  would 
prevaile,  [he]  left  the  place  and  repaired  hither,  to  refresh  his  sick 
men  and  take  in  provisions  to  enable  him  to  comply  with  his 
commission  in  saileing  to  the  Morutious  [Mauritius]  and  English 
Forrest  ^  to  land  his  souldiers,  keepeing  on  his  way  directly  for 
England  for  further  orders.  Soe  that,  although  the  Hopeivell  mett 
them  at  Bonbay  and  delivered  our  letters,  yet  neither  in  the  one 
nor  the  other  could  wee  be  complied  with,  that  is,  either  the  ships 
refraineing  to  bring  up  their  land  men  hither  or  My  Lord  in  the 
Dimkirk  to  saile  to  Curwarr,  or  send  the  Mary  Rose  to  take  in  the 
goods  there,  according  to  directions ;  but  they  are  both  come  up, 
and  declare  that  they  are  enjoyned  to  follow  commission  and  that, 
whilst  they  cannot  dispose  of  their  souldiers,  they  are  not  to 
entertaine  any  other  employment.     Sir  Abraham  Shipman  is  gonn 

^  fleferred  to  later  by  its  Portuguese  name  of  Dom  Mascarenhas.  It  is  now  known  as 
Reunion. 


138  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

downe  in  the  Leopard.,  upon  an  expression  the  Vice  Roy  used  that 
they  could  not  make  any  surrender,  but  if  the  Governors  at  Goa 
were  willing,  hee  would  bee  contented  ;  and  this,  wee  conjecture,  is 
but  a  further  delay,  since  it  may  very  well  bee  beleived  that  they 
understand  one  another  too  well.  .  .  .  Which  leads  us  to  speak  of 
the  Leopard.  The  Lord  Marleburgh  hath  sent  her  to  Goa  ;  wherein 
Sir  Abraham  is  gon  to  take  the  Governours  ultimate  result  what 
they  will  doe  concerning  the  islands  surrender ;  and  My  Lord  saith 
that  he  can  give  us  noe  answer  untill  his  returne.  [SoJ  that  wee 
are  much  perplext  what  to  doe  in  your  behalfe.  If  wee  draw  back 
(though  not  totally  desist)  our  provision,  and  they  should  afterwards 
present  themselves  to  bee  laden,  wee  feare  what  would  follow, 
through  the  time  lapst  that  they  were  by  articles  to  resigne  them- 
selves. And  on  the  other  side,  if  they  should  bee  forst,  in  comply- 
ance  to  their  commission,  to  carry  the  men  to  the  islands,  they 
would  be  able  to  take  in  noe  goods ;  and  in  such  a  case  you  may 
bee  great  sufferers  by  those  vast  quantities  of  goods  that  will 
necessarily  remain  with  us  dead  stock. 

Fryer  tells  us  {Neiv  Accoujit,  p.  6'^)  that  Marlborough  put  his 
soldiers  ashore  upon  the  sands  at  Swally,  but  did  not  himself  leave 
the  Dunkh'k.  The  former  statement  is  borne  out  by  a  passage 
already  quoted  at  p.  loB,  and  by  an  entry  in  Shipman's  accounts, 
which  shows  that  he  paid  6/.  as  compensation  for  a  house  at  Swally 
accidentally  set  on  fire  by  one  of  his  soldiers. 

From  an  account  written  by  Aungier  and  Gary  of  their  proceed- 
ings at  Goa  (where  their  attempts  to  hire  out  the  Leopard  to  the 
Portuguese  came  to  nought)  we  learn  that  Shipman  arrived  there 
on  10  October  and  at  once  opened  up  negotiations  with  the 
Governors,  but  did  not  succeed  in  obtaining  an  answer  until  twelve 
days  later.  When,  however,  it  did  come,  it  was  eminently  satis- 
factory. The  Governors  and  their  Council,  less  exposed  than  the 
Viceroy  to  local  pressure,  made  no  difficulty  about  giving  their 
written  opinion  that  the  documents  brought  by  Shipman  were 
sufficient  warrant  for  complying  with  his  demand.  With  renewed 
hope,  Shipman  hastened  back  to  Bombay  in  the  Leopard.  De 
Mello  de  Castro,  however,  was  too  deeply  committed  to  change  his 
attitude,  and  he  obstinately  maintained  his  former  decision.  Sir 
Abraham  had  no  option  but  to  continue  his  voyage  to  Swally, 
where  he  reported  his  failure  to  Marlborough  and  Oxenden. 

The  result  of  his  negotiations  is  announced  in  a  letter  from  the 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  139 

Surat  Council  to  the  Company  of  8  December,  1662,  which   also 
carries  on  the  story  to  that  date  : 

My  Lord  with  Sir  Abraham  not  prevaiHng  upon  the  Vice  Roy 
and  the  more  emanent  inhabitants  and  owners  of  the  island  of 
Bonbay  etc.  (who  indeed  are  the  Jesuites  more  particularly  and 
principally,  as  a  place  fittest  for  them  to  owne  and  be  owners  off, 
in  respect  of  its  fruitfullness  and  pleasantness),  Sir  Abraham 
resolved  for  Goa,  if  possibley  the  Governours  (appointed  by  the 
King  to  governe  that  state)  would  better  consider  of  the  instrument 
and  writeings  brought  from  the  King  of  Portugall ;  who  declared 
them  sufificient  for  the  surrender  of  the  island,  acquainteing  Sir 
Abraham  soe  much  and  also  confirmeing  what  they  had  said  under 
their  hands  to  this  new  Vice  Roy ;  which  their  oppinion  was  also 
signed  by  the  Councell  of  Goa  and  other  the  more  eminent  inhabi- 
tants of  the  citty,  reading  the  contents  of  the  result  to  Sir  Abraham 
before  they  closed  it.^  With  this  Sir  Abraham  returnes  back  to 
Bonbay,  perswadeing  himselfe,  from  what  the  Vice  King  etc.  had 
declared  to  him,  that  if  the  Governors  at  Goa  were  concenting  and 
would  signifie  that  the  instrument  brought  out  from  the  King  of 
Portugall  were  sufficient,  it  should  bee  delivered  up  ;  but  the  event 
made  it  appeare  mere  delayes.  for  Sir  Abraham  was  never  the 
nerer,  although  hee  did  produce  the  Governors  letters  in  his  faviour. 
[So]  that  hee  is  also  come  up  hither ;  where  great  debates  hath 
binn,  amongst  the  rest  the  attempteing  Danda  Rojapoore  ;  but  they 
were  noe  way  willing  too  it,  nor  could  they  be  perswaded.  The 
reasons  you  will  better  understand  at  home.  The  next  was  how 
to  dispose  of  the  men  in  this  their  disapointment.  That  of  trans- 
porting them  to  the  Morutious  and  English  Forrest  (alias  the  island 
of  Dom  Maskarinous)  appeared  to  them  as  casting  them  away. 
At  last  they  have  resolved  and  pitcht  upon  Anjedevah,  that  lyeth 
in  the  mouth  of  Carwarr.  Which  they  were  hardly  brought  too, 
but  raither  to  continue  their  quarters  here;  against  which  wee 
strongly  objected  the  jellosies  of  these  people  and  their  unwilling- 
ness that  they  should  harbour  here  any  longer.  Unwilling  they 
were  to  remove ;  but  at  last  they  were  perswaded  by  the  possitive 
comands  of  the  Lord  Marleburgh,  to  whome  wee  in  your  behalves 
are  much  obliged  in  his  willingness  to  comply  in  all  things  that 
[tend  ?]  to  the  accomidation  of  your  affayres.  Soe  that  the  Leopard 
is  to  take  them  in  with  their  provisions,  and  to  put  them  a  shore  on 
the  island. 

The  choice  of  Anjidiv  was  doubtless  prompted  by  some  one  at 

'  See  also  the  Report  of  the  Historical  MSS.  Cotnniission  upon  the  Finch  MSS.,  vol.  i. 
p.  243. 


I40  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBxVY,  1662 

Surat,  where,  as  we  know  from  the  last  volume  (p.  332),  this  island 
had  been  at  one  time  considered  as  one  of  the  spots  to  which  the 
Presidency  head -quarters  might  be  transferred  ;  while  its  nearness 
to  Goa  may  have  commended  it  to  Shipman  as  facilitating  further 
negotiations  with  the  Portuguese.  The  island  was  uninhabited, 
and,  so  far  as  the  P^nglish  knew,  belonged  to  no  one  in  particular. 
Lest,  however,  the  King  of  Bijapur  should  have  any  pretensions  to 
it,  the  President  and  Council  wrote  (6  December)  as  follows  to  the 
factors  at  Karwar : 

Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  the  Comander  in  Cheife  and  Governor  of 
the  souldiers,  is  designed  to  wait  the  Kings  orders  for  their  future 
proceedings  upon  Anjedevah.  Wee  cannot  immagine  how  any 
Governor  or  King  under  whome  you  live  can  possibly  be  offended 
at  it.  However,  if  any  such  thing  shall  arise,  assure  them  there  is 
noe  ill  intended  them,  but  a  principall  good,  and  that  by  letters 
from  your  superiors  you  are  required  to  assure  them  that  the 
President  and  Councell  intends  to  make  it  the  most  florishing  port 
of  India,  and  that  wee  doe  intend  to  desert  Surratt  and  bring  all 
the  trade  thither.  But  this  you  must  hint  warily  to  one  or  two  of 
the  most  emanent  persons  of  them  and  noe  more,  cncuradgeing 
them  to  expect  great  benifitt  thereby. 

This  allegation  that  Oxenden  and  his  Council  contemplated 
making  Anjidiv  their  head-quarters,  in  the  near  future  is  not,  of 
course,  to  be  taken  seriously.  It  was  merely  to  be  used  as  a  pretext 
for  the  temporary  occupation  of  the  island. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  Leopard  left  Swally  on  12  December,  1662. 
From  an  entry  in  Shipman's  accounts  (P.  R.  O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  viii. 
nos.  125,  126)  we  learn  that,  before  starting,  he  bought  from  Sir 
George  Oxenden  (for  40/.)  a  small  sloop  to  be  used  in  fetching 
provisions  to  the  island. 

What  ensued  is  related  in  a  letter  from  Captain  Minors  to 
Oxenden,  dated  in  Karwar  Road,  22  December: 

Wee  arrived  here  two  dayes  since,  and  meeting  with  Mr.  Masters 
aboard  the  Mary  Rose  (who  was  ready  to  saile  for  Surat),  he  gave 
Sir  Abraham  not  only  hopes  but  an  assurance  that  P2ngediva  would 
on  demand  be  freely  surrendred  him.  But  his  confidence  raised 
us  only  to  a  fictitious  Paradise  ;  for  Mr.  Ball  and  Captain  Middleton 
having  since  waited  on  the  Governor  of  Carwarr  (who  is  some  miles 
up  in  the  countrey)  to  receive  his  consent  for  Sir  Abraham's  landing 
with  his  people  on  the  island,  they  are  this  noone  return'd  with  a 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  141 

most  unpleasant  answer  that  the  Governor  will  on  no  tearmes 
admit  it,  and  if  Sir  Abraham  but  attempts  it,  he  will  with  all  his 
forces  indeavour  to  destroy  them,  imprison  your  merchants  ashore, 
and  seize  all  their  effects  ;  affirming  that  the  Dutch  have  often  and 
earnestly  solicited  him  by  letters  and  messengers,  courted  him  with 
presents,  to  get  it  into  their  possession,  but  he  would  never  con- 
discend  thereto.  So  that  now  wee  are  in  a  very  great  perplexity, 
not  knowing  how  to  dispose  of  the  souldiers,  some  of  whom  are 
allready  dead,  many  others  sick,  and  doe  much  pester  and  annoy 
the  shipp.  God  preserve  us  from  an  infection  in  this  hot  bay. 
This  disappointment  is  a  great  remora  ^  to  our  future  proceedings, 
wee  being  not  at  present  in  a  capacity  to  fit  our  ship  for  to  saile 
from  hence,  till  My  Lord  arrives  and  eases  us  of  the  souldiers  ; 
which  wee  must  patiently  attend,  it  being  not  possible  at  present  to 
prosecute  your  instructions  in  going  for  Porca ;  which  is  no  fault 
of  mine. 

This  letter,  with  another  from  Shipman  to  Lord  Marlborough, 
was  sent  on  by  Gary  from  Goa  on  27  December,  with  a  short  note, 
saying  that  John  Child,  who  had  brought  the  packet  from  Karwar, 
was  on  his  way  to  Surat  in  a  Portuguese  vessel,  which  would  carry 
him  as  far  as  Chaul.  And  here  we  must  break  off  the  narrative  for 
the  present,  though  it  may  be  well  to  record  Gary's  views  of  the 
situation,  as  given  in  two  letters  (31  December,  1663  and  12  January, 
1663)  to  some  personage  in  London,  extracts  from  which  are  pre- 
served at  the  Public  Record  Office  (C.  O.  77,  vol.  ix.  nos.  29  and  41). 
In  the  first,  which  was  written  from  Goa,  he  says : 

Bombay  hath  not  bin  delivered  upp  by  this  new  Vice  King, 
Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro,  though  both  the  old  Governors,  vizt. 
Lewis  de  Mendouza  Furtado  and  Don  Pedro  de  Lancaster,  etc. 
Councellours  of  this  State,  were  cleerely  for  it.  But  soe  farr  as 
I  cann  understand  by  information  received  from  many  of  the 
principallest  fidalgos,  with  whom  I  converse  daily,  the  reason  that 
there_  was  noe  render  made  for  His  Majesties  use  was  (they  say) 
because  My  Lord  of  Malberough  did  not  assist  them  with  the  fleet 
under  his  command  for  the  succor  of  Cochine,  which  att  present  is 
very  streightly  beseidged  again  by  the  Hollander  with  23  tall  shipps 
by  sea  and  5,000  men  by  land,  who  batter  it  from  three  severall 
quarters  night  and  day,  they  having  attempted  severall  times  to 
take  it  by  storme,  but  were  allwaies  valliantly  repulsed  by  the 
beseidged,  who  have  a  most  brave  and  gallant  gentleman  to  their 

^  Hindrance  (Port,  remora). 


7^2  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

Governor,  whose  name  is  Ignacio  Sarminto  Carvalho,  my  extra- 
ordinary greate  freind.  But  I  find  by  discourse  held  with  the  Vice 
King  himself  that  hee  is  very  much  disaffected  to  our  nation  in 
generall  and  extreamly  to  Capt.  Richard  Minors  in  particular, 
pretending  not  onely  to  have  received  ill  usage  from  him  whilest 
hee  was  on  board  His  Majestys  shipp  Leopard,  but  that  soe  long  as 
hee  was  in  hir  hee  was  afraid  of  his  life,  having  bin  told  by  some- 
body in  the  shipp  that  the  Captain  threatned  to  cutt  of  his  head. 
That  there  happned  severall  differences  in  the  terme  of  the  voyadge 
between  him  and  the  shipps  company  I  heard  long  before  my 
departure  from  Surratt ;  but  I  am  very  confident  that  Capt.  Minors 
is  so  civill  a  person  and  so  discreet  that  hee  would  never  utter  any 
such  speeches  or  use  any  menacyes  as  the  Voice  Roy  saith  hee  did ; 
though  I  beleive  there  hath  not  those  bin  wantinge  on  board  to 
doe  many  badd  offices  between  them,  espetially  one  Anthony 
Archer,  master  of  the  shipp,  a  verie  drunken  and  desulute  man,  who 
most  part  of  the  voyage  from  England  did  upon  severall  occasions 
insinuat  many  things  unto  the  Vice  Roy,  telling  him  all  that  ever 
hee  heard  the  Captain  say,  and  many  things  else  out  of  his  own 
capricio  and  fancy;  for  which  unworthiness,  in  mypoore  judgment, 
hee  deserves  to  bee  seveerely  punished.  I  had  not  said  much  of 
these  passages,  were  it  not  for  that  I  heard  the  Vice  Roy  say  that 
hee  would  write  a  letter  of  complaint  against  Capt.  Minors  unto 
His  Majesty,  concluding  his  discourse  att  that  time  thus  in  his  own 
language  :  Saber  a  o  Capit.  Mmors  que  en  son  I'assalc  del  Roy  de 
Portiigall,  e  nao  csioiu  escravo :  Capt.  Minors  shall  know  that  I  am 
the  King  of  Portugalls  subject  and  not  outlawed.^  I  understand 
that  hee  hath  dispeeded  an  expresse  overland  with  letters  to  the 
King  of  Portugall  with  his  weake  reasons  for  his  not  delivering  upp 
of  Bombay,  complayning  also  against  My  Lord  of  Malberough ;  but 
I  hope,  Sir,  that,  you  being  preadvised  of  his  evill  intentions,  you 
may  use  some  meanes  to  prevent  or  att  leastwise  mitigat  His 
Majesties  displeasure  (in  case  of  any)  against  the  aforesaid  Capt. 
Minors.-  It  is  most  certain,  and  therefore  not  to  bee  questioned, 
that  the  Jesuits  of  Bandora"  (a  place  neare  adjacent  unto  Bombain) 
and  the  fidalgos  of  Bagain^  (or  Rassin)  have  carryed  a  greate 
stroake  with  Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro  in  disswading  him  to 
deliver  upp  Bombay  for  His  Majesties  use,  they  being  timorous 

^  '  A  slave  '  is  the  correct  translation. 

"  Minors  remained  in  the  Royal  Navy  and  was  again  associated  with  Lord  Marlborough 
as  his  second-in-command  on  the  Old  James  in  the  action  with  the  Dutch  in  Jnne,  1665, 
when  the  Earl  was  killed.  MiHors  was  court-martialled  for  his  subsequent  management 
of  the  ship,  but  was  acquitted. 

^  Bandra,  on  the  south-west  corner  of  Salsetie  Island,  nine  miles  north  of  Bombay  city. 

*  No  doubt  Gary  wrote  '  Bazain  '  and  '  Bassin'  (Bassein). 


THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662  143 

that  His  said  Majesty,  through  his  vicinitie  to  them,  might  in  a 
short  space  of  time  make  himself  master  of  the  said  places,  which 
with  Caranja  ^  (an  island  in  Bombay  lying  southerly)  are  the  most 
bencficiall  places  belonging  to  the  King  of  Portiigall,  Bagain  yeild- 
ing  greate  quantity  of  sugars,  and  the  island  of  Salsett  (on  which 
Bandora  stands,  next  adjoyning  to  Bombay  a  little  northerly)  is 
very  fertill  and  yeilding  extraordinary  great  quantities  of  rice  and 
other  graine,  and  Caranja  much  salt  (a  second  St.  OUvall  ^),  insomuch 
that  these  three  places  are  able  of  themselves  to  supplye  all  the 
ports  and  townes  scituate  upon  the  coast  of  [Portuguese]  India  with 
come,  sugar,  and  salt.  I  must  confess  that  Bombain  of  it  selfe  will 
yeild  His  Majesty  little  benefitt,  because  there  is  but  little  land 
belonging  to  it  ;  and  those  that  represented  it  in  mapps  unto  His 
Majesty  were  not  well  acquainted  with  the  scituation  of  it  or  what 
land  belonged  thereunto.  But  the  port  is  famous  and  very  com- 
modious, and  if  the  English  doe  settle  there,  noe  question  then  but 
His  Majesty  will  reape  much  benefitt  by  the  customes  that  may  bee 
raised,  for  then  all  the  trade  of  Cambaja  and  Suratt  will  bee, 
with  good  management,  soone  drawne  thither.  If  I  am  not  mis- 
taken, Capt.  Arnold  Browne  hath  made  a  draught  of  all  the  pre- 
mentioned  places  very  exactly,  which  is  intended  for  to  bee  exposed 
to  His  Majesty  and  His  Highness  [i.e.  the  Duke  of  York]  att  My 
Lord  of  Malberoughs  retourne  and  arrivall  into  England. 

The  second  letter  was  dated  on  board  the  Leopard,  ofif  Anjidiv, 
and  repeats  the  assertion  that  the  Jesuits  of  Bandora'  had  bribed 
the  Viceroy  to  withhold  Bombay,  the  amount  of  the  bribe  being 
40,000  zerajins.  Gary  promises  to  assist  Shipman  to  the  utmost 
of  his  power,  as  he  is  ambitious  to  do  His  Majesty  '  such  service  as 
that  some  notice  might  bee  taken  by  him  of  it '.  As  for  Bombay 
itself,  it  is  of  small  value. 

But  that  which  our  people  understand  to  bee  Bombain,  in  regard 
of  the  sound  of  the  word  Bombain,  which  they  conster  (though 
falsely)  Good  Bay  (which  indeed  would  bee  soe  were  it  called 
Bombaya),  is  a  bay  of  att  least  60  miles  in  circumference. 

It  reaches  nearly  to  Thana,  '  a  towne  where  many  silke  stuffs  and 
rare  sc[r]utors  and  cabinets  are  made ' ;  and  on  its  brink  stands 
a  place  called  '  Callian  Biumdy '  [see  p.  10], '  where  all  the  commo- 
dities of  Hyndoss[t]an,  Decann,  and  Gulcondah  may  bee  brought 
downe  more  facilly  and  att  farr  lesser  charge  then  to   Surratt  or 

^  Karanja,  on  the  mainland,  south-east  of  Bombay  harbour.    It  still  produces  much  salt. 
^  Setnbal  (St.  Ubes),  in  Southern  Portugal,  the  centre  of  a  large  export  trade  in  salt. 


144  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  BOMBAY,  1662 

Cambay  '.  So  Bombay  might  be  made  very  profitable  to  His 
Majesty,  if  he  were  to  appoint  some  persons  to  manage  the  custom- 
house who  are  well  acquainted  with  the  country.     Gary  adds : 

There  came  downe  a  Brahmin  with  My  Lord  from  Suratt,  sent 
thither  to  him  by  the  inhabitants  of  Bombain  and  townes  circum- 
jacent to  invite  Sir  Abraham  Shippman  thither  with  his  souldiers, 
assuring  him  of  their  readyness  to  assist  him  with  1000  small  shott,  if 
hee  would  goe  with  him  to  make  an  attempt  upon  the  place  ;  those 
people  being  very  much  oppressed  with  the  Portugezes  that  have 
dominion  over  them.  But  whither  or  noe  any  thing  will  bee  done 
in  it  this  yeare,  in  regard  the  sommer  is  allready  farr  spent,  I  cannot 
now  resolve  you. 

These  significant  overtures  are  also  mentioned  in  a  letter  from 
Sir  George  Oxenden  to  Lord  Arlington  of  6  March,  1665  {P.  R.  O.  : 
CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  nos.  93,  loi,  102) : 

When  Sir  Abraham  Shipman  first  arrived  to  Bombaim,  being 
informed  that  the  Vice  Roy  would  by  no  meanes  deliver  up  the  island 
according  to  the  articles,  they  [i.  e.  the  inhabitants]  sent  hither 
a  Bramin  (or  one  of  their  preists,  unto  whome  they  entrust  their 
greatest  secretts),  who  came  in  the  name  of  all  the  inhabitants,  both 
of  Sallsett  and  Bombaim,  to  acquaint  mee  that,  if  wee  would  appeare 
there,  they  would  deliver  up  the  island  in  spight  of  the  Portugalls, 
and  likewise  contrive  it  in  that  manner  that  there  should  not  bee 
the  losse  of  one  mann  ;  desiring,  as  a  gratuity  for  this  peece  of  service, 
onely  that  they  and  their  children  might  bee  free,  and  they  would 
bee  His  Majesties  most  faithfull  subjects  ;  for  that  which  most 
afflicts  them  is  the  tyranny  of  the  Jesuites,  who  have  brought  them 
to  that  subjection  that,  when  the  father  of  a  family  dieth,  what 
children  hee  hath  are  taken  from  their  parents  and  brought  up  in 
the  Jesuites  colledges,  never  sufferring  them  to  returne  againe  to 
their  relations ;  which  is  a  bondage  very  greivous  to  them. 


145 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY.  1662 

For  the  events  of  the  remainder  of  Agent  Chamber's  administra- 
tion (which  now  included  the  charge  of  the  Bengal  factories)  we 
are  dependent  chiefly  upon  the  register  of  letters  dispatched  from 
Madras  {Factory  Records,  Fort  St.  George,  vol.  xiv).  Of  these  the 
letters  sent  to  England  and  to  Persia  in  January,  1662,  have  already 
been  noticed.  The  next  communication  to  merit  attention  is  one 
of  3  March,  addressed  to  William  Johnson,  the  Chief  of  the  Masuli- 
patam  factory.  He  had  been  summoned  to  Madras  to  give  an 
account  of  his  stewardship,  but,  although  he  had  been  forty-two 
days  at  the  Fort,  he  had  failed  to  furnish  any  particulars.  He  was 
therefore  ordered  to  deliver  at  once  to  Shem  Bridges  and  William 
Bradford  a  list  of  the  remains  at  Masulipatam  and  a  copy  of  his 
journal,  with  a  view  to  his  immediate  return  to  his  post. 

On  8  March,  1662,  Chamber  and  his  colleagues  replied  to  the 
Surat  letter  of  i^  December  (see  p.  28)  in  bitter  terms,  explaining, 
at  the  same  time,  that  their  animosity  was  directed  only  against 
President  Andrews : 

For  Councell  wee  never  understood  hee  had  any ;  for  Mr.  John 
Lambton  is  and  hath  bin  a  long  time  resolved  to  putt  his  afferma- 
tion  to  any  writeing  that  shall  bee  brought  him,  least  it  should  fare 
with  him  as  it  did  with  Mr.  Mathew  Forster,  who,  for  questioning 
something  that  was  sent  him  to  subscribe  unto,  was  turned  out  of 
Councell  after  hee  was  elected. 

A  long  argument  follows  about  the  dispatch  of  the  Truro  to 
Surat  and  other  controversial  topics,  including  the  determination 
which  Chamber  imputed  to  Andrews  of  retaining  in  his  own  hands 
the  management  of  the  Bengal  factories.  As  regards  the  latter,  it 
had  been  decided  to  send  thither  Edward  Oldfield  ;  while  William 
Gifford  would  be  dispatched  to  Masulipatam  as  Second. 

About  ten  dayes  agoe  such  a  storme  hapened  in  this  port  and 
severall  others  adjoyning  that  noe  less  then  23  juncks  and  vessells 
hath  bin  cast  away.  The  Little  George^  that  brought  up  [i.e.  from 
Bengal]  freight  of  rice  and  wheat  etc.,  outrid  eight  in  this  roade  and 
at  last  suffered  with  the  rest.  On  which  came  Mr.  Ion  Ken,  and 
likewise  should  Mr.  Jonathan  Trevisa,  but  excuseing  it  by  his  sick- 

2597  I' 


146  THP:  coast  and  bay,  1662 

ness,  it  hath  bin  another  motive  to  send  Mr.  Oldfeild  downe  to  bee 
his  assistant  in  Keeping  and  perfecting  the  accompts.  And  in  regard 
Mr.  Chamberlaine  is  deceased,  Mr.  Ion  Ken  is  pitched  upon  for 
that  employment  in  Pattana,  for  the  accquireing  of  saltpetre,  which 
is  soe  much  desired  for  the  accomplishing  of  the  tonnage  for  the 
Companies  shipping.  St.  Thoma  hath  a  long  time  bin  threatned 
to  bee  taken  by  the  Dutch,  and  now  is  beseidged  by  the  King  of 
Golcondahs  forces  to  prevent  the  Dutches  surprizing  of  itt.  The 
Portuguezees  are  desiring  us  to  assist  them  ;  but  wee  are  fearefuU  to 
doe  any  such  thing  untill  wee  shall  receive  certaine  intelligence  that 
it  belongeth  to  the  Crowne  of  England,^  whereby  wee  may  act 
securely ;  for  you  know  the  warrs  with  the  Nabob  hath  brought  us 
much  trouble  and  charge.  But  you  could  have  freed  us  from  this 
doubt,  if  you  had  bin  pleased  to  have  wrote  us  the  newes  you 
received  from  Aleppo.  .  .  . 

To  Johnson,  who  had  already  left  for  Masulipatam,  the  Agent 
and  Council  wrote  on  11  March,  reminding  him  of  what  had  been 

^  This  refers  to  the  rumour  (see  p.  29)  that  Goa  and  many  other  Portuguese  settlements 
had  been  included  in  the  Infanta's  dowry. 

The  attack  on  San  Thome  originated  in  a  scheme  laid  by  the  Dutch  for  capturing  that 
city,  partly  in  order  to  complete  the  expulsion  of  the  Portuguese  from  Southern  India  and 
partly  with  an  idea  that  it  might  prove  a  more  suitable  spot  than  Pulicat  for  their  own 
head-quarters.  As,  however,  such  action  might  draw  upon  them  the  anger  of  the  King  of 
Golconda,  they  wrote  first  to  Batavia  for  express  sanction  to  the  project.  Before  the 
answer  arrived,  the  Portuguese  discovered  the  design  and  appealed  to  Golconda  for 
protection ;  whereupon  an  order  was  sent  by  the  king  to  Pulicat,  forbidding  the  Dutch 
to  meddle  with  San  Thome,  which  was  claimed  as  being  His  Majesty's  property. 
At  the  same  time  the  king  sent  troops  to  the  city  for  its  protection  imder  Neknam  Khan, 
though  the  Portuguese,  suspicious  of  their  intentions,  refused  to  admit  them  within  the 
walls.  The  Dutch  then  dispatched  an  envoy  to  Golconda,  asking  the  king  to  drive  out 
the  Portuguese  and  to  accept  them  in  place,  offering  to  pay  an  equal  revenue  (August, 
1661).  To  this  the  king  seemed  to  assent,  and  wrote  to  Neknam  Khan  to  expel  the 
Portuguese  and  to  allow  the  Dutch  to  settle  a  factory  there.  However,  the  situation  to  the 
southwards  called  away  the  Dutch  fleet ;  and,  as  the  Portuguese  still  stood  on  the  defensive 
against  the  Moors,  matters  remained  for  some  time  in  abeyance.  According  to  the  Dutch, 
it  was  the  report  that  San  Thome  was  to  be  ceded  to  the  English  which  roused  the  Gol- 
conda monarch  to  fresh  action.  He  had  no  desire  to  see  either  the  English  or  the  Dutch 
increase  the  number  of  their  fortified  stations  in  his  dominions  ;  and  so  he  ordered  his 
troops  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the  city.  The  Dutch  chief  at  Pulicat  of  his  own 
accord  blockaded  it  by  sea  ;  and  the  result  was  its  surrender  to  the  Moors,  who  at  once 
strengthened  its  fortifications  and  posted  a  strong  force  there.  Most  of  the  Portuguese 
took  refuge  in  Madras,  to  the  annoyance  of  the  Golconda  authorities,  who  threatened 
reprisals,  but  were  told  in  reply  that  shelter  could  not  be  refused  to  Christians.  The 
Dutch  felt  much  aggrieved  at  their  failure  to  secure  a  footing  in  the  city.  {Hague  Tran- 
scripts, ser.  i.  vol.  xxiv,  nos.  667-9;  ^^^'  ^^'^'-  "°-  ^^5'  ^'°^'  ''^^'^-  "°^-  ^^9  ^'  ^''  Batavia 
Dagh' Register,  166 r,  pp.  400,  402.) 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  147 

decided  before  his  departure  concerning  the  dispatch  of  Oldfield  to 
Bengal  and  the  investment  to  be  made  at  Masuh'patam  in  saltpetre 
and  calicoes.  Gifford  would  be  leaving  shortly  for  that  place,  and 
all  account  books,  &c.,  must  be  completed  by  his  arrival.  Smyth 
and  Sledd  might  be  sent  to  Viravasaram,  and  Salisbury  to  Petapoli. 
With  this  letter  was  sent  a  formal  protest  against  Thomas  Turner 
and  William  Colthurst,  who  were  acting  as  Edward  Winter's  agents 
and  had  as  yet  paid  nothing  of  the  amount  due  to  the  Company. 
They,  with  their  principal,  would  accordingly  be  held  responsible 
for  all  losses  caused  by  their  default. 

On  7  April  the  Agent  and  his  colleagues  addressed  the  Surat 
President  and  Council,  averring  that  the  action  of  the  latter  in 
forbidding  the  purchase  of  saltpetre  in  the  Masulipatam  area  had 
ruined  the  trade  in  that  commodity  (of  which  300  tons  used  to  be 
procured  yearly)  and  had  materially  hindered  the  dispatch  of  ships 
to  England,  '  for  there  is  noe  certainety  or  dependance  on  anything 
in  Bay  Bengalla '.  Andrews's  claim  to  control  the  factories  on  the 
eastern  side  of  India,  it  was  contended,  did  not  agree  with  the 
Company's  latest  letters,  '  that  wee  had  noe  coequall  to  contend 
withall ' ;  but  this  did  not  greatly  matter,  as  they  expected  a  change 
in  the  Surat  administration  by  the  next  fleet.  News  having  been 
received  of  the  death  of  Francis  Rushworth  in  Persia,  John  Lamb- 
ton  was  desired  to  look  after  the  late  William  a  Court's  interest  in 
the  estate.  Among  other  current  intelligence  given  we  find  the 
following : 

St.  Thoma  is  still  beseidged  by  land  and  sea  by  the  King  of 
Golcondah's  forces.  The  Capt.  ^loore  ^  and  citizens  have  twice 
protested  against  us  for  not  assisting  them,  which  wee  have  denyed 
them  till  wee  shall  have  order,  least  the  brunt  of  the  warre  fall  on 
our  towne,  which  the  Moores  would  quickely  turno  upon  us,  haveing 
more  to  loose  then  these  our  neighbours. 

A  letter  from  Madras  to  Masulipatam  of  7  April,  1662,  contains 
several  passages  of  interest,  including  one  bearing  upon  the  above 
subject : 

Wee  cannot  beleive  what  the  Dutch  report  to  bee  true,  that  there 
should  bee  any  English  shipping  arrived  at  Goa  ;  for  if  it  were  soe, 
it  would  not  bee  long  but  wee  should  have  the  newes  confirmed,  it 

^  Chief  commander  (Port,  capitao  mdr). 
L   2 


148  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

being  ordinarily  but  20  dayes  journey  for  a  pattamar  from  thence 
to  this  place.  The  Capt.  Moore  and  cittizens  of  St.  Thoma  have 
againe  protested  against  us  for  not  giveing  them  releife  of  provisions 
and  ammunition.  They  have  spent  enough  allready  in  the  tovvne 
to  have  served  them  a  compleate  yeare,  if  they  had  turned  out,  at 
their  first  beseidgeing,  all  unnecessary  persons.  The  Moores  would 
not  bee  sorry  if  they  could  finde  us  to  give  them  any  assistance ; 
for  they  would  then  quickely  turne  the  warre  upon  the  Company, 
that  have  more  to  loose  then  the  Portugalls.  .  .  .  Herewith  wee  send 
you  a  Jentue  letter,  which  wee  would  have  your  Mullah  turne  into 
Persian ;  and  give  him  a  charge  to  have  a  care  that  the  language 
bee  such  as  is  fitting  to  bee  presented  to  a  King,  for  you  will 
perceive  that  it  is  intended  for  His  Majesty  of  Golcondah  on  the 
Portugalls  behalfe  ;  which,  when  it  is  fairely  wrote  on  rich  guilded 
paper,  wee  would  have  you  comend  it  to  one  of  those  great  persons 
that  are  about  [the]  said  King,  that  it  may  bee  presented  and  come 
to  his  veiw.  And  wee  desire  Mr.  William  Johnson  to  sub[s]cribe 
the  Agents  name  to  it  before  you  send  it. 

On  12  May  the  Madras  factors  wrote  to  their  colleagues  in  Bengal 
(by  the  JMatthezv  and  Tlioinas) : 

St.  Thoma  was  lost  about  10  dales  agoe^  to  the  King  of 
Golcondah,  and  the  Companies  fort  is  much  threatned  ;  but  (though 
wee  have  not  order  from  the  Company,  as  you  call  it)  wee  shall 
defend  ourselves  to  the  utmost  of  our  power.  And  what  wee  cannot 
doe  by  land  wee  shall  revenge  ourselves  by  sea,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  Nabob,  rather  then  wee  will  loose  our  trade  and  priviledges. 
And  the  Nabob  should  never  have  a  cash,  but  the  busines  being 
acted  where  it  is,  in  Bengalla,  there  must  bee  a  submission,  because 
you  are  a  witnes  against  us. 

The  reference  in  the  concluding  passage  is  explained  by  what  is 
said  in  the  same  letter  concerning  Mir  Jumla's  junk  : 

Mr.  Winters  George^  that  should  have  bin  long  ere  this  delivered 
to  the  Nabobs  factor  in  Metchlepatam,  hath  bin  at  Quedda,  and 
voyageing  from  thence  to  Mallacca,  mett  with  a  firce  storme  about 
the  Andeman  Islands  or  Niccabar  (wee  know  not  well  whether), 
wherewith  shee  was  prest  soe  much  that  she  spent  all  her  standing 
masts,  but  made  a  shift  with  some  jury  ones  to  get  into  Mallacca  ; 
where  wee  heare  by  Mr.  Cooper,  her  pilott,  she  is  now  laid  up  and 
utterly  unfitt  to  proceede  further,  unlesse  there  bee  more  bestowed 
on  her,  in  fitting  her  out,  then  her  value.  Yet  you  will  perceive  by 
the  coppy  of  our  generall  consultation  that  wee  have  condescended 

'  According  to  the  Dutch,  the  date  was  i  May  N.S.,  i.e.  21  April  O.S. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1663  149 

and  agreed,  for  the  preservation  of  the  Nabobs  amity,  that  now  the 
junck  cannot  bee  restored,  hee  may  take  his  choice  either  of  the 
Anne,  with  all  her  ammunition  and  stores,  or  of  your  new  built 
shipp.  But  this  you  must  not  seeme  [to  know?]  that  wee  doe  any 
way  condiscend  to,  soe  that  it  may  come  to  his  knowledge  ;  for  you 
know  the  Nabob  is  five  times  more  indebted  to  us,  by  his  accompt ; 
besides,  hee  doth  yearely  make  use  [of  us  ?],  as  this  last  yeare  with 
25  tonns  of  gumlacke,  whereof  hee  payes  noe  freight,  nor  custome 
in  Persia.  Wee  doubt  not  but  the  Company  will  thinke  of  some 
way  to  redeeme  your  charges  to  Deccah.  There  will  bee  but  onely 
this  obstacle  in  the  way,  of  your  receiving  the  100,000  rupees  of  the 
Nabob  ;  which  hee  will  say  you  received  the  profifitts  of  in  the 
behalfe  of  your  expences  in  that  journey ;  and  when  hee  shall  bee 
accompted  withall,  hee  will  not  beleive  that  one  tenth  part  is 
expended  that  is  brought  to  accompt.  It  seemes  Mr.  Andrewes 
did  justify  your  receiving  the  money  ;  but,  in  case  of  your  mortality, 
of  whom  would  the  Nabob  have  demanded  the  money  ?  But  you 
did  much  gratifie  him  when  you  told  him  the  takeing  of  the  junke 
was  without  the  Companies  order  and  none  of  their  busines ;  for 
which  the  Company  and  their  servants  may  in  time  have  cause  to 
thancke  you. 

Replying  in  the  same  letter  to  five  communications  from  the 
Bengal  factors,  Chamber  and  his  colleagues  said  : 

Wee  wonder  in  your  first  letter  [i.e.  23  September,  1661]  that 
you  would  have  us  to  desert  Ballasore  factory,  because  you  say  that 
nothing  but  sannoes  are  there  to  bee  required,  and  againe  you  doe 
excuse  it,  that  if  you  should  leave  Ballasore  the  Governour  v/ould 
then  obstruct  the  Companies  busines ;  and  wee  thinke  you  know 
not  very  well  what  you  say,  doe,  or  write.  .  .  .  You  promised  us 
that  all  the  ships  should  bee  dispeeded  some  time  in  November, 
but  doe  continue  keeping  the  Companies  ships  till  January.  Those 
upon  the  ships  doe  say  that  you  are  totally  in  the  blame,  and  that 
they  might  bee  dispeeded  20  dayes  sooner,  if  you  did  not  protract 
the  time.  .  .  .  Yett  it  is  some  comfort  unto  us  to  understand,  under 
your  owne  hands,  that  all  discontents  among  you  are  solved,  and 
that  noe  cause  shall  in  the  future  bee  given  for  the  like  disturbances. 

Complaint  was  made  that  the  accounts  for  Hugli  factory,  1658-9, 
and  those  for  Kasimbazar  and  Patna  for  1 660-1,  had  not  been 
furnished,  nor  had  a  general  abstract  been  drawn  up. 

For  the  expences  of  all  your  factoryes,  wee  beleive,  since  the 
Company  have  had  any  trade  in  India,  the  like  was  never  expara- 
leled.  Soe  that  it  makes  not  wonder  that  the  Companies  stocke 
now,  after  three  yeares  and  a  half  commencing,  should  bee  valued 


I50  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

at  15  per  cent,  less  then  first  money.  .  .  .  That  you  complaine  of 
Mr.  Halstead  in  leaveing  noe  bookes  behind  him  to  any  purpose, 
you  ought  alltogether  to  bee  blamed  in  permitting  him  to  carry  any 
writings  at  all  belonging  to  the  Companies  affayres  out  of  the 
factory. 

The  omission  to  supply  invoices  of  various  consignments  was 
next  censured ;  and  then  some  shipping  news  was  given.  The 
letter  proceeds : 

The  Little  George,  with  Mr.  Ion  Ken  upon  her,  arrived  here  the 
14  February.  But  to  tell  you  the  truth,  there  was  little  reason  for 
him  to  come  up  without  Mr.  Trevisa,  for  hee  could  not  informe  us 
much  of  the  Companies  affaires  in  Ballasore  ;  and  lesse  reason  for 
sending  the  Little  George,  whenas  either  the  Coast,  James  and 
Henry,  and  Concord  could  have  brought  up  more  then  was  laden  on 
her ;  nay,  one  of  the  shipps  could  have  brought  up  as  much  as  you 
[have  ?]  laden  on  all  three ;  soe  as  you  remember  not  what  the 
Company  and  wee  have  wrote  to  you  that  noe  ships  should  come 
up  from  you  dead  freighted,  but  you  should  rather  lade  rice,  gum- 
lacke,  sticklacke,  turmerike,  cotton,  or  cotton  yarne  then  there 
should  bee  any  part  unimpleated. 

The  fear  formerly  expressed  that  the  building  of  the  Mattheiv 
and  Thomas  'would  bee  the  destruction  of  the  Anne'  had  been 
justified  by  the  news  that  the  former  had  been  sent  to  the  Maldives 
in  place  of  the  latter.  She  had  lost  her  voyage  and  had  come  to 
Porto  Novo  on  13  March,  where  she  sold  her  rice  for  nearly  1,200 
new  pagodas.  The  rice  would  only  have  yielded  half  that  sum  at 
Fort  St.  George. 

Soe  you  may  see  what  a  fine  accompt  your  come  comes  to  ; 
which  must  needes  bee,  when  you  give  double  the  price  the  Dutch 
doe  at  Palmeraes.^  But  by  that  time  you  have  ser\'ed  the  Honor- 
able Company  seven  yeares  longer  you  will  know  more  or  lesse  in 
their  affaires. 

In  accordance  with  the  decisions  taken  at  the  general  consultation, 
Ken  was  to  be  Chief  at  Patna  and  Sheldon  at  Kasimbazar,  w^hile 
Oldfield  was  to  be  Accountant  at  Hugli  and  Edisbury  his  assistant. 
Letters,  &c.,  were  to  be  signed  in  the  following  order :  Trevisa,  Ken, 
Sheldon,  Oldfield,  and  then  the  others  present.  The  factors  were 
blamed  for  not  fulfilling  their  promises  of  saltpetre  ;  and  a  hope 

^  Palmyras  Point  is  about  50  miles  south  of  Balasore  in  a  straight  line. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  151 

was  expressed  that  Charnock  was  sending  down  a  supply  from 
Patna.  Trevisa  was  enjoined  to  forward  accounts  of  the  estates  in 
his  custody  belonging  to  deceased  factors,  &c. 

Here  taketh  passage  now  unto  you  Mr.  Ion  Ken  and  Mr.  Henry 
Aldworth  upon  your  new  ship,  Mr.  Henry  Starkey  commander ; 
who  is  to  touch  at  Metchlepatam  to  deHver  Mr.  WilHam  Gyfford 
and  receive  aboard  Mr.  Edward  Oldfeild,  your  Accomptant.  And 
in  regard  wee  now  lately  heare  that  Mr.  Kendricke  Edisbury  is 
deceased,  wee  shall,  if  occasion  bee,  send  you  another  by  the  Europe 
ships. 

A  letter  sent  by  the  same  conveyance  to  Masulipatam  regretted 
the  death  of  Peter  Thomas  and  Kendrick  Edisbury  and  the  ill 
health  of  Mr.  Johnson  :  urged  the  purchase  of  saltpetre :  announced 
the  dispatch  of  Gifford  :  and  added  : 

This  ship  wee  have  kept  here  six  or  seven  dayes  extraordinary, 
because  of  the  combustions  of  warrs  about  us,  St.  Thoma  haveing 
yeilded  up  the  goast  to  the  King  of  Golcondah  .  .  .  and  ourselves 
much  threatned,  though  wee  feare  not  what  strength  can  come 
against  us,  soe  long  as  wee  have  the  sea  open.  There  is  one  AUe 
Beague  in  Metchlepatam,  that  succeeds  Tappa-Tap  in  the  Nabobs 
employment.  Wee  would  desire  you  to  acquaint  him  how  the 
George  spent  all  her  masts  about  the  Niccabar  Islands  and  is  now 
laid  up  in  Mallacca,  being  past  recovery  to  bee  delivered  him.  Hee 
being  something  gratious  with  him  [i.e.  the  Nawab]  may  mittigate 
or  moderate  the  busines.  And  let  him  know  how  wee  have  per- 
mitted the  gumlacke  to  goe  on  the  James  and  Henry  freightfree 
.  and  noe  customes  to  bee  paid  in  Persia. 

From  a  subsequent  letter  (25  May)  from  Madras  to  Masulipatam 
we  learn  that  Oldfield  had  refused  to  go  to  Bengal,  if  he  was  only 
to  rank  as  Fourth  there,  and  had  said  that  he  would  rather  resign 
the  service.  In  reply  he  was  urged  to  accept  the  post,  on  the 
understanding  that  he  would  be  recommended  to  the  Company  for 
promotion.  The  Agent  and  Council  laid  it  down  that  '  tis  not  att 
every  ones  choice  to  leave  the  Companies  busines  when  they  please ' ; 
and  Johnson  was  directed  to  order  Oldfield  to  embark  for  the  Bay, 
'  except  hee  give  you  under  his  hand  that  hee  is  uncapable  and 
insufficient  for  the  Accomptants  employment '.  Precedents  were 
cited  to  show  that  *  it  is  noe  new  thing  for  an  Accomptant  to  sub- 
scribe after  the  Cheifes  of  factoryes ',  even  at  Fort  St.  George. 

The  dispute  was  ended  by  the  death  of  Oldfield,  which  is  men- 


152  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

tioned  in  another  letter  from  Madras  to  Masulipatam,  dated  27  June, 
3662,  answering  one  of  the  4th  of  the  same  month.  The  letter  was 
signed  by  Chamber  alone,  for  (as  announced  therein)  Shingler  had 
died  on  16  June.  The  factors  at  Masulipatam  were  asked  their 
opinions  as  to  appointing  Gifford  to  be  Accountant  in  Bengal,  so 
soon  as  they  could  spare  him.  The  James  and  Henry  had  arrived 
on  21  June  from  Persia,  with  a  very  disappointing  return  ;  and 
Chamber  intimated  to  the  Masulipatam  factors  that  in  consequence 
no  money  could  be  supplied  to  them  until  the  arrival  of  ships  from 
England.  Nevertheless,  they  were  urged  to  procure  saltpetre, 
borrowing  the  necessary  funds,  to  help  in  lading  the  James  and 
Henry.  Regret  was  expressed  that  Trevisa  was  '  still  indisposed 
to  health  ',  and  notice  was  taken  of  certain  complaints  made  by 
him  to  the  President  at  Surat.  One  of  these  related  to  some  rude- 
ness by  a  ship's  captain  at  Balasore  (see  p.  180),  and  this  (Chamber 
observed)  would  have  been  dealt  with,  if  reported  to  IMadras. 
Another  was  that  '  wee  have  appointed  him  from  Ballasore  to 
Hughly,  where  nothing  is  to  bee  done';  in  answer  to  which  a 
proposal  from  Trevisa  to  dissolve  Balasore  factory  was  cited.  To 
facilitate  the  entry  of  the  Viravasaram  and  Petapoli  accounts  in  the 
Masulipatam  books,  those  factories  were  to  be  instructed  to  reckon 
eight  cash  to  a  fanam,  'as  you  doe  at  Metchlepatam  '.  Amongst 
other  matters  mention  is  made  that 

Before  Mr.  Shinglers  death,  for  three  months  and  more  hee  was 
daily  called  or  sent  to  for  his  cash  accompt ;  but  hee  still  deferred 
it,  haveing  much  of  the  Companies  moneyes  in  his  custody  and  had 
not  to  pay ;  saying  sometimes  that  the  money  was  lent  out,  and 
sometimes  that  it  was  in  adventures  abroad.  But  now  since  his 
decease  wee  finde  noe  mans  bill  that  is  indebted  to  him  ;  therefore, 
if  any  in  your  parts  owe  him  anything,  or  that  any  of  his  estate  bee 
in  your  hands,  pray  certify. 

This  passage  throws  a  lurid  light  on  the  practices  of  the  Company's 
factors  in  dealing  with  the  funds  entrusted  to  them. 

During  the  first  five  months  of  1662  the  Surat  President  and 
Council  had  left  alone  the  factories  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
peninsula.  At  the  end  of  May,  however,  letters  arrived  from 
Madras  of  8  March  and  7  April  (already  mentioned)  and  from 
Bengal  of  i   April   (not  extant).     To    these    President    Andrews 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  153 

and  John  Lambton  at  once  replied.  The  letter  to  Bengal,  dated 
3  June,  expressed  regret  at  the  news  of  the  death  of  '  soe  many 
friends '  and  satisfaction  at  Trevisa's  recovery.  The  latter  was 
urged  to  procure  as  much  saltpetre  as  possible,  and  was  blamed  for 
building  a  ship  without  authority,  'being  that  the  Agency  is 
reduced '.  The  accounts  forwarded  were  censured  as  obscure  and 
wanting  in  method,  being  little  better  than  '  a  bedroll  ^  of  lavish 
expences  exceeding  reason ',  which  must  be  left  to  the  home 
authorities  to  sanction.  As  for  the  engagement  of  Powell,  nothing 
could  be  done  except  to  await  the  Company's  approval ;  but  mean- 
while '  he  may  signe  letters  and  bee  noe  strainger  (as  wee  see  he  is 
not)  unto  the  Companies  affaires '.  A  hope  was  expressed  that 
a  new  Agent  was  coming  to  the  Coast,  who  '  will  send  downe  plen- 
tifull  assistance  into  the  Bay,  as  take  care  to  rectify  soe  many 
disorders  and  reconcile  differrences '.  In  the  meanwhile  Charnock 
and  Sheldon  were  peremptorily  ordered  '  to  give  respect  and 
accompt  of  their  actions  unto  Mr.  Trevisa  '.  The  latter  was  urged 
to  repay  the  money  lent  to  him  by  Mir  Jumla,  and  was  again 
reminded  of  the  necessity  of  a  large  supply  of  saltpetre.  As  regards 
the  disposal  of  the  estates  of  deceased  factors  he  was  referred  to 
the  Madras  Agent. 

The  letter  to  Fort  St.  George  was  couched  in  violent  language. 
The  two  communications  under  reply  were  stigmatized  as  '  lying 
and  mad  mens  dictates  put  into  paper',  largely  composed  of  '  trash 
and  dirt '. 

Mr.  Lambton  acquaintes  you  that  he  never  signed  that  hee 
approoved  not  of,  and  hath  many  times  refused  that  that  was  not 
congruent  with  his  judgement ;  and  therefore  not  soe  weake  as  you 
render  him,  for  which  he  returnes  you  small  thanckes.  Next,  all 
the  letters  ...  to  the  day  of  Mr.  Fosters  departure  were  signed  by 
him  in  his  order,  and  [he  was]  never  turned  out  of  the  Councell. 

The  controversy  over  the  Truro  and  other  topics  was  continued 
at  great  length  and  with  copious  invective  against  Chamber  and 
his  colleagues.  That  the  Bengal  factors  had  been  encouraged  to 
be  insubordinate  was  denied,  as  was  also  the  statement  that  Surat 
was  largely  indebted  to  Madras  for  goods  supplied  ;   '  for  the  rest 

^  A  bead-roll  (originally  a  list  of  persons  to  be  prayed  for,  and  hence  a  string  of  entries). 


154  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

in  Persia,  wee  media  not  with  what  you  send,  nor  never  did  (onely 
what  mentioned) '.  To  Chamber's  suggestion  that  Andrews  had 
disgraced  his  presidential  chair,  the  latter  retorted  inconsequently, 

Tis  like  your  religion  ;  for  hee  that  justifyes  Popish  prests  and 
keeps  them  per  force  under  his  nose,  contrary  to  expresse  order, 
must  worshipp  stocks  and  stones  rather  then  the  Blessed  Trinitie. 

Oldfield  was  judged  unfit  for  employment  in  Bengal.  Either 
Gififord  or  Ken  should  be  sent  thither  as  Second,  as  both  were 
qualified  by  experience.  The  letter  goes  on  to  reply,  in  the  same 
tone  of  harsh  abuse,  to  further  sections  of  the  two  communications 
from  Madras.  Amongst  other  things,  Chamber  was  censured  for 
having  summoned  Trevisa  and  Ken  from  Bengal,  thus  hindering 
business  in  those  parts ;  and  he  was  told  that,  since  he  considered 
his  authority  to  be  absolute,  he  must  not  try  to  put  upon  the 
President  the  blame  for  the  non-procury  of  saltpetre  at  Masuli- 
patam.  Approval  was  expressed  of  Trevisa's  action  in  sending 
a  vessel  to  recover,  if  possible,  some  of  the  goods  lost  in  the  wreck 
of  the  Persia  Merchant  on  the  Maldives, 

Tis  well  she  escaped  the  storme.  If  she  had  escaped  your 
hands,  it  had  been  better.  But  wee  sopose  you  envy  the  good 
action  ;  for  you  would  not  seeke  after  the  wrackeyour  selfe,  or  [the] 
poor  men  in  the  island  of  Zealoan,  but  are  like  the  dog  in  the 
manger. 

A  postscript  suggested  that  a  small  vessel  should  be  sent  from  the 
Coast  to  Achin,  to  fetch  away  the  stock  there  and  keep  the  trade 
alive,  since  no  money  was  available  at  Surat  for  that  purpose.  A 
copy  of  the  letter  to  Coates  at  Siam  (see  p.  82)  was  forwarded,  in 
case  it  should  be  thought  desirable  to  make  a  venture  thither  or  to 
Tenasserim. 

To  this  long  tirade  Chamber  and  his  colleagues  returned  on 
28  July  an  unexpectedly  mild  reply.  IMatters  of  controversy  were 
put  aside  for  the  present,  '  haveing  more  serious  busines  in  hand '. 

These  are  chiefly  to  acquaint  you  that  about  nine  dayes  past 
here  arrived  the  CoronatioJi  from  England,  takeing  Guinea  in  her 
way  ;  bringing  us  but  a  very  small  matter  from  thence,  in  regard 
the  Royall  Charles  was  dispatch't  thither  a  little  before  her  from 
England  and  parted  from  Guinea  42  dayes  before  the  Coronation 
left  that  coast ;  which  makes  us  much  fearfull  whether  it  bee  well 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  155 

with  the  Royall  Charles,  she  appearing  not  yet  in  sight  ;  upon 
whom  was  laden  to  a  great  value  in  gold  ;  Capt.  [James]  Barker 
commander,  a  man  of  great  experience.  The  Company  our  masters 
doe  advise  us  that  in  January  they  would  send  us  another  ship 
(which  was  then  upon  the  stock's,  Capt.  Browne  her  master),  which 
should  bring  us  a  large  stocke,  and  may  bee  expected  now  in  a  very 
few  dayes.  The  last  night,  as  wee  were  about  to  dispatch  the 
Coronation  for  Metchlepatam  and  Bay  Bengalah,  wee  received 
advices  from  Mr.  Johnson  etc.  that  there  is  an  absolute  warr 
betwixt  our  nation  and  the  Dutch  ;  ^  which  newes  came  by  letters 
from  Holland  dated  in  February  last.  Soe  that  wee  concluded  it 
more  safe  to  deferr  the  dispeeding  of  this  ship  till  the  arriveall  of 
Capt,  Browne,  that  wee  may  not  runn  her  into  apparent  danger. 

Current  news  was  next  given,  including  the  intended  dispatch  of 
Gifford  to  Bengal  for  the  season,  after  which  he  was  to  fill  the 
vacancy  at  Madras  occasioned  by  the  death  of  Shingler.  An 
intimation  was  made  that  a  ship  would  probably  be  sent  to  Achin  ; 
but  no  stock  would  be  dispatched  thither  or  to  '  Denossere ' 
[TenasserimJ,  the  Company  having  now  forbidden  such  port-to-port 
trading.  No  letters  had  arrived  from  home  for  Surat  by  the 
Coronation.     As  for  those  addressed  to  Madras  and  Bantam, 

Rather  then  you  shall  want  them,  .  .  .  the  Agent  himselfe  will 
coppy  them  out ;  for  the  Honourable  Company  have  discharged  all 
that  are  writers  in  their  service,  except  the  subscribers,  that  are  now 
in  Councill. 

Besides  Chamber,  this  letter  was  signed  by  James  Noell,  Shem 
Bridges,  and  Stephen  Charlton.  Its  restrained  tone  was  probably 
due  in  part  to  the  unwillingness  of  these  factors  to  take  any 
share  in  the  controversy  with  the  Surat  President,  and  in  part 
to  Chamber's  own  consciousness  that  the  days  of  his  Agency 
were  numbered.  On  11  October,  1661,  the  Company  had  decided 
to  dismiss  him  from  his  post ;  and  although  the  official  letters  made 
no  reference  to  this,  yet,  as  the  Coronation  did  not  sail  until  a 
month  later,  it  is  inconceivable  that  he  had  not  heard  of  the 
decision,  either  from  private  correspondents  or  from  those  on  board 
the  ship. 

The  letter  brought  by  the  Coronation  (commanded  by  Roger 
Milner)  was  of  course  subsequent  to  those  dispatched  by  the  Royal 

^  This  was,  of  course,  incorrect. 


156  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

Charles  \  but  as  copies  of  the  latter  were  received  with  the  former, 
and  the  originals  arrived  soon  after,  it  is  convenient  to  deal  with 
them  all  together.  The  first  was  dated  31  August,  1661,  and 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  Madras  letter  of  11  January  of  that 
year.  It  advised  the  dispatch  of  the  Royal  Charles,  with  a  cargo 
invoiced  at  15,780/.  She  was  to  touch  on  the  Guinea  coast,  and 
bring  from  thence  all  the  gold  available.  The  Committees  next 
announced  their  decision  to  concentrate  upon  the  outward  and 
homeward  trade,  and  gave  strict  injunctions  that  all  ships  should  be 
dispatched  to  England  not  later  than  the  end  of  December.  The 
homeward  cargoes  must  accordingly  be  got  ready  in  good  time. 
Saltpetre  being  necessary  for  kentledge,  every  vessel  from  the  Bay 
of  Bengal  should  bring  down  a  supply  and  land  it  on  the  Coast, 
there  to  'lye  readie'.  To  facilitate  the  carrying  out  of  the  new 
policy, 

Wee  require  you  not  to  ingage  us  in  any  trade,  or  in  buying  or 
building  any  vessell  in  the  countrey  (without  our  perticuler  direc- 
tions), that  soe  our  stock  may  not  bee  lost,  misimployed,  or  dis- 
peirced,by  which  our  retornes  may  be  abated  or  our  ships  deteyned  ; 
but  that  you  keepe  our  stock  intire  for  retornes. 

As  the  Royal  Charles  would  probably  reach  Madras  in  May,  she 
would  have  time  to  make  a  voyage  to  Achin  or  elsewhere  without 
endangering  her  punctual  dispatch  home.  If,  however,  such  a 
course  were  found  inadvisable,  she  should  be  sent  at  once  to  Bengal 
and  return  in  time  to  sail  for  England  in  October  or  November.  In 
addition  to  the  goods  already  demanded,  the  factors  should  provide 
<S,ooo  pieces  of  the  strongest  white  longcloth,  costing  about  one  old 
pagoda  each.  All  the  fine  cloth  for  England  should  be  sent  ofif  by 
the  earliest  ship,  in  order  to  minimize  the  risk  of  damage  by  storms 
and  'to  take  the  first  of  the  marketts  here'.  A  certain  Roger 
Vivian,  who  had  been  for  some  years  '  in  those  parts '  and  was 
recommended  by  one  of  the  Committees,  was  to  be  taken  into  the 
service  at  25/.  per  annum. 

Wee  have  alsoe  enterteyned  John  Feild,  whoe  cometh  unto  you 
on  this  ship.  Hee  is  to  seive  us  as  an  aprentice  for  the  terme  of 
seven  yeares.  Wee  have  allowed  him  10/.  per  annum  for  the  pro- 
vision of  clothes  ;  which  somme  you  are  to  pay  him  in  the  countrey, 
if  hee  shall  have  occasion.     This  youth  hath  had  his  education  with 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  157 

his  uncle,  Captaine  John  Proud,  and  wee  hope  will  prove  civill  and 
dilligent.  Wee  therefore  refer  him  unto  you  to  bee  bred  up  in 
your  comptinghowse  and  in  such  other  imployment  as  you  shall 
thinck  fitting  for  him. 

Should  sufficient  kentledge  and  cargo  be  ready  upon  the  Coast, 
the  Royal  Charles  might  be  sent  back  at  once  to  England.  Pre- 
cautions were  to  be  taken  against  the  vessel  being  overladen. 
Fifteen  young  blacks  were  to  be  provided  by  the  Guinea  factors  ; 
these  should  be  sent  on  to  Bantam  at  the  earliest  opportunity.  If 
the  Guinea  factors  should  advise  that  fine  '  paintings '  would  sell 
there,  a  suitable  quantity  should  be  dispatched  to  England  for  that 
purpose  ;  in  any  case,  150  or  200  pieces  would  be  welcome  '  for  our 
sale  here '. 

After  closing  this  letter,  the  arrival  of  the  East  India  Merchant 
and  Madras  Merchant,  with  one  from  Fort  St.  George  of  28  Janu- 
ary, 1 66 1,  caused  the  Committees  to  indite  a  fresh  letter,  bearing 
the  same  date  as  the  foregoing.  In  this  they  complained  of  the 
negligence  of  the  Bengal  factors  in  omitting  to  forward  invoices, 
and  expressed  a  hope  that  Chamber,  having  now  full  control  of 
those  factories,  would  take  steps  to  prevent  such  practices. 

Wee  have  received  a  great  complaynt  from  the  Bay  of  the 
demaunds  made  by  the  Nabob  from  our  factors  about  a  pretended 
jounck,  wherein  this  Stock,  nor  any  member  of  it,  is  in  the  least 
concerned ;  but  if  that  pretence  bee  at  all  weell  grounded,  it  con- 
cernes  you  our  Agent,  Mr.  Thomas  Chamber,  to  cleare  it,  whoe  are 
the  only  person  surviving  in  India  whoe  are  lyable  to  any  demaund 
about  it.  Its  easy  for  you,  our  Agent,  to  say  the  Nabobs  demaund 
is  unreasonable  ;  but  that  will  not  free  us  from  trouble  and  clamour, 
and  therefore  wee  require  that,  one  way  or  other,  you  see  to  cleare 
the  businesse  ;  for  wee  must  acquainte  you  that  what  ever  prejudice 
wee  have  or  may  susteyne  by  it,  wee  shall  expect  reparation  from 
you.  Our  letters  from  the  Coast  and  Bay,  espetially  from  the 
latter,  are  full  of  obscure  passages.  .  .  .  They  tell  us  all  is  subject  to 
the  Create  Kinge  and  all  at  peace  in  the  Bay,  but  say  not  whoe  the 
Create  King  is,  nor  on  what  termes  the  peace  is  concluded ;  as  if, 
because  they  know  these  things,  it  necessarily  followes  that  wee 
must  alsoe,  though  at  soe  greate  a  distance.  Wee  would  have  you 
to  advise  them,  and  to  take  notice  of  it  your  selves,  that  wee 
shall  expect  punctuall  and  full  advices  of  all  passages,  and  in  such 
language  as  may  bee  understood. 


158  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

Satisfaction  was  expressed  at  the  sale  of  the  goods  sent  out,  and 
a  further  supply  was  promised.  A  minister  would  be  provided  the 
following  season.  The  Madras  factors  had  sent  home  a  piece  of 
silver,  cut  off  from  one  of  the  ingots,  which  was  declared  to  be  much 
below  standard  ;  inquiry  into  this  was  now  promised.  The  Com- 
mittees next  expressed  surprise  that  so  much  of  the  stock  was  either 
'  lying  dead',  in  stores,  ships,  and  so  forth,  or  had  been  employed 
in  ventures  to  Persia,  &c.,  when  cash  was  wanting  to  provide  cargoes 
for  England.     They  therefore 

Possitively  forbidd  the  buying  any  other  ship  for  us,  or  yet  to  send 
any  ship  upon  trade  from  port  to  port,  except  what  shall  bee  by  us 
ordered  soe  to  doe,  or  unlesse  in  case  a  ship  shall  loose  her  mon- 
soone  and  you  bee  thereby  constrained  to  doe  it  to  prevent  her 
lying  idle ;  for  wee  soe  ill  like  your  manadging  our  stock  too  and 
froo  in  India  [i.  e.  the  Indies]  that  wee  shall  thinke  of  nothing  elce 
but  trading  out  and  home.  And  therefore  wee  require  that  you 
make  it  your  worke  to  cleare  all  old  accompts  of  voyadges  and 
sending  noe  more  without  our  order ;  and  then  wee  shall  bee  able 
to  know  what  sommes  of  monie  wee  are  to  send  yearely  to  enable 
you  to  bee  providing  goodes  against  the  coming  of  our  next  ships. 

The  employment  of  soldiers  to  copy  out  books  and  bale  and  mark 
calicoes  was  disapproved.  A  bad  report  having  been  received  of 
Johnson's  management  of  affairs  at  ]\Iasulipatam,  he  was  to  be 
relieved  of  his  post  and  sent  home.  William  Jearsey  and  William 
Daniel  were  thought  to  be  suitable  to  succeed  him  ;  but  this  w-as 
left  to  the  decision  of  the  Agent  and  Council  ('yet  soe  that 
Mr.  Jearsy  bee  setlcd  in  a  place  suitable  to  his  abillities,  if  hee  desire 
it').     John  Burnell  was  to  be  dismissed  and  sent  hom.e. 

The  Hollands  East  India  Company  have  lately  had  a  court  of 
sales,  and  wee  find  they  have  sold  long  cloth  at  neare  4/.  per  peece. 
and  sallampores  at  about  40^.  per  peece,  and  morces,  percallaes,  and 
other  fine  cloth  at  greate  prices.  Wee  therefore  desire  that  you  send 
us  a  proportion  of  each  of  these  sorts  (taking  espetiall  care  that  they 
bee  well  bought),  that  our  marketts  may  bee  sorted  with  them  as 
well  as  the  Dutch. 

A  short  letter,  dated  9  September,  166 1,  and  also  sent  by  the 
Royal  Charles,  repeated  the  instructions  given  in  January,  1659,  for 
the  preparation  of  taffetas  for  the  English  market,  and  enjoined  that 
special  care  be  taken  to  prevent  any  being  sent  home  on  private 
account. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  159 

The  letter  brought  by  the  Coronation  was  dated  10  November, 
1661,  and  opened  with  commendations  of  the  longcloth  made  round 
Fort  St.  George  and  at  Porto  Novo.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
cah'coes  procured  at  Viravasaram  and  Masulipatam  were  pronounced 
to  be  'exceeding  badd '  and  '  meere  raggs',  besides  being  short  in 
length  and  breadth.  The  famine  then  raging  in  those  parts  was 
admitted  to  be  some  excuse,  but  better  cloth  must  be  sent  in  future. 
No  more  '  flowred  salpicadoes '  were  to  be  provided.  The  '  parcal- 
laes ',  '  morees ',  and  '  bettellees '  were  approved,  and  a  large  supply- 
was  ordered  of  each.  In  future  all  white  calicoes  were  to  be 
specially  packed  in  cotton-wool  and  wax  cloth ;  while  bales  of  fine 
cloth  were  to  be  covered  with  skins,  as  was  formerly  the  practice. 
Directions  were  also  given  for  sorting  and  numbering  the  bales, 
and  for  a  rigorous  examination  of  each  piece,  to  see  that  it  was  up 
to  the  quality  of  the  sample.  The  Coronation  was  bringing  silver 
to  the  value  of  about  9,800/.,  besides  the  gold  and  ivory  she  was  to 
embark  in  Guinea.  Another  ship  would  be  sent  in  January,  with 
a  stock  of  40,000/.  at  least.  The  Coronation  should  proceed  to 
Bengal  for  her  lading,  and  return  to  the  Coast  in  time  to  leave  for 
England  by  the  end  of  the  year.  The  silver  sent  home  had  been 
assayed  in  the  Tower  and  certified  to  be  of  the  value  stated  in  the 
invoice.  The  report  to  the  contrary  must  therefore  have  been 
a  trick  on  the  part  of  'your  cheating,  base  sheroffs  ';  and  in  future 
the  factors  must  maintain  the  correctness  of  the  invoiced  value. 
The  Second  at  Fort  St.  George  and  the  Chiefs  of  other  factories 
were  in  future  to  undertake  the  duty  of  seeing  that  the  calicoes 
were  of  full  dimensions  and  of  the  required  standard  in  other 
respects,  and  were  themselves  to  make  out  the  ticket  for  each  bale. 
Inventories  of  the  estates  of  deceased  men  were  to  be  sent  home 
promptly.     Finally, 

The  Kings  Majestic  hath  byn  presented  with  some  spotted  deare 
which  came  this  yeare  from  your  parts,  and  they  are  very  pleasing 
unto  him.  Wee  therefore  desire  that  you  send  us  by  every  ship 
fower  of  the  handsomest  spotted  deare  that  you  can  procure,  vizt. 
two  males  and  two  females. 

The  next  ship  for  Madras  was  not  to  leave  England  until  the 
new  year,  and  it  was  not  until  December,  1661,  that  the  Court  of 
Committees  began  seriously  to  consider  the  question  of  who  was  to 


i6o  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

be  Chamber's  successor.  They  had  determined  to  dismiss  Trevisa 
as  well ;  and  consequently  a  new  Chief  for  the  Bengal  factories  had 
also  to  be  selected.  There  was  no  one  on  the  spot  in  whom  the 
Committees  felt  sufficient  confidence,  and  hence  in  both  cases  they 
turned  to  men  in  England  who  had  had  previous  experience  of  those 
parts.  William  Blake,  who  had  been  in  Bengal  from  1651  to  1659, 
had  already  offered  his  services  ;  on  18  December,  1661,  he  was 
engaged  as  Chief  in  the  Bay,  and  a  little  later  his  salary  was  fixed 
at  ICO  marks  per  annum.  For  the  post  of  Agent  at  Fort  St. 
George,  Edward  Winter  and  Quarles  Browne  were  nominated  on 
the  6th  of  that  month.  The  latter  had  been  a  factor  at  Bantam 
and  had  been  in  January,  1658,  nominated  for  the  post  of  Agent 
there,  but  had  declined  the  appointment.  In  the  following  season 
he  was  selected  as  Chief  for  Japan,  though  this  also  fell  through, 
owing  to  the  abandonment  of  the  project.  Winter's  nomination 
aroused  some  uneasiness  among  the  Committees,  owing  to  his 
previous  proceedings  on  the  Coast ;  but  this  was  allayed,  and  on 
II  December,  1661,  he  was  chosen  for  the  post,  at  a  salary  of  ico/. 
a  year,  on  condition  that  he  put  2,000/.  into  the  Company's  stock 
in  addition  to  the  usual  security.  It  was  agreed  that  he  should 
hold  the  appointment  for  three  years  certain,  with  a  prospect  of  an 
extension  for  two  more,  if  his  services  proved  satisfactory.^ 

Winter's  reasons  for  wishing  to  go  back  to  India,  when  he  had  so 
recently  returned,  with  the  intention  apparently  of  settling  down  in 
England,  can  only  be  surmised.  His  natural  restlessness  and  com- 
parative youth  (he  was  now  about  forty)  may  have  contributed  to 
this  end  ;  probably  also  a  desire  to  look  after  the  considerable  stock 
he  had  left  on  the  Coast  to  the  management  of  others.  Again,  he 
had  spent  most  of  his  life  in  India,  and  it  is  conceivable  that  he 
found  a  difficulty  in  accommodating  himself  to  English  ways  and 
customs ;  and  this  is  likely  to  have  been  still  more  the  case  with  his 
Indian-born  wife,  who  was  probably  overjoyed  when  he  obtained 
permission  to  take  her  back  with  him.  She  returned,  by  the  way, 
as  Lady  Winter,  for  her  husband — not  to  be  outdistanced  by 
Oxcnden — on  13  February,  1662,  obtained  the  honour  of  knight- 

1  It  is  worth  noting  that  tlie  Court  stipulated  that,  should  they  hereafter  determine  to 
transfer  the  Presidency  from  Surat  to  Fort  St.  George,  Winter  should  give  place  to  the 
then  President. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1663  161 

hood.  Winter  himself  seems  to  have  hoped  for  a  still  higher 
distinction,  and  in  his  vanity  to  have  assumed  it  in  advance ;  for 
(doubtless  at  his  instigation)  in  the  formal  documents  relating  to  his 
appointment,  he  is  styled  '  Knight  and  Baronet'.  Some  years  later, 
Jeremy  Sambrook,  one  of  the  Council  at  Madras,  deposed  {O.C. 
3231)  that  upon  his 

Speaking  to  Sir  Edward  Winter  upon  what  accompt  hee  tooke  the 
title  of  barronett  upon  him,  hee  confessing  his  patent  was  not  yet 
taken  out,  the  said  Sir  Edward  Winter  then,  to  confirme  that  hee 
was  a  barronett,  did  then  produce  a  commission  from  His  Majestic 
...  in  which  hee  was  stiled  only  Sir  Edward  Winter,  Knight,  and 
the  word  Barronet  was  interlined  above  the  line,  and  as  plainely 
appeared  to  bee  done  with  another  inke ;  upon  which  this  deponent 
told  him  it  might  bee  of  ill  consequence  to  take  that  title  only  upon 
that  interlining,  and  received  for  answere  from  him  that  this  deponent 
might  bee  sure  it  was  putt  in  by  those  [that]  wrote  the  commission, 
and  that,  had  they  not  knowne  him  to  bee  a  barronet,  they  [it  ?] 
would  not  have  bin  putt  in. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  a  baronetcy  was  ever  conferred  upon 
him,  and  we  may  conclude  that  the  matter  did  not  go  further  than 
some  preliminary  negotiations.  Having  once  assumed  it,  however. 
Winter  used  it  freely  for  several  years,  and  it  was  even  conceded  in 
the  letters  addressed  to  him  by  the  King  during  the  troubles  of 
1665-8 ;  but  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  title  is  not  claimed  upon 
Winter's  monument  at  Battersea. 

Blake  embarked  in  the  Good  Hope  (Captain  Zachary  Browne)  in 
February,  1662,  and  Winter  in  the  Madras  Merchant  (Captain 
Cobham  Doves),  which  sailed  a  little  later.  Leaving  them  on  their 
respective  voyages,  we  must  now  return  for  a  moment  to  the  events 
at  Fort  St.  George  immediately  succeeding  the  arrival  of  the 
Coronation.  By  the  same  conveyance  that  carried  the  letter  for 
Surat  already  mentioned.  Chamber  and  his  colleagues  wrote  two 
letters  to  Masulipatam,  both  dated  28  July.  One  of  these  was  to 
Jearsey,  inquiring  whether  he  was  willing  to  enter  the  Company's 
service  and  sign  the  usual  bond.  The  other,  addressed  to  Johnson 
and  his  colleagues,  acquainted  them  with  the  Company's  directions 
concerning  that  factory.  It  expressed  some  scepticism  as  to  a 
breach  with  the  Dutch,  '  being  noe  probability  of  it  in  December 
last,  which  was  the  time  the  Coronation  began  her  voyage '.     It 

3597  M 


i62  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

noted  with  satisfaction  that  a  good  stock  of  saltpetre  had  been  pro- 
cured ah'eady  and  more  was  expected  ;  this  would  be  a  set-off 
against  the  shortage  of  calicoes  reported  by  Johnson  from  Petapoli. 
The  factors  were  again  urged  to  send  up  their  accounts  as  speedily 
as  possible. 

Only  four  days  after  the  dispatch  of  this  packet  the  Good  Hope 
anchored  in  Madras  Road.  The  Company  had  foreseen  the  prob- 
ability that  she  would  arrive  before  the  J\Iadras  Merchant,  and 
had  furnished  Blake  with  a  document  (dated  7  February,  1662) 
appointing  him  and  five  others  to  be  joint  commissioners  to 
administer  the  Agency  until  the  arrival  of  Sir  Edward  Winter. 
Chamber  was  to  be  immediately  dismissed,  and  both  he  and 
Johnson  were  to  be  called  upon  for  a  strict  account  for  any  money 
due  from  them  to  the  Company.  In  the  event  of  refusal,  their 
estates  and  persons  should  be  seized.  On  finishing  accounts  with 
them,  they  should  be  required  to  sign  sufficient  releases,  in  order  to 
prevent  future  claims  on  their  part.  If  necessary,  Blake  was  to 
proceed  to  Bengal  before  Winter's  arrival,  leaving  the  remaining 
commissioners  to  look  after  the  Coast  temporarily.  Johnson  might 
be  retained  in  the  service  (though  not  as  Chief  at  Masulipatam).  if 
he  succeeded  in  vindicating  his  conduct.  Should  Winter  fail  to 
reach  Madras  during  the  season,  Blake  was  to  act  as  Agent  until 
further  orders  ;  and  in  the  event  of  Winter  dying  or  quitting  his 
post,  the  same  course  was  to  be  taken. 

Blake's  fellow  commissioners,  as  nominated  in  this  document, 
were  A  Court  and  Shingler  (who  were  both  dead)  and  three  new- 
comers—  Charles  Proby,  Hannibal  Allen,  and  John  Niclaes — who 
were  afterwards  to  be  members  of  Winter's  Council.  Immediately 
upon  arrival,  Blake,  Proby,  and  Allen  addressed  to  Chamber  a 
peremptory  demand  that  he  should  surrender  his  post  and  the  Fort 
to  the  first-named  as  Agent  pro  tempore.  He  was  allowed  two 
days  to  make  over  the  cash  and  records,  and  four  more  to  perfect 
and  deliver  his  accounts.  At  the  same  time  it  was  resolved  to  defer 
the  removal  of  Johnson  until  Jearsey's  reply  was  received,  as  there 
was  no  other  person  available  to  take  over  the  appointment.  The 
next  day  (2  August)  a  letter  was  written  to  Masulipatam,  acquaint- 
ing the  factors  with  Chamber's  dismissal  and  asking  for  early  in- 
formation regarding  the  stock  of  goods  in  hand  for  England.    They 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  163 

were  to  inquire  into  the  origin  of  the  report  that  war  had  broken 
out  with  Holland,  the  commissioners  being  themselves  confident 
that  it  was  false,  seeing  that  they  did  not  leave  England  until  the 
beginning  of  March.  A  letter  was  also  sent  to  Jearsey,  desiring 
a  reply  to  the  offer  made  to  him  by  Chamber. 

The  Company's  letter  by  the  Good  Hope  (dated  3  February,  1662) 
was  opened  by  the  commissioners,  as  they  were  authorized  to  do 
in  the  event  of  Winter's  absence.     It  gave  details  of  the  lading  of 
that  vessel,  amounting  to  a  little  over  25,500/.,  of  which  13,205/. 
was  in  silver  (mostly  in  ingots)  and  7,893/.  in  gold  (ingots).     To 
the  list  of  goods  required  for  England  was  added  a  demand  for 
io,coo  pieces  of  taffeta,  besides  a  quantity  of  ginghams  and  20  tons 
of  cowries.     In  addition  to  Blake  and   his  fellow  commissioners, 
three  experienced  merchants  (Robert  EUoes  or  Elwes,  John  Budley, 
and  Thomas  Stiles)  were  sent  out,  with  a  commencing  salary  of 
30/.  a  year,  and  the  following  juniors  at  20/. :  Thomas  Haselwood, 
Robert  Fleetwood,^  Joseph  Spencer,  John  March,  James  Calthrop, 
Joshua  Bumberry,  Francis  Minshull,  Edward  Herries,  Gabriel  Towns- 
end,  Matthias  Vincent,  and  George  Clay.    In  addition,  three  youths 
had  been  entertained,  at  10/.  per  annum,  viz.  John  Latton,  John 
Hopkins,  and  Hackett  Jones.     This  list  included  those  who  took 
passage  in  the  Madras  Merchant.     As  soon  as  possible,  the  Good 
Hope  was  to  be  dispatched  to  Bantam  with  saltpetre  and  calicoes, 
from  which  port  she  was  to  return  direct  to  England.     Inquiry  was 
to   be   made   into    the   voyage  of  the  Barbadoes  Merchant  from 
Macassar  to  the  Coast  the  previous  year,  and  recovery  effected  of 
the  freight  money  paid  by  private  passengers.    The  Bantam  factors 
had  also  reported  that  the  piece-goods  sent  to  them  from  India  were 
far  inferior  to  those  brought  by  the  Dutch ;  this  must  be  remedied. 
The  factors  were  again  warned  to  concentrate  on  the  outward  and 
homeward  trade.     Should  it  be  absolutely  necessary  to  send  a  ship 
to  some  other  port  in  the  Indies,  she  was  to  carry  only  goods  be- 
longing to  the  Company ;  and  if  her  destination  was  Macassar,  or 
any  other  port  to  the  eastward,  she  was  to  return  from  thence 
direct  to  England.     The  vessels  from  the  Coast  were  still  bringing 
many  prohibited  articles  as  private  trade ;  this  must  be  prevented 

^  Son  of  George  Fleetwood,  the  regicide  {^N^otes  and  Queries,  series  xi.  vol.  vi.  p.  43). 

M    2 


i64  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

by  careful  search  aboard,  and  a  watch  ashore,  all  such  goods  being 
seized  on  discov^ery  and  only  surrendered  on  payment  of  the 
appointed  mulcts,  half  of  which  might  be  retained  by  the  factors. 
For  their  further  encouragement  a  promise  was  given  that  out  of 
any  mulct  recovered  at  home,  upon  information  given  by  them,  one- 
eighth  part  would  be  made  over  to  their  accounts.  William  Dawes 
(who  had  returned  to  England  in  1659)  was  sent  out  again,  with 
a  salary  of  30/.,  to  be  employed  as  the  Agent  and  Council  thought 
fit.  By  agreement  with  Blake,  the  claims  made  against  Ken 
Hopkins,  and  Chamberlain,  for  commission  deducted  by  them  for 
lading  the  Love,  &c.,  had  been  reduced  to  140/.,  which  sums  they 
were  to  pay;  while  Blake  had  engaged  to  meet  the  Company's 
claims  against  the  estate  of  Billidge.  The  Committees  next  pro- 
ceeded to  notice  the  information  they  had  received  (from  Isaacson) 
concerning  *  many  evil!  practizes  '  at  Madras.  The  French  padres 
were  to  be  strictly  debarred  from  making  public  processions,  bap- 
tizing English  infants,  or  visiting  English  sick.  They  were  only  to 
*  exercise  any  of  their  ceremonies  '  inside  their  own  walls,  and  were 
to  bury  no  more  in  their  usual  burying-place  inside  the  town,  but 
to  '  find  out  some  place  without  our  towne,  and  there  to  interr  all 
their  dead '.  The  Agent  and  factors  were  strictly  forbidden  to 
purchase  rice  or  other  provisions  for  resale,  and  were  to  do  their 
best  to  keep  such  necessaries  at  a  reasonable  price. 

Further,  that  you  quietly  permitt  all  the  inhabitants  and  others 
to  bring  in  and  sell  their  rice  freely,  without  any  hindrance  or 
restraint,  in  the  markett  of  our  towne  of  Madrass.  And  if  any 
persons  will  bring  in  rice  by  sea,  they  shall  only  pay  \\  per  cent,  for 
custome  and  shall  have  the  freedome  of  the  markett  likewise,  with- 
out any  restraint  or  paying  any  other  tax  or  bribe  whatsoever. 

Blake  was  to  carry  to  the  value  of  25,000/.  to  the  Bay  for  the 
purchase  of  goods.  If  the  dispute  with  the  Nawab  Mir  Jumla 
should  not  have  been  composed.  Chamber  (or  some  one  nominated 
by  him)  should  be  required  to  accompany  Blake  to  Bengal  and 
there  fully  satisfy  the  Nawab's  demands  out  of  his  (Chamber's) 
estate. 

To  complete  our  knowledge  of  the  Company's  wishes,  account 
must  be  taken  of  certain  other  directions  that  occur  in  the  commis- 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  165 

sion  given  to  Blake,  which  was  dated  31  January,  1662.  This 
appointed  him  '  to  bee  Cheife  in  the  manadgment  of  our  affaires  in 
our  factories  in  the  Bay  of  Bengala ',  in  subordination  to  the  Agent 
at  Fort  St.  George,  with  Chamberlain,  Ken,  or  Hopkins,  or  any 
others  that  might  be  appointed  from  Madras,  as  his  Council.  On 
arrival  he  was  to  call  to  account  Trevisa  and  the  other  factors. 

For  such  English  as  you  shall  find  in  the  Bay  at  your  arriveall, 
whoe  undermine  or  prejudice  the  trade,  wee  doe  apoint  that  you 
require  them  to  retorne  for  England.  If  you  find  that  there  bee 
not  a  phirmaund  procured  at  your  arriveall,  then  wee  give  you 
liberty  to  endeavour  to  procure  it,  and  to  take  care  that  it  bee  such 
a  one  as  may  in  the  future  free  us  from  all  taxes,  tolls,  customes,  or 
other  impositions  ;  for  the  gayning  whereof  wee  would  not  have  you 
to  exceed  5  or  600/.  sterling. 

All  goods  must  be  bought  at  the  cheapest  season  of  the  year ; 
and  for  this  purpose  4,000/.  should  be  sent  annually  to  Patna  to 
purchase  saltpetre  and  a  like  sum  to  Kilsimbazar  for  investment  in 
taffetas.  A  sufficient  quantity  of  saltpetre  should  be  dispatched  to 
the  Coast  to  allow  of  at  least  200  tons  being  left  there  yearly,  to  be 
sent  to  Bantam  for  kentledge  of  the  homeward-bound  ships.  All 
business  must  be  transacted  jointly,  and  the  consultations  signed  by 
those  present,  these  books  being  forwarded  annually  to  Madras  for 
transmission  to  England.  The  Second  at  each  factory  should  keep 
the  accounts,  and  copies  of  these  and  of  all  correspondence  must  be 
furnished  regularly.  The  Second  at  Hugli  and  the  Chief  at  any 
other  factory  was  to  see  to  the  embaling,  &c.,  of  goods.  Chamber- 
lain was  to  succeed,  in  the  event  of  Blake's  death.  The  factory  at 
Hugli  might  be  repaired  or  added  to,  subject  to  the  expenditure 
being  limited  to  1,000  rials  of  eight.  Any  factor  found  to  be  in 
debt  to  the  Company  should  be  seized,  together  with  his  estate, 
and  held  in  custody  until  he  has  discharged  his  liability. 

The  Royal  Cliarles  reached  Madras  on  4  August,  and  on  the 
same  day  Blake,  Proby,  and  Allen  held  a  consultation  there  to 
consider  their  course  of  action.  They  noted  that  there  was  little 
hope  of  cotton  cloth  from  Masulipatam  or  from  Porto  Novo,  which 
had  been  *  plundred  by  a  generall  from  the  Viziapoore  kyng '. 
The  investment  at  Madras  was  to  be  entrusted  to  '  Timane,  the 
Companies  ancient  broker,  a  person  only  experienced  and  to  bee 


1 66  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

trusted  at  present  in  this  extremity  of  time  and  great  want  of 
goods.'  ^ 

It  was  decided  to  dispatch  the  Royal  diaries  to  Masulipatam 
with  a  little  over  4,000/.  for  investment.  This  stock  was  to  be 
delivered  to  Jearsey,  if  he  was  willing  to  accept  the  employment 
offered.  The  Royal  CJiarles  was  then  to  proceed  to  the  Bay,  with 
11,000/.  for  employment  there.  Since  Hopkins,  Rogers,  Chamber- 
lain, and  Priddy  were  dead,  and  by  the  latest  advices  Trevisa  was 
in  bad  health,  it  was  thought  necessary  to  dispatch  thither  Elwes, 
March,  Calthrop,  and  Vincent.  The  Royal  Charles  departed  on 
1 1  August,  carrying  letters  for  Johnson  and  Jearsey.  The  one  to 
Jearsey  formally  appointed  him  to  be  Chief,  and  enclosed  an  order 
to  Johnson  to  make  over  charge  to  him  accordingly.  Gifford  was 
to  remain  Second.  Johnson's  accounts  were  to  be  demanded  from 
him,  and  a  strict  inquisition  made  into  his  past  proceedings.  To 
Elwes  was  also  entrusted  a  letter  for  the  Bengal  factors,  dated 
9  August.  In  this  Trevisa  was  dismissed  from  the  service  and 
was  required  to  hand  over  charge  to  Ken,  who  was  appointed  to  act 
temporarily  as  Chief  at  Hugli,  with  Elwes  as  his  Second.  Sheldon 
was  to  take  charge  at  Kasimbazar,  where  the  money  sent  was  to  be 
chiefly  invested. 

On  20  August,  as  Chamber  had  not  yet  vacated  Fort  St.  George, 
a  peremptory  order  was  sent  to  him  to  deliver  it  over  within  twenty- 
four  hours  ;  and  two  days  later  he  was  acquainted  with  the  Com- 
pany's directions  that  he  should  either  proceed  to  Bengal  himself 
or  send  thither  a  representative  with  authority  and  means  to  make 
a  settlement  with  the  Nawiib.  On  22  August  the  Royal  James 
and  Henry  sailed  for  Masulipatam  and  the  Bay,  in  order  to  lade 
sufificient  saltpetre  to  serve  as  ballast  on  the  homeward  voyage,  the 
rest  of  her  lading  being  provided  at  Madras. 

There  being  no  sign  of  the  arrival  of  Winter,  it  was  decided,  at 
a  consultation  held  on  27  August,  that  Blake  should  proceed  at 
once  to  Bengal  in  the  Corottation^  taking  with  him  Allen,  Townsend, 

*  The  contract  made  accordingly  with  '  Bera  Timana  [see  p.  58]  and  Hassan  Caun  ' 
is  entered  at  p.  57  of  Factory  Records,  Fort  St.  George,  vol.  i.  That  Hasan  Khan  was 
identical  with  the  '  Cassa  Verona  '  (Kasi  Viianna)  of  later  documents  appears  from  O.C. 
3162,  which,  speaking  of  'Hassan  Cawne ',  adds:  'that  is  Verena,  hee  haveing  three 
names,  as  being  a  Moore  '. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  167 

and  Minshull.  His  Council  was  to  consist  of  Allen,  Elwes.  and  the 
Chief  of  the  local  factory.  Chamber  (or  his  representative)  was 
to  go  with  Blake  to  settle  the  Nawab's  claim,  which,  according  to 
the  latest  account,  had  entailed  or  would  entail  an  expenditure  of 
over  7, coo/.  The  examination  of  the  Company's  charges  against 
Chamber  and  Johnson  was  deferred  until  Winter's  arrival.  Should 
the  former  attempt  to  escape,  he  was  to  be  confined  to  the  Fort ; 
otherwise  he  should  be  treated  with  respect  and  civility.  For  the 
time  being  the  administration  was  left  in  the  hands  of  Proby, 
Bridges,  Noell,  and  Stiles  ;  but  Jearsey  was  to  be  summoned  to  be 
at  Madras  by  15  November,  and  was  then  to  take  charge  until  the 
arrival  of  Winter.  The  Good  Hope  was  to  be  dispatched  to  Masuli- 
patam  shortly,  to  take  in  a  cargo  for  Bantam.  Blake  was  em- 
powered to  act  as  Chamber's  representative  in  Bengal,  should  the 
latter  so  desire.^  He  was  to  call  at  Masulipatam  on  his  way,  to 
settle  matters  there.  Thomas  Whitefield,  minister,  was  to  be  con- 
tinued as  Chaplain  at  Fort  St.  George,  on  the  terms  agreed  upon 
with  him  by  Chamber.  To  provide  funds  for  investment  in  Bengal, 
20,000  rials  of  eight  were  to  be  borrowed  from  merchants.-^ 

Blake  left  also  instructions  behind  him,  by  which  Proby  was  to 
keep  the  keys  of  the  Fort  and  act  as  Chief  (occupying  the  Second's 
chamber),  Bridges  was  to  be  Accountant,  Noell,  Warehouse  Keeper, 
and  Stiles,  Secretary.  They  were  to  maintain  the  regular  garrison 
of  the  Fort ;  but  the  extra  peons  engaged  by  Chamber  when  the 
Golconda  troops  were  besieging  San  Thome  were  to  be  dis- 
charged ; 

Excepting  40  persons  which  are  to  keepe  the  five  gates  belong- 
ing to  the  towne  and  to  stand  in  the  cheif  streets,  soe  to  secure  and 
have  an  eye  of  what  goods  shall  be  brought  in  or  carried  out  of  the 
towne,  that  soe  our  masters  be  not  abated  in  their  customs.  Piones 
for  attendance  or  to  carrie  letters  or  other  casuall  bussiness,  you 
are  to  keep  but  14  ;  those  to  bee  the  Companies  old  servants. 

The  date  of  Blake's  departure  was  1  September.     On  reaching 

^  This  was  arranged,  and  Llake  took  with  him  15,000  rials  of  eight  provided  by 
Chamber,  as  well  as  a  power  of  attorney  from  the  latter  for  10,000  more. 

2  This  sum  was  procured  from  Beri  Timmanna,  who  took  for  it  a  bill  of  exchange  on 
Sir  Edward  Winter  and  his  Council  for  10,415  new  pagodas,  being  at  the  rate  of 
10  pagodas  for  19^  pillar  or  19  Mexico  or  Seville  rials  of  eight. 


i68  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

Masulipatam  he  found  that  Johnson  had  on  14  August  yielded  up 
his  post  to  Jearsey  and  had  died  four  days  later.  Blake  left  for 
Bengal  on  1 1  September ;  ^  but  the  Coronatioti  encountered  bad 
weather  and,  after  struggling  against  the  wind  and  currents  for 
a  month,  was  forced  to  give  up  the  voyage  and  return  to  Masuli- 
patam, arriving  8  October.  Meanwhile  Proby  and  his  colleagues 
had  dispatched  the  Good  Hope  to  Masulipatam  about  14  September, 
on  her  way  to  Bantam ;  and  on  the  i8th  the  Discovery  (under 
John  GosnoU)  from  Bantam  anchored  in  Masulipatam  Road.  In 
the  hope  that  they  would  meet  the  latter  vessel  and  thus  be  enabled 
to  answer  at  once  the  letters  she  was  bringing  from  Bantam,  Bridges 
and  Stiles  had  embarked  at  Fort  St.  George  in  the  Good  Hope  ;  but 
they  failed  to  encounter  the  Discovery^  and  so  were  forced  to  proceed 
to  Masulipatam. 

The  long-expected  Madras  Merchant  reached  Fort  St.  George 
on  22  September,  1662,  when  Sir  Edward  Winter  landed  and 
assumed  charge  as  Agent.  His  commission  from  the  Company 
(dated  20  February,  1662)  followed  the  usual  lines,  and  only  two 
or  three  items  call  for  special  notice.  The  charge  for  house- 
keeping at  Fort  St.  George  was  limited  to  200/.  per  annum  for  six 
persons,  with  15/.  extra  for  each  person  added  by  the  Company  to 
the  establishment.  Chamber  was  reported  to  have  made  a  fortune 
of  100,000/.,  and  it  was  thought  reasonable  that  he  should  pay  half 
of  this  into  the  Company's  cash,  considering  that  the  whole  was 
probably  '  gained  siruptiously  and  by  indirect  waies,  as  by  the 
ingrossing  of  rice  and  other  unfaithfull  dealings '.     Finally, 

Wee  doe  order  all  considerable  differences  or  disputes,  that  shall 
happen  to  arise  among  any  persons  under  your  jurisdiction,  to  bee 
determined  by  the  Agent  and  Counsell  ;  if  petty,  then  by  an 
honest  English  man  to  bee  apointed  by  them,  and  noe  native  to 
have  that  power  in  any  place  that  belongs  to  the  Company. 

1  The  Dutch  record  .an  incident  which  is  not  noticed  in  the  English  correspondence. 
At  Blake's  departure  Jearsey  escorted  him  on  board  with  great  pomp  ;  and  on  returning 
to  shore,  the  English  party  set  out  for  their  factory  with  drums,  trumpets,  and  flutes 
playing.  The  Kotwal  and  the  Governor's  peons  attempted  to  silence  them,  with  the 
result  that  a  scuffle  ensued :  the  Kotwal  was  bound,  and  the  peons  were  beaten.  Next 
day  the  Moors  assembled  to  attack  the  English,  having  already  blockaded  the  factory. 
However,  some  of  the  chief  Moors  pacified  their  countrymen  ;  and  the  matter  ended  in 
raising  still  higher  the  reputation  of  the  English.  The  Kotwal  was  disgraced  and 
another  appointed  in  his  stead.     {Hague  Transcripts,  series  i.  vol.  xxv.  no.  685.) 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  169 

The  letter  brought  out  by  Winter  bore  the  same  date  as  his 
commission.  It  detailed  the  lading  of  the  Madras  Merchant,  which 
amounted  to  about  23,000/.,  of  which  only  2,500/.  was  in  merchan- 
dise and  the  rest  in  silver  or  gold.  Referring  to  previous  corre- 
spondence regarding  the  release  of  the  Ceylon  captives  (i.  e.  the 
survivors  of  the  Persia  Merchant  and  the  men  kidnapped  from  the 
Anne),  the  Committees  wrote: 

Wee  have  bin  lately  peticioned  by  the  relations  of  Capt.  Knox 
and  others  of  the  Anns  company  that  wee  would  give  speedy  and 
effectual!  order  for  the  releasment  of  the  said  Capt.  Knox  and  those 
other  persons  which  were  taken  captives  with  him.  This  wee 
seriously  referr  unto  you  ;  and  if  they  are  not  alreadie  freed  from 
their  captivity,  as  wee  hope  they  are,  wee  doe  require  you  to  use 
your  endeavours  with  all  possible  dilligence  to  effect  it,  either  by 
moderate  ransomes,  presents,  or  what  other  lavvfull  meanes  you 
shall  thinck  may  gaine  their  liberty. 

Should  wills  of  deceased  persons  be  found  in  any  factory,  they 
should  be  sent  home ;  and  in  future  the  accounts,  wills,  and  in- 
ventories of  such  estates  must  be  punctually  transmitted  to  the 
Company.  Further,  a  list  was  to  be  furnished  annually  of  all 
persons  employed,  specifying  their  various  stations.  Permission 
was  given  to  dispatch  the  Madras  Merchant  on  a  voyage  to  Achin 
(but  with  freight  goods  only),  provided  that  sufficient  shipping  was 
available  to  send  to  Bengal  and  that  such  employment  would  not 
hazard  her  return  to  England. 

Wee  doe  order  that  you  require  all  English  that  are  not  our 
servants,  and  that  shall  reside  within  the  lymitts  of  your  Agency, 
that  they  cleare  their  engagements  in  those  places  where  they  shall 
reside,  and  then  come  and  live  within  our  tovvne  of  Madras  under 
the  goverment  of  you,  our  Agent  and  Counsell.  And  for  such  as 
shall  refuse,  wee  require  that  you  comaund  them  to  retorne  for 
England.  But  for  those  English  that  shall  come  and  live  under  your 
jurisdiction,  and  shall  not  endeavour  to  undermind  our  trade  nor 
deale  in  any  of  our  comodities,  let  such  bee  permitted  to  live 
peaceably  and  quietly  without  disturbance  or  discouragment.^ 

A  hope  was  expressed  that  a  factory  had  already  been  settled  in 

^  This  was  a  change  of  attitude,  due  apparently  to  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  it  was 
impossible  to  force  home  all  the  Englishmen  who  were  not  in  the  Company's  service.  To 
enable  him  to  deal  with  recalcitrants  Winter  was  furnished  with  a  royal  warrant  similar 
to  that  given  to  Sir  George  Oxenden  (see  p.  99). 


I70  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

Ceylon  for  the  procury  of  cinnamon  (see  p.  45) ;  if  not,  Winter 
was  to  do  his  best  to  effect  it.  A  promise  was  given  that  large 
supplies  of  funds  would  be  sent  in  future,  to  enable  cargoes  to  be 
procured  in  advance.  All  factors  were  prohibited  from  dealing, 
either  on  account  of  themselves  or  of  others,  in  any  of  the  forbidden 
commodities.  Charges  against  Gififord  and  Charlton  on  the  score 
of  priv^ate  trade  were  to  be  investigated.  Advice  was  given  of  the 
dispatch  of  a  minister  (the  Rev.  Charles  Walsh  ^)  at  50/.  per 
annum,  and  a  '  Leivetennant  in  the  Fort '  (Capt.  Thomas  Axtell) 
at  25/. ;  and  permission  was  accorded  to  the  engagement  as  surgeon 
of  John  Westrow,  who  went  out  in  the  Persia  Merchant.  Two 
houses  belonging  to  Winter,  in  Masulipatam  and  Madapollam 
respectively,  had  been  seized  by  Chamber  and  his  Council.  These 
the  Company  were  willing  to  take  over,  if  suitable  for  their  purposes, 
at  the  valuation  already  fixed  ;  and  it  was  suggested  that  the  one 
at  Madapollam  might  make  it  unnecessary  to  retain  a  factory  at 
Viravasaram. 

With  this  letter  were  sent  particulars  of  the  Company's  charges 
and  claims  against  Chamber  and  Johnson.  The  damages  alleged 
to  have  been  sustained  by  the  misdoings  of  the  former  were  reckoned 
at  43,90c/. ;  and  the  list  of  his  crimes  included  private  trading,  the 
overrating  of  goods,  the  seizure  of  Mir  Jumla's  junk,  the  un- 
authorized purchase  of  vessels,  and  the  monopolizing  of  rice. 
Johnson's  offences  were  of  a  less  serious  character,  negligence  and 
profusion  being  the  chief  charges,  apart  from  trading  to  the  Com- 
pany's prejudice. 

Winter's  late  arrival  left  him  little  time  to  comply  with  his 
employers'  peremptory  injunctions  to  lade  and  send  home  the  ships 
by  November  and  December.  Nothing  could  be  done  to  this  end 
at  Fort  St.  George ;  and  so,  three  days  after  his  arrival,  he  embarked 
again  in  the  Madras  Merchant  (taking  Proby  with  him)  and 
hastened  to  Masulipatam.  From  thence  on  7  October  he,  with 
Jearsey  and  other  factors,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  merchants  at 
Hugli,  ordering  that  the  15,000  rials  of  eight  entrusted  to  Blake 
by   Chamber   should  be   paid    into   the  Company's  cash,  '  for  at 

^  Walsh  failed  to  embark  in  the  Madras  Llerchant,  and  on  i2  March,  1662,  the  Com- 
mittees ordered  him  to  be  arrested,  as  he  had  received  an  advance  of  35/.  Nothing  more 
is  heard  of  him. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  171 

present  we  have  news  that  the  Great  King  is  dead  and  the  Nabob 
routed '.  The  Royal  James  and  Henry  should  be  the  first  ship 
sent  down  from  the  Bay,  to  facilitate  her  departure  for  England. 
Ken  was  to  be  second  to  Blake,  Sheldon  third,  Allen  fourth,  and 
Charnock  fifth  ;  but  Allen  was  to  return  to  Masulipatam  by  the 
first  opportunity.  No  privately  owned  vessel  was  to  be  allow^ed  to 
trade  to  any  port  without  the  Agent's  permission  ;  and  Powell  and 
all  other  Englishmen  not  in  the  Company's  service  were  to  be  sent 
up  to  the  Coast.  Powell  might  come  in  his  own  vessel,^  so  long  as 
he  did  not  deal  in  any  prohibited  commodity. 

Winter's  next  step  was  to  dispatch  the  Good  Hope  to  Bantam, 
which  was  done  on  13  October.  A  week  later  he  held  another 
consultation,  attended  by  Blake  (who  had  returned  to  Masulipatam, 
as  already  noted),  Jearsey,  Gifford,  and  Allen.  At  this  meeting 
Blake  was  absolved  from  making  any  attempt  to  reach  Hugli 
overland,  as,  apart  from  the  risk  of  robbery  on  the  way,  he  could 
not  hope  to  arrive  in  time  to  be  of  any  use  that  season.  Gifford 
was  declared  to  have  cleared  himself  of  the  charges  brought  against 
him  and  was  readmitted  to  the  Council,  as  *  Accomptant  Generall 
of  Fort  St.  George'.  Steps  were  taken  to  examine  Johnson's 
accounts ;  but  inquiry  into  the  delinquencies  of  Chamber  was 
deferred  until  the  departure  of  the  homeward-bound  ships.  It  was 
decided  to  send  the  Discovery  to  England  as  soon  as  possible.  The 
next  resolution  was : 

That  havinge  received  severall  abuses  from  the  Governer  or  by  his 
order,  as  beseidginge  the  factorie,  not  sufferinge  for  many  dales  any 
thinge  of  provitions  to  be  brought,  raisinge  battaries  and  plantinge 
great  gunns  against  the  house,  and  at  another  time,  comminge  home 
from  the  garden,  without  any  occation  given  assalted  us  in  hostile 
manner,  kild  one  of  our  company  (an  Englishman),  and  daingerously 
wounded  our  Agent  in  severall  places,-  that  we  write  therefore  to 

1  According  to  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663  (p.  143)  she  was  named  the  George, 
and  at  the  end  of  1662  was  preparing  to  sail  from  Balasore  to  Gombroon  with  freight  and 
other  goods. 

2  From  the  account  given  to  the  Company  (10  January,  1663)  we  learn  that  Winter's 
wounds  included  •  one  remarkable  one  ...  in  his  face,  which  will  allwaies  prompt  him  to 
a  revendge '.  In  Fac.  Rec,  Miscell.,  vol.  3  (p.  85),  will  be  found  the  following  narrative 
by  an  eye-witness :  '  Sir  Edward  sending  his  servants  to  the  market  to  buy  grass  for  his 
horses,  they  fell  out .  .  .  with  the  Governours  servants  of  that  place  about  a  question  which 
of  them  should  be  first  served,  and  in  the  quarrell  they  bringing  away  one  of  the  Governours 


172  THE  COAST  AXD  BAY,  1662 

the  Kinge  of  Gulconda,  and  acquaint  him  with  these  affronts  and 
require  justice. 

The  goods  available  would  probably  not  lade  more  than  three 
ships ;  and  so  it  was  proposed  to  employ  the  Madras  McrcJiaiit  on 
a  voyage  to  Siam,  while  the  dispatch  of  the  Coronatiojilo  Gombroon 
(if  she  too  could  not  procure  a  cargo  for  England)  was  also  con- 
templated. Finally,  the  list  of  factors,  both  old  and  new,  was 
examined  and  their  stations  and  precedence  settled.  Chamber  had 
repaired  to  Masulipatam  with  Winter ;  and  on  i  November  we 
find  an  undertaking  signed  by  him.  In  this  he  engaged  to  answer 
within  a  month  the  charges  made  against  him  ;  should  his  explana- 

servants,  Sir  Edward  caused  him  to  be  soundly  drubd  and  sent  away.  That  on  the  Sunday 
following  Sir  Edward  Winter  and  some  of  the  factors  being  at  a  garden  house  two  miles 
off,  whither  they  went  for  recreation  ...  Sir  Edwaid,  having  his  guard  of  souldiers 
attending  on  him,  would  needes  in  a  bravado,  in  his  returne,  ride  through  the  Governours 
towne.  And  so  soone  as  they  were  passed  through  the  towne,  a  partie  of  the  Governours 
horse  marching  after  them  and  coming  up  inquired  which  was  the  Captaine  (meaneing 
.Sir  Edward  Winter),  and  thereupon  fell  upon  him  and  woimded  him  in  severall  places; 
and  also  his  trumpiter,  who  came  up  to  his  .nssistance,  receaved  a  mortall  wound  .  .  . 
None  of  the  company  besides  had  any  hurt  done  them.' 

The  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663  (p.  116),  gives  a  somewhat  different  account.  The 
dispute  originated  in  a  quarrel  between  Jearsey  and  the  Governor  of  Masulipatam  over 
some  trifles ;  and  the  arrival  of  the  arrogant  ^Yinter  did  not  help  to  smooth  matters. 
A  party  of  the  Governor's  peons,  who  had  attempted  to  take  away  some  fodder  from 
Jearsey's  servants,  were  carried  into  the  English  factory  and  soundly  drubbed,  while 
Jearsey  used  abusive  language  about  their  master.  The  Governor  watched  for  an  oppor- 
tunity to  revenge  himself;  and  on  12  October  50  or  60  of  his  horsemen  were  sent  to 
attack  the  English  on  their  return  from  an  excursion  to  the  Company's  garden.  Jearsey, 
who  was  unarmed,  sought  safety  in  flight,  and  Winter  became  the  special  object  of  attack. 
The  cushions  of  his  palankin  staved  off  m.any  blows  ;  and  his  trumpeter  and  a  native 
servant  defended  him  valiantly  until  he  could  struggle  out  of  the  palankin  and  make  use 
of  his  sword.  Winter  himself  escaped  with  a  few  injuries  and  a  great  scar  on  his  face  ; 
but  the  trumpeter  died  of  his  wounds  three  days  after.  The  Governor,  feigning  ignorance, 
put  all  the  blame  on  his  servants.  This,  however,  did  not  deceive  the  Agent,  who  wrote 
to  Golconda,  demanding  redress.  The  King,  to  pacify  him,  sent  Ol  farvidn,  with  a  dress 
of  honour  and  a  Persian  horse  for  a  present.  Winter  accepted  ihc  fari/idn,  but  refused 
the  gifts,  vowing  that  he  would  have  better  satisfaction.  To  secure  this,  he  took  the 
English  colony  aboard  the  vessels,  and  proceeded  to  blockade  the  port.  After  a  while 
the  Governor  and  the  principal  merchants  entreated  him  to  come  ashore  again,  promising 
the  punishment  of  those  who  had  assaulted  the  Agent,  the  continuance  of  the  English 
privileges,  and  the  satisfaction  of  other  grievances;  and  on  these  terms  harmony  was 
restored. 

The  incident  is  depicted  on  Winter's  monument  at  Battersea,  with  the  following  lines  : 

Thrice  twenty  mounted  Moors  he  overthrew 
Singly  on  foot;    some  wounded,  some  he  slew; 
Dispersd  the  rest.     What  more  cou'd  Sampson  do  ? 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  173 

tions  be  deemed  inconclusive,  he  desired  that  they  should  be  trans- 
mitted to  the  Company,  and  he  expressed  his  willingness  (if  he 
were  not  permitted  to  go  home)  to  remain  within  the  precincts  of 
the  Agency  until  a  reply  arrived  from  England  ;  in  the  event  of  his 
death  in  the  interim,  he  undertook  that  his  executors  should  pay 
any  money  that  might  appear  to  be  legally  due  to  the  Company. 

The  differences  with  the  Governor  of  Masulipatam  had  now 
reached  a  crisis.  At  a  consultation  held  aboard  the  Coronation  in 
Masulipatam  Road  on  4  November  it  was  recorded  that  two 
attempts  had  been  made  to  murder  Winter  and  Blake ;  that  letters 
complaining  to  the  King  of  Golconda  had  been  intercepted  by 
*  Seer  Mejafa,^  the  next  man  to  the  Kinge ' ;  that  '  certaine  intelli- 
gence '  had  been  received  that  there  was  a  plot  to  seize  Winter  and 
imprison  him  '  in  some  fort  of  the  countrey,  hopinge  thereby  to 
force  him  to  theire  owne  termes ',  and  that  the  Golconda  troops 
intended  to  lay  siege  to  Fort  St.  George.  It  was  therefore  decided 
that  Winter  should  proceed  at  once  to  the  latter  place  in  the 
Madras  Merchant,  leaving  Blake  and  others  at  Masulipatam  to 
negotiate  further  and  to  endeavour  to  save  the  Company's  estate. 
Should  these  negotiations  fail,  or  should  an  attempt  be  made  upon 
Fort  St.  George,  the  English  ships  were  to  seize  any  junks  they 
could  get  hold  of,  in  order  to  enforce  satisfaction. 

Evidently  Winter  on  reconsideration  abandoned  the  idea  of  going 
to  Madras,  for  on  9  November  we  find  him  presiding  over  another 
consultation.  The  Governor  had  countered  all  attempts  to  get  off 
goods  and  men  by  stopping  communication  between  the  ships  and 
the  shore,  with  the  result  that  the  English  vessels  were  beginning 
to  suffer  for  want  of  water  and  provisions.  Moreover  (as  explained 
on  a  later  page)  it  was  feared  that  any  prize  taken  would  be  imme- 
diately plundered  by  the  sailors,  and  this  would  cause  further 
trouble.  It  was  therefore  resolved  that  Winter  should  go  with 
well-armed  boats  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  '  to  see  if  the  Moores 
will  come  to  any  treatie  with  us '.  Any  reasonable  propositions 
were  to  be  accepted,  in  the  hope  that  justice  would  be  obtained  from 

^  A  later  entry  suggests  that  this  name  was  Sayyid  Mir  Jafar,  though  the  spelling  given 
by  the  Dutch  '  Seydmoesaffar '  looks  more  like  Sayyid  Muzaffar.  He  was  the  Sar-i-Khail 
or  Treasurer  of  the  Golconda  kingdom.  {Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  p.  376,  and 
1665,  pp.  347,  376.) 


174  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

the  Golconda  Court  and  that  in  any  case  opportunities  would  be 
afforded  for  drawing  off  the  Company's  servants  and  estate.  The 
result  was  satisfactory ;  for  at  a  subsequent  consultation  it  was 
stated  that  the  Governor  and  merchants  had  given  an  undertaking 
.in  writing  that  '  our  bussinesse  here  should  not  be  molested ',  and 
that  the  King  should  give  satisfaction  for  the  abuses  complained  of 
previously.  Thereupon  it  was  resolved  to  send  the  Coronation  at 
once  for  Persia,  and  that,  if  the  merchants  refused  to  put  any  freight 
on  board,  a  stand  should  be  made  against  granting  passes  to  any  of 
their  vessels.  The  Madras  Merchant  was  to  go  by  way  of  Madras 
to  Siam,  as  formerly  proposed,  charging  for  freight  ten  per  cent, 
outwards  and  five  per  cent,  back.^  Winter's  presence  being  no 
longer  necessary,  he  was  to  return  to  Fort  St.  George  in  the 
Madras  Merchant,  while  Blake,  Gifford,  and  others  were  to  repair 
thither  in  the  Discovery,  leaving  Jearsey  in  charge  at  Masulipatam. 
Winter  appears  to  have  reached  Madras  towards  the  end  of 
November,  1662.  Meanwhile,  on  the  T6th  of  the  month  Shem 
Bridges  and  his  colleagues  there  had  addressed  a  letter  to  ]\Iasuli- 
patam,  reporting  upon  the  situation.  Goods  were  coming  in  slowly^ 
and  further  advances  of  money  were  recommended.  James  Noell 
had  died  on  30  October. 

According  to  Your  Worships  &c.  order,  wee  have  layed  aside  and 
are  provideing  necessaryes  for  defence  of  the  Fort.  But  wee  hope, 
and  upon  probable  grounds  conjecture,  that  they  will  not  trouble 
us  here  ;  for  the  Gentue  is  something  powerfull  about  the  Tangore 
countrey,  and  if  hee  overcomes  Balle  Caun  [Bahlol  Khan],  the 
Vizapore's  servant,  'tis  thought  hee'll  meete  with  litle  or  noe 
opposition  in  all  these  parts  ;  to  which  purpose  Raja  Cooly's  -  camp 
is  fix'd  about  Trivaloore  [Tiravallur],  and  the  consequence  will 
prove  too  dangerous  to  spare  any  of  his  force  to  beseidge  us.     Wee 

^  She  was  to  carry  freight  goods  only,  but  a  considerable  profit  was  expected  from  the 
rates  to  be  charged.  From  later  correspondence  it  appears  that  the  goods  she  carried 
belonged  mainly  to  Winter  and  other  factors.  Some  particulars  of  the  situation  in  Siam 
are  given  in  Hague  Transcripts,  series  i.  vol.  xxv.  no.  685,  which  is  a  letter  from  Batavia 
to  Holland  dated  if  December,  1662.  This  states  that  no  English  ship  had  reached  Siam 
since  the  departure  of  the  Hopewell,  and  that  the  factor  left  there  (Coates)  was  in  great 
straits  for  money.  At  Tenasserim  there  had  been  an  enormous  import  of  goods  from  the 
Coromandel  Coast  and  Bengal,  and  so  the  markets  were  clogged.  The  people  had  been 
jeduced  to  great  poverty,  owing  to  the  wars,  and  rice  had  risen  to  a  high  price. 

*  Riza  Kuli,  afterwards  Xeknam  Khan.  For  his  history  see  a  note  in  Col.  Love's 
VesHges  of  Old  Madras  (vol.  i.  p.  212). 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  175 

have  not  declared  any  thing  to  the  towne's  people  concerning  the 
inthimation  wee  received  from  you,  nor  have  the  French  fryers, 
whoe  concun-e  in  opinion  with  us ;  but  wee  shall  privately  (as  afore 
mentioned)  make  provision  of  victualls  in  a  large  quantity,  that,  if 
occasion  should  bee,  wee  may  furnish  those  of  whose  assistance  wee 
may  stand  in  need,  and  whoe  will  bee  something  unprovided,  by 
reason  of  litle  or  noe  warning.  Wee  have  a  long  time  willingly 
have  expected  Your  Worshipps  arriveall  here,  where  your  presence 
will  bee  very  availeable ;  for  wee  have  had  some  (and  noe  small) 
trouble  with  our  turbulent  painters,  whoe  have  bin  in  a  greate 
uproare,  and  all  to  bring  in  a  Cheife  Painter  (Colleastre  [Kalastri] 
by  name)  which  they  formerly  turned  out.  But  with  menaces  and 
strict  watch  over  them  wee  have  at  present  quelled  them,  deferring 
to  alter  any  thing  at  their  request  or  appoynment,  but  left  it  to 
Your  Worships  at  your  arriveall  to  decide. 

On  9  December,  Winter,  Bridges,  and  Budley  wrote  to  Masuli- 
patam  for  wheat,  gram,  building  timbers,  and  '  red  betelaes  for 
flaggs '.  The  Discoveiy  had  not  then  arrived,  having  overshot  her 
port.  Jearsey  was  summoned  to  Madras  for  purposes  of  consulta- 
tion. News  having  been  received  of  the  loss  of  the  James  and 
Henry ^  an  attempt  must  be  made  to  lade  another  ship  for  England 
in  her  place.  The  Discovery  reached  Madras  on  15  December; 
and  two  days  later  Winter,  Blake,  Gifford,  and  Bridges  wrote 
another  letter  to  Masulipatam,  repeating  the  summons  to  Jearsey, 
and  likewise  ordering  Proby  to  obey  the  previous  instructions  to 
come  to  Madras.  The  Charles  and  the  Coronation  were  now  to  go 
to  England. 

To  prevent  the  worst,  wee  are  daily  makeing  provision  against 
whatsoever  enemy  shall  assault  us ;  yet  at  present  wee  doe  not 
suspect  that  there  is  any  will  attempt  it.  As  concerning  the 
Agent's  goeing  up  to  Golcondah,  we  shall  say  litle  to  it  untill  our 
businesse  bee  over ;  and  afterwards  it  may  bee  debated  amongst  us 
whither  his  goeing  may  bee  requisite  or  not.  In  the  meane  time 
wee  have  returned  our  answere  unto  Sied  Mier  Jaffer  and  Christo- 
pher Wilkins.^ 

The  Governor  of  Masulipatam, '  Foote  la  Bege '  [Fath-ullah  Beg], 
having  complained  of  the  non-issue  of  passes  for  ships,  it  has  been 
decided  that  these  should  now  be  given. 

The  wreck  of  the  Royal  Jatnes  and  Henry^  to  which  allusion  has 

^  Late  guiyier  of  Fort  St.  George,  and  now  in  the  service  of  the  King  of  Golconda. 


176  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

just  been  made,  is  thus  narrated  in  the  Madras  letter  to  the  Company 
of  10  January,  1663 : 

About  the  12  of  October  there  happened  a  great  storme  in  the 
Bay  Bengali,  which  forced  the  James  and  Henry  on  shore  6  or  8 
leages  to  the  westward  of  the  barr  [of  Balasore]  towards  Point 
Palmeroes,  where  she  lyeth  in  the  mudd  so  that  boates  cannot  com 
at  her,  and  they  feare  past  recovery.  But  we  doe  not  understand 
that  Your  Worships  have  lost  any  treasure,  or  that  any  men  have 
lost  theire  lives.  The  Mesenger  pinnace  they  write  they  have  noe 
news  of,  wherein  there  was  400  maund  of  peeter  for  that  accompt. 
The  Dutch  have  likwise  lost  three  or  four  great  shipps  ^  in  this 
storme,  and  the  Charles  cutt  her  mainmast  by  the  board  and  lost 
four  anchors ;  so  at  last  rid  by  a  cople  of  small  anchors  and  hir 
gunns,  and  by  great  providence  escaped  the  brunt,  and  is  now 
supplyed  againe  with  what  shee  lost. 

The  first  ships  to  go  home  this  season  from  Madras  were  the 
Royal  Charles  and  the  Discovery,  which  sailed  on  13  January,  1663. 
The  latter  carried  a  private  letter  from  Winter  (dated  2  January), 
addressed  to  Sir  Thomas  Chamberlain,  Deputy  Governor  of  the 
Company,  in  which  he  said  : 

I  have  bin  in  much  trouble  to  compose  a  difference  with  the 
Moores,  created  by  them,  who,  at  my  being  at  Mesulapatam,  one 
evening  fell  upon  us  and  kild  one  of  our  English  servants  and 
wonded  mee  in  severall  places  and  hurt  others,  without  any  reason 
knowne  to  us.  I  have  acquainted  the  King  of  Golgondah  herewith. 
He  disownes  the  action,  and  promises  us  satisfaction  for  that  abuse. 
So  that  wee  hope  at  present  they  will  be  quiet,  and  suffer  us  to 
trade  freely ;  though  wee  have  no  reason  to  beleive  it  will  bee 
lasting,  for  they  infringe  much  upon  our  former  privilidges,  and 
boast  they  are  able  to  live  without  the  English  or  Dutch.  But 
unless  wee  can  bring  them  to  a  fayre  correspondency  and  to  let 
us  enjoy  what  wee  did  before,  there  will  bee  no  safety  for  our 
English  in  the  out  factoryes ;  which  will  bee  very  prejudiciall  to 
the  Companyes  affayres. 

Winter  hoped  that  his  employers  would  not  judge  him  by  the 
little  he  had  yet  been  able  to  achieve,  in  the  face  of  so  many  dififi- 


1  Only  one  (the  Avenhoorti) :  see  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  p.  t8,  for  a  general 
account  of  these  disasters  and  the  efforts  made  to  recover  the  cargoes.  According  to  the 
Dutch,  the  loss  occasioned  by  the  wreck  of  the  James  and  Henry  amounted  to  70,000 
rials  of  eight  {ibid.,  p.  108). 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  177 

culties ;  and  he  urged  the  provision  of  a  double  stock,  to  enable 
goods  to  be  purchased  earlier  and  on  better  terms. 

The  general  letter  to  the  Company  by  these  ships  was  dated 
10  January,  It  is  very  lengthy,  but  a  considerable  part  of  it  is 
occupied  by  a  narrative  of  events  which  have  been  dealt  with 
already.  The  factors  promised  to  do  their  best  to  expedite  the 
dispatch  of  ships  to  England,  and  to  this  end  strongly  recommended 
that  those  resorting  to  Bengal  should  be  ordered  to  go  up  the  river 
to  Hugli,  in  order  to  save  time.  They  also  insisted  upon  the 
necessity  of  either  supplying  a  stock  sufficient  to  permit  of  their 
reserving  funds  for  investment  during  the  following  season,  or 
giving  leave  to  borrow  freely  for  that  purpose.  Increased  trade 
with  Bengal  was  desirable,  for  the  charges  were  necessarily  high. 

Whither  you  doe  little  or  much,  the  Governor  of  Hughly  demandeth 
3000  rupees  yearely  to  bee  paid  him  in  money,  besides  many  other 
costley  pishcashes,  and  great  expences  which  in  some  measure 
cannot  bee  avoided,  though  perhaps  hereafter  they  .  .  .  may  bee 
moderated  when  it  shall  please  the  Allmightie  to  arrive  Mr.  Blake 
into  the  Bay. 

For  saltpetre  they  must  depend  on  Bengal,  for  the  makers  round 
Masulipatam  were  so  poor  and  so  much  in  debt  that  it  was  risky  to 
give  them  advances.  Ken  had  written  that  600  tons  were  being 
sent  up  by  the  Charles  and  the  Matthew  and  Thomas,  that  1 1 ,000 
rupees  had  been  remitted  to  Patna  for  investment,  and  that  there 
was  a  large  quantity  of  saltpetre  still  due.  Blake  would  proceed 
to  Bengal  in  the  latter  vessel  towards  the  end  of  February.  As 
regards  dead  stock,  the  safety  of  the  Fort  demanded  that  it  should 
be  adequately  armed ;  and  the  Company  were  asked  to  supply 
a  hundred  good  swords  for  the  soldiers,  '  for  at  present  they  are 
furnished  with  no  other  then  butchers  knives  '.  The  gold  received 
from  Guinea  amounted  to  over  14,700/.     As  regards  Bengal, 

The  Nabob,  we  understand,  is  gone  about  two  months  jurney  to 
the   north-east   of  Decca  towards  Arrakan ;  ^    and  we  have  had 

1  Mir  Jumla  left  Dacca  at  the  beginning  of  November,  1661,  conquered  and  annexed 
Cooch  Behar,  and  then,  early  in  January,  1662,  commenced  the  invasion  of  Assam. 
Gargaon,  the  capital,  was  captured  in  March,  and  the  Moguls  took  up  their  quarters  for 
the  rainy  season,  during  which  they  were  continually  harassed  by  the  Assamese,  and  were 
decimated  by  sickness.  The  cold  weather  brought  relief,  and  the  advance  was  resumed. 
By  December  the  Assamese  had  given  up  all  hopes  of  success,  and  a  treaty  was  then  con- 

2597  N 


J 78  THE  COAST  AXD  BAY,  1662 

severall  reports  that  he  and  his  armie  are  in  great  streights.  How 
trewe  it  is,  [^ve]  knowe  not.  The  countrey  at  present  is  governed 
by  a  Duan  of  his,  and  the  governors  of  all  places  are  verrie  abusive. 
He  of  Ballazore  doth  impeede  the  sendinge  of  your  Europe  com- 
modities to  Hughly  .and  tells  your  factors  there  that  he  doth  it 
because  that,  he  saith,  will  be  a  meanes  to  draw  the  trade  of  that 
place  away,  and  that,  if  we  doe  doe  any  such  thinge,  wee  may  remove 
our  selves,  for  there  are  those  that  would  possesse  it  and  bringe  a 
greater  trade  to  the  place  then  we  doe  ;  spakinge  verrie  schornfully 
of  us.  It  is  the  Dutches  doeings,  for  they  are  about  settleinge  a 
factorie  theire  and  have  bin  verrie  lardge  in  there  piscashes. 

In  reply  to  the  Company's  instructions  concerning  the  Ceylon 
captives,  the  letter  said  : 

Wee  have  latlye  heard  somthinge  from  the  captivated  persons  in 
Zelion,  and  understand  that  they  are  liveinge  ;  for  wee  have  seene 
a  noate  from  one  Luke  Plat,  wherein  he  acknowledgeth  that  he  hath 
received  of  the  bearer  20  larees  etc.  necessaries  to  suplye  him  in  his 
necessitie  and  desircth  us  in  honour  of  the  Kinge  to  repay  it ;  but 
mentioned  not  a  word  in  what  condition  they  are  in,  or  that  they 
desire  us  to  contrive  any  way  for  there  redemtion.  But  this  man 
saith  they  are  poore  and  allmost  starved.  He  saith  also  Capt.  Knox 
is  up  in  the  countrey  and  living.^  He  did  see,  he  saith,  only  tow  of 
them,  and  those  he  supplyed  with  what  he  was  able.  They  are  not 
farr  distant  from  Cuttiarow,  where  they  weare  taken.  Wee  intend 
to  make  use  of  this  man  to  conveye  a  letter  to  them,  which  as  yet 
we  never  had  the  opportuneitie  to  doe.  We  are  intended  to  have 
sent  a  sloope  with  som  fewe  men  and  five  or  six  gunns  in  her  ;  for 
which  purpose  wee  have  fitted  one,  and  shall  endevor  by  all  meanes 
posible  to  redeeme  them  out  of  so  sad  and  deplorable  a  condition. 
But  we  have  advice  that,  if  we  should  send  a  vessell  there  before 
wee  have  treated  with  him  at  a  distance,  hee  will  keepe  these  men 
also  pris'ners.  Wee  have  in  remembrance  what  you  enorder  con- 
cerning setlleinge  of  a  factorie  theire.  but  it  will  be  no  small  charge. 

Gifford's  reinstatement  in  Council  and  other  minor  matters  were 
mentioned  ;  and  then  the  Agent  and  his  colleagues  gave  a  list  of 
the  goods  expected  from  Bengal  that  season.     Sheldon  had  written 

eluded,  by  which  a  portion  of  the  country  was  ceded  to  the  Mogub  and  a  war  indemnity 
paid.  Mir  Jnmla,  who  had  already  fallen  ill,  now  gave  the  signal  to  retire  ;  but  his 
sickness  increased,  and  on  31  March,  1663,  he'died  while  on  his  way  to  Dacca  (see  Pro- 
fessor Jadunath  Sarkar's  History  of  Aurangzib,  vol.  iii.  ch.  xxxi).  The  English  (infra, 
p.  2 89)  and  the  Dutch  {Balavia  Dagh-Register,  1663,  p.  424)  records  give  the  date  as 
I  April. 

'  This  was  incorrect.     Capt.  Knox  died  on  9  February  1661. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  179 

that  it  was  too  late  to  provide  many  taffetas  ;  however,  Ken  had 
sent  up  to  Kasimbazar  10,000  rupees  for  the  next  investment.  Ken 
had  also  advised  that  Trevisa  had  made  out  the  remains  in  Hugli 
to  be  over  51,000  rupees,  and  had  handed  over  to  him  the  goods 
included  in  this  total.  The  Guinea  factors  had  sent  to  Madras  the 
names  of  calicoes  suitable  for  that  country,  but  no  one  there  could 
understand  these.  Recovery  should  be  made  of  the  value  of  some 
piece-goods  (the  property  of  Indian  merchants)  which  had  been 
carried  to  Persia  in  the  Concord  and  sold  there;  otherwise  there 
would  be  trouble  with  '  the  Governor  of  the  countrey '.  To  increase 
the  trade  at  Madras,  less  broadcloth  should  be  sent  and  more 
vermilion,  quicksilver,  lead  and  coral,  especially  the  last-named  ; 
'  for  severall  corrall  merchants  from  Goa  are  cominge  to  live  here ', 
who  would  take  from  30,000  to  40,000  pagodas '  worth  annually, 
part  of  which  should  be  twice  as  good  as  that  usually  sent.  Efforts 
would  be  made  to  suppress  private  trade  ;  but  more  should  be  done 
at  home  to  prevent  its  shipment.  Winter  and  his  Council  com- 
plained that  the  Company  had  '  to  much  tyed  us  up  and  left 
nothinge  to  our  libertie  to  act '  in  unforeseen  circumstances,  particu- 
larly as  to  the  employment  of  ships  which  had  to  be  kept  back  for 
want  of  lading.  In  this  connexion  the  recent  troubles  at  Masuli- 
patam  were  described,  and  a  hope  was  expressed  that  the  Company 
would  authorize  immediate  action  to  be  taken  in  s'lich  contingencies 
without  waiting  for  their  permission. 

Wee  had  begun  to  take  such  a  course  as  was  honourable ;  and 
had  proceed[ed],  had  not  we  hard  the  commanders  of  the  freighted 
shipps  avouch  that  they  would  serve  them  selves  in  the  first  place, 
and  that  they  would  not  or  could  not  hinder  theire  men  from 
plunderinge,  if  we  should  have  taken  a  rich  prize ;  which  if  we 
should  have  done,  the  Moores  would  have  granted  us  any  thinge 
we  could  aske.  The  truth  is,  if  we  will  be  abused,  we  may ;  but 
otherwise  we  may  as  easily  right  our  selves.  Our  trade  of  India  is 
much  decayed  within  this  fewe  yeares,  and  the  Moores  doe  trade 
more  than  ever  they  did.  Therefore  we  desire  Your  Worships  to 
give  us  an  order  that  noe  shipp  of  the  Moores  shall  goe  to  any 
place  without  our  spetiall  licence. 

Robert  Bearing,  who  was  being  sent  to  Siam  in  the  Madras 
Merchant,  was  recommended  for  an  allowance  for  work  done  at 
Porto  Novo  and  Pondicherri  before  he  was  granted  a  salary.     The 

N  3 


i8c  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

death  of  Johnson,  and  the  arrangements  made  to  secure  his  estate, 
were  next  announced.  Shinglcr  died  indebted  to  the  Company  to 
the  extent  of  1,900  new  pagodas.  While  writing,  further  advices 
had  come  from  the  Bengal  factors. 

They  make  great  complaints  againe  of  the  commanders  insolenceis 
in  piscashinge  the  Governor  and  keepeinge  of  factories  by  them 
selves ;  so  that  indeed  they  live  theire  more  like  Agents  then,  as 
they  are  (or  ought  to  bee),  under  our  commands.  But  they  justifie 
such  actions,  and  make  there  braggs  how  they  befoole  the  Com- 
panies servants.  The  last  yeare  happened  a  most  remarkable 
affront,  when  they  brake  downe  the  Companies  wall  and  entered 
the  house  per  force  of  armes  with  above  30  musquiteers,  and  the 
commander  him  selfe,  Capt.  Ralph  Hodgkins,  with  sword  and 
pistoU.  Wee  hope  hereafter  Your  Worships  will  binde  them  to  all 
observance  of  your  Cheife[s]  orders,  and  that  no  commander  dare 
to  piscash  any  Governor  unlesse  owned  by  the  Chiefe  of  said 
place  .  .  .  and  that  they  bringe  not  any  commoditie  into  theire 
howses,  either  to  buy  or  sell ;  by  which  meanes  they  will  not  be  in 
a  condition  to  private  trade.  For  they  liveing  every  one  particu- 
lerly  by  him  selfe  is,  as  it  weare,  so  many  and  severall  distinckt 
factories ;  whereby  the  prises  of  all  commodities  is  inhaunced. 

The  advisability  of  the  Company  binding  the  ships  to  go  up  the 
river  to  Hugh  had  been  confirmed  by  the  latest  intelligence,  which 
was  that  the  expense  and  risk  of  carrying  the  saltpetre  by  boats  to 
Balasore  was  as  great  as  that  incurred  in  bringing  it  down  from 
Patna  to  Hiagli ;  moreover,  the  necessary  boats  were  not  always 
procurable.  Attention  was  next  directed  to  the  weakness  of  the 
Madras  garrison. 

Wee  have  not  above  26  Englishmen  in  the  Fort.  Therefore  we 
are  forced  to  take  as  many  Portugalls  as  formerly  to  maintaine  the 
out  works  ;  but  their  pay  is  most  of  them  but  one  halfe  of  the 
English  pay,  and  som  of  |.  Wee  have  the  greater  confidence  in 
them  now,  because  of  their  alliance  to  the  Crowne  of  England  ;  but 
if  you  please  to  send  us  about  20  or  30  more  Englishmen,  it  will  be 
much  for  your  honour  and  safgard  for  Your  Worships  garrison. 
For  the  Mooi'es  have  played  so  unworthy  an  act  in  takinge  of  St. 
Thoma  from  the  Portugall,  contrarie  to  the  Kinges  firmand,  that 
theire  is  no  trustinge  of  them  ;  and  so  we  are  necessitated  to  be  at 
great  expence  to  provide  our  selves  for  the  worst  that  may  fall  out. 
Wee  thinke  there  intent  is  to  cutt  us  of  all  previledges  and  make  us 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  181 

pay  custom.^  The  King  hath  sent  for  the  Agent  up  to  Gullcandah. 
Wee  have  not  as  yet  resolved  upon  his  goeing  ;  but  we  thinke  it 
will  be  verrie  necessary  that  cither  by  fare  mcanes  or  fowlle  wee 
may  bring  things  to  a  better  passe  ;  or  elce  farwell  the  trade  to 
East  India.  But  it  will  be  som  charge,  and  that  noe  small  matter 
neither.  Yet  the  previledges  you  may  have  obteyned  thereby  may 
be  more  cquivolent  to  it ;  therefore  you  must  not  accompt  it  loste. 

After  some  unimportant  details,  the  letter  went  on  to  mention  the 
arrival  of  the  Royal  Charles  from  Masulipatam  on  2  January,  and 
to  express  a  hope  that  she  would  be  able  to  sail  for  England  with 
the  Discovery.  Passages  had  been  granted  to  two  Portuguese,  who 
were  charged  with  the  mission  of  reporting  upon  the  situation  in 
India,  '  espetially  the  bussiness  of  St.  Thoma  '.  The  broadcloth 
received  was  in  a  bad  state,  probably  due  to  its  being  '  winter 
dryed ' ;  and  there  had  been  much  leakage  of  quicksilver,  which 
should  in  future  be  put  up  in  copper  pots. 

There  are  severall  persons  that  com  out  upon  the  shipps  as  mid- 
shipmen and  officers,  which  bringe  great  stocks  of  money  with  them 
of  other  mens.  .  .  .  Therefore  Your  Worships  may  please  to  con- 
sider of  some  meanes  for  preventions  of  such  doeings  at  home. 

Chamber,  it  was  stated,  seemed  determined  to  avoid  paying  any- 
thing at  Madras, '  but  refeares  him  selfe  to  Your  Worships  at  home  '. 
For  the  present  they  could  find  nothing  of  his  worth  seizing ;  but 
further  information  was  promised.^     As  it  was  essential  that  the 

1  *  The  differences  at  Madraspatam  between  the  English  and  the  Moors  concerning  the 
levying  of  the  customs  have  not  yet  been  settled.  The  latter  wish  to  keep  their  own  agent 
there  with  full  authority  to  collect  them  ;  to  this  the  English  wil  not  agree,  but  insist 
that  they  should  collect  the  dues  themselves  as  hitherto,  promising  to  give  the  Moors  their 
proper  proportion.  The  latter  have  several  times  threatened  to  enforce  their  rights,  but 
have  taken  no  action ;  and  so  matters  continue  as  before'  (Batavia  to  Holland,  \%  Dec. 
1662 ;  Hague  Transcripts,  series  i.  vol.  xxv.  no.  685).  It  will  be  remembered  that,  by  an 
agreement  made  in  1658,  the  Golconda  officials  were  to  receive  an  annual  payment  of  380 
pagodas  in  satisfaction  of  their  claim  to  a  half  share  in  the  customs.  It  appears  that,  in 
view  of  the  rapid  growth  of  the  town  and  its  trade,  they  wished  to  revert  to  the  old 
arrangement  and  to  receive  half  the  actual  yield,  and  they  demanded  that  an  agent  of 
theirs  should  be  installed  in  Madras  to  check  the  amount  payable.  From  166 1  to  1672 
(when  the  dispute  was  settled)  they  steadily  refused  to  take  the  380  pagodas  per  annum, 
maintaining  their  claims  to  a  larger  share.  In  the  end  it  was  agreed  to  pay  them  1000 
pagodas  for  each  of  the  eleven  years,  and  1 200  pagodas  per  annum  in  future.  (Love's 
Vestiges  of  Old  Madras,  vol.  i.  p.  343.) 

2  A  private  letter  from  Gifford  to  Gary,  18  December,  1662  (P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix. 
no.  27)  says  that  Winter  and  the  Council  did  not  intend  to  hinder  Chamber's  return,  but 


i82  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

Bengal  ships  should  go  up  to  HugH,  it  was  advised  that  flat- 
bottomed  vessels  of  not  more  than  300  tons  should  be  sent  out. 
An  alternative  would  be  to  furnish  from  England  a  couple  of  ketches 
of  about  50  tons  each. 

Passing  over  some  further  details,  we  find  the  following  list  of 
factors  :  Fort  St.  George :  Winter,  Gififord,  Bridges,  Budley,  Stiles, 
Bearing,  Dawes,  Herries,  Haselwood,  Charlton,  John  Grover  and 
Richard  Clay  (both  engaged  by  Chamber),  John  Field,  Jones,  and 
Hopkins.  Masiilipatani:  Jearsey,  Proby,  Fleetwood,  William 
Acworth,  William  Bradford,  and  John  Westrow  (surgeon).  Peta- 
poli'.  Salisbury,  and  Sledd.  Viravdsaravi :  Niclaes,  William  Smyth, 
and  Spencer.  Baj'  of  Bengal:  Blake,  Allen,  Ken,  Sheldon,  Char- 
nock,  Elloes  (or  Elwes),  Aldworth,  Calthrop,  March,  Townsend, 
Vincent,  and  Minshull.  Reverting  to  the  business  of  Chamber,  the 
letter  pointed  out  the  difficulty  of  reaching  a  conclusion  at  Madras, 
none  of  his  accusers  being  there.  His  answers  to  the  charges  were 
enclosed.  But  for  the  Company's  express  orders,  the  Agent  and 
Council  would  gladly  have  allowed  him  to  go  home  and  dispute  the 
matter.  '  He  hath  protested  against  us  allreadie,  and  laide  his 
death  to  our  charge  in  case  of  mortallitie '.  Apparently  he  had 
sent  most  of  his  estate  to  England  in  the  Coast  Frigate  '  and  con- 
veyed the  rest  away  before  we  came '.  A  hundred  fire-lock 
muskets  were  needed  for  the  garrison,  those  in  use  being  for  the 
most  part  so  decayed  that  they  were  dangerous  to  discharge.  A 
supply  of  drumheads  was  also  required.  It  would  be  useful  if  some 
of  the  ships  were  to  bring  out  flint,  stone,  and  chalk  as  ballast. 
For  the  Second  at  Madras  to  devote  himself  to  cmbaling  goods,  as 
ordered,  would  mean  neglecting  more  important  duties  ;  it  was 
intended,  therefore,  to  appoint  a  Warehouse  Keeper  to  undertake 
this  duty.  After  several  minor  matters  had  been  discussed,  the 
letter  proceeded  to  say  : 

The  Daines  at  Trigamber  [Tranquebar]  have  a  great  difierence 
with  the  Moores,  and  tak  theire  shipps  wheresoever  they  can  light 
upon  them  ;  and,  that  they  may  be  the  better  provided,  they  enter- 
taine  any  of  our  English  that  run  away  from  the  shipps  ;  which  may 
prove  prejudiciall  to  us,  if  the  Moores  com  to  understand  it.     Mr. 

he  could  not  make  up  his  own  mind.    Gifford  added  that  Chamber  had  done  good  service 
and  had  been  ill  requited. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662  183 

Hopkins  in  the  Bay  was  once  in  troble  about  such  a  bussiness. 
Therefore  we  conceive  it  might  be  prevented,  if  the  Kingc  of  Den- 
mark weare  made  acquainted  with  it.  In  the  mean  time,  if  our 
shipps  meete  with  them,  they  shall  have  order  to  take  them  out. 

The  letter  concluded  with  an  explanation  about  the  freight  of 
goods  from  Macassar.  A  postscript  announced  the  arrival  of  the 
MattJieiv  and  Thomas.  She  had  brought  Trevisa  from  Bengal  to 
Masulipatam,  whence  he  intended  to  come  to  Madras  in  the 
Coronation. 

Wee  understand  that  he  hath  not  ended  his  accompt  with  the 
Nabob  (he  beinge  now  returned  to  Decca,  as  per  advice  from  the 
Bay),  haveing  borrowed  of  him  at  severall  times  to  the  amount  of 
125,000  rupees.  Therefore  have  resolved  upon  his  goinge  againe 
with  Mr.  Blake. 

The  Bengal  books  were  too  imperfect  to  send  home  ;  while  those 
from  Masulipatam  were  being  kept  back  for  examination.  Finally, 
it  was  announced  that  the  cargo  of  the  Discovery  amounted  to 
40,755  pagodas. 

A  copy  of  this  letter  was  sent  by  the  Coronation,  which  reached 
Madras  on  28  January  1663/  and  sailed  for  England  on  2  February. 
To  what  they  had  written  by  the  previous  ships,  Winter  and  his 
Council  added  a  postscript.  This  stated,  amongst  other  things, 
that  Hannibal  Allen  was  dead,  and  that  Trevisa  had  arrived  in  the 
Coronation?  Many  of  the  factors  engaged  at  the  commencement 
of  the  Stock  had  almost  served  their  covenanted  periods,  and  were 
likely  to  insist  upon  going  home  then,  unless  given  more  encourage- 
ment, such  as  better  salaries.  It  would  be  advisable  therefore  to 
send  out  a  supply  of  factors,  and  also  to  authorize  the  engagement 
of  suitable  men  in  India, 

The  trueth  is  Your  Worships  give  youre  servants  such  small 
encouragment  that  doth  but  very  litle  animate  their  endeavores ; 
theire  sallaryes  are  soe  small,  and  debared  tradeinge  almost  in  any 
comoditie,  especially  them  in  Fort  St.  George,  wher  there  is  noe 
other  comoditie  stiring  but  cloth.  The  seamen  are  alsoe  mightily 
disheartened,  in  regard  of  the  strict  course  that  is  now  taken  with 
them  in   reference   to   investinge   of  there  moneys  ;    and  tis  our 

^  An  account  of  the  cargo  she  had  brought  from  Bengal  will  be  found  at  p,  143  of  the 
Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663, 

'  From  another  letter  it  appea  rs  that  he  was  accompanied  bj-  Jearsey. 


i84  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

opineons  that,  if  itt  continue,  Your  Worships  affaires  will  some  way 
or  other  suffer  more  by  itt.  For  what  should  the  poore  men  doe 
that  have  moneyes  to  laye  out,  and  have  none  other  comodities  to 
invest  itt  in  but  diamonds,  when  they  may  bee  cheated  50  per  cent, 
and  they  neaver  the  wiser,  and  soe  all  the  labour  and  paines  that 
they  have  taken  in  the  voyage  will  bee  for  nothing;  which  certainely 
is  to  bee  lamented. 

By  the  same  conveyance,  under  date  of  30  January,  Winter 
dispatched  a  private  letter  to  Sir  Andrew  Riccard,  the  late  Governor 
of  the  Company.  In  this  the  blame  of  the  late  departure  of  the 
Coronation  was  placed  upon  Jearsey's  shoulders,  and  her  not  being 
fully  laden  was  stated  to  be  due  to  want  of  funds  and  the  Company's 
refusal  to  allow  of  money  being  borrowed.  Winter  was  contem- 
plating a  fresh  journey  to  Masulipatam  to  get  in  the  goods  for 
which  advances  had  been  given  by  Johnson.  Protesting  his  own 
determination  to  serve  the  Company  faithfully,  Winter  complained 
that 

Unlesse  you  send  out  two  or  three  able  and  honest  men  to  assist 
mee,  I  shall  hartily  wish  I  had  stayed  at  home ;  for  I  find  soe  many 
selfe  interesed  and  fickle  minded  men  here  that  I  shall  bee  wearyed 
out  of  my  life.  And  you  may  please  to  take  notice  that,  as  I  am 
ordered  not  to  act  without  Councill,  I  know  not,  out  of  these  men 
with  us,  how  to  make  choice  of  such  as  are  faj^thfull  and  true  to  the 
Company,  but  are  soe  farre  carryed  on  by  selfe  interest  that,  if  I 
should  propose  any  thing  for  the  Companye's  advantage  and  not 
consistent  with  theirs,  I  should  bee  out  voted. 

This  passage  seems  to  show  that  Winter  was  at  that  time  abso- 
lutely loyal  to  his  employers  and  was  determined  to  do  his  best  for 
them ;  while  at  the  same  time  it  reflects  his  autocratic  leanings  and 
his  impatience  of  control.     He  went  on  : 

Since  the  Moores  have  taken  St.  Thoma,  they  keep  there  con- 
stantly 500  or  600  horse  ;  soe  that  wee  are  in  dainger  of  our  lives, 
if  wee  doe  but  goe  out  farther  then  the  reach  of  our  guns ;  which 
makes  our  lives  very  uncomfortable  to  us,  though  at  present  they 
pretend  fayrely  with  us,  and  I  shall  endeavour  as  fayrely  to  continue 
it.  The  charges  wee  have  been  at  this  yeare  may  bee  lookt  upon 
as  somthing  extroardinary.  .  .  .  The  next  yeare  I  doubt  not  but 
to  make  the  towne,  b}'  an  honest  and  just  way,  to  bare  good  part 
of  the  charge.  And  bee  confident  your  goods  shall  bee  sent  you 
home  next  yeare  at  least  15  per  cent,  cheaper  then  now  they  are, 
which  was  occasioned  by  the  little  time  I  had  to  provide  them. 


THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1663  185 

Six  days  before  this  letter  was  written,  Winter  and  his  Council 
had  dispatched  a  reply  to  one  recently  received  from  Surat,  dated 
6  November,  1662.  The  opportunity  was  taken  to  remind  the 
Presidency  of  the  need  of  regularising  the  position  of  the  English 
in  Bengal  and  Bihar. 

Wee  understood  by  the  cossetts  .  .  .  that  you  had  some  diferences 
with  the  Moorcs ;  but  wee  hope  ere  this  they  are  composed  with 
honour  to  our  nation,  and  that  you  have  gott  the  Kings  firmaund 
renewed,  as  the  Dutch  have.  Patana  is  out  of  the  Nabobs  gover- 
ment,  and  it  would  be  good  that  you  would  pleas  to  send  coppie  of 
that  firmaund  for  that  place  (if  procured)  unto  the  Cheife  there  .  .  . 
because  tis  a  bussiness  of  soe  high  concernment  that  otherwais  the 
saltpeeter  may  bee  absented  from  coming  downe,  and  wee  cannot 
tell  who  to  adress  ourselves  unto  for  the  cleareing  of  itt. 

There  is  no  separate  series  of  records  for  Bengal  at  this  period  ; 
but  before  concluding  we  may  notice  a  few  scattered  documents, 
which  are  mostly  to  be  found  among  the  Original  Corrcspoiidencc. 
The  first  of  these  is  a  letter  written  by  Job  Charnock  at  Patna  on 
19  March,  1662,  addressed  to  Trevisa  at  Hugh,  and  bearing  a  fine 
impression  of  Charnock's  Persian  seal.  It  is  concerned  partly  with 
a  private  speculation  of  the  latter  in  musk,  and  partly  with  the 
procury  of  saltpetre.  Then  comes  one  from  Trevisa  and  Powell  at 
Hugh  (11  April)  to  the  Agent  and  Council  at  Fort  St.  George, 
mentioning  the  departure  of  Ion  Ken  for  Madras  on  22  January  in 
the  Little  George,  and  the  sailing  of  the  Mattlieiv  and  Thomas  on 
2  February  for  the  Maldives.  The  death  of  John  Priddy  early  in 
that  month  at  Kasimbazar  was  announced  ;  also  the  continued 
sickness  of  Trevisa.  Sheldon  had  refused  to  obey  a  summons  to 
Hugh ;  and  in  view  of  the  continued  aftronts  received  from  his 
subordinates,  Trevisa  hoped  that  some  one  would  be  sent  up  from 
Madras  to  take  his  place.  Passing  by  a  letter  from  Gififord  at  Fort 
St.  George  (15  April)  to  Aldworth,  on  matters  of  private  trade,  we 
come  upon  one  addressed  by  Ken  at  the  same  place  to  Trevisa  on 
17  April.  This  advised  the  loss  of  the  Little  George,  and  the 
writer's  impending  return  upon  the  Mattheiv  and  Thomas.  Next 
in  order  of  date  are  two  letters  from  the  President  and  Council  at 
Surat  to  Sheldon  and  Charnock  respectively  (both  dated  16  July^ 
1662).  In  the  first  of  these  Sheldon  was  reproved  for  his  want  of 
respect  to  Trevisa,  and  urged  to  obey  the  directions  of  the  latter. 


i86  THE  COAST  AND  BAY,  1662 

The  communication  to  Patna  contained  nothing  of  importance.  A 
note  from  Charnock  at  that  place  to  Aldworth  at  Balasore  on 
13  August  complained  of  injuries  done  him  by  Chamberlain  ;  and 
one  from  Powell  at  Hugli  to  the  same  factor  on  13  September 
dealt  merely  with  their  private  trade.  On  30  October  Ken  wrote 
from  Hugli  to  Aldworth,  instructing  him  to  recover  'by  faire  or 
fovvle  meanes  '  certain  sums  due  to  Trevisa ;  and  some  time  in 
December  we  find  Ken  and  Aldworth  at  the  sea  coast,  busily 
engaged  in  dispatching  the  Royal  Charles  {O.C.  3027). 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663. 

During  the  early  part  of  the  year  Sir  George  Oxenden's 
Council  consisted  of  Goodier  and  Aungier,  the  latter  having  been 
promoted  to  that  position  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Lambton. 
The  remaining  member  of  the  Council,  Henry  Gary,  who  ranked 
above  Aungier,  was  absent  at  this  time,  but  in  June  we  find  him 
again  in  his  place. 

The  first  event  calling  for  notice  is  the  dispatch,  early  in  February, 
of  Robert  Master  to  Karwar  in  the  Convertine ;  of  this  an  account 
will  be  given  in  a  later  chapter.  On  the  12th  of  the  same  month 
a  consultation  was  held,  at  which,  after  much  debate,  it  was  decided 
to  buy  a  quantity  of  saltpetre  for  the  Convertine ,  upon  her  return,  to 
carry  to  Bantam.     At  the  same  meeting 

The  President  made  knowne  to  his  Councell  that  an  opportunity 
now  presented,  by  an  acquaintance  of  his  in  towne  who  had  a  brother 
up  at  court  in  great  creditt  and  respected  there  by  most  of  the 
nobles,  through  whose  means  there  was  hopes  of  obtaining  the  like 
privilledges  that  the  Dutch  had  lately  graunted  them  after  so  vast 
an  expence,  and  others  of  as  great  concernment,  and  that  this  might 
be  done  without  sending  any  of  our  nation  up  to  court  and  with  the 
expence  of  no  great  summ. 

This  matter  it  was  decided  to  leave  in  the  hands  of  the 
President. 

Some  time  in  February,  it  would  seem,  arrived  a  letter,  dated 
2  December,  1662,  from  Thomas  Coates  in  Siam.^     In  this  he  gave 

^  See  Dr.  John  Anderson's  English  Intercourse  with  Siani,  p.  93,  for  quotations. 


I 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  187 

a  list  of  the  piece-goods  most  in  demand  there,  and  mentioned  that 
South  was  still  with  him,  but  was  about  to  depart  to  Batavia  in 
a  Dutch  ship.  His  funds  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  would  be 
forced  to  borrow  money  from  the  King.  He  had  asked  leave  from 
the  latter  to  return  to  Surat  via  Malacca,  but  the  King, '  being  very 
desirous  that  the  English  should  come  and  reside  here ',  would  not 
allow  him  to  go  unless  formally  recalled.  Coates  hoped  to  hear 
from  the  President  accordingly,  as  he  was  anxious  to  get  away. 

On  17  February  a  letter  from  the  Company,  dated  25  August, 
1662,  and  sent  overland,  reached  Surat.  This  is  chiefly  concerned 
with  the  commodities  to  be  purchased  in  readiness  for  the  next  fleet, 
viz.  lac,  coffee  (20  tons),  cardamoms,  cassia  lignum,  cotton  yarn, 
cowries,  Malabar  pepper,  myrrh,  turmeric,  olibanum,  camphor, 
spikenard  (if  good),  '  tyncall ',  if  procurable  at  about  50^-.  per  cwt., 
aloes  Socotrina  (but  not  to  cost  more  than  12^.  per  lb.),  senna  (if 
fresh),  with  a  limit  of  ^^s.  per  cwt.,  and  all  the  cinnamon  obtainable. 
Goat's  wool  is  not  profitable,  unless  it  can  be  supplied  at  8d.  per  lb. 
The  saltpetre  received  from  Surat  is  far  more  expensive  than  that 
from  Bengal  ;  still,  if  a  supply  can  be  obtained  at  under  25^'.  per 
cwt.,  100  tons  may  be  sent  home.  No  more  red  earth  or  sal- 
ammoniac  should  be  provided  unless  expressly  ordered.  Detailed 
instructions  are  next  given  as  to  the  piece-goods  required.  The 
Committees  repeat  the  directions  already  given  to  Oxenden  that  the 
Second  in  Council  at  Surat  and  the  Chiefs  of  subordinate  factories 
are  to  examine  and  sort  all  piece-goods.  Although  the  Agra 
factory  has  been  abandoned,  and  the  wars  have  hindered  the 
provision  of  '  sovaguzzees,  dutties,  and  dungarrees '  at  Rajapur,  the 
Company  are  still  desirous  of  a  large  quantity  of  these  goods. 
If  it  proves  impossible  to  obtain  '  mercoolees  '  and  '  derebands'  from 
the  former  place,  the  weavers  round  Surat  should  be  induced  to 
make  an  imitation  cloth,  |  of  a  yard  broad  and  13  or  14  long, 
to  replace  the  'derebands'.  As  for  the  Rajapur  goods,  it  is  hoped 
that  the  wars  are  now  ended  and  that  the  supply  may  be  resumed. 
All  calicoes  provided  must  be  of  good  quality  and  full  dimensions, 
well  bleached,  and  properly  packed.  The  total  quantity  of  goods 
ordered  is  calculated  to  amount  to  over  900  tons,  and  it  is  intended 
to  send  out  next  spring  50,000/,  in  money  and  goods  to  provide  the 
necessar}'  funds. 


i88  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

The  letter  concludes  with  some  items  of  general  news.  The  loss 
of  some  homeward-bound  Dutch  ships  was  reported. 

The  long  treaty  betweene  our  Kings  Majestic  and  the  States  of 
Holland  is  not  yet  come  to  a  conclusion  and  it  is  suposed  that,  after 
all  this  time  spent,  it  may  breake  off  without  a  settlement.^  It  is 
reported  that  the  embassadors  will  suddenly  depart.  What  the 
issue  may  bee,  a  small  time  will  declare,  and  then  wee  shall  take 
an  opertunity  to  give  you  timely  knowledge  thereof.  In  the  meanc 
time  wee  desire  you  to  bee  very  vigillant  and  carefull  that  you  bee 
not  circumvented,  or  any  part  of  our  estate  distributed  into  any 
such  hands  or  places  that  may  render  it  lyable  to  their  mercy. 

A  postscript  offers  the  Company's  servants  encouragement  to 
remit  home  their  funds  in  the  shape  of  diamonds,  private  trade  in 
which  was  already  permitted. 

Mr.  Mathew  Andrewes,  by  our  last  shipping  retorned  from 
Surrat,  sent  for  England  a  considerable  quantitie  of  dyamonds,  con- 
tracting to  pay  five  per  cent,  for  fraight  and  custome.  If,  therefore, 
any  persons  in  Surratt  or  within  your  jurisdiction  shall  desire  upon 
the  same  termes  to  make  home  what  quantitie  of  dyamonds  they 
have  or  shall  provide,  and  consigne  them  to  us,  that  is  to  say, 
to  allow  five  per  cent,  for  fraight  and  custome,  and  the  interessed  to 
beare  the  dangers  of  the  seaes,  wee  doe  hereby  engage  that  the 
parcells  so  consigned  unto  us  for  reception  shall,  after  receipt  and 
the  said  five  per  cent,  paid,  bee  faithfully  delivered  to  such  person 
or  persons  as  order  shall  direct.  This  wee  desire  you  to  make 
publiquely  knowne,that  all  persons  may  take  knowledge  thereof. 

At  the  time  when  this  packet  reached  Surat,  Oxenden  and  his 
Council  were  preparing  to  send  Rolt  and  Sainthill  in  an  Indian- 
owned  ship  to  Mokha,  '  to  looke  after  Mr.  Anthony  Smith  and  the 
Companies  estate  there  '.  At  a  consultation  held  on  28  February, 
Oxenden  proposed  to  entrust  to  these  merchants  the  duty  of 
procuring  the  coffee,  myrrh,  and  olibanum  ordered  by  the  Company. 
His  colleagues,  however,  objected  that  their  employers  had  positively 
forbidden  the  lading  of  any  of  their  goods  on  'jounks';  and  so 
a  contract  was  entered  into  with  an  Indian  merchant  who  was 
making  a  voyage  to  Mokha,  to  provide  the  said  goods  at  a  com- 
mission of  two  per  cent.,  payable  only  upon  their  receipt  at  Surat. 
On  the  same  day  an  agreement  was  made  with  '  Peru  Suddarung 

'  For  these  negotiations  see  the  companion  series  of  Court  Alintites,  etc.,  1660-63. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  189 

[Piru  Saddar-rang],  of  the  Jooneja  [?  Jhunjar]  Cast',  to  provide  by 
the  end  of  the  year  20,000  pieces  of  *  Deriabauds '  and  10,000  of 
'  mercoles',  in  consideration  of  an  advance  of  Rs.  10,000,  a  further 
payment  of  Rs.  15,000  on  the  dispatch  of  the  goods,  and  the  balance 
a  month  after  their  receipt.  His  commission  was  to  be  10^  per 
cent.,  and  he  was  to  be  reimbursed  all  transport  charges.  In  the 
event  of  the  goods  not  arriving  by  the  time  fixed,  only  the 
'  mercoles '  were  to  be  taken  for  the  Company,  the  rest  being  left  on 
the  broker's  hands. 

The  vessel  in  which  Rolt  and  Sainthill  were  to  voyage  for 
Mokha  was  the  67.  Michael,  belonging  to  '  Cojah  Minaz ',  an 
Armenian  merchant  of  Surat.  Their  instructions  were,  upon 
arrival,  to  endeavour  to  get  into  touch  with  Smith,  or,  in  his 
absence,  with  the  Governor,  but  not  to  land  without  assurance 
of  safety,  as  it  was  reported  that  the  English  warehouses  were 
sealed  up  on  suspicion  that  a  pirate,  who  had  troubled  the  Red  Sea 
during  the  previous  year,  was  English.  It  was  reckoned  that  Smith 
must  have  a  large  sum  in  hand,  and  he  and  the  two  factors  now 
sent  were  to  realize  everything  and  come  away  with  the  proceeds  on 
one  of  the  Mogul  Emperor's  ships  returning  to  Surat.  Private  in- 
structions were  also  given  to  Rolt  and  his  companions,  to  be  acted 
upon  if  they  found  that  Smith  was  dead  or  had  deserted  his  post. 
In  these  it  was  stated  that  only  two  letters  had  been  received 
from  Smith,  both  written  from  Ta'izz,  in  Yemen.  One  was  addressed 
to  Andrews,  and  the  other  to 

Signor  Hubert  Hugo,^  who  is  said  to  be  a  rover  and  the  passed 

1  The  Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663,  contains  many  references  to  this  pirate.  He  had 
been  in  the  Dutch  Company's  service  as  Chief  at  Ahmadabad,  and  had  gone  home  in 
November,  1654.  He  sailed  from  Amsterdam  about  August,  1661,  in  a  new  vessel 
named  the  Black  Eagle,  of  36  guns  and  100  men,  bound  ostensibly  for  Guinea  and  the 
West  Indies.  A  call  v?as  made  at  Havre,  where  a  number  of  Frenchmen  joined  the  crew, 
bringing  a  commission  from  the  Due  de  Vendome  {^Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1665,  p.  268). 
The  ship  went  first  to  St.  Augustine's  Bay,  in  Madagascar,  and  then  made  for  the  Persian 
Gulf,  but,  the  winds  being  contrary,  was  forced  to  put  into  the  Red  Sea  (April,  1662), 
where  several  Indian  and  other  vessels  were  captured.  The  Governor  of  Mokha  equipped 
a  squadron  and  sent  it  against  the  freebooter,  but  without  success  ;  and  in  June,  1662, 
Hugo  sailed  away  with  a  booty  estimated  at  from  four  to  five  tons  of  gold.  He 
called  at  Mauritius,  and  again  at  St,  Helena,  intending,  it  was  said,  to  proceed  to  the 
West  Indies,  While  the  vessel  was  at  St.  Helena,  the  Governor,  John  Dutton,  obtained 
from  one  of  those  on  board  an  account  of  their  proceedings  from  July,  1661  to  December, 
1662  ;  a  translation  of  this  he  sent  home  and  it  is  now  in  the  Public  Record  Office  (see 


190  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

yeare  surprized  many  of  these  country  vessailes,  from  whence  hee 
is  possest  of  much  riches,  shrouding  themselves  under  sometyme 
English,  sometyme  Dutch  colours,  useing  an  unmercifull  behaviour 
towards  those  who  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into  their  hands  ; 
which  their  hostile  and  piraticall  proceedings  caused  great  jealousies 
in  the  Governor  of  Mocha  who  this  should  be  :  so  that  upon 
suspition,  wee  are  informed,  the  howse  where  I\Ir.  Smith  dwelt  was 
sealed  up^  and  hee  gone  up  into  the  country,  from  whence  hee 
writes  these  letters. 

In  those  letters  Smith  gave  no  account  of  what  had  happened  to 
the  Company's  estate  or  why  he  had  left  Alokha,  but  merely 
bewailed  his  own  condition.  In  the  event  of  his  being  found  to  have 
acted  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Company,  the  two  factors  were  to 
endeavour  to  secure  him  and  his  goods,  and  also  to  recover  any- 
thing belonging  to  his  employers,  threatening  the  Governor,  if 
necessary,  that,  in  the  event  of  satisfaction  not  being  given,  the 
English  would  'force  restitution  from  the  port'. 

Any  anxiety  as  to  Smith's  safety  was  allayed  by  the  arrival 
(apparently  in  April)  of  a  letter  from  him  dated  at  Mokha 
33  February,  1663.  In  this,  after  some  reflections  on  '  the  whierles 
of  fortune  and  the  twirl es  of  fate  '  and  his  '  cxtrordinary  crosses  and 
afflictions',  he  gave  the  following  account  of  his  adventures. 

When  Signor  Hubert  Hugo  with  his  French  man  of  warr  lay  at 
the  Babbs,^  I  made  an  escape  (in  the  absence  of  Sihud  Zead ")  up 
into  the  countrey  to  the  Emam,^  who  willingly  heard  my  complaint, 
but  delay'd  to  doe  me  any  right,  until!  he  heard  that  the  French 
pirate  made  havocke  in  ]\Iocha  bunder  and  had  twice  beaten  his 
Governor  and  burnt  three  jounks  in  the  road,  slaine  his  souldiers 
and  tooke  six  of  his  great  boates  with  14  peices  of  artillery  ;  which 
boates  in  derision  he  brought  before  the  Governor  and  burnt  them 
all  on  a  row,  and  then  went  away  with  divers  rich  prizes  that  he  had 
taken,  and  carried  with  him  as  prisoner  Suroor  Mushud   [Surur 

Cal.  S.P.,  Vom.,  1663-64,  p.  148^.  The  story  is  continued  in  a  letter  of  1664,  given 
later. 

It  is  probable  that  the  pirates  referred  to  by  Manucci  {Storia,  vol.  ii.  p.  45)  were  Hugo 
and  his  companions.  See  also  references  in  the  Hist.  MSS.  Commission's  report  on  the 
Finch  MSS.  (191 3),  vol.  i.  pp.  2 86,  440,  and  in  the  Voyages  of  Jean  de  Thevenot 
(ed.,1723,  vol.  V.  p.  62),  where  is  related  the  plundering  by  Hugo  of  a  junk  carrying  the 
baggage,  etc.  of  the  dowager  Queen  of  BIjapur. 

1  The  Straits  of  Bab-nl-Mandab,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Red  Sea. 

2  Saiyid  Ziyad  (?),  Governor  of  Mokha. 

2  The  Imam  of  San'a,  who  was  now  in  control  of  Mokha. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  191 

Mashhadi  ?],  Peer  Ckawne  [Pir  Khan],  and  divers  others  that  were 
sent  on  board  perforce  by  Sihud  Zead  to  make  peace.  After  which, 
upon  arrivall  of  a  Dutch  shipp  from  Sealon,  I  was  sent  downe  in 
great  state,  having  a  horse  and  a  vest  from  the  Emam  and  absolute 
order  to  Sihud  Zead  to  doe  me  all  honor ;  which  was  performed 
with  great  ceremoney,  in  presence  of  the  Dutch  and  the  whole  citty, 
being  vested  and  led,  with  kittle  drums  before  me,  to  the  house  ; 
which  I  found  fast  and  sealed  as  I  left  it,  but  comeing  up  into  the 
dewan  cona  ^  found  that  the  house  had  been  robbed,  for  they 
had  broken  into  the  window  and  broke  open  my  chamber  dore,  stole 
my  plate,  pistolls,  and  gold  buttons,  broken  of  the  lid  of  the  cash 
chest  and  tooke  all  that  was  in  it,  being  five  baggs  containing 
4,000  dollars  fine.  With  which  sad  newes  I  went  to  the  Governor, 
who  was  extreamely  troubled  at  it,  but,  considering  with  himselfe 
a  litle,  he  promised  to  find  out  the  theves  and  recover  all,  or  else  to 
pay  it  himselfe.  So  that  now  the  face  of  things  is  changed  and,  if 
you  send  a  shipp  of  countenance,  I  doubt  not  but  he  will  pay  the 
money,  and  you  will  deliver  [me]. 

This  intelligence  was  satisfactory,  so  far  as  it  seemed  to  clear 
Smith  from  suspicion  and  gave  hopes  that  no  obstacle  would  be 
placed  by  the  Mokha  authorities  in  the  way  of  a  resumption  of 
trade  ;  but  obviously  there  was  nothing  to  be  done  for  the  time 
being,  except  to  await  the  result  of  the  mission  of  Rolt  and 
Sainthill.  No  further  news  arrived  until  14  August,  when  the 
St.  Michael  returned,  bringing  a  short  letter  from  Smith,  Rolt,  and 
Sainthill,  dated  from  Mokha  on  27  July.     This  announced  that 

It  pleased  God  the  30  March  to  arrive  in  safety  to  this  port 
Mr.  Rolt  and  Robert  Sainthill,  who  were  by  this  Governour,  Sihud 
Zead  Eben  Ally,  peaceably  and  respectfully  received,  Anthony 
Smith  being  then  at  port  and  the  Governour,  by  command  from 
Emam  Ismaill,  reconciled  with  him.  So  that  since,  having  had  all 
respectfull  and  faire  usage,  wee  have  by  Gods  assistance  disposed  of 
all  or  most  part  of  merchantable  goods  in  the  house  that  was 
remayning  ;  what  is  not  yet  sold  being  so  inconsiderable  that  it  shall 
no  way  deter  us  from  clearing  this  place  of  all  what  ever  belonging 
to  the  Honourable  Company  ;  being  resolved,  according  to  your 
order,  to  sell  what  is  damaged  or  otherwise  for  what  it  will  yeild, 
and  then  shipp  our  selves  and  money  on  the  Gimsoffy  \Ganjsa'wai\ 
and  Saby  \_SaJidbi\  which  wee  hope  in  8  or  10  dayes  will  set  saile. 

We  know  that  the  factors  reached  Surat  in  due  course,  but  we 

'  Dlwdn-khdna,  here  meaning  a  reception  room. 


192  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

have  no  record  of  the  date  of  their  arrival.  A  Dutch  letter  of 
20  September  mentions  Smith's  return,  and  says  that  he  had  a  bad 
reception  from  Oxenden,who  blamed  him  for  having  remained  four 
years  at  Mokha  without  sending  proper  advices  {Batavia  DagJi- 
Register,  1663,  p.  680),  That  the  President  was  far  from  satisfied 
with  Smith's  excuses  is  shown  in  a  later  document  {O.C.  3058),  in 
which  the  latter  is  accused  of  quarrelling  with  the  Governor  of 
Mokha,  of  sheltering  certain  of  Hugo's  men  who  were  driven  ashore 
in  a  boat,  and  of  falsely  asserting  that  the  warehouse  had  been 
robbed  during  his  absence. 

Early  in  February  Oxenden's  ship,  the  Royal  Welcome,  was 
dispatched  to  Gombroon.  The  letter  she  carried  is  no  longer 
extant,  but  from  the  factors'  reply  (28  February)  we  gather  that  the 
scheme  of  blockading  the  Persian  ports  in  order  to  extort  a  larger 
payment  on  account  of  the  customs  had  been  shelved  by  the  prudent 
President. 

On  5  March  a  letter  was  sent  overland  from  Surat  to  the 
Company.  Of  this  there  is  a  copy  among  the  Oxenden  Papers,  but 
only  a  few  extracts  are  available  at  the  India  Office.  After 
announcing  the  capture  of  Cochin  by  the  Dutch,  the  latter  proceeded 
to  answer  the  one  from  the  Company  of  25  August.  The  goods 
ordered  would  be  supplied  as  far  as  possible,  and  obedience  was 
promised  to  the  Company's  other  injunctions.  Some  general  rule 
regarding  the  reckoning  of  tonnage  was  requested,  as  the  same  com- 
modity had  hitherto  been  reckoned  at  Surat  at  16,  12,  and  even 
10  cwt.  to  the  ton.  An  account  was  given  of  the  disposal  of  the 
goods  brought  out  by  Oxenden.  The  elephants'  teeth  had  proved 
the  most  difficult  commodity  to  sell.  By  an  ancient  custom,  only 
those  tusks  weighing  16  seers  or  upwards  would  fetch  the  full  price  ; 
those  of  10  to  16  seers,  called  '  cundware  ',  were  reckoned  at  a  third 
less;  while  all  under  10  seers,  known  as  'burr',  would  only  realize 
half  price.  The  Mozambique  tusks  were  considered  the  best ;  then 
those  from  Achin ;  then  those  from  Guinea  (which  were  drier  and 
more  brittle).  In  future  only  the  largest  kind  should  be  sent  out. 
As  the  Dutch  were  cutting  off  access  to  the  pepper  ports  to  the 
southwards,  the  factory  at  Karwar  must  be  retained  at  all  costs ; 
and  it  was  worth  considering  whether  Anjidiv  should  not  be  per- 
manently  garrisoned    for  the  security  of  that  place.     Lambton's 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  193 

sudden  death  had  left  the  accounts  in  much  confusion.  Search  was 
being  made  for  Bladwell,  as  yet  without  success.  Some  account 
was  given  of  Hugo's  piracy  in  the  Red  Sea.  An  endeavour  was 
being  made  underhand  to  procure  a  similar  concession  as  that 
obtained  by  the  Dutch,  viz.  a  reduction  of  one  per  cent,  in  the 
customs. 

Wee  are,  with  the  expence  of  2COo/.  or  thereabouts,  makeing  our 
bargaine  soe  wariely  in  your  behalfe  that  you  are  not  to  bee  at  any 
charge  except  the  graunt  be  first  had  and  obtained  ;  which  ceare- 
tainely  will  be  of  great  advantage  to  you,  for  in  your  export  and 
import  you  have  not,  when  least,  paid  customes  for  less  then  90  or 
joo,ooo/.,  the  custome  whereof  at  one  per  cent,  will  be  1000/. 

The  coral  had  been  sold  at  a  good  profit,  and  the  outlook  for  the 
future  was  promising,  provided  the  Company  could  reduce  the 
amount  of  private  trade  smuggled  out,  which  was  so  great  as  to  be 
past  belief. 

The  Coiivevtine  returned  to  Swally  towards  the  end  of  March, 
and  her  captain,  John  Tinker,  then  requested  the  removal  from  the 
ship  of  certain  members  of  the  crew  who  had  behaved  in  a  mutinous 
manner.^  A  consultation  was  held  accordingly  on  31  March,  at 
which  it  was  ordered  that  four  of  the  principal  offenders  should  be 
removed  to  other  vessels  and  kept  in  custody  until  an  opportunity 
offered  of  sending  them  home  for  trial.  That  punishment  was  not 
inflicted  on  the  spot  seems  to  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that  about 
thirty  other  members  of  the  crew  landed  in  support  of  the  offenders 
and  it  was  thought  prudent  to  avoid  provoking  them. 

In  the  Convertine  came,  as  a  prisoner,  Richard  Bladwell,  whom  we 
last  heard  of  (p.  109)  as  being  at  Basra.  He  had  got  back  to  Surat 
somehow,  and  then,  finding  that  charges  had  been  made  against 
him,  had  absconded,  but  had  been  found  at  Rajapur,  seized,  and  sent 
to  Surat.  He  was  arraigned  before  the  President  and  Council  at 
Swally  on  7  April.'^  He  was  charged  with  sending  large  quantities 
of  goods  in  private  trade  to  Macassar,  Siam,  and  other  places,  thus 

^  Tinker  had  complained  already  of  this  in  a  letter  from  Karwar  (23  February),  in 
which  he  said  :  '  Sir  Abraham  Shipman  had  been  aboard,  and  Bacchus  had  got  possession 
in  me  and  as  much  or  more  in  the  mutineers,  that  they  gave  me  some  provoking  language 
and  I  cut  two  of  them  .  .  .  but  this  rebellion  hath  been  long  a  hatching.'  For  the  other 
side  of  the  case,  see  the  mariners'  petition  in  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  103,  p.  254. 

*  See  also  his  letter  in  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  103,  p.  254. 

2597  O 


194 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 


injuring  the  sale  of  the  Company's  own  goods,  and  with  paying  little 
or  no  freight  for  the  same.  His  answer  was  that  Andrews  was 
responsible  for  all  that  was  done  during  his  Presidency  and  had 
given  bond  to  answer  for  everything.  Oxenden  brusquely  replied 
that  Andrews  was  only  accountable  for  his  own  proceedings,  and 
that  Bladwell  must  either  pay  the  freight  demanded  or '  lie  in  irons  ' 
until  he  did  so.  Bladwell  then  requested  to  be  sent  home,  where  the 
Company  had  his  bond  as  security ;  answer  was  made  that  this  was 
entirely  insufficient  and  that  satisfaction  must  be  given  at  Surat. 
Finding  him  obstinate,  however,  and  seeing  no  chance  of  extracting 
any  money  from  him,  the  Council  finally  decided  to  send  him  back 
to  the  Convertine ,  to  be  carried  to  England  as  a  prisoner.  They 
reported  their  proceedings  in  a  postcript  to  their  letter  of  6  April,  at 
the  same  time  expressing  a  hope  that  the  Company  would  properly 
resent  Bladwell's  plea  that  he  was  not  liable  to  render  account  to 
any  President  save  the  one  under  whom  he  was  employed. 

The  letter  referred  to  (which  was  sent  by  the  Coiivertine)  was 
rather  brief,  partly  because  full  advices  had  been  dispatched  over- 
land only  a  month  before,  and  partly  because,  as  the  Convertine 
was  going  home  by  way  of  Bantam,  any  intelligence  sent  by  her 
was  likely  to  '  come  too  late  for  newes '.  Certain  passages,  how- 
ever, deserve  quotation. 

Wee  have  since  further  examined  your  bookes,  and  find  very 
strange  and  extravagant  expences,  and  so  intricately  woven  that  it 
will  ask  time  to  prick  out  every  perticuler.  .  . .  Wee  know  not  how 
our  King's  Majestie  will  resent  the  Portugalls  and  Hollanders  con- 
tepipt,  the  one  in  not  surrendring  Bombay,  the  other  in  positively 
denying  his  shipps  to  put  in  at  Porqua,  upon  pretence  of  their  being 
lords  of  that  port ;  which  is  a  province  or  petty  kingdome  of  it  selfe 
and  hath  a  Rajah  or  King  by  whom  it  is  govern'd,  as  all  that  coast 
along  hath.  And  therefore,  if  it  should  be  resented  to  that  height 
that  warrs  may  insue,  wee  hope  you  will  take  especiall  care  to  give 
us  timely  advice,  that  wee  may  dispose  your  affaires  accordingly. . . . 
Nay,  our  hopes  are  you  will  so  consult  and  setle  the  businesse  that 
wee  may  not  only  be  preadvised,  but  that  His  Majestie  by  your 
advice  may  put  us  in  a  capacity  to  strike  first,  and  not  suffer  them 
to  have  advantage  upon  us  allwayes.  .  .  .  Your  lead  ...  all  went  off 
upon  the  coast  very  currantly  to  good  proffit  .  .  .  and  wee  beleive,  if 
the  Dutch  will  permit  us  to  trade,  and  not  cloy  the  marketts  (the 
first  of  which  cheifely  to  be  feared),  you  may  vend  as  much  more 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  195 

yearely  as  came  out  this  yeare ;  for  both  Mocha  and  this  place 
vends  considerable  quantitys,  but  wee  have  not  had  occasion  to  take 
ashoare  one  pound.  Here  is  a  most  irreconcilable  hatred  continued 
betvven  the  Dutch  seamen  and  ours.  They  have  been  together  by 
the  eares  againe,  and  a  Dutchman  slaine  in  the  quarrell ;  but  by 
their  confessions  taken  and  sent  you,  together  with  the  affirmations 
of  the  Dutch  that  were  examined,  the  Dutch  man  wounded  the 
English  man  first.  There  was  but  two  in  the  broile,  by  name  John 
Wilkes  and  Joseph  Brewer ;  whom  wee  have  returned  home  on  the 
Convertine,  with  their  attestations  and  confessions  of  the  insolence 
of  the  Dutch  here.  .  .  ^ 

By  way  of  cargo  for  Bantam  they  had  provided  the  ship  with 
some  saltpetre  for  ballast,  some  cowries  (costing  Rs.  3  or  3^  per 
maund),  and  a  quantity  of  piece-goods.  The  total  value  was  about 
Rs.  46,300.  Among  the  instructions  given  to  Tinker  for  his  voyage, 
mention  is  made  of  two  men,  Robert  Commins  and  George  Penn, 
who  '  since  the  open  trade  remayned  here  in  India  '  but  were  now 
going  home  with  him  as  passengers. 

The  next  vessel  to  be  dispatched  was  the  Vine^  which,  having 
been  repaired  at  considerable  cost,  was  ordered  to  undertake  a 
voyage  to  Achin,  Oueda,  &c.,  under  the  command  of  Joseph  Black- 
man,  in  the  middle  of  April.  In  her  Nicholas  Scrivener  and 
Valentine  Nurse  were  sent  to  be  Chief  and  Third  respectively  of  the 
factory  at  Achin,  with  Cobb  and  Clopton  as  Second  and  Fourth. 
They  were  instructed  to  investigate  further  the  charges  made 
against  Gary,  which  had  been  reaffirmed  in  letters  brought  from 
Achin  by  John  Widdrington,  who  had  arrived  in  a  junk  from  that 
place  towards  the  end  of  March.  Widdrington  himself,  finding  no 
employment  offered  him  at  Surat,  petitioned  the  President  and 
Council  on  24  April  for  leave  to  proceed  to  the  Coromandel  Coast, 
promising  that,  if  his  services  were  not  required  there,  he  would  go 
home  by  the  next  shipping. 

Two  privately  owned  ships,  the  Seaflower  and  the  Hopewell^ 
sailed  for  Gombroon  and  Basra  about  6  March  and  6  April  respec- 
tively. On  10  June  Craddock  and  Flower  answered  the  two  letters 
sent  by  those  vessels,  of  which  the  Seaflower,  after  leaving  Gom- 

'  Some  particulars  are  given  in  two  letters  from  Charles  James  at  Swally,  dated 
16  March.  For  attestations  on  the  subject  set  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  103,  pp.  262-5. 
An  account  from  the  Dutch  side  will  be  found  in  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  p.  314. 

O  2 


196  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

broon,  had  been  wrecked  on  the  shores  of  Arabia.  All  her  goods 
were  lost,  together  with  the  packet  of  letters  for  England,  but  those 
on  board  managed  to  get  ashore  safely.  The  two  factors  announced 
that  they  had  succeeded  in  getting  650  tumans  from  the  Shahbandar 
as  the  Company's  share  of  the  1662  customs,  and  that  they  were 
themselves  about  to  proceed  to  Ispahan  for  the  hot  weather. 

It  was  probably  in  the  latter  part  of  May  or  during  June  ^  that 
a  further  letter,  sent  overland  by  the  Company,  reached  Surat, 
This  was  dated  25  September,  1662,  and  in  it  the  Committees 
wrote : 

In  the  preceeding  wee  advised  you  that  the  treaty  betweene  our 
Kings  Majestic  and  the  States  of  Holland  was  not  come  to  a  con- 
clusion. But  since  then  the  peace  betweene  the  twoe  nations  is 
agreed  on,  and  three  moneths  sett  for  the  rattification  thereof.^  Soe 
that  wee  now  hope  our  affaires  in  India  will  bee  carried  on  by  you 
and  others  intrusted  with  the  manadgment  thereof  without  receive- 
ing  any  disturbance  from  the  Hollanders.  Wee  alsoe  in  the  pre- 
ceeding advised  that,  if  any  person  or  persons  with  you  shall  send 
over  any  dyamonds  or  Jewells  upon  the  termes  then  mentioned,  wee 
would  undertake  and  engage  for  their  delivery.  Wee  now  further 
add  and  let  you  know  that,  as  an  inducement  and  incouragment 
unto  all  those  that  shall  send  hither  any  dyamonds  or  Jewells,  they 
to  whome  they  shall  consigne  them  will  bee  permitted  to  transport 
or  send  them  hence  to  any  other  place  without  paying  any  dutie 
whatsoever  for  the  same.  And  if  any  with  you  (paying  the  five  per 
cent,  into  our  cash  with  you)  shall  consigne  any  dyamonds  or 
Jewells  unto  us  and  desire  their  transmitting  to  any  other  place,  wee 
doe  hereby  promise  really  to  comply  with  their  directions. 

During  the  rains  there  was  the  usual  lull  in  the  activities  of  the 
factors,  and  it  was  not  until  the  arrival  from  England  of  the  Loyal 
Merchant  on  26  September  (under  Nicholas  Millett)^  that  business 

1  This  is  inferred  from  the  statement  in  the  Baiavia  Dagh-Regisier,  1663  (p.  453),  that 
in  the%iiddle  of  May  the  English  at  Surat  were  ignorant  of  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty 
with  the  Dutch.     See  also  infra,  p.  202. 

*  The  treaty  was  signed  on  4  September,  1662,  and  ratified  at  the  Hague  on 
21  November,  and  at  Westminster  on  24  December.  For  its  term?  see  Court  Minutes, 
^c,  1660-3,  p.  251, 

^  His  journal  of  the  voyage  out  and  home  will  be  found  in  the  Ortne  MSS.  (no.  263) 
in  the  I.  O.  Library.  For  a  fuller  account  of  the  outward  voyage  see  L'Escaliot's  letter 
{Sloane  MSS.,  no.  1861,  f.  5,  in  the  British  Museum)  referred  to  later.  From  this  we 
learn  that  two  passengers  were  embarked  in  the  Downs,  '  one  of  them  a  PortuguU  gentleman 
called   Don  Vasco  de   Gama,  who,  for  killing  a  man  in  a  duel,  is  banished  from  his 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  197 

again  became  brisk.  She  brought  two  letters  from  the  Company, 
dated  24  March  and  4  April,  1663,  respectively.  The  first  of  these 
commences  by  referring  to  the  letters  recently  received  from  Surat, 
particularly  that  of  27  February,  1662.  The  running  comments  made 
on  these  require  no  special  notice.  Oxenden  is  charged  to  investigate 
the  charges  made  (see  p.  77)  by  the  Persia  factors  against  the  ex- 
President  Andrews,  whose  bill  of  exchange,  drawn  upon  the  Company 
from  Surat,  had  been  refused  acceptance  pending  satisfaction  for  his 
'  miscariages'. 

And  in  this  place  it  will  bee  convenient  to  give  you  notice  of  our 
resolutions  concerning  bills  of  exchange  in  the  future,  namely,  that 
if  any  person  shall  pay  any  somme  or  sommes  of  monie  into  our 
cash  with  you,  and  for  the  same  shall  take  bills  of  exchange  payable 
by  us  in  England,  that  then  the  said  bills  shall  bee  made  payable 
at  a  certeyne  time  (that  is  to  say,  30  or  40  daies)  after  the  shipps 
arriveall  in  England  on  which  the  said  bills  shall  bee  sent ;  and  if 
any  bills  shall  bee  transmitted  overland,  let  the  payment  referr  to 
the  ariveall  of  the  next  shipp  in  England  that  shall  bee  dispeeded 
from  your  port.  By  this  cource  it  is  our  meaneing  that  the  severall 
persons  for  whose  accompts  the  monies  shall  bee  paid  into  our  cash 
shall  runn  the  hazard  and  beare  the  adventure  of  their  mony  home 
to  England.  And  this  wee  have  resolved  shall  bee  a  standing  order  in 
all  our  factories,  except  it  bee  for  the  estates  of  such  as  shall  decease 
in  our  imployment  and  the  produce  thereof  brought  into  our  cash. 

After  some  animadversions  upon  the  conduct  of  Andrews  in  per- 
mitting Bladwell  to  send  so  much  private  trade  from  Siam  in  the 
Hopezvell,  and  after  touching  upon  other  topics,  the  letter  goes  on  : 

The  adventurers  in  this  present  Stock  haveing,  in  the  preamble 
to  the  booke  of  subscription,  concluded  that  at  seaven  yeares  end 
a  valuation  of  the  said  Stock  should  bee  made,  that  thereby  such  of 
the  adventurers  as  thought  fitt  might  draw  out  their  stock,  wee  doe 
therefore  desire  that,  in  complyance  thereunto,  you  send  us  all  your 
accompts  perfected  to  the  coming  away  of  the  shipping  in  January 
[1664]  or  December  1663,  that  is  to  say,  the  accompts  of  your 
owne  factory  and  those  of  all  the  factories  which  wee  have  sub- 
ordinated to  your  Presidency.  And  whereas  your  said  accompts 
usually  end  about  twoe  or  three  moneths  before  our  shipps  dispeed- 
ing,  wee  therefore  hereby  order  that  a  journall  abstract  and  perfect 

country,  and  is  now  at  Goa,  where  his  kinsman  is  Vice  Roye '.  The  other  was  Hardres, 
who  is  mentioned  on  p.  199.  For  the  permission  to  take  out  these  two,  see  The  Court 
Minutes^  ifc,  of  the  E.  India  Co.,  1660-3,  pp.  298,  302. 


198  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

inventory  of  all  things  whatsoever  aperteyning  unto  us  doe  accom- 
pany the  said  bookes,  and  that  an  equall  and  just  value,  according 
to  your  best  judgments,  bee  put  upon  them.  .  .  .  And  expresse 
perticulerly  what  of  our  debts  are  good  and  what  suposed  to  bee 
badd.  Also  send  us  the  names  of  all  our  factors  and  seamen,  and 
what  shall  bee  due  to  them  for  sallary  or  otherwise  upon  the  foote 
of  their  accompts. 

As  suggested  by  Oxenden.  no  more  factors  have  been  sent  out ; 
and  orders  are  given  that  any  now  employed,  who  have  not  been 
either  engaged  in  England  or  specially  sanctioned  by  the  Company, 
should  be  sent  home.  Care  should  be  taken  that  no  men  be  left 
ashore  by  the  departing  ships  ;  if  any  should  be,  they  and  those 
'  that  have  or  shall  receive  them  ashore '  are  to  be  dispatched  to 
England  in  the  next  shipping.  The  arrival  of  the  Rev.  Thomas 
Thomson,  the  late  '  minister '  at  Surat,  is  next  recorded. 

To  suply  whose  place,  and  that  you  may  not  bee  destitute  of  one 
that  may  direct  our  people  in  the  way  to  happinesse,  wee  have 
enterteyned  Mr.  John  Le  Scallett  ^  at  the  sallary  of  50/.  per  annum. 
Hee  is  a  person  of  able  parts  to  instruct  by  his  teaching,  and  wee 
doe  not  doubt  but  his  life  and  conversation  will  bee  exemplary  for 
sobriety  and  holinesse.  He  taketh  his  passage  on  the  Loyall 
Merchmit. 

Directions  are  next  given  to  send  to  St.  Helena  on  the  homegoing 
fleet 

Some  sheepe  and  deere  ;  also  a  butt  of  rack  [arrack]  on  each 
shipp.  And  procure  a  pound  or  twoe  of  indicoe  seede,  and  a  black 
that  hath  knowledg  how  to  sow  it  and  afterward  to  worke  it  to  per- 
fection. 

Copies  of  charter-parties  of  the  Loyal  Merchant  and  the  African 
are  sent,  and  attention  is  directed  to  certain  new  features  therein. 
Particulars  are  given  of  the  cargoes  of  the  two  vessels.  These 
amounted  in  all  to  65,143/.,  of  which  24,760/.  represented  the  value 
of  the  goods  and  40,383/.  was  in  coin  or  bullion.  Of  the  goods,  the 
chief  were  broadcloth  and  perpetuanoes  ^  (12,873/.),  lead  (2,407/.), 
quicksilver  (4,475/.),  vermilion  (1,143/.),  elephants'  teeth  (2,969/.), 
and  coral  (538/. !.  The  silver  and  gold  were  made  up  of  gold  ingots 
(1,969/.),    silver    ingots    (11,702/.),   rials    (23,000/.),   and    crusados 

*  L'Escaliot.      For   his    engagement,    and   some    particulars  about    him,    see    Coui-i 
Minutes,  1660-3,  PP-  292,  295. 

'  A  coarse  woollen  fabric,  so-named  from  its  durable  quality. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  199 

(3,712/.).  Both  ships  are  to  be  sent  back  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
No  cardamoms  should  be  provided,  as  they  are  not  much  in  request 
and  there  is  a  good  stock  at  home.  Indigo  has  risen  in  price,  and 
so  30c  bales  of  the  best  Lahore  (if  procurable  at  two  mahmudis  or 
less  per  \b.),  and  200  of  Sarkhej  (half  of  the  flat,  and  half  of  the 
round,  at  one  mahmudi  or  less  per  lb.)  may  be  supplied.  Richard 
Hardres,  who  was  engaged  as  purser's  mate  for  the  Convertine  but 
was  left  behind,  has  been  allowed  to  embark  in  the  Loyal  Merchant; 
if  he  is  not  needed  at  Surat,  he  must  return  in  that  vessel. 
Francisco  Picquett  has  been  allowed  to  send  1,500  rials  of  eight  to 
Oxenden  for  delivery  to  '  certeyne  Capuchine  padrees '  in  Surat. 
Copies  of  letters  received  from  John  Lambton  are  forwarded  as 
evidence  against  Andrews.  Inquiries  are  to  be  made  regarding  the 
estates  of  Samuel  Cropley  and  Edward  Flyer.  An  extra  quantity 
of  broadcloth  has  been  sent,  'it  beeing  our  desires  that  as  large 
a  quantity  of  our  manufactures  and  English  commodities  may  bee 
vended  in  all  parts  of  our  trade  as  possibly  may  bee ' ;  for  which 
purpose  lists  should  be  regularly  sent  home  of  all  such  goods  as  are 
likely  to  sell. 

The  letter  of  4  April  was  a  brief  one,  and  consisted  mainly  of  an 
additional  charge  against  Andrews  regarding  the  freight  money  of 
the  Eagle  in  her  voyage  to  Persia.  Permission  was  given  to  sell  the 
broadcloth  at  whatever  advance  on  the  invoiced  prices  could  be 
secured,  '  bee  it  5,  10,  or  more  or  lesse  per  cent. ',  in  order  to  increase 
the  sale  of  that  commodity.     A  final  paragraph  advises  that 

Wee  have  delivered  to  Mr.  John  Le  Scallett  one  booke  in  nine 
volumes,  beeing  Critici  Sacri,  and  cost  i6l}  These  you  are  to 
receive,  and  place  them  in  your  library  for  the  publique  use. 

At  a  consultation  held  on  3  October,  Oxenden  and  his  Council 
decided  to  send  the  Loyal  Merchant  down  the  coast  to  obtain 
pepper  and  other  goods ;  but  it  was  resolved  that,  as  she  was 
a  slow  sailer  and  it  was  inexpedient  to  run  any  risk  of  her  losing 
her  voyage  to  England,  she  should  not  go  lower  than  Mangalore. 
It  was  necessary  that  the  goods  awaiting  shipment  at  Porakad 
should  be  fetched  away ;  and  since  there  was  no  vessel  available 

^  See  Court  Mimites,  Ifc,  of  the  E.  India  Co.,  1660-3,  P-  IPA'  The  work  referred 
to  was  issued  ia  1660,  imder  the  editorship  of  John  Pearson  (Bishop  of  Chester)  and  others. 


200  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

belonging  to  the  Company,  Oxenden  consented  to  spare  the  Hope- 
well for  this  purpose,  leaving  his  colleagues  to  fix  what  should  be 
allowed  him  for  the  men's  wages,  victuals,  and  '  the  weare  and  teare 
of  the  ship '.  A  stock  was  ordered  to  be  provided  for  her,  to  be 
used  by  the  factors  at  Porakad  '  for  her  impleating ' ;  and  it  was 
determined  that  Randolph  Taylor  and  Charles  Bendish  should 
manage  the  cargo  of  the  Loyal  Merchant.  Details  of  these  two 
voyages  will  be  found  in  the  chapter  on  the  Malabar  factories.  The 
reference  to  the  scarcity  of  food  prevailing  at  Surat  should  not  be 
missed. 

The  African  (Captain  Robert  Fisher),  though  she  had  left 
England  a  week  before  the  Loyal  Merchant,  did  not  put  in  an 
appearance  at  Swally  till  12  October.  There  being  no  special  call 
for  her  services  elsewhere,  she  remained  quietly  at  anchor,  taking 
in  cargo  for  the  homeward  voyage.  Several  letters  from  Thomas 
Hoskins  at  Broach  and  Baroda  during  the  next  three  months  show 
how  actively  the  purchase  and  bleaching  of  calicoes  for  this  purpose 
went  forward.  From  the  general  report  made  by  the  President  and 
Council  in  their  letter  of  28  January  1664,  it  is  evident  that  the 
investment  was  rendered  more  than  usually  difficult  by  the  recent 
failure  of  the  rains. 

Cotton  is  80  per  cent,  dearer  then  usuall,  and  corne  at  double  the 
rate ;  here  falling  very  little  raine  the  last  yeare,  not  sufficient  to 
produce  corne  except  in  some  perticuler  places,  and  there  not  more 
then  halfe  and  quarter  crops.  And  yet  wee  presume  .  .  .  not  only 
to  recommend  the  yarne  but  the  tapseels,  broad  and  narrow,  to  bee 
better,  both  in  goodnesse,  colours,  and  condition,  then  those  were 
wont  to  bee  sent  you  ;  and  yet,  notwithstanding  the  dearenesse  of 
cotton  and  dearth  of  corne  etc.,  they  are  also  considerable  cheaper  ; 
besides  they  are  full  lengths  and  bredths,  which  you  were  not  wont 
to  have,  that  by  calculation  wee  reckon  you  have  in  the  whole  per- 
cell  for  nothing  45,000  covids  of  cloth  over  and  above  the  dimentions 
of  those  formerly  sent  you.  The  like  in  all  respects  are  the  brawles, 
bird's  eyes,  neccanees,  Guinea  stuffs  etc.  .  .  .  Wee  were  necessitated 
to  bespeak  the  cloth  that  made  the  chints  and  quilts,  broad  and 
narrow,  at  Ahmadavad.  .  .  .  You  will  like  them,  not  only  in  theire 
lengths  and  bredths  but  also  in  theire  cure  and  chinting.  .  .  .  Wee 
have  had  a  continued  investment  in  all  places  round  where  weavers 
inhabit,  that  wee  might  comply  with  the  quantityes  you  require  of 
us  in  broad  and  narrow  baftaes  and  sovaguzzes ;  setling  buyers  at 
Neriaud,  Brodra,  Daboy,  Broach,  Unclesear,  here  in  Surat,  Nausary, 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  201 

Gundave,^  etc.  ;  and  yet  cannot  attaine  to  the  quantityes  you  write 
for.  One  great  obsticle  is  our  strictnesse  and  severity  to  them  in 
keepeing  them  to  theire  true  lengths  and  bredths  ;  which  they  would 
with  lesse  trouble  have  been  brought  to,  were  it  not  for  other  buyers, 
that  stand  not  upon  it  soe  much  as  wee  doe,  especially  our  never 
faileing  obstructers  the  Dutch,  who  looke  neither  to  thicke  nor  thin, 
broad  or  narrow,  if  they  want  not  above  halfe  or  three  quarters  of 
a  yard  in  length  and  two  or  three  and  a  halfe  inches  in  bredth  ; 
which  makes  us  thinke  some  times  that  they  doe  it  on  purpose  to 
weary  us  out  and  hinder  our  buying  any.  What  of  these  sorts  wee 
could  get  together  wee  dare  recommend.  .  .  .  You  propound  the 
contracting  with  a  person  here  in  Surrat,  with  whome  you  would  have 
us  make  a  set  bargaine  for  the  quantityes  of  Dereabauds  and  Mer- 
coolees  ;  which  wee  have  endeavoured  without  success,  for  here  is 
no  man  that  will  oblidg  himselfe  to  such  performance.  Theire 
objections  are  that  goods  are  not  always  at  one  price  ;  oft  times  they 
rise  by  the  scarcity  of  cotton  or  come.  And  likewise  goods  bought 
are  obstructed  in  theire  transport  by  the  mortality  of  princes,  when 
the  people  rise  to  rob  and  plunder,  not  only  upon  the  roade  but 
great  townes  and  villages  ;  and  many  more  objections.  Besides, 
they  demaund  20  or  30  thousand  rupees  in  hand,  to  binde  us  to 
receive  the  goods.  Soe  that  they  will  not  undertake  it,  except  they 
are  sure  to  make  a  certaine  proffitt,  and  that  soe  considerable  that, 
were  there  goods  brought  out  of  the  country,  as  in  former  times,  wee 
should  buy  them  much  cheaper  then  they  will  contract  with  you 
heere.  For  from  the  time  of  our  arriveall  to  this  day,  wee  could 
not  buy  100  peeces  of  Dereabauds  or  any  other  Agra  cloth  ;  which 
wee  suspected  by  what  wee  found  the  last  yeare,  and  therefore  con- 
trived the  provission  of  what  wee  now  send  you  of  Dereabauds, 
broad  and  narrow,  Mercooles,  and  Ecbares  ;  else  had  you  not  had 
a  peece ;  but  this  was  not  done  without  some  adventure.  .  .  .  Wee 
hope  the  successe  wee  have  had,  and  the  proffitt  that  will  arise  to 
you  in  the  sale  of  these  goods  in  Europe,  will  perswade  with  you  to 
give  us  some  more  liberty  for  the  future,  in  leaveing  to  us  to  contrive 
the  best  means  for  the  procury  of  such  goods  as  you  shall  require 
from  us.  .  .  .  Thus  much  wee  shall  desire  you  to  take  notice  of .  .  . 
that  all  the  charges  that  ever  you  have  been  at  is  included  in  the 
price  of  the  goods  ;  which  if  not  understood,  may  make  them  seeme 
deare,  compared  with  goods  formerly  sent  you,  which  never  did 
beare  theire  reall  charges  of  the  factours  that  were  employed  to 
provide  them,  but  was  charged  apart  in  a.paire  of  bookes,  under  the 
heads  of  Charges  Merchandise,  House  Expences,  Accompt  Presents, 
Accompt  Interest,  Salary,  etc.  .  .  .  whereas  you  will  have  no  more 

^  Nariad,  Baroda,  Dabhoi,  Broach,  Anklesvar,  Surat,  Navsari,  Gandevi. 


202  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

to  add  to  these  goods  then  freight  and  customes  and  those  other 
ordinary  disboursements  at  home  with  you. 

On  14  November  came  an  opportunity  of  sending  a  letter  to  the 
Company  by  way  of  Persia  and  Aleppo.  This  furnishes  a  brief 
account  of  what  had  happened  since  the  departure  of  the  Convertine. 
A  warning  is  given  that  pepper  may  not  be  procurable  at  all,  nor 
saltpetre,  '  if  you  continue  to  tye  us  up  to  a  price  '  ;  and  the  Com- 
mittees are  advised  to  alter  their  charter-parties  accordingly.  None 
of  the  goods  recently  received  have  been  sold,  except  the  silver,  and 
that  to  great  loss.  The  silver  ingots  cost  li".  3^.  in  the  pound  more 
than  those  sent  out  in  the  Richard  and  Martha,  and  yet  are  not  so 
good. 

The  monye  changers,  to  whom  all  silver  that  is  imported  is  sould, 
have  had  essays,  which,  in  the  presence  of  our  owne  peopl'e  and  the 
Kings  minester,  was  publiquely  tried  in  the  Mint,  and  found  one 
with  another  to  issue  out  verry  course ;  whereuppon  wee  denied  to 
stand  to  the  proofe  then  made,  but  have  since  sent  for  a  goldsmith 
belonging  to  the  house  and  have  privately  made  a  triall,  and  find 
a  verry  inconsiderable  difference.  Soe  that  more  it  will  never  yeild 
here,  and  less  in  other  places,  should  wee  send  it  abroad.  .  .  .  All 
which  considered,  wee  parted  with  it  the  best  wee  could. 

Some  information  is  next  given  regarding  the  loss  of  a  Dutch 
ship,  the  Doljijii^  off  Ceylon  (see  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663, 
pp.  294,  331).  The  late  arrival  oi  \}c\q  Loyal  Merchant  diXi^  her  con- 
sort is  noted,  and  it  is  pointed  out  that  the  clause  in  the  charter-party, 
by  which  ships  are  allowed  until  the  end  of  October  to  reach  Surat, 
encourages  the  commanders  to  '  loyter  at  the  [Comoro]  Islands '. 
They  ought  to  be  dispatched  in  time  to  be  at  Swally  by  the  middle 
of  September  at  the  latest,  to  allow  of  their  voyaging  down  the  coast, 
if  necessary.  After  a  reference  to  Sir  Abraham  Shipman  and  his 
proffer  of  Anjidiv  to  the  Company,  the  letter  goes  on: 

The  peace  ratified  betweene  our  Soveraigne  Lord  the  King  and 
the  States  of  Holland  [see  p.  196J  this  Commandore  here  acquainted 
us  with  the  14th  May  last,  and  alsoe  sent  us  the  articles  ;  which  wee 
caused  to  be  translated  into  English  and  sent  to  our  Coast  friends. 
The  Portugalls  are  much  joyed  with  the  peace  with  the  States 
Generall,  yett  disrelish  their  conditions.  They  are  a  miserable 
poore  nation  in  these  parts.  Wee  here  nothing  what  the  Dutch 
have  done  att  Cochine  this  winter  .  .  .  only  it  is  reported  in  the 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  203 

towne  that  the  Dutch  doe  begine  to  article  with  the  people  of  the 
countrye  to  whom  they  give  passes,  that  they  shall  not  bring  any 
pepper  from  the  southward  to  this  towne  or  any  other  place  or 
places  to  the  northward. 

An  interesting  account  is  given  of  the  Council's  relations  with  the 
local  officials,  and  the  way  in  which  the  '  Customer '  had  been 
brought  to  heel  by  the  resolute  attitude  of  the  Dutch  and  English 
chiefs. 

Wee  cannot  but  acknowledge  a  great  loss  in  our  late  Governor, 
whom  the  King  hath  called  hence  for  his  better  preferrment.  He 
became  ever,  from  the  time  that  wee  were  reconsiled,  a  verry  civil!, 
friendly  person,  full  of  kindness  and  respect.  Hee  is  now  att  court, 
and  there  (wee  are  advised)  made  the  Kings  Steward.  Your  Presi- 
dent had  latelyaverrycurteouss  letter  from  him, wherin  hee  confermes 
his  promise  (when  hee  went  hence)  that  hee  would  bee  our  solicitor 
to  the  King  in  whatever  your  occasions  shall  att  any  time  require 
his  assistance  in  ;  and  we  have  assurance,  from  his  soe  many  affec- 
tionate expressions  and  abearances  to  your  President,  whilst  hee  was 
here,  that  hee  will  act  verry  cordially  when  ever  wee  shall  make  use 
of  him  in  your  behalfe.  Hee  is  soe  noble  and  genteele  a  person 
that  wee  must  conclude,  had  not  Mr.  Andrews  arrogant  and  lofty 
comportment  bine  unlimited,  to  the  putting  affronts  daylie  upon 
him,  those  differences  could  never  have  hapned,  but  on  the  contrarie 
hee  might  have  lived  as  peaceably  as  his  heart  could  wish.  And  soe 
wee  will  pass  to  our  new  Governour,  who  is  likewise  a  person  of 
honor.  His  quallity  is  2,000  horse  pay.  Wee  mett  him  some  little 
distance  out  of  the  towne,  and  were  received  civilly.  Hee  made  us 
great  proffers  of  favors  that  hee  would  shew  us  uppon  all  occasions. 
Butt  untill  the  Loy a II  Merchant  cam,  wee  had  noe  great  occasion  to 
make  use  of  him  ;  but  when  wee  had,  hee  cam  short  of  his  promise. 
His  eldest  sonn,  who  is  Customer,  a  pert,  nimble  man,  offering  to 
putt  restrictions  and  other  confinements  uppon  us,  as  hee  had  done 
uppon  the  merchants  that  were  subjects  to  this  King,  which  wee 
were  resolved  not  to  suffer,  wherfore  admonished  him  severall  times 
by  our  broker  and,  perceaving  that  would  not  doe,  by  the  mouth  of 
severall  eminent  merchants,  by  whom  in  returne  hee  would  promise 
not  to  bee  guiltie  of  the  like,  yet  when  ever  wee  had  occasion  to 
make  use  of  him,  hee  still  continued  to  obstruct  or  doe  things  as  hee 
pleased,  contrary  to  custome,  supposing  the  power  to  bee  in  his 
owne  hands  and  that  hee  was  not  to  bee  controulde ;  where  uppon 
wee  cast  about  what  was  to  bee  done  and,  holding  a  good  corre- 
spondence with  the  Dutch  Commandore,  were  resolved  to  try  how 
hee  relished  the  Customers  tyrannical!  usage,  whose  proud  behavior 


204  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

had  already  disgusted  all  men  with  whome  hee  had  to  doe,  out  of 
a  presumption  that,  being  the  Governours  sonn,  none  dared  to  oppose 
him  or  once  to  complaine :  for  hee  doth  inflict  punnishments  and 
mulcts  uppon  all,  without  any  regard  to  his  father,  though  he  should 
declare  against  it.  Soe  that,  uppon  these  presumptions,  he  dis- 
obliges the  Dutch  alsoe  ;  which  wee  endeavored  to  foment  to  that 
height  that  at  last  hee  [i.  e.  the  Dutch  Chief]  and  your  President 
made  a  league  to  stand  by  one  another  ;  which  firmly  concluded, 
wee  knew  hee  could  not  stand.  Yett  hee  regarded  us  not,  untill 
your  President  and  the  Commandore  mett  and,  by  a  servant  from 
each  of  us,  sent  the  Governour  word  we  desired  a  conference  with 
him  in  private,  and  were  admitted.  Soe  we  went  alone,  hee  and 
your  President  (both  speaking  the  language),  and  boldly  of  our 
selves  told  him  our  greviances,  ripping  upp  all  beefore  him.  Hee 
seemed  much  troubled,  and  promised  us  all  respect  and  kindness. 
Wee  replyed  hee  could  shew  it  noe  way  better  to  our  liking  then  to 
put  his  sonn  out  of  the  custome  house,  for  wee  would  have  noe 
more  to  doe  with  him.  Hee  said  hee  would  take  [care  ?]  of  our 
business  him  selfe  ;  but  that  wee  would  not  accept,  and  before  wee 
did  rise  from  him,  wee  made  him  conferme  another  of  his  sonns  our 
Customer ;  and  thereuppon  gott  the  advantage  of  getting  you 
a  warehouse  without  the  custome  house,  where  all  your  goods  are 
secured  apart,  which  lay  formerly  tumbled  confusedly  amongst  other 
Moore  merchants  goods  in  an  open  court  within  the  custome  house, 
and  soe  the  Customer  comes  to  your  warehouse  and  cleares  your 
goods  ;  which  is  not  only  an  advantage  to  you,  that  your  goods  are 
not  tumbled  too  and  fro.  but  a  creditt  and  honour  to  our  nation. 
But  to  continue  the  discourse.  The  Governour  reproved  his  sonn, 
shewed  him  his  beard,  told  him  hee  dishonored  his  gray  haires. 
This  was  noysed  all  over  the  towne,  that  the  two  great  nations  were 
offended  with  the  goverment  and  had  joyntly  complained  ;  which  was 
pleasing  enough  to  the  people,  over  whom  the  sonn  had  tiranized. 
But  the  greatest  feare  was  that  this  should  com  to  the  Kings  eare; 
wherfore  all  the  eminent  merchants  in  towne  were  imployed  to 
reconsile  the  business  :  who  v.-rought,  if  to  bee  effected  singly.  But 
the  Commandore  and  the  President  had  ingaged  them  selves  neither 
to  receive  or  returne  a  message  apart,  nor  suffer  our  selves  to  bee 
treated  with  but  joyntly  ;  and  after  wee  had  had  severall  meetings 
and  some  days  were  spent,  the  Governour  invites  us  both  to  a  great 
feast,  whereat  was  all  the  eminent  men  in  towne  ;  and  there,  in  the 
presence,  all  the  eminent  merchants  againe  press[ed]  reconsiliation. 
But  wee  were  verry  stout,  untill  after  dinner  they  all  rise  from  their 
seates  and  tooke  us  by  the  hands  and  armes,  and  would  not  bee 
satisfied  but  the  Governours  sonn  and  wee  must  bee  made  friends 
and    imbrace  one  the  other  ;    which  wee  accordingly  did,  to  the 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  205 

Governours  great  content.  And  have  wrought  soe  well  that  from 
thence  wee  have  received  all  possible  respect  and  favor ;  nay,  it  is 
extended  to  every  one  that  wares  a  hatt  on  his  head.  This  wee 
advise  for  your  satisfaction,  in  that  you  need  not  feare  any  obstruc- 
tion of  your  business,  or  doubt  of  any  estate  you  have  here ;  for  it 
is  a  port  soe  plentifully  stored  with  shipping  of  the  natives  that,  if 
any  violence  should  bee  putt  uppon  you,  you  will  not  bee  long 
arighting  yourselves,  when  ever  you  please  to  enter  uppon  it.  And 
that  is  what  they  know  and  feare,  and  what  keepes  them  in  soe 
much  awe. 

This  account  gives  no  indication  of  the  date  when  the  change  of 
Governors  took  place  ;  but  here  the  Dutch  records  come  to  our 
assistance.  A  letter  of  4  April  from  Surat  reports  that  Mustafa 
Khan  had  been  summoned  to  court  in  consequence  of  charges  made 
against  him  {Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663,  p.  305).  Another  of 
3  June  announces  that  Mustafa  Khan  has  departed,  but  his  successor 
has  not  arrived  {ibid.,  p.  453)-  A  third,  of  8  August  (p.  590),  says 
that  the  new  Governor,  '  Anajetchan  '  (Inayat  Khan)  reached  Surat 
on  II  June. 

Our  staff,  together  with  the  English  and  the  Moors,  went  to 
welcome  him  ;  but  he,  either  from  ignorance  or  from  arrogance, 
received  them  somewhat  coldly.  Afterwards,  however,  when  better 
informed,  he  assured  us  of  his  favour.  The  Directeur  was  invited 
to  a  feast  which  the  Governor  gave  to  the  Moor  officials  and  chief 
merchants,  but  for  various  reasons  he  abstained  from  going.  He 
thought  it  well  to  keep  aloof,  since,  if  once  you  allow  a  Moor  to 
tread  on  your  neck,  it  will  go  hard  with  you  afterwards.  This 
refusal  had  a  good  effect,  for  at  his  last  visit  the  Directeur  was 
received  in  a  very  friendly  fashion.  The  new  Governor  has  made 
a  bad  start.  Almost  all  the  old  officials  have  been  turned  out  and 
their  places  filled  by  his  favourites.  At  present  things  are  going 
reasonably  well. 

The  letter  goes  on  to  relate  that  the  new  Governor  met  his 
predecessor  on  the  way  down,  and  a  fierce  dispute  ensued,  though 
subsequently  they  were  reconciled.  At  the  time  of  writing,  Mustafa 
Khan  was  at  Burhanpur,  but,  according  to  report,  had  been  sum- 
moned to  court,  for  what  purpose  was  unknown.  Evidently,  how- 
ever, he  was  not  wholly  out  of  favour,  for  the  Emperor  had  allotted 
him  40,000  rials  of  eight  for  the  expenses  of  his  journey. 


2o6  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

A  further  letter  from  the  Dutch  chief,  of  20  September  (p.  679), 
continues  the  story. 

The  merchants  have  suffered  many  affronts  from  the  new 
Governor's  son,  who  had  been  made  head  of  the  custom-house  and 
arrogated  to  himself  so  much  authority  that  one  would  have  thought 
he  was  in  his  father's  place.  Our  people  and  the  English  had  many 
disputes  with  him,  and  the  position  became  so  unbearable  that  the 
Directeur  was  obliged  to  complain  to  the  Governor.  The  latter 
made  excuses,  and  demanded  to  see  the  farjndns  granted  to  us  by 
the  Emperor ;  but  when  he  had  read  these,  he  expressed  his  sorrow 
for  what  had  occurred  and  promised  us  better  treatment  for  the 
future. 

On  6  December  the  Chcstmit  pink,  which  Shipman  had  sent  to 
Bantam  with  private  trade,  returned  to  Swally  Road.^  Small  as  was 
her  burden,  her  captain,  John  Stevens,  was  acutely  conscious  of  his 
dignity  as  an  officer  in  the  King's  service  ;  and  he  was  much  affronted 
when  he  noticed  that  the  African  continued  to  wear  her  flag  in  the 
maintop,  regardless  of  his  arrival.  Going  on  board,  he  demanded 
to  know  by  what  right  Capt.  Fisher  had  omitted  to  strike  his  flag 
in  the  presence  of  His  Majesty's  colours  ;  to  which  that  officer 
calmly  replied  that  he  had  orders  from  the  President  to  wear  his 
flag  in  the  maintop  during  the  absence  of  the  Loyal  Merchant,  and 
he  should  continue  to  do  so  until  he  received  other  directions.  On 
7  December,  therefore,  Stevens  wrote  a  letter  of  complaint  to 
Oxenden,  desiring  him  to  put  the  matter  right.  What  answer  was 
returned  is  not  recorded. 

A  couple  of  days  before  the  arrival  of  the  Chestnut,  the  Snrat 
Frigate  came  in  from  Bantam.  She  brought  a  letter,  dated 
]H  August,  which  announced  that  the  Convcrtine  had  arrived  on 
10  June,  but  in  such  a  state  that  it  had  been  found  necessary 
to  careen  her  before  she  could  proceed  to  England.  It  was  hoped 
that  she  would  start  by  the  end  of  the  month.  Part  of  her  lading 
had  been  fetched  from  Macassar  and  Jambi  by  the  Stirat  Frigate, 
which  was  now  being  dispatched  to  Surat  with  a  cargo  of  gold, 
tutenague,  benzoin,  &c.,  under  the  charge  of  John  Hunter.-  Her 
speedy  return  was  desired,  as  she  was  the  only  small  vessel  the 

^  For  some  references  to  her  voyage  see  the  Baiavia  Dagh-Register^  1663,  pp.  376, 
410  ;  also  O.C.  2986,  2987.  Shipman's  secretary',  Humphrey  Cooke,  was  acting  as  super- 
cargo. ^  Particulars  are  given  in  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1664,  p.  200. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  207 

Bantam  factors  had  available  for  voyaging  to  Siam,  Camboja, 
Tonkin,  and  Macao.  Of  the  two  passengers  sent  in  the  Convertine, 
Penn  was  continuing  his  voyage  to  England,  but  Commins  had,  at 
his  earnest  request,  been  permitted  to  return  to  Surat  in  the  Stirat 
Frigate,  with  the  intention  of  going  home  overland.  He  was 
accompanied  by  Richard  Alohun,  who  had  been  Second  at  Macassar 
for  four  years,  and  by  John  South,  who  had  gone  to  Siam  in  the 
Hopezvell  and  had  been  *  to  and  againe  about  this  end  of  the  world 
this  five  or  six  yeares '.  The  Sultan  of  Bantam  was  desirous  of 
having  two  or  three  Persian  horses  sent  him  by  the  Surat  Frigate, 
and  it  was  hoped  that  his  wishes  would  be  met,  if  possible. 

At  a  consultation  held  on  10  December  it  was  determined  to 
provide  a  cargo  for  the  Stirat  Frigate  and  send  her  back  to  Bantam , 
as  desired.  The  President  then  called  the  attention  of  his  col- 
leagues to  a  plot  he  had  discovered  to  take  advantage  of  the 
permission  given  by  the  Company  for  the  sale  of  their  broadcloth 
at  a  very  low  price.  The  scheme  was  to  buy  the  whole  at  a  cheap 
rate,  and,  having  thus  cornered  the  market,  to  re-sell  at  a  substan- 
tial profit.  In  this  there  was  nothing  reprehensible,  if  outside  mer- 
chants had  alone  been  concerned  ;  but  to  Oxenden's  indignation  he 
found  that  a  leading  member  of  the  syndicate  was  Anthony  Smith, 
by  whose  influence,  it  was  hoped,  the  broadcloth  would  be  secured 
on  specially  favourable  terms.  After  offers  of  Rs.  4  and  Rs.  4^  per 
yard  had  been  rejected.  Smith  proffered  the  President  Rs.  4^ 
per  yard,  at  the  same  time  promising  to  give  him  a  diamond  worth 
about  Rs.  1,000  if  he  would  consent  to  the  bargain.  Oxenden 
indignantly  refused  the  bribe  and  demanded  the  names  of  Smiths 
partners  in  the  venture.  This  information  he  could  not  obtain, 
though  he  afterwards  found  them  to  be  Virji  Vora  and  Chhota. 
The  next  best  tender  was  from  '  Cojah  Minaz,  an  able  and  well 
reputed  Armenian  merchant'.  After  some  negotiation  he  offered 
Rs.  4|  per  yard,  and  this  the  Council  decided  to  accept. 

The  Loyal  Merchant  and  African  departed  for  England  at  the 
close  of  January,  1664,  carrying  with  them  a  long  letter  from  the 
President  and  Council,  dated  28  January,  from  which  some  extracts 
have   already   been  given.'     This  opens   with  a  series  of  replies 

*  The  full  text  will  be  found  in  Sir  George  Forrest's  Selections  from  the  Bombay 
Records,  Home  Series,  vol.  i.  (p.  14). 


2o8  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

to  the  letters  of  24  March  and  4  April  brought  by  those  vessels.  The 
release  of  Sivaji's  prisoners  is  reported,  and  a  word  of  commendation 
is  given  to  Revington.      As  for  the  renewal  of  trade  in  those  parts, 

The  condition  of  Rajapore  and  the  inland  marts,  being  now 
in  a  confused  manner  in  the  possession  of  rebells,  and  dayly  new 
commotions  in  the  land,  doth  disswade  us  from  engageing  our  selves 
in  commerce,  for  wee  can  have  no  other  assurance  then  the  word  of 
a  theif  or  a  rebell. 

The  order  that  no  factory  is  to  be  maintained  at  either  Agra 
or  Ahmadabad  is  next  noted.  No  difficulty  is  expected  in  pro- 
curing goods  from  the  latter  place,  as  it  is  comparatively  near 
to  Surat ;  but  the  case  is  different  in  regard  to  so  remote  a  place  as 
Agra.  The  goods  from  those  parts  cannot  be  bought  in  the  open 
market  in  a  state  suitable  for  export  to  England,  as  they  are  really 
prepared  to  meet  the  tastes  of  Eastern  buyers. 

Those  for  Persia,  Bussorah,  and  Mocha,  if  not  starcht,  slickt,  and 
beat  soe  as  they  appeare  as  slickt  paper,  they  are  not  vendable. 
Besides,  they  looke  not  that  they  should  bee  of  an  equall  sortment, 
either  in  goodnesse,  lengths,  or  bredths,  but  carry  only  these 
distinctions  of  16,  18,  and  20  covids,  and  by  that  they  are  sould. 
Whereas  the  linnen  drapers  with  you  except  [i.  e.  raise  objections]  if 
over  starcht,  over  beat,  or  against  any  peece  that  shall  want  of  its 
pretended  goodnesse,  lenth,  or  bredth  (which  is  not  observed  here)  ; 
wherefore  you  must  have  them  bought  peece  by  peece,  browne 
[i.e.  unbleached],  and  numbred  before  they  are  delivered  to  the 
washers. 

Nor  is  it  possible  to  make  a  contract  for  such  goods  in  Surat, 
except  on  disadvantageous  terms.  They  are  not,  however,  ad- 
vocating the  reopening  of  the  factory  at  Agra,  but  merely  ask 
permission  to  '  runn  a  common  adventure  with  other  merchants  '• 
The  Company  have  suggested  that  if  the  Agra  cloths  cannot  be 
obtained,  the  Surat  factors  should 

Cause  our  weavers  to  weave  cloth  of  the  dimentions  they  use 
to  bee  of ;  which  wee  have  propounded  to  them,  but  none  will 
undertake  it,  except  wee  will  first  pay  for  the  altering  of  theire 
loomes,  and  also  theire  owne  rates,  which  are  soe  extravagant  that 
wee  were  quite  discouraged,  especially  in  reguard  there  were  very  few 
that  would  undertake  it,  they  being  full  of  other  employments 
in  weaving  sundry  sorts  of  goods  for  the  merketts  of  Mocha,  Persia, 
Bussorah,  Atchin  etc.,  that,  if  wee  do  not  engage  them  by  impresting 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  309 

monys  before  hand,  wee  should  not  get  halfe  the  callicoes  wee  send 
you. 

The  factors  are  grateful  for  the  increased  liberality  of  the  Company 
in  the  matter  of  supplies. 

Wee  have,  since  our  comeing  hither,  heard  sad  complaints  of  the 
scarcity  of  moneys,  and  that  Mr.  Andrewes  could  not  procure 
at  some  times  sufficient  to  pay  bucher  and  baker  that  served  the 
house,  or  your  household  servants ;  which  was  occasioned  a  great 
deale  by  disperseing  your  estates  in  voyages  and  building,  but 
cheifely  by  his  ill  usage  of  those  that  deale  in  exchanges  and  his  un- 
mercantile  behaviour  to  all  that  had  any  dealeings  with  him.  But 
those  complaints  are  over  by  your  large  supplys  to  us ;  which  wee 
doe  not  doubt  but  in  a  very  short  time  to  make  appeare  much  to 
your  proffitt. 

The  accusations  brought  against  Gary  have  been  found  to  be  of 
no  serious  importance.  He  has  paid  in  what  was  considered  to  be 
due  to  the  Company ;  and  the  rest  of  the  charges  seem  to  have 
arisen  mainly  from  quarrels  between  the  factors.  Gary  represents 
that  he  has  served  over  nineteen  years,  and  during  that  time  has 
received  only  the  usual  third  part  of  his  salary.  He  begs  that  the 
remainder  may  be  collected  from  the  preceding  Stocks  and  paid  to 
his  assignees,  since  he  cannot  return  to  England  to  claim  the  money, 
'  in  regaurd  his  family  is  here  in  the  country  '.^  Particulars  are 
given  of  claims  on  Colonel  Rainsford's  estate. 

It  is  very  well  knowne  to  all  the  poeple,  by  the  severall  declara- 
tions [that]  hath  from  time  to  time  been  set  up  at  the  custome  house 
doores  and  other  eminent  places  in  the  citty,  both  in  Banian  and 
Persian,  whereby  you  disengage  your  selves  from  being  responsable 
for  your  servants  perticuler  debts  ;  yet  doe  wee  feare  at  one  time  or 
other  your  businesse  will  bee  obstructed,  upon  some  nicke  of  time, 
for  such  there  unwarrantable  lending.  . .  .  However,  it  is  to  our  great 
content,  although  disoblidged,  that  you  are  pleased  to  give  your 
selves  the  trouble  of  endeavouring  the  natives  right,  whose  credulity 
hath  undone  many  of  them. 

After  touching  upon  various  minor  matters,  a  reference  is  made 
to  the  new  chaplain,  L'Escaliot. 

Hee  hath  now  lived  some  months  amoung  us  to  our  great  com- 
fort ;  his  comportment  being  sober  and  becomeing  his  function  and 

'  Gary's  wife,  Maria,  was  probably  of  Portuguese  origin.  The  tomb  of  their  only  son, 
Henry  (died  1658),  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  English  cemetery  at  Surat. 

259/  P 


2IO  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  166- 

call  to  divine  and  holy  orders,  that  wee  doe  not  at  all  question  our 
future  comfort  and  happiness  from  his  piety  and  solid  behaviour. 

The  desired  butt  of  arrack  will  be  sent  to  St.  Helena,  and  also  a 
supply  of  indigo  seed. 

But  wee  cannot  by  any  means  procure  a  black  to  sew  it.  The 
sheepe  wee  have  wrote  to  Mr.  Cradock  to  procure,  male  and  female, 
from  Persia,  of  those  that  have  curled  wool ;  which  shall  bee  sent 
by  the  next  ships,  and  deere  also.  But  by  Capt.  Millett  in  the 
Loyall  Merchant  wee  doe  now  send  severall  other  seeds  of  roots  and 
plants  for  food. 

After  replying  to  a  few  more  points  in  the  Company's  letters,  the 
President  and  Council  proceed  to  enumerate  the  goods  sent  home, 
commenting  on  each  item.  No  '  tincall '  [i.  e.  borax]  could  be  pro- 
cured ;  but  they  send  good  quantities  of  lac,  spikenard,  aloes 
Socotrina,  aloes  hepatica  ('or  Gibley'^),  turmeric,  cowries,  senna, 
coffee  (20  tons),  myrrh,  and  camphor.  The  Persia  factors  have 
advised  that  goat's  wool  cannot  be  obtained  except  at  over  10^. 
a  pound,  besides  charges.  Cinnamon  it  is  impossible  to  procure. 
Of  saltpetre  they  have  only  been  able  to  get  8  or  9  tons,  owing  to 
the  limitation  of  price  by  the  Company.  It  is  suggested  that,  in 
future  charter-parties,  other  goods  besides  saltpetre  and  pepper 
should  be  specified  as  suitable  for  kentledge.  At  present  the 
commanders  will  not  recognize  any  goods  that  are  not  'reckoned  at 
twenty  hundred  to  the  tonn '.  Of  cotton  yarn  the  desired  quantity 
is  sent.  The  factors  then  go  on  to  deal  with  the  commodities  they 
desire  to  receive  from  England.  Of  lead,  which  is  at  present  Rs.  5 
per  maund,  they  can  dispose  of  20,000  maunds.  Copper  fetches 
from  Rs.  20  to  Rs.  22  per  maund,  and  10,000  maunds  will  sell.  Of 
broadcloth  they  request  only  1,000  half  pieces,  which  may  yield 
Rs.  5  per  yard  ;  but  500/.  worth  of  superfine  scarlet  and  green 
cloths  may  be  added,  if  desired.  Coral,  if  well  chosen  and  of  good 
quality,  may  sell  to  the  amount  of  Rs.  40,000.  The  alum  last  sent 
out  fetched  Rs.  4I  per  maund,  and  2,000  maunds  will  sell  yearly; 
but  it  must  be  more  carefully  packed.  Of  brimstone  only  about 
Rs.  2,oco  worth  can  be  expected  to  sell  (at  Rs.  2^  per  maund). 
Quicksilver  commands  from  Rs.  85  to  Rs.  90  per  maund,  and  300 
maunds  may  be  disposed  of  yearly.     Vermilion  is  at  the  same  price, 

1  '  Grown  on  the  hills'  {Xrzhic Jabali). 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  211 

and  ICO  maunds  may  be  supplied.  Of  elephants'  teeth  Rs.  20,000 
worth  will  sell,  at  Rs.  25  to  Rs.  28  the  maund.  Tin  fetches  Rs.  15 
per  maund,  and  10,000  maunds  would  vend  readily,  if  like  that 
recently  received  from  Bantam,  invoiced  at  1 7  rials  of  eight  per  cwt. 

They  come  in  long  narrow,  thinn  peeces,  that  would  bend  or  bowe 
any  way  and  crackled  at  the  bending,  which  is  the  proofe  they  make 
of  its  goodnesse.     It  was  stampt  with  the  rose  and  crowne. 

Ten  or  fifteen  anchors  may  be  sent,  '  for  the  supply  of  the  King's 
jounks  '.  They  must  weigh  about  110  maunds  each,  and  will  fetch 
Rs.  8  per  maund.  Yellow  amber  fluctuates  in  price,  but  probably 
Rs.  10,000  worth  would  yield  good  profit.  If  bought  at  first  hand, 
the  commodities  should  give  a  considerable  advance,  and  render  it 
less  necessary  to  send  out  silver,  '  by  which  you  are  ahvayes  certaine 
loosers '. 

Next  we  find  the  account  of  Sivaji's  raid  on  Surat,  quoted  on 
a  later  page  ;  and  then,  after  a  passage  about  Achin,  the  letter 
proceeds  to  allude  to  the  difficulty  with  which  the  pepper  now  sent 
home  was  procured,  and  to  the  claim  of  the  Dutch  to  control  the 
trade  of  the  IMalabar  Coast.  The  writers  pass  on  to  personal 
matters.  George  Cranmer,  who  has  been  a  year  at  Surat  without 
suitable  employment,  has  been  permitted  to  go  home.  Richard 
Mohun,  who  came  from  Bantam,  takes  his  passage  in  the  Loyal 
Merchant.  Future  charter-parties  should  bind  each  ship  to  exchange 
ten  men  yearly  for  sailors  who  have  been  serving  in  the  East. 

For  your  poeple  in  the  Siiratt  Frigati  and  Vine  are  very 
clamarous,  nay,  to  a  mutinous  condition,  that  they  are  forced  to 
serve  here  as  slaves  and  not  sufferr'd  to  retourne  to  theire  country 
after  five  and  six  yeares  service.  For  wee  can  hardly  perswade 
a[ny]  commanders  to  carry  home  a  man,  they  pretending  they  have 
theire  complement,  and  that  it  is  a  losse  to  the  owners,  for,  besides 
his  lumber,  they  must  lay  in  water  and  provissions,  that  takes  up 
soe  much  roome. 

Goodier  desires  a  recompense  for  his  extraordinary  trouble  over 
the  accounts,  which  were  in  such  a  confused  state  that  he  had  to  go 
back  to  1658  'and  so  to  unravell  all '  ;  he  trusts  that  he  may  be 
allowed  the  salary  formerly  given  to  the  Second.  Aungier,  too, 
represents  that  his  salary  is  insufficient  for  his  present  post  of  Ware- 
house Keeper.     Some    sharp   practice   on   the   part    of  Andrews 

P  3 


212  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

regarding  a  parcel  of  indigo  has  given  rise  to  a  claim  which  they 
fear  they  will  have  to  satisfy.  Particulars  are  narrated  of  a  further 
delinquency,  and  a  statement  is  sent  home  of  errors  and  omissions 
found  in  the  accounts  furnished  by  the  late  President.  The  Captain 
of  Surat  Castle  has  been  friendly  on  several  occasions,  and  they 
desire  a  supply  of  swordblades  and  knives  for  him,  in  accordance 
with  patterns  sent.  Samuel  Salisbury,  who  was  made  steward  of 
the  factory  two  years  ago  but  has  received  no  salary,  is  recommended 
for  'some  competent  stipend'.  Rolt  protests  against  certain  sums 
being  charged  to  his  account  by  Andrews,  who  used  his  name  (and 
those  of  others)  without  permission.  Articles  for  presentation  are 
requested,  as  the  stock  is  exhausted.  A  yearly  supply  of  stationery, 
&c.  is  necessary  ;  also  of  medicines. 

Wee  have  seperated  a  place  apart  for  God's  worship  and  decently 
adorn'd  it  ;  wherein  stands  your  librar}-,  and  amoungst  them  those 
severall  voloms  of  the  holy  bible  in  the  languages,^  which  are  much 
esteemed  by  those  that  are  learned  amoungst  these  poeple,  that  if 
any  eminent  person  come  to  your  house,  his  great  desire  is  to  see 
the  chappell.  Wherefore  wee  entreate  you,  for  further  ornament,  to 
send  us  out  a  large  table  in  a  frame,  gilded  and  handsomely  adorned 
with  Moses  and  Aaron  holding  the  two  tables  containeing  the  ten 
commandments,  the  Lord's  prayer,,  and  the  creede,  written  in  letters 
of  gould,  and  in  the  midst  at  the  top,  in  triangles,  God's  name  wrote 
in  as  many  of  these  Eastern  languages  as  can  bee  procured,  as 
Arabick,  Persian,  etc.  ;  which  if  you  please  to  honour  our  chappell 
with,  it  will  bee  a  glory  to  our  religion,  as  that  which  is  more  take- 
ing  then  any  thing  they  shall  read  beside  ;  and  yet  our  meaneing  is 
that  the  commandements  etc.  bee  wrote  in  the  English  language. 

The  Company's  old  servants,  Chhota  Thakur  and  Somaji  Chitta, 
are  among  those  whose  houses  were  burnt  in  the  recent  raid  by 
Sivaji,  and  they  are  now  very  poor.  Nothing  has  been  done  regard- 
ing the  Company's  claims  upon  them,  as  orders  from  hom.e  are 
awaited ;  but  meanwhile  they  are  clamouring  for  certain  moneys 
due  to  them.  Chhota  declares  that  Andrews's  charges  against  him 
are  wholly  false  ;  and  the  Council  are  inclined  to  take  the  same  view. 
Somaji  Chitta  ascribes  his  overcharges  to  the  influence  of  Andrews, 
who  forced  upon  him  some  goods  of  his  own  at  excessive  prices  ; 
whereupon  he  overrated  the  goods  he  supplied  to  the  Company,  in 

^  See  the  preceding  volume,  p.  324. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663  213 

order  to  make  up  the  loss.  The  goods  he  took  away  upon  his 
quarrel  with  Oxenden  (which  was  instigated  by  Andrews)  were  all 
burnt  when  his  house  was  fired  ;  and  he  therefore  begs  the  Company 
to  have  pity  upon  him. 

With  this  letter  was  forwarded  a  list  of  the  Company's  servants. 
These  comprised  Oxenden,  Goodier,  Gary,  Anthony  Smith 
Aungier,  Scrivener,  Matthew  Gray,  Randolph  Taylor,  Thomas  Rolt, 
Francis  Cobb,  Robert  Barbor,  Charles  James,  Charles  Smeaton, 
Robert  Sainthill,  Streynsham  Master,  Ralph  Lambton,  Valentine 
Nurse,  Thomas  Hoskins,  Richard  Taylor,  Richard  Hardres,  Richard 
Francis,  Henry  Oxenden,  Charles  Bendish,  John  Petit,  Henry 
Chown,  John  'Lescalet'  (minister),  Robert  Ward  (chirurgeon),  and 
Samuel  Salisbury  (steward).  William  Jones  is  noted  as  '  deceased  ' ; 
and  from  a  Surat  letter  of  4  April,  1664,  it  appears  that  he  fell  over- 
board from  a  boat  in  the  river  and  was  drowned. 

Before  concluding  this  chapter,  we  must  glance  for  a  moment  at 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Persia.  During  the  year  an  important  change 
was  made  by  the  reduction  of  the  '  Agency '  there  to  a  *  Chiefship '. 
In  their  letter  to  Surat  of  24  March,  1663,  the  Company  blamed 
severely  the  '  extravagant  expences  and  other  exorbitances  '  found 
in  the  accounts  received  from  Persia,  and  required  the  President  and 
Council  to  look  into  the  matter.     They  added  : 

Wee  further  require  you  to  take  notice  that  wee  have  concluded 
that  the  title  of  Agent  in  Persia  shall  cease,  and  instead  thereof  all 
letters  and  other  writings,  that  either  from  us  or  your  selves  shall 
be  sent  unto  them,  shall  bee  directed  and  superscribed  to  our  Cheife 
and  rest  of  our  factors,  without  the  title  of  Agent  ;  for  wee  have 
experienced  that  titles  doe  elevate  the  persons,  and  are  attended 
with  an  inlargement  of  expences  and  ostentation,  which  redownes  to 
our  losse. 

Replying  on  28  January,  1664,  the  President  and  Council  censured 
severely  the  proceedings  of  the  factors  in  Persia,  and  said  that  the 
latter  had  been  forbidden  further  journeys  to  Ispahan,  as  being  both 
useless  and  expensive,  though  they  might  retire  from  Gombroon 
some  twenty  miles  or  so  in  the  hot  season  for  the  preservation  of 
their  health.  Craddock  had  urged  that  force  should  be  employed 
to  obtain  a  settlement  of  the  Company's  claims  ;  but  Oxenden  and 
his  colleagues  doubted  the  expediency  of  such  a  course.     It  seemed 


214  AFFAIRS  AT  SURAT,  1663 

to  them  improbable  that  the  Persian  King  would  be  brought  to 
reason  by  a  blockade  of  his  ports,  for  '  hee  hath  noe  shiping '  and 
the  merchants  engaged  in  the  trade  to  Gombroon  were  mostly 
Indians.  In  the  second  place,  the  Dutch  would  be  likely  to  step 
into  the  breach  and  carry  all  the  freight  goods,  thus  rendering  the 
blockade  nugatory.  Thirdly,  the  Mogul  Emperor  would  almost 
certainly  resent  any  restriction  placed  upon  the  trade  between  India 
and  Persia.  These  considerations  should  be  well  weighed  by  the 
Company,  who  must  not  be  '  too  credulous  that  a  yeare  or  a  few 
months  will  doe  the  bussinesse  '.  In  the  opinion  of  the  President 
and  Council,  the  Persians  would  not  be  sorry  to  find  such  an  excuse 
'  to  out  }-ou  of  )'Our  royallty  of  customes  ',  and  it  would  be  better 
to  suffer  patiently  the  present  grievances,  hoping  that  their  absten- 
tion from  the  usual  visits  to  Ispahan  would  draw  attention  to  their 
wrongs  and  pave  the  way  for  a  reconciliation. 


SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663 

We  have  seen  (p.  140)  that  in  December  1662,  Sir  Abraham 
Shipm.an.  with  the  bulk  of  the  troops  that  had  been  sent  out  to  form 
the  garrison  of  Bombay,  left  Swally  in  the  Leopard  and  Chestnut  for 
Karwar,  with  the  intention  of  making  the  little  island  of  Anjidivhis 
temporary  quarters  ;  and  that  for  a  time  he  was  held  up  by  the 
refusal  of  the  Governor  of  Karwar  to  permit  him  to  carry  out  this 
plan.  On  hearing  of  this,  Lord  Marlborough  proceeded  to  Karwar 
with  the  Dunkirk,  and  under  the  protection  of  this  force,  Shipman's 
soldiers  took  possession  of  the  island,  in  defiance  of  the  Governor's 
prohibition.  An  account  of  these  proceedings  is  contained  in 
a  report  made  to  the  Navy  Commissioners  by  Captain  John  Stevens, 
of  the  Chestnut,  in  a  letter  dated  14  January,  1663  (P.  R.  O. :  CO. 
77,  vol.  ix.  no.  2),  who  states  that,  on  reaching  Anjidiv  on 
27   December,  1662, 

I  found  the  infantry  on  shoare.  I  likewise  landed  mine  ;  but 
nothing  els  was  landed  out  of  either  shipp  but  what  was 
necessary  for  the  present,  untill  the  arrivall  [of]  the  Earle  of 
Malbrough,  which  was  the  nth  instant.  The  12th  we  landed  most 
parte  of  our  ammunition  and  provision  ;  the  13th  the  remainer,  and 


i 


SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663  315 

spread  His  Majesties  colours  upon  the  iland,  [and]  mounted  six  guns 
ashoare.  The  shipps  dischardged  severall  gunns,  as  likewise  those 
on  shoare.  The  circumference  of  the  iland  is  not  past  two  miles  or 
thereabouts,  but  fortified  both  by  nature  and  [the]  industry  of  the 
Portugals.  It  affords  very  good  water  from  the  rocks  in  springs 
abundantly,  and  likewise  a  pond  or  tank  made  by  hand  in  the 
iland,  which  will  suffice  thousands  of  people.  For  fire  wood  and 
other  wood  and  long  grasse  to  thetch  withall  it  abounds,  and 
doubtles  will  produce  fruite,  hearbs,  and  salletting,  if  planted,  for 
there  is  good  mould  upon  the  iland. 

A  letter  from  Lord  Marlborough  to  Oxenden  of  14  January, 
1663,  found  among  the  Oxenden  Papers,  says  that  on  his  arrival  he 
found  '  as  good  as  a  warr  '  between  Minors  and  Shipman,  the  former 
protesting  against  his  detention  and  the  latter  refusing  to  have  any 
stores  landed,  'for  that  hee  meant  not  to  stay  heere',  owing  to  the 
threats  of  the  Governor  of  Karwar.  '  I  had  an  evill  wellcome 
a  board,  and  as  bad  thankes  for  my  sending  6  gunns  ashoare,  with 
men  of  mine  owne  to  mount  them,  as  alsoe  the  boates  mast  for 
a  flaggstaff.  The  ships  carpenter  had  his  pate  broke  ;  others  of  my 
men  well  beaten  and  clapt  upon  the  garde.  Sir  Abraham  Shipman 
was  in  noe  fault,  but  rather  I  or  Capt.  Browne,  for  sending  a  pipe 
of  wine  a  shoare,  which  for  the  present  hath  made  them  all  mad.' 

Stevens's  account  of  Anjidiv  may  be  supplemented  from  an  illus- 
trated article  by  Mr.  F.  J.  Varley,  I.C.S.,  published  in  the 
Geographical  Journal  for  April,  1904.^  From  this  we  learn  that  the 
island  is  a  narrow  one,  about  a  mile  long,  practically  inaccessible  on 
the  seaward  side,  though  on  the  other,  facing  the  mainland  (which  is 
about  two  miles  away),  it  has  two  sandy  bays  and  a  good  anchor- 
age. Mr.  Varley  noticed  that  some  of  the  guns  on  the  old  bastions 
were  evidently  of  British  origin,  but  he  could  find  no  trace  of  the 
graves  of  Shipman  and  his  companions.  As  regards  the  history  of 
the  island,  it  appears  that  the  Portuguese  fortified  it  at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  but  deserted  it  soon  after  they  established 
themselves  at  Goa.  In  1682  they  again  took  possession  of  it  and 
raised  the  fortifications  that  still  exist.  For  some  time  the  island 
was  used  as  a  penal  settlement.     It  remains  the  property  of  the 

*  See  also  an  article  by  J.  G.  da  Cunha  in  the  Journal  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  xi.  p.  2SS. 


2i6  SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663 

Portuguese  government,  but  only  a  tiny  garrison  is  maintained,  as 
the  island  is  unhealthy. 

By  the  Earl  of  Marlborough,  who  resumed  his  voyage  for 
England  as  soon  as  possession  had  been  taken  of  Anjidiv,  Shipman 
sent  a  letter  (10  January,  1663)  to  Sir  William  Morice,  Secretary  of 
State  (P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  i).  In  this,  referring  to  his 
negotiations  with  the  Portuguese  Viceroy,  he  says : 

I  have  sine  tryed  him  againe  by  another  letter,  but  fynd  him 
more  obstinate  then  formerly  ...  I  fynd  the  Viceroy  to  be  an 
utter  ennemy  to  the  English  nation,  and  I  am  confident  will  doe  no 
thing  in  the  busines  of  Bombaim,  although  you  should  procure  new 
orders  from  Portugall.  Iff  His  Majestic  intends  to  proceed  any 
further  about  it,  it  must  be  by  sending  over  more  men.  A  thousand, 
added  to  those  I  have  here,  may  make  the  King  considerable  in 
these  parts,  and  will  not  only  take  Bombay  but  Salsett  and  other 
neighboring  ilands,  which  will  lardgely  recompenc  the  damadges 
that  they  have  put  the  King  to  ;  the  Portugalls  here  being  very 
mutenous,  saying  that  there  King  gives  them  no  protection,  and 
therefore  they  will  obey  him  no  further  then  it  stands  with  there 
owne  intrest.  The  Jesuists  are  the  men  that  governe  here,  and  are 
owners  of  Salsett,  the  iland  next  adjoyning  to  Bombaim  ;  which 
was  th'  ocasion  that  we  were  not  admitted  to  it,  for  they  feared 
that,  if  we  had  that,  there  iland  with  the  rest  would  soone  fall  into 
the  English  handes.  Right  Honorable,  Bombaym  and  the  ilands 
lying  betweene  [it  and]  Bursyne  [i.  e.  Bassein]  are  the  most  fruict- 
full  of  all  India,  and  supplyes  all  those  parts  with  sugar,  rice,  coker 
nutts,  and  salt  [and]  some  other  manufactures.  The  harbour  of 
Bombaim  is  the  noblest  that  ever  I  see  :  the  ayre  healthfull,  and  is 
exceedingly  well  seated  for  trade,  and  would  in  two  or  three  yeares 
undoe  Surat  by  bringing  hither  all  the  trade.  For  the  marchants 
liveing  at  Surat  are  under  a  very  great  tyranny,  there  mony  being 
lyable  to  be  taken  away  when  the  Magoll  or  his  Governour  pleaseth, 
and  there  persons  abused.  The  customes  in  short  tyme  would  be 
great. 

Shipman  then  intimates  that,  if  more  men  be  sent,  supplies  of 
ammunition,  pickaxes,  &c.  will  be  needed ;  also  an  engineer. 
'  Otherwise  I  shall  desyre  that  His  Majestic  will  call  me  home.' 

The  Governor  of  Karwar  still  remained  hostile  to  the  occupation 
of  Anjidiv,  except  on  his  own  terms.  Writing  to  Oxenden  on 
26  January,  Shipman  said  : 

I  have  indeavoured  by  all  meanes  to  gaine  a  peace  with  the 


SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663  217 

Governor  of  Carwarre,  but  cannot  obteine  it  upon  any  tearmes, 
unlesse  I  will  admit  6  or  7  men  of  his  to  reside  upon  the  island,  to 
receive  a  custome  upon  all  provisions  that  shall  be  brought  into  the 
island,  and  that  I  shall  give  him  security  to  leave  the  island  in  two 
yeares  time  and  not  to  fortifie  it  at  all  ;  none  of  which  his  proposalls 
can  I  consent  to.  I  have  presented  him  and  his  servants  with  about 
50/.,  all  which  he  still  keepes  and  will  agree  to  nothing  but  upon 
these  condicions.  which  I  can  never  consent  to.  Sir,  you  see  into 
what  a  labarynth  you  and  your  Counsell  have  throwne  me  into, 
being  so  confident  that  wee  should  have  his  assistance  and  freind- 
shipp  and  all  things  necessary  for  our  sustentation  and  fortification ; 
and  now  wee  find  neither ;  the  raines  approaching,  and  wee  have 
got  as  yet  neither  timber  nor  workeman,  nor  know  when  wee  shall. 
Now,  if  any  inconvenience  happens,  either  to  the  factors  or  factory 
[at  Karwar],  you  are  to  thank  yourselfe. 

In  a  bitter  postscript  he  adds  : 

I  know  that  you  feared  that  w^ee  might  become  a  trouble  to  you, 
and  so  car'd  not  whither  you  sent  us,  so  that  you  were  rid  of  us. 
If  these  people  miscarry,  I  must  lay  their  lives  at  your  dore  ;  for  at 
the  first  moving  of  it  I  told  you  that  without  his  assistance  wee 
could  not  stay  there ;  which  you  assured  me  wee  should  have. 

After  all,  the  Governor's  demands  were  not  unreasonable.  He 
would  naturally  fear  that  the  intruders  might  decide  to  remain  per- 
manently on  the  island  and  thus  dominate  his  port.  The  Karwar 
factors,  to  whom  his  goodwill  was  of  importance,  seem  to  have 
regretted  Shipman's  attitude  (see  their  letter  of  a8  January). 

That  the  Governor  of  Karwar  was  at  first  disposed  to  be  friendly 
appears  from  a  letter  written  by  Henry  Gary  from  Goa  to  Lord 
Marlborough  in  England,  dated  16  February,  1663  (P.  R.  O. :  CO. 
77,  vol.  ix.  no.  3).  Gary  had  gone  from  Goa  to  Anjidiv  to  lend 
Shipman  the  benefit  of  his  experience  and  of  his  knowledge  of 
Portuguese,  and  he  now  wrote  to  acquaint  the  Earl  with  what  had 
happened  since  the  latter's  departure.  Shipman,  he  declared,  was 
being  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  other  necessaries. 

The  v[ery  ne]xt  day  after  Your  Lordshipps  departure,  the 
Governor  of  Carwar,  Mahmud  Ckaun,  sent  [him  ?]  a  very  corteous 
letter,  accompanied  with  a  small  present  of  sugger  canes  and  cock[o 
nu]ts,  shewing  therein  his  readinesse  to  entertaine  and  keepeafaire 
correspondence  with  him  ;  and  commanded  one  of  his  servants  that 
brought  the  letter  to   tell  Sir  Abraham  privatly  that  hee  would 


2i8  SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663 

readyly  furnish  him  with  lime,  tymber,  and  planke,  and  as  many 
workemen  as  hee  should  desire. 

Thereupon  Gary  went  over  to  Karwar  to  see  the  Governor,  but 
found  that  he  was  at  Ankola  and  would  not  be  back  for  several 
days.  Gary  then  proceeded  to  Goa,  arriving  on  1 9  January.^  The 
same  evening  a  Dutch  squadron  of  seven  ships  arrived  at  the  bar 
and  blockaded  the  port.  They  brought  with  them  over  3,800 
prisoners  from  Cochin,  whom  they  promptly  set  on  shore.  Gary 
enclosed  in  his  letter  an  account  ^  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  that 
city,  and  mentioned  that  the  Portuguese  testified  to  the  humanity 
shown  by  the  Dutch.  Its  loss  was  serious  for  English  trade,  he 
said,  since  the  pepper  and  cassia  lignum  procured  there  fetched  in 
Europe  at  least  three  times  the  cost.  The  Raja  of  Porakad  having 
assisted  the  Portuguese,  the  Dutch  had  declared  their  intention  of 
making  war  upon  him.  Cardamoms  would  now  have  to  be  bought 
from  the  Dutch,  like  all  other  spices.  Rijkloff  van  Goens,  the 
Dutch  Commander,  was  contemplating  an  attack  upon  Diu,  and  if 
this  should  fall,  the  capture  of  Daman  would  probably  follow. 

This  late  losse  of  Cochine  and  the  calamities  which  so  much 
threatneth  to  fall  uppon  them  suddenly  .  .  .  hath  brought  so  much 
confusion  and  distraction  uppon  these  people  as  that  the  principalest 
fidalgos  and  the  whole  Councill  of  this  State  hath  severall  times 
made  them  of  late  presse  the  Vice  roy  to  make  an  offerr  of  Bom- 
baim  unto  Sir  Abraham  Shipman  ;  which  they  all  did  by  wrighting, 
every  man  giving  in  his  reasone  for  the  necessity  thereof.  Butt  hee 
continues  styll  obstinatt  and  very  ave[rse].  However,  they  are  all 
in  greate  hopes  that  hee  will  ere  long  bee  brought  to  give  his  con- 
sent ;  which  is  my  oppinion  likewise,  for  I  am  confident  that, 
unlesse  hee  lett  Sir  Abraham  pass  thither,  they  will  never  lett  him 
enjoy  any  quiet,  they  having  resolved  that,  yf  hee  will  not  deliver 
upp  Bombaim  for  His  Majesties  use,  to  draw  upp  a  remonstrance 
against  him  and  send  it  for  Europe  with  all  the  expedition  that 
may  bee. 

So  great  was  the  discontent  that  there  were  whispers  of  a  scheme 
to  rebel  and  place  Goa  under  the  protection  of  the  French  King. 

1  To  this  period  belongs  a  letter  in  CO.  77,  vol.  ix  (no.  42),  written  by  the  Viceroy  to 
Gary  on  3  February,  1663  (N.S.),  inviting  Shipman  to  spend  the  winter  at  Goa  instead  of 
at  Anjidiv. 

-  For  this  see  no.  142  in  vol.  viii  of  the  same  series  ;  also  Factory  Records,  Surai,  vol. 
103,  p.  259.     Another  Portugtiese  account  will  be  found  in  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  43. 


SHIPMAX  AT  AXJIDIV,  1663  219 

Gary  had  suggested  to  his  informants  that  it  would  better  serve 
their  interests  if  they  took  King  Charles  for  their  sovereign  instead. 
The  letter  v.ent  on  to  solicit  Lord  Marlborough's  assistance  in 
getting  the  writer  direct  employment  from  the  English  government 
as  His  Majesty's  '  merchant  or  factor  in  India '.  Gary  was  sure 
that  he  could  do  good  service,  [especially  if  Bombay  were  sur- 
rendered, in  '  modeling  the  bussinesse  of  this  custome  howse  etc.'. 
His  nineteen  years  of  service  to  the  East  India  Company  had  been 
but  ill  repaid,  for  he  had  had  the  mortification  of  being  passed  over 
for  the  Surat  Council  in  favour  of  one  (presumably  Goodier)  who 
was  so  illiterate  that  he  '  cann  scarse  wright  his  name  right '. 

The  last  letters  I  received  from  Angediva  communicated  that  the 
fortifications  there  went  forwards,  there  being  good  store  of  lime 
and  workemen  gone  thither  from  Salsette  many  dayes  since, 
Capt.  Roger  ?^Iiddleton  being  the  principalest  person  employed  in 
this  affaire. 

A  postscript  stated  that  Gar}-  had  just  been  informed  from  two 
credible  sources  that  the  Viceroy  had  decided  in  Council  to  make 
over  Bombay  to  Shipman,  A  second  letter  from  Gary  at  Goa  to 
Lord  Marlborough,  dated  7  March,  1663  (no.  5  in  the  same  series), 
says : 

What  I  communicated  at  foote  of  my  said  last,  touching  the 
Viceroy  and  Councills  determination  and  resolution  to  deliver  up 
Bombaim  unto  Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  was  very  true,  Antonio  de 
Mello  de  Castro  himselfe  having  declared  the  same  unto  me  the 
23th  February,  saying  at  the  same  time  that  for  his  honors  sake 
he  could  not  deliver  it  otherwise  than  as  deposited  untyll  theyr 
IMajestys  of  Greate  Britaine  and  Portugalls  orders  should  come  with 
full  determinations  what  should  bee  done ;  likewise  that  hee  would 
oblidge  Sir  Abraham  to  assist  him  in  case  of  necessity,  boath  with 
souldiers  and  ammunition  what  hee  could  spare ;  and  that  it  should 
not  be  long  before  hee  would  acquaint  him  thereof  by  a  person  hee 
intended  to  send  unto  him  on  purpose. 

Gar>'  did  his  best  to  induce  the  Viceroy  to  carry  out  his  resolve, 
but  found  that  he  continually  procrastinated.  On  3  March,  having 
received  a  letter  from  Captain  ^^linors  at  Cochin  which  declared  that 
if  the  English  left  Anjidiv  the  Dutch  would  at  once  occupy  that 
island,  he  took  it  to  the  Viceroy,  ha\ing  previously 

Made  a  small  addition  of  my  owne  to  the  letter  (immitating  his 


220  SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663 

hand  as  well  as  I  could)  that  the  Dutch  were  makeing  preparation 
to  pass  for  Bombaim  ;  hopeing  that  that  would  serve  as  a  spurr  to 
putt  him  forwards  to  the  accomplishing  of  what  himselfe  and  his 
Councill  had  so  many  dayes  before  determined  to  putt  in  practize. 
But  contrary  to  myne  and  all  his  Councills  and  nobilitys  expecta- 
tion and  also  extraordinary  admiration  [i.  e.  surprise],  hee  remayned 
mute,  not  speaking  any  thing  thereof  againe ;  which  makes  him  to 
bee  looked  uppon  as  a  meere  weather  cock.  Certaine  it  is,  My 
Lord,  that  a  more  vitious  person  than  him  never  came  to  governe 

this  State :  one  that  spends  his  time  in  nothing  more  than  w g, 

gaming,  and  robbing  all  that  ever  hee  cann. 

As  soon  as  Shipman  heard  that  the  Viceroy  was  inclined  to  make 
over  Bombay,  he  wrote  to  him  (5  March),  urging  early  action,  as 
this  would  save  the  expenditure  of  large  sums  on  stores  and  labour 
at  Anjidiv.  To  the  copy  of  this  letter  in  the  Public  Record  Office 
(no.  4  of  the  same  series)  Gary  has  added  a  note  that  he  personally 
delivered  the  document  to  the  Viceroy,  who  afterwards  '  sent  for  me 
and  tould  me  that  Sir  Abraham  should  have  Bombaim  delivered 
unto  him  for  His  Majestys  of  Create  Brittaines  use  .  .  .  But  hee 
never  performed  his  promiss '. 

Gary's  own  impression,  communicated  to  his  brother  [in  law  ?]  in 
a  letter  from  Surat  of  12  August,  1663  (no.  8  in  the  same  series),  was 
that  '  Bombay  will  not  become  the  Englishes,  without  it  bee  gayned 
and  taken  from  them  [i.  e.  the  Portuguese]  by  force  of  armes '. 
Doubtless  the  news  that  peace  had  been  concluded  between  Portugal 
and  Holland  had  helped  to  stiffen  the  Viceroy's  attitude.  There 
was  now  the  less  reason  for  securing  the  support  of  the  English,  and 
the  local  objections  to  the  surrender  of  Bombay  were  allowed  the 
greater  weight. 

Meanwhile  the  garrison  at  Anjidiv  had  received  an  accession 
to  its  strength.  The  Convertinc,  one  of  Lord  Marlborough's  fleet, 
had  taken  so  long  over  her  outward  voyage  that  she  did  not  reach 
Swally  until  22  January,  1663 — a  fortnight  after  Marlborough  him- 
self had  started  for  Anjidiv  and  England.  Her  commander,  Captain 
Tinker,  was  thereupon  directed  by  the  President  and  Council 
to  proceed  to  Anjidiv  to  land  the  soldiers  he  had  on  board,  and  then 
to  return  to  Surat.  She  sailed  accordingly  on  3  February,  carrying 
with  her  Robert  Master  to  be  head  of  the  factory  at  Karwar.  On 
her  return  (22  Marchj  she  brought  with  her  the  CIiestn?it,  in  which 


SHIPMAX  AT  AXJIDIV,  1663  221 

came  Shipman's  secretary.  By  these  vessels  Oxenden  received  two 
letters,  one  from  Master  and  his  colleagues,  dated  27  February,  and 
the  other  from  Shipman,  written  two  days  earlier.  The  former 
said  : 

The  15th  of  this  instant  arrived  here  Robert  Masters  from  you, 
who  ever  since  his  arrivall  hath  indeavoured  to  compose  the  differ- 
ences between  this  Governor  and  Sir  Abraham,  but  as  yet  can 
doe  nothing  in  the  businesse,  the  cause  proceeding  rather  from 
Sir  Abrahams  standing  upon  some  small  puntilios  then  any  thing 
materiall.  .  .  .  Sir  Abraham  has  promis'd  us  not  to  disturbe  this 
Governors  dominions,  who  is  resolved  not  to  provoke  him.  .  .  . 
The  Dutch  hath  added  to  Cochin  the  castle  of  Cannanore,  and 
are  now  sole  masters  of  the  Malabar  coast.  It  will  be  an  easie 
matter  for  them  to  ingrosse  all  pepper,  since  they  are  of  such  power 
and  force  in  these  parts.  It  is  supposed  that  the  fleet  which 
is  before  Goa  will  goe  for  Busseen  or  Choul.  There  hath  been 
severall  consultations  in  Goa  since  the  taking  of  Cochin  for  the 
delivery  of  Bombay,  all  men  being  desirous  that  it  might  be 
delivered  and  almost  ready  to  mutiny  against  the  Vice  Roy.  Wee 
beleive  that  this  newes  of  Cannanore  will  doe  much,  when  they 
are  advised  of  it.     It  is  20  dayes  since  it  was  taken. 

Shipman  for  his  part  wrote  : 

I  have  sent  you  a  bill  for  40/.  for  those  things  you  sent  me. 
I  presented  most  of  them  to  the  Governor  of  Carwarr,  which  was 
thought  by  Mr.  Ball  and  the  Banian  most  proper  for  him.  I  added 
many  things  of  mine  owne,  as  a  rich  crimson  velvet  saddle  and 
furniture,  a  case  of  pistols,  a  great  looking  glasse,  six  sword  blades, 
and  severall  things  that  I  gave  his  servants,  hoping  to  have  had  a 
peace  with  him.  But  instead  of  peace  he  hath  commenc'd  acts  of 
hostilitie  against  me,  stopping  of  boates  that  were  comming  to  me, 
beating  of  the  people,  and  threatning  that  if  ever  they  came  to  this 
island  againe  to  cut  their  throats  ;  and  this  to  people  that  were  not 
of  his  countrey.  Now,  to  take  my  presents  and  not  to  doe  my 
businesse  was  strange ;  but  to  use  hostilitie  much  more  strange. 
Sir,  I  could  very  easily  right  my  selfe  for  this  injury,  were  it  not  for 
doeing  injury  to  the  factors  ashoare,  who  say  that  if  any  thing 
happens  they  shall  be  sure  to  die  for  it,  and  likewise  the  factory  and 
goods  of  the  Company  would  be  lost.  Sir,  I  doe  not  now  weigh  his 
freindshipp,  having  got  such  things  as  I  stood  in  need  of  from  other 
places  with  very  great  trouble.  If  he  had  made  peace  with  me  at 
first,  he  would  have  done  me  a  kindnesse  ;  now  none,  for  I  doe  not 
much  care  for  it.  .  .  . 


222  SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  166:; 

Some  additional  light  is  thrown  upon  the  course  of  events  by  the 
Surat  letter  to  the  Company  of  6  April,  1663. 

The  last  advices  wee  had  from  the  southward  was  the  Lord  of 
Marleburgh's  arrivall  to  Anjedivah.  That  gave  us  an  accompt 
of  the  disatisfi'd  condition  of  the  souldiers,  that  they  were  setled 
there,  although  they  gJve  no  just  reason  for  it,  as  hath  appeared 
since  ;  for  the  island  is  so  fixed  that  they  are  supply'd  with  all 
manner  of  provisions  and  necessaries  whatsoever  from  the  north  and 
south  shoares  in  the  countrey  boates.  But  they  addict  themselves 
to  nothing  but  drunkennesse,  and  will  not  so  much  as  take  the 
paines  to  build  themselves  shedds  or  houses  to  keep  the  weather 
from  them.  The  Lord  Marleburgh  indeavourd  to  setle  them  the 
best  he  could,  and  sailed  thence  the  14  January;  and  in  a  few 
houres  Capt.  Minors  followed,  to  receive  in  her  lading  at  Porqua. . . . 
Notwithstanding  Sir  Abraham's  dislike  of  the  place  where  he  is 
now  setled,  pretending  danger  and  the  want  of  many  things,  which, 
if  reall,  certainely  he  would  not  have  parted  with  his  Chcsmit  pink 
the  Lord  of  Marleburgh  left  with  him  ;  but  he  hath  sent  her  hither 
with  a  factor  and  stock  to  invest  and  proceed  for  Bantam,  and 
is  now  lading  with  the  greatest  part  cummin  seed  and  wheat,  which 
with  some  small  quantity  of  ill  sorted  cloth  she  is  to  depart  with  the 
6th  instant.  What  her  successe  will  be  there  wee  presume  the 
Agent  etc.  will  in  forme  you. 

The  Chestnut  duly  sailed  for  Bantam.  She  returned  towards  the 
close  of  the  year,  having  had  little  success  in  her  trading  operations. 

Shipman  wrote  again  to  President  Oxenden  on  16  April.  His 
letter  shows  that  he  had  provided  himself  with  storehouses  and 
other  accommodation,  but  was  still  sanguine  that  his  departure 
from  Anjidiv  would  not  be  long  delayed. 

Sir,  If  it  be  our  good  fortune  to  be  removed  hence  at  Michael- 
masse  or  after,  I  desire  to  know  what  is  to  be  done  with  this  island  ; 
for,  if  it  may  be  any  advantage  to  the  Company,  I  shall  resigne  it  up 
to  them,  with  all  the  necessarie  accommodations  now  built  upon  it. 
For  I  well  remember,  when  this  businesse  was  first  proposed  to  me, 
that  it  was  then  held  to  be  of  great  consequence  for  trade,  and  that 
the  Company  had  ordered  Mr.  Andrewes  to  expend  some  2,oco/.  or 
upwards  on  it.  Sir,  I  am  sure  the  place  is  much  improved  in  point 
of  fortifications  and  much  in  buildings,  having  good  store  houses, 
which  may  be  turned  to  warehouses,  and  a  very  good  amunition 
house  for  powder  and  match.  Now,  Sir,  if  it  may  be  any  advantage 
to  the  Company,  I  tender  it  to  you  in  their  behalves,  and  desire  to 
receive  your  answer  to  it.      For  I  hope,  the  raines  being  over,  that 


SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV.  1663  223 

the  Viceroy  will  bethink  himselfe  and  give  up  Bombain.  .  .  .  [PS.] 
Sir,  I  desire  that  you  would  communicate  this  to  your  Councell. 
that  it  may  not  be  said  hereafter  that  I  have  quit  a  considerable 
place. 

This  letter  reached  Oxenden's  hands  on  28  June,  and  three  days 
later  he  convened  his  Council  to  consider  it.  The  Company's 
positive  injunctions  on  the  point  (see  p.  84)  would  in  any  case  have 
prevented  the  acceptance  of  Shipman's  offer  ;  but  it  was  declared  in 
addition  that  the  island  would  be  of  no  benefit  to  the  Company,  and 
that  moreover  there  were  no  means  available  for  garrisoning  it. 
Further,  it  was  stated  that  at  a  consultation  with  the  '  land  and  sea 
officers '  (during  the  time  that  Lord  Marlborough  was  at  Swally) 
the  island  was  '  concluded  a  fit  place  for  His  Majesties  future 
service  '.     On    these  grounds  it  was   decided  to   refuse  the  offer. 

Shipman  quite  acquiesced  in  this  decision.  In  a  letter  to  Oxen- 
den  of  21  September  (Oxenden  Papers)  he  said  that  the  road  was 
too  exposed  to  be  safe,  and  that  the  island  was  useless  as  a  centre 
for  trade.  The  offer  and  its  refusal  were  reported  to  the  Company 
in  the  Surat  letter  of  14  November,  which  also  stated  that,  accord- 
ing to  report,  Shipman  had  lost  the  greatest  part  of  his  force  ;  '  it  is 
conceived  more  by  their  intemperateness,  ill  dyett,  and  want  of 
being  well  stored  with  necessaryes  then  the  malignity  of  the 
ayre '. 

In  fact,  Shipman's  cheerfulness  cannot  have  been  long  main- 
tained. When  the  rains  set  in,  the  sufferings  of  the  garrison,  badly 
housed  and  ill-supplied,  must  have  been  intense.  The  result  was 
seen  in  heavy  losses  from  sickness.  On  22  June  Giffard  and 
Ferrand  wrote  from  Goa  that  two  men  had  arrived  from  Anjidiv, 
and  had  reported  that  over  two  hundred  had  died  there,  including 
Shipman's  brother  ^  ;  while  on  25  August  the  Karwar  factors  gave 
the  intelligence  that 

Sir  Abraham  Shipman  is  very  well  himselfe,  but  hath  buried 
most  of  his  men.  He  had  a  month  agoe  but  J  30  men  left,  of  which 
there  were  but  three  of  the  officers  that  came  out  of  England  ;  and 
allmost  halfe  of  them  that  were  left  was  sick. 

The  dispatch  of  the  Loyal  Merchant  down  the  coast  in  October, 
1663,  enabled  the  Surat  Council  to  forward  to  Anjidiv  a  letter  from 

^  John  Shipman  died  ii  April,  1663. 


224  SHIPMAX  AT  AXJIDIV,  1663 

King  Charles.  This  had  been  sent  overland  by  the  Company 
in  October,  1662,  with  directions  that,  if  the  Earl  of  Marlborough, 
to  whom  it  was  addressed,  had  already  departed,  it  was  to  be 
delivered  to  Shipman.^  Captain  Millett,'^  the  commander  of  the 
vessel,  was  also  the  bearer  of  a  sum  of  i,coo/.,  which  had  been  sent 
out  by  the  King  to  Shipman  to  defray  expenses.  In  his  letter  of 
5  November,  Taylor  says  that  he  has  delivered  the  packet  to 
Shipman,  whom  he  found  '  not  very  well '. 

The  Public  Record  Office  contains  {CO.  77,  vol.  viii.  no.  143)  an 
undated  letter  from  Shipman  which  was  evidently  sent  by  the  Loyal 
Merchant,  addressed  to  Sir  George  Carteret,  Vice-Chamberlain 
of  the  Household.     This  mentions  that 

At  Goa  they  are  very  much  overjoyed  for  the  peace  made 
betweene  them  and  Holland.'^  They  are  rigging  all  the  shipps  they 
are  able  to  make,  which  hath  layn  these  seaven  or  eight  yeares 
aground  ;  and  that  towne,  which  hath  tasted  the  lowest  of  fortune, 
is  now  like  to  become  rich  againe.  For  had  the  warr  continued 
betweene  them,  I  verily  beleive  they  would  not  have  had  any  foot- 
ing left  them  in  these  parts  in  five  yeeres.  Sir,  the  Vice  Roy  very 
much  doubts  the  losse  of  his  head  for  not  delivering  Bombaim, 
but  hee  had  donne  well  to  have  considered  that  before. 

In  a  second  letter  to  Carteret,  dated  18  November,  1663,*  Shipman 
begs  that  the  King  may  be  informed  that  he  has  done  his  best 
to  avoid  expense,  and  with  that  object  has  abstained  from  appoint- 
ing fresh  officers  in  place  of  those  who  are  dead.  This  has  been 
much  to  his  own  detriment,  '  the  making  [of]  officers  beeing  the 
greateste  proffitt  that  I  could  expect  here  '.    As  a  result,  the  money 

1  It  was  only  to  instruct  Lord  Marlborough  to  bring  home  some  cloves  and  nutmegs  to 
plant  in  Jamaica  (Oxenden  Papers). 

-  In  his  log  (Or>ne  MSS.  no.  263)  Millett  records  that  he  anchored  at  Karwar 
2,  November,  and  that  he  and  Taylor  went  over  to  Anjidiv  the  same  day,  returning  the 
following.  He  says  that  the  island  is  '  well  wooded  and  watred,  butt  produces  nothing 
elce  benificiall.  What  cattle  theire  is  was  brought  by  the  English,  being  some  40  cowes 
and  some  70  head  of  sheep  and  goats  ...  Of  400  and  odd  men  brought  out,  not  above 
120  left  alive'. 

"  The  treaty  was  ratified  at  the  Hague  on  4  December,  1662  (O.S.),  and  published  three 
months  later.  The  news  reached  Batavia  on  4  June,  1663  {Dagk- Register,  1663,  p.  236), 
but  the  Portuguese  did  not  hear  till  later.  The  solemn  proclamation  of  the  peace  at  Batavia 
took  place  on  30  September,  O.S.  {ibid.,  p.  491). 

■*  Public  Record  Office  :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  20.  An  undated  copy  forms  no.  144  of 
the  preceding  volume. 


SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663  225 

intended  to  last  until  August,  1663,  is  likely  to  suflfice  for  a  year 
beyond  that,  and  he  will  not  have  to  use  the  letter  of  credit  sent  to 
him. 

Our  wintringe  here  hath  binn  verry  pestelentlall,  boath  to  officers 
and  souldiers,  for  of  450  wee  brought  out  of  the  Downes  [wee]  are 
now  redewced  to  under  150 ;  and  if  wee  bee  forced  to  stay  another 
winter,  and  sustaine  but  a  tolerabell  loss  by  mortalety,  wee  shall  bee 
disenabled  to  keepe  this  place,  the  island  being  large  and  wee 
haveing  butt  fewe  men  ;  the  Kinge  of  Decann  being  our  mortalle 
enemie  and  neear  naiebour,  not  much  above  halfe  a  mile  from  us, 
and  is  daiely  threattning  to  beate  us  out.  Therefore  I  desier  you 
with  all  expedition  to  procuer  us  a  supplie  of  men  to  bee  sente 
us,  for,  wheather  wee  staye  here  or  goe  to  Bombaime,  wee  shall 
wante  men. 

Shipman  goes  on  to  declare  that  no  commander  ever  had  such 
'  debouste  *  officers.  Had  he  himself  succumbed,  Hungerford,  his 
second  in  command,  would  soon  have  spent  all  the  money  available, 
'  hee  being  very  much  given  to  drinke '.  It  is  desirable  that  a 
Lieutenant-Governor  should  be  sent  out  from  England.  Probably 
Captain  Povey's  brother  ^  will  urge  the  Duke  of  York  to  procure 
the  post  for  him,  but  he  is  quite  unfit  for  it  or  indeed  for  his  present 
duties.  Shipman  has  had  to  buy  medicines  in  Goa  at  a  dear  rate, 
and  he  urges  therefore  a  supply  from  home,  as  also  of  match.  Their 
chaplain  is  dead  and  another  one  is  needed.  The  men  of  the 
Chestnut  are  mutinous,  demanding  a  larger  proportion  of  their  pay. 
She  is  of  little  use  and  a  great  expense,  added  to  the  cost  of 
the  sloop.  Two  or  three  good  lieutenants  would  be  useful.  Ship- 
man  himself  has  had  two  *  greate  fittes  of  sickneses ',  and  is  still 
unwell  ;  he  begs  that  the  King  will  sanction  his  return  to  England, 
as  he  promised  to  do  when  Shipman  took  leave,  should  his  health 
require  it.  *  This  buisnes  hath  more  broken  mee  then  20  yeares 
paste.' 

By  the  same  conveyance  Shipman  sent  a  letter  to  Lord  Marl- 
borough (no.  21  in  the  same  series),  excusing  its  brevity  on  the  score 
of  his  own  ill-health.  The  mortality  among  his  men  had  been  very 
high. 

At  one  time  wee  had  not  twenty  sound  men  to  stand  to  theire 

^  No  doubt  this  was  Pepys's  acquaintance,  Thomas  Povey,  who  was  Treasurer  to  the 
Duke  of  York. 

2597  Q 


226  SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663 

armes  to  doe  there  devvtie.  ...  If  it  bee  our  elle  fourtunes  to  stay 
another  winter,  I  doe  not  know  what  will  beecome  of  us,  unless 
it  please  God  to  give  helth  to  our  peopell,  for  if  any  more  dies  wee 
shall  bee  in  a  verry  sad  condition. 

On  23  November,  1663,  Gary  (then  at  Surat)  wrote  once  more  to 
Lord  Marlborough  {ibid.,  nos.  24,  25),  saying  that  the  transfer 
of  Bombay  was  '  concluded  on  and  voted  by  three  severall  councills  ' 
during  his  stay  at  Goa,  but  was  frustrated  by  the  Viceroy,  who 
would,  he  hoped,  be  suitably  punished.  He  enclosed  a  copy  of 
a  letter  received  from  Shipman,  dated  21  September  (no.  14  in 
that  volume),  expressing  a  hope  that  reinforcements  would  soon 
arrive  and  stating  his  readiness  to  engage  as  soldiers  any  Europeans 
that  could  be  induced  to  join  him.  As  regards  this,  Gary  declared 
that  '  to  levy  any  soldiers  heere  to  recrute  him  is  alltogeather 
impossible  '. 

Another  letter  from  Gary  to  Marlborough,  of  25  January,  1664 
{ibid.^  no.  24),  shows  that  little  more  had  been  heard  at  Surat 
concerning  the  state  of  affairs  at  Anjidiv,  except  that  the  mortality 
there  still  continued,  and  that  an  idea  was  prevalent  that  the  Earl 
would  return  with  a  fresh  squadron  to  finish  his  work. 

God  deliver  them  from  that  insalubrious  clime,  or  rather  make 
them  more  temperat,  for  I  am  perswaded  that  the  major  part  dyes 
of  surfeits.  Every  one  heere  longingly  expects  Your  Lordshipps 
retourne  ;  and  the  Brahmens  are  so  comfident  of  it  that  many 
Banians  have  laid  wagers  that  your  arrivall  heere  will  bee  before  this 
month  bee  quite  out. 

Gary  himself  would  rejoice  intensely  to  see  Marlborough  arrive  ; 

and  much  much  more  to  see  Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro  sent 
home  laden  with  machos  [fetters],  though  they  should  be  of  prata 
[silver].  His  guiltie  contience  makes  him  tremble  at  every  English- 
man that  arrives  at  Goa. 

In  the  meantime  the  failure  of  the  Portuguese  to  fulfil  their 
obligations  had  caused  much  resentment  in  England.^  The  news 
was  first  brought  by  an  overland  packet  that  arrived  on  1 1  May, 
1663,  and  an  entry  in  Pepys's  diary,  four  days  later,  shows  what 
a  sensation  it  made.     The  Secretary  of  State  wrote  at  once  to  Sir 

*  For  fuller  information  see  the  introduction  (p.  xxxviii)  of  The  Court  Minutes,  &c. 
cf  the  East  India  Company,  1660-3;  also  J.  G.  da  Cunha's  Origin  of  Bombay,  pp.  249, 
250,  and  the  authorities  there  cited. 


SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663  227 

Richard  Fanshaw,  ambassador  at  Lisbon,  that  the  King  was  '  in  the 
last  resentments  against  this  usage  that  can  be  imagined  '  and  that 
'  less  than  the  Viceroy's  head,  and  satisfaction  for  all  the  damages 
and  expense  .  .  .  will  not  suffice  to  pay  His  Majesty  for  this  affront '. 
In  passing  on  these  demands  to  the  Portuguese  government,  the 
ambassador  improved  the  occasion  by  suggesting  that  as  a  solatium 
Bassein  should  be  added  to  the  territory  to  be  ceded;  but  of  this 
the  Portuguese  would  not  hear,  though  they  expressed  regret 
for  the  Viceroy's  action  and  promised  speedy  redress.  Marlborough 
himself  arrived  in  England  towards  the  end  of  June,  and  about 
a  month  later  the  Portuguese  ambassador  in  London  was  notified 
that  King  Charles  insisted  upon  (i)  the  punishment  of  the  Viceroy, 
(2)  reparations  for  the  expenses  incurred,  amounting  to  at  least 
100,000/.,  and  (3)  the  cession  of  all  the  territory  shown  in  the  map 
exhibited  at  the  time  of  the  treaty,  including  Salsette  and  Thana. 
According  to  Dr.  da  Cunha  [op.  cit.,  p.  249)  reply  was  made  that 
fresh  instructions  were  being  sent  to  Goa,  but  that  the  intention  of 
the  treaty  was  to  cede  the  island  of  Bombay  alone. 

The  letter  from  the  Portuguese  King  to  the  Viceroy,  dated 
16  August,  1663  (N.S.),  expressed  surprise  and  regret  at  his  failure 
to  carry  out  his  master's  intentions,  and  ordered  him  to  surrender 
Bombay  without  delay.^  On  the  English  side,  to  meet  one  of  the 
Viceroy's  objections,  a  commission  was  issued,  dated  23  November, 
1663,  and  signed  by  the  King,  appointing  Shipman  his  '  commissary, 
deputy,  and  procurator '  to  receive  the  port  and  island  of  Bombay, 
'  together  with  the  fortifications  and  other  things  belonging  to  Us  by 
the  treaty  '.^  With  a  curious  lack  of  foresight,  no  provision  was 
made  for  the  possibility  that  Shipman  might  be  dead  when  the 
commission  arrived,  for  no  authority  was  given  to  his  successor  to 
act  in  a  like  capacity. 

This  commission  was  dispatched  overland,  in  a  packet  which 
contained   also   a   letter   from   the    Company   to    their    President 

1  Portuguese  text  in  Memorias  sobre  as  Possessors  Portugiiezas  iia  Asia,  p.  183 ;  English 
version  in  Da  Cunha,  tii  supra,  and  the  Bombay  Gazetteer,  vol.  xxvi.  p.  1 2.  Copies  in  both 
languages  will  be  found  in  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  nos.  9  and  10  (Public  Record  Office)  and  in 
O.C.  3053-4  (India  Office). 

^  For  the  Latin  text  'with  a  translation)  see  Da  Cunha,  p.  250,  The  English  version  is 
there  quoted  from  the  Bombay  Gazetteer  {lit  stipra).  Copies  in  English  and  Portuguese 
will  be  found  in  O.C.  3053-4. 


228  SHIPMAN  AT  ANJIDIV,  1663 

and  Council  at  Surat,  dated  17  November,  1663.  In  this  letter, 
written  at  the  instance  of  King  Charles,  the  Governor  and  Deputy- 
directed  that  all  possible  assistance  should  be  afforded  to  Shipman. 
In  the  Public  Record  Office  {CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  18)  is  a  draft  of 
a  letter  from  King  Charles  to  Sir  George  Oxenden,  31  October, 
1663,^  commending  Shipman  and  his  soldiers  to  the  President's 
good  offices ;  also  (idzd.,  no.  1 7)  a  copy  of  a  letter  to  Shipman 
of  the  same  date,  evidently  from  the  Secretary  of  State.  This 
transmitted  the  above-mentioned  letter  from  the  Portuguese  King  to 
his  Viceroy,  ordering  the  immediate  surrender  of  Bombay.  Shipman 
was  directed  to  present  the  document  to  the  Viceroy  and  to  demand 
the  execution  of  the  instructions  it  contained  ;  '  and  if  in  the 
surrender  any  thing  be  deteyned  from  you  that  you  thinke  the 
article  in  the  treaty  .  .  .  entitles  His  Majesty  to,  you  are  to  take 
what  is  given  and  protest  against  the  detention  of  the  rest '. 

All  these  documents  went   out   in  the    same    overland  packet 
(see  CO.  yy,  vol.  ix,  no.  50). 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,   1663 

The  comparatively  scanty  information  available  regarding  the 
establishments  in  this  region  during  1661  and  1662  was  included  in 
the  chapters  dealing  with  the  Surat  Presidency.  For  1663,  however, 
we  have  sufficient  materials  to  devote  a  special  chapter  to  the  sub- 
ject, which  increasingly  engrossed  the  attention  of  Oxenden  and  his 
Council,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  had  now  mastered  all 
the  Portuguese  possessions  to  the  south  of  Goa  and  were  doing  their 
best  to  monopolize  the  trade  of  the  pepper-producing  districts.  The 
success  of  the  Hollanders  had  evidently  alarmed  the  inhabitants  of 
other  coast  towns,  and  invitations  had  been  received  at  Surat  for 
the  settlement  of  factories  at  some  of  these  (p.  121).  Whatever 
might  be  done  in  that  respect,  it  was  vital  for  the  English  to  retain 

'  From  later  evidence  it  appears  that  both  this  and  the  letter  from  Lord  Arlington 
were  actually  dated  26  November.  In  the  previous  March,  by  the  King's  directions, 
a  letter  had  been  sent  to  Oxenden,  desiring  him  to  supply  Shipman  with  anything  he 
might  need,  up  to  a  value  of  4,766/.  {CaUtidar  of  Treasury  Books,  1660-7,  PP-  5°8>  S^^)* 


( 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  229 

their  hold  upon  the  trade  they  already  had,  or  the  supply  of  Mala- 
bar pepper  would  be  entirely  cut  off. 

The  factories  in  existence  were  Kayal,  near  Tuticorin,  under 
Travers  :  Porakad,^  between  Quilon  and  Cochin,  under  Harrington  : 
and  Karwar,  a  little  below  Goa,  under  Master.  Trade  with  Rajapur 
had  been  at  a  standstill  ever  since  that  port  had  been  raided  by 
Sivaji  and  the  English  factors  carried  off  prisoners.  Of  the  latter, 
at  the  commencement  of  1663,  Randolph  Taylor,  Richard  Taylor, 
Philip  Giffard,  and  Robert  Ferrand  still  remained  in  captivity. 

At  the  beginning  of  February  Robert  Master,  who  had  been 
summoned  from  Karwar  to  give  information  regarding  the  situation 
there,  of  which  he  had  furnished  a  glowing  report  (p.  121),  was 
sent  back  to  his  post  in  the  Convertine.  In  the  commission  delivered 
to  him  he  was  confirmed  as  Chief,  with  Richard  Ball  and  Caesar 
Chamberlain  as  Second  and  Third  respectively.  The  stock  sent 
was  not  to  be  landed  until  Master  had  satisfied  himself  that  the 
quarrel  between  Shipman  and  the  Governor  had  been  composed 
and  that  there  was  no  danger  of  the  factory  being  seized.  Further 
supplies  were  promised,  if  Master  was  able  to  make  a  satisfactory 
report.  The  Hopewell^  in  her  voyage  to  Porakad,  had  surprised 
a  small  vessel  belonging  to  '  Batticola'  [Bhatkal]  ;  and  this  had  led 
to  overtures  from  that  place  to  restore  in  exchange  the  Swally, 
which  was  riding  in  that  port.^  The  prize  was  accordingly  sent 
down  with  the  Convertine  to  Karwar,  and  Master  was  directed  to 
hand  her  over  upon  the  arrival  of  the  Szvally.  That  vessel  he  was 
to  fit  out  with  '  lascarrs  and  a  mallum  [pilot :  Ar.  mn  'allint\  or  ton- 
dell  '  [boatswain  :  Marathi  tandel\  and  dispatch  her  to  Surat  some 
time  in  October.  A  present  for  the  Governor  had  not  been  pro- 
vided, owing  to  his  threats  to  imprison  the  factors  should  Shipman 
occupy  Anjidiv.     This  menace  was  warmly  resented. 

For  wee  are  merchants,  and  sought  by  all  the  princes  of  the 
world,  and  scorning  to  live  but  where  wee  may  not  only  be  free  but 

^  According  to  the  Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663  (p.  326),  the  territory  of  the  Raja  of 
Porakad  was  very  small,  extending  along  the  coast  for  not  above  five  Dutch  miles  and 
having  nowhere  a  depth  exceeding  two  miles ;  but  it  was  very  fruitful  and  moreover 
afforded  an  outlet  for  the  pepper-growing  country  behind. 

*  For  her  capture  by  the  Malabars  see  p.  2.  The  Dutch  at  Surat  had  intervened  to 
secure  the  restitution  of  the  Bhatkal  prize,  but  their  remonstrances  had  been  resented  by 
Oxenden  (Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663,  p.  313). 


230  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

courted  with  all  manner  of  civill  usage ;  and  such  wee  also  expect 
from  him,  if  hee  be  desirous  wee  should  contynnue  in  his  country  ; 
else  give  us  leave  to  depart  peaceably  as  wee  came,  and  wee  shall 
neither  trouble  him,  his  port,  nor  his  island. 

The  prisoners  at  Raigarh  had  not  been  forgotten,  and  in  the 
instructions  given  to  the  commander  of  the  Convertine  he  was 
directed  to  put  into  Jaitapur  and  there  seize  two  vessels  which  it 
was  understood  were  being  fitted  out  by  Sivaji  for  a  voyage  to 
Mokha.  Care  was  to  be  taken  that  their  cargoes  were  not  interfered 
with,  as  it  was  intended  to  make  full  restitution  if  the  captives  were 
released  ;  and  should  Tinker  be  doubtful  whether  he  could  restrain 
his  men  from  plundering,  he  was  to  desist  from  the  enterprise. 

Fortunately  the  employment  of  force  proved  unnecessary,  as  on 
his  arrival  off  the  port  Tinker  found  that  the  factors  had  already 
been  released.  By  the  mediation  of  Shahji  Bhonsla  (his  father), 
Sivaji  had  come  to  terms  with  his  nominal  overlord,  the  King  of 
Bljapur,  with  the  result  that  Rajapur,  amongst  other  districts,  had 
been  recognized  as  part  of  his  territories.^  He  had  thus  a  direct 
interest  in  developing  the  trade  of  that  port,  and  this  was  impossible 
so  long  as  the  English  were  hostile.  He  was  inclined,  therefore,  to 
listen  to  the  representations  of  the  Rajapur  merchants  in  favour  of 
a  reconciliation,  the  first  condition  of  which  was  obviously  the  release 
of  Taylor  and  his  companions.  The  beginning  of  the  story  was 
given  in  a  letter  from  them  of  17  January,  1663,  which  unfortunately 
is  missing  ;  but  it  is  continued  in  one  of  6  February  dispatched  from 
Rajapur  to  Surat  by  an  express  messenger.     This  runs  as  follows  : 

The  17th  past  month  wee  wrote  you  from  Raire,  and  therein 
advised  our  being  sent  for  by  Rougy  Pundit  [see  p.  7]  to  Rajapore. 
Said  day  wee  set  out  from  Raire,  and  the  29th  ditto  arrived  at  this 
place,  where  wee  were  gladly  received  by  all  the  merchants  etc. 
inhabitants  of  the  towne.  Notwithstanding,  our  irons  remayned  still 
on  us,  which  the  timerousenesse  of  those  that  brought  us  would  not 
admit  should  be  taken  of  untill  they  had  delivered  us  to  Rougy 

^  'The  Bijapur  government  granted  all  Shivaji's  demands  (A.D.  1662).  He  was  left 
in  possession  of  his  conquests  from  Kalyan  in  the  north  to  Phonda  in  the  south,  and  from 
Dabhol  in  the  west  to  Indapur  in  the  east,  and  his  complete  independence  was  acknow- 
ledged. Both  parties  undertook  to  defend  the  other  from  foreign  aggression.  And 
Shivaji  took  a  solemn  oath  not  to  molest  Bijapur  during  Shahaji's  lifetime.'  (/f  History  of 
the  I\Iaratha  People^  by  Kincaid  and  Parasnis,  vol.  i.  p.  175.) 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  231 

Pondit ;  and  he  being  gone  to  Carapatam,\vee  remayned  fourdayes 
in  the  tovvne  in  said  condicion,  untill  Rougy  came,  who  then 
presently  caused  our  irons  to  be  knocked  of.  .  .  .  He  told  us  that  he 
had  wrote  a  letter  to  the  President,  and  the  contents  thereof,  as 
allsoe  of  the  answer  returned  thereto,  which  he  sayd  gives  hopes  of 
an  accomodation  between  his  master  and  the  English,  which  he 
declares  to  be  very  desirous  of,  and  therefore  sent  for  us  to  treat 
about  the  businesse  ;  which  that  wee  might  the  clearlier  doe,  wee 
told  him  it  would  be  necessary  he  declar'd  us  freemen  and  gave  us 
liberty  to  speak  our  minds  freely,  which  he  accordingly  did  before 
many  auditors.  Then  wee  told  him  what  wee  had  severall  times 
done  formerly,  that  wee  were  but  inferiour  servants  and  therefore 
could  doe  nothing  of  this  nature  without  speciall  direction  from 
Your  Worshipp  ;  but  this  wee  were  assured  of  by  former  experience, 
that  our  masters  would  never  consent  that  an  agreement  should  be 
made  with  any  persons  that  their  estates  and  servants  have  suffered 
by,  without  reperation  be  first  made  for  the  losses  sustained ;  .  .  . 
and  that  wee  should  but  deceive  him  and  abuse  our  selves  to  say 
any  thing  else  to  him.  But  he  told  us  what  was  past  must  be  for- 
gotten, and  that  for  the  future  never  any  such  thing  should  happen 
againe,  nor  should  wee  ever  suffer  by  his  master  to  the  value  of 
a  corne  of  rice  losse  ;  giving  in  severall  reasons  for  what  had 
happened  .  .  .as,  his  master  then  having  warr  with  the  King  of 
Decan  (which  since  is  ended  and  they  now  certainly  at  amity),  and 
therefore  he  robd  his  countrey  ;  as  allso  the  great  necessity  that  then 
were  upon  him,  occasioned  by  his  warring  with  two  potent  kings 
and  Oran  Shaw  having  spoild  him  of  great  parts  of  his  dominions 
etc.,  but  now  his  master  had  no  such  great  necessity  depending  ;  but 
although  any  such  should  happen  againe,  yet  he  now  was  fully 
resolved  never  hereafter  to  commit  the  like  outrages  as  formerly,  and 
would  give  us  his  inviolable  oath  wee  should  never  be  any  wayes 
injured  againe ;  shewing  us  withall  a  writing  from  his  master  with 
his  owne  chop  [i.e.  seal]  and  others  accustomary  to  it,  as  allso  the 
print  of  the  Rajah's  hand  on  the  top  of  the  paper,  done  with  sandall, 
declaring  his  resolve  to  tend  as  prementioned.  To  all  which  wee 
answered  that,  in  confidence  of  the  truth  of  what  he  had  alledged, 
wee  did  beleive  our  masters  would  be  perswaded  to  trade  againe  to 
these  ports,  that  are  now  in  the  Rajah's  possession,  provided  repera- 
tion be  made  to  their  former  losses  ;  which  wee  hoped  would  be 
done,  and  assured  him  his  master  would  not  be  a  looser  thereby. 
This  was  the  substance  of  our  discourse  at  first  meeting  ;  so  he 
wisht  us  to  returne  againe  to  our  lodging,  and  at  night  he  would 
send  us  home  to  our  owne  house  handsomly  ;  which  was  performed 
last  night  accordingly.  But  before  wee  came  from  the  Durbarr, 
where  all  the  merchants  were  met,  tosrether  with  the  cheife  officers 


'232  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

of  the  towne,  he  obliged  us  to  sweare  that  wee  would  not  attempt 
to  goe  from  Rajapore  without  his  knowledge,  untill  the  difference 
between  his  and  our  masters  were  composed  ;  and  that  after  he  had 
promised  to  doe  what  in  him  lay  to  effect  the  same,  he  ingaged  us 
to  doe  the  like ;  which  once  being  done  (as  wee  hope  speedily  it 
will),  he  assures  us  of  as  great  privilidges  in  all  kinds  as  weeinjoyed 
formerly.  Wee  then  parted,  being  accompanied  by  all  the  merchants 
and  most  of  the  eminentest  persons  of  the  towne  to  our  owne  house 
with  horses,  trumpets,  flaggs,  and  great  concourse  of  people,  all 
discovering  great  satisfaction  for  our  happy  returne. 

The  factors  then  ask  that  someone  should  be  sent  down,  armed 
with  full  authority  to  conclude  an  agreement ;  and  for  this  purpose 
they  suggest  the  employment  of  Valji.  No  danger  need  be  appre- 
hended, as  Raoji  Pandit  has  given  assurances  on  that  point. 

Wee  are  througly  possest  that,  freindshipp  being  once  concluded 
between  us,  wee  may  afterwards  trade  with  safety  in  all  Sevagys 
ports  (having  satisfaction  for  our  former  losses)  ;  for  now  it  is  cer- 
taine  that  the  King  hath  given  Sevagy  a  phirmaund  for  Rajapore 
etc.  places  that  he  is  possest  of,  to  injoy  the  benefit  thereof.  But 
for  our  better  security  wee  may  get  the  Kings  phirmaund  to  secure 
us  in  all  parts  of  his  dominions,  and  that  [then  ?]  wee  shall  be  safe. 
At  leastwise,  ifany  thing  should  happen  not  suspected,  the  Company 
will  have  wayes  enough  to  satisfie  themselves,  this  being  still  part 
of  the  Kings  dominions  and  Sevagy  his  subject  ;  who,  allthough 
[he]  should  be  the  veriest  rogue  in  the  world  and  have  no  regard  to 
oath  or  promises  so  solemly  made,  yet  thoughts  of  their  owne  con- 
venience will  diswade  them  from  breach  thereof;  for,  if  ever  these 
should  be  violated,  no  persons  would  ever  after  beleive  them  or 
remaine  in  his  countrey. 

On  Valji's  arrival,  Randolph  Taylor  proposes  to  repair  himself 
to  Surat  to  give  fuller  information.  It  would  not  be  wise  to  press 
for  this  at  present,  much  less  for  their  all  being  allowed  to  go.  The 
factors  believe  that  Sivaji  would  willingly  allow  the  English  to 
settle  in  his  territories,  if  they  would  assist  him  in  taking  Danda 
Rajpuri.  The  two  ships  for  Mokha  will  not,  they  hope,  be  interfered 
with,  as  it  would  be  unwise  to  excite  Sivaji's  resentment  ;  how- 
ever, the  factors  do  not ,  wish  their  personal  danger  to  be  weighed 
against  the  general  advantage,  if  unreasonable  conditions  should  be 
demanded.  They  have  drawn  a  bill  on  Surat  for  200  rupees  (at  360 
rupees  to  100  pagodas)  to  meet  current  necessities.     They  suggest 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  233 

that  Valji  should  be  sent  down  in  a  small  vessel,  and  should  bring 
a  handsome  present  for  Raoji  Pandit,  to  be  delivered  privately. 

Three  or  four  days  after  this  letter  was  dispatched,  news  reached 
Rajapur  that  the  Convertine  had  arrived  in  Jaitapur  Road ;  and 
thereupon  Randolph  Taylor  and  Giffard  repaired  to  that  vessel, 
leaving  Richard  Taylor  and  Ferrand  behind  as  pledges  for  their 
return.  Captain  Tinker  showed  them  his  instructions  regarding  the 
seizure  of  the  two  ships  in  the  river  ;  but  they  pointed  out  the 
inadvisability  of  thus  rupturing  the  negotiations  for  an  agreement, 
and  the  danger  to  which  Ferrand  and  his  companion  would  be 
exposed  by  such  action.  These  arguments,  reinforced  by  considera- 
tion of  the  difficulty  of  the  task  (which  involved  the  sending  of  boats 
some  distance  up  the  river)  and  the  assurances  the  factors  were  able 
to  give  that  as  yet  the  vessels  had  nothing  in  them  of  value,  induced 
Tinker  to  abandon  the  scheme,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  Taylor 
and  his  colleagues,  who,  in  reporting  these  events  to  Surat  in 
a  letter  of  18  February,  1663,  urged  that  a  breach  with  Sivaji  might 
endanger  the  factory  at  Karwar. 

Valji,  whose  name  had  been  suggested  by  the  Rajapur  factors 
as  a  suitable  intermediary,  was  found  to  be  on  board  the  Convertine, 
having  been  sent  by  Oxenden  to  assist  Tinker  in  the  event  of  the 
ships  at  Jaitapur  being  captured.  He  had,  of  course,  no  authority  as 
yet  to  negotiate  ;  but  he  consented  to  accompany  Taylor  and  Giffard 
to  Rajapur,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  Raoji  Pandit.  Valji 
affirmed,  as  the  factors  had  done,  that  no  agreement  was  possible 
which  excluded  compensation  for  past  losses ;  adding  that  the 
President  and  Council  were  determined  to  exact  satisfaction  and  had 
given  '  very  severe  orders  '  to  the  Convertine,  which  would  have  been 
executed  but  for  the  more  favourable  turn  events  had  taken.  After 
this  interview,  at  which  Raoji  Pandit  was  very  civil,  Valji  returned 
to  the  Convertine,  which  then  sailed  (13  February)  for  Karwar. 

Wee  have  since  the  shipps  departure  had  some  discourse  with 
Rougy,  at  what  time  have  told  him  how  necessary  it  will  be  for  him, 
if  he  desires  the  good  and  setlement  of  the  countrey,  to  conclude 
this  businesse ;  in  answer  to  which  wee  perceive  his  drift  is  to  per- 
swade  us  to  receive  satisfaction  out  of  the  customes  of  the  towne, 
wee  to  receive  half  and  he  half,  untill  wee  are  satisfied  ;  but  wee  tell 
him  wee  are  sure  this  proposition  will  not  be  accepted,  and  unlesse  he 


234  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

thinks  of  some  other  way,  you  will  goe  a  nearer  way  to  work  ;  which 
if  happen  so,  he  must  not  blame  us.  He  bids  us  stay  untill  the 
President's  answer  comes,  and  then  wee  shall  conclude  on  some- 
thing. 

In  the  meantime,  say  the  factors,  the  two  ships  will  probably 
have  started  for  Mokha,  and  fears  lest  they  should  be  intercepted  on 
their  return  may  induce  Raoji  Pandit  to  come  to  terms.  If  not, 
they  should  certainly  be  '  laid  out  for '  ;  but  several  vessels  must  be 
employed,  as  they  may  have  orders  not  to  return  to  Rajapur,  but 
to  make  for  some  other  port,  such  as  Kharepatan,  Satavli,  Dabhol, 
or  '  Kelsy  '} 

Wee  heare  there  is  three  vessells  from  Dabull  and  one  from 
Achara  ^  for  Persia  and  Muskat,  and  should  be  glad  if  any  of  them 
could  be  met ;  for,  if  the  businesse  with  Rougy  be  not  speedily  con- 
cluded on,  wee  hope  to  get  all  away  before  notice  comes  of  any 
thing  that  is  done,  and  that  without  falcifying  our  words  unto  him. 
But  for  the  better  effecting  of  that  wee  hope  the  Convertme  will 
touch  here  againe  at  her  returne.  .  .  .  Wee  hope  the  President  will 
be  positive  in  his  answer  to  Rougy's  letter,  in  case  he  sends  no  man 
do\vne  to  treat  of  the  businesse.  Wee  beleive  the  whole  amount  of 
what  lost  will  be  23  or  24,000  pago[das]  .  .  .  besides  interest,  the 
losse  of  two  mens  lives,  and  our  two  yeares  imprisonment. 

The  story  is  continued  in  the  letter  from  Surat  to  the  Company 
of  6  April,  which,  after  narrating  the  Convertine' s  visit  to  Jaitapur, 
says: 

So  she  sail'd  thence,  and  at  her  returne  brought  of  both  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph Taylor  and  Richard  Taylor,  leaving  Mr.  Gyfford  and 
Mr.  Farren  [Ferrand]  behind,  but  at  liberty  to  keep  house  in  town  ; 
that  our  next  care  must  be  to  get  them  to  us,  wherein  wee  will  use 
our  indeavours. 

Taylor's  departure  is  mentioned  in  a  letter  from  Giffard  at  Raja- 
pur, dated  30  March,  which  shows  also  that  Oxenden  had  promptly 
answered  the  appeals  addressed  to  him. 

Yours  of  the  24th  February  .  .  .  came  to  my  hands  the  18  March, 
with  the  inclosed  letters  to  Rougy  and  the  merchants,  which 
I  immediately  delivered  them  ;  upon  perusall  whereof  they  seemed 
much  satisfied.     I  likewise  told  him  (according  to  your  order)  you 

1  Kelshi,  about  15  miles  north  of  Dabhol. 
-  Achra,  10  miles  north  of  Malvan. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  235 

did  not  think  us  free  till  wee  might  come  and  goe  when  and  where 
wee  pleased,  or  where  ordered  from  Surat,  without  any  ingagements  ; 
upon  which  he  declared  before  the  merchants  that,  if  you  did  not 
think  us  at  liberty  here,  wee  might  goe,  upon  your  next  letter, 
where  you  thought  wee  might  be  more  at  liberty,  but  he  hoped 
that  Mr.  Taylor's  goeing  to  Surat  would  remove  all  such  suspicions  ; 
protesting  all  his  aime  and  desire  was  to  setle  this  port,  which  he 
hoped  was  your  intentions  likewise.  He  propounded,  as  the  spediest 
way  likewise  to  end  all  differences,  that  a  Banian  might  be  sent 
with  full  power  to  treat  on  the  businesse.  Yesterday  Rougy  Pundit 
went  for  Chiploon ;  ^  but  before  he  departed  he  deliver'd  me  the 
inclosed  for  the  President.  .  .  .  He  said,  at  his  goeing  out  of  towne, 
he  would  returne  in  four  dayes  ;  but  its  thought  he  intends  to  visit 
his  master  at  Raihgur  before  his  returne.  .  .  .  The  newes  here  stirring 
is  that  the  Mogull  ^  with  12,000  horsemen  is  in  the  upper  Chaul, 
abuilding  houses  for  to  winter  in.  Seven  thousand  horse  more  are 
in  Rimatpore,^  being  returned  from  persuit  of  Netagee,  Sevagies 
l[ieutenan]t  generall,  who  was  gone  to  plunder  into  the  Moguls 
countrey.  They  followed  him  so  close  that  he  was  faine  to  travell 
45  and  50  mile  a  day,  and  yet  much  adoe  to  escape  with  a  small 
booty  he  had  got.  They  left  not  of  the  persuit  till  they  came 
within  five  leagues  of  Vizapore  [Bijapur]  ;  which  put  the  King  and 
Queen  into  so  great  a  fright  that  with  a  100  horse  they  presently 
marched  to  Bunckapore  [Bankapur].  Rustum  Jeamah  met  the 
Mogull  and  made  his  owne  peace.  What  will  follow  hereof  is 
uncertaine ;  but  all  here  think  the  Mogull  will  take  all  the  Kings 
countrey.  If  Your  Worshipp  etc.  thinks  it  convenient  I  should 
retire  any  whether,  upon  notice  of  your  intentions  I  question  not 
but  I  can  securely  get  away  ;  yet  humbly  conceive,  if  my  remove  be 
intented,  the  safest  way  would  be  to  write  to  Rougy  that  you  have 
ordered  me  to  goe  up  to  Callopore  [Kolhapur]  to  provide 
goods.  .  .  . 

The  information  here  given  about  Netoji  Palkar's  raid  is  supple- 
mented in  a  further  letter  from  Giffard,  dated  8  April : 

It 's  certaine  that  the  King,  Queen,  and  all  the  nobles  in  Vizapore 
are  gone  to  Bunckapore,  where  they  are  denied  entrance  by  Bulla 
Ckan's  mother,  by  reason  Bulla  Ckan  [Bahlol  Khan]  and  the  King 
are  at  great  variance.  Rustum  Jeamah  hath  certainly  met  the 
Mogull,  but  upon  what  condicions  wee  cannot  heare.  After  he  met 
the  Mogull,  he  perswaded  them  from  persuing  Netagee  any  further, 

^  Chiplun,  in  Ratnagiri  District,  on  the  Vashishti. 

^  Here,  and  elsewhere  in  these  letters,  the  Mogul  general  is  meant. 

'  Rahimatpur,  1 7  miles  south-east  of  Satara. 


236  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

by  telling  them  that  the  countrey  was  dangerous  for  any  strange 
army  to  march  in,  likewise  promising  them  to  goe  himselfe  and  follow 
him  ;  by  which  deceipt  Netagee  got  away,  though  not  without  the 
losse  of  300  horse  and  himselfe  wounded.  The  house  Rustum 
Jeamah  was  a  building  the  English  here  in  Rajapore  not  being 
finished,  by  reason  of  Sevagy's  coming  here,  there  is  severall 
beames  and  posts  which,  if  not  taken  care  of,  will  certainly  rot  in  the 
raines. 

An  opportunity  had  occurred  of  selling  these,  and  instructions 
were  requested.     Four  days  later  Giffard  wrote  again. 

Rougy  Pundit  is  returned.  Presently  upon  his  arrivall  he  desired 
me  to  write  to  Your  Worship  etc.  to  send  some  body  to  make  an 
end  of  the  businesse.  He  declared  a  great  desire  thereto.  Yesterday 
arrived  a  letter  from  the  Rajah,  written  by  himselfe  to  Rougy, 
giving  him  an  accompt  how  that  he  himselfe  with  400  choice  men 
went  to  Shasta  Ckans  camp ;  there,  upon  some  pretence  (which  he 
did  not  incert  in  his  letter),  he  got  into  his  tent  to  salam,  and 
presently  slew  all  the  watch,  kill'd  Shasta  Ckan[s]  eldest  soonne, 
his  Sonne  in  law,  12  of  his  cheife  women,  40  great  persons  atending 
him  their  generall  ;  wounded  Shasta  Chan  with  his  owne  hand  (and, 
he  thought,  to  death,  but  since  heares  he  lives),  wounded  six  more 
of  his  wifes,  two  more  of  his  sons ;  and  after  all  this  returnes, 
loosing  but  six  men  and  40  wounded  ;  io,coo  horse  under  Rajah 
Jeswantsin^  standing  still  and  never  offered  to  persue  him;  so  that 
it's  generally  beleived  it  was  done  with  his  consent,  though  Sevagy 
tells  his  men  his  Permisera-  bid  him  doe  it. 

This  famous  exploit  of  Sivaji  (for  a  fuller  account  of  which 
see  Professor  Jadunath  Sarkar's  Shivaji  and  His  Times,  p.  98)  is 
alluded  to  also  in  letters  from  Giffard  to  Surat  of  5  and  24  May, 
1663,  th^  former  from  Rajapur  and  the  latter  from  Kolhapur.  That 
of  the  5th  contains  nothing  of  importance  ;  but  the  later  one,  which 
is  signed  also  by  Robert  Ferrand,  is  of  considerable  interest. 

Yours  of  the  23th,  with  its  copie,  came  both  to  hand  the  12 
instant ;  and  in  complyance  with  your  order  therein,  wee  set  out  for 
Collopore  the  i6th,  whither  wee  arrived  (thankes  be  to  God)  safe 
the  19th  ;  no  body  hindering  us,  Rougy  being  gone  along  with  the 

1  Jaswant  Singh,  Maharaja  of  Jodhpur.  His  being  a  Hindu  probably  gave  rise  to  the 
idea  that  he  favoured  the  cause  of  Sivaji.  Shaista  Khan  wrote  to  this  effect  to  the  Emperor 
(Grant  Duff,  vol.  i.  p.  197). 

^  Paraineshvari,  a  title  of  Bhawani,  the  consort  of  Siva.  Sivaji  was  devoted  to  her 
worship. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  337 

Rajah  to  Coodall  ^  and  so  to  Vingurla.  All  the  way  as  he  goes 
along  he  gives  his  cowle,  promising  them  that  neither  he  nor  his 
souldiers  shall  in  the  least  doe  any  wrong  to  any  body  that  takes 
his  cowle ;  which  promise  he  hitherto  hath  kept,  but  what  he  will 
doe  when  he  returnes,  it's  as  uncertaine  as  it  is  whither  he  intends  to 
goe  no  further  then  Vingurla,  where  he  heard  the  Dutch  had  brought 
great  riches  from  Cochin.  The  Dutch  as  yet  keeps  their  house,  he 
not  offering  to  molest  them.  .  .  .  The  newes  stirring  here  is  only  that 
the  King  is  returned  from  Bunkapore,  where  he  hath  brought 
Snepnaick  ^  to  a  composition  of  7  lack  of  pago[das] ;  and  that 
Shasta  Ckan  is  not  dead,  but  wounded,  one  sonne  kil'd  outright,  2 
wounded,  6  women  kil'd,  8  more  wounded,  and  40  persons  attending 
their  generall  left  dead  in  the  place.  In  this  businesse  Sevegy 
himselfe  was  cheifest  actor,  he  goeing  into  Shasta  Ckans  tent  with 
400  men,  and  returning  (after  he  had  kil'd  as  many  men  as  he 
could)  by  10,000  horse  under  Rajah  Jestwuntsine,  who  never  offered 
to  stop  him  ;  so  that  it's  generally  beleived  he  advised  him  to  it, 
promising  to  secure  him.  God  willing,  the  25th  wee  shall  set  out 
for  Goa,  though  by  Sevagy's  going  downe  the  coast  the  way  is 
a  litle  dangerous  ;  but  wee  think  it  more  secure  to  travell  thither 
then  trust  our  selves  here,  it  being  a  generall  report  wee  burnt  the 
Kings  shipps  at  Mocho  last  yeare.^  For  the  reasons  aforesaid, 
likewise  wee  (with  advice  of  Narbaw  Ramcushna  [Nabd  Ram 
Krishna]  being  at  Goa)  think  it  best  to  goe  under  the  name  of 
Persians  that  Sevagy  tooke  prisoners  last  yeare  and  now  hath  let 
goe.  So  wee  have  made  us  one  sute  of  Mooremans  clothes  each, 
which  when  wee  arrive  at  Goa  wee  shall  sell  for  as  much  as  wee  can 
(so  hope  there  will  be  but  litle  losse  thereby).  To  secure  us  like- 
wise the  better  from  petty  robbers  on  the  way  (who  are  now  more 
stirring  then  ordinary,  by  reason,  for  feare  of  Sevagie,  all  the 
governours  as  far  as  Simgclay  *  and  Dutchele  ^  are  fled),  wee  have 
hired  four  souldiers  for  the  way,  who  shall  returne  at  our  arrivall 
to  Goa. 

The  letter  goes  on  to  solicit  a  supply  of  money,  and  instructions 
how  the  writers  are  to  get  to  Surat. 


^  Kudal,  13  miles  north  of  Savantvadi. 

2  Sivappa  Nayak  (see  p.  239).  In  the  letter  of  5  May,  the  amount  agreed  upon  is 
given  as  40,000  pagodas. 

^  An  echo  of  the  depredations  of  the  pirate  referred  to  on  p.  189.  He  had  met  and 
robbed  a  squadron  of  Bijapur  vessels  sent  to  the  Red  Sea  to  fetch  the  dowager  queen 
{Dagh- Register,  1663,  p.  316). 

*  Possibly  Sangli,  30  miles  east  of  Kolhapur. 

^  Professor  Sarkar  thinks  this  is  Bicholi,  7  miles  north-east  of  Goa. 


238  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

A  further  account  of  the  attack  upon  Shaista  Khan  is  given  in 
a  letter  from  Surat  to  Madras  of  25  May  (Oxenden  Papers). 

Sovagee,  the  rebell  in  Decan  .  .  . ,  did  lately  in  his  owne  person, 
accompanied  with  400  of  his  menn,  sett  upon  the  tent  of  Shafta  [sic] 
Ckaun,  his  army  lieing  round  it,  killed  50  great  persons,  wounded 
Shafta  Ckaun,  killed  12  of  his  weomen  and  wounded  6,  killed  his 
eldest  sonn  and  sonn  in  law,  wounded  2  more,  carried  away  his 
daughter  and  a  great  treasure  of  Jewells  and  money.  [He]  hath 
lost  but  6  menn  and  40  wounded  ;  10,000  horse,  under  the  com- 
maund  of  Roja  Jewanscn,  standing  still  and  lookeing  on  while 
Sovagee  was  doeing  this.  Tis  thought  he  would  willingly  had 
Shafta  Ckaun  removed  out  of  the  way ;  which  had  beene  done,  but 
that  his  sonn,  seeing  him  in  great  danger,  spake  to  him  as  to 
a  common  souldjer,  sayeing:  Souldjer,  why  dost  thou  adventure 
thy  life,  when  thou  maist  save  it  ?  Tis  not  thou  they  looke  after 
to  kill,  but  Shafta  Ckaun ;  by  which  words  Sevagees  menn, 
concludeing  it  was  Shafta  Ckaun  that  spake,  left  him  and  fell  upon 
the  sonn,  whome  they  slew,  whilst  the  father  made  the  escape. 

Evidently  Oxenden  and  his  Council  had  not  thought  it  advisable 
to  continue  the  negotiations  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  factory 
at  Rajapur,  but  had  contented  themselves  with  drawing  off  the 
merchants  in  safety.  There  was,  however,  one  step  to  be  taken, 
which  was  as  much  a  matter  of  justice  as  of  policy.  It  will  be 
remembered  that,  at  the  time  of  the  quarrel  between  President 
Andrews  and  the  Rajapur  factors,  the  former  had  refused  acceptance 
of  the  bills  drawn  by  the  latter.  After  Randolph  Taylor's  arrival 
at  Surat,  a  consultation  was  held  (13  May,  1663),  at  which  it  was 
resolved  to  pay  these  bills,  amounting  to  Rs.  15,500,  and,  in  the 
case  of  two  of  the  creditors,  to  add  interest  to  date.  Bhaji  Shripat,^ 
however,  was  considered  to  have  injured  the  Company  so  much  that 
it  was  decided  to  pay  only  the  principal  of  his  bill. 

We  now  turn  to  Karwar,  to  which  place,  as  we  have  seen,  Master 
had  been  dispatched  from  Surat  at  the  beginning  of  February. 
Before  his  arrival  the  two  factors  there  resident  (Ball  and  Chamber- 
lain) had  written  (28  January) : 

The  Dutch  hath  solicited  this  Governor,  by  their  letters  lately,  to 
have  a  factory  in  this  place,  and  he  hath  granted  their  request.     It 

^  Prof.  Sarkar  informs  me  that  this  is  the  most  probable  form  for  the  name  given  as 
'  Shivpat '  in  the  previous  volume. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  239 

will  be  much  to  the  damage  of  our  honourable  imployers,  and  must 
if  possible  be  hindred  ;  which,  untill  Mr.  Masters  returnes,  wee  shall 
indeavour  to  doe.  Through  their  meanes  pepper  is  risen  a  pagoda 
in  a  gunny  at  Hubely  of  what  wee  paid,  and  litle  likelihood  of  its 
being  lesse,  for  all  the  time  is  at  hand  for  new.  What  reason  they 
have  for  to  buy  at  Vingola  I  know  not,  unlesse  it  be  to  out  buy  us, 
and,  as  they  have  already  ingross'd  all  other  spices,  so  now  to 
debarr  us  from  pepper ;  which  will  not  be  much  for  them  to  doe, 
since  they  have  taken  Cochin  and  are  masters  of  such  a  stock  that 
they  can  out  buy  and  out  give  us.  This  countrey  at  present  is  much 
unquiet,  and  dangerous  for  merchants  caphilas  to  pass  up  and 
downe,  by  reason  of  the  difference  that  is  between  the  King  of 
Canara  and  the  King  of  Decan,  who  hath  an  army  of  15,000  horse 
and  20,000  foot  in  readinesse  to  give  his  enemy  battle ;  who  is 
thought  to  be  as  potent  as  the  other. 

The  King  of '  Decan '  is  of  course  the  Bijapur  monarch  ;  while  his 
opponent  was  Sivappa  Nayak,  the  Raja  of  Ikkeri  or  Bednur.  The 
conclusion  of  the  war  has  been  referred  to  on  p.  237. 

Master  reached  Karwar  on  15  February,  and  twelve  days  later 
he  and  his  colleagues  reported  to  Surat  that 

He  [the  Governor]  hath  given  us  under  his  hand  to  trade  here  as 
wee  did  formerly,  with  all  security,  love,  and  freindshipp  ;  which  wee 
think  is  to  be  chosen  rather  then  to  disolve  so  hopefull  a  place  as  this  is, 
especially  as  it  could  not  be  left  possible  without  great  remaynings 
and  losses  to  the  Honourable  Company,  both  in  their  estate  at 
present  and  allso  to  the  indamaging  of  the  Coiivertijies  voyage.  .  .  . 
The  Raja  of  Sunda  and  Ellapore,^  by  the  help  of  the  King  of 
Vigeapore  [Bijapur],  hath  newly  regained  his  countrey,  and  made 
the  wayes  passable  to  goe  to  Hubely;  unto  which  place  wee  are 
dispeeding  of  our  goods,  and  intend  to  goe  thither  our  selves  as 
soone  as  possible,  that  wee  may  avoyd  the  soldiery ;  from  whence 
wee  shall  write  you  more  at  large.  Wee  have  wrote  to  Batticolla 
for  them  to  send  for  their  vessell  and  to  send  the  Swally  pinnace, 
but  as  yet  have  received  no  answer. 

The  serious  view  taken  at  Surat  of  the  progress  of  the  Dutch  is 
shown  in  the  letter  to  the  Company  of  6  April. 

The  Hollander  hath  added    the   castle   of  Canninore   to  their 

1  Sonda  and  Yellapur,  in  North  Kanara,  the  former  being  lo  miles  north  of  Sirsi,  and 
the  latter  about  12  miles  further  north  still.  The  district  controlled  by  the  Sonda  Raja 
thus  lay  at  the  back  of  the  Karwar  district,  and  it  was  an  important  source  of  pepper 
supplies. 


240  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

victory :  it  was  delivered  upp  without  a  gun  fired  or  sword  drawn 
against  it,  [So]  that  now  the  whole  coast  of  Mallabar  they  lay 
claime  to,  and  allready  forbid  us  to  trade  thither,  as  Capt.  Minors 
will  informe  you.  [So]  that  you  have  only  Car\varr  left  from 
whence  wee  can  furnish  you  with  any  pepper ;  but  how  long  that 
will  continue  wee  are  doubtfuU,  for  wee  are  advised  the  Dutch  have 
sollicited  for  a  factory  there  allso,  and  but  10  leagues  below  they  are 
setled  at  Batticalla. 

The  next  letter  from  Karwar  received  at  Surat  was  dated 
15  June,  and  was  signed  by  Master  and  Chamberlain.  In  this  the 
factors  complain  of  the  long  silence  of  the  President  and  Council, 
and  say  that  no  other  means  of  transport  being  available,  they  are 
sending  the  packet  to  Goa  for  transmission.  They  enclose  letters 
from  their  colleagues  at  '  Porqua ',  and,  as  regards  their  own 
proceedings,  report  as  follows. 

The  19th  of  May  Mr.  Ball  set  forth  for  Hubyly  [Hubli],  from 
whence  wee  have  received  letters  how  that  pepper  is  risen  to  12^ 
and  13  pagodas  per  barkey,^  and  every  day  doth  rise  |-  of  [a] 
pagoda  in  a  barkey,  by  reason  that  there  vends  a  great  quantity 
towards  Brampore  [Burhanpur]  and  Agra ;  as  allso  the  warrs 
betwixt  this  King  and  Suppenag  [Sivappa  Nayak]  hath  hindred  the 
merchants  from  bringing  that  commodity  from  his  parts,  for 
whereas  there  was  use  to  come  from  his  countrey  io,oco  oxen 
yearely,  this  yeare  there  hath  not  arrived  one  to  Hubyly. 

They  would  therefore  await  instructions  before  buying  pepper, 
confining  their  operations  to  cardamoms  and  dungarees.  The 
prize  had  been  surrendered  to  the  representatives  of  her  owners. 
As  for  the  Swally  pinnace,  for  want  of  sails  and  rigging,  she  had 
not  got  further  than  '  Mergee '  [Mirjan],  '  the  which  is  in  Rustome 
Jeamah's  dominions '.  There  she  was  being  laid  up  for  the  period 
of  the  rains,  after  which  she  would  be  brought  to  Karwar. 

Wee  have  had  a  great  deale  of  trouble  here  with  our  Governour 
about  a  custome  of  a  place  called  Simmascare.*^  It  is  some  five 
miles  at  the  other  side  of  the  river  ;    an  unjust  demand,  for  as  yet 

^  As  will  be  seen  from  a  later  passage,  this  was  a  weight  equivalent  to  1 2  maunds  (cf. 
the  1655-60  volume,  p.  240  w.).  Fryer  (ed.  Crooke,  vol.  ii.  p.  130)  confuses  the  'barkey' 
with  the  maund.     His  editor  suggests  that  the  former  term  is  the  Hind,  barka  ('great'). 

2  Shiveshvar  (or  Halekot),  called  by  Frj'er  '  Semissar ',  lying  five  miles  north-west  of 
Karwar.  Possibly  the  dues  were  claimed  for  the  temple,  which  was  a  great  centre 
of  lingam  worship. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  241 

wee  never  paid  any  custome  to  that  place,  neither  did  the  Squires  ^ 
servants  ever  pay  any  custome  there,  neither  doe  our  goods  come 
into  that  towne.  But,  however,  the  Governour  tells  me  he  is  resolved 
to  have  the  said  custome  paid  him,  and  threatens  me,  if  I  will  not 
pay  the  said  custome  by  faire  meanes,  he  is  resolved  to  have  it  by 
foule  ;  and  more,  threatens  to  seaze  upon  our  goods,  and  I  doe  not 
much  question  but  that  he  may  seize  likewise  upon  our  persons  allso  ; 
but  wee  are  resolved  never  to  pay  him  one  pice  on  that  accompt 
without  order  from  Your  Worshipp.  There  is  but  a  small  quantity 
of  pepper  this  yeare  at  Hubyly  to  be  had  ;  Mr.  Ball  advises  us  that 
there  is  but  500  barkey  in  towne.  So  that,  if  Your  Worshipp  have 
occasion  of  any  great  quantity,  if  you  please  to  enorder  either 
sending  us  or  one  of  us  to  goe  to  the  Rajah  of  Canara,  wee  shall 
obey  your  commands,  and  there  strike  a  [bargain]  for  what  quantity 
you  shall  have  occasion  for.  It  was  reported  here  a  few  dayes 
since  that  Sevagee  was  come  as  far  as  Banda  [see  p.  121],  and  that 
he  was  intended  to  take  all  these  countreys  here  abouts  as  farr  as 
Mergee.  But  it  seemes  that,  the  Moguls  forces  comming  so  hot 
upon  him,  he  was  forced  to  recall  his  forces.  But  whither  or  no  he 
doth  intend  to  returne  againe  after  the  raines,  it  is  not  as  yet  known, 
but,  however,  much  feared. 

This  letter,  with  the  packet  from  Porakad,  was  sent  on  to  Surat 
from  Goa  by  Giffard  and  Ferrand  on  ii  June,  accompanied  by 
a  note  from  themselves,  describing  their  proceedings  since  leaving 
Kolhapur. 

The  26th  May  wee  set  out  thence,  and  after  a  great  deale  of 
trouble  and  danger  arrived  at  Goa  the  last  ditto  ;  both  ill,  and  so 
continue.  Your  Worshipp  sending  us  no  money,  wee  were  forced 
to  take  up  60  great  pagodas  in  Rajapore,  to  pay  in  one  month ;  so 
at  our  arrivall  here,  to  comply  with  our  promise,  wee  thought  it  best 
(exchange  for  Surat  running  very  high)  to  write  to  Mr.  Masters  etc. 
at  Carwarr  to  spare  us  so  much  ;  so  sent  thither,  and  they  have 
promised  to  doe  it.  About  15  pagodas  of  it  was  due  in  Rajapore ; 
3 1 1:  pagodas  spent  on  the  way,  4|  of  which  was  forced  from  us  by 
two  of  the  Kings  governors,  one  at  Chendurgurra,^  another  at 
Ditchule  [see  p.  237].  . . .  Wee  have  received  no  answer  from  Rougy 
Pundit ;  nor  no  newes  of  Sevagy,  more  then  that  he  is  returned 
from  Vingurla,  leaving  2,000  men.  Shasta  Ckan  is  certainly  alive, 
and  hath  kil'd  him  severall  men,  which  caused  his  suddaine  returne. 

^  The  younger  Courteen,  whose  factors  had  a  settlement  at  Karwar  from  1639  to  1650. 
^  Assuming  that  they  went  by  way  of  the  Talkhat  Pass  this  may  be  the  hill  fort  of 
Chandgad,  22  miles  west  of  Belgaum. 

2597  R 


342  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

This  letter  the  two  factors  on  20  July  supplemented  by  another, 
occasioned  by  one  from  Surat  '  to  know  where  wee  were '.  They 
had  had  a  reply  from  Raoji  Pandit,  but  its  nature  is  not  mentioned- 

The  19th  [July]  arrived  a  man  from  Collopore,  who  met  with 
a  jessud  ^  of  the  Kings  aboute  two  dayes  journey  of[f]  of  Goa,  who 
told  him  he  left  the  King  at  Bunckapore,  a  castle  in  Carnatick,  and 
was  going  to  Punda  ^  with  a  letter  to  the  Kings  Governour  there, 
which  ordered  him  to  joine  his  forces  with  the  Cuddall  Jessyes^  and 
some  other  petty  Rajahs,  and  goe  and  rout  Sevagy  out  of  Rajapore 
and  Carrap[atan],  the  King  having  given  both  those  townes  to 
Mamud  Ckan,  eldest  sonne  to  Con  Conno  ^  or  Eagles  Ckan.  This 
man  went  likewise  to  Vizapore,  with  order  from  Mamud  Ckan  to 
the  cheife  of  his  horse,  to  prepare  for  Rajapore  and  secure  his 
townes.  The  King  hath  likewise  given  Dabull  and  Chiploon  to 
Fozell  Ckan  [Fazl  Khan]. eldest  sonne  to  Abdala  Ckan  [Afzal  Khan], 
who  Sevagy  kill'd  at  Jouly.^  This  Fozell  Ckan  is  now  much  in  the 
Kings  favour.  The  King  likewise  hath  wrote  to  Sevagy  to  deliver 
those  townes  by  faire  meanes  or  take  what  followes.  Its  reported 
that  the  Mogull  is  in  Mar  [see  p.  10]  and  Sevagy  at  Jouly ;  but 
the  former  wee  cannot  beleive.  They  say  likewise  that  the  Mogull 
hath  kill'd  Netagee,  Sevagys  generall  ;  but  how  true  this  is  wee 
know  not.^  Rustum  Jeamah,  returning  from  whence  the  King  had 
placed  him  to  Hookery,  his  owne  towne,  by  the  Kings  order  is 
denied  entrance.  This  jessud  sweares  before  he  came  out  of 
Bunckapore  he  saw  irons  put  on  Bussall  Ckan  '  and  Shagee  [Shahji] 
(Shevgys  father),  but  taken  off  of  the  latter  in  two  dayes ;  who  is 
now  with  the  King  without  any  command.  Bussall  Ckans  mother 
denying  the  King  entrance  into  Bunckapore,  the  King  wrote  to 
Shagee  to  perswade  Bussall  Ckan  to  come  and  stand  to  his  mercy, 
for  the  King,  being  denied  entrance,  was  so  incenced  that,  if  he  stood 
out  any  longer,  would  never  have  pardoned  him,  and  now  he  could 
not  hope  to  be  able  to  withstand  him,  the  kingdome  being  at  peace 
since  the  King  conquered  Snep-Nayck,  a  Carnattick  Rajah,  and 
brought  him  to  a  composition  of  700,000  pagodas.^     The  rebelling 

^  MaTathi  j'dsild,  a  messenger. 

^  Ponda,  a  Bijaptiri  frontier  post  ten  miles  S.S.E.  of  Goa  city. 

*  For  'Cuddall'  see  p.  237.  For  'Jessye'  read  '  Dessye '  =  Desdi.  The  Bombay 
Gazetteer,  vol.  x.  (p.  465),  describing  Kudal,  says  :  *  Under  the  Bijapur  kings  its  Brahman 
ruler  was,  with  the  title  of  Desai  of  Kudal,  continued  as  the  head  of  twelve  sub-di\nsions, 
each  governed  by  a  ndikJ' 

*  Khdnkhdndn,  or  Commander-in-Chief.     '  Eagles  Ckan '  may  be  Ikhlas  Khan. 
'  Jaoli,  near  Mahabaleshwar,  in  the  Satara  District. 

*  It  was  false.  '  An  error  for  Bahlol  Khan. 

*  The  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1664  vp.  323)  says  1,500,000. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  243 

of  this  Rajah  was  the  cause  of  the  Kings  going  for  Bunckapore. 
At  last  Shagee  perswaded  Bussall  Ckan  to  goe  to  the  King,  upon 
condition  that  he  would  accompany  him  ;  which  he  did,  and  so 
the  King  trapann'd  them  both.  The  King  hath  likewise  wrote 
Syddy  Mussad  [Sidi  Mas'ud],  Syddy  Zoars  sonne  in  law,  and  to 
Syddy  Zoars  eldest  sonne  ^  (the  former  of  which  hath  14,000  horse, 
the  latter  10,000)  to  come  to  him;  but  they  returne  him  answer 
that  they  dare  not  trust  him  that  had  murdered  their  father ;  "^  upon 
which  the  King  wrote  them  againe,  that  they  had  no  reason  to 
mistrust  him,  he  having  now  imprisoned  Bussall  Ckan,  who  was  the 
only  cause  of  their  fathers  death. 

The  factors  go  on  to  say  that  Master  has  sent  them  '  70  small 
pagodas,  which  makes  64  great  ones '.  Before  the  letter  was 
dispatched,  a  postscript  was  added  (23  July)  to  the  following  effect. 

The  2ith  instant,  late  at  night,  wee  received  Your  Worshipps  etc. 
of  the  23th  June,  which  enorders  our  removall  for  Carwarre  ;  which 
order  wee  should  very  gladly  have  complyed  with,  but  for  these 
reasons  following.  First,  Mr.  Masters  etc.  being  gone  up  for 
Hubely,  on  what  accompt  wee  know  not,  but  heare  there  was  a  great 
falling  out  between  them  and  Mamud  Ckan,  the  Governour  of 
Carwarr,  whose  pune  hath  kill'd  Mr.  Master's  cheife  pune  ;  so  doe 
not  know  how  things  goe  with  them,  but  wee  shall  write  to  Mr. 
Masters  and  desire  his  advice.  Besides,  if  wee  should  goe  to 
Hubely,  it  would  cost  about  40  pagodas,  being  no  or  112  miles 
thither,  and  the  way  dangerous.  And  another  reason  is  P[hilip] 
G[iffard]  is  very  ill  and  cannot  be  removed.  Wee  have  dispatched 
your  letter  to  Mr.  Masters.  If  Your  Worshipp  etc.  pleases,  when 
the  raines  are  over,  wee  shall  repaire  to  Carwarr  in  a  curricurry  or 
some  other  boat  (if  Mr.  Masters  be  there),  wee  thinking  that  the 
cheaper  and  securer  way. 

What  had  happened  at  Karwar  is  explained  in  a  letter  from 
Master  and  his  colleagues,  written  at  Hubli  on  14  July.  In  this 
they  refer  to  their  previous  letter  of  15  June,  and  announce  that 
Master  and  Chamberlain  reached  Hubli  on  29  May.  They  say 
that  pepper  and  cardamoms  are  both  dear  and  scarce. 

Cloth  and  lead  wee  have  vended  litle  or  none,  all  the  Turnata  and 
Sirringputtan  "  trade  being  at  present  at  a  stay,  by  reason  of  the 

^  Sidi  Aziz. 

2  For  the  murder  of  Sidi  Johar  see  Grant  Duff  (ed.  Edwardes),  vol.  i.  p.  146. 
'  Seringapatam  (Mysore).     '  Turnata '  is  puzzling ;    probably  it  is  a  mistake  on  the 
part  of  the  Surat  copyist  for  some  form  of '  Canara '  or  '  Carnata '. 

R  2 


244  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

difference  that  is  between  this  King  and  the  Rajah  of  Turnata,  both 
hindering  the  egresse  and  regresse  of  merchandize ;  but  there  is  some 
hopes  that  in  few  months  they  will  agree  and  that  trade  will  come 
againe  in  request  here.  But  at  present  here  is  nothing  to  be  done  ; 
and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  many  troubles  wee  received  from  our 
Governour  below,  wee  had  not  left  Carwarr,  but  had  enordered 
Richard  Ball's  returne  to  us  ;  but,  by  reason  of  their  dayly  incivili- 
ties, were  forced  in  a  manner  to  retire  to  this  place,  to  treat  with 
them  at  more  distance,  and  likewise  to  accquaint  their  master  how 
his  servants  dealt  by  us  there,  and  to  know  whether  or  no  it  was  by 
his  order  or  no  ;  for  the  effecting  of  which,  upon  our  arrivall  here, 
wee  wrote  to  our  Governour  of  Carwarre,  and  were  intended  in  few 
dayes  to  have  dispeeded  one  of  our  Banians  to  Rustum  Jeamah 
about  his  servants  below.  But  it  seemes  he  hath  had  intelligence  of 
their  basenesse  towards  us  from  some  others,  which  caused  him  to 
send  for  our  Governour  to  answer  what  [was]  wrote  against  him,  who 
is  gone  to  him  accordingly.  Likewise  yesterday  wee  received  a 
letter  from  Rustum  Jeamah,  full  of  complements  and  good  words, 
desiring  that  wee  would  not  leave  his  port  of  Carwarre,  and  that  all 
things  that  his  men  had  done  there  was  contrary  to  his  order  or 
knowledge,  and  that  upon  our  accompt  he  had  sent  for  the 
Governour  from  thence,  to  learne  him  for  the  future  how  to  respect 
strangers,  and  that  wee  should  have  all  our  agreavances  amended  to 
our  desires  in  all  things.  So  that  now  tomorrow  or  next  day  wee 
are  resolv'd  to  send  a  Banian  unto  him.  .  .  .  For  what  quantity  of 
pepper  shall  be  needfull  this  yeare  must  be  bought  of  the  Rajah  of 
Turnata ;  therefore,  as  soon  as  your  order  comes,  wee  will  dispeed 
our  broker  to  him.  There  is  no  question  of  the  procury  of  what 
quantity  desired,  but  the  lowest  price  will  be  the  same  that  Velgee 
paid  last  November. 

They  go  on  to  ask  for  sails  and  anchors  for  the  Swally  pinnace, 
and  then  announce  that  they  have  sent  a  man  to  '  Mudgall '  ^ 
to  procure  '  dungarees ',  but  could  not  hope  to  provide  the  full 
quantity  required,  as  'here  is  no  conveniency  for  the  wasshing'. 
A  postscript  of  the  22nd  gives  further  news. 

Since  the  writing  of  the  foregoing  lines,  and  after  the  dispeeding 
of  our  brokers  servant  to  Rustum  Jeamah,  wee  received  a  phirmaund 
from  the  King  to  returne  againe  to  Carwarr  and  to  trade  there  as 
formerly,  without  any  feare  of  molestation.  The  King  likewise 
hath  wrote  to  Rustum  Jeamah  to  give  order  to  his  servants  at 
Carwarre  to  use  us  civily  and  not  in  any  wise  to  give  us  the  least 

1  Mudhol,  in  tbe  State  of  that  name,  about  45  miles  south-west  of  Bijapur. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  245 

distast.  So  that  now  in  a  short  time  wee  intend  againe  for  Carwarr, 
not  intending  to  stay  here  much  longer  then  wee  have  answer  of  our 
letters  sent  to  Rustum  Jeamah. 

The  factors'  return  to  Karwar  is  narrated  in  a  letter  from  all  three 
to  Surat,  dated  35  August. 

Yours  of  the  i6th  ultimo  came  to  our  hands  the  21th  instant,  being 
arrived  here  some  few  houres  before  our  arrivall  from  Hubely.  .  .  . 
The  Banian  that  wee  sent  to  Rustum  Jeamah  returned  to  us  the 
loth  instant,  being  accompanied  with  one  of  his  mauldars  [officers : 
amalddr\  who  brought  us  Rustum  Jeamah's  phirmaund  for  our 
future  security  from  all  unjust  demands,  and  order  to  returne  with 
us  to  Carwarre.  Likewise  by  him  wee  received  three  other  phir- 
maunds  (inclosed  in  ours)  to  this  purpose,  vizt.  the  first  upon  the 
Governour  of  Carwarre,  commanding  him  to  be  civill  to  us  and  exact 
nothing  from  us  more  then  his  due,  according  to  contract  with  us : 
the  second  upon  the  Governour  of  Seamiseer,  commanding  him  to 
forbeare  his  unjust  demands  of  any  new  custome  whatsoever :  the 
third  upon  the  Governour  of  Cuddera,  wherein  wee  have  an  abate- 
ment in  our  customes  two  pagodas  per  100  oxen.  In  our  phirmaund 
wee  have  the  same  promised  to  be  performed  to  us,  and  security  for 
our  selves  and  whatsoever  estate  wee  shall  have  in  our  custody. 
This  Governour  is  not  returned  from  his  master,  and  it  is  doubtfull 
whether  or  no  he  will  returne  againe.  It  hath  cost  him  about  this 
businesse  500  pagodas  ready  mony  to  his  master,  besides  other 
things  and  bribes  to  others ;  and  from  the  Governours  brother  of 
Seamiseare  (who  is  security  to  Rustum  Jeamah  for  his  brother)  he 
hath  taken  5,000  pagodas  and  hath  imprisoned  him,  demanding  as 
much  more  from  him,  for  the  incivilities  his  brother  hath  put  upon 
us.  .  .  .  In  yours  wee  find  that  you  are  fearefull  of  the  seasure  of  the 
Honourable  Companies  estate  and  our  persons,  for  which  reason  you 
command  our  stay  in  Hubely,  and  to  be  in  readinesse  to  repaire  to 
Batticalla  ^ ;  which  order  wee  should  have  observed,  had  wee 
received  it  before  our  arrivall  from  thence.  But  perhaps  you  may 
say  :  what  reason  had  wee  for  to  leave  Hubely,  being  our  businesse 
was  more  there  then  here  ?  To  which  wee  give  these  reasons :  first, 
it  had  not  been  handsome  to  have  denied  to  returne  with  Rustom 
Jeamah's  man,  that  was  sent  on  purpose  to  accompany  us  down, 
he  having  effected  our  desires,  accquainted  him  by  our  broker's 
servant ;  secondly,  that  this  King  is  about  a  peace  with  the  Raja  of 
Canara,  which  being  once  concluded,  in  his  returne  to  Vizapore  [he 

^  See  a  consultation  of  14  July  in  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  2  (p.  159).  On  receipt 
of  the  Hubli  letter  of  14  July  another  consultation  sanctioned  the  return  of  the  factors  to 
Karwar  {ibid.,  p.  161). 


246  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

will  pass  ?]  by  Hubely,  and  should  wee  be  there,  wee  could  not 
avoid  visiting  him,  as  other  merchants  doe,  and  that  would  be  very 
chargeable  to  the  Honourable  Company.  Wee  have  disposed  of 
most  of  the  lead  wee  had  at  Hubely,  and  some  of  the  cloth ;  and 
hope,  now  peace  is  concluding,  to  sell  what  is  remayning.  Our 
investment  in  dungarees  and  cardimons  goeth  forward.  For  pepper, 
wee  shall  forbeare  till  your  order  come. 

We  have  already  noted  that  Harrington  and  Grigsby,  the  two 
factors  at  Porakad,  had  dispatched  a  packet  of  letters  to  Surat  by 
way  of  Karwar  and  Goa.  This  contained,  among  other  documents, 
a  letter  of  17  April,  1663,  with  a  copy  of  one  of  25  February 
preceding,  which  had  failed  to  reach  its  destination.  This  earlier 
letter  mentioned  that  the  factors  had  received  nothing  from  Surat 
since  their  departure  from  that  place  more  than  a  year  before,  and 
continued : 

Wee  cannot  doubt  but  Your  Worshipp  hath  ere  this  time  heard  of 
the  taking  of  Cochin  by  the  Dutch,  per  via  of  their  own  shipping  to 
the  norward.  .  .  .  And  since  the  said  forces  have  set  out  against 
Cannanore  and  taken  that  in  by  force  of  armes,  and  now  are  setUng 
their  remayning  businesse  in  these  parts,  by  force  usurping  all  right 
of  government  from  the  Mallabar  Kings  to  themselves ;  and  are 
now  preparing  against  this  place  of  Porqua,  as  wee  can  understand, 
meerly  for  our  sakes ;  who  may  make  up  his  peace  by  turning  us 
out,  if  he  will.  The  coppie  of  our  articles  made  and  presented  to 
this  King  herewith  goe,^  though  since  these  broiles  he  is  unwilling 
to  signe  them,  unlesse  he  might  be  assured  from  Your  Worshipps  of 
security  from  the  Dutch  wrongs ;  which  he  hath  promised,  and 
more  might  be  obteined. 

The  factors  had  heard  that  the  Dutch  had  turned  back  first  the 

^  A  copy  of  the  proposed  agreement  has  been  entered  (out  of  place)  at  p.  309  of 
Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  103,  and  there  is  an  eighteenth  century  transcript  of  it  in 
Home  jMiscellaneoiis,  vol.  629  (p.  9).  It  provided  that  the  King  should  build  two  stone 
houses  for  the  factors,  one  near  the  sea  (partially  built  already)  and  the  other  up  country 
('  for  their  habitation  in  the  winter  season '),  each  to  have  a  plot  of  ground,  planted  with 
coco-trees,  and  to  be  the  absolute  property  of  the  English.  The  factors  were  to  have 
the  first  call  on  all  the  pepper  available,  and  during  the  monsoon  no  other  merchants 
were  to  export  that  commodity  save  under  licence  from  them.  Should  any  foreign  nation 
impede  the  English  in  their  trade  at  Porakad,  the  King  was  to  undertake  to 
exclude  that  nation  from  his  dominions.  Other  provisions  related  to  custom  rates  (the 
exact  percentage  being  left  blank  in  the  draft),  the  punishment  of  wrongdoers,  compensa- 
tion for  losses  by  robbery,  and  so  forth.  A  Dutch  version  will  be  found  in  Hague  Tran- 
scripts, ser.  i.  vol.  xxviii  (no.  731). 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  247 

Hopewell  and  then  the  Leopard,  and  they  enclosed  a  protest  they 
had  sent  to  Rijkloff  van  Goens  regarding  the  latter  incident. 

[Wee]  hope  the  Honourable  Company  will  vindicate  such  grosse 
affronts  on  the  offerers  thereof;  which  have  not  only  overthrown 
their  honour  and  reputation  in  these  parts,  but  of  the  whole  English 
nation  it  selfe  ;  saying  it  is  a  litle  mony  will  make  up  all  at  home 
amongst  the  greedy  courtiers,  and  that,  if  not,  there  were  shipps 
enough  in  Holland  to  repell  force  with  force. 

This  letter  was  entrusted  to  the  captain  of  a  Bengal  junk  for 
delivery  at  Goa,  but  his  vessel  was  driven  back  to  Cochin  and  there 
laid  up  for  the  rainy  season,  and  so  he  returned  the  packet  to  the 
factors.  No  further  opportunity  of  forwarding  it  occurred  until  the 
arrival  of  a  messenger  from  Master  at  Karwar,  whereupon  it  was 
dispatched  in  his  charge  to  that  place,  accompanied  by  the  fresh 
letter  of  17  April,  already  mentioned.  In  this  Harrington  and 
Grigsby  first  narrated  at  some  length  the  proceedings  of  the 
Hollanders. 

The  Dutch  last  yeare,  having  taken  Quiloan  the  second  time  and 
Cranganor,  left  therein  garrisons,  in  the  former  about  300,  in  the 
latter  900,  souldiers,  under  the  command  of  a  French  man,  their 
Captain  Major,  with  four  vessailes  in  the  river ;  which  in  August 
came  over  the  bar  of  Pelliport  ^  and  fell  downe  five  leagues  to  the 
southward  unto  the  barr  of  Cochin.  Their  infantry  likewise  by  land 
arrived  at  Vipee  [Vypin],  which  is  just  over  against  the  citty,  and 
there  drew  up  their  artillery  (which  they  had  hid  the  last  yeare) 
and  fortified  themselves  in  three  places,  without  shooting  the  least 
shot  to  the  townward,  expecting  the  arrivall  of  their  other  forces; 
which  at  last  came  in  12  saile  of  good  shipps  from  Battavia,  under  the 
Governour  of  Amboyna  ^  (most  of  which  were  the  forces  brought  of 
after  the  lose  of  Ilha  Fermza  [Formosa]),  being  about  2000  men. 
And  after  refreshing  themselves  some  few  dayes,  they  landed  three 
leagues  to  the  southward  of  Cochin,  in  despite  of  the  negro  and 
four  companies  of  shot  from  the  towne,  who  after  the  first  volley 
most  manfully  ranne  away,  and  the  Dutch  immediately  marched 
after,  entred  St  Johns  Feild,  entrenched  themselves,  and  blocked  up 
the  towne,  commencing  their  batteries  with  shot  and  granados 
against  the  fort  called  Nossa  Snora  da  Giha,  beating  it  shrewdly, 
yet  not  assaultable.  When  in  few  dayes  arrived  their  admirall, 
Generall  Ricloffe  van  Goens,  and  presently  incompassed  the  whole 

^  Palliport,  about  15  miles  from  Cochin  along  the  backwater. 
^  Jacob  Hustaert. 


248  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

towne  round  with  batteries,  plying  more  then  50  peices  continually, 
but  most  aiming  at  the  place  called  Calvette  [Calvetty],  neare  the 
river,  being  the  weakest ;  where,  plying  out  of  one  battery  nine 
gunnes  of  24  c[wt.],  at  least  [last]  made  a  breach  fit  for  entry,  and 
on  Satterday  (St.  John's  Day)  entred  the  same,  killed  about  sume 
300  defenders,  black  and  white,  entred  the  houses  for  their  security 
till  more  succour  came ;  where  they  did  much  dammage  to  the 
Portugall,  who  sent  out  his  souldiers  by  handfulls  to  be  gleaned 
away  by  those  who  they  could  no  way  offend  ;  where  died  many. 
At  least  [last],  seeing  it  bootlesse  to  goe  to  beat  them  out,  they 
consulted  to  defend  themselves  by  new  and  more  inward  fortifica- 
tions, and  might  possibly  have  done  it,  but  in  the  meane  time  the 
married  men  treated  for  themselves  and  put  abroad  a  white  flaggon 
the  other  side  of  the  towne.  Whereupon  they  came  to  article,  and 
in  two  dayes  more  surrendred  to  the  Dutch,  laying  downe  their 
armes,  with  the  keyes  of  the  citty,  a  mile  out  of  towne  at  the 
Admiralls  feet ;  the  white  men  and  women  to  goe  all  for  Goa,  there 
to  passe  at  the  will  of  the  conquerour,  to  be  either  slave  or  free ; 
the  slaves  to  be  still  in  the  same  condition  (the  Companies).^  After 
setling  all  things,  they  went  with  most  of  their  forces  and  tooke  in 
Canninore  with  much  facility,  after  a  very  litle  dispute ;  whence 
returning,  the  Admirall  in  person  came  against  the  King  of  Porqua, 
but  most  against  us ;  and  that  tis  so,  his  tearmes  of  pacification  ^ 
will  prove  true,  it  being  nothing  else  then  that  this  King  should 
turne  the  English  factors  out  of  his  countrey  and  should  weigh  all 
his  pepper  to  the  Dutch  ;  which  accordingly  was  concluded,  and  not 
only  so,  but  the  King  commanded  the  Companies  flagg,  raised  in 
front  of  the  factory  to  seaward,  to  be  taken  downe,  and  gave  way 
that  the  Dutch  should  set  up  theirs,  litle  to  the  northward  of  ours ; 
so  much  could  proffit  and  feare,  or  both,  perswade  in  a  breast  not 
truly  royal  1 ;  but  well  may  Your  Worshipp  see  whose  springs  and 
wheeles  made  the  clock  strike  so  untuneably  and  harshly ;  against 
who,  and  for  what,  wee  have  protested.  Your  Worshipp  may  see 
by  the  inclosed. 

The  protests  referred  to  were  of  the  usual  character,  and  neither 
they  nor  the  Dutch  replies  call  for  special  notice.  The  letter 
went  on : 

1  A  good  account  of  the  capture  of  Cochin,  bj'  Mr.  A.  Galletti,  will  be  found  in 
The  Dtitch  in  Malabar  (Madras,  1911).  For  a  description  from  the  Portuguese  side  see 
the  narratives  mentioned  on  p.  218.  The  olificial  Dutch  account  is  given  in  Batavia 
Dagh- Register,  1663  (p.  118). 

^  The  treaty  of  alliance  between  the  Dutch,  the  King  of  Cochin,  and  the  Raja  of 
Porakad,  dated  ^  March,  1663,  is  printed  in  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663  (p.  184) 
and  in  Valentyn's  Oud  en  ^ieitw  Oost  Indien  {Malabar,  p.  36J. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  249 

The  Dutch,  by  their  contract  with  this  King,  will  not  suffer  any 
buyers  or  sellers  in  any  part  of  his  countrey  but  themselves  ;  there- 
fore wee  shall  wait  with  the  next  shipping  for  Your  Worships 
orders  for  our  comming  away.  Your  Worship  will  find  the  amount 
of  our  cargazoone  to  be  very  small,  and  the  third  part  thereof  to  be 
dead  stock,  neither  the  guns  nor  brimstone  being  here  vendible. .  .  . 
The  money  wee  long  since  invested  in  pepper  and  cassia  lignum  for 
the  first  occasion,  but  the  merchants  of  this  place  would  not  be 
brought  to  contract  for  more  without  money  in  hand  ;  it  being  the 
nature  of  Alallabars  to  be  mistrustfull,  being  exceeding  covetous 
and  greedy  desirers  of  money  ;  still  holding  us  on  that  whensoever 
our  shipping  came  there  could  not  be  want  of  pepper  (which  indeed 
is  true),  and  this  they  doe  to  have  the  better  price  at  shipps  arrivall, 
and  cannot  be  helped  by  us,  neither  now  nor  indeed  before.  For  in 
their  fear  of  the  Dutch  they  promised  us  fair  and  led  us  on  till  they 
had  gotten  us  here,  when  wee  found  all  their  words  to  be  but  wind,  all 
what  they  desired  being  but  to  shelter  themselves,  as  they  hoped, 
under  the  Companies  protection  ;  which  now  they  finding  to  availe 
them  nothing,  they  deale  with  us  as  though  they  had  never  knowne 
us  nor  invited  us  hither.  Only  thus  much  wee  are  promised  by  the 
King  and  merchants,  that  if  Your  Worshipp  sends  downe  any  shipp 
for  pepper,  for  this  one  time  they  will  compleat  her  lading ;  but  wee 
cannot  hope  but  the  price  will  be  very  much  raised,  they  being  not 
to  be  brought  to  any  manner  of  contract  without  mony  in  hand, 
which  if  wee  had,  wee  could  much  remedy  ourselves  therewith. 
The  Dutch  have  lined  the  whole  coast  with  their  factories,  thereby 
to  ingrosse  all  manner  of  proffitable  commodities  to  themselves, 
both  of  selling  and  buying,  and  not  giving  pasports  to  any  that 
meddle  with  them  they  call  the  Companies  commodities,  as  cotton, 
cloth,  lead,  opium,  silk,  sugar,  angelym,^  boards,  &c.  ;  and  for 
pepper  they  have  a  designe  to  contract  with  the  inland  kings  not  to 
let  any  passe  the  hills  to  the  other  coast ;  which  doing,  wee  may 
judge  the  hand  they  will  make  therof.  Likewise  they  intend  (to 
secure  this  all  to  themselves)  to  make  a  fort  by  force  of  armes  in  the 
Channell  of  Utiar,-  which  is  on  the  maine  side  between  Zeilaon  and 
the  maine,  so  to  hinder  any  passage  thereof  that  way  to  Porto  Novo 
and  the  Coast.  The  Mallabars  as  yet  are  in  good  tearmes  with 
them,  because  yet  they  are  blind  and  sencelesse,  not  finding  the 
slavery  they  have  brought  themselves  into,  by  receiving  in  a  nation 

1  Angely-wood  (Malayalam  anjali)  is  the  wild  jack,  much  used  for  shipbuilding,  &c. 

2  From  p.  265  it  is  clear  that  this  ws.s  some  place  near  the  Pamban  channel,  but  it  is 
not  to  be  found  in  modem  maps.  It  is  mentioned  by  Manucci,  and  his  editor  (vol.  iv. 
p.  448)  discusses  its  probable  position,  concluding  that  it  was  either  Mandapam  or 
Tonitori. 


^50  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

amongst  them  that  will  toll  the  very  meat  they  eate  in  a  short  time, 
and  barre  them  from  speaking  any  tongue  but  Dutch. 

No  doubt  the  English  factors,  who  had  planned  to  exclude  the 
Dutch  from  trade,  were  chagrined  to  find  the  tables  turned  upon 
them  in  this  fashion ;  but  the  Raja,  who  had  given  the  Hollanders 
a  good  excuse  for  hostilities  by  aiding  the  Portuguese  in  the  defence 
of  Cochin,  was  hardly  to  be  blamed  if  he  made  his  peace  at  the 
price  of  the  exclusion  of  other  Europeans.  Hopeless  as  the  posi- 
tion was  as  regards  future  trade,  Harrington  and  his  companion 
adopted  an  attitude  of  passive  resistance,  and  refused  to  leave  until 
ordered  to  do  so  by  their  superiors  at  Surat,  In  a  letter  of 
24  September  to  Master  at  Karvvar,  they  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  letters  from  the  President  and  Council  (which  had  been  for- 
warded by  him),  and  said  that  in  these 

Wee  cannot  read  any  thing  of  neuse  that  may  strengthen  and 
encourage  this  King  and  people  in  the  Companies  behalfe  ;  the 
Dutch  Admirall  lately  by  embassage  from  Collombo  threatning 
the  King  with  utter  perdition,  if  hee  lett  the  English  factors  any 
longer  reside  in  this  porte  ;  whereupon  we  had  divers  messages 
sent  unto  us  to  try  whether  wee  would  obey  the  summons ;  which 
wee  utterly  rejecting,  told  them  that  no  meanes  but  force  should 
worke  us  out  of  our  factory  before  such  time  as  wee  had  both 
convenience  and  order  for  our  departure.^  And  wheras,  before  this 
message  from  Ricklofif  from  Zeilaon,  the  King  and  merchants 
promised  us  lading  of  pepper  and  what  elce  procurable  for  the 
next  ship,  immediately  upon  receipt  of  these  letters  I  went  secreetly 
by  the  night  to  the  King  to  request  him  to  give  order  for  the 
provition  therof  against  the  shipps  arrivall ;  to  which  hee  answered 
that  unlesse  wee  could  come  with  force  able  to  defend  him  against 
the  Hollanders,  who  hath  bound  him  not  to  sell  pepper  and  cassia 
lignum  to  any  but  themselves,  he  dare  [not],  neither  will,  adventure 
to  sell  us,  nor  suffer  our  long  stay  here.  Soe  that  wee  are  in  condition, 
through  these  underworkings  of  the  Dutch,  for  which  the  negro  will 
give  no  evidence  under  his  hand  against  them,  only  by  word  of  mouth 
affirmes :  wee  are,  I  say,  in  condition  disapointed  and  likewise  to 
disapoint  the  President ;  and  beleeve  [wee]  shall  bring  up  our 
stock  againe  with  us  and  touch  at  your  porte. 

^  The  Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663  (p.  573)  says  that  the  King  sent  two  chief  'ragia- 
doors'  (Port,  regedor,  a  magistrate)  to  the  English,  with  an  order  to  them  to  depart 
within  ten  days,  but  the  latter  replied  that  they  would  not  leave  until  the  arrival  of  a  ship 
from  Surat,  which  they  daily  expected. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  251 

Being  thus  unable  to  lade  anything  on  the  ship  expected  from 
Surat,  they  requested  Master  to  arrange  for  the  purchase  of  extra 
goods  at  Karwar,  promising  to  meet  the  cost  out  of  their  stock. 
They  also  asked  him  to  advise  the  President  and  Council  of  their 
predicament.  The  Dutch  were  boasting  that  they  would  expel  the 
English  from  both  Porakad  and  Karwar.  They  had  placed  a 
guard  of  seven  soldiers  on  the  English  factory,  and  kept  a  vessel  on 
the  coast  to  watch  the  course  of  events. 

Towards  the  end  of  October  the  Surat  Frigate,  on  her  way 
back  from  Bantam,  called  at  Porakad,  and  this  afforded  the  factors 
an  opportunity  of  sending  to  Surat  a  copy  of  the  above  letter,  with 
a  fresh  one  dated  30  October.  In  this  they  said  that,  having 
received  instructions  to  supply  the  Kayal  factors  with  funds  and 
having  none  available,  they  had  applied  to  the  purser  of  the  Surat 
Frigate  for  600  '  crownes ',  but  he  had  declined,  on  the  plea  of  having 
no  instructions.  They  must  therefore  await  the  arrival  of  the  ship 
promised  from  Surat. 

During  the  first  eight  and  a  half  months  of  the  year  the  President 
and  Council  heard  nothing  direct  from  Kayal.  The  only  news 
received  of  that  factory  was  contained  in  the  Porakad  letter  of 
17  April,  which  said  : 

Mr.  Travers  and  Mr.  Nelthorpe,  wee  heare,  are  in  good  health, 
and  have  their  cloth  all  provided  and  cured  many  months  since,  and 
hoped  to  have  sent  it  about  the  Cape  to  have  been  here  laded, 
if  they  could  but  have  first  heard  of  any  shipps  arrivall,  and  orders  so 
to  doe.  .  .  .  Wee  have  written  to  them  diversly,  advising  them  by  the 
Messulapatan  cosset  to  write  Your  Worshipp  to  the  full. 

This  advice  the  factors  took,  and  in  a  packet  that  arrived  overland 
from  Masulipatam  on  12  September,  the  President  and  Council 
found  two  letters,  dated  30  March  and  5  July  respectively,  written 
by  Travers  from  '  Alvatty,^  precincts  of  the  factory  of  Cale  Velha ' 

^  Alvartirunagari,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tambraparni,  twelve  miles  inland  from 
Kayalpatnam.  This  appears  from  a  passage  in  the  Batavia  Dagk- Register,  1663 
(p.  577),  which  says  that  one  of  the  Englishmen  was  living  at  Old  Kayal,  and  the  other 
at  '  Alvateringry ',  about  eight  Dutch  miles  inland.  From  a  consultation  held  on 
2  February,  1663,  we  learn  that  both  factors  were  then  at  the  latter  place,  but,  in  view 
of  the  capture  of  Cochin  and  the  possibility  that  the  Dutch  might  thereupon  plan  some 
enterprise  against  Kayal,  it  was  decided  that  Nelthrop  should  return  thither,  '  to  keep 
possession  of  our  dwelling  house  '. 


252  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

(Nelthrop  being  at  Kayal  itself).     The  first  of  these  says  : 

Wee  have  now  sate  down  these  many  monthes  and  idly  eat  the 
Companies  bread  ;  which  wee  conceive  to  have  befallen  us  as  con 
trary  to  our  expectation,  so  besides  your  purpose  and  intent ; 
at  least  if  either  of  the  two  shipps  Hopewell  or  Leopard  .  .  .  had  any 
aspect  this  way.  ...  In  case  their  commission  had  hither  extended, 
either  of  them  might  have  come.  .  .  .  Wee  conclude,  therefore  that 
neither  of  said  shipps  was  to  touch  at  this  port ;  yet  wee  suppose 
that  by  one  of  the  two  you  might  have  enordered  the  Companies 
cloth  to  have  been  sent  about  for  Porqua  in  a  countrey  boat,  as  upon 
a  like  order  the  like  was  done  the  yeare  before  ;  whereunto  in  such 
cases  wee  should,  as  becommeth  us,  have  given  all  possible  comply- 
ance  .  .  .  though  therein  have  gone  quite  contrary  to  our  judgement 
and  experience.  For  besides  the  insufficiencie  of  such  boates  upon 
any  occasion,  the  greatnesse  of  the  charge  (which  exceeds  propor- 
tion), and  the  unskillfuUnesse  of  these  people  in  the  art  of  navigation, 
it  is  now  usuall  of  late,  upon  the  breaking  up  of  the  monzoone,  for 
many  boates  to  come  down  from  the  ports  of  Callicutt  on  a  trading 
voyage  to  this  coast ;  who,  being  doubly  mann'd,  are  in  port  mer- 
chants, at  sea  freebooters ;  who  lying  up  and  down  upon  places  of 
advantage,  and  relying  upon  their  assured  and  known  retreates,  wee 
doe  not  see  how  any  boat  of  ours  could  well  evade  the  incounter  of 
such  harpies,  nor  consequently  procure  to  it  selfe  an  easie  passage  or 
escape. 

The  factors  have  over  140  corge  of  cotton  cloth  bleached  and 
packed,  '  including  dupetins,^  alias  halfe  cachaes '.  They  could 
procure  far  greater  quantities,  had  they  but  cash  in  hand  ('  credit, 
it's  well  known,  wee  have  none  ').     They  have 

To  grapple  with  a  beggarly  crew,  who  by  the  medium  of  monthly 
excessive  taxations  are  at  their  set  periods  like  spunges  squeezed 
into  the  common  treasury ;  in  which  scale  of  oppression  to  be 
weighed  and  found  to[o]  light,  is  in  a  manner  treasonable,  and  so 
renders  the  wretched  rabble  the  objects,  not  of  pitty  (a  meer 
stranger  to  this  government),  but  of  mercilesse  crueltie.  When- 
soever it  happeneth  (as  not  seldome  it  cometh  to  passe)  that  these 
two  considerations  doe  meet  in  conjunction  or  a  diametricall 
apposition,  namely,  as  whether  or  no  the  Naique  must  faile  of 
his  accustomary  tribute  or  wee  of  our  contract,  immediately  there- 
upon is  our  businesse  eclipsed,  and  the  staffe,  thus  impined  [im- 
pinged] falls  to  that  side  where  the  power  lies  to  handle  it. 

However,  by  great  diligence,  they  have  kept  the  amount  of 
debts  due  to  them  about  equal  to  what  they  owe ;  and  the  former 

1  Hind,  do-pattah,  a  piece  of  '  two-breadth ',  a  sheet. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  253 

(due  to  advances  to  the  weavers)  are  likely  to  be  all  recovered. 
Their  brimstone,  which  the  Governor  at  last  declined  to  buy,  was 
sent  to  Porakad  for  disposal ;  and  thither  went  also  for  a  time 
Nelthrop,  at  the  request  of  the  Raja,  to  represent  the  English 
during  Harrington's  absence.  The  Dutch  at  Tuticorin  lately  gave 
out  that  'they  had  disolved  the  English  factorie  at  Porqua ',  but  on 
inquiry  this  was  found  to  be  untrue.  In  conclusion,  Travers  repre- 
sents that  his  health  has  been  bad  for  six  months  past  and  begs  that 
he  may  be  relieved  and  allowed  to  repair  to  Surat.  A  lengthy 
postscript,  dated  4  July,  states  that  the  messenger  sent  to  Porakad 
has  returned  with  advices  that  the  Raja  had  been  forced  to  come  to 
terms  with  the  Dutch  and  agree  to  exclude  the  English  from  trade 
there.  '  Now  wee  here  are  like  Jonas's  in  the  whale's  belly ;  yet 
presume  wee  that  this  yeare,  nor  happily  the  next,  he  shall  not 
spew  us  out.'  They  will  do  their  best  to  maintain  their  position  and 
uphold  the  credit  of  the  English.  It  seems  strange  to  them  that 
there  should  be  any  difficulty  about  sending  a  ship  to  their  factory 
to  carry  back  their  goods  to  Surat  in  time  for  the  homeward  fleet . 
It  must  not,  however,  be  a  '  jounk,  for  those  .  .  .  doe  by  a  wind  too 
much  resemble  in  their  motion  the  nature  of  crabbs,  who  looke  one 
way  and  creep  a  contrary '.  All  other  methods  of  conveyance 
having  failed,  the  present  letter  is  being  sent  by  way  of  Madras — 
a  route  hitherto  closed  by  '  the  warre  now  agitated  between  the 
Moores  of  Vizapore  and  this  our  Naique  of  Madurra'.^ 

The  letter  of  5  July  is  in  the  nature  of  a  postscript  of  the 
foregoing,  and  was  dispatched  at  the  same  time.  It  submits  for 
consideration 

The  desires  of  certaine  persons  of  quality,  natives  of  Tutticorrim 
and  heads  of  their  nation,  known  by  the  name  of  Paravas,^  a  maritime 
people,  seated  on  this  Pearle  Coast,  whose  greatest  livelihood  is 
Natures  bounty,  which  she  in   that  kind    annually   bestowes  and 

^  The  letter  reached  Madras  on  2 1  July,  and  three  days  later  Winter  forwarded  it  to 
Surat,  promising  at  the  same  time  to  do  his  best '  to  contrive  their  [the  factors']  removall 
hither,  with  the  Companies  estate '. 

^  The  Roman  Catholic  community  of  the  Paravans  still  number  about  30,000,  and  form 
about  a  fourth  of  the  population  of  Tuticorin.  Their  conversion  dates  from  1532,  and 
the  celebrated  Francis  Xavier  worked  amongst  them  for  some  time.  An  interesting 
account  of  the  position  in  1663  will  be  found  in  the  Batavia  Dagk- Register,  for  that  year 
(p.  577). 


254  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

which  art  qualifies  them  in  like  manner  to  receive  .  .  .  This  nation 
about  one  hundred  and  thirty  yeares  agoe  was  a  limb  of  heathen- 
isme,  out  of  which  rough  quarry  it  was  hewen  by  papall  indus- 
try and  so  became  a  jewell  of  the  Triple  Crown.      The  Jesuites, 
who  at  first  converted  them,  for  a  long  time  after  govern'd  them 
in  a  way  both  ecclesiasticall  and  civill.      This  latter  yoake  time 
weares  of[f]  and  delivers  up  civill  concernments  into  the  hand  of 
the  civill  power,  the  corruption  of  [the]  one  kind  of  government 
being  the  generation  of  the  other.      In  this  state  matters  rested 
when,  about  five  yeares  agoe  (the  Porlugall  greatnesse  being  then 
farr  declin'd  from  its  zenith),  the  Dutch  possesse[d]  themselves  of 
this  coast,  which  ever  since  they  have  govern'd  by  way  of  judi- 
cature and  awed  by  their  power.     This  gave  occasion  for  the  persons 
above  mentioned  to  recede,  who  cannot  therefore  be  said  to  have 
defected  from  the  Dutch,  unto  whose  power  they  never  submitted, 
and  notwithstanding  that  the  Dutch  have  been  angling  for  them 
a  long  time  and  that  these  new  upstart  gamesters  seem  to  outvie  in 
largenesse  of  promises  their  late  predecessors,  yet  no  perswasions  can 
prevaile  with  them  to  returne  ;  for  the  Jesuites,  perceiving  themselves 
to  be  wholy  excluded  (in  which  only  case  the  Dutch  denie  to  gratifie 
them)  have  so  possessed  them  on  the  one  side  with  prejudice  of  things 
past  and  on  the  other  side  with  hope  of  better  things  to  come,  as  that 
they  have  hitherto  been  contented  to  make  a  virtue  of  necessity  and 
toreferre  that  to  time  which  I  doubt  no  time  can  worke,  without  better 
meanes  and  wayes  to  effect  it.     In  this  interim  succeeds  the  losse  of 
Cochin,  which  beares  down  all  that  the  Portugall  had  in  these  parts 
of  reputation   left   him,   together  with  the  hopes  of  these  exiled 
persons  (the  appendix  to  that).     This  involves  them  in  fresh  cares, 
and  those  send  them  in  quest  of  other  props  to  stay  themselves 
upon.     The  late  great  match  between  England  and  Portugall,  which 
the  Jesuites  present  to  them  in  a  multiplying  glase  of  many  con- 
veniences, breathes  them  with  fresh  hopes   and  fixes  them  to  a 
further  dependance.      With   this  humour   we  close,  as    pertaking 
much  of  the  nature  and  alay  of  our  present  affaires ;  for  reason  as 
well  as  experience  sheweth  us  that  the  Dutch  will  indeavour  might 
and  maine  to  extirpate  this  factorie  .  . .  against  whom  to  oppose  our 
single  interest  only  could  not  elevate  to  that  height  of  confidence  as 
when  wee  shall  twist  it  in  a  close  imbrace  with  that  of  those  for  whom 
our  Great  Governour  hath  an  extrordinary  kindnesse  and  who  on 
that  score  will  not  faile  to  improve  it  greatly  to  our  furtherance. 
These  things  considered,  meanes  were  used   to  have  the    matter 
obliquely  propounded  ;  which  they  upon  the  first  intimation  readily 
imbraced.     Their  desires  therefore  are  that   themselves,  together 
with   their   adherents,  may  be    taken    into  the  protection  of  the 
English  :    that  they  with  their  padre  (who  is  the  hinge  whereon 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  255 

they  tume)  may  have  their  dwellings  at  Cale  Velha,  the  seate  of 
our  factorie,  free  from  violence  :  and  their  boates,  by  virtue  of 
our  passeports,  to  navigate  the  seas  void  of  all  disturbance. 

Travers  intimated  that  he  could  not  entertain  the  overtures  unless 
they  were  backed  by  the  Governor ;  whereupon  a  writing  was 
obtained  from  that  functionary  '  which  in  generall  woords  formally 
and  amply  includes  all  that  was  proposed '.  The  English  factor 
then  pointed  out  that  some  advantages  ought  to  be  held  out  to 
his  employers,  and  demanded 

First,  they  should  be  a  meanes  to  the  Governor,  and  he  to  the 
Naique,  whereby  such  articles  as  wee  should  find  necessary  for 
our  commerce  might  be  signed  :  secondly,  that  the  government  of 
Cale  Velha  might  be  on  the  English  conferr'd :  thirdly,  that  a 
certaine  custome,  both  inward  and  outward,  on  all  such  goods  as 
by  virtue  of  our  pasports  should  be  to  and  fro  transmitted,  might 
by  way  of  accknowledgment  to  the  Honourable  Company  be  per- 
mitted and  granted. 

The  negotiations  have  been  interrupted  by  the  death  of  one 
of  the  leading  members,  and  no  answer  has  yet  been  received. 
Travers  doubts  whether  it  will  prove  practicable  to  guarantee  the 
native  vessels  against  Dutch  interference,  as  the  latter  hold  the 
principal  ports  to  which  the  trade  of  these  parts  is  directed. 
Moreover,  the  Hollanders  have  already  an  excuse  for  adopting  a 
hostile  attitude  against  the  Jesuits,  who  are  behind  the  present 
proposal. 

For  the  Dutch,  some  ten  yeares  since,  holding  a  factory  on  this 
coast,  were  on  the  suddaine  ignominiousely  outed,  their  goods  for 
the  major  part  seized,  and  house  razed,  a  secret  practize  of  the 
Portugalls,  unto  whom  (they  themselves,  by  reason  of  the  truce 
then  in  force,  in  the  action  not  appearing)  these  persons  served 
in  the  nature  of  instruments,  so  that  what  the  one  clandestinely 
contrived  the  other  publiquely  and  personally  acted,  at  least  the 
cheifest  of  them,  Don  Henrique  de  Cruz,  who  with  another  (now 
deceased)  went  up  to  the  Naique,  the  warrant  procured,  and  the 
businesse  finally  executed  ;  in  which  occasion  the  Dutch  pretend  to 
have  issued  loosers  to  the  amount  of  30,000  dollers,  and  doe  this 
person  that  publique  honour  as  to  credit  him  for  the  whole  summe  ; 
whom  as  soon  as  they  shall  find,  together  with  his  adherents,  the 
abettors  of  the  same  fact,  thus  heading  with  us,  and  meet  with 
somewhat  whereon  to  fasten,  they  will  assuredly  quit  scores  ;  whom 


256  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

then  to  bring  of[f]  without  either  detriment  to   them  or  touch  of 
dishonour  to  our  selves,  is  the  point  in  question. 

Travers  thinks  therefore  that  it  would  hardly  be  wise  to  agree  to 
the  proposals^  unless  the  demand  for  protection  be  dropped  ;  but 
he  requests  instructions  as  to  his  course  of  action.     He  goes  on  : 

The  pearle  fishing  this  yeare  proves  very  meane,  and  will  serve 
but  as  a  decoy  to  most  of  our  pearle  merchants.  The  profifit  the 
Dutch  draw  yearely  thence  is  diversly  reported.  The  Paravas 
(whom  in  this  matter  wee  most  credit)  say  8,000  dollers  ;  they  say 
not  so  much.^  This  they  levy  by  way  of  toll.  Another  benefitt 
devolves  to  them,  and  that  is  on  chanck  shells,  a  great  commodity 
for  Bengala.  Here  their  profit  is  more  considerable,  amounting, 
I  suppose,  yearely  to  treble  the  former  summe.  These  are  their 
prime  incomes.  Otherwise  their  dealings  are  not  great.  Pro- 
visions of  rice  indeed,  &c.,  in  some  quantitie  they  yearely  pro- 
vide, as  having  many  mouthes  to  fill.  Clothes  [i.  e.  cotton  cloth] 
they  buy  litle.  Gunny  some  store,  at  farr  cheaper  rates,  [I]  pre- 
sume, then  that  of  Guzzarat,  but  withall  of  somewhat  a  courser 
make  ;  which  nevertheless,  if  fit  for  your  occasion,  might  allso  from 
hence  be  yearely  furnished.  They  are  much  maligned  upon  this 
coast ;  so  that  wee  would  not  question,  upon  the  least  revolution  of 
things,  but  to  turne  them  from  this  standing ;  in  which  case  wee 
know  such  an  overture  would  be  made  us. 

'  Rarities '  for  presents  would  be  very  useful,  as  *  wee  have  been 
lately  noted  as  close  fisted  in  this  kind,  but  wee  excuse  it  through 
our  want  of  shipping '.  The  letter  ends  with  some  further  reflections 
on  the  encroachments  of  the  Dutch,  and  a  repetition  of  Travers's 
plea  for  his  early  recall. 

These  letters  crossed  one  from  Surat,  dated  15  July  and  sent  by 
way  of  Karwar.  In  this  the  President  and  Council  briefly  directed 
the  factors  at  Kayal  to  send  their  goods  by  sea  to  Porakad.  They 
added  that  it  would  be*  more  convenient  if  trade  in  those  parts  were 
left  to  be  managed  from  Madras,  and  they  had  therefore  con- 
templated recalling  the  factors  and  deserting  the  settlement.  As, 
however,  the  cloth  procured  there  was  in  some  demand  at  home  and, 
if  the  place  were  once  left,  the  Dutch  might  prevent  its  reoccupa- 
tion,  they  had  decided  ^  to  defer  the  dissolution  of  the  factory  until 
orders  should  come  from  England.     In  the  meantime  Harrington 

^  The  Dutch  reported  the  receipts  in  1663  as  16,031  gulden;  see  Batavia  Dagh- 
Registcr,  1663,  p.  575,  where  an  account  of"  the  pearl-fisher}'  is  given. 

*  See  a  consultation  of  14  July  in  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  2  (p.  159). 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  257 

had  been  directed  to  supply  the  factors  with  any  money  they  might 
require  for  household  expenses,  &c. 

In  the  chapter  on  events  at  Surat  we  have  given  an  account 
of  the  dispatch  in  October  of  the  Hopeivell  to  Porakad  and  the 
Loyal  Merchant  to  various  ports  on  the  Malabar  Coast,  with 
Randolph  Taylor  (assisted  by  Charles  Bendish)  as  supercargo  of 
the  latter.  The  commission  delivered  to  Taylor,  dated  9  October, 
is  an  interesting  document.  It  begins  by  referring  to  his  suffer- 
ings at  the  hands  of 

that  perfidious  rebell  Sevage,  against  whome  as  yet  wee  have  not 
had  either  conveniency  of  force  or  tyme,  since  you  were  all  freed 
from  your  bonds  ;  which  is  the  reason  wee  have  desisted  from  calling 
him  to  an  accompt.  But  forbearance  is  no  acquittance.  Wee  are 
resolved  to  vindicate  our  masters  wrongs  and  your  sufferings  so 
soone  as  wee  can  be  provided  for  them  ;  for  as  yet  wee  are 
altogether  uncapable,  for  want  of  shipping  and  men  necessary  for 
such  an  enterprize.     Wherefore  Paticntia. 

They  then  explain  the  reason  of  his  appointment. 

Our  sad  experiment  made  the  last  yeare  in  sending  downe  our 
shipps  barely  consign'd  to  the  Companies  factours  at  Carwarr  etc. 
places  upon  the  Coast,  by  imperfect  accompts  of  their  proceedings 
and  goods  laden  on  them  to  our  honourable  masters  great  loss  ; 
wherefore,  to  prevent  the  like  in  the  future,  wee  are  resolved  to 
appoint  a  cape  merchant  to  voyage  on  every  ship  from  hence 
forward,  who  shall  be  accomptable  to  us  for  all  transactions  during 
the  tyme  of  the  voyage. 

He  is  given  full  discretion  as  to  the  ports  to  be  visited,  beginning 
at  Rajapur  but  not  going  lower  than  Mangalore.  He  should  call 
at  Goa  to  pick  up  Giffard,  and  carry  him  to  Karwar,  if  he  has  not 
already  departed  for  that  place,  in  obedience  to  the  instructions 
sent  him.  He  is  there  to  replace  Richard  Ball,  who  is  to  come 
to  Surat.  From  Karwar  Taylor  is  to  bring  away  the  goods 
provided  and  any  cash  in  hand  beyond  1,000/.,  which  is  all  that  it  is 
thought  prudent  to  leave  there,  in  view  of  the  disturbed  stale  of 
the  country.  His  main  business  is  to  procure  150  or  200  tons  of 
pepper,  and  the  most  suitable  place  for  this  appears  to  be  Bhatkal. 

Carwarr  hath  totally  failed  us ;  wherefore  BatticoUa  must  be  the 
place,  if  any  .  .  .  since  wee  are  certainly  informed  there  is  some 

3597  S 


258  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

thouzands  of  tunns  lodged  in  warehowses  belonging  to  that  King. 
Our  necessitie  is  so  great,  and  having  no  other  place  from  whence 
wee  can  expect  any  . .  .  therfore  wee  may  not  set  you  a  price,  but 
leave  you  to  agree  for  it  as  you  can. 

Reparation  is  to  be  demanded  from  the  Karwar  broker  for  the  great 
shortage  in  the  pepper  shipped  last  year ;  and  this  time  none  is  to 
be  shot  loose  in  the  hold  but  all  packed  in  '  double  dungaree  baggs, 
well  sewed  with  double  threed '.  Sails  &c.  are  sent  for  the  Swally, 
and  Capt.  Millet  has  promised  to  bring  her  to  Surat  '  by  towing  or 
otherwise '. 

You  are  sufificiently  acquainted  with  the  great  scarcity  of  raines 
this  yeare,  even  not  sufficient  to  produce  corne,  whereupon  all 
things  are  deare  with  us ;  that  if  you  could  procure  us  a  quantity  of 
good  rice,  it  would  be  very  acceptable  ...  or  what  other  corne  you 
can  procure,  and  butter,  if  to  be  had  reasonable  and  good. 

Gunny  being  scarce  and  very  dear  at  Surat,  a  good  supply  should 
be  purchased,  if  possible.  An  experienced  broker  (Valji)  has  been 
provided  to  assist  Taylor  in  his  transactions. 

John  Willet,  who  was  in  command  of  the  Hopewell,  was  referred  to 
the  Porakad  factors  for  his  lading ;  but  he  was  instructed  to  call  on 
his  way  back  at  Calicut  or  Cannanore  to  buy  rice.  A  broker  was 
sent  to  assist  him.  The  date  of  the  sailing  of  the  Hopewell  has  not 
been  recorded  ;  but  it  was  prior  to  the  departure  of  the  Loyal 
Merchant  ^  on  1 7  October. 

Oxenden  and  his  Council  had  already,  in  a  letter  dated 
38  September,  sent  by  the  roundabout  route  of  Madras,  replied  to 
the  letters  of  March  and  July  from  Travers  at  Kayal.  In  this  they 
informed  him  that  the  Agent  at  Madras  had  promised  to  'take  care 
to  draw  up  the  Companies  estate,  with  your  person ' ;  but  if  this  had 
not  been  performed,  he  was  instructed  to '  keep  possession,  untill  you 
receive  our  further  orders,  signifying  our  masters  determination 
therein'.  If,  owing  to  the  fears  he  had  expressed  of  the  danger  of 
sending  goods  round  Cape  Comorin,  he  still  had  his  calicoes  byhimJ 
he  was  to  await  orders  from  the  Madras  Agent  for  their  disposal.' 
As  for  his  desire  to  return  to  England,  his  continuance  in  his  post 
was    deemed    to   be   absolutely    necessary   for  the    present;    but] 

*  For  a  log  of  her  voyage  see  Orme  MSS.  no.  263. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  259 

a  promise  was  given  that  Sir  Edward  Winter  should  be  asked 
whether  a  factor  could  be  sent  from  Madras  to  relieve  him.  For 
'  rarities '  for  presentation  and  any  thing  else  he  might  need,  he 
should  apply  to  Winter.  Regarding  the  '  Paravas  ',  Oxenden  and 
his  Council  'know  not  what  to  say'.  They  would  acquaint  the 
Company  with  the  overtures  and  await  their  decision ;  in  the 
meantime  Travers  was  to  keep  the  applicants  '  in  expectation  of 
hopes,  by  an  amicable  correspondence '. 

The  dispatch  of  the  Hopezvell  to  Porakad  offered  a  further 
opportunity  of  communicating  with  the  Kayal  factors.  A  copy  of 
the  foregoing  was  therefore  sent  on  board,  with  a  postscript 
(9  October)  explaining  the  circumstances  and  bidding  Travers  to 
follow  the  directions  contained  therein  concerning  the  disposal  of  his 
goods. 

We  must  now  follow  the  Loyal  Merchant  in  her  voyage  down  the 
coast.  Letters  had  previously  been  dispatched  to  Robert  Ferrand 
(who,  as  no  post  had  been  found  for  him  in  the  Company's  service, 
had  apparently  settled  down  in  Goa),  asking  him  to  purchase  some 
arrack  in  readiness  for  the  arrival  of  shipping.  In  a  letter  of 
26  September,  which  reached  Surat  on  21  November,  he  announced 
that  he  had  discharged  his  commission,  and  added  : 

The  great  expectation  of  shipping,  and  the  certaine  newes  of 
peace  (which  is  undoubtedly  beleived  here)  between  them  and  the 
Dutch,  hath  lately  raised  the  price  of  rack  .  .  .  Here  is  dayly 
expected  an  embassadour  from  the  Dutch,  which  comes  from 
Vingerla.  His  name  is  Henerique  Lopes.  Here  is  a  house  fitted 
up,  provisions  and  every  thing  in  a  readinesse  for  him.  This 
Governour  the  20th  instant  tooke  the  title  of  Vice  Roy  on  him.^ 

The  first  actual  intelligence  received  at  Surat  of  the  progress 
of  the  Loyal  McrcJiaiit  was  contained  in  a  letter  from  Taylor  and 
Bendish,  dated  in  Jaitapur  Road,  24  October.  This  gave  the  news 
that  the  ship  had  been  delayed  by  want  of  wind  and  had  only  just 
arrived.  Two  Banians  had  been  dispatched  to  Rajapur  with  letters 
for  Raoji  Pandit,  the  Governor,  whose  reply  was  expected  the 
following    day.      Taylor^s    next    letter,   dated    from    Karwar   on 

^  As  already  mentioned  (p.  99)  Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro  had  come  out  with  the 
title  of  Governor.  Evidently  he  had  now  been  dignified  with  the  higher  rank.  The 
Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1664  says  (p.  324)  that  a  letter  had  arrived  from  Portugal 
continuing  him  in  office. 

S  2 


26o  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

5  November,  resumed  the  narrative.  On  25  October  two  repre- 
sentatives of  Raoji  Pandit  came  aboard  the  ship  at  Jaitapur,  'to 
discourse  about  the  difference  betwixt  their  master,  Sevagy,  and  us '. 
It  was  found,  however,  that,  whereas  Raoji  Pandit  had  promised  to 
satisfy  the  English  for  their  losses  by  paying  half  the  amount  in 
cash  and  allowing  the  remainder  out  of  future  customs,  he  now 
wished  to  settle  the  claim  entirely  by  the  latter  method.  This 
proposal  Taylor  refused  to  entertain ;  and  on  the  27th  he  sailed, 
leaving  the  dispute  still  open.  He  had  intended  to  call  at  Vengurla, 
but  gave  up  the  idea  on  hearing  that  all  the  merchants  had  fled 
from  thence,  '  for  feare  of  Sevagy'.  On  the  29th  at  night  the  ship 
anchored  off  Goa.  Taylor  landed  and  presented  Oxenden's  letter 
to  the  Viceroy,  who  '  appeared  very  civill  and  inquired  much  after 
Sir  George's  health ',  He  next  visited  Ferrand  and,  finding  him 
very  ill,  took  him  on  board  the  Loyal  MercJiant.  Attempts  to 
dispose  of  the  goods  he  had  brought  failed, '  by  reason  of  jealousies 
risen  between  the  Vice-Roy  and  most  of  the  eminent  merchants, 
insomuch  that  many  of  them  dare  not  goe  aboard  of  any  shipp  or 
by  any  actions  appeare  of  that  quality  and  degree  they  are  of. 
However,  Taylor  left  some  broadcloth,  &c.  under  the  charge  of 
Bendish  and  a  Banian  named  '  Trickam  Gopallge '  [Trivikram 
Gopalji].  An  offer  for  some  of  the  coral  was  rejected  as  too  low. 
The  vessel  sailed  on  2  November  and  reached  Karwar  the  following 
evening.  Taylor  found  both  Master  and  Giffard  very  ill.  All  their 
broadcloth  had  been  sold  at  Hubli,  for  i\  or  i|  pagodas  a  yard,  but 
most  of  the  lead  and  some  brimstone  remained  on  hand.  A  fair 
stock  of  goods  would  be  ready  for  shipment  when  the  Loyal 
Merchant  returned  ^  from  Mirjan  and  Bhatkal,  whither  she  was  now 
bound.  The  Porakad  factors  had  advised  that  there  was  little 
likelihood  of  procuring  pepper  there, '  through  the  roguish  practizes 
of  the  Dutch '. 

Wee  are  sorry  to  heare  [that  there^  are  great  troubles  between 
the  King  of  Decan  and  the  Rajah  of  those  parts  -  [i.  e.  Bhatkal  etc.], 

^  A  letter  from  Karwar  of  19  November  says  that  a  quantit}'  of  goods  was  put  on 
board  during  the  vessel's  short  stay  at  her  first  visit,  but  most  of  those  purchased  had  not 
arrived  from  Hubli.  Another  of  10  February,  1664  shows  that  she  embarked  a  further 
quantity  at  the  end  of  November. 

*  The  Ikkeri  Raja  (see  pp.  120,  239).  His  capital  was  at  Bidarur  (Bednur),  now 
known  as  Nagar  (in  Shimoga  District,  Mj'sore). 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  261 

whose  cheife  place  of  residence,  called  Biddruree,  is  like  to  be  taken 
from  him  by  said  King,  being  that  wayes  in  person. 

This  intelligence  was  repeated  in  an  accompanying  letter  from 
Master,  Ball,  and  Chamberlain,  dated  6  November. 

It  is  reported  that  the  merchants  in  generall  have  all  left  Batticala 
and  Bassilore  [Basrur]  since  the  taking  of  Biddrure,  their  cheife 
citty,  and  have  betaken  themselves  with  their  Rajah  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  woods. 

Taylor  made  no  further  report,  other  than  verbal  (on  his  return) ; 
but  that  he  was  successful  in  procuring  pepper  at  Bhatkal  appears 
from  the  following  passage  from  the  Surat  letter  to  the  Company 
of  28  January,  1664  ^ : 

Wee  account  our  selves  fortunate  in  your  behalfe  that  wee  have 
this  yeare  procured  for  you  a  hundred  and  thirty  or  fourty  tonns  of 
pepper ;  v/hich  if  BatticoUa  had  failed  us  of,  would  have  been 
impossible  to  get  all  this  coast  along  from  north  to  south.  It  cost 
you,  first  penny,  neare  dd.  per  pound,  soe  strangely  is  the  price  of 
pepper  risen  already  all  these  parts  over.  That  which  was  formerly 
sould  in  this  towne  for  9,  10,  and  (when  at  the  dearest)  11  mamoodies 
per  maund,  is  now  at  18  and  20;  and  supposed  to  bee  at  a  farr 
greater  rate  within  a  few  yeares  more,  for  the  Dutch  intend  to  make 
it  theire  owne  as  absolutely  as  the  spices  of  nutts  [i.  e.  nutmegs]  and 
mace ;  and  to  that  intent  have,  in  theire  passes  they  give  to  the 
vessails  that  trade  too  and  fro,  prohibiteing  \sic\  all  cotton  and 
ophium  to  bee  transported  downe  the  coast  (the  two  great  com- 
modityes  vendable  upon  the  coast  of  Mallabar),  and  all  pepper  and 
cassia  lignum  to  bee  brought  thence.  [So]  that  wee  leave  you  to 
judge  what  expectations  you  can  have  of  your  servants  ever  heere- 
after  procureing  any  of  these  goods  for  you  ;  for  wee  declare  it  two 
to  one  that  you  got  any  pepper  this  yeare,  and  the  odds  is  more 
the  next,  for  if  the  Dutch  doe  contract  with  the  King  of  BatticoUa 
for  his  magazins  of  pepper,  it  is  impossible  for  you  to  have  any  for 
the  future.  .  .  .  The  Swally  pinnace  is  retourned  to  us  againe ;  by 
which  our  amicable  conclusion  wee  have  made  to  us  freinds  of  the 
BatticoUa  etc.  Rajahs ;  which  wee  may  say  was  very  seasonably 
concluded,  it  being  the  only  place  for  pepper  left.  .  .  .  The  vessayl 
is  no  way  fitt  for  any  service  of  yours ;  wherefore  thinke  to  sell  her 
and  give  the  Mallabarr  accompt  credit  for  the  money. 

The  Hopewell  returned  to  Surat  on  12  January,  1664,^  bringing 

^  Some  details  will  also  be  found  in  the  log  of  the  Loyal  Merchant  {Or me  MSS,, 
no.  263),  and  in  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1664  (p.  320). 

-  She  had  called  at  Venguria,  where  some  negotiations  took  place  with  the  Governor 
for  the  establishment  of  an  English  factory  {Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1664,  p.  320). 


262 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 


a  long  letter  from  the  Porakad  factors,  dated  17  Nov.,  1663.  explain- 
ing why  they  had  been  unable  to  procure  any  pepper  for  her  lading. 

It  is  no  will  of  the  countrey  people  that  hath  so  put  us  upon  the 
rack  and  disappointed  our  expectations,  but  the  Dutch ;  who,  as 
soone  as  Snrat  Frigot  arrived,  sent  immediately  to  Cochin,  set 
a  guard  about  our  brokers  house  and  in  divers  places  hard  by  our 
house  neare  the  strand,  thereby,  as  they  first  intimated  to  the  King, 
to  know  whither  he  would  be  as  good  as  his  word  with  them  not  to 
sell  to  the  English  any  pepper  or  cassia  lignum.  And  assoone  as 
she  was  gone  and  they  knew  that  wee  stayed  behind,  they  sent 
from  Cochin  an  expostulary  writing  how  the  King  durst  detaine  us 
in  his  countrey,  and  why  he  spoke  not  to  us  to  be  gone.  The  King 
answered  that  this  was  not  our  Surat  shipp,  but  when  that  came, 
he  would  speake  to  us,  but  neither  could  nor  would  force  us  out  of 
the  place,  as  they  have  requested  him  to  doe,  both  now  and 
formerly,  when  they  desired  him  to  prohibite  all  provisions  to  be 
carried  to  our  house,  that  penury  might  force  us  thence.  Divers 
private  ollaes  ^  have  passed  lately  betwixt  them  and  the  King 
about  us,  which  out  of  feare  they  dare  not  let  us  see,  but  only  in 
generall  tearmes  declare  to  us  in  secret.  And  the  Dutch  [inferring], 
as  wee  suppose,  the  Kings  intent  in  keeping  us  here  conjecturally, 
spake  not  so  open  in  their  writings  as  before,  but  with  this  stile  : 
'  Remember  your  word  you  passed  to  Heer  Admirall,  or  else  he 
will  come  and  burne  and  destroy  your  land.'  Many  more  messages 
dayly  have  been  sent  since  this  shipps  arrivall,  all  which  the  peoples 
feares  at  present  smother,  yet  not  so  closely  but  that  by  the  smoake 
wee  know  there  is  fire,  and  guesse  by  these  effects  at  the  threats 
and  councell  therein  about  us.  .  .  .  However,  wee  find  the  people 
much  revived  by  Your  Worships  positive  order  for  our  continuance 
here. 

The  factors  hope  that  this  order  means  that  the  aggressions  of 
the  Dutch  will  be  actively  resented.  They  regret  that  the  President 
did  not  write  to  the  King  on  the  subject,  as  this  might  have  encour- 
aged him  to  provide  a  lading  for  the  Hopewell, 

If  any  hopes  of  remedy  against  the  Dutch's  power  had  therein 
been  interwoven  (of  which  he  is  very  greedy).  AH  that  wee  could 
suggest  of  comfort  from  Your  Worshipps  letter  wee  informed  him 
of,  which  something  tooke  with  him  and,  wee  suppose,  was  the 
maine  inducement  to  suffer  our  stay,  though  nothing  of  lading  to  be 
procured  ...  it  being  so  ordered  by  the  Dutch  and  the  contrary 
threatned.     Our  stay,  wee  beleive,  they  will  indeavour  to  revenge 

'  Mai.  ola^  a  letter  written  on  a  palm-leaf. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  263 

upon  him,  and  so  on  us  ;  for  this  King  is  no  more  then  a  paper 
stuck  on  the  Companies  breast,  which  the  Dutch  aime  and  shoot 
at,  that  through  it  they  may  maime  or  kill  the  Companies  advant- 
ages and  proffits  on  this  coast,  and  especially  this  port;  and  if 
remedy  come  not,  farewell  right  and  all  here,  from  Cape  Comerine 
to  Cannanor.  To  number  the  insolencies  committed  by  the  Dutch 
against  these  foole-kings  Malabarrs  were  matter  of  laughter  or 
greife,  or  both:  to  see  the  Dutch  Company  play  Emperour  in 
Cochin  etc.,  a  King  able  to  bring  100,000  Naires  to  the  feild  and  is 
now  in  their  power,  allowed  from  the  Dutch  15^.  the  day  for  all 
charges  and  service ;  they  commanding  the  customes  in  the  rivers, 
the  royall  rents  and  taxes  and  fines,  judgements  and  executions, 
monopolies  of  tobacco,  salt,  wheat  etc.  throughout  all  the  countrey. 
In  a  word,  all  pallmeyroes  ^  each  ^  coco's  [pay  ?]  one  zerafine  per 
cent. ;  which  will  so  much  proffit  them  as  they,  and  none  but  they, 
will  supply  the  other  coast,  from  Cape  to  Porto  Novo,  where  they 
are  sold  for  14  ryalls  of  eight  the  1,000.  They  have  ordered  this 
throughout  all  the  Mallabarrs  land  ;  which  hath  so  exasperated  the 
naturall  that  quarrells  have  been  between  them,  and  greater  fires,  I 
hope,  will  breake  out  for  their  destruction.  The  Princes  wife, 
newly  married,  was  not  free  from  one  of  their  captains  demands,  nor 
other  Naire  women  from  the  force  of  other  their  souldiers  in 
a  broile ;  which  is  mightily  resented  by  the  people,  they  loosing  by 
such  conversation  (though  forced)  the  right  of  kindred.  The  Kings, 
that  formerly  were  enemies,  are  now  entered  into  strict  league, 
mutually  to  defend  each  other  from  incroachments  of  the  Dutch 
upon  their  rights ;  whose  former  enmities  was  the  occasion  and 
door  to  the  Dutch  successes  in  this  late  conquest  of  Cochin.  The 
Samorin  hath  sent  to  this  King  to  promote  the  league,  and  desired 
him  by  no  meanes  to  turne  the  English  out  of  his  countrey,  urging 
for  reason  of  not  giving  themselves  totally  to  be  Dutch  slaves. 
Whereupon,  finding  the  King  inclined  to  suffer  us,  wee  desired  the 
sealing  of  our  articles  (as  presented)  with  ante  date ;  to  which  he 
would  not  condiscend,  but  presented  us  with  an  other  paper,  the 
abridgement  of  our  originall  and  first  signed  paper  of  Cale-Veale, 
which  he  would  give  us  (coppie  goeth  herewith),  and  signed  it, 
dated  the  [dla/ik]  November  1660,  which  was  much  about  the  time 
of  the  former  presentation ;  which  wee  accepted,  though  wee  find 
nothing  therein  to  trust  to  for  our  own  security  from  the  Dutch 
power  and  malice  (save  the  declaration  of  the  Companies  right,  and 
that  before  they  had  to  doe  in  Cochin),  but  rely  wholly  upon  Your 
Worshipps  care  for  us;  for  if  they  will,  they  can  destroy  us  as 
equally  and  easily  as  they  can  the  King  himselfe,  though  wee  doubt 

^  The  palmeira  or  palm-tree.  "^  And  ? 


264  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663 

not  but  they  will  refraine  from  any  such  open  act ;  though  now  they 
begin  to  shew  themselves  more  open  hearted  and  daring,  by  sending 
down  a  small  vessell  hither,  whose  steersman  came  to  our  house  and 
told  us  that  he  was  sent  from  the  Governour  of  Cochin  to  forbid  the 
lading  of  any  pepper  or  cassia  lignum  in  this  port  and  disimbarqu- 
ing  any  opium ;  for  he  said  the  land  was  theirs  and  by  that  right 
did  prohibite  it.  And  would  have  had  the  shipps  boate,  going  and 
comming,  to  have  made  to  their  vessell  to  have  been  searched,  but 
wee  told  him  that  could  not  be.  Then  [he]  asked  whither  he 
might  come  on  board  and  see  if  any  such  commodities  were  there 
and,  if  so,  for  leave  to  take  them  out ;  which  wee  would  not  suffer, 
nor  they  to  come  within  board,  and  it  was  so  order'd  by  the  master. 

The  President  and  Council  could  do  nothing  to  stem  the  tide  of 
Dutch  aggression,  but  were  forced  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  home 
authorities.     In  their  letter  of  28  January,  1664,  they  wrote  : 

Wee  continue  your  factors  at  Porcat  still,  to  keepe  your  propriety 
and  claime  to  the  port.  But  the  Hopewell  was  not  suffered  to  lade 
a  corne  of  pepper  or  cassia  lignum,  notwithstanding  your  factors 
had  contracted  two  yeares  since  for  a  percell ;  and  all  for  feare  of 
the  Dutch,  that  have  the  natives  in  such  great  awe  that  they 
threaten  them,  if  they  sell  a  pound  of  these  commodities  to  any  but 
them,  they  will  presently  ruine  them.  .  .  .  Please  to  advise  what 
wee  shall  doe  as  to  the  continuance  or  draweing  off  those  factors, 
for  except  the  poeple  can  bee  protected  from  the  cruelty  of  the 
Dutch,  you  must  expect  nothing  there,  and  in  a  short  time  no  where 
else.  .  .  .  Wee  must  acquaint  you  (though  not  for  newes)  that  the 
Dutch  make  no  accompt  of  the  articles  of  peace  soe  lately  concluded 
between  our  two  nations,  wherein  it  is  concluded  and  agreed  that 
wee  should  have  commerce  and  trade  in  the  same  freedome  one 
with  another  that  each  respective  nation  hath  or  is  graunted  and 
allowed  to  the  natives  that  are  inhabitants,  with  all  amity  and 
freindship ;  whereas  on  the  contrary  they  prosecute  us  (where  they 
have  noe  reall  pretence)  in  other  Kings  jurisdictions  by  threats  and 
menaces  of  the  people,  if  they  shall  at  any  time  either  furnish  or 
sufferr  us  to  have  the  least  tradeing  or  commerce  with  them. 

And  so  the  question  was  left  to  be  discussed  between  the  diplo- 
matists in  Europe,  for  whose  protracted  debates  the  reader  must  be 
referred  to  the  companion  series  of  Court  Minutes  etc.  of  the  East 
India  Compatiy.  Needless  to  say,  the  proceedings  of  the  Dutch,  as 
here  related,  excited  much  resentment  in  England,  especially  as  it 
was  not  in  India  alone  that  such  tactics  were  adopted.  The  conclu- 
sion drawn,  even  by  moderate  men,  was  that  the  country's  foreign 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1663  265 

trade  was  being  insidiously  strangled  by  unfair  methods  and  that 
force  was  the  only  remedy. 

A  letter  from  Travers  at  Kayal,  dated  21  Nov.,  failed  to  catch 
the  Hopewell  at  Porakad  ;  but  a  copy  was  received  at  Surat  by 
a  country  ship  at  the  end  of  March,  1664.  The  letter  is  very  long 
and  verbose,  and  it  will  suffice  to  notice  merely  a  few  points.  As 
regards  the  proposed  transfer  of  the  Kayal  factory  to  the  Coast 
Agency,  Travers  pointed  out  that  it  was  impossible  for  an  English 
ship  to  voyage  from  Madras  thither  by  a  direct  route ;  while  as  for 
country  boats,  one  of  the  channels  was  commanded  by  '  Manar '  and 
the  other  by  '  Utiar ',  '  this  in  the  tuition  of  the  natives,  that  of  the 
Dutch ',  and  at  both  places  duties  were  arbitrarily  levied.  He 
would,  however,  now  apply  to  Winter  for  directions  as  to  the 
transmission  of  the  goods  in  hand.  Travers  assured  the  President 
that  he  would  not  leave  the  factory  without  permission.  He  would 
acquaint  the  '  Paravas '  with  as  much  of  the  Surat  letter  '  as  will 
at  present  concerne  them '.  Finally,  he  enclosed  a  copy  of  a  protest 
he  had  addressed  to  the  Dutch  and  delivered  to  their  Chief  at 
Tuticorin,  holding  them  responsible  for  all  damages  caused  by  their 
interference  with  the  trade  of  the  English  at  Kayal. 

It  was  probably  in  this  packet  that  Travers  forwarded  an  answer, 
dated  5  November,  to  certain  objections  raised  by  Andrews  in 
January,  1662,  to  items  in  the  accounts  of  the  factory.  This, 
a  lengthy  document  of  twelve  pages,  with  a  rambling  'epistle 
dedicatory '  to  the  '  apologie ',  which  is  itself  couched  in  the  most 
highflown  language.  Neither  the  charges  nor  the  answers  made  to 
them  need  a  detailed  notice. 


266 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST.   i66 


In  a  previous  chapter  the  narrative  has  been  brought  down  to 
the  departure  of  the  Coronation  (the  last  ship  of  the  season)  for 
England  at  the  beginning  of  February,  1663.  At  this  point  the 
Factory  Records  fail  us,  and  we  are  reduced  to  gleaning  information 
from  various  documents  scattered  through  other  collections. 

The  first  of  these  records  a  consultation  held  in  Fort  St.  George 
on  28  February.  Apparently  the  Matthew  and  Thomas  was  about 
to  sail,  carrying  Jearsey  back  to  his  post  at  Masulipatam  and  Blake 
(accompanied  by  Bridges)  to  Balasore;  and  instructions  to  both 
were  now  drawn  up.  Jearsey  was  directed,  upon  his  arrival  at 
Masulipatam, 

If  he  finde  it  safe  for  him  to  stay  there,  then  to  continue ;  ells 
to  goe  up  to  Maddapollam,  and  helpe  to  recover  in  the  Companies 
debts  at  both  places,  by  leaveing  one  or  two  at  Metchlepatam  for 
that  purpose,  although  he  himselfe  should  think  it  convenient  to 
goe  up  to  MadapoUam ;  which  wee  esteeme  a  place  of  great  con- 
venience for  the  Companies  affaires  (being  sittuated  upon  a  river) 
for  conveighance  of  our  goods  to  the  shipps,  whereas  from  Vera- 
shroone  they  brought  all  by  coolies  (above  six  miles),  and  that 
place  is  quite  decayed,  the  merchants  all  gone,  and  none  to  bee 
trusted  there  with  above  100  pagodas. 

Jearsey  was  given  a  free  hand  in  the  stationing  of  his  subordi- 
nates, and  he  was  allowed  to  have  Proby  as  his  Second.  In 
accordance  with  the  permission  accorded  by  the  Company  (p.  170), 
Winter's  house  at  MadapoUam  was  taken  over,  the  price  being  fixed 
at  2,000  new  pagodas,  and  Jearsey  was  directed  to  arrange  for  its 
repair.  The  factories  at  Viravasaram  and  Petapoli  were  to  be 
dissolved,  '  because  they  are  soe  chargeable  and  the  buisiness  may 
as  well  bee  done  without  them  '.  If  at  anytime  it  should  be  found 
necessary  to  send  factors  to  make  purchases  at  either  place,  these 
should  be  allowed  four  old  pagodas  per  month  for  expenses,  besides 
'  charges  merchandize '.  As  it  was  determined  to  send  Stiles  to 
Bengal,  the  Council  decided  to  engage  in  his  place  (at  Madras) 
'  Mr.  Reade,  a  man  fitting  for  that  employment'.^     In  accordance 

^  Reade  was   related   to   Wialer,    and   his   appointment   gave   much   offence  to   the 
Company. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  267 

with  the  Company's  express  order,  Chamber  was  required  in 
writing  either  to  proceed  himself  to  Bengal  with  Blake,  or  to  send 
someone  else,  duly  authorized  and  provided  with  the  necessary 
funds,  in  order  to  make  a  final  settlement  of  Mir  Jumla's  demands 
for  compensation  for  his  junk  ;  should  Chamber  prefer  it,  he  might 
for  this  purpose  confirm  the  power  of  attorney  which  he  had  given 
to  Blake  in  August,  1662.  Money  being  scarce,  the  Council 
accepted  a  loan  from  Winter  of  9,000  rials  of  eight,  to  be  repaid  out 
of  the  first  funds  available.     Finally, 

It  is  agreed  that,  whereas  Sir  Edward  Winter  was  formerly 
forced  (as  hath  bin  affirmed)  to  give  an  obligation  to  Mr.  Thomas 
Chamber  to  sattisfie  3,195  pagothaes  6  fannams  6  cash  old  to  the 
Honourable  Company  for  severall  debts  standing  out  of  the  Com- 
panies money  delivered  out  by  said  Sir  Edward  Winter  that  yeare, 
that  said  debtors  bee  brought  into  Metchlepatam  bookes  to  bee 
recovered  by  Mr.  Jearsey  etc. 

In  this  way,  without  securing  the  previous  permission  of  the 
home  authorities  (who,  however,  ought  to  have  settled  all  claims 
before  re-appointing  him),  Winter  managed  to  shuffle  out  of  the 
undertaking  on  the  strength  of  which  he  had  been  permitted  to  go 
home  in  January,  1660  (see  the  last  volume,  p.  273).  Obviously 
the  chances  of  Jearsey's  recovering  for  the  Company  debts  which 
had  been  judged  bad  in  1658  were  small  indeed. 

On  2  April,  1663  Winter  and  his  Council  wrote  to  Surat,  con- 
gratulating Oxenden  on  his  success  in  bringing  the  Governor  of 
Surat  to  terms,  and  narrating  their  own  troubles  with  the  local 
authorities. 

Wee  dealt  with  them  here  in  the  same  manner,  and  wee  had  not 
only  promises,  but  under  hand  and  scale,  not  to  be  molested  any 
more  or  affronted  in  that  nature  as  wee  had  bin,  but  should  injoy 
all  our  priviledges  as  formerly.  And  yet  notwithstanding  the 
Governor  of  Metchlepatam  came  to  Pettepolae  and  tooke  away 
a  garden  that  hath  belonged  to  the  Company  many  yeares ;  upon 
which  Mr.  Salusbury  spoke  what  was  needfull,  and  the  Governor 
bid  him  be  silent,  least  he  served  him  as  he  had  already  don  his 
great  Captain  [i.  e.  Winter].  So  they  tooke  our  gardiner  out  of 
his  house  per  force,  only  upon  the  addresses  of  a  fellow  (that  was 
the  Companies  debitor  too)  that  pretended  it  to  be  his.  And  at 
Metchlepatam,  some  of  our  people  being  sick,  and  they  coming  by 
the  house  feasting,  as  their  usuall  manner  is  in  that  place,  with 


268  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

drums,  trumpets,  and  clinckers  ^  all  night  long,  they  sent  to  them 
and  desired  to  forbeare  whilst  they  passed  by  the  house,  as  in 
former  time  it  was  customary  so  to  doe.  They  tooke  it  for  an 
affront,  and  the  Governor  sent  peons  to  the  factory,  where  they 
broke  open  the  goodownes,  and  had  it  not  bin  for  the  merchants  in 
the  towne  they  had  proceeded  to  have  done  some  further  mischeife. 
Such  are  the  insolencies  of  the  Moores  in  these  parts  that  wee 
cannot  deeme  any  other  but  that  they  have  a  designe  to  deprive  us 
of  all  our  priviledges  if  they  can.  They  have  allready  demanded  the 
goverment  of  this  towne  and  to  have  a  bancksall  -  built  to  receive 
the  whole  customes  of  the  place ;  which  wee  shall  never  agree  to 
so  long  as  wee  can  hold  out,  and  therefore  wee  expect  suddainly  to 
be  beseiged.  But  wee  are  pretty  well  provided  for  them,  let  them 
come  when  they  will.  All  our  feare  is  that  in  case  wee  fall  out  with 
the  Dutch  and  they  come  upon  us  by  sea,  then  happily  wee  may 
be  hard  put  to  it ;  but  otherwise  wee  have  the  shipp  Anne  riding  in 
the  road,  which  wee  intend  to  send  to  Porto  Nuovo  to  bring  us 
provisions  whenever  wee  shall  have  occasion.  Some  few  dayes 
since,  the  King  of  Golcondah  wrote  a  letter  to  Sir  Edward  Winter 
and  invited  him  up  thither,  promising  him  what  satisfaction  he 
should  desire,  and  that  twas  his  desire  to  see  him  that  he  might  setle 
our  affaires  to  our  content ;  whereupon  wee  esteemed  it  not  safe 
for  us  to  deny  his  invitacion,  and  resolved  that  the  Agent  should 
proceed  thither,  hoping  thereby  (though  with  some  charges)  to 
confirme  our  old  priviledges  and  obtaine  more.  And  so  accordingly 
he  was  making  provision  for  that  designe ;  but  since  wee  have  heard 
of  their  perfidiousnesse  and  breach  of  their  so  late  ingagement,  wee 
could  not  esteeme  it  but  very  dangerous  for  Sir  Edward  to  trust 
himselfe  with  them  and  to  leave  this  place ;  therefore  now  he  hath 
desisted  from  the  journey,  thinking  it  very  strange  that  the  King 
should  so  kindly  write  for  him  and  at  the  same  time  to  permit  his 
Governor  so  to  abuse  us.  And  twas  well  his  intentions  were 
altered,  for  since  wee  have  certaine  advice  that  they  did  lie  in  waite 
for  him  all  over  the  countrey  to  cut  him  of  or  to  make  him  a 
prisoner  in  Gulcondah,  and  in  the  meane  time  to  beseige  the  Fort. 
Wee  have  ordered  Mr.  Jearsey  to  desert  Metchlepatani  and  goe  to 
Madapollam,  where  there  is  a  river  to  freind,  that  in  case  of  further 
affronts  he  may  wholy  quit  the  place  and  come  hither;  there  being 
at  this  time  but  a  small  matter  of  the  Companies,  besides  debts 
standing  out,  which  hereafter  wee  may  find  a  time  to  demand. 
There  is  no  security  in  living  in  Metchlepatam,  for  the  great  men  at 
Gulcondah  have  fallen  out  amongst  themselves,  when  severall  were 

^  Probably  cymbals. 

^  Cnstom-house  [banksdl).     For  this  dispute  see  p.  iSi. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  269 

killed  on  both  sides,  and  who  can  trust  themselves  under  so  bad 
government  ?  .  .  .  We  understand  that  Mr.  Mathew  Andrevves  is 
gone  home.  Mr.  Chambers  did  desire  to  goe  home  on  the  same 
tearmes,  but  because  it  is  the  Companies  expresse  command  to  the 
contrary,  he  is  yet  here.  He  hath  likewise  made  home  the  most 
part  of  his  estate  ;  which  wee  have  advised  the  Company  and 
desired  their  further  order  as  touching  him.  We  have  formerly 
received  the  Companies  order  not  to  adventure  any  thing  of  theirs 
abroad  in  voyages  to  and  fro  here  in  India  [i.  e.  the  East  Indies], 
they  being  resolved  to  drive  a  trade  only  out  and  home ;  but  wee 
have  nothing  in  our  hands.  They  send  us  so  small  stocks  that  wee 
are  forced  to  leave  ourselves  bare  at  the  yeares  end,  because  wee 
must  comply  with  their  tonnage  that  they  are  ingaged  to  impleat 
by  charter  party.  So  that  they  have  already  taken  care  that  their 
estates  shall  not  be  circumvented  by  the  Dutch.  Wee  were  forced 
to  borrow  5,000  pagothaes  of  Sir  Edward  Winter  to  send  downe 
with  Mr.  Blake  into  the  Bay  for  provision  of  the  next  yeares  in- 
vestment, for  else  wee  should  have  bin  disapointed  of  peter  for 
quintilage  of  our  shipping.  Had  wee  had  more  money,  wee  could 
have  allso  sent  home  the  Madrasse  Merchant  (for  wee  never  want 
goods,  but  for  want  of  effects  to  doe  it).  She  is  now  gone  on 
accompt  freight  to  Siam,  at  10  per  cent,  outwards  and  5  home; 
which  [wee]  hope  will  more  then  defray  her  demurrage.  God  send 
her  a  safe  delivery  out  of  the  Dutches  clutches,  if  wee  have  warr 
with  them.  She  departed  hence  the  19th  March  passado.  .  .  .  The 
Matheiv  and  Thomas  departed  from  this  place  the  4th  of  March, 
bound  for  the  Bay,  with  Mr.  William  Blake  etc.  on  her ;  also  Mr. 
Jonathan  Trevisa  is  returned  thither,  that  all  accompts  with  the 
Nabob  may  be  cleared  before  he  goeth  home. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  Coates  at  Siam,  addressed  to  Andrews,  was 
forwarded  ;  and  references  was  then  made  to  some  efforts  for  the 
redemption  of  the  captives  in  Ceylon.  After  mentioning  the  note 
received  from  Luke  Piatt  (see  p.  178),  it  was  reported  that 

Wee  have  agreed  with  a  Moore  of  this  countrey  to  carry  our 
letters  to  them  and  to  the  King  of  Candy ;  and  so  long  as  he  shall 
be  out  wee  have  agreed  with  him  for  5  pagodas  per  month,  which 
wee  suppose  may  be  about  6  or  8  months. 

A  postscript  stated  that 

At  this  very  instant  wee  have  notice  (by  our  owne  people  wee 
imploy  to  give  us  intelligence  of  all  passages)  that  there  are  within 
a  dayes  journey  2,000  horse  and  20,000  foote  which  intend  to 
beseidge  us  ;  which  if  they  should,  wee  shall  doe  them  all  the  detri- 
ment wee  can  by  sea,  having  the  Antie  frigat  at  present  in  this  road, 


270  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

and  doubt  not  but  in  fine  (God  assisting)  to  reduce  them  to  better 
conditions. 

On  1 1  April  a  copy  of  the  above  communication  was  dispatched 
to  Surat  via  Masulipatam,  with  a  short  covering  letter  in  which  the 
Madras  Council  said : 

Wee  have  understood  by  a  particular  letter  from  Mr.  Henry  Gary 
at  Goa  that  Ricloffe,  being  very  prowd  with  his  late  successe  in 
taking  Cochin,  hath  publiquely  declared  that  their  intentions  in 
taking  that  place  was  not  only  for  procuring  the  pepper  and  cassia 
lignum  but  to  make  it  a  magazine  and  harbour  for  their  shipping 
(having  a  designe  for  taking  Zeiloan) ;  for  which  purpose  they  have 
sent  18,000  women  for  breeders  to  populate  the  place.  Of  which 
wee  shall  take  all  oppertunities  to  give  the  King  of  Candy  notice, 
hoping  thereby  to  make  the  Dutch  more  odious  in  his  sight  and  to 
ingratiate  ourselves ;  and  possibly  this  may  be  a  meanes  for  the 
redemption  of  our  captivated  freinds,  as  allso  may  prove  an  opper- 
tunity  for  setling  a  factory  there,  according  to  the  Honourable 
Companies  desire. 

In  forwarding  this  letter  (on  26  April)  the  Masulipatam  factors 
(Jearsey  and  Proby)  ridiculed  the  '  vast  number  of  the  female  sex ' 
reported  to  be  employed  by  the  Dutch,  and  added  : 

The  King  of  Candy  seeth  sufficiently  what  they  aime  at,  and 
wee  doubt,  if  no  other  meanes  bee  used  for  the  redeeming  of  those 
captives,  wee  shall  misse  of  our  intent.  However,  if  it  be  thought 
possible  to  be  attained  by  any  such  meanes,  twill  be  strangely  lookt 
at  while  wee  are  in  freindshipp  with  them  [i.e.  the  Dutch].  .  .  .  The 
Bishop  etc.^  arrived  here  the  22  and  delivered  your  letter  of  recom- 
mendation ;  and  accordingly  wee  received  them  with  the  respect  due 
to  a  person  of  his  quality.  A  day  or  two  hence  they  intend  to 
Madras,  having  4  months  time  to  spend  before  they  can  goe  for 
Siam,  whither  wee  shall  forward  him  as  you  have  desired. 

A  subsequent  letter  (30  April)  from  Madras  to  Surat  refers  to 
the  probability  of  the  early  return  of  Coates  from  Siam,  as  Jearsey 
had  been  asked  to  transmit  to  him  instructions  to  that  effect. 

A  letter  of  7  July  from  Madras  to  Surat  provides  an  interesting 
pendant  to  the  story  already  given  on  pp.  189-91,  of  the  proceedings 
of  the  Red  Sea  pirate,  Hubert  Hugo.  Pir  Khan,  who  was  one  of 
those  carried  off  by  him  from  Mokha,  had  been  left  at  St.  Helena  ; 

^  Fran9ois  Pallu,  Bishop  of  Heliopolis,  who  had  come  from  France  to  supervise  the 
missions  in  Siam,  &c.  See  Anderson's  English  Intercourse  xvith  Siam,  p.  230,  and 
Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663,  pp.  313,  374. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  271 

and  the  Governor  of  that  island,  thinking  that  his  testimony  as  to 
the  real  nationality  of  the  pirate  might  be  of  importance  to  the 
English  factors  in  India,  put  him  aboard  the  George  and  Martha^ 
which  carried  him  to  Madras.  Winter  paid  the  100  rials  of  eight 
demanded  for  his  passage,  advanced  him  120  more  to  defray  his 
charges  in  making  the  overland  journey  to  Surat,  and  gave  him  this 
letter  explaining  matters.  A  postscript  advises  that  any  future 
letters  from  Surat  should  be  sent  by  way  of  Golconda  instead  of 
via  Masulipatam,  as  this  would  save  ten  days. 

In  June  the  ships  from  England  began  to  arrive  at  Madras.  On 
the  17th  of  that  month  came  in  the  George  and  Martha  [Qz^^t.  John 
Eymout),  followed  by  the  American  (Capt.  John  Mallison)  on 
9  July,  and  \hQ  East  India  Merchant  (Capt.  William  Porter)  a  week 
later.  The  two  former  had  called  on  the  Guinea  Coast  and  at 
St.  Helena,  and  had  thus  been  considerably  delayed.  They  brought 
letters  from  the  Company  dated  11  July  and  27  October,  1662 
respectively,  while  the  East  India  Merchant  delivered  one  of 
31  December.  The  first  of  these  contained  nothing  noteworthy, 
except  an  order  that  the  George  and  Martha  should  be  sent  to 
Bantam,  and  directions  to  dispatch  to  St.  Helena  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity 'four  men  and  six  women  Gentues,  such  as  are  lusty,  young, 
and  perfect  \     The  letter  by  the  A  jnerican  gave  the  information  that 

It  haveing  pleased  our  Kings  Majestic  to  graunt  the  trade  of 
Guinea  to  His  Highnesse  the  Duke  of  Yorke  and  Royall  Companie, 
our  trade  there  will  in  a  short  time  come  to  a  period.  Wee  have  there- 
fore written  to  our  Agent  and  factors  in  Guinea  (where  wee  have  a 
large  stock  in  goods  resting)  that  they  endeavour  by  all  meanes 
possible  to  make  sale  of  as  greate  a  quantitie  of  our  said  goods 
as  they  can,  to  bee  converted  into  gold,  and  to  send  the  same  unto 
you  on  this  ship. 

Particulars  were  furnished  of  the  shipping  to  be  dispatched  to  the 
Coast  later  in  the  year.  The  American  was  to  be  returned  to 
England,  either  immediately  (if  a  cargo  was  available)  or  after 
a  voyage  to  Bengal  for  saltpetre.  The  Bengal  factors  were  blamed 
for  not  writing  to  the  Company  via  Persia  (by  the  James  and  Henry), 
and  a  hope  was  expressed  that  Trevisa  had  been  called  to  account  for 
his  various  misdemeanours.  Reiterated  orders  were  given  that  ships 
were  not  to  be  sent  to  Gombroon  or  elsewhere  (unless  so  directed 


272  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

from  home) ;  and  the  letter  ended  with  the  news  that  an  agreement 
had  been  concluded  with  the  Dutch. 

The  letter  by  the  East  India  Merchant  was  in  much  greater 
detail.  Various  items  of  intelligence  in  the  letters  received  were 
passed  in  review,  including  some  relating  to  Bengal,  the  references 
to  which  will  be  dealt  with  in  the  next  chapter.  Although  the 
Coast  factors  had  assured  the  Company  that  no  freight  goods  had 
been  allowed  on  the  Discovery  in  her  voyage  to  Bantam,  informa- 
tion had  been  received  that  this  was  untrue,  and  that  she  carried 
several  passengers  and  a  great  quantity  of  freight.  An  exact 
account  of  these  was  therefore  required ;  and  the  factors  were  strictly 
charged  not  to  allow  either  passengers  or  freight  goods  aboard  any 
ship  sent  in  future  to  Bantam.  A  hope  was  expressed  that  the 
doubtful  debts  at  MasuHpatam  and  Porto  Novo  had  been  recovered  ; 
and  approval  was  given  to  the  Agent's  refusal  to  allow  Johnson  to 
seize  junks  at  the  former  place  to  enforce  satisfaction.  The  cargo 
of  the  East  India  Merchant  was  detailed,  consisting  of  15,207/.  in 
silver,  7,829/.  in  gold,  and  5,306/.  in  merchandise  (lead,  vermilion, 
copper,  quicksilver,  broadcloth,  brimstone,  coral,  and  alum),  a  total 
of  28,342/.  She  was  to  carry  to  Jambi  and  Bantam  200  tons  of 
saltpetre  and  6,000/.  in  piece-goods  suitable  for  those  markets.  With 
the  stock  to  be  sent  in  the  next  two  ships,  it  was  expected  that  the 
factors  would  have  enough  both  to  furnish  return  cargoes  and  to 
provide  for  an  investment  for  the  following  year.  A  full  third  part 
of  what  was  received  was  to  be  sent  to  Bengal.  Chamber  was  to 
be  questioned  whether  he  gave  leave  to  Capt.  Charles  Wylde  (as 
the  latter  avers)  to  take  passengers  to  and  from  Macassar  in  the 
Barbadoes  Merchant  and  to  appropriate  the  passage  money.  In 
future,  should  the  Company  sanction  the  conveyance  of  passengers 
from  one  port  to  another,  all  payments  for  the  accommodation  of 
themselves  and  their  goods  must  be  brought  to  the  Company's 
account.  Far  too  much  money  had  been  expended  on  the  Anne 
and  the  Wijiter  Frigate.  The  former  should  be  sent  to  Persia,  if 
fit,  with  a  cargo  of  goods,  calling  on  her  return  at  the  Maldives  for 
cowries ;  if  unfit,  she  was  to  be  sold  or  broken  up.  The  Winter 
Frigate  should  be  got  rid  of  in  like  manner.  Some  changes  were 
made  in  the  list  of  piece-goods  for  England.  Out  of  the  silver  sent, 
4,000  rials  of  eight  were  intended  for  the  factories  at  Jambi  and 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  273 

Bantam.  Accounts  of  the  estates  of  A  Court  and  other  deceased 
factors  were  to  be  forwarded.  For  the  benefit  of  the  planters  at 
St.  Helena,  some  sugar-canes,  potatoes,  and  any  other  suitable 
plants  and  roots,  as  also  two  hogsheads  of  butter,  should  be  pro- 
cured from  Bengal  and  sent  thither  by  the  homeward  bound  ships. 
This  course  should  be  followed  yearly. 

On  the  25th  of  November  last  arived  at  Amsterdam  a  small 
vessell,  which  came  from  Battavia  the  22th  A  prill,  and  brings  newes 
that  the  Chinaes  have  taken  the  castle  of  Tyvvan  on  the  island 
Formosa,  with  all  the  treasure  the  Company  had  there,  valued  at 
300,00c/.  sterling,  and  that  the  Chinaes  intended  to  follow  their 
victory.  Upon  this  newes  their  actions  [i.e.  shares]  are  falne  30 
per  cent. 

On  reconsideration  it  was  ordered  that,  if  the  Winter  Frigate  was 
found  fit  for  further  service,  she  should  be  sent  to  Bengal,  there 
laden  with  saltpetre,  wheat,  and  butter,  and  then  dispatched  to 
Bantam,  'to  bee  imployed  in  the  service  of  our  island  of  Polarone '. 
The  East  India  Merchant  was  taking  out  as  a  passenger 

A  young  man  named  Thomas  Winter,'  whose  relations  are  inhabi- 
tants in  your  parts  ;  with  whome  hee  intends  to  reside  at  his 
ariveall  with  you.  But  wee  give  you  lybertie,  when  our  ocasions 
shall  require,  that  you  imploy  the  said  Thomas  Winter  in  our 
service. 

Winter  and  Gifford  lost  no  time  in  apprising  the  Company  of  the 
arrival  of  these  three  ships,  for  on  20  July  they  wrote  home  by  way 
of  Surat  announcing  the  fact,  and  answering  some  of  the  points  in 
the  letters  received.  The  Anne  (now  the  Hope)  could  not  be  fitted 
for  a  voyage  to  Persia  without  spending  nearly  450/.  upon  her ;  so 
it  was  intended  to  sell  her  at  her  estimated  value  of  591/.  145-.  The 
Winter  Frigate  was  fit  for  nothing. 

Wee  had  latlie  newes  from  Mr.  Blake  that  the  Nabob  was  very 
ill ;  and  since  from  Metchlepatam  that  tis  generally  reported  by 
people  that  came  from  Checkercall  [Chicacole]  that  hee  is  dead ; 
and  that  which  makes  it  seeme  true  is  his  factor  Tapa  Tapps 
removeing  his  howsehold  stuffe  and  goods  from  his  owne  into  other 
new  howses.     But   by  latter  newes  from   Golquondah  it  is  very 

^  It  seems  probable  that  this  was  a  natural  son  of  Thomas  Winter  (the  elder  brother  of 
Sir  Edward  Winter),  who  was  now  a  Committee  and  signed  the  above  letter.  He  had 
doubtless  an  understanding  with  the  Agent  as  to  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  youth  on 
his  arrival. 

2597  T 


274  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

certaine  that  hee  is  dead  and  that  Oramzebs  embasdor  hath  put 
a  chopp  upon  the  Nabobs  godownes  and  seized  upon  his  hovvses 
and  goods. 

The  writers  next  asked  for  a  free  hand  in  engaging  '  such  persons 
here  ...  as  wee  shall  find  inabled  and  capacitated  for  manageinge 
your  affaires '.  The  American  was  being  dispatched  to  Bengal 
with  a  stock  of  36,217  pagodas.  The  Madras  Merchant  was 
expected  to  return  from  Siam  in  October  or  November. 

By  reason  of  the  uncivill  and  disorderly  government  of  the  Cheife 
Governor  of  Metchlepatam  (whose  speedy  removeall  is  promised  us) 
wee  have  bin  constrayned  to  send  away  all  our  Enghsh  from 
thence  to  Madapolam  ;  ^  where  Your  Worships  businesse  is  not  in 
the  least  neglected,  the  same  beinge  as  comodious  a  place  for  your 
affaires  as  Metchlepatam.  Our  last  gave  Your  Woorships  notice  of 
some  differences  wee  had  with  the  Moors  ;  which  is  now  in  a  faire 
way  of  composure,  the  Kinge  haveing  sent  our  English  residentary  ^ 
downe  (which  wee  kept  at  Golquondah  for  the  same  purpose)  to 
invite  the  Agent  up  to  the  court,  haveinge  honnoured  the  said  person, 
before  his  cominge,  with  a  tasheriff,  promiseinge  us  as  full  and  ample 
reparation  and  satisfaction  for  all  injuryes  and  wrongs  as  can  pos- 
siblely  be  desired  or  expected  from  us ;  His  Majesty  haveinge  put 
his  hand  upon  his  heart  and  sollemnly  protestinge,  upon  the  word 
of  a  Kinge,  that  our  Agent  should  not  have  the  least  haire  of  his 
head  to  perish,  and  hath  comanded  30  in  40,000  of  his  horsemen 
to  meete  him  on  the  way  and  to  conduct  him  up.  Besides  hee 
hath  received  many  amicable  invitations  from  the  grandees  and 
favoritts  at  the  court.  Whereupon  our  Agent  hath  entertained 
thoughts  of  goeinge  up  thither ;  the  Kinge  haveinge  promised  to 
make  a  league,  offenceive  and  defenceive,  with  us,  and  wee  hope 
hereby  to  obtaine  such  privelidges  for  Your  Worships  as  may  be. 

A  postscript  (undated,  but  evidently  written  on  24  July)  announced 
that  the  Madras  surf  had  taken  its  toll  of  the  newcomers. 

Upon  the  10  instant  happened  both  a  sad  and  suddaine  acce- 
dent  by  the  oversettinge  of  a  mussula  [i.  e.  surf-boat]  in  the  surfe ; 
where  severall  of  our  freinds  lost  theire  lives,  vizt.  Capten  John 

1  The  English  returned  to  Masnlipatam  in  September,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  Governor 
(^Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663,  p.  594). 

^  From  a  later  reference  it  appears  that  this  was  Nathaniel  Chumley  or  Cholmley,  an 
English  '  freeman '  who  lived  many  years  at  Golconda  engaged  in  the  diamond  trade. 
For  his  subsequent  career  see  a  note  at  p.  128  of  vol.  ii  of  Diaries  of  Sir  Streynsham 
Master.  The  Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1664  (p.  437),  refers  to  an  English  jeweller  at 
Golconda. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  275 

Mallison,  comaunder  of  the  American}  Mr.  William  Colthurst,  and 
Mr.  Johnathan  ^  Budley,  with  three  others,  vizt.  the  captens  servant 
and  two  of  Sir  Edward  Winters  blacks ;  and  Mr.  John  Niclaes 
much  hurt  but  since  recovered." 

The  Royal  Katherine  and  the  Castle  Frigate  had  just  arrived. 
The  letter  sent  by  the  former  came  too  late  to  stop  the  sale  of  the 
Anne^  which  had  been  disposed  of  '  to  Signor  Joan  Perera  de  Faria 
and  a  Raccan  [Arakan]  nocquedah  '.  However,  she  could  not  have 
been  fitted  out  in  time  for  Bantam.  The  gold  received  from 
Guinea  in  the  various  ships  amounted  to  1,564  marks,  6  ounces,  and 
2  '  acas  '.^ 

The  Castle  Frigate  (Capt.  Stephen  Mitchell)  brought  a  letter 
dated  2  January,  1663,  in  which  the  Committees  ordered  her 
immediate  dispatch  to  Bengal  and  her  early  return  to  England. 
She  was  to  call  at  Guinea  on  her  way  out  and  there  embark  gold 
and  elephants'  teeth.  Thomas  Mollineux,  one  of  the  Guinea  factors, 
had  been  authorized  to  proceed  in  her  to  Madras,  where  he  was  to 
be  given  employment ;  and  Capt.  Mitchell  had  been  directed  to 
procure  at  Guinea  twenty  '  blacks ',  for  service  on  the  Coast  or  at 
Bantam.  The  Royal  Katherine  (Capt.  Charles  Wylde)  had  been 
entrusted  with  no  less  than  three  letters.  The  first  of  these,  dated 
20  February,  1663,  gave  particulars  of  the  vessel's  cargo,  amounting 
to  about  24,653/.,  of  which  19,804/.  was  in  silver  bullion  or  rials  of 
eight.  The  list  included  '  a  case  of  printed  bodkes  for  the  Minister 
of  Madrasspatam '  '(58/.  \os.),  the  book  of  common  prayer  (loj.), 
two  pipes  of  Malaga  wine,  for  Madras  and  Bengal  respectively 
i^tbl')^  and  four  butts  of  beer  (10/.).  The  ship  was  to  proceed  at 
once  to  Bengal,  and  on  her  return  her  lading  was  to  be  completed 
and  she  was  to  start  for  England  by  the  end  of  the  year.  An 
effort  to  secure  the  release  of  the  captives  in  Ceylon  was  again 
urged.  William  Bradford,  if  found  deserving,  was  to  be  allowed 
a  salary  of  20/.  per  annum  from  his  first  engagement.  As  regards 
the  Anne  and  the  Wijtter  Frigate,  whichever  could  be  got  ready 

^  He  was  succeeded  in  the  command  by  Stephen  Eastgate  {O.C.  3016). 

2  The  '  John  '  of  p.  163  is  an  error  in  the  original  MS. 

^  According  to  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1663  (p.  490),  Winter  was  of  the  party  and 
narrowly  escaped  ;  whilst  one  of  those  drowned  was  his  son-in-law.  O.C.  3046  says  that 
both  Winter  and  Gifford  nearly  lost  their  lives. 

■*  An  aky  equals  one-sixteenth  of  an  ounce.     A  '  mark  '  weighed  eight  ounces. 

T    2 


276  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

first  should  be  sent  to  Bantam  (for  employment  to  Pulo  Run),  and 
the  other  should  go  to  Persia  later.  As  it  was  intended  to  plant 
and  fortify  the  island  of  Pulo  Run,  when  surrendered  by  the  Dutch, 
any  '  Gentues  '  who  might  be  willing  to  go  in  the  ship  should  be 
sent  thither.  Should  there  be  sufficient  goods  on  the  Coast  to 
lade  the  American  without  sending  her  to  Bengal,  this  course 
should  be  adopted  and  the  vessel  dispatched  to  England  in 
November,  so  as  to  '  take  the  first  of  the  marketts  \  A  couple  of 
'  Gentue  barbers,  such  as  are  most  expert  amongst  them  in  letting 
of  blood  ',  should  be  purchased  and  sent  to  St.  Helena,  *  there  to 
remaine  for  the  use  of  our  people  on  that  island  '.  Reference  was 
next  made  to  the  intelligence  received  from  Surat  (see  p.  74) 
regarding  the  desire  of  the  King  of  Siam  for  the  establishment  of 
an  English  factory  in  his  dominions.  Although  the  Committees 
were  still  unwilling  to  disperse  the  Company's  estate  in  this  manner, 
they  asked  for  information  about  the  commodities  which  the  Dutch 
procured  in  Siam  ;  if  these  were  suitable  for  Europe  and  there 
were  a  reasonable  prospect  of  selling  English  goods  in  that  country, 
the  question  of  settling  a  factory  would  be  further  considered. 
Orders  were  given,  in  similar  terms  to  those  in  the  letter  to  Surat 
on  p.  197,  for  the  transmission  home  of  accounts,  &c.,  and  of  lists 
of  factors  and  seamen.  The  Bengal  factors  were  to  be  strictly 
enjoined  to  send  to  the  Coast  full  invoices  by  every  ship,  as  also 
annual  accounts  ;  and  copies  of  these  were  to  be  forwarded  to  the 
Company.  A  postscript  gave  notice  of  the  arrangement  regarding 
bills  of  exchange  already  recorded  on  p.  197,  and  further  mentioned 
the  receipt  *  by  our  last  yeares  shipping '  of  a  bale  of  '  morees ' 
sent  by  the  Madras  chaplain  to  be  sold  '  and  retorned  in  bookes '. 
These  calicoes  had  realized  85/.,  of  which  part  (as  already  noted) 
was  now  sent  in  books,  and  the  balance  (less  charges)  in  23^  '  peeces 
of  gold  ',  which  Capt.  Wylde  would  deliver  to  the  minister. 

The  second  letter  was  dated  a  week  after  the  first,  and  was 
occasioned  by  the  arrival  in  the  interim  of  the  Concord,  bringing  the 
letter  from  Madras  of  29  January,  1662  (see  p.  57).  Much  of  the 
Committees'  reply  was  concerned  with  Bengal,  and  will  be  noticed 
in  the  next  chapter ;  but  there  are  several  matters  of  interest 
relating  to  the  Coromandel  Coast.  Rather  than  that  ships  should 
be  detained  beyond  the  end  of  their  year  of  arrival  by  the  want 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  277 

of  saltpetre  from  Bengal,  they  should  be  filled  up  with  sugar.  The 
charterparties  of  the  Castle  Frigate  and  the  Royal  Katherine  bound 
their  commanders  '  to  goe  up  as  neare  to  Hughly  with  their  shipps 
as  with  safety  they  may ',  and  so  it  was  hoped  that  there  would  be 
no  further  difficulty  in  procuring  a  regular  supply  of  saltpetre  ;  but 
as  a  precaution  the  Agent  was  urged  to  endeavour  to  obtain  some 
from  Masulipatam  or  other  suitable  places.  Winter  had  signified, 
in  letters  written  from  Madagascar  on  his  voyage  out,  his  intention 
to  engage  as  factors  Thomas  Turner,  William  Colthurst,  Francis 
Turner,  and  Humphrey  Swinglehurst.  This  was  forbidden,  as  con- 
trary to  the  Court's  order,  and  these  men  were  to  be  sent  back  to 
England.  If  factors  were  needed,  some  would  be  dispatched  from 
home.  Further,  the  ships'  commanders  were  not  to  be  allowed  to 
leave  anyone  behind,  and,  in  case  of  disobedience,  all  such  persons 
found  ashore  were  to  be  returned  to  England. 

The' third  letter,  dated  11  March,  1663,  was  a  short  one  and 
related  chiefly  to  a  charge  against  William  Gififord  of  sending  home 
calicoes  in  the  Coast  Frigate  for  his  own  account.  He  was 
accordingly  to  be  fined  157/.  ^s.  ;  and  all  the  Company's  servants 
were  warned  that  any  similar  attempts  to  defraud  their  employers, 
or  to  help  others  in  so  doing,  would  be  severely  punished. 

A  letter  from  Jearsey  and  Niclaes  at  Madapollam  to  Surat,  of 
30  July,  gave  the  intelligence  that  the  George  and  MartJia  had 
reached  Masulipatam  on  22  July,  and  mentioned  the  arrival 
of  John  Widdrington  (see  p.  195).  Then  comes  a  long  silence,  the 
next  letter  extant  being  one  from  Fort  St.  George  to  Surat,  dated 
21  November.  This  announced  that  the  Madras  Merchant  was 
daily  expected  from  Siam,  and  that  news  had  been  received, 
through  the  Dutch,  of  the  death  of  her  commander,  Cobham  Doves, 
at  Malacca  on  the  outward  voyage.  A  promise  was  given  to  send 
a  vessel  to  Kayal  in  the  coming  January,  with  some  factors  to 
relieve  Travers.  Widdrington  had  gone  from  Masulipatam  to 
Achin  '  upon  Mr.  Lock's  vessell '. 

Wee  have  been  in  treaty  with  Necknam  Caun  this  ten  dayes  (his 
camp  being  about  a  league  of),  but  as  yet  have  made  no  conclusion. 
He  demands  500  pagodas  rent  per  annum,  and  as  much  in  piscashes. 
Severall  other  demands  have  been  made,  but  this  is  the  lowest. 
Wee  hope  yet  to  bring  him  to  lower  tearmes,  yet  are  thinking  that 
no  smal  matter  shall  make  a  difference. 


278  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

The  dispatch  of  the  George  and  Martha  to  Bantam  in  December, 
1663,  afforded  the  Agent  and  Council  at  Madras  an  opportunity 
of  making  a  further  report  to  their  employers.  The  letter,  which 
was  signed  by  Winter,  Gifford,  and  Reade,  was  dated  10  December. 
It  acknowledged  the  receipt,  by  the  five  ships  of  the  season,  of 
a  stock  of  92,382/.,^  which  would,  however,  be  almost  all  consumed 
in  providing  cargoes  for  those  vessels,  leaving  little  for  future 
investment.  The  East  India  Merchant  had  been  dispatched  on 
15  September  from  Masulipatam  to  Jambi  and  Bantam,  as  directed. 
The  George  and  Martha  would  have  followed  her  sooner,  had  she 
not  been  detained  for  the  security  of  the  town. 

Yecknam  Caun  [Neknam  Khan],  the  new  Nabob,  is  within  one 
league  of  us  with  an  armie  of  about  40,000  men,  and  wee  are  in 
treaty  with  him  concerning  the  rent  of  this  place  .  .  .  Their 
demands  are  soe  great  that  wee  can  by  noe  meanes  concent  there- 
unto, vizt.  that  they  should  have  a  governour  within  our  walls, 
a  bancsall,  and  receive  the  exact  moeity  of  the  custome  ;  which 
wee  think  but  little  reason,  in  regard  Your  Woorships  have  bin  at 
such  vast  expences  to  bringe  this  place  to  the  perfection  it  is  now 
come  to.  It  were  better,  [if?]  they  would  pay  but  half  the  charges, 
as  wee  have  proffered,  to  leave  the  place  and  repaire  to  some 
other,  rather  then  to  yeild  to  their  unreasonable  demands. 

The  date  of  dispatch  of  the  homeward  bound  vessels  must  depend 
on  their  arrival  from  Bengal,  and  the  saltpetre  and  other  '  Bay  com- 
modities will  never  bee  in  a  readinesse '  there  before  the  beginning 
of  November.  The  commanders  of  the  ships  were  of  opinion  that 
the  middle  of  January  was  the  best  time  to  leave  Madras  ;  and 
moreover  it  was  difficult  to  complete  their  lading  earlier  for  want 
of  boats  and  men,  apart  from  the  delays  enforced  by  bad  weather. 
The  George  and  Martha  was  unable  to  call  at  the  Maldives  on  the 
way  out  and  the  captain  had  made  over  to  the  Agent  the  money 
delivered  to  him  for  the  purchase  of  cowries.  The  arrival  of  Pir 
Khan  and  his  dispatch  to  Surat  was  then  narrated,  with  a  hint 
that  the  charge  made  for  his  passage  was  unreasonable.  The 
American  might  have  been  sent  home  with  Coast  goods  only,  as 
suggested,  had  the  factors  had  sufficient  stock  to  provide  an  invest- 
ment beforehand,  and  had  saltpetre  been  available  for  kentledge. 

1  Equated  at  8^.  to  the  (new)  pagoda,  with  32  fanams  to  the  pagoda,  and  6  cash  to  the 
fanam. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  279 

The  gold  received  in  August  could  not  possibly  be  coined  into 
pagodas  earlier  than  the  end  of  October.  The  factors  urged 
that  they  ought  always  to  be  supplied  with  stock  over  and  above 
the  requirements  of  the  current  year ;  wheras  '  commonly  it  soe 
happens  that  your  tonage  exceeds  your  stock  '.  Had  they  been 
in  funds  the  Madras  Merchant  might  have  been  sent  to  England 
instead  of  to  Siam.  She  had  not  yet  returned,  but  it  was  hoped 
that  the  freight  she  had  earned  would  more  than  balance  the  demur- 
rage. If  the  Company  would  authorize  them  'to  imploy  those 
shippinge  that  of  force  wee  must  detaine  in  the  country  ',  the  Agent 
and  Council  would  make  themselves  responsible  for  the  demurrage 
incurred. 

This  wee  assure  Your  Woorships  should  bee  noe  prejudize  unto 
you  in  the  least,  for  wee  would  send  them  to  such  places  where 
you  your  selves  have  noe  commerce.  This  would  bee  a  great 
encouragement  for  your  servants  here,  and  divert  their  thoughts 
from  seekeinge  out  other  wayes  for  a  livelyhood. 

Satisfaction  was  expressed  at  the  news  of  the  agreement  with 
Holland  ;  but  it  was  not  expected  that  the  Dutch  would  cease  from 
their  covert  endeavours 

To  ruinate  your  trafifique  in  these  parts ;  for  they  have  allready 
gott  all  the  spice  trade  into  theire  hands,  and  now  intend  to  deprive 
you  of  the  cloth,  and  intend  to  out  Your  Woorships  from  haveinge 
any  thinge  to  doe  in  India  (as  some  of  the  greate  ones  have 
reported),  and  have  now  given  out  four  times  more  money  then 
usiall.  For  it  is  theire  maine  end  to  gett  the  trade  of  this  place 
from  us,  which  hath  cost  us  so  many  yeares  endeavors  to  bringe  it 
to  this  perfection ;  and  wee  feare  that  theire  designe  in  time  may 
prove  much  to  Your  Woorships  prejudize,  in  regard  they  all  wayes 
overbuy  us  and  undersell  us. 

The  writers  suggested  that  a  small  vessel  of  the  size  of  the  George 
and  Martha  should  be  sent  out,  calling  at  the  Maldives  to  buy 
cowries  and  inquire  for  the  goods  salved  from  the  Persia  Merchant ; 

And  afterwards  a  vessail  of  such  small  demoreage  would  bee 
for  your  advantage  to  be  continualy  in  the  country.  But  if 
Your  Woorships  doe  not  thinke  this  convenyent,  then  please  to 
give  leave  to  your  Agent  etc.  here  to  adventure  one  thither,  and 
the  one  halfe  of  what  shalbe  recovered  shalbe  brought  to  your 
accompt. 

They  saw  no  reason  why  the  Company  should  employ  its  ships 


ij8o  the  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

to  enforce  satisfaction  for  the  losses  sustained  by  the  merchants  of 

Porto  Novo.     On  the  other  hand 

Why  yourselves  should  dayly  receive  such  affronts  from  the 
Moores,  and  not  to  lett  them  know  you  are  masters  of  the  seas  as 
well  as  they  of  the  land,  wilbe  but  little  consistent  with  the  thrive- 
inge  estate  of  your  affaires ;  for  they  are  of  such  an  insultinge 
disposition  that,  unlesse  curbed,  wee  shall  dayly  finde  it  worse  and 
worse.  Therefore  why  wee  should  be  soe  timorous  in  engageinge 
with  such  an  injuryous  people,  that  have  both  robbed,  wounded, 
and  murthered  us  without  cause,  shewes  us  to  bee  but  of  very  lowe 
spirrits.  If  wee  had  had  Your  Woorships  order  for  it,  wee  should 
longe  ere  this  have  forsed  them  to  doe  us  justice,  and  have  bin  able 
to  have  given  you  a  good  accompte  of  all  the  bad  debts  that  have 
bin  made  in  this  Stock  ;  but  wee  must  creepe  to  them  and  piscash 
them,  though  wee  our  selves  are  the  grand  sufferrers.  Your  Woor- 
ships neither  doe  not  well  approve  of  piscashinge  the  Kinge  of 
Golquondah,  knowinge  noe  dependance  that  wee  have  upon  him ; 
but  Your  Woorships  would  doe  well  (as  wee  said  before)  to  maine- 
taine  that  opinion  by  force,  and  then  wee  should  bee  able  not  onely 
to  say  soe  but  to  find  it  soe ;  but  whilest  wee  have  a  prohibition  to 
act  neither  by  faire  meanes  nor  by  fowle,  how  can  Your  Woorships 
expect  that  wee  can  have  any  good  coorespondency  with  these 
people  ?  If  wee  had  order,  it  was  a  good  time  to  fall  out  with  them 
when  the  ships  are  dispatched. 

The  carping  tone  of  this  passage  can  hardly  have  been  palatable 
to  the  Committees ;  and  still  less  the  succeeding  paragraphs,  in  the 
first  of  which,  referring  apparently  to  the  prohibition  of  sending 
ships  to  Bantam  or  elsewhere  without  express  orders  from  home, 
the  writers  said  that  they  had  hoped  for  a  good  '  correspondency ' 
between  themselves  and  the  Bantam  factors,  '  but  it  seemes  Your 
Woorships  have  ordered  it  otherwise,  for  reasons  best  knowne  to 
your  selves '. 

Your  Woorships  seeme  to  bee  very  well  satisfied  with  the  supply 
of  factors  that  you  sent  out  upon  the  Good  Hope  and  Madras 
Merchant',  but  wee  assure  you  that  wee  have  had  but  very  little 
assistance  from  most  of  them ;  severall  beinge  very  raw  and 
unacquainted  to  doe  businesse,  others  very  ambitious  of  prefer- 
ment before  their  experience  hath  made  them  capeable  of  what  is 
required. 

In  spite  of  the  prohibition  against  engaging  factors  on  the  spot, 
it  had  been  found  necessary  to  entertain  Edward  Reade  until  the 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  281 

dispatch  of  the  fleet ;  as  also  Richard  Clay,  who  had  served  the 
Company  without  salary  for  over  five  years  'in  the  office  under 
Mr.  Nowell '.  They  hoped  that  the  latter  appointment  would  be 
confirmed.  Bradford  had  gone  to  Siam  in  the  Madras  Merchant ; 
on  his  return  it  would  be  ascertained  whether  he  were  willing  to 
accept  employment  at  so  low  a  salary. 

Your  Woorships  may  please  to  understand  that  Sir  Edward 
Winter  takes  it  but  for  very  small  encouragments  that  hee  should 
not  bee  permitted  to  receive  such  into  your  service  here  as  hee 
should  find  most  capeable  ;  whereby  hee  finds  soe  much  trouble 
that,  if  hee  had  thought  hee  should  have  mett  with  halfe  soe  much, 
hee  would  not  have  undertaken  it  uppon  any  accompte,  but  would 
rather  have  stayed  at  home.  And  if  you  are  not  contented  with 
those  entertained  by  us,  upon  your  first  orders  they  shall  leave 
your  employment ;  and  then  your  businesse  must  bee  done  as  well 
as  it  can. 

The  required  proportion  of  the  stock  received  had  been  sent  to 
the  Bengal  factors.  Broadcloth  being  in  small  demand  there,  in 
future  less  of  that  commodity  should  be  supplied  from  England, 
and  more  of  coral,  vermilion,  quicksilver,  and  lead.  The  intelligence 
of  the  sale  of  the  Anne  was  repeated.  It  would  have  cost  400/.  to 
fit  her  for  a  voyage  to  Bantam  or  Persia,  and  no  freight  was  pro- 
curable for  the  former  place.  Winter  had  been  obliged,  in  order  to 
get  rid  of  her,  to  take  one-third  share  in  her  purchase,  and  she  had 
been  sent  to  Arakan  for  repair.  If  the  Company  should  think  the 
price  too  low,  the  purchasers  would  return  her  on  repayment  of  what 
they  had  spent  on  her.  The  Winter  Frigate  was  fit  for  nothing 
but  firewood.  Her  rigging  and  guns  had  been  taken  out,  and  the 
latter  placed  in  the  Fort.     The  release  of  the  Ceylon  captives 

Wee  have  longe  since  many  wayes  endeavored,  and  bin  at  great 
charges  in  sendinge  advices  to  them,  but  never  heared  from  them 
till  of  late  ;  wherein  Mr.  William  ^  Vassall  hath  now  given  us  an 
accompt  of  theire  condition  and  prescribed  unto  us  what  meanes 
are  to  bee  used  for  their  releasment,  which  wee  shalbe  sure  to 
follow ;  and  for  what  moneyes  they  have  allready  taken  up  there, 
or  shall  take  up  to  supply  their  necessityes,  wee  shall  see  it  satisfied. 
And  in  January  next  wee  intend  to  send  a  vessaile  to  Cuttiarrow 
[Kottiar  (Trinkomali)],  where  in  our  last  letter  to  them  wee 
appoynted  them,  if  possible,  to  bee  in  a  readinesse.    Soe  shall  leave 

^  The  *  Samuel '  of  p.  46  is  an  error. 


282  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

noe  wayes  unattempted  to  bringe  them  out  of  their  afflicted  con- 
dition. Copeyes  ^  of  theire  letters  wee  herewith  send,  for  satisfaction 
of  theire  freinds. 

As  regards  the  trade  of  Siam,  lists  were  forwarded  of  the  Coast 
and  Bay  goods  vendible  in  those  parts. 

The  Moors  at  present  doe  supply  that  place  with  fine  goods  per 
via  Tennassarre ;  but  they  carry  them  40  dayes  by  land  and  pay 
severall  customes,  and  are  at  above  50  per  cent,  charges  more  then 
the  goods  that  goe  by  shippinge  ;  soe  that,  if  wee  used  that  trade, 
wee  shall  quickly  beate  them  out.  The  Dutch,  it  is  true,  lade 
many  shipps  from  thence,  but  the  most  of  them  carry  provissions 
for  Malacca  and  Batavia  ;  the  rest  are  impleted  with  tynn,  elephants 
teeth,  lead,  and  sapan  wood.  There  is  allsoe  brought  unto  this  place 
by  shippinge  all  sorts  of  South  Sea  commodities,  as  silke  and  silks, 
gold  and  pieces  of  eight,  sugar,  copper,  tuttanague,  amber-greece, 
muske,  agula  [eaglewood :  Port.  aguila\  benjamen,  etc.  The  times 
of  theire  arriveall  are  vizt. :  in  November  and  December  the  Jappan 
shipps :  in  January  the  Tunkeene  ships :  in  February  and  March 
the  Cochin  China,  Maccau,  and  Maneela  ships.  When  Mr.  Bladwell 
was  theire,  there  was  15  sayle  of  Dutch  shipps,  besides  their 
Jappan  fleete,  which  allwayes,  as  they  returne,  touch  there  for 
provissions  and  give  newes. 

More  information  was  promised  after  the  arrival  of  the  Madras 
Merchant ;  but  the  writers  urged  that,  should  a  factory  be  established 
in  Siam,  it  should  be  placed  under  Madras  and  not  under  Bantam. 
Neither  elephants'  teeth  nor  '  blacks '  came  from  Guinea  in  the 
Castle  Frigate.  '  Capten  Mitchell  tould  us  that  the  blacks  were 
unwillinge  and  hee  had  noe  order  to  force  them.'  Thomas 
Mollineux,  the  factor  who  was  to  be  transferred  from  Guinea,  was 
dead.  As  regards  the  settlement  with  the  ex-Agent  Chamber, 
Winter  and  his  colleagues  were  awaiting  advices  from  the  Bengal 
factors  '  how  the  businesse  wilbe  composed  about  the  jounke '. 
Chamber  had  disclaimed  any  knowledge  as  to  freight  goods  carried 
in  the  Discovery  and  had  denied  having  given  instructions  to  Capt. 
Wylde  about  passage  money  in  the  case  of  the  Barbadoes  Merchant. 
The  prohibition  against  granting  passages  to  the  South  Seas  in 
future  had  been  noted  ;  but  it  was  impossible  to  refuse  such  favours 
to  the  Kings  of  Bantam  and  Macassar,  and  two  servants  of  the 
latter  had  been  allowed  to  go  upon  the  George  and  Martha.     The 

^  No  longer  extant. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  166^  283 

Company's  other  instructions  would  be  punctually  obeyed.  An 
increase  of  salary  to  Thomas  Axtell,  commander  of  the  garrison  at 
Fort  St.  George,  was  recommended.  His  existing  salary  of  25/. 
was  insufficient,  and  he  had  lost  over  200/.  by  '  beinge  absent  from 
England '.  In  spite  of  the  prohibition  against  spending  money  in 
shipping,  '  wee  shalbe  forced  either  to  buy  or  build  a  small  vessaile 
to  goe  to  Tutticorine  to  fetch  away  your  estate  there '.  If,  after 
consultation  with  Travers,  it  should  be  thought  desirable  to  continue 
a  factory  in  those  parts,  two  or  three  suitable  persons  would  be  sent 
from  Madras ;  otherwise,  one  or  two  young  men  would  be  dis- 
patched, merely  to  keep  possession  of  the  factory  until  further  order, 
to  prevent  the  intrusion  of  the  Dutch.  In  addition  to  the  King  of 
Macassar's  servants,  three  or  four  inhabitants  of  Madras  had  been 
allowed  to  proceed  in  the  George  and  Martha,  in  order  '  to  recover 
in  theire  old  remaines  at  Maccasser ' ;  this  might  enable  them  to 
pay  what  they  owed  to  the  Company. 

Wee  did  hope,  ere  the  conclusion  of  this,  to  give  Your  Woorships 
an  accompte  of  the  issue  of  our  treaty  with  the  new  Nabob,  Yeckman 
Caun ;  but  as  yett  wee  have  received  noe  satisfactory  answer. 
Theire  demands  are  high  and  demurs  tedious ;  yett  wee  doe  not 
doubt  but  wee  shall  make  a  good  conclusion.  ...  In  the  interim 
Your  Woorships  need  not  to  feare,  for  wee  are  in  a  good  posture  of 
defence. 

The  American  sailed  for  England  on  7  January,  1664,  carrying 
a  letter  dated  the  previous  day,  signed  by  Winter,  Gifford,  and 
Reade.  After  referring  to  Bengal  matters  and  to  some  smaller 
items,  this  says : 

When  Your  Worships  shall  receive  our  bookes  of  accompts,  you 
will  find  the  charges  of  diett  for  the  Agents  table  and  in  the 
moneths  of  January,  February,  and  March  somwhat  to  exceed  your 
alowance ;  but  it  could  not  bee  avoyded,  in  regard  of  the  greate 
company  which  was  then  here,  as  Mr.  Jearsey,  Mr.  Blake,  etc.;  and 
besides  Your  Worships  may  please  to  take  notise  that  provizions 
are  extreame  deare  in  this  place  since  the  Moors  had  Ste.  Thoma. 
The  charges  of  buildinge  and  reparation  allsoe,  wee  must  needs 
confesse,  are  very  greate ;  but  that  not  to  bee  valued  in  respect  of 
the  convenyent  accomodation  that  there  wilbe  now  within  the  Fort 
for  Your  Worships  Agente  etc.,  as  allsoe  a  couple  of  large  godownes 
for  the  preserveinge  and  better  securytie  of  your  goods.  Wee  have 
endeavored  (as  you  will  find)  to  ease  that  charge  as  much  as  wee 


284  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

could  another  way,  by  enjoy ninge  the  merchants  to  pay  1,000 
pagothaes  towards  it ;  soe  that  wee  hope  Your  Worships  will  not 
bee  much  offended.  The  mansion  howse  is  very  noble,  wherein 
may  constantly  abide  the  Agent,  Second, Third,  or  Fowreth,  besides 
a  very  beautifull  chappell  for  divine  service  and  convenyent  lodgings 
for  the  Minister ;  as  alsoe  a  faire  dineing-rome  and  celler.^  And 
round  about  the  saide  mansion-howse  are  good  accomodations  for 
about  10  factors,  and  the  Fort  within  all  paved  with  stone.  This 
wee  thought  convenyent  the  more  largly  to  insist  upon,  in  regard 
Your  Worships  may  value  it  accordingly  at  the  conclusion  of  your 
Stock. 

Since  timber  was  likely  to  be  very  dear  in  future,  it  was  suggested 
that  the  outcoming  ships  should  bring  some  from  Madagascar. 
Muskets  and  swords  for  the  garrison  were  wanted ;  also  scales  and 
weights  for  weighing  gold.  Ink  and  stationery  should  be  regularly 
sent  out.  Private  trade  they  could  not  prevent,  for  the  stay  of  the 
ships  at  Madras  was  but  short,  and  all  available  factors  were  then 
busy  with  other  duties.  The  detection  of  such  clandestine  traffic 
must  be  effected  in  England.  The  dealers  in  it  found  ready  accom- 
plices in  the  Moors  and  the  Dutch ;  and  Winter  and  his  colleagues 
were  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  to  the  Company's  advantage  if 
such  goods  were  allowed  to  be  sold  in  Madras  itself,  as  in  that  case 
it  would  be  possible  to  regulate  the  sale  and  prevent  any  com- 
petition with  the  Company's  own  goods.  Capt.  Thomas  Axtell 
had  died  since  their  last  letter,  and  the  dispatch  of  someone  to 
succeed  him  was  requested. 

Mr.  Thomas  Whitfeild,  Minister,  is  with  us  at  present  and  willinge 
to  stay  here  until  1  Your  Worships  please  to  send  out  another  to 
supply  his  place ;  which  wee  desire  may  bee  by  the  next  shipinge, 
because  hee  is  very  importunate  with  us  to  goe  home  then.  His 
bookes  wee  have  thought  requisite  to  buy  of  him,  to  bee  continued 
as  a  standing  library  in  your  Fort  for  the  better  convenyencie  of 
such  as  shall  succeed,  in  case  they  bringe  them  not  with  them  ;  soe 
hope  that  Your  Worships  will  approve  thereof. 

The  letter  ends  with  the  announcement  that  the  East  India 
Merchant  left  Madras  on  28  August  and  the  George  and  Martha 

*  See  Fryer's  description  (ed.  Crooke,  vol.  i.  p.  105)  of  the  '  Governor's  house  *,  as  thus 
rebuilt  by  Winter.  For  the  chapel,  Col.  Love's  Vestiges  of  Old  Madras  (vol.  i.  p.  215) 
should  be  consulted. 


THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663  285 

on  10  December  ;  while  a  postscript  recorded  that  the  Castle  Frigate 
had  just  arrived  from  Bengal. 

The  American  also  carried  a  private  letter,  dated  7  January,  from 
Winter  to  Sir  Andrew  Riccard,  in  which  he  refers  to  the  dispute 
with  the  Golconda  authorities  over  the  rent  of  the  Madras  customs. 

They  sett  a  very  high  rate  upon  the  customes  of  this  towne,  and 
because  wee  refuse  to  rent  it  at  that  rate  they  press  us  to  have 
a  governour  of  theyr  owne  placed  here ;  which  I  know  will  be  very 
prejudicial!  to  the  Company  and,  it  haveing  bin  free  hitherto,  shall 
never  be  allowed  of  by  me  without  the  Honourable  Companys 
order  for  it.  These  differences  hath  bin  some  obstructions  to  our 
business  here,  which,  together  with  the  underhand  dealings  of  [the] 
Dutch  (who  come  about  the  countrey  and  buy  all  they  find  with 
ready  money,  though  at  a  higher  rate  then  usuall)  hath  occasioned 
our  goods  to  be  bought  something  dearer  then  I  hoped.  ...  I  am 
verry  sencible  of  the  great  charges  wee  are  at  in  mainetaineing  the 
garrison,  but  hope  the  Company  will  take  the  cause  of  it  into  theyr 
consideration ;  for  the  new  Nabob  hath  long  threatned  us,  and 
lately  come  with  an  army  within  five  miles  of  us,  and  at  this  tyme 
lyes  neare  us ;  and  what  their  intents  towards  us  are  wee  cannot 
tell,  and  sure  I  am  it  is  good  to  be  provided  that  wee  [do  not?] 
loose  all ;  which  I  well  know  the  Dutch  would  rejoyce  at,  and  have 
cause  to  beleive  they  endeavour  with  the  Moores  underhand  to 
supplant  us. 

Winter  adds  that  these  troubles  and  '  the  small  assistance  or 
trust'  he  has  had  from  the  factors  have  much  discouraged  him, 
and  he  hopes  that  the  Company  will  not  fail  to  send  someone  to 
replace  him  when  his  time  expires,  though  he  is  willing,  if  required, 
to  remain  a  year  longer. 

Wee  are  forced,  upon  the  differences  with  the  Moores,  to  keepe 
Rashputts  and  other  servants  to  defend  the  towne  without,  at  as 
much  charge  as  the  garrison  within  ;  which  the  towne  pays,  that 
they  may  keepe  themselves  from  ruine. 

Though  the  goods  now  sent  home  are  not  cheaper  than  last  year's, 
Winter  has  '  made  a  rebatement  upon  the  last  yeares  investment '  of 
6,000  pagodas,  besides  the  1,000  pagodas  already  mentioned.  The 
Royal  Katherine  has  not  yet  come  in ;  but  the  late  dispatch  of  the 
ships  is  no  fault  of  Winter. 

The  next  vessel  to  sail  for  England  was  the  Castle  Frigate^  by 
which  a  short  letter  was  dispatched,  dated  13  January,  1664,  and 


286  THE  COROMANDEL  COAST,  1663 

signed  by  Winter,  Gifford,  Reade,  Dawes,  and  William  Smyth. 
This  announced  that  the  cargo  of  the  American  had  amounted  to 
33,167  pagodas  and  that  of  the  Castle  Frigate  to  40,760  pagodas 
(new).  The  Madras  Merchant  had  arrived  from  Siam  (via  Masuli- 
patam)  on  13  January,  and  it  was  hoped  to  send  her  home  at  once. 
Their  expectations  of  the  success  of  her  voyage  to  Siam  had  been 
disappointed,  owing  to  the  action  of  the  Dutch,  who 

Tooke  that  time,  just  when  your  ship  was  there,  to  pick  a  quarell 
with  the  Kinge,  which  soone  after  they  as  easily  reconciled,  when 
they  saw  that  wee  had  lost  the  oppertunytie  of  the  sale  of  our 
goods.  Capten  Doves,  Mr.  Mollineux,^  and  Mr.  Thomas  Turner 
dyed  in  the  voyage.  Mr.  Robert  Deringe  and  Mr.  William  Bradford 
stayed  behind  to  looke  after  the  goods  and  Your  Woorships  freight ; 
which  what  that  will  amount  to  wee  are  not  yett  able  to  render  an 
accompt  of,  more  then  as  Mr.  Dereinge  advizeth  us.^ 

Travers  had  reported  from  Tuticorin  that  '  the  Dutch  have  given 
1 000  ds.  towards  the  outinge  of  your  factors  there '.  Unless  means 
were  speedily  adopted  for  countering  the  Dutch  schemes  English 
trade  would  be  ruined.  Capt.  Wylde  had  protested  against  the 
Bay  factors  for  detaining  some  of  his  men."  The  factors  denied 
having  enticed  them  away,  alleging  that  the  sailors  had  left  the  ship 
on  account  of  the  scanty  allowance  of  food.  It  would  be  well  if 
the  Company  would  ascertain,  before  a  ship  sailed,  whether  she 
was  properly  provisioned  and  had  an  adequate  crew.  Two  hogs- 
heads of  butter  had  been  shipped  for  St.  Helena;  but '  blacks  '  could 
not  be  procured. 

The  Madras  Merchant  and  the  Royal  Katherine  sailed  for 
England  on  21  and  26  January,  1664,  respectively,  but  of  the  letters 
sent  in  them  no  copy  has  survived.  An  account  of  the  goods  sent 
home  in  the  ships  of  the  season  will  be  found  at  p.  158  of  the 
Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1664, 

^  The  purser  of  the  vessel. 

^  A  few  particulars  of  this  are  given  later  in  the  letter. 

^  For  the  correspondence  see  O.C.  3010,  301 1. 


287 


THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663 

At  the  opening  of  the  year  Blake,  the  newly-appointed  Chief  of 
the  Bay  factories,  was  still  at  Madras,  awaiting  an  opportunity 
to  proceed  to  his  post ;  and  thither  came  also,  towards  the  end  of 
January,  his  predecessor  Trevisa,  who  had  been  summoned  to 
justify  his  administration.  Meanwhile  Ion  Ken  was  in  charge  in 
Bengal. 

The  first  document  we  meet  with  is  a  private  note,  dated 
II  February,  1663,  from  Sheldon  at  Kasimbazar  to  Aldworth,  who 
was  with  Ken  at  Hugh.  The  second,  dated  the  37th  of  that  month, 
was  addressed  by  Charnock  to  the  same  correspondent,  and  is 
noteworthy  only  for  the  fact  that  it  is  dated  from  '  Nanagur  ',^ 
where  a  factory  was  started  not  long  afterwards.  On  28  April 
Ken  himself  wrote  to  Aldworth  (who  had  by  that  time  gone  up  to 
Patna),  saying  that  a  number  of  factors  were  daily  expected  (from 
Madras),  and  therefore,  if  he  and  Charnock  intended  to  go  home, 
they  had  better  acquaint  Blake  on  his  arrival.  Ken  understood 
that  he  himself  was  to  be  sent  to  Patna  as  Chief,  and  that  the  factory 
at  Balasore  was  to  be  given  up.  A  postscript  (apparently  a  joke) 
said  that '  orders  [for]  Signor  Ion  his  embassie  to  the  Mogull  are 
dayly  expected '. 

In  the  meanwhile,  as  we  saw  in  the  last  chapter,  Blake  had  slailed 
from  Madras  on  the  Matthew  and  Thomas  on  4  March,  accompanied 
by  Trevisa,  who  had  to  settle  his  private  account  with  the  Nawab 
Mir  Jumla.'^  At  the  consultation  of  28  February  already  mentioned, 
Blake  was  instructed  to  sell  the  Matthew  and  Thomas  on  his  arrival 
and  to  purchase  with  the  proceeds  two  smaller  vessels  for  carrying 
down  goods  from  Hugh  to  Balasore.  Shem  Bridges  was  to  proceed 
from  Madras  with  Blake  and  to  be  his  assistant ;  and  five  other 
factors — Stiles,  Minshull,  Sledd,  Haselwood,  and  Jones — were  to 

1  Nanagarh  was  about  four  kos  south-east  of  Hajipnr,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ganges 
to  Patna  (see  The  Diaries  of  Sinynsham  Master,  vol.  ii.  p.  89).  It  is  not  to  be  found  in 
modern  maps. 

'  The  instructions  on  this  head  are  given  in  O.C,  2971.  Trevisa  was  also  to  submit 
to  Blake's  scrutiny  his  accounts  with  the  Company. 


288  THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663 

accompany  them.  The  pinnace  Madras  was  also  to  be  sent  to  the 
Bay.  Ken  was  appointed  to  be  Chief  at  Patna  (ranking  as  second 
at  Hugli),  and  Sheldon  was  to  hold  the  post  of  Chief  at  Kasimbazar 
and  Third  in  Council ;  the  other  factors  were  to  be  disposed  of  by 
Blake.  Edward  Whiting  was  to  proceed  to  Bengal  as  surgeon,  at 
50^.  per  month.  The  orders  given  to  Chamber  to  take  steps  to 
settle  Mir  Jumla's  claim  on  account  of  his  junk  have  been  already 
noticed  (p.  167). 

A  letter  from  Charnock  and  Aldworth  at  Patna  to  Surat,  dated 
20  April,  announced  that  Blake  had  reached  Balasore  on  27  ^  March, 
and  seconded  the  request  made  from  Madras  (see  p.  185)  that  a 
copy  of  '  the  Great  Kings  phirmaund '  should  be  transmitted  to 
them. 

Some  few  dayes  since  came  hither  letters  per  the  dogclowky- 
from  Deckan  [Dacca]  to  the  Nabob  of  this  place,  Dowell  [Daud] 
Caun,  and  are  dispeeded  forward  to  the  King,  intimating  the  death 
of  Mcerjumla  [see  p.i78;z];  whose  phirwanna,  by  which  wee  act 
all  the  Honourable  Companies  affaires,  both  here  and  in  Bangall 
formerly,  will  now  be  of  no  effect  to  us.  So  that  wee  very  much 
feare,  if  wee  have  not  this  new  Kings  phirmaund  (as  well  as  the 
Dutch  have)  suddainly,  wee  shall  scarce  be  suffer'd  to  carry  on  our 
masters  affaires  without  excessive  trouble  and  the  paying  of 
customes,  every  petty  governor  already  taking  occasion  to  demand 
it  of  us. 

The  Presidency,  however,  had  not  yet  obtained  any  general/«r?«^^« 
from  Aurangzeb,  and  so  the  Bengal  factors  were  obliged  to  content 
themselves  with  procuring  from  the  Dlwan  an  order  that  the  late 
Nsiwah's  parzvdna  should  be  regarded  as  still  in  force  (see  p.  416  of 
the  last  volume). 

Blake  and  Bridges  wrote  to  Surat  from  Balasore  on  28  April, 
mentioning  their  intention  to  start  for  Hugli  within  four  days. 
They  too  were  greatly  concerned  at  the  obstruction  to  their  trade 
likely  to  result  from  the  death  of  Mir  Jumla. 

The  Governours  in  these  parts,  by  reason  of  the  Nabob  (alias 
Caun  Caun)  \K]iajikJidndn'\  his  so  long  absence  and  distance,  have 
bin  so  insolent  and  illimitable  in  their  extortions  that  they  have 

'  The  Balasore  letter  of  28  April  says  that  Blake  arrived  on  the  25th,  and  the  Dagh- 
Register,  1663  ;p.  430)  agrees.     The  latter  gives  a  list  of  the  vessel's  cargo. 
2  Ddk-chauki  (i.  e.  relays  of  letter-bearers)  is  intended. 


THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663  389 

very  much  impaired  the  trade  here.  Wee  expected  a  remedie 
hereto  if  Caun  Caun  had  lived,  who  wee  allvvayes  found  a  freind  to 
our  nation,  and  shall  have  a  sensible  misse  of,  in  these  parts ;  but 
by  his  death  (which  the  best  information  wee  have  speakes  to  be  the 
1st  currant)  wee  may  at  present  expect  rather  an  augmentation 
then  diminution  of  obstructions  in  the  Companies  businesse  in  these 
parts.  Wee  formerly  writ  to  Mr.  Charnock  etc.  to  advise  Your 
Worshipp  how  consequentiall  it  would  be  that  you  remitted  a  copy 
of  the  Great  Kings  phirmaund  to  Pattana  (which  was  allwayes 
immediately  under  His  Majestie),  that  so  our  salt  peeter  might  not 
be  obstructed  in  comming  downe  .  .  .  but  now  wee  desire  that  you 
would  send  the  originall  phirmaund  (if  the  pressures  of  affaires  with 
you  does  not  require  it's  detention),  the  vew  whereof  by  the 
Governours  would  much  facilitate  our  businesse  ;  for,  this  great 
subject  Caun  Caun  being  extinct,  this  countrey  willbe  immediately 
under  Orang  Shaw,  and  then  wee  must  expect  no  businesse  to  be 
done  without  it.  The  Dutch  had  the  King's  phirmand  arrived  to 
them  some  moneths  before  the  Nabob  or  Mierjumlah's  death  ;  so 
that  their  businesse  goes  on  cleverly.  If  the  originall  phirmaund 
can  be  spared,  after  it's  being  shewen  to  the  Governours  and  copies 
taken,  wee  shall  suddainly  againe  remit  it  to  you.  If  not,  wee 
desire  that  Your  Worship  would,  with  as  much  convenient  speed  as 
may  be,  send  three  or  four  copies  of  it,  attested  by  the  Codgee 
[Kdsz],  to  Pattana.  .  .  .  Wee  cannot  be  too  solicitous  to  cleare  our 
masters  estates  from  damage.  Soe  that  wee  desire  Your  Worship 
(if  thought  convenient  by  you)  to  order  your  Resident  at  the  Great 
Kings  court  (if  any  be)  to  remonstrate  what  complaints  wee  shall 
accquaint  him  with,  as  if  they  proceeded  from  your  selves.  The 
name  of  the  person  pray  advise  us.  For  first  to  send  them  to 
Surat,  and  by  you  to  be  sent  to  the  court,  will  take  up  much  time, 
and  our  masters  businesse,  before  wee  can  have  an  answer,  may 
suffer  so  much,  that  it  will  be  neare  as  insignificant  as  a  repreive 
after  execution. 

A  letter  of  7  May,  from  Sheldon  at  Kasimbazar  to  Aldworth  at 
Patna,  contains  nothing  that  calls  for  special  notice,  except  that  it 
reflects  the  latter's  discontent  at  finding  himself  placed  below  some 
of  the  newcome  factors.  The  next  document  is  a  certificate  by 
Trevisa,  dated  23  June,  that  the  accounts  of  his  disbursements  while 
Chief,  kept  for  him  by  '  Mortee  Ram '  [Milrti  Ram],  had  all  been 
burnt  by  him  after  he  had  checked  them.  That  the  investigation 
into  Trevisa's  transactions  during  his  period  of  office  was  being 
actively  prosecuted  is  shown  also  by  the  next  document,  which  is 
a  declaration  by    Henry    Powell    at   Kasimbazar,  23  July,  of  the 

2597  U 


ago  THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663 

methods  he  had  followed  in  drawing  up  the  Bengal  accounts  under 
Trevisa's  directions.  Next  comes  a  letter  from  Thomas  Stiles  at 
Patna  to  the  Company,  dated  15  August.  This  is  chiefly  occupied 
by  particulars  of  the  estate  of  the  late  Hannibal  Allen,  of  which 
Stiles  was  the  overseer;  but  the  writer  takes  the  opportunity  to 
transmit  an  account  (no  longer  extant)  of  the  trade  of  the  various 
factories  on  the  Coast  and  in  the  Bay,  adding : 

If  you  conceive  it  worth  my  time,  I  am  sufficiently  paid  ;  if 
otherwise,  take  notice  I  had  nothinge  elce  to  doe,  and  better  it  is 
to  be  doinge  somethinge  then  be  idle.  .  .  .  My  bussinesse  is  to  keepe 
the  expence  of  your  bread  and  cheese  booke  in  Pattana.  ...  I  wish 
you  come  cleare  of[f]  with  Mr.  Travisa.  I  suppose  he  is  bewitched, 
and  judge  him  not  co^nptis  mentis. 

A  letter  from  Ken  to  Aldworth,  dated  at  '  Punpun '  [Punpun, 
near  Patna],  27  August^  shows  that  the  latter  had  been  detailed  to 
take  the  saltpetre  boats  (thirteen  in  number)  down  to  Hugh. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  outcoming  ships  from  England  had  reached 
Madras  in  June  and  July,  and  the  American,  Royal  Katherine,  and 
Castle  Frigate  had  been  speedily  sent  on  to  Balasore.^  The  letters 
they  had  brought  out  contained  several  references  to  Bengal  matters. 
Thus  the  one  of  31  December,  1662,  expressed  a  hope  that  in  future 
all  ships  would  find  it  possible  to  go  up  to  Hugli,  instead  of  dis- 
charging and  loading  at  Balasore,  and  that  consequently  the  factory 
at  the  latter  place  would  be  abandoned  as  unnecessary.  Orders 
were  given  that  the  dispute  with  Mir  Jumla  over  his  junk  was 
to  be  settled  without  further  delay ;  and  a  strict  inquisition  was  to 
be  made  into  Trevisa's  accounts.  His  reasons  for  sending  the 
jfames  and  Henry  to  Persia  with  a  small  lading  were  to  be  demanded, 
as  also  a  justification  for  his  heavy  outlay  in  factory  expenses  and 
presents  (particulars  of  which  were  forwarded).  Inquiry  was  to  be 
made  whether  saltpetre  could  not  be  brought  down  to  Hugli  without 
maintaining  a  factory  at  Patna,  as  it  was  the  Company's  desire  '  to 
keepe  as  few  factories  (both  in  the  Bay  and  all  other  places)  as 
possible '.  Some  former  instructions  (see  the  last  volume,  p.  275) 
for  the  dyeing  of  taffetas  were  repeated  and  expanded.  The  factors 
were  directed  to  see 

^  The  American  arrived  i6  August  {Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1663,  p.  671). 


THE  BP:NGAL  factories,  1663  291 

That  the  silke  bee  first  spunn  or  throwne,  then  boyled  to  gett 
out  the  gumm,  then  dyed,  and  then  weaved  ;  for  in  those  formerly 
sent  for  England  only  the  woofe  (that  is,  the  thread  that  runs  thwart 
the  stufife)  is  boyled,  and  the  warpe  (or  thread  which  runns  from 
end  to  end)  is  dyed  in  the  gumm,  by  which  meanes  that  which  is 
boyled  is  glossey  and  plyable,  and  the  other  stiffe  and  dull  colloured, 
which  renders  them  fitt  for  very  few  uses;  whereas,  were  both 
warpe  and  woofe  boyled  before  dyed,  they  would  serve  in  most 
cases  instead  of  Itallian  silks.  And  though  the  stuffe  made  of 
silke  thus  boyled  will  apeare  very  lymber  [i.e.  flexible],  it  matters 
not,  because  they  here  be  gummed  much  better  then  with  you  and 
made  like  any  Italian  silks. 

Many  of  the  taffetas  previously  received  were  short  in  measure- 
ments, and  the  prices  appeared  to  have  been  fixed  by  guesswork. 
Unless  more  care  were  taken,  it  would  scarcely  be  worth  while  to 
maintain  a  factory  at  Kasimbazar.  In  future  half  the  taffetas  sent 
home  were  to  be  white,  and  the  rest  green,  yellow,  &c.  Of  saltpetre 
the  Bengal  factors  were  to  provide  annually  500  or  600  tons,  part 
of  which  should  be  stored  on  the  Coast  to  provide  kentledge  for 
ships  going  to  Bantam  or  straight  back  to  England. 

The  Castle  Frigate  brought  a  letter  from  the  Company,  dated 
2  January,  1663,  addressed  to  the  factors  at  Hugli.  Much  of  this 
was  occupied  in  repeating  the  directions  and  information  sent  at  the 
same  time  to  Madras ;  but  special  instructions  were  given  on  one 
or  two  points.  Stress  was  laid  upon  the  need  for  the  early  dispatch 
of  the  ships  from  the  Bay,  and  upon  the  advisability  of  their  pro- 
ceeding, on  arrival,  straight  up  to  Hugli ;  to  encourage  which,  in 
the  case  of  the  Castle  Frigate  and  Royal  Katherine,  the  owners  had 
been  promised  los.  a  ton  extra,  besides  assistance  with  boats  and 
pilots.  Complaint  was  also  made  that  recent  consignments  of  salt- 
petre had  been  '  exceeding  fowle ',  the  percentage  of  waste  having 
increased  from  10  or  11  to  25. 

The  Company's  letter  of  27  February,  1663,  to  Madras,  sent  by 
the  Royal  Katherine,  referred  once  more  to  Tre visa's  delinquencies 
and  censured  the  Bay  factors  for  failing  to  supply  the  Coast  with 
the  full  quantity  of  saltpetre.  Rigid  economy  in  their  expenses 
was  to  be  insisted  upon.  Henry  Powell  was  to  be  dismissed  and 
sent  to  England.  The  building  of  the  Matthew  and  Thomas  was 
disapproved,  and  order  was  given  to  hand  her  over  to  those  who 

U  2 


392  THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663 

were  responsible  for  that  action.  Trevisa  had  averred  that  he  had 
Chamber's  authority  to  send  the  James  and  Henry  to  Persia ;  the 
truth  of  this  should  be  ascertained. 

To  these  letters,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Madras  Council  replied  at 
the  end  of  the  season.  In  theirs  of  10  December,  1663,  they  advised 
that,  according  to  advices  from  Blake,  Trevisa  lacked  the  means  to 
meet  his  private  debt  to  the  late  Mir  Jumla  of  Rs.  9,700,  and  they 
feared  that  the  Company  would  be  forced  to  pay  the  amount. 
Regarding  his  factory  accounts,  Trevisa  had  professed  inability  to 
give  reasons  for  the  various  entries  and  had  certified  that  all  his 
papers  had  been  sent  to  his  surety  in  England.^  It  was  therefore 
Blake's  intention  to  return  him  to  Madras.  As  for  Henry  Powell, 
the  Hugli  factors  had  given  him  so  good  a  character,  and  pretended 
so  great  a  necessity  for  his  retention,^  that  the  Company  would 
doubtless,  after  reading  the  papers  forwarded,  sanction  his  con- 
tinued employment.  The  Madras  factors'  subsequent  letter  of 
6  January,  1664,  referred  to  the  great  delay  that  had  occurred  in 
dispatching  the  ships  from  the  Bay.  The  first  of  these,  the 
American,  did  not  reach  Madras  until  27  December.  The  com- 
manders, it  was  understood,  blamed  the  weather. 

It  seemes  the  monzoones  were  very  longe  before  they  changed 
this  yeare  in  the  Bay,  before  which  they  durst  not  begin  to  lade. 
Yett  theire  caution  did  not  prevent  a  great  losse  that  hapned  to 
Your  Woorships  in  salt-petre  and  turmerick,  about  100  tons,  besides 
what  flunge  over  board  the  pinnace  Madrass^.  .  .  .  The  comanders, 
wee  understand,  did  refuse*  to  goe  over  the  barr  into  the  river  of 
Hughly,  where  seven  Dutch  shipps  were  this  yeare  in.  But  wee 
are  of  opinyon  with  Mr.  Blake  etc.  that,  untill  you  doe  oblige  some 
or  other  to  doe  soe,  it  is  impossible  for  the  ships  to  obtaine  a  quick 
dispatch  ;  for  they  can  but  begin  to  lade  towards  the  midle  of 
November  whilest  they  ride  in  Ballasore  Road,  Therfore  it  would 
bee  convenyent  that  Your  Worships  would  either  freight  or  build 
one  or  two  ships  of  a  small  draught  and  somthing  flatt  bottomed 
for  that  purpose,  and  then  your  expectations  in  that  particuler  may 

^  The  correspondence  between  Blake  and  Trevisa  will  be  found  in  Factory  Records, 
Hugli,  vol.  i.  (pp.  7,  1 1-4),  and  O.C.  3000,  3003,  3007,  3008. 

^  The  letters  exchanged  between  Blake  and  Powell  are  recorded  in  the  Hugli  volume 
mentioned  above. 

'  In  a  storm  encountered  off  Pippli.  For  particulars  see  O.C.  2999,  and  Factoiy 
Records,  Hiigli,  vol.  i.  p.  9. 

*  See  the  correspondence  in  the  volume  cited  above,  p.  i. 


THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663  293 

bee  answered ;  otherwise  ever  frustrated.  As  yett  wee  heare 
nothinge  of  the  junck  businesse.  Mr.  Jonathan  Travisa  is  come  up 
againe  unto  us  upon  the  Royall  Katharine,  wheron  (if  hee  please) 
hee  may  take  his  passage  for  England,  for  wee  understand  by 
Mr.  Blake  etc  that  there  is  nothinge  to  bee  done  in  his  businesse 
in  this  country.  .  .  .  Soe  that,  it  beinge  in  this  manner  concluded  in 
the  Bay,  wee  thinke  it  not  convenyent  to  detaine  him  here,  but 
send  him  home  to  Your  Worships,  unto  whose  clemency  wee 
referr  him. 

The  American  brought  to  Madras  a  letter,  dated  —  November, 
1663,  addressed  from  Hugli  by  Blake  and  Bridges  to  the  President 
at  Surat,  replying  to  two  of  i^  June  and  3  July,  in  which  Oxenden 
had  evidently  inquired  what  special  privileges  for  Bengal  should 
be  inserted  in  the  farmdn  which  it  was  intended  to  procure  from 
the  Emperor.  The  factors  answered  that  they  naturally  had  more 
trouble  than  their  countrymen  at  Surat,  because  their  chief  invest- 
ments 

are  most  remote  from  the  sea  ports,  and  our  residence  not  so 
propinque  to  the  court  as  yours.  Although  this  yeare,  with  much 
expence  and  faire  promises  that  within  a  small  time  wee  should 
produce  the  King's  phirmaund,  wee  have  carried  on  our  masters 
businesse,  yet  the  next  wee  cannot  hope  to  escape  an  absolute 
obstruction  in  our  affaires  without  it,  or  else  an  immensurable  and 
vast  expence.  Wee  have  obtained  from  the  present  Nabob  (Doud 
Caune)  a  liberty  to  deferr  the  present  of  3,000  rupees  annually  given 
in  this  place  and  brought  to  the  King's  accompt,  and  hope  to  pro- 
long the  time  ;  desiring  Your  Worships  that,  when  you  proceed  to 
procure  the  King's  phirmaund  .  .  .  you  will  indeavour  to  have  it 
mentioned  in  said  phirmaund  that  this  aforesaid  forced  annually 
present  may  not  longer  be  exacted  from  us,  and  allso  that  wee  (as 
the  Dutch)  may  have  permission  to  trade  in  bees  wax,  and  that 
our  boates  may  not  upon  any  scores  or  pretences  be  press't  out 
of  ours  to  any  other  imployment.  The  priviledges  wee  formerly 
injoyed  under  the  quondam  Prince  of  Bengali,  Sha  Shuja,  Your 
Worships  may  perceive  by  the  inclosed  coppie  of  his  nessaun,  which 
wee  herewith  remit,  attesded  under  the  Codge's  hands. 

Whether  it  was  worth  while  to  spend  so  much  as  2,000/.  or  3,000/. 
to  procure  the  farmdn,  they  left  to  the  consideration  of  the  President 
and  Council^  who,  however,  would  doubtless  bear  in  mind  '  how 
upon  every  slight  and  triviall  occasion  a  merchant  shall  be  here 
abused,  when  he  has  not  protection '.     The  letter  also  mentioned 


a94  THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663 

that  no  less  than  eight  Dutch  ships  had  visited  Bengal  that  year, 
and  that  14,000  maunds  of  saltpetre  had  been  lost  by  the  Dutch  on 
the  way  down  from  Patna. 

One  or  two  miscellaneous  documents  from  Bengal  itself  remain 
to  be  considered.  On  12  October,  Charnock  wrote  from  Patna  to 
Aldworth  (at  Hugh  ?),  who  was  then  preparing  to  depart  for  England. 
Charnock  and  Ken  hoped  to  come  down  'suddenly',  but  probably 
not  in  time  to  see  Aldworth  before  he  left.  He  was  asked  to  take 
home  letters  to  Charnock's  father  and  Mr.  Bateman.^ 

1  know  not  wheather  I  shall  bee  ready  to  goe  home  this  yeare  ;  if 
not,  God  willing,  the  next  I  shall.  Nay,  perhappes  I  shall  bee  att 
home  afore,  because  I  intend  still  overland,  and  soe  doth  Mr.  Ken. 

Blake  had  evidently  found  it  necessary  to  have  some  one  at  the 
seat  of  government  to  represent  English  interests,  and  to  this  end 
he  continued  an  arrangement  which  had  been  made  by  Trevisa,  at 
some  date  undetermined,  with  Thomas  Pratt,  an  Englishman  who 
was  high  in  favour  with  Mir  Jumla  and  was  employed  by  him  in 
building  boats  and  making  ammunition  for  river  fighting.^  In  a 
document  undated,'^  but  probably  of  October  or  November,  1663, 
Pratt  demanded  180  rupees  for  salary  and  servants'  wages ;  and 
apparently  it  was  agreed  to  pay  him  this  sum  for  his  services. 

Next  we  find  a  copy  of  a  letter  sent  by  Blake  and  Bridges  to  the 
Company,  dated  at  Balasore,  i  December.  This  states  that,  after 
sending  down  the  goods  for  the  American,  they  left  Hugli  on 
22  November  and  proceeded  to  Balasore.  In  a  few  days  they 
hoped  to  dispatch  the  Royal  Katherine,  and  the  Castle  Frigate 
would  follow  by  15  December  at  the  latest.  Various  excuses  were 
given  for  the  delay,  and  reference  was  then  made  to  the  loss  of 

^  A  postscript  says  that  Aldworth  will  hear  of  the  elder  Charnock  on  inquiring 
of  Mr.  Hall,  a  haberdasher  in  Cannon  Street.  This  corroborates  Sir  Richard  Temple's 
view  {^Indian  Antiquary,  November,  19 17)  that  Job's  father  was  a  Richaird  Charnock, 
for  in  the  will  of  the  latter  Thomas  Bateman  and  James  Hall,  *  woollen  draper  in 
Candleweeke  [=  Cannon]  streete',  are  named  as  executors.  Since  the  will  was  dated 
2  April,  1663,  it  is  probable  that  Richard  Charnock  was  dead  at  the  time  his  son  was 
penning  the  above  letter. 

2  Manucci,  Storia  do  Mogor,  vol.  ii.  p.  87.  Pratt  is  also  mentioned  in  The  Travels  of 
Richard  Bell  (printed  in  the  hidian  Antiquary  for  igoS). 

^  Factory  Records,  Hiigli,  vol.  i.  p.  10.  It  is  printed  in  the  Indiati  Antiquary  for  1908 
{tit  supra). 


THE  BENGAL  FACTORIES,  1663  295 

goods  in  the  Madras  and  other  small  vessels.  The  Company  was 
urged  to  insist  upon  its  vessels  proceeding  up  to  Hugh  ;  but  even 
then  it  would  be  necessary  to  provide  two  sloops  of  about  80  tons 
burden  as  auxiliaries.  Mention  was  made  of  a  sloop  called  the 
Good  Intent,  which  had  escaped  the  disaster  which  had  overtaken 
her  consorts.  A  request  was  also  made  for  '  trusty  persons.  .  .  to 
take  charge  of  and  navigate  '  such  vessels,  and  to  *  bee  capable  to 
pilot  up  shipps,  as  the  Dutch  doe '.  They  should  be  engaged  for  a 
set  period,  to  prevent  their  quitting  the  service  when  they  please.^ 

On  the  same  date  and  by  the  same  conveyance  a  letter  was 
addressed  to  Fort  St.  George,  giving  much  the  same  news,  and 
requesting  permission  to  build  at  once  another  sloop. 

Aldworth  sailed  for  England  in  the  Royal  Katherine,  but  died 
during  the  voyage  {Coiwt  Miniites,  3  August,  1664).  Trevisa  was 
probably  a  passenger  in  the  same  ship.  He  reached  London  safely 
and  presented  himself  at  the  East  India  House  on  10  August,  when 
a  committee  was  appointed  to  go  into  his  affairs  and  obtain  satis- 
faction from  him.  The  dispute  was  referred  to  arbitrators,  whose 
award  was  ready  by  August,  1667.  Trevisa  seems,  however,  to  have 
evaded  compliance;  for  in  May,  i66(S,  orders  were  given  to  com- 
mence a  suit  against  him.  At  his  request,  a  fresh  arbitration  was 
agreed  to  in  the  following  March,  and  the  result  was  announced  a 
month  later.  Trevisa  must  have  died  shortly  after,  for  on  23  June, 
1669,  the  Company  decided  to  call  upon  his  executors  to  make 
satisfaction.  Apparently  this  was  done,  for  two  months  later  a 
discharge  was  ordered  to  be  sealed. 

1  Lists  of  European  goods  suitable  for  sale  in  Bengal,  and  of  commodities  procurable 
there,  were  sent  home  by  the  ArneJ'ican.  Copies  will  be  found  in  Factory  Records, 
Miscellaneous,  vol.  3  (p.  45). 


296 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,   1664 

In  the  early  days  of  the  new  year,  while  Oxenden  and  his 
colleagues  were  busily  engaged  in  lading  the  Loyal  Merchant  and 
the  Africajt  and  in  writing  their  letters  for  England,  the  redoubtable 
Sivaji,  whom  everybody  supposed  to  be  a  couple  of  hundred  miles 
away,  suddenly  swooped  down  upon  Surat — then  an  unwalled 
town — plundered  it  for  some  days,  burnt  a  great  part  of  it,  and 
withdrew  unmolested,  laden  with  booty. 

The  main  object  of  the  Maratha  chieftain,  of  course,  was  to  recruit 
his  treasury.  With  two  such  powerful  and  implacable  foes  as  the 
Mughal  Emperor  and  the  King  of  Bijapur,  the  maintenance  of  a 
strong  military  force  was  an  absolute  necessity.  From  his  own 
people,  had  he  desired  to  do  so,  he  could  hardly  have  wrung  suffi- 
cient to  provide  for  this  outlay,  in  addition  to  the  cost  of  the 
civil  administration  ;  and  so  we  find  him  continually  seeking  to 
plunder  the  coast  towns  or  raiding  far  into  enemy  territory,  thus 
securing  treasure  for  the  state  and  at  the  same  time  encouraging 
and  rewarding  his  soldiery.  The  expedition  against  Surat  was  the 
longest  and  most  daring  that  he  had  yet  undertaken,  but  the  results 
were  commensurate.  The  richest  and  most  important  seaport  of 
Aurangzeb's  empire  was  ransacked  and  an  enormous  booty  was 
secured.  To  the  material  loss  sustained  by  the  Mughals  was  added 
the  shame  of  the  military  incompetence  revealed.  The  large  army 
assembled  at  Aurangabad  did  nothing,  either  to  prevent  the  raid 
or  to  intercept  Sivaji's  retreat.  The  Surat  officials  took  refuge  in 
the  castle,  the  garrison  of  which  remained  entirely  on  the  defensive. 
Only  the  English  and  Dutch  merchants  displayed  a  bold  front  and 
defied  the  intruders.  The  latter  showed  no  inclination  to  face  the 
guns  and  swords  of  the  Europeans,  and  even  Sivaji  contented  him- 
self with  endeavouring,  quite  unsuccessfully,  to  frighten  them  into 
ransoming  their  property.  Meanwhile,  his  followers  were  more 
congenially  employed  in  plundering  the  unresisting  inhabitants,  and 
of  actual  fighting  the  Europeans  had  little  experience. 

The  English  factory  of  that  time  stood  in  the  north-western  part 
of  the  city,  in  what  is  now  known  as  the  Mulla's  Ward.    Its  position 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 


297 


is  shown  at  A  in  the  accompanying  plan,  which  has  been  compiled 
from  (i)  a  French  map  in  the  British  Museum,  based  upon  one 
drawn  by  Captain  De  Gloss  in  1753  ;  (2)  a  MS.  survey  of  Surat  in 
1817  by  Lieuts.  Adams  and  Newport,  now  in  the  India  Office  Map 
Room  ;  (3)  a  large  scale  map  of  that  portion  of  Surat,  kindly 
furnished  by  Mr.  F.  G.  H.  Anderson,  I.C.S.,  who  has  also  taken 
much  trouble  to  identify  as  far  as  possible  the  ancient  sites.  B  is 
the  sardi  and  mosque  of  Mirza  Zahid  (Zahid  Beg),  still  standing. 
This  is  presumably  the  mosque  mentioned  in  the  narrative.  C  is 
a  building  known  as  the  DadJiimdr  or  Racket  Court.  It  was 
originally  a  sardi^  and  may  have   been  the  one  in  which  some 


Armenian  and  Turkish  merchants  secured  themselves  and  their 
goods  (see  p.  308).  D  is  the  Armenian  Church,  now  in  ruins.  E 
shows  the  position  of  the  French  factory  established  a  little  later. 
F  is  the  site  of  the  subsequent  English  factory,  near  the  Mulla's 
Water  Gate.  Part  of  this  building  is  still  standing,  and  has  been 
erroneously  labelled  as  the  original  factory.  The  boundaries  shown 
in  the  case  of  A  are  partly  conjectural  ;  nor  can  we  determine 
precisely  the  position  of  the  neighbouring  buildings  mentioned, 
including  the  warehouse  of  Zahid  Beg.  A  picture  of  the  factory 
has  been  given  in  the  1634-6  volume  of  the  present  series. 

With  this  prelude  we  turn  to  the  contemporary  accounts  of  the 
raid.  Our  first  extracts  are  taken  from  the  record  of  a  consultation 
held  by  the  English  factors  on  6  January,  and  show  the  composure 


298  SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

with  which,  under  the  leadership  of  their  intrepid  President,  they 
faced  the  menace  of  Sivaji's  approach. 

The  5th  of  this  month  comes  an  hot  alarme  of  that  grand  rebell 
Sevage's  approach  to  Gundave,  and  expected  hourly  to  fall  upon 
the  towne.  The  President  thereupon  called  his  councell,  and  with 
as  much  composedness  as  the  distracted  time  would  permit,  made 
these  propositions. 

In  the  first  place,  the  broadcloth  sold  to  Khwaja  Minaz  was,  at 
his  request,  to  be  taken  into  the  factory  for  safe  custody.  Secondly, 
it  was  resolved  to  instruct  the  ships  at  Swally  to  send  up  men  and 
arms.  Thirdly,  directions  were  given  to  receive  any  goods  brought 
in  by  the  dyers  and  '  beaters '  to  whom  advances  of  money  had 
been  paid. 

4.  It  was  unanimously  resolved  without  delay  to  fortifie  our 
howse,  and  to  hazard  the  last  life  in  defence  of  our  honourable 
masters  estate.  And  (having  recommended  our  selves  to  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Almightie,  who  only  was  able  to  deliver  us)  the 
President  employed  his  utmost  care  and  prudence  in  strengthening 
all  defective  places,  quartering  his  people  in  the  severall  avenues, 
where  the  enemy  could  most  offend  us,  and  appointing  a  strict  watch 
day  and  night.  All  which  being  consented  to  with  one  heart  by 
the  subscribers  every  one  betooke  themselves  to  their  respective 
charge,  humbly  beseeching  the  Almighties  assistance  and  blessing 
on  their  endeavours. 

What  followed  is  best  told  in  the  original  letter  from  the  President 
and  Council  ^  (a8  January,  1664),  now  in  the  India  Office.  • 

Just  as  wee  had  proceeded  thus  farr,  being  the  6  of  January,  the 
day  appointed  for  our  goeing  to  Swally  to  hasten  the  ships  dispatch, 
some  3  or  4  houres  before  our  intentions  to  proceed  on  our  journey, 
was  brought  us  a  hot  alarme  that  Sevogee,  the  grand  rebell  of 
Decan,  was  within  10  or  15  miles  of  the  towne.  This  sudden  sur- 
prize strucke  such  a  terrour  to  all,  both  men,  woemen  &  children, 
that  the  Governour  and  the  rest  of  the  Kings  ministers  and  eminent 
merchants  betooke  themselves  to  the  Castle ;  which  the  townes 
folke  perceiveing  left  theire  houses  and  what  ever  belonging  to 
them,  and  fled  with  theire  wives  and  children,  some  upon  the  river 
in  vessayls  and  boates,  some  to  the  out  villages,  that  m  a  few  howers 

^  First  printed  (from  a  copy  at  Bombay)  in  Sir  George  Forrest's  Selections  from  the 
Bombay  Records,  Home  Series,  vol.  i.  p.  24. 

The  words  inserted  in  the  text  between  square  brackets  are  taken  from  the  duplicate  in 
Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  86. 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  299 

the  whole  towne  was  dispoepled,  excepting  that  part  of  the  towne 
about  us,  in  hopes  of  our  protection.  Wee  presently  sent  for  forty 
men  from  the  ships  to  our  assistance,  that  came  to  us  the  next 
morning  early,  with  whom  wee  your  factors  [and]  servants  joyned, 
and  haveing  drawne  them  out  in  ranke  and  file,  with  drum  and 
trumpet,  your  President  in  the  head,  march[ed]  through  the  body 
of  the  towne  to  the  green  before  the  Castle,  where  the  Governour 
was,  ready  to  pop  in  upon  the  first  notice  of  theire  approach.  Wee 
past  close  by  him  and  soe  marcht  on,  taking  a  great  circle  round, 
that  the  enimy  was  at  the  gates  before  wee  could  reach  our  house. 
The  next  newes  was  the  rebell  had  sent  two  men  and  a  letter, 
requireing  the  Governour,  Hodgee  Zaed  Beague  [Haji  Zahid  Beg], 
Virgee  Vorah,  and  Hodgee  Cosum  [Haji  Kasim],  the  three  eminent 
merchants  &  mony'd  men  in  the  towne,  to  come  to  him  in  person 
immediately  and  conclude  with  him  ;  else  hee  immediately  threatned 
the  whole  towne  with  fyre  and  sword  ;  which  hee  presently  put  in 
practice,  not  receiveing  a  present  answer,  and  that  day,  being  the 
5th  [6th?]  at  night  uninterrupted  comes  before  the  Castle  and 
entrencht  himselfe,  and  with  his  musketeers  began  to  play  upon  the 
Castle,  wee  beleive  with  no  expectation  to  take  it,  but  to  keepe  in 
and  frighten  the  Governour  and  the  rest  that  had  got  in,  as  also  the 
souldyers  of  the  Castle  from  sallying  out  upon  them  whilst  the 
others  plundered  and  fired.  In  this  interim  Mr.  Anthony  Smith, 
comeing  from  Swally,  was  met  with  and  carryed  to  Sevegee  (for.it 
is  certainely  beleived  it  was  hee  in  person),  who  tooke  300  rupees 
ransome  of  him  and  sent  him  the  next  day  to  menace  us.  But 
before  wee  had  received  many  threats,  but  wee  still  bid  him  keepe 
his  poeple  out  of  the  reach  of  our  gunns,  else  wee  would  shoot  them. 
Hee  retourned  answere  wee  were  freinds.  Wee  replyed  :  if  so,  why 
did  [hee]  detaine  an  English  man,  take  a  horse  out  of  our  stable, 
and  make  fences  of  our  goods  that  lay  before  the  custome  house, 
and  also  eufferred  them  to  bee  plundered  ?  All  these  things  speake 
him  an  enimy,  and  therefore  the  President  retourned  answere  wee 
would  not  trust  him,  or  admit  of  any  further  treaty,  and  therefore 
hee  should  send  us  no  more  messages  ;  if  hee  did,  wee  would  kill 
the  messinger.  Wee  had  almost  omitted  to  let  you  know,  amoungst 
these  embassaes  hee  sent  to  us  to  demaund  homage,  which  wee 
presently  concluded  was  all  wee  had  and  that  a  part  would  not 
serve  his  tourne,  and  that  if  wee  refused  it,  hee  would  raze  our  house 
to  the  ground  and  not  spare  a  life.  Wee  replyed  wee  were  here  on 
purpose  to  mainetaine  your,  house  to  the  death  of  the  last  man,  and 
therefore  not  to  delay  his  comeing  upon  us.  By  this  time  hee  had 
broken  open  Hodgee  Zaeds  house  and  had  one  nights  plunder  out 
of  it ;  which  being  soe  very  neare  us,  as  one  wall  to  part  both 
houses,  wee  feared  they  would  streingthen  that  place  and  afterward 


300  SIVAJI'S  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

annoy  us  and  by  theire  multitudes  force  theire  way  to  undermine 
and  blow  us  up,  and  they  did  begin  with  theire  horse  and  foote  to  sur- 
round us,  some  of  them  then  standing  under  our  [ewes  ^]  for  no  good. 
Wee  caused  a  party  of  foote  to  sally  forth  the  house  and  fight  them, 
in  which  scuffle  wee  had  three  men  slightly  wounded,  our  men 
slew  a  horse  and  man,  some  say  two  or  three,  but  wee  routed  them  ; 
and  heareing  that  they  had  taken  up  theire  randevouz  in  a  muskeet 
[jnasjid]  or  Moores  church  joyneing  close  to  our  house,  and  also  in 
Hodge  Zaeds  house  and  warehouses  (haveing  out  of  feare  of  us  not 
done  him  the  quarter  of  the  mischeife  they  intended  him),  whilst 
our  men  were  cleareing  the  muskeet,  they  in  the  house  and  ware- 
houses opened  the  doores  and  fled.  Soe  wee  shut  up  the  doores 
and  barracadoed  them  and  made  a  passage  from  our  into  his  house, 
and  kept  a  garrison  in  a  belcony  that  cleared  all  the  street,  and 
guarded  all  the  other  house  of  this  Hodjees.  When  the  rebell  had 
heard  what  was  past  of  the  killing  and  routing  his  guards,  hee  falls 
athreating  Mr.  Smith,  sometimes  with  the  losse  of  his  head,  and 
sometime  to  cutt  of  his  hands,  and  at  last  causes  him  to  write  a  note 
to  the  President  that,  if  wee  persisted  in  fighting  against  him,  hee 
would  race  our  house  to  the  ground  and  bee  our  destruction.  By 
this  time  wee  had  more  assistance  from  the  ships  ;  wherefore  the 
President  wrote  [wee  would  persecute  what  wee  had  begun,  and  not 
at  all  moved  at  his  threats,  requireing  him  to  save  the  labour  of  his 
servants  running  too  and  fro  one  messages  and  come  himselfe  with 
all  his  army.  The  next  day  hee  sent]  I\Ir.  Smith  upon  his  peroll, 
with  an  Armenian  that  hee  had  plundered  and  another  of  his  ser- 
vants, with  another  message  to  us  and  the  Dutch,  with  offers  of 
peace,  promising  to  accept  of  what  wee  shall  present  him  with ; 
which  if  wee  shall  not  accept,  first  hee  will  plunder  and  fire  the 
towne,  and  then  set  upon  us  :  ^  to  which  wee  retourned  answere 
that  Mr.  Smith  belonged  to  us  and  wee  would  not  part  with  him 
now  hee  was  in  our  custody,  and  that  there  was  neither  faith  or 
trust  in  him,  but  a  perfidious  rebell,  and  therefore  wee  would  not 
trust  him.  From  that  time  none  of  his  party  dared  to  come  neare 
us,  but  continued  a  great  deale  of  tyranny  and  cruelty  to  the  townes 
men,  cuting  of  the  hands  of  some  and  the  heads  of  others,  day  and 
night  robbing  and  burning  downe  the  citty,  untill  the  11,  which  day 
hee  made  a  generall  fire  round  about  the  towne,  which  had  like  to 
have  destroyed  the  Dutch  house,  it  standing  amoung  tyled  and 
thatcht  howses  more  then  your  doth,  that  they  were  surrounded  with 
flames  ;  but  they  escaped,  now  standing  quasi  alone  with  but  a  very 

^  Eaves. 

^  According  to  L'Escaliot,  Sivaji  demanded  a  present  of  three  lakhs  of  rupees,  '  or  elss 
let  his  men  freely  to  doe  their  pleasure  to  Hogee  Said  Begs  house '. 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  301 

few  houses  neare  it.  But  our  quarters  are  all  preserved  neare  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  round,  soe  fearefull  were  the  vdllaines  of  comeing 
neare  our  house  againe  after  the  first  [losse]  they  sustained.  Soe 
that  you  may  please  to  take  notice  that  the  greatest  part  of  the 
towne  is  burnt  to  the  ground,  but  what  wee  preserved  ;  for  which 
the  inhabitants  are  very  thankefuU  in  theire  acknowledgements, 
blesseing  and  praiseing  our  nation,  ascribeing  all  to  the  valour  of 
our  companyes,  who  now  and  then  did  sally  out  even  to  the  gates 
of  the  Castle.  The  12th  day,  by  the  comeing  in  of  his  espies,  that 
brought  him  intelligence  of  an  approaching  army,  hee  left  the  towne 
and  retourned  the  way  hee  came,  guarding  his  spoile  from  the  per- 
sute  of  any  that  should  follow  him.  Hee  hath  carryed  away  in 
gold,  pearle,  pretious  stones  and  other  rich  goods  to  the  valew  of 
many  hundred  thousand  pounds,  and  burnt  of  other  goods  and 
houses  to  the  amount  of  as  much  more.  The  towne  is  utterly 
ruin'd,  and  very  little  left  either  of  riches  or  habitation.  The  rogue 
was  very  cruell.  Mr.  Smith,  in  the  time  of  his  imprisonment,  was 
present  when  hee  cut  of  more  then  26  hands  in  one  day,  and 
many  heads.  Who  ever  hee  was  that  was  taken  and  brought  before 
him,  who  could  not  redeme  himselfe,  lost  either  his  hands  or  his 
head  ;  and  his  manner  was  first  to  plunder  and  then  to  cause  the 
owner  of  his  house  to  give  him  something  over  and  above  to  redeeme 
his  house  from  being  burnt,  and  yet  the  perfidious  villaine  would 
fire  it  afterwards,  although  hee  had  oblidged  himselfe  to  the  contrary. 
Wee  are  now  endeavoureing  to  improve  this  skimage  ^  of  ours  to 
your  profhtt  by  the  acclamations  of  the  townes  people,  as  well  they 
that  are  suffirers  as  those  whose  howses  were  preserved  ;  who,  laying 
aside  theire  owne  losses,  cry  out  in  thousands  for  a  reward  from  the 
king  to  the  English,  that  had  by  theire  courage  preserved  them, 
when  those  to  whome  they  were  entrusted,  as  the  Governour  etc., 
dared  not  shew  his  head.  Wee  were  with  the  noblemen  of  the 
army  who  came  to  our  releife,  from  whome  wee  received  great 
thankes  for  the  service  wee  did  the  King  and  the  country ;  where- 
upon your  President,  haveing  a  pistoU  in  his  hand,  laid  it  before  the 
Cheife,  saying  with  that  hee  did  now  lay  downe  his  armes,  leaveing 
the  future  care  and  protection  of  the  citty  to  them  ;  which  was 
exceedingly  well  taken,  telling  the  President  hee  did  accept  it,  and 
in  reward  of  the  good  sei-vice  hee  must  give  him  a  horse,  a  vest,  and 
girt  a  sword  about  him  ;  but  your  President  told  him  they  were 
things  becomeing  a  souldier,  but  wee  were  merchants  and  expected 
favour  from  the  King  in  our  trade.  Hee  replyed :  what  hee  spoke 
of  was  intended  from  himselfe  as  a  souldyer,  and  that  hee  did  not 
doubt  but  that  the  King,  when  hee  should  bee  advised  of  the  service 

^  '  Skirmage  '  in  the  copy.     It  is  an  obsolete  form  of  '  skirmish '. 


3oa  SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

wee  did  him,  would  gratifie  us  to  our  content.  Whereupon  your 
President  hinted  to  him  his  expectations  to  have  the  customes 
remitted  you,  as  a  signall  of  the  King's  grace  and  favour,  and  it 
would  animate  us  to  bee  yet  further  serviceable  to  him  upon  all 
occasions.  This  wee  have  with  a  petition  sent  up  to  the  King, 
backt  with  the  affirmations  of  the  Generall  of  the  army,  the  King's 
publique  and  private  intelligencers  (for  hee  maintains  both  in  towne), 
the  Shawbunder,  etc.,  and  also  taken  care  that  it  bee  incerted  from 
the  Governour  of  Ahmadavad,  who  is  this  King's  uncle,  besides 
severall  letters  your  President  hath  wrote  to  his  freinds  at  court, 
as  Mustapha  Ckaun,  Rozon  Zemeir  [Raushan  Zamir],  etc.  ;  which 
being  finished  and  sent  away,  the  i6th  wee  repaired  to  the  Maryne 
for  the  dispatch  of  the  Europe  ships  ;  who  lade  very  slowly,  not- 
withstanding the  goods  lay  ready  upon  the  Maryne ;  but  indeed 
they  were  hindered  sometime  for  want  of  theire  men  which  they 
sent  to  our  rescue ;  wherein  they  were  very  [forward]  and  liberall, 
which  will  deserve  not  only  to  bee  gratified,  but  a  perticuler  acknow- 
ledgement in  court  to  the  commanders  for  theire  future  encourage- 
ment when  ever  your  occasions  shall  require  theire  complyance  in 
this  nature  ;  for  if  they  had  confined  themselves  to  charter  party 
and  spared  us  no  more  men  then  there  they  contracted  to  spare, 
you  might  have  been  great  sufferers,  you  haveing  then  in  cash  in 
your  warehouses  upwards  of  100,000  rupees,  all  your  ellephants 
teeth,  all  your  broad  cloth  (though  sold,  retourned  againe,  which 
wee  thought  as  good  receive  as  that  merchant  [that  bought  it],  if 
plundered  or  burnt,  to  breake  and  runn  away),  a  cargoe  of  40,000 
royalls  from  Bantam,  virmilian,  perpetuanaes,  and  a  great  many 
other  goods,  as  well  for  sale  as  bought  for  Europe,  that  wee  cannot 
compute  your  house  to  bee  lesse  worth  to  you  then  fourescore 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  besides  your  President  and  Councell, 
which  were  intended  dead  corps,  knovveing  hee  would  valew  us  at 
more  then  wee  and  all  our  families  are  worth.  But  blessed  bee 
God,  that  hath  delivered  us  and  you  from  soe  great  sufiferrings ;  and 
yet  your  losse  will  amount  to  nearest  one  thousand  pounds,  in 
mercooles  that  lay  before  the  custome  house  to  bee  sent  downe,  and 
lead  that  was  intended  to  bee  weighed  out  to  the  King ;  all  which 
wee  have  advised  of  to  court  and  required  satisfaction. 

Later  on  in  the  same  letter  the  President  and  Council  reported 
a  fresh  alarm,  which  fortunately  proved  groundless : 

Wee  have  had  second  alarmes  of  Sevages  retourne  to  Surat ; 
which  did  soe  scare  all  the  inhabitants  that  they  all  fled,  some  in 
boats  and  some  into  inland  villages,  to  preserve  themselves  and  their 
families  from  his  cruelty,  that  the  flight  was  worse  then  at  his  first 
plundering  and  burning  the  towne,  and  hee  become  so  terrible  that 


SIVAJI'S  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  303 

report  of  his  approach  is  sufficient  at  any  time  to  dispoeple  the 
small  remainder  of  the  citty.  .  .  .  [Here]  is  arrived  from  Amadavad 
Mohobutt  Ckawne  [see  p.  106],  that  Governour,  who  is  the  King's 
uncle  and  lord  of  all  these  provinces  ;  who  wee  heare  is  much  troubled 
at  the  ruine  of  this  citty,  as  the  choicest  flower  in  his  garden.  Hee 
made  what  expedition  possible  after  hee  heard  of  Sevages  approach. 
His  army  hath  been  here  these  three  dayes,  but  hee  himselfe  hath 
not  reacht  further  then  Broach,  and  tis  thought  will  come  no  fur- 
ther, now  this  second  fright  is  over.  Wherefore  wee  have  sent 
Mr.  Goodyer,  Mr.  Aungier  and  Mr.  Rolt,  fitingly  accomodated, 
to  him  to  procure  his  letter  to  the  King  for  a  reward  for  our  good 
service  done  him ;  which  wee  are  much  encouraged  to  beleive  wee 
shall  obtaine,  his  grandees  here  being  so  thouroughly  possest  of  our 
good  service  in  preserveing  not  only  the  greatest,  but  the  best  and 
richest,  part  of  the  towne,  that  wee  hope  by  our  next  to  give  you 
a  good  accompt  of  this  businesse. 

Naturally  this  absorbing  topic  figures  also  in  the  President  and 
Council's  letters  to  other  correspondents.  Writing  on  22  January 
to  the  factors  in  Persia,  they  gave  a  brief  account  of  Sivaji's  attack 
on  the  city,  and  said  that  his  booty  was  generally  estimated  at 
'  a  crue  [krore]  of  rupees '.  The  same  news  was  imparted  in  a  letter 
to  the  Karwar  factors  of  10  February,  and  in  another  to  Fort 
St.  George  of  16  February  (printed  by  Sir  George  Forrest,  op.  cii., 
p.  ^'^).  The  second  letter  estimated  Sivaji's  force  at  between  six 
and  seven  thousand  men,  and  said  that,  notwithstanding  that 
Mahabat  Khan  had  now  stationed  1,000  horse  and  500  foot  in  the 
city,  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  had  not  ventured  to  return. 

From  the  first  of  this  allarme  (which  was  the  6  January)  wee  sent 
downe  to  the  severall  commanders  in  the  Roade,  and  the  next 
morning  had  50  or  60  of  theife  seamen  sent  to  our  aid,  well  armed 
for  our  assistance.  That  day,  being  the  7th,  hee  entered  the  towne 
with  fire  and  sword,  hath  rob'd  and  plundered  Virgy  Vorah,  Hodjee 
Zaide  Beague^  those  great  and  eminent  merchants,  of  the  greatest 
part  of  theire  riches,  with  many  more,  though  inconsiderable  to  them, 
yet  of  great  estate  and  fortunes,  all  lying  in  gold,  silver,  and  Jewells, 
^^%^  all  their  howses  and,  when  they  had  possest  themselves  of  all, 
fired  them  theire  howses  downe  to  the  ground  ;  all  but  Hodjee  Zaid 
Beagues  our  neighbour,  and  that  wee  preserved  in  defence  of  our 
owne.  Hee  sent  many  messages  to  us.  The  first  was  that  hee 
demaunded  a  liberall  gift  from  us  towards  the  maintaineance  of  his 
army,  haveing  been  at  great  expences  to  come  soe  farre,  which  (as  hee 
was  a  rebell,  a  theife)  for  our  owne  safties  hee  expected  wee  should 


304  SIVAJI'S  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

beare  in  some  measure.    This  allarmed  us  to  stand  upon  our  guards, 
concludeing   that    lesse   then    the  whole   would   not    satisfie   him. 
Whereupon  wee  gott  to  us  a  second  supply  of  men,  that  wee  were 
(the  Companies  servants  included)  one  hundred  and  three  or  foure 
score  strong  ;  till  when  hee  [wee  ?]  demur'd  our  answer,  and  then 
sent  him  word,  by  another  messinger  hee  sent  the  next  day,  that 
wee  knew  no  obligation  wee  had  to  give  him  anything,  or  hee  any 
reason  to  demaund  it,  and  that  wee  were  resolved  to  maintaine  our 
owne  with  our  lives.     Hee  replyed  that,  if  hee  had  not  what  hee 
expected,  hee  would  raise  our  house  to  the  ground  and  not  leave  a 
man  alive  ;  at  which  wee  sent  away  the  messinger  and  bid   him 
assault  us  if  hee  dare  :  wee  were  ready  to  oppose  him  ;  and  that  hee 
send  no  further  message  or  messinger,  resolveing  to  treate  no  further 
with  him  ;  which  if  hee  did,  wee  would  shoote  the  messinger  dead 
in  the  place  ;  requireing  him,  and  all  that  belonged  unto  him,  not 
to  come  in  the  reach  of  [our  ?]  gunns.     The  next  day,  or  the  day 
afterwards,  hee  sent  a  party  of  horse  and  foote  with  combustable 
stuffe  to  fire  the  severall  Banians  houses  that  were  joineing  to  ours, 
hopeing  thereby  to  doe  as  much  to  us.     That  they  might  not  bee 
discovered,  they  kept  under  the  eves  of  the  houses,  that  wee  could 
discerne  only  the  blades  of  theire  lances ;  whereupon  wee  sent  a 
party  out  to  fight  them,  that  in  a  shorte  time  routed  them  out  from 
thence ;  in  which  conflict  there  fell  of  theirs  to  the  ground  a  horse 
and  man  and  one  of  theire  foote,  besides  what  wounded  ;  our  poeple 
comeing  of  againe  with  one  wounded  deepely  in  the  shoulder  and 
another  shott  in  the  legg  with  an  arrow.     After  which  they  came 
not  more  neare  us,  but  minded  theire  plunder  and  fireing  the  towne 
at  distance,  untill  said  rebel]  had  heaped  to  himselfe  vast  riches,  to 
the  amount  of  many  hundreds  of  thousand  pounds ;  which  hee  had 
gott  together  by  the  13  in  the  morning  and  marcht  away  without 
any  opposition  or  any  ones  lifting  theire  hands  against  him,  except 
our  selves,  in  the  whole  time  of  his  ransackeing  the  towne.     Since 
here  hath  arrived  severall  armyes  out  of  the  countr}^  who  served  to 
no  other  end  then  to  behould  the  ruine  and  desolation  that  hee  hath 
made,  the  greatest  part  of  the  towne  being  burnt  downe  and  laid  in 
ashes.  .  .  .  Wee  had  allmost  forgott  to  tell  you  that  Mr.  Anthony 
Smith  in  the  time  of  troubles  was  so  inconsiderate  as  to  come  from 
Swally  hither  alone,  and  was  snapt  comeing  through  the  towne 
and  carryed  to  the  said  Sevagy ;  who,  after  hee  had  threatened  him 
with  the  losse  of  his  head,  caused  him  to  bee  bound  with  his  armes 
behinde   him    amoungst    the   rest   of    the   prisoners,   demaunding 
300,000  rupees  for  his  ransome,  but  by  the  freindship  of  an  Armenian 
that  was  of  his  acquaintance,  of  whom  Sevagy  asked  his  quality  and 
condition,  who  assured  him  that  hee  was  a  common  man,  the  next 
day  tooke  300  rupees  and  sett  him  free,  sending  him  to  us  upon  his 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  305 

peroul,  with  a  message  full  of  threats  and  menaces  ;  but  haveing 
him  in  our  possession  wee  were  resolved  not  to  sufferr  him  to 
returne,  but  sent  our  answere  by  those  that  came  with  him,  that 
hee  was  a  rebell  and  a  theife  and  therefore  valued  not  his  threats,  and 
that  Mr.  Smith  was  our  servant  and  wee  would  keepe  him.  .  .  . 

The  story  was  repeated  in  a  letter  to  Bantam  of  19  March,  but 
the  only  additional  details  given  are  that,  in  addition  to  the  supply 
of  men,  the  English  received  from  their  ships  '  some  brasse  guns, 
which  w'ee  mounted  before  our  doore  and  other  convenient  places ', 
and  that  Sivaji's  design  was  judged  to  be  '  not  altogether  riches  but 
a  revenge  upon  this  King '.  A  letter  to  Bengal  of  30  April  also 
recounts  the  incident,  but  without  adding  anything  fresh. 

Next  we  may  give  the  account  to  be  found  in  the  log  of  the 
Loyal  Merchant  {Orme  MSS.,  no.  263),  then  lying  at  Swally.  It 
is  partly,  of  course,  based  on  hearsay. 

Jamiarie  5.  This  day  at  3  after  noone  came  downe  newes  from 
the  President  of  Savages,  a  great  robber,  being  within  10  or  12  miles 
of  Suratt ;  soe  required  from  Mr.  James  to  desire  the  commanders 
to  send  up  40  men  armed  to  guard  the  Companies  stock.  Soe  we 
sent  up  10  men  compleately  armed.  6.  This  afternoone  at  half  past 
two  another  noate  came  from  the  President  that  life  and  goods  and 
all  at  stake ;  so  desired  to  send  up  all  our  men  except  10,  with  our 
longboats  and  skiffs  ;  but  by  consultation  did  not  think  that  fitting, 
so  sent  up  20  men  more  armed,  and  out  of  the  other  ships  22  more. 
That  night  the  rogue  gott  into  the  towne  and  began  to  sett  itt  on 
fire,  and  fell  to  plundring.  The  men  gott  all  safe  into  the  English 
house  ;  with  those  that  were  above  before,  [they]  made  up  some  15c 
English  and  some  50  peones ;  [who]  were  resolved  to  defend  the 
towne,  the  cowardly  Governour  haveing  ranne  into  the  Castle  and 
left  the  towne  to  bee  plundred,  there  being  some  20,000  men  and 
upwards  in  the  towne,  none  standing  to  theire  defence  butt  the 
English  and  Dutch.  7.  The  enemy  fired  and  plundred  the  towne; 
and  comeing  to  fire  aboute  the  English  quarters,  the  English  sallied 
out  and  killed  three  men  and  a  horse ;  and  from  that  time  they 
forbore  any  more  to  molest  the  English ;  wee  and  the  rest  of  the 
shipps  haveing  sent  up  100  men,  and  there  was  in  the  English  house 
some  50  English  and  some  60  \sic\  peones ;  soe  that  there  was  in 
all  some  210.  In  all  the  English  did  behave  themselves  gallantly, 
which  made  the  Armenians  and  other  strangers  stand  on  their 
defence ;  butt  amongst  them  all  noe  party  soe  considerable  to  sally 
out  to  repulse  them,  hee  wasteing  with  fier  all  the  towne  except  the 
English  quarters  aboute  them,  and  soe  continued  plundering  without 

2597  X 


3o6  SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

resistance,  scorning  to  carry  any  thing  away  but  gold,  silver,  pearles 
and  diamants,  and  such  pretious  wares.  The  10  at  night,  after  [hee] 
had  committed  many  cruelties,  haveing  destroyed  f  parts  of  the 
towne  with  fier  and  cutt  of  severall  heads  and  hands,  haveing  had 
]\Ir.  Anthony  Smith  prisoner,  whom  after  3  daies  hee  released  for 
350  [sic]  rupees,  haveing  certifyed  him  that  hee  would  cutt  of  his 
head,  and  hee  had  surely  dyed,  if  a  plott  had  taken  effect,  which  was 
the  murthering  of  Sivagee,  a  Moore  stabbing  att  him,  whose  hand 
Avas  cutt  off  before  [hee]  could  give  the  blowe ;  hee  closeing  with 
the  Generall,  being  all  bloody,  they  tumbling  downe,  blooded  the 
Generall ;  soe  his  men  thought  hee  had  been  slaine,  and  the  word 
was  given  to  kill  all  the  prisoners ;  butt  the  Moore  being  killed 
imediately,  the  Generall  forbad  the  execution.  Soe  at  night,  hee 
having  notice  of  some  forces  that  were  acomeing  against  him,  have- 
ing sufficiently  enriched  himselfe,  haveing  by  report  carried  away 
with  him  above  a  million  and  halfe  of  mony  (Suratt  not  haveing 
been  soe  rich,  not  in  many  yeares  before),  hee  departed,  with  the 
curses  of  many  undone  people.  This  unhapy  disaster  did  obstruct 
all  our  buisnesse,  wee  being  forced  to  lay  aside  all  buisnesse,  haveing 
spared  most  part  of  our  men.  The  17th,  the  King's  army  being  in 
the  towne,  the  President  came  downe  with  the  applauses  of  all  the 
townes  people,  the  Governour  of  the  towne  being  as  much  derided 
and  scorned  ;  for  if  hee  had  not  gon  into  the  Castle,  hee  might  in 
all  reason  have  saved  the  towne.  At  his  comeing  out  of  the  Castle 
the  people  derided  him  and  flung  dirt  at  him  ;  for  which  his  sonne 
shott  a  poor  Bannian,  that  was  just  come  over  the  water  with  his 
packe  on  his  backe,  with  an  arrowe  in  at  his  mouth  and  killed  him  ; 
sheweing  the  insulting  pride  and  basenesse  of  those  people,  that 
durst  not  stand  an  enemy  to  save  there  estates,  yett  killed  a  poore 
Bannian  that  durst  not  doe  him  any  injurye.  The  people  of  Suratt 
[were]  still  terrefied  with  fresh  alarums  of  the  rogue  comeing;  all 
being  ready  to  leave  the  towne,  and  would,  were  it  not  for  the 
English  and  Dutch.  The  Dutch  had  two  peons  killed  ;  they  not 
vent[u]ring  themselves  out,  but  sent  out  there  servants.  There  was 
in  this  season  the  Malabars  came  up  to  the  rivers  mouth  and 
tooke  a  boate  [in]  which  a  Moore  had  saved  his  estate ;  wherein 
they  tooke  much  wealth  ;  which  caused  an  alarum  by  the  feare  of 
those  poore  Bannians  that  Sivagees  men  had  sett  the  Buzar^  on 
fier.  Soe  I  had  40  men,  well  armd,  ashoare,  but  found  no  opposition, 
there  feares  not  giveing  them  leave  to  beeleeve  what  they  saw  with 
there  owne  eyes  was  not  soe. 

A  first-hand  account  is  contained  in  a  letter^from  Henry  Gary  to 
the  Earl  of  Marlborough,  dated  26  January,  1664,  now  preserved  in 

'  Presumably  at  Swally. 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  307 

the  Public  Record  Office  (CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  24).  It  adds  nothing 
to  the  foregoing  narratives,  except  that  Gary's  house,  which  adjoined 
the  English  factory,  was  garrisoned  as  well :  that  the  number  of 
houses  burnt  was  upwards  of  three  thousand  :  and  that  the  amount 
of  plunder  carried  away  was  '  credibly  reported  neere  unto  tenn 
millions  of  rupees '.  Consul  Lannoy  at  Aleppo  heard  that  the 
amount  was  'above  one  million  of  pounds  sterling'  {Report  on 
Finch  MSS.,  vol.  i.  p.  313}. 

The  fullest  and  most  graphic  narrative  of  all  is  to  be  found  in 
a  long  letter  from  the  lately  arrived  chaplain,  the  Rev.  John 
L'Escaliot,  dated  26  January,  1664.  This  was  first  printed  in  1836 
by  Simon  Wilkin,  in  his  edition  of  the  works  of  Sir  Thomas  Browne, 
from  a  copy  found  amongst  the  latter's  papers  (now  in  the  British 
Museum:  Sloane  MSS.,  no,  1861);  but,  as  that  version  contains 
several  inaccuracies,  I  have  recently  reprinted  the  text  in  the  Iiidian 
Antiquary  (December,  1921).  As  I  have  there  shown,  the  letter 
was  addressed,  not  (as  usually  stated)  to  Browne  himself,  but  to  one 
of  the  writer's  relatives  at  Norwich,  probably  his  brother  George. 
The  narrative  is  too  lengthy  to  reproduce  in  full  here,  and  only  a  few 
salient  quotations  can  be  given. 

It  commences  with  a  description  of  Surat,  in  the  course  of  which 
we  are  told  that 

The  whole  towne  is  unfortefied,  either  by  art  or  nature.  .  .  . 
Their  care  hath  beene  soe  little  to  secure  it  by  art  that  thay  have 
only  made  against  the  cheefe  avenues  of  the  towne  some  weake  and 
ill  built  gates,  and  for  the  rest  in  some  parts  a  dry  ditch  easely 
pasable  by  a  footman,  wanting  a  wall  or  other  defence  on  the  inner 
side ;  the  rest  is  left  soe  open  that  scarce  any  signe  of  a  dich  is 
perceiveable. 

An  account  is  given  of  Sivaji  and  his  exploits.  As  regards  his 
appearance  and  character, 

His  person  is  discribed  by  them  whoe  have  seen  him  to  bee  of 
meane  stature  (lower  some  what  then  I  am),  erect,  and  of  an  excel- 
lent proportion  ;  active  in  excersise,  and  when  ever  hee  speaks 
seemes  to  smile  ;  a  quicke  and  peercing  eye  ;  and  whitter  then  any 
of  his  people,  Hee  is  disstrustfull,  seacret,  subtile,  cruell,  perfidious, 
insulting  over  whomsoever  he  getts  into  his  power,  absolute  in  his 
commands,  and  in  his  punishments  more  then  severe,  death  or  dis- 
membering being  the  punishment  of  every  offence ;  if  nesessitty 
require,  venterous  and  desperate  in  execution  of  his  resolves. 

X  2 


3o8  SIVAjI'S  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

The  approach  of  the  raiders,  the  terror  and  flight  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, and  the  cowardly  behaviour  of  the  Governor  are  then 
described. 

We  the  Engh'sh  in  our  house,  the  Duch  in  theirs,  and  some  few 
marchants  of  Turky  and  Armenia,  neighbours  to  our  English  house, 
possesed  of  a  seraw  ^  or  place  of  reception  for  straingers,  were  left 
by  the  Governour  and  his  people  to  make  what  shift  wee  could  to 
secure  ourselves  from  the  enemy.  This  might  the  English  and 
Duch  have  done,  leaveing  the  towne  and  goeing  over  the  river  to 
Swalley  to  our  shipps,  which  were  then  riding  in  Svvalley  Hole  ;  but 
it  was  thought  more  like  English  men  to  make  ourselves  ready  to 
defend  our  lives  and  goods  to  the  uttermost. 

L'Escaliot  then  details  the  steps  taken  to  fortify  the  factory. 

Our  four  smaller  guns  are  then  carried  up  to  the  tope  of  the 
house,  and  three  of  them  planted  to  scoure  two  great  streets  ;  the 
four[th]  was  bent  upon  a  rich  churles  house  (Hogee  Said  Beeg  . . .). 
because  it  was  equally  of  hight  and,  being  posesed  by  the  enemy, 
might  have  beene  dangerous  to  our  house.  .  .  .  On  one  side  wee 
tooke  possesion  of  [a]  pagod  or  Banian  idol  temple  which  was  just 
under  our  house  ...  on  the  other  a  Moorish  meseete  [i.  e.  mosque], 
where  severall  people  were  harboured  and  had  windowes  into  our 
outward  yard,  was  thought  good  to  bee  cleared  and  shutt  up. 

The  capture  of  Anthony  Smith  is  narrated,  and  then  an  account 
is  given  of  the  sally  made  by  the  English,  which  it  appears  took 
place  on  the  Thursday  afternoon  and  was  led  by  Gerard  Aungier. 
Smith's  release,  and  the  various  messages  sent  by  Sivaji  to  Oxenden, 
are  next  recorded.     Smith  related,  amongst  other  things,  that 

When  hee  came  away,  hee  could  not  [but]  guess,  by  the  mony 
heaped  up  in  tow  great  heapes  before  Sevagee  his  tent,  than  that 
hee  had  plundered  20  or  25  lack  of  rupees :  that  the  day  when  hee 
came  away  in  the  morning  there  was  brought  in  neere  upon  300 
porters,  laden  each  with  2  baggs  of  rupees,  and  some  hee  guessed 
to  be  gold  :  that  thay  brought  in  28  sere  of  large  pearle,  with  many 
other  Jewells,  great  diamonds,  rubies,  and  emeralds  .  .  .  and  these, 
with  an  increedable  quantety  of  mony,  they  found  at  the  house  of 
the  reputed  richest  marchant  in  the  wourld  (his  name  is  Verge  Vora, 
his  estate  haveing  beene  esteemed  to  bee  80  lack  of  rupees) :  that 
they  were  still,  every  hower  while  hee  was  there,  bringing  in  loods 
of  mony  from  his  house.     His  disire  of  mony  is  soe  great  that 

^  According  to  the  Dutch  account,  this  was  called  the  '  new  sardi ',  the  old  one  being 
occupied  by  the  Ethiopian  ambassador  and  his  followers. 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  309 

he  spares  noe  barbour[ou].s  cruelty  to  extort  confessions  from  his 
prisoners ;  whips  them  most  cruely,  threatens  death,  and  often 
executeth  it,  if  thay  doe  not  produce  soe  much  as  hee  thinks  they 
may  or  disires  they  should  ;  at  least  cutts  off  one  hand,  sometymes 
both. 

Smith  also  narrated  the  attempt  of  an  emissary  from  the  Governor 
to  assassinate  Sivaji,  already  mentioned  in  the  extract  from  Captain 
Millet's  log.  Smith  himself  had  narrowly  escaped  execution  among 
the  prisoners. 

It  comes  to  Mr.  Smith[s]  turne ;  and  his  right  hand  being 
comanded  to  bee  cutt  of,  hee  cryed  out  in  Indostan  to  Sevagee 
rather  to  cutt  of  his  head  ;  unto  wich  end  his  hatt  was  taken  of,  but 
Sevagee  stopt  execution,  and  soe  (praised  bee  God)  hee  escaped. 
There  were  than  about  4  heads  and  24  hands  cutt  of. 

L'Escaliot  then  relates  the  receipt  of  fresh  threats  from  Sivaji 
(the  Ethiopian  ambassador  being  employed  as  the  messenger), 
Oxenden's  reiterated  defiance,  the  burning  of  the  town,  and  the 
raiders'  withdrawal. 

The  account  given  by  the  Dutch  factors  of  their  experiences  is 
of  great  interest,  but  much  too  long  for  detailed  notice  here.  Their 
dwelling  was  in  the  southern  part  of  the  city,  not  far  from  the 
Castle.  The  Directeur,  Dirck  van  Adrichem,  had  at  his  disposal 
a  much  smaller  number  of  Europeans  than  Oxenden,  and  was  com- 
pelled therefore  to  adopt  a  more  cautious  policy,  standing  strictly 
on  the  defensive.  He  and  his  companions  had,  however,  a  very 
anxious  time,  mainly  owing  to  the  danger  to  their  factory  from  the 
conflagration  raging  around  them.  A  fairly  long  summary,  based 
upon  advices  from  Surat,  has  been  printed  (in  Dutch)  in  the  Dagh- 
Register^  Batavia,  1664  (p.  195) ;  and  a  still  fuller  one,  being  a  copy 
of  the  Surat  Factory  Diary  for  those  days,  is  contained  in  the 
Hague  Transcripts  (at  the  India  Office),  series  i.  vol.  xxvii.  no.  719.^ 
I  have  printed  a  condensed  translation  of  this  in  the  Indian  Anti- 
quary (January,  1922),  to  which  the  reader  must  be  referred. 

Another  account  from  a  Dutch  source  is  to  be  found  in  the  narra- 
tive of  Volquard  Iversen,  a  German  version  of  which  was  printed 
in   1696  in  Adami  Olearii  Reise-Beschreibungen  (part  v.  p.   141). 

1  See  also  Valentyn's  account  in*his  Oud  en  AHeiiw  Oost-Indien  (book  iv.  part  ii.  p.  265), 
which  is  obviously  from  the  same  source. 


3IO  SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

Iversen  was  one  of  the  staff  of  the  Dutch  factory  at  the  time  ;  but 
he  tells  us  nothing  of  his  own  experiences,  contenting  himself  with 
giving  an  abstract  of  the  official  account,  above  mentioned,  which 
he  copied  at  Surat.  He  adds  that  the  loss  sustained  by  Virji  Vora 
was  estimated  at  six  tons  of  gold,  and  that  two  other  Hindu  mer- 
chants suffered  to  the  extent  of  thirty  tons.  The  Dutch  ioji  gouds 
represented  \oo,ooq  gulden,  and  at  this  rate  Virji  Vora's  loss  would 
be  about  50,000/. ;  but  of  course  all  such  statements  were  based  on 
guess-work. 

To  the  foregoing  accounts  Bernier  (Constable's  edition,  p.  188) 
adds  a  few  details,  of  course  from  hearsay. 

Seva-Gi  (the  holy  Seva-Gi!)  respected  the  habitation  of  the 
Reverend  Father  Ambrose,  the  Capuchin  missionary.  '  The  Prankish 
Padrys  are  good  men,'  he  said,  'and  shall  not  be  molested.'  He 
spared  also  the  house  of  a  deceased  Delale  [Hind.  dalldl\  or  Gentile 
broker,  of  the  Dutch,  because  assured  that  he  had  been  very  chari- 
table while  alive.^  The  dwellings  of  the  English  and  Dutch  likewise 
escaped  his  visits,  not  in  consequence  of  any  reverential  feeling  on 
his  part,  but  because  those  people  had  displayed  a  great  deal  of 
resolution,  and  defended  themselves  well.  The  English  especially, 
assisted  by  the  crews  of  their  vessels,  performed  wonders,  and  saved 
not  only  their  own  houses  but  those  of  their  neighbours.  The 
pertinacity  of  a  Jew,  a  native  of  Constantinople,  astonished  every- 
body. Seva-Gi  knew  that  he  was  in  possession  of  most  valuable 
rubies,  which  he  intended  to  sell  to  Aureng-Zebe  ;  but  he  persevered 
in  stoutly  denying  the  fact,  although  three  times  placed  on  his 
knees  to  receive  the  stroke  of  a  sword  flourished  over  his  head. 
This  conduct  was  worthy  of  a  Jew,  whose  love  of  money  generally 
exceeds  his  love  of  life. 

Jean  de  Thevenot  {^Voyages,  ed.  1727,  vol.  v.  p.  85)  gives  an 
account  of  the  raid,  in  which  he  also  says  that  the  house  of  the 
Capuchins  was  spared,  because  Father  Ambrose  had  appealed  in 
person  to  Sivaji  not  to  harm  the  poor  Christians  of  the  city,  and  his 
request  had  been  granted. 

The  Dutch  letter  from  Surat  already  mentioned  gives  (as  sum- 
marized in  the  DagJi-Register)  the  further  intelligence  that  Maha- 

1  Tavemier  (Ball's  edition,  vol.  ii.  p.  204)  says  that  the  broker's  name  was  Mondas 
Parek  [Mohan  Das  Parak].  '  He  was  a  rich  man  and  very  charitable,  having  bestowed 
much  alms  during  his  life  on  the  Christians  as  well  as  on  the  idolaters;  the  Rev.  Capuchin 
Fathers  of  Surat  living  for  a  part  of  the  year  on  the  rice,  butter,  and  vegetables  which  he 
sent  to  them.' 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  311 

bat  Khan,  with  four  or  five  thousand  horse,  reached  the  city  a  fort- 
night after  the  departure  of  Sivaji :  that  the  Emperor,  on  learning 
the  news,  cashiered  the  Governor,  the  Captain  of  the  Castle,  and 
the  '  Commissaris '  [Kotwal  ?],  and  ordered  that  a  wall  should  be 
built  round  the  city  to  guard  against  a  repetition  of  the  raid  :  and 
that,  in  compensation  for  their  losses,  all  merchants,  including 
the  English  and  the  Dutch,  were  granted  a  remission  of  customs 
duties  for  one  year.  A  letter  from  Batavia  to  Holland,  repeating 
this  intelligence,  will  be  found  in  the  Hague  Transcripts  (series  i. 
vol.  xxvii.  no.  711).  This  added  that  a  new  Governor  had  been 
appointed  to  Surat,  named  '  Geadischan'  [see  p.  314].  He  arrived 
on  22  April  {Dagh-Register,  1664,  p.  423). 

We  now  return  to  the  English  records.  In  a  letter  of  4  April, 
1664,^  from  Surat  to  the  Company  we  find  the  following  account 
of  the  remission  of  customs  duties. 

This  King  hath  taken  very  heavily  the  plundering  and  burning 
of  this  towne  and  port  of  Surratt,  and  hath  vowed  revenge  upon  the 
rebell.  Our  last  acquainted  you  how  that  wee  were  then  in  action, 
by  solliciting  the  severall  commanders  of  armies  that  came  downe 
(though  too  late)  upon  notice  given  them  of  Sevages  approach  ; 
also  that  wee  were  then  writteing  a  petition  to  the  King  for  a  reward 
for  our  good  service  done  him  ;  w'hich  since  wee  are  informed  was 
by  our  freinds  in  court  (to  whom  your  President  wrote)  delivered 
into  the  Kings  hand  ;  wherein  wee  hinted  our  expectations  that  hee 
would  remitt  us  all  your  customes.  Whereupon  the  King,  after 
hee  had  taken  it  into  his  most  gratious  consideration,  hath  sent 
downe  an  order  that  the  whole  customes  of  all  merchants  should  bee 
remitted  for  one  intire  yeare.  The  benefitt  wee  hope  you  will  reap 
in  your  next  yeare[s]  ships  out  and  home ;  and  Mohobutt  Ckaun. 
the  Governour  of  Ahmadfabad]  and  Generall  of  the  province  of 
Guzzeratt,  adviseth  your  President  that,  upon  his  request  to  the 
King  on  our  behalfes  and  the  solicitation  of  freinds  at  court,  it  is 
resolved,  upon  the  expiration  of  the  yeare,  the  King,  in  leiw  of  our 
good  service,  will  give  us  the  |-th  part  of  all  your  customes  free  ; 
and  this  when  by  our  endeavours  wee  shall  effect,  wee  shall  hope 
for  a  sutable  reward  from  you  our  masters  ;  whilst  the  thing  it  selfe 
shall  remaine  as  a  lasting  memoriall  of  our  active  willingnesse  to 
promote  your  interest. 


^  Printed  in  Sir  George  Forrest's  Selections  from  the  Bombay  Records.  Home  Series, 
vol.  i.  p.  36. 


312  SIVAJTS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

On  19  May  the  President  and  Council,  in  a  letter  to  Madras,  said 
modestly  that  their  action 

Truly  hath  had  the  good  hap  to  bee  famed  to  deserve  much 
beyound  our  merritt.  .  .  .  The  King  hath  graunted  to  all  custome 
free  for  one  whole  yeare  for  all  that  shall  bee  either  exported  or 
imported  in  this  port ;  and  since  wee  have  received  a  letter  from 
Gafferekaune  [Jafar  Khan],  the  King's  Dewan,  which  is  called  a 
husbull  huckum  ^  or  the  Kings  speciall  command,  that  acquaints  us 
the  King  received  our  letter  and  petition  of  the  accompt  of  the 
fight,  and  read  it  with  soe  great  content,  and  soe  much  satisfaction 
that  hee  had  those  in  his  country  that  faced  his  enimy,  that  there- 
upon hee  gave  to  all  the  favour  exprest  of  a  yeares  custome  gratis, 
and  for  our  further  encouragement,  from  the  expiration  of  the  yeare 
the  halfe  of  our  customes  for  ever.  This  improvement  wee  have 
already  made,  and  are  yett  in  expectation  of  greater  honors ;  for 
wee  strike  whilst  the  iron  is  hott,  verifying  the  old  proverb :  tis 
good  to  fish  in  troubled  waters  some  times. 

Later  in  the  year  (26  November)  the  President  and  Council 
repeated  to  the  Company  this  news,  and  gave  some  additional  in- 
formation as  to  the  course  of  events. 

Wee  are  dayly  in  feare  of  Sevagees  comeing  againe,  and  soe  have 
[been]  ever  since  hee  was  heere  ;  for  hee  dayly  threatens  heartily  to 
visitt  this  towne  once  more,  except  the  King  will  give  him  peacible[y] 
the  fourths  of  what  hee  receives  of  the  towne  and  country  yearely ; 
which  is  too  dishonourable  for  the  King  to  except.  .  .  .  Wee  are  in 
a  peacible  condition  at  present.  All  things  goe  on  in  an  even 
channell.  Pray  God  continue  our  quiett,  for  wee  are  dayly  alarm'd, 
and  the  townes  poeple  are  frighted  and  unsetled.  Our  Governour 
is  a  very  good  man,  who  is  wonne  by  your  Presidents  late  services 
done  the  King  and  him  (by  his  ship  Royall  Welcome)  to  doe  from 
time  to  time  whatever  your  President  moves  for,  and  hath  exceed- 
ingly earnestly  wrote  to  the  King  in  favour  of  our  nation  to  bestow 
on  us  some  further  favours  and  immunities  in  recompence  of  the 
service  done,  thereby  to  expresse  his  princely  favour.  You  have 
this  whole  yeares  customes,  both  out  and  in,  graunted  you  free,  and, 
as  an  addition  of  honour,  the  Governour,  upon  your  Presidents 
request,  sufferred  all  your  Europe  goods  and  monyes  to  bee  trans- 
ported in  your  boats  directly  to  your  house,  without  comeing  neare 
the  custome  house  and  without  any  notice  taken  of  the  goods  by 
either  Customer  or  weighters ;  which  was  not  only  admired  at  by 
all  the  towne,  but  many  were  disgusted   at   it ;    unto  whom  the 

^  Hash-ul-hiikm  (literally  '  according  to  order ')  was  the  formula  used  in  recording  a 
verbal  order  from  the  Emperor. 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  313 

Governour  replyed  that  wee  had  soe  deeply  engaged  the  King  and 
him  that  hee  could  in  reason  refuse  us  nothing  wee  could  aske. 
Wee  hope  you  will  bee  pleased  to  consider  us  in  this  good  service 
done  you,  by  an  answerable  reward  ;  the  purchaseing  of  which  hath 
cost  your  President  a  considerable  summe  of  mony,  which  hee  doth 
not  doubt  your  ready  reimburseing  him  with,  since  the  adventure 
was  soe  hazardous  to  him  and  gainefull  to  you  ;  the  accompt  where- 
of shall  bee  given  you  in  our  next.  Wee  have  received  from  court 
a  letter  to  your  President  from  the  King's  Dewan  (which  they  heere 
call  Husbull  Huckum,  which  is  as  much  as  by  the  King's  immediate 
commaund),  wherein  you  have  graunted  you  the  halfe  of  your 
customes  for  ever.  Wee  doe  endeavour  (and  this  Governour  labours 
with  us)  to  procure  all  under  a  phirmaund  immediately  from  the 
King ;  which  will  bee  much  more  authentique  to  any  Prince  or 
Governour  that  shall  come  after.  .  .  .  Hodjee  Zaied  Beague  and 
Virjee  Vorah,  the  two  great  merchants  of  this  towne,  hould  up  theire 
heads  still  and  are  for  great  bargaines ;  soe  that  it  seems  Sevagy 
hath  not  carryed  away  all,  but  left  them  a  competency  to  carry  on 
theire  trade.  Hodjee  Zaied  had  fared  very  ill,  had  his  [house]  not 
joyned  to  ours  ;  for  when  they  had  entered  his  house,  they  could  not 
[szc']  annoy  us  at  pleasure,  nay  indeed,  destroy  us  with  fire,  soe  much 
combustable  stuffe  was  in  the  house  next  to  us,  being  filled  with 
poles,  timber,  caroo,^  cotton  etc.  stores  for  shipping.  Wherefore 
wee,  apprehending  the  danger  of  it,  and  knowing  him  [Sivaji]  to 
bee  a  rouge  that  houlds  neither  faith  nor  truce,  but  designed  us  one 
of  his  last  morcelis,  drue  out  a  file  or  two  of  musketeers,  cleared  the 
house,  shutt  the  doores  within,  and  kept  a  guard  of  our  owne  there 
ever  after ;  by  which  Hodgee  Zaied  was  preserved.  Thus  wee  have 
troubled  you  with  peeces  of  storyes  concerning  Sevagy,  who  is 
the  sole  talke  of  court  and  country. 

The  letter  of  2  January,  1665,  referred  to  in  the  next  chapter, 
continues  the  story. 

Our  present  Governour  begins  to  abate  of  his  kindnesse,  now  that 
his  turne  is  served  and  the  King's  businesse  done  to  theire  hands. 
But  wee  have  not  spared  to  lett  him  know  our  sei-vices,  and  the 
King's  promises  in  the  performance  of  them  ;  [so]  that  at  last  hee 
is  perswaded  to  doe  us  right  in  the  cleareing  of  nearest  a  1000  bales 
of  goods  of  yours  now  intended  for  Europe,  intending  by  delayes 
to  putt  it  off  untill  such  time  as  the  graunt  of  the  King's  for  custome 
free  should  bee  expired.  But  perceiveing  his  drift,  [wee]  never  left 
importuneing  him  untill  wee  gott  his  graunt  for  the  getting  of  them 
away  within  the  time.     Now  our  next  businesse  will  bee  to  gett  this 

^  Possibly  the  Hind,  kari,  a  small  beam  or  rafter. 


314  SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

Governour  to  confirme  this  Kings  Chancellour  or  Dewan's  order, 
sent  to  us  by  the  King's  expresse  commaund,  that  for  the  future 
wee  should  pay  but  ^  customes ;  which  notwithstanding  wee 
have  it  from  this  Dewan  under  his  owne  seale  and  by  the  King's 
expresse  commaund,  yett  is  it  very  much  in  this  Governour  etc. 
officers  power  to  allow  it,  in  reguard  you  have  no  person  at  court  to 
represent  your  greivances ;  which  makes  those  heere  impose  soe 
much  upon  us,  which  otherwise  they  dare  not  doe. 

The  assertion  made  in  the  above  extracts  that  half  the  customs 
were  to  be  remitted  to  the  Company  for  the  future  seems  to  have 
been  based  on  some  misunderstanding,  the  fact  being  that  they  were 
granted  a  reduction  of  one-half  per  cent.,^  viz.  from  2^  to  2.  This 
appears  from  the  text  of  the  document  itself,  as  represented  in  two 
translations,  forming  nos.  3025  fn  the  original  and  duplicate  series 
of  the  Original  Correspondence.  The  second  of  these  (from  which 
we  quote)  was  sent  home  with  a  letter  of  7  November,  1671  {O.C. 
3594)  ;  while  the  first  appears  from  the  handwriting  to  belong  to  the 
same  period  or  a  little  later. 

The  document  commences  by  referring  to  Oxenden's  letter  and 
expressing  the  Emperor's  satisfaction  with  the  behaviour  of  the 
English,  and  then  continues  : 

The  King  haveing  received  and  understood  these  things,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Surrat  haveing  also  wrote  of  these  matters,  the  Gover- 
nour of  Surrat,  Reaite  \sic'\  Chaun,  was  turned  out  of  that  goverment, 
and  in  his  place  Ghasty  Chaun  ^  is  appointed  by  the  King ;  and  the 
King,  out  of  his  own  favor  to  the  merchants,  Mahometans,  Hindoes, 
Armenians,  Hollanders,  English,  Portugez,  French,  and  Mallabars, 
for  Jewells,  gold,  silver,  horses,  and  all  other  goods  that  come  from 
other  ports  to  Surrat,  and  for  all  other  goods  that  are  carryed  out 
from  the  happy  Hindustan  to  other  places,  the  whole  customes 
thereof  which  are  taken  in  the  custome  house  for  the  Kings  accompt 
he  hath  given  free  for  one  yeare.  And  moreover,  haveing  regard  to 
the  welfare  and  good  condition  of  the  Dutch  and  English,  in  the 

^  Bruce  {Attnals,  vol.  ii.  p.  145)  says  one  per  cent.  He  seems  to  be  confusing  the 
present  concession  with  that  granted  by  A.x\ra.x\gzth'sfar?ndti  of  June,  1667  see  Forrest's 
Selections  from  the  Bombay  Records,  Home  Series,  vol.  i.  p.  213).  Fryer  (ed.  Cooke, 
vol.  i.  p.  223)  states  that  the  reward  was  '  an  abatement  of  customs  to  two  and  an  half 
per  cent.' ;  but  evidently  he  was  misinformed.  He  also  says  that  Oxenden  received  a 
dress  of  honour  from  the  Great  Mogul ;  presumably  this  accompanied  the  letter. 

2  '  Jhasty  Ckaun  '  in  the  other  version.  The  name  appears  to  have  been  Ghiyas-ud-dln 
{O.C.  3218).  The  suburb  of  Surat  known  as  Gaslipura  is  said  to  have  been  named  after 
him  {Bombay  Gazetteer:  Surat,  p.  309). 


SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664  315 

customes  which  are  paid  by  other  merchants  and  them  hath  freely 
rewarded  you ;  for  of  the  2^  per  cent,  which  you  pay  to  the  Kings 
custome  house  he  hath  given  you  |  per  cent,  free,  and  hath  wrote  a 
phyrmaund  to  the  officers  of  the  bundar  that  they  ahvaies  take  2  per 
cent,  custome  upon  all  your  goods.  Understand  you  the  Kings 
favor  and  ask  Gods  blessing.  Doe  the  King  acceptable  service  and 
expect  a  reward.  The  26  day  of  this  month  Sabaun  in  the  6  yeare 
of  the  reigne  [i.e.  14  March,  1664].! 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  concession  was  made  to  the  Dutch  as  well 
as  to  the  English ;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  Dagh-Register, 
Batavia,  1664  (p.  423),  which  agrees  that  the  reduction  was  one- 
half  per  cent.  It  appears  also  that  this  applied  only  to  imports,  the 
duty  paid  on  exports  by  the  English  continuing  to  be  three  per  cent, 
until  1667. 

Directly  the  English  factors  became  conscious  of  the  error 
they  had  made,  they  set  to  work  to  get  the  concession  enlarged.  It 
would  appear,  however,  that  all  Oxenden's  efforts  were  fruitless,  and 
the  factors  had  to  content  themselves  with  the  reduction  already 
obtained.  Even  this  lasted  only  for  a  time.  In  November,  1679, 
Streynsham  Master  noted  in  his  diary  the  receipt  of  letters  from 
Delhi,  advising  that 

The  King,  being  informed  how  our  customes  were  paid  at  Surratt, 
demanded  the  |  per  cent,  againe,  both  of  the  English  and  the  Dutch, 
that  was  taken  off  for  service  done  at  Sevagees  first  plundering  that 
towne,  and  turned  out  all  the  writers  for  leting  it  pass  free  soe  long.^ 

The  rewards  which  the  factors  expected  from  the  Company  did 
not  arrive  until  1668,  when  Oxenden  received  a  sum  of  200/.,  with 
a  gold  medal,  Goodier  ico/.,  and  Gary  and  Aungier  60/.  each ;  in 
addition,  the  Council  was  directed  to  distribute  400/.  amongst  those 
who  took  part  in  the  defence  of  the  factory  (Yule's  Diary  of  William 
Hedges^  vol.  ii.  p.  302).  Prompter  action  was  taken  in  the  case  of 
the  officers  and  men  of  the  Loyal  Merchant  and  African.  Plate  to 
the  value  of  30/.  and  20/.  respectively  was  presented  to  Captains 
Millett  and  Fisher  (besides  a  money  reward  to  the  former),  40i-. 
each  to  the  men  landed,  5/.  to  the  mates  commanding  them,  and 
20^-.  each  to  the  men  who  remained  in  the  ships ;  the  owners  of  the 


^  A  copy  of  this  version  will  be  found  in  Factory  Records  :  Miscel/aiieons,  vol.  ii  (p.  86). 
-   The  Diaries  of  Streynsham  Master,  vol.  ii.  p.  292. 


3i6  SIVAjrS  ATTACK  UPON  SURAT,  1664 

Loyal  Merchant  were  awarded  3C0/. ;  the  purser  20/. ;  and  Thomas 
Paine,  '  whoe  was  shott  in  the  legg  on  shoare',  received  5/.  as  com- 
pensation {Court  Minutes^  23  September  and  2  December,  1664, 
and  4  April,  1665). 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,   1664 

The  first  occurrence  of  note  after  the  withdrawal  of  Sivaji's  force 
was  the  return  of  the  Vine  from  Achin  on  14  January.^  In  the 
letter  of  28  January  already  mentioned,  the  President  and  Council 
informed  the  Company  that  she  had  earned  about  3,000/.  in  freight 
by  the  voyage,  and  that  it  was  proposed  to  send  her  thither  again, 
should  sufficient  freight  be  forthcoming.  The  Queen  of  Achin  was 
desirous  of  making  an  arrangement  by  which  '  the  whole  trade  of 
her  dominions '  would  be  conceded  to  the  English,  on  condition  that 
they  would  protect  her  against  the  Dutch,  who,  she  feared,  were 
designing  to  make  war  upon  her ;  '  but  you  are  not  in  a  condition 
to  doe  one  or  other'.  However,  no  definite  answer  would  be 
returned,  pending  the  Company's  instructions.  Some  years  ago 
(see  p.  83)  the  Queen  sent  a  letter  and  present  to  King  Charles, 
'  whose  answer  shee  is  very  inquisitive  after ;  please  to  order  an 
enquiry  after  it'. 

In  the  Vine  had  returned  Scrivener,  Cobb,  and  Nurse,  leaving 
behind  Benjamin  Clopton,  who,  though  no  longer  in  the  Company's 
employment,  urged,  in  a  letter  to  Surat  of  29  November,  1663,  that 
by  remaining  he  was  doing  them  a  service,  as  it  was  important  to 
have  an  Englishman  resident  at  Achin.  There  had  evidently  been 
much  dissension  between  those  employed  in  the  voyage,  and  imme- 
diately upon  landing  Scrivener  preferred  charges  against  Cobb  and 
Joseph  Blackman,  the  commander  of  the  Vine.  These  were  investi- 
gated at  a  consultation  held  on  25  March,  when  Cobb  was  acquitted, 
and  Scrivener  in  his  turn  found  himself  accused  of  various  offences. 
It  had  already  been  decided  to  send  the  Vine  again  to  Achin,  and 
now  it  was  determined  that  she  should  leave  some  factors  there, 
'  were  it  only  to  keepe  a  footing '.  Gary  was  accordingly  chosen  to 
proceed  in  her  to  negotiate  with  the  Queen,  taking  with  him  Cobb, 

'  For  ihe  cargo  she  brought  see  the  Dagh-Regisier,  Batavia,  1664,  p.  201. 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664       317 

Hardres,  and  Richard  Taylor,  who  were  to  remain  at  Achin  after 
the  vessel's  departure. 

Meanwhile  the  lading  of  the  Surat  Frigate  (Capt.  Robert  Gross) 
for  Bantam,  which  had  been  delayed  by  Sivaji's  raid,  was  steadily 
progressing;  but  it  was  not  until  19  March  that  Oxenden  was  able 
to  dispatch  her.  In  a  letter  of  that  date  to  the  Bantam  President 
occur  several  passages  of  interest,  one  of  which  has  already  been 
quoted  (p.  305).  It  was  stated  that  the  goods  brought  from  Bantam 
by  the  C/testmit,  having  been  put  into  a  Banian's  warehouse,  had 
been  burnt  during  the  raid,  and  the  vessel  herself  had  gone  to 
Anjidiv  to  report  to  Sir  Abraham  Shipman.  An  account  was  given 
of  the  sale  of  the  Surat  Fj'igate's  cargo  ;  and  regret  was  expressed 
at  being  unable  to  send  saltpetre  in  return.  Two  horses  were  sent 
for  the  King  of  Bantam,  as  desired.  John  Hunter,  who  had  been 
'  a  fellow  souldier  with  us  in  the  seige ',  was  returned,  in  accordance 
with  request ;  and  passages  had  been  granted  to  four  servants  of  the 
King  of  Macassar,  who  had  been  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  John 
South,  having  abandoned  the  idea  of  going  to  England,  had  been 
permitted  to  return  to  Bantam,  carrying  some  goods,  on  which  he 
had  promised  to  pay  freight.  The  Surat  Frigate  had  been  refitted 
during  her  stay  and  was  now  *  compleate  in  all  respects '.  As 
regards  the  freight  on  board. 

All  Southerne  voyages  pay  backward  and  forward  to  any  port 
a  quarter  part  of  the  product  of  the  goods,  which  wee  here  take  in 
kinde ;  but  in  case  the  ship  doe  not  returne  the  goods  she  carryes, 
then  no  more  then  \  is  paid.  And  this  wee  thought  good  to 
acquaint  you,  it  being  our  rule  and  standard  by  which  wee  compute 
all  freights  to  the  Southward. 

At  a  consultation  held  in  Surat  on  1 1  February,  it  was  resolved 
to  employ  the  same  person  as  before  to  procure  piece-goods  from 
Agra  for  the  next  season's  ships.  Four  days  later  arrived  a  Dutch 
vessel  from  Persia,  which  brought  a  long  letter  from  the  Company, 
dated  in  London  10  August,  1663,  and  dispatched  overland.  The 
first  part  of  this  was  occupied  with  details  of  the  goods  to  be  pro- 
vided in  readiness  for  the  next  fleet.  These  were  of  the  usual  kinds, 
and  it  is  only  necessary  to  note  a  renewed  demand  for  indigo,  and 
a  prohibition  of  lac,  sal-ammoniac,  red  earth,  and  '  Carmanian 
wooll ',  though  cowries  and  ebony  might  be  used  for  kentledge,  if 


31 8  OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

necessary.  The  Committees  then  proceeded  to  answer  the  letters 
from  Surat  of  30  November  and  8  December,  1662,  and  5,  19,  and 
25  January,  1663.  Approval  was  expressed  of  Oxenden's  resolute 
action  in  regard  to  the  Governor  of  Surat  and  of  his  dispatch  of  the 
Hopewell  to  Porakad  ;  but  his  request  to  be  given  '  a  latitude  in  any 
case  to  deviate  from  our  gennerall  comaunds '  was  firmly  refused, 
on  the  ground  that  his  successor  might  not  be  as  worthy  of  con- 
fidence as  he  was.  The  sale  of  all  the  broadcloth  sent  out  had 
given  great  satisfaction ;  *  it  is  still  our  earnest  desires  that  a  large 
consumption  may  bee  made  thereof,  though  at  the  lesse  advance '. 
It  was  admitted  that  some  coral  bought  in  London  had  been 
invoiced  at  the  same  price  as  the  rest  of  the  consignment,  though 
the  latter  portion  was  procured  from  Leghorn  and  w^as  of  better 
quality.  This  was  done  in  accordance  with  the  usual  custom  of 
invoicing  all  goods  at  some  advance.  It  had  now  been  decided, 
however,  that  for  the  future  goods  sent  to  India  should  be  rated  at 
or  very  near  the  prime  cost  and  charges.  A  petition  had  been 
presented  to  the  King  concerning  the  abuses  received  from  the 
Dutch,  and  the  Company  were  confident  that  due  reparation  would 
be  exacted.  Note  was  taken  of  the  opinion  expressed  by  the 
President  and  Council  that  the  dispatch  of  an  embassy  to  Delhi 
was  not  advisable. 

Wee  doe  not,  therefore,  thinck  it  fitt  to  disburse  the  somme  of 
15  or  20.OCO  rupees;  but  rather  desire  our  President  and  Counsells 
care  may  bee  continued  (as  alreadie  they  have  begun)  to  preserve 
those  priveledges  which  wee  alreadie  have,  and  then  wee  doubt  not 
but  our  affaires  will  goe  on  currantly  without  any  impeeding  or 
interuptions. 

In  future  ships  would  be  dispatched  as  early  as  possible  from 
England,  and  the  commanders  would  be  bound  down  to  arrive  at 
Surat  some  time  in  September.  The  President  and  Council  were 
desired  to  assist  '  Tulcidas  Parrack  '  to  recover  what  was  due  to  him 
from  Virji  Vora,  and  it  was  hoped  that  their  success  would  enable 
the  former  to  discharge  his  debt  to  the  Company.  The  factory  at 
Kayal  should  be  dissolved,  as  being  altogether  unnecessary ;  but 
those  at  Karwar,  &c.,  were  left  to  the  consideration  of  Oxenden  and 
his  colleagues.  Any  superfluous  factors  should  be  returned  to 
England.     Dissatisfaction  was  expressed  at  the  Company's  claims 


i 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664  3^9 

against  Andrews  having  been  left  for  adjustment  in  England  ;  for, 
granted  that  he  had  not  sufficient  means  in  India  to  make  satis- 
faction, yet  a  settlement  might  have  been  reached  there  as  to  the 
exact  amount  due.  The  result  had  been  that  the  Company  had 
been  forced  to  commence  a  lawsuit  against  him,  which  was  likely 
to  be  both  tedious  and  troublesome.  Instructions  were  given  to 
collect  and  send  home  further  evidence  concerning  his  malpractices. 
Action  was  also  to  be  taken  against  Bladwell.  The  Lady  Lambton 
having  procured  a  letter  from  the  King  concerning  the  estate  of  her 
son,  the  late  John  Lambton,  an  exact  account  was  to  be  sent  home 
and  her  two  surviving  sons  were  to  be  permitted  access  to  all 
relevant  papers  and  were  then  to  be  sent  home.  Instructions  were 
next  given  as  to  the  keeping  of  accounts  of  freight  and  of  seamen's 
wages.  William  Bell,^  an  Armenian  employed  in  Persia  by  Garway 
and  Buckeridge  as  an  interpreter,  had  petitioned  the  Company  to 
be  recommended  for  employment  '  as  one  of  those  for  the  making 
of  wine  in  Persia ' ;  and  his  request  had  been  granted.  A  postscript 
added  coffee  (8  or  10  tons)  and  borax  to  the  list  of  goods  desired. 
Rolt  had  written  home,  desiring  the  Company  to  recommend  him 
to  the  President  for  advancement. 

But  in  reguard  wee  have  formerly  left  it  to  you  to  give  imploy- 
ment  to  the  severall  factors  according  to  their  capascities  and 
merritts,  wee  doe  not  doubt  but  you  will  act  accordingly,  to  him 
and  all  others,  and  not  preferr  any  for  other  respects  then  their 
abillities  and  faithfullnes  to  our  service ;  which  wee  recommend  to 
you.  And  wee  require  you  to  take  notice  that,  although  wee 
give  you  lybertie  to  give  imployment  to  our  factors,  according  to 
their  merritts  and  abillities,  yet  wee  absolutly  prohibite  you  the 
raising  of  their  sallaries ;  but  all  such  as  shall  bee  soe  raised  in 
places  shall  referr  themselves  to  us  for  augmentation  of  their  sallarie 
or  reward  according  to  their  merritts  in  our  service. 

In  the  same  letter  the  Committees  dealt  with  the  position  of  the 
factory  in  Persia.  In  view  of  its  chargeableness,  they  were  unwilling 
to  continue  it,  and  they  left  it  to  Oxenden  and  his  colleagues  to 
adopt  one  of  two  alternatives.  The  first  was  that  two  or  three 
persons  should  be  found,  if  possible,  who  would  reside  at  Gombroon 
at  their  own  charges,  to  receive  the  Company's  share  of  the  customs 

1  A  mistake  for  John  Belli,  for  whom  see  my  note  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  January,  1922. 


320  OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

and  to  make  sale  of  any  goods  sent  to  them  on  the  Company's 
behalf;  as  remuneration  they  might  be  given  five  per  cent,  on  the 
amount  recovered  from  the  customs.  The  second  plan  was  to  with- 
draw all  the  factors,  and  merely  send  some  one  from  Surat  each  year 
to  demand  the  Company's  share  of  the  customs  revenue.  If  a  satis- 
factory settlement  could  not  be  effected,  the  President  and  Council 
should  advise  the  Company  '  how  wee  may  rite  ourselves '.  It  was 
further  intimated  that  the  President  and  all  others  sending  goods 
to  Persia  or  elsewhere  in  ships  sailing  under  English  colours  would 
be  expected  to  pay  to  the  Company  its  full  share  of  the  customs 
due  thereon  ;  and  care  was  to  be  taken  that  no  goods  belonging  to 
Asiatics  were  passed  as  English,  thus  escaping  the  payment  of  dues 
to  the  Persians. 

These  proposals  were  communicated  from  Surat  to  the  factors  at 
Gombroon  in  a  letter  of  4  March,  with  an  intimation  that  Flower 
and  his  juniors  were  at  libert}-  to  accept  the  first  alternative,  if  they 
cared  to  do  so  ;  if  not,  they  were  to  remain  at  Gombroon,  but  were 
to  live  as  frugally  as  possible.  Craddock,  in  accordance  with  his 
request,  was  to  return  to  Surat  at  the  first  opportunity.  Any 
further  journey  to  Ispahan  was  forbidden,  as  a  useless  expense.  To 
this  letter  Flower  replied  on  33  April,  declining  to  accept  the  pro- 
posed arrangement,  unless  the  Company,  in  lieu  of  a  commission, 
would  allow  him  to  keep  all  but  200  tumans  of  the  amount 
recovered  yearly  for  customs.  To  this  the  Surat  Council  replied 
on  26  November,  that  his  offer  would  be  communicated  to  the 
Company. 

To  the  letter  from  England  of  10  August,  1663,  Oxenden  and  his 
Council  replied  promptly  on  4  April,^  entrusting  their  answer  to 
the  skipper  of  a  junk  bound  for  Gombroon  and  Basra.  As  regards 
indigo,  none  had  been  sent  by  the  recent  ships,  as  it  was  extremely 
dear  and  scarce,  owing  to  the  failure  of  the  rains,  the  Lahore 
variety  being  at  67  rupees  per  maund  of  37  lb.  ('a  price  never 
heard  of)  and  the  Sarkhej  '  answeareable  '.  As,  however,  the  Com- 
pany had  definitely  ordered  a  supply,  arrangements  were  being 
made  to  procure  some  from  Agra  and  Sarkhej.  Should  the  rains 
fail  again  this  year,  the  result  would  be  to 

^  Printed  in  Sir  Geo.  Forrest's  Selections  from  the  Bombay  Records,  Home  Seriei,  vol.  i. 
p.  36. 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664       331 

utterly  dispoeple  all  these  parts,  it  being  theire  manner  to  forsake 
theire  habitations  and  with  theire  families  to  travail  into  other 
countryes  where  they  heare  corne  is  cheape,  to  preserve  them  from 
famishing.  There  are  more  then  500  families  of  weavers  that  are 
already  fled,  and  the  rest  will  certainely  follow,  if  the  famine  should 
encrease  ;  that  wee  shalnot  dare  to  entrust  them,  as  accustomary, 
and  without  it  wee  may  not  expect  any  goods.  But  wee  hope  the 
Almighty  will  bee  mercifull  to  this  land,  and  restore  to  them  theire 
wanted  plenty. 

There  was  little  expectation  of  procuring  any  Malabar  pepper  or 
cassia  lignum,  as  the  Dutch  were  strictly  preventing  their  export 
by  any  but  themselves.     Steps  were  being  taken  to  procure  the 
desired  piece-goods.     Raybag  and  Kolhapur  being  unavailable  '  soe 
long  as  that  grand  rebell  Sevagy  raignes ',  an  agent  was  being  sent 
to  Bhatkal  to  buy  dungarees  and  dutties,  that  port  being  the  only 
place  to  which  the  English  could  still  trade  without  molestation. 
It  might  prove  possible  to  obtain  there  the  pepper  required  by  the 
Company  ;  but  it  seemed  doubtful  whether  the  latter  would  approve 
its  purchase  at  a  high  rate.     Already  the  price  at  Surat  had  risen 
from  9  or  10  mahmudis  the  maund  to  18,  owing  to  the  policy  of 
the    Dutch  in  engrossing  that   commodity.     There  were   then  in 
Swally  Road  three  Dutch  ships  from  Cochin,  laden  with  pepper 
and  cassia  lignum,  'which  they  sell  heere  at  strange  unusuall  rates'. 
Relations  with  the  Governor  of  Surat  were  now  on  a  good  footing. 
As  for  broadcloth,  the  factors  thought  that  to  lower  the  price  would 
not  increase  the  sale,  and  therefore  they  had  decided  to  '  hold  up 
the  prices  to  betwixt  4  and  5  rupees  the   yeard '.     Concern  was 
expressed    at   the    Company's   displeasure  regarding   the  sending 
home  of  Andrews.     His  detention  at  Surat  would  in  no  way  have 
helped,  and  all  the  evidence  procurable,  duly  attested,  was  forwarded 
at  the  same  time.     Andrews  steadily  refused  '  to  be  accomptable 
to  us ',  and  the  Council  were  satisfied  that  the  Company  had  enough 
of  his  estate  in  its  hands  to  indemnify  itself.     His  remaining  at 
Surat  was  undesirable,  for  he  was  continually  making  mischief  and 
had  already  managed  to  set  Oxenden  and  Shipman  at  variance. 
The  Council  had  no  motive  for  favouring  him  in  any  way,  and  had 
already  furnished  further  evidences  of  his  malpractices.    His  accom- 
plice, Bladwell,  was  sent  home  in  the  Convertine.     The  letter  then 
proceeds  to  explain  what  had  been  done  regarding  the  estate  of 
2597  Y 


322       OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

John  Lambton,  and  to  vindicate  Oxenden  against  the  charges 
made.  Ralph  Lambton  had  recently  gone  to  Mokha  at  his  own 
request,  and  was  not  desirous  of  returning  to  England.  A  suspicion 
was  expressed  that  the  surviving  brothers  had  secretly  got  posses- 
sion of  some  of  the  deceased's  assets,  for  it  seemed  strange  that 
John  should  die  indebted  to  the  extent  of  7,000  or  8,oco/.,  and 
that  his  young  brother  Richard  ('  whose  sight  is  soe  weake  that  hee 
can  scarce  see  to  write ')  should  already  be  worth  from  2,000/.  to 
3,000/.  An  account  was  next  given  of  the  overtures  received  from 
the  Queen  of  Achin.  The  trade  would  probably  yield  great  profit ; 
but  the  Dutch  would  never  allow  the  English  to  enjoy  it  in  peace, 
unless  some  agreement  to  that  effect  were  made  in  Europe.  It 
was  intended,  however,  to  send  Gary  thither  to  re-establish  the 
factory.  An  account  was  then  given  of  Dutch  shipping  losses,  and 
of  the  failure  of  their  expedition  to  Taiwan. 

Mr.  Cotes,  who  was  left  at  Siam  by  Mr.  Bladwell,  is  retourned 
here  ;  who  acquaints  us  that  the  Hollander[s].  takeing  advantage 
of  the  King  of  Siam's  sending  abroad  1 2  jounkes,  which  are  expected 
to  returne  very  richly  laden  from  China  and  Japon,  have  pickt  a 
quarrell  with  the  port  and  blockt  it  up,  intending  to  make  prize  of 
the  vessayls. 

Oxenden  thanked  the  Company  for  permission  to  employ  his 
own  two  ships  in  the  port  to  port  trade,  and  undertook  that  all 
goods  aboard  them  should  pay  full  customs  at  Gombroon.  He  sent 
them  both  thither  twice  last  year,  laden  entirely  with  freight  goods. 

Which  ships  arriveing  thither  was  no  small  reputation  to  our 
nation,  and  also  advantage  to  your  selves ;  for  now  that  you  have 
no  shipeing  or  commerce  in  India,  were  it  not  for  these  two  ships 
it  would  bee  much  more  difficult  for  you  to  procure  that  pittance 
of  customes  [at  Gombroon]  now  paid  you.  Wherefore,  when  ever 
your  President  sends  them  to  that  port  (or  indeed  to  any  other) 
they  goe  alwayes  consigned  to  your  factors  and  reputed  to  belong 
to  the  Honourable  Company. 

After  mentioning  that  the  Queen  of  Achin  desired  to  have  a  reply 
to  her  letter  and  present  sent  to  King  Charles,  and  referring  to 
further  charges  against  the  late  President  Andrews,  the  letter  ends. 

The  voyage  of  the  Vine  for  Achin  came  to  a  speedy  and  disastrous 
conclusion.    She  set  sail  on  29  April,  and  an  hour  and  a  half  later  cap- 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664  323 

sized  and  sank.  The  catastrophe  was  due,  according  to  the  testimony 
of  the  survivors,  to  the  foolhardiness  of  the  captain  (Blackman)  in 
carrying  too  great  a  press  of  sail,  despite  the  remonstrances  of  his 
officers.  Most  of  those  on  board  escaped  with  their  lives,  but 
Francis  Cobb  and  Richard  Taylor  were  drowned,  together  with  the 
captain,  some  of  the  English  seamen,  and  many  of  the  passengers.^ 
Blackman's  body,  when  recovered,  was  found  to  be  much  injured  ; 
and  some  of  his  crew  deposed  that  they  had  seen  him  at  the  last 
run  his  head  against  the  timbers  of  the  ship  in  order  to  beat  out  his 
brains.  Some  endeavour  was  made  to  recover  the  gold,  &c.,  by 
means  of  divers,  but  without  success. 

In  their  commission  to  Gary  for  the  voyage  the  President  and 
Council  had  repudiated  Clopton's  claim  to  be  still  a  servant  of  the 
Company,  and  had  ordered  that,  if  he  gave  any  trouble,  he  should 
be  seized  and  brought  to  Surat,  together  with  John  Widdrington, 
who  had  found  his  way  to  Achin  from  Masulipatam,  via  Queda. 
Now,  however,  that  the  Vine  had  been  lost,  Oxenden  wrote 
(25  April)  a  mild  letter  to  Clopton,  acquainting  him  with  the 
disaster,  and  at  the  same  time  requiring  him  to  give  an  account 
of  some  goods  in  his  possession  belonging  to  Cobb.  A  letter  to 
Madras  of  31  August  said  that  Oxenden  was  proposing  to  send  his 
Hopewell  to  Achin,  '  to  keepe  possession  of  our  house  and  ground 
purchased  from  the  Queene.' 

During  the  summer  the  factors  were  busy  collecting  piece-goods, 
&c.,  for  the  ships  expected  in  the  autumn.  The  fear  that  the  rains 
might  fail  again  was  happily  not  realized.  Writing  on  18  July  to 
Hoskins  at  Broach,  the  President  and  Council  remarked  : 

These  inhabitants  say  there  hath  not  soe  much  fallen  in  one  yeare 
for  the  time  these  20  yeares  ;  and  indeed  it  hath  powred  downe 
heere  for  these  7  or  8  dayes  and  night[s]  that  wee  feared  a  deluge. 
Pray  God  graunt  the  latter  showers  bee  moderate,  and  then  wee 
shall  certainely  have  a  very  plentifull  yeare. 

On  18  September  arrived  from  England  the  London  (Capt.  Robert 
Bowen),  followed  a  week  later  by  the  Royal  Charles  (Capt.  James 

*  The  Dutch  said  that  eight  or  ten  lives  were  lost  {^Dagh- Register,  1664,  p.  424).  On 
the  other  hand,  Consul  Lannoy  puts  the  number  at  six  sailors  and  about  forty  passengers, 
besides  the  captain  and  the  two  factors ;  Gary  saved  himself  by  swimming  about  until 
picked  up  (^Report  on  Finch  MSS.,  vol.  i.  p.  366). 

Y    2 


324  OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

Barker) ;  while  on  8  October  the  American  (under  Charles  Higgin- 
son)  anchored  at  Svvally  after  a  tedious  voyage  of  about  sixteen 
months.  The  first  two  brought  a  letter  from  the  Company  of 
9  March,  1664,  and  the  American  one  of  25  September,  1663.  The 
latter  merely  announced  that  the  ship  had  been  hired  '  to  make 
discovery  for  trade '  at  Madagascar  and  the  East  Coast  of  Africa, 
and  that  the  captain  and  supercargo  had  been  instructed,  in  the 
event  of  sufficient  cargo  not  being  procured  in  those  parts,  to  go  to 
the  Maldives,  barter  there  rice  for  cowries,  and  so  proceed  to  Surat, 
where  the  President  and  Council  would  provide  a  lading  for  England. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  none  but  the  last  of  these  instructions  seems  to 
have  been  carried  out.  The  vessel  called  at  Madeira  and  Santiago, 
then  beat  along  the  Guinea  coast,  and  after  a  voyage  of  seven 
months,  having  lost  her  captain,  supercargo,  and  pilot,  put  into  St. 
Helena  {Orme  MSS.,  no.  263,  p.  32).  From  thence  she  seems  to 
have  made  her  way  as  best  she  could  to  Surat. 

The  letter  of  9  March  is  a  lengthy  document,  replying  in  part  to 
the  Surat  letters  of  5  March  and  6  April,  1663.  As  regards  the 
encroachments  of  the  Dutch,  the  Committees  announced  that  they 
were  '  endeavouring  a  restitution  for  past  wrongs  and  a  settlement 
of  trade  for  the  future  ',  and  that  they  were  in  hopes  of  a  satisfactory 
agreement.  They  trusted,  however,  that  the  factory  at  Porakad  was 
being  continued,  unless  the  factors  were  driven  out  by  force,  in 
which  case  a  remedy  would  doubtless  be  found  at  home.  The  fact 
that  as  regards  the  Leopard  '  there  was  nothing  past  but  meerly 
discourse '  had  proved  a  hindrance  in  demanding  satisfaction  from 
the  Dutch.  Still  greater  prejudice  had  arisen  from  Oxenden  giving 
a  commission  to  that  vessel  to  go  to  Cochin,  instead  of  leaving  her 
at  Lord  Marlborough's  disposal,  *  beeing  it  causeth  a  pretence  of 
dead  fraight  by  His  Majesties  Commissioners.'  The  reasons 
alleged  for  relieving  the  Accountant  of  the  duty  of  providing  and 
embaling  calicoes,  and  the  appointment  of  Aungier  to  that  task, 
were  approved. 

Wee  like  well  of  your  sending  a  person  to  Agra  to  furnish  the 
investments  from  that  place,  and  ...  we  likewise  desire  you  to 
introduce  the  same  as  to  other  investments,  that  soe  our  out 
factories  may  bee  reduced  and  thereby  our  charge  and  expences 
lessned. 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664       s^5 

The  opinion  of  the  Council  was  desired  as  to  the  possibility  of 
saving  money  by  sending  the  Agra  goods  down  the  *  Gangees '  to 
Bengal  for  shipment.  Authority  was  given  to  borrow  up  to  15,000/., 
should  this  be  absolutely  necessary.  More  copper  and  lead  had 
been  sent  this  year.  The  quicksilver  had  been  packed  in  bladders 
placed  inside  very  thick  glass  bottles,  the  latter  being  then  covered 
with  skins  and  put  into  strong  cases.  Copper  vessels  had  been 
found  unsuitable  for  the  purpose.  No  ivory  had  been  sent,  as  it 
sold  so  badly.  The  Council  were  directed  to  do  nothing  in  the  way 
of  '  planting  or  fortifying '  at  Anjidiv  or  any  other  place  without  the 
express  sanction  of  the  Company.  Trade  should  be  maintained  at 
Karwar  and  a  '  faire  corespondency '  kept  with  the  '  King  of  Decan  ' 
by  all  possible  means.  A  hope  was  expressed  that  an  agreement  had 
been  made  with  Sivaji,  providing  for  compensation  for  past  injuries 
and  the  continuance  of  a  factory  at  Rajapur.  Andrews  had  sub- 
mitted to  the  Company  and  had  agreed  to  the  business  being  referred 
to  the  decision  of  four  of  the  Committees  ;  so  a  suit  at  law  against 
him  would  not  be  necessary.  Action  would  be  taken  against  Blad- 
well.  Virji  Vora  should  be  told  that  the  Company  highly  resented 
his  countenancing  such  a  wrongdoer,  and  demand  should  be  made 
upon  him  for  the  Rs.  30,000  deposited  by  Bladwell.  A  fear  was 
expressed  that  the  pirate  Hugo,  or  others  of  his  kidney,  encouraged 
by  the  failure  of  the  attempts  made  in  France  to  bring  him  to 
justice,  might  attempt  a  fresh  enterprise.  All  traders  to  the  Red 
Sea  should  be  warned  accordingly.  To  a  request  for  guidance  in 
such  an  event, 

wee  answere  that,  if  our  shipping  shall  happen  to  encounter  any 
such  men  of  warr  whoe  shall  have  noe  comission,  then,  if  our  ship- 
ping bee  able  and  of  force  suffitient,  wee  give  you  order  to  surprize 
him.  And  if  the  said  men  of  warr  shall  have  comission  from  any 
forraigne  prince  and  shall  attempt  any  matter  of  force  upon  our 
nation,  in  that  case,  if  able,  wee  require  you  also  to  surprize  him ; 
but  if  they  have  commission  and  shall  not  make  use  thereof  against 
our  nation,  but  only  make  seizures  and  prizes  of  the  jouncks  and 
goods  of  the  natives,  wee  cannot  give  you  power  or  order  to  medle 
with  them,  beeing  it  may  bee  construed  a  breach  of  peace  betweene 
the  twoe  nations.  Wee  conceive,  if  any  men  of  warr  shall  come 
into  your  parts,  it  will  bee  shipps  of  force ;  and  wee  know  not  what 
attempt  they  may  make  on  our  shipps.  Wee  therefore  require  that 
our  shipps  bee  kept  in  company  and  retorned  home  togither,  for 


S26  OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

their   mutuall   asistance  one  to   another    in  case   any   assault   or 
attempt  should  bee  made  upon  them. 

Their  previous  letter  disapproved  of  a  proposal  to  spend  a  large 
sum  in  procuring  a  fresh  grant  from  Delhi. 

But  in  your  last  received  letters  you  write  us  that  you  were 
working  underhand  to  purchase  those  priveledges,  and  hoped  to 
procure  them  with  the  expence  of  2,oco/.  or  thereabouts ;  of  which 
wee  cannot  aprove,  and  therefore  hope  that  you  have  not  disbursed 
our  monies  on  that  accompt.  .  .  .  And  therefore  wee  heereby  con- 
firme  our  former  order  in  this  perticuler,  not  doubting  but  our 
former  priveledges,  if  well  kept  and  performed,  will  bee  suffitient, 
and  that  wee  shall  not  need  their  inlargment. 

Note  was  taken  of  the  statement  that  the  last  fleet  brought 
private  trade  to  an  extent  that  '  passed  beleife '.  Endeavour  would 
be  made  to  prevent  the  like  in  future  ;  but  it  would  have  been  of 
material  assistance  if  the  names  of  the  offenders  had  been  furnished 
from  Surat.  Every  effort  must  be  used  there  to  detect  prohibited 
commodities  ;  and  to  encourage  this,  a  reward  of  one-quarter  of  the 
fines  imposed  was  authorized  to  be  given  to  informers.  Particulars 
were  requested  of  Shipman's  employment  of  his  pink  the  Chestmit 
in  trade  to  Bantam,  as  this  was  absolutely  contrary  to  the  agree- 
ment with  the  King's  Commissioners.  The  letter  went  on  to  give 
details  of  the  goods  sent  out  in  the  London  and  Royal  Charles.  The 
former  (400  tons  burden)  was  bringing  a  cargo  of  32,749/.,  of  which 
16,892/.  was  in  silver  coin  or  bullion  ;  the  latter  (550  tons)  one  of 
38,381/.,  including  gold  to  the  value  of  8,384/.  and  silver  invoiced  at 
9,825/.  A  large  quantity  of  broadcloth  was  sent  out,  and  the  factors 
were  urged  to  push  the  sale  of  it,  'as  beeing  one  of  the  cheife  manu- 
factures of  this  kingdome';  the  price  was  left  to  their  discretion. 
'  If  a  very  large  vent  of  this  comodity  may  bee  introduced  in  your 
parts,  wee  shall  prize  the  vent  equal!  with  the  proffitt.'  Inquiry 
was  made  as  to  the  possibility  of  selling  perpetuanoes,  '  cloth 
rashees',  or  any  other  English  or  European  manufactures.  Orders 
were  given  for  an  annual  supply  of  100  bales  of  Lahore  and  50 
of  Sarkhej  indigo  at  current  prices,  or  double  those  figures  if  the 
price  did  not  exceed  \\  mahmudis  the  lb.  in  the  one  case  and 
I  mahmudi  in  the  other.  The  piece-goods  to  be  procured  annually 
from  Agra  were  next  enumerated,  but  any  attempt  to  re-establish 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664       327 

a  fiictoiy  there  was  strictly  forbidden.  Previous  orders  were 
modified  to  the  extent  of  allowing  some  lac  and  red  '  Kermania 
wool! '  to  be  sent  home.  Since  saltpetre  had  much  fallen  in  price 
in  London,  permission  was  given  to  use  cowries,  lac,  ebony,  &c.,  as 
kentledge  instead.  Certain  payments  were  ordered  to  be  made  on 
account  of  Col.  Rainsford's  estate;  but  notice  was  to  be  given  that 
in  future  the  Company  would  not  be  responsible  for  such  debts. 
According  to  advices  from  Bantam,  the  private  trade  sent  thither 
from  Surat  in  the  Convertine  exceeded  the  stock  she  carried  for  the 
Company,  and  was,  moreover,  chiefly  in  competing  goods ;  while  it 
was  inferred  that  corresponding  returns  had  been  made  by  the  Surat 
Frigate.  The  President  and  Council  were  judged  to  be  blame- 
worthy for  permitting  this  traffic  and  were  called  upon  for  explana- 
tions. Lady  Lambton  had  renewed  her  demands  concerning  her 
son  John's  estate;  directions  were  given  accordingly.  Later  intelli- 
gence from  France  said  that  Hugo  was  setting  out  again  with  eight 
ships  ;  precautions  should  be  taken  in  consequence.  After  touching 
on  minor  matters,  reference  was  made  to  an  enclosed  order  of  the 
Court  concerning  trade  in  jewels,  musk,  &c.,^  and  directions  were 
given  for  its  observance.  Andrews  had  alleged  that  he  had  been 
offered  by  Banyans  for  the  Hopeivell  and  Welcome  1,000/.  more  than 
was  paid  by  Oxenden  ;^  particulars  were  to  be  furnished.  Finally, 
order  was  given  to  send  home  Commins,  John  Swift,  and  any  other 

1  See  the  Court  Minutes  of  4  March,  1664.  The  resolution  provided  that  thence- 
forward any  person  might  send  out  in  the  Company's  ships  jewels  or  other  articles  of  great 
value  and  small  bulk,  on  payment  at  the  East  India  House  of  two  per  cent,  for  permission 
and  freight.  Similarly,  anyone  might  brmg  from  the  East  in  the  Company's  shipping 
diamonds,  pearls,  and  other  jewels,  freemen  of  the  Company  paying  two  per  cent,  and 
others  four  per  cent.,  the  Company  '  to  cleare  the  custome  ' ;  while  for  musk,  civet,  bezoar, 
ambergris,  '  and  such  like  fine  goods  ',  payment  was  to  be  made  at  the  same  rates  but  the 
owners  were  to  pay  the  customs.  Of  the  proceeds  of  these  charges,  one  quarter  was  to 
go  to  the  commander  of  the  vessel,  and  another  quarter  to  the  President,  Agent,  or  Chief 
Factor  at  the  place  of  shipment.  Since  the  intention  was  to  do  away  with  illicit  trade  in 
these  articles,  the  Company  announced  its  determination  to  confiscate  any  such  goods  put 
aboard  clandestinely ;  and  a  reward  of  four  per  cent,  of  the  value  was  promised  to  any  one 
giving  information  which  would  lead  to  their  discovery.  In  cases  where  the  goods  did 
not  actually  come  into  the  Company's  possession,  the  informer  was  to  be  rewarded  with 
a  fourth  part  of  any  penalty  recovered. 

*  We  learn  from  the  Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1665  (p.  142),  that  about  the  end  of  1664 
O-xenden  sold  the  Hopewell  to  an  Armenian  and  was  seeking  a  purchaser  for  the  Royal 
Welcome.     See  also  Jean  de  Thevenot's  Voyages  (ed.  1723),  vol.  iii.  p.  593. 


328       OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

interlopers.  A  postscript  added  that  Andrews  was  endeavouring 
to  smuggle  an  agent  on  board  the  ships ;  should  he  be  discovered, 
he  should  be  returned  to  England.  John  Bell  [Belli],  the  Armenian, 
had  been  granted  a  free  passage  in  the  London;  also  Jacob  Callender, 
another  Armenian,  who  had  paid  15/.  for  his  passage  and  25/.  for 
permission  to  take  out  some  amber.  Seven  Asiatics,  carried  to 
France  by  the  pirate  Hugo,  were  returned,  having  been  boarded 
and  clothed  by  the  Company  while  in  London.  They  should  be 
induced  upon  arrival  to  declare  publicly  that  the  pirate  was  not 
English.  A  charge  of  private  trade  on  the  part  of  Thomas  Rolt 
was  to  be  investigated.  Two  Armenians  had  been  granted  passages 
in  the  Royal  Charles.  Some  changes  were  made  in  the  list  of  goods 
required.  The  Treasurer  of  the  Navy  was  sending  money  to  Ship- 
man  by  the  fleet.  Understanding  that  it  was  usual  to  smuggle 
ashore  any  gold  brought  in  the  ships,  in  order  to  save  the  customs, 
the  factors  then  appropriating  any  money  saved  thereby,  the  Com- 
pany peremptorily  ordered  that  this  practice  should  cease ;  all 
treasure  received  must  be  fully  declared  in  the  custom-house,  though 
an  endeavour  should  be  made  to  compound  for  the  duties,  and  none 
should  be  landed  that  was  likely  to  be  sent  to  other  ports.  Finally, 
an  account  of  the  estate  of  Edward  Flyer  was  demanded. 

These  letters  were  considered  at  consultations  held  on  3  and 
8  October  at  Swally,  when  it  was  resolved  to  send  the  Lo7idoJi  (with 
Randolph  Taylor  and  John  Petit  on  board)  to  Karvvar  and  Bhatkal, 
and  the  Royal  Charles  to  Porakad  and  Calicut,  to  seek  pepper  and 
piece-goods;  while  the  American,  as  soon  as  she  could  be  got 
ready,  was  to  join  the  London.  Disquieting  reports  as  to  the 
probability  of  war  with  Holland  having  arrived  from  the  Consul  at 
Aleppo,  the  stock  put  on  board  the  ships  was  strictly  limited,  and 
the  commanders  were  ordered  to  keep  together  as  much  as  possible. 
On  23  November  the  Hopewell,  returning  from  Basra,  brought 
another  letter  from  the  Consul,  containing  the  still  more  alarming 
news  that  it  was  believed  that  the  Dutch  had  already  declared  war. 
The  President's  uneasiness  was  increased  by  the  fact  that  already 
four  Dutch  ships  were  riding  at  Swally,  while  others  were  daily 
expected  (including  '  a  man  of  warr  out  of  Holland,  in  search  of  the 
French  pirats').  It  was  feared  that  this  concentration  was  part 
of  a  scheme  to  surprise   and  capture  the  English  fleet ;    and  in 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664  329 

accordance  with  a  decision  taken  at  a  consultation  held  on 
23  November,  Gary  was  hurriedly  dispatched  in  Shipman's  pink 
the  Chestnut  to  search  for  the  London  and  her  consorts.  He  carried 
letters  directing  their  commanders  to  take  shelter  at  Goa  and  await 
further  instructions,  and  he  was  instructed  to  see  the  Viceroy  there 
and  solicit  his  protection  for  the  vessels. 

These  steps  were  detailed  in  a  letter  sent  overland  to  the  Com- 
pany on  26  November.  In  a  passage  that  is  of  interest  as  showing 
that  the  drafting  of  letters  was  still  the  business  of  the  President, 
Oxenden  excused  any  shortcomings  on  the  ground  of  the  sickness 
general  among  the  factors.^ 

It  hath  pleased  the  Almighty  to  afflict  us  in  generall  throughout 
the  whole  family  with  agues  and  feavers,  that  wee  can  scarce  say 
there  is  a  man  in  your  house  hath  escaped  them,  but  hath  been 
violently  afiflicted.  Amoungst  the  rest  your  President  hath  very 
lately  escaped  death,  haveing  had  the  symtoms  thereof  upon  him 
and  given  over  by  all,  but  it  hath  pleased  God  somewhat  to  recover 
him  ;  yett  still  lyes  very  weake  upon  his'  bed,  not  able  to  sitt  up  for 
a  dissinesse  in  his  head  and  a  weakenesse  in  his  body,  that  hee  is 
constrained  to  dictate  these  with  some  trouble.  .  .  .  The  passed 
yeare[s]  dearth  these  poeple  affirme  to  bee  the  cause  of  the  intem- 
perature  of  the  aire,  as  what  alwayes  followes  a  scarcity  of  raine 
and  corne.  All  the  townes  and  villages  heereabouts  are  full  of 
sicknesse,  scarce  a  house  free  ;  amoungst  which,  to  your  prejudice, 
the  weavers  have  theire  share ;  that  what  with  many  thousands  of 
them  that  are  fled  the  passed  yeare,  and  the  remainder  now  infected, 
hath  been  a  great  hinderance  to  your  investments. 

Raw  cotton  had  fallen  in  price  55  or  60  per  cent. ;  but  the 
factors  judged  it  better  to  send  home  larger  quantities  of  piece- 
goods.  Whether  much  pepper  or  cassia  lignum  would  be  procurable 
was  doubtful. 

Synomon  there  is  not  an  ounce  to  bee  had,  but  from  the  Dutch, 
who  sell  it  heere  in  this  place  at  soe  much  a  maund,  64  rupees ; 
nuttmegs,  48  per  maund;  mace,  130  per  maund;  cloves,  122  per 


'  This  is  probably  the  epidemic  referred  to  by  L'Escaliot  in  an  undated  letter  (Bodleian 
Library:  Rawlinson  Iviii.  lo)  printed  in  Wilkin's  edition  of  the  works  of  Sir  Thomas 
Browne  (vol.  i.  p.  440).  He  says  :  '  A  yeare  since,  [out  of]  25  of  our  English  heere,  not 
above  tow  escaped  a  sicknesse,  yet  it  proved  mortall  to  none ;  but  the  Banyans*  burning 
place  was  scarce  day  or  night  without  2  or  3  bodies  frying  upon  their  severall  piles,  and 
the  Persees  made  a  continuall  feast  for  the  vultures.' 


I 


330       OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

maund.    And  thus  they  sell  the  whole  carg[azon]  they  bring  yearely 
(to  the  amount  of  twixt  30  or  40,000/.)  at  one  clap. 

To  collect  these  spices  from  those  who  had  bought  them  would 
have  made  them  almost  as  dear  as  in  London.  The  provision  of 
cargoes  was  therefore  a  difficult  problem,  and  Oxenden  expressed 
his  regret  that  the  Company  had  not  seen  fit  to  allow  him  greater 
latitude  in  the  choice  of  goods.  The  loss  of  the  Vine,  the  arrival 
of  the  ships  from  England,  and  their  dispatch  to  the  Malabar  Coast, 
were  duly  advised ;  also  the  reports  of  war  with  Holland  and  the 
steps  taken  in  consequence.  According  to  advices  received  from 
Bantam,  the  Surat  Frigate  had  arrived  there  on  6  May,  and  had 
been  sent  to  China.  The  piece-goods  that  went  to  Bantam  in  the 
Convertine  were  so  satisfactory  that  the  Dutch  authorities  at  Batavia 
sent  specimens  to  Surat,  in  order  that  inquiry  might  be  made  why 
those  shipped  by  the  Dutch  factors  were  not  as  good. 

Which  indeed  cannot  possible  bee,  whilst  there  are  such  large 
thongs  cutt  out  of  them  by  soe  many  Cheifes  whose  hands  they  goe 
thorow ;  for  they  buy  and  sell  nothing  but  what  they  have  certaine 
fees  out  of;  nay,  if  it  bee  true,  they  have  soe  much  out  of  the 
very  packeing  and  packeing  stuffe ;  which  is  accounted  no  robery, 
it  is  soe  familier  a  practice  amoungst  them. 

The  delay  in  writing  was  excused  on  the  ground  of  the  difficulty 
of  finding  a  conveyance,  as  '  the  feares  of  Hubert  Hugoes  being  in 
the  Gulfe'  had  deterred  ships  from  sailing.  Should  the  letters 
expected  from  the  Company  bring  news  of  an  accommodation  with 
the  Dutch,  it  was  hoped  that  the  three  ships  would  be  able  to  sail 
for  England,  fully  laden,  some  time  in  March. 

A  letter  from  Taylor  and  Petit,  dated  aboard  the  London  in  Goa 
Road,  5  December,  gave  the  news  that  a  few  days  earlier  that  ship 
and  her  two  consorts,  on  their  way  from  Karwar,  had  met  with 
Gary  in  the  Chestnut  and  had  received  from  him  the  letters  directing 
them  to  take  refuge  at  Goa.  They  accordingly  put  into  that  port 
on  2  December  and  delivered  Oxenden's  letter  to  the  Viceroy,  who 
readily  promised  them  protection  from  the  Dutch,  but  advised  them 
to  anchor  off  the  Aguada  Fort  rather  than  at  Marmagao.  A  similar 
account  was  given  in  a  letter  from  Gary  from  Goa,  dated  the  follow- 
ing day. 


OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664  331 

On  20  December  Richard  Craddock  arrived  from  Persia,^  bringing 
another  letter  from  the  Aleppo  Consul,  dated  26  September.  A 
consultation  was  held  on  32  December,  at  which,  after  admitting 
Craddock  to  the  Council  (where  he  took  rank  after  Goodier),  the 
intelligence  thus  received  was  debated.     This  was  to  the  effect 

That  the  warr  with  Holland  was  not  then  broke  out :  that  an 
embassadour  was  gone  from  the  Hollanders  to  mediate  with  our 
Kings  Majestic  for  an  accord  :  and  that  His  Majestic  was  sending 
over  an  Embassadour  Extraordinary  ^  to  them  ;  so  that  it  was 
thought  by  most  that  it  might  be  brought  to  an  accommodation. 

Moreover,  the  Dutch  ships  at  Swally  were  dispersing  in  different 
directions,  and  evidently  had  no  warlike  intent.  In  these  circum- 
stances it  was  thought  best  to  call  up  the  ships  and  dispatch  them 
for  England  with  all  possible  expedition  ;  and  messages  to  that 
effect  were  therefore  sent  the  same  day,  both  overland  and  in  a 
'  curricurry  '  by  sea. 

With  the  letter  from  Aleppo  came  one  from  the  Company,  dated 
27  May,  giving  a  warning  of  a  possible  breach  with  Holland.  After 
narrating  the  representations  made  by  Parliament  to  King  Charles 
concerning  the  injuries  inflicted  upon  English  commerce  by  the 
Dutch,  and  the  remonstrances  that  had  thereupon  been  addressed 
to  Holland,  the  letter  said  that,  although  negotiations  were  pro- 
ceeding, both  sides  were  preparing  fleets,  and  the  issue  was  uncertain. 
The  factors  were  therefore  enjoined  to  take  all  possible  precautions. 
The  ships  should  stand  upon  their  guard  and  be  ready,  on  news  of 
war,  to  take  refuge  either  at  Bombay  or  elsewhere.  If  any  should 
be  ready  to  start,  they  should  sail  without  delay  and  be  very  vigilant 
on  the  way  home.  The  factors  in  other  parts  of  India  and  at 
Bantam  should  be  warned  also.  A  final  paragraph  ordered  the 
supply  of  300  bales  of  Lahore  indigo, '  it  beeing  at  present  a  comodity 
in  request.' 

The  receipt  of  this  letter  was  acknowledged  in  an  overland  one  from 
Surat  to  the  Company,  dated  2  January,  1665,  and  sent  by  a  Dutch 


'  He  had  spent  most  of  the  year  at  Ispahan,  but  had  reached  Gombroon  on  4  November. 
There  he  left  Flower  and  Swinglehurst,  who  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the 
Shahbandar  700  tumans  as  the  Company's  share  of  the  customs.  William  Rolt  had  died 
in  the  summer  near  Ispahan. 

*  Sir  George  Downing. 


3^%  OTHER  EVENTS  AT  SURAT,  1664 

ship  then  about  to  start  for  Gombroon.  In  it  the  President 
announced  the  later  news  which  had  been  received  regarding  the 
international  situation  and  the  measures  that  had  been  taken  in 
consequence  to  recall  the  ships  to  Surat.  A  hope  was  expressed 
that  it  would  be  found  possible  to  provide  the  desired  indigo ;  and 
an  intimation  was  given  that  Craddock  would  probably  go  home  in 
the  fleet.  As  regards  the  activities  of  Shipman's  pink,  the  Chestnut, 
it  was  stated  that  in  the  previous  April  she  had  sailed  from  the 
Malabar  Coast  for  Persia  with  a  cargo  of  cardamoms  and  dungarees. 
Finding  the  markets  bad  at  Gombroon,  she  proceeded  to  Basra, 
where  matters  were  still  worse  ;  so  she  went  back  to  Gombroon  and 
disposed  of  her  goods  at  prime  cost,  and  then  returned  to  Anjidiv. 
Other  portions  of  the  letter  are  quoted  in  the  succeeding  chapters. 


THE    EXPEDITIONARY    FORCE    AT 
ANJIDIV,    1664 

Of  what  was  happening  to  Shipman's  little  force  during  the  first 
three  months  of  the  year  we  know  nothing.  Apparently  the  soldiers 
had  got  inured  to  the  climate,  for  deaths  were  few  ;  but  their  life 
must  have  been  a  miserable  one.  There  was  nothing  to  do  save  the 
dull  round  of  military  duty ;  and  it  is  scarcely  surprising  that  men 
sank  into  apathy  or  distracted  their  thoughts  with  gambling  and 
drink.  Captain  Charles  Povey  died  some  time  in  March,  leaving 
Ensign  John  Thome  the  only  commissioned  officer  available. 
Shipman  himself  had  been  ill  for  some  time ;  and  on  5  April  he 
signed  a  commission  ^  appointing  his  secretary,  Humphrey  Cooke,^ 
to  be  Vice-Governor,  and  Thorne  to  act  in  the  absence  of  Cooke. 
The  next  day  Shipman  died,  and  Cooke  succeeded  provisionally 
to  the  office  of  Governor.     Writing  to  the  Secretary  of  State  on 

'  See  O.C.  3053-4.  Printed  in  iMaterials  towards  a  Statistical  Account  of .  .  .  Bombay^ 
vol.  i.  (p.  13). 

*  Of  Cooke's  previous  career  we  know  nothing  beyond  the  Viceroy's  scornful  statement 
that  he  had  been  a  petty  shopkeeper  {tendeiro^  at  Lisbon,  and  Captain  John  Stevens's 
more  polite  reference  to  him  as  '  formerly  a  merchant  in  Lisbon  '  (P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol. 
ix.  no.  96).  It  was  probably  Cooke's  knowledge  of  Portuguese,  thus  acquired,  that  had 
led  Shipman  to  engage  him  as  his  private  secretary,  in  spite  of  his  eccentric  spelling. 


THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664    333 

26  August,  1664'  (P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  51),  the  latter 
said : 

The  6th  of  Aprill  1664  it  pleased  Almightie  God  to  calle  the 
Honourable  Sir  Abraham  Shipman,  our  Govarnour,  out  of  this 
world  ;  whom  was  pleassed  to  nominate  mee  Liuetenant  Govarnour 
to  take  caire  and  charge  of  His  Majesties  forces  and  affaires  in  these 
parts  of  India  while  further  orders  comes  from  England  ;  the  which 
I  have  excepted,  rather  then  all  should  goe  to  ruine,  here  not 
remaining  any  person   fitt  to  mannaige  the  same.     By  axtidente 

I  remained  here  my  selfe.  I  shall  now  doe  my  dewty,  and  bee 
redey  at  all  tymes  to  bee  accountabell  when  evar  His  Majestic 
please  to  command.  Wee  are  daylie  expecting  orders  from  His 
Majestic  for  our  removeing  to  Bombaim,  to  bee  cleared  of  this 
unhouldsum  island,  wheare  wee  have  loste  upwards  of  250  menn, 
and  at  presant  but  one  commition  officer  (an  ensigne)  alive  of  all 
that  came  out  of  England.^  There  hath  not  binn  any  maide, 
because  to  make  His  Majesties  monnys  hould  out.'^ 

From  certain  charges  made  against  Cooke  in  November  1667 
(P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  X.  f.  217)  it  appears  that  Shipman  had  been 
taken  ill  while  on  a  visit  to  Salsette  (near  Goa),  and  that  there  had 
been  some  wild  talk  of  a  revolt  in  the  event  of  his  death.  The 
passage  runs : 

In  the  time  of  Sir  Abraham  Shipmans  being  sick  at  Salcett,  there 
hapned  a  damnable  plott  on  Angedeiva  by  severall  persons,  who 
intended,  soe  soone  as  newes  came  of  Sir  Abrahams  death,  to  seize 
on  all  the  Kings  money  and  share  it  between  them  and  to  cutt  the 
throats  of  all  that  should  oppose  their  wicked  designe ;  which  being 
discovered  caused  Sir  Abraham  to  come  to  the  island  sooner  then 
his  indisposition  would  permitt,  intending  to  give  the  heads  of  this 
faction  condigne  punishment ;  but  it  pleased  God  to  call  him  out  of 
the  world  before  he  could  effect  it.  The  prementioned  Mr.  Cooke, 
his  successor,  not  only  forbore  to  call  them  to  an  accompt,  but  tore 
the  list  of  their  names,  and  alsoe  shortly  after  preferred  the  ring- 
leaders. 

The  incident  is  referred  to  in  a  letter  from  Cooke  to  Oxenden  of 

I I  April  (Oxenden  Papers),  which  states  also  that  Shipman  died 
about  eight  o'clock  at  night  on  6  April,  and  '  was  buryed  by  the 

^  On  21  May  the  garrison  numbered  140  in  all. 

2  Cooke  goes  on  to  solicit  his  confirmation  as  Governor,  on  the  same  pay  as  Shipman 
(40^.  a  day),  assuring  his  correspondent  that  it  is  impossible  for  him  to  keep  up  the 
position  on  less. 


334    THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664 

Kings  flagg  the  7th  Aprill  in  the  morneing,  with  all  the  solemnity 
wee  could.  All  the  ordinance  weare  shott  three  tymes,  with  valleyes 
of  small  shott  betweene  the  ordinance ;  which  all  heere  aboiits 
admired  att.' 

A  private  letter  from  Master  at  Karwar  of  18  April  (Oxenden 
Papers)  mentioned  that  '  Our  Governor  and  Sir  Abraham  are  at  last 
come  to  an  agreement.  Soe  that  now  they  have  free  leave  to  trade 
from  the  island  to  the  maine,  and  have  alsoarts  of  fresh  provisions 
carryed  over  to  them.'  In  a  public  letter  of  the  same  date  the 
Karwar  factors  announced  Shipman's  death,  and  added  some  gossip 
from  Goa : 

Here  is  litle  nevves  stirring.  Only  the  Vice  Roy  of  Goa  thinks  it 
crime  enough  for  others  to  be  rich,  himselfe  being  poore ;  so  takes 
an  occasion  to  clap  up  most  of  the  fidalgoes  he  can  lay  hold  on  ; 
which  hath  caused  most  of  them  to  fly  for  their  safety.^  One  Don 
and  two  gentlemen  are  fled  to  Anjediva ;  who  affirme  that  he  is 
much  incensed  with  them  that  they  should  perswade  him  to  deliver 
up  Bombay  to  the  English.  There  are  severall  plots  against  him, 
but  as  yet  none  have  taken  effect.  About  a  month  agoe,  as  he  was 
going  by  Madre  Deos  in  his  boat,  the  castle  fired  two  guns  at  him, 
but  mist  his  boate  but  hit  another  and  killed  severall  men.  So  he 
immediately  returnes  to  the  castle,  enters  it,seizeth  on  the  offenders, 
and  imprisons  them. 

The  news  of  Shipman's  death  reached  England  in  July,  1665,  and 
on  the  14th  of  that  month  it  was  communicated  to  Lord  Arlington 
by  Thomas  Kendall,  Deputy  Governor  of  the  East  India  Company, 
in  a  letter  now  in  the  Public  Record  Office  (CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  ^^). 
This  quoted  from  a  (non-extant)  letter  from  Surat  of  26  November, 
1664,  which  stated  that: 

The  1 6th  June  wee  had  newes  of  the  death  of  Sir  Abraham 
Shipman.  Hee  deceased  the  8th  \sic]  Aprill.  All  his  officers  being 
before  dead,  hee  constituted  Mr.  Humphry  Cooke,  that  came  out  in 
quallity  of  his  secretary,  Leiutenant  Governor  of  His   Majesties 

1  On  the  Viceroy's  unpopularity  see  the  J\eport  on  the  Finch  A/SS.,  vol.  i.  p.  306. 
This  is  confirmed  by  a  letter  from  Robert  Ferrand  among  the  Oxenden  Papers,  dated 
23  February,  1664,  which  says:  'The  Vice  Roy  is  not  at  all  beloved  by  the  generallity, 
either  of  gentry  or  cittizens,  but  on  the  contrary  hated  ;  for  hee  is  continually  hailing 
theire  monyes  from  them,  and  rules,  not  by  law  or  reason,  but  his  owne  will.  I  am 
confident  they  would  bee  glad  of  an  alteration.'  A  subsequent  letter  from  Ferrand  in  the 
same  collection  narrates  the  attempt  on  the  ^'iceroy's  life  (23  March),  which  was  made 
under  the  pretext  of  a  salute.     See  also  the  Baiavia  Dagh- Register,  1664,  p.  372. 


THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664     ^^j 

forces.  There  is  remaining  on  the  island  of  Angediva  about  130 
soldiers  ;  two  onely  dyed  there  this  yeare.  They  are  now  prepairing 
to  take  possession  of  the  island  of  Bombaim,  having  permission  from 
the  Vice  Roy  of  Goa. 

Meanwhile  the  authorities  at  home  had  not  been  altogether 
unmindful  of  Shipman  and  his  soldiers.  Under  date  of  9  April, 
1664,  the  Calendar  of  State  Papers^  Domestic,  1663-4,  notes  a 
warrant  to  pay  5,coc/.  (of  which  one-fifth  had  already  been  dis- 
patched to  Shipman)  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  Navy ;  ^  and  a  draft 
of  the  warrant  will  be  found  in  CO.  77,  vol.  ix  (no.  48).  This 
money  was  remitted  by  the  outgoing  fleet. 

About  the  same  time  a  warrant  was  drafted  {ibid.,  no.  49),  pro- 
viding for  a  muster  to  be  taken  of  the  soldiers  on  Anjidiv.  This  was 
transmitted  to  Sir  George  Oxenden,  who,  in  a  letter  to  Karwar, 
dated  8  October,  1664,  commissioned  Robert  Master  to  undertake 
that  duty.  When,  however,  Gary  (as  mentioned  later)  was  sent  to 
Cooke's  assistance,  the  duty  was  transferred  to  him.  The  muster 
was  taken  at  Bombay  in  February,  1665. 

The  packet  from  England  containing  the  orders  from  the  King  ot 
Portugal  to  the  Viceroy  to  surrender  Bombay  forthwith  (see  p.  238) 
made  its  way  but  slowly  overland.  It  reached  Basra  from  Aleppo 
when  all  the  ships  of  the  season  had  departed ;  and  but  for  the 
accidental  appearance  of  the  Chestnut  ovl  a  trading  voyage  (see  p.  332), 
it  might  have  lain  there  for  several  months.  Even  then  its  delivery 
was  delayed  by  the  vessel's  visit  to  Gombroon  to  sell  her  cargo, 
and  it  was  not  until  October  that  the  packet  reached  Cooke  at 
Anjidiv.  He  at  once  dispatched  the  royal  letter  to  Goa,  as  we 
learn  from  his  report  of  3  March,  1665,^  and  a  letter  written  from 
that  place  to  Surat  by  Randolph  Taylor  on  24  October,  which 
says : 

The  22  came  in  the  Chestnut  pinck  from  Angedeva,  and  the 
American  from  Suratt,  the  former  with  His  Majesties  and  the  King 
of  Porttugall[s]  advices  about  Bombay;  which  yesterday  (being 
Sunday)  Capt.  Stevens  and  Ensigne  Thome,  being  sent  for  from 
above  by  the  Vice  Roy,  went  up  to  deliver  His  Excellency.  They 
seeme  to  have  a  great  deale  of  hopes  of  his  complyance  with  the 

^  See  also  Calendar  of  Treasury  Books,  1660-7,  P-  59^- 
»  P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  91. 


336    THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664 

King  of  Portugalls  order  for  the  delivery  of  the  playce,  which  they 
say  is  possatively  commanded,  with  some  kind  of  menaces  incerted 
in  case  of  not  complyance  ;  but  I  am  perswaded  that  Sir  Abrahams 
death,  or  some  such  story,  will  bee  thought  on  for  a  pretence  to 
detayne  the  place  in  thare  possesion  ;  and  this  I  imagine  from  some 
expressions  I  have  heard  fall  from  some  of  the  nobles  of  his  Counsel! 
(as  His  Excellency  tearmes  them).  I  wish  I  may  prove  a  fake 
proffit  in  this  perticuler. 

Shipman's  death  did  indeed  provide  an  opening  for  further  quib- 
bling on  the  part  of  the  Viceroy,  for,  as  already  noted,  the-procura- 
tion  from  King  Charles  nominated  Shipman,  and  him  alone,  as  the 
person  to  whom  the  island  was  to  be  surrendered.  However,  De 
Mello  de  Castro,  in  view  of  his  master's  definite  commands,  had 
now  decided  that  he  must  hand  over  Bombay ;  and  he  got  over  the 
difficulty  by  referring  (24  October)  to  the  Supreme  Court  at  Goa 
the  question  whether  Cooke  was  duly  qualified,  by  his  commission 
from  Shipman,  to  receive  the  island.'^  To  this  question  the  Court 
replied  in  the  affirmative.^ 

Cooke  was  already  considering  how  to  get  shipping  to  carry  his 
men  from  Anjidiv  to  Bombay ;  and  on  30  October  he  dispatched 
the  Chestnut  to  Surat,  with  a  letter  to  Oxenden  and  his  Council, 
requiring  them  to  furnish  the  necessary  assistance.  To  this  docu- 
ment, received  on  21  November,  the  President  replied  two  days  later 
(P.R.O.:  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  nos.  52,  ^^).  As  we  have  seen  (p.  328), 
the  Hopewell  had  just  brought  letters  from  Basra  which  seemed  to 
show  that  war  between  England  and  Holland  was  imminent,  if  it 
had  not  actually  broken  out.  In  these  circumstances  it  appeared  to 
Oxenden  and  his  colleagues  dangerous  for  Cooke  to  take  over  Bom- 
bay, as  the  Dutch  would  in  all  probability  attack  the  island  as  soon 
as  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  A  better  course  would 
be  to  leave  it  for  the  time  being  in  the  possession  of  the  Portuguese. 
In  case,  however,  Cooke  should  decide  that  he  had  no  option  in 
the  matter,  they  were  sending  Gary  in  the  Cliestmit  to  assist  in 
procuring  shipping  at  Goa  in  which  to  carry  the  soldiers  to  Bombay. 
Should  he  fail,  Oxenden  would  endeavour  to  hire  a  vessel  at  Surat 
for  the  purpose.     He  had  acquainted  Gary  with  the  hopes  held  out 

1  See  the  Viceroy's  letter  in  Biker's  Ttalados,  vol.  iii.  p.  30  (English  translation  in 
Da  Cunha,  op  cii.,  p.  256). 

^  Biker,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iii.  pp.  31,  32. 


THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664     337 

in  Cooke's  letter  of  employment  for  him  at  Goa,  and  he  trusted  that 
his  services  in  the  matter  would  be  duly  recompensed. 

While  waiting  for  the  answer  from  Surat,  Cooke  made  an  attempt 
to  induce  the  captains  of  the  three  ships  at  Karwar  (the  London, 
American,  and  Royal  Charles)  to  undertake  the  duty.  Writing  on 
26  November  {ibid.,  no.  54),  and  styling  himself  '  Comander  in 
Chiefe  of  His  Majesties  Forces  in  East  India,  Governour  of  Bombay 
and  Ange  Deeva,  etc, ',  he  required  them  in  the  King's  name  to 
transport  him  and  his  men  to  Bombay,  promising  to  make  whatever 
satisfaction  the  Surat  President  should  think  fitting.  To  this  demand 
the  three  captains  returned  two  days  later  a  refusal  {ibid.,  nos.  58, 
59),  declaring  that  their  ships  were  full,  that  they  had  orders  to 
return  direct  to  Surat,  and  that  any  deviation  would  imperil  their 
start  for  England  by  the  appointed  date.^ 

Gary,  as  we  have  seen,  reached  Goa  on  2  December.  On 
receiving  from  the  Chestnut  Oxenden's  letter,  Cooke  sent  Thorne 
over  to  that  city.  The  letter  from  Taylor  and  Petit  of  5  December 
from  Goa  says : 

The  3d.  instant  arrived  Ensigne  Thorne  from  Anjadeva,  with 
order  to  endeavour  the  procury  of  some  vessalls  to  transport  the 
souldiers  for  Bombay ;  and  I  heare  the  Vice  Roy  hath  promised  to 
spare  them  6  friggotts  to  effect  the  worke. 

And  Gary  reported  on  the  following  day  that  he  had  prevailed 
upon  the  Viceroy,  '  though  not  without  some  difficulty ',  to  lend  six 
frigates.  In  addition,  Gary  had  hired  three  boats,^  and  he  hoped 
to  sail  shortly  with  the  whole  nine  to  Anjidiv.  Gary  was  feeling 
sore  that  Cooke  had  hitherto  ignored  all  his  exertions,  and  had  not 
mentioned  his  name  in  the  letter  brought  by  Thorne.  Another 
letter  from  Taylor  and  Petit,  aboard  the  London  at  Goa  (14  De- 
cember), continues  the  story  : 

I  advised  ...  of  the  Vice  Roys  having  promis'd  six  frigots  to 
help  transport  the  souldiers  etc.  from  Anjedeva  to  Bombay ;  which 

*  Copies  of  Cooke's  letter  and  the  reply  will  also  be  found  in  Factory  Records,  Surat, 
vol.  civ  (pp.  168-70),  at  the  India  Office. 

*  Cooke,  in  his  report  (P.R.O.  :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  91),  says  that  he  himself  h\i^four 
boats  at  Goa,  which  scarcely  sufficed  for  the  task.  '  The  danger  and  ill  accomodation 
hath  bin  much,  but,  rather  then  to  remaine  at  Ange- Deeva,  the  men  were  willing  to 
any  thing.' 

3597  z 


338    THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664 

he  hath  since  performed,  and  the  9th  instant  they  departed  hence 
with  three  hired  small  vessells  more,  which  together  with  the  pink 
[i.  e.  the  Chest?iut]  are  thought  sufficient  to  effect  this  businesse. 
Ere  long  wee  expect  to  see  them  here  ;  and  its  wished  that  wee  had 
order  to  accompany  them  to  Bombay,  where  tis  beleived  [wee] 
might  be  as  safe  as  here  and  be  likewise  assistant  unto  His  Majesties 
affaires.  .  .  .  PS.  .  .  .  The  frigots  with  His  Majesties  pink  etc.  are 
now  return'd  from  Anjedeva,  and  [wee]  beleive  have  brought  all 
things  away.     They  will  be  in  this  night. 

The  same  two  factors  wrote  to  Surat  on  7  January,  1665,  that  the 
actual  date  of  the  arrival  of  the  flotilla  from  Anjidiv  was  15  Decem- 
ber, and  that  Cooke  had  not  yet  been  able  to  make  a  start  for 
Bombay. 

Cooke's  accounts  (P.R.O.:  CO.  77,  vol.  viii,  no.  125;  \.0.,Hoine 
Jlliscellaneoiis,  vol.  48)  show  that  the  amount  disbursed  by  him  and 
his  predecessor  from  the  levying  of  the  force  in  February,  1662,  to 
3  December,  1664,  was  13,166/.  lys.  iid.,  and  that  its  strength,  at 
the  time  of  the  last  muster  on  Anjidiv,  apart  from  Cooke  himself 
and  Ensign  Thome,  was  13  non-commissioned  officers,  103  privates, 
and  seven  miscellaneous  officials  (storekeeper,  gunners,  surgeon,  &c.). 
Besides  this,  the  King  had  of  course  defrayed  the  cost  of  sending 
out  the  force. 

Our  information  as  to  what  happened  upon  Cooke's  arrival  at 
Goa  is  mainly  derived  from  two  letters  written  to  him  by  the 
Viceroy,  of  which  English  versions  are  printed  in  the  Materials,  &c. 
(part  i.  p.  14).^  The  first,  written  on  16  December,  promised  to 
appoint  on  the  following  day  some  one  to  proceed  with  Cooke  for 
the  purpose  of  handing  over  the  island.  The  second  (29  December) 
excused  the  delay  that  had  taken  place,  and  stated  that 

All  the  despatches  are  ready  for  Your  Honour  to  depart  and  take 
possession  of  Bombay.  .  . .  Mr.  Henry  Gary  carries  the  memorandum 
Your  Honour  required  of  me,  by  which  Your  Honour  will  observe 
little  difference  can  arise  on  the  part  of  or  with  the  ministers  that 
are  going  with  you,  because  all  the  articles  are  conformable  to  the 
treaty  of  peace  and  agreement  between  the  two  Crowns.  Should 
Your  Honour  require  any  thing  else  of  me,  you  will  find  me  ready 
and  with  good  will. 

'  The  dates  we  convert  into  old  style.  For  the  Portuguese  texts  (with  English 
versions)  see  Biker's  Tratados,  vol.  iii.  pp.  54-6,  and  O.C.  3053-4. 


J 


THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664    339 

The  same  volume  of  the  Bombay  Gazetteer  contains  (p.  15)  a 
translation  ^  of  the  instrument  signed  by  the  Viceroy  on  31  December, 
appointing  Don  Luiz  Mendes  de  Vasconcellos  (Vedor  da  Fazenda) 
and  Doctor  Sebastiao  Alvares  Migos  (Chancellor  of  the  Court  of 
Justice)  to  proceed  with  Cooke  to  Bombay  and  make  over  the 
island  to  him.  Evidently,  however,  the  Portuguese  were  in  no 
hurry,  and  the  English  had  to  wait,  with  what  patience  they  could 
muster,  until  the  commissioners  were  ready  to  start. 

Meanwhile  the  departure  of  a  ship  for  Lisbon  had  afforded  the 
Viceroy  an  opportunity  for  acquainting  his  royal  master  with  the 
steps  taken  to  fulfil  his  commands.  This  was  done  in  a  letter  written 
on  16  December,  of  which  a  translation  is  given  in  Da  Cunha's 
Origin  of  Bombay  (p.  258).-  The  Viceroy  at  the  same  time  pro- 
tested that 

Only  the  obedience  I  owe  Your  Majesty  as  a  vassal  could  have 
forced  me  to  this  deed,  because  I  foresee  the  great  troubles  that 
from  this  neighbourhood  will  result  to  the  Portuguese,  and  that 
India  will  be  lost  the  same  day  in  which  the  English  nation  is 
settled  in  Bombay. 

Da  Cunha  gives  also  (p.  254)  a  translation "  of  a  letter  written  by 
the  King  of  Portugal  to  the  Viceroy  towards  the  end  of  January, 
1664,  which  evidently  had  not  reached  Goa  when  De  Mello  de 
Castro  sent  off  the  dispatch  mentioned  above.  In  it  the  King 
answered  the  letter  from  the  Viceroy  (p.  136)  explaining  why 
Bombay  had  not  been  surrendered,  and  expressed,  with  greater 
vigour  than  in  the  previous  letter  sent  by  way  of  England,  the 
annoyance  felt  at  Lisbon  at  the  failure  to  carry  out  the  provisions 
of  the  treaty.  The  Viceroy  was  ordered  to  take  immediate  action 
for  the  transfer  of  the  island,  if  this  had  not  already  been  effected. 

To  the  inhabitants  of  the  island  you  must  say  that  they  have 
misunderstood  the  article  of  capitulation  shown  them,  as  their 
estates  will  not  be  confiscated,  but  they  will  be  allowed  to  remain 
in  possession  of  them  as  heretofore.  The  only  difference  will  be 
that  they  will  live  under  the  dominion  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
my  brother,  who  will  rule  them  with  justice  and  in  the  freedom  of 

^  The  Portuguese  text  and  an  English  version  are  given  in  Biker's  Tratados,  vol.  iii 
PP-  34.  35  ;  also  in  O.C.  3053-4. 

"^  For  the  Portuguese  text  see  Memorias,  p.  185,  and  Biker's  Tratados,  vol.  iii.  p.  32. 
^  For  the  Portuguese  text  see  Biker's  Tratados,  vol.  iii.  p.  29,  and  Memorias,  p.  183. 

Z  2 


340    THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664 

the  Roman  Catholic  reh'gion,  as  it  is  the  practice  in  Europe  among 
many  peoples  and  cities  with  similar  treaties,  and  with  his  power 
he  will  defend  them  and  secure  them  in  their  trade,  that  they  may 
attain  to  the  opulence  they  desire.  The  King  of  England  also 
undertakes  to  protect  the  places  I  have  in  that  State,  and  this  was 
one  of  the  [principal]  reasons  for  my  giving  him  that  island. 

On  30  December,  1664,  Gary  wrote  from  Goa  to  a  correspondent 
in  London  (P.R.O. :  CO.  77,  vol.  ix.  no.  61)  a  letter  in  favour  of 
Francisco  de  Lima,  who  was  about  to  sail  for  Europe.  He  added 
that  of  late  he  himself  had  been 

Very  active  in  removing  Lieutenant  Governor  Cooke  and  his 
remayning  mirmidons  from  Angediva  and  brought  them  to  this 
place,  where  ever  since  the  1 2th  currant  I  have  constantly  solicited 
the  Vice  King  for  a  quick  dispatch  unto  us  and  those  persons  who 
are  appointed  and  nominated  to  goe  with  us  to  make  the  rendition ; 
so  that,  yf  Antonio  de  Mello  de  Castro  deale  not  unhandsomly 
againe  with  us,  I  doubt  not  but  wee  may  bee  gone  from  hince  by 
Munday  next  and  possessed  of  the  so  long  promissed  island  (God 
permitting)  by  the  middle  of  the  next  month  ;  where  beeing  arrived, 
I  shall  use  my  utmost  endeavours  to  draw  as  many  merchants  as 
possibly  I  cann  from  Suratt,  Cambay,  Dio,  Tattah,  Ahmadabad, 
Boroach,  etc.  other  places  thither  ;  not  doubting  but  to  see  that 
island  (yf  no  disturbance  happeneth  unto  us  by  the  Hollander)  very 
opulent  and  prosperous ;  and  also  that  my  service  to  my  King  may 
meritt  from  him  his  favor  to  bee  boath  his  Merchant  and  Cheiff 
Customer ;  the  affayres  of  which  [custom]  house  I  question  not  but 
so  to  moddell  as  may  bring  into  His  Majestys  coffers  (when  a  trade 
is  setled)  that  as  will  prove  much  to  his  satisfaction  and  Your 
Honour[s]. 

The  opinion  that  the  English  ships  would  be  as  safe  from  the 
Dutch  at  Bombay  as  at  Goa  was  not  shared  by  the  Surat  Council. 
Writing  to  the  Company  on  2  January,  1665,  they  said  : 

What  you  write  us  of  Bombay,  as  to  the  secureing  of  your  ships 
there  upon  occasion,  it  is  a  meere  nett  (or  rather  the  codd  [i.  e.  bag] 
in  a  nett),  where  they  are  sure  to  bee  taken  or  destroyed ;  it  being 
an  open  roade  or  bay,  which  can  no  way  offend  an  enimy  or  defend 
itselfe.  Whereupon  wee  have  given  the  Deputie  Leiutenant  our 
opinions  to  use  the  same  caution  with  our  selves,  to  desist  takeing 
possession  for  some  small  time,  in  hopes  for  some  peacible  agree- 
ment betwixt  the  Hollander  and  His  Sacred  Majestic.  But  wee 
are  advised  they  are  impatient  and  resolve  to  possesse  the  island, 
come  what  will  of  it ;  which  raises  great  feares  in  us,  in  reguard  wee 


THE  EXPEDITIONARY  FORCE  AT  ANJIDIV,  1664    341 

cannot  learne  there  is  left  above  130  men  of  what  came  out  of 
England,  and  of  them  but  one  feild  officer,  and  hee  an  ensigne  ;  that 
in  case  a  breach  happen,  that  island  will  certainely  bee  lost  to  His 
Majestic, for  wee  are  informed  they  [i.e.  the  Dutch]  have  it  in  theire 
eye.  Besides,  they  being  new  comers,  weake  and  unfurnished  of 
many  things  necessary  for  theire  defence,  and  a  bad  neighbour  of 
the  Jesuite,  makes  it  suspitious  that  they  will  bee  disquieted,  if  not 
routed,  by  the  natives,  if  a  sudden  supply  of  shipping,  men,  and 
monyes  come  not  [to]  theire  aide,  they  being  destitute  of  all,  and 
consequently  in  no  small  danger.  But  these  are  only  our  conjec- 
tures, which  wee  pray  may  not  befall  them,  but  that  all  thinges 
succeed  prosperously,  to  the  honor  of  His  Majestie  and  the  benifitt 
of  the  nation  and  proffitt  to  our  masters  ;  for  doubtlesse  it  will  bee 
a  great  advantage  to  you  to  have  a  settlement  in  India  under  our 
owne  goverment,  where  the  Principall  you  shall  appoint  may 
reside,  whom  you  designe  to  manage  your  whole  affaires  heere  to 
the  norward ;  that,  being  out  of  the  power  and  command  of  the 
Moores,  they  may  with  more  safety  and  greater  terrour  demaund 
satisfaction  for  injuryes  putt  upon  you  ;  wee  now  lying  lyeable  to 
the  affronts  and  abuses  of  every  governour,  who  imposes  upon  us 
according  to  the  tyranny  or  candour  of  his  disposition,  bee  it 
tirannicall  or  gentle ;  whereas,  if  your  Cheife  Agents  were  not  in 
theire  custodyes,  it  is  as  easy  to  impose  upon  and  commaund  them 
as  they  have  us. 

The  assumption  made  herein  that  Bombay  would  before  long 
become  the  seat  of  the  Presidency  is  worthy  of  note. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

Since  the  trade  at  Old  Kayal  had  now  been  transferred  to  the 
care  of  the  Agent  at  Madras,  there  only  remained,  at  the  beginning 
of  this  year,  two  factories  to  the  southwards  under  the  care  of  the 
Surat  Presidency,  viz.  the  one  at  Karwar,  where  Master,  Giffard,  and 
Chamberlain  were  stationed,  and  that  at  Porakad,  where  Harrington 
and  Grigsby,  though  cut  off  from  their  countrymen,  were  stubbornly 
endeavouring  to  maintain  their  footing,  in  spite  of  the  threats  and 
intrigues  of  the  Dutch. 

The  correspondence  with  the  former  factory  commences  with  a 
letter  from  Surat  of  10  February,  which  is  partly  occupied  by  a 
criticism  of  the  Karwar  accounts.     The  prices  obtained  for  broad- 


342  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

cloth  and  lead  were  declared  to  be  lower  than  those  procurable  at 
Surat ;  the  factors  were  reproved  for  leaving  so  much  to  their  broker  ; 
and  the  dungarees  received  were  described  as  '  the  worst  of  the  sorte 
that  ever  were  seen '.  In  view  of  the  dangerous  political  situation 
and  of  the  high  rates  of  exchange  prevailing,  it  had  been  decided 
(9  February)  not  to  remit  any  money  to  Karwar  ;  so  the  factors  were 
urged  to  manage  for  a  time  with  what  they  had  in  hand  or  could 
recover  from  their  debtors.  Their  extravagance  in  house  expenses 
was  censured,  especially  in  the  matter  of  servants.  That  letter  was 
followed  on  26  February  by  another,  complaining  that  the  cardamoms 
received  from  Karwar  were  both  poor  in  quality  and  high  in  price,  as 
compared  with  those  procurable  at  Surat. 

A  supply  of  pepper  at  Bhatkal  for  the  forthcoming  season  had 
been  already  bespoken  ;  but  on  t  April  a  letter  from  Robert  Ferrand 
at  Goa  was  read  to  the  Surat  Council,  announcing  that : 

The  King  of  Batticalla's  ^  embassadour  was  arrived  thither,  with 
a  present  of  6000  fardles  of  rice,  and  offerred  the  Viz-King  to  repos- 
sess him  of  the  castles  of  Onore,  Bassalore,  and  Mangalore,  and  that 
the  Viz-Roy  and  the  embassadour  were  likely  to  conclude  upon  the 
tearmes. 

This  created  some  alarm  lest  the  pepper  desired  should  not  be 
forthcoming ;  and  it  was  at  once  resolved  to  dispatch  the  broker 
Valji  to  Bhatkal,  with  1,500/.  in  gold,  to  buy  secretly  300  tons.  He 
embarked  accordingly  in  the  Vine,  which  was  to  put  him  ashore  at 
his  destination  on  her  way  to  Achin ;  but  the  loss  of  that  vessel 
(already  narrated)  frustrated  the  plan.  The  broker  was  one  of  those 
that  escaped  from  the  wreck,  but  the  gold  was  lost.  Valji  was  then 
(24  May)  sent  to  Bhatkal  by  land,  provided  with  letters  of  credit  on 
Goa ;  while  a  letter  to  Karwar  on  10  June  ordered  the  factors  there 
to  honour  his  bills  on  them  up  to  Rs.  15,000.  It  was  presumed 
that  the  factors  had  sold  the  cardamoms  and  dungarees  they  had  in 
hand  to  the  Chestnut  for  her  voyage  to  the  Persian  Gulf  (see  p.  332) ; 
if  so,  they  probably  had  a  good  stock  of  cash.  Mention  was  made 
of  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  Ball  at  Goa,  and  surprise  was  expressed 
at  his  deserting  the  Karwar  factory. 

^  The  BednQr  (Ikkeri)  Raja  (see  p.  260).  The  Portuguese,  alarmed  at  the  progress  of 
the  Dutch,  were  making  efforts  to  save  as  many  of  the  pepper  ports  as  possible,  and  were 
claiming  Honavar,  Basrur,  and  Mangalore  as  having  been  formerly  in  their  possession. 


I 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  343 

Six  days  later  three  letters  from  Karvvar  arrived  in  Surat  in  one 
packet.  The  first  was  dated  i.6  February,  and  referred  to  the  news 
received  four  days  earlier  (by  the  arrival  of '  Mr.  Nowell ')  of  Sivaji's 
attack  upon  Surat. 

Not  many  dayes  since  it  was  reported  that  ditto  Sevagee  did  send 
his  embassadour  to  the  Vice  Roy  of  Goa,  telling  him  that  he  had 
warrs  with  the  Mogull  and  that  he  wanted  mony  to  maintaine  them  ; 
therefore  desired  the  Vice  Roy  to  send  him  some.  At  which  the 
Vice  Roy  was  much  displeased,  and  enordered  the  embassadour  to 
be  imprisoned,  where  he  remayned  3  or  4  dayes,  and  afterwards, 
through  the  perswasions  of  the  fidalgoes,  was  released ;  and  so  is 
returned  to  his  master.  For  which  affront  it's  reported  that  Sevagee 
will  come  and  lay  seige  to  Goa.  .  .  .  Likewise  it  is  reported  here  that 
the  Portugalls  doe  make  what  provisions  they  can,  for  feare  of  a 
seige ;  as  allso  it  is  reported  that  he  doth  intend  to  come  and  visit 
these  parts  about  us  ;  which  if  he  should,  wee  desire  Your  Worships 
advice  what  to  doe,  for  wee  are  not  able  to  stand  out  against  him  in 
this  pittifuli  house.  Our  Governour  hath  layen  at  us  hard  this  5  or 
6  dayes  for  a  passe  for  the  Queen, ^  who  doth  this  yeare  (as  it  is 
credibly  reported)  intend  for  Bussora  to  visit  some  religious  place 
neare  Bagdat.  Wee  have  put  him  of,  telling  him  that  wee  can  give 
no  passes  without  a  phirmaund  from  the  King.  The  Raja  of  Canara 
hath  sent  Mollup  Molla''^  to  Goa  as  an  embassadour,  to  treat  with 
the  Vice  Roy  about  the  delivering  up  to  the  Portugalls  Onore  and 
what  else  was  theirs  formerly  on  that  coast ;  but  what  he  hath  done 
therein  wee  know  not,  for  as  yet  he  is  not  returned  to  his  master. 

The  second  letter,  dated  18  April,  was  written  after  the  receipt  of 
those  from  Surat  of  10  and  26  February.  It  confirmed  that  peace 
had  been  concluded  between  the  King  of  Bijapur  and  the  Raja  of 
Bednur,  whose  capital  had  been  restored  to  him. 

But  since  the  King  of  Biddrure  is  dead,  and  his  sonne  murdred 
by  his  Braminies  and  a  kinsman  ^  set  up  in  his  place  ;  which  hath  so 
incensed  the  King  of  Vizapore  that  he  hath  sent  Bullul  Caune  against 

^  The  dowager  queen  of  Bijapur,  for  whose  taste  for  pilgrimages  see  pp.  88,  107. 
Her  expedition  here  alluded  to  is  mentioned  in  the  Bagh- Register,  1664,  pp.  320,  375, 
422,  and  in  the  Report  on  the  Finch  MSS.,  p.  334. 

2  Malik  Mulla  (see  p.  120).     For  his  embassy  see  the  Dagh-Register,  1664,  pp.  325, 

447.  &:c- 

^  Professor  Sarkar  {Shivaji  and  His  Times,  p.  304)  says  that  Soma  Shekhar,  son  and 
successor  to  Sivappa  Nayak,  was  murdered,  and  an  infant  grandson,  named  Basava,  was 
placed  on  the  throne,  under  the  regency  of  his  mother  and  her  favourite,  Timmaya  Nayak. 
The  Dutch  records  make  the  new  king  a  brother  of  the  murdered  one  {Batavia  Dagh- 
Register,  1664,  p.  325)- 


344  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

all  the  Raja's  countrey  the  upper  way,  and  Siud  Elasse^  is  gone 
towards  Biddrure  with  6000  horse.  ...  It  is  likewise  reported  that 
Rustum  Jeamah  is  comming  down  to  goe  this  way  against  Batticalla 
etc. ;  preparations  are  making  in  this  town  to  receive  him.  The 
Portuguezes  and  the  Raja  had  concluded  a  peace  ;  the  Canaras  were 
to  deliver  up  all  but  Anore  to  the  Portugall[s]  ;  but  now  what  will 
be  done  in  this  businesse  wee  know  not^  Mollup  Molla,  the  Raja's 
embassadour  to  Goa,  as  yet  being  not  returned  from  thence. 

Richard  Ball  had  intended  to  proceed  to  Surat  in  the  Loyal 
Merchant,  according  to  order,  but  could  not  finish  his  accounts  in 
time.  On  24  February  he  left  for  Goa,  proposing  there  to  await 
instructions  from  the  President.  That  the  broker  was  allowed  too 
much  liberty  was  denied ;  the  criticisms  on  the  goods  sent  to  Surat 
were  answered  ;  and  excuses  were  offered  for  the  number  of  servants 
kept. 

Pepper,  by  reason  of  vast  quantities  transported  for  Agra,  is  very 
deare,  it  being  at  17  pagodas  great  per  candy,  each  candy  weighing 
about  five  hundred  weight.  .  .  .  There  is  litle  likelihood  of  peppers 
falling,  by  reason  of  the  warrs  with  the  Canara  ;  for  a  great  quantity 
hath  been  transported  from  Hubely,  at  13^  great  pagodas  a  barke 
[see  p.  ■240],  which  is  1 2  maunds,  each  maund  being  about  27  pounds 
English. 

The  factors  had  bought  100  candy,  thinking  it  safer  to  have 
pepper  rather  than  money  in  their  possession ;  but  they  would  await 
instructions  before  purchasing  more. 

The  third  letter  bore  date  14  May,  and  advised  that  the  messenger 
who  carried  the  previous  packet  had  been  stopped  at  Goa  and  sent 
back,  with  a  letter  from  the  Viceroy  addressed  to  the  President, 
which  was  now  forwarded.  No  goods  had  been  sold  since  last 
writing. 

Mr.  Gyfford  is  at  Ellapore  [see  p.  239],  weighing  of  what  pepper 
wee  have  bought  there,  which  .  .  .  will  cost  us  neare  18  pagodas 
Sung[a]r  ^  per  candy.  .  .  .  The  King  of  Vizapore  hath  sent  an  army 
against  Sevagee,  which  consists  of  about  4000  horse,  besides  foot. 
They  are   come  down  as  farr   as    Corollee,^  which   is  two  dayes 

'  Sayyid  Iliyas  Sharza  Khan. 

^  See  the  previous  volume,  p.  243. 

^  Possibly  Kadolee,  about  30  miles  north-east  of  Goa.  The  Dagh- Register,  1664  (p. 
448)  says  that  Aurangzeb  had  promised  the  Bijapur  monarch  a  yearly  contribution  of 
30,000  pagodas  towards  a  campaign  against  Sivaji. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  345 

journey  from  Goa ;  and  they  give  out  that  they  intend  (and  have 
the  Kings  order)  to  take  from  Sevagee  as  far  as  Choule. 

To  this  budget  Oxenden  and  his  colleagues  replied  on  36  June. 
As  regards  the  activities  of  the  Marathas,  they  said : 

Sevagy  is  soe  famously  infamous  for  his  notorious  thefts  that 
report  hath  made  him  an  airey  body  and  added  winges ;  or  else  it 
were  impossible  hee  could  bee  at  soe  many  places  as  hee  is  said  to 
bee  at,  all  at  one  time.  Sometimes  hee  is  certainely  beleived  to  bee 
in  one,  and  in  a  day  or  two  in  another  place,  and  soe  in  halfe  a 
dozen  remote  one  from  another ;  and  there  burnes  and  plunders,  all 
without  controule.  Soe  that  they  ascribe  to  him  to  performe  more 
then  a  Hirculian  labour ;  that  hee  is  become  the  talke  of  all  condi- 
tions of  poeple.  Wee  are  heere  allarmed  to  expect  him  by  sea  ;  for 
which  intent  report  speakes  him  to  bee  fitting  up  some  and  building 
of  others,  to  the  number  of  60  saile  of  frigotts,^  to  surprize  all 
jouncks  and  vessayls  belonging  to  this  port,  and  that  hee  intends  to 
way  lay  them  in  their  returne  from  Bussorah  and  Persia ;  and 
others  give  out  hee  hath  another  designe,  to  run  up  the  river  of 
Cambaya  and  land  an  army  that  they  are  to  transport,  who  are  to 
march  up  to  Ahmadavad  and  doe  by  that  as  hee  hath  done  by  this 
towne.  That  hee  will  lay  seige  to  Goa  wee  doe  hardly  beleive,  in 
reguard  it  is  none  of  his  businesse  to  lay  seige  to  any  place  that  is 
fortified  against  him,  for  it  will  not  turne  him  to  account ;  hee  is,  and 
ever  was,  for  a  running  banquett  and  to  plunder  and  burne  those 
townes  that  have  neither  defence  or  guard. 

It  was  likewise  thought  improbable  that  he  would  come  near  the 
English  factors,  especially  if  the  Bijapur  forces  were  attacking  him. 
However,  if  there  should  be  any  risk,  they  must  secure  themselves 
in  some  suitable  place,  such  as  Hubli,  which  had  the  further  advantage 
of  being  a  good  commercial  centre.  As  regards  pepper,  they  were  to 
keep  in  touch  with  Valji  at  Bhatkal,  as,  should  he  succeed  in  getting 
a  supply  there,  they  could  then  abstain  from  buying  any  and  invest 
in  dungarees  instead ;  if  he  failed,  they  must  do  their  best  to  pro- 
cure a  good  quantity  of  pepper.  Ball  had  written  from  Goa,  asking 
for  an  allowance  for  diet  and  house  rent;  but  the  Council  had 
decided  to  disown  all  factors  who  left  their  station  without  permis- 
sion.    The  rest  of  the  letter  is  occupied  with  commercial  matters. 

On  23  July  the  Karwar  factors  replied  to  the  Surat  letter  of 
10  June,  received  on  17  July.     They  admitted  that  they  had  sold 

^  Cf.  op.  cit.,  p.  449. 


34^  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

to  Shipman  the  cardamoms  and  dungarees  that  had  furnished  a 
lading  for  the  Chestnut.  They  were  not,  however,  so  well  provided 
with  cash  as  was  imagined  at  Surat,  because  they  had  not  as  yet 
recovered  any  of  the  debts  due  to  them.  They  would  be  unable, 
therefore,  to  supply  Valji  with  money.  The  factors  added  that  they 
could  themselves  have  procured  pepper  from  Bhatkal,  had  they 
been  commissioned  to  do  so,  and  probably  at  cheaper  rates.  Ferrand 
had  died  at  Goa  '  about  20  dayes  since '. 

Rustum  Jeammah  is  at  Vizapore,  where  the  King  respects  him 
well  hitherto.  Mahmud  Ckaune,  Governor  of  Carwarre,  [and  ?]  his 
freinds  that  were  Governors  of  Ancola,  Seamiseare,  Cuddera 
[Kadra],  etc.  are  all  turned  out.  .  .  .  Wee  heare  from  severall  that 
Mahmud  Ckaun  hath  left  his  master  and  is  gone  to  the  King,  who 
hath  sent  him  down  generall  of  4000  horse  that  lies  at  Coodall 
gainst  Sevagee  ;  their  generall,  whose  name  was  Aziz  Ckaune,  being 
poisoned  by  Sevagee.^  The  new  Governors  that  are  come  down  are 
three,  vizt.  one  of  Rustum  Jeammahs  sonnes,  who  is  Governor  of  all 
the  castles,  and  two  others,  who  are  Governors  of  the  towns  above 
mentioned.  They  have  promised  Rustum  Jeammah  to  bring  a 
great  trade  to  this  port,  upon  condition  they  may  have  the  place  for 
three  yeares,  which  is  granted  ;  and  they  will,  wee  beleive,  comply 
with  their  words,  being  both  persons  of  great  accquaintance  with 
merchants,  to  severall  of  which  they  have  wrote  to  come  and  live 
here.  They  are  both  great  accquaintance[s]  of  Philip  Gyfiford's  ;  so 
that  they  will  not  deny  him  any  thing  he  can  well  demand.  One  of 
them,  whose  name  is  Siud  Jaffer  [Sayyid  Jafar],  would  not  under- 
take the  imployment,  when  proffered  him,  till  he  heard  he  was 
here.  .  .  .  Said  Elasse  lies  hard  upon  the  Canara  Rajah,  and  hath 
taken  three  or  four  of  his  best  castles,  to  wit  Jerra  Castle  etc. ;  and 
the  Naires  on  the  Mallabarre  side  hath  taken  three  castles  more 
from  ditto  Nare  within  three  dayes  journey  of  Biddruree.  Mollick 
Molla  is  dead  of  a  feavour  got  at  Goa,^  and  the  Portugalls  have  as 
}'et  concluded  nothing  with  the  Rajah,  for  feare  lest,  before  things 
should  be  setled,  the  Rajah  should  loose  his  countrey.  .  .  .  Mollick 
Molla,  before  his  departure  from  Goa,  had  brought  the  businesse  to 
such  a  head  that  nothing  else  could  well  have  broke  it. 

The  reply  from  Surat  (31  August)  to  this  letter  contains  nothing 
of  note,  except  a  permission  to  buy  pepper  at  Bhatkal,  should  Valji 
'  miscarry  upon  the  way  '.     The  next  letter  received  from  Karwar 

^  Aziz  Khan  died  on  i8  June  {Dagh-Register,  1664,  p.  448). 
2  He  died  on  3  July  {Dagh- Register,  1664,  p.  572). 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  347 

was  dated  8  August,  and  was  in  answer  to  that  from  Surat  of 
26  June.     With  respect  to  Sivaji  the  factors  wrote : 

The  army  of  Orung  Zeebs  that  lay  against  him  is  returned  home  ; 
soe  that  hee  now  ranges  at  Hberty,  and  hath  sertainely  plundred 
Andanewgur  [Ahmadnagar],  and  its  thought  will  venture  hard  for 
Dultavad  [Daulatabad].  Yett  for  all  that  wee,  I  hope,  shall  not 
nead  to  feare  him.  Rustum  Jammah,  Fozull  Ckaune,  and  Saddatt 
Ckaune  [Sa'adat  Khan]  are  comeing  downe  against  him  ;  the  first 
of  which  is  thought  will  come  and  see  his  townes  ;  which  if  he  doth, 
wee  desire  Your  Worships  etca.  to  enorder  us  how  wee  shall  enter- 
taine  him.  He  hath  given  order  aboute  our  howse,  that  itt  should 
be  built,  and  hath  wrote  his  son  and  the  Governer  that,  if  they  any 
waies  displease  us,  they  must  look  for  noe  favour ;  ney,  though  wee 
should  bee  the  death  of  4  or  5  men,  they  must  not  meddle  with  us. 

Since  nothing  had  been  heard  from  Valji,  they  feared  that  some 
misfortune  had  happened  to  him.  In  any  case  his  mission  was 
likely  to  be  fruitless,  for  news  had  come  from  Goa  that  a  fleet  was 
being  dispatched  from  thence  to  blockade  the  ports  of  the  Raja  of 
Kanara  and  that  the  Bijapur  monarch  was  leading  an  army  against 
him.  In  these  circumstances,  Giffard  was  being  sent  to  Hubli  to 
buy  all  the  pepper  he  could  get.  The  factors  were  not  aware  that 
(as  stated  from  Surat)  Yellapur  '  is  a  noted  place  for  to  buy  dun- 
gares  ' ;  but  Giffard  would  purchase  any  he  found  for  sale. 

With  this  letter  came  two  from  Giffard  at  Hubli,  both  dated 
28  August.  The  second  was  unimportant ;  but  in  the  first  he  said 
that  he  had  been  inquiring  everywhere  for  Valji,  but  without  success. 
According  to  report  he  was  at  *  Bimcapore  '  (Bankapur)  incognito, 
and  was  about  to  come  for  Hubli.  It  was  likewise  rumoured  that 
he  had  sent  a  man  to  Yellapur  to  buy  pepper,  and  this  might 
impede  the  efforts  Giffard  himself  was  making  to  secure  what  was 
available  in  that  town. 

Serja  Ckaune  [see  p.  344]  lyes  very  hard  against  [the]  Cunnera 
[Kanara]  Rajah,  and  the  King  [of  Bijapur]  is  listting  12,000  horse, 
which  hee  intends  at  Duelle  ^  to  lead  himselfe  against  ditto,  besides 
the  forces  of  his  nobles.  Rustum  Jeamah  (as  is  credible  reported) 
is  arived  at  Cooddall  [see  p.  237],  and  its  thought  will  visitt  us  att 
Carwarr. 

Giffard  had  returned  to  Karwar  by  16  October,  when  he  joined 

1  The  Feast  of  I^ights  (diwali). 


348  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

Master  and  Chamberlain  in  making  a  further  report  to  Surat. 
Valji  had  been  heard  from,  but  he  steadily  refrained  from  advising 
them  of  his  investments.  Reference  was  made  to  the  relations 
between  the  Portuguese  and  the  Raja  of  Bednur. 

Three  or  four  dayes  since  went  downe  the  armada,  with  one  small 
man  of  warr,  to  take  possesion  (according  to  agreement)  of  Bassi- 
lore,  Mangalore,  and  Onore  expected ;  but  it  is  thought  they  wil 
come  to  noe  perfict  agreement  till  they  have  what  given  them  to. 
What  there  articles  of  agreement  are,  wee  are  alltogether  ignorant 
of^ 

A  letter  from  Goa  on  24  October  refers  to  the  same  subject. 
Speaking  of  Bhatkal,  it  says  : 

To  which  parts  this  Vice  Roy  hath  lately  sent  a  small  armada  of 
about  13  frigots  and  a  small  vessell,  they  say  to  receave  some  of 
their  former  places  of  residence ;  but  I  have  heard,  from  one  that 
came  from  the  southward,  that  the  Rajah  denies  the  delivery 
thereof. 

We  have  already  mentioned  (p.  328)  the  dispatch  of  the  London 
from  Surat  to  Karwar,  &c.,  in  October,  with  Taylor  and  Petit  to  act 
as  supercargoes.  A  letter  from  Taylor  to  Surat,  dated  at  Karwar, 
29  October,  announced  his  arrival  there  on  the  a6th  of  that  month, 
and  added  that,  having  landed  his  goods,  &c.,  he  intended  to  start 
for  Bhatkal  the  next  day.  On  his  return  he  would  leave  a  further 
stock  of  goods, 

In  case  I  am  not  diswaded  therefrom  by  any  further  newes  ot 
Sewagy,  who  this  day  wee  are  advised  hath  latly  burnt  Vingurla  to 
the  ground,  and  repulst  the  King  of  Decans  forces  that  were  sent 
that  way  against  him.  .  .  .  How  this  may  encourage  the  roages  to 
proceed  further  downe  the  coast,  I  know  not ;  but  hope  hee  will 
not  adventure  soe  farr  from  home  as  hither.  ...  I  did  acquant  you 
of  the  Portugalls  armada  sent  to  Bazalor  etc.  ;  which  they  reporte 
are  delivered  into  possesion  as  formerly,  only  Oner  is  denyed 
them. 

Taylor's  next  letter  was  written  at  Bhatkal  on  8  November.  It 
stated  that  the  London  and  American  had  reached  that  port  on 
31  October,  having  passed  on  their  way  part  of  the  Portuguese 
armada  returning  to  Goa.  The  officer  in  charge  told  Taylor  that, 
as  the  Kanarese  had  not  fully  complied  with  the  recent  treaty,  he 

^  See  the  Batavia  Dagh-Register,  1664,  pp.  565,  572. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST.  1664  349 

had  been  watching  for  two  vessels  belonging  to  Bhatkal  that  were 
expected  from  Muskat,  but  they  had  not  appeared.  On  the  English 
ships  reaching  the  port,  Valji  came  on  board  and  informed  them 
that  he  had  been  prevented  by  sickness  from  doing  much  business. 
It  was  then  necessary  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  Raja's  agent, 
'  Name  Molla  ',^  who  was  at  Basrur,  negotiating  with  the  Portu- 
guese ;  *  which  being  finished  by  the  delivery  of  the  two  forts  at 
sayd  place  and  promise  of  that  at  Mangalore ',  the  agent  arrived  at 
Bhatkal  on  7  November.  Taylor  was  afraid  that  the  full  quantity 
of  pepper  would  not  be  forthcoming,  and  so  he  had  written  to  the 
Karwar  factors  to  provide  a  further  amount.  '  Name  Molla '  had 
told  him  that 

Three  dayes  since  arrived  at  Bassalore  two  Dutch  shipps  with  a 
great  many  men  in  them,  and  that  there  designe  was  not  knowne. 
Some  beleive  they  did  intend  to  seaze  on  the  two  forts  there  and 
that  at  Mangalore,  before  the  Portugal!  were  possesed  thereof 
(which  they  might  have  done,  had  they  arrived  two  dayes  sooner) ; 
which  is  probable,  for,  discoursing  with  said  Name  Molla,  they 
tould  him  they  must  not  deliver  the  Portugall  those  castles  (as  hee 
was  then  adoeing)  unless  his  master  intended  to  warr  with  the 
Hollender ;  but  the  Braminy  tould  him  that  there  delivery  was 
enordred  by  his  master  the  Rajah  and  that  hee  derst  not  neglect 
to  performe  the  same.  And  to  the  Portugalls  the  Dutch  discoursed 
as  reasonable  as  they  use  to  doe,  telling  them  that,  the  Rajah  being 
now  in  his  minority  and  not  capable  to  mannage  his  one  [i.  e.  own] 
affayres,  they  ought  not  receive  said  places  until  hee  came  to  age 
and  yeares  of  discresion,  and  then  who  hee  did  deliver  them  to 
might  justly  posses  them. 

The  ships  left  Bhatkal  on  21  November  and,  after  calling  at 
Honavar  for  more  pepper,  proceeded  to  Karwar,  where  they  arrived 
the  37th,  finding  there  the  Royal  Charles.  All  three  sailed  again 
three  days  later,  and  shortly  after,  as  already  narrated,  met  Gary 
in  the  Chestnut,  with  orders  to  them  to  take  refuge  at  Goa  for  fear 
of  an  attack  from  the  Dutch.  From  that  port  Taylor  and  Petit 
wrote  to  Surat  on  5  December,  narrating  their  proceedings  and 
giving  the  current  news.  The  fears  of  the  Karwar  factors  had,  they 
said,  been  allayed 

^  The  Dutch  call  him  Nama   or  Nanna  Maloe,  and  say  that  he  was  a  brother  of 
'Malappa  Maloe  ',  the  envoy  to  Goa. 


350  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

By  Sevages  returne,  or  stop  at  Punda  [see  p.  242]  Castle,  whether, 
I  beleive,  was  the  extent  of  his  designed  progress ;  but  what  was 
that  of  the  Dutch  at  Bassalore  I  am  not  yet  fully  satisfied.  It  is 
certaine  they  had  three  good  shipps  or  more,  and  both  the  country 
people  and  the  Portugalls  doe  assure  us  there  was  neere  1000  men 
aboard  them.  A  great  ster  and  clash  they  have  made  to  hinder 
the  delivery  of  those  fortts  promised  the  Portugalls  ;  which  when 
they  saw  they  could  not  prevent  at  Bassalore,  either  by  meanacing 
the  country  people  or  there  arguments  and  discourse  to  the  Portu- 
galls (against  whome  they  made  some  protest,  discovering  a  great 
deale  of  wrath  that  they  were  come  to  receve  there  owne  before  the 
Duch  were  in  a  readiness  to  prevent  them),  they  presently  sent  two 
of  there  shipps  to  Mangalore.  Being  come,  they  sent  there  boat 
ashoare  and  ingeniously  put  up  the  Duch  coulers  on  the  walls 
before  the  Portugall  had  possesion  ;  which  was  soe  much  resented 
by  the  cuntry  people  that  they  were  soone  taken  downe,  towren, 
and  stampt  under  foote  ;  at  which  the  fudalgoes  laugh  in  their 
sleives.  This  [is]  all  wee  could  larne  of  there  proceedings  ;  only  that 
they  had  sent  two  men  up  to  the  Rajah  at  Burdure  [Bidarur]  with 
a  piscash  ;  but  I  hope  it  will  worke  but  little  for  there  advantage, 
the  cheife  of  the  peopell  being  well  satisfied  what  maner  of  men 
they  are. 

Gary,  in  his  letter  from  Goa  of  6  December,  said  that  Rijkloff 
van  Goens  was  at  Cannanore  with  a  large  fleet  and  1,500  men, 
'  against  the  Calutra  and  Ally  Raja,^  who,  [it]  is  sayd,  have  made 
an  attempt  against  the  castle  which  they  [the  Dutch]  tooke  from 
the  Portugalls  '.     He  adds  : 

Yesterday,  as  I  was  goeing  downe  to  the  Pouderhouse,^  I  mett 
the  Dutches  Cheife  of  Vingorla  and  another  comeing  up  the  river 
in  a  great  boate  laden  with  goods,  which  he  brought  hither  (as  the 
Vice  Roy  tould  me)  to  secure  in  this  citty  from  Sevagees  fury,  who 
now  is  destroying  by  fire  and  sword  all  that  hee  can  of  the  King  of 
Vigapores  cuntry.  Its  credably  reported  that  hee  hath  an  army  of 
(S,ooo  horse  and  10,000  foote,  all  small  shott  men.  I  was  also  tould 
that  the  foresaid  Dutch  men  were  to  retourne  last  night  for  Vingorla 
to  fetch  more  goods. 

Writing  from  Goa  on  14  December,  Taylor  referred  likewise  to 


'  The  Kolattiri  Raja  of  Cannanore  and  his  chief  minister,  who  bore  the  title  of  the 
Ali  Raja,  and  was  the  head  of  the  Moplah  community. 

^  The  Casa  de  Polvora  was  at  Panelim,  a  suburb  of  Old  Goa.  It  was  apparently  the 
headquarters  of  the  Viceroy  from  time  to  time. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  351 

the  arrival  of  the  Dutch  chief  from  Vengurla  with  a  quantity  of 
spice,  ostensibly  to  save  it  from  Sivaji. 

But  since  I  understand  that  the  Vice  Roy  and  he  had  made  a 
private  contract  for  it,  which  the  other  came  to  deliver,  and  possibly 
to  receive  the  mony  for  it.  The  Vice  Roy  hopes  to  get  well  by 
this  manner  of  dealing  and  other  wayes  of  more  oppression  to  the 
people,  who  murmure  much  at  him  ;  but  certainly  such  gaine  will 
not  be  pleasing  in  the  end.  ...  As  yet  wee  have  not  disposed  of 
any  of  the  Companies  goods  aboard  us,  for,  in  regard  of  the  troubles 
Sevagy  hath  made  in  the  adjacent  parts,  these  marketts  are  dull. 
And  wee  feare  they  will  now  be  as  bad  at  Carwarre  and  those 
parts ;  for  wee  are  now  informed  from  thence  that  it's  certaine 
Sevagy  hath  robb'd  Hubely  and  many  rich  townes  thereabouts, 
taken  severall  eminent  merchants  prisoners,  others  hardly  escaping, 
and  doubtlesse  they  are  to  much  frighted  to  returne  thither  againe 
suddenly,  although  the  departure  of  said  forces  should  permit  them. 
Whether  he  intends  to  march  next  is  not  yet  known  ;  but  our 
friends  at  Carwarre  are  providing  for  a  speedy  departure  thence  on 
his  nearer  approach.  .  .  .  The  blazing  starre  ^  that  hath  appeared 
here  these  17  dayes  doth  as  much  trouble  the  minds  of  some,  to 
know  what  it  should  portend,  as  Sevagy  doth  them  of  others,  to 
know  what  shall  be  their  end  ;  but  all  must  await  Gods  time  for 
satisfaction. 

As  directed  by  Oxenden,  Taylor  had  offered  Richard  Ball  a 
passage  to  Surat,  but  had  received  a  '  slight  unhandsome  reply '. 
Suspecting  that  he  was  relying  on  promises  from  Cooke,  Taylor 
spoke  to  the  latter,  who  disavowed  any  intention  of  supporting  Ball. 
Taylor  suggested  that  Oxenden  should  write  to  Cooke  on  the 
subject,  as  this  might  induce  Ball  to  obey  the  summons.  A  vessel 
belonging  to  Francisco  de  Lima  was  to  sail  in  a  few  days  for 
Portugal,  piloted  by  '  Mr.  Tucker  ',  and  another  ship  was  expected 
to  go  thither  later. 

By  a  letter  received  from  Rougy  Pondit,  when  wee  were  at  Car- 
warre, I  have  assurance  of  the  sale  of  some  [of]  our  goods  in  case 
a  shipp  would  touch  at  Rajapore  ;  -  which,  in  case  they  must  make 
a  winters  voyage  and  wee  have  no  warre  with  the  Dutch,  I  think 
one  may  well  doe ;  which  please  to  licence  or  otherwise,  as  you 
know  best.     As  yet  [I]  have  not  presented  the  Vice  Roy  with  any 

^  The  appearance  of  this  comet  is  noted  by  Pepys  and  Evelyn  ;  see  also  a  reference  in 
a  later  chapter. 

^  Raoji  Pandit  had  besought  the  Dutch  to  intercede  with  the  English  for  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  factory  at  Rajapur  {Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1664,  p.  321). 


352  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

[thing],  at  which  [I]  believe  he  is  displeased.     Please  to  advise  if 
hereafter  ought  shall  be  given  him. 

Leaving  the  three  ships  at  Goa,  we  have  now  to  glance  at  the 
history  during  this  year  of  the  factory  at  Porakad,  where,  as  already 
mentioned,  Harrington  and  Grigsby  were  striving  to  keep  a  footing 
in  spite  of  the  Dutch.  In  a  letter  written  to  Surat  on  20  January 
they  described  the  efforts  that  were  being  made  by  the  latter  '  for 
our  eradication  hence  and  planting  a  factory  of  their  own  here '. 
The  Raja,  however,  had  steadily  refused  to  turn  out  the  English, 
and  the  factors  begged  for  a  letter  to  him  from  the  President,  to 
'  fix  him  in  beleife  that  the  Company  will  stand  to  the  defence  of 
their  right '.  Oxenden  was  too  prudent  to  make  promises  he  could 
not  redeem,  and  therefore  he  took  no  notice  of  this  request.  On 
7  June  Grigsby  wrote  another  long  letter  to  Surat,  reporting  that 
the  Dutch  were  busily  trading  at  Porakad,  and  that  the  Raja  had 
at  last  promised  them  to  have  no  dealings  with  the  English  in 
future.  The  natives  were  growing  sceptical  of  the  factors'  assurances, 
and  'Unless  a  strong  ship  came  this  autumn  the  reputation  of  the 
English  would  be  lost. 

Further,  you  may  please  to  take  notice  that  from  Cochine  to 
within  3  leagues  of  this  place  appertaines  to  there  created  King  ^ 
of  the  aforesaid  Cochine,  whose  goverment  is  wholy  at  there 
command.  And  betwixt  this  place  and  Coulam  (which  is  but  12 
leagues  south)  are  contained  the  kingdomes  of  Callycoulam,  Marta, 
and  Coulam.^  Besides,  this  last  is  devided  into  three  goverments, 
to  say  :  the  Queene  of  Changanatt,"  one  halfe  :  the  Pulla  de  Barrate,* 
one  quarter  :  the  other  last  quarter  to  the  King  of  Travaner,  who 
hath  allwayes  his  deputy  residing  there  ;  from  which  were  procured 
by  Mr.  Walter  Travers  etc.  att  Caileveale  articles  and  leave  for  a 
factory,  signed  and  cealed  a  part  in  three  distinct  pappars  by  the 
aforesaid  three  governors,  and  delivered  mee  for  the  use  of  the 
Honorable  Company,  the  place  and  boundes  of  the  factory  being 
marked  out ;  and  this  was  three  yeares  in  January  last  past,  a  yeare 

^  The  Raja  set  up  by  the  Dutch.  In  another  part  of  the  letter  Grigsby  says  that  the 
fonner  Raja  had  '  retired  into  a  petty  princes  dominions  six  leagues  of  this  place  '. 

2  Quilon.  The  other  two  places  are  Kayamkulam  (about  20  miles  north  of  Quilon) 
and  Maruturkulangara  (about  14  miles  north  of  Quilon). 

^  Chinganad  was  another  name  for  Quilon  ( T}-avajicore  Manual,  vol.  i.  p.  328).  Cf. 
infra,  p.  355. 

*  Pulla  =  Pillai.  The  '  Poele  de  Bariate '  is  mentioned  by  van  Rheede  {^Memoir,  p.  2) 
as  governing  part  of  the  Cochin  territory. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  ^^^ 

before  the  Dutches  second  taking  of  the  said  port  of  Coulam  ; 
before  which  they  had  no  articles  from  the  countrey  people.  .  .  . 
Butt,  upon  consideration,  finding  that  it  wold  prove  a  greadeale 
[great  deal]  more  difficult  to  have  to  do  with  three  then  one,  where- 
upon resolved  to  settle  in  this  place.  .  .  .  Without  all  there  three 
consents  there  is  no  contract  or  bargaine  to  be  made.  Besides, 
they  are  for  the  most  part  att  difference  one  with  the  other  ;  which 
the  crafty  Hollonder  made  use  of,  and  for  his  mony  gott  great  part 
of  the  natives  to  connive  at  his  landing  ;  for  had  they  united  them- 
selves togeather,  the  Hollander[s]  wold  not  have  ventured  to  have 
landed  there  soldiers.  Allso,  if  they  had  not  made  the  Samarine  ^ 
there  frind,  by  promiseing  him  Cranganor  with  halfe  the  plunder  of 
Cochine,  they  could  never  have  tacken  said  citty ;  butt  when  they 
had  finished  their  work,  they  used  him  att  their  pleasure,  making 
him  to  bee  contented  with  what  they  pleased  to  give  him.  There- 
fore, if  there  should  come  an  order  directly  out  of  Hollond  to  this 
King  for  our  continuance  and  trade  here,  yett  they  would  alwayes 
mollest  him,  by  sturring  up  these  other  kings  against  him,  who 
undoubtedly  will  comply,  either  for  feare  or  to  procure  themselves 
more  favor ;  and  when  neither  of  these  effects  itt  not,  their  mony 
will,  for  these  Mallabarrs  are  a  sort  of  damnable  coveteous  people^ 
and  hee  that  hath  mony  may  do  what  hee  pleases  with  them ; 
though  as  yett  I  think  I  may  except  this  King,  who  without  doubt 
hath  had  large  profers  made  him  to  turne  us  out  ;  therefore  I  sup- 
pose [he]  hopes  to  bee  made  famous  by  us  att  last.  .  .  .  The 
Governer  of  Cochine,  with  100  soldiers  and  200  of  the  Cochine 
Kings  Nairoes,  is  now  a  treating  with  the  inland  kings  (for  none  of 
those  kings  dominions  aforementioned  reaches  above  4  leagues  up 
the  countrey,  no  pepper  growing  so  neare  the  sea  side),  car[ry]ing 
along  with  him  all  sorts  of  commodityes  and  ready  mony  (to  shew 
theire  greatnes)  to  contract  for  pepper,  asking  of  them  articles  to 
sell  pepper  to  none  but  their  Company,  to  doe  which  they  offer 
them  great  summs  of  mony ;  which  as  yett  they  will  nott  bee 
brought  unto,  by  reason  it  is  currant  news  here  that  Cochin  was 
taken  in  the  tyme  of  peace  and  that  itt  will  bee  restored  againe  to 
the  Portingalls. 

Grigsby  went  on  to  plead  his  ill  health  and  to  solicit  permission 
to  leave  by  the  first  ship. 

In  a  postscript  of  18  June  he  added  : 

Since  the  abovesaid,  the  Governour  of  Cochine  hath  (for  an  un- 
knowne  summ  of  mony)  prevailed  upon  the  inland  kings  to  signe 

^  The  Zamorin  of  Calicut.  In  Logan's  Malabar  Manual,  vol.  iii.  p.  i,  is  given  a  letter 
from  this  prince  in  September,  1664,  addressed  to  Mr.  Riviri  and  Mr.  Vetti.  The  former 
name  is  probably  meant  for  '  Travers '. 

2597  A  a 


354  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

their  articles,  which  is,  to  sell  pepper  to  none  butt  their  Company ; 
and  the  better  to  carry  on  their  spitefull  disignes,  have  settled  a 
factory  right  up  the  countrey,  just  upon  the  borders  of  this  Kings 
dominions,  being  the  cheifest  place  that  uses  to  supply  this  place. 

Two  months  later  (14  August)  the  two  factors  wrote  another 
long  letter,  giving  further  details.  They  stated  that  the  Governor 
of  Cochin  had  first  visited 

The  King  of  Tecancour,^  who  is  a  prince  in  whose  countrey  great 
quantities  of  pepper  groweth,  and  whom  divers  times  before  they 
had  treated  with,  but  could  not  be  brought  to  comply ;  yet  upon 
this  new  approach  held  no  longer  out  but,  after  15,000  xe[rafin]s 
shot  into  his  purse,  rendred  himselfe  and  the  commodities  of  his 
countrey  into  the  power  of  their  discretion  ;  who  immediately  setled 
a  factory  in  a  principall  place  of  his  countrey,  though  with  great 
grumbling  and  repugnance  of  the  natives,  who  could  hardly  be 
brought  to  consent  at  first,  yet  the  power  of  their  King  and  the 
hopes  of  future  gaine  made  that  easy  which  at  first  seemed  nauseous 
to  their  avaritious  desires.  And  from  thence  the  Dutch  so  bestirre 
themselves  that  not  a  graine  of  pepper  bought  is,  or  brought  thence, 
that  will  escape  their  knowledge  ;  and  to  prevent  which  they  are 
building  12  boates  of  competent  bignesse,  to  passe  to  and  againe 
upon  the  great  river,  which  upon  notice  shall  seize  on  all  they 
light  on. 

The  English  factors  could  do  little,  for  want  of  authorization  ;  but 
they 

Applied  our  selves  to  the  King  of  Baracancour "-  twice,  once  by 
message  and  againe  by  letter  .  .  .  with  the  charge  of  some  250 
mamoodees  bestowed  on  him  and  his  courtiers  (here  being  no  accesse 
amongst  them  but  by  that  key),  and  obtained  from  him  an  oUa 
[seep.  262]  or  concession  from  him  to  us  at  any  time  to  have  liberty 
to  buy  and  sell  in  his  countrey  .  .  .  and  promise  never  to  make  per- 
ticuler  concession  to  any  other  solely  ;  which  is  as  much  as  wee  can 
procure  at  present,  unlesse  wee  could  defend  them  as  well  as  those 
they  feare  to  offend  thereby.  The  Dutch  had  been  tampering  with 
him  allso,  and  he  was  the  second  the  Governour  addressed  himselfe 
unto,  but  had  positive  denyall  ;  which  had  they  obtained,  there  is 
not  in  any  part  of  this  coast  of  Mallabarre  way  open  for  any  trade 
of  pepper,  though  wee  should  stay  here  till  Doomsday.    The  reasons 

'  Tekkencur  was  a  large  district  to  the  east  of  the  Vembanad  lake  in  Travancore. 
Kottayam  was  later  the  capital. 

*  Vadakunkur,  It  lay  to  the  north  of  Tekkencur.  The  letter  referred  to  may  be  the 
undated  one  given  in  Hague  Transcripts^  ser.  i.  vol.  xxviii,  (no.  730). 


I 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  ^55 

arc  notable  :  the  Dutch  their  great  power :  aly,  the  English  seeming 
imbecillity  and  willingnesse  to  carry  the  others  affronts,  and  the 
natives  naturall  timidity  and  fearfullnesse  to  displease  the  Dutch, 
who  are  visible  conquerours  and  lords  of  this  coast. 

The  natives  are  extremely  anxious  to  shake  off  the  Dutch  yoke, 
and  '  the  desires  they  have  are  now  ardent  for  the  English ',  but  they 
must  be  assured  of  the  necessary  support.  Even  the  King  of 
Porakad  is  afraid  to  give  the  factors  leave  to  embark  the  pepper 
they  have  bought.  Grigsby  has  gone  to  Old  Kayal  about  the  debt 
due  to  the  Company  from  Travers,  and  on  his  way  will  speak  to 
the  Queen  of  '  Gundolo  '  (i.  e.  Chinganad),  about  the  application  the 
Dutch  have  made  to  her. 

The  maine  motive  of  this  our  application  to  Gundola  is  the  grant 
wee,  the  factors  then  in  Calevelha,  had  from  this  Queen  etc.  parted 
Governours  of  Quiloan  for  a  residence  there  for  such  as  the  Honour- 
able Company  should  order  thither  ;  which  after  signing,  ground 
allso  was  marked  out  to  be  freely  given  (according  to  articles)  for 
a  factory;  though  whether  it  will  availe  the  Company  or  no,  by 
reason  [of]  the  Dutch  their  first  taking  and  afterwards  deserting  fore- 
said fort  and  town,  taken  from  the  Portugueze  (in  which  time  of 
deserting  contract  was  made,  when  they  had  left  an  olla  hinting 
their  returne  and  challenge  of  ditto  place),  wee  cannot  determine, 
none  manifesting  the  same  to  the  Dutch  as  yet,  since  retaking  ditto 
place,  and  contract  since  firmly  made  with  the  Queen  etc.  of  Chen- 
genat  or  Ouilom.  However,  small  will  be  the  charge,  and  otherwise 
may  be  advantegeous. 

The  Dutch  will  find  little  demand  for  their  spices  in  Porakad  ; 
but  opium,  copper,  lead,  tin,  cotton,  sandal-wood,  iron,  steel,  &c., 
would  sell  readily. 

They  bring  a  sort  of  opium  from  Bengala  called  Pachavette,^ 
worth  58  and  60  candys  pepper  each  candy  opium  ;  our  Surat  sort 
but  48,  and  must  be  good  if  it  deserve  that.  .  .  .  They  [the  Dutch] 
have  reduced  the  citty  of  Cochin  to  a  very  small  circuit,  but  will 
be  extrordinary  strong,  as  reported,  when  finished.^  Quiloan  is  no 
more  then  a  factory,  a  warehouse,  and  two  or  three  houses  more, 
with  14  or  15  souldiers.  All  their  credit  is  Cochin,  which  is  enough, 
and    with  that  they  doe  not  a  litle  domineer  ;  though,  had  the 

^  Possibly  the  passewa  of  Wilson's  Glossary,  where  it  is  described  as  '  a  semifluid 
sediment  obtained  from  the  capsules  of  the  poppy  after  the  seeds  are  extracted  ;  it  hardens 
by  exposure'. 

-  See  the  Dagh-Regisier,  1664,  P-  57o- 

A  a  2 


35^  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

Honourable  Company  but  Quiloan  (as  with  small  suit  they  might 
formerly  [have]  had  of  the  Portugalls),  their  pride  would  easily  be 
quelled  and  abated. 

Cornelis  Valkenburg,  the  chief  factor  in  Cochin,  came  to  Porakad 
in  a  vessel  for  a  lading  of  pepper.  The  English  factors  sent  him 
a  protest,^  which  he  returned.  Shortly  after,  some  more  Dutch 
ships  arrived,  and  their  commander  interviewed  the  King  and 
offered  to  give  two  rials  of  eight  per  candy  for  pepper  above  the 
price  current ;  so  the  end  may  easily  be  foreseen. 

Grigsby's  letter  of  7  June  appears  to  have  reached  Surat  on 
23  September  ;  and  on  3  October  (as  we  have  already  seen)  the 
President  and  Council  resolved  to  send  the  Royal  Charles  to 
Calicut  and  Porakad.  Two  letters  had  been  received  earlier  in  the 
year  from  the  former  place,  inviting  the  English  to  trade  there  ; 
and  on  16  August  it  had  been  decided  to  dispatch  an  Indian  broker 
thither  in  a  Malabar  vessel  with  a  small  stock  of  money  to  begin 
an  investment  for  pepper.  It  was  now  determined  to  put  aboard 
the  Royal  Charles,  under  the  charge  of  Charles  Smeaton  and 
Robert  Barbor,  a  stock  of  about  4,500/.  for  investment  at  Calicut, 
where  those  two  merchants  were  to  establish  a  factory.  In  the 
instructions  given  to  them  (8  October),  the  President  and  Council 
said: 

Wee  have  had  severall  invitations  from  the  King  of  Callicut  (or 
Samarin),  who  hath  in  a  manner  courted  us  once  more  to  settle  in 
his  port  of  Callicut,  promising  all  respect  and  civill  usage.  .  .  .  Hee 
seems  to  esteeme  much  of  us,  and  hath  promised  that,  if  wee  will 
settle  a  factory,  not  to  admit  of  any  Dutch  to  come  into  his  country. 

In  view  of  the  Dutch  encroachments,  this  was  an  opportunity  not 
to  be  missed,  and  the  factors  were  to  do  their  best  to  establish 
themselves  there.  It  was  presumed  that  the  house  inhabited  by 
their  predecessors  would  be  at  their  disposal.  While  they  were 
getting  a  cargo  together,  the  Royal  Charles  was  to  go  on  to  Porakad 
to  fetch  any  goods  that  might  be  waiting  there.  She  carried  a  letter, 
dated  7  October,  for  the  factors  at  that  place,  informing  them  of  the 
resolute  attitude  taken  up  at  home  by  the  King  and  Parliament  on 
the  question  of  wrongs  received  from  the  Dutch  :  advising  them  of 
the  Company's  directions  that  the  factory  was  to  be  continued  :  and 

'  For  a  copy  see  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  civ.  p.  252. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  357 

begging  them  to  remain  one  year  longer,  unless  their  lives  were  in 
danger,  in  which  case  they  might  come  away  in  the  ship. 

Calicut  was  duly  reached  and  Smeaton  and  Barbor  were  landed. 
Then,  according  to  a  letter  from  Captain  Barker  at  Goa  of  5  Decem- 
ber, the  Royal  Charles 

Arrived  at  Porcatt  the  4  November.  The  King  being  out  of 
towne,  Mr.  Harrington  spoke  not  with  him  untill  the  6  ditto,  but 
could  not  prevaile  to  laid  of  any  thing,  but  all  his  tone  was  that  wee 
must  be  gon  or  elce  hee  should  loose  his  country  to  the  Dutch,  who 
threatned,  if  hee  did  not  turne  them  away,  they  would  war  against 
him.  The  loth  November  in  the  morning,  haveing  received  a  letter 
from  the  King  to  Your  Worships,^  wee  sett  sayle,  and  arrived  at 
Callacutt  the  13th  ditto  ;  where  tooke  in  1600  parcells  of  pepper, 
[and]  departed  the  i8th  ditto. 

The  Captain  brought  away  letters  from  the  factors  both  at  Calicut 
and  Porakad.  The  former  wrote  (17  November)  that  they  had 
arrived  on  27  October  and  had  had  much  trouble  with  the  broker 
previously  sent  from  Surat,  who  had  no  pepper  ready.  They  had 
been  well  received  by  the  officials,  who  assigned  them  a  house  and 
gave  them  permission  to  display  their  flag.  They  had  procured 
and  laded  a  good  quantity  of  pepper,  though  at  rather  dear  prices 
The  letter  from  Porakad  was  dated  9  November  and  added  little  tc 
the  intelligence  given  by  Captain  Barker.  The  King  was  afraid  to 
allow  them  to  ship  their  pepper,  unless  the  factors  would  go  away  as 
well ;  which  he  urged  them  to  do,  since  he  could  not  defend  them 
against  the  Dutch.  It  seemed  useless  for  them  to  remain,  but  in 
view  of  the  Company's  commands,  they  had  resigned  themselves  to 
do  so. 

Writing  to  the  Company  on  16  November,  the  Surat  Council 
gave  an  account  of  the  position  on  the  Malabar  Coast.  The  factory 
established  at  Calicut  might,  they  thought,  procure  100  tons  of 
pepper  yearly.  For  the  present  the  most  promising  place  for  this 
commodity  was  Bhatkal,  but  there  Portuguese  competition  was  to 
be  feared. 

The  warrs  between  the  Portugall  and  the  Dutch  for  many  yeares 
obstructed  the  Portugall  from  fetching  it  of,  they  not  dareing  to 

^  The  Dutch  account  was  that  the  King  refused  to  receive  a  gold  or  gilt  cup  offered 
by  the  factors  and  ordered  them  to  send  away  the  ship  {Hague  Transcripts,  ser.  i.  vol. 
xxviii.  no.  732). 


35^  THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664 

lade  any  vessells  for  Lisborne  ;  in  which  time  the  King  of  Batticolla, 
not  meeting  with  soe  good  a  chapman,  kept  his  annuall  cropp  by 
him,  pretending  hee  would  force  it  upon  the  Portugall  at  the  rate 
hee  had  contracted.  But  since  in  these  latter  years,  perceiveing  the 
Portugalls  poverty  to  increase,  was  sencible  they  could  not  possible 
performe  with  him,  hee  hath  sent  it  abroad  for  sale  to  Mocho, 
Bussora,  Persia,  and  Muscatt,  in  all  which  places  hee  hath  more  then 
20  vessells  gone  this  yeare ;  by  which  you  may  conclude  that  his 
warehouses  are  emptie  and  his  former  stock  exhausted ;  the 
dependants  for  all  is  now  the  yearely  income.  Decan  and  all  the 
south  coast  are  all  embroyled  in  civill  warrs,  king  against  king  and 
country  against  country  ;  and  Sevagy  raines  victoriously  and  un- 
controuled,  that  hee  is  a  terrour  to  all  the  kinges  and  princes  round 
about,  dayly  encreaseing  in  streingh.  Hee  hath  now  fitted  up  four 
score  vessells  and  sent  them  downe  to  Batticolla  and  thereabouts, 
whilst  hee  intends  to  meete  them  overland  with  a  flying  army  of 
horse ;  for  hee  is  very  nimble  and  active,  imposeing  strange  labour 
upon  himselfe  that  hee  may  endure  hardship,  and  also  exercises  his 
cheifest  men,  that  hee  flyes  too  and  fro  with  incredible  dexterity. 
The  news  of  him  at  present  are  that  hee  is  intercepted  in  his  journy 
downe  to  his  fleete  by  a  party  of  this  King's  army  and  fought ; 
where  between  them  six  thousand  men  were  slaine,  himselfe  worsted 
and  forced  to  flye  to  a  castle,  where  this  army,  following  in  persute, 
hath  very  strictly  girt  him  in,  that  hee  cannot  stirr.^  Pray  God 
what  wee  heare  bee  true,  and  then  his  fleete  will  moulder  away  ;  for 
nothing  can  bee  done  without  him,  hee  keepeing  all  in  his  owne  breast, 
trusting  his  councells  with  none,  bee  they  never  soe  neare  and  deare 
unto  him.  The  report  is  hee  intended  to  fall  upon  Batticolla  and 
those  countryes,  and  make  them  his  owne.  The  King  of  India  hath 
sent  a  great  army  to  fall  upon  the  King  of  Vitchapoore  [Bijapur] ; 
and  the  reason  is  because  hee  sufferrs  this  rebell  Sevagy  to  infect  his 
countryes,  beleeveing  they  understand  one  another  and  therefore  is 
sufferred  to  range  and  plunder  where  hee  thinkes  are  the  most  spoiles, 
though  it  bee  the  King's  of  Vitchapoores  owne  dominions ;  which 
the  said  King  submitts  too,  without  raiseing  any  forces  to  restraine 
him  or  protect  his  subjects.  Rajapoore  still  continues  under  his 
goverment.  'Twas  said  some  months  since  that  the  King  of  Vitcha- 
poore had  raised  an  army  and  sent  against  Sevagy ;  also  that  hee 
had  sent  severall  forces  to  retake  from  him  the  severall  port  townes 
of  Rajapore,  Dabull,  Chaul,  and  severall  other  to  the  number  of 
12  or  14  ;  but  there  is  juggelling  between  them,  for  nothing  is  done 
in  it,  hee  remaineing  possessed  of  all ;  and  certainely  will  in  a  short 
time,  if  not  prevented,  will  bee  master  of  the  whole  sea  coast.    Pray 

'  For  an  account  of  this  battle  see  Prof.  Sarkar's  Shivaji,  p.  306. 


THE  MALABAR  COAST,  1664  359 

God  his  vessells  doe  not  prevent  the  quantety  of  pepper  expected  ; 
rather  then  which  wee  hope  your  ships  will  make  his  vessells  ribbs 
flye,  for  they  are  pitifull  things,  that  one  good  shipp  would  destroy 
a  hundred  of  them  without  running  her  selfe  into  any  great 
danger. 

In  their  subsequent  letter  of  2  January,  1665,  the  President  and 
Council  returned  to  the  subject.  The  packet  from  Karwar,  they 
said,  had  been  delayed, 

Those  that  brought  it  being  constrained  to  goe  a  great  way  about 
to  avoyd  that  rebell  Sevagee  and  his  scouts,  who  range  all  over  the 
country,  makeing  havock  wherever  hee  comes  with  tire  and  sword, 
and  hath  lately  plundered  Vingurla,  a  port  and  place  of  great  trade, 
from  whence,  'tis  said,  hee  hath  carryed  away  vast  riches,  serveing 
another  towne  not  farr  from  it  in  the  like  manner ;  by  which  you 
may  perceive  that  what  wee  wrote  you  of  him  in  our  last  was  a 
false  report ;  and  such  wee  have  dayly  brought  us,  that  wee  know 
not  what  to  beleeve ;  but  this  latter  news,  being  confirmed  by 
Mr.  Randolph  Taylor  from  Goa,  perswades  our  beleife.  ... 

The  danger  from  the  Dutch  encroachments,  as  also  from  the 
renewed  activities  of  the  Portuguese,  was  next  dwelt  upon ;  and  the 
Company  was  asked  to  say  what  should  be  done  if  no  pepper  were 
available  for  the  homeward  bound  ships.  It  would  be  advisable 
also  to  alter  the  clause  in  the  charter-party  enforcing  the  provision 
of  this  commodity  for  kentledge,  since  the  Company  had  forbidden 
the  purchase  of  other  goods  that  might  serve  the  purpose,  and  the 
commanders  would  not  accept  any  '  whose  tunnage  is  not  rated  at 
30  cwt.  to  the  tunne '. 


36o 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

The  materials  for  a  history  of  the  Coromandel  Coast  factories  are 
more  abundant  than  usual  this  year,  since  not  only  is  the  book  of 
IMadras  Letters  Out  extant,  but  the  correspondence  with  Surat  is 
fully  entered  in  the  records  of  that  Presidency.  On  the  other  hand, 
neither  the  Consultation  Book  nor  the  Register  of  Letters  Received 
at  Madras  is  available. 

The  first  letter  on  record  is  one  from  the  Agent  and  Council  at 
Madras  to  Jearsey  at  Masulipatam,  dated  18  January,  ordering  him 
to  take  out  of  a  country  ship  just  arrived  all  English  pilots  or  sailors, 
and  repeating  a  former  summons  to  Niclaes,  Sledd,  Acworth,  and 
Francis  Turner  to  come  to  Madras.  The  next  is  one  addressed  to 
Walter  Travers  at  Tuticorin,  dated  2  February.  It  advised  the 
dispatch  of  500  new  pagodas,  together  with  a  letter  and  some  scarlet 
broadcloth,  for  presentation  to  the  '  Varampulla'.^  Travers  was  to 
come  to  Madras,  either  by  land  or  in  the  vessel  that  carried  the 
letter,  in  order  to  consult  about  the  maintenance  of  the  factory, 
leaving  an  Englishman  behind  him  to  look  after  matters.  A  letter 
to  Masulipatam  of  the  same  date  contains  little  beyond  an  order  for 
the  dismissal  of  Xiclaes  from  the  service  for  insubordination,  and 
another  stationing  William  Smyth  at  Madapollam. 

The  letter  to  Tuticorin  had  not  been  sent  off  when  two  from 
Travers  came  to  hand,  urging  assistance  to  the  Nayak  against  his 
enemies  and  complaining  of  an  affront  offered  to  Travers  by  Francis 
Nelthrop,  his  assistant.  A  fresh  letter  was  accordingly  written  in 
reply  on  6  February,  in  which  the  former  instructions  were  cancelled 
and  Travers  was  directed  to  remain  at  his  post,  in  order  to  frustrate 
the  Dutch  designs  he  had  described.  As  regards  the  Nayak,  Travers 
might  '  feed  him  with  such  hopes ' ;  but 

Wee  beleive  you  can  bring  noe  instance  that  ever  the  English  did 
assist  any  of  the  natives  one  against  the  other,  either  by  sea  or 
land.  .  .  .  Wee  cannot  put  any  thing  in  execution  unlesse  wee  [had] 
orders  from  our  masters  for  it.  And  besides  the  expences  will  bee 
vast  upon  such  an  accompt,  and  whither  the  trade  which  wee  shall 

*  The  Nayak.     '  Pulla'  =  pillai,  while  varum  is  a  Tamil  honorific. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  361 

have  in  that  place  (unlesse  wee  had  more  stock)  will  countervaile  the 
same  is  questionable.  Therefore  all  thoughts  of  such  an  undertak- 
ing must  bee  laid  aside. 

As  for  Nelthrop's  insubordination, 

If  you  can  make  proffe  of  what  you  have  affirmed  to  us  concern- 
ing it,  you  may  your  selfe  bring  him  to  publique  correction  (but  to 
bee  inflicted  by  an  Englishman)  in  the  very  place  where  hee  com- 
mitted his  outrage,  and  afterwards  clapp  him  in  irons  and  send  him 
hither  on  the  boate  at  her  retorne  ;  where  hee  shall  receive  the  same 
punishment  and  afterwards  bee  sent  in  irons  to  England.  Soe 
great  a  care  wee  shall  have  to  preserve  governement. 

Evidently  by  the  same  vessel,  Winter  and  his  Council  dispatched 
a  letter  of  6  February  to  '  our  loving  and  distressed  friends ',  the 
captives  in  Ceylon.  They  recalled  that  they  had  written  previously 
on  24  October,  and  had  then  desired  the  brother  of  *  Permola  Cittie ' 
[Perumal  Chetti]  to  supply  the  prisoners  if  necessary  with  300  rials 
of  eight.  Further  instructions  had  now  been  given  to  him  to  furnish 
them  with  all  they  might  need.  The  vessel  bringing  the  letter  had 
been  specially  bought  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  to  Kottiar  a  letter 
and  present^  for  the  King  of  Kandy.  These  they  might  present  them- 
selves, if  they  could  get  leave  to  do  so ;  and  it  was  hoped  that  the 
result  would  be  their  own  liberation  and  a  grant  from  the  King  for 
English  trade  in  the  island.  In  that  case  they  might,  if  they  chose, 
remain  to  establish  a  factory.  Should  they  obtain  permission  to 
come  to  Kottiar,  the  vessel  and  everything  in  it  would  be  at  their 
disposal.  In  answer  to  letters  from  Madras,  the  Dutch  Governor 
of  Colombo  had  held  out  hopes  of  his  obtaining  the  redemption  of 
the  captives,  provided  that  the  English  made  no  attempt  to  com- 
municate directly  with  the  King  of  Kandy — a  condition  it  was 
thought  fit  to  ignore,  in  view  of  the  instructions  received  from  the 
Company.  A  supply  of  paper  and  pens  was  sent,  but  no  ink  could 
be  spared. 

A  letter  from  Winter,  Gifford,  and  Reade  to  Masulipatam,  dated 
18  March,  shows  that  relations  were  becoming  strained  between  the 

1  Consisting  of  two  brass  guns,  a  Persian  horse,  two  hawks,  five  dogs,  some  looking- 
glasses  and  broadcloth,  and  a  piece  of  silk  and  silver.  Thomas  Diaz,  who  was  sent  in 
charge,  was  ordered  to  deliver  the  letter  and  presents  to  the  Governor  of  Kottiar  and  wait 
a  reasonable  time  for  the  King's  reply.  See  also  the  extracts  from  the  Dagh- Register 
given  by  Mr.  Ferguson  at  p.  13  of  his  Captain  Robert  Knox. 


362  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

masterful  Agent  and  his  equally  masterful  subordinate,  William 
Jearsey. 

As  concerning  the  Governour  of  Metchlepatams  civillity,  wee 
remember  an  old  sayeing  that  the  Divill  himselfe  is  good  when  hee 
is  pleased.  And  for  your  piscashing  him  soe  much,  if  the  Company 
allowe  of  it,  it  is  well ;  but  you  never  received  any  order  from  hence 
soe  to  doe.  Wee  conceive  hee  might  rather  to  have  given  us, 
haveing  offered  us  such  abuses. 

That  charges  against  Jearsey  had  gone  home  was  his  own  fault, 
since  he  had  not  come  to  Madras  to  confute  his  accuser.  Acworth's 
flight  must  have  been  with  Jearsey's  connivance,  seeing  that  he  went 
in  the  latter's  ship.  The  delay  in  sending  up  the  Masulipatam 
accounts  was  next  censured.  Jearsey  was  then  blamed  for  shielding 
Niclaes,  and  for  not  demanding  freight  on  goods  carried  to  Siam  on 
account  of  the  ship's  owners.  Robert  Fleetwood  was  being  sent 
to  replace  Salisbury  at  PetapoH  and  to  get  in  the  outstanding  debts. ^ 
The  expenses  at  Masulipatam  were  considered  too  great,  and 
Jearsey  was  told  that  he  would  have  himself  to  pay  anything  in 
excess  of  40  old  pagodas  per  month.  Dawes  was  being  dispatched 
from  Madras  to  examine  into  complaints  made  by  the  Petapoli 
saltpetre  merchants  against  Salisbury. 

Four  days  later  another  letter  was  addressed  to  Masulipatam, 
answering  one  just  received  from  that  place.  Since  Niclaes  still 
refused  to  repair  to  Madras,  Jearsey  must  send  him  by  force. 
As  Sledd's  period  of  service  was  expired,  he  might  be  allowed 
to  remain  for  a  while  at  his  own  charges,  but  must  then  come  to 
Madras,  as  must  also  Turner.  On  6  April  a  further  letter  to 
Masulipatam  announced  the  failure  of  the  venture  to  Ceylon  and 
the  return  of  the  vessel  (on  36  March). 

Shee  was  within  one  dayes  sayle  of  the  place  [i.  e.  Kottiar],  but, 
meeting  with  a  Dutch  shipp,^  they  carryed  her  back  to  Jafnapatam, 
because  shee  had  not  their  passe  ;  which  made  her  to  loose  the 
monzoones. 


'  For  particulars  see  an  article  on  Salisbury  by  Miss  Anstey  in  the  Indian  Antiquayy 
for  1909. 

2  The  yacht  Pippli.  Further  details  are  given  in  the  protest.  See  also  the  Batavia 
Dagh-Register,  1664,  pp.  158,  205,  338.  The  loss  entailed  was  placed  at  about 
169/.  {O.C.  3024). 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  363 

A  protest  was  accordingly  forwarded,  for  delivery  to  Cornelius 
Speelman,  Governor  of  Pulicat,  who  was  then  at  Masulipatam. 

On  16  April  Winter  wrote  again  to  Jearsey,  ordering  him  to 
permit  John  Widdrington  to  come  to  Madras,  to  give  an  account  of 
his  past  proceedings  ^ ;  and  an  invitation  to  that  effect  was  sent  at 
the  same  time  to  Widdrington  himself.  The  letter  to  Jearsey 
added : 

Wee  have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bering,  advizeing  us  that 
the  Dutch  lye  at  the  barr  of  Syam  and  are  now  commenceinga  warr 
with  the  King,  and  have  sworne  that  wee  shall  land  noe  more 
goodes  in  that  place ;  they  will  only  lycence  us  to  fetch  of  our 
remaynes.  By  which  you  may  see  they  are  resolved  to  keepe  the 
trade  of  all  places  to  them  selves,  and  uppon  that  accompt  only  have 
fallne  out  with  the  Syamers.  Soe  that  wee  desire  your  advice 
which  will  bee  the  best  way  to  gett  the  Companies  estate  thence. 

The  war  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Siamese  soon  involved 
Winter  in  a  quarrel  with  the  former.  A  ship  belonging  to  the  King 
of  Siam  reached  Madras  from  Tenasserim,  bringing  an  ambassador 
to  the  King  of  Golconda,  with  a  number  of  elephants  and  other 
goods.  Acting — so  the  Dutch  alleged — on  a  hint  from  Winter,  the 
ship  did  not  continue  her  v^oyage  to  Masulipatam  (which  would 
probably  have  led  to  her  capture  by  the  Dutch),  but  landed  her 
cargo  at  Madras,  whence  part  of  it  was  taken  to  Masulipatam  in 
a  country  vessel  under  the  Agent's  brother,  Francis  Winter.  The 
Dutch  sent  a  deputation  from  Pulicat  to  Fort  St.  George,  to  com- 
plain of  these  measures  and  to  demand  the  surrender  of  the  vessel 
and  her  cargo,  on  the  strength  of  the  recent  treaty  between  England 
and  Holland,  by  which  each  country  bound  itself  to  refrain  from 
aiding  the  enemies  of  the  other.  To  the  protest  handed  to  them  by 
the  Dutch  factors,  Winter  and  his  colleagues  replied  on  25  April, 
declaring  that  they  had  received  no  notification  from  the  Dutch  of 
the  declaration  of  war  until  after  the  cargo  had  been  landed :  that 
the  English  had  not  hindered  the  Siamese  vessel  from  proceeding 

•  Widdrington  proceeded  to  Madras  accordingly.  A  letter  to  Surat  of  3  August 
praises  his  behaviour  and  says  that  his  past  actions  will  be  left  to  the  judgement  of  the 
Company ;  and  another  of  8  October  advises  that  Winter  had  sent  him  to  Achin  to  look 
after  English  interests  there.  To  this  the  Surat  Council  replied  on  30  November,  assert- 
ing that  the  Achin  factory  was  entirely  under  their  care  and  that  Winter  had  no  business 
to  interfere. 


364  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

to  MasuHpatam  :  that  they  were  '  not  as  absolute  lords  and  kings  of 
the  place  '  (Madras)  and  could  not  interfere  with  a  vessel  '  consigned 
to  the  King  of  Golquondah ' :  that  the  Siamese  goods  were  carried 
to  MasuHpatam  in  the  ordinary  way  of  business,  though,  had  the 
Dutch  given  warning  in  time,  they  would  have  been  refused :  and 
that  the  treaty  did  not  bind  the  English  to  do  more  than  to  require 
the  Siamese  vessel  to  depart  within  twenty-eight  days,  and  this  they 
would  do.^ 

In  a  letter  to  the  MasuHpatam  factors  on  3  May,  orders  were 
given  for  the  arrest  of  *  Oringall  \^  who  was  in  debt  to  the  Company's 
merchants  and  had,  moreover, 

Much  prejudiced  the  Companies  affayres  and  put  us  to  vast 
expence  in  our  treateing  with  Yeacknam  Caun,  wherein  our  expecta- 
tions are  quite  frustrated  by  his  recounting  of  fallsityes  unto  the 
said  Yecknam  Caun,  whoe  otherwise  had  granted  us  his  phirmaund, 
which  was  once  writen,  signed  and  sealed  for  that  purpose. 

Later  in  the  month  (25  May)  Winter  and  his  Council  wrote  to 
Jearsey  at  MasuHpatam  that  they  had  long  expected  his  arrival  at 
the  Fort,  and  must  now  tell  him  in  writing  that,  in  view  of  his 
repeated  disobedience  to  their  orders,  they  intended  to  refrain  from 
further  communication  with  him  until  the  Company's  instructions 
were  received.  They  further  warned  him  of  a  report  that  he  and 
Salisbury  were  buying  saltpetre  at  Petapoli  for  their  own  account ; 
for  which,  if  true,  satisfaction  would  be  required. 

About  the  same  time  a  further  effort  was  made  to  communicate 
with  the  King  of  Kandy,  in  order  to  secure  the  release  of  the 
English  captives  and  the  establishment  of  a  factory  in  Ceylon. 
For  this  purpose  a  letter  addressed  to  that  monarch  was  sent 
(ao  May)  to  Travers  at  Tuticorin,  with  injunctions  to  forward  it  by 
the  speediest  and  safest  conveyance. 

Notwithstanding  their  petulant  refusal  to  have  anything  more  to 
do  with  Jearsey,  the  Madras  Council  on  6  June  addressed  a  long 
letter  to  him.  With  regard  to  a  warning  given  by  the  Dutch  that 
they  had  commenced  war  against  Siam  and  Aehin,  and  that  no 
English  vessels  would  be  allowed  to  trade  to  either  country.  Winter 
and  his  colleagues  declared  it  to  be  their  opinion  that  the  Dutch 

^  For  the  Dutch  account  see  the  Baiavia  Dagh- Register,  1 664,  p.  336. 
*  Col.  Love  suggests  that  this  name  is  Alangad. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  ^6$ 

had  no  right  to  prevent  the  English  on  such  grounds  from  trading 
to  any  port  where  there  was  already  an  English  factory,  provided 
they  did  not  assist  the  natives  against  the  Dutch.  It  was,  they 
contended,  part  of  the  policy  of  the  latter  to  make  war  against  any 
chief  who  admitted  the  English,  and  then  to  require,  as  a  condition 
of  peace,  the  exclusion  of  all  other  nations.  Niclaes  having  formally 
protested  against  the  Agent  and  Council,  orders  were  given  for  his 
arrest  and  imprisonment. 

A  Dutch  letter  of  this  period  [Batavia  Dagh- Register,  1664, 
p.  437)  says  that  the  English  had  applied  to  the  Nayak  of  Tanjore 
for  permission  to  settle  at  Devikottai,  but  the  request  had  been 
refused. 

Some  time  in  June  or  early  in  July  arrived  a  letter  from  Surat, 
dated  30  April,  acquainting  Winter  with  the  Company's  orders  for 
the  abandonment  of  the  factory  at  Tuticorin,  and  requesting  him  to 
arrange  accordingly.  To  this  an  answer  was  returned  on  4  July, 
promising  to  consider  the  matter  shortly.  The  same  letter 
announced  the  arrival  at  Madras  from  England  of  the  Happy 
Entrance  (340  tons,  Capt.  William  Barker)  on  33  June  and  of  the 
Morning  Star  (200  tons,  Capt.  John  Godolphin)  four  days  later. 
These  brought  a  long  letter  from  the  Court  of  Committees,  dated 
16  December,  1663,  the  contents  of  which  must  have  been  very 
unpalatable  to  the  fiery  Agent.  At  the  outset  he  and  his  colleagues 
were  informed  that '  many  and  greate  complaints  '  had  been  received 
concerning  their  proceedings.  These  charges  were  next  detailed. 
It  was  alleged  that  the  Coronation  was  sent  home  only  partly  laden, 
while  several  hundreds  of  bales  of  the  Company's  calicoes  were 
reserved  for  dispatch  to  Siam  on  private  account,  for  which  purpose 
the  Madras  Merchant  was  sent  thither  instead  of  being  returned  to 
England,  as  the  Company  had  directed.  Winter  was  charged  with 
taking  into  the  service,  contrary  to  orders,  several  of  his  relatives, 
and  with  encouraging  the  '  Popish  mass  '.  He  had,  it  was  alleged,, 
erected  a  gallows  and,  by  threatening  to  hang  '  Bera  Tymana '  [see 
p.  166]  thereon,  had  extorted  from  him  15,000/.,  which  had  not  yet 
been  brought  to  account,  though  the  broker  had  been  re-employed, 
'  that  soe  upon  our  damage  hee  may  repaire  himselfe '.  Similarly 
it  was  rumoured  that  Winter  had  recovered  a  very  large  sum  from 
Chamber,  yet  nothing  of  this  appeared  in  the  books.     Further,  it 


^66  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

was  declared  that  Winter,  in  order  to  terrify  the  factors  and  bend 
them  to  his  will,  had  threatened  to  dismiss  any  who  opposed  him, 
and  send  them  back  to  England  by  virtue  of  his  commission  from 
the  King,  which  in  reality  gave  him  no  such  power.  These  and 
other  misdemeanours  had  caused  the  Committees  to  consider 
making  some  alteration  in  the  government ;  but  they  had  desisted, 
on  hearing  read  a  letter  from  the  Agent  to  his  brother,  Thomas 
Winter,  making  '  high  protestations '  of  his  zeal  and  honesty, 
and  promising  to  bring  to  account  anything  received  from 
Timmanna  and  to  provide  calicoes  one-fifth  cheaper  this  year  than 
last.  Hoping,  therefore,  that  some  of  these  accusations  were  '  mis- 
reported  '  and  others  '  the  product  and  fruites  of  inconsideratnes  \ 
they  had  contented  themselves  with  engaging  Nicholas  Buckeridge 
(the  former  Agent  in  Persia) 

To  voyage  over  to  you  on  the  Happy  Entrance^  for  the  taking  an 
accompt  how  our  affaires  stand  in  those  parts  and  to  joyne  with 
you  and  the  prenamed  Counsell  in  the  rectifying  those  things  which 
are  amisse,  and  to  retorne  home  to  us  and  give  us  an  accompt  of 
his  proceedings  therein. 

While  at  Madras  Buckeridge  was  to  act  as  Second  in  Council.^ 
He  was  authorized  to  visit  any  of  the  factories  on  the  Coast  for  the 
purposes  of  his  investigations,  and  while  so  doing  was  to  take  pre- 
cedence of  the  Chief  of  a  factory.  In  addition,  Jeremy  Sambrook 
was  being  sent  out  as  Warehouse  Keeper,  and  Gilbert  Beavis  had 
been  authorized  to  proceed  to  Madras  from  Guinea.^  The  Council 
was  to  consist  of  Winter,  Buckeridge,  Blake,  Jearsey,  Proby,  Niclaes, 
Bridges,  Sambrook,  and  Beavis,  with  power  to  co-opt  others,  subject 
to  the  assent  of  Buckeridge.  Having  announced  these  arrange- 
ments, the  Committees  proceeded  to  answer  the  letters  received. 
They  promised  to  send  in  future  a  large  stock  for  investment ;  and 
in  case  of  necessity  they  authorized  temporary  borrowing  up  to 
a  limit  of  20,000  new  pagodas,  at  interest  not  exceeding  10  per  cent, 
per  annum.  The  expenses  in  Bengal,  including  the  payment  of 
3,000  rupees  yearly  to  the  Governor  of  Hugh",  would,  they  hoped, 
be  much  lessened  by  Blake's  care.    Kentledge  goods  should  be  kept 

'  His  instructions  are  given  at  p.  348  of  the  same  volume.  He  was  directed  to  keep  a 
full  diary  of  all  his  proceedings. 

^  He  did  not  avail  himself  of  this  permission. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  ^^1 

in  hand  on  the  Coast,  in  order  to  provide  for  the  dispatch  yearly  of 
one  ship  to  Bantam  and  another  to  England,  without  their  needing 
to  proceed  to  the  Bay.  The  Happy  Entrajtce  was  to  go  to  Bantam  ; 
while  the  Marigold  (or  one  of  the  other  ships)  was  to  return  direct 
to  England.  The  Anne  and  all  other  local  shipping  should  be  sold 
at  once,  '  beeing  wee  have  alwaies  found  that  shipps  in  the  country 
have  beene  a  growing  charge,  and  wee  therefore  resolve  not  to  keepe 
any  in  our  imployment'.  In  the  future  no  vessel  should  be  detained 
on  demurrage,  whatever  the  pretext.  If  differences  continued  with 
the  local  Governors,  the  Company  should  be  advised ;  but  the 
factors  were  not  in  the  meantime  '  to  breake  out  into  any  acts  of 
hostillity  with  them  or  any  others '.  A  hope  was  expressed  that 
the  captives  in  Ceylon  had  been  released. 

Wee  hope  you  will  bee  carefull  to  reduce  the  charge [s]  of  our 
towne  and  garrison,  which  you  write  us  are  large,  and  to  that  pur- 
pose you  intend  to  levy  a  tax  upon  the  people  of  the  towne.  But 
this  wee  would  have  done  with  such  moderation  that  the  people  bee 
not  overburthened  or  disheartned,  nor  our  trade  thereby  hindred  or 
diminished  ;  our  desire  beeing  to  have  the  port  made  free  and  our 
trade  thereby  increased,  and  all  encouragments  given  to  the  weavers 
and  others  for  the  making  of  all  sorts  of  callicoes  within  our  towne. 

The  factors'  disclaimers  on  the  subject  of  private  trade  were 
deemed  unsatisfactory,  and  they  were  again  urged  to  be  diligent  in 
detecting  it.  Should  saltpetre  be  not  available,  sugar,  cowries,  lac, 
cotton-wool,  or  rice  might  be  stowed  as  kentledge.  Seeing  that  it 
was  Chamber  who  appointed  Shingler  as  Cashier,  the  latter's  debt 
must  be  made  good  by  the  former.  It  was  hoped  that  Winter  had 
not  gone  up  to  Golconda,  for  '  visitting  of  Kings  courts  '  had  always 
proved  expensive.  Trevisa  should  be  called  upon  to  account  for 
the  estates  of  certain  deceased  factors.  All  books  and  papers 
relating  to  such  estates  must  be  sent  home  by  the  next  shipping  ; 
and  for  the  future  the  practice  should  be  continued,  with  information 
as  to  the  date  of  death.  A  supply  of  soldiers,^  muskets,  swords, 
&c.,  for  the  garrison  was  being  sent  out.  It  was  needless  to  furnish 
'  sloopes  or  katchees '  to  carry  goods  up  the  Hugh,  as  all  the  ships 
were  being  encouraged  to  go  up  that  river.  The  attention  of  the 
Chiefs  of  the  various  factories  should  be  called  to  the  permission 

^  A  list  of  these,  numbering  thirty  in  all,  is  given  at  p.  357  of  the  same  volume. 


368  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

given  to  them  to  write  direct  to  the  Company,  and  they  should 
be  directed  to  do  so  in  future.  Time-expired  servants  should  be 
allowed  to  return,  if  they  wished  to  do  so  ;  but  permission  to  engage 
others  in  their  places  was  refused.  No  person  whatever  was  to  be 
employed  who  had  not  been  engaged  by  the  Company,  and  no 
increase  of  salary  was  to  be  given  without  its  prior  sanction.  Com- 
plaints were  made  of  bad  packing  and  ill-sorting  of  the  calicoes  ; 
and  Timmanna  was  to  be  required  to  make  good  a  loss  of  482/.  i6s. 
on  this  account.  A  shortage  of  taffetas  was  next  reported,  and 
104/.  i.f.  was  ordered  to  be  debited  to  the  account  of  Sheldon,  who 
signed  the  invoice.  The  '  longees  '  were  overrated,  and  the  '  ging- 
hams '  short  packed  and  poor  in  quality  ;  unless  better  and  cheaper 
could  be  furnished,  no  more  should  be  sent  home. 

Your  last  letters  .  .  .  are  not  only  transcribed  by  a  very  badd 
pennman,  but  also  what  therein  advised  us  in  severall  places  soe 
confusedly  hudled  up  togither  that  wee  can  scarcely  make  sence  or 
English  of  it.  Wee  therefore  require  that  these  defects  in  the  future 
bee  amended  ;  and  let  our  letters  bee  transcribed  by  a  good  penman 
(of  which  you  are  not  in  want)  and  the  severall  matters  therein 
advised  distinctly  and  plainly  expressed.  And  also  let  a  quarter 
part  of  the  paper  bee  left  for  a  margent,  that  wee  may  thereon 
abreviate  your  said  letters. 

John  Grover  and  Richard  Clay,  engaged  by  Chamber  as  factors, 
were  repudiated  and  ordered  to  England.  It  was  believed  that  the 
Coj'onatioji  was  detained  at  Masulipatam  solely  for  the  convenience 
of  Jearsey  and  his  family ;  if  so,  he  should  be  required  to  pay  the 
demurrage,  which  was  at  least  131/.  5^".  Every  effort  was  to  be 
made  to  get  in  outstanding  debts,  and  future  entanglements  of  this 
sort  were  to  be  avoided.  No  debts  were  to  be  allowed  at  Petapoli, 
Viravasaram,  or  Masulipatam,  '  where  wee  have  already  smarted  for 
the  same '.  A  reminder  was  given  as  to  the  valuation  previously 
ordered ;  and  a  complete  inventory  of  all  things  in  the  various 
factories  was  required  yearly.  The  mother  of  Simon  Heaman  had 
petitioned  that  her  son,  who  went  out  with  Captain  Knox  in  the 
Anne,  was  kept  a  prisoner  in  a  castle  called  *  Hammomett  V  between 
Golconda  and  Masulipatam  ;  if  so,  efforts  were  to  be  made  for  his 
release,  and  anything  up  to  300/.  might  be  expended  for  the  purpose. 

^  Khammamett,  in  Warangal  District,  Hyderabad  State. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  369 

In  view  of  the  number  of  English  soldiers  sent  out,  as  many  as 
possible  of  the  Portuguese  employed  for  the  defence  of  Fort  St. 
George  should  be  discharged.  Details  were  given  of  the  cargoes  of 
the  two  ships.  That  of  the  Happy  Entrance  amounted  to  17,262/., 
whereof  11,970/.  was  in  gold  ingots  and  2,000/.  in  rials  of  eight  (at 
5J-.  each);  that  of  the  Mo7'ning  Star  to  17,146/.,  including  7,951/.  in 
gold  and  6,coo/.  in  rials.  The  latter  vessel  should  be  dispatched  at 
once  to  Bengal.  A  quarter  of  the  stock  received  from  England  was 
to  be  sent  to  the  Bay.  The  dissolution  of  the  factory  at  Petapoli 
should  be  considered.  Jeremy  Sambrook,  appointed  Warehouse 
Keeper  at  40/.  per  annum,  was  ordered  to  be  employed  in  examin- 
ing and  packing  the  calicoes,  he  being  well  acquainted  with  that 
class  of  goods  ^  He  was  not  to  be  sent  to  Bengal,  except  with  his 
own  concurrence.  John  Crandon,  *  an  exquesite  penman  '  with  some 
knowledge  of  accounts,  who  had  been  employed  for  two  years  at 
home,  was  sent  out  at  20/.  per  annum  to  transcribe  letters,  &c. 
William  Smyth  having  served  his  five  years,  a  report  should  be  sent 
home,  with  a  view  to  the  consideration  of  some  augmentation  of  his 
salary ;  and  on  his  sending  a  letter  of  attorney,  anything  yet  due 
on  account  of  his  wages  would  be  paid  to  his  father.  Two  of  the 
finest  speckled  bucks  and  six  does  should  be  furnished  for  presenta- 
tion to  King  Charles.  It  was  hoped  that  accounts  had  been  settled 
with  Chamber ;  but  if  not,  the  Company  would  agree  to  a  proposal 
made  on  his  behalf  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  come  home  at  once, 
bringing  his  estate  (in  goods  not  prohibited),  on  his  depositing 
10,000/.  in  the  Company's  cash  at  Madras  (at  ^s.  6d.  the  rial)  and 
consenting  to  stand  to  the  award  of  two  arbitrators  for  each  side ; 
but  this  must  be  conditional  on  '  the  Nabobs  businesse '  havinsr 
been  fully  settled.  The  old  practice  of  the  Chief  of  each  factory 
keeping  a  diary  was  to  be  revived,  and  copies  were  to  be  sent  home 
yearly.  For  the  goods  required  for  England  reference  was  made  to 
a  list  enclosed.  Winter  had  been  permitted  to  take  out  thirteen 
persons  as  '  ordinary  and  domestique  servants  ',  in  addition  to  which 
he  had  '  carried  over  with  him '  several  others.  All  these,  it  was 
understood,  were  being  maintained  at  the  Company's  expense ;  in 
future  he  must  pay  for  his  own  '  meniall  servants '  and  must  return 

^  He  was  the  son  of  Samuel  Sambrook,  the  keeper  of  the  Company's  calico  warehouse 
(see  Court  Minutes,  etc.,  of  the  E.  I.  Co.,  1660-63,  p.  360). 
2597  B  b 


370  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

the  rest  to  England  at  his  own  cost.  Gifford's  reply  to  the  charges 
made  against  him  was  not  consjdered  conclusive,  and  satisfaction 
was  still  awaited.  Stephen  Charlton  and  Robert  Bearing  were  to 
be  called  to  account  for  private  trade ;  it  was  left  to  the  Agent  and 
Council  to  continue  or  dismiss  them,  provided  that  Buckeridge  con- 
curred in  the  decision.  On  reconsideration,  Grover  and  Clay  might 
be  retained,  if  Buckeridge  approved.  Factors  who  were  diligent 
and  faithful  should  be  given  every  encouragement.  No  freight  or 
private  goods  of  any  kind  were  to  be  carried  in  the  Happy  Entrance 
to  Jambi  or  Bantam. 

And  as  wee  prohibite  the  sending  of  callicoes  on  this  shipp  for 
perticuler  accompts,  soe  wee  doe  also  absolutly  forbidd  it  to  bee 
done  on  any  other  shipps  whatsoever  from  any  one  port  to  another. 
And  if  any  person  whomsoever  shall,  contrary  to  this  our  order, 
presume  to  doe  the  same,  the  crime  shall  bee  held  and  taken  to  bee 
the  same  as  the  bringing  of  callicoes  from  India  to  England,  and 
the  parties  shall  bee  lyable  to  pay  the  full  mulcts  or  penalties 
expressed  in  charter  parties. 

A  short  letter  of  the  same  date  to  the  factors  at  Masulipatam 
reminded  them  that  the  Company  expected  them  to  advise  direct 
on  any  material  subjects,  particularly  regarding  their  investments. 

The  dispatch  of  Buckeridge  on  this  delicate  mission  was  doubtless 
the  result  of  a  compromise  between  Winter's  friends  and  his  enemies 
in  the  Court  of  Committees ;  but  it  was  an  ill-advised  step  and  had 
serious  consequences.  It  would  have  been  far  better  to  supersede 
Winter  at  once  than  to  weaken  his  authority  by  sending  him  a  col- 
league charged  to  investigate  his  proceedings  and  make  a  report 
upon  which  would  depend,  in  a  large  measure,  his  retention  of  his 
post.  Though  for  the  time  being  Winter  accepted  the  situation,  he 
felt  the  slight  deeply ;  and  his  sense  of  injury  had  doubtless  its 
share  in  bringing  about  his  rebellion  against  the  Company's  authority 
in  the  following  year.  For  the  present,  however,  he  manifested  no 
overt  opposition.  Buckeridge  took  his  seat  at  the  Council  table, 
and  matters  proceeded  as  usual.  The  Morning  Star  was  dispatched 
to  Masulipatam  on  her  way  to  Bengal,  with  a  letter  (4  July)  ordering 
Jearsey  to  provide  certain  piece-goods  for  the  Happy  Entrance,  andi 
also  some  'spotted  deere'  for  King  Charles.  He  was  instructed  to] 
forward  through  Madras  any  letter  he  might  address  to  the  Com- 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  371 

pany  (in  accordance  with  its  instructions),  leaving  it  open  for  perusal 
there.  Inquiry  was  to  be  made  whether  Simon  Heaman  was  living 
and  whether  he  was  willing  to  return  to  England  (where  an  estate 
awaited  him), '  for  wee  have  intillegence  that  hee  is  turned  Moore '. 

On  15  and  18  July  respectively  arrived  two  more  ships  from 
England,  viz.  the  Rebecca  (Capt.  Wm.  Badiley)  and  the  Coronation 
(Capt.  Roger  Milner) ;  while  on  the  26th  the  George  and  Martha^ 
from  Bantam,  anchored  in  Madras  Roads.  The  Rebecca  brought 
a  short  letter  from  the  Company,  dated  8  January,  1664,  stating  the 
amount  of  her  cargo  at  11,908/.,  and  ordering  her  speedy  repair  to 
Bengal.  The  captains  of  all  ships  returning  were  to  be  instructed 
not  to  entrust  their  letters  to  '  the  posts '  on  arrival,  but  to  send 
them  up  to  London  by  the  pursers  or  others.  The  letters  brought 
by  the  Coronation  were  dated  26  and  27  January.  The  former  gave 
the  amount  of  her  cargo  as  15,990/.  She  too  was  to  be  sent  to  the 
Bay.  Sambrook  was  a  passenger  in  her,  and  also  Simon  Smythes, 
who  had  been  engaged  as  minister  at  Fort  St.  George  at  50/.  per 
annum, -^  and  had  been  provided  with  a  number  of  books  which  he 
was  to  leave  behind  at  his  departure.  The  Agent  and  Council  at 
Madras,  as  also  the  factors  in  Bengal,  were  asked  for  their  opinions 
as  to  the  practicability  of  sending  goods  from  Agra  to  Bengal  for 
shipment.  The  second  letter  merely  advised  that  Thomas  Blackall 
was  coming  out  in  the  Cormiation^  engaged  as  a  ^  servant '.  'Hee 
hath  beene  a  person  of  quallity  formerly,  and  hath  traded  as  a  mar- 
chant.  Hee  is  also  an  engineer,  and  may  bee  serviceable  to  you  in 
a  better  quallity '. 

On  28  July  the  Marigold  (Capt.  Charles  Thorowgood),  which 
had  started  before  her  consorts,  but  had  been  delayed  by  calling  at 
Guinea,  reached  Madras,  and  delivered  yet  another  letter  from  the 
Company,  bearing  the  date  of  i  December,  1663.     This  ship  had 

^  He  was  a  graduate  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge  (Penny's  Church  in  Madras,  vol.  i. 
p.  662).  In  the  instructions  given  to  him  {Letter  Books,  vol.  iii.  p.  362)  he  was  required 
to  act  as  chaplain  during  the  voyage  out,  and  was  told  that  '  in  our  towne  of  Madrass  you 
will  find  severall  preists  and  other  of  the  Romish  religion.  And  because  wee  doubt  not 
but  you  are  a  well  grounded  champion  in  our  Protestant  profession,  wee  would  have  you, 
as  opertunity  may  present,  enterteyne  a  controversy  or  dispute  with  them,  in  oposition 
to  their  Popish  ceremonies  and  sacraments.  Although  it  may  not  soe  farr  prevaile  upon 
them  as  to  a  reformation,  yet  it  may  bee  for  the  confirming  of  our  owne  people  to  be 
constant  in  the  Protestant  profession,  according  to  the  rules  and  directions  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures.* 

B  b  2 


372  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

been  sent  out,  by  agreement  with  the  Company  of  Royal  Adven- 
turers Trading  into  Africa,  to  clear  the  East  India  Company's 
settlements  upon  the  Gold  Coast,  and  carry  the  value  of  the  remains 
to  Madras,  as  also  gold  to  the  value  of  10,000/.  and  over,  for  which 
payment  would  be  made  in  London.  On  arrival  the  Marigold  was 
to  be  sent  to  Bengal  to  be  laden  for  England.  According  to  a 
letter  from  Masulipatam  to  Bantam  of  16  September,  the  value  of 
the  gold  brought  by  the  ship  was  upwards  of  16,000/.  sterling, 
besides  86  elephants'  teeth. 

The  Rebecca  and  Coronation  sailed  from  Madras  for  Masulipatam 
and  Bengal  on  3  August ;  and  a  little  later  Winter,  Buckeridge, 
Gifford,  and  Sambrook  repaired  to  the  former  place,  leaving  Edward 
Herries  in  charge  at  Fort  St.  George,  with  orders  to  dispatch  the 
George  and  Martha  to  Masulipatam.  From  the  latter  port  the 
Happy  Entrance  was  sent  away  to  Jambi  and  Bantam,  carrying 
the  letter  mentioned  above.  Relations  were  already  strained 
between  Winter  and  Buckeridge,  and  b)-  23  September  the  former 
had  withdrawn  to  Madapollam,  where  a  little  later  he  was  joined  by 
Sambrook,  Dawes,  and  Gifford.  Against  the  Agent  were  ranged, 
at  Masulipatam,  Buckeridge,  Jearsey,  Proby,  and  Niclaes,  who 
(omitting  the  Bengal  factors)  formed  a  clear  majority  of  the  Council 
as  constituted  by  the  Company.  Winter,  however,  refused  to 
recognize  either  Buckeridge  or  Niclaes  as  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the 
administration.  He  persisted  in  ordering  the  latter  to  England  ; 
whilst,  as  regards  the  former,  he  wrote  on  4  October  that 

[I]  doe  not  looke  upon  him  as  [a]  person  to  bee  consulted  with 
in  what  wee  are  to  act  here  in  the  cuntrey,  his  buissinesse  being  to 
examine  those  falce  informations  hath  bin  sent  home,  and  to  observe 
what  wee  act  (and  not  to  direct),  and  returne  and  informe  the  Com- 
pany accordingly ;  and  certeainely,  if  the  Company  had  intended 
otherwise,  they  would  have  made  choice  of  a  more  knoweing  man 
in  these  parts  and  the  trade  thereof.  But  being  confident  they 
designed  noe  such  buissinesse  for  him,  I  desire  that  hee  may  signe 
noe  more  ;  for  it  will  sufficiently  appeare  how  prejudicall  his  actions 
have  bin  already  to  the  Company. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  point  out  that  this  view  of  Buckeridge's 
position  was  quite  irreconcilable  with  the  Company's  instructions. 
In  a  later  letter  to  Jearsey  (18  October)  Winter  confessed  that  he 
had  no  power  to  exclude  Buckeridge  from  the  Council,  but  main- 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  373 

tained  that  he  could  refuse  to  take  his  advice  when  it  did  not 
coincide  with  his  own  view. 

Winter  still  issued  orders  as  he  pleased,  careless  of  the  growing 
independence  of  his  councillors.  Both  Proby  (who  had  come  to 
Madapollam  on  business)  and  Sambrook  refused  to  sign  one  of  the 
Agent's  letters  to  Jearsey ;  while  Buckeridge  and  the  Masulipatam 
factors  took  the  bold  step  of  writing  to  Bridges  in  Bengal 
(26  October)'bidding  him  stay  there  if  he  saw  fit,  '  notwithstanding 
any  order  from  Sir  Edward  Winter  to  the  contrarie '.  One  incident 
particularly  annoyed  the  Agent.  A  farmdn  from  the  King  of 
Golconda  arrived  at  Masulipatam,  and  Jearsey  went  out  to  receive 
it  with  due  ceremony,  without  giving  Winter  an  opportunity  of 
coming  in  to  do  this  himself. 

From  Madapollam  Winter,  in  the  middle  of  October,  dispatched 
Gifford  to  Madras,  and  Sambrook  and  Dawes  to  Petapoli,  thence 
to  follow  to  the  Fort  in  the  George  and  Martha.  Gifford  and 
Sambrook  arrived  there  on  8  November,  having  left  Dawes  to  travel 
overland  ;  and  on  1  o  November  they  wrote  to  the  Agent  a  letter 
containing  the  following  passages  : 

The  souldiers  in  the  Fort  since  Your  Worships  absence  hath  bin 
something  strictly  held  to  their  duty,  and  according  to  your  order 
they  had  noe  free  guard  [i.  e.  time  off  duty].  Soe  that  the  fresh 
souldiers  which  came  forth  this  yeare,  takeing  up  their  habitation 
in.  the  bleake  winde  in  the  hall,  fell  sick.  Fower  of  them  are  dead  ;  ^ 
aboute  tenn  remaine  at  this  time  very  sick,  and  complaine  (and  it 
seemes  not  without  reason)  that  their  wages  are  not  sufficient  to 
supply  them  with  what  necessary  now  in  the  time  of  their  sicknesse. 
Soe,  rather  then  to  see  English  men  dropp  away  like  doggs  in  that 
manner,  for  want  of  Christien  charity  towards  them,  wee  have 
thought  it  very  convenient  that  they  might  have  an  house  on  pur- 
pose for  them,  and  people  appointed  to  looke  after  them  and  to  see 
that  nothing  comes  in  to  them,  neither  of  meate  nor  drinck,  but 
what  the  doctor  alloweth,  and  have  for  that  purpose  rented  Mr. 
Cogans  house  at  two  pagotheas  per  moneth  ;  which  wee  hope  you 
will  soe  well  approve  of  as  to  continue  it  for  the  future.  And  in 
regard  wee  esteeme  our  selves  to  bee  in  a  veryquiett  condition,  not 
feareing  any  disturbances,  wee  thought  good,  as  formerly,  to  appoynt 
them  a  free  guard  againe  for  their  encouragement ;  for  it  seemes 
they  were   much  disheartened,  and   have   long   prayed   for  Your 

1  O.C.  3047  gives  a  list  of  eight  members  of  the  garrison  '^besides  Capt.  Axtell)  who 
died  in  1664. 


374  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

Worships  comeing.  Mr.  Nelthrope,  it  seemes,  was  (as  hee  affirmeth) 
sent  hither  in  irons,  without  any  cause  (as  hee  knoweth)  deserveing 
such  useage,  and  desired  us  to  lett  him  knowe  what  those  accusations 
are  which  Mr,  Travers  hath  drawne  up  against  him,  and  hee  did 
not  doubt  but  that  hee  should  bee  able  to  cleere  himselfe  of  them 
all ;  which,  that  hee  might  bee  the  better  able  to  doe  against  your 
comeing,  wee  thought  it  but  justice  and  reason  to  lett  him  have  the 
puru[s]all  of ...  .  Wee  have  alsoe  in  charity  given  him  his  liberty 
after  soe  long  confinement.  .  .  .  Nothing  in  a  manner  hath  bin  done 
since  your  goeing  hence  towards  the  finishing  of  the  Fort  buildings, 
for  want  of  chanambe  [i.  e.  chunam].  If  to  bee  procured  in  those 
parts,  and  conveighance  for  it,  it  would  doe  well,  and  very  necessary, 
that  you  supplyed  that  want. 

On  22  November,  Gififord,  Sambrook,  and  Dawes  wrote  to  Winter 
that 

Permola  Cittie's  brother  is  returned  from  Zeiloan,  and  brought 
us  letters  from  Mr.  Vassall  and  Mr.  Morganson,  wherein  they  give 
us  a  very  full  accompt  of  the  state  of  their  condition  and  prescribe 
wayes  and  meanes  for  their  releasement. 

Among  other  articles  suggested  for  presents  for  the  King  of 
Kandy  were  two  palankins,  and  these  Winter  might  be  able  to 
procure  at  Masulipatam.  Vassall  had  drawn  a  bill  for  150  rials  of 
eight,  and  this  they  had  paid.     Winter's  letters  to  the  King 

Wee  are  translating  into  English,  to  remitt  them  to  Mr.  Vassall, 
as  hee  desireth,  because  [hee]  expects  to  bee  sent  for  before  him 
shortly,  and  then  hee  may  (haveing  the  sight  of  our  letters  to  him) 
bee  the  better  able  to  answere  him  in  his  demands  and  treate  with 
him  about  the  setling  of  a  factory. 

Winter  was  back  in  Madras  within  a  fortnight  of  the  date  of  this 
letter,  and  on  8  December  he  and  his  colleagues  at  Madras  dispatched 
a  note  to  Vassall  in  Ceylon,  addressing  him  as  •  Ralph  Cartwright ', 
to  save  him  from  punishment  should  the  letters  fall  into  the  wrong 
hands.^  An  intention  was  announced  of  sending  another  vessel  to 
Kottiar  in  February,  with  presents  for  the  King.  Vassall  was 
advised  not  to  make  any  attempt  to  escape 

Untill  you  see  what  our  piscash  may  worke  with  the  King,  to- 
geather  with  our  letters  to  him,  which  may  bee  a  meanes  not  only 
to  obteyne  your  owne  liberty  but  all  the  rest  of  our  countreymen's, 

^  See  p.  379  and  Knox's  Relation  (ed.  1911,  p.  218;. 


JHE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  375 

which  (it  may  bee)  may  bee  hindred,  if  any  one  should  make  an 
escape  first  ;  for  that  is  your  last  remedy. 

The  previous  attempt  made  to  communicate  with  the  captives 
was  then  narrated,  and  its  frustration  by  the  Dutch.  This  was 
followed  by  a  summary  of  the  letters  already  sent  to  the  King,  which 
were  in 

The  highest  stile  wee  could  imagine  for  him,  and  large  comple- 
ments. In  the  first  place  wee  supplicated  him  for  your  release  ; 
which  if  hee  please  to  gratify  us  in  and  send  you  downe  to  any  port 
of  his,  then  some  person  from  hence  should  bee  sent  to  visite  His 
Majestic,  and  that  in  a  short  time  hee  should  see  how  willing  wee 
would  bee  to  serve  His  Majestie,  if  hee  would  grant  us  one  of  his 
ports  there,  to  trade  freely ;  and  further  wee  acquainted  His 
Majestie  that  'tis  only  for  want  of  his  lycence  that  wee  come  with 
small  boates,  whereas,  if  wee  had  that,  wee  would  come  with  greate 
ships  that  the  Dutch  could  not  hinder,  and  trade  there  (with  his 
leave)  in  spight  of  them.  Alsoe  wee  advized  him  that,  when  His 
Majesty  of  England  comes  to  knowe  of  this  affront  of  theirs,  hee 
will  make  them  pay  for  it ;  and  that  our  King  hath  peace  with 
all  the  world  and  trade  every  where,  and  that  hee  is  beloved  and 
favoured  of  all  people. 

Some  supplies  were  sent,  including  paper,  quills,  and  Chinese  ink 
in  powder.  The  letters  and  presents  for  the  King  would  come  by 
the  ship. 

If  at  any  time  you  are  called  before  the  Emperour,  you  may 
propound  to  him  that,  if  His  Majesty  please  to  give  you  leave,  you 
will  write  to  us  to  acquaynt  the  King  of  England  how  powerfull  the 
Dutch  are  growne  uppon  Zeiloan,  and  how  they  encroach  uppon 
the  Emperour,  and  advize  him  to  send  some  ships  and  force  thither 
to  the  Emperour's  assistance.  In  the  meane  time  the  Company 
shall  knowe  from  us  what  you  heare  concerning  the  King  of  Candle's 
proffer  or  intentions  to  write  to  them  for  that  purpose. 

The  following  day  a  letter  was  sent  to  Travers  at  Tuticorin, 
rebuking  him  severely  for  his  harsh  treatment  of  Nelthrop,  who  had 
not  yet  recovered  the  use  of  his  legs  after  being  so  long  in  irons. 
According  to  Nelthrop's  own  story,  Travers  had  not  only  put  him 
in  irons  but  '  made  him  fast  to  a  tree,  where  hee  had  nothing  but 
rice  in  a  broaken  pott '.  The  evidence  against  him  seemed  to  have 
been  collected  in  suspicious  circumstances,  and  certain  of  the  wit- 
nesses had  withdrawn  their  statements,  as  obtained  under  duress. 


'>,'j6  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

Nelthrop  was  claiming  to  return  to  Tuticorin  to  confront  the  rest 
and  get  in  some  debts  ;  and  this  could  not  be  denied  him.  He  had, 
however,  been  induced  to  agree  to  be  reconciled  to  Travers  and  to 
give  a  written  undertaking  not  to  proceed  against  him  by  law.  As 
he  was  in  turn  making  charges  against  Travers,  the  latter  was  urged 
to  accept  these  overtures,  as  otherwise  he  must  be  sent  to  England. 
The  dissolution  of  the  factory  at  Tuticorin  had  been  decreed  by  the 
Company,  but  nothing  would  be  done  herein  until  the  meeting  of  a 
'  gennerall  Council  here '. 

At  the  end  of  December  a  letter  from  the  Company,  dated 
9  March,  arrived  from  Surat  by  way  of  Masulipatam.  This  asked 
for  a  supply  of  broad  ginghams,  dyed  red  at  Petapoli.  A  warning 
was  given  that  Hubert  Hugo  was  fitting  out  in  France  eight  ships, 
with  which,  it  was  feared,  he  intended  to  repeat  his  former  piracies  ; 
it  was  ordered  therefore  that  the  returning  ships  should  sail  in 
company  and  be  prepared  to  repel  attacks.  A  copy  of  the  new 
order  regarding  trade  in  jewels  (see  p.  327)  was  sent  for  informa- 
tion. Sir  Heneage  Finch,  the  Solicitor-General,  having  intervened 
on  behalf  of  Robert  Dearing,  the  latter  was  to  be  continued  in  the 
service,  provided  he  made  a  full  disclosure  to  the  Company  of  his 
past  private  trade.  The  salampores  received  from  Masulipatam 
had  been  found  to  be  much  better  and  cheaper  than  those  provided 
at  Madras.  A  pound  or  two  of  '  your  Pera  [Perak]  or  Pegu  tynn ', 
and  the  like  quantity  of  copper,  were  to  be  sent  home  as  samples. 

By  10  January,  1665,  the  five  ships,  viz.  Marigold,  Morning  Star, 
Coro7iation,  Rebecca,  and  George  and  Martha,  were  ready  to  depart 
for  England.  Chamber,  Buckeridge,  Ken,  Sheldon,  Gifford,  and 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Whitefield,  went  aboard  as  passengers  ;  and  by  an 
order  of  that  date  the  first-named  was  appointed  '  admirall '.  The 
captains  were  warned  of  the  danger  of  an  attack  from  Hugo's  priva- 
teers and  also  of  the  risk  of  war  having  broken  out  with  Holland. 
The  packet  for  the  Company  (entrusted  to  Gifford)  contained  a 
letter  of  fifty  pages,  signed  by  Winter,  Gifford,  Sambrook,  and 
Dawes,  and  dated  12  January,  1665.^  This  advised  that  the  George 
and  Martha  had  brought  from  Bantam  a  cargo  invoiced  at  38,508 
rials  of  eight,  making  up  a  total  of  stock  received   that  year  of 

'  Extracts  will  be  fotind  in  Love's  Vestiges  (vol.  i.  p.  220). 


I 


I 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  377 

220,411  pagodas.  Regret  was  expressed  that  the  Company  was 
'  so  ready  to  creditt  misinformations  and  fake  reports  ',  and  that  it 
should  have  discredited  the  Agent  '  in  being  so  mistrustful!  of  him 
as  to  send  a  supervisor  '.  A  denial  was  given  to  the  allegation  that 
the  Madras  Merchant  had  been  sent  to  Siam  for  private  ends  or 
that  more  goods  were  available  at  the  time  of  the  dispatch  of  the 
Coronation.  The  bales  of  calico  referred  to  were  coarse  cloth 
afterwards  exchanged  for  finer ;  the  former  really  belonged  to 
Chamber,  and  were  subsequently  bought  from  him  by  Winter  and 
others  to  send  to  Siam,  in  order  to  give  the  Madras  Merchant  em- 
ployment. The  only  relative  of  Winter's  taken  into  the  service  was 
Reade,  and  this  was  done  by  a  general  consultation.  The  accusa- 
tions regarding  money  received  from  Timmanna  and  Chamber  had 
been  investigated  by  Buckeridge,  to  whose  report  Winter  referred 
himself. 

If  Your  Worships  remaine  in  the  least  unsattisfyed,  if  you  order 
him  home  to  give  you  farther  sattisfaction,  hee  is  ready  to  obey 
your  commands,  and  should  have  tooke  it  as  a  favour  if  you  had 
done  it  now,  rather  then  to  have  sent  one  in  that  nature  as  you  did ; 
and  cannot  but  wonder  that  one  of  so  small  experience  in  these 
parts  should  bee  rendered  capeable  at  his  first  comeing  of  a  casting 
voice  in  the  Councill.  The  Agent  and  the  rest  after  that  rate  are 
nothing  more  then  ciphers.  .  .  .  The  Agent  doth  humbley  advise 
Your  Worships  that  hee  hath  refused  to  act  any  thing  with  the 
Councill  you  have  appointed  him  ;  for  hee  lookes  upon  many  of 
them  [as]  not  capeable  of  adviseing  any  thing  for  your  good,  and 
most  of  them  his  utter  enemyes,  so  that,  let  him  propound  what  hee 
will  for  your  benefitt,  yet  they  will  not  assent  to  it.  Therefore  hee 
esteemes  it  to  greate  a  shame  for  him  to  bee  an  Agent  of  wax,  to 
bee  moulded  into  what  shape  they  please,  in  regard  it  hath  still 
pleased  Your  Worships  to  looke  upon  him  as  the  person  whome  you 
principally  intrust  with  the  manadgement  of  your  affaires. 

The  main  cause  of  these  troubles  was  stated  to  be  a  deadly 
quarrel  between  Winter  and  Jearsey,  who  was  probably  hoping  to 
succeed  to  the  Agency.  The  former  had  tried  to  bring  about  a 
reconciliation,  but  without  effect.  Buckeridge,  for  his  own  interests, 
had  taken  Jearsey's  part ;  while  others  of  the  Council,  who  were 
under  obligations  to  Jearsey,  had  followed  his  lead. 

Thus  they  are  tyed  togeather  in  a  string.  So  the  Agent  leaves 
them  to  doe  their  worke,  and  hee  will  doe  his.     And  hee  doth  not 


37^  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

question,  but  expects,  that  their  will  go  more  storyes  this  yeare 
againe  of  him  to  Your  Worships  then  is  true,  or  at  least  that  hee 
need  vallue.  'Tis  their  common  custome,  knowing  the  Agent  to  bee 
a  passionate  man,  to  provoake  him  to  speake  many  things,  on 
purpose  that  they  might  la}-  hold  of  them,  either  to  advise  Your 
Worships  in  gennerall  or  some  of  you  in  perticular  ;  but  hee  hopes 
that  his  carefullness  in  his  business  and  complying  with  Your  Wor- 
ships as  to  the  mayne  thing  required,  will  not  permitt  one  thought 
upon  these  our  vaine  differences,  which  tend  not  to  your  proffitt. 

A  hope  was  expressed  that  the  Company  would  suspend  judge- 
ment until  Winter's  version  was  heard,  and  would  remember  that 
the  accusers  had  probably  some  personal  motives.  Buckeridge  had 
done  the  Company  an  ill  service  by  refusing  to  allow  (except  on 
unacceptable  conditions)  the  George  and  Martha  to  be  hired  out 
for  a  voyage  to  Tenasserim  instead  of  lying  idle  at  Masulipatam. 
A  sum  of  3,oco  pagodas  had  been  offered,  with  security  that  she 
should  be  brought  back  in  time  to  lade  for  England  ;  while  the 
Company's  estate  left  in  Siam  was  to  be  transported  gratis.  Winter 
denied  that  he  had  ever  pretended  to  have  power  to  send  home 
factors,  except  by  virtue  of  the  Company's  commission  to  him. 

His  Majestie[s]  commission  hee  made  use  of  for  the  sending  home 
of  English  pilotts  not  enterteyned  in  Your  Worships  service  ;  but 
his  commands  in  that  perticular  and  said  commission  were  both 
alike  regarded.  The  world  is  now  come  to  that  passe  that  all  are 
Councellors  and  there  's  scarcely  any  left  to  bee  commanded,  and 
less  that  will  obey  any  thing  that  is  ordered  from  hence.  And  they 
now  have  received  greater  encouragement  then  ever,  in  regard  their 
informations  home  have  found  so  good  an  enterteynement  and  so 
much  encouraged  by  Mr.  Buckeridg.  As  touching  Your  Worships 
last  accusation,  the  information  is  so  rediculous  a  falcity  that  the 
Agent  almost  thinkes  it  better  to  answer  it  with  silence ;  therefore 
will  say  no  more  then  this,  that  Mr.  Whitefeild,  who  was  our 
minister,  can  testify  to  Your  Worships  that  the  Agent  constantly 
himselfe  attended  publique  prayers  (except  some  dayes  dureing  the 
churches  repaire)  and  commanded  all  under  him  so  to  doe,  and 
punnished  them  with  an  amercement  if  they  neglected ;  insomuch 
that  thereby  wee  have  a  small  stocke  of  money  geathered  for  the 
poore.  And  for  the  Popish  religion  hee  hath  publiquely  shewed 
his  distaste  against  it,  by  banishing  the  towne  two  of  their  bishops 
who  would  have  byn  tampering  with  some  who  were  baptised  into 
our  religion.     And  the  same  party  had  something  left  (by  one  that 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  379 

is  gon  home  ^),  to  enjoy  it  so  long  as  they  kept  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion ;  whereuppon  the  Agent  permitted  them  not  to  possess  it, 
unless  they  would  renounce  the  Romish  Church  and  come  con- 
stantly to  ours ;  which  they  performeing,  doe  enjoy  their  estate 
againe. 

The  advisability  of  sending  out  a  double  stock  was  again  urged, 
as  that  was  the  only  way  to  provide  goods  at  a  cheap  rate.  The 
factors  could  profitably  employ  in  this  manner  50,000/.  or  60,000/. 
at  Madras  alone.  The  permission  given  to  borrow  was  useless,  as 
the  rates  of  interest  prescribed  were  less  than  half  those  current.  If 
money  were  in  hand  throughout  the  year,  goods  could  be  bought 
15  per  cent  cheaper,  and  one  or  two  ships  could  be  sent  home 
annually  in  time  for  the  summer  sale,  besides  the  same  number  for 
Bantam.  Blake  had  written  that  with  a  double  stock  he  could 
provide  ordinary  taffetas  at  4^  rupees  each  or  under,  and  the  finer 
sort  at  10^  rupees ;  whereas  after  the  ships'  arrival  goods  are  dear 
and  '  they  are  then  forsed  to  take  trash  '.  Despite  all  provocations 
they  had  kept  the  peace  with  the  Governor  of  MasuHpatam. 

But  because  Your  Worships  are  so  willing  to  suffer,  your  business 
is  daily  impeeded  in  one  way  or  other,  and  your  name  hath  not  that 
esteeme  as  formerly  amongst  them.  One  of  the  petty  governours 
about  Pettipolee  stoped  your  petre  upon  the  way  and  would  force 
us  to  pay  some  unusuall  tole  never  paid  by  the  English  before,  and 
said,  when  the  Englishes  homes  or  teeth  grew,  then  hee  would  free 
us  of  that  duty ;  meaneing  that,  untill  wee  had  strength  and  power 
to  remedy  our  selves,  hee  would  exact  it  of  us. 

Turning  next  to  the  subject  of  the  captives  in  Ceylon,  the  writers 
announced  that  Captain  Knox,  John  Gregory,  and  the  cook's  mate 
of  the  Persia  Merchant  -  were  dead  ;  the  remaining  twenty-six 
were  living,  '  but  in  miserable  condition '.  Letters  were  received 
from  Vassall  and  Morganson  on  18  December,  in  reply  to  those 
from  Madras  of  16  June  and  24  October. 

It  seemes  tis  treason  for  any  to  bring  letters  from  them  or  carry 
any  to  them,  or  for  themselves  to  write  them  ;  but,  poore  people, 
they  venture  hard  for  their  liberty.  They  are  in  the  midle  of  the 
island^  dispersed   20,  30,  and  40  miles  distant   from   each  other. 

1  Chamber,  probably. 

-  Mr.  D.  W.  Ferguson,  -who  printed  the  passage  in  full  in  his  Captain  Robert  Knox 
(p.  12),  identified  this  man  as  Arthur  Emery,  who,  however,  belonged  to  the  Aiine. 


380  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

Sometimes  they  make  friends,  two  or  three  of  them,  to  speake  to- 
geather. 

The  measures  taken  for  their  assistance  were  narrated.  These 
might  have  succeeded,  but  for  the  action  of  the  Dutch  in  stopping 
the  vessel  sent  to  Kottiar.  The  Hollanders  had  also  given  out  that 
the  captives  were  Dutch,  with  the  result  that  the  King  looked  upon 
them  as  spies.  In  answer  to  the  protest  made  on  the  subject,  the 
Dutch  sent  one  about  the  Siamese  ship  at  Madras.  Among  the 
presents  suggested  by  Vassal!  for  the  King  of  Kandy  was  a  lion. 
As  it  was  impossible  to  procure  one  at  Madras,  the  Company  might 
endeavour  to  obtain  a  young  lion  from  Turkey  for  the  purpose. 
The  King  was  reported  to  be  regretful  that  the  Dutch  had  inter- 
cepted the  letters  sent  to  him  from  Madras.  As  for  settling  a 
factory  in  Ceylon,  Vassall  had  written  that 

There  is  no  trusting  of  the  natives  unless  wee  have  a  fort  to 
secure  our  selves  against  their  falcity  ;  and  besides  hee  thinkes  the 
Dutch  will  endeavour  to  hinder  us  to  have  to  doe  on  that  island. 
Hee  heareth,  hee  saith,  the  Emperour  intends  to  write  to  England  to 
know  whither  our  Kings  Majestic  or  your  selves  will  please  to  assist 
him  against  the  Dutch,  and  with  his  assistance  hee  will  give  you 
possession  of  Gaule  and  CoUumba.  These  things  are  worthey 
Your  Worships  consideration.  The  Emperour  hath  a  perfect 
hatred  for  the  Dutch,  keepes  all  the  embassadors  they  send,  not 
one  returnes,  and  hath  cutt  of  all  his  greate  men,  feareing  they 
should  bee  bribed  to  betray  his  countrey  to  them. 

Economy  in  garrison  charges  at  Madras  was  promised  ;  as  also 
endeavours  to  discover  private  trade,  though  this  would  exasperate 
the  captains  and  pursers  ('  which  are  the  onely  men  of  creditt  with 
Your  Worships ')  and  lead  to  their  making  false  charges  at  home 
against  the  Agent,  &c.  Chamber  had  objected  to  satisfy  Shingler's 
debt  to  the  Company,  pleading  that  the  latter  had  ordered  that  the 
Second  should  be  entrusted  with  the  cash.  Winter  did  not  go  to 
Golconda,  and  so  no  expenditure  was  incurred.  Broadcloth  was  in 
no  demand  ;  little  or  none  should  be  sent  for  some  time.  Of  coral, 
on  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  impossible  to  send  too  much. 

If  you  were  constant  in  sending  of  it,  this  towne  would  take  of 
40,000  pagodas  yearely  ;  for  a  multitude  of  people  would  come  and 
live  here,  onely  for  the  worke  of  it.     But  now  of  late  it  usually 


i 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  381 

comes  so  bad  and  ill  sorted  that  tis  30  per  cent  in  less  esteeme  then 
it  hath  byn  within  these  7  or  8  yeares. 

Quicksilver  and  vermilion  were  '  dull  comodities '.  As  regards 
communications  from  the  Chiefs  of  subordinate  factories  to  the 
Company,  the  Agent  and  Council  thought  it  but  reason  that  those 
should  be  transmitted  through  them,  open  for  their  perusal ;  but 
Blake  and  Jearsey  had  refused  to  follow  this  rule,  and  a  decision  on 
the  point  was  requested.  Timmanna's  explanations  regarding  the 
calicoes  were  reported.  Apologies  were  tendered  for  the  bad  pen- 
manship of  previous  letters,  and  the  blarne  was  put  upon  the  tran- 
scriber, who  did  not  follow  the  draft,  but '  tooke  his  owne  fantazie ', 
and,  moreover,  added  a  '  sawcy '  postscript  '  of  his  owne  head  '.  If 
the  '  dictation  '  of  the  letters  was  not  to  the  mind  of  the  Company, 
an  '  able  secretary '  should  be  sent  out  for  that  purpose.  Winter 
could  not  question  Jearsey  about  the  detention  of  the  Coronatiott. 

For  Mr.  Jearsey  doth  pretend  to  have  received  this  yeare  from 
Your  Worships  both  a  letter  and  commission  impovvering  him,  and 
rather  makeing  this  place  subordinate  to  that  then  that  to  this  ; 
which  is  very  strange.  If  such  an  order  had  byn  published,  wee 
should  readily  have  obeyed  it.  Wee  presume  hee  or  others  have 
possesed  severall  with  such  a  beleife,  for  the  Agent  finds  that  hee  is 
slighted  in  an  unsufferable  manner,  but  takes  all  patiently  and 
desires  to  submitt  to  Your  Worships  pleasure ;  otherwise  would 
teach  some  of  them  better  manners  and  learne  them  to  shew  more 
respect. 

Captain  Thorowgood  had  been  heard  to  declare  that  he  would 
not  follow  the  Agent's  orders  without  the  consent  of  the  Council ; 
though  he  made  no  scruple  about  taking  in  his  cargo  at  Madras  on 
Winter's  authority.  Jearsey  must  be  held  responsible  for  any  bad 
debts  contracted  at  Masulipatam. 

Notwithstanding  Your  Worships  have  taken  care  to  furnish  us 
with  men  for  the  Fort,  yet  wee  may  expect,  according  as  tis  usuall, 
that  most  of  them  freshmen  will  dy ;  so  that  wee  cannot  well  dis- 
charge any  of  the  Portugues  soldiers.  Twere  good  indeed  if  wee 
had  all  our  owne  nation ;  but  these  Portuguesses  have  now  no  other 
habitation,  and  there  's  no  doubt  but  that  they  will  bee  faithfull  to 
us  against  the  Moores,  espetially  since  their  allyance.  But  if  it  bee 
Your  Worships  pleasure  to  have  all  English  in  the  Fort,  then  you 
would  doe  very  well  to  send  over  people  sufficient,  both  of  men  and 
women,  to  inhabit  here.     The  women  may  bee  such  as  have  byn 


382  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

brought  up  to  spinning  and  knitting,  and  then  they  may  bee  im- 
ployed  in  makeing  of  cotton  stockings  and  gloves ;  which  in  tyme 
may  proove  a  good  manufacture  for  Your  Worships  accompt,  both 
for  Europe  and  India.  The  people  may  take  their  passage  upon 
your  owne  shipps ;  then  you  may  Jay  in  provision  for  them  at  a 
cheaper  rate.  Besides,  the  Gentues  are  now  geathering  to  a  head 
against  the  Moores ;  and  if  they  should  bee  victorious,  they  would 
endeavour  to  doe  us  a  discourtesy,  in  regard  by  the  help  of  our 
guns  and  gunners  (which  formerly  hath  byn  lent  them  [i.  e.  the 
Moors]  by  your  Agents  here)  they  [i.  e.  the  Gentues]  lost  their 
countrey ;  and  therefore  it  is  of  concernement  to  bee  alwayes  in  a 
posture  of  defence. 

It  would  not  be  wise  to  withdraw  the  factors  from  Petapoli, 
which  now  supplied  saltpetre  only.  If  the  English  abandoned  the 
place,  the  trade  would  be  snatched  by  the  Dutch,  '  they  haveing 
againe  (after  many  yeares  absence)  renewed  their  factoiy  in  that 
place  '.  Smyth  was  given  a  good  character ;  but  it  was  feared  that 
the  Company  was  more  influenced  by  '  clandestine  informations ' 
than  by  any  recomm.endation  from  the  Agent.  Gifford  was  in- 
stanced as  a  case  in  point.  No  one  at  Madras  would  call  him 
unfaithful :  yet  after  nearly  seven  years'  service  '  hee  must  become 
an  underling  againe  ',  and  rather  than  do  this  he  had  resigned  and 
was  going  home.  Explanations  were  given  as  to  the  charges 
against  him,  and  why  Winter  had  employed  him  again  as  Ac- 
countant at  Madras.  So  far  from  aggravating  the  differences  between 
Winter  and  Jearsey,  Gifford  had  done  his  best  to  compose  them. 
Sheldon  and  Ken  were  going  home  and  would  give  any  explana- 
tions required  about  their  actions.  Concerning  Simon  Heaman, 
Winter  had  written  to  '  Mr.  Chumley '  [see  p.  274]  at  Golconda, 
who  replied  that  the  King  had  gone  into  the  country  '  upon  his 
recreation '  and  nothing  could  be  done  for  the  present ;  further,  that 
'  pishcashes '  would  be  necessary.  Jearsey  had  sent  a  large  looking- 
glass  to  '  Mussa  Caun'  [Musa  Khan]  and  was  arranging  for  any 
other  expenditure  necessary  ;  but  he  had  reported  that  Heaman  had 
turned  Musalman.  The  efforts  for  his  liberation  would  be  con- 
tinued. The  keeping  of  a  diary  had  been  thought  unnecessary,  as 
Buckeridge  was  to  give  the  Company  a  full  account  of  everything. 

It  hath  byn  his  onely  business  since  hee  came  (and  nothing  elce), 
and  so  hee  may  deliver  you  a  perfect  joumall  of  all  petty  passages 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  383 

of  table  talke  or  the  like.  But  as  when  men  talke  much  they  err 
much,  so  when  much  is  written  by  way  of  accusation  there  cannot 
chose  but  bee  many  untruths,  which  will  be  made  appeare  when 
the  Agent  hath  an  oportunity  to  understand  what  they  are; 
which  hee  hopes  Your  Worships  will  acquaint  him  with  before  you 
pass  any  harsh  censures  on  him.  And  wee  hope  Your  Worships 
will  expect  from  Mr.  Buckeridg  an  accompt  of  every  mans  actions 
also,  although  hee  said  twas  none  of  his  business  to  enquire  into 
Mr.  Jearsey's.  Wee  hope,  therefore,  hee  will  give  Your  Worships 
an  accompt  of  his  time,  what  he  did  in  Metchlepatam  so  long,  and 
why  hee  had  not  retorned  to  the  Fort  with  the  Agent  and  have 
assisted  in  the  business  at  the  Fort. 

Complaint  was  made  of  the  action  of  Jearsey,  Buckeridge,  and 
others  in  absolving  Bridges  from  coming  to  Madras,  when  ordered 
by  the  Agent  and  Council. 

They  have  sold  one  another  very  good  pennyworths  of  Mada- 
poUam  house  and  Verashroone ;  ordered  the  building  of  a  new 
factory  at  Metchlepatam  ;  and  presumed  to  open  the  letters 
directed  to  the  Agent  and  Councill  by  themselves,  without  acquaint- 
ing the  Agent,  though  hee  was  then  in  the  same  towne  with  them. 
So  that  now  Your  Worships  will  doe  well  to  direct  your  orders  to 
the  Councill  and  Agent,  and  not  the  Agent  and  Councill,  unless  you 
thinke  fitt  to  check  them  for  their  presumption.  Your  Worships 
would  have  all  things  better  mannaged  if  it  might  bee  your  pleasure 
so  farr  to  preserve  peace  and  quietness  among  us  that  every  man 
might  know  his  place  by  a  direct  order  from  you,  and  who  to  suc- 
ceede  him  in  case  of  mortallity,  espetially  in  places  of  trust  or 
creditt ;  or  elce  leave  it  to  the  Agent  and  Councills  discretion 
(which  wee  thinke  is  most  of  reason  for  youi  good).  But  the 
Councill  wee  conceive  best  to  be  distinguished  into  an  ordinary  and 
extraordinary  one ;  the  ordinary  to  bee  constant  resident  at  the 
Fort  (which  are  to  bee  men  of  quallity  and  experience,  or  elce  they 
will  not  be  obeyed) ;  the  extraordinary  may  bee  Cheifes  of  factory  es, 
which  upon  very  urgent  occasions  may  be  called  to  the  Fort  to 
consult.  And  it  were  to  be  wished  that  those  whome  you  appoint 
of  Councill  might  be  men  who  have  had  no  former  grudges  to  each 
other,  for  where  there  is  differences  Your  Worships  get  nothing  by 
it  in  the  conclusion. 

The  Agent  has  never  charged  more  for  diet  than  200/.  per  annum, 
except  when  Blake  and  Jearsey  were  at  the  Fort,  and  for  this  they 
ought  to  make  allowance  in  their  own  factory  charges. 

But  the  Agent  hath  just  cause  to  complaine  for  Your  Worships 
short  allowance,  in  regard  that  since  the  takeing  of  St.  Thomay  all 


384  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

provisions  are  so  deare  that  three  tymes  the  summe  doth  not  excuse 
him.  The  Englishmen  soldiers  also  complaine  (as  they  have  reason) 
that  their  wages  is  so  small  and  provisions  so  deare  that  they 
cannot  mainteyne  themselves  with  meate,  drinke,  and  clothing,  and 
therefore  desired  us  to  write  to  Your  Worships  in  their  behalfe. 

The  orders  about  diamonds  were  communicated  to  Masulipatam  ; 
but  Buckeridge  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  they  did  not  concern  the 
Company's  servants, '  and  the  rest  carry  those  things  so  closely  that, 
notwithstanding  all  our  endeavours,  wee  cannot  find  any  thing  con- 
siderable ;  and  wee  cannot  force  them  to  give  us  an  accompt  here.' 

Bearing  was  still  in  Siam,  but  would  be  employed  at  his  return, 
as  ordered.  Commendations  were  given  of  Sambrook.  The  desired 
sample  of  tin  had  not  arrived  from  Masulipatam  ;  but  '  a  bagg  of 
journett'^  was  sent  in  order  to  learn  its  value  in  England,  as  there 
was  a  large  quantity  on  hand.  If  the  Madras  saltpetre  proved  satis- 
factory, an  ample  supply  could  be  provided  yearly  for  kentledge. 

There  will  be  a  necessity  of  keepeing  our  servants,  in  regard  of 
the  troubles  are  like  to  bee  in  the  countrey  betwene  the  Gentues 
and  Moores,  and  that,  notwithstanding  our  large  expence  at  the 
camp,  they  will  expect  at  length  to  receive  the  3S0  pagodas  yearely 
agreed  with  them  for  the  rent  of  this  towne,  which  hath  not  byn 
paid  them  for  these  three  yeares  past,  because  they  demaunded  a 
greater  summe,  contrary  to  their  cowle.  The  rents  and  customes 
of  this  place  cannot  amount  to  so  greate  summes  as  wee  could 
wish  towards  the  large  expences  Your  Worships  are  at,  because 
Your  Worships  your  selves  have  the  whole  trade  of  the  place,  and 
all  customes  in  effect  come  out  of  your  owne  money. 

The  quarrel  between  Travers  and  Nelthrop  was  narrated.  The 
factory  at  Tuticorin  would  probably  be  continued  for  a  while.  '  Our 
captivated  friends  at  Zeilon '  had  been  acquainted  with  the  efforts 
about  to  be  made  for  their  release.  Since  the  Company  had  inti- 
mated that  the  Agent  would  be  held  responsible  for  the  cashier, 
Winter  had  resolved  to  entrust  the  care  of  the  accounts  to  Sam- 
brook  and  Dawes  jointly.  A  petition  from  Susannah  Fuddle, 
'  a  poore   and  blind  widdow,'  ^  was  brought  to  the  notice  of  the 

^  A  corruption  of  zarnTkh,  the  Persian  name  for  orpiment  (yellow  arsenic).  In  October 
1668  the  Company  wrote  to  Madras  for  five  tons  of  orpiment,  remarking  that  'the  small 
parcell  which  you  formerly  sent  us  sold  well.' 

*  Doubtless  the  relict  of  Jacob  Fuddle.  As  the  claim  was  an  account  of  Richard 
Cogan's  estate,  she  may  have  been  previously  his  wife. 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  385 

Company.  A  supply  of  alum  was  suggested,  as  it  would  sell  well 
if  the  Dutch  brought  none  from  China.  The  cargoes  of  the  five 
ships  amounted  to  191,915  pagodas.  The  Company  was  asked  to 
require  the  pursers  to  take  an  account  '  at  the  sea  side '  of  all  goods 
embarked,  instead  of  leaving  this  to  the  boatswains.  It  was  found 
necessary  to  employ  a  young  man  from  the  ships  to  assist  in 
writing,  there  being  so  much  to  do  at  the  fleet's  departure. 

Wee  could  wish  that  Your  Worships  would  send  out  three  or 
foure  young  lads  that  can  write  well  and  need  not  bee  to  learene 
here,  and  bound  prentizes  to  serve  as  writers,  haveing  greate  neade 
of  such  for  the  dispatch  of  business  upon  such  like  occasions, 

Buckeridge  and  his  associates  had  not  given  Winter  any  informa- 
tion of  their  transactions  ;  but  Winter  had  judged  it  '  convenient 
not  to  impeede'  Chamber  from  proceeding  to  England.  A  postscript 
suggested  a  supply  of  '  sea-cole  '. 

It  would  bee  very  necessary  in  case  of  a  seige,  and  besides  save 
you  some  money  which  now  you  pay  for  wood.  Your  Worships 
formerly  promised  to  send  tenn  charldron  by  every  shipp.  As  also 
wee  desire  some  standishes  [i.  e.  ink-stands],  rulers,  penknives,  black 
and  red  lead  pensills,  bookes  bound  up  of  severall  sizes,  with  paper, 
inke,  and  quills.  And  wee  returne  Your  Worships  thankes  for  your 
beere  and  for  the  wine ;  though  of  all  the  wine  wee  had  not  quite 
three  quarter  caske,  and  the  beare  all  sower.  If  Your  Worships  so 
please,  Mum  ^  would  doe  better  and  not  turne  sower. 

This  letter,  it  will  be  seen,  gives  no  information  regarding  the 
terms  upon  which  Chamber  had  been  allowed  to  go  home ;  but  on 
that  point  we  are  enlightened  by  the  private  letter  to  Thomas 
Winter  mentioned  below.  On  arrival  he  managed  to  make  his 
peace  with  the  Company,  as  other  delinquents  had  done  before  him  ; 
and  with  the  large  fortune  he  had  brought  home  he  proceeded  to 
acquire  lands  and  houses  in  various  parts  of  the  metropolis  and  the 
surrounding  country.  On  6  March,  1666,  he  received  the  honour  of 
knighthood,  being  then  described  as  of  Bromley  (Middlesex).  In 
1670  he  purchased  the  manor  of  Hanworth  in  Middlesex,  together 
with  the  ancient  manor  house,  where  Queen  Elizabeth  had  spent 
part  of  her  girlhood  under  the  tutelage  of  Queen  Katherine  Parr. 
Here  the  erstwhile  purser's  mate  and  his  cJd-chi  wife  lived  in  state, 

^  A  kind  of  beer  imported  from  Brunswick.  It  was  said  to  be  improved  by  a  sea 
voyage. 

2597  C  C 


386  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

and  their  blood  was  mingled  in  their  descendants  with  that  of  kings 
and  nobles.  Their  only  child,  Thomas,  married  Mary,  daughter  of 
the  second  Earl  of  Berkeley ;  and  of  the  two  daughters  resulting 
from  this  union,  the  elder,  Mary,  married  Lord  Vere  Beauclerk 
(afterwards  Baron  Vere  of  Hanworth),  the  grandson  of  Charles  II 
and  Nell  Gwynn,  while  her  sister  Anne  ^  became  the  wife  of  Richard 
Grenville,  Earl  Temple,  the  friend  and  brother-in-law  of  the  elder 
Pitt.  Sir  Thomas  Chamber  died  29  February,  1692,  and  was  buried 
at  Hanworth,  where  a  monument  to  his  memory  was  placed  by  his 
son  in  the  parish  church.  Both  the  manor  house  and  the  church 
have  been  destroyed  ;  but  the  tablet  was  transferred  to  the  present 
church,  where  it  still,  in  letters  of  tarnished  gold,  protests  feebly  that 
Chamber  left  behind  him  Magnum  integritatis  nomen  et  virtutis 
exemplar ^^     Lady  Chamber  survived  until  February,  1726. 

The  lengthy  epistle  to  the  Company  just  summarized  was  in  the 
handwriting  of  that  'exquesite  penman',  John  Crandon,  who  on 
his  own  account  dropped  into  the  letter  bag  two  private  notes 
which  found  their  way  into  the  Company's  records.  The  first  was 
addressed  to  Sir  William  Thomson,  Governor  of  the  Company,  who 
was  humbly  thanked  for  his  patronage  and  was  begged  to  arrange 
that  the  writer  should  receive  his  full  salary  at  IMadras,  as  otherwise 
he  could  not  maintain  himself.  The  other  letter  was  addressed  to 
Humphrey  Edwin,  Crandon's  fellow  clerk  at  the  East  India  House. 
It  described  the  voyage  out,  which  the  writer  found  very  pleasant, 
and  then  gave  some  account  of  events  since  his  arrival. 

On  the  17  September  in  the  afternoon  I  see  a  strange  sight  of 
[a]  young  woman  agoeing  to  be  buryed  alive,  which  is  as  followeth : 
I  being  at  that  tyme  in  Metch[lepatam],  I  see  this  woman  rideing 
through  the  towne  upon  four  mens  shoul[ders]  before  the  corps  of 
her  dead  husband,  which  was  brought  after  her  in  the  same  manner, 
the  womans  face  being  all  beesmeered  [with]  a  yallow  daubeing,  as 
if  she  had  by[n  ].  She  was  carry ed  about  a  mile  [  ]  drums 
beateing  before  her  in  her  [  ]  the  place  where  she  was  to  be 

buryed,  she  ordered  the  grave  [to]  be  made  ;  which  being  done, 
her  dead  husband  was  set  therein,  for  it  is  not  the  custome  to  lay 

^  She  was  a  lady  of  considerable  accomplishments,  and  Horace  Walpole  printed  a 
volume  of  her  poeras  at  the  Strawberry  Hill  Press.  A  likeness  of  her  is  in  the  National : 
Portrait  Gallery. 

*  Information  kindly  furnished  by  the  Rev.  R.  Fairfax  Scott 


I 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  387 

them  along  as  in  England  ;  which  being  done,  the  woman  performed 
severall  ceremonyes  to  the  standers  by,  as  usuall,  the  way  being 
cleared  for  her  comeing  to  the  grave,  which  shee  did,  and  willingly 
went  into  it,  setting  her  selfe  close  by  her  husband,  embraceing  him  ; 
when  at  the  mouth  of  the  grave  ther  stood  two  greate  matts  full  of 
sand,  which  emediately  after  her  sitting  downe  was  poured  upon 
her  [and]  smoothered  her,  and  so  made  a  conclusion  of  the  murther. 
This  I  see  with  my  owne  eys,  or  elce  should  not  have  acquainted 
you  herewith.  .  .  .  Currall  is  the  best  comodity  here,  if  very  good 
.  .  .  My  expectations  now  are  frustrated  of  that  greate  proffitt  which 
I  expected  ;  being  quite  extinguished,  and  contrary  to  the  hope 
that  brought  mee  oute.  What  doth  the  Fort  yeild  but  cloth,  which 
is  not  to  be  medled  with?  .  .  .  Here  is  dyamonds  to  be  had,  but 
those  are  happy  that  can  gitt  them.  I  must  confess  it  is  the  onely 
delightsome  place  to  live  in  on  all  the  coast,  but  not  a  little  ex- 
pencive ;  for  although  victualls  is  pretty  cheape,  drinck  is  excessive 
deare,  for  our  tapsters  sell  not  under  8d.  a  quart  English  beare,  and 
to  drinke  water  goes  against  the  stummock.  .  .  .  But  [I]  must  be 
content,  although  now  against  my  will,  to  leave  an  English  Elizium 
for  a  heathenish  sandhill.  .  .  .  On  the  4  day  of  December  here 
appeared  a  blazeing  starr.  The  streame  which  came  from  it 
appeared  to  bee  above  two  yards  in  length  ;  and  [it]  hath  continued 
these  37  nights.     God  alone  knowes  the  event  thereof. 

The  letter  concluded  with  an  allusion  to  the  rumoured  war  with 
the  Dutch,  and  a  hope  was  expressed  that  they  would  be  soundly 
beaten. 

To  his  brother  Thomas,  the  Agent  wrote  by  the  fleet  a  long 
letter,  portions  of  which  were  copied  into  the  Company's  books.^ 
This  is  full  of  charges  against  Buckeridge,  Jearsey,  Proby,  and 
Niclaes,  and  contains  much  curious  matter  which  want  of  space 
forbids  our  quoting.  Winter  alleged  that  Buckeridge  and  Jearsey 
agreed  to  accept  from  Chamber,  in  satisfaction  of  the  deposit  of 
10,000/.  required  by  the  Company,  'an  adventure  Mr.  Chambers 
hath  att  Syam,  and  in  a  parcell  of  tombe  stones  att  Madras,  with 
some  other  desperate  debts  he  must  leave  behinde  him  ' ;  to  this 
the  Agent  refused  to  agree,  holding  that  the  Company  had  intended 
that  Chamber  should  pay  in  cash,  but,  as  he  could  get  no  support, 
he  was  forced  to  '  leave  the  conclusion  of  that  businesse  to  them '. 
Winter  suggested  that  the  Company  should  send  out  two  persons, 
'  sworne  att  home  to  be  true  to  them ',  to  examine  the  situation 

'  Some  extracts  are  given  in  Love's  Vestiges  (vol.  i.  p.  217). 
C  C  2 


388  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

thoroughly,  and  he  professed  his  willingness  to  abide  by  their 
verdict.  But  they  must  have  power  to  send  home  any  found  guilty, 
and  the  ships'  commanders  must  be  bound  to  bring  the  delinquents 
away,  if  sent  on  board  ;  Jearsey,  for  example,  had  declared  that  not 
even  the  king's  commission  should  force  him  to  go  to  England. 

The  Company,  as  I  understand,  are  informed  that  I  did  imprison 
Timonah  for  his  cheating  them  ;  which  was  not  soe,  but  because 
I  had  soe  many  mens  evidence  that  he  had  imployed  people  to 
bewitch  me  to  death  ;  and  when  I  lay  desperately  sicke,  Doctor 
Daves  (who  was  then  livinge)  and  Mr.  Jordan  (now  here)  did  tell 
me  that  my  distemper  was  more  then  an  ordinary  sicknes  and  that 
I  was  bewitched,  and  that  he  did  verily  beleeve,  if  I  could  but  seize 
on  the  people  that  did  doe  me  that  mischiefe,  my  sicknes  would 
sooner  leave  me  ;  whereuppon  I  did  threaten  Timonah  and  put  him 
under  restraynt  in  the  Fort,  and  in  a  very  little  tyme  I  began  to 
amend,  whereas  before  I  was  in  great  torment  and  all  that  saw  me 
thought  I  could  not  have  lived.  And  its  true  I  did  then  threaten 
to  hang  him  for  his  sorcerye  used  to  me,  and  that  he  should  pay 
soundly  for  his  roguery.  .  .  .  But  I  know  him  soe  serviceable  to 
them  [i.  e.  the  Company]  that  I  would  not,  for  any  selfe  interest, 
put  him  out,  for  he  is  the  onely  person  that  takes  off  all  their  goods, 
when  none  others  will,  and  secures  all  bad  debts  :  which  if  he  should 
not  doe,  we  could  not  possibly  send  home  full  returnes  annually  nor 
be  free  from  makeing  some  bad  debts. 

Sambrook  would  witness  how  indispensable  Timmanna  was.  If 
the  Company  disapproved  of  the  expenditure  upon  buildings  at 
Madras,  Winter  would  gladly  take  over  '  what  is  built  without  the 
Fort ' ;  but  the  existing  accommodation  was  so  small  that  he  was 
obliged  to  let  Sambrook  have  most  part  of  his  own  house.  Winter 
alleged  that  Jearsey's  Dutch  wife  not  only  acquainted  her  fellow 
countrymen  with  all  the  Company's  business,  but  actually  levied 
three  per  cent,  on  all  goods  bought  or  sold  at  Masulipatam  on  the 
Company's  account. 

Of  the  charges  levelled  at  Winter  by  Jearsey  and  Buckeridge  we 
have  no  information.  Another  set  of  accusations,  however,  has 
survived,  in  the  shape  of  a  long  document  secretly  handed  to 
Buckeridge  by  Dawes  on  10  January,  1665.  Ostensibly  Dawes 
was  a  supporter  of  Winter  ;  but  apparently  he  foresaw  his  fall  and 
thought  it  well  to  curry  favour  with  the  Company  by  denouncing 
his  chief.     He  inveighed  against  the  ascendancy  of  Timmanna,  who, 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  389 

he  said,  had  been  in  1657  or  1658  'a  pittyfull  one  or  two  pagodas 
per  mensam  servant '  and  now  had  risen  to  absolute  power,  which 
he  had  consistently  abused  in  Winter's  interest.  The  release  of 
TimmSnna  was  due,  according  to  rumour,  to  a  sum  of  30,000  pagodas 
paid  by  him  to  the  Agent,  who  was  further  accused  of  'takeing 
a  many  of  the  poore  peoples  shopps  without  any  consideration, 
adding  them  to  his  dwelling  house,  and  filling  others  up  in  the  wall 
of  defence '.  The  document  ended  with  an  entreaty  that  the 
Company  would  '  conceale  at  least  the  author '. 

Some  further  information  regarding  Winter's  relations  with 
Timmanna  is  furnished  in  an  affidavit  by  William  Hutchins,  sworn 
in  London  15  March,  1667  {Fact.  Rec,  Miscell.,  vol.  iii.  p.  85). 
Hutchins  went  out  in  the  same  ship  as  Winter,  though  not  in  the 
Company's  service  ;  and  he  remained  on  the  Coromandel  Coast  for 
some  time,  apparently  as  the  commander  of  a  country  ship.  He 
testified  that  Winter  on  arrival 

Found  one  Tymonah,  a  broker,  to  be  charged  with  severall 
wrongs  done  to  the  Companie,  for  which  Sir  Edward  Winter  com- 
mitted him  to  prison,  and  caused  a  gallows  to  be  erected,  on  which 
he  threatned  to  have  him  hanged.  And  that  Sir  Edward  Winter 
continued  him  in  very  strict  durance  till  he  had  extorted  from  him 
a  considerable  sume  of  money,  from  12  to  ao,ooo  pagothes,  as  was 
generallie  reported,  and  particularlie  by  Mr.  Dawes,  who,  by  reason 
he  could  speake  the  country  language,  was  employed  by  Sir  Edward 
Winter.  .  .  .  This  Tymonah  was  noe  sooner  released  but  Sir 
Edward  Winter  .  .  .  employed  him  to  be  the  Companies  broker,  to 
buy  and  sell  all  their  merchandize,  to  receive  the  customes  and 
profitts  of  the  towne,  and  so  farre  intrusted  him  on  all  occasions  (as 
Mr.  Dawes  affirmed)  that  neither  the  Companies  factors  nor  he  that 
was  the  Second  in  Councell  knew  much  of  the  Companies  affaires, 
the  cheife  transactions  being  privately  managed  by  Tymonah  and 
Sir  Edward  Winter. 

The  fleet  departed  on  13  January,  1665,  and  ten  days  later 
Winter  wrote  to  his  colleagues,  Sambrook  and  Dawes,  announcing 
his  intention  to  go  home  by  the  next  fleet,  unless  the  Company 
rehabilitated  him  without  delay.  He  further  intimated  that  he 
could  not  continue  advancing  his  own  money  and  using  his  credit 
to  provide  an  investment  for  his  employers,  and  warned  them  to 
take   steps    accordingly.^     They   replied    in    two   letters    (26   and 

^  See  Love's  Vestiges  (vol.  i.  p.  223). 


390  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

27  January),  deprecating  his  decision.  At  the  end  of  the  month,  as 
a  Dutch  ship  was  about  to  start  for  Persia,  the  opportunity  was 
taken  to  send  a  packet,  for  conveyance  overland  to  the  Company, 
containing  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  I3  January,  with  a  fresh  one  dated 
21  January.  This  referred  to  the  stock  gathered  for  the  relief  of 
sick  and  poor  soldiers,  amounting  to  about  300  fanams,  and  alleged 
that  it  had  been  carried  home  by  Whitefield,  who  had  probably 
forgotten  the  matter  in  the  haste  of  his  departure.  A  supply  of 
English  soldiers  for  the  garrison  was  very  necessary,  owing  to  the 
number  recently  deceased,  mainly  through  their  debauched  lives. 
Care  should  be  taken  to 

Send  us  out  such  civill  persons  as  might  not  be  the  cause  of  their 
owne  ruin.  And  if  they  were  decayed  handicraftmen,  as  shoo- 
makers,  taylors,  carpenters,  smiths,  and  such  like,  they  would  bee 
very  usefull  here,  and  in  a  capacity  of  getting  more  then  their  wages. 
Neither  can  wee  .  .  .  discharge  the  Portuguzes,  who  are  less  charge- 
able and  better  quallifyed,  haveing  for  the  most  parte  their  familyes 
here  and  not  knowing  whither  to  go.  Wee  doe  not  doubt  their 
faithfuUness.  Wee  are  in  much  want  for  drummers,  haveing  but 
one  here,  who  doth  all  the  duty,  both  within  and  without ;  therefore 
shall  desire,  of  those  you  send,  that  three  or  foure  may  bee  such  as 
can  beate  the  drumm. 

The  Agent  had  bought  from  Whitefield,  on  condition  that  he 
remained  as  chaplain,  the  books  sent  out  to  him  by  the  Company, 
Winter's  intention  being  that  these  should  form  the  nucleus  of 
a  library  for  the  Fort.  On  Whitefield  persisting  in  leaving,  he  was 
asked  to  repay  the  money  and  take  back  the  books  ;  this  he  refused 
to  do.  If  the  Company  should  not  approve  the  retention  of  the 
books,  they  should  demand  the  money  from  him. 

To  this  letter  a  postscript  was  added,  apparently  on  30  January, 
but  only  part  is  now  extant.  This  complained  of  the  bad  quality 
of  the  coral  received. 

These  marketts  require  no  currall  that  will  not  bee  bored  to  make 
beades,  though  never  so  small ;  but  for  phisick  or  any  other  funierall 
uses  it  is  not  at  all  regarded. 

They  were  already  out  of  cash  and  had  had  to  borrow  400 
pagodas  at  i^  per  cent,  monthly,  which  was  the  lowest  interest 
obtainable.     It  was  rumoured  that  the  Dutch  had  been  expelled 


THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664  391 

rom  Cochin  ;  in  that  case  the  continuance  of  the  factory  at  Tuti- 
corin  was  thought  to  be  advisable. 

There  hath  been  one  Mr.  Andrewes  employed  at  Gulquondah 
from  Surratt  since  Sir  George  Oxindens  arrival,  who  lyes  there  to 
put  to  sayle  such  comodityes  as  wee  receive  from  Your  Worships. 
If  hee  bee  there  for  Your  Worships  accompt,  wee  are  very  well 
sattisfied ;  if  not,  Your  Worships  may  please  to  enquire,  for  it  is  no 
small  disadvantage  to  the  vending  our  goods. 

A  request  was  next  made  for  two  new  seals ;  and  then  the  manu- 
script breaks  off  in  the  middle  of  a  sentence. 

Before  concluding,  we  may  note  a  letter  from  Buckeridge  to  the 
Company  {O.C.  3064  I),  written  when  he  was  nearing  England 
(19  August,  1665),  This  refers  to  an  earlier  one  from  Masulipatam 
of  a  January,  1665,  no  longer  extant.  Buckeridge  says  that  he 
has  visited  the  factories  at  Viravasaram  and  Madapollam.  The 
house  at  the  former  place  is  much  out  of  repair  '  and  the  trade  in 
a  manner  lost '.  The  factory  at  Madapollam  was  built  by  Winter 
for  himself  '  on  a  peece  of  ground  formerly  graunted  for  your  use 
by  the  King  of  Gulcondah  on  the  river  side,  for  a  wharfe  or  bunder 
convenient  for  building  or  repairing  shiping ;  and  as  now  it  is 
repaired  at  your  cost,  it  is  a  plesant  place '.  It  is  not,  however, 
necessary.  The  house  at  Masulipatam  was  also  originally  Winter's, 
but  was  transferred  to  the  Company.  The  previous  owner  alleges 
that  he  was  never  paid  for  it,  and  demands  it  back  again ;  while 
Winter  has  nothing  to  show  by  way  of  title,  except  a  certificate  from 
the  then  Governor  that  he  had  bought  it.  It  is  in  a  bad  condition, 
and  Jearsey  is  unwilling  to  spend  money  on  it  unless  a  better  title 
can  be  made  out. 

Were  that  effected,  yett  the  howse  is  soe  ill  contrived,  and  soe 
little  ground  or  yard  rome  belongs  to  it,  that  it  is  noe  wais  fitting  for 
a  factorie.  For  there  is  a  necesitie  of  new  building  a  warehouse 
where  the  ould  one  stands,  which  is  now  ireparablie  ruined,  it 
standing  upon  the  best  and  most  convenient  ground  in  Metchle- 
patam,  and  the  towne  affords  not  a  house  to  bee  rented  that  is 
fitting  for  your  occasions ;  and  over  the  warehouse  may  bee  made 
convenient  accommodation  for  your  factors  at  an  easie  charge. 

Jearsey  spared  for  the  Company  four  spotted  deer  (one  buck  and 
three  does)  and  these  came  safe  as  far  as  St.  Helena.  There  the 
buck  swam  ashore  and  made  good  his  escape  ;  and  one  of  the  does 


39*  THE  MADRAS  AGENCY,  1664 

has  since  died.  In  obedience  to  instructions  from  Sir  Thomas 
Chamberlain  to  purchase  rarities  for  presentation  to  King  Charles, 
Buckeridge  bought  twelve  china  dishes  :  '  a  sort  reported  to  breake 
if  any  poyson  bee  put  into  them,  but  I  dare  not  affirme  that  as 
a  truth.'  He  goes  on  to  say  that  at  Madras  Winter  denied  him 
the  sight  of  the  accounts  and  invoices,  and  forbad  the  other  factors 
to  give  him  any  information ;  he  also  hindered  Buckeridge's  investi- 
gations at  MasuHpatam,  though  Jearsey  and  the  other  factors  made 
no  difficulty.  Chamber,  being  in  need  of  money  to  clear  his 
engagements  at  Madras,  requested  Buckeridge  and  Proby  to  consent 
to  his  drawing  a  bill  upon  Jearsey  for  iioo  new  pagodas,  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  money  he  had  assigned  to  the  Company  there.  He 
gave  a  written  undertaking  that  he  would  pay  this  money  again  to 
the  Company,  together  with  any  other  sum  necessary  to  complete 
the  io,ccc/,  required  to  be  deposited.  To  this  Buckeridge  con- 
sented, and  he  hopes  his  action  will  be  approved.  He  explains  that 
his  reason  for  not  recording  an  open  protest  against  Winter  for  his 
many  malpractices  was  a  fear  lest  the  latter  should  thereupon 
'  conveigh  his  person  and  estate  out  of  your  power '  or  take 
vengeance  on  those  who  had  given  information.  Buckeridge  states 
that  he  left  ^lasulipatam  on  5  January,  reached  Madras  two  days 
later,  and  sailed  for  England  about  the  I3th.  The  rest  of  the  letter 
is  concerned  with  the  events  of  the  voyage. 

THE   ENGLISH    IN   BENGAL,  1664 

During  this  year  the  factories  in  the  three  provinces  of  Bihar, 
Bengal,  and  Orissa,  viz.  Hugli,  Balasore,  Kasimbazar,  and  Patna, 
continued  under  the  charge  of  William  Blake,  subject  to  the  general 
superintendence  of  the  Agent  and  Council  at  Madras. 

Blake's  action  in  making  Bridges  his  principal  assistant  had 
excited  some  resentment  among  the  senior  factors,  such  as  Ken, 
Charnock,and  Sheldon ;  and  at  the  close  of  1663  the  first  named,  whose 
contracted  period  of  service  had  come  to  an  end,  handed  over  charge 
at  Patna  to  Thomas  Stiles  and  prepared  to  depart  for  England, 
without  waiting  for  Blake's  permission  {Hugli  Records,  vol.  i.  p.  21). 
As  he  was  understood  to  intend  returning  by  way  of  Surat,  his 
action  was  reported  (in  a  letter  of  18  March)  by  Winter  and  his 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664  393 

colleagues  to  the  President,  '  in  expectation  that  he  may  receive 
some  check  or  other  from  you'.  Oxenden  in  reply  (19  May) 
strongly  reprehended  Ken's  '  deserting  the  Companies  service '  and 
laid  it  down  that  no  factor  could  leave  without  permission.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  Ken  remained  in  Bengal  for  the  rest  of  the  year  as 
a  private  person,  and  went  home  at  its  close  with  the  sanction  of 
the  Fort  St.  George  Agent. 

Charnock.  who  had  also  decided  to  return  to  England,  was  per- 
suaded by  Blake  to  stay  at  least  a  little  longer.  In  a  letter  of 
23  February  he  agreed  to  remain  until  the  end  of  September,  on 
condition  that  he  was  made  the  head  of  the  Patna  factory ;  and  he 
was  accordingly  appointed  to  that  post. 

The  Madras  letter  referred  to  above  mentions  some  '  mischance 
that  happened  about  Thomas  Pratt  at  Decqua '  [Dacca],  which  had 
brought  upon  the  English  the  displeasure  of  the  Nawab,  Daud  Khan. 
The  reference  is  elucidated  by  Manucci  {Storia  do  Mogor,  vol.  ii. 
p.  102),  from  whose  account  it  appears  that  Pratt's  servants  became 
involved  in  a  quarrel  with  some  soldiers,  whereupon  the  latter 
attacked  the  house.  Pratt  fired  upon  the  assailants,  doing  great 
execution,  with  the  result  that  they  decamped  ;  and  then,  fearing 
the  results  of  his  action,  he  put  a  few  goods  on  board  a  vessel 
and  fled.  Manucci's  further  statement,  that  Pratt  thereupon  took 
refuge  in  Arakan  and  was  there  put  to  death  by  the  King,  is  incor- 
rect. That  incident  took  place  in  1667.  A  Dutch  letter  from 
Hugli,  written  on  24  October,  1664  said  that  Pratt  and  four  more 
Englishmen  had  reached  Rajmahal  in  a  sloop  mounting  four  guns, 
his  object  being  to  offer  to  the  new  Nawab  his  services  in  building 
ships  and  making  cannon  [Dagh-Register,  Batavia,  1664,  p.  560). 
In  a  consultation  held  at  Hugli  on  11  July,  the  English  factors  con- 
firmed a  previous  order  of  9  June,  stopping  Pratt's  pay  and  allow- 
ances until  he  had  given  satisfaction  '  for  what  layd  to  his  charge ' ; 
but  presumably  this  decision  was  rescinded  later,  for  the  Madras 
letter  of  12  January,  1665,  mentions  that  Blake '  is  forced  to  continue 
Mr.  Pratt  at  Decca  at  greate  charge '. 

The  death  of  Mir  Jumla,  whose  parwdna  had  protected  the 
English  traders  against  all  claims  for  customs  duties,  had  naturally 
led  to  some  questioning  of  their  right  to  this  exemption,  particularly 
as  they  themselves  based  it  upon  an  old  farmdn  from  Shah  Jahan, 


394  THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664 

which  had  not  been  confirmed  by  the  reigning  Emperor.  As  we 
have  seen,  the  Bengal  factors  had  for  some  months  been  hoping 
that  the  g^n^tzX  farmdn  which  the  Surat  authorities  contemplated 
obtaining  from  Aurangzeb  would  include  a  grant  of  exemption  from 
customs  dues  in  Bengal  and  would  in  addition  free  the  English  from 
the  annual  present  of  Rs.  3,000  which  had  been  made  for  many 
years.  On  the  strength  of  this  expectation,  permission  had  been 
obtained  to  defer  for  three,  months  the  pa3'ment  of  this  contribution 
for  1663 ;  but  at  the  expiration  of  that  period  the  Governor  of 
Hugh  took  steps  to  enforce  payment,  and  Robert  Elvves,  who  was 
in  charge  of  the  factory  there,  was  '  imprisned  in  the  Durbar '  until 
he  gave  security  to  pay  the  amount  within  five  days.  Accordingly 
at  a  consultation  held  on  4  February,  it  was  resolved  by  Blake, 
Bridges,  and  Elwes  to  discharge  the  liability  immediately. 

A  more  serious  matter  of  debate  at  that  consultation  was  the 
news  of  the  approach  of  a  new  Governor  for  Bengal.  Discredited 
as  he  had  been  by  Sivaji's  successful  attack  on  his  camp,  the 
removal  of  Shaista  Khan  from  the  command  of  the  army  in  the 
Deccan  had  been  deemed  imperative,  and  Aurangzeb  had  seized  the 
opportunity  of  the  vacancy  in  the  eastern  provinces  to  transfer  him 
thither  (December,  1663).  The  English  factors  considered  it  advis- 
able to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  securing  his  favour,  and 
they  therefore  resolved 

That  Mr.  Blake  proceede  suddainly  up  to  meete  the  said  Nabob 
in  Rogamaull,^  and  that  he  carrye  up  with  him  severall  things  con- 
siderable for  a  pressent,  to  be  disposed  of  to  the  Nabob  etc.  emminent 
persons  as  he  shall  then  finde  convenyent  to  be  given  to  each  ;  by 
which  he  may  be  able  to  mediate  and  endeavor  to  redress  abuses 
received  and,  if  possible,  to  procure  an  order  to  command  the 
Governer  of  this  place  from  making  any  demands  in  the  future  for 
that  annuall  payment  of  3,000  rupes ;  and  further  that  he  may 
endeavor  to  procure  this  Nabob[sJ  generall  perwanna  for  a  free 
trade,  as  formerly  granted  by  his  predecessors,  throughout  the 
above  mentioned  provinces. 

The  result  of  this  mission  is  given  in  a  letter  from  Hugli  to  Surat 
of  21  June.     Blake, 

After  one  month  giving  his  attendance  at  coart  continually,  and 

'  According  to  the  Batavia  Dagh-Kegister,  1664  (p.  257),  Shaista  Khan  entered 
Rajmahal  on  8  March  (O.S.,. 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664  395 

with  no  little  charge,  solliciting  the  Nabob,  obteyned  his  perwanna,^ 
wherein  he  grants  us  the  privilidges  we  enjoyed  in  the  Princes  [i.e. 
Sliah  Shuja's]  and  his  predecessors  times ;  which  we  having  gotten, 
did  conceive  our  masters  affaires  might  be  carried  on  without 
receiving  any  molestation  from  him  or  his  governers,  but  we  soone 
after  found  the  contrarie.  In  the  month  of  May  last  we  received 
a  generall  letter  from  Mr.  Charnock  in  Pattana,  wherein  he  advized 
us  of  the  arrivall  of  Shester  Cauns  droga  [agent :  ddrogka\  with 
commition  to  buy  20,000  maund  of  saltpetre ;  also  with  orders  to 
forbid  the  Dutch  and  the  English  from  giving  out  any  monyes  to 
the  petre  men ;  and  presently  he  hindred  our  weigheing  and 
receiving  of  what  petre  we  had  formerly  given  out  monyes  for, 
putting  his  seale  on  severall  places  where  it  lay.  .  .  .  Daily  persons 
run  away  that  are  the  Companies  debtors ;  so  that  he  writes  the 
trade  is  quite  spoyled,  and  that  by  reason  of  the  drogas  abuses  to 
the  petre  men  the  Nabob  will  not  be  able  to  procure  any  quantity. 
Concerning  these  abuses  we  have  severall  times  complayned  to 
Shester  Caun  and  used  all  meanes  for  a  remmedie,  but  can  procure 
none.  He  one  while  demands  of  us  20,000  maund  petre,  pretending 
he  hath  occation  for  said  quantity  to  carrie  on  the  Kings  vvarrs ; 
now,  upon  our  late  complaints,  in  reply  tells  us  possitively  that  he 
will  not  suffer  us  to  weigh,  buy,  or  bring  downe  any  petre,  unless 
we  give  him  a  writing  enjagin[g]  our  selves  not  to  sell  any  goods 
or  silver  that  our  ships  may  bring  into  this  countrey  unto  any 
person  but  to  him,  and  the  price  must  be  what  his  agents  thinke  or 
make;  and  then  doth  not  say  we  shall  have  liberty  to  buy  that 
commodity  as  formerly,  but  that  he  will  furnish  us  with  it.  The 
stop  of  said  trade  hath  been  neere  two  months,  being  the  only  time 
to  get  in  petre.  ...  If  Your  Worship  doth  not  procure  a  remedy  for 
these  abuses  from  the  King,  the  trade  of  these  parts  will  be  quite 
lost.  This  Nabob  is  a  person  most  adicted  to  covetiousnesse,  and 
it  is  verrily  beleeved  that  he  will  engross  all  goods  in  which  he  con- 
ceives a  bennifit  may  be  had.  .  .  .  News  here  [we]  have  not  any, 
save  this  Nabob  is  preparing  to  make  warr  on  Arracan,  and  demands 
English  and  Dutch  men  to  serve  him  in  said  warrs,  and  doth 
expect  to  be  furnished.  So  dishonnerable  and  covetious  a  person 
never  came  into  these  parts  for  a  Governor. 

This  letter  was  sent  by  way  of  Patna,  where  Charnock  (3  July) 
added  his  own  account  of  the  situation.  He  said  that  Shaista 
Khan's  intentions  were 

To  get  this  whole  trade  of  peeter  into  his  own  hands,  and  so  to 
sell  it  againe  to  us  and  the  Dutch  at  his  own  rates,  he  well  knowing 

^  No  copy  has  been  traced. 


396  THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664 

the  ships  cannot  goe  from  the  Bay  empty.  But  he  is  not  likely  to 
get  above  mds.  4  or  5,cco  this  yeare.  His  droga  hath  so  abused 
the  merchants  that  they  are  allmost  all  runne  away.  He  pretends 
that  all  the  peeter  he  buyes  is  for  the  King.  It  was  never  known 
he  had  occasion  of  more  then  mds.  1,000  or  1,500  yearely  for  all 
his  warrs.  .  .  .  Here  appeares  dayly  nothing  else  but  grosse  affronts 
and  dishonour.  .  . .  Mr.  William  Blake  visited  the  Nabob  at  Rajamall 
and  procured  his  dustuck  long  since ;  but  it  is  of  no  value  in  this 
place,  only  in  Bengali.  .  .  .  Dowet  Caune  [Daud  Khan]  Nabob  is 
returned  from  Dacka,  and  at  present  remaines  here.  Sester  Caunes 
Sonne  is  gone  in  his  roome,  and  hath  received  an  overthrow  by  the 
Mogoos  ^  in  those  parts. 

Charnock  added  that,  if  supplied  with  the  necessary  funds,  he 
could  procure  25  or  30,000  maunds  of  saltpetre  yearly,  whereas 
hitherto  18,000  had  been  the  limit. 

The  Surat  President  and  Council  had  already  informed  the  Bengal 
factors,  in  a  letter  of  30  April,  that  the  Company  had  vetoed  the 
proposed  mission  to  Delhi  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  a  general 
Jarmdn  from  the  Emperor  ;  though  in  a  subsequent  communication 
(19  May)  to  Madras  they  added  that  'wee  watch  a  fitt  time  to 
petition  the  King  for  his  phirmaun  of  favour  to  the  Nabob  in  the 
Bay'.  On  receipt  of  the  letters  of  21  June  and  3  July,  they  wrote 
again  (3  September)  to  Hugh,  regretting  their  inability  to  make  any 
move  in  the  matter  of  ih^  fanndn  and  suggesting  fresh  representa- 
tions to  the  Company. 

Wee  very  well  know  your  Nabob  Shasta  Ckaun  and  his  covetious, 
gripeing  disposition.  It  is  no  new  practice  that  hee  is  now  upon,  but 
what  hee  hath  all  along  dishonourablely  acted.  Hee  monopolized 
his  owne  bazarr  that  followed  his  owne  campe  in  the  Decann  warrs. 
.  .  .  Wee  once  was  troubled  with  him  at  Ahmadavad,  when  hee  used 
us  at  the  same  rate.  But  curst  cowes  have  short  horns.  Hee  stayes 
not  long  any  where.  Wee  are  informed  hee  is  worse  then  outed 
already,  and  wee  pray  and  hope  it  is  true  that  the  King  hath  taken 
off  all  his  revenue,  that  was  upwards  of  50  lack  of  rupees  yearely, 
which  hee  increased  to  four  score  by  his  extortions.  .  .  .  Wee  have 
it  credibly  reported  that  the  King  hath  been  soe  much  agrivated  by 
his  sonns  dishonorable  being  worsted  at  Dahka  that  order  is  gon 
out  to  leave  him  but  one  lack  of  rupees  for  his  future  maintaineance 

^  Maghs  (Arakanese).  For  some  time  they  had  ravaged  Eastern  Bengal,  and  their 
chastisement  was  the  chief  duty  that  lay  before  Shaista  Khan  and  his  son,  Buzurg  Umaid 
Khan. 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664  397 

yearely  * ;  which  will  cut  his  combe  soe  close  that  hee  must  bee 
forced  to  disband  apace  to  confine  himselfe  to  his  close  order, 
although  it  is  said  hee  hath  a  great  treasury  about  him.  .  .  .  All  are 
of  oppinion  heere  that  this  degradeing  will  cause  him  forsake  the 
world  and  turne  fuckeer,  and  that  hee  will  not  except  what  the  King 
hath  appointed  him.  .  .  .  Hee  is  the  Kings  uncle,  in  which  relation 
hee  is  soe  heightened  that  hee  dares  doe  more  then  the  King  him- 
selfe. Wee  are  very  confident,  could  wee  procure  a  phirmaun  upon 
him,  it  would  not  at  all  alter  him,  but  hee  would  persist  in  his 
exactions.  It  seems  the  Dutch  have  the  same  usage  with  us,  not- 
withstanding theres  soe  lately  procured  and  then  sent  thither,  a 
costly  peece  of  paper  to  no  purpose. 

The  extortions  to  which  the  factors  were  obliged  to  submit  were 
evidently  not  exaggerated  in  these  documents.  Sheldon  and  Powell 
wrote  from  Kasimbazar  on  23  June  that  a  sum  of  5,672  rupees  had 
been  forced  from  them  on  account  of  the  late  Nawab's  claims  against 
Trevisa.  At  a  consultation  held  at  Hugh  on  1 1  July  it  was  decided 
to  give  500  rupees  to  •  Mirza  Sied  Jelleldee  '  [Mirza  Sayyid  Jalalud- 
din],  the  new  Governor,  besides  presents  to  his  officers ;  and  also 
to  direct  Powell  to  go  up  to  Rajmahal  to  meet  the  saltpetre  boats 
from  Patna  and  to  pay  whatever  sum  might  be  requisite  to  obviate 
their  stoppage  there.  It  was  further  decided  to  remind  Shaista 
Khan  of  his  promise  to  Blake  that  he  would  write  to  the  Emperor 
to  remit  '  the  annually  exacted  present  of  3,000  rupees '.  Bridges 
and  Stiles  (who  had  been  recalled  from  Patna)  were  ordered  to 
Balasore  to  meet  the  ships  expected  from  the  Coast. 

The  ships  that  reached  Bengal  this  season  brought  a  letter  from 
the  Company,  dated  16  December,  1663,  advising  the  factors  of 
the  steps  taken  to  supply  them  with  stock,  and  urging  the  speedy 
dispatch  of  the  ships  on  their  return  voyage.  Hopes  were  expressed 
that  Blake  had  reduced  expenses,  that  the  trouble  with  Mir  Jumla 
had  been  composed,  and  that  Trevisa's  accounts  had  been  cleared. 

Wee  having  contracted  with  our  shipps  to  saile  up  the  river  of 
Gangees,  wee  conceive  the  factory  of  Ballasore  will  bee  altogither 
unecessary  and  uselesse,  and  therefore  wee  supose  that  factory  is 
already  disolved ;  but  if  not,  let  it  bee  done  with  all  expedition. 

1  According  to  the  Dagh-Register,  1664  (P-  554))  the  Arakan  flotilla  had  attacked  the 
Mogul  boats  in  the  Dacca  river  and  had  destroyed  160  of  them.  Aurangzeb  was  so 
enraged  at  the  news  that  he  ordered  the  Nawab  and  his  son  to  be  deprived  of  part  of  their 
revenues  ;  but  this  was  soon  countermanded. 


39«  THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,   1664 

And  for  the  factory  of  Cassambazar,  wee  have  noe  greate  en- 
couragment  to  continue  the  same,  finding  our  taffataies  to  cost  us 
deare,  and  little  advance  made  in  the  sale.  At  our  factory  of 
Pattana  wee  also  conceive  it  needlesse  to  continue  a  constant  resi- 
dence, but  rather  that  some  persons  bee  sent  upp  in  the  most 
propper  seasons  for  the  procury  of  saltpeeter.  .  .  .  Wee  desire  that 
all  our  factories  may  bee  reduced,  and  a  setled  residence  only  kept 
at  Hughly,  that  soe  our  expences  may  bee  drawne  into  a  narrow 
compasse  and  noe  extravagant  charges  put  upon  us. 

A  reminder  was  given  that  the  Company  expected  to  hear 
regularly  from  the  subordinate  factories ;  and  the  letter  concluded 
with  a  complaint  of  the  large  amount  of  wastage  in  the  last  con- 
signment of  saltpetre. 

In  forwarding  this  letter,  the  Madras  Council  (4  July)  expressed 
a  doubt  whether  it  would  be  found  possible  to  withdraw  from  either 
Patna  or  Kasimbazar.  Trevisa  having  gone  home,  the  settlement 
of  accounts  with  him  might  be  left  to  the  Company. 

But  this  puts  us  in  minde  of  the  long  dispute  aboute  the  Nabobs 
junck ;  but  hope  that  his  sonne  hath  forgott  it,  or  at  least  that  a  full 
end  of  that  is  now  made,  and  that  the  15,000  rials  of  eight  which 
Mr.  Blake  received  of  Mr.  Chambers  is  (as  formerly  enordred) 
brought  into  the  Companies  cash  with  the  interest  thereof  from  the 
time  it  w^as  received.  The  Company  doth  expect  a  full  accompt  of 
that  buissinesse  at  the  retorne  of  the  shipping ;  therefore  pray  .  .  . 
let  us  understand  the  true  state  of  it,  that  soe  accordingly  wee  may 
treate  with  Mr.  Chamber  concerneing  his  goeing  home  for 
England. 

Blake  was  warned  to  leave  open,  for  perusal  at  Madras,  any 
letter  he  might  address  to  the  Company,  and  to  do  his  best  to 
prevent  private  goods  being  put  on  board  the  ships  for  England. 
'  Wee  understand  that  there  is  noe  hopes  for  your  haveing  a  phir- 
maund  for  your  parts.  However,  if  it  bee  absolutely  necessary, 
you  were  best  to  insert  it  in  yours  to  the  Company,  with  your 
reasons  for  it.'  Bridges  was  ordered  to  come  to  Madras,^  in  order 
to  take  his  place  in  Council,  Gifford  being  about  to  go  home.  Some 
'spotted  deere'  were  requested,  for  transmission  to  England  for 
presentation  to  King  Charles. 

A  month  later  a  fresh  letter  was  addressed  to  Blake  from  Madras 

'  As  already  noted  (p.  373),  this  order  was  afterwards  annulled  by  the  Councillors  at 
Masuiipatam. 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664  399 

complaining  of  his  silence.  As  Sheldon's  time  was  expired,  per- 
mission was  given  to  him  to  go  home ;  but  Blake  was  blamed  for 
his  discourtesy  to  him,  which  was  the  chief  cause  of  his  quitting  the 
service.  Powell  was  to  succeed  Sheldon.  Since  the  '  remaynes '  in 
the  Bay  amounted  to  50,000  pagodas,  apart  from  the  money 
received  from  Chamber,  the  full  sum  ordered  by  the  Company  to 
be  remitted  to  Bengal  had  not  been  sent. 

A  letter  from  Winter  and  Sambrook  at  Madapollam  to  Hugli, 
dated  8  October,  replying  to  one  of  7  August,  contains  the  follow- 
ing passage : 

You  say  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  to  furnish  the  Nabob  with 
a  sloope  and  men,  and  it  will  bee  a  greate  furtheiance  to  our  masters 
buisinesse  both  this  and  the  next  yeare  ;  which  if  it  bee  soe  and  the 
Nabob  will  not  bee  sattisfied  without  it,  you  must  endeavour  to 
gett  men  and  a  sloope  to  assist  him.  But  wee  would  have  you  to 
agree  with  him  in  paper  written  that,  if  hee  should,  by  his  invadeing 
the  King  of  Arraccans  cuntrey,  disenable  those  people  to  pay  us 
our  debts,  wee  haveing  a  trade  with  them,  that  then  hee  should  bee 
obliged  to  see  us  sattisfyed  (which  wee  conceive  to  bee  but  reason- 
able) ;  and  hee  must  allow  the  charges  of  the  sloope  and  menn. 
Wee  take  notice  that  the  Moores  threaten  to  demollish  our  factoryes, 
as  alsoe  the  Dutch  and  Portugall  buildings ;  ^  by  which  may  bee 
scene  that  they  doe  not  much  desire  our  stay  in  their  countrey. 

On  4  October,  Blake,  Bridges,  and  Elwes  addressed  a  letter  to 
Surat,  complaining  further  of  the  abuses  received  from  Shaista 
Khan,  who 

One  day,  upon  receipt  of  a  gift,  will  grant  a  person  priviledges 
by  giving  him  his  perwanna ;  but  no  sooner  gone  from  court  but 
he,  with  them  about  him,  find  a  meanes  to  make  said  invalid  ;  by 
which  he  is  forced  to  a  further  charge,  if  he  will  keep  in  favour.  .  .  . 
What  salt  peter  this  yeare  sent  down  was  by  this  Nabob  stopped 
at  Rajamall,  and  caused  an  expence  of  3,600  rupees  and  upv/ards 
before  wee  could  procure  its  inlargement. 

It  was  hoped  that  the  Company,  on  hearing  of  these  troubles, 

^  A  Dutch  letter  from  Hugli  of  17  October  {Dagh-Register,  1664,  p.  593)  says  that  the 
Governor  had  informed  them  of  Shaista  Khan's  order  that  the  Europeans  must  be  content 
with  earthern  dwellings  in  place  of  stone.  The  Portuguese  were  obliged  to  pay  1000  rials 
for  having  erected  a  church  without  permission ;  while  the  English,  who  had  built  a  stone 
gateway  to  their  factory,  had  to  compound  for  600  rials.  The  Dutch  were  resisting,  but 
expected  to  have  to  bribe  either  the  Nawab  or  the  Governor. 


4CO  •  THE  ENGLISH   IX  BENGAL,  1664 

would  reconsider  its  decision  not  to  seek  for  a  fanndn  from  the 
Emperor. 

The  report  that  you  had,  that  the  Dutch  had  withdrawn  their 
factory,  [we]  suppose  proceeded  from  a  difference  they  had  with 
the  Governour  of  BalHsore,  who,  upon  complaint  of  some  boatmen, 
caused  a  Dutch  writer  ^  to  be  made  fast  and  drubb'd  ;  upon  which 
for  a  certaine  time  they  withdrew  from  said  factory  and  one  at 
Piply,  a  place  adjacent  and  under  the  same  Governour ;  then  with 
a  sloop  rid  within  the  barre  of  Ballesore,  pretending  that  they  would 
stopp  his  shipps  and  what  belonged  to  him.  But  they  effected 
nothing  ;  only,  by  their  complaint  to  the  Nabob  of  Orixa,  got  said 
person  to  be  put  out  of  his  government  of  Pipley.  The  Dutch  here 
are  not  free  from  troubles,  but  carry  on  their  businesse  with  much 
difficulty  and  charge,  which  their  vast  trade  can  beare.  Wee  con- 
ceive no  abuse  will  occasion  their  deserting  of  these  parts,  in  that 
Japan  etc.  depends  on  the  commerce  or  commodities  which  they 
carry  from  hence. 

We  know  from  a  list  of  packet  {O.C.  3036)  that  the  Rebecca 
carried  home  a  letter  to  the  Company  from  the  Bengal  factors,  dated 
8  December,  but  no  copy  of  it  has  survived.  The  only  document 
of  that  date  now  extant  is  a  note  from  Stiles  at  Balasore  to  Blake, 
apologizing  for  his  past  behaviour  and  begging  to  be  allowed  to 
stay.  On  the  next  day,  by  the  Morning  Star,  Stiles  sent  a  letter 
to  the  Company,  explaining  that  his  apology  had  been  forced  from 
him  by  Blake,  under  a  threat  that  otherwise  he  would  be  deported 
to  Madras.  He  defended  his  past  conduct  and  made  charges 
against  Blake  and  Ken. 

The  letter  from  Madras  to  the  Company  of  12  January,  1665, 
contained  several  passages  relating  to  affairs  in  Bengal.  Concern- 
ing the  claim  on  account  of  Mir  Jumla's  junk  nothing  further  had 
been  heard. 

All  his  papers  are  gon  to  the  King.  What  the  effect  of  there 
examination  may  bee  [wee]  know  not.  Nothing  to  bee  feared  to 
call  the  business  to  mind  againe  so  much  as  a  writeing  which 
Mr.  Trevisa  gave  in  the  Honourable  Companyes  name  to  give  the 
Nabob  sattisfaction  for  his  shipp  by  such  a  tyme  ,  and  this  is  gon 
among  his  papers  very  probable,  but  hope  it 's  miscarryage,  and  then 
wee  beleive  there  will  be  an  end  of  that  business.  The  15,000 
ryalls  which  Mr.  Chamber  deposited  in  Mr.  Blake  his  hands  on 
that    accompt   wee   have   enordered    to    bee    brought   into   Your 

1  Arent  Kroesbeek :  see  Batavia  Dagh-Regiiier,  1664,  pp.  15,  135,  553,  594. 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664  401 

Worships  cash,  with  interest  at  one  per  cent,  per  moneth  from  the 
tyme  it  was  received  by  him. 

Shaista  Khan's  exactions  and  abuses  were  next  narrated. 

Your  Worships  must  consider  that  these  people  are  growne  more 
powerfull  then  formerly,  and  will  not  bee  so  subject  to  us  as  they 
hav^e  byn,  unless  they  bee  a  little  bitten  by  us,  that  they  may 
understand,  if  they  inipeede  us  by  land,  it  lyeth  in  our  power  to 
requite  them  by  sea.  They  accounted  us  formerly  very  powerfull 
there ;  but  they  looke  not  upon  us  nowadayes  after  that  rate,  and 
begin  to  slight  our  passes  and  say  tis  sufficient  so  they  have  but  the 
Dutches.  In  fine,  'tis  Mr.  Blakes  opinion  that  your  affaires  will  bee 
quite  ruined  if  this  Nabob  lives  and  reigneth  long ;  and  the  same 
will  bee  here,  unless  they  bee  made  to  know  that  wee  are  able  to 
right  our  selves  when  wee  receive  an  injury. 

Blake  had  built  three  boats  to  carry  goods  between  Balasore  and 
Hugh; 

Which  now  stands  Your  Worships  in  greate  stead,  for  the 
countrey  boats  the  last  yeare  were  most  of  them  spoyled  with  the 
storme,  and  the  rest  made  use  of  for  the  Nabobs  accompt ;  and 
the  commanders  of  all  the  shipps  refuseing  to  go  up  the  river. 
Capt.  Godolphin,  goeing  downe  first,  did  not  prosecute  his  in- 
tentions and  resolutions  to  breake  the  ice ;  which  if  hee  had,  in 
probabillity  the  rest  would  all  have  followed.  But  hee  intended 
to  carry  his  shipp  into  Ballasore  to  remaine  there  while  [i.  e.  until] 
the  monsoones  were  over ;  but  that  little  forewards  Your  Worships 
affaires.  So  that  Mr.  Blake  feares  the  shipps  will  bee  later  this 
yeare  then  formerly,  for  want  of  conveyance.  Therefore  now  Your 
Worships  may  see  you  cannot  depend  on  the  promises  of  com- 
manders in  England,  and  that  hence  forewards  they  must  either  be 
obliged  by  charterparty  or  elce  Your  Worships  owne  shipps  must 
first  venture. 

As  regards  the  reduction  of  the  number  of  factories  in  Bengal, 

Since  the  commanders  refuse  to  go  up  the  river  Ganges, 
Mr.  Blake  tells  us  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  of  keepeing 
Ballasore,  as  also  for  the  vend  of  your  Europe  comodities  and 
procury  of  such  goods  by  Your  Worships  required.  Pattana  also 
must  bee  resided  in,  in  regard  of  the  debts  that  are  standing  out, 
which  requireth  a  constant  attendance  for  the  recovery  thereof,  as 
also  for  the  quickening  the  saltpetre  men  in  their  business ;  so  that 
wee  confess  wee  cannot  indeede  conceive  how  it  should  be  done, 
unless  they  made  an  agreement  with  some  greate  man  to  furnish 
them  yearely  with  so  much,  and  they  write  us  none  can  doe  it  but 

2597  D  d 


402  THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664 

the  Nabob  ;  which  is  the  verey  thing  hee  desires  to  engrosse,  as  hee 
hath  done  the  salt,  and  then  would  hee  force  us  and  the  Dutch  to 
pay  what  hee  pleased.  Cassambazar  can  never  bee  reduced  to 
Hughly.  The  weavers  will  not  bee  perswaded  to  go  thither ;  so 
that,  according  to  the  encouragement  that  Your  Worships  shall 
receive  from  Mr.  Sheldon  this  yeare,  you  may  either  absolutely 
desolve  or  continue  it. 

The  Bengal  factors  had  reported  that  they  could  supply  blue  and 
green  taffetas ;  but  it  was  feared  that  the  colours  would  not  stand, 
and  they  would  cost  a  rupee  more  each  piece.  It  was  possible  to 
convey  goods  from  Agra  to  Hugh  by  water,  and  thence  overland 
in  twenty  days  ;  but  as  to  whether  this  route  would  be  better  than 
the  land  route  to  Surat,  no  opinion  could  be  given.  Blake  had 
declared  that  the  Bengal  trade  was  ruined.  He  had  also  complained 
of  shortage  of  stock,  but  this  was  due  to  Buckeridge's  advice. 

Mamood  Ammy  Caun,^  sonn  to  the  Mierjumballa,  hath  now 
obteyned  the  governement  of  his  father  in  Bengalla  (as  advised  from 
Pattana),  and  suddainely  will  come  thither.  There  is  no  hopes  of 
getting  free  the  3000  rupees  yearely  paid  at  Hughly,  the  Nabob 
haveing  that  for  his  rents,  and  never  will  bee  cleared  unless  com- 
plained of  to  the  King. 

Blake  had  accused  Sheldon  of  spending  money  on  building  with- 
out his  approval,  though  he  confessed  that  this  was  '  verey  necessary ', 
and  permission  to  do  anything  that  was  really  needed  had  been 
obtained  from  Madras. 

As  already  noted,  Ken  and  Sheldon  went  home  in  the  fleet. 
Charnock  had  changed  his  mind,  and  remained  in  Bengal.  From 
a  note  appended  to  a  list  of  packet  {O.C.  3047),  we  learn  that 
James  Calthrop  and  Hackett  Jones  had  '  deceased  in  Bay  Bengalah ' 
during  the  year. 

In  addition  to  the  particulars  already  noted,  the  Dutch  records 
of  the  time  give  evidence  of  the  large  private  trade  carried  on  by 
Blake  and  other  English  factors.  They  also  corroborate  what  has 
been  said  above  about  the  covetousness  of  Shaista  Khan  and  his  con- 
stant endeavours  to  extract  money  from  all  and  sundry.  His  scheme 
for  monopolizing  the  foreign  commerce  appears  to  have  been  dropped 

1  Muhammad  Am!n  Khan.  There  was  no  truth  in  this  rumour  (which  is  mentioned  at 
p.  558  of  the  Dagh- Register). 


THE  ENGLISH  IN  BENGAL,  1664  403 

when  he  removed  from  Rajmahal  to  Dacca,  where  his  energies  were 
absorbed  in  the  task  of  freeing  the  province  from  the  incursions  of 
the  Arakanese — a  task  in  which,  as  we  have  already  seen,  he  was 
demanding  the  assistance  of  the  English  and  the  Dutch.  Evidently 
he  was  expecting  more  from  the  latter  than  from  the  former,  for  he 
dispatched  an  envoy  to  Batavia  about  the  matter,  carrying  a  letter 
and  a  present  to  the  Governor-General. 


NOTE. 

The  present  volume  supplies  an  answer  to  the  question  asked  in 
a  note  on  p.  33  of  its  predecessor,  as  to  the  identity  of  the  '  Raja 
de  Carnatica '  mentioned  by  Tavernier.  From  p.  242  {supra)  it 
seems  clear  that  the  Raja  of  Ikkeri  was  intended. 


D  d  2 


REFERENCES  TO   DOCUMENTS 
QUOTED 

In  the  list  given  below  the  letters  refer  to  the  following  volumes,  while  the  figures  give 
the  page,  folio,  or  nunaber. 


A.  The  Company's  Letter  Books,  vol. 

ii.  Original  Correspondence,  vol.  26 

C.  Original  Correspondence,  vol.  27 

D.  Original  Correspondence,  vol.  28 

E.  Factorj'  Records,  Surat,  vol.  2 

F.  Factor}'  Records,  .Surat,  vol.  S5 

G.  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  86 
H.  Factory  Records,  Surat,  vol.  103 


I    Factor)'  Records,  Surat,  vol.  104 

J.  Factor)' Records,  Fort  St.  George,  vol.  i 

k.  Factor)' Records,  Fort  St.  George,  vol.  14 

L.  Factor)'  Records,  Fort  St.  George,  vol.  1 5 

M.  Factor)'  Records,  HOgli,  vol.  i 

N.  Factor)'  Records,  Miscellaneous,  vol.  2 

O.  Factory  Records,  Miscellaneous,  vol.  3 

P.  Home  Series,  Miscellaneous,  vol.  60 


All   the  above  are  in  the   India  Office.    Some   of  the  documents  under   B-D   are 
represented  also  in  the  Duplicate  O.C.  series. 


1661 


January 

15.  Madras  to  Persia.  K,  24 

28.  Madras  to  Company.  K,  32,  38 
February 

6.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  5 

6.  Company  to  Hugli.  A,  7 

8.  Ispahan  to  Company.  B,  2S6S 

16.  Rajapur  to  Company.  B,  2S69 
16.  Surat  to  Bengal.  C,  2921 

19.  Madras  to  Tuticorin.  K,  45 

22.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  46 
March 

15.  Seizure  of  ^Kwe.  K,  54 
27.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  16 
April 
1 2.  Madras  to  Achin.  K,  54 

23.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  59 
May 

9.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  64 
9.  Madras  to  Petapoli.  K,  64 

15.  Surat  to  Trevisa.  C,  2SS6 

24.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  65 

24.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  71 
24.  Madras  to  Viravasaram.  K,  72 

July 
23.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  75 

August 

7.  Basra  to  Company.  C,  2S93 


14.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  85 
14.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  SS 
14    Madras  to  Bengal  (two).  K,  92,  98 
16.  Instructions  to  Shingler.  K,  113 

24.  Madras  to  Bengal.  K,  102 

31.  Company  to  Madras  (two).  A.  49, 
September 

2.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  55 

8.  Madras  to  Bengal.  K,  106 

9.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  54 

26.  Surat  to  Bengal.  C,  289S 

27.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  122 
October 

19.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  126 

25.  Consultation  at  Surat.  C,  2900 
November 

10.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  66 

20.  Madras  to  Bantam,  K,  132 

28.  Madras  to  Company.  K,  141 
December 

7.   Surat  to  Company.  C,  2905  ;  F,  2  = 
7.  List  of  factors.  C,  2928;  F,  269 
12,  Consultation  at  Surat.  £,52^ 

14.  Balasore  to  Aldworth.  C,  2907 

15.  Surat  to  Madras.  C,  2909;  F,  271 
15.  Surat  to  Masulipatam.  F,  274. 


REFERENXES  TO  DOCUMENTS  QUOTED        405 


1662 


January 

^,.  Instructions  for  Karwar.  F,  274 
II.  Sural  to  Company.  F,  275 
15.  Madras  to  Company.  K,  174 
21.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  54 
24.  Madras  to  Gombroon.  K,  185 
24.  Instructions  to  Lord  Marlborough.  P,  5 

29.  Madras  to  Company.  K,  192 

30.  Instmctions  for  Forakad.  E,  59 

31.  Jnstmctionsto SzerafFri^a'e.  E,56,58 
31.  Snrat  to  Kayal.  F,  285 

31.  Blake's  commission.  A,  74 
February 

3.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  86 

7.  Instructions  to  Blake,  etc.  A,  93 

14.  Instructions  to  Middleton.  F,  293 
20.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  97 

20.  Winter's  commission.  A,  loi 

21.  Warrant  to  seize  interlopers.  A,  105 
24.  Consultation  on  Hopewell.  E,  61 

26.  Gary's  answer.  E,  63 

27.  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  65 
27.  Surat  to  Company.  F,  288 

March 

3.  Instructions  to  Craddock,  E,  67 
3.  Madras  to  Johnson.  K,  200 

8.  Madras  to  Snrat.  K,  202 
10.  Surat  to  Company.  F,  291 

10.  Surat  to  Rairi.  F,  294 

11.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  209 
18.  Instructions  to  Bladwell,  etc.  £,71 

18.  Surat  to  Smith.  F,  297 

19.  Chamock  to  Trevisa.  C,  2927 
19.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  113 

19.  Oxenden's  commission.  A,  122 

— .  Charges  against  Andrews.    A,    128; 

E,  105 
— .  Charges  against  Revington.  A,  130 

20.  Snrat  to  Sind.  F,  299 

20.  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  74 

24.  Surat  to  Company.  F,  300 

27.  Instructions  to  Tucker.  E,  77 
April 

7.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  215 

7.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  218 

ID.  Snrat  to  Company.  F,  302 

10.  Surat  to  Persia.  F,  304 

10.  Surat  to  Cranmer.  F,  305 

11.  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  79 

11.  Hugli  to  Madras.  C,  2930 

15.  Gifford  to  Aldworth.  C,  2929 

16.  Surat  to  Sind.  F,  306 

17.  Ken  to  Trevisa.  C,  2932 
May 

I.  Surat  to  Achin.  F,  307 
I.  Surat  to  Siam.  F,  309 

12.  Madras  to  Bengal.  K,  221 

12.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  228 


17.  Surat  to  Rairi.  F,  311 

18.  Surat  to  Broach.  F,  313 

20.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  82 

20.  Instructions  for  Ahmadabad.  F,  312 

22.  Surat  to  Karwar.  F,  313 

25.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  231 
June 

2.  Surat  to  Madras.  F,  317 

3.  Surat  to  Bengal.  F,  326 

4.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  83 

23.  Surat  to  Karwar.  F,  332 

27.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  233 
July 

II.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  156 
16.  Surat  to  Kasimbazar.  F,  339 
16.  Surat  to  Patna,  F,  340 

21.  Consultation  at  Snrat.  E,  84 

28.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  236 
28.  Madras  to  Jearsey.  K,  238 

28.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  239 
31.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  86 
31.  Surat  to  Ahmadabad.  F,  350 

August 

I.  Blake,  etc.  to  Chamber.  J,  43 

1.  Consultation  at  Madras.  J,  45 

2.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  241 
2.  Madras  to  Jearsey.  K,  243 

[2].  Andrews  to  the  Emperor.  E,  89 
4.  Consultation  at  Madras.  J,  48 
6.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  88 
6.  Surat  to  Rairi.  F,  351 
9.  Madras  to  Johnson.  K,  244 
9.  Madras  to  Jearsey.  K,  245 
9.  Instructions  to  Elwes.  J,  54 
9.  Madras  to  Hugli.  K,  247 

13.  Chamock  to  Aldworth.  C,  2935 

18.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  90 

19.  Surat  to  Rairi.  F,  353 

20.  Order  to  Chamber.  J,  60 

22.  Order  to  Chamber.  J,  60 

25.  Company  to  Snrat.  A,  160 

26.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  92 

27.  Consultation  at  Madras.  J,  63 
— .  Instructions  from  Blake.  J,  69 

September 
10.  Surat  to  Karwar.  F,  360 
13.  Powell  to  Aldworth.  C,  2937 
20.  Browne  to  Surat.  C,  2939 
22.  Surat  to  Achin.  F,  365 
22.  Surat  to  Madras.  F,  366 

25.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  166 

26.  Aungier  to  Surat.  C,  2941 

26.  Lord  Marlborough  to  Surat.  C,  2942 

29.  Surat  to  Kayal.  F,  367 

30.  Basra  to  Surat.  C,  2943 
October 

2.  Surat  to  Porakad.  F,  369 

3.  Surat  to  Ahmadabad.  F,  373 


4o6       REFERENCES  TO  DOCUMENTS  QUOTED 


5.  Viceroy  to  Shipman.  C,  2946 

7.  Masulipatam  to  Hugli.  K,  270 

8.  Surat  to  Ld.  Marlborough.  F,   376  ; 

C,  2949 

9.  Surat  to  Karwar.  t,  374 

20.  Consultation  at  Masulipatam.  J,  77 
22i  Consultation  at  Surat.  C,  2953 
27.  Proceedings  at  Goa.  C,  2951 
27.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  175 
30.  Ken  to  Aldworth.  C,  2954 
November 

I.  Surat  to  Ahmadabad.  F,  389 
I.  Undertaking  by  Chamber.  J,  84 
4.  Consultation  at  Masulipatam.  J,  86 

6.  Surat  to  Madras.  F,  391 

9.  Consultation  at  Masulipatam.  T,  89 
— .  Consultation  at  Masulipatam.  J,  90 
14.  Surat  to  Rairi.  F,  395 
16.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  276 
iS.  Charges  against  Andrews.  E,  107 


20.  Surat  to  Karwar.  F,  398 
30.  Surat  to  Gombroon.  F,  400 
30.  Surat  to  Aleppo.  F,  402 

30.  Surat  to  Company.  F,  404 
December 

1.  Karwar  to  Surat.  H,   221 

2.  Siam  to  Surat.  H,  237 

6.  Surat  to  Karwar.  F,  430 ;  C,  2958 
6,  Surat  to  Porakad.  F,  431 ;  C,  2959 

8.  Surat  to  Companj'.  F,  433 

9.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  279 

16.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  loi 

17.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  K,  2S2 
20.  Rairi  to  Surat.  H,  224 

22.  Minors  to  Surat.  H,  225 

23.  Andrews's  answer.  E,  109,  114 
23.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  103 
27.  Gary  to  Surat.   H,  227 

31.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  iSo 


1663 


January 

2.  Winter  to  Chamberlain.  C.  2964 
2.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  199 
2.  Company  to  Hugli.  A,  200 

10.  Madras  to  Company.  K,  2S7,  326 
18.  Charges  against  Andrews.  E,   iiS-25 

18.  Andrews's  bond.  E,  125 

19.  Surat  to  Company.  N,  11 

24.  Madras  to  Surat.  K,  324;  H,  23S 

25.  Surat  to  Company.  N,  12 

26.  Shipman  to  Surat.  H,  247 
28.  Karwar  to  Surat.   H,  246 

[30?].  Madras  to  Company.  K,  326 

30.  Winter  to  Riccard.  C,  2967 
February 

1.  Instructions  to  Master.  E,  128 

2  and  3.  Instructions  to  Tinker.  E,   132, 

134 

2.  Consultation  at  Alvalty.  H,  301 
6.  Rajapur  to  Surat.  H,  233 

11.  Sheldon  to  Aldworth.  C,  2968 

12.  Consultation  at  Surat.   E,  135 
18.  Rajapur  to  Surat.  H,  248 

20.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  228 
2 3. 'Tinker  to  Surat.  H,  251 

23.  Mokha  to  Surat.  H,  260 
25.  Shipman  to  Surat.  H,  252 
25.  Porakad  to  Surat.  H,  276 

27.  Karwar  to  Surat.  H.  251 

27.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  232 

27.  Chamock  to  Aldworth.  C,  2969 

28.  Consultation  at  Madras.  C,  2970 
28.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  137 

28.  Instructions  for  Mokha.  E,  138,  140 
28.  Contract  with  Piru.  E,  142 
28.  Gombroon  to  Surat.  H,  241 


March 

5.  Surat  to  Company.  N,  i 

II.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  235 
16.  Swally  to  Surat  (two).  H,  246 
24.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  246 
30.  Rajapur  to  Surat.  H,  262 

30.  Kayal  to  Surat.  H,  293 ;  D,  2974 

31.  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  143 
April 

2.   Madras  to  Surat.  H,  265 

4.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  259 

6.  Surat  to  Company.  D,  2975 

7.  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  145 

8.  Instructions  to  Tinker.  E,  149 
8.  Rajapur  to  Surat.  H,  272 

11.  Madras  to  Surat.  H,  268 

12.  Rajapur  to  Surat.  H,  268 

16.  Shipman  to  Surat.  H,  272 

17.  Commissions  for  Achin.  E,  151,  155 
17.  Porakad  to  Surat.  H,  276 

20.  Patna  to  Surat.  H,  270 
24.  Widdrington's  petition.  H,  261 
26.  Masulipatam  to  Surat.  H,  269 
28.  Ken  to  Aldworth.  D,  2976 
28.  Balasore  to  Surat.  H,  274 
30.  Madras  to  Surat.  H,  275 
May 

5.  Rajapur  to  Surat.  H,  272 

7.  Sheldon  to  Aldwoith.  D,  2977 

13.  Consultation  at  Surat.  £,157 
24.  Kolhapur  to  Surat.  H,  273 

Jtme 
10.  Gombroon  to  Surat.  H,  287 
15.  Karwar  to  Surat.  H,  2S2 

22.  Goa  to  Surat.   H,  283 

23.  Certificate  by  Trevisa.  D,  2980 


REFERENCES  TO  DOCUMENTS  QUOTED        407 


July 

I.  Consultation  at  Sural.  E,  158 
5.  Kayal  to  Surat.  H,  298  ;  D,  2981 
7.  Madras  to  Surat.  H,  291 

14.  Hubli  to  Surat.  H,  285 

15.  .Surat  to  Kayal.  D,  2982 
20.  Goa  to  Surat.  H,  284 

20.  Madras  to  Company.  D,  2983 

23.  Declaration  by  Powell.  D,  29S4 

24.  Madras  to  Surat.  H,  291 
27.  Mokha  to  Surat.  H,  283 

30.  MadapoUam  to  Surat.  H,  292 
August 
10.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  292 
15.  Stiles  to  Company.  D,  2985 
18.  Bintam  to  Surat.  H,  317  ;  D,  2986 

25.  Karwar  to  Surat.  H,  304 

27.  Ken  to  Aldworth.  D,  2989 
September 

24.  PDrakad  to  Karwar.  D,  2992  ;  H,  321 

25.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  312 

26.  Goa  to  Surat.  H,  316 

28.  Surat  to  Kayal.  D,  2993 
October 

3.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  162 
9.  Surat  to  Kayal.  D,  2993 
9.  Commission  to  Taylor.   E,   164;    D, 
2994 


10.  Commission  to  Willet.   E,   169;    D, 

2996 
12.  Charnock  to  Aldworth.  D,  2997 
24.  Jaitapur  to  Surat.  H,  316 
30.  Porakad  to  Surat.  H,  321  ;  D,  2998 
November 

5.  Travers's  answers.  I,  53 

5.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  i 

6.  Karwar  to  .Surat.  I,  3 

14.  Surat  to  Company.  D,  3001 
17.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  322 
17.  Porakad  to  Surat.  I,  10 

19.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  4 
21.  Kayal  to  Surat.  I,  42 
21.  Madras  to  Surat.  I,  20 
[29].  Achin  to  Surat.  I,  17 
— .  Hugli  to  Snrat.  I,  30 
December 

1.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  329 
I.  Balasore  to  Company.  D,  3004 
I.  Balasore  to  Madras.  D,  3006 

7.  Stevens  to  Oxenden.  H,  316 
10.  Consultation  at  Surat,  E,  175 
10.  Madras  to  Company.  D,  2983 

15.  Balasore  to  Mitchell.  D,  3012 

16.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  334 

16.  Company  to  Masulipatam.  A,  353 
16.  Company  to  Bengal.  A,  351 


1664 


January 

6.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  176 

6.  Madras  to  Company.  D,  2983 

7.  Winter  to  Riccard.  D,  3013 

8.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  359 
13.  Madras  to  Company.  D,  2983 
18.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  27 
20.  Porakad  to  Surat.  I,  40 

22.  Surat  to  Persia.  G,  2 

26.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  361 

27.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  364 

28.  Surat  to  Company.  D,  3019  ;  G,  4 
— .  List  of  Factors  at  Surat.    D,  3026  ; 

G,  42 
February 

2.  Madras  to  Tuticorin.  L,  i 
2.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  2 
4.  Consultation  at  Hugli.  M,  19 
6.  Madras  to  Tuticorin.  L,  7 
6.  Madras  to  Ceylon.  L,  8 

9.  Consultation  in  Surat.  E,  iSi 

10.  Surat  to  Karwar.  G,  46 

11.  Consultation  iu  Surat.  E,  183 
16.  Surat  to  Madras.  G,  52 

16.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  77 

23.  Charnock  to  Hugli.  M,  20 
26.  Surat  to  Karwar.  G,  60 


March 

4.  Surat  to  Persia.  G,  61 
9.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  383 
9.  Company  to  Madras.  A,  404 
18.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  13 

18,  Madras  to  Surat.  I,  76 

19.  Surat  to  Bantam.  G,  64 

22.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  21 
25.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  185 

April 

I.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  188 
4.  Surat  to  Company.  G,  72 
6.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  24 
6.  Protest  against  Dutch.  L,  25 
16,  Madras  to  Widdrington.  L,  28 
16.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  28 

18.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  79 

23.  Gombroon  to  Surat.  I,  65 
25.  Surat  to  Achin.  G,  92 

25.  Commission  to  Gary.  E,  189 
25.  Reply  to  Dutch.  L,  29 
30.  Surat  to  Madras.  G,  87 
30.  Surat  to  Bengal.  G,  89 
May 

3.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  32 
14.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  83 

19.  Surat  to  Madras.  G,  95 


4o8       REFERENCES  TO  DOCUMENTS  QUOTED 


20.  Madras  to  Tuticorin.  L,  35 

25.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  33 

27.  Company  to  Surat.  A,  412 
June 

6.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  40 

7.  Porakad  to  Surat.  I,  105 

7.  Loss  of  Vine.  E,  199 

10.  Surat  to  Karwar.   G,  99 

21.  Hugli  to  Surat.   D,  3029  ;  I,  97 
23.  Kasimbazar  to  Hugli.  ^I,  22 

26.  Surat  to  Karwar.  G,  102 

3.  Patna  to  Surat.  I,  95 

4.  Madras  to  Surat.  L,  47 

4.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  49 
4.  Madras  to  Bengal.  L,  51 

11.  Consultation  at  Hugli.  M,  23 
18.  Surat  to  Broach.  G,  107 

23.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  92 
August 

3.  Madras  to  Surat.  L,  61  ;  I,  124 

4.  Madras  to  Bengal.  L,  63 

8.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  no 
14.  Porakad  to  Surat.  I,  192 

16.  Consultation  at  Surat.   E,  -oi 

28.  Hubli  to  Surat.   I,  112 
28,  Hubli  to  Surat.  I,  104 
31.  Surat  to  Madras.  G,  in 
31.  Surat  to  Karwar.  G,  113 

September 

3.  Surat  to  Bengal.  G,  116 
16.  Masulipatam  to  Bantam.  L.  74 
October 

3,  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  203 


4.  Winter  to  Masulipatam.  L,  S3 

4.  Hugli  to  Surat.   I,  1 84 

7.  Surat  to  Porakad.  G,  120 

8.  Consultation  at  Swally.  E,  204 
8  Surat  to  Karwar.   G,  124 

8.  Instructions  for  Calicut.  E,  214 

5.  Madapollam  to  Surat.  L,  88  ;  I,  136 
8.  Madapollam  to  Bengal.  L,  89 

16.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  149 

18.  Madapollam  to  Masulipatam.  L,  96 

24.  Goa  to  Surat.  I,  146 

26.  Masulipatam  to  Bridges.  D,  3033 

29.  Karwar  to  Surat.  I,  148 
November 

8.  Bhatkal  to  Surat.  I,  157 

9.  Porakad  to  Surat.  I,  197 

10.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  loi 

17.  Calicut  to  Surat.  I,  1S6 

22.  Madras  to  Masulipatam.  L,  105 

23.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  218 
26.  Surat  to  Gombroon.  G,  132 
26.  Surat  to  Company.  G,  137 

30.  Surat  to  Madras.  G,  129 
December 

5.  Goa  to  Surat  (two).  I,  159,  166 

6.  Goa  to  Surat.  I,  162 

8.  Stiles  to  Blake.  D,  3037 

8.  Madras  to  Ceylon.  L,  109 

9.  Madras  to  Tuticorin.  L,  1 1 2 
9.  Stiles  to  Company.  D,  303S 

14.  Goa  to  Surat.  I,  190 

22.  Consultation  at  Surat.  E,  222 

22.  .Surat  to  Goa.  G,  152 


166: 


January 

2.  Surat  to  Company.  G,  155 

2.  Surat  to  Gombroon     two).   G, 

7.  Goa  to  Surat.  I,  199 
10.  Madras  to  Chamber,  etc.  L.  124 
[10].  Crandon  to  Thomson.  D,  3044 
10.  Crandon  to  Edwin.  D,  3045 
10.  Dawes  to  Buckeridge.  O,  81 


49. 


26. 


27- 


Madras  to  Company.  D,  3037  I,  3046 
Winter  to  his  brother.  O,  52 
Madras  to  Company.  D.  3037  I 
Winter  to  Sambrook  and  Dawes.  D, 

3°4S 
Sambrook  and  Dawes  to  \Mnter.  D, 


3049 
Sambrook  and  Dawes  to  Winter. 

3050 


I), 


INDEX 


Abbasis,  85  it. 

Abdullah  Kutb  Shah,  King  of  Golconda, 
I72W.,  174,  373,  382,  39J  ;  and  Madras, 
39, 146  «.,  147,  364  ;  and  Dutch,  53,  146  ; 
seizes  San  Thom6, 146-S,  151, 167, 180-1, 
1S4,  283,  383  ;  ambassador  from  Siam  to, 
363-4;  presents  for,  47,  54-5,  280,  3S2  ; 
privileges  from,  47,  53,  55,  268  ;  re- 
presentations to,  148,  172-3,  176;  pro- 
posed visit  of  Winter  to,  175,  181,  268, 

274-  367,  380. 
Achin,  ships  to  and  from,  3  (3\  20,  35  (2), 
42,  50>  55-6,  I04»  '54-6,  169,  195,  316, 
322;  trade  at,  26-7,  30,  56,  74-5,  83, 
192,  208,  211;  English  at,  26-8,  74, 
82-3,  96,   104,   195,  277,   316-17,    323, 

363  n. ;    under  Surat,    363  «. ;    English 
house   at,  323;    Dutch  and,    316,   322, 

364  ;  Queen  of,  83,  316  (3),  322-3  ;  offers 
monopoly  to  English,  316,  322. 

Achra,  234. 

A  Court,  William,  44-5, 147  ;  signs  letters, 
32,  36-7  ;  his  death,  37,  48,  54-5  ;  his 
estate,  275. 

Acworth,  William,  182,  360,  362. 

Africa,  East  Coast  of,  96,  324. 

Africa  Company,  the,  372. 

African,  the,  206  ;  reaches  Surat,  200,  202  ; 
her  cargo,  1 98  ;  assists  in  defending  the 
factory,  298-300,  302-5 ;  rewards  for, 
315-16  ;  her  return  voyage,  207,  296,  302. 

Afzal  Khan,  242. 

Agra,  240,  320,  344 ;  factorj'^  withdrawn, 
18,  22,  26;  not  to  be  re-established,  94, 
208,  327  ;  goods  from,  25,  86,  187,  189, 
208,  317,  324,  326;  to  be  imitated  at 
Surat,  187,  208;  question  of  sending 
down  goods  via  Bengal,  325,  371,  402. 

Aguada  Fort  (Goa),  330. 

Aguila,  282. 

Ahmadabad,  89,  1 1 1, 1 13,  340,  345 ;  factors 
at,  27-8,  85-6,  89,  100,  104,  106;  to  be 
withdrawn,  iS,  22,  26,  85«.,  94,  106, 
121,  208  ;  withdrawn,  30,  76  ;  debts  at, 
22,  78;  goods  from,  25,  200;  Dutch  at, 
1 89  n. ;  Dtwcin  at,  89  ;  Mahabat  Khan 
at,  106,   302-3,  311;  Shaista  Khan  at, 

396. 

Ahmadnagar,  347. 
'  Akalaschan ',  70. 


Aky,  275. 

Alangad,  364  «. 

Aldworth,  Henry,  56,  60  «.,  151,  182, 
185-6,  287-90  ;  sails  for  England,  287, 
294-5;  dies,  295. 

Aleppo,  consul  at,  29,  34,  109-10,  114, 
146,  307.  323  «•,  328(2),  331;  letters 
sent  via,  84,  110,  202,  335. 

Ali  Adil  Shah  II,  King  of^Bijapur,  4,  88, 
140,  165,  242-4,  343,  346;  Aurangreb 
and,  344  n.  ;  his  wars  with  the  Moguls, 
3°?  235  (2),  358  ;  his  wars  with  Sivaji,  3, 
4 (2),  90,  231,  242,  344-8,  350-1,  35S; 
peace  concluded,  230-2;  war  with 
Madura,  253 ;  and  the  Raja  of  Ikkeri. 
237.  239-40,  242-5,  260-1,  343-4,  346- 
7;  the  English  and,  So,  244-6,  325; 
letters  to,  87,  90.     See  also  Bijapnr. 

Ali  Beg,  151. 

Ali  Raja  of  Cannanore,  350. 

Allen,  Hannibal,  at  Madras,  162,  165 ;  at 
Masulipatam,  171  ;  appointed  to  Bengal, 
166-7,  171,  182;  his  death,  183;  his 
estate,  290. 

Aloes,  85  ;  Socotrina,  187,  210;  hepatica, 
210. 

Alum,  33,  272,  385  ;  price  of,  no,  210. 

Alvartirunagiri,  251. 

Amaldar,  245. 

Amber,  I II,  32S;  price  of,  211. 

Ambergris,  83  «.,  282,  327;/. 

Amboyna,  247. 

Ambrose,  Father,  310(2). 

American,  the,  275  ;  at  Surat,  etc.,  i  (4), 
12,  16,  18,  25,  32,  118  ;  goes  home,  18, 
23,  26  ;  arrives  at  Madras  (1663),  271  ; 
goes  to  Bengal,  274,  290,  292-4;  returns 
to  England,  271,  276,  278,  283,  285-6, 
395  M. ;  arrives  at  Surat  (1664),  324, 
330;  sent  down  the  coast,  328-30,  335, 
337,  348-9  ;  her  return,  330. 

Amin,  Mirza,  14. 

Anchors  wanted,  25,  211,  244. 

Andamans,  the,  148. 

Anderson,  Francis,  2,  23. 

Andrews,  Matthew,  40  ;  President  at  Surat, 
2-30,  72-91,  116,  203,  238,  265;  con- 
firmed, 16,  19,  23  ;  his  pay,  19,  23,  31  ; 
his  dealings  with  Chamber,  37,  40,  67, 
M5>   147(3),  153-4;   with  frevisa,  60, 


4IO 


INDEX 


67,  71,  152-3  ;  his  private  trade,  3,  12  «,, 
77,  92,  98,  117,  188;  intends  to  return 
to  England,  23,  30,  79,  80;  sends  home 
his  estate,  77,  118, 197  ;  censured  by  the 
Company,  84, 93;  superseded  by  Oxenden, 
91,  100;  charges  against  him,  3,  77,  98, 
104,  108-9,  117 '.2),  197(2  ,  199(2, 
209,  211-13,321-2;  investigated,  95, 113, 
118,  122,  319,  321  ;  his  charges  against 
Oxenden,  119 «.,  327;  he  goes  home, 
108,  118-22,  269;  the  dispute  settled, 
325  ;  his  subsequent  history,  119,  328. 

Andrews,  Thomas,  391. 

Angely-wood,  249. 

Anjidiv  Island,  192,  317,  332;  settlement 
forbidden  by  the  Company,  84,  325 ; 
descriptions  of,  215;  Millet's  account  of, 
224  ;  Portuguese  and,  215-16  ;  Portuguese 
refugees  at,  334 ;  Shipman's  force  goes 
to,  114,  116,  139,  143;  Lord  Marl- 
borough visits,  1 20,  214-15,  220,222; the 
Convertim  goes  to,  122,  220;  Shipman 
at,  214-28,  332-41;  the  Governor  of 
Karwar's  claims.  140-1,214-17,  225; 
Shipman  offers  the  island  to  the  Com- 
pany, 202,  222-3;  rumoured  Dutch 
designs  on,  219  ;  condition  of  Shipman's 
force,  222-3,  225-6,  332,  335,  341  ;  the 
force  to  be  mustered,  335,  338  ;  the  Eng- 
lish leave  the  island,  336-S, 

Anklesvar,  200. 

Ankola,  218,  346. 

Anne,  the,  33-5,  67,  26S-9, 368  ;  prisoners 
from,  in  Ceylon,  34,  53-4,  169,  379  n.  ; 
renamed  the  Hope.  35,  50,  53,  67,  275  ; 
sent  to  Achin,  35;  returns,  50,  56(3); 
to  go  to  the  Maldives,  56,  150,  272  ; 
offered  to  Mir  Jumla,  149;  disposal  of, 
'72-3,  275,  281,  367. 

Antelopes,  56. 

Apprentices   to  the   Company,    156.    163, 

385- 
Arab,  Mirza,  13. 
Arabs,  6,   10,    132.     See  also  Mokha  a7id 

Muskat. 
Arakan,  275,  281,  393,  399;  King  of^  69, 

393;  Mir  Jumla  and,  69,  177;    Shaista 

khan  and,  395-6,  397  «.,  399,  403. 
Archer,  Anthony,  137,  142. 
Arlington,  Lord,  144,  227-S,  334. 
Armenians,  189,  207,  297,  300,  304-5,  308, 

314,  319,  327  «.,  328(3);    their  church 

at  Surat,  297. 
Arrack,  198,  210,  259. 
Arsenic,  yellow,  3S4  «, 
Assam,  70  «,,  177  n. 
Atkins,  John,  27. 
Aungier,  Gerald,   132  «.,  302  ;    sent   out, 

95  ;  at  Surat,  99,  186,  213  ;  sent  to  Goa, 

99,  105,  119,   138;    and  Bombay,    106, 


126,  132-4;  his  pay,  211;  helps  to 
defend  the  factory  at  Surat,  308  ;  reward 
for,  315. 

Aurangzeb,  15,  30,  35,  70,  89,  113,  157, 
203-6,  214,  231,  289,  310,  315,  344«. ; 
ships  belonging  to,  189,  191,  21  r  ;  em- 
bassies to,  81,  101-3,  30^  "•,  3°9  ;  E)Qtch 
embassy  to.  120-1,  185-6, 193;  proposed 
English  mission  to,  93,  120,  318,  326, 
396  ;  agent  for  English  with,  60,  289  ; 
negotiations  for  grant  of  privileges  from, 
165,  185-6,  193, 288-9,  293. 326,  393-4. 
396  ;  privileges  obtained  by  the  Dutch 
from,  185,  288-9,  293;  rumoured  death 
of,  105-6,  171  ;  his  envoy  to  Basra,  10 1- 
3  ;  to  Golconda,  274 ;  Shaista  Khan  and, 
396,  397  «. ;  and  the  raid  on  Surat,  311  ; 
grants  in  consequence,  302-3,  311-14. 

Avenhoorn,  the,  176  n. 

Axtell,  Thomas,  170,  283-4,  373"- 

Ayuthia.     See  Siam. 

Aziz  Khan,  346. 


Bab-ul-Mandab,  Straits  of,  190. 

Badiley,  Capt.  William,.  371. 

Baftas.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Bagdad,  343. 

Bahadur  Khan,  68-70. 

Bahlol  Khan,  5,  174,  235,  242-3,  343  ;  his 
mother,  235,  242. 

Baker,  Aaron,  33,  39,  40. 

Balasore,  32,  56-7,  152,  180,  288(2),  290, 
401  (2)  ;  factory  at,  64,  71  (2),  150, 
186  (2),  266,  392,  397,  400;  question  of 
dispensing  with,  66,  70,  149,  152,  287, 
290*  397>  401;  Dutch  at,  178,  400; 
Governor  of,  71,  149,  178,  400. 

Ball,  Richard,  19,  27  ;  at  Karwar,  29,  30, 
76,  86,  104,  120,  140,  221,  229,  23S, 
257,  261  ;  at  Hubli,  240-1,  244;  called 
to  Surat,  257,  351  ;   at  Goa,  342,  344-5, 

351- 

Banda,  121,  241. 

Baftda?;  391. 

Bandar  Rig,  31. 

Bandra,  142-3. 

Bankapur,  235  (2),  237,  242-3,  347. 

Banksal,  268,  2 78. 

Bantam,  trade  between  Surat  and,  24, 
30(2),  72-4,  84,  96, 106,  122,  186,  194-5, 
206-7,  211,  222,  251,  302,  317,  326-7, 
330  ;  between  Coromandel  Coast  and, 
42-3.  46-7,  49,  50,  52,  65,  163,  165, 
167-8,  171,  271-3,  275-6,  278(2),  280- 
I.  367  (2),  370-2,  376,  379  ;  Agent  at, 
20(2^,  51  ;  staff  at,  73  ;  independent  of 
Surat,  92  ;  slaves  for,  157,  275;  Sultan 
of,  207,  282.  317. 

Bantam,  the    88  n. 


INDEX 


411 


Banyans,  passim  ;  unscrupulous,  113; 
'  Banian '  language,  209. 

Baracancour,  354. 

Barbadoes  Merchant,  the,  53,  272,  2S2  ; 
voyages  of,  47,49,50,163;  goes  home,  51. 

Barbers  for  St.  Helena,  276. 

Barbor,  Robert,  213,  356-7. 

Bari  Sahiba,  Dowager  Queen  of  Bijapur. 
See  Bijapur. 

Barker,  Capt.  James,  155,  324,  337,  357  (2). 

Barker,  Capt.  William,  365. 

'Barkey',  240-1,  344. 

Barkur.  120. 

Barnard,  Samuel,  19,  28. 

Baroda,  200  (2). 

Barrate,  352. 

Basava,  343  n. 

Basra,  343  ;  ships  sent  to,  i,  18,  32,  78-Si, 
85,  108-9,  195,  320,  328,  332,  335-6, 
345>  358  ;  trade  at,  20S  (2) ;  no  factory 
to  be  kept  at,  18,  20,  22,  30,  81  ;  English 
house  at,  32,  81 ;  Basha  of,  32,  8r,  109  ; 
sends  embassy  to  Aurangzeb,  81,  101-3  ; 
a  return  embassy,  101-3. 

Basrur,  261,  342,  348-9;  Dutch  and,  349- 

50- 

Bassein,  133,  135  «.,  142-3,  216,  221  ;  the 
English  claim,  126,  227. 

Bassinore.     See  Barkur. 

Batavia,  2,  29,  126,  146 «,,  187,  224;/,, 
247,  273,  282,  330,  403. 

Bateman,  Thomas,  294. 

Bazar,  396. 

Beavis,  Gilbert,  366. 

Bednur,  260 «,,  261  (2),  343-4,  346,  350; 
Raja  of,  see  Ikkeri. 

'Bedroll',  153. 

Beer,  275,  385  ;  price  of,  387. 

Beeswax,  293. 

Bell,  William,  27,  78,  108,  116,  122. 

Belli,  John,  319,  328. 

Bendish,  Charles,  95,  99,  200,  213,  257, 
259-60. 

Bengal,  events  in,  57,  60-71,  145-86,  287- 
95>  392-403;  factors  in,  57,  145-7,  182, 
266;  Andrews  and,  60,  67,  71,  153; 
Chamber  and,  62,  64,  66-7,  145,  149; 
Agency  abolished,  19,  44-5,  48,  50,  61, 
67-8,  71,  147;  made  independent  of 
Surat,  92  ;  factories  to  be  reduced,  290, 
397-8 ;  farman  wanted  for,  165,  185, 
288-9,  293,  393-4,  396-8,  400;  Mir 
Jumla's  grant,  288,  393  ;  a  parwdna  ob- 
tained, 395-6;  annual  present,  177,  293, 
366,  394(^2),  397,  402;  trade  of,  256, 
295  «•)  355  ;  ships  for,  passim  ;  ship- 
building in, 70-1, 294(2),  393  ;  trade  with 
Persia,  61,  75,  171 «.;  Diwdn  of ,  28S  ; 
Dutch  in,  64,  66,  68-71,  150,  288,  292, 
294-5>  395(3).  397.   399.  4°°.  402-3;    I 


Portuguese  in,  68,  399  ;  a  cheap  country, 
65.  See  also  Saltpetre,  Hugli,  Kasim- 
bazar,  Patna,  Blake,  Trevisa,  Mir  Jumla, 
and  Shaista  Khan. 

Beni  Das,  29,  30,  32,  107,  109. 

Benzoin,  50,  206,  282. 

Beri  Timmanna,  58,  165,  i66«.,  167 «., 
368,  381,  388;  Winter"  and,  365-6,  377. 
388-9  ;  accused  of  sorcery,  388. 

Bemier's  account  of  the  raid  on  Surat,  310. 

'  Bettellees  '.     See^  Cotton  goods. 

Betts,  William,  42,  52. 

Bezoar,  327  «. 

Bhaji,  II. 

Bhaji  Shripat,  238. 

Bhatkal,  121,  229,  239,  245,  321,  344-5, 
349  (2) ;  ships  sent  to,  260-1,  328,  348- 
9;  pepper  procured  at,  257,  260-1, 
342(3),  346(2),  357;  Dutch  at,  240; 
Portuguese  trade  with,  357-8  ;  trade  with 
Basra,  etc.,  35S  ;  Sivaji  threatens,  35S. 

Bible,  at  Surat,  212. 

Bicholi,  237  «.,  241. 

Bidariir.     See  Bednur. 

Bijapur,  anarchy  in,  8,  11-12,  30;  ships  to 
be  captured,  _i8,  73,  80,  88  (2);  King 
of,  see  AH  Adil  Shah  II ;  Queen  of, 
235  (2) ;  Dowager  Queen  of,  4,  7,  8, 
88(2),  88«.,  107,  190 «.,  237;?.,  343; 
city  of,  235,  242,  245,  346. 

Billidge,  Thomas,  164. 

Bills  of  exchange,  rules  for,  197,  276. 

Bhiia,  86. 

'  Birds'  eyes '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Blackall,  Thomas,  371. 

Blackamoor,  the,  i. 

Black  Eagle,  the,  1 89  n. 

«  Black  Harry',  82. 

Blackman,  Joseph,  loS,  195,  316;  drowned, 
323- 

Blackman,  Maurice,  41. 

Blackman,  William,  95. 

Bladwell,  Richard,  his;  voyage  in  the  Ilope- 
ivell,  I,  28,  74,  197,  282,  322;  in  the 
Seafower,  78,  109,  193;  absconds,  122, 
193  ;  is  captured  and  sent  home,  193-4, 
321  ;  action  against,  319,  325. 

Blake,  William,  sent  out  as  Chief  in  Bengal, 
160-1,  164-5;  arrives  at  Madras,  162; 
and  administers  the  government,  162-6  ; 
sails  for  Bengal,  166-7,  ■68«.,  170;  is 
driven  back  to  Masulipatam,  168, 171-4  ; 
at  Madras  again,  174-5,  177,  182,  2S3, 

287,  383;  starts  again  for  Bengal,  266-7, 
269  (2),  287  ;  arrives,  28S  ;  his  adminis- 
tration, 288-95,  366,  379, 381,  392-402 ; 
his  dealings  with  Shaista  Khan,  394-7  ; 
his  private  trade,  402;  letters  from,  273, 

288,  399. 

Bombay,  raided  by  Arabs,  132  :    ceded  to 


4i2 


INDEX 


the  English,  29,  123-5  >  descriptions  of, 
133-4)  143  i  ^  force  sent  to  take  posses- 
sion, 126-9;  the  surrender  refused,  105, 
108,114,131-44,  194,216,  226  ;  proposal 
to  buy  iiack  the  island,  136  ;  the  Viceroy 
ordered  to  hand  it  over,  227-S  ;  he  pre- 
pares to  do  so,  335  ;2},  339;  dispute 
over  limits  of,  126,  134,  227;  maps  of, 
126,  133-4,  143  (3),  22;;  the  Jesuits 
and,  131  «.,  139,  142-4,  216,  341  ;  over- 
tures to  English  from  natives  of.  144; 
manor  house  at,  132  «. ;  meaning  of  the 
name,  143  ;  commendations  of,  139, 143, 
216  ;  fears  of  a  Dutch  attack  upon,  220, 
336,  340-1  ;  Gary's  schemes  for  develop- 
ment of,  340  ;  to  be  the  seat  of  the  Presi- 
dency, 341  ;  the  East  India  Company 
and,  123-4.  S^^  o^^o  De  Mello  de 
Castro,  Cooke,  etc. 

Eooks  for  Madras,  275-6,  284  ;  for  Surat, 
199. 

Borax,  187,  210,  319. 

Bowen,  Capt.  Robert,  323.  337. 

Bradford,  William,  :;7,  14s,  182,  275,  281, 
286. 

Brahmans,  6,  7,  9,  11,  54,  107,  144(2), 
226,  343,  349. 

'Brawles'.     i'f£  Cotton  goods. 

Breton,  Francis,  11 1. 

Brewer,  Joseph,  195. 

Bridges,  Shem,  47,  145,  366  ;  at  Madras, 
^55'  167  (2),  174-5,  182;  at  Masuli- 
patam,     16S;     in   Bengal,   266,    287-8, 

.293-4>  373,  383,  39->  394,  397-9- 

Brimstone,  demand  for,  33;  sent  out,  95, 
272  ;  disposal  of,  3,  iii.  249,  253.  260  ; 
price  of,  210. 

Broach,  31,  303,  340;  factors  at,  27,  85-6, 
91,  200(2),  323. 

Broadcloth,  50,  249;  sent  out,  95,  198-9, 
272,  326;  sale  of,  94,  110,  181,  207, 
210,  243,  246,  260,2),  298.  302,  31S, 
326  ;not  in  demand,  33,  57,  179,  281,380; 
sold  at  reduced  rates,  20,  22,  47,  57,  95, 
199,  207;  price  of,  113,  207,  210,  260, 
321,  341  ;  as  presents,  360,  361  >i.  ;  taken 
ior  the  Emperor,  110. 

Brokerage  rates,  119  «. 

Bromfield,  Henry,  28,  72,  78,  109. 

Brough,  Richard,  28,  31. 

Brown,  Capt.  Arnold,  107,  120,  129,  132, 
134,215;  his  map  of  Bombay,  133,  143. 

Brown,  Robert,  16,  31. 

Browne,  Quarles,  160. 

Browne,  Zachary,  155  (2),  161. 

Broxon,  William,  27. 

Buckeridge,  Nicholas,  in  Persia,  27,  31  (3, 
94,  319;  goes  to  Surat  (and  then  home), 
32  ;  sent  out  to  Madras,  366, 370  (3)  ;  at 
Masulipatam,  372-3,  383-4;    his  rela- 


tions with  Winter,  370,  372,  377-S, 
382-3,  385,  387-8,  391-2;  and  with 
Jearsey,  377,  383,  392  ;  accusations 
against,  377-8,  383,  402 ;  returns  to 
England,  376,  392  ;  his  report,  391-2. 

Budley,  Jonathan,  163,  175,  182,  275. 

Bumberry,  Joshua,  163. 

Burhanpur,  205,  240. 

Burnell,  John,  47,  55,  158. 

'  Burr',  192. 

Butter,  14,  258,  273  (2),  286. 

Buzurg  Umaid  Khan,  396(2). 

Cabinets,  143. 

'  Cachaes  '.     .S"^^  Cotton  goods. 

Calicut,  12,  73,  96,  252,  258  ;  broker  sent 
to,  356;  factory  established  at,  328, 
356-7  ;  Dutch  and,  353,  356  ;  Zamorin 
of,  263,  353,  356. 

Callender,  Jacob,  328. 

Calthrop,  James,  163,  166,  182,  402. 

Calvetty,  248. 

Cambay,  143-4,  340,  345. 

Camboja,  207. 

Camphor,  85,  187,  210. 

Canara.    See  Ikkeri. 

Candy,  weight  of,  344. 

Cannanore,  121,  258,  262;  taken  by  the 
Dutch,  115  n.,  126,  221  (2),  239,  246, 
248,  350  ;  Raja  of,  350. 

Cannon,  supply  of,  43,  54 ;  given  to  King 
of  Golconda,  54  ;  price  of,  15. 

Cape  merchants,  employment  of,  257. 

Capiiao  mor,  147-8. 

Capuchins  at  Surat,  199,  310  (2). 

Cardamons,  trade  in,  121,  240,  243,  246, 
332,  342(2),  346;  wanted,  85-6,  91, 
J°5,  1S7;  i>ot  required,  199;  Dutch 
attempt  to  monopolize,  115,  218. 

'  Carnatic  '  (Kanara),  242-4,  403. 

'Caroo',  313. 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  224(2). 

Cartwrigbt,  Ralph,  374. 

Carvalho,  Ignalio  Sarmiento,  142. 

Carver,  Thomas,  27. 

Casa  de  Polvora  (Goa),  350. 

'  Cash  ',  value  of,  152,  278  w. 

Cassia  lignum,  270,  321  ;  wanted  for  Eng- 
land, Ss,  187;  supplies  of,  18,  30,  76, 
249-50,  329;  unobtainable,  115,  261-2, 
264  (2),  321  ;  term  explained,  94  ;  value 
of,  2r8. 

Caste,  1 89 ;  lost  by  a  sea  voyage,  65. 

Castle  Frigate,  the,  277,  291  (2) ;  arrives  at 
Madras,  275  (2),  282  ;  goes  to  Bengal, 
285,  290,  294;  goes  home,  285-6. 

Catherine  of  Braganza,    Queen,    29,    123, 

137,  254- 
Ceylon,  120,  191,  202;    English  prisoners 
in,  34,  46,  54,   154,  169,   178,   269-70, 


INDEX 


413 


275, 281,  361-2,  364,  367,  374, 379-80, 

3S4  ;  proposed  settlement  in,  45,  53,  170, 
17S,  270,  361,  364,  374-5,  38or'Dutch 
and,  45,  270,  362,  375  (3\  380  (5); 
Portuguese  and,  123,  125;  King  of,  45, 
54,  269-70,  361  (2),  361  «.,  364,  374-5, 
3S0  (5).  See  also  Colombo,  Jafnapatam, 
and  Kottiar. 

Chamber,  Thomas,  Agent  at  Madras,  28  (2), 
32-59,  145-6S,  267,  292,  367,  377  (2), 
379  "•>  38O)  392;  confirmed,  44;  and 
the  Bengal  factories,  63,  64,  66-7,  145, 
149  ;  and  President  Andrews,  37,  40,  67, 
145,  147  (3)>  153-4;  and  Mir  Jumla's 
claims,  42,  157,164,  166-7,  170(2),  267, 
282,  290,  293,  369,  398,  400(2);  his 
fortune,  16S,  182,  385  ;  charges  against, 
58,  167-8,  170-2,  181--',  272,  282,  365, 
387;  dismissed,  155,  162;  his  return  to 
England,  181-2,  269,  369,  376,385(2), 
398  ;  his  subsequent  history,  3S5  ;  his  wife 
and  family,  385-6. 

Chamberlain,  Caesar,  sent  out,  95 ;  at 
Karwar,  105,  120,  229,  23S,  240,  261, 
341,  34S;  at  Hubli,  243. 

Chamberlain,  Richard,  64,  69-71,  164-5, 
186  ;  his  death,  57,  66,  146,  166. 

Chamberlain,  Sir  Thomas,  176,  392. 

Chandgad,  241. 

Chandragiri  Raja,  the,  53,  174. 

Chank  shells,  256. 

Chaplains,  225.  See  also  Madras  aw^Surat. 

Charles  II,  79M.,  219(2),  224-5,  319; 
restoration  of,  34,  '43-4,  70 ;  marriage 
of,  29,  123-5,  254;  treaty  wth  Holland, 
188,  196,  202  ;  and  the  cession  of  Bom- 
bay, 110,  123-44,  194,  227-8;  and  the 
Ceylon  captives,  46  ;  and  the  Dutch,  109, 
i94>  318,  331(2),  356;  warrant  from, 
98-9;  letters  from,  114,  224,  228; 
letters  to,  110,  137,  142  ;  birds,  etc.  for, 

31,  47,  56,  159,  369-70,  391-2,  39S  ; 

present  from  Achin  to,  83,  316,  322. 

Charlton,  Stephen,  48,  155,  170,  182,  370. 

Chamock,  Job,  171,  182,  392;  at  Patna, 
151,  153,185-6,  289,  393;  letters  from, 
287-8,  294,  395 ;  thinks  of  going  home, 
287,  294;  decides  to  stay,  393,  402  ;  his 
seal,  185  ;  his  father,  294. 

Chaul,  8,  64,  107-8,  135  ;;.,  144,  221,  235, 

345,  348- 

Chestnut,  the,  128,  329-30,  335-8,  349: 
her  voyage  out,  96,  113,  114W.;  reaches 
Swally,  113,  ii4«.  ;  goes  to  Anjidiv, 
114,  116,214,317;  back  to  Surat,  220; 
her  voyage  to  Bantam, etc.,  206,  220,  222, 
317,  326,  332,  342,  346;  crew  of,  225. 

Chhdp,  74,  231,  274. 

Chhota  Das  Thaknr,  24,  27;?.,  90(2),  loo, 
207,  212  ;  charges  against,  98,  113. 


Chicacole,  273. 

Child,  John,  28,  72-3,  76,  141. 

China,  75,  322  ;  ship  sent  to,  320;  suggested 
trade  from  Surat  to,  25  ;  Dutch  trade 
with,  385.     See  also  Macao  and  Taiwan. 

China  dishes  which  break  on  contact  with 
poison,  392. 

Chinese,  the,  take  Taiwan,  273. 

Chinganad.     See  Quilon. 

Chintz.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Chiplun,  235,  242. 

Cholmley.     See  Chumley. 

Choultr)',  39. 

Chown,  Henr)',  95,  213. 

Chumley,  Nathaniel,  274,  38 2. 

Chunam,  374. 

Cinnamon  wanted,  45,  85,  94,  170,  187; 
scarce,  53;  trade  in,  54,  123,  210;  price 
of,  329.     See  also  Cassia  lignum. 

Civet,  327  «. 

Clarendon,  Earl  of,  124,  126,  128. 

Clay   George,  163. 

Clay,  Richard,  182,  281,  368,  370. 

'  Clinckers  ',  268. 

Clopton,  Benjamin,  23,  28,  83  (2),  195, 
316,  323^2.. 

Cloves,  329. 

Coal  for  Madras,  3S5. 

Coast  Frigate,  the,  21,  1S2,  277;  reaches 
Madras,  43  ;  goes  to  Bengal,  47,  49,  64, 
150  ;  returns  to  England,  56. 

Coates,  Thomas,  i,  23,  28;  in  Siam,  74-5, 
82,  154,  174,  186-7,  269-70;  returns  to 
Surat,  322. 

Cobb,  Francis,  213,  316,  323;  at  Achin, 
3,  27,  S3,  195 ;  drowned,  323. 

Cochin,  18(3),  123,  219,321  ;  besieged  by 
Dutch,  76,  80-1,  109,  won.,  114-16, 
135;/.,  141,  218.  247,  250,  353;  sur- 
renders, 115  w.,  125,  192,  218(2),  237, 
239,  246-8,  254,  263,  270;  Dutch  at, 
202,262-4,270(2),  352-6,  390;  hopes 
of  restoration,  353  ;  King  of,  248  n.,  263, 

352-3- 
Cochin  China,  2S2. 
Coconuts,  216-17  ;  price  of.  263. 
Coco  trees,  263. 
Coffee,  trade  in,  26,  78,  Si ;  for  England, 

187-S,  210,  319. 
'  Coffrees ',  51. 
Cogan,  Sir  Andrew,  33,  39. 
Cogan,  Richard,  384;?.;  his  house,  373. 
Coinage  of  silver,  22;  of  gold,  279. 
Collard,  Edward,  73. 
CoUastathe,  Nicholas,  78. 
Colombo,  46,  123,  250,  361,  380. 
Colthurst,  William,  147,  275,  277. 
Comet  seen,  351,  387. 
Commins,  Robert,  28,  195,  207,  327. 
Comoro  Islands,  202.     See  also  Johanna, 


414 


INDEX 


Concord,  the,  35,  1 79 ;  voyages  of,  33, 
47  '3).  50.  5*5,  64,  150  ;  goes  home,  57, 
276. 

Conimere,  40. 

Coningsby,  Ralph,  49  (2),  57. 

Constantinople,  310. 

Constantinople  Merchant,  the,  reaches 
Surat,  14,  16-17,  20 ;  sent  down  the  coast, 
18(3),  117;  returns  to  England,  27-8, 
30-1. 

Convertine,  the,  12S,  199  ;  cargo  of,  95  ;  to 
go  to  Persia  and  Bantam,  95-6;  delay 
in  her  arrival,  109,  114,  134;  arrives, 
122,  220;  goes  to  Anjidiv  and  Karwar, 
122,  186,  193(2),  220,  229-30,  233-4, 
239;  goes  home  via  Bantam,  95-6,  106, 
122,  186,  i94-5>  206-7,  321,  327>  330- 

Conyers,  Charles,  30. 

Cooch  Behar,  70,  177  w- 

Cooke,  Humphrey,  332  w.,  351 ;  goes  to 
Bantam,  206  «.,  221-2;  Vice-Governor 
at  Anjidiv,  332  ;  acts  as  Governor,  332- 
4  ;  requests  to  be  confirmed,  333  n. ;  his 
title,  337 ;  demands  the  surrender  of 
Bombay,  335  ;  proceeds  to  Goa  with  his 
force,  336-40 ;  Gary  assists,  335-4° ; 
payments   by,   338 ;    letters   from,    333, 

336-9- 

Coolies,  266. 

Cooper  (Robert?),  14S. 

Copper,  trade  in,  50-1,  282,355,376;  from 
Achin,  83;  from  Japan,  no,  113;  from 
England,  93,  95,  no,  210,  272,  325. 

Coral,  from  England,  95,  in,  n3,  198, 
272  ;  sale  of,  n3,  n8,  193,  210,  260;  in 
demand,  33,  179,  2S1,  380,  387  ;  use  of, 
390  ;  price  of,  318. 

Gorge,  26. 

Coromandel  Coast.  See  Madras,  Masuli- 
patam,  Persia,  etc. 

Coronation^  the,  voyage  to  Madras,  154-5, 
159  (2),  161  ;  goes  to  Masulipatam  and 
Bengal,  155,  159,  166,  168,  173,  183(2), 
368,  381 ;  proposed  voyage  to  Gombroon, 
172,  174;  returns  to  England,  175,  183- 
4)  365,  377  ;  comes  out  again  to  Madras, 

371  (2) ;  her  cargo,  371  ;  'goes  to  Bengal, 

372  ;  returns  to  England,  376. 

Cotton  and  other  piece-goods:  frauds  in 
supply  of,  in-i2  ;  best  made  in  rainy 
season,  112;  advances  necessary,  112; 
packing  of,  159;  port  to  port  trade  in, 
forbidden,  370;  prices  in  Holland,  158; 
baftas,  31,  200;  '  bettellees ',  159,  175; 
'birds'  eyes',  200;  '  brawles',  200; 
'  cachaes  ',  252  ;  chintz,  26,  85  (2),  200  ; 
'  deriabauds ',  25-6,  86,  94,  187,  189, 
201  (3)  ;  'dimgarees',  26,  187,  240,  244, 
246,  258,  321,  332,  342  (2),  345-6; 
'dupetins',     252;     dutties,     187,    321; 


'eckbarees',  25-6,  201  ;  ginghams,  163, 
368,  376 ;  Guinea  stuffs,  76,  200 ;  long- 
cloth,  156,  15S-9  ;  'longees',  368; 
'mercoolees  ',  25-6,  86,  94,  187,  189  (2), 
201  (2),  302  ;  'morees',  158-9,  276;  'nec- 
canees ',  200;  'parcallaes',  46,  158-9; 
salampores,  15S,  376;  '  salpicadoes ', 
159  ;  '  sannoes',  149  ;  '  sovaguzzees ',  26, 
187,  200  ;  'tapseels',  200. 

Cotton,  raw,  150,  159,  200,  329,  355,  367. 

Cotton  yarn,  30,  76,  80,  85(2),  150,  187, 
200,  210  ;  frauds  in  supply  of,  112. 

Coulani.     See  Quilon. 

Courteen,  William,  241, 

Covids,  200,  208. 

Cowries,  sent  to  England,  30,  85,  96,  163, 
1S7,  210,  317,  327,  367;  procurement  of, 
56,  67,  272,  278-9,  324;    cost  of,  195. 

Cowl,  384. 

Cox,  John,  27,  122. 

Craddock,  Richard,  27,  30;  Agent  in 
Persia,  72,75(2),  77,  80,  no,  195,  210, 
213,  331".;  recalled,  320;  at  Surat, 
331  ;  goes  home,  332. 

Crandon,  John,  369,  386. 

Cranganiir,  80-1,  247,  353. 

Cranmer,  George,  goes  to  Basra,  i,  27,  32, 
So-i,  109;  in  Persia,  72,  75,  77;  goes 
home,  211. 

Critici  ScLcri,  199. 

Cropley,  Samuel,  199. 

Crowther,  Thomas,  32, 

Crasadoes,  136,  198. 

Culverins,  54. 

Cummin  seed,  222. 

'  Cundware',  192. 

Curry  curry,  243,  331. 

'  Cuttaries',  So. 

Dabhoi,  200. 

Dabhol,  9,  88,  230  «.,  234(2),  242,  358, 

Dacca,  177,  178?/.,  288,  396  (2),  402; 
Mir  Jumla  at,  70  (2),  I49,  183;  English- 
men at,  70-1,  393(3)- 

Dadhimar,  297. 

Dak-chauki,  288. 

Dallal,  310. 

Dalvi,  9. 

Daman,  82,  21 8. 

Damka,  82  «. 

Damkin,  Little,  82. 

Danda  Rajpuri,  9,  12  w.  ;  English  designs 
upon,  17,  19,  97,  139;  for  their  head- 
quarters, 97;  Marathas  desire  English 
aid  in  taking,  5,  6,  8-n,  232, 

Danes,  the.     See  Tranquebar. 

Daniel,  William,  55,  158. 

Dara  Shikoh,  14. 

Darbdr,  231. 

Darogha,  395-6. 


INDEX 


415 


Daruji,  5. 

Dastak,  396. 

Daud  Khan,  2S8,  293,  393,  396. 

Daulatabad,  347. 

Davies,  Dr.,  388. 

Dawes,  William,  164,  182,  362,  372-3, 
384,  389;  signs  letters,  286,  373-4,  376, 
3S9  ;    his  charges  against  Winter,  388-9. 

Day,  Francis,  33,  39. 

Dearing,  Robert,  49,  182,  370 ;  goes  to 
Bantam,  51;  and  to  Slam,  179,  286, 
363*  384;  employment  of,  47,  376. 

De  Baug6.     See  Madras,  French  padres  at. 

De  Cruz,  Henrique,  255. 

Deer  for  King  Charles,  56  «.,  159,  369-70, 
39 1)  398  ;  for  St.  Helena,  198,  210. 

De  Faria,  Joao  Pereira,  275. 

De  Gama,  Vasco,  \<^()n. 

De  Lancastre,  Pedro.  See  Goa,  Governors 
of. 

De  Lima,  Francisco,  340,  351. 

De  Mello  de  Castro,  Antonio,  Governor  of 
Goa,  129-44,  197  w.,  226,  329-30,  344; 
Viceroy,  259  ;  goes  out  in  the  Leopard, 
99,  129-30;  and  Lord  Marlborough, 
108,  130-44;  and  Shipman,  134-44,  216, 
218-20,  228;  and  Cooke,  332  w.,  337- 
40;  and  Taylor,  260,  351;  refuses  to 
deliver  Bombay,  114,  131-44,  216,  218- 
20,  226,  334;  ordered  to  do  so,  227, 
335 ;  bribed  by  the  Jesuits,  143  ;  his 
punishment  demanded,  227  ;  his  cor- 
respondence with  the  King  of  Portugal, 
136,  142,  227,  339;  fears  his  displeasure, 
224;  writes  to  English  sovereigns,  137, 
142  ;  pressed  at  Goa  to  deliver  the 
island,  218,  221  ;  agrees  to  do  so,  335-6  ; 
his  instructions  for  that  purpose,  339  ; 
his  answer  to  Sivaji,  343 ;  character  of, 
220  ;  his  administration,  260  ;  unpopular, 
334)  351  ;  attempt  to  assassinate  him, 
334,  334  «.  ;  his  private  trade,  350-1. 

De  Nevers.    See  Madras,  French  padres  at. 

Denmark,  King  of,  183. 

Deodas,  90  (2). 

'  Deriabauds '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Desai,  242  «. 

De  Vasconcellos,  Lniz  Mendes,  339. 

Devikottai,  365. 

Diamond,  the,  32. 

Diamonds,  306,  308;  as  presents,  119M., 
207;  trade  in,  184,  188,  196,  274«., 
387;  permitted,  188,  196,  327,  376,  384. 

Diaries  to  be  kept,  369,  382. 

Diaz,  Thomas,  361  n. 
Discovery,  the,  arrives  at  Madras,  43  ;    her 
voyage  to  Bantam,  etc.,  43,  49,  50,  55, 
168,  174-5,  272,  282;   goes  home,  171, 
176,  181,183. 

Diu,  123,  218,  340. 


Diwdii,  347. 

Diwdn,  89,  102,  178,  2S8,  312-14. 

Diwdn-khdna,  191. 

Dogs,   361  71. 

DoIJiJn,  the,  202. 

Dollars,  17,  191  ;  pillar,  78,  167  11.  ;   iakri, 

78.     See  also  Rials. 
Dom  Mascarenhas.     See  Reunion. 
Do-pattak,  252  «. 
Doves,  Cobham,  161,  277,  286. 
Downing,  Sir  George,  331  >i. 
Drugs,  85. 

Drummers  wanted,  390. 
Dungarees.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Dtinkirk,  the,  95,  99,  120(2),  122,  12S- 

30,  132,  137-8.  214- 

'  Dupetins '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Durson,  John,  70  (2),  70  n. 

'  Durveice',  8. 

Dutch,  the,  trade  of,  no,  113,  120;  ships 
lost,  176, 188,  202,  322  ;  engross  pepper, 
26,  73,  260,  353-4 ;  schemes  on  Malabar 
Coast,  76,  115,  141,  192,  203,  211,  218- 
19,  221,  228,  239(2),  246-51,  253-6, 
261-5,  32I)  324,  352-7;  war  with  Portu- 
guese, 29,  76,  80-2,  109,  123-5,  127  «., 
218,221,228,246-8,255;  conclude  peace, 
125,  202,  224,  259;  embassy  to  Delhi, 
120-1,  185-6,  193;  dealings  with  Raja 
of  Ikkeri,  349-50  ;  turn  back  the  Hope- 
well, 109,  114-15,  247;  stop  the  Zeo/a;'<f, 
116, 120,  141,194,  247;  quarrels  with  Eng- 
lish, 2,  82,  1 17,  195,  324  ;  English  claims 
against,  43;  King  Charles  and,  109,  194, 
318,  331,  356;  intrigue  against  English, 
279,  285-6,  382  ;   treaty  concluded,  188, 

196,  202,  272,  279;  ambassadors  in 
London,  188  ;  fears  of  war  with,  155, 
161,  163,  268-9,  328,  330-1.  336,  340-I) 
349)  376)  387  ;  and  of  an  attack  upon 
Bombay  by,  220,  336,  340-1  ;  esteemed 
more  powerful  than  the  English,  401 ; 
perquisites  of  factors,  330  ;  Dutch  East 
India  Company,  158.  See  also  Achin, 
Batavia,  Bengal,  Ceylon,  Cochin,  Persia, 
Pulicat,  Surat,  Vengurla,  etc. 

'  Dutchele ',  237,  241. 
Dutties.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Dutton,  John,  20,  189  ;^. 

Eagle,  the,  13,  16,  25,  30,  97  ;    arrives  at 

Surat,  1  ;    sent  to  Persia,  1,  3,  14,  199; 

to    the   Malabar   Coast,    18,    30;    goes 

home,  26,  27  «.,  28,  30. 
Eaglewood,  282. 
Eastgate,  Stephen,  275  n. 
East  India  Company,  the,  passiju ;    value 

of  shares,  18,44,  149;  valuation  of  1664, 

197,  276,  368;  permit  private  trade  in 
jewels,  i88,  196,327,376,384;  repudiate 


4i6 


INDEX 


responsibility  for  private  debts,  22,  76, 

209,  327.     See  also  Joint  Stock. 
East  India  Merchant,  the,  goes  home,  32- 

3>  33«-.   157;   reaches  Madras,  271-3; 

sent  to  Bantam,  27S,  284. 
Ebony  wood,  96,  317,  327. 
'  Eckbarees  '.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Edisbury,  Kendrick,  150-1. 
Edwin,  Humphrey,  386. 
Elephants,  35,  50,  56,  83,  363  ;   shipment 

of,  35- 
Elephants'  teeth,  trade  in,  282,  302,  325  ; 

from  England,  9;,  1 1 1 ,  19S  ;  from  Africa, 

96,   159,   275,  282,  372  ;  price  of,  192, 

211. 
Elliott,  John,  43,  64-6. 
Ellis,  John,  55. 
Elloes.     See  Elwes. 
Elwes,  Robert,  arrives  at  Madras,  163;    in 

Bengal,  166-7,  182,  394  (2),  399. 
Emeralds,  308. 
Emery,  Arthur,  379  ji. 
England,  Benjamin,  31,  85,  122. 
'  English  Forest '.     See  Reunion. 
English  manufactures,  sales  to  be  pushed, 

326. 
Estates,  accounts  of,  273,  367. 
Ethiopia,  ambassador  from,  308  «.,  309. 
Exchange,  bills  of,  197,  276. 
'  Eye ',  46. 
Eymout,  Capt.  John,  271. 

Factors,  ill-paid,  1S3;  badly  qualified, 
280;  lists  to  be  sent  home,  197,  276; 
to  write  direct  to  the  Company,  21,  47, 
367,  370,  38I)  398  (2);  not  to  leave 
without  permission,  151,  393  ;  promotion 
of,  319;  salaries  to  be  raised  only  by 
the  Company,  319,  368  ;  private  debts 
of,  repudiated  by  the  Company,  22,  76, 
209,  327.     See  also  Apprentices. 

Fakir,  397. 

Falcon,  the,  66  n. 

Famine  in  Gujarat,  24,  200,  258,  321  ;  on 
the  Coromandel  Coast,  32,  57,  159. 

Fanam,  value  of,  152,  278  n. 

Fanshavv,  Sir   Richard,    126,   127;/.,   227. 

Farmans,  passim, 

Fath-uUah  Beg.  See  Masulipatam,  Gover- 
nor of. 

Fazl  Khan,  242  (2),  347. 

f^errand,  Robert,  28,  223,  229-34,  236, 
241;  at  Goa,  259-60,  334  «.  (2),  342; 
dies,  346. 

Field,  John,  156,  182. 

Finch,  Sir  Heneage,  376, 

Fisher,  Robert,  200,  206,  315. 

Flags,  disputes  about,  79,  206  ;  materials 
for,  175  ;  use  of,  by  factors,  84,  87 ;  use 
of  English  colours  by  country  ships,  32. 


Fleetwood,  Robert,  163,  182,  362. 
Flower,  Stephen,  27,  31  f  2),  75, 195,  320(2), 

331  «• 

Flyer,  Edward,  199,  328. 

Formosa.     See  Taiwan. 

Forster,  Matthew,  28,  31,  117,  145,  153. 

Forster,  William,  3,  23,  28. 

Fort  St.  George.     See  Madras. 

France,  King  of,  218. 

Francis,  Richard,  95,  213. 

'Free  guard',  373(2). 

Freeman,  Simon,  74. 

Freight  rates,  174,  269,  317. 

French  priests,  see  Madras  and  Surat ; 
pirates,  see  Hugo;  bishop,  270;  mer- 
chants, 314 ;  factory  at  Surat,  297  ;  a 
Frenchman  in  Dutch  service,  247. 

Fuddle,  Susannah,  384. 

Furtado,  Luiz.     See  Goa,  Governors  of. 

'  Gads ',  47. 

Galle,  123,  380. 

Gandevi,  201,  298. 

Ganga  Ram,  69. 

Ganjsaivdi,  the,  78,  191. 

Gargaon,  177  n. 

Garway,  Robert,  28,  319. 

Gary,  Henry,  19,  27,  74,  96,  181  w.,  315; 
member  of  the  Surat  Council,  83,  89  (2), 
90,  94,  104,  186,  213,  219;  his  house 
there,  307  ;  his  family,  209  ;  his  pay,  94, 
209 ;  charges  against,  26,  74,  83,  195, 
209 ;  his  account  of  Bombay,  143  ;  his 
schemes  for  its  development,  340 ;  desires 
to  enter  the  King's  service,  143,  219, 
340  ;  sent  to  Goa,  105,  138, 141,  217-19, 
329-30,  337,  340,  349-50;  at  Anjidiv, 
217-1S ;  assists  Cooke,  335-40;  dispatched 
to  Achin,  316,  322-3;  nearly  drowned, 
323;/.;  letters  from,  217,  219-20,  226 
(2),  270,  306,  337,  340,  350. 

Gates,  George,  67  n, 

Gau,  7. 

Gentues,  14S,  271,  276(2),  382,  384. 

George,  the,  171  n. 

George  and  Martha,  the,  278,  378  ;  arrives 
at  Madras,  271  (2) ;  goes  to  Masulipa- 
tam and  Bantam,  271,  277-8,  282-4; 
returns  to  the  Coast,  371-3,  376;  goes 
home,  376. 

Gliiyas-uddln,  made  Governor  of  Surat, 
311,  314;  the  English  and,  312-14,  321. 

Gibbon,  George,  95. 

'  Gibley  '  aloes,  210. 

Giffard,  Philip,  captured  by  the  Marathas, 
4-6,  28,  229;  negotiations  for  release, 
6-12,  80,  86-S,  90,  105,  107-8,  230; 
released,  20S,  230-4.  236-7  ;  his  pay,  95  ; 
goes  to  Goa,  237,  241  ;  and  Karwar,  257, 
260,  341,  346-7;   at  Yellapur,  344;    at 


INDEX 


417 


Hubli,  347  (2) ;  ill,  243  ;  letters  from, 
3.  5-".  230,  234-6,  347-8. 
Gifford,  William,  goes  to  Achin,  35  (2),  37, 
56;  at  Madras,  56,  155,  171,  i'74,  178, 
182,  373-4;  at  Masulipatam,  145,  147, 
151,  166,  171-4,  372(2);  his  dispatch 
to  Bengal  proposed,  152,  154-5  ;  charges 
against,  170-1,  277,  370,  382  ;  nearly 
drowned,  275 «.;  returns  to  England, 
376,  382,  398;  signs  letters,  32,  175, 
;8iw,    185,    273,    278,    283,  286,   361, 

373.  376. 

Ginger,  46. 

Ginghams.    See  Cotton  goods. 

Gloves,  cotton,  382. 

Goa,  179;  Governors  of,  3, 114,  132,  138- 
9,  141;  Viceroy  of,  see  De  Mello ; 
schemes  for  revolt  at,  218,334;  blockaded 
by  Dutch,  218,  221  ;  rumoured  cession 
to  English,  29,  125,  146  ;  English  ships 
visit,  18,  88,  99,  117,  147,  257,  259-60, 
329-30,  349,  351.  357  ;  English  to  reside 
at,  133;  Englishmen  at  {see  also  Gary), 
3,  114-15,  i32-4>  137-9.  223,  237  (3), 
241.  259.  342  (2),  344-6,  359;  Cooke's 
force  at,  338-40 ;  fears  of  an  attack 
fromSivaji,  9,  343,  345,  351;  powder- 
house  at,  350 ;  Inquisition  at,  38 ; 
Supreme  Court  at,  336. 

Goat's  hair.     See  Karman. 

Godolphin,  Capt.  John,  365,  401. 

Golconda,  kingdom  of,  distinction  between 
the  '  ancient  patrimony '  and  the  '  new 
conquests',  55  ;  Hindu  rising  feared, 
382,  384 ;  Diwan  of,  55,57;  King  of,  see 
Abdullah  Kutb  Shah. 

Golconda,  city  of,  disturbances  at,  268  ; 
letters  to  be  sent  via,  271;  Englishmen 
at,  274,  3S2,  391. 

Gold,  282,  284;  from  England,  95,  163, 
169,  198,272,326,369(2);  from  Africa, 
41,  96,  155-6,.  159.  177.  271,  275(2), 
372  ;  from  Achin,  27,  83  ;  from  Bantam, 
206;  smuggled  ashore  at  Surat,  328; 
its  value  on  the  Coast,  51  ;  coinage  of, 
279. 

Gold  Coast,  the.     See  Guinea. 

Gombroon,  2,  26 ;  ships  to  and  from, 
passim  ;  factory  at,  18,  27-8,  30,  72,  75, 
96,  121,  213,  319;  brokers  at,  75  (2); 
Chiefs  at,  see  Buckeridge,  Forster 
(Matthew),  and  Flower;  trade  at,  31, 
208  (2),  214,  332;  English  share  of 
customs,  31,  97,  196,  214,  320,  322, 
331  «. ;  farmdn  for,  77 ;  schemes  to 
enforce  payment,  16-19,  95,  97,  121,  192, 
213,  320;  Dutch  at,  214,  317;  Shah- 
bandar  of,  31,  77,  196,  331  n.  See  also 
Persia. 

Good  Hope,  the,  155,   161,  280;    reaches 

3597  E  e 


Madras,  162  ;  goes  to  Masulipatam,  167- 

8;  to  Bantam,  163,  167,  171. 
Goodier,  John,   100,   iii,   219;    sent  out, 

94,  96;    at  Surat,  85  w.,  99,   104,    186, 

213.  303,  315  ;  liis  pay,  211. 
Good  Intent,  the,  295. 
Goods  for  India  to  be  rated  at  cost  price, 

318. 
Goodyear.     See  Goodier. 
Gosnoll,  John,  43,  168. 
Gram,  175. 

Granadoes,  8,  54,  87,  98  «.,  247. 
Gray,  Matthew,  2,  23,  27,  96,  117,  213. 
Great  George,  the.    See  St.  George. 
Greenhill,  Henry,  33,  39,  42,  48(2),  52. 
Gregory,  John,  379. 
Grigsby,  Alexander,  27  ;  at  Porakad,  72-3, 

104,  246-51,341,352-7;  goestoKayal, 

355- 

Grimstone,  Marmaduke,  53. 

Gross,  Robert,  317. 

Grover,  John,  182,  368,  370. 

Guinea,  189 «.;  trade  in,  61,  157,  179, 
192  ;  transferred  to  Royal  Company,  271, 
372  ;  ships  touch  at,  41,  154  (2),  156, 
271.  275.  371-2;  gold  from,  4I,  155-6, 
159.  177.  271.  275  (2),  372  ;  ivory  from, 
159,  275,  282,  372  ;  slaves  from,  43,  51, 
157,  275,  282  ;  stuffs  for,  76,  200;  factors 
in,  275,  282,  366. 

Gumlac.     See  Lac. 

Gundola,  355. 

Gun  founding,  393. 

Gunny,  91,  239,  256,  258. 

Guns  as  presents,  361  «. ;  sale  of,  249. 

Haji  Kasim,  299. 

Haji  Zahid  Beg,  299,  303,  313  ;    his  house, 

297  (2),  299,  300,  300 «.,  303,  308,  313. 
Halstead,  Matthias,  60,  150. 
Hanmer,  Samuel,  51. 
Hatpy    Entrance,    the,    reaches    Madras, 

365-6  ;  her  cargo,  369 ;  goes  to  B     tam, 

367,  370(2),  372. 
Hardres,  Richard,  197  w.,  199,  213,  217. 
Harji,  108. 
Harrington,    John,    27,    72-3,    104,    229, 

246-51.  2.s6,  341,  352-7- 
Harry,  the,  75. 
Harvey,  Francis,  43,  52. 
Hasan,  1 1. 
Hasan  Khan,  166  n. 
Hasb-ul-hukm,  312-13. 
Haselwood,  Thomas,  163,  182,  287. 
'  Hassou ',  70. 
Hawks,  361  n. 
Heaman,  Simon,    368,    371,    382(2);    his 

mother,  368. 
Heliopolis,  Bishop  of,  270. 
Herries,  Edward,  163,  182,  372. 


4i8 


INDEX 


Higginson,  Capt,  Charles,  324,  337. 

Hijili,  68-70. 

Ilinmers,  Joseph,  3,  23,  28,  84. 

llodgkins,  Ralph,  35,  57,  152,  180. 

Honavar,  342-4,  346,  348-9. 

Hope,  the.     See  Anne. 

Hopewell,  the,  75,  117  ;    goes  to  Bantam 

and  Siam,  r,  16,  24,  28(2),  30(2),  74-5, 

117,  197,  207  ;  to  Persia,  75,  77-8,  118, 

195;    to  Malabar  Coast,  88,  91,  104-5, 

120,  137,   200,  229,  252,  257-65,  318; 

turned  back  by  Dutch,  109,  114-15,  247; 

Oxenden    buys,    118,   ii9«.,    122,  327; 

sent  to  Persia,  322,  Basra,  328,  336,  and 

Achin,  323  ;  sold,  327  n. 
Hopkins,  John,  163,  182. 
Hopkins,  Thomas,  48(2),  62,  64(3),  164- 

5,  1S3;  death  of,  57,  66,  71,  166. 
Horses  as  presents,  29,   103,   172  w.,  191, 

301,  317.  361  n. ;  Persian,  34,  57,  207. 
Hoskins,  Thomas,  19,  27,  85,91,  200,  213, 

323. 
Hubli,  91  (2),  239,  246,  260  «,,  345  ;  English 
at,  86,  240-1,  243-6,  260,  347  ;  pepper 
from,   241,    246,    344;    Sivaji   plunders, 

351- 

HOgli,  70-1,  287;  factors  at,  60,  62,  64, 
71,  149-50,  170-1,  179,  185-6,  290, 
293-5?  392-402  ;  building  at,  165,  180, 
399;  to  be  sole  factory  in  Bengal,  63, 
398 ;  Dutch  at,  69-7 1 ,  393 ;  procurement 
of  taffetas  at,  62-3,  402;  Governor  of, 
177,  180,  366,  394(2),  397,  399  «. 

Hugli  River,  ships  to  go  up,  64-6,  70,  177, 
180,  182,  277,  290-2,  295,  367,  397, 
401  (2)  ;  proposed  gratuity,  66. 

Hugo,  Hubert,  piracies  of,  189-90,  192-3, 
237,  270,  325,  327-8,  330,  376(2). 

Hukeri,  242. 

Hungerford,  Col.  John,  127,  131-2,  134, 
225. 

Hunter,  John,  Agent  at  Bantam,  20,  51. 

Hunter,  John,  Junior,  206,  317. 

Hustaert,  Jacob,  247. 

Hutchins,  William,  389. 

Hynmers.     See  Hinmers. 

Ikhlas  Khan,  242. 

Ikkeri,  Raja  of,  120,  258,  358  ;  wars  with 
BIjapur,  237,  239,  242-5,  260-1,  343-4. 
346-7  ;  Sivappa  Nayak  murdered  and 
a  successor  appointed,  343;  the  Portu- 
guese and,  342-4,  346-9,  358;  the  Dutch 
and,  349-50. 

Inayat  Khan,  arrives  as  Governor  of  Surat, 
203,  205  ;  the  English  and  Dutch  com- 
plain to,  203-6 ;  his  behaviour  during 
the  raid,  298,  301,  305-6,  308-9  ;  dis- 
missed, 311,  314  ;  his  sons,  203-6,  306. 

Indapur,  230  «. 


Indigo,  212  ;  for  England,  199,  31^,  320, 
326,  331-2;  price  of,  199,  320,  326; 
seed  for  St.  Helena,  198,  210. 

Ink  wanted,  284,  385  ;  Chinese,  375. 

Inkstands  wanted,  385. 

Insurance,  86. 

Interest  rates,  366,  390,  401. 

Interlopers,  passim  ;  measures  against,  36, 
50,  97'  99.  165,  169,  171,  177,  198,  327, 
378  ;  permitted  to  reside  at  Madras,  169. 

Iron,  35,  355. 

Isaacson,  Rev.  William,  32,  33,  164;  his 
memorandum,  58. 

Ispahan,  31,  94,  196,  213-14,  320,  331  n. 

Iversen,  Volquard,  309-10. 

Ivory.     See  Elephants'  teeth. 

Ivy,  Thomas,  33,  38-9. 

Jacobs,  Francis,  19,  27,  79. 

Jacobs,  Robert,  28. 

Jafar  Khan,  312-14. 

Jafnapatam,  53,  362. 

Jaitapur,  230,  233-4,  259-60. 

Jamaica,  224  n. 

Jambi,  43,  206,  272  (2),  278,  370,  372. 

James,  Charles,  27,  195  «.,  213,  305. 

Janjira,  Sidi  of,  6,  8.     See  Danda  Rajpuri. 

Jaoli,  242  (2). 

Japan,  110,  160,  322;  Dutch  trade  with, 
282  (2),  400. 

Japara,  51. 

Jasud,  242. 

Jaswant  Singh,  106  «.,  236-8. 

Jawdb,  10. 

Jearsey,  William,  36  (4),  366,  381  (2), 
388;  at  Madras,  167,  175,  i83«.,  283, 
383;  Chief  at  Masulipatam,  158,  161, 
163,  166(3),  168,  168  w.,  171,  172  M., 
174,  182,  184,  266-8,  360,370,  381-2, 
391-2  ;  letters  from,  170,  270,  277;  his 
relations  with  Winter,  362-5,  372-3,  377, 
381-3,  387-8;  and  with  Buckeridge, 
377.  383.  392;  charges  against,  362, 
364,  368,  3S3,  387  ;  his  wife,  388 ;  his 
ship,  362. 

'  Jentue '.     See  Gentues. 

Jerra,  346. 

Jesson,  William,  95,  121. 

Jesuits  in  Madura,  254-5.    See  also  Bombay. 

Jew,  Sivaji  and  the,  310. 

Jewels,  private  trade  in,  allowed,  188,  196, 

327,  376,384- 

Jhunjar,  189. 

Jlwa,  82. 

Johanna,  99,  113,  130,  132  ;  King  of,  130. 

Johnson,  William,  at  Masulipatam,  40(2), 
49,  54-5.  146,  148,  151(2),  155.  »6i-2, 
184,  272  ;  goes  to  Madras,  54,  57,  145  ; 
charges  against,  167,  170-1;  dismissed, 
158,  162  (3),  166  ;   dies,  168,  180. 


INDEX 


419 


Johore,  3,  28,  79,  S3-4. 

Joint  Stock,  United,  97. 

Jones,  Hacicett,  163,  182,  287  ;  dies,  402. 

Jones,  William,  95,  213. 

Jordan,  Dr.,  388. 

'  Journett ',  384. 

Kadolee,  344. 

Kadra,  245,  346. 

Kdfila,  26,  239. 

Kalastri,  1 75. 

Kalyan  Bhiwandi,  10,  143,  230  «. 

Kamal  Khan,  70. 

Kandy.     See  Ceylon. 

Karanja,  143  (2). 

Kari,  313. 

Karman  wool,  30,  187,  210,  317,  327. 

Karwar,  9,  76,  243;  Dutch  and,  141,  238, 
240;  ships  go  to,  iS,  30,  73,  88,  104, 
108-9,  H4>  'i6)  I40>  224  w.,  257-60, 
328,  330,  337,  348-9;  factory  at,  19, 
27-30,  72,  76,  79,  83-6,  90,  93,  104-5, 
120-1,  140,  186,  192,  217,  220-1,  229, 
238-41, 244-5, 251 , 257, 260, 334, 341-9, 
351  ;  trade  at,  80,  85,  94,  121,  229, 
257-8,  260 «.,  325,  342,  351  ;  farmdns 
for,  244-5;  linglish  house  at,  29,  121, 
347  ;  Governor  of,  29,  76,  121,  229, 
238-41, 243— 5,  343,346-7  ;  Shipman  and, 
140-1,  214-18,  221  (2),  225,  229  (2),  334. 

Kdsid,  8,  185,  251. 

Kasimbazar,  287  ;  factory  at,  60,  62-4,  71, 
149-50,    165-6,   179,    185,  288-9,   392, 

397  ;  withdrawal  suggested,  63,  65,  291, 

398  (2),  402  ;  warehouses  at,  62-3. 
Kasi  Viranna,  166  n. 

Katherine,  the.     See  Royal  Katherine. 

Kayal,  Old,  factory  at,  18-19,  27-8,  72-3, 
96,  104,  121,  229,  251-6,  259,  263,  265, 
277i  283,  352,  3,^5(2);  placed  under 
Madras,  23,  72,  256,  258,  265,  341;  to  be 
dissolved,  318  ;  calicoes  from,  74,  85, 
94,  252,  256,  258  ;  Governor  of,  253,  255. 

Kayamknlam,  352. 

Kdzi,  289,  293. 

Kelshi,  234. 

Ken,  Ion,  48,  68  w.,  150,  154,  165,  177, 
179(2),  186,  287,  294,400;  at  Madras, 
64-5,  145,  150-1,  I.S4,  185(2);  ac- 
countant in  Bengal,  62,  64,  171,  182; 
sent  to  Patna,  146,  150,  288;  takes 
charge  at  Hugli,  166,  2S7;  claims  against, 
164  ;  letters  from,  186,  287,  290  ;  leaves 
the  service,  392 ;  returns  to  England, 
294,  376,  382,  393,  4O" 

Kendall,  Thomas,  334. 

Kentledge,  measurement  of  goods  for,  210, 

369- 

Khammamett,  368. 
Khan  Dauran,  69  (2),  71. 

E  e 


Khdnkhundn,  68,  242,  288-9. 

Kharepatan,  8,  9,  88,  231,  234,  242. 

Khelna,  8. 

Khwaja  Minaz,  189,  207,  298. 

Kilvert,  Roger,  33,  50,  57,  64. 

'  Kirstna  Bens  ',  69. 

Knives  for  presents,  212. 

Knox,  Capt.  Robert,  34,    169,   178,  368; 

death  of,  178  «.,  379.     See  also  Ceylon. 
Kolattiri  Raja,  350. 
Kolhapur,  26,  235-6,  241—2,  321. 
Kothdri,  81  n. 
Kottayam,  354  n. 
Kottiar  Bay,  53,  178,  281,  361-2,374,  380; 

Dutch  at,  53. 
Kot'vdl,  15,  168  M.,  311. 
Krishna  Vansa,  69;;. 
Kroesbeek,  Arent,  400. 
Kror,  303. 

Kudal,  237,  242,  346-7. 
Kung,  I,  31. 


Lac,  trade  in,  29,  57,  85-6,  149-51,  187, 
210,  327  (2),  367  ;  not  wanted,  317. 

Lahore  indigo,  199,  320,  326,  331. 

Lahribandar,  1,  81,  108. 

Lakri  dollars,  78. 

Lambton,  John,  i  n.,  2,  13,  16,  21,  27,  75, 
77,  83.  89,  90,  96,  100,  104,  145,  147, 
153  ;  signs  letters,  13,  17,  25,  28,  37,  60, 
153;  his  charges  against  Andrews,  117, 
199;  his  death,  114,  192;  his  estate, 
114, 122,  319,  322,  327;  his  tomb,  114W. 

Lambton,  Lady,  319,  327. 

Lambton,  Ralph,  27,  213,  319;  sent  to 
Mokha,  etc.,  i,  72,  78,  81,  109,  322. 

Lambton,  Richard,  28,  319,  322. 

Lannoy,  Benjamin.     .S"^^  Aleppo,  consul  at. 

Ldris,  178. 

Lascars,  229. 

Latton,  John,  163. 

Lead,  trade  in,  X79,  249,  281-2  ;  sent  out, 
33,  95. 198,  272,  325  ;  sale  of,  94,  in, 
394,  210,  243,  246,  260,  302,  355;  price 
of,  210,  342. 

Leopard,  the,  128,  133-4,  137-4°,  142;  her 
outward  voyage,  99,  129-30 ;  arrives, 
114-15;  her  relading,  99,  105;  goes  to 
Karwar  and  Anjidiv,  114,  140,  143,  214, 
252,  324  ;  stopped  by  Dutch,  116,  120, 
141,  194,  247,  324;  goes  home,  114, 
116,  120.  See  also  Minors,  Capt. 
L'Escaliot,  Rev.  John,  199  ;  at  Burnt,  198, 
209,  213;  his  accoimt  of  Sivaji's  raid, 
300 «.,  307-9 ;  and  of  an  epidemic, 
329  n. ;  letters  from,  196  «. ;  his  brother, 

307- 
Letters  drafted  by  the  President,  329;  to 
be  well  written  and  a  margin  left,  368  ; 


420 


INDEX 


not  to  be  trusted  to  the  English  post, 

371- 
'  Limber ',  291. 
Lion  for  King  of  Kand}-,  3S0. 
Lisbon,  99(2),   126,  129,  '135-6,  227,  339, 

358. 
Litth  George,  the,  37  w.,  40,  52,  64, 150(2), 

185  ;  lost,  145,  185. 
Lloyd,  Edward,  28,  83-4. 
Lock,  — ,  277. 
London,  the,  reaches  Surat,  323,  328,  330; 

her   cargo,    326  ;    sent  down  the  coast, 

328-30,  337,  348-9;    her  return  voyage, 

330. 
Longcloth.     See  Cotton  goods. 
'  Longees '.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Looking-glasses,  361  n.,  3S2. 
Lopes,  Henrique,  259. 
Love,  the,  164;  lost,  41,  44. 
Loyal  Merchant,  the,  reaches  Surat,   196, 

198-9,  202-3  >  cargo  of,  198  ;  goes  down 

the  coast,  199,  200,  206,  223-4,  257-60; 

assists   in   defending   the  Surat  factory, 

298-300,  302-5  ;    rewards  for,  315-16  ; 

her  return  voyage,  207,  210-11,  296,  302. 
Lucknow,  86. 
Lutfullah  Beg,  Mirza,  69-71. 

Macao,  207,  282. 

Macassar,  trade  of,  75  ;  trade  with,  41,  47, 
59,  163  (2),  183,  272  ;  voyages  to,  i,  43, 
74(3),  "7  (2),  193,  206;  factors  at,  51, 
207;  King  of,  317. 

Mace,  261,  329. 

Machos.  226. 

Madagascar,  277,  2S4,  324. 

Madapollam,  factory  at,  266,  268,  274, 
360,  372-3,  399 ;  importance  of,  266, 
274;  letters  from,  277;  Winter's  house 
at,  36  (2),  170,  266,  383,  391. 

Madeira,  129,  324. 

Madras,  events  at,  32-59,  145-84,  266-86, 
360-92  ;  Bengal  factories  placed  under, 
19,  44-5,  48',  50,  61,  67-8,  71,  147; 
made  independent  of  Surat,  92  ;  its  suita- 
bility as  seat  of  the  Agency,  44,  52  ;  as 
seat  of  the  Presidency,  160;/.  ;  founding 
of,  39,  53;  the  King  of  Golconda  and, 
39,  146  «.,  147,  364  ;  privileges  at,  53,  55, 
180-1,  364;  dispute  over,  181  «.,  268, 
274,  280,  324  :  negotiations  with  Neknam 
Khan,  277-8,  283,  2S5,  364;  rent  of, 
384;  customs  duties  at,  58,  164,  181, 
268,  384;  arrangements  for  administering 
justice,  168;  levies  u|  on  the  inhabitants, 
284-5,  367;  disturbances  at,  175,  267; 
fears  of  an  attack  upon,  148,  151,  173-5, 
180,  184,  268-9,  285,  3S2,  384;  storm 
at,  145  ;  proposal  to  make  taffetas  at, 
63-5  ;  dearness  of  living  at,  6~,.,  283,  383, 


387;  expenses  of  housekeeping,  168,  184, 
283,  383  ;  the  Company  complains  of 
extravagance  at,  42,  44,  369,  380,  3S3  ; 
Isaacson's  account  of  abuses  at,  58, 
164;  money  scarce  at,  34-5,  184,  267, 
269,  390;  English  colonists  for,  38 1. 
390;  fortifications  at,  52,  55,  389; 
garrison  at,  39,  52,  158,  167,  170,  180, 

285,  367,  .^^9.  373,  381.  390(2)  ;  arms 
for,  177,  182,  2S4,  367  ;  pay  of  soldiers, 
51,  180,  373,  384;  hospital  for  them, 
373 ;  fund  for  their  relief,  378,  390  ; 
church  and  school  needed,  59  ;  chapel 
pronded,  284,  378  ;  chaplains  {^see  also 
Isaacson  ajid  Whitefield),  33,  158,  170, 
371  ;  books  for,  275-6,  284,  371,  390; 
library  at,  390  ;  burying  grounds  at,  59, 
164 ;  Roman  Catholics  at,  33,  38,  39, 
146 «.,  371 «.,  378;  their  church,  59; 
French  padres,  33,  38-40,  58-9,  154, 
164,175;  punch  houses  at,  59  ;  Winter 
rebuilds  his  quarters  at,  2S3-4,  37"^, 
38S-9. 

Madras  Merchant,  the,  280 ;  sent  home, 
32-3,  157;  goes  to  Madras,  161,  169; 
arrives,  168;  sent  to  Masulipatam,  170, 
173-4;  proposed  voyage  to  Achin,  169; 
sent  to  Siam,  172,  174,  179,  269,  274, 
277,  279,  281-2,  365,  377  (2)  ;  returns 
to  Madras,  2S6;  sails  for  England,  286. 

Madras  pinnace,  288,  292,  295. 

Madura,  Nayak  of,  252-5. 

Maghs,  396. 

Mahabat  Khan,  Viceroy  of  Gujarat,  106, 
311  ;  marches  to  the  relief  of  Surat, 
302-3,  306,  310. 

Mahad,  5  «.,  10,  242. 

Mahmiid  Amln,  Shaikh,  14. 

Mahmudis. /aji'/w  ;  value  of,  118,  121. 

Mahmud  Khan  (son  of  Ikhlas  Khan),  242. 

MahmCd  Khan.   Sec  Karwar,  Governor  of. 

Malabar  merchants,  314  ;  ships  to  be  cap- 
tured, 18,  73,  88;  seized,  12,  14,  27, 
120;  people,  character  of,  353. 

Malacca,  14S,  151,  187,  277,  282. 

Malaga  wine,  275. 

Maldive  Islands,  the,  voyages  to,  56,  67, 
150,  154,  185,  272,  278-9,  324;  King 
of,  56. 

Malik  Mulla,  120,  343-4,  346(2),  349  «. 

Mallison,  Capt.  John,  25,  32,  271,  274. 

Manaar,  265. 

Mangalore,  199,  257;  Portuguese  claim, 
342.  34S-50;  Dutch  attempt  on,  350. 

Manilla,  282. 

Manly,  Robert,  75. 

Marathas,  the.    i,ee  Sivaji  aiui  Porto  Novo. 

March,  John,  163,  166,  182. 

Marigold,  the,  41-3,  367,  371-2,  376. 

Mark  (a  gold  weight),  275. 


INDEX 


421 


Marlborough,  Earl  of,  224,  324;  his  ap- 
pointment, 128-9;  sails  for  Bombay,  93, 
95;  his  voyage  out,  99,  129-30,  132; 
Oxenden  and,  99,  105-9,  ^57 >  2^6  ;  Portu- 
guese refuse  to  surrender  Bombay,  105,108, 
131-44:  to  go  to  Goa,  132-4;  proceeds 
to  Swally,  105,  loS,  137-8,  223  ;  and  to 
Anjidiv,  120,  214-15,  220,  222;  goes 
home,  114,  120,  137,  216,  222,  227;  his 
return  expected,  226;  praised,  120,  139; 
letters  to,  106,  108,  217,  219,  225-6, 
306;  letters  from,  no,  131,  137;  his 
death,  142  n. 

Marmagao,  330, 

Marsh,  Thomas,  46, 

Marshall,  William,  28. 

Maruturkulangara,  352. 

M.ay  Rose,  the,  95,  99,  128-9,  I3i»  '34-5. 
137(2);  sent  to  Karwar,  109,  119-20, 
137,  140  ;  goes  home,  122  (2). 

Masjid,  300,  308. 

Mason,  Edward,  80. 

Master,  Robert,  27,  96,  213,  260,  335;  at 
Karwar,  29,  30,  76,  83,  85-6,  91,  104, 
120,  186,  220-1,  229,  239-40,  245,  247, 
250-1,  261,  334,  341-S  ;  visits  Calicut, 
73;  and  Surat,  105,  120-1,  140,  229; 
at  Hubli,  243  (3),  245. 

Master,  Streynsham,  23  (2),  27  n.,  28,  85, 

95,  104- 

Masulipatam,  75,  159,  376,  384;  events  at, 
;6-7,  274,  360-5,  372-4;  ships  to  and 
from,  passim  ;  factors  at  {see  also  Jearsey 
aWJohnson),49,55,  57, 145,  147,151-2, 
161,  182,  370,  384;  privileges  at,  55, 
176  ;  saltpetre  from,  67,  147  (2),  151  (2), 
177,  277;  debts  at,  266-8,  272,  368, 
381  ;  English  attacked  at,  168  w.,  171-3, 
176,  179,  267-8  ;  they  blockade  the  port, 
172;?.,  173;  the  dispute  settled,  174; 
Winter  at,  1 70-4  ;  his  houses  there,  1 70, 
383,  391;  famine  at,  57,  159;  sati  at, 
386;  Dutch  at,  i68m.  ;  Governor  of, 
•71-5,  267-8,  274,362,  379. 

Matthew  and  Thomas^  the,  67,  148,  150-1, 
if.3,  155.  177.  183,  185(2),  266,  269, 
287  ;  to  be  offered  to  Mir  Jumla,  149  ; 
to  be  disposed  of,  287,  291. 

Maundj/ajw// ;  weight  of,  no,  113,  320, 

344- 
Mauritius,  137,  189  w. 
Mayflower,  the,  32,  41,  44,  98,  117  (2). 
Maynard,  Thomas,  135  w. 
'  Meate  Bunder ',  6. 
Mecca,  88  «.,  317. 
Medicines  wanted,  212,  225. 
'  Mercoolees '.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Merry,  President,  38. 
Messenger,  the,  176. 
Mexican  rials,  51,  78,  167  n. 


Middleton,  Roger,  75,  140,  219. 

Migos,  Sebastiao  Alvares,  339. 

Millet,  Capt.  Nicholas,  196,  210,  224,  258; 
and  the  raid  on  Surat,  305,  315. 

Milner,  Roger,  155,  371. 

Minors,  Capt.  Richard,  115-16,  126,  140, 
215,  219,  222,  240;  and  the  Viceroy, 
130,  137.  142;  accounts  of,  129  «.,  142  ?i. 

MinshuU,  Francis,  163,  167,  182,  287. 

Mlrjan,  240-1,  260 

Mir  Jumla,  53,  171  ;  dispute  over  his  junk, 
see  Chamber  fl«(/ ^/.  George;  his  agents, 
see  Tapa  Tapa  and  Ali  Beg ;  and  Shah 
Shuja,  69 ;  made  Khankhanan,  68,  288- 
9  ;  conquers  Hijili,  68-70 ;  attacks  Cooch 
Behar,  70,  177;;.;  and  Assam,  70  ?;., 
177  «.;  his  naval  force,  70,  70  w.,  294; 
his  trading  operations,  57,  67-8,  149, 
151  ;  the  English  and,  60,  63,  67,  146, 
148,  289,  294,  393  ;  his  grant  of  privileges 
to,  288(2),  393;  his  loans  to  Trevisa, 
61-2,  68,  149,  153,  183,  269,  287,  292, 
397  (2) ;  the  Dutch  and,  68-70  ;  his 
death,  178«.,  273-4,  28S-9,  393;  his 
estate,  274  ;  his  son,  398,  402. 

Mitchell,  Capt.  Stephen,  275  (2),  282. 

Mohan  Das  Parak,  310  n. 

Mohun,  Richard,  207,  211. 

Mokha,  English  trade  with,  1,  72,  78,  109, 
194,  208;  Indian  trade  with,  4,  13-14, 
80,  88  (2),  88  «.,  18S-91,  208,  230,  232, 
234)  358)  goods  from,  26,  78,  188; 
factory  at,  20,  27,  72,  188-92,322;  to 
be  dissolved,  iS,  22,  30,  78,  189,  191 ; 
English  house  at,  191  ;  Dutch  at,  191  ; 
Governor  of,  189-92. 

Mollineux,  Thomas,  275,  282. 

Mollineux,  — ,  286. 

Mora,  2,  3. 

'  Morees  '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Morganson,  John,  46,  374,  379. 

Morice,  Sir  William,  216. 

Morning  Star,  the,  365,  369-70,  376,  400. 

Mozambique,  96,  192. 

Mu'allim,  229. 

Mudhol,  244. 

Muhammad  Amin  Khan,  398,  402. 

Mukhlis  Khan,  70. 

Mulla,  148. 

Mum,  3S5. 

Murad  Bakhsh,  14, 

Murti  Ram,  289. 

Musa  Khan,  382. 

Musk,  1S5,  282,  327. 

Muskat,  5',  31,  132  n.,  234,  349,  358. 

Mtiskat  Frigate,  the,  51. 

Muskets,  182,  284,  367. 

Mussula  boat,  274. 

Mustafa  Khan,  Governor  of  Surat,  29.  80, 
103;    disputes  with  the  English,  12-15, 


422 


INDEX 


27,  88-90,  93,  203  ;  obstructs  trade,  22, 
76-7,  80  «. ;  Oxenden  and,  100-3,  107, 
no,  113,  121,  203,  302,  31&;  Lord 
Marlborough  and,  105  ;  recalled  to  court, 
203,  205. 
Myrrh,  30,  187-8,  210. 

Nabd  Ram  Krishna,  237. 

Nagar,  260  «. 

Nairs,  263(2),  346(2),  353. 

A'dkhiida,  275. 

Nanagarh,  287. 

Napier,  Richajd,  3,  8,  28. 

Nariad,  200. 

Narna  (Nanak?)  Mulla,  349(3). 

Narsapur,  55. 

Navsari,  200. 

Na\-)'  Commissioners,  the,  114,  214. 

'  Neccanees  '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Neknam  Khan,  146 «.,  174,  277-8,  283, 
285,  364. 

Nelthrop,  Francis,  at  Kayal,  28,  251-2  ;  at 
Porakad,  253 ;  quarrels  with  Travers, 
360—1,  374—15,  384;  arrested  and  brought 
to  Madias,  374-5. 

Netoji  Palkar,  235-6,  242. 

Niclaes,  John,  at  Madras,  162,  275,  366; 
at  Viravasaram,  182  ;  at  Masulipatam, 
372  ;  called  to  Madras,  360,  362  (2;  ;  to 
be  dismissed,  360,  365,  372  ;  charges 
against,  387. 

Nicobars.  the,  148,  151. 

Nishan,  293. 

Noell,  James,  47-9,  iz,  i^-;,  167(2;,  2S1  ; 
death  of,  174. 

Noell,  Matthew,  106,  132,  343. 

Nuri,  56. 

Nurse,  Valentine,  i,  27,  195,  213,  316. 

Nutmegs,  261,  329. 

Ola,  262,  354-5. 

Oldheld,  Edward,  145-7,  ^r*^*"')  '54' 

Olibanum,  30,  187-8. 

Onore.     See  Honavar. 

Opium,  249,  261,  264,  355. 

Oringall,  364. 

Orissa,  69  (2)  ;  Nawab  of",  400.  See  also 
Balasore, 

Ormus,  26  n. 

Or mus Merchant,  the, 32,77-8,  no,  118(2). 

Orpiment,  384  w. 

Oxenden,  Sir  George,  his  previous  career, 
92  ;  appointed  President,  92,  98  ;  his  com- 
mission, 97  ;  his  salar)'  and  title,  92;  to 
choosehis  council,  96;  knighted,  93;  sails, 
93,  95;  arrives  at  Surat,  91,  99 ;  his  ad- 
ministration, 92-122,  186-214,  22S-65. 
296-332;  Marlborough  and,  99,  105-9, 
'37>  215;  Shipman  and,  140,  144,  216, 
221-3;    buys  two    ships,   see   Hopewell 


and  Royal  Welcome ;  relations  w  ith 
the  Madras  factors,  267,  365,  391  ;  and 
the  Bengal  factors,  293,  393,  396;  defends 
Surat  factory,  296-316  ;  honours  paid  to, 
301,  314  «.  ;  reward  from  the  Company, 
.^I3i  3'5  ;  liis  correspondence  with 
Cooke,  336-7,  351  ;  letters  firom  King 
Charles,  22S,  228  n.\  accusations  against, 
119,  327;  bribe  offered  to,  207;  speaks 
Hindustani,  204  ;  iUness  of,  329. 
Oxenden,  Henr}-,  95,  213. 

Padres.     See  Madras  and  Surat. 

Pagod, 308. 

Pagodas,  passim;  coinage  of,  279;  value 
of,  51,  167  n.,  232,  278  n.  ;  'great',  241, 
243  ;  '  small',  243  ;  '  Sungar',  344. 

Paine,  Thomas,  316. 

Palankin,  172  n.,  374. 

Palliport,  247. 

Pallu,  Fran9ois,  270. 

Falmeira,  263. 

Palmyras  Point,  J  50,  176. 

Pa  mart,  103. 

Panala,  besieged,  4  (2),  87, 9S  n. ;  taken,  3,  4. 

Paraineshvari,  236. 

Paravans,  the,  253-6,  259,  265. 

'  Parcallaes'.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Pardao,  50. 

Parrots,  56. 

Paisees,  329  w. 

Parwdna,  288,  394-5,  399. 

Passage  rates,  271. 

Patna,  185,  2S9  ;  factory  at,  60,  62-4,  71, 

149,  392  ;  suggested  abandonment  of,  46, 
63,65,  290,  39S  (2),  401  ;  factors  at,  146, 

150,  1S5-6,  287-90,  294,  392-3,  395-7; 
debts  at,  67,  71;  broker  at,  69;  the 
Dlwan  tries  to  monopolize  saltpetre  trade 
at,  69—71 ;  Shaista  Khan  does  the  same, 
395-6;  Dutch  at,  69-71, ,294.  See  also 
Saltpetre. 

Pattamar,  148. 

Pearls,  301,  306,  30S  ;  trade  in,  permitted, 
237  ;  pearl  fishery,  253,  256. 

Pegu,  35-6, 376. 

Pelicans,  56. 

Pencils,  lead,  385. 

Penn,  George,  195,  207, 

Peons,  36,  167  (2),  i6S  «.,  243,  268,  305-6. 

Pepper,  passim  ;  directions  for  shipping, 
21  ;  price  of,  91,  240,  261,  321,  344(2). 

Pepys,  Samuel,  126,  225  «.,  226. 

Perak,  376. 

Perpetuanoes,  198,  302,  326. 

Persia,  trade  •vii'Oci.,  passim  ;  Agency  reduced 
to  a  chiefship,  213;  Company's  wine- 
makers  in,  319;  Dutch  in,  16,  214,  317; 
King  of,  31,  77.  See  also  Gombroon, 
Ispahan,  etc. 


INDEX 


4^3 


Persia  Merchant,  the,  56,  67  «.,  154,  170, 
279  ;  survivors  of,  46,  54,  169,  379. 

Perumal  Chetti's  brother,  361,  374. 

Peshkash,  14,  50,  53,  176,  180,2),  277, 
280^2),  350,  3<5ir374>  382. 

Petapoli,  368,  376,  379,  382  ;  factors  at, 
37!  47.  54-  i47>  i?^,  162,  182,  362  (2), 
364.  373 ;  proposed  withdrawal  from, 
266,  369,  3S2 ;  Company's  garden  at, 
267  ;  Dutch  at,  382. 

Petit,  John,  95,  213  ;  sent  to  Malabar  Coast, 
328.  330,  337  (2),  348-51- 

Philippines,  the,  trade  to,  25,  282. 

Phonda,  230  n. 

Pice,  113  ;  value  of,  112,  121. 

Picquett,  Francisco,  199. 

Pillai,  352,  360  «. 

Pillar  dollars,  78,  167  n. 

Pilots,  378  ;  for  Bengal,  295. 

Pippli,  292  «.,  400  (2). 

Pippli,  the,  362  «. 

Pirates,  European,  instructions  for  dealing 
with,  325.     See  also  Hugo. 

Pir  Khan,  191,  270-1,  278. 

PIru  Saddar-rang,  18S,  317. 

Pitt,  William,  71. 

Plat,  Luke,  178,  269. 

Ponda,  242,  350. 

Pondicherri,  40,  51,  179. 

Porakad,  factory  at,  26,  30,  72-3,  75-6, 
93-4.  "5.  121.  229,  246-51,  253,  260, 
262-4,  324.  341.  352-7;  ships  sent  to, 
18(2),  104-5,  i°9j  114.  199.  200,  222, 
229.  257-9,  318,  32S,  356-7;  pepper 
cheap  there,  72,  76,  93  ;  King  of,  73, 
93,  194,  218,  228  «.,  246,  248-50,  253, 
262,  352-3,  355-7;  his  territory,"  2 ^8 H.; 
proposed  grant  to  English  by,  246 ; 
Dutch  threaten,  246,  and  subdue,  248-9, 
253  ;  they  urge  expulsion  of  English, 
262,352,357;  their  trade,  352,  355-6. 
See  also  Leopard. 

Porter,  William,  33,  271. 

Porto  Novo,  55-6,  179,  249,  26S;  trade  at, 
40-1.  43,  51,  i.'^o,  159,  272  ;  Dutch  at, 
43)  263  ;  sacked  by  Marathas,  40,  50-1, 
165,  280. 

Portugal,  King  of,  123,  135-6,  139,  142, 
216,  219,  227,  335,  339  ;  Queen-Regent 
of,  124. 

Portuguese,  the,  64,  i8r,  314:  English 
desire  a  port  from,  3  ;  war  with  Dutch, 
29,  76,  80-2,  109,  123-5,  127?;.,  21S, 
221,  228,  246-8,  255;  peace  concluded, 
125,  202,  224,  259;  condition  of,  202, 
224,  254;  ambassadors  in  London,  126, 
227;  claim  Honavar,  etc.,  342-4,  346, 
348-50.  6"«f  a/50  Bombay,  Cochin,  Goa, 
San  Thome,  etc. 

Potatoes,  273. 


Povey,  Capt.  Charles,  127,  225,  332. 

Povey,  Thomas,  225. 

Powell,   Henry,  employment  of,  67,   153, 

291-2,   397,    399 ;    letters   from,   60 «., 

185-6,  289,  397;  his  ship,  171. 
Praia,  226. 

Pratt,  Thomas,  294,  393. 
Priddy,  John,  166,  185. 
Proby,  Charles,  at  Madras,  162,  165,   175, 

366 ;  in  charge  there,  167-8  ;  at  Masuli- 

patam,  170,  182,  266,  270,  372-3,  392  ; 

charges  against,  387. 
Proud,  John,  157. 

Pulicat,  Dutch  at,  34,  53,  146;;.,  363(2). 
Pulo  Run,  20,  54  ;  Englishmen  for,  51  (2)  ; 

slaves  and   servants    for,   43,    51,   276; 

supplies  for,  273,  276. 
Punch  houses,  59. 
Punpiin,  290. 

Queda,  3,  28,  35,  37,  40,  48,  52,  148,  195, 

323- 
Quicksilver  wanted,  33,  iii,  179,  2S1  ;  sent 

out,  95,    19S,    272;  sale  of,   118,  381  ; 

packing  of,  181,  325  ;  price  of,  210. 
Quilon,  21  (2),  26,  352,  355  (3) ;    proposed 

factory  at,  73,  352-3,  355-6;    seized  by 

Dutch,  81,   247,  353,  355  ;    Portuguese 

at,  355-6. 
Quilts,  26,  85,  200. 

Rahimatpur,  235. 

Raigarh.     See  Rairi. 

Rains,  heavy,  323. 

Rainsford,  Col.,  31,  209,  327. 

Rairi,  86,  90,  106,  108,  230,  235. 

Rajapur,  3,  5,  6,  8,  19,  28,  90,  96,  108, 
193,  241-2,  358  ;  factor)'  destroyed,  3-5, 
98;?.,  229;  amount  of  loss,  234;  trade 
at,  3,  26,  3C,  80,  91  (2),  187,  208,  229, 
234;  port  blockaded,  88;  ceded  to 
Sivaji,  230,  232,  358;  negotiations  for 
resumption  of  trade,  230-6,  238,  257,  259- 
60,  325,  351  ;  English  house  at,  232,  236. 

Rajmahal,  393-4,  39*5-7.  399,  402. 

Raoji   Pandit,   7-11,    108,    230-6,    24I-2, 

259-60,351- 
Rajputs,  36,  285. 
'  Rashees ',  326. 
Raushan  Zamir,  302. 
Raybag,  94,  117,  321, 
Reade,  Edward,  266,  278,  280,   2S3,  286, 

361,  377- 
Rebecca,  the,  reaches  Madras,  371  ;  goes  to 

Bengal,  371-2  ;  returns  to  England,  376, 

400. 
Red  earth,  26,  96,  187,  317. 
Regedor,  250  «. 
Remora,  141. 
Reunion,  137,  139. 


424 


INDEX 


Revington,  Henry,  3,  16,  So,  S4,  S7,  117, 
208  ;  captured  by  Alarathas,  4-6,  50 ; 
negotiations  for  release,  6-1 1  ;  released, 
II,  73;  letters  from,  3,  f-ii  ;  illness 
and  death  of,  11-12,  28;  his  estate,  12  ; 
claims  against,  96  ;  charges  against,  98  ; 
his  sale  of  guns  to  the  Mughals,  13-14, 
88-90,  93. 

'  Rex '  dollars,  1 7. 

Rhinoceros,  56  «. 

Rials  of  eight,  passim  ;  Mexican  and  Seville, 
51,  78,  167  n.  ;  value  of,  51,  118,  167  «., 
369  ;  invoice  value,  17  ;^.,  95. 

Riccard,  Sir  Andrew,  184,  285. 

Rice,  342;  trade  in,  14,  143,  145,  150(2), 
I74«.,  216,  256,  258(2),  324,  367; 
duty  on,  164  ;  monopoly  at  Madras,  58, 
164,  168,  170. 

Richard  and  Martha,  the,  i,  99  ;  sails,  93 ; 
reaches  Surat,  91,  95;  her  cargo,  95, 
202;  goes  to  Karwar,  104,  107,  119; 
goes  home,  118,  120,  122. 

Riza  Kuli.     See  Neknam  Khan. 

Rogers,  Walter,  57,  66,  166. 

Rolt,  Thomas,  27,85,  85W.,  89,104,  212-13, 
303-  319;  sent  to  Mokha,  188-91;  his 
private  trade,  328. 

Rolt,  William,  28,  72,  75  ;  dies,  331  n. 

Royal  Charles,  the,  176;  her  voyage  to 
Madras,  154-6,  165;  goes  to  Masuli- 
patam  and  Bengal,  156,  166(2),  177, 
181,  186;  returns  to  England,  157,  175- 
6;  reaches  Surat,  323,  328,  330;  her 
cargo,  326  ;  sent  down  the  coast,  328-30, 
3375  349>  356-7 ;  her  return  voyage, 
330. 

Royal  James  and  Hen7y,  the,  reaches 
Madras,  41,  51  ;  goes  to  Bengal,  43,  47, 
57  (2),  61,  150  ;  to  Persia,  57,  151-2, 
271,    390,     292;    as   to   her    return    to 

.  England,  41,  152,  166,  171;  wrecked, 
175-6. 

Royal Katheriiie,  the,  32,  277,  285,  291  (2) ; 
arrives  at  Madras,  275  (2) ;  goes  to  Ben- 
gal, 290,  293-4;  returns  to  England, 
275,  286,295. 

Royal  Welcome,  the,  76,  312  ;  cost  of,  24, 
79 ;  to  go  to  England,  30,  79  ;  to  be 
seized,  79  n. ;  goes  to  Persia,  So  (3),  192, 
322  ;  to  blockade  Malabar  ports,  88,  91, 
108(2);  Oxenden  buys,  118,  ii9«,,  122, 
327  ;  tries  to  sell  her,  327  «. 

Rubies,  308,  310. 

Rupees,  passim . 

Rushworth,  Francis,  in  Persia,  31  (2),  33-4, 
48,  57;  dies,  28,  77,  147. 

Rustam  Zaman,  240,  242,  344,  346-7  ;  and 
Sivaji,  8,  347  ;  and  the  English,  8,  gSw., 
236,  244-5,  347  ;  and  Shaista  Khan, 
235-6  ;  his  sons,  346. 


Sa'adat  Khan,  347. 

Sahdbi,  the,  191. 

Sailors,  mutinous,  75,  79,  193,  211,  225 

desert,   182;  trade,    183;  to  be  allowed 

to  go  home,  122,  211. 
St.  Augustine's  Bay,  189  n. 
St.  George,  the,  37  (4),  48,  52,  149  ;   to  be 

restored  to  Mir  Jumla,  40,  42,  49,  148, 

157  ;  fate  of,  148,  151. 
St.   Helena,  i89«.,  270,   324,  391;    ships 

call  at,  271  ;  supplies  for,  198,  210,  273, 

2S6  ;  slaves  for,  271,  276,  286 ;  Governor 

of,  271. 
vSainthill,  Robert,  i,  27,  32,  72-3,  188-91, 

213. 
'St.  Johns',  18. 
St.  Michael,  the,  189,  191. 
Saiyid  Ziyad,  189-92. 
Salabat  Khan,  4(2),  8,  243. 
Sal-ammoniac,  187,  317. 
Salampores.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Salisbury,  Ambrose,  37,  47,  147,  182,  267, 

362  (2),  364. 
Salisbury,  Samuel,  73,  101,  212-13. 
'  Salpicadoes '.     See  Cotton  goods. 
Salsette  (near  Goa),  219,  333. 
Salsette  Island,  126,  133-4,  143-4)  216(2), 

227. 
Salt,    35,    143,    216,    263  ;    Bengal   trade 

monopolized  by  Shaista  Khan,  402. 
Saltpetre,  7,  327;  trade  in, />aJJ2;«  ;  scarce, 

57  ;  price  of,  43,  61  ;  cheapness  of  Bengal, 

85,  1 87. 
Sambrook,    Jeremy,    161  ;    his   parentage, 

369;?. ;    at  Madras,  366  (2),   369,   371, 

373.    .^184(2),    388-9;    at   Masulipatam, 

372-3;  at  Petapoli,  373;  signs  letters, 

373-4-  376,  389.  399- 

Sambrook,  Samuel,  369  n. 

San 'a.  Imam  of,  190-1. 

Sandal,  231,  355. 

Sangli,  237  «. 

Sanjan,  18  n. 

'  Sannoes  '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

San  Thome,  33,  38  ;  unsuitable  for  English, 
53  ;  Dutch  and,  53,  146  ;  seized  by  Gol- 
conda,  146-8,  151,  167,  180-1, 184,283, 
383 ;  rumoured  cession  to  English,  146  n. 

Santiago,  324. 

Santokh  Becharaj,  75. 

Sappan  wood,  282. 

Sardi,  207,  308. 

Sar-i-Khail,  173  «. 

Sarkhej  indigo,  199,  320,  326. 

Satavli,  234. 

Sati,  case  of,  386. 

Sayyid  Iliyas  Sbarza  Khan,  344,  346-7. 

Sayyid  Jafar,  346. 

Sayyid  Jalaluddin,  397. 

Sayyid  Mir  Jafar  (or  Muzaffar),  173,  175. 


INDEX 


425 


Scales  and  weights,  284. 
Scrivener,  Nicholas,  in  Sind,  27,  72,  213; 
goes  to  Bantam,  72-3  ;   and  Achin,  195, 

316(3)- 

'  Scrutors  ",  143. 

Seajlozver,  the,  29,30,  32,  53,  78(2),So-i, 
83,  109(2),  195;  wrecked,  196. 

Seals  wanted,  391. 

Seaman,  Edmund,  91,  102  (2),  120. 

'  Seames ',  115. 

Senna,  187,  210. 

Seringapatam,  243. 

Setubal,  143. 

Seville  rials,  51,  78,  167  n. 

Shahbandar,  15,  31, 77. 

Shah  Jahan,  14,  393. 

Shahji  Bhonsla,  50-1,  230,  230  «.,  242-3. 

Shaista  Khan,  at  Ahmadabad,  396  ;  uncle 
to  Aurangzeb,  397  ;  his  campaign  against 
Sivaji,  7-9,  107,  235,  241-2  ;  assaulted 
by  him,  236-8 ;  Rustam  Zaman  and, 
235-6 ;  Viceroy  of  Bengal,  393-5  ;  Blake 
and,  394-7  ;  panvdna  from,  395-6 ;  his 
extortions,  395-6,  399,  401-2 ;  his 
revenue,  396,  402  ;  his  character,  395-6, 
402  ;  his  war  with  Arakan,  395-6,  397  w., 
399,  403 ;  demands  help  from  English 
and  Dutch,  395,  399,  403  ;  punished  by 
the  Emperor,  396,  397  n. ;  his  sons, 
236-8,  396(2). 

Sharza  Khan,  344,  346-7. 

Sheep  for  St.  Helena,  198,  210. 

Sheldon,  Ralph,  36S,  392  ;  at  Kasimbazar, 
60 «.,  64,  150(2),  166,  178,  182,  185, 
2S7-9,  397,  402  ;  Trevisa  and,  153, 
1^5  (2)  ;  goes  home,  376,  3S2.  399,  402. 

Shingler,  Thomas,  48,  367,  380 ;  at  Madras, 
37)  55;  signs  letters,  48,  51,  62,  64; 
visits  Masulipatam,  49,  55  ;  dies,  152  (2), 
155  ;  his  estate,  152,  180. 

Shipbuilding  disapproved,  84,  156;  at 
Surat,  see  Royal  iVelcome  ;  in  Bengal, 
67,  70-1,  294  (2),  393,  401  ;  on  the 
Coast,  283,  391,  393,  401. 

Shipman,  Sir  Abraham,  95  «.,  193  w,  321  ; 
appointment  of,  127-8  ;  commissions  to, 
127,  227  ;  delayed  on  voyage,  13 1-2  ; 
reaches  Bombay,  114,  135;  the  Viceroy 
and, 134-44,  216,  218-20,  228;  goes  to 
Goa,  1 14-15,  137-9;  to  Svvally,  138; 
buys  a  sloop,  140;  goes  to  Anjidiv,  114, 
116,  139-40  ;  his  proceedings  there,  214- 
29,  332-5  ;  relations  with  Governor  of 
Karwar,  140-1,  214-18,  221  (2),  225, 
229  (2),  334  ;  offers  Anjidiv  to  Company, 
202,  222-3  i  sends  Chestnut  to  Bantam, 
etc,  206,  220,  222,  317,  326,  332,  342, 
346;  funds  for,  224,  228 «.,  328,  335; 
payments  by,  338  ;  tries  to  recruit 
soldiers,  225-6;  invited  to  Goa,  218  «.; 


plot  against,  333  ;  letters  from,  216(2), 
221-2,  224-5  ;  letters  to  King  Charles, 
no;  illness  and  death  of,  225,  332-4, 
336  ;  his  secretary,  see  Cooke. 

Shipman,  Capt.  John,  127,  223. 

Shipman,  William,  95. 

Shipping,  not  to  be  kept  on  demurrage,  21, 
25 ;  local,  wanted  from  England,  54, 
182,  279,  292,  295,  367;  stores  for,  24, 
57,  80,  94.     See  also  Shipbuilding,  etc. 

Shiveshvar,  240,  245(2),  346. 

Shringarpur,  9. 

Shroffs,  passim. 

Shuja,  Shah,  68-9,  293,  295. 

Siam,  trade  in,  75,  378,  387 ;  English 
factors  in,  in.,  74-5,  82,  154,  174 «., 
186,  207,  270,  277,  281-2,  286,  384 ; 
ships  sent  to,  74,  172,  174,  179,  193, 
197,  207,  269,  274,  279,  286,  362,  365, 
377  (2) ;  letters  from,  186,  269  ;  missions 
in,  270  «.;  Dutch  and,  75,  82,  187,  276, 
282  (2),  286,  322,  363-4,  380  ;  King  of, 
74.  82,  187,  276,  286,  322,  363  (2). 

Sidi  Aziz,  243. 

.Sidi  Johar,  4  (2),  8,  243. 

Sidi  Mas'ud,  243. 

Silk  goods,  61,  143,  249,  2S2,  361  «.  See 
also  Taffetas. 

Silk,  raw,  61,  282. 

Silver,  purity  of,  158-9;  its  ratio  to  gold, 
51  ;  from  England, /aj5z'w ;  its  exporta- 
tion unpopular  there,  20  ;  coinage  of,  6, 
22;  fineness  of,  93,  202  ;  sold  at  a  loss, 
211. 

'  Simgclay  ',  337. 

'  Simmascare ',  240. 

Sind,  factory  in,  18,  27,  30,  72,  78,  86,  96, 
116,  122;  dissolved,  loS  ;  goods  from, 
78,   108. 

Siaha  Shah,  iii. 

Sivaji,  10,  50,  86,  237,  242  (2),  257,  260, 
321.  325)  346;  his  character,  7,  301, 
306-7,  309,  313,  358 ;  his  appearance, 
307  ;  imprisons  Rajapur  factors,  3-5,  7, 
27,  98  «.,  229;  negotiations  for  their 
release,  6-12,  80,  86-8,  90,  105,  107  ; 
liberates  them,  11,  73,  208,  230;  his 
designs  upon  Danda  Rajpuri,  5,  6,  8- 
II,  232  ;  campaigns  against  Bijapur, 
4(2),  30,  9°.  231,  241(2;,  344-8,  350-r, 
358-9  ;  makes  peace,  230-2  ;  war  with 
the  Mughals,  7-9,  107,  235-6,  241-2, 
343_.  345-  347)  358;  assaults  Shaista 
Khan,  236-S  ;  conquers  fresh  territory,  9, 
347  ;  raids  Vengurla,  237,  260,  348,  350- 
I,  359;  his  raid  on  Surat,  211-12,  296- 
316,  343  ;  an  attempt  to  assassinate  him, 
306,  309  ;  demands  chautli  for  Gujarat, 
312  ;  requires  help  from  the  Portuguese, 
343 ;  his  method  of  lighting,  345  ;  builds 


426 


INDEX 


ships,  345 ;  suggested  seizure  of  his 
vessels,  88,  230,  232,  234;  letters  from, 
231,  236. 

Sivappa  Nayak.     See  Ikkeri,  Raja  of. 

Slaves,  from  Guinea,  43,  51, 157,  275,  282; 
from  India,  50-1  ;  for  St.  Helena,  271, 
276,286;   at  Cochin,  24S  ;    at  Madras, 

275- 
Sledd,  John,  49(2),  147,  1S2,  360,   362; 

goes  to  Bengal,  287. 

Smeaton,  Charles,  95,  213,  356. 

Smith,  Anthony,  96,  213;  at  Mokha,  22, 
27,  72,  78,  188-92  ;  his  debts  at  Ahma- 
dabad,  22,  78  ;  his  offer  for  broadcloth, 
207;  captured  by  Sivaji,  299-301,  304- 
6,  308-9. 

Smyth,  William,  147,  182,  286,  360;  re- 
port on,  369,  382 ;  his  father,  369. 

Smythes,  Rev.  Simon,  371. 

Snow,  James,  75,  120. 

Soma  Shekhar,  343  n. 

Somaji  Chitta,  98,  111-13,  115,  212. 

Somaji  Nathji,  119  «. 

Sonda,  239. 

Songarh,  5  (3). 

Sorcery  at  Madras,  388. 

South,  John,  i  «.,  187,  207,  317. 

'  Sovaguzzees '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Speelman,  Cornelius,  363. 

Spencer,  Joseph,  163,  182. 

Spices,  85,  224  n.     See  Cloves,  etc. 

Spikenard,  187,  210. 

Starkey,  Henry,  151, 

Stationery,  212,  284,  361,  375,  385. 

Steel,  47,  355- 

Stevens,  Capt.  John,  206,  332  «.,  335 ; 
letters  from,  114  «.,  206,  214. 

Stiles,  Thomas,  163,  167-8,  182  ;  in  Bengal, 
266,  287,  290,  392,  397,  400. 

Stockings,  cotton,  382. 

Sugar,  143,  216,  249,  282,  367;  for  Eng- 
land, 41,  277  ;  not  wanted,  45-6,  61. 

Sugar-canes,  217,  273. 

'  Sungar '  pagodas,  344. 

Surat,  passim;  events  at,  1-32,  72-122, 
186-214,  296-332;  Governors  of,  see 
Arab  (Mirza),  Ghiyas-uddin,  Tnayat  Khan, 
Mahmud  Amin,  and  Mustafa  Khan ; 
Divvan  of,  102;  Kotwal  of,  15,  311; 
Shahbandar  of,  15,  203-6,  302;  Cap- 
tain of  the  castle,  30,  212,  311;  mint 
at,  22,  77,  202  ;  castle  at,  298-9,  301, 
305-6 ;  scarcity  at,  200,  258  ;  sickness  at, 
329;  trade  bad  at,  22,  76-7,  80,  85; 
Sivaji's  raid  on,  211-12,  296-316,  343  ; 
Aurangzeb  orders  a  wall  to  be  built,  311 ; 
position  of  English  factory,  296 ;  its 
library  and  chapel,  199,  212;  Presidents 
at,  see  Andrews  aw^Oxenden  ;  chaplains, 
see  Thomson   and  L'Escaliot ;  negotia- 


tions for  privileges,  see  Aurangzeb ; 
English  granted  a  warehouse,  204 ; 
question  of  reducing  Presidency  to  an 
Agency,  1 9 ;  possible  removal  to  Bom- 
bay, 341  ;  or  to  Madras,  160  «. ;  brokers 
at  {see  also  Chhota,  Somaji,  and  Valji), 
^5»  203 :  abuses  in  the  factory,  20,  23, 
101  ;  housekeeping  expenses,  24,  84,  93, 
117,  121-2,  209;  amount  of  customs 
paid  at,  193  ;  customs  remitted  after  the 
raid,  311-12;  reduction  of  English  cus- 
toms, 302-3,  311-14;  text  of  the  grant, 
314;  reduction  cancelled  later,  315;  re- 
wards from  Company  for  defence  of,  313, 
315  ;  French  priests  at,  199,  310,  310  «. ; 
Dutch  at,  2,  15,  77,  82, 120-1, 193,  201- 
6,  229  w.,  314-15,  328-31  ;  their  factory, 
300,  309 ;  defended  against  Sivaji,  296, 
300,  305-6,  308-10. 

Surat  Frigate,  the,  12,  16,  84,  211  ; 
voyages  of,  1,  18(2),  24,  28,  30,  72-3, 
95,  "7,  206-7,  251(2),  262,  317(3), 
.^27,  330;  captain  of,  317:  purser  of, 
251. 

.Surgeons,  11,  27,  73,  170,  182,  213,  288, 
338,  373,  388. 

Suriir  Mashhadi,  190. 

Swally,  passim  ;  tombs  at,  1 14  «. 

Swally,  the,  i  ;  lost,  2,  117  ;  recovery  of, 
73,  229,  239-40,  244,  258, 261. 

Swanley,  George,  28,  72,  78-9. 

Swift,  John,  327. 

Swinglehurst,  Edward,  27,  31,  331  n. 

Swinglehurst,  Humphrey,  277. 

Swordblades,  212. 

Swords,  177,  284,  367. 

Symonds,  Thomas,  48,  55. 

Taffetas,  supply  of,  61,  63,  163,  165,  179, 
291,368,  402;  price  of,  379,  398,  402; 
manufacture  of,  46,  62,  158,  290-1  ; 
made  at  Chaul,  64 ;  proposal  to  make  at 
Madras,  63-5;  and  at  Hugli,  63,  65, 
402  ;  suggested  contract  at  Hugli  for,  62, 

65. 

Taiwan,  247,  273,  322. 

Ta'izz,  1S9. 

Taksal,  6. 

Tandel,  229. 

Tangier,  125,  135. 

Tanjore,  174;  Nayak  of,  365. 

Tapa  Tapa,  40-1,  148, 151,  273. 

'  Tapseels '.     See  Cotton  goods. 

Taskrif,  274. 

Tatta,  340 ;  factory  at,  see  Sind. 

Tavemier,  J.  B.,  88«.,  loi «.,  121  «., 
310  «. 

Taylor,  Randolph,  3,  98,  213  ;  captured  by 
Marathas,  4-6,  27,  229;  negotiations  for 
release,  6-13,  80,  86-8,  90,  105,  107-8, 


INDEX 


427 


230;  released,  308,  230-4;  goes  to 
Surat,  234-5,  238;  sent  to  Malabar 
Coast,  200,  224 «.,  257-61,  328,  348- 
51;  letters  from,  3,  5-11,   230,  259-60, 

330,  335.  337(2),  348-51.  359- 
Taylor,    Richard,    213 ;    his   capture  and 

release,  see  Taylor,   Randolph  ;  goes  to 

Surat,  234 ;  sent  to  Achin,  317  ;  drowned, 

323;  letters  from,  5-1 1,  230. 
Tekkencur,  354. 

Tenasserim,  154-5,  174«-,  282,  363,  378. 
Ter  Schelling,  the,  70  n. 
Thakursi,  75. 
Thana,  133-4,  143,  237. 
Thevenot,  Jean  de,  310,  327  k. 
Thomas,  Peter,  47,  49,  151. 
Thomson,  Rev.  Thomas,  31,  198. 
Thomson,  Sir  William,  386. 
Thome,  Ensign  John,  332-3.  335.  337-8- 
Thorowgood,  Capt.  Charles,  371,  381. 
Timber,  24,  218,  284,  313. 
Timmanna.     See  Beri. 
Timmaya  Nayak,  343  n. 
Tin,  from  Malay  Peninsula,  283,  376,  384 ; 

from  Bantam,  211  ;    sale  of,  211,  355; 

price  of,  no,  211. 
Tincal.  See  Borax. 
Tinker,  John,  193,  193  n.,  195,  220,  230(2), 

233- 

Tiravallur,  174. 

Tobacco,  263. 

Tombstones,  387. 

Tongouds,  310. 

Tonkin,  207,  282. 

Tonnage  measurement,  192,  210,  359. 

Townsend,  Gabriel,  163,  166,  182. 

Trade,  port-to-port,  unprofitable,  84 ;  for- 
bidden, 156,  158,  163,  271;  to  be  regu- 
lated, 171,  179. 

Trade,  private,  measures  for  prevention,  22, 
41,  97,  163,  170,  179-81,  326,  370, 
380 ;  rewards  for  detection,  97,  164 ; 
proposed  regulation  of,  284 ;  in  jewels, 
etc.,  permitted,  188,  196,  327,  376,  384. 

Tranquebar,  53,  182. 

Travancore,  352. 

Travers,  Walter,  at  Kayal,  27,  73, 104,  229, 
251-6,  258-9,  26512),  352,  353 «•-  355; 
at  Tuticorin,  34,  277,  283,  286,  360(4), 
364;  his  quarrel  with  Nelthrop,  360—1, 
374-6,  384. 

Trevisa,  Jonathan,  Agent  in  Bengal,  42, 
46,  60-71,  145-83,  185-6,  294,  400; 
and  the  Dutch,  69-71  ;  his  loans  from 
Mir  Jumla,  61-2,  68,  149,  153,  183,  269, 
287,  292,  397(2);  blamed,  23,  48,  50, 
60-2,  64-5,  68,  152,  271;  called  to 
Madras,  48,  64-6,  145,  150,  154;  dis- 
missed, 160,  166;  illness  of,  152-3,  166, 
185  ;  goes  to  Madras,  183  (2),  287  ;  called 


to  account,  165,  179,  289-90,  292-3, 295, 

367,  398  ;  sent  back  to  Bengal,  269,  287 ; 

returns  to  Madras,  293  ;  goes  home,  295, 

398  ;  dies,  295. 
Trinkomali.     See  Kottiar. 
Trivikram  Gopalji,  260. 
Trombay,  126,  133. 
Truro,  the,  32,  48—9;  goes  to  Surat,  28, 

30»  39.  49,  55.  67.  M5,  '53  ;  sent  home, 
72,76,78-9. 

Tucker,  Robert,  2,  73,  82  (2),  351. 

'  Tulpora  ',  85  n. 

Tulsi  Das  Parak,  89,  11 7-1 8,  122,  318. 

Tumans,  31,  196,  320,  331  n. 

Turkey,  380. 

Turks,  the,  297,  308. 

Turmeric,  85,  150,  187,  210,  292. 

Turner,  Francis,  277,  360,  362. 

Turner,  Thomas,  36  (4),  147,  277,  286. 

Tutenague,  5 1 ,  206,  282. 

Tuticorin,  253,  2S3 ;  factors  at,  34,  277, 
283,  286,  360,  364,  375-6,  384;  question 
of  withdrawing,  365,  376,  391  ;  Dutch 
at,  253-6,  265,   286,  360;  ruler  of,  360 

(3). 
Tyrwhitt,  William,  23,  28,  79. 

Umara,  8,  ii. 
Umra,  3. 
Utiar,  249,  265. 

Vadakunkur,  354. 

Valji,  107,  120(2),  232-3,  244,  258;   sent 

to  Bhatkal,  342,  345-9. 
Valkenburg,  Cornells,  356. 
Van  Adrichem,  Dirck,  Dutch  chief  at  Surat, 

202—6,  309  ;  his  embassy  to  Delhi,  120-1. 
Van  den  Broek,  Matheus,  69. 
Van  Goens,  Rijkloff,  81,  now.,  218,  247- 

8,  250,  262,  270,  350. 
Varampulla,  360. 
Vassall,    William,   46,    54,    281,    374(5), 

379-80. 
Vendome,  Due  de,  189  n. 
Vengurla,  88,  88«.,  107  «.,  117,  121,  241  ; 

Dutch  at,  4,  5,   237,   239,  259,   350-1  ; 

proposed    English    factory    at,    261  n., 

Sivaji  and,  237,  260,  348,  350-1,  359. 
Vermilion,  302,  381  ;  wanted,  33,  in,  179, 

281  ;  sent  out,  198,  272  ;  price  of,  210. 
Vetti,  — ,  353  n. 

Vincent,  Matthias,  163,  166,  182. 
Vine,  the,  20,  82,  84,  211 ;  goes  to  Persia, 

I,  95  ;  to  Johore,  3,   16,  24,   28,  30,  79, 

83;  to  Basra,  78-81,  108-9;    to  Achin, 

104,  195,  316,  342  ;  wrecked,  322,  330. 
Viravasaram,  368 ;    factors  at,    36,    54-5, 

147,  152,  182;  question  of  retaining,  170, 

266 ;   goods  from,    159 ;    English  house 

at,  383,  39»- 


428 


INDEX 


Virji  Vora,  15,  100,  102,  113,  122,  207, 
318,  325;  gift  to  Company,  21;  debts 
to,  26;  Sivaji  and,  299,  303,  310;  his 
wealth,  308,  313. 

Vivian,  Roger,  156. 

Vypin,  247. 

Walsh,  Rev.  Charles,  170. 

Ward,  Robert,  27,  213. 

Wasota,  5,  6. 

Wax  cloth,  159. 

JVazir,  74,  82. 

Weavers  fleeced  by  brokers,  111-12. 

Welco7?ie,  the,  84,  118 ;  lost,  3,  24. 

West,  James,  75. 

Westrow,  John,  170,  182. 

Wheat,    145,    175,    200,    222,    258,    263, 

273. 
Whitefield,  Rev.  Thomas,  167,  276,  284, 

376,  378,  390  (3)- 
Whiting,  Edward,  288. 
Widdrington,  John,  27,  83,  195,   277(2), 

323,  363- 
Wilkes,  John,  195. 
Wilkins,  Christopher,  175. 
Willet,  John,  258. 
Winchilsea,  Earl  of,  125. 
Wine  from  England,  275,  385;  from  Persia, 

34. 
Winter,  Sir  Edward,  37«.,  42,  52,  392; 
his  debt  to  the  Company,  35,  43,  48,  147, 
267  ;  appointed  Agent  at  Madras,  160; 
knighted,  160;  claims  to  be  a  baronet, 
161;  goes  out,  161;  arrives,  168;  his 
administration,  169-86,  266-86,  360-93 ; 
goes  to  Masulipatam,  1 70 ;  wounded 
there,  171-3,  176;  plot  to  seize  him, 
173  ;  returns  to  Madras,  173-4;  proposed 
visit  to  Golconda,  175,  181,  268,  274, 
367,  380 ;  goes  again  to  Masulipatam, 
184,  372  ;  and  MadapoUam,  372-3  ;  re- 


turns to  Madras,  374;  his  dealings  with 
the  Bengal  factors,  183, 185,  292-3,  398- 
9,  440-2;  and  Jearsey,  362-5,  372-3, 
377.  381-3.  387-8  ;  and  Timmanna, 
365-6,  377.388-9;  and  Buckeridge,  370, 
372.  377-8,  382-3,  385,  387.  391-2; 
and  the  Dutch,  363-5 ;  on  decline  of 
English  prestige,  379,  401  ;  his  buildings 
at  Madras,  283-4,  374.  388-9 ;  his 
houses,  170,  266,  389,391  (2);  his  private 
trade,  42,  174,  377  ;  asks  to  be  relieved, 
285  ;  charges  against,  365-6,  369,  387- 
9;  his  answers,  377-9,  383,  387-8; 
suggests  an  independent  examination, 
387;  nearly  drowned,  275  «.;  lends 
money,  267,  269,  389 ;  his  wife,  160 ; 
his  other  relatives,  I29«.,  266  w.,  273, 
275  «•,  363.  365-6,  377.  385;  his  ser- 
vants, 369 ;  his  agents,  147.  See  also 
St.  George. 

Winter,  Francis,  363. 

Winter,  Thomas,  senior,  273  «.,  366,  385. 

Winter,  Thomas,  junior,  273. 

Winter  Frigate,  the,  36  (2),  42,  55-6 ; 
disposal  of,  272—3,  275,  281. 

Wool.     See  Karman. 

Wyche,  President,  17,  19,  92,  118;  his 
widow,  117. 

Wylde,  Charles,  53,  272,  275-6,  282,  286. 

Xavier,  Francis,  253  n. 

Yard,  John,  38. 

Yellapur,  239,  344,  347. 

York;  Duke  of,  79«.,  no,  126,  129,  143, 

225,  271. 
Yotmg,  Henry,  94. 

Zamorin.     See  Calicut. 
Zarntkk,  384  n. 
Zerafin,  143,  263,  354. 


Printed  in  England  at  the  Oxford  University  Press 


University  of  Toronto 
Library 

DO  NOT 

REMOVE 

THE 

CARD 

FROM 

THIS 

POCKET 


Acme  Library  Card  Pocket 

Under  Pat.  "Ref .  Index  File" 

Made  by  LIBRARY  BUREAU