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THE    RIGHTE   HONOURABLE 

&'  Iratwns  Bacon,  knigljt. 

LORDE  HIGHE  CHANCELLOVR  OF  ENGLANDE, 
and  one  of  his  Mal!i?  most  ban—  privie  counsel!. 


literature  £>erie$ 


E    ESSAYS 


OF   FRANCIS   BACON 


EDITED  WITH  INTRODUCTION 
AND  NOTES 

BY 

CLARK  SUTHERLAND  NORTHUP,  Pn.D 

Assistant  Professor  of  the  English  Language  and  Literature  in 
Cornell  University 


HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 


BOSTON     •     NEW  YORK     •      CHICAGO 
SAN  FRANCISCO 

(Elje  &ii)cr£itie  *kess  Cambridge 


DALLAS 


• 

COPYRIGHT   1908  BY   HOJJfi«Tt5N~~MiFFLIN   XtO)   COMPANY 


AjCfc-^I 


IGHTS   RESERVED 


CAMBRIDGE    .    MASSACHUSETTS 
PRINTED   IN  THE  U.S.A. 


CONTENTS 

PREFACE •  v 

INTRODUCTION 

The  Life  of  Bacon                  .......  VH 

The  Essays xxii 

M       Bibliographical  Note xxvii 

Chronological  Table xxviii 

ESSAYS           1 

i/  v*T  Of  Truth  " 5. 

^-2.  Of  Death  - 7* 

I/  3.  Of  Unity  in  Religion  " 10 

o  4.  Of  Revenge      . '       .        .        .        .        .        .        .15 

5.  Of  Adversity       •» 16 

I'o  6.  Of  Simulation  and  Dissimulation     ....  18 

^''7.  Of  Parents  and  Children 21 

.'•    a  Of  Marriage  and  Single  Life                     1        .        .  23 

9.  Of  Envy •    .  25 

-  10.  Of  Love 30 

oil.  Of  Great  Place 32 

"12.  OT  Boldness 36 

13.  Of  Goodness  and  Goodness  of  Nature          .        .  38 

_14.  Of  Nobility       ........  41 

T5.  Of  Seditions  and  Troubles 43 

1/-16.  Of  Atheism' 51 

.  17.  Of  Superstition 54 

18.  Of  Travel 56 

-19^  Of  Empire  , 58 

.IP.  Of  Counsel' 64 

i^81.,Of  Delays    , 69 

22.  Of  Cunning .70 

23.  Of  Wisdom  for  a  Man's  Self        ....  74 
24.Df  Innovations 76 

25.  Of  Dispatch 77 

26.  Of  Seeming  Wise 79 

o  If.  Of  Friendship 81 


1V  CONTENTS 

28.  Of  Expense 89 

,/29.  Of  the  True  Greatness  of  Kingdoms  and  Estates  .          90 

.  3ft  Of  Regiment  of  Health     .  ...  101 

31.  Of  Suspicion 103 

32.  Of  Discourse 104 

33.  Of  Plantations       .      , 106 

*34.  Of  Riches 110 

S3.  Of  Prophecies 113 

Of  Ambition 117- 

37.  Of  Masques  and  Triumphs 119 

f.  Of  Nature  in  Men 121 

.  Of  Custom  and  Education 123 

4£.  Of  Fortune 125 

41.  Of  Usury 127 

V42.  Of  Yduth  and  Age 131 

43.  Of  Beauty     .  134' 

44.  Of  Deformity   .  .. 135 

45.  Of  Building         .. 136 

^  46.  Of  Gardens      .  141 

47.  Of  Negotiating 148 

^48.  Of  Followers  and  Friends 150 

49.  Of  Suitors 152 

•*"  .50.  Of  Studies 154  - 

51.  Of  Faction 156 

r     52.  Of  Ceremonies  and  Respects 158 

58.  Of  Praise 159 

/_54.  Of  Vain-Glory 161 

J>5.  Of  Honor  and  Reputation 163 

.£6.  Of  Judicature 165 

57.  Of  Anger 170 

58.  Of  Vicissitude  of  Things 172 

59.  Of  Fame:  a  Fragment 179 

NOTES igi 

SUGGESTIONS  for  the  Study  of  the  Essays  ....  226 


V 


PREFACE 


THE  text  of  this  edition  of  Bacon's  Essays  is  based  on 
that  of  Spedding,  carefully  collated  with  Arber's,  and  con 
stantly  compared  with  the  texts  of  Wright  and  Reynolda 
The  spelling  and  capitalization  have  been  more  thoroughly 
modernized  than  in  most  other  texts,  though  some  familiar 
archaic  spellings  have  been  kept ;  and  the  punctuation  has 
been  somewhat  simplified.  In  the  majority  of  instances  I 
have  retained  Spedding's  virile  translations  of  the  quotations 
from  foreign  languages.  In  writing  on  the  vexed  question 
of  Bacon's  character,  I  have  been  much  indebted,  as  every 
careful  student  of  Bacon  will  always  be,  to  the  epoch 
making  researches  of  Spedding,  who,  while  unconsciously 
minimizing,  perhaps,  the  significance  of  some  unpleasant 
facts,  has  given  us  on  the  whole  the  justest  narrative  of 
Bacon's  life  that  we  have.  In  the  notes,  while  assuming 
that  the  student  will  have  access  to  a  good  unabridged  dic 
tionary,  I  have  nevertheless  kept  in  mind  the  fact  that  for 
many  large  classes  there  are  not  reference  books  enough  to 
go  around,  and  hence  students  must  rely  largely  upon  the 
notes  for  explanations  of  all  kinds  of  difficulties.  My  con 
stant  indebtedness  to  the  commentators  mentioned  above, 
as  well  as  to  Dr.  Abbott,  will  be  evident,  and  I  acknowledge 
it  with  gratitude.  I  must  also  record  my  obligation  to  my 
colleague,  Professor  William  Strunk,  Jr.,  for  the  use  of 
notes  generously  proffered,  and  to  the  authorities  of  the 
Harvard  University  Library  for  the  loan  of  Holland's  Plu 

tarch. 

C.  S.  N 
CORNELL  UNIVERSITY,  ITHACA,  N.  Y., 

October,  1907. 


INTRODUCTION 


THE  LIFE   OF   BACON 

THE  life  of  Francis  Bacon  is  one  of  the  most  interesting, 
picturesque,  and  pathetically  tragic  in  the  whole  range  of 
literary  history.  He  was  born  for  great  things ;  he  had  a 
brilliant  public  career,  which  came  to  a  startling  and  igno 
minious  end.  Withal  his  devotion  to  science  and  letters  was 
such  that  the  world  will  not  soon  forget  it.  So  great  and  ver 
satile  was  his  genius  that  he  not  only  has  been  called  the 
Shakespeare  of  English  prose,  but  has  also  (though  on 
wholly  inadequate  grounds)  been  regarded  by  some  as  the 
author  of  Shakespeare's  plays.  The  story  of  so  eventful  a 
life  cannot  well  be  told  in  the  space  at  our  command ;  we 
must  be  content  with  the  leading  facts  and  a  few  general 
observations. 

Francis  Bacon  was  born  at  York  House,  in  the  Strand, 
London,  January  22,  1561.  He  was  the  youngest  of  the 
eight  children  of  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  Lord  Bacon,s 
Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal,  who  was  of  a  good-  birth,  1661, 
natured,  easy-going  temperament  and  something  «"*  parent- 
of  a  humorist.  The  second  wife  of  Sir  Nicholas, 
and  the  mother  of  Anthony  and  Francis  Bacon,  was  Ann, 
second  daughter  of  Sir  Anthony  Cooke ;  her  sister  was  the 
wife  of  Sir  William  Cecil,  then  Secretary  of  State,  and  later 
Lord  Burghley.  Lady  Bacon  was  a  well-educated  woman 
of  strong  character.  She  translated  sermons  from  the  Italian, 
quoted  Latin  frequently,  and  knew  something  of  Greek. 
A  rigid  Calvinist,  she  exerted  a  marked  influence  on  her 
sons'  religious  beliefs  ;  and  one  clue  to  the  explanation  of 
Francis  Bacon's  character  is  perhaps  the  fact  that  in  early 
youth,  frequenting  a  court  where  lax  moral  and  ethical 
views  prevailed,  he  was  at  the  same  time  filled  with  the 
self-assurance  born  of  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  election  to 
eternal  happiness. 


Vlll 


INTRODUCTION 


In  his  twelfth  year,  in  1573,  Francis  Bacon  went 
his  brother  Anthony  to  Trinity  College,  Cambridge.  Here 
he  found  not  quite  eighteen  hundred  students,  among  them 
Edward  Coke,  his  later  rival,  Edmund  Spenser  and  his  friend 
Edward  Kirke,  and  Gabriel  Harvey  ;  many  of  these  were  too 
young  to  know  why  they  were  there.  His  prescribed  studies 
Education  were  mathematics  (including  cosmography,  ari th 
at  Trinity  metic,  geometry,  and  astronomy),  dialectics,  phi- 
CamMdge,  losophy,  perspective,  and  Greek.  In  public,  ex-. 
1573-74  '  cept  in  hours  of  leisure,  he  had  to  speak  Hebrew, 
Greek,  or  Latin.  While  devoting  himself  to  Greek,  he  re 
belled  against  the  doctrines  of  Aristotle,  whose  infallibility 
had  been  somewhat  shaken  by  Peter  Ramus  (1515-1572)  a 
decade  before;  but  it  was  not  so  much  Aristotle's  logical 
method  as  his  physical  theories  that  Bacon  questioned.  For 
example,  Aristotle's  theory  of  astronomy  was  based  on  the 
fundamental  proposition  that  the  heavens  and  heavenly 
bodies  were  incorruptible,  unchangeable,  and  wholly  regular; 
hence  all  the  motions  of  these  bodies  must  be  in  the  per 
fect  figure  of  the  circle  and  all  their  orbits  must  be  concen 
tric  ;  moreover,  the  four  elements,  earth,  air,  fire,  and  water, 
being  perishable,  the  imperishable  stars  must  be  made  of 
an  imperishable  fifth  essence.  These  doctrines  of  Aristotle 
the  Schoolmen  of  the  Middle  Ages,  especially  Thomas 
Aquinas  (1225-1274),  so  systematized  and  fixed  that  they 
virtually  became  great  obstructions  to  the  progress  of 
knowledge.  But  even  as  a  boy  of  eleven  Bacon  saw  in  the 
northern  heavens,  in  a  region  that  Aristotle  had  pro 
nounced  incapable  of  change,  the  wonderful  new  star  in  the 
constellation  Cassiopeia.  No  wonder  the  study  of  nature 
through  Aristotle's  dogmas  struck  Bacon  as  barren  and 
wrong,  and  moved  him  to  devise  a  more  fruitful  method. 
The  remarkable  thing,  as  Mr.  Spedding  points  out,  is  that 
this  undertaking  became  the  real  if  not  wholly  absorbing 
passion  of  his  life. 

The  plague  which  broke  out  in  August,  1574,  drove  the 
Bacons  from  Cambridge  until  the  foilowing  March ;  then 
they  returned  and  remained  until  Christmas. 

In  June.  1576,  the  brothers  were  admitted  to  Gray's  Inn, 


INTRODUCTION  ix 

London,  and  began  the  study  of  law.    Three  months  later 
Francis  went  with  Sir  Amias  Paulet,  the  British   Begins  the 
ambassador,  to  France.    Here  he  remained  dur-   "tudyol 
ing  two  and  a  half  significant  years,   studying 
diplomatic  affairs  and  foreign  policy.    The  impression  he 
made  upon  those  who  talked  with  him  is  indi-   Twoyeara 
cated  by  the  inscription  on  Hilliard's  miniature,   in  France, 
painted  in    1578:   "If  a  worthy  canvas   were   1676-78 
given  me,  I  would  rather  paint  his  mind."  From  this  life 
of  studious  ease  he  was  rudely  awakened  by  the  death  of 
his  father,  which  obliged  him  to  return  to  England ;  and 
as  Sir  Nicholas  had  failed  to  provide  for  his  youngest  son, 
Francis  was  now  compelled  to  begin  in  earnest  his  prepara 
tion  for  the  legal  profession,  by  which  he  was  to  live. 

In  June,  1582,  he  was  admitted  an  utter  (or  junior) 
barrister  of  Gray's  Inn  ;  and  November  23,  1584,  he  took 
his  seat  in  Parliament  for  Melcombe  Regis,  Dor-  M  p  Jw 
setshire.    That  he  was  a  bold  as  well  as  alert  Melcombe 
politician  is  evident  from  his  Advice  to  Queen  Regis, 
Elizabeth,  written  soon  after  entering  Parliament. 
The^conflict  was  approaching  between  Protestant  England 
and  Catholic  Spain.    Three  plots  had  already  been  exposed 
against  the  life  of  the  Qneen,  in  whom  were  centred  the 
hopes  "of  England,  of  liberty,  and  of  the  Pro-    "Advice to 
testant  faith  ;  "  and  a  voluntary  association  had    Queen  Eliz- 
been  formed  to  prosecute  to  the  death  any  person    al)etn" 
in  whose  behalf  violence  should  be  offered  to  the  Sovereign. 
Bacon  urged  rigorous  repression  of  the  suspected  Catholics, 
but  less  violent  measures  against  the  Puritans.     The  trea 
tise  is  remarkable  for  shrewdness,  wit,  and  tact. 

Two  years  later,  in  1586,  came  the  trial  and  conviction 
of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots.     In  the  Parliament  of  that  year 
Bacon   sat  for  Taunton,  Somersetshire,  and  was   ^.  P.  lor 
one  of  those  who  signed  the  petition  for  Mary's   Taunton, 
execution.     Becoming  a  bencher  of  Gray's   Inn,    158( 
Bneon  now  attained  the  full  rights  of  a  practising  lawyer. 
"While  he  did  not  earn  much  as  a  barrister,  he  became  more 
and  more  prominent  in  Parliament. 

The  Aruiadu  came  and  went ;  and  in  the  following  year 


x  INTRODUCTION 

the  quarrel  between  the  Puritans  and  the  High  Churchmen 
was  renewed.  In  his  Advertisement  touching 
ustment  *he  Controversies  of  the  Church  of  England 
touching  (1589),  Bacon  sought  to  arbitrate  the  bitter  and 
the  Contro-  bigoted  conflict  by  considering  the  occasions  of 
the  Otaxoh  th®  controversies,  their  growth,  the  unjust  mea- 
of  Bug-  sures  of  the  bishops,  and  the  separatist  tenden- 
Ulld'"  cies  of  the  Puritans ;  prescribing,  as  the  remedy, 
greater  charity  and  more  knowledge,  or,  as  Mat 
thew  Arnold  would  have  put  it,  more  "  sweetness  and 
light." 

,  About  1590  Bacon  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  Earl 
of  Essex,  the  rash,  impetuous,  generous,  sympathetic  favor- 
Beginning  ite  of  the  Queen.  Here  was  a  man  whose  frieud- 
of  friend-  g^jp  C0uld  do  much  for  Bacon  and  for  the  great 
Essex!""  philosophical  enterprise  which  he  had  begun  to 
1590 '  think  of  in  his  Cambridge  days.  Essex  was  able 
and  ready  to  discuss  the  high  aimsjthat  inspired  Bacon, 
and  to  intercede  for  him  with  the  Queen  for  some  office 
whereby  he  might  be  freed  from  professional  drudgery  and 
enabled  to  prosecute  his  studies.  In  asking  Lord  Burghley 
for  help,  about  this  time,  Bacon  says :  — 

"Lastly,  I  confess  that  I  have  as  vast  contemplative  ends,  as  I 
have  moderate  civil  ends:  for  I  have  taken  all  knowledge  to  be 
my  province  ;  and  if  I  could  purge  it  of  two  sorts  of  rovers, 
whereof  the  one  with  frivolous  disputations,  confutations,  and 
verbosities,  the  other  with  blind  experiments  and  auricular  tra 
ditions  and  impostures,  hath  committed  so  many  spoils,  I  hope 
I  should  bring  in  industrious  observations,  grounded  conclusions, 
and  profitable  inventions  and  discoveries ;  the  best  state  in  that 
province.  This,  whether  it  be  curiosity,  or  vain-glory,  or  nature, 
or  (if  one  take  it  favorably)  philanthropic^,  is  so  fixed  in  my 
mind  as  it  cannot  be  removed." 

But  while  Bacon's  repeated  requests  to  Burghley  were 
Failure  to  poured  into  a  deaf  ear,  Essex  proved  an  ardent  ana 
obtain  of-  faithful  patron.  The  place  of  Attorney-General 
torney-Gen-  soon  ^ecame  vacant;  and  Essex  tried  to  secure 
oral  and  it  for  his  friend.  But  Bacon  had  made  himself 
Solicitor  obnoxious  to  the  Queen  by  protesting  against  cer 
tain  subsidies  which  he  thought  would  involve  excessive 


INTRODUCTION  xi 

taxation ;  and  his  rival  Coke  was  made  Attorney-General. 
No  better  fortune  attended  his  suit  for  the  humbler  office  of 
Solicitor  ;  but  Essex,  anxious  to  pay  for  the  time  and  pains 
devoted  to  his  own  affairs,  gave  Bacon  a  piece  of  land  which 
afterwards  sold  for  £1800,  the  equivalent  in  purchasing 
power  of  about  $45,000  to-day.  This  for  a  while  relieved 
Bacon  of  the  financial  embarrassments  which  beset  him. 

Up  to  this  time  of  his  life  Bacon  is  not  accused  of  doing 
anything  distinctly  dishonorable.  True,  his  servile  place- 
hunting  is  not  admirable ;  but  it  arose  partly  out  of  unfor 
tunate  conditions.  His  conduct  toward  Essex  from  now  on 
is  variously  interpreted  :  by  some,  as  that  of  a  patriot  who 
placed  loyalty  to  the  state  above  friendship;  by  others, 
as  the  conduct  of  a  heartless  ingrate.  Much  depends  on 
whether  Essex  can  or  cannot  be  proved  to  have  become  a 
traitor. 

Essex  and  Bacon  continued  friends  as  before  ;  but  Bacon 
ceased  for  a  time  to  seek  for  office.    He  wrote  his  Maxims 
of  the  Law  (published  in  January,  1596),  his   works  from 
Essays,  Colors  of  Good  and  Evil,  and  Medi-   "96  to 
tationes  Sacra?,  all  of  which  appeared  in  1597.   clndl^g 
He  still  sat  in  Parliament,  in  1597  for  South-    "Essays," 
ampton.    He  was  an  unsuccessful  suitor  for  the   1697 
hand  of  a  rich  widow,  his  cousin  Lady  Hatton,  who  ac 
cepted  his  rival  Coke  instead.    Meanwhile  he  counselled 
Essex   to  try  to  win   and  retain    the  Queen's  M  P  lor 
favor  by  making  a  show  of  being  deferential  and   Southamp- 
obsequious.     But  Essex  was  not  skilled  in  dis-  ton' 1597 
simulation;  he  quarrelled  more  than  once  with  Elizabeth, 
and  on  one  occasion  his  insolence  so  enraged  her  that  she 
struck  him  and  had  him  ejected  from  the  coun-    Quarrel 
cil-chamber.    A  few  months  later,  acting  on  Ba-   between 
con's  advice,  he  pretended  that  he  would  accept  JjJJ"  Jjj 
the  task  of  quelling  the  Irish  rebellion  under  the 
Earl  of  Tyrone.    Of  this  expedition  Essex  made  a  wretched 
failure ;  and  he  was  ordered  to  answer  for  his  mismanagement 
and  for  disobedience,  in  the  Court  of  the  Star  Chamber. 
Although  soon  released,  he  continued  under  the  displea 
sure  of  the  Queen,  who  refused  to  renew  the  grant  of  the 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

monopoly  of  sweet  wines  whence  he  derived  most  of  his 
income.  Already  deeply  in  debt,  Essex  now  saw  himself 
on  the  brink  of  ruin ;  and  having  persuaded  himself  that 
England's  safety  and  his  own  lay  in  ruining  his  rivals,  the 
Queen's  present  advisers,  he  plotted  to  surprise  the  court 
and  remove  them  by  force.  The  revolt  miscarried  and  Essex 
was  tried  for  treason. 

As  one  of  the  Learned  Counsel  Bacon  now  occupied  a 
subordinate,  unsalaried  place  in  the  Government.  He  has 
been  censured  because,  when  called  upon  to  participate  in 
Essex  tried  the  trial,  he  did  not  decline  ;  but  Essex  was  not 
lor  treason  yet  condemned,  and  Bacon  doubtless  thought  he 
could  help  his  friend.?  For  ten  days  the  trial  went  on 
without  results ;  finally  the  confession  of  accomplices  re 
vealed  deliberate  treasonable  action  on  the  part  of  Essex 
and  his  confederates.  It  was  then  too  late  for  Bacon  to 
decline  his  task ;  and  he  now  set  the  claims  of  loyal  cit 
izenship  above  those  of  friendship ;  the  general  good  above 
Bacon's  private  good.  He  pressed  the  charge  of  treason 
part  in  tie  for  « this  late  and  horrible  rebellion,"  and  rightly 
condemna-  ,  _ 

tionoi          treated  Essex  s  defence,  that  he  was  protecting 

Essex  himself  from  his  enemies,  as  a  mere  afterthought. 
The  result  was  the  conviction  of  Essex  and  four  of  his 
followers.  Even  then,  Bacon  declared  in  his  Apology 
(1601),  he  besought  mercy  of  the  Queen  and  tried  to  ex 
tenuate  the  sentence.  But  his  effort  was  in  vain.  On  Feb 
ruary  26,  1601,  Essex  was  executed. 

It  is  idle  to  see  in  all  this,  as  some  do,  a  treacherous 
desertion  of  Essex.  As  Professor  Gardiner  suggests,  doubt 
less  Bacon  had  a  poverty  of  moral  feeling ;  certainly  he 
nowhere  records  any  pain  at  having  to  help  prosecute  his 
friend.  But  two  things  must  be  borne  in  mind  :  first,  Bacon 
had  himself  rendered  valuable  services  to  Essex  and  was 
under  no  obligation  to  him ;  second,  Essex's  crime  seems 
less  heinous  in  these  days  of  political  security  than  it 
seemed  in  Elizabeth's  day,  when  the  welfare  of  the  state 
so  largely  depended  on  the  safety  of  the  sovereign. 

Under  Elizabeth,  Bacon  never  obtained  an  office  worthy 
of  his  abilities.  For  a  time  he  was  but  little  more  success.. 


INTRODUCTION  xiii 

ful  with  thf   new  sovereign.     True,  James  honored  him 
with  knighthood  ;    but   he  was  dubbed  along  with  some 
three  hundred  others.    For  a  time  Bacon  lived  in    „_. 
retirement.    He  now  wrote  the  first  book  of  The   vancement 
Advancement  of  Learning  as  well  as  the  brief  oiLeara- 
"  Proem  "  to  The  Interpretation  of  Nature,  in   tag>"  1605 
which  he  sets  forth  his  real  mission  and  motives.     He  had 
set  himself,  he  says,  to  consider  how  mankind  might  best  be 
served  and  what  he  was  naturally  best  fitted  to  do.    Of  all 
benefits  he  "  found  none  so  great  as  the  discovery  of  new 
arts,   endowments,  and  commodities  for   the  bettering  of 
man's  life."   But  if  one  could  kindle  in  Nature  a  light  that 
should  presently  disclose  her  most  hidden  secrets,  that  man 
would  indeed  benefit  the  race.   He  found  himself  best  fitted 
for  the  study  of  truth,  "  with  desire  to  seek,  patience  to 
doubt,  fondness  to  meditate,  slowness  to  assert,  readiness 
to  reconsider,  carefulness   to  dispose  and   set   in   order." 
Yet  his  birth  and  education  had  seasoned  him  in  business 
of  state  ;  his  country  had  special  claims  upon  him  ;  and 
believing  that  if  he  rose  in  the  state  he  should   Bacon's  de- 
command  industry  and  ability  to  help  him  in  his   v°ti<mto 
work,  he  had  entered  public  life.   In  this  he  had,    JU^*1' 
too,  another  motive,  that  he  "  might  get  some-   search 
thing  done  for  the  good  of  men's  souls."   Finding,  however, 
that  his  zeal  was  mistaken  for  ambition,  that  his  life  had 
already  reached  the  turning-point,  and  that  he  was  leaving 
undone  the  good  he  alone  could  do,  he  put  aside  all  thoughts 
of  statecraft  and  betook  himself  wholly  to  this  work. 

But  Bacon  was  still  destined  for  many  years  to  live  the 
life  of  a  statesman  rather  than  of  a  philosopher.  When 
the  first  Parliament  under  King  James  met  in  March,  1604, 
he  returned  to  public  life.  In  the  contest  between  the 

Commons  and  the  King  over  some  matters  of  , 

,.          ,         i  •!/•  11      i    i    ,      ,  Bacon  made 

prerogative,   he   skilfully   led  both   parties  to  a    Learned 

compromise.     In   August  the   King  granted  to   Counsel, 
him  by  patent  the  office   of    Learned   Counsel,    1604 
and  at  the  same  time  conferred  on  him  an   annual  life- 
pension  of  £60. 

The  interval  between  December,  1604,  and  the  next  meet- 


XIV 


INTRODUCTION 


ing  of  Parliament  in  November,  1605,  eiiabled  Bacon 
"The  AO-  to  complete  his  Two  Books  of  the  Profioience 
vancement  an^  Advancement  of  Learning.  He  dedicated 
Sg/VEto.  it  to  the  King,  hoping  thereby  to  interest  James 
LII;1605  (whom  he  avouches  to  be  "the  learnedst  king 
that  hath  reigned ")  in  his  great  intellectual  enterprises ; 
but  James,  unfortunately,  was  busy  with  other  affairs. 
Probably  the  book  would  have  made  more  of  a  stir  in  the 
London  world  had  it  not  appeared  at  the  time  of  the  in 
famous  Gunpowder  Plot,  which  overshadowed  everything 
else.  That  it  was  an  important  book  will  be  evident  from 
the  following  words  of  Dean  Church :  — 

"  The  Advancement  was  the  first  of  a  long  line  of  books  which 
have  attempted  to  teach  English  readers  how  to  think  of  know 
ledge  ;  to  make  it  really  and  intelligently  the  interest,  not  of  the 
school  or  the  study  or  the  laboratory  only,  but  of  society  at  large. 
It  was  a  book  with  a  purpose,  new  then,  but  of  which  we  have 
seen  the  fulfilment.  He  wanted'to  impress  on  his  generation,  as 
a  very  practical  matter,  all  that  knowledge  might  do  in  wise 
hands,  all  that  knowledge  had  lost  by  the  faults  and  errors  of 
men  and  the  misfortunes  of  time,  all  that  knowledge  might  be 
pushed  to  in  all  directions  by  faithful  and  patient  industry  and 
well-planned  methods  for  the  elevation  and  benefit  of  man  in  his 
highest  capacities  as  well  as  in  his  humblest.  And  he  further 
sought  to  teach  them  Iww  to  know  ;  to  make  them  understand 
that  difficult  achievement  of  self-knowledge,  to  know  what  it  i» 
to  know ;  to  give  the  first  attempted  chart  to  guide  them  among 
the  shallows  and  rocks  and  whirlpools  which  beset  the  course 
and  action  of  thought  and  inquiry." 

On  May  10, 1606,  Sir  Francis  Bacon  married  Alice  Barn- 
Marriage,  ham,  the  " handsome  daughter"  of  a  London 

alderman  and  sheriff.  Continuing  to  sue  for  pre 
ferment,  he  was  at  length  successful.  In  June,  1607,  he 
Bacon  made  Became  Solicitor-General,  receiving  an  annual 
Solicitor-  salary  of  £1000.  A  year  later  the  office  of  Clerk 
JJJ"*1'  of  the  Star  Chamber,  the  reversion  of  which  had 

been  promised  him  nineteen  years  before,  fell 
vacant;  the  additional  salary  brought  Bacon's  income  up  to 
Clerk  of  the  nearly  $25,000  a  year  (£4975).  An  interesting 
Star  Cham-  document  which  has  come  down  to  us  from  this 

time,  the  Miscellaneous  Commentary,  reveals 


INTRODUCTION  xv 

much  as  to  his  secret  thoughts  and  amhitions.  His  philo 
sophical  work  has  the  chief  place.  He  plans  to  inquire  into 
the  kinds  of  motion ;  to  write  a  history  of  marvels,  and  a 
history  of  progress  in  the  mechanical  arts ;  to  secure  the 
foundation  of  a  college  for  inventors.  As  a  statesman  and 
public  servant  he  meditates  much  on  the  welfare  Bacon.8 
of  Britain ;  on  the  problem  of  replenishing  the  ambitions 
coffers  of  the  spendthrift  King  without  further  ««  England 
alienating  the  people  and  bringing  on  civil  war ;  on  confed 
eration  with  the  Low  Countries ;  on  reforms  limiting  the 
jurisdiction  of  courts  of  justice ;  on  making  and  codifying 
new  laws  ;  on  restoring  "  the  Church  to  the  true  limits  of 
authority  since  Henry  8th's  confusion  ;  "  in  short,  on  mak 
ing  Britain  a  real  "  Monarchy  in  the  West,"  a  power  in 
European  affairs.  Truly  these  were  great  ends.  Though 
constantly  seeking  office,  Bacon  was  none  the  less  a  patriot. 

And  England  needed  the  loyal  services  of  her  sons. 
The  struggle  was  beginning  between  King  and  Commons. 
"The  great  and  pressing  subject  of  the  time,"  says  Mr. 
Church,  "was  the  increasing  difficulties  of  the  revenue, 
created  partly  by  the  inevitable  changes  of  a  growing  state, 
but  much  more  by  the  King's  incorrigible  waste-  Bacon.spo. 
fulness."  By  1608  James  was  running  behind  sitioninthe 
£83,000  a  year  and  was  a  million  pounds  in  debt.  {Jjjjjj  ^ 
The  Earl  of  Salisbury,  Bacon's  cousin,  who  now  Klng  and 
became  Lord  Treasurer,  proposed  that  the  Com-  the  Com 
mons  should,  by  paying  a  fixed  sum  annually  to  mons 
the  King,  secure  relief  from  certain  burdens  incident  to  the 
exercise  of  the  royal  prerogative.  But  after  a  good  deal  of 
haggling  over  terms,  the  "Great  Contract"  came  to  no 
thing.  Bacon  on  the  one  hand  defended  as  legal  the  King's 
claim  of  the  right  to  levy  custom  duties  on  merchandize, 
and  on  the  other  tried  to  persuade  the  Commons  to  content 
themselves  with  restraining  and  limiting  this  right.  But 
the  breach  was  already  too  wide  to  be  closed  by  any  one 
man. 

Bacon's  literary  activity  kept  pace  with  his  energetic 
public  life.  His  great  philosophical  scheme  was  constantly 
in  his  mind.  In  1608  he  wrote  Heat  and  Cold  and  A 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

History  of  Sound  and  Hearing,  and  probably  began  his 
Novum  Organum,  which  he  was  not  to  publish  for  twelve 
years.  The  next  year  he  sent  to  Bishop  Andrewes  a  revised 
Minor  COPV  of  nis  Thoughts  and  Judgments  on  the  In- 
works,  terpretation  of  Nature,  which  he  had  written 

ZdinV  S0me  two  years  before  5  and  to  Tobv  Matthew  his 
anewedi-  Wisdom  of  the  Ancients.  In  this  he  attempted 
tionof  the^  an  allegorical  treatment  of  the  Greek  myths  and 
fables,  in  which  he  thought  there  "lay  enshrined 
physical  discoveries  and  political  mysteries."  An  enlarged 
edition  of  the  Essays  appeared  in  1612.  In  the  same  year 
he  wrote  his  Description  of  the  Intellectual  Globe,  an  ac 
count  of  astronomy,  and  his  Theme  of  Heaven,  its  sequel 
in  which,  ignoring  Kepler's  researches,  he  denied  not  only 
the  density  and  solidity,  but  also  the  revolution,  of  the 
earth!  He  had  too  little  time  or  inclination  for  patient 
study  before  writing. 

Upon  the  death  of  Salisbury  in  1612,  Bacon  came  into 
greater  favor  with  the  King.    In  1613  he  became  Attorney 

IZneT9  a1'  3nd  n°W  took  a  raore  Prominent  part 

General  by    "J  sfcate  affairs-     He  delivered  before  the   Star 
James,         Chamber  an  earnest  argument  against  duelling, 
which    had   become  alarmingly    prevalent     He 
*    Parli  " 


trou  •  n'     °Ug     U  Va'n'  '°  P 

thorough  revision  and  codification  of  the  laws 

this  period,  though  tradition  has  assigned  it  to  the 
-st  years  of  hls  life  probably  belongs  The  Neu,  *££ 
"TneNew  an  unfinished  romance  recalling  the  imaginary 
Jgjtn/.  commonwealth  of  Plato's  Crtiias,  and  describing 
nature  »  *?£?*  7  ^  mstitution  "for  the  interpreting  of 


INTRODUCTION 


XV 11 


had  its  share  in  leading  to  the  establishment  of  the  Royal 
Society  (1660)^  U  v  Kc     t  *  W  ^     b  H  b  c  S 

Bacon  cor^ktued  to  give  King  James  constant  proofs  of  his 
usefulness;  and  when  Viscount  Brackley  resigned    Bacon 
the  chancellorship  in  1617,  Bacon  succeeded  to  the    made  Lord 
oflice,  once  held  by  his  father,  of  Lord  Keeperof  the   ^^°'' 
Great  Seal.    On  January  1, 161 8,  he  was  forma  11  y   Lort? '' 
created  Lord  Chancellor  for  life,  with  an  increase   Cnarceiiar. 
of  £600  a  year  over  his  salary  as  Lord  Keej-er.   ^uST 
Six  months  later  he  became  Baron  Venilam.  1618 

Constantly  mindful  of  his  great  intellectual  ends,  Bacon 
devoted  the  long  vacations  to  the  studies  nearest  his  heart. 
In  October,  1620,  he  presented  King  James  with 
his  Novum  Organum  or  "New  Instrument,"  WBM. 
by  which  he  desired  "  to  make  philosophy  and  162° 
sciences  both  more  true  and  more  active."  The  book,  not 
withstanding  Bacon  had  "  been  about  some  such  work  near 
thirty  years,"  and  had  composed  the  first  draft  about  1608, 
was  incomplete;  but  the  author  had  begun  to  numl>er  his 
days,  "  and  would  have  it  saved."  The  great  object  he  sought 
to  achieve  was  to  teach  men  to  invent  or  discover  and 
judge  by  induction,  as  finding  syllogistic  or  deductive  rea 
soning  "  incompetent  for  sciences  of  nature."  The  King 
received  the  book  with  expressions  of  but  moderate  praise, 
and  even  permitted  himself  the  jest  that  it  was  "like  the 
peace  of  God,  which  passeth  all  understanding."  To  Bacon's 
plea  for  aid  in  making  collections  for  a  Natural  and  Ex 
perimental  History,  James  was  deaf. 

The  Novum,  Organum  was  to  form  the  second  part  of  a 
great  work  which  Bacon  called  Magna  Instauratio,  "  The 
Great  Restoration,"  and  which  was  to  consist  of  the  fol 
lowing  parts  :   1.  The  Divisions  of  the  Sciences,  a  general 
survey  of  the  state  of  knowledge  at  that  time.    2.    The  New 
Instrument.  3.  The  Phenomena  of  the  Universe,  Bacon's 
considered  as  materials  on  which  the  new  method  pLm  for 
was  to  be  employed.    4.  The  Ladder  of  the  Un-  ^^^ 
derstanding,  giving  illustrations  of  the  working  ratio" 
of  the  new  method.    5.  Forerunners  of  the  Second  Philo 
sophy,  containing  such  discoveries  as  Bacon  had  made  with- 


XV111 


INTRODUCTION 


out  the  aid  of  the  new  method,  the  conclusions  being  merely 
tentative.  6.  The  Second  Philosophy  or  Active  Science,  to 
contain  some  results  of  the  application  of  the  new  method 
to  phenomena.  Of  these  parts  only  the  second  and  a  part 
of  the  third  (published  also  in  1620  and  entitled  Prepara 
tion  for  a  Natural  and  Experimental  History)  appeared. 
The  conception  was  indeed  a  noble  one,  but  was  even  then 
too  vast  for  one  man.  Scientists  value  Bacon  less  for  his 
achievement  than  for  his  inspiration.  He  himself  said,  in 
deed,  u  I  only  sound  the  clarion ;  but  I  enter  not  the  battle."  X 

Notwithstanding  his  flippant  reception  of  the  Novum 
Organum,  the  King  was  not  unmindful  of  the  value  of 
Blade  Vis-  Bacon's  services,  and  in  January,  1621,  created 
conntst  him  Viscount  St.  Alban.  Bacon  was  now  at  the 
Attan>1621  pinnacle  of  his  fame.  A  peer  of  the  realm,  he 
held  the  highest  legal  office  in  the  kingdom,  with  an  annual 
income  of  probably  £10,000.  Ben  Jonson  wrote  of  him  as 

"England's  High  Chancellor,  the  destin'd  heir, 
In  his  soft  cradle,  to  his  father's  chair; 
Whose  even  thread  the  Fates  spin  round  and  full 
Out  of  their  choicest  and  their  whitest  wool." 

Yet  in  the  struggle  for  advancement  Bacon's  moral  fibre, 
never  robust,  was  weakened.  The  King  was  more  than 
ever  under  the  influence  of  a  favorite — the  infamous 
George  Villiers,  Duke  of  Buckingham ;  and  to  keep  in  the 
favor  of  both  James  and  Buckingham  and  at  the  same  time 
preserve  a  high  moral  integrity  was  to  serve  both  God  and 
Mammon.  "  There  is  rarely  any  rising,"  says  Bacon  in  his 
Essay  of  Nobility,  '  but  by  a  commixture  of  good  and  evil 
arts."  Bacon  well  understood  both  kinds. 

Yet  Bacon's  chief  fault  was,  perhaps,  that  he  fell  in  too   »•£. 
readily  with  what  were  common  practices  of  the  day,  dis- •.,.,. 
daining  to  protest  over  much  against  trifles.    Every  one     A 
accepted  bribes,  from  the  Favorite  down ;  and  Bacon 
not  scruple  to  accept  gifts  from  persons  whose  suits  were 
pending.    There  is  no  absolute  proof  that  these  presents 
affected  his  judicial  decisions ;  but  he  had  not  avoided  the 
appearance  of  evil,  and  his  enemies  made  the  most  of  the 
advantage  this  gave  them. 


INTRODUCTION  xix 

Sir  Edward  Coke,  Bacon's  old  rival,  who  had  not  been 
in  the  House  for  some  years,  was  returned  to  the  Parlia 
ment  that  met  on  January  30,  1621.  On  February  5  he 
moved  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  investigate  public 
grievances.  Certain  objectionable  monopolies  were  at  once 

brought  to  the  attention  of  the  committee  ;  and  . 

The  Indict- 
in  March  the  King  in  a  speech  alleged  that  in   ment 

granting  these  patents  "he  grounded  his  judg-   against 
ment  upon  others  who  had  misled   him" — of 
whom  Bacon  was  one.  On  March  14  a  petitioner  to  the 
House  of  Commons  alleged  that  two  and  a  half  years  be 
fore  the  Lord  Chancellor  had  received  money  from   him 
for  the  despatch  of  a  pending  suit ;  other  similar  accusations 
followed.    At  first  Bacon  defended  himself,  saying  to  the 
King :  — 

"For  the  briberies  and  gifts  wherewith  I  am  charged,  when 
the  books  of  hearts  shall  be  opened,  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  found 
to  have  the  troubled  fountain  of  a  corrupt  heart,  in  a  depraved 
habit  of  taking  rewards  to  prevent  justice;  howsoever  I  may  be 
frail,  and  partake  of  the  abuses  of  the  times." 

f5ut  when  the  twenty-three   articles   of  the   charge  as 
finally  formulated  were  laid  before  him,  Bacon,   Bacon's 
now  in  shattered  health,  attempted  no  further  coniesslxm 
defence,  but  confessed  himself  guilty  of  corruption.    In  his 
memoranda  on  the  matter  he  writes  :  — 

"There  be  three  degrees  or  cases,  as  I  conceive,  of  gifts  or  re 
wards  given  to  a  judge.  The  first  is  of  bargain,  contract,  or  pro 
mise  of  reward,  pendente  lite  [the  suit  pending].  And  of  this  my 
heajt  tells  me  I  am  innocent ;  that  I  had  no  bribe  or  reward  in 
my  eye  or  thought  when  I  pronounced  any  sentence  or  order.  The 
second  is  a  neglect  in  the  judge  to  inform  himself  whether  the 
cause  be  fully  at  an  end,  or  no,  what  time  he  receives  the  gift; 
but  takes  it  upon  the  credit  of  the  party  that  all  is  done,  or  other 
wise  omits  to  inquire.  And  the  third  is,  when  it  is  received  sine 
fraude  [without  fraud],  after  the  cause  ended  ;  which  it  seems, 
by  the  opinions  of  the  civilians,  is  no  offence."  Elsewhere  he 
adds:  "For  the  second,  I  doubt  in  some  particulars  I  may  be 
faulty.  And  for  the  last,  I  conceived  it  to  be  no  fault." 

Parliament  decreed  that  he  should  pay  a  fine  of  £40,000, 
be  imprisoned  in  the  Tower  during  the  King's  pleasure, 


xx  INTRODUCTION 

be  thenceforth  incapable  of  holding  office  or  sitting  m  Pallia-: 
Bacon's  monfr,  and  not  be  allowed  to  come  within  twelve*  <i  v  \, 
sentence  miles  of  the  court;  thus  insisting  that  public 
officers  were  responsible  to  the  state  as  well  as  to 
King.  Bacon  acquiesced  ;  "I  was  the  justest  judge,"  said 
he,  "that  was  in  England  these  fifty  years;  but  it  was 
the  justest  censure  in  Parliament  that  was  these  two  hun 
dred  years."  He  was  confined  in  the  Tower  only  two  or 
three  days  ;  and  in  September  his  fine  was  remitted  and 
assigned  to  trustees  for  his  benefit.  In  a  few  months,  hav 
ing  yielded  up  York  House  to  Cranfield  and  Buckingham, 
he  was  once  more  allowed  to  live  in  London.  But  he  could 
never  procure  a  full  pardon. 

The  years  that  remained  to  Bacon  were  spent  at  Gray's 
Inn  and  Gorhambury,  in  retirement  and  in  literary  labors. 
In  1622  he  published  his  History  of  Henry  VII,  the  first 
English  attempt  at  philosophical  history,  which 
workDe-  takes  high  rank  as  a  classic;  he  also  wrote  a  frag- 
tweeni622  ment  of  an  Advertisement  Touching  an  Holy 
War  —  a  war  which  Bacon  apparently  desired 


to  be  waged  against  the  Turks.  In  the  following  year  he 
wrote  A  History  of  Life  and  Death,  which  received  the 
commendation  of  Haller,  a  great  medical  writer;  and  pub- 
lished  a  much  expanded  Latin  translation  of  The  Advance- 
Thirdedi-  ment  °f  Learning.  His  Apophthegms  and  Trans- 
tionoltne  lations  of  Certain  Psalms  appeared  in  1624; 
"Essays,"  and  in  the  following  year  he  published  the  third 

edition  of  his  Essays.  The  last  work  upon  which 
he  was  engaged  was  his  Sylva  Sylvarum,  "  Wood  of  Woods," 
or  "Natural  History,"  which  was  published  in  1627.  fine  <*+* 

Toward  the  end  of  March,  1626,  in  the  course  of  a 
journey  from  London  to  Highgate,  Bacon  desired  to  experi- 
Bacon's  ment  on  the  effect  of  snow  in  preserving  flesh. 
iS?'  He  Purchased  a  fowl  and  stuffed  it  with  snow; 

a  chill  seized  him  and  forced  him  to  stop  at  Lord 
Arundel's  house*  Here,  on  April  9,  he  died.  He  was 
buried  in  St.  Michael's  Church,  St.  Albans. 

Thus  ended  the  career  of  a  man  of  genius;  a  life  of 
great  achievements  in  statecraft  and  in  philosophy,  a  life 

Ve   PoretAto 
Stop 


INTRODUCTION  xxi 

characterized,  however,  by  such  apparent  inconsistencies 
that  Pope  could  describe  Bacon  as  "  the  wisest,  brightest, 
meanest  of  mankind  ;  "  and  to  this  description  some  recent 
writers  have  rather  too  closely  conformed.  He  has  been 
condemned  for  the  basest  ingratitude  to  Essex,  for  the  most 
fawning  and  unblushing  flattery  and  sycophancy,  for  delib 
erately  perverting  justice  to  please  the  Favorite.  His  chief 
energy,  it  is  said,  was  given  to  a  shameless  scram-  conilict- 
wealth  and  osition  and  ower  which  togjudg- 


ble  for  wealth  and  position  and  power,  which 
utterly  belies  his  expressions  of  devotion  to  science   Bacon's 
and  philosophy.    This  view  of  Bacon,  however,   character 
is  hardly  consistent  with  the  genuine  affection  expressed 
by  friends  such  as  Dr.  Rawley,  his  chaplain,  Peter  Boener, 
his  apothecary  and  secretary,  and  Sir  Toby  Matthew,  to 
whom  Bacon  dedicated  his  Essay  of  Friendship;  or  with 
all  of  the  facts  which  Bacon  himself  so  frankly  committed 
to  paper.    The  unselfish  labors  of  some  modern  scholars, 
chief  of  whom  is  James  Spedding,  have  done  much  to  re 
store  to  Bacon  the  reputation  that  is  rightfully  his. 

To  judge  Bacon  justly,  we  must  bear  in  mind  the  cir 
cumstances  of  his  times.    We  have  already  considered  the 
Essex  affair.    As  for  indulging  in  flattery,  Bacon   Oonsl(lera. 
doubtless  did  so  to  excess  ;  yet  we  must  bear  in   tions  de- 
mind  that  good  form  then  required  some  flattery,    manded  by 
The  proof  that  he  perverted  justice  is  not  forth 
coming  ;  the  most  that  can  be  said  is  that  in  one  instance 
only,  the  case  of  Dr.  Steward  and  his  nephew,1  there  is  a 
reasonable  inference  that  at  Buckingham's  request  Bacon 
reversed  a  decision  with  the  possible  result  that  justice  was 
thwarted.  When   we  remember  how    frequently   Bucking 
ham  tried  to  induce  Bacon  to  be  partial   to  certain  persons, 
we  can  only  commend  Bacon  for  his  constancy,  suspending 
judgment  further  until  all  the  facts  of  the  case  in  question 
are  brought  to  light.    That  Bacon  was  too  fond  of  pomp 
a'nl  circumstance  and  wealth  is  probably  true  ;  that  he  was 
excessively  extravagant  and  wasteful  is  too  evident  from  his 
extant  financial  records.    He  was  careless  about  debts;  he 

1  See  Spodding,  Letters  and  Life,  vi,  441-440,  vii,  579-588;  abridged 
Life,  ii,  276-278;  Abbott,  Bacon,  xviii-xxix,  268,  269. 


xxii  INTRODUCTION 

died  owing  three  times  the  value  of  his  estate,  but  in  the 
belief  that  there  would  be  "a  good  round  surplusage."  He 
was  doubtless  indifferent,  moreover,  to  high  ethical  stand 
ards  and  to  the  impression  made  by  his  own  conduct ;  he  was 
too  often  plastic  in  the  hands  of  unscrupulous  men ;  yet 
it  has  been  pointed  out  more  than  once  that  Bacon  might 
have  advanced  more  rapidly  had  he  shaped  his  course  differ- 

PTltlv     O*^  3-  i  *•   ,  H  »      /4;lt_  J.L      J  J  7 

v  '  J^eOtol'\TQ0o  &0  X  V 

All  things  considered,  Bacon  may  be  described  as  a  great 
statesman,  to  whom  politics  were  not  wholly  congenial,  but 
who  faithfully  served  his  country  and  his  king  even  though 
Final  esti-     his  policies  could  not  always  be  carried  into  exe 
cution;  as  a  great  natural   philosopher,  whose 
passionate  devotion  to  the  advancement  of  science  was  a 
religion,  and  who,  though  indifferent  to  the  importance  of 
contemporary  discoveries  which  he  should  have  recognized 
levertheless  gave  a  great  impetus  to  the  method  of  induc 
tion,  on  which  all  modern  science  is  based;  and  as  a  man 
who  in  the  school  of  expftrionre  learned  some  of  the  great 
essons  of  life,  and  who,  chastened  by  adversity,  furnished 
a  memorable  example  to  all  of  virtue,  kindness,  peaceful- 

s  ^atr?-:;  Witv»  ^  f.uite  ne  £  nLave,;. 

ell  on  evil  days ;  and  in 


"  His  life  was  gentle,  and  the  elements 
So  mixed  in  him  that  Nature  might  stand  up 
And  say  to  all  the  world,  This  was  a  man!" 
"H<e    is  -bU 


THE    ESSAYS 


t' 


INTRODUCTION 


xxm 


"  I  would  have  in  short  all  topics  which  there  is  frequent  oc 
casion  to  handle  (whether  they  relate  to  proofs  and  refutations, 
or  to  persuasions  and  dissuasions,  or  to  praise  and  blama)  stud 
ied  and  prepared  beforehand ;  and  not  only  so,  but  the  case  ex 
aggerated  both  ways  with  the  utmost  force  of  the  wit,  and  urged 
unfairly,  as  it  were,  and  quite  beyond  the  truth.  And  the  best 
way  of  making  such  a  collection,  with  a  view  to  use  as  well  as 
brevity,  would  be  to  contract  those  commonplaces  into  certain 
acute  and  concise  sentences ;  to  be  as  skeins  or  bottoms  of  thread 
which  may  be  un winded  at  large  when  they  are  wanted." 

As  a  specimen  of  these  Antitheses,  may  be  given  no.  xli, 
Delay,  which  should  be  compared  with  Essay  xxi : 


DELAY 


For 


Fortune  sells  many  things  to 
him  that  is  in  a  hurry,  which 
she  gives  to  him  that  waits. 

While  we  hasten  to  take  hold 
of  the  beginnings  of  things,  we 
grasp  shadows. 

While  things  are  wavering, 
watch ;  when  they  have  taken 
^h|ir  direction,  act. 
Mpommit  the  beginnings  of  ac 
tions  to  Argus,  the  end  to  Bri- 
STeus. 


Against 

Opportunity  offers  the  handle 
of  the  bottle  first,  and  after 
wards  the  belly.  • 

Opportunity  is  like  the  Sibyl: 
she  raises  the  price  as  she  di 
minishes  the  offer. 

Speed  is  Pluto's  helmet. 

Things  that  are  done  betimes 
are  done  with  judgment ;  things 
that  are  put  off  too  late,  by  cir 
cuit. 


little  study  of  these  Antitheses  and  of  the  Essay  in 
they  receive  literary  dress  will  show  what  Bacon 
it   by  an  essay.  •  It  was  to  be  literally  an  attempt,  a 
(Latin  exagium,  "a  weighing,  balance"),  an  estimate' 
Fos  and  cons,  a  debate  which  should  determine  the  prac- 
worth  of   motives  and   qualities  and  characters.     The 
had  recently  been  used  by  Montaigne,  whose  Essays 
ired  in  1580.    "  The  word,"  says  Bacon,  in  the  can- 
dedication  to  Prince  Henry,  "  is  late,  but  the  thing  is 
Int.    For  Seneco's  Epistles  to  Lucilius,  if  one  mark 
well,  are  but  essays,  — that  is,  dispersed  meditations, 

conveyed  in  the  form  of  epistles."    -" 
ms  the  Essays  were  to  constitute  a  series  of   useful 
Ivations  on  life  and  character ;  a  handbook  of  the  most 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION 

practical  wisdom,  which  should  "  come  home  to  men's  busi-  " 
ness  and  bosoms."  Human  nature  was  to  be  dealt  with,  not 
as  it  ought  to  be  or  might  become,  but  as  it  was.  To  act 
wisely  men  must  have  "a  knowledge  of  both  good  and  evil 
arts,  that  they  might  use  the  former  and  shun  the  latter. 
Bacon  does  not  invariably  counsel  us  to  shun  the  evil  arts; 
if  one  would  work  a  man.  one  must  know  his  defects  as 
well  as  his  virtues;  and  there  are  times  when  Bacon  justi 
fies  dissimulation  and  falsehood.  Moreover,  there  is  a  too 
constant  reference  to  self-interest  for  our  approval  to-day.  -»• 
Yet  with  these  exceptions  the  morality  of  the  Essays  is  on 
the  whole  healthy. 

In  the  ten  Assays  of  the  first  edition  (see  below)  the 
style  is  simple  and  concise  to  the  last  degree.  Indifferent 
to  literary  finish,  the  author  is  bent  on  applying  a  homely  — • 
/  common  sense  to  some  every-day  problems.  TfW  mood  of 
/  exalted  style  is  out  of  the  question.  In  the  second  edition 
a  distinctly  higher  level  is  reached,  both  in  the  character 
of  the  new  subjects  treated  and  in  the  style.  The  consider 
ation  of  such  subjects  as  goodness,  beauty,  empire,  death, 
and  the  greatness  of  kingdoms  could  not  fail  to  elevate  tl;j 
thought  and  perhaps  induce  a  statelier  and  more  measm 
style.  In  the  third  edition  the  practical  point  of  view 
still  maintained  ;  but  Bacon  occasionally  rises  to  philosop] 
heights,  as  when  he  speaks  of  the  inquiry,  knowledge, 
belief  of  truth  as  the  sovereign  good  of  human  natim 
when  he  remarks  that  "adversity  doth  best  discover  virt 
Let-us  now  glance  at  the  method  of  the  Essays. 
outline  of  Essay  xxi  (see  above)  may  run  as  follows 

OF  DELAYS 

a.   Sometimes  by  waiting,  you  get  a  lower  price. 
x.   Again,  you  pay  more  dearly. 
b    Failing  to  take  Occasion  by  the  forelock,  we  can 
hold. 

c.   There  is  no  greater  wisdom  than  knowing  when  to  , 
tter  meet  dangers  half  way  than  watch  too  long. 
y.    But  to  shoot  too  soon  is  another  extreme. 
«.    Success  depends  first  upon  secrecy  in  counsel; 
z.  then  upon  quickness  in  execution. 


INTRODUCTION  xxv 

From  this  it  will  appear  that  Bacon  does  not 'attempt  to 
arrange  his  material,  but  weaves  together  his  antitheses 
in  pairs  much  as  points  are  developed  in  a  debate.  There 
is  rarely  a  formal  introduction,  and  only  in  the  longer  Es 
says  (cf.  iii,  vi,  ix,  xiv,  xv,  xix,  xx,  fitc.)  does  he  give  evi 
dence  of  care  in  planning;  we  cannot  infer,  however,  that 
Bacon  did  not  always  arrange  his  heads  carefully.  He  is 
fond  of  quoting  from  his  favorite,  historians  and  moralists, 
Plutarch,  Pliny,  Tacitus,  Suetonius,  Dion  Cassius,  Cicero, 
Erasmus — usually  from  memory,  sometimes  so  inaccurately 
that  some  have  concluded  he  was  trying  to  improve  their 
expression.  A  conclusion  that  summarizes  does  not  often 
occur ;.  the  shortuesf  of  most  of  the  Essays  renders  this  un- 

cessary. 

Bacon's  pojnt  of  view  in  general  is  that  of  the  patriotic 
supporter  of  ^-limited  monarchy.  For  him  the  best  form  of ' 
government  was  that  of  an  intelligent  king,  whose  power 
should  be  attempered  by  nobles  not  too  great.  From  such 
a  government  a  much  more  enlightened  rule  might  be  ex 
pected  than  from  the  as  yet  crude  and  unorganized  Com 
mons,  meeting  irregularly  and  unaccustomed  to  power;  and 
Bacon  saw  no  reason  to  favor  the  extension  of  the  people's 
powers.  At  the  same  time,  though  "a  peremptory  royalist," 
Bacon  supported  a  policy  of  conciliation  and  wished  to  see 
the  people  contented  and  prosperous.  He  opposed  excessive 
taxation,  since  a  people  burdened  with  taxes  could  never 
"  become  valiant  and  martial."  He  favored  the  protection  of 
infant  industries  and  the  regulation  of  waste  and  excess 
through  sumptuary  laws.  In  general  he  opposed  monopo 
lies.  He  believed  that  the  wealth  of  the  state  should  not 
be  gathered  into  a  few  hands.  He  strongly  urged  the  plank 
ing  of  colonies  and  a  generous  colonial  policy. 

His  foreign  policy  was  not  so  enlightened.  War,  he  be 
lieved,  was  as  essential  to  national  health  as  exercise  to  the 
body.  No  nation  could  be  great  that  was  not  ready,  when 
the  time  came,  with  a  pretext  for  war.  The  character  of 
the  soldiery,  however,  was  more  important  than  its  num 
bers.  Men  downtrodden  by  evil  legislation,  as  well  as 
mercenaries,  made  poor  soldiers.  A  large  standing  army, 


INTRODUCTION 

bein"  a  possible  internal  menace,  was  not  so  desirable  as 
an  efficient  navy.  Bacon  warmly  favored  the  union  of  ] 
land  and  Scotland,  if  only  for  strategic  reasons ;  commer 
also  demanded  it.    On  account  of  trade  and  commerce  he 
likewise  desired  friendly  relations  with  Holland. 

On  matters  of  religion  and  theology  Bacon  expresses  him 
self  less  freely.  Of  religion  he  says  very  little  formally ;  Es 
say  iii  is  concerned  mainly  with  religious  politics,  or  church 
unity  and  harmony.  A  devout  Christian,  Bacon  was  yet 
very  much  of  a  man  of  the  world,  and  had  no  disposition 
to  confuse  morality  with  religion.  Elizabeth  herself  could 
lie  unblushingly  when  policy  demanded  it ;  yet  she  was 
the  head  and  overseer  of  the  Church.  [Of  the  life  to  come, 
Bacon  has  no  thoughts  to  record.  He  only  knows  that 

Jk  death  is  as  natural  as  birth ;  and  he  has  a  certain  stoical 
fearlessness  of  what  lies  beyond. 

So  much  for  the  subject-matter  of  the  Essays.  In  th% 
form  in  which  we  read  them  Bacon  thought  little  of  them ; 
they  were  trifles  that  would  last  no  longer  than  the  ephem 
eral  language  in  which  they  were  written.  To  endure,  he 
thought,  they  must  be  turned  into  Latin.  Yet  it  is  by  the 
Essays,  in  English,  that  Bacon  has  long  been  best  known ; 
and  of  all  his  writings  they  give  the  greatest  promise  of  en 
durance.  What  is  the  reason  for  this?  They  are  not  infal 
lible  ;  most  of  them  are  out  of  date ;  their  moral  and  politi 
cal  wisdom  is  sometimes  frankly  questioned.  Their  merit 

1'  lies  in  the  serious  and  fruitful  manner  in  which  a  great  / 
mind  has  considered  some  familiar  and  some  great  problems 
of  life,  and  has  allowed  us  to  follow  his  meditations.    And     / 
these  meditations  reflect  both  Bacon  and  his  environment. 
For  this  reason  they  have  taken  their  place  among    the 
classics  of  the  world.    For  the  thinker  men  have  always 
had  admiration  and  respect ;  and  the  great  mind  of  Francis 
Bacon  was  not  the  least  important  fruit  of  the  English 
Renaissance. 


INTRODUCTION  xxvii 

III 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL   NOTE 

The  first  edition  of  the  Essays,  published  in  1597,  con 
tained  the  following  ten  :  L,  xxxii.  LII,  XLVIII,  XLIX, 
xxvin,  xxx,  LV,  LI,  and  XLVII.  The  volume  \vas  dedi 
cated  to  Bacon's  brother  Anthony. 

Between  1607  and  1612  was  transcribed  the  draft  known 
ns  Harleian  MS.  5106  (never  published),  now  in  the  Brit 
ish  Museum.  This  contained  twenty-four  more  essays  and 
was  dedicated  to  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  who  died  Novem 
ber  3,  1612. 

The  second  edition  appeared  in  1612.  Omitting  LV,  it 
contained,  in  addition  to  the  remaining  nine,  the  following 
twenty-nine  :  xxvii,  xxm,  xiv,  xin,  XLIII,  xxvi,  xxxvi, 

XXXIV,  XXV,  XLIV,.XLII,  VIII,  VII,  XI,  XIX,  XX,  XVI,  XVII, 

LI u,  xxxvin,  xxxix,  XL,  TI  (all  of  which,  with  s^pie  va 
riations,  occur  in  Harl.  MS.  5106)  ;  in,  xxn,  x,  LVI,  LIV, 
xxix.  Prince  Henry  having  died,  this  volume  was  dedi 
cated  to  Bacon's  brother-in-law,  Sir  John  Constable. 

The  third  edition,  1625,  contained  nineteen  new  essays : 

I,     IV,    V,    VI,    IX,    XII,    XVIII,    XXI,    XXIV,  XXXI,  XXXIII, 

xxxv,  xxxvn,  XLI,  XLV,  XLVI,  Lvii,  Lviii.  Essay  xv, 
which  occurs  in  Harl.  MS.  5106,  was  now  first  published, 
and  Essay  LV  was  restored. 

The  Latin  translation,  though  practically  complete  in 
1625,  was  not  published  until  1638.  It  was  edited  by  the 
Rev.  William  Rawley,  Bacon's  chaplain.  Two  Essays,  LII 
and  LIII,  were  omitted.  Numerous  additions  and  variations 
were  made,  some  of  which,  as  helping  to  explain  Bacon's 
meaning,  are  indicated  in  the  Notes. 

The  best  of  recent  editions  are  those  of  Whately  (1856), 
Wright  (3d  edition  1865),  Abbott  (7th  edition  1886  ;  the 
text  is  poor),  aim  Reynolds  (Oxford,  1890,  for  intensive 
study  indispensable).  Edward  Arber  published  in  1871  a 
valuable  Harmony  of  the  Essays. 

The  standard  edition  of  Bacon's  complete  works  is  that 
of  Spedding,  Ellis,  and  Heath,  London,  1857-62  (Boston, 


xxviii  INTRODUCTION 

Hough  ton,  Mifflin  and  Company).  The  standard  life  of 
Bacon  is  the  Letters  and  Life  by  Spedding,  in  seven  vol 
umes  (London,  1861-74).  The  best  accessible  biographies 
are  Spedding's  abridged  Life,  Boston,  1878,  and  Nichol's 
Francis  Bacon,  His  Life  and  Philosophy  (Philadelphia, 
1888-89).  The  biographies  by  Church  (English  Men  of  Let- 
ters),  1884,  and  Abbott,  1885  (see,  also,  his  Bacon  and 
Essex,  London,  1877),  while  valuable  in  many  ways,  are  b* 
many  considered  unjust  to  Bacon's  character.  Macautay's 
superficial  essay  in  The  Edinburgh  Review  for  July,  1337, 
was  mercilessly  probed  by  Spedding  (Evenings  with  a  Re 
viewer,  London,  1881),  and  pronounced  wholly  untrust 
worthy.  Consult  further  the  articles  by  S.  R.  Gardiner 
and  T.  Fowler  in  The  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
1885 ;  Minto's  Manual  of  English  Prose  Literature,  3d 
edition,  1886;  Michael  Macmillan's  "Bacon's  Moral  Teach 
ing,"  Intern.  Journal  of  Ethics,  October,  1906.  For  ink' 
esting  particulars  of  the  times,  see  Hubert  Hall's  Society  in 
the  Elizabethan  Age,  London,  1886. 

IV 

CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 

1561.  Francis  Bacon  born. 
1564.  Shakespeare  and  Galileo  born. 
1573.  Bacon  went  to  Cambridge. 
1576.  Bacon  admitted  to  Gray's  Inn. 
1579.   Spenser's  Shepherd's  Calendar. 

Lyly's  Euphues. 
1580-81.    Sidney's   Arcadia  and   Apology  for   Poetrif 

written. 
1584.  Bacon  entered  Parliament. 

Letter  of  Advice  to  Queen  Elizabeth. 

1587.  Execution  of  Mary  Stuart.    - 

1588.  Defeat  of  the  Spanish  Armada. 

1589.  Advertisement  touching  the  Controversies  of  the 
Church  of  England. 

1596.  Maxims  of  the  Law. 

Shakespeare's  Merchant  of  Venice. 


INTRODUCTION  xxix 

Essays,  first  edition 

Discovery  of  the  thermometer. 
1509.   E^ex  went  to  Ireland. 
1601.   Execution  of  Essex. 
1003.  Death  of  Elizabeth:  accession  of  James  I. 

1604.  Bacon  made  Learned  Counsel. 

1605.  The  Advancement  of  Learning,  Bks.  i,  ii. 
The  Gunpowder  Plot. 

1606.  Bacon's  marriage  to  Alice  Barnham. 

1607.  Bacon  became  Solicitor-General. 

L609-10.   Galileo  improved  the  telescope  and  discovered 
Jupiter's  satellites. 

1610.  Kepler's  astronomical  laws  became  known  in  Eng 
land. 

1611.  Authorized  Version  of  the  Bible. 
1^12.   Essays,  second  edition. 

1613.  The  New  Atlantis  written. 

1614.  Napier  invented  logarithms. 

1616.  Bacon  made  Privy  Counsellor. 
Shakespeare  died. 

1617.  Bacon  became  Lord  Keeper. 

1618.  Bacon  made  Lord  Chancellor  and  Baron  Verulain  of 
Verulam. 

1620.  Novum  Organum. 

1621.  Bacon  made  Viscount  St,  Alkiii, 
Bacon's  fall. 

1622.  The  History  of  Hen^'  VIL 
De  Augmentis  Scientiarum. 

1624.  Apophthegms  and  Translations  of  Certain  Psalms, 
James  I.  died. 
Essays,  third  edition. 
Bacon  died. 


THE 

ESSAYES   OR   COVNSELS, 

CIVILL  AND  MORALL, 

OF 

FRANCIS  LO.  VERVLAM,  VISCOVNT  ST.  ALBAN 
NEWLY  ENLARGED. 

LONDON : 

Printed  by  JOHN  HAVILAND,  for  HANNA  BARHET  and  RICHARD 
And  are  to  be  sold  at  the  signe  of  the  King's  Head,  in 
Paul's  Churchyard. 
1325. 


' 

THE   EPISTLE   DEDICATORY 


To  the  Right  Honorable  my  very  good  Lo.  the 

of  BUCKINGHAM  his  Grace,  Lo.  High  Admiral  of 
England. 

EXCELLENT  Lo. 

SOLOMON  says,  A  good  name  is  as  a  precious  ointment; 
and  I  assure  myself,  such  will  your  Grace's  name  be 
with  posterity.    For  your  fortune  and  merit  both  have 
been  eminent.    And  you  have  planted  things  that  are 
like  to  last.    I  do  now  publish  my  Essays;  which,  of 
all  my  other  works,  have  been  most  current;  for  that, 
as  it  seems,  they  come  home  to  men's  business  and 
bosoms.    I  have  enlarged  them  both  in  number  and 
weight;   so  that   they  are    indeed    a   new   work.     I 
thought  it  therefore  agreeable  to  my  affection  and 
obligation  to  your  Grace,  to  prefix  your  name  before 
them,  both  in  English  and  in  Latin.    For  I  do  con 
ceive  that  the  Latin  volume  of  them  (being  in  the 
universal  language)  may  last  as  long  as  books  last. 
My  Instauration  I  dedicated  to  the  King;  my  History 
of  Henry  the  Seventh  (which  I  have  now  also  trans 
lated  into  Latin),  and  my  portions  of  Natural  History, 
to  the  Prince;  and  these  I  dedicate  to  your  Grace- 
being  of  the  best  fruits  that  by  the  good  increase 
which  God  gives  to  my  pen  and  labors  I  could  yield, 
God  lead  your  Grace  by  the  hand. 

Your  Grace's  most  obliged  and 
faithful  servant, 

FR.  ST.  ALBAN. 


ESSAYS  OR  COUNSELS 
CIVIL  AND  MORAL 


OF  TRUTH 

WHA  T  is  truth  ?    said  jesting  Pilate ; 1   and  would 
not  stay  for  an  answer.   Certainly  there  be  that  delight 

Ji>-^w*^V^f/   ff^^-^f^* 

in  glddinass,2  antl  count  it  a  bondage  to  fix  a  belief; 
affecting  free-will  in  thinking,  as  well  as  in  acting. 
And  though  the  sects  of  philosophers  of  that  kind  3 
be  gone,  yet  there  remain  certain  discoursing  wits  4 
which  are  of  the  same  veins,  though  there  be  not  so 
much  blood  in  them  as  was  in  those  of  the  ancients. 
But  it  is  not  only  the  difficulty  and  labor  which 
men  take  in  finding  out  of  truth;  nor  again  that  when 
it  is  found  it  imposeth  upon  men's  thoughts;  that 
doth  bring  lies  in  favor;  but  a  natural  though  cor 
rupt  love  of  the  lie  itself.  One  of  the  later  school  5 
of  the  Grecians  examineth  the  matter  and  is  at  a  stand 
to  think  what  should  be  in  it,  that  men  should  love 
lies,  where  neither  they  make  for  pleasure,  as  with 
poets,  nor  for  advantage,  as  with  the  merchant;  but 
for  the  lie's  sake.  But  I  cannot  tell;  this  same  truth 
is  a  naked  and  open  day-light,  that  doth  not  show  th( 
masks  and  mummeries  and  triumphs  of  the  world,  hall 
so  stately  and  daintily  as  candle-lights.6  Truth  may 
perhaps  come  to  the  price  of  a  pearl,  that  showeth  best 
by  day;  but  it  will  not  rise  to  the  price  of  a  diamond 
or  carbuncle,  that  showeth  best  in  varied  lights.  A 


6  THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

mixture  of  a  lie  doth  ever  add  pleasure.  Doth  any 
man  doubt,  that  if  there  were  taken  out  of  men's 
minds  vain  opinions,  flattering  hopes,  false  valuations, 
imaginations  as  one  would,  and  the  like,  but  it  would 
leave  the  minds  of  a  number  of  men  poor  shrunken 
things,  full  of  melancholy  and  indisposition^  and  un- 
pleasing  to  themselves?  One  of  the  fathers,7  in  great 
severity,  called  poesy  vinum  dcemonum  [devil' s-wine], 
because  it  filleth  the  imagination;  and  yet  it  is  but 
with  the  shadow  of  a  lie.  But  it  is  not  the  lie  that 
passeth  through  the  mind,  but  the  lie  that  sinketh  in 
and  settleth  in  it,  that  doth  the  hurt1,  such  as  we  spake 
of  before.  But  howsoever  these  things  are  thus  in 
men's  depraved  judgments  and  affections,  yet  truth, 
which  only  doth  judge  itself,  teacheth  that  the  inquiry 
of  truth,  which  is  the  love-making  or  wooing  of  it,  the 
knowledge  of  truth,  which  is  the  presence  of  it,  and 
the  belief  of  truth,  which  is  the  enjoying  of  it,  is  the 
sovereign  good  of  human  nature.  The  first  creature 
of  God,  in  the  works  of  the  days,  was  the  light  of  the 
sense;  the  last  was  the  light  of  reason;  and  his  sab 
bath  work  ever  since  is  the  illumination  of  his  Spirit. 
First  he  breathed  light  upon  the  face  of  the  matter  or 
chaos;  then  he  breathed  light  into  the  face  of  man; 
and  still  he  breatheth  and  inspireth  light  into  the  face 
of  his  chosen/  The  poet8  that  beautified  the  sect  that 
was  otherwise  inferior  to  the  rest,  saith  yet  excellently 
well:  It  is  a  pleasure  to  stand  upon  the  shore  and  to 
see  ships  tossed  upon  the  sea  ;  a  pleasure  to  stand  in  the 
window  of  a  castle  and  to  see  a  battle  and  the  adventures 
thereof  below :  but  no  pleasure  is  comparable  to  the  stand 
ing  upon  the  vantage  ground  of  truth  (a  hill  not  to 
be  commanded,  and  where  the  air  is  always  clear 
and  serene),  and  to  see  the  error  i  and  wanderings  and 


OF  DEATH  7 

mists  and  tempests  in  the  vale  below ;  so  always  that 
this  prospect  be  with  pity,  and  not  with  swelling  or 
pride.  Certainly,  it  is  heaven  upon  earth,  to  have  a 
man's  mind  move  in  charity,9  rest  in  providence,  and 
turn  upon  the  poles  of  truth./ 

To  pass  from  theological  and  philosophical  truth  to 
the  truth  of  civil  business;  10  it  will  be  acknowledged 
even  by  those  that  practise  it  not,  that  clear  and  round 
dealing  is  the  honor  of  man's  nature;  and  that  mix 
ture  of  falsehood  is  like  alloy  in  coin  of  gold  and  silver, 
which  may  make  the  metal  work  the  better,  but  it 
embaseth  it.  For  these  winding  and  crooked  courses 
are  the  goings  of  the  serpent;  which  goeth  basely  upon 
the  belly,  and  not  upon  the  feet,  There  is  no  vice  that 
doth  so  cover  a  man  with  shame  as  to  be  found  false 
and  perfidious/And  therefore  Montaigne  saith  n  pret 
tily,  when  he  inquired  the  reason  why  the  word  of 
the  lie  should  be  such  a  disgrace  and  such  an  odious 
charge.  Saith  he,  If  it  be  well  weighed,  to  say  that  a 
man  licth,  is  as  much  to  say,  as  that  he  is  brave  towards 
God  and  a  coward  towards  men.  For  a  lie  faces  God, 
and  shrinks  from  man.  Surely  the  wickedness  of  false 
hood  and  breach  of  faith  cannot  possibly  be  so  highly 
expressed,  as  in  that  it  shall  be  the  last  peal12  to  call 
the  judgments  of  God  upon  the  generations  of  men;  it 
being  foretold  13  that  when  Christ  cometh,  he  shall  not 
find  faith  upon  the  earth. 

II 

OF   DEATH 

MEN  fear  death,  as  children  fear  to  go  in  the  dark; 
and  as  that  natural  fear  in  children  is  increased  with 
tales,  so  is  the  other.  Certainly,  the  contemplation  of 


8  THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

death,  as  the  wages  of  sin  and  passage  to  another  world, 
is  holy  and  religious;  but  the  fear  of  it,  as  a  tribute 
due  unto  nature,  is  weak.  Yet  in  religious  meditations 
there  is  sometimes  mixture  of  vanity  and  of  supersti 
tion.  You  shall  read  in  some  of  the  friars'  books  of 
mortification,1  that  a  man  should  think  with  himself 
what  the  pain  is  if  he  have  but  his  finger's  end  pressed 
or  tortured,  and  thereby  imagine  what  the  pains  of 
death  are,  when  the  whole  body  is  corrupted  and  dis 
solved;  when  many  times  death  passeth  with  less  pain 
than  the  torture  of  a  limb;  for  the  most  vital  parts  are 
not  the  quickest  of  sense.  And  by  him  that  spake  2 
only  as  a  philosopher  and  natural  man,  it  was  well 
said,  Pompa  mortis  magis  ferret,  quam  mors  ipsa  [It  is 
the  accompaniments  of  death  that  are  frightful  rather 
than  death  itself].  Groans  and  convulsions,  and  a  dis 
colored  face,  and  friends  weeping,  and  blacks,3  and  ob 
sequies,  and  the  like,  show  death  terrible.  It  is  worthy 
the  observing,  that  there  is  no  passion  in  the  mind 
of  man  so  weak,  but  it  mates  and  masters  the  fear  of 
death;  and  therefore  death  is  no  such  terrible  enemy 
when  a  man  hath  so  many  attendants  about  him  that 
can  win  the  combat  of  him.  Revenge  triumphs  over 
death;  love  slights  it;  honor  aspireth  to  it;  grief  flieth 
to  it;  fear  pre-occupateth  it;  nay,  we  read,4  after 
Otho  the  emperor  had  slain  himself,  pity  (which  is  the 
tenderest  of  affections)  provoked  many  to  die,  out  of 
mere  compassion  to  their  sovereign,  and  as  the  truest 
sort  of  followers.  Nay,  Seneca  adds5  niceness  and 
satiety:  Cogita  quamdiu  eadem  feceris;  mori  velle,  non 
tantum  fortis,  aut  miser,  sed  etiam  fastidiosus  potest 
[Think  how  long  thoii  hast  done  the  same  thing;  not 
only  a  valiant  man  or  a  miserable  man,  but  also  a  fas 
tidious  man  is  able  to  wish  for  death].  A  man  would 


OF  DEATH  9 

die,  though  he  were  neither  valiant  nor  miserable, 
only  upon  a  weariness  to  do  the  same  thing  so  oft 
over  and  over.  It  is  no  less  worthy  to  observe,  how 
little  alteration  in  good  spirits  the  approaches  of  death 
make;  for  they* Appear  to  be  the  same  men  till  the 
last  instant.  Augustus  Caesar6  died  in  a  compliment; 
Livia,  conjugii  nostri  memor,  vive  et  vale  [Farewell, 
Li  via;  and  forget  not  the  days  of  our  marriage]. 
Tiberius  in  dissimulation;  as  Tacitus  saith  7  of  him, 
Jam  Tiberium  vires  et  corpus,  non  dissimulatio,  desere- 
bant  [His  powers  of  body  were  gone,  but  his  power  of 
dissimulation  still  remained].  Vespasian  8  in  a  jest,  sit 
ting  upon  the  stool;  Ut  puto  deus  fio  [As  I  think,  I  am 
becoming  a  god].  Galba  9  with  a  sentence;  Feri,  si  ex 
re  sit  populi  Romani  [Strike,  if  it  be  for  the  good  of 
Rome];  holding  forth  his  neck.  Septimius  Severus  10 
in  despatch;  Adcste  si  quid  mihi  restat  agendum  [Be 
at  hand,  if  there  is  anything  more  for  me  to  do].  And 
the  like.  Certainly  the  Stoics11  bestowed  too  much 
cost  upon  death,  and  by  their  great  preparations  made 
it  appear  more  fearful.  Better  saith  he,12  qui  finem 
vitas  extremum.  inter  munera  ponat  natures  [who  ac 
counts  the  close  of  life  as  one  of  the  benefits  of  nature]. 
It  is  as  natural  to  die  as  to  be  born ;  and  to  a  little  infant, 
perhaps,  the  one  is  as  painful  as  the  other.  He  that 
dies  in  an  earnest  pursuit,  is  like  one  that  is  wounded  in 
hot  blood;  who,  for  the  time,  scarce  feels  the  hurt;  and 
therefore  a  mind  fixed  and  bent  upon  somewhat  that  is 
good  doth  avert  the  dolors  of  death.  But,  above  all, 
believe  it,  the  sweetest  canticle  is,  Nunc  dimittis  13 
[Now  lettest  thou  .  .  .  depart];  •  when  a  man  hath 
obtained  worthy  ends  and  expectations.  Death  hath 
this  also;  that  it  openeth  the  gate  to  good  fame,  and 
extinguished!  envy.  Extinctus  amabitur  idem  14  [The 


10          THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

same  man  that  was  envied  while  he  lived,  shall  bt 
loved  when  he  is  gone]. 


Ill 

OF   UNITY   IN   RELIGION 


RELIGION  being  the  chief  band  of  human  society,  it 
is  a  happy  thing  when  itself  is  well  contained  within 
the  true  band  of  unity.  The  quarrels  and  divisions 
about  religion  were  evils  unknown  to  the  heathen. 
The  reason  was  because  the  religion  of  the  heathen 
consisted  rather  in  rites  and  ceremonies  than  in  any 
constant  belief.  For  you  may  imagine  what  kind  of 
faith  theirs  was,  when  the  chief  doctors  and  fathers  of 
their  church  were  the  poets.1  But  the  true  God  hath 
this  attribute,  that  he  is  a  jealous  God  ; 2  and  therefore 
his  worship  and  religion  will  endure  no  mixture  nor 
partner.  We  shall  therefore  speak  a  few  words  con 
cerning  the  unity  of  the  church;  what  are  the  fruits 
thereof;  what  the  bounds;  and  what  the  means. 

The  fruits  of  unity  (next  unto  the  well  pleasing 
of  God,  which  is  all  in  all)  are  two:  the  one  towards 
those  that  are  without  the  church,  the  other  towards 
those  that  are  within.  For  the  former;  it  is  certain 
that  heresies  and  schisms  are  of  all  others  the  greatest 
scandals;  yea,  more  than  corruption  of  manners.  For 
as  in  the  natural  body  a  wound  or  solution  of  continuity 
is  worse  than  a  corrupt  humor;  so  in  the  spiritual. 
So  that  nothing  doth  so  much  keep  men  out  of  the 
church,  and  drive  men  out  of  the  church,  as  breach  of 
unity.  And  therefore,  whensoever  it  cometh  to  that 
pass,  that  one  saith  Ecce  in  deserto3  [Lo!  in  the  desert], 
another  saith  Ecce  in  penetralibus  [Lo!  in  the  sanchi* 
ary];  that  is,  when  some  men  seek  Christ  in  the  con- 


OF  UNITY  IN  RELIGION  11 

venticles  of  heretics,  and  others  in  an  outward  face 
of  a  church,  that  voice  had  need  continually  to  sound 
in  men's  ears,  Nolite  exire,  —  Go  not  out.  The  doctoi 
of  the  Gentiles  4  (the  propriety  of  whose  vocation 
drew  him  to  have  a  special  care  of  those  without) 
saith,  If  an  heathen  come  in,  and  hear  you  speak  with 
several  tongues,  will  he  not  say  that  you  are  mad  ?  And 
certainly  it  is  little  better,  when  atheists  and  profane 
persons  do  hear  of  so  many  discordant  and  contrary 
opinions  in  religion;  it  doth  avert  them  from  the 
church,  and  maketh  them  to  sit  down  5  in  the  chair  of 
the  scorners.  It  is  but  a  light  thing  to  be  vouched 
in  so  serious  a  matter,  but  yet  it  expresseth  well  the 
deformity.  There  is  a  master  of  scoffing,6  that  in  his 
catalogue  of  books  of  a  feigned  library  sets  down  this 
title  of  a  book,  The  Morris-Dance  of  Heretics.  For 
indeed  every  sect  of  them  hath  a  diverse  posture  or 
cringe  by  themselves,  which  cannot  but  move  derision 
in  worldlings  and  depraved  politics,7  who  are  apt  to 
contemn  holy  things. 

As  for  the  fruit  towards  those  that  are  within;  it  is 
peace;  which  containeth  infinite  blessings.  It  estab- 
lisheth  faith;  it  kindleth  charity;  the  outward  peace 
of  the  church  distilleth  into  peace  of  conscience;  and 
it  turneth  the  labors  of  writing  and  reading  of  contro 
versies  into  treaties  8  of  mortification  and  devotion. 

Concerning  the  bounds  of  unity;  the  true  placing 
of  them  importeth  exceedingly.  There  appear  to  be 
two  extremes.  For  to  certain  zealants  9  all  speech  of 
pacification  is  odious.  7*  it  peace,10  Jehu?  What  hast 
thou  to  do  with  peace?  turn  thee  behind  me.  Peace  is 
not  the  matter,  but  following  and  party.  Contrariwise, 
certain  Laodiceans  u  and  lukewarm  persons  think  they 
may  accommodate  points  of  religion  by  middle  ways, 


12          THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

and  taking  part  of  both,  and  witty  reconcilements;  as 
if  they  would  make  an  arbitrament  between  God  and 
man.  Both  these  extremes  are  to  be  avoided;  which 
will  be  done,  if  the  league  of  Christians  penned  by  our 
Savior  himself  were  in  the  two  cross  clauses  12  thereof 
soundly  and  plainly  expounded :  He  that  is  not  with  us 
is  against  us;  and  again,  He  that  is  not  against  us  is 
with  us;  that  is,  if  the  points  fundamental  and  of 
substance  in  religion  were  truly  discerned  and  distin 
guished  from  points  not  merely  of  faith,  but  of  opinion, 
order,  or  good  intention.  This  is  a  thing  may  seem 
to  many  a  matter  trivial,  and  done  already.  But  if  it 
were  done  less  partially,  it  would  be  embraced  more 
generally. 

Of  this  I  may  give  only  this  advice,  according  to 
my  small  model.  Men  ought  to  take  heed  of  rending 
God's  church  by  two  kinds  of  controversies.  The  one 
is,  when  the  matter  of  the  point  controverted  is  too 
small  and  light,  not  worth  the  heat  and  strife  about  it, 
kindled  only  by  contradiction.  For  as  it  is  noted  by 
one  of  the  fathers,13  Christ's  coat  indeed  had  no  seam,  but 
the  church's  vesture  was  of  divers  colors  ;  whereupon  he 
saith,  In  veste  varietas  sit,  scissura  non  sit  [Let  there  be 
variety  in  the  garment,  but  let  there  be  no  division]; 
they  be  two  things,  unity  and  uniformity.  The  other 
is,  when  the  matter  of  the  point  controverted  is  great, 
but  it  is  driven  to  an  over-great  subtilty  and  obscurity; 
so  that  it  becometh  a  thing  rather  ingenious  than  sub 
stantial.  A  man  that  is  of  judgment  and  understand 
ing  shall  sometimes  hear  ignorant  men  differ,  and  know 
well  within  himself  that  those  which  so  differ  mean 
one  thing,  and  yet  they  themselves  would  never  agree. 
And  iHt  come  so  to  pass  in  that  distance  of  judgment 
which  is  between  man  and  man.  shall  we  not  think  14 


13 

that  God  above,  that  knows  the  heart,  doth  not  dis 
cern  that  frail  men  in  some  of  their  contradictions 
intend  the  same  thing;  and  accepteth  of  both?  The 
nature  of  such  controversies  is  excellently  expressed  by 
St.  Paul  in  the  warning  and  precept  that  he  giveth 
concerning  the  same,  Devita  15  profanas  vocum  novi- 
tates,  et  oppositiones  falsi  nominis  sciential  [Avoid  pro 
fane  novelties  of  terms,  and  oppositions  of  ^science 
falsely  so  called].  Men  create  oppositions  which  are 
not;  and  put  them  into  new  terms  so  fixed,  as  whereas 
the  meaning  ought  to  govern  the  term,  the  term  in 
effect  governeth  the  meaning.16  There  be  also  two 
false  peaces  or  unities:  the  one,  when  the  peace  is 
grounded  but  upon  an  implicit  17  ignorance;  for  all 
colors  will  agree  in  the  dark:  the  other,  when  it  is 
pieced  up  upon  a  direct  admission  of  contraries  in 
fundamental  points.  For  truth  and  falsehood,  in  such 
things,  are  like  the  iron  and  clay  in  the  toes  of  Nebu 
chadnezzar's  image;  18  they  may  cleave,  but  they  will 
not  incorporate. 

Concerning  the  means  of  procuring  unity;  men  must 
beware,  that  in  the  procuring  or  muniting  of  religious 
unity  they  do  not  dissolve  and  deface  the  laws  of 
charity  and  of  human  society.  There  be  two  swords 19 
amongst  Christians,  the  spiritual  and  temporal;  and 
both  have  their  due  office  and  place  in  the  mainte 
nance  of  religion.  But  we  may  not  take  up  the  third 
sword,  which  is  Mahomet's  sword,  or  like  unto  it;  that 
is,  to  propagate  religion  by  wars  or  by  sanguinary  per 
secutions  to  force  consciences;  except  it  be  in  cases  of 
overt  scandal,  blasphemy,  or  intermixture  of  practice 
against  the  state;  much  less  to  nourish  seditions;  to 
authorize  conspiracies  and  rebellions;  to  put  the  sword 
into  the  people's  hands;  and  the  like;  tending  to  the 


14          THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

subversion  of  all  government,  which  is  the  ordinance 
of  God.  For  this  is  but  to  dash  the  first  table  20  against 
the  second;  and  so  to  consider  men  as  Christians, 
as  we  forget  that  they  are  men.  Lucretius21  the 
poet,  when  he  beheld  the  act  of  Agamemnon,  thai 
could  endure  the  sacrificing  of  his  own  daughter,  ex 
claimed  : 

"  Tantum  Relligio  potuit  suadere  malorum  " 

[To  such  ill  actions  Religion  could  persuade  a  man]. 
What  would  he  have  said,  if  he  had  known  of  the  mas 
sacre  in  France,22  or  the  powder  treason  of  England  ? 23 
He  would  have  been  seven  times  more  Epicure  24  and 
atheist  than  he  was.   For  as  the  temporal  sword  is  to 
be  drawn  with  great  circumspection  in  cases  of  religion; 
so  it  is  a  thing  monstrous  to  put  it  into  the  hands  of 
the  common  people.    Let  that  be  left  unto  the  Ana 
baptists,25  and  other  furies.    It  was  great  blasphemy 
when  the  devil  said,26 1  will  ascend  and  be  like  the  High 
est;  but  it  is  greater  blasphemy  to  personate  God, 
and  bring  him  in  saying,  I  will  descend,  and  be  like  the 
prince  of  darkness:  and  what  is  better,  to  make  the 
cause  of  religion  to  descend  to  the  cruel  and  execrable 
actions  of  murthering  princes,  butchery  of  people,  and 
subversion  of  states  and  governments  ?   Surely  this  is 
to  bring  down  the  Holy  Ghost,  instead  of  the  likeness 
of  a  dove,27  in  the  shape  of  a  vulture  or  raven ;  and  set 
out  of  the  bark  of  a  Christian  church  a  flag  of  a  bark 
of  pirates  and  assassins.   Therefore  it  is  most  neces 
sary  that  the  church  by  doctrine  and  decree,  princes 
by  their  sword,  and  all  learnings,  both  Christian  and 
moral,  as  by  their  Mercury  rod,28  do  damn  and  send  to 
hell  for  ever  those  facts  and  opinions  tending  to  the 
support  of  the  same;  as  hath  been  already  in  good 
part  done.    Surely  in  counsels  concerning  religion, 


\ 

OF  REVENGE  15 

that  counsel  of  the  apostle29  would  be  prefixed,  Ira 
hominis  non  implet  justitiam  Dei  [The  wrath  of  man 
worketh  not  the  righteousness  of  God].  And  it  was 
a  notable  observation  of  a  wise  father,30  and  no  less 
ingenuously  confessed ;  that  those  which  held  and  per 
suaded  pressure  of  consciences,  were  commonly  inter- 
esscd  31  therein  themselves  for  their  own  ends. 

IV 

OF   REVENGE 

REVENGE  is  a  kind  of  wild  justice;  which  the  more 
man's  nature  runs  to,  the  more  ought  law  to  weed  it 
out.  For  as  for  the  first  wrong,  it  doth  out  offend  the 
law;  but  the  revenge  of  that  wrong  putteth  the  law 
out  of  office.  Certainly,  in  taking  revenge,  a  man  is 
but  even  with  his  enemy;  but  in  passing  it  over,  he 
is  superior;  for  it  is  a  prince's  part  to  pardon.  And 
Solomon,1  I  am  sure,  saith,  It  is  the  glory  of  a  man  to 
pass  by  an  offence.  That  which  is  past  is  gone,  and 
irrevocable;  and  wise  men  have  enough  to  do  with 
things  present  and  to  come;  therefore  they  do  but  trifle 
with  themselves,  that  labor  in  past  matters.  There 
is  no  man  doth  a  wrong  for  the  wrong's  sake;  but 
thereby  to  purchase  himself  profit,  or  pleasure,  or 
honor,  or  the  like.  Therefore  why  should  I  be  angry 
with  a  man  for  loving  himself  better  than  me  ?  And  if 
any  man  should  do  wrong  merely  out  of  ill-nature,  why, 
yet  it  is  but  like  the  thorn  or  briar,  which  prick  and 
scratch,  because  they  can  do  no  other.  The  most  tol 
erable  sort  of  revenge  is  for  those  wrongs  which  there 
is  no  law  to  remedy; 2  but  then  let  a  man  take  heed  the 
revenge  be  such  as  there  is  no  law  to  punish;  else  a 
man's  enemy  is  still  before  hand,  and  it  is  two  for  one. 


16          THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

Some,  when  they  take  revenge,  are  desirous  the  party 
should  know  whence  it  cometh.  This  is  the  more  gen 
erous.  For  the  delight  seemeth  to  be  not  so  much  in 
doing  the  hurt  as  in  making  the  party  repent.  But 
base  and  crafty  cowards  are  like  the  arrow  that  flieth 
in  the  dark.  Cosmus,3  duke  of  Florence,  had  a  des 
perate  saying  against  perfidious  or  neglecting  friends, 
as  if  those  wrongs  were  unpardonable;  You  shall  read 
(saith  he)  that  we  are  commanded  to  forgive  our  ene 
mies;  but  you  never  read  that  we  are  commanded  to  for 
give  our  friends.  But  yet  the  spirit  of  Job  4  was  in  a 
better  tune:  Shall  we  (saith  he)  take  good  at  God's 
hands,  and  not  be  content  to  take  evil  also?  And  so  of 
friends  in  a  proportion.  This  is  certain,  that  a  man 
that  studieth  revenge  keeps  his  own  wounds  green, 
which  otherwise  would  heal  and  do  well.  Public  re 
venges  are  for  the  most  part  fortunate;  as  that  for  the 
death  of  Caesar; 5  for  the  death  of  Pertinax; 6  for  the 
death  of  Henry  the  Third7  of  France;  and  many 
more.  But  in  private  revenges  it  is  not  so.  Nay 
rather,  vindictive  persons  live  the  life  of  witches;  who, 
as  they  are  mischievous,  so  end  they  infortunate. 


OF   ADVERSITY 

IT  was  an  high  speech  of  Seneca 1  (after  the  man 
ner  of  the  Stoics),  that  the  good  things  which  belong  to 
prosperity  are  to  be  wished  ;  but  the  good  things  that 
belong  to  adversity  are  to  be  admired.  Bona  rerum  se- 
cundarum  optabilia  ;  adversarum  mirabilia.  Certainly 
if  miracles  be  the  command  over  nature,  they  appear 
most  in  adversity.  It  is  yet  a  higher  speech  2  of  his 
than  the  other  (much  too  high  for  a  heathen),  It  is 


OF  ADVERSITY  17 

true  greatness  to  have  in  one  the  frailty  of  a  man,  and 
the  security  of  a  God.  Vere  magnum  habere  fragilita- 
tem  hominis,  securitatem  Dei.  This  would  have  done 
better  in  poesy,  where  transcendences  are  more  al 
lowed.  And  the  poets  indeed  have  been  busy  with  it; 
for  it  is  in  effect  the  thing  which  is  figured  in  that 
strange  fiction  3  of  the  ancient  poets,  which  seemeth 
not  to  be  without  mystery;  nay,  and  to  have  some 
approach  to  the  state  of  a  Christian;  that  Hercules, 
when  he  went  to  unbind  Prometheus  (by  whom  human 
nature  is  represented),  sailed  the  length  of  the  great 
ocean  in  an  earthen  pot  or  pitcher  ;  lively  describing 
Christian  resolution,  that  saileth  in  the  frail  bark  of 
the  flesh  through  the  waves  of  the  world.  But  to  speak 
in  a  mean.4  The  virtue  of  prosperity  is  temperance; 
the  virtue  of  adversity  is  fortitude;  which  in  morals 
is  the  more  heroical  virtue.  Prosperity  is  the  blessing 
of  the  Old  Testament ;  adversity  is  the  blessing  of  the 
New;  which  carrieth  the  greater  benediction,  and  the 
clearer  revelation  of  God's  favor.  'Yet  even  in  the  Old 
Testament,  if  you  listen  to  David's  harp,  you  shall  hear 
as  many  hearse-like  airs  as  carols;  and  the  pencil  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  hath  labored  more  in  describing  the 
afflictions  of  Job  than  the  felicities  of  Solomon.5  Pros 
perity  is  not  without  many  fears  and  distastes;  and 
adversity  is  not  without  comforts  and  hopes.  We  see 
in  needle- works  and  embroideries,  it  is  more  pleasing 
to  have  a  lively  work  upon  a  sad  and  solemn  ground, 
than  to  have  a  dark  and  melancholy  work  upon  a 
lightsome  ground:  judge  therefore  of  the  pleasure  of 
the  heart  by  the  pleasure  of  the  eye.  Certainly  virtue 
is  like  precious  odors,  most  fragrant  when  they  are 
incensed  or  crushed:  for  prosperity  doth  best  dis 
cover  vice,  but  adversity  doth  best  discover  virtue. 


18          THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

VI    L 

OF  SIMULATION   AND    DISSIMULATION 

DISSIMULATION  is  but  a  faint  kind  of  policy  or  wis 
dom;  for  it  asketh  a  strong  wit  and  a  strong  heart  to 
know  when  to  tell  truth,  and  to  do  it.  Therefore  it 
is  the  weaker  sort  of  politics  that  are  the  great  dis 
semblers. 

Tacitus  saith,1  Livia  sorted  well  with  the  arts  of  her 
husband  and  dissimulation  of  her  son ;  attributing  arts 
or  policy  to  Augustus,  and  dissimulation  to  Tiberius. 
And  again,2  when  Mucianus  encourageth  Vespasian 
to  take  arms  against  Vitellius,  he  saith,  We  rise  not 
against  the  piercing  judgment  of  Augustus,  nor  the  ex 
treme  caution  or  closeness  of  Tiberius.  These  proper 
ties,  of  arts  or  policy  and  dissimulation  or  closeness,  are 
indeed  habits  and  faculties  several,  and  to  be  distin 
guished.  For  if  a  man  have  that  penetration  of  judg 
ment  as  he  can  discern  what  things  are  to  be  laid  open, 
and  what  to  be  secreted,  and  what  to  be  showed  at  half 
lights,  and  to  whom  and  when  (which  indeed  are  arts 
of  state  and  arts  of  life,  as  Tacitus  well  calleth  them  *), 
to  him  a  habit  of  dissimulation  is  a  hinderance  and  a 
poorness.  But  if  a  man  cannot  obtain  to  that  judg 
ment,  then  it  is  left  to  him  generally  to  be  close,  and 
a  dissembler.  For  where  a  man  cannot  choose  or  vary 
in  particulars,  there  it  is  good  to  take  the  safest  and 
wariest  way  in  general;  like  the  going  softly  by  one  that 
cannot  well  see.  Certainly  the  ablest  men  that  ever 
were  have  had  all  an  openness  and  frankness  of  deal 
ing;  and  a  name  of  certainty  and  veracity;  but  then 
they  were  like  horses  well  managed  ;  for  they  could 
tell  passing  well  when  to  stop  or  turn;  and  at  such 


OF  SIMULATION  AND  DISSIMULATION     19 

times  when  they  thought  the  case  indeed  required 
dissimulation,  if  then  they  used  it,  it  came  to  pass  that 
the  former  opinion  spread  abroad  of  their  good  faith 
and  clearness  of  dealing  made  them  almost  invisible. 

There  be  three  degrees  of  this  hiding  and  veiling  of 
a  man's  self.  The  first,  closeness,  reservation,  and 
secrecy;  when  a  man  leaveth  himself  without  observa 
tion,  or  without  hold  to  be  taken,  what  he  is.  The 
second,  dissimulation,  in  the  negative;  when  a  man 
lets  fall  signs  and  arguments,  that  he  is  not  that  he  is. 
And  the  third,  simulation,  in  the  affirmative;  when  a 
man  industriously  and  expressly  feigns  and  pretends  to 
be  that  he  is  not. 

For  the  first  of  these,  secrecy;  it  is  indeed  the 
virtue  of  a  confessor.  And  assuredly  the  secret  man 
heareth  many  confessions.  For  who  will  open  himself 
to  a  blab  or  a  babbler  ?  But  if  a  man  be  thought  secret, 
it  inviteth  discovery;  as  the  more  close  air  sucketh  in  4 
the  more  open;  and  as  in  confession  the  revealing  is 
not  for  worldly  use,  but  for  the  ease  of  a  man's  heart, 
so  secret  men  come  to  the  knowledge  of  many  things 
in  that  kind;  while  men  rather  discharge  their  minds 
than  impart  their  minds.  In  few  words,  mysteries  are  _ 
due  to  secrecy.  Besides  (to  say  truth)  nakedness  is 
uncomely,  as  well  in  mind  as  body;  and  it  addeth  no 
small  reverence  to  men's  manners  and  actions,  if  they 
be  not  altogether  open.  As  for  talkers  and  futile  per 
sons,  they  are  commonly  vain  and  credulous  withal. 
For  he  that  talketh  what  he  knoweth,  will  also  talk 
what  he  knoweth  not.  Therefore  set  it  down,  that  an  • 
habit  of  secrecy  is  both  politic  and  moral.  And  in  this 
part  it  is  good  that  a  man's  face  give  his  tongue  leave 
to  speak.  For  the  discovery  of  a  man's  self  5  by  the 
tracts  of  his  countenance  is  a  great  weakness  and  be- 


20         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

traying;  by  how  much  it  is  many  times  more  marked 
and  believed  than  a  man's  words. 

For  the  second,  which  is  dissimulation;  it  followeth 
many  times  upon  secrecy  by  a  nece?sity;  so  that  he 
that  will  be  secret  must  be  a  dissembler  in  some  degree. 
For  men  are  too  cunning  to  suffer  a  man  to  keep  an 
indifferent  carriage  between  both,  and  to  be  secret, 
without  swaying  the  balance  on  either  side.  They 
will  so  beset  a  man  with  questions,  and  draw  him  on, 
and  pick  it  out  of  him,  that,  without  an  absurd  silence, 
he  must  show  an  inclination  one  way;  or  if  he  do  not, 
they  will  gather  as  much  by  his  silence  as  by  his  speech. 
As  for  equivocations,  or  oraculous  speeches,  they  can 
not  hold  out  long.  So  that  no  man  can  be  secret,8 
except  he  give  himself  a  little  scope  of  dissimulation; 
which  is,  as  it  were,  but  the  skirts  or  train  of  secrecy. 

But  for  the  third  degree,  which  is  simulation  and 
false  profession;  that  I  hold  more  culpable,  and  less 
politic;  except  it  be  in  great  and  rare  matters.  And 
therefore  a  general  custom  of  simulation  (which  is  this 
last  degree)  is  a  vice,  rising  either  of  a  natural  falseness 
or  fearfulness,  or  of  a  mind  that  hath  some  main  faults, 
which  because  a  man  must  needs  disguise,  it  maketh 
him  practise  simulation  in  other  things,  lest  his  hand 
should  be  out  of  ure.7 

The  great  advantages  of  simulation  and  dissimula 
tion  are  three.  First,  to  lay  asleep  opposition,  and 
to  surprise.  For  where  a  man's  intentions  are  pub 
lished,  it  is  an  alarum  to  call  up  all  that  are  against 
them.  The  second  is,  to  reserve  to  a  man's  self  a  fair 
retreat.  For  if  a  man  engage  himself  by  a  manifest 
declaration,  he  must  go  through  or  take  a  fall.  The 
third  is,  the  better  to  discover  the  mind  of  another. 
For  to  him  that  opens  himself  men  will  hardly  show 


OF  PARENTS  AND  CHILDREN  21 

themselves  adverse;  but  will  (fair)  let  him  go  on,  and 
turn  their  freedom  of  speech  to  freedom  of  thought. 
And  therefore  it  is  a  good  shrewd  proverb  of  the 
Spaniard,  Tell  a  lie  8  and  find  a  troth.  As  if  there 
were  no  way  of  discovery  but  by  simulation.  There 
be  also  three  disadvantages,  to  set  it  even.  The 
first,  that  simulation  and  dissimulation  commonly  carry 
with  them  a  show  of  fearfulness,  which  in  any  business 
doth  spoil  the  feathers  of  round  flying  up  to  the  mark. 
The  second,  that  it  puzzleth  and  perplexeth  the  con 
ceits  of  many,  that  perhaps  would  otherwise  co-operate 
with  him;  and  makes  a  man  walk  almost  alone  to  his 
own  ends.  The  third  and  greatest  is,  that  it  depriveth 
a  man  of  one  of  the  most  principal  instruments  for 
action ;  which  is  trust  and  belief.  The  best  composi 
tion  and  temperature  is  to  have  openness  in  fame  and 
opinion;9  secrecy  in  habit;  dissimulation  in  seasonable 
use;  and  a  power  to  feign,  if  there  be  no  remedy. 

VII 

OF   PARENTS   AND    CHILDREN 

THE  joys  of  parents  are  secret;  and  so  are  their 
griefs  and  fears.  They  cannot  utter  the  one;  nor  they 
will  not  utter  the  other.  Children  sweeten  labors; 
but  they  make  misfortunes  more  bitter.  They  increase 
the  cares  of  life;  but  they  mitigate  the  remembrance 
of  death.  The  perpetuity  by  generation  is  common  to 
beasts;  but  memory,  merit,  and  noble  works  are  proper 
to  men.  And  surely  *  a  man  shall  see  the  noblest 
works  and  foundations  have  proceeded  from  child 
less  men ;  which  have  sought  to  express  the  images 
of  their  minds,  where  those  of  their  bodies  have  failed. 
So  the  care  of  posterity  is  most  in  them  that  have  no 


22         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

posterity.  They  that  are  the  first  raisers  of  their  houses 
are  most  indulgent  towards  their  children;  beholding 
them  as  the  continuance  not  only  of  their  kind  but 
of  their  work;  and  so 'both  children  and  creatures. 

The  difference  in  affection  2  of  parents  towards  their 
several  children  is  many  times  unequal;  and  sometimes 
unworthy;  especially  in  the  mother;  as  Solomon  saith,3 
4  wise  son  rejoiceth  the  father,  but  an  ungracious  son 
shames  the  mother.  A  man  shall  see,  where  there  is 
a  house  full  of  children,  one  or  two  of  the  eldest  re 
spected,  and  the  youngest  made  wantons;  but  in  the 
midst  some  that  are  as  it  were  forgotten,  who  many 
times  nevertheless  prove  the  best.  The  illiberality  of 
parents  in  allowance  towards  their  children  is  an 
harmful  error;  makes  them  base;  acquaints  them  with 
shifts;  makes  them  sort  with  mean  company;  and 
makes  them  surfeit  more  when  they  come  to  plenty. 
And  therefore  the  proof  is  best,  when  men  keep  their 
authority  towards  their  children,  but  not  their  purse. 
MeiTTiave  aTfooIish  manner  (both  parents  and  school 
masters  and  servants)  in  creating  and  breeding  an 
emulation  between  brothers  during  childhood,  which 
many  times  sorteth  to  discord  when  they  are  men,  and 
disturbeth  families.  The  Italians  make  little  difference 
between  children  and  nephews  or  near  kinsfolks;  but 
so  they  be  of  the  lump,  they  care  not  though  they  pass 
not  through  their  own  body.  And,  to  say  truth,  in 
nature  it  is  much  a  like  matter;  insomuch  that  we  see 
a  nephew  sometimes  resembleth  an  uncle  or  a  kinsman 
more  than  his  own  parent;  as  the  blood  happens.  Let 
parents  choose  betimes  the  vocations  and  courses  they 
mean  their  children  should  take;  for  then  they  are 
most  flexible;  and  let  them  not  too  much  apply  them 
selves  to  the  disposition  of  their  children,  as  thinking 


OF  MARRIAGE  AND  SINGLE  LIFE          23 

they  will  take  best  to  that  which  they  have  most  mind 
to.  It  is  true,  that  if  the  affection  or  aptness  of  the 
children  be  extraordinary,  then  it  is  good  not  to  cross 
it;  but  generally  the  precept 4  is  good,  optimum  elige, 
suave  et  facile  illud  faciet  consuetude  [choose  the  best  ^ 
• —  custom  will  make  it  pleasant  and  easy].  Younger 
brothers  are  commonly  fortunate,  but  seldom  or  never 
where  the  elder  are  disinherited. 

VIII 

OF   MARRIAGE   AND    SINGLE   LIFE 

V 

HE  that  hath  wife  and  children  hath  given  hostages 
to  fortune;  for  they  are  impediments  1  to  great  enter 
prises,  either  of  virtue  or  mischief.  Certainly  the 
best  works,  and  of  greatest  merit  for  the  public,  have 
proceeded  from  the  unmarried  or  childless  men;  which 
both  in  affection  and  means  have  married  and  endowed 
the  public.  Yet  it  were  great  reason  that  those  that 
have  children  should  have  greatest  care  of  future  times  ; 
unto  which  they  know  they  must  transmit  their  dearest 
pledges.2  Some  there  are,  who  though  they  lead  a 
single  life,  yet  their  thoughts  do  end  with  themselves, 
and  account  future  times  impertinences.  Nay,  there 
are  some  other  that  account  wife  and  children  but  as 
bills  of  charges.  Nay  more,  there  are  some  foolish 
rich  covetous  men,  that  take  a  pride  in  having  no 
children,  because  they  may  be  thought  so  much  the 
richer.  For  perhaps  they  have  heard  some  talk,  Such 
an  one  is  a  great  rich  man,  and  another  except  to  it, 
Yea,  but  he  hath  a  great  charge  of  children;  as  if  it 
were  an  abatement  to  his  riches.  But  the  most  ordi 
nary  cause  of  a  single  life  is  liberty,  especially  in  cer 
tain  self-pleasing  and  humorous  minds,3  which  are  so 


24         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

•  sensible  of  every  restraint,  as  they  will  go  near  to  think  , 
their  girdles  and  garters  to  be  bonds  and  shackles.  / 
Unmarried  men  are  best  friends,  best  masters,  best 
servants;  but  not  always  best  subjects;  for  they  are 
light  to  run  away;  and  almost  all  fugitives  are  of  that 
condition.  A  single  life  doth  well  with  churchmen; 
for  charity  will  hardly  water  the  ground  where  it  must 
first  fill  a  pool.  It  is  indifferent  for  judges  and  magis-. 
trates;  for  if  they  be  facile  and  corrupt,  you  shall  have 
a  servant  five  times  worse  than  a  wife.  For  soldiers,  I 
find  the  generals  commonly  in  their  hortatives  put  men 
in  mind  of  their  wives  and  children;  and  I  think  the 
despising  of  marriage  amongst  the  Turks  maketh  the 
vulgar  soldier  more  base.  I  Certainly  wife  and  children 
are  a  kind  of  discipline  of  humanity;  and  single  men, 
though  they  may  be  many  times  more  charitable,  be 
cause  their  means  are  less  exhaust,  yet,  on  the  other 
side,  they  are  more  cruel  and  hardhearted  (good  to 
make  severe  inquisitors),  because  their  tenderness  is 
not  so  oft  called  upon.  Grave  natures,  led  by  custom, 
and  therefore  constant,  are  commonly  loving  husbands, 
as  was  said  of  Ulysses,4  vetulam  suam  praetulit  immor- 
talitati  [he  preferred  his  old  wife  to  immortality] 
Chaste  women  are  often  proud  and  f reward,  as  pre 
suming  upon  the  merit  of  their  chastity.  It  is  one  of 
the  best  bonds  both  of  chastity  and  obedience  in  the 
wife,  if  she  think  her  husband  wise;  which  she  will 

i  never  do  if  she  find  him  jealous.  Wives  are  youn^r 
men's  mistresses;  companions  for  middle  age;  and  olo 
men^s  nurses.  So  as  a  man  may  have  a  quarrel 5  to 
marry  when  he  will.  But  yet  he  was  reputed  one  of 
the  wise  men,6  that  made  answer  to  the  question,  when 
a  man  should  marry,  —  A  young  man  not  yet,  an  elder 
man  not  at  all.  ,It  is  often  seen  that  bad  husbands 


OF  ENVY  25 

have  very  good  wives;  whether  it  be  that  it  raiseth 
the  price  of  their  husband's  kindness  when  it  comes; 
or  that  the  wives  take  a  pride  in  their  patience.  But 
this  never  fails,  if  the  bad  husbands  were  of  their  own 
choosing,  against  their  friends'  consent;  for  then  they 
will  be  sure  to  make  good  their  own  folly. 

IX 

OF   ENVY 

THERE  be  none  of  the  affections  which  have  been 
noted  to  fascinate  or  bewitch,  but  love  and  envy. 
They  both  have  vehement  wishes;  they  frame  them 
selves  readily  into  imaginations  and  suggestions;  and 
they  come  easily  into  the  eye,  especially  upon  the  pre 
sence  of  the  objects;  which  are  the  points  that  con 
duce  to  fascination,  if  any  such  thing  there  be.  We 
see  likewise  the  Scripture 1  calleth  envy  an  evil  eye;  and 
the  astrologers  call  the  evil  influences  2  of  the  stars  evil 
aspects;  so  that  still  there  seemeth  to  be  acknow 
ledged,  in  the  act  of  envy,  an  ejaculation  or  irradiation 
of  the  eye.3  Nay  some  have  been  so  curious  as  to  note 
that  the  times  when  the  stroke  or  percussion  of  an  en 
vious  eye  doth  most  hurt  are  when  the  party  envied  is 
beheld  in  glory  or  triumph; 4  for  that  sets  an  edge  upon 
envy :  and  besides,  at  such  times  the  spirits  of  the  per 
son  envied  do  come  forth  most  into  the  outward  parts, 
and  so  meet  the  blow. 

But  leaving  these  curiosities  (though  not  unworthy 
to  be  thought  on  in  fit  place),  we  will  handle,  what 
persons  are  apt  to  envy  others;  what  persons  are  most 
subject  to  be  envied  themselves ;  and  what  is  the  differ 
ence  between  public  and  private  envy. 

A  man  that  hath  no  virtue  in  himself,  ever  envieth 


26         THE  ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

virtue  in  others.  For  men's  minds  will  either  feed 
upon  their  own  good  or  upon  others'  evil;  and  who 
wanteth  the  one  will  prey  upon  the  other;  and  whose 
is  out  of  hope  to  attain  to  another's  virtue,  will  seek  to 
come  at  even  hand  by  depressing  another's  fortune. 

A  man  that  is  busy  and  inquisitive  is  commonl} 
envious.  For  to  know  much  of  other  men's  matters 
cannot  be  because  all  that  ado  may  concern  his  own 
estate;  therefore  it  must  needs  be  that  he  taketh  a 
kind  of  play-pleasure  in  looking  upon  the  fortunes  of 
others.  Neither  can  he  that  mindeth  but  his  own  busi 
ness  find  much  matter  for  envy.  For  envy  is  a  gad 
ding  passion,  and  walketh  the  streets,  and  doth  not 
keep  home:  Nonest 5  curiosiis,  quin  idem  sit  malevolvj 
[There  is  no  curious  man  but  has  some  malevolence 
to  quicken  his  curiosity]. 

Men  of  noble  birth  are  noted  to  be  envious  towards 
new  men  8  when  they  rise.  For  the  distance  is  altered ; 
and  it  is  like  a  deceit  of  the  eye,  that  when  others  come 
on  they  think  themselves  go  back. 

Deformed  persons,7  and  eunuchs,  and  old  men,  and 
bastards,  are  envious.  For  he  that  cannot  possibly 
mend  his  own  case  will  do  what  he  can  to  impair  an 
other's;  except  these  defects  light  upon  a  very  brave 
and  heroical  nature,  which  thinketh  to  make  his  nat 
ural  wants  part  of  his  honor;  in  that  it  should  b< 
said,  that  an  eunuch,  or  a  lame  man,  did  such  great 
matters ;  affecting  the  honor  of  a  miracle;  as  it  was 
in  Narses  8  the  eunuch,  and  Agesilaus  9  and  Tamber- 
lanes,10  that  were  lame  men. 

The  same  is  the  case  of  men  that  rise  n  after  calami 
ties  and  misfortunes.  For  they  are  as  men  fallen  out 
with  the  times;  and  think  other  men's  harms  a  redemp 
tion  of  their  own  sufferings. 


OF    ENVY  27 

They  that  desire  to  excel  in  too  many  matters,  out 
of  levity  and  vain  glory,  are  ever  envious.  For  they 
cannot  want  work;12  it  being  impossible  but  many  in 
some  one  of  those  things  should  surpass  them.  Whicl 
was  the  character  of  Adrian  13  the  Emperor;  that  mor 
tally  envied  poets  and  painters  and  artificers,  in  works 
wherein  he  had  a  vein  to  excel. 

Lastly,  near  kinsfolks,14  and  fellows  in  office,  and 
those  that  have  been  bred  together,  are  more  apt  to 
envy  their  equals  when  they  are  raised.  For  it  doth 
upbraid  unto  them  their  own  fortunes,  and  pointeth  at 
them,  and  cometh  oftener  into  their  remembrance,  and 
incurreth  likewise  more  into  the  note  of  others;  and 
envy  ever  redoubleth  from  speech  and  fame.  Cain's 
envy  15  was  the  more  vile  and  malignant  towards  his 
brother  Abel,  because  when  his  sacrifice  was  better 
accepted  there  was  no  body  to  look  on.  Thus  much 
for  those  that  are  apt  to  envy. 

Concerning  those  that  are  more  or  less  subject  to 
envy:  First,  persons  of  eminent  virtue,  when  they 
are  advanced,  are  less  envied.  For  their  fortune  seem- 
eth  but  due  unto  them;  and  no  man  envieth  the 
payment  of  a  debt,  but  rewards  and  liberality  rather. 
Again,  envy  is  ever  joined  with  the  comparing  of  a 
man's  self;  and  where  there  is  no  comparison,  no 
envy;  and  therefore  kings  are  not  envied  but  by  kings. 
Nevertheless  it  is  to  be  noted  that  unworthy  person! 
are  most  envied  at  their  first  coming  in,  and  afterwards 
overcome  it  better;  whereas  contrariwise,  persons  of 
worth  and  merit  are  most  envied  when  their  fortune 
continueth  long.  For  by  that  time,  though  their  virtue 
be  the  same,  yet  it  hath  not  the  same  lustre;  for  fresh 
men  grow  up  that  darken  it. 

Persons  of  noble  blood  are  less  envied  in  their  rising. 


28         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

For  it  seemeth  but  right  done  to  their  birth.  Besides, 
there  seemeth  not  much  added  to  their  fortune;  and 
envy  is  as  the  sunbeams,16  that  beat  hotter  upon  a  bank 
or  steep  rising  ground,  than  upon  a  flat.  And  for  the 
same  reason  those  that  are  advanced  by  degrees  are  less 
envied  than  those  that  are  advanced  suddenly  and  per 
saltum  [at  a  bound]. 

Those  that  have  joined17  with  their  honor  great  trav 
els,  cares,  or  perils,  are  less  subject  to  envy.  For  men 
think  that  they  earn  their  honors  hardly,  and  pity 
them  sometimes;  and  pity  ever  healeth  envy.18  Where 
fore  you  shall  observe  that  the  more  deep  and  sober 
sort  of  politic  persons,19  in  their  greatness,  are  ever  be 
moaning  themselves,  what  a  life  they  lead ;  chanting  a 
quanta  patimur  [how  great  things  do  we  suffer!].  Not 
that  they  feel  it  so,  but  only  to  abate  the  edge  of 
envy.  But  this  is  to  be  understood  of  business  that 
is  laid  upon  men,  and  not  such  as  they  call  unto  them 
selves.  For  nothing  increaseth  envy  more  than  an  un 
necessary  and  ambitious  engrossing  of  business.  And 
nothing  doth  extinguish  enyy  more  than  for  a  great 
person  to  preserve  all  other  inferior  officers  in  their 
fall  rights  and  pre-eminences  of  their  places.  For  by 
that  means  there  be  so  many  screens  between  him  and 
envy. 

Above  all,  those  are  most  subject  to  envy,  which 
carry  the  greatness  of  their  fortunes  in  an  insolent 
and  proud  manner;  being  never  well  but  while  they  are 
showing  how  great  they  are,  either  by  outward  pomp, 
or  by  triumphing  over  all  opposition  or  competition; 
whereas  wise  men  will  rather  do  sacrifice  to  envy,  in 
suffering  themselves  sometimes  of  purpose  to  be  crossed 
and  overborne  in  things  that  do  not  much  concern 
them.  Notwithstanding,  so  much  is  true,  that  the  car- 


OF    ENVY  29 

riage  of  greatness  in  a  plain  and  open  manner  (so  it  be 
without  arrogancy  and  vain  glory)  doth  draw  less  envy 
than  if  it  be  in  a  more  crafty  and  cunning  fashion. 
For  in  that  course  a  man  doth  but  disavow  fortune;20 
and  seemeth  to  be  conscious  of  his  own  want  in  worth; 
and  doth  but  teach  others  to  envy  him. 

Lastly,  to  conclude  this  part;  as  we  said  in  the  begin 
ning  that  the  act  of  envy  had  somewhat  in  it  of  witch 
craft,  so  there  is  no  other  cure  of  envy  but  the  cure 
of  witchcraft;21  and  that  is,  to  remove  the  lot22  (as 
they  call  it)  and  to  lay  it  upon  another.  For  which 
purpose,  the  wiser  sort  of  great  persons  bring  in  ever 
upon  the  stage  somebody  upon  whom  to  derive  the 
envy  that  would  come  upon  themselves;  sometimes 
upon  ministers  and  servants;  sometimes  upon  col 
leagues  and  associates;  and  the  like;  and  for  that  turn 
there  are  never  wanting  some  persons  of  violent  and 
undertaking  natures,  who,  so  they  may  have  power 
and  business,  will  take  it  at  any  cost. 

Now,  to  speak  of  public  envy.    There  is  yet  some 
good  in  public  envy,  whereas  in  private  there  is  none.  v 
For  public  envy  is  as  an  ostracism,  that  eclipseth  men 
when  they  grow  too  great.  And  therefore  it  is  a  bridle 
also  to  great  ones,  to  keep  them  within  bounds. 

This  envy,  being  in  the  Latin  word  invidia,  goeth  in 
the  modern  languages  by  the  name  of  discontentment ; 
of  which  we  shall  speak  in  handling  sedition.  It  is  a 
disease  in  a  state  like  to  infection.  For  as  infection 
spreadeth  upon  that  which  is  sound,  and  tainteth  it; 
so  when  envy  is  gotten  once  into  a  state,  it  traduceth 
even  the  best  actions  thereof,  and  turneth  them  into  an 
ill  odor.  And  therefore  there  is  little  won  by  inter 
mingling  of  plausible  23  actions.  For  that  doth  argue 
but  a  weakness  and  fear  of  envy,  which  hurteth  so 


80 

much  the  more,  as  it  is  likewise  usual  in  infections, 
which  if  you  fear  them,  you  call  them  upon  you. 

This  public  envy  seemeth  to  beat  chiefly  upon  prin- 
cipal  officers  or  ministers,  rather  than  upon  kings  and 
estates  themselves.  But  this  is  a  sure  rule,  that  if  the 
envy  upon  the  minister  be  great,  when  the  cause  of  it 
in  him  is  small;  or  if  the  envy  be  general  in  a  man 
ner  upon  all  the  ministers  of  an  estate;  then  the  envy 
(though  hidden)  is  truly  upon  the  state  itself.24  And 
so  much  of  public  envy  or  discontentment,  and  the  dif 
ference  thereof  from  private  envy,  which  was  handled 
in  the  first  place. 

We  will  add  this  in  general,  touching  the  affection 
of  envy;  that  of  all  other  affections  it  is  the  most  im 
portune  and  continual.  For  of  other  affections  there  is 
occasion  given  but  now  and  then ;  and  therefore  it  was 
well  said,  Invidia  festos  dies  non  agit  [Envy  keeps  no 
holidays]:  for  it  is  ever  working  upon  some  or  other. 
And  it  is  also  noted  that  love  and  envy  do  make  a  man 
pine,  which  other  affections  do  not,  because  they  are 
not  so  continual.  It  is  also  the  vilest  affection,  and  the 
^most  depraved;25  for  which  cause  it  is  the  proper  attri 
bute  of  the  devil,  who  is  called  the  envious  man,26  that 
soweth  tares  amongst  the  wheat  by  night;  as  it  always 
cometh  to  pass,  that  envy  worketh  subtilly,  and  in  the 
dark;  and  to  the  prejudice  of  good  things,  such  as  is 
the  wheat. 

X 

OF  LOVE 

THE  stage  is  more  beholding  to  love,  than  the  life  of 
man.  For  as  to  the  stage,  love  is  ever  matter  of  come 
dies,  and  now  and  then  of  tragedies;  but  in  life  it  doth 
much  mischief;  sometimes  like  a  siren,1  sometimes  like 


OF   LOVE  31 

a  fury.2  You  may  observe  that  amongst  all  the  great 
and  worthy  persons  (whereof  the  memory  remaineth, 
either  ancient  or  recent)  there  is  not  one  that  hath 
been  transported  to  the  mad  degree  of  love  :  which 
shows  that  great  spirits  and  great  business  do  keep 
out  this  weak  passion.  You  must  except  nevertheless 
Marcus  Antonius,3  the  half  partner  of  the  empire  of 
Rome,  and  Appius  Claudius,4  the  decemvir  and  law 
giver;  5  whereof  the  former  was  indeed  a  voluptuous 
man,  and  inordinate;  but  the  latter  was  an  austere 
and  wise  man :  and  therefore  it  seems  (though  rarely) 
that  love  can  find  entrance  not  only  into  an  open  heart, 
but  also  into  a  heart  well  fortified,  if  watch  be  not  well 
kept.  It  is  a  poor  saying  6  of  Epicurus,  Satis  magnum 
alter  alteri  theatrum  sumus  [Each  is  to  another  a  theatre 
large  enough] ;  as  if  man,  made  for  the  contemplation 
of  heaven  and  all  noble  objects,  should  do  nothing  but 
kneel  before  a  little  idol,7  and  make  himself  a  subject, 
though  not  of  the  mouth  (as  beasts  are),  yet  of  the 
eye;  which  was  given  him  for  higher  purposes.  It  is 
a  strange  thing  to  note  the  excess  of  this  passion,  and 
how  it  braves  the  nature  and  value  of  things,  by  this; 
that  the  speaking  in  a  perpetual  hyperbole  is  comely 
in  nothing  but  in  love.  Neither  is  it  merely  in  the 
phrase;  for  whereas  it  hath  been  .well  said  that  the 
arch-flatterer,  with  whom  all  the  petty  flatterers  have 
intelligence,  is  a  man's  self;  certainly  the  lover  is  more. 
For  there  was  never  proud  man  thought  so  absurdly 
well  of  himself  as  the  lover  doth  8  of  the  person  loved ; 
and  therefore  it  was  well  said,9  That  it  is  impossible  to 
love  and  to  be  wise.  Neither  doth  this  weakness  appear 
to  others  only,  and  not  to  the  party  loved;  but  to  the 
loved  most  of  all,  except  the  love  be  reciproque.10  For 
it  is  a  true  rule,  that  love  is  ever  rewarded  either  with 


32         THE   ESSAYS   OF    FRANCIS    BACON 

the  reciproque  or  with  an  inward  and  secret  contempt. 
By  how  much  the  more  men  ought  to  beware  of  this 
passion,  which  loseth  not  only  other  things,  but  itself! 
As  for  the  other  losses,  the  poet's  relation  doth  well 
figure  them:  that  he  that  preferred11  Helena  quitted 
the  gifts  of  Juno  and  Pallas.  For  whosoever  esteem' 
eth  too  much  of  amorous  affection  quitteth  both  riches 
and  wisdom."  This  passion  hath  his  floods  in  the  very 
times  of  weakness;  which  are  great  prosperity  and 
great  adversity;  though  this  latter  hath  been  less  ob 
served:  both  which  times  kindle  love,  and  make  it 
more  fervent,  and  therefore  show  it  to  be  the  child  of 
folly.  They  do  best,  who  if  they  cannot  but  admit 
love,  yet  make  it  keep  quarter;13  and  sever  it  wholly 
from  their  serious  affairs  and  actions  of  life;  for  if  it 
check  once  with  business,  it  troubleth  men's  fortunes, 
and  maketh  men  that  they  can  no  ways  be  true  to 
their  own  ends.  I  know  not  how,  but  martial  men  14  are 
given  to  love:  I  think  it  is  but  as  they  are  given  to 
wine;  for  perils  commonly  ask  to  be  paid  in  pleasures. 
There  is  in  man's  nature  a  secret  inclination  and  mo 
tion  towards  love  of  others,  which  if  it  be  not  spent 
upon  some  one  or  a  few,  doth  naturally  spread  itself 
towards  many,  and  maketh  men  become  humane  and 
charitable;  as  it  is  seen  sometime  in  friars.  Nuptial 
love  maketh  mankind;  friendly  love 15  perfecteth  it;  but 
wanton  love  corrupteth  and  embaseth  it. 
nav^  >je  -to  foul  Fvat\V<.\ 

XI 

OF   GREAT   PLACE 

MEN  in  great  place  are  thrice  servants :  servants  of 
the  sovereign  or  state;  servants  of  fame;  and  servants 
of  business.  So  as  they  have  no  freedom;  1  neither  in 


OF   GREAT   PLACE  33 

their  persons,  nor  in  their  actions,  nor  in  their  times. 
It  is  a  strange  desire,  to  seek  power  and  to  lose  liberty : 
or  to  seek  power  over  others  and  to  lose  power  over  a 
man's  self.  The  rising  unto  place  is  laborious;  and  by 
pains  men  come  to  greater  pains;  and  it  is  sometimes 
base;  and  by  indignities  men  come  to  dignities.  The 
standing  is  slippery,  and  the  regress  is  either  a  down 
fall,  or  at  least  an  eclipse,  which  is  a  melancholy  thing. 
Cum  non  sis  2  qui  fueris,  non  csse  cur  veils  vivere 
[When  a  man  feels  that  he  is  no  longer  what  he  was, 
he  has  no  reason  to  live  longer].  Nay,  retire  men  can 
not  when  they  would,3  neither  will  they  when  it  were 
reason;  but  are  impatient  of  privateness,  even  in  age 
and  sickness,  which  require  the  shadow;  like  old  towns 
men,  that  will  be  still  sitting  at  their  street  door,  though 
thereby  they  offer  age  to  scorn.  Certainly  great  per 
sons  had  need  to  borrow  other  men's  opinions,  to  think 
themselves  happy;  for  if  they  judge  by  their  own  feel 
ing,  they  cannot  find  it:  but  if  they  think  with  them 
selves  what  other  men  think  of  them,  and  that  other 
men  would  fain  be  as  they  are,  then  they  are  happy 
as  it  were  by  report ;  when  perhaps  they  find  the  con 
trary  within.  For  they  are  the  first  that  find  their 
own  griefs,  though  they  be  the  last  that  find  their  own 
faults.  Certainly  men  in  great  fortunes  are  strangers 
to  themselves,  and  while  they  are  in  the  puzzle  of  busi 
ness  they  have  no  time  to  tend  their  health  either  of 
body  or  mind.  Illi  mors  grams  incubat,  qui  notus  nimis 
omnibus,  ignotus  moritur  sibi  [It  is  a  sad  fate  for  a 
man  to  die  too  well  known  to  everybody  else,  and  still 
unknown  to  himself].  In  place  there  is  license  to 
do  good  and  evil;  whereof  the  latter  is  a  curse:  for 
in  evil  the  best  condition  is  not  to  will;  the  second, 
not  to  can.4  But  power  to  do  good  is  the  true  and  law- 


84         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

ful  end  of  aspiring.  For  good  thoughts  (though  God 
accept  them)  yet  towards  men  are  little  better  than 
good  dreams,  except  they  be  put  in  act;  and  that  can 
not  be  without  power  and  place,  as  the  vantage  and 
commanding  ground.  Merit  and  good  works  is  the 
end  of  man's  motion;  and  conscience  5  of  the  same  is 
the  accomplishment  of  man's  rest.  For  if  a  man  can 
be  partaker  of  God's  theatre,6  he  shall  likewise  be  par 
taker  of  God's  rest.  Et  conversus  Dens,1  ut  aspiceret 
opera  quafecerunt  manus  suas,  vidit  quod  omnia  essent 
bona  nimis  [And  God  turned  to  look  upon  the  works 
which  his  hands  had  made,  and  saw  that  all  were  very 
good] ;  and  then  the  sabbath.  In  the  discharge  of  thy 
place  set  before  thee  the  best  examples;  for  imitation 
;is  a  globe  of  precepts.  And  after  a  time  set  before 
thee  thine  own  example;  and  examine  thyself  strictly 
whether  thou  didst  not  best  at  first.  Neglect  not  also  & 
the  examples  of  those  that  have  carried  themselves  ill 
in  the  same  place;  not  to  set  off  thyself  by  taxing  their 
memory,  but  to  direct  thyself  what  to  avoid.  Reform 
therefore,  without  bravery  9  or  scandal  of  former  times 
and  persons;  but  yet  set  it  down  to  thyself  as  well 
to  create  good  precedents  as  to  follow  them.  Reduce 
things  to  the  first  institution,  and  observe  wherein  and 
how  they  have  degenerate;  but  yet  ask  counsel  of  both 
times;  of  the  ancient  time,  what  is  best;  and  of  the 
latter  time,  what  is  fittest.  Seek  to  make  thy  course 
regular,  that  men  may  know  beforehand  what  they 
may  expect;  but  be  not  too  positive  and  peremptory; 
and  express  thyself  well  when  thou  digressest  from 
thy  rule.  Preserve  the  right  of  thy  place;  but  stir  not 
questions  of  jurisdiction :  and  rather  assume  thy  right 
in  silence  and  de facto  [from  the  fact],  than  voice  it  with 
claims  and  challenges.  Preserve  likewise  the  rights  of 


OF   GREAT  -PLACE  35 

inferior  places;  and  think  it  more  honor  to  direct  in 
chief  than  to  be  busy  in  all.  Embrace  and  invite  helps 
and  advices 10  touching  the  execution  of  thy  place;  and 
do  not  drive  away  such  as  bring  thee  information,  as 
meddlers;  but  accept  of  them  in  good  part.  The  vices 
of  authority  are  chiefly  four:  delays,  corruption,  rough 
ness,  and  facility.11  For  delays:  give  easy  access;  keep 
times  appointed;  go  through  with  that  which  is  in 
hand,  and  interlace  not  business  but  of  necessity.  For 
corruption :  do  not  only  bind  thine  own  hands  or  thy 
servants'  hands  from  taking,  but  bind  the  hands  of 
suitors  also  from  offering.  For  integrity  used  doth  the 
one:  but  integrity  professed,  and  with  a  manifest  de 
testation  of  bribery,  doth  the  other.  And  avoid  not 
only  the  fault,  but  the  suspicion.  Whosoever  is  found 
variable,  and  changeth  manifestly  without  manifest 
'jause,  giveth  suspicion  of  corruption.  Therefore  al 
ways  when  thou  changest  thine  opinion  or  course,  pro 
fess  it  plainly,  and  declare  it,  together  with  the  reasons 
that  move  thee  to  change ;  and  do  not  think  to  steal  it. 
A  servant  or  a  favorite,  if  he  be  inward,  and  no  other 
apparent  cause  of  esteem,  is  commonly  thought  buf 
a  by-way  to  close  corruption.  For  roughness:  it  is  a 
needless  cause  of  discontent:  severity  breedeth  fear, 
but  roughness  breedeth  hate.  Even  reproofs  from 
authority  ought  to  be  grave,  and  not  taunting.  As 
for  facility:  it  is  worse  than  bribery.  For  bribes  come 
but  now  and  then;  but  if  importunity  or  idle  respects 
lead  a  man,  he  shall  never  be  without.  As  Solomon 
saith,12  To  respect  persons  is  not  good;  for  zuch  a  man 
will  transgress  for  a  piece  of  bread.  It  is  most  true  that 
was  anciently  spoken,  A  place  showeth  the  man.13  And 
it  showeth  some  to  the  better,  and  some  to  the  worse. 
Omnium  consensu  capax  imperil,  nisi  imperasset  [A 


36         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

man  whom  every  body  would  have  thought  fit  for 
empire  if  he  had  not  been  emperor],  saith  Tacitus  14  of 
Galba;  but  of  Vespasian  15  he  saith,  Solug  imperantium, 
Vespasianus  mutatus  in  melius  [He  was  the  only  em 
peror  whom  the  possession  of  power  changed  for  the 
better]  ;  though  the  one  was  meant  of  sufficiency,  the 
other  of  manners  and  affection.  It  is  an  assured  sign 
of  a  worthy  and  generous  spirit,  whom  honor  amends. 
For  honor  is,  or  should  be,  the  place  of  virtue;  and 
as  in  nature  things  move  violently  to  their  place  and 
calmly  in  their  place,  so  virtue  in  ambition  is  violent,, 
in  authority  settled  and  calm.  All  rising  to  great  place 
is  by  a  winding  stair;  and  if  there  be  factions,  it  is 
good  to  side  a  man's  self  whilst  he  is  in  the  rising,  and 
to  balance  himself  when  he  is  placed.  Use  the  mem 
ory  of  thy  predecessor  fairly  and  tenderly;  for  if  thou 
dost  not,  it  is  a  debt  will  sure  be  paid  when  thou  art 
gone.  If  thou  have  colleagues,  respect  them,  and 
rather  call  them ie  when  they  look  not  for  it,  than  ex 
clude  them  when  they  have  reason  to  look  to  be  called. 
Be  not  too  sensible  or  too  remembering  of  thy  place  in 
conversation  and  private  answers  to  suitors;  but  let  it 
rather  be  said,  When  he  sits  in  place  he  is  another  man- 

XII 

OF   BOLDNESS 

IT  is  a  trivial  grammar-school  text,  but  yet  worth} 
a  wise  man's  consideration.  Question  was  asked  *  of 
Demosthenes,  what  was  the  chief  part  of  an  orator? 
he  answered,  action;  what  next?  action;  what  next 
again  ?  action.  He  said  it  that  knew  it  best,  and  had 
by  nature  himself  no  advantage  in  that  he  commended. 
A  strange  thing,  that  that  part  of  an  orator  which  is 


OF    BOLDNESS  3? 

but  superficial,  and  rather  the  virtue  of  a  player,  should 
be  placed  so  high,  above  those  other  noble  parts  of 
invention,  elocution:  and  the  rest;  nay  almost  alone,  as 
if  it  were  all  in  all.  But  the  reason  is  plain.  There 
is  in  human  nature  generally  more  of  the  fool  than  of 
the  wise;  and  therefore  those  faculties  by  which  the 
foolish  part  of  men's  minds  is  taken  are  most  potent. 
Wonderful  like  is  the  case  of  boldness,  in  civil  busi 
ness  :  what  first  ?  boldness ;  what  second  and  third  ? 
boldness.  And  yet 'boldness  is  a  child  of  ignorance 
and  baseness,  far  inferior  to  other  parts.  But  never 
theless  it  doth  fascinate  and  bind  hand  and  foot  those 
that  are  either  shallow  in  judgment  or  weak  in  courage, 
which  are  the  greatest  part;  yea  and  prevaileth  with 
wise  men  at  weak  times.  Therefore  we  see  it  hath 
done  wonders  in  popular  states;  but  with  senates  and 
princes  less;  and  more  ever  upon  the  first  entrance  of 
bold  persons  into  action  than  soon  after;  for  boldness  is 
an  ill  keeper  of  promise.  Surely  as  there  are  mounte 
banks  2  for  the  natural  body,  so  are  there  mountebanks 
for  the  politic  body;  men  that  undertake  great  cures, 
and  perhaps  have  been  lucky  in  two  or  three  experi 
ments,  but  want  the  grounds  3  of  science,  and  therefore 
cannot  hold  out.  Nay,  you  shall  see  a  bold  fellow 
many  times  do  Mahomet's  miracle.  Mahomet  made 
the  people  believe  that  he  would  call  an  hill  to  him, 
and  from  the  top  of  it  offer  up  his  prayers  for  the  ob 
servers  of  his  law.  The  people  assembled;  Mahomet 
called  the  hill  to  come  to  him,  again  and  again;  and 
when  the  hill  stood  still,  he  was  never  a  whit  abashed, 
but  said,  If  the  hill 4  will  not  come  to  Mahomet,  Mahomet 
will  go  to  the  hill.  So  these  men,  when  they  have  pro 
mised  great  matters  and  failed  most  shamefully,  yet  (if 
they  have  the  perfection  of  boldness)  they  will  but 


38         THE    ESSAYS    OF   FRANCIS    BACON 

slight  it  over,  and  make  a  turn,  and  no  more  ado. 
Certainly  to  men  of  great  judgment,  bold  persons  are  a 
sport  to  behold;  nay  and  to  the  vulgar  also,  boldness 
has  somewhat  of  the  ridiculous.  For  if  absurdity  be 
the  subject  of  laughter,  doubt  you  not  but  great  bold 
ness  is  seldom  without  some  absurdity.  Especially  it 
is  a  sport  to  see,  when  a  bold  fellow  is  out  of  counte 
nance;  for  that  puts  his  face  into  a  most  shrunken  and 
wooden  posture  ; 5  as  needs  it  must;  for  in  bashfulness 
the  spirits  do  a  little  go  and  come;  but  with  bold  men, 
upon  like  occasion,  they  stand  at  a  stay;  like  a  stale G  at 
chess,  where  it  is  no  mate,  but  yet  the  game  cannot 
stir.  But  this  last  were  fitter  for  a  satire  than  for  a 
serious  observation.  This  is  well  to  be  weighed;  that 
boldness  is  ever  blind;  for  it  seeth  not  dangers  and 
inconveniences.  Therefore  it  is  ill  in  counsel,  good  in 
execution;  so  that  the  right  use  of  bold  persons  is, 
that  they  never  command  in  chief,  but  be  seconds,  and 
under  the  direction  of  others.  For  in  counsel  it  is  good 
to  see  dangers;  and  in  execution  not  to  see  them, 
except  they  be  very  great. 

XIII 

OF  GOODNESS  AND  GOODNESS  OF  NATURE 

I  TAKE  goodness  in  this  sense,  the  affecting  of  the 
weal  of  men,  which  is  that  the  Grecians  call  philan- 
thropia;  and  the  word  humanity  (as  it  is  used)  is  a 
little  too  light  to  express  it.  Goodness  I  call  the 
habit,  and  goodness  of  nature  the  inclination.  This 
of  all  virtues  and  dignities  of  the  mind  is  the  greatest; 
being  the  character  of  the  Deity:  and  without  it  man 
is  a  busy,  mischievous,  wretched  thing;  no  better  than 
a  kind  of  vermin.  Goodness  answers  to  the  theologi- 


OF  GOODNESS  AND  GOODNESS  OF  NATURE  39 

cal  virtue  charity,  and  admits  no  excess,  but  error. 
The  desire  of  power  in  excess  caused  the  angels  to  fall ; l 
the  desire  of  knowledge  in  excess  caused  man  to  fall: 
but  in  charity  there  is  no  excess;  neither  can  angel  or 
man  come  in  danger  by  it.  The  inclination  to  good 
ness  is  imprinted  deeply  in  the  nature  of  man;  inso 
much  that  if  it  issue  not  towards  men,  it  will  take  unto 
other  living  creatures;  as  it  is  seen  in  the  Turks,  a 
cruel  people,  who  nevertheless  are  kind  to  beasts,  and 
give  alms  to  dogs  and  birds;  insomuch  as  Busbechius  2 
reporteth,  a  Christian  boy  in  Constantinople  had  like 
to  have  been  stoned  for  gagging  in  a  waggishness  a 
long-billed  fowl.  Errors  indeed  in  this  virtue  of  good 
ness  or  charity  may  be  committed.  The  Italians  have 
an  ungracious  proverb,  Tanto  buon  che  val  niente  \So 
good,  that  he  is  good  for  nothing].  And  one  of  the  doc 
tors  3  of  Italy,  Nicholas  Machiavel,4  had  the  confidence 
to  put  in  writing,  almost  in  plain  terms,  That  the  Chris 
tian  faith  had  given  up  good  men  in  prey  to  those  that 
are  tyrannical  and  unjust.  Which  he  spake,  because 
indeed  there  was  never  law  or  sect  or  opinion  did  so 
much  magnify  goodness  as  the  Christian  religion  doth. 
Therefore,  to  avoid  the  scandal  and  the  danger  both, 
it  is  good  to  take  knowledge  of  the  errors  of  an  habit 
so  excellent.  Seek  the  good  of  other  men,  but  be  not 
in  bondage  to  their  faces  or  fancies;  for  that  is  but 
facility  or  softness ;  which  taketh  an  honest  mind  pris 
oner.  Neither  give  thou  ^Esop's  cock  5  a  gem,  who 
would  be  better  pleased  and  happier  if  he  had  had  a 
barley-corn.  The  example  of  God  teacheth  the  lesson 
truly :  He  sendeth  his  rain  6  and  maketh  his  sun  to  shine 
upon  the  just  and  unjust ;  but  he  doth  not  rain  wealth, 
nor  shine  honor  and  virtues,  upon  men  equally.  Common 
benefits  are  to  be  communicate  with  all;  but  peculiar 


40         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

benefits  with  choice.   And  beware  how  in  making  tie 
portraiture  thou  breakest  the  pattern.    For   divinity 
maketh  the  love  of  ourselves  the  pattern;    the  love  of 
our  neighbors  but  the  portraiture.   Sell  all  thou  hast,1 
and  give  it  to  the  poor,  and  follow  me  :  but  sell  not  all 
thou  hast,  except  thou  come  and  follow  me;   that  is, 
except  thou  have  a  vocation  wherein  thou  mayest  do  as 
much  good  with  little  means  as  with  great;  for  other 
wise  in  feeding  the  streams  thou  driest  the  fountain. 
Neither  is  there  only  a  habit  of  goodness,  directed  by 
right  reason;  but  there  is  in  some  men,  even  in  nature, 
a  disposition  8  towards  it;  as  on  the  other  side  there  is 
a  natural  malignity.    For  there  be  that  in  their  nature 
do  not  affect  the  good  of  others.   The  lighter  sort  of 
malignity  turneth  but  to  a  crossness,  or  frowardness, 
or  aptness  to  oppose,  or  difficilness,  or  the  like;  but  the 
deeper  sort  to  envy  and  mere  mischief.    Such  men  in 
other  men's  calamities  are,  as  it  were,  in  season,  and 
are  ever  on  the  loading  part:  not  so  good  as  the  dogs 
that  licked  Lazarus'  sores;  9  but  like  flies  that  are  still 
buzzing  upon  any  thing  that  is  raw;  misanthropi  [haters 
of  men],  that  make  it  their  practice  to  bring  men  to  the 
bough,  and  yet  have  never  a  tree  for  the  purpose  in 
their  gardens,  as  Timon  10  had.   Such  dispositions  are 
the  very  errors  of  human  nature;  and  yet  they  are  the 
fittest  timber  to  make  great  politics  of;  like  to  knee 
timber,  that  is  good  for  ships,  that  are  ordained  to  be 
tossed;  but  not  for  building  houses,  that  shall  stand 
firm.  The  parts  and  signs  of  goodness  are  many.  If  a 
man  be  gracious  and  courteous  to  strangers,  it  shows  he 
is  a  citizen  of  the  world,  and  that  his  heart  is  no  island 
cut  off  from  other  lands,  but  a  continent  that  joins  to 
them.    If  he  be  compassionate  towards  the  afflictions 
of  others,  it  shows  that  his  heart  is  like  the  noble 


OF   NOBILITY  41 

tree  that  is  wounded  itself  when  it  gives  the  balm.11 
If  he  easily  pardons  and  remits  offences,  it  shows  that 
his  mind  is  planted  above  injuries;  so  that  he  cannot 
be  shot.  If  he  be  thankful  for  small  benefits,  it  shows 
that  he  weighs  men's  minds,  and  not  their  trash.  But 
above  all,  if  he  have  St.  Paul's  perfection,12  that  he 
would  wish  to  be  an  anathema  from  Christ  for  the 
salvation  of  his  brethren,  it  shows  much  of  a  divine 
nature,  and  a  kind  of  conformity  with  Christ  himself. 

XIV 

OF  NOBILITY 

WE  will  speak  of  nobility  first  as  a  portion  of  an 
estate;1  then  as  a  condition  of  particular  persons.  A 
monarchy  where  there  is  no  nobility  at  all  is  ever  a 
pure  and  absolute  tyranny;  as  that  of  the  Turks.  For 
nobility  attempers  sovereignty,  and  draws  the  eyes  of 
the  people  somewhat  aside  from  the  line  royal.  But 
for  democracies,  they  need  it  not;  and  they  are  com 
monly  more  quiet  and  less  subject  to  sedition,  than 
where  there  are  stirps  of  nobles.  For  men's  eyes  are 
upon  the  business,  and  not  upon  the  persons;  or  if 
upon  the  persons,  it  is  for  the  business'  sake,  as  fittest, 
and  not  for  flags  and  pedigree.  We  see  the  Switzers  2 
last  well,  notwithstanding  their  diversity  of  religion 
and  of  cantons.  For  utility  is  their  bond,  and  not 
respects.3  The  united  provinces  of  the  Low  Countries 4 
in  their  government  excel;  for  where  there  is  an  equal 
ity,  the  consultations  are  more  indifferent,  and  the  pay 
ments  and  tributes  more  cheerful.  A  great  and  potent 
nobility  addeth  majesty  to  a  monarch,  but  diminisheth 
power;  and  putteth  life  and  spirit  into  the  people,  but 
presseth  their  fortune.  It  is  well  when  nobles  are  not 


42         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

too  great  for  sovereignty  nor  for  justice;  and  yet 
maintained  in  that  height,  as  the  insolency  of  inferiors 
may  be  broken  upon  them  before  it  come  on  too  fast 
upon  the  majesty  of  kings.  A  numerous  nobility 
causeth  poverty  and  inconvenience  in  a  state;  for  it  is 
a  surcharge  of  expense;  and  besides,  it  being  of  neces 
sity  that  many  of  the  nobility  fall  in  time  to  be  weak 
in  fortune,  it  maketh  a  kind  of  disproportion  between 
honor  and  means. 

As  for  nobility  in  particular  persons;  it  is  a  reverend 
thing  to  see  an  ancient  castle  or  building  not  in  decay; 
or  to  see  a  fair  timber  tree  sound  and  perfect.  How 
much  more  to  behold  an  ancient  noble  family,  which 
hath  stood  against  the  waves  and  weathers  of  time! 
For  new  nobility  is  but  the  act  of  power,  but  ancient 
nobility  is  the  act  of  time.  Those  that  are  first  raised 
to  nobility  are  commonly  more  virtuous,  but  less  in 
nocent,  than  their  descendants;  for  there  is  rarely 
any  rising  but  by  a  commixture  of  good  and  evil  arts. 
But  it  is  reason  the  memory  of  their  virtues  5  remain 
to  their  posterity,  and  their  faults  die  with  themselves. 
Nobility  of  birth  commonly  abateth  industry;  and 
he  that  is  not  industrious,  envieth  him  that  is.  Be 
sides,  noble  persons  cannot  go  much  higher;  and  he 
that  standeth  at  a  stay  when  others  rise,  can  hardly 
avoid  motions  of  envy.  On  the  other  side,  nobility 
extinguisheth  the  passive  envy  from  others  towards 
them;  because  they  are  in  possession  of  honor.  Cer 
tainly,  kings  that  have  able  men  of  their  nobility  shall 
find  ease  in  employing  them,  and  a  better  slide  into 
their  business;  for  people  naturally  bend  to  them, 
as  born  in  some  sort  to  command. 


OF   SEDITIONS   AND   TROUBLES  43 

XV 

OF   SEDITIONS   AND   TROUBLES 

SHEPHERDS  of  people  had  need  know  the  calendars  * 
of  tempests  in  state;  which  are  commonly  greatest 
when  things  grow  to  equality;  as  natural  tempests  are 
greatest  about  the  Equinoctia.  And  as  there  are  cer 
tain  hollow  blasts  of  wind  and  secret  swellings  of  seas 
before  a  tempest,  so  are  there  in  states: 

Ille  etiam  2  caecos  instate  tumultus 

Ssepe  monet,  fraudesque  et  operta  tumescere  Bella. 

[Of  troubles  imminent  and  treasons  dark 

Thence  warning  conies,  and  wars  in  secret  gathering.] 

Libels  and  licentious  discourses  against  the  state,  when 
they  are  frequent  and  open;  and  in  like  sort,  false 
news  often  running  up  and  down  to  the  disadvantage 
of  the  state,  and  hastily  embraced;  are  amongst  the 
signs  of  troubles.  Virgil,3  giving  the  pedigree  of  Fame, 
suilh  she  was  sister  to  the  Giants: 

1  Hum  Terra  parens,  ira  irritata  deorum, 

Extremam  (ut  perhibent)  Creo  Enceladoque  sororem 

Progenuit. 

[Her,  Parent  Earth,  furious  with  the  anger  of  the 
gods,  brought  forth,  the  youngest  sister  (as  they 
affirm)  of  Coeus  and  Enceladus.] 

As  if  fames  were  the  relics  of  seditions  past;  but  they 
are  no  less  indeed  the  preludes  of  seditions  to  come 
Howsoever  he  noteth  it  right,  that  seditious  tumulti 
and  seditious  fames  differ  no  more  but  as  brother  and 
sister,  masculine  and  feminine;  especially  if  it  come  to 
that,  that  the  best  actions  of  a  state,  and  the  most 
plausible,  and  which  ought  to  give  greatest  content 
ment,  are  taken  in  ill  sense,  and  traduced:  for  that 


44         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

shows  the  envy  great,  as  Tacitus  saith; 4  conflata  magna 
invidia,  sen  bene  sen  male  gesta  premunt  [when  dislike 
prevails  against  the  government,  good  actions  and  bad 
offend  alike].  Neither  doth  it  follow,  that  because 
these  fames  are  a  sign  of  troubles,  that  the  suppressing 
of  them  with  too  much  severity  should  be  a  remedy 
of  troubles.  For  the  despising  of  them  many  times 
checks  them  best;  and  the  going  about  to  stop  them 
doth  but  make  a  wonder  long-lived.  Also  that  kind 
of  obedience  which  Tacitus  speaketh  of,5  is  to  be  held 
suspected :  Erant  in  officio,  sed  tamen  qui  mallent  man- 
data  imperantium  interpretari  quam  exequi  [Ready  to 
serve,  and  yet  more  disposed  to  construe  commands 
than  execute  them] ;  disputing,  excusing,  cavilling 
upon  mandates  and  directions,  is  a  kind  of  shaking  off 
the  yoke,  and  assay  of  disobedience;  especially  if  in 
those  disputings  they  which  are  for  the  direction  speak 
fearfully  and  tenderly,  and  those  that  are  against  it 
audaciously. 

Also,  as  Machiavel 6  noteth  well,  when  princes,  that 
ought  to  be  common  parents,  make  themselves  as  a 
party,  and  lean  to  a  side,  it  is  as  a  boat  that  is  over 
thrown  by  uneven  weight  on  the  one  side;  as  was  well 
seen  in  the  time  of  Henry  the  Third  of  France;  for  first 
himself  entered  league  7  for  the  extirpation  of  the  Pro 
testants;  and  presently  after  the  same  league  was  turned 
upon  himself.  For  when  the  authority  of  princes  is 
made  but  an  accessory  to  a  cause,  and  that  there  be 
other  bands  that  tie  faster  than  the  band  of  sover 
eignty,  kings  begin  to  be  put  almost  out  of  possession. 

Also,  when  discords,  and  quarrels,  and  factions  are 
carried  openly  and  audaciously,  it  is  a  sign  the  rever 
ence  of  government  is  lost.  For  the  motions  of  the 
greatest  persons  in  a  government  ought  to  be  as  the 


OF   SEDITIONS   AND   TROUBLES  45 

motions  of  the  planets  under  primum  mobile  ; 8  (accord 
ing  to  the  old  opinion),  which  is,  that  every  of  them  is 
carried  swiftly  by  the  highest  motion,  and  softly  in 
their  own  motion.  And  therefore,  when  great  ones 
in  their  own  particular  motion  move  violently,  and,  as 
Tacitus  expresseth  it  9  well,  liberius  quam  ut  imperan- 
tium  meminisscnt  [unrestrained  by  reverence  for  the 
government],  it  is  a  sign  the  orbs  are  out  of  frame.  For 
reverence  is  that  wherewith  princes  are  girt  from  God; 
who  threateneth  10  the  dissolving  thereof;  Solvam  cin- 
gula  regum  [I  will  unbind  the  girdles  of  kings]. 

So  when  any  of  the  four  pillars  of  government  are 
mainly  shaken  or  weakened  (which  are  religion,  jus 
tice,  counsel,  and  treasure),  men  had  need  to  pray  for 
fair  weather.  But  let  us  pass  from  this  part  of  predic 
tions  (concerning  which,  nevertheless,  more  light  may 
be  taken  from  that  which  followeth) ;  and  let  us  speak 
first  of  the  materials  of  seditions;  then  of  the  motives 
of  them;  and  thirdly  of  the  remedies. 

Concerning  the  materials  of  seditions.  It  is  a  thing 
well  to  be  considered;  for  the  surest  way  to  prevent 
seditions  (if  the  times  do  bear  it)  is  to  take  away  the 
matter  of  them.  For  if  there  be  fuel  prepared,  it  is 
hard  to  tell  whence  the  spark  shall  come  that  shall 
set  it  on  fire.  The  matter  of  seditions  is  of  two  kinds : 
much  poverty  and  much  discontentment.  It  is  cer 
tain,  so  many  overthrown  estates,11  so  many  votes  for 
troubles.  Lucan  noteth  12  well  the  state  of  Rome  before 
the  Civil  War,13 

Hinc  usura  vorax,  rapidumque  in  tempore  foenus, 
Hinc  concussa  fides,  et  multis  utile  bellum. 

[Hence  estates  eaten  up  by  usurious  rates  of  interest, 
and  interest  greedy  of  time,  hence  credit  shaken,  and 
war  a  gain  to  many.] 


46         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

This  same  multis  utile  bellum  is  an  assured  and  in 
fallible  sign  of  a  state  disposed  to  seditions  and  troubles. 
And  if  this  poverty  and  broken  estate  in  the  better 
sort  be  joined  with  a  want  and  necessity  in  the  mean 
people,  the  danger  is  imminent  and  great.  For  the 
rebellions  of  the  belly  14  are  the  worst.  As  for  discon 
tentments,  they  are  in  the  politic  body  like  to  humors 
:n  the  natural,  which  are  apt  to  gather  a  preternatural 
h^at  and  to  inflame.  And  let  no  prince  measure  the 
danger  of  them  by  this,  whether  they  be  just  or  unjust: 
for  that  were  to  imagine  people  to  be  too  reasonable; 
who  do  often  spurn  at  their  own  good:  nor  yet  by 
this,  whether  the  griefs  whereupon  they  rise  be  in  fact 
great  or  small :  for  they  are  the  most  dangerous  discon 
tentments  where  the  fear  is  greater  than  the  feeling. 
Dolendi  modus,15  timendi  non  item  [Suffering  has  its 
limit,  but  fears  are  endless].  Besides,  in  great  oppres 
sions,  the  same  things  that  provoke  the  patience,  do 
withal  mate  19  the  courage;  but  in  fears  it  is  not  so. 
Neither  let  any  prince  or  state  be  secure  concerning 
discontentments,  because  they  have  been  often,  or  have 
been  long,  and  yet-  no  peril  hath  ensued :  for  as  it  is 
true  that  every  vapor  or  fume  doth  not  turn  into  a 
storm;  so  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  storms,  though 
they  blow  over  divers  times,  yet  may  fall  at  last;  and 
as  the  Spanish  proverb  noteth  well,  The  cord  breaketh  ' 
at  the  last  by  the  weakest  pull. 

The  causes  and  motives  of  seditions  are,  innovation 
in  religion;  taxes;  alteration  of  laws  and  customs, 
breaking  of  privileges;  general  oppression;  advance 
ment  of  unworthy  persons;  strangers;  dearths;  dis 
banded  soldiers;  factions  grown  desperate;  and  what 
soever,  in  offending  people,  joineth  and  knitteth  them 
in  a  common  cause. 


OF   SEDITIONS   AND   TROUBLES  47 

For  the  remedies;  there  may  be  some  general  pre^ 
servatives,  whereof  we  will  speak:  as  for  the  just  cure, 
it  must  answer  to  the  particular  disease;  and  so  be  left 
to  counsel  rather  than  rule. 

The  first  remedy  or  prevention  is  to  remove  by  all 
means  possible  that  material  cause  of  sedition  whereof 
we  spake;  which  is,  want  and  poverty  in  the  estate. 
To  which  purpose  serveth  the  opening  and  well-bal 
ancing  of  trade;  the  cherishing  of  manufactures;  the 
banishing  of  idleness;  the  repressing  of  waste  and 
excess  by  sumptuary  laws;  the  improvement  and  hus 
banding  of  the  soil;  the  regulating  of  prices  of  things 
vendible;  the  moderating  of  taxes  and  tributes;  and 
the  like.  Generally,  it  is  to  be  foreseen  18  that  the  popu 
lation  of  a  kingdom  (especially  if  it  be  not  mown  down 
by  wars)  do  not  exceed  the  stock  of  the  kingdom  which 
should  maintain  them.  Neither  is  the  population  to  be 
reckoned  only  by  number;  for  a  smaller  number  that 
spend  more  and  earn  less  do  wear  out  an  estate  sooner 
than  a  greater  number  that  live  lower  and  gather  more. 
Therefore  the  multiplying  of  nobility  and  other  degrees 
of  quality  in  an  over  proportion  to  the  common  people 
doth  speedily  bring  a  state  to  necessity;  and  so  doth 
likewise  an  overgrown  clergy;  for  they  bring  nothing 
to  the  stock;  and  in  like  manner,  when  more  are  bred 
scholars  19  than  preferments  can  take  off. 

It  is  likewise  to  be  remembered,  that  forasmuch  as 
the  increase  of  any  estate  must  be  upon  the  foreigner 
(for  whatsoever  is  somewhere  gotten  is  somewhere 
lost 20),  there  be  but  three  things  which  one  nation 
selleth  unto  another;  the  commodity  as  nature  yield- 
eth  it;  the  manufacture;  and  the  vecture,  or  carriage. 
So  that  if  these  three  wheels  go,  wealth  will  flow  as 
in  a  spring  tide.  And  it  cometh  many  times  to  pass, 


48         THE    ESSAYS    OF    FRANCIS    BACON 

that  materiam  super  obit  opus;21  that  the  work  and  car« 
riage  is  more  worth  than  the  material,  and  enricheth  a 
state  more;  as  is  notably  seen  in  the  Low-Countrymen, 
who  have  the  best  mines  above  ground  22  in  the  world. 

Above  all  things,  good  policy  is  to  be  used  that  the 
treasure  and  moneys  in  a  state  be  not  gathered  into 
few  hands.  For  otherwise  a  state  may  have  a  grea^ 
stock,  and  yet  starve.  And  money  is  like  muck,  not 
good  except  it  be  spread.  This  is  done  chiefly  by  sup 
pressing,  or  at  the  least  keeping  a  strait  hand  upon 
the  devouring  trades  of  usury,23  ingrossing,24  great 
pasturages,25  and  the  like. 

For  removing  discontentments,  or  at  least  the  dan 
ger  of  them;  there  is  in  every  state  (as  we  know)  two 
portions  of  subjects;  the  noblesse  and  the  commonalty. 
When  one  of  these  is  discontent,  the  danger  is  not 
great;  for  common  people  are  of  slow  motion,  if  they 
be  not  excited  by  the  greater  sort;  and  the  greater 
sort  are  of  small  strength,  except  the  multitude  be  apt 
and  ready  to  move  of  themselves.  Then  is  the  dan 
ger,  when  the  greater  sort  do  but  wait  for  the  troubling 
of  the  waters  amongst  the  meaner,  that  then  they  may 
declare  themselves.  The  poets  feign  that  the  rest  of 
the  gods  would  have  bound  Jupiter;  which  he  hearing 
of,  by  the  counsel  of  Pallas,26  sent  forBriareus,  with  his 
hundred  hands,  to  come  in  to  his  aid.  An  emblem,  no 
doubt,  to  show  how  safe  it  is  for  monarchs  to  make 
sure  of  the  good  will  of  common  people. 

To  give  moderate  liberty  for  griefs  and  discontent 
ments  to  evaporate  (so  it  be  without  too  great  inso- 
lency  or  bravery),  is  a  safe  way.  For  he  that  turneth 
the  humors  back,  and  maketh  the  wound  bleed  in 
wards,  endangereth  malign  ulcers  and  pernicious 
imposthumations. 


OF    SEDITIONS   AND    TROUBLES  49 

The  part  of  Epimetheus 27  mought  well  become  Pro 
metheus,  in  the  case  of  discontentments;  for  there  is 
not  a  better  provision  against  them.  Epimetheus,  when 
griefs  and  evils  flew  abroad,  at  last  shut  the  lid,  and 
kept  hope  in  the  bottom  of  the  vessel.  Certainly,  the 
politic  and  artificial  nourishing  and  entertaining  of 
hopes,  and  carrying  men  from  hopes  to  hopes,  is  one 
of  the  best  antidotes  against  the  poison  of  discontent 
ments.  And  it  is  a  certain  sign  of  a  wise  government 
and  proceeding,  when  it  can  hold  men's  hearts  by 
hopes,  when  it  cannot  by  satisfaction;  and  when  it  can 
handle  things  in  such  manner,  as  no  evil  shall  appear 
so  peremptory  but  that  it  hath  some  outlet  of  hope; 
which  is  the  less  hard  to  do,  because  both  particular 
persons  and  factions  are  apt  enough  to  flatter  them 
selves,  or  at  least  to  brave  that  which  they  believe 
not. 

Also  the  foresight  and  prevention,  that  there  be  no 
likely  or  fit  head  whereunto  discontented  persons  may 
resort,  and  under  whom  they  may  join,  is  a  known,  but 
an  excellent  point  of  caution.  I  understand  a  fit  head 
to  be  one  that  hath  greatness  and  reputation;  that 
«'>ath  confidence  with  the  discontented  party,  and  upon 
whom  they  turn  their  eyes;  and  that  is  thought  dis 
contented  in  his  own  particular:  which  kind  of  persons 
are  either  to  be  won  and  reconciled  to  the  state,  and 
that  in  a  fast  and  true  manner;  or  to  be  fronted  witl 
some  other  of  the  same  party,  that  may  oppose  them, 
and  so  divide  the  reputation.  Generally,  the  dividing 
and  breaking  of  all  factions  and  combinations  that  are 
adverse  to  the  state,  and  setting  them  at  distance,  or  at 
least  distrust,  amongst  themselves,  is  not  one  of  the 
worst  remedies.  For  it  is  a  desperate  case,  if  those 
that  hold  with  the  proceeding  of  the  state  be  full  of 


SO         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

discord  and  faction,  and  those  that  are  against  it  be 
entire  and  united. 

I  have  noted  that  some  witty  and  sharp  speeches 
which  have  fallen  from  princes  have  given  fire  to  sedi 
tions.  Caesar28  did  himself  infinite  hurt  in  that  speech, 
Sylla  nescivit  literas,  non  potuit  dictare  [Sylla  was  no 
scholar,  he  could  not  dictate];  for  it  did  utterly  cut  off 
that  hope  which  men  had  entertained,  that  he  would  at 
one  time  or  other  give  over  his  dictatorship.  Galba 29 
undid  himself  by  that  speech,  legi  a  se  militem,  non 
emi  [that  he  did  not  buy  his  soldiers,  but  levied  them]; 
for  it  put  the  soldiers  out  of  hope  of  the  donative. 
Probus  30  likewise,  by  that  speech,  Si  vixero,  non 
opus  erit  amplius  Romano  imperio  militibus  [If  I  live, 
the  Roman  empire  shall  have  no  more  need  of  sol 
diers];  a  speech  of  great  despair  for  the  soldiers.  And 
many  the  like.  Surely  princes  had  need,  in  tender 
matters  and  ticklish  times,  to  beware  what  they  say; 
especially  in  these  short  speeches,  which  fly  abroad  like 
darts,  and  are  thought  to  be  shot  out  of  their  secret 
intentions.  For  as  for  large  discourses,  they  are  flat 
things,  and  not  so  much  noted. 

Lastly,  let  princes,  against  all  events,  not  be  without 
some  great  person,  one  or  rather  more,  of  military  valor, 
near  unto  them,  for  the  repressing  of  seditions  "in 
their  beginnings.  For  without  that,  there  useth  to  be 
more  trepidation  in  court  upon  the  first  breaking  out 
of  troubles  than  were  fit.  And  the  state  runneth  the 
danger  of  that  which  Tacitus  saith; 31  Atque  is  habitus 
animorum  fuit,  ut  pessimum  facinus  auderent  pauci, 
plures  vellent,  omnes  paterentur  [A  few  were  in  a 
humor  to  attempt  mischief,  more  to  desire,  all  to  allow 
it].  But  let  such  military  persons  be  assured,  and  well 
reputed  of,  Bather  than  factious  and  popular;  holding 


OF   ATHEISM  51 

also  good  correspondence  with  the  other  great  men  in 
the  state ;  or  else  the  remedy  is  worse  than  the  disease. 

XVI 

OF   ATHEISM 

I  HAD  rather  believe  all  the  fables  in  the  Legend,1 
<7Snd  the  Talmud,2  and  the  Alcoran,3  than  that  this  uni 
versal  frame  is  without  a  mind.-  And  therefore  God 
never  wrought  miracle  to  convince  atheism,  because 
his  ordinary  works  convince  it.  It  is  true,  that  a  little 
philosophy  inclineth  man's  mind  to  atheism;  but  depth 
in  philosophy  bringeth  men's  minds  about  to  religion. 
For  while  the  mind  of  man  looketh  upon  second  causes 
scattered,  it  may  sometimes  rest  in  them,  and  go 
no  further;  but  when  it  beholdeth  the  chain  of  them, 
confederate  and  linked  together,  it  must  needs  fly  to 
Providence  and  Deity.  Nay,  even  that  school  which 
is  most  accused  of  atheism  doth  most  demonstrate  re 
ligion  ;  that  is,  the  school  of  Leucippus  4  and  Democri- 
tus  and  Epicurus.  For  it  is  a  thousand  times  more 
credible,  that  four  mutable  elements,5  and  one  immut 
able  fifth  essence,6  duly  and  eternally  placed,  need  no 
God,  than  that  an  army  of  infinite  small  portions  or 
seeds  unplaced,7  should  have  produced  this  order  and 
beauty  without  a  divine  marshal.  The  Scripture  saith,8 
The  fool  hath  said  in  his  heart,  there  is  no  God;  it  is 
not  said,  The  fool  hath  thought  in  his  heart;  so  as  he 
rather  saith  it  by  rote  to  himself,  as  that  he  would 
have,  than  that  he  can  thoroughly  believe  it,  or  be  per 
suaded  of  it.  For  none  deny  there- is  a  God,  but  those 
'for  whom  it  maketh  that  there  were  no  God.  It  ap- 
peareth  in  nothing  more,  that  atheism  is  rather  in  the 
lip  than  in  the  heart  of  man,  than  by  this;  that  athe- 


52         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

ists  will  ever  be  talking  of  that  their  opinion,  as  if  they 
fainted  in  it  within  themselves,  and  would  be  glad  to 
be  strengthened  by  the  consent  of  others.  Nay  more, 
you  shall  have  atheists  strive  to  get  disciples,  as  it 
fareth  with  other  sects.  And,  which  is  most  of  all,  you 
shall  have  of  them  that  will  suffer  for  atheism,  and  not 
recant;  whereas  if  they  did  truly  think  that  there 
were  no  such  thing  as  God,  why  should  they  trouble 
themselves?  Epicurus  9  is  charged  that  he  did  but  dis. 
semble  for  his  credit's  sake,  when  he  affirmed  there 
were  blessed  natures,  but  such  as  enjoyed  themselves 
without  having  respect  to  the  government  of  the  world. 
Wherein  they  say  he  did  temporize;  though  in  secret 
he  thought  there  was  no  God.  But  certainly  he  is 
traduced;  for  his  words  are  noble  and  divine:  Non 
deos  10  vulgi  negare  profanum;  sed  vulgi  opiniones  diis 
applicare  profanum  [There  is  no  profanity  in  refusing 
to  believe  in  the  gods  of  the  people:  the  profanity  is 
in  believing  of  the  gods  what  the  people  believe  of 
them].  Plato  could  have  said  no  more.  And  although 
he  had  the  confidence  to  deny  the  administration,  he 
had  not  the  power  to  deny  the  nature.  The  Indians  u 
of  the  West  have  names  for  their  particular  gods, 
though  they  have  no  name  for  God :  as  if  the  heathens 
should  have  had  the  names  Jupiter,  Apollo,  Mars,  etc. 
but  not  the  word  Deus;  which  shows  that  even  those 
barbarous  people  have  the  notion,  though  they  have  not 
the  latitude  and  extent  of  it.  So  that  against  athe 
ists  the  very  savages  take  part  with  the  very  subt 
lest  philosophers.  The  contemplative  atheist12  is  rare: 
a  Diagoras,13  a  Bion,14  a  Lucian 15  perhaps,  and  some 
others;  and  yet  they  seem  to  be  more  than  they 
are;  for  that  all  that  impugn  a  received  religion  or 
superstition  are  by  the  adverse  part  branded  with  the 


OF   ATHEISM  />S 

name  of  atheists.  But  the  great  atheists  indeed  are 
hypocrites;  which  are  ever  handling  holy  things,  but 
without  feeling ;  so  as  they  must  needs  be  cauterized 
in  the  end.  The  causes  of  atheism  are:  divisions  in 
religion,  if  they  be  many;  for  any  one  main  division 
addeth  zeal  to  both  sides;  but  many  divisions  intro 
duce  atheism.  Another  is,  scandal  of  priests;  when 
it  is  come  to  that  which  St.  Bernard  16  saith,  Non  est 
jam  dicere,  ut  populus  sic  sacerdos;  quia  nee  sic  populus 
ut  sacerdos  [One  cannot  now  say  the  priest  is  as  the 
people,  for  the  truth  is  that  the  people  are  not  so  bad 
as  the  priest].  A  third  is,  custom  of  profane  scoffing 
in  holy  matters;  which  doth  by  little  and  little  deface 
the  reverence  of  religion.  And  lastly,  learned  times, 
specially  with  peace  and  prosperity;  for  troubles  and 
adversities  do  more  bow  men's  minds  to  religion. 
They  that  deny  a  God  destroy  man's  nobility;  for  cer 
tainly  man  is  of  kin  to  the  beasts  by  his  body;  and,  if 
he  be  not  of  kin  to  God  by  his  spirit,  he  is  a  base  and 
ignoble  creature.  It  destroys  likewise  magnanimity, 
and  the  raising  of  human  nature;  for  take  an  example 
of  a  dog,  and  mark  what  a  generosity  and  courage  he 
will  put  on  when  he  finds  himself  maintained  by  a 
man;  who  to  him  is  instead  of  a  God,  or  melior  na- 
tura  [better  nature];  which  courage  is  manifestly  such 
as  that  creature,  without  that  confidence  of  a  better 
nature  than  his  own,  could  never  attain.  So  man,  when 
he  resteth  and  assureth  himself  upon  divine  protection 
and  favor,  gathereth  a  force  and  faith  which  human 
nature  in  itself  could  not  obtain.  Therefore,  as  atheism 
is  in  all  respects  hateful,  so  in  this,  that  it  depriveth 
human  nature  of  the  means  to  exalt  itself  above  human 
frailty.'  As  it  is  in  particular  persons,  so  it  is  in  nations. 
Never  was  there  such  a  state  for  magnanimity  as  Rome. 


54         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

Of  this  state  hear  what  Cicero  saith : 17  Quam  volumus 
licet,  patres  conscripti,  nos  amemus,  tamen  nee  numero 
Hispanos,  nee  robore  Gallos,  nee  calliditate  Pcenos,  nee 
artibus  Grcecos,  nee  denique  hoc  ipso  hujus  gentis  d 
terra;  domestico  nativoque  sensu  Italos  ipsos  et  Latinos; 
sed  pietate,  ac  rcligione,  atque  hoc  una  sapicntia,  quod 
deorum  immortalium  numine  omnia  rcgi  gubernarique 
perspeximus,  omnes  gentes  nationesque  superavimus 
[Pride  ourselves  as  we  may  upon  our  country,  yet  are 
we  not  in  number  superior  to  the  Spaniards,  nor  in 
strength  to  the  Gauls,  nor  in  cunning  to  the  Cartha 
ginians,  nor  to  the  Greeks  in  arts,  nor  to  the  Italians 
and  Latins  themselves  in  the  homely  and  native  sense 
which  belongs  to  this  nation  and  land;  it  is  in  piety 
only  and  religion,  and  the  wisdom  of  regarding  the 
providence  of  the  immortal  gods  as  that  which  rules 
and  governs  all  things,  that  we  have  surpassed  all 
nations  and  peoples]. 

XVII 

OF   SUPERSTITION 

IT  were  better  to  have  no  opinion  l  of  God  at  all, 
than  such  an  opinion  as  is  unworthy  of  him.  For  the 
one  is  unbelief,  the  other  is  contumely;  and  certainly 
superstition  is  the  reproach  of  the  Deity.  Plutarch  2 
saith  well  to  that  purpose:  Surely  (saith  he)  /  had 
rather  a  great  deal  men  should  say  ihere  was  no  such 
man  at  all  as  Plutarch,  than  that  they  should  say  thai 
there  was  one  Plutarch  that  would  eat  his  children  as 
soon  as  they  were  born;  as  the  poets  speak  of  Saturn.* 
And  as  the  contumely  is  greater  towards  God,  so  the 
danger  is  greater  towards  men.  Atheism  leaves  a  man 
to  sense,  to  philosophy,  to  natural  piety,  to  laws,  to 


OF   SUPERSTITION  55 

reputation;  all  which  may  be  guides  to  an  outward 
moral  virtue,  though  religion  were  not;  but  super 
stition  dismounts  all  these,  and  erecteth  an  absolute 
monarchy  in  the  minds  of  men.  Therefore  atheism 
did  never  perturb  states;  for  it  makes  men  wary  of 
themselves,  as  looking  no  further:  and  we  see  the 
times  inclined  to  atheism  (as  the  time  of  Augustus  4 
Caesar)  were  civil 5  times.  But  superstition  hath  been 
the  confusion  of  many  states,  and  bringeth  in  a  new 
primum  mobile,0  that  ravisheth  all  the  spheres  of  gov 
ernment.  The  master  of  superstition  is  the  people; 
and  in  all  superstition  wise  men  follow  fools ;  and 
arguments  are  fitted  to  practice,  in  a  reversed  order. 
It  was  gravely  said  by  some  of  the  prelates  in  the 
Council  of  Trent,7  where  the  doctrine  of  the  School 
men  8  bare  great  sway,  that  the  Schoolmen  were  like 
astronomers,  which  did  feign  eccentrics  and  epicycles,0 
and  such  engines  of  orbs,  to  save  the  phenomena;10 
though  they  knew  there  were  no  such  things;  and  in  like 
manner,  that  the  Schoolmen  had  framed  a  number  of 
subtle  and  intricate  axioms  and  theorems,  to  save  the 
practice  of  the  church.  The  causes  of  superstition  are : 
pleasing  and  sensual  rites  and  ceremonies;  excess  of 
outward  and  pharisaical  holiness;  over-great  reverence 
of  traditions,  which  cannot  but  load  the  church;  the 
stratagems  of  prelates  for  their  own  ambition  anc* 
lucre;  the  favoring  too  much  of  good  intentions,  which 
openeth  the  gate  to  conceits  and  novelties;  the  taking 
an  aim  at  divine  matters  by  human,  which  cannot  but 
breed  mixture  of  imaginations:  and,  lastly,  barbarous 
times,  especially  joined  with  calamities  and  disasters. 
Superstition,  without  a  veil,  is  a  deformed  thing;  for  as 
it  addeth  deformity  to  an  ape  to  be  so  like  a  man,  so  the 
similitude  of  superstition  to  religion  makes  it  the  more 


56         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

deformed.  And  as  wholesome  meat  cormpteth  to  little 
worms,  so  good  forms  and  orders  corrupt  into  a  number 
of  petty  observances.  There  is  a  superstition  in  avoid 
ing  superstition,11  when  men  think  to  do  best  if  they 
go  furthest  from  the  superstition  formerly  received ; 
therefore  care  would  be  had  that  (as  it  fareth  in  ill 
purgings)  the  good  be  not  taken  away  with  the  bad ; 
which  commonly  is  done  when  the  people  is  the  re 
former. 

XVIII 

OF  TRAVEL 

TRAVEL,  in  the  younger  sort,  is  a  part  of  education, 
in  the  elder,  a  part  of  experience.  He  that  travelleth 
into  a  country  before  he  hath  some  entrance  into  the 
language,  goeth  to  school,  and  not  to  travel.  That 
young  men  travel  under  some  tutor,  or  grave  servant, 
I  allow  l  well ;  so  that  he  be  such  a  one  that  hath 
the  language,  and  hath  been  in  the  country  before ; 
whereby  he  may  be  able  to  tell  them  what  things  are 
worthy  to  be  seen  in  the  country  where  they  go;  what 
acquaintances  they  are  to  seek;  what  exercises  or  dis 
cipline  the  place  yieldeth.  For  else  young  men  shall  go 
hooded,  and  look  abroad  little.  It  is  a  strange  thing, 
that  in  sea  voyages,  where  there  is  nothing  to  be  seen 
but  sky  and  sea,  men  should  make  diaries  ;  but  in 
land-travel,  wherein  so  much  is  to  be  observed,  for  the 
most  part  they  omit  it;  as  if  chance  were  fitter  to  be 
registered  than  observation.  Let  diaries  therefore  be 
brought  in  use.  The  things  to  be  seen  and  observed 
are:  the  courts  of  princes,  specially  when  they  give 
audience  to  ambassadors;  the  courts  of  justice,  while 
they  sit  and  hear  causes;  and  so  of  consistories  ec 
clesiastic;  the  churches  and  monasteries,  with  the 


OF   TRAVEL  57 

monuments  which  are  therein  extant;  the  walls  and 
fortifications  of  cities  and  towns,  and  so  the  havens  and 
harbors;  antiquities  and  ruins;  libraries;  colleges, 
disputations,2  and  lectures,  where  any  are;  shipping 
and  navies;  houses  and  gardens  of  state  and  pleasure, 
near  great  cities;  armories;  arsenals;  magazines;  ex 
changes;  burses;  warehouses;  exercises  of  horseman 
ship,  fencing,  training  of  soldiers,  and  the  like;  come 
dies,  such  whereunto  the  better  sort  of  persons  do 
resort;  treasuries  of  jewels  and  robes;  cabinets  and 
rarities;  and,  to  conclude,  whatsoever  is  memorable  in 
the  places  where  they  go.  After  all  which  the  tutors 
or  servants  ought  to  make  diligent  inquiry.  As  for  tri 
umphs,  masks,  feasts,  weddings,  funerals,  capital  execu 
tions,  and  such  shows,  men  need  not  to  be  put  in  mind 
of  them;  yet  are  they  not  to  be  neglected.  If  you  will 
have  a  young  man  to  put  his  travel  into  a  little  room, 
and  in  short  time  to  gather  much,  this  you  must  do. 
First,  as  was  said,  he  must  have  some  entrance  into  the 
language  before  he  goeth.  Then  he  must  have  such  a 
servant  or  tutor  as  knoweth  the  country,  as  was  like 
wise  said.  Let  him  carry  with  him  also  some  card  * 
or  book  describing  the  country  where  he  travelleth; 
which  will  be  a  good  key  to  his  inquiry.  Let  him  keer 
also  a  diary.  Let  him  not  stay  long  in  one  city  o/ 
town;  more  or  less  as  the  place  deserveth,  but  not 
long;  nay,  when  he  stayeth  in  one  city  or  town,  let 
him  change  his  lodging  from  one  end  and  part  of  the 
town  to  another;  which  is  a  great  adamant 4  of  acquaint 
ance.  Let  him  sequester  himself  from  the  company 
of  his  countrymen,  and  diet  in  such  places  where  there 
is  good  company  of  the  nation  where  he  travelleth. 
Let  him,  upon  his  removes  from  one  place  to  another, 
procure  recommendation  to  some  person  of  quality 


58         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

residing  in  the  place  whither  he  removeth  ;  that  hi 
may  use  his  favor  in  those  things  he  desireth  to  see 
or  know.  Thus  he  may  abridge  his  travel  with  much 
profit.  As  for  the  acquaintance  which  is  to  be  sough! 
in  travel ;  that  which  is  most  of  all  profitable  is  ac 
quaintance  with  the  secretaries  and  employed  men  oi 
ambassadors:  for  so  in  travelling  in  one  country  he 
shall  suck  the  experience  of  many.  Let  him  also  see 
and  visit  eminent  persons  in  all  kinds,  which  are  of 
great  name  abroad;  that  he  may  be  able  to  tell  how 
the  life  5  agreeth  with  the  fame.  For  quarrels,  they 
are  with  care  and  discretion  to  be  avoided.  They  are 
commonly  for  mistresses,  healths,  place,  and  words. 
And  let  a  man  beware  how  he  keepeth  company  with 
choleric  and  quarrelsome  persons;  for  they  will  engage 
him  into  their  own  quarrels.  When  a  traveller  return  - 
eth  home,  let  him  not  leave  the  countries  where  he 
hath  travelled  altogether  behind  him;  but  maintain  a 
correspondence  by  letters  with  those  of  his  acquaint 
ance  which  are  of  most  worth.  And  let  his  travel 
appear  rather  in  his  discourse  than  in  his  apparel  or 
gesture;  and  in  his  discourse  let  him  be  rather  advised 
in  his  answers,  than  forwards  to  tell  stories;  and  let  it 
appear  that  he  doth  not  change  his  country  manners  6 
for  those  of  foreign  parts  ;  but  only  prick  in  som< 
flowers  of  that  he  hath  learned  abroad  into  the  cus 
toms  of  his  own  country. 

XIX 

OF    EMPIRE 

IT  is  a  mis^rabjf^state  of  mind  to  have  few  things  to 
desire,  and  many  things  to  fear;  and  yet  that  com 
monly  i$  the  case  of  kingsj_who.  being  at  the  highest, 


OF   EMPIRE  5P 

want  matter  of  desire,  which  makes  their  minds  more 
languishing;  and  have  many  representations  *  of  perils 
and  shadows,  which  makes  their  minds  the  less  clear. 
And  this  is  one  reason  also  of  that  effect  which  the 
~l  i  Scripture  speaketh  of,2  That  the  &%iy'-T  heart  is  in^rrnt- 
J  able.  For  multitude  of  jealousies,  and  lack  of  some 
predominant  desire  that  should  marshal  and  put  in 
order  all  the  rest,  maketh  any  man's  heart  hard  to  find 
or  sound.  Hence  it  comes  likewise,  that  princes  many 
times  make  themselves  desires,  and  set  their  hearts 
upon  toys;  sometimes  upon  a  building;  sometimes 
upon  erecting  of  an  order;  sometimes  upon  the  ad 
vancing  of  a  person;  sometimes  upon  obtaining  excel 
lency  in  some  art  or  feat  of  the  hand;  as  Nero  3  for 
playing  on  the  harp,  Domitian  4  for  certainty  of  the 
hand  with  the  arrow,  Commodus  5  for  playing  at  fence, 
Caracalla  6  for  driving  chariots,  and  the  like.  This 
seemeth  incredible  unto  those  that  know  not  the  princi 
ple  that  the  mind  of  man  is  more  cheered  and  refreshed 
by  profiting  in  small  things,  than  by  standing  at  a  stay 
in  great.  We  see  also  that  kings  that  have  been  for 
tunate  conquerors  in  their  first  years,  it  being  not  pos 
sible  for  them  to  go  forward  infinitely,  but  that  they 
must  have  some  check  or  arrest  in  their  fortunes,  turn 
in  their  latter  years  to  be  superstitious  and  melancholy; 
as  did  Alexander  the  Great  ;  7  Diocletian  ;  8  and  in  our 
memory,  Charles  the  Fifth;  9  and  others:  for  he  that  is 
used  to  go  forward,  and  findeth  a  stop,  falleth  out  of 
his  own  favor,  and  is  not  the  thing  he  was. 

To  speak  now  of  the* true  temper 10  of  empire;  it  is 
a  thing  rare  and  hard  to  keep  ;  for  both  temper  and 
distemper  consist  of  contraries.  But  it  is  one  thing  to 
mingle  contraries,  another  to  interchange  them.  The 
answer  of  Apollonius  u  to  Vespasian 12  is  full  of  excellent 


60         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

instruction.  Vespasian  asked  him,  What  was  Nero's 
overthrow?  He  answered,  Nero  could  touch  and  tune 
the  harp  well ;  but  in  government  sometimes  he  used 
to  wind  the  pins  too  high,  sometimes  to  let  them  down  too 
low.  And  certain  it  is  that  nothing  destroyeth  author 
ity  so  much  as  the  unequal  and  untimely  interchange 
of  power  pressed  too  far,  and  relaxed  too  much. 

This  is  true,  that  the  wisdom  of  all  these  latter  times 
in  princes'  affairs  is  rather  fine  deliveries  and  shiftings 
of  dangers  and  mischiefs  when  they  are  near,  than 
solid  and  grounded  courses  to  keep  them  aloof.  But 
this  is  but  to  try  masteries  with  fortune.  And  let  men 
beware  how  they  neglect  and  suffer  matter  of  trouble  13 
to  be  prepared;  for  no  man  can  forbid  the  spark,  nor 
tell  whence  it  may  come.  The  difficulties  in  princes' 
business  are  many  and -great;  but  the  greatest  difficulty 
is  often  in  their  own  mind.  For  it  is  common  with 
princes  (saith  Tacitus)  14  to  will  contradictories,  Sunt 
plerumque  regum  voluntates  vehementes,  et  inter  se  con- 
trance  [Their  desires  are  commonly  vehement  and  in 
compatible  one  with  another].  For  it  is  the  solecism 
of  power,  to  think  to  command  the  end,  and  yet  not  to 
endure  the  mean. 

Kings  have  to  deal  with  their  neighbors,  their 
wives,  their  children,  their  prelates  or  clergy,  their 
nobles,  their  second-nobles  or  gentlemen,  their  mer 
chants,  their  commons,  and  their  men  of  war;  and 
from  all  these  arise  dangers,  if  care  and  circumspection 
be  not  used. 

First  for  their  neighbors;  there  can  no  general  rule 
be  given  (the  occasions  are  so  variable),  save  one, 
which  ever  holdeth;  which  is,  that  princes  do  keep 
due  sentinel,  that  none  of  their  neighbors  do  over 
grow  so  (by  increase  of  territory,  by  embracing  of 


OF   EMPIRE  61 

trade,  by  approaches,  or  the  like),  as  they  become 
more  able  to  annoy  them  than  they  were.  And  this 
is  generally  the  work  of  standing  counsels  to  foresee 
and  to  hinder  it.  During  that  triumvirate  15  of  kings, 
King  Henry  the  Eighth  of  England,  Francis  the  First 
King  of  France,  and  Charles  the  Fifth  Emperor,  there 
was  such  a  watch  kept,  that  none  of  the  three  could 
win  a  palm  of  ground,  but  the  other  two  would  straight- 
ways  balance  it,  either  by  confederation,  or,  if  need 
were,  by  a  war;  and  would  not  in  any  wise  take  up 
peace  at  interest.  And  the  like  was  done  by  that 
league  10  (which  Guicciardini  17  saith  was  the  security 
of  Italy)  made  between  Ferdinando  King  of  Naples, 
Lorenzius  Medici,18  and  Ludovicus  Sforza,  potentates, 
the  one  of  Florence,  the  other  of  Milan.  Neither  is 
the  opinion  of  some  of  the  Schoolmen  to  be  received, 
that  a  war  cannot  justly  be  made  but  upon  a  precedent 
injury  or  provocation.  For  there  is  no  question  but  a 
just  fear  of  an  imminent  danger,  though  there  be  no 
blow  given,  is  a  lawful  cause  of  a  war. 

For  their  wives;  there  are  cruel  examples  of  them. 
Livia19  is  infamed  for  the  poisoning  of  her  husband; 
Roxalana,20  Solyman's  21  wife,  was  the  destruction  of 
that  renowned  prince  Sultan  Mustapha,  and  otherwise 
troubled  his  house  and  succession;  Edward  the  Second 
of  England  his  queen  had  the  principal  hand  in  the 
deposing  and  murther22  of  her  husband.  This  kind  of 
danger  is  then  to  be  feared  chiefly,  when  the  wives 
have  plots  for  the  raising  of  their  own  children;  or 
else  that  they  be  advoutresses.23 

For  their  children ;  the  tragedies  likewise  of  dangers 
from  them  have  been  many.  And  generally,  the  en 
tering  of  fathers  into  suspicion  of  their  children  hath 
been  ever  unfortunate.  The  destruction  of  Mustapha 


62         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

(that  we  named  before)  was  so  fatal  to  Solyman's  line, 
as  the  succession  of  the  Turks  from  Solyman  until  this 
day  is  suspected  to  be  untrue,  and  of  strange  blood' 
for  that  Selymus  the  Second  was  thought  to  be  suppo 
sitions.  The  destruction  of  Crispus,24  a  young  princT 
of  rare  towardness,  by  Constantinus  the  Great,25  his 
father,  was  in  like  manner  fatal  to  his  house;  for  both 
Constantinus  and  Constance,  his  sons,  died  violent 
deaths;  and  Constantius,  his  other  son,  did  little  bet 
ter;  who  died  indeed  of  sickness,  but  after  that  Juli- 
anus  had  taken  arms  against  him.  The  destruction 
of  Demetrius,20  son  to  Philip  the  Second  of  Macedon, 
turned  upon  the  father,  who  died  of  repentance.  And 
many  like  examples  there  are;  but  few  or  none  where 
the  fathers  had  good  by  such  distrust;  except  it  were 
where  the  sons  were  up  in  open  arms  against  them;  as 
was  Selymus27  the  First  against  Bajazet;28  and  the 
three  sons  of  Henry  the  Second,  King  of  England. 

For  their  prelates;  when  they  are  proud  and  great, 
there  is  also  danger  from  them;  as  it  was  in  the  times 
of  Anselmus  29  and  Thomas  Becket,30  Archbishops  of 
Canterbury;  who  with  their  croziers  did  almost  try  it 
with  the  king's  sword;  and  yet  they  had  to  deal  with 
stout  and  haughty  kings,  William  Rufus,  Henry  the 
First,  and  Henry  the  Second.  Jjrhe  danger  is  not  from 
that  state,  but  where  it  hath  a  dependence  of  foreign 
authority  ; 31  or  where  the  churchmen  come  in  and  are 
elected,  not  by  the  collation  of  the  king,  or  particular 
patrons,  but  by  the  people. 

For  their  nobles;  to  keep  them  at  a  distance,  it  is 
not  amiss;  but  to  depress  them,  may  make  a  king 
more  absolute,  but  less  safe;  and  less  able  to  perform 
any  thing  that  he  desires.  I  have  noted  it  in  my 
History  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh  of  England,  who 


OF   EMPIRE  63 

depressed  his  nobility;  whereupon  it  came  to  pass  that 
his  times  were  full  of  difficulties  and  troubles;  for  the 
nobility,  though  they  continued  loyal  unto  him,  yet  did 
they  not  co-operate  with  him  in  his  business.  So  that 
in  effect  he  was  fain  to  do  all  things  himself. 

For  their  second-nobles;  there  is  not  much  danger 
Trom  them,  being  a  body  dispersed.  They  may  some 
times  discourse  high,  but  that  doth  little  hurt;  besides, 
they  are  a  counterpoise  to  the  higher  nobility,  that  they 
grow  not  too  potent;  and,  lastly,  being  the  most  im 
mediate  in  authority  with  the  common  people,  they  do 
best  temper  popular  commotions. 

For  their  merchants;  they  are  vena  porta  ;32  and  if 
they  flourish  not,  a  kingdom  may  have  good  limbs,  but 
will  have  empty  veins,  and  nourish  little.  Taxes  and 
imposts  upon  them  do  seldom  good  to  the  king's  reve 
nue;  for  that  that  he  wins  in  the  hundred  he  leeseth 33 
in  the  shire ;  the  particular  rates  being  increased,  but 
the  total  bulk  of  trading  rather  decreased. 

For  their  commons;  there  is  little  danger  from  them, 
except  it  be  where  they  have  great  and  potent  heads; 
or  where  you  meddle  with  the  point  of  religion,  or 
their  customs,  or  means  of  life. 

For  their  men  of  war;  it  is  a  dangerous  state  where 
they  live  and  remain  in  a  body,  and  are  used  to  dona 
tives;  whereof  we  see  examples  in  the  janizaries,34  and 
pretorian  bands35  of  Rome;  but  trainings  of  men,  and 
arming  them  in  several  places,  and  under  several 
commanders,  and  without  donatives,  are  things  of 
defence,  and  no  danger. 

Princes  are  like  to  heavenly  bodies,36  which  cause 
good  or  evil  times;  and  which  have  much  veneration, 
but  no  rest.  All  precepts  concerning  kings  are  in 
effect  comprehended  in  those  two  remembrances :  me- 


64         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

mento  quod  es  homo;  and  memento  quod  es  Deus,  or  vice 
Dei  [Remember  that  you  are  a  man;  and  remember 
that  you  are  a  God,  or  God's  lieutenant];  the  om 
bridleth  their  power,  and  the  other  their  will. 

XX 

OF   COUNSEL 

THE  greatest  trust  between  man  and  man  is  the 
trust  of  giving  counsel.  For  in  other  confidences  men 
commit  the  parts  of  life;  their  lands,  their  goods,  theii 
children,  their  credit,  some  particular  affair;  but  to 
such  as  they  make  their  counsellors,  they  commit  the 
whole:  by  how  much  the  more  they  are  obliged  to  all 
faith  and  integrity.  The  wisest  princes  need  not  think 
it  any  diminution  to  their  greatness,  or  derogation  to 
their  sufficiency,  to  rely  upon  counsel.  God  himself 
is  not  without,  but  hath  made  it  one  of  the  great  names 
of  his  blessed  Son :  The  Counsellor.1  Solomon  hath  pro 
nounced  that  in  counsel 2  is  stability.  Things  will  have 
their  first  or  second  agitation:  if  they  be  not  tossed 
upon  the  arguments  of  counsel,  they  will  be  tossed 
upon  the  waves  of  fortune;  and  be  full  of  inconstancy, 
doing  and  undoing,  like  the  reeling  of  a  drunken  man. 
Solomon's  son3  found  the  force  of  counsel,  as  his  father 
saw  the  necessity  of  it.  For  the  beloved  kingdom  of 
God  was  first  rent  and  broken  by  ill  counsel;  upon 
which  counsel  there  are  set  for  our  instruction  the  two 
marks  whereby  bad  counsel  is  for  ever  best  discerned; 
that  it  was  young  counsel,  for  the  persons;  and  violent 
counsel,  for  the  matter. 

The  ancient  times  do  set  forth  in  figure  both  the 
incorporation  and  inseparable  conjunction  of  counsel 
with  kings,  and  the  wise  and  politic  use  of  counsel  by 


OF   COUNSEL  65 

kings:  the  one,  in  that  they  say  Jupiter  4  did  marry 
Metis,  which  signifieth  counsel;  whereby  they  intend 
that  Sovereignty  is  married  to  Counsel:  the  other  in 
that  which  followeth,  which  was  thus:  They  say, 
after  Jupiter  was  married  to  Metis,  she  conceived  by 
him  and  was  with  child,  but  Jupiter  suffered  her  not 
to  stay  till  she  brought  forth,  but  eat 5  her  up;  whereby 
he  became  himself  with  child,  and  was  delivered  oi 
Pallas  armed,  out  of  his  head.  Which  monstrous 
fable  containeth  a  secret  of  empire;  how  kings  are  to 
make  use  of  their  counsel  of  state.  That  first  they 
ought  to  refer  matters  unto  them,  which  is  the  first 
begetting  or  impregnation;  but  when  they  are  elabo 
rate,  moulded,  and  shaped  in  the  womb  of  their  coun 
sel,  and  grow  ripe  and  ready  to  be  brought  forth,  that 
then  they  suffer  not  their  counsel  to  go  through  with 
the  resolution  and  direction,  as  if  it  depended  on  them; 
but  take  the  matter  back  into  their  own  hands,  and 
make  it  appear  to  the  world  that  the  decrees  and  final 
directions  (which,  because  they  come  forth  with  pru 
dence  and  power,  are  resembled  to  Pallas  armed) 
proceeded  from  themselves;  and  not  only  from  their 
authority,  but  (the  more  to  add  reputation  to  them 
selves)  from  their  head  and  device. 

Let  us  now  speak  of  the  inconveniences  of  counsel, 
and  of  the  remedies.  The  inconveniences  that  have 
been  noted  in  calling  and  using  counsel  are  three. 
First,  the  revealing  of  affairs,  whereby  they  become 
less  secret.  Secondly,  the  weakening  of  the  authority 
of  princes,  as  if  they  were  less  of  themselves.  Thirdly, 
the  danger  of  being  unfaithfully  counselled,  and  more 
for  the  good  of  them  that  counsel  than  of  him  that  is 
counselled.  For  which  inconveniences,  the  doctrine 
of  Italy,  and  practice  of  France,  in  some  kings'  times. 


60         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

hath  introduced  cabinet 6  counsels;  a  remedy  worse  Jian 
the  disease.' 

As  to  secrecy;  princes  are  not  bound  to  communi 
cate  all  matters  with  all  counsellors;  but  may  extract 
and  select.  Neither  is  it  necessary  that  he  that  con- 
sulteth  what  he  should  do,  should  declare  what  he  will 
do.  But  let  princes  beware  that  the  unsecreting  of 
their  affairs  comes  not  from  themselves.  And  as  for 
cabinet  counsels,  it  may  be  their  motto,  plenus  rima- 
rum  8  sum  [I  am  full  of  leaks] :  one  futile  person  that 
maketh  it  his  glory  to  tell,  will  do  more  hurt  than 
many  that  know  it  their  duty  to  conceal.  It  is  true 
there  be  some  affairs  which  require  extreme  secrecy, 
which  will  hardly  go  beyond  one  or  two  persons  be 
sides  the  king:  neither  are  those  counsels  unpros- 
perous;  for,  besides  the  secrecy,  they  commonly  go  on 
constantly  in  one  spirit  of  direction,  without  distraction. 
But  then  it  must  be  a  prudent  king,  such  as  is  able  to 
grind  9  with  a  hand-mill;  and  those  inward  counsellors 
had  need  also  be  wise  men,  and  especially  true  and 
trusty  to  the  king's  ends;  as  it  was  with  King  Henry 
the  Seventh  10  of  England,  who  in  his  greatest  business 
imparted  himself  to  none,  except  it  were  to  Morton  u 
and  Fox.12 

For  weakening  of  authority;  the  fable  showeth  the 
remedy.  Nay,  the  majesty  of  kings  is  rather  exalted 
than  diminished  when  they  are  in  the  chair  of  counsel; 
neither  was  there  ever  prince  bereaved  of  his  depend 
ences  by  his  counsel;  except  where  there  hath  been 
either  an  over-greatness  in  one  counsellor  or  an  over- 
strict  combination  in  divers;  which  are  things  soon 
found  and  holpen. 

For  the  last  inconvenience,  that  men  will  counsel 
with  an  eye  to  themselves;  certainly,  non  inveniet 1S 


OF    COUNSEL  67 

fidem  super  terram  [he  will  not  find  faith  on  the  earth]  is 
meant  of  the  nature  of  times,  and  not  of  all  particular 
persons.  There  be  that  are  in  nature  faithful,  and  sin 
cere,  and  plain,  and  direct;  not  crafty  and  involved;  let 
princes,  above  all,  draw  to  themselves  such  natures. 
Besides,  counsellors  are  not  commonly  so  united,  but 
that  one  counsellor  keepeth  sentinel  over  another;  so 
that  if  any  do  counsel  out  of  faction  or  private  ends,  it 
commonly  comes  to  the  king's  ear.  But  the  best  rem 
edy  is,  if  princes  know  their  counsellors,  as  well  as 
their  counsellors  know  them: 

Principis  est  u  virtus  maxima  nosse  suos. 

[It  is  the  greatest  virtue  of  a  prince  to  know  his  own.] 
And  on  the  other  side,  counsellors  should  not  be  too 
speculative  into  their  sovereign's  person.  The  true 
composition  of  a  counsellor  is  rather  to  be  skilful  in 
their  master's  business,  than  in  his  nature;  for  then  he 
is  like  to  advise  him,  and  not  feed  his  humor.  It  is 
of  singular  use  to  princes  if  they  take  the  opinions  of 
their  counsel  both  separately  and  together.  For  pri 
vate  opinion  is  more  free;  but  opinion  before  others  is 
more  reverend.15  In  private,  men  are  more  bold  in 
their  own  humors;  and  in  consort,  men  are  more 
obnoxious  to  others'  humors;  therefore  it  is  good  to 
take  both;  and  of  the  inferior  sort  rather  in  private,  to 
preserve  freedom;  of  the  greater  rather  in  consort, 
to  preserve  respect.  It  is  in  vain  for  princes  to  take 
counsel  concerning  matters,  if  they  take  no  counsel 
likewise  concerning  persons;  for  all  matters  are  as  dead 
images;  and  the  life  of  the  execution  of  affairs  resteth 
in  the  good  choice  of  persons.  Neither  is  it  enough  to 
consult  concerning  persons  secundum  genera  [according 
to  classes],  as  in  an  idea,  or  mathematical  description- 


68         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

what  the  kind  and  character  of  the  person  should  be; 
for  the  greatest  errors  are  committed,  and  the  most 
judgment  is  shown,  in  the  choice  of  individuals.  It 
was  truly  said,10  optimi  consiliarii  mortui  [the  best 
counsellors  are  the  dead] :  books  will  speak  plain  when 
counsellors  blanch.  Therefore  it  is  good  to  be  conver 
sant  in  them,  specially  the  books  of  such  as  themselves 
have  been  actors  upon  the  stage. 

The  counsels  at  this  day  in  most  places  are  but 
familiar  meetings,  where  matters  are  rather  talked  on 
than  debated.  And  they  run  too  swift  to  the  order  or 
act  of  counsel.  It  were  better  that  in  causes  of  weight, 
the  matter  were  propounded  one  day  and  not  spoken  to 
till  the  next  day;  in  nocte  consilium  [night  is  the  season 
for  counsel].  So  was  it  done  in  the  Commission  17 
of  Union  between  England  and  Scotland;  which  was 
a  grave  and  orderly  assembly.  I  commend  set  days 
for  petitions;  for  both  it  gives  the  suitors  more  cer 
tainty  for  their  attendance,  and  it  frees  the  meetings 
for  matters  of  estate,  that  they  may  hoc  agere  18  [do 
this].  In  choice  of  committees  for  ripening  business  for 
the  counsel,  it  is  better  to  choose  indifferent  persons, 
than  to  make  an  indifferency  by  putting  in  those  that 
are  strong  on  both  sides.  I  commend  also  standing 
commissions;  as  for  trade,  for  treasure,  for  war,  for 
suits,  for  some  provinces;  for  where  there  be  divers  par 
ticular  counsels  and  but  one  counsel  of  estate  (as  it  is  ii 
Spain),  they  are,  in  effect,  no  more  than  standing 
commissions:  save  that  they  have  greater  authority. 
Let  such  as  are  to  inform  counsels  out  of  their  partic 
ular  professions  (as  lawyers,  seamen,  mintmen,  and 
the  like)  be  first  heard  before  committees;  and  then, 
as  occasion  serves,  before  the  counsel.  And  let  them 
not  come  in  multitudes,  or  in  a  tribunitious  manner; 


OF   DELAYS  69 

for  that  is  to  clamor  counsels,  not  to  inform  them.  A 
long  table  and  a  square  table,  or  seats  about  the  walls, 
seem  things  of  form,  but  are  things  of  substance;  for 
at  a  long  table  a  few  at  the  upper  end,  in  effect,  sway 
all  the  business;  but  in  the  other  form  there  is  more 
use  of  the  counsellors'  opinions  that  sit  lower.  A  king, 
when  he  presides  in  counsel,  let  him  beware  how  he 
opens  his  own  inclination  too  much  in  that  which  he 
propoundeth;  for  else  counsellors  will  but  take  the 
wind  of  him,  and  instead  of  giving  free  counsel,  sing 
him  a  song  of  placebo  19  [I  shall  please]. 

XXI 

OF   DELAYS 

FORTUNE  is  like  the  market;  where  many  times,  if 
you  can  stay  a  little,  the  price  will  fall.  And  again,  it 
is  sometimes  like  Sibylla's  1  offer;  which  at  first  offereth 
the  commodity  at  full,  then  consumeth  part  and  part, 
and  still  holdeth  up  the  price.  For  occasion  (as  it  is  in 
the  common  verse  2)  turneth  a  bald  noddle,  after  she 
hath  presented  her  locks  in  front,  and  no  hold  taken  ;  or 
at  least  turneth  the  handle  of  the  bottle  first  to  be 
received,  and  after  the  belly,  which  is  hard  to  clasp. 
There  is  surely  no  greater  wisdom  than  well  to  tim< 
the  beginnings  and  onsets  of  things.  Dangers  are  no 
more  light,  if  they  once  seem  light;  and  more  dangers 
have  deceived  men  than  forced  them.  Nay,  it  were 
better  to  meet  some  dangers  half  way,  though  they 
come  nothing  near,  than  to  keep  too  long  a  watch  upon 
their  approaches;  for  if  a  man  watch  too  long,  it  is 
odds  he.  will  fall  asleep.  On  the  other  side,  to  be  de 
ceived  with  too  long  shadows  (as  some  have  been  when 
the  moon  was  low  and  shone  on  their  enemies'  back), 


70         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

and  so  to  shoot  off  before  the  time;  or  to  teach  dangers 
to  come  on,  by  over  early  buckling  towards  them;  is 
another  extreme.  The  ripeness  or  unripeness  of  the 
occasion  (as  we  said)  must  ever  be  well  weighed;  and 
generally  it  is  good  to  commit  the  beginnings  of  all 
great  actions  to  Argus  3  with  his  hundred  eyes,  and 
the  ends  to  Briareus  4  with  his  hundred  hands;  first  to 
watch,  and  then  to  speed.  For  the  helmet  of  Pluto,5 
which  maketh  the  politic  man  go  invisible,  is  secrecy  in 
the  counsel  and  celerity  in  the  execution.  For  when 
things  are  once  come  to  the  execution,  there  is  no  se 
crecy  comparable  to  celerity;  like  the  motion  of  a  bullet 
in  the  air,  which  flieth  so  swift  as  it  outruns  the  eye. 

XXII 

OF   CUNNING 

WE  take  cunning  for  a  sinister  or  crooked  wisdom. 
And  certainly  there  is  a  great  difference  between  a 
cunning  man  and  a  wise  man;  not  only  in  point  of 
honesty,  but  in  point  of  ability.  There  be  that  can 
pack  the  cards,1  and  yet  cannot  play  well;  so  there  are 
some  that  are  good  in  canvasses  and  factions,  that  are 
otherwise  weak  men.  Again,  it  is  one  thing  to  under 
stand  persons,  and  another  thing  to  understand  mat 
ters;  for  many  are  perfect  in  men's  humors,  that  are 
not  greatly  capable  of  the  real  part  of  business;  which 
is  the  constitution  of  one  that  hath  studied  men  more 
than  books.  Such  men  are  fitter  for  practice  than  for 
counsel;  and  they  are  good  but  in  their  own  alley: 2 
turn  them  to  new  men,  and  they  have  lost  their  aim; 
so  as  the  old  rule  to  know  a  fool  from  a  wise  man, 
Mitte  ambos  3  nudos  ad  ignotos,  et  videbis  [Send  them 
both  naked  to  those  they  know  not,  and  you  will  see], 


OF   CUNNING  71 

doth  scarce  hold  for  them.  And  because  these  cunning 
men  are  like  haberdashers  of  small  wares,  it  is  not  amiss 
to  set  forth  their  shop. 

It  is  a  point  of  cunning,  to  wait  upon  him  with  whom 
you  speak,  with  your  eye;  as  the  Jesuits  4  give  it  in 
precept :  for  there  be  many  wise  .men  that  have  secret  j  ^ 
hearts  and  transparent  countenances.  Yet  this  would 
be  done  with  a  demure  abasing  of  your  eye  sometimes, 
as  the  Jesuits  also  do  use. 

Another  is,  that  when  you  have  anything  to  obtain 
of  present  despatch,  you  entertain  and  amuse  the  party 
with  whom  you  deal  with  some  other  discourse;  that 
he  be  not  too  much  awake  to  make  objections.  I  knew 
a  counsellor  5  and  secretary,  that  never  came  to  Queen 
Elizabeth  of  England  with  bills  to  sign,  but  he  would 
always  first  put  her  into  some  discourse  of  estate,  that 
she  mought  the  less  mind  the  bills. 

The  like  surprise  may  be  made  by  moving  things 
when  the  party  is  in  haste,  and  cannot  stay  to  consider 
advisedly  of  that  is  moved. 

If  a  man  would  cross  a  business  that  he  doubts  some 
other  would  handsomely  and  effectually  move,  let  him 
pretend  to  wish  it  well,  and  move  it  himself  in  such 
sort  as  may  foil  it. 

The  breaking  off  in  the  midst  of  that  one  was  about 
to  say,  as  if  he  took  himself  up,  breeds  a  greater  appe 
tite  in  him  with  whom  you  confer,  to  know  more. 

And  because  it  works  better  when  anything  seemeth 
to  be  gotten  from  you  by  question,  than  if  you  offer  it 
of  yourself,  you  may  lay  a  bait  for  a  question,  by  show 
ing  another  visage  and  countenance  than  you  are  wont; 
to  the  end  to  give  occasion  for  the  party  to  ask  what 
the  matter  is  of  the  change?  As  Nehemias  e  did;  And 
I  had  not  before  that  time  been  sad  before  the  king. 


92         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

In  things  that  are  tender  and  unpleasing,  it  is  good 
to  break  the  ice  by  some  whose  words  are  of  less 
weight,  and  to  reserve  the  more  weighty  voice  to  come 
in  as  by  chance,  so  that  he  may  be  asked  the  question 
upon  the  other's  speech:  as  Narcissus  did,7  in  relating 
to  Claudius  the  marriage  of  Messalina  and  Silius. 

In  things  that  a  man  would  not  be  seen  in  himself,  it 
is  a  point  of  cunning  to  borrow  the  name  of  the  world ; 
as  to  say,  The  world  says,  or  There  is  a  speech  abroad. 

I  knew  one  that,  when  he  wrote  a  letter,  he  would 
put  that  which  was  most  material  in  the  postscript,  as 
if  it  had  been  a  by-matter. 

I  knew  another  that,  when  he  came  to  have  speech, 
he  would  pass  over  that  that  he  intended  most;  and  go 
forth,  and  come  back  again,  and  speak  of  it  as  of  a 
thing  that  he  had  almost  forgot. 

Some  procure  themselves  to  be  surprised  at  such 
times  as  it  is  like  the  party  that  they  work  upon  will 
suddenly  come  upon  them;  and  to  be  found  with  a 
letter  in  their  hand,  or  doing  somewhat  which  they  are 
not  accustomed;  to  the  end  they  may  be  apposed  of 
those  things  which  of  themselves  they  are  desirous  to 
utter. 

It  is  a  point  of  cunning,  to  let  fall  those  words  in  a 
man's  own  name,  which  he  would  have  another  man 
learn  and  use,  and  thereupon  take  advantage.  I  knew 
two  8  that  were  competitors  for  the  secretary's  place  in 
Queen  Elizabeth's  time,  and  yet  kept  good  quarter  be 
tween  themselves;  and  would  confer  one  with  another 
upon  the  business;  and  the  one  of  them  said,  That  to 
be  a  secretary  in  the  declination  of  a  monarchy  was  a 
ticklish  thing,  and  that  he  did  not  affect  it:  the  other 
straight  caught  up  those  words  and  discoursed  with 
divers  of  his  friends,  that  he  had  no  reason  tc  desire  to 


OF   CUNNING  73 

be  secretary  in  the  declination  of  a  monarchy.  The 
first  man  took  hold  of  it,  and  found  means  it  was  told 
the  Queen ;  who  hearing  of  a  declination  of  a  monarchy, 
took  it  so  ill  as  she  would  never  after  hear  of  the  other's 


yuit. 


There  is  a  cunning,  which  we  in  England  call  the 
turning  of  the  cat  °  in  the  pan;  which  is,  when  that 
which  a  man  says  to  another,  he  lays  it  as  if  another 
had  said  it  to  him.  And  to  say  truth,  it  is  not  easy, 
when  such  a  matter  passed  between  two,  to  make  it 
appear  from  which  of  them  it  first  moved  and  began. 

It  is  a  way  that  some  men  have,  to  glance  and  dart 
at  others  by  justifying  themselves  by  negatives;  as  to 
say,  This  I  do  not;  as  Tigellinus 10  did  towards  Burrhus, 
Se  non  diver sas  spes,  sed  incolumitatem  imperatoris  sim- 
plicitcr  spectare  [That  he  had  not  several  hopes  to 
rest  on,  but  looked  simply  to  the  safety  of  the  Em 
peror]. 

Some  have  in  readiness  so  many  tales  and  stories, 
as  there  is  nothing  they  would  insinuate,  but  they  can 
wrap  it  into  a  tale;  which  serveth  both  to  keep  them 
selves  more  in  guard,  and  to  make  others  carry  it  with 
more  pleasure. 

It  is  a  good  point  of  cunning  for  a  man  to  shape  the 
answer  he  would  have  in  his  own  words  and  propo 
sitions;  for  it  makes  the  other  party  stick  the  less. 

It  is  strange  how  long  some  men  will  lie  in  wait  to 
speak  somewhat  they  desire  to  say;  and  how  far  about 
they  will  fetch;  and  how  many  other  matters  they  will 
beat  over,  to  come  near  it.  It  is  a  thing  of  great  pa 
tience,  but  yet  of  much  use. 

A  sudden,  bold,  and  unexpected  question  doth  many 
times  surprise  a  man,  and  lay  him  open.  Like  to  him 
that,  having  changed  his  name  and  walking  in  Paul's,11 


74         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

another  suddenly  came  behind  him  and  called  him  by 
his  true  name,  whereat  straightways  he  looked  back. 

But  these  small  wares  and  petty  points  of  cunning 
are  infinite;  and  it  were  a  good  deed  to  make  a  list  of 
them;  for  that  nothing  doth  more  hurt  in  a  state  than 
that  cunning  men  pass  for  wise. 

But  certainly  some  there  are  that  know  the  resorts 
and  falls  12  of  business,  that  cannot  sink  into  the  main 
of  it;  like  a  house  that  hath  convenient  stairs  and  en 
tries,  but  never  a  fair  room.  Therefore  you  shall  see 
them  find  out  pretty  looses  13  in  the  conclusion,  but  are 
no  ways  able  to  examine  or  debate  matters.  And  yet 
commonly  they  take  advantage  of  their  inability,  and 
would  be  thought  wits  of  direction.14  Some  build 
rather  upon  the  abusing  of  others,  and  (as  we  now 
say)  putting  tricks  upon  them,  than  upon  soundness  of 
their  own  proceedings.  But  Solomon  saith,15  Prudens 
advertit  ad  gressus  suos;  stultus  divertit  ad  dolos  [The 
wise  man  taketh  heed  to  his  steps;  the  fool  turneth 
aside  to  deceits]. 

XXIII 

OF  WISDOM   FOR   A   MAN*S   SELF 

AN  ant  is  a  wise  creature  for  itself,  but  it  is  a  shrewd ' 
thing  in  an  orchard  or  garden.  And  certainly  men 
that  are  great  lovers  of  themselves  waste  the  public. 
Divide  with  reason  between  self-love  and  society;  and 
be  so  true  to  thyself,  as  thou  be  not  false  to  others; 
specially  to  thy  king  and  country.  It  is  a  poor  centre 
of  a  man's  actions,  himself.  It  is  right  earth.2  For 
that  only  stands  fast  upon  his  own  centre;  3  whereas  all 
things  that  have  affinity  with  the  heavens  move  upon 
the  centre  of  another.4  which  they  benefit.  The  refer- 


OF   WISDOM   FOR   A   MAN'S   SELF          75 

ring  of  all  to  a  man's  self  is  more  tolerable  in  a  sover 
eign  prince;  because  themselves  are  not  only  themselves, 
but  their  good  and  evil  is  at  the  peril  of  the  public  for 
tune.  But  it  is  a  desperate  evil  in  a  servant  to  a  prince, 
or  a  citizen  in  a  republic.  For  whatsoever  affairs  pass 
such  a  man's  hands, he  crooketh  them  to  his  own  ends; 
which  must  needs  be  often  eccentric  to  5  the  ends  of  his 
master  or  state.  Therefore  let  princes,  or  states,  choose 
such  servants  as  have  not  this  mark;  except  they  mean 
their  service  should  be  made  but  the  accessory.6  That 
which  maketh  the  effect  more  pernicious  is  that  all  pro 
portion  is  lost.  It  were  disproportion  enough  for  the 
servant's  good  to  be  preferred  before  the  master's ;  but 
yet  it  is  a  greater  extreme,  when  a  little  good  of  the 
servant  shall  carry  things  against  a  great  good  of  the 
master's.  And  yet  that  is  the  case  of  bad  officers, 
treasurers,  ambassadors,  generals,  and  other  false  and 
corrupt  servants;  which  set  a  bias  7  upon  their  bowl, 
of  their  own  petty  ends  and  envies,  to  the  overthrow 
of  their  master's  great  and  important  affairs.  And  for 
the  most  part,  the  good  such  servants  receive  is  after 
the  model  of  their  own  fortune;  but  the  hurt  they  sell 
for  that  good  is  after  the  model  of  their  master's  for 
tune.  And  certainly  it  is  the  nature  of  extreme  self- 
lovers,  as  they  will  set  an  house  on  fire,  and  it  were 
but  to  roast  their  eggs ;  and  yet  these  men  many  times 
hold  credit  with  their  masters,  because  their  study  is 
but  to  please  them  and  profit  themselves;  and  for 
either  respect  they  will  abandon  the  good  of  their 
affairs. 

Wisdom  for  a  man's  self  is,  in  many  branches  there 
of,  a  depraved  thing.  It  is  the  wisdom  of  rats,8  that 
will  be  sure  to  leave  a  house  somewhat  before  it  fall. 
It  is  the  wisdom  of  the  fox,9  that  thrusts  out  the  badger, 


76         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

who  digged  and  made  room  for  him.  It  is  the  wisdom 
of  crocodiles,10  that  shed  tears  when  they  would  devour. 
But  that  which  is  specially  to  be  noted  is,  that  those 
which  (as  Cicero  u  says  of  Pompey)  are  sui  amantes, 
sine  rivali  [lovers  of  themselves  without  a  rival]  are 
:nany  times  unfortunate.  And  whereas  they  have  all 
their  times  sacrificed  to  themselves,  they  become  in  the 
end  themselves  sacrifices  to  the  inconstancy  of  fortune, 
whose  wings  they  thought  by  their  self-wisdom  to  have 
pinioned. 

XXIV 

OF   INNOVATIONS 

As  the  births  of  living  creatures  at  first  are  ill- 
shapen,  so  are  all  innovations,  which  are  the  births  of 
time.  Yet  notwithstanding,  as  those  that  first  bring 
honor  into  their  family  are  commonly  more  worthy 
than  most  that  succeed,  so  the  first  precedent  (if  it  be 
good)  is  seldom  attained  by  imitation.  For  ill,  to 
man's  nature  as  it  stands  perverted,  hath  a  natural 
motion,1  strongest  in  continuance;  but  good,  as  a  forced 
motion,  strongest  at  first.2  Surely  every  medicine  is  an 
innovation;  and  he  that  will  not  apply  new  remedies 
must  expect  new  evils;  for  time  is  the  greatest  inno 
vator;  and  if  time  of  course  3  alter  things  to  the  worse, 
and  wisdom  and  counsel  shall  not  alter  them  to  the 
better,  what  shall  be  the  end  ?  It  is  true,  that  what  is 
settled  by  custom,  though  it  be  not  good,  yet  at  least 
it  is  fit;  and  those  things  which  have  long  gone  to 
gether  are  as  it  were  confederate  within  themselves; 
whereas  new  things  4  piece  not  so  well;  but  though 
they  help  by  their  utility,  yet  they  trouble  by  their  in- 
conformity.  Besides,  they  are  like  strangers;  more 
admired  and  less  favored.  All  this  is  true,  if  time 


OF    DISPATCH  77 

stood  still;  which  contrariwise  moveth  so  round,  that  a 
froward  retention  of  custom  is  as  turbulent  a  thing  as 
an  innovation;  and  they  that  reverence  too  much  old 
times  are  but  a  scorn  to  the  new.  It  were  good  there 
fore  that  men  in  their  innovations  would  follow  the  ex 
ample  of  time  5  itself;  which  indeed  innovateth  greatly, 
but  quietly,  and  by  degrees  scarce  to  be  perceived. 
For  otherwise,  whatsoever  is  new  is  unlocked  for;  and 
ever  it  mends  some,  and  pairs  other;  and  he  that  is 
holpen  takes  it  for  a  fortune,  and  thanks  the  time;  and 
he  that  is  hurt,  for  a  wrong,  and  imputeth  it  to  the  au 
thor.  It  is  good  also  not  to  try  experiments  in  states, 
except  the  necessity  be  urgent,  or  the  utility  evident; 
and  well  to  beware  that  it  be  the  reformation  that 
draweth  on  the  change,  and  not  the  desire  of  change 
that  pretendeth  the  reformation.  And  lastly,  that  the 
novelty,  though  it  be  not  rejected,  yet  be  held  for  a 
suspect;  and,  as  the  Scripture  6  saith,  that  we  make  a 
stand  upon  the  ancient  way,  and  then  look  about  us,  and 
discover  what  is  the  straight  and  right  way,  and  so  to 
walk  in  it. 

XXV 

OF   DISPATCH 

AFFECTED  1  dispatch  is  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
things  to  business  that  can  be.  It  is  like  that  which 
the  physicians  call  predigestion,  or  hasty  digestion; 
which  is  sure  to  fill  the  body  full  of  crudities  2  and  secret 
seeds  of  diseases.  Therefore  measure  not  dispatch  by 
the  times  of  sitting,  but  by  the  advancement  of  the 
business.  And  as  in  races  it  is  not  the  large  stride  or 
high  lift  that  makes  the  speed;  3  so  in  business,  the 
keeping  close  to  the  matter,  and  not  taking  of  it  too 
much  at  once,  procureth  dispatch.  It  is  the  care  of 


78         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

some  only  to  come  off  speedily  for  the  time;  or  to  con 
trive  some  false  periods  4  of  business,  because  they  may 
seem  men  of  dispatch.  But  it  is  one  thing  to  abbreviate 
by  contracting,  another  by  cutting  off.  And  business 
so  handled  at  several  sittings  or  meetings  goeth  com 
monly  backward  and  forward  in  an  unsteady  manner. 
I  knew  a  wise  man  5  that  had  it  for  a  by-word,  when 
he  saw  men  hasten  to  a  conclusion,  Stay  a  little,  that 
we  may  make  an  end  the  sooner. 

On  the  other  side,  true  dispatch  is  a  rich  thing.  For 
time  is  the  measure  of  business,  as  money  is  of  wares; 
and  business  is  bought  at  a  dear  hand  6  where  there  is 
small  dispatch.  The  Spartans  7  and  Spaniards  8  have 
been  noted  to  be  of  small  dispatch;  Mi  venga  la  muerte 
de  Spagna;  Let  my  death  come  from  Spain;  for  then  it 
will  be  sure  to  be  long  in  coming. 

Give  good  hearing  to  those  that  give  the  first  infor 
mation  in  business;  and  rather  direct  them  in  the 
beginning  than  interrupt  them  in  the  continuance  of 
their  speeches;  for  he  that  is  put  out  of  his  own  order 
will  go  forward  and  backward,  and  be  more  tedious 
while  he  waits  upon  his  memory,  than  he  could  have 
been  if  he  had  gone  on  in  his  own  course.  But  some 
times  it  is  seen  that  the  moderator  is  more  troublesome 
than  the  actor. 

Iterations  are  commonly  loss  of  time.  But  there  is 
no  such  gain  of  time  as  to  iterate  often  the  state  of  the 
question;  for  it  chaseth  away  many  a  frivolous  speech 
as  it  is  coming  forth.  Long  and  curious  9  speeches  are 
as  fit  for  dispatch,  as  a  robe  or  mantle  with  a  long  train 
is  for  race.  Prefaces  and  passages,10  and  excusations, 
and  other  speeches  of  reference  to  the  person,  are  great 
wastes  of  time;  and  though  they  seem  to  proceed  of 
modesty,  they  are  bravery.11  Yet  beware  of  being  too 


OF   SEEMING    WISE  79 

material  1Z  when  there  is  any  impediment  or  obstruc 
tion  in  men's  wills;  for  pre-occupation  of  mind  ever 
requireth  preface  of  speech ;  like  a  fomentation  to  make 
the  unguent  enter. 

Above  all  things,  order,  and  distribution,  and  sin 
gling  out  of  parts,  is  the  life  of  dispatch;  so  as  the 
distribution  be  not  too  subtle:  for  he  that  doth  not 
divide  will  never  enter  well  into  business;  and  he  that 
divideth  too  much  will  never  come  out  of  it  clearly. 
To  choose  time  is  to  save  time;  and  an  unseasonable 
motion  is  but  beating  the  air.  There  be  three  parts  of 
business;  the  preparation,  the  debate  or  examination, 
and  the  perfection.  Whereof,  if  you  look  for  dispatch, 
let  the  middle  only  be  the  work  of  many,13  and  the  first 
and  last  the  work  of  few.  The  proceeding  upon  some 
what  conceived  in  writing  doth  for  the  most  part  facili 
tate  dispatch:  for  though  it  should  be  wholly  rejected, 
yet  that  negative  is  more  pregnant  of  direction  than 
an  indefinite;  as  ashes  are  more  generative  than  dust. 

XXVI 

OF   SEEMING   WISE 

IT  hath  been  an  opinion  that  the  French  are  wiser 
than  they  seem,  and  the  Spaniards  seem  wiser  than 
they  are.  But  howsoever  it  be  between  nations,  cer 
tainly  it  is  so  between  man  and  man.  For  as  the 
Apostle 1  saith  of  godliness,  Having  a  show  of  godliness, 
but  denying  the  power  thereof;  so  certainly  there  are  in 
point  of  wisdom  and  sufficiency,  that  do  nothing  or 
little  very  solemnly:  magno  conatu2  nugas  [with  great 
effort,  trifles].  It  is  a  ridiculous  thing  and  fit  for  a  satire 
to  persons  of  judgment,  to  see  what  shifts  these  formal 
ists  have,  and  what  prospectives  3  to  make  superficies 


80         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

[a  surface]  to  seem  body  that  hath  depth  and  bulk. 
Some  are  so  close  and  reserved,  as  they  will  not  show 
their  wares  but  by  a  dark  light;  and  seem  always  to 
keep  back  somewhat;  and  when  they  know  within 
themselves  they  speak  of  that  they  do  not  well  know, 
would  nevertheless  seem  to  others  to  know  of  that 
which  they  may  not  well  speak.  Some  help  themselves 
with  countenance  and  gesture,  and  are  wise  by  signs; 
as  Cicero  saith  4  of  Piso,  that  when  he  answered  him, 
he  fetched  one  of  his  brows  up  to  his  forehead,  and 
bent  the  other  down  to  his  chin;  Respondes,  altero  ad 
frontem  sublato,  altero  ad  mentum  depresso  supercilio, 
crudelitatem  tibi  non  placere  [You  answer,  with  one 
eyebrow  lifted  to  the  forehead  and  the  other  lowered 
to  the  chin,  that  cruelty  does  not  please  you].  Some 
think  to  bear  it 5  by  speaking  a  great  word,  and  being 
peremptory;  and  go  on,  and  take  by  admittance  that 
which  they  cannot  make  good.  Some,  whatsoever  is 
beyond  their  reach,  will  seem  to  despise  or  make  light 
of  it  as  impertinent  or  curious;  and  so  would  have 
their  ignorance  seem  judgment.  Some  are  never  with 
out  a  difference,  and  commonly  by  amusing  men  with 
a  subtilty,  blanch  the  matter; 6  of  whom  A.  Gellius 
saith,7  Hominem  delirum,  qui  verborum  minutiis  rerum 
frangit  pondera  [A  foolish  man,  that  with  verbal  points 
and  niceties  breaks  up  the  mass  of  matter].  Of  which 
kind  also,  Plato  8  in  his  Protagoras  bringeth  in  Prodi 
cus  in  scorn,  and  maketh  him  make  a  speech  that  con- 
sisteth  of  distinctions  from  the  beginning  to  the  end. 
Generally,  such  men  in  all  deliberations  find  ease  to  be 
of  the  negative  side,  and  affect  a  credit  to  object  and 
foretell  difficulties;  for  when  propositions  are  denied, 
there  is  an  end  of  them;  but  if  they  be  allowed,  it  re- 
quireth  a  new  work;  which  false  point  of  wisdom  is  the 


OF    pprfiNDSHIP  81 

bane  of  business.  To  conclude,  there  is  no  decaying 
merchant,  or  inward  beggar,  hath  so  many  tricks  to 
uphold  the  credit  of  their  wealth,  as  these  empty  per 
sons  have  to  maintain  the  credit  of  their  sufficiency. 
Seeming  wise  men  may  make  shift  to  get  opinion;  but 
let  no  man  choose  them  for  employment;  for  certainly 
you  were  better  9  take  for  business  a  man  somewhat 
absurd  10  than  over-formal. 

XXVII 

OF   FRIENDSHIP 

IT  had  been  hard  for  him  that  spake  1  it  to  have  put 
more  truth  and  untruth  together  in  few  words,  than  in 
that  speech,  Whosoever  is  delighted  in  solitude  is  either 
a  wild  beast  or  a  god.  For  it  is  most  true  that  a  natu 
ral  and  secret  hatred  and  aversation  towards  society  in 
any  man,  hath  somewhat  of  the  savage  beast;  but  it  is 
most  untrue  that  it  should  have  any  character  at  all 
of  the  divine  nature;  except  it  proceed,  not  out  of  a 
pleasure  in  solitude,  but  out  of  a  love  and  desire  to 
sequester  a  man's  self  for  a  higher  conversation:  such 
as  is  found  to  have  been  falsely  and  feignedly  in  some 
of  the  heathen;  as  Epimenides  2  the  Candian,  Numa  3 
the  Roman,  Empedocles  4  the  Sicilian,  and  Apollonius  5 
of  Tyana;  and  truly  and  really  in  divers  of  the  ancieni 
hermits  and  holy  fathers  of  the  church.  But  little  do 
men  perceive  what  solitude  is,  and  how  far  it  extend- 
eth.  For  a  crowd  is  not  company;  and  faces  are  but 
a  gallery  of  pictures;  and  talk  but  a  tinkling  cymbal,8 
where  there  is  no  love.  The  Latin  adage  meeteth  with 
it  a  little:  Magna1  civitas,  magna  solitudo  [A  great  town 
is  a  great  solitude] ;  because  in  a  great  town  friends 
are  scattered;  so  that  there  is  not  that  fellowship,  for 


82         THE    ESSAYS    OF  IHANfCIS    BACON 

the  most  part,  which  is  in  less  neighborhoods.  But 
we  may  go  further,  and  affirm  most  truly  that  it  is  a 
mere  and  miserable  solitude  to  want  true  friends; 
without  which  the  world  is  but  a  wilderness ;  and  even 
in  this  sense  also  of  solitude,  whosoever  in  the  frame 
of  his  nature  and  affections  is  unfit  for  friendship,  he 
taketh  it  of  the  beast,  and  not  from  humanity. 

A  principal  fruit  of  friendship  is  the  ease  and  dis 
charge  of  the  fulness  and  swellings  of  the  heart,  which 
passions  of  all  kinds  do  cause  and  induce.  We  know 
diseases  of  stoppings  and  suffocations  are  the  most  dan 
gerous  in  the  body;  and  it  is  not  much  otherwise  in 
the  mind ;  you  may  take  sarza  8  to  open  the  liver,  steel 
to  open  the  spleen,  flowers 9  of  sulphur  for  the  lungs, 
castoreum  for  the  brain;  but  no  receipt  openeth  the 
heart,  but  a  true  friend;  to  whom  you  may  impart 
griefs,  joys,  fears,  hopes,  suspicions,  counsels,  and 
whatsoever  lieth  upon  the  heart  to  oppress  it,  in  a  kind 
of  civil  shrift  or  confession. 

It  is  a  strange  thing  to  observe  how  high  a  rate 
great  kings  and  monarchs  do  set  upon  this  fruit  of 
friendship  whereof  we  speak:  so  great,  as  they  pur 
chase  it  many  times  at  the  hazard  of  their  own  safety 
and  greatness.  For  princes,  in  regard  of  the  distance 
of  their  fortune  from  that  of  their  subjects  and  servants, 
cannot  gather  this  fruit,  except  (to  make  themselves 
capable  thereof)  they  raise  some  persons  to  be  as  it 
were  companions  and  almost  equals  to  themselves, 
which  many  times  sorteth  to  inconvenience.  The 
modern  languages  give  unto  such  persons  the  name  of 
favorites,  or  privadoes;10  as  if  it  were  matter  of  grace, 
or  conversation.  But  the  Roman  name  aitaincth  the 
true  use  and  cause  thereof,  naming  them  participes  u 
curarum  [partners  of  cares] ;  for  it  is  that  which  tieth 


OF    FRIENDSHIP  83 

the  knot.  And  we  see  plainly  that  this  hath  been  done, 
not  by  weak  and  passionate  princes  only,  but  by  the 
wisest  and  most  politic  that  ever  reigned;  who  have 
oftentimes  joined  to  themselves  some  of  their  servants; 
whom  both  themselves  have  called  friends,  and  allowed 
others  likewise  to  call  them  in  the  same  manner;  using 
the  word  which  is  received  between  private  men. 

L.  Sylla,12  when  he  commanded  Rome,  raised  Pom- 
pey  "  (after  surnamed  the  Great)  to  that  height,  that 
Pompey  vaunted  himself  14  for  Sylla's  over-match.  For 
when  he  had  carried  the  consulship  for  a  friend  of 
his,15  against  the  pursuit  of  Sylla,  and  that  Sylla  did  a 
little  resent  thereat,  and  began  to  speak  great,  Pom 
pey  turned  upon  him  again,  and  in  effect  bade  him  Le 
quiet  ;for  that  more  men  adored  the  sun  rising  than  the 
sun  setting.  With  Julius  Caesar,  Decimus  Brutus  had 
obtained  that  interest,  as  he  set  him  down  in  his  testa 
ment  for  heir  in  remainder  after  his  nephew.  And 
this  was  the  man  that  had  power  with  him  to  draw 
him  forth  to  his  death.  For  when  Caesar  16  would  have 
discharged  the  senate,  in  regard  of  some  ill  presages, 
and  specially  a  dream  of  Calpurnia;  this  man  lifted 
him  gently  by  the  arm  out  of  his  chair,  telling  him  he 
hoped  he  would  not  dismiss  the  senate  till  his  wife  had 
dreamt  a  better  dream.  And  it  seemeth  his  favor 
was  so  great,  as  Antonius,  in  a  letter  which  is  recited 
verbatim  in  one  of  Cicero's  Philippics,17  calleth  him 
venefica,  witch;  as  if  he  had  enchanted  Caesar.  Augus 
tus  raised  Agrippa  18  (though  of  mean  birth)  to  that 
height,  as  when  he  consulted  with  Maecenas  about  the 
marriage  of  his  daughter  Julia,  Maecenas  took  the 
liberty  to  tell  him,  that  he  must  either  marry  his  daugh 
ter  to  Agrippa,  or  take  away  his  life;  there  was  no  third 
way,  he  had  made  him  so  great.  With  Tiberius  Caesar, 


84         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

Sejanus  19  had  ascended  to  that  height,  as  they  two 
were  termed  and  reckoned  as  a  pair  of  friends.  Tibe 
rius  in  a  letter  20  to  him  saith,  H OEC  pro  amicitid  nostrci 
nan  occultavi  [These  things,  as  our  friendship  required, 
I  have  not  concealed  from  you] ;  and  the  whole  senate 
dedicated  an  altar  21  to  Friendship,  as  to  a  goddess,  In 
respect  of  the  great  dearness  of  friendship  between 
them  two.  The  like  or  more  was  between  Septimius 
Severus  and  Plautianus.  For  he  forced  his  eldest  son  to 
marry  the  daughter  of  Plautianus;  and  would  often 
maintain  Plautianus  in  doing  affronts  to  his  son;  and 
did  write  also  in  a  letter  to  the  senate,  by  these  words : 
/  love  the  man  so  well,  as  I  wish  he  may  over-live  me. 
Now  if  these  princes  had  been  as  a  Trajan  22  or  a  Mar 
cus  Aurelius,23  a  man  might  have  thought  that  this  had 
proceeded  of  an  abundant  goodness  of  nature;  but 
being  men  so  wise,  of  such  strength  and  severity  of 
mind,  and  so  extreme  lovers  of  themselves,  as  all  these 
were,  it  proveth  most  plainly  that  they  found  their  own 
felicity  (though  as  great  as  ever  happened  to  mortal 
men)  but  as  an  half  piece,24  except  they  mought  have  a 
friend  to  make  it  entire;  and  yet,  which  is  more,  they 
were  princes  that  had  wives,  sons,  nephews;  and  yet  all 
these  could  not  supply  the  comfort  of  friendship. 

It  is  not.  to  be  forgotten  what  Comineus  25  observeth 
of  his  first  master,  Duke  Charles  2a  the  Hardy;  namely* 
that  he  would  communicate  his  secrets  with  none;  an<i! 
least  of  all,  those  secrets  which  troubled  him  most. 
"Whereupon  he  goeth  on  and  saith  that  towards  his 
latter  time  that  closeness  did  impair  and  a  little  perish 
his  understanding.  Surely  Comineus  mought  have 
made  the  same  judgment  also,  if  it  had  pleased  him,  of 
his  second  master,  Lewis27  the  Eleventh,  whose  close 
ness  was  indeed  his  tormentor.  The  parable  28  of 


OF   FRIENDSHIP  85 

Pythagoras  is  dark,  but  true;  Cor  ne  edito:  Eat  not  the 
heart.  Certainly,  if  a  man  would  give  it  a  hard  phrase, 
those  that  want  friends  to  open  themselves  unto  are 
cannibals  of  their  own  hearts.  But  one  thing  is  most 
admirable  (wherewith  I  will  conclude  this  first  fruif; 
of  friendship),  which  is,  that  this  communicating  of  a 
man's  self  to  his  friend  works  two  contrary  effects;  for 
it  redoubleth  joys,  and  cutteth  griefs  in  halves.  For 
there  is  no  man  that  imparteth  his  joys  to  his  friend, 
but  he  joyeth  the  more;  and  no  man  that  imparteth 
his  griefs  to  his  friend,  but  he  grieveth  the  less.  So 
that  it  is  in  truth  of  operation  upon  a  man's  mind,  of 
like  virtue  as  the  alchemists  use  to  attribute  to  their 
stone  29  for  man's  body;  that  it  worketh  all  contrary 
effects,  but  still  to  the  good  and  benefit  of  nature. 
But  yet  without  praying  in  aid  of  alchemists,  there  is 
a  manifest  image  of  this  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
nature.  For  in  bodies,  union  strengthened  and  cher- 
isheth  any  natural  action ;  and  on  the  other  side  weak- 
eneth  and  dulleth  any  violent  impression :  and  even  so 
it  is  of  minds. 

The  second  fruit  of  friendship  is  healthful  and  sov 
ereign  for  the  understanding,  as  the  first  is  for  the 
affections.  For  friendship  maketh  indeed  a  fair  day 
in  the  affections,  from  storm  and  tempests;  but  it 
maketh  daylight  in  the  understanding,  out  of  darkness 
and  confusion  of  thoughts.  Neither  is  this  to  be  un 
derstood  only  of  faithful  counsel,  which  a  man  receiv- 
eth  from  his  friend;  but  before  you  come  to  that, 
certain  it  is  that  whosoever  hath  his  mind  fraught  with 
many  thoughts,  his  wits  and  understanding  do  clarify 
and  break  up,  in  the  communicating  and  discoursing 
with  another;  he  tosseth  his  thoughts  more  easily;  he 
marshalleth  them  more  orderly;  he  seeth  how  they 


86         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

look  when  they  are  turned  into  words:  finally,  he 
waxeth  wiser  than  himself ;  and  that  more  by  an 
hour's  discourse  than  by  a  day's  meditation.  It  was 
well  said  by  Themistocles  30  to  the  king  of  Persia,  TJiat 
speech  was  like  cloth  of  Arras,31  opened  and  put 
abroad;  whereby  the  imagery  doth  appear  in  figure; 
whereas  in  thoughts  they  lie  but  as  in  packs.  Neither  is 
this  second  fruit  of  friendship,  in  opening  the  under 
standing,  restrained  only  to  such  friends  as  are  able  to 
give  a  man  counsel;  (they  indeed  are  best;)  but  even 
without  that,  a  man  learneth  of  himself,  and  bringeth 
his  own  thoughts  to  light,  and  whetteth  his  wits  as 
against  a  stone,  which  itself  cuts  not.  In  a  word,  a  man 
were  better  relate  himself  to  a  statua  or  picture,  than  to 
suffer  his  thoughts  to  pass  in  smother. 

Add  now,  to  make  this  second  fruit  of  friendship 
complete,  that  other  point  which  lieth  more  open  and 
falleth  within  vulgar  observation;  which  is  faithful 
counsel  from  a  friend.  Heraclitus  32  saith  well  in  one  of 
his  enigmas,  Dry  light  is  ever  the  best.  And  certain  it 
is,  that  the  light  that  a  man  receiveth  by  counsel  from 
another  is  drier  and  purer  than  that  which  cometh 
from  his  own  understanding  and  judgment;  which  is 
ever  infused  and  drenched  in  his  affections  and  cus 
toms.  So  as  there  is  as  much  difference  between  the 
counsel  that  a  friend  giveth,  and  that  a  man  giveth 
himself,  as  there  is  between  the  counsel  of  a  friend  and 
of  a  flatterer.  For  there  is  no  such  flatterer  as  is  a 
man's  self;  and  there  is  no  such  remedy  against  flat 
tery  of  a  man's  self  as  the  liberty  of  a  friend.  Counsel 
is  of  two  sorts:  the  one  concerning  manners,  the  other 
concerning  business.  For  the  first,  the  best  preserva 
tive  to  keep  the  mind  in  health  is  the  faithful  admo 
nition  of  a  friend.  The  calling  of  a  man's  self  to  a 


OF   FRIENDSHIP  87 

strict  account  is  a  medicine,  sometime,  too  piercing  arid 
corrosive.  Reading  good  books  of  morality  is  a  little 
flat  and  dead.  Observing  our  faults  in  others  is  some 
times  improper  for  our  case.  But  the  best  receipl 
(best,  I  say,  to  work,  and  best  to  take)  is  the  admo 
nition  of  a  friend.  It  is  a  strange  thing  to  behold  what 
gross  errors  and  extreme  absurdities  many  (especially 
of  the  greater  sort)  do  commit,  for  want  of  a  friend  to 
tell  them  of  them;  to  the  great  damage  both  of  their 
fame  and  fortune  j  for,  as  St.  James  saith,33  they  are 
as  men  that  look  sometimes  into  a  glass,  and  presently 
forget  their  ou:n  shape  and  favor.  As  for  business,  a 
man  may  think,  if  he  will,  that  two  eyes  see  no  more 
than  one;  or  that  a  gamester  84  seeth  always  more  than 
a  looker-on;  or  that  a  man  in  anger  is  as  wise  as  he 
that  hath  said  over  the  four  and  twenty  35  letters ;  ar 
that  a  musket  may  be  shot  off  as  well  upon  the  arm 
as  upon  a  rest;  and  such  other  fond  and  high  imagi 
nations,  to  think  himself  all  in  all.  But  when  all  is 
done,  the  help  of  good  counsel  is  that  which  setteth 
business  straight.  And  if  any  man  think  that  he  will 
take  counsel,  but  it  shall  be  by  pieces;  asking  counsel 
in  one  business  of  one  man,  and  in  another  business  of 
another  man;  it  is  well  (that  is  to  say,  better  perhaps 
than  if  he  asked  none  at  all);  but  he  runneth  two 
dangers:  one,  that  he  shall  not  be  faithfully  coun 
selled;  for  it  is  a  rare  thing,  except  it  be  from  a  per 
fect  and  entire  friend,  to  have  counsel  given,  but  such 
as  shall  be  bowed  and  crooked  to  some  ends  which  he 
hath  that  giveth  it.  The  other,  that  he  shall  have 
counsel  given,  hurtful  and  unsafe  (though  with  good 
meaning),  and  mixed  partly  of  mischief  and  partly  of 
remedy;  even  as  if  you  would  call  a  physician  that 
is  thought  good  for  the  cure  of  the  disease  you  com- 


88         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

plain  of,  but  is  unacquainted  with  your  body;  and 
therefore  may  put  you  in  way  for  a  present  cure,  but 
overthroweth  your  health  in  some  other  kind;  and  so 
cure  the  disease  and  kill  the  patient.  But  a  friend 
that  is  wholly  acquainted  with  a  man's  estate  will  be- 
,vare,  by  furthering  any  present  business,  how  he  dash- 
3th  upon  other  inconvenience.  And  therefore  rest  not 
upon  scattered  counsels;  they  will  rather  distract  and 
mislead,  than  settle  and  direct. 

After  these  two  noble  fruits  of  friendship  (peace  in 
the  affections,  and  support  of  the  judgment),  followeth 
the  last  fruit;  which  is  like  the  pomegranate,  full  of 
many  kernels;  I  mean  aid  and  bearing  a  part  in  all 
actions  and  occasions.  Here  the  best  way  to  represent 
to  life  the  manifold  use  of  friendship  is  to  cast  and  see 
how  many  things  there  are  which  a  man  cannot  do 
himself;  and  then  it  will  appear  that  it  was  a  sparing 
speech  of  the  ancients,  to  say,  that  a  friend  is  another 
himself;30  for  that  a  friend  is  far  more  than  himself. 
Men  have  their  time,  and  die  many  times  in  desire  of 
some  things  which  they  principally  take  to  heart;  the 
bestowing  of  a  child,  the  finishing  of  a  work,  or  the 
like.  If  a  man  have  a  true  friend,  he  may  rest  almost 
secure  that  the  care  of  those  things  will  continue  after 
him.  So  that  a  man  hath,  as  it  were,  two  lives  in  his 
desires.  A  man  hath  a  body,  and  that  body  is  con 
fined  to  a  place;  but  where  friendship  is,  all  offices  of 
life  are  as  it  were  granted  to  him  and  his  deputy.  For 
he  may  exercise  them  by  his  friend.  How  many 
things  are  there  which  a  man  cannot,  with  any  face 
or  comeliness,  say  or  do  himself?  A  man  can  scarce 
allege  his  own  merits  with  modesty,  much  less  extol 
them;  a  man  cannot  sometimes  brook  to  supplicate  or 
beg;  and  a  number  of  the  like.  But  all  these  things 


OF   EXPENSE  89 

are  graceful  in  a  friend's  mouth,  which  are  blushing  in 
a  man's  own.  So  again,  a  man's  person  hath  many 
proper  relations  which  he  cannot  put  off.  A  man 
cannot  speak  to  his  son  but  as  a  father;  to  his  wife 
but  as  a  husband;  to  his  enemy  but  upon  terms: 
whereas  a  friend  may  speak  as  the  case  requires,  and 
not  as  it  sorteth  with  the  person.  But  to  enumerate 
these  things  were  endless ;  I  have  given  the  rule, 
where  a  man  cannot  fitly  play  his  own  part;  if  he 
have  not  a  friend,  he  may  quit  the  stage. 

XXVIII 

OF    EXPENSE 

RICHES  are  for  spending,  and  spending  for  honor 
and  good  actions.  Therefore  extraordinary  expense 
must  be  limited  by  the  worth  of  the  occasion;  for 
voluntary  undoing  may  be  as  well  for  a  man's  country 
as  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven.1  But  ordinary  expense 
ought  to  be  limited  by  a  man's  estate;  and  governed 
with  such  regard,  as  it  be  within  his  compass;  and  not 
subject  to  deceit  and  abuse  of  servants  ; 2  and  ordered 
to  the  best  show,  that  the  bills  may  be  less  than  the  esti 
mation  abroad.  Certainly,  if  a  man  will  keep  but  of 
even  hand,3  his  ordinary  expenses  ought  to  be  but  to 
the  half  of  his  receipts;  and  if  he  think  to  wax  rich, 
but  to  the  third  part.  It  is  no  baseness  for  the  greatest 
to  descend  and  look  into  their  own  estate.  Some  for 
bear  it,  not  upon  negligence  alone,  but  doubting  to 
bring  themselves  into  melancholy,  in  respect  they  shall 
find  it  broken.  But  wounds  cannot  be  cured  without 
searching.  He  that  cannot  look  into  his  own  estate  at 
all,  had  need  both  choose  well  those  whom  he  employ- 
eth,  and  change  them  often;  for  new  are  more  timor- 


90         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

ous  and  less  subtle.  He  that  can  look  into  his  estate 
but  seldom,  it  behooveth  him  to  turn  all  to  certainties.* 
A  man  had  need,  if  he  be  plentiful  in  some  kind  of 
expense,  to  be  as  saving  again  in  some  other.  As  if  he 
be  plentiful  in  diet,  to  be  saving  in  apparel;  if  he  be 
plentiful  in  the  hall,  to  be  saving  in  the  stable;  and  the 
like.  For  he  that  is  plentiful  in  expenses  of  all  kinds 
will  hardly  be  preserved  from  decay.  In  clearing  of  a 
man's  estate,  he  may  as  well  hurt  himself  in  being  too 
sudden,  as  in  letting  it  run  on  too  long.  For  hasty 
selling  is  commonly  as  disadvantageable  as  interest. 
Besides,  he  that  clears  at  once  will  relapse;  for  finding 
himself  out  of  straits,  he  will  revert  to  his  customs: 
but  he  that  cleareth  by  degrees  induceth  a  habit  of 
frugality,  and  gaineth  as  well  upon  his  mind  as  upon 
his  estate.  Certainly,  who  hath  a  state  to  repair,  may 
not  despise  small  things;  and  commonly  it  is  less  dis 
honorable  to  abridge  petty  charges,  than  to  stoop  to 
petty  gettings.  A  man  ought  warily  to  begin  charges 
which  once  begun  will  continue;  but  in  matters  that 
return  not  he  may  be  more  magnificent. 

XXIX 

OF   THE   TRUE    GREATNESS    OF   KINGDOMS 
AND    ESTATES 

THE  speech  of  Themistocles  *  the  Athenian,  whicL 
was  haughty  and  arrogant  in  taking  so  much  to  him 
self,  had  been  a  grave  and  wise  observation  and  cen 
sure,  applied  at  large  to  others.  Desired  at  a  feast 
to  touch  a  lute,  he  said,  He  could  not  fiddle,  but  yet  lie 
could  make  a  small  town  a  great  city.  These  words 
(holpen  a  little  with  a  metaphor  2)  may  express  two 
differing  abilities  in  those  that  deal  in  business  of 


OF  THE  TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  KINGDOMS    91 

estate.  For  if  a  true  survey  be  taken  of  counsellors 
and  statesmen,  there  may  be  found  (though  rarely) 
those  which  can  make  a  small  state  great,  and  yet 
cannot  fiddle;  as  on  the  other  side,  there  will  be  found 
a  great  many  that  can  fiddle  very  cunningly,  but  yet 
are  so  far  from  being  able  to  make  a  small  state  great, 
as  their  gift  lieth  the  other  way;  to  bring  a  great  and 
flourishing  estate  to  ruin  and  decay.  And  certainly 
those  degenerate  arts  and  shifts,  whereby  many  coun 
sellors  and  governors  gain  both  favor  with  their 
masters  and  estimation  with  the  vulgar,  deserve  no 
better  name  than  fiddling;  being  things  rather  pleas 
ing  for  the  time,  and  graceful  to  themselves  only,  than 
tending  to  the  weal  and  advancement  of  the  state 
which  they  serve.  There  are  also  (no  doubt)  coun 
sellors  and  governors  which  may  be  held  sufficient 
(ncgotiis  pares  [equals  in  business]),  able  to  manage 
affairs,  and  to  keep  them  from  precipices  and  manifest 
inconveniences;  which  nevertheless  are  far  from  the 
ability  to  raise  and  amplify  an  estate  in  power,  means, 
and  fortune.  But  be  the  workmen  what  they  may  be, 
let  us  speak  of  the  work;  that  is,  the  true  greatness  of 
kingdoms  and  estates,  and  the  means  thereof.  An 
argument  fit  for  great  and  mighty  princes  to  have  in 
their  hand ;  to  the  end  that  neither  by  over-measuring 
their  forces,  they  leese  themselves  in  vain  enterprises; 
nor  on  the  other  side,  by  undervaluing  them,  they  de 
scend  to  fearful  and  pusillanimous  counsels. 

The  greatness  of  an  estate  in  bulk  and  territory 
doth  fall  under  measure;  and  the  greatness  of  finances 
and  revenue  doth  fall  under  computation.  The  popu 
lation  may  appear  by  musters;  and  the  number  and 
greatness  of  cities  and  towns  by  cards  and  maps.  But 
yet  there  is  not  any  thing  amongst  civil  affairs  more 


92         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

subject  to  error  than  the  right  valuation  and  true 
judgment  concerning  the  power  and  forces  of  an 
estate.  The  kingdom  of  heaven  is  compared,3  not  to 
any  great  kernel  or  nut,  but  to  a  grain  of  mustard- 
seed:  which  is  one  of  the  least  grains,  but  hath  in  it 
a  property  and  spirit  hastily  to  get  up  and  spread.  So 
are  there  states  great  in  territory,  and  yet  not  apt  to 
enlarge  or  command ;  and  some  that  have  but  a  small 
dimension  of  stem,  and  yet  apt  to  be  the  foundations  of 
great  monarchies. 

Walled  towns,  stored  arsenals  and  armories,  goodly 
races  of  horse,  chariots  of  war,  elephants,  ordnance, 
artillery,  and  the  like;  all  this  is  but  a  sheep  in  a  lion's 
skin,  except  the  breed  and  disposition  of  the  people  be 
stout  and  warlike.  Nay,  number  (itself)  in  armies 
importeth  not  much,  where  the  people  is  of  weak 
courage;  for  (as  Virgil  saith  4)  It  never  troubles  a  wolf 
how  many  the  sheep  be.  The  army  of  the  Persians 
in  the  plains  of  Arbela  was  such  a  vast  sea  of  people, 
as  it  did  somewhat  astonish  the  commanders  in  Alex 
ander's  army;  who  came  to  him  therefore,  and  wished 
him  to  set  upon  them  by  night;  but  he  answered, 
He  would  not  pilfer  5  the  victory.  And  the  defeat  was 
easy.  When  Tigranes  fi  the  Armenian,  being  encamped 
upon  a  hill  with  four  hundred  thousand  men,  discov 
ered  the  army  of  the  Romans,  being  not  above  fourteen 
thousand,  marching  towards  him,  he  made  himself 
merry  with  it,  and  said,  Yonder  men  are  too  many  for 
an  embassage,  and  too  few  for  a  fight.  But  before  the 
sun  set,  he  found  them  enow  to  give  him  the  chase 
with  infinite  slaughter.  Many  are  the  examples  of  the 
great  odds  between  number  and  courage;  so  that  a 
man  may  truly  make  a  judgment,  that  the  principal 
point  of  greatness  in  any  state  is  to  have  a  race  of 


OF  THE  TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  KINGDOMS    93 

military  men.  Neither  is  money  the  sinews  of  war  7 
(as  it  is  trivially  said),  where  the  sinews  of  men's 
arms,  in  base  and  effeminate  people,  are  failing.  For 
Solon  8  said  well  to  Crcesus  9  (when  in  ostentation  he 
showed  him  his  gold),  Sir,  if  any  other  come  thai  hath 
Better  iron  than  you,  he  will  be  master  of  all  this  gold. 
Therefore  let  any  prince  or  state  think  soberly  of  his 
forces,  except  his  militia  of  natives  be  of  good  and 
valiant  soldiers.  And  let  princes,  on  the  other  side, 
that  have  subjects  of  martial  disposition,  know  their 
own  strength;  unless  they  be  otherwise  wanting  unto 
themselves.  As  for  mercenary  forces  (which  is  the 
help  in  this  case),  all  examples  10  show  that  whatsoever 
estate  or  prince  doth  rest  upon  them,  he  may  spread  his 
feathers  for  a  time,  but  he  will  mew  them  soon  after. 

The  blessing  of  Judahand  Issachar  u  will  never  meet; 
that  the  same  people  or  nation  should  be  both  the  lion's 
whelp  and  the  ass  between  burthens  ;  neither  will  it  be, 
that  a  people  overlaid  with  taxes  should  ever  become 
valiant  and  martial.  It  is  true  that  taxes  levied  by 
consent  of  the  estate  do  abate  men's  courage  less :  as 
it.  hath  been  seen  notably  in  the  excises  12  of  the  Low 
Countries;  and,  in  some  degree,  in  the  subsidies  of 
England.  For  you  must  note  that  we  speak  now  of 
the  heart  and  not  of  the  purse.  So  that  although  the 
same  tribute  and  tax,  laid  by  consent  or  by  imposing, 
be  all  one  to  the  purse,  yet  it  works  diversely  upon  the 
courage.  So  that  you  may  conclude,  that  no  people 
overcharged  with  tribute  is  fit  for  empire. 

Let  states  that  aim  at  greatness  take  heed  how  their 
nobility  and  gentlemen  do  multiply  too  fast.  For  that 
maketh  the  common  subject  grow  to  be  a  peasant  and 
base  swain,  driven  out  of  heart,  and  in  effect  but  the 
gentleman's  laborer.  Even  as  you  may  see  in  cop- 


94         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

pice  woods;  if  you  leave  your  staddles  13  too  thick, you 
shall  never  have  clean  underwood,  but  shrubs  and 
bushes.  So  in  countries,  if  the  gentlemen  be  too 
many,  the  commons  will  be  base;  and  you  will  bring 
it  to  that,  that  not  the  hundred  poll  14  will  be  fit  foi 
an  helmet;  especially  as  to  the  infantry,  which  is  the 
nerve  15  of  an  army;  and  so  there  will  be  great  popu 
lation  and  little  strength.  This  which  I  speak  of  hath 
been  nowhere  better  seen  than  by  comparing  of  Eng 
land  and  France;  lf}  whereof  England,  though  far  less  in 
territory  and  population,  hath  been  (nevertheless)  an 
over-match;  in  regard  the  middle  people  of  England 
make  good  soldiers,  which  the  peasants  of  France  do 
not.  And  herein  the  device  of  king  Henry  the  Sev 
enth  (whereof  I  have  spoken  largely  in  the  History 
of  his  Lifi}  was  profound  and  admirable;  in  making 
farms  and  houses  of  husbandry  of  a  standard ;  that  is, 
maintained  with  such  a  proportion  of  land  unto  them, 
as  may  breed  a  subject  to  live  in  convenient  plenty 
and  no  servile  condition; 17  and  to  keep  the  plough  in 
the  hands  of  the  owners,  and  not  mere  hirelings.  And 
thus  indeed  you  shall  attain  to  Virgil's  character18 
which  he  gives  to  ancient  Italy: 

Terra  potens  armis  atque  ubere  glebse. 

[A  land  powerful  in  arms  and  in  productiveness  of 
soil.]  Neither  is  that  state  (which,  for  any  thing  1 
know,  is  almost  peculiar  to  England,  and  hardly  to  be 
found  anywhere  else,  except  it  be  perhaps  in  Poland) 
to  be  passed  over;  I  mean  the  state  of  free  servants 
and  attendants  upon  noblemen  and  gentlemen;  which 
are  no  ways  inferior  unto  the  yeomanry  for  arms. 
And  therefore  out  of  all  question,  the  splendor  and 
magnificence  and  great  retinues  and  hospitality  of 


OF  THE  TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  KINGDOMS    95 

noblemen  and  gentlemen,  received  into  custom,  doth 
much  conduce  unto  martial  greatness.  Whereas,  con 
trariwise,  the  close  and  reserved  living  of  noblemen 
and  gentlemen  causeth  a  penury  of  military  forces. 

By  all  means  it  is  to  be  procured,  that  the  trunk  of 
Nebuchadnezzar's  tree 19  of  monarchy  be  great  enough 2  ° 
lo  bear  the  branches  and  the  boughs;  that  is,  that  the 
natural  subjects  of  the  crown  or  state  bear  a  sufficient 
proportion  to  the  stranger  subjects  that  they  govern. 
Therefore  all  states  that  are  liberal  of  naturalization 
towards  strangers  are  fit  for  empire.  For  to  think 
that  an  handful  of  people  can,  with  the  greatest  cour 
age  and  policy  in  the  world,  embrace  too  large  extent 
of  dominion,  it  may  hold  for  a  time,  but  it  will  fail  sud 
denly.  The  Spartans 21  were  a  nice 22  people  in  point  of 
naturalization;  whereby,  while  they  kept  their  com 
pass,  they  stood  firm;  but  when  they  did  spread,  and 
their  boughs  were  becomen  too  great  for  their  stem, 
they  became  a  windfall  upon  the  sudden.  Never  any 
state  was  in  this  point  so  open  to  receive  strangers  into 
their  body  as  were  the  Romans.  Therefore  it  sorted 
with  them  accordingly;  for  they  grew  to  the  greatest 
monarchy.  Their  manner23  was  to  grant  naturaliza 
tion  (which  they  called  jus  civitatis  [the  right  of  citi 
zenship]),  and  to  grant  it  in  the  highest  degree;  that 
is,  not  only  jus  commercii  [the  right  to  commercial 
trade],  jus  connubii  [the  right  to  intermarry],  jus 
hoereditatis  [the  right  of  inheritance];  but  also  jus 
suffragii  [the  right  of  suffrage],  and  jus  honorum 
[the  right  of  holding  office].  And  this  not  to  singular 
persons  alone,  but  likewise  to  whole  families;  yea  to 
cities,  and  sometimes  to  nations.  Add  to  this  their 
custom  of  plantation  of  colonies;  whereby  the  Ro 
man  plant  was  removed  into  the  soil  of  other  nations. 


96         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

And  putting  both  constitutions  together,  you  will  say 
that  it  was  not  the  Romans  that  spread  upon  the  world, 
but  it  was  the  world  that  spread  upon  the  Romans; 
and  that  was  the  sure  way  of  greatness.  I  have  mar* 
veiled  sometimes  at  Spain,  how  they  clasp  and  contair 
so  large  dominions  with  so  few  natural  Spaniards;  but 
sure  the  whole  compass  of  Spain  is  a  very  great  body 
of  a  tree;  far  above  Rome  and  Sparta  at  the  first. 
And  besides,  though  they  have  not  had  that  usage  to 
naturalize  liberally,  yet  they  have  that  which  is  next 
to  it;  that  is,  to  employ  almost  indifferently  all  nations 
in  their  militia  of  ordinary  soldiers;  yea  and  some 
times  in  their  highest  commands.  Nay  it  seemeth  at 
this  instant  they  are  sensible  of  this  want  of  natives; 
as  by  the  Pragmatical  Sanction,  now  published,24  ap- 
peareth. 

It  is  certain  that  sedentary  and  within-door  arts, 
and  delicate  manufactures  (that  require  rather  the  fin 
ger  than  the  arm),  have  in  their  nature  a  contrariety 
to  a  military  disposition.  And  generally,  all  warlike 
people  are  a  little  idle,  and  love  danger  better  than 
travail.  Neither  must  they  be  too  much  broken  of  it, 
if  they  shall  be  preserved  in  vigor.  Therefore  it  was 
great  advantage  in  the  ancient  states  of  Sparta,  Ath 
ens,  Rome,  and  others,  that  they  had  the  use  of  slaves 
which  commonly  did  rid  those  manufactures.  Bm 
that  is  abolished,  in  greatest  part,  by  the  Christian  law. 
That  which  cometh  nearest  to  it  is  to  leave  those  arts 
chiefly  to  strangers  (which  for  that  purpose  are  the  more 
easily  to  be  received),  and  to  contain  the  principal  bulk 
of  the  vulgar  natives  within  those  three  kinds,  —  til 
lers  of  the  ground;  free  servants;  and  handicraftsmen 
of  strong  and  manly  arts,  as  smiths,  masons,  carpenters, 
etc.;  not  reckoning  professed  soldiers. 


OF  THE  TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  KINGDOMS    97 

But  above  all,  for  empire  and  greatness,  it  importeth 
most,  that  a  nation  do  profess  arms  as  their  principal 
honor,  study,  and  occupation.  For  the  things  which 
we  formerly  have  spoken  of  are  but  habitations  to 
wards  arms;  and  what  is  habilitation  without  intention 
and  act?  Romulus,25  after  his  death  (as  they  report 
or  feign), sent  a  present26  to  the  Romans,  that  above  all 
they  should  intend  arms;  and  then  they  should  prove 
the  greatest  empire  of  the  world.  The  fabric  of  the 
state  of  Sparta  was  wholly  (though  not  wisely)  framed 
and  composed  to  that  scope  and  end.  The  Persians 
and  Macedonians  had  it  for  a  flash.  The  Gauls,  Ger 
mans,  Goths,  Saxons,  Normans,  and  others,  had  it  for 
a  time.  The  Turks  have  it  at  this  day,  though  in 
great  declination.  Of  Christian  Europe,  they  that 
have  it  are,  in  effect,  only  the  Spaniards.27  But  it  is  so 
plain  that  every  man  profiteth  in  that  he  most  intendeth, 
that  it  needeth  not  to  be  stood  upon.  It  is  enough  to 
point  at  it;  that  no  nation  which  doth  not  directly  pro 
fess  arms  may  look  to  have  greatness  fall  into  their 
mouths.  And  on  the  other  side,  it  is  a  most  certain 
oracle  of  time,  that  those  states  that  continue  long  iu 
that  profession  (as  the  Romans  and  Turks  principally 
have  done)  do  wonders.  And  those  that  have  pro 
fessed  arms  but  for  an  age,  have  notwithstanding 
commonly  attained  that  greatness  in  that  age  which 
maintained  them  long  after,  when  their  profession  and 
exercise  of  arms  hath  grown  to  decay, 

Incident  to  this  point  is,  for  a  state  to  have  those 
laws  or  customs  which  may  reach  forth  unto  them  just 
occasions  (as  may  be  pretended)  of  war.  For  there 
is  that  justice  imprinted  in  the  nature  of  men,  that  thej 
enter  not  upon  wars  (whereof  so  many  calamities  do 
ensue)  but  upon  some,  at  the  least  specious,  grounds 


88         THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

and  quarrels.  The  Turk  hath  at  hand,  for  cause  of 
war,  the  propagation  of  his  law  or  sect;28  a  quarrel  that 
he  may  always  command.  The  Romans,  though  they 
esteemed  the  extending  the  limits  of  their  empire  to  be 
great  honor  to  their  generals  when  it  was  done,  yet 
they  never  rested  upon  that  alone  to  begin  a  war.  First 
therefore,  let  nations  that  pretend  to  greatness  have 
this;  that  they  be  sensible  of  wrongs,  either  upon  bor 
derers,  merchants,  or  politic  ministers;  and  that  they 
sit  not  too  long  upon  a  provocation.  Secondly,  let 
them  be  prest  and  ready  to  give  aids  and  succors  to 
their  confederates;  as  it  ever  was  with  the  Romans; 
insomuch,  as  if  the  confederate  had  leagues  defensive 
with  divers  other  states,  and,  upon  invasion  offered,  did 
implore  their  aids  severally,  yet  the  Romans  would 
ever  be  the  foremost,  and  leave  it  to  none  other  to  have 
the  honor.  As  for  the  wars  which  were  anciently 
made  on  the  behalf  of  a  kind  of  party,  or  tacit  con 
formity  of  estate,  I  do  not  see  how  they  may  be  well 
justified:  as  when  the  Romans  made  a  war29  for  the 
liberty  of  Grecia;  or  when  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
Athenians  made  wars  to  set  up  or  pull  down  demo 
cracies  and  oligarchies ;  or  when  wars  were  made  by 
foreigners,  under  the  pretence  of  justice  or  protection, 
to  deliver  the  subjects  of  others  from  tyranny  and 
oppression;  and  the  like.  Let  it  suffice,  that  no  estate 
expect  to  be  great,  that  is  not  awake  upon  any  just 
occasion  of  arming. 

No  body  can  be  healthful  without  exercise,  neither 
;  natural  body  nor  politic;  and  certainly  to  a  kingdom 
or  estate,  a  just  and  honorable  war  is  the  true  exer 
cise.  A  civil  war,  indeed,  is  like  the  heat  of  a  fever: 
but  a  foreign  war  is  like  the  heat  of  exercise,  and  serv- 
eth  to  keep  the  body  in  health;  for  in  a  slothful  peace, 


OF  THE  TRUE  GREATNESS  OF  KINGDOMS    yfl 

both  courages  will  effeminate  and  manners  corrupt. 
But  howsoever  it  be  for  happiness,  without  all  ques 
tion,  for  greatness  it  maketh,  to  be  still  for  the  most 
part  in  arms;  and  the  strength  of  a  veteran  army 
(though  it  be  a  chargeable  business)  always  on  foot  is 
that  which  commonly  giveth  the  law,  or  at  least  the 
reputation,  amongst  all  neighbor  states;  as  may  well 
be  seen  in  Spain,  which  hath  had,  in  one  part  or  other, 
a  veteran  army  almost  continually,  now  by  the  space 
of  six  score  years. 

To  be  master  of  the  sea  is  an  abridgment  of  a  mon 
archy.  Cicero,30  writing  to  Atticus  of  Pompey  his  pre 
paration  against  Caesar,  saith,  Concilium  Pompeii  plane 
Themistocleum  est;  putat  enim,  qui  mari  potitur,  cum 
rerum  potiri  [Pompey  is  going  upon  the  policy  of 
Themistocles;  thinking  that  he  who  commands  the 
sea  commands  all].  And,  without  doubt,  Pompey  had 
tired  out  Caesar,  if  upon  vain  confidence  he  had  not 
left  that  way.  We  see  the  great  effects  of  battles  by 
sea.  The  battle  of  Actium 31  decided  the  empire  of  the 
world.  The  battle  of  Lepanto32  arrested  the  greatness 
of  the  Turk.  There  be  many  examples  where  sea- 
fights  have  been  final  to  the  war;  but  this  is  when 
princes  or  states  have  set  up  their  rest  upon  the  battles. 
But  thus  much  is  certain,  that  he  that  commands  the 
sea  is  at  great  liberty,  and  may  take  as  much  and  as 
little  of  the  war  as  he  will.  Whereas  those  that  be 
strongest  by  land  are  many  times  nevertheless  in  great 
straits.  Surely,  at  this  day,  with  us  of  Europe,  the 
vantage  of  strength  at  sea 33  (which  is  one  of  the  prin 
cipal  dowries  of  this  kingdom  of  Great  Britain)  is 
great;  both  because  most  of  the  kingdoms  of  Europe 
are  not  merely  inland,  but  girt  with  the  sea  most  part 
of  their  compass  ;  and  because  the  wealth  of  both 


100       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

Indies  seems  in  great  part  but  an  accessory  to  the 
command  of  the  seas. 

The  wars  of  latter  ages  seem  to  be  made  in  the  dark, 
in  respect  of  the  glory  and  honor  which  reflected 
upon  men  from  the  wars  in  ancient  time.  There  be 
now,  for  martial  encouragement,  some  degrees  and 
orders  of  chivalry;  which  nevertheless  are  conferred 
promiscuously  upon  soldiers  and  no  soldiers:  and  some 
remembrance  perhaps  upon  the  scutcheon;  and  some 
hospitals  for  maimed  soldiers;  and  such  like  things. 
But  in  ancient  times,  the  trophies  erected  upon  the 
place  of  the  victory ;  the  funeral  laudatives 34  and  monu 
ments  for  those  that  died  in  the  wars;  the  crowns  and 
garlands  personal;  the  style  of  emperor,35  which  the 
great  kings  of  the  world  after  borrowed ;  the  triumphs 
of  the  generals  upon  their  return;  the  great  donatives 
and  largesses  upon  the  disbanding  of  the  armies;  were 
things  able  to  inflame  all  men's  courages.  But  above 
all,  that  of  the  triumph,36  amongst  the  Romans,  was 
not  pageants  or  gaudery,  but  one  of  the  wisest  and 
noblest  institutions  that  ever  was.37  For  it  contained 
three  things:  honor  to  the  general;  riches  to  the 
treasury  out  of  the  spoils;  and  donatives  to  the  army. 
But  that  honor  perhaps  were  not  fit  for  monarchies,* 
except  it  be  in  the  person  of  the  monarch  himself,  oi 
his  sons;  as  it  came  to  pass  in  the  times  of  the  Roman 
emperors,  who  did  impropriate  the  actual  triumphs  to 
themselves  and  their  sons,  for  such  wars  as  they  did 
achieve  in  person ;  and  left  only,  for  wars  achieved  by 
subjects,  some  triumphal  garments  and  ensigns  to  the 
general. 

To  conclude:  no  man  can  by  care  taking  (as  the 
Scripture  saith  38)  add  a  cubit  to  his  stature,  in  this  little 
model  of  a  man's  body;  but  in  the  great  frame  of 


OF   REGIMENT   OF   HEALTH  101 

kingdoms  and  commonwealths,  it  is  in  the  power  of 
princes  or  estates  to  add  amplitude  and  greatness  to 
their  kingdoms;   for  by  introducing  such  ordinances 
constitutions,  and  customs,  as  we  have  now  touched 
they  may  sow  greatness  to  their  posterity  and  succes 
sion.    But  these  things  are  commonly  not  observed, 
but  left  to  take  their  chance. 

XXX 

OF   REGIMENT   OF   HEALTH 

THERE  is  a  wisdom  in  this  beyond  the  rules  of  phy 
sic:  a  man's  own  observation,1  what  he  finds  good  of, 
and  what  he  finds  hurt  of,  is  the  best  physic  to  pre 
serve  health.  But  it  is  a  safer  conclusion  to  say,  This 
agrecth  not  well  with  me,  therefore  I  will  not  continue  it ; 
than  this,  /  find  no  offence  of  this,  therefore  I  may  use 
it.  For  strength  of  nature  in  youth  passeth  over  many 
excesses,  which  are  owing  a  man  till  his  age.  Dis 
cern  o"the  coming  on  of  years,  and  think  not  to  do 
the  same  things  still;  for  age  will  not  be  defied.  Be 
ware  of  sudden  change  in  any  great  point  of  diet,  and 
if  necessity  inforce  it,  fit  the  rest  to  it.  For  it  is  a  secret 
both  in  nature  and  state,  that  it  is  safer  to  change 
many  things  than  one.2  Examine  thy  customs  of 
diet,  sleep,  exercise,  apparel,3  and  the  like;  and  try 
in  any  thing  thou  shalt  judge  hurtful,  to  discontinue  i 
by  little  and  little;  but  so,  as  if  thou  dost  find  any  in 
convenience  by  the  change,  thou  come  back  to  it  again: 
for  it  is  hard  to  distinguish  that  which  is  generally  held 
good  and  wholesome,  from  that  which  is  good  particu 
larly,  and  fit  for  thine  own  body.  To  be  free-minded 
and  cheerfully  disposed  at  hours  of  meat  and  of  sleep 
and  of  exercise,  is  one  of  the  best  precepts  of  long 


102       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

lasting.  As  for  the  passions  and  studies  of  the  mind; 
avoid  envy;  anxious  fears;  anger  fretting  inwards; 
subtle  and  knotty  inquisitions;  joys  and  exhilarations 
in  excess;  sadness  not  communicated.  Entertain 
hopes;  mirth  rather  than  joy;  variety  of  delights, 
rather  than  surfeit  of  them;  wonder  and  admiration, 
and  therefore  novelties;  studies  that  fill  the  mind  with 
splendid  and  illustrious  objects,  as  histories,  fables,  and 
contemplations  of  nature.  If  you  fly  physic  in  health 
altogether,  it  will  be  too  strange  for  your  body  whtn 
you  shall  need  it.  If  you  make  it  too  familiar,  it  will 
work  no  extraordinary  effect  when  sickness  cometh.  I 
commend  rather  some  diet  for  certain  seasons,  than 
frequent  use  of  physic,  except  it  be  grown  into  a  cus 
tom.  For  those  diets  alter  the  body  more,  and  trouble 
it.  less.  Despise  no  new  accident  in  your  body,  but 
ask  opinion  of  it.  In  sickness,  respect  health  prin 
cipally;  and  in  health,  action.  For  those  that  put 
their  bodies  to  endure  in  health,  may  in  most  sicknesses, 
which  are  not  very  sharp,  be  cured  only  with  cRt  and 
tendering.  Celsus  could  never  have  spoken  it  as  a 
physician,  had  he  not  been  a  wise  man  withal,  when  he 
giveth  it  for  one  of  the  great  precepts  4  of  health  and 
lasting,  that  a  man  do  vary  and  interchange  contraries, 
but  with  an  inclination  to  the  more  benign  extreme: 
use  fasting  and  full  eating,  but  rather  full  eating; 
watching  and  sleep,  but  rather  sleep;  sitting  and  exer 
cise,  but  rather  exercise;  and  the  like.  So  shall  nature 
be  cherished,  and  yet  taught  masteries.  Physicians 
are  some  of  them  so  pleasing  and  conformable  to  the 
humor  of  the  patient,  as  they  press  not  the  true  cure 
of  the  disease ;  and  some  other  are  so  regular  in  pro 
ceeding  according  to  art  for  the  disease,  as  they  respect 
not  sufficiently  the  condition  of  the  patient.  Take  one 


OF   SUSPICION  103 

of  a  middle  temper;  or  if  it  may  not  be  found  in  one 
man,  combine  two  of  either  sort;  and  forget  not  to 
call  as  well  the  best  acquainted  with  your  body,  as  the 
best  reputed  of  for  his  faculty.5 

XXXI 

OF   SUSPICION 

SUSPICIONS  amongst  thoughts  are  like  bats  amongst 
birds,  they  ever  fly  by  twilight.  Certainly  they  are  to 
be  repressed,  or  at  least  well  guarded:  for  they  cloud 
the  mind;  they  leese  friends;  and  they  check  with 
business,  whereby  business  cannot  go  on  currently 
and  constantly.  They  dispose  kings  to  tyranny,  hus 
bands  to  jealousy,  wise  men  to  irresolution  and  melan 
choly.  They  are  defects,  not  in  the  heart,  but  in  the 
brain ;  for  they  take  place  in  the  stoutest  *  natures ;  as 
in  the  example  of  Henry  the  Seventh  of  England. 
There  was  not  a  more  suspicious  man,  nor  a  more 
stout.  And  in  such  a  composition  they  do  small  hurt. 
For  commonly  they  are  not  admitted,  but  with  exami 
nation,  whether  they  be  likely  or  no.  But  in  fearful 
natures  they  gain  ground  too  fast.  There  is  nothing 
makes  a  man  suspect  much,  more  than  to  know  little; 
and  therefore  men  should  remedy  suspicion  by  procur 
ing  to  know  more,  and  not  to  keep  their  suspicions  in 
smother.2  What  would  men  have?  Do  they  think 
those  they  employ  and  deal  with  are  saints  ?  Do  they 
not  think  they  will  have  their  own  ends,  and  be  truer 
to  themselves  than  to  them?  Therefore  there  is  no 
better  way  to  moderate  suspicions,  than  to  account 
upon  such  suspicions  as  true  and  yet  to  bridle  them  as 
false.  For  so  far  a  man  ought  to  make  use  of  suspi 
cions,  as  to  provide,  as  if  that  should  be  true  that  he 


104       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

suspects,  yet  it  may  do  him  no  hurt.  Suspicions  that 
the  mind  of  itself  gathers  are  but  buzzes;  but  suspi 
cions  that  are  artificially  nourished,  and  put  into  men's 
heads  by  the  tales  and  whisperings  of  others,  have 
stings.  Certainly,  the  best  mean  to  clear  the  way  in 
this  same  wood  of  suspicions  is  frankly  to  communi 
cate  them  with  the  party  that  he  suspects;  for  thereby 
he  shall  be  sure  to  know  more  of  the  truth  of  them 
than  he  did  before;  and  withal  shall  make  that  party 
more  circumspect  not  to  give  further  cause  of  suspicion. 
But  this  would  not  be  done  to  men  of  base  natures; 
for  they,  if  they  find  themselves  once  suspected,  will 
never  be  true.  The  Italian  says,  Sospetto  licentia  fede  ; 
as  if  suspicion  did  give  a  passport 3  to  faith;  but  it 
ought  rather  to  kindle  it  to  discharge  itself. 

XXXII 

OF   DISCOURSE 

SOME  in  their  discourse  desire  rather  commendation 
of  wit,  in  being  able  to  hold  all  arguments,  than  of 
judgment,  in  discerning  what  is  true;  as  if  it  were  a 
praise  to  know  what  might  be  said,  and  not  what 
should  be  thought.  Some  have  certain  common  places 
and  themes  wherein  they  are  good,  and  want  variety;  1 
which  kind  of  poverty  is  for  the  most  part  tedious,  and 
when  it  is  once  perceived,  ridiculous.  The  honor- 
ablest  part  of  talk  is  to  give  the  occasion;  and  again  to 
moderate  and  pass  to  somewhat  else;  for  then  a  man 
leads  the  dance.  It  is  good,  in  discourse  and  speech  of 
conversation,  to  vary  and  intermingle  speech  of  the 
present  occasion  with  arguments,  tales  with  reasons, 
asking  of  questions  with  telling  of  opinions,  and  jest 
with  earnest:  for  it  is  a  dull  thing  to  tire,  and,  as  ws 


OF   DISCOURSE  105 

say  now,  to  jade,2  any  thing  too  far.  As  for  jest, 
there  be  certain  things  which  ought  to  be  privileged 
from  it;  namely,  religion,  matters  of  state,  great  per 
sons,  any  man's  present  business  of  importance,  and 
any  case  that  deserveth  pity.  Yet  there  be  some  that 
think  their  wits  have  been  asleep,  except  they  dart  out 
somewhat  that  is  piquant,  and  to  the  quick.  That  is  a 
vein  which  would  be  bridled; 

Parce,3  puer,  stimuli's,  et  fortius  utere  loris. 

[Spare,  boy,  the  whip  and  tighter  hold  the  reins.] 
And  generally,  men  ought  to  find  the  difference  be 
tween  saltness  and  bitterness.  Certainly,  he  that  hath 
a  satirical  vein,  as  he  maketh  others  afraid  of  his  wit, 
so  he  had  need  be  afraid  of  others'  memory.  He  that 
questioneth  much  shall  learn  much,  and  content  much; 
but  especially  if  he  apply  his  questions  to  the  skill  of 
the  persons  whom  he  asketh;  for  he  shall  give  them 
occasion  to  please  themselves  in  speaking,  and  himself 
shall  continually  gather  knowledge.  But  let  his  ques 
tions  not  be  troublesome;  for  that  is  fit  for  a  poser.4 
And  let  him  be  sure  to  leave  other  men  their  turns  to 
speak.  Nay,  if  there  be  any  that  would  reign  and 
take  up  all  the  time,  let  him  find  means  to  take  them 
off,  and  to  bring  others  on;  as  musicians  use  to  do 
with  those  that  dance  too  long  galliards.5  If  you  dis 
semble  sometimes6  your  knowledge  of  that  you  are 
thought  to  know,  you  shall  be  thought  another  time 
to  know  that  you  know  not.  Speech  of  a  man's  self 
ought  to  be  seldom,  and  well  chosen.  I  knew  one  was 
Wont  to  say  in  scorn,  He  must  needs  be  a  wise  man,  he 
speaks  so  much  of  himself:  and  there  is  but  one  case 
wherein  a  man  may  commend  himself  with  good  grace: 
and  that  is  in  commending  virtue  in  another;  cspe< 


106       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

cially  if  it  be  such  a  virtue  whereunto  himself  preteni 
eth.  Speech  of  touch  7  towards  others  should  be  spar 
ingly  used ;  for  discourse  ought  to  be  as  a  field,  without 
coming  home  to  any  man.  I  knew  two  noblemen,  of 
the  west  part  of  England,  whereof  the  one  was  given 
to  scoff,  but  kept  ever  royal  cheer  in  his  house;  the 
other  would  ask  of  those  that  had  been  at  the  other's 
table,  Tell  truly,  was  there  never  a  flout  or  dry  blow  * 
given?  To  which  the  guest  would  answer,  Such  and 
such  a  thing  passed.  The  lord  would  say,  /  thought  he 
would  mar  a  good  dinner.  Discretion  of  speech  is 
more  than  eloquence;  and  to  speak  agreeably  to  him 
with  whom  we  deal,  is  more  than  to  speak  in  good 
words  or  in  good  order.  A  good  continued  speech, 
without  a  good  speech  of  interlocution,  shows  slow 
ness:  and  a  good  reply  or  second  speech,  without  a 
good  settled  speech,  showeth  shallowness  and  weakness. 
As  we  see  in  beasts,  that  those  that  are  weakest  in  the 
course  are  yet  nimblest  in  the  turn;  as  it  is  betwixt 
the  greyhound  and  the  hare.  To  use  too  many  cir 
cumstances  9  ere  one  come  to  the  matter,  is  wearisome; 
to  use  none  at  all,  is  blunt. 

XXXIII 

OF   PLANTATIONS  * 

PLANTATIONS  are  amongst  ancient,  primitive,  and 
heroical  works.  When  the  world  was  young  it  begat 
more  children;  but  now  it  is  old  it  begets  fewer:  for  I 
may  justly  account  new  plantations  to  be  the  children 
of  former  kingdoms.  I  like  a  plantation  in  a  pure  soil; 
that,  is,  where  people  are  not  displanted  to  the  end  to 
plant  in  others.  For  else  it  is  rather  an  extirpation 
than  a  plantation.  Planting  of  countries  is  like  plant" 


OF   PLANTATIONS  107 

ing  of  woods;  for  you  must  make  account  to  leese 
almost  twenty  years'  profit,  and  expect  your  recom 
pense  in  the  end.  For  the  principal  thing  that  hath 
been  the  destruction  of  most  plantations,  hath  been  the 
base  and  hasty  drawing  of  profit  in  the  first  years.  It 
is  true,  speedy  profit  is  not  to  be  neglected,  as  far  as 
may  stand  with  the  good  of  the  plantation,  but  no  fur 
ther.  It  is  a  shameful  and  unblessed  thing  to  take  the 
scum  of  people,  and  wicked  condemned  men,  to  be  the 
people  with  whom  you  plant;  and  not  only  so,  but  it 
spoileth  the  plantation;  for  they  will  ever  live  like 
rogues,  and  not  "all  to  work,  but  be  lazy,  and  do  mis 
chief,  and  spend  victuals,  and  be  quickly  weary,  and 
then  certify  over  to  their  country  to  the  discredit  of  the 
plantation.  The  people  wherewith  you  plant  ought  to 
be  gardeners,  ploughmen,  laborers,  smiths,  carpenters, 
joiners,  fishermen,  fowlers,  with  some  few  apothecaries, 
surgeons,  cooks,  and  bakers.2  In  a  country  of  planta 
tion,  first  look  about  what  kind  of  victual 3  the  country 
yields  of  itself  to  hand;  as  chestnuts,  walnuts,  pine 
apples,  olives,  dates,  plums,  cherries,  wild  honey,  and 
the  like;  and  make  use  of  them.  Then  consider  what 
victual  or  esculent  things  there  are,  which  grow  speed 
ily,  and  within  the  year;  as  parsnips,  carrots,  turnips, 
onions,  radish,4  artichokes  of  Hierusalem,  maize,  and 
the  like.  For  wheat,5  barley,  and  oats,  they  ask  too 
much  labor;  but  with  pease  and  beans  you  may  be 
gin,  both  because  they  ask  less  labor,  and  because 
they  serve  for  meat  as  well  as  for  bread.  And  of  rice 
likewise  cometh  a  great  increase,  and  it  is  a  kind  of 
meat.  Above  all,  there  ought  to  be  brought  .store  of 
biscuit,  oat -meal,  flour,  meal,  and  the  like,  in  the  begin 
ning,  till  bread  may  be  had.  For  beasts,  or  birds,  take 
such  as  are  least  subject  to  diseases,  and  mul- 


108       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

tiply  fastest;  as  swine,  goats,  cocks,  hens,  turkeys, 
geese,  house-doves,8  and  the  like.  The  victual  in  plan 
tations  ought  to  be  expended  almost  as  in  a  besieged 
town;  that  is,  with  certain  allowance.  And  let  the 
main  part  of  the  ground  employed  to  gardens  or  corn, 
be  to  a  common  stock;  and  to  be  laid  in,  and  stored 
up,  and  then  delivered  out  in  proportion ;  besides  some 
spots  of  ground  that  any  particular  person  will  manure 
for  his  own  private.  Consider  likewise  what  commodi 
ties  the  soil  where  the  plantation  is  doth  naturally  yield, 
that  they  may  some  way  help  to  defray  the  charge  of 
the  plantation  (so  it  be  not,  as  was  said,  to  the  un 
timely  prejudice  of  the  main  business),  as  it  hath  fared 
with  tobacco  7  in  Virginia.  Wood  commonly  abound- 
~th  but  too  much;  and  therefore  timber  is  fit  to  be 
one.  If  there  be  iron  ore,8  and  streams  whereupon  to 
set  the  mills,  iron  is  a  brave  commodity  where  wood 
aboundeth.  Making  of  bay-salt,9  if  the  climate  be 
proper  for  it,  would  be  put  in  experience.  Growing 
silk  10  likewise,  if  any  be,  is  a  likely  commodity.  Pitch 
and  tar,  where  store  of  firs  and  pines  are,  will  not  fail. 
So  drugs  and  sweet  woods,  where  they  are,  cannot 
but  yield  great  profit.  Soap-ashes  likewise,  and  other 
things  that  may  be  thought  of.  But  moil  not  too  much 
under  ground;  for  the  hope  of  mines  is  very  uncertain, 
and  useth  to  make  the  planters  lazy  in  other  things. 
For  government,  let  it  be  in  the  hands  of  one,  assisted 
with  some  counsel;  and  let  them  have  commission 
to  exercise  martial  laws,  with  some  limitation.  And 
above  all,  let  men  make  that  profit  of  being  in  the 
wilderness,  as  they  have  God  always,  and  his  service, 
before  their  eyes.  Let  not  the  government  of  the 
plantation  depend  upon  too  many  counsellors  and  un 
dertakers  in  the  country  that  planteth,  but  upon  ?  tern. 


OF   PLANTATIONS  109 

perate  number;  and  let  those  be  rather  noblemen  and 
gentlemen,  than  merchants;  for  they  look  ever  to  the 
present  gain.  Let  there  be  freedom  from  custom,11  till 
the  plantation  be  of  strength;  and  not  only  freedom 
from  custom,  but  freedom  to  carry  their  commodities 
vhere  they  may  make  their  best  of  them,  except  there 
be  some  special  cause  of  caution.  Cram  not  in  people, 
by  sending  too  fast  company  after  company;  but  rather 
harken  how  they  waste,  and  send  supplies  proportion- 
ably;  but  so  as  the  number  may  live  well  in  the  plan 
tation,  and  not  by  surcharge  be  in  penury.  It  hath 
been  a  great  endangering  to  the  health  of  some  planta 
tions,  that  they  have  built  along  the  sea  and  rivers,  in 
marish  and  unwholesome  grounds.  Therefore,  though 
you  begin  there,  to  avoid  carriage  and  other  like  dis 
commodities,  yet  build  still  rather  upwards  from  the 
streams  than  along.  It  concerneth  likewise  the  health 
of  the  plantation  that  they  have  good  store  of  salt  with 
them,  that  they  may  use  it  in  their  victuals,  when  it 
shall  be  necessary.  If  you  plant  where  savages  are, 
do  not  only  entertain  them  with  trifles  and  gingles, 
but  use  them  justly  and  graciously,  with  sufficient 
guard  nevertheless;  and  do  not  win  their  favor  by 
helping  them  to  invade  their  enemies,  but  for  their  de 
fence  it  is  not  amiss ;  and  send  oft  of  them  over  to  the 
country  that  plants,  that  they  may  see  a  better  con 
dition  than  their  own,  and  commend  it  when  they  re 
turn.  When  the  plantation  grows  to  strength,  then  it 
is  time  to  plant  with  women  as  well  as  with  men ;  that 
the  plantation  may  spread  into  generations,  and  not  be 
ever  pieced  from  without.  It  is  the  sinfullest  thing  in 
the  world  to  forsake  or  destitute  12  a  plantation  once  in 
forwardness;  for  besides  the  dishonor,  it  is  the  guilti 
ness  of  blood  of  many  commiserable  persons. 


110       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 
XXXIV 

OF    RICHES 

I  CANNOT  call  riches  better  than  the  baggage  of 
virtue.  The  Roman  word  is  better,  impedimenta. 
For  as  the  baggage  is  to  an  army,  so  is  riches  to  vir 
tue.  It  cannot  be  spared  nor  left  behind,  but  it  hin- 
dereth  the  march;  yea,  and  the  care  of  it  sometimes 
loseth  or  disturbeth  the  victory.  Of  great  riches  there 
is  no  real  use,  except  it  be  in  the  distribution;  the  rest 
is  but  conceit.  So  saith  Solomon,1  Where  much  is,  there 
are  many  to  consume  it ;  and  wJiat  hath  the  owner  but 
the  sight  of  it  with  his  eyes  ?  The  personal  fruition  in 
any  man  cannot  reach  to  feel  great  riches:  there  is 
a  custody  of  them;  or  a  power  of  dole  and  donative 
of  them;  or  a  fame  of  them;  but  no  solid  use  to  the 
owner.  Do  you  not  see  what  feigned  prices  are  set 
upon  little  stones  2  and  rarities  ?  and  what  works  of 
ostentation  are  undertaken,  because  there  might  seem 
to  be  some  use  of  great  riches  ?  But  then  you  will 
say,  they  may  be  of  use  to  buy  men  out  of  dangers 
or  troubles.  As  Solomon  saith,3  Riches  are  as  a  strong 
hold,  in  the  imagination  of  the  rich  man.  But  this  is 
excellently  expressed,  that  it  is  in  imagination,  and 
not  always  in  fact.  For  certainly  great  riches  have 
sold  more  men  than  they  have  bought  out.  Seek 
not  proud  riches,  but  such  as  thou  mayest  get  justly; 
use  soberly,  distribute  cheerfully,  and  leave  content 
edly.  Yet  have  no  abstract  nor  friarly  contempt  of 
them.  But  distinguish,  as  Cicero  saith  4  well  of  Rabi- 
rius  Posthumus,  In  studio  rei  amplificandce  apparebat, 
non  avaritice  prccdam,  sed  instrumentum  bonitati  quari 
[In  seeking  to  increase  his  estate  it  was  apparent  that  he 


OF   RICHES  111 

sought  not  a  prey  for  avarice  to  feed  on,  but  an  in 
strument  for  goodness  to  work  with].  Harken  also  to 
Solomon,  and  beware  of  hasty  gathering  of  riches; 
Qui  festinat 5  ad  divitias,  non  erit  insons  [He  that 
maketh  haste  to  be  rich  shall  not  be  innocent].  The 
poets  feign,6  that  when  Plutus  (which  is  Riches)  is  sent 
from  Jupiter,  he  limps  and  goes  slowly;  but  when  he 
is  sent  from  Pluto,  he  runs  and  is  swift  of  foot.  Mean 
ing  that  riches  gotten  by  good  means  and  just  labor 
pace  slowly;  but  when  they  come  by  the  death  of 
others  (as  by  the  course  of  inheritance,  testaments, 
and  the  like),  they  come  tumbling  upon  a  man.  But 
it  mought  be  applied  likewise  to  Pluto,  taking  him  for 
the  devil.  For  when  riches  come  from  the  devil  (as 
by  fraud  and  oppression  and  unjust  means),  they  come 
upon  speed.  The  ways  to  enrich  are  many,  and  most 
of  them  foul.  Parsimony  is  one  of  the  best,  and  yet 
is  not  innocent;  for  it  withholdeth  men  from  works 
of  liberality  and  charity.  The  improvement  of  the 
ground  is  the  most  natural  obtaining  of  riches;  for  it 
is  our  great  mother's  blessing,  the  earth's;  but  it  is 
slow.  And  yet  where  men  of  great  wealth  do  stoop  to 
husbandly,  it  multiplieth  riches  exceedingly.  I  knew 
a  nobleman  in  England,  that  had  the  greatest  audits 
of  any  man  in  my  time;  a  great  grazier,  a  great  sheep- 
master,  a  great  timber  man,  a  great  collier,  a  great 
corn-master,  a  great  lead-man,  and  so  of  iron,  and  a 
number  of  the  like  points  of  husbandry.  So  as  the 
earth  seemed  a  sea  to  him,  in  respect  of  the  perpetual 
importation.  It  was  truly  observed  by  one,7  that  him 
self  came  very  hardly  to  a  little  riches,  and  very  easily 
to  great  riches.  For  when  a  man's  stock  is  come  to 
that,  that  he  can  expect  the  prime  of  markets,  and 
overcome  those  bargains  which  for  their  greatness  are 


112       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

few  men's  money,  and  be  partner  in  the  industries  of 
younger  men,  he  cannot  but  increase  mainly.  The 
gains  of  ordinary  trades  and  vocations  are  honest;  and 
furthered  by  two  things  chiefly:  by  diligence,  and  by  a 
good  name  for  good  and  fair  dealing.  But  the  gains 
of  bargains  are  of  a  more  doubtful  nature;  when 
men  shall  wait  upon  others'  necessity,  broke  by  ser 
vants  and  instruments  to  draw  them  on,  put  off  others 
cunningly  that  would  be  better  chapmen,  and  the  like 
practices,  which  are  crafty  and  naught.  As  for  the 
chopping  of  bargains,8  when  a  man  buys  not  to  hold 
but  to  sell  over  again,  that  commonly  grindeth  double, 
both  upon  the  seller  and  upon  the  buyer.  Sharings 
do  greatly  enrich,  if  the  hands  be  well  chosen  that 
are  trusted.  Usury  is  the  certainest  means  of  gain, 
though  one  of  the  worst;  as  that  whereby  a  man  doth 
eat  his  bread  in  sudore  vultus  alieni  [in  the  sweat  of 
another  man's  face];  and  besides,  doth  plough  upon 
Sundays.  But  yet  certain  though  it  be,  it  hath  flaws; 
for  that  the  scriveners  and  brokers  do  value  unsound 
men  to  serve  their  own  turn.  The  fortune  in  being 
the  first  in  an  invention  or  in  a  privilege  doth  cause 
sometimes  a  wonderful  overgrowth  in  riches;  as  it  was 
with  the  first  sugar  man  in  the  Canaries.  Therefore 
if  a  man  can  play  the  true  logician,9  to  have  as  wety 
judgment  as  invention,  he  may  do  great  matters 
especially  if  the  times  be  fit.  He  that  resteth  upon 
gains  certain  shall  hardly  grow  to  great  riches;  and 
he  that  puts  all  upon  adventures  doth  oftentimes  break 
and  come  to  poverty:  it  is  good  therefore  to  guard 
adventures  with  certainties,  that  may  uphold  losses. 
Monopolies,  and  coemption  of  wares  for  re-sale,  where 
they  are  not  restrained,  are  great  means  to  enrich; 
especially  if  the  party  have  intelligence  what  things 


OF   PROPHECIES  113 

are  like  to  come  into  request,  and  so  store  himself 
beforehand.  Riches  gotten  by  service,  though  it  be 
of  the  best  rise,  yet  when  they  are  gotten  by  flattery, 
feeding  humors,  and  other  servile  conditions,  they 
may  be  placed  amongst  the  worst.  As  for  fishing  for 
testaments  and  executorships  (as  Tacitus 10  saith  of 
Seneca,  testamenta  et  orbos  tamquam  indagine  capi 
[he  took  testaments  and  wardships  as  with  a  net]),  it 
is  yet  worse;  by  how  much  men  submit  themselves 
to  meaner  persons  than  in  service.  Believe  not  much 
them  that  seem  to  despise  riches;  for  they  despise 
them  that  despair  of  them;  and  none  worse  when 
they  come  to  them.  Be  not  penny-wise;  riches  have 
wings,  and  sometimes  they  fly  away  of  themselves, 
sometimes  they  must  be  set  flying  to  bring  in  more. 
Men  leave  their  riches  either  to  their  kindred,  or  to 
the  public;  and  moderate  portions  prosper  best  in 
both.  A  great  state  left  to  an  heir,  is  as  a  lure  to  all 
the  birds  of  prey  round  about  to  seize  on  him,  if  he 
be  not  the  better  stablished  in  years  and  judgment. 
Likewise  glorious  gifts  and  foundations11  are  like  sac 
rifices  without  salt ;  and  but  the  painted  sepulchres  of 
alms,  which  soon  will  putrefy  and  corrupt  inwardly. 
Therefore  measure  not  thine  advancements  by  quan 
tity,  but  frame  them  by  measure:  and  defer  not 
charities  till  death;  for,  certainly,  if  a  man  weigh  it 
rightly,  he  that  doth  so  is  rather  liberal  of  anothei 
man's  than  of  his  own. 

XXXV 

OF   PROPHECIES 

I  MEAN  not  to  speak  of  divine  prophecies;    nor  of 
heathen  oracles;   nor  of  natural  predictions;   but  only 


114       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

of  prophecies  that  have  been  of  certain  memory,  and 
from  hidden  causes.  Saith  the  Pythonissa  1  to  Saul, 
To-morrow  thou  and  thy  son  shall  be  with  me.  Homer  2 
hath  these  verses: 

At  domus  ^Eneae  cunctis  dominabitur  oris, 
Et  nati  natorum,  et  qui  nascentur  ab  illis. 

[But  the  house  of  ^Eneas  shall  reign  in  all  lands,  and  his 
children's  children,  and  their  generations.]  A  pro 
phecy,  as  it  seems,  of  the  Roman  empire.  Seneca 3  the 
tragedian  hath  these  verses: 

Venient  annis 


Saecula  seris,  quibus  Oceanus 
Vincula  rerum  laxet,  et  ingens 
Pateat  Tellus,  Tiphysque  novos 
Detegat  orbes;  nee  sit  terris 
Ultima  Thule 

[There  shall  come  a  time  when  the  bands  of  ocean 
shall  be  loosened,  and  the  vast  earth  shall  be  laid 
open;  another  Tiphys  shall  disclose  new  worlds,  and 
lands  shall  be  seen  beyond  Thule]:  a  prophecy  of  the 
discovery  of  America.  The  daughter  of  Polycrates  * 
dreamed  that  Jupiter  bathed  her  father,  and  Apollo 
anointed  him;  and  it  came  to  pass  that  he  was  cruci 
fied  in  an  open  place,  where  the  sun  made  his  body 
run  with  sweat,  and  the  rain  washed  it.  Philip  of 
Macedon 5  dreamed  he  sealed  up  his  wife's  belly; 
whereby  he  did  expound  it,  that  his  wife  should  be 
barren;  but  Aristander  the  soothsayer  told  him  his 
wife  was  with  child,  because  men  do  not  use  to  seal 
vessels  that  are  empty.  A  phantasm6  that  appeared 
to  M.  Brutus  in  his  tent,  said  to  him,  Philippis  iterum 
me  videbis  [Thou  shall  see  me  again  at  Philippi]. 
Tiberius  said 7  to  Galba,  Tu  quoque,  Galba,  degustabis 
impcrium  [Thou  likewise,  Galba,  shall  taste  of  empire]. 


OF   PROPHECIES  115 

In  Vespasian's  time,  there  went  a  prophecy  in  the  East, 
that  those  that  should  come  forth  of  Judea  should  reign 
over  the  world:  which  though  it  may  be  was  meant 
of  our  Savior,  yet  Tacitus  expounds  8  it  of  Vespasian. 
Domitian  dreamed,9  the  night  before  he  was  slain,  that, 
a  golden  head  was  growing  out  of  the  nape  of  his 
neck:  and  indeed  the  succession  that  followed  him, 
for  many  years,  made  golden  times.  Henry  the  Sixth 10 
of  England  said  of  Henry  the  Seventh,  when  he  was 
a  lad,  and  gave  him  water,  This  is  the  lad  that  shall 
enjoy  the  crown  for  which  we  strive.  When  I  was  in 
France,  I  heard  from  one  Dr.  Pena,  that  the  Queen 
Mother,  who  was  given  to  curious  arts,  caused  the 
King  ll  her  husband's  nativity  to  be  calculated,  under  a 
false  name;  and  the  astrologer  gave  a  judgment,  that 
he  should  be  killed  in  a  duel;  at  which  the  Queen 
laughed,  thinking  her  husband  to  be  above  challenges 
and  duels :  but  he  was  slain  upon  a  course  at  tilt,  the 
splinters  of  the  staff  of  Montgomery  going  in  at  his 
beaver.  The  trivial  prophecy,  which  I  heard  when  I 
was  a  child,  and  Queen  Elizabeth  was  in  the  flower  of 
her  years,  was, 

When  hempe  l2  is  spun 
England's  done: 

whereby  it  was  generally  conceived,  that  after  the 
princes  had  reigned  which  had  the  principal  letters 
of  that  word  hempe  (which  were  Henry,  Edward, 
Mary,  Philip,13  and  Elizabeth),  England  should  come 
to  utter  confusion;  which,  thanks  be  to  God,  is  veri 
fied  only  in  the  change  of  the  name;  for  that  the 
King's  style  14  is  now  no  more  of  England,  but  of 
Britain.  There  was  also  another  prophecy,  before  the 
year  of  '88,  which  I  do  not  well  understand. 


116        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

There  shall  be  seen  upon  a  day, 
Between  the  Baugh  and  the  May,15 
The  black  fleet  of  Norway. 
When  that  that  is  come  and  gone, 
England,  build  houses  of  lime  and  stone, 
For  after  wars  shall  you  have  none. 

it  was  generally  conceived  to  be  meant  of  the  Spanish 
fleet  that  came  in  '88:  for  that  the  king  of  Spain's 
surname,  as  they  say,  is  Norway.16  The  prediction  of 
Regiomontanus,17 

Octogesimus  octavus  mirabilis  annus 

[The  eighty-eighth,  a  year  of  wonders],  was  thought 
likewise  accomplished  in  the  sending  of  that  great 
fleet,  being  the  greatest  in  strength,  though  not  in 
number,  of  all  that  ever  swam  upon  the  sea.  As  for 
Chon's  dream,18  I  think  it  was  a  jest.  It  was,  that 
he  was  devoured  of  a  long  dragon;  and  it  was  ex 
pounded  of  a  maker  of  sausages,  that  troubled  him 
exceedingly.  There  are  numbers  of  the  like  kind; 
especially  if  you  include  dreams,  and  predictions  of 
astrology.  But  I  have  set  down  these  few  only  of 
certain  credit,  for  example.  My  judgment  is,  that 
they  ought  all  to  be  despised ;  and  ought  to  serve  but 
for  winter  talk  by  the  fireside.  Though  when  I  say 
despised,  I  mean  it  as  for  belief;  for  otherwise,  the 
spreading  or  publishing  of  them  is  in  no  sort  to  be  de 
spised.  For  they  have  done  much  mischief;  and  I  sef 
many  severe  laws  made  to  suppress  them.  That  thai, 
hath  given  them  grace,  and  some  credit,  consisteth  in 
three  things.  First,  that  men  mark  when  they  hit, 
and  never  mark  when  they  miss;  as  they  do  generally 
also  of  dreams.  The  second  is,  that  probable  conjec 
tures,  or  obscure  traditions,  many  times  turn  them 
selves  into  prophecies;  while  the  nature  of  man,  which 


OF   AMBITION  117 

coveteth  divination,  thinks  it  no  peril  to  foretell  that 
which  indeed  they  do  but  collect.  As  that  of  Seneca's 
verse.  For  so  much  was  then  subject  to  demonstra 
tion,  that  the  globe  of  the  earth  had  great  parts  beyond 
the  Atlantic,  which  mought  be  probably  conceived  not 
to  be  all  sea :  and  adding  thereto  the  tradition  in  Pla 
to's  Timseus,  and  his  Atlanticus,19  it  mought  encourage 
one  to  turn  it  to  a  prediction.  The  third  and  last 
(which  is  the  great  one)  is,  that  almost  all  of  them, 
being  infinite  in  number,  have  been  impostures,  and  by 
idle  and  crafty  brains  merely  contrived  and  feigned 
after  the  event  past. 

XXXVI 

OF   AMBITION 

AMBITION  is  like  choler;  which  is  an  humor  *  that 
maketh  men  active,  earnest,  full  of  alacrity,  and  stir 
ring,  if  it  be  not  stopped.  But  if  it  be  stopped,  and 
cannot  have  his  way,  it  becometh  adust,2  and  thereby 
malign  and  venomous.  So  ambitious  men,  if  they 
find  the  way  open  for  their  rising,  and  still  get  forward, 
they  are  rather  busy  than  dangerous;  but  if  they  be 
checked  in  their  desires,  they  become  secretly  discon 
tent,  and  look  upon  men  and  matters  with  an  evil  eye, 
and  are  best  pleased  when  things  go  backward ;  which 
is  the  worst  property  in  a  servant  of  a  prince  or  state 
Therefore  it  is  good  for  princes,  if  they  use  ambitious 
men,  to  handle  it  so  as  they  be  still  progressive  and  not 
retrograde;  which  because  it  cannot  be  without  incon 
venience,  it  is  good  not  to  use  such  natures  at  all.  For 
if  they  rise  not  with  their  service,  they  will  take  order 
to  make  their  service  fall  with  them.  But  since  we 
have  said  it  were  good  not  to  use  men  of  ambitious 


118       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

natures,  except  it  be  upon  necessity,  it  is  fit  we  speak 
in  what  cases  they  are  of  necessity.  Good  command 
ers  in  the  wars  must  be  taken,  be  they  never  so  ambi 
tious;  for  the- use  of  their  service  dispenseth  with  the 
rest;  and  to  take  a  soldier  without  ambition  is  to  pull 
off  his  spurs.  There  is  also  great  use  of  ambitious  men 
in  being  screens  to  princes  in  matters  of  danger  and 
envy;  for  no  man  will  take  that  part,  except  he  be  like 
a  seeled  3  dove,  that  mounts  and  mounts  because  he 
cannot  see  about  him.  There  is  use  also  of  ambitious 
men  in  pulling  down  the  greatness  of  any  subject  that 
overtops;  as  Tiberius  used  Macro  4  in  the  pulling  down 
of  Sejanus.  Since  therefore  they  must  be  used  in  such 
cases,  there  resteth  to  speak  how  they  are  to  be  bridled, 
that  they  may  be  less  dangerous.  There  is  less  dan 
ger  of  them  if  they  be  of  mean  birth,  than  if  they  be 
noble;  and  if  they  be  rather  harsh  of  nature,  than 
gracious  and  popular:  and  if  they  be  rather  new  raised, 
than  grown  cunning  and  fortified  in  their  greatness. 
It  is  counted  by  some  a  weakness  in  princes  to  have 
favorites;  but  it  is  of  all  others  the  best  remedy 
against  ambitious  great-ones.  For  when  the  way  of 
pleasuring  and  displeasuring  lieth  by  the  favorite,  it  is 
impossible  any  other  should  be  over-great.  Another 
means  to  curb  them  is  to  balance  them  by  others  as 
proud  as  they.  But  then  there  must  be  some  middle 
counsellors,  to  keep  things  steady;  for  without  that 
ballast  the  ship  will  roll  too  much.  At  the  least,  a 
prince  may  animate  and  inure  some  meaner  persons, 
to  be  as  it  were  scourges  to  ambitious  men.  As  for  the 
having  of  them  obnoxious  to  ruin;  if  they  be  of  fear 
ful  natures,  it  may  do  well;  but  if  they  be  stout  and 
daring,  it  may  precipitate  their  designs,  and  prove 
dangerous.  As  for  the  pulling  of  them  down,  if  the 


OF   MASQUES   AND   TKIUMPHS  119 

affairs  require  it,  and  that  it  may  not  be  done  with 
safety  suddenly,  the  only  way  is  the  interchange  con 
tinually  of  favors  and  disgraces;  whereby  they  may 
not  know  what  to  expect,  and  be  as  it  were  in  a  wood. 
Of  ambitions,  it  is  less  harmful,  the  ambition  to  pre 
vail  in  great  things,  than  that  other,  to  appear  in 
every  thing;  for  that  breeds  confusion,  and  mars 
business.  But  yet  it  is  less  danger  to  have  an  ambitious 
man  stirring  in  business,  than  great  in  dependences. 
He  that  seeketh  to  be  eminent  amongst  able  men  hath 
a  great  task;  but  that  is  ever  good  for  the  public. 
But  he  that  plots  to  be  the  only  figure  5  amongst 
ciphers  is  the  decay  of  a  whole  age.  Honor  hath  three 
things  in  it:  the  vantage  ground  to  do  good;  the  ap 
proach  to  kings  and  principal  persons;  and  the  raising 
of  a  man's  own  fortunes.  He  that  hath  the  best  of 
these  intentions,  when  he  aspireth,  is  an  honest  man; 
and  that  prince  that  can  discern  of  these  intentions 
in  another  that  aspireth,  is  a  wise  prince.  Generally, 
let  princes  and  states  choose  such  ministers  as  are  more 
sensible  of  duty  than  of  rising;  and  such  as  love  busi 
ness  rather  upon  conscience  than  upon  bravery;  and 
let  them  discern  a  busy  nature  from  a  willing  mind 

XXXVII 

OF   MASQUES   AND   TRIUMPHS 

THESE  things  are  but  toys,  to  come  amongst  such 
serious  observations.  But  yet,  since  princes  will  have 
such  things,  it  is  better  they  should  be  graced  with 
elegancy  than  daubed  with  cost.  Dancing  to  song 
is  a  thing  of  great  state  and  pleasure.  I  understand 
it,  that  the  song  be  in  quire,  placed  aloft,  and  accom 
panied  with  some  broken  music;  l  and  the  ditty  fitted 


120       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

to  the  device.  Acting  in  song,  especially  in  dialogues, 
hath  an  extreme  good  grace;  I  say  acting,  not  dancing 
(for  that  is  a  mean  and  vulgar  thing) ;  and  the  voices 
of  the  dialogue  would  be  strong  and  manly  (a  base 
and  a  tenor;  no  treble);  and  the  ditty  high  and 
tragical; 2  not  nice  or  dainty.  Several  quires,  placed 
one  over  against  another,  and  taking  the  voice  by 
catches,  anthem-wise,  give  great  pleasure.  Turn 
ing  dances  into  figure  3  is  a  childish  curiosity.  And 
generally  let  it  be  noted,  that  those  things  which  I 
here  set  down  are  such  as  do  naturally  take  the  sense, 
and  not  respect  petty  wonderments.  It  is  true,  the 
alterations  of  scenes,  so  it  be  quietly  and  without  noise, 
are  things  of  great  beauty  and  pleasure;  for  they  feed 
and  relieve  the  eye,  before  it  be  full  of  the  same  object. 
Let  the  scenes  abound  with  light,  specially  colored 
and  varied;  and  let  the  masquers,  or  any  other,  that 
are  to  come  down  from  the  scene,  have  some  motions 
upon  the  scene  itself  before  their  coming  down;  for 
it  draws  the  eye  strangely,  and  makes  it  with  great 
pleasure  to  desire  to  see  that  it  cannot  perfectly  dis 
cern.  Let  the  songs  be  loud  and  cheerful,  and  not 
chirpings  or  pulings.  Let  the  music  likewise  be  sharp 
and  loud,  and  well  placed.  The  colors  that  show  best 
by  candle-light  are  white,  carnation,  and  a  kind  of 
sea-water-green;  and  oes,4  or  spangs,  as  they  are  of 
no  great  cost,  so  they  are  of  most  glory.  As  for  rich 
embroidery,  it  is  lost  and  not  discerned.  Let  the  suits 
of  the  masquers  be  graceful,  and  such  as  become  the 
person  when  the  vizors  are  off;  not  after  examples  of 
known  attires;  Turks,  soldiers,  mariners,  and  the  like. 
Let  anti-masques  5  not  be  long;  they  have  been  com 
monly  of  fools,  satyrs,  baboons,  wild-men,  antics, 
beasts,  sprites,  witches,  Ethiops,  pigmies,  turquets,6 


OF   NATURE    IN   MEN  121 

nymphs,  rustics,  Cupids,  statuas  moving,  and  the  like. 
As  for  angels,  it  is  not  comical  enough  to  put  them  in 
anti-masques;  and  anything  that  is  hideous,  as  devils, 
giants,  is  on  the  other  side  7  as  unfit.  But  chiefly,  let 
the  music  of  them  be  recreative,  and  with  some  strange 
•changes.  Some  sweet  odors  suddenly  coming  forth, 
without  any  drops  falling,  are,  in  such  a  company  as 
there  is  steam  and  heat,  things  of  great  pleasure  and 
refreshment.  Double  masques,  one  of  men,  another  of 
ladies,  addeth  state  and  variety.  But  all  is  nothing 
except  the  room  be  kept  clear  and  neat. 

For  justs,  and  tourneys,  and  barriers; 8  the  glories  of 
them  are  chiefly  in  the  chariots,  wherein  the  chal 
lengers  make  their  entry;  especially  if  they  be  drawn 
with  strange  beasts:  as  lions,  bears,  camels,  and  the 
like;  or  in  the  devices  of  their  entrance;  or  in  the  brav 
ery  of  their  liveries ;  or  in  the  goodly  furniture  of  their 
horses  and  armor.  But  enough  of  these  toys. 

XXXVIII 

OF   NATURE    IN   MEN 

NATURE  is  often  hidden;  sometimes  overcome;  sel 
dom  extinguished.  Force  maketh  nature  more  violent 
in  the  return;  doctrine  and  discourse  maketh  nature 
less  importune;  but  custom  only  doth  alter  and  sub 
due  nature.  He  that  seeketh  victory  over  his  nature, 
let  him  not  set  himself  too  great  nor  too  small  tasks; 
for  the  first  will  make  him  dejected  by  often  failings; 
and  the  second  will  make  him  a  small  proceeder, 
though  by  often  prevailings.  And  at  the  first  let 
him  practise  with  helps,  as  swimmers  do  with  bladders 
or  rushes;  but  after  a  time  let  him  practise  with  dis 
advantages,  as  dancers  do  with  thick  shoes.  For  it 


122       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

breeds  great  perfection,  if  the  practice  be  harder  than 
the  use.  Where  nature  is  mighty,  and  therefore  the 
victory  hard,  the  degrees  had  need  be,  first  to  stay  and 
arrest  nature  in  time;  like  to  him  that  would  say  over 
the  four  and  twenty  letters  *  when  he  was  angry;  then 
to  go  less  in  quantity;  as  if  one  should,  in  forbearing 
wine,  come  from  drinking  healths  to  a  draught  at  a 
meal;  and  lastly,  to  discontinue  altogether.  But  if  a 
man  have  the  fortitude  and  resolution  to  enfranchise 
himself  at  once,  that  is  the  best: 

Optimus  ille  2  animi  vindex  Isedentia  pectus 
Vincula  qui  rupit,  dedoluitque  semel. 

[Wouldst  thou  be  free  ?   The  chains  that  gall  thy  breast 
With  one  strong  effort  burst,  and  be  at  rest.] 


Neither  is  the  ancient  rule  ap^i?s,  to  bend  nature  as  a 
wand  to  a  contrary  extreme,  whereby  to  set  it  right. 
understanding  it,  where  the  contrary  extreme  is  no 
vice.  Let  not  a  man  force  a  habit  upon  himself  with 
a  perpetual  continuance,  but  with  some  intermission. 
For  both  the  pause  reinforceth  the  new  onset;  and  if 
a  man  that  is  not  perfect  be  ever  in  practice,  he  shall 
as  well  practise  his  errors  as  his  abilities,  and  induce 
one  habit  of  both;  and  there  is  no  means  to  help  this 
but  by  seasonable  intermissions.  But  let  not  a  man 
trust  his  victory  over  his  nature  too  far;  for  nature 
will  lay  3  buried  a  great  time,  and  yet  revive  upon  the 
occasion  or  temptation.  Like  as  it  was  with  JSsop's 
damsel,4  turned  from  a  cat  to  a  woman,  who  sat  very 
demurely  at  the  board's  end,  till  a  mouse  ran  before 
her.  Therefore  let  a  man  either  avoid  the  occasion 
altogether;  or  put  himself  often  to  it,  that  he  may  be 
little  moved  with  it.  A  man's  nature  is  best  perceived 
in  privateness,  for  there  is  no  affectation;  in  passion, 


OF   CUSTOM   AND    EDUCATION  123 

for  that  putteth  a  man  out  of  his  precepts;  and  in  a 
new  case  or  experiment,  for  there  custom  leaveth  him. 
They  are  happy  men  whose  natures  sort  with  their 
vocations ;  otherwise  they  may  say,  multum  incola  5fuit 
anima  mea  [my  soul  hath  been  a  stranger  and  a  so- 
journer];  when  they  converse  in  those  things  they  do 
not  affect.  In  studies,  whatsoever  a  man  commandeth 
upon  himself,  let  him  set  hours  for  it;  but  whatsoever 
is  agreeable  to  his  nature,  let  him  take  no  care  for  any 
set  times;  for  his  thoughts  will  fly  to  it  of  themselves; 
so  as  the  spaces  of  other  business  or  studies  will  suffice. 
A  man's  nature  runs  either  to  herbs  or  weeds;  there 
fore  let  him  seasonably  water  the  one,  and  destroy  the 
other. 

XXXIX 

OF   CUSTOM   AND    EDUCATION 

MEN'S  thoughts  are  much  according  to  their  inclina 
tion;  their  discourse  and  speeches  according  to  their 
learning  and  infused  opinions  ;  but  their  deeds  are 
after  as  they  have  been  accustomed.  And  therefore, 
as  Machiavel  *  well  noteth  (though  in  an  evil-favored 
instance),  there  is  no  trusting  to  the  force  of  nature 
nor  to  the  bravery  of  words,  except  it  be  corroborate 
by  custom.  His  instance  is,  that  for  the  achieving  of  a 
desperate  conspiracy,  a  man  should  not  rest  upon  the 
fierceness  of  any  man's  nature,  or  his  resolute  under 
takings;  but  take  such  an  one  as  hath  had  his  hands 
formerly  in  blood.  But  Machiavel  knew  not  of  a  Friar 
Clement,2  nor  a  Ravillac,3  nor  a  Jaureguy,4  nor  a  Bal- 
tazar  Gerard;5  yet  his  rule  holdeth  still  that  nature, 
nor  the  engagement  of  words,  are  not  so  forcible  as 
custom.  Only  superstition  is  nowr  so  well  advanced, 
that  men  of  the  first  blood  are  as  firm  as  butchers  by 


124       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

occupation;  and  votary  6  resolution  is  made  equipollent 
to  custom  even  in  matter  of  blood.  In  other  things 
the  predominancy  of  custom  is  everywhere  visible;  in 
somuch  as  a  man  would  wonder  to  hear  men  profess, 
protest,  engage,  give  great  words,  and  then  do  just  as 
they  have  done  before;  as  if  they  were  dead  images, 
and  engines  moved  only  by  the  wheels  of  custom.  We 
see  also  the  reign  or  tyranny  of  custom,  what  it  is. 
The  Indians  7  (I  mean  the  sect 8  of  their  wise  men)  lay 
themselves  quietly  upon  a  stack  of  wood,  and  so  sacri 
fice  themselves  by  fire.  Nay  the  wives  strive  to  be 
burned  with  the  corpses  of  their  husbands.  The  lads 
of  Sparta,9  of  ancient  time,  were  wont  to  be  scourged 
upon  the  altar  of  Diana,  without  so  much  as  queching.10 
I  remember,  in  the  beginning  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  time 
of  England,  an  Irish  rebel  n  condemned,  put  up  a  peti 
tion  to  the  deputy  that  he  might  be  hanged  in  a  withe, 
and  not  in  an  halter;  because  it  had  been  so  used  with 
former  rebels.  There  be  monks  in  Russia,  for  pen 
ance,  that  will  sit  a  whole  night  in  a  vessel  of  water, 
till  they  be  engaged  with  hard  ice.  Many  examples 
may  be  put  of  the  force  of  custom,  both  upon  mind 
and  body.  Therefore,  since  custom  is  the  principal 
magistrate  of  man's  life,  let  men  by  all  means  endeavor 
to  obtain  good  customs.  Certainly  custom  is  most 
perfect  when  it  beginneth  in  young  years :  this  we  call 
education;  which  is,  in  effect,  but  an  early  custom. 
So  we  see,  in  languages  the  tongue  is  more  pliant 12  to 
all  expressions  and  sounds,  the  joints  are  more  supple 
to  all  feats  of  activity  and  motions,  in  youth  than  after 
wards.  For  it  is  true  that  late  learners  cannot  so  well 
take  the  ply;  except  it  be  in  some  minds  that  have  not 
suffered  themselves  to  fix,  but  have  kept  themselves 
open  and  prepared  to  receive  continual  amendment, 


OF   FORTUNE  125 

which  is  exceeding  rare.  But  if  the  force  of  custom 
simple  and  separate  be  great,  the  force  of  custom  copu 
late  and  conjoined  and  collegiate  is  far  greater.  For 
there  example  teacheth,  company  comforteth,  emula 
tion  quickeneth,  glory  raiseth:  so  as  in  such  places 
the  force  of  custom  is  in  his  exaltation.13  Certainly  the 
great  multiplication  of  virtues  upon  human  nature 
resteth  upon  societies  well  ordained  and  disciplined. 
For  commonwealths  and  good  governments  do  nourish 
virtue  grown,  but  do  not  much  mend  the  seeds.  But 
the  misery  is,  that  the  most  effectual  means  are  now 
Applied  to  the  ends  least  to  be  desired. 

XL 

OF   FORTUNE 

IT  cannot  be  denied,  but  outward  accidents  conduce 
much  to  fortune;  favor,  opportunity,  death  of  others, 
occasion  fitting  virtue.  But  chiefly,  the  mould  of  a 
man's  fortune  is  in  his  own  hands.  Faber  quisque  l 
fortunes  sues  [Every  one  is  the  architect  of  his  own  for 
tune],  saith  the  poet.  And  the  most  frequent  of  ex 
ternal  causes  is,  that  the  folly  of  one  man  is  the  fortune 
of  another.  For  no  man  prospers  so  suddenly  as  by 
others'  errors.  Serpens  nisi  2  serpentem  comederit  non 
fit  draco  [A  serpent  must  have  eaten  another  serpent 
before  he  can  become  a  dragon].  Overt  and  apparent 
virtues  bring  forth  praise;  but  there  be  secret  and 
hidden  virtues  that  bring  forth  fortune;  certain  de 
liveries  of  a  man's  self,  which  have  no  name.  The 
Spanish  name,  dcscmboltura  [impudence,  confidence], 
partly  expresseth  them;  when  there  be  not  stonds  nor 
restiveness  in  a  man's  nature;  but  that  the  wheels  of 
his  mind  keep  way  with  the  wheels  of  his  fortune.  For 


126       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

so  Livy  3  (after  he  had  described  Cato  Major  in  these 
words,  In  illo  viro  tantum  robur  corporis  et  animifuit, 
ut  quocunque  loco  natus  esset,  fortunam  sibi  faciuru? 
videretur  [Such  was  his  strength  of  body  and  mind, 
that  wherever  he  had  been  born  he  could  have  made 
himself  a  fortune])  falleth  upon  that,  that  he  had  ver 
satile  ingenium  [a  wit  that  could  turn  well].  Therefore 
if  a  man  look  sharply  and  attentively,  he  shall  see  For 
tune:  for  though  she  be  blind,4  yet  she  is  not  invisible. 
The  way  of  fortune  is  like  the  Milken  Way  in  the  sky ; 
which  is  a  meeting  or  knot  of  a  number  of  small  stars; 
not  seen  asunder,  but  giving  light  together.  So  are 
there  a  number  of  little  and  scarce  discerned  virtues, 
or  rather  faculties  and  customs,  that  make  men  fortu 
nate.  The  Italians  note  some  of  them,  such  as  a  man 
would  little  think.  When  they  speak  of  one  that 
cannot  do  amiss,  they  will  throw  in  into  his  other 
conditions,  that  he  hath  Poco  di  matto  [a  little  out  of 
his  senses].  And  certainly  there  be  not  two  more  for 
tunate  properties,  than  to  have  a  little  of  the  fool, 
and  not  too  much  of  the  honest.  Therefore  extreme 
lovers  of  their  country  or  masters  were  never  fortu- 
i  nate,  neither  can  they  be.  For  when  a  man  placeth 
his  thoughts  without  himself,  he  goeth  not  his  own 
way.  An  hasty  fortune  maketh  an  enterpriser  and 
remover  (the  French  hath  it  better,  entreprenant,  or 
remnant};  but  the  exercised  fortune  maketh  the  able 
man.  Fortune  is  to  be  honored  and  respected,  and 
it  be  but  for  her  daughters,  Confidence  and  Repu 
tation.  For  those  two  Felicity  breedeth;  the  first 
within  a  man's  self,  the  latter  in  others  towards  him. 
All  wise  men,  to  decline  the  envy  of  their  own  vir 
tues,  use  to  ascribe  them  to  Providence  and  For 
tune;  for  so  they  may  the  better  assume  them:  and, 


OF   USURY  127 

besides,  it  is  greatness  in  a  man  to  be  the  care  of 
the  higher  powers.  So  Caesar  said  5  to  the  pilot  in  the 
tempest,  Cccsarem  portas,  et  fortunam  ejus  [You  carry 
Csesar  and  his  fortune].  So  Sylla  6  chose  the  name 
of  Felix  [the  Fortunate],  and  not  of  Magnus  [the 
Great].  And  it  hath  been  noted,  that  those  who  as 
cribe  openly  too  much  to  their  own  wisdom  and  pol 
icy  end  infortunate.  It  is  written  7  that  Timotheus 
the  Athenian,  after  he  had,  in  the  account  he  gave 
to  the  state  of  his  government,  often  interlaced  this 
speech,  and  in  this  Fortune  had  no  part,  never  pros 
pered  in  any  thing  he  undertook  afterwards.  Certainly 
there  be,  whose  fortunes  are  like  Homer's  verses, 
that  have  a  slide  and  easiness  8  more  than  the  verses 
of  other  poets;  as  Plutarch  saith  9  of  Timoleon's  for 
tune,  in  respect  of  that  of  Agesilaus  or  Epaminondas. 
And  that  this  should  be,  no  doubt  it  is  much  in  a 
man's  self. 

XLI 


OF   USURY 

MANY  have  made  witty  invectives  against  usury.1 
They  say  that  it  is  a  pity  the  devil  should  have  God's 
part,2  which  is  the  tithe.3  That  the  usurer  is  the  great 
est  Sabbath-breaker,  because  his  plough  goeth  every 
Sunday.  That  the  usurer  is  the  drone  that  Virgil  4 
speaketh  of; 

Ignavum  fucos  pecus  a  praesepibus  arcent. 

[They  drive  away  the  drones,  a  slothful  race,  from  the 
hives.]  That  the  usurer  breaketh  the  first  law  that  was 
made  for  mankind  after  the  fall,  which  was,  in  sudore  5 
imltus  tui  comedes  pancm  tuum;  not,  in  sudore  vultus 
alieni  [in  the  sweat  of  thy  face  shalt  thou  eat  bread  — • 


128       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

not  in  the  sweat  of  another's  face].  That  usurers 
should  have  orange-tawny  6  bonnets,  because  they  d<j 
judaize.  That  it  is  against  nature  for  money  to  beget 
money; 7  and  the  like.  I  say  this  only,  that  usury  is  a 
concessum  propter  duritiem  cordis  [a  thing  allowed  by 
reason  of  the  hardness  of  men's  hearts];  for  since  there 
must  be  borrowing  and  lending,  and  men  are  so  hard 
of  heart  as  they  will  not  lend  freely,  usury  must  be 
permitted.  Some  others  have  made  suspicious  and 
cunning  propositions  of  banks,8  discovery  9  of  men's 
estates,  and  other  inventions.  But  few  have  spoken  of 
usury  usefully.  It  is  good  to  set  before  us  the  incom- 
modities  and  commodities  of  usury,  that  the  good  may 
be  either  weighed  out  or  culled  out ;  and  warily  to  pro 
vide,  that  while  we  make  forth  to  that  which  is  better, 
we  meet  not  with  that  which  is  worse. 

The  discommodities  of  usury  are,  First,  that  it  makes 
fewer  merchants.  For  were  it  not  for  this  lazy  trade 
of  usury,  money  would  not  lie  still,10  but  would  in  great 
part  be  employed  upon  merchandizing;  which  is  the 
vena  porta  of  wealth  in  a  state.  The  second,  that  it 
makes  poor  merchants.  For  as  a  farmer  cannot  hus 
band  his  ground  so  well  if  he  sit  at  a  great  rent;  so 
the  merchant  cannot  drive  his  trade  so  well,  if  he  sit 
at  great  usury.  The  third  is  incident  to  the  other 
two;  and  that  is  the  decay  of  customs  of  kings  or 
states,  which  ebb  or  flow  with  merchandizing.  Th( 
fourth,  that  it  bringeth  the  treasure  of  a  realm  or  state 
into  a  few  hands.  For  the  usurer  being  at  certainties, 
and  others  at  uncertainties,  at  the  end  of  the  game 
most  of  the  money  will  be  in  the  box;  and  ever  a 
state  flourisheth  when  wealth  is  more  equally  spread. 
The  fifth,  that  it  beats  down  the  price  of  land;  for 
the  employment  of  money  is  chiefly  either  merchan- 


OF   USURY  129 

dizing  or  purchasing;  and  usury  waylays  both.  The 
sixth,  that  it  doth  dull  and  damp  all  industries,  im 
provements,  and  new  inventions,  wherein  money 
would  be  stirring,  if  it  were  not  for  this  slug.  The 
last,  that  it  is  the  canker  and  ruin  of  many  men's 
estates;  which  in  process  of  time  breeds  a  public 
poverty. 

On  the  other  side,  the  commodities  of  usury  are, 
first,  that  howsoever  usury  in  some  respect  hindereth 
merchandizing,  yet  in  some  other  it  advanceth  it;  for 
it  is  certain  that  the  greatest  part  of  trade  is  driven  by 
young  merchants,  upon  borrowing  at  interest;  so  as  if 
the  usurer  either  call  in  or  keep  back  his  money,  there 
will  ensue  presently  a  great  stand  of  trade.  The  sec 
ond  is,  that  were  it  not  for  this  easy  borrowing  upon 
interest,  men's  necessities  would  draw  upon  them  a 
most  sudden  undoing;  in  that  they  would  be  forced 
to  sell  their  means  (be  it  lands  or  goods)  far  under 
foot;  n  and  so,  whereas  usury  doth  but  gnaw  upon 
them,  bad  markets  would  swallow  them  quite  up. 
As  for  mortgaging  or  pawning,  it  will  little  mend  the 
matter:  for  either  men  will  not  take  pawns  without 
use;  or  'if  they  do,  they  will  look  precisely  for  the 
forfeiture.  I  remember  a  cruel  moneyed  man  in  the 
country,  that  would  say,  The  devil  take  this  usury,, 
it  keep  us  from  forfeitures  of  mortgages  and  bonds. 
The  third  and  last  is,  that  it  is  a  vanity  to  conceive 
that  there  would  be  ordinary  borrowing  without  profit ; 
and  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  number  of  incon 
veniences  that  will  ensue,  if  borrowing  be  cramped. 
Therefore  to  speak  of  the  abolishing  of  usury  is  idle. 
All  states  have  ever  had  it,  in  one  kind  or  rate,  or 
other.  So  as  that  opinion  must  be  sent  to  Utopia.12 

To  speak  now  of  the  reformation  and  reiglement  of 


230       THE    ESSAYS    OF    FRANCIS    BACON 

usury;  how  the  discommodities  of  it  may  be  best 
avoided,  and  the  commodities  retained.  It  appears 
by  the  balance  of  commodities  and  discommodities  of 
usury,  two  things  are  to  be  reconciled.  The  one, 
that  the  tooth  of  usury  be  grinded,  that  it  bite  not 
too  much;  the  other,  that  there  be  left  open  a  means 
to  invite  moneyed  men  to  lend  to  the  merchants,  for 
the  continuing  and  quickening  of  trade.  This  cannot 
be  done,  except  you  introduce  two  several  sorts  of 
usury,  a  less  and  a  greater.  For  if  you  reduce  usury 
to  one  low  rate,  it  will  ease  the  common  borrower,  but 
the  merchant  will  be  to  seek  for  money.  And  it  is 
to  be  noted,  that  the  trade  of  merchandize,  being  the 
most  lucrative,  may  bear  usury  at  a  good  rate;  other 
contracts  not  so. 

To  serve  both  intentions,  the  way  would  be  briefly 
thus.  That  there  be  two  rates  of  usury:  the  one  free, 
and  general  for  all;  the  other  under  license  only, 
to  certain  persons  and  in  certain  places  of  merchan 
dizing.  First,  therefore,  let  usury  in  general  be  re 
duced  to  five  in  the  hundred;  and  let  that  rate  be 
proclaimed  to  be  free  and  current;  and  let  the  state 
shut  itself  out  to  take  any  penalty  for  the  same.  This 
will  preserve  borrowing  from  any  general  stop  or 
dryness.  This  will  ease  infinite  borrowers  in  the 
country.  This  will,  in  good  part,  raise  the  price  13  of 
land,  because  land  purchased  at  sixteen  years'  pur 
chase  will  yield  six  in  the  hundred,  and  somewhat 
more;  whereas  this  rate  of  interest  yields  but  five. 
This  by  like  reason  will  encourage  and  edge  indus 
trious  and  profitable  improvements;  because  many 
will  rather  venture  in  that  kind  than  take  five  in  the 
hundred,  especially  having  been  used  to  greater  profit. 
•Secondly,  let  there  be  certain  persons  licensed  to  lend 


OF   YOUTH    AND    AGE  131 

to  known  merchants  upon  usury  at  a  higher  rate;  and 
let  it  be  with  the  cautions  following.  Let  the  rate  be, 
even  with  the  merchant  himself,  somewhat  more  easy 
than  that  he  used  formerly  to  pay;  tor  by  tnat  means 
all  borrowers  shall  have  some  ease  by  this  reformation, 
be  he  merchant,  or  whosoever.  Let  it  be  no  bank  or 
common  stock,  but  every  man  be  master  of  his  own 
money.  Not  that  I  altogether  mislike  banks,  but  they 
will  hardly  be  brooked,  in  regard  of  certain  suspicions.14 
Let  the  state  be  answered  some  small  matter  for  the 
license,  and  the  rest  left  to  the  lender;  for  if  the  abate 
ment  be  but  small,  it  will  no  whit  discourage  the 
lender.  For  he,  for  example,  that  took  before  ten  or 
nine  in  the  hundred,  will  sooner  descend  to  eight  in 
the  hundred  than  give  over  his  trade  of  usury,  and  go 
from  certain  gains  to  gains  of  hazard.  Let  these  li 
censed  lenders  be  in  number  indefinite,  but  restrained 
to  certain  principal  cities  and  towns  of  merchandizing; 
for  then  they  will  be  hardly  able  to  color  other  men's 
moneys  in  the  country:  so  as  the  license  of  nine  will 
not  suck  away  the  current  rate  of  five;  for  no  man 
will  lend  his  moneys  far  off,  nor  put  them  into  un 
known  hands. 

If  it  be  objected  that  this  doth  in  a  sort  authorize 
usury,  which  before  was  in  some  places  but  permissive; 
the  answer  is,  that  it  is  better  to  mitigate  usury  by 
declaration,  than  to  suffer  it  to  rage  by  connivance. 

XLII 

OF   YOUTH    AND  AGE 

A  MAN  that  is  young  in  years  may  be  old  in  hours, 
if  he  have  lost  no  time.  But  that  happeneth  rarely. 
Generally,  youth  is  like  the  first  cogitations,  not  so 


132        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

wise  as  the  second.  For  there  is  a  youth  in  thoughts, 
as  well  as  in  ages.  And  yet  the  invention  of  young 
men  is  more  lively  than  that  of  old ;  and  imaginations 
stream  into  their  minds  better,  and  as  it  were  more 
divinely.  Natures  that  have  much  heat  and  great  and 
violent  desires  and  perturbations  are  not  ripe  for  action 
till  they  have  passed  the  meridian  of  their  years;  as 
it  was  with  Julius  Caesar  and  Septimius  Severus.  Of 
the  latter  of  whom  it  is  said,1  Juventutem  egit  erroribus, 
imo  furoribus,  plenum  [He  passed  a  youth  full  of 
errors,  yea  of  madnesses].  And  yet  he  was  the  ablest 
emperor,  almost,  of  all  the  list.  But  reposed  natures 
may  do  well  in  youth.  As  it  is  seen  in  Augustus  Caesar* 
Cosmus  Duke  of  Florence,  Gaston  de  Foix,2  and 
others.  On  the  other  side,  heat  and  vivacity  in  age  is 
an  excellent  composition  for  business.  Young  men  are 
fitter  to  invent  than  to  judge;  fitter  for  execution  3 
than  for  counsel;  and  fitter  for  new  projects  than 
for  settled  business.  For  the  experience  of  age,  in 
things  that  fall  within  the  compass  of  it,  directeth 
them;  but  in  new  things,  abuseth  them.  The  errors 
of  young  men  are  the  ruin  of  business;  but  the  errors 
of  aged  men  amount  but  to  this,  that  more  might  have 
been  done,  or  sooner.  Young  men,  in  the  conduct 
and  manage  of  actions,  embrace  more  than  they  can 
hold;  stir  more  than  they  can  quiet;  fly  to  the  end,  with 
out  consideration  of  the  means  and  degrees;  pursue 
some  few  principles  which  they  have  chanced  upon 
absurdly;  care  not  to  innovate,  which  draws  unknown 
inconveniences;  use  extreme  remedies  at  first;  and 
that  which  doubleth  all  errors  will  not  acknowledge 
or  retract  them;  like  an  unready  horse,  that  will  neither 
stop  nor  turn.  Men  of  age  object  too  much,  consult 
too  long,  adventure  too  little,  repent  too  soon,  and 


OF   YOUTH    AND    AGE  133 

seldom  drive  business  home  to  the  full  period,  but  con 
tent  themselves  with  a  mediocrity  of  success.  Cer 
tainly  it  is  good  to  compound  employments  of  both; 
for  that  will  be  good  for  the  present,  because  the  vir 
tues  of  either  age  may  correct  the  defects  of  both; 
and  good  for  succession,  that  young  men  may  be  learn 
ers,  while  men  in  age  are  actors;  and,  lastly,  good 
for  extern  accidents,  because  authority  followeth  old 
men,  and  favor  and  popularity  youth.  But  for  the 
moral  part,  perhaps  youth  will  have  the  pre-eminence, 
as  age  hath  for  the  politic.  A  certain  rabbin, 4  upon 
the  text,  Your  young  men  5  shall  see  visions,  and  your 
old  men  shall  dream  dreams,  inferreth  that  young  men 
are  admitted  nearer  to  God  than  old,  because  vision 
is  a  clearer  revelation  than  a  dream.  And  certainly, 
the  more  a  man  drinketh  of  the  world,  the  more  it 
intoxicateth;  and  age  doth  profit  rather  in  the  powers 
of  understanding,  than  in  the  virtues  of  the  will  and 
affections.  There  be  some  have  an  over-early  ripe 
ness  in  their  years,  which  fadeth  betimes.  These  are, 
first,  such  as  have  brittle  wits,  the  edge  whereof  is 
soon  turned ;  such  as  was  Hermogenes  6  the  rhetorician, 
whose  books  are  exceeding  subtle;  who  afterwards 
waxed  stupid.  A  second  sort  is  of  those  that  have 
some  natural  dispositions  which  have  better  grace  in 
youth  than  in  age;  such  as  is  a  fluent  and  luxuriant 
speech;  which  becomes  youth  well,  but  not  age:  so 
Tully  7  saith  of  Hortensius,8  Idem  mancbat,  neque  idem 
dccebat  [He  continued  the  same,  when  the  same  was 
not  becoming].  The  third  is  of  such  as  take  too  high 
a  strain  at  the  first,  and  are  magnanimous  more  than 
tract  of  years  can  uphold.  As  was  Scipio  Africanus. 
of  whom  Livy  saith  °  in  effect,  Ultima  primis  10  cede- 
bant  [His  last  actions  were  not  equal  to  his  first]. 


134        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 
XLIII 

OF   BEAUTY 

VIRTUE  is  like  a  rich  stone,  best  plain  set;  and 
surely  virtue  is  best  in  a  body  that  is  comely,  though 
not  of  delicate  features;  and  that  hath  rather  dignity 
of  presence  than  beauty  of  aspect.  Neither  is  it 
almost  seen,  that  very  beautiful  persons  are  otherwise 
of  great  virtue;  as  if  nature  were  rather  busy  not  to 
err,  than  in  labor  to  produce  excellency.  And  there 
fore  they  prove  accomplished,  but  not  of  great  spirit; 
and  study  rather  behavior  than  virtue.  But  this 
holds  not  always:  for  Augustus  *  Caesar,  Titus  Vespa- 
sianus,2  Philip  le  Bel  3  of  France,  Edward  the  Fourth  4 
of  England,  Alcibiades  5  of  Athens,  Ismael  <•  the  Sophy 
of  Persia,  were  all  high  and  great  spirits;  and  yet 
the  most  beautiful  men  of  their  times.  In  beauty, 
that  of  favor  7  is  more  than  that  of  color;  and  that 
of  decent  and  gracious  motion  more  than  that  of 
favor.  That  is  the  best  part  of  beauty,  which  a  pic 
ture  cannot  express;  no  nor  the  first  sight  of  the  life. 
There  is  no  excellent  beauty  that  hath  not  some 
strangeness  in  the  proportion.  A  man  cannot  tell 
whether  Apelles  8  or  Albert  Durer  9  were  the  more 
trifler;  whereof  the  one  would  make  a  personage  by 
geometrical  proportions;  the  other,  by  taking  the  best 
parts  out  of  divers  faces,  to  make  one  excellent.  Such 
personages,  I  think,  would  please  nobody  but  the 
painter  that  made  them.  Not  but  I  think  a  painter 
may  make  a  better  face  than  ever  was;  but  he  must 
do  it  by  a  kind  of  felicity  (as  a  musician  that  maketh 
an  excellent  air  in  music),  and  not  by  rule.  A  man 
shall  see  faces,  that  if  you  examine  them  part  by  part, 


OF    DEFORMITY  135 

you  shall  find  never  a  good;  and  yet  altogether  do 
well.  If  it  be  true  that  the  principal  part  of  beauty 
is  in  decent  motion,  certainly  it  is  no  marvel  though 
persons  in  years  seem  many  times  more  amiable; 
pulchrorum  10  autumnus  pulcher  [beautiful  persons  have 
a  beautiful  autumn];  for  no  youth  can  be  comely 
but  by  pardon,  and  considering  the  youth  as  to  make 
up  the  comeliness.  Beauty  is  as  summer  fruits,  which 
are  easy  to  corrupt,  and  cannot  last;  and  for  the  most 
part  it  makes  a  dissolute  youth,  and  an  age  a  little  out 
of  countenance;  but  yet  certainly  again,  if  it  light 
well,  it  maketh  virtue  shine,  and  vices  blush. 

XLIV 

OF   DEFORMITY 

DEFORMED  persons  are  commonly  even  with  na 
ture;  for  as  nature  hath  done  ill  by  them,  so  do  they 
by  nature;  being  for  the  most  part  (as  the  Scripture 
saith)  void  of  natural  affection; 1  and  so  they  have  their 
revenge  of  nature.  Certainly  there  is  a  consent  be 
tween  the  body  and  the  mind;  and  where  nature 
erreth  in  the  one,  she  ventureth  in  the  other.  Ubi 
pcccat  in  uno,  periclitatur  in  altero.  But  because  there 
is  in  man  an  election  touching  the  frame  of  his  mind, 
and  a  necessity  in  the  frame  of  his  body,  the  stars  of 
natural  inclination  are  sometimes  obscured  by  the 
sun  of  discipline  and  virtue.  Therefore  it  is  good  to 
consider  of  deformity,  not  as  a  sign,  which  is  more 
deceivable;  but  as  a  cause,  which  seldom  faileth  of 
the  effect.  Whosoever  hath  anything  fixed  in  his 
person  that  doth  induce  contempt,  hath  also  a  per 
petual  spur  in  himself  to  rescue  and  deliver  himself 
from  scorn.  Therefore  all  deformed  persons  are  ex- 


treme  bold.  First,  as  in  their  own  defence,  as  being 
exposed  to  scorn;  but  in  process  of  time  by  a  general 
habit.  Also  it  stirreth  in  them  industry,  and  espe 
cially  of  this  kind,  to  watch  and  observe  the  weakness 
of  others,  that  they  may  have  somewhat  to  repay. 
Again,  in  their  superiors,  it  quencheth  jealousy  to 
wards  them,  as  persons  that  they  think  they  may  at 
pleasure  despise:  and  it  layeth  their  competitors  and 
emulators  asleep;  as  never  believing  they  should  be 
in  possibility  of  advancement,  till  they  see  them  in 
possession.  So  that  upon  the  matter,  in  a  great  wit, 
deformity  is  an  advantage  to  rising.  Kings  in  ancient 
times  (and  at  this  present  in  some  countries)  were 
wont  to  put  great  trust  in  eunuchs; 2  because  they  that 
are  envious  towards  all  are  more  obnoxious  and  offi 
cious  towards  one.  But  yet  their  trust  towards  them 
hath  rather  been  as  to  good  spials  and  good  whisperers, 
than  good  magistrates  and  officers.  And  much  like  is 
the  reason  of  deformed  persons.  Still  the  ground  is, 
they  will,  if  they  be  of  spirit,  seek  to  free  themselves 
from  scorn;  which  must  be  either  by  virtue  or  malice; 
and  therefore  let  it  not  be  marvelled  if  sometimes  they 
prove  excellent  persons;  as  was  Agesilaus,3  Zanger  4 
the  son  of  Solyman,  ^Esop,5  Gasca,6  President  of  Peru; 
and  Socrates  7  may  go  likewise  amongst  them;  with 
others. 

XLV 

OF  BUILDING 

HOUSES  are  built  to  live  in,  and  not  to  look  on: 
therefore  let  use  be  preferred  before  uniformity,  except 
where  both  may  be  had.  Leave  the  goodly  fabrics  of 
houses,  for  beauty  only,  to  the  enchanted  palaces  of 
the  poets;  who  build  them  with  small  cost.  He  that 


OF   BUILDING  137 

builds  a  fair  house  upon  an  ill  seat,  committeth  him 
self  to  prison.  Neither  do  I  reckon  it  an  ill  seat  only 
where  the  air  is  unwholesome;  but  likewise  where  the 
air  is  unequal;  as  you  shall  see  many  fine  seats  set 
upon  a  knap  1  of  ground,  environed  with  higher  hills 
round  about  it;  whereby  the  heat  of  the  sun  is  pent 
in,  and  the  wind  gathereth  as  in  troughs;  so  as  you 
shall  have,  and  that  suddenly,  as  great  diversity  of 
heat  and  cold  as  if  you  dwelt  in  several  places.  Nei 
ther  is  it  ill  air  only  that  maketh  an  ill  seat,  but  ill 
ways,  ill  markets;  and,  if  you  will  consult  with  Mo- 
mus,2  ill  neighbors.  I  speak  not  of  many  more;  want 
of  water;  want  of  wood,  shade,  and  shelter;  want  of 
fruitfulness,  and  mixture  of  grounds  of  several  na 
tures;  want  of  prospect;  want  of  level  grounds;  want 
of  places  at  some  near  distance  for  sports  of  hunting, 
hawking,  and  races;  too  near  the  sea,  too  remote; 
having  the  commodity  3  of  navigable  rivers,  or  the 
discommodity  of  their  overflowing;  too  far  off  from 
great  cities,  which  may  hinder  business,  or  too  near 
them,  which  lurcheth 4  all  provisions,  and  maketh 
everything  dear;  where  a  man  hath  a  great  living 
laid  together,  and  where  he  is  scanted:  all  which,  as 
*t  is  impossible  perhaps  to  find  together,  so  it  is  good 
to  know  them,  and  think  of  them,  that  a  man  may 
take  as  many  as  he  can;  and  if  he  have  several  dwell 
ings,  that  he  sort  them  so,  that  what  he  wanteth  in 
the  one  he  may  find  in  the  other.  Lucullus  answered 
Pompey  well;  who,  when  he  saw  his  stately  galleries, 
and  rooms  so  large  and  lightsome,  in  one  of  his  houses, 
said,  Surely  an  excellent  place  for  summer,  but  how  do 
you  in  winter?  Lucullus  answered,5  Why,  do  you  not 
think  me  as  wise  as  some  fowl  are,  that  ever  clwnge  their 
abode  towards  the  winter? 


133        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

To  pass  from  the  seat  to  the  house  itself;  we  will  do 
as  Cicero  doth  in  the  orator's  art;  who  writes  books 
De  Oratore,  and  a  book  he  entitles  Orator;  whereof 
the  former  delivers  the  precepts  of  the  art,  and  the 
latter  the  perfection.  We  will  therefore  describe  a 
princely  palace,  making  a  brief  model  thereof.  For 
it  is  strange  to  see,  now  in  Europe,  such  huge  build 
ings  as  the  Vatican  e  and  Escurial 7  and  some  others  be, 
and  yet  scarce  a  very  fair  room  in  them. 

First,  therefore,  I  say  you  cannot  have  a  perfect 
palace  except  you  have  two  several  sides;  a  side  for 
the  banquet,  as  is  spoken  of  in  the  book  of  Hester,8  and 
a  side  for  the  household;  the  one  for  feasts  and  tri 
umphs,  and  the  other  for  dwelling.  I  understand  both 
these  sides  to  be  not  only  returns,  but  parts  of  the 
front;  and  to  be  uniform  without,  though  severally 
partitioned  within;  and  to  be  on  both  sides  of  a  great 
and  stately  tower  in  the  midst  of  the  front,  that,  as  it 
were,  joineth  them  together  on  either  hand.  I  would 
have  on  the  side  of  the  banquet,  in  front,  one  only 
goodly  room  aboVe  stairs,  of  some  forty  foot 9  high; 
and  under  it  a  room  for  a  dressing  or  preparing  place 
at  times  of  triumphs.  On  the  other  side,  which  is 
the  household  side,  I  wish  it  divided  at  the  first  into  a 
hall  and  a  chapel  (with  a  partition  between) ;  both  of 
good  state  and  bigness;  and  those  not  to  go  all  the 
length,  but  to  have  at  the  further  end  a  winter  and  a 
summer  parlor,  both  fair.  And  under  these  rooms, 
a  fair  and  large  cellar  sunk  under  ground;  and  like 
wise  some  privy  kitchens,  with  butteries  and  pantries, 
and  the  like.  As  for  the  tower,  I  would  have  it  two 
stories,  of  eighteen  10  foot  high  apiece,  above  the  two 
wings;  and  a  goodly  leads  upon  the  top,  railed  with 
statuas  interposed;  and  the  same  tower  to  be  divided 


OF   BUILDING  139 

Into  rooms,  as  shall  be  thought  fit.  The  stairs  like 
wise  to  the  upper  rooms,  let  them  be  upon  a  fair  open 
newel,11  and  finely  railed  in  with  images  of  wood,  cast 
into  a  brass  color;  and  a  very  fair  landing-place  at 
the  top.  But  this  to  be,  if  you  do  not  point  any  of 
the  lower  rooms  for  a  dining  place  of  servants.  For 
otherwise  you  shall  have  the  servants'  dinner  after 
your  own:  for  the  steam  of  it  will  come  up  as  in  a 
tunnel.  And  so  much  for  the  front.  Only  I  under 
stand  the  height  of  the  first  stairs  to  be  sixteen  foot,12 
which  is  the  height  of  the  lower  room. 

Beyond  this  front  is  there  to  be  a  fair  court,  but 
three  sides  of  it,  of  a  far  lower  building  than  the  front. 
And  in  all  the  four  corners  of  that  court  fair  stair 
cases,  cast  into  turrets,  on  the  outside,  and  not  within 
the  row  of  buildings  themselves.  But  those  towers 
are  not  to  be  of  the  height  of  the  front,  but  rather 
proportionable  to  the  lower  building.  Let  the  court 
not  be  paved,  for  that  striketh  up  a  great  heat  in  sum 
mer,  and  much  cold  in  winter.  But  only  some  side 
alleys,  with  a  cross,13  and  the  quarters  to  graze,  being 
kept  shorn,  but  not  too  near  shorn.  The  row  of  re 
turn  on  the  banquet  side,  let  it  be  all  stately  gal 
leries:  in  which  galleries  let  there  be  three,  or  five, 
fine  cupolas  in  the  length  of  it,  placed  at  equal  dis 
tance;  and  fine  colored  windows  of  several  works. 
On  the  household  side,  chambers  of  presence  and  or 
dinary  entertainments,  with  some  bed-chambers;  and 
let  all  three  sides  be  a  double  house,  without  thorough 
lights  on  the  sides,  that  you  may  have  rooms  from 
the  sun,  both  for  forenoon  and  afternoon.  Cast  it 
also,  that  you  may  have  rooms  both  for  summer  and 
winter;  shady  for  summer,  and  warm  for  winter 
You  shall  have  sometimes  fair  houses  so  full  of  glass 


HO        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

that  one  cannot  tell  where  to  become  to  be  out  of  the 
sun  or  cold.  For  inbowed  windows,  I  hold  them  of 
gcyod  use  (in  cities,  indeed,  upright  do  better,  in  re 
spect  of  the  uniformity  towards  the  street);  for  they 
be  pretty  retiring  places  for  conference;  and  besides, 
they  keep  both  the  wind  and  sun  off;  for  that  which 
would  strike  almost  through  tne  room  doth  scarce  pass 
the  window.  But  let  them  be  out  few,  four  in  the  court, 
on  the  sides  only. 

Beyond  this  court,  let  there  be  an  inward  court,  of 
the  same  square  and  height;  which  is  to  be  environed 
with  the  garden  on  all  sides;  and  in  the  inside,  clois 
tered  on  all  sides,  upon  decent  and  beautiful  arches, 
as  high  as  the  first  story.  On  the  under  story,  towards 
the  garden,  let  it  be  turned  to  a  grotto,  or  place  of 
shade,  or  estivation.  And  only  have  opening  and 
windows  towards  the  garden;  and  be  level  upon  the 
floor,  no  whit  sunken  under  ground,  to  avoid  all  damp- 
ishness.  And  let  there  be  a  fountain,  or  some  fair 
work  of  statuas  in  the  midst  of  this  court;  and  to  be 
paved  as  the  other  court  was.  These  buildings  to  be 
for  privy  lodgings  on  both  sides ;  and  the  end  for  pri v< 
galleries.  Whereof  you  must  foresee  that  one  of  them 
be  for  an  infirmary,  if  the  prince  or  any  special  person 
should  be  sick,  with  chambers,  bed-chamber,  ante- 
camera,  and  recamera  joining  to  it.  This  upon  the 
second  story.  Upon  the  ground  story,  a  fair  gallery, 
open,  upon  pillars;  and  upon  the  third  story  likewise, 
an  open  gallery,  upon  pillars,  to  take  the  prospect  and 
freshness  of  the  garden.  At  both  corners  of  the  further 
side,  by  way  of  return,  let  there  be  two  delicate  or  rich 
cabinets,  daintily  paved,  richly  hanged,  glazed  with 
crystalline  glass,  and  a  rich  cupola  in  the  midst;  and 
all  other  elegancy  that  may  be  thought  upon.  In  the 


/ 


OF   GARDENS  141 

upper  gallery  too,  I  wish  that  there  may  be,  if  the  place 
will  yield  it,  some  fountains  running  in  divers  places 
from  the  wall,  with  some  fine  avoidances.  And  thus 
much  for  the  model  of  the  palace;  save  that  you  must 
have,  before  you  come  to  the  front,  three  courts.  A 
green  court  plain,  with  a  wall  about  it;  a  second  court 
of  the-  same,  but  more  garnished,  with  little  turrets, 
or  rather  embellishments,  upon  the  wall;  and  a  third 
court,  to  make  a  square  with  the  front,  but  not  to  be 
built,  nor  yet  enclosed  with  a  naked  wall,  but  enclosed 
with  terraces,  leaded  aloft,  and  fairly  garnished,  on 
the  three  sides;  and  cloistered  on  the  inside,  with  pil 
lars,  and  not  with  arches  below.  As  for  offices,  let 
them  stand  at  distance,  with  some  low  galleries,  to  pass 
from  them  to  the  palace  itself. 

XL  VI 

OF   GARDENS 

U  GOD  ALMIGHTY  first  planted  1  a  garden.  And  in- 
/deed  it  is  the  purest  of  human  pleasures.  It  is  the 
greatest  refreshment  to  the  spirits  of  man;  without 
which  buildings  and  palaces  are  but  gross  handi 
works:  and  a  man  shall  ever  see  that  when  ages 
grow  to  civility  and  elegancy,  men  come  to  build 
stately  sooner  than  to  garden  finely;  as  if  gardening 
were  the  greater  perfection.  I  do  hold  it,  in  the  roya) 
ordering  of  gardens,  there  ought  to  be  gardens  for  all 
the  months  2  in  the  year;  in  which  severally  things  of 
beauty  may  be  then  in  season.  For  December,  and 
January^and  the  latter  part  of  November,  you  must 
take  such  things  as  are  green  all  winter:  holly;  ivy; 
bays;  juniper;  cypress-trees;  yew;  pine-apple-trees;  ? 
fir-trees;  rosemary;  lavender;  periwinkle,  the  white, 


142        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

the  purple,  and  the  blue;  germander;  flags;  orange- 
trees;  lemon-trees;  and  myrtles,  if  they  be  stoved;4  and 
sweet  marjoram,  warm  set.5  There  followeth,  for  the 
latter  part  of  January  and  February,  the  mezereon- 
tree,  which  then  blossoms  ;  crocus  vernus,6  both  the 
yellow  and  the  grey;  primroses;  anemones;  the  early 
tulippa;  hyacinthus  orientalis;  chamai'ris;7  fritellaria. 
For  March,  there  come  violets,  specially  the  single 
blue,  which  are  the  earliest;  the  yellow  daffodil;8  the 
daisy;  the  almond-tree  in  blossom;  the  peach-tree  in 
blossom;  the  cornelian-tree  in  blossom;  sweet-briar. 
In  April  follow  the  double  white  violet;  the  wall 
flower;  the  stock-gilliflower;  the  cowslip;  flower-de- 
lices,  and  lilies  of  all  natures;  rosemary-flowers;  the 
tulippa;  the  double  peony;  the  pale  daffodil;9  the 
French  honeysuckle;  the  cherry-tree  in  blossom;  the 
damson  and  plum-trees  in  blossom;  the  white  thorn 
in  leaf;  the  lilac-tree.  In  May  and  June  come  pinks 
of  all  sorts,  specially  the  blush-pink;  roses  of  all  kinds, 
except  the  musk,  which  comes  later;  honeysuckles; 
strawberries;  bugloss;  columbine;  the  French  mari 
gold,  flos  Africanus;10  cherry-tree  in  fruit;  ribes;11 
figs  in  fruit;  rasps;12  vine-flowers;  lavender  in  flowers; 
the  sweet  satyrian,  with  the  white  flower;  herba  mus- 
caria;  13  lilium  convallium ; 14  the  apple-tree  in  bios* 
som.15  In  July  come  gilliflowers  of  all  varieties;  musk- 
roses;  the  lime-tree  in  blossom;  early  pears  and  plums 
in  fruit;  jennetings,18  codlins.  In  August  come  plums 
of  all  sorts  in  fruit;  pears;  apricocks;  berberries;  fil- 
berds;  musk-melons;  monks-hoods,  of  all  colors.  In 
September  come  grapes;  apples;  poppies  of  all  col 
ors;  peaches;  melocotones;17  nectarines;  cornelians; 
wardens;18  quinces.  In  October  and  the  beginning  of 
November  come  services;19  medlars;  bullaces;20  roses 


OF    GARDENS  143 

cut  or  removed  to  come  late;  holly-hocks;  and  such 
like.  These  particulars 21  are  for  the  climate  of  London; 
but  my  meaning  is  perceived,  that  you  may  have  ver 
perpetuum  [perpetual  spring],22  as  the  place  affords. 

And  because  the  breath  of  flowers  is  far  sweeter  in 
the  air  (where  it  comes  and  goes  like  the  warbling  of 
music)  than  in  the  hand,  therefore  nothing  is  more  fit 
for  that  delight,  than  to  know  what  be  the  flowers  and 
plants  that  do  best  perfume  the  air.  Roses,  damask 
and  red,  are  fast  flowers  23  of  their  smells;  so  that  you 
may  walk  by  a  whole  row  of  them,  and  find  nothing 
of  their  sweetness;  yea  though  it  be  in  a  morning's 
dew.  Bays  likewise  yield  no  smell  as  they  grow. 
Rosemary  little;  nor  sweet  marjoram.  That  which 
above  all  others  yields  the  sweetest  smell  in  the  air 
is  the  violet,  specially  the  white  double  violet,  which 
comes  twice  a  year;  about  the  middle  of  April,  and 
about  Bartholomew-tide.24  Next  to  that  is  the  musk- 
rose.  Then  the  strawberry-leaves  dying,  which  [yield] 2S 
a  most  excellent  cordial  smell.  Then  the  flower  of 
the  vines;  it  is  a  little  dust,  like  the  dust  of  a  bent,28 
which  grows  upon  the  cluster  in  the  first  coming  forth. 
Then  sweet-briar.  Then  wall-flowers,  which  are  very 
delightful  to  be  set  under  a  parlor  or  lower  chamber 
window.  Then  pinks  and  gilliflowers,  specially  the 
matted  pink  and  clove  gilliflower.  Then  the  flowers 
of  the  lime-tree.  Then  the  honeysuckles,  so  they  be 
somewhat  afar  off.  Of  bean -flowers  I  speak  not, 
because  they  are  field  flowers.  But  those  which  per 
fume  the  air  most  delightfully,  not  passed  by  as  the 
rest,  but  being  trodden  upon  and  crushed,  are  three; 
that  is,  burnet,  wild-thyme,  and  watermints.  There 
fore  you  are  to  set  whole  alleys  of  them,  to  have  *he 
pleasure  when  you  walk  or  tread- 


144        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

For  gardens  (speaking  of  those  which  are  indeed 
prince-like,  as  we  have  done  of  buildings),  the  con 
tents  ought  not  well  to  be  under  thirty  acres  of  ground; 
and  to  be  divided  into  three  parts;  a  green  in  the  en 
trance;  a  heath  or  desert 27  in  the  going  forth;  and  the 
main  garden  in  the  midst;  besides  alleys  on  both  sides. 
And  I  like  well  that  four  acres  of  ground  be  assigned 
to  the  green;  six  to  the  heath;  four  and  four  to  either 
side;  and  twelve  to  the  main  garden.  The  green  hath 
two  pleasures:  the  one,  because  nothing  is  more  pleas 
ant  to  the  eye  than  green  grass  kept  finely  shorn ;  the 
other,  because  it  will  give  you  a  fair  alley  in  the  midst 
by  which  you  may  go  in  front  upon  a  stately  hedge, 
which  is  to  enclose  the  garden.  But  because  the  alley 
will  be  long,  and,  in  great  heat  of  the  year  or  day,  you 
ought  not  to  buy  the  shade  in  the  garden  by  going  in 
the  sun  through  the  green,  therefore  you  are,  of  either 
side  the  green,  to  plant  a  covert  alley  upon  carpenter's 
work,  about  twelve  foot  in  height,  by  which  you  may 
go  in  shade  into  the  garden.  As  for  the  making  of 
knots  or  figures  with  divers  colored  earths,  that  they 
may  lie  under  the  windows  of  the  house  on  that  side 
which  the  garden  stands,  they  be  but  toys;  you  may 
see  as  good  sights  many  times  in  tarts.  The  garden 
is  best  to  be  square,  encompassed  on  all  the  four  sides 
with  a  stately  arched  hedge.  The  arches  to  be  upon 
pillars  of  carpenter's  work,  of  some  ten  foot  high,  and 
six  foot  broad;  and  the  spaces  between  of  the  same 
dimension  with  the  breadth  of  the  arch.  Over  the 
arches  let  there  be  an  entire  hedge  of  some  four  foot 
high,  framed  also  upon  carpenter's  work;  and  upon  the 
upper  hedge,  over  every  arch,  a  little  turret,  with  a 
belly,  enough  to  receive  a  cage  of  birds :  and  over  every 
space  between  the  arches  some  other  little  figure,  with 


OF   GARDENS  145 

broad  plates  of  round  colored  glass  gilt,  for  the  sun  to 
play  upon.  But  this  hedge  I  intend  to  be  raised  upon  a 
bank,  not  steep,  but  gently  slope,  of  some  six  foot,  set 
all  with  flowers.  Also  I  understand,  that  this  square 
of  the  garden  should  not  be  the  whole  breadth  of  the 
ground,  but  to  leave  on  either  side  ground  enough  for 
diversity  of  side  alleys ;  unto  which  the  two  covert  alleys 
of  the  green  may  deliver  you.  But  there  must  be  no 
alleys  with  hedges  at  either  end  of  this  great  enclos 
ure;  not  at  the  hither  end,  for  letting28  your  pro 
spect  upon  this  fair  hedge  from  the  green;  nor  at  the 
further  end,  for  letting  your  prospect  from  the  hedge 
through  the  arches  upon  the  heath. 

For  the  ordering  of  the  ground  within  the  great 
hedge,  I  leave  it  to  variety  of  device;  advising  nev 
ertheless  that  whatsoever  form  you  cast  it  into,  first, 
it  be  not  too  busy,  or  full  of  work.  Wherein  I,  for 
my  part,  do  not  like  images  cut  out  in  juniper  or  other 
garden  stuff;  they  be  for  children.  Little  low  hedges, 
round,  like  welts,29  with  some  pretty  pyramids,  I  like 
well;  and  in  some  places,  fair  columns  upon  frames 
of  carpenter's  work.  I  would  also  have  the  alleys 
spacious  and  fair.  You  may  have  closer  alleys  upon 
the  side  grounds,  but  none  in  the  main  garden.  I 
wish  also,  in  the  very  middle,  a  fair  mount,  with  three 
ascents,  and  alleys,  enough  for  four  to  walk  abreast; 
which  I  would  have  to  be  perfect  circles,  without  any 
bulwarks  or  embossments;  and  the  whole  mount  to 
be  thirty  foot  high;  and  some  fine  banqueting-house, 
with  some  chimneys  neatly  cast,  and  without  too  much 
glass. 

For  fountains,  they  are  a  great  beauty  and  refresh 
ment;  but  pools  mar  all,  and  make  the  garden  un 
wholesome,  and  full  of  flies  and  frogs.  Fountains  I 


146        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

intend  to  be  of  two  natures:  the  one  that  sprinkleth 
or  spouteth  water;  the  other  a  fair  receipt  of  water, 
of  some  thirty  or  forty  foot  square,  but  without  fish, 
or  slime,  or  mud.  For  the  first,  the  ornaments  of 
images  gilt,  or  of  marble,  which  are  in  use,  do  well: 
but  the  main  matter  is  so  to  convey  the  water,  as  it 
never  stay,  either  in  the  bowls  or  in  the  cLtern;  that 
the  water  be  never  by  rest  discolored,  green  or  red  or 
the  like;  or  gather  any  mossiness  or  putrefaction.  Be 
sides  that,  it  is  to  be  cleansed  every  day  by  the  hand. 
Also  some  steps  up  to  it,  and  some  fine  pavement 
about  it,  doth  well.  As  for  the  other  kind  of  foun 
tain,  which  we  may  call  a  bathing  pool,  it  may  admit 
much  curiosity  and  beauty;  wherewith  we  will  not 
trouble  ourselves:  as,  that  the  bottom  be  finely  paved, 
and  with  images;  the  sides  likewise;  and  withal  em 
bellished  with  colored  glass,  and  such  things  of  lustre; 
encompassed  also  with  line  rails  of  low  statuas.  But 
the  main  point  is  the  same  which  we  mentioned  in  the 
former  kind  of  fountain;  which  is,  that  the  water  be 
in  perpetual  motion,  fed  by  a  water  higher  than  the 
pool,  and  delivered  into  it  by  fair  spouts,  and  then  dis 
charged  away  under  ground  by  some  equality  of  bores, 
that  it  stay  little.30  And  for  fine  devices,  of  arching 
water  without  spilling,  and  making  it  rise  in  several 
forms  (of  feathers,  drinking  glasses,  canopies,  and  the 
like),  they  be  pretty  things  to  look  on,  but  nothing  to 
health  and  sweetness. 

For  the  heath,  which  was  the  third  part  of  our  plot, 
I  wish  it  to  be  framed,  as  much  as  may  be,  to  a  natural 
wildness.  Trees  I  would  have  none  in  it,31  but  some 
thickets  made  only  of  sweet-briar  and  honeysuckle, 
and  some  wild  vine  amongst;  and  the  ground  set  with 
violets,  strawberries,  and  primroses.  For  these  are 


OF   GARDENS  147 

sweet,  and  prosper  in  the  shade.  And  these  to  be  in 
the  heath,  here  and  there,  not  in  any  order.  I  like 
also  little  heaps,  in  the  nature  of  mole-hills  (such  as 
are  in  wild  heaths),  to  be  set,  some  with  wild  thyme; 
some  with  pinks;  some  with  germander,  that  gives  a 
good  flower  to  the  eye;  some  with  periwinkle;  some 
with  violets ;  some  with  strawberries ;  some  with  cow 
slips;  some  with  daisies;  some  with  red  roses;  some 
with  lilium  convallium;  some  with  sweet-williams  red; 
some  with  bear's-foot:  and  the  like  low  flowers,  being 
withal  sweet  and  sightly.  Part  of  which  heaps  are  to 
be  with  standards  of  little  bushes  pricked  32  upon  their 
top,  and  part  without.  The  standards  to  be  roses; 
juniper;  holly;  berberries  (but  here  and  there,  be 
cause  of  the  smell  of  their  blossom);  red  currants; 
gooseberries;  rosemary;  bays;  sweet-briar;  and  such 
like.  But  these  standards  to  be  kept  with  cutting, 
that  they  grow  not  out  of  course. 

For  the  side  grounds,  you  are  to  fill  them  with  va 
riety  of  alleys,  private,  to  give  a  full  shade,  some  of 
tliem,  wheresoever  the  sun  be.  You  are  to  frame  some 
of  them  likewise  for  shelter,  that  when  the  wind  blows 
sharp  you  may  walk  as  in  a  gallery.  And  those  alleys 
must  be  likewise  hedged  at  both  ends,  to  keep  out 
the  wind ;  and  these  closer  alleys  must  be  ever  finely 
gravelled,  and  no  grass,  because  of  going  wet.  In 
many  of  these  alleys,  likewise,  you  are  to  set  fruit- 
trees  of  all  sorts;  as  well  upon  the  walls  as  in  ranges. 
And  this  would  be  generally  observed,  that  the  bor 
ders  wherein  you  plant  your  fruit-trees  be  fair  and 
large,  and  low,  and  not  steep ;  and  set  with  fine  flow 
ers,  but  thin  and  sparingly,  lest  they  deceive 33  the 
t^ees.  At  the  end  of  both  the  side  grounds,  I  would 
Iiiive  a  mount  of  some  pretty  height,  leaving  the  wall 


148        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

of  the  enclosure  breast  high,  to  look  abroad  into  the 
fields. 

For  the  main  garden,  I  do  not  deny  but  there  should 
be  some  fair  alleys  ranged  on  both  sides,  with  fruit- 
trees;  and  some  pretty  tufts  of  fruit-trees,  and  arbors 
with  seats,  set  in  some  decent  order;  but  these  to  be 
by  no  means  set  too  thick;  but  to  leave  the  main  gar 
den  so  as  it  be  not  close,  but  the  air  open  and  free. 
For  as  for  shade,  I  would  have  you  rest  upon  the  alleys 
of  the  side  grounds,  there  to  walk,  if  you  be  disposed, 
in  the  heat  of  the  year  or  day;  but  to  make  account 
that  the  main  garden  is  for  the  more  temperate  parts 
of  the  year;  and  in  the  heat  of  summer,  for  the  morn 
ing  and  the  evening,  or  overcast  days. 

For  aviaries,  I  like  them  not,  except  they  be  of  that 
largeness  as  they  may  be  turfed,  and  have  living  plants 
and  bushes  set  in  them;  that  the  birds  may  have  more 
scope,  and  natural  nestling,34  and  that  no  foulness  ap 
pear  in  the  floor  of  the  aviary.  So  I  have  made  a 
platform  35  of  a  princely  garden,  partly  by  precept, 
partly  by  drawing,  not  a  model,  but  some  general  lines 
of  it;  and  in  this  I  have  spared  for  no  cost.  But  it  is 
nothing  for  great  princes,  that  for  the  most  part  taking 
advice  with  workmen,  with  no  less  cost  set  their  things 
together;  and  sometimes  add  statuas  and  such  things 
for  state  and  magnificence,  but  nothing  to  the  true 
pleasure  of  a  garden. 


OF  NEGOTIATING 


IT  is  generally  better  to  deal  by  speech  than  by  let 
ter;  and  by  the  mediation  of  a  third  than  by  a  man's 
self.  Letters  are  good,  when  a  man  would  draw  an 


OF   NEGOTIATING  149 

answer  by  letter  back  again ;  or  when  it  may  serve  for 
a  man's  justification  afterwards  to  produce  his  own 
letter;  or  where  it  may  be  danger  to  be  interrupted, 
or  heard  by  pieces.  To  deal  in  person  is  good,  when 
a  man's  face  breedeth  regard,  as  commonly  with  in 
feriors;  or  in  tender  cases,  where  a  man's  eye  upon 
the  countenance  of  him  with  whom  he  speaketh  may 
give  him  a  direction  how  far  to  go;  and  generally, 
where  a  man  will  reserve  to  himself  liberty  either  to 
disavow  or  to  expound.  In  choice  of  instruments.,  it 
is  better  to  choose  men  of  a  plainer  sort,  that  are  like 
to  do  that  that  is  committed  to  them,  and  to  report 
back  again  faithfully  the  success,  than  those  that  are 
cunning  to  contrive  out  of  other  men's  business  some 
what  to  grace  themselves,  and  will  help  the  matter  in 
report  for  satisfaction'  sake.  Use  also  such  persons  as 
affect  the  business  wherein  they  are  employed;  for  that 
quickeneth  *  much;  and  such  as  are  fit  for  the  matter; 
as  bold  men  for  expostulation,  fair-spoken  men  for  per 
suasion,  crafty  men  for  inquiry  and  observation,  fro- 
ward  and  absurd  2  men  for  business  that  doth  not  well 
bear  out  itself.3  Use  also  such  as  have  been  lucky,  and 
prevailed  before  in  things  wherein  you  have  employed 
them;  for  that  breeds  confidence,  and  they  will  strive 
to  maintain  their  prescription.  It  is  better  to  sound  a 
person  with  whom  one  deals  afar  off,  than  to  fall  upon 
the  point  at  first ;  except  you  mean  to  surprise  him  by 
some  short  question.  It  is  better  dealing  with  men  in. 
appetite,  than  with  those  that  are  where  they  would  be. 
If  a  man  deal 4  with  another  upon  conditions,  the  start 
or  first  performance  5  is  all ;  which  a  man  cannot  rea 
sonably  demand,  except  either  the  nature  of  the  thing 
be  such,  which  must  go  before;  or  else  a  man  can  per 
suade  the  other  party  that  he  shall  still  need  him  in 


150        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

some  other  thing;  or  else  that  he  be  counted  the  hon* 
ester  man.8  All  practice  is  to  discover,  or  to  work. 
Men  discover  themselves  in  trust,  in  passion,  at  un 
awares,  and  of  necessity,  when  they  would  have  some 
what  done  and  cannot  find  an  apt  pretext.  If  you 
would  work  any  man,  you  must  either  know  his 
nature  and  fashions,  and  so  lead  him;  or  his  ends,  and 
so  persuade  him;  or  his  weakness  and  disadvantages, 
and  so  awe  him;  or  those  that  have  interest  in  him, 
and  so  govern  him.  In  dealing  with  cunning  persons, 
we  must  ever  consider  their  ends,  to  interpret  their 
speeches;  and  it  is  good  to  say  little  to  them,  and  that 
which  they  least  look  for.  In  all  negotiations  of  diffi 
culty,  a  man  may  not  look  to  sow  and  reap  at  once; 
but  must  prepare  business,  and  so  ripen  it  by  degrees. 

XLVIII 

OF   FOLLOWERS   AND    FRIENDS 

COSTLY  followers  are  not  to  be  liked;  lest  while 
a  man  maketh  his  train  longer,  he  make  his  wings 
shorter.  I  reckon  to  be  costly,  not  them  alone  which 
charge  the  purse,  but  which  are  wearisome  and  impor 
tune  in  suits.  Ordinary  followers  *  ought  to  challenge 
no  higher  conditions  than  countenance,  recommenda 
tion,  and  protection  from  wrongs.  Factious  followers 
are  worse  to  be  liked,  which  follow  not  upon  affection 
to  him  with  whom  they  range  themselves,  but  upon 
discontentment  conceived  against  some  other;  where 
upon  commonly  ensueth  that  ill  intelligence  that  we 
many  times  see  between  great  personages.  Likewise 
glorious  followers,  who  make  themselves  as  trumpets 
of  the  commendation  of  those  they  follow,  are  full  of 
inconvenience;  for  they  taint  business  through  want 


OF   FOLLOWERS   AND   FRIENDS          151 

of  secrecy;  and  they  export  honor  from  a  man,2  and 
make  him  a  return  in  envy.  There  is  a  kind  of  fol 
lowers  likewise  which  are  dangerous,  being  indeed 
espials;  which  inquire  the  secrets  3  of  the  house,  and 
bear  tales  of  them  to  others.  Yet  such  men,  many 
;imes,  are  in  great  favor;  for  they  are  officious,  and 
jommonly  exchange  tales.  The  following  by  certain 
estates  of  men,  answerable  to  that  which  a  great  per 
son  himself  professeth  (as  of  soldiers  to  him  that  hath 
been  employed  in  the  wars,  and  the  like),  hath  ever 
been  a  thing  civil,  and  well  taken  even  in  monarchies; 
so  it  be  without  too  much  pomp  or  popularity.  But 
the  most  honorable  kind  of  following  is  to  be  followed 
as  one  that  apprehendeth  to  advance  virtue  and  desert 
in  all  sorts  of  persons.  And  yet,  where  there  is  no 
eminent  odds  in  sufficiency,  it  is  better  to  take  with  the 
more  passable,  than  with  the  more  able.  And  besides, 
to  speak  truth,  in  base  times  4  active  men  are  of  more 
use  than  virtuous.  It  is  true  that  in  government  it  is 
good  to  use  men  of  one  rank  equally:  for  to  counte 
nance  some  extraordinarily  is  to  make  them  insolent, 
and  the  rest  discontent;  because  they  may  claim  a 
due.  But  contrariwise,  in  favor,  to  use  men  with 
much  difference  and  election  is  good ;  for  it  maketh  the 
persons  preferred  more  thankful,  and  the  rest  more 
officious:  because  all  is  of  favor.5  It  is  good  discre 
tion  not  to  make  too  much  of  any  man  at  the  first; 
because  one  cannot  hold  out  that  proportion.  To  be 
governed  (as  we  call  it)  by  one  is  not  safe;  for  it 
shows  softness,  and  gives  a  freedom  to  scandal  and  dis 
reputation;  for  those  that  would  not  censure  or  speak 
ill  of  a  man  immediately  will  talk  more  boldly  of  those 
that  are  so  great  with  them,  and  thereby  wound  their 
honor.  Yet  to  be  distracted  with  many  is  worse;  for 


152        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

it  makes  men  to  be  of  the  last  impression,6  and  full  oi 
change.  To  take  advice  of  some  few  friends  is  ever 
honorable;  for  lookers-on  many  times  see  more  than 
gamesters  ;  and  the  vale  best  discovereth  the  hill.1  There 
is  little  friendship  in  the  world,  and  least  of  all  between 
equals,  which  was  wont  to  be  magnified.8  That  that  is, 
is  between  superior  and  inferior,  whose  fortunes  may 
comprehend  the  one  the  other. 

XLIX 

OF   SUITORS 

MANY  ill  matters  and  projects  are  undertaken;  and 
private  suits  do  putrefy  the  public  good.  Many  good 
matters  are  undertaken  *  with  bad  minds;  I  mean  not 
only  corrupt  minds,  but  crafty  minds,  that  intend  not 
performance.  Some  embrace  2  suits,  which  never  mean 
to  deal  effectually  in  them;  but  if  they  see  there  may 
be  life  in  the  matter  by  some  other  mean,  they  will  be 
content  to  win  a  thank,  or  take  a  second  reward,  or 
at  least  to  make  use  in  the  meantime  of  the  suitor's 
hopes.  Some  take  hold  of  suits  only  for  an  occasion  to 
cross  some  other;  or  to  make  an  information  3  whereof 
they  could  not  otherwise  have  apt  pretext;  without 
care  what  become  of  the  suit  when  that  turn  is  served ; 
or,  generally,  to  make  other  men's  business  a  kind  of 
entertainment  to  bring  in  their  own.  Nay,  some  under 
take  suits,  with  a  full  purpose  to  let  them  fall;  to  the 
end  to  gratify  the  adverse  party  or  competitor.  Surely 
there  is  in  some  sort  a  right  in  every  suit;  either  a 
right  in  equity,  if  it  be  a  suit  of  controversy; 4  or  a 
right  of  desert,  if  it  be  a  suit  of  petition.5  If  affection 
lead  a  man  to  favor  the  wrong  side  in  justice,  let  him 
rather  use  his  countenance  to  compound  the  matter  6 


OF   SUITORS  15S 

than  to  carry  it.  If  affection  lead  a  man  to  favor 
the  less  worthy  in  desert,  let  him  do  it  without  deprav 
ing  or  disabling  the  better  deserver.  In  suits  which  a 
man  doth  not  well  understand,  it  is  good  to  refer  them 
to  some  friend  of  trust  and  judgment,  that  may  report 
whether  he  may  deal  in  them  with  honor :  but  let  him 
choose  well  his  referendaries,  for  else  he  may  be  led 
by  the  nose.  Suitors  are  so  distasted  with  delays  and 
abuses,  that  plain  dealing  in  denying  to  deal  in  suits 
at  first,  and  reporting  the  success  barely,  and  in  chal 
lenging  no  more  thanks  than  one  hath  deserved,  is 
grown  not  only  honorable  but  also  gracious.  In  suits 
of  favor,  the  first  coming  ought  to  take  little  place :  so 
far  forth  consideration  may  be  had  of  his  trust,  that  if 
intelligence  of  the  matter  could  not  otherwise  have  been 
had  but  by  him,  advantage  be  not  taken  of  the  note, 
but  the  party  left  to  his  other  means ;  and  in  some  sort 
recompensed  for  his  discovery.  To  be  ignorant  of  the 
value  of  a  suit  is  simplicity;  as  well  as  to  be  ignorant 
of  the  right  thereof  is  want  of  conscience.  Secrecy  in 
suits  is  a  great  mean  of  obtaining;  for  voicing  them  to 
be  in  forwardness  may  discourage  some  kind  of  suitors, 
but  doth  quicken  and  awake  others.  But  timing  of  the 
suit  is  the  principal.  Timing,  I  say,  not  only  in  re 
spect  of  the  person  that  should  grant  it,  but  in  respect 
of  those  which  are  like  to  cross  it.  Let  a  man,  in  the 
choice  of  his  mean,  rather  choose  the  fittest  mean  than 
tlw  greatest  mean;  and  rather  them  that  deal  in  cer 
tain  things,  than  those  that  are  general.  The  repara 
tion  of  a  denial  is  sometimes  equal  to  the  first  grant;  if 
a  man  show  himself  neither  dejected  nor  discontented. 
Intquum  petas  7  ui  oequum  fcras  [Ask  more  than  is  rea 
sonable,  that  you  may  get  no  less]  is  a  good  rule, 
where  a  man  hath  strength  of  favor:  but  otherwise 


154        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

a  man  were  better  rise  in  his  suit;  for  he  that  would 
have  ventured  at  first  to  have  lost  the  suitor  will  not 
in  the  conclusion  lose  both  the  suitor  and  his  own 
former  favor.  Nothing  is  thought  so  easy  a  request 
to  a  great  person,  as  his  letter;  and  yet,  if  it  be  not 
in  a  good  cause,  it  is  so  much  out  of  his  reputation. 
There  are  no  worse  instruments  than  these  general 
contrivers  8  of  suits;  for  they  are  but  a  kind  of  poison 
and  infection  to  public  proceedings. 


U 
r 


OF  STUDIES 


STTT-IES  serve  for  delight,1  for  ornameni,  and  for 
ability.  Their  chief  use  for  delight  is  in  privateness 
and  retiring;  for  ornament,  is  in  discourse;  and  for 
ability,  is  in  the  judgment  and  disposition  of  business. 
For  expert  men  can  execute,  and  perhaps  judge  of 
particulars,  one  by  one;  but  the  general  counsels,  and 
the  plots  and  marshalling  of  affairs,  come  best  from 
those  that  are  learned.  To  spend  too  much  time  in 
studies  is  sloth;  to  use  them  too  much  for  ornament, 
is  affectation;  to  make  judgment  wholly  by  their 
rules,  is  the  humor  of  a  scholar.  They  perfect  na 
ture,  and  are  perfected  by  experience:  for  natural 
abilities  are  like  natural  plants,  that  need  proymngT* 
by  study;  and  studies  themselves  do  give  forth  direc 
tions  too  much  at  large,  except  they  be  bounded  in  by 
experience.  Crafty  men  contemn  studies,  simpjejnen 
admire  them,  and  wise  men  use  them;  for  they  teach 
not  their  own  use;  but  that  is  a  wisdom  without  them, 
and  above  them,  won  by  observation.  Read  not  to 
contradict  and  confute;  nor  to  believe  and  take  for 
granted;  nor  to  find  talk  and  discourse;  but  to  weigh 


OF   STUDIES  155 

j/  jnd  consider.  Some  books  are  to  be  tasted,  others  to 
be  swallowed,  and  some  few  to  be  chewed  and  di 
gested;  that  is,  some  books  are  to  be  read  only  in 
parts;  others  to  be  read,  but  not  curiously;  and  some 
few  to  be  read  wholly,  and  with  diligence  and  atten 
tion.  Some  books  also  may  be  read  by  deputy,  and  ex 
tracts  made  of  them  by  others ;  but  that  would  be  only 
in  the  less  important  arguments,  and  the  meaner  sort 
of  books;  else  distilled  books  are  like  common  distillecf 

JJL /waters,3  flashy4  things.  Reading  maketh  a  t*d\  man; 
/conference  a  ready  man;  and  writing  an  exact  man. 
And  therefore,  if  a  man  write  little,  he  had  need  have 
a  great  memory;  if  he  confer  little,  he  had  need 
have  a  present  wit :  and  if  he  read  little,  he  had  need 
have  much  cunning,  to  seem  to  know  that  he  doth 
not.  Histories  make  men  wise;  poets  witty;5  the 
mathematics  subtile;  natural  philosophy  deep;  moral 
grave; 6  logic  and  rhetoric  able  to  contend.  Abeunt 
studia  in  mores  1  [Studies  pass  into  and  influence  man 
ners].  Nay,  there  is  no  stond  or  impediment  in  the 
wit  but  may  be  wrought  out  by  fit  studies;  like  as  dis 
eases  of  the  body  may  have  appropriate  exercises. 
Bowling  is  good  for  the  stone8  and  reins;9  shooting 
for  the  lungs  and  breast;  gentle  walking  for  the  stom 
ach;  riding  for  the  head;  and  the  like.  So4f-ajnan's 
wit  be  wandering,  let  him  study  the  mathematics:  for 
in  demonstrations,  if  his  wit  be  called  away  never  so 
little,  he  must  begin  again.  If  his  wit  be  not  apt  to.  dis 
tinguish  or  find  differences,  let  him  study  the  School 
men;  for  they  are  cymini  sectores  10  [splitters  of  hairs]. 
If  he  be  not  apt  to  beat  over  matters,  and  to  call  up  one 
thing  to  prove  and  illustrate  another,  let  him  study  the 
lawyers'  cases.  So  every  defect  of  the  mind  may  have 
a  special  receipt. 


156        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

LI 

OF   FACTION 

MANY  have  an  opinion  not  wise,1  that  for  a  prince 
to  govern  his  estate,  or  for  a  great  person  to  govern 
his  proceedings,  according  to  the  respect  of  factions,  is 
a  principal  part  of  policy;  whereas  contrariwise,  the 
chiefest  wisdom  is  either  in  ordering  those  things  which 
are  general,  and  wherein  men  of  several  factions  do 
nevertheless  agree;  or  in  dealing  with  correspondence 
to  particular  persons,  one  by  one.2  But  I  say  not  that 
the  consideration  of  factions  is  to  be  neglected.  Mean 
men,  in  their  rising,  must  adhere;  but  great  men,  that 
have  strength  in  themselves,  were  better  to  maintain 
themselves  indifferent  and  neutral.  Yet  even  in  be 
ginners,  to  adhere  so  moderately,  as  he  be  a  man  of 
the  one  faction  which  is  most  passable  with  the  other, 
commonly  giveth  best  way.  The  lower  and  weaker 
faction  is  the  firmer  in  conjunction;  and  it  is  often  seen 
that  a  few  that  are  stiff  do  tire  out  a  greater  number 
that  are  more  moderate.  When  one  of  the  factions  is 
extinguished,  the  remaining  subdivideth;  as  the  faction 
between  Lucullus  and  the  rest  of  the  nobles  of  the 
senate  (which  they  called  Optimates  [Aristocrats])  held 
out  awhile  against  the  faction  of  Pompey  and  Csesar; 
but  when  the  senate's  authority  was  pulled  down, 
Caesar  and  Pompey  3  soon  after  brake.  The  faction  or 
party  of  Antonius  and  Octavianus  4  Caesar  against 
Brutus  and  Cassius  held  out  likewise  for  a  time;  but 
when  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  overthrown,  then  soon 
after  Antonius  and  Octavianus  brake  and  subdivided. 
These  examples  are  of  wars,  but  the  same  holdeth  in 
private  factions.  And  therefore  those  that  are  seconds 


OF    FACTION  157 

in  factions  do  many  times,  when  the  faction  subdivid- 
eth,  prove  principals;  but  many  times  also  they  prove 
ciphers  and  cashiered;  for  many  a  man's  strength  is  in 
opposition;  and  when  that  faileth  he  groweth  out  of 
use.  It  is  commonly  seen  that  men  once  placed  take  in 
with  the  contrary  faction  to  that  by  which  they  enter:, 
thinking  belike  that  they  have  the  first  sure,  and  now 
are  ready  for  a  new  purchase.5  The  traitor  in  faction 
lightly  goeth  away  with  it; 6  for  when  matters  have 
stuck  long  in  balancing,  the  winning  of  some  one  man 
casteth  them,  and  he  getteth  all  the  thanks.  The  even 
carriage  between  two  factions  proceedeth  not  always  of 
moderation,  but  of  a  trueness  to  a  man's  self,  with  end 
to  make  use  of  both.  Certainly  in  Italy  they  hold  it 
a  little  suspect  in  popes,  when  they  have  often  in  their 
mouth  Padre  commune  [common  father]:  and  take  it 
to  be  a  sign  of  one  that  meaneth  to  refer  all  to  the  great 
ness  of  his  own  house.  Kings  had  need  beware  how 
they  side  themselves,  and  make  themselves  as  of  a 
faction  or  party;  for  leagues  within  the  state  are  ever 
pernicious  to  monarchies:  for  they  raise  an  obligation 
paramount  to  obligation  of  sovereignty,  and  make 
the  king  tanquam  unus  1  ex  nobis  [like  one  of  our 
selves];  as  was  to  be  seen  in  the  League  of  France.8 
When  factions  are  carried  too  high  and  too  violently, 
it  is  a  sign  of  weakness  in  princes;  and  much  to  the 
prejudice  both  of  their  authority  and  business.  The 
motions  of  factions  under  kings  ought  to  be  like  the 
motions  (as  the  astronomers  -speak)  of  the  inferior 
orbs,  which  may  have  their  proper  motions,  but  yet 
still  are  quietly  carried  by  the  higher  motion  of  primum 
mobile. 


158        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 
LII 

OF   CEREMONIES   AND    RESPECTS 

HE  that  is  only  real  had  need  have  exceeding  great 
parts  of  virtue;  as  the  stone  had  need  to  be  rich  that 
is  set  without  foil.1  But  if  a  man  mark  it  well,  it  is 
in  praise  and  commendation  of  men  as  it  is  in  get- 
tings  and  gains:  for  the  proverb  is  true,  That  light 
gains  make  heavy  purses  ;  for  light  gains  come  thick, 
whereas  great  come  but  now  and  then.  So  it  is  true 
that  small  matters  2  win  great  commendation,  because 
they  are  continually  in  use  and  in  note :  whereas  the 
occasion  of  any  great  virtue  cometh  but  on  festivals. 
Therefore  it  doth  much  add  to  a  man's  reputation,  and 
is  (as  Queen  Isabella  said  3)  like  perpetual  letters  com 
mendatory,  to  have  good  forms.  To  attain  them  it  al 
most  sufficeth  not  to  despise  them;  for  so  shall  a  man 
observe  them  in  others;  and  let  him  trust  himself  with 
the  rest.  For  if  he  labor  too  much  to  express  them, 
he  shall  lose  their  grace;  which  is  to  be  natural  and 
unaffected.  Some  men's  behavior 4  is  like  a  verse, 
wherein  every  syllable  is  measured;  how  can  a  man 
comprehend  great  matters,  that  breaketh  his  mind  too 
much  to  small  observations  ?  Not  to  use  ceremonies  at 
all  is  to  teach  others  not  to  use  them  again;  and  so 
diminisheth  respect  to  himself;  especially  they  be  not 
to  be  omitted  to  strangers  and  formal  natures;  but 
the  dwelling  upon  them,  and  exalting  them  above  the 
moon,  is  not  only  tedious  but  doth  diminish  the  faith 
and  credit  of  him  that  speaks.  And  certainly  there 
is  a  kind  of  conveying  of  effectual  and  imprinting 
passages  amongst  compliments,5  which  is  of  singular 
use,  if  a  man  can  hit  upon  it.  Amongst  a  man's  peers 


OF   PRAISE  159 

a  man  shall  be  sure  of  familiarity;  and  therefore  it  is 
good  a  little  to  keep  state.  Amongst  a  man's  inferiors 
one  shall  be  sure  of  reverence;  and  therefore  it  is  good 
a  little  to  be  familiar.  He  that  is  too  much  in  any 
thing,  so  that  he  giveth  another  occasion  of  satiety, 
maketh  himself  cheap.  To  apply  one's  self  to  others 
is  good;  so  it  be  with  demonstration  that  a  man  doth 
it  upon  regard,  and  not  upon  facility.  It  is  a  good 
precept  generally  in  seconding  another,  yet  to  add 
somewhat  of  one's  own:  as  if  you  will  grant  his  opin 
ion,  let  it  be  with  some  distinction;  if  you  will  follow 
his  motion,  let  it  be  with  condition;  if  you  allow  his 
counsel,  let  it  be  with  alleging  further  reason.  Men 
had  need  beware  how  they  be  too  perfect  in  compli 
ments;  for  be  they  never  so  sufficient  otherwise,  their 
enviers  will  be  sure  to  give  them  that  attribute,  to  the 
disadvantage  of  their  greater  virtues.  It  is  loss  also  in 
business  to  be  too  full  of  respects,  or  to  be  curious  in 
observing  times  and  opportunities.  Solomon  saith,6  He 
that  considereth  the  wind  shall  not  sow,  and  he  that  look- 
eth  to  the  clouds  shall  not  reap.  A  wise  man  will  make 
more  opportunities  than  he  finds.  Men's  behavior 
should  be  like  their  apparel,  not  too  strait  or  point 
device,7  but  free  for  exercise  or  motion. 

LIII 

OF   PRAISE 

PRAISE  is  the  reflection  of  virtue;  but  it  is  as  the 
glass  or  body  which  giveth  the  reflection.  If  it  be 
from  the  common  people,  it  is  commonly  false  and 
naught;  and  rather  followeth  vain  persons  than  vir 
tuous.  For  the  common  people  understand  not  many 
excellent  virtues.  The  lowest  virtues  draw  praise  from 


160        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

them;  the  middle  virtues  work  in  them  astonishment 
or  admiration ;  but  of  the  highest  virtues  they  have  no 
sense  of  perceiving  at  all.  But  shows,  and  species  l  vir- 
tutibus  similes  [qualities  resembling  virtues],  serve  besl 
with  them.  Certainly  fame  is  like  a  river,2  that  beareth 
up  things  light  and  swoln,  and  drowns  things  weighty 
and  solid.  But  if  persons  of  quality  and  judgment  con 
cur,3  then  it  is  (as  the  Scripture  saith  4)  nomen  bonum 
instar  unguenti  fragrantis  [a  good  name  like  unto  a 
sweet  ointment].  It  filleth  all  round  about,  and  will  not 
easily  away.  For  the  odors  of  ointments  are  more  dur 
able  than  those  of  flowers.  There  be  so  many  false 
points  5  of  praise,  that  a  man  may  justly  hold  it  a  sus 
pect.  Some  praises  proceed  merely  of  flattery;  and  if  he 
be  an  ordinary  flatterer,  he  will  have  certain  common 
attributes,  which  may  serve  every  man ;  if  he  be  a  cun 
ning  flatterer,  he  will  follow  the  arch-flatterer,  which 
is  a  man's  self;  and  wherein  a  man  thinketh  best  of 
himself,  therein  the  flatterer  will  uphold  him  most :  but 
if  he  be  an  impudent  flatterer,  look  wherein  a  man 
is  conscious  to  himself  that  he  is  most  defective,  and  is 
most  out  of  countenance  in  himself,  that  will  the  flat 
terer  entitle  him  to  perforce,  spreta  conscientia  [in  dis 
dain  of  conscience].  Some  praises  come  of  good  wishes 
and  respects,  which  is  a  form  due  in  civility  to  kings 
and  great  persons,  laudando  8  prcecipere  [to  teach  in 
praising],  when  by  telling  men  what  they  are,  they 
represent  to  them  what  they  should  be.  Some  men  are 
praised  maliciously  to  their  hurt,  thereby  to  stir  envy 
and  jealousy  towards  them;  pessimum  genus  7  inimico- 
rum  laudantium  [the  worst  kind  of  enemies  are  they 
that  praise];  insomuch  as  it  was  a  proverb  amongst  the 
Grecians,  that  he  that  was  praised  8  to  his  hurt  should 
have  a  push  rise  upon  his  nose;  as  we  say,  that  a  blister  a 


OF  VAIN-GLORY  161 

will  rise  upon  one's  tongue  that  tells  a  lie.  Certainly 
moderate  praise,  used  with  opportunity,  and  not  vul 
gar,  is  that  which  doth  the  good.  Solomon  saith,10  He 
that  praiseth  his  friend  aloud,  rising  early,  it  shall  be  to 
him  no  better  than  a  curse.  Too  much  magnifying  of 
man  or  matter  doth  irritate  contradiction,  and  procure 
envy  and  scorn.  To  praise  a  man's  self  cannot  be 
decent,  except  it  be  in  rare  cases;  but  to  praise  a 
man's  office  or  profession,  he  may  do  it  with  good 
grace,  and  with  a  kind  of  magnanimity.  The  cardi 
nals  of  Rome,  which  are  theologues,  and  friars,  and 
Schoolmen,  have  a  phrase  of  notable  contempt  and 
scorn  towards  civil  business :  for  they  call  all  temporal 
business  of  wars,  embassages,  judicature,  and  other  em 
ployments,  sbirrerie,11  which  is  under-sheriffries ',  as  if 
they  were  but  matters  for  under-sheriffs  and  catch- 
poles:  12  though  many  times  those  under-sheriffries  do 
more  good  than  their  high  speculations.  St.  Paul, 
when  he  boasts  of  himself,  he  doth  oft  interlace,  / 
speak  13  like  a  fool;  but  speaking  of  his  calling,  he  saith, 
magnificabo  14  apostolatum  meum  [I  will  magnify  my 
mission]. 

i 
LIV 

OP   VAIN-GLORY 

IT  was  prettily  devised  of  Msop,  The  fly  sat  1  upon 
the  axle-tree  of  the  chariot  wheel,  and  said,  What  a  dust 
do  I  raise!  So  are  there  some  vain  persons,  that  what 
soever  goeth  alone  or  moveth  upon  greater  means,  if 
they  have  never  so  little  hand  in  it,  they  think  it  is 
they  that  carry  it.  They  that  are  glorious  must  needs 
be  factious;  for  all  bravery  stands  upon  comparisons. 
They  must  needs  be  violent,  to  make  good  their  own 


162        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

vaunts.  Neither  can  they  be  secret,  and  therefore  not 
effectual;  but  according  to  the  French  proverb,  Beau- 
coup  de  bruit,  pen  de  fruit ;  Much  bruit,  little  fruit. 
Yet  certainly  there  is  use  of  this  quality  in  civil  af 
fairs.  Where  there  is  an  opinion  and  fame  to  be  cre 
ated  either  of  tirtue  or  greatness,  these  men  are  good 
trumpeters.  Again,  as  Titus  Livius  noteth  2  in  the  case 
of  Antiochus  and  the  ^Etolians,  There  are  sometimes 
great  effects  of  cross  lies ;  as  if  a  man  that  negotiates 
between  two  princes,  to  draw  them  to  join  in  a  war 
against  the  third,  doth  extol  the  forces  of  either  of  them 
above  measure,  the  one  to  the  other:  and  sometimes 
he  that  deals  between  man  and  man  raiseth  his  own 
credit  with  both,  by  pretending  greater  interest  than 
he  hath  in  either.  And  in  these  and  the  like  kinds,  it 
often  falls  out  that  somewhat  is  produced  of  nothing; 
for  lies  are  sufficient  to  breed  opinion,  and  opinion 
brings  on  substance.  In  militar  commanders  and 
soldiers,  vain-glory  is  an  essential  point;  for  as  iron 
sharpens  iron,  so  by  glory  one  courage  sharpeneth  an 
other.  In  cases  of  great  enterprise  upon  charge  and 
adventure,  a  composition  of  glorious  natures  doth  put 
life  into  business;  and  those  that  are  of  solid  and  sober 
natures  have  more  of  the  ballast  than  of  the  sail.  In 
fame  of  learning,  the  flight  will  be  slow  without  some 
feathers  of  ostentation.  Qui  de  contcmnenda  3  gloria 
libros  scribunt,  nomen  suum  inscribunt  [They  that 
write  books  on  the  worthlessness  of  glory,  take  care  to 
put  their  names  on  the  title  page].  Socrates,4  Aris 
totle,5  Galen,6  were  men  full  of  ostentation.  Certainly 
vain-glory  helpeth  to  perpetuate  a  man's  memory;  and 
virtue  was  never  so  beholding  to  human  nature,  as  it 
received  his  due  at  the  second  hand.  Neither  had  the 
fame  of  Cicero,  Seneca,  Plinius  Secundus,7  borne  her 


OF    HONOR  AND   REPUTATION  163 

age  so  well,  if  it  had  not  been  joined  with  some  van 
ity  in  themselves;  like  unto  varnish,  that  makes  ceil 
ings  not  only  shine  but  last.  But  all  this  while,  when 
I  speak  of  vain-glory,  I  mean  not  of  that  property  that 
Tacitus  8  doth  attribute  to  Mucianus;  Omnium  quce 
dixerat  fcceratque  arte  quadam  ostentator  [A  man  that 
had  a  kind  of  art  of  setting  forth  to  advantage  all  that 
he  had  said  or  done]:  for  that  proceeds  not  of  vanity, 
but  of  natural  magnanimity  and  discretion;  and  in 
some  persons  is  not  only  comely,  but  gracious.  For 
excusations,  cessions,  modesty  itself  well  governed 
are  but  arts  of  ostentation.  And  amongst  those  arts 
there  is  none  better  than  that  which  Plinius  Secundus 
speaketh  of,  which  is  to  be  liberal  of  praise  and  com 
mendation  to  others,  in  that  wherein  a  man's  self  hath 
any  perfection.  For  saith  Pliny  9  very  wittily,  In  com 
mending  another  you  do  yourself  right;  for  he  that  you 
commend  is  either  superior  to  you  in  that  you  commend, 
or  inferior.  If  he  be  inferior,  if  lie  be  to  be  commended, 
you  much  more;  if  he  be  superior,  if  he  be  not  to  be  com 
mended,  you  much  less.  Glorious  men  are  the  scorn  of 
wise  men,  the  admiration  of  fools,  the  idols  of  para 
sites,  and  the  slaves  of  their  own  vaunts. 

LV 

OF   HONOR   AND    REPUTATION 

THE  winning  *  of  honor  is  but  the  revealing  of  a 
man's  virtue  and  worth  without  disadvantage.  For 
some  in  their  actions  do  woo  and  affect  honor  and 
reputation;  which  sort  of  men  are  commonly  much 
talked  of,  but  inwardly  little  admired.  And  some, 
contrariwise,  darken  their  virtue  in  the  show  of  it ;  so 
as  they  be  undervalued  in  opinion.  If  a  man  perform 


164        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

that  which  hath  not  been  attempted  before  ;  or  at 
tempted  and  given  over;  or  hath  been  achieved,  but 
not  with  so  good  circumstance ;  he  shall  purchase  more 
honor,  than  by  effecting  a  matter  of  greater  difficulty 
or  virtue,  wherein  he  is  but  a  follower.  If  a  man  so 
temper  his  actions,  as  in  some  one  of  them  he  doth 
content  every  faction  or  combination  of  people,  the 
music  will  be  the  fuller.  A  man  is  an  ill  husband :  of 
his  honor,  that  entereth  into  any  action,  the  failing 
wherein  may  disgrace  him  more  than  the  carrying  of 
it  through  can  honor  him.  Honor  that  is  gained 
and  broken  3  upon  another  hath  the  quickest  reflec 
tion,  like  diamonds  cut  with  facets.  And  therefore  let  a 
man  contend  to  excel  any  competitors  of  his  in  honor, 
in  outshooting  them,  if  he  can,  in  their  own  bow.  Dis 
creet  followers  and  servants  help  much  to  reputation. 
Omnis  fama  4  a  domesticis  emanat  [All  fame  proceeds 
from  servants].  Envy,  which  is  the  canker  of  honor,  is 
best  extinguished  by  declaring  a  man's  self  in  his  ends 
rather  to  seek  merit  than  fame;  and  by  attributing  a 
man's  successes  rather  to  divine  Providence  and  felicity, 
than  to  his  own  virtue  or  policy.  The  true  marshalling 
of  the  degrees  of  sovereign  honor 5  are  these  :  In  the 
first  place  are  conditores  imperiorum,  founders  of  states 
and  commonwealths;  such  as  were  Romulus,  Cyrus,8 
Caesar,  Ottoman,'  Ismael.8  In  the  second  place  are 
legislatores,  lawgivers;  which  are  also  called  second 
founders,  or  perpetui  principes  [perpetual  rulers],  be 
cause  they  govern  by  their  ordinances  after  they  are 
gone;  such  were  Lycurgus,9  Solon,10  Justinian,11  Ead- 
gar,12  Alphonsus  13  of  Castile,  the  Wise,  that  made  the 
Siete  Partidas  [Seven  Parts].  In  the  third  place  are 
liberatores,  or  sahatores  [saviors],  such  as  compound  the 
long  miseries  of  civil  wars,  or  deliver  their  countries 


OF    JUDICATURE  165 

from  servitude  of  strangers  or  tyrants;  as  Augustus 
Caesar,  Vespasianus,14  Aurelianus,15  Theodoricus,16 
King  Henry  the  Seventh  of  England,  King  Henry  the 
Fourth  17  of  France.  In  the  fourth  place  are  propagatores 
or  propugnatores  imperii  [champions  of  the  empire]; 
such  as  in  honorable  wars  enlarge  their  territories,  or 
make  noble  defence  against  invaders.  And  in  the  last 
place  are  patres  patrioe  [fathers  of  their  country] ;  which 
reign  justly,  and  make  the  times  good  wherein  they  live. 
Both  which  last  kinds  need  no  examples,  they  are  in 
such  number.  Degrees  of  honor  in  subjects  are,  first 
participes  curarum  [participants  in  cares],  those  upon 
whom  princes  do  discharge  the  greatest  weight  of  their 
affairs;  their  right  hands,  as  we  call  them.  The  next 
are  duces  belli,  great  leaders  [in  war];  such  as  are 
princes'  lieutenants,  and  do  them  notable  services  in 
the  wars.  The  third  are  gratiosi,  favorites ;  such  as  ex 
ceed  not  this  scantling,18  to  be  solace  to  the  sovereign, 
and  harmless  to  the  people.  And  the  fourth,  negotiis 
pares  [equals  in  business];  such  as  have  great  places 
under  princes,  and  execute  their  places  with  sufficiency. 
There  is  an  honor,  likewise,  which  may  be  ranked 
amongst  the  greatest,  which  happeneth  rarely ;  that  is, 
of  such  as  sacrifice  themselves  to  death  or  danger  for 
the  good  of  their  country;  as  was  M.  Regulus,19  and 
the  two  Decii.20 

LVI 

OF   JUDICATURE 

JUDGES  ought  to  remember  that  their  office  is  jus 
diccre,  and  not  jus  dare  ;  to  interpret  law,  and  not  to 
make  law,  or  give  law.  Else  will  it  be  like  the  au 
thority  claimed  by  the  Church  of  Rome,  which  under 


166        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

pretext  of  exposition  of  Scripture  l  doth  not  stick  to  add 
and  alter;  and  to  pronounce  that  which  they  do  not 
find;  and  by  show  of  antiquity  to  introduce  novelty. 
Judges  ought  to  be  more  learned  than  witty,  more 
reverend  than  plausible,  and  more  advised  than  con 
fident.  Above  all  things,  integrity  is  their  portion  and 
proper  virtue.  Cursed  (saith  the  law)  is  he  2  tfiat  re- 
moveth  the  landmark.  The  mislayer  of  a  mere-stone  3  is 
to  blame.  But  it  is  the  unjust  judge  that  is  the  capital 
remover  of  landmarks,  when  he  defineth  amiss  of  lands 
and  property.  One  foul  sentence  doth  more  hurt  than 
many  foul  examples.  For  these  do  but  corrupt  the 
stream,  the  other  corrupteth  the  fountain.  So  saith 
Solomon,4  Fons  turbatus,  et  vena  corrupta,  est  Justus 
cadens  in  causa  sua  coram  adversaria  [A  righteous  man 
falling  down  before  the  wicked  is  as  a  troubled  foun 
tain  or  a  corrupt  spring].  The  office  of  judges  may 
have  reference  unto  the  parties  that  sue,  unto  the 
advocates  that  plead,  unto  the  clerks  and  ministers  of 
justice  underneath  them,  and  to  the  sovereign  or  state 
above  them. 

First,  for  the  causes  or  parties  that  sue.  There  be  5 
(saith  the  Scripture)  that  turn  judgment  into  worm 
wood  ;  and  surely  there  be  also  that  turn  it  into  vine 
gar;  for  injustice  maketh  it  bitter,  and  delays  make 
it  sour.  The  principal  duty  of  a  judge  is  to  suppress 
force  and  fraud;  whereof  force  is  the  more  pernicious 
when  it  is  open,  and  fraud  when  it  is  close  and  dis 
guised.  Add  thereto  contentious  suits,  which  ought 
to  be  spewed  out,  as  the  surfeit  of  courts.  A  judge 
ought  to  prepare  his  way  to  a  just  sentence,  as  God 
useth  to  prepare  his  way,  by  raising  valleys  6  and  taking 
down  hills:  so  when  there  appeareth  on  either  side  an 
high  hand,  violent  prosecution,  cunning  advantages 


OF   JUDICATURE  167 

taken,  combination,  power,  great  counsel,  then  is  the 
virtue  of  a  judge  seen,  to  make  inequality  equal;  that 
he  may  plant  his  judgment  as  upon  an  even  ground. 
Quifortiter  7  emungit,  elicit  sanguinem  [Violent  blow 
ing  makes  the  nose  bleed];  and  where  the  wine-press 
is  hard  wrought,  it  yields  a  harsh  wine,  that  tastes  of 
the  grape-stone.  Judges  must  beware  of  hard  con 
structions  and  strained  inferences ;  for  there  is  no  worse 
torture  than  the  torture  of  laws.  Specially  in  case  of 
laws  penal,  they  ought  to  have  care  that  that  which  was 
meant  for  terror  be  not  turned  into  rigor;  and  that 
they  bring  not  upon  the  people  that  shower  whereof 
the  Scripture  speaketh,  Pluet  super  eos  s  laqueos  [He 
will  rain  snares  upon  them];  for  penal  laws  pressed 
are  a  shower  of  snares  9  upon  the  people.  Therefore 
let  penal  laws,  if  they  have  been  sleepers  of  long,  or 
if  they  be  grown  unfit  for  the  present  time,  be  by  wise 
judges  confined  in  the  execution :  Judicis  officium  10  est, 
ut  res,  ita  tempora  rerum,  etc.  [A  judge  must  have 
regard  to  the  time  as  well  as  to  the  matter].  In  causes 
of  life  and  death,  judges  ought  (as  far  as  the  law  per- 
mitteth)  in  justice  to  remember  mercy;  and  to  cast  a 
severe  eye  upon  the  example,  but  a  merciful  eye  upon 
the  person. 

Secondly,  for  the  advocates  and  counsel  that  plead. 
Patience  and  gravity  of  hearing  is  an  essential  part  of 
justice;  and  an  overspeaking  judge  is  no  well-tuned 
cymbal.11  It  is  no  grace  to  a  judge  first  to  find  that 
which  he  might  have  heard  in  due  time  from  the  bar; 
or  to  show  quickness  of  conceit  in  cutting  off  evidence 
or  counsel  too  short;  or  to  prevent  information  by 
questions,  though  pertinent.  The  parts  of  a  judge  in 
hearing  are  four:  to  direct  the  evidence;  to  moderate 
length,12  repetition,  or  impertinency  of  speech;  to  reca- 


168        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

pitulate,  select,  and  collate  the  material  points  of  that 
which  hath  been  said;  and  to  give  the  rule  or  sen 
tence.  Whatsoever  is  above  these  is  too  much;  and 
proceedeth  either  of  glory  and  willingness  to  speak,  or 
of  impatience  to  hear,  or  of  shortness  of  memory,  or 
of  want  of  a  staid  and  equal  attention.  It  is  a  strange 
thing  to  see  that 13  the  boldness  of  advocates  should  pre 
vail  with  judges ;  whereas  thgy_should  imitate  God,  in 
whose  seat  they  sit;  who  represseth  the  presumptuous,1* 
and  giveth  grace  to  the  modest.  But  it  is  more  strange, 
that  judges  should  have  noted  favorites;  which  can 
not  but  cause  multiplication  of  fees,  and  suspicion  of 
by-ways.15  There  is  due  from  the  judge  to  the  advo 
cate  some  commendation  and  gracing,  where  causes 
are  well  handled  and  fair  pleaded ;  especially  towards 
the  side  which  obtaineth  not;  for  that  upholds  in  the 
client  the  reputation  of  his  counsel,  and  beats  down  in 
him  the  conceit  of  his  cause.  There  is  likewise  due 
to  the  public  a  civil  reprehension  of  advocates,  where 
there  appeareth  cunning  counsel,  gross  neglect,  slight 
information,  indiscreet  pressing,  or  an  over-bold  de 
fence.  And  let  not  the  counsel  at  the  bar  chop  with  16 
the  judge,  nor  wind  himself  into  the  handling  of  the 
cause  anew  after  the  judge  hath  declared  his  sentence; 
but,  on  the  other  side,  let  not  the  judge  meet  the  cause 
half  way,  nor  give  occasion  for  the  party  to  say  his 
counsel  or  proofs  were  not  heard. 

Thirdly,  for  that  that  concerns  clerks  and  ministers. 
The  place  of  justice  is  an  hallowed  place;  and  therefore 
not  only  the  bench,  but  the  foot-pace  and  precincts  and 
purprise  thereof,  ought  to  be  preserved  without  scandal 
and  corruption.  For  certainly  grapes  (as  the  Scrip 
ture  saith  17)  will  not  be  gathered  of  thorns  or  thistles; 
neither  can  justice  yield  her  fruit  with  sweetness 


OF    JUDICATURE  169 

amongst  the  briars  and  brambles  of  catching  and  poll 
ing  clerks  and  ministers.  The  attendance  of  courts  is 
subject  to  four  bad  instruments.  First,  certain  persons 
that  are  sowers  of  suits;  which  make  the  court  swell, 
and  the  country  pine.  The  second  sort  is  of  those  that 
engage  courts  in  quarrels  of  jurisdiction,18  and  are  not 
truly  amid  curice,  but  parasiti  curice  [not  friends  but 
parasites  of  the  court],  in  puffing  a  court  up  beyond 
her  bounds,  for  their  own  scraps  and  advantage. 
The  third  sort  is  of  those  that  may  be  accounted 
the  left  hands  of  courts;  persons  that  are  full  of  nim 
ble  and  sinister  tricks  and  shifts,  whereby  they  pervert 
the  plain  and  direct  courses  of  courts,  and  bring  jus 
tice  into  oblique  lines  and  labyrinths.  And  the  fourth 
is  the  poller  and  exacter  of  fees;  which  justifies  the 
common  resemblance  of  the  courts  of  justice  to  the 
bush  whereunto  while  the  sheep  flies  for  defence  in 
weather,19  he  is  sure  to  lose  part  of  his  fleece.  On  the 
other  side,  an  ancient  clerk,  skilful  in  precedents,  wary 
in  proceeding,  and  understanding  in  the  business  of 
the  court,  is  an  excellent  finger  of  a  court;  and  doth 
many  times  point  the  way  to  the  judge  himself. 

Fourthly,  for  that  which  may  concern  the  sovereign 
and  estate.  Judges  ought  above  all  to  remember  the 
conclusion  of  the  Roman  Twelve  Tables; 20  Saluspop- 
uli  suprema  lex  [The  supreme  law  of  all  is  the  weal  of 
the  people];  and  to  know  that  laws,  except  they  be  in 
order  to  that  end,  are  but  things  captious,  and  oracles 
not  well  inspired.  Therefore  it  is  an  happy  thing 
in  a  state  when  kings  and  states  do  often  consult  with 
judges;  and  again  when  judges  do  often  consult  with 
the  king  and  state:  the  one,  when  there  is  matter  of 
law  intervenient  in  business  of  state;  the  other,  when 
there  is  some  consideration  of  state  intervenient  in 


170        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

matter  of  law.  For  many  times  the  things  deduced 
to  judgment  may  be  meum  and  tuum  [mine  and  thine], 
when  the  reason  and  consequence  thereof  may  trench 
to  point  of  estate :  I  call  matter  of  estate,  not  only  the 
parts  of  sovereignty,  but  whatsoever  introduceth  any 
great  alteration  or  dangerous  precedent;  or  concerneth 
manifestly  any  great  portion  of  people.  And  let  no  man 
weakly  conceive  that  just  laws  and  true  policy  have  any 
antipathy;  for  they  are  like  the  spirits21  and  sinews, 
that  one  moves  with  the  other.  Let  judges  also  remem 
ber,  that  Solomon's  throne 22  was  supported  by  lions  on 
both  sides:  let  them  be  lions,  but  yet  lions  under  the 
throne;  being  circumspect  that  they  do  not  check  or 
oppose 23  any  points  of  sovereignty.  Let  not  judges  also 
be  so  ignorant  of  their  own  right,  as  to  think  there  is  not 
left  to  them,  as  a  principal  part  of  their  office,  a  wise  use 
and  application  of  laws.  For  they  may  remember  what 
the  apostle  saith  of  a  greater  law  than  theirs;  Nos 
scimus 24  quia  lex  bona  est,  modo  quis  ea  utatur  legitime 
[We  know  that  the  law  is  good,  if  a  man  use  it  lawfully] 

LVII 

OF  ANGER 

To  seek  to  extinguish  anger  utterly  is  but  a  bravery  l 
of  the  Stoics.  We  have  better  oracles :  Be  angry,2  but 
sin  not.  Let  not  the  sun  go  down  upon  your  anger. 
Anger  must  be  limited  and  confined  both  in  race  and 
in  time.  We  will  first  speak  how  the  natural  inclina 
tion  and  habit  to  be  angry  may  be  attempered  and 
calmed.  Secondly,  how  the  particular  motions  of  an 
ger  may  be  repressed,  or  at  least  refrained  from  doing 
mischief.  Thirdly,  how  to  raise  anger  or  appease  an 
ger  in  another. 


OF   ANGER  171 

For  the  first;  there  is  no  other  way  but  to  meditate 
and  ruminate  well  upon  the  effects  of  anger,  how  it 
troubles  man's  life.  And  the  best  time  to  do  this  is  to 
look  back  upon  anger  when  the  fit  is  thoroughly  over, 
Seneca  saith  well,3  That  anger  is  like  ruin,  which  breaks 
itself  upon  that  it  falls.  The  Scripture  exhorteth  4  us 
to  possess  our  souls  in  patience.  Whosoever  is  out  of 
patience,  is  out  of  possession  of  his  soul.  Men  must 
not  turn  bees; 

.  .  .  animasque5  in  vulnere  ponunt 

[that  put  their  lives  in  the  sting]. 

Anger  is  certainly  a  kind  of  baseness; 6  as  it  appears 
well  in  the  weakness  of  those  subjects  in  whom  it 
reigns;  children,  women,  old  folks,  sick  folks.  Only 
men  must  beware  that  they  carry  their  anger  rather 
with  scorn  than  with  fear;  so  that  they  may  seem 
rather  to  be  above  the  injury  than  below  it;  which 
is  a  thing  easily  done,  if  a  man  will  give  law  to  him 
self  in  it. 

For  the  second  point ;  the  causes  and  motives  of  an 
ger  are  chiefly  three.  First,  to  be  too  sensible  of  hurt; 
for  no  man  is  angry  that  feels  not  himself  hurt;  and 
therefore  tender  and  delicate  persons  must  needs  be 
oft  angry ;  they  have  so  many  things  to  trouble  them 
which  more  robust  natures  have  little  sense  of.  Th* 
next  is,  the  apprehension  and  construction  of  the  in 
jury  offered  to  be,  in  the  circumstances  thereof,  full 
of  contempt:  for  contempt  is  that  which  putteth  ar 
edge  upon  anger,  as  much  or  more  than  the  hurt  itself. 
And  therefore  when  men  are  ingenious  in  picking  out 
circumstances  of  contempt,  they  do  kindle  their  anger 
much.  Lastly,  opinion  of  the  touch  of  a  man's  repu 
tation  doth  multiply  and  sharpen  anger.  Wherein 
the  remedy  is,  that  a  man  should  have,  as  Consalvo 7 


172        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

was  wont  to  say,  telam  honoris  crassiorem  [an  honor 
of  a  stouter  web].  But  in  all  refrainings  of  anger,  it 
is  the  best  remedy  to  win  time;  and  to  make  a  man's 
self  believe,  that  the  opportunity  of  his  revenge  is  not 
yet  come,  but  that  he  foresees  a  time  for  it ;  and  so  to 
itill  himself  in  the  meantime,  and  reserve  it. 

To  contain  anger  from  mischief,  though  it  take  hold 
of  a  man,  there  be  two  things  whereof  you  must  have 
special  caution.  The  one,  of  extreme  bitterness  of 
words,  especially  if  they  be  aculeate  8  and  proper  ;  for 
communia  maledicta  [common  revilings]  are  nothing  so 
much ;  and  again,  that  in  anger  a  man  reveal  no  secrets ; 
for  that  makes  him  not  fit  for  society.  The  other,  that 
you  do  not  peremptorily  break  off,  in  any  business,  in 
a  fit  of  anger;  but  howsoever  you  show  bitterness,  do 
not  act  anything  that  is  not  revocable. 

For  raising  and  appeasing  anger  in  another;  it  is 
done  chiefly  by  choosing  of  times,  when  men  are  fro- 
wardest  and  worst  disposed,  to  incense  them,  Again, 
by  gathering  (as  was  touched  before)  all  that  you  can 
find  out  to  aggravate  the  contempt.  And  the  two 
remedies  are  by  the  contraries.  The  former  to  take 
good  times,  when  first  to  relate  to  a  man  an  angry 
business;  for  the  first  impression  is  much;  and  the 
other  is,  to  sever,  as  much  as  may  be,  the  construction 
of  the  injury  from  the  point  of  contempt;  imputing  it 
to  misunderstanding,  fear,  passion,9  or  what  you  will. 

LVIII 

OF   VICISSITUDE   OF   THINGS 

SOLOMON  saith,1  There  is  no  new  thing  upon  the  earth. 
So  that  as  Plato  2  had  an  imagination,  That  all  know- 
ledge  was  but  remembrance;  so  Solomon  giveth  his  sen- 


OF   VICISSITUDE   OF   THINGS  17$ 

tence,3  That  all  novelty  is  but  oblivion.  Whereby  you 
may  see  that  the  river  of  Lethe  4  runneth  as  well  above 
ground  as  below.  There  is  an  abstruse  astrologer 5  that 
saith,  If  it  were  not  for  two  things  that  are  constant  (the 
one  is,  that  the  fixed  stars  ever  stand  at  like  distance  one 
from  another,  and  never  come  nearer  together,  nor  go 
further  asunder;  the  other,  that  the  diurnal  motion 
perpetually  keepeth  time),  no  individual  would  last  one 
moment.  Certain  it  is,  that  the  matter  is  in  a  perpetual 
flux,  and  never  at  a  stay.  The  great  winding-sheets, 
that  bury  all  things  in  oblivion,  are  two;  deluges  and 
earthquakes.  As  for  conflagrations  and  great  droughts, 
they  do  not  merely  dispeople  and  destroy.  Phaeton's 
car  6  went  but  a  day.  And  the  three  years'  drought 7  in 
the  time  of  Elias  was  but  particular,  and  left  people 
alive.  As  for  the  great  burnings  by  lightnings,  which 
are  often  in  the  West  Indies,  they  are  but  narrow. 
But  in  the  other  two  destructions,  by  deluge  and  earth 
quake,  it  is  further  to  be  noted,  that  the  remnant  of 
people  which  hap  to  be  reserved,  are  commonly  igno 
rant  and  mountainous  people,  that  can  give  no  account 
of  the  time  past;  so  that  the  oblivion  is  all  one  as  if 
none  had  been  left.  If  you  consider  well  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  West  Indies,8  it  is  very  probable  that  they 
are  a  newer  or  a  younger  people  than  the  people  of  the 
Old  World.  And  it  is  much  more  likely  that  the  de 
struction  that  hath  heretofore  been  there  was  not  by 
earthquakes  (as  the  Egyptian  priest  told  Solon  con 
cerning  the  island  of  Atlantis,9  that  it  was  swallowed  by 
an  earthquake),  but  rather  that  it  was  desolated  by  a 
particular  deluge.  For  earthquakes  are  seldom  in  those 
parts.  But  on  the  other  side,  they  have  such  pouring 
rivers,  as  the  rivers  of  Asia  and  Africk  and  Europe 
are  but  brooks  to  them.  Their  Andes,  likewise,  ol 


174        THE  ESSAYS  OF  FRANCIS  BACON 

mountains,  are  far  higher  than  those  with  us ;  whereby 
it  seems  that  the  remnants  of  generation  of  men  were 
in  such  a  particular  deluge  saved.  As  for  the  obser 
vation  that  Machiavel 10  hath,  that  the  jealousy  of  sect? 
doth  much  extinguish  the  memory  of  things;  tradu 
cing  Gregory  the  Great,11  that  he  did  what  in  him  lay 
to  extinguish  all  heathen  antiquities  ;  I  do  not  find 
that  those  zeals  do  any  great  effects,  nor  last  long;  as 
it  appeared  in  the  succession  of  Sabinian,12  who  did 
revive  the  former  antiquities.13 

The  vicissitude  of  mutations  in  the  superior  globe  ^ 
are  no  fit  matter  for  this  present  argument.  It  may 
be,  Plato's  great  year,15  if  the  world  should  last  so  long, 
would  have  some  effect;  not  in  renewing  the  state  of 
like  individuals  (for  that  is  the  fume  of  those  that  con 
ceive  the  celestial  bodies  have  more  accurate  influ 
ences  18  upon  these  things  below  than  indeed  they  have), 
but  in  gross.  Comets,  out  of  question,  have  likewise 
power  and  effect  over  the  gross  and  mass  of  things; 
but  they  are  rather  gazed  upon,  and  waited  upon  in 
their  journey,  than  wisely  observed  in  their  effects; 
specially  in  their  respective  effects;  that  is,  what  kind 
of  comet,  for  magnitude,  color,  version  of  the  beams, 
placing  in  the  region  of  heaven,17  or  lasting,  produceth 
what  kind  of  effects. 

There  is  a  toy  which  I  have  heard,  and  I  would  nof 
have  it  given  over,  but  waited  upon  a  little.  They  saj 
it  is  observed  in  the  Low  Countries  (I  know  not  in 
what  part)  that  every  five  and  thirty  years  the  same 
kind  and  suit  of  years  and  weathers  comes  about 
again;  as  great  frosts, 'great  wet,  great  droughts, 
warm  winters,  summers  with  little  heat,  and  the  like; 
and  they  call  it  the  Prime.  It  is  a  thing  I  do  the 
rather  mention,  because,  computing  backwards,  I  have 
found  some  concurrence. 


175 

But  to  leave  these  points  of  nature,  and  to  come  to 
men.  The  greatest  vicissitude  of  things  amongst  men, 
is  the  vicissitude  of  sects  and  religions.  For  those  orbs 
rule  in  men's  minds  most.  The  true  religion  is  built 
upon  the  rock;is  the  rest  are  tossed  upon  the  waves  of 
iime.  To  speak,  therefore,  of  the  causes  of  new  sects; 
and  to  give  some  counsel  concerning  them,  as  far  as 
the  weakness  of  human  judgment  can  give  stay  to  so 
great  revolutions. 

When  the  religion  formerly  received  is  rent  by  dis 
cords;  and  when  the  holiness  of  the  professors  of  re 
ligion  is  decayed  and  full  of  scandal;  and  withal  the 
times  be  stupid,  ignorant,  and  barbarous;  you  may 
doubt 19  the  springing  up  of  a  new  sect;  if  then  also 
there  should  arise  any  extravagant  and  strange  spirit 
to  make  himself  author  thereof.  All  which  points 
held  when  Mahomet  published  his  law.20  If  a  new 
sect  have  not  two  properties,  fear  it  not;  for  it  will 
not  spread.  The  one  is  the  supplanting  or  the  oppos 
ing  of  authority  established;  for  nothing  is  more  pop 
ular  than  that.  The  other  is  the  giving  licence  to 
pleasures  and  a  voluptuous  life.  For  as  for  speculative 
heresies  (such  as  were  in  ancient  times  the  Arians,21 
and  now  the  Arminians 22),  though  they  work  mightily 
upon  men's  wits,  yet  they  do  not  produce  any  great 
alterations  in  states;  except  it  be  by  the  help  of  civil 
occasions.  There  be  three  manner  of  plantations  of 
new  sects.  By  the  power  of  signs  and  miracles;  by 
the  eloquence  and  wisdom  of  speech  and  persuasion; 
and  by  the  sword.  For  martyrdoms,  I  reckon  them 
amongst  miracles;  because  they  seem  to  exceed  the 
strength  of  human  nature:  and  I  may  do  the  like 
of  superlative  and  admirable  holiness  of  life.  Surely 
there  is  no  better  way  to  stop  the  rising  of  new  sects 


176       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

and  schisms  than  to  reform  abuses;  to  compound  the 
smaller  differences;  to  proceed  mildly,  and  not  with 
sanguinary  persecutions;  and  rather  to  take  off  the 
principal  authors  by  winning  and  advancing  them, 
than  to  enrage  them  by  violence  and  bitterness. 

The  changes  and  vicissitude  in  wars  are  many;  but 
chiefly  in  three  things;  in  the  seats  or  stages  of  the 
war;  in  the  weapons;  and  in  the  manner  of  the  con 
duct.  Wars,  in  ancient  time,  seemed  more  to  move 
from  east  to  west;  for  the  Persians,23  Assyrians,24 
Arabians,25  Tartars26  (which  were  the  invaders)  were 
all  eastern  people.  It  is  true,  the  Gauls  were  western; 
but  we  read  but  of  two  incursions  of  theirs :  the  one  tc 
Gallo-Grecia,27  the  other  to  Rome.28  But  east  and 
west  have  no  certain  points  of  heaven;  and  no  more 
have  the  wars,  either  from  the  east  or  west,  any  cer 
tainty  of  observation.  But  north  and  south  are  fixed; 
and  it  hath  seldom  or  never  been  seen  that  the  far 
southern  people  have  invaded  the  northern,  but  con 
trariwise.  Whereby  it  is  manifest  that  the  northern 
tract  of  the  world  is  in  nature  the  more  martial  region : 
be  it  in  respect  of  the  stars  29  of  that  hemisphere;  or  of 
the  great  continents  that  are  upon  the  north,  whereas 
the  south  part,  for  aught  that  is  known,  is  almost 
all  sea;  or  (which  is  most  apparent)  of  the  cold  of 
the  northern  parts,  which  is  that  which,  without  aid 
of  discipline,  doth  make  the  bodies  hardest,  and  the 
courages  warmest.30 

Upon  the  breaking  and  shivering  of  a  great  state 
and  empire,  you  may  be  sure  to  have  wars.  For  great 
empires,  while  they  stand,  do  enervate  and  destroy  the 
forces  of  the  natives  which  they  have  subdued,  resting 
upon  their  own  protecting  forces;  and  then  when  they 
Tail  also,  all  goes  to  ruin,  and  they  become  a  prey. 


OF   VICISSITUDE    OF   THINGS  177 

So  was  it  in  the  decay  of  the  Roman  empire;  and 
likewise  in  the  empire  of  Almaigne,31  after  Charles  32 
the  Great,  every  bird  taking  a  feather;  and  were  not 
unlike  to  befall  to  Spain,  if  it  should  break.  The  great 
accessions  and  unions  of  kingdoms  do  likewise  stir  up 
wars:  for  when  a  state  grows  to  an  over-power,  it  is 
like  a  great  flood,  that  will  be  sure  to  overflow.  As  it 
hath  been  seen  in  the  states  of  Rome,  Turkey,  Spain, 
and  others.  Look  when  the  world  hath  fewest  barbar 
ous  peoples,  but  such  as  commonly  will  not  marry  or 
generate,  except  they  know  means  to  live  (as  it  is  al 
most  everywhere  at  this  day,  except  Tartary),  there  is 
no  danger  of  inundations  of  people:  but  when  there 
be  great  shoals  of  people,  which  go  on  to  populate, 
without  foreseeing  means  of  life  and  sustentation,  it  is 
of  necessity  that  once  in  an  age  or  two  they  discharge 
a  portion  of  their  people  upon  other  nations;  which 
the  ancient  northern  people  were  wont  to  do  by  lot;  8 
casting  lots  what  part  should  stay  at  home,  and  what 
should  seek  their  fortunes.  When  a  warlike  state 
grows  soft  and  effeminate,  they  may  be  sure  of  a  war. 
For  commonly  such  states  are  grown  rich  in  the  time 
of  their  degenerating;  and  so  the  prey  inviteth,  and 
their  decay  in  valor  encourageth  a  war.34 

As  for  the  weapons,  it  hardly  falleth  under  rule  and 
observation:  yet  we  see  even  they  have  returns  and 
vicissitudes.  For  certain  it  is,  that  ordnance 35  was 
known  3e  in  the  city  of  the  Oxidrakes  in  India;  and 
was  that  which  the  Macedonians  called  thunder  and 
lightning,  and  magic.  And  it  is  well  known  that  th< 
use  of  ordnance  hath  been  in  China  above  two  thou 
sand  years.  The  conditions  of  weapons,  and  their  im» 
provement,  are:  First,  the  fetching  afar  off;  for  that 
outruns  the  danger;  as  it  is  seen  in  ordnance  and 


178       THE   ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

muskets.  Secondly,  the  strength  of  the  percussion; 
wherein  likewise  ordnance  do  exceed  all  arietations  " 
and  ancient  inventions.  The  third  is,  the  commodious 
use  of  them;  as  that  they  may  serve  in  all  weathers; 
that  the  carriage  may  be  light  and  manageable;  and 
the  like. 

For  the  conduct  of  the  war:  at  the  first,  men  rested 
extremely  upon  number:  they  did  put  the  wars  like 
wise  upon  main  force  and  valor;  pointing  days  for 
pitched  fields,  and  so  trying  it  out  upon  an  even 
match:  and  they  were  more  ignorant  in  ranging  and 
arraying  their  battles.  After  they  grew  to  rest  upon 
number  rather  competent  than  vast;  they  grew  to 
advantages  of  place,  cunning  diversions,  and  the  like* 
and  they  grew  more  skilful  in  the  ordering  of  their 
battles. 

In  the  youth  of  a  state,  arms  do  flourish ;  in  the  mid 
dle  age  of  a  state,  learning;  and  then  both  of  them 
together  for  a  time;  in  the  declining  age  of  a  state, 
mechanical  arts  and  merchandize.  Learning  hath  his 
infancy,38  when  it  is  but  beginning  and  almost  child 
ish;  then  his  youth,  when  it  is  luxuriant  and  juvenile; 
then  his  strength  of  years,  when  it  is  solid  and  reduced ; 
and  lastly,  his  old  age,  when  it  waxeth  dry  and  ex 
haust.39  But  it  is  not  good  to  look  too  long  upon  these 
turning  wheels  of  vicissitude,  lest  we  become  giddy. 
As  for  the  philology  40  of  them,  that  is  but  a  circle  of 
tales,41  and  therefore  not  fit  for  this  writing. 


OF   FAME  179 


LIX 

OP   FAME 

A  Fragment 

THE  poets  make  Fame  a  monster.  They  describe 
her  in  part  finely  and  elegantly,  and  in  part  gravely 
and  sententiously.  They  say,1  look  how  many  feath 
ers  she  hath,  so  many  eyes  she  hath  underneath;  so 
many  tongues ;  so  many  voices ;  she  pricks  up  so  many 
ears. 

This  is  a  flourish.  There  follow  excellent  parables; 
as  that  she  gathereth  strength  in  going ;  that  she  goeth 
upon  the  ground  and  yet  hideth  her  head  in  the  clouds ; 
that  in  the  daytime  she  sitteth  in  a  watch  tower  and 
flieth  most  by  night;  that  she  mingleth  things  done 
with  things  not  done;  and  that  she  is  a  terror  to  great 
cities.  But  that  which  passeth  all  the  rest  is:  They  do 
recount  that  the  Earth,  mother  of  the  giants  that  made 
war  against  Jupiter  and  were  by  him  destroyed,  there 
upon  in  an  anger  brought  forth  Fame.  For  certain  it 
is  that  rebels,  figured  by  the  giants,  and  seditious 
fames  and  libels  are  but  brothers  and  sisters,  mascu 
line  and  feminine.  But  now,  if  a  man  can  tame  this 
monster,  and  bring  her  to  feed  at  the  hand,  and  govern 
her,  and  with  her  fly  other  ravening  fowl  and  kill  them, 
it  is  somewhat  worth.  But  we  are  infected  with  the 
style  of  the  poets.  To  speak  now  in  a  sad  and  serious 
manner:  There  is  not  in  all  the  politics  a  place  less 
handled  and  more  worthy  to  be  handled  than  this  of 
fame.  We  will  therefore  speak  of  these  points:  What 
are  false  fames;  and  what  are  true  fames;  and  how 
they  may  be  best  discerned;  how  fames  may  be  sown 


180       THE    ESSAYS   OF   FRANCIS   BACON 

and  raised;  how  they  may  be  spread  and  multiplied; 
and  how  they  may  be  checked  and  laid  dead.  And 
other  things  concerning  the  nature  of  fame.  Fame  is  of 
that  force,  as  there  is  scarcely  any  great  action  wherein 
it  hath  not  a  great  part;  especially  in  the  war.  Muci- 
anus  2  undid  Vitellius  by  a  fame  that  he  scattered : 
that  Vitellius  had  in  purpose  to  remove  the  legions  of 
Syria  into  Germany  and  the  legions  of  Germany  into 
Syria;  whereupon  the  legions  of  Syria  were  infinitely 
inflamed.  Julius  Caesar 3  took  Pompey  unprovided 
and  laid  asleep  his  industry  and  preparations  by  a 
fame  that  he  cunningly  gave  out:  how  Caesar's  own 
soldiers  loved  him  not,  and  being  wearied  with  the 
wars  and  laden  with  the  spoils  of  Gaul,  would  forsake 
him  as  soon  as  he  came  into  Italy.  Livia 4  settled  all 
things  for  the  succession  of  her  son  Tiberius  by  con 
tinual  giving  out  that  her  husband  Augustus  was  upon 
recovery  and  amendment.  And  it  is  an  usual  thing  with 
the  pashas  to  conceal  the  death  of  the  Great  Turk  from 
the  janizaries  and  men  of  war,  to  save  the  sacking  of 
Constantinople  and  other  towns,  as  their  manner  is. 
Themistocles 5  made  Xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  post 
apace  out  of  Grecia  by  giving  out  that  the  Grecians 
had  a  purpose  to  break  his  bridge  of  ships  which  he 
had  made  athwart  Hellespont.  There  be  a  thousand 
such  like  examples;  and  the  more  they  are,  the  less 
they  need  to  be  repeated ;  because  a  man  meeteth  with 
them  everywhere.  Therefore  let  all  wise  governors 
have  as  great  a  watch  and  care  over  fames  as  they  have 
of  the  actions  and  designs  themselves. 

[The  essay  was  not  finished.} 


NOTES 

The  following  abbreviations  will  be  used:  cf.,  compare;  A, 
Abbott;  B.,  Bacon;  R.,  Reynolds;  S.,  Spedding;  W.,  Wright; 
Adv.,  The  Advancement  of  Learning;  Life,  Spedding's  Letters  and 
Life.  Plutarch's  Morals,  unless  otherwise  noted,  is  quoted  from 
Holland's  translation,  2d  edition,  1657;  his  Lives,  from  North's 
translation,  ed.  G.  Wyndham,  Tudor  Translations,  1895. 

I.   OF  TRUTH 

NOTE 

1  Jesting  Pikte:  John  xviii,  38.   Was  Pilate  jesting?  B.,  at 
any  rate,  makes  him  a  type  of  the  cynical  skeptic. 

2  In  giddiness:  Lat.  "in  a  whirl  of  thoughts." 

3  Philosophers  of  that  kind:  the  Skeptics,  of  whom  Pyrrhc 
of  Elis  (365-c.  275  B.  c.)  was  the  first;  he  taught  that  if 
sense  and  reason  singly  deceive  us,  the  two  together  can 
not  be  expected  to  give  us  truth.    We  perceive  tilings  not 
as  they  really  are,  but  as  they  appear  in  accidental  rela 
tions;    hence    absolute    knowledge   is   impossible.     Other 
skeptics  were  Arcesilaus  (315-241  B.  c.)  and  Carneades  of 
Gyrene  (d.  129  B.  c.),  who  represent  the  Middle  and  the 
New  Academy  respectively. 

4  Discoursing  wits:   Lat.  "windy  and   rambling."    B.  may 
here  refer  to  Francisco  Sanchez,  the  Portuguese-Spanish 
physician  and  skeptical  philosopher  (1562-1632),  whose 
treatise  That  Nothing  is  Known  (1581)  begins:   "I  do  not 
know  even  this,  that  I  know  nothing.    I  guess,  however, 
that  neither  I  nor  others  know  anything."    This  treatise 
made  a  great  stir  at  the  time. 

5  One  of  the  later  school:  Lucian,  Philopseudes,  i.   Cf.  Essay 
xvi,  note  15. 

6  As  candle-lights:  cf.  Essay  xxxvii,  p.  120, 11.  24  ff. 

7  One  of  the  fathers:  R.  thinks  that  here  B.  confuses  two  say 
ings:  one  by  Jerome  in  a  letter  to  Damasus,  "Devil's  food 
are  the  songs  of  poets;"  the  other  by  Augustine  (Confes 
sions,  i,  16)  in  which  he  speaks  of  poetry  as  "wine  of  error 
furnished  by  drunken  teachers."   In  Adv.  xxii,  13,  B.  says: 
"  Did  not  one  of  the  fathers  in  great  indignation  call  poesy 
vinum  damonum,  because  it  increaseth  temptations,  per 
turbations,  and  vain  opinions  ?  " 

8  The  poet:   Lucretius,  regarded  as  the  ornament  of  the  Epi 
cureans;  On  the  Nature  of  Things,  ii,  1-13.   Cf.  Adv.  viii,  5. 

9  Move  in  charity:  the  figure  is  drawn  from  the  Ptolemaic 
astronomy,  thus  outlined  by  Masson:  The  earth  was  re 
garded  as  the  fixed  centre  of  the  universe!  and  the  apparent 


182  NOTES 

NOTE 

motions  of  the  other  heavenly  bodies  were  caused  by  the 
revolutions  of  successive  heavens,  or  spheres  of  space,  en 
closing  the  central  earth  at  different  distances.  Nearest 
the  earth  were  the  spheres  of  the  seven  planets,  the  moon, 
Mercury,  Venus,  the  sun,  Mars,  Jupiter,  and  Saturn. 
Beyond  these,  as  an  eighth  sphere,  was  the  firmament  of 
the  fixed  stars.  This  wheeled  about  diurnally,  from  east 
to  west,  carrying  in  it  the  fixed  stars  and  with  it  all  the 
interior  spheres  —  which  had  also  separate  slower  motions 
of  their  own.  The  ninth  sphere,  the  Crystalline,  accounted 
for  the  procession  of  the  equinoxes.  The  tenth  sphere, 
enclosing  the  universe  from  absolute  infinity,  was  the  Pri- 
mum  Mobile,  or  "First  Movable."  This  system  was  gen 
erally  accepted  down  to  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen 
tury.  A.  thus  interprets  B.:  "The  motions  of  heaven  are 
transferred  to  earth,  when  a  man's  heart  has  charity  for 
his  Primum  Mobile,  providence  for  Space,  truth  for  his 
Poles."  Cf.  Essay  xv,  p.  45,  1.  1. 

10  Truth  of  civil  business:  Lat.  "  truth  or  rather  veracity." 

11  Montaigne  saith:  Essays  ii,  IS:  "To  lie  is  an  horrible-filthy 
vice,  and  which  an  ancient  writer  [Plutarch,  Lives,  iii,  233] 
setteth  forth  very  shamefully  when  he  saith  that  whoso 
ever  lieth,  witnesseth  that  he  contemneth  God,  and  there 
withal  f caret h  men." 

12  Peal:  cf.  Macbeth,  iii,  2,  43. 

Ere  to  black  Hecate's  summons 
The  shard-born  beetle  with  his  drowsy  hums 
Hath  rung  night's  yawning  peal.  .  .  . 

13  It  being  foretold:  Luke  xviii,  8.    Does  "faith"  here  mean 
"truthfulness"? 

II.    OF   DEATH 

1  Books  of  mortification:  the  reference  has  not  been  traced. 

2  Him  that  spake:  Seneca,  Epistles,  iii,  3,  14. 

3  Blacks:   garments   of  mourning.     Cf.    "Ere    blacks   were 
bought  for  his  own  funeral."   B.  Jonson,  Epigrams,  44,  3. 

4  We  read:  Plutarch,  Lives,  vi,  339. 

5  Seneca  adds:  Epistles,  x,  1,  6.    Seneca  (a  celebrated  Stoic 
philosopher  and  dramatist,  4  B.  C.-65),  really  quoted  the 
words  from  an  address  by  "our  Stoic  friend"  to  a  young 
man  who  had  called  a  council  of  his  friends  to  help  him 
decide  whether  or  not  he  should  commit  suicide. 

6  Augustus  Caesar:  Suetonius,  Augustus,  xcix. 

7  Tacitus  saith:  Annals,  vi,  50. 

8  Vespasian:  Roman  emperor,  70-79;  cf.  Suetonius,  Vespasian, 

XXlll. 

9  Galba:  Roman  emperor,  68-69;  cf.  Tacitus,  History,  i,  41; 
Plutarch,  Lives,  vi,  318;  Suetonius,  Galba.  xx. 


NOTES  183 

NOTE 

10  Septimius   Severus:   Roman   emperor,  193-211;   cf.   Dion 
Cassius,  Ixvii,  17. 

11  The  Stoics:   "This  is  certainly  true  about    Seneca,  who 
returns  to  the  subject  again  and  again  with  most  minutt 
and  tedious  iteration."    R.  The  Stoics  took  their  name 
from  the  "Painted  Porch"  (Stoa)  at  Athens,  where  Zeno 
taught  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  B.  c.  They  believed 
that  men  should  be  unmoved  by  joy  or  grief  or  passion  and 
should  submit  to  the  necessity  which  governed  the  world; 
and  that  the  supreme  thing  to  attain  was  virtue. 

12  Better  saith  he:  Juvenal,  Satires,  x,  358.   The  original  has 
"space"  instead  of  "close." 

13  Nunc  dimittis:  Luke  ii,  29. 

14  Extinctus  amabitur  idem:  Horace,  Epistles,  ii,  1, 14. 

III.    OF   UNITY    IN   RELIGION 

1  The  poets:  this  is  true  of  the  Greeks,  but  scarcely  of  the 
Romans.   R. 

2  A  jealous  Goi:  Exodus  xx,  3-6. 

3  Ecce  in  deserto:  Matthew  xxiv,  26. 

4  Doctor  of  the  Gentiles:  Paul,  1  Corinthians  xiv,  23. 

5  Sit  down:  Psalms  i,  1. 

6  Master  of  scoffing:  Rabelais,  Pantagruel,  ii,  7.  La  morisque 
des  hereticques  was  one  of  the  books  which  Pantagruel 
found  in  the  library  of  St.  Victor  at  Paris.    In  England, 
morris-dancing,  with  bells  on  the  legs,  was  formerly  com 
mon   on   May   Dav,    Holy   Thursday,    and   Whitsuntide. 
The   dancers   usually   represented   the   characters  of  the 
Robin  Hood  legends. 

7  Politics:  here,  as  frequently,  politicians. 

8  Treaties:  treatises;  which  word  S.  and  A.  substitute  in  the 
text. 

9  Zealants:  zealots;  cf.  Ital.  zelante. 

10  Is  it  peace:  2  Kings  ix,  18,  19. 

11  Laodiceans:  Revelation  iii,  14-16. 

12  Cross  clauses:   Lat.  "in  those  clauses  which  at  first  sight 
appear  contradictory."  Cf.  Matthew  xii,  30;  Mark  ix,  40. 

13  One  of  the  fathers:  The  Latin  is  quoted  from  St.  Augustine, 
Commentary  on  Ps.  xliv  [xlv],  24;   but  it  does  not  refer  to 
Christ's  coat.    In  several  passages  of  St.  Bernard  is  found 
the  same  fanciful  interpretation.    The  illustration  was  a 
favorite  with  Bacon. 

14  Shall  we  not  think:  modorn  usnge  regarding  the  negative 
is  much  more  exact;  in  former  times  two  negatives  only 
strengthened  an  assertion. 

15  Devita:  1  Timothy  vi,  20. 

16  Governeth  the  meaning:  In  Nov.  Orq.,  aph.  lix,  B.  speaks  of 
words  reacting  on  the  understanding,  e.  g.  Fortune,  Prime 
Mover. 


184  NOTES 

NOTE 

17  Implicit:  entangled. 

18  Nebuchadnezzar's  image:  Daniel  ii,  33,  41. 

19  Two  swords:  Luke  xxii,  38. 

20  The  first  table :  Exodus  xxxii,  15, 16;  xxxiv,  1-5,  29. 

21  Lucretius:  On  the  Nature  of  Things,  i,  95.   On  their  way  to 
attack  Troy,  the  Greeks,  through  the  wrath  of  Artemis, 
were  delayed  at  Aulis  by  contrary  winds.    To  propitiate 
the  goddess,  Agamemnon,  the  Greek  leader,  sacrificed  his 
daughter  Iphigenia.    Euripides  wrote  on  the  subject  a  great 
play,  the  Iphigenia  at  Aulis. 

22  The  massacre  in  France:  the  slaughter  of  Huguenots,  in 
stigated   by  Catherine  de'  Medici,   which   began  on  St. 
Bartholomew's  Day,  August  24,   1572.    The  number  of 
victims  was  between  twenty  and  thirty  thousand. 

23  The  powder  treason:  the  Gunpowder  Plot,  the  object  of 
which  was  the  destruction  of  James  I  and  the  Parliament. 
It  was  foiled  by  the  arrest  of  Guy  Fawkes  on  November  5, 
1605. 

24  Epicure:  Epicurean,  a  follower  of  Epicurus,  who  taught 
that  pleasure  is  the  highest  good. 

25  The  Anabaptists:  a  sect  which  became  prominent  in  the 
fifteenth  century.  Their  refusal  "  to  recognize  the  authority 
of  the  civil  ruler,  and  their  assertion  of  the  equality  of 
all  men  under  an  assumed  divine  illumination,  explain 
and  bear  out  Bacon's  reference  to  them  in  the  text.  That 
he  had  especially  in  his  mind  the  authors  of  the  great 
Anabaptist  outbreak  at  Munster  (1534)  appears  from  the 
edition  of  1612,  where  he  speaks  of  them  as  'the  madmen 
of  Munster.'"  R. 

26  When  the  devil  said:  an  allusion  to  the  fall  of  Lucifer;  cf. 
Isaiah  xiv,  12-14;  and  Paradise  Lost,  i,  27-81. 

27  The  likeness  of  a  dove:  Luke  iii,  22. 

28  Mercury  rod:  the  caduceus,  with  which  "he  calls  forth  pale 
souls  from  Orcus,  and  sends  others  to  sad  Tartarus;"  cf. 
Virgil,  &neid,  iv,  242-244. 

29  That  counsel  of  the  apostle:  James  i,  20. 

30  A  wise  father:  who,  is  not  known.    R.  refers  to  Marcus 
Antonius  de  Dominis  (1566-1624),  archbishop  of  Spalatro, 
On  the  Ecclesiastical  Republic,  vii,  8,  "That  in  promul 
gating  and  preserving  the  Christian  faith  external  force  is 
not  to  be  employed;"  Cyprian,  Epistles,  41. 

31  Interessed:  the  older  form  of  interested;  cf.  Spenser,  Faerie 
Queene,  vii,  6,  33. 

IV.    OF   REVENGE 

1  Solomon:  Proverbs  xix,  11. 

2  No  law  to  remedy:  A.  thinks  the  reference  is  to  duelling 
(cf.  Introduction,  p.  xvi)  and  compares:  "As  for  the  sec 
ond  defect  pretended  in  our  law,  that  it  hath  provided  no 


NOTES  185 

NOTE 

remedy  for  lies  and  fillips,  any  lawgiver,  if  he  had  been 
asked  the  question,  would  have  made  Solon's  answer: 
That  he  had  not  ordained  any  punishment  for  it,  because  he 
never  imagined  the  world  would  have  been  so  fantastical  as 
to  take  it  so  highly."  Life,  iv,  406. 

3  Cosmus:  Cosmo  de'  Medici  (1519-1574)  became  duke  of 
Florence  on  the  extinction  of  the  elder  branch  of  his  family 
in  1537.    "He  administered  the  affairs  of  Florence  with 
marked  ability  and  success."    The  quotation  in  the  text 
has  not  been  traced.   R. 

4  Spirit  of  Job:  Job  ii,  10. 

5  Caesar:  avenged  by  Antony  and  Augustus,  the  result  being 
the  consolidation  of  power  under  Augustus. 

6  Pertinax:  Roman  emperor  126-193,  murdered  by  the  pre- 
torians.    The  murderers  were  put  to  death  by  Septimius 
Severus. 

7  Henry  the  Third  (1551-1589):  became  king  in  1574.    He 
was  murdered  by  the  monk  Jacques  Cl&nent,  who  was  put 
to  death  on  the  spot;  but  how  tliis  revenge  proved  fortu 
nate  is  not  clear. 

V.    OF   ADVERSITY 

1  Seneca:  Epistles,  Ixvi. 

2  A  higher  speech:  Epistles,  liii. 

3  Strange  fiction:  for  stealing  fire  from  heaven  Prometheus 
was  chained  to  a  rock  on  Mount  Caucasus,  where  an  eagle 
daily  consumed  his  liver.    Hercules  killed  the  eagle  and 
released  the  sufferer.  There  is  no  record  of  a  voyage  in  an 
earthen  pot;  but  when  he  brought  Geryones's  oxen  from 
the  island  of  Erythia,  Hercules  voyaged  in  a  golden  cup. 
"  The  voyage  of  Hercules  especially,  sailing  in  a  pitcher  to 
set  Prometheus  free,  seems  to  present  an  image  of  God  the 
Word  [Christ]  hastening  in  the  frail  vessel  of  the  flesh  to 
redeem  the  human  race."  Wisdom  of  the  Ancients,  xxvi. 

4  To  speak  in  a  mean:  Lat.  "that  we  may  come  down  from 
high-sounding  to  simple  words." 

5  Solomon:  1  Kings  iii-x. 

VI.    OF   SIMULATION   AND    DISSIMULATION 

1  Tacitus  saith:  Annals,  v,  1.  Cf.  Essay  lix,  p.  180,  1.  1. 

2  And  again :  History,  ii,  70. 

3  Tacitus  well  calleth  them:  probably  Agricola,  xxxix;  cf. 
Annals,  iii,  70. 

4  Close  air  sucketh  in:  a  comparison  based  on  the  old  theory 
of  the  vacuum.   It  was  Evangelista  Torricelli  (1608-1647) 
who  in  1643  discovered  that  this  "suction"  was  only  air- 
pressure;  cf.  H.  S.  Williams,  A  History  of  Science,  ii.  120, 
121. 


186  NOTES 

NOTE 

5  Discovery  of  a  man's  self:  R.  thinks  B.  here  had  in  mind 
the  Earl  of  Essex,  of  whom  this  was  notoriously  true.   Cf. 
the  Lat.  Adv.  viii,  Works,  ix,  284-286. 

6  No  man  can  be  secret:  "The  whole  essay  is  a  tribute  to  the 
new  power  of  policy,  which,  since  Machiavelli's  time,  was 
recognized  as  having  deposed  force;  and  policy,  in  the 
Elizabethan  times,  presupposed  simulation  and   dissimu 
lation.    'The  devil  knew  not  what  he  did  when  he  made 
man  politic;  he  crossed  himself  by  't :  and  I  cannot  but 
think,  in  the  end,  the  villanies  of  man  will  set  him  clear.' 
Timon  of  Athens,  iii,  3,  29.    A  politician  was  'one  that 
would  circumvent    God.'  Hamlet,  v,  1,  88."  A. 

7  Ure:  use;  not  from  Fr.  heur,  Lat.  augurium,  as  A.  supposes, 
but  from  Fr.  ceure,  Lat.  opera ;  cf.  inure,  manure.. 

8  Tell  a  lie :  "Experience  showeth,  there  are  few  men  so  true 
to  themselves  and  so  settled,  but  that  sometimes  .  .  .  they 
open  themselves;  specially  if  they  be  put  to  it  with  a 
counter-dissimulation,  according  to  the  proverb  of  Spain, 
Di  mentira,  y  sacaras  verdad,  Tell  a  lie  and  find  a  truth." 
Adv.  xxiii,  18. 

9  Openness  in  fame  and  opinion:  Lat.  "a  reputation  for 
veracity." 

VII.    OF   PARENTS   AND    CHILDREN 

1  And  surely:  cf.  Essay  viii,  second  sentence;  also:  "Childless 
she  [Elizabeth]  was  indeed  ...  a  thing  which  has  hap 
pened  also  to  the  most  fortunate  persons,  as  Alexander 
the  Great,  Julius  Ca>sar,  Trajan,  and  others."   B.,  To  the 
Blessed  Memory  of  Elizabeth.    Washington  was  said  to  have 
been  denied  children  that  he  might  become  the  father  of 
his  country. 

2  Difference  in  affection:  R.  thinks  B.  may  have  been  thinking 
of  himself.  He  was  his  father's  favorite  son ;  and  his  mother 
certainly  held  a  somewhat  unfavorable  opinion  of  him. 

3  As  Solomon  saith:  Proverbs  x,  1.   In  Adv.  xxiii,  6,  B.  thus 
explains  this:  "Here  is  distinguished,  that  fathers  have 
most  comfort  of  the  good  proof  of  their  sons;  but  mothers 
have  most  discomfort  of  their  ill  proof,  because  women 
have  little  discerning  of  virtue,  but  of  fortune." 

4  The  precept:  "  Verily  the  precept  of  the  Pythagoreans  serv- 
eth  to  right  good  stead  in  this  case  [of  exile]  to  be  practised. 
Choose,  say  they,  the  best  life:  use  and  custom  will  make 

.it  pleasant  enough  unto  thee."    Plutarch,  Morals,  p.  273. 

VIII.    OF   MARRIAGE   AND    SINGLE   LIFE 

1  Impediments:  is  this  true?  Why  or  why  not? 

2  Dearest  pledges:  cf.  '"Ah!  who  hath  reft,'  quoth  he,  'my 
dearest  pledge?'  "  Milton,  Lycidas,  107. 


NOTES  187 

NOTE 

3  Humorous  minds:  Lat.  phantasticis,  "eccentric."    Cf.  As 
You  Like  It,  i,  2,  278.    B.  may  be  thinking  of  Montaigne: 
"It  [marriage]  is  in  favor  at  present  rather  with  simple  and 
common  minds,  in  which  it  is  not  troubled  by  pleasure, 
curiosity,  and  ease;  the  dissolute  humors,  like  mine,  which 
abhor  every  sort  of  connection  or  obligation,  are  not  proper 
to  it: '  and  to  me  it  is  sweet  rather  to  live  with  a  free  neck.' " 
Essays,  iii,  5. 

4  Said  of  Ulysses:  In  Plutarch  (Morals,  p.  563)  Gryllus  re 
proaches  Ulysses  because,  "  accustomed  to  ordinary  human 
love,  being  himself  a  mortal,  he  was  unwilling  to  enter  into 
a  union  with  a  goddess."    In  Adv.  viii,  7,  B.  speaks  of 
Ulysses  as  "  a  figure  of  those  which  prefer  custom  and  habit 
before  all  excellency." 

5  Quarrel:  pretext. 

6  One  of  the  wise  men:  Thales,  when  his  mother  urged  him 
to  marry,  put  her  off,  saying  he  was  too  young  to  marry; 
afterward  when  she  pressed  the  matter,  he  replied  that  he 
was  too  old.    Plutarch,  Symposiacs,  iii,  quest.  6;  quoted 
also  by  Montaigne,  Essays,  ii,  8. 

IX.    OF   ENVY 

1  The  Scripture:  Mark  vii,  22. 

2  Evil  influences:  cf. 

With  store  of  ladies,  whose  bright  eyes 
Rain  influence,  and  judge  the  prize. 

Milton,  L' Allegro.  121. 

The  term  "aspect"  was  used  in  astrology  to  indicate  the 
relations  of  the  heavenly  bodies  to  one  another;  or  the  po 
sitions  whence  they  regarded  one  another.  Cf .  The  Winter'i 
Tale,ii,  1,  105-107: 

There's  some  ill  planet  reigns  : 

I  must  be  patient  till  the  heavens  look 

With  an  aspect  more  favorable. 

3  Irradiation  of   the  eye:  cf.  "As    for  envy,  that  emitteth 
some  malign  and  poisonous  spirit,  which  taketh  hold  of  the 
spirit  of  another;  and  is  likewise  of  greatest  force  when  the 
cast  of  the  eye  is  oblique.   It  hath  been  noted  also,  that  it 
is  most  dangerous  when  an  envious  eye  is  cast  upon  per 
sons  in  glorv  and  triumph  and  joy:  the  reason  whereof  is, 
for  that  at  such  times  the  spirits  come  forth  most  into  the 
outward  parts,  and  so  meet  the  percussion  of  the  envious 
eve  more  at  hand;  and  therefore  it  hath  been  noted  that 
after  great  triumphs  men  have  been  ill-disposed  for  some 
dav.s  following."   Natural  Histori/,  944. 

4  In  glory  or  triumph:  of.  Plutarch,  Rirmpnsiacs,  v,  quest.  7- 
"  Of  those  who  are  said  to  bewitch  with  their  eye." 


188  NOTES 

TTOTE 

5  Non  est:  Plautv/s,  Stichus,  i,  3,  54. 

6  New  men:  a  term  applied  in  ancient  Rome  to  the  first  mem 
bers  of  families  who  held  high  office. 

7  Deformed  persons:  A.  quotes  Richard  III,  i,  1,  28-31: 

And  therefore,  since  I  cannot  prove  a  lover 
To  entertain  these  fair  well-spoken  days, 
I  am  determined  to  prove  a  villain, 
And  hate  the  idle  pleasures  of  these  days. 

8  Narses:  (c.  478-573)   joint  commander  in  Italy  with  Beli- 
sarius  in  538-539,  and  prefect  of  Italy  554-567;  cf.  Gibbon, 
Decline,  xliii. 

9  Agesilaus:  king  of  Sparta  398-361  B.C.  "  As  for  the  deform 
ity  of  his  leg,  the  one  being  shorter  than  the  other,  in  the 
flower  of  his  youth,  through  his  pleasant  wit,  he  used  the 
matter  so  pleasantly  and  patiently  that  he  would  merrily 
mock  himself:  which  manner  of  merry  behavior  did  greatly 
hide  the  blame  of  the  blemish."  Plutarch,  Lives,  iv,  160. 

10  Tamberlanes:  Timur-Leng,  "Timur  the  Lame,"  the  great 
Tatar  conqueror  (1333-1405),  who  for  many  years  held 
sway  "  from  Delhi  to  Damascus,  and  from  the  Sea  of  Aral 
to  the  Persian  Gulf."    Christopher  Marlowe  wrote  a  well- 
known  play,  acted  in  1587,  on  his  life. 

11  Men  that  rise:  very  likely,  as  R.  thinks,  B.  had  in  mind  his 
rival  Sir  Edward  Coke,  who,  falling  under  the  king's  dis 
pleasure,  was  deprived  of  his  place  as  Chief  Justice,  but 
was  afterward  received  again  into  favor,  and  had  a  promi 
nent  part  in  B.'s  downfall;  cf.  Introduction,  p.  xix. 

12  Want  work:  Lat.  "for  everywhere  they  meet  with  objects 
of  envy." 

13  Adrian:  emperor  of  Rome  117-138;  said  to  have  banished 
the  architect  Apollodorus  for  criticising  the  plan  of  a  temple 
which  the  emperor  had  sent  to  him. 

14  Near  kinsfolks:  cf.  "Many  there  be  who  have  an  envious 
eye  to  their  kinsfolk  and  companions."   Plutarch,  Morals, 
p.  236. 

15  Cain's  envy:  cf.  Genesis  iv,  1-15. 

16  As  the  sunbeams:    cf.    "But  as  the  sun,  where  he  passes 
highest  and  sends  down  his  beams  most  directly,  has  none 
or  very  little  shadow,  so  they  who  are  exalted  to  the  meri 
dian  of  fortune,  shining  aloof  over  the  head  of  envv,  have 
scarce  anything  of  their  brightness  eclipsed."    Plutarch, 
Morals  (ed.  Goodwin),  ii,  98. 

17  Those  that  have    joined:   B.  had  read  this  in  Plutarch, 
Morals,  p.  253. 

18  Pity  ever  he*leth  envy:  cf.  "  Adversities  may  well  stay  envy 
and  cause  it  cease.  .  .  .  You  shall  not  see  one  in  misery 
envied."   Plutarch,  Morals,  p.  235. 

19  Politic  persons:  men  in  public  office. 

20  Disavow  fortune:  Lat.  "each  one  throws  the  blame  upon 
fortune,  as  if  aware  of  his  own  unworthiness." 


NOTES  189 

NOTE 

21  The  cure  of  witchcraft:  "When  as  therefore  they  who  be 
infected  with  envy  do  cast  their  eyes  upon  others,  which 
because  they  are  seated  near  unto  the  soul  do  catch  and 
draw  unto  them  very  easily  this  vice  and  so  shoot  their 
venomous  rays  like  poisoned  darts  upon  them;  if  such 
chance  to  be  wounded  and  hurt  thereby,  whom  they  look 
upon  and  wistly  behold,  I  see  no  strange  thing,  nor  a  matter 
incredible.  .  .  .  And  hereupon  it  is  that  those  preserva 
tives  against  witchcraft  called  probaskania  [amulets]  are 
then  thought  to  do  good  against  envy."    Plutarch,  Sym- 
posiacs,  v,  quest.  7. 

22  Remove  the  lot:  take  away  the  spell.   If  sorcerers  healed  a 
bewitched  man,  they  had  to  pass  on  the  lot  or  spell  to 
another. 

23  Plausible:  deserving  of  applause  or  approval. 

24  The  state  itself:  Lat.  "  the  king  or  the  state  itself."  At  the 
conclusion  of  his  interview  with  the  King  before  his  con 
demnation,  B.  took  leave  with  these  words:  "Those  that 
will  strike  at  your  Chancellor,  it  is  much  to  be  feared,  will 
strike  at  your  Crown."  Life,  vii,  199. 

25  Most  depraved:  Plutarch  says  much  the  same  thing  hi  his 
treatise  Of  Envy  and  Hatred,  Morals,  p.  235. 

26  The  envious  man:  cf.  Matthew  xiii,  25. 

X.    OF   LOVE 

1  Like  a  siren:  the  story  is  told  in  The  Wisdom  of  the  Ancients. 
xxxi.   "  The  fable  of  the  Sirens  is  truly  applied  to  the  per 
nicious   allurements   of  pleasure.  .  .  .  These   Sirens   had 
their  dwelling  in  certain  pleasant  islands,  whence  they  kept 
watch  for  ships;  and  when  they  saw  any  approaching,  they 
began  to  sing;  which  made  the  voyagers  first  stay  to  listen, 
then  gradually  draw  near,  and  at  last  land;  when  they  took 
and  killed  them." 

2  Like  a  fury:   the   Furies  were  fearful  winged    maidens, 
daughters  of  Earth  or  of  Night,  who  punished  mortals  for 
various  crimes,  such  as  disobedience  toward  parents,  dis 
respect  for  age,  murder,  perjury,  and  violation  of  the  laws 
of  hospitality. 

3  Marcus  Antonius  (83-30  B.  c.)  loved  Cleopatra,  the  last 
queen  of  Egypt.   See  Shakespeare's  Antony  and  Cleopatra. 

4  Appius  Claudius:  a  Roman  decemvir.  In  449  B.C.  Virginius, 
a  plebeian,  slew  his  daughter  to  prevent  her  falling  into 
the  power  of  Appius.    See  Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient 
Rome.   B.  has  apparently  confused  him  with  a  later  Appius 
Claudius,  censor  312-308  B.  c.  and  consul  in  307  and  296 
B.  c.,  from  whom  is  dated  the  beginning  of  Roman  juris 
prudence.   Cf.  the  following  note. 

5  Lawgiver:  Lat.  "chief  of  law-makers  among  the  Romans." 

6  A  poor  saying:  Lat.  "mean  and  feeble."  A  curious  perver- 


190  NOTES 

NOTE 

sion  of  the  original.  "It  was  well  said  by  Epicuius;  whea 
writing  to  one  of  his  companions  in  study:  'This,'  said  he, 
'I  intend  not  for  the  crowd  but  for  you;  for  we  are  theatre 
enough  for  each  other.'  "  Seneca,  Epistles,  vii. 

7  A  little  idol:  the  eye,  the  slave  of  which  the  lover  becomes 

8  The  lover  doth:  "  But  he  that  loveth  (according  as  Plat* 
saith)  is  always  blinded  by  the  thing  which  is  loved."  Plu 
tarch,  Morals,  p.  245. 

9  It  was  well  said:  by  Publius  the  Syrian,  On  Love  and  Woman 
"  God  scarcely  grants  a  man  both  to  love  and  to  be  wise."  In 
Plutarch  (Lives,  iv,  174)  Agesilaus  says  much  the  same 
thing. 

10  Reciproque:  mutual. 

11  He  that  preferred:  Paris.  When  Peleus  and  Thetis  were  mar 
ried,  all  the  gods  except  Eris  (Strife)  were  invited  to  the 
wedding.   In  a  rage,  Eris  threw  among  the  guests  a  golden 
apple  inscribed  "To  the  fairest."  Thereupon  Hera  (Juno), 
Aphrodite,  and   Pallas   Athene   each   claimed   the   apple. 
Paris  had  to  settle  the  dispute.    Hera  promised  him  the 
sovereignty  of  Asia;  Athene,  renown  in  war;  and  Aphrodite, 
the  most  beautiful  of  women  (Helen).    Paris  decided  in 
favor  of  Aphrodite.  His  abduction  of  Helen  led  to  the  Tro 
jan  War.  See  Tennyson's  (Enone. 

12  Quitteth  both  riches  and  wisdom  :  "He  that  was  a  sordid 
miser  before,  falling  once  in  love  becomes  liberal  and  lofty*- 
minded."  Plutarch,  Morals  (ed.  Goodwin),  iv,  288. 

13  Keep  quarter:  Lat.  "reduce  to  order."  Quarter,  originally  "  a 
fourth  part,"  came  to  mean  the  fourth  part  of  the  world, 
then  of  any  place;  cf.  headquarters,  the  Latin  Quarter,  to 
give  quarter,  etc. 

14  Martial  men:  Plutarch,  Morals  (ed.  Goodwin),  iv,  283,  286, 
speaks  of  the  power  of  love  over  soldiers. 

15  Friendly  love:  A.  remarks  that  B.  here  follows  Greek  and 
Roman  tradition,  though  the  ancient  ideal  of  friendship 
was  higher  and  the  ancient  ideal  of  marriage  lower  than 
with  us. 

XI.    OF   GREAT   PLACE 

1  No  freedom:  "  They  that  govern  in  the  commonwealth  fo? 
honor's  sake  are  no  better  than  honorable  slaves  of  the 
people,  having  no  more  but  the  .bare  name  of  a  governor." 
Plutarch,  Lives,  v,  180. 

2  Cum  non  sis:  Cicero,  Letters  to  Various  Persons,  vii,  3. 
"This  was  written  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  [48  B.  c.] 
and  the  ruin  of  the  cause  with  which  Cicero  had  at  that 
time  identified  himself."  R. 

3  When  they  would:  Plutarch,  Morals  (ed.  Goodwin),  v,  98. 
refers  to  this  difficulty. 

4  To  can:  strictly  it  should  be  "to  cun"  (Old  English  infini 
tive  cunnan  "  to  know  how,"  preterite-present  tense  cann). 


NOTES  191 

NOTE 

5  Conscience:  consciousness;  so  used  by  Milton  in  his  second 
sonnet  to  Cyriack  Skinner. 

6  God's  theatre:  spectacle,  i.  e.  can  see  what  God  saw. 

7  Et  conversus  Deus:  cf.  Genesis  i,  31;  quoted  from  the  Vul 
gate. 

8  Neglect  not  also:  Plutarch  (Lives,  v,  373)  gives  similar  ad 
vice. 

9  Without  bravery:  Lat.  "  but  without  boastfulness  of  thyself." 

10  Helps  and  advices:  Plutarch,  Morals  (ed.  Goodwin),  v,  115, 
gives  similar  counsel. 

11  Facility:  readiness  to  comply  or  be  led.     Cf.  Essay  xiii,  p. 
39,  1.  8  f.  b. 

12  Solomon  saith:  Proverbs  xxviii,  21. 

13  A  place  showeth  the  man:  a  Greek  saying  of  disputed 
authority,  attributed  to  Demosthenes,  Solon,  and  Bias. 
Cf.  Plutarch,  Lives,  v,  369. 

14  Saith  Tacitus:  History,  i,  49. 

15  Of  Vespasian:  History,  i,  50. 

16  Rather  call  them:  this  was  done  by  Agesilaus;  cf.  Plutarch, 
Lives,  iv,  163. 

XII.    OP   BOLDNESS 

1  Question  was  asked:  the  story  is  told  by  Cicero,  On  the 
Orator,  iii,  56,  sec.  213;  and  by  Plutarch,  Lives  of  the  Ten 
Orators,  Morals,  p.  932. 

2  Mountebanks:   those   who  mount   benches   to  show  off, 
quacks. 

3  Grounds:  principles. 

4  If  the  hill:  a  common  Spanish  proverb.    The  story  has  not 
been  traced  to  its  origin. 

5  Shrunken  and  wooden  posture:  Lat.  "for  then  he  gets  a 
face  reduced  to  its  former  state  but  misshapen." 

6  A  stale:  stalemate,  a  move  by  which  the  pieces  are  so  placed 
that  one's  opponent  cannot  move  without  exposing  one 
of  his  pieces  to  check. 

XIII.    OF   GOODNESS   AND    GOODNESS   OF   NATURE 

1  The  angels  to  fall:  cf.  Essav  iii,  note  26. 

2  Busbechius:   Busbec,  a  Flemish  scholar  and  diplomatist 
(1522-1592),  twice  sent  by  Ferdinand  I,  emperor  of  Ger 
many,  as  ambassador  to  Solvman,  about  1555.   The  story 
occurs  in  his  Letters  from  a  Turkish  Legation,  iii.    The  of 
fender  was  not  a  boy  but  a  Venetian  goldsmith.    Busbei 
says  nothing  of  his  being  stoned.    The  bird  was,  Busbec 
thought,  a  goatsucker,  with  a  short  bill  and  very  widegape. 

3  Doctors:  teachers;  cf.  doctrine. 

4  Macm>*">l:  Florentine  statesman  and  author  (1469-1527); 
wrote  The  Prince,  History  of  Florence,  and  other  works, 


192  NOTES 

NOTE 

which  had  much  influence  on  the  ethical  thought  of  Eliza 
bethan  England.  The  quotation  is  from  his  Discourses  on 
Titus  Livius,  ii,  2  (Detmold's  trans.,  ii,  232,  233).  Machia- 
velli  says  that  Christianity  places  the  supreme  happiness 
in  humility  and  contempt  for  the  world,  and  requires 
fortitude  to  enable  us  to  suffer  rather  than  achieve  great 
deeds.  These  principles,  he  thinks,  have  made  men  feeble, 
and  a  prey  to  the  evil-minded. 

5  jEsop's  cock:  Plato,  Phcedrus,  iii,  12;  Bullokar's  SEsop,  1585, 
fable  1.    Cf.  casting  pearls  before  swine,  Matthew  vii,  6; 
and  Adv.  viii,  7. 

6  He  sendeth  his  rain:  Matthew  v,  5. 

7  Sell  all  thou  hast:  Mark  x,  21. 

8  A  disposition:  Aristotle  (Nichomachean  Ethics,  vi,  13)  dis 
tinguishes  between  natural  virtue  and  virtue  proper;  the 
latter  is  not  produced  without  prudence. 

9  Lazarus'  sores:  Luke  xvi,  21. 

10  Timon:  a  frank  Athenian  misanthrope.    Cf.  Shakespeare, 
Timon  of  Athens,  v,  1,  208-215.    B.  means,  "yet  they  do 
not,  like  Timon,  openly  profess  their  misanthropy." 

11  Gives  the  balm:  B.  refers  here  to  the  frankincense   tree, 
the  aromatic  gum  resin  (olibanum)  from  which  was  formerly 
much  used  for  burning  as   incense.     Pliny  describes  it  in 
his  Natural  History,  xii,  14. 

12  St.  Paul's  perfection:  cf.  Romans  ix,  3,  where  the  Greek 

anathema  is  translated  "accursed." 

XIV.    OF   NOBILITY 

1  Estate:  Lat.  rei  publicse,  "state." 

2  The  Switzers:  when  B.  wrote  this  (1625),  the  Swiss  confed 
eration,  founded  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  cen 
tury,   consisted  of  thirteen   German  districts   and   cities 
united  by  a  somewhat  lax  federal  bond.  Two-fifths  of  the 
people  are  still  Roman  Catholics. 

3  Respects:  Lat.  "  dignity." 

4  The  Low  Countries:  the  Netherlands  and  Flanders  (now 
Belgium).  Of  their  government  Sir  Thomas  Overbury  savs: 
"They  have  upon  occasion   an  assembly  of  the  generr.1 
states,  like  our  Parliament.  .  .  .  Then  is  there  besides  a 
Council  of  State.  .  .  .  And  besides  both  these,  every  pro 
vince  and  great  town  have  particular  councils   of   their 
own.    To  all  which  assemblies,  as  well  of  the  general  states 
as  the  rest,  the  gentry  is  called  for  order's  sake,  but  the 
state  indeed  is  democratical.  .  .  .  Neither  are  the  gentrv 
so  much  engaged  in  the  cause,  the  people  having  more  ad 
vantages  in  a  free  state,  they  in  a  monarchy.    Their  care 
in  government  is  very  exact  and  particular,  by  reason  that 
every  one  hath  an  immediate  interest  in  the  strife;  such 
is  the  equality  of  justice  that  it  renders  every  man  satis- 


NOTES  193 

NOTE 

fied."    Observations  upon  the  Seventeen  Provinces  as  They 

Stood  A.  D.  1609,  pp.  3,  4. 
5  The  memory  of  their  virtues:  cf.  the  opposite  statement  of 

Antony,  Julius  Ccesar,  iii,  2,  73,  74;  also  Henry  VIII,  iv,  2, 
'    45.   Whicli  is  nearer  right? 

XV.    OF   SEDITIONS   AND   TROUBLES 

1  Calendars:  Lat.  prognostica,  "weather  indications." 

2  Ille  etiam:  Virgil.  Georgics,  i,  464,  465. 

3  Virgil:  JEneid,  iv,  178-180.    B.  means  "that  when  princes 
and  monarchs  have  suppressed  actual  and  open  rebels, 
then  the  malignity  of  people  (which  is  the  mother  of  re 
bellion)  doth  bring  forth  libels  and  slanders,  and  taxations 
of  the  state,  which  is  of  the  same  kind  with  rebellion,  but 
more  feminine."   Wisdom  of  the  Ancients,  ix. 

4  Tacitus  saith:  History,  i,  7. 

5  Tacitus  speaketh  of:  History,  ii,  39. 

6  Machiavel:  possibly  a  reference  to  Discourses  on  Livy,  iii, 
27,  which  treats  of  factions  and  the  methods  of  dealing 
with  them.  The  Italian  translation  substitutes  for  Machia 
vel  the  words  "a  writer." 

7  Entered  league:  the  League  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  formed  in 
1575  for  the  defence  of  the  Catholic  faith;  at  its  head  was 
the  house  of  Guise.    It  was  supported  by  Henry  III  for  a 
time  in  1576.   Under  its  influence  the  Parisians  drove  him 
out  of  the  city  in  1588. 

8  Primum  mobile:  see  Essay  i,  note  9. 

9  Tacitus  expresseth  it:  Annals,  iii,  4. 

10  Who  threateneth:  Isaiah  xlv,  1;  cf.  Job  xii,  18. 

11  Estates:  fortunes,  as  is  evident  from  the  previous  line. 

12  Lucan  noteth:  Pharsalia,  i,  181;  instead  of  rapidum  Lucan 
wrote  avidum,  "greedy."   Lucan  lived  39-65. 

13  The  Civil  War:  between  Caesar  and  Pompey,  in  49  B.  c.;  ct. 
Essay  xxvii,  note  13. 

14  Of  the  belly:  Lat.  "which  have  their  origin  in  the  belly," 
i.  e.  in  hunger. 

15  Dolendi  modus:  Pliny,  Epistles,  viii,  17. 

16  Mate:  stupefy;  cf.  Essay  ii,  p.  8,  1.  20. 

17  The  cord  breaketh:  cf.  "  The  last  straw  breaks  the  camel's 
back." 

18  To  be  foreseen:  Lat.  "guarded  against  in  advance." 

19  Scholars:  in  his  Advice  concerning  Sutton's  Estate  (Life,  iv, 
252)  B.  speaks  in  the  same  vein:  he  thinks  there  &"?  already 
too  many  grammar  schools;  and  the  scholars  tucy  train, 
being  unfit  for  other  vocations,  will  become  indigent  and 
furnish  material  for  revolutions. 

20  Somewhere  lost:   based    on    the    mercantile  theory   that 
wealth  means  gold  and  silver.    This  idea  is  found  also  iii 
Aristotle,  in  Publius  Syrus,  and  in  Montaigne. 


194  NOTES 


21  Materiam  superabit  opus:  cf.  Ovid,  Metamorphoses,  ii,  5. 

22  Mines  above  ground:  Burton  (Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  ed. 
1837,  i,  77)  uses  the  same  figure  in  speaking  of  the  industry 
of  the  Low  Countrymen. 

23  Usury:  cf.  Essay  xli  and  note  1. 

24  Ingrossing:  speculating.    Several    laws  against  this  were 
passed  in  the  sixteenth  century. 

25  Great  pasturages:  cf.  "  For  enclosure  of  grounds  [for  sheep 
pastures]   brings  depopulation,   which    brings   forth   first 
idleness,  secondly  decay  of  tillage,  thirdly  subversion  of 
houses,  and  decrease  of  charity  and  charge  to  the  poor's 
maintenance,  fourthly  the  impoverishing  the  state  of  the 
realm."    Speech  against  Enclosures,  Life,  ii,  82.    In  the 
reign  of  Henry  VII  (1485-1509)  there  began  to  be  com 
plaints  of  the  changing  of  arable  to  pasture  land,  a  result 
of  the  rapid  development  of  the  export  trade  in  wool.  Cf. 
More,  Utopia. 

26  Pallas:  rather  Thetis:  cf.  Iliad,  i,  401-403. 

27  Epimetheus:  brother  of  Prometheus.    The  latter  stole  fire 
from  heaven  and  taught  men  useful  arts.   To  punish  men, 
Zeus  gave  Pandora  to  Epimetheus  for  his  wife.  She  brought 
with  her  a  box  containing  every  human  ill.  The  box  being 
opened,  the  ills  escaped  and  only  hope  remained. 

28  Caesar:  Suetonius,  Ccesar,  Ixxvi-lxxviii. 

29  Galba:  cf.  Plutarch,  Lives,  vi,  309;  Tacitus,  History,  i,  5. 

30  Probus:  emperor  of  Rome  276-282;  killed  by  mutinous 
soldiers.    A  speech  like  this  is  mentioned  by  the  historian 
Flayius  Vopiscus,  Probus,  20. 

31  Tacitus  saith:  History,  i,  28,  describing  the  temper  of  the 
Roman  soldiers  when  Otho  was  proclaimed  emperor  in 
opposition  to  Galba,  in  69. 

XVI.    OF   ATHEISM 

1  Legend:  The  Golden  Legend,  a  collection  of  lives  of  saints 
and  other  stories  written  by  James  of  Voragine,  abp.  of 
Genoa,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  translated  by  Caxton 
into  English  in  1483. 

2  Talmud:  the  body  of  Jewish  traditional  laws  and  regula 
tions  of  life  explanatory  of  the  written  law  of  the  Penta 
teuch.    It  contains  63  tracts,  usually  printed  in  twelve 
folio  volumes. 

3  Alcoran:  the  Koran,  the  sacred  book  of  the  followers  of 
Mohammed;  dates  from  about  610. 

4  Leucippus:  lived  about  500  B.  c.  Founded  the  atomic  phi 
losophy,    which    Democritus,  the    Laughing    Philosopher 
(460-357  B.  c.),  developed  and  Epicurus  (342-270  B.  c.) 
improved    Epicurus,  while  asserting  the  existence  of  gods. 
denie-  1  '  heir  interference  with  human  affairs. 

5  Mutable  elements:  earth,  air,  fire,  water. 


NOTES  195 

NOTE 

6  Fifth  essence:  quintessence;  cf.  Introduction,  p.  viii. 

7  Unplaced:  Lat.  "wandering  without  order  and  by  chance." 

8  The  Scripture  saith:  Psalms  xiv,  1;  liti,  1. 

9  Epicurus:  cf.  Cicero,  On  the  Nature  of  the  Gods,  i,  44,  sec 

123. 

10  Non  deos:  Diogenes  Laertius,'  x,  123. 

11  The  Indians:   B.  probably  got  this  from  Acosta,  Natural 
History  of  the  Indies,  v,  3,  trans.  1604. 

12  The  contemplative  atheist:  this  passage  as  far  as  p.  53, 1. 16t 
was  expanded  from  a  passage  in  Essay  xvii,  ed.  1612. 

13  Diagoras:  of  Melos,  lived  in  the  latter  half  of  the  filth  cen 
tury  B.  c.;  in  411  B.  c.  fled  from  Athens  to  escape  a  trial 
for  atheism. 

14  Bion:  the  philosopher,  not  the  poet,  died  about  241  B.  c.; 
famed  for  his  wit.   In  his  last  illness  he  is  said  to  have  re 
pented  of  his  atheism. 

15  Lucian:  120-200.   A  Greek  satirist  and  free-thinker,  called 
by  some  "the  Blasphemer;"  he  effectively  ridiculed  the 
distorted  Christianity  of  his  day. 

16  Bernard:  abbot  of  Clairvaux,  France  (1091-1153).   B.  mis 
quotes;  the   words   attributed  to  Bernard  are,  "As  the 
people  are,  so  will  the  priest  be;  like  layman,  like  par 
son." 

17  Cicero  saith:  On  the  Responses  of  the  Soothsayers,  ix,  19. 

XVII.    OF   SUPERSTITION 

1  No  opinion:  Plutarch,  Morals  (ed.  Goodwin),  i,  169,  179, 
expresses  a  similar  opinion. 

2  Plutarch:  On  Superstition,  x,  Morals,  p.  266. 

3  Saturn:  the  Greek  Kronos,  who  devoured  all  his  children 5 
till  at  length  Zeus  was  rescued  by  the  substitution  of  a 
stone. 

4  Augustus:  Roman  emperor  31  B.  c.-14  A.  D. 

5  Civil:  Lat.  tranquilla,  "peaceful." 

6  Primum  mobile:  see  Essav  i,  note  9. 

7  Council  of  Trent:  held  1545-1563;  condemned  the  leading 
doctrines  of  the   Protestant   Reformation  concerning  the 
Bible,  original  sin,  and  justification  by  faith. 

8  Schoolmen:  cf.  Introduction,  p.  viii. 

9  Eccentrics  and  epicycles:   according  to  the  Ptolemaic  sys 
tem  (cf.  Essav  i,  note  9),  the  planets  moved  in  (a)  circles 
the  centres  of  which  themselves  moved  in  (b)  circles.  The 
(a)  circles  were  called  epicycles;  the  (b)  circles,  having  their 
centre  at  a  point  outside  the  earth,  were  called  eccentrics.  A. 

10  Save  the  phenomena:  account  for  all  of  them,  reconcile  them 
with  the  theory.  Cf.  "save  appearances;"  a  phrase  Greek 
in  origin. 

11  Avoiding  superstition:   Plutarch  (Moral?,  p.   268)  speak? 
ol  those  who,  to  avoid  superstition,  leap  into  atheism. 


196  NOTES 

XVIII.    OF  TRAVEL 
NOTE 

1  Allow:  approve:   an  obsolete  sense  of  the  word,  derived 
from  Lat.  allaudare,  "  praise."  The  modern  sense  is  derived 
from  Lat.  allocare,  "let,  concede." 

2  Disputations:  formal  academic  arguments  of  the  sort  stit 
heard  in  our  debating  societies.   Cf.  Goldsmith,  The  Vicar 
of  Wakefield,  xx. 

3  Card:  chart;  note  the  etymology. 

4  Adamant:  lodestone;  cf.  Shakespeare,  Midsummer  Night's 
Dream,  ii,  1,  195.   Lat.  "magnet." 

5  The  life:  Lat.  "how  the  mouth,  the  countenance,  and  the 
lines  and  motions  of  the  body  correspond  to  the  report." 

6  Country  manners:  those  of  his  own  country.  Cf.  Ascham's 
complaint  about  the  "Englishman  Italianated,"  whom  he 
describes   in    The  Schoolmaster  as   bringing   "home  into 
England  out  of  Italy  the  religion,  the  learning,  the  policy, 
the  experience,  the  manners  of  Italy." 

XIX.    OF   EMPIRE 

1  Representations:  J.  speaks  frequently  of  th^se  in  his  Henry 
VII. 

2  Scripture  speaketh  of:  Proverbs  xxv,  3. 

3  Nero:  emperor  of  Rome  54-68.  Cf.  Suetonius,  vi,  20;  Taci 
tus,  Annals,  xvi,  4. 

4  Domitian:  emperor  81-96.  Cf.  Suetonius,  viii,  18. 

5  Commodus:  emperor  180-192;  fought  as  a  gladiator  735 
times. 

6  Caracalla:  emperor  211-217.  DionCassius  says  (Ixxvii,  10): 
"  He  used  to  say  that  he  drove  a  chariot  in  imitation  of  the 
sun,  and  gloried  in  it." 

7  Alexander  the  Great:  king  of  Macedon  336-323  B.  c.    His 
superstition  is  described  by  Plutarch,  Lives,  iv,  383. 

8  Diocletian:  emperor  of  Rome  284-305,  when  he  abdicated. 
Though  he  lived  till  313,  there  is  no  proof  that  he  became 
either  superstitious  or  melancholy. 

9  Charles  the  Fifth:  1500-1558,  emperor  of  the  Holy  Romar 
Empire  1519-1556.    He  spent  his  last  years  in  the  mon 
astery  of  Yuste  in  Spain,  devoted  to  the  exercises  of  reli 
gion. 

10  True  temper:  correct  proportion  ;  as  Plutarch  (Lives,  v,  73) 
puts  it,  sometimes  to  yield  to  the  people,  but  never  to 
hesitate  to  correct  offenders. 

11  Apollonius:  of  Tyana  in  Cappadocia  (4  B.  C.-97  A.  D.),  a 
Pythagorean  philosopher  and  reputed  magician. 

12  Vespasian:  cf.  Essav  ii,  note  8. 

13  Matter  of  trouble:  Plutarch  (Lives,  v,  4)  speaks  thus  with 
reference  to  the  growth  of  Cspsar's  power. 

14  Tacitus:  not  Tacitus  but  Sallust,  Jugurthine  War,  cxiii. 

15  Triumvirate:  the  alliance  between  Henry  and  Francis  was 


NOTES  197 

NOTE 

formed  at  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,  near  Calais,  in 
June,  1520.  Charles  and  Henry  met  in  July. 

16  League:  formed  in  1480. 

17  Guicciardini:  a  Florentine  historian  of  Italy  (1482-1540). 

18  Lorenzius  Medici:  the  famous  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  the  Mag 
nificent  (1449-1492). 

19  Livia:  wife  of  Drusus,  son  of  the  emperor  Tiberius. 

20  Roxalana:  a  slave  who  became  empress  and  who  accom 
plished  the  death  of  her  stepson  Mustapha  in  order  to  secure 
the  succession  for  one  of  her  own  sons. 

21  Solyman:  the  Magnificent,  reigned  1520-1566. 

22  Murther:  at  Berkeley  Castle,  in  1327. 

23  Advoutresses:  adulteresses. 

24  Crispus:  executed  in  326. 

25  Constantinus  the  Great:  emperor  of  Rome  306-337,  the 
first  to  tolerate  Christianity. 

26  Demetrius:  accused  by  his  brother  of  having  treasonable 
relations  with  Rome,  and  executed  by  his  father  in  179  B.  c. 
Livy  (xl,  24),  whom  B.  follows,  insists  upon  his  innocence; 
modern  historians  think  he  was  a  traitor. 

27  Selymus:  same  as  Solyman. 

28  Bajazet:  a  son  of  Roxalana,  executed  by  Solyman. 

29  Anselmus:  1033-1109,  abp.  from  1093.  Supported  the  Pope 
in  a  dispute  with  William  II  and  Henry  I  Concerning  the 
right  of  investiture. 

30  Becket:  1118-1170,  became  abp.  in  1162.   He  defended  the 
Church's  rights  against  Henry  II,  and  was  murdered  in  the 
cathedral  at  Canterbury.    His  shrine  attracted  many  pil 
grims. 

31  Foreign  authority:  the  Pope. 

32  Vena  porta:  the  portal  or  "gate"  vein;  see  any  standard 
physiology,  e.  g.  Blaisdell,  p.  138.    B.  supposed  that  the 
chyle  was  taken  up  by  the  veins  converging  to  the  vena 
porta :  so  commerce  concentrates  a  country's  resources  in 
order  to  redistribute  them.   B.  uses  the  term  also  in  Henry 
VII.   Instead  of  it,  we  should  now  probably  speak  ot  the 
heart.   Ellis. 

33  Leeseth:  loses. 

34  Janizaries:  lit.  "new  soldiers;"  thev  began  in  the  reign  oi 
Amurath  I,  about  1360,  and  were  the  soldiers  of  the  Turk 
ish  Court,  who  attended  upon  the  emperor.  They  were  re 
cruited  from  Christian  captives. 

35  Pretorian  bands:  the  body  guard  of  the  Roman  emperors; 
see  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  chap.  v. 

36  Like  to  heavenly  bodies:  in  his  Discourse  touching  the  Union 
(Life,  iii,  90)  B.  speaks  similarly  of  the  education  of  the 
Persian  kings,  whose  tutors  set  before  them  the  examples 
of  the  heavenly  bodies,  which  have  great  glory  but  no  rest; 
thus  teaching  that  the  motions  of  governments  are  tc  be 
constant,  without  wavering  or  confusion. 


198  NOTES 

XX.  OF   COUNSEL 

NOTE 

1  The  Counsellor:  Isaiah  ix,  6. 

2  In  counsel:    Proverbs  xx,   18,  Vulgate,   "judgments    are 
strengthened  by  counsels." 

3  Solomon's  son:  Rehoboam;  cf.  1  Kings  xii;  xiv,  21-31. 

4  Jupiter:  Zeus;  the  myth  is  Greek. 

5  Eat:  an  old   form  once  singular,  of  the  past  tense.     Ate 
comes  from  a  plural  form. 

6  Cabinet:  secret.  Lat.  "secret  councils,  which  are  commonly 
called  cabinets."   Note  that  B.  confuses  counsel  and  coun 
cil. 

1  Worse  than  the  disease:  Harl.  MS.  5106  added:  "which 
hath  turned  Metis  the  wife  to  Metis  the  mistress,  that  is 
councils  of  state  to  which  princes  are  married,  to  councils 
of  gracious  persons  recommended  chiefly  by  flattery  and 
affection."  Prudence  counseled  B.  to  strike  this  out. 

8  Plenus  rimarum:  Terence,  Eunuchus,  i,  2,  25. 

9  Able  to  grind:  Lat.  "strong  to  fight  his  own  battles." 

10  Henry  the  Seventh:  king  1485-1509.     Cf.  B.'s  Life. 

11  Morton:  John  Morton  (1420-1500),  abp.  of  Canterbury,  and 
chancellor. 

12  Fox:  Richard  Fox  (c.  1448-1528),  bishop  of  Winchester, 
and  founder  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford.    In  Henry 
VII  (Works,  ii,  64,  65),  B.  speaks  of  Morton  and  Fox  as 
"vigilant  men  and  secret,  and  such  as  kept  watch  with 
him  [the  king]  almost  upon  all  men  else." 

13  Non  inveniet:  cf.  Essay  i,  note  13. 

14  Principis  est:  Martial,  Epigrams,  viii,  15,  8. 

15  Reverend:  B.  means  reverent,  as  the  ed.  of  1612  reads. 

16  It  was  truly  said:  by  Alphonso  of  Aragon  (1416-1458),  who 
"  was  wont  to  say  of  himself  that  he  was  a  great  necroman 
cer,  for  that  he  used  to  ask  counsel  of  the  dead :  meaning 
books."   Apophthegms,  105. 

17  The  Commission:  met  Oct.  20-Dec.  6,  1604. 

18  Hoc  agere:  cf.  "When  the  magistrates,  bishops, priests,  or 
other  religious  ministers  go  about  any  divine  service  or 
matter  of  religion,  an  herald  ever  goeth  before  them,  crying 
out  aloud,  Hoc  age."   Plutarch,  Lives,  ii,  172. 

19  Placebo:  cf.  Psalms  cxvi,  9.   Used  in  jest  for  flattery. 

XXI.  OF   DELAYS 

1  Sibylla:  an  old  woman  who  offered  to  sell  the  Roman  king 
Tarquin  nine  books.  When  he  declined,  she  burnt  three  of 
the  books  and  asked  the  same  for  the  remaining  six.  The 
king  now  laughed  at  her.  Then  she  burnt  three  more  and 
asked  the  same  for  the  three.  The  king  was  now  advised 
by  his  augur  to  buy  the  books.  The  Romans  used  to  con 
sult  the  Sibylline  books  in  times  of  political  trouble. 

3  The  common  verse:  Cato,  Distichs,  ii,  26,  quoted  by  Erasmus 


NOTES  199 

NOTE 

in  his  Adagia:  Fronte  capillata,  post  haec  Occasio  calva, 
which  Bullokar  (1585)  translated,  "  Behind  Fortune  ia 
bald,  in  the  forehead  hairy."  Cf .  "  to  take  Time  by  the  fore 
lock." 

3  Argus:  appointed  by  Hera  guardian  of  the  cow  into  which 
Zeus  had  changed  Jo,  daughter  of  Inachus,  king  of  Argos. 
At  Zeus's  command  Hermes  put  Argus  to  sleep  with  a 
flute  and  then  cut  off  his  head. 

4  Briareus:  son  of  Uranus  (Heaven)  and  Gsea  (Earth);  with 
his  brothers  conquered  the  Titans  when  they  made  war 
upon  the  gods  and  secured  the  victory  to  Zeus.  See  Essay 
xv. 

5  The  helmet  of  Pluto:  in  the  Iliad,  v,  845,  Athene  put  on  the 
cap  of  Hades  (Pluto,  the  god  of  the  dark  lower  world), 
that  Ares  might  not  recognize  her.  The  cap  which  rendered 
its  wearer  invisible  was  also  common  in  Germanic  legend. 

> 

XXII.    OF   CUNNING 

1  Pack  the  cards:  deceive  in  arranging  them.     R.  quotes 
from  Quarles's  Emblems,  ii,  5,  23:  "Thy  cunning  can  but 
pack  the  cards;  thou  canst  not  play." 

2  In  their  own  alley:  bowling-alley.   They  can  bowl  well  only 
in  the  alley  to  which  they  are  accustomed. 

3  Mitte  ambos:  ascribed  to  Aristippus,  a  Greek  philosopher 
and  pupil  of  Socrates;  he  lived  about  380  B.  c. 

4  The  Jesuits:  members  of    the  Catholic  Society  of  Jesus, 
founded  in  1534. 

5  Counsellor:    A.  thinks  this  was  Sir  Francis  Walsingham 
(c.    1536-1590),  who  became  Secretary  of  State  and  Privy 
Councillor  in  1573. 

6  Nehemias:  the  Greek  form;  cf.  Nehemiah  ii,  1. 

7  As  Narcissus  did:  cf.  Tacitus,  .4nnaZs,  xi,  29,  30.     When 
Messalina,  the  dissolute  wife  of  the  Emperor  Claudius,  had 
gone  through  the  form  of  a  marriage  with  Silius,  Narcissus, 
a  freedman,  undertook  to  inform  Claudius.    He  prevailed 
upon  two  women  to  break  the  news  and  then  to  call  for 
him,  in  order  to  follow  it  up. 

8  I  knew  two:  S.  thinks  these  were  Sir  Robert  Cecil,  Earl  of 
Salisbury  (1563-1612),  B.'s  cousin,  and  Sir  Thomas  Bodley, 
(1545-1613),  founder  of  the  Bodleian  Library  at  Oxford. 

9  The  cat:  formerly  cate  or  cake;  has  no  connection  with 
felines.     ' 

10  Tigellinus:  Tacitus,  Annals,  xiv,  57. 

11  Paul's:  St.  Paul's  Cathedral  in  London,  then  a  popular 
promenade  and  resort  for  both  business  and  pleasure. 

12  Resorts  and  falls:    the  sources  or  starting-points,  and  the 
conclusions  or  results. 

13  Looses:  discharges  or  shots  of  an  arrow.    B.  means,  to  de 
liver  good  shots  in  concluding  business. 


200  NOTES 

NOTE 

14  Wits  of  direction:  men  skilled  in  directing  others, 

15  Solomon  saith:  Proverbs  xiv,  15. 

XXIII.  OF  WISDOM   FOR   A    MAN*S   SELF 

1  Shrewd:  accursed,  mischievous.     The  statement  is  now 
known  to  be  untrue. 

2  Right  earth:  in  nature  exactly  like  the  earth. 

3  His  own  centre:  cf.  "The  disciples  of  Thales  say  that  the 
earth  is  the  centre  of  the  universe."     Plutarch,  Morals 
(ed.  Goodwin),  iii,  155. 

4  Centre  of  another:  cf.  Essay  i,  note  9. 

5  Eccentric  to:  having  a  centre  different  from.     Cf.  Essay 
xvii,  note  9. 

6  Accessory:  appendage,  i.  e.  have  but  second  place. 

7  Set  a  bias:  in  the  game  of  bowls,  a  piece  of  lead  inserted  in 
one  side  of  a  bowl  to  deflect  it  from  a  straight  course. 

8  Wisdom  of  rats:  cf.  "  When  a  house  is  ready  to  tumble 
down,  the  mice  go  out  of  it  before;  and  first  of  all  the 
spiders  with  their  webs  fall  down."    Pliny,  Natural   His 
tory,  viii,  28. 

9  Of  the  fox:  cf.  "[The  fox]  dwells  in  pits,  which,  however,  it 
does  not  prepare,  but  which  it  seizes  by  craft  after  they 
have  been  dug  out    by  the    taxus  or    badger."     Gesner, 
History  of  Animals,  i,  957. 

10  Of  crocodiles:  an  old  myth.    "It  is  written  that  the  croco 
dile  will  weep  over  a  man's  head  when  he  hath  devoured 
the  body,  and  then  he  will  eat  the  head  up  too."  Bullokar, 
English  Expositor. 

11  Cicero:  Letters,  To  his  Brother  Quintus,  iii,  8. 

XXIV.    OF   INNOVATIONS 

1  Natural  motion:  a  doctrine  in  harmony  with  the  dogma  of 
universal  depravity.    Cf.  the  motion  of  a  stone  falling  to 
the  ground  with  the  forced  motion  which  it  has  when 
thrown  into  the  air. 

2  Strongest  at  first:  "  Youth  has  modesty  and  a  sense  of  shame, 
old  age  is  somewhat  hardened ;  a  young  man  has  kindness 
and  mercy,  an  old  man  has  become  pitiless  and  callous; 
youth  has  a  praiseworthy  emulation,  old  age  ill-natured 
envy;  youth  is  inclined  to  religion  and  devotion  by  reason 
of  its  fervency  and  inexperience  of  evil,  in  old  age  piety 
cools  through  the  lukewarmness  of  charity  and  long  inter 
course  with  evil,  together  with  the  difficulty  of  believing." 
History  of  Life  and  Death,  Works,  x,  155. 

3  Of  course:  the  phrase  is  used  in  the  literal  sense. 

4  New  things:  W.  thinks  B.  had  in  mind  Matthew  ix,  16,  17. 

5  Example  of  time:  Jean  Bodin   (The  Commonweal,   1576 
(trans.  Knolles),  iv,  3)  says  a  government  should  imitate 


NOTES  201 

NOTE 

the  great  God  of  nature,  who  causes  a  tree  to  grow  insen 
sibly  from  a  seed. 
6  Scripture:  Jeremiah  vi,  16. 

XXV.    OF   DISPATCH 

1  Affected:  excessively  desired. 

2  Crudities:  the  Lat.  crudus  means  "undigested." 

3  Speed:  the  Lat.  adds  here,  "but  in  a  lower  and  even  mo 
tion  of  the  same  [feet]." 

4  False  periods:  sentences  that  appear  to  be  but  are  not  fin 
ished. 

5  A  wise  man:  Sir  Amias  Paulet;  cf.  Introduction,  p.  ix,  and 
Apophthegms,  76. 

6  Dear  hand:  cf.  "at  first  hand,"  "at  second  hand." 

7  The  Spartans:  "They  [the  Athenians]  are  revolutionary, 
equally  quick  in  the  conception  and  in  the  execution  of 
every  new  plan;  while  you  are  conservative  —  careful  only 
to  keep  what  you  have,  originating  nothing,  and  not  acting 
even  when  action  is  most  necessary."    From  the  speech 
of  the  Corinthians  to  the  Spartans,  432  B.  c.,  Thucydides, 
trans.  Jowett,  i,  sec.  70. 

8  Spaniards:  the  proverb  quoted  is  Italian;  B.  has   substi 
tuted  Span,  muerte  dc  for  Ital.  morte  di.  B.  used  the  pro 
verb  also  in  a  speech  in  Parliament  on  May  17, 1607,  Life, 
iii,  351. 

9  Curious:  carefully  wrought,  elaborate. 

10  Passages:  Lat.  "beautiful  transitions." 

11  Bravery:  ostentation;  Lat.  "strivers  for  small  glories." 

12  Too  material:  Lat.  "  beware  of  coming  down  to  the  point  at 
the  beginning." 

13  The  work  of  many:  B.  was  probably  thinking  of  the  ideal 
relation  between  the  King  and  his  Privy  Council  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  houses  of  Parliament  on  the  other. 

XXVI.    OF   SEEMING   WISE 

1  The  Apostle:  Paul,  2  Timothy  iii,  5. 

2  Magno  conatu:  Terence,  The  Self -Tormentor,  iii,  5,  8. 

3  Prospectives:  glasses  for  seeing  pictures  as  if  the  surfaces 
were  solids;  stereoscopes. 

4  Cicero  saith:  Against  Piso,  vi. 

5  Bear  it:  Lat.  "think  they  will  succeed." 

6  Blanch:  whiten,  gloss  over;  Lat.  "pass  over  the  matter." 

7  Gellius  saith:    it  was  rather  Quintilian,  the  Roman  rheto 
rician  (35-95),  who  said  (x,  1)  of  Seneca,  "If  he  had  not 
broken  up  the  masses  of  matters  with  trivial  sentiments,  he 
would  be  approved  rather  by  the  agreement  of  the  learned 
than  by  the  favor  of  young  men." 

8  Plato:  Protagoras,  xxiii.    Protagoras  (c.  481-411  B.  c.)  and 


2C2  NOTES 

NOTE 

Pnxiicus  (fourth  century  B.  c.)  were  celebrated  Athenian 
sophists,  or  teachers  of  philosophy. 
9  You  were  better:  the  construction  originally  meant,  "for 

you  it  were  better  to  take." 

10  Absurd:  originally  meant  "harsh-sounding;"  here,  prob 
ably,  "rough,  blunt." 

XXVII.  OF  FRIENDSHIP 

This  essay  was  entirely  rewritten.  In  the  edition  of  1612  it 
stood  thus: 

There  is  no  greater  desert  or  wilderness  than  to  be  without 
true  friends.  For  without  friendship,  society  is  but  meeting. 
And  as  it  is  certain  that  in  bodies  inanimate  union  strength- 
eneth  any  natural  motion  and  weakeneth  any  violent 
motion;  so  amongst  men,  friendship  multiplieth  joys  and 
divideth  griefs.  Therefore  whosoever  wanteth  fortitude, 
let  him  worship  friendship.  For  the  yoke  of  friendship 
maketh  the  yoke  of  fortune  more  light.  There  be  some 
whose  lives  are  as  if  they  perpetually  played  upon  a  stage, 
disguised  to  all  others,  open  only  to  themselves.  But  per 
petual  dissimulation  is  painful;  and  he  that  is  all  fortune 
and  no  nature  is  an  exquisite  hireling.  Live  not  in  con 
tinual  smother,  but  take  some  friends  with  whom  to  com 
municate.  It  will  unfold  thy  understanding;  it  will  evapo 
rate  thy  affections;  it  will  prepare  thy  business.  A  man 
may  keep  a  corner  of  his  mind  from  his  friend,  and  it  be 
but  to  witness  to  himself  that  it  is  not  upon  facility  but 
upon  true  use  of  friendship  that  he  imparteth  himself. 
Want  of  true  friends,  as  it  is  the  reward  of  perfidious  na 
tures,  so  it  is  an  imposition  upon  great  fortunes.  The  one 
deserve  it,  the  other  cannot  escape  it.  And  therefore  it  is 
good  to  retain  sincerity,  and  to  put  it  into  the  reckoning  of 
ambition,  that  the  higher  one  goeth,  the  fewer  true  friends 
he  shall  have.  Perfection  of  friendship  is  but  a  specula 
tion.  It  is  friendship  when  a  man  can  Kay  to  himself,  I 
love  this  man  without  respect  of  utility.  I  am  pen-hearted 
to  him,  I  single  him  from  the  generality  of  those  with 
whom  I  live;  I  make  him  a  portion  of  mine  own  wishes. 

1  Him  that  spake:  Lat.  "even  for  him,"  implying  that  the 
person  referred  to  was  skilled  in  mingling  truth  and  un 
truth.    The  reference  is  to  Aristotle,  Politics,  i,  2.    "One 
who  is  incapable  of  association  with  others  or  is  independ 
ent  and  has  no  need  of  such  association  is  no  member  of 
a  state,  in  other  words  he  is  either  a  brute  or  a  god."  B. 
disliked  Aristotle  and  here  does  liim  great  injustice;  cf.  In 
troduction,  p.  viii. 

2  Epimenides:  a  Cretan  poet  and  sage,  contemporary  with 
Solon,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  century  B.  c.;  he  is  said  to 
have  slept  in  a  cave  uninterruptedly  for  fifty-seven  years. 


NOTES  203 

NOTE 

3  Numa:  the  second  king  of  Rome  (715-672  B.  c.);  said  to 
have  been   taught  in  a  cave  by  the  muse  Egeria.   Cf.  Plu 
tarch,  Lives,  i,  169. 

4  Empedocles:  a  Sicilian  philosopher  (c.  490-430  B.  c.)  who 
wrapped  himself  in  mystery,  professed  magical  powers, 
and  is  said  to  have  thrown  himself  intw  th?  crater  of  Mt. 
Etna  in  order  that  his  sudden  disappearance  might  cause 
him  to  be  thought  of  as  a  god.   Cf.  Matthew  Arnold,  Em 
pedocles  on  Etna. 

5  Apollonius:  see  Essay  xix,  note  11. 

6  Tinkling  cymbal:  cf.  1  Corinthians  xiii,  1. 

7  Magna:  B.  alters  the  sense.    Erasmus,  Adagia,  says  that 
Strabo  (Geography,  xvi,  738)  applied  to  Babylon  the  saying 
of  a  common  poet,  punning  on  the  name  of  Megalopolis 
("great  city"),  "A  great  solitude  is  the  great  city." 

8  Sarza:  sarsaparilla. 

9  Flowers:  the  ed.  of  1639  has  flower,  i.  e.  flour. 

10  Privadoes:  confidants;  a  Spanish  word. 

11  Participes:  not  a  Roman  name;  the  Greek  form,  accord 
ing  to  Dion  Cassius  (Iviii,    4),  was  given  to  Sejanus  by 
Tiberius. 

12  Sylla:  Lucius  Cornelius  Sulla  (c.  138-78  B.  c.),  a  celebrated 
general  and  dictator. 

13  Pompey:  (106^-48  B.  c.)  a  celebrated  general  who  ended  the 
war  with   Mithridates   and   was   defeated   by  Caesar  at 
Pharsalus. 

14  Vaunted  himself:  cf.  Plutarch,  Lives,  iv,  219. 

15  A  friend  of  his:  Lepidus. 

16  Caesar:  the  story  is  told  by  Plutarch,  Lives,  v,  65,  and  by 
Shakespeare,  Julius  Ccesar,  ii,  2,  57-99. 

17  Philippics:  xiii,  11.    Brutus  is  meant;  cf.  chap.  9. 

18  Agrippa:  the  story  is  told  by  Dion  Cassius,  liv,  6.   In  order 
to  marry  Julia,  Agrippa  was  ordered  to  divorce  his  wife, 
Augustus'  niece. 

19  Sejanus:  cf.  "Therefore  they  often  swore  by  his  fortune, 
and  called  him  the  colleague  of  Tiberius."    Dion  Cassius, 
Iviii,  6. 

20  Tiberius  in  a  letter:  Tacitus,  Annals,  iv,  40. 

21  Dedicated  an  altar:  Tacitus,  Annals,  iv.  74. 

22  Trajan:  Roman  emperor,  98-117.  An  admirer  and  benefac 
tor  of  learning;  cf.  Adv.  i,  7,  5. 

23  Marcus  Aurelius:  emperor  161-180.    See,  likewise,  Adv.  i, 
7,8. 

24  Half  piece:  as  half-pence  and  farthings  were  formerly  very 
scarce,  people  used  to  cut  silver  pennies  into  halves  and 
quarters  to  supplv  the  deficiency. 

25  Comineus:  Philippe  de  Commines  (c.  1445-1519),  a  noted 
French  historian  and  statesman. 

26  Duke  Charles:  Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of  Burgundy  (1433- 
1477). 


204  NOTES 

NOTE 

27  Lewis:  king  of  France  1461-1483. 

28  Parable:  quoted  by  Plutarch,  Morals,  p.  13. 

29  Their  stone:  the  philosopher's  stone,  which  "purges  the 
heart  and  all  the  chief  members,  and  also  contains  intes 
tines,  marro^v,  and  whatnot  within  its  own  body."    Para- 
celsus,  the  great  German  alchemist  (1493-1541). 

JO  Themistocles:  the  celebrated  Athenian  commander  and 
statesman.  Plutarch  tells  the  story  both  in  his  Morals, 
p.  344,  and  in  his  Lives,  i,  315.  Themistocles  was  com 
paring  the  perfect  and  the  imperfect  expression  of  thought 
in  language. 

31  Arras:  a  city  in  northern  France  formerly  noted  for  the 
manufacture  of  tapestry,  which  took  from  it  the  name  of 
arras. 

32  Heraclirus:  a  celebrated  Greek  philosopher  (c.  535-475  B.C.). 
The  correct  version  of  the  enigma  is,  "  The  dry  mind  [unin 
fluenced  by  feelings  and  appetites]  is  the  wisest  and  best." 
The  figure  is  suggested  by  drunkenness. 

33  James  saith:  Epistle,  i,  23. 

34  A  gamester:  a  proverb  frequently  quoted  by  B. 

35  Four  and  twenty :  J  and  U  were  not  yet  regarded  as  distinct 
from  I  and  V.   Athenodorus  advised  Augustus  when  angry 
to  repeat  the  twenty-four  letters  of  the  Greek  alphabet. 
Plutarch,  Morals,  p.  442. 

36  Another  himself:   borrowed  from   Plutarch,   Morals    (ed. 
Goodwin),  i,  465. 

XXVIII.    OF   EXPENSE 

1  Kingdom  of  heaven:  cf .  Matthew  xix,  24. 

2  Servants:  B.  failed  to  heed  his  own  preaching.  "To  the  end 
of  his  life,  with  all  his  parade  of  account-books  and  note 
books,  his  servants  remained  uncontrolled  and  his  house 
hold  laxly  supervised."    A. 

3  Even  hand:  Lat.  "  who  does  not  wish  to  suffer  a  diminution 
of  his  wealth." 

4  Certainties:  Lat:  "turn  matters  of  computation  into  fixed 
income  and  likewise  fixed  expenditures." 


XXIX.    OF   THE    TRUE    GREATNESS    OF    KINGDOMS    AND 
ESTATES 

Most  of  the  fragment  Of  the  True  Greatness  of  Britain  (1608) 
was  incorporated  in  this  Essay,  which  in  turn  reappears  in 
the  Latin  Adv.,  viii,  3. 

1  Themistocles:  the  story  is  told  by  Plutarch,  Lives,  i,  283. 
Cf.  Adv.  iii,  8. 

2  Metaphor:  Lat.  "transferred  to  a  political  sense." 

3  Is  compared:  Matthew  xiii,  31. 


NOTES  205 

NOTE 

4  Virgil  saith:  Eclogues,  vii,  52. 

5  Would  not  pilfer:  told  by  Plutarch,  Lives,  iv,  336. 

6  Tigranes:  king  of  Armenia,  d.  c.  55  B.  c.  The  story  is  told  by 
Plutarch,  Lives,  iii,  400. 

7  Sinews  of  war:  a  saying  found  in  Cicero,  Tacitus,  Plutarch, 
and  others. 

8  Solon:   (c.  638-559  B.  c.),  a  famous  Athenian  lawgiver. 
The  story  is  told  by  Machiavelli,  Discourses  on  Livy,  ii,  10. 

9  Croesus:  became  king  of  Lydia,  Asia  Minor,  in  560  B.  c., 
and  grew  wealthy  and  powerful. 

10  Examples:  Machiavelli  (Discourses,  ii,  20;  Prince,  xii)  like 
wise  condemns  the  employing  of  auxiliaries. 

11  Judah  and  Issachar:  cf.  Genesis  xlix,  9,  14. 

12  The  excises:  "  'T  were  cheap  living  here  [Amsterdam],  were 
it  not  for  the  monstrous  accises  which  are  imposed  upon 
all  sorts  of  commodities  both  for  belly  and  back;  .  .  .  nor 
doth  any  murmur  at  it,  because  it  goes  not  to  any  favor 
ite,  or  private  purse,  but  to  preserve  them  from  the  Span 
iard."    Howell,  Familiar  Letters,  i,  7.    W. 

13  Staddles:  small  standing  trees;  allied  to  the  verb  stand. 

14  Hundred  poll:  the  hundredth  man,  one  in  a  hundred. 

15  The  nerve:  so  called  by  Machiavelli,  Discourses,  ii,  18. 

16  England  and  France:  in  1600  the  estimated  population  of 
England  and  Wales  was  5,000,000;  of  France,  20,000,000. 
In  1901  England  and  Wales,  with  a  territory  of  58,186 
square  miles,  had  a  population  of  about  32,500,000;  France, 
with  a  territory  of  204,092  square  miles,  had  a  population 
of  about  39,000,000. 

17  No  servile  condition:  cf.  Essay  xv,  note  25. 

18  Virgil's  character:  JEneAd,  i,  531. 

19  Nebuchadnezzar's  tree:  Daniel  iv,  10-27. 

20  Great  enough:  borrowed  from  Machiavelli,  Discourses,  ii,  3. 

21  The  Spartans:   the  figure  of  the  tree  is  borrowed  from 
Machiavelli,  Discourses,  ii,  3. 

22  Nice:  fastidious.     Look  up  the  history  of  the  word. 

23  Their  manner:  discussed  by  Machiavelli,  Discourses,  ii,  4. 

24  Pragmatical  Sanction,  now  published :  Lat.  "published  this 
year,"  i.  e.  in  1622,  when  this  essay  was  published  as  a  part 
of  the  Latin  Adv.   The  Pragmatical  Sanction,  decreed  by 
Philip  IV,  gave  certain  privileges  to  persons  who  married 
and    further  immunities  to  those  who  had  six   children. 
There  were  similar  provisions  in  Rome  under  the  empire. 
A  diminution  in  the  birth-rate  always  follows  the  acquisi 
tion  of  national  wealth. 

25  Romulus:  Livy,  i,  16;  Plutarch,  Lives,  i,  108. 

26  Sent  a  present:  Lat.  "  bequeathed." 

27  The  Spaniards:  this  was  the  great  age  of  Spain,  which  in 
1600    dominated    Portugal,    Florida,    Mexico,    the    West 
Indies,  much  of  South  America,  and  the  Philippines  and 
other  islands  in  the  Far  East.  The  northern  coast  of  South 


206  NOTES 

NOTE 

America  was  known  as  the  Spanish  Main,  and  Philip  II 
(king  1556-98)  had  been  able  to  boast  that  the  sun  never 
set  on  his  dominions. 

28  Law  or  sect:  that  of  Mohammed. 

29  Made  a  war:  the  second  Macedonian  war,  ending  in  the 
battle  of  Cynoscephalse  ("Dog's  Heads")  in  197  B.  c.. 
after  which  Philip  V  was  obliged  to  recognize  the  freedom 
of  Greece. 

30  Cicero:  Letters  to  Atticus,  x,  8,  4. 

31  Actium:  victory  by  Augustus  over  Mark  Antony  in  31  B.  c. 

32  Lepanto:  fought  October  7,  1571,  by  Italian  and  Spanish 
fleets  under  Don  John  of  Austria  against  the  Turks  under 
Selim  the  Sot.    The  latter  lost  35,000  men. 

33  Strength  at  sea:  one  of  the  common  doctrines  of  the  time. 
John  Selden,  in  his  Enclosed  Sea  (1635),  speaks  of  "the 
dominion  of  the  sea  as  an  ancient  and  inseparable  append 
age  to  the  ownership  of  the  land  of  Britain."   The  Narrow 
Seas,  over  which  this  dominion  was  claimed,  were  denned 
in  1674  as  extending  from  Cape  Finisterre  to  Stadland  in 
Norway.     See  H.  J.  Mackinder,  Britain  and  the  British 
Seas,  New  York,  1902. 

34  Funeral  laudatives:  Selby  refers  to  Pericles'  oration  over 
the  fallen  Athenian  soldiers  in  431  B.  c.;  Thucydides,  ii, 
35-46. 

35  Emperor:  Lat.  imperator,  the  title  by  which  the  Roman 
soldiers  saluted  their  general  after  a  victory. 

36  Triumph:  the  procession  of  the  victorious  general  through 
the  city  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter. 

37  That  ever  was:  this  construction,  while  logically  incorrect, 
is  common  even  in  the  best  English  prose.    Its  growth  was 
as  follows:  a.  One  the  best  knight  that  ever  was.  b.  One  of 
the  best  knight  that  ever  was.     Like  "the  city  of  New 
York."     c.  One  of  the  best  knights  (where  knights  is  a 
partitive  genitive)  that  ever  ivas  (the  analogy  of  b  being 
strong  enough  to  prevent  the  use  of  were). 

38  Scripture  saith:  Matthew  vi,  27. 

XXX.   OF   REGIMENT   OF   HEALTH 

1  Own  observation:    This  is  the  opinion  also  of  Plutarch, 
Morals,  p.  514. 

2  Many  things  than  one:  Lat.  "  one  great  thing."     Cf . "  A  new 
prince  in  a  city  or  province  taken  by  him  should  make 
innovations  in  everything."    Machiavelli,  Discourses,  i,  26. 

3  Apparel:  the  Lat.  adds  mansionis,  "of  the  house." 

4  Great  precepts:  B.  distorts  Celsus,  who  really  says:   "The 
healthy  man  who  feels  well  and  is  his  own  master,  ought 
not  to  bind  himself  by  any  laws;  but  ought  to  desire  neither 
a  physician  nor  an  ointment-doctor.    He  should  vary  his 
mode  of  life:  should  be  now  in  the  country,  now  in  the  city, 


NOTES  207 

V«TE 

and  more  often  in  the  field;  should  row,  hunt,  rest  at  times, 
but  take  frequent  exercise.  If  idleness  weakens  the  body, 
labor  strengthens  it;  the  former  gives  a  mature  old  age, 
the  latter  a  long  youth.  It  is  profitable  now  to  use  the 
bath,  now  cold  waters;  now  to  be  anointed,  now  to  neglect 
it;  to  avoid  no  kind  of  food  that  people  use;  now  to  be  in 
the  banquet,  now  to  withdraw  from  it;  sometimes  to  take 
more  than  he  needs,  again  not  to  do  so;  to  eat  twice  a  day 
rather  than  once,  and  always  as  much  as  possible,  so  long 
as  he  digests  it."  On  Medicine,  i,  1. 
5  Faculty:  ability. 

XXXI.    OF   SUSPICION 

1  Stoutest:  bravest. 

2  In  smother:  Lat.  "for  suspicions  are  nourished  by  smoke 
and  darkness." 

3  Passport:  Lat.  missionem  daret,  "should  discharge." 

XXXII.    OF   DISCOURSE 

1  Want  variety:  Plutarch  (Morals,  p.  7)  likewise  condemns 
monotony  for  both  eye  and  ear. 

2  Jade:  the  word  was  new  in  this  sense. 

3  Parce:  Ovid,  Metamorphoses,  ii,  127. 

4  Poser:  Lat.  "  for  an  examiner,"  i.  e.  one  who  poses  ques 

tions. 

5  Galliards:   a  lively  dance  introduced  into  England  from 
France  about  1541;  cf.  Shakespeare,  Twelfth  Night,  i,  3,  111. 

6  Dissemble  sometimes:  cf.   "Socrates  .  .  .  used  to  disable 
his   knowledge  to  the  end  to  enhance  his  knowledge." 
Adv.  ii,  13,  4. 

7  Speech  of  touch:  speech  that  distresses,  wounds. 

8  Flout  or  dry  blow:  insult  or  jest. 

9  Too  many  circumstances  :  too  many  introductory  details. 

XXXIII.    OF   PLANTATIONS 

1  The  Latin  title  is  "Concerning  Plantations  of  People  and 
Colonies."    This  was  an  era  of  colonization,  especially  in 
America. 

2  Bakers:  the  Lat.  adds  "brewers,  and  the  like." 

3  Victual:  Lat.  "of  eatables  and  drinkables." 

4  Radish:  the  Lat.  adds  "melons,  pumpkins,  cucumbers." 

5  Wheat:  the  Lat.  adds  "pulse." 

6  House-doves:  the  Lat.  adds  "rabbits." 

7  Tobacco:  cf.   "The  trade  of  this  colony  [Virginia],  as  well 
as  that  of  Maryland,  consists  almost  entirely  of  tobacco; 
for  though  the  country  would  produce  several  excellent 
commodities  fit  for  trade,  yet  the  planters  are  so  wholly 


208  NOTES 

NOTE 

bent  on  planting  tobacco,  that  they  seem  to  have  laid  aside 
all  thoughts  of  other  improvements."  Pinkerton,  Voyages, 
xii,  242. 

8  Iron  ore:  mentioned  by  Thomas  Heriot,  1587,  as  having 
been  found  in  "  the  new  found  land  of  Virginia." 

9  Bay-salt:  Lat.  "making  of  black  salt  by  the  heat  of  the  sun." 

10  Growing  silk:   vegetable  silk.     Hakluyt  speaks  of  it  as 
"silk  of  grass"  (iii,  324). 

11  Custom:  duties  on  exports  and  imports.  Cf.  "The  settlers 
in  Hispaniola  were  to  have  their  passage  free;  to  be  ex 
cused  from  taxes;  and  they  were  furnished  with  a  gratui 
tous  supply  of  grain  and  stock  for  their  farms.   All  exports 
and  imports  were  exempted  from  duty;  a  striking  contrast 
to  the  narrow  policy  of  later  ages."    Prescott,  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  ii,  435. 

12  Forsake  or  destitute:  such  was  the  fate  of  Sir  Walter  Ra 
leigh's  second  colony  on  Roanoke  Island,  founded  in  1587. 

XXXIV.    OF   RICHES 

1  Saith  Solomon:  Ecclesiastes  v,  11. 

2  Little  stones:  cf .  "  In  this  number  also  they  count  them  that 
take  pleasure  and  delight  ...  in  gems  and  precious  stones, 
and  think  themselves  almost  gods  if  they  chance  to  get  an 
excellent  one,  specially  of  that  kind,  which  in  that  time 
of  their  own  countrymen  is  had  in  highest  estimation." 
More,  Utopia,  1516  (ed.  Arber),  p.  111. 

•  3  Solomon  saith:  Proverbs  xviii,  11. 

4  Cicero  saith:  rather  of  the  father  of  Rabirius;  Pro  C.  Ra- 
birio  Postumo,  ii. 

5  Qui  festinat:  Proverbs  xxviii,  20. 

6  Poets  feign:  in  Lucian's  Timon  the  Misanthrope  (Fowler's 
trans,  i,  38,  39)  Plutus  explains  his  limping  to  Hermes  by 
saying  that  when  Zeus  sends  him  to  any  one  he  can  scarcely 
move;  his  host  is  sometimes  an  old  man  before  Plutus 
reaches  him;  while  as  a  parting  guest  Plutus  goes  swifter 
than  a  dream.    In  cases  of  suddenly  inherited  wealth  he  is 
sent  rather  by  Pluto,  god  of  the  lower  world. 

7  Observed  by  one:    Lampon,   a  rich  merchant  and  ship 
owner,  in  Plutarch,  Morah,  p.  319. 

8  Chopping  of  bargains:  cf.  Essay  xv,  note  24. 

9  True  logician:  cf.  "The  parts  of  logic  are  two,  invention 
and  judgment."    Peter  Ramus,  Logic,  i,  2. 

10  Tacitus:  does  not  himself  say  it  of  Seneca,  but  reports  it 
to  have  been  said  by  P.  Suillius  and  other  enemies;  Annals, 
xiii,  42. 

11  Foundations:  e.  g.  the  will  of  Thomas  Button,  who  in  1611 
left  about  £8000  a  year  to  his  college  at  the  Charterhouse 
to  maintain  eight  score  soldiers;  also  a  school  for  eight 
score  scholars.   In  his  Advice  to  the  King,  touching  Button's 


NOTES  209 

NOTE 

Estate,  B.  speaks  of  this  as  "a  sacrifice  without  salt,  hav 
ing  the  materials  of  a  good  intention,  but  not  powdered 
with  any  such  ordinances  and  institutions  as  may  preserve 
the  same  from  turning  corrupt,  or  at  least  from  becoming 
unsavory  and  of  little  use."  In  court,  however,  the  will  was 
upheld. 

XXXV.    OF   PROPHECIES 

1  ThePythonissa:  1  Samuel  xxviii,  19.  The  word  is  a  feminine 
form  of  python,  a  serpent  slain  by  Apollo,  god  of  divination. 

2  Homer:  B.  quotes  JEneid,  iii,  97,  98.    In  Iliad,  xx,  307,  308, 
Homer  says:  "But  now  the  power  of  -iEneas  shall  rule 
over  the  Trojans;  and  his  children's  children  and  those 
who  shall  be  born  afterward." 

3  Seneca:  Medea,  ii,  374-378. 

4  Daughter  of  Poly  crates:  Herodotus,  iii,  124,  125.    He  was 
anointed  "by  the  sun;"  and  was  first  put  to  death  and 
then  hanged  upon  a  cross.    Jupiter  Pluvius  was  the  god  of 
rain;  Apollo,  of  the  sun. 

5  Philip  of  Macedon:  father  of  Alexander  the  Great.     The 
story  is  found  in  Plutarch's  Lives,  iv,  299. 

6  A  phantasm:  Plutarch,  Lives,  vi,  217. 

7  Tiberius  said :  Tacitus,  Annals,  vi,  20.  The  saying  is  ascribed 
by  Suetonius  to  Augustus;  Galba,  iv. 

8  Tacitus  expounds:  History,  v,  13. 

9  Domitian  dreamed:  Suetonius,  Domitian,  xxxiii. 

10  Henry  the  Sixth:    told  by  Holinshed  and  Shakespeare,  5 
Henry  VI,  iv,  6,  68. 

1 1  The  King:  Henry  II  of  France  was  accidentally  killed  at  a 
tournament  in  1559.    The  prophecy  is  discredited. 

12  When  hempe:  in  the  Ancient  Scottish  Prophecies,  Bannatyne 
Club,  1833.  occurs  this  form: 

When  hempe  is  come  and  also  gone, 
Scotland  and  England  shall  be  all  one. 

13  Philip:  of  Spain,  husband  of  Queen  Mary. 

14  King's  style:  under  James  I   the  crowns  of  England  and 
Scotland  were  united. 

15  The  Baugh  and  the  May:  probably  between  the  Bass  Rock 
and  the  Isle  of  May,  in  the  Firth  of  Forth,  whither  some 
Armada  ships  wore  driven  in  1588. 

16  Norway:  the  authority  for  this  statement   has  not   been 
traced. 

17  Regiomontanus:     "of    Konigsberg,"    the    designation    of 
Johann  Miiller,  from  his  birthplace.     The  verses,  written 
in  1470,  were  altered  by  Gaspar  Bruschius  in  1553  and 
made  to  refer  to  events  which  should  happen  in  the  reign 
of  one  Sextus. 

18  Cleon's  dream:  cf.  "But  when  the  tanner-eagle,  with  his 


210  NOTES 

NOTE 

crooked  beak,  shall  seize  in  his  jaws  a  stupid  serpent,  a 
gorger  of  blood,  then,  indeed,  the  pickle  of  the  Paphla- 
gonians  is  no  more;  and  on  the  sellers  of  paunches  the  god 
imparts  great  glory,  unless,  indeed,  they  shall  choose  rather 
to  sell  sausages."  Aristophanes,  Knights,  197-201.  This, 
however,  was  not  a  dream  of  Cleon's  but  an  oracle  stolen 
from  him  by  Nicias.  It  was  said  of  a  maker  of  sausages 
but  not  in  Cleon's  presence.  R.  Cleon  was  an  Athenian 
demagogue  who  violently  opposed  Nicias,  the  leader  of 
the  aristocratic  party,  and  who  was  killed  at  Amphipolis, 
Macedon,  in  422  B.  c. 
19  Atlanticus:  now  known  as  the  Critias. 

XXXVI.    OF  AMBITION 

1  An  humor:  The  four  humors  thought  to  compose  the  body 
were  blood,  phlegm,  choler  (bile),  and  melancholy  (black 
bile). 

2  Adust:  literally  "scorched";  as  a  medical  term,  sallow, 
atrabilious. 

3  Seeled:  To  "seel"  was  to  close  the  eyelids  partially  or  en 
tirely  with  fine  thread.  Cf.  "Now  she  brought  him  to  see 
a  seeled  dove,  who  the  blinder  she  was,  the  higher  she 
strave."  Sidney,  Arcadia,  i. 

4  Macro:  Dion  Cassius,  Iviii,  9.   When  Tiberius  was  ready  to 
deal  a  final  blow  at  Sejanus,  he  sent  Macro  to  Rome  to 
command  the  praetorian  guards,  and  with  letters  to  the 
Senate  and  private  instructions  as  to  how  he  was  to  help 
on  the  main  plot.   Macro  carried  out  the  instructions.    R. 

5  The  only  figure:  R.  reminds  us  that  B.  made  this  charge 
against  the  Cecils,  his  uncle  and  cousin,  who  he  believed 
had  kept  him  from  advancement. 

XXXVII.    OF   MASQUES   AND   TRIUMPHS 

1  Broken  music:  part-music,  for  different  kinds  of  instru 
ments.     Cf.  "So  likewise,  in  that  music  which  we  call 
broken-music  or  consort-music,  some  consorts  of  instru 
ments  are  sweeter  than  others."   Natural  History,  278. 

2  High  and  tragical:  the  theme  lofty  and  serious. 

3  Into  figure:  e.  g.  letters  spelling  the  name  of  the  person 
honored,  as  in  Ben  Jonson's  Masque  of  Queens. 

4  Oes:  spangles  shaped  like  the  letter  O;  cf.  Shakespeare, 
A  Midsummer-Night's  Dream,  iii,  2,  188. 

5  Anti-masques:  the  anti-masque  was  an  independent  comic 
performance  preceding  or  inserted  between  the  acts  of  the 
masque,  and  serving  as  a  foil  or  contrast  to  it.     In  Ben 
Jonson's  Masque  of  Augurs  it  is  twice  called  an  antic- 
masque;  this  is  probably  a  folk-etymology. 

6  Turauets:  Turklets,  Turkish  dwarfs. 


NOTES  211 

NOTE 

7  On  the  other  side:  in  the  masque  proper. 

8  Barriers:  formal  contests  with  short  swords  in  lists. 

XXXVIII.    OF   NATURE   IN   MEN 

1  Letters:  cf.  Essay  xxvii,  note  35. 

2  Optimus  ille:  Ovid,  Remedy  of  I^ove,  293. 

3  Lay:  for  lie.   So  in  the  eds.  of  1625  and  1639. 

4  ^sop's  damsel:  told  in  Bullokar's  /Esop,  1585;  see  the 
edition  of  Plessow  (Palaestra,  lii,  Berlin,  1906),  p.  130. 

5  Multum  incola:    Psalms  cxx,  6.     As   punctuated  in  the 
Vulgate,  the  quotation  is  complete;  it  was  a  favorite  with  B. 

XXXIX.   OF  CUSTOM   AND    EDUCATION 

1  Machiavel:  on  conspiracies;  cf.  "For  it  is  impossible  that 
one  should   not  be  confused  at  such  a  moment,   even 
though  possessed  of  firmness  and  courage,  and  accustomed 
to  the  use  of  the  sword  and  to  seeing  men  killed.  Therefore 
only  men  experienced  in  such  affairs  should  be  chosen  as 
the  instruments  of  execution,  and  none  other  should  be 
trusted,  though  they  be  reputed  to  be  most  courageous; 
for  you  cannot  be  sure  of  any  man's  courage  in  great 
affairs,  unless  it  has  been  tested  by  actual  experience.'' 
Discourses,  iii,  6. 

2  Clement:  cf.  Essay  iv,  note  7. 

3  Ravillac:  assassinated  Henry  IV  of  France  in  1610. 

4  Jaureguy:  shot  at  William  the  Silent  in  1582. 

5  Gerard:  assassinated  William  the  Silent    by  shooting  in 
1584.  The  Lat.  adds  "or  Guy  Fawkes." 

6  Votary:  based  on  a  vow. 

7  The  Indians:  cf .  "There  also  Calanus  the  Indian  philosopher, 
having  had  a  flux  a  little  while,  prayed  that  they  would 
make  him  a  stack  of  wood,  such  as  they  use  to  burn  dead 
bodies  on.  .  .  .  When  he   had  said  these  words,  he   laid 
him  down  upon  the  woodstack,  covered  his  face,  and  never 
stirred  hand  nor  foot,  nor  quinched  when  the  fire  took 
him."    Plutarch,  Lives,  iv,  377-378. 

8  The  sect:  the  Gvmnosophistae,  or  "naked  philosophers;" 
cf.  Plutarch,  Lives,  iv,  372. 

9  Lads  of  Sparta:  spoken  of  by  Montaigne,  Essays,  ii,  32. 

10  Queching:  same  as  quinching;  cf.  note  7. 

11  An  Irish  rebel:  it  is  related  of  Brian  O'Rourke,  executed  in 
1597,  "that  he  gravely  petitioned  the  Queen,  not  for  life 
or  pardon,  but  that  he  might  be  hanged  with  a  gad  or 
withe,  after  his  own  countrv  fashion." 

12  More  pliant:  Montaigne  makes  a  somewhat  similar  remark, 
Essays,  i,  25. 

13  Exaltation :  an  astrological  term  signifying  that  position 
of  a  planet  in  which  its  influence  was  greatest. 


212  NOTES 

XL.   OF   FORTUNE 
NOTE 

1  Faber  quisque:   Plautus,  Trinummus,  ii,  2,  34.    Cf.  Adv. 
xxiii,  10. 

2  Serpens  nisi:  a  Greek  proverb,  quoted  also  by  Gesner, 
History  of  Animals,  v,  sec.  A. 

3  So  Livy:  xxxix,  40. 

4  She  be  blind:  cf.  "  For  not  only  is  Fortune  herself  blind,  but 

she  generally  makes  those  blind  whom  she  has  embraced." 
Cicero,  On  Friendship,  xv,  54. 

5  Caesar  said:  cf.  Plutarch,  Lives,  v,  41. 

6  So  Sylla:  Plutarch,  Lives,  iii,  315. 

7  It  is  written:  Plutarch,  Lives,  iii,  272.  "  Hereupon  the  gods, 
it  should  seem,  were  so  angry  with  this  foolish  ambition  of 
Timotheus  that  he  never  afterwards  did  any  worthy  thing, 
but  all  went  utterly  against  the  hair  with  him;  until  at 
length  he  came  to  be  so  hated  of  the  people  that  in  the  end 
they  banished  him  from  Athens."    Cf.  Adv.  xxiii,  10,  and 
the  Lat.  Adv.  viii,  Works,  ix,  268. 

8  Slide  and  easiness:  a  good  description  of   the  Homeric 
hexameters;   for  an    English   imitation   cf.   Longfellow's 
Evangeline. 

9  Plutarch  saith:  speaking  of  Timpleon's  wars,  in  which  were 
"great  ease  and  quietness."    Lives,  ii,  280. 

XLI.   OF  USURY 

1  Usury:  use  of  money,  interest,  whether  excessive  or  not. 
In  ancient  times  to  charge  interest  was  regarded  as  taking 
a  mean  advantage  over  a  neighbor  in  distress.     In  the 
Middle  Ages,  as  Selby  points  out,  dislike  of  usury  was  not 

•decreased  by  the  fact  that  the  chief  money-lenders  were 
Jews.  The  custom  of  charging  usury  had  been  regulated 
by  the  law  of  37  Henry  VIII,  chap.  9,  which  fixed  the 
maximum  rate  of  legal  interest  at  ten  per  cent.  But  the 
reformers  opposed  usury;  Hugh  Latimer  declared  that 
"all  they  that  live  of  usury,  they  have  their  gains  by  the 
devil."  In  1552  the  feeling  against  usury  had  become  so 
strong  that  the  statute  of  37  Hen.  VIII  was  repealed  by  5 
and  6  Edward  VI,  chap.  20,  which  declared  that  "  usury  is 
by  the  word  of  God  utterly  prohibited  as  a  vice  most  odious 
and  detestable."  Eighteen  years  later,  however,  by  13 
Elizabeth,  chap.  8,  the  older  statute  was  revived;  although 
usury  was  still  declared  sinful  and  detestable,  and  usurious 
interest  was  made  liable  to  forfeiture,  the  penalty  was 
never  enforced.  The  common  feeling  on  the  subject  is 
probably  reflected  bv  Shakespeare  in  The  Merchant  of 
Venice,  i,  3,  135,  and  in  Lear,  iv,  6,  167.  See  W.  Cunning 
ham,  Christian  Opinion  on  Usury,  Macmillan,  1884.  Cf. 
Essav  xv,  p.  48.  1.  11. 

2  God's  part:  cf.  Leviticus  xxvii,  30. 


NOTES  213 

NOTE 

3  The  tithe:  the  ten  per  cent,  allowed  by  37  Henry  VIII, 
chap.  9;  see  above. 

4  Virgil:  Georgics,  iv,  168. 

5  In  sudore:  Genesis  iii,  19. 

6  Orange-tawny:  yellow  was  the  color  which  the  Jews  weiv 
commonly  required  to  wear  in  medieval  Europe. 

7  Beget  money:  Aristotle's  fanciful  doctrine  (Politics,  i,  10, 
4,  5)  echoed  in  The  Merchant  of  Venice,  i,  3,  135. 

8  Banks:  probably  refers  to  men's  unwillingness  to  entrust 
their  money  to  banks. 

9  Discovery:  requiring  men  to  declare  their  incomes. 

10  Lie  still:  absurd  political  economy,  since  the  borrower  ia 
employing  it. 

11  Far  under  foot:  Lat.  "at  much  too  low  a  price." 

12  To  Utopia:  literally  "Nowhere,"  the  imaginary  country 
of  Sir  Thomas  More's  romance  of  that  name  (1516),  where 
there  was  no  private  property  and  hence  no  usury. 

13  Raise  the  price:  R.  notes  that  Thomas  Mun  in  his  England's 
Treasure  by  Foreign  Trade  does  not  approve  of  this  state 
ment,  but  says  that  when  produce  brings  better  prices, 
land  will  command  a  higher  rent  and  will  increase  in  value. 

14  Certain  suspicions:  e.  g.  that  having  got  money  they  con 
trived  to  retain  it,  making  fictitious  repayments  by  book 
transfers;  that  they  controlled  the  money  market;  that 
they  demanded  exorbitant  interest;  that  they  might  fail.  R. 

XLII.    OF   YOUTH   AND   AGE 

1  It  is  said:  Spartianus,  Life  of  Severus,  ii. 

2  Gaston  de  Foix:  probably  the  Due  de  Nemours,  a  celebrated 
general  (1489-1512),  nephew  of  Louis  XII,  who  fell  fight 
ing  against  the  Spaniards  after  the  battle  of  Ravenna. 

3  Fitter  for  execution:  an  observation  of  Plutarch,  Morals, 
p.  322. 

4  Rabbin:    Isaac   Abrabanel    (1437-1508),   a    distinguished 
expounder  of  the  Bible. 

5  Your  young  men:  Joel  ii,  28. 

6  Hermogenes:  born  at  Tarsus,  lived  in  the  second  half  of  the 
second  century  B.  c.    At  fifteen  he  had  become  so  famous 
that  the  emperor  Marcus  Aurelius  sent  for  him. 

7  Tully:  Cicero,  Brutus,  95. 

8  Hortensius:  a  well-known  orator  (114-50  B.  c.),  at  one  time 
Cicero's  rival. 

9  Livy  saith:  xxxviii,  53.  Livy  adds  that  in  the  peaceful  times 
of  Scipio's  later  life  there  was  no  material  for  his  nature, 
accustomed  to  war,  to  work  upon. 

10  Ultima  primis:  Ovid,  Heroides,  ix,  23. 


214  NOTES 

XLIII.    OF   BEAUTY 

NOTE 

1  Augustus:  "  He  had  a  distinguished  figure,  even  into  late  old 
age."   Suetonius,  Augustus,  Ixxix. 

2  Vespasianus:  "As  a  boy  he  possessed  splendid  gifts  of  body 
and  mind,  which  increased  as  he  grew;  a  superior  form;  and 
no  less  authority  than  grace."     Suetonius,   Vespasianus, 
iii. 

3  Philip  le  Bel:  1478-1506,  king  of  Castile  1504-1506. 

4  Edward  the  Fourth:  1441-14S3,  king  of  England  1461-1483. 

5  Alcibiades:  "  He  was  wonderful  fair,  being  a  child,  a  boy, 
and  a  man,  and  that  at  all  times,  which  made  him  marvel 
lous  amiable  and  beloved  of  every  man.  .  .  .  He  was 
passing  fair,  even  to  his  latter  time,  and  of  good  tempera 
ture  of  body."    Plutarch,  Lives,  ii,  90. 

6  Ismael:  the  first  of  the  Sufi  dynasty  of  monarchs,  who  be 
gan  to  rule  over  Persia  about  1503.    To  him  is  attributed 
the  establishment  of  the  national  religion. 

7  Favor:  Lat.  venustas,  "physical  loveliness." 

8  Apelles:  one  of  the  most   famous  of  Greek  painters,  con 
temporary  with  Alexander  the  Great.   The  story,  however, 
was  told  rather  of  Zeuxis  (b.  c.  400  B.  c.);  cf.  "So  curious 
and  exquisite  he  was,  that  when  he  should  make  a  table 
with  a  picture  for  the  Agrigentines    ...  he  would  needs 
see  all  the  maidens  of  the  city;  .  .  .  from  all  that  company 
he  chose  five  of  the  fairest  to  take  out,  as  from  several 
patterns,  whatsoever  he  liked  best  in  any  of  them;  and 
of  all  the  lovely  parts  of  those  five  to  make  one  body 
of  incomparable  beauty."    Pliny,  Natural  History,  xxxv, 
90. 

9  Albert  Dtirer:  a  famous  German  painter  (1471-1528),  wrote 
On  the  Symmetry  of  the  Parts  in  Correct  Shapes  of  Human 
Bodies  (1528),  giving  proportional  measurements. 

10  Pulchrorum:    quoted   by    Plutarch    (Lives,   ii,   90)    from 
Euripides. 

XLIV.    OF   DEFORMITY 

Writing  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton  on  December  17,  1612, 
John  Chamberlain  says:  "Sir  Francis  Bacon  hath  set  out 
new  Essays,  where,  in  a  chapter  on  Deformity,  the  world 
takes  notice  that  he  points  out  his  little  cousin  to  the  life." 
That  Bacon  had  in  mind  his  cousin,  Robert  Cecil,  Earl  of 
Salisbury  ,tis  probable  but  not  certain.  Salisbury,  it  is  well 
known,  was  deformed.  Sir  Robert  Naunton  in  Fragmenta 
Regalia  speaks  of  him  as  in  person  "not  much  beholding  to 
nature"  and  as  possessing  a  "little  crooked  person." 

1  Void  of  natural  affection:   Romans  i,  31;  2  Timothy,  iii,  3 

2  Eunuchs:  cf.  Essay  ix,  p.  26,  1.  12  f.  b. 

3  Agesilaus:  cf.  Essay  ix,  note  9. 

4  Zanger:  the  Crooked,   son  of  Solyman  the  Magnificent; 


NOTES  215 

NOTE 

committed  suicide  about  1553  on  learning  of  the  murder 
of  his  brother  Mustapha  by  Solyman. 

5  jEsop:  the  legend  of  his  deformity  is  without  foundation. 

6  Gasca:  Pedro  de  la  Gasca,  a  Spanish  ecclesiastic  who  in 
1547  suppressed  the  rebellion  of  Pizarro.    His  limbs  were 
excessively  long. 

7  Socrates :  cf.  "  Socrates  is  a  perfect  example  of  all  great 
qualities.    I  am  vexed  that  he  found  a  body  and  a  visage 
so  ugly,  as  they  say,  and  unsuited  to  the  beauty  of  his 
soul."   Montaigne,  Essays,  iii,  12. 

XLV.    OF   BUILDING 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses,  there  was, 
under  Henry  VII  and  his  successors,  a  great  change  in  the 
style  of  domestic  architecture,  military  strength  and  se 
curity  giving  place  to  comfort  and  beauty.  In  Elizabeth's 
time  there  was  much  building.  "As  Augustus  said  that  b« 
had  received  the  city  of  brick  and  had  left  it  of  marble,  so 
she  may  say  she  received  it  a  realm  of  cottages  and  hath 
made  it  a  realm  of  palaces."  Life,  i,  131. 

1  Knap:  a  knob  or  hillock. 

2  Momus:  the  god  of  censure.    Having  to  decide  a  contest, 
he  pronounced  faulty  Zeus's  bull  because  its  eyes  were  not 
well  placed  for  guiding  the  stroke  of  its  horns;  Prometheus' 
man  because  there  was  no  door  in  his  breast  so  that  his 
thoughts  could  be  seen;  and  Athene's  house  because  it  was 
not  on  wheels  so  that  it  could  be  moved  away  from  a  bad 
neighbor.    Neveletus,  Msopic  Mythology. 

3  The  commodity:  Lat.  "no  commodity;"  this  is  probably 
what  Bacon  meant. 

4  Lurcheth:  intercepts,  snatches  away. 

5  Lucullus  answered:  Plutarch,  Lives,  iii,  420. 

6  The  Vatican:  here  chiefly  the  Popes  have  lived  since  1377. 
Most  of  the  parts  have  been  built  since  1500. 

7  Escurial:  twenty-seven  miles  northwest  of  Madrid;  built  in 
1563-1584.     R.  remarks  that  both  Vatican  and  Escurial 
"  are  rather  remarkable  for  the  number  and  extent  of  thei: 
very  fair  rooms." 

8  Hester:  probably  Esther  i,  5-9,  which  is  not  very  explicit. 

9  Forty  foot:  Lat.  quinquaginta,  "fifty." 

10  Eighteen:  Lat.  quindecim,  "  fifteen." 

11  Newel:  originally,  the  post  about  which  wind  the  steps  of 
a  circular  staircase.    "  Where  the  steps  are  pinned  into  the 
wall,  and  there  is  no  central  pillar,  the  staircase  is  said  to 
have  an  open   newel."     Gwilt,  Architecture,  1842,  quoted 
in  New  Eng.  Diet. 

12 Sixteen  foot:  Lat.  viginti,  "twenty." 

13  With  a  cross:    as  in    the  court  of  Trinity  College,  Cam 
bridge.    R. 


316  NOTES 

XLVI.    OF   GARDENS 
NOTE 

1  First  planted:  the  garden  of  Eden,  Genesis  11,  8. 

2  All  the  months:  With  the  following  passage  S.  compares 
Shakespeare's  Winter's  Tale,  iv,  4,  72-127. 

3  Pine-apple-trees:  pine-trees.  The  pine  cones  were  commonly 
called  pine-apples;  cf.  French  pomme  de  pin. 

4  Stoved:  kept  near  a  stove,  in  a  hot-house. 

5  Warm  set:  Lat. "  planted  next  to  a  wall  and  toward  the 
sun." 

6  Crocus  vernus:  the  spring  crocus. 

7  Chamairis:  Lat.  chamseiris,  a  variety  of  flower-de-luce. 

8  Yellow  daffodil:  Lat.  pseudo-narcissus  luteus. 

9  Pale  daffodil:  Lat.  "  the  true  daffodil." 

10  Flos  Africanus:  the  African  flower,  another  general  name 
for  the  French  marigold.   The  Lat.,  omitting  "the  French 
marigold,"  says:  flos  Africanus,  simplex  et  multiplex. 

11  Ribes:  gooseberries  and  similar  shrubs. 

12  Rasps:  raspberries. 

13  Herba  muscaria:  the  musked  grape  flower. 

14  Lilium  convallium:  lily  of  the  valley. 

15  The  apple-tree  in  blossom:  the  Lat.  adds  "  the  corn-cockle." 

16  Jennetings:  a  variety  of  early  apples. 

17  Meloco tones:  a  variety  of  peaches. 

18  Wardens:  a  species  of  pears. 

19  Services:  shrubs  allied  to  the  shad  bush. 

20  Bullaces:  a  kind  of  plum-trees. 

21  These  particulars:  W.  notes  that  in  two  copies  of  the  ed.  of 
1625  the  following  sentence  occurs  in  place  of  this,  having 
probably  been  substituted  by  B.  himself:  "Thus,  if  you 
will,  you  may  have  the  Golden  Age  again,  and  a  spring 
all  the  year  long." 

22  Ver  perpetuum:  Virgil,  Georgics,  ii,  149. 

23  Fast  flowers:  not  freely  giving  odor. 

24  Bartholomew-tide:  August  24. 

25  Yield:  some  such  word  was  omitted  by  mistake.     Lat. 
emittunt. 

26  A  bent:  the  term  is  applied  to  several  grasses  (e.  g.  the  cat 
tail)  found  in  pasture  lands. 

27  A  heath  or  desert :  Lat.  "  thicket  or  solitary  place." 

28  Letting :  shutting  off. 

29  Like  welts  :  borders  or  edges. 

30  Stay  little  :  the  Lat.  adds  "that  it  may  remain  clear." 

31  None  in  it:  the  Lat.  adds  a  passage  to  this  effect:  "except 
that  in  some  places  I  direct  there  be  set  rows  of  trees  which 
at  the  top  shall  enclose  walks,  covered  over  with   the 
boughs  of  the  trees,  with  windows.   Moreover,  let  a  part  of 
the  adjacent  ground  be  thickly  planted  with  flowers  of 
sweet  odor,  which  shall  make  the  air  more  pleasant ;  other 
wise  I  should  like  the  heath  to  be  open  without  trees." 

32  Pricked:  planted. 


NOTES  217 


33  Deceive:  Lat.  "deprive  of  strength." 

34  Natural  nestling:  Lat.  "and  may  be  able  in  various  ways  to 
delight  and  compose  themselves." 

35  Platform:  plan;  cf.  our  political  use  of  the  word. 

XLVII.    OF   NEGOTIATING 

1  Quickeneth:  Lat.  "sharpeneth  industry." 

2  Absurd:  stupid. 

3  Bear  out  itself:  Lat.  "which  have  something  unjust  about 
them." 

4  If  a  man  deal:  i.  e.  if  A  agrees  with  B  to  do  something  if 
B  does  something,  the  chief  thing  is,  who  shall  do  his  part 
first.    A  cannot  insist  that  B  shall  go  first  unless  B's  part 
must  of  necessity  precede  A's  part,  or  unless  he  can  per 
suade  B  that  he  will  still  neeu  B  in  some  other  matter, 
or  unless  he  can  persuade  B  that  he  (B)  shall  be  thought 
the  more  honorable  for  going  before.    R.  takes  the  third 
alternative  to  mean  "that  he  (A)  is  a  thoroughly  trust 
worthy  man."    The  words  admit  of  either  interpretation. 

5  Start  or  first  performance:  Lat.  "the  first  seizure,  so  to  speak, 
or  the  possession  of  one's  desires,  is  to  be  counted  among 
the  chief  points." 

6. The  honester  man:  Lat.  "for  a  man  especially  sound  and 
truthful." 

XL VIII.    OF   FOLLOWERS   AND    FRIENDS 

1  Ordinary  followers:  an  imperfect  list  of  the  servants  in  B.'s 
London  house  in  1618  (Life,  vi,  336-338)  includes  a  hun 
dred   names;   at  another  house,   probably   Gorhambury, 
another  list  shows  at  least  fifty  names,  and  there  may  have 
been  more. 

2  From  a  man:  the  Latin  adds  "if  one  consider  the  thing 
truly." 

3  Inquire  the  secrets:  cf.  "They  wish  to  know  the  secrets 
of  the  house,  and  thence  to  be  feared."    Juvenal,  Satires, 
iii,  113,  of  the  Greeks  at  Rome. 

4  Base  times:  R.  recalls  Thucydides'  description  of  Greece 
during  the  civil  quarrels  of  427  B.   c.:  "The  simplicity 
which  is  so  large  an  element  in  a  noble  nature  was  laughed 
to  scorn  and  disappeared.  An  attitude  of  perfidious  antago 
nism  everywhere  prevailed;  for  there  was  no  word  binding 
enough,  nor  oath  terrible  enough  to  reconcile  enemies. 
Each  man  was  strong  only  in  the  conviction  that  nothing 
was  secure;  he  must  look  to  his  own  safety,  and  could  not 
afford  to  trust  others.    Inferior  intellects  generally  suc 
ceeded  best.   For,  aware  of  their  own  deficiencies,  and  fear 
ing  the  capacity  of  their  opponents,  for  whom  they  were 
no  match  in  powers  of  speech,  and  whose  subtle  wits  were 


218  NOTES 

NOTE 

likely  to  anticipate  them  in  contriving  evil,  they  struck 
boldly  and  at  once.  But  the  cleverer  sort,  presuming  in 
their  arrogance  that  they  would  be  aware  in  time,  and 
disdaining  to  act  when  they  could  think,  were  taken  ofi 
their  guard  and  easily  destroyed."  iv,  83,  trans.  Jowett. 

5  All  is  of  favor:  Lat.  "all  things  proceed  from  favor,  not 
from  obligation." 

6  The  last  impression:  Lat.  "  of  the  last  edition,  as  they  now 
say;  "  the  metaphor  is  from  the  printing  art. 

7  Discovereth  the  hill:  cf .  "As  those  who  wish  to  delineate 
countries  place  themselves  low  in  the  plain  to  observe  the 
form  and  character  of  mountains  and  high  places,  and  for 
the  purpose  of  studying  the  nature  of  the  low  country 
place  themselves  high  upon  an  eminence,  so  one  must  be  a 
prince  to  know  well  the  character  of  the  people,  and  to 
understand  well  the  nature  of  a  prince  one  must  be  of  the 
people."     Machiavelli,  The   Prince,  dedication.     Cf.  also 
Adv.  xxi,  7. 

8  To  be  magnified:  the  Lat.  adds  "among  the  ancients." 
According   to   Diogenes   Laertius    (viii,    10),    Pythagoras 
(c.  582-500  B.  c.)  was  the  first  to  say  this. 

XLIX.  OF  SUITORS 

1  Undertaken:  taken  up  by  the  patron  (undertaker)  or  go- 
between  who  tries  to  advance  the  suitor's  interest  with  the 
king  or  the  person  to  whom  he  ultimately  addresses  his 
suit.    Without  the  help  of  an  undertaker  it  was  hard  to  get 
a  hearing  at  court. 

2  Embrace:  Lat.  "receive  and  eagerly  promise  aid." 

3  Make  an  information :  Lat.  "  that  they  may  bring  up  by 
the  way  and  enquire  about  something  for  which  they  could 
not  otherwise  find  a  pretext." 

4  Suit  of  controversy:    a  lawsuit,   Lat.  "of  justice."    At 
tempts  were  frequently  made  to  influence  the  course  of  jus 
tice  by  giving  presents  to  the  judge.   See  Introduction,  p. 
xix. 

5  Suit  of  petition:  e.  g.  for  help  in  obtaining  an  office.   Lat. 
"of  favor." 

6  Compound  the  matter:  make  a  compromise  rather  than 
force  an  injustice  through. 

7  Iniquum  petas:  Quintilian,  On  the  Institutes  0}  Oratory,  iv, 

£)j   J. O. 

8  General  contrivers:  R.  takes  these  to  be  those  who  sought 
to  acquire  monopolies  and  their  undertakers.  The  monopo 
lies  under  James  I  became  a  great  evil;  cf.  Introduction, 
p.  xi,  bottom. 


NOTES  219 

Ii.    OF   STUDIES 
NOTE 

1  For  delight:  Lat.  "either  for  pleasure  in  meditations  or 
ornament  in  speaking  or  aid  in  business." 

2  Proyning:  cultivating;  the  same  word  as  prune,  but  used 
with  an  older  sense.   Cf.  Natural  History,  432,  823. 

3  Distilled  waters:  kept  in  the  house  for  medicinal  purposes. 

4  Flashy:  Lat.  insipidi,  "tasteless."   Cf.  Li/cidas,  123. 

5  Poets  witty:  is  this  an  adequate  description  of  what  poetrv 
does? 

6  Moral  grave:  probably  "serious,  dignified;"  Lat.  "pro 
duces  a  certain  seriousness  of  manners." 

7  Abeunt  studia  in  mores:  Ovid,  Heroides,  xv,  83.  Cf.  Adv. 
iii,  4. 

8  Stone:  of  the  bladder  or  the  kidneys. 

9  Reins:  the  kidneys;  Lat.  renes. 

10  Cymini  sectores:  literally  "cutters  of  cumin;"  cf.  Matthew 
xxiii,  23.  The  phrase  means  rather  "niggards,  stingy 
persons;"  so  Theocritus,  Idylls,  x,  55. 

LI.    OF   FACTION 

1  Not  wise:  Machiavelli  (Discourses,  iii,  27)  likewise  con 
demns  the  attempt  to  rule  cities  by  keeping  factions  alive. 

2  One  by  one:  Lat.  "in  coaxing,  conciliating,  and  managing 
individuals." 

3  Caesar  and  Pompey:  about  52  B.  c.   Cf.  Essay  xv,  note  13. 

4  Antonius  and  Octavianus:  after  the  battle  of  Philippi  in 
42  B.  c. 

5  A  new  purchase:  Lat.  "  prepare  themselves  to  acquire  new 
friends." 

6  Goeth  away  with  it:  Lat.  "  generally  gets  an  advantage." 

7  Tanauam  unus:  Genesis  iii,  22.     Note  that  Adam  was  an 
inferior  raised  to  be  equal  with  those  above  him. 

8  League  of  France:  cf.  Essay  xv,  note  7. 

LII.    OF   CEREMONIES   AND    RESPECTS 

1  Without  foil:  a  leaf  (foil  is  from  Lat.  folium,  "leaf")  of 
metal  placed  under  a  gem  to  enhance  its  brilliance.    Lat. 
"  without  any  ornament." 

2  Small  matters:  Lat.  "the  smaller  virtues." 

3  Queen  Isabella  said:  Lat.  Isabella  regina  Castiliana,  "queen 
of  Castile."   The  original  saying  (Tuningius,  Apophthegms, 
1609,  p.  65)  had  not  "good  forms"  but  "good  looks,"  and 
has  been  ascribed  to  Aristotle  and  to  Diogenes. 

4  Behavior:  Lat.  "  countenance  and  gestures  and  other  ex 
ternals." 

5  Compliments:  Lat.  "ceremonies  and  little  forms." 

6  Solomon  saith:  Ecclesiastes  xi,  4. 

7  Point  device:  excessively  nice  or  precise.  Lat. "  too  elegant.* 


220  NOTES 

LIII.    OF   PRAISE 

WOTE 

1  Species:  Tacitus,  Annals,  xv,  48. 

2  Like  a  river:  the  simile  occurs  several  times  elsewhere  in  B.; 
cf.  Novum  Org.  i,  71,  77. 

3  Concur:  Lat.  "  agree  with  the  people." 

4  The  Scripture  saith:  Ecclesiastes  vii,  1,  slightly  changed.    Cf. 
the  Epistle  Dedicatory,  p.  3. 

5  False  points:  Lat.  "  fallacious  conditions." 

6  Laudando:  cf.  "To  teach  a  ruler  what  he  ought  to  be  is  a 
fine  thing  indeed,  though  arduous  and  almost  presump 
tuous;  but  to  praise  the  best  of  rulers  and  by  this  means  to 
hold  out,  as  from  a  watch-tower,  a  light  to  posterity  to 
show  what  they  shall  follow,  is  as  useful,  without  arro 
gance."   Pliny,  Epistles,  iii,  18. 

7  Pessimum  genus:  Tacitus,  Agricola,  xli,  slightly  altered. 

8  He  that  was  praised:  cf.  "Praising  thee,  the  beautiful  one, 
I  shall  not  raise  pimples  on  my  slender  nose."   Theocritus, 
Idylls,  xii,  23,  24.   B.  distorts  the  saying. 

9  That  a  blister:  cf.  "Lest  by  committing  a  fraud  I  raise  a 
blister  on  my  tongue."  Theocritus,  Idylls,  ix,  30. 

10  Solomon  saith:  Proverbs  xxvii,  14. 

11  Sbirrerie:  the  Lat.  prefixes  "by  a  Spanish  word;"  but  it 
comes  rather  from  Ital.  sbirro,  "constable." 

12  Catchpoles:  literally  "catch-heads;"  bailiff's  assistants. 

13  I  speak:  2  Corinthians  xi,  23. 

14  Magnificabo:  Romans  xi,  13. 

LIV.   OF  VAIN-GLORY 

1  The  fly  sat:  cf .  Bullokar's  &sop,  ed.  Plessow,  p.  90. 

2  Livius  noteth:  xxxv,  12,  17,  18. 

3  Qui  de  contemnenda:  Cicero,  Tusculan  Disputations,  i,  15. 

4  Socrates:  cf.  Essay  xxxii,  note  6. 

5  Aristotle:  cf.  Introduction,  p.  viii. 

6  Galen:  a  celebrated  Greek  physician  (born  in  131)  who 
wrote  many  works  on  medicine  and  acquired  a  reputation 
which  he  did  not  deserve. 

7  Plinius  Secundus:  the  younger  Pliny  (62-113),  an  author 
and  public  official. 

8  Tacitus:  History,  ii,  80.     He  seems  to  refer  especially  to 
Mucianus's  rhetorical  skill. 

9  Saith  Pliny:  Epistles,  vi,  17,  loosely  quoted. 

L,V.   OF   HONOR  AND   REPUTATION 

1  Winning:  Lat.  "true  and  rightful  winning."     MS.  Harl. 

5106  has  "true  winning." 

Husband:  manager.    For  the  etymology,  cf.  economist. 
3  Broken:  the  use  of  the  word  "is  not  clear.     Lat.  "  honor 

which  is  comparative  and  depresses  another." 


NOTES  221 

NOTE 

4  Omnis  fama:  Cicero,  On  the  Petition  of  the  Consulate,  v. 
A.  compares  the  proverb  "No  man  is  a  hero  to  his  valet" 
and  Hegel's  explanation,  "The  reason  is,  not  that  the  one 
is  not  a  hero,  but  that  the  other  is  a  valet." 

5  Degrees  of  sovereign  honor:  B.  has  a  different  view  in 
Novum  Organum,  i,   129:  "The  introduction  of  famous 
discoveries  appears  to  hold  by  far  the  first  place  among 
human  actions;  and  this  was  the  judgment  of  the  former 
ages.  For  to  the  authors  of  inventions  they  awarded  divine 
honors;  while  to  those  who  did  good  service  in  the  state 
(such  as  founders  of  cities  and  empires,  legislators,  saviors 
of   their  country   from   long   endured   evils,   quellers   of 
tyrannies,  and  the  like)  they  decreed  no  higher  honors 
than  heroic.    And  certainly  if  a  man  rightly  compare  the 
two,  he  will  find  that  this  judgment  of  antiquity  was  just. 
For  the  benefits  of  discoveries  may  extend  to  the  whole 
race  of  man,  civil  benefits  only  to  particular  places;  the 
latter  last  not  beyond  a  few  ages,  the  former  through  all 
time."   Spedding's  trans. 

6  Cyrus:  559-529  B.  c.,  founder  of  the  Persian  empire. 

7  Ottoman:  Osman  or  Othman,  founder  of  the  Turkish  em 
pire;  became  chief  of  his  tribe  in  1288,  emir  in  1299;  d. 
1326. 

8  Ismael:  cf.  Essay  xliii,  note  6. 

9  Lycurgus:  traditional  author  of  the  laws  of  Sparta;  lived  in 
the  9th  century  B.  c. 

10.  Solon:  cf.  Essay  xxix,  note  8. 

11  Justinian:  emperor  of  the  Byzantine  empire  527-565,  by 
whose  command  the  body  of  Roman  law  was  codified  and 
annotated. 

12  Eadgar:  king  of  England  959-975;  his  quiet  reign  caused 
him  to  be  called  "  the  Peaceful." 

13  Alphonsus:  Alphonso  X,  king  of  Leon  and  Castile,  1252- 
1282.   The  code  called  The  Seven  Parts  forms  the  basis  of 
Spanish  jurisprudence. 

14  Vespasianus:  cf.  Essay  ii.note  8.   He  freed  the  empire  from 
the  civil  wars  subsequent  to  Nero's  death. 

15  Aurelianus:  emperor  of  Rome  270-275;  called  by  the  senate 
the  Restorer  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

16  Theodoricus:  454-526,  a  celebrated  king  of  the  East  Goths, 
famed  among  the  later  Germans  as  Dietrich  von  Bern,  of 
whom  many  fabulous  stories  are  told,  e.  g.  that  under  his 
rule  men  were  so  honest  that  gold  pieces  could  be  left  in 
the  highway  for  a  year  and  a  day  without  being  stolen. 

17  Henry  the  Fourth: "king  1589-1610.    Ended  the  Catholic- 
Protestant  wars;  in  1598  signed  the  edict  of  Nantes. 

18  Scantling:  measure. 

19  Regulus:  died  about  250  B.  c.    A  Roman  general.    Taken 
prisoner  by  the  Carthaginians,  he  was  sent  by  them  to 
Rome  to  ask  for  peace  or  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  but 


222  NOTES 

NOTE 

persuaded  the  Romans  to  refuse  this  and  voluntarily  re 
turned  to  prison. 

20  Decii:  the  Romans  Publius  Decius  Mus  and  his  son  of  the 
same  name  sacrificed  themselves  to  win  a  doubtful  battle, 
in  340  B.  c.  and  295  B.  c.  Virgil  mentions  them  in  his 
Mneid,  vi,  824. 


LVI.   OF  JUDICATURE 

1  Exposition  of  Scripture:  the  Catholic  Church  claims  author 
ity  based  on  Matthew  xvi,  18,  19. 

2  Cursed  is  he:  Deuteronomy  xxvii,  17. 

3  Mere-stone:  a  boundary-stone.     Has  no  connection  with 
mere,  "pool." 

4  Saith  Solomon:  Proverbs  xxv,  26. 

5  There  be:  Amos  v,  7. 

6  By  raising  valleys:  cf.  Isaiah  xl,  4. 

7  Qui  fortiter:  Proverbs  xxx,  33. 

8  Pluet  super  eos:  Psalms  xi,  6. 

9  A  shower  of  snares:  a  favorite  metaphor  with  B. 

10  Judicis  officium:  Ovid,  Sorrows,  i,  1,  37. 

11  Well-tuned  cymbal:  cf.  Psalms  cl,  5. 

12  Length:  Lat.  "  the  prolixity  of  lawyers  and  witnesses." 

13  That:  Lat.  quantum,  "  how  much." 

14  Represseth    the    presumptuous:    another    translation    of 
Proverbs  iii,  34. 

15  Of  by-ways:  Lat.  "of  corruption,  and  of  irregular  access 
to  the  judges." 

16  Chop  with:  Lat.  obstrepat,  "clamor  against." 

17  Scripture  saith:  Matthew  vii,  16. 

18  Quarrels  of  jurisdiction:  then  common  by  reason  of  the  un 
settled  condition  of  the  law. 

19  In  weather:  in  storm. 

20  Twelve  Tables:  promulgated  in  451-450  B.  c.;  formed  the 
chief  basis  of  later  Roman  jurisprudence. 

21  The  spirits:  the  brain  and  nervous  system. 

22  Solomon's  throne:  cf.  1  Kings  x,  18-20. 

23  Do  not  check  or  oppose:  note  how  far  modern  democracy 
has  progressed  from  this  idea;  cf.  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence. 

24  Nos  scunus:  1  Timothy  i,  8. 


LVII.    OF   ANGER 

1  Bravery:  Lat.  ostentatio,  "an  ostentatious  attempt.' 

2  Be  angry:  Ephesians  iv,  26. 

3  Seneca  saith  well:  On  Anger,  i,  1. 

4  Scripture  exhorteth:  Luke  xxi,  19. 

5  Animasaue:  Virgil,  Georgics,  iv,  238. 


NOTES  223 

NOTE 

6  A  kind  of  baseness:  Lat. "  a  low  thing,  beneath  the  dignity  of 
man." 

7  Consalvo:  Gonsalvo  Hernandez  de  Cordova,  a   celebrated 
Spanish  general  (1443-1515),  called  "The  Great  Captain." 

8  Aculeate:  stinging. 

9  Passion:  Lat.  "sudden  excitement  of  the  mind." 

LVIII.    OF   VICISSITUDE   OF  THINGS 

1  Solomon  saith :  Ecclesiastes  i,  9. 

2  Plato:  Phcedo,  72  E. 

3  His  sentence:  Ecclesiastes  i,  10,  11. 

4  Lethe:  forge tfulness.     From  this  river  the  ghosts  drank 
oblivion. 

5  An  abstruse  astrologer:  R.  thinks  this  may  be  Telesius, 
whose  On  the  Nature  of  Things,  i,  10,  bears  some  resemblance 
to  this  passage. 

6  Phaeton's  car:  the  Lat.  amplifies:  "The  fable  of  Phaeton 
represented  the  shortness  of  a  conflagration,  lasting  for 
only  a  day."   Phaeton  asked  his  father  Helios  (the  sun)  to 
be  allowed  to  drive  the  chariot  of  the  sun  across  the  heavens 
for  one  day.  As  he  was  too  weak  to  guide  the  horses,  they 
rushed  out  of  the  track  and  nearly  set  the  earth  on  fire. 
Zeus  then  killed  Phaeton  with  a  thunderbolt.    Bacor>  got 
the  idea  from  Plato's  Timceus. 

1  Three  years'  drought:  1  Kings  xvii,  xviii. 

8  The  West  Indies:  the  New  World  in  general. 

9  Atlantis:  Plato,  Timceus  25  D. 

10  Machiavel:  Discourses,  ii,  5,  which  probably  suggested  this 
Essay. 

11  Gregory  the  Great:  pope  590-604. 

12  Sabinian:  succeeded  Gregory  the  Great  as  pope  in  604; 
under  him  there  was  a  revival  of  the  earlier  attachment 
to  the  ancient  gods. 

13  The  former  antiquities:  the  Lat.  adds,  "Then  indeed  things 
forbidden,  even  if  covered  with  darkness,  creep  out  and 
have  their  times." 

14  Superior  globe:  the  upper  sphere,  the  heavens. 

\5  Plato's  great  year:  the  time  at  the  end  of  which  all  the 
heavenly  bodies,  having  completed  all  their  revolutions, 
return  to  the  places  they  had  at  the  beginning  of  the 
world.  Cf.  "As  for  the  great  year,  spme  say  it  compriseth 
eight  years;  others  nineteen;  and  others  again  sixty  want 
ing  one.  Heraclitus  saith  it  consisteth  of  80,000  solar 
years;  Diogenes,  of  365  years  such  as  Heraclitus  speaketh 
of;  and  others,  of  7777."  Plutarch,  Morals,  p.  676. 

16  Influences:  cf.  Essay  ix,  note  2. 

17  Heaven:  the  Lat.  adds,  "the  season  of  the  year;  the  path 
or  course." 

18  The  rock:  Arber's  text  has  "a  rock."   Cf.  Matthew xvi,  18. 


224  NOTES 

NOTE 

19  May  doubt:  Lat.  metuendum,  "  fear." 

20  His  law:  the  Koran.   Cf.  Essay  xvi,  note  3. 

21  Arians:  followers  of  Arius  (256-336)  who  maintained  re 
specting  the  Trinity  that  the  Son  is  of  a  nature  similar  to 
but  not  the  same  as  that  of  the  Father  and  is  subordinate 
to  him;   thus  tending  toward  a  denial  of  the  divinity  of 
Christ. 

22  Arminians:  followers  of  Jakoo  Harmensen  (1560-1609), 
who,  protesting  against  the  Calvinistic  doctrine  of  pre 
destination,  taught  that  God  had  predestined  the  salva 
tion  or  condemnation  of  individuals  only  after  he  saw  who 
would  accept  and  who  would  decline  the  mercy  of  Christ. 

23  Persians:  e.  g.  the  invasion  of  Greece  in  480  B.  c. 

24  Assyrians:  under  Sennacherib  and  Esarhaddon  conquered 
Egypt  (705-668  B.  c.). 

25  Arabians:  conquered  Spain  in  711  and    maintained  sov 
ereignty  over  it  in  general  till  1492. 

26  Tartars:  under  Jenghis  Khan  conquered  China  and  central 
Asia  in  1206-1221. 

27  Gallo-Grecia:  Galatia,  in  Asia  Minor,  conquered  by  Gauls 
in  279  B.  c. 

28  Rome:  invaded  by  the  Gauls  in  390  B.  c. 

29  In  respect  of  the  stars:  this  view  was  upheld  by  Roger 
Bacon  in  his  Opus  Majus  (c.  1267). 

30  Courages  warmest:  the  Lat.  adds:  "as  is  seen  in  the  people 
of  Arauco,  who,  seated  the  farthest  south,  far  excel  all  the 
Peruvians  in  courage."     B.  refers  to  the  Araucanians  in 
southern  Chile. 

81  Almaigne:  Germany. 

32  Charles:  c.  742-814,  king  of  the  Franks  from  768  on,  and 
emperor  of  the  Romans  800-814. 

33  By  lot:  legend  has  it  that  in  this  way  the  early  Anglian  and 
Saxon  emigrants  to  Britain  were  chosen. 

34  Encourageth  a  war:  Lat.  "  excites  other  nations  to  invade 
them." 

35  Ordnance:  Lat.  tormenta  senea,  "brass  ordnance." 

36  Known:   the  Lat.  adds  "in   the   time  of  Alexander  the 
Great." 

37  Arietations:  use  of  battering-rams. 

38  His  infancy:  the  gen.  its  had  not  come  into  general  use. 

39  Exhaust:  the  Lat.  adds  "  the  loquaciousness  also  remaining." 

40  Philology:  apparently  Bacon  means  '•  the  history." 

41  Circle  of  tales:  Lat.  "a  certain  mass  of  tales  and  useless 
observations." 

LIX.    OF   FAME 

First  printed  by  Rawley  in  1657. 
1  They  say:  a  free  translation  follows  of  Virgil,  jEneid,  iv,  173- 

188. 


NOTES  225 

NOTE 

2  Mucianus:  Tacitus,  History,  ii,  80. 

3  Julius  Caesar:  Plutarch,  Lives,  v,  31,  32. 

4  Livia:  Tacitus,  Annals,  i,  5.   Cf.  Essay  vi,  p.  18,  1.  6. 

5  Themistocles:  Plutarch,  Lives,  i,  300,  301.     It  happened 
after  the  battle  of  Salamis  in  480  B.  c. 


SUGGESTIONS    FOR   THE    STUDY    OF   THE    ESSAYS 

There  are  three  kinds  of  study  which  the  high-school  student 
may  devote  to  the  Essays.  To  make  his  study  profitable 
in  the  highest  degree,  and  to  appreciate  the  Essays  most 
fully,  he  should  give  some  attention  to  each  of  these  kinds. 

I.  LINGUISTIC,     a.  Note  the   proportion   of  native  English 
words  to  those  of  Latin  origin  and  to  those  of  French 
origin.   Is  B.  fond  of  words  of  Latin  or  Greek  origin? 

6.  Does  B.  often  use  words  now  obsolete,  or  in  senses  not 
now  common  or  intelligible,  e.  g.  leese,  compound  (Essay 
Iv,  p.  164,  1.  2  f.  b.),  Almaigne,  graze  (Essay  xlv,  p.  139, 
1.  14  f.  b.),  glorious  (Essay  xlviii,  p.  15,  1.  3  f.  b.)?  Does 
he  make  frequent  use  of  scientific  terms? 

c.  How  far  does  B.  differ  from  modern  standard  usage  in  his 
inflections,  eaj2£ciaUy_jo£jcexbs?    How  does  his  usage  com 
pare  with  tEat  of  the  King  James  Bible?    Is  he  careful  in 
using  the  subjunctive  mode? 

d.  Ara  B.'s  sentences  modern  in  structure?   In  what  respects 
do  they  strike  us  as  strange  or  old-fashioned?    Is  he  fond 

*of  balance?  Of  periodic  sentences?  How  many  obsolete 
constructions  do  we  find,  e.  g.  there  be  some  have  (Essay 
xlii,  p.  133,  1.  19),  so  as  for  so  that  ?  How  do  his  sentences 
compare  in  structure  with  those  of  the  Bible,  and  of 
Shakespeare's  prose? 

II.  RHETORICAL,  a.  The  structure  of  the  Essays  will  be  much 
better  understood  if  either  an  outline  or  an  abstract  is 
made  of  each  one.    The  outlines  or  briefs  may  be  made 
more  or  less  elaborate  as  time  permits,  but  should  in 
variably  be  done  with  care.  The  abstracts  should  be  as  con 
cise  as  possible. 

6.  Ar^thaJEs^ay^truc^msllZjJear?  Are  the  general  divisions 
well  marked?  Are  transitions  easily  made?  At  what 
points  does  certainly  occur,  and  are  there  any  Essays  in 
which  it  does  not  occur?  Which  Essays  seem  to  have  been 
most  carefully  planned?  Which  Essays  are  formally  in 
troduced?  In  which  is  there  a  formal  conclusion?  Does 
B.  conform  to  the  modern  canons  of  unity,  sequence, 
,  coherence? 

/  c.  How    much    narrative,    description,    argument    does    B 
mingle  with  his  exposition?  Are  any  Essays  arguments? 

d.  In  what  respects  do  the  Essays  differ  from  modern  essays, 
e.    g.    those   of  Addison,  Macaulay,  Carlyle,   Stevenson? 
Are  these  differences  to  be  accounted  for  by  the  author's 

,      different  purpose? 

e.  What  is  B.'s  attitude  toward  his  reader?   Does  he  address 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY  227 

or  ignore  the  reader?  Does  he  speak  as  one  having  authority, 
or  timidly? 

/.  Is  B.  too  fond  of  quotations  from  foreign  languages?  For 
what  class  of  people  was  he  writing?  Could  he  depend 
upon  being  usually  understood?  Does  he  quote  the  Bible 
oftener  in  Latin  than  in  English?  Does  he  introduce 
quotations  in  foreign  languages  for  ornament  or  for  clearer 
statement? 

7.  What  adjectives  may  most  appropriately  be  applied  to 
B.'s  style?  Is  he  ever  diffuse?  When  is  he  most  concise? 
When,  if  ever,  does  he  make  use  of  poetic  diction?  How 
often  does  he  use  figures  and  what  figures  does  he  prefer? 
When  dogs  he  use  the  longggt_and  when  the  shortest  sen 
tences?  Does  he"  ever  use  a  transposed  order  of  words,  and 
for  what  purpose? 

III.  LITERARY,  a.  One  of  the  most  profitable  of  studies  is  that 
of  the  Essays  as  illustrating  B.'s  life  and  times.  Essays 
xi  and  xxxvi  are  wonderfully  interesting  in  connection 
with  B.'s  struggle  for  preferment.  How  does  Essay  Ivi  har 
monize  with  B.'s  practice  as  a  judge  ?  How  does  Essay 
xxxiii  illustrate  the  designs  of  the  colonizers  of  America? 
These  are  questions  such  as  may  arise  in  connection  with 
almost  every  Essay.  Think  of  the  collection  as  "a  human 
document."  Classify  B.'s  subjects. 

6.  Ethical  standards.  How  do  B.'s  ideas  of  conduct  compare 
with  those  of  our  day?  Does  he  allow  practices,  e.  g.  telling 
untruths,  that  we  condemn?  Judged  by  present-day  stand 
ards,  are  his  ideals  of  life  high?  Do  religious  considera 
tions  ever  influence  his  conduct  or  his  precepts? 

c.  The  extent  of  B.'s  reading.   Not  much  can  be  done  by  the 
high-school  pupil  in  the  study  of  this  topic;  but  he  can  note 
the  variety  of  authors  from  whom  B.  got  his  ideas.  Does  B. 
often  distort  in  quoting?    Has  the  Bible  much  influenced 
him? 

d.  Allusions.     A  fuller  study  of  B.'s  allusions,  especially  to 
classical  myths,  than  is  possible  from  the  Notes,  will  be 
worth  while.  See  the  classical  dictionaries  of  Smith,  Harper, 
Seyffert,  and  Gayley's  Classic  Myths  in  English  Literature, 
Boston,  1893. 

e.  B.'s  humor.  Had  he  a  sense  of  humor,  and  how  often  does  it 
show  itself?   How  does  his    humor  compare  with  that  of 
Shakespeare? 

/.  Closely  connected  with  (e)  is  the  general  question  of  B.'s 
temperament  as  illustrated  in  the  Essays.  What  sort  of 
man  does  he  seem  to  have  been,  bold  or  cautious,  frank  or 
sly,  good-natured  or  crabbed,  an  optimist  or  a  pessimist? 
Could  he  have  written  any  of  Shakespeare's  plays  with 
which  you  are  familiar? 


0 


BINDING  LIST    QCT-1     1941 


Bacon,  Francis,  viscount 
St.   Albans 
The  essays 


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