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ΠΣ ἘΠΕ fost

ΩΝ pamper as!
oe aon

EUSEBIT PAMPHILI
EVANGELICAE PRAEPARATIONIS

LIBRI XV

LONDINI er NOVI EBORACI

APUD HENRICUM FROWDE

EYZEBIOY TOY ΠΑΜΦΙΛΟΥ͂
EYTATTEAIKH® TIPOIAPASKETHS

AOTO! IE

EUSEBIIT PAMPHILI
EVANGELICAE PRAEPARATIONIS

LIBRI XV

AD CODICES MANUSCRIPTOS DENUO COLLATOS RECENSUIT
ANGLICE NUNC PRIMUM REDDIDIT
NOTIS ET INDICIBUS INSTRUXIT

E. H. GIFFORD, S.T.P.

OLIM ARCHIDIACONUS LONDINENSIS

OXONII
E TYPOGRAPHEO ACADEMICO

M.CM.III

a me ἀκ
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™ = =. «ὃ.

O.XONII
Excudebat Horatius Hart
Typographus academicus

erie: 1a
ν. 12 ἽΝ γ---ς
Ulivi πο. γὉ

baa

BOOK I

THE title Εὐσεβίον τοῦ Παμφίλου. The traditional rendering,
‘ Eusebius the friend of Pamphilus,’ has no support in the usage
of the genitive of kinship. Whether Eusebius was actually
adopted by Pamphilus, or only assumed the patronymic as a mark
of respect and affection, the only correct rendering is ‘ Eusebius
son of Pamphilus.’ See the Introduction to the English translation,
vol, ili. p. 2.

1] 184 θεῖον ἐπισκόπων χρῆμα. Eusebius applies the same de-
scription to Theodotus again (Dem. Ev. i. 1) and to Peter, Bishop
of Alexandria (H. £. ix. 6), whom he also calls θεῖόν τι χρῆμα
διδασκάλων (viii. 13).

Θεόδοτε. Theodotus, Bishop of Laodicea in Syria about
310-340 A.D., is most highly praised by Eusebius, H. Z. vii. 32.
23, as one who verified both his lordly name and his title
of Bishop by actual deeds: ‘for he gained the highest reputation
in the arts both of healing the body and ministering to the
soul; nor was any other man his equal in kindness, sincerity,
sympathy, and zeal on behalf of those who needed his help.’
Theodotus became afterwards a prominent supporter of Arius.

ὃ αὶ ἐπεφώνησα. Eus. H. H.iv. 3. 4 ἀπολογίαν ἐπιφωνήσας ᾿Αδρι-
avy. On the Epistolary Aorist see Moulton’s Winer Gk. Gr. 347.

ἃ 6 φιλοθέοις ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἱερουργίαις. As a compound of ἱερός,
not ἱερεύς, ἱερουργία Means any service about sacred things, and is
not limited to priestly functions, Cf, Hdt. v. 83 αἱ τοιαῦται
ipoupyiat, 4 Macc. iii. 20 χρήματα εἷς τὴν ἱερονργίαν αὐτοῖς ἀφορίσαι,
where αὐτοῖς refers to the whole people mentioned above as οἱ
πατέρες ἡμῶν. But by the time of Eusebius iepoupyia, like λειτ-
oupyia, without losing its general sense, was frequently used with |
special reference to the celebration of the Eucharist, and in this
passage, as the context ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν shows, to the intercessory

3 καὶ Β 3

ia THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

portions of the Liturgy. Eusebius, therefore, asks to be remem-
bered by Theodotus in the ‘Great Intercession.’ Thus in the
Liturgy of St. James, which was used in Palestine, we read:
‘Remember also, O Lord,...the Bishops in all the world, who
in an orthodox way rightly divide the word of Thy truth.’
Individuals also were mentioned by name in the Diptychs of the
Living. Compare Eus. Vit. Const. iv. 45 θυσίαις ἀναίμοις καὶ
μυστικαῖς ἱερουργίαις.

Ὁ a6 τὸν οὐ βλέποντα πλοῦτον. Plato, Laws 631 Ο, quoted
by Eus. 589 Ὁ πλοῦτος οὐ τυφλὸς ἀλλ᾽ ὀξὺ βλέπων : Theophrast.
Fr, lxxviii τυφλὸς ὁ πλοῦτός ἐστιν : Orig. ο. Cels. i. 24 τὴν τοῦ
ἀγαθοῦ προσηγορίαν κατασπῶσιν . . . ἐπὶ τὸν τυφλὸν πλοῦτον.
Wealth itself is called ‘ blind,’ because Plutus the god of wealth
was said to have been blinded by Zeus, that he might bestow
his gifts indiscriminately on the evil and on the good. Aristoph.
Plut. 87-92.

@ προξενοῦν. Chrys. tn Philipp. Hom. x. 4 οὔτε πλοῦτος
προξενεῖ τὸν οὐρανὸν οὔτε πενία THY γέενναν. Cf. 69 ἃ 9, 169 ἃ 2.

b 6 ἀνάνευσις. The word usually means ‘denial’ or ‘ refusal,’
indicated by throwing back the head: but for its meaning here,
‘looking upwards,’ see Polyb. Bell. Pun. i. 23. 5; xviii. 13. 3:
Clem. Al. 83 (Potter) dvavevoare τῆς γῆς εἰς αἰθέρα, ἀναβλέψατε εἰς
οὐρανόν. Cf. infra 69 ἃ, 330 a.

ἡ κατὰ τοῦτον ζωῆς ἔξαψις, ‘the kindling of the life after
God.’ Cf. 25 a τῆς σβέσεως καὶ ἐξάψεως. In this sense ἔξαψις
is found frequently in Plutarch, De Plac. Philos.,as 888 F, 893 A,
F, 922 A, 934 B, 929 E, 1087 F.

Ὁ 9 ἀπῃωρημένον, ‘dependent on that better world above.’
Hesiod, Scut. Herc. 233

ἐπὶ δὲ ζώνῃσι Spdxovre
δοιὼ ἀπῃωρεῦντο.

© 7 στειλαμένῳ φιλᾶν. The phrase is taken from Wisdom
Vii. 14 πρὸς Θεὸν ἐστείλαντο φιλίαν, ‘ obtain friendship,’ R.V. “στέλ-
λεσθαι φιλίαν ist zu erkliren sibi parare amicitiam,’— FRITZSCHE.
The verb also implies the idea of arming or arraying onsel/;
Eur. Baooh. 821

στεῖλαί νυν ἀμφὶ χρωτὶ βυσσίνους πέπλους.

Ο 8 ὑστεροῖτο (ὁ τὸν τῶν ὄντως ἀγαθῶν) δημιουργόν. From the
various readings of the MSS. I have endeavoured to restore the

3 .

BOOK I. CHAP. I 2c

right order of the words, supplying the article 6, which seems to
have fallen out after torepotro.

ἃ 2 πατρὸς ἐν χώρᾳφ. Xen. Anad, v. 6. 13 ἐν ἀνδραπόδων χώρᾳ:
Cyrop. ii. 1. 18 ἐν μισθοφόρον χώρᾳ.

ἃ 3 παμβασιλέα, ‘absolute monarch.’ Aristot. Polit. iii. 16. 2
περὶ δὲ τῆς παμβασιλείας καλουμένης, αὕτη δ᾽ ἐστὶ καθ᾽ ἣν ἄρχει
πάντων κατὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βούλησιν ὁ βασιλεύς, x.t.X.

ἐπιγραφόμενος. Ἰδαθι8, 46. 40 πῶς οἷόν τε τῷ ἀνδρὶ δύο
πατέρας ἐπιγράψασθαι;

ἃ 6 τῆς ἐπιστημονικῆς εὐσεβείας, ‘ intelligent piety.’ Aristotle
uses ἐπιστήμη in two senses, (1) knowledge capable of demonstra-
tion, (2) a higher knowledge of primary truths which admit of no
demonstration, but carry their proof in themselves. Anal. Post.
i. 3. 2 ἡμεῖς δέ φαμεν οὔτε πᾶσαν ἐπιστήμην ἀποδεικτικὴν εἶναι,
ἀλλὰ τὴν τῶν ἀμέσων ἀναπόδεικτον. Kai τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι ἀναγκαῖον, φανερόν"
εἰ γὰρ ἀνάγκη μὲν ἐπίστασθαι τὰ πρότερα καὶ ἐξ ὧν ἡ ἀπόδειξις,
ἵσταται δέ ποτε τὰ ἄμεσα, ταῦτ᾽ ἀναπόδεικτα εἶναι ἀνάγκη. Metaph.
iii, 1. 1 Ἔστιν ἐπιστήμη τις ἣ θεωρεῖ τὸ ὃν @ ὃν καὶ τὰ τούτῳ
ὑπάρχοντα καθ᾽ airo. Αὕτη δ᾽ ἐστὶν οὐδεμιᾷ τῶν ἐν μέρει λεγομένων
ἡ αὑτή. See also Top. i. 1. 2.

But it is probable that Eusebius ‘ may be using ἐπιστημονικῆς
without any technical Aristotelian meaning, and that the con-
trast is between “rational piety ’— piety based on Christian
knowledge, and “emotional piety,” αἰσθητικῆς as opposed to
ἐπιστημονικῆς (J. A. Stewart).

Compare the use of ἐπιστημονικός below 40 b, 307 ἃ, and
Clem. Al. 867 τῇ ἐπιστημονικῇ θεοσεβείᾳ, 868 τῇ ἐπιστημονικῇ
θεωρίᾳ, and especially 454 πίστεως δ᾽ οὔσης διττῆς τῆς μὲν ἐπιστη-
μονικῆς τῆς δὲ δοξαστικῆς. Sext. Emp. c. Math. viii. 402 (§ 145)
τῶν δὲ αἰσθητῶν (κριτήριον) τὴν ἐπιστημονικὴν αἴσθησιν.

8b I μεγαλοδωρεᾶς. Lucian, Dial. Mort. vi. 4.

b 3 εὐμαρῶς. Schol. Venet. B ad Hom. Jl. xv. 137 μάρη yap 7
χεὶρ κατὰ Πίνδαρον, ὅθεν καὶ εὐμαρές.

Ὁ 5 τὸν σύμπαντα κόσμον εὐαγγελιούμενος. The v. I. σύμ»
παντι κόσμῳ has crept in from c 1 below.

5 θεογνωσίαν. Ps.-Justin. Confut. Dogm. Aristot. 111 B (Otto)
τοῖς οἰκείοις αὐτῶν λογισμοῖς.

B2 3

3d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 8 ἀποτελέσματα. Clem. Al. 286 τὴν τοῦ ἀποτελέσματος ὕπαρξιν.
Plut. Mor. 575 B.

ἃ 13 dveferdory. Plat. Apol. Socr. 38 A ὁ ἀνεξέταστος Bios οὐ
βιωτός. See Riddell’s note.

συγκαταθέσει, ‘assent,’ Plut. Mor. 1005 F φαντασίαν οὐκ
οὖσαν αὐτοτελῆ τῆς συγκαταθέσεως αἰτίαν : Plot. Ennead. i. 8.81.4
προπετῆ εἰς συγκαταθέσεις. Cf. Zeller, Stoics, v. 88 (Eng. Trs.).

4 ἃ Ἴ καθείς, Aristoph. Eg. 430

ἔξειμι γάρ σοι λαμπρὸς ἤδη καὶ μέγας καθιείς.
Polyb. xxx. 20, 4.

ἃ 8 προκατασκευήν. Frequent in Polybius, as προδιαλαβεῖν Ὁ 1.
Here as in 1 a 3, Ὁ 5 the context shows that the Praep. Ev. was
regarded as part of a larger work.

Ὁ 8 πρὸ ὁδοῦ. Lucian, Hermotim. 739 ὃ πρὸ ὁδοῦ σοι γένοιτο
ἂν ἐς τὰ μαθήματα.

στοιχειώσεως, ‘elementary instruction.” ἡ πρώτη μάθησις,
Hesych. and Suid. Cf. Clem. Al. 673 ἡ στοιχειωτικὴ τῶν παίδων
διδασκαλία : Orig. Philocal. i. 7 rov τῆς ἀρχῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ λόγον,
τοντέστι τῆς στοιχειώσεως : 111 στοιχείωσίς ἐστιν εἰς τὴν σοφίαν
τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ εἰσαγωγὴ εἰς τὴν γνῶσιν τῶν ὄντων τὰ δύο καὶ εἴκοσι
θεόπνευστα βιβλία.

εἰσαγωγῆς ἐπέχοντα τόπον. A frequent phrase in Polybius.
Cf. 302 Ὁ ἐπέχειν χώραν, 348 ¢ ἐπέχουσαν βαθμόν.

C 5 συνεκτικωτάτων τῆς. .. οἰκονομίας. Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo,

Vi. I τῆς τῶν ὅλων συνεκτικῆς αἰτίας.
4] ἃ 2 On the charges brought against the Christians see
Athenag. Leg. iii Τρία ἐπιφημίζουσιν ἡμῖν ἐγκλήματα, ἀθεότητα,
Θυέστεια δεῖπνα, Οἰδιποδείους μίξεις. Cf. Just. M. Apol. i. 26, Apol.
ii. 12, Tryph. 10; Orig. c. Cels. vi. 27; Eus. H. Ε. iv. 7. 11-5;
v. 1.14; Routh, Rell. Sac. i. 337. Eusebius refutes these charges
by showing (1) that Christians had turned from pagan atheism
and polytheism to the one true God, (2) that they abhorred the
cannibalism which bad widely prevailed in the heathen world,
(3) that the heathen customs of marrying mothers and sisters were
replaced by the pure marriages of Christians. _

ἃ 4 τί ay γένοιτο τούτων μέσον; Aristid. A polog. ii (1 exts
and Studies, vol. i. 100) φανερὸν yap ἐστιν ὅτι τρία γένη εἰσὶν
ἀνθρώπων . . . οἱ τῶν wap’ ὑμῖν λεγομένων θεῶν προσκυνηταὶ καὶ
᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ Χριστιανοί: ἐδ. 70, 77, 90.

BOOK I. CHAPS, I, 2 ad

ἃ 7 οὔτε yap τὰ Ἑλλήνων. Ep. ad Diogn. i οὔτε τοὺς νομιζο-
μένους ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων θεοὺς λογίζονται οὔτε τὴν Ἰουδαίων δεισιδαι-
μονίαν φυλάσσουσι... . . καὶ τί δήποτε καινὸν τοῦτο γένος ἢ ἐπιτήδευμα
εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τὸν βίον, viv καὶ οὐ πρότερον. Πέτρος ἐν τῷ Κηρύγματι,
apud Clem. Al. 759 τοῦτον τὸν θεὸν σέβεσθε μὴ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας :
760 μηδὲ κατὰ ᾿Ιουδαίους σέβεσθε" καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι μόνοι οἰόμενοι τὸν
θεὸν γιγνώσκειν οὐκ ἐπίστανται, λατρεύοντες ἀγγέλοις καὶ ἀρχαγγέλοις,
μηνὶ καὶ σελήνῃ" . « « στε καὶ ὑμεῖς ὁσίως καὶ δικαίως μανθάνοντες
& παραδίδομεν ὑμῖν φυλάσσεσθε, καινῶς τὸν Θεὸν διὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ
σεβόμενοι. . . . Τὰ γὰρ Ἑλλήνων καὶ Ιουδαίων παλαιά, ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ
καινῶς αὐτὸν τρίτῳ γένει σεβόμενοι Χριστιανοί.

5 ἃ 4 τῶν πατρῴων θεῶν. Soph. Philoct. 933 πρὸς θεῶν πατρῴων :
Ammonius, De Vocum Diff. πάτρια : πάτρια πατρῴων καὶ πατρικῶν
διαφέρει. Πατρῷα μὲν γὰρ τὰ ἐκ πατέρων εἰς υἱοὺς χωροῦντα' πατρικοὶ
δὲ ἢ φίλοι ἢ ξένοι. Παάτρια δὲ τὰ τῆς πόλεως ἔθη.

For πατρῴων θεῶν, the reading of the oldest available MS.
II, πατρίων ἐθῶν is found in IG, with which compare 161 Ὁ 1 ras
πατρίους τῶν θεῶν τιμάς. But Eusebius is here treating the charge
of atheism, and though the established worship of the gods was
a chief part of ‘ancestral customs,’ these occupy a later place in
the argument: see 130 Ὁ 5.

8 6 τῶν σωτηρίων. Sc. θεῶν, ‘tutelaribus diis,? Vie. That
guardian gods are meant is shown by θεομαχοῦντες which follows.
Cp. Soph. El. 281 θεοῖσιν ἔμμην᾽ ipa τοῖς σωτηρόώοις.

Ὁ 3 θεολογουμένους, ‘acknowledged as gods.’ Cf. 31 ¢ το;
68 ¢ 7; 103 8 9 τὰ μέρη τοῦ κόσμου θεολογοῦντες. ᾿

6 3 ἀνεξετάστῳ πίστει. Orig. 6. Cels. i. 9 Φησὶ δέ τινας μηδὲ
βουλομένους διδόναι ἢ λαμβάνειν λόγον περὶ ὧν πιστεύουσι χρῆσθαι
ra: μὴ ἐξέταζε ἀλλὰ πίστευσον" καί: ἡ πίστις σον σώσει σε.

C7 ἀνοδίαν ... συντεμεῖν, ‘to cut across a new and desert path
which is no path’: a play upon the common phrase τέμνειν ὁδόν.
ἀνοδία is frequently found in Polybius, as iii. 19. 7 ἀνοδίᾳ κατὰ
τῆς νήσου διεσπάρησαν: Clem. Al. 781 εἰς ἀνοδίαν καὶ πλάνην
ἐμπίπτειν ἀναγκαῖον.

69 ταῦτα... πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπορήσειεν. The construction with πρός
is unusual, and may admit of an alternative rendering, either
‘ put these questions to us,’ or ‘ feel these doubts in regard to us.’
Cf. 6 Ὁ 3 τούτων εὐλόγως ἂν ἡμῖν ἀπορηθέντων, ‘since these questions
might be put to us.’

δά THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 1 “Efpaiwy παῖδες. On the charges brought by the Jews

against Christians compare Gibbon, Decline, xv. 156.

ἀλλόφυλοι. Used in the LXX once only in the Pentateuch,
Ex. xxxiv. 15, but in later books very frequently of the Philistines,
and very rarely (Jud. viii. 10, 2 Ki. viii. 28) of other nations.
The Philistines were so called as being of an alien race, probably
Aryans from Crete or Cyprus. See Hastings’ Dict. B. ‘ Caphtor.’

ἃ 2 ἀποχρώμεθα, ‘ misuse,’ Demosth. in Mid. 555 ἂν μὴ δημοσίᾳ
πᾶσι φοβερὸν καταστήσητε τὸ εἰς ταῦτα ἀποχρῆσθαι τῷ πλουτεῖν.

ἃ 8 λυτρωτήν. Act. vii. 35, rare except in ecclesiastical
authors.

ἅἃ 11 ἀναφωνεῖσθαι. Lu. i. 42 ἀνεφώνησε φωνῇ μεγάλῃ.

θ 8.4 ἐκβιάζεσθαι. Plut. Mor. 584 Εἰ δίψαν ἐκβιάζεται.

ἃ 8 περιέποντες, ‘treat with respect.’ Xen. Mem. ii. 9. 5 μάλα
περιεῖπεν αὐτόν : Hat. i. 13 τούτους περιεῖπε εὖ.

b 2 ἐπωυπώμεθα, ‘draw to ourselves.’ Polyb. iii. 110. 2
ἐπισπᾶσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους : ibid. iii. 98. 9 εὔνοιαν ἐπισπάσασθαι.
9] 62 ds δι’ ἀρχιερέως. Clem. R. 36 Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν ἀρχιερέα
τῶν προσφορῶν ἡμῶν: ibid. 61 διὰ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ προστάτον
τῶν ψυχῶν ἡμῶν. See Lightfoot’s notes on both passages and on
Ignat. ad Philad. ix; Clem. Al. 92.

6 3 προταθέντων. This, the best authenticated reading, is
more forcible as applied to objections than προτεθέντων. Cf. Ps.-
Plat. Epist. vii. 343 Ο ἐξαρκεῖ τὸ προταθέν. ‘Sic A cum aliis:
vulgo προτεθέν. Ast, Lex. Plat.

ἃ 4 πρὸς τὰ πλήθη διαλέξεων, ‘ debates’ or ‘ discussions.’ Plut.
Mor. 130 C Ἡ δὲ διάλεξις ἀγῶνα καὶ σφοδρότητα προστίθησιν, ἅμα
τῆς ψυχῆς τῷ σώματι συνεπιτιθεμένης.

ἃ 8 πάντας ἀνθρώπους εὐαγγελίζεται. Cf. 7 ἃ 4, 13 Ὁ 8; Act.
Kili. 32 ἡμεῖς ὑμᾶς εὐαγγελιζόμεθα τὴν ... ἐπαγγελίαν.

7 8.1 ἐλέγχους καὶ ἀντιρρήσεις. Such were the Apologies of
Aristides, Justin M., Athenagoras, Melito, and others, of whose
works lists are given by Eusebius, H. E., and Jerome, De Viris
tllustribus.

ἃ 3 ἐξηγητικοῖς ὑπομνήμασι, ‘exegetical notes or commentaries,’
referring perhaps especially to the works of Origen. Plat. Theaet.
143 A ἐγραψάμην μὲν ror εὐθὺς οἴκαδ᾽ ἐλθὼν ὑπομνήματα, ὕστερον
δὲ κατὰ σχολὴν ἀναμιμνησκόμενος ἔγραφον.

& 5 ἀγωνιστικώτερον. This description may refer to such works

BOOK I. CHAPS. 2, 3 78

as those of Tatian, Orat. ad Graecoe; Clem. Al. Stromateis; Ter-
tullian, 6. Marcion.; Orig. c. Cels.

& 5 πρεσβεύσασιν. The construction of πρεσβεύω with a dative,
instead of an accusative, was probably derived from the use of
πρεσβεία, ‘embassy,’ for an Apology addressed to the Emperors,
such as the Legatio of Athenagoras, Πρεσβεία περὶ Χριστιανῶν.
The older use is found in Pseudo-Justin, Expos. Rect. Fid. 15
ol τὸν χριστιανισμὸν πρεσβεύειν σχηματιζόμενοι. Cf. Polyb. xxxv.
4. 14 πρεσβεύσειν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, ‘to go as legatus to a general,
and so, to help with advice.’

ba The true reading of 1 Cor. ii. 4 πειθοῖς σοφίας λόγοις,
without d»Opwréns, is supported by our oldest MSS. AH, the
omission of one of the two adjacent sibilants being an error of
a natural and usual kind. The insertion of ἀνθρωπίνης was due
to a recollection of 1 Cor. ii. 13 διδακτοῖς ἀνθρωπίνης σοφίας
λόγοις.

ΟΣ In quoting 1 Pet. iii. 16 Eusebius both here and in
14 ἃ alters the construction to suit that of his own sentence,
and reads ἐπερωτῶντι instead of αἰτοῦντι, which is better supported
in Ν, T.

6 3 τῶν νέων συγγραφέων. Cod. A has in the margin the fol-
lowing scholion in a contemporary hand: Ὁποῖος Ἰουστῖνος ὁ
θεῖος ᾿Αθηναγόρας Τατιανὸς Κλήμεις (sic) ὁ Srpwyareds ’Opryévys καὶ
αὐτὸς ἔτι Πάμφιλος ὁ τοῦ παρόντος Εὐσεβίου πατήρ On the
meaning of the last words see note on the title Εὐσεβίου τοῦ
Παμφίλου.

C5 διαγνῶναι. ‘An διαναγνῶναι ἢ ᾿ Schweighaiiser: cf. Polyb.
xxxi. 21. 9; 22. 1. The shorter form is used by Polyb.
iii. 32 διαγνῶναι βίβλους τετταράκοντα, and xxi. 9. 3. διαγνούς.
There are many traces of the style of Polybius in the Praep.

Evang.
9 ἀδιάπτωτον. Plut. Mor. 1124 B ᾿διάθεσις φυλάττουσα τὸ
ἀδιάπτωτον : Clem. Al. 492 ἀδιάπτωτός τε καὶ dv Os.

G1 γραμμικαῖς, ‘mathematical,’ or more literally ‘ geometrical,’
proof is taken as the type of exact demonstration. Diog. L.i. 2g
σκαληνὰ καὶ τρίγωνα καὶ ὅσα γραμμικῆς ἔχεται θεωρίας.

G10 ἐνηνθρώπειι In the Nicene Creed, as adopted by the
Synod, évavOpwrycavra was understood by the orthodox Bishops
to mean ‘was made man’ (Athan. ¢, Arian. iv. 7). But the

; 7

“ Luk VFASPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Lona, wlioh Buacbius attached to the word is clearly shown
ro {πὶ αν ρα by himself, Eus. Epist. ad Suos, 3, in
which hh wale ἐν θμώποις πολιτευσάμενον, a phrase rejected by
th. Council τὰ laveur of ἐνανθρωπήσαντα. This explanation shows
Wal sep μων κῃ Che reading of the two oldest MSS., is to be pre-
lite ue Casintord's ἐν γθρωυπήκει. See Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat.
Po. χα 4, tute ὁ (Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers). Cf. Ignat.
cel ἐν ἐμ 0.. iii εἷς γὰρ ὁ ἐνανθρωπήσας.

sk ta μηδεη ποτε. This form is used of the future instead of
pyptuues ouly by late and inaccurate writers (Lobeck, Phryn.
pati), lut in here supported by the better MSS. It is also found in
4 liaguimut of the Comic poet Cratinus the younger (cir. 350 B.c.),
jue vtvanl in Athonaeus, vi. 39 (241 6)

μηδ᾽ ὄψον κοινῇ pera τούτου πώποτε Saicy.
». lol, vi. 35 οὐ μὴ διψήσει πώποτε.

bus βεβηκνῖαν, ‘settled.’ Hat. vii. 164 παραδεξάμενος . .. τὴν
iipuvvida ... εὖ βεβηκνυῖαν. Pausan. iii. 7. 10.

wu 4 dévpov ... στόμα. Clem. Al. 270 ὄχλοι ἀθυρόγλωσσοι:;
Kur. Or. yo3 ἀνήρ τις ἀθυρύγλωσσος.

ἃ 5. τίς γὰρ οὐκ ἀλήθειαν ὁμολογήσειεν. This appears to have
huun the original reading of A, altered in A? into τίς γὰρ οὐκ
ἀληθῆ ἀνομολουγήσειεν (ὑμολογήσειεν 1). Mr. Lake, who examined
the reading of A in this passage most carefully, makes the
tullowing romarks:

‘In A the final vowel of ἀληθ- has been erased, and so has the
breathing (Ὁ of ὁμολογήσειεν. The ay seems to have no breathing
marked by the first hand, which I therefore think wrote ἀλήθειαν
ὁμολυγήσειεν. The alteration consists of erasing εἰ and writing ἡ,
putting a breathing, but no accent, to dy, and erasing the (Ὁ
af ὁμολογήσειεν. Tho alteration is very neatly made in writing
similar to that of the first hand, but the ink is darker.’

Heikel supplies dy after οὐκ, as in 5 Ὁ 5 ποίαις δ᾽ οὐκ dy
ἐνδίκως ὑποβληθεῖεν, 9 ἃ 7 Tis οὐκ ἂν ἐκπλαγείη, and 12 ὁ 4. In
my text the particle is placed after the verb, as in IO ὁμολογήσαι
dy. But the optative is sometimes found without dy, as in AH,
800 15 b 9,16 "4,6 1, 169 ο 8: cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 426. 1.

8 10 πεπλήρωκε γοῦν τὴν σύμπασαν, ὅσην ὃ ἥλιος ἐφορᾷ. Com-
pare Justin M. Δίαίοσ. 111; Iren. ἱ. το; Clem. Al, 827; Tertull.
ade. ludacus, vii; Orig. De Princip. iv. 1.2. In what Gibbon

BOOK I. CHAPS. 3, 4 Sa

(xv) calls the ‘splendid exaggeration’ of the passage of Justin,
we see the natural effect on an enthusiastic mind of the mar-
vellous rapidity with which Christianity spread throughout the
civilized world. To all such passages we may apply the judicious
remark of Bishop Lightfoot that ‘The language of Ignatius’ (ad
Magn. x) ‘is somewhat hyperbolical as applied to his own time,
but not more so than some expressions of St. Paul; e.g. Rom. i. 8,
Col. i. 6, 23.’

Ὁ 6 μέχρις οὐρανίων ἁψίδων. Plat. Phaedr. 247 B ὑπὸ τὴν
ὑπουράνιον ἁψῖδα. ες

Ὁ 8 φῶς. .. ἀπαστράπτουσα. Orph. Hymn. 69. 6 ἀπαστράπ-
τουσαι ἀπ᾽ ὄσσων δεινὴν ἀνταυγῇ φάεος σαρκοφθόρον αἴγλην.

C 2 θανάτου πύλαις. Matt. xvi. 18 πύλαι δου: Is, xxxviii.
10 ἐν πύλαις ddov.

C 6 ἐν οἰκεί συναγαγόντες ὑποθέσει. In these words ‘there
seems to be an allusion to the Demonstratio Ecclesiastica,’ a work
which ‘ aimed at doing for the society what the Preparatio and
Demonstratio Evangelica do for the doctrines of which the society
is the depositary.’ Lightfoot, in Dict. Chr. Biogr. ii. 331 b.

9a 4 ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς . . . δουλείαν, ‘bondage in the land of
their enemies.’ Instead of ἐπί, the reading of AH, Gaisford has
ὑπό, which is also found in 10.

Ὁ 6 τοῦ ἐπὶ πάντων Θεοῦ, ‘ the God over all,’ not directly applied

here, as in Rom. ix. 5, to the Son.
4] ἃ 1 ἐλαυνόμενον. The great persecution, which commenced
in the reign of Diocletian a. ἢ. 303, was carried on more fiercely
by Galerius until the terrors of approaching death extorted from
him the ‘ Edict of Toleration’ in 311. This passage therefore
seems to fix the earliest possible date for the publication of the
Praeparatio Evangelica.

10 ἃ 4--ῥ᾿ προβεβλημένον. . . ἀπορρήτου δυνάμεως. These words
are omitted in AO, and the repetition of δυνάμεως three times
within four lines seems to indicate some corruption.

The argument that the spread of Christianity had brought
peace and prosperity to the Roman Empire is urged at large by
Melito, Bishop of Sardis, in his Apology addressed to Marcus
Aurelius (161-180 A. D.), in the fragment preserved by Eusebius,
H. E, iv. 26. ἡ.

b x. In the margin of codex A there is the following

10 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Scholion Περὶ τοῦ ᾿Ανατελεῖ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις αὐτοῦ δικαιοσύνη, ἃ
quotation from Ps. ]xxii. 7.

b1 Μυρίών . . . ἐπικρατούντων. Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, i
‘This aspect of things was totally changed by the ascendency of
Rome. We see all the self-governing powers which filled the
world bend, one after another, before her rising power and
vanish, The earth was suddenly left void of independent
nations.’

C2 ξιφηφορεῖν. Cf. Thuc. i. 6 Πᾶσα yap ἡ ἙῬἙλλὰς͵ ἐσιδηρο-
dopa ... καὶ ξυνήθη τὴν δίαιταν μεθ᾽ ὅπλων ἐποιήσαντο ὥσπερ ot
βάρβαροι.

λεωφόρους, ‘highways.’ Plat. Laws 763 Ο τῶν ἐκ τῆς χώρας
λεωφόρων εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀεὶ τεταμένων.

C6 ζιβύνας, ‘hunting spears.? LXX. Is. ii. 4 συγκόψουσι . ..
τὰς ζιβύνας αὐτῶν eis δρέπανα: Athen. v. 32 (201) κυνηγοὶ δύο
ἔχοντες σιβύνας ἐπιχρύσους : Anthol. Pal. viii. 421 Πτανέ, τί σοι
σιβύνας ;

ἃ 8 ἐπιστήσαντα. Scil. τὸν νοῦν. Cf. 11 Ὁ ἐπιστήσας. Common
in Polybius, 6. g. ix. 23. 1 γνοίη δ᾽ ἂν τις... ἐπιστήσας.

11 Ὁ 1 ἀφορήτον δυνάμεως. Thuc. iv. 126, § βοῆς μεγέθει
ἀφόρητοι. The easier reading ἀπορρήτου IO was perhaps sug-
gested by 10 a 4, 7 ἀπορρήτου δυνάμεως.

Ὁ 8 Πέρσας pyrpoyapetv. Cf. Eur. Androm. 173-5

τοιοῦτον πᾶν τὸ βάρβαρον γένος"

πατήρ τε θυγατρὶ παῖς τε μητρὶ μέγννται

κόρη τ᾽ ἀδελφῷ.
On this passage the Scholiast remarks, ‘These are Persian
customs.’ What is here imputed to the Persians generally is in
other authors limited to the Magi. Thus Catullus, xc. 3

‘Nam Magus ex matre et nato gignatur oportet,

Si vera est Persarum impia relligio.’
Strab. 735 τούτοις δὲ (rots Mdyots) καὶ μητράσι συνέρχεσθαι πάτριον
νενόμισται. See however the passages from Bardesanes quoted
by Eusebius below, 275 c, 278 ἃ, and Sext. Emp. Hyp. 1. 152
wap ἡμῖν μὲν ἀπηγορεῦσθαι μητράσι μίγνυσθαι, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς Πέρσαις
ἔθος εἶναι μάλιστα οὕτω γαμεῖν. On the prevalence of such
customs see Jeremy Taylor, Ductor Dubit. ii. τ. 22. 8. Clem. Al.
515; Diog. L. Prooem. 7; ix. 83; Polyb. ix. 24; Orig. c. Cels.
v. 27; Philo Jud. De Specialibus Legg. 301 M Μητέρας yap οἱ ἐν

BOOK I. CHAP. 4 11 b

τέλει Περσῶν ras αὑτῶν ἄγονται καὶ τοὺς φύντας ἐκ τούτων εὐγενεστά-
τους νομίζουσιν. Orig ο. Cels. v. 27.

ΟἿΣ μηδ᾽ ἀνθρωποβορεῖν Σκύθας. This and other practices,
which the Greeks commonly ascribed to the Scythians, Herodotus
(i. 216) refers not to them but to the Massagetae :

‘When a man has grown very old, all his kinsmen come together
and offer him up as a sacrifice, and with him some cattle besides :
and they boil the flesh and feast upon it. This they regard as
the happiest end; but if a man has died of disease, they do not
eat him, but bury him in the earth, regarding it as a misfortune
that he did not come to be sacrificed.’ Strabo (513) gives a
similar account of the funeral customs of the Massagetae, and
says of the Derbices (520): ‘ They neither sacrifice nor eat any
female; but they put to death the men who have exceeded their
seventieth year, and the next of kin to each has the right to eat
his flesh. Old women they strangle and then bury. If any one
dies before his seventieth year, he is not eaten but buried.’ For
similar customs among other nations, see Herodotus, iii. 38. 99;
Sext. Emp. c. Math. xi. 192; Wytt. ad Plut. Mor. 328 C (note) ;
Polyb. ix. 24, on Hannibal’s rejection of the proposal that his
soldiers should eat human flesh while crossing the Alps.

It must be added that ignorant and debased savages who
followed such customs were less inexcusable than the proud
Stoics who justified them: cf. Sext. Emp. Hyp. iii. 207 καὶ of ἀπὸ
τῆς στοᾶς οὐκ ἄτοπον εἶναί φασι τὸ σάρκας τινὰ ἐσθίειν ἄλλων τε
ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἑαυτοῦ : ibid. 247 καὶ ἐὰν τῶν ζώντων ἀποκοπῇ τι μέρος
πρὸς τροφὴν χρήσιμον, μήτε κατορύττειν αὐτὸ μήτε ἄλλως ῥίπτειν,
ἀναλίσκειν δὲ αὐτό, ὅπως ἐκ τῶν ἡμετέρων ἕτερον μέρος γένηται. ΟΥ̓,
Orph. Fr. xii

"Hy χρόνος, ἡνίκα φῶτες ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων Biov εἶχον
σαρκοδακῇ, κρείσσων δὲ τὸν ἥττονα φῶτα δάϊζε.

c 3 Clem. Al. 131, writes of the sons of the kings of Persia,
ἡβήσαντες δὲ ἀδελφαῖς καὶ μητράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ γαμεταῖς τε ἅμα καὶ
παλλακίσιν ἀναρίθμοις ἐπιμίσγονται, καθάπερ οἱ κάπροι εἰς συνουσίαν
ἠσκημένοι: id. 515. Diog. L. Prooem. 7 ὅσιον νομίζειν μητρὶ
ἢ θυγατρὶ μίγνυσθαι ὡς ἐν τῷ εἰκοστῷ τρίτῳ φησὶν ὃ Σωτίων : ibid.
ix. 11 Πέρσαι μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἄτοπον ἡγοῦνται θυγατρὶ μίγνυσθαι.
Sext. Emp. Hyp. iii. 205 καὶ ὁ Χρύσιππος δὲ ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ
δογματίζει τόν τε πατέρα ἐκ τῆς θυγατρὸς παιδοποιεῖσθαι, καὶ τὴν

ΔΙ

11 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

μητέρα ἐκ τοῦ παιδός, καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐκ τῆς ἀδελφῆς. Even Zeno
of Citium, the founder of the Stoic School, had at one time
defended marriage with a mother in the most disgusting
language: but this was in a work written under the influence
of the Cynic Crates.

C 5 τὰς παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονάς. Sextus Empiricus states that both
the Cynics and the chief Stoics, ‘Zeno of Citium and Cleanthes and
Chrysippus,’ declared unnatural vice to be a thing morally ‘ in-
different’; Hyp.iii.200. Cf. Zeller, Stoics, &c., 308 (Eng. Trans. ).

69 τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθος. See note on 11 ὁ 1. Flinders Petrie
(Egypt Exploration Fund, 1896-7, p. 22), speaking of the tombs
of the fifth Dynasty at Deshaseh, writes, ‘The most important
conclusion, historically, is that nearly half of the people at that
time were in the habit of cutting the bodies of the dead more or
less to pieces, in some cases sundering every bone from its fellow,
and wrapping each in cloth before rearranging them. No such
practice was suspected before among the Egyptians, and it
points to a cannibal ancestry. The details were discussed in
the Contemporary Review for June, 1897.’

ἀνθρωποθυτεῖν. On the wide prevalence of human sacrifices
see below 40, 154-61.

ἃ 3-12 a2 Ἱστοροῦνται γοῦν . . . γεγηρακότας. A quotation,
apparently unacknowledged by Eusebius, from Porphyry, De Abst.
iv. 21. Cf. Wytt. ad Plut. Mor. 328 Ὁ,

ἃ 4 Μασσαγέται. Hat. i. 201 ‘This nation is settled in the
East beyond the river Araxes.’

AdpBixes. The Derbices were on the south of the sea of Aral,
not far from Khiva: Strab. 514, 520. The Bebryces (cod. A) are
often mentioned by Strabo, but without any allusion to the
custom here described.

ἃ 6 TiBapyvoi. See Rawlinson, Hdt. vol. i. 561 ‘The
Moschi and the Tibareni, always coupled together by Herodotus,
and constantly associated under the names of Muskai and
Tuplai in the Assyrian inscriptions (just as Meshech and Tubal
are in Scripture)... must be assigned to that Scythic or Turanian
people, who... spread themselves in very early times over the
whole region lying between the Mediterranean and India, the
Persian Gulf and the Caucasus.’ Xenophon (Anab. v. 5) men-
tions the Tibareni as giving a friendly reception to the Greeks.

BOOK I, CHAP. 4 114

On these two tribes see Driver, Authority and Archaeology,
p. 28 ‘Tubal and Meshech are the Jabali and Musku, the former
mentioned first by Shalmaneser II (860-825), the latter by
Tiglath-Pileser I (c. 1100 8. c.).’

ἃ 8 οἰωνοῖς καὶ xvoi. Strab. 517, on the authority of Onesi-
cratus, attributes this custom to the Bactrians (see the note
below on 12 ἃ 1), but not to the Caspii, of whom he says that
‘when their parents are more than seventy years old, they are
shut up and left to die of starvation. This then was more
tolerable, and similar to the custom of Ceos, though it was
Scythian; much more Scythian however was the practice of the
Bactrians.’ Heinichen refers to Cic. Tuse. D. i. 45 ‘In Hyr-
cania plebs publicos alit canes, optimates domesticos:... sed
pro sua quisque facultate parat a quibus lanietur, eamque
optimam illi esse censent sepulturam.’ Sil. Ital. xiii. 437.

ἃ 9 ἐπέσφαζον ταῖς πυραῖςς Hdt. iv. 71 ‘In the open space
around the body of the king they bury one of his concu-
bines, first killing her by strangling, and also his cupbearer,
his cook, his groom, his lacquey, his messenger, some of his horses,
&c.’ This description is fully confirmed by the contents of a tomb
at Kertch (Panticapaeum), See Rawlinson’s note and illustrations.

12 a1 τοῖς xvoi. Strab. 517 ‘Those who are worn out by
old age or disease they throw to dogs who are kept for this pur-
pose, and are called in the language of the country ‘“‘ buriers of
the dead” (ἐνταφιαστάς), and the parts outside the wall of the
chief city of the Bactrians are clean, but most of the inside is full
of human bones.’ See below, 277 d.

& 3 νυνὶ δὲ οὐκέθ᾽ ὁμοίως. This statement, unfortunately, can
only have been true in a limited sense, and among the nations
more or less civilized to whom the Gospel had been preached. The
reports of travellers and missionaries in our own day prove too
conclusively that cannibalism and human sacrifice are still
prevalent among savage tribes.

Ὁ 3 προσανέχοντας, ‘ stedfastly adhering,’ a stronger word than
προσέχοντας, and frequent in Polybius, e.g. Υ. 27. 2 προσανέχοντες
ταῖς ἐλπίσι τῆς βοηθείας.

CG 2 per ἐπιθυμίας ὁρᾶν. Cf. Matt. v. 28 βλέπων ... πρὸς τὸ
ἐπιθυμῆσαι.

6 4 εὐζωΐαν. Aristot. Eth. Nic. i. 8. 4 συνᾷδει δὲ τῷ λόγῳ

12 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

καὶ τὸ εὖ ζῆν καὶ τὸ εὖ πράττειν τὸν εὐδαίμονα' σχεδὸν yap εὐζωΐα τις
εἴρηται καὶ εὐπραξία.

C 6 μηδὲ ὀμνύναι ὅλως. Matt. v. 34 μὴ ὀμόσαι ὅλως.

6 7 τῷ Nai καὶ τῷ Οὔ. Aristot. Top. viii. 3. 12 ἀποκρίνασθαι
ναί ἢ οὔ. Matt. v. 37, James v. 12.

ἃ 2 ἀδιαφορεῖν. The verb is not common; but cf. Polyb, xxxi.
22. 10 τῶν ναυκλήρων ἀδιαφορούντων.

ἀκριβολογεῖσθαι. Plat. Crat. 415 A μὴ λίαν ἀκριβολογοῦ.

ἃ 5 περὶ παντὸς ἀργοῦ ῥήματος. Evidently a quotation from
memory, and too free to be of any use in reference to the text of
Matt. xii. 36.

ἃ τα ὑφ᾽ ἥλιον. ὑφ᾽ ἡλῳ AH. Forthe accusative we may refer
to Demosth. 33. 31 τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνθρώπων : 316. 16 τῶν ὑπὸ
τουτονὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνθρώπων, and see 13 ἃ 5, 108 d 11; and for the
dat. Eur. Alc. 151 ἀρίστη τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἡλίῳ μακρῷ.

18 ἃ § Τῶὥστεϊ τῷ δοκεῖν. The omission οὗ ὥστε in IK, and the
suggestion of dre by a second hand in the margin οὗ A, both seem
to be attempts to remove a difficulty. The use of dore as equiva-
lent to ὡς in such a phrase is very doubtful, and is not justified
by Aristoph. Eccles. 783, Isocr. Paneg. 73, or Thuc. vii. 24: on
this last passage see Arnold’s note, and compare Jelf, Gk. Gr.
864. Heikel conjectures ds τῳ δοκεῖν, ‘as it might seem to one.’
But it would be better to omit dore with cod. I Vig., as in Plat.
Rep. iv. 423 A ov τῷ δοκεῖν λέγω GAN’ ὡς ἀληθῶς μεγίστη, or to read
ὥς γε τῷ δοκεῖν, as in Aristoph. Plut. 736 ds γ᾽ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν (Ald.).
δ] 1449 as ἐν φαρμάκου poipg. Plat. Laws 656 B ὡς ἐν παιδιᾶς
μοίρᾳ.

16 Ὁ 8 ἐφάψαιτοο On the optative without dy see 16 Ὁ 2,
cr; cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 418. 1, 426. τ. Dr. J. B. Mayor, Appendix
to Clem. Al. Strom. vii.

C 7 téxvas... τὰς μέσας. ‘The intermediate arts ’ seem to be
those which lie between the mechanical arts, and the liberal arts
such as music, painting, sculpture, and poetry, the arts of war
and commerce being examples of the intermediate kind.

ἃ 11 ri yap ἄλλο 7. The scholion in the margin of cod. A, ro
πλῆρες ἄλλο, seems intended to draw attention to the fact that ἄλλ᾽
stands for ἄλλο not for ἀλλά. The question ri yap... καταλαμ-
βάνων, being equivalent to a negative οὐδὲν. .. καταλαμβάνων, is
followed by another question ri δὴ θαυμάζεις ;

BOOK I. CHAPS. 4-6 16 b

16 Ὁ 9 ἀπολογισμόν. The word αἰτιολογισμόν which Gaisford
has formed out of αἴτιον λογισμόν, the reading of AH, is adopted
by the later editors, but does not appear to exist elsewhere. The
alternative reading of EIO ἀπολογισμός is frequent in Polybius,
e.g. iv. 14. φέρων ἀπολογισμοὺς περὶ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων, os οὐ
γέγονεν αἴτιος.

ΟΙ, 2 ἄλλως . .-. εἰ μή. A less common construction than
ἄλλως 7: but see Hom. Od. xii. 325; Hymn. ad Cer. 77; Joh.
vi. 22; Gal. i. 7; Jelf, Gk. Gr. 860. 7.

C 3 τῶν ἐντευξομένων, ‘ of my readers.’ Cf. Polyb. i. 3. 10 ἀλλ᾽
ἐκ τούτων τῶν βίβλων καὶ τῆς ἐν ταύταις προκατασκενῆς δῆλον 7
τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν.

17 ἃ 4 ὡς ἄν... κατασταίη. Eusebius frequently uses the opta-

tive after ὡς ἂν following a future, where Attic usage would
require the subjunctive; cf. 180 g,d 1; 6906; 58 4; 2426;
ef. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 809. Dr. J. B. Mayor, ibid.
6] bi Φονικας ... καὶ Αἰγυπτίους. Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 2
‘ First then of all men whom we know the Egyptians are said to
have conccived the idea of gods, and to have founded temples. ...
But not long afterwards the Assyrians heard from the Egyptians
an account concerning the gods, and raised temples and shrines.
... There are also temples in Syria, not so old by far as those in
Egypt.’ Observe that Eusebius both here and in 17 d puts the
Phoenicians before the Egyptians, reversing the order of Lucian.

Ὁ 2 κατέχει Adyos. Cf. Thue. i. 10 ὁ λόγος κατέχει: Lightfoot,
Ignat. vol. i. p. 58 ‘ κατέχει λόγος. Compare H. E. ii. 7; iii. 11,
18, 19; iv. 5; vi. 34, &c. A comparison of these passages
shows that the expression is not confined to oral tradition but
may include contemporary written authorities, and that it implies
authentic and trustworthy information.’ Jd. p. 238, note 3 ‘The
examples elsewhere in Eusebius show that the expression in itself
does not throw any doubt on the facts recorded but signifies
neither more nor less than “it is related”; H. Ε. ii. 17, 22;
ili. 37; iv. 28; v. § bis; vii. 32; viii. 17.’

b 4 Cf. Maspero, i (Dawn of Civilization), p. 85 (Eng. Trs.)
‘The sky, the earth, the stars, the sun, the Nile were so many
breathing and thinking beings whose lives were daily manifest in
the life of the universe. They were worshipped from one end of
the valley to the other, and the whole nation agreed in proclaim-

17 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ing their sovereign power. But when they began to name them,
to define their powers and attributes, to particularize their forms,
or the relationships that subsisted among them, this unanimity
was at an end. Each principality, each nome, each city, almost
every village, conceived and represented them differently.’

9 6 ἐθεολόγησαν, ‘called God,’ ‘regarded as God.’ Cf. 31 ¢ 9,
18 a 1 Ὀρφέα τὸν Oidypov. One of the earliest notices of
Orpheus is in Pindar, Pyth. iv. 178

ἐξ ᾿Απόλλωνος δὲ φορμικτὰς ἀοιδᾶν πατὴρ
ἔμολεν εὐαίνητος. ᾽Ορφεύς.
Cf. Dissen, ad loc. ‘ab Apolline missus, ut filius.? The inference
‘ut filius’ is not certain, and Orpheus is commonly said to be the
son of Oeagrus and Calliope. Plat. Sympos. 179 D ’Opdéa δὲ τὸν
Oldypov ἀτελῆ ἀπέπεμψαν ἐξ ἸΑιδου : Ap. Rh. i. 23
IIpara νυν ᾽Ορφῆος μνησώμεθα, τόν ῥά ποτ᾽ αὐτὴ
Καλλιόπη Θρήικι φατίζεται εὐνηθεῖσα
Οἰάγρῳ σκοπιῆς Πιμπληίδος ἄγχι τεκέσθαι.
Tradition assigned to Orpheus a very ancient but uncertain date.
Plat. Laws iii. 677 ‘No more than a thousand or two thousand
years have elapsed since the discoveries of Daedalus, Orpheus, and
Palamedes.’

a4 Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 3 ‘In old times even among
the Egyptians the shrines were without carved images (ἀξόανοι).᾽
For Egyptian sculpture see Birch, Ancient Egypt. ii. το.

18 ἃ 2 μυστήρι. Cf. Eur. Rhes. 943

Μυστηρίων τε τῶν ἀπορρήτων φανὰς
ἔδειξεν ᾿Ορφεύς.
Aristoph. Ran. 1032
Ὀρφεὺς μὲν yap τελετάς θ᾽ ἡμῖν κατέδειξε φόνου τ᾽ ἀπέχεσθαι.

& 4 τῶν γραμμάτων. On the Phoenician origin of the Greek
alphabet see Herodotus, v. 58, with Rawlinson’s notes, and Sir
Gardner Wilkinson’s (G. W.) Essay in the Appendix to Book II. 36.

a 6-c 2. A brief summary of the contents of the first nine
Books :—

ἃ 6 The earliest cosmogony, i. 7, 8 (19 a—-26 d).

a 7 The earliest theology, i. 9 (27) b—33 a).

8 9 Phoenician theology (Sanchuniathon), i. τὸ (33 b-
42 d).

ag Egyptian theology, ii. 1 (44 b-51 d).

BOOK I. CHAPS. 6, 7 18a

a 10 Mythology of the Greeks, ii. 2-8 (52-80).

Ὁ 2 Physical theology of the same, iii. 1~1'7 (82-127).

Ὁ 4 The oracles of the Greeks, iv—vi (129-261).

Ὁ 5 On some doctrines of Greek philosophers, vi (262-96).
Ὁ 6-Ὁ 2. The doctrines of the Hebrews, vii-ix (298-458).

&7 of δηλούμενοι. The Greeks, who have just been mentioned :
their opinions on cosmology are represented by the extracts from
Diodorus Siculus in pp. 19-21, and from Plutarch, pp. 22-5,
and are then contrasted with the opinions of Socrates and Plato,
25 d—26 ἀ.

Ὁ 6 διευκρινηθέντων. Polybius uses the word very frequently,
e.g. vi. 5. 1 ‘Perhaps however the argument concerning the
natural transition of one polity into another is more accurately
examined (ἀκριβέστερον διευκρινεῖται) in Plato.’

GI κεχαρισμένα πράττειν. Plat. Euthyph. 14 B ἐὰν κεχαρισ-
μένα τις ἐπίστηται τοῖς θεοῖς λέγειν τε καὶ πράττειν. Cf. Polyb.
XXil. 2. 6.

ἃ 7 τὴν ἱστοριτὴν βιβλιοθήκην. Diodorus Siculus devoted his
whole life to writing a history of all nations from the earliest
mythical times down to the age of Julius Caesar, with whom
he was contemporary. This work he called the Library. The
following extract 19 a 1-21 dg is quoted word for word from
Diod. i. 6-8.

7) 19 ἃ 2 περὶ τῶν μυθολογουμένων. ‘Haec sic transponenda,
τῶν μνθολογουμένων wept ἑκάστου. Dindorf. ad loc. Diodori.

C 3 ἀγένητον, ‘ uncreated,’ ‘ ingenerate,’ or ‘ unoriginate,’ must
be carefully distinguished from ἀγέννητον, ‘unbegotten,’ with
which it is frequently confounded. Cf. Epiph. Haeres. lxiv. 531
Origeniant τῷ γενητὸν θεὸν εἰρηκέναι αὐτὸν σαφές ἐστιν ὅτι κτιστὸν
ὁρίζεται. ‘Os γάρ τινες ἡμᾶς βούλονται σοφίζεσθαι καὶ λέγειν ἴσον
τὸ γενητὸν εἶναι τῷ γεννητῷ, οὐ παραδεκτέον ἐπὶ θεοῦ λέγειν ἀλλ᾽
ἣ ἐπὶ τὰ κτίσματα μόνον. ἕτερον γάρ ἐστι γενητὸν καὶ ἕτερόν ἐστι
γεννητόν.

ἃ 8 ἐναποληφθῆνα. Cf. 24 ἃ 6. The reading of ABIO,
ἐναπολειφθῆναι, adopted by Gaisford and Heikel, is inappropriate
here; see note on 24 d 6.
τῇ πάσῃ δίνῃ. Cf. Aristoph. Nub. 380

Aivos; τουτί μ᾽ ἐλελήθη,

ὃ Ζεὺς οὐκ ὦν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ Δῖνος νυνὶ βασιλεύων.
5 κα σ 17.

20 a THE PREVPAHATION FOR THE GOSPEL

20 ἃ 4 4vaLupoupdyys, On the supposrd evolution of animal
lite gut of lifeless matter compara below (26 ὁ 2) Plat. Phaed.
96 © dy’ ἐπειδὰν τὸ Oeppdv καὶ τὸ ψυχρὸν σηπεδύνα τινὰ λάβῃ, ὥς
rwes ἔλεγον, τότε δὴ τὰ ζῶα ξυντρέφεται; The same idea is less
forcibly expressed by ἀναζεομένης (cot. A).

@5 συνυιδῆσαι. ‘ ἀνοιδῆσαι Reiskius.’ Dindorf. The change is
unnecessary.

G2 πτηνά. Cf. Clem. Al. 860.

ἃ 4 ’Avagaydpov τοῦ φυσικοῦ On the physical theories of
Anaxagoras, and his connexion with the chief men at Athens,
see Zeller, P’re-Socr. Philos. ii. 328 ff. Lucret. i. 830 ‘ Nunc et
Anaxagorae scrutemur homoecomeriam, &c.’

ἃ 5. Μελανίππῃ. Melanippe, daughter of the centaur Cheiron,
gave name to two plays of Euripides, Melanippe the wise and
Melanippe bound. In the former Melanippe is made to utter
many philosophical maxims. The passage here quoted is men-
tioned by Aristotle, Poet. xv. 8, as an example of an unbecoming
speech not suited to the character. It was introduced by a line
preserved by Dionysius of Halicarnassus

Κοὐκ ἐμὸς ὁ μῦθος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμῆς μητρὸς πάρα.
‘Not mine the tale, but from my mother learned.’

41 ἃ 6 κατ᾽ ὀλίγον διαρθροῦν. Cf. Max Miller, Lectures on the
Science of Language, p. 313 ‘If we look upon language as natural
to Man, it might have broken out at different times and in
different countries among the descendants of one original pair ;
if, on tho contrary, language is to be treated as an artificial
invention, there is still less reason why each succeeding genera-
tion should not have invented its own idiom.’

Ὁ 4 dpxéyova. Cf. Clem. Al. 810 τὴν ἀρχέγονον ἡμέραν.

ἃ 11 xocpoyoviga. The less correct form κοσμογενείᾳ found in
cod. A is frequently used by Diodorus Sic., by Clem. Al. 810, and
by Theodoret, Gr. Aff. Cur. 68. 52 (Gaisf.).

22 ἃ 3 τῶν Πλουτάρχου Στρωματέων. Diels, Dorographi Graeci
156 ‘Plutarchi Stromateon fragmentum . . . nobilissimi scriptoris
nomen sine dubio ementitur. . .. Certe Eusebius, quae est mira
eius securitas, genuinum fetum credidit.’ On the authorship,
age, and general character of the work, see Diels, 64 ff., and
on tho text pp. 577 ff. Cf. Zeller, Outlines of Greek Philosophy,
p. 8 ‘The author of the Pseudo-Plutarchic Στρωματεῖς (about

BOOK I. CHAPS. 7, 8 92 ἃ

150 A. D., fragments of which are preserved in Eus. Pr. Eo. i. 8)
would seem to have drawn directly from Theophrastus.’
8) Ὅτ Θάλητα πρῶτον. Aristot. Metaph. A. 3 Θαλῆς μὲν ὁ τῆς
τοιαύτης ἀρχηγὸς φιλοσοφίας ὕδωρ (ἀρχὴν) εἶναί φησιν. Compare
the account of Thales and his inventions in Diog. L. i. 22-44,
especially 27 ἀρχὴν δὲ τῶν πάντων ὕδωρ ὑπεστήσατο, καὶ τὸν κόσμον
ἔμψυχον καὶ δαιμόνων πλήρη. For ἃ critical estimate of Thales see
Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 211-26; and on the dates of The Early
Ionic Philosophers, Clinton, Philological Museum, i. 86.

ἀρχήν. Archer Butler, Lectures on Ancient Philosophy, i. 302
‘This is ἃ word which, as then understood, can scarcely be
correctly rendered into any term in our language. It was not
the cause of the world, nor yet the final element, but rather that
thing which should be assumed to give a rational explanation of
the rest. The word Principle is perhaps nearest to its signifi-
cancy, because almost equally indefinite....The word ἀρχή is
said to have been first employed by Anaximander, who made
“the unbounded” his ἀρχή, and to Plato is ascribed the useful
labour of distinguishing between it and the kindred word
στοιχεῖον.᾽ Cf. Tim. 48 B-52, Plut. Mor. 875 C Tin διαφέρει ἀρχὴ
Kai στοιχεῖα. .

b 4 ᾿Αναξίμανδρον. On Anaximander see 504 a.

τὸ ἄπειρον. Aristot. Phys. iii. 4.9 ‘Now the Infinite has no
first principle (ἀρχήν), for that would be a limit of it. Moreover
it is both uncreated and indestructible, as being a kind of
first principle: for that which was created must have an end,
and in all destruction there is an end. Wherefore, as we say,
there is no first principle of this, but this seems to be the first
principle of the rest, and to embrace all and govern all, as they
say who make no other causes besides the Infinite, such as Mind
or Attraction (φιλίαν) : 8180, they say, this is the Divine, for it is
immortal and imperishable, as says Anaximander with most of
the physicists.’ But by τὸ ἄπειρον Anaximander did not mean
Infinity in the abstract, but a kind of infinite matter (φύσιν τινὰ
τοῦ ἀπείρου, Hippol.) out of which as their substratum the four
elements were separately formed; see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
i, 229, and the passages there quoted from Aristotle and Simplicius
on the doctrine of Anaximander; also the passages of Hippolytus
and Theophrastus in Diels, 133.

C2 19

22 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ τὴν φθοράν. Aetius i. 3. 3 (ap. Diels, 1. 5.) ᾿Αναξέμαγδρός
φησι τῶν ὄντων ἀρχὴν εἶναι τὸ ἄπειρον" ἐκ γὰρ τούτου πάντα γίγνεσθαι
καὶ els τοῦτο πάντα φθείρεσθαι, διὸ καὶ γεννᾶσθαι ἀπείρους κόσμους,
Theophrast. ibid. ἄπειρόν τινα φύσιν, ἧς τὴν ἀΐδιον κίνησιν αἰτίαν
εἶναι τῆς τῶν ὄντων γενέσεως.

ἃ τ ἐξ ἀλλοειδῶὼν ζώων. Hippol. l.c., Diels, 135 ‘He says
that the animals were made by exhalation from the Sun, and
that man was at first like a different animal, that is to say
a fish.’

ἃ 6 ᾿Αναξιμένην. Clinton, Epit. Fast. Hell. p. 156 ‘The
precise date of the birth and death of Anaximenes cannot be
determined. But he was taught by Anaximander, and he in-
structed Anaxagoras; and therefore must have lived toB.¢. 484.’
See Philol. Mus, i. 86 ff.

ἃ ἡ τῷ μὲν γένει. Diels, 135,579, reads τῷ μεγέθει : ‘ τῷ μὲν γένει
libri: corr. Zeller con]. Simpl. in Phys. f. 5’. 45 καὶ πρὸς ᾿Αναξίμαν-
Spov καὶ ᾿Αναξιμένην ἁρμόζει ty μέν, ἄπειρον δὲ τῷ μεγέθει τὸ στοιχεῖον
ὑποτιθεμένους. But see Zeller, Pre,-Socr. Philos. i. 268. Diels
is not quite accurate in saying that Zeller corrects the reading :
he quotes the passage from Eusebius with τῷ γένει, and does not
Suggest any alteration. τῷ μὲν γένει Means ‘in the genus, as
a whole.’ Zeller, Outlines, p. 42 ‘Anaximenes differs from
Anaximander in taking for his first principle not infinite matter
without more precise determination, but with Thales a quali-
tatively determined matter; but he again coincides with Anaxi-
mander in choosing for this principle a substance to which the
essential qualities of Anaximander’s primitive essence, unlimited-
ness and unceasing motion, equally appeared to belong. In the
air both are found.’

ἃ 8 πύκνωσιν, κιτιλ. Aristot. Phys, i. 4; De Caelo, iii. 5.

ἃ εἰ ἐποχεῖσθαι τῷ ἀέρι. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 13. 16 ‘ Anaxi-
menes and Anaxagoras and Democritus say that its breadth is
the cause of its stability: for it does not cut through the air
beneath hut covers it over like a lid, as broad bodies evidently
do: for against the wind these are difficult to move because of
their resistance.’ |

ἃ 12 Hippol. op. cit. i. 7 (Diels, 136) ‘And the stars were

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 92 ἃ

produced out of earth, because from this arose the mist by the
rarefaction of which fire was produced, and from the fire, as it
mounted upward, the stars were formed.’ Cf. Simplic. f. 32 ‘As
Anaximenes says that the air when rarefied becomes fire, and
when condensed becomes wind, then cloud, then more water, then
earth, then stones.’

28 ἃ 2 Τθερμοτάτην κψησιῖ. An evident corruption in all

MSS, except Ὁ, which has θερμότητα, with κίνησιν in the margin.
Usener rightly adopts ἱκανῶς (θερμότητος) λαβεῖν. For the con-
struction see Plat. Theaet. 194 D ἱκανῶς rot βάθους ἔχοντα : Phileb.
62 A ἱκανῶς ἐπιστήμης ἕξει. Diels, Dorogr. Gr. 580 follows Zeller
(Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 274, note 2): ‘ perhaps θερμότητα should be
read here without xivnow.’ |

&5 τὸ πᾶν dei ὅμοιον. Zeller, op. cit. 567 ‘The proposition
that the All remained like to itself may have been enunciated
by him (Xenophanes) in regard to the regularity of the course of
the world and the invariableness of the universe. But that he
absolutely denied all generation and destruction, all change and
movement in the world, as more recent authors assert, we cannot
think possible.’

8 7 οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο. The various readings of A and H seem to betray
a wish to make Xenophanes orthodox by inserting ἄνευ Θεοῦ : cf. 25
C5 οὐδ᾽ ὅλως Θεοῦ μνήμην ποιησαμένων : Ps.-Aristot. De Xenophane,
Zenone, et Gorgia, i. τ ᾿Αἴδιον εἶναί φησιν, εἴ τι ἔστιν, εἴπερ μὴ
ἐνδέχεται γενέσθαι μηδὲν ἐκ μηδενός : 13 μᾶλλον γὰρ λαμβάνεται
εἰκὸς εἶναι γενέσθαι ἐκ μὴ ὄντος ἢ μὴ πολλὰ εἶναι. Zeller, op. cit.
i. 545 quotes Simplic. De Xenoph. 3 ἄδύνατόν φησιν εἶναι, εἴ
τι ἔστι, γενέσθαι, τοῦτο λέγων ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοῦ, and τὸ dv ἐξ οὐκ ὄντος ἂν
γενέσθαι, ὅπερ ἀδύνατον.

a 8 τὰς αἰσθήσεις ψευδεῖς. Plat. Phaed. 65 ‘Have sight and
hearing any truth for men? Or rather are not the very poets
harping to us upon this theme, that there is nothing accurate in
what we either see or hear?’ Cf. Theaet. 154 E.

b 1 αὐτὸν τὸν λόγον διαβάλλει. Zeller, op. cit. i. §74, rejects
the statements that Xenophanes wholly denied the possibility of
knowledge, or that he recognized the perception of reason only,
and not that of sense.

Ὁ 3 τὴν γῆν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν χωρεῖν. Hippol. op. cit. i. 14
Xenophanes asserts ‘that shells are found in the midst of the

LAALIUN FOR THE GOSPEL

4, unv tn the quarries in Syracuse the print

ον «ad of seals, and in Paros a print of an

. che steue, aad in Malta scales of all sorts of

. ws, ἐπὶ that these animals were formed when all

wo. . opty lded in mud long ago, and an impression of

νι. πα in the mud. Also all mankind are destroyed

ay. its tan is carried down intothe sea and becomes mud,

“ou u hecius tu peperate again, and these changes occur in
ἀν worlds.’ Cif dt. ii, 12, Strab. 49.

toy <atpitws >. llippol. ibid, ‘He also says that the Sun is

wat wach day from an assemblage of small sparks (ἐκ μικρῶν

sun). δου, Mel, Phys. i, 522 seq. Ἐενοφάνης ἐκ νεφῶν werv-

νων εἶναι τὸν ἥλιον.

ἢ» ., περὶ θεῶν. Pu.-Arist. De Xenoph. Z.et G. iii. 2 Ei δ᾽ ἔστιν
. φὼς ἐν άντων κράτιστον, ἕνα φησὶν αὐτὸν προσήκειν εἶναι : Clem. Al.
(up ES γοῦν καὶ Hevoddvys 6 Κολοφώνιος διδάσκων ὅτι εἷς καὶ
νον ὁ θεὸς ἐπιφέρει’

"εἷς θεὸς ἔν τε θεοῖσι καὶ ἀνθρώποισι μέγιστος.

wt dpav καθόλου. Diog. L. ix. 19 Ὅλον δ᾽ ὁρᾶν καὶ ὅλον
inoue, μὴ μέντοι ἀναπνεῖν (86. τὸν θεόν). Sext. Emp. Ado. Math.
is. 144, Without mentioning Aenophanes,

Οὗλος ὁρᾷ, otAos δὲ νοεῖ, otAos δέ τ᾽ ἀκούει.
Kutter and Preller, 136, note a; cf. Zeller, op. cit. i. 561,
nate 2.

9 2 τὴν γῆν ἄπειρον εἶναι. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 13 ‘Some for
iIhises reasons assert that the underside of the earth is infinite,
meaning that it is rooted upon an infinite, as Xenophanes the
Colophonian says, in order that they may have no trouble in
iuquiring after the cause.’ Diels, Doxrogr. Gr. 580 conjectures
καὶ τὸ κάτω πᾶν μέρος.

© 6 Happevidys. Theophrast. ap. Diels, 141 Παρμενίδης Πύρητος
ὁ Ἐλεάτης. Cf. Plat. Parm. 127 ‘Parmenides and Zeno came to
Athens, he said, at the great Panathenaea: the former was at
the time of his visit about 65 years old, very white with age, but
well-favoured. Zeno was nearly 40 years of age, of a noble figure
und fair aspect’ (Jowett). SupA. 237 ‘When we were boys the
great Parmenides used to protest against this, from tirst to last,
ulways repeating both in prose and verse :

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 : 486

‘Things that be not thou ne’er wilt prove to be;
From this vain question keep thy thought away.’

ἃ 2 τὰς αἰσθήσεις. Zeller, Outlines, 61, referring to Parmenides,
‘Thought, moreover, is not distinct from being, for it is thought
of the existent. Only that knowledge therefore has truth which
shows us in all things this one invariable being, and this is
reason (Adyos). The senses on the other hand, which show us
a multiplicity of things, origin, decay, and change, are the sources
of all error.’ Cf. Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 586.

ἃ 4 τὸ δὲ μὴ ὄν. Simplic. Phys. f. 19 8

Χρή σε λέγειν τε νοεῖν τ᾽ ἐὸν ἔμμεναι. ἔστι γὰρ εἶναι,
μηδὲν ὃ ᾿οὐκ εἶναι,
i.e. ‘Being’ is, and ‘not-being’ is nothing at all. Cf. Plat.
Parm. 163 C.
ἃ 5 τὸ ὃν ἀγένητον. R.and Pr.145‘Parm. ap. Simplic. Phys. f.31 4:
‘One word alone remains, that ‘being’ is;
And many signs in this direction show
This uncreate is indestructible,
Whole, of one kind, unmov’d, self-equipois’d ;
Nor was, nor shall be, but is ever now
All one eternal.’
The idea seems to be taken from a homogeneous globe self-
sustained, Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 584, 587.

ἃ Ζήνων. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 261 ‘Do we not know that the
Eleatic Palamedes (Zeno) speaks with such an art that the same
things appear to his hearers like and unlike, and one and many,
and at rest and in motion too?’ ‘Qui artificiosi et ingeniosi
quidquam excogitat, is Palamedes dicitur, ipsumque inventum
Palamedeum, ut Aristoph. Ran. 1488

Εὖ γ᾽ ὦ Παλάμηδες, ὦ σοφωτάτη φύσις.
Et Eupolis ap. Athen. i. 30. 65
Παλαμηδικόν γε τοῦτο τοὐξεύρημα καὶ σοφόν᾽ (Ast).

ἃ 9 Δημόκριτος. ‘Time, space, and motion (it was thus Demo-
critus took up the strain) are all eternal’ (Archer Butler, Hist.
Philos. i. 325).

ἃ 12 μηδεμίαν ἀρχήν. Aristot. Phys. viii. 1. 20 Ὅλως δὲ τὸ
νομίζειν ἀρχὴν εἶναι ταύτην ἱκανήν, ὅτι ἀεὶ ἣ ἔστιν οὕτως ἢ γίγνεται,
οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔχει ὑπολαβεῖν, ἐφ᾽ ὃ Δημόκριτος ἀνάγει τὰς περὶ φύσεως
αἰτίας, ὡς οὕτω καὶ τὸ πρότερον ἐγίνετο' τοῦ δὲ ἀεὶ οὐκ ἀξιοῖ ἀρχὴν

33d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ζητεῖν, λέγων ἐπί τινων ὀρθῶς, ὅτι δ᾽ ἐπὶ πάντων, οὐκ ὀρθῶς. On the
doctrine of Democritus see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 210 ff.

ἃ 13 ἐξ ἀπείρον χρόνον. Lucret. ii. 294

‘Nec stipata magis fuit umquam materiai
Copia nec porro maioribus intervallis;
Nam neque adaugescit quidquam neque deperit inde.
Quapropter quo nunc in motu principiorum
Corpora sunt, in eodem anteacta aetate fuere
Et post haec semper simili ratione ferentur,
Et quae consuerunt gigni gignentur eadem
Condicione et erunt et crescent vique valebunt.’

24a1 Ἤλίον. Diog. L. ix. 33.

&5 ὑποβολήν. Lit. ‘foundation’: cf. Plut. Mor. 320 B ἀρετῆς
μὲν ὑποβολὰς κατατεθεῖσθαι.

a 6 ἐναποληφθῆναι. See the note on 19 ἃ 8 and 24 ἃ 6.

b 1 Ἐπίκουρος. On Epicurus and his doctrine cf. 727 ἃ 3 and
Wippol. Refut. Haer. i. 19, and on τὸν περὶ θεῶν τῦφον see
especially the well-known passage Lucret. i. 57, 58. Diog. L. x.
123 (Epicurus loquitur) θεοὶ μὲν γὰρ εἰσίν, ἐναργὴς δέ ἐστιν αὐτῶν
ἡ γνῶσις" οἵους δὲ αὐτοὺς of πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν οὐκ εἰσίν.

Ὁ 2 ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος. Lucret. i. 149

‘Principium cuius hinc nobis exordia sumet,
Nullam rem e nilo gigni divinitus umquam.’

Ὁ 3 ἀεὶ τοιοῦτον. See the note on 23 ἃ 13.

Ὁ 5 wav ἐστι σῶμα. Epicurus ap. Diog. L. x. 39 τὸ πᾶν ἐστι
σῶμα: τὰ μὲν yap σώματα ὡς ἔστιν αὐτὴ ἡ αἴσθησις ἐπὶ πάντων μαρτυρεῖ.

Ὁ 6 ἡδονή. Diog. L. x. 128 τὴν ἡδονὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τέλος λέγομεν
εἶναι τοῦ μακαρίως ζῆν.

b 7 On the elder Aristippus and his grandson of the same
name see 763 d 14.

τὴν ἡδονήν. Diog. L. ii. 87 ‘They also think that there is
a difference between the summum bonum and happiness: for the
summum bonum is particular pleasure, but happiness the com-
bination arising from particular pleasures, among which are
reckoned pleasures past and to come. And particular pleasure is
desirable for its own sake, but happiness not on its own account,
but on account of the particular pleasures.’ Ibid. 86 ‘They
supposed two stutes of feeling, pain and pleasure, gentle motion
being pleasure, and rough motion pain.’

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 24b

Ὁ 8 φυσιολογίαν. Cf. de Faye, Clément d’Alezandrie, p. 79,
note 2, on Clem. Al. 564 τότε δὴ τὴν τῷ ὄντι γνωστικὴν φυσιολογίαν
μέτειμεν τὰ μικρὰ πρὸ τῶν μεγάλων μνηθέντες μυστήρια. ‘Le terme
φυσιολογία ne doit pas étre traduit par science de la nature, c’est
un terme comprehensif qui, dans la derniére phrase, embrasse et la
κοσμολογία et la θεολογία. See note on 74 8 0.

Cr Ἐμπεδοκλῆς. See the account of Empedocles in Hippol.
Refut. Haer. i. 3 and vii. 17, 18, where his system of dualism
is said to have been adopted by Marcion; and Plut. De Plac.
Philos. i. 30, quoted below on 749d 6. Cf. K. O. Miller, Literature
of Ancient Greece, p. 255 ‘To these he gave mythological names,
calling fire the all penetrating Zeus; air the life-giving Hera;
earth (as being the gloomy abode of exiled spirits) Aidoneus ; and
water, by a name of his own, Nestis.’ Cf. Diog. L. viii. 67, 77.

"AdAo δέ τοι ἐρέω" φύσις οὐδενός ἐστιν ἁπάντων

θνητῶν, οὐδέ τις οὐλομένον θανάτοιο τελευτή,

ἀλλὰ μόνον μῖξίς τε διάλλαξίς τε μιγέντων

ἐστί, φύσις δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὀνομάζεται ἀνθρώποισιν.
Plat. Soph. 242 E ‘But certain Ionian and Sicilian Muses
(Heracleitus and Empedocles) at a later period conceived that the
safest course was to combine both principles and say that “ being ”
is both one and many, and is held together by enmity and friend-
ship.’ See note on 725 a 8, Emped. Carm. 68.

Ὁ 4 τὸν ἀέρα. Plut. ibid. ii. 6 ‘Empedocles says that the air
was first separated, and next the fire.’

C6 ἡμισφαίρια. Ibid. ii. 11 ‘ Empedocles says that the heaven
is solid, consisting of air congealed by fire in the manner of ice, as
it contains in each hemisphere the elements both of fire and air.’
Zeller, Outlines of Gk. Philos., p. 74 ‘The sky consists of two
halves, one of fire, the other dark, with masses of fire sprinkled
in it; the former is the heaven of the day time, the latter of the
night.’

ἃ 2 Τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν τῆς κινήσεως. See Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
ii, 155, note 2.

ἃ 3 On the cosmogony of Empedocles as described in his own
poem and as criticized by Aristotle (De Gen. et Corrupt. ii. 6; De
Caelo, iii. 2. 10), see Zeller, ibid. ii. 137-44.

23d ΤῊΣ PREPARATION fT: - ὩΣ,

ζητεῖν, λέγων ἐπί τινων ὀρθῶς. ὅτι δ᾽ ᾿ -. Clut. De Pyth.
doctrine of Democritus sce 7!) νας that the sun
ἃ 13 ἐξ ἀπείρου χρόνου. 1... » reflexion of the
‘Nec stipata mavis f.."'
Copia nec porro me’ _autiess face.” ?
Nam neque adauz--.. - .avtug been formed out
Quapropter quo ne: - .. ἢ the general whirl
Corpora sunt, iz «ὦ ὁ formed from what is
Et post Ἰοὺ - . , wx sud cloudy air mixed
Et quae con: 52 Ἐμπεδοκλῆς ἀέρα ovve-
Condicione +t - - acs UTE σύμμικτον. Zeller,
2481 Ἡλίου. Te. ον the reading ἀποληφθέντος
&5 ὑποβολήν. ’... _ aaedveles said of the heaven.
μὲν ὑποβολὰς κι -. . “μπεδυκλῆς στερέμνιον εἶναι τὸν
a 6 évaroAy" _ ope κνυσταλλοειδῶς. Diels also
Di ᾿Ππίκοι . νοι, Emped. p. 432.
Ifippol. Pe? . tupedecles is preserved in Stob.
especially “). oe *¢ (Mullach, i. 11)
123 (Ky: “νων tqaaupdioy ἐστι νόημα.
ἡ γνῶσι: 4_vdocles animum esse censet cordi
b:. ‘au quoted below, 26 ὁ 4.
a... els brackets these words as

.uitute αἷμα for ἡγεμονικόν; but no

br cates, EreeSoer. Philos. ii. 168, note 4.
ν πων ε νιοὶ circ. B.C. 330; he was said to
ne asa, ἀπὲ was an absolute sceptic. The

ἀν .' Nature is quoted below, 765 ἃ
να ἄν wet even this, whether we know or
ow dad th ag. 73 SNego scire nos scia-
ee. wate: ae id ipsum quidem nescire
ves aettear altquuidd an nihil sit.’ Yet Zeller
ἐκ te: ote van hardly have intended to deny

Qe Νὰ vata

ἐκ “ιν aller, ibid. it. 214, note 5

uote tye tttaparsttle, since in the πᾶν, the

ἡ and all che full are contained,’

Ν ον κε wave, there ts ta tacuns which no doubt
κὰν νὰ tee wt he compiler of the Eusebian

e ῖ

᾿ς west έν ννι ΝΟ gppears probable.

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 25a

ἃ 4 In cod. A the original reading ἀέρα has been corrected to
αἰθέρα, which Zeller reads, op. cit. ii. 315, note 2. But ἀέρα is
more appropriate to the present context. On αἰθήρ and ἀήρ com-
pare Zeller, op. cit. ii. 355, Out of Chaos were formed by rotary
motion ‘two great masses according to the most universal distinc-
tions of dense and rare, cold and warm, dark and bright, moist
and dry. ... Anaxagoras called them Aether and Air, including
under Aether all that is warm, light, and rare; and under Air
all that is cold, dark, and dense.’ Zeller, ibid. note 3, Anaz. Fr. 1
πάντα yap ἀήρ τε καὶ αἰθὴρ κατεῖχεν, ἀμφότερα ἄπειρα ἐόντα. Fr. 2
καὶ γὰρ ὃ ἀὴρ καὶ ὁ αἰθὴρ ἀποκρίνεται ἀπὸ τοῦ περιέχοντος τοῦ
πολλοῦ καὶ τό γε περιέχον ἄπειρόν ἐστι τὸ πλῆθος. Aristot. de Caelo,
iii. 3 τὸ γὰρ πῦρ καὶ τὸν αἰθέρα προσαγορεύει ταὐτό.Ἠ Theophrast.
De Sensu, 59 τὸ μὲν μανὸν καὶ λεπτὸν θερμόν, τὸ δὲ πυκνὸν καὶ παχὺ
ψυχρόν, ὥσπερ ᾿Αναξαγόρας διαιρεῖ τὸν ἀέρα καὶ τὸν αἰθέρα.

@ 5 Metrodorus ‘is said (Plac. iii. 9. 5) to have regarded the
earth as a precipitate from the water, and the sun as a precipitate
from the air (rod dépos).’ Zeller, ii. 247, note 4.

&6 ποιεῖν. .. ἀστέρας. Zeller (loc. cit.) raises the question
whether these words mean that the stars are ‘ generated each day
afresh through the influence of the sun on the atmospheric water,’
or refer only to ‘ the first production of the stars,’

Ὁ 2 Διογένης. Diogenes of Apollonia, a pupil of Anaximenes
and contemporary of Anaxagoras, is commended by Aristotle, De
Gen. et Corrupt. i. 6, for teaching that all existing things are
formed out of one primitive element by differentiation. Cf. Diog.
L. ix. 57 ‘ He maintained that air was the primal element of all
things; that there was an infinite number of worlds, and an
infinite void; that air condensed and rarefied produced the dif-
ferent members of the universe; that nothing was produced from
nothing, or was reduced to nothing.’ Dict. Gk. and Rom. Biogr.
i.1021; Zeller, op. cit, i. 285 ff.; R. and Pr. 59; Simplic. Phys. f.
326 ap. R. and Pr. 63 ‘ From this primary element, which is the air,
both man and the other animals have life, and soul, and thought.’

Ὁ 4 on... ποιῆσαι. On this construction see Jelf, Gk. Gr. 864,
and Matthiae, Gk. Gr. 539.

b 7 After quoting this passage R. and Pr. 68, remark that
the references to the cosmological doctrines of Diogenes are
‘obscure and scanty.’ See Zeller, op. cit. i. 285 ff.

25c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C5 οὐδ᾽ ὅλως Θεοῦ μνήμην. See the note on 23 a 7.

a6 This and the following passage of the Memorabilia Socratis
are quoted again and more fully at 853 c.

26 Ὁ 6 Περὶ ψυχῆς. On this and other titles by which the Phaedo
is commonly described, see the first note on the Phaedo in Bekker’s
Plato.

b 8 On the text of this passage, Plat. Phaed. 96 A, and on
the relation of cod. A of Eusebius to cod. Clark (B) of Plato, see
vol. i. Prae/. p. xliv seqq.

Ἐγὼ γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης. These words are omitted in Plat. B*,
which passes from ἔφη ὁ Κέβης in the preceding line to νέος ὦν.
In the margin the second hand (b) has supplied the missing
words as they are found in A the Arethas MS. of Eusebius: βού»
Aopai ye. “Axove τοίνυν ὡς ἐροῦντος: "Eva γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης. The
obvious cause οὗ the omission is the repetition οὗ Κέβης.

Ὁ 9 ὑπερήφανον. Eus. codd., ὑπερήφανος Plato, agreeing with
σοφία understood, of which εἰδέναι κιτιλ. is the epexegesis ‘It
seemed to me to be a magnificent kind of wisdom to know, &c.’

Ὁ 1ο εἰδέναι rds. Omitted in Plat. B*, but supplied by Ὁ (as
in A*), partly in an erasure and partly outside the line. The
insertion of (xai) before εἰδέναι (Burnet) is unnecessary.

CI πρῶτον rd. In Plat. B* πρῶτον was omitted, and ra stood at
the end of the line, followed by τοιάδε in the next line. The a of
τὰ was erased and the omission supplied by Ὁ in the following
manner: (1) Ta, (2) ΤΊ], (3) Πρῶτον ra. Thus the first letter Π
is within the line, but of a form not used in B*; the rest is
written by b outside the line and in very small letters.

τὰ τοιάδε. Omitted in Eus. A*, but supplied in the margin
by the second hand (b ?).

6 2 καὶ τὸ ψυχρόν, A*. In Plat. B* ro is omitted, but sup-
plied by Plat. b.

Schanz brackets [καὶ ψυχρόν] as an interpolation, and
certainly ‘cold’ does not correspond well to ‘ putrefaction ’
(σηπεδόνα): but that ψυχρόν may be a corruption of ὑγρόν is
suggested by two passages of Diogenes Laertius quoted by
Heindorf; lib. ii. 3. 9 (Ἀναξαγόρας ἔλεγε) ζῶα γενέσθαι ἐξ ὑγροῦ
καὶ θερμοῦ καὶ γεώδους. ibid. 4. τό "Ἔλεγε δὲ (᾿Αρχέλαος) δύο
αἰτίας εἶναι γενέσεως θερμὸν καὶ ὑγρόν, καὶ τὰ ζῶα ἀπὸ τῆς ἰλύος
γεννηθῆναι.

BOOK I CHAP. 8 96ς

63 ξυντρέφετα. Eus. A*, συντρέφεται Plat. B*, ξυντρέφεται
(ξ in ras.) Ὁ.

τὸ αἷμα. Cf. 24 ἃ 9, and for a collection οὗ the various
opinions of ancient philosophers see Diels, Dorogr. Gr. 391.

6 46 ἀήρ. Zeller, op. cit. i. 287 ‘ Diogenes (Apolloniates) him-
self says that air is the essence in which reason dwells, and which
guides and governs all things, because its nature is to spread
itself everywhere, to order all and to beinall. Fr. 6, ap. Simplic.
33 a.”

τὸ πῦρ. The doctrine of Heracleitus: see Zeller, op. cit. ii.
22, 79 ‘In the soul, on the other hand, the infinite portion of
man’s nature, the divine fire in its purer form has been preserved.
The soul consists of fire, of warm and dry vapours.’

C5 ὁ δ᾽ ἐγκέφαλος... Edinburgh Review, January, 1879, p. 77
‘ Whatever the organic process in the brain, it takes place, like the
action of other elements of the body, quite out of the reach of
consciousness. We are not aware how our general and abstract
ideas are formed. The due material is consciously supplied, and
there is an unconscious elaboration of the result’: p. 83 ‘ Here
then we reach the limits to which physical science has attained.
The moral and intellectual faculties of man belong to a region
for which science has no language and no explanation. To
investigate them is the task of a higher branch of Philosophy ;
for we still say with the old Schoolmen, “ Nihil est in intellectu
quod non fuerit in sensu... nisi intellectus ipse.’’’

ὃ τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχων. Plut. De Plac. Philos. iv. 8 Πλάτων
τὴν αἴσθησιν aropaiverat ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος κοινωνίαν πρὸς τὸ ἐκτός"
ἡ μὲν γὰρ δύναμις ψυχῆς, τὸ δ᾽ ὄργανον σώματος" ἄμφω. δὲ διὰ φαν-
τασίας ἀντιληπτικὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν γίνεται. Cf. Diels, 1. 6. 394.

C6 μνήμη. Aristot. Anal. post. ii. 19. 4 ἐκ μὲν οὖν αἰσθήσεως
γίνεται μνήμη, ὥσπερ λέγονσιν, ἐκ δὲ μνήμης πολλάκις τοῦ αὐτοῦ
γινομένης ἐμπειρία al γὰρ πολλαὶ μνῆμαι τῷ ἀριθμῷ ἐμπειρία ἐστίν.
Metaph. i. τ. 4 Τίγνεται δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς μνήμης ἐμπειρία τοῖς ἀνθρώποις,
aT.

d1 λαβούσης τὸ ἠρεμεῖν. Aristot. 1. c. ἐκ δ᾽ ἐμπειρίας, ἣ ἐκ
παντὸς ἠρεμήσαντος τοῦ καθόλον ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ». TOU ἑνὸς παρὰ τὰ πολλά,
ὃ ἂν ἐν ἅπασιν ἕν ἐνῇ ἐκείνοις τὸ αὐτὸ τέχνης ἀρχὴ καὶ ἐπιστήμης, ἐὰν
μὲν περὶ γένεσιν τέχνης, ἐὰν δὲ περὶ τὸ ὃν ἐπιστήμης. Μοίαρῆ. 1]. ο. 5
᾿Αποβαίνει δ᾽ ἐπιστήμη καὶ τέχνη διὰ τῆς ἐμπειρίας τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.

“αν FUR THE GOSPEL

ων Way,’ ie. as memory from the

jyardy καὶ Plat. B*, οὐρανόν καὶ Ὁ.
᾿ vt, Viger, de Idiotism. p. 156.
λ΄, tage! ἔμαθον Plat. B*.
vs ura ἃ AY, καὶ ἃ Plat. B.
we nm i:

ἐν ἀλλῳ
ἐν νυ μαθον καὶ ταῦτα ἃ πρὸ τοῦ ὥιμην εἰδέναι, ‘ verbis

oom nnug. Ὁ ᾽ (Schanz).

ον νὰ thin opinion of Anaxagoras see 750 Ὁ 1.

wu Htolorus see 1845. The following quotation is
row Nb EO
> oa ἀν ἰλεέψαντας εἰς τὸν κόσμον. ‘In every case in which
ν .icvelupedt civilizations have culminated in comprehensive
Jamu. τ αἴθ, in Egypt, in India, and in Western Asia, inves-
_vitun Gehes us buck to the grand all-encompassing phaenomena
. Ihe heavens as the point of departure from which religious
wits lave νοῦ out? (Lotze, Aficrocosmus, ii. 456). See Maspero
ms hole on 41 Ὁ 4.

| UOniris was originally the god of the Delta, identified with
itn Nilo (Blut. De Is. et Osir. 33), but ‘from the Hyksos period
vuwards the origin of all forms of religion was sought in Sun
witahip’ (Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 12).
ct) μὰ, Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 44.

Ὁ 4 ἐτύμου. The corrupt reading ἑτοίμον of the older MSS.
All und of the Vatican codex of Diodorus (C) is corrected in BO,
probably from the better MSS. of Diodorus.

ο 5 Μεθερμηνειομένων. In the margin of cod. A a cone and
part of a circle are drawn as signs of Sun and Moon, with a note
following : ‘Why the Egyptians call the Sun Osiris: now Osiris
is interpreted “ many-eyed,” the Sun being supposed to see by
moans of his rays. And the Moon they call Isis, which also
when translated into the Greek tongue means “the ancient,” from
her ancient and eternal generation.” Compare Plut. de Is. et
Osir. x " For the king and lord, Osiris, they represent by an eye
and a sceptre, and some even interpret the name as ‘“ Many-
eyed,” the * O03” signifying many, and the “iri’ eye, in the
Egyptian language.’ ‘The old religion of Egypt consisted,

, CU

BOOK I. CHAPS. 8, 9 a7 Cc

ὅς pa μάλιστα
ὀξέα σειρίαει καί μιν καλέουσ᾽ ἄνθρωποι

Σείριον.
Plut. De Is. et Osir. 364 A ‘The more learned among the priests
not only call the Nile “ Osiris,’ and the sea “ Typhon,” but give
the name Osiris generally to every principle and power produc-
tive of moisture, regarding this as the cause of generation.’
372 D ‘There are some that expressly assert that Osiris is the
Sun, and is named Sirius by the Greeks, since the insertion of the
article (ὁ σείριος) has caused the name to be misunderstood among
the Egyptians.’ In 375 E Plutarch gives a still more absurd
derivation of "Ooipis from ὅσιος and ἱερός.
EvpoAros. The mythical founder of the Eleusinian mysteries.

‘As Eumolpus was regarded as a priestly bard, poems and writings
on the mysteries were fabricated and circulated at a later time
under his name’ (Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.).

d 4 The only Fragment of Eumolpus (Suidas).

ἃ 5 Orph. Fr. vii. 3 Ὃν δὴ viv καλέουσι Φάνητά τε καὶ Διόνυσον.
On this identification οὗ Phanes and Dionysus see Orphica, Argon.
15, Hymn, v. 8, Fr. v. 8; Clem. Recogn. x. 17. On the Orphic

δῖ

22 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 7 τὴν φθοράν. Aetius i. 3. 3 (ap. Diels, 1. 6.) ᾿Αναξίμανδρός
φησι τῶν ὄντων ἀρχὴν εἶναι τὸ ἄπειρον" ἐκ γὰρ τούτον πάντα γίγνεσθαι
καὶ εἰς τοῦτο πάντα φθείρεσθαι, διὸ καὶ γεννᾶσθαι ἀπείρους κόσμουν,
Theophrast. ibid. ἄπειρόν τινα φύσιν, ἧς τὴν ἀΐδιον κίνησιν αἰτίαν
εἶναι τῆς τῶν ὄντων γενέσεως.

9 3 κυλινδροειδῆ. Hippol. ]. c. τὸ δὲ σχῆμα αὐτῆς (τῆς γῆς) γῦρον
στρογγύλον, κίονι λίθῳ παραπλήσιον.

ἃ τ ἐξ ἀλλοειδῶν ζώων. Hippol. 1.6., Diels, 135 ‘He says
' that the animals were made by exhalation from the Sun, and
that man was at first like a different animal, that is to say
a fish.’

ἃ 6 ᾿Αναξιμένην. Clinton, Eptt. Fast. Hell. p. 156 ‘The
precise date of the birth and death of Anaximenes cannot be
determined. But he was taught by Anaximander, and he in-
structed Anaxagoras; and therefore must have lived toB.c. 484.’
See Philol. Mus, i. 86 ff.

a7 τῷ μὲν γένει. Diels, 135, 579, reads τῷ μεγέθει : ‘ τῷ μὲν γένει
libri: corr. Zeller conl. Simpl. in Phys. f. 5’. 45 καὶ πρὸς ᾿Αναξίμαν-
δρον καὶ ᾿Αναξιμένην ἁρμόζει ἣν μέν, ἄπειρον δὲ τῷ μεγέθει τὸ στοιχεῖον
ὑποτιθεμένους.᾽ But see Zeller, Pre.-Socr. Philos. i. 268. Diels
is not quite accurate in saying that Zeller corrects the reading :
he quotes the passage from Eusebius with τῷ γένει, and does not
suggest any alteration. τῷ μὲν γένει means ‘in the genus, as
a whole.’ Zeller, Outlines, Ὁ. 42 ‘Anaximenes differs from
Anaximander in taking for his firat principle not infinite matter
without more precise determination, but with Thales a quali-
tatively determined matter; but he again coincides with Anaxi-
mander in choosing for this principle a substance to which the
essential qualities of Anaximander’s primitive essence, unlimited-
ness and unceasing motion, equally appeared to belong. In the
air both are found.’

ἃ 8 πύκνωσιν, κατιλ. Aristot. Phys. i. 4; De Caelo, iii. 5.

G11 ἐποχεῖσθαι τῷ ἀέρι. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 13. 16 ‘ Anaxi-
menes and Anaxagoras and Democritus say that its breadth is
the cause of its stability: for it does not cut through the air
beneath hut covers it over like a lid, as broad bodies evidently
do: for against the wind these are difficult to move because of
their resistance.’ |

ἃ 12 Hippol. op. cit. i. 7 (Diels, 136) ‘And the stars were

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 92 ἃ

28 a2 tOcpporaryy κψησινῖ. An evident corruption in all

MSS. except D, which has θερμότητα, with κίνησιν in the margin.
Usener rightly adopts ἱκανῶς (Oeppdrytos) λαβεῖν. For the con-
struction see Plat. Theaet. 194 D ἱκανῶς τοῦ βάθους ἔχοντα : Phileb.
62 A ἱκανῶς ἐπιστήμης ἕξει. Diels, Dorogr. Gr. 580 follows Zeller
(Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 274, note 2): ‘perhaps θερμότητα should be
read here without xivyow.’ | |

&5 τὸ way dei ὅμοιον. Zeller, op. cit. 567 ‘The proposition
that the All remained like to itself may have been enunciated
by him (Kenophanes) in regard to the regularity of the course of
the world and the invariableness of the universe. But that he
absolutely denied all generation and destruction, all change and
movement in the world, as more recent authors assert, we cannot
think possible.’

& 7 οὐκ ἂν γένοιτο. The various readings of A and H seem to betray
a wish to make Xenophanes orthodox by inserting ἄνευ Θεοῦ : cf. 25
C5 οὐδ᾽ ὅλως Θεοῦ μνήμην ποιησαμένων : Ps.-Aristot. De Xenophane,
Zenone, et Gorgia, i. 1 ᾿Αἴδιον εἶναί φησιν, εἴ τι ἔστιν, εἴπερ μὴ
ἐνδέχεται γενέσθαι μηδὲν ἐκ μηδενός : 13 μᾶλλον γὰρ λαμβάνεται
εἰκὸς εἶναι γενέσθαι ἐκ μὴ ὄντος ἢ μὴ πολλὰ εἶναι. Zeller, op. cit.
i. 545 quotes Simplic. De Xenoph. 3 ἄδύνατόν φησιν εἶναι, εἴ
τι ἔστι, γενέσθαι, τοῦτο λέγων ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοῦ, and τὸ ὃν ἐξ οὐκ ὄντος ἂν
γενέσθαι, ὅπερ ἀδύνατον.

8 8 τὰς αἰσθήσεις ψευδεῖς. Plat. Phaed. 65 ‘Have sight and
hearing any truth for men? Or rather are not the very poets
harping to us upon this theme, that there is nothing accurate in
what we either see or hear?’ Cf. Theaet. 157 E. :

b 1 αὐτὸν τὸν λόγον διαβάλλει. Zeller, op. cit. i. 574, rejects
the statements that Xenophanes wholly denied the possibility of
knowledge, or that he recognized the perception of reason only,
and not that of sense. |

Ὁ 3 τὴν γῆν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν χωρεῖν. Hippol. op. cit. i. 14
Xenophanes asserts ‘that shells are found in the midst οὗ the

28 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

land and in mountains, also in the quarries in Syracuse the print
of a fish was found, and of seals, and in Paros a print of an
anchovy deep in the stone, and in Malta scales of all sorts of
marine animals, and that these animals were formed when all
things were imbedded in mud long ago, and an impression of
them was dried in the mud. Also all mankind are destroyed
whenever the land is carried down into the sea and becomes mud,
and then it begins to generate again, and these changes occur in
all the worlds.’ Cf. Hdt. ii. 12, Strab. 49.

Ὁ 4 ({πυριδίων). Hippol. ibid. ‘He also says that the Sun is
formed each day from an assemblage of small sparks (ἐκ μικρῶν
πυριδίων).᾽ Stob. Ecl. Phys. i. 522 seq. Ἐενοφάνης ἐκ νεφῶν rerv-
ρωμένων εἶναι τὸν ἥλιον.

b 5 περὶ θεῶν. Ps.-Arist. De Xenoph. Ζ. et G. iii. 2 Et δ᾽ ἔστιν
ὃ θεὸς ἁπάντων κράτιστον, ἕνα φησὶν αὐτὸν προσήκειν εἶναι : Clem. Al.
414 Εὖ γοῦν καὶ Ἐενοφάνης ὃ Κολοφώνιος διδάσκων ὅτι εἷς καὶ
ἀσώματος ὃ Geos ἐπιφέρει"

“Εἷς θεὸς ἔν τε θεοῖσι καὶ ἀνθρώποισι μέγιστος."

Cr ὁρᾶν καθόλου͵ὰΎ Diog. L. ix. 19 Ὅλον δ᾽ ὁρᾶν καὶ ὅλον
ἀκούειν, μὴ μέντοι ἀναπνεῖν (8c. τὸν θεόν). Sext. Emp. Ado. Math.
ix. 144, without mentioning Xenophanes,

Otros ὁρᾷ, otAos δὲ νοεῖ, οὖλος δέ τ᾽ ἀκούει.
Ritter and Preller, 136, note a; cf. Zeller, op. cit. i. 561,
note 2.

6 2 τὴν γῆν ἄπειρον εἶναι. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 13 ‘Some for
these reasons assert that the underside of the earth is infinite,
meaning that it is rooted upon an infinite, as Kenophanes the
Colophonian says, in order that they may have no trouble in
inquiring after the cause.’ Diels, Dozogr. Gr. 580 conjectures
καὶ τὸ κάτω πᾶν μέρος.

6 6 Παρμενίδης. Theophrast. ap. Diels, 141 Παρμενίδης Πύρητος
ὃ Ἐλεάτης. Cf. Plat. Parm. 127 ‘Parmenides and Zeno came to
Athens, he said, at the great Panathenaea: the former was at
the time of his visit about 65 years old, very white with age, but
well-favoured. Zeno was nearly 40 years of age, of a noble figure
and fair aspect’ (Jowett). Soph. 237 ‘When we were boys the
great Parmenides used to protest against this, from first to last,
always repeating both in prose and verse:

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 23c

‘Things that be not thou ne’er wilt prove to be;
From this vain question keep thy thought away.’

ἃ 2 ras αἰσθήσεις. Zeller, Outlines, 61, referring to Parmenides,
‘Thought, moreover, is not distinct from being, for it is thought
of the existent. Only that knowledge therefore has truth which
shows us in all things this one invariable being, and this is
reason (λόγος) The senses on the other hand, which show us
a multiplicity of things, origin, decay, and change, are the sources
of all error.’ Cf. Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 586.

ἃ 4 τὸ δὲ μὴ dv. Simplic. Phys. f. 19 8

Χρή σε λέγειν τε νοεῖν τ᾽ ἐὸν ἔμμεναι. ἔστι γὰρ εἶναι,
μηδὲν δ ᾿οὐκ εἶναι,
i.e. ‘Being’ is, and ‘not-being’ is nothing at all. Cf. Plat.
Parm. 163 C. :
ἃ 5 τὸ ὃν ἀγένητον. R.and Pr.145‘Parm.ap.Simplic. Phys. f. 31 :
‘One word alone remains, that “being” is;
And many signs in this direction show
This uncreate is indestructible,
Whole, of one kind, unmov’d, self-equipois’d ;
Nor was, nor shall be, but is ever now
All one eternal.’
The idea seems to be taken from a homogeneous globe self-
sustained. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 584, 587.

a7 Ζήνων. Cf, Plat. Phaedr. 261 ‘Do we not know that the
Eleatic Palamedes (Zeno) speaks with such an art that the same
things appear to his hearers like and unlike, and one and many,
and at rest and in motion too?’ ‘Qui artificiosi et ingeniosi
quidquam excogitat, is Palamedes dicitur, ipsumque inventum
Palamedeum, ut Aristoph. Ran. 1488

Εὖ γ᾽ ὦ Παλάμηδες, ὦ σοφωτάτη φύσις.
Et Eupolis ap. Athen. i. 30. 65
Παλαμηδικόν ye τοῦτο τοὐξεύρημα καὶ σοφόν᾽ (Ast).

ἃ 9 Δημόκριτος. ‘Time, space, and motion (it was thus Demo-
critus took up the strain) are all eternal’ (Archer Butler, Hist.
Philos. i. 325).

ἃ 12 μηδεμίαν ἀρχήν. Aristot. Phys. viii. 1. 20 Ὅλως δὲ τὸ
νομίζειν ἀρχὴν εἶναι ταύτην ἱκανήν, ὅτι ἀεὶ ἣ ἔστιν οὕτως ἢ γίγνεται,
οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἔχει ὑπολαβεῖν, ἐφ᾽ ὃ Δημόκριτος ἀνάγει τὰς περὶ φύσεως
αἰτίας, ὡς οὕτω καὶ τὸ πρότερον ἐγίνετο" τοῦ δὲ ἀεὶ οὐκ ἀξιοῖ ἀρχὴν

43 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ζητεῖν, λέγων ἐπί τινων ὀρθῶς, ὅτι δ᾽ ἐπὶ πάντων, οὐκ ὀρθῶς. On the
doctrine of Democritus see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii, 210 ff.

ἃ 13 ἐξ ἀπείρον χρόνου. Lucret. ii. 294

‘Nec stipata magis fuit umquam materiai

Copia nec porro maioribus intervailis;

Nam neque adaugescit quidquam neque deperit inde.
Quapropter quo nunc in motu principiorum

Corpora sunt, in eodem anteacta aetate fuere

Et post haec semper simili ratione ferentur,

Et quae consuerunt gigni gignentur eadem
Condicione et erunt et crescent vique valebunt.’

24a1 Ἡλίου. Diog. L. ix. 33.

ἃ δ ὑποβολήν. Lit. ‘foundation’: cf. Plut. Mor. 320 B ἀρετῆς
μὲν ὑποβολὰς κατατεθεῖσθαι.

ἃ 6 ἐναποληφθῆναι. See the note on 19 ἃ 8 and 24 ἃ 6.

b 1 Ἐπίκουρος. On Epicurus and his doctrine cf. 727 ἃ 3 and
llippol. Refut. Haer. i. 19, and on τὸν περὶ θεῶν τῦφον see
especially the well-known passage Lucret. i. 57, 58. Diog. L. x.
123 (Epicurus loquitur) θεοὶ μὲν γὰρ εἰσίν, ἐναργὴς δέ ἐστιν αὐτῶν
ἡ γνῶσις" οἵους δὲ αὐτοὺς of πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν οὐκ εἰσίν.

Ὁ 2 ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος. Lucret. i. 149

‘Principium cuius hinc nobis exordia sumet,
Nullam rem e nilo gigni divinitus umquam.’

Ὁ 3 ἀεὶ τοιοῦτον. See the note on 23 ἃ 13.

b 5 πᾶν ἐστι σῶμα. Epicurus ap. Diog. L. x. 39 τὸ πᾶν ἐστι
σῶμα: τὰ μὲν yap σώματα ws ἔστιν αὐτὴ ἡ αἴσθησις ἐπὶ πάντων μαρτυρεῖ.

Ὁ 6 ἡδονή. Diog. L. x. 128 τὴν ἡδονὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τέλος λέγομεν
εἶναι τοῦ μακαρίως ζῆν.

b 7 On the elder Aristippus and his grandson of the same
name see 763 d 14.

τὴν ἡδονήν. Diog. L. ii. 87 ‘They also think that there is
a difference between the summum bonum and happiness: for the
summum bonum is particular pleasure, but happiness the com-
bination arising from particular pleasures, among which are
reckoned pleasures past and to come. And particular pleasure is
desirable for its own sake, but happiness not on its own account,
but on account of the particular pleasures.’ Ibid. 86 ‘They
supposed two states of feeling, pain and pleasure, gentle motion
being pleasure, and rough motion pain.’

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 24b

Ὁ 8 φυσιολογίαν. Cf. de Faye, Clément d’Alexandrie, p. 79,
note 2, on Clem. Al. 564 τότε δὴ τὴν τῷ ὄντι γνωστικὴν φυσιολογίαν
μέτειμεν τὰ μικρὰ πρὸ τῶν μεγάλων μνηθέντες μυστήρια. ‘Le terme
φυσιολογία ne doit pas étre traduit par science de la nature, c’est
un terme compréhensif qui, dans la derniére phrase, embrasse et la
κοσμολογία et la θεολογία." See note on 74 8 9.

CI Ἐμπεδοκλῆς. See the account of Empedocles in Hippol.
Refut. Haer. i. 3 and vii. 17, 18, where his system of dualism
is said to have been adopted by Marcion; and Plut. De Plac.
Philos. i. 30, quoted below on 749 46. Cf. K. O. Miiller, Literature
of Ancient Greece, Ὁ. 265 ‘To these he gave mythological names,
calling fire the all penetrating Zeus; air the life-giving Hera;
earth (as being the gloomy abode of exiled spirits) Aidoneus; and
water, by a name of his own, Nestis.’ Cf. Diog. L. viii. 67, 77.

C 2 φιλίαν καὶ νεῖκος. The causes of μῖξις and διάλλαξις : cf.
Emped. Carm. 98 (Mullach).

ἍΑλλο δέ τοι ἐρέω" φύσις οὐδενός ἐστιν ἁπάντων

θνητῶν, οὐδέ τις οὐλομένον θανάτοιο τελευτή,

ἀλλὰ μόνον μῖξίς τε διάλλαξίς τε μιγέντων

C 4 τὸν dépa. Plut. ibid. ii. 6 ‘Empedocles says that the air
was first separated, and next the fire.’

ἃ 2 Τὴν δὲ ἀρχὴν τῆς κινήσεως. See Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
li. 155, note 2.

dG 3 On the cosmogony of Empedocles as described in his own
poem and as criticized by Aristotle (De Gen. et Corrupt. ii. 6; De
Caelo, iii. 2. 10), see Zeller, ibid. ii. 137-44.

24d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 4 τοῦ πυρὸς ἀντανάκλασις. Zeller, ibid. 156; Plut. De Pyth.
Orac. xii ‘You laugh Empedocles to scorn for saying that the sun
having been illumined (περιαυγῇ γενόμενον) by reflexion of the
light of heaven,

‘‘Back on Olympus shines with dauntless face.”’’

ἃ 6 ἀπολειφθέντος. The sun and stars having been formed out
of the purer fire, which was ‘caught up’ in the general whirl
(19 d 8, 24 ἃ 6 ἐναποληφθῆναι), the moon is formed from what is
‘left behind’ (ἀπολειφθέντος), the dense and cloudy air mixed
with a portion of fire. Cf. Stob. Eel. i. 552 ᾿Εμπεδοκλῆς ἀέρα συνε-
στραμμένον νεφοειδῇ πεπηγότα ὑπὸ πυρὸς ὦστε σύμμικτον. Zeller,
op. cit. ii. 156, misled apparently by the reading ἀποληφθέντος
(BO), applies to the moon what Empedocles said of the heaven.
Cf. Ps.-Plut. De Plac. Philos. ii. 11 Ἐμπεδοκλῆς στερέμνιον εἶναι τὸν
οὐρανὸν ἐξ ἀέρος συμπαγέντος ὑπὸ πυρὸς κρυσταλλοειδῶς:ς Diels 4150
reads ἀποληφθέντος, and refers to Karsten, Emped. p. 432.

d9 ἐν αἵματι. <A verse of Empedocles is preserved in Stob.
Ecl. i. 1026; ». Emped. Carm. 74 (Mullach, i. 11)

αἷμα yap ἀνθρώποις περικάρδιόν ἐστι νόημα.
Cf. Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. g ‘ Empedocles animum esse censet cordi
suffusum sanguinem,’ and Plato quoted below, 26 ὁ 4.

G10 τὸ ἡγεμονικόν, οἴετα. Diels brackets these words as
spurious, Viger would substitute αἷμα for ἡγεμονικόν; but no
change is necessary. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 168, note 4.

ἃ 12 Μητρόδωρος. Flourished circ. B. 0. 330; he was said to
be a pupil of Democritus, and was an absolute sceptic. The
first sentence of his work On Nature is quoted below, 765 d
‘None of us knows anything, not even this, whether we know or
do not know.’ Cf. Cic. Acad. ii. 23. 73 ‘Nego scire nos scia~
musne aliquid an nihil sciamus: ne id ipsum quidem nescire
aut scire; nec omnino sitne aliquid an nihil sit.’ Yet Zeller
(Outlines, p. 83) says that ‘he can hardly have intended to deny
the possibility of knowledge.’

25 a 3 μεθίστασθαι... cis κενόν. Zeller, ibid. ii. 314, note 5
‘But this would seem to be impossible, since in the πᾶν, the
totality of things, all the void and all the full are contained.’
After these words, Zeller says, there is ‘a lacuna which no doubt
is the fault, not of Plutarch, but of the compiler of the Eusebian
extracts.” Diels adopts this view, which appears probable.

BOOK I. CHAP. 8 25a

a 4 In cod. A the original reading dépa has been corrected to
αἰθέρα, which Zeller reads, op. cit. ii. 315, note 2. But ἀέρα is
more appropriate to the present context. On αἰθήρ and ἀήρ com-
pare Zeller, op. cit. ii. 355, Out of Chaos were formed by rotary
motion ‘two great masses according to the most universal distinc-
tions of dense and rare, cold and warm, dark and bright, moist
and dry. ... Anaxagoras called them Aether and Air, including
under Aether all that is warm, light, and rare; and under Air
all that is cold, dark, and dense.’ Zeller, ibid. note 3, Ana. Fr. 1
πάντα yap ἀήρ τε καὶ αἰθὴρ κατεῖχεν, ἀμφότερα ἄπειρα ἐόντα. Fr. 2
καὶ γὰρ ὁ ἀὴρ καὶ ὃ αἰθὴρ ἀποκρίνεται ἀπὸ τοῦ περιέχοντος τοῦ
πολλοῦ καὶ τό γε περιέχον ἄπειρόν ἐστι τὸ πλῆθος. Aristot. de Caelo,
iii. 3 τὸ γὰρ πῦρ καὶ τὸν αἰθέρα προσαγορεύει ravrdo. Theophrast.
De Sensu, 59 τὸ μὲν μανὸν καὶ λεπτὸν θερμόν, τὸ δὲ πυκνὸν καὶ παχὺ
ψυχρόν, ὥσπερ ᾿Αναξαγόρας διαιρεῖ τὸν ἀέρα καὶ τὸν αἰθέρα.

a 5 Metrodorus ‘is said (Plac. iii. 9. 5) to have regarded the
earth as a precipitate from the water, and the sun as a precipitate
from the air (τοῦ dépos).’ Zeller, ii. 247, note 4.

Ὁ 2 Διογένης. Diogenes of Apollonia, a pupil of Anaximenes
and contemporary of Anaxagoras, is commended by Aristotle, De
Gen. et Corrupt. i. 6, for teaching that all existing things are
formed out of one primitive element by differentiation. Cf. Diog.
L. ix. 57 ‘He maintained that air was the primal element of all
things; that there was an infinite number of worlds, and an
infinite void; that air condensed and rarefied produced the dif-
ferent members of the universe; that nothing was produced from
nothing, or was reduced to nothing.’ Dict. Gk. and Rom. Biogr.
i.r021; Zeller, op. cit, i. 285 ff.; R. and Pr. 59; Simplic. Phys. f.
326 ap. R. and Pr. 63 ‘ From this primary element, which is the air,
both man and the other animals have life, and soul, and thought.’

Ὁ 4 én... ποιῆσαι. On this construction see Jelf, Gk. Gr. 864,
and Matthiae, Gk. Gr. 539.

b 7 After quoting this passage R. and Pr. 68, remark that
the references to the cosmological doctrines of Diogenes are
‘obscure and scanty.’ See Zeller, op. cit. i. 285 ff.

asc THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 5 οὐδ᾽ ὅλως Θεοῦ μνήμην. See the note on 23 a 7.

da 6 This and the following passage of the Memorabilia Socratis
are quoted again and more fully at 853 c.

26 b 6 Περὶ ψυχῆς. On this and other titles by which the Phaedo
is commonly described, see the first note on the Phaedo in Bekker’s
Plato.

b 8 On the text of this passage, Plat. Phaed. 96 A, and on
the relation of cod. A of Eusebius to cod. Clark (B) of Plato, see
vol. i. Praef. p. xliv seqq.

Ἐγὼ γάρ, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης. These words are omitted in Plat. B*,
which passes from ἔφη ὁ Κέβης in the preceding line to νέος ay.
In the margin the second hand (b) has supplied the missing
words as they are found in A the Arethas MS. of Eusebius: βού
λομαί ye. ἴΑκονε τοίνυν ὡς ἐροῦντος: ᾿Εγὼ yap, ἔφη, ὦ Κέβης. The
obvious cause of the omission is the repetition οὗ Κέβης.

b 9 ὑπερήφανον. Eus. codd., ὑπερήφανος Plato, agreeing with
σοφία understood, of which εἰδέναι x.r.A. is the epexegesis ‘ It
seemed to me to be a magnificent kind of wisdom to know, &c.’

Ὁ 10 εἰδέναι rds. Omitted in Plat. B*, but supplied by Ὁ (as
in A*), partly in an erasure and partly outside the line. The
insertion of (καὶ) before εἰδέναι (Burnet) is unnecessary.

ΘΙ πρῶτον rd. In Plat. B* πρῶτον was omitted, and ra stood at
the end of the line, followed by τοιάδε in the next line. The a of
τὰ was erased and the omission supplied by Ὁ in the following
manner: (1) Ta, (2) ΤΊ], (3) Πρῶτον ra. Thus the first letter IT
is within the line, but of a form not used in B*; the rest is
written by Ὁ outside the line and in very small letters.

τὰ τοιάδε. Omitted in Eus. A*, but supplied in the margin
by the second hand (b ?).

Schanz brackets [καὶ ψυχρόν] as an interpolation, and
certainly ‘cold’ does not correspond well to ‘ putrefaction ’
(σηπεδόνα): but that ψυχρόν may be a corruption of ὑγρόν is
suggested by two passages of Diogenes Laertius quoted by
Heindorf; lib. ii. 3. 9 (Ἀναξαγόρας ἔλεγε) ζῶα γενέσθαι ἐξ ὑγροῦ
καὶ θερμοῦ καὶ γεώδους. ibid. 4. 16 Ἔλεγε δὲ (᾿Αρχέλαος) δύο
αἰτίας εἶναι γενέσεως θερμὸν καὶ ὑγρόν, καὶ τὰ ζῶα ἀκὸ τῆς ἰλύος
γεννηθῆναι.

BOOK IL CHAP. 8 26¢

6 3 ξυντρέφετα. Eus. A*, συντρέφεται Plat. B*, ξυντρέφεται
(€ in ras.) b.

τὸ ala. Cf. 24 ἃ g, and for a collection of the various
opinions of ancient philosophers see Diels, Dorogr. Gr. 391.

6 4 ὁ ἀήρ. Zeller, op. cit. i. 287 ‘ Diogenes (Apolloniates) him-
self says that air is the essence in which reason dwells, and which
guides and governs all things, because its nature is to spread
itself everywhere, to order all and to beinall. Fr. 6, ap. Simplic.
33 8.᾽

05 ὁ δ᾽ ἐγκέφαλος. Edinburgh Review, January, 1879, p. 77
‘ Whatever the organic process in the brain, it takes place, like the
action of other elements of the body, quite out of the reach of
consciousness. We are not aware how our general and abstract
ideas are formed. The due material is consciously supplied, and
there is an unconscious elaboration of the result’: p. 83 ‘ Here
then we reach the limits to which physical science has attained.
The moral and intellectual faculties of man belong to a region
for which science has no language and no explanation. To
investigate them is the task of a higher branch of Philosophy ;
for we still say with the old Schoolmen, “‘ Nihil est in intellectu
quod non fuerit in sensu... nisi intellectus ipse.”’’

ὁ τὰς αἰσθήσεις παρέχων. Plut. De Plac. Philos. iv. 8 Πλάτων
τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀποφαίνεται ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος κοινωνίαν πρὸς τὸ éxTds"
ἡ μὲν γὰρ δύναμις ψυχῆς, τὸ δ᾽ ὄργανον σώματος" ἄμφω. δὲ διὰ φαν-
τασίας ἀντιληπτικὰ τῶν ἔξωθεν γίνεται. Cf. Diels, 1. 6. 394.

C6 μνήμη. Aristot. Anal. post. ii. 19. 4 ἐκ μὲν οὖν αἰσθήσεως
γίνεται μνήμη, ὥσπερ λέγουσιν, ἐκ δὲ μνήμης πολλάκις τοῦ αὐτοῦ
γινομένης ἐμπειρία' al γὰρ πολλαὶ μνῆμαι τῷ ἀριθμῷ ἐμπειρία ἐστίν.
Metaph. i. τ. 4 Τίγνεται δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς μνήμης ἐμπειρία τοῖς ἀνθρώποις,
κιτιλ. ᾿

G1 λαβούσης τὸ ἠρεμεῖν. Aristot. 1. 6. ἐκ δ᾽ ἐμπειρίας, ἣ ἐκ
παντὸς ἠρεμήσαντος τοῦ καθόλον ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ. τοῦ ἑνὸς παρὰ τὰ πολλά,
ὃ ἂν ἐν ἅπασιν ἕν ἐνῇ ἐκείνοις τὸ αὐτὸ τέχνης ἀρχὴ καὶ ἐπιστήμης, ἐὰν
μὲν περὶ γένεσιν τέχνης, ἐὰν δὲ περὶ τὸ ὃν ἐπιστήμης. Μείαρῇῆ. 1. ο. 5
᾿Αποβαίνει δ᾽ ἐπιστήμη καὶ τέχνη διὰ τῆς ἐμπειρίας τοῖς ἀνθρώποις.

26d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

κατὰ ταὐτά, ‘in the same way,’ i.e. as memory from the
senses.

ἃ 3 οὐρανόν τε καὶ A*, οὐρανὸν καὶ Plat. B*, οὐρανόν καὶ b.

ἃ 4 ὡς οὐδὲν χρῆμα. Cf. Viger, de Idiotism. p. 156.

ἃ 7 ἀπέμαθον A*, ἅποτ᾽ ἔμαθον Plat. B*.

καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ἃ] καὶ ταῦτα ἃ A*, καὶ ἃ Plat. B.
Marginal note in B:
οὕτω δεῖ ἐν ἄλλῳ
ὥστε ἀπέμαθον καὶ ταῦτα ἃ πρὸ τοῦ ὥιμην εἰδέναι, ‘ verbis
οὕτω δεῖ additis in marg. b’ (Schanz).

27 85 On this opinion of Anaxagoras see 750 bI.

8 1 On Diodorus see 18d5. The following quotation is

generally exact.
9] c1 ἀναβλέψαντας εἰς τὸν κόσμον. ‘In every case in which
fully developed civilizations have culminated in comprehensive
religious systems, in Egypt, in India, and in Western Asia, inves-
tigation takes us back to the grand all-encompassing phaenomena
of the heavens as the point of departure from which religious
ideas have set out’ (Lotze, Microcosmus, ii. 456). See Maspero
in note on 17 b 4.

Ο 3 Osiris was originally the god of the Delta, identified with
the Nile (Plut. De Is. et Osir. 33), but ‘from the Hyksos period
onwards the origin of all forms of religion was sought in Sun
worship ’ (Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 12).
Cf. Erman, Life tn Ancient Egypt, p. 44.

Ο 4 éripov. The corrupt reading ἑτοίμου of the older MSS.
AH and of the Vatican codex of Diodorus (C) is corrected in BO,
probably from the better MSS. of Diodorus.

C5 Μεθερμηνευνομένων. In the margin of cod. A a cone and
part of a circle are drawn as signs of Sun and Moon, with a note
following : ‘ Why the Egyptians call the Sun Osiris: now Osiris
is interpreted “ many-eyed,” the Sun being supposed to see by
means of his rays. And the Moon they call Isis, which also
when translated into the Greek tongue means ‘‘ the ancient,” from
her ancient and eternal generation.” Compare Plut. de 18. et
Osir. x ‘For the king and lord, Osiris, they represent by an eye
and a sceptre, and some even interpret the name as ‘“ Many-
eyed,” the “Os” signifying many, and the “iri” eye, in the
Egyptian language.’ ‘The old religion of Egypt consisted,

BOOK I. CHAPS, 8, 9 37 ς

broadly speaking, of the worship of the great solar gods. Ré,
Horus, Atum, Osiris, were all different conceptions of the sun-
god, either as the giver of life, or as the disperser of darkness, or
as a being dying to-day, but rising again on the morrow’ (Erman,
Ρ. 44).
ἃ 2 Διόνυσον. On the identification of Dionysus with Osiris
see Hdt. ii. 42, 48, 49, and G. W. (Birch, iii. 71).
Σείριον. Archiloch. Fr. xlii, preserved by Plut. Mor. 658 B
Ἕλπομαι, πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν Σείριος xaravavet
ὀξὺς ἐλλάμπων.
In this passage Plutarch understands by Σείριος the Sun. Accor-
ding to Hesychius it means in Soph. Fr. 941 Σειρίου κυνὸς δίκην,
the Dog-star, but in Archilochus (I. 6.) the Sun. See Gaisford,
Poet. Min. Gr. iii. 112. In Hesiod, Opp. 415
δὴ yap τότε Σείριος ἀστὴρ
βαιὸν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς κηριτρεφέων ἀνθρώπων
ἔρχεται ἠμάτιος
Goettling rightly rejects the reference to the Sun. Cf. Preller, Gr.
Myth. p. 454, note 3. Arat. Phaen, 331
ὅς pa μάλιστα
ὀξέα σειρίαει καΐ μιν καλέουσ᾽ ἄνθρωποι
Σείριον.
Plut. De Js. et Osir. 364 A ‘The more learned among the priests
not only call the Nile “ Osiris,” and the sea “ Typhon,” but give
the name Osiris generally to every principle and power produc-
tive of moisture, regarding this as the cause of generation.’
372 D ‘There are some that expressly assert that Osiris is the
Sun, and is named Sirius by the Greeks, since the insertion of the
article (ὁ σείριος) has caused the name to be misunderstood among
the Egyptians.’ In 375 E Plutarch gives a still more absurd
derivation of "Ocyxrs from ὅσιος and ἱερός.
EvpoAros. The mythical founder of the Eleusinian mysteries.
‘As Eumolpus was regarded as a priestly bard, poems and writings
on the mysteries were fabricated and circulated at a later time
under his name’ (Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.).
ἃ 4 The only Fragment of Eumolpus (Suidas).
ἃ 5 Orph. Fr. vii. 3 Ὃν δὴ viv καλέουσι Φάνητά τε καὶ Διόνυσον.
On this identification οὗ Phanes and Dionysus see Orphica, Argon.
15, Hymn, v. 8, Fr. v.8; Clem. Recogn. x. 17. On the Orphic

47 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

poems and Theogonies see Miiller, Hist. of Gk. Lit. p. 26; Zeller,
Pre-Soer. Philos. i. 62, 98; Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 41.
ἃ ἡ ἔναμμα. .. τῆς wBpidos. Eur. Baoch. 23
Πρώτας δὲ Θήβας τῆσδε γῆς Ἑλληνίδος
ἀνωλόλυξα, veBpid’ ἐξάψας χροός.

a8 Ἶσιν. Hdt. ii. 41 ‘The statue of this goddess has the
form of a woman but with horns like a cow, resembling thus the
Greek representations of Io; and the Egyptians, one and all,
venerate cows more highly than any other animal.’ ‘ Herodotus
was really describing Athor and not Isis ... It is only when
one adopts the attributes of the other, that Isis has the head of
the spotted cow of Athor, or that this goddess takes the name
of Isis.’ G. W.

28 a 4 Φοινίκων, The following statement is an indirect
quotation from Porphyry; see 34 br. The chief deities of the
Phoenicians, Baal and Ashtaroth, represented the sun and moon.

Cf. 2 Kings xxiii. 5 ‘them also that burned incense unto Baal,
to the sun, and to the moon, and to the planets, and to all the
host of heaven.’

ὃ Ἶ τὰ τῆς γῆς .« . . βλαστήματα. Cf. Juv. Sat. xv. 9

‘Porrum et caepe nefas violare et frangere morsu.
O sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in hortis
Numina !’

br ἐπιχύσεις. Cf. Polyb. xvi. 21.12 τὰς ἐν τοῖς πότοις ἐπιχύσεις.
Plut. Demetr. 2§ ἡδέως ἤκουε τῶν παρὰ πότον ἐπιχύσεις λαμβα-
νόντων Δημητρίου βασιλέως, where the meaning is ‘a full glass
drunk as a toast.’

Ὁ 7 ἑξῆς ἀποδειχθήσεται. See below, 33 Ὁ.

cx Porphyry, one of the most learned and most formidable
enemies of Christianity, was born A.D. 232 in Batanea (Hieron. '
Praef. in Epist. ad Galatas; Chrysost. 1 Ep. ad Cor. Hom. vi. 4
47 E Baravewrny), or more probably in Tyre, since he calls him- ὁ
self a Tyrian (Vit. Plotini, vii. 107), and tells us that his own:
name, like his father’s, was in his native language (aes ;
πάτριον διάλεκτον, ibid. 120) Malchus. This Semitic pemny
Greek Βασιλεύς, led his teacher, the celebrated
him Porphyrius, in allusion to the royal pu
pius, Porphyr. 4568). In a passage quote

iii. 19, Porphyry himself states that when

BOOK I. CHAP. 9 48ς

with οτἰσοπ. οὐ τἷῷ .anguage is hardly consistent with the
notion τᾶς r=zem Jad deen his teacher. ‘Porphyry’s amazing
kuswieage «i “he loctr:nes and customs, the writings and inter
sretarions ..ζ “he Curisians, is much better understood from the
tradition. sceording to which at some periud of his life, probably
when iweiling at Tyre, he was in intimacy with Chrintisno,
aad pernaps. aiter hearing Christian teaching as a Cateelisien,
read che Jooks of the N. T. and the prophets of the ) 1!
\&. Georgiadas. De Porph. Fragmentia Adwersua Chriatianve,
ἰδέξα. 1891 )-

di τλασηΞ. This is rendered in the Latin an a yenitive,
ἐς indagaior.” but is better taken as a nominative, tn
codex A. τλαγης ἐρεινητὴς μαστήρ, ἐρευνητής is αὶ glume on pose roy),
wiiea nas crept into the text.

dg ἀταθανατίζοντες. Plat. Charm. 156 Io τῶν Fa pirtideng ἰωνμῶ!,
é λέγενται καὶ ἀπαθανατίζειν, i.e. “ immortales fucere.’

dic τὸ rip ἀθάνατον ἐφύλαττον. On the lamp perpetually
ening in the temple of Ammon se Plut. On the Fuilure uf
Oredes, 410 B, 411 C; and on the same custom as observed in tha

wuples of Zeus at Olympia, of l’an, and of Ceres, see luunnuias

qs, 677, 616. CL 35 bt.
9987 ἄρωμα, a spice or sweet herb. The derivation here given
by Porphyry is merely fanciful.
bs docs. CL ἃ 6 ἀρασαμένονυι.
ε) αν. Cf Hat. ii. 52 ‘In carly times the [εἰ υμί, as
μὸν ὃν infsrmazion which I got al Ixalduns, afleted νὰν 111 τὰ
Wall kinds. amé seared to the guds. Lut Lad μὼ distil μια νέα
Copescum for them; since they had never heated uf ay.
Weralet fem guds (θεοί, disposere). because they had deposed
δὲ emneet al) thinge in such a beautiful onder’ (Mawlinesu.
feb sew ot tin varivus derivations of Ges). Cf 154. 1.
ἶδδὺ ἐξη: πηρατεδησυμένων. Cf. iv. 149-52.
= Deut. iv. 19 ἃ ἀπένειμε Κίμυα & μα, iu

Cf. Waruurwr, Ine. fog ii. 4 val:

Ὁ Whict sipuiiee the το σι of the 226 44}
“Yentempiat .o1 of rf. auc AY WIt YA, the “ “λ΄ Ok
Meal! wort: alprinps:2 60 YA etre ut Che “4.74.
ee ae τοῦ ὦ τ, Ἰν ἀπο ττπὴὶ
» 2:

30 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of the passage by Bolingbroke. Τῆς θεωρίας, a gloss inserted in
the later MSS. .

b 8 ὕστερον ἐφευρημένα. Hat. ii. 53 ‘Whence each of the
gods sprang, and whether they were all eternal, and what kind of
forms they bore, the Greeks knew not until the other day, so to
speak.’ Athenag. xvii Ὁ μὲν δὴ χρόνος ὀλίγος τοσοῦτος ταῖς εἰκόσι
καὶ τῇ περὶ τὰ εἴδωλα πραγματείᾳ, ὡς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν τὸν ἑκάστου τεχνίτην
θεοῦ.

G7 πορνείας. Wisd. xiv. 12 ‘spiritual fornication’ (A.V.)
was an unnecessary limitation, rightly omitted in R.V., the
worship of idols being so constantly associated with gross im-
morality.

ἃ 6 Σαγχουνιάθων. The first mention of Sanchuniathon and
his Phoenician History is the professed translation of his work
by Philo Byblius, who lived from the reign of Nero to that of
Hadrian. He is mentioned by the name Suniaethon in Athenaeus,
iii, 126 (circ. 230 A.D.) παρὰ τοῖς τὰ Φοινικικὰ συγγεγραφύσι,
Συνιαίθωνι καὶ Mocyo. The next testimony is that of Porph.
De Abst. ii. 56, and Adv. Christ. iv, the passage here quoted.
The only extant portions of Philo’s work are the fragments pre-
served by Eusebius, 31 d-42 Ὁ. Whether they are genuine extracts
from a work of Sanchuniathon, or simply ‘a forgery of Philon’
(Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.; Rawlinson, Phoenicia, 385), is much dis-
puted. Movers (Relig. d. Phoenizier, p. 99) says that San-choniath
means the whole law of Chon, the god Chon being the same as Bel,
or the Tyrian Hercules. On the other hand Lobeck, Aglaoph,. iii.
3, suspects Eusebius himeelf of fraud. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
i. 48. ‘We are far from the time,’ says Matter (Dictionnatre des
Sciences Philos. v. 478), ‘ when Scaliger, Grotius, Bochart, Selden,
Huet, Goguet, and Mignot, like Porphyry and Eusebius, saw in
the fragments preserved by the last a sort of translation by Philo
of the Phoenician original of Sanchuniathon. Just as little
should we regard it, with Dodwell, van Dale, R. Simon, Leclerc,
Meiners, Hissmann, as a mere fraud and forgery, though we
must attribute a large part of it to the Byblian writer.’ Similar
views have been held in recent times by Kenrick, Phoenicia,
pp. 281 ff.; Bunsen, Aegypten, v. 240; J. W. Donaldson, Litera-
ture of Ancient @reece, ii. 255-8; J. Conrad Orelli, Sanchon. Fr.
Praef. iv. |

BOOK I. CHAP. 9 30d

Renan, Mémoire sur l’Histoire phénicienne de Sanchoniathon,
1858, concludes his inquiry thus (p. 92): ‘ L’ceuvre indigeste qui
nous est venue d’une maniére fragmentaire sous le nom de
Sanchoniathon justifie son titre en un sens trés-véritable. Elle
nous représente réellement la théologie de la Phénicie ἃ l’époque
ou vécut l’auteur, c’est-a-dire de Ia Phénicie ayant subi de
profondes influences et pénétrée par le syncrétisme religieux.

‘Guide essentiellement trompeur, s’il s’agit des époques
reculées, l’Histotre phénictenne est le tableau assez fidéle de la
religion de la Phénicie ἃ |’époque plus moderne ov elle entra
en contact avec les idées de la Gréce et des autres parties de
Orient.’

ἃ το ὁ Βύβλιος. ‘The Greek name Byblos was obtained from
Gubla or Gubli by substituting Ὁ for g, as in βλέφαρον from
γλέφαρον eyelid’ (Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 153, quoted by
Masp. ii. 172). Schrader, Cunet/. Inscr. i. 174, identifies Gu-ub-li
with Gebal (1 Kings v. 18 (R.V.), Ezek. xxvii. 9).

Among the Tell-Amarna tablets there are fifty letters from
Rib-Adda, King of Gebal, to Amenophis, King of Egypt, asking
in vain for help against the invasion of Aziru and other enemies.
Gebal was said to have been founded by the god El at the
beginning of time. Renan called it the ‘Jerusalem of the
Lebanon.’ See an interesting paper by Dr. Bliss, Palestine
Ezploration Report, April, 1894. Byblos was close to the river
Adonis (Strab. 755). Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 6, describes the rites
of Adonis, and adds that the ‘head of Osiris comes by sea every
year to Byblos.’

8181 In Constantine’s letter to the bishops and people
(Socrates, H. E. i. 9) it is stated that Popbyry’s impious writings
have been destroyed. Some fragments, however, certainly
remained, and were found chiefly among the Christians them-
selves, as may be inferred from the statement of Chrysostom (De
8. Babyla, 530 D) εἰ δέ πού τι καὶ εὑρεθείη διασωθέν, παρὰ Χριστιανοῖς
τοῦτο σωζόμενον εὗροι τις ἄν.

In the year 448 Α. Ὁ. the Emperors Theodosius II and Valen-
tinianus III ordered the books written against Christianity, and
especially those of Porphyry, to be burned. The answers of
Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinarius, and Philostorgius, were also
for the most part lost and forgotten. See A. Georgiadas, On the

D3 88

Sia THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Fragments of Porphyry Kara Χριστιανῶν, pp. 18-20; Wolff's
Porph. De Philos. ex Orac. p. 33.

a 4 The following quotation from Porphyry’s treatise Kara
Χριστιανῶν is repeated 485 a, and a similar account of Sanchu-
niathon is quoted 156 a from Porph. Abst. ii. 56; cf. Eus. H. E.
vi. 9; Theodoret, Graec. Affect. Cur. p. 28. 10.

& 6 ὁ Bypvrws. Berytus, the modern Beirut, was the capital
of Libanus and chief sea-port of Syria, and was famous as a school
of Greek learning. Cf, 38 d.

Bochart tried to identify Hierombalus with Jerubbaal or
Gideon, and Orelli with the θεὸς ΣΞουρμουβηλός mentioned by
Porphyry below, 40 Ὁ, but otherwise unknown.

8 Ἰευώ is one of the forms in which the Greeks represented
the sacred name fy, which also appears as Ἰαώ in Diodorus
Siculus, i, 94; Irenaeus, i. 4. 1 ; Theodoret, 1. c., and 38 Ἰαού or ᾿Ιαώ
in Clem. Al. 666 ᾿Ατὰρ καὶ τὸ rerpdypappov ὄνομα... λέγεται δὲ
"law, ὃ μεθερμηνεύεται ‘O ὧν καὶ ὃ ἐσόμενος. See the Epigram,
520 a1 and note there. Orelli supposes θεοῦ τοῦ Ἰευώ to be an
addition made by Eusebius, but it is not likely that he would
have used such a form. In Deissmann’s elaborate treatise on the
Tetragrammaton (Bible Studies, Ὁ. 321), no notice is taken of the
form *Ievs nor of this passage,

The name Abibalus occurs also in a list of kings of Tyre
taken from the Phoenician history of Dius in Joseph. c. Apion. i
‘On the death of Abibalus his son Etpwyos (Hiram?) became
king.’ On Abibalus, or Abelbabus, cf. Deissmann, p. 325 note
‘Observe the Divine names combined’with af.’

a8 ἐξεταστῶν τῆς ἀληθείας, This is probably an official title,
the meaning of which, ‘examiners of the truth,’ is apparently
_similar to that of the καταλαθισταί described by Hesychius as
ἐξηγηταί, ἢ evdexviovres τὰ δημόσιαι “Ἐξηγητάς hic intelligo
prodigiorum, oraculorum, somniorum, &c., interpretes veridicos.’
Hemsterhus. ap. Ruhnk. Tim. Ler, "Egyyrai, where a second
definition, καὶ οἱ ἐξηγούμενοι τὰ πάτρια, comes nearer to the meaning
required in our passage.

Ὁ 4 φιλαλήθως. For this reading, supported by all the MSS.
of Eusebius, and well suited to the context, Theodoret’s reading
Φιλαλήθης is adopted by Bochart and Orelli, as an interpretation
of ‘Sanchoniathon ’ a lover of the true law.

. “ws
( Was. Fei et
r

7 a
et ty te”
2°:

--᾿-

BOOK I. CHAP, 9 31b

b 6 ἐπὶ Σεμιράμεως. According to Herodotus, i. 184, Semiramis
reigned in Babylon five generations before Nitocris, who lived in
the sixth century B.c. In the British Museum there is a statue
of the god Nebo, which the artist has dedicated to ‘his lord Iva-
lush and his lady Sammuramit.’ Iva-lush is identified . by
Rawlinson (Hdt. i. p. 467) with Pul, who is mentioned (2 Kings
XV. 19, circ, B.C. 769), The mythical Semiramis of Ctesias and
Diodorus Siculus is said to have been the wife of Ninus, the
founder of Nineveh (Masp. ii. 617 ‘The legend of Ninos and
Semiramis’). Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 14, 33, 39, and Diod.
Sic. ii, 1-8, where the story of Ninus and Semiramis is told at
great length,

ἃ 2 τῶν ἐγγράφων, Polyb. iii. 21. 4 ὑπάρχειν ἔγγραφον οὐδέν.

ἃ 3 ἐννέα βίβλους. In 156 a 6 the books are said to have been
eight.

ἃ το ra Taavrov. Plat. Phaedr. 274 C ‘I heard that near
Naucratis in Egypt there was one of the old gods of that country,
to whom the bird which they call ibis was sacred; and the god’s
own name was Theuth, and he was the first who invented number,
and calculation, and geometry, and astronomy, draughts also and
dice, and especially letters.’ Cf. Plat. Phileb. 18 B; Hdt. ii,
67 with note (ἃ. W.); Masp. i. 145 ‘Thot, the god of the city
Iiermopolis, represented as an ibis or a baboon, was essentially
ἃ moon-god, who measured time, counted the days, numbered
the months, and recorded the years. ... He was lord of the voice,
master of words and of books, possessor or inventor of those
magic writings, which nothing in heaven, on earth, or in Hades
can withstand,’ Cf. p. 207.

On the identification of Theuth (Thot, or Tat) with Hermes
see Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 22 ‘Hunc (Mercurium) Aegyptii Theuth
appellant, eodemque nomine anni primus mensis apud eos vocatur,’
Clem, Al. 356 (@wv6).

The name Tdavros is variously corrupted in the oldest MSS.
A, H; see 31 ἃ 10, 36 a 3. In this place they have ταῦθ᾽ ὅς,
from which Gaisford has rightly adopted Tav6ds.

GII τῶν γραμμάτων τὴν εὕρεσιν. See Maunde Thompson,
Palaeography, Ὁ. 3, who says that the difficulties of proving the
descent of the ‘Semitic’ alphabet from the Egyptian ‘combined
to induce scholars to reject the ancient though vague tradition

δὲ

31d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

handed down by Greek and Roman writers, that the Phoenicians
had originally obtained their letters from Egypt. By recent
investigations, however, the riddle has been solved, and the chain
of connexion between our alphabet and hieroglyphic writing has,
beyond reasonable doubt, been completed.’

82 8 7 ἱερολόγων. Cf. Lucian, De Astrolog. 10 ἐς γοητείην καὶ
ipodoyinv: De Syr. Dea, 26 ἱρολογέουσιν éxi τῷ πρήγματι. (LL
and Sc. Lez.)

Ὁ 3 ’Appovvéwy. Hat. ii, 42 ‘The Egyptians give their statues of
Jupiter the face of a ram, and from them the practice has passed
to the Ammonians, who are a joint colony of Egyptians and Ethio-
pians speaking a language between the two; hence also in my
opinion the latter people took their name of Ammonians, since the
Egyptian name for Jupiter is Amun,’ The worship of Amun
was celebrated chiefly at Thebes (No-Ammon), and in the oasis of
the Libyan desert.

The following statement is from the correspondent of the Times
at Cairo, February 8, 1891: ‘A grand discovery has been made
of a vast tomb of the high priests of Ammon, monarch vf the
gods, and local divinity of Thebes, on the exact spot in the lime-
stone cliffs of the Libyan mountains, west of Thebes, near Debr El
Babri, where Brugsch Bey made his famous find of royal mummies
in 1881. The tomb is 25 métres below the surface, and it has
two stories, the upper one not yet opened. In the lower 240
sarcophagi have been already discovered, the oldest dating back
to the Eleventh Dynasty, 2500 B.c. There were also in the tomb
100 papyri, and some large statues of the Theban triad, Osiris,
Isis, Nephthis, with vast quantities of statuettes and votive
offerings.’

ἃ 2 The Παράδοξος ἱστορία of Philo is known only from this
passage.

ἃ 5 τὴν αὖθις σαφήνειαν. Cf. 34 ¢ 11 τὰς αὖθις παρεκδοχάς.

ἃ 8 θεοὺς... . μεγίστους. On the “ greatest gods of the Egyptians ’
see Hdt. ii. 4, and Rawlinson’s Appendix, ii. 288.

ἃ 1ἰ εἰς τὸ χρεών. Cf. 263 d τὸ χρεὼν εἰρῆσθαι τὸ ἐπιβάλλον
καὶ καθῆκον κατὰ τὴν εἰμαρμένην. Ps.-Plat. Acioch. 3 εὐθύμως,
μόνον οὐχὶ παιανίζοντας, εἰς τὸ χρεὼν ἀπιέναι, ‘ go to meet their fate.’
Plut. Mor. 113 C τῶν εἰς τὸ χρεὼν ὁδευόντων.

(peracrayvras). Wytt. Annot. ad Plut. Mor. 113 C ‘ Vulgo

BOOK I. CHAPS, 9, 10 32d

legitur εἰς τὸ χρεὼν καταστάντας." Cf. 119 D ὡς θεοφιλεῖς νέοι
μετέστησαν πρὸς τὸ χρεών.

88 81 στήλας. Masp. i. 237, 253, has fine representations
of the door-shaped stele, placed at the entrance of a tomb. ‘It
perpetuated the name and genealogy of the deceased, and
gave him a civil status, without which he could not have
preserved his personality in the world beyond.... The pictures
and prayers inscribed upon it acte as so many talismans
for ensuring the continuous existence of the ancestor, whose
memory they recalled.’ The more ordinary form of a στήλη
was a pillar or upright stone tablet. See Dict. Gk. and R. Ant.,
‘Funus.’

στήλας re καὶ ῥάβδους. Cf. 35 Ὁ. Both ῥάβδος and στήλη
occur in the LXX in connexion with acts of worship by Jacob;
Gen. xxviii. 18, 22 ‘this stone, which I have set for a pillar
(στήλην), shall be God’s house’; xlvii. 31, interpreted in Heb. xi,
21, ‘ worshipped upon the top of his staff’; where the LXX seem
to have introduced τῆς ῥάβδου from reading in error T8BI, the
staff, for MPI, the bed. On the practice of divination by rods
(ῥάβδοι) see Hdt. iv. 67; and Hosea iv. 12 My people ask counsel
of their stocks, and their staff declareth unto them (ἐν ῥάβδοις
αὐτοῦ ἀπήγγελλον αὐτῷ).

8 5 The same passage is quoted indirectly 28 a.

φυσικού. ‘What we call the gods of mythology were
chiefly the agents supposed to exist behind the great phenomena
of nature’ (Max Miiller, Contributions to the Science of Mythology,
Ρ. 21; Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 58 ff.).
10] b4 ὑποτίθεται. The subject appears to be ἡ Φοινικικὴ θεο-
λογία. In Canon Rawlinson’s History of Phoentcia, xi, Religion,
the account of the national deities is based on this passage of
Philo.

CI ἐρεβῶδες. Plut. Mor. 169 B ἐρεβώδεος ἐκ θαλάσσης : Hesiod,
Theog. 123 "Ex Xdeos δ᾽ “EpeBos re μέλαινά τε Νὺξ ἐγένοντο.

C 3 ἀρχῶν. Chaos and air are mentioned above as giving birth
to wind. Renan (p. 5) draws attention to the similarity between
this and other Semitic cosmogonies, of which he enumerates six,
including Gen. i.

ὁ 4 πόθος. Plat. Sympos. 178 A ‘That he (Love) is the eldest Ὁ
of the gods is an honour to him; and a proof of this is, that of his

26d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

κατὰ ταὐτά, ‘in the same way,’ i.e. as memory from the
senses. |

ἃ 3 οὐρανόν τε καὶ A*, οὐρανὸν καὶ Plat. B*, οὐρανόν. καὶ Ὁ.
ἃ 4 ὡς οὐδὲν χρῆμα. Cf. Viger, de Idiotism. p. 156.
ἃ 7 ἀπέμαθον A*, ἅποτ᾽ ἔμαθον Plat. B*.

καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ἃ] καὶ ταῦτα ἃ A*, καὶ ἃ Plat. B.

Marginal note in B:

"Sore ἀπέμαθὸν καὶ ταῦτα ἃ πρὸ τοῦ ὥιμην εἰδέναι, “ Verbis
οὕτω δεῖ additis in marg. b’ (Schanz).

27 a 5 On this opinion of Anaxagoras see 750 b I.

a7 On Diodorus see 18d5. The following quotation is

generally exact.
9] cr ἀναβλέψαντας εἰς τὸν κόσμον. ‘In every case in which
fully developed civilizations have culminated in comprehensive
religious systems, in Egypt, in India, and in Western Asia, inves-
tigation takes us back to the grand all-encompassing phaenomena
of the heavens as the point of departure from which religious
ideas have set out’ (Lotze, Microcosmus, ii. 456). See Maspero
in note on 17 b 4.

Ο 3 Osiris was originally the god of the Delta, identified with
the Nile (Plut. De Js. et Osir. 33), but ‘from the Hyksos period
onwards the origin of all forms of religion was sought in Sun
worship ’ (Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, Ὁ. 12).
Cf. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, p. 44.

Ο 4 éripov. The corrupt reading ἑτοίμον of the older MSS.
AH and of the Vatican codex of Diodorus (C) is corrected in BO,
probably from the better MSS. of Diodorus.

C5 Μεθερμηνευομένων. In the margin of cod. A a cone and
part of a circle are drawn as signs of Sun and Moon, with a note
following : ‘Why the Egyptians call the Sun Osiris: now Osiris
is interpreted “ many-eyed,” the Sun being supposed to see by
means of his rays. And the Moon they call Isis, which also
when translated into the Greek tongue means “the ancient,” from
her ancient and eternal generation.’ Compare Plut. de Js. et
Ostr. x ‘For the king and lord, Osiris, they represent by an eye
and a sceptre, and some even interpret the name as ““ Many-
eyed,” the ‘‘Os” signifying many, and the “iri” eye, in the
Egyptian language.’ ‘The old religion of Egypt consisted,

BOOK I. CHAPS. 8, 9 47-ς

broadly speaking, of the worship of the great solar gods. Ré,
Horus, Atum, Osiris, were all different conceptions of the sun-
god, either as the giver of life, or as the disperser of darkness, or
as a being dying to-day, but rising again on the morrow ’ (Erman,
Ρ. 44).
ἃ 2 Διόνυσον. On the identification of Dionysus with Osiris
see Hdt. ii. 42, 48, 49, and G. W. (Birch, iii. 71).
Σείριον. Archiloch. Fr. xlii, preserved by Plut. Mor. 658 B
"EAropat, πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν Σείριος κατανανεῖ
ὀξὺς ἐλλάμπων.
In this passage Plutarch understands by Σείριος the Sun. Accor-
ding to Hesychius it means in Soph. Fr. 941 Σειρίου κυνὸς δίκην,
the Dog-star, but in Archilochus (]. 6.) the Sun. See Gaisford,
Poet. Min. Gr. iii. 112. In Hesiod, Opp. 415
δὴ γὰρ τότε Σείριος ἀστὴρ
βαιὸν ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς κηριτρεφέων ἀνθρώπων
ἔρχεται ἡμάτιος
Goettling rightly rejects the reference to the Sun. Cf. Preller, Gr.
Myth. p. 454, note 3. Arat. Phaen, 331
ὅς ῥα μάλιστα
ὀξέα σειρίαει καί μιν καλέουσ᾽ ἄνθρωποι
Σείριον.
Plut. De Is. et Osir. 364 A ‘ The more learned among the priests
not only call the Nile “ Osiris,’ and the sea “ Typhon,” but give
the name Osiris generally to every principle and power produc-
tive of moisture, regarding this as the cause of generation.’
372 D ‘There are some that expressly assert that Osiris is the
Sun, and is named Sirius by the Greeks, since the insertion of the
article (ὁ σείριος) has caused the name to be misunderstood among
the Egyptians.’ In 375 E Plutarch gives a still more absurd
derivation of "Oowxs from ὅσιος and ἱερός.
EvpoAros. The mythical founder of the Eleusinian mysteries.
‘As Eumolpus was regarded as a priestly bard, poems and writings
on the mysteries were fabricated and circulated at a later time
under his name’ (Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.).
ἃ 4 The only Fragment of Eumolpus (Suidas).
ἃ 5 Orph. Fr. vii. 3 Ὃν δὴ viv καλέουσι Φάνητά τε καὶ Διόνυσον.
On this identification οὗ Phanes and Dionysus see Orphica, Argon.
15, Hymn, v. 8, Fr. v. 8; Clem. Recogn. x. 17. On the Orphic

δῖ

47 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

poems and Theogonies see Miller, Hist. of Gk. Lit. Ὁ. 2g; Zeller,
Pre-Soer. Philos. i. 62, 98; Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 41.
G7 d&appa... τῆς νεβρίδοςς Eur. Bacch. 23
Ἡρώτας δὲ Θήβας τῆσδε γῆς Ἑλληνίδος
ἀνωλόλνξα, νεβρίδ᾽ ἐξάψας χροός.

ἃ 8 Ἶσιν. Hdt. ii. 41 ‘The statue of this goddess has the
form of a woman but with horns like a cow, resembling thus the
Greek representations of Io; and the Egyptians, one and all,
venerate cows more highly than any other animal.’ ‘ Herodotus
was really describing Athor and not Isis ... It is only when
one adopts the attributes of the other, that Isis has the head of
the spotted cow of Athor, or that this goddess takes the name
of Isis.’ G. W.

28 a 4 Φοινίκων. The following statement is an indirect
quotation from Porphyry; see 34 b1. The chief deities of the
Phoenicians, Baal and Ashtaroth, represented the sun and moon.
Cf. 2 Kings xxiii. 5 ‘them also that burned incense unto Baal,
to the sun,.and to the moon, and to the planets, and to all the
host of heaven.’

ἃ 7 τὰ τῆς γῆς .. . βλαστήματα. Cf. Juv. Sat. xv. 9

‘Porrum et caepe nefas violare et frangere morsu.
O sanctas gentes, quibus haec nascuntur in hortis
Numina !’

bi ἐπιχύσεις. Cf. Polyb. xvi. 21. 12 τὰς ἐν τοῖς πότοις ἐπιχύσεις.
Plut. Demetr. 25 ἡδέως ἥκονε τῶν παρὰ πότον ἐπιχύσεις λαμβα-
νόντων Δημητρίου βασιλέως, where the meaning is ‘a full glass
drunk as a toast.’

Ὁ ἑξῆς ἀποδειχθήσεται. See below, 33 Ὁ.

c x Porphyry, one οὗ the most learned and most formidable
enemies of Christianity, was born A.D. 232 in Batanea (Hieron.
Praef. in Epist. ad Galatas; Chrysost. 1 Ep. ad Cor. Hom. vi.
47 E Βατανεώτην), or more probably in Tyre, since he calls him-
self a Tyrian (Vit. Plotini, vii. 107), and tells us that his own
name, like his father’s, was in his native language (xara μὲν
πάτριον διάλεκτον, ibid. 120) Malchus. This Semitic name, in
Greek Βασιλεύς, led his teacher, the celebrated Longinus, to call
him Porphyrius, in allusion to the royal purple of Tyre (Euna-
pius, Porphyr. 4568). In a passage quoted by Eusebius, H. E.
iii. 19, Porphyry himself states that when very young he had met

BOOK I, CHAP. 9 28 ¢

with Origen, but his language is hardly consistent with the
notion that Origen had been his teacher. ‘Porphyry’s amazing
knowledge of the doctrines and customs, the writings and inter-
pretations of the Christians, is much better understood from the
tradition, according to which at some period of his life, probably
when dwelling at Tyre, he was in intimacy with Christians,
and perhaps, after hearing Christian teaching as a Catechumen,
read the books of the N. T. and the prophets of the Ο. T.’
(A. Georgiadas, De Porph. Fragmentis Adversus Christianos,
Leipz. 1891).

ἃ 1 πλάνης. This is rendered in the Latin as a genitive,
‘erroris indagator,’ but is better taken as a nominative. In
codex A, πλάνης ἐρευνητὴς μαστήρ, ἐρευνητής is a gloss on μαστήρ,
which has crept into the text.

ἃ 9 ἀπαθανατίζοντες. Plat. Charm. 156 Εἰ τῶν Ζαμόλξιδος ἰατρῶν,
ot λέγονται καὶ ἀπαθανατίζειν, i.e. ‘ immortales facere.’

ἃ το τὸ πῦρ ἀθάνατον ἐφύλαττον. On the lamp perpetually
burning in the temple of Ammon see Plut. On the Failure of
Oracles, 410 B, 411 C; and on the same custom as observed in the
temples of Zeus at Olympia, of Pan, and of Ceres, see Pausanias
415, 677, 616. Cf. 35 bi.

29 8. ἄρωμα, a spice or sweet herb. The derivation here given
by Porphyry is merely fanciful.

Ὁ 5 ἀράς. Cf. a 6 dpacapévovs.

07 θέειν. Cf. Hdt. 11. 52 ‘In early times the Pelasgi, as
I know by information which I got at Dodona, offered sacrifices
of all kinds, and prayed to the gods, but had no distinct names
or appellations for them; since they had never heard of any.
They called them gods (θεοί, disposers), because they had disposed
and arranged all things in such a beautiful order’ (Rawlinson.
See his note on the various derivations of θεός). Cf. 182 d 7.

80 a 6 ἑξῆς παρατεθησομένων. Cf. iv. 149-52.

a9 ἀπονενεμῆσθαι. Deut. iv. 19 ἃ ἀπένειμε Κύριος ὃ Θεός σου
αὐτὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσι.

ὍΣ τὴν ἐποπτείαν. Cf. Warburton, Div. Leg. ii. 4 (vol. i.
p. 225) “ Ἐποπτεία, which signifies the tnspection of the secret,
@cwpia, the contemplation of it, and Δημιουργός, the Creator, the
subject of it, are all words appropriated to the secret οἵ the greater
mysteries.’ See also note B vol. ii. p. 196 as to the use made

23 D 33

30 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of the passage by Bolingbroke. Τῆς θεωρίας, a gloss inserted in
the later MSS,

Ὁ 8 ὕστερον ἐφευρημένα. Hat. ii. 53 ‘Whence each of the
gods sprang, and whether they were all eternal, and what kind of
forms they bore, the Greeks knew not until the other day, so to
speak.’ Athenag. xvii Ὁ μὲν δὴ χρόνος ὀλίγος τοσοῦτος ταῖς εἰκόσι
καὶ τῇ περὶ τὰ εἴδωλα πραγματείᾳ, ὡς ἔχειν εἰπεῖν τὸν ἑκάστου τεχνίτην
θεοῦ.

C7 πορνείας. Wisd. xiv. 12 ‘spiritual fornication’ (A.V.)
was an unnecessary limitation, rightly omitted in R.V., the
worship of idols being so constantly associated with gross im-
morality.

ἃ 6 Σαγχουνιάθων. The first mention of Sanchuniathon and
his Phoenician History is the professed translation of his work
by Philo Byblius, who lived from the reign of Nero to that of
Hadrian. He is mentioned by the name Suniaethon in Athenaeus,
iii, 126 (circ. 230 A.D.) παρὰ τοῖς τὰ Φοινικικὰ συγγεγραφύσι,
Συνιαίθωνι καὶ Μοσχῷ. The next testimony is that of Porph.
De Abst. ii. 56, and Adv. Christ. iv, the passage here quoted.
The only extant portions of Philo’s work are the fragments pre-
served by Eusebius, 31 d-42 Ὁ. Whether they are genuine extracts
from a work of Sanchuniathon, or simply ‘a forgery of Philon’
(Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.; Rawlinson, Phoenicia, 385), is much dis-
puted. Movers (Relig. d. Phoenizier, Ὁ. 99) says that San-chonidth
means the whole law of Chon, the god Chon being the same as Bel,
or the Tyrian Hercules. On the other hand Lobeck, Aglaoph, iii.
3, suspects Eusebius himeelf of fraud. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
i. 48. ‘We are far from the time,’ says Matter (Dictionnaire des
Sciences Philos. v. 478), " when Scaliger, Grotius, Bochart, Selden,
Huet, Goguet, and Mignot, like Porphyry and Eusebius, saw in
the fragments preserved by the last a sort of translation by Philo
of the Phoenician original of Sanchuniathon. Just as little
should we regard it, with Dodwell, van Dale, R. Simon, Leclerc,
Meiners, Hissmann, as a mere fraud and forgery, though we
must attribute a large part of it to the Byblian writer.’ Similar
views have been held in recent times by Kenrick, Phoenicia,
pp. 281 ff.; Bunsen, Aegypten, v. 240; J. W. Donaldson, Litera-
ture of Ancient Greece, ii. 255-8; J. Conrad Orelli, Sanchon. Fr.
Praef. iv.

BOOK I. CHAP. 9 80 d

Renan, Mémoire sur l’Histoire phénicienne de Sanchoniathon,
1858, concludes his inquiry thus (p. 92): ‘ L’ceuvre indigeste qui
nous est venue d’une maniére fragmentaire sous le nom de
Sanchoniathon justifie son titre en un sens trés-véritable. Elle
nous représente réellement la théologie de la Phénicie ἃ l’époque
oa vécut l’auteur, c’est-’-dire de Ia Phénicie ayant subi de
profondes influences et pénétrée par le syncrétisme religieux.

‘Guide essentiellement trompeur, s’il s’agit des époques
reculées, l’Histotre phénicienne est le tableau assez fidéle de la
religion de la Phénicie ἃ l’époque plus moderne ot elle entra
en contact avec les idées de la Gréce et des autres parties de
Orient.’

ἃ το ὁ Βύβλιος.ς ‘The Greek name Byblos was obtained from
Gubla or Gubli by substituting Ὁ for g, as in βλέφαρον from
γλέφαρον eyelid’ (Renan, Mission de Phénicie, p. 153, quoted by
Masp. ii. 172). Schrader, Cunet/. Inscr. i. 174, identifies Gu-ub-li
with Gebal (1 Kings v. 18 (R.V.), Ezek. xxvii. 9).

Among the Tell-Amarna tablets there are fifty letters from
Rib-Adda, King of Gebal, to Amenophis, King of Egypt, asking
in vain for help against the invasion of Aziru and other enemies.
Geba] was said to have been founded by the god El at the
beginning of time. Renan called it the ‘Jerusalem of the
Lebanon.’ See an interesting paper by Dr. Bliss, Palestine
Ezploration Report, April, 1894. Byblos was close to the river
Adonis (Strab. 755). Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 6, describes the rites
of Adonis, and adds that the ‘head of Osiris comes by sea every
year to Byblos.’

8181 In Constantine’s letter to the bishops and people
(Socrates, H. E. i. 9) it is stated that Pophyry’s impious writings
have been destroyed. Some fragments, however, certainly
remained, and were found chiefly among the Christians them-
selves, as may be inferred from the statement of Chrysostom (De
8. Babyla, 539 D) εἰ δέ πού τι καὶ εὑρεθείη διασωθέν, παρὰ Χριστιανοῖς
τοῦτο σωζόμενον εὖροι τις ἄν.

In the year 448 ΔΑ. ἢ. the Emperors Theodosius II and Valen-
tinianus ΠῚ ordered the books written against Christianity, and
especially those of Porphyry, to be burned. The answers of
Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinarius, and Philostorgius, were also
for the most part lost and forgotten. See A. Georgiadas, On the

D2 368

31a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Fragments of Porphyry Kari Χριστιανῶν, pp. 18-20; Wolff's
Porph. De Philos. ex Orac. p. 33.

a 6 ὁ Βηρύτιος. Berytus, the modern Beirut, was the capital
of Libanus and chief sea-port of Syria, and was famous as a school
of Greek learning. Cf, 38 d.

Bochart tried to identify Hierombalus with Jerubbaal or
Gideon, and Orelli with the θεὸς Σουρμουβηλός mentioned by
Porphyry below, 40 Ὁ, but otherwise unknown,

a Ἰευώ is one of the forms in which the Greeks represented
the sacred name fy, which also appears as Ἰαώ in Diodorus
Siculus, i, 94; Irenaeus, i. 4. 1; Theodoret, ].c., and as Ἰαού or ᾿Ιαώ
in Clem. Al. 666 ᾿Ατὰρ καὶ τὸ τετράγραμμον ὄνομα... λέγεται δὲ
Ἰαώ, ὃ μεθερμηνεύεται Ὃ ὧν καὶ ὁ ἐσόμενος. See the Epigram,
520 a1 and note there. Orelli supposes θεοῦ τοῦ Ἰευώ to be an
addition made by Eusebius, but it is not likely that he would
have used such a form. In Deissmann’s elaborate treatise on the
Tetragrammaton (Bible Studies, p. 321), no notice is taken of the
form ᾿Ιευώ nor of this passage.

The name Abibalus occurs also in a list of kings of Tyre
taken from the Phoenician history of Dius in Joseph. c. Apion. i
‘On the death of Abibalus his son Eipwpos (Hiram?) became
king.’ On Abibalus, or Abelbabus, cf. Deissmann, p. 325 note
‘Observe the Divine names combined’ with af.’

a8 ἐξεταστῶν τῆς ἀληθείας. This is probably an official title,
the meaning of which, ‘examiners of the truth,’ is apparently
. similar to that of the καταλαθισταί described by Hesychius as
ἐξηγηταί, ἣ ἐνδεικνύοντες τὰ δημόσια. “᾿Ἐξηγητάς hic intelligo
prodigiorum, oraculorum, somniorum, &c., interpretes veridicos.’
Hemsterhus. ap. Ruhnk. Tim, Lex. ‘Eéyyyrai, where a second
definition, καὶ of ἐξηγούμενοι τὰ πάτρια, comes nearer to the meaning
required in our passage,

Ὁ 4 φιλαλήθως. For this reading, supported by all the MSS.
of Eusebius, and well suited to the context, Theodorct’s reading
Φιλαλήθης is adopted by Bochart and Orelli, as an interpretation
of ‘Sanchoniathon ’ a lower of the true law.

( UNITY. ted
Ate

“s - ἘΝ
BOOK I. .CHAP. 9 a 31 b

b 6 ἐπὶ Sepipdyews. According to Herodotus, i, 184, Semiramis
reigned in Babylon five generations before Nitocris, who lived in
the sixth century B.c. In the British Museum there is a statue
of the god Nebo, which the artist has dedicated to ‘his lord Iva-
lush and his lady Sammuramit.’ Iva-lush is identified . by
Rawlinson (Hat. i. p. 467) with Pul, who is mentioned (2 Kings
XV. 19, circ, B.C. 769) The mythical Semiramis of Ctesias and
Diodorus Siculus is said to have been the wife of Ninus, the
founder of Nineveh (Masp. ii. 617 ‘The legend of Ninos and
Semiramis’), Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 14, 33, 39, and Diod.
Sic. ii, 1-8, where the story of Ninus and Semiramis is told at
great length,

ἃ 2 τῶν ἐγγράφων, Polyb. 111. 21. 4 ὑπάρχειν ἔγγραφον οὐδέν.

ἃ 3 ἐννέα βίβλους. In 156 ἃ 6 the books are said to have been
eight.

G10 ra Taavrov. Plat. Phaedr. 274 C ‘I heard that near
Naucratis in Egypt there was one of the old gods of that country,
to whom the bird which they call ibis was sacred; and the god’s
own name was Theuth, and he was the first who invented number,
and calculation, and geometry, and astronomy, draughts also and
dice, and especially letters.’ Cf. Plat. Phileb. 18 B; Hat. ii.
67 with note (6. W.); Masp. i. 145 ‘ Thot, the god of the city
Hermopolis, represented as an ibis or a baboon, was essentially
a moon-god, who measured time, counted the days, numbered
the months, and recorded the years... . He was lord of the voice,
master of words and of books, possessor or inventor of those
magic writings, which nothing in heaven, on earth, or in Hades
can withstand,’ Cf. p. 207.

On the identification of Theuth (Thot, or Tat) with Hermes
see Cic. De Nat. δον. iii. 22 ‘Hunc (Mercurium) Aegyptii Theuth
appellant, eodemque nomine anni primus mensis apud eos vocatur.’
Clem. Al. 356 (@wv6).

The name Tdavros is variously corrupted in the oldest MSS.
A, H; see 31 ἃ 10, 36 a 3. In this place they have ταῦθ᾽ ὅς,
from which Gaisford has rightly adopted Ταυθός.

ἃ 11 τῶν γραμμάτων τὴν εὕρεσιν. See Maunde Thompson,
Palaeography, p. 3, who says that the difficulties of proving the
descent of the ‘Semitic’ alphabet from the Egyptian ‘ combined
to induce scholars to reject the ancient though vague tradition

δὲ

41 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

82 a 7 ἱερολόγων. Cf. Lucian, De Astrolog. 10 és γοητείην καὶ
ipodoyinv: De Syr. Dea, 26 ipodoyéovow ἐπὶ τῷ πρήγματι. (I
and. Sc. Lez.)

Ὁ 3 ᾿Αμμουνέων. Hat. ii, 42 ‘The Egyptians give their statues of
Jupiter the face of a ram, and from them the practice has passed
to the Ammonians, who are a joint colony of Egyptians and Ethio-
pians speaking a language between the two; hence also in my
opinion the latter people took their name of Ammonians, since the
Egyptian name for Jupiter is Amun,’ The worship of Amun
was celebrated chiefly at Thebes (No-Ammon), and in the oasis of
the Libyan desert.

The following statement is from the correspondent of the Times
at Cairo, February 8, 1891: ‘A grand discovery has been made
of a vast tomb of the high priests of Ammon, monarch vf the
gods, and local divinity of Thebes, on the exact spot in the lime-
stone cliffs of the Libyan mountains, west of Thebes, near Debr El
Babri, where Brugsch Bey made his famous find of royal mummies
in 1881. The tomb is 25 metres below the surface, and it has
two stories, the upper one not yet opened. In the lower 240
sarcophagi have been already discovered, the oldest dating back
to the Eleventh Dynasty, 2500 B.c. There were also in the tomb
100 papyri, and some large statues of the Theban triad, Osiris,
Isis, Nephthis, with vast quantities of statuettes and votive
offerings.’

ἃ 2 The Παράδοξος ἱστορία of Philo is known only from this
passage.

ἃ 5 τὴν αὖθις σαφήνειαν. Cf. 34 ¢ 11 τὰς αὖθις παρεκδοχάς.

ἃ 8 θεοὺς .. . μεγίστους. On the ‘ greatest gods of the Egyptians ’
see Hdt. ii. 4, and Rawlinson’s Appendix, ii. 288.

ἃ 11 εἰς τὸ χρεών. Cf. 263 ἃ τὸ χρεὼν εἰρῆσθαι τὸ ἐπιβάλλον
καὶ καθῆκον κατὰ τὴν εἱμαρμένην. Ps.-Plat. Axtoch. 3. εὐθύμως,
μόνον οὐχὶ παιανίζοντας, εἰς τὸ χρεὼν ἀπιέναι, ‘ go to meet their fate.’
Plut. Mor. 113 C τῶν εἰς τὸ χρεὼν ὁδευόντων.

(μεταστάντας). Wytt. Annot. ad Plut. Mor. 113 C ‘ Vulgo
28

BOOK I. CHAPS, 9, 10 : aad

legitur εἰς τὸ χρεὼν καταστάντας." Cf. 119 D ὡς θεοφιλεῖς νέοι
μετέστησαν πρὸς τὸ χρεών.

83 a1 στήλας. Masp. i. 237, 253, has fine representations
of the door-shaped stele, placed at the entrance of a tomb. ‘It
perpetuated the name and genealogy of the deceased, and
gave him a civil status, without which he could not have
preserved his personality in the world beyond... .The pictures
and prayers inscribed upon it acte as so many talismans
for ensuring the continuous existence of the ancestor, whose
Memory they recalled.’ The more ordinary form of a στήλη
was a pillar or upright stone tablet. See Dict. Gk. and R. Ant.,
‘Funus.’

στήλας τε καὶ ῥάβδους. Cf. 35 Ὁ. Both ῥάβδος and στήλη
occur in the LXX in connexion with acts of worship by Jacob;
Gen. xxviii. 18, 22 ‘this stone, which I have set for a pillar
(στήλην), shall be God’s house’; xlvii. 31, interpreted in Heb. xi,
21, ‘ worshipped upon the top of his staff’; where the LXX seem
to have introduced τῆς ῥάβδου from reading in error TWD, the
staff, for MPD, the bed. On the practice of divination by rods
(ῥάβδοι) see Hdt. iv. 67; and Hosea iv. 12 My people ask counsel
of their stocks, and their staff declareth unto them (ἐν ῥάβδοις
αὐτοῦ ἀπήγγελλον αὐτῷ).

8 5 The same passage is quoted indirectly 28 a.

φυσικούς. ‘What we call the gods of mythology were
chiefly the agents supposed to exist behind the great phenomena
of nature’ (Max Miiller, Contributions to the Science of Mythology,
p. 21; Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 58 ff.).
10] b4 ὑποτίθεται. The subject appears to be ἡ Φοινικικὴ θεο-
λογά. In Canon Rawlinson’s History of Phoenicia, xi, Religion,
the account of the national deities is based on this passage of
Philo.

ΘΙ ἐρεβῶδες. Plut. Mor. τόρ B ἐρεβώδεος ἐκ θαλάσσης : Hesiod,
Theog. 123 Ἔκ Χάεος δ᾽ "EpeBes τε μέλαινά τε Νὺξ ἐγένοντο.

9 4 πόθος. Plat. Sympos. 178 A ‘That he (Love) is the eldest —
of the gods is an honour to him; and a proof of this is, that of his

83 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

parents there is no memorial; neither poet nor prose-writer has
ever affirmed that he had any. As Hesiod says:
‘¢ First Chaos came, and then broad-bosom’d Earth,

The everlasting seat of all that is,

And Love.”
In other words, after Chaos, the Earth and Love, these two, came
into being. Also Parmenides sings of the generation of the
gods:

‘‘ First in the train of gods he fashioned Love.”
And Acusilaus agrees with Hesiod’ (Jowett). Cf. Sext. Emp.
Ado. Math. ix. 550. )

6 8 ζῶα οὐκ ἔχοντα αἴσθησιν. ‘Une théorie de la génération
spontanée, caractérisée par les deux mots sacramentels de Mur et
de Ζωφασημίν᾽ (Renan).

Ζωφασημίν. ‘Clarum est τὸ Snpiv esse Hebr. py, caelos,
Zuppa vero MB¥ contemplari’ (Viger). Orelli notes that the word
has been variously understood as describing living beings (Cum-
berland), or the latent germs of animal life (Herder, Wagner).

Renan, p. 14 ‘La physionomie sémitique de Zophasemin n’est
point méconnaissable, et le réle de ces Contemplateurs du ciel
ressemble fort ἃ celui des Chérubins d’Ezéchiel (i.).’

ἃ 2 gov σχήματι. ‘ De diis ex ovo genitis res nota. Cf. Hug.
Grot. i. 16 De Verit. Rel. Chr.’ [Or.]. Athenag. Leg. xviii ἦν yap
ὕδωρ ἀρχὴ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῖς ὅλοις, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ὕδατος ts κατέστη, ἐκ δὲ
ἑκατέρων ἐγεννήθη ζῷον δράκων προσπεφυκυῖαν ἔχων κεφαλὴν λέοντος
(καὶ ἄλλην ταύρου), διὰ μέσου δὲ αὐτῶν θεοῦ πρόσωπον, ὄνομα Ἡρακλῆς
καὶ Χρόνος. οὗτος 6 Ἡρακλῆς ἐγέννησεν ὑπερμέγεθες ὠόν, δ... εἰς
δύο ἐρράγη" τὸ μὲν οὖν κατὰ κορνφὴν αὐτοῦ Οὐρανὸς εἶναι ἐτελέσθη, τὸ
δὲ κάτω ἐνεχθὲν Γῆ. Aristoph. Aves 694

τίκτει πρώτιστον ὑπηνέμιον Νὺξ ἡ μελανόπτερος gov,

ἐξ οὗ περιτελλομέναις ὥραις ἔβλαστεν "Ἔρως ὁ ποθεινός.

ἃ 3 ἐξέλαμψε Μώτ. As Μὲ is identified with slime (ἐλύς) ‘ or
the putrescence of a watery compound,’ the word ἐξέλαμψε does
not seem to be very applicable to it. Renan suggests that
Mor should be placed immediately after σχήματι, thus leaving
ἐξέλαμψε to be referred to ἥλιος. Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 386,
takes Μώτ as a genitive, ‘from Mét shone forth the sun, &c.’
Cf. Cudworth, Int. Syst. i. 205 ‘Mot produced first of all the
sun, moon, and stars.’

BOOK I. CHAP. IO 34a

848. 6 Taavrov... ὑπομνήμασιν. Cf. 31d 12. Masp. i. 281
‘The Masters of the secrets of Heaven, those who see what is in
the firmament, on the earth, and in Hades... drew their in-
spirations from the books of Magic written by Thot.’

Ὁ 2 οὗτοί ye. The Phoenicians are meant, as is clear from
28 a 4, where the same passage is quoted without any mention
of the author. :

Ὁ 7 This sentence also is tacitly quoted 28 Ὁ 5.

bg KodAwia. In this andthe following names Renan finds
direct proof that Philo did translate a Phoenician work. ‘ Ventus
ille Colpia idem est quod f° ‘p Sy, Vox oris Dei, cuius inspira-
tione et verbo factus est homo’ (Bochart), Renan (p. 16) accepts
this interpretation, and thinks it is borrowed from the Rab-
binical interpretations of Gen. i. 2. ‘Colpias is most probably
a transliteration of the composite name Kol-piakha, “the Voice
of the Breath”’ (Masp. ii. 167, note 3).

Bdav ... νύκτα ἑρμηνεύε. Masp. i. 671 ‘The five planets
... were not long before they took to themselves consorts...
Ninib (Saturn) chose for wife in the first place Bau, the
daughter of Anu.’ Note 1. Bau ‘was at the beginning the
mother of Ea, and a personification of the dark waters and
chaos’ (Hommel, Die Semit. Vilker, pp. 379-82). See notes on
33 cr andd1.

Renan makes Bdav the same as Heb. #13 in Gen. i. 2, as
does Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 387. ‘Ce mot (Baav) se retrouve
en IJaldebaoth (13 ad, fils de Boou) des Gnostiques, et peut-étre
dans leur Βυθός, comme le ¥, qui lui est paralléle, se retrouve
dans la ταυθέ (ΚΠ) de la cosmogonie chaldéenne conservée par
Damascius’ (Renan, p. 17). Cf. Iren. i. 30. 5; Epiphan. Haer.
XXXvii. 4; Mansel, Gnostic Heres. 98.

Ὁ το Αἰῶνα καὶ Πρωτόγονον. Grotius, Ver. Rel. Chr. p. 58
‘ Primogenitus, i.e. Adam; Alay est mn Chacva, Eva, vita. Hos
itaque mortalium primos repertores fructus arborum statuit
Sanchuniathon, secutus procul dubio narrationem Mosaicam de
arbore vetita.’ ([Or.]}

ΘΙ τὸν Αἰῶνα. Cumberland and Fourmont without any MS.
read τὴν Aiava to agree with the theory that Eve is meant.
‘Renan has shown that the words Aidy and Πρωτόγονος in the
Greek text correspond to... Olam, in Phoenician Ulom, ... and

34 ἐ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Kadmén’ (Masp. 1. 6). As [pwroyovos certainly means the first
man, Adam, witb allusion perhaps to the Adam Kadmon of the
rabbis and early mystics, so Αἰών, which originally corresponded
to eternity, must rightly or wrongly be meant for Eve (Renan,
p. 18). Orph. Hymn. vi. 1
Πρωτόγονον καλέω διφυῆ, μέγαν, αἰθερόπλαγκτον

. γένεσιν μακάρων θνητῶν τ᾽ ἀνθρώπων.
Cf. Hymn. xiv. 2

Πότνα Ῥέα, θύγατερ πολυμόρφον pwroyovow.

6 2 Τένος καὶ Γενεάν. Cumberland understood these to be
names of Cain and his wife. Renan says that they are un-
doubtedly translations of two Phoenician words derived from the
root 15°, ‘to beget.’ In the words τὰς χεῖρας εἷς οὐρανὸν ὀρέγειν
there may be a reference, as Orelli suggests, to Gen. vi. 26.

© § οὐρανοῦ κύριον Βεελσάμην, ‘i.e, DOP SY3 Dominus
Caelorum. Plautus in Poenulo A. v. Scen. ii. Punice scribit Bal-
samen’ (Bochart, ap. Orelli). ‘Baalsamin is an Aramaic form of
Baal-Samin or Baalsamen’ (Schriéder, Die Phinizische Sprache,
p. 131, note 2, p. 175; Masp. ibid.),

6 Ἕλλησιν αἰτιᾶται. The dative is unusual.

6 8 ras αὖθις wapexdoxds. On αὖθις see 32 ἃ 5. The meaning
of παρεκδοχάς, ‘ misinterpretations,’ is determined by the following
ἐξεδέξαντο.

ἃ 6 Φῶς καὶ Πῦρ καὶ Φλόξ. Such combinations of names, how-
ever puerile, are common in ancient genealogies. (Renan, p. 21.)

G7 ἐκ παρατριβῆς ξύλων. An ingenious apparatus for striking
a light by friction of a fire-stick is shown in Masp. i. 318. Cf.
556 ὁ πυρείων εὑρέσεις.

ἃ το τὸ Κάσσιον. The proper form Κάσιον, not found in any
MS. of Eusebius here or at 60 d, is applied by Strabo both to
the Egyptian Mons Casius (pp. 38, 758-96) and to the Syrian
mountain (pp. 742, 750, 751), which is here meant. Plin. Hist.
Nat. v. 21 ‘Above Seleucia is Mount Casius, whose lofty summit
beholds the sun rising through the clouds in the fourth watch,
and by a slight turn of the body shows both day and night.’
Cf. Rawlinson, Phoenicia, p. 12.

τὸ Bpafv. The word used here as the name of a mountain
occurs in the versions of Symmachus and Theodotion, where the

BOOK I. CHAP. 10 34d

Hebrew has U3, meaning a ‘cypress’ or (R.V.) ‘pine’; Isa.
xxxvii. 24, xli. 19, lv. 13, lx. 13. Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 1272 n.
‘I fear that the author of this Cosmology invented the whole
thing as a joke. Because “libanus,” the frankincense tree, and
“casia,” are sweet-scented shrubs, very like ‘‘herb sabin,” which
is called “ brathy ” (L. and Sc. Diosc. i. 104), he thought it would
be a witty jest to add “ Brathy” as a brother to Libanus, Anti-
libanus, and Casius.’

ἃ 11 Myppodpos. A name otherwise unknown. Bochart,
followed in part by Scaliger, adopts a different reading, ἐγεννήθη
Σαμημροῦμος (cod. D) ὁ καὶ Ὑψουράνιος (codd. EO), but this is
excluded by the plural verb ἐχρημάτιζον.

ἃ 12 τῶν τότε γυναικῶν. Gen. vi. 1, 2. (Or.]

35 a 5 Οὕὔσωον. Cumberland refers this name to Uz (Gen. x.
23), whom Josephus (Ant. J. i. 6) calls Οὖσος, and makes him the
founder of Damascus. The mention of the skins led Scaliger to
think of Esau, and this view is confidently adopted by Renan
(p. 22), and partly admitted by Movers and Ewald (Renan, p. 25,
nn. 5, 6). —

Ὁ 1 δύο στήλας πυρὶ καὶ πνεύματι. Cf. 33 a. Julius Firmicus,
De errore profan. relig. ἢ. 9, ed. Ouzel ‘ Assyrii et pars Afrorum
aerem ducatum habere elementorum volunt, et hunc imaginata
figuratione venerantur’ (Or.]. Hdt. iii. 16 ‘The Persians hold
fire to be a god... but by the Egyptians fire is believed to be
a live animal.’ Compare Hdt. i. 131; Plut. Sympos. 703, and
Rawlinson’s Hdt., Essay V, i. 426.

Ὁ 3 ῥάβδους... .. ἀφιερῶσαι. See notes on 33 a I.

Ὁ 6 ᾿Αγρέα καὶ ᾿Αλιέα. Scaliger supposes these to be the Greek
translations of Phoenician words corresponding to NY¥, ‘ hunting,’
and ΤῊ Υ, ‘fishing.’ ‘The root signifies both hunting and fishing,
and from it is derived the name Sidon’ (Renan, p. 26).

ἁλιείας. On the various reading ἁλείας compare Lobeck,
Phryn. 423 ‘ ὕγεια, ἅλεια, ταμεῖον, ut nonnullis scribere placitum.’

The Egyptian methods of hunting and fishing are illustrated
in Masp. i. .556—69.

C 2 θάτερον. ‘ Later and less correct writers use a nom. θάτερος
even with the art. 6 Odrepos . . . θατέραν, θατέρων, &c., Joseph. and
Eccl.’ (L. and Se. Lez.).

Xpvowp. Bochart supposes the name to be derived from

35 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἭΝ WH, ‘a worker with fire,’ Πυρίτης, Lucian, Sacrif. 6 [Or.].
‘The better form Χουσώρ corresponds to ‘Appovia’ (Renan, p. 27).

6 2 λόγους ἀσκῆσαι. ‘The Phoenicians seem to have ascribed
to their god Chrysor all the arts which the Greeks attributed to
their three gods Hephaestus, Hermes, and Apollo’ [Or.]}.

C 4 πρῶτον ... πλεῦσαι. The same is said of Ousoiis 35 a 9.

C6 Ata Μειλίχιον. Zeus was 80 called as the friendly protector
of those who invoked him with propitiatory offerings (μειλίγματα).
Cf. Aesch. Eum. 107; Choeph. 15; Pers. 610; Thue. i. 126;
Xen. Anab. vii. 8. 4 "Epsrdduos yap σοι ὁ Ζεὺς ὁ Μειλίχιος ; Preller,
dir, Myth. 130 ff.; Pausan. x. 897 νυκτεριναὶ δὲ ai θυσίαι Θεοῖς
τοῖς Μειλιχίοις εἰσί.

ἃ 2 Renan (p. 27) identifies Τεχνίτης with Cain or Tubal-cain,
and Txives Αὐτόχθων with Adam, in the two senses DK, ‘ earth’
and ‘man,’ the Phoenician word being the same as the Hebrew.

ἃ 3 φορυτόν. This, like ἄχυρον Ex. v. 12 (Sept.) καλάμην eis
ἄχυρα, means short straw.

ἃ 4 στέγας. Vitruv. ii. 1 ‘Non minus etiam Massiliae
animadvertere possumus sine tegulis subacta cum paleis terra
tecta’ (Or.].

ἃ 6 ᾿Αγρότης. Either a ‘hunter’ (dypa), or a ‘husbandman’
(ἀγρός), 88 here. See below ἃ 9 ἀγρόται καὶ κυνηγοί.

ναὸν ζυγοφορούμενον. Possibly an allusion to the Ark
brought out of the land of the Philistines on a cart drawn by
oxen.

ἃ θεῶν ὁ μέγιστος. Scaliger thinks that Philo confused the
word meaning ‘field’ (Heb. ΠῚ) with “WW, ‘Almighty,’ and
Renan thinks this is strongly confirmed by the reference to the
Ark (ζυγοφορούμενον).

ἃ 10 ᾿Αλῆται. ‘Wanderers,’ applied to ‘hunters’ by Orelli,
to the Planets by Wagner.

Teraves. Etym. M. 760. 40 Τιτὰν παρὰ τὸ τιταίνω, οἱονεὶ οἱ
τείνοντες τὰς χεῖρας εἰς τὸ κόψαι τὰ αἰδοῖα τοῦ πατρὸς Κρόνου. Cf.
Hesiod, Theog. 207

Τοὺς δὲ πατὴρ Τιτῆνας ἐπίκλησιν καλέεσκεν, ...
Φάσκε δὲ τιταίνοντας ἀτασθαλίῃ μέγα ῥέξαι
Cf. Orphica, Fr. viii. 40.

ἃ τι ‘Je n’ose rien conjecturer sur ἼΑμυνος et Μάγος (Renan,

.Ἶ BOOK I. CHAP, IO 35d

p. 28). Wagner makes “Ayvvoy represent the military class and
Μάγον the priestly.

86 a 1 Μισὼρ καὶ Συδύκ. These names are seemingly akin
to Nw), ‘straight’ (1%), and P', ‘just.’ εὔλυτος, however,
means ‘agile’ rather than ‘straight.’ Cf. 37 ἃ Συδύκῳ δὲ τῷ
λεγομένῳ δικαίῳ. Masp. ii. 167 ‘Some regarded Baal as the
personification of Justice, Sydyk,’ but this view is rejected by
Masp. ii. 59, note 1, who denies the supposed connexion between
Συδύκ, and Saitkhd, ‘the great Sit,’ the brother and enemy of
Osiris, with whom Baal was identified.

® 3 Taavros. Cf.31d 10. The words ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς δὲ Θώθ in a 4
are omitted by AH, being probably an interpolation from the
previous passage 32 a 2. ‘ THOTH, in Egyptian Dhat. i, “ belong-
ing to the Ibis” ’ (Wiedemann, op. cit. p. 225).

Renan connects Miowp with Mesraim, Tdavros or Thoth being
a purely Egyptian god borrowed by the Phoenicians.

8 5 Διόσκουροι. Castor and Pollux were by some writers con-
fused, as here, with the Samothracian Cabeiri or Corybantes.
Strab. vii. Fr. 51 Τοὺς ἐν τῇ Σαμοθράκῃ τιμωμένους θεοὺς εἰρήκασι
πολλοὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς τοῖς KaBeipas, οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἔχοντες λέγειν τοὺς
KaBeipovs οἵτινές εἰσι, καθάπερ τοὺς Κύρβαντας καὶ Κορύβαντας, ὡς
δ᾽ αὕτως Κουρῆτας καὶ Ἰδαίους Δακτύλους. See Preller, Gr. Myth.
Anhang, Die Kabiren, 695; Hermann, Orphica, Hymn. 37, 38.

Καβειροίτ ‘The name Cabiri was doubtless derived from
the Semitic word kabir, “ great,” ... The eight great gods of the
Phoenicians, the offspring of one great father, Sydyk, “ the just,”
were called Cabiri, of whom Esmoun was the youngest, or the
eighth (as his name implies), the shmoun, “ eight ” of Coptic, and
το of Hebrew. This Esmoun was also called Asclepius.’
G.W. note on Hdt. ii. 51.

Σαμοθρᾷκες. There is a long discussion concerning the Curetes,
Corybantes, and Cabiri in Strab. x. 472 ff., who quotes Pherecydes
as saying that they dwelt in Samothrace.

8 6 πρῶτοι πλοῖον εὗρον. Cf. 35 ἃ 9,5. 4. Thus Sanchuniathon
mentions three first inventors of navigation.

8 8 Ἐλιοῦν καλούμενος Ὕψιστος. Heb. ΠΡ, ‘Most High. Οἵ,
Gen. xiv. 18, 22. But in b 6 ὁ Ὕψιστος ἐν συμβολῇ θηρίων
τελευτήσας ἀφιερώθη we see that Adonis is meant.

& 9 Bnpov#. Renan, following Scaliger, thinks that the

36 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

goddess Berouth was confounded with Βάαλ Βερείθ, Judges viii.
33, ix. 4, who was a male deity, ‘ Lord of the covenant, worshipped
by the Shechemites,’ and that the mistake arose from the fact that
ΤΥ the latter part of the name is feminine.
b1 Ἐπίγειος ἣ Αὐτόχθων. Cf. 35 ἃ 2 Γήϊνον Αὐτόχθονα.
Ὁ 2 Οὐρανόν. Cf. Hesiod, Theog. 126
Γαῖα δέ τοι πρῶτον μὲν ἐγείνατο ἶσον ἑαυτῇ
Οὐρανὸν ἀστερόενθ᾽, ἵνα μὲν περὶ πάντα καλύπτοι.
On 60 c 5 Uranus is said to have been so-called because he
was the first to honour the gods of heaven. Here he is said to
have given his own name to the heaven.

Ὁ 6 ἐν συμβολῇ θηρίων. This appears to be an allusion to the
death of Adonis, whose name meaning ‘ Lord’ may have led
to his being here identified with ὁ Ὕψιστος. See notes on 36 a 8
and 37 8 6.

GC I τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρχήν. Cf. 60 ¢ 1.

πρὸς γάμον. In this ‘bridal of the earth and sky,’ Uranus

is the generative power of heat and moisture by which the heaven
promotes the fertility of the earth. See Preller, Gr. Myth. 43,
and the fragment of Aesch. Danaides there quoted :

"Epa μὲν ἁγνὸς οὐρανὸς τρῶσαι χθόνα,

ἔρως δὲ γαῖαν λαμβάνει γάμου τυχεῖν.

ὄμβρος δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ εὐνάεντος οὐρανοῦ πεσὼν

ἔκυσε γαῖαν: ἡ δὲ τίκτεται βροτοῖς

μήλων τε βοσκὰς καὶ βίον Δημήτριον.
A similar fragment of Euripides (Fr. Incert. iv) is quoted by
Athenaeus in the same place (xiii. 599). Renan (p. 32) observes
that this mythical cosmogony is not originally Semitic but Aryan,
bearing close analogy to Hesiod’s Theogony (vv. 126-36), and
that it was widely diffused in the East in the time of the Seleu-
cidae; but to suppose that it ‘represents the Phoenician religion
of a very ancient date would be an error similar to that of
regarding Ovid’s Metamorphoses as a picture of the religion of the
ancient Latins’ (p. 34).

c 2 In the long theogony which follows Renan (p. 31) recognizes
first a Phoenician basis "Hos, El; ὁ 3 Bairvdos, Bethel; Δαγών,
Dagon, &c.

*Hyoy, i.e. Se, Deus fortis. ‘Ita Kpovoy vocatum a Phoe-
nicibus docent haec Damascii verba apud Photium cod. 242
46

BOOK I. CHAP. 10 36 c

Φοίνικες καὶ Σύριοι τὸν Κρόνον ἪΛ καὶ Βὴλ καὶ Βολάθην ἐπονομά-
ζουσιν ’ (Bochart ap. Or. p. 26). In Ἶλον the reading of BIO there
is the same confusion of vowels as in LXX of Gen. xli. 45, 50 Ἰλών
τόλις for Ἡλώο πόλις.

6.3 Δαγών, derived from 3, ‘ a fish,’

Σίτων. At Ashdod Dagon was worshipped as a god who
protected the crops, especially from mice, and hence golden mice
were dedicated to him, 1 Sam. vi. 4, 5 (Or.). Cf. 37 ἃ 8 Ὁ δὲ
Δαγών, ἐπειδὴ εὗρε σῖτον καὶ ἄροτρον, ἐκλήθη Ζεὺς ᾿Αρότριος.

Ἄτλαντα. In the preceding names we may recognize traces of
a genuine Phoenician mythology, but those which follow must have
been borrowed by Philo from the Grecian mythology of a later date,

c 4 In the use of the names Οὐρανός and Γῆ Voss finds a great
difference between the Greek mythology and the Phoenician: in
the former they represent no human beings, but parts of the
natural world; in the latter they appear as mortals who, after
their decease, were associated both in name and in worsbip with
the said parts of nature (G.I. Voss, De Idololatria, i. 22. 63). [Or.]

ἃ 3 Ἑρμῇ τῷ τρισμεγίστῳ:. Preller, p. 419 ‘A much later
figure ig the so-called Hermes Trismegistos, who in the first
centuries of the Christian era is still usually called only μέγας καὶ
μέγας or péywros.’? Hermes, being identified with the Egyptian
Thot, was regarded as the source of all knowledge, thought, and
literature. Hence the name Hermes Trismegistos was assumed
by several authors of works on philosophy and religion in the
early centuries of Christianity. The chief work extant under
this name is the ‘ Poémandres,’ probably written by some Neo-
Platonist in the third or fourth century (Smith, Dict. Biogr. ii.
414 b), or, as others think, by an author of the early part of the
second century. The dates and character of the extant works
are discussed by J. D. Chambers, F.S.A., in the Preface to an
English translation of the ‘ Potmandres’ in the ‘ Ante-Nicene
Library’ of T. and T. Clark, which also contains the allusions to
Hermes Trismegistos in the Christian Fathers,

ἃ 6 ἐτελεύτα. The reading τελευτᾷ in H seems to be better in
itself, but is not found in A or any other MS, Plat. Phaed.
57 A πῶς ἐτελεύτα is not quite parallel.

This early death of Persephone corresponds to her being carried
off by Pluto, in Greek mythology.

36 ἅ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 8 ἅρπην. According .to Hesiod, Theog. 175, it was from his

mother Gé that Kronos received the sickle ;
Γήθησεν δὲ μέγα φρεσὶ Tata πελώρη,

εἷσε δέ μιν κρύψασα λόχῳ' ἐνέθηκε δὲ χειρὶ

ἅρπην καρχαρόδοντα.
Cf. Apollod. i. 1. 4. In the bronze statue at Florence of Kronos,
so-called, the outstretched arm holding a sickle is a late addition,
and the statue probably represents Ulysses. See Preller, Gr.
Myth. 54 and Nachtrage, 865.

87 a5 Δημαροῦν. Demaris is mentioned below. (38 a δὴ) as
father of Melcathrus or Hercules. He is identified by Movers
(Phoeniz, i. 661) with Tamyras (son~by3). (Renan, p. 31 note.)

@ 6 Βύβλον. Cf. Armitage Robinson, The Apology of Aristides,
Texts and Studies, i. 45 ‘ When Osiris was killed by his brother
Typhon, Isis fled with her son Horus to Byblos in Syria,’ Note, p. 60
‘We know from Lucian (De Syr. Dea, 6) that the great sanctuary
at Byblos was a sanctuary of Aphrodite Βυβλίη. Strab. xvi. 2.
755 ἡ μὲν οὖν Βύβλος, τὸ τοῦ Κινύρον βασίλειον, ἱερά ἐστι τοῦ
᾿Αδώνιδοςς. Plutarch, De Js. et Osir. xv. 357 A, tells how Isis
found the chest containing the body of Osiris washed up at
Byblus, and sat down beside a spring dejected and weeping.
Byblus thus became the seat of worship both of Isis mourning
over Osiris, and of Aphrodite weeping over Adonis, that is of
Astarte over Tammuz. Osiris was in fact identified with Adonis,
as Movers shows from Stephanus of Byzantium ᾿Αμαθοῦς πόλις
Κύπρου ἀρχαιοτάτη, ἐν ἡ “Adwus Ὅσιρις ἐτιμᾶτο ὃν Αἰγύπτιον ὄντα
Κύπριοι καὶ Φοίνικες ἰδιοσποιοῦντος (A. Robinson.)

8 Ἄτλαντα. This story about the death of Atlas differs
entirely from the Greek legend.

b 4 Ἐλωείμ. These allies of El are identified by Renan with
the ‘ sons of Elohim,’ Gen. vi. 2.

b 6 Σάδιδον. ‘The name ‘% among the Arabs means a brave
strong man, and is akin to "%@ Shaddai’ (Or.].

6 4 ᾿Αστάρτην. Cic. de Nat. D. iii. 23. 59 distinguishes four
representations of Venus, the fourth described as ‘Syria Cyproque
concepta, quae Astarte vocatur, quam Adonidi nupsisse proditum
est.’ Cf. ἃ 3, 38¢7,d1.

Ῥέας. Cf, Aristid. Apolog. 36 and 41.
Ο 5 Διώνης. In Apollod. Biblioth, i. τ. 3 Dione is mentioned

BOOK I. CHAP. IO 37 -ς

with Rhea among the Titanides as daughters of Uranus and
Gé: but Dione, who appears in Hesiod, Theog, 353, a8 one
of the Oceanides, is omitted in his list of the Titanides,
Theog. 135-

C7 Εἱμαρμέγην. The three Fates are here represented as one,
and the three Horas, Eirene, Eunomia, and Diké, also as one.
Vid. Apollod. i. 3. 1; cf. Hesiod, Theog. gor,

ἃ 2 Βαιτύλια, λίθους ἐμψύχους. Cf, Hastings’ Dict, of the Bible,
‘Bethel.’ ‘The name Bethel ’ (Sept. Βαιθήλ) ‘ passed into Greek
and Latin as Βαιτύλιον and baetylus, the λίθοι λιπαροί, λίθοι ἔμψυχοι
(prob, aerolites), which were worshipped as divine.’ The worship
of stones was very general, both in Phoenicia and in Phoenician
colonies, ‘We find everywhere, in the inmost recesses of the
temples, at cross-roads, and in the open fields, blocks of stone
hewn inte pillars, isolated boulders or natural rocks, sometimes
of meteoric origin, which are recognized by certain mysterious
marks to be the. house of the god, the Betyli or Beth-els in
which he enclosed a part of his intelligence and vital force’
(Masp. ii. 160). Cf. Wiedemann, p. 153.

The chief ancient authority on the subject is Damascius the
Neo-Platonist (circ. A. ἢ. 500-527), who quotes Isidore as saying
(Dam. 94) that ‘at Heliopolis (Baal-bec) in Syria Asclepiades
ascended Mount Libanus, and saw many of the so-called Bae-
tulia or Baetuli, of which he tells countless marvels worthy of an
impious tongue.’ Again a certain Eusebius is quoted (Dam, 203)
as saying that ‘he saw a ball of fire rush suddenly down from
the sky, and standing by the ball a great lion, who immediately
vanished ; and he ran up to the ball when the fire went out and
found that it was the Baetylus, and took it up, and asked to
which of the gods it belonged, and the stone said ““ To Gennaeus,”’
Gennaeus being worshipped by the people of Heliopolis, who set
up an image of a lion in the temple of Zeus.’ He adds a descrip-
tion of the shape, colour, and size of the stones, which, however,
were not all alike, and were consecrated to different gods, Kronos,
Zeus, Helios, and the rest. ‘As to the Betyli and their history,
ef. the very exhaustive article by Fr. Lenormant, Lés Betyles, in
the Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, ii. 31-53, and Ph. Berger,
Note sur les pierres sacrées, extracted from the Journal Asiatique,
1877’ (Masp. ibid.). |

5 5 Β 49,

37d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 Tiravides. These were usually represented as the daughters,
not of Kronos and Astarte, but of Uranus and Gé, named by
Hesiod, Theog. 135

Θείαν re Ῥείαν τε, Θέμιν re Μνημοσύνην re,
Φοίβην τε χρυσοστέφανον Τηθύν τ᾽ ἐρατεινήν. [Or. |
ἃ 5 ἀφιερώθη, ‘ was deified ’ (cf. 38 Ὁ 3), not, as Orelli suggests,
‘consecrated’ as a priest, that he might not aspire to the kingdom
of Kronos, On the forms ἀφιερόω and καθιερόω see Lobeck, Phryn.
p. 192, and Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 279.

ἃ 6 ’Aordprys. On the identification of Astarte with Aphro-
dite see notes on 37 ὁ 4 and 38 c 5. ‘Cf. Lucian, Dialog. Deorum,
ἌΧ. 15. 266, where Aphrodite encourages Paris to carry off Helen;
‘Do not be afraid on that account ; for I have two fair boys, Desire
and Love, and I will lend you them to guide you on your way.’

G9 ᾿Ασκληπιόν. This legend that the mother of Aesculapius
was a Titanis may be connected with the worship of Aesculapius
at Titane- in Sicyon, where was a temple built by his grandson
Alexanor sen of Machaon : cf. Pausan. 136.

38 a1 Birdos. The Greek form in the Septuagint (Jer. xxvii.
[1] 2) of Bel or Baal, the supreme god of the Phoenicians and
Canaanites. Cf: Hdt. iL 181 Διὸς Βήλου ἱρὸν χαλκόπυλον.

8 2 Τυφών. See note on 37 a 6.

& 3 Βήλου δὲ παῖς. In the Greek legend Nereus is neither the
father of Pontus nor: the son of Belus, but the son of Pontus and
Gé (Apeallod. i. 2. 6). Cf Hesiod, Theog. 233

Νηρέα δ᾽ ἀψευδέα καὶ ἀληθέα γείνατο Πόντος.
Σιδών. The name means a fishing place (Masp. ii. 180).

@ 4 Ποσειδῶν. In calling Poseidon a son of Pontus, Sanchu-
hiathon: is opposed to all Greek authors, who make him a son of
Kronos and Rhea, and brother of Zeus.

8 5 Μέλκαθρος. Cf. Eus. Orat. de Constant, xiii. 5 ‘The
Phoenicians deified Melcathrus, Usorus, ani others, mere mortals.’
Herodotus (ii. 44) visited the temple of Hercules at Tyre, and was
told by the priests that it was of the same date as the city, 2300
years before his time. ‘ Cartha,’ the ‘ city,’ was first applied to
Tyre, from which Hercules obtained the title of Melcarthus, or
Melek-Kartha, ‘Lord of the City,’ corrupted into Melicertes or
Melicartus, who, Sanchuniathon says, ‘was Hercules,’ and who
in a Phoenician inscription at Malta is called Adonin Melcarth,

BOOK I. CHAP, IO 38 a

Baal Tzura, "τῆν bys nap pe, Sour Lord Melcarth, Baal of
Tyre’ (6. W., Rawlinson’s Hdt. ii. 32). Cf. Arrian, de Exped.
Alex. ii. 30 ‘ There is in Tyre a temple of Hercules most ancient
of all within the memory of man, not the Argive Hercules, son
of Alcmena; for Hercules has been worshipped in Fyre many
generations before Cadmus came from Phoenicia.” On the Phoe-
nician Hercules see Renan, p. 4, and 2 Macc, iv. 18-20,

b 1 λοχήσας. The story is told in Hesiod, Theog. 154-98,
where the words κρύψασα λόχῳ and ἐκ Aoxeoto confirm the reading
λοχήσας. Athenag. xx Κρόνος μὲν ws ἐξέτεμε τὰ αἰδοῖα τοῦ πατρός.

Ὁ 3 ἀπηρτίσθη. Lit. ‘his breath was ended.’ Cf. Lobeck,
Phryn. p. 448; Rutherford, New Phryn. p. 502, who quotes
Hippocr. de Morb. 4. 11. 608 A ἀπηρτισμένης τῆς δου.

C1 Hesiod, Opp. 109

Χρύσεον μὲν πρώτιστα γένος μερόπων ἀνθρώπων
ἀθάνατοι ποίησαν.

C5 % μεγίστη. ‘Astarte the greatest’ is the chief female
divinity of the Phoenicians, the great Syrian goddess, ‘ worshipped
first by the Assyrians as Venus Urania, and then at Paphos in
Cyprus and at Ascalon in Palestine by the Phoenicians’ (Pausan.
i. 14. 6). As the goddess of the Moon (Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 4.
453) she is identified with Artemis, ‘the great goddess Diana”
of the Ephesians, and her cult is said to be found in all Phoe-
nician colonies, in Sardinia, Malta, Spain, and Etruria. On this
universality of her worship see especially Rawlinson, Hdt. bk. iii,
Appendix, Essay i(G. W.). ‘The Aceadian language possesses no
genders, and Istar accordingly, though denoting a female deity, has
no feminine suffix in Assyrian. This was added by the Canaanites,
among whom Istar became Ashtor-eth. On the Moabite Stone,
however, Ashtar is used’ (Smith, Dict. Bib.). See also Gen. xiv.
δ: Judges ii. 13; Deut. i. 4; Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 23. 59;
Preller, Gk. Myth. p. 355.

ΓΑδωδος βασιλεὺς θεῶν. ‘Hadad was a Semite deity, who
presided over the atmosphere, and whom we find later on ruling
over the destines of Damascus’ (Masp. ii. 16). ‘Hadad and
Rimmon are represented in Assyrio-Chaldean by one and the
same ideogram, which may be read either Dadda-Hadad or
Rammanu’ (ibid. 156). ‘Kingship over the other gods was
attributed both to Rimmon and to Hadad’ (ibid. n. 2).

ΕΔ δζ

a8 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 7 κεφαλὴν ταύρου. Astarte, Milton’s ‘Queen of heaven, with
crescent horns,’ ‘was even said by Sanchuniathon to have had
8 cow’s head (like Athor, the Venus of Egypt), whence called Ash-
teroth-Karnaim or Astaroth-Kornim (sic), i.e. “of the horns,”’
Gen. xiv. 5 (G. W. ibid.). Other titles by which Maspero speaks
of Astarte are ‘the warrior goddess Ishtar’ (i. 538), ‘the lady
of life, the goddess with the beautiful voice’ (i. 569), ‘the
mistress of life’ (i. 570), ‘an armed goddess, who throws the
arrows of lightning made by her father Ana the heaven’ (i. 570,
note 4).

, ©8 deporery ἀστέρα. See the note on Βαιτύλια, 37 ἃ 2.

ἃ 4 μονογενῆ. The one son of Anobret; οἵ, 40 ἃ 1. By Rhea
Kronos had seven sons, 37 d 4. |

ὁλοκαρποῖ, Cf. Aristid. Apolog. p. 41 ‘Before everything else
the Greeks introduce as a god Kronos, which is interpreted
Chiun; and the worshippers of this deity sacrifice to him their
children; and some of them they burn alive.’ Cf. 2 Kings iii.
27; Ps. cvi. 2; Jer. vil. 31; Ezek. xvi. 20, 21. Compare εἰς
ὁλοκάρπωσιν in Gen. xxii. 2, 3, 7, 8, 13.

. ἃ} Mov6. Heb. MY, constr. Nid, ‘death.’ Ps. xlix. 14.
On Θάνατος as personified see Preller, Gk. Myth. p. 843.

‘ dg Βααλτίδι. ‘ Baaltis sive, ut apud Hesych. Βῆλθις, quasi uxor
Baalis’ (Or.]. Among the ancient Sumerian divinities identified
by the Semites with deities ‘ better known and represented under
8 less barbarous aspect Inlil is Bel, Ninursag is Beltis ’ (Masp.
i. 637). ‘The 12th of the month Elul was set apart at Babylon
for the worship of Bel and Beltis’ (ibid. 676). Cf. Rendel
Harris, Aristidis Apol. p. 61.

Διώνῃ. In Greek mythology the name Dione, though common
to several deities, was given most usually to one of the Titanides
who was the mother of Aphrodite. Cf. Apollod. Bibl. i. x. 3;
i. 2. 7. Sanchuniathon applies it to Aphrodite herself; cf. 37 ¢ δι

G10 Bypurov. Cf. 31 ἃ 6.

89 a1 Πόντον λείψανα. Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 554; Apollod. i.
8. 6. : Cumberland notices this as the earliest consecration of relics.

8 δ TavOos. Cf. 31 ἃ 10.

τῶν συνόντων. The reading τὸν οὐρανόν of cod. A has been
variously interpreted. Cf. Warburton, Div. Leg. iv. 4. 3 ‘We
are told in that exquisite fragment of Sanchuniathon, preserved

δι .

BOOK I. CHAP. 10 " "g9a

by Eusebius, that “ the God Taautus, having imitated Ouranus’s
art of picture-writing, drew the portraits of the gods Cronus,
Dagon, and the rest, and delineated the sacred characters which
formed the elements of this kind of writing.”’ Orelli thinks that
‘Taautus had made an imitation of the celestial sphere before he
painted the portraits of the gods.’ With the right reading (τῶν
συνόντων) the meaning seems to be that Thot made pictures to
represent his fellow gods, and so formed ‘the sacred characters
of the letters,’ in other words ‘the hieroglyphics.’ Thus the first
kind of hieroglyphics was the iconographic or imitative, repre-
senting the object itself. See the engraving in Maspero, i. 221,
of Thot recording the years of Rameses ΠῚ, and compare G, W.
in Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 307; Lenormant, Essai sur la propag.
de Valph. phénicien, i. 1-52; Brugsch, Rel. u. Myth. der Alten
Aegypten, p. 446. |

ἃ 6 μερῶν. ‘Post μερῶν tale quid excidisse videtur, δύο μὲν .. .ἢ
(Gaisf.).

ἃ 7 πτερὰ τέσσαρα ‘Hos quattuor Saturni alas Dupuis,
L’ Origine de tous les cultes, i. 529 note 1, comparat cum quattuor
Cherubinorum alis’ (Or. }.

6 2 ὄγδοος. This reading of BIO is to be preferred to thos
(AH): for at 36 a 5 the Cabiri are mentioned as sons of
Sydyk, and here they are said.to be seven in number, and
Asclepius, another son of Sydyk and a Titanis, makes an eighth.
Damascius says, Ὅτι ὁ ἐν Βηρυτῷ ᾿Ασκληπιὸς οὐκ ἔστιν Ἕλλην
οὐδὲ Αἰγύπτιος ἀλλά τις ἐπιχώριος Doing. Σαδύκῳ γὰρ ἐγένοντο
παῖδες ots Διοσκούρους ἑρμηνεύουσι καὶ Καβείρους. "Ογδοος δὲ
ἐγένετο ἐπὶ τούτοις 6 Ἔσμουνος, ὃν ᾿Ασκληπιὸν ἑρμηνεύουσιν. Dam.
Vit. Isidori, 302. Cf. G. W., Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 51.

C 3 @aBiwv. Cumberland and Wagner, reading @aBiwvos παῖς
with BO (cf. I), think this is Sanchuniathon himself; but as he
is said (31 a) to have learned his theology from Hierombalus the
priest of Ieuo, it is not likely that he himself, or his father, was
a Hierophant.

Ο 4 ἱεροφάντης. “τὰ ἱερὰ gdaivay, daher der Hierophant,’
Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 796.

ἃ 1 Eivipws. I have not found this name elsewhere.

τῶν τριῶν γραμμάτων. To the sixteen letters of the Phoe-
nician alphabet Cadmus is said to have added three, but which

30 4 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

these three were is uncertain. Orelli thinks they were the three
Greek letters Z @ 2.

ἃ 2 Xva. By the Greeks the name Xva, Ch’na, was used for
Phoenicia, i.e. the seaside plain north of the ‘Tyrian ladder,’
Smith, Dict. Bib. (2nd ed.) ‘Canaan.’ The root y23> means
‘to bow down,’ and the name Canaan means ‘a low-lying
plain.’

Φοίνικος. According to the Greek legend Phoenix was the
father (Hom. JI. xiv. 321) or brother (Apollod. Bibl. iii. 1. 12) of
Europa, and in search of her went to Phoenicia, where he settled
and gave his own name to the country.

ἃ 5 προκοσμήμασι. Cf. Diog. L. Prooem. 7 προκοσμήματά re
Kat xpvoopopias ἀπαγορεύειν.

d ἐποίκιλλον. Cf. Plat. Rep. ii. 378 Ο πολλοῦ δεῖ γιγαντο-
paxias τε μυθολογητέον αὐτοῖς καὶ ποικιλτέον.
᾿ 48 γιγαντομαχίας. Hesiod, Theog. 185, says that the Earth
(Gaea) received the drops of blood which fell from Uranus, and
gave birth to the Erinnyes and Gigantes, but says nothing of
a Gigantomachia. Homer, Od. vii. 59, describes the Giants as an
arrogant and savage race of men; but, as the Scholiast observes,
he knows nothing of the stories current in later authors, that
they were monsters with legs like serpents, such as they paint
them, nor that they inhabited Phliegra, nor that they fought with
the gods. Cf. Pausan. viii. 29; Ovid, Jrist. iv. 7. 17 ‘ Serpenti-
pedesque Gigantas’; Metam. i. 152 ‘ Affectasse ferunt regnum
caeleste Gigantas.’? They were commonly confused with the Titans
and Aloidae : Hom. Od. xi. 305 ff. The Titans were an elder race
than the Gigantes, but of the same parents. Hor. Carm. iii. 4. 42

‘Scimus ut impios
Titanas immanemque turmam
Fulmine sustulerit caduco.’

dg ἐξενίτησαν. Cf. Thuc. i, 21 τὰ πολλὰ ἀπίστως ἐπὶ τὸ
μυθῶδες ἐκνενικηκότα.

40 ἃ 3 δυσεξίτητον. ‘ Hesychius explicat δυσκόλως ἐξοδευόμενα ᾽
(Heikel). Diod. Sic. iii. 44 σκολιὸν καὶ δυσέξιτον ἔχει τὸ στόμα.

8 7 δοκιμασθείσης δὲ ὡς (ἀληθοῦς). Viger’s conjectural emenda-
tion for ἀληθῶς has been rightly adopted by Heinichen and Dindorf
as necessary to the sense.

Ὁ 5 ἐπιστημονικὴν ἐμπειρίαν. Cf. 2 ἃ 6, note.

BOOK I. CHAP, I0 40 b

Ὁ 6 Σξουρμουβηλός. “ Thoth, the civiliser of Phoenicia (31 d 11),
is succeeded by Sourmoubelus, and Thuro or Chousarthis.’ Thuro
is without doubt the Hebrew word Fi (Torah). On the other
hand, Surmubel et Chusarthis, feminine of Chusor, are words
peculiar to Phoenicia. ‘ Surmubel, which hitherto has received
no satisfactory explanation, is, I doubt not, δηυγοῦ, Obser-
vances or laws of Baal....The parallelism of the word Torah
seems to me to leave no doubt of the truth of this explanation ’
(Renan).

ΘΙ Ἔθος ἦν κτλ. Cf. 38:d 4. The present passage is quoted
again 156 d 3, where see notes.

© 5 Ἦλον.Ό The Phoenician name for Κρόνος is found in
various forms in the MSS. of Eusebius. 36 c 2”HAov (AH), ἥλιον
(D), Dov (cet.); 38 a FAos (A), Ἴλος (0); 40 © 6 7A (A), “HA
(H), Ἰσραήλ (ἢ Thus the best attested forms are *H)os
and “Ios, and either of these may have been meant to
represent the Semitic name be, as Valckender argues, De Aristo-
bulo, 15. Cf. 36 6 2, note.

Οὐ Κρόνον ἀστέρα. ‘The locus-classicus on this star is in the
Liber de Mensibus, Ὁ. 25, of Johannes Lydus, ed. Schow: Τὴν
ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν καὶ Χαλδαῖοι προσφωνοῦσι Φαίνοντι,
οὕτω κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς προσαγορευομένῳ ἀστέρι τῷ πάντων ἀνωτάτῳ,
ψύχοντι ἄκρως καὶ προσεχῶς ξηραίνοντι. Κρόνον δὲ αὐτὸν Ἕλλησιν
ἔθος καλεῖν [Θχ.].

6 ᾿Ανωβρέτ. Bochart tried to identify her with Sarah, and
her son with Isaac. Sanchuniathon’s story is possibly a corruption
of the history of Isaac. Renan derives it from sy, ‘a fountain,’
and thinks that the spring had in the Greek translation become
a nymph, ‘ Hebrew Fountain.’ Cf. 156 ἃ 9.

G1 μονογενῆ. Kronos had seven sons by Rhea, but only this
one by Anobret.

Ἰεδούδ. Heb. 3, “ beloved.’ Cf. Jedidiah, 2 Sam. xii. 25.

ἃ 5 ὁ δ᾽ αὐτός. Porphyry according to Orelli: but the trans-
lator of Sanchuniathon was Philo not Porphyry.

ἃ 9 δυσαλθῆ. Ps.-Plato, Axioch. 367 B Τὸ γῆρας, εἰς ὃ πᾶν ovp-
ρεῖ τὸ τῆς φύσεως ἐπίκηρον καὶ δυσαλθές.

41 a5 τῶν ἔκτοθεν. Theocr. Id. x. 9

τίς δὲ πόθος τῶν ἔκτοθεν ἐργάτᾳ ἀνδρί;
G. Dindorf, who reads ἔκτοσθεν here, had previously written on
58

41a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Soph. El. 803 “ ἔκτοσθεν apographa pleraque. “Exroofey ubique
inferunt librarii, ne metri quidem ratione habita, ut apud Aesch.
Sept. 629, Pers. 871.’ Cf. Lobeck, Phryn. p. 49.

bit τὸ γῆρας. Cf. 112 d 7 τὴν ἀσθένειαν τοῦ σώματος.

Ὁ 4 ἐν ἱεροῖς. On sacred serpents see Ηαΐ. ii. 74 ‘ These snakes,
when they die, are buried in the temple of Jupiter, the god
to whom they are sacred.’

Ὁ 5 ἐν μνστηρίοις συμπαρείληπται. Arnob. Ado. Gentes, v. 21
‘Lastly the sacred rites themselves, which are called Sebadia,
may be a witness to the truth: for in them a golden snake is
let down into the bosom of the initiated, and drawn out again —
from the lower parts.’ See 64 b 4, and note.

Ὁ 6 Ἐθωθιῶν. Ἐθϑωθων AH. Lobeck, Aglaoph. p. 1340, sus-
pects that ὀφέων is part of the true reading underlying this
strange and otherwise unknown title. Viger derives it from the
Hebrew Ninmy, ‘times,’ i.e. ‘Chronicles.’ Orelli thinks ἐθωθεῶν
may be a coutraction or corruption of ἘΠῶν θείων, the title of
a treatise on sacred rites. Renan (p. 43) makes ἐθωθία identical
with Nini, ‘letters,’ a word found in Chaldee and Syriac, the
treatise being the same that is mentioned above On the Phoenician
letters.

© 1 ἀγαθὸν δαίμονα. Lobeck, Phryn. p. 603 “᾿Αγαθοδαίμων apud
antiquos non occurrit, et. Latine magis quam Graece dicitur.’
‘The name (Agathodaemon) occurs in coins and inscriptions of
the Roman Empire, the god himself being there represented as
a serpent’ (Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. ‘ Aesculapius’). ‘The usual
symbol of Asclepius was the serpent, perhaps as an emblem of self-
renovation ’ (Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 525); cf. note on 41 Ὁ 1. The
symbol of the serpent led to the opinion that Aesculapius was
identical with the Egyptian serpent-god Cneph or Knuphi, and
this name is said to signify in the Coptic language ‘the good
spirit,’ like Agathodaemon (Jablonsky, Panth. Aegypt.i. 4; Dict.
Gk. and R. Biogr.‘ Cnuphis’). Cf. G. W., Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 289,
Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 541, Pausan. 673, Athen. 693 de poculo
᾿Αγαθοῦ δαίμονος dicto: “Epupos, Meliboea, ᾿Ἐκπίῃ Sex’ ἂν πρὶν
᾿Αγαθοῦ δαίμονος πρῶτον λαβεῖν.

6 3 ἱέρακος κεφαλήν. ‘It is the characteristic of all solar
deities that they are hawk-headed, many being supposed, accord-
ing to Egyptian belief, to become incarnate in hawks ; when any

ἐ6

BOOK I. CHAP. I0 41 c

god is so represented, his solar nature may be confidently assumed ’
(Wiedemann, p. 26). There is a figure of the hawk-headed
Horus in Masp.i. roo. Orelli quotes a line of Anticleides the
Athenian, who wrote Περὶ Noorov,

Ἠέλιος δὲ Norow ἄναξ, ἱέραξ πολύμορφε.

64 Ἐπήεις. Neither Epeis nor Areius is known except from
this passage.

© 6 “HpaxAcowoXirns. There are two cities in Egypt called
Heracleopolis, Magna and Parva. JHeracleopolis Magna lies
south-east of the Fayim towards the Nile.

ἃ τ᾿ ἐν τῇ πρωτογόνῳ χώρᾳ. ‘ Coelo scilicet ’ [Or.].

, 23 διηύγασε.ς The word is not included in the quotation, but
must have occurred in the context.

ἃ § Depexv’dys. Pherecydes, son of Babys, of Syros or Syra,
born B.C. 600 (Clinton, Fast. Hell.), flourished about Ol. 59,
B.C. 544, was a hearer of Pittacus, and teacher of Pythagoras
(Clem. Al. Strom. i. 351), was sometimes reckoned among the
Seven Sages, and is said by Theopompus to have been the first
who wrote for the Greeks on Nature and on the gods. His Theo-
logia, or Heptamychos, is described, in a letter which professes to
have been written by himself to Thales, as written in enigmas
(ἄπαντα γὰρ αἰνίττομαι). Diogenes Laertius (i. 11) gives some
marvellous tales about his prophetic powers, and several epi-
grams written upon him. Tatian (Orat. ad Gr. iii) ridicules the
philosophy of Pherecydes, saying, ‘I laugh also at the old wife’s
talk (γραολογίαν) of Pherecydes.’ Cf. Clem. Al. 767 ‘It seems to
me that those who profess to philesophize, do so that they may
learn what is the winged oak, and the variegated robe on it, to
all of which Pherecydes has given an allegorical and theological
sense, having taken them from the prophecy of Cham.’ This
refers to a previous passage, 741 ‘Again Homer had said in
the passage concerning the shield made by Hephaestus (JI. xviii.
483, 607)

ἐν μὲν γαῖαν crevg’, ἐν δ᾽ οὐρανόν, ἐν δὲ Oddacvay...

ἐν δ᾽ ἐτίθει ποταμοῖο μέγα σθένος Ωκεανοῖο.
Whereupon Pherecydes of Syros says Ζᾶς ποιεῖ φᾶρος μέγα τε καὶ
καλόν, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ ποικίλλει γὴν καὶ Ὧγῆνον καὶ τὰ ὮὯγήνον δώματα."
These passages have given rise to much ingenious speculation on
the philosophic doctrines supposed to be held by Pherecydes con-

41 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

cerning the cosmogony, a summary of which is giver by Zeller,
Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 93 ‘ When Zeus, in order that he might
fashion the world, had changed himself into Eros (who, according
to the ancient theory, must be the world-forming force), he made,
we are told, a great robe, on which he embroidered the earth and
Ogenos (Oceanos), and the chambers of Ogenos; he spread this
robe over an oak upborne by wings (ὑπόπτερος), that is, he clothed
the framework of earth floating in space with the varied surface
of land and ocean. Ophioneus, with his hosts, representing
probably the unregulated forces of nature, opposes this creation
of the world, but the divine army under Cronos hurls them into
the deep of the sea, and keeps possession of heaven . . . This is
the essential result to be gathered from scattered fragments and
traditions respecting the doctrine of Pherecydes. If we compare
it with the Hesiodic cosmogony, it undoubtedly evinces progress
of thought.’ A curious and interesting light has recently (1897)
been thrown upon these speculations concerning Pherecydes by
a fragment of the third century discovered in Egypt by Messrs.
Grenfell and Hunt, and published by them in New Classical Frag-
ments and other Greek and Latin Papyri, Oxford, 1897. It now
appears that the great cloak or veil (φᾶρος μέγα), which was sup-
posed to be the visible surface of the earth, meant nothing more
than an embroidered veil given by Zeus to Hera at the ἱερὸς γάμος.
‘ By extraordinary good fortune this small fragment included one
of the known quotations from Pherecydes, which was recognized
by Mr. Leaf, and the identity of the author thus established. It
adds something to our knowledge of early Greek prose, and (as
usual) subverts the theories which had been based on the extant
fragments,’ Cf. Egypt Exploration Fund, Archaeological Report,
1896-7, p. 59, and an interesting article by M. Henri Weil in
the Recue des Etudes Grecques, x. 37, Jan.—Mars, 1897.
ἃ 6 ‘Odiovos θεοῦ. Ophion was one of the Titans. Cf. Ap.

Rh. i. 503

"Hadey δ᾽ ὡς πρῶτον ᾿Οφίων Εῤρυνόμη re

Ὦκεανὶς νιφόεντος ἔχον κράτος Οὐλύμποιο"

Ὡς τε βίῃ καὶ χερσὶν ὁ μὲν Κρόνῳ εἴκαθε τιμῆς

Ἡ δὲ Ῥέῃ, ἔπεσον δ᾽ ἐν κύμασιν ὠκεανοῖο.
Origen (c. Cels. vi. 42) refers to Pherecydes as describing a
mythical battle between Cronos and Ophioneus, and adds (ibid.

BOOK I. CHAP. 10 414

43) that this Ophioneus is derived from the serpent (ὄφις) in
Gen. iii.
αὖθις λέξομεν. This promise seems to have been forgotten.

ἃ 9 ἱερακόμορφον. Sext. Emp. Hyp. iii. 219 κυνοπροσώπους καὶ
lepaxopoppous . . . νομιζόντων τοὺς θεούς.

42 &1 συνεκτικὸν τούτον. Sc. τοῦ κύκλου.

@ 2 Zoroaster, the founder of the Magian religion at an un-
certain but very early date, is said to be first mentioned by Plato,
Alcib. i. 122 A, where he is called the son of Oromazus (Ormuzd).
The Scholiast on the passage gives the following account of him :
‘Zoroaster is said to have been 6000 years older than Plato.
Some say that he was a Greek, others a son of those who
came from the continent beyond the great sea, and that he
learned all wisdom from the Agathodaemon, that is, from success-
ful thought. His name translated into the Greek language
means Star-worshipper {(᾿Αστροθύτης) He preferred a life of
retirement from the multitude, abstained from animal food, and
left behind him various writings, from which it is shown that in
his system there are three parts of philosophy, Physical, Econo-
mical, Political.’ Cf. Plut. De 18. et Osir. xlvi. 369 D; Arnob.
Ado. Gentes, i. 52; Mansel, Gnostic Heres. p. 25; Cudworth,
Intell. Syst. i. 485, with Mosheim’s notes. Cudworth (p. 488)
quotes our present passage to prove that Zoroaster believed in one
supreme God, but omits the important words ὁ δὲ Θεός ἐστι κεφαλὴν
ἱέρακος ἔχων. On the supposed connexion of Zoroaster with Pytha-
goras and Heracleitus see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 328, 528, and
ii, 115. Cf. 184 Ὁ 5, note.

bi Ὀστάνης. ‘ Haustanes is a name which appears under
many forms. It is probably identical with the Osthanes of Pliny,
the Ostanes of Tatian, the Hystanes of Herodotus, and even the
Histanes of Arrian’ (Rawlinson, Hdt. v. 26). Cf. Plin. Hist.
Nat. xxx. 2; Tatian, Or. ad Gr. xvii; Diog. L. Prooem. 2.
202 Ὁ; Cyprian, De Idol. Vanit. iv; Routh, Opuscula, 1. 172.
Arethae Schol. in Tatian, 1. c. Ὀστάναι of μάγοι παρὰ rots Πέρσαις
ἐκαλοῦντο.

b 5 τὰ διὰ τῶν ὄφεων. On the Egyptian worship of serpents
see Masp. i. 121; Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 74, 171; with the notes
of G. W.

Ὁ 10 ἧς. AH pro ἣν. The genitive after the simple verb

423 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

φεύγειν is extremely rare, but not without examples. Hom. Od.
i. 18 πεφυγμένος hey ἀέθλων ; Soph. Philoct. 1044 τῆς νόσου πεῴεν-
γέναι; Eur. Med. 1300 τῶνδε φεύξεσθαι δόμων ;. Pausan. iv. 22. 2
ὑπὸ δειλίας φυγεῖν τότε ἥδη ᾿Αριστοκράτην τῆς μάχης. Cf. Bern-
hardy, Gk. Synt. 53. των

ἀμεταστρεπτί. Plat. Lawes ix. 8564 C. Cf. 43 a, 162 ἀ.

C δ᾽ λογογράφων.Ό Miller, Literature of Greece, Ὁ. 265 ‘The
first Greek to whom it occurred that fiction was not necessary for
this purpose (to amuse and interest), and that a narrative of true
facts might be made intensely interesting was Herodotus the
Ilomer of history.’ His predecessors were called λογογράφοι,
‘ prose writers,’ of whom Thucydides (i. 21) says λογογράφοι ξυνέ-
θεσαν ἐπὶ τὸ προσαγωγότερον τῇ ἀκροάσει ἣ ἀληθέστερον.

C 6 τό τε πιστὸν τῶν λόγων. When Eusebius appeals to customs
atill existing in his time, his testimony must not be disregarded
in estimating the veracity of Philo’s account of the Phoenician
theology.

M. Renan in concluding his treatise expresses a hope (p. 92 2.)
that excavations at the spots where the Phoenician worship was
Jongest maintained, as at Byblos, may produce a stele or a
plaque like that on which the Periplus of Hanno was written at
Carthage.

BOOK If

43 d1 The first part of this Preface is a mere repetition of the
last paragraph of Book I, where see the notes.

44. Ὁ 2 τροπολογίας. Clem. Al. Eclog. Proph. 998 P μὴ xe

© 8 Μανεθῶς. Manetho (‘given by Thoth’) of Sebennytus
flourished in the reigns of the Ptolemies, Soter and Philadelphus.
His history is ‘shrouded in a mist of legend,’ and many spurious
works were ascribed to him. ‘The genuine works of Manetho
were (1) his Holy Book (Ἱερὰ Βίβλος), which discussed the religion
of Isis, Osiris, Apis, Sarapis, and other deities, and was probably
the basis of Plutarch’s well-known treatise, our most valuable
authority on the subject; (2) his Sketch of Natural History
(Φυσικῶν ᾿Επιτομή, or Φυσιολογικά), which seems to have explained

BOOK II. PROOEM., CHAP. I 44 ¢

the elementary origin of the Egyptian religion, as it stated,
among other things, the identity of Osiris and Isis with the Sun
and the Moon’; and several other books relating to Egypt
(Donaldson, History of Lit. of Ancient Greece, i. 327). Manetho
is mentioned again by Eusebius, 88 a, 155d, 415d, 500c. See
also Routh, Rell. S. ii. 246-63; Palestine Exploration Fund,
Quarterly Report, July, 1896, p. 256; and Sir G. Wilkinson’s
Ancient Egyptians (Birch, i. 12-27), passages referring to Ma-
netho’s lists of the Egyptian Dynasties. Manetho is charged with
inaccuracy in chronology and with slandering the Israelites as
lepers by Theophilus, ad Autol. iii. 21.

ἃ 1 On Diodorus see 18 d 8 and notes there.

1} 4882 πρώτους ἀνθρώπους. On the ancient belief in the
antiquity of the Egyptians, compare Hdt. ii. 2 ‘The Egyptians,
before the reign of their king Psammetichus, believed themselves
to be the most ancient of mankind’; ibid. ii. 15 ‘I think they
have always existed, ever since the human race began.” Masp.
i. 45 ‘The bulk of the Egyptian population presents the
characteristics of those white races which have been found from
all antiquity on the Mediterranean slope of the Libyan continent ;
this population is of African origin, and came to Egypt from the
West or South-West.’

Ὁ 3 τοὺς δὲ θεούς. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient
Egyptians, p. 4, asserts ‘the impossibility of deciding as to
which was the oldest form of the Egyptian religion, and of
demonstrating whether this was monotheistic—as on general
grounds it has often been assumed—or whether, as others assert,
it was based upon pantheism, polytheism, ancestor worship,
worship of animal and vegetable life and their reproductive
powers, belief in the divine power of the sun, or other religious
ideas. All these forms of belief are to be found more or less
clearly represented in Egyptian religion, but it cannot be proved
historically which are the earlier and which the later.’ Hero-
dotus was assured by the Egyptian priests that for more than
11,000 years ‘no god had ever appeared in a human form’
(ii. 142), but that in still earlier times ‘Egypt had gods for its
rulers, who dwelt upon the earth with men, one being always
supreme above the rest. The last of these was Horus, the son of
Osiris, called by the Greeks Apollo’ (ii. 144). Cf. Hdt. ii. 43,

45 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Rawlinson, note 1, Compare Plut. De Is. et Osir. 360 A, who
vehemently attacks Euemerus for reducing the deities to mortal
men. Cf. (Οἷς. De Nat. Deor, iii. 19; Cudworth, Int. Syst., i.
535 ff., with Mosheim’s notes. The statement in Gardiner Wil-
kinson (Birch, i. 11), and Birch’s note, that ‘ no Egyptian deity was
ever supposed to have lived on earth,’ is incorrect. He regards
‘the story of Osiris’s rule in the world as purely allegorical, and
intimately connected with the most profound and curious mystery
of their religion.’ Cf. Plut. De Is. et Osir. 382 E; G. W. (Birch,
ji, 65).

Ὁ 6 ὁμωνύμους. Hat. ii, 50 ‘ Almost all the names of the gods
came into Greece from Egypt.’

Ὁ) Ἥλιον. The Egyptian deities most nearly corresponding to
the Greek were the following : Helios = Re, or Phrah; Kronos =
Seb ; Rhea = Netpe; Zeus = Amun, Cneph; Hera = Saté; He-~
phaestus = Pthah; Vesta = Anouké; Hermes=Thoth. See
Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 288 fi But there is great confusion in the
supposed identifications. ‘ Manetho gives them in this order:
1. Vulcan = Ptah; 2. Helios = Re, theSun; 3. Agathodaemon =
Hor—Hat, or possibly Noum; 4. Kronos = Seb; 5. Osiris; 6. Ty-
phon, properly Seth; and 7. Horus. In the (Turin) papyrus
there remain only Seb, Osiris, Seth, Horus, Thoth, Thmei (or Mei,
“‘Truth”), and apparently Horus (the Younger), who was “ the
last god who reigned in Egypt”’ (G. W., Rawlinson, Hat.
ii. 4).

c Ὄσιριν. Hdt. ii. 42 ‘The Egyptians do not all worship
the same gods, excepting Isis and Osiris, the latter of whom,
they say, is the Grecian Bacchus’; ibid. 171, note 3 ‘ the suffer-
ings and death of Osiris were the great mystery of the Egyptian
religion; and some: traces of it are perceptible among other
people of antiquity’ (G. W.).

ἃ 2 Τνφῶνα. ‘As Osiris signified “ good,” Typhon (or rather
Seth) was “evil”; and the remarkable notion of good and evil
being brothers is abundantly illustrated in the early sculptures ἢ
(6. W. ibid.).

ἃ 3 Ἶσιν τὴν Δήμητραν. Hat. ii. 59 ‘Next in importance is
the assembly which is held at Busiris, a city situated in the very
middle of the Delta; it is in honour of Isis, who is called in the
Greek tongue Demefer.’ Isis, like Demeter, represented the earth,

BOOK It. CHAP, I 45d

the fruitful mother of all things. On the form Δήμητραν see
Cobet, Var. Lect. xvi ‘ Anparpa dicebant Graeculi pro Δημήτηρ,
unde tam saepe foeda barbaries τῆς Δημήτρας τὴν Δημήτραν (Δή-
pyrpav) insinuat sese in Antiquorum libros.’

ἃ 6 ἑκατόμπνλον, Hom. Il, ix. 381

Θήβας

Αἰγυπτίας, ὅθι πλεῖστα δόμοις ἐν κτήματα κεῖται,

αἵ θ΄ ἑκατόμπυλοί εἷσι, διηκόσιοι δ᾽ ἀν᾽ ἑκάστας

ἀνέρες ἐξοιχνεῦσι σὺν ἵπποισιν καὶ ὄχεσφιν.
‘The name of Thebes is almost always written in the plural by
the Greeks and Romans—@y8a, Thebae—but Pliny writes, “‘Thebe
portarum centum nobilis fama.” The Egyptian name of Thebes
was Ap, or Ape, the ‘“‘ head ” or “ capital.” This, with the feminine
article, became Tapé, and in the Memphitic dialect Thapé, pro-
nounced, as by the Copts, Thaba, whence Θῆβαι in Ionic Greek ’
(G. W. Hdt. ii. 3).

ἃ 10 ψιλῷ χρήσασθαι. Aristot. Polit. i. 9. 2 εἶτα περὶ γεωργίας,
καὶ ταύτης ἤδη ψιλῆς τε καὶ πεφυτευμένης. The reading οἴνῳ is well
suited to its context in Diodorus, but is not supported by MSS.
in Eusebius. The use of ψιλός without a substantive is uncommon,

46 ἃ 2 κεχορηγημένον. Both the word and the whole form of the
sentence seem to be borrowed from Polybius (a favourite author
of Eusebius) ; ; ef. Hist. iv. 77. 9 πολλαῖς ἀφορμαῖς ἐκφύσεως
κεχορηγημένος πρὸς πραγμάτων κατάκτησιν.

Β 6 ἑρμηνείαν, ‘interpretation.’ Hermes was the messenger
and interpreter between gods and men, Plut. De Is. et Osir.
xliv ‘ Anubis appears to have the same office with the Egyptians
that Hermes has with the Greeks, being both infernal and celestial,
Some however think that Anubis signifies Zime, wherefore as he
brings forth all things out of himself, and conceives all things
within himself, he gets the title of Dog.’ Cf. Masp. i. 113
‘ Anubis the jackal, lord of sepulture’; i. 134, the child of Osiris
and Nephthys; i. 178, who invented the art of mummifying, and
so secured the everlasting existence of the flesh; i. 250, who dwelt
in the ‘ Divine Palace’ of Osiris, and acted as usher of the dead,
Representations of Osiris, Isis, Nephthys, and Anubis will be
found in Masp. i. 131-5.

b 1 Βούσιριν. Busiris is not properly the name of a god, but
of a city (Abousir) near Memphis, and of another in lower Egypt

46b § THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(Busyr or Abousir), which was regarded as the birth-place of Osiris.
See Dict. Gk..and R. Geogr.; Plut. De Is. et Osir. 359 C.

. Ὁ ἢ Πανὸς πόλιν. Panopolis was the Greek name for Chemmis,
Pan being identified with Chem, whose symbol was the goat.
Hdt. ii. 46 ‘Pan is represented in Egypt by the painters and
sculptors, just as he is in Greece, with the face and legs of a goat.’
Masp. i. 73 ‘Api was the Panopolis or Chemmis of the Greeks,
the town of the god Min, or ithyphallic Khima.’ ‘The Greeks
considered Pan to be both Mendes and Khem ; they called Chemmis
in Upper Egypt Panopolis, and gave the capital of the Mendesian
nome to Pan, who was said by Herodotus (ii. 46) to have been
figured with the head and legs of a goat. Unfortunately no
monuments remain at Ashmoun to give the name and form of the
god of Mendes: but it is certain that he was not Khem, the “ Pan
of Thebes ” (Πὰν Θηβῶν), who had the attributes of Priapus, and
was one of the great gods’ (G. W., Hat. ii. 42 note).

Ταφόσιριν, ‘Tomb of Osiris,’ Strab. 799. Plut. De Is. et
Osir. 359 C ‘ Eudoxus states that though there are many so-called
Tombs (of Osiris) in Egypt, yet the true monument was erected
at Busiris, for that was the birth-place of Osiris; for the name
*‘Taphosiris”? requires no explanation, since the name itself
means “Tomb of Osiris.”’ Cf. 358 A ‘There are many places
called “Tombs of Osiris,” because Isis, whenever she came upon
a fragment of the body, there celebrated a funeral. Some deny
this, but say that she made images and gave them to the several
cities.’ Wiedemann, p. 215 ‘The burial of Osiris is the subject of
long texts, and the lament which Isis and her sister Nephthys are
supposed to have chanted at his coffin, and which represents him
sometimes as a Sun-god pure and simple, is preserved in several
examples, varying in detail only. The annual festivals in com-
memoration of his death, which were held in the month Khoiak,
and which set forth his burial and resurrection, are described
minutely in a long text in the temple of Denderah, and at the
same time there is given an enumeration of the different places
containing the “‘ graves of Osiris.” Other texts amplify this list,
and state also what portion of the god’s body was preserved as
a sacred relic in each of the sanctuaries named.

The story of Osiris is told at some length by Aristid. A polog. xii;
Athenag. Apolog. xxii; Hippol. v. 7; Clem. Al. 43 P.
64

- BOOK IL CHAP. τ 46 d

| Ar Τριπτολέμῳ. Triptolemus, usually called by the Greeks the son
of Celeus, was the favourite of Demeter, and inventor of the plough,
‘Uncique puer monstrator aratri’
(Verg. Georg. i. 19), and the hero of the Eleusinian Mysteries.
But Tibullus (Eleg. i. 7. 29) transfers the attributes of Triptolemus
to Osiris:
‘Primus aratra manu sollerti fecit Osiris,
Et teneram ferro sollicitavit humum ;
Primus inexpertae commisit semina terrae,
Pomaque non notis legit ab arboribus.’

47 @ 7 Τοὺς δὲ ταύρους. On Apis and Mnevis, see more in 49 a7;
5° Ὁ 4; δὲ b,c; 117 ἃ; 433 Ὁ. Plut. De 14. et Osir. 353 A
‘They are said also to give the Apis drink out of a well of his
own, but to keep him away from the Nile,’ because the water of
the Nile was too fattening. 359 B‘ Apis is the “‘ Image of the
Soul” of Osiris.’

C8 τὰ περὶ τοὺς ὀργιασμούς. Hat. ii. 49 ‘I therefore maintain
that Melampus, who was a wise man, and had acquired the art
of divination, having become acquainted with the worship of
Bacchus through knowledge acquired ftom Egypt, introduced it
into Greece, with a few slight changes.’

ἃ 2 Θήβαις ταῖς Βοιωτικαῖς Hdt. ibid. ‘My belief is that
Melampus got his knowledge of them from Cadmus the Tyrian, |
and the followers whom he brought from Phoenicia into the
country which is now called Boeotia.’ See Rawlinson’s note.

a 5 τῶν Διονυσιακῶν. Hat. ii. 81 ‘ In these customs they resemble
the rites called Orphic and Bacchic, but which are in reality
Egyptian and Pythagorean.’ Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 244.

48 a5 ds Δί. Hom. Hymn. ad Dionys. 56

Eipt δ᾽ ἐγὼ Διόνυσος épiBpopos, ὃν τέκε μήτηρ

Καδμηὶς ξεμέλη Διὸς ἐν φιλότητι μιγεῖσα.
. Ὁ 3 γενέσθαι. ἐγγενέσθαι A, Heikel. I have not ventured to
reject γενέσθαι, which is the reading in Diodorus (except in one
MS. C, mentioned by Heikel), and is found in all MSS. of Eusebius
(except A) including H the copy of A. The preceding syllable
-ov might lead to the change in A.

Ὁ § Ἡρακλέα. Hat. ii. 43 ‘Of the other Hercules, with whom
the Greeks are familiar, I could hear nothing in any part of Egypt.
That the Greeks however (those 1 mean who gave the son of

5: ¥F Gs,

48 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Amphitryon that name) took the name from the Egyptians, and
not the Egyptians from the Greeks, is, I think, clearly proved,
among other arguments, by the fact that both the parents of
Hercules, Amphitryon as well as Alcmena, were of Egyptian
origin.’ Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 3 τό ye τοῦ Ἡρακλέος τὸ ἐν
Τύρῳ, οὐ τούτον τοῦ Ἡρακλέος τὸν Ἕλληνες ἀείδουσιν, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐγὼ
λέγω, πολλὸν ἀρχαιότερος, καὶ Τύριος ἥρως ἐστίν.

6.2 Ἰῶ. On Isis as identified with Io, daughter of Iuachus,
ef. Lucian. Dial. Deor. iii (208); Ovid, Metam. ix. 686

‘Medio noctis spatio sub imagine somni
Inachis ante torum, pompa comitata suorum,
Aut stetit aut visa est. Inerant lunaria fronti
Cornua cum spicis nitido flaventibus auro
Et regale decus; cum qua latrator Anubis,
Sanctaque Bubastis, variusque coloribus Apis,
Quique premit vocem digitoque silentia suadet ;
Sistraque erant, numquamque satis quaesitus Osiris.’

C4 Δήμητραν. Hat. ii. §9 Ἶσις δέ ἐστι κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων
γλῶσσαν Δημήτηρ.

Θεσμοφόρον. Hat. ii. 171 says that the Greeks received the
Thesmophoria from Egypt.

C5 *Amw. Σάραπιν EO Diod. ‘In the Greek times there were
forty-two of these Osirian temples, and the Greeks called them
Serapeums, borrowing the name from the Serapeum at Memphis,
without regard to the distinction between the tomb of a dead
bull which had become an Osiris and the sepulchre of the god-
man Osiris himself.’ Wiedemann, 217.

G1 τὸ τῆς ἀθανασίας φάρμακον. The invention of The medi-
cine of immortality is here ascribed to Isis by Diodorus more
than a century before this phrase was applied to the Eucharistic
Bread by Ignatius, ad Ephes. xx ἕνα ἄρτον κλῶντες, 6 ἐστιν φάρμακον
ἀθανασίας, ἀντίδοτος τοῦ μὴ ἀποθανεῖν ἀλλὰ ζῆν ἐν ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστῷ
διὰ παντός.

ἃ 5 Ὧρον. On the various forms and relations of Horus see
Masp. i. 86, 88, 100-36 ; Wiedemann, 27 ff.

ἃ 1: γαμεῖν ddeddds. ‘Diodorus supposes that the custom—
the marriage of brother and sister—was owing to and sanctioned
by that of Isis and Osiris; but this was purely an allegorical
fable, and these ideal personages never lived on earth’ (G, W.,

BOOK II, CHAP. I 48 ἃ

Birch, i. 319). Ibid. ‘The same occurs in the Greek mythology.
Jupiter and Juno were brother and sister (Verg. Aen. i. 473
Hor. Od. iii. 3. 64; Hom. Jl. xvi. 432).

49 a1 ἀδελφῷ. Cf. 116 Ὁ; Plut. De Js. et Osir. 373 B.

Β 3 ἀφιερωμένων ζώων. Strab. 812. The Egyptian worship of
animals is mentioned by most of the early Christian Apologists :
see Aristid. Apolog. 12; Just. M. Apolog. i. 24; Tatian, Or. ad
Graecos, ix, and the classical authors quoted on Juven. Sat. xv.
1-9 by Professor Mayor. Cf. G. W. (Birch, ii. 468).

Lotze, Microcosmus, ii. 464 ‘One of the errors that seem to
us most strange is the paying of divine honours to animals, and
yet there is an intelligible cause for it in dawning religious
feeling. ... When man has once begun to contrast himself and
his fellows and all his human interests with the world and that
strange power residing in it which constitute the first object of
his confused reverence, he can find nothing in which this power
appears more expressively than in the activity of the animal
kingdom, which in all its manifestations impresses us the more
on account of its voicelessness and our inability to understand
the extraordinary instincts which it displays.’

8 § Diod. Sic, i. 68, much abridged by Eusebius. Cf. G. W.
(Birch, iii. 250).

a 7 According to Manetho (Masp. i. 238) the bulls, Apis in
Memphis and Mnevis in Heliopolis, and the Mendesian goat were
appointed to be gods in the reign of the second king of the second
Dynasty, Kaiekhés (Masp. i. 786). On the Mendesian goat see
Hat. ii. 46. Plut. De Je. et Osir. 72 ‘The notion that the gods
changed themselves into these animals out of fear of Typhon, as
it were hiding themselves in the bodies of ibises, dogs, and hawks,
exceeds in absurdity every kind of jugglery and fabulous tale.’
Cf Masp. ibid. 175. Ovid, Metam. v. 321 :

‘Emissumque ima de sede Typhoéa terrae
Caelitibus fecisse metum, cunctosque dedisse
Terga fugae, donec fessos Aegyptia tellus
Ceperit et septem discretus in ostia Nilus.
Huc quoque terrigenam venisse Typhoéa narrat,
Et se mentitis superos celasse figuris :
Duxque gregis, dixit, fit Iuppiter; unde recurvis
Nunc quoque formatus Libys eat cum cornibus Ammon:
F3 63

αι...

498 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Delius in corvo, proles Semeleia capro,
Fele soror Phoebi, nivea Saturnia vacoca,
Pisce Venus latuit, Cyllenius ibidis alis.’
Cf. Milton, Par. L. i. 476.
Ὁ 4 γνώρισμα τῆς ἀρχῆς. Cf. Aristoph. Av. 514
ὁ Ζεὺς yap ὁ vw βασιλεύων
αἰετὸν ὄρνιν ἕστηκεν ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς βασιλεὺς ov,
ἡ δ᾽ αὖ θυγάτηρ γλαῦχ᾽, ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων ὥσπερ θεράπων ἱέρακα.
6 4 Ανουβιν. Cf. Verg. Aen. vili. 698
‘Omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis.’
The line was imitated by Propertius, El. iv (iii). 10 (11). qt
‘Ausa lIovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim.’
Cf. Ovid, Metam. ix. 690 ‘ latrator Anubis’; Juven. Sat. xv. 8
‘oppida tota Canem venerantur.’

ἃ 2 ἰχνεύμονα. Hat. ii. 67. The ichneumon (viverra) a

kind of weasel still common in Egypt, ‘is now called “ Pharach’s
cat,” probably from the reverence it formerly received in Egypt.
This was from its hostility to cats; and above all for its anti-
pathy to serpents, which it certainly has a remarkable facility
for destroying’ (G. W.). See also G. W. (Birch, iii. 279).
Cf. Aristot. Hist. Animal. ix. 6. 5 ‘The ichneumon in Egypt,
when it sees the serpent which is called the asp, before attack-
ing it calls others to its assistance; and to guard against
wounds and bites, they plaster themselves over with mud; for
they first wet themselves in the water, and so roll on the
ground.’
_ ἃ 3 κροκοδείλων gd. ‘Aclian and other ancient writers have
overloaded the truth with so many idle tales, that the feats of
the ichneumon appear altogether fabulous: the destruction of
the crocodile’s eggs having been converted into a direct attack
upon the crocodile itself, and a cuirass of mud against a
snake having been thought necessary to account for what is
really done by its extreme quickness’ (G. W. note on Hat.
ii. 67).

a6 ἴβιν. Hdt. ii. 76 ‘The ibis is a bird of a deep black
colour, with legs like a crane; its beak is strongly hooked, and
its size is about that of the landrail. This is a description of
the black ibis, which contends with the serpents.’ Aristotle
(Ilist. Amimal. ix. 27) says that only the black ibis is found in

“A .--

BOOK Π. CHAP. I 49 d

Pelusium, and only the white in the rest of Egypt. Juven. Sat.
XV. 2 .
‘Crocodilon adorat;
Pars haec, illa pavet saturam serpentibus ibin.’

ἃ ἀκρίδας. Locusts are not mentioned by this name in
Herodotus. See the note by G. W. on ii. 75. The drré\aBos (Hat.
iv. 172) was a kind of locust described by Aristot. Hist. An. v. 29.

ἃ 8 κεράστας. The bite of the horned snake (vipera cerastes) is
deadly (6. W. on Hat. ii. 74 ‘they are of small size, and have
two horns growing out of the top of the head ’).

ἃ 9 συμβάλλεσθαι ταῖς μαντείαις. The hawk was sacred te
Apollo, the chief god of divination. Aristoph. 40. 516.

ἃ 10 τράγον. Hat. ii. 46 καλέεται δὲ ὅ τε τράγος καὶ ὃ Πὰν
Αἰγνπτιστὶ Μένδης. Cf. ii. 42.

50 Ὁ 4 "Amy. See above 4] ἃ ἢ and ΒῚ cr.

Ὁ 6 Τοὺς δὲ λύκους. ‘Herodotus is quite correct in saying (ii. 67)
that wolves in Egypt were scarcely larger than foxes. ... The
wolf is an animal of Upper and Lower Egypt. Its Egyptian
name is Oudnshi’ (6. W.).

C I τῆς Ἴσιδος. The legend of Isis, Osiris, Horus, and Typhon
is discussed at large by Plut. De Je. et Osir. 371 A-374 B.

C5 Λυκόπολιν. δίχα)». 813 Λύκων πόλις : 812 λύκον τε τιμῶσι
ΔΛυκοπολῖται. Plut. De Is, et Osir. 380 Β ‘ Even at the present day
the people of Lycopolis are the only Egyptians that eat the sheep,
because the wolf, whom they worship, does the same.’ Lycopolis
was in the Thebaid on the western bank of the Nile; mummies
of wolves are found there in chambers excavated in the rocks.
There is another Lycopolis in the Delta. Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr.

ce 6 On the crocodile, see Hdt. ii. 68-70.

ἃ 1 βασιλέων. Diodorus adds the name τὸν προσαγορευόμενον
Μηνᾶν. On Menes, or Menas, see Hat. if. 4, 99.

ἃ 2 τὴν λίμνην. Diod. τὴν Μοίριδος καλουμένην λίμνην.

ἃ 6 ἐπινοῆσαι. Scholium in marg. A. “τοὺς βασιλέας δηλονότι."

Slat ἐν ἱεραῖς θήκαις. Cf. Hdt. ii. 67 ‘The dogs they bury
in the cities to which they belong in sacred burial-places (θήκαις).᾽

a5 ξυρῶνται. Hat. ii. 66 ‘If a cat dies in a private house
by a natural death, all the inmates of the house shave their eye-
brows; on the death of a dog they shave the head and the whole
body.’

δΙ1ῦ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

. Ὁ 3 Μένδητι. Cf. Hdt. ii. 42. The city Mendes is now called
Ashmoun, on the canal leading to Ménzaleh. G.W.

Μύριδος. The MSS. of Eusebius agree in substituting this
form for the right name Moipdcs. Hdt. ii. 148, speaks of
‘Lake Moeris (τῆς Μοίριος) in the neighbourhood of the place
called the city of Crocodiles.’ It appears that there was both
a natural lake (Birket el Korn) and also an artificial lake,
described by Hdt. ii. 149, the site of which, discovered by
M. Linant, is now part of the cultivated plain of the Fayoum.
See G. W. note on the passage. On Lake Moeris see Grenfell and
Hunt, Fayoum Towns, pp. 1 ff. Strab. 811 ᾿Αρσινόη" κροκοδείλων
δὲ πόλις ἐκαλεῖτο πρότερον. Strabo saw the crocodiles fed by the
priests, some of them holding the mouth open, and others putting
in cake, and roast meat, and a.kind of mead or metheglin

c17’Ams. Hdt. iii. 28 ‘Now this Apis or Epaphus is the
calf of a cow which is never afterwards able to bear young.
The Egyptians say that fire comes down from heaven upon the
cow, which thereupon conceives Apis. The calf which is so
called, has the following marks :—He is black with a square spot
of white upon his forehead, and on his back the figure of an
eagle; the hairs in his tail are double, and there is a beetle
upon his tongue.’ Compare the description of Apis quoted from
Porphyry below, 117 d, and Strab. 807.

ταφῇ. ‘The burial-place of the Apis has been discovered by
M. Mariette close to the pyramids of Aboaseer near Memphis. It
is an arched gallery 2,000 feet in length, and about 20 feet
in height and breadth, on each side of which is a series of
chambers or recesses, every one containing an immense granite or
basalt sarcophagus, 15 feet by 8, in which the body of the sacred
bull was deposited ’ (G. W. note on Hat. ii. 29). Cf. Hat. ii. 38,
153; Plut. De 14. et Osir. 362 C; Strab. 807.

6 Ὄσφιδος ψυχήν. Plut. De Is. et Osir. 359 B ‘In Memphis is
kept the Apis, the image of the soul of Osiris, where also his body
is said to lie.’ Strab. 807; G. W. (Birch, iii. 86); Wiedemann,
240-3.

52a1 The clause ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ λεκτέον καὶ τὰ Ἑλλήνων is not
found in the oldest MSS. AH, and seems to be superfluous after
the similar statement in 51 ἃ 1o.

BOOK II. CHAPS, I, 2 52 Ὁ

Ὁ 3 ras βιβλιοθήκας. ‘ Bibliotheca’ is the title of the work of
Diodorus.

Ὁ 8 χρονογραφιῶν. Eusebius himself was the author of the
well-known Chronica founded on the earlier work of Africanus.

Ὁ 9 xara καιρόν. The age of Moses is discussed in Book x, 483 Ὁ.

C I πρότερον. Scilicet ὄντα. Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 682. 3.

2] 52d 1-54 d 4 corresponds to Diod. Sic. iv. 2-7, but the
quotation is not free from alterations both of constructions and
words; cf. Heikel, p. 57.

ἃ : Κάδμον. Rendel Harris (Aristid. Apolog. ii. note) ‘The
Armenian has “ Kadmus the Sidonian and Dionysus the Theban.”
Cf. Hdt. ii. 49 παρὰ Κάδμου re τοῦ Tupiov καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ
Φοινίκης." Eur. Bacch. 111; Ovid, Metam. iv. 571.

. 68 at τελευτῆσαι. According to Pindar, Ol. ii. 25, Semele
after death was carried up to Olympus and lived among the gods,
ζώει μὲν ἐν ‘Odvprins ἀποθανοῖσα βρόμῳ
κεραυνοῦ ταννυέθειρα Σεμέλα, φιλεῖ δέ μιν Παλλὰς αἰεὶ
καὶ Ζεὺς πατὴρ μάλα, φιλεῖ δὲ παῖς ὁ κισσοφόρος.
Cf. Ovid, Metam. iii. 260 ff.

8.3 Νύσῃ. From Nysa in Boeotia, where Dionysus was said
to have been born, the name was transmitted to several places
where the vine was specially cultivated. One Nysa is mentioned
as lying between Phoenicia and the Nile in Hom. fragm. Hymn.
ad Dionys. 1. 8

ἔστι δέ τις Νύσῃ, ὕπατον ὄρος, ἀνθέον ὕλῃ,
τηλοῦ Φοινίκης, σχεδὸν Αἰγύπτοιο ῥοάων.

a ζῶθον. Diodorus mentions in an earlier passage (i. 20)
that ‘the Egyptians prepare a drink from barley not much in-
ferior to the fragrance of wine, and call it zythus.’ Athenaeus,
Deipnosoph. x. 418 ‘ Hecataeus says that the Egyptians...
grind down barley to make a drink’; ibid. 447 ‘ But, as Aristotle
says in his treatise on drunkenness, those who have drunk barley
wine which they call πῖνον fall on their backs’; ibid. ‘ Barley
wine is also called by some βρῦτον. A drink made from barley
is also mentioned by Hdt. ii. 77, by Xen. Anab. iv. 5. 26, and
by Tacit. Germ. 23.

Ὁ 3 τριετηρικάς. Cf. Eur. Bacch. 134 tprernpiduv als χαίρει
Διόνυσος. At Athens in later times there were four Dionysiac fes-
tivals in each year. Philolog. Mus. ii. 272 On the Attic Dionysia.

δϊ

δ8 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

bg Σαβάζιον. Sabazius, or Sabos, was a deity worshipped ‘in
Phrygia (Strab. x. 470) and Thrace (Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 9), where
he was identified with Dionysus. In the Orphic Hymn, xlviii. 1

Κλῦθι, πάτερ, Kpovou vii Σαβάζιε,

he is identified with Zeus. Demosthenes (De Corona, 313) repre-
sents Aeschines as marching at the head of a rout of Bacchanals
and shouting Εὐοῖ Σαβοῖ. Plutarch (Mor. 671 F) says that many
still call Bacchus ‘Sabbos,’ and also tries to connect the name
with Sabbath, and so with the God of the Jews. Cicero (De
Legibus, ii. 16), referring to a lost play of Aristophanes, writes
‘ Novos vero deos, et in his colendis nocturnas pervigilationes sic
Aristophanes, facetissimus poeta veteris Comoediae, vexat, ut
apud eum Sabazius et quidam alii Dei peregrini iudicati e civi-
tate eliciantur.’ Lucian (§33, 783) classes together Pan, Attis,
Corybas, and Sabazius as foreign deities of doubtful character.
Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 23, makes Sabazius a son of Cabirus, and
king of Asia. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 9, Aves 875, Lysistr. 388.

ἃ 2 ψυχαγωγεῖν. (1) to bring back souls from Hades, as Orpheus
did, or to conduct to Hades, as Hermes; (2) to charm the soul.
Xen. Memor. iii. 10. 6 ψυχαγωγεῖ διὰ τῆς ὄψεως τοὺς ἀνθρώπους.

ἃ 2 πρὸς ἀρετήν. Silenus was commonly represented as 8
drunken Satyr, ‘Inflatum hesterno venas, ut semper, Iaccho’
(Verg. Ecl. vi. 16). But he also appears as the philosopher who
sings of the creation of the world (ibid. 31), or moralizes to
Midas on the theme that it is best for man never to have been
born, and next best to die as soon as possible. Cf. Eur. Cresph.
Fr. xiii., Cic. Tusc. Diep. i. 48. See Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 729, on
the Sileni.

ἃ αὶ Διμήτορας. The two mothers were Semele and Persephone
(63c1). Cf. Orphic Hymn, xlix. 1 ἐπιλήνιε Βάκχε διμήτωρ. ἡ

ἃ 10 Βάκχιον. Dionysus was called ‘Bacchus’ as the
‘ riotous’ god.

54 a1 Ληναῖον. At Athens the Lenaea were held in the month
Gamelion late in the year, when few strangers were present.
Aristoph. Acharn. 504

airot γάρ ἑσμεν οὑπὶ Ληναίῳ τ᾽ ἀγών.

Β 4 τραγῳδίαι. Miller, Lit. of Ancient Greece, xxi. 5: Hor.
A, P. 220, 231.

Ὁ 4 Ἶσιν. Plut. De Is. et Osir. 358 B ‘Isis instead of it made a

‘BOOK Π, CHAP. 2 84 b

model and consecrated it, namely the phallus, in honour whereof
the Egyptians hold a festival.’ Compare 47 a.
C2 Ἑ»ρμαφρόδιτον. Ovid, Metam. iv. 288 seqq.
‘Mercurio puerum diva Cythereide natum
_Naides Idaeis enutrivere sub antris;
Cuius erat facies, in qua materque paterque
Cognosci possent; nomen quoque traxit ab illis.’

ἃ 3 pvey. A different derivation is given in Plat. Cratyl.
406 A τὰς δὲ Μούσας τε καὶ ὅλως τὴν μουσικὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ μῶσθαι.
‘Etym. Mag. v. Μοῦσα. Μοῦσα---Μῶσά τίς ἐστι’ pa γὰρ καὶ
μῶμαι τὸ ζητῶ... Aliter Diodor. Sic. iv. 7, ubi vide Wesseling ᾽
(Heind). | ee

ἃ 6 Περσέα. See the beautiful fragment of Simonides on
Danaé and Perseus “Ore λάρνακι (δ᾽) ἐν δαιδαλέᾳ, and Hor. Od.
11}. 16.

' G8 Ἡρακλέα. Hesiod, Scut. Herc. 1-56.

56 at ras ὠδῖνας. The story of the birth of Eurystheus is
told in Hom. Jl, xix. 95 ff.

8 2 τροαγορεύσαντος ... βασιλεῦσαι. For this use of the aorist
infinitive, where the future might be expected, compare Thuc. iii.
46, iv. 28, 52 naxwoew καὶ . .. χειρώσασθαι, and Lobeck, Phryn.
Ρ. 753-

Ὁ 5 τοὺς δράκοντας. The story is told by Pindar (Nem. i. 44
δισσαῖσι δοιοὺς αὐχένων μάρψαις ἀφύκτοις χερσὶν ἑαῖς dias), and more
fully by Theocritus, Jdyli xxiv.

C 2 τοὺς ἰδίους παῖδας. Cf. Eur. Herc. F. 969

φαρέτραν δ᾽ εὐτρεπῇ σκενάζεται
καὶ τόξ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ παισί, τοὺς Ed ως
δοκῶν φονεύειν.

C6 Χείρωνα. According to another story Cheiron dropped one
of the arrows of Hercules on his own foot. Ovid, Fast. v. 397

‘Dumque senex tractat squalentia tela venenis,
Excidit.et laevo fixa sagitta pede est..
Ingemuit Chiron, traxitque e corpore ferrum.’
Compare Pind. Pyth, iii. 1.

6 8 τῇ Φορωνέως. This Argive Niobe was distinct from Niobe
the daughter of Tantalus, Cf. Apollod. ii. 1. 1, 3 Nw ys δὲ καὶ
Διός, ἦ πρώτῃ γυναικὶ θνητῇ ἐμίγη Ζεύς, παῖς “Apyos ἐγένετο ...
καὶ Πελασγός.

δ8δ ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3-d 7 Diodorus has abridged this passage from Apollod. ii.
6. 1. 2, who states that Iole was offered by her father Eurytus
as a prize to any one who could defeat him and his sons in
archery; but when defeated by Heracles Eurytus refused to give
him his daughter, lest he should again go mad and kill her
children.

ἃ 6 χρησμόν. In Apollod. ii. 6. 2. 3 the story is told at
large.

ἃ 9 Ὀμφάλης. Soph. Trach. 248 ff.

τὸν μὲν πλεῖστον ἐν Λυδοῖς χρόνον
κατείχεθ᾽ ὥς gyno’ αὐτός, οὐκ ἐλεύθερος,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐμποληθείς. τοῦ λόγου δ᾽ οὐ χρὴ φθόνον,
γύναι, προσεῖναι, Ζεὺς ὅτον πράκτωρ φανῇ.
[κεῖνος δὲ πραθεὶς Ὀμφάλῃ τῇ βαρβάρῳ
ἐνιαυτὸν ἐξέτλησεν, ὡς αὐτὸς λέγει.]

56 ἃ 2 παῖδας, cod. Α., Λάμον Diod. Cf. Dionys. i. 28
Τυρρηνόν, Apollod. ii. 7. 8. 8 ἐξ Ὀμφαλης δὲ ᾿Αγέλαος, ὅθεν καὶ τὸ
Κροίσον γένος.

& 6 τετελευτηκότος ἤδη. On the death of Meleager, the brother
of Deianeira, see Ovid, Metam. viii. 445 ff. Bacchylides (Od. v. 76—
175) gives a long description of the meeting between Hercules
and the shade of Meleager, who assents to his wish to marry
Deianeira (170) :

Tov δὲ μενεπτολέμου
ψυχὰ προσέφα Μελεάγρον'
Adrov χλωραύχενα
ἐν δώμασι Δαϊάνειραν
νῆιν ἔτι χρυσέας
Κύπριδος θελξιμβρότου.
ἃ 0 Τληπόλεμον. Cf. Hom. Il. ii. 653
‘Valiant and tall the son of Hercules
Tlepolemus nine vessels brought from Rhodes:
These all renown’d Tlepolemus obeyed,
Who to the might of Hercules was born
Of fair Astyoche; his captive she.’ (Derby.)
Cf. Apollod. ii. 7. 6. 1.
Ὁ xovdtdy. ὃ ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ γρόνθον φαμέν. Schol. in
marg. A.
44

BOOK II. CHAP. 2 56 b

b 2 Νέσσον. On the story of Nessus see Bacchylides, Od. xvi.
24 ff., the main subject of the poem being the last sacrifice and
death of Hercules. Cf. Soph. Trach. 555-77; Ovid, Metam. ix.
103 ff.; Apollod. ii. 7. 7. 7.

Ὁ 8 φίλτρον. Ovid, Heroid. ix. τότ

‘Nessus, ut est avidum percussus harundine pectus,
Hic, dixit, vires sanguis amoris habet.’

9 8 Κτήσιππον. Apollod. ii. 7. 8. το ᾿Αστυδαμείας τῆς ᾿Αμύντορος
Κτήσιππος.

ἃ 5 Θεσπιάδων. Apollodorus (ii. 7. 8. 1-7) gives names to the
fifty daughters of Thespias and their sons.

ἃ 6 Ἰόλην. Apollod. ii. 7. 7. 6. The death of Hercules is
the subject of the Trachiniae of Sophocles, and the Hercules
Furens of Euripides.

δ ἃ 4 Kopwvidos. Apollod. iii. 10. 3. 6 τινὲς δὲ ᾿Ασκληπιὸν οὐκ
ἐξ ᾿Αρσινόης τῆς Λευκίππου λέγουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ Κορωνίδος τῆς Φλεγύου
ἐν Θεσσαλῴ. The story of Coronis is told at length by Pind.
Pyth. iii. See also Ovid, Metam. ii. §42-34; Preller, Gr. Myth.
p. 514 ff.

b1 Κύκλωπας. Apollod. iii. 10. 4. 1; Athenag. Leg. ὃ 104,
(Schwartz, p. 25), ἀλλὰ καὶ θητεύουσιν ἀνθρώποις

Ὦ δώματ᾽ ᾿Αδμήτεια κιτιλ. (Eur. Alcest. 1.)
καὶ βουκολοῦσιν
ἐλθὼν δ᾽ ἐς αἶαν τήνδ᾽ ἐβουφόρβουν ξένῳ
καὶ τόνδ᾽ ἔσωζον οἶκον. (ibid. 8.)
οὐκοῦν κρείττων ᾿Αδμητος τοῦ θεοῦ.

ΟΙ Οὐρανόν. Apollod. i. 1. 1. 1 Οὐρανὸς πρῶτος τοῦ παντὸς
ἐδυνάστευσε κόσμου, γήμας δὲ Γἣν ἐτέκνωσε πρώτους τοὺς ἑκατόγχειρας
x7.rA. Cf. Athenag. xviii Ὁ.

C 4 Τιταίας The name in Diodorus is corrupted in the MSS.
of Eusebius into Teraia or Teréa. Titaea itself is thought to be
a’name of Gé, invented to explain the origin of the Titans, at
a time when they began to be confused with the giant sons of
Earth. Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 45.

c 6 Ῥέαν. Rhea is called Pandora, as being identified with the
earth the source of all gifts. The usual story of Pandora (Hesiod,
Theog. 570 ff.) is referred to below 780 d.

δ᾽ ἅ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

@2 ‘Ywepion. According to Hesiod, Theog. 371, the wife of
Hyperion was called Theia.

ἃ 5 Ἤριδανόν. The sun setting in the west would seem to sink
into the river Eridanus, the Po. But Hdt. iii. 115 says ‘I do not
allow that there is any river, to which the barbarians give the
name of Eridanus, emptying itself into the northern sea, whence
(as the tale goes) amber is procured.’ Rawlinson thinks that
Herodotus is here over-cautious, and rejects as fable what we can
see to be truth. ‘The amber district upon the northern sea is the
coast of the Baltic about the gulf of Dantzig. ... The very name,
Eridanus, lingers there in the Rhodaune, the small stream which
washes the west side of the town of Dantzig....The word
Eridanus (= Rhodanus) seems to have been applied by the early
inhabitants of Europe especially to great and strong-running
rivers.” The Rhodaune joins the Vistula at Dantzig.

G10 περιπέτειαν. Aristot. Poet. xi. 1 Ἔστι δὲ περιπέτεια μὲν ἡ
εἰς τὸ ἐναντίον τῶν πραττομένων μεταβολή.

58 ἃ τ Φρύγεςς For an account of the Phrygian worship of
Cybele see Strab. 469, who quotes from Pindar, Euripides, and
Sophocles. Cf. Arnob. v. δ.

& 4 αὐλούς. Two flutes were usually fastened together, tibiae
pares or tibiae tmpares. Athen. Deipn. iv. 184 Μητρόδωρος δ᾽ 6
Χῖος ἐν Τρωικοῖς σύριγγα μέν φησιν εὑρεῖν Μαρσύαν καὶ αὐλὸν
ἐν Κελαιναῖς, τῶν πρότερον ἑνὶ καλάμῳ συριζόντων. Ibid. xiv. 616 ff.
Περὶ μὲν γὰρ αὐλῶν... τὸν Μελανιππίδην καλῶς ἐν τῷ Μαρσύᾳ.

a6 "Αττιδι. The story of Atys is told in various forms, as in
the celebrated poem of Catullus, in Arnobius, Ado. Gentes, v. 5, in
Ovid, Fast. iv. 223 ff.; Pausan. 673; Aristid. Apolog. (Syriao
Version) xi with note by Rendel Harris; Tatian, Ad Graecos, 8;
Hippol. Haeres. Refut. v. 2; Theocr. xx. 40; Tertull. Ad Natt. i,
10, Apolog. xv. See Preller, Gr. Myth. pp. 645 ff.

Ὁ 2 Μαρσύαν. Hadt. vii. 26 ‘Here too (at Celaenae) in the
market-place is hung up to view the skin of the Silenus Marsyas,
which Apollo, as the Phrygian story goes, stripped off and placed
there.” Xen. Anab. i. 2.8; Livy, xxxviii. 13.

C 2 Πισινοῦντι. Strab. 567 ‘ Pessinus is the greatest mart in
these parts, and has a temple of the Mother of the gods, which is
regarded with great veneration,... The Romans made the temple
illustrious, by sending to fetch hence the statue of the goddess

BOOK Il. CHAP. 2 | δδὲ

according to the oracles of the Sibyl.’ The story is told fully by
Livy, xxix. 10. :

ἃ ,ς Μαῖαν. Apollod. iii. 10. 2. 1 Maia μὲν οὖν ἡ πρεσβυτάτη
Ad συνελθοῦσα ἐν ἄντρῳ τῆς Κυλλήνης Ἑρμῆν τίκτει. Bacchyl. xix.
25 ff. οὐδὲ Μαίας | υἱὸς δύνατ᾽ οὔτε κατ᾽ εὐϊφεγγέας ἁμέρας λαθεῖν
γεν | οὔτε νύκτας (dyvds).

ἃ 4 ἀσεβείᾳ. This reading of AH and Diodorus is to be
preferred to ἀσελγείᾳ, which Gaisford adopts from the later
MSS.

ἃ το Κουρῆτας. On the Curetes see Strab. 472.

59 ar τάφον. The Idaean cave was said to be both the
birthplace and the grave of Zeus. Callimach. in Joo. 8

“Κρῆτες ἀεὶ Yetorar’ καὶ yap τάφον, ὦ ἄνα, σεῖο

ἹΚρῆτες ἐτεκτήναντο' σὺ δ᾽ οὐ θάνες, ἐσσὶ γὰρ ali.
Cf Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 21; Lucian, Philopatr. 10; Preller, Gr.
Myth. pp. 133, 135-

The recent (1901) excavations of The Cretan Exploration
Fund seem to show that the Cretans were not ‘always liars.’
Report, p. 3 ‘Mr. Hogarth . . . successfully explored the great
cave of Zeus on Mount Dicta, discovering remains of a pre-
historic sanctuary, and large deposits of votive bronze figures and
other objects, among which the double axe, the symbol of the
Cretan and Carian Zeus, was specially conspicuous.’

Ὁ Τούτοις... συγχρῆσθαι. These words are added by Eusebius
to his abbreviated extract from Diodorus: but a similar state-
ment precedes the account of the Atlanteans in Diod. iii. 56
διὰ τὸ μὴ πολὺ διαλλάττειν αὐτὰ τῶν μυθολογουμένων wap Ἕλλησιν.

b 9 Euemerus, a Cyrenaic who lived in the time of Alexander
the Great, is mentioned by Plut. De 18. et Osir. 360 A: ‘ Euemerus
the Messenian by making copies himself of his false and unfounded
mnythology, disseminated all kinds of atheism over the world,
reducing all deities alike to the names of generals, admirals, and
kings pretended to have flourished in old times, and to have been
described in letters of gold set up at Panchon, which said inscrip-
tions no foreigner nor Greek, save Euemerus alone, as it seems,
had met with, when he made his voyage to the Panchoans and
Triphyllans, people that never were, nor are, in any part of the
globe.’ The full description of Panchaea by Euemerus is in Diod.
Sic. Bibléoth. v. 42. Cf. Strab. 104, quoted. on d 8.

γι

δὃ ἅ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 ἱερὰν ἀναγραφήν. The name given by Euemerus to his
work which he professed to have based upon inscriptions found
in his voyage to Panchaea.

ἃ 8 Κασσάνδρου vel Κασάνδρου. Vid. Schweigh. Polyb. xxiii.
13. 3; 14. 1, δ) Athenae. i. 31 (18). This statement of
Euemerus is twice mentioned by Strabo as a well-known instance
of the incredible nature of travellers’ tales. Strab. 104 ‘ Polybius
says it would be much better to believe the Messenian than this
man (Pytheas): the former says that he sailed to one country
Panchaea, but .the other that he surveyed the whole of the
Northern portion of Europe even to the ends of the world; and
no one would believe even Hermes if he said this; but that
Eratosthenes calls Euemerus a Bergaean, yet believes Pytheas.’
Berga was the birthplace of Antiphanes whose marvellous tales
gave rise to the word Bepyaifew. Cf. Strab. 299; Ovid, Metam.
x. 308

‘Sit dives amomo,
Cinnamaque costumque suam sudataque ligno
Tura ferat, floresque alios Panchaia tellus.’
Ib. 478 |
‘Palmiferos Arabas Panchaeaque rura reliquit.’

60 Ὁ 3 ἀναγεγράφαμεν. See Diod. v. 42 ff.

Ο § Πᾶνα. For this Vogel would substitute Terava.

61 Ὁ 2 ‘Pro ἐχούσης fortasse scribendum est ἐχούσας (Viger), ut

correxit secunda manus in A: utrum divinae theologias signum
aliquod deo dignum complectentes ferant, . . . (Heikel). The
correction in cod. A, made by inserting εἰς before θείας and
changing ἐχούσης into ἐχούσας, was a mere conjecture, and quite
unnecessary. H retains the original reading.
3] © 4 βαράθρων στόματα. Strab. 419 ‘They say that the oracle
is a deep hollow cave not very wide at the mouth, and that from
it rises a vapour which produces inspiration, and over it is set
a high tripod, on which the Pythia mounts and inhales the
vapour. This oracular seat of the priestess is ‘the Cirrhaean
tripod’ mentioned immediately below, Cirrha being the port of
Delphi.

ἃ 2 Δωδωναῖον. Dodona appears to have been situated on
the borders of Thesprotia and Molossis, and Strab. 318 says
‘Dodona was in old times under the Thesprotians, and so was.

BOOK Il. CHAP, 2, 3 61d

mount Tomarus or Tmarus (for it is called both ways) under
which lies the temple. And the tragic poets and Pindar have
called Dodona Thesprotian; but afterwards it was under the
Molossians.’ The ‘Thesprotian cauldron’ is therefore probably
the same as the ‘urn of Dodona’; and in distinguishing the
places Clement seems to have fallen into the common confusion
between the Thesprotian Dodona, the seat of the famous oracle,
and another Dodona in Thessaly referred to in Homer, JI. ii. 750;
see Dict. of G. and R. Geogr. ‘ Dodona.’

χαλκεῖον. Strab. 329. Epit. Fr. 3 ‘The proverb, τὸ ἐν Δωδώνῃ
χαλκίον, was named from this. There was in the temple a
brazen urn haying above it a statue holding a brazen scourge,
an offering of the Corcyraeans. And the scourge had three
thongs of chainwork, with knuckle-bones fitted to it, which
striking the brazen urn continually, whenever they were swayed
by the winds, made loud noises, until one who measured the time
from the beginning to the end of the noise reached as much
as four hundred. Hence also the proverb—“ The Corcyraeans’
scourge.” ἢ

γεράνδρνον. (γεραιὰν Spiv): cf. Plut. Mor. 796 τὰ βάσκανα
yepdySpva ; the name refers to the story of the doves in the oak
of Dodona (Strab. vii. 329 2). Hdt. ii. 55 ‘The story told
by the priestesses who deliver the oracles at Dodona is as
follows :—Two black doves flew away from Egyptian Thebes,
and one of them came to Libya, the other to them: she settled
upon an oak (φηγόν), and sitting there began to speak with
a human voice, and told them that there must be an oracle of
Zeus on that spot. They understood the announcement made to
them to be divine, and thereupon they built the shrine. The
dove which went to Libya bade the Libyans to establish an
oracle of Ammon: this also is an oracle of Zeus.’ The tree at
Dodona is called, as here, φηγόν in a fragment of Hesiod pre-
served by Strab. vii. 327 Δωδώνην φηγόν re, Πελασγῶν payor,
ἧκεν, Cf. Soph. Trach. 171
ὡς τὴν παλαιὰν φηγὸν αὐδῆσαί ποτε
᾿ Δωδῶνι δισσῶν ἐκ πελειάδων ἔφη.
In other passages the tree is called δρῦς. Hom. Od. xiv, 327
Tov δ᾽ ἐς Δωδώνην φάτο βήμεναι, ὄφρα θεοῖα
ἐκ δρυὸς ὑψικόμοιο Διὸς βουλὴν ἐπακούφαμ
ἢ9

81d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Aesch. Prom. V. 829

ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἦλθες πρὸς Μολοσσὰ δάκεδα,

τὴν αἰπύνωτόν τ᾽ ἀμφὶ. Δωδώνην, ἵνα

μαντεῖα θῶκός 7 ἐστὶ Θεσπρωτοῦ Διός,

τέρας t ἄπιστον, αἱ προσήγοροι δρύες.
Soph. Track. 1168
Plat. Phaedr. 275 B ἐν τῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Δωδωναίον ἱερῷ δρυὸς λόγους
ἔφασαν μαντικοὺς πρώτονς γενέσθαι. The use of the two names is
explained by the fact that the φηγός is not the same tree as the
Latin ‘ fagus,’ ‘ a beech,’ but one of the four or five kinds of oak
(Spits) mentioned by Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. iii. 8. 2, as
bearing a sweet acorn (quercus aescula).

ψάμμοις ἐρήμαις τετιμημένον. Schol. Clem. Al. λέγει τὸ ἐν

ἼΛμμωνι pavrdov. Dr. J. Β. Mayor (Notulae Crit. in Clem. Αἱ.
Protrepticum) suggests τετηρημένον, which may mean either
‘guarded,’ or ‘inclosed,’ ‘imprisoned.’ With τετιμημένον, the
reading of all the MSS., ψάμμοις must be taken as the dative of
place, a construction which is usually limited to poetry or proper
names. “ἐν Ψάμμοις scribendum videtur’ (Heikel). The reading
τετιμημένον finds some support in the language of Strab. 813 τὸ
ἐν "Αμμωνι σχεδόν τι ἐκλέλειπται χρηστήριον, πρότερον δὲ ἐτετίμητο.
This oracle was situated in the most northerly of the Oases, now
called El-Siwah, in the Libyan desert. It is first mentioned by
Herodotus (i. 46; ii. 32, 42, 65; iii. 25, 26; iv. 181), who records
the expedition sent by Cambyses which perished in the desert,
and the embassage of Croesus to consult the oracle. It.was also
visited by Lysander, by Alexander, Hannibal, and the younger
Cato. In modern times a few Europeans have visited Ei-Siwah
at the risk of their lives: of these the most recent and most
successful was Arthur Silva White, author of the work From
Sphinz to Oracle, 1899, which contains the best account of the
state of the ruined temple of Ammon. There is an engraving
of the ruined gate of the temple in Masp. The Passing of the
Empires, Ὁ. xi;. see also pp. 552, 664. .

ἃ 4 Κασταλίας πηγή... The sacred fountain of Delphi, i in which
those who came to consult the oracle were required to purify
themselves.. Cf Pind. Pyth. iv. 163. .

βμεμάντευμαι δ᾽. ἐπὶ Kacratig, .
ἔφ

BOOK Il. CHAP. 3 61d

Eurip. Jon 94

᾿Αλλ᾽, ὦ Φοίβου Δελφοὶ θέραπες,
_ τὰς Κασταλίας ἀργυροειδεῖς
βαίνετε δίνας, καθαραῖς δὲ δρόσοις
ἀφυδρανάμενοι στείχετε ναούς.
Phoen. 222 |

Ἔτι δὲ Κασταλίας ὕδωρ
ἐπιμένει με κόμας ἐμὰς
δεῦσαι, παρθένιον χλιδάν,
Φοιβείαισι λατρείαις.

Bacchyl, Od. iii. 19

Ἰόθι μέγιστον ἄλσος

Φοίβον παρὰ Κασταλίας ῥεέθροις
Δελφοὶ διέπουσι.

ἃ § Κολοφῶνος. Cf. Strab. 642 Ἢ Κολοφὼν πόλις Ἰωνικὴ καὶ τὸ
πρὸ αὐτῆς ἄλσος τοῦ Κλαρίου ᾿Απόλλωνος, ἐν ᾧ καὶ ᾿μαντεῖόν ἔστι
παλαιόν. The Hales or Ales, which flows by Colophon into the
Aegean Sea, was famous for the coldness of its waters.

ἃ 9 τὸν KAdpov. The oracles of Apollo at Claros, near Colo-
phon, and at Pytho or Delphi are mentioned together by Ovid,
Metam. i. 515

‘Mihi Delphica tellus

Et Claros et Tenedos Pataraeaque regia servit.

Iuppiter est genitor; per me quod eritque fuitque

Estque, patet.’

Advpéo, On the oracle of Apollo Didymeus in Branchidae,
and the offerings sent to the shrine by Croesus and others, see
Strab. 634; Hdt. i. 46, 92, 157; ii. 159; v. 36; vi. 19. The
last passage narrates the plundering and burning of the oracle
and temple by the Persians. ‘The columns yet entire are 80
exquisitely fine, the marble mass so vast and noble, that it is
impossible perhaps to conceive greater beauty and majesty of
ruin’ (Chandler, quoted by Rawlinson, Hdt. i. 157).

᾿Αμφιάρεω. Strab. 399 ‘Somewhere here’ (near Oropus) ‘is
the once celebrated oracle of Amphiaraus, where, as Sophocles
says’ (Fr. 781),

‘The Theban soil
Cleft open to receive the fugitive
Full arm’d, and in his four-horse chariot borne.’
res G 8x

61 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Cf. Pind. Ol. vi. 21
‘The prophet chief of yore,

When snatch’d from Thebes’ accursed fight,

With steeds and car and armour bright

Down, down he sank to earthy night’ (Heber).
Nem, ix. 24 ff.; Hat. viii. 134; Cic. De Divinat. i, 40; Pausan.
bh 34. 2.

τὸν ᾿Απόλλω. ‘Perhaps a marginal gloss’ (Viger): ‘ Out of

place; should come before τὸν KAdpuoy ’ (Heinichen, J. Β. Mayor).
The Scholiast on Clement writes: rod ἐν Μιλήτῳ ᾿Απόλλωνος"
οὗτος yap ἀπὸ (τοῦ) τόπον Κολοφῶνος (Κολοφώνιος ὃ) ἐκαλεῖτο. He
seems therefore to have read τὸν Κολοφώνιον. But see 469 d 5,
where the same names occur in the same order, only without the
name Apollo, or anything between ᾿Αμφιάρεως and ᾿Αμφίλοχος.

ἃ ro Amphilochus, son of Amphiaraus, went as one of the
seers to Troy, and on his return in company with Mopsus founded
the town of Mallos in Cilicia. The two seers afterwards fought
ἃ single combat in which both were slain. Cf. Pausan. i. 34. 2
‘Amphilochus has also an altar at Athens in the Acropolis, and
at Mallos in Cilicia an oracle the most truthful of those in my
time.’

τερατοσκόπους. ‘ostentorum interpretes,’ Cicero (De Divinat.
i. 42), where he gives a long list of prodigies supposed to reveal
the will of the gods. Deut. xviii. 11 (Sept.) ἐγγαστρίμυθος καὶ
τερατοσκόπος.

62 Δὲ ἀνιέρους. The reading in I, Clement, ἀνιέρου, means either
‘hold sacred,’ spoken in sarcasm, or ‘devote’ by a curse. See
L. and Sc. Lex.

8 2 ἀλευρυμάντεις. Cf 219 © 7 τὰ κριθομαντεῖα καὶ ἀλευρομαν-
τεῖα καὶ τοὺς ἐγγαστριμύθους. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 815, quotes
from Eusebius (Comment. in Isatam, xlv) ἐγγαστρίμνθοί τε καὶ
ἀλφιτομάντεις.

& 3 ἐγγαστριμύθους. Heb. aie, Lev. xix. 31; 1 Sam. xxviii.
3, 7, &c. Cf. Hesych. "Evorepvoparrias: ἐγγαστριμύθοις. Soph.
Fr.52. Plut. De Def. Orac. 414 E ‘It is silly and very childish to
suppose that the god, like the ventriloquist spirits formerly called
** Eurycles,” now “ Pythons,” enters into the bodies of the prophets,
and makes proclamation, employing their mouths and voices in
the way of instruments,’

BOOK II, CHAP. 3 62a

ἃ 4 Τυρρηνῶν. Strab. 813 ‘Though I have said so much about
Ammon, I wish to mention that divination was held more in
honour by the ancients, both divination in general and the
oracles, but now great neglect of them prevails, the Romans being
satisfied with the oracles of the Sibyl, and the Etruscan prophe-
cies by entrails and omens, by birds and signs from the sky. For
this reason also the oracle at Ammon has been almost abandoned.”
On the various modes of divination practised in Etruria, ‘the
parent and mother of superstition ’ (Arnob. vii. 26), see Dict. Gk.
and R. Geogr. i. 866. Cf. Lucan, Pharsal. i. 519

‘Placuit Tuscos de more vetusto
Acciri vates.’

The story of Tages, the mythical founder of the Etrusean art of
divination, is told by Cicero, De Divin. ii. 23, and by Ovid, Metam.
XV. 553-9. -

νεκνομαντεῖαι. Cic. Tusc, Disput. i. τό ‘Tantumque valuit
error, qui mihi quidem iam sublatus videtur, ut, corpora eremata
cum scirent, tamen ea fieri apud inferos fingerent, quae sine
corporibus nec fieri possent nec intellegi. Animos enim per se
ipsos viventes non poterant mente complecti; formam aliquam
figuramque quaerebant. Inde Homeri tota vexvia; inde ea quaa
meus amicus Appius vexpopavreta faciebat ; inde in vicinia nostra
Averni lacus, |

Unde animae excitantur obscura umbra, aperto ex ostio

Altae Acheruntis, falso sanguine, mortuorum imagines.’
Cf. Hom. Od. xi; Lucian, Menippus seu Necyomanteia.

b I σοφιστήρια... κυβενυντήρια. On the meaning of verbal nouns
in -τήριον see Lobeck, Phryn. p. 130. The clause καὶ πλάνης
ἀκράτου κυβευτήρια is wanting in most of the MSS. of Clement.
Cf. Plut. Sympos. 621 B viv δὲ σχολὴν σοφιστοῦ γενομένην, αὖθις
δὲ κυβευτήριον.

Ὁ 2 alyes. The Scholiast on Clement gives the following
explanation, ‘Caranus, son of Poeanthes, being about to lead
a colony from Argos to Macedonia, came to Delphi and received
an oracular answer from Apollo:

‘‘ Noble Caranus, ponder well my word,
And store it in thy mind. When thou hast left
Argos, and Hellas for fair women fam’d,
Seek Haliacmon’s springs, and wheresoe’er
G2 83

62 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Thou see goats feeding first, there must thou dwell

And all thy race in envied happiness.”
So Caranus took courage from the oracle, and having fitted out
a colony with certain Greeks, came to Macedonia and founded
a city and reigned over the Macedonians, and changed the name
of the city which was formerly called Edessa to Aegae, after the
goats. But in old times Edessa was inhabited by Phrygians and
Lydians, and those who came across to Europe with Midas.
These things are related by Euphorion in the Hestia and the
Inachus.’ .
κόρακες. ‘The Boeotians being invaded by the Aeolians
obtained an oracle on the question of going to war. And Apollo
said to them: “ When ye see white crows, then make war.” And
once upon atime some young men in sport covered some crows
with chalk, and let them fly. The Boeotians supposed that this
was what the oracle meant, and they went forth to war, and were
destroyed : whence also came the proverb ἐς κόρακας, meaning “ to
destruction.” And thus crows were considered to be prophetic’
(Scholiast on Clement).

b4 Ti δ᾽ εἴ σοι καταλέγοιμι τὰ μυστήρια; Cf. A. Lang, The
Making of Religion, p. 213 ‘It is certain that the mysteries of
Greece were survivals of savage ceremonies, because we know
that they included specific savage rites, such as the use of the
rhombos to make a whirring noise, and the custom of ritual
daubing with dirt; and the sacred ballets d’action, in which, as
Lucian and Qing(?) say, mystic facts are “danced out.” But while
Greece retained these relics of savagery, there was something
taught at Eleusis which filled minds like Plato’s and Pindar’s
with a happy religious awe.’ On the rhombos see 46 ἃ 7.

ἐξορχήσομαι. Lucian, De Saltatione, 15 ‘The common people
say that those who publish the mysteries dance them out (é£op-
χεῖσθαι). Id. Piscat. 33 ἐξαγορεύοντα τοῖν θεοῖν τἀπόρρητα καὶ
ἐξορχούμενον.

b 5 ᾿Αλκιβιάδην. Thuc. vi. 28 μηνύεται . . . τὰ μυστήρια
ἅμα ὡς ποιεῖται ἐν οἰκίαις ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει. ὧν καὶ τὸν ᾿Αλκιβιάδην ἐπῃ»-
τιῶντο. Cf. Andocid, Or. i. 11 ᾿Αλκιβιάδην δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπο-
δείξω ὑμῖν τὰ μυστήρια ποιοῦντα ἐν οἰκίᾳ μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων.

Ὁ 8 ἐγκυκλήσω. The ἐγκύκλημα, more commonly ἐκκύκλημα,
was a machine on wheels by which an interior scene was rolled

BOOK Il. CHAP. 3 62 b

forward on to the stage, or more probably turned on a pivot.
Hence the verb means ‘to expose publicly.’ See Hermathena,
No. xxvi, ‘A new theory of the Ekkyklema,’ by C. Exon.

C 2 ἱερομανία, the reading of Cod. I, adopted by Gaisford, is

ἃ pun on ἱερομηνία, the holy moon.

κρεανομίας. Part of the flesh of animals offered in sacrifice
was burnt on the altar of the god, and the rest distributed by
the priest among the offerers. This ceremony was called xpea-
vopia. Cf. Lucian, Prometh. seu Caucas. 3, 5, 6, 7, where Prome-
theus undergoes a mock trial for having kept the best parts for
himself and given the bones to Zeus, according to the story in
Hesiod, Theog. 535-57. Epiphanius, Contra Haeres. iii. De Fide
10 Διονύσιοί re ἕτεροι, of τοὺς Κουρῆτας καὶ τὴν κρεωνομίαν (sic)
μνυοῦντες.
..Σδὅ6δ8 Εὖαν ἐκείνην. The Bacchantes’ cry εὐοῖ (eda) is strangely
connected with Eva, the first woman.

ἃ τ: ὄφις. The name given by Adam to ‘the mother of all
living’ (Gen. iii. 20) was MM, ‘ life,’ Sept. Εὔα, Vulg. Heva, which
Clement seems to have confused with a totally different word
MYR, ‘viper.’ Clement’s explanation is repeated by Epiphanius,
Contra Haeres. iii. De Fide 10 τοὺς ὄφεις ἀνεστεμμένοι, εὐάζοντες
τὸ ova ovd, ἐκείνην τὴν Εὔαν ἔτι τὴν διὰ τοῦ ὄφεως ἀπατηθεῖσαν
ἐπικαλούμενοι, ἣ διὰ τῆς δασείας φωνῆς τὸν ὄφιν ἀπὸ τῆς “EBpaidos
εἰς ἑαυτῶν πλάνην κικλήσκοντες. Eva yap κατὰ τὴν ψιλὴν ἀπόδοσιν
τὴν γυναῖκα, κατὰ δὲ τὴν δασεῖαν εὗΐἰα τὸν ὄφιν παῖδες Ἑ βραιων
ὀνομάζουσι.

Δηώ and Κόρη, i.e. Ceres and Proserpine, whose story was
celebrated in the mysteries at Eleusis.

ἃ 3 Ἐλευσὶς δᾳδουχεῖ. Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 587.

ἃ 4 ὄργια. Probably derived from the same root as ἔργον and
ὄργανον. Rutherford, N. Phryn. p. 24 ‘That it (ὄργια) was once
used in Attica is proved beyond question by its derivatives ὀργεών
and dpyid{w. The latter term is good classical Attic, occurring
repeatedly in Plato, and the former from becoming attached to an
official position was retained in that connexion till long after it
wag superseded for ordinary purposes by ἱερεύς. .. . But ὄργια itself
was uncompromisingly disfranchised, and, but for Jonic Tragedy
and the Chorus of Comedy, would have disappeared altogether ;
so assiduously do Attic writers substitute μυστήρια or τελεταί for

62 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

the older word.’ Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 305 ‘ Hoc vocabulum ὄργια
primum invenitur in Hymno Hom. in Cer. 273
ὄργια δ᾽ αὑτὴ ἐγὼν ὑποθήσομαι."
μυστήρια. Muu, ‘to close,’ μνέω, μύστης, μυστήρια. On the
wide application of the word cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 89 ‘Neque
angustiores terminos habet usus nominum ὄργια, τελεταί, μυστήρια,
quibus sacra lustralia, depulsoria, parentalia atque magica com-
prehendantur.’ On the Eleusinian mysteries see Preller, Gr. Myth.
p. 786 ff.
ἃ 5 τῆς ὀργῆς. Just. M. Cohort. 17 τοῦ yap Ὀρφέως
Μῆνιν ἄειδε, θεά, Δημήτερος ἀγλαοκάρπον
ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς ποιήσεως εἰρηκότος, αὐτὸς
Μῆνιν ἄειδε, θεά, Πηληϊάδεω ᾿Αχιλῆος
γέγραφεν. Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 592; Hermann, Orphica 478, 511.
ἃ 7 Apollod. i. 3. 2. 3 εὗρε δὲ Ὀρφεὺς καὶ τὰ Διονύσου μυστήρια.
ἃ 9 μυθάρια is the reading οὗ all MSS. of Eusebius, except that
in A a second hand has changed a into 7, making μυθήρια, the
right reading in Clement, and ‘the only form that can be referred
to the verb θηρεύω᾽ (Heikel). Scholion in A: Ὅτι μυστήρια εἴτε ἀπὸ
τοῦ μῦθος μυθάρια, ἣ ἀπὸ τοῦ θηράω καὶ pis, τοὺς ἀνοήτους ἀνθρώπων,
εἴρηνται.
ἀντιστοιχούντων. The mute consonants which are formed by
different organs of speech are called σύστοιχα, as π κ τι those
which are distinguished according to breathing, as πὶ 8 ¢@ are
called ἀντίστοιχα. See L. and Sc. Lex. avoroixos. Cf. Athen.
Deipnos. 501 Β Ἡ μὲν φιάλη, φησί, κατ᾽ ἀντιστοιχίαν ἐστὶ πιάλη, ἡ
τὸ πιεῖν ἅλις ἔχουσα.
ἃ 11 ἀτὰρ δή. Cf. Clem. Al. Ῥγοῖγ. 21.
Θρᾳκῶν. Each nation is here described by its notorious fault.
63 a 2 Dardanus the son of Zeus, and mythical ancestor of
the Trojans and Romans, came from Samothrace to mount Ida,
“where he built a temple to the Mother of the gods, and established
orgiastic rites and mysteries, which continue throughout Phrygia
to the present time’ (Dionys. Hal. i. 61). Cf. Hom. Jl. xx. 215 ff.;
Strab. vii. 331. Fr. 50; Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 857.
ἃ 3 Eetion, also named Iasion, brother of Dardanus. Cf.
Preller, p. 855.
a5 Midas. Cf. Masp. iii. 330. Midas (v. Preller, Gr. Myth.
pp. 643-5) is said to have brought the mysteries from Thrace into
56

BOOK II. CHAP, 3 63a

Phrygia, and to have built the first temple to Cybele in Pessinus.
“On this river (Sangarius) are the ancient dwellings of Midas,
and still earlier of Gordias and some others, which retain ne
vestiges of cities, but are little larger than ordinary villages’
(Strab. 567, 568).

@ 6 ὁ Kimrpws. Cinyras, king of Cyprus, priest of the Paphian

Venus. Pind. Pyth. ii. 26
Κελαδέοντι μὲν ἀμφὶ Κινύραν πολλάκις
dapat Κυπρίων, τὸν ὃ χρυσοχαῖτα προφρόνως
ἐφίλασ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων,
ἱερέα κτίλον ᾿Αφροδίτας.
Cf. Ovid, Metam. x. 298.

Tacitus (Hist. ii. 3) gives an ‘account of the temple, its cere-
monies, and the image of the goddess, in connexion with the visit
of Titus. Lucian, De Syr. Dea, 9 ‘I also went up from Byblus,
a day’s journey to Libanus, having learned that there was there
an ancient temple of Aphredite, which Cinyras founded, and I
saw the temple, and % was very old.’

bx Μελάμποδα. Melampus. Cf. Hom. Od. xv. 225-42; Hat.
ix. 34; ii. 49 (where he is said to have brought the phallic rites
and worship of Bacchus from Egypt); Preller (p. 691) says that
at Argos, Melampus was held to be the first priest of Dionysus,
and the founder of the peculiar ceremonies of the festival and of
expiation, in which many changes were made in after times, until
out of them arose the Lernaean mysteries, an imitation of the
Eleusinian, only that the mystic symbolism had here assumed
a very indecent character” Cf. Pausan. ii. 36 τελετὴν Λερναίᾳ
ἄγουσιν ἐνταῦθα Δήμητρι.

b 3 πένθος ὑμνούμενον. The sorrows of Demeter for the loss
of her daughter form the chief subject of the Homeric hymn
to Ceres. Cf. 62 ἃ 3, 66 a 4. Eurip. Hel. 1301 ff. Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 591

Δήμητρός τε πλάνην καὶ Φερσεφόνης μέγα πένθος.
‘The old aboriginal races had worshipped from time immemorial
a certain mother-goddess, Ma or Amma, the black earth, which
brings forth without ceasing, and nourishes all living things’
(Masp. iii. 332 ff.).
C 3 ᾿Αφρογενής. Cf. Bion, Bucol. xvi. 1
Ἕσπερε, tas ἐρατᾶς χρύσεον φάος ‘Adpoyeveias.

63 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

᾿Κυπρογενής. Bion, xvii. 1

“Apepe Κυπρογένεια Διὸς τέκος ἠδὲ θαλάσσας.
Both epithets occur in Hesiod, Theog. 196, 199, and the reason
for each given οὕνεκ᾽ ἐν ἀφρῷ θρέφθη, and ὅτι γέντο πολυκλύστῳ ἐνὶ
Κύπρῳ.
Ὁ Κὶ φιλομηδέα. Cf. Hesiod, Theog. 173-200, where the whole
story is narrated. Clement refers especially to the line

«ἠδὲ φιλομμηδέα ὅτι μηδέων ἐξεφαάνθη,
which is, however, probably corrupt. See the note on the passage
in Gaisford, Poet. Min. Gr. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 360, n. 2.

c8 Clem. Reoogn. X. 20.

ἃ 4 Διὸς πρὸς μητέρα, Cf. 62 ἃ 5, Arnob. 6 Gentes, v. 9. Rhea
the mother of Zeus, and Demeter his sister, are often confused in the
legends. ‘Nor is this difficult to explain; for both goddesses were
supposed to symbolize Mother Earth’ (Paley, Eur. Hel. 1301). Cf.
Arnob. Υ. 21, where Demeter is called Brimo, Ap. Rh. Arg. iii. 860

ἑπτάκι δὲ Βριμὼ κουροτρόφον ἀγκαλέσασα,
Βριμὼ νυκτιπόλον, χθονίην, ἐνέροισιν ἄνασσαν.
Ibid. 1210
Βριμὼ κικλήσκων “Exdryy ἐπαρωγὸν ἀέθλων.
Brimo is derived from a root meaning to ‘ snort with anger.’

ἃ 6 ixernpia Διός. Hom. Hymn to Dem. 314-33. Zeus sent
Iris, and afterwards all the other gods, to entreat Demeter to
return to Olympus, which she refused to do unless Persephone
were restored to her. The story is told at large by Arnobius, v.
20, 21.

ἃ 7 πόμα χολῆς. The ‘ drink of gall’ appears to be something
different from the draught of wine mixed with spelt (κυκεών)
offered to Ceres and to those who were initiated in her mysteries.
Hom. Hymn to Dem, 208.

καρδιουλκίαι. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 68) ‘ Haec perobscura sunt;
καρδιουλκία interpretantur cordis exemtio, quod aptum esset, si
Zagrei nex narraretur; huic loco non video qui conveniat.’ Cf.
Lucian, De Sacrif. 13 Ὃ δὲ ἱερεὺς αὐτὸς ἕστηκεν ἡμαγμένος, καὶ ὥσπερ
ὁ Κύκλωψ ἐκεῖνος ἀνατέμνων καὶ τὰ ἔγκατα ἐξαίρων καὶ καρδιουλκῶν,
‘kat τὸ alua τῷ βωμῷ περιχέων. On the murder of Zagreus see 65 8 2.
64a 2 ἐκ περιουσίας. Plat. Theaet. 154 Ὁ ἐκ περιονσίας ἀλλήλων
ἀποπειρώμενοι, ‘sparring for mere amusement,’ or, as Jowett, ‘ out
of the superfluity of their wits.’
88

᾿ΒΟΟΚ II. CHAP. 3 — 6ha

8.3 The passwords here given were used in the Phrygian rites.
Other watchwords used in the Eleusinian mysteries are given
below 66 d. |

& 4 ἐκερνόφορησα. Cf. Athen. 629 E Μανιώδεις εἰσὶν ὀρχήσεις
κερνοφόρος καὶ poyyas καὶ θερμαστρίς. In this ‘frantic dance’ the
performer carried a xépyos, ‘a large earthen dish, with wells or
hollows in the bottom, in which various fruits were offered in
the rites of the Corybantes. Miiller, Archaeol. ἃ, Kunst. ὃ 300’
(L. and Sc. Lez.). :

Ὁ 3 δράκων γενόμενος. Ovid, Metam. vi. 114

‘Aureus ut Danaen, Asopida luserit ignis,
Mnemosynen pastor, varius Deoida serpens.’

Cf. Clem. Recogn. x. 22 fin.; Lobeck, Aglaoph. 588.

ὃς ἣν ἐλεγχθείς. By assuming the form of a serpent Zeus
was detected in his true character as ‘the dragon, the old serpent,
which is the Devil and Satan’ (Apoc. xx. 2). Iam indebted for
this explanation to Dr. J. B. Mayor, who points out that Clement
has been speaking in the preceding context of ‘the wicked
reptile monster,’ the same ‘ seducer who of old brought Eve and
now brings the rest of mankind to death’ (p. 7). This is con-
firmed by the reference to Eve in 62 ὁ 3.

Σαβαζίων. That serpents played a prominent part in the
Sabazian mysteries, and that in the time of Demosthenes it had
become disgraceful to be connected with them, we learn from
his description of Aeschines in his youth (De Corona, 313) as
* grasping the sacred snakes, and lifting them up above his head,
and shouting ‘‘ Evoe Saboe,” and dancing “ Hyes Attes,” “ Attes
Hyes”.’ Cf. Aristoph. Av. 875; Vesp. 9; Lysistr. 389; Cic. De
Leg. ii. 15.

Ὁ 4 ὁ διὰ κόλπου θεός. ‘In the mysteries of Sabazius a golden
serpent as symbol of the god was drawn into the bosom of the
initiated through the clothes, an ancient rite of adoption or of
a new birth customary among both Greeks and other nations.’
Preller, Gr. Myth, p. 702; Arnob. v. 21.
᾿ Ὁ 6 παῖδα ταυρόμορφον. This was Dionysus surnamed Zagreus.
Cf. Eur. Bacch. 920 | |

καὶ ταῦρος ἡμῖν πρόσθεν ἡγεῖσθαι δοκεῖς,
καὶ σῷ κέρατε κρατὶ προσπεφυκέναι.
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ποτ᾽ ἦσθα θήρ; τεταύρωσαι γὰρ οὖν.
89

64b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Thid. 1017

φάνηθι ταῦρος 4 πολύκρανος ἰδεῖν

δράκων.
Besides these passages Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 714 refers to Plut.
De Is. et Osir. 364 F, and Athen. ii. 38 E, xi. 476 A; Soph.
Fr. 874 ὃ βούκερως Ἴακχος; Hor. Od. ii. 19. 30 ‘aureo cornu
decorum,

Ὁ 7 (εἰδυλλικός). The MSS. read εἰδωλικός, of which the usual
meaning ‘idolatrous’ is not a very suitable epithet for rowrjs.
I therefore ventured to substitute εἰδυλλικός, meaning ‘a bucolic
poet.’ Gaisf. Poet. Min. Gr. p. 6 Εἰδύλλιον λέγεται τὸ μικρὸν ποίημα.
The passage is quoted by Arnob. Adv. Gentes, v. 21 ‘ Auctorem
sliquis desiderabit rei, tum ilium citabimus tritum notumque
senarium, quem antiquitas canit, dicens :

“Taurus draconem genuit et taurum draco.””

Dr. J. B. Mayor doubts whether the iambic lines which follow
could be described as idyllic, and adds: ‘The word εἰδωλικός
occurs in the Scholia to Plato’s Gorgias, p. 338, where a distinc-
tion is made between τεχνική and εἰδωλικὴ ῥητορική. The latter
is identified with Plato’s κολακεία, which is said to be εἴδωλον
πολιτικῆς μορίου (Schol. ad Gorg. 465). The word also occurs in
342 b. If it had got into use to express a sort of spurious arti-
ficial composition, Clement might use it here for a poetaster.’
I have adopted this meaning in my translation.

οι. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 588 treats the verse as hopelessly corrupt.
Dindorf reads τὸ κεντρίον (the sting) in Clem. Al.

9 2 κάλων. The reading is here very doubtful. Viger suggests
that for the corrupt reading ἐπιτελῶν a correction was made in
the margin (-καλῶν), and that this afterwards was brought into
the text.

Ὁ 4 τὸν κάλαθον. On the fourth day of the Eleusinia there
‘was a procession called κάλαθος κάθοδος, in which a basket (‘ Virgea
Celei supellex,’ Verg. Georg. i. 165) containing pomegranates and
poppy seeds was carried on a wagon, and attended by women.
Callimach, Hymn. ad Cer. τ
TS καλάθω κατιόντος ἐπιφθέγξασθε, γυναῖκες,

«Δάματερ, μέγα χαῖρε πολυτρόφε πουλυμέδιμνεν
τὸν κάλαθον κατιόντα χαμαὶ θασεῖσθε, βέβαλοι.

BOOK Il, CHAP. 3 64¢

Ibid. 120
Χὼς αἱ τὸν κάλαθον λευκότριχες ἵπποι ἄγοντι

τέσσαρες, κιτιλ.
The rape of Proserpine is the subject of the Homeric Hymn to
Ceres, of several very brief allusions in Pindar, and in Bacchy-
lides (iii. 2, v. 59). The story is told at length by Apollodorus,
Biblioth, i. 5, and most gracefully by Ovid, Fast. iv. 417-618.

C § τὸ χάσμα τῆς γῆς. Hom. Hymn. ad Cer. τό
χάνε δὲ χθὼν εὐρνάγνια

Νύσιον ἂμ πεδίον, τῇ ὄρονσεν ἄναξ πολυδέγμων

ἵπποις ἀθανάτοισι. a

Οὐ ras ts. Cf. 66 Ὁ συβώτης δὲ ὁ EvBovres. Ovid, Fast. iv.
465

‘Forsitan illa dies erroris summa fuisset,
Si non turbassent signa reperta sues.’

Ο 7 The Thesmophoria was a festival brought from Egypt by
the Danaides (Hdt. ii. 171), and celebrated at Eleusis and
various places in Greece by women only, in honour of Demeter
and Persephone as having introduced the laws and customs of
civilized life (@eopovs). Cf. Aristoph. Thesm. 295 εὔχεσθε ταῖν
Θεσμοφόροιν τῇ Δήμητρι καὶ τῇ Kopy.

μεγαρίζοντες. The usual meaning of the word is ‘speaking
(or acting) like the people of Megara’; as in Aristoph. Acharn.
822 κλάων peyapeets. Some (L. and Sc.) think there is a reference
to the μέγαρα or underground halls (ἀνάκτορα) sacred to the
two goddesses, into which young pigs were thrown on the third
day of the Thesmophoria. Pausanias (ix. 8, 1), describing the
ceremonies in use at Potniae in Boeotia, writes καὶ és ra μέγαρα
καλούμενα ἀφιᾶσιν ὗς τῶν νεογνῶν. Cf. Plut. Mor. τόρ E
τοῖς τῶν θεῶν μεγάροις ἢ ἀνακτόροις προσιόντες; ib. 378 E;
Porph. Antr. Nymph. vi; Preller, Gr. Myth. p. δι f. The
Scholiast on the passage of Clement has peyapiLovres οὖν ἀντὶ τοῦ
θύοντες. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 831, conjectures μεγάροις ζῶντας
χοίρους ἐμβάλλουσι. The city Μέγαρα derived its name from
Δήμητρος μέγαρον (Paus. i. 40. 6; 39. 5)

ἃ I Σκιροφόρια was the name of a festival held in honour of
Athena Sciras, in her temple on the coast of Salamis, which is
mentioned by Hdt. viii. 94. Various conjectures have been
made as to the origin of the name. Cf. Pausan. i. 1. 4; i. 36. 3.

οἵ

64d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Strabo (393) says that Salamis was anciently called Sciras, from
some hero, and hence came the name Athena Sciras, and Scira
a place in Attica. |

᾿Αρρητοφόρια, or by abbreviation ᾿Αρρηφόρια, was the name
of a festival at Athens, in which young girls carried the sacred
and mysterious vessels of Athena from the Acropolis to a grotto
sacred to Aphrodite. Aristoph. Lysistr. 641

ἑπτὰ μὲν ἔτη γεγῶσ᾽ εὐθὺς ἠρρηφόρουν.

See Smith, Dict. Ant. ‘Arrephoria’; Etym. M. 149. 13. Cf. Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 872; ‘Moeris, p. 141 Ἑρρηφόροι al τὴν δρόσον φέρουσαι
τῇ Ἕρσῃ ... recteque sane Grammaticus Roriferas ab eo quod
ferrent dictas existimat, non ab ea cui ferrent.’ “ Ἐρρηφόροι (or
"Eponpopor) is the only form found in Attic inscriptions of a good
period ’ (Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 210).

ἃ 4 Pausan. viii. 37. 5 ‘The Titans were first brought into
poetry by Homer, who said that they were gods dwelling under
the so-called Tartarus. The verses occur in the oath of Hera.’
Cf. Hom. Jl. xiv. 278

θεοὺς δ᾽ ὀνόμηνεν ἅπαντας
τοὺς ὑποταρταρίους, ot Τιτῆνες καλέονται.
Plutarch (De Js. et Osir. xxv), identifying Dionysus with Osiris,
writes, ‘The Titanic ... rites are of the same kind with the fabled
tearing to pieces of the body of Osiris: ... and the Delphians
believe that the relics of Bacchus are deposited with themselves
by the side of the Oracle.’ Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 572, 589, 615 ;
Preller, Gr. Myth. pp. 687, 706.
ἃ 8 Ἑσπερίδων. Preller, ibid. p. 562; Hesiod, Theog. 215

Ἑσπερίδας F als μῆλα πέρην κλυτοῦ ‘Oxeavoto

χρύσεα καλὰ μέλουσι φέροντά τε δένδρεα καρπόν.

65 ἃ 3 Παλλάς. Ρ]αἴο (Cratyl. 406) derives the name Pallas from
the war-dance, and the brandishing (πάλλειν) of spear and shield ;
others from πάλλαξ, ‘a maiden.’ Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 185, n. 2.

ἃ 5 καθήψουν.υ An unusual form, for καθῆψον from καθέψω.
Clem, Al. 281 καθέψοντα.

Ὁ 5 Κορυβάντων. On this passage Le Nourry (Dissert. 4. in
Clem. Al. Art. ti¢) compares [1]. Firmic. lib. x ‘In sacris
Corybantum parricidium colitur: nam unus frater a duobus
interemptus est.’ This legend was current at Thessalonica, a
chief seat of the worship of the Corybantes or Cabiri, who were

BOOK II. CHAP. 3 65a

represented on some of its coins. The murdered brother became ©
the object of a mystic worship (Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 861). Orph.
Hymn. 39

αἰολόμορφον “Avaxra, θεὸν διφνῇ πολύμορφον,

φοίνιον, αἱμαχθέντα κασιγνήτων ὑπὸ δισσῶν.

b καταστέψαντε. The custom of putting a wreath upon the
head of a corpse is described by Lucian, De Luctu, xi καὶ oreda-
νώσαντες τοῖς ὡραίοις ἄνθεσι προτίθενται λαμπρῶς ἀμφιέσαντες.

b 8 ἐπὶ χαλκῆς ἀσπίδος. This custom explains the Spartan
mother’s command to her son going out to battle: τὴν ἀσπίδα
ἐκιδιδοῦσα εἶπεν ‘i τὰν ἢ ἐπὶ ras’ (Stob. Flor. I. vii. 31).

Ὁ 2 ’Avaxroredéoras. Pausan. x. 38. 7, 896 Αγουσι δὲ καὶ
τελετὴν of ᾿Αμφισσεῖς ᾿Ανάκτων καλουμένων παίδων οἵτινες δὲ θεῶν
εἶσιν οἱ ἄνακτες παῖδες οὗ κατὰ ταὐτά ἐστιν εἰρημένα. In an Appendix
to the fourth edition of Preller’s Gr. Myth. Ὁ. 847, the editor,
Carl Robert, gives a full account of the discoveries concerning the
Cabiri and their worship made by recent excavations at Thebes
in Boeotia. The Theban traditions concerning the origin of these
rites is given by Pausanias, ix. 25 ‘They say there was formerly
a city in this district, the inhabitants of which were called Cabiri,
and that Demeter becoming acquainted with Prometheus, one of
the Cabiri, and his son Aetnaeus, deposited something with them.
What this deposit was, and the circumstances relating to it, I do
not think it lawful for me to disclose. But the mysteries of
Demeter were a gift to the Cabiri.’

Ὁ 3 προσεπιτερατεύονται. Paus. viii. 2. 7 πεφύκασι καὶ αὐτοί τι
ἐπιτερατεύεσθαι.

Ο 6 τῆς ῥοιᾶς τοὺς κόκκους. Hom. Hymn. ad Cer. 371

αὐτὰρ 6 γ᾽ αὐτὸς
ῥοιῆς κόκκον ἔδωκε φαγεῖν μελιηδέα λάθρῃ
ἀμφί € νωμήσας, ἵνα μὴ μένοι ἥματα πάντα.

ἃ 2 τὴν κίστην. Cf. Pausan. ix. 2g quoted on ὁ 2. Orph.

Argonaut. 27

Θεσμοφόρον θ᾽ ὁσίην, ἠδ᾽ ἀγλαὰ δῶρα Καβείρων

Χρησμούς τ᾽ ἀρρήτους Νυκτὸς περὶ Βάκχου ἄνακτος.
‘Nvé, eadem Μαῖα, Iovis consiliaria, de qua Fr. Orph. 10, con-
silium et oracula videtur dedisse etiam in Bacchi a Titanibus
lacerati restitutione, quod argumentum ab Orpheo tractatum
indicat Clemens Alex. et Arnobius ’ (Gesner).

65d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 7 “Arry. Plut. Sympos. 671 B Ei δὲ δεῖ καὶ τὰ μυθικὰ
προσλαβεῖν, λέγεται μὲν ὁ ΓΑδωνις ὑπὸ τοῦ συὸς διαφθαρῆναι" τὸν
δὲ ΛΑδωνιν οὐχ ἕτερον ἀλλὰ Διόνυσον εἶναι νομίζουσιν' καὶ πολλὰ
τῶν τελουμένων ἑκατέρῳ περὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς βεβαιοῖ τὸν λόγον. On
the connexion οὗ Attis and Adonis with Dionysus see Preller,
Gr. Myth. p. 699.

66 a 3 λυπουμένη. Hom. Hymn. ad Cer. 98

ἕζετο δ᾽ ἐγγὺς ὁδοῖο φίλον τετιημένη ἦτορ
Παρθενίῳ φρέατι.
Plut. De Is. et Osir. 318 E καὶ Βοιωτοὶ τὰ τῆς ᾿Αχαιᾶς μέγαρα
κινοῦσιν, Ἔπαχθῆ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐκείνην ὀνομάζοντες. ὡς... ἐν ἄχει τῆς
Δήμητρος οὔσης.
ὃ 4 μιμεῖσθαι τὴν ὀδυρομένην. Cf. Hom. Hymn. ad Cer. 478
Σεμνά, τά τ᾽ ov πως ἔστι παρεξίμεν οὔτε πυθέσθαι,
οὔτ᾽ ἀχέειν᾽ μέγα γάρ τι θεῶν ἄχος ἰσχάνει αὐδήν.

&5 οἱ γηγενεῖς. <A frequent epithet of the Τίγαντες, as in
Batrachom. ἢ Tiyevéwv ἀνδρῶν μιμούμενοι ἔργα Τιγάντων. Eur.
Phoen. 1131 Tiyas ἐπ᾽ ὥμοις γηγενὴς ὅλην πόλιν φέρων. But here
it is equivalent to αὐτόχθονες, ‘earthborn,’ as in Hom. Il. ii. 548
of Erechtheus it is said τέκε δὲ ζείδωρος ἄρουρα. Hat. viii. 55
᾿Ερεχθέος τοῦ γηγενέος λεγομένου εἶναι.

a6 Δυσαύλης. In Pausan. ii. 14. 2 Dysaules is mentioned as one
of the supposed founders of the Eleusinian mysteries, and as father
of Triptolemus and Eubuleus.

a 7 On Eumolpus see Paus. i. 38. 3.

ὍΔ κηρύκων. Isocrat. 78 ἃ Εὐμολπίδαι δὲ καὶ Κήρυκες ἐν τῇ
τελετῇ τῶν μυστηρίων τοῖς ἄλλοις βαρβάροις εἴργεσθαι τῶν ἱερῶν
προαγορεύουσιν. The Κήρυκες were said to be descended from
Kijpvé, son of Eumolpus. Cf. Plat. Soph. 253; Andoc. De Myste-
rits, 127.

τὸ ie uoy ... yévos. Pausan. ii. 14. 1 ‘A hierophant is
not appointed for his whole life, but at each festival a different
one is chosen.’

Ὁ 5 πενθήρης yap ἦν. There is an allusion to the sorrow and
subsequent laughter of Deo in Anthol. Palat. Sepulcr, lviii

Φερσεφόνη, ψυχὴν δέχνυσο Δημοκρίτου
Εὐμενέως γελόωσαν, ἐπεὶ καὶ σεῖο τεκοῦσαν
᾿Αχνυμένην ἐπὶ σοὶ μοῦνος ἔκαμψε γέλως.
Ο 5 The original verses are elaborately discussed by Lobeck,
94

BOOK Il. CHAP, 3 66 ς

Aglaoph. 818, Orphica. vi, De Βαιιδο εἰ Cerere. Cf. Greg. Nazianz,
Orat. iv (dn Iulian.) 15 D; Arnob. Adv. Gentes, v. 26, 27.

C 6 Ἴακχος. Διόνυσος ἐπὶ τῷ μαστῷ (Suidas). Cf. Arnob. ibid,
111. 10; Lucret. iv. 1160.

ad: An easy emendation of the line would be

χειρί τέ μιν Βαυβοῦς ῥίπτασκε γελῶνθ᾽ ὑπὸ κόλποις.
‘The child Iacchus laughed, and Deo’s hand
Tossed him still laughing into Baubo’s lap.’

ἃ 4 These watchwords of the Eleusinia are different from those of

the Phrygian mysteries mentioned above, 64 a, Lobeck, Aglaoph. 24.
ἐργασάμενος, ‘leg. ἐγγευσάμενος ᾿᾽ (Lobeck, ibid.). Cf. Polyb.
Vil. 13. ἐγγευσάμενος αἵματος dvOpwreiov.

ἃ το This saying of Heracleitus is quoted more fully in
Clem. Al. Stromat. iv. 630 ᾿Ανθρώπους μένει ἀποθανόντας ἅσσα
οὐκ ἔἕλπονται οὐδὲ δοκέουσιν. It is also quoted with admiration
by Theodoret, Gr. Aff. Cur. Hom. viii. 118. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr.
Philos. ii. 85; Stob. Floril. (Meineke) iv. 110 ἐπεὶ τήν ye πεισθεῖσαν
ὅσα ἀνθρώπους περιμένει τελευτήσαντας, καθ᾽ Ἡράκλειτον οὐδὲν ἂν
κατάσχοι.

G11 μαντεύεται Ἡράκλειτος. Heracleitus is very frequently
quoted by Christian Fathers as a witness to doctrines of Scripture,
Justin M. Apol. i. 46 classes him with Socrates as a Christian,
for having passed his life with reason (λόγῳ) : Hippol. Refut.
Haeres. i. 4, ix. 3-5, regards him as a witness to the resurrection,
the life after death, and the judgement of the world by fire.
Compare Archer Butler, Ancient Philos. i. 312 ‘Of all the physical
theorists of his time who looked upon the world as a vital
organism, Heracleitus perhaps arrived nearest at the purely
spiritual conception of its Author.’ See the note on the passage
by the late Dr. Thompson, Master of Trinity College, Cambridge.

67 & 2 Νόμος οὖν x.r.A. ‘Post κενὴ pone τὰ μυστήρια᾽ (J. B,
Mayor). This transposition seems to improve the sense: ‘The
mysteries therefore of the serpent are mere custom and vain
opinion and a kind of fraud, &c.’

ἃ 4 The phrases are borrowed by Clement from Philo Jud,
p. 156 (Mangey) ὡς ἀπεργάσασθαι θυσίας ἀνιέρονς, ἱερεῖα ἄθντα,
εὐχὰς ἀτελεῖς, ἀμυήτους pues, ἀνοργιάστους τελετάς, νόθον εὐσέ-
βειαν, κιτιλ.

& 5 προτρεπομένων. Plat, Laws 871 Β ἡ τοῦ νόμον ἀρὰ τὴν φήμην

67a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

προτρέπεται. The reading in Clem. προστρεπομένων (Coll. Nov. Ox.)
is not so appropriate here as in Clem. 56 Ποσειδῶνα piv οὐκ
ἀναπλάττοντες, ὕδωρ δὲ αὐτὸ προστρεπόμενοι (worshipping).

The Latin translation gives to θρησκενομένη a middle sense,
‘superstitiose colens,’ but for this I can find no authority.

ὃ σησαμαῖ. Athenaeus in his list of cakes (Deipn. xiv. 50)
mentions σησαμέδες, πυραμίδες, and countless others.

b 1 Bacodpov. A name of Dionysus derived from his robe of
fox-ekin, βασσάρα meaning a fox. Hor. Od. i. 18. 11

‘Non ego te, candide Bassareu,
Invitum quatiam, nec variis obsita frondibus
Sub divum rapiam.’

b 2 (xpdéda:). After adopting this conjecture I found that
Klotz had proposed it in his note. Kpddy is frequently used in
Theophrastus, Hist. Plant.

b 3 φθοῖς. Aristoph. Plut. 677

Ὁρῶ τὸν ἱερέα

τοὺς φθοῖς ἀφαρπάζοντα καὶ τὰς ἰσχάδας

ἀπὸ τῆς τραπέζης τῆς ἱερᾶς.
Brunck cites Moeris φθοῖς, ᾿Αττικῶς μονοσυλλάβως. ἔστι δὲ πέμμα
πλατὺ ἔχον ὀμφαλόν. πόπανον, Ἕλληνες.

μήκωνεςς A basket containing pomegranates and poppies

was carried on a wagon in the procession at the Eleusinia. Cf.
64¢ 3. The pomegranate was the symbol of Persephone as queen
of the lower world. The poppy (‘Cereale papaver,’ Verg. Georg.
i. 212) had soothed the sorrows of Ceres, and also had been used
by her to feed Triptolemus (Ovid, Fast. iv. 547).

Ὁ 4 Θέμιδος. Cf. Lobeck, Aglaophk. 198, where he discusses
the improbability of Clement’s description, so far as it relates to
the Eleusinia.
ες ὀρίγανον, ‘wild marjoram.’ Cf. Aristoph. Eccles. 1030, Fr. 180.
It had a strong pungent smell. Aristot. Problem. xx. 22. 3;
Theophrast. Hist. Plant. i. 12. 1.

CI τὸν Ἴακχον. Cic. De Legibus, ii. 16 ‘Quid ergo aget Iacchus,
Eumolpidaeque vostri et augusta illa mysteria, siquidem sacra
nocturna tollimus?’ Cf. 64 ἃ Διονύσον μυστήρια.

4] 68d 4 (dvdyovras). I have adopted this as a better reading
than either ἀγαγόντας or ἀναγαγόντας, on account of the present
εὐαγγελιζομένους.

φά

BOOK II. CHAPS. 3-5 | 88 d

ἃ 5 ἀνανήψαντες. Cf. 2 Tim. ii. 26 dvamppwow ἐκ τῆς τοῦ

ἃ x1 ἀθεότητος δόξαν may mean ‘reputation of atheism,’ but
here more probably has the same meaning as δόξαν a little lower
in the same sentence, ‘opinion’ or ‘dogma.’

69 at θεραπεῦσαι. See note on 74 8 7.

8, 4 ἐκεφήμισαν. Cf. Lobeck, Phryn. 596 ‘Ut φῆμις aliquid
augustius significat, sic etiam φημίειν ad divinitatis opinionem
et famam refertur.’ Hence ἐπιφημίζω means ‘to assert solemnly,’
or ‘to name by a laudatory title.’ Cf. 70 d 7, Plat. Crat. 417 C
ταύτῃ μοι δοκεῖ ἐπιφημίσαι τἀγαθὸν λυσιτελοῦν.

8, 5 ἀποκρύπτοντες = ἀποκρύπτεσθαι λέγοντες. Cf. Verg. Ecl. vi. 62

‘Tum Phaethontiadas musco circumdat amarae

Corticis, atque solo proceras erigit alnos.’
Heikel, not observing this meaning, proposes to read ἐν αὑτοῖς
éwoxptrrovras. The same liveliness of expression is seen in such
phrases as γεννᾷ τὸν οὐρανόν, κινεῖ τὴν γῆν, and οἱ ῥέοντες Plat.
Theaet. 181 A (Heindorf’s note). Cf. Bernhardy, Gr. Synt. 348.
δ] ἁ 4 ἀνανεύσεως. Cf. 2 Ὁ 6 note.

ἃ 6 πρυτανευθείσης. Isocr. 66 A εἰρήνην πρυτανεύειν. Cf. Lucian,
Demonaz, 379 γνναιξὶ πρὸς τοὺς γεγαμηκότας εἰρήνην πρυτανεύειν.

ἃ 12 ἐφαπλώσας. Orph. Argonaut. 457

ἐν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐρετμοῖς
χεῖρας ἐφαπλώσαντες, ἔπειθ᾽ ἅλα τύπτον ἕκαστος ;
ib. 1333 (1346)
᾿Αμφ᾽ εὐνῇ χρύσειον ἐφαπλώσαντες ἄωτον.
Babrius, 95. I
Adwy νοσήσας ἐν φάραγγι merpain
ἔκειτο νωθρὰ γυῖα γῆς ἐφαπλώσας.

70 ἃ 6 νεκρῶν εἴδωλα. Eusebius here gives his own testimony
to ‘ animism,’ or the worship of dead men, as one of the sources
of polytheism.

b 4 ἐμπαζομένων. Hom. Od. i. 271 ἐμῶν ἐμπάζεο μύθων.

© 6 .favdévrwv τε καὶ φαινομένων. There seems to be a distinction
between the primary sources of light, as the sun and stars, and
the moon and planets which received light, and so were made
visible.

+3 H 9

ὕος THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C 7 Tpiro δέ. Hero-worship was a third source of polytheism :
tombs becoming shrines and temples. Clem. Al. Protrept. 39,
and d 6 pera τὴν τελευτὴν θεοὺς ἐπεφήμισαν.

C8 τοὺς ... ἐπικρατήσαντας. The most remarkable instance
of actual hero-worship in modern times is thus described in
Trotter's Life of John Nicholson, p. 125 ‘The transformation of
a hero into a god is a natural process among people who already
believe in a plurality of gods, or in an ordered hierarchy of
heavenly beings. In the year 1849 a certain Gosain, or Hindu
devotee, discovered in the popular hero a new Avatar, or incar-
nation of the Brahmanic godhead. Impelled by whatever motive,
he began to preach at Hasan Abdal the worship of this new god
Nikalsain. Five or six of his brother Gosains embraced the new
creed, and the sect of Nikalsainis became an historical fact.’

6] 71 Ὁ 3 ots δή. The construction appears to be incomplete :
Dr. J. B. Mayor suggests that the stop or pause after ἐλέγξω should
be done away. We might then translate ‘the temples—for I will
not keep silence even on this point—but will further prove that
the very temples are euphemistically so called, but were tombs.’
_. @1 Acrisius, father of Danae, was accidentally killed by the
quoit of his grandson Perseus in some games at Larissa on the
Peneus, and buried outside the city, Apollod. ii. 2. 1, 4. 1;
Clement says, ‘in the Acropolis.’ Cf. Bacchyl. xi. 66
νεῖκος yap ἀμαιμάκετον

βληχρᾶς ἀνέπαλτο κασιγνήτοις ἀπ᾿ ἀρχᾶς

Προίτῳ τε καὶ ᾿Ακρισίῳ.

The Cecropium was the southern portico of the Erechtheium
in the Acropolis of Athens. A plan of the Erechtheium is given
in Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr. p. 278 a, and in Enc. Brit.
(1902 A.D.), ATHENS.

c 2 Antiochus of Syracuse, a careful historian contemporary
with Thucydides, wrote a history of Sicily in nine books.
Theodoret, evidently following this passage of Clement, writes
(115. 42) καὶ yap ᾿Αθήνησιν, ὡς ᾿Αντίοχος ἐν τῇ ἐνάτῃ γέγραφεν
ἱστορίᾳ, ἄνω γε ἐν τῇ ᾿Ακροπόλει Κέκροπός ἐστι τάφος παρὰ τὴν
Πολιοῦχον αὐτήν" καὶ ἐν Λαρίσσῃ τῇ γε Θετταλικῇ πάλιν ἐν τῷ γαῷ
τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τὸν ᾿Ακρίσιον τεθάφθαι φησίν.

Erichthonius or Erechtheus, the tutelary hero of Athens, was
the traditional founder of the Erechtheium on the North side

BOOK Il. CHAPS. 5,6 - Vic

of the Acropolis, in which the Olive of Athena.and the Trident of
Poseidon were preserved. Erechtheus was supposed to have
been killed by a stroke of the trident, and buried within the
temple. Wordsworth, Athens and Attica, xvi. 114.

c 3 On Ismarus, or Ismaradus, see Pausan. 13, and 65 ‘By the
shrine of Athena (Pandrosos) there are large brazen statues, two
men standing apart as for a fight; and the one they call
Erechtheus, the other Eumolpus. And yet all that know Athenian
antiquities are aware that it was Eumolpus’ son, Ismaradus, that
was slain by Erechtheus’ (A. R. Shilleto).

C 4 τοῦ ᾿Ἐλευσινίουν. _Pausan. 35 ‘As I was intending to go
further into the account, and narrate all things appertaining to
the temple at Athens called the Eleusinium, a vision in the night
checked me: but what it is lawful for me to write for everybody,
to this I will turn’ (A. R.S.). Cf. Thue. ii. 17 ‘The multitude
inhabited the waste places of the city, and the temples and
the shrines of Heroes, all except the Acropolis and the Eleusinium,
and whatever else was closely shut up.’

Cf. Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr. i. 301 a ‘The Eleusinium which
Pausanias had mentioned in the description of his second route
Leake conjectures to have been the great cavern in the middle of
the rocks at the Eastern end of the Acropolis.’

Preller, Gr. Myth. 771.2, places the Eleusinium and the fountain
Enneakrounos on the Western slope of the Acropolis. But see
Hdt, vi. 137 with the notes of Bihr and Rawlinson. °

C 5 Κελεοῦ θυγατέρες. According to the Homeric Hymn to
Demeter, 96 ff., the four daughters of Celeus, King of Eleusis, found
Demeter sitting on the well Parthenius in the guise of an old
woman, and took her home to their father’s house. Cf. Pausan.
i. 38. 3; ii. 14. 2; Apollod. i. 5. 3.

C 6 Ὑπερβορέων. Hat. iv. 33, 34, tells how Hyperoché and
Laodicé brought the offerings of the Hyperboreans to Delos packed
in wheat-straw, and adds that the damsels died in Delos; ‘their
grave is on the left as one enters the sanctuary of Artemis, and
has an olive-tree growing on 10. On the Hyperboreans cf. Pind,
Pyth. x. 30; Bacchyl. ili. 59.

ἃ 1 Leander wrote a history of his native city Miletus in Caria.
Cleomachus was a boxer of the same neighbourhood, who
became a writer of licentious lyric poems (Strab. xiv. 648).

H2 99

vid THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

The Didymaeum was the temple of Apollo at Didyma, or Bran-
chidae, in the territory of Miletus. See above 61 d, note 9.

d-3 The Leucophryne here mentioned was a priestess of
Artemis, who was herself surnamed Leucophryne from the town
Leucophrys in Caria, and had a very ancient and splendid temple
at Magnesia on the Maeander, described by Strabo (xiv. 647) as
inferior to that at Ephesus in size and the number of offerings,
but far superior in symmetry, and in the skill displayed in the
construction of the nave. Tacit. Ann. iii. 62, says of the Consuls
L. Scipio and L. Sulla (8. c. 22), ‘ virtutem Magnetum decoravere,
‘uti Dianae Leucophryenae perfugium inviolabile foret.’

d 4 τῷ Μυνδῴῳ. This Zeno was a grammarian of Myndus in
Caria, of whom nothing more is known for certain.

ds Telmessus in Lycia, close to the borders of Caria, was
famous for its soothsayers, who were consulted by Croesus; see
Hdt. i. 78, with Rawlinson’s note.

ἃ 6 by... καὶ τοῦτον Jelf, Gk. Gr. 833, obs. 2. Hdt. iv. 44,
Soph. Phil. 315, Eur. Andr. 650.

ἃ 7 Ptolemaeus, son of Agesarchus, of Megalopolis wrote a
history of Ptolemy Philopator, of which the second and third
books are quoted by Athenaeus, vi. 246 and x. 425.

ἃ 8 Cinyras: see note on 63.86. Cf. Pind. Pyth. ii.15; Nem.
viii. 18. Theophilus of Antioch, who was a generation earlier than
Clement, in his treatise Ad Autolycum, ii. 3, had used the same
argument that the so-called gods were mortal men, quoting the

72 Ὁ 2 ᾿Αντίνοον.υ The Emperor Hadrian ‘enrolled Antinous
among the gods, caused temples to be erected to him in Egypt
and in Greece (at Mantineia), and statues of him to be set up in
almost every part of the world . . . There were various medals
struck in honour of Antinous in the Greek cities.’ One of these,
struck at Bithynium, bears the inscription: ‘His native country
‘honours the god Antinous.’ It is represented in the Dict. of Gk.
and R. Biogr., ‘Antinous.’ Justin M. Apol. i. 29 Οὐκ ἄτοπον δὲ
ἐπιμνησθῆναι ἐν τούτοις ἡγησάμεθα καὶ ᾿Αντινόου τοῦ viv γεγεννημένου,
ὃν καὶ πάντες ὡς θεὸν διὰ φόβον σέβειν ὥρμηντο, ἐπιστάμενοι τίς τε ἦν
καὶ πόθεν ὑπῆρχεν. Athanas, c. Gentes, 9 καὶ ὁ νῦν ᾿Αδριανοῦ x.7.A.

b 12 τοὺς ἀγῶνας. This passage comes before the preceding
‘in-Clem, Al. 29.

‘300

BOOK II. CHAP. 6 72¢

@ 1 The festivals are here stated roughly in their order, the:
Isthmian being held in the first and third years of each Olym-.
piad, the Nemean in the second and fourth, and the Pythian in
the third, the cycle being completed by a new Olympiad. Cf..
Bacchyl. Fr. viii.

9 2 Πυθοῖ and ὁ 4 Ἰσθμοῖ, locative cases.

9 3 τοῦ ὄφεως. Cf. Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. 300, 357; Apollod.
i, 4.1. 3.

9 4 Ἰσθμοῖ. Ino leaped into the sea with her boy Palaemon
or Melicertes, whose body was washed ashore at Schoenus
on the Isthmus of Corinth, where the festival was instituted
in his honour; Pausan. 108; 111. See note on MéxaGpos,
38 a5.

G 6 ‘Apxépopos, son of Eurydice and Lycurgus, originally
named Opheltes, was afterwards called Archemorus, ‘ forerunner
of death,’ because his death by a serpent was interpreted as an
omen of the fate awaiting the ‘Seven against Thebes.’ Cf.
Apollod. iii. 6. 4.

ὁ ἐπιτάφιος. Sc. ἀγών. Cf. Clem. Al. 29 μυστήρια ἦσαν dpa, ὡς
ἔοικεν, οἱ ἀγῶνες ἐπὶ νεκροῖς διαθλούμενοι.

Gi τοῦ Πέλοπος Cf. Eurip. Iph. in Taur. 1

Πέλοψ ὁ Tavrddews εἰς Πῖσαν μολὼν x.t.A.
Pind. Οἱ. ii. 3
Fro. Πίσα μὲν Διός, ᾿Ολυμπιάδα δ᾽ ἔστησεν Ἡρακλέης
ἀκρόθιγνα πολέμον.
Bacchyl. viii. 14
ἄνδημ' ἐλαίας
ἐν Πέλοπος Φρυγίον
κλεινοῖς ἀέθλοις.

ἃ § αὐτοδιδάκτοις ἐννοίαις. Tertull. Ado. Marcion. i. 10 ‘Animae
enim a primordio conscientia Dei dos est.’

74 ἃ 2 τὴν δὴ φυσικωτέραν. The meaning is determined by the.
subsequent explanation a 9 φυσικὰς διηγήσεις καὶ θεωρίας. Dr. J. B.
Mayor refers to Cic. Nat. D.i. 41 ‘partum Iovis ortumque vir-
ginis ad physiologiam traducens diiungit a fabula,’ and Nat. D.
ii. 63 ‘Alia quoque ex ratione et quidem physica magna fluxit
multitudo deorum.’ On the allegorical interpretation of the
Greek mysteries and legends see Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, p. 79.

ἃ 7 @eparetoa, ‘to explain away.’ Hatch, ibid., p. 80, ἢ. 2

.“
Jt aay

* t

74a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

“θεραπεία became -ἃ technical term in this sense.’ ‘Hoc est,
opinor, quod. Plutarchus, Alerand. Ὁ. 686, eleganter dixit τὸν
μῦθον ἀνασώζοντες πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν. . . Sauvant la fable par
la verité’ (Viger).

6 8 τιμώμενοι The Middle Voice usually means to ‘estimate’ or
‘assess damages,’ and is applied either to plaintiff or defendant.

- AIX Τηρητέον γοῦν ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα (ore). The common reading
ὅτι μάλιστα is evidently wrong as separating μάλιστα from τηρη-
véov. I have, therefore, adopted the reading of the oldest MSS.
(AH) ἔνι μάλιστα, and transferred ὅτι to its proper place.

75 b 7 ὑποκορίζονται. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Ler.; Aristot. Rhetor.
iii. 669 ἔστι δὲ ὁ ὑποκορισμὸς ὃς ἔλαττον ποιεῖ καὶ τὸ κακὸν καὶ τὸ
ἀγαθόν.

6 4 ἐν ὑπονοίαις. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. 106 ‘Quam recen-
tiores ἀλληγορίαν dicunt veteres ὑπόνοιαν dixisse, pulcre monet
Plutarchus, De-aud. Poet. 19 E ots (μύθους) ταῖς πάλαι μὲν

. ὑπονοίαις ἀλληγορίαις δὲ viv λεγομέναις ταραβιαζόμενοι καὶ διαστρέ-

φοντες ἔνιοι.
1) ἂς Cf. Athenag. Leg. 118.

76 c 3 The same passage is also quoted below, 641 c 1 and
694 & 2.

9 § Hesiod, Theog. 154-9

“Oooo yap Γαίης τε καὶ Οὐρανοῦ ἐξεγένοντο,
δεινότατοι παίδων, σφετέρῳ δ᾽ ἤχθοντο τοκῆϊ

ἐξ ἀρχῆς. Καὶ τῶν μὲν ὅπως τις πρῶτα γένοιτο,
πάντας ἀποκρύπτασκε, καὶ ἐς φάος οὐκ ἀνίεσκε,
Γαίης ἐν κευθμῶνι, κακῷ δ᾽ ἐπετέρπετο ἔργῳ
Οὐρανός.

c 6 Hesiod, Theog. 469-91. Cf. Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 24
“Vetus haec opinio Graeciam opplevit exsectum Caelum a filio
Saturno, vinctum autem Saturnum ipsum a filio Jove. Cf. idem
iii. 24” (Ast).

ἃ τ & ἀπορρήτων, ‘i.e. secreto, ut in mysteriis, ne publicentur ’
(Ast).

οὐ χοῖρον. In the first stage of initiation at Eleusis the
sacrifice of a sow was required. Cf. Aristoph. Par 374
és χοιρίδιόν μοι νῦν δάνεισον τρεῖς δραχμάς"
δεῖ γὰρ. μνηθῆναί με πρὶν τεθνηκέναι.
See notes on 64 ὁ 7 and 641.¢ 8.
102

A...

BOOK It. CHAPS. 6-8 | 76 ¢

ἃ 2 ὅκως... συνέβη. Aristoph. Pax 135
Οὐκοῦν ἐχρῇν oe Πηγάσου ζεῦξαι πτερόν,
ὅπως ἐφαίνου τοῖς θεοῖς τραγικώτερος.
Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 813.
77 Ὁ 4 Ἡφαίστου ῥίψεις. Hom. Il. i. 590
‘'When to thy succour once before I came,
He seized me by the foot, and hurled me down
From Heaven’s high threshold; all the day I fell,
And with the setting sun, on Lemnos’ isle
Lighted, scarce half alive’ (Lord Derby).
8] 78 ἃ τ Dionysius wrote his great work on Roman history,
᾿Ῥωμαϊκὴ ᾿Αρχαιολογία, about B.C. 10.

G7 xopvBayracpols. “ Ἐκστάσεις φρενῶν καὶ μανίας as ἐνθου-.
σιασμοὺς καὶ κατακοχὰς (κατοκωχὰς) ὀνομάζουσιν. A in marg.’
(Gaisford).

79 ἃ 7 τερθρείαν. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. ‘TepOpeta. γοητεία."
Plut. De Auditu, 42 Ε πολλὴν δὲ τερθρείαν καὶ στωμνλίαν ἐν
ταῖς σχολαῖς πεπόνηκε.

ἃ 8 Ἰἰδαίας Θεᾶς ἱερά. In Β.0. 203 the Romans were bidden by
the Delphian Oracle to transfer from Pessinus to Rome the sacred
stone which the Phrygians declared to be the Mother of the Gods,.
and P. Cornelius Scipio Afr. Major, being selected by the Senate
as ‘the best of good men’ received the goddess at Ostia, and
delivered her to the chief matrons. of the city, by whom she was
carried in procession to the temple of Victory on the Palatine,
where she was honoured with the scenic plays called Megalesia
(Livy xxix. 14).

Ὁ 3 μηναγυρτοῦντες, al. μητραγυρτοῦντες. The servants of the
goddess made monthly rounds of begging; Ovid, Epp. ex Ponto,
1. I. 39

‘Ante Deum Matrem cornu tibicen adunco
Cum canit, exiguae quis stipis aera negat.’
Cic. De Legg. i. 16 ‘Stipem sustulimus nisi eam, quam ad paucos
dies propriam Idaeae Matris excepimus.’

© 2 ὀττεύεται. Polyb. xxxvi. 5. 2 ἐξ αὐτῆς δὲ τῆς τῶν πρέσβεων
ἐμφάσεως ὀττευόμενο. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. “Ὅττα. φήμη, μαντεία,
θεία κληδών. At Dionys. Hal. ὀττεύεσθαι et ὀττεία in deteriorem
partem pro abominari, reliqioni ducere.’

Ο 5 & ἀλληγορίας. This reading is taken from the text of

103

79¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Dionysius, and adopted by Gaisford for διὰ λύπην, which is hardly
intelligible. Heinichen would correct the passage by reading —
οἱ δὲ διὰ λύπην παραμυθίας ἕγεκα x.7.X.

BOOK III

Pref.] 82 Ὁ The first paragraph of the Preface is repeated from
the close of Book ii.

C 8 καταμάθωμεν. The subjunctive is adopted by all editors
from μάθωμεν (BI), and is strictly correct, but καταμάθοιμεν (AH ;
but not in 80 b 8) also agrees with the usage of Eusebius: see
1 ἃ δ, 403 ὁ 9, Jelf, Gk. Gr. 809. ΕΣ

ἃ λαβὼν ἀνάγνωθι. The formula by which an advocate
called on the clerk or secretary to read the affidavit of a
witness.

88 ἃ 7 els τὴν αἰθέριον δύναμιν GAAryopovpevos. The preposition
eis is preserved by H alone: without it, δύναμιν might possibly be
regarded as the accusative of cognate signification, as εἰκόνα κατα-
γέγραπται 106 b 5. Cf. Clem. Al. 86, 126, 205; Eustath. Jn Hom.
1392. 48 Σημείωσαι ore εἰς τὸν θυμὸν ὁ Κύκλωψ ἀλληγορεῖται.

Ὁ 2 Δαιδάλων. The name Δαίδαλα is applied both to the festival
held at Plataeae, and to the wooden statues then exhibited. See
Pausan. 716 Δαίδαλα ἑορτήν . . . τὰ ξόανα ἐκάλουν δαίδαλα. The
festival was held once in sixty years, but there was also a minor
celebration every seventh year. |
1] oc 1-86 ἃ 9 Plutarch. Fr. De Daedalis Plataeensibus (Wytten-
bach, v. 501), ἃ fragment of a work no longer extant, preserved
by Eusebius alone.

9 6 τοῖς "Opduixois ἔπεσι. The Orphic Poems consist of (1) the
Argonautica, (2) a collection of Hymns, and (3) Διθικά, a poem
describing ‘ precious stones and their virtues,’ all in Epic metre,
well edited by G. Hermann, Lips. 1805, and by Abel.

C7 ὀργιασμοί. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. ᾿οργιάζων. θύων, ἐπιτελῶν.
"Opyworai. οἱ τὰ μυστήρια ἐπιτελοῦντες. See note on 62 ἃ 5.

ἃ 1 ἱερουργίαις. Cf. 1 a 7.

G9 dxparorocia. The passage is quoted from Plato, Laws vi.
775 B. Cf. Laws ii. 674 quoted below 599 a.

84 ἃ 2 τὴν χολὴν οὐ καθαγίζουσιν. The same statement is

104

BOOK Hil. CHAP. I 842

repeated almost in the same words in Plutarch, De Coniugal.
Praecept. 141 C. ᾿

@ 6 Ἥραν. Viger observes that this story seems to be mentioned
only by Plutarch.

b 2 ἐνταῦθα. Plutarch was writing at Chaeroneia in Boeotia.

ἃ 3 Ἥραν TeAciov. ‘We must not omit that passage of
Pausanias, Arcadica 253, where he speaks concerning the three
surnames of Juno, as a girl, a grown woman, and a widow: “In
Stymphalus they say there dwelt Temenus, son of Pelasgus, and
Hera was brought up by this Temenus, and he established three
festivals for the goddess, and applied three surnames to her,
calling her, while yet a virgin, Child (Παῖς), and when still
married to Zeus, he called her TeAcia, Perfect, but when she
quarrelled for some cause or other with Zeus, and came back
to Stymphalus, Temenus named her Χήραν Widow.” The shrine
and image of Hera Teleia at Plataeae is also briefly described by
Pausanias, Boeot. 283’ (Viger).

85 a 3 τὴν αὐτήν. To complete the argument, which Viger
misunderstands, it is sufficient to remember that LEileithyia is
mentioned as a daughter of Hera; cf. Pind. Nem. vii. 1

"EdeiGuia, πάρεδρε Μοιρᾶν ᾿βαθνφρόνων,

war μεγαλοσθενέος, ἄκουσον, “Hpas, γενέτειρα τέκνων.
Hesiod, Theog. 922

ἣ δ᾽ Ἥβην καὶ “Apya καὶ Εἰλείθνιαν ἔτικτε

μιχθεῖσ᾽ ἐν φιλότητι θεῶν βασιλῆϊ καὶ ἀνδρῶν.

8 6"Apys... ἀρήγων. ‘Nova etymologiac ratio . . . Plato in
Cratylo (407 D) xara τὸ ἄρρεν re καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἀνδρεῖον dictum esse
mavult. Clemens Alexandr. in Protrept. p. 32 ἀπὸ τῆς ἄρσεως καὶ
ἀναιρέσεως ” (Viger).

& ᾿Απόλλων δὲ ὡς ἀπαλλάττων καὶ ἀπολύων. Plat. Crat. 405 B:
Οὐκοῦν ὃ καθαίρων θεὸς καὶ ὁ ἀπολούων τε καὶ ἀπολύων τῶν τοιούτων
κακῶν οὗτος ἂν εἴη; In Crat. 404 E Plato alludes to a more common
derivation, from ἀπόλλυμε: πολλοὶ πεφόβηνται περὶ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ
θεοῦ ὧς τι δεινὸν μηνύοντος. Clem. Al. (Strom. i. 419) gives
an absurd derivation from a privative and πολλῶν : ᾿Απόλλων
μέντοι μυστικῶς κατὰ στέρησιν τῶν πολλῶν νοούμενος ὁ εἷς ἐστι Θεός.
Porphyry mentions another derivation, ἀπὸ τῆς ἀκτίνων πάλσεως,
112 Ὁ 4.

Ὁ 3 (ἀπὸ τρόπον). Plat. Rep. 470 Β οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπον λέγεις.

105

85 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

- Ὁ 8 ἐξάγαγε πρὸ φόωσδε. Hom. Il. xvi. 187 f. Schol. “περισ-
ceva ἡ πρὸ πρόθεσις. But Eustathius more correctly says: ‘In
πρὸ φόωσδε the preposition is not used superfluously (xara τὸ
παρέλκον), but indicates the infant’s coming forth into light:
and here φόωσδε is explanatory of the preposition πρό. In
a similar passage, Hom. Jl. xix. 103, φόωσδε stands alone :

σήμερον ἄνδρα φόωσδε μογοστόκος Ἐϊλείθυια

ἐκφανεῖ.
The insertion οὗ πρό might be ascribed to the exigence of the
metre, but Plutarch claims a special significance for it. In like
manner Eustathius says that in Jl. xix. 118

ἐκ δ᾽ ἄγαγε πρὸ φόωσδε καὶ ἠλιτόμηνον ἐόντα
‘the preposition πρό marks the premature birth,’ which, however,
is fully expressed in the words that follow. See Viger’s note.

ΟἹ σύνθεσιν, ‘ composition’: cf. Aristot. Rhet. ad Alexandr. 26.1
σκόπει δὲ καὶ τὴν σύνθεσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων, ὅπως μήτε συγκεχυμένη μήθ᾽
ὑπερβατὴ ἔσται.

C 5 τὸν εὐηθέστερον μῦθον. This story is also told by Pausanias,
716.

6 8 ᾿Αλαλκομένει τῷ αὐτόχθονι. Pausan. ix. 777 ‘ Alalkomenae
is a village of no great size, and lies close to the foot of a moun-
tain of moderate height. It got its name from Alalkomenes, an
autochthon, who is said to have reared Athena: but others say
that Alalkomenia was one of the daughters of Ogyges. Some
distance from the village in the plain is a temple of ' Athena, and
an ancient statue of ivory.’

Strab. 413 ‘ Alalkomenae is mentioned by the Poet, ...
᾿Αλαλκομενηὶς ᾿Αθήνη (Hom. ἢ. iv. 8).’
ἃ 3 εὐκτέανον. Literally rich. Aesch. Pers. 897
καὶ τὰς εὐκτεάνους . . . πολνάνδρους (scil. πόλεις).

ἃ 4 οὕτως, i.e. ‘in the usual way,’ ‘the way you know.’ The
scribes, not recognizing this meaning, thought the word meant ‘as
follows,’ and that a bridal song had been omitted. See Wytten-
bach’s note in his edition of Plutarch.

86 841 τὰς Τριτωνίδας. Triton was a river of Boeotia, near
Alalkomenae. Sce note on 89 ὁ 9.

ἃ 5 ἐκ τῶν φυτῶν τῆς γῆς. The better order ἐκ τῆς γῆς τῶν
φυτῶν is found in 10; either ἐκ or τῶν φυτῶν seems to have been
mnisplaced.

106

BOOK II CHAPS, I, 2 sO 860 ἃ

᾿ ἃ rots εὐσεβέσι. Hesiod, Opp. 223

Ot δὲ δίκας ξείνοισι καὶ ἐνδήμοισι διδοῦσιν

ἰθείας καὶ μή τι παρεμβαίνονσι δικαίου,

τοῖσι φέρει μὲν γαῖα πολὺν βίον, οὔρεσι δὲ δρῦς

ἄκρη μέν τε φέρει βαλάνους, μέσση δὲ μελίσσας.
In Plat. Rep. 363 Β this passage is quoted together with Hom.
Od. xix. 109 seqq.
4] 8784 (ἐπιστάσεως). For ἀναστάσεως ἄξιον, the reading of all
MSS. which Gaisford retains, read (ἐπιστάσεως) ἄξιον with Toup,
and compare Polybius, xi. 2. 4 πέφηνεν ἡμῖν ἄξιος ἐπιστάσεως εἶναι
καὶ ζήλον, and many other passages. Cf. Lexic. Polybian. in voc.
‘ Sed praesertim ἐπίστασις dicitur, cum subsistimus ad rem, et el
immoramur, ad eam considerandam et expendendam: hine
animadversio, attentio, diligentia, cura, et stmilia.’? Viger
conjectures dvardcews, which is found in 132 ἃ, but is far less
appropriate.

o 6 Plat. Crat. 397 C, D quoted also 29 ὁ 3, 103 ὁ 2.

d 1 τούτων παλαίτατα. On the use of the superlative ‘as
expressing a very high degree of superiority arising from a com-
parison,’ see Jelf, Gk. Gr. 502. 3; Donaldson, Gk. Gr. 416;
Bernhardy, Gr. Syntax, 438. Hom. Od. v. 105

φησί τοι ἄνδρα παρεῖναι ὀϊζυρώτατον ἄλλων.
Thucyd. i. 1 ἀξιολογώτατον τῶν προγεγενημένων. St. Joh. Ev.
i. 15 Ore πρῶτός pov ἦν. Heikel proposes to read παλαίτερα, quite
unnecessarily and without authority of MSS. On the Egyptian
origin of Grecian gods and ceremonies, see Hdt. ii. 52, and
G. W. (Birch) ii. 497 ff.

ἃ 2 The natural order of the words is inverted, Osiris being
the sun, and Isis the moon. 7

ἃ 6 Νεῖλον. Wiedemann, 147, quotes a hymn in honour of
‘the living and beautiful Nile,’ in which he is called ‘ father of
all the gods.’

ἃ 8 ᾿Αθηνᾶν. See the note on 113 ὦ 2.

88 a 2 Ἥφαιστον. Plat. Crat. 407 C Φαῖστος ὧν τὸ Fra προσ-
ελκυσάμενος. Preller, Gr. Myth. 174, n. 3 ‘The name is probably
derived from ἧφθαι.᾽ Cf. 89a 1. A different derivation is suggested
by Brugsch (Birch, iii. 16 note), ‘The name of the god is the
same as the Egyptian Ptah or Patah, “to open,” in the sense of

107

ssa THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

“ builder, constructor, sculptor.”’ Cf. Masp. i. 156. ἢ. 3, and
Porph. De Jmag. quoted on 115 b 3.

@4 Mavelds. Cf. 44 ¢ 8.

&5 τῇ προλεχθείσῃ ᾳὐτοῦ γραφῇ. Cf, 18 ἃ 8.

9] Ὅτ τὸν Ἥλιον, φησί, καὶ τὴν Σελήνην, Ὄσιριν ὄντας καὶ Ἶσιν.
For these explanatory words added by Eusebius, Diod. Sic. i. 11
has only ὑφίσταντα. <A further explanation κατ᾽ Αἰγυπτίους after
ὄντας is found only in the later MSS.

᾿ Ὁ 4 καὶ θερινῇξΈ The omission of these words in AH reduces
the seasons to two, spring and winter, instead of the three of four
months each described by Birch, Ancient Egyptians, ii. 373, with
reference to this passage of Diodorus.

9 2 Φασὶ δὲ συμβάλλεσθαι πλεῖστα. The alteration of this, the.
text of Diodorus, into φύσιν συμβ. πλείστην, whether made by
Eusebius himself or by his transcribers, seems to have arisen from
not observing the construction, τῶν θεῶν τούτων τὸν μὲν κιτιλ. and
the partitive sense of the genitives πυρώδους, πνεύματος, x.r.r., after
συμβάλλεσθαι, for which cf. Eur. Afed. 284

Συμβάλλεται δὲ πολλὰ τοῦδε δείματος.

ἃ 8 Aia. Cf. 59 b 4, 818 a Διὸ δὴ καὶ Ζεὺς λέγεται ὃ κόσμος
ἐπειδὴ τοῦ ζῆν αἴτιος ἡμῖν ἐστι.

89 a1 Ἧφαιστον. See note on 88 ἃ 2.

ἃ 4 μητέρας. The goddess Mut, whose name signifies ‘ Mother,’
may be supposed to represent Nature, the mother of all. She was
the wife of Amen R&, ‘mistress of the gods,’ ‘lady of heaven.’
Her statues with a lion’s head are found in almost every great
museum of the world. Cf. Birch, iii. 31; Wiedemann, 122.

as Δήμητραν. Cf. Orph. Hymn. 40. 2.

Σεμνὴ Δήμητερ, κουροτρόφος, ὀλβιοδῶτι,
πλοντοδότειρα θεά.
On the form Δήμητραν, see note on 45 ἃ 3.

b 5 There is said to be in the museum at York a tablet with

the inscription
Ὥκεανωι καὶ Τηθυι Δημήτριος.

This was probably a votive offering before the return- voyage of
Demetrius from Britain. Cf. Plut. De Orac. Def. 410 a Δημήτριος
μὲν ὁ γραμματικὸς ἐκ Bperravias εἰς Ταρσὸν ἀνακομιζόμενος οἴκαδε.
See note on 184 ὁ I0.

Ὁ 6 ‘Oxeavoy εἶναι . . . τὸν Νεῖλον. Cf. Hidt. ii. 21 “H δ᾽ ἑτέρη

108

BOOK III. CHAPS. 2, 3 89 Ὁ

oe λέγει ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὦκεανοῦ ῥέοντα αὐτὸν ταῦτα μηχανᾶσθαι, τὸν δ᾽
Ὦκεανὸν γῆν περὶ πᾶσαν ῥέειν. Diod. Sie. i..37 οἱ μὲν κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον
ἱερεῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ περιρρέοντος τὴν οἰκουμένην ᾿ΩὯκεανοῦ φασιν αὐτὸν τὴν
σύστασιν λαμβάνειν.

6.2 Διός. Diospolis (Thebes), Heliopolis (On, Αὐπᾶ), Hermo-
polis (Khminfi), Apollinopolis (Edfa), Panopolis (Akhmién),
Eileithyiapolis (El-Kab). ‘Even the Greeks resorted to El-Kab
to pray to Eileithyia’ (Ermann, 20). A temple, a sphinx, and
part of the ancient walls have been discovered at El-Kab, which
was the seat of Nechebt (Hileithyia) the vulture-goddess. Cf.
Masp. i. 102; Wiedemann, 141.

© 9 Τριτογένειαν. According to Plut. De Is. et Osir. 381 E,
the Pythagoreans, who even adorned numbers and geometrical
figures with the names of the gods, ‘called the equilateral triangle
*‘ Athena born from the head,” and “ Tritogeneia,”’ because it is
bisected by three perpendiculars drawn from the angles.’ On this
last expression compare Timaeus the Locrian, 98 B, in Bekker’s
Plato, ix ἱσοπλεύρω τριγώνω δίχα τετμαμένω καθέτῳ ἀπὸ τᾶς κορνφᾶς
ἐς τὰν βάσιν ἐς ἴσα μέρεα δύο.

Athena was claimed by the dwellers on the Lake Tritonis
in Libya as having been born there (Hdt. iv. 180 τῇ αὐθιγενέϊ θεῷ
λέγουσαι τὰ πάτρια ἀποτελέειν).Γ The same derivation is mentioned
by the Scholiast on Hom. Jl. iv. 515, and by Eur. Jon 871 f.
Others derive the name Tritogeneia from Trito, a river of Boeotia,
or from τριτώ, ἃ Boeotian word for ‘head.’ But see Preller, l.c.,
who accepts the derivation from Τρίτων, as meaning ‘rushing
water.’ Athena is identified with the Egyptian goddess Neith by
Plat. Tim. 21 E; Ὁ. W. (Birch, iii. 39-44).

ἃ 2 γλαυκῶπιν. Schol. Min. ad Hom.. Jl. i. 206 ἡ γλαυκοὺς καὶ
καταπληκτικοὺς ὦπας ἔχουσα. The epithet seems to describe a
‘peculiar gleam or glare of the eyes (so L. and Scott). Cf. Pausan.
i. 14.6 τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα ὁρῶν τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς γλαυκοὺς ἔχον τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς,
Λιβύων τὸν μῦθον ὄντα εὕρισκον. Τούτοις γάρ ἐστιν εἰρημένον Tora
δῶνος καὶ λίμνης Τριτωνίδος θυγατέρα εἶναι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γλαυκοὺς
εἶναι ὥσπερ καὶ τῷ Ποσειδῶνι τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς.

90 Ὁ 3 βασιλεῖς γεγονέναι. On the divinity ascribed to Egyptian
kings see Wiedemann, 175.6; Ermann, 57, 60, &c. ; Masp. i. 263.

CG I “Appwva. ‘Ammon was also considered the same as Jupiter,
‘because he was the king of the gods.’ G. W. (Birch, 111... 2).

ἄορ

90 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE’ GOSPEL

C 3 ὁμώνυμον. On the derivation of the name Phra (Pharaoh)
from Ra, the sun, seeG. W. (Birch, 44); Preller, Gr. Myth. 88. n. 1.
Masp. i. 87 ‘The fiery disk Atond, by which the sun revealed
himself to men, was a living god, called Ra, as was also the
planet itself.’ Cf. Wiedemann, 14-26; G. W. (Birch, i. 16).

ἃ 3 Νεῖλον. On the identification of Osiris with the Nile see
Masp. i. 172; Birch, iii. 74 ff.

91 Ὁ 2 γαλεαγκῶνα. ‘Short in the upper arm like a weasel.’
Cf. Aristot. Hist. Animal. i. 15. 3 ‘The parts of the arm are the
shoulder (ὦμος), the upper arm (ἀγκών), the elbow (ὠλέκρανον),
the fore-arm (πῆχυς), the hand.’ Hence in Physiogn. iii. 13
Φιλόκυβοι γαλεαγκῶνες καὶ ὀρχησταί, ‘Dicers and dancers have short
upper arms.’

Ὁ 5 Νεκρῶν. Cf. Clem. Recogn. x. 25 on the deification of

dead men.
4] 92b1 Χαιρήμων. Porphyry’s Epistle to Anebo, the Egyptian
prophet, is contained (in fragments) in Gale’s edition of ‘Iam-
blichus De Mysterits’ (London, 1670), and in Parthey’s edition
of the same work (Berlin, 1857). The answer to Porphyry is
entitled ’ABdppwvos διδασκάλον πρὸς τὴν Πορφυρίου πρὸς ᾿Ανεβὼ
ἐπιστολὴν ἀπόκρισις, καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ ἀπορημάτων λύσεις. Though
written under the fictitious name ‘Abammon,’ it is supposed to
have been the work of Iamblichus, and 18 commonly quoted as
‘Iamblichus De Mystertis.’

The passage here quoted by Eusebius occurs near the end of
the Epistle (§ 36), and is in part reproduced in the answer,
De Myst. viii. 4. This answer has so much in common with the
passage of Porphyry quoted by Eusebius, that it is desirable to
quote the original Greek. Χαιρήμων δὲ καὶ εἴ τιγες ἄλλοι τῶν περὶ
τὸν κόσμον ἅπτονται πρώτων αἰτίων τὰς τελευταίας ἀρχὰς ἐξηγοῦνται"
ὅσοι τε τοὺς πλανήτας καὶ τὸν ζωδιακὸν τούς τε δεκανοὺς καὶ ὡροσκόπους
καὶ τοὺς λεγομένους κραταιοὺς καὶ ἡγεμόνας παραδιδόασιν, τὰς μεριστὰς
. τῶν ἀρχῶν διανομὰς ἀναφαίνουσι. Td τε ἐν τοῖς Σαλμεσχινιακοῖς
μέρος τι βραχύτατον περιέχει τῶν Ἑ ρμαϊκῶν διατάξεων. Καὶ τὰ περὶ
ἀστέρων ἣ φάσεων (sic) ἢ κρύψεων ἣ σελήνης αὐξήσεων ἢ μειώσεων ἐν
τοῖς ἐσχάτοις εἶχε τὴν παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις αἰπολογίαν.

Chaeremon of Alexandria, mentioned again 198 Ὁ §, as ὁ
Ἱερογραμματεύς, was the keeper and expounder of the sacred
books in the library. of the Serapeum, and afterwards one of the

3:0

BOOK III, CHAPS, 3, 4 92 Ὁ

tators of Nero. His chief work was a History of Egypt. Eusebius
says (H. E. vi. 19) that Origen ‘ studied the books of Chaeremon
the Stoic.’ Strab. 806 describes Chaeremon as a boastful and
ridiculous sciolist who accompanied Aelius Gallus on his voyage
to Egypt. On the passage of Porphyry see Cudworth, Intellectual
System, i. 537, 539, and G. W. (Birch, ii. 505).

Ὁ 2 ἐν ἀρχῆς λόγῳ τιθέμενοι. So Gaisford reads with the later
MSS. instead of ἐν ἀρχῇ λόγων 716. AH, a simpler reading which
it would have been better to retain. See, however, 119 a 3 ἐν
ἀρχῆς τε λόγῳ τίθεσθαι τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους.

Ὁ 4 παρανατέλλουσι. This refers not to the time of rising, as
συνανατέλλω, but to the position of stars near the zodiac. ‘Videntur
ΠΠαρανατέλλοντας appellasse proprie qui decanorum sunt administri
et λειτουργοί, diversique censebantur a planetis et signis ipsis.’
Salmasius, De annis climact. 553 quoted by Seguier, who adds:
‘Citat Diodorum Tarsensem Contra Genethliacos Porphyrius in
Introductione ad Ptolemaeum : Ὑπόκεινται τοῖς Sexavots ot εἰρημένοι
ἂν τῷ ζωδιακῷ κύκλῳ παρανατέλλοντες, ἔχουσι δὲ καὶ πρόσωπα τῶν
ἑπτὰ ἀστέρων.᾽ The Ptolemaeus above mentioned is the celebrated
astronomer, and the work to which Porphyry wrote an Intro-
duction was entitled Tetrabiblon de Apotelesmatibus et Judiciis
Astrorum.

Ὁ 5 δεκανούς. The 360 degrees of the Ecliptic were divided by
ancient astrologers into 36 ‘decani,’ and the ‘decanus’ thus
containing 10 degrees is called by Firmicus Maternus, ii. 4
(Migne, Patrol. Lat. xii. Col. 971) ‘ praeses decem partium signi,’
‘Definit Firmicus lib. ii. ὁ. g: Decanos magni numinis et
potestatis esse, et per ipsos prospera omnia et infortunia decerni.’
Infra, 278 ἃ 8 τριάκοντα ἐξ κατὰ τοὺς Sexavovs. See the exact words
of Firmicus in Kroll’s edition (Teubner) lib. ii. ὁ. 4.

ὡροσκόπους. The star which was rising at the moment of
a child’s birth was called his ὡροσκόπος : the term was also
applied to the calculation of the relations of this star to the
positions of certain other planets and stars; cf. 556 ὁ 5 ὡροσκοπείων
τηρήσεις. Cf. Pers. Sat. vi
‘Geminos, horoscope, varo
Producis genio.’
Dio Cassius, quoted by Seguier, defines the horoscope as the sign
of the Zodiac, ro μύριον τὸ τὴν ὥραν ἐπισκοποῦν ὅτε Tis cis φῶς εἰσήει.
ILI

92 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 6 κραταιοὺς ἡγεμόνας. For this we find in Iamblichus, Des
Myst. viii. 4 (Parthey) xparasovs καὶ ἡγεμόνας, ‘Potentates and
Rulers.’ Cf. Aesch. Agam. 6

λαμπροὺς δυνάστας ἐμπρέποντας αἰθέρι.

ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αλμενιχιακοῖς φέρεται. The form ἀλμενιχιακοῖς is
found in AHIO, and ἀλμενιαχοῖς in B. These are all the oldest
and best MSS. of Eusebius, by whose quotation the fragment of
Porphyry has been preserved. In the answer of Iamblichus
(De Myst. viii. 4) besides ἀλμενιχιακοῖς, ἀλμενικιακοῖς, ἀλμενι-
σχιακοῖς the MSS. contain several forms beginning with σ,
σαλμενισχιακοῖς, σαλμεσχινιακοῖς, σαλαμινιακοῖςς. These latter have
evidently been derived from the older form by the repetition of ¢,
the last letter of the preceding word rots, a very common and well
known cause of various readings.

The form ἀλμενιχιακοῖς (ἀλμενιαχοῖς) is generally admitted to
be the Greek transliteration of an Arabic word formed from the
article al and a root mnh,-manach, common to the Semitic
languages, and meaning ‘to count.’ See Encycl. Brit., Murray’s
English Dictionary, ‘Almanac,’ and especially Farst’s Vet. Test.
Concord. viii. Tabula Comparativa, 1410.

Whether the words of the fragment preserved by Eusebius are
those of Chaeremon (1-50 A.D.) or of Porphyry himself (233-305
A.D.), We have in the Greek transliteration a clear indication of
the Arabic original of ‘almanac’ nearly a thousand years earlier
than its first certain appearance | in English, in Roger Bacon
(1275 a.p.) (Murray).

From the context in Porphyry and Iamblichus we learn that
the ᾿Αλμενιχιακά contained an account of the planets, the signs of
the Zodiac, the stars which rise near them, the ‘decani’ or
divisions of the Ecliptic of ten degrees each, the horoscopes
derived from all these and the ruling planets and stars, their
powers to heal diseases, and their risings and settings, and indica-
tions of future events.

As these were precisely the contents of the older ‘ almanacs,’
it is impossible to doubt the connexion of the modern name with
ἀλμενιχιακά, Which admits of no other rendering.

Whether the European languages received the word ‘almanac’
direct from the Arabic, or through the Greek, is at present an
‘open question. JIamblichus stateg distinctly that the ᾿Αλμενιχιακά

212

BOOK ΠῚ. OHAP. 4 ogc

-were compiled in part at least from the works of Hermes Tris-
megistus (rd re ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αλμενιχιακοῖς μέρος re βραχύτατον περιέχει
τῶν Eppaixav διατάξεων) : these διατάξεις were descriptions of the
‘relative positions’ of stars and planets. On the countless
works, published and unpublished, which are attributed to
Hermes Trismegistus, see Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. i. 11, where, refer-
ring to our present passage, he writes, ‘In Epistola Porphyrii ad
Anebonem Aegyptium, quam. refert Eusebius lib. iii. Praeparat.
cap. 4, legitur ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αλμενιχιακοῖς, quod notius vocabulum
est. Arabum, qui Persicam appellationem ita corruperunt, et
Calendarium Almanach nominant.’

C5 φάνσεις. A more usual form is φάσεις, as in Tim. Locr.
97 B φάσιάς re καὶ κρύψιας καὶ ἐκλείψιας.

ἐπιτολάς. The first visible rising of a star in the morning
‘twilight was called ἐπιτολὴ ἑῴα φαινομένη, Ortus matutinus
apparens. See Bredow’s long note in Goeller on Thue. ii. 78.
The last visible rising of a star after sunset was called ἐπιτολὴ
dowepia φαινομένη, Ortus vespertinus apparens. See Dict. Gk. Rom.
Antig., ‘Astronomia.’ The ἐπιτολὴ ἑῴα of Arcturus is described
by Hesiod, Opp. 609, in the words ’Apxrotpov δ᾽ ἐσίδῃ ῥοδοδάκτυλος
"Hes. Cf. Theophrast. Fr. vi. 2 Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἀνατολαὶ διτταί, αἱ
doe Gray προανατέλλῃ τοῦ ἡλίου τὸ ἄστρον, ai δ᾽ ἀκρόνυχοι ὅταν ἅμα
δνομένῳ ἀνατέλλῃ. Cf. Jul. Firm. Materni, Math. ii. 8.

ἃ 4 τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nicom. iii. 5 & ols yap ἐφ᾽
ἡμῖν τὸ πράττειν, Kal τὸ μὴ πράττειν.

ἃ 6 τοῖς θεοῖς. Cf. Hdt. ii. 171, n. 3 ‘Though the Egyptians
are said to believe the gods were capable of influencing destiny
(Eus. Pr. Eo. iii. 4), it is evident that Osiris (like the Greek
Zeus) was bound by it; and the wicked were punished, not
because he rejected them, but because they were wicked ’ (6. W.).

G10 ἀπόρρητος θεολογία. Cf. Cudworth, Intellectual System,
i. 535 (London, 1845), ‘ This ἀπόρρητος θεολογία, this arcana (sic)
and recondite theology of the Egyptians, was concealed from
the vulgar two manner of ways, by fables of (sic) allegories, and
by symbols or hieroglyphics.’

98 b1 ἡ δόξα. “ Mihirationem reddere non possum utrum in
Eusebio fuerit dolus vel oscitatio, cum priscis Aegyptiis tribuit
doctrinas Chaeremonis, prorsus ab eorum doctrina alienas. Idem

est ac si quis Homerum Stoicum diceret. Chaeremon religionem

oe I 113

98 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Aegyptiacam intervertit, sicut Graecam Zeno et Chrysippus inter-
verterunt’ (Seguier), Cf. Wiedemann, 226, note, ‘Star-worship
in any strict sense of the term was extremely rare in Egypt: two
references only are made to it on the monuments, and both date
from the nineteenth Dynasty.’ Ermann, 350 ‘ Though it has not
been proved that astrology, i.e. the use of the stars in a super-
atitious way, was practised in Egypt, yet the stars were of great
service in questions of the calendar.’

ἃ 3 διὰ πάντων διῆλθε τῶν ζώων. Porph. De Abst. iv. 9. On
this passage compare Warburton, Dio. Leg. of Moses, iv. 4.
6. 5 ‘Porphyry supposes that the doctrine of God’s pervading all
things was the original of brute-worship. But (1) It proves too
much: for according to this notion, everything would have been
the object of divine worship amongst the early Egyptians; but we
know many were not. (2) Nothing could have been the object of
their execration ; but we know many were. (3) This notion was
never an opinion of the people, but of a few of the learned only;
and (4) those not of the learned of Egypt, but of Greece. Ina
word, this pretended original of brute-worship was only an
invention of their late philosophers to hide the deformities, and
to support the credit of declining paganism.’

ἃ 4 θηρία καὶ ἀνθρώπους. Cf. Hdt. ii. 42 ‘Heracles wished of
all things to see Zeus, but Zeus was not willing to be seen of him,
At last, when Heracles persisted, Zeus hit on.a device—to flay
a ram, cut off his head, hold it before him, and having clothed
himself in the fleece, to show himself thus to Heracles. From this
‘ cause the Egyptians make their statue of Zeus with the face of
a ram.’ On the worship of the ram-headed god at Thebes see
Wiedemann, 110 f.

9484 νομόν. The Greek name of the administrative districts of
Egypt, Scythia, Persia, Babylonia. Cf. Hdt. ii. 164; iv. 62.

Βουσιρίτην. Strab. 802 ‘Near Mendes is Diospolis, and
the lakes around it, and Leontopolis; then farther off the city
Busiris in the Busirite Nome, and Cynopolis.’

Ὁ 1 ἐν τῇ ἀνοίξει τοῦ dyiov. Cf. G. W. (Birch, iii. 91)‘ As soon
as he (Apis) was buried, permission was given to the priests
to enter the temple of Sarapis (Note.—Probably of Osiris or Apis),
though previously forbidden during the whole of the ceremony.’

Σαράπιδος. The various accounts of Sarapis or Serapis in

+14

BOOK ΠῚ, CHAP. 4 τ 9&b

ancient authors are much complicated by the confusion between
two deities, one originally Egyptian, the other introduced into
Egypt by Ptolemy Soter, who caused his colossal statue to be
brought from Sinope in Pontus and set up in the famous
Serapeium at Alexandria (Orig. c. Cels. v. 38). As allusions
to both forms of the tradition are found in Eusebius, the simplest
way will be to refer briefly here to the several points noticed,
reserving fuller particulars for the notes on each passage. In
113 a the worship of Sarapis is connected by Porphyry with
that of the Sun and of Pluto. In 135 b Eusebius himself
mentions the destruction by lightning of the Serapeium at
Alexandria. In 174 a, b, c Sarapis is identified by Porphyry
with Pluto, and described as the chief ruler of the daemons,
In 201 b he is described by himself in verses quoted by Porphyry.
In 499 ¢, ἃ he is identified in authors quoted by Clement of
Alexandria (1) with Apis, king of Argos, and (2) with Apis,
the sacred bull of Egypt; or rather with his mummy, under the
name Soro-Apis, ‘tomb of Apis.’

ἡ θεραπεία. Strab. 801 says that at Canopus there was
τὸ τοῦ Σαράπιδος ἱερὸν πολλῇ ἁγιστείᾳ τιμώμενον καὶ θεραπείας
ἐκφέρον. Οἷο. De Divinat. ii. 50 ‘An Aesculapius, an Serapis
potest nobis praescribere per somnum curationem valetudinis ? ἢ
Tacitus (Hist. iv. 84), after describing the alleged miracles of
healing wrought by Vespasian at Alexandria by the admonition
of the god Serapis, narrates the transference of his image from
Sinope, and the building of a magnificent temple at Rhacotis,
where there had been an ancient shrine saered te Serapis and
Isis, He then adds—‘Deum ipsum multi Aesculapium quod
medeatur aegris corporibus ... coniectant.? Cf. Plut. De 15. et
Osir. 352 A; Preller, Gr. Myth. 523.

Ὁ 4 τὰ péroya. In this corrupt passage Nauck reads ταῦτ᾽ οὖν
σέβονται [τὰ μέτοχα] καὶ μάλιστα [πλέον] τούτων [ἐσέφθησαν] τὰ ὡς
ἐπὶ πλέον τῶν ἱερῶν μετέχοντα’ μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ κιτιλ. “ These
elements therefore they reverence, and of these chiefly those which
have a larger share in the offerings: and next to these all living
things, &c.’

Ὁ 7 “AvaBw. See below 117 Ὁ, where the same statement is
repeated. Cf. Wiedemann, 177 ‘According to some of the
earliest Christian writers, it was the practice in Anabe (sic)—+

12 115

θαῦ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

a place of which we know no other mention—to choose out a man
for worship and to make offerings to him. But for the rest, and
apart from the recognized divinity of the king, living human
incarnations of deity were in historic times everywhere supplied
by other, and particularly animal, incorporations.” On the
deification of the kings cf. Masp. i. 263.

C 4 ἱέρακα. Hat. ii. 65 ‘whoever kills an ibis or a hawk, whether
by accident or on purpose, must needs die.’

C 6 ἐπαμώμενον. ‘The older printed edition has érapepevov εἰς
τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, which is the true reading: for there follows, what
Eusebius omits, ἐν οἷς τὸ ἡλιακὸν κατοικεῖν πεπιστεύκασι das’
(Viger). On the association of the hawk with the sun-god, see
‘Wiedemann, 26 f., and Hom. Od. xv. 525

Ὥς dpa of εἰπόντι ἐπέπτατο δεξιὸς ὄρνις,

κίρκος, ᾿Απόλλωνος ταχὺς ἄγγελος.
In Plut. De Is. et Osir. 371 D the hawk is the emblem of power
and dominion, and in 363 F the emblem of Deity.

ἃ 2 θορόν. Cf. Aristot. Hist. Animal. v. 19. 18 Οἱ δὲ κάνθαροι
ἣν κυλίουσι κόπρον, ἐν ταύτῃ φωλεύουσί τε τὸν χειμῶνα Kal ἐντίκτουσι
σκωλήκια, ἐξ ὧν γίνονται κάνθαροι. Cf. Plut. De Is. et Osir. x.
355A.

ἃ 3 ἀνταναφέρε. Cf. the description in Clem. Al. Strom.
V. 234 ἐπειδὴ κυκλοτερὲς ἐκ τῆς βοείας ὄνθου σχῆμα πλασάμενος
ἀντιπρόσωπος κυλινδεῖ. Also see below 117 ἃ 2 καθάπερ ὁ ἥλιος
τὸν ἐναντίον τῷ πόλῳ ποιεῖται δρόμον.

ἃ 5 περὶ κριοῦ x.7.A. ΑΒ to the ram see Hat. ii. 42; Crocodile,
ibid. 69; Vulture, iii. 76; Ibis, ii. 75 f. Cf. Juven.
Sat. xv. 2 (quoted on 49 ἃ 6); Justin M. Apol. i. 24 ‘Others
in various places worship trees and rivers, and mice and cats and
crocodiles, and most of the irrational animals.’ For similar
arguments against idolatry see Tatian, Ad Graecos, x; Athenag.
Supplicat. xiv-xvii; Clem. Recogn. v. 15. Orig. c. Cels. v. 27
‘It is an act of piety among certain tribes to worship a crocodile,
and to eat of what is worshipped among others.’

δ) 9547 πηρώσεως. Cf. Hom. Il. ii. 599 αἱ δὲ χολωσάμεναι
πηρὸν θέσαν, i.e. the Muses made Thamyris blind. Schol. Πηρὸς
γὰρ καλεῖται ὃ κατά τι μέρος τοῦ σώματος βεβλαμμένος.

Θ] 96 Ὁ 8 μετεωρολέσχαις. Cf. Plat. Rep. 489 C ἀχρήστους καὶ
μετεωρολέσχας. |

316

BOOK Ill. CHAPS. 4-8 — 7 96e

ΟΙ Ὧρος. Wiedemann, 27 ‘By the name of Horus, at least
two entirely distinct deities were originally denoted—Horus the
son of Isis, and Horus the sun-god’; 223 ‘ Horus the son of Isis
appears in the Osirian legend first as the child Her-Pe-Khred,
‘‘ Horus the child,” Harpocrates, with his finger in his mouth. ...
His original nature can no longer be determined ; even in pre-
historic times he had already blended with Horus the Sun-god,
from whom there is no distinguishing him in the texts.’ Masp.
i. 100 ‘ Horus the Sun, and R& the Sun-god of Heliopolis had so
permeated each other that none could say where the one began
and the other ended.’

G1 ὥσπερ διὰ μηχανῆς. Cf. 121 Ὁ 5, and the note there.

97 ἃ 2 Πορφυρίῳ. ‘Among the books which Eusebius has intro-
duced almost in their entirety there is from 97 d to 118 Porph.
Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων. Valck. Diatr. de Arist. xxvii. 83.

7) ἃ 3 Φθέγξομαι. Orph. Fr. i. 1 quoted at length 664 ἃ, by
Justin M. Cohort. ad Gent. xv; De Monarchia ii; Clem. Al.
Protrept.. vii. 74, and elsewhere. It is alluded to by Plat.

Sympos. 218 B, which proves its antiquity, of δὲ οἰκέται, καὶ εἴ τις
ἄλλος ἐστὶ βέβηλός τε καὶ ἄγροικος, πύλας wavy μεγάλας τοῖς ὠσὶν
ἐκίθεσθε.

βέβηλοι. βεβήλοις Hermann. Ruhnk. Tim. Ler. Βέβηλοι.

98 Ὁ 5 πυρὸς διανόησιν. Pind. Ol. i. x
ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς αἰθόμενον πῦρ
ἅτε διαπρέπει νυκτὶ μεγάνορος ἔξοχα πλούτον.

6 2 ἀμφιάσεσι. A late word occurring thrice in. LXX., Job

xxii. 6, xxiv. 7, xxxviii. 9, formed from ἀμφιάζω (LXX),.and this
from ἀμφί as ἀντιάζω from ἀντί.
8] 99 b 1 Ἡ δὲ τῶν ξοάνων ποίησις. This fragment preserved by
Eusebius is probably part of the work De Daedalis Plataeensibus
mentioned above (83 b 2); and is given by Wyttenbach, Plut.
Mor. Vol. v. 506.

Ὁ 2 ξύλινον. On the simplicity of ancient images of. Clem. Al.
Protrept. 40.

Ὁ 3 ἐπὶ τῶν θεωριῶν. Plat. Phaed. 58 A (Cope) ‘This is the
vessel in which, according to the Athenian tradition, Theseus once
went with those twice seven to Crete, and saved their lives and
his own to boot. So they made a vow to Apollo, as the story

317

9@ ὃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ques, ab the time, that if they got safe back, they would dispatch
% sacted embasey (θοωριαν)ὴ to Delos every year: which in fact
they have sent ever since year by year to the god, as they still
guatinue to do.’ Cf, Thuc. iii. 104; Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del.
140 θα.

ν) (μίλιδος). Callimach. Fr. 105, known only from this
quotation. For σκέλμιον, the reading of the MSS., a word other-
wixe unknown, Bentley proposed SxéApsos or Κέλμιος as the
waune of some ancient sculptor. The right name is supplied by
Athenag. Legat. xvii. 78 Δαίδαλος, Θεόδωρος, Σμῖλις ἀνδριαντοποιη-
τικὴν καὶ πλαστικὴν προσεξεῦρον. xvii. 80 ἡ δὲ ἐν Σάμῳ Ἥρα καὶ
ἐν Ἄργει Σμίλιδος χεῖρες. Pausan. v. 17. 1 τὰς δὲ ἐφεξῆς τούτων
καθημένας ἐπὶ θρόνων Ὧρας ἐποίησεν Αἰγινήτης Σμῖλις. vii. 4. 4
ἔστι γὰρ δὴ ἀνδρὸς ἔργον Αἰγινήτου Spidsdos τοῦ Εὐκλείδου.
Clem. Al. Protrept. 41. τὸ δὲ ἐν Σάμῳ τῆς “Hpas ξόανον Σμίλιδι
(νωΐσ. Σμίλῃ τῇ) ἙΕὐκλείδον πεποιῆσθαι ᾿Ολύμπεκος ἐν Σαμῴις
ἱστορεῖ.

ἐπὶ τεθμὸν δηναιόν. Cf. Hom. Od. v. 245, xxi. 44 ἐπὶ
στάθμην. The conjecture τεθμῷ is therefore unnecessary.

Ὁ 8 Clem. Al. Protrent. 40 ‘Some belonging to other races
still more ancient set up blocks of wood in conspicuous. places.’
Pausan. vii. 579 τὰ δ᾽ ἔτι παλαιότερα καὶ τοῖς πᾶσιν Ἕλλησι
τιμὰς θεῶν ἀντὶ ἀγαλμάτων εἶχον ἀργοὶ λίθοι.

b 10 Δαναός. The ancient temple of Athena at Lindus in
Rhodes was said to have been built by Danaus (Diod. Sic. v. 58),
or by his daughters in their flight from Egypt (Hat. ii. 182;
Strab. 655). .

ἕδος. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Lez. "Edos: τὸ ἄγαλμα, καὶ ὁ τόπος
ἐν ᾧ ἵδρυται.

6 2 ὄγχνην. Pausan. 148, after describing several statues
of Hera, proceeds thus: ‘But the most ancient is made out of
a wild pear, and was dedicated at Tiryns by Peirasus the son
of Argus; but when the Argives destroyed Tiryns, they brought
it into their temple of Hera: and I myself saw it, a sitting
image of no great size.’ Clem. Al. Protrept. 41 ‘Demetrius in
the second book of his Argolica, writes of the image of Hera in
Tiryns, that the material was pear-tree, and the artist was
Argus.’

d5 Τῇ μὲν οὖν. Plat. Legg. xii. 955 E; a. famous -passage

118

BOOK IIL CHAPS. 8, 9 ‘ood

quoted by Cicero, Legg. ii. 18, by Clem. Al. Strom. v. 692;
Orig. c. Cels. i. 5; by Lactantius, πε. Div. vi. 25 ; Theodorct.
Gr. Aff. Cur. 49, 53. Apuleius, Apolog. 316, gives the sense.
of the passage thus: ‘The purpose of this prohibition is, that no
one should presume to set up shrines privately: for he judges
that the public temples are sufficient for the citizens to offer their
sacrifices.’ .

ἃ 8 eiayés. ‘In all MSS. of Plato the reading is εὐχερές, but
Clement, Eusebius, and Theodoret give εὐαγές, which is also con-
firmed by Cicero’s translation haud satis castum, and by Lactantius,

‘ebur non castum donum Dei’ (Ast).
9} 100 a1 Porph. ap. Stob. Eclog. i. 2. 23.
. & 2 τὸν νοῦν Tov κόσμου. Cf. A. Mai, De novo Porphyrii opere,
‘Ad Marcellam’: at the end of the work Mai adds a poetical
fragm. ἐκ τοῦ δεκάτου τῆς Dopp”. ἐκ λογίων p*., of which the last
lines, addressed to the Supreme Being, are as follows:

Τύνη δ᾽ ἐσσὶ πατὴρ καὶ μητέρος ἀγλαὸν εἶδος,

Καὶ τεκέων τέρεν ἄνθος, ἐν εἴδεσιν εἶδος ὑπάρχων,

Καὶ ψυχὴ καὶ πνεῦμα καὶ ἁρμονία καὶ ἀριθμός.

Ὁ 2 Ζεὺς πρῶτος. On the following hymn see Abel, Orphica,
203; Hermann, Orphica, Fr. vi; Valckenaer, De. Aristobulo,
406 ff.; Cudworth, i. 506 f.

The first seven verses, and the last two, are quoted in the
treatise De Mundo, vii, a work ascribed to Aristotle, but regarded
as spurious: Διὸ καὶ ἐν τοῖς Ὀρφικοῖς ov κακῶς λέγεται, Ζεὺς πρῶτος
κιτιλ.

ἀργικέραυνος. Cf. Hom, Jl, xix. 121 Ζεῦ πάτερ ἀργικέραυνε.

Ὁ 3 Ζεὺς κεφαλή. This second verse is quoted by Plutarch, De
Orac. Def..436 D, in a slightly different form—

Ζεὺς ἀρχή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ᾽ ἐκ πάντα πέλονται.

Ὁ 4 Ζεὺς ἄρσην... . . νύμφη. Cf. 686 Ὁ ἡ Αφθιτε, μητροπάτωρ,
687 a I.

c 2 Cf. Clem, Al. Strom. v. 726

ἐν κράτος, els δαίμων γένετο. μέγας οὐρανὸν αἴθων,
ἕν δὲ τὰ πάντα τέτυκται, ἐν ᾧ τάδε πάντα κυκλεῖται,
πῦρ καὶ ὕδωρ, καὶ γαῖα,

καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις.

ο 5 Mins. ‘Cf. Procl. In Plat. Alcib. iii. 88 ἐν γὰρ τῷ Ad
ὁ Ἔρως ἐστί: καὶ yap Mijtis ἐστι πρῶτος γενέτωρ καὶ “Ἔρως πολυ-

119

100 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

τερπής, καὶ ὁ Ἔρως πρόεισιν ἐκ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ συνυπέστη τῷ Ad
πρώτως ἐν τοῖς νοητοῖς" ἐκεῖ yap ὁ Ζεὺς ὁ πανόπτης ἐστί, καὶ ἁβρὸς
Ἔρως, ὡς Ὀρφεύς φησι᾿ (Abel).
“Μῆτιν non minus quam Φάνητα οὐ Ἦρικαπαϊον esse masculina

Dei nomina apud Orphicos ex MSS. Damascii et Proclis locis
apparet, quos laudavit Bentleius in Epistola ad Millium de
Johanne Malela, p. 38 sq., ubi inter alia felici emendatione
restituit versum,

Μῇῆτιν σπέρμα φέροντα θεῶν κλυτὸν ᾿Ηρικαπαῖον.
Et p. 4 ex Procli MS.

᾿Αβρὸς “Epws καὶ Mires drdoGados’ (Gesner).

06 πάντα. Procl. In Plat. Parmen. iii. 22 ἐκεῖ yap ὃ ἥλιος καὶ
ἡ σελήνη καὶ ὁ οὐρανὸς αὐτὸς καὶ τὰ στοιχεῖα καὶ ὁ Ἔρως ὁ πολυτερπὴς
καὶ πάντα ἁπλῶς ἕν γεγονότα Ζηνὸς ἐνὶ γαστέρι σύρρα πέφυκε. Cf.
Lobeck, Aglaoph. 529.

© 7 Tov δή τοι. The preservation of this and the remaining
verses is due to Eusebius, occasional lines being also quoted by
Proclus. ‘Utrum hio sint quae Christianorum ingeniis debeantur,
haud dixerim. Ad rem quidem suam illos verba Orphicorum,
invitis illis, traxisse apparet ’ (Gesner).

κεφαλή. ‘Serapis ap. Macrob. Saturn. i. cap. 20 non
absimilia sibi tribuebat his versibus: .
Εἰμὶ θεὸς τοιόσδε μαθεῖν οἷον κἀγὼ εἴπω.
-Otpdnos κόσμος κεφαλή, γαστὴρ δὲ θάλασσα,
Ταῖα δέ μοι πόδες εἰσί, τὰ δ᾽ οὔατ᾽ ἐν αἰθέρι κεῖται"
Ὅμματα τηλαυγῇ λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο. (Viger).
101 DI γαῖά τε παμμήτειρ᾿. παμμήτωρ Stob. Hom. Hymn. xxx. 1
Γαῖαν παμμήτειραν ἀείσομαι.
ΟΣ θέσκελα ῥέζων. Cf. Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo, vii. 4
ἐξ ἱερῆς xpading ἀνενέγκατο μέρμερα ῥέζων.
i.e. © in careful, or anxious, action.’ So in 685 d.

© 2 Ζεὺς οὖν κιτιλ. In the Vatican MS. of Stobaeus this passage
is quoted under the name of Porphyry, ἐκ rod περὶ ἀγαλμάτων.

Ὁ 3 δημιουργεῖ τοῖς νοήμασι. This description of the deity
agrees with the doctrine of the Stoics in Diog. Laert. vii. 134
ἕν τε εἶναι θεὸν καὶ νοῦν καὶ εἱμαρμένην καὶ Aia. Cf. Zeller, Stoics,
vi. 148, 155 God and primary Matter are one and the same
substance, which, ‘when conceived of as acting force, is called
all-pervading Ether, all-warming Fire, all-penetrating Air,

120

BOOK Ill. CHAP8.9,10 ~~ 1201c

Nature, Soul of the world, Reason of the world, Providence,
Destiny, God.’ See also R. and Pr. Hist. Philos. 408, with the note.

C8 λόγοις σπερματικοῖς. Zeller, Stoics, vii. 172 ‘In action as
the creative force in nature, this universal Reason also bears the
name of Generative Reason (λόγος owepparexds).... In the same
sense, generative powers in the plural, or λόγοι σπερματικοί, are
spoken of as belonging to Deity and Nature.’

ἃ 8 ἀετόν. Gray, Progress of Poetry

‘Perching on the scepter’d hand
Of Jove thy magic lulls the feathered king.’

ἃ 9 Νίκην. Here an image of Victory. Niké was the daughter
of Styx and Pallas, the son of the Titan Crius, and came with
her mother and sisters to the aid of Zeus against the Titans: cf.
Apollod. Bibl. i. 2. 4; Hesiod, Theog. 383-403; on Νίκη ἄπτερος
and her temple see Pausan. 245, and Wordsworth’s Athens and
Attica, Appendix.

Bacchyl. Od. xi. 1 Nixa γλυκύδωρε x...

xii. 4
és yap ὀλβίαν
ξείνοισί με πότνια Nixa
νᾶσον Alyivas (ἀπαίρει).
Vulg. ἀπάρχε. Cf. Eur. Hel. 1671
οὗ δ᾽ ὥρισέν σε πρῶτα Μαιάδος τόκος
Σπάρτης ἀπάρας.
102 ἃ 3 τὰ ἔπη. The Orphic verses quoted on roo Ὁ.
108 ο 5 Chaeremon. See 92 b.
10] 1048 5 ὦμοι. Cf. 101 a 4- 1.

ἃ 2 παραδείγματι. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. ii. 20 Παραδειγμάτων
δ᾽ εἴδη δύο' ἕν μὲν γάρ ἐστι παραδείγματος εἶδος τὸ λέγειν πράγματα
προγεγενημένα, ἕν δὲ τὸ αὐτὸν ποιεῖν. τούτου δ᾽ ἕν μὲν παραβολή, ἕν
δὲ λόγοι.

Eusebius here uses the word in the sense of παραβολή,
‘comparison,’ ‘ illustration.” The more common meaning of
παραδείγματι χρήσασθαι is ‘to take as an example,’ as in Thuc.
111. 10 παραδείγμασι τοῖς προγιγνομένοις χρώμενοι.

ἃ 5, προσωποποιεῖν, ‘to represent as a person,’ i.e. with
human attributes. Plut. Vit. Hom. 66 Ἔστι καὶ τὸ τῆς προσωπο-
ποιίας wap’ αὐτῷ πολὺ καὶ ποικίλον: πολλὰ μὲν γὰρ καὶ διάφορα
τρόσωκα εἰσάγει διαλεγόμενα, οἷς καὶ ἤθη παντοῖα περιτίθησιν.

121

40δ 8 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

105 a 8 ἦν, ‘is, as was said.’ Cf. 100 ἃ 6; Stalib, Plat.
Crit. 44 Ὁ ‘Recte vero poni Imperfectum ubi superiora respici-
untur docebuat quae leguntur Phaed. 68 B, 72 A, 79 C-E, &c.’
106 8 3 λόγοις σπερματικοῖς. Cf. 101 ὁ 8.
Ὁ 3 σῶμα ἀνθρώπειον. By ‘a human body’ the author evidently
means the representation of the human body in the statue ofa god.
Ὁ 8 εἰκόνα καταγέγραπται, ‘is represented in a deaf and dumb
image of living flesh by lifeless and dead matter.’

The passive verb is followed in construction by εἰκόνα as an

accusative of cognate signification.
cr Gen. i. 26 Ποιήσωμεν ἄνθρωπον κατ᾽ εἰκόνα ἡμετέραν καὶ καθ᾽
ὁμοίωσιν.
ἃ 9 νεκρῷ ἐλέφαντι. ΟἿ, 99 ἃ 8 ἐλέφας δὲ ἀπολελοιπότος ψυχὴν
σώματος οὐκ εὐαγὲς ἀνάθημα.
107 ἃ 6 μνημεῖα. Cf. Orac. Stbyll. viii. 45
ποῦ Ῥείης ἠὲ Κρόνοιο.
ἠὲ Διὸς γενεὴ καὶ πάντων, οὗς ἐσεβάσθης.
δαίμονας ἀψύχους, νεκύων εἴδωλα καμόντων,
ὧν Κρήτη καύχημα τάφους ἡ δύσμορος ἕξει
θρησκεύουσα θρόνοισιν ἀναισθήτοις νεκύεσσιν ;
Lucian, De Sacrif. 10 ‘The Cretans say not only that Zeus was
born and bred among them, but also show his tomb: and 80 we
have been deceived all this time in supposing that Zeus was
making the thunder and lightning and all the rest, whereas he
had lain long hidden dead and buried among the Cretans.’ Cf.
Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 21; Diod. iii. 61; Orig. c. Cols. ii. 143;
Anthol. 475, 654. ,
. Ὁ 4 Lactantius, Jnstt. i. 11, says that the tomb of Zeus ‘is
in Crete, in the town of Cnossus: ... and on his tomb is an
inscription in ancient Greek characters, “ ZAN KPONOY,” which is
in Latin, ‘“ Iuppiter Saturni filius.” ’

Callimachus, Hymn. ad σοῦ. 8

“ Κρῆτες ἀεὶ Wedora.’ καὶ γὰρ τάφον, ὦ ἄνα, σεῖο
Κρῆτες ἐτεκτήναντο' σὺ δ᾽ ov θάνες, ἐσσὶ γὰρ ἀεί,
This passage is quoted by Clem. Al. Protrept. 32.

It is not improbable that this very tomb may yet be
identified in the progress of the excavations now being made in
Crete, where Mr. Hogarth in 1899 ‘successfully explored the
great cave of Zeus on Mount Dicta, discovering remains of a
122

BOOK III. CHAPS. 10, II 107 b

prehistoric sanctuary and large deposits of votive bronze figures
and other objects, among which the double axe, the symbol of the
Cretan and Carian Zeus, was specially conspicuous.’ Report of

Cretan Exploration Fund, 1901.

Ὁ 5 ᾿Ατλάντιο. Cf. Hdt. iv. 184 ‘The natives call this
mountain “the pillar of heaven”; and they themselves take their
name from it, being called Atlantes.’

Git (ere). For εἴη re αὐτός, we must certainly read εἴτε
αὐτός. There are three suppositions: time may be either (1)
identical with Cronos the son of Uranus, or (2) simultaneous with
Uranus, or (3) subsequent to Cronos the son of Uranus: in any
of these cases, the Creator both of heaven (Uranus) and of time
must be prior to them all, and not, as Zeus was said to be, son
of Cronos and grandson of Uranus.

11] 108 b 3 λεπτομερέστατος. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, iii. 5. 2
ἀνάγκη πρότερον εἶναι τῇ φύσει τὸ λεπτομερέστερον. Ibid. 6 ra μὲν
σώματα πάντα συγκεῖται ἐκ τοῦ λεπτομερεστάτονυ.

Ὁ 7 πολὺ πρότερον. This may mean either ‘much rather,’ as
in Plat. Lys. 211 Εἰ μᾶλλον ἣ τὸ Δαρείου χρυσίον κτήσασθαι δεξαίμην
πολὺ πρότερον ἑταῖρον, or it may be taken in the sense of time
as in the first quotation from Aristotle in the preceding note.

cs Cf. 100 d 6.

C 7 évory. Especially ἃ ‘war-cry,’ Hom. Jl. xii. 35 μάχη ἐνοπή τε.

G5 Anbu. Cf. Plat. Crat. 406 A.

109 ἃ 6 προμαστοῦ. The Latin translation follows Viger’s
reading πρὸ μαστοῦ, ‘uberum tenus,’ ‘down to the breast.’
‘Dicitur autem προμαστός ut προγάστωρ᾽ (Toup. ap. Gaisf.). I
have not found προμαστός elsewhere. :

C8 κατὰ τὰς χειμερινὰς τροπάς. Hesiod, Opp. 661

"Hpata πεντήκοντα μετὰ τροπὰς ἠελίοιο.

Plat. Legg. xii. 945 D μετὰ τροπὰς ἡλίον τὰς ἐκ θέρους εἰς χειμῶνα,
j.e. the summer solstice.

ἃ 4 τοὺς καρπούς. καρποφόροι is an epithet applied to both
Demeter and Koré. On their chief statues see Preller, Gr. Myth.
749, 766.

Koré was the symbol of vegetation, as coming up out of the
earth in spring, and disappearing in autumn.

ΑΔ τὰ κέρατα. Horns are not usually attributed to Koré, but
see 114 ἃ 2 τὴν τῶν κεράτων ἔκφυσιν.

123

110 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

110 ἃ 3 κῇρας . . -. βοράν, an absurd derivation of KépBepos.

ἃ 4 (οὗ) χορηγός. On ἡ χορηγός, the reading of the MSS.,
Viger remarks, ‘unless something has been lost, it seems that we
ought to read 7 χορηγός, i.e. “inasmuch as Plato supplies the
force.” Perhaps we may read more fully παρὰ τὸ κυεῖν τὴν γῆν,
ἡ χορηγός, or better οὗ χορηγός, namely τοῦ xveiy.’

b 4 Σειληνός. Cf. 53 ἃ 3. According to Preller, Gr. Myth.
429, Silenus was the symbol of flowing water.

Ὁ 8 πρυσγείου. Cf. Tim. Locr. 96 D ἃ μὲν ὧν σελάνα ποτι-
γειοτάτα ἐᾶσα ἔμμηνον τὰν περίοδον ἀποδίδωτι.

9 6 Δημήτηρ ἡ χλοηφόρος. Schol. ad Soph. Oed. Col. 1600
εὐχλόον Δήμητρος ἱερόν ἐστι πρὸς τῇ ἀκροπόλει. Cf. Pausan. 51.
Athen. xiv. 618 τὴν Δήμητρα ὁτὲ μὲν Χλόην, ὁτὲ δὲ ᾿Ιονλώ (΄ goddess
of sheaves’). Eupolis, Maricas, Fr. 7

᾿Αλλ᾽ εὐθὺ πόλεως εἶμι, θῦσαι yap με δεῖ
κριὸν Χλόῃ Δήμητρι.

G5 ἐπιμάχου, ‘an ally,’ is more usually found in a passive
sense, ‘assailable,’ as in Thuc. iv. 4 τὰ ἐπιμαχώτατα ἐξεργασά-
μενοι.

ἃ 6 "Αττιν. Cf. Pausan. 566; Arnob. Ade. Gentes, v. 5-7.
Attis, or Atys, symbolized the withering of unripe fruits, Adonis ©
the gathering of the ripened harvest, after which he was supposed
to disappear beneath the earth till the return of spring. Cf.
Preller, Gr. Myth. 361.

111 Ὁ 6 παρὰ τοῦ παμβασιλέως τῶν ὅλων Θεοῦ. The MSS. AH
have only τοῦ παμβασιλέως Θεοῦ, and with this shorter text we
must render thus: ‘the nature of whose soul is heavenly, rational,
and immortal, capable of contemplating God the universal King
by the purged eyes of thought.’

ἃ 10 γεννητική., Amphitrite is called ‘productive’ as being
the wife of Poseidon : Apollod. i. 4. 6 Ποσειδῶν δὲ ᾿Αμφιτρίτην
τὴν Ὥκεανοῦ γαμεῖ, καὶ αὐτῷ γίνεται Τρίτων καὶ Poin ἢ ἣν Ἥλιος
ἔγημε.

112 b 4 wdAcews. In 85 a other derivations of Apollo are
given, ἀπαλλάττων and ἀπολύων.

Ἐννέα. Cf. Plut. Sympos. 746 A ‘Eight Muses find
a place in spheres, and one about the earth. So the eight
presiding over eight periods control and preserve the harmony
of the planets with the fixed stars and with one another.’

124

BOOK ΠΠΠΠ.0 CHAP. I! 112 Ὁ

In Porphyry the number nine is made up by the sun, moon,
and five planets, the sphere of the earth (ὑποσελήνιος), and the sphere
of the fixed stars (ἡ τῆς ἀπλανοῦς): but it seems doubtful what sub-
stantive should be supplied with τῆς ἀπλανοῦς. Is ἡ τῆς ἀπλανοῦς
(σφαίρας) equivalent to ἡ τῆς τῶν ἀπλανῶν σφαίρας Μοῦσα ὃ

C 3 κλᾶσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἀέρας An absurd derivation of Ἡρακλής.
Other derivations are given by Macrobius, Saturn. i. 20, and in
the Etym. M. (Viger). 7

C5 τῶν ζωδίων τὸ σύμβολον. Cf. Orphic. Hymn. xii. 12

δώδεκ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἀντολιῶν ἄχρι δυσμῶν ἄθλα διέρπων.

G5 καὶ μὴν κιιλ. This addition of later MSS. is written in
the margin of A, but omitted in H: ‘ Nevertheless the physical
philosophers, in laying before us the order of the world, attributed
to the animals which crawl along the ground (ἰλυσπώμενα) a very
coarse and earthy nature.’ The addition destroys the sentence
in which it is interpolated, and looks like an objection written
originally in the margin not improbably by Arethas himself.
Seguier suggests that it was added by Eusebius to show that the
opinion of the physical philosophers was opposed to that of
Porphyry.

ἃ ὃ ἀποδύεται. Cf. Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. ii. 5; iii. 7; Smith,
Dict. Chr. Bioyr. (Macarius), 771 a ‘ They are freed from all their
guilt more easily than a snake casts its slough.’ Aristot. Hist.
Animal. v. 17. 10 ἐκδύνουσι δὲ τὸ κέλυφος τοῦ ἔαρος, ὥσπερ ol
ὄφεις τὸ καλούμενον γῆρας.

dg ὀξυδορκίας. . . φάρμακον. Cf. Eur. Phoen. 893 φάρμακον σωτη-
ρίας. Diod. Sic. i. 25 Isis discovered τὸ τῆς ἀθανασίας φάρμακον.
Ignat. Ad Ephes. xx φάρμακον ἀθανασίας.

118 a 1 ἑτέρως (ἢ) ἡ τῶν ὑγροποιῶν καρπῶν. I have inserted 7,
which may easily have been lost before 7.

a 2 Διόνυσος is here supposed to be derived from δινεῖν or διανύειν.
Macrobius, Saturn. i. 18 quotes an Orphic verse (Fr. vii. 7)

Διώνυσος δ᾽ ἐπεκλήθη,
Οὕνεκα δινεῖται κατ᾽ ἀπείρονα μακρὸν "Ολυμπον.

8 4 καιρῶν. Cf. 114 ἃ 7, 8: ‘tides,’ as applied to portions
of time. As ὥρας is here applied to the ‘cosmical seasons, καιρῶν
may probably mean the alternations of morning, noon, and night.’

bi Σάραπιν. See note on 94 b 1, also Plut. De Is. et Osir.
xxviii, xxix; Clem. Al. Protrept, 42; 6. W. (Birch, iii. 87 ff.);

‘195

113 b THE PREPARATION. FOR THE GOSPEL

Wiedemann, 191 ‘It was in this form’ (as the soul of the
Apis) ‘that Osiris was generally recognized by the Greeks, who,
having endowed him with attributes derived from Pluto and
Asklepios, named this half Greek, half Egyptian deity Sarapis,
or Serapis.’ Strab. 801 describes the worship of Serapis, and the
cures wrought in his temple at Canopus.

A Latin inscription of the date 115-117 A.D. was found at
Jerusalem by Dr. Bliss:

‘Iovi O. M. Sarapidi
Pro salute et victoria
Imp. Nervae Traiani Caesaris.’
See Palestine Exploration Fund Report, April, 1895, p. 130, and
April, 1896, p. 133.

b 3 σχῆμα. Porph. Abst. iv. 6 det δὲ ἐντὸς τοῦ σχήματος ai
χεῖρες.

Ὁ 7 λοχεά. Cf, Preller, Gr. Myth. 319; Eur, Suppl. 958

Οὐδ᾽ "Ἄρτεμις λοχία προσφθέγξαιτ᾽ ἂν τὰς ἀτέκνους.

Hipp. 166

τὰν δ᾽ εὔλοχον . « . ΓΆρτεμιν.

CG 2 ᾿Αθηνᾶ τις οὖσα. ‘The name ᾿Αθήνη is derived from some
root of which the meaning is not yet clear’ (Preller, Gr..Myth. 186).
Cf. Plat. Crat. 407 B; Max Miiller, Contributions to the Science
of Mythology (1897), 378; Athenag. Legat. (Schwartz), xvii. 78
τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐν ᾿Εφέσῳ τῆς ᾿Αρτέμιδος, καὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς (μᾶλλον δὲ
᾿Αθηλᾶς: ἀθήλη γὰρ ὡς οἱ μυστικώτερον (θεολογοῦντες)); ibid. xx.
94, where a derivation from a privative and θηλή is suggested,
Athena, who sprang complete in armour from the head of Zeus,
having never been suckled.

Ἑκάτη. On the identification of Hecate with Artemis, and
on the epithets τρίμορφος, τριπρόσωπος, τριοδῖτις (Trivia), see Preller,
Gr. Myth. 321-5. |

C 6 xarepyacias depends on σύμβολον repeated fromc1. The
Scholiast on Theocrit. Jdyll. ii. 12 makes xatepyacias depend on
σημεῖον understood. Cf. 114 Ὁ 2, 201 ὁ 8 dyAaoxdprov.

ἃ 4 τῶν οἰκιζομένων. According to Plut. Mor. 892 A, quoted
by Eus. P. E. 848 d ‘The Pythagoreans supposed the moon to
de inhabited, but to have much finer animals and plants than the
earth. This theory was founded, it would seem, partly on the
appearance of the moon’s disk, which resembles the earth; and

126

BOOK III. CHAP, II "_ " 43,218 ἃ

partly on the desire to discover a special‘ abode for the souls who
had quitted the earth, and for the daemons. . . . The second
notion comes from the Orphic poems, and the saying ascribed to
Pythagoras by Iamblichus, V. P. 82 τί ἐστιν al μακάρων νῆσοι;
ἥλως, σελήνη. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 457.

ἃ 9 τοῦ θεοῦ. ‘I am inclined to suggest τῆς θεοῦ᾽ (J. B. M.),
The masculine, which alone is found in the MSS., makes the
statement general.

Συνοικίζουσι. Hecate, like Artemis, was sometimes regarded
as a daughter of Zeus and Demeter, and in Hom. Hymn. ad
Cer. 52 it is Hecate who tells Demeter that Persephone has been
carried off. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 322, 324.

4 a1 ovvexrun. Hecate apd Apollo alone heard the cries of
Persephone, Hymn. ad Cer. 24

εἰ μὴ Περσαίου θυγάτηρ ἀταλὰ φρονέουσα

ἄϊεν ἐξ ἄντρου ‘Exdry λιπαροκρήδεμνος,

"Héduds τε ἄναξ.
Cf. ibid. 52. Pausan. viii. 664, represents Artemis, with whom
Hecate is here identified, as helping Persophone to gather
flowers. |

ἃ 4 νωχελῆ. Eur. Orest. 800 πλευρὰ νωχελῆ vooy.

&7 καιρῶν. Cf. 113 8 4, note.

Bovxodrowvres. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp, 10

Tov αὐτὸν dp ἐμοὶ βουκολεῖς Σαβάζξιον.

Ὁ 7 γενεσιουργόν. Cf. Hermes Trismeg. ap. Stob. Eel. ii. 962
Τοῦτον ἀμέριμνον καταλεῖψαι κέκρικας, ὦ γενεσιουργέ; The word
occurs frequently in Iamblichus: see Parthey, Index.

G 1 “Eowepos. Statius, Thebaid. vi. 571

‘Sic ubi tranquillo perlucent sidera ponto
Vibraturque fretis caeli stellantis imago,
Omnia clara nitent; sed clarior omnia supra
Hesperos exercet radios, quantusque per altum
Aethera, caeruleis tantus monstratur in undis.’

ἃ 1 λόγον, ‘reason and speech.’ The double meaning of λόγος
is required by the two epithets ποιητικοῦ and ἑρμηνεντικοῦ.

ἃ 5 Ἑρμόπαν. On the various representations of Hermes as
combined with other gods, see Preller, Gr. Myth. 510, note 6,
where passages are referred to for the forms Hermeroten, Herma-
thena, Hermherakles, Hermopan,

21]

114d τ ὀ ἸῊΞ PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ Ἑρμάνονβις. Plut. De Is. et Osir. xliv ‘Anubis appears
to have the same office with the Egyptians that Hermes has with
the Greeks, being both infernal and celestial. Some, however,
think that Anubis signifies time, wherefore as he brings forth all
things out of himself, and conceives all things within himself, he
gets the title of Dog.’

dg τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ. Hermes is not mentioned among the many
fathers assigned to Eros by Preller, Gr. Myth. 501, but his statue
is said to have been often placed between those of Hermes and
Heracles in Gymnasia (504).

ἃ το éurracas. Diog. L. ix. 44 ὁρᾶν δ᾽ ἡμᾶς κατ᾽ εἰδώλων
ἐμπτώσεις.

Πᾶνα. Οὗ Hom, Hymn. ad Pan. xix. 47, where the name is
said to be derived from the amusement caused by the infant son
of Hermes to all the gods of Olympus:

Πᾶνα δέ μιν καλέεσκον, ὅτι φρένα πᾶσιν ἔτερψεν.

‘But the right derivation of the name is from πάω, ὁ Πάων,
i.e, the herdsman, for he is essentially a pastor (νόμιος). Preller,
738. |
115 ἃ 6 Κνήφ. 6. W. (Birch, iii, 5): ‘The description given
by Porphyry of “ Kneph, with a human head, azure black colour,
bearing a feather on his head,” agrees exactly with the god Shu,
but not with Chnoumis; and these two deities can in no way be
related, the latter being one of the great gods, and the former
always having the title “Son of the Sun,” and being of an inferior
order of divinities. Nor does any representation occur of “ the
egg proceeding from his mouth,’ which Porphyry conjectures to
signify the world; and from which proceeded another god called
Phtha, the Vulcan of the Greeks.’

In 41 ὁ 2 Cneph is described as a hawk-headed deity.
Khniimi, Cneph, was the Nile-god of Elephantiné and the
Cataract, Masp. i. 40, 98, 157, 241, and on page 239 there is
a representation of Khnimf taken from a bas-relief in the temple
at Elephantiné; on page 157 he is seen modelling man upon
a potter’s table. His name means the ‘ Modeller, and in many
Egyptian texts he is set forth as the Creator (Wiedemann, 128).
Cf. Strab. 817; Plut. De Is. et Ostr. xxi.

Ὁ 3 gov. Athenag. 18 οὗτος ὁ Ἡρακλῆς ἐγέννησεν ὑπερμέγεθες
gov, ὃ συμπληρούμενον ὑπὸ Bias τοῦ γεγεννηκότος ἐκ παρατριβῆς

338

BOOK III. CHAPS. II, 12 115 b

εἰς δύο eppdyn τὸ μὲν οὖν κατὰ κορυφὴν αὐτοῦ Οὐρανὸς εἶναι
ἐτελέσθη, τὸ δὲ κάτω ἐνεχθὲν Τῇ.

b 4 Ἥφαιστον. Cf. Masp. i. 156, note 2. Phthah, the god of
Memphis, ‘is represented at Philae as piling upon his potter’s
table the plastic clay from which he is about to make a human
body (Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia, pl. cccviii), and which
is somewhat wrongly called the egg of the earth. It is really the
lump of earth from which man came forth at his creation.’ Cf.
Wiedemann, 131.

ΟΣ πόδας συμβεβηκότας. Daedalus is said to have been the
first who made a statue with the legs and feet separate (Smith,
Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. ‘ Daedalus,’ 928 a).

C5 πλοίουι. The description appears to have been borrowed
by Porphyry from Clem. Al. Strom. v. 670 ‘Some of the Egyptians
show the Sun upon a ship, and others upon a crocodile. And
they say that the Sun in making his passage through sweet and
liquid air generates time, which is symbolized by the crocodile
because of some other priestly story.’ See the picture of the sun
in his bark in Masp. i. 89, and of the moon, i. 93.

dr Ἐσήμαινε. Viger suggests ἐσημαίνετο (passive); the τὸ
would easily be dropped before τοίνυν.

d 2 On the celestial earth, see 564 b 3.

ἃ 8 αἱροῦσα. (αΐρουσα) Vig. marg. The reading αἱροῦσα
(‘ taking,’ ‘gathering’) is less suitable perhaps than αἴρουσα, which
I have followed in the translation, and for which Toup suggests
αὕὔξουσα.

116 a5 ἐξ οὐρανοῦ. See Masp. i. 19, note 1: ‘The legend of
the Nile having its source in the ocean stream was but a Greek
transposition of the Egyptian doctrine, which represented it as
an arm of the celestial river whereon the sun sailed round the
earth (Hat. ii. 21; Diod. Sic. i. 37).’

&7 "low ἡ Αἰγυπτία ἐστὶ yj. On Isis as the black earth
fertilized by the Nile, and as the type of wife and mother, see
Masp. i. 99; Wiedemann, 219. Plut, De Js. et Osir. xxxviil
‘As they hold and believe the Nile to be the issue of Osiris,
so they regard the earth as the body of Isis, not all the earth,
but as much as the Nile overflows, impregnating and mingling
with it.’

12] ο 5 αἰγὸς κέρατα. See the figure of Cneph, or Khnamf, in
4 K 139

114d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

G7 Ἑρμάνονβις. Plut. De Js. et Osir. xliv ‘Anubis appears
to have the same office with the Egyptians that Hermes has with
the Greeks, being both infernal and celestial. Some, however,
think that Anubis signifies time, wherefore as he brings forth all
things out of himself, and conceives all things within himself, he
gets the title of Dog.’

ἃ 9 τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ. Hermes is not mentioned among the many
fathers assigned to Eros by Preller, Gr. Myth. 501, but his statue
is said to have been often placed between those of Hermes and
Heracles in Gymnasia (504),

ἃ 10 ἐμπτώσεις. Diog. L. ix. 44 ὁρᾶν δ᾽ ἡμᾶς κατ᾽ εἰδώλων
ἐμπτώσεις.

Πᾶνα. Cf, Hom, Hymn. ad Pan. xix. 47, where the name is
said to be derived from the amusement caused by the infant son
of Hermes to all the gods of Olympus:

Πᾶνα δέ μιν καλέεσκον, ὅτι φρένα πᾶσιν ἔτερψεν.

‘But the right derivation of the name is from πάω, 6 Πάων,
i.e, the herdsman, for he is essentially a pastor (vdpu0s).’ Preller,
738. | .

115 a 6 Κνήφ. G. W. (Birch, iii. 5): ‘The description given
by Porphyry of ‘‘ Kneph, with a human head, azure black colour,
bearing a feather on his head,” agrees exactly with the god Shu,
but not with Chnoumis; and these two deities can in no way be
related, the latter being one of the great gods, and the former
always having the title “Son of the Sun,” and being of an inferior
order of divinities. Nor does any representation occur of “the
egg proceeding from his mouth,” which Porphyry conjectures to
signify the world; and from which proceeded another god called
Phtha, the Vulcan of the Greeks,’

In 41 ὁ 2 Cneph is described as a hawk-headed deity.
Khnimfi, Cneph, was the Nile-god of Elephantiné and the
Cataract, Masp. i. 40, 98, 157, 241, and on page 239 there is
a representation of Khnimé@ taken from a bas-relief in the temple
at Elephantiné; on page 157 he is seen modelling man upon
a potter’s table. His name means the ‘ Modeller,’ and in many
Egyptian texts he is set forth as the Creator (Wiedemann, 128).
Cf. Strab. 817; Plut. De Js. et Osir. xxi.

b 3 φόν. Athenag. 18 οὗτος ὃ Ἡρακλῆς ἐγέννησεν ὑπερμέγεθες
gov, ὃ συμπληρούμενον ὑπὸ Bias τοῦ γεγεννηκότος ἐκ παρατριβῆς

328

BOOK III. CHAPS, II, 12 115 b

εἰς δύο ἐρράγη" τὸ μὲν οὖν κατὰ κορνφὴν αὐτοῦ Οὐρανὸς εἶναι
ἐτελέσθη, τὸ δὲ κάτω ἐνεχθὲν Τῇ.

Ὁ 4 Ἥφαιστον. Cf. Masp. i. 156, note Δ. Phthah, the god of
Memphis, ‘is represented at Philae as piling upon his potter’s
table the plastic clay from which he is about to make a human
body (Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia, pl. cccviii), and which
is somewhat wrongly called the egg of the earth. It is really the
lump of earth from which man came forth at his creation.’ Cf.
Wiedemann, 131.

ΟἿΣ πόδας συμβεβηκότας. Daedalus is said to have been the
first who made a statue with the legs and feet separate (Smith,
Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. ‘ Daedalus,’ 928 a).

C5 πλοίουι͵ The description appears to have been borrowed
by Porphyry from Clem. Al. Strom. v. 670 ‘Some of the Egyptians
show the Sun upon a ship, and others upon a crocodile. And
they say that the Sun in making his passage through sweet and
liquid air generates time, which is symbolized by the crocodile
because of some other priestly story.’ See the picture of the sun
in his bark in Masp. i. 89, and of the moon, i. 93.

G1 Ἐσήμαινε. Viger suggests ἐσημαίνετο (passive); the ro
would easily be dropped before τοίνυν.

d 2 On the celestial earth, see 564 b 3.

ἃ 8 αἱροῦσα. (alpovoa) Vig. marg. The reading αἱροῦσα
(‘ taking,’ ‘gathering’) is less suitable perhaps than αἴρουσα, which
I have followed in the translation, and for which Toup suggests
αὕξουσα.

116 a ἐξ οὐρανοῦ. See Masp. i. 19, note 1: ‘The legend of
the Nile having 108 source in the ocean stream was but a Greek
transposition of the Egyptian doctrine, which represented it as
an arm of the celestial river whereon the sun sailed round the
earth (Hadt. ii. 21; Diod. Sic. i. 317).

ἃ ἢ "lows ἡ Αἰγυπτία ἐστὶ γῆ. On Isis as the black earth
fertilized by the Nile, and as the type of wife and mother, see
Masp. i. 99; Wiedemann, 219. Plut. De 18. et Osir. xxxviii
‘As they hold and believe the Nile to be the issue of Osiris,
so they regard the earth as the body of Isis, not all the earth,
but as much as the Nile overflows, impregnating and mingling
with it.’

12] ο 5 αἰγὸς xépara. See the figure of Cneph, or Khnfm(, in
4 K 129

116 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

G. W. (Birch, iii. 2). In the present passage aff is masculine, as
in Hom, Od. xiv. 106
ζατρεφέων αἰγῶν ὅς τις φαίνηται ἄριστος.

ἃ : ᾿Απόλλωνος πόλει. Apollinopolis Magna, Edfu. Strab.
817 ᾿Απόλλωνος πόλις καὶ αὕτη πολεμοῦσα τοῖς κροκοδείλοις. There
are several smaller towns in Egypt of the same name.

ἃ 2 ζιβύνῃ χειρούμενος Τυφῶνα. Wiedemann, 72 ‘ Horbehidti
fought with Set (Typhon) : he threw his iron at him.’ Ermann, 271
Horus ‘ had to encounter a terrible fight with Set, in which one of
Horus’ eyes was torn out and Set suffered a yet worse mutilation.’

ἱπποποτάμῳ εἰκασμένον. Both the hippopotamus and the
crocodile ‘have now deserted Egypt, but formerly they were as
numerous in that country as in tropical Africa’ (Ermann, 240).
Cf. Hdt. ii. 71; Pausan. iv. 34. 3; and 466 c, below.

ἃ 4 lepaxeiov προσώπου. Wiedemann, 25 ‘R&.. . of Apol-
linopolis Magna .. . is almost invariably represented as a hawk-
headed man.’ The hawk was the symbol of the sun. On other
hawk-headed deities, see Wilkinson (Birch), iii. 124.

1178 1 γῦπα. Hom. Il. xxii. 42

τάχα κέν ἑ κύνες καὶ γῦπες ἔδοιεν
κείμενον.
‘Aelian supposes that “vultures were all females,” as if to
account for their character as emblems of maternity.’ Wilkinson
(Birch), iii. 312 and 30; cf. Wiedemann, 123.

a5 Ἐλευσῖνα. Plut. Alcib. xxii. In the caricature of the sacred
mysteries, ‘Theodorus represented the herald (ἱεροκῆρνξ), Polytion
the torch-bearer (δᾳδοῦχος), and Alcibiades the hierophant.’

b 1 “Avafis. The same story has been related above in 94 b.

Cr BovOvretv. On the mode of examining bulls for sacrifice,
see Hat. ii. 38, note ‘The sculptures show that bulls with black,
and red, or white spots were commonly killed both for the altar
and the table, and the only prohibition seems to have been
against killing heifers’ [6. W.]. Cf. G. W. (Birch), iii. 305.

13] © 3 Ἡλιουπόλει. Strab. 805 ‘Here is Heliopolis situated on

a considerable mound, having the temple of the Sun, and the ox

Mnevis reared in a sort of pen, who is regarded by them as a god,

as Apis is at Memphis.’ Plut. De Js. et Osir. 33 ‘The ox kept at

Heliopolis, which they call Mnevis (sacred to Osiris, and which

some believe to be the sire of the Apis) is black, and receives
330

BOOK III, CHAPS, 12, 13 — 421176

honours second to those paid to Apis.’ Compare the notes and
illustrations in Rawlinson’s Hat. ii. 38, 60, 153; iii. 28; 6. W,
(Birch) iii. 86, 305-7.

ἃ 2 ἐναντίον. Cf. Porph. ap. Stob. Ecl. Phys. i, 25 καθάπερ καὶ
ὃ ἥλιος τὸν ἐναντίον τῷ πόλῳ ποιεῖται δρόμον (ὥσπερ δοκεῖ τὸν οὐρανὸν
ὃ ἥλιος εἰς τἀναντία περιφέρειν) αὑτὸς ἀπὸ δυσμῶν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς
φερόμενος. Cf, 94 ἃ 3 and 286 Ὁ 1, note.

ἃ 5 ἾΑπιν. Cf. 51 ¢, notes.

ἃ 8 ὑπὸ τὴν γλῶτταν κάνθαρος. Hat. iii. 28 ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ γλώττῃ
κάνθαρον. Plin. Nat. H. viii. 46 ‘Nodus sub lingua, quem
cantharum appellant’ (Biéhr), |

On the Egyptian beetle see 94 d 3, and add to the references
there given Wiedemann, 285 ‘The scarabaeus came forth
re-animate from within its egg, and so the human soul, i.e, the
ba would emerge from its mummy into new life, and, winged like
the scarabaeus, fly upwards to heaven and the sun. Thus the
scarabaeus became a symbol of the resurrection. . . . The Egyptian
name of the beetle was kheper, a word which also means “to
become,” ‘to come into being ’’; so the picture of the scarabaeus
became the ideographic sign for that verb, especially when used
in the sense of renewed life after death.’ Cf. G. W. (Birch), iii.
345-7; Ermann, 315.

ἃ 9 τό τε διχότομον καὶ ἀμφίκυρτον. Cf. Aristot. Problem. xv.
4. 1 Grav ἦ διχότομος (ἡ σελήνη): De Caelo, ii, 11. 2 οὐ γὰρ ἂν
ἐγένετο αὐξανομένη καὶ φθίνουσα τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα μηνοειδὴς ἢ ἀμ»
φίκυρτος, ἅπαξ δὲ διχότομος.

118 a 6 See below 664 ἃ 1.

119 c 2 αἰθέριος οὐσία. Cf. 86 ¢ 5, 102 ὁ 6.

ἂ τ: ληθώ. Cf. 108 d 5.

ἃ Ῥέαν. Cf. 109 a 7.

ἃ το Κόρην. Cf. 109 Ὁ 2.

ἃ 12 ἀκροδρύων. Plat. Critias 115 B παιδιᾶς τε ὃς ἕνεκα ἡδονῆς
τε γέγονε δυσθησαύριστος ἀκροδρύων καρπός.

120 8. 3 ᾧ ταῦτα πρὸς χρῆσιν. Cf. Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 62
(‘Principio ipse mundus deorum hominumque causa factus est,
quaeque in eo sunt, ea parata ad fructum hominum et inventa
sunt’). This Stoic doctrine was ridiculed by Lucretius, v. 156-67,
and by the Epicurean C. Velleius in Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 23, but
was adopted by many Christian Fathers, especially by Aristides

K2 zat

120 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(see Rendel Harris, Apol. of Arist. 20), by Justin M. Ap. i. 10,
by Origen, c. Cels. iv. 74; Ep. ad Diogn. x; Lactant. De Ira
Det, xiii; Gregor. Nyss. De Opif. Homin. iii. Cf. Cudworth, Int.
Syst. iii. 465, with Mosheim’s note.
8. 9 ᾿Απόλλω. Cf. 112 Ὁ 3.
Ἡρακλέα. Cf. 112 ¢ 2.

br Διόνυσον. Cf. 113 a 1.

Ὁ 3 ᾿Ασκληπιός. Cf. 112 d 2.

Ὁ 8 ἄθλους. Cf. 112 ¢ 4.

C2 Εὐρυσθεύς. Cf. 55 Ὁ 6.

C δ᾽ Θεστίον θυγατέρες. Cf. 56d 5.

ἃ 3 τί ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον; See Bentley, On Phalaris
(1816), xi. 217 ‘Zenobius informs us that “ At first the choruses
used to sing a dithyramb to the honour of Bacchus: but in time
the poets left that off, and made the giants and centaurs the
subject of their plays. Upon which the spectators mocked them
and said, ‘‘That was nothing to Bacchus.”’ Bentley also refers
to Plut. Sympos. i. x ‘As therefore, when Phrynichus and
Aeschylus carried tragedy forward to fables and misfortunes, it
was said τί ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον ; and Suidas in Οὐδὲν πρὸς
Διόνυσον’ ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τὸ τραγῳδίας γράφειν κατὰ
μικρὸν εἷς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν, μηκέτι τοῦ Διονύσου
μνημονεύοντες" ὅθεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν.ἢ

Polybius (xl. 7), describing the destruction of works of art at
Corinth, says that he ‘saw pictures thrown down upon the ground,
and the soldiers playing at dice upon them: and he calls them
ἃ picture of Dionysus by Aristides, in reference to which some say
the proverb was spoken, “ Nothing to do with Dionysus,’’ and the
Hercules tormented by the tunic of Deianeira.’ Cf. Strab. viii. 381.

G5 Περσεφόνη. Οὗ 5361.

ἃ 6 Διόνυσος. Cf. 109 d.

ἃ το ᾿Αριάδνη. Cf. Catull. Epithalam. 252

‘At parte ex alia florens volitabat Iacchus
Cum thiaso Satyrorum et Nysigenis Silenis,
Te quaerens, Ariadna, tuoque incensus amore.’

οἴνου. Cf. 53 ἃ 5, 109 ἃ 6.

121 a 6 "Erparev. Pind. Pyth. iii. 97, quoted also by Athenag.
Legat. xxix. and Clem. Al. Protrept. 25. Eusebius omits the
same sentence as Athenagoras,

532

BOOK III. CHAPS. 13, 14 121 a

ἄνδρ᾽ ἐκ θανάτου κομίσαι
ἤδη ἁλωκότα.
Cf. Aesch. Agamemn. 1022
Οὐδὲ τὸν ὀρθοδαῆ
τῶν φθιμένων ἀνάγειν
Ζεὺς ἂν ἔπαυσεν ἐπ᾿ εὐλαβείᾳ.

Ὁ 5 διὰ μηχανῆς. Cf. 96 ἃ 1. An allusion to the stage-
machinery by which a god was borne in on the air, usually at the
end of a drama, ‘to cut asunder the complicated knot of human
passions, which otherwise would be inextricable’ (Miller, Hist.
of Greek Literature, 363). Cf. Aristot. Poet. xv, where the proper
occasions for using such a contrivance are defined. The saying
was applied to any sudden or surprising incident.

122 ἃ 4 οἱ δὲ τὴν ἄλλως σοφοίί Cf. Clem. Al. Protrept. 5 of δὲ
τηνάλλως ὧς νεκροί.

ἃ 8 Φηήσαντες γοῦν. In Rom. i. 22 φάσκοντες is the reading of
all authorities.

14] 123 8 3 ἀκρωρείας. Xen, Hell. vii. 2. 10 ὑπὸ τὰς ἀκρωρείας
ὑποχωρεῖν.

Cg Περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας. Cf. Porph. ad Marcellam,
A. Mai, Mediolani, 1816. Of this work Cardinal Angelo Mai
(De novo Porphyrit opere, 59) writes Editoris monitum, ‘Sed
enim ut ad opus Porphii. poeticum, cuius paene unius fragmenta
supersunt, veniam; fuit id copiosissimum carmen, soluta etiam
interiecta oratione, cuius hic fertur titulus: περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλο-
σοφίας “ de philos®. ex oraculis.” Sic enim legit aequalis scriptor
Eus. Pam. (P. E. iii. 14; iv. 6, 8, 9, 22; Vv. δ᾽ ix. 10 et fortasse
alibi), nec non Theodoretus (Therap. Serm. i, x) et Augustinus (De
Civ. Dei, xix. 23) The name was corrupted into περὶ τῆς
εὐλογίων φ. and περὶ ἐκλόγων Pir.

ἃ 1 Ὦ μέγα πᾶσιν κιατιλ. Fragments of some lost oracle addressed
as a hymn to Apollo? Seguier quotes a similar address to
Aesculapius from Pausan. 171

ὦ μέγα χάρμα βροτοῖς βλαστὼν ᾿Ασκληπιὲ πᾶσιν.

a6 λάζυτο. Hom. Hymn. ad Merc. 316

ἐλάζυτο κύδιμον Ἑρμῆν.

ἃ 1: Avxwped. Apollo, so named from Lycoreia on mount

Parnassus. Cf. Callim. Hymn. ad Apoll. 19
Δυκωρέος ἔντεα Φοίβου.
133

134 8 THR VKEFAKATIOS FPOx THE GECEL

Aas Vyvem. A πὲ A Τώκηκα. τ, “Ὁ ὩΣ Peles στ
Vibha, leer wiih te i 6748 6! Ἀρα»)Αχιτα, ῬῸ Σὰ, τις
ntti Μωτ πο, athe 4, Teor, Hem IL ik 119: iv. 222.

64 Wyypsinn,. The ἀχραὶ far in χει, ¢. gz. IL xx. 35-

8 Naw “κα “τ. πασ ἰδ in hia criticism werms τ. ocntound
thea wits A the insguirer, which alone are qutel. with the answer
1 be yiven by the nasle, A which he makes no mention.

by, ᾿ωγηγηκάματι, Cf. Hoan. Hymn. xix. 2 αἰγικόδην, δικέρωτα.
Witemnis, fr. xxv. (imisf. ’cetae Min. Gr. iii. 167)

viv τραγύπυυν ἐμὲ Πᾶνα.

be ἡ τριγγμαλε, Halt. it. 46 αἱγυπρόσωπον καὶ τραγοσκελέα.

9 μητόρμι Maia τὴν “Ardavres. Simonid. (Hermann, Poet.
Alin, Ur. ΗΠ], 191) Fr, exxi

Δίδωνι δ᾽ εὖ τέ σ᾽ ᾿Ερμᾶς ἐναγώνιος, Μαίας
οὐπλωκήμοιν wa, "“Erucre & ἼΛτλας ἑπτὰ ἱοπλοκάμων
φίλαν θυγατέρων τάν γ᾽ ἔξοχον εἶδος.

Ay ely πωρμίθεσιν. Wither ‘for comparison,’ a very usual sense,
ar ‘for a provision’: of. Polyb. ii, 15. 3 ras εἰς τὰ στρατόπεδα
wapubdreres VWI 17. 10 αὐτός τε πολλὰ τῶν χρησίμων μετὰ ταῦτα
καφειργέισετο διὰ rie τῶν χορηγιῶν παραθέσεως. Eusebius adopts
"61. of the langunge of Polyblus,

10) 196 b 4 Beydu, Lalock, Aglaoph. 108 ‘ Hospes divini numinis
Of Intorpros Boyevy dlcitur. ... Οὐ φέρει με τοῦ δοχέως ἡ τάλαινα καρδία,
ψηνί rie θεῶν. VProcl. In Polit. p. 380. . . . αἱ θεονργίαι τοὺς
νλήτομας καὶ τοὺς δυχέας καθαίρειν παρακελεύονται. Cf. 126 ς 6,
tog εἰ ἢ, τὺ εἰ ἢ.

ἀπεφουίεζεν. Strab. 67 'O δὲ Διογένης καὶ ποιήματα ὥσπερ
ἐἐπεφούβιιζο, "ΝΠ γον] aa ifinapired by Phoebus.’

rd [ἰλυύτων καὶ ὁ Sdpaws. Sve notes on 94 b 1, 113 1,
wud 114 a.

17) BT a2 τούς γε. Tho construction is still dependent on
Acirerae (un the preceding chapter.

Ὦ ὁ ἐπὶ ry aut τούτων drip Bp. "Ἐπιτριβή pro διατριβή per
δον Baa GS A dil 1.2. B, alicubi: Diog. Laert." Wyttenbach,
ἐΐμ!. πον. ldo not understand ‘per iocum,.’ The meaning of
ἐπειμ ἕω ia cither to ‘excite,’ ‘irritate,’ as by friction, or to
Salil’ Soppreas’

1}4

180 ἃ

BOOK IV

1] 180 a 4 εἶδος. The words εἶδος and γενικώτερον (a 5) are not
used here in their technical sense, for species cannot be divided
generically, but the converse (Aristot. Top. i. 5. 7).

eis tpia. In this threefold division Eusebius seems to be
following Plut. Amator. 763 B ra μὲν μύθῳ, τὰ δὲ νόμῳ, τὰ δὲ λόγῳ
πίστιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔσχηκε. Cf. 8. Aug. De Civ. D. iv. 27 ‘Relatum
est in litteras doctissimum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse tria
genera tradita deorum; unum a poetis, alterum a philosophis,
tertium a principibus civitatis.’? Cf. ibid. vi. 5.

C7 μηδὲ κινεῖν τὰ ἀκίνητα. Cf. Plat. Legg. 984 D, 813A; Plut.
Amator. 756 B.

G1 καινοτομίας. Cf. τό ἃ 6.

181 ο 7 τὰ δὲ τὸν πολὺν ἀπατῶντα. Cf. 132 ἃ 14 τὸν πάντα σχεδὸν
ἀπατῶντα λεών, ἃ passage which suggests that we ought to read or
understand τὸν πολὺν λεὼν κιτιλ.

ἃ 4 ἀπελαστικά, Cf. Ps.-Justin. M. Quaest. 107 ῥῆμα γάρ ἐστι
θεοῦ, ὃ καὶ ἐνθυμούμενον καὶ gddpevoy καὶ ἀνακρονόμενον δαιμόνων
γίνεται ἀπελαστικόν. The reading of AH, ἀποτελεστικά efficacia, is
opposed to the sense of the passage.

ἃ 6 στέλλειν. ‘Alex. Aphrod. Probl. Praef. στέλλειν τὴν xoriav’
(L. and Sc.).

χαλᾶν καὶ ὑγραίνειν καὶ ἀραιοῦν. Cf. Aristot. Probl. i. 52. 1
and v. 34. 1 Διὰ τί οὐ δεῖ πυκνοῦν τὴν σάρκα πρὸς ὑγίειαν, ἀλλ᾽
ἀραιοῦν ;

182 ἃ § φυτῶν ἀντιπαθείας. See 271 Ὁ 7, note.

ἃ 6 καρωτικῶν. Cf. Arist. Fr. 101 καρωτικὸς ὁ κρίθινος (sc. οἶνος)
L. and Sc. Lez.

6 3 κακεντρεχές. Strab. 301 ἁπλουστάτους τε καὶ ἥκιστα κακεν-
τρεχεῖς. Ignat. Ad Antioch. vi ‘ quick, nimble, clever, in mischief,’
and so ‘wily’ (Lightfoot). Cf. Polyb. iv. 87. 4 κακεντρέχεια καὶ
βασκανία.

C 4 τευταζόντων. Plat. Phileb. 56 E τῶν περὶ ἀριθμὸν τευταζόντων.
V. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex., Etym. M. πολὺ διατρίβειν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ.

ἃ 6 érippnoews. An ‘incantation,’ such as was used to exorcize

138

182 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

a daemon: Lucian, Philopseud. 31 ἐγὼ δὲ προχειρισάμενος τὴν
φρικωδεστάτην ἐπίρρησιν, αἰγυπτιάζων τῇ φωνῇ «.T.A.

ἃ 10 εὖ μὲν... εὖ dé. Seguier has a remarkable note: ‘ed bis
repetitum mutavi in av.’ The reason given for such a change is
to avoid the apparent laudation of the poetry of the Oracles.
But see Plut. De Pyth. Orac. xxii ‘The voice and language of the
Pythia we demand to be presented to us as though from off the
stage, not unadorned and plain, but in verse, bombast, and
affectation, with metaphors of names, and declaimed to the
accompaniment of the flute.’ Ibid. vi‘ The Sibyl, according to
Heraclitus, “ uttering with raving mouth things without a smile,
without embellishment, and without perfume, reaches down to
a thousand years by means of the god.” ’

2] 188 ¢ 3 ἄνω καὶ κάτω περιφέροντας. Plut. Mor. 52 F διηγού-
μενος kai περιφέρων πανταχόσε.

9 4 ἐπὶ δύο λαγχάνουσιν. Cf. Polyb. i. 22. 9 ἐπὶ δύο συνεχεῖς
ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἔφοδον.

The Latin translation micantium refers to the game now
called in Italy ‘mora’: but ἐπὶ δύο λαγχάνειν here means ‘to
draw lots two at atime,’ and the case supposed is that out of ten
thousand men one pair happen to draw the same number. (Cf.
Cic. Off. iii. 23. go ‘quasi sorte aut micando victus alteri cedet
alter.’

© 8 ἔχειν. The infinitive is still dependent on ἂν ἴδοις (Ὁ 8).
The reading of AH, συνέβη, is merely a repetition of συνέβη in the
preceding line, or may have been adopted as affording an easier
construction.

ἃ 4 ddpaivey. Hom. Il. ii. 258

εἰ δ᾽ ἔτι σ᾽ ἀφραίνοντα κιχήσομαι.

ἃ 9 τὰ πρὶν βοώμενα. Strab. 813 ‘Though I have said so much
about Ammon, I wish to mention that divination was held in
more honour by the ancients—both divination in general and the
oracles especially—but now great neglect of them prevails, the
Romans being satisfied with the answers of the Sibyl, and the
Etruscan prophecies by means of entrails, and auguries by birds,
and omens from the sky. Wherefore the oracle at Ammon also
has been almost abandoned, though it had been honoured formerly.’
Cf. Plut. De Def. Orac. v, viii; Lucian, Juppit. Trag. 20, 30, 31,
43, ἄς.

136

BOOK IV. CHAPS. I, 2 134a

184 ἃ 2 xpocdvyas. A rare word: L. and 80. give only a
reference to Herodian, v. 3. But Eusebius uses it again 162 ὁ 6,
165 c 8.

Ὁ § οἵτινες ἦσαν ἐφωράθησαν. Cf. 64 Ὁ 3 ὃς ἦν ἐλεγχθείς.

C 4 ὑπέγραφον ἐλπίδας. The phrase occurs frequently in Polybius,
as in v. 36. 1 πᾶσιν ὑπογράφειν ἐλπίδας. See also J. B. Mayor,
Clem. Al. Strom. vii. Index, Ὑπογράφω. The meaning ‘to give
faint or vague promises’ is derived from the original sense ‘to
sketch.’

ἃ 3 τελουμένοις. Those who consulted the oracles were required
to offer sacrifices, and in many cases to take part in ceremonies
similar to the rites of initiation in the mysteries. Smith, Dict. Gk.
and R. Ant. ‘Oraculum,’ 342 a, 837 Ὁ, 841 8, Ὁ.

Gg ἐν Δελφοῖς. The temple at Delphi is described at length
by Pausan. 808. It was plundered or destroyed again and again,
in historic times by Xerxes, by the Phocians, by the Gauls, by
Nero; but restored with great splendour by Hadrian: the statues
of Apollo and Pan, and the sacred tripods were carried off by
Constantine (Eus. Vita Const. iii. 54; Sozom. ἢ. E. ii. 5), and
the oracle was finally silenced by Theodosius, A. D. 390.

On the destruction of various temples by fire or lightning
see Clem. Al. Protrept. 47.

ἃ το The temple and oracle at Claros are mentioned by Strabo,
642, as still existing. Cf. Pausan. 527. It was said to have
been consulted by Lollia in the reign of Claudius, Tacit. Ann.
xii. 22 ‘interrogatumque Apollinis Clarii simulacrum super
nuptiis imperatoris.’

ἃ 11 ὁ Awdwvaios. ‘The god of Dodona’ was Zeus (as in Hom.
Ml. xvi. 233 Zed ἄνα Awdwvaie), but Viger thinks that we ought to
read here ὁ Διδυμεύς, as in 61 d 9.

135 ἃ 4 Καπιτώλιον. In Freinshem’s Supplement to Livy, |xxxv.
4, it is stated that the Capitol was burnt on July 6, B.c. 83,
and the temple of Vesta about the same time. Cf. Tac, Hist.
iii. 72 ‘Arserat et ante Capitolium οἷν bello, sed fraude
privata.’

ἃ 5 τῶν Πτολεμαίων. ‘Mirum quod in re Romae acta Ptole-
maeorum tempora adducat Eusebius.’ Seguier, who suggests
Πομπείον.

ἃ 8 Ὀλυμπικὸν ἄγαλμα. Clem. Al. (Protrept. 47) does not

137

135 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

mention the statue of Zeus at Olympia among those which had
been struck by lightning.

Pausan. 403 ‘ They say that the god himself bore witness to
the skill of Pheidias: for when the statue was already finished,
Pheidias prayed the god to give a sign if the work was according
to his mind: and immediately, they say, a thunderbolt dashed
down on that spot of the pavement, where even to my time was
the brazen urn and its cover.’

‘The statue dedicated, B.c. 438, was removed by the Emperor
Theodosius I to Constantinople, where it was destroyed by a fire
in A.D. 475’ (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. ‘ Pheidias,’ 253 b).

ἃ 10 καὶ ἄλλοτε . . . ἐμπρησθῆναι. This second conflagration of
the Capitol took place during the conflict between the partisans
of Vitellius and Vespasian, Α. ἢ. 70, and is eloquently described
by Tacitus, Hist, iii. 71, 72.

& 11 Πάνθεον. The Pantheon of Agrippa left unfinished at his
death, ‘ was dedicated by Augustus, B.c. 7. Its vast unsupported
roof was one of the wonders of Rome’ (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R.
Geogr. ii. 836 b). Though often damaged by fire, it is still the
best preserved monument of ancient Rome.

bi Σαραπεῖον. Cf. 113 Ὁ 1. Pausan. 42 ‘ Passing hence to
the lower parts of the city we come to the temple of Serapis, whose
worship was introduced by the Athenians from Ptolemy. Of
the temples of Serapis in Egypt the most celebrated is that of the
Alexandrians, but the most ancient is that at Memphis, into
which no strangers may enter, nor even priests, before they bury
Apis.’ Pausanias mentions many other temples of Serapis, two
at Corinth (121), another in the old town of Hermione (193), ἃ
recent one at Sparta (241), and many others. Cf. Strab. 795,
801, 803, 807. At Rome Serapis shared the temple and worship
of Isis (Plut. De Js. et Osir. 362), and at Boeae in Laconia were
temples of Aesculapius, Serapis, and Isis (Pausan. 268). In fact
the worship of Serapis was almost universal (see Wiedemann, 191)
and continued until the general introduction of Christianity.

‘If Arabian traditions may be trusted, this now solitary
(Pompey’s) pillar once stood in a Stoa with 400 others, and
formed part of the peristyle of the ancient Serapeium’ (Smith,
Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr. ‘ Alexandria,’ 98 Ὁ and 102 a). On
Serapis see Gibbon, xxviii. 416.

338

BOOK IV. CHAP. 2 135 c

C4 ἔναγχος καθ' ἡμᾶς. The punishments inflicted by Licinius
upon the false prophets and priests who had supported Maximinus
took place at Antioch in A.p. 314. See Eus. H. Ε΄. ix. 11; and
on the claim to oracular powers by the heathen priests in Phrygia
(A.D. 313-314), see the inscriptions in Hogarth, Authority and
Archaeology, p. 387.

© 5 διὰ βασάνων αἰκίας. Cf. Eus. ibid. βασάνοις ἠκίζετο, and
τοὺς τῆς γοητείας κοινωνοὺς μετὰ πλείστας ὅσας αἰκίας θανάτῳ παρα-
δίδωσι.

di ἐν ὑπομνήμασι. The words extorted under torture were
recorded in the minutes (Acta) of the trial. Eus, H. E. ix. 5
Πιλάτου καὶ τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν ὑπομνήματα.

ἃ 8 καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὀφρῦν ἀνεσπακότων. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn,
1069

καὶ μὴν df τις τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνεσπακὼς

ὥσπερ τι δεινὸν ἀγγελῶν ἐπείγεται.
Lucian, Timon, 54 ἀλλὰ τί τοῦτο; οὐ Θρασυκλῆς ὃ φιλόσοφος οὗτός
ἐστιν; ov μὲν οὖν ἄλλος" ἐκπετάσας γοῦν τὸν πώγωνα καὶ τὰς ὀφρῦς
ἀνατείνας καὶ βρενθνόμενός τι πρὸς αὑτὸν ἔρχεται, τιτανῶδες βλέπων.
Cf. Plut. De Is. et Osir. 352 C ‘For it is not the wearing of
beards and dressing in long gowns that makes men philosophers.’

186 ἃ 1 λαμπρυνάμενοι. Cf. Eus. H. E. ix. 11 μυρίοις τοῖς κατ᾽
Αἴγυπτον Χριστιανῶν ἐλλαμπρυνόμενος αἵμασιν.

Ὁ 4 οὐ θατέρᾳ ληπτοὶ γεγόνασιν. Cf. Eus. Dem. Ev. 101 ἃ δεινὰ
δὲ κατὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἁπάντων ἀπειλήσας θατέρᾳ ληπτοὺς τοῖς προβολίοις
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους εὕρατο; ‘To be caught with one hand,’ or rather,
‘with the left hand,’ was a proverbial saying. Plat. Soph. 226A
ὁρᾷς οὖν ws ἀληθῆ λέγεται τὸ ποικίλον εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ θηρίον καὶ τὸ
λεγόμενον οὐ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ ληπτέον ; Οὐκοῦν ἀμφοῖν χρή. Viger conjec-
tures οὐδετέρᾳ, Heinichen οὐ θάτερα, and Heikel οὐδαμᾶ τερατοληπτοί.

94 Χρυσίππῳ περὶ εἱμαρμένης. Cf. Cic. Divin. i. 3. 6. Diog.
L. vii. 1. 74 καθ᾽ εἱμαρμένην δέ φασι τὰ πάντα γίγνεσθαι Χρύσιππος
ἐν τοῖς περὶ εἱμαρμένης, καὶ Ζήνων. . . . ἔστι δὲ εἱμαρμένη αἰτία τῶν
ὄντων εἰρομένη, ἣ λόγος καθ᾽ ὃν ὃ κόσμος διεξάγεται.

6 6 ὁ συγγραφεύς. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ii. 715 “ Diogeniani
grammatici qui sub Adriano Imp. claruit ᾿Ανθολόγιον ᾿Επιγραμ-
μάτων memorat Suidas.’ iii. 284 ‘ Nescio idemne sit Diogenianus
Philosophus, ex quo locum de oraculorum vanitate affert Eusebius,
iv. 3 Praeparat.’

139

187 Cc THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

9] 187 6 7 dworvyydvera. The passive is of rare occurrence.
Cf. Aristot. Nat. Ausc. ii. 8. 11 ἐπιχειρεῖται ἀλλ᾽ ἀποτυγχάνεται.

138 ἃ 6 τὸ ἀπόστρεπτον, ἃ word which I have not found else-
where, evidently meaning ‘that from which one would turn
away, ‘repulsive.’

139 ἃ 5 δῆλον ὡς, used parenthetically, like δηλονότι, is unusual,
In Polyb. ii. 29. 1 δῆλον ὡς... εἰκός it is not necessarily paren-
thetical.

ἃ 6 Οἰδίτοδα. Cf. Eur. Phoen. 15 seq.; Soph. Oed. R. 711.

@ ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ‘ Paris.’ Cf. Apollod. iii. 12. 5. 5 ᾿Αλέξανδρος
προσωνομάσθη, λῃστὰς ἀμυνόμενος καὶ τοῖς ποιμνίοις ἀλεξήσας, ὅπερ
ἐστὶ βοηθήσας. Both names are frequent in Homer.

8 8 μηχανησαμένων τῶν γονέων. Eur. Troad. 592,921; Androm.
294-9; Iph. in Aul. 1285; Ennius, ap. Οἷς. De Div. i. 21.

Ο 5 wapadoforouas. " Miracle-working,’ a word found only in
ecclesiastical writers (L. and Sc.).

dr περιουσίας Cf. Polyb. vi. 18. § εὐτυχίαις καὶ περιουσίαις.

ἃ § Πυθόχρηστα θεοπρόπια. Hom. Jl. i. 85

θαρσήσας μάλα εἰπὲ θεοπρόπιον, 6 τι οἶσθα.
Aesch. Choeph. 901

ποῦ Sai ra λοιπὰ Λοξίου μαντεύματα

τὰ Πύθοχρηστα, πιστὰ δ᾽ εὐορκώματα ;
Buttmann, Lexil. 64 Θεοπρόπος. ‘Probably the old expression
was θεὸς πρέπει, “a god sends a sign”; the sign sent was called
θεοπρόπιον, and the interpreter of it θεοπρόπος.ἢ
4] 140b1-d 8 This enormously long sentence is a typical
example of the cumbersome style of Eusebius.

Ὁ 4 τὰ μὴ ὄντα ὡς ὄντα. Rom. iv. 17.

Ὁ 10 πατροπαραδότον. 1 Pet. i. 18 ἀναστροφῆς πατροκαραδότον.
5] 14la5 Eusebius in this chapter appears to be referring
chiefly to Porphyry, who in the Epistle to Anebo, 8, writes as
follows: ‘ What is it that distinguishes daemons from the visible
and invisible gods?’ 9g ‘In what do a daemon, hero, and soul
differ from each other? Is it in essence, or in power, or in energy?’

6 5 σκότος προσαγορεύεσθαι. Porph. ibid. 11 ‘Since ignorance
and deception about divine natures is impiety and impurity, but
& scientific knowledge of the gods is holy and beneficial, the
ignorance of things honourable and beautiful will be darkness,
but the knowledge of them will be light.’

140

BOOK IV. CHAPS. 3-7 141 c

C6 θεοῖς μὲν οὐρανόν. Porph. ibid. 2 θεῶν μὲν πρὸς τὰ αἰθέρια,
δαιμόνων δὲ πρὸς τὰ ἀέρια, ψυχῶν δὲ (τὰ) περὶ γῆν. The answer is
given by Iamblichus, i. 8 Οὐ μέντοι τὴν ὑπὸ σοῦ διάκρισιν ὕποτεινο-
μένην αὑτῶν προσιέμεθα κ.τ.λ.

ἃ 12 οὐδέν᾽ ὀνομάζει. Pearson, Concio ad Clerum, iv. 47, quotes
the passage with οἶδεν ὀνομάζειν (so 10), and refers to August. De
Civ. D. ix. 19 ‘angelos quidem partim bonos partim malos,
hunquam vero bonos daemonas legimus.’

142 ἃ 2 λήξεως, ‘ordinem,’ Pearson, ibid.

b I πνεύματα λειτουργικά. Heb. i. 14.

Ὁ 6 δαήμονας. Plat. Cratyl. 398 B ὅτι φρόνιμοι καὶ δαήμονες
ἦσαν, δαίμονας αὐτοὺς ὠνόμασεν: καὶ ἔν γε τῇ ἀρχαίᾳ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ φωνῇ
αὐτὸ συμβαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. The Scholiast on Hom. Jl. i. 222 gives
this derivation and several others.

b7 ἀλλ' 7. ‘Debet autem ita hoc οὐκ... ἀλλ᾽ 9 explicari ut
omissum statuatur aliud membrum. . . . Οὐδὲν ᾿Αργεῖοι ἀλλ᾽ ἣ
κατεγέλων : i.e. ἀλλ᾽ ἣ κατεγέλων ἣ οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι ἐποίουν. Hermann,
Ad Vig. de Idiot. 810.

C 4 τὴν ἐκ τοῦ τρόπου φύσιν. Literally, ‘their nature as seen

from their character.’
6] ἂ τ: αὐτούς. Must refer to the authors of the oracles implied
in τῶν χρηστηρίων : or possibly τῶν χρηστηρίων may mean the
prophetic daemons, as in Hdt. vi. 80 Ὦ "Απολλον χρηστήρις. See
143 Ὁ 4.

148 a1 καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς γεγονώς. Porphyry is supposed to have died
about A.D. 305.

ἃ Ἶ συναγωγὴν ἐποιήσατο χρησμῶν. The collection of oracles
made by Porphyry was contained in three books (Eus. Dem. Ev.
134 8 ἐν τρίτῳ συγγράμματι), besides which many oracles occur in
his treatise De Abstinentia (cf. ii. 9, 15, 16, 17, 29, 59) and other
works.

7) d2 τοὺς θεοὺς μαρτύρομαι. Cf. Dind. Praef. xi. note. ‘The
oracles extracted from Porphyry’s work, which are due to im-
postors, of whose tricks Porphyry takes no notice, are found in
Eus. Pr. Ev. ivy and v. They contain many corruptions, some of
them extraordinary, the like of which are nowhere found in other
parts of the work of Eusebius, and the correction of which is the
more uncertain, because these verses are composed by men of
little skill, and Porphyry refashioned according to his own judge-
141

143d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ment what he had found in his manuscripts corrupt or incomplete :
a point on which he thus writes on Eus. iv. 143d ἐπεὶ κἀγὼ
κιτιλ,᾽

5. Augustine (De Civ. xix. 23. 3) does not hesitate to accuse
Porphyry of having himself forged the oracles concerning Christ
in Eus. Dem, Ev. 134 b ‘Quis ita stultus est ut non intelligat
aut ab homine callido, eoque Christianis inimicissimo haec oracula
fuisse conficta, aut consilio simili ab impuris daemonibus ista
fuisse responsa.’ But see Wolff, Porph. de Phil. ex Oraculis, 100
‘Equidem vero non dubito quin Porphyrius fallere noluerit....
Sed credulus erat.’ Wolff’s whole chapter vii, De Oraculorum
Porphyrii Fide, is important.
8] 144 b1 δημοσιεύειν. Plut. Mor. 34 C λόγον κοινὸν καὶ δημο-
σιεύειν τὴν χρείαν δυνάμενον οὐ χρὴ περιορᾶν ἑνὶ πράγματι συνηρτημένον.

C 2 ἐνστησαμένοις. Demosth. Phil. i. 137. Δ οὐδὲν... ἐξ ἀρχῆς
ἐνεστήσασθε οὐδὲ κατεσκευάσασθε ὀρθῶς.

C 4 ἀρρήτων ἀρρητότατα. On similar injunctions to strict secrecy
see Lobeck, Aglaoph. 138-40.

C5 & αἰνιγμάτων. Plut. Mor. 404 C ὁ ἄναξ οὗ τὸ μαντεῖόν ἐστιν
ἐν Δελφοῖς οὔτε λέγει οὔτε κρύπτει, ἀλλὰ σημαίνει. 405 Ὦ ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς
ἐρωδιοῖς οἰόμεθα καὶ τροχίλοις καὶ κόραξι χρῆσθαι φθεγγομένοις
σημαίνοντα τὸν θεόν, καὶ οὐκ ἀξιοῦμεν, εἰ θεῶν ἄγγελοι καὶ κήρυκές
εἰσι, λογικῶς ἕκαστα καὶ σοφῶς φράζειν.

C 6 τοιαῦτα... ἀνετείνατο. Lit.‘held out such threats, or protesta-
tions.’ Schweighaeuser, Ler. Polyb. ‘Nempe intelligitur τὸν φόβον,
ut sit proprie metum alicui intendere vel incutere; quod nomen
diserte adiicitur, ii. 52. 1 ἀνατεινόμενος αὐτοῖς τὸν φόβον, et XXXi. 21,
13 ἀναταθεὶς τὸν φόβον rovrov.’ Wolff refers to Porph. Ad Marcellam,
15 λόγον yap περὶ θεοῦ τοῖς ὑπὸ δόξης διεφθαρμένοις λέγειν οὐκ
ἀσφαλές.

ἃ 5 δαίμονας ἀλλ᾽ οὐ θεούς. Cf. Plut. De Herod. malignitate,
857 D τούτοις δὲ ὡς φθαρτοῖς καὶ ἥρωσιν ἐναγίζειν δεῖν οἴεται, ἀλλὰ μὴ
θύειν ὡς θεοῖς.

9] 145 Ὁ 3 Ἐργάζευι. Wolff renders this ‘rem sacram facere,’
but gives no example of such meaning.
θεόσδοτον ἐς τρίβον. ‘Viam ad oraculum a deo concessam ’
(Wolff).
Ὁ 4 ἐναρίζων. Valckenaer’s conjecture ἐναγίζων, adopted by

Wolff, has no support from MSS., and is unnecessary. Though
342

BOOK IV. CHAPS. 7-9 145 b

ἐναρίζων means simply ‘slaying’ (Hom, Jl. i. 191), the idea of
‘sacrifice’ is supplied by θυσίας here and in d 1.

CI φύσεως μεστώμασι τῶνδε. Wolff ‘ad rerum naturae comple-
menta ab his diis facta.’ But the order of the words implies
rather ‘the fullness of their natures.’ μεστώμασι is apparently
not found elsewhere.

C5 φαιδρά, Cf. Verg. Aen. ix. 628, where Ascanius makes
a vow to Jupiter:

‘Et statuam ante aras aurata fronte iuvencum
Candentem.’
Aen. iv. 61
‘Iunoni ante omnes...
. . pateram pulcherrima Dido
Candentis vaccae media inter cornua fundit.’
ἐναλίγκια xporp. Aen. vi. 243 (In sacrificing to Hecate)
‘Quattuor hic primum nigrantes terga iuvencos
Constituit.’
Cf. Arnob. Ado. Gentes, vii, 18 ‘Quae in coloribus ratio est, ut
merito his albus illis ater conveniat nigerrimasque (hostias)
mactari?’ (Wolff).
ἃ 2 εἰς βόθρον aipar ἴαλλε. Hom. Od. xi. 35
τὰ δὲ μῆλα λαβὼν ἀπεδειροτόμησα
ἐς βόθρον, ῥέε δ᾽ αἷμα κελαινεφές.

ἃ Δηωΐῳ. See note 194 Ὁ 3.

ἃ 8 οὐλοχύτας. Hom. Il. i. 458 οὐλοχύτας προβάλοντο. Strato,
Phoenic. ap. Athen. 383

Tas οὐλοχύτας φέρε δεῦρο. Τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶ τί;
Κριθαί,
146 8 2 κὰκ κεφαλῆς. Hom. Jl. xviii. 23
ἑλὼν κόνιν αἰθαλόεσσαν
χεύατο κὰκ κεφαλῆς.
In the Apparatus Criticus, for a 2 κὰκ] read 8, 2 βαθὺ].
85 ᾿Αστραίοις. A rare word.
ἃ 6 θυηλάς. Anthol. Pal. vi. 324
Νύμφαις ταῦτα φέροι τις" ἀναιμάκτους δὲ θνηλὰς
Οὐ δέχομαι βωμοῖς ὃ θρασύμητις “Apys.
Ὁ 2 πάσασθαι. Hom. Il. i. 464
κατὰ μῇρ ἐκάη καὶ σπλάγχν᾽ ἐπάσαντο.
343

146 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

The reading of AH, δάσασθαι is also a common Homeric word:
Ml, xviii. 511 ἀνδίχα πάντα δάσασθαι.

147 8 2 τὰ ἄκρα, ‘the extremities’: in Homer the μηροί.
Lucian, Imag. 6 (464) ἄκρα χειρῶν. Cf. 147 ¢ 2.

Ὁ 2 tpia. On the three dimensions of matter cf. Aristot.
De Caelo, i. 1. 2 ‘Magnitude in one direction is a line, in two
a surface, in three a body: and there is no other magnitude
beside these, because three is all things, and thrice every way.
For as the Pythagoreans also say, the All and all things are
bounded by the three: for end, and middle, and beginning com-
prise the number of the All, and these comprise the number of
the Triad. Wherefore having borrowed from nature as it were
the laws of the Triad, we use this number also in the holy rites
of the gods.’

b 6 θεῖ. An allusion to the supposed derivation of θεός from
θέω torun. Cf. 29 ο, Plat. Crat. 397 C.

Ὁ 3 δοτῆρες... . ἀγαθῶν. Hesiod, Theog. 664 θεοὶ δωτῆρες ἐάων.

10] 148 a 7 τὸν Θεόφραστον . . . ᾿Απόλλωνα. Theophr. ΕἼ. 149
(Wimmer, iii).
11] 149 bi ὥς τις ἀνὴρ σοφὸς ἔφη. Apollonius of Tyana, quoted
in 150 a8. Cf. Athenag. Legat. xiii 6 τοῦδε rot παντὸς δημιουργὸς
καὶ πατὴρ οὐ δεῖται αἵματος οὐδὲ τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνθῶν καὶ θυμιαμάτων
εὐωδίας κιτιλ.

c 1-7 For this idea of pure religion compare Justin. M. Apol. i.
13, and L£pictet. 38 ‘Of piety towards the gods be sure that
the chief point is this, to hold right opinions concerning them, as
truly existing, and governing the universe well and righteously,
and to dispose thyself hereto, namely, to obey them.’ Cf. Pers.
Sat. ii. 73.

C5 ἀναγωγήν, ‘education,’ ‘discipline.’ Polyb. xxxiii. 15. 5
καὶ yap ἦν ὁ νεανίσκος οὐδαμῶς Κρητικός, ἀλλὰ πεφευγὼς τὴν Κρητικὴν
12] ἃ: νοητοῖς δὲ θεοῖς. Cf. Plat. Tim. 92 C ὅδε ὃ κόσμος . ..
εἰκὼν τοῦ νοητοῦ Τθεοῦ! Steph. It is probable that Eusebius had
this erroneous reading before him.

150 a 8 τάδε γράφειν λέγεται. The phrase suggests a doubt
whether Eusebius here quotes at first hand from the work of
Apollonius Tyaneus, or rather from the account given of it by
Philostratus with the heading Ἔκ τῆς ᾿Απολλωνών τοῦ Τυανέως

144

BOOK IV. CHAPS. 9-14 150 a

θεολογίας. The same passage is quoted by Eus. Dem. Ev. 108 Ὁ.
The following passage of Suidas, quoted by Ritter and Preller,
Hist. Philos. gives a brief summary of the life of this notorious
philosopher and impostor. ‘ He flourished in the reigns of Caius,
Claudius, and Nero, and until the time of Nerva in whose reign he
died. After the example of Pythagoras he kept silence five years :
then he sailed away to Egypt, afterwards to Babylon to visit the
Magi, and thence to the Arabians; and from all these he collected
the innumerable juggleries ascribed to him. He composed the
following works: Rites, or Concerning Sacrifices, A Testament,
Oracles, Epistles, Life of Pythagoras.’ The life of Apollonius,
embellished with many marvellous stories imitated from the
Gospels and other sources, was written by Philostratus at
the request of Julia Domna, wife of the Emperor Septimius
Severus.

C7 airoin τἀγαθά. Cf. Xen. Memor. Socr. i. 3. 2 εὔχετο δὲ
πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ἁπλῶς τἀγαθὰ διδόναι, ὡς τοὺς θεοὺς κάλλιστα εἰδότας
ὁποῖα ἀγαθά ἐστι. The same thought forms the subject of the
second Alcibiades, a dialogue sometimes ascribed to Plato,
sometimes to Xenophon (Athen. xi. 506).

14] 181 a1 The first part of the same passage is quoted
above, 29 b.

& 2 δεινοτάτων θυμάτων παράληψις. On the origin and progress
of ‘Sacrifice’ compare Warburton, Div. Legat. ii. 636 ff., especially
641 ‘In exrpiatory sacrifices matters went still worse. For in
these the passion of ‘‘Fear ” being predominant, strange enormities
were soon superadded to the follies of the worshippers.’

8 7 τούτων ἑκατέρων. ‘Verba pertinent ad res in Theophrasti
Περὶ εὐσεβείας libro commemoratas, omissas a Porphyrio, qua de
re dixit Bernays p. 57 seq.’ (Nauck).

The two things meant are sufficiently indicated in the
terms which follow, ἄθυτοι and κακόθυτοι.

Ὁ 4 ἄθυτοι. Xen. Hellen. iii. 2. 23 dOvros ἀπῆλθεν. Hesiod,
Opp. 135 describes the men of the Silver age as offering no
sacrifices :

οὐδ᾽ ἀθανάτους θεραπεύειν
ἤθελον οὐδ᾽ ἔρδειν μακάρων ἱεροῖς ἐπὶ βωμοῖς.

6 6 θυσία ὁσία τίς ἐστι. Α fanciful play upon words, not a real
derivation. See Ruhnk. Jim. Lex. θνήματα.

+ 1 143

151d ΤῊΣ PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 9 εὐδάπανον. Porph. Abst. ii. 7. 13, 14 joins εὐδάπανον and
εὐπόριστον as equivalent terms.

ἃ 11 εἰ (Ovréov) αὐτὰ θεοῖς. Viger, Gaisford, and Dindorf read
εἰ ἀπαρκτέον, αὐτὰ θεοῖς . . ., in which position αὐτά could only
have the emphatic meaning ‘the animals themselves.’ Heinichen’s
punctuation, τῶν ζώων εἰ ἀπαρκτέον αὐτὰ θεοῖς, gives no intelligible
construction. For αὐτὰ θεοῖς τούτων the older MSS. AH have αὐτὰ
θεῷ τῷ (sic), which leaves the difficulty of finding a proper con-
struction for τῶν ζώων and αὐτά. I have therefore followed Nauck
in transposing ἀπαρκτέον and θυτέον, each of which thus governs
its proper case.

152 ἃ 3 οἰήσαιτ᾽ dv. Lobeck, Phryn. 719 “ Οἰήσασθαι Arat.
Diosem. 896 et 1006 e cod. Vratisl. restituendum, quo in prosa
abutuntur Porphyrius de Abst. ii. 24. 144, Eustrat. in I. Nicom.
p. 8 a.’

Ὁ 3 (χρείας). For χάριν, a corruption of the MSS. retained by
Gaisford, read with Heinichen χρείας, as in Porphyry. The
Ineaning is that neither to show honour to the gods, nor out
of gratitude, nor to obtain any boon, may animal sacrifices be
offered.

ΟἿΣ τούτων τινὸς ἕνεκα. Either to pay honour to the gods, or to
render thanks, or to obtain benefits.

Ο 2 αὐτὸ πρακτέον, i.e. to sacrifice living things.

C7 Ταύρων δ᾽ ἀκράτοισι φόνοις. Emped. Lustralia, Mullach,
i. 13. (Cf. Aesch. Choeph. 569 (578)

ἄκρατον αἷμα πίεται.

6 9 ἐέδμεναι, an irregular form for ἔδειν. Cf. Hom, Jl. v. 203,

Od. x. 243.

ἥϊα γυῖα. In Homer ἤϊα is a substantive meaning ‘food’
(Od. iv. 363; xii. 329). Viger: ‘Crediderim legi posse ἠέα, ab
jus, hoc est bona, quae tamen dicere pinguia malui.’ Mullach
adopts 7éa.

ἃ 7 διάληψιν. Cf. Polyb. vi. 56. 6 ἐν τῇ περὶ θεῶν διαλήψει.
The word is much used by Polybius.

168 a1 mpocdpias. Cf. Hdt. vi. 57 ἐν τοῖσι ἀγῶσι πᾶσι προεδ-
pias ἐξαιρέτους.

ὑπαναστάσεσί τε καὶ κατακλίσεσιν. Cf. Plat. Rep. iv. 425 B
σιγάς τε τῶν νεωτέρων παρὰ πρεσβυτέροις, ὡς πρέπει, Kal κατακλίσεις
καὶ ὑπαναστάσεις. Αγϊδίοῦ, Eth, N, ix. 2. 9 ὑπαναστάσει καὶ κατα-

546

BOOK IV, CHAPS, 14-16 ' 183 a

κλίσει. Cic, De Senect. 62 ‘Haec enim ipsa sunt honorabilia,
quae videntur levia atque communia, salutari, adpeti, decedi,
adsurgi, deduci, reduci, consuli,’

ἃ 9 xpyopwods. Apollo, cf. 145 a 3 seqq.

15] ο 3 τῶν ἄχρι τίνος. In Porph. De Abst. ii. 36 Nauck omits
τῶν, ‘whose interest it is to sacrifice to these daemons, and how far
they stand in need of them.’ In Eus. τούτων is inserted before ἄχρι
by AH, and τῶν by other MSS. Of these τούτων only adds an un-
necessary emphasis, while τῶν tends to obscure the construction and
meaning. For the double indirect interrogation compare Plat.
Legg. 804 A ols τισί re καὶ ὁπότε ἕκαστα ἑκάστοις προσπαίζοντές τε
καὶ ἱλεούμενοι x.7.A., ἃ passage which Porphyry seems to have had
in mind.

1δά ο 9 ἱλεοῦσθαι. Cf. the passage of Plato quoted above, and
Aesch. Suppl. 123 ἱλέομαι μὲν ᾿Απίαν βοῦνιν.

ἃ 8 δαιμονιακόν. An incorrect form found in the older MSS.

and retained by the editors. HIO have the right form δαιμονικόν,
ef. Plut. Mor. 458 Β Aw καὶ τῶν θεῶν τὸν βασιλέα Μειλίχιον,
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ Μαιμάκτην, οἶμαι, καλοῦσι: τὸ δὲ κολαστικὸν ἐρινννῶδες
καὶ δαιμονικόν. 362 Ε' τὸν ὄνον οὐ καθαρὸν ἄλλα δαιμονικὸν ἡγοῦνται
ζῶον εἶναι. 996 C τὸ γὰρ ἐν ἡμῖν ἄλογον καὶ ἄτακτον καὶ βίαιον οὐ
θεῖον ἀλλὰ δαιμονικὸν οἱ παλαιοὶ Τιτᾶνας ὠνόμασαν. Clem. Al. 789
δαιμονικὸς ἄνθρωπος.
16] 155 Ὁ 4 ἐπὶ πολὺ κρατῆσαν ἔθος. Cf. Eus. Οταΐ. in Const, xiii.
". On the custom of human sacrifice in Egypt see Birch, iii. 400,
and that it still lingers among savage and half-civilized tribes
even in Europe, may be seen in The Times, June 1 and 21, 1896.
Eusebius repeats these statements about human sacrifices in
a briefer form in his Oration on Constantine, xiii. 7 seqq. Cf.
Aristides, Apol. ix ‘Before everything else the Greeks introduce
as a god Kronos, which is interpreted Chiun; and the wor-
shippers of this deity sacrifice to him their children: and some
of them they burn while yet living.’ See also xiii. Cf. Preller,
Gr. Myth. 53; and, on ‘ Aristobule’ as an epithet of Artemis, 315,
note 4.

ΟΙ πρότερον δὲ Kopwig. A note in the margin of Cod. A,
quoted by Gaisford, is as follows: ‘He means not Salamis near
Athens, for this was anciently called Culuris, as also Callimachus
of Cyrene states in the Hecale; but be means the Salamis in

La 147

155 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Cyprus.’ The name in Porphyry is Coronis, and elsewhere
Coroneia, or Corone; cf. 162 ἃ 8.

c 2 The Cyprian month Aphrodisius began on September 23,
corresponding closely to the Attic month Bo&tdromion. Cyprus
was the chosen seat of the worship of Aphrodite, from whom the
first month of their year was named.

Agraule is the name of one of the Demes of Attica. On the
forms ᾿Αγραυλίς and ᾿Αγλαυρίς see Preller, Gr. Myth. 200, note 2,
who refers to this passage.

CQ νησθεῖσαν. Cf. Hom. Jl. xxiii. 139 μενοεικέα νήεον ὕλην.
Od. xix. 64 νήησαν ξύλα πολλά.

GI Σελεύκον . . . τοῦ Geordyov. Fabr. Bibl. Gr. v. 7 ‘Se-
leucus Alexandrinus cognomento Homericus, qui totum poetam
commentariis illustravit. Scripsit etiam de differentiis verborum,
Περὶ τῆς ἐν συνωνύμοις διαφορᾶς. ‘Suidas relates that he had
written, besides many others, a hundred books concerning the
gods : whence probably he received the name Theologus’ (Viger.
τοῦ θεολόγου is omitted in AH.

ἃ δ “Apwors. In Clem. Al. 378 this Amosis is said to have
been contemporary with Moses. See 490 b, c, where Eusebius
strangely identifies Amosis with Amasis king of Egypt, B.c.
569-525. Manetho, quoted by Josephus, c. Apion. i. 15, calls
the king who expelled ‘the people of shepherds’ from Egypt
Tethmosis.

ἃ 6 ᾿Ἐθύοντο δὲ τῇ Ἥρᾳ. The existence of such a custom in
Egypt is denied by Hdt. ii. 45 ‘The Egyptians think it un-
lawful to sacrifice even cattle, except swine (al. sheep) and male
kine and calves, if pure, and also geese. How then can it be
believed that they would sacrifice men?’ The same charge is made
by Diodorus, i. 88; Plut. De Js. et Osir. 73, on the authority of
Manetho, and by Athen. iv. 172, but is discussed at large and
rejected by G. W. (Birch, iii. 400 f.).

ἃ ἡ συσφραγιζόμενοι. Cf. Hdt. ii. 38 ‘If the animal is pro-
nounced clean in all these various points, the priest marks him by
twisting a piece of papyrus round his horns, and attaching
thereto some sealing-clay, which be then stamps with his own
signet-ring.’ See the note (G. W.) and representation of the seal
in Rawlinson’s Herodotus. .
- ἃ το τῷ Ὠμαδίῳ Διονύσῳ. ‘Omadius’ means the ‘ flesh-eater.’

248 .

BOOK IV. CHAP. 16 155d

Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 693 ‘Crete, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos
were notorious for their wild orgiastic festivals of Dionysus,
as for example at Crete a live bull was torn to pieces by
the Maenads with their teeth, at Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos
human victims were offered to Dionysus, whom they called
᾿Αγριώνιος, “the wild,”’ or ὠμηστής, ὠμάδιος, and ἀνθρωπορραίστης,
‘‘ the eater of raw flesh,”’ “the man-destroyer.’’ ’

d 11 Euelpis of Carystus, an author otherwise unknown.

166 8 1 ᾿Απολλόδωρος. ‘Locus hic Apollodori non occurrit’
(Viger).

The Bibliotheca of Apollodorus (about 140 B.C.) is a collection
of mythological stories. His work on Chronology is mentioned by
Clem. Al. 381.

8 6 ὀκτὼ βιβλίων. Cf. 31 ἃ 3 Φίλων εἰς ἐννέα βίβλους.

Ἴστρος (circ. B.C. 250--220) is mentioned again, 499 Ὁ 5, as
the author of a work Περὶ τῆς Αἰγυπτίων ἀποικίας. Cf. Clem. Al.
Strom. i. 382, and Plut. De Pyth. Orac. 403 D, where Istrus is
named among ‘persons most zealous in collecting oracles in
verse.’

Ὁ 2 Πάλλας, mentioned again by Porph. De Abst. iv. τό Πάλ-
Aas ἐν τοῖς περὶ τοῦ MiOpa. On Mithras, the Persian sun-god, cf.
Strab. 732; Xen. Cyr. vii. 5. 53 (Bornemann), where see Rosen-
miiller’s note.

b4 Λαοδικεᾳᾷ. Pausanias (249) states that the image of
Artemis, to which human victims had been offered in Tauris,
was removed to Susa, and afterwards given by Seleucus to the
people of Laodicea in Syria, who still possessed it. According
to the more usual account the image was brought by Iphigeneia
to the Attic borough Brauron. See Dict. Gk. and R. Ant.,
‘ Brauronia.’

b 6 Iphicrates, the famous Athenian general, was sent to
Egypt in 377 B.C., and may possibly have visited Carthage about
that time. That the Carthaginians offered human sacrifices is
stated by Eusebius, Or. in Const. xiii. 8, and Frensheim, Supple-
ment to Livy, vi. 5. Cf. 156 ¢ 7, 160 Ὁ 3, 161 a, and Preller,
Gr. Myth. 53.

b 8 Phylarchus (circ. B.c. 215) is charged by Polybius, ii. 56,
59, with writing in an exaggerated and dramatic style, in order
to harrow the feelings of his readers,

149

156 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ο 2 Ἐρεχθέως καὶ Πραξιθέας. Plut. Parall. Gr. et R. 20.
310 D ‘Erechtheus being at war with Eumolpus was informed
that he would gain the victory if he were to sacrifice his daughter,
and after conferring with his wife Praxithea he sacrificed the
child. Euripides mentions it in the Erechtheus.’ There is extant
a long fragment of the tragedy, in which Praxithea expresses her
readiness to sacrifice her daughter. Eur. Jon 277

πατὴρ Ἐρεχθεὺς σὰς ἔθυσε συγγόνους ;
ἔτλη πρὸ γαίας σφάγια παρθένους κτανεῖν.

Ὁ 4 Aarupiov Διός. The Feriae Latinae held on the Alban
Mount in honour of Jupiter Latiaris were originally called
Latiar: thus Cicero dates a letter (Ad Quint. Frat. ii. 4): ‘ Latiar
erat exiturus, The last day of the Festival.’ The institution and
ceremonies are described by Dionysius Halicarnassensis, iv. 49,
without any mention of human sacrifices. But in times of great
danger to the state human victims were occasionally offered, as at
the beginning of the war with the Gauls, 225 B.c. (Plutarch, Mar-
cellus, iii), and of the Second Punic War, Livy, xxii. 57 ‘ Interim
ex fatalibus libris sacrificia aliquot extraordinaria facta; inter
quae Gallus et Galla, Graecus et Gracca in foro boario sub terra
vivi demissi sunt in locum saxo consaeptum, iam ante hostiis
humanis, minime Romano sacro, imbutum.’ Cic. Pro Fonteio,
21, accuses the Gauls of ‘retaining that inhuman and barbarous
custom’ to his own day. Cf. Plin. H. N. xxx. 1 on the practices
of the Druids, and Tertull. Apolog. 9.

C6 τοῖς Avxafos. <A festival in honour of Zeus Lycaeus,
instituted by Lycaon, son of Pelasgus, who ‘ brought a child to
the altar, and sacrificed it, and sprinkled the blood upon the
altar, and was himself, as they say, immediately changed from
© man into a wolf’ (Pausan. viii. 2; Apollod. iii, 8. 41. 5;
Clem. Al. 31; Ovid, Metam. i. 26 seqq.).

GI τοῦ πρώτου συγγράμματος. Eusebius here seems to quote
directly from the work of Philo, independently of Porphyry.

ἃ 3 Ἔθος ἦν «.7.A. Quoted above 40 c 1. Cf. Aristot. De
Rep. viii. 4 3 ‘There are many of the nations which are readily
disposed to homicide and cannibalism (ἀνθρωποφαγίαν).᾽ Cf. Jer.
Taylor, Ductor Dub. ii. 1. 20. Theophil. ad Autolye. iii. 5.
Aristid. Apolog. 41. Plut. De Js. et Osir. xxxi. 363 C ‘The ox
was sealed with a seal representing “ ἄνθρωπον εἰς γόνν καθεικότα,

150

BOOK IV. CHAP. 16 156 d

ταῖς χερσὶν ὀπίσω περιηγμέναις, ἔχοντα κατὰ τῆς σφαγῆς ξίφος
ἐγκείμενον." " The meaning was that a man, not an ox, was the
original victim.

ἃ 10 ‘Ieovd should probably be Ἰεδούδ as in 40 c, where the
same passage is quoted.

157 ὁ 1 Ἰθωμήτῃ Au. Ithome was the citadel of Messene ; cf.
Pausan. iv. 19 ‘He (Aristomenes) also offered to Zeus Ithometes
the sacrifice which they call Hecatomphonia. This had been
established from very ancient times, and it was customary for it
to be offered by every Messenian who had slain a hundred of the
enemy. Aristomenes, when he fought the battle of the Boar’s
Pillar, offered the Hecatomphonia for the first time; the slaughter
of the Corinthians in the night gave him occasion to make a second
offering ; they say indeed that he also offered a third sacrifice for
his subsequent invasions,’

For the romantic history of Aristomenes and his marvellous
exploits in the Second Messenian War (B.c. 685-668) and his
supposed appearance to Pelopidas at Leuctra, see Pausan. iv. 6. 2—
32. 4.

6 3 Ταῦροι δὲ τὸ ἔθνος. “τὸ ἔθνος nescio an sit glossa’ (Heikel),

C7 τραγῳδεῖ. In the Iphigenia in Tauris. Tertull. Apologet.
9 ‘ Remitto fabulas Tauricas theatris suis.’ Athanas. c. Gentes,
21; Valer, Flacc. Argon. 301 ‘Taurorumque locos delubraque
sacra Dianae.’

Monimus, a Macedonian officer, and supporter of Olympias,
mother of Alexander, in her struggle against Cassander, remained
faithful to her cause until she was captured in attempting to
escape, and then surrendered the city Pella, which from famine
and desertions could no longer be defended (Diod. Sic. xix. 50;
Athen. xiii. 609 Ὁ). Of the book to which Clement refers I can
find no other mention.

ἃ 2 ἐν Néooros. <A voluminous work on the adventures of the
Greek Heroes in returning from Troy. Athenaeus ix. 385 quotes
the seventy-eighth chapter.

ἃ 4 Awoidas. Lucian, Leriph. 25 ὁ Δωσιάδα βωμός. The
verses of his poems were so arranged as to represent an altar.

d5 Pythocles is mentioned by Clem. Al. 400 as ‘the Samian
who in the fourth book of the Jtalica writes of Caius Julius
Nepos.’ :

418ὺγΓ ὃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 6 τῇ Ταυροπόλῳ ᾿Αρτέμιδι. Soph. Aj. 172
TavpomdAa Διὸς “Apress.
Eurip. Iph. Taur. 1456
"Ἄρτεμιν δέ νιν βροτοὶ
τὸ λοιπὸν ὑμνήσουσι Ταυροπόλον θεάν.
Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 313.

ἃ 7 Ἐρεχθεύς. See note on 156 ὃ 2.

ἃ 8 Demaratus of Corinth is an author of unknown date. His
account of the sacrifice by Erechtheus quoted in Stob. Flor.
(Meineke) ii. 60, mentions that he acted by the advice of an oracle.

ἃ 9 Τραγῳδουμένων. ‘Tragoediarum argumenta,’ Wolf, ap.
Fabric. i. 670.

᾿Αποτροπαίοις. Diis Averruncis. Plat. Legg. 854 B ἴθι ἐπὶ
θεῶν ἀποτροπαίων ἱερὰ ἱκέτης.

ὁ Μάριος. Plut. Mor. 310 D Μάνιος (sic) πρὸς Κίμβρους
πόλεμον ἔχων καὶ ἡττώμενος ὄναρ εἶδεν ὅτι νικήσει ἐὰν θυγατέρα
προθύσῃ: ἦν 5 αὐτῷ Καλπουρνία' προκρίνας δὲ τῆς φύσεως τοὺς
πολίτας ἔδρασε καὶ ἐνίκησε. Kai ἔτι καὶ νῦν βωμοί εἰσι δύο ἐν Tep-
μανίᾳ, ot κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἦχον σαλπίγγων ἀποπέμπουσιν, ὡς
Δωρόθεος ἐν τετάρτῳ Ἰταλικῶν. ‘Certe Μάριος scribere debebat’
(γι). The name Μάνιος is probably right, as Marius, who
was never himself defeated by the Cimbri, left M’ Acilius in com-
mand when he went to Rome for his fourth election to the
Consulship. Plut. Vit. Parall. 413 ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῶν δυνάμεων
Μάνιον ᾿Ακύλλιον αὐτὸς ἧκεν εἰς Ρώμην.

Δωρόθεος. Besides the mention οὗ Dorotheus in the quota-
tion from Plutarch, Clem. Al. 399 speaks of his ‘first Pandect.’
His date is unknown.

dir (ἂν ὅσιοι). For ἀνόσιοι the reading of the MSS. of
Eusebius, Viger’s happy conjecture is adopted by Heinichen and
Heikel. The ironical sense is thus maintained: ‘Such is the
humanity of the daemons! Such too must be the piety of their
worshippers!’ Clement has ὅσιοι without dy.

168 ἃ 4 μᾶλλον ἢ ὀργῇς« The sentence is elliptical: εἰ ἀπο-
σφάττοι must be mentally repeated before ὀργῇ.

8. αὶ ἄλλοις was accidentally omitted in the translation : read ‘ to
other daemons of like kind.’

C5 ἐκθέμενον. Dionysius published his great work in B.c. 57,
the same year in which he died,

BOOK IV. CHAP. 16 188 Cc

CQ περιστῆναι. Hom, Od. xii. 356
ras δὲ περίστησάν τε,
Il, xvii. 95

μή πώς pe περιστήωσ᾽ ἕνα πολλοί.
XViii, 603

χορὸν περιίσταθ᾽ ὅμιλος.
Hat. i. 43; Plat. Rep. 431 B.

cg Οὐδὲν δὲ οἷον. ‘Falsum est; coniicio: σοί δὲ οἷόν re καὶ
(τὸ καὶ codd, a i)’ (Heikel). Οὐδὲν οἷον is a well-known phrase.
See Viger, De Idiot. Gr. 122, and Aristoph. Av. 966 ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲν
οἷόν dor ἀκοῦσαι τῶν ἐπῶν.

ec 11 Dion. Hal. i. 23. On the Greek form of the name ᾽Αβορι-
yives (sic accent.) or ᾿Αβερριγῖνες see Dion. Hal. i, 10.

ἃ 1 oixofOopia. Cf, Plat. Phaed, 82 C οὔτι οἰκοφθορίαν re καὶ
πενίαν φοβούμενοι.

169 b 1 τοῖς Καβείροις. On the Cabiri and their mysteries
see Preller, Gr. Myth, 847 ff., and 65 ὁ 2, note,

καταθύσειν. The reading of Dionysius and of BIO is retained
_ by all the editors, But καταθῦσαι (AH) is equally correct; see
Jelf, Gk. Gr. 104. obs. 3.

Ὁ 4 xara τούτων μόνων εὐξάμενοι. For the phrase see Dindorf,
Annot. ad Aristoph, Eg. 660 ‘We must notice the use of the
preposition in the phrase κατὰ χιλίων εὐχὴν ποιήσασθαι χιμάρων,
which simply means “to vow a thousand he-goats,” So all the
best writers speak’ (Kuster).

ἃ 8 ἐφέστια, usually an adjective, but occurring again as a
substantive in Dionys, Hal. i, 67 αὐτοῖς μεταναστάντες ἐφεστίοις,
‘having removed with their households and all.’

160 ἃ 6 (ἀπαναστάσεις). The MSS, all have ἐπαναστάσεις, and
Viger suggests μεταναστάσεις, but ἀπαναστάσεις (Heinichen) involves
less change of letters, and gives the sense required by διεφορήθη
equally well.

Ὁ 3 ἐν Καρχηδόνι. Cf. 156 ς 7.

παρὰ Κελτοῖς εἰς τόδε χρόνου. Strabo (198) says that the
Romans put a stop to their various modes of human sacrifice,
such as stabbing in the back, shooting with arrows, crucifying in
the temple precincts, and burning alive in holocausts; cf, Caes,
Bell, Gall, vi. 13.
Ὁ 4 (προσεσπερίων), Dindorf’s conjecture for πρὸς ἑσπερίων
153

. . 2. wasPEL
[2
Jv) τροσεσπέρια.

> or ΤΊΣΏΞΙΝ called
‘ac icdend by the
Toucan. di, 763 0}.

κεν 8s RLU ;
st. Vv. 629
2s arva, quotannis
τον «ὐἰτὰ modo ;
i ‘ihisisse Quirites :
νον fulsa iaci.’
‘so ΔΙῸ story.
ΟΣ δι᾽ οἰωνῶν ἢ χρησμῶν Σιβιλλείων
ες .auguage of Etruria meant to divide.
ee |
εὐ priseorum virgo simulacra virorum
uvureo seirpea ponte solet.’
Jat Wooden bridge, Pons Sublicius, is called here
wate, trem its being the scene of this religious
deed under the guardianship of the Pontitices.
. {πὸ name *Argei” was given by the Pontitices to
ote ἀπ το by Numa (Livy, 1.22). There was a tradi-
νι λισα were named from the chieftains who came
ota Vaeguve, to Rome, and oceupied the Capitolium,
κὰν cameientty called ‘Saturnian’ hill, Ovid, Fast.
εἶν απ ἀπ derives the name of the inages from tlie
αι Vb teubess ς
\. sy yon peta herum desertis venerat Argis ;
Μααν tis ponunt spemque laremque suum,
1 tata quittiae dulei tanguntur amore,
Vi gas allqutt toriens hoe breve mandat opus ;
crete tue ta Tiberim: Tiberinis vectus ut undis
tates ob Tnachium pulvis inanis eam,”
beget Τα} mandati cura sepuleri ;
Votan λα απ conditur hospes humo,
goa pee ὦν ‘Tibert inetatur imago,

μια» 1 (ἡ απ per freta longs domos,’

BOOK IV. CHAP, 16 ' 460d

~@ 11 See note on 18d 7.

161 δ I πολιορκουμένων. This was in 310 B.c. Cf. Polyb.
Hist. xv. 35 ‘It is said that Publius Scipio, the first who con-
quered the Carthaginians, when asked whom he supposed to be
men of the greatest practical genius, uniting with intelligence the
highest daring, said Agathocles and Dionysius the Sicilians.’

bI πατρῴους. See 5 a 4 note.

Ὁ 6 For τὸν συντιθέντα τῶν παίδων ἀποκωλύεσθαι, which is found
in all MSS. of Eus., read, as in the text of Diodorus, τὸν ἐπιτεθέντα
T. 1. ἀποκυλίεσθαι. Compare the description of the image of
Molech, in which children were burned, in Smith’s Dictionary of
the Bible, ‘ Molech,’ 403 b.

C 4 ἐφονοκτονήθη. Α word first found in the Sept.; cf. Num.
XXXv. 33 and Ps, cv. 38.

ἃ 3 δαιμόνια. Ps. xcv. 5, LXX. Heb. ON, ‘idols, ‘things
of naught.’

1028 1 éfdvras... κατέστησαν. ‘ Hesych. ᾿Εξάντης, ὃ τῆς νόσου
ἔξω ὦν᾽ (Viger), Plat. Phaedr. 244 Ε. Ruhnk. Tim. Lez.
᾿Ἐξάντη. τὸ N ἐγκεῖται δι᾽ εὐστομίαν, ἀντὶ τοῦ ὑγιῆ καὶ ἔξω ἄτης.

& 2 ἄνθρωπος. Iadrian is meant. Cf. 156 b.

ἃ 6 Ἡλίου were. Baalbec, ‘city of the sun. -Atergaté or
Astarté, the Syrian Aphrodite, had a temple there. On Astarté
see note 38 ὁ 5.

ὍΣ μοιχιδίουκ Hdt. i. 137 ταῦτα ἀνευρεθῆναι ἥτοι ὑποβολιμαῖα
ἐόντα ἣ μοιχίδια, ‘acts of supposititious children or of those born
in adultery.’

Ὁ 5 αἰσχρορρημοσύναις. Cf, Ps.-Demosth. Ep. iv. 1489. 8 αἰσχρορ-
ρημοσύνῃ καὶ τῷ διηγεῖσθαι ταῦτ᾽ ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἀλγοῦσιν οἱ ἀκούοντες.

Ὁ (ἀπεμπολουσῶν), Gaisford’s conjecture: the MSS. have
ἀπεμπολούσαις. Cf. Lobeck, Phryn. Parerg. iii ἀπεμπολεῖν (sic) ;
Philo. De Migr. Abr. 420; Dion. Hal. Antiqg. vii. 63 ὃ δὲ ταμίας
αὐτὰ παραλαβὼν ἀπεμπολᾷ.

64 ποῦ ἄρα ἦσαν... μὴ... ἀπερύκειν. On the use of the infinitive
without ὦστε see Jelf, Gk. Gr. 863. obs. 6. Cf. Theocr. i. 66

πᾷ ποκ᾽ ap 70 ὅκα Δάφνις érdxeto, πᾷ ποκα, Νύμφαι;
Verg. Ecl. x. 9; Spenser, Astrophel, 127-32 ; Milton, Lycidas, so.

ἃ 5 ἐν Ῥόδῳ. Cf. 155 Ὁ 3.

ἃ ἡ ἐπισχὼν ἄν. From ΑΠ I have restored dy, which is ©
omitted in the later MSS. and in the printed editions.

155

1602 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 8 εἴτε ἐν Σαλαμῖνι. The reading of the older MSS. AH is
not free from corruption: ὥστε καὶ τῇ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι, τῇ πρότερον
Κορωνίᾳ ὀνομαζομένῃ καὶ αὐτῇ, ἐν μηνὶ κατὰ Κυπρίους ᾿Αφροδισίῳ
ἐθύετο ἄνθρωπος, καὶ τοῦτον γὰρ ὃ ἀληθὴς θεὸς ἀπέφηνεν ἂν κιτιλ.
For ὥστε καὶ τῇ the other MSS. have εἴτε, which I have adopted ;
for καὶ αὑτῇ they have ἐν 7, which must be rejected as a mere
repetition of the end of the preceding word -é: for γάρ, which
is difficult, dy is found in I. We thus obtain an intelligible
construction, though I am not satisfied that the original text is
fully restored.

ἃ 9 καὶ αὐτῇ (All), ‘this also itself,’ i.e. as well as the other
place called Coronea in Boeotia.’ There is, perhaps, some con-
fusion in the statement of Porphyry, for I cannot find elsewhere
that Salamis (whichever is meant) was called Coronea, See
155 ¢ 1, note, The mention of Cecrops and Agraulis makes it
probable that Salamis near Athens was meant, notwithstanding
the Scholion in A.

168 8 2 Ἡλιουπόλει. Cf. 155 ἃ 4.

δ ἢ “Hpas. Cf. 155 ἃ 6.

br Ὠμαδίου. Cf. 155 ἃ το.

b5 “Ape. Cf. 156 a1.

Ὁ 9 Λαοδικείᾳ. Cf. 156 Ὁ 4.

62 Λιβύῃ. Cf. 156 b 5.

τῆς ‘ApaBias. Cf. 156 Ὁ 6.
17) di καθαιρεῖν. I have adopted Viger’s emendation for
καθαίρειν, which Gaisford retains. The meaning ‘to abolish’ is
more appropriate to the context (ἀφανίζειν) than ‘to purify.’

164 @ 3 τοὺς τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς μεμελημένους. Anthol. Pal. x. 27
Φοίβῳ μεμελήμεθα: vii. 199 “Opveoy ὦ Χάρισιν μεμελημένον.
Theocr. xvii. 46 σοὶ τήνα μεμέλητο.

8 4 Φύλαρχος. Cf. 156 b 8.

8 7 ἐπιληψίας, ‘a seizure.’ Cf. Theophr. Fr. 88 ἰᾶται yap,
φησίν, ἡ καταύλησις καὶ ἰσχιάδα καὶ érAmpiay.

& 8 Θρᾷκας καὶ τοὺς Σκύθας. ΟἿ 156 α 1.

br ᾿Αθηναίους. Cf. 156 ¢ 2.

Ὁ 2 Μεγάλον Διός, i.e. Jupiter Latiaris. Cf. 156 ¢ 4.

165 Ὁ πολέμου (ὄντος). If ὄντος be omitted as in the MSS.,
πολέμου must be taken as a genitive of the part of time, but
I have not found this word so used. ‘The occurrence of παρόντος

156

BOOK IV. CHAPS. 16-19 165 b

in O, instead of παρόν, helps to make Toup’s conjectural (ὄντος)
probable.

63 Hesiod, Op. et D. 252

τρὶς yap μύριοί εἰσιν ἐπὶ χθονὶ πουλυβοτείρῃ

ἀθάνατοι Ζηνὸς φύλακες θνητῶν ἀνθρώπων"

ot ῥα φυλάσσουσιν τε δίκας καὶ σχέτλια ἔργα,

ἠέρα ἑσσάμενοι πάντῃ φοιτῶντες ἐπ᾽ alay.
Cf. ibid. 122; Plat. Rep. v. 469, Crat. 379 E; Plut. De defect.
Orac. 431 ἘΠ; Lactant. Institut. ii. 15, where the name and
nature of daemons are discussed.

ἃ 3 πλήθει may be governed either by ἐπιθαρσοῦντα, ‘ being
encouraged by a multitude of countless gods and daemons closely
allied to him (προσῳκειωμένων),᾽ or by προσῳκειωμένον, which is
perhaps the better reading.

18] 166 4 ὀλιγοστόν. According to the analogy of ποστός, εἰ-
KOOTOS, τριακοστός, K.T.A. ὀλιγοστόν ought to mean ‘ one of a few,’ 80
that ro ὀλιγοστὸν (μέρος), ‘ one part of few,’ would be a large part
of the whole. But the meaning here is evidently ‘a very small
part,’ and ὀλιγοστός is equivalent to ὀλίγιστος, with which it is
easily interchanged, as in Aristot. Met. ix. 1. 14; Soph. Ant. 625
ὀλιγοστὸν χρόνον.
19] 167 a 2 μάντεων δεήσεσθαι, an allusion to the proverb
applied to anything obscure or mysterious, μαντείας δεῖται, Plat.
Symp. 209 B; Soph. Oed. Tyr. 394

xairot τό γ᾽ αἴνιγμ᾽ οὐχὶ τοὐκιόντος ἦν

ἀνδρὸς διειπεῖν, ἀλλὰ μαντείας ἔδει.

@ 6 κλοπῆς. προκοπῆς Porph., ‘advantage’; frequent in Poly-
bius, as iii. 4.2 ἥ τε αὔξησις καὶ προκοπὴ τῆς Ρωμαίων δυναστείας.

δοξοκοπίας. ‘Thirst for popularity,’ Plut. Pericl. 5 τοῦ
Περικλέους τὴν σεμνότητα Sofoxoriay τε καὶ τῦφον ἀποκαλοῦντας.

Ὁ 4 διὰ θυτικῆς. Cf. Athen. xiv. 659 D Οὐδὲν οὖν ἦν παράδοξον
εἰ καὶ θυτικῆς ἦσαν ἔμπειροι οἱ παλαίτεροι μάγειροι προίσταντο γοῦν
καὶ γάμων καὶ θυσιῶν.

C4 ὡς ἂν τῆς δαιμονικῆς ὄντων (ὄντα ΑΠῚ κακοτεχνίας. The
reading ὄντα might be defended as an accus. absolute, e.g. Xen.
Mem. Soc. ii. 2. 13 ὡς οὔτε ἂν τὰ ἱερὰ εὐσεβῶς θνόμενα ὑπὲρ τῆς
πόλεως τούτου θύοντος οὔτε ἄλλο καλῶς. καὶ δικαίως οὐδὲν ἂν τούτου
πράξαντος. But the preceding genitives make ὄντων the more
natural construction.

357

167 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 2 Ἥλω. This refers to the enumeration of nations in 164 b.
20] 168c¢ 1 Avrpa δίδουν. For the mode of sacrifice, cf. Hdt.
ii, 39 and especially Hom. Od. x. 517

βόθρον ὀρύξαι ὅσον τε πυγούσιον ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα,
ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῷ δὲ χοὴν χεῖσθαι πᾶσιν νεκύεσσι,
πρῶτα μελικρήτῳ, μετέπειτα δὲ ἡδέϊ οἴνῳ,
τὸ τρίτον αὖθ᾽ ὕδατι" ἐπὶ δ᾽ ἄλφιτα λευκὰ παλύνειν.
C2 πυρήν. Cf. Orphic. Argonaut. 317
περὶ δ᾽ αἷμα πυρῇ χέον.
Ibid. 957
νήησα πυρὴν ἔντοσθε βόθροιο.
The meaning of the first oracle is not very clear, as Porphyry
himself implies. But it appears that first a pit was to be digged,
and a pile of wood laid in it, over which libations of wine and
milk were to be poured, and then the blood of the victim, parts of
which were afterwards to be burned. In the metrical translation
omit for
‘Then fragrant incense and,’
and read
‘ Libations first
Pour’d on the blazing pyre, dark blood of grapes,’ &c.

C6 διογνήτων. In Theophr. Hist. Plant. iii. 2. 3 there is
mention of a tree called διοσβάλανος, perhaps as being sacred to
Zeus.

dxvAaiwy. Schol. in Theocr. v. 94 ἄκυλος yap ὁ τοῦ πρίνον
καρπός, τὸ πρινοβάλανον. Cf. Hom. Od. x. 242
τοῖσι δὲ Κίρκη
πάρ ῥ᾽ ἄκυλον βάλανόν τ᾽ ἔβαλεν καρπόν τε κρανείης
ἔδμεναι, οἷα σύες χαμαιευνάδες αἰὲν ἔδουσιν.
21] 169 ἃ 6 ἐξάκουστον. Porph. Abst. ii. 53, iii. 3.

171 a5 ἐντυπουμένους. Cf. 171 ἃ 4, 404 ἃ 7; Plut, Mor. 672 B.

8 6 xapaxrnpifovras. 171 45; Plut. Mor. Vita Hom, 172 Οὐκ
ἠμέλησε δὲ οὐδὲ χαρακτηρίσαι τοὺς ῥήτορας" τὸν μὲν yap Νέστορα
ἡδὺν καὶ προσηνῆ τοῖς ἀκούουσιν εἰσάγει.

a 8 προσεταιριζόμενοι. Hdt. iii. γο. 66 τὸν δῆμον προσε-
ταιρίζεται.

Ὁ 4 διαστροφῆς. Polyb. ii. 21. 8 τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον τοῦ δήμου
22) 6 μεταβάλλουσι τὰς μορφάς. Milton, Par. L. i, 423.

358

BOOK IV. CHAPS. 19-23 172 a

173 ἃ 4 ὕπουλον, literally, ‘festering beneath,’ ‘ treacherous.’

@7 ἐμπτώσεις. Diog. L. ix. 44 ὁρᾶν 8 ἡμᾶς κατ᾽ εἰδώλων
ἐμπτώσεις.

Ὁ 3 ἀνομολόγως. Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. viii. 332 ψευδῆ καὶ
ἀνομόλογα.

ἀκαταλλήλως. Diog. L. vii. 59 λόγος ἀκαταλλήλως συντεταγμένος.

Ὁ 4 ὑποδύντες .. . πρόσωπα. Cf. Aristot. Metaph. iii. 2. 19 οἱ
σοφισταὶ ταὐτὸν ὑποδύονται σχῆμα τῷ φιλοσόφῳ.

b 7 κενοδοξίαις, ‘ vain conceits,’ or ‘ambitions.’ κενοδοξίας is the
reading of the chief MSS., but the position in the sentence makes
the dative more probable. Cf. Ep. ad Philipp. ii. 3.

ἃ 3 προσεξέκαυσε. Cf. 173.65; Plut. Cleom. ii. προσεκκαῦσαι
τὴν φιλοτιμίαν. ᾿

ἃ 5 κήλησιν. Plat. Euthyd. 290 A νόσων κήλησις .. . ὄχλων
κήλησις. .

ἃ 7 ὥς φησι Πλάτων. Rep. i. 335 Ὁ.

178 ὁ 2 ἀναθυμιάσεσι. 8. August, De Civ. Dei. x. 19 ‘Non enim
revera, ut ait Porphyrius et nonnulli putant, cadaverinis nido-
ribus, sed divinis honoribus gaudent.’

ἃ 3 ἐξετραχήλισαν. Plut. Mor. 58 ἐκτραχηλίζει τοὺς μὴ δυνα-
μένους ὀχεῖσθαι.

23] 174 Ὁ 1 Σάραπιν. See note on 94 1, and G. W. (Birch,
iii. 95 ff.).

er Cf. Plut. De Is, et Osir. 361 F Οὐ yap ἄλλον εἶναι Σάραπιν
ἢ τὸν Πλούτωνά φασι.

C6 ἐπιρρήσσονταιι On the use of whips in driving away evil

spirits see 203 8 4
καὶ τὸ δαιμόνων κράτος
μάστιγος ψόφος πολύς.
προσουδίζεται. The throwing down of the ox or other
victim is fully described in Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt,
p. 322. Hdt. v, 92 Ἐβεβούλευτο τὸ παιδίον προσουδίσαι. Eur.
Iph. in Aul, 1151 (Scatiger)
βρέφος re τοὐμὸν σῷ προσουδίσας πέδῳ. (Seguier).

ἃ 5 μεστὰ ἀπὸ τούτων. The preposition after μεστά is quite
unusual, and I do not understand its meaning here, unless it ig
that the daemons are the cause of our bodies becoming surfeited
with food.

175 ἃ 5 πεπρησμένης. Aristot. H. A. iii, 21. 4 πλὴν κύτισος μὲν

359

178a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ὃ ἀνθῶν οὐ συμφέρει, πίμπρησι γάρ. ‘Aristoph. Vesp. 36 Ἔχουσα
φωνὴν ἐμπεπρησμένης tos’ (Seguier). .

Ὁ 2 εἰσκριθῇ. Porph. Abst. i. 19 ἑκούσας τις εἰσκρίνεσθαι τὰς
ψυχὰς δίδωσιν.

Ὁ 7 tpixpavos. Cf. Georgiadas, Porph. Fr. 49 ‘Only in ‘one
place (Eus. P. E. iv. 22) does Porphyry give a physical explana-
tion of the daemons.’

b 9 Ἑκάτη. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 324.

τρίστοιχον. The three elements meant are earth, air, and
water: cf. ὁ 7-d 3.

CI καὶ πάλιν φησίν. ‘Plura igitur Porphyrius de Hecate
daemonum malorum domina h. 1. dixerat.’

6 6 ἀπειρολεχής. Viger’s conjecture. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 225
‘In eiusdem deae oraculo, Eus. iv. 23. 176, pro ἀπειροτεχνής certe
ἀπειρολεχής scribendum.’

ὁ 7 τριστοίχου φύσεως. See the note on 1g1 6 6.

BOOK V

1] 178 ἃ 6 χρηστήρια διαλελοίπασιν. Plut. Mor. De Defectu
Oraculorum throughout. Milton, Ode on the Nativity, v. 173
‘The oracles are dumb, &c.’

ἃ 11 ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος. The event referred to is the defeat and
death of Maxentius, 112 A.D. Cf. Eus. H. Ε. ix. 9.

179 a1 τοπάρχας. Gen. xli. 34 καταστησάτω τοπάρχας ἐπὶ τῆς
γῆς. The word is frequently used in the Septuagint, and in
2 (4) Kings xviii. 24, Dan. iii. 2, vi. 7, is applied to subordinate
officers military or civil.

ἃ 2 ἐθναρχίας. Cf. Eus. Const. Tricenn. xvi ἐπαρχίας καὶ éOvap-
χίας καὶ τοπαρχίας τυραννίδας re καὶ πολναρχίας, where ἐθναρχίας and
τοπαρχίας mean ‘ national and local governments,’ and πολναρχίας
in antithesis to τυραννίδας means ‘ the government of the many,’
as also ibid. iii ἀναρχία yap μᾶλλον καὶ στάσις ἡ ἐξ ἰσοτιμίας ἀντι-
παρεξαγομένη πολυαρχία. In 2 Cor. xi. 32 ‘the governor under
Aretas the king’ is entitled ‘Ethnarch.’ Cf. 1 Macc. xiv. 47, xv. |
I, 2.

ἃ 6 τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμῶν συσκευῇ. The treatise ‘ Against Christians’:
cf. 31 a 1, and Georgiadas, 39-46 seqq.

160

BOOK V. CHAPS. I, 2 179 d

ἃ 8 τοσούτων ἐτῶν. The genitive is unusual in the sense of
duration, and τοσοῦτον ἐτῶν (AHI) ought to have been adopted
in the text: cf. Hom. Od. xxi. 402 .

at yap δὴ τοσσοῦτον ὀνήσιος ἀντιάσειεν.
Hat. vi. 134 ἐς τοσοῦτο τοῦ λόγου.

dg ἐπιδημίας... οὕσης. Cf. Eus. Η. E. ix. 7 τῇ τῶν οὐρανίων
θεῶν αὐτὴν ἐπιδημίᾳ ἀνθεῖν. Orat. Const. i ἐπιλαμψάσης δὲ παρανυ-
Tika τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπιδημίας.

180 Ὁ 2 διαιωνίζε. Eus. Vita Const. iii. 41 διαιωνίζων τὴν
μνήμην : iv. 2 ἅληστον καὶ διαιωνίζουσαν.

ἃ τ: κραταιότατα, the reading of I, and originally of A. ‘In
voce κραταιοτάτην est a et ἣν in rasura in A, in I legitur κραταιό-
tara, quod rectum putandum est’ (Heikel); cf. 181 ἃ 8 τὴν
πλάνην κραταιότερον ἐπικυρούσης.

ἃ 2 ὑπερνικώσης. Rom. viii. 37 ὑπερνικῶμεν.

4] 181 Ὁ 2 ἐμφιλοχωροῦντες. Athan. 231 extr. ἐμφιλοχωρεῖν δὲ
τῷ Θεῷ καὶ ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι δεῖ τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα. Lucian, De Hist. Conscr.
I, 3 ἐμφιλοχωρούσης τῆς ᾿Ανδρομέδας τῇ μνήμῃ αὐτῶν.

Ὁ 4 ἐξατμιζομένων ἀναδόσει. Plut. Mor. 31 E Καὶ τὸ ‘Zed ἄνα
Δωδωναῖε᾽ κελεύων ἀναγινώσκειν ὑφέν, ὡς τὸν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναθυμιώ-
μενον ἀέρα διὰ τὴν ἀνάδοσιν ᾿Αναδωδωναῖον ὄντα.

Ὁ 7 νεκρῶν ἀνδρῶν θεοποιίαν. A notable assertion that the false
gods were for the most part men deified after death.

ἰλυσπώμενον. Plat. Tim. 92 A ἄποδα αὐτὰ καὶ ἱλυσπώμενα ἐπὶ
γῆς ἐγέννησαν.

C 3 ἔφεδροι, properly those who stand by to take the place of
a defeated combatant. Cf. Aesch. Choeph. 866

τοιάνδε πάλην μόνος ὧν ἔφεδρος
δισσοῖς μέλλει θεῖος ᾿Ορέστης
ἅψειν.

6 5 κιψνήσεσί τισι. See the amusing story in Lucian, Philopseud.
19, of the moving statue that came down from its pedestal at
night, walked round the house, and spent a long time enjoying
a bath. The moving figures ascribed to Daedalus are mentioned
by Plato (Afeno 97 D) and Aristotle (De Anima, i. 3).

C 9 ἐνεργείας. The addition of δαιμονικῆς in the later MSS.
BIO may be a gloss intended to make the sense more definite.
C10 διὰ τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνέσεως. Cf. Plut. Mor. 102 B πρὸς ἄνεσιν
τῆς λύπης. ;

23 M 165

188 ἡ TUS PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(62 & 4 subvrespurorre, The daemons pretended that their

νηὶ falee mirnolos were wrought by the souls of the dead whom
dey profoaagd to call up.
8] 0} avumenireyas, (Cf ph. vi. 12. On this term as
applied to εἰμι. Segue quotes ἃ curious passage from the
Matomentium Sulumunse Kat ἐκέλευσα παρεῖναί μοι ἕτερον δαίμονα,
atet οὐ λίυυεεν eveumurn συνδεδεσυμένα εὐμορῴα τῷ εἶδε. Κἀγὼ
Blows rere ἐθαύμασε, καὶ ἐπηρώτησα λέγων Καὶ ὑμεῖς τίνες
dire, ΑΝ δὲ ὁμυθνυμμθὸν ἐῴηνεν μιᾷ φωνῃ) καὶ εἶπον: Ἢ μεῖς ἐσμεν τὰ
Ἀφγωμέανοα on yetie, ul αὐυμυλμώνρωμον τοῦ κύσμου τούτου, ᾿Απάτι, Ἔρις,
Βλυίν, Zadin MAary Aer Un the Cestumentum Salomonis
mee Nolin, ἐν Jaweals Uovple, Div. il, vol. iii, p. 154.

Ψ απο Νγωμενων. | oan find uv other instance of the con-
ebteetion with the ρου, vwuagsrerGas εἰς δαίμονας. See
6440 ἀφωὺς ὑκωνμεγωμανψωνο

ἃ 1 διὰ ὦ Gor (ἘΞ age,

US δωμεὶν wome ty bv muvant tor another derivation of
θευς.

᾿ἰάϑωυ ryumaweynme ‘“Murum doctrinae οὐπιὶυ πος οΣ Ὀὺ5᾽
(Viger) ‘The wnual meaning " θκαζαδῖνῳ ᾿ is more suitable to
ἀλληγωμμς oth ovcure very (equuetly in Athanasius, especially
tty the Kysstlue fu Surwysun, wherv vi Cowra, ‘the Eigurists,’ are
the ears ne the Uvevmarvmaqus & OPO. OSE.

WS vee, ‘to setup.’ is the madiog of all MSS. except AH,
Which lave mera, ‘tu pase tv thus stage of deception,’ at least
as goed ἃ readin.

Ὁ ἃ τὸ σεμστον. The fourth εἴα of gods consisted of human
passions and faculties The ath of human activities such as
war aud the arts of peace.

Ct ὠἀνειδωλσκοιησωντεςς The word is used bere of material
images, and elsewhere of mental images, as in Plut. Mor. 1113 A
of πτιηταὶ πολλάκις ὠνειδωλοκοιοῖντες. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp.
jii, 18g τὸ γὰρ τὴν Ιλάτωνος ἀνειδωλοκοίψσιν λέγειν ἐκιδεικτικὴν
εἶναι δίνασθαι τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ. .. τέλεον ληρῶδές ἐστιν.

C 4 ἕκτον καὶ ἕβδομον. “The sixth class consists of daemons
who pretend to be gods, the seventh of thoee who profess to be
the souls of the departed.

162

BOOK Υ, CHAPS, 2-4 188 ς

ἃ 4 τὰ μηδ᾽ ἀντιρρήσεως δεόμενα, i.e. the fourth class mentioned
above (b 2) as the deification of human passions and faculties.
4] 184 ἃ 2 ποιότησιν ὑποκείμενον. The term ποιότης seems to
have been first introduced by Plato, Theaet. 182 A ἴσως οὖν ἧ
ποιότης ἅμα ἀλλόκοτόν τε φαίνεται ὄνομα καὶ οὐ μανθάνεις ἀθρόον
λεγόμενον.

ἣν ὕλην καλοῦσι. It is not in Plato, but in Timaeus Locrus,
97 E, that we find τὸ ὑποκείμενον στοιχεῖον called ὕλῃ. ἀρχαὶ μὲν
ὧν τῶν γεννωμένων ὡς μὲν ὑποκείμενον ἁ ὕλα, ὡς δὲ λόγος μορφᾶς τὸ εἶδος.

Ὁ 5 μάγων τῶν περὶ Ζωροάστρην. See note on 42 a 2; Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 103; and the article ‘Parseeism’ by Spiegel in Schaf-
Herzog’s Encyclopaedia.

b 6 εἴτε Θρᾷάκιος ἀπὸ ’Opdéws. Cf. Lobeck, <Aglaoph. 696
‘Plutarcho autem haec scribenti fanatica Bacchi solemnia ante
oculos fuisse docent haec quae sequuntur De Def. Orac., xiii.
321....7
‘Vitiose Plutarchus hinc colligit sacra Orphica perinde ut
Phrygum et Aegyptiorum solemnia non diis sed daemonibus,
quales Xenocrates imaginatus est, instituta esse, &c.’

63 ‘Hoiodos. Hesiod, Opp. 109, places first the men of the
golden age, who after death become good daemons (122);
secondly the silver age, happy mortals, honoured as such after
death (126-41); thirdly the age of brass, men perishing by
mutual slaughter, and leaving no name (154); fourthly a divine
race of heroes (159) who are called demigods, and dwell after
death in the islands of the blessed (171); and fifthly the iron
age, of Hesiod’s own time (175-201). The last sentence in
Eusebius, ἐξ dy . . . ἀποκριθέντων, is an abbreviated paraphrase of
the passage in Plutarch.

C10 Anpytpiy. Cf. 89 b 5. Demetrius is one of the persons
of the dialogue, described by Plutarch (6. ii) as a ‘ypapparixds
returning home to Tarsus out of Britain.’ ‘A most interesting
memorial of him is still extant in the musuem at York, a little
bronze tablet inscribed with the letters, Θεοις rors του Hynpovixov
(sic) Πραιτωριον SxpiBa Δημήτριος, a dedication tallying with the
epithet “holy ” here given to him. He was probably a scriba
quaestorius, “ treasury clerk,” like Horace, and had been employed

M 2 163

184 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

in the finance department in the government office at Eboracum,
the headquarters for the northern province. A second tablet
bears Ὥκεανωι καὶ Τηθυι Δημητριος᾽ (C. W. King, Plutarch’s Theo-
sophical Essays, p. 72. Bohn). —

ἃ 3 ἐφ᾽ ᾧ βούλεται, ‘ quolibet adhibito iudice.? The Latin has
‘quod unum ipse vult,’ but in his note Viger corrects this, and
gives ‘ devant qui il voudra.’ .

ἃ 4 ἐν μεθορίῳ θεῶν. Plat. Symp. 327 Εἰ πᾶν τὸ δαιμόνιον
μεταξύ ἐστι θεοῦ τε καὶ θνητοῦ. ἷ

185 ἃ 4 δραχμήν. For ῥάγδην, the common reading in Plutarch,
adopted by Heinichen, Wyttenbach suggests " δράγδην plena
tniecta manu. But δραχμήν the reading of the best MSS. of
Eusebius both here and at 206 a σὲ is undoubtedly right, and
has its original meaning a ‘handful.’ Compare 149 d 4 Spay-
μάτων, and 318 ἃ 3 dpaxi.

τῶν ᾿Εμπεδοκλέους. The verses of Empedocles are quoted
below, 187 ἃ δ, from Plut. De Is. et Osir. 361 C.

b 3 περίττωμα, used chiefly in a depreciative sense, as of
“ refuse,’ or ‘ dregs.’

b 6 ἐμφάσεις καὶ διαφάσεις. Cf. Plut. Mor. 354 C μύθοις καὶ
λόγοις ἀμυδρὰς ἐμφάσεις τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ διαφάσεις ἔχουσιν. ‘ Ob-
‘scura veritatis indicia et argumenta.’ Wytt. in loc. ‘ Elegans
est paronomasia in ἐμφάσεις et διαφάσεις, signa in quibus et per
quae veritas apparet.’

Ὁ 7 εὔστομά po κείσθω. Hdt. ii. 171; a formula which
became proverbial. So εὐστομεῖν is equivalent to εὐφημεῖν, Arist.
Nub. 833; Lobeck, Phryn. 469.

Ὁ 8 ἀποφράδας, ‘nefastos dies.’ Plat. Legg. 800 D ὁπόταν
ἡμέραι μὴ καθαραί τινες ἀλλὰ ἀποφράδες ὦσι.

CI ὠμοφαγίαι καὶ διασπασμοί. Cf. 62 ο.

62 Pind. Fr. 224
ς μανίαι τ’ ἀλαλαί τ᾽ ὀρινομένων

ῥιψαύχενι σὺν κλόνῳ.
For dAaAai τ᾽ ὀρινομένων the MSS. of Eusebius have ἄλλαι ὀρινό-
μεναι. In Plutarch. Mor. 623 B ἐριαύχενι stands in place of
ῥιψαύχενι. Cf. 706 E.

ἃ 3 ἀφοσιούμενοι. Dion. Hal. iv. 79 οὐδ᾽ ἀφοσιώσασθαι τῶν
φαρμακειῶν ἀμφοτέρων τὰς διαβολάς.
ἀλαστόρων. Plut. Mor. 201 A ἀλάστωρ μὲν κέκληται ὁ ἄληστα
164

BOOK V. CHAPS. 4,5 185 d

καὶ πολὺν χρόνον μνημονευθησόμενα Sedpaxws. Wyttenb. annot. in
loc. ‘ variant in eius origine docti homines, quos laudat Etym. M.
in voce.” Cf. Plut. Afor. 418 B, 509 B, Coriol. 231 B, Marius
409 D, Cicer. 885 B. Athen. 541 C τῆς Σικελίας ἀλάστωρ.
ἃ 5 διὰ παρθένον. Soph. Trach. 353
ὡς τῆς κόρης

ταύτης ἕκατι κεῖνος Εὕρυτόν θ᾽ ἕλοι

τήν θ᾽ ὑψίπυργον Οἰχαλίαν.

186 b 1 δαίμοσιν ἐκαθικέτενον. Hat. vi. 68 ᾿Απικομένῃ δὲ τῇ
μητρὶ ἐσθεὶς ἐς τὰς χεῖράς οἱ τῶν σπλάγχνων κατικέτευε.

5] 187 81 Βέλτιον οὖν. See the similar passage in Plut. Def.
Orac. 419 A.

br Πλάτων. Seethe famous passage in the Symposium 202 E,
where the daemons are described as an intermediate race carry-
ing on all communications between gods and men, and intro-
ducing all kinds of divination, sacrifice, and magic. Cf. Zeller,
Pre-Socr. Phil. i. 489 ‘ How far the famous Platonic exposition,
Symp. 202 E, is of Pythagorean origin, cannot be determined.’

Πυθαγόρας. Diog. L. viii. 32 (Πυθαγόρας) εἶναί τε πάντα τὸν
ἀέρα ψυχῶν ἔμπλεων, καὶ ταύτας δαίμονάς τε καὶ ἥρωας ὀνομάζεσθαι.
Iiere also the daemons are further described as the authors of
dreams, divinations, lustrations, and expiatory sacrifices. See
Zeller, ibid.

Ὁ 2 Eevoxpdrys. Stob. Ecl. Phys. i. 2. 29 [62] θεὸν δὲ εἶναι καὶ
τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀστέρας πυρώδεις ὀλυμπίους θεούς, Kai ἑτέρους
ὑποσεληνίους δαίμονας ἀοράτους. Ibid. [66] (Οἱ Στωικοὶ) .. . θεοὺς
δὲ καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τοὺς ἀστέρας καὶ τὴν γῆν" ἀνωτάτω δὲ πάντων
νοῦν ἐναιθέριον εἶναι θεόν.

Χρύσιππος. Plut. Mor. 277 A οἱ περὶ Χρύσιππον οἴονται
φιλόσοφοι φαῦλα δαιμόνια περινοστεῖν, οἷς οἱ θεοὶ δημίοις χρῶνται
κολασταῖς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνοσίους καὶ ἀδίκους ἀνθρώπους.

τοῖς πάλαι θεολόγοις. Wytt. ‘Veteres theologi significantur
Orpheus, Musaeus, similesque ad Epimenidem et Pherecydem
usque. Sic appellat Orpheum Plutarchus Def. Orac. 436 D’ (οἱ
μὲν σφόδρα παλαιοὶ θεολόγοι καὶ ποιηταῦ. Mor. 1030 B of re
πάλαι θεολόγοι πρεσβύτατοι φιλόσοφοι ὄντες.

G1 ἀρετῆς διαφοραὶ καὶ κακίας. ‘Ad verbum propemodum
reponitur in Def. Orac. 417 B’ (Wytt.).

C2 γιγαντικὰ καὶ Τιτανικά. ‘Saepe confunduntur, licet diversa

165

187 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

sint bella. De Gigantibus Ovid, Metam. 151, Apollod. i. 6, De
Titanibus, Hesiod, Theog. 630 seq., Ovid, Fast. iii. 795, Apollod.
i. 1.3. Heynius in notis’ (Wytt.).

6 3 πολλαί τινες. Κρόνου τινός, which is the reading in
Plutarch, has been corrupted into πολλαί τινες in Eusebius.

C4 gvyai. ‘Recepimus φυγαί, quia Eusebiani Theodore-
tianique auctoritatem exempli habet, ac tolerabilius saltem est
vetere φθόγγοι : magis tamen satisfaciat Reiskii φόνοι caedes.
Bacchus a Titanibus discerptus traditur a Plutarcho infra
305 ΒΕ’ (Wytt.).

d τ πρὸς τοὺς θεούς. Connected in Eusebius with what follows :
“have a similar relation to the gods,’ i.e. refer not to gods but to
daemons. In Plutarch πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς is connected with what
goes before: ‘are kept secret and out of sight of the many.’

ἃ 5 Αἰθέριον μέν. The same passage is quoted by Hippol. Ref.
Haer. vii. 17, and is alluded to above 185 a 4. It is treated by
Mullach, Fr. Phil. Gr. i. 2, as part of the Prooemium of the
poem of Empedocles Περὶ Φύσεως.

188 Ὁ : Ἐκεῖνος. Plut, Def. Orac. 421 B. Cleombrotus, the
speaker in the dialogue, is describing a barbarian who appeared
among men once only in every year in the neighbourhood of the
Red Sea, and spent the rest of his time with the wandering
nymphs and daemons. ‘He was the handsomest man to look
on that I ever saw, and was always free from every kind of
disease, administering to himself only once a month the fruit of
a certain medicinal and bitter herb... .. He was at all times full of
learning, and on one day in each year became inspired to prophecy.’

Ὁ 2 Δελφῶν. The dialogue is supposed to be held at Delphi.

Ὁ 5 Πύθωνα. The MSS. of Eusebius have τὴν Πυθίαν, but Πύθωνα
the reading in Plutarch is required by the following context,
which refers to Apollo as ‘ the slayer.’

ἐννέα ἐτῶν. Every ninth year the Delphians sent a procession
to Tempe, representing the battle of Apollo with the Python, and
his banishment to Tempe after the battle. Plut. Mor. 293 E.

τὰ Τέμπη. Ovid, Metam. i. 568

‘Est nemus Haemoniae, praerupta quod undique claudit

Silva; vocant Tempe, per quae Peneus ab imo

Effusus Pindo spumosis volvitur undis.’
Cf. Shelley, Hymn of Pan, Stanza ii.

166

BOOK V. CHAP. 5 188 b

. Ὁ ἢ ἐνιαυτῶν μεγάλων ἐννέα περιόδοις. On the various lengths
attributed to the ‘Great Year’ see 849 c, and Diod. Sic. ii. 47 ‘It
is also said that the god (Apollo) arrives at the island at intervals
of nineteen years, the time in which the returns of the stars to
the same place are completed; and that for this reason the
period of nineteen years is called by the Greeks Meton’s year.’
8 Φοῖβον ὡς ἀληθῶς, ‘a true Phoebus.’ The epithet originally
‘refers to the radiance of youth, which was always a chief
attribute of Apollo’ (L. and Sc. Zez.). But afterwards, as in
this passage, it indicated the purity and holiness of deity, to
which Apollo was restored after his punishment and repentance
for slaying the Cyclopes (Apollod. iii. 10. 4). Apollo brought
back to Delphi a branch of laurel plucked in Tempe, and this
was commemorated in the festival mentioned above. Kai τῷ
κατακομίζοντι παιδὶ τὴν Τεμπικὴν δάφνην cis Δελφοὺς παρομαρτεῖ
αὐλητής, Plut. De Musica, 1136 A.

6 7 Σολύμους. Cf. Hdt. i. 173 ‘ Milyas was the ancient name
of the country now inhabited by the Lycians: the Milyae of the
present day were, in those times, called Solymi.’ On the ethnic
character of the Solymi, and their supposed connexion with the
Israelites, see Eus, Pr. Ev. 412 B, and Rawlinson, Hdt. i. 658.
The Solymi are mentioned by Homer, Jl. vi. 184, as conquered by
Bellerophon. They are placed by Strabo between Lycia and
Pisidia, and on the heights of Taurus (pp. 630, 631, 667).

ἃ 1 “Apvrov, καὶ Τόσιβιν. The names in Plutarch are Arsalus,
Dryus, and Troesobus.

ἃ 4 Σκιροὺς θεούς. For σκληρούς, the reading in Plutarch,
Eusebius has substituted σκιρούς, which probably has the same
meaning ‘ hard.’

ἃ 8 εἶπεν ὁ ξένος The speaker was Cleqmbrotus, who had
recently returned from long wandering in Egypt and beyond the
Red Sea (Plut. Mor. 410 A).

189 ἃ 3 Eppaios. Cf. Plut. De 18. et Osir. 365 F ἐμφαίνει δὲ
τοῦτο καὶ ὃ Ἑρμαῖος ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ περὶ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. Ibid. 368 B
τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ (Ὀσίῴριδος) τὸν Ομφιν εὐεργέτην ὁ Ἑ) ρμαῖός
φησιν δηλοῦν ἑρμηνευόμενον. ‘Alibi scriptorem non memoratum.
repperimus’ (Wytt.). The other four names were all borne by
authors of repute.

Ὁ 1 τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ds φησι, δαιμόνων. Porphyry’s statements con-

167

189 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

cerning evil daemons have been already set forth at large in
Book IV.

C 4 μαρτύρεται. Cf. 143 ἃ 2.
6] 190 a2 ὁ ἐν Βραγχίδαις. See note on 61 ἃ 9 Διδυμέα.

ἃ 8 τὰ ἀρρητότατα τῶν ἀρρήτων. Cf. 144 ὁ 4.

7) 191 Ὁ 1 ποτὲ δῖα μάταιον. The unintelligible and unmetrical
reading of A wor ἀδείμαντον is well replaced by δῖα μάταιον in
BIO, and there is no need of conjectures such as θέσπισμα μάταιον
(Lobeck, Aglaoph, 225) or ἄειδε μάταιον (Voss, marg., Unger).
Homer constantly uses δῖα in such phrases as δῖα θεάων, δῖα
γυναικῶν (Od. iv. 305). Cf. Orph. Hymn. viii. 1 Sta σελήνη.

οὖ Kai μήποτε x.r.A. This opinion on the nature of the soul
is commonly printed as if it were a reflexion of Eusebius. But
Wolff ascribes it more correctly to Porphyry, so that Eusebius
begins again with the words Ταῦτα οὐκ ἐμά.

τρίμορφος τριμερής τε. Hecate was τρίμορφος, Proserpina,
Luna, Diana, described by herself 175 ¢ 7 88 τριστοίχον φύσεως
συνθήματα τρισσὰ φέρουσα. Apparently it occurs to Porphyry that
this character of Hecate, as ‘uniting the threefold elements of
nature’ (175 Ὁ 9), and able to give a soul to the world {(ψυχῶσαι)
may be the source of the three principles in the soul defined by
Plato in the famous passage of the Republic 436 A, as τὸ ἐπιθυ-
μητικόν, τὸ Ovpoedés, and τὸ νοητικόν or λογιστικόν.

ἃ 2 πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικὰ καλεῖται. Plut. De Js. et Osir. 372 ἃ καὶ
πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικὰ τὴν σελήνην ἐπικαλοῦνται. Joh. Lydus, De Mens.
iii, 8. 24 καὶ γὰρ ὑγρὰ τὴν φύσιν ἡ σελήνη, ὅθεν καὶ ai περὶ ἐρώτων
μαγγανεῖαι πρὸς αὐτὴν γίγνονται (Wolff), Porphyry does not
mention τὸ νοητικόν as not being concerned πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικά.

ἃ 5 Πάνυ δέ με θράττε. Aug. De Civ. x, τι ‘Miratur autem
quod non solum dii alliciantur victimis, sed etiam compellantur
atque cogantur facere quod homines volunt.’

For further notes on this passage see the longer quotation
197 da 1.

102 ἃ 6 τί καὶ τίνι (αὐτοί). Neither τίνα αὐτῷ AH, nor τί καὶ
τίνι αὐτῶν BIO, is free from suspicion. “ αὐτοὶ scripsit Wolff, quem
secutus est Dindorf, a lectione codicum procul recedens ’ (Heikel),
The difference between αὐτῶι and αὐτοὶ seems to me but slight,
and the sense is certainly improved by the emphatic αὐτοὶ 5e5y-
λώκασιν. Wolff and Dindorf cut the knot by omitting both ziva

368

BOOK V. CHAPS, 5-8 | 192 8

and τί καὶ τίνι, and in my translation I have done the same.
Hieikel omits τί καί and explans τίνι αὐτῶν thus: ‘ Et munera
(ὅ τι) uniuscuiusque et nomina eorum (rin αὐτῶν) afferuntur.’ If
καὶ ri καὶ rive is retained the passage might be rendered, so as
to avoid tautology, ‘what office is assigned to each, and why,
and to which.’

ἃ 7 Διδυμαῖος. Cf. 61 ἃ 9.

mevors. Cf. Plut. Mor. 614 D πεύσεις ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ μὴ
γλίσχρας.

8. 9 Μητέρι μὲν μακάρων. Athenag. Leg. xxii πρὸς δὲ τοὺς
λέγοντας τὸν μὲν Κρόνον χρόνον, τὴν δὲ Ῥέαν γῆν, τὴν μὲν σνλλαμ-
βάνουσαν ἐκ τοῦ Κρόνου καὶ ἀποτίκτουσαν, ἔνθεν καὶ μήτηρ πάντων
νομίζεται.

b 1: Hom. Hymn. In Matr. Deor. xiv. 3

ἡ KpordAwy τυπάνων 7 ἰαχὴ σύν τε βρόμος αὐλῶν
εὔαδεν.

Ὁ 2 Παλλάδι δ᾽ εὐπήληκι. Cf. Anth. Pal. vi. 120

ἀλλὰ καὶ εὐπήληκος ᾿Αθηναίης ἐπὶ δουρὶ
τὸν τέττιγ ὄψει μ᾽, ὦνερ, ἐφεζόμενον.
μόθοι. Hom. Il. vii. 117] καὶ εἰ μόθου ἔστ᾽ ἀκόρητος.

Ὁ 6 εὐαλδῆ. Plut. Mor. 664 D τὰ δὲ ἀστραπαῖα τῶν ὑδάτων

εὐαλδῇ καλοῦσιν οἱ γεωργοί.

σταχυητρόφα. Anth, Pal, vii. 209
ὄφρα σε καὶ φθίμενον Δηοῦς σταχυητρόφος αὖλαξ
θέλγῃ ἀροτραίῃ κείμενον ἐν θαλάμῃ.

8] 198 ἃ 1 ὁ Ῥόδιος Πυθαγόρας. ‘Scriptor ignotus. Videtur
περὶ θεῶν scripsisse. Aeneas Gaz. Theophrasti, p. 61, Boisson:
Ὁ γοῦν Πυθαγόρας, οὐχ ὁ Σάμιος ἀλλ᾽ ὁ “Podios, μέλλων ψυχομαντείαν
παραδιδόναι, τίνες οἱ καλούμενοι τὸ πρῶτον ἐπιζητεῖ πότερον θεοὶ ἣ
δαίμονες ᾽ (Wolff).

Ὁ 3 εὐμαρέστερον. Cf. 3 Ὁ 3 εὐμαρῶς, note.

6 2 πειθανάγκην. Cic. Epp. ad Atticum, ix. 13 ‘Ego autem
non tam γοητείαν huius timeo quam πειθανάγκην. Al yap τῶν
τυράννων δεήσεις, inquit Πλάτων, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι μεμιγμέναι ἀνάγκαις." The
passage of Plato is Epp. vii. 329 D τὰς δὲ τῶν τυράννων δεήσεις
ἴσμεν, ὅτι μεμιγμέναι ἀνάγκαις εἰσίν. The same interpretation of
the word is given by Suidas and adopted by Casaubon in Polyb.
Xxii. 25. 8 ἡ μετὰ Bias πειθώ, where Schweighauser proposes the
less suitable meaning ἡ ἀνάγκη τοῦ πείθεσθαι.

349

198 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν. The reference seems to be to the verses
quoted at 191 ὃ, as being from the same poem.

C 4 ἀπείριτον. Cf. Hom. Od. x. 195

νῆσον, τὴν πέρι πόντος ἀπείριτος ἐστεφάνωται.

6 6 reqs ὑποθημοσύνῃσι, literally, at thy suggestions. Cf. Hom.

il, xv. 412
ὑποθημοσύνῃσιν ᾿Αθήνης.

ἃ 4 πολυφράδμονος. Ap. Rh. Arg. i. 1311 πολυφράδμων
ὑποφήτης.

ἃ 7 Tirre...xari{wv. The accusative after χατίζων is unusual;
but see 195 c 3 Térre ἐπιδενόμενοι. ‘Usus ab Homerio τίπτε δέ
σε xpew; (il. x. 85; Og. i. 225) profectus est’ (Wolff).

ἃ 8 θεωδάμοις ... ἀνάγκαις. Lucian, Phars. vi. 490

‘Cuius commercia pacti
Obstrictos habuere deos? Parere necesse est
An iuvat?’?
Claudian, Jn Rujfin. i. 147
‘Novi quo Thessala cantu
Eripiat lunare iubar, quid signa sagacis
Aegypti valeant, qua gens Chaldaea vocatis
Imperet arte deis.’
These and many similar passages are quoted by Seguier in
a very learned note.

ἃ 10 (ἀπορρήτοις). For this we find ἀπειρίτοις in AHO, probably
suggested by the occurrence of the same word in ὁ 4. Viger
suggests ἀπορρήτοις Which is adopted by Dindorf and by Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 730, who refers to Iambl. De Myst. vi. 6 ὁ θεουργὸς διὰ
τὴν δύναμιν τῶν ἀπορρήτων συνθημάτων ἐπιτάττει τοῖς κοσμικοῖς.

᾿ ἔνγξιν. The ἴυγξ or ‘ wryneck,’ whirled round on a magic
wheel, was used as a love-charm for gods and men. (Cf. Pind.
Pyth. iv. 381

ποικίλαν ἴυγγα τετράκναμον Οὐλυμπόθεν
ἐν ἀλύτῳ ζεύξαισα κύκλῳ
μαινάδ᾽ ὄρνιν Κνπρογένεια φέρεν
πρῶτον ἀνθρώποισι.
In Theocr. Jd. ii the frequent refrain is
υγξ, ἕλκε τὺ τῆνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ δῶμα τὸν ἄνδρα.

194 ἃ 2 ἀήταις. Plat. Crat. 410 Β οἱ ποιηταὶ τὰ πνεύματα ἀήτας
καλοῦσι (L. and Sc.). |

17Q

BOOK V. CHAP. 8 194 ἃ

& 3 πανομφέας. Cf. Hom. 771. viii. 250
ἔνθα πανομφαίῳ Ζηνὶ ῥέζεσκον ᾿Αχαιοί,

& 4 εἰσκρίνεις. ‘Vulgo hoc verbum dicitur de animarum in
corpora nascentium transitione, ἡ τῆς ψυχῆς εἴσκρισις Philopon. De
Mund. Creat. vi. 25. 597 A ras ψυχὰς εἰσκρίνεσθαι σώμασι : Philo,
De Mund. 1151 B; Porph. Abst. i. 19 ‘unde transfertur ad dae-
monum et in statuas et in homines insinuationem magicam, ut in
Hecatae Oraculo Euseb. v. 8,’ Lobeck, Aglaoph. (Wolff).

Ὁ 2 For ἐπιμύσαντες the metre requires ἐπημύσαντες, ‘ bowing
to.” Cf. Hom. Jl. ii. 148

ἐπί τ᾽ ἡμύει ἀσταχύεσσιν.
Ibid. 373
τῷ κε τάχ᾽ ἡμύσειε πόλις Πριάμοιο ἄνακτος.

b 3 Δηώϊον. Scaliger’s emendation in place of δήϊοι AH here
and dyiw 145 ἃ 7. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 747, note 6 ‘Anw ist
Hypokoriston von Δημήτηρ (Hom. Hymn. in Cer. 492 Δηοῖ ἄνασσα)."
Ovid, Metam. viii. 789 ‘ Deoia quercus.’

Ὁ 4 ὑποφήτορες. Ap. Rh. Arg. i. 22

Μοῦσαι δ᾽ ὑποφήτορες elev ἀοιδῆς.

C I ἑαντῶν depends on ἐπανάγκους (AHI), χρησμούς being under-
stood after ἐκδιδόασιν, and χρησμός with ἐκδοθείς below. Cf.
Grenfell and Hunt, Fayoum Towns, Pap. ΧΟ. 12, xci. 15, where
érdvayxov seems to be used adverbially, as ἐπάναγκες in Oxyrh. Pap.
ciii. 16, cxxxiii. τὴ. Cf. I, Firmic. Mat. De errore profanorum,
rell. (col. 1014) (quoting from Porphyry περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσο-
dias): ‘In primis enim librorum partibus, id est in ipsis auspiciis,
[positus] dixit :

Serapis vocatus, et intra corpus hominis collocatus,talia respondtt :

. Serapis tuus ab homine vocatur et venit, et cum venerit
statim iussus includitur, et loquendi necessitas, nolenti forsitan,
imperatur.’

ἃ 8 δοχῆος. Cf. 126 c 6 δοχέως.

ἃ 9 λεπταλέων ὑμένων. Cf. Theophrast. Fr. de Sensibus, 37
λέγει Tots ὑμένας τῶν ὀμμάτων λεπτοὺς εἶναι: Aristot. Hist.
Animal. iii. 13 Μέγιστοι δὲ τῶν ὑμένων εἰσὶν of τε περὶ τὸν
ἐγκέφαλον δύο, x.7.X.

μαλακὸν δ᾽ ἐνέπλησε χιτῶνα. The context seems to point to
the coating of the inward organs, as in Aristot. De Partibus
Animal. iv. 5. 11 ἐν χιτῶνι ὑμενώδει.
ἜΣ

175a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ὁ ἀνθῶν οὐ συμφέρει, πίμπρησι γάρ. ‘Aristoph. Vesp. 36 Ἔχουσα
φωνὴν ἐμπεπρησμένης tds’ (Seguier). .

b 2 εἰσκριθῇς Porph. Abst. i. 19 ἑκούσας τις εἰσκρίνεσθαι τὰς
ψνχὰς δίδωσιν.

b 7 tpixpavos. Cf. Georgiadas, Porph. Fr. 49 ‘Only in ‘one
place (Eus. P. E. iv. 22) does Porphyry give a physical explana-
tion of the daemons.’

b 9 Ἑκάτη. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 324.

τρίστοιχον. The three elements meant are earth, air, and
water: cf. ὁ 7-d 3.

CI καὶ πάλιν φησίν. ‘Plura igitur Porphyrius de Hecate
daemonum malorum domina ἢ. I. dixerat.’

6 6 ἀπειρολεχής. Viger’s conjecture. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 225
‘In eiusdem deae oraculo, Eus. iv. 23. 176, pro ἀπειροτεχνής certe
ἀπειρολεχής scribendum.’

6 7 τριστοίχου φύσεως. See the note on 191 ὁ 6.

BOOK V

1] 178 ἃ 6 χρηστήρια διαλελοίπασινκ. Plut. Mor. De Defectu
Oraculorum throughout. Milton, Ode on the Nativity, v. 173
‘The oracles are dumb, &c.’

᾿Α 11 ἐπὶ τοῦ wapovros. The event referred to is the defeat and
death of Maxentius, r12 A.p. Cf. Eus. H. £. ix. 9.

179 & 1 τοπάρχας. Gen. xli. 34 καταστησάτω τοπάρχας ἐπὶ τῆς
γῆς. The word is frequently used in the Septuagint, and in
2 (4) Kings xviii. 24, Dan. iii. 2, vi. 7, is applied to subordinate
officers military or civil.

ἃ 2 ἐθναρχίας. Cf. Eus. Const. Tricenn. xvi ἐπαρχίας καὶ éOvap-
χίας καὶ τοπαρχίας τυραννίδας τε καὶ woAvapyxias, where ἐθναρχίας and
τοπαρχίας mean ‘ national and local governments,’ and πολναρχίας
in antithesis to τυραννίδας means ‘ the government of the many,’
as also ibid. 111 ἀναρχία γὰρ μᾶλλον καὶ στάσις ἡ ἐξ ἰσοτιμίας ἀντι-
παρεξαγομένη πολναρχία. In 2 Cor. xi. 32 ‘the governor under
Aretas the king’ is entitled ‘Ethnarch.’ Cf. x Macc. xiv. 47, xv.
I, 2.

ἃ 6 τῇ καθ᾽ ἡμῶν συσκευῇ. The treatise ‘ Against Christians’ :
ef. 31 a 1, and Georgiadas, 39-46 8664.

360

BOOK V. CHAPS. I, 2 179 d

ἃ 8 τοσούτων ἐτῶν. The genitive is unusual in the sense of
duration, and τοσοῦτον ἐτῶν (AHI) ought to have been adopted
in the text: cf. Hom. Od. xxi. 402

at yap δὴ τοσσοῦτον ὀνήσιος ἀντιάσειεν.
Hat. vi. 134 ἐς τοσοῦτο τοῦ λόγου.

ἃ 9 ἐπιδημίας... οὔσης. Cf. Eus. HW. E. ix. τῇ τῶν οὐρανίων
θεῶν αὐτὴν ἐπιδημίᾳ ἀνθεῖν. Orat. Const. i ἐπιλαμψάσης δὲ παραυ-
τίκα τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπιδημίας.

180 Ὁ 2 διαιωνίζε. Eus. Vita Const. iii. 41 διαιωνίζων τὴν
μνήμην : iv. 2 ἄληστον καὶ διαιωνίζουσαν.

d 1 κραταιότατα, the reading of I, and originally of A. ‘In
voce κραταιοτάτην est a et ἣν in rasura in A, in I legitur κραταιό-
tata, quod rectum putandum est’ (Heikel); cf. 181 ἃ 8 τὴν
πλάνην κραταιότερον ἐπικυρούσης.

ἃ 2 ὑπερνικώσης. Rom. viii. 37 ὑπερνικῶμεν.

2] 181 Ὁ 2 ἐμφιλοχωροῦντες. Athan. 231 extr. ἐμφιλοχωρεῖν δὲ
τῷ Θεῷ καὶ ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι δεῖ τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα. Lucian, De Hist. Conscr.
I, 3 ἐμφιλοχωρούσης τῆς ᾿Ανδρομέδας τῇ μνήμῃ αὐτῶν.

Ὁ 4 ἐξατμιζομένων ἀναδόσει. Plut. Mor. 31 E Καὶ τὸ ‘Zed ἄνα
Δωδωναῖε᾽ κελεύων ἀναγινώσκειν ὑφέν, ὡς τὸν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναθυμιώ-
μένον ἀέρα διὰ τὴν ἀνάδοσιν ᾿Αναδωδωναῖον ὄντα.

Ὁ 7 νεκρῶν ἀνδρῶν θεοποιίαν. A notable assertion that the false
gods were for the most part men deified after death.

ἰλυσπώμενον. Plat. Tim. 92 A ἄποδα αὐτὰ καὶ ἰλυσπώμενα ἐπὶ
γῆς ἐγέννησαν.

C 3 ἔφεδροι, properly those who stand by to take the place of
a defeated combatant. Cf. Aesch. Choeph. 866

τοιάνδε πάλην μόνος ὧν ἔφεδρος
δισσοῖς μέλλει θεῖος ᾿Ορέστης
ἅψειν.

C5 κινήσεσί τισι. See the amusing story in Lucian, Philopseud.
19, of the moving statue that came down from its pedestal at
night, walked round the house, and spent a long time enjoying
a bath. The moving figures ascribed to Daedalus arc mentioned
by Plato (Mfeno 97 D) and Aristotle (De Anima, i. 3).

6 9 ἐνεργείας. The addition of δαιμονικῆς in the later MSS.
BIO may be a gloss intended to make the sense more definite.

ΠΟ διὰ τῆς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνέσεως. Cf. Plut. Mor. 102 B πρὸς ἄνεσιν
τῆς λύπης.
"κ᾿ Μ 16%

% %

4182 8 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

182 ἃ 4 xaOvrexpivovro. The daemons pretended that their

own false miracles were wrought by the souls of the dead whom
they professed to call up.
3] © 3 κοσμοκράτορας. Cf. Eph. vi. 12. On this term as
applied to daemons Seguier quotes a curious passage from the
Testamentum Salomonis Kai ἐκέλευσα παρεῖναί μοι ἕτερον δαίμονα"
καὶ εἰσήλθοσαν πνεύματα συνδεδεσμένα εὔμορφα τῷ «ida. Κἀγὼ
Σαλομὼν ταῦτα ἐθαύμασα, καὶ ἐπηρώτησα λέγων: Καὶ ὑμεῖς τίνες
ἐστέ; Οἱ δὲ ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἔφησαν μιᾷ φωνῇ καὶ εἶπον: Ἡμεῖς ἐσμεν τὰ
λεγόμενα στοιχεῖα, οἱ κοσμοκράτορες τοῦ κόσμου τούτου, ᾿Απάτη, Ἔρις,
Κλωθώ, Ζάλη, Πλάνη, Δύναμις. On the Testamentum Salomonis
see Schiirer, The Jewish People, Div. ii. vol. iii. p. 154.

C5 ὑποκρινομένων. I can find no other instance of the con-
struction with the preposition, ὑποκρίνεσθαι εἰς δαίμονας. See
183 ὁ 6 θεοὺς ὑποκρινόμενον.

ἃ 7 διὰ τὸ θέειν. Cf. 29 ο.

ἃ 8 θεωρεῖν seems to be meant for another derivation of
θεός.

188 ἃ 6 τροπικωτέραις.. ‘Morum doctrinae coniunctioribus’
(Viger). The usual meaning ‘figurative’ is more suitable to
ἀλληγορίαις : it occurs very frequently in Athanasius, especially
in the Epistles to Serapion, where οἱ Τροπικοί, ‘ the EFigurists,’ are
the same as the Πνευματομάχοι, i. 670, 681.

ἃ 8 στῆναι, ‘to stop,’ is the reading of all MSS. except AH,
which have μετιέναι, ‘to pass to this stage of deception,’ at least
as good a reading.

Ὁ 8 τὸ πέμπτον. The fourth class of gods consisted of human
passions and faculties. The fifth of human activities such as
war and the arts of peace.

C I ἀνειδωλοποιήσαντες. The word is used here of material
images, and elsewhere of mental images, as in Plut. Mor. 1113 A
of ποιηταὶ πολλάκις ἀνειδωλοποιοῦντες. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp.
ili. 189 τὸ yap τὴν Πλάτωνος ἀνειδωλοποίησιν λέγειν ἐπιδεικτικὴν
εἶναι δύνασθαι τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ. .. τέλεον ληρῶδές ἐστιν.

Ὁ 4 ἕκτον καὶ ἕβδομον. The sixth class consists of daemons
‘who pretend to be gods, the seventh of those who profess to be
the souls of the departed.

C8 ἐπιτωθάζον.υ See Rubnk. Tim. Lex. τωθάζων: χλευάζων,
σκώπτων, διασύρων.

162

6 0 ὃ καὶ αὐτό, i.e. the whole class of daemons, to be dis-
tinguished now in a moral aspect.

ἃ 4 τὰ μηδ᾽ ἀντιρρήσεως δεόμενα, i.e. the fourth class mentioned
above (b 2) as the deification of human passions and faculties.
4] 184 ἃ 2 ποιότησιν ὑποκείμενον. The term ποιότης seems to
have been first introduced by Plato, Theaet. 182 A ἴσως οὖν ἡ
ποιότης ἅμα ἀλλόκοτόν τε φαίνεται ὄνομα καὶ οὐ μανθάνεις ἀθρόον
λεγόμενον.

ἣν ὕλην καλοῦσι. It is not in Plato, but in Timaeus Locrus,
97 E, that we find τὸ ὑποκείμενον στοιχεῖον called ὕλη. ἀρχαὶ μὲν
ὧν τῶν γεννωμένων ὡς μὲν ὑποκείμενον ἃ ὕλα, ws δὲ λόγος μορφᾶς τὸ εἶδος.

Ὁ 5 μάγων τῶν περὶ Ζωροάστρην. See note on 42 a 2; Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 103; and the article ‘ Parseeism’ by Spiegel in Schaf-
Herzog’s Encyclopaedia.

b 6 εἴτε Θρᾷάκιος ἀπὸ ’Opdews. Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 696
‘Plutarcho autem haec scribenti fanatica Bacchi solemnia ante
oculos fuisse docent haec quae sequuntur De Def. Orac., xiii.
321...”

‘Vitiose Plutarchus hinc colligit sacra Orphica perinde ut
Phrygum et Aegyptiorum solemnia non diis sed daemonibus,
quales Xenocrates imaginatus est, instituta esse, &c.’

93 ‘Hotobos. Hesiod, Opp. 109, places first the men of the
golden age, who after death become good daemons (122);
secondly the silver age, happy mortals, honoured as such after
death (126-41); thirdly the age of brass, men perishing by
mutual slaughter, and leaving no name (154); fourthly a divine
race of heroes (159) who are called demigods, and dwell after
death in the islands of the blessed (171); and fifthly the iron
age, of Hesiod’s own time (175-201). The last sentence in
Eusebius, ἐξ ὧν... ἀποκριθέντων, is an abbreviated paraphrase of
the passage in Plutarch.

C10 Δημητρίῳ. Cf. 89 Ὁ 5. Demetrius is one of the persons
of the dialogue, described by Plutarch (c. ii) as a " γραμματικός
returning home to Tarsus out of Britain.’ ‘A most interesting
memorial of him is still extant in the musuem at York, a little
bronze tablet inscribed with the letters, Θεοις τοις τον Hyypovixov
(sic) Πραιτωριονυ ὥκριβα Δημήτριος, ἃ dedication tallying with the
epithet “holy ” here given to him. He was probably a scribe
quaestorius, * treasury clerk,” like Horace, and had been employed

M 2 163

184 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

in the finance department in the government office at Eboracum,
the headquarters for the northern province. A second tablet
bears Ὥκεανωι και Ἰηθυι Δημητριος᾽ (C. W. King, Plutarch’s Theo-
sophical Essays, p. 72. Bolin).

ἃ 3 ἐφ᾽ ᾧ βούλεται, ‘ quolibet adhibito iudice.’ The Latin has

‘quod unum ipse vult,’ but in his note Viger corrects this, and
gives ‘ devant qui il voudra.’

ἃ 4 ἐν μεθορίῳ θεῶν. Plat. Symp. 327 E πᾶν τὸ δαιμόνιον
μεταξύ ἐστι θεοῦ τε καὶ θνητοῦ.

185 ἃ 4 δραχμήν. For ῥάγδην, the common reading in Plutarch,
adopted by Heinichen, Wyttenbach suggests “ δράγδην plena
iniecta manu.’ But δραχμήν the reading of the best MSS. of
Eusebius both here and at 206 a 1 is undoubtedly right, and
has its original meaning a ‘handful.’ Compare 149 ἃ 4 Spay-
μάτων, and 318 d 3 δρακί.

τῶν ᾿Εμπεδοκλέους. The verses of Empedocles are quoted
below, 187 ἃ §, from Plut. De Is. et Osir. 361 C.

b 3 περίττωμα, used chiefly in a depreciative sense, as of
“ refuse,’ or ‘ dregs.’

Ὁ 6 ἐμφάσεις καὶ διαφάσεις. Cf. Plut. Mor. 354 C μύθοις καὶ
λόγοις ἀμυδρὰς ἐμφάσεις τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ διαφάσεις ἔχουσιν. “ Ob-
‘scura veritatis indicia οὗ argumenta.’ Wytt. in loc. ‘Elegans
est paronomasia in ἐμφάσεις et διαφάσεις, signa in quibus et per
quae veritas apparet.’

Ὁ 7 εὕστομά po κείσθω. Hdt. ii. 171; & formula which
became proverbial. So εὐστομεῖν is equivalent to εὐφημεῖν, Arist.
Nub. 833; Lobeck, Phryn. 469.

Ὁ 8 ἀποφράδας, ‘nefastos dies.’ Plat. Legg. 800 Ὁ ὁπόταν
ἡμέραι μὴ καθαραί τινες ἀλλὰ ἀποφράδες ὦσι.

CI ὠμοφαγίαι καὶ διασπασμοί. Cf. 62 ο.

6 2 Pind. Fr. 224
, μανίαι τ’ ἀλαλαί τ᾽ ὀρινομένων

ῥιψαύχενι σὺν κλόνῳ.
For ἀλαλαί τ᾽ ὀρινομένων the MSS. of Eusebius have ἄλλαι ὀρινό-
μεναι. In Plutarch. Mor. 623 B ἐριαύχενι stands in place of
ῥιψαύχενι. Cf. 706 E.

ἃ 3 ἀφοσιούμενοι. Dion. Hal. iv. 79 οὐδ᾽ ἀφοσιώσασθαι τῶν
φαρμακειῶν ἀμφοτέρων τὰς διαβολάς.

ἀλαστόρων. Plut. Mor. 297 A ἀλάστωρ μὲν κέκληται ὁ dAnota
164

BOOK V. CHAPS. 4, 5 185 d

καὶ πολὺν χρόνον μνημονευθησόμενα Sedpaxws. Wyttenb. annot. in
loc. ‘ variant in eius origine docti homines, quos laudat Etym. M.
in voce.’ Cf. Plut. Afor. 418 B, 509 B, Coriol. 231 B, Marius
409 D, Cicer. 885 B. Athen. 541 C τῆς Σικελίας ἀλάστωρ.
ἃ 5 διὰ παρθένον. Soph. Trach. 353
ὡς τῆς κόρης

ταύτης ἕκατι κεῖνος Εὐὔρυτόν θ᾽ ἕλοι

τήν θ᾽ ὑψίπυργον Οἰχαλίαν.

186 Ὁ 1 δαίμοσιν ἐκαθικέτενον. Hdt. vi. 68 ᾿Απικομένῃ δὲ τῇ
μητρὶ ἐσθεὶς ἐς τὰς χεῖράς οἱ τῶν σπλάγχνων κατικέτευε.

5] 1878 1 Βέλτιον οὖν. See the similar passage in Plut. Def.
Orac. 419 A.

br Πλάτων. See the famous passage in the Symposium 202 EB,
where the daemons are described as an intermediate race carry-
ing on all communications between gods and men, and intro-
ducing all kinds of divination, sacrifice, and magic. Cf. Zeller,
Pre-Socr. Phil. i. 489 ‘ How far the famous Platonic exposition,
Symp. 202 E, is of Pythagorean origin, cannot be determined.’

Πυθαγόρας. Diog. L. viii. 32 (Πυθαγόρας) εἶναί re πάντα τὸν
ἀέρα ψυχῶν ἔμπλεων, καὶ ταύτας δαίμονάς τε καὶ ἥρωας ὀνομάζεσθαι.
Here also the daemons are further described as the authors of
dreams, divinations, lustrations, and expiatory sacrifices. See
Zeller, ibid.

Ὁ 2 Hevoxparys. Stob. Ecl. Phys. i. 2. 29 [62] θεὸν δὲ εἶναι καὶ
τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τοὺς ἀστέρας πυρώδεις ὀλυμπίους θεούς, καὶ ἑτέρους
ὑποσεληνίους δαίμονας ἀοράτους. Ibid. [66] (Οἱ Srucxot) .. . θεοὺς
δὲ καὶ τὸν κόσμον καὶ τοὺς ἀστέρας καὶ τὴν γῆν' ἀνωτάτω δὲ πάντων
νοῦν ἐναιθέριον εἶναι θεόν.

τοῖς πάλαι θεολόγοις. Wrytt. ‘Veteres theologi significantur
Orpheus, Musaeus, similesque ad Epimenidem et Pherecydem
usque. Sic appellat Orpheum Plutarchus Def. Orac. 436 D’ (of
μὲν σφόδρα παλαιοὶ θεολόγοι καὶ ποιηταῦ. for. 1030 B of re
πάλαι θεολόγοι πρεσβύτατοι φιλόσοφοι ὄντες.

ΘΙ ἀρετῆς διαφοραὶ καὶ κακίας. ‘Ad verbum propemodum
reponitur in Def. Οτασ. 417 B’ (γι...

Ὁ 2 γιγαντικὰ καὶ Tiravuxd. ‘Saepe confunduntur, licet diversa

165

187 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

sint bella. De Gigantibus Ovid, Metam. 151, Apollod. i. 6, De
Titanibus, Hesiod, Theog. 630 seq., Ovid, Fast. iii. 795, Apollod.
i. 1.3. Heynius in notis’ (Wytt.).

Ὁ 3 πολλαί τινες. Κρόνου τινός, which is the reading in
Plutarch, has been corrupted into πολλαί reves in Eusebius.

6 4 φυγαί. ‘Recepimus φυγαί, quia Eusebiani Theodore-
tianique auctoritatem exempli habet, ac tolerabilius saltem est
vetere φθόγγοι : magis tamen satisfaciat Reiskii φόνοι caedes.
Bacchus a Titanibus discerptus traditur a Plutarcho infra
305 F’ (Wytt.).

di πρὸς τοὺς θεούς. Connected in Eusebius with what follows :
“have a similar relation to the gods,’ i.e. refer not to gods but to
daemons. In Plutarch πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς is connected with what
goes before: ‘are kept secret and out of sight of the many.’

ἃ 5 Αἰθέριον μέν. The same passage is quoted by Hippol. Ref.
Haer. vii. 17, and is alluded to above 185 a4. It is treated by
Mullach, Fr. Phil. Gr. i. 2, as part of the Prooemium of the
poem of Empedocles Περὶ Φύσεως.

188 bi Ἐκεῖνος. Plut. Def. Orac. 421 B. Cleombrotus, the
speaker in the dialogue, is describing a barbarian who appeared
among men once only in every year in the neighbourhood of the
Red Sea, and spent the rest of his time with the wandering
nymphs and daemons. ‘He was the handsomest man to look
on that I ever saw, and was always free from every kind of
disease, administering to himself only once a month the fruit of
a certain medicinal and bitter herb... .. He was at all times full of
learning, and on one day in each year became inspired to prophecy.’

b 2 Δελφῶν. The dialogue is supposed to be held at Delphi.

Ὁ 5 Πύθωνα. The MSS. of Eusebius have τὴν Πυθίαν, but Πύθωνα
the reading in Plutarch is required by the following context,
which refers to Apollo as ‘the slayer.’

ἐννέα ἐτῶν. Every ninth year the Delphians sent a procession
to Tempe, representing the battle of Apollo with the Python, and
his banishment to Tempe after the battle. Plut. Mor. 293 E.

τὰ Τέμπη. Ovid, Metam. i. 568

‘Est nemus Haemoniae, praerupta quod undique claudit

Silva; vocant Tempe, per quae Peneus ab imo

Effusus Pindo spumosis volvitur undis.’
Cf. Shelley, Hymn of Pan, Stanza ii.

166 ;

BOOK V. CHAP. 5 188b

, Ὁ ἡ ἐνιαυτῶν μεγάλων ἐννέα περιόδοις. On the various lengths
attributed to the ‘Great Year’ see 849 c, and Diod. Sic. ii. 47 ‘It
is also said that the god (Apollo) arrives at the island at intervals
of nineteen years, the time in which the returns of the stars to
the same place are completed; and that for this reason the
period of nineteen years is called by the Greeks Meton’s year.’

Ὁ 8 Φοῖβον ὡς ἀληθῶς, ‘a true Phoebus.’ The epithet originally
‘refers to the radiance of youth, which was always a chief
attribute of Apollo’ (L. and Sc. Zez.). But afterwards, as in
this passage, it indicated the purity and holiness of deity, to
which Apollo was restored after his punishment and repentance
for slaying the Cyclopes (Apollod. iii. 10. 4). Apollo brought
back to Delphi a branch of laurel plucked in Tempe, and this
was commemorated in the festival mentioned above. Kai τῷ
κατακομίζοντι παιδὶ τὴν ἸΤεμπικὴν δάφνην εἰς Δελφοὺς παρομαρτεῖ
αὐλητής, Plut. De Musica, 1136 A.

C Σολύμους. Cf. Hdt. i. 173 ‘ Milyas was the ancient name
of the country now inhabited by the Lycians: the Milyae of the
present day were, in those times, called Solymi.’ On the ethnic
character of the Solymi, and their supposed connexion with the
Israelites, see Eus, Pr. Ev. 412 B, and Rawlinson, Idt. i, 658.
The Solymi are mentioned by Homer, Jl. vi. 184, as conquered by
Bellerophon. They are placed by Strabo between Lycia and
Pisidia, and on the heights of Taurus (pp. 630, 631, 667).

ἃ τ “Apvroy, καὶ Τόσιβιν. The names in Plutarch are Arsalus,
Dryus, and Troesobus.

ἃ 4 Σκιροὺς θεούς. For σκληρούς, the reading in Plutarch,
Eusebius has substituted oxpovs, which probably has the same
meaning ‘ hard.’

ἃ 8 εἶπεν ὁ ξένος. The speaker was Cleqgmbrotus, who had
recently returned from long wandering in Egypt and beyond the
Red Sea (Plut. Mor. 410 A).

189 ἃ 3 ‘Eppatos. Cf. Plut. De Is, et Osir. 365 F ἐμφαίνει δὲ
τοῦτο καὶ 6 Ἑρμαῖος ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ περὶ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. Ibid. 368 B
τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον ὄνομα τοῦ θεοῦ (Ὀσίριδος) τὸν Ομφιν εὐεργέτην ὁ “Eppatos
φησιν δηλοῦν ἑρμηνευόμενον. ‘Alibi scriptorem non memoratum
repperimus’ (Wytt.). The other four names were all borne by
authors of repute.

Ὁ 1 τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ὥς φησι, δαιμόνων. Porphyry’s statements con-

167

189 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

cerning evtt daemons have been already set forth at large in
Book IV.

C 4 μαρτύρεται. Cf. 143 ἃ 2.
6] 190 a 2 ὁ ἐν Βραγχίδαις. See note on 61 ἃ g Διδυμέα.

ἃ 8 ra ἀρρητότατα τῶν ἀρρήτων. Cf. 144 ¢ 4.

7) 1091 Ὁ : ποτὲ δῖα μάταιον. The unintelligible and unmetrical
reading of A ποτ᾽ ἀδείμαντον is well replaced by δῖα μάταιον in
BIO, and there is no need of conjectures such as θέσπισμα μάταιον
(Lobeck, Aglaoph, 225) or ἄειδε μάταιον (Voss, marg., Unger).
Homer constantly uses δία in such phrases as δῖα θεάων, δῖα
γυναικῶν (Od. iv. 305). Cf. Orph. Hymn. viii. 1 δῖα σελήνη.

C6 Kat μήποτε x.r.A. This opinion on the nature of the soul
is commonly printed as if it were a reflexion of Eusebius. But
Wolff ascribes it more correctly to Porphyry, so that Eusebius
begins again with the words Tatra οὐκ ἐμά.

τρίμορφος τριμερής te. Hecate was τρίμορφος, Proserpina,
Luna, Diana, described by herself 175 ὁ 7 a8 τριστοίχον φύσεως
συνθήματα τρισσὰ φέρουσα. Apparently it occurs to Porphyry that
this character of Hecate, as ‘uniting the threefold elements of
nature’ (175 Ὁ 9), and able to give a soul to the world (ψυχῶσαι)
may be the source of the three principles in the soul defined by
Plato in the famous passage of the Republic 436 A, 88 τὸ ἐπιθυ-
μητικόν, τὸ θυμοειδές, and τὸ νοητικόν ΟΣ λογιστικόν.

ἃ 2 πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικὰ καλεῖται. Plut. De Is. et Osir. 372 ἃ καὶ
πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικὰ τὴν σελήνην ἐπικαλοῦνται. Joh. Lydus, De Mens.
iii, 8. 24 καὶ γὰρ ὑγρὰ τὴν φύσιν ἡ σελήνη, ὅθεν καὶ ai περὶ ἐρώτων
μαγγανεῖαι πρὸς αὐτὴν γίγνονται (Wolff), Porphyry does not
mention τὸ νοητικόν as not being concerned πρὸς τὰ ἐρωτικά.

d 5 Πάνυ δέ με θράττε. Aug. De Cio. x. 11 ‘Miratur autem
quod non solum dii alliciantur victimis, sed etiam compellantur
atque cogantur facere quod homines volunt.’

For further notes on this passage see the longer quotation
197 d1.

192 ἃ 6 τί καὶ τίνι (αὐτοί). Neither τίνα αὐτῷ AH, nor τί καὶ
viv αὐτῶν BIO, is free from suspicion. ‘avroi scripsit Wolff, quem
secutus est Dindorf, a lectione codicum procul recedens ’ (Heikel).
The difference between αὐτῶι and αὐτοὶ seems to me but slight,
and the sense is certainly improved by the emphatic αὐτοὶ δεδη-
λώκασιν. Wolff and Dindorf cut the knot by omitting both τίνα

168

BOOK V. CHAPS, 5-8 192 a

and ri καὶ τίνι, and in my translation I have done the same.
Heikel omits τί καί and explans τίνι αὐτῶν thus: ‘Et munera
(6 re) uniuscuiusque et nomina eorum (rin αὐτῶν) afferuntur.’ If
καὶ τί καὶ τίνι is retained the passage might be rendered, 80 as
to avoid tautology, ‘what office is assigned to each, and why,
and to which.’

a7 Διδυμαῖος. Cf. 61d 9.

πεῦσις.. Cf. Plut. Mor. 614 D πεύσεις ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ μὴ
γλίσχρας.

ἃ 9 Μητέρι μὲν μακάρων. Athenag. Leg. xxii πρὸς δὲ τοὺς
λέγοντας τὸν μὲν Κρόνον χρόνον, τὴν δὲ Ῥέαν γῆν, τὴν μὲν συλλαμ-
βάνουσαν ἐκ τοῦ Κρόνου καὶ ἀποτίκτουσαν, ἔνθεν καὶ μήτηρ πάντων
νομίζεται.

br Hom. Hymn. In Matr. Deor. xiv. 3

ἡ KpordAwy τυπάνων τ᾽ ἰαχὴ σύν τε βρόμος αὐλῶν
εὔαδεν.

Ὁ 2 Παλλάξδι δ᾽ εὐπήληκι. Cf. Anth. Pal. vi. 120

ἀλλὰ καὶ εὐπήληκος ᾿Αθηναίης ἐπὶ δουρὶ
τὸν τέττιγ ὄψει μ᾽, ὦνερ, ἐφεζόμενον.
μόθοι. Tom. Jl. vii. 117 καὶ εἰ μόθου ἔστ᾽ ἀκόρητος.

b 6 εὐαλδῆ. Plut. Mor. 664 Ὦ τὰ δὲ ἀστραπαῖα τῶν ὑδάτων

εὐαλδῇ καλοῦσιν οἱ γεωργοί.

σταχνητρόφα. Anth. Pal, vii. 209
ὄφρα σε καὶ φθίμενον Δηοῦς σταχνητρόφος αὖλαξ
θέλγῃ ἀροτραίῃ κείμενον ἐν θαλάμῃ.

8] 198 ἃ 1 ὁ Ῥόδιος Πυθαγόρας. ‘Scriptor ignotus. Videtur
περὶ θεῶν scripsisse. Aeneas Gaz. Theophrasti, p. 61, Boisson:
Ὁ γοῦν Πυθαγόρας, οὐχ ὁ Σάμιος ἀλλ᾽ ὁ ἱῬόδιος, μέλλων ψυχομαντείαν
παραδιδόναι, τίνες οἱ καλούμενοι τὸ πρῶτον ἐπιζητεῖ πότερον θεοὶ ἢ
δαίμονες ” (Wolff).

Ὁ 3 εὐμαρέστερον. Cf. 3 Ὁ 3 εὐμαρῶς, note.

6 2 πειθανάγκην. Cic. Epp. ad Atticum, ix. 13 ‘Ego autem
non tam γοητείαν huius timeo quam πειθανάγκην. Αἱ yap τῶν
τυράννων δεήσεις, inquit Πλάτων, οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι μεμιγμέναι ἀνάγκαις" The
passage of Plato is Epp. υἱὶ. 3290 D τὰς δὲ τῶν τυράννων δεήσεις
ἴσμεν, ὅτι μεμιγμέναι ἀνάγκαις εἰσίν. The same interpretation of
the word is given by Suidas and adopted by Casaubon in Polyb.
Xxii. 25. 8 ἡ pera Bias πειθώ, where Schweighduser proposes the
less suitable meaning ἡ ἀνάγκη τοῦ πείθεσθαι.

169

198 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν. The reference seems to be to the verses
quoted at 191 b, as being from the same poem.

C 4 ἀπείριτον. Cf. Hom. Od. x. 195

νῆσον, τὴν πέρι πόντος ἀπείριτος ἐστεφάνωται.

Ο 6 reqs ὑποθημοσύνῃσι, literally, at thy suggestions. Cf. Hom.

Il, xv. 412
ὑποθημοσύνῃσιν ᾿Αθήνης.

ἃ 4 πολνφράδμονος. Ap. Rh. Arg. i. 1311 wodvdpadpov
ὑποφήτης.

ἃ " Ἰίπτε... χατίζων. The accusative after χατίζων is unusual;
but see 195 ὁ 3 Tire ἐπιδευόμενοι. ‘Usus ab Homerio τίπτε δέ
σε xpew; (Jl. x. 85; Od. i. 225) profectus est’ (Wolff).

ἃ 8 θειοδάμοις ... ἀνάγκαις. Lucian, Phars. vi. 490

‘Cuius commercia pacti
Obstrictos habuere deos? Parere necesse est
An iuvat??
Claudian, In Rufin. i. 147
‘Novi quo Thessala cantu
Eripiat lunare iubar, quid signa sagacis
Aegypti valeant, qua gens Chaldaea vocatis
Imperet arte deis.’
These and many similar passages are quoted by Seguier in
a very learned note.

ἃ το (ἀπορρήτοις). For this we find ἀπειρίτοις in AHO, probably
suggested by the occurrence of the same word in c 4. Viger
suggests ἀπορρήτοις which is adopted by Dindorf and by Lobeck,
Aglaoph. 730, who refers to Iambl. De Myst. vi. 6 ὁ θεουργὸς διὰ
τὴν δύναμιν τῶν ἀπορρήτων συνθημάτων ἐπιτάττει τοῖς κοσμικοῖς.

᾿ ἔυγξιν. The ἴυγξ or ‘wryneck,’ whirled round on a magic
wheel, was used as a love-charm for gods and men. Cf. Pind.
Pyth. iv. 381

ποικίλαν ἴυγγα τετράκναμον Οὐλυμπόθεν
ἐν ἀλύτῳ ζεύξαισα κύκλῳ
μαινάδ' ὄρνιν Κυπρογένεια φέρεν
πρῶτον ἀνθρώποισι.
In Theocr. Jd. ii the frequent refrain is
"Ivyé, ἕλκε τὺ τῆνον ἐμὸν ποτὶ δῶμα τὸν ἄνδρα.

19482 ἀήταις. Plat. Crat. 410 B οἱ ποιηταὶ τὰ πνεύματα ἀήτας

καλοῦσι (L. and Sc.). |
176

BOOK V. CHAP. 8 194 a

ἃ 3 πανομφέας. Cf. Hom. Jl. viii. 250
ἔνθα πανομφαίῳ Ζηνὶ ῥέζεσκον ᾿Αχαιοί.

& 4 εἰσκρίνεις. ‘Vulgo hoc verbum dicitur de animarum in
corpora nascentium transitione, ἡ τῆς ψυχῆς εἴσκρισις Philopon. De
Mund. Creat. vi. 25. 597 A τὰς ψυχὰς εἰσκρίνεσθαι σώμασι : Philo,
De Mund, 1151 B; Porph. Abst. i. 19 ‘unde transfertur ad dae-
monum et in statuas et in homines insinuationem magicam, ut in
Hecatae Oraculo Euseb. v. 8,’ Lobeck, Aglaoph. (Wolff).

Ὁ 2 For ἐπιμύσαντες the metre requires ἐπημύσαντες, ‘ bowing
to” Cf. Hom. ἢ. ii. 148

ἐπί τ᾽ ἡμύει ἀσταχύεσσιν.
Ibid. 373
τῷ κε τάχ᾽ ἡμύσειε πόλις Πριάμοιο ἄνακτος.

b 3 Δηώϊον. Scaliger’s emendation in place οὗ δήϊοι AH here
and δηΐῳ 145 ἃ 7. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 747, note 6 “ Δηώ ist
Hypokoriston von Δημήτηρ (Hom. Hymn. in Cer. 492 Δηοῖ ἄνασσα).
Ovid, Metam. viii. 759 ‘ Deoia quercus.’

Ὁ 4 ὑποφήτορεςς. Ap. Rh. Arg. i. 22

Μοῦσαι δ᾽ ὑποφήτορες εἶεν ἀοιδῆς.

C I ἑαυτῶν depends on ἐπανάγκους (AHI), χρησμούς being under-
stood after ἐκδιδόασιν, and χρησμός with ἐκδοθείς below. Cf.
Grenfell and Hunt, Fayoum Towns, Pap. xc. 12, xci. 15, where
érdvayxov seems to be used adverbially, as ἐπάναγκες in Oryrh. Pap.
clil. 16, cxxxiii. 17. Cf. 1. Firmic. Mat. De errore profanorum,
rell. (col. 1014) (quoting from Porphyry περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσο-
φίας) : ‘In primis enim librorum partibus, id est in ipsis auspiciis,
[positus] dixit :

Serapis vocatus, et intra corpus hominis collocatus,talia respondit:
... Serapis tuus ab homine vocatur et venit, et cum venerit
statim iussus includitur, et loquendi necessitas, nolenti forsitan,
imperatur.’

ἃ 8 δοχῆος.ς Cf. 126 ὁ 6 δοχέως.

ἃ 9 λεπταλέων ὑμένων. Cf. Theophrast. Fr. de Sensibus, 37
λέγει τοὺς ὑμένας τῶν ὀμμάτων λεπτοὺς εἶναι: Aristot. Hist.
Animal, iii. 13 Μέγιστοι δὲ τῶν ὑμένων εἰσὶν οἵ τε περὶ τὸν
ἐγκέφαλον δύο, κιτιλ.

μαλακὸν δ᾽ ἐνέπλησε χιτῶνα. The context seems to point to
the coating of the inward organs, as in Aristot. De Partibus
Animal, iv. 5. 11 ἐν χιτῶνι ὑμενώδει.
171

190. α'ἴ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

195 8 2 αὐλοῦ. Hom. Il. xvii. 297
ἐγκέφαλος δὲ παρ᾽ αὐλὸν ἀνέδραμεν ἐξ ὠτειλῆς.
Schol. αὐλὸς γὰρ καλεῖται πᾶν τὸ στενὸν καὶ ἐπίμηκες κατὰ μεταφορὰν
τοῦ ὀργάνου. Here it means the throat.
9] o1 βροτός. In this and the next verse the speaker is the
daemon, who pleads that the mortal δοχεύς possessed by him can
bear the strain no longer.
© 5 ἕρπε. ‘Come hither,’ as in Eur. Andr. 722
ἕρπε δεῦρ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀγκάλας, βρέφος.
Wolff thinks that ἐπιέρχεο is corrupt. As the daemon is the
speaker, and τόνδε the δοχεύς, the line would have been better
translated
‘Hither come quickly, and this mortal save.’

G1 περίφρων. Literally, ‘Cease, cunning man, from spells.’

ἃ 2 (θάμνων). This is Viger’s conjecture for τάμνων. I have
rendered θάμνων, which is a general term for shrubs, by ‘ willow ἢ
(λύγος), ‘xpos δεσμοὺς yap καὶ πλέγματα ἡ λύγος ἐπιτήδειος ᾽ (Athen.
XV. II).

ἃ 3 (Νειλαίην). Vig. νηλείην A, ‘cruel,’ for which the proper
form would be νηλειῆ. Νειλέην H, from which Viger conjectured
Νειλαίην, and Lobeck, Aglaoph. i. 108 Νειλῴην, both forms being
in use. Egypt was famous for its fine linen, Hdt. ii. 86. 95.

ἃ 5 ‘Ywirpwpov. Wolff ‘ pedem meum ad caelum tolle.’ But
it was the man’s body that was occupied by the daemon.

196 @ 2 Μούσαις (péra) λύετε. The various readings of the
MSS. are corrupt: μιγαλοίοτε AH, μέγα λύετε BIO Gaisf., μίγα Vig.
Marg. Heinichen, μέγα κλείετε Dind. Μούσαις μέτα seems to be an
obvious emendation.

ἃ 3 (θείαις). Wolff's emendation for θειαὶ AH, θεαὶ BIO.

ἃ 6 γραμμάς. Magic circles or other figures, within which the
daemons were confined. Cf. Goethe, Faust (Mephistopheles to the
Witch)

‘Zieh deinen Kreis, sprich deine Spriiche.’
‘Draw thy circle, speak thy spells.’

6 4 περιέργον. Acts xix. 19 τῶν τὰ περίεργα πραξάντων, ‘ curious
arts,’ ‘magical,’ Marg. R.V.

9 6 τούτων (AH), ‘this testimony of theirs’; but τούτῳ (10), ‘ to
him,’ cf. 193 a, is better.

ἃ μαγγανείαις. Plat. Legg. 908 D, 933 A.

172

BOOK V. CHAPS. 8-10 197 4

10] 197d 1-d 5. Quoted before, 191 ἃ.

ἃ 2 δίκαιον εἶναι ἀξιοῦντες. The answer is more ingenious than
direct, Iambl. De Myst. ἵν. 4 πρὸς δὴ τοῦτο ἔχω περὶ τοῦ δικαιο-
πραγεῖν διαμφισβητῆσαι. He goes on to say that the gods, when
their just vengeance is invoked against an evil-doer, look not only
at the present crime but at his whole past life, and at the whole
moral order of the world, and so judge differently from mankind.

ἃ 6 ἀπὸ ἐμψύχων μὲν ἀποχῆς . . . εἶναι, ‘to be of the sect of
abstainers from animal food.’ Demosth. 288. 18 τινὰ τῶν ἀπὸ
τῆς σκηνῆς. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 620. 3.

ἃ 8 νεκροῦ μὲν ἀθιγῆ. Seguier remarks, ‘ Nihil aliud est quam
nova exhibitio versuum Euripidis in Jph. in Taur. 380

τὰ τῆς θεοῦ δὲ μέμφομαι σοφίσματα,
ἥτις, βροτῶν μὲν ἦν τις ἅψηται φόνου
ἢ καὶ λοχείας ἢ νεκροῦ θίγῃ χεροῖν,
βωμῶν ἀπείργει, μυσαρὸν ὡς ἡγουμένη,
αὐτὴ δὲ θυσίαις ἥδεται βροτοκτόνοις.

198 8 1 ἐπόπτην. Cf. 30 b, 65 Ὁ; Iambl. vi. 1.

& 5 ἀπειλὰς προσφέρονται An example of such threats is given
by Wiedemann, 274, should the gods refuse to come, ‘ Then shall
ye be destroyed, ye nine gods; the heaven shall no longer exist,
the five days over and above the year shall cease to be, offerings
shall no more be made to the gods, the lords of Heliopolis . . . the
mid-day sun shall no longer shine, the Nile shall not bestow its
waters of inundation.’

8 6 τὰ κρυπτὰ τῆς Ἴσιδος. Cf. 47 ὁ 5, 54 Ὁ 4; Hat. ii. 61;
Pausan. 880; Athenag. Legat. 28.

a 7 τὸ ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ ἀπόρρητον. The same phrase occurs twice in
the answer of Iamblichus (De Myst. vi. 5, 7) and has been mis-
understood by editors, who changed 'ABvdw into ἀβύσσῳ (Gale),
or ἀδύτῳ (Taylor). Prof. Flinders Petrie, who has been excavating
the ruins of Abydos, says in a private letter of May 20, 1902,
‘I have no doubt that the Osiris shrine was as old as the kingdom,
i.e. circ. 5000 B.C.’

The head of Osiris was buried at Abydos (Ermann, 320),
which was therefore considered the special grave of this god,
and ‘the secret in Abydos’ was connected with Osiris, as is
‘evident from the language of Iamblichus (vi. 7): ‘The parts of
the universe remain in order, because the beneficent power of

173

198 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Osiris remains pure and undefiled.... All things continue immov-
able and perpetual, because the course of the sun is never stopped.
And all things remain perfect and entire, because the secrets in
Abydos (ra ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ ἀπόρρητα) are never revealed.’ Cf. Masp.
i. 196; Strab. 814.

bi Bapw. The name for an Egyptian boat. Cf. Hdt. ii. 96;

Aesch. Suppl. 874
Αἰγυπτίαν yap Bapw οὐχ tre t.

Plut. De Is. et Osir. 364 D. ‘The sun and moon they symbolize
as using not chariots but boats.’ In the present passage βᾶριν
refers to the solar bark in which the dead were conveyed to the
place of burial, and in which (if the mummy were previously taken
to the tomb of Osiris at Abydos) the soul of the deceased went
straight to the very spot whence he descended into Hades through
@ narrow gorge or ‘cleft’ in the Libyan range: see Masp. i. 196.

στήσει. Cf. G. W. (Birch, iii. 442) ‘If the cries ‘of the
women) cease but for a minute, the bearers of the bier protest
that they cannot proceed, that a supernatural power roots them to
the spot.’ Cf. 6. W. ibid. 444. As the Baps was the solar bark,
the symbolical meaning of the threat στήσειν τῆν Bapw was ‘to
stop the course of the sun.’

διασκεδάσει τῷ Tupow. Cf. 46 ἃ 7.

Ὁ 2 τίνα οὐχ ὑπερβολὴν ... καταλείπει. Eusebius here borrows
his phraseology from Polybius, xvi. 23. 4 ὑπερβολὴν ov κατέλιπον
χαρᾶς, ibid. 25.6 do ὑπερβολὴν μὴ καταλιπεῖν. Either οὐχ must,
be rejected in Eusebius, or he has misused the phrase.

ἐμπληξίας. Cf. Aeschin. 84. 30 τὴν τοῦ Δημοσθένους ἐμπληξίαν
καὶ δειλίαν.

b 5 Χαιρήμων. Cf. 92 a note.

ἱερογραμματεύς. Clem. Al, 657 ‘Those who are educated
among the Egyptians learn first of all that style of Egyptian writ-
ing which is called Epistolographic, and secondly the Hieratic,
which the sacred scribes (‘Iepoypappareis) use, and lastly the
Hierogly phic.’

CG I τὸν ἐξ ἰλύος ἀναφανέντα. Cf. Iambl. De Myst. vii. 2, where the
mud (iAvs) represents everything material and corporeal, out of
which the god is revealed as its cause, rising above and transcend-
ing it. ‘ The following symbol likewise testifies the truth of this.’

ἐπὶ τῷ λωτῷ καθήμενον. Iambl. ibid. ‘The sitting above the
174

BOOK V. CHAP. IO 198 ¢

lotus symbolizes a transcendency which has no contact with
the iAuvs, and implies an intellectual empire.’ A different inter-
pretation is given by G. W. (Birch, iii. 128 ff.); cf. Rawlinson,
Hat. ii. 92, note ro.

6 2 ἐπὶ πλοώυ ναντιλλόμενον. Iambl. ibid. ‘ The god sailing in
a ship represents the power which governs the world. As there-
fore the pilot, being separate from the ship, presides over the
rudder, so the sun subsisting separately presides over the helm of
the whole world.’ This, again, is differently interpreted by
G. W. (Birch, iii. 458) ‘Of Charon it may be observed that both
his name and character are taken from Horus, who had the
peculiar office of steersman in the sacred boats of Egypt; and the
piece of money given him for ferrying the dead across the Styx
appears to have been borrowed from the gold or silver plate put
into the mouth of the dead by the Egyptians.’

C 3 κατὰ ζώδιον μετασχηματιζόμενον. Jambl. ibid. vii. 3 ‘Since,
however, every part of the heavens, and every sign of the zodiac,
all the motion of the heavens, and every period of time according
to which the world is moved, and all things in the universe receive
powers descending from the sun, . .. the symbolical mode of signi-
fication represents these also, saying that the sun changes his
forms every hour, and is transfigured according to the signs of
the zodiac.’ |

Ὁ 4 αὐτοπτεῖσθαι. Cf. Iambl. ibid. οὐκ ἐν ταῖς αὐτοψίαις μόνον,
‘not only in visions which are seen by the bodily eyes’ (Taylor).
Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea τ τὰ μὲν αὐτοψίῃ ἔμαθον.

69 τὰ ἄσημα . . . ὀνόματα. IJamblichus (vii. 4) replies that
such names, even if unintelligible to us, are all significant to the
gods after an ineffable manner, different from any process of
human reason. Taylor in his note refers to Plato, Crat. 391 D
κάλλιστα ἐν ols διορίζει (Ὅμηρος) ἐπὶ rots αὐτοῖς d τε οἱ ἄνθρωποι
ὀνόματα καλοῦσι καὶ οἱ θεοί.

τὰ βάρβαρα. Iambl. ibid. ‘This also has a mystical reason.
For since the gods have shown that the whole dialect of sacred
nations, such as Egyptians and Assyrians, is becoming to things
sacred, we ought also for this reason to think it right to present
our communications to the gods in the language congenial to them.’
Cf. Pausan. 449 ἐπίκλησιν ὅτον δὴ θεῶν ἐπᾷάδει βάρβαρα καὶ οὐδαμῶς
ξυνετὰ Ἕλλησιν.

375

498 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 2 τὸ ἀκοῦον. Iambl. vii. 5 ᾿Αλλ᾽ 6 ἀκούων, φῇς, K.7.A.
αὐτάρκης ἡ αὐτὴ μένουσα ἔννοια. The answer of Iamblichus is
that if names were given conventionally, it would be a matter of
indifference to change one for another; but if they are adapted to
the nature of things, those which are most assimilated to it must
be most welcome to the gods; and if the names are translated,
they do not convey the same ideas.

ἃ 5 Αἰγυπτίᾳ χρώμενος φωνῇ. Iambl. ibid. vii. 5 πρῶτος καὶ
παλαιός ἐστιν ὁ τοιοῦτος τρόπος τῆς φωνῆς. Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea,
2 Πρῶτοι μὲν ὧν ἀνθρώπων, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, Αἰγύπτιοι λέγονται θεῶν
τε ἐννοίην λαβεῖν, . . . πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ οὐνόματα ἱρὰ ἔγνωσαν καὶ λόγους
ἱροὺς ἔλεξαν.

ἃ 6 τεχνάσματα. Jambl, ibid. εἰ δ᾽ αὖ γοήτων ἐστὶ ταῦτα πάντα
τεχνάσματα κ.τ.λ.

προκαλύμματα. Jambl. ibid. ‘But neither are these veiled
symbols (προκαλύμματα) of our passions which we ascribe to the
divine nature.’

ἃ 8 ἐναντίας ἐννοίας. Iambl. ibid. ‘Nor do we form ideas of
the divine nature contrary to its own real mode of existence.’

199 8 3 of μὲν ἀπαθεῖς, οἱ δὲ ἐμπαθεῖς. TIambl. i. 10 τῇ τοῦ
ἐμπαθοῦς καὶ ἀπαθοῦς διαφορᾷ χωρίζεις τῶν κρειττόνων τὰς οὐσίας,
κιτιλ.

& 4 αἰσχρορρημοσύνας. Tambl. i. 11 τὰς δ᾽ αἰσχρολογίας, x.t.A.

& 5 θεῶν κλήσεις. TIambl. i. 12 ᾿Αλλὰ αἱ κλήσεις, φησίν, κιτ.λ.

προσκλήσεις αὐτῶν. Iambl. ibid. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ αἱ προσκλήσεις
διὰ πάθους συνάπτουσι τοῖς θεοῖς τοὺς ἱερέας" κιτλ. In πρόσκλησις
besides ‘invocation’ (κλῆσις) there is the further meaning of
invoking aid to ourselves.

a6 μήνιδος ἐξιλάσεις. Iambl. i. 13. Gale translates this:
‘Sed et ratio possit reddi supplicationum quibus divinam iram
procuramus, si recte intelligamus qualis sit deorum ira.’ Taylor
calls this ‘most erroneous,’ apparently himself misunderstanding
‘procuramus’ in the sentence which he has underlined.

ἐκθύσεις, ‘expiatory offerings.’ JIambl. ibid. Ai δὲ ἐκθύσεις
ὅ τι πάρεστι κακὸν évrois περὶ γῆν τόποις ἰατρεύουσι.

b 1 ἀνάγκαι θεῶν. Iambl. i. 14 θεῶν ἴδιαι ἀνάγκαι καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ
θεῶν γίγνονται. ‘It is well observed by Proclus that “divine
necessity concurs with the divine will.” Θεία ἀνάγκη συντρέχει
τῇ θείᾳ βουλήσει. Proclus in Tim. lib. i’ (Taylor),

376

BOOK V. CHAPS. 110-12 199 b

Ὁ 2 Εἰ δ᾽ ov παρεῖται μέν. Cf. Seguier, ‘Merus soloecismus est,
et ferri nequit.? But see Hermann’s note (p. 831) on Vig. De
Idiot. Gr. ‘ Desideramus exempla in quibus εἰ δ᾽ ov legatur. Nam
in quibus legitur, in iis οὐ non est pro μή positum sed artissime
coniungi cum verbo aliquo sequenti debet, ita ut cum hoc verbo
coniunctum unam notionem constituat. Hom. Jl. xxiv. 296
εἰ δέ τοι οὐ δώσει ἐὸν ἄγγελον εὑρύοπα Ζεύς, Thuc. i. 121
(εἰ οἱ μὲν ἐκείνων ξύμμαχοι . . . οὐκ ἀπεροῦσιν), Eur. Med.
88 (εἰ τούσδε γ᾽ εὐνῆς οὕνεκ᾽ οὐ στέργει πατήρ) ubi fallitur
Elmsleius.’

6 3 xaradécpous. Plat. Rep. 364 C ἐπαγωγαῖς τισι καὶ καταδέσμοις
τοὺς θεούς, ὥς φασι, πείθοντές σφισιν ὑπηρετεῖν. Stallbaum refers
to Ruhnk, Tim. Lex. ’Exaywyai, Plat. Legg. 933 A, D καταδέσεσιν.
11] 200 82 zap’ αὐτῶν μαθόντες ἄνθρωποι. On the instruction
of mankind by the gods, see Plat. Protag. 322 C.

& 4 παραστατικά, ‘tending to prove,’ ‘confirmatory.’ Clem.
Al. 862 ὀμνύναι ἐστὶ τὸ ὅρκον ἀπὸ διανοίας προσφέρεσθαι παρα-
στατικῆς (MS. παραστατικῶφ), J. Β. Mayor, Index in Clem. Al.
Strom. vii. Sext. Emp. Math. viii. 249 εἰ τὸ σημεῖον ἀληθές, εἶναι
δεῖ καὶ ἀληθοῦς παραστατικόν.

παραθησόμεθα, ‘quote in one’s own favour.’ Plat. Polit.
275 B τὸν μῦθον παρεθέμεθα.

& 5 ἀμάρτυρον. Thuc. ii. 41 οὐ δή τοι ἀμάρτυρόν γε τὴν δύναμιν

παρασχόμενοι.
12] c1 πηγάνον. Theophrast. Hist. Plant.i. 3. 4 τῶν τε γὰρ φρυ-
γανωδῶν καὶ λαχανωδῶν ἔνια μονοστελέχη καὶ οἷον δένδρου φύσιν ἔχοντα
γίνεται καθάπερ ῥάφανος πήγανον. For ἀγρίοιο δέμας Wolff adopts
Scaliger’s conjecture ἀγρίον δέσμας, but the expression δένδρου
φύσιν implies that there would be wood large enough for the body
of the statue.

6 2 κατοικιδίοις σκαλαβώταις. Aristot. Plant. i. 4. 13 Πάλιν τῶν
φυτῶν τὰ μέν εἰσι κατοικίδια τὰ δὲ κηπαῖα καὶ ἕτερα ἄγρια.

Meinecke, Menander, Kunuch. Fr. 3, ‘Grammat. Bekk. p. 452
᾿Ασκαλαβώτην οὐχὶ καλαβώτην λέγουσι, μᾶλλον δὲ γαλεώτην.᾽

C 4 ζώοισι καὶ (αἰθριάσας). A has ἀθροίσας, and ΒΟ ὑπαιθριάσας.
For the sake of the metre I have adopted αἰθριώόσας. Wolff reads
ζῴοις καὶ ὑπαιθριάσας, rendering the last word ‘ postquam pernoc-
tavisti sub divo.’ ‘Phe transitive sense, ‘ after exposing in the
open air,’ seems preferable. See Schol. ad Theocr. Jd. ii. 12

es N 177

236 < THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

\Gaist. 22et. Min. Gr. vol. 5; τῶν καμπῶν . . . aes ἀνατρέφει κατὰ
τὴν τοῦ Qwros taparcyomw. See [13 ἃ 5, note.
ἃ Σ: αὐτογενεθλυα. Hermann. Urpaiea, Fr. xxxviiil. πατρικὸς

ἃ 4 ἀναύμησεις. Enr. Hee. Jad

ἃ 5 vale ghiwre (ἐξ car ¢ a for the desxription of the
Statue στα mesnt.
ES] Mla 5 Super. See wee an gy ἢ. ani G. W. (Birch, iii.
ag £), where 2 fuil swcount 5 even Soth of the original Egyptian
Serapis, amu of Qe stacue Jrought trom Sinope to Alexandria in
che τοῦτα uf Ptuemy Sveer. and identitied by the Greeks with
Sarapis,
~ Ws υυμσν. = Dini. Sic. 11, 37 διὰ δὲ τοῦ reperou τῶν

kr uurqusner. * ‘iummas superantem ’ (Wolff).
Be yawn. Huon Ud. xi. G11 χαροποί τε λέοντες, ‘ bright-

ered.
wwe: gums Hum. Il. v. 723 κύκλα σιδηρέῳ ἄξονι ἀμφίς
(Bak.
ὃς samwwows, Evan if. xv. 103

wank sareroy Ge” ἀφρύσι κυανέησιν
sarén.

C5 τοακιωζιελε. Swe τς ἢ & and Bote.

C6 ‘Euery Hecate δὲ xapetinns: Neatified with Persephone,
and even with Demeter, as in ὁ ἃ: bat more usually she
accompanies Demeter in the search for ber daughter, carrying
a torch. See Hom. Hyman. Cer. 24, 438, Hesiod. Theog. 411 ff.
On a vase at Naples Persephone is brought to her mother by
Hermes and Hecate (Preller, Gr. Myth. 763).

Ο ἢ πάντα roe. This refers to some previous directions about
the shrine in which the statue was to be placed: ξόανον δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ.

dyAaoxdprov. See note on 113 ὁ 9.

G1 δράκοντες, Cf. Soph. Ῥιζοτόμοι Fr. 480, where Hecate is

described as

στεφανωσαμένη
δρυσὶ καὶ πλεκταῖς
ὦμῶν σπείραισι δρακόντων.

BOOK V. CHAPS. 12-14 202 b

14] 202 b2 Κλήζειν Ἑρμείην. ‘Quidni Mercurio dies Mercurii?
Quare conjicio . . . KAnew Ἑρμῆν τοῦδ᾽ ἤματι, Ἤέλων δέ᾽
(Wolff). Instead of so violent an alteration of the text, it would
be better to suppose that the preceding verse contained some
such words as ἥματι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ
‘On his own day

Hermes thou must invoke, the Sun likewise

On the Sun’s day.’

CI τῆς ἐπταφθόγγου βασιλεύς. ‘The seven-toned lyre’ is
mentioned in Eur. Jon 881, where Apollo is addressed as

ὦ τᾶς ἑπταφθόγγον μέλπων
κιθάρας ἑνοπάν.

C 2 Ὀστάνην, ἃ common Magian name. See note on 42 ἃ.

GI οὐρανοῦ, ‘poeta adiecerat, ne ambages deessent oraculo’
(Wolff). I was myself at first misled by the ambiguous language.
See the Corrigenda.

ἀστέρες of θαλάττιοι. ‘Star-fish.’ Aristot. Hist. Anim. v. 15.
20 6 δὲ καλούμενος ἀστὴρ οὕτω θερμός ἐστι τὴν φύσιν, ὥσθ᾽, ὅ τι ἂν
λάβῃ, παραχρῆμα ἐξαιρούμενον δίεφθον εἶναι. Plut. Mor. 987 Β
quotes the star-fish as an example of the craft of animals in
catching their prey. Ὁ μὲν yap ἀστὴρ ὧν ἂν ἅψηται, πάντα διαλνό-
μενα καὶ διατηκόμενα γινώσκων, ἐνδίδωσι τὸ σῶμα καὶ περιορᾷ ψανό-
μενος ὑπὸ παριόντων ἢ προσπελαζόντων. Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxii. 5.
16 ‘Stella marina vulpino sanguine illita et adfixa limini
superiori aut (tolle aut) clavo aereo ianuae.’ Wolff, who refers to
Lobeck, Aglaoph. 1336 f, adds that the nailing the star-fish
before the doors shows that there was to be a shrine of Hecate
προπυλαία.

ἃ 5 κηρὸν ἐν πυρὸς μένει. Cf. Theocr. Id. ii. 28

ὡς τοῦτον τὸν καρὸν ἐγὼ σὺν δαίμονι τάκω,
ὡς τάκοιθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος ὃ Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Δέλφις.
G10 δεῖμα νερτέρων κυνῶν. Theocr. ibid. 10
ἀλλά, Σελάνα,
φαῖνε καλόν: τὶν γὰρ ποταείσομαι ἅσυχα, δαῖμον,
τᾷ χθονίᾳ θ᾽ Ἑ κάτᾳ, τὰν καὶ σκύλακες τρομέοντι.
Verg. Aen. Vi. 257
‘Visaeque canes ululare per umbram
Adventante dea.’

N2 179

202 ἢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

d11 Ἑκάτης. Wolff corrects the metre * substituting τῆς
θεᾶς, and adds a full stop.

ἃ 12 λαμπάς. Hecate holding a torch meets Demeter in | her
search for Persephone : Hom. Hymn. Cer. 52

qvrero οἱ Ἑκάτη σέλας ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχουσα.

ἃ 13 ξίφος. In Lucian, Philopseudes 22, Hecate appears
amid earthquake and thunder, as a woman three hundred feet
high, holding a torch in her left hand, and in her right a sword
twenty cubits long; with serpents for legs and for hair.

G14 δράκων. Hor. Sat. i. 8. 33

‘Hecaten vocat altera, saevam
Altera Tisiphonen. Serpentes atque videres
Infernas errare canes.’

408 a 2 θείς. If this be retained, we must suppose αὐτά or
τὰ ἅμματα to be understood. But Wolff reads δρῦς, which is sup-
ported by στεφανωσαμένη δρυσί in the Fragment of ‘Sophocles
quoted on 201 d 1, and by Ap. Rh. iii. 1214

πέριξ δέ μιν ἐστεφάνωντο
σμερδαλέοι δρυΐνοισι μετὰ πτόρθοισι δράκοντες.

& 3 κλείς. Cf. Orph. Hymn. i. 6 (Εἰς Ἑκάτην)

παντὸς κόσμον κλειδοῦχον ἄνασσαν.
Ibid. ii. 4 Hecate is addressed as Προθυραία, κλειδοῦχε.

&7 & θαυμαστὸς θεολόγος. Cf. Card. A. Mai, De novo Porphyriti
opere, p. Vii ‘Satis est denique testimonium Caesariensis Eusebii,
a quo Porph. licet adversarius insigni tamen cum nominum
honorificentia appellatur (P. E. v. 14; iv. 6). The Cardinal
seems not to have perceived that the praise is severely ironical.

Ὁ 6 φιλοσοφεῖν περὶ ἡμᾶς AH. The words περὶ ἡμᾶς are
omitted in the later MSS. Ι0, and do not improve the sense.

15] 6.2 χαρακτήρων. Cf. Hdt. i. 116 ὅ τε χαρακτὴρ τοῦ προσ-
ωπον.

G1 ὀπάσασθαι. ΑΒ ὁὀπάζω often means ‘to give,’ the middle
Voice means ‘to have given to oneself,’ ‘to receive.’ In Homer
the active meaning is ‘to give as a companion,’ the middle ‘to
take as a companion.’ See Jl. x. 238, xix. 238.

204 a 2 φιλοπαθεῖς, ‘slaves of passion,’ ‘ sensual.’

16] di ᾿Αμφὶ δὲ Πυθώ. Wolff has a long and interesting note,

showing that the following response must have been published

between the times of Nero and of Hadrian, when there was
180

—-

BOOK V. CHAPS. 14-17 204d

@ revival of oracles, and that the probable author of it was
‘Alexander the false Prophet’ who in Lucian 237 sends
inquirers to the various oracles of Apollo

és Κλάρον ἵεσο viv, τοὐμοῦ πατρὸς ὡς Gr ἀκούσῃς.

Βραγχιδέων ἀδύτοισι πελάζεο καὶ κλύε χρησμῶν.

és Μαλλὸν χώρει θεσπίσματά τ᾽ ᾿Αμφιλόχοιο.

(καὶ) Κλαρίην. This is Viger’s conjecture for the corrupt
readings Πυθώοι Κλαρίῃ τε A, Πυθὼ KAapinv re BIO. Tacitus
(Ann. ii. 54) describes the visit of Germanicus to the Clarian
oracle. In Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. 40 Claros is described as
αἰγλήεσσα and in Hymn. ix. 5 ad Artem. a8 ἀμκελόεσσα.

ἃ 2 θεμιτώδεσιν. Strab. 422 κατασκευάσαι τὸ μαντεῖον ᾿Απόλλωνα
μετὰ Θέμιδος. Apollod. i. 4. 3 ᾿Απόλλων . . . ἧκεν els Δελφούς,
χρησμῳδούσης τότε Θέμιδος.

ἃ 8 Διδύμων. Strab. 634 ‘ Next after Poseidion, which belongs
to Miletus, is the oracle of Didymean Apollo at Branchidae, as
much as eighteen furlongs from the sea.? Compare with this the
statement of Pausan. v. 7 ‘There is a river in Ionia similar to
the Alpheus; its source is in the mountain Mycale and it flows
under the sea, and comes up again (ἄνεισιν) at Branchidae at the
harbour called Panormus.’ For ἔασιν, which has no subject
nearer than πηγαί, we might adopt ἄνεισιν from Pausanias.

205 a 3 Νικαεῦσι The Nicaea here meant is probably the
Locrian city close to Thermopylae.

b 4 τοῦ pavreiov. On the famous oracle of Ammon in the
Oasis see 61 d 2. It had been lately visited by Cleombrotus
(Plut. Mor. 410 B).

C5 καθάπερ vayora. Near most of the famous Oracles there
were rivers or fountains whose waters were supposed to inspire
the prophets. See Porphyry, Ep. ad Anebon. 14 οἱ δ᾽ ὕδωρ zivovres,
καθάπερ ὁ ἐν Κολοφῶνι ἱερεὺς τοῦ KAapiov, of δὲ στομίοις παρα»
καθιζόμενοι, ὡς αἱ ἐν Δελφοῖς θεσπίζονσαι, οἱ δ᾽ ἐξ ὑδάτων ἀτμιζόμενοι,
καθάπερ αἱ ἐν Βραγχίδαις προφήτιδες. Cf. Jambi. iii. 11. Wolff
refers to Pausan. ix. 2. 1, Plut. De defect. Orac. 412 B, 437 Ο,
Pausan. v. 7. 3, Strab. 814.

17] 206 at μονονουχὶ δραχμήν. See note on 185 8 4.

a 6 ὦ Ἡρακλέων. There is no evidence to connect the Heracleon
here mentioned with any of the same name otherwise known.

6 2 Δημόκριτος. Cic. Ep. ad Fam. xv. 16; De Nat. Deor. i.

18:

206 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

43 ‘Mihi quidem etiam Democritus ...nutare videtur in natura
deorum. Tum enim censet imagines divinitate praeditas inesse
universitati rerum,... tum animantes imagines, quae vel pro-
desse nobis soleant (εὔλογχα haec εἴδωλα sunt), vel nocere (haec
δυστράπελα) : tum ingentes quasdam imagines tantasque, ut uni-
versum mundum complectantur extrinsecus. Quae quidem omnia
sunt patria Democriti quam Democrito digniora’ (Viger).

6 3 εὐλόγχων, ἃ word formed from λέλογχα the irregular perfect
of Aayxdvw. Cf. Lucian, Soloecist. p. 613 ‘When some one said
λέλογχα for εἴληχα, It is rare, said he, and only found in inaccurate
writers.’ Cf. Plut. Vit. Aemtl. Paulli,c. 1. In Sext. Empir. Ado.
Mathem. ix. 19 εὐλόγχων has been changed into εὐλόγων, which
is less suitable. Zeller, Pre-Socr, Philos. ii. 288 ‘ Democritus
assumed “that there dwelt in the air beings who were similar to
man in form, but superior to him in greatness, power, and
duration of life: these beings manifest themselves when emana-
tions and images, streaming forth from them and often repro-
ducing themselves at a great distance, become visible and audible
to men and animals, and they are held to be gods, although in
truth they are not divine and imperishable, but only less perish-
able than man.”’’

εἰδώλων. On the εἴδωλα of Democritus, see Lucret. v. 1169
‘Quippe etenim iam tum divum mortalia saecla
Egregias animo facies vigilante videbant
Et magis in somnis mirando corporis auctu.’

ο Ἐπιθέρσης. In Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. Epitherses
is mentioned as a grammarian of Nicaea, and possibly the father
of Aemilianus: but in this passage of Plutarch the speaker
Cleombrotus is a Lacedaemonian and calls Epitherses his fellow-
citizen.

ἃ 4 Παξῶν. Two small islands Paxos and Antipaxos lying to
the south of Corcyra, and far to the north of the Echinades.

ἃ 11 Παλῶδεςς The name of a muddy (πηλῶδες) salt-water
lake close to Buthrotum in Epirus.

Πὰν ὁ μέγας. It is to this story that Milton alludes in his
Ode on the Nativity, stanza xx
‘The lonely mountains o’er
And the resounding shore
A voice of weeping heard and loud lament.’
18a

BOOK V. CHAP. 17 207 b

207 Ὁ 4 φιλολόγους, ‘learned,’ ‘studious,’ as in 208 c 1. Stob.
Flor. ii. 36. 26 Ζήνων τῶν μαθητῶν ἔφασκε τοὺς μὲν φιλολόγους
εἶναι τοὺς δὲ λογοφίλους, ibid. Ecl. Eth. vi. 6 [214] μηδ᾽ εἶναι φιλό-
λογον λογόφιλον δὲ μᾶλλον.

Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Πηνελόπης. The neighbourhood of Ithaca would
naturally suggest the name of Penelope, rather than any other of
the reputed mothers of Pan. Cf. Hdt. ii. 145 ‘To the time of Pan,
son of Penelopé (Pan, according to the Greeks, was her child by
Mercury), is a shorter space than to the Trojan war, eight hundred
years or thereabouts.’

C 2 πομπῇ tov βασιλέως. ‘This emperor must be Trajan, as
Demetrius was just returned from Britain at the time of the
dialogue. The island, as lying nearest to the coast, must have
been Anglesey, the focus of Druidism. If Aemilian was an “ old
man” when he told the story just quoted, and his father had
flourished under Tiberius, this dialogue comes down to the end
of the first century’ (C. W. King, Translation of Plutarch On the
cessation of Oracles, p. 93 note).

C6 διοσημίας. Aristoph. Ach. 171

διοσημία ᾽στὶ καὶ pavis βέβληκέ pe.
C 7 πρηστῆρας, ‘hurricanes.’ Lucret. vi. 423
‘ Presteras Grai quos ab re nominitarunt.’
‘If the wind cannot break the cloud, it forces it down in the
shape of a column to the sea, where it bursts and causes a furious
boiling and surging. . .. Epicurus in Diog. L. x. 104 explains
these presteres: Pliny ii. 131-34 will throw more light on Lucr.’
H. A. J. Munro.

ἃ 2 ἀναλάμψεις. The substantive is hardly found elsewhere.
Xen. Cyr. v. 1. 16 τὰ ξύλα οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀναλάμπει.

208 81 ὁ ἡμέτερος Σωτήρ... .. The simplicity of Eusebius in
accepting this tale, and finding in it ‘a lamentation of evil
daemons’ as presaging evil to themselves from our Saviour’s
death, is less wonderful than the credulity of modern writers who
suppose that ‘The Great Pan’ is no other than Christ himself.
See Cudworth, Int. Syst. i. 585, with Mosheim’s long note in
refutation of the strange conceit. In Plutarch the story is told
as evidence that the so-called gods were mortal.

8 5 τῷ περιμένοντι αὐτοὺς Ταρτάρῳ. St. Luke viii. 31, 2 Pet. ii. 4
Taprapwoas.

) 183

208 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

18] ο6 τὴν ᾿Ανδρόγεω τελευτήν. See the note on 209c1. Cf.
Verg. Aen. vi. 20

‘In foribus letum Androgei; tum pendere poenas

Cecropidae iussi, miserum! septena quotannis

Corpora natorum: stat ductis sortibus urna.’
Cf. Cretan Exploration Fund Report, Α. Ὁ. 1901. ‘ Excavations
... continued during the present year have brought to light an
ancient palace of vast extent, which there is every reason to
identify with the traditional House of Minos and at the same
time with the legendary “ Labyrinth.” ’

9 ᾿Ελοίμωσσον. Cf. Lucian, Conser. Hist. 15 of τότε λοιμώξαντες,
in reference to the great plague described by Thucydides.

209 8 5 Σωκράτει τὴν ἀναβολὴν τοῦ Gaydrov. Cf. Plat. Phaed.
58 A.

& 7 Tis τῶν νέων. This author’s name, Oenomaus, is given
below, 213 c. He was a Cynic philosopher of the second century,
who was provoked to denounce the oracles by having been him-
self deceived. His exposure of the oracles, entitled Γοήτων Supa,
is known only from the extracts preserved by Eusebius here and
at 213 d et seqq., 255 Ὁ. Some grammarians distinguish φώρα
‘detection’ from φωρά ‘ theft’: Chandler, Gk. Acc. 164.

19] 961 τὸν ᾿Ανδρόγεων ἀποκτείναντες. ‘ Historiam vide ap. Diod.
iv. 60, 61; Plut. Zhes. 15; Apollod. iii. 15. 7. 3’ (Saarmann,
Adnott. in Oen. Εν. Cf. Pausan. i. 27.

9 4 Διμοῦ καὶ λοιμοῦ «A. ‘ Oraculum ab aliis non traditum ’
(Saarm.).

C6 Miwi. Cf. 208 c 6; Apollod. iii. 1g. 8. 4; Catull. lxiv.
76 seqq.

ἃ 4 ἐθαλασσοκράτει. Cf. Thuc. i. 4; Hdt. i. 171; Apollod. iii.
15. 7- 4 μετ᾽ ov πολὺ δὲ θαλασσοκρατῶν ἐπολέμησε στόλῳ τὰς
᾿Αθήνας.

ἃ 6 Ὁμήρῳ. Hom, Od. xix. 178

ἔνθα τε Μίνως
ἐννέωρος βασίλευε Διὸς μεγάλου ὀαριστής.
Cf. Plat. Legg. 624 ‘Do you believe, as Homer says, that Minos
went every ninth year to converse with his Olympian sire?’
Ps.-Plat. Minos, 14 ‘For dapos means “converse,” and ὀαριστής is
ἃ companion in conversation.’ ‘Miror quod Gaisf. toleraverit
ὀαριστύς (commercium)’ (Saarm.), Cf, Hor. 1 Carm. xxviii. 9
184

BOOK V. CHAPS, 18-20 209 d

‘Et Iovis arcanis Minos admissus’; Saarmann, Adnott. in Oeno-
mai Fr.

210 ἃ 2 ἀποθανουμένους. Catull. ibid. δὲ

‘Ipse suum Theseus pro caris corpus Athenis
Proiicere optavit potius quam talia Cretam
Funera Cecropiae—ne funera—portarentur.’

& 3 κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων δικαστήν. Plat. Gorg. 523 Ε ‘I have
already appointed judges sons of my own, two from Asia, Minos
and Rhadamanthus, and one from Europe, Aeacus ... and upon
Minos I will confer the privilege of deciding in the last resort, in
the case of doubt on the part of the other two’ (Cope).

ἃ 5 κόρων. The MSS. have κορῶν ‘maidens.’ ‘Scribo κόρων,
cum non solum puellae sed etiam adolescentes sint ’ (Saarm.).
20] b 3 τῷ xara τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας. On the various and con-
flicting accounts of the several attempts of the Heracleidae to
gain possession of the Peloponnese see the article ‘ Heracleidae’ in
Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

6 2 6’Apidaiov. Aristomachus was the son of Cleodaeus (Idt.
vi, 52, vii. 204, viii. 131), the mistake in the father’s name being
probably due to the accidental repetition of the first part of the
name Aristomachus, Cleodaeus was slain, as here related, in the
third expedition. Aristomachus about twenty years later con-
sulted the Delphic oracle and misunderstood it. Pausan. 127
᾿Αριστόμαχος ὃ Κλεοδαίον τῆς γενομένης μαντείας ἁμαρτὼν δι᾿ αὐτὸ
καὶ καθόδου τῆς ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἥμαρτεν. According to Apollo-
dorus ii. 8. 1. 2 Aristomachus received the same answer which
had been given to Hyllus who made two unsuccessful expeditions,
that he should wait till τὸν τρίτον καρπόν, and the additional
answer here mentioned by Oenomaus.

Ο 6 crevypav. ‘Vigerus falso vertit “per liquidas fauces,”
quasi verbum orewypés constet ex στενός et ὑγρός. Contra talem
opinionem disputat Galenus xvii. 1. 897 (Kiihn): ov yap éyxetra τὸ
ὑγρὸν ἐν τῇ λέξει, καθάπερ ἄν τις οἰηθείη μὴ γιγνώσκων ὑπὸ τῶν
᾿Ιώνων τὸ στενὸν ὀνομάζεσθαι στενυγρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ στενυγροῦ, ὅπερ οὐδ᾽
αὐτὸ πλέον σημαίνει τοῦ στενοῦ ᾿᾽ (Saarmann).

ἃ 3 γῆν... -. στενυγρήν. ‘Hinc primum apparet in versu
scribendum esse στενυγρῆς᾽ (Wolff). Cf. Theodoret. 139, 41
᾿Αριστόμαχος ov vevonxas τὴν στενυγρήν. Saarmann agrees with
Wolff, and referring to Theodoret and to ἃ 3 yw... στενυγρήν,

185

198 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 2 τὸ ἀκοῦον. TIambl. vii. 5 ᾿Αλλ᾽ 6 ἀκούων, dys, κιτιλ.
αὑτάρκης ἡ αὐτὴ μένουσα ἔννοια. The answer of Jamblichus is
that if names were given conventionally, it would be a matter of
indifference to change one for another; but if they are adapted to
the nature of things, those which are most assimilated to it must
be most welcome to the gods; and if the names are translated,
they do not convey the same ideas.

ἃ 5 Αἰγυπτίᾳ χρώμενος φωνῇ. Iambl. ibid. vii. 5 πρῶτος καὶ
παλαιός ἐστιν ὃ τοιοῦτος τρόπος τῆς φωνῆς. Cf. Lucian, De Syr. Dea,
2 Πρῶτοι μὲν ὧν ἀνθρώπων, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, Αἰγύπτιοι λέγονται θεῶν
τε ἐννοίην λαβεῖν, . . . πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ οὐνόματα ἱρὰ ἔγνωσαν καὶ λόγους
ἱροὺς ἔλεξαν.

ἃ 6 τεχνάσματα. Jambl. ibid. εἰ 8 αὖ γοήτων ἐστὶ ταῦτα πάντα
τεχνάσματα K.T.A.

προκαλύμματα. lambl. ibid. ‘But neither are these veiled
symbols (προκαλύμματα) of our passions which we ascribe to the
divine nature.’

ἃ 8 ἐναντίας ἐννοίας. Jambl. ibid. ‘Nor do we form ideas of
the divine nature contrary to its own real mode of existence.’

199 @ 3 of μὲν ἀπαθεῖς, οἱ δὲ ἐμπαθεῖς. TIambl. i. 10 τῇ τοῦ
ἐμπαθοῦς καὶ ἀπαθοῦς διαφορᾷ xwpiles τῶν κρειττόνων τὰς οὐσίας,
K.T.X,

& 4 αἰσχρορρημοσύνας. Iambl. i. 11 τὰς δ᾽ αἰσχρολογίας, x.t.A.

8 5 θεῶν κλήσεις. Tambl.i. 12 ᾿Αλλὰ αἱ κλήσεις, φησίν, x.7.X.

προσκλήσεις αὐτῶν. Jambl. ibid. ᾿Αλλ’ οὐδ᾽ αἱ προσκλήσεις
διὰ πάθους συνάπτουσι τοῖς θεοῖς τοὺς ἱερέας" κιτιλ. In πρόσκλησις
besides ‘invocation’ (κλῆσις) there is the further meaning of
invoking aid to ourselves.

8 6 μήνιδος ἐξιλάσεις. Iambl. i. 13. Gale translates this:
‘Sed et ratio possit reddi supplicationum quibus divinam iram
procuramues, si recte intelligamus qualis sit deorum ira.’ Taylor
calls this ‘ most erroneous,’ apparently himself misunderstanding
‘procuramus’ in the sentence which he has underlined.

ἐκθύσεις, ‘expiatory offerings.’ Iambl. ibid. Ai δὲ ἐκθύσεις
ὅ τι πάρεστι κακὸν évrois περὶ γῆν τόποις ἰατρεύουσι.

Ὁ ἀνάγκαι θεῶν. Tambl. i. 14 θεῶν ἴδιαι ἀνάγκαι καὶ ὡς ἐπὶ
θεῶν γίγνονται. ‘It is well observed by Proclus that “divine
necessity concurs with the divine will.” Θεία ἀνάγκη συντρέχει
τῇ θείᾳ βουλήσει. Proclus in Tim. lib. i’ (Taylor).

376

BOOK V. CHAPS. I0-I2 199 Ὁ

Ὁ 2 Ei δ᾽ οὐ παρεῖται μέν. Cf. Seguier, ‘Merus soloecismus est,
et ferri nequit.’? But see Hermann’s note (p. 831) on Vig. De
Idiot. Gr. ‘Desideramus exempla in quibus εἰ δ᾽ ovlegatur. Nam
in quibus legitur, in iis οὐ non est pro μή positum sed artissime
coniungi cum verbo aliquo sequenti debet, ita ut cum hoc verbo
coniunctum unam notionem constituat. Hom. Jl, xxiv. 296
εἰ δέ τοι οὐ δώσει ἐὸν ἄγγελον εὐρύοπα Ζεύς, Thuc. i. 121
(εἰ οἱ μὲν ἐκείνων ξύμμαχοι . . . οὐκ ἀπεροῦσιν), Eur. Med.
88 (εἰ τούσδε γ᾽ εὐνῆς οὕνεκ᾽ οὐ στέργει πατήρ) ubi fallitur
Elmsleius.’

6 3 xaradécpous. Plat. Rep. 364 C ἐπαγωγαῖς τισι καὶ καταδέσμοις
τοὺς θεούς, ds φασι, πείθοντές σφισιν ὑπηρετεῖν. Stallbaum refers
to Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. ᾽᾿Ἐπαγωγαί, Plat. Legg. 933 A, D καταδέσεσιν.
11] 200 a2 παρ᾽ αὐτῶν μαθόντες ἄνθρωπο. On the instruction
of mankind by the gods, see Plat. Protag. 322 C.

ἃ 4 παραστατικά, ‘tending to prove,’ ‘confirmatory.’ Clem.
Al. 862 ὀμνύναι ἐστὶ τὸ ὅρκον ἀπὸ διανοίας προσφέρεσθαι παρα-
στατικῆς (MS. παραστατικῶς), J. Β. Mayor, Index in Clem. Al.
Strom. vii. Sext. Emp. Math. viii. 249 εἰ τὸ σημεῖον ἀληθές, εἶναι
det καὶ ἀληθοῦς παραστατικόν.

παραθησόμεθα, ‘quote in one’s own favour.’ Plat. Polit.
275 B τὸν μῦθον παρεθέμεθα.

ἃ 5 ἀμάρτυρον. Thue. ii. 41 οὐ δή τοι ἀμάρτυρόν γε τὴν δύναμιν

παρασχόμενοι.
12] σ΄ πηγάνον. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ἱ. 3. 4 τῶν τε γὰρ φρυ-
γανωδῶν καὶ λαχανωδῶν ἔνια μονοστελέχη καὶ οἷον δένδρου φύσιν ἔχοντα
γίνεται καθάπερ ῥάφανος πήγανον. For ἀγρίοιο δέμας Wolff adopts
Scaliger’s conjecture ἀγρίου δέσμας, but the expression δένδρον
φύσιν implies that there would be wood large enough for the body
of the statue.

C 2 κατοικιδίοις σκαλαβώταις. Aristot. Plant. i. 4. 13 Πάλιν τῶν
φυτῶν τὰ μέν εἰσι κατοικίδια τὰ δὲ κηπαῖα καὶ ἕτερα ἄγρια.

Meinecke, Menander, Kunuch. Fr. 3, ‘Grammat. Bekk. p. 452
᾿Ασκαλαβώτην οὐχὶ καλαβώτην λέγουσι, μᾶλλον δὲ γαλεώτην.᾽

C 4 ζώοισι καὶ (αϊἰθριάσας). A has ἀθροίσας, and BO ὑπαιθριάσας.
For the sake of the metre I have adopted αἰθριώάόσας. Wolff reads
ζῴοις καὶ ὑπαιθριάσας, rendering the last word ‘ postquam pernoc-
tavisti sub divo.’ ‘Phe transitive sense, ‘after exposing in the
Open air,’ seems preferable. See Schol. ad Theocr. Jd. ii. 12

- κ᾿ Ν 127

200 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(Gaisf. Poet. Min. Gr. vol. 5) τῶν καρπῶν . . . οὗς ἀνατρέφει κατὰ
τὴν τοῦ φωτὸς παραΐξησιν. See 113 ¢ 5, note.

ἃ 2 αὐτογενέθλου. Hermann, Orphica, Fr. xxxviii. πατρικὸς
γόος αὐτογένεθλος.

ἃ 4 ἀναθρήσεις. Eur. Hec. 808

ἰδοῦ με κἀνάθρησον of ἔχω κακά.

ἃ 5 πάλιν ἄλλοτες Cf. 201 ὁ 6 for the description of the
statue here meant.

13] 2018 3 Xdpams. See note on 94 b, and G. W. (Birch, iii.
96 ff.), where a full account is given both of the original Egyptian
Sarapis, and of the statue brought from Sinope to Alexandria in
the reign of Ptolemy Soter, and identified by the Greeks with
Sarapis.

- b3 Aaprydova. Diod. Sic. 111. 37 διὰ δὲ rod πυρωποῦ τῶν
ὀφθαλμῶν ἀστραπῇ παραπλησίους τὰς λαμπηδόνας προσβάλλοντας.

φλογμοτύραννον, “ flammas superantem’ (Wolff).

Ὁ 4 xaporoior. Hom. Od. xi. 611 χαροποί τε λέοντες, ‘ bright-

eyed.’
μετώποις ἀμφίς. Hom. Il. v. 723 κύκλα σιδηρέῳ ἄξονι ἀμφίς
(Wolff).
D5 ἰαινόμενον. Hom. Il. xv. 103
οὐδὲ μέτωπον ἐπ᾽ ὀφρύσι κυανέῃσιν
ἰάνθη.

C 5 τραγοσκελεῖ. See 124 b 6, and note.

CG 6 Ἑκάτη. Hecate is sometimes identified with Persephone,
and even with Demeter, as in c 8; but more usually she
accompanies Demeter in the search for her daughter, carrying
a torch. See Hom. Hymn. Cer. 24, 438, Hesiod, Theog. 411 ff.
On a vase at Naples Persephone is brought to her mother by
Hermes and Hecate (Preller, Gr. Myth. 763).

C 7 πάντα ποίει. This refers to some previous directions about
the shrine in which the statue was to be placed: ξόανον δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ.

9 8 Δημήτερος. See note on ὁ 6.

ἀγλαοκάρπον. See note on 113 ὁ 9.
ἃ τ: dpdxovres, Cf. Soph. Ῥιζοτόμοι Fr. 480, where Hecate is
described as
στεφανωσαμένη
δρυσὶ καὶ πλεκταῖς
ὠμῶν σπείραισι δρακόντων.
178

BOOK V. CHAPS, 12-14 202 b

14] 202 b2 Κλήζειν Ἑρμείην. ‘Quidni Mercurio dies Mercurii?
Quare conjicio . . . Κληζειν Ἑρμῆν τοῦδ᾽ quar, Ἠέλων δέ’
(Wolff). Instead of so violent an alteration of the text, it would
be better to suppose that the preceding verse contained some
such words as ἤματι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ
‘On his own day
Hermes thou must invoke, the Sun likewise
On the Sun’s day.’
ΟἽ τῆς ἑπταφθόγγου βασιλεύς. ‘The seven-toned lyre’ is
mentioned in Eur. Jon 881, where Apollo is addressed as
ὦ ras ἑπταφθόγγον μέλπων
κιθάρας ἐνοπάν.
9 2 Ὀστάνην, ἃ common Magian name. See note on 42 ἃ.
dG I οὐρανοῦ, ‘poeta adiecerat, ne ambages deessent oraculo’
(Wolff). Iwas myself at first misled by the ambiguous language.
See the Corrigenda.
ἀστέρες of θαλάττιοι. ‘Star-fish.’ Aristot. Hist. Anim. v. 15.
20 6 δὲ καλούμενος ἀστὴρ οὕτω θερμός ἐστι τὴν φύσιν, ὥσθ᾽, ὅ τι ἂν
λάβῃ, παραχρῆμα ἐξαιρούμενον δίεφθον εἶναι. Plut. Mor. 987 B
quotes the star-fish as an example of the craft of animals in
catching their prey. Ὁ μὲν yap ἀστὴρ ὧν ἂν ἅψηται, πάντα διαλυό-
μενα καὶ διατηκόμενα γινώσκων, ἐνδίδωσι τὸ σῶμα καὶ περιορᾷ ψαυό-
μενος ὑπὸ παριόντων ἢ προσπελαζόντων. Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxii. 5.
16 ‘Stella marina vulpino sanguine illita et adfixa limini
superiori aut (tolle aut) clavo aereo ianuae.’ Wolff, who refers to
Lobeck, Aglaoph. 1336 f, adds that the nailing the star-fish
before the doors shows that there was to be a shrine of Hecate
προπυλαία.
ἃ 5 κηρὸν ἐν πυρὸς μένει. Cf. Theocr. Id, ii. 28
ὡς τοῦτον τὸν καρὸν ἐγὼ σὺν δαίμονι τάκω,
ὡς τάκοιθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος 6 Μύνδιος αὐτίκα Δέλφις.
G10 δεῖμα νερτέρων κυνῶν. Theocr. ibid. 10
ἀλλά, Σελάνα,
φαῖνε καλόν: τὶν γὰρ ποταείσομαι dovya, δαῖμον,
τᾷ χθονίᾳ θ᾽ Ἕ κάτᾳ, τὰν καὶ σκύλακες τρομέοντι.
Verg. Aen. vi. 257
‘Visaeque canes ululare per umbram
Adventante dea.’

N2 179

202d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἂτι Ἑκάτης. Wolff corrects the metre by substituting τῆς
θεᾶς, and adds a full stop.

ἃ 12 λαμπάς. Hecate holding a torch meets Demeter in her
search for Persephone: Hom. Hymn. Cer. 52

ἥντετό οἱ Ἑκάτη σέλας ἐν χείρεσσιν ἔχουσα.

G14 δράκων. Hor. Sat. i. 8. 33

*‘Hecaten vocat altera, saevam
Altera Tisiphonen. Serpentes atque videres
Infernas errare canes.’

203 a 2 Ges. If this be retained, we must suppose αὐτά or
Ta Gupata to be understood. But Wolff reads δρῦς, which is sup-
ported by στεφανωσαμένη Spvoi in the Fragment of ‘Sophocles
quoted on 201 d 1, and by Ap. Rh. iii. 1214

πέριξ δέ μιν ἐστεφάνωντο
σμερδαλέοι δρνΐνοισι μετὰ πτόρθοισι δράκοντες.

& 3 κλείς. Cf. Orph. Hymn. i. 6 (Εἰς Ἑκάτην)

παντὸς κόσμου κλειδοῦχον ἄνασσαν.
Ibid. ii. 4 Hecate is addressed as ΠΠροθυραία, κλειδοῦχε.

8. ὁ θαυμαστὸς θεολόγος. Cf. Card. A. Mai, De novo Porphyrii
opere, p. vii ‘Satis est denique testimonium Caesariensis Eusebii,
a quo Porph. licet adversarius insigni tamen cum nominum
honorificentia appellatur (P. E. v. 44; iv. 6).? The Cardinal
seems not to have perceived that the praise is severely ironical.

Ὁ 6 φιλοσοφεῖν περὶ ἡμᾶς AH. The words περὶ ἡμᾶς are
omitted in the later MSS. IO, and do not improve the sense.

16] c2 χαρακτήρων. Cf. Hdt. i. 116 ὅ re χαρακτὴρ τοῦ προσ-
ὦπον.

Gd ὀπάσασθαι. ΑΒ ὁπάζω often means ‘to give,’ the middle
voice means ‘to have given to oneself,’ ‘to receive.’ In Homer
the active meaning is ‘to give as a companion,’ the middle ‘to
take as ἃ companion.’ See 7]. x. 238, xix. 238.

204 a 2 φιλοπαθεῖς, ‘slaves of passion,’ ‘ sensual.’

16] di ᾿Αμφὶ δὲ Πυθώ. Wolff has a long and interesting note,

showing that the following response must have been published

between the times of Nero and of Hadrian, when there was
180

BOOK V. CHAPS, 14-17 ᾿ς 204d

@ revival of oracles, and that the probable author of it was
‘Alexander the false Prophet’ who in Lucian 237 sends
inquirers to the various oracles of Apollo

és Κλάρον ἵεσο viv, τοὐμοῦ πατρὸς ὡς Gr ἀκούσῃς.

Βραγχιδέων ἀδύτοισι πελάζεο καὶ κλύε χρησμῶν.

ἐς Μαλλὸν χώρει θεσπίσματά τ᾽ ᾿Αμφιλόχοιο.

(καὶ) KAapinv. This is Viger’s conjecture for the corrupt
readings Πυθώοι Κλαρίῃ τε A, Πυθὼ Κλαρίην re BIO. Tacitus
(Ann. ii. 54) describes the visit of Germanicus to the Clarian
oracle. In Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. 40 Claros is described as
αἰγλήεσσα and in Hymn. ix. 5 ad Artem. as ἀμπελόεσσα.

ἃ 2 θεμιτώδεσιν. Strab. 422 κατασκευάσαι τὸ μαντεῖον ᾿Απόλλωνα
μετὰ Θέμιδος. Apollod. i. 4. 3 ᾿Απόλλων .. . ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς,
Χρησμῳδούσης τότε Θέμιδος.

ἃ 8 Διδύμων. Strab. 634 ‘Next after Poseidion, which belongs
to Miletus, is the oracle of Didymean Apollo at Branchidae, as
much as eighteen furlongs from the sea.’ Compare with this the
statement of Pausan. v. 7 ‘There is a river in Ionia similar to
the Alpheus; its source is in the mountain Mycale and it flows
under the sea, and comes up again (ἄνεισιν) at Branchidae at the
harbour called Panormus.’ For ἔασιν, which has no subject
nearer than πηγαί, we might adopt ἄνεισιν from Pausanias.

205 a 3 Νικαεῦσι. The Nicaea here meant is probably the
Locrian city close to Thermopylae.

Ὁ 4 τοῦ pavretov. On the famous oracle of Ammon in the
Oasis see 61 d 2. It had been lately visited by Cleombrotus
(Plut. Mor. 410 B).

Ὁ δ καθάπερ vayara. Near most of the famous Oracles there
were rivers or fountains whose waters were supposed to inspire
the prophets. See Porphyry, Ep. ad Anebon. 14 οἱ δ᾽ ὕδωρ πίνοντες,
καθάπερ ὃ ἐν Κολοφῶνι ἱερεὺς τοῦ KAapiov, of δὲ στομίοις παρα»
καθιζόμενοι, ὡς al ἐν Δελφοῖς θεσπίζονσαι, οἱ δ᾽ ἐξ ὑδάτων ἀτμιζόμενοι,
καθάπερ αἱ ἐν Βραγχίδαις προφήτιδες. Cf. Iambl. iii. rx. Wolff
refers to Pausan. ix. 2. 1, Plut. De defect. Orac. 412 B, 437 C,
Pausan. Vv. 7. 3, Strab. 814.

17] 206 at μονονουχὶ δραχμήν. See note on 185 a 4.

a 6 ὦ Ἡρακλέων. There is no evidence to connect the Heracleon
here mentioned with any of the same name otherwise known.

6 2 Δημόκριτος. Οἷς. Ep. ad Fam. xv. 16; De Nat. Deor. i.

18:

206C THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

43 ‘Mihi quidem etiam Democritus ...nutare videtur in natura
deorum. Tum enim censet imagines divinitate praeditas inesse
universitati rerum,... tum animantes imagines, quae vel pro-
desse nobis soleant (evAcyxa haec εἴδωλα sunt), vel nocere (haec
δυστράπελα) : tum ingentes quasdam imagines tantasque, ut uni-
versum mundum complectantur extrinsecus. Quae quidem omnia
sunt patria Democriti quam Democrito digniora ’ (Viger).

9 3 εὐλόγχων, a word formed from λέλογχα the irregular perfect
of Aayxdvw. Cf. Lucian, Soloecist. Ὁ. 513 ‘When some one said
λέλογχα for εἴληχα, It is rare, said he, and only found in inaccurate
writers.’ Cf. Plut. Vit. Aemil. Paulli,c. 1. In Sext. Empir. Ado.
Mathem. ix. 19 εὐλόγχων has been changed into εὐλόγων, which
is less suitable. Zeller, Pre-Socr, Philos. ii. 288 ‘ Democritus
assumed “that there dwelt in the air beings who were similar to
man in form, but superior to him in greatness, power, and
duration of life: these beings manifest themselves when emana-
tions and images, streaming forth from them and often repro-
ducing themselves at a great distance, become visible and audible
to men and animals, and they are held to be gods, although in
truth they are not divine and imperishable, but only less perish-
able than man.’’’

C7 Ἐπιθέρσης. In Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. Epitherses
is mentioned as a grammarian of Nicaea, and possibly the father
of Aemilianus: but in this passage of Plutarch the speaker
Cleombrotus is a Lacedaemonian and calls Epitherses his fellow-
citizen.

ἃ 4 Παξῶν. Two small islands Paxos and Antipaxos lying to
the south of Corcyra, and far to the north of the Echinades.

ἃ 11 Παλῶδεςς The name of a muddy (πηλῶδες) salt-water
lake close to Butbrotum in Epirus.

BOOK V. CHAP. 17 207 b

207 Ὁ 4 φιλολόγους, ‘ learned,’ ‘ studious,’ as in 208 ¢ 1. Stob.
Flor. ii. 36. 26 Ζήνων τῶν μαθητῶν ἔφασκε τοὺς μὲν φιλολόγους
εἶναι τοὺς δὲ λογοφίλους, ibid. Ecl. Eth. vi. 6 [214] μηδ᾽ εἶναι φιλό-
λογον λογόφιλον δὲ μᾶλλον.

C 2 πομπῇ τοῦ βασιλέως. ‘This emperor must be Trajan, as
Demetrius was just returned from Britain at the time of the
dialogue. The island, as lying nearest to the coast, must have
been Anglesey, the focus of Druidism. If Aemilian was an “ old
man” when he told the story just quoted, and his father had
flourished under Tiberius, this dialogue comes down to the end
of the first century’ (C. W. King, Translation of Plutarch On the
cessation of Oracles, p. 93 note).

C6 διοσημίας. Aristoph. Ach. 171

διοσημία ’στὶ καὶ pavis βέβληκέ pe.

C 7 πρηστῆρας, ‘hurricanes.’ Lucret. vi. 423

‘ Presteras Grai quos ab re nominitarunt.’
‘If the wind cannot break the cloud, it forces it down in the
shape of a column to the sea, where it bursts and causes a furious
boiling and surging. ... Epicurus in Diog. L. x. 104 explains
these presteres: Pliny ii. 131-34 will throw more light on Lucr.’
H. A. J. Munro,

ἃ 2 ἀναλάμψεις. The substantive is hardly found elsewhere.
Xen. Cyr. v. 1. 16 τὰ ξύλα οὐκ εὐθὺς ἀναλάμπει.

208 at ὁ ἡμέτερος Σωτήρ... .. The simplicity of Eusebius in
accepting this tale, and finding in it ‘a lamentation of evil
daemons’ as presaging evil to themselves from our Saviour’s
death, is less wonderful than the credulity of modern writers who
suppose that ‘The Great Pan’ is no other than Christ himself.
See Cudworth, Int. Syst. i. 585, with Mosheim’s long note in
refutation of the strange conceit. In Plutarch the story is told
as evidence that the so-called gods were mortal.

8 5 τῷ περιμένοντι αὐτοὺς Ταρτάρῳ. St. Luke vili. 31, 2 Pet. ii. 4
Taprapwoas.
| 183

208 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

18] c6 τὴν ᾿Ανδρόγεω τελευτήν. See the note on 209 6 1. Cf.
Verg. Aen. vi. 20

‘In foribus letum Androgei; tum pendere poenas

Cecropidae iussi, miserum! septena quotannis

Corpora natorum: stat ductis sortibus urna.’
Cf. Cretan Exploration Fund Report, A.D. 1901. ‘ Excavations
... continued during the present year have brought to light an
ancient palace of vast extent, which there is every reason to
identify with the traditional House of Minos and at the same
time with the legendary “ Labyrinth.” ’

C ᾿Ελοίμωσσον. Cf. Lucian, Conscr. Hist. 16 of τότε λοιμώξαντες,
in reference to the great plague described by Thucydides.

209 8 5 Σωκράτει τὴν ἀναβολὴν τοῦ θανάτου. Cf. Plat. Phaed.
58 A.

& 7 τις τῶν νέων. This author’s name, Oenomaus, is given
below, 213 c. He was a Cynic philosopher of the second century,
who was provoked to denounce the oracles by having been him-
self deceived. His exposure of the oracles, entitled Τοήτων wpa,
is known only from the extracts preserved by Eusebius here and
at 213 ἃ et seqq., 255 Ὁ. Some grammarians distinguish φώρα
‘detection’ from dupa ‘ theft’: Chandler, Gk. Acc. 164.

19] c1 τὸν ᾿Ανδρόγεων ἀποκτείναντες. ‘Historiam vide ap. Diod.
iv. 60, 61; Plut. Thes. 15; Apollod. iii, 15. 7. 3’ (Saarmann,
Adnott. in Oen. Fr.). Cf. Pausan. i. 27.

GC 4 Λιμοῦ καὶ λοιμοῦ κιτιλ. “ Oraculum ab aliis non traditum’
(Saarm.).

G6 Mivwwi. Cf. 208 c 6; Apollod. iii. 15. 8. 4; Catull. lxiv.
76 seqq.

ἃ 4 ἐθαλασσοκράτει. Cf. Thuc. i. 4; Hdt. i. 171; Apollod. iii.
15. ἢ. 4 per οὐ πολὺ δὲ θαλασσοκρατῶν ἐπολέμησε στόλῳ τὰς
᾿Αθήνας.

ἃ 6 Ὁμήρῳ. Hom, Od. xix. 178

ἔνθα τε Μίνως
ἐννέωρος βασίλενε Διὸς μεγάλου ὀαριστής.
Cf. Plat. Legg. 624 ‘Do you believe, as Homer says, that Minos
went every ninth year to converse with his Olympian sire?’
Ps.-Plat. Minos, 14 ‘ For capos means “converse,” and ὀαριστής is
8. companion in conversation.’ ‘Miror quod Gaisf. toleraverit
ὀαριστύς (commercium)’ (Saarm.). Cf. Hor. 1 Carm. xxviii. 9
184

BOOK V. CHAPS, 18-20 209 d

‘Et Iovis arcanis Minos admissus’; Saarmann, Adnott. in Oeno-
mai Fr.

210 ἃ 2 ἀποθανουμένους. Catull. ibid. 81

‘Ipse suum Theseus pro caris corpus Athenis
Proiicere optavit potius quam talia Cretam
Funera Cecropiae—ne funera—portarentur.’

& 3 κοινὸν ἀνθρώπων δικαστήν. Plat. Gorg. 523 E ‘I have
already appointed judges sons of my own, two from Asia, Minos
and Rhadamanthus, and one from Europe, Aeacus ... and upon
Minos I will confer the privilege of deciding in the last resort, in
the case of doubt on the part of the other two’ (Cope).

& 5 κόρων. The MSS. have κορῶν ‘maidens.’ ‘Scribo κόρων,
cum non solum puellae sed etiam adolescentes sint’ (Saarm.).
20] Ὁ 3 τῷ κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας. On the various and con-
flicting accounts of the several attempts of the Heracleidae to
gain possession of the Peloponnese see the article ‘ Heracleidae’ in
Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

C 2 ὁ ᾿Αριδαίον. Aristomachus was the son of Cleodaeus (Idt.
Vi, 52, Vii. 204, viii. 131), the mistake in the father’s name being
probably due to the accidental repetition of the first part of the
name Aristomachus. Cleodaeus was slain, as here related, in the
third expedition. Aristomachus about twenty years later con-
sulted the Delphic oracle and misunderstood it. Pausan. 127
᾿Αριστόμαχος ὃ Κλεοδαίου τῆς γενομένης μαντείας ἁμαρτὼν δι’ αὐτὸ
καὶ καθόδον τῆς ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἥμαρτεν. According to Apollo-
dorus ii. 8. 1. 2 Aristomachus received the same answer which
had been given to Hyllus who made two unsuccessful expeditions,
that he should wait till τὸν τρίτον καρπόν, and the additional
answer here mentioned by Oenomaus.

6 6 στενυγρῶν. ‘Vigerus falso vertit “per liquidas fauces,”
quasi verbum στενυγρός constet ex στενός et ὑγρός. Contra talem
opinionem disputat Galenus xvii. 1. 897 (Kiihn): ob yap ἐγκεῖται τὸ
ὑγρὸν ἐν τῇ λέξει, καθάπερ av τις οἰηθείη μὴ γιγνώσκων ὑπὸ τῶν
᾿Ιώνων τὸ στενὸν ὀνομάζεσθαι στενυγρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ στενυγροῦ, ὅπερ οὐδ᾽
αὐτὸ πλέον σημαίνει τοῦ στενοῦ ᾽ (Saarmann).

ἃ 3 γῆν . .. στενυγρήν. ‘Hine primum apparet in versu
scribendum esse orewypys’ (Wolff) Cf. Theodoret. 139, 41
᾿Αριστόμαχος οὗ vevonxas τὴν στενυγρήν. Saarmann agrees with
Wolff, and referring to Theodoret and to ἃ 3 yj... στενυγρήν,

185

210d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

asks ‘Cur uterque non dixit ra orévvypa? Necesse est, opinor,
in versu illo στενύγρων mutari in oreviypys vel potius στενυγρῆς,
quod poposcerunt Heyne ad Apollod. ii. 8. 2. 6 et Wolff, Porph.
p. 80.’ The passage of Apollodorus is quoted in the next note.
The argument that the oracle must have said δι᾿ ὁδοῖο στενυγρῆς
and not δι᾿’ ὁδοῖο στενυγρῶν seems rather hypercritical, and in-
sufficient to justify the alteration of the reading confirmed by all
the MSS.

orevvypyv. ‘Iam de accentu... oréwypos enim pronuntiare
liceret si esset compositum ex στενός et ὑγρός (cf. divypos, xdOvypos) :
quod cum ita non esse viderimus, alteram formam orewypos
adsciscere malim. Simonides Galeni xvii. 1. 897

μοῦνος στενυγρῇ συμπεσὼν ἐν atpar@’ (Saarmann).
Seguier remarks that if Temenus had supposed the word to be
compounded with ὑγρός, he would at once have understood that
he was to go by sea.

τὴν εὐρυγάστορα. Apollod. ibid. Ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀντεῖπε τῶν ἀτυχη-
μάτων αὐτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι' τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν"
λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον, καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν
εὐρυγάστορα, δεξιὰν κατὰ τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. Miiller,
Dor. i. §7 tried to turn this answer into trimeter Iambics, and
Lobeck, Aglaoph. 852 after criticizing Mtiller makes it into two
much worse Hexameters. That oracles were sometimes given in
prose is seen in Hadt. i. οἱ (Wolff).

G5 δόξαν ἐμποιήσας. “ Polyaenus, Stratag. i. 9 “ Temenus cum
ceteris Heraclidis habens in animo Rhium transfretare, misit
transfugas Locrios qui nuntiarent Peloponnensibus se stare in
anchoris Naupacti quasi Rhium navigaturos, sed revera velle
ingredi per Isthmum: cui rei fide facta, Peloponnenses convene-
runt ad Isthmum, et Temenus Rhium occupavit sine pugna”’
(Seguier).

ἃ 6 Navdrov. For this name unknown to geographers we
ought certainly to substitute Naupactus, which was so named
because the Dorians who returned with the sons of Aristomachus
built their fleet there (Strab. 426; Pausan. 897; Apollod.
ibid.).

Tvratov. The well-known hill of this name close to Olympia
cannot possibly be meant in this context. ‘“Pvraiov has been
suggested as an emendation, but Ῥύπες from which it is sup-

186

BOOK V. CHAP. 20 210 d

posed to be formed is too far distant on the opposite side of the
Gulf (Pausan. 536). A more probable suggestion is ‘Piov, that
name being applicable either to Rhium or to Antirrhium, as in
Thue. ii. 86 Ῥίον τὸ Μολυκρικόν and τοῦτο μὲν τὸ “Prov, and in the
passage quoted by Seguier ‘ Aristides adversus Platonem, folio 143
editionis Florentinae 1517, ‘Sed, O strenue, cur non crimini
vertis etiam Heraclidis quod non ingressi sint terra in Pelopon-
nesum, sed transeuntes 6 Rhione in Rhionem?”’ Whichever
Rhium is assumed to be indicated, the application of στρατοπε-
δεύεσθαι to a fleet in Hadt. vii. 124 removes the chief difficulty.
It is however most probable that ‘ Antirrhium on the confines of
Aetolia and Locris, which they call Molycrion Rhium ’ (Pausan,
336), is here meant, for Molycrium lies ‘between Naupactus and
Rhiun,’ and it was to Molycrium that Cresphontes son of Aristo-
machus conducted the fleet from Naupactus. Pausan. 380 Ὁ δὲ
σφᾶς ναυσὶν ἐκέλευεν ἐς Πελοπόννησον κατιέναι, μηδὲ στρατῷ πεζῷ
διὰ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ πειρᾶσθαι. ταῦτά τε δὴ παρήνεσε, καὶ ἅμα τὸν ἐς Μολύ-
κριον ἐκ Νανπάκτον πλοῦν καθηγήσατο αὐτοῖς.

Κάρνον ἱππότην. The accusative ἱππότην, though found in
all MSS. of Eusebius, is certainly a corruption of Ἱππότης. Pausan.
238 Τοῦτον yap τὸν Kdpvov ἀποκτείναντος Ἱππότου τοῦ Φύλαντος,
ἐνέπεσεν ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῖς Δωριεῦσι μήνιμα ᾿Απόλλωνος :
οὗ, Apollod. ii. 8. 3.1 τοῦτον βαλὼν ἀκοντίῳ Ἱππότης 6 Φύλαντος,
κιτιλ.

ἃ 7 τὸν Αἰτωλόν. In the context of the passage just quoted
Carnus is twice called an Acarnanian.

ἃ 1ο xairo. Saarmann reads κατὰ τό, ἃ good emendation.

211 a 1 ᾿Απόλλωνι (Kapvetp). The scholia on Theoer. Jd. v. 83
contain four different accounts of the origin of the Κάρνεια, the first
of which agrees with Oenomaus. Cf. Pausan. 238; Athen. 635;
Clinton, F. H. Epit. 58.

& 3 ἀνεμάξαο. Cf. Hom. Od. xix. 92

ἔρδουσα μέγα ἔργον, ὃ σῇ κεφαλῇ ἀναμάξεις.
Hadt. i. 155 ἐγώ τε ἔπρηξα καὶ ἐγὼ ἐμῇ κεφαλῇ ἀναμάξας φέρω.

Ὁ (ἐπ᾽ ἀποθανόντι). A good emendation by Saarmann in
place of ἐναποθανόντι, the reading of the MSS. Cf, 231 a ἐπ᾽
ἀποθανόντι ὀνάγρῳ.

6 1 Ὁμηρικὴν νόσον. Hom. Il. i. το.

c 4 (ἧς). After the past tense ἂν ἐλήξατε the imperfect is

187

Blic THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

more appropriate with iva than the common reading ἧς, subjunc-
tive. Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 813.

6 5 παραβουκολῆσαι. A word not found elsewhere.

ἃ 2 πλίνθοις.. Cf. Hdt. i. §0 xarayedpevos χρυσὸν ἄπλετον ἡμι»
«λίνθια ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐξήλαυνε.

ἃ 6 προδεδάνειστο. Lucian, Sacrif. iii. referring to the prayer
of Chryses (Hom. Jl. i. 39 f.), speaks of him as ‘having made
loans’ to the god (προδανείσας τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι), for which he claimed
to be repaid.

212 a 2 προμηθούμενος, ‘making provision for.’ Cf. Aesch.
Prom. V. 385

| Ἐν τῷ προμηθεῖσθαι δὲ καὶ τολμᾶν.

& 7 py... ἡρμόσατο. In such ἃ construction μή does not simply
and directly deny the fact, but deprecates the thought of it.
Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 741. Hermann, Adnott. in Viger. De Idiot. Gr.
804 ‘Saepe etiam in recta oratione eadem ratio obtinet, ubi caven-
dum ne μή pro ov positum putetur. Nam ubi rem non simpliciter
negant Graeci, sed videri negandum indicant, μή ponunt.’

DI μονονουχὶ φήσας. Literally ‘ all but affirming,’ i.e. ‘ seeming
to give assurance.’

Ὁ 2 Κροῖσος “AAvy διαβάς. ‘ Primum occurrit ap. Aristot. Rhet.
iii. 5’(Saarmann). This is true of the metrical form but only in
part, as is seen in Hdt.i. 53 προλέγουσαι Κροίσῳ, ἣν στρατεύηται
ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην ἀρχήν μιν καταλῦσαι.

21] o1 Hdt. i. 47 (Rawlinson) ‘The moment that the Lydians
entered the sanctuary, and before they put their questions (as to
what their master was doing at that moment), the Pythoness thus
answered them in hexameter verse :—

I can count the sands, and I can measure the ocean;

I have ears for the silent, and know what the dumb man

meaneth ;

Lo! on my sense there striketh the smell of a shell-cover’d
tortoise,

Boiling now on a fire, with the flesh of a lamb, in a
cauldron,—

Brass is the vessel below, and brass the cover above it.’
The first two lines of the oracle are quoted by Origen, 6. Celsum,
ii. 9. Cf. Clem. Protrept. 38.

9 3 ἐπίστημα. Saarmann remarks that the word is not found
188

BOOK V. CHAPS, 20, 21 215 ς

elsewhere, but Oenomaus is very fond of substantives in μα, as
εἴδημα below.

ἃ 2 εἰδήμασι, ‘ bits of knowledge.’ The word seems to occur
only here.

ἃ 3 ἀνδράποδον. Croesus was taken captive in war, and brought
in fetters to Cyrus. He seems to be called a slave here by anticipa-
tion. Lucian, Dial. Mort. ii. 1 ἐπιγελᾷ καὶ ἐξονειδίζει ἀνδράποδα
καὶ καθάρματα ἡμᾶς (Κροῖσον καὶ Σαρδανάπαλον) ἀποκαλῶν.

213 ἃ 4 καταλῦσα. The middle voice would be required to
express the idea of overthrowing one’s own empire.

νοεῖσθαι. The addition of ἐστι in AH is rightly rejected in
BIO, since the infinitive is in oblique oration dependent on
προσεγκαλοῖεν.

8ἃ 6 ἡμίμηδος. Hdt. i. 55 ‘ After sending these presents to the
Delphians, Croesus a third time consulted the oracle, for having
once proved its truthfulness, he wished to make constant use of
it. The question whereto he now desired an answer was
Whether his kingdom would be of long duration? The
following was the reply of the Pythoness :-— Ι

Wait till the time shall come when a mule is monarch of
Media;

Then, thou delicate Lydian, away to the pebbles of Hermus ;

Haste, oh! haste thee away, nor blush to behave like a
coward’ (Rawlinson).

a”

bi τὴν ἔκτνφον μοῦσαν. “ μοῖραν, DON μοῦσαν pars codicum
recte (2) exhibet ... alludit Oen. ad Plat. Phaedr. 230 A. Cf. Tim.
Lex. drupos’ (Saarmann). It is probable that the unusual word
ἔκτυφος was formed in imitation of Plato’s ἀτύφου μοίρας, many
other imitations of which are quoted by Ruhnken; but that is not
a sufficient reason for adopting the inappropriate reading of cod.
O μοῖραν, ‘quam lectionem eruditi considerent’ (Ruhnken). Cf.
761 ἃ 12 ἀλλ᾽ οἷον τὸν ἄτυφον, x.t.X.

Ὁ 2 τὴν ἅμαντιν μαντικήν. Cf. 218 b 8 ὁ ἄμαντις αὐτὸς ἐγώ.

b 6 τί δὲ ὅλως, ‘ why at all,’ changed in the later MSS. to τί δ᾽
ὅμως.

C1 τί δὲ σὺ κνηφιᾷς ; This, with various accents, is the reading
of the MSS., except that AHI have σοι for ov. But both κνηφία
and κνηφιάω are unknown words, and there are many conjectural
emendations: ri δέ σοι κνίσσας ; Vig., τί δὲ σὺ κνισιᾷς ; Dindorf, τί δὲ

180

4198 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

σὺ κνηστιᾶς ; Toup. ap. Gaisf., τί δὲ σὺ κνησιᾷς; (L. and Sc.). Of
these Viger’s conjecture seems the best, as retaining σοι with the
best MSS., and giving a simple and appropriate sense.
22] ἃ 4 παραπληξίαν. On the many cognate forms see Lobeck,
Phryn. 530.
214 ἃ 1 ἐμπορίαν, ‘ merchandise,’ ‘ goods,’ ‘bargain.’ Cf. Anth.
Pal. vii. 500
ὡς ἐμὲ μὲν καὶ νῆα καὶ ἐμπορίην κακὸς Etpos
ὦὥλεσεν, Εὐίππον δ᾽ αὐτὸ λέλειπτ᾽ ὄνομα.
ἐνεπορευσάμεθα. Cf. Diog. L. vii. 2 (Ζήνων) πορφύραν ἐμπε-
πορευμένος ἀπὸ τῆς Φοινίκης πρὸς τῷ Πειραιεῖ ἐναυάγησεν.
8ἃ 2 ὦ Κλάρι.. Οὗ όι d 9, and Tac. Ann. ii. 54, where the
peculiar rites of the oracle are described on the occasion of the
visit of Germanicus.
ἃ 4 πανημαδόν. The more regular form of the adverb occurs in
Hat. vii. 183 πανημερὸν δὲ πλώοντες.
ὃ 5 ὀλιζοῦται, formed from ὀλίζων the comparative of ὀλίγος.
Cf. Hom. Jl. xviii. 519
λαοὶ δ᾽ ὑπολίζονες ἦσαν.
8 6 ὁ βάκηλοςς Cf. Luc. Eunuch. 356 τὸ δὲ τοῦ εὐνούχου καὶ
τῶν βακήλων χεῖρον εἶναι.
ὍΣ ἱδρῶτα. Hesiod, Opp. 289
τῆς δ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἱδρῶτα θεοὶ προπάροιθεν ἔθηκαν
ἀθάνατοι μακρὸς δὲ καὶ ὄρθιος οἶμος ἐς αὐτὴν
καὶ τρηχὺς τὸ πρῶτον᾽ ἐπὴν δ᾽ εἰς ἄκρον ἵκηται,
ῥηϊδίη δὴ ἔπειτα πέλει χαλεπή περ ἐοῦσα.
See note on 223 d 3.

Τρηχῖνα. Trachis, being so named from its ‘rough’ moun-
tainous character, recalled the τρηχὺς οἶμος, and the ἱδρῶτα of
Hesiod’s verses, while the blooming garden suggested the ῥηϊδίῃ
of the same passage.

Ὁ 6 τῆς ἀρετῆς refers again to the beginning of the passage in
Hesiod.

b 7 καίπερ δυσφορῶν ὅμως. Heikel corrected the unusual order
of the words, καίπερ ὅμως δυσφορῶν, found in the MSS.

Οἱ ἐθάλφθη. The verb means properly ‘to warm,’ hence ‘to
comfort,’ but also ‘to cheat.’ Aristoph. Eq. 210

ai xe μὴ θαλφθῇ λόγοις.

C6 τὰς ἐν ἐλπίδι φάτνας, ‘mangers existing only in hope,’ like

199

BOOK V. CHAPS. 21-24 214ς

‘ch&teaux en Espagne.’ It appears to be a proverbial expression,
and to refer to horses tired with a long journey, and looking for-
ward to the food in the manger (Viger). ‘ Deest proverbiorum
collectaneis quae habemus ’ (Seguier).
23] 215 8 3 Ἔν τε τοῖσιν Εὐπέλευσιν. ‘A wiser than Oedipus
would be wanted to restore this oracle’ (Viger). Yes, ‘Davus,
sum, non Oedipus’: but why try to restore, or explain what was
meant to be unintelligible? EiwéAcvow is the reading of A both
here and in 215 a7: it is the name of no known people, invented
for the very purpose of obscurity. Cf.215 ΟἿΣ pera τοῦ ἀδιανοήτου
ποιήματος.
χρέος θήσεται, literally ‘ will place a loan,’ ‘ lay an obligation,’

as τίθεσθαι χάριν. Cf. Aesch. Prom. V. 782

τούτων σὺ τὴν μὲν τῇδε, τὴν 8 ἐμοὶ χάριν

θέσθαι θέλησον.
Holsten tried to correct and explain the lines, but not very
successfully.

& 4 ἐκτεκμαρθέν. The compound seems not to be found else-
where.

οὐδέ μιν σκομφύξεται. Cf. Heikel ‘puxpov ἔξεται est falsa
correctio libr. A. In I est μιν σκομφύξεται. The word is evidently
invented in order to be unintelligible, and it was necdless to add as
Heikel does ‘ Propono quod sententiae satisfaciat μὴν oxevdlerat.’

Ὁ 2 ἐκ Κολοφῶνος. Oenomaus seems to have been consulting
the oracle at Colophon. See 61 d 5.

Ὁ 4 τανυστρόφοιο. A word found only here.

b 5 (ἐναρίζει). The MSS. have ἐνάριζε. I find that Saarmann
had anticipated my conjecture. Cf. 145 b 4.

ποιηβόρους, found only here.

Ὁ 7 Apddoxos. Cf. 61 Ὁ ro.

b 8 σὺ ἐν Δελφοῖς εἰ γενοίμην. If ἐν Δελφοῖς is joined with ov,
it must be understood again after γενοίμην. Cp. Hdt. v. 33 ἐπεί
τε δὲ ἐγένετο ἐν Xiy.

24] 216 b 4 πόλιν φύγετ᾽. Hat. vii. 140 λιπὼν pei’. There
is a line in Herodotus, omitted here
δώματα καὶ πόλιος τροχοειδέος ἄκρα κάρηνα.
Ὁ 6 οὐ χέρες, x.7.A. In Herodotus
οὔτε πόδες véarot, ovr ὧν χέρες, οὔτε τι μέσσης
λείπεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἄζηλα πέλει.

ΣΟΙ

216 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 2 πολλὰ δὲ τῇδ᾽ ἀπολεῖ, κιτιλ. In Herodotus
πολλὰ δὲ καλλ᾽ ἀπολεῖ πυργώματα, κοὐ τὸ σὸν οἷον.
6 4 ῥεούμενοι. Cf. Ap. Rh. iv. 1284
ἢ ὅτ᾽ ἂν αὐτόματα ξόανα ῥέῃ ἱδρώοντα
αἵματι.
Verg. Georg. i. 480
‘Et maestum inlacrimat templis ebur.’
Shakes. Jul. Caes. ii. 2
‘She dreamt to-night she saw my statua,
Which like a fountain with a hundred spouts
Did run pure blood.’

ἃ 1 Οὐ yap οὕτως ἐθάρρεις αὐτῷ. With οὐ ydp(AH) the meaning
is, You must have thought the answer prophetic ‘for otherwise
you would not have had so much confidence in him.’ For the im-
perfect without ἄν in a conditional sense see Jelf, Gk. Gr. 398. 3.
With σὺ γάρ (BIO), as in my translation, the argument is: ‘ You
must have thought it prophetic, for you had such confidence in
him as to consult him yourself.’

ἃ 4 Οὐ δύναται Παλλάς. dt. vii. 141, quoted in part by
Clem. Al. 792, and by Thedoret. Gr. Aff. Cur. 140. 22.

G6 ἀδάμαντι πελάσσας. ‘I, Apollo, having made it firm as
adamant.’

ἃ Ἴ ἁλισκομένων. After this word Eusebius has omitted

Goa Κέκροπος οὖρος
ἐντὸς ἔχει κευθμών τε Κιθαιρῶνος ζαθέοιο,
where ‘the limit of Cecrops’ is the general boundary of Attica,
and Cithaeron the boundary towards Delphi, which naturally
occurs to the prophetess (Rawlinson).

ἃ 12 νῶτον ἐπιστρέψας. There is a line omitted before this

πολλὸν ἀπ᾽ ἠπείρου στρατὸν ἥσυχος, ἀλλ᾽ ὑποχωρεῖν.

417 8 1 Ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς. Cf. Hdt. vii. 143 quoted below 218
Ὁ 5, and Plut. Themist. x. 116.

@5 ἀντισπουδίά. Found only here.

ἐπιπρέπει. Xen. Cyrop.vii. 5. 83 ἔπειτα τῇ εὐδαιμονίᾳ φήσει τις
τὴν κακίαν ἐπιπρέπειν ; Plut. Mor. 794 & χάριν ἐπιπρέπουσαν τοῖς
τηλικούτοις.

b ἐπακτῷ πυρί. If Zeus wished to destroy the buildings had
he no thunderbolt to do it with, instead of calling in the foreign
fire of the Persians ?

392

BOOK V. CHAPS. 24, 25 — 217 ¢

C 2 φληναφᾶν. Aristoph. Nub. 1475
ἐνταῦθα σαυτῷ παραφρόνει καὶ φληνάφα.

d5 τῷ σοφισμῷ. In that age a naval battle could only take
place in summer, either early or late, when the corn was sown, or
when it was gathered.

G7 ἐπεισκυκλούμενοι. See 121 Ὁ 5, note.

218 ἃ 4 ἡμικάκους. Soph. Fr. 885 ‘Pollux vi. 161 Ἡμίκακος
Εὐκλείδης λέγει καὶ Σοφοκλῆς. ᾿Αριστοφάνης δὲ καὶ ἡμικάκως
(Thesmoph. 449 Τέως μὲν οὖν ἀλλ᾽ ἡμικάκως ἐβοσκόμην).᾽

Ὁ 5 ὋὉ γοῦν érAvodpevos. Cf. Hdt. vii. 143. Themistocles
argued from the phrase ‘O holy Salamis’ that the oracle
threatened defeat to the enemy, not to the Athenians,

Ὁ 6 πρόφασις, ‘an avowed cause,’ whether true as here, or
8 mere pretext.

C1 τὸν Λυδόν. Cf. 113 a 6, Hdt. i. 55.

C5 πασσυδίί Cf. Thue, viii. 1 πασσυδὲ διεφθάρθαι.

ἃ 1 βασιλέα πενθήσει. See the oracle 219 b 4.

25] 219 bi Ὑμῖν, ὦ Σπάρτης. Hat. vii.220. The last three
verses of the oracle, not quoted by Eusebius, were as
follows :—

Οὐ yap τὸν ταύρων σχήσει μένος οὐδὲ λεόντων

ἀντιβίην, Ζηνὸς γὰρ ἔχει μένος: οὐδέ ἑ φημὶ

σχήσεσθαι, πρὶν τῶνδ᾽ ἕτερον διὰ πάντα δάσηται.

C 7 κριθομαντεῖα. On the various modes of divination see 62 a.

Cf. Verg. Aen. x. 176
‘Cui pecudum fibrae, caeli cui sidera parent
Et linguae volucrum et praesagi fulminis ignis.’
Statius, Theb. viii. 181 ‘Cum quo volucres mea fata loquentur ?’

C8 γαλαῖ. ‘Theophr. Char. xvii. τὴν ὁδὸν ἐὰν παραδράμῃ γαλῆ,
μὴ πρότερον πορευθῆναι ἕως διεξέλθῃ τις ἢ λίθους τρεῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς ὁδοῦ
διαβάλλῃ ’ (Saarmann).

ἃ τ κορῶναι. Hdt. iv. 15: Aristeas of Proconnesus told the
Metapontines that ‘Apollo had once come to their city, but to
no other of the Italiots; and he who was now Aristeas had
accompanied the god, but at that time he was a crow.’ Cf. Hor.
Od. iii. 27. 11

‘Oscinem corvum prece suscitabo
Solis ab ortu.’
Cf. Liv. x. 40 ‘Ante consulem haec dicentem corvus voce clara

+ Ν

ἃ ᾿ O 193

219d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

occinuit, quo laetus consul augurio, affirmans nunquam humanis
rebus magis praesentem interfuisse deos, signa canere et clamorem
tolli iussit.’

xabvrvia παραπαίσματα, AJ,‘ delusions.’ The received reading
παραπταίσματα, BO, ‘blunders,’ ‘stumblings,’ seems to be less
appropriate.
26) 220 b 4 ἀπήντα ἡ ἐργασία. Cf. Herodotus (i. 174), who
says that the workmen seemed to be wounded in an unusual and
unnatural way in all parts of the body and especially about the
eyes from the splintering of the rock.

Ὁ 2 ᾿Ισθμὸν (δέ). ‘Omnium oraculorum iambicis editorum
an iquissimum’ (Saarmann). Cf. Wolff, Porph. De Philos. ex
Orac. 68 on the metres of oracles.

Ο 1 εἶ « ἐβούλετο. For this use of κε in the protasis cf. Hom.
11, xxili. 626

εἰ δέ « dru προτέρω γένετο δρόμος ἀμφοτέροισι,
τῷ κέν μιν παρέλασσ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀμφήριστον ἔθηκεν.

Ο 6 On the construction of ῥᾳδιούργημα see Viger, de Idiotism.
Gr. 143, whore tho words σημεῖον, τεκμήριον, ἀπόδειξις, τέλος, pap-
τύριον, aro shown to be used in the same way, as a preface in
apposition to the following sentence.

ἃ ; τῇ dworporp. Aristot. Rhet. i. 3. 3 Συμβουλῆς δὲ τὸ μὲν
προτροπὴ τὸ δὲ ἀποτροπή.

ἃ 1 ἀνατρέπειν. ‘Vide modo quam acute Oenomaus verbo
ἀνατρέπειν usus sit. Nam co ipso quod deus eos ἀπέτρεψεν etiam
res corum ἀνέτρεψεν. Cf. supra 220 ὁ 4 ἀποτραπόμενοι᾽,ὶ (Saar-
mann).

47) 221 Ὁ 3 ἀναψαμένη τὰ πείσματα. 258 a 3 ὧν τὰ πείσματα
ἀνῇπται ἐκ τῆς ἡμετέρας βουλήσεως. Cf. Eur. Afed. 770
ἐκ τοῦδ᾽ ἀναψύμεσθα πρυμνήτην κάλων.
τὴ πρισβεῖα. Plat. Gorg. §24 A Mow δὲ πρεσβεῖα δώσω
ἐκιδιακρύτιν.

Or Οἱ σε μάχης. The whole story, including the oracle, is
found in Pausan. 307.

ἃ 9 ἰἸαρθένον. Wolff, 73 ‘Ecce hexametri. Haec genuina
erat forma. Nam “quis credat Oenomaum hominem acutissimum,
quum dedita opera prophetarum fraudes excuteret, exemplo vano
ef fietitin weum esse?” Lobeck, Aglaoph. 852.’ The oracle is
given in lambic verse in Pausan. 301

by4

BOOK V. CHAPS. 25-28 221 ἃ

Κόρην ἄχραντον νερτέροισι δαίμοσι
κλήρῳ λαχοῦσαν Αἰπυτιδῶν ἀφ᾽ αἵματος
θνηπολεῖτε νυκτέροισιν ἐν σφαγαῖς.
"Hy δὲ σφαλῆτε, καὶ παρ᾽ ἀλλοίου τότε
θύειν διδόντος ἐς σφαγὴν ἑκουσίως.

ἃ 9 Τὰ γὰρ παρευρήματα. The daughter of Lyciscus, an Aepytid,
was first chosen by lot, but rejected as being supposititious.
Aristodemus then offered his daughter, but her lover, to whom
she was betrothed, declared that she was pregnant by him.
Thereupon Aristodemus killed her, and she was found to be still
a virgin (Pausan. 302), These are ‘ the false inventions ’ rejected
by Oenomaus.

222 Ὁ 10 “Hxes. Cf. Hdt. i. 65. Herodotus adds: ‘Some
report besides that the Pythoness delivered to him the entire
system of laws which are still observed by the Spartans.’ See
Plut. Lycurgus, 42; Strab. 762.

C5 δώσω. The complete line was found by Cardinal Mai in
a fragment of Diodorus :

δώσω, τὴν οὐκ ἄλλη ἐπιχθονίη πόλις ἕξει.

48] di Tvpraiov. This conjecture of Heinichen is confirmed
by the new collation of cod. A, in which the reading of all the
MSS. Tupratoy is corrected above the line into Tuprafov. Three
fragments of the poem of Tyrtaeus called Εὐνομία are preserved in
Gaisford’s Poet. M. Gr. iii. 242. Cf. Strab. 362 ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἣν
ἐπιγράφουσιν Εὐνομίαν, Athen. 630; Pausan. 315; Plat. Legg.
629 A Schol.

σκοπόν, ‘a spy,’ Heinichen. The better meaning seems to be
‘the mark ’ or ‘model,’ as in Plat. Gorg. 507 D otros ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ
ὁ σκοπὸς εἶναι πρὸς Sv βλέποντα δεῖ ζῆν.

228 ἃ 4 ἐδίδαξας τὸν Λυκοῦργον. Cf, Strab. 482.

8.9 Ἕως ἄν. For Ἕως as a monosyllable cf. Hom. JI, xvii.
727, Od. ii. 148. This oracle is only found in Oenomaus.

Ὁ 1 πρεσβηγενέας, apparently found only here.

Ὁ 2 ἐποπιζόμενοι. Hom. Od. v. 146

Διὸς δ᾽ ἐποπίζεο μῆνιν.
Cf. Hom. Hymn. ad Aphrod, 290.

Ὁ 5 παρεγγνήσεως, ‘exhortation,? or ‘encouragement.’ Cf.
Xen. Anab. iv. 7. 24 βοώντων τῶν στρατιωτῶν, Θάλαττα, θάλαττα,
καὶ παρεγγνώντων.

03 395

8Ωὼ 98 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

b 7 ‘YxrepBopedus. Cf. Pind. Pyth. x. 34
ὧν θαλίαις ἔμπεδον
εὐφαμίαις τε μάλιστ᾽ ᾿Απόλλων
χαίρει.
See the story of Opis and Argé in Hdt. iii. 35, and that of
Achaeia in Pausan. 392.

ΘΙ ’Aorepias. Asteria was the daughter of Coeus, sister of
Leto, and mother of Hecate (Hesiod, Theog. 409; Apollod. i. 2. 2;
2. 4), and gave her name to the island afterwards called Delos.
Cf. Callim. Hymn. ad Del. 40

τόφρα δ᾽ ἔτ᾽ ᾿Αστερίη σὺ καὶ οὐδέπω ἔκλεο Δῆλος.
63 σὺν θώκῳ. Cf. Hom. Od. v. 3
οἱ δὲ θεοὶ θῶκόνδε καθίζανον.
Cratin. Archiloch. Fr. 4 Διὸς μεγάλου θᾶκοι.
Ὁ συνθώκον. Cf. Soph. Oed. Col. 1267
ἀλλ᾽ ἔστι γὰρ καὶ Ζηνὶ σύνθακος θρόνων
Αἰδὼς ἐπ᾽ ἔργοις πᾶσι.

ἃ 3 Εἰσὶν ὁδοὶ δύο. The allegory οὗ ‘ The two Ways’ is found
in Hesiod, Opp. 285, and in ‘ The chotce of Hercules’ as quoted
from ‘ Prodicus the wise ᾽ by Xenophon, Mem. Socr. ii. 1. 21. Cf.
Justin. M. Apol. ii. 11; Cic. De Off. i. 32; Lucian, Bis Accus.
20; Sil. Ital. xv. 18. The same form of expression is used in
Deut. xxx. 15, Jer. xxi. 8, Matt. vii. 13, 14, in the Didaché, § 1,
in Hermas, Mand. vi.1, 2, and Lactant. Div. Inst. vi. 3. See Dr.
C. Taylor’s Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, and The two Ways in
Hermas and Xenophon.

224 ἃ 4 παρεγγνήματος. Cf. 223 Ὁ 5 note.

&6 δάφνης ἐμφαγόντων. Cf. 112 Ὁ 7 ὅτι λάλον καιόμενον, εἷς
παράστασιν τοῦ προφητεύειν τὸν θεόν. δαφνηφάγος, ‘inspired,’
Lycophron. 1.. and Sc. Tibull. ii. 5. 63 (Sibylla loquitur) :

‘Vera cano; sic usque sacras innoxia laurus
Vescar et aeternum sit mihi virginitas.’
Juv. Sat. vii. 19
‘Nectit quicumque canoris
Eloquium vocale modis laurumque momordit.’
See Dr. Mayor’s note and numerous illustrations.
Κασταλίας ὕδωρ πιόντων. Cf. Pers. Prolog. x
‘Nec fonte labra prolui caballino.’

196

BOOK V. CHAPS, 28-30 224¢c

29] © 2 ἱπποβότου. The usual epithet of Argos in Homer. JI.
il, 287
ἐνθάδ᾽ ἔτι στείχοντες ἀπ᾽ “Apyeos ἱπποβότοιο.
C 6 ὀλοοίτροχον, ‘a rolling stone,’ or ‘boulder.’ Hom. JI.
xill, 137
ὀλοοίτροχος ὡς ἀπὸ πέτρης.
‘Tlic ὀλοοίτροχος Cypselum subobecure significat, qui tamquam
immanis quidam et vastus molaris Corinthios obtriturus esset.
Vide infra, p. 233. Ceterum idem Herodotus libro citato (v. 92),
ex huius oraculi verbis prius alterum a Corinthiis intellectum
esse ait, quod Bacchiadis editum fuerat hunc in modum:
Aleros ἐν πέτρῃσι κύει, τέξει δὲ λέοντα
Καρτερόν, ὠμηστήν, πολλῶν δ᾽ ὑπὸ γούνατα λύσει.
Aquila Cypseli matrem Labdam significabat ; Petra vero tribum
in qua censebatur Aetion ’ (Viger).
Ο Στέλλ᾽ ἐπὶ χρυσείους. I have not found this oracle else-
where. ‘ Hic tantum exstat ’ (Saarmann).
ἃ 2 Περὶ δὲ κενῆς δόξης. Cf. Theocr. Jd. xiv. 49
δύστανοι Μεγαρῆες, ἀτιμοτάτῃ ἐνὶ μοίρᾳ.
Schol. Ἱστορεῖ γὰρ Δεινίας ὅτι οἱ Μεγαρεῖς φρονηματισθέντες ποτὲ
ὅτι κράτιστοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰσὶν ἐπύθοντο τοῦ θεοῦ τίψες κρείττονες
τυγχάνοιεν. Ὁ δὲ ἔφη"
Γαίης μὲν πάσης. . ..
......᾿Αρεθούσης.
ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ τῶνδ᾽ εἰσὶν ἀμείνονες, οἵτε μεσηγὺ
Τίρυνθος ναίουσι καὶ ᾿Αρκαδίης πολυμήλου,
᾿Αργεῖοι λινοθώρηκες, κέντρα πτολέμοιο.
ὑμεῖς δ᾽, ὦ Μεγαρεῖς, οὔτε τρίτοι οὔτε τέταρτοι
οὔτε δυωδέκατοι οὔτ᾽ ἐν λόγῳ οὔτ᾽ ἐν ἀριθμῷ.
Clemens Al. ΟΟΙ ascribes the last two verses to Theognis.
ἃ 3 τὸ Πελασγικὸν οὖδας. Cf. Strab. 369 τὴν μὲν Θετταλίαν
Πελασγικὸν “Apyos καλῶν (Hom. Jl. ii. 681).
ἃ 4 ἵπποι Θρηΐκια. On the horses of Thrace see Hom. 1]. x.
435; Eurip. Rhes. 304; Verg. Aen. ix. 49, v. 565.

Λακεδαιμόνια. Cf, Theodor. Gr. Aff. Cur. 141, 15 Οὗτος
καὶ τὰς Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπαινεῖ γυναῖκας ἀδεῶς ols ἂν ἐθέλωσι μιγνυ-
μένας.

30] 32δ0 1 πρὸ κυνός. Horace gives the same advice, 1 Od.
XVil. 17.
197

225 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C6 γενεὴν διζήμενος. Cf. Pausan. 735, who quotes the oracle
and adds that ‘ Erginus king of Orchomenes took the advice, and
married a young wife, who bare two sons Trophonius and Aga-
medes, of whom the former was said to be the son of Apollo.’ Cf.
Ap. Rh. iii 1317

χάλκων ἱστοβοῆα θοῇ σενάρασσε κορώνῃ

ζεύγληθεν.
Cf. Lobeck, Aglaoph. 842.
31] 226 a 1: (᾿Αρχιλόχῳ). The MSS. have ’Avrdyy, but
nothing is known of Antiochus of Paros, and Hermann remarks
(Poet. Min. Gr. 88) that the name Archilochus is frequently inter-
changed with Dinolochus, Antiochus, Amphilochus and others:
ef. 227 a 4,0 3; Athen. iii (76).

8 4 εἰς Θάσον ἐλθέ. Cf. Strab. 487 Πάρος: ἐντεῦθεν ἦν ᾿Αρχίλοχος
ὃ ποιητής ὑπὸ δὲ Παρίων ἐκτίσθη Θάσος.

b 1 Φαιστοῦ. Phaestus a town in Crete, named from a son of
Hercules who migrated thither from Sicyon in accordance with
an oracle. Cf. Hom. Jl. ii. 648, Pausan. 125.

Tdppas, a town on the South-West coast of Crete, where
Apollo had a temple: cf. Pausan. 835 συγγενέσθαι δὲ τῇ ᾿Ακα-
καλλίδι ᾿Απόλλωνα ἐν πόλει Τάρρᾳ. Dium was the promontory at
the centre of the North coast of Crete.

b 4 ὄλβον μή. For this reading of all the MSS. Saarmann
conjectures ὅρκον 57. With either reading, πατρίοισι νόμοις
probably is an allusion to the proverbial saying Κρῆτες dei
ψεῦσται.

C 6 ᾿Ἐπιμενιδείους καθαρμούς. On Epimenides, the poet and

prophet of Crete, see Pausan. 35 ‘In front of this temple (the
Eleusinium at Athens) .. . Epimenides the Knossian is repre-
sented sitting: he is said to have gone into the country and
entered a cave and gone to sleep: and that sleep did not leave
him before forty years had passed, and afterwards he wrote epic
poems, and made lustrations for Athens and other cities.’ Strab.
479 ἐκ δὴ τῆς Φαιστοῦ τὸν τοὺς καθαρμοὺς ποιήσαντα διὰ τῶν ἐπῶν
᾿Επιμενίδην φασὶν εἶναι.
32] di Χαρίλαος, king of Sparta, was son of Polydectes, and
nephew of Lycurgus. With the aid of his colleague Archelaus be
destroyed the border town of Aegys, to which there may be an
allusion in ἐπικτήτον μοίρης.

198

BOOK V. CHAPS. 30-33 227 ἃ

227 ἃ 3 θαυμάζει τὸν ᾿Αρχίλοχον. On the merits and faults of
Archilochus see Theocr. Epigr. xix.; Orig. c. Cels. iii. a5 ; Fabric.
Bibl. Gr. ii. 15.16; Farnell, Gk. Lyr. Poet. ται.

33] c 4 Μνησαρχίδης Mnesarchus the father of Euripides is
here called Mnesarchides. .
ἃ 2 Ὁμήρῳ. Cf. Plut. De Vit. et Poés. Hom. 4 ‘When he was
grown up and had already gained a reputation for poetry, he
inquired of the god who his parents were and of what country;

and he replied thus
Ἔστιν “Ios νῆσος μητρὸς πατρίς, ἦ σε θανόντα
δέξεται" ἀλλὰ νέων ἀνδρῶν αἴνιγμα φύλαξαι.
Another oracle of this kind is quoted 229 ὁ 5.

ἃ 10 δυηπαθέων. Cf. Ap. Rh. iv. 1164 δυηπαθέων ἀνθρώπων.

228 c 1 Ὁ φονεὺς αὐτοῦ. See Plut. De Sera Num. Vind. 560 E,
with Wyttenbach’s note.

ἃ 2 éorepavovro. Imperfect, because he was crowned re-
peatedly.

ἃ 6 ἐραστής. Saarmann’s conjecture ἐργάτης agrees well with
ἔργον ἐπετήδευεν. The profligacy of Euripides, implied in ἐραστής,
was mere idle scandal.

229 a 4 Σαβαῖοιι The true name Σαπαῖοι is found in Pausan.
547 Σαπαίων δὲ τούτων καὶ ᾿Αρχίλοχος ἐν ἰαμβείῳ μνήμην ἔσχε.
The Sapaei lay near the frontier of Macedonia and Thrace, not
far from Philippi. Cf. Strab. 549 Εἶτα dio, παρ᾽ οἷς φησιν
᾿Αρχίλοχος τὴν ἀσπίδα ῥῖψαι" ᾿Ασπίδα μὲν Σαΐων τις ἀνείλετο .. . of
δ᾽ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι Yamato: νῦν ὀνομάζονται.

ἃ 5 Λυκάμβαι. See Farnell’s Gk. Lyr. Poet. 113, and Archil.
Fr. 94 Πάτερ Λυκάμβα x.r.r. and Fr. 96

“Opxov δ᾽ ἐνοσφίσθης μέγαν
ἅλας τε καὶ τράπεζαν.

8.6 Θυέστης. Euripides wrote tragedies on Thyestes and on
Oedipus, from both which Stobaeus quotes many passages in the
Florilegium.

®uweis. No tragedy of Euripides so named is mentioned by.
Stobaeus or by Fabricius; but Aeschylus and Sophocles each
wrote a tragedy on the story of Phineus and the Harpies.
Cf. Apollod. i, 9. 21, Orph. Argon. 674 8q.; Verg. Aen. iii.
210-18.
ἃ 8 (δοκοῦσιν), Heinich. Dind. The reading of the MSS. ἂν

199

8598 THE PREPARATION POR THE GOSPEL

δυκώσιων .. - ἀμελῆσαι ay has arisen from failing to oteerve that
thy: first ἄν is an anticipation of the second.

b 1 dkaccevacu. Plut. Antom. 926 ardpes δὲ καὶ raides εἰς

C5 μητρίς. Sx» Ὅσο on 227 ἃ 2. Pausan 858 quotes the
same cracle. Cf Plut. ii 792 Ε ἡ δὲ πατρὶς καὶ μητρίς, ὡς Κρῆτες
καλυῦσι, this use of μητρίς being peculiar to the Cretans.

ἃ αὶ κοσρᾳ. Cho4d 2.

34! 4200 4 ψάμμοι. Cf. 212ε 1.

b 5 Κλεομήδην. The story of Cleomedes is told almost exactly
as bere Ly Pausanias vi. 474, and the disappearance of the body
is mentioned Ly Plutarch, Romulus, p. 35.

9 3 ἐξηγητά. Cf Plat. Rep. 427 C πάτριος ἐξηγητής, Legg.
759 C.

231 b 2 ἐκιδικάσεται. Cf. Demosth. 1051 ἐπεδικάσατο tov
κλήρου.

Ὁ 3 ἀνασχέσθαι. Saarmann proposes ἀνασχήσεται and ἀπει-
λήσει, to avoid the ehange of construction.

b 7 σιδηροῖς χρῷτο τοῖς ἱμᾶσιν, ‘should have his caestus bound
with iron.’ Cf. Verg. Aen. v. 405

‘Ingentia septem
Terga boum plumbo insuto ferroque rigebant.’

Ὁ 8 τῷ Θασίῳ πύκτῃ. ‘The Thasian boxer’ is Theagenes, of
whom the strange story which follows is related by Pausanias
478 at much length.

282 a 1 {(Δήμητηρ᾽ ἀπαμήσεις). Cf. Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R.
Geogr. ‘Thasos’: ‘There is not enough corn grown in the island
for its present population, which consists only of 6,000 Greek
inbabitants dispersed in twelve small villages. Hence we are
surprised to find it called by Dionysius (Perieg. 532) Δημήτερος
dry.’

Ὁ 2 ἐκόμων Δήμητρι. Cf. Hom. Hymn, ad Cer. 454

οὖθαρ ἀρούρης
μέλλεν ἄφαρ ταναοῖσι κομήσειν ἀσταχύεσσι.

b 7 γαῖαν ἀρώσεις. Meineke reads γᾶν ἀναρώσεις ; cf. Anth. Pal.
vil. 175 καὶ ὑμέας ἄλλος ἀρώσει. But as the regular future ἀρόσω

has the short vowel, the better form would be ἀρόσσεις. Cf.
Donaldson, Gk. Gr. 182.

BOOK V. CHAPS. 33-36 232 d

ἃ 6 iv 7. This should be printed iy’ ἢ, imperfect after

ὥφελες.
35] 283 a 2 Κύψελος Αἰακίδης. For the story of Cypselus see
Hdt. v. 92, and compare 224 ὁ 5. In the text of Eusebius the
commoner patronymic Αἰακίδης has been substituted for Ἠξετίδης,
or ’Aéridys (Valcknaer). Pausanias (419) gives a full descrip-
tion of the chest (κυψέλη) in which Cypselus was concealed
by his mother, and of the ancient carvings and inscriptions
upon it.

b 3 Φάλαρις. Athenaeus (602) relates the story in the same
way on the authority of Heracleides Ponticus: but a different
version by Aelian is followed in Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.,
‘Melanippus.’

b 6 The oracle is given in Athenaeus

Εὐδαίμων Χαρίτων καὶ Μελάνιππος ἔφυ,
θείας ἁγητῆρες ἐφαμερίοις φιλότατος.

b 8 διαλελυμένον. The meaning is not very certain: ‘ molle
ac solutum ’ (Vig.), i.e. ‘ feeble.’ ‘ An metro solutum ?’ (Wyttenb.).
As διαλύεσθαι often means to ‘reconcile’ or ‘settle a quarrel,’
perhaps the oracle is here called ‘ conciliatory,’ as in accordance
with 232 ἃ 10 τοὺς τυράννους κολακεύειν εἰώθασιν.

36] d 2 φαλληνόν, a word found only in this passage, which
Theodoret. Gr. Aff. Cur. 141.35 derives from φαλλός. Cf. Pausan.
842 ἡ δὲ αὐτοὺς σέβεσθαι Διόνυσον Φαλλῆνα ἐκέλευσεν. From this
passage Lobeck, Aglaoph. 1086, would read

Φαλλῆνος τιμῶσι Διωνύσοιο κάρηνον.
But it is evident that there is further corruption in the latter
part of the passage.

dg ἐφεώρων. Hom. Od. xvii. 487 ἐφορῶντες. The sense is the
same as in Hesiod, Opp. 252

of ῥα φνλάσσουσίν re δίκας καὶ σχέτλια ἔργα.
294 ἃ 5 ἐλάϊνον κορμόν. Cf. Aristoph. Lys. 255
κορμοῦ τοσουτονὶ βάρος χλωρᾶς φέρων ἐλάας.
b 7 διοπετές, ἀλλὰ ποσειδωνοπετές. Eur. Iph, in T. 977
Φοῖβός μ' ἔπεμψε δεῦρο διοπετὲς λαβεῖν
ἄγαλμ᾽ ᾿Αθηνῶν τ᾽ ἐγκαθιδρῦσαι χθονί.

C I ἡγήσωνται. On the subjunctive after a past tense, sce
Jelf, Gk. Gr. 841. δ.

Ὁ 2 ov τύχην, ἀλλὰ τνφεδόνα, A play on words of similar

201

284. THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

sound : rudedova, found elsewhere only in Callimach. ap. Herodian
(L. and Sc. Lez.).

C Il ὑποπεσεῖται, a word frequently occurring in Sext. Emp.
e.g. Math. vii. 52 ὑποπεσεῖται διότι κιτιλ. ‘it will occur that.’

BOOK VI

The subjects discussed in this Book, ‘Fate, Free-Will, Fore-
knowledge Absolute,’ are more or less fully treated by nearly all
tbe early Christian writers, and it will be seen by the references
in our notes that Eusebius was well acquainted with their
works.

1] 28786 (ὁ κλών). ‘Sic scripsi pro ὁδῶν, quia et subjectum
deest, et substantivum desideratur quod prolem humanam ad
similitudinem surculi arboris significet’ (Wolff). Cf. Eur. Jon
423

σὺ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ βωμούς, ὦ γύναι, δαφνηφόρους

λαβοῦσα κλῶνας εὐτέκνους εὔχου θεοῖς

χρησμούς μ᾽ ἐνεγκεῖν.

b 1 οὗ τι δὲ κοῦρον. Cf. Cic. De Div. i. 39 ‘Quid (λαδεῖ) astro-
logus cur stella Iovis aut Veneris coniuncta cum Luna ad ortus
puerorum salutaris sit, Saturni Martisve contraria?’

Ὁ 2 pore. Cf. Soph. Oed. Tyr. 1497 τὴν τεκοῦσαν ἤροσεν.
On the Moon’s supposed influence see Plut. De Is. et Osir.
367 D.

C 2 ὑπερβλύζων. Cf. Clem. Al. 167 ἡ δὲ ὑπερβλύζουσα τὴν
αὐτάρκειαν δίαιτα τὸν ἄνθρωπον Kaxot.

6 Καὶ κακηπελσι. ‘Sic Toupius ex codicum vestigiis’ (Wolff).
The word means ‘evil plight,’ ‘ disease.’ L. and Sc. refer only
to Nicander, a medical writer.

288 Δ. τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. iii. 3. βονλενόμεθα
δὲ περὶ τῶν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν πρακτῶν. Plut. Mor. 570 F τὸ δὲ ἐνδεχόμενον
ὡς ὕλη τῶν ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν προὐποκεῖσθαι: τὸ δὲ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν ὡς κύριον χρῆσθαι
τῷ ἐνδεχομένῳ: Plotin. Enn. vi. 8. 734 καὶ ζητεῖν ἔθος εἴ τι ἐφ᾽
ἡμῖν ὃν τυγχάνει, 735 τί τοίνυν νοοῦντες τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν λέγομεν ; K.T.A.

302

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 1-4 238a

Β 3 προαιρέσεις. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. i. 1 πρᾶξίς τε καὶ προαί-
ρεσις. Cf. Sir A. Grant ‘Ipagis and προαίρεσις, action and
purpose, go to make up one conception, that of “moral action.”’
Aristot. ibid. iii. 2. 9 ὅλως yap ἔοικεν ἡ προαίρεσις περὶ τὰ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν
εἶναι.

2] Ὁ 3 γενεθλήϊον. Cf. Plut. Mor. 1119 E Δία γενέθλιον.

Ὁ 4 ταρχύσει. Cf. Hom. Il. vii. 85

τὸν δὲ νέκυν ἐπὶ νῆας ἐὐσσέλμους ἀποδώσω,
ὄφρα é ταρχύσωσι καρηκομόωντες ᾿Αχαιοί,

C1 δυσπέμφελον. Cf. Hom. il. xvi. 748; Hesiod, Theog. 440.
9] 289 a 4 Ei ἂν ἄνω. With this reading of the MSS.
Wolff takes xeAdSovres as a substantive, without giving any
authority. If my conjecture Etr’ ἄνεμοι be admitted, the sub-
junctive τρίβωνται without ay is justified by Hom. Od. vii. 202
εὖτ᾽ ἔρδωμεν.

ὑπηέριοι. Cf. Apoll. Rh. Argon. iv. 158
κεῖνο δ᾽ ὑπηέριον θείην Πελοπηΐδα γαῖαν
εἰσανέχει πέλαγος Κρήτης ὕπερ.
Wolff’s conjecture ὑπαιθέριοι seems to be needless and without
authority.
Ὁ 6 καταιβάσιον Διὸς ἔγχος. Cf. Aesch. Prom. V. 359
ἀλλ’ ἦλθεν αὐτῷ Ζηνὸς ἄγρυπνον βέλος,
καταιβάτης κεραυνὸς ἐκπνέων φλόγα.

C6 δήνεα. Hom. Od. x. 289 ὀλοφώϊα δήνεα Κίρκης.

ἃ 2 δινήσωσι. Scaliger’s conjecture δὴ νήσωσι, adopted by
Wolff, is needless. Cf. Plat. Rep. 620 E τῆς τοῦ ἀτράκτου
δίνης.

4] 440 d 6 ἀποτροπιασμούς. Cf. Diog. L. viii. 32 τούς τέ
καθαρμοὺς καὶ ἀποτροπιασμούς.

241 8 1 Ῥιπὴ (δαιμονίης γὰρ (ἀλεῖσ᾽) ἐπιδέδρομεν (ἀλκῆς).
On the reading of the MSS.

ἹῬιπὴ δαιμονίη γὰρ ἅλις ἐπιδέδρομεν ἀλκή.
Viger writes: ‘Omnino sensus exigit ut vel jury vel ἀλκή in
dandi casu ponatur: malim tamen fury.’ Gaisford, Heinichen,
and Dindorf adopt this suggestion without further change. ‘Sed
quia Porphyrius enarrat διὰ τὸ ὑπὸ φύσεως καταδεδέσθαι ego
ἁλοῦσα conjeci’ (Wolff). I have adopted δαιμονίης and ἀλκῆς
from Wolff, but ἁλεῖσ᾽ (or ἀλεῖσ᾽), the participle of ἐάλην, seems
more appropriate than dAoto’. In Hom. 1]. xxii. 308 (Od. xxiv.
303

9418. THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

538) οἴμησεν δὲ ἀλείς, it is well rendered by Lord Derby ‘Collected
for the spring.’ See Buttmann, Lezilog. 258.
5] oc τῆς φορᾶς, i.e. τῶν ἀστέρων.

6 3 (δαιμόνων), adopted by Wolff from Theodoret 137, 40
instead of δαιμονίων.

ἃ 6 (ἱρήν, ἔδρανα μαντοσύνης). Valckenir’s emendation for

εἴρειν θ᾽ ἕδραν ἀμαντοσύνης.
Θ] 242 a 1-254 ἃ 9. This long passage is a favourable
specimen of the argumentative style of Eusebius himself; and
being for the most part clear and simple it needs little explana-
tory comment.

Ὁ 4 εἰσενηνεγμένος. The perfect describes the man’s permanent
character ; ‘ who has brought with him.’

CI ἐλευθεροστομῶν. Aesch. Prom. V. 180

ἄγαν δ᾽ ἐλευθεροστομεῖς.
C 2 Ἴτω μὲν πῦρ. The first line is taken from Eur. Phoen. 521
πρὸς ταῦτ᾽ ἴτω μὲν wip, ἴτω δὲ φάσγανα.

But the whole passage is a fragment οὗ a play of Euripides
entitled Syleus, and is quoted by Philo Judaeus p. 98 P (Legis
Allegor. iii. 71) without the first line, and again p. 880 (Quod
omnis prob. liber, § 15) with the words ‘See for instance how
Heracles speaks in Euripides.’ Cf. Ruhnken, Tim. Lez. Plat. in
voce Θῶπεςς Syleus having bought Hercules as a slave tried in
vain to keep him in order.

ἃ 3 ἐκ τῆς αὐτοπροαιρέτον κινήσεως. Evidently borrowed froni
Aristot. De Plant. i. 2. 11 οὔτε κίνησιν αὐτοπροαίρετον. The transla-
tion ‘arising from’ is hardly correct; the meaning rather is
‘denied that there is free will in spontaneous motion, but made
this also subject to necessity.’ Cf. 250 a1.

ἃ 12 ἀναδεδεγμένης, ‘has assumed to itself’: cf. 245 ὁ 7.

243 Ὁ 2 οὐχ ἡμέτερον ἔργον ἦν. Cf. A. J. Balfour, Foundations
of Belief, p. 25 ‘The persistent realisation of the doctrine that
voluntary decisions are as completely determined by external
and (if you go far enough back) by material conditions as in-
voluntary ones, does really conflict with the sense of personal
responsibility, and with the sense of personal responsibility is
bound up the moral will.’ ‘It may be a small matter that deter-
minism should render it thoroughly irrational to feel righteous
indignation at the conduct of other people. 10 cannot be wholly

204

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 5, 6 243 b

without importance that it should render it equally irrational to
feel righteous indignation at our own.’ Cf. Plut. ii. 168 c.

245 @ 5 νευροσπαστουμένους. Cf. Clem. Al. 598 μὴ veupo-
σπαστούμενον ἀψύχων δίκην ὀργάνων.

Ὁ 4 avOexovoiov. A word occurring frequently in Eusebius
himself, but not in other writers, who use the equivalent avfai-
ρετος, OF αὑτεξούσιος.

Ὁ 7 ἐνεργείᾳ. On the meaning ‘actuality’ compare Sir A.
Grant, Ethics of Aristotle, i. 232.

ἃ 4 φαντασί. Plut. De Plac. Philos. iv. 12 “ Φαντασία is an
affection produced in the mind (ψυχῇ), which makes both itself
and that which has produced it known. As for instance when
by sight we perceive white, there is an affection which has been
produced in the mind by the sight; and in consequence of this
affection we are entitled to say that there is a white object which
affects us.’ This was the definition of Chrysippus, intended to
prove a necessary connexion between sensations and objects
existing in nature. Cf. R. and Pr. 398; Zeller, Outlines, 236.

ἃ 6 κατὰ προηγούμενον λόγον, ‘according to a primary law,’ i.e.
a reason or law previously established by the providence of God.
On the distinction of primary or ‘ antecedent causes’ from ‘ proxi-
mate causes ’ see Cic. De Fato, xviil.

246 @ 5 κατὰ τὸν προηγούμενον ... λόγον. By ‘its primary
law’ is meant the law of ‘the proper and distinct constitution
of nature’ allotted to it by God, as stated above, 245 d 10, and
again below, Ὁ 7, ‘ for reasons known to Himself.’

248 ὁ 5 κρυμῶν re ἐπιφοραί. Cf. Polyb. iv. 41. 7 xara τὰς τῶν
ὄμβρων ἐπιφοράς.

249 ἃ 5 Φθείρουσι γὰρ ἤθη «.r.A. Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 33 quoted by
Clem. Alex. Paed. ii. 6 (Sylb. 73) and by Tertullian, Ad Uzor. ii.
8, as poetry ‘sanctified by the Apostle,’ but without naming the
poet. The proverb is ascribed to Menander in marginal scholia
of several cursive MSS. quoted by Tischendorf. Jerome on Tit. i,
and Gal. iv. ascribes it to Menander, Socrates (H. E. iii. 16) to
Euripides. Cf. Meineke, Fr. Comic. Gr. ii. p. 908, who regards
it as a fragment of the Thais.

Ὁ 3 ἐλευθέρῳ φρονήματι. Cf. Plat. Legg. 865 ἐν ἐλευθέρῳ φρονή»
ματι βεβιωκώς.

b 8 φοραὶ καὶ ἀφορία.. The language is evidently borrowed

205

249 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

from Plato, Rep. 546 A φορὰ καὶ ddopia ψνχῆς re καὶ σωμάτων
γίγνονται, ὅταν περιτροπαὶ ἑκάστοις κύκλων περιφορὰς ξυνάπτωσι,
‘ Fertility and sterility of soul and body occur when their revo-
lutions complete and re-unite the peripheries of their several
orbits.’ .

b 9 περίπτωσιν. Cf. Clem. Al. 366 κατὰ περίπτωσιν ἐπήβολος
τῆς ἀληθείας ἁμῃγέπῃ.

C10 einviws. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. ‘ Proprie de equts dicitur,

qui se habenis facile regi patiantur. ...’ ‘ Εὐηνίῳ opponitur

δυσήνιος, ἐξήνιος et ἀφηνιαστής.᾽

ἃ 12 οὐσίαις. ‘Post οὐσίαις io. add. πνευματικαῖς. Vigeri
margo’G. The same meaning is sufficiently implied in the anti-
thesis of σώμασιν and οὐσίαις without making an unauthorized
addition to the text.

250 ἃ I αὐτοπροαιρέτῳ κινήσει. Cf. 242 ἃ 3.

ἃ. 2 ddSevovca. Hom. Il. xi. 569

ἐπὶ νῆας ὁδεύειν.

b 7 ἀποδοχῆς, ‘ acceptance,’ ‘approval,’ a favourite word with
Polybius, 6. g. viii. 19. 11 ἀποδοχῆς μεγάλης τεύξεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς
᾿Αντιοχεῦσι.

C7 Θεὸς ἀναίτιος. Cf. Plat. Rep. 617 E; Clem. Al. 139; Orig.
Philosoph. xix (Lommatsch, xxv. 323); Clem. Hom. xv. 8.

251 Ὁ 7 τούτου δυσσεβὴς ἄλλος .. . ciodywv. Viger conjectures
τούτου δυσσεβέστερος ἄλλος rou. . . εἰσάγοντος. “ Post ἄλλος nescio
an exciderit μᾶλλον # δ᾽ (Gaisford). But the text needs no
alteration. Cf. Plat. Charm. 166 A ὃ τυγχάνει ὃν ἄλλο αὐτῆς τῆς
ἐπιστήμης. Xen. Mem. Socr. iv. 4. 25 τὰ δίκαια νομοθετεῖν ἣ ἄλλα
τῶν δικαίων. See also 252 a 1, and Jelf, Gk. Gr. 503.

252 a 2 docBéoraros. Gaisford writes " ἀσεβέστερος videtur
reponendum,’ and I followed this in my translation. But the
construction of τούτου ἕτερος is the same as τούτου ἄλλος in 251
b 7 ‘What other than this could be the most impious of state-
ments ?’

&7 τὴν εἱμαρμένην cippov. Cf. the definitions of εἱμαρμένη in
Plut. De Plac. Phil. 885 B Οἱ Sronxot εἱρμὸν (sic) αἰτιῶν, rovr-
έστι τάξιν καὶ ἐπισύνδεσιν ἀπαράβατον.

Ὁ 7 αὐτοζωή. Cf, Athan. Ad Serap. Ep. i. 23 καὶ ὃ μὲν Κύριός
ἐστιν ἡ αὐτοζωὴ καὶ ἀρχηγὸς τῆς ζωῆς, ο. Arian. iv. 32.

ἃ 1 ἀνακύψει. Opt. without dy in conditional sense. So

206

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 6, 7 282 ἃ

253 Ὁ 4 ἐπιτρέψειε, 266 Ὁ θαυμάσειέ τις, Jelf, Gk. Gr. 418 and
426.

25482 ἔκπαλαι ἠγωνισμένοι, καὶ εἰσέτι δεῦρο διαθλοῦντες. This
passage was evidently written when persecution had long raged,
and was hardly yet over.

a 8 δι’ ἔνστασιν εὐσεβείας ‘owing to his determined piety’

J. B. M.: cf. Clem, Strom. vii. 867 σώζειν ἔνστασιν, 868 παράγειν
τῆς ἐνστάσεως οὐκ ἴσχυσεν. Wyttenb. Plut. Mor. 62 B (note).
7] 265 c 3 ἡμίδουλον. Cic. De Fato, 17 ‘Whereas there had
been two opinions among ancient philosophers, one held by those
who judged that all things were caused by fate, in such wise that
this fate brought with it the force of necessity, of which opinion
were Democritus, Heracleitus, Empedocles, Aristoteles ; the other
held by those who thought that without any fate at all the
motions of men’s minds were voluntary,—it seems to me that
Chrysippus wished to hold the middle course, as a friendly
umpire (arbiter honorarius, cf. Tusc. Disp. v. 41); yet he takes the
part rather of those who will have the motions of the soul freed
from necessity. But while speaking in his own words, he slides
into such difficulties, that against his will he confirms the necessity
of fate.’ Quoted by Viger.

ο 8 Ἐχθρὲ περικτιόνεσσι. The occasion of the oracle recorded
by Herodotus, vii. 148, was that the Argives inquired of the god
whether they should join the other Greeks in resisting the Persians.
Six thousand of them had been slain not long before by the
Lacedaemonians under Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides ;
which was the reason why they now sent to Delphi.

d 1 τὸν προβόλαιον, ‘the spear.’ Cf. Hdt. vii. 76 προβόλους
δύο λυκοεργέας.

ἃ 5 Carystus son οὗ Cheiron gave his name to the town founded
by him in Euboea, Cf. Thuc. vii. 57; Strab. 446.

256 a 4 (xricw), Mullach’s emendation for κατιῶ I or κτιῶ O.

Ὁ 2 εὐδείελον ἄστυ. For the meaning and derivation of εὐδείελον
as the common Homeric epithet for islands see Buttmann, Lezxi-
logus, 223 f.

b 4 ’Hepia. This name is explained by Strab. 185, in speaking
of ἃ town near Avignon, as meaning τὸ ἐφ᾽ ὕψους ἱδρῦσθαι μεγάλον.
Thasos is described by Thucydides (iv. 104) as ‘an island
distant from Amphipolis about half-a-day’s sail,’ and as ‘a

207

256 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

colony of the Parians.’? Hdt. vii. 47 says that the mines of
Thasos, which he had visited, were discovered by the Phoenicians,
when they went with Thasos and colonized the island.

6 3 ἐξενάγησεν. The verb means ‘ to act as a fevayds (Thue. ii.
75) or leader of foreign allies. Cf. Xen. Hell. iv. 3. 17 ὧν Ἧριπ-
πίδας éfevaye. The Parians would be ξένοι in Thasos.

Ὁ Τοῦτο δὲ ὁπόθεν ἴσμεν; It has been thought that the
relatives may sometimes be used as direct interrogatives, but there
is no sufficient ground for such an anomaly. Here the sentence
is elliptical, and the question indirect. ‘But do you ask whence
do we know this?’ Cf. 257 ἃ 8 Ὧν δὲ ἕνεκα ταῦτα προσεισήνεγκα
τῷ λόγῳ; and see the note there.

G1 συναίσθησις ‘ conscious sensation.’

ἀντίληψις ἡμῶν αὐτῶν. Cf. Tim. Locr. 100 C τὰς & ὑπ᾽ ἀντί-
λαψιν μὴ πιπτοίσας ἀναισθήτως (κινάσιας εἶμεν) Diod. Sic. iii. 15
ἡδονῆς δὲ καὶ πόνον τὴν φυσικὴν μόνον ἀντίληψιν ποιούμενοι τῶν
αἰσχρῶν καὶ καλῶν οὐδεμίαν λαμβάνουσιν ἔννοιαν. Plotin. Enn. vi.
I. 20 τὸ πληγῆναι ἐν ἀντιλήψει ὃν καὶ γνωρίσει.

ἃ 6 Πῶς δ᾽ ὅτι διαλεγόμεθα. ‘The thoughts that we have when
awake we have also in sleep. What assurance have we that all
our thoughts are not equally dreams?’ Dict. des Sciences philos.
Art. ‘ Descartes.’

ἃ Αρ᾽ οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἐκρίναμεν. Cf. 256 ἃ 1, where it is argued
that ‘nothing is so satisfactory as our apprehension of ourselves.’
But still it may be asked how do we judge of the certainty of
this apprehension of ourselves, and the answer follows im-
mediately. .

ἃ 8 τῷ πάντων ἐγγυτάτῳ πράγματι αὐτῷ. This is like the first
principle of Descartes (ibid.): ‘Il ne démontre pas, il pose un
axiome. . .. Lorsque quelqu’un dit, “ Je pense, donc je suis,” il
ne conclut pas son existence de sa pensée comme par la force de
quelque syllogisme, mais comme une chose connue de soi; il la
voit par une simple inspection de |’esprit.’

ἃ 11 ἀπεκτονὼς τὴν μητέρα. Alemaeon slew his mother Eri-
phyle, because she had been bribed by the necklace and peplos
of Harmonia to send first her husband Amphiaraus and then
Alcmaeon himself to the expedition against Thebes. Being
driven mad by his mother’s Erinnyes, Alemaeon wandered
into Arcadia, and finally, by the advice of the oracle to

BOOK VI. CHAP. 7 256 d

the delta of the Achelous. The story is told at large by Apollo-
dorus, iii. 6. 1-7. 5.

257 ἃ 4 6 ye Πύθιος οὐ μαίνεται. If Alcmaeon thinks he
knows his own existence or anything else, the delusion may be
excused, because he is mad. But you, Apollo, certainly are not
mad, and therefore ought not to pretend to know anything.

DI τὴν ἡμιδουλείαν. Cf. 255 ἃ 3.

b 3 βλέννους, ἃ very rare word, the accent varying according
as it is regarded as a substantive or adjective.

τὸν Oirw. Cf. Hom. Od. ix. 366
Οὗτις ἐμοί γ᾽ ὄνομα: Οὗτιν δέ pe κικλήσκουσιν
μήτηρ ἠδὲ πατὴρ ἠδ᾽ ἄλλοι πάντες ἑταῖροι.

Ὁ 4 ᾿Αρκεσίλαον παρόντας. Arcesilaus was the founder of the
New Academy, and a chief opponent of the Stoics, Zeno and
Chrysippus, in the latter part of the third century 8.c. He
carried his scepticism so far as to say ‘that he knew nothing, not
even that he did not know.’ Cf. Cic. De Oratore, iii. 18. 67 ‘ex
variis Platonis libris Socraticisque sermonibus hoe maxime arri-
puit, nihil esse certi quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit.’

Ὁ 5 ov παρόντα. Epicurus died 341 B.c., and Chrysippus was
not born till 280 B.c.

CI οὗ λέγω. Cf. 256 d1,d 8.

d 1 τι λεληθός, ‘something that has escaped notice.’

εἱμαρμένη (ἢ) πεπρωμένη. In quoting the passage Theodoret
(86. 37) inserts καί. But it is still better to assume with Saar-
mann and J. B. Mayor that 7 has fallen out after εἱμαρμένη.

ἃ τοῦ βαδίζειν καὶ τοῦ ἄγεσθαι. Examples of voluntary and
enforced movements, of which we have a direct consciousness in
the same way as of our own existence.

ἃ 8 Ὧν δὲ evexa. Cf. Viger, De Idiot. 29 “Ὅς aliquando sumitur,
rarius licet, pro τίς interrogativo ...Sic enim Oenomaus apud
Eusebium .. . Ὧν δὲ ἕνεκα x«.7.A.... Tu parce imitari,’ But cf.
Stallbaum’s note on Plat. Rep. 559 A “Ὅς semper finitum est,
referturque ad certam aliquam rem vel personam: τίς quaerit de
eo quod est infinitum atque incertum. Ex quo patet alterum
cum altero non potuisse commutari.’ The simplest explanation
seems to be that in such cases as 256 ὁ 7 and here the question
is really indirect, the sentence being elliptical.

258 8 3 πείσματα ἀνῆπται. Cf. 221 Ὁ.

δ κα Ρ 209

ΧΕ a. THE ΤΡ ΠΥ "0B “SE τύϑξΕς.

B- =m -e "cre -arcasmic mse f “Re ΣΙΣ ΣΡ 6 #e Ὁ ΌΩ.
=<
“=nw ὦ “same. “OS “EIT τᾶς 7 om.
aur .» -e=useer.
bh ci. -οιαστασις. :. “O00. waite. tac ~~ =
Dee - το Ors ae’ oo=eeres oo

os τῶν Son wom τῶῆωΤῖος sues fone.
The Fade sel s UNed τ ΣΡ SoMa ἋΣ ee arooment i
S28 “oetieae ἴ Sources

δα Leche. sme “aes mc Eres.

Ww λῶν Ὥσασας ee >) GETS παρ. Ἔα TOTS.
ἃ: Ὁ μα (£55: το Στ᾿ 2 2. Te atampe « Orvsppus

τῷ TBeonerie “he toetreme of Sate Wir: a Ἔα eet of Tee ToilCun
Wag et OF le Thereasn wooeests Seoaism wim χὰ arzu-
Merit “ecariedl iv ‘cee. 4 20 I>.
Bs acme. ΠΡ 252: -.
@- sur. >wea. =~
1 Σ ese. “SC ϑηραισιν ax oes ὅσας,
α΄ παι -useres va. Zecwa δ᾽ i os
ex τὰς ms mas ὥἄφσαται ἃ meres.
Ths pemage ἃ 280 Juste ami Gecummd dw Urarem. c. Cots.
ii 20

ἃ 5 τῶς ἂν (ax). Dincorfs necessary currectaua of che read-
ing of the MSS. res & ἡ.

G26 αὖ Viger’s suszestion aiver is followed br most editors,
giving the meaning ‘ master of himself.” With the reading of the
MSS. (at) the meaning of κέριος ὧν will be * when he had the
power.’

ἃ το Εὐριπκιδοι. Cf. Eur. Phoen. 67

ἀρὰς ἀρᾶται παισὶν ἀνοσιωτάτας.

259 a 6 The Perrhaebi were a tribe in the extreme north of

Thessaly.
ἐλθών. For εἰσελθὼν ἐπὶ κιτιλ. Heikel reads with cod. I
εἰ ἐλθὼν x.7.X., which is certainly preferable.

a>’

BOOK VI. CHAP. 7 259 a

ταριχοπωλεῖν, mentioned as one of the meanest trades by
Plat. Charm. 163 B.

& 7 χερνῆτιν, ‘a woman who works with her own hands.’ Cf.
Hom, Il. xii. 433
γυνὴ χερνῆτις ἀληθής.

ἃ 3 ovvins. On this form and συνιεῖς see Rutherford, New
Phryn. 316.

260 8. 2 ψύλλα. ‘Feminina positio inde ab Aristophane (Nub.
145) et Xenophonte (Sympos. vi. 8 πόσους ψύλλης πόδας ἐμοῦ
ἀπέχεις) omnibus viguit aetatibus,’ Lobeck, Phryn. 532.

παραιρήσει. ‘Verbum παραιρήσει quod habeat subjectum
e contextu orationis non video; itaque rs addidi’ (Heikel).
Dr. Heikel seems not to have observed that παραιρήσει is of the
middle voice; cf. Demosth. 289 καὶ πόλεις παραιρεῖται οὐδὲν αὐτῷ
προσηκούσας. ᾿

8 7 Tpnxiv’. Some MSS. have Τριχήν, Stephens Τριχῖν. But
the allusion to Hercules shows clearly that the place meant is
Trachis in Thessaly, near mount Oeta.

@ 8 dras. The oracle seems to refer to the destruction of the
colony of Iferaclea by the Thessalians and others ‘ to the detri-
ment of whose territory it was founding.’ Among these ‘ others’
there would naturally be the Locrians, from their close neigh-
bourhood. See Thucyd. iii. 93, with Arnold’s and Poppo’s
notes.

ἠδ᾽ ἔτι δώσει. Cf. Hom. Il. i. 96
τοὔνεκ᾽ dp dAye ἔδωκεν ἑκηβόλος ἠδ᾽ ἔτι δώσει.

Ὁ 7 λιμώττομεν. The oracle seems to have attributed a famine
from which the Locrians were suffering to their destruction of
Heraclea.

C5 ὃ δὴ ἔσται. ‘Just what will be, will be.’ The best MSS.
have δεῖ, but in D, which was used by both Stephens and Viger,
the reading is δή, With δεῖ the sentence should be read, as
by Dindorf, ἔσται yap ὃ δεῖ, ἔσται, κἂν σὺ σιωπᾷς.

ἃ 4 Λυκοῦργον. Cf. 222 Ὁ 10, where the oracle which praises
Lycurgus is quoted.

ἃ ΣΙ ἐξηγκωνισμένοι. In Arist. Rhet. iii. 14. 11 οὐδὲν προεξ-
ayxwvioas seems to be a metaphor from boxing, ‘without any
previous sparring.’ The verb is compounded from ἀγκών,
‘elbow.’ .

P2 ary

2601 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

26la5 τό ye ἐπὶ σοί. ‘So far as it depends on your judge-
ment.’

b 6 ἀνάγωγον. Cf. Xen. Mem. Socr. iii. 3. 4 ἵππους. . . οὕτως
dvayuryous ὥστε μὴ μένειν.

καταξανοῦμεν. Cf. Plat. (Com.) Incert. 52 (Meineke). ‘Idem
(Pollux) 7. 30 “ d£awe δὲ τῶν ἐρίων.᾽ ”

dr Διογενιανοῦ. Cf. 136 ς 6, note.

8] 262 ar τὰ δοκοῦντα Χρυσίτπκῳ. Cf. 258 Ὁ 3, note. Stob.
Ecl. i. 5. 15 Ἔν rots Περὶ τῆς εἱμαρμένης καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις σποράδην
πολυτρόπως ἀποφαίνεται λέγων: Εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν 6 τοῦ κόσμου
λόγος, ἣ λόγος τῶν ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ προνοίᾳ διοικουμένων, ἢ λόγος καθ᾽ ὃν
τὰ μὲν γεγονότα γέγονε τὰ δὲ γινόμενα γίνεται τὰ δὲ γενησόμενα
γενήσεται.

Ὁ 5 Μοῖραν. Cf. Hom. J. vi. 488, from the speech of Hector
to Andromache. The same passage, with many others from
Greek and Latin authors, is quoted by Thomas Jackson (Dean
of Peterborough), vol. v, p. 340, in an interesting discussion on
Fate and its relation to Necessity and Chance.

ὁ 3 Αὐτῶν yap σφετέρῃσιν. In Hom. Il. iv. 409 the beginning
of the line is κεῖνοι δὲ σφετέρῃσιν.

οὔ ἐὲ ἡμέων. The speaker is Zeus. Cf. Hom. Od. i. 32.
Pope's version, though not very literal, brings out forcibly the
thought for which the passage is quoted by our author.

dio On the form τεθνήξεσθαι see Elmsley’s note on Aristoph.
Acharn. 590 ‘ Equidem crediderim veteres Atticos dixisse τεθνήξω,
rocentiores τεθνήξομαι : τεθνήξω enim nimis Attice dictum videtur
Luciano Soloecist. p. 570, qui alteram formam Socratis gram-
matici auctoritate confirmat.’

263 a 4 Ἡ γὰρ τοῦ ἄσσα διαστολή. Cf. 267 a 1, 373 Ὁ 3.

ἅσσα ( = ἅτινα) makes a ‘distinction’ by limiting the asser-
tion to the class of things decreed by fate. Cf. 265 a 4 ταῦτα
μόνα ὧν ἐστιν εἱμαρμένη.

ba οὐχ ὅπως. -.. ἀλλὰ wai... Cf. Riddell’s Appendix to
Plato, Apolog. Soer. 152 Ὁ.

Ὁ ὃ μιμουμέῳ. Cf. Plut. Mor. 26 A ᾿Αλλ’ ἐκεῖνο μᾶλλον οἰέσθω
μίμγιν εἶναι τὴν ποίησιν ἡθῶν καὶ βίων καὶ ἀνθρώπων οὐ τελείων
οὐδὲ κυθεμῶν οὐδ᾽ ἀνεπιλήπτων παντάπασιν, ἀλλὰ μεμιγμένων πάθεσι
aut δύέξωιν ψονδέσι καὶ ἀγνοίαις, διὰ δ᾽ εὐφυΐαν αὐτοὺς πολλάκις
μετηασγιθέννων πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον.

ore

- *

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 7, 8 263 b

Wyttenbach in his note on the passage quotes the passage
from Eusebius and adds ‘ Vulgatum μεμιγμένῳ certe vitiosum est :
rectius est vel μεμιγμένα, quod exhibui, vel μεμιμημένα,γ6] μιμουμένῳ."

C 6 πεπρωμένην πεπερασμένην. A false etymology, πεπρωμένην
being the participle of πορεῖν and πεπερασμένην οὗ wepaivw. Cf.
Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 24 ‘Magnam molestiam suscepit et mimine
necessariam primus Zeno, post Cleanthes, deinde Chrysippus,
commenticiarum fabularum reddere rationem, vocabulorum, cur
quidque ita appellatum sit, causas explicare.’ Cf. Zeller, Stoics,
174, note 2.

ἃ 1 ras Μοίρας. Compare the description in Plato, Rep. 617 C,
of the spheres of the universe revolving on the spindle of Neces-
sity, accompanied by the Sirens singing each a single note. ‘The
eight together form one harmony; and round about, at equal
intervals, there is another band, three in number, each sitting
upon her throne: these are the Fates, daughters of Necessity,
who are clothed in white raiment, and have crowns of wool upon
their heads, Lachesis, and Clotho, and Atropos, who accompany
with their voices the harmony of the Sirens—Lachesis singing of
the past, Clotho of the present, Atropos of the future; Clotho
now and then assisting with a touch of her right hand the
motion of the outer circle or whorl of the spindle, and Atropos
with her left hand touching and guiding the inner ones, and
Lachesis laying hold of either in turn, first with one hand and
then with the other.’ This rendering of the passage by Dr. Jowett
is not less exact than graceful.

ἃ 3 “ χρεών, inquit Suidas, τὸ εἱμαρμένον τέλος ζωῆς. Αἰλιανός"
ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς γῆρας ἀφίκετο, τὸ κοινὸν τῇ πεπρωμένῃ χρεὼν ἐξέτισε᾽
(Seguier). Cf. 32 ἃ 11.

ἃ 4 τοὺς τρεῖς .. . xpdvous, past, present, future.

ἃ 6 λαγχάνειν ἑκάστῳ τὸ πεπρωμένον. Two modes of construc-
tion are possible. Lachesis may be represented as ‘ casting lots
for the destiny of every man’; or (better) λαγχάνειν May mean
‘to fall to the lot of,’ and the sense will be ‘ because that which
is destined falls to each man’s lot.’ This intransitive use of
Aayxdvw is found in Plat. Legg. iv. 704 C πῶς μέρος ἑκάστων ἡμῖν
εἴληχε, and in Eur. Hippol. 80 ὅσοις . . . τὸ σωφρονεῖν εἴληχεν,
where see Paley’s note. Cf. Hom. Od. ix. 160; Strab. 443 τὴν
μὲν πρὸς νότον λαχεῖν φασι Δευκαλίωνι-

813

264 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

404 Ὁ 2 μαίνεσθαι. Cf. Diog. L. Zeno vii. 124 πάντας τε
τοὺς ἄφρονας μαίνεσθαι. Cic. Paradox. iv. Ὅτι ras ἄφρων μαίνεται,
Τιιδο. iii. 5.10; Zeller, Stoics, 272; Hor. 2 Sat. iii. 43.

Ὁ 3 ᾿Αλκμαίωνι. Cf. 256 ἃ 11, 257 8 3.

ἕνα δὲ ἢ δύο μόνους. Cf. Alex. Aphrod. De Fato (Bruns),
XXViii. 90 τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων of πλεῖστοι κακοί, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀγαθὸς μὲν
εἷς ἣ δεύτερος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν μυθεύεται γεγονέναι.

b 8 νόμους. Plutarch, De Repugn. ϑιοίο. ili. (1033 F), says
that the Stoics regarded the great lawgivers, Cleisthenes, Lycurgus,
and Solon, as feeble and senseless.

ἃ 5 οὐδὲ οὕτως ἐχρὴν pice. ‘ Mendum hic agnoscere facile est,
tollere difficile. . . . Quid si rescribatur οὐδὲ vel οὐκ ἔχειν τοῦτο
φύσιν᾽ (Viger). The phrase φύσιν ἔχει, ‘it is natural,’ is used by
Plato, Rep. 473 A, 489 B; by Hat. ii. 41; and by Demosth.
Olynth, ii. 25. 22. Heinichen proposes οὐδὲ οὕτως ἔχειν φύσει. If
any change is to be made in the text, I should prefer οὐδὲ οὕτως
ἔχει φύσιν, ‘not even in this case (i.e. when they agree with
you) is it natural.’

καὶ (ei) wy. The MSS. have only καὶ μή, for which Heini-
chen substitutes εἰ μή : but both καί and εἰ are required.

265 ἃ. 3 τὰ πάντα ἁπαξαπλῶς. Cf. Sext. Emp. vii. 428 πάντων
ἁπαξαπλῶς μὴ καταληπτικὴν φαντασίαν κριτήριον εἶναι.

ἃ 4 τῶν Μοιρῶν ἀριθμός. Cf. 263 d 4.

b 8 ἐπὶ σφαίρας βεβηκυῖαν. Plut. De Fortuna Rom. 4 ‘Not
poising herself upon light wings, nor setting down her foot on
tip-toe upon a globe, does she come slipping and wavering, and
then depart unkindly... But when she draws near to the
Palatium, and crosses the Tiber, she lays aside, as it seems, her
wings, puts off her sandals, and leaving the treacherous and
unstable globe, so enters Rome as meaning to abide.’ Pausan.
iv. 30. 3, says that the first mention of Τύχη (Fortuna) known to
him is in the Hymn to Demeter (v. 420), and that the first statue
of Fortune was made by Bupalus for the people of Smyrna.
‘ Fortune has a globe on her head, and in one hand the horn of
Amalthea, as the Greeks call it.’

ἃ 11 συγκαθειμάρθαι. Cf. Plut. De Fato, 569 F οὕτω δὲ καὶ
ὁ τῆς φύσεως νόμος τὰ μὲν Καθόλον προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ Kall
“Exacta ἑπομένως. "Ἔστι re εἱμαρμένα τρόπον τινὰ καὶ ταῦτα πάντα
ἐκείνοις συνειμαρμένα. Οἷο. De Fato 13 ‘Ilaec ratio a Chrysippo

214

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 8, 9 265 d

reprehenditur. Quaedam enim’ sunt, inquit, in rebus simplicia,
quaedem copulata. . . . Haec, ut dixi, confatalia ille appellat.’

266 a 5 Ἡγήσαρχον. Pausan. 481 says that an Agesarchus
son of Haemostratus won the boxing-matches of men at Olympia,
Nemea, Pytho, and the Isthmus.

Ὁ 7 τῶν évapyewy, ‘sensible evidences.’ Cf. Sext. Emp. Math.
Vil. 160 ἡ δέ ye αἴσθησις ἀκίνητος μὲν οὖσα καὶ ἀπαθὴς καὶ ἄτρεπτος
οὔτε αἴσθησίς ἐστιν οὔτε ἀντιληπτική τινος, τραπεῖσα δὲ καί πως
παθοῦσα κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἐναργῶν ὑπόπτωσιν τότε ἐνδείκνυται τὰ πράγ-
para’ ἐν ἄρα τῷ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναργείας πάθει τῆς ψνχῆς ζητητέον “ἐστὶ τὸ
κριτήριον. Cf. 320 6, note on κατάληψις.

267 ἃ 5 ἂν ἔσεσθαι. Cf. 462 ἃ 4, note. Thuc. ii. 80 νομίζοντες,
εἰ ταύτην πρώτην λάβοιεν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν σφίσι τἄλλα προσχωρήσειν.
Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 424 δ.

& 7 vrotiysnoect, ἃ legal term, ‘ pleas in abatement of damages,’
and so generally ‘extenuations.’

GC 2 καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ βούλεσθαι. Cf. Solly, On the Will, Ὁ. 32:
‘This is evidently the definition of liberty which might be
expected from a philosophical turnkey; it refers solely to the
absence of external restraint, and corresponds entirely with the
opinions of Hobbes, Collins, Priestley, and Edwards. All these
philosophers concurred in maintaining the doctrine, that man’s
liberty consists in his being able to do what he wills, but that his
willing it does not depend an himself, but on the strength of
motives, the state of his mind, and the circumstances in which he
is placed, all of which again are dependent on the laws of nature,
human or physical.’ Cf. J. S. Mill, System of Logic, ii. 407, on
Liberty and Necessity.

ἃ 4 ‘Adpodwréws. Aphrodisias, a town of Caria, the ruins of
which were described by Fellows, Lycia, p. 32. The privileges
granted to Aphrodisias by Julius Caesar and Augustus were con-
firmed by the Senate in the reign of Tiberius (Tac. Annal. iii. 62).
One of its coins is engraved in Smith’s Dict. Geogr.

ἃ 6 Περὶ εἱμαρμένης. Alexander, called ὁ ἐξηγητής, as being
the most famous commentator on Aristotle, dedicated his treatise
On Fate to the joint Emperors Severus and Antoninus (Caracalla),
199-211 A. D., Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

9] 268 a1 Διαιρεῖτα. Cf. Aristot. Phys. ii. 3 ‘In one way
then the name cause is given to the pre-existing substance out
315

268 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of which a thing is made, as the bronze of a statue (the
matter); in another way to the form and pattern, which cor-
responds to the definition of the formal essence (τοῦ ri ἦν εἶναι)...
Again that from which comes the first beginning of change or
rest, as for instance he who makes the resolve is a cause, and the
father is the cause of the child, and generally the maker is the
cause of that which is made, and that which changes is the cause
of the thing changed (the efficient or motive cause). Further the
end, for the sake of which a thing is done, as of walking the end
is health (the final cause).’? For the four-fold division of causes
see also Anal. Post. ii. 11; Metaph. i. 3. 13 iv. 2. 6-9.

ἃ: Swxevwy. ‘The Discobolus of Myron, the best ornament of
the Massimo Palace’ at Rome was discovered in the Horti
Lamiani on the Esquiline. Cf. Lanciani, Esquiline Magazine,
Nov. 1880.

ἀκρντίζων. The Doryphoros of Polycleitus is described by
Quintilian, v. 12 as ‘ Doryphoron illum aptum vel militiae vel
palaestrae.’ The throwing of the quoit and javelin were regular
exercises of the palaestra. Aristot. Phys. ii. 4. 1-5. 9.

270 Ὁ 4 ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ῥήμασιν. ‘ With this and the following
discussion compare the disquisition of-Eusebius himself on fate in
ec 6, which differs more in appearance than reality from this of
Alexander Aphrodisiensis. For the latter asserts that nature and
fate are the same, after having himself proved that no inevitable
necessity of fate can be conceived, while the former says that
nature and fate are not the same, if any try to attribute to fate
such a power that everything is said to be subject to it and fast
bound by its rule ’ (Heinichen).

ἃ 2 συμβουλίαι θεῶν. It was usual in sickness to consult the
oracles, especially that of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, and of
Amphiaraus at Oropus.

ἃ το The story of Zopyrus the physiognomist is related by
Cicero, Tusc. Disp. iv. 37; De Fato 5 ‘Sed haec ex naturalibus
causis vitia nasci possunt ; exstirpari autem et funditus tolli, ut
is ipse, qui ad ea propensus fuerit, a tantis vitiis avocetur, non
est id positum in naturalibus causis, sed in voluntate, studio, dis-
ciplina.’ There is a remarkable similarity between this passage,
especially the last three words, and the language of Alexander
(d 5) ἐξ ἀσκήσεως, καὶ ἀπὸ μαθημάτων καὶ ἀπὸ λόγων κρειττόνων.

216

BOOK VI. CHAP. 9 271 ἃ

271 6 10 εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν. This supposed case is mentioned by
Aristotle, Phys. ii. 4. 2 οἷον τοῦ ἐλθεῖν ἀπὸ τύχης εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν,
καὶ καταλαβεῖν ὃν ἐβούλετο μὲν οὐκ ᾧετο δέ, αἴτιον τὸ βούλεσθαι
ἀγοράσαι ἐλθόντα, and again ii. 5. 6. The subject of chance is
fully discussed by Aristotle in this treatise ii. 4. 1-6.

b 2 6 Grros. The supposed case of the horse is mentioned by
Aristotle, op. cit. vi. 3.

Ὁ 7 ἀντιπαθείας. Cf. 132 a5; Plut. Mor. 641 B, 952 D μυρίαι
δήπουθέν εἶσιν ἀντιτάξεις καὶ ἀντιπάθειαι πρὸς τὸν αἰθέρα τῆς γῆς,
where the word means, as here, natural antipathies or opposi-
tions.

Ὁ ἢ ἃ οὐδὲ ταῦτ΄. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 833. obs. 2.

ἃ 10 τὸ βουλεύεσθαι. Compare Butler’s Analogy, i. 6 ‘ It is to
be observed that this (supposed) Necessity does not exclude
deliberation, choice, preference, and acting from certain prin-
ciples, and to certain ends: because all this is matter of un-
doubted experience, acknowledged by all, and what every man
may, every moment, be conscious of.’

272 @ 3 φαντασίαις. Zeller, Outlines, 235 ‘According to the
Stoics the soul is at its birth a tabula rasa; everything must be
given to it by the objects. The presentation (φαντασία) is, as
Zeno and Cleanthes said, an impression (τύπωσις) of things in the
soul, or, as Chrysippus thought, a change of the soul caused by
them, which instructs us sometimes on external circumstances,
and sometimes also (as Chrysippus at least expressly remarks) on
our internal conditions and activities.’ Cf. R. and Pr. Hist. Phil.
398, and the passages there quoted from Cic. Acad. Post. i. 11;
Plutarch, De Plac. Philos. iv. 12. Cicero renders φαντασία by
visum.

& 7 προλήψεως, literally ‘presumption.’ Zeller, ibid. ‘By con-
clusions from what is given in perception we arrive at general
presentations (ἔννοιαι). So far as these are derived naturally and
without artificial assistance from universal experiences, they form
those “common concepts ” (κοιναὶ ὄννοιαι, notitiae communes) which
determine the convictions of men before any scientific investiga-
tion, and are therefore called προλήψεις, a term borrowed from
Epicurus, and apparently first used in this sense by Chrysippus.’

273 8 2 κυνικώτερον. 1 Reg. (Sam.) xxv. 3 καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος
κυνικός, ‘ churlish.’

417

256 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

colony of the Parians.’? Hdt. vii. 47 says that the mines of
Thasos, which he had visited, were discovered by the Phoenicians,
when they went with Thasos and colonized the island.

6 3 ἐξενάγησεν. The verb means ‘ to act as a fevayds (Thuc. ii.
75) or leader of foreign allies. Cf. Xen. Hell. iv. 3. 17 ὧν Ἧριπ-
πίδας ἐξενάγε. The Parians would be ξένοι in Thasos.

C 7 Totro δὲ ὁπόθεν ἴσμεν; It has been thought that the
relatives may sometimes be used as direct interrogatives, but there
is no sufficient ground for such an anomaly. Here the sentence
is elliptical, and the question indirect. ‘But do you ask whence
do we know this?’ Cf. 257 ἃ 8 Ὧν δὲ ἕνεκα ταῦτα προσεισήνεγκα
τῷ λόγῳ; and see the note there.

ἂ 1 συναίσθησις ‘ conscious sensation.’

ἀντίληψις ἡμῶν αὐτῶν. Cf. Tim. Locr. 100 C ras δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀντί-
λαψιν μὴ πιπτοίσας ἀναισθήτως (κινάσιας εἶμεν). Diod. Sic. iii. 15
ἡδονῆς δὲ καὶ πόνον τὴν φυσικὴν μόνον ἀντίληψιν ποιούμενοι τῶν
αἰσχρῶν καὶ καλῶν οὐδεμίαν λαμβάνουσιν ἔννοιαν. Plotin. Enn. vi.
I. 20 τὸ πληγῆναι ἐν ἀντιλήψει ὃν καὶ γνωρίσει.

G7 Ap’ οὐκ ὀρθῶς ἐκρίναμεν. Cf. 256 d 1, where it is argued
that ‘nothing is so satisfactory as our apprehension of ourselves.’
But still it may be asked how do we judge of the certainty of
this apprehension of ourselves, and the answer follows im-
mediately.

ἃ 8 τῷ πάντων ἐγγυτάτῳ πράγματι αὐτῷ: This is like the first
principle of Descartes (ibid.): ‘Il ne démontre pas, il pose un
axiome. ... Lorsque quelqu’un dit, ‘‘ Je pense, donc je suis,” il
ne conclut pas son existence de sa pensée comme par la force de
quelque syllogisme, mais comme une chose connue de soi; il la
voit par une simple inspection de l'esprit.’

ἃ 11 ἀπεκτονὼς τὴν μητέρα. Alcmaeon slew his mother Eri-
phyle, because she had been bribed by the necklace and peplos
of Harmonia to send first her husband Amphiaraus and then
Alcmaeon himself to the expedition against Thebes. Being
driven mad by his mother’s Erinnyes, Alemaeon wandered
into Arcadia, and finally, by the advice of the oracle to

308

BOOK VI. CHAP. 7 256 d

the delta of the Achelous. The story is told at large by Apollo-
dorus, iii. 6. 1-7. 5.

b I τὴν ἡμιδουλείαν. Cf. 255 ὁ 3.

Ὁ 3 βλέννους, ἃ very rare word, the accent varying according
as it is regarded as a substantive or adjective.

τὸν Otrw. Cf. Hom. Od. ix. 366
Οὗτις ἐμοί γ᾽ ὄνομα: Οὗτιν δέ pe κικλήσκουσιν
μήτηρ ἠδὲ πατὴρ 75 ἄλλοι πάντες ἑταῖροι.

Ὁ 4 ᾿Αρκεσίλαον wapovra. Arcesilaus was the founder of the
New Academy, and a chief opponent of the Stoics, Zeno and
Chrysippus, in the latter part of the third century 3.c. He
carried his scepticism so far as to say ‘that he knew nothing, not
even that he did not know.’ Cf. Cic. De Oratore, iii. 18. 67 ‘ex
variis Platonis libris Socraticisque sermonibus hoc maxime arri-
puit, nihil esse certi quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit.’

Ὁ 5 ov παρόντας, Epicurus died 341 B.c., and Chrysippus was
not born till 280 B.c.

CI ov λέγω. Cf. 256d 1,d 8.

ἃ 1 τι λεληθός, ‘something that has escaped notice.’

εἱμαρμένη (ἢ) πεπρωμένη. In quoting the passage Theodoret
(86. 37) inserts xa’. But it is still better to assume with Saar-
mann and J. B. Mayor that 7 has fallen out after εἱμαρμένη.

ἃ 7 τοῦ βαδίζειν καὶ rod ἄγεσθαι. Examples of voluntary and
enforced movements, of which we have a direct consciousness in
the same way as of our own existence.

ἃ 8 Ὧν δὲ ἕνεκα. Cf. Viger, De Idiot. 29 “Ὅς aliquando sumitur,
rarius licet, pro τίς interrogativo ...Sic enim Oenomaus apud
Eusebium .. Ὧν δὲ ἕνεκα «.7.A.... Tu parce imitari.’ But ef.
Stallbaum’s note on Plat. Rep. 559 A “Ὅς semper finitum est,
referturque ad certam aliquam rem vel personam: ris quaerit de
eo quod est infinitum atque incertum. Ex quo patet alterum
cum altero non potuisse commutari.’ The simplest explanation
seems to be that in such cases as 256 ὁ 7 and here the question
is really indirect, the sentence being elliptical.

258 8. 3 πείσματα ἀνῆπται. Cf. 221 Ὁ.

* 3 P 209

4288 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

& 5 ἦπού ye. For the sarcastic sense of the particles see Soph.

Aj. 1008
ἧπού pe Τελαμών, σὸς πατὴρ ἐμός θ᾽ ἅμα,
δέξαιτ᾽ ἂν εὐπρόσωπος.

& 6 ὁ Λαΐῳ προμαντευόμενος. Cf. Soph. Oedip, Rex 711

χρησμὸς yap ἦλθε Aaiw ποτ᾽, οὐκ ἐρῶ
Φοίβου γ᾽ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τῶν δ᾽ ὑπηρετῶν ἄπο,
ὡς αὐτὸν ἥξοι μοῖρα πρὸς παιδὸς θανεῖν.
The oracle itself is quoted by the Scholiast in the Argument of
the Phoenissae of Euripides
Adie Λαβδακίδη, παίδων γένος ὄλβιον αἰτεῖς.
τέξεις μὲν φίλον υἱόν, ἀτὰρ τόδε σοι μόρος ἔσται,
παιδὸς ἑοῦ χείρεσσι λιπεῖν βίον: ὡς γὰρ ἔνευσε
Ζεὺς Κρονίδης, Πέλοπος στυγεραῖς ἀραῖσι πιθήσας,
οὗ φίλον ἥρπασας υἱόν: 6 δ᾽ ηὔξατό σοι τάδε πάντα.

Ὁ 3 τὸ μίγμα. Cf. 255 ¢ 3, 251 Ὁ 1. The attempt οὗ Chrysippus
to reconcile the doctrine of fate with a certain sort of free volition
was met by the thorough opponents of fatalism with an argu-
ment recorded by Cicero, De Fato 17.

Ὁ 4 εἰρμόν. Cf. 252 a ἢ.

c 7 Eur. Phoen. 17

ὁ δ᾽ εἶπεν, Ὦ Θήβαισιν εὐίπποις ἄναξ,

μὴ σπεῖρε τέκνων ἄλοκα δαιμόνων βίᾳ.

εἰ γὰρ τεκνώσεις παῖδ᾽, ἀποκτενεῖ σ᾽ ὃ φύς,

καὶ πᾶς σὸς οἶκος βήσεται δι’ αἵματος.
This passage is also quoted and discussed by Origen, c. Cels.
il. 20.

ἃ 5 πῶς ἂν (εἴη), Dindorf’s necessary correction of the read-
ing of the MSS. πῶς ἂν #.

d 6 αὖ. Viger’s suggestion αὑτοῦ is followed by most editors,
giving the meaning ‘ master of himself.’ With the reading of the
MSS. (αὖ) the meaning of κύριος ὧν will be ‘when he had the
power.’

ἃ το Εὐριπίδον. Cf. Eur. Phoen. 67

ἀρὰς ἀρᾶται παισὶν ἀνοσιωτάτας.

259 a 6 The Perrhaebi were a tribe in the extreme north of

Thessaly.

ἐλθών. For εἰσελθὼν ἐπὶ κιτιλ. Heikel reads with cod. I
εἰ ἐλθὼν x.7.X., which is certainly preferable.

210

| BOOK VI. CHAP. 7 259 a

ταριχοπωλεῖν, mentioned as one of the meanest trades by
Plat. Charm. 163 B.

8 7 χερνῆτιν, ‘a woman who works with her own hands.’ Cf.
Hom. Il. xii. 433
γυνὴ χερνῆτις ἀληθής.

ἃ 3 ovvins. On this form and συνιεῖς see Rutherford, New
Phryn. 316.

παραιρήσει. ‘Verbum παραιρήσει quod habeat subjectum
6 contextu orationis non video; itaque τις addidi’ (Heikel).
Dr. Heikel seems not to have observed that παραιρήσει is of the
middle voice; cf. Demosth. 289 καὶ πόλεις παραιρεῖται οὐδὲν αὐτῷ
προσηκούσας. ᾿

ἃ Τρηχῖν΄. Some MSS. have Τριχήν, Stephens Τριχῖν, But
the allusion to Hercules shows clearly that the place meant is
Trachis in Thessaly, near mount Oeta.

@ 8 ἄτας. The oracle seems to refer to the destruction of the
colony of Heraclea by the Thessalians and others ‘ to the detri-
ment of whose territory it was founding.” Among these ‘ others’
there would naturally be the Locrians, from their close neigh-
bourhood. See Thucyd. iii. 93, with Arnold’s and Poppo’s
notes.

ἠδ᾽ ἔτι δώσει. Cf. Hom. Il. i. 96
τοὔνεκ᾽ dp ἄλγε᾽ ἔδωκεν ἑκηβόλος ἠδ᾽ ἔτι δώσει.

Ὁ 7 λιμώττομεν. The oracle seems to have attributed a famine
from which the Locrians were suffering to their destruction of
Heraclea.

C5 ὃ δὴ ἔσται. ‘Just what will be, will be.’ The best MSS.
have δεῖ, but in D, which was used by both Stephens and Viger,
the reading is 57. With δεῖ the sentence should be read, as
by Dindorf, ἔσται yap ὃ δεῖ, ἔσται, κἂν σὺ σιωπᾷς.

ἃ 4 Λυκοῦργον. Cf. 222 b 10, where the oracle which praises
Lycurgus is quoted.

Gir ἐξηγκωνισμένοι. In Arist. Rhet. iii. 14. 11 οὐδὲν προεξ-
ayxwvioas seems to be a metaphor from boxing, ‘ without any
previous sparring.’ The verb is compounded from ἀγκών,
‘elbow.’ .

PZ 211

2601 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

261 a5 τό ye ἐπὶ σοί. ‘So far as it depends on your judge-
ment.’

b 6 ἀνάγωγον. Cf. Xen. Mem. Socr. iii. 3. 4 ἵππους . . . οὕτως
dvaywyous ὥστε μὴ μένειν.

καταξανοῦμεν. Cf. Plat. (Com.) Incert. 52 (Meineke). ‘Idem
(Pollux) 7. 30 “ éfawe δὲ τῶν ἐρίων.᾽

ἂ τ: Awyenavov. Cf. 136 c 6, note.

8] 262 a1 τὰ δοκοῦντα Χρυσίππῳ. Cf. 258 Ὁ 3, note. Stob.
Ecl. i. 5. 15 Ἐν τοῖς Περὶ τῆς εἱμαρμένης καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις σποράδην
πολυτρόπως ἀποφαίνεται λέγων: Εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν ὁ τοῦ κόσμου
λόγος, ἣ λόγος τῶν ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ προνοίᾳ διοικουμένων, ἣ λόγος καθ᾽ ὃν
τὰ μὲν γεγονότα γέγονε τὰ δὲ γινόμενα γίνεται τὰ δὲ γενησόμενα
γενήσεται.

Ὁ 5 Μοῖραν. Cf. Hom. Jl. vi. 488, from the speech of Hector
to Andromache. The same passage, with many others from
Greek and Latin authors, is quoted by Thomas Jackson (Dean
of Peterborough), vol. v, p. 340, in an interesting discussion on
Fate and its relation to Necessity and Chance.

C 3 Αὐτῶν yap σφετέρῃσιν. In Hom. Il. iv. 409 the beginning
of the line is κεῖνοι δὲ σφετέρῃσιν.

C6 ἐξ ἡμέων. The speaker is Zeus. Cf. Hom. Od. i. 32.
Pope’s version, though not very literal, brings out forcibly the
thought for which the passage is quoted by our author.

ἃ το On the form τεθνήξεσθαι see Elmsley’s note on Aristoph.
Acharn. 590 ‘Equidem crediderim veteres Atticos dixisse τεθνήξω,
recentiores τεθνήξομαι : τεθνήξω enim nimis Attice dictum videtur
Luciano Soloecist. p. 570, qui alteram formam Socratis gram-
matici auctoritate confirmat.’

268 a 4 ‘H γὰρ τοῦ ἅσσα διαστολή. Cf. 267 a 1, 373 Ὁ 3.

ἅσσα ( = ἅτινα) makes a ‘ distinction’ by limiting the asser-
tion to the class of things decreed by fate. Cf. 265 a 4 raira
μόνα ὧν ἐστιν εἱμαρμένη.

Ὁ 2 οὐχ ὅπως. .. ἀλλὰ καὶ... Cf, Riddell’s Appendix to
Plato, Apolog. Socr. 152 Ὁ.

b8 μιμουμένῳ. Cf. Plut. Mor. 26 A ᾿Αλλ’ ἐκεῖνο μᾶλλον οἰέσθω
μίμησιν εἶναι τὴν ποίησιν ἠθῶν καὶ βίων καὶ ἀνθρώπων οὐ τελείων
οὐδὲ καθαρῶν οὐδ᾽ ἀνεπιλήπτων παντάπασιν, ἀλλὰ μεμιγμένων πάθεσι
καὶ δόξαις ψευδέσι καὶ ἀγνοίαις, διὰ δ᾽ εὐφυΐαν αὐτοὺς πολλάκις
μετατιθέντων πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον.

413

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 7, 8 263 b

Wyttenbach in his note on the passage quotes the passage
from Eusebius and adds ‘ Vulgatum μεμιγμένῳ certe vitiosum est:
rectius est vel μεμιγμένα, quod exhibui,vel μεμιμημένα,γ6] μιμουμένῳ.᾽

C 6 πεπρωμένην πεπερασμένην. A false etymology, πεπρωμένην
being the participle of πορεῖν and πεπερασμένην Of wepaivw. Cf.
Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 24 ‘Magnam molestiam suscepit et mimine
necessariam primus Zeno, post Cleanthes, deinde Chrysippus,
commenticiarum fabularum reddere rationem, vocabulorum, cur
quidque ita appellatum sit, causas explicare.’ Cf. Zeller, Stoics,
174, note 2.

d 1 ras Μοίρας. Compare the description in Plato, Rep. 617 Ὁ,
of the spheres of the universe revolving on the spindle of Neces-
sity, accompanied by the Sirens singing each a single note. ‘The
eight together form one harmony; and round about, at equal
intervals, there is another band, three in number, each sitting
upon her throne: these are the Fates, daughters of Necessity,
who are clothed in white raiment, and have crowns of wool upon
their heads, Lachesis, and Clotho, and Atropos, who accompany
with their voices the harmony of the Sirens—Lachesis singing of
the past, Clotho of the present, Atropos of the future; Clotho
now and then assisting with a touch of her right hand the
motion of the outer circle or whorl of the spindle, and Atropos
with her left hand touching and guiding the inner ones, and
Lachesis laying hold of either in turn, first with one hand and
then witb the other.’ This rendering of the passage by Dr. Jowett
is not less exact than graceful.

ἃ 3 “ χρεών, inquit Suidas, τὸ εἱμαρμένον τέλος ζωῆς. Αἰλιανός"
ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς γῆρας ἀφίκετο, τὸ κοινὸν τῇ πεπρωμένῃ χρεὼν ἐξέτισε
(Seguier). Cf. 32 ἃ 11.

ἃ 4 τοὺς τρεῖς... χρόνους, past, present, future.

ἃ 6 λαγχάνειν ἑκάστῳ τὸ πεπρωμένον. Two modes of construc-
tion are possible. Lachesis may be represented as ‘ casting lots
for the destiny of every man’; or (better) λαγχάνειν May mean
‘to fall to the lot of,’ and the sense will be ‘ because that which
is destined falls to each man’s lot.’ This intransitive use of
λαγχάνω is found in Plat. Legg. iv. 704 C πῶς μέρος ἑκάστων ἡμῖν
εἴληχε, and in Eur. Hippol. 80 ὅσοις. . . τὸ σωφρονεῖν εἴληχεν,
where see Paley’s note. Cf. Hom. Od. ix. 160; Strab. 443 τὴν
μὲν πρὸς νότον λαχεῖν φασι Δευκαλίωνι.

413

264 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

264 b 2 μαίνεσθαι. Cf. Diog. L. Zeno vii. 124 πάντας τε
τοὺς ἄφρονας μαίνεσθαι. Cic. Paradox. ἵν. Ὅτι was ἄφρων μαίνεται,
Tusc. iii. 5. 10; Zeller, Stoics, 272; Hor. 2 Sat. iii. 43.

Ὁ 3 ᾿Αλκμαίωνι. Cf. 256 d 11, 257 8 3.

ἕνα δὲ ἢ δύο μόνους. Cf. Alex. Aphrod. De Fato (Bruns),
xxviii. go τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων οἱ πλεῖστοι κακοί, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀγαθὸς μὲν
εἷς ἢ δεύτερος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν μυθεύεται γεγονέναι.

Ὁ 8 νόμους. Plutarch, De Repugn. Stoio. ili. (1033 F), says
that the Stoics regarded the great lawgivers, Cleisthenes, Lycurgus,
and Solon, as feeble and senseless.

ἃ 5 οὐδὲ οὕτως expyy φύσει. ‘Mendum hic agnoscere facile est,
tollere difficile. . . . Quid si rescribatur οὐδὲ vel οὐκ ἔχειν τοῦτο
φύσιν᾽ (Viger). The phrase φύσιν ἔχει, ‘it is natural,’ is used by
Plato, Rep. 473 A, 489 B; by Hdt. ii. 41; and by Demosth.
Olynth. ii. 25. 22. einichen proposes οὐδὲ οὕτως ἔχειν φύσει. Τῇ
any change is to be made in the text, I should prefer οὐδὲ οὕτως
ἔχει φύσιν, ‘not even in this case (i.e. when they agree with
you) is it natural.’

καὶ (eit) pn. The MSS. have only καὶ μή, for which Heini-
chen substitutes εἰ μή : but both καί and εἰ are required.

265 a 3 τὰ πάντα ἁπαξαπλῶς. Cf. Sext. Emp. vii. 428 πάντων
ἁπαξαπλῶς μὴ καταληπτικὴν φαντασίαν κριτήριον εἶναι.

& 4 τῶν Μοιρῶν ἀριθμός. Cf. 263 d 4.

Ὁ 8 ἐπὶ σφαίρας βεβηκνῖαν. Plut. De Fortuna Rom. 4 ‘Not
poising herself upon light wings, nor setting down her foot on
tip-toe upon a globe, does she come slipping and wavering, and
then depart unkindly... But when she draws near to the
Palatium, and crosses the Tiber, she lays aside, as it seems, her
wings, puts off her sandals, and leaving the treacherous and
unstable globe, so enters Rome as meaning to abide.’ Pausan.
iv. 30. 3, says that the first mention of Τύχη (Fortuna) known to
him is in the Hymn to Demeter (v. 420), and that the first statue
of Fortune was made by Bupalus for the people of Smyrna.
‘Fortune has a globe on her head, and in one hand the horn of
Amalthea, as the Greeks call it.’

ΑΣΣ συγκαθειμάρθαι. Cf. Plut. De Fato, 569 F οὕτω δὲ καὶ
ὁ τῆς φύσεως νόμος τὰ μὲν Καθόλον προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ Kal
“Exacta ἑπομένως. ἴΕστι τε εἱμαρμένα τρόπον τινὰ καὶ ταῦτα πάντα
ἐκείνοις συνειμαρμένα. Cic. De Fato 13 ‘Haec ratio ἃ Chrysippo

214

BOOK VI. CHAPS, 8, 9 265 d

reprehenditur. Quaedam enim sunt, inquit, in rebus simplicia,
quaedem copulata. . . . Haec, ut dixi, confatalia ille appellat.’

266 a 5 Ἡγήσαρχον. Pausan. 481 says that an Agesarchus
son of Haemostratus won the boxing-matches of men at Olympia,
Nemea, Pytho, and the Isthmus.

Ὁ 7 rav ἐναργειῶν, ‘sensible evidences.’ Cf. Sext. Emp. Math.
Vil. 160 ἡ δέ ye αἴσθησις ἀκίνητος μὲν οὖσα καὶ ἀπαθὴς καὶ ἄτρεπτος
οὔτε αἴσθησίς ἐστιν οὔτε ἀντιληπτική τινος, τραπεῖσα δὲ καί πως
παθοῦσα κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἐναργῶν ὑπόπτωσιν τότε ἐνδείκνυται τὰ πράγ-
pata’ ἐν ἄρα τῷ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναργείας πάθει τῆς ψυχῆς ζητητέον "ἐστὶ τὸ
κριτήριον. Cf. 320 c, note on κατάληψις.

267 a5 ἂν ἔσεσθαι. Cf. 462 a 4, note. Thuc. ii. 80 νομίζοντες,
εἰ ταύτην πρώτην λάβοιεν, ῥᾳδίως ἂν σφίσι τἄλλα προσχωρήσειν.
Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 424 ὃ.

& 7 ὑποτιμήσεσι, ἃ legal term, ‘ pleas in abatement of damages,’
and so generally ‘extenuations.’

CG 2 καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ βούλεσθαι. Cf. Solly, On the Will, p. 32:
‘This is evidently the definition of liberty which might be
expected from a philosophical turnkey; it refers solely to the
absence of external restraint, and corresponds entirely with the
opinions of Hobbes, Collins, Priestley, and Edwards. All these
philosophers concurred in maintaining the doctrine, that man’s
liberty consists in his being able to do what he wills, but that his
willing it does not depend an himself, but on the strength of
motives, the state of his mind, and the circumstances in which he
is placed, all of which again are dependent on the laws of nature,
human or physical.’ Cf. J. 8. Mill, System of Logic, ii. 407, on
Liberty and Necessity.

ἃ 4 ᾿Αφροδισιέως. Aphrodisias, a town of Caria, the ruins of
which were described by Fellows, Lycia, p. 32. The privileges
granted to Aphrodisias by Julius Caesar and Augustus were con-
firmed by the Senate in the reign of Tiberius (Tac. Annal. iii. 62).
One of its coins is engraved in Smith’s Dict. Geogr.

9] 268 81 Διαιρεῖτα. Cf. Aristot. Phys. ii. 3 ‘In one way
then the name cause is given to the pre-existing substance out
215

268 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of which a thing is made, as the bronze of a statue (the
matter); in another way to the form and pattern, which cor-
responds to the definition of the formal essence (τοῦ ri ἦν elvat)....
Again that from which comes the first beginning of change or
rest, as for instance he who makes the resolve is a cause, and the
father is the cause of the child, and generally the maker is the
cause of that which is made, and that which changes is the cause
of the thing changed (the efficient or motive cause). Further the
end, for the sake of which a thing is done, as of walking the end
is health (the final cause).’ For the four-fold division of causes
see also Anal. Post. ii. 11; Metaph. i. 3. 13 iv. 2. 6-9.

ἃ τ δισκεύων. ‘The Discobolus of Myron, the best ornament of
the Massimo Palace’ at Rome was discovered in the Horti
Lamiani on the Esquiline. Cf. Lanciani, Esquiline Magazine,
Nov. 1880.

270 Ὁ 4 ταῦτα αὐτοῖς ῥήμασιν. ‘ With this and the following
discussion compare the disquisition of-Eusebius himself on fate in
66, which differs more in appearance than reality from this of
Alexander Aphrodisiensis. For the latter asserts that nature and
fate are the same, after having himself proved that no inevitable
necessity of fate can be conceived, while the former says that
nature and fate are not the same, if any try to attribute to fate
such a power that everything is said to be subject to it and fast
bound by its rule ’ (Heinichen).

ἃ 2 cupBovria θεῶν. It was usual in sickness to consult the
oracles, especially that of Aesculapius at Epidaurus, and of
Amphiaraus at Oropus.

216

BOOK VI. CHAP. 9 4271 ἃ

271 8 10 εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν. This supposed case is mentioned by
Aristotle, Phys. ii. 4. 2 οἷον τοῦ ἐλθεῖν ἀπὸ τύχης εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν,
καὶ καταλαβεῖν ὃν ἐβούλετο μὲν οὐκ ᾧετο δέ, αἴτιον τὸ βούλεσθαι
ἀγοράσαι ἐλθόντα, and again ii. 5. 6. The subject of chance is
fully discussed by Aristotle in this treatise ii. 4. 1-6.

Ὁ 2 ὁ ἵππος. The supposed case of the horse is mentioned by
Aristotle, op. cit. vi. 3.

Ὁ 7 ἀντιπαθείας. Cf. 132 a5; Plut. Mor. 641 B, 952 D μυρίαι
δήπουθέν εἰσιν ἀντιτάξεις καὶ ἀντιπάθειαι πρὸς τὸν αἰθέρα τῆς γῆς,
where the word means, as here, natural antipathies or opposi-
tions.

C7 ἃ οὐδὲ ταῦτ΄. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 833. obs. 2.

ἃ 10 τὸ βουλεύεσθαι. Compare Butler’s Analogy, i. 6 ‘It is to
be observed that this (supposed) Necessity does not exclude
deliberation, choice, preference, and acting from certain prin-
ciples, and to certain ends: because all this is matter of un-
doubted experience, acknowledged by all, and what every man
may, every moment, be conscious of.’

& 7 προλήψεως, literally ‘presumption.’ Zeller, ibid. ‘By con-
clusions from what is given in perception we arrive at general
presentations (ἔννοιαι). So far as these are derived naturally and
without artificial assistance from universal experiences, they form
those “common concepts ” (κοιναὶ ἔννοιαι, notitiae communes) which
determine the convictions of men before any scientific investiga-
tion, and are therefore called προλήψεις, a term borrowed from
Epicurus, and apparently first used in this sense by Chrysippus.’

278 ἃ 2 κυνικώτερον. 1 Reg. (Sam.) xxv. 3 καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος
κυνικός, ‘ churlish.’

41}

478 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

br Βαρδησάνης. Eusebius, H. E. iv. 30 ‘In the same reign
(of Marcus Aurelius), as heresies were abounding in Mesopotamia,
Bardesanes, a most able man and most skilful disputant in the
Syriac tongue, having composed dialogues against the Marcionites
and certain others, authors of various doctrines, committed them
to writing in his own language, together with many other works.
His pupils, of whom he had very many as a powerful defender
of the word, translated these works from the Syriac language
into Greek. Among them is his very able dialogue “ On Fate ”
addressed to Antoninus, and the other works which he is said to
have written on occasion of the persecution at that time. He
belonged at first to the school of Valentinus, but after rejecting
this, and refuting many of his fictions, he somehow fancied to
himself that he had came over to the more correct opinion, though
he did not entirely wash off the filth of the old heresy.’ Cf.
Epiphan. Maer. lvi πολλὰ {πρὸς) ᾿Αβειδᾶν τὸν ἀστρονόμον κατὰ
εἱμαρμένης λέγων συνελογίσατο.

According to the Chronicle of Edessa, Bardesanes was born
July 11, 155 A.D., and was therefore twenty-five years old at the
death of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, to whom his work On Fate
may therefore have been addressed, as Eusebius states. The
fragment of The Book of the Laws of Countries, here preserved by
Eusebius and in Clem. Recpgn. ix. 19, was all that was known
of his works until the publication of the Syriac original with an
English translation by Cureton in the Spicilegium Syriacum.
Jerome, De Vir. Jllustr. xxxiii says of the work as known to him in
Greek ‘If so much force and brilliancy appears in the translation,
how great must it have been in the original.’ Also on Hosea ii.
10, in a passage quoted by Archdeacon Cheetham, Hulsean
Lectures, p. 133, Jerome writes: ‘Nullus potest haeresim struere
nisi qui ardens ingenii est et habet dona naturae quae a Deo
artifice sunt creata; talis fuit Valentinus, talis Marcion, quos
doctissimos legimus; talis Bardesanes, cuius etiam philosophi
admirantur ingenium.’ See Dr. Hort’s most interesting article
Bardaisan in Smith’s Dict. Chr. Biogr.

10] 274 Ὁ 6 Josephus, Bell. Jud. vii. ἡ. 4 ‘The nation of the
Alans, as I think I have before mentioned, are Scythians dwelling
near the Tanais and the Palus Maeotis.? Lucian, Toxraris, c. 51,
mentions that the Alans spoke the same language and used the
218

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 9, IO 274 Ὁ

same weapons as the Scythians, but differed from them in not
wearing long hair.

C 3 oixepa. Heb. 12%, ‘strong drink.’

ἃ 13 Xypas. Cf. Clem. Recogn. viii. 48, ix. 19, and Merx,
Bard. 43. The Seres were probably the inhabitants of the
western part of China. Pausanias, 519, gives an account of their
manufacture of silk, and of the silk-worm (amp), but speaks of
the country as an island. Strabo, 702, reports marvellous tales
of their living more than 200 years (extended by Lucian to 300),
and being governed by an aristocratic council of 5,000 members
each of whom provides an elephant for the public service. For
a fuller and more trustworthy description of the people, as given
by Pliny and Ptolemy, see Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr. ‘Serica.’

275 Ὁ 1-c 4 Βραχμάνων. . . κακουργεῖν. Merx, Bard. 44;
Clem. Recogn. ix. 20.

Βραχμάνων. Full accounts of the Brahmans are given by
Strab. 712 ff. from Aristobulus, Megasthenes, and Onesicritus;
also by Porph. Abst. iv. 17. Cf. Steph. Byz. Bpaypaves.

Ὁ 8 κλίματι. By climates ‘the ancients understood belts of the
earth’s surface, divided by lines parallel to the Equator, those
lines being determined according to the different lengths of the
day (the longest day was the standard) at different places...
This system of climates was in fact an imperfect development
(anticipation ?) of the more complete system of parallels of
latitude.’ E. H. Bunbury, in Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.
‘ Ptolemaeus,’ 577 Ὁ.

ΘΙ θύοντες ἐσθίουσι. On the strange customs of some Indian
tribes see Hdt. iii. 38, 99-102 ‘ According to some modern
writers (Elphinstone’s Cabul, i. 45, 2nd ed.) cannibalism continues
in the countries bordering on the Indus to the present day.’
Rawlinson, Hdt. iii. 99, note.

C 4 Παρὰ Πέρσαις. See notes on 11 Ὁ 8: Merx, Bard. 45.

ἃ 6-276 88. Παρὰ Τήλοις . . . λέγουσι = Merx, Bard. 45 f.;
Clem. Recogn. ix. 22.

TyAos. The Geli or Gelae were a tribe on the south shore
of the Caspian Sea, the name being probably preserved in the
modern Gilan: Strab. 508, 510. The description of their customs
is transferred by Epiphanius to the Seres.

276 8 6 Αἰγοκέρωτι, ‘Capricornus.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 908 C

219

4760 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(ἀσύνδετοι) Δίδυμοι πρὸς Αἰγόκερων, Kapxivos πρὸς Ὑδροχόον (al.
Ὑδρηχόον).
Ὑδρηχόῳ. ‘ Aquarius.’

Ὁ 3 pera πολλῆς φαντασίας, ἃ quotation by Bardesanes from
Acts xxv. 23, not noticed in Hastings, Dict. Bib. For this sense
of φαντασία see Anthol. Palat. v. 26

Ποῦ σοι κεῖνα, Μέλισσα, τὰ χρύσεα καὶ περίοπτα
τῆς πολυθρυλήτου κάλλεα φαντασίης.

6 4 Osrhoéne (not mentioned in Strabo) was in the north-west
part of Mesopotamia; the chief town was Edessa, which Strab. 748
calls also Bambyce, See Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr.

C8 φονεύσῃ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ. ‘Of this cruel and impious custom
I find no mention elsewhere. Strabo had given a long description
of the customs of the Parthians, as he intimates in his Geography,
L. xi’ (Viger).

ἃ 3 ’Ev”Arpos. The Atri, or Atrians, were the inhabitants of
Atrae or Hatrae, now Al-Hather, a city on the river Zaarthar in
Mesopotamia, visited and described by Layard in 1841, Nineveh,
i. 108; ‘A dark thunder-cloud rose behind the time-worn ruins
of Al-Hather as we approached them. ... The lightning played
through the vast buildings, the thunder re-echoed through its
deserted halls....It was a fit moment to enter such ruins as
these. They rise in solitary grandeur in the midst of a desert,
‘‘in media solitudine positae,” as they stood fifteen centuries
before, when described by the Roman historian (Ammianus
Marcellinus, lib. 25, cap. 8).’

ἃ 6 Ὠκεανοῦ as ἐπὶ ἀνατολάς. The Ocean here seems to be the
boundary on the east, meaning apparently the Indian Ocean. Did
Bardesanes suppose, with some who are mentioned by Herodotus,
that the Ocean ran round the world like a river? Hdt. ii. 21,
23; Iv. 8.

ἃ ο καὶ οἱ σοφοί. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hypot. iii. 200.

ἃ 12 γαμοῦνται, properly said only of women.

277 ἃ 3 Φωσφόρον, ‘the morning star,’ i.e. Venus: cf.
276 ἃ 7 σὺν “Ape τὴν Παφίην.

8 5 Bperravig. Cf. Caes. Bell. Gall. v. 14.

&8 ᾿Αμαζόνες. Cf. Strab. 504, who rejects the statements
as fabulous. Gibbon, D. and F. ii. 11. 27 says that in
Aurelian’s triumph ‘the title of Amazons was bestowed on ten

220

BOOK VI. CHAP. IO 277 a

martial heroines of the Gothic nation who had been taken in
arms’; ibid. n. 78 ‘ Among barbarous nations women have often
combated by the side of their husbands. But it is almost (sic)
impossible that a society of Amazons should ever have existed
either in the old or new world.’

ΟἹ ἐν οἴκοις. Each planet had a particular house, that is
a sign of the zodiac during its sojourn in which it possessed
superior power. Cf. Sext. Emp. Ade. Astrol. 34 Οἶκος δέ ἐστι
κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἡλίου μὲν λέων, σελήνης δὲ καρκίνος, Κρόνου δὲ alyoxepws
καὶ ὑδροχόος, Διὸς τοξότης καὶ ἰχθύες, ΓΑρεως κριὸς καὶ σκορπίος,
᾿Αφροδίτης ταῦρος καὶ ζυγός, Ἑρμοῦ δίδυμοι καὶ παρθένος. Hip-
polytus gives a compilation of this chapter of Sext. Emp. in the
Refut. Haeres. iv. 1-27. Cf. Masp. i. 545 on the Chaldaean
tradition of the origin of Astrology.

C 3 φωνασκούς, ‘singing masters,’ literally ‘trainers of the
voice. Cf. Quintil. Inst. Orat. xi. 3 ‘Sed cura non eadem ora-
toribus quae phonascis convenit.’

6 4 Taivois. The spelling varies much in the MSS., and as
the other nations mentioned are taken from various parts of the
world, the conjecture that the Taini were neighbours of the
Saracens is precarious.

Σαρακηνοῖς. ‘Their situation is most clearly described by
the author of the Periplus. ‘They who are called Saraceni in-
habit the parts about the neck of Arabia Felix next to Petraea
and Arabia Deserta.”’ Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr.

C6 Νομάσι. The Nomads or Numidians occupied what is now
Algeria.

Σαρματί. This corresponds to the Steppes (τὰ πεδία) of
European and part of Asiatic Russia. Strab. 497.

c 8 ᾿Αλανᾳ. Alania, or Alaunia, the country of the Alans,
spreading from the Caspian along the south part of Russia in
Europe.

᾿Αλβανί. Albania lies on the west coast of the Caspian,
sometimes called Albanum mare, Cf. Strab. 501.

ἃ τ Ὦτηνῃ. Otene, a district of Armenia, between the Araxcs
and Corus, Kara-bdgh.

Χρυσῇ, ‘in all probability Malacca, in the Aurea Chersonesus’
(Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr.).

ἃ 6 See the notes on 11 d 8, 128 1.

221

477 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 7 éd’ ἡμερινῆς. Viger’s correction of ἐφημερινῆς is placed
beyond doubt by d 11 ἐπὶ νυκτερινῆς.

ἃ 9 συγκαίουσιν ἑκούσας. Cf. Hdt. v. 56. Strab. 700 ‘ History
records the following peculiar custom of the people of Cathay,
that bridegroom and bride choose each other, and when the
husbands die the wives are burnt with them, for a reason of this
kind, that formerly falling in love with young men they used to
separate from their husbands or to poison them. This law then
they established, thinking that the poisoning would cease. But
neither the law nor the cause of it is probable.’ Cic. Tusc. v. 27;
Plut. Mor. 499 C; Propert. iii. 11. 19

‘Et certamen habent leti, quae viva sequatur
Coniugium: pudor est non licuisse mori.’
ἃ 12 ἀγχονιμαίῳ μόρῳ. Cf. Eur. Hel. 200
Anda δ᾽ ἐν ἀγχόναις
θάνατον ἔλαβεν.
But Tacitus, Germ. xxvii, states that the bodies of illustrious
Germans were burned.
278 & 2 τὴν pay, 80. τῆς γενέσεῳς.
μεσολαβουμένας. Diod. Sic. i. 3 μεσολαβηθέντες τὸν βίον ὑπὸ
τῆς πεπρωμένης. The meaning is that the supposed influence of
the moon and hour of birth might be counteracted by the con-
junction of Saturn and Mars.

C7 érra κλίματα. The number of zones or climes varied in the
systems of ancient geographers. Eratosthenes (B.c. 220) divided
the northern hemisphere from the Equator to Thule (60° N.)
by eight parallels. Polybius made six zones, three north of the
Equator and three south. Strabo made only five, as in modern
geography. Cf. Nicolay, Manual of Geographical Science, ii. τό, 17.

9 8 ἑπτὰ ἀστέρων. Sun, Moon, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter,
Saturn.

ἃ 4 ᾿Απεκρίνατο. ‘Aliena, credo, vox’ (Viger). But the word
is found in all MSS., and there is no reason to reject it, if we
remember that the writer is not Bardesanes but one of his pupils.

ἃ 8 Sexavovs. Cf. 92 Ὁ 5.

279 ἃ 3 πολλὰ βάρβαρα ἔθνη. Cf. 277 ¢ 4-d I.

ἃ 6 “Eppaixys ἐπιστήμης. Hermes was the presiding deity of
Many arts, such as are mentioned above, 277 ὁ 2, ἃ 2.

Ὁ 3 τὸ ἴδιον κλίμα. The stars under whose influence the laws

822

BOOK VI. CHAP. 10 279 Ὁ

were established retained the same position. Why then were the
laws not retained ?

X6és. The Roman province of Arabia, as first established
by Trajan, A.D. 106, was limited to the northern part of the
peninsula; it was enlarged and divided into two provinces by
Septimius Severus, A. D. 195; and Bardesanes writing at the end
of the second or beginning of the third century naturally refers
to that recent extension of the Roman power in the expression
χθὲς κρατήσαντες.

b 5 τὸ αὐτεξούσιον. The free-will and power of the Romans
altered the laws that had been made by the free-will of the
Arabs.

6 2 évrperopevor. Viger found in his MSS. ἐκτρεπόμενοι, and in
default of a better reading tried to explain it, as meaning that
the Jews did not try to avoid unfavourable influences of the
stars in various zones. But ἐντρεπόμενοι is now found to be the
true reading of our best MSS., 10. For the accusative see Alexis,
Hel. Harp. Fr. i (Meineke) τὴν δὲ πολιὰν οὐκ ἐντρέπεται. Prisci-
anus, xviii. 204 ed. Kr. ‘ Attici ἐντρέπομαι τοῦτο καὶ rovrov.’

ἃ 7 “AByapos. Abgar was the title of the kings who reigned
at Edessa, the capital of Osrhoéne. The king meant here was
probably Abgar VIII, who reigned from A.D. 176 to 213. He is
described by Epiphanius, Haer. lvi. 477, as a man of the greatest
piety and learning, and an intimate friend of Bardesanes, who
was educated with him.

ἃ 9 αἱρέσεως. S. Basil. Ep. xxxiii. 800 τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ περὶ τὸν
Θεὸν αἱρέσεως.

ἧς ἡμεῖς οἱ δοξασταί x.r.A. Bardesanes here distinctly calls
himself a Christian.

280 a 4 ov... φθείρουσι τοὺς γάμους. Cf. Aristides, Apol. xv
οὐ μοιχεύουσιν K.T.A.

di τὴν τῆς Εὐαγγελικῆς ᾿Αποδείξεως Προπαρασκενήν. We have
here the full title of this preparatory treatise.

ἃ 7 εἰ μὴ τοῖς κρείττοσι Bacxaives. An allusion to the jealousy
and suspicion of which Origen was the object. Eusebius had
been associated with Pamphilus in a defence of Origen.

281 a 2 τὸν περὶ εἱμαρμένης λόγον. The following extract
will be found in the edition of Origen by Lommatzsch, viii. 7.
Of the Commentaries on Genesis Eusebius writes (H. E. vi. 24)

323

4281. THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

‘In the ninth of the volumes on Genesis, of which there are
twelve in all, he states that the preceding eight had been com-
posed at Alexandria.’ Origen withdrew from Alexandria
215 A.D., but returned in 219 A. ἢ. and left it finally in 231 a. D.
The Commentaries on Genesis were written in the latter period, and
the date assigned to them by Bishop Westcott (Smith, Dict. Chr.
Biog.) is 228-231. Origen himself mentions them in his treatise
Against Celsus, vi. 49. ‘One of the fragments of the Commen-
tary on Genesis contains a remarkable discussion of the theory of
fate in common with Gen. i. 16 (quoted by Eusebius, Praep. Ev.
vi. 11, and given in Philocal, 23[22]; comp. Euseb., l.c. vii. 20).’
Westcott, l.c. The subject of Free Will is formally discussed by
Origen, De Principiis, iii. 1 (Lommatzsch, tom. xxi).

11] 282 d 9 τοῖς εἰδόσι τοὺς τοιούτους is the text of Origen. If τοῖς
εἰδόσι be omitted, as in the MSS. of Eusebius, we are driven to
the questionable construction—‘it is evident with regard to
such men that, &c.’— which properly requires a transitive verb
preceding, as in the text of Origen.

283 8 1 ἐπιπλοκήν. Cf. 281 Ὁ 5 ‘the combination of planets
with stars of the zodiac.’

8. 4 καθημαξευμένον (xarnp. edd. et codd.). Cf. Dion. Hal. x. 41
ἑώλους καὶ καθημαξευμένας ἀντιλογίας.

6 7 ἐντυχών might be rendered ‘ having read’: cf. 16 c, 69 ¢.

2841 τὸ ἐν Βαιθήλ, ὃ ἐποίησεν ταῖς δαμάλεσιν. The MSS. of
Eusebius have ἐν ταῖς δαμάλεσιν, where ἐν is evidently a repetition
of the preceding syllable.

ἃ 4 πιότης, ‘ashes.’ The Hebrew word 1/7 has both meanings,
‘fat’ and ‘ fat ashes,’ from the victims burned upon the altar.

ἃ γενομένῳ πρὸ πολλοῦ. Cf. Driver, Introd. to Lit. of O. T.,
p. 230, who concludes that the prophecy concerning Cyrus ‘is the
work of an author writing towards the close of the exile, and
predicting the approaching conquest of Babylon by Cyrus.’

28585 τῷ ὀνόματί pov. Origen and ἐξ" of the Septuagint
read, with the Hebrew, ‘thy name.’

C5 The clause οὐκ ἦν ἁπτόμενος τῆς γῆς is omitted in Origen,
and in the quotation from him by Eusebius.

ἀνὰ μέσον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν. Before this clause Origen omits
θεωρητόν, i.e. a notable horn, R. V.
ἂ τ Οὐβάλ. The Hebrew word 28

aN, or bow, found only in
824

BOOK VI. CHAPS. 10, II 285 d

Dan. viii. 2, 3, 6, and ‘river’ (A.V., R.V.), ‘ portam ᾽ (Vulg.) was
left untranslated by Theodotion.

ἐνώπιον τῆς ἰσχύος. ἐν ὁρμῇ the reading in Daniel viii. 6
(Theodotion) is corrupted in the text of Origen, and here, into the
unintelligible ἐνώπιον, repeated from the preceding clause.

286 Ὁ 1 ἐναντιοφορούντων. The fixed stars being outside the
solar system, and at an enormous distance, have no apparent
motion except that from east to west, which is due to the diurnal
rotation of the earth from west to east. But the planets, besides
this apparent diurnal revolution, have a real orbital motion, like
the earth, from west to east, that is, in the opposite direction to
the apparent motion of the fixed stars and of the sun.

287 Ὁ 8 ἐπιβάλλων. ... τῇ ἀρχῇ τῆς κοσμοποιίας. Compare for
this use οὗ ἐπιβάλλω Clem. Al. Strom. ii. 439 φέρε δὴ καὶ Πλάτωνα
τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιβάλλοντα παραστησώμεθα δόγμασιν. Strom. vii. 834
ὅλον ἑαυτὸν ἐπιβεβληκότος τῇ θεωρᾳ. Mark xiv. 72 ἐπιβαλὼν
ἔκλαιε.

289 cI ἀκούσουσιν, a form used instead of ἀκούσονται once, or
twice at most, in the LXX. (Isa. vi. 9; Jer. li. 16), twice or
thrice in N. T., and more frequently in later authors.

G6 ἀνῆκε. On the omission of ἄν see Jelf, Gk. Gr. 858. 1.

290 Ὁ 2 Exod. iv. 11. The Hebrew pb, ‘dumb,’ is rendered
by the LXX. δύσκωφον, ‘stone deaf,’ and therefore necessarily
‘dumb.’ Also κωφός itself means ‘dumb,’ as well as ‘deaf,’ but
the Hebrew ὉΠ is always rendered ‘deaf.’

291 8.3 τόνδε τινὰ τρόπον, ‘in some such way as follows.’ But
with τόπον, the reading of IO, we should have a different con-
struction: ‘ by taking this or that position at the hour of this
particular man’s birth.’

ἃ δ᾽ κατὰ κάθετον. Cf.847 43. The ecliptic (6 ξζῳδιακὸς κύκλος)
was divided into twelve signs (ζῴδια), each sign into thirty degrees
(μοῖραι), and these into sixty minutes (τὸ ἑξηκοστόν), and these again
into sixty seconds (τὸ ἑξηκοστὸν τοῦ ἑξηκοστοῦ). See below 294 ἃ 7.

Thus the horoscope was drawn by observing the zodiacal
sign, and the degree and subdivision of a degree above which
each planet was vertically situated at the moment of birth.

@6 κατὰ τοῦ ἀνατολικοῦ. The primitive methods of deter-
mining the position of a planet, described in a 5 and here,
belong rather to astrology than astronomy. They would now

2 κα ᾳ 225

291 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

be replaced by observations of the latitude and longitude of the
planet or star.

ἃ 7 Tis κατὰ τοῦ μεσουρανήματος. The observation of a known
star on the meridian, determining, in modern language, the
declination and right ascension of the planet, would give a second
and independent means of determining its position.

8. 8 If τὸ μεσουράνημα is the star’s place on the meridian, τὸ
ἀντιμεσουράνημα would naturally mean the position diametrically
opposite. And this interpretation is confirmed by Plutarch, ii.
284 F ‘As it is difficult to ascertain the exact beginning of the
day or night at the rising or setting of the sun, the only re-
maining course is to take as the beginning his being on the
meridian or on the anti-meridian (τὸ μεσουρανοῦν ἢ τὸ ἀντιμεσου-
ρανοῦν αὐτοῦ) Μεσουράνημα occurs thrice in the Apocalypse
(viii. 13; xiv. 6; xix. 17) in the general sense ‘ mid-heaven.’

ἃ 2 txaf ὃ δὴ ort This is the common reading in Eusebius,
Origen, and the Philocalia, but it is evidently corrupt. The
simplest mode of correction is to omit ὅτι, which seems to be
a variant for ὃ δή that has afterwards crept into the text.

ἃ 3 «ἀληθές. ‘Philocalia optime restituit μή᾽ (De la Rue). The
addition seems rather to obscure the argument : ‘If in proportion
as the true time of past events is discovered it is found impossible
that the present configuration can have caused them, it is evident
that the previous motions of the stars, before they reached this
position, could not have been the cause of the past events.’

ἃ 6 ἐπιστήσας. Cf. Aristot. Metaph. i. 6. 2 ἐπιστήσαντος τὴν
διάνοιαν, ‘having fixed his attention.’

292 Ὁ 5 προσευχῇ τοῦ Ἰωσήφ, an apocryphal book mentioned
in the Synopsis 5. Scripturae ascribed to Athanasius. Cf. Fabric.
Cod. Pseudepigr. Vet. Test. i. 761-71. ‘For the information we
possess regarding this production we are indebted above all to
frequent quotations from it found in Origen’ (Schtirer, Jewish
People, Div. ii. vol. iii. p. 127). Cf. Orig. In Joann. ii, 25 (Lom-
matzsch, i. 147).

b 6 πλαξί Cf. 2 Cor. iii. 3 οὐκ ἐν πλαξὶν λιθίναις «7.2.

C6 ἐπιστρέφων ἡμᾶς πρὸς ἑαυτούς. Cf. Plot. Enn. v. 3. 1 οὐ
δυναμένου εἰς ἑαυτὸ ἐπιστρέφειν.

ἃ 2 ἐπιχείρημα. Cf. Aristot. Top. viii. 11. 12 ἔστι δὲ φιλοσό-
φημα μὲν συλλογισμὸς ἀποδεικτικός, ἐπιχείρημα δὲ συλλογισμὸς δια-

226

BOOK VI. CHAP. II 202 ἃ

Aexruxds. Ibid. i. 1. 2 διαλεκτικὸς δὲ συλλογισμὸς ὃ ἐξ ἐνδόξων
συλλογιζόμενος.

ἃ 6 φέρε γὰρ εἰπεῖν. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. iv. 630 πάντα ὅσα εἰς
χρῆσιν ἡμῶν ἐκτίσθη ὡς γάμον, φέρε εἰπεῖν.

298 b 4 ἀκρωτηριαζομένους. It is observable how earnestly
Origen, who had experienced the effects of a more severe self-
mutilation, insists on the sufferings and risks of circumcision.

C 3 τοὺς ἑτέρου. Strabo, 504, says that the Amazons had
the right breast burnt off in infancy, that they might use the
right arm easily for any purpose, but especially for throwing
darts.

G7 τῶν διᾳττόντων, ‘that shoot across the sky.’ Cf. Aristot.
Meteor. i. 1. 7 ot δοκοῦντες ἀστέρες διάττειν. Diog. L. ii. 3. 9
τοὺς δὲ διάττοντας οἷον σπινθῆρας ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀέρος ἀτοπάλλεσθαι. The
verb ἄττω or ἀΐσσω is formed from dig = ἀϊκή. Cf. Hom, Jl. xv.
709 τόξων ἀϊκὰς ἀμφὶς μένον.

294 ἃ 3 τὰ κατὰ τὴν γενεθλιαλογίαν. Cf. Joseph. 4. J. xviii. 6. 9
ἮΝν δὲ καὶ γενεθλιαλογίᾳ Τιβέριος τὰ μάλιστα προσκείμενος.

ἃ 4 δωδεκατημορίου. On this and the following technical terms
see 291 8 5.

ἃ 5 For 6 καλούμενος ἀστήρ, ‘ the given star,’ an unusual mean-
ing, we should probably read ὁ πλανώμενος ἀστήρ, corresponding
to ἑκάστου τῶν πλανωμένων, three lines below. It is evident
from 291 a that the horoscope was determined by the position
of a planet or planets in relation to the fixed stars of the zodiac.

Ὁ 3 τὸ ἑξηκοστὸν τῆς μοίρας, τὸ πρῶτον ἢ τὸ δεύτερον ἑξηκοστόν,
i.e. the minute or the second. This is the origin of our term
‘second’ (7). Cf. 2091 ἃ §, note.

CI ἡμίσει wpas. The clepsydra in use in Origen’s time, though
improved by Ctesibius about 130 B.c., was a very imperfect
instrument for marking small intervals of time; and the divi-
sions of the hour, even if correctly shown, were not, as in our
clocks, proportionate to the divisions of the ecliptic, but formed
the series 4, 4, 4, 45, zis. The same series survives in the divisions
of the compass to this day, the thirty-two divisions containing
each 112%, degrees instead of thirty containing each 12°.

C 3 οὐ τῆς ὅλης ὥρας, ‘not, perhaps, of the whole hour, but
even of the exact subdivision of it.’

ποστημορίονυ, ‘ what fraction of an hour.’
Qa 327

9$94c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 5 ἀκαριαῖον, literally, ‘of a hair’s breadth,’ from 4d and
xeipw. Cf. Demosth. 1292. 2 ἀκαριαῖος 6 πλοῦς.

ἃ 2 τοῦ δωδεκατημορίον. Each sign of the zodiac was a twelfth
part of the whole ecliptic. Compare the Chaldean system in Masp.
i. 544 ‘Merodach regulated the course of the whole universe on
the movements of the sun. He instituted the year, and divided
it into twelve months. To each month he assigned three decans,
each of whom exercised his influence successively for a period of
ten days: he then placed the procession of the days under the
authority of Nibiru (the planet Jupiter) that none of them should
wander from his track and be lost.’

ἃ 5 ὧρας τριακοστόν. The thirtieth part of an hour was not
marked by the clepsydra, the nearest division being τ᾿. See
294 C I, note.

ἃ 6 θεώρημα. The Precession of the Equinox was first dis-
covered by Hipparchus, B.c. 125, and the theory was revised but
not improved by Ptolemy, Α. Ὁ. 130. It is described as follows
by Herschel, Outlines of Astronomy, § 312 ‘The equinox does not
preserve a constant place among the stars, but shifts its position,
travelling continually and regularly, although with extreme
slowness, backwards, along the ccliptic in the direction from east
to west, or the contrary to that in which the sun appears to move
in that circle. As the ecliptic and equinoctial are not very much
inclined, this motion of the equinox from east to west along the
former conspires (speaking generally) with the diurnal motion,
and carries it, with reference to that motion, continually in
advance upon the stars: hence it has acquired the name of the
Precession of the Equinoxes, because the place of the equinox
among the stars, at every subsequent moment, precedes (with
reference to the diurnal motion) that which it held the moment
before.’

G10 τοῦ νοητοῦ Swoexarnpopiov. Herschel, Outlines of Astro-
nomy, § 381 ‘These Signs are purely technical subdivisions of
the ecliptic [νοητὰ δωδεκατημόρια] commencing from the actual
equinox, and are not to be confounded with the constellations
so called [τὰ ὡσανεὶ μορφώματα]. The Greek words I have
inserted to show more clearly the modern technical terms to
which they correspond.

τοῦ ὡσανεὶ μορφώματος, ‘the figure, as it were,’ of an
328

BOOK VI. CHAP. II—BOOK VII. CHAP.2 294d

animal, supposed to be formed by the stars in each sign of the
zodiac.

295 ο 6 Isa. xlvii. 13. Eusebius omits the clause οἱ δρῶντες τοὺς
ἀστέρας from the text of the Septuagint. According to Delitzsch
and Cheyne the Hebrew may be literally rendered: ‘the dividers
of the heavens, the star-gazers, who make known at every new
moon things that shall come upon thee.’

BOOK VII

1] 4298 ἃ 7 τὴν δευτέραν (i.e. κατηγορίαν) After showing cause
for forsaking the polytheism of the Greeks, the next question is,
Why adopt the scriptures of the Hebrews? Cf.5 b7; τό ἢ
ἀνίωμεν ἐπὶ τὴν πρώτην κατηγορίαν. The former half of book vii.
contains the chief contribution made by Eusebius himself to the
argument of the Praeparatio Evangelica.

ἃ 8 μεταποιήσεως, an unusual word, which like μεταποιεῖσθαι
has the meaning of ‘claiming a share.’

299 ἃ 3 ἐσκευωρῆσθαι, ‘ borrowed,’ or ‘ plagiarized.’ Cf. Diog.
L. ii. 61 καὶ τοὺς τῶν ἄλλων δὲ ἐσκενώρηται. Demosth. 115. 5;
217. 16. On the plagiarism of Greek authors see Book X. 2, 3.
2] b 3 προσανασχόντες, ἃ favourite word with Polybius, e.g.
Υ. 72. 2 προσανέχοντες ταῖς ἐλπίσι τῆς βοηθείας.

6 9 εὐξάμενοι παισίν. On prayers of this kind compare Juvenal,
Sat. x. 289-91, 346-66; Hor. Epist. i. 4. 6-11; Lucian,
Icaromenipp. xxv; Persius, ii. 36

‘Nunc Licini in campos, nunc Crassi mittit in aedes.
Hunc optent generum rex et regina! Puellae
Hunc rapiant! Quicquid calcaverit hic, rosa fiat!’

G10 πολὺ πρότερον. ‘Omnino legendum videtur πολὺ αἰσχρό-
τερον, haec enim turpium numinum colluvies siderum frugumque
Gcoroitg posterior fuit, uti non semel Eusebius ipse tradidit’
(Viger). Seguier would read πολὺ ὕστερον. No change is
necessary as Eusebius is speaking of the gods of different nations,

γυμνῃ ... κεφαλῇ. Plat. Phaedr. 243 B γυμνῇ τῇ κεφαλῇ, καὶ
οὐχ ὥσπερ τότε ὑπ᾽ αἰσχύνης ἐγκεκαλυμμένος. “ Τυμνῇ τῇ κεφαλῇ
proverbii instar usurparunt Euseb. contra Hieroclem 544 D (ed.
Colon.) . .. et Gregor. Nazianz. Orat. i. 10 C’ (Ast). Eus. Η. E.
iii, 32 γυμνῇ λοιπὸν ἤδη τῇ κεφαλῇ τῷ τῆς ἀληθείας κηρύγματι
“τὴν ψευδώνυμον γνῶσιν ἀντικηρύττειν ἐπεχείρουν.
229

900 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

800 ἃ πορνείας. Wisdom, xiv. 12. Cf. 30 ¢ 7, note.

ἃ 13 προβεβλημένοι, a military term of frequent occur-
rence, as Polyb. ii. 65. 9 τάφρον καὶ χάρακα προβαλόμενοι τοῦ
λόφον.

9] 8016 3 ἐπιστήσαντες. Cf. τὸ ἃ 8, and 291 d 6, note.

6 9 ῥοώδης. Cf. Holland, Plutarch, 666 ‘matter is variable,
mutable, alterable, flurible.’

ἃ 4 ἐπιγράφεσθαι τὴν αἰτίαν. ‘In Passivo dicitur émypddopa

αἰτίαν, “mihi assignatur causa”’ (Heinichen). The middle is
much more used than the passive, as in 2 b 4, 2 d 3: but see the
similar use of the passive in 106 Ὁ 8 εἰκόνα καταγέγραπται.
4] 802 06 5 τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς ἁπάντων κρατεῖν. Cf. Plat. Phil. 28 C
ὡς νοῦς ἐστι βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν οὐρανοῦ τε καὶ γῆς. Justin. M. Ap.
i. 10 implies that this was part of the regular Christian teaching,
Epist. ad Diogn. x Ὁ yap Θεὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἠγάπησε, δι’ ois
ἐποίησε τὸν κόσμον.

ἃ 323 τῷ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένει πρὸς ὑπηρεσίαν δουλοῦσθαι. Cf.
817 ἃ, Rendel Harris, Apology of Aristides, 20 ‘One of the
leading beliefs in Aristides is that God made all things for the sake
of man. . . . Now Celsus seems to have been particularly opposed
to this doctrine, and to have discussed it at length: it was one of
the points of contact between the Stoic philosophy and the Jewish
and Christian faiths. ... He draws ridiculous pictures of the
philosophy of the frogs in the swamp, of the ants in their ant-
hill, and of bevies of bats discussing the to them obvious proposi-
tion that the world has been made solely for their benefit.
Accordingly Origen remarks (c. Cels. iv. 23): “ He compares us to
worms asserting that there is a God, and that next after Him we
who have been made by Him are everyway like God; and all
things have been subjected to us, earth, and water, and air,
and stars, and that all things are for our sake, and are ordained
to serve us.”’ Ibid. 77 ‘His words are as follows: “But if you
are going to quote the saying of Euripides (Phoen. 546) ‘Both
sun and night are slaves to mortal men,’ why more to us than
to the ants and flies?”

303 8 6 αὐτὸς ἀνῆπται τὴν αἰτίαν. Cf. Eur. Herc. F. 549

θανάτον τάδ᾽ ἤδη περιβόλαι᾽ ἀνήμμεθα.
The same construction is seen in Hor. Sat. i. 6. 74
‘Laevo suspensi loculos tabulamque lacerto.’
230

BOOK VII. CHAPS, 2-8 303 b

Ὁ 5 βασιλικόν. Cf. τ Pet. ii. 9 γένος ἐκλεκτόν, βασίλειον
ἱεράτευμα.

5] ἃ δ θεοφανειῶν. Cf. Athan. c. Arian. i. 467 τὰ τῆς θεοφα-
veias.
6] 804 ο 4 βασίλειον, ‘kingdom.’ The more usual meaning
of the substantive is ‘ palace,’ or ‘royal city,’ as in Polyb. iii.
15. 3 βασίλειον ἦν Καρχηδονίων.

ἀπὸ τοῦ “EBep. As a national name the term ‘ Hebrew’
first appears in a very ancient historical fragment... Gen. xiv. 13
‘Abram the Hebrew,’ which is rendered by the LXX τῷ περάτῃ,
but rather refers to his descent from ‘Eber.’ See 309 b 5.

ἃ 1 εἰς ὑπόμνησιν σχολῆς τῶν ἱερῶν λόγων. This is rendered
by the French translator, ‘en mémoire du repos mentionné dans
les livres sacrés.? But the word for that rest is κατάπαυσις, never
σχολή, which means either leisure or study in which leisure is
employed.

ἃ 3 ἄλλης τε μακρᾶς περιόδου κατά τινα σύμβολα θειότερον
ἐπιτελουμένης. Viger boldly proposes to change the genitives
into accusatives. The meaning evidently is that, besides the
weekly sabbath and the yearly feast, there was the long period
of the sabbatical year to be kept holy, in accordance with the
covenants in regard to servants and to the sale of land.

On the use of re as a simple copulative conjunction, see
Arnold, Thuc. ii. 100. 2, note, and iii. 52. 3, note,

ἃ 7 dverjxoo. The more usual form ἀνήκοοι has the same
meaning, ‘not having heard.’ |
7] 806 b 7 ὁμοιοτροπίας. Cf. 312 © 6, Strab. 21 τῆς ἄλλης
ὁμοιοτροπίας συγγενείας τε. The form ὁμότροπος is used by Hdt.
ll, 49, Vili. 144.

προτροπήν. Cf. 220 ἃ 2.
8] 306 ἃ 2 Ἤλπισεν. Gen. iv. 26, Sept. οὗτος ἤλπισεν. Aq.
correctly τότε ἤρχθη. The interpretation of the Seventy, caused
by their reading bnin instead of bmn, is based by S. Augustine (De
Civ. 1). xv. 17)0n the meaning of the name Enosh: ‘ Enos autem
sic interpretatur Homo, ut hoc non posse foeminam nuncupari periti
linguae illius asseverent.’ Others take WON to represent man in
his weakness and mortality. So Ewald, Hist. of Israel, vol. i. p. 264,
note 2: Delitzsch, in loc. ‘Whatever the derivation of Enosh, it
designates, according to the usage of the language, man on the
231

306d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

side of his impotence, frailty, and mortality; see Ps. viii. 5 ;
cili. 15; Job vii. 1, 17; especially Ps. xc. 3.’ Cf. Philo Jud.
218 M.

ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸ ὄνομα. Cf. Jul. Africanus, Chron. Fr. iil.
(Routh, Rell. Sacr. ii. 238) τοῦτ᾽ ἐστι προσαγορεύεσθαι ὀνόματι Θεοῦ.
See Routh, ibid. 361.

807 a 6 ἀληθὴς ἄνθρωπος. Cf. 306 ἃ 2, note.

@ 8 ἐπήβολον. Plat. Euthyd. 289 B τοιαύτης τινὸς ἐπιστήμης.
ἐπηβόλους. Cf. Ruhnk, Tim. Lez. ἜἜπήβολοι. of ἐπιτυχῶς βαλ-
λοντες.

b 4 κυριολεκτεῖν. Cf. Clem. Al. 657 ἡ μὲν κυριολογεῖται κατὰ
μίμησιν, i.e. the one kind (of hieroglyphics) is expressed literally
by way of imitation.

c 7 ’Evds. On the distinction of the names ‘Adam’ and
‘Enosh’ see 516 6.

The name Adam, meaning red, has reference to the ground
(Adamah) out of which the first man was formed (Gen. ii. 7).
‘Supposing the Hebrew language to represent accurately the
primary ideas connected with the formation of man, it would
seem that the appellation bestowed by God was given to keep
alive in Adam the memory of his earthly and mortal nature;
whereas the name by which he preferred to designate himself was
Ish, a man of substance or worth, Gen. ii. 23.’ Smith’s Dict. Bib.
‘Adam ’; see also Hastings’ Dict. Bib. ‘ Adam.’

808 CI χάριν δὲ Θεοῦ. This signification is given to the name
of Cain’s son, 3190, by Philo J. De Post. Cain. 11 ‘Enoch is by
interpretation, ‘‘Thy grace.”’ Here Enoch ‘the seventh from
Adam’ is meant, and the name signifies according to Philo,
De Abr. 3, κεχαρισμένος ‘ i.e. Wn is connected with ΤΠ’ (Hastings’
Dict. Bib.). Hence ‘he was represented as the inventor of letters,
arithmetic, and astronomy, and as the first author’ (Hastings,
ibid.). ‘In Gen. v.24 it is said of Enoch that he walked with God.
This expression was taken in later times to mean not only that he
led a godly life, but also that he was the recipient of superhuman
knowledge’ (R. H. Charles, The Book of Enoch, τ. 1.).

ἃ 11 κατακλυσμῷ. Compare the reference to the Flood in Plato,
Legg. 677 D, quoted by Eusebius, 587 d.

The Chaldaean account of the Deluge is given at length in

Masp. i. 566, with a facsimile of one of the tablets published by
232

BOOK VII. CHAPS, 8-1τὸ 308 d

G. Smith, Chaldaean Account of the Deluge from terra-cotta
tablets found at Nineveh. .

310 Ὁ 7 εἰς τοῦτο περιγράψασθαι. ‘ Hanc opinionem singularem
sine dubio Eusebius hausit e Rom. ix. 10 ἐξ ἑνὸς κοίτην dxovca’
(Seguier).

C 8 Georrias. Cf. Demonstr. Eo. 309 ἃ τὴν ἔνδοξον αὐτοῦ
θεοπτίαν προθεωρεῖ.

ἃ 2 Ἰσραήλ. Gen. xxxii. 28. Israel means ‘ He who striveth
with God,’ or, ‘ God striveth,’ margin, R. V. Eusebius adopts some
derivation of the name which it is not easy to recognize, perhaps
a combination of WX, ANT, and dy.

ἃ 11 ἐν ols éxpayparevodpefa. Cf.S. Basil De Spiritu S. 72
εἰ δέ τῳ καὶ ὁ Παλαιστῖνος Εὐσέβιος ἀξιόπιστος διὰ πολυπειρίαν,
κἀκείνου τὰς αὐτὰς φωνὰς ἐπιδείκνυμεν ἐν τοῖς ἐπαπορήμασι περὶ τῆς

τῶν ἀρχαίων πολυγαμίας.
8116 1 ηὐτύχητος. Cf. Thue. vii. 77 ἱκανὰ γὰρ τοῖς τε πολεμίοις
εὐτύχηται.

ἃ 7 ἀναπεμπασάμενος, ‘having called to mind’; literally,
πεμπάζω means ‘ to count by fives.’ Cf. Aesch. Eum. 748

πεμπάζετ᾽ ὀρθῶς ἐκβολὰς ψήφων, ξένοι.

312 ἃ 3 αὐτὸς πρὸς ἑαυτόν. In Gen. xxxix. 8, this remonstrance
is addressed to Potiphar’s wife in the course of her allurements.

a4 δ ἐμέ. Hebrew ‘FN. ‘There is a singular use of it in

Gen. xxx. 29, “thou knowest what thy flock has become ‘AX
with me,” i.e. having me as the shepherd and caring for it’
(Gesenius). Comp. xxxix. 6, ‘he knew not aught that was with
him (S78)? (R. V.).
10] 814 Ὁ 2 οὐσώσιν. Cf. 554 6, 541 8&7 τῆς τοῦ δευτέρου αἰτίου
συστάσεώς τε καὶ οὐσιώσεως. It is literally, ‘the act which gives
τὸ εἶναί τε καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν᾽ (542 a1). Cf. Phil. Jud. 332 Μ εἰκόνα
δόκιμον εἶναι νομίσας οὐσιωθεῖσαν καὶ τυπτωθεῖσαν σφραγῖδι Θεοῦ.

C5 χορείαν. Ps,-Plat. Epinom. 982 E τοῦτο δ᾽ εἶναι τὴν τῶν
ἄστρων φύσιν, ἰδεῖν μὲν καλλίστην, πορείαν δὲ καὶ χορείαν πάντων
χορῶν καλλίστην καὶ μεγαλοπρεπεστάτην χορεύοντα. Lucian, De
Saltat. vii. ἡ γοῦν χορεία τῶν ἀστέρων.

G11 διάκοσμον. Ps.-Aristot. Mund. vi. 37 διάκοσμον οὐρανοῦ
καὶ γῆς.

ἃ 12 ἀναιτίον φύσεως. Aristot. Anal. Pr. ii. 17. 3 τὸ ἀναίτιον
ὡς αἴτιον τιθέναι. Cf. Rhet. ii. 24. 8.

233

9168 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

816 a 8 παραδείσῳ. The word, it is said, first occurs in Xen.
Anab. i. 2. ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας
ἀγρίων θηρίων πλήρης. On the Babylonian Paradise, see Auth.
and Arch. p. 19 f. and Hastings, Dict. of the Bible, 8. v. ‘ Eden.’

C I αὑτοσοφίαν, a word frequently used by Athanasius in the
Arian controversy: cf. c. Arian. ii. 78 ἡ μὲν οὖν μονογενὴς καὶ
αὐτοσοφία τοῦ Θεοῦ κτίζουσα καὶ δημιουργός ἐστι τῶν πάντων.

C 2 αὐτοζωήν. Athan. 6. Arian. iv. 32 τὴν ἀνέκφραστον ἕνωσιν
ὁ Ἰωάννης κηρύσσει, καταποθέντος τοῦ θνητοῦ ὑπὸ τῆς ζωῆς καὶ αὖτο-
ζωῆς ὄντος. Epist.ad Serap. 23 ὃ μὲν Κύριός ἐστιν ἡ αὐτοζωὴ καὶ
ἀρχηγὸς ζωῆς.

G5 καὶ σπεύδειν . . . τυχεῖν, omitted in Ο, perhaps as ἃ seeming
repetition: but this is not a conclusive proof of spuriousness in
a style such as that of Eusebius.

317 & 2 συνεκτικώτατον. See below 385 a, 460 d, 482 d.
Clem. Al. Strom. viii. 933 ‘A Synectic cause is that, which
being present the effect remains, and being removed, the effect is
removed. The Synectic is also called by the synonymous expres-
sion “ perfect in itself” (αὐτοτελές) ; since it is of itself sufficient
to produce the effect.’

a8 ὑποσκελίζειν. ‘Pollux, libro tertio, in fine, colligit verba

ad gymnasticam pertinentia: ᾿Αγκυρίζειν, ἀνατρέπειν, δράσσειν,
ὑποσκελίζειν᾿ (Seguier).
11] 8180 3 τοῖς πᾶσιν ... ἐπιπαρόντα, a distinct statement of
the doctrine of ‘the Divine Immanence,’ on which see Dorner,
System of Christian Doctrine, i. 242, 243, &c., and Illingworth,
Luz Mundi passim.

C 8 Θεὸς ἐγγίζων. The clause in its original context, Jer. xxiii.
23, is interrogative, but not so in the Septuagint. With the inter-
rogation, ‘a God near at hand is one whose domain and whose
knowledge do not extend far; a God afar off one who sees and
works into the far distance’ (Keil).

819 ἃ 16 μύδρους. Cf. 836 ὁ ‘Anaxagoras, Democritus, and
Metrodorus said that the sun was a red-hot mass of metal or
stone’: Plat. Apol. Socr. 26 D; Xen. Mem. Socr. iv. ἢ. ἡ. What
Anaxagoras said of the sun, others applied to God. Plutarch
(Pericles, 32) says that Diopeithes procured a decree that those
who did not believe in the gods, or taught doctrines about the
heavenly bodies, should be impeached, directing the suspicion

234

BOOK VII. CHAPS. 10-12 319d

against Pericles through Anaxagoras. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 98;
Aristot. Met. A. 3.

820 a1 Plut. De Plac. Phil. i. 7 of Srwixot νοερὸν θεὸν ἀπο-
φαίνονται πῦρ τεχνικὸν ὁδῷ βαδίζον ἐπὶ γενέσει κόσμον. Cf. 755 a7,
Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 57 ‘Zeno igitur naturam ita definit ut eam
dicat ignem esse artificiosum ad gignendum progredientem via.’

8. 2 μὴ προνοίᾳ. Cf. Lucret. i. 159

‘Et quo quaeque modo fiant opera sine Divum.’
Ibid. ii. 646-51.

ἃ 3 τὰ μὲν οὐράνια pova. Cf. 798 ὁ 4 ὁ ᾿Αριστοτέλης μέχρι

σελήνης στήσας τὸ θεῖον κι.λ. Ps.-Arist. De Mundo, vi. 13
σεμνότερον δὲ καὶ πρεπωδέστερον αὐτὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνωτάτω χώρας
ἱδρῦσθαι, τὴν δὲ δύναμιν διὰ τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμον διήκουσαν ἥλιόν
τε κινεῖν καὶ σελήνην, καὶ τὸν πάντα οὐρανὸν περιάγειν, αἴτιόν τε
γίνεσθαι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς σωτηρίας.
12] ο 6 ἀγένητον. On the usage of this word, and its dis-
tinction from ἀγέννητος, see Bishop Lightfoot’s admirable Excursus
in his Epistles of 5. Ignatius, Div. 11, vol. i. p. go. It was not
until after the council of Nicaea that the term ἀγένητος became
a recognized symbol of Arianism. ‘In fact it was because their
phrases had been shown at that time to be unsound, and they
could at any time be charged with impiety, that they thenceforth
borrowed from the Greeks the term Unoriginate (ἀγένητος), in
order that under shelter of this name they might again reckon
among the things originated and the creatures that Word of God
by whom these very things have come to be.’ Cf. Athan. De
Decretis N. &., vii. 28; De Synodis, 46, with A. Robertson’s
note.

6 καταλήψεως. The word was much used in the Stoic philo-
sophy: by Cicero, Acad. post. i, 11, it is rendered ‘ comprehensio,’
but Zeller, Outlines of Gk. Philos. 68, prefers the name ‘ conception.’
He writes, ‘As all our presentations arise out of perceptions,
the value of the knowledge they afford must depend on the
question whether there are perceptions of which it is certain that
they agree with the objects perceived. But this the Stoics main-
tain. In their view a part of our presentations is of such a
nature that they compel us to give assent to them (συγκατατίθεσ-
θαι); they are connected with the consciousness that they can
only arise from something real, and have direct evidence (ἐνάργεια).

238

320 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Hence when we assent to these presentations we apprehend the
subject (object ?) itself. It is in assenting to such a presentation
that, according to Zeno, conception consists (κατάληψις, a term
invented by Zeno).’

6 8 δευτέραν οὐσίάν. Cod. I has here a Scholion in the margin
τοῦτον ἐνταῦθα παραγυμνοῦντα τὸ οἰκεῖον δόγμα καὶ φανερῶς ᾿Αρειανί-
ζοντα. ‘Eusebius hic ἄντικρυς ἀρειανίζει᾽ (Viger). The remark,
applicable to several passages in the Demonstratio Evangelica,
is here out of place, since Eusebius is dealing with the doctrine
of the Logos only so far as it is found in the Old Testament,
that is, in Jewish as distinct from Christian Theology. The
Christology of the New Testament, as viewed by him before the
Council of Nicaea, is fully discussed in the Demonstratio
Evangelica, Books IV and V. In 321 ἃ 15 ff. he expressly states
that the doctrine was only made clear by the Gospel.

οὐσίαν. On the various senses (‘ being,’ ‘ essence,’ ‘nature,’
‘substance’) in which the word οὐσία was used both in Philo-
sophy and in Theology, see my Introduction to the Catechetical
Lectures of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, x. 2 (Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers, New Series, vol. vii).

τῶν γενητῶν ... γεγενημένην. Dionysius of Alexandria in
Athan. De Decretis, 26 ‘In many passages of the divine oracles
one may find the Son said to have been begotten (γεγεννῆσθαι),
but nowhere to have come into being (yeyovéva:).’ Thus to call
the Being of the Logos γεγενημένην is admissible only in Jewish
not in Christian Theology. Cf. Huet. Origentan. ii. 23.

ἃ τὶ ἀνευφημήσας. Cf. Joseph. B. J.iv. 2. 5 (Τίτον) ἀνευφήμουν
ὡς εὐεργέτην καὶ φρουρᾶς ἐλευθερώσαντα τὴν πόλιν. The earlier
sense of the word ‘to cry out in alarm or grief’ is found in Soph.
Trach. 783 ἅπας δ᾽ ἀνευφήμησεν οἰμωγῇ λεώς. Eur. Or. 1335;
Plat. Phaed. 60 A; Porph. De Abst. ii. 31.

821 61 povoyevés, ‘alone of its kind, in opposition to πολυ-
pepés (Heb. i. 1), which means “ manifold” in its attributes and
operations.’ Deane, The Book of Wisdom.

6 ᾿Απαύγασμα. Heb. i. 3 ‘effulgence’ (R. V.).

ἃ τι πρὸς τοῦ μείζονος. ‘Locus hic caute legendus,’ a note in
the margin of the Latin Translation. See the notes on 320 ὁ 8.

ἃ 17 διασαφεῖ. Cf. Johni.1. This statement, that the doctrine
of the Logos was only made clear in the Gospel, must be considered

236

BOOK VII. CHAPS. 12, 13 321 d

in estimating such expressions as occur in 320 c 8, and
421 α 12.

822 Ὁ 4 ἐγενήθησαν. Ps. cxlviii.5, LXX. But both Gaisford
and Dindorf in the text of Eusebius here print ἐγεννήθησαν
without remark, though in 247 a 4 they have the true reading
ἐγενήθησαν.

64 Gen. xix. 24. In this passage Κύριος represents 1 both
times, but in the quotation from Ps. cx. 1 the words τῷ κυρίῳ pov
represent a common title of a superior, not a name of God.

d1 Ps, cx. 3. The meaning of the passage is entirely mis-

understood by the Seventy, whom Eusebius follows. In R. V.
it is rightly given: ‘from the womb of the morning Thou hast
the dew of Thy birth.’
18] ἃ 1 Διὰ τί... The following fragment of Philo, Quaestiones
et Solutiones, preserved in the Greek only by this quotation in
Eusebius, is printed in Mangey’s edition of Philo, ii. 625 (Richter,
vi. 175). The work is described in Eus. Hist. Eccl. ii. 18, and
Aucher gives a Latin translation of it from an Armenian version
of the fifth century, entitled by him Philonis Iudaei Paralipomena
Armen., where the passage is found in ii. 62.

828 ἃ 3 τὸν δεύτερον Θεόν. In CFG, the MSS. derived from 0,
θεόν is omitted, but ‘it is not clear whether O has omitted it.
There is a little hole in the paper probably covering only the o
in δεύτερον, but capable of representing ‘0 (the abbreviations for
τον θεόν)" (H. N. Bate). ‘Hic vere Philo πλατωνίζει, ut ex ipsis
philosophi verbis inferius patebit ’ (Viger).

ὃ 4 λογικὸν . .. τύπον ὑπὸ Oeiov Adyov. The Divine Reason
(Adyos) is represented as the source of human reason.

@ ἐξαιρέτῳ. Philo’s meaning seems to be that the mind or
intellect of pure Deity is of another and higher nature, not
communicable to created beings like the reason imparted by the
Logos to man. Compare Zeller, Outlines of Gk. Philos. 94.

Ὁ 3 Tatra δὴ πάντα. Philo J. De Agricultura Noé, 12. 308. The
passage is quoted by Bp. Bull, Def. Fid. Nic. i. 1. 16, in dis-
cussing Philo’s doctrine of the Logos. The words ταῦτα δὴ πάντα
are inserted by Eusebius as the summary of a long list of natural
objects, and ὁ is substituted for as. . . -

337

323 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 4 τὸν ὀρθὸν αὐτοῦ Λόγον. Both meanings, ‘Reason’ and
‘Word,’ are required to express the sense of λόγος here.

b7 ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ. Philo J. De Plantatione Noé, ii. 2. 330. The
Plantatio is the second part of the Agricultura, referring specially
to Noah’s planting a vine (Gen. ix. 20).

Ὁ 9 δυσωπίας. Cf. Plut. ii.95 B τὴν περὶ ras ὑπουργίας ἀνωμαλίαν
τε καὶ δυσωπίαν, ‘inequality and embarrassment in doing kind
offices.’

ΘΙ ἀχθοφορεῖν. Cf. Anthol. Gr. Pal. vii. 468. 4

ἅλικες οἰμωγᾷ σὸν νέκυν ἠχθοφόρευν.
Λόγος. Here, and in ἃ 2 Νόμος and νόμου stand in place of
Λόγος and Λόγου in Mangey’s text of Philo.

6 4 Sodixever.. . δρόμον. Cf. Xen. Anab. iv. 8. 27 δολιχὸν δὲ
Κρῆτες πλείους ἢ ἑξήκοντα ἔθεον.

ἃ 3 στοιχείων ἀφώνων. Cf. Plat. Soph. 253 A ‘The vowels
especially extend through all the rest like a bond, so that
without one of them it is impossible to join one consonant to
another.’

ἃ 4 ἐγγραμμάτου μουσικῆς. Cf. Plut. Vit. Hom. 16 A καὶ ras
ἀνάρθρους φωνὰς τοῖς ἐγγραμμάτοις ἐξετύπωσαν ; i.e. ‘expressed.
inarticulate sounds in written words.’ Porph. Abst. ii. 3.

ἃ 5 πειθοῖ τῇ συνῳδῷ, ‘by harmonious persuasion.’ συνῳδῷ,
the reading of cod. I is much to be preferred to συνόδῳ BO, for
which compare Anth, Pal. vii. 635

τὴν αὐτὴν ζωῆς καὶ θανάτον σύνοδον.
Cohn’s conjecture συναγωγῷ is unnecessary.

ἃ 6 ‘ The first certain proof of the occupation of the Alexandrine
Jews with Greek philosophy is seen in the fragments of a treatise
of Aristobulus (about 150 B.c. We have received them through
Eusebius, Pr. Evang. vii. 14, viii. 10, xiii. 12. They were with-
out reason suspected by Lobeck and Hody, but were defended by
Valckenaer). This Jewish Peripatetic assured King Ptolemy
Philometor that the oldest Greek poets and philosophers, and
especially Pythagoras and Plato, had used our Old Testament,
and in order to secure evidence for this assertion, he appeals to
@ series of verses supposed to be the work of Orpheus and Linus,
Homer and Hesiod, which are, however, shameless forgeries,
though neither Clemens nor Eusebius detected them.’ Zeller,
Outlines of Gk. Philos. 319. 2 Macc. i. τὸ ‘ Aristobulus, king

338

BOOK VII. CHAPS, 13-15 323 d

Ptolemy’s teacher, who is also of the stock of the anointed priests.’
See below, 375 d, &c., and Valckenaer, Diatr. de Aristobulo, vi. 18.
14] 832481 Meradépouro. The same passage is quoted more
fully 667 a. |

C2 ᾿Αλλὰ γάρ. ‘Be that as it may.’ On this meaning of
ἀλλὰ γάρ see the Digest of Idioms appended to Riddell’s Apology
of Plato, 147.

15] c6 ἀγένητον. Cf. 320 ¢ 6, note.

ἃ 3 ἀπεικονισμένην. Cf. 323 ἃ 2.

ἃ 6 ἀρχιστράτηγον δυνάμεως Κυρίου, Josh. v. 14.

ἃ Μεγάλης . . . βουλῆς “AyyeAov. Isa. ix. 6. This is the
reading of the Vatican MS. of the Septuagint, to which cod. A
adds θαυμαστὸς σύμβουλος, Θεὸς ἰσχυρός, ἐξουσιαστής, ἄρχων εἰρήνης,
πατὴρ τοῦ μέλλοντος αἰῶνος.

825 Δὲ εἶδος, ‘essential form,’ not ‘ visible shape,’ which is
excluded by the following context.

ἐπιβάλλειν. Cf. 287 Ὁ 8, note.

ἃ 9 avexppacrov. Cf. Athan. De Decretis 6 ἀνεκφράστου καὶ
ἀνεπιλογίστου.

Ὁ 2 φῶς ἀληθινόν. Cf. Philo. J. De Mundi Opif. 8 ‘For the
light which is perceptible only by intellect is as far more brilliant
and splendid than that which is seen as, I conceive, the sun is
than darkness, or day than night, or the intellect than any of the
outward senses by which men judge (inasmuch as it is the guide
of the whole soul), or the eyes than any other part of the body,
And the invisible divine Reason (Λόγον), perceptible only by
intellect, he calls the tmage of God: and the image of this image
is that Light, perceptible only by intellect, which is the image of
the divine Reason, which has explained its generation.’ On the
view of the Rabbis see Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 71.

Ὁ 4 δευτέραν οὐσίαν. Eusebius is here using his own words,
and can only be defended onthe ground that the need had not yet
been felt of the more precise phraseology introduced by the Arian
controversy.

C 3 ἐπιχορηγεῖ. Cf. Gal. iii. § ὁ οὖν ἐπιχορηγῶν ὑμῖν τὸ πνεῦμα.
Phil. i. 19 ἐπιχορηγίας τοῦ πνεύματος.

C 4 wap érépov. The addition in IO of the words τοῦ 4 παρὰ τοῦ
Θεοῦ Λόγου is rightly regarded by Viger, Gaisford, Heinichen, and
Dindorf as a marginal gloss, ‘From whom else than God the Word?’

239

325d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 14 ἐφικτήν. Emped. 389 ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἐφικτόν.

326 8 3 ἐμπαρέχειν, ‘to give into another’s hands’; see Thuc.
vi. 12; vil. 56 with Arnold’s note.

C4 Μύριαι μυριάδες, Dan. vii. το. Both in the Sept. and in
Theodotion the numbers are in an ascending scale χίλιαι χιλιάδες
ἐθεράπενον αὐτόν (ἐλειτούργουν αὐτῷ, Theod.) καὶ μύριαι μυριάδες
παρειστήκεισαν αὐτῷ. |

C7 παρ᾽ ὃ καὶ εἰώθαμεν, ‘in accordance with our custom.’ But
in Plut. Mor. 83 F παρ’ ὃ δεῖ, 1103 F παρ᾽ ὃ καλόν ἐστιν, the
meaning of παρά is ‘ beyond’ or ‘contrary to.’

ἃ 2 ἐξομολόγησιν in the Sept. often means ‘ praise’ or ‘ honour.’
1 Chron. xxv. 3 dvaxpovdpevos ἐξομολόγησιν.

ἃ 3 Séppw. Etym. M. 257. 14 Apps: ἱμάτιον παχύ, ἣ δέρμα,
ἢ τρίχινον παραπέτασμα ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις ταῖς αὐλείαις βαλλόμενον.
The word is very common in the Sept.

827 a 2 αὑτόνουν, thus accentuated by Viger and all subsequent
editors, followed by L. and Sc. Lex. But cf. Plot. ii. 2. 267 D οὐκ
ἄκρατος νοῦς οὐδ᾽ αὐτονοῦς. ‘Extremi vocabuli haec scriptura
et hic et infra v. 9. αὶ in omnibus nostris libris comparet’
(Creuzer).

C 2 τὴν προσήκουσαν θεολογίαν, ‘the proper title of Deity.’ Cf.
532 Ὁ 1 ἡ διὰ τῶν τεσσάρων στοιχείων ἀνεκφώνητος παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς
θεολογία.

ἃ 2 καὶ οὐ παρελεύσεται, ‘which shall not pass away’ (R. V.).
Marg. Or, ‘which none shall transgress.’

ἃ 13 Πατέρα μόνον ἡγεῖσθαι Θεὸν ἀληθῆ. This clause must be
regarded as representing the imperfect theology of the Hebrews,
not as the mature belief of Eusebius himself. ‘Cum quae incerta
erant quoad generationem Filii a concilio Nicaeno primum deter-
minata sint, error involuntarius et proinde irreprehensibilis super
hoc, donec symbolum redactum fuisset, crimini non erat... . Hoc
bene intelligendum, nempe non hic exponi ab eo Catholicorum
doctrinas sed Hebraeorum, et non eas solum quae in libris sanctis
continentur, sed insuper quas profitebantur doctores Legis... .
Utut sit, non hic agitur de stabiliendis doctrinis orthodoxis, sed
de ostendendo quantum praestet fidei Graecorum fides Hebraica
in iis quae ad Deum substantiasque intellectuales pertinent’
(Seguier).

16] 328 ἃ 4 βασιλίσκον has the meaning ‘petty king’ in
840

BOOK VII. CHAPS. 15-18 328 d

Polyb. iii. 44. 5; but the Septuagint use it only in the sense
‘ basilisk,’ i.e. ‘adder’; cf. Ps. xci. 13, Isa. lix. 5.
ὑπόθεσιν, ‘ basis,’ ‘foundation,’ equivalent here to ‘ cause.’

ἃ 8 ὁ ἑωσφόρος. ‘The reference to Satan is designated by
Luther as insignis error totius papatus, but it is found already
in Jerome and other Fathers. The designation is exceedingly
appropriate to the king of Babylon .. . on account of its
astrological character ’ (Delitzsch).

829 8 4 ἀποσφράγισμα ὁμοιώσεως, Ez. xxviii. 12 ‘the sealing
up of the likeness,’ i.e. ‘the perfect likeness.’

&5 ἐν τῇ τρυφῇ τοῦ mwapadeicov. In Ezek. xxviii. 12 the
Hebrew ΠΣ, Eden, means ‘delight,’ and is here rendered by the
LXX τρυφή.

πάντα λίθον χρηστὸν ἐνδέδεσαι, ‘thou art engirt with every
precious stone.’ On the construction cf. 303 a 6.

G9 βασιλίσκον. Cf. 328 d 4, note.

330 8 2 προβολίοις. Cf. Dem. Evang. iv. 9. 5 θατέρᾳ ληπτοὺς
τοῖς προβολίοις, where it is afterwards explained by τοῖς τῆς
ἡδονῆς δελέασιν. In Xen. Cyneg. 10. 1 it describes a ‘ boar-spear ἢ
thrust forward in defence; here it means anything put forward
as a pretext or bait.

& 3 avavevoews. Cf. 2 Ὁ 6, note.

& 5 προτροπάδην φεύγειν. Cf. Plat. Symp. 221 C τοὺς προτροπά-
δὴν φεύγοντας.

17) Ὁ 5 Φοινίκων. This refers to the spontaneous generation
described by Philo Byblius 33 ὁ 8.

Αἰγυπτίων Cwoyovia. Cf.95 Ὁ 1 pia λογικῶν καὶ ἀλόγων οὐ
μόνον σωμάτων ἀλλὰ καὶ ψυχῆς οὐσία.

ἃ 6 ἀμοιρεῖν. Cf. Stob. Ecl. i. 292 πάντα φυτὰ ὑγρῷ τρέφεται
καὶ καρποφορεῖ, ἀμοιροῦντα δὲ ξηραίνεται.

ἃ 8 ἀντιληπτικῶν. Cf. Tim. Locr. 100 C τὰν δ᾽ dxovay λόγων καὶ

μελῶν ἀντιλαπτικὰν ἔφυσεν.
18] 331 b 2 συγγένειαν. Philo seems to be alluding here to
Plat. Tim. 90 A πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐν οὐρανῷ ξυγγένειαν ἀπὸ γῆς ἡμᾶς
αἴρειν ws ὄντας φυτὸν οὐκ ἔγγειον ἀλλ᾽ οὐράνιον, ‘raises us from
earth to our kindred in heaven, as being a plant not of earthly
but of heavenly growth.’

b 4 εἶδος, ‘essential form.’ Cf. 325 a1.

ἀλλ᾽ εἶπεν «7.4. In this passage Eusebius has altered the
a3 Β 24%

331 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

language of Philo, inserting Πνεύματος ἐκείνου, and changing other
words. Cf. Philo, 332 M ‘but called it an image of the divine
and invisible, and considered it genuine as having been substan-
tiated (οὐσιωθεῖσαν) and moulded (stamped, τυπωθεῖσαν) with
God’s seal, the gravure (χαρακτήρ) of which is the eternal
Word.’

C7 τὰς ὄψεις ἀνατεῖνα. <A few lines before this passage Philo
had written: ‘Of all the other animals God bent the eyes down,
and therefore they incline towards the ground: but on the
contrary He raised man’s eyes upright, that he may contemplate
the heaven, being a plant not of earth but of heaven, as the old
saying is.’ The saying is from Plato, Tim. go A, quoted above on
b2. Cf. Ovid, Afetam. i. 84

‘Pronaque cum spectent animalia cetera terram,
Os homini sublime dedit, caelumque tueri
Iussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus.’

ἃ 9 καταληπτικόν, ‘able to comprehend.’ Κατάληψις, or dar
τασία καταληπτική, ‘irresistible perception,’ in Cicero ‘ compre-
hensio,’ is the criterion and standard of truth in the Stoic theory
of knowledge. Cf. Sext. Emp. c. Math. vii. 428, quoted on
265 a 3, Zeller, Stoics, 89.

332 a 6 Θεοῦ ἐννοίας εἰς φαντασίαν ἰέναι, language seemingly
borrowed from the Stoics. See above 245 d 4.

a7 ἀντιλήψεις. See note on 256 α 1.

b 4 érepoyerés. Cf. Aristot. Hist, An, viii. 18. 1 ὑγίειαι καὶ
νόσοι κατὰ τὰς dpas τοῖς ἑτερογενέσιν ἕτεραι.

Ὁ 8 ἠχθισμένου, literally, ‘laden,’ ‘burdened’; cf. Babr. Fab.
viii. 1 “Apay κάμηλον ἀχθίσας.

Ὁ 9 προσηνωμένον. The compound verb is rare, but occurs in
Joseph. A. J. 836 τοῖς πλευροῖς τῶν βάσεων προσηνωμέναι (al
ἁψῖδες).

C 5 παμβασιλεύς, applied by Eusebius to the Father only, but
to the Son also by Athanasius, c. Arian. ii. 18 ἦν yap ἀεὶ καὶ ἔστιν
ὥσπερ vids οὕτως καὶ Κύριος παμβασιλεὺς τῶν πάντων.

ἃ 3 ἀντικαταλλάξασθαι. Cf. Isocr. 138 ἀντὶ θνητοῦ σώματος
ἀθάνατον δόξαν ἀντικαταλλάξασθαι.

ἃ 5 δευτέροις αἰσίοις. On the use of δεύτερα as a substantive
see L. and Sc. Ler. Cf. Hom. Jl. xxiii. 538.

342

BOOK VII. CHAP. 18 332 d

d ἀναδρομήν. Cf. Theophrast. Caus. Plant. iv. 5. 1 εἷς τὴν
βλάστησιν ἡ ἀναδρομή.

ἀποκατάστασιν. Cf. Acts iii, 21 ἄχρι χρόνων ἀποκαταστάσεως
“πάντων. ᾿

G10 θεοείκελον. Cf. Hom. Jl. i. 131

θεοείκελ᾽ ᾿Αχιλλεῦ.
8388 ἃ 4 χθιζοί. Cf. Hom. Jl. xiii. 745
δείδω μὴ τὸ χθιζὸν ἀποστήσωνται ᾿Αχαιοὶ
χρεῖος.

ἃ 8 τὸ ἕνα τῶν ἁπάντων ποιητὴν νομίζεσθαι. Cf. Tim. Locr.
94 Β Πρὶν ὧν ὠρανὸν γενέσθαι λόγῳ Horny ἰδέα τε καὶ ὕλα καὶ
ὁ θεὸς δαμιουργὸς τῶ βελτίονος. Plut. De Is. et Osir. 369 A
οὔτε ἀποίον δημιουργὸν ὕλης ἕνα λόγον καὶ μίαν πρόνοιαν ὡς ot
Στωϊΐϊκοί.

& 9 τῆς ὑποκειμένης τοῖς σώμασιν οὐσίας. Cf. Dict. des Sciences
Phil. vol. vi. ‘Substance’: ‘In every object that we perceive or
merely conceive as possible, we are compelled by an invariable
law of our nature to distinguish two parts, phaenomena which
are transient and a substance which abides; qualities variable or
manifold, and a being which is identical: and these two parts
are so bound together in our understanding, that it is impossible
for us to admit the one without the other; we no more under-
stand a being without qualities, than qualities without a being.
It is this law of our mind that is called the principle or law of
substance.’

br ὕλην. Ibid. vol. iv. ‘Matiére,’ p. 171 ‘The objective and
real existence of matter is an immediate and common datum of
all our senses. ΑΙ] the qualities of bodies are at the same time
objective and relative: objective, because they imply extension ;
relative, because they are inseparably connected with a sensa-
tion. The essence of bodies is unknown to us: for the senses,
bodies are relative and variable phaenomena perceived under the
general condition of space ; for the reason, they are the causes of
our sensations, real causes, but in themselves absolutely inacces-
sible to our knowledge ’ (Em. Saisset).

Compare with this the more recent theory of matter, as
stated by Lotze, Microcosmus, i. 355 ‘In opposition to the
current doctrine that matter is extended, impenetrable, imperish-
able, and offers resistance, we must make the counter assertion

R2 243

4323 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

that these properties and modes of action have no subject: we
are not told what it is that is extended, impenetrable, and im-
perishable, and what constrains these various properties, which
in themselves have no necessary connexion with one another, to
appear in combination.’ Ibid. p. 357 ‘ Extension can no more
be the predicate of a being than an eddy or vortex is the mode of
motion of a single element; both alike can be conceived only
as forms of relation between many elements. We are accord-
ingly constrained ... to conceive extended matter as a system
of uncxtended beings that, by their forces, fix one another’s position
in space, and by the resistance which they offer—as if to the
intrusion of a stranger—to any attempt to make them change
place, produce the phaenomena of impenetrability and the con-
tinuous occupation of space.’ Compare with this the theory
of The Atomic Structure of Matter, in Encycl. Brit. (1902 A.D.)
XXv. 105 b.

Ὁ 5 τῇ μὲν οἰκείᾳ φύσει ἄποιον καὶ ἀσχημάτιστον. Cf, Tim. Locr.
94 A ταύταν δὲ τὰν ὕλαν ἀΐδιον μὲν ἔφα, οὐ μὰν ἀκίνατον, ἄμορφον
δὲ καθ᾽ αὑτὰν καὶ ἀσχημάτιστον, δεχομέναν δὲ πᾶσαν μορφάν. Cf.
845 d Io.

C 4 τῶν Πρὸς Σαβέλλιον. Dionysius, ‘the great Bishop of
Alexandria’ (Eus, ἢ. E. vii. Praef.), a pupil of Origen, successor
of Heraclas as head of the Catechetical School, A. ἢ. 232-3, and
Bishop of Alexandria (A.D. 247), died in advanced age
(A.D. 265). His Epistles are the chief authority employed by
Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History, vi. 40—-vii. 11. In the
work Against Sabellius, here quoted, Dionysius was thought to
have shown a tendency towards the opposite error of Arianism,
but his orthodoxy was defended by Athanasius in his treatise De
Dionysii Sententia. For further particulars see 772 ἢ, below, and
the interesting account of Dionysius by Bishop Westcott in
Smith’s Dictionary of Christian Biography. This passage and
another in xiv. 23 from the work on Nature, are preserved by
Eusebius alone.

19] di παθητήν. Ps.-Aristot. Mund. ii. το (φύσις) ἡ δι’ ὅλων
παθητή τε καὶ τρεπτή.

ἃ 2 ταῖς θεοποιήτοις ἀλλοιώσεσι. Cf. Tim. Locr. 94 C ἀγαθὸς ὧν
ὃ θεὸς ὁρῶν τε τὰν ὕλαν δεχομέναν τὰν ἰδέαν καὶ ἀλλοιουμέναν
FAVTOLWS.

344

BOOK VII. CHAPS. 18-20 333 d

ἃ 5 κρείττονα, which here means primarily ‘higher’ in the
process of abstraction. If God and matter have some common
property, neither can be the ‘Summum Genus,’ See below
334 2.

ἃ 7 αὐτοαγένητον, ἃ 8 dyevnoia. I have not found either word
elsewhere,

884 Ὁ 7 ἐποίωσε, codd. BDFI. Cf. Theophr. De Causis Pl. ii.
I. 5 τὸ ποιοῦν αὐτῶν, Where the participle of ποιέω could not
be substituted; Sext. Emp. c. Mathem. i. 108 οὔτε δὲ μακρά ἐστιν
οὔτε βραχέα οὔθ᾽ ἑκάτερον πρὶν ἀπὸ προσωδίας ποιωθῆναι.

C3 ὑπόστασι. The word here means ‘substance’ in its
metaphysical and not, of course, in its material sense. In
another passage of the same work Dionysius of Alexandria used
ὑπόστασις in the sense of a personal subsistence, and maintained
that in the Trinity there are three ὑποστάσεις. Dionysius of
Rome, using οὐσία in the sense of person, and ὑπόστασις of
substance, charged Dionysius of Alexandria with ‘ dividing the
substance.’ See Athan. De Sent. Dionys. 17, and De Decretis
Syn. Nic. 26: in 27 Athanasius himself uses οὐσία and ὑπόστασις
as equivalents in the sense of substance. So in the Nicene
Creed ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἣ οὐσίας.

6 8 τῶν ᾿Ωριγένους. The following fragment οὗ Origen’s Com-
mentary on Genesis is preserved in Greek only by Eusebius in
this quotation. Cf. Orig. Lommatzsch, viii. 5, note.

20] 335 a 4 Ὧι yap λόγῳ. The argument is briefly this: The
same power can give existence to non-existent matter as easily
as to non-existent properties.

8. 9 ἀκολουθεῖ αὐτοῖς, ‘ follows from their argument.’ Cf, Aristot.
Categ. xii. 2 δυοῖν μὲν yap ὄντων ἀκολουθεῖ εὐθὺς τὸ ἕν εἶναι.

b 6 ὑποστάσει, may mean here either ‘substance,’ as equivalent
to τῇ ὑποκειμένῃ οὐσίᾳ, or in an active sense ‘ support,’ ‘ establish-
ment,’ corresponding to ὑποστῆσαι, & 3.

CI κενοπαθῆσαι. Cf. 718 ἃ 5 τοὺς ἀμφὶ Ἐενοφάνην καὶ Παρμενί-
δὴν . .«. τὰς αἰσθήσεις ἀνελόντας. Sext. Emp. Hypot. ii. 49
οὐκοῦν ἐπεὶ τινὲς μὲν κενοπαθεῖν τὰς αἰσθήσεις φασίν ἰοὐδὲν γὰρ ὑπο-
κεῖσθαι ὧν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι δοκοῦσιν), οἱ δὲ πάντα ὑποκεῖσθαι ὑφ᾽ ὧν
οἴονται κινεῖσθαι λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ τὰ μὲν ὑποκεῖσθαι τὰ δὲ μὴ ὑπο-
κεῖσθαι, τίνι συγκαταθησόμεθα οὐχ ἕξομεν: οὔτε γὰρ τῇ αἰσθήσει τὴν
διαφωνίαν ἐπικρινοῦμεν, ἐπεὶ περὶ αὐτῆς ζητοῦμεν πότερον κενοπαθεῖ ἣ

348

335 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἀληθῶς καταλαμβάνει, κιτιλ. See also 327. 13 ; 333-13. As Sextus
Empiricus flourished 180-210 a.D., Dionysius, who became head
of the Catechetical School at Alexandria, c. A.D. 232, must have
found his sceptical doctrines still in vogue.

C 2 οὐκ ovons οὐσίας. The doctrine that sensible phenomena
had no underlying substance was held by Parmenides and Hera-
cleitus. Cf. Archer Butler, Ancient Philos. i. 348, note 20 by
the editor, Dr. W. H. Thompson ‘It was Parmenides who, in
order to complete the reasonings of his master (Xenophanes) first
perceived or imagined the necessity of identifying Plurality with
the Non Ens: in other words, of denying reality to the outward
phenomenal world.’

886 @ 6 ἀόρατος καὶ ἀκατασκεύαστος. Gen. i. 2, Sept., R. V.
waste and void. Compare Ovid’s description of Chaos, Metam. i. 7
‘rudis indigestaque moles.’

Ὁ 3 Περὶ τῆς Προνοίας. The work of Philo Judaeus On Provi-
dence is not extant in Greek, with the exception of the passages
quoted by Eusebius here and 385 d. But the whole treatise in
two books is contained in an Armenian version of the fifth
century, which was translated into Latin by Aucher, and
published at Venice in 1822. ‘ Vide de h. 1. disputantem Beau-
sobrium Hist. Manich. ii. 185’ (Gaisford).

21] ἃ 5 ὡς (ἐλάττονι) προστιθέναι is required instead of ἔλαττον
as an antithesis to the following clause ὡς περιττῆς ἀφαιρεῖν
(Viger).

987 ἃ 1 ἅπασιν ἐπαινετοῖς. ‘Expungenda vult Vigerus. Forte

inserendum καί ante dracw’ (Gaisf.).
ὑθλεῖν. Cf. Aristoph. Nub. 783
ὑθλεῖς: ἄπερρ᾽, οὐκ ἂν διδαξαίμην σ᾽ ἔτι.

ἃ 2 (ἀντία) τιθέμενος. This is Viger’s conjecture in place of
αἴτια τιθέμενος the reading of the MSS. Cf. Plat. Phil. 58 B οὔτε
got οὔτε δὴ ἐκείνῳ βουλοίμην ἂν ἐναντία τίθεσθαι.

& 4 σοφιστείας. Plut. Mor. 78 F οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι τοῖς διαλεκτικοῖς
ἐνδύντες εὐθὺς ἐπισιτίζονται πρὸς σοφιστείαν. Cf. 1043 E.

8 8 Περὶ τῆς Ὕλης.ς Cf. Eus. H. E. v. 27 (There are still pre-
served) ‘the writings of Maximus on the question so much dis-
cussed among heretics, The Origin of Evil, and on The Creation
of Matter.’ The two questions were probably discussed together
in the same treatise, as we may infer from the language of Jerome,

246

BOOK VII. CHAPS, 20--22 337 a

De Viris Illustr. xvii ‘Under the same emperors (Commodus
and Severus) Maximus ventilated in a remarkable volume the
famous questions, What is the origin of Evil? and, Whether
matter is made by God?’ The long passage here quoted by
Eusebius is also found in the Philocalia, xxiv, followed by
a note ascribed to the editors of that collection, Basil and Gregory
Nazianzen: ‘This passage has been extracted from the seventh
book of the Praeparatio Evangelica of Eusebius, It is the work
of Maximus, as the same Eusebius affirms.’ Dr. Routh revised
the text, and added a commentary in his Rell. Sacr. ii. 80 seqq.
It is also included in the treatise of Methodius On Free Will, and
parts of it in the Ps.-Origen. Dial. De recta tn Deum fide. Routh
thinks that Methodius borrowed it from Maximus. ‘But so far
from Methodius, that subtle and ingenious imitator of Plato,
copying Maximus (pingui Minerva), we must rather suppose that
Ps.-Origenes plagiarized from Methodius, and Eusebius erroneously
ascribed the portion of Methodius On Free Will which treats Περὶ
τῆς Ὕλης to Maximus’ (Sahn, Meth. Opp.ii.125). Dr. Armitage
Robinson (Philocalia, xlvi), and the late Dr. Hort independently
suggested that Maximus is the name not of an author otherwise
unknown, but of the interlocutor described in Methodius as
Orthodoxus.

22] b2 οὐδὲ σὲ ἀγνοεῖν. The emphatic pronoun points back to
the contrary conclusion adopted by the opponent in Methodius
(τοι Meurs.) διόπερ ἔδοξέ μοι συνυπάρχειν τι αὐτῷ, ᾧ τοὔνομα
ὕλη.

Ὁ 4 τὸ πάντως... τυγχάνει. The opponent in Methodius (97 M.)
had limited himself to the inquiry, πότερον ἔκ τινος συνόντος ἀεὶ τῷ
θεῷ ἢ ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ μόνον, συνυπάρχοντος αὐτῷ οὐδενός, and the
alternative that things were made out of nothing he immediately
rejects. It is to this assumption that Maximus alludes in the
reply τὸ πάντως ἐξ ἀνάγκης τὸ ἕτερον δεῖν λέγειν, ἣ ὅτι κεχώρισται τῆς
ὕλης ὁ Θεός, ἢ αὖ πάλιν ὅτι ἀμέριστος αὐτῆς τυγχάνει, and as this
dilemma is the postulate prefixed to the argument (τῷ λόγῳ),
not the argument itself, it is evident that τὸ πάντως x.rA. (Eus.,
Jahn, Lommatzsch) is to be preferred to τῷ πάντως (Robinson),
which turns the preceding postulate into the argument based
upon it.

C3 ἀλλ᾽ ἕν ἐκ διαφόρων συνεστός, omitted in the text of

247

337 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Eusebius, which in this and the next sentence is abridged and
apparently corrupted. I have adopted the clause as it stands in
Methodius, Philocal., Adamant. Dial.

Ὁ 4 οὐδὲ γὰρ ... φαμέν. I have again adopted the text of
Methodius, which is abridged in the MSS. of Eusebius, as follows :
ὡς οὐδὲ διάφορα μέρη κατακερματιζόμενα eis πολλὰ yevyrd. The
sense is more clearly and fully expressed in Methodius οὐδὲ γὰρ
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχοντα διάφορα μέλη κατακερματίζομεν.

Instead of ἀλλ᾽ εἰ (BO) I have adopted ἀλλ᾽ ἡ from Methodius
(Robinson’s note) and Philocalia (Lommatzsch): cf. Riddell, Plat.
Apol. Append.B, p. 183: ‘*AAA’ 9. “The joint meaning is “except.”
By the ἀλλά the exception to the negative which has preceded is
stated flatly: the ἤ allows the negative statement to revive,
subject to this exception.”’ Translate therefore: ‘ Except that, as
reason requires, we say that man has been made by God one
created thing of many parts.’

ἃ § ἵσταται. Cf. Plat. Τλεαοῖ. 171 D καὶ ταύτῃ ἂν μάλιστα
ἵστασθαι τὸν λύγον.

ἃ 7 προχωρεῖν depends on some word understood, such as δεῖ
or λέγομεν.

$88 a 4 τὸ σινέχον is not identical in meaning with τὸ συνεχές,
‘the consequence,” but is constantly used by Polybius and others
for ‘that which contains and concludes the whole subject,’
quad rem ipsam eel caput causae continet’? (Schweighauser,
Lexio, δον). C8 Polyb. x. 47. 11 ἐν τούτοις κεῖται τὸ συνέχον
τῆς σωτηρίας.

8 § τύπον τοῦ Θεοῦ τὴν ὕλην. Contrast with this Sir Isaac
Nowton's dictuw at the end of the Principia, that God by
oxiating constitutes time and space: ‘Non est duratio vel
epatium, sed durat et adest; et existendo semper et ubique
apatinum et durationem constituit.’

6} ty “Ay. Routh hero inserts from Methodius and the
Dialogue καὶ δι dAys κεχωρηκέναι τῆς ὕλης, which is not found in
tho Mss, of Eusebius, nor in PAdecdia (Lammatzsch).

ὁ 5 υὐκ ἔχωιτα ὑπογωρηύεως τύκυν. ‘Viger says that these

248

BOOK VII. CHAP. 22 338 c

arguments could have no weight except against those who
imagined God to be corporeal. But we are reminded by Stilling-
fleet, Orig. Sacr. iii. 2, that they are perfectly valid against all
who maintain, in accordance with the opinion of the Stoics, that
God is contained in the world as in His own proper dwelling-
place’ (Routh).

The Stoic doctrine is thus stated by Zeller, Outlines, § 69
‘As in the soul of man, though it is present in the whole body,
the governing part is separate from the rest, and a special seat is
assigned to it, so also in the soul of the universe. The Deity or
Zeus has his seat in the uttermost circle of the world (according
to Archedemus in the centre, and to Cleanthes in the sun), from
whence he spreads himself through the world. But yet his dis-
tinction from the world is relative —the distinction between what
is directly and what is indirectly divine. In themselves both
are the same; there is but one and the same being, of which
a part takes the form of the world, while another part retains its
original shape, and in that shape confronts the first as the
operative cause or the Deity.’

ἃ 8 For εἶναι, the reading in Eusebius, συνεῖναι is found in the
Dialogue, and introduced by Routh: it makes the meaning more
clear—‘ You would have matter to co-exist eternally with God.’
Viger obtains the same sense by supplying ἀγένητον, which he
considers to be required by the argument and by the following
context.

340 ο 5 πρὸς τὸν πλησίον. The treatise of Methodius is a
dialogue between an Orthodox believer and a Valentinian, the
former of whom says—‘I wish this companion of mine here to
listen to our conversation. For indeed he seems to have much
the same opinions about these things as you have.’

ἃ 6 Σαφῶς παραστῆναί μοι δοκεῖς. “ Usitatius fuerit παραστῆσαι ἢ
(Viger). But παῤαστῆναι is supported by all the authorities, and
the only change necessary is to read δοκεῖ with IG: ‘It seems to
me to be clearly established.’

341 Ὁ 3 Ei δὲ οὐσίαι τὰ κακά. ‘Mendosa haec sunt: quae
facile sic emendes, Εἰ δὲ μὴ otociae...’ Viger, who would thus
entirely destroy the argument.

842 a5 ἔσονται καὶ ἑαντῶν ... ποιηταί. ‘I have restored the
passage thus from the Dialogue against the Marcionites. For

349

942 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

instead of the words καὶ ἑαυτῶν the Praep. Evang. gives rovrwv’
(Routh). Though unsupported apparently by the MSS. of Eusebius,
the emendation seems necessary to the sense, for τούτων would
give us only the futile statement, ‘If these things are done by
men, men must be the doers of them.’

Ὁ 2 Εἰ δὲ ἐξ ὧν ἐνεργεῖ ἕκαστος ὑπάρχει κακός, ἃ δὲ ἐνεργεῖ κιτ.λ.
Ihave again followed Dr. Routh, who has supplied from Methodius
the words which had fallen out of the text of Eusebius through
the repetition of ἐνεργεῖ.

Ὁ § ἀγένητα, has its usual sense, ‘existing without beginning.’

Ὁ 7 xpos τὸν ἕτερον. Routh rightly attributes this speech to
the third interlocutor mentioned by Methodius (340 ¢ 5, note),
who now becomes one of the chief speakers.

Ὁ 8 ἐξ ὧν yap (προλαβὼν éuxe), ‘for from the premises which
he gave to the argument,’ gives a better sense than ‘from the
premises which you assumed.’

ἃ 6 Τὴν μὲν προθυμίαν τὴν σήν. The first speaker here addresses
the third.

S43 ἃ 4 πρὸς ὃ κινεῖσθαι δοκεῖ ἀκούσας. Routh would insert καί
before πρός, and ἐκεύου after it, and translate: ‘aut enim et ab
illo audiens, quod videtur agitare, fructum plane percipiet.’
But without any alteration of the text we get a meaning equally

, if not more suitable, ‘by hearing an answer to the question which
seems to be stirred.” ‘Ad verbum κινεῖσθαι quod attinet, posuit
nimirum OQOlympiodorus Praefatione Scholiorum in Gorgiam
Platonis ... ἐντεύξεις καὶ θεωρημάτων κινήσεις . . . et Eunapius de
Chrysantho philosopho ait (p. 51) οὕτως ἀλλοιότερός τις ἐν ταῖς
λογικαῖς κινήσεσιν ἐφαίνετο (Routh).

944 d ὃ Ilpiv γὰρ εἰκονισθῇ . « . εἶχεν. The combination of the
conjunctive with the imperfect indicative is very unusual, but
may bo explained on the principle that the narrator so throws
himself into the past events which he is narrating, that they
become to him as if they were present, and the conditional or
adverbial clause is expressed in the conjunctive, as if the event
utated in the principal clause were still future: ‘ before he be
fashioned as man, he will have no sense of evil.’

Ay py ἑνός. μηδενύς Ὁ Philocal. Dind. On the forms οὐδείς,
μηδεὰν and οὐθείς, μηθείς, see Ammonius (Valckenaer) p. 105
ONG ty οὔτε διίυ' τὸ δὲ διὰ τοῦ ὃ ἀπαρτίζει. Lobeck, Phryn. Οὐθείς,

om.

BOOK VII. CHAP. 22 344 ἃ

διὰ τοῦ 6, εἰ καὶ Χρύσιππος καὶ of ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγουσι, σὺ δὲ
ἀποτρέπου λέγειν" οἱ γὰρ ἀρχαῖοι διὰ τοῦ ὃ λέγουσιν οὐδείς. Cf.
Rutherford, New Phryn. ‘The corruption had its beginning long
before the time of Chrysippus.’

345 Ὁ 6 φέρων λέγε. ‘So tell me now.’ ‘Celeritatis notio,
quae in pass. φέρεσθαι eminet, etiam in imperativo φέρε con
spicitur, qui, ut Lat. age exhortandi vim habet. ... Similiter
participium φέρων ponitur ita ut verti possit protinus, statim.’
Ast, Ler. Plat. Bépw. Cf. Viger, De Idiotismis Gr. 352.

6 3 (ἀδύνατον... ἔχειν). The clauses in brackets, which con-
tain the apodosis, and are essential to the sense, have been
restored by Routh from Methodius, having fallen out of the text
through the homoeoteleuton τὴν σύστασιν ἔχειν.

C7 ἦν ποτὲ καθ᾽ ἑαυτά. ‘Negari facile posset quod hic as-
sumitur’ (Viger, Routh). The assumption seems to be undeniable :
the constituents must exist, in thought at least, before their com<
pound, though possibly they may only be found in combination
in the phaenomenal world.

ἃ 3 οὐκ ἦν δέ ποτε καιρὸς ὅτε τὸ ἀγένητον οὐκ ἦν. This passage
shows the great importance of the word ἀγένητος in the Arian
controversy and its close connexion with the famous formula ἦν
ποτὲ ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, asserted of the Son. Cf. 320 d, Orig. c. Cels. iii,
and especially the good note of Dr. Archibald Robertson,
Athan. De Decretis, 149 (Nicene and Ante-Nicene Fathers, iv.
149).

a5 (ἦν δὲ ἀγένητα), supplied by Routh and Robinson from
Methodius.

G14 (ἀλλήλοις δὲ ταῦτα ἀντίκειται). Supplied from Methodius,
by Routh and Robinson, to complete the sense.

846 a 8 ἀνατρεπτικόν. Routh, Rell. S. ii. 120 ‘ ἀναιρετικόν. Ita
Philocal. et Methodii Excerptor pro dvarperrucy. Saepenumero
in superioribus ἀναιρετικόν adhibetur.’ But in Methodius Jahn
(p. 61) has dvatperrixoy, and in the MSS. of Eusebius there is no
trace of any other reading.

δ 11 (ra δὲ... . τυγχάνει). ‘Hoc membrum orationis Philocalia
supplevit ’ (Routh).

Ὁ 9 τὸ μὴ εἶναι. ‘After these words we must understand αὐτά,
that is τὰ ἀντικείμενα, as inferred above’ (Routh). This would
only give the meaning that ‘the contraries are not the matter’:

251

346 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

but the conclusion required is that the one universal kind of
matter (ὕλη pia τις) has no existence.

BOOK VIII

1] 848 69 αὐτῶν. . . δεδοκιμασμένοις. Either the text is cor-
rupt, or the construction broken. We should probably read δεδοκι-
μασμένων. For τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ‘their countrymen,’ i.e. the Jews,
compare 355 Ὁ 3 ἐκ τῶν παρὰ τοῖς ἀνδράσι διαφανῶν.

849 ἃ 5 βιωφελοῦς. Cf. Sext. Emp. c. Math. ii. 20 τέχνας...
βιωφελεῖς. Here the meaning is not limited to the interests of
this life.

ἃ 6 λόγος τε οὐχ ὁ τυχὼν ype. Cf. Schweigh. Index Polyb.
‘Aipety. 6 λόγος αἱρεῖ, ratio colligit, evincit, rationi consentaneum
est... usitata philosophis formula.’

Ὁ 3 θεογνωσίας. Cf. 3 d 5, 349 Ὁ 4; Ps.-Just. M. Confut.
Dogm. Arist. 111 B ἐπέτρεψαν θεογνωσίας τὴν εὕρεσιν.

Οἱ Cf. Swete, Introd. to the O. T. in Greek, p.1. The story of
the Septuagint Translation is told at much length by Josephus
(A. J. xii. 2. 1), by Philo Judaeus (Vita Moys. ii. 5. 138 M),
by Justin. M. (Apol. i. 31), and by most of the early Christian
Fathers. The meaning of the text of Eusebius is sometimes made
clearer by the fuller statements of Josephus.

C 5 ἀποκρυψάντων dv. The same thought had been already
expressed more strongly by Irenaeus, iii. 21. 1 ‘had they known
that we should make use of these testimonies from the Scriptures,
they would never have hesitated themselves to burn their own
Scriptures, which declare that all other nations have a share in
(eternal) life.’

C10 Γράφει δὲ ταῦτα ᾿Αρισταῖος. The letter from which the
following extracts were taken was published in a separate volume
at Oxford in 1692: the first part of it was edited, with a com-
mentary, by L. Mendelssohn, 1897, and the complete text with
preface, notes, and index by P. Wendland (Teubner, 1900). The
text of the letter, with an introduction by Mr. H. St. J. Thackeray,
is included in Dr. Swete’s Introd. to the O. T. in Greek. The
letter purports to have been written by Aristeas, or Aristacus,

252

BOOK VII. CHAPS. I, 2 349 c

a confidential minister of Ptolemy Philadelphus (8. c. 283-247) to
his brother Philocrates. Though not regarded as genuine it is
unquestionably ancient, a large part of it being quoted by
Josephus. Its statements are in part admitted to be true, being
confirmed by the fragment, preserved by Eusebius (P. E. 410 d),
of a work of Aristobulus, a Jewish philosopher who wrote in the
reign of Ptolemy Philometor, B. 0. 181-146.

‘Obscure as is the origin of the translation, it may safely be
admitted on internal grounds, that its locality was Alexandria,
and its date the third century before Christ; for the Hellenist
Demetrius, who wrote in the time of Ptolemy IV (222-205),
certainly made use of it (see below, No. III), The preceding
remarks apply only to the translation of the Pentateuch, to which
alone the Aristeas legend refers’ (Schiirer, The Jewish People,
Div. II., vol. iii. p. 161). For a full account of the history of
the Version, and the very voluminous literature referring to it see
the article ‘Septuagint’ in the Dictionaries of the Bible, edited by
W. Smith and Hastings.

2] 3850 a1 Κατασταθεὶς. .. βιβλιοθήκης, an incorrect state-
ment. Cf. Busch, De bibliothecariis Alexandrinis 1, cited by
Dr. Swete 18.

& 2 6 Φαληρεύς. ‘The legend that it was Demetrius Phalereus
who suggested the whole undertaking to Ptolemy Philadelphus is
unbistorical, not only in its details but in the main point; for
Demetrius Phalereus in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus was no
longer living at court in Alexandria’ (Schiirer, 1. 6. 309). Cf.
Swete, ibid. 19.

διάφορα, ‘ profits’ or ‘money.’ Demosth. 1148. 14 δεινὴ γὰρ
ἡ πλεονεξία τοῦ τρόπον περὶ τὰ διάφορα; Polybius, iv. 18. 8 ἔχειν
κεκρυμμένον διάφορον ; 2 Macc. i. 35 πολλὰ διάφορα ἐλάμβανε.

b 2 Παρόντων οὖν ἡμῶν. Thus the Ps,-Aristeas professes to
write as an eye-witness.

πόσαι τινὲς μυριάδες. Instead of 200,000 volumes, Epiphanius;
in repeating the legend of Aristeas, gives the number as ‘ 54,800
more or less’( De Jfens. et Pond. ix.). Josephus says ‘about 200,000.’

C 2 προσδεῖται is impersonal, as in Ps,-Plato, Demodocus 384 B
προσδεῖται τοῦ ἀντεροῦντος.

C 3 καθάπερ Αἰγύπτιο. Hdt. ii. 36 ‘In writing letters or
gumbers the Greeks move the hand from left to right, but the

888

350 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Egyptians from right to left: and though they do so, they say
that it is themselves who go to the right, and the Greeks to the
left.? See Gardner Wilkinson’s notes on the passage in Rawlin-
son’s Herodotus, and in Birch, ii. 489.

6 4 Xvpiaxg. Cf. 2 Kings xviii. 26 with Keil’s note: ‘From
these verses it appears that the Assyrian commanders understood
Jewish or Hebrew, and the Jewish nobles on the other hand
Aramaic (Συριστί, Sept.).’

6 8 καὶ pel? ἕτερα. The passage omitted here by Eusebius con-
tains the narrative of Aristeas’ intercession with Ptolemy on behalf
of the Jewish slaves, which follows in Josephus in the same position.

C9 ἐκδοῦναι. This use of the verb without any object expressed
is found in Polybius ii. 37. 6; xvi. 26. 3 γράψαντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠξίουν
ἐκδοῦναι περὶ ὧν ὑπολαμβάνει συμφέρειν πρὸς τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιρούς.
Josephus, ]. c. 3 has ἐκδοῦναι τὸ . .. δόγμα. Mendelssohn proposes
to read εἰσδοῦναι in Eusebius against the better MSS. and without
proof of such an usage.

ἃ 5 τῶν ἀπεσταλμένων. Josephus adds ἀναθημάτων.

ἃ 6 μεγαλομερείᾳ. For this word Josephus (Antt, xii. 2. 3) uses
in the same sense μεγαλουργίαν ; cf. Polyb. xxxi. 3 τῇ peyadoepyia
ὑπερᾶραι τὸν Παῦλον. The meaning of the word is explained by
what is stated by Josephus (]. ὁ. 7) about the table, that the king
wished it to be made of an immense size, ὑπερμεγεθέστατον τοῖς
μέτροις, exceeding that of the table then at Jerusalem.

9] 861 ἃ 2 ἀπολειφθέντων. Mendelssohn changes ἀπολιπόντων
in Aristeas into ἀπολειπόντων, and condemns ἀπολειφθέντων. But
the aorist may be rightly understood as accommodated to
προστάξαντος.

@ 3 τὰ διαπεπτωκότα.... ἐπισκευῆς. The words will bear either
the meaning that ‘the lost might be restored,’ or that ‘those
which had fallen into decay might be repaired.’

Ὁ 2 προσαναφέρω. Polyb. xvii. 9. 10 προσανενεγκεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ,
‘referre ad senatum.’

b 5 οὐχ ὡς ὑπάρχει. Josephus has ἀμελέστερον ἢ ἔδει. The
Latin, ‘ perperam expressa significatio,’ seems to assume an earlier
translation. But σεσήμανται may be understood of the writing as
in Plutarch, Jforal. 204 E τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τῶν ὀνομάτων γράμμασιν
ἐσήμανεν, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἐρέβινθον érdpevoe. Thus the mean-
jng would be that the Hebrew text had been carelessly copied,

254

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 2, 3 351 b

and needed careful correction (διηκριβωμένα). Mendelssohn on the
contrary suggests that the true text of the Hebrew should be
correctly represented in the Greek translation which alone was to
remain in the library.

ec 1 Philo Jud. Vita Moysis, 1. 1 (603 M) διὰ φθόνον tows . . . οὐκ
ἐθελησάντων αὑτὸν μνήμης ἀξιῶσαι τῶν rap’ Ἕλλησι λογίων.

C 4 θεωρίαν. Polyb. i. 5. 3 ἡ τῆς ὅλης ὑποθέσεως ἀρχὴ καὶ
θεωρία.

c 5 Hecataeus of Abdera (not to be confounded with Hecataeus
of Miletus, the famous early historian) is again mentioned 408 c.
Josephus, c. Apion. i. 22, describes him as ‘a man who was not
only a philosopher, but also most capable in affairs, who flourished
in the time of Alexander, and was afterwards a companion of
Ptolemy Lagos, and wrote a special history of the Jews.’ See
more in Schiirer, 1. c. 303.

φαίνηται, for which Josephus has δοκῇ σοι, is used in this
sense only by later writers, 6. g. Dion. Hal. ii. 14 ὁπότε yap αὐτῷ
φανείη στρατιὰν ἐξάγειν. Cf. Grenfell and Ilunt, Oryrh. Pap. 288.
17 ἀξιῶι (sic), ἐὰν φαίνηται, ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ ἔχειν: 285. 20 διὸ ἀξιῶ
διαλαβεῖν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐάν σοι φαίνηται. εὐτύχει.

ἃ 2 ἐκ τῶν πλειόνων. The latter part of the sentence is rather
different in Josephus: ‘from whom we may learn the clear and
consentient meaning of the books, and having ascertained the
exact truth of the matters, may make a collection of these books
in a manner worthy of thy purpose.’

ἃ 4 Εὐτύχει, a form often used at the end of a letter instead of
χαῖρε. In the Flinders Petrie Papyri, 1891, 80 Mahaffy gives
a letter from a son to his father ending with εὐτύχει. Philip of
Macedon in a letter to the Athenian government, Demosth. De
Corona 251, ends with evruxeire. Mendelssohn thinks that ἔρρωσο,
not εὐτύχει, was used between equals.

ἃ 6 γραφῆναι... σημάναντας. There is the same change of
construction in the reading of Josephus δηλοῦντας. Aristeas has
onpavavra agreeing with γράμματα understood.

ἃ 8 σπονδείων. Cf. Ex. xxv. 28 τὰ σπονδεῖα καὶ τοὺς κυάθους ἐν
οἷς σπείσεις ἐν αὐτοῖς, i. 6. the flagons which held the large quantity
of wine, and the cups out of which the separate libations were
poured.

ἃ 11 χρηματοφύλακας. Eusebius has substituted this for the

355

351 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

less common word ῥισκοφύλακας. Ῥίσκος κιβωτὸς μεγάλη (Pollux).
Cf. Terent. Eun. iv. 6. 16 ‘ Py. Ubi sita est [cistella]? 7h. In
risco.’ Josephus, l. c. has substituted τοὺς φύλακας τῶν κιβωτῶν
ἐν als ἐτύγχανον οἱ λίθοι.

4] 352b1 This letter is given by Josephus (]. 6. 4) with many
variations in the language.

Ὁ 3 ἀναρπαστούς. Cf. Eur. Lec. 206

εἰσόψει χειρὸς ἀναρπαστὰν

σᾶς ἄπο.
On ἀνασπαστούς, the better reading in I Aristeas, compare Hat.
iv. 204 τούτους δὲ ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἀνασπαστοὺς ἐποίησαν ; iii. 93
ἐν τῇσι τοὺς ἀνασπαστοὺς καλεομένους κατοικίζει βασιλεύς. The
accentuation of these words is disputed. See L. and Sc. Lez.
ἀνασπαστός, and on the other hand Lobeck in Chandler Greek
Accentuation, p. 150.

This deportation of Jews into Egypt probably took place in

350 B.O., when Artaxerxes Ochus overran Phoenicia and Coele-
Syria on his way to the conquest of Egypt. See Clinton,
F. H. Epit. 239.

b 5 τῷ πατρὶ ἡμῶν. Ptolemy Soter, son of Lagos. See the
decree of Philadelphus preserved by Josephus, A. J. xii. 2. 3.

C2 ἔχῃ. Aristeas has μὴ ἔχῃ, meaning ‘that the Egyptians
might be freed from fear by the protection of the soldiers. By
omitting μή Josephus and Eusebius imply that these foreign
troops were meant to overawe the Egyptians, which is more
probable.

C 4 ὧν ὑπέρ, x.r.A. ὧν is found in Josephus and in the
earliest edition of Aristeas (Schard, 1561), but is probably due to
conjecture, and is not found in Eus. codd. Without it the
construction is broken off abruptly.

C8 χαριστικὸν ἀνατιθέντες, literally ‘making a bounteous offer-
ing.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 632 C τὸν εὐδάπανον καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῆ καὶ
χαριστικόν. The proposal to substitute χαριστήριον (162 Ὁ 3) is”
unnecessary.

ἃ 3 ἐπικρίνων, substituted by Eusebius for ἐπὶ χειρῶν or
ἐπιχειρῶν, the various readings in Aristeas. A better emendation
is ἐπὶ χρειῶν (‘Schmidt et Anon. Oxon.’), supported by the title oi
ἐπὶ τῶν χρειῶν in Arist. Ep. 110. 174, and by 1 Macc. x. 37 κατα-
σταθήσεται ἐπὶ χρειῶν τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐσῶν εἰς πίστιν.

254

= \

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 4, 5 352 d

Βουλομένων δὲ ἡμῶν . . . προῃρήμεθα. “ Constructio papyris
plane digna, cf. pap. Mus. Brit. p. 7. 4 ἡμῶν θεραπενουσῶν ὑπὲρ
τοῦ βασιλέως ἀξιοῦμεν; pap. Paris. p. 209. θυσιάσαντός pov
κατέλυσα al.’ (Mendelssohn).

ἃ 4 σοί. ‘In τούτοις, i. 6. Iudaeis Aegyptiis a rege modo libe-
ratis, cur offenderit Schmidt prorsus non intellego. σοί male
Eusebius’ (Mendelssohn).

853 ἃ 3 τῶν ἀρχισωματοφυλάκων. The plural occurs in Arist.
Ep. 7 and in Esther ii. 21. For the construction of the genitive
cf. ἃ 1 τῶν τετιμημένων.

a8 περὶ ὧν ἂν aipp. A courteous phrase like ὡς ἂν βούλῃ in
the line above; cf. 2 Sam. xv. 15 πάντα ὅσα αἱρεῖται ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν
ὁ βασιλεύς.

b 1 ἐνδεχομένως. Cf. Polyb. i. 20. 4 ἐδόκουν ἐνδεχομένως

χειρίζειν τὰ πράγματα, ‘commode quoad fieri potuit.” In Josephus
the phrase used is ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα φιλοτίμως.
5] b2 φίλῳ γνησίῳ. Cf. 448 a 5 Βασιλεῖ Αἰγύπτου φίλῳ
πατρικῷ χαίρειν. The High Priest writes to the King as an equal,
as is also shown by the use of ἔρρωσο instead of εὐτύχει at the end
of the letter. Cf. 351 d 4, note.

b 3 Εἰ αὐτός re ἔρρωσαι. . . ὑγιαίνομεν. A similar epistolary
formula is found in the Flinders Petrie Papyri, quoted on 351 ἃ 4
Πολυκράτης τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. Καλῶς ποιεῖς εἰ ἔρρωσαι καὶ τὰ λοιπά
σοι κατὰ γνώμην ἐστίν. Ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς.

ἡ ἀδελφή. Ptolemy 11 married first Arsinoé, daughter of
Lysimachus, and having divorced her (B.c. 274) married secondly
his full sister Arsinoé, the widow of Lysimachus. The incestuous
union, which was in accordance with the custom of the Persians
but shocking to the Greeks, seems to have been condoned by
Eleazar. Ptolemy was surnamed Philadelphus from his marriage
with his sister, or, as his enemies said sarcastically, because he
had put two of his brothers to death. Theocritus, Jd. xvii. 130,
describes Arsinoé as

ἐκ θυμῶ στέργοισα κασίγνητόν τε πόσιν τε.
Ptolemy gave the name Arsinoé to several cities in which he
established colonies of his veterans, especially to Crocodilopolis in
the nome which he re-named Arsenoites (the Fayim); he also
united Arsinoe with himself in divine honours. In the Flinders
Petrie Papyri (1891) there is a series of wills in which Ptolemy

* 3 8 257

337 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Eusebius, which in this and the next sentence is abridged and
apparently corrupted. I have adopted the clause as it stands in
Methodius, Philocal., Adamant. Dial.

Ὁ 4 οὐδὲ yap... φαμέν. I have again adopted the text of
Methodius, which is abridged in the MSS. of Eusebius, as follows :
ὡς οὐδὲ διάφορα μέρη κατακερματιζόμενα eis πολλὰ yevyra. The
sense is more clearly and fully expressed in Methodius οὐδὲ γὰρ
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχοντα διάφορα μέλη κατακερματίζομεν.

Instead of ἀλλ᾽ εἰ (BO) I have adopted ἀλλ᾽ 7 from Methodius
(Robinson’s note) and Philocalia (Lommatzsch): cf. Riddell, Plat.
Apol. Append.B, p. 183: ‘AAA’ 7. “The joint meaning is “except.”
By the ἀλλά the exception to the negative which has preceded is
stated flatly: the 7 allows the negative statement to revive,
subject to this exception.”’ Translate therefore: ‘ Except that, as
reason requires, we say that man has been made by God one
created thing of many parts.’

ἃ 5 ἵσταται. Cf. Plat. Theaet. 171 D καὶ ταύτῃ ἂν μάλιστα
ἵστασθαι τὸν λόγον.

ἃ προχωρεῖν depends on some word understood, such as δεῖ
or λέγομεν. ;

888 a 4 τὸ συνέχον is not identical in meaning with τὸ συνεχές,
‘the consequence,’ but is constantly used by Polybius and others
for ‘that which contains and concludes the whole subject,’
quod rem ipsam vel caput causae continet’ (Schweighiuser,
Lexic. Polyb.). Cf. Polyb. x. 47. 11 ἐν τούτοις κεῖται τὸ συνέχον
τῆς σωτηρίας.

8 5 τόπον τοῦ Θεοῦ τὴν ὕλην. Contrast with this Sir Isaac
Newton’s dictum at the end of the Principia, that God by
existing constitutes time and space: ‘Non est duratio vel
spatium, sed durat et adest; et existendo semper et ubique
spatium et durationem constituit.’

C 3 τῇ ὕλῃ. Routh here inserts from Methodius and the
Dialogue καὶ δι᾿ ὅλης κεχωρηκέναι τῆς ὕλης, Which is not found in
tho MSS. of Eusebius, nor in Philocalia (Lommatzsch).

9 4 συστολήν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 564 B διεσήμαινον, ὡς ἔοικεν,
συστολῇ μὲν εἰς ἑαυτὰς τὸ δυσχεραῖνον.

C 5 οὐκ ἔχοντα ὑποχωρήσεως τόπον. ‘Viger says that these

248

BOOK VII. CHAP. 22 338 c

The Stoic doctrine is thus stated by Zeller, Outlines, § 69
‘As in the soul of man, though it is present in the whole body,
the governing part is separate from the rest, and a special seat is
assigned to it, so also in the soul of the universe. The Deity or
Zeus has his seat in the uttermost circle of the world (according
to Archedemus in the centre, and to Cleanthes in the sun), from
whence he spreads himself through the world. But yet his dis-
tinction from the world is relative —the distinction between what
is directly and what is indirectly divine. In themselves both _
are the same; there is but one and the same being, of which
a part takes the form of the world, while another part retains its
original shape, and in that shape confronts the first as the
operative cause or the Deity.’

340 c 5 πρὸς τὸν πλησίον. The treatise of Methodius is a
dialogue between an Orthodox believer and a Valentinian, the
former of whom says—‘I wish this companion of mine here to
listen to our conversation. For indeed he seems to have much
the same opinions about these things as you have.’

ἃ 6 Σαφῶς παραστῆναί μοι δοκεῖς. “ Usitatius fuerit παραστῆσαι ἢ
(Viger). But παραστῆναι is supported by all the authorities, and
the only change necessary is to read δοκεῖ with IG: ‘It seems to
me to be clearly established.’

341 Ὁ 3 Ei δὲ οὐσίαι τὰ κακά, ‘Mendosa haec sunt: quae
facile sic emendes, Ei δὲ μὴ οὐσίαι... Viger, who would thus
entirely destroy the argument.

342 a5 ἔσονται καὶ ἑαντῶν . .. ποιηταί. ‘I have restored the
passage thus from the Dialogue against the Marcionttes. For

849

942 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

b 2 Εἰ δὲ ἐξ ὧν ἐνεργεῖ ἕκαστος ὑπάρχει κακός, ἃ δὲ ἐνεργεῖ x.7.A.
I have again followed Dr. Routh, who has supplied from Methodius
the words which had fallen out of the text of Eusebius through
the repetition of ἐνεργεῖ.

Ὁ 5 ἀγένητα, has its usual sense, ‘ existing without beginning.’

Ὁ 7 πρὸς tov ἕτερον. Routh rightly attributes this speech to
the third interlocutor mentioned by Methodius (340 ὁ 5, note),
who now becomes one of the chicf speakers.

Ὁ 8 ἐξ ὧν yap {προλαβὼν eéuxe), ‘for from the premises which
he gave to the argument,’ gives a better sense than ‘from the
premises which you assumed.’

ἃ 6 Τὴν μὲν προθυμίαν τὴν σήν. The first speaker here addresses
the third.

848 ἃ 4 πρὸς ὃ κινεῖσθαι δοκεῖ ἀκούσας. Routh would insert καί
before πρός, and ἐκείνου after it, and translate: ‘aut enim et ab
illo audiens, quod videtur agitare, fructum plane percipiet.’
But without any alteration of the text we get a meaning equally
if not more suitable, ‘ by hearing an answer to the question which
seems to be stirred.’ ‘Ad verbum κινεῖσθαι quod attinet, posuit
nimirum Olympiodorus Praefatione Scholiorum in Gorgtam
Platonis ... ἐντεύξεις καὶ θεωρημάτων κινήσεις . . . et Eunapius de
Chrysantho philosopho ait (p. 51) οὕτως ἀλλοιότερός τις ἐν ταῖς
λογικαῖς κινήσεσιν épaivero’ (Routh).

844 d 8 Πρὶν γὰρ εἰκονισθῇ . .. εἶχεν. The combination of the
conjunctive with the imperfect indicative is very unusual, but
may be explained on the principle that the narrator so throws
himself into the past events which he is narrating, that they
become to him as if they were present, and the conditional or
adverbial clause is expressed in the conjunctive, as if the event
stated in the principal clause were still future: ‘ before he be
fashioned as man, he will have no sense of evil.’

ἃ ο μήθ' ἑνός. μηδενός O Philocal. Dind. On the forms οὐδείς,
μηδείς, and οὐθείς, μηθείς, see Ammonius (Valckenaer) p. 105
Οὔθ᾽ ἐν οὔτε δύο: τὸ δὲ διὰ τοῦ ὃ dwaprifa. Lobeck, Phryn. Οὐθείς,

280

BOOK VII. CHAP. 22 344 d

διὰ τοῦ 0, εἰ καὶ Χρύσιππος καὶ of dud’ αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγουσι, σὺ δὲ
ἀποτρέπου λέγειν: οἱ γὰρ ἀρχαῖοι διὰ τοῦ ὃ λέγουσιν οὐδείς. Cf.
Rutherford, New Phryn. ‘ The corruption had its beginning long
before the time of Chrysippus.’

C3 (ἀδύνατον... ἔχειν). The clauses in brackets, which con-
tain the apodosis, and are essential to the sense, have been
restored by Routh from Methodius, having fallen out of the text
through the homoeoteleuton τὴν σύστασιν ἔχειν.

C7 ἦν ποτὲ καθ᾽ éavrd. ‘Negari facile posset quod hic as-
sumitur’ (Viger, Routh). The assumption seems to be undeniable :
the constituents must exist, in thought at least, before their com+
pound, though possibly they may only be found in combination
in the phaenomenal world.

ἃ 5 (nv δὲ ἀγένητα), supplied by Routh and Robinson from
Methodius.

G14 (ἀλλήλοις δὲ ταῦτα ἀντίκειται). Supplied from Methodius,
by Routh and Robinson, to complete the sense.

846 ἃ 8 ἀνατρεπτικόν. Routh, Rell. S. ii. 120 “ ἀναιρετικόν. Ita
Philocal. et Methodii Excerptor pro ἀνατρεπτικόν. Saepenumero
in superioribus ἀναιρετικόν adhibetur.’ But in Methodius Jahn
(p. 61) has ἀνατρεπτικόν, and in the MSS, of Eusebius there is no
trace of any other reading.

@ 11 (ra δὲ... τυγχάνει). ‘Hoc membrum orationis Philocalia
supplevit ’ (Routh).

bg τὸ μὴ εἶναι. ‘After these words we must understand αὐτά,
that is τὰ ἀντικείμενα, as inferred above’ (Routh). This would
only give the meaning that ‘the contraries are not the matter’:

351

346 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

but the conclusion required is that the one universal kind of
matter (ὕλη pia τις) has no existence.

BOOK VIII

849 ἃ 5 βιωφελοῦς. Cf. Sext. Emp. 6. Math. ii. 20 τέχνας...
βιωφελεῖς. Here the meaning is not limited to the interests of
this life.

ἃ 6 λόγος τε οὐχ ὃ τυχὼν ἦρε. Cf. Schweigh. Index Polyb.
“Αἱρεῖν. ὁ λόγος αἱρεῖ, ratio colligit, evincit, rationi consentaneum
est... usitata philosophis formula.’

Ὁ 3 θεογνωσίας. Cf. 3 ἃ 5, 349 Ὁ 4; Ps.-Just. M. Confut.
Dogm. Arist. 111 B ἐπέτρεψαν θεογνωσίας τὴν εὕρεσιν.

c1 Cf. Swete, Introd. to the O. T. in Greek, p.1. The story of
the Septuagint Translation is told at much length by Josephus
(A. J. xii. 2. 1), by Philo Judaeus (Vita Moys. ii. 5. 138 M),
by Justin. M. (Apol. i. 31), and by most of the early Christian
Fathers. The meaning of the text of Eusebius is sometimes made
clearer by the fuller statements of Josephus.

C5 ἀποκρυψάντων dv. The same thought had been already
expressed more strongly by Irenaeus, iii. 21. 1 ‘had they known
that we should make use of these testimonies from the Scriptures,
they would never have hesitated themselves to burn their own
Scriptures, which declare that all other nations have a share in
(eternal) life.’

C10 Γράφει δὲ ταῦτα "Apiotatos. The letter from which the
following extracts were taken was published in a separate volume
at Oxford in 1692: the first part of it was edited, with a com-
mentary, by L. Mendelssohn, 1897, and the complete text with
preface, notes, and index by P. Wendland (Teubner, 1900). The
text of the letter, with an introduction by Mr. H. St. J. Thackeray,
is included in Dr. Swete’s Introd. to the O. T. in Greek. The
letter purports to have been written by Aristeas, or Aristacus,

252

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. I, 2 349 ς

a confidential minister of Ptolemy Philadelphus (8. Ο. 283-247) to
his brother Philocrates. Though not regarded as genuine it is
unquestionably ancient, a large part of it being quoted by
Josephus. Its statements are in part admitted to be true, being
confirmed by the fragment, preserved by Eusebius (P. E. 410 d),
of a work of Aristobulus, a Jewish philosopher who wrote in the
reign of Ptolemy Philometor, Β. 0. 181-146.

‘Obscure as is the origin of the translation, it may safely be
admitted on internal grounds, that its locality was Alexandria,
and its date the third century before Christ; for the Hellenist
Demetrius, who wrote in the time of Ptolemy IV (222-205),
certainly made use of it (see below, No. III). The preceding
remarks apply only to the translation of the Pentateuch, to which
alone the Aristeas legend refers’ (Schiirer, The Jewish People,
Div. II., vol. iii. p. 161). For a full account of the history of
the Version, and the very voluminous literature referring to it see
the article ‘Septuagint’ in the Dictionaries of the Bible, edited by
W. Smith and Hastings.

Δ] 850 at Κατασταθεὶς. .. βιβλιοθήκης, an incorrect state-
ment. Cf. Busch, De bibliothecariis Alerandrinis 1, cited by
Dr. Swete 18.

& 2 6 Φαληρεύς. ‘The legend that it was Demetrius Phalereus
who suggested the whole undertaking to Ptolemy Philadelphus is
unhistorical, not only in its details but in the main point; for
Demetrius Phalereus in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus was no
longer living at court in Alexandria’ (Schtirer, ]. ὁ. 309). Cf.
Swete, ibid. 19. |

διάφορα, ‘ profits’ or ‘money.’? Demosth. 1148. 14 δεινὴ γὰρ
ἡ πλεονεξία TOU τρόπου περὶ τὰ διάφορα; Polybius, iv. 18. 8 ἔχειν
κεκρυμμένον διάφορον ; 2 Macc. i. 35 πολλὰ διάφορα ἐλάμβανε.

b 2 Παρόντων οὖν ἡμῶν. Thus the Ps,-Aristeas professes to
write as an eye-witness.

πόσαι τινὲς μυριάδες. Instead of 200,000 volumes, Epiphanius,
in repeating the legend of Aristeas, gives the number as ‘ 54,800
more or less’( De Mens. et Pond.ix.). Josephus says ‘about 200,000.’

6 2 προσδεῖται is impersonal, as in Ps,-Plato, Demodocus 384 B
προσδεῖται τοῦ ἀντεροῦντος.

C 3 καθάπερ Αἰγύπτιο. Hdt. ii. 36 ‘In writing letters or
numbers the Greeks move the hand from left to right, but the

$53

350 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Egyptians from right to left: and though they do so, they say
that it is themselves who go to the right, and the Greeks to the
left.” See Gardner Wilkinson’s notes on the passage in Rawlin-
son’s [/erodotus, and in Birch, ii. 489. ;

6 4 Συριακῇ. Cf. 2 Kings xviii. 26 with Keil’s note: ‘From
these verses it appears that the Assyrian commanders understood
Jewish or Hebrew, and the Jewish nobles on the other hand
Aramaic (ξυριστί, Sept.).’

C8 καὶ μεθ᾽ ἕτερα. The passage omitted here by Eusebius con-
tains the narrative of Aristeas’ intercession with Ptolemy on behalf
of the Jewish slaves, which follows in Josephus in the same position.

6 9 ἐκδοῦναι. This use of the verb without any object expressed
is found in Polybius ii. 37. 6; xvi. 26. 3 γράψαντα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἠξίουν
ἐκδοῦναι περὶ ὧν ὑπολαμβάνει συμφέρειν πρὸς τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιρούς.
Josephus, ]. 6. 3 has ἐκδοῦναι τὸ . .. δόγμα. Mendelssohn proposes
to read εἰσδοῦναι in Eusebius against the better MSS. and without
proof of such an usage.

ἃ 5 τῶν ἀπεσταλμένων. Josephus adds ἀναθημάτων.

ἃ 6 μεγαλομερείᾳ. For this word Josephus (Antt, xii. 2. 3) uses
in the same sense peyadoupyiav; cf. Polyb. xxxi. 3 τῇ μεγαλοεργίᾳ
ὑπερᾶραι τὸν Παῦλον. The meaning of the word is explained by
what is stated by Josephus (I. c. 7) about the table, that the king
wished it to be made of an immense size, ὑπερμεγεθέστατον τοῖς
μέτροις, exceeding that of the table then at Jerusalem.

3] 351 ἃ 2 ἀπολειφθέντων. Mendelssohn changes ἀπολιπόντων
in Aristeas into ἀπολειπόντων, and condemns ἀπολειφθέντων. But
the aorist may be rightly understood as accommodated to
προστάξαντος.

& 3 τὰ διαπεπτωκότα. .. ἐπισκευῆς. The words will bear either
the meaning that ‘the lost might be restored,’ or that ‘those
which had fallen into decay might be repaired.’

Ὁ 2 προσαναφέρω. Polyb. xvii. 9. 10 προσανενεγκεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ,
‘referre ad senatum.’

b 5 οὐχ ὡς ὑπάρχει. Josephus has ἀμελέστερον ἢ ἔδει. The
Latin, ‘ perperam expressa significatio,’ seems to assume an earlier
translation. But σεσήμανται may be understood of the writing as
in Plutarch, Moral. 204 E τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τῶν ὀνομάτων γράμμασιν
ἐσήμανεν, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἐρέβινθον ἑτόρευσε. Thus the mean-
jng would be that the Hebrew text had been carelessly copied,

354

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 2, 3 351 Ὁ

c 1 Philo Jud. Vita Moysis, i. 1 (603 M) διὰ φθόνον tows .. . οὐκ
ἐθελησάντων αὐτὸν μνήμης ἀξιῶσαι τῶν παρ᾽ Ἕλλησι λογίων.

C4 θεωρίαν. Polyb. i. 5. 3 ἢ τῆς ὅλης ὑποθέσεως ἀρχὴ καὶ
θεωρία.

φαίνηται, for which Josephus has δοκῇ σοι, is used in this
sense only by later writers, 6. g. Dion. Hal. ii. 14 ὁπότε yap αὐτῷ
φανείη στρατιὰν ἐξάγειν. Cf. Grenfell and Ilunt, Oryrh. Pap. 288.
17 ἀξιῶι (sic), ἐὰν φαίνηται, ἐν ἀσφαλείᾳ ἔχειν : 285. 20 διὸ ἀξιῶ
διαλαβεῖν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐάν σοι φαίνηται. εὐτύχει.

ἃ 2 ἐκ τῶν πλειόνων. The latter part of the sentence is rather
different in Josephus : ‘from whom we may learn the clear and
consentient meaning of the books, and having ascertained the
exact truth of the matters, may make a collection of these books
in ἃ manner worthy of thy purpose.’

ἃ 4 Εὐτύχει, a form often used at the end of a letter instead of
χαῖρε. In the Flinders Petrie Papyri, 1891, 80 Mahaffy gives
a letter from a son to his father ending with etriye. Philip of
Macedon in a letter to the Athenian government, Demosth. De
Corona 251, ends with evrvyeire. Mendelssohn thinks that ἔρρωσο,
not εὐτύχει, was used between equals.

ἃ 6 γραφῆναι... onpavayvras. There is the same change of
construction in the reading of Josephus δηλοῦντας. Aristeas has
onpavavra agreeing with γράμματα understood.

ἃ II χρηματοφύλακας. Eusebius has substituted this for the

355

351d ##THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

less common word ῥισκοφύλακας. Ῥίσκος κιβωτὸς μεγάλη (Pollux).
Cf. Terent. Eun. iv. 6. 16 ‘ Py. Ubi sita est [cistella]? Th. In
risco.’ Josephus, l.c. has substituted τοὺς φύλακας τῶν κιβωτῶν
ἐν als ἐτύγχανον of λίθοι.

4] 352b1 This letter is given by Josephus (]. 6. 4) with many
variations in the language.

Ὁ 3 dvapractovs. Cf. Eur. Lec. 206

εἰσόψει χειρὸς ἀναρπαστὰν

σᾶς ἄπο.
On ἀνασπαστούς, the better reading in 1 Aristeas, compare Hat.
iv. 204 τούτους δὲ ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἀνασπαστοὺς ἐποίησαν ; iii. 93
ἐν τῇσι τοὺς ἀνασπαστοὺς καλεομένους κατοικίζει βασιλεύς. The
accentuation of these words is disputed. See L. and Sc. Lev.
ἀνασπαστός, and on the other hand Lobeck in Chandler Greek
Accentuation, p. 150.

This deportation of Jews into Egypt probably took place in

350 B.O., when Artaxerxes Ochus overran Phoenicia and Coele-
Syria on his way to the conquest of Egypt. See Clinton,
F. H. Epit. 239.

Ὁ 5 τῷ πατρὶ ἡμῶν. Ptolemy Soter, son of Lagos. See the
decree of Philadelphus preserved by Josephus, A. J. xii. 2. 3.

C2 éyp. Aristeas has μὴ ἔχῃ, meaning ‘that the Egyptians
might be freed from fear by the protection of the soldiers. By
omitting μή Josephus and Eusebius imply that these foreign
troops were meant to overawe the Egyptians, which is more
probable.

C 4 ὧν ὑπέρ, «.7.A. ὧν is found in Josephus and in the
earliest edition of Aristeas (Schard, 1561), but is probably due to
conjecture, and is not found in Eus. codd. Without it the
construction is broken off abruptly.

C8 χαριστικὸν ἀνατιθέντες, literally ‘making a bounteous offer-
ing.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 632 C τὸν evddravoy καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῆ καὶ
χαριστικόν. The proposal to substitute χαριστήριον (162 Ὁ 3) is”
unnecessary.

ἃ 3 ἐπικρίνων, substituted by Eusebius for ἐπὶ χειρῶν or
ἐπιχειρῶν, the various readings in Aristeas. A better emendation
is ἐπὶ χρειῶν (‘Schmidt et Anon. Oxon.’), supported by the title οἱ
ἐπὶ τῶν χρειῶν in Arist. Ep. 110. 174, and by 1 Macc. x. 37 κατα-
σταθήσεται ἐπὶ χρειῶν τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐσῶν εἰς πίστιν.

256

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 4, 5 352 d

Βουλομένων δὲ ἡμῶν . . . προῃρήμεθα. “ Constructio papyris
plane digna, cf. pap. Mus. Brit. p. 7. 4 ἡμῶν θεραπευουσῶν ὑπὲρ
τοῦ βασιλέως ἀξιοῦμεν; pap. Paris. p. 209. θυσιάσαντός μου
κατέλυσα al.’ (Mendelssohn). |

ἃ 4 σοί. ‘In τούτοις, i.e. Iudaeis Aegyptiis a rege modo libe-
ratis, cur offenderit Schmidt prorsus non intellego. σοί male
Eusebius’ (Mendelssohn).

853 a 3 τῶν ἀρχισωματοφυλάκων. The plural occurs in Arist.
Ep. 7 and in Esther ii. 21. For the construction of the genitive
ef. ἃ I τῶν τετιμημένων.

8 8 περὶ ὧν ἂν αἱρῇς A courteous phrase like ὡς ἂν βούλῃ in
the line above; cf. 2 Sam. xv. 15 πάντα ὅσα αἱρεῖται ὁ κύριος ἡμῶν
ὁ βασιλεύς.

b 1 ἐνδεχομένως. Cf. Polyb. i. 20. 4 ἐδόκουν ἐνδεχομένως

χειρίζειν τὰ πράγματα, ‘commode quoad fieri potuit.’ In Josephus
the phrase used is ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα φιλοτίμως.
5] b2 φίλῳ γνησίῳ. Cf. 448 ἃ § Βασιλεῖ Αἰγύπτου φίλῳ
πατρικῷ χαίρειν. The High Priest writes to the King as an equal,
as is also shown by the use of éppwao instead of εὐτύχει at the end
of the letter. Cf. 351 d 4, note.

Ὁ 3 Εἰ αὐτός τε ἔρρωσαι. . . ὑγιαίνομεν. A similar epistolary
formula is found in the Flinders Petrie Papyri, quoted on 351 d 4
Πολυκράτης τῷ πατρὶ χαίρειν. Καλῶς ποιεῖς εἰ ἔρρωσαι καὶ τὰ λοιπά
σοι κατὰ γνώμην ἐστίν. ᾿Ἐρρώμεθα δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς.

* 3 8 257

353 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Philadelptius and Arsinoe are described as θεοὶ φιλάδελφοι, and
the dates are calenlatesl from the years of the Priest of Alexander
and the Canephorc of Arsinoe Philadelphos.

@ 1 τὰ τέκνα, the children of his former marriage: he had no
Chi Ly his second wife.

C 7 τράπεζαν εἷς ἀνάθεσιν. Cf. Dittenberger, Syll. Inser. τι. 370.
ΓΙ ποτήρια χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ εἷς ἀνάθεσιν τοῖς θεοῖς. There is no
reference ty the τράπεζα τῆς προθέσεως, Exod. 39. 36. There is
an elaborate description of the table in Arist. Ep. 52 seqq.

ἃ ὁ παρὰ φύσι. The publication of their sacred books in
8 foreign language was contrary to the natural inclination of the
Jews: see below 364 d.

dy προσηγάγομεν ὑπὲρ σοῦ θυσίας. On the sacrifices offered by
and for Gentiles see Schirer, l.c. Div. II. Vol. i. p. 299, and his
reference to the present case p. 304 ‘Although this story may belong
to the realm of the legendary, still it may be regarded as faith-
fully reflecting the practice of the time.’ Cf. 2 Mace. iil. 2, v. 16.

864 a 8 iva πάλιν ἀποκατασταθῶσι. Compare the request of
Vaphres to Solomon, 448 d 4 ἵνα ἀποκατασταθῶσιν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν, ὡς
ἂν ἀπὸ τῆς χρείας γενόμενοι.

Ὁ 4 Καθὼς δ᾽ ἀνεγνώσθη. Eusebius passes from Arist. Ep. 46
ἴω 310. καθώς seems here to indicate time, but this is a very
unusual seni, In Acts vii. 17, the only apparent instance in
the New Testament, the Revisers rightly changed when into as:
on 3 Mace. 1. 31 καθὼς δὲ ἀνηλώθη τὰ τῆς θυσίας, Grimm remarks
that, ‘The uso of καθώς in place of the temporal ὡς is here quite
decided, but supported hitherto by no other passage.’ The word
itnelf in irregularly compounded, and, though common in biblical
and late Greek, is not found in classical authors. Cf. Lobeck,
Phryn. 426; Rutherford, New Phryn. 495; 448 ἃ 4, note.

τεύχη. ‘Volumes,’ as in mevrdrevyos. Symmachus uses
τεῦχος a8 equivalent to κεφαλίς in Ps. xxxix. (xl.) 8 and Isa. viii. 1.

Ὁ 8 Siacxev7. Athenaeus, iii. 75 (110 B) τοῦτο δὲ τὸ δρᾶμα δια-
σκενή ἐστι τοῦ προκειμένον.

ΟΣ μεταφέρων τι. This part of the narrative differs strangely
from Josephus (xii. 2. 12), who writes: ‘They commanded that
if any one saw anything superfluous added to the law, or any-
thing omitted, he should examine this again and make it clear
and correct it.’

2588

BOOK VIII. CHAP, 5 354 ¢

C 3 dévvaa. The more correct form is dévaa. Eur. Jon 118

τὰν ἀέναον παγάν.

ΑΣ τῶν ἱστορικῶν. Compare 351 ¢ 1.

ἃ 5 Θεοπόμπου. See note on 462 c. ,

ἃ 6 τῶν προηρμηνευμένων. Cf. 351 b, 410 d, 664 a.

ἃ 8 xara δὲ τὴν (ἄνεσιν). The medical term for the abatement
of a fever or other disease. The MSS. of Eusebius have αἴτησιν,
which is superfluous with ἐξιλάσκεσθαι in the middle voice, like
ἐξιλασάμενος 355 ἃ 5.

ἃ 9 σημανθέντος. I have adopted this from Aristeas, instead
of μαθόντος the word used, in Eusebius, which is shown to be
wrong by the following ἀποσχόμενον.

855 a1 παρὰ Θεοδέκτου. Speaking of these stories of Theo-
pompus and Theodectes, Valckenaer (Diatr. de Aristobulo, iv) says
that, though to us they seem to be a Jew’s absurd falsehoods, yet
they perhaps appeared probable to the Christian Fathers who
repeated them. On Theodectes see 466 d.

& 4 ἀπεγλαυκώθη. The tense seems to indicate a sudden
attack of blindness, such as occurs in what is called ‘lightning-
glaucoma.’ The Greek name ‘Glaucoma’ is derived from the
circumstance that the crystalline lens assumes a bluish or greenish
hue and loses transparency. Hence the joke of Palaestrio in the
Miles Gloriosus of Plautus (ii. 1. 70):

‘Et nos facetis fabricis et doctis dolis

Glaucumam ob oculos obiiciemus, eumque ita

Faciemus ut quod viderit non viderit.’ (Viger.)
Cf. Aristot. De Gener. Animal. v. 28 ‘Glaucoma is rather a kind
of dryness in the eyes, and therefore occurs more frequently in old
age: for like the Test of the body these parts also grow dry as
old age comes on.’

8 7 (mapa) τοῦ Anpyrpiov. There is some corruption in
the text, περὶ τούτων τὰ περὶ τοῦ Anpnrpiov. The simplest
emendation is παρὰ τοῦ Anpyrpiov, as in Josephus l.c. παρα-
λαβὼν δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς παρὰ τοῦ Anpyrpiov, καθὼς προείρηται,
προσκυνήσας αὐτοῖς, Where both ταῦτα and αὐτοῖς refer to the
books.

προσκυνήσας. Cf. Philo, Vit. Mos. ii. 7 ‘If any one reads

those scriptures in both languages, namely the Chaldaic and

the translation, they admire and reverence (προσκυνοῦσιν) them
82 259

955 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

as sisters, or rather as one and the same, both in their facts and
in their language.’

Ὁ Ὑποθετικῶν. The work, from which this extract is taken,
is unknown, except from Eusebius. Hwald (Hist. Israel. vii. 229,
Eng. Trs.) identifies it with the work Περὶ Ἰουδαίων (Eus. H. E.
ii. 18. 6), but this seems rather to be the Ὑπὲρ ᾿Ιουδαίων ᾿Απολογία
quoted below 379 8 1.

Viger, followed by Ewald, supposes the title Hypothetica to

mean Conjectures, but Bernays, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, i.
262 ff., shows that this does not correspond to the general
character of the passages quoted, and proves that the true
meaning is Suggestions, namely as to moral conduct. Thus
Isocrates, Nicocles, 3 ‘Certain of the poets of former times have
left behind them Suggestions (ὑποθήκας) how we ought to live.’
Philo of Larissa, Cicero’s friend and teacher in philosophy, in
comparing the moralist to a physician, says: ‘We must bring
in the Hypothetic discourse, by means of which they will have in
brief the suggestions (ὑποθήκας) for safety and correctness in the
use of everything’ (Stobaeus, Ecl. ii. 38). 782 a 4 ‘At the
beginning of his Suggestions (Ὑποθηκῶν) Democritus speaks thus.’
Solon is said by Diogenes Laertius (i. 2) to have written εἰς ἑαυτὸν
ὑποθήκας. Cf. Schtirer, ]. c. p. 355.
6] ἃ 10 xépxwra λόγων. Aeschines (33. 24) uses κέρκωψ as
a term of reproach against Demosthenes, implying that he was
ἃ subtle and treacherous flatterer: 6 τι μὲν οὖν ἦν ποθ᾽ ὁ κέρκωψ
ἢ τὸ καλούμενον παιπάλημα.. .. οὐκ pew πρότερον. ‘I never knew
before what in the world the Cercops was.’

Plutarch, Mor. 60 C, makes Agis say to Alexander, who had
given great largess to some buffoon, ‘I confess I was annoyed
and indignant at seeing how all you sons of Zeus alike are pleased
with flatterers and buffoons: for so Hercules was delighted with
certain Cercopes, and Dionysus with Sileni.’ See the amusing
story in C. O. Miller, Hist. and Ant. of the Doric Race, xii. 10.

Καλῆς μέντοι γοητείας. The genitive denotes an exclamation,
expressing admiration or other emotion, as in Xenophon, Cyrop.
ii. 2. 3 τῆς τύχης, τὸ ἐμὲ νῦν κληθέντα δεῦρο τυχεῖν. Theocritus,
XV. 75 χρηστῶ κ᾽ οἰκτίρμονος ἀνδρός.

856 @ 3 παραπομπῇ. Cf. Demosth. 249. 16; 1211.15 τὴν παρα-
πομπὴν τοῦ σίτου, referring to the convoy of the corn-ships.

260

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 5-7 357 ἃ

867 a 1 ἁγιστείαν. Ps.-Plato, Axiochus, 371 D ras ὁσίους ἁγι-
στείας κἀκεῖσε συντελοῦσι.

& 7 εὐνομίας καὶ εὐπειθείας. Cf. Aristot. Polit. iv. 8. 5 “ Εὐνομία

does not consist in good legislation without obedience. Wherefore
one kind of εὐνομία must be supposed to consist in obedience to the
laws established, and another to the right establishment of the
laws by which they abide.’
7) 1 τούτοις προσόμοιον. Philo is here contrasting the strict
justice and severity of the Jewish laws with the laxity of the
heathen. This whole fragment, 357 d-361 b, is preserved only
by Eusebius.

ἃ 2 éraywyds. The more usual meaning, as in Plato and
Plotinus (Enn. iv. 4. 40), is ‘incantations,’ for drawing down
gods or daemons.

ἃ 3 τιμήσεις καὶ πάλιν ὑποτιμήσεις. Cf. Plat. Apol. Socr. 36 B
τιμᾶται δ᾽ οὖν μοι 6 ἀνὴρ θανάτου. Eler ἐγὼ δὲ δὴ τίνος ὑμῖν ἀντιτι-
μήσομαι ; Demosth. 1252. 15 ἐν τῇ τιμήσει βουλομένων τῶν δικαστῶν
θανάτου τιμῆσαι αὐτῷ.

358 at ἵλεως ἡμῖν... THs... ἐννοίας. The genitive is to be
understood as causal: ‘be not angry with us because of...’

& 6 πρὸς ὕβρεως μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς, πρὸς εὐπείθειαν δέ. The distinction
between the genitive and accusative with πρός is very clearly
shown in these clauses.

b 1 ἐπιφημίσαντα. Cf. 69 ἃ 4, note.

dvinow. An abrupt change of construction from the par-
ticiple ἐπιφημίσαντα. “ ἀνίησιν sequitur, quasi praecessisset εἰ μὴ
θεόν γε ἐπιφημίζει αὐτοῖς ᾿ (Heinichen). Cf. Lev. i. 2 ‘an offering
(Korban) to the Lord.’ Cf. Mark vii. 11, 12.

Ὁ 2 Ε δὲ λόγῳ μόνον. ‘It was not necessary to use the express
words of vowing. Not only the word “Korban,” given to God,
but any similar expression would suffice; the mention of any-
thing laid upon the altar (though not of the altar itself), such as
the wood or the fire, would constitute a vow.’ Edersheim, Jesus the
Messiah, ii. 18.

b 4 τῶν Θεῶν. ‘Quid si τοῦ θεοῦ Nam quorsum hic pro-
fanorum deorum meminisse?’ (Viger). No change is admissible :
Eusebius follows the Sept. Exod. xxii. 28 θεοὺς οὐ κακολογήσεις.
Cf. Philo, Vit. Mos. ili. 26; Joseph. A. 1. iv. 8. 10; Contra
Apion. ii. 33 καὶ περί ye τοῦ μήτε χλευάζειν μήτε βλασφημεῖν τοὺς

26:

358 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

νομιζομένους θεοὺς παρ᾽ ἑτέροις ἄντικρυς ἡμῖν ὃ νομοθέτης ἀπείρηκεν,
αὐτῆς ἕνεκα προσηγορίας τοῦ θεοῦ. In Exod. xxii. 28 ‘the gods’
(A. V.) is changed into ‘God’ in R. V.

C 3 ἔκλυσις. ‘If a vow was regarded as rash or wrong, attempts
were made to open a door for repentance. Absolutions from
@ vow might be obtained before a “sage,’’ or in his absence before
three laymen’ (Edersheim, ibid. ii. 20). Cf. Hastings, Dict. Bib.
‘Corban.’

ἃ 2 νόμοις. The reading νομίμοις is apparently an error
occasioned by νομίμων immediately preceding: a distinction is
evidently drawn between νομίμων and the emphatic rots νόμοις
αὑτοῖς.

ἅ τις παθεῖν ἐχθαίρει. Cf. Tobit iv. 15 ὃ μισεῖς μηδενὶ ποιήσῃς.
In Matt. vii. 12 and Luke vi. 31 the negative precept is converted
into the positive and stronger. Cf. Resch, Agrapha, 95, 135, 272;
C. Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers, 37, note; Isocrates,
Nicocl. 39 C “Α πάσχοντες ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων ὀργίζεσθε, ταῦτα τοῖς ἄλλοις
μὴ ποιεῖτε, quoted by Gibbon, Rom. Emp. liv. note 36, as occurring
400 years before the publication of the Gospel.

ἃ 3 ἃ μὴ κατέθηκεν. Diog. L. i. 57 quotes as a law of
Solon ἃ μὴ ἔθον μὴ ἀνέλῃ" εἰ δὲ μή, θάνατος ἡ ζημίά. Plat. Legg.
Viii. 844 E ἑπόμενος τῷ νόμῳ τῷ μὴ κινεῖν ὅ τι μὴ κατέθετο. xi. 9120
οὐδαμῇ ἀγεννοῦς ἀνδρὸς νουθέτημα, ὃς εἶπεν, ἃ μὴ κατέθον μὴ ἀνέλῃ.
Cf. Lev. vi. 3, 4; Deut. xxii. 3; Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 2). Thus
in Luke xix. 21 αἴρεις ὃ οὐκ ἔθηκας implies not merely strict exaction
of a right (Meyer), but a dishonest extortion.

ἃ 4 θημῶνοςς Hom. Od. v. 368

ὡς δ᾽ ἄνεμος Cans ἠΐων θημῶνα τινάξῃ
καρφαλέων.

ἃ 5 μὴ πυρός. Cf. Athen. vi. 238 F

ἀγνοεῖς ἐν ταῖς ἀραῖς
ὅ τι ἔστιν, εἴ τις μὴ φράσει᾽ ὀρθῶς ὁδόν,
ἢ πῦρ ἐναύσει᾽, ἣ διαφθείρει ὕδωρ.
μὴ νάματα. Juven. Sat. xiv. 103
‘Non monstrare vias eadem nisi sacra colenti,
Quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere verpos.’

ἃ 6 πτωχοῖς. Tobit iv. 7, 11 ‘When thou givest alms let not
thine eye be envious... . Alms is a good gift in the sight of the
Most High.’ Cf. 367 d, where the same rules are repeated.

262

BOOK VIII. CHAP. 7 358 d

ἃ 8 προσεπιβάλλειν. Hor. Carm. i. 28
‘At tu, nauta, vagae ne parce malignus arenae
Ossibus et capiti inhumato
Particulam dare.’

859 81 μὴ θήκας. .. xwew. Cf. Dr. A. Neubauer, Jemanite
and Nabataean Inscriptions (Studia Biblica, i. 212) ‘He who
shall injure this monument (?) may the gods of Tema extirpate
him, and his seed, and his name from the surface of Tema.’

8. 3 ἀτοκίοις, 8C. φαρμάκοις.

8 6 ζυγὸν ἄδικον. Cf. Prov, xi. 1; xvi. II.

& 7 ἀπόρρητα. Prov. xi. 13.

bi ποῖ δή ‘How can those famous imprecations of the
Buzygia be compared with the Jewish precepts?’ Clem. Al.
Strom. ii. 503 ‘They then will not escape the Buzygian impreca-
tion, who recommend others to do what they think is not expedient
for themselves.’ ‘ At one of the festivals of Demeter, it is uncertain
which, a member of the family of the Buzyges, whose founder
first yoked the steer to the plough, used to pronounce a series
of solemn imprecations against certain kinds of offences’ (Bernays,
Gesammelte Abhandl. 277). These imprecations were directed
especially against those who in daily life refused to share water,
or fire, or to point out the road to those who lost their way
(Paroemiogr.i. 388). ‘Buzyges: a hero of Attica, who first yoked
oxen to the plough’ (Hesychius). Cf. Aristot. Athen. Rep. Fr.
348 ‘. . . vel Epimenides (significatur) qui postea Buzyges
dictus est secundum Aristotelem.’ ‘The Athenians observe three
sacred ploughings, the first at Sciron, as a memorial of the most
ancient of all tillings, a second at Rharia, a third close under the
Acropolis, which last is called Buzygium’ (Plutarch, Praecepta
Coniug. 42. 144 A). Buzygium was on the west side of the
Acropolis, in the region called from the migratory Pelasgians
‘Pelasgicum ’ or ‘ Pelargicum.’ Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 206; Thue.
ii. 17; Aristoph. Av. 832.

Ὁ 5 νεοττιὰν κατοικίδιον. Deut. xxii. 6 ‘If a bird’s nest chance
to be before thee in the way in any tree or on the ground, with
young ones or eggs, and the dam sitting upon the young, or upon
the eggs, thou shalt not take the dam with the young.’

Cc 2 ἐξωλείας. Demosth. 642. 15 διομεῖται κατ᾽ ἐξωλείας αὑτοῦ
καὶ τοῦ γένους καὶ τῆς oikias.

263

359d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 ἔργου, in the sense of ‘labour,’ ‘trouble,’ means here the
difficulty of strictly observing the Sabbath. So below 360 a 7,
ταῦτα παντὸς σπουδάσματος μᾶλλον ἀναγκαῖα, where codd. EI have
ἔργον in place οὗ σπουδάσματος. Cf. Juven. Sat. xiv. 105

‘Septima quaeque fuit lux
Ignava et partem vitae non attigit ullam.’

860 8 2 προσεπιφημίσαι. Cf. 1 Chron. xvi. 36 And all the
people said, Amen, and praised the Lord,

ἃ 4 ἐξηγεῖται. Swete, Introd. to O. T. in Greek, 20 ‘ At Alex-
andria the Hebrew lesson was gladly exchanged for a lesson read
from a Greek translation, and the work of the interpreter was
limited to exegesis.’ Note: ‘But ἐξηγεῖται is ambiguous.’ Cf.
Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah, i. 444.

ὍΣ θεσμῳδούς. Cf. Philo J.i. 650 τῶν θεσμῳδουμένων eis ἄληστον
μνήμην axovwow. The term θεσμός as applied to oracular answers
is connected with Δημήτηρ Θεσμοφόρος, who presided over the
oracle at Delphi before Apollo.

b 6 τοὺς νόμους. Juvenal, in his bitter attack upon the Jews,
Sat. xiv. 96 ff. bears witness to their careful observation of their
own laws:

‘Romanas autem soliti contemnere leges
Iudaicum ediscunt et servant et metuunt ius,
Tradidit arcano quodcumque volumine Moses.’
Ο 2 νέωτα. Cf. Philemon, Fr. ap. Stob. Floril. lvii. 8
dei γεωργὸς εἷς νέωτα πλούσιος,
i.e. ‘is always going to be rich next year.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 1081 D
καὶ τοῦ φωτὸς τὸ μὲν πέρυσι τὸ δὲ εἰς νέωτα.

861 Ὁ 9 Περὶ. . . ᾿Αρχαιότητοςς. The full title of this work is
Περὶ ᾿Αρχαιότητος ᾿Ιουδαίων κατὰ ᾿Απίωνος, Concerning the Antiquity
of the Jews, against Apion, but it is usually quoted as Contra
A pionem, to distinguish it from the greater work, Jewish Antiquities
(Ἰουδαϊκὴ ᾿Αρχαιολογίαλ.

8] ἃ 2 (οὕτω. .. ἂν ἐπίοι rs. This whole clause is omitted in
Dindorf’s Josephus, and is not at all necessary to the sense.

ἃ 3 ταῖς ὀλίγων δυναστείαις. Aristotle, Polit. iv. 5. 1 ‘ Another
kind of oligarchy is when the son is admitted in the place of his
father,. .. and it is not the law that rules, but the magistrates.
... And an oligarchy of this kind is called a dynasty.’

ἃ 6 βιασάμενος τὸν λόγον. Whiston, whose translation, ‘by a

264

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 7, 8 361 d

strained expression,’ I have adopted, treats this as an apology for
a harsh and improper expression in reference to God. It rather
seems to be an excuse for coining a new word, θεοκρατία, though
excuse was hardly needed for following so good models as
δημοκρατία and ἀριστοκρατία.

862 a1 ᾿Αλλ᾽ αὐτόν. In Josephus Niese inserts ἕνα after ἀλλ᾽,
which improves both the sense and form of the clause.

b 2 φιλόσοφοι. The opinions of Plato and other Greek philo-
sophers on the nature of God form the subject of Book XI.

Ὁ 4 δόξαις κατειλημμένα. The meaning, preoccupied or prejudiced,
is more fully expressed in Josephus by προκατειλημμένα. Cf.
Aeschin, De Fals. Legat. ii. 114 προκαταλαβόντα τὰ Φιλίππον ὦτα
τοῖς ἄλλοις λόγον μὴ καταλιπεῖν.

ἃ 12 κωφήν. Cf. κωφοῖς δάκρυσι Epigr. Gr. 208 (L. and Se.
Lez.).

868 8 5 τῶν (κοινωνησόντων). This refers to the rule of not
eating with Gentiles, Matt. ix. 11; Gal. ii. 12.

b 2 ὑποτίμησιν, the true reading preserved in Josephus, for which
Gaisford leaves ἐπιτίμησιν in the text of Eusebius, though it is not
at all suitable to the context. On ὑποτίμησιν, which is adopted
both by Dindorf and Heinichen, see above 357 d.

C6 ἔροιτο. For ἕλοιτο (Eus. codd.) Josephus has ἔροιτο, which
gives the more appropriate sense—‘ whomsoever a man might
ask.’

36465 δεόμενα. The text of Eusebius has δεόμεναι, which
may be rendered—‘ are detected by the tests of experience which
require their correction.’ Josephus has δεόμενα, which gives the
better sense.

ἃ 9 Τοῦτο δ᾽ ἦν. ‘Josephus has τούτοις δ᾽ ἦν, which seems
easier’ (Viger). With τούτοις we must render ‘These men had an
exact care,’ &c.

865 Ὁ 1 προρρήσεις, ‘public notices.’ Cf. Plat. Legg. ix. 873A
προρρήσεις μὲν τὰς περὶ (τοῦ) τῶν νομίμων εἴργεσθαι.

b 2 προαγορεύσεις. Cf. Plat. ibid. προαγορεύειν δὲ τὸν φόνον τῷ
δράσαντι. Antiphon 145. 24 αἰτιᾶσθαι καὶ προαγορεύειν εἴργεσθαι
τῶν νομίμων.

c 6 If καλά be omitted with BO, render ‘ but at His will.’

866 c 3 φησίν, omitted in B alone. There seems to be no such
statement in the law.

265

26Θ. THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 3. Τέκνα τρέφειν ἅτανται (On laws concerning infanticide see
Plat. Theact. 149 D; Aristot. Pit. vii. τό. 15; Lecky, History
of Moral, ii. 22; Uoissier, La Religion romaine, ii. 181.

ἃ 4 καδαρὺς εἶναι tore προσήκει. With this personal construction
of προσήκει compare Aesch. Agam. 1079

θεὸν καλεῖ
οὐδὲν προσήκοντ᾽ ἐν γόοις παραστατεῖν.
Cf. Bernhardy, Gr. Synt. 467.

ἃ 6 πρὸς ἄλλην χώραν. The meaning is that the law considered
a part of the man’s soul to be transferred to the wife.

867 8 8 ἐνταφίων. In Soph. El. 326

ἐντάφια χεροῖν
φέρουσαν οἷα τοῖς κάτω νομίζεται,
the term is limited to such offerings as could be carried in one
person’s hands; but ἐντάφια is also used in the wider sense of
‘funeral obsequies,’ equivalent to ra περὶ τὴν κηδείαν in Ὁ 1.

b δ Γονέων τιμήν. Exod. xxi. 15, 17.

GI τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου. Cf. Lev. xix. 32.

04 Δικάζων. Cf. Exod. xxiii. 8.

C7 τόκον. Cf. Exod. xxii. 25.

G10 ὁδοὺς φράζειν. Cf. Juven. Sat. xiv. 103, quoted 358 d 5.

drapov. Cf. 358 d 8.

868 a 2 πυρπολεῖν. Cf. Aristoph. Nub. 1497

οἴμοι, Tis ἡμῶν πυρπολεῖ τὴν οἰκών ;

b 2 νεοττοῖς Cf. 369 b; Deut. xxii. 6.

Ὁ 7 ἄνευ προφάσεως, ‘citra omnem excusationem’ (Viger). It
is difficult to understand how the text of Josephus came to be
corrupted into οὐκ ἄνευ προφάσεως in the MSS. of Eusebius.

ἃ 2 κοτίνου στέφανος. The victors in the Olympic games were
crowned with a wreath of wild olive (κοτίνου), in the Isthmian
and Nemean games with parsley (ceAdov), in the Pythian with
laurel (δάφνης).

ἃ 3 ἀνακήρνξις. Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 585

ἀνεκήρυττεν τῶν ἀσκητῶν τοὺς νικῶντας στεφανώσας
KoTivov στεφάνῳ ; καίτοι χρυσῷ μᾶλλον ἐχρῆν, εἴπερ ἐπλούτει.

ἃ ὁ κἂν... (ἀποθανοῦσιν). The text of Josephus has again
beon altered for the worse in 10 into ἀποθανεῖν.

ἃ ὃ ἐκ περιτροπῆς. Dionys. Hal. v. 2 ‘in turn’ of the Consuls
receiving by turns the axes and the fasces.

266

BOOK VIII. CHAPS, 8, 9 369 ς

869 Cc 8 κεκαλλιγραφημένους. Diog. L. vii. 18 τὰς κεκαλλι-
γραφημένας λέξεις.

ἃ 6 δισχιλίοις. Josephus exceeds the usual calculations by
several hundred years.

370 ἃ 8 Πτολεμαίων. Eleazar was the High Priest in the reign
of Ptolemy Philadelphus, B.c. 285-247, and Aristobulus flourished
in the reign of Ptolemy Philometor, B.c. 181-146. Valckenaer
therefore rightly prefers the reading Πτολεμαίων to Πτολεμαίου
(cod I). Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 410; Valck. Diatr. de Aristob.
x; and 323 ἃ 7, 349 ἃ 2.

b 3 πρεσβείας. Wendland suggests πρέσβεσιν, but without any
support from MSS.

ἕνεκα must therefore be joined with πρεσβείας, which otherwise
has no construction, and the translation should have run thus:
‘To those who had come to him as an embassy from the king he
sketches out the method of the translation of the Hebrew Scriptures
into the Greek tongue, and has made in his discourse the explana-
tion of the allegorical sense in the sacred laws in the following form.’
9] o1 The following statement is taken from Ps.-Arist. Lpist.
128 (Wendland).

6 2 νομίζειν yap τοῖς πολλοῖς. “νομίζω Schmidt, recte ut vid.’
(Wendland). τοὺς πολλούς (Viger). No change is necessary, as
Ps.-Aristeas seems to use νομίζειν in an intransitive sense, ‘to
be customary,’ or ‘to be thought.’ Cf. 170 Ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν καλῶς
ἐνόμιζε περὶ ἑκάστων ἀπολελογῆσθαι, where ἐνόμιζε seems to be
equivalent to ἐδόκει. 154 τὸ γὰρ ζῆν διὰ τῆς τροφῆς συνεστάναι
νομίζει. The usage, so far as I know, is peculiar to Ps.-Aristeas.
Cf. 373 ὃ 7 νομίζει, ‘solet.’

C5 καταβολῆς, literally ‘foundation,’ and here ‘original creation.’
Compare the N. T. phrase καταβολὴ κόσμον, and Polyb. xiii. 6. 2
ἐκ καταβολῆς ναυπηγεῖν σκάφη.

ἃ 3 πάλιν {πάνυ δεισιδαιμόνως. “ Aristeas tam maauscriptus
quam excusus πάνυ tantum inserit inter πάλιν et δεισιδαιμόνως,
quod lacunam non satis explet’ (Viger). There appears to be no
‘lacuna’ in the MSS., but only in the sense. The Vatican MSS.
of Ps.-Aristeas, A and C, have πάνυ, Schmidt for πάλιν suggests
παντάπασι, and Wendland reads παντελῶς.

ἃ 5 διαστροφάς. Polyb. ii. 21. 8 τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον τοῦ δήμου
διαστροφῆς.

467

970 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 8 Διαστειλάμενος. The sentence beginning with this participle
is interrupted by a long parenthesis, Προὔπέδειξε . . . γίνεσθαι, and
taken up again by another participial clause, Ταῦτ᾽ οὖν ἐξεργα-
ζόμενος.

871 8 1 προδήλους is apparently corrupt, τὰς βλάβας being left
without government, as also in Schmidt’s conjecture προδηλώσας
adopted by Wendland. A more probable emendation would be
προδηλοῖ.

ἐπιπομπάς, “ visitations,’ a word which I fail to find elsewhere
in this sense.

@ 9 Ποιησάμενος οὖν. The sentence is interrupted by a long
parenthesis, ᾿Αγάλματα yap . . . τελευτήσασι, and resumed by
Συνθεωρήσας (d 4).

Ὁ 6 παρὰ πόδας. Plat. Theaet. 114 Οὐ περὶ τῶν παρὰ πόδας καὶ τῶν
ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς.

ἃ 2 ἀπέρεισιν. Plat. Crat. 427 A τῆς ἀπερείσεως τῆς γλώττης
δύναμψ. Plut. Mor. 1130 D οὐδέν ἐστιν ὑπόλειμμα σώματος τοῖς
τεθηκόσι τιμωρίας ἀπέρεισιν (vulg. ἅπερ εἰσὶν) ἀντιτύπου δέξασθαι
δυνάμενον (Wyttenbach).

872 8. 9 dyveias. The ‘purity’ expressed in dyws and ἁγνεία
consisted chiefly in abstinence from things regarded as impure.
Cf. Plutarch, De cohibenda ira, 464 B ἀφροδισίων ἁγνεῦσαι καὶ
οἴνου; C dyvevovra καὶ λόγων πονηρῶν καὶ πράξεων ἀτόπων. Plat.
Legg. 759 Ὁ φόνου δὲ ἁγνόν.

b 6 τὸν καταπεπτωκότα λόγον. Cf, Plat. Phaed. 88 D νῦν εἰς
ἀπιστίαν καταπέπτωκεν (ὃ λόγος).

b 7 μνῶν. The MSS. vary between μυιῶν, ‘flies,’ and μνῶν
‘mice’: but the connexion with γαλῇ is in favour of the latter:
cf. Lev. xi. 29 ἡ γαλῆ καὶ ὁ pis, and 374 ἃ I γαλῆς καὶ μνῶν.

C5 ἀτταγαί. Cf. Lobeck, Phyrn. Ecl. 117 ᾿Ατταγήν' καὶ τοῦτο
παρανενόμηται καὶ τόνῳ καὶ θέσει. χρὴ yap drrayas λέγειν, ὥσπερ ἀλλᾶς.
Rutherford, New Phryn,’Ad)as is not a real parallel as ita genitive
is dAXavros. It was intended by Phrynichus simply to illustrate
the accentuation which in drrayds is peculiar.’ In the present
passage the MSS. vary between drrayof and drraxoi. There is
a discussion of the form and accent of the word in Athen. ix. 387,
and a full description of the bird, which is said to be rather
bigger than a partridge, striped all over the back, and of the

268

BOOK VIII, CHAP. 9 872 ς

colour of clay, but rather redder, corresponding perhaps to the
‘attagen Ionicus’ of Hor. Epod. ii. 54. In Lev. xi. 22 τὸν drrd-
«nv is rendered ‘the bald locust’ (A. V. and R. V.).

$878 01 rexovoas. Cf. Lev. xii. 2.

6 4 μηρυκισμὸν ἀνάγει. Cf. Lev. xi. 4 τὸν κάμηλον, ὅτι ἀνάγει
μηρυκισμὸν τοῦτο ὁπλὴν δὲ οὐ διχηλεῖ, ἀκάθαρτον τοῦτο ὑμῖν. Aristot.
Hist. Animal. ii. 17. 8. Plut. Cleom. xxx. πλῆθος αἵματος ἀνήγαγε.

C5 ἐκτίθεται. Cf. Polyb. iv. 24. 9 καλὸν δεῖγμα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ
προαιρέσεως τοῖς συμμάχοις ἐκτιθέμενος.

C7 νομίζει, ‘solet.? Cf. 370 ¢ 2, note.

d 1 Mveig. A confused reminiscence of Deut. vii. 18 and Job
xlii. 3, applied here to the wonderful constitution of man’s
body.

874 @ 3 τῶν περιβολαίων, ‘the coverings,’ or ‘garments’: the
word seems to be used here in allusion to Num. xv. 38 and Deut.
Xxii. 12 ἐπὶ τῶν τεσσάρων κρασπέδων τῶν περιβολαίων σου, ‘ upon
the four borders (corners) of thy vesture.’ ‘We may translate
“ borders of our garments” to suggest this’ (J. B. M.). See Hastings,
Dict. Bib. ‘ Fringes.’

παράσημον, literally, ‘a side-mark,’ or ‘ marginal note,’ hence
in a more general sense ‘a sign,’ or ‘symbol.’

8 4 [καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν πόλεων καὶ οἰκήσεων διὰ τὸ σκεπάζεσθαι.] These
words are not found in the letter οὗ Aristeas, but are an interpola-
tion in the MSS, of Eusebius.

ὃ 5 ἐπὶ τῶν πυλῶν. Cf. Deut. vi. 9 καὶ γράψετε αὐτὰ ἐπὶ ras
φλιὰς τῶν οἰκιῶν ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν πυλῶν ὑμῶν, “ Ubi πόλεων Dulla mentio ᾿
(Viger).

ὃ 6 ἐπὶ τῶν χειρῶν. Deut. vi. 8 καὶ ἀφάψεις αὐτὰ εἰς σημεῖον ext
τῆς χειρός σον.

b 4 κοιταζομένους. Deut, vi. 7.

Ὁ 5 διαλήψει. Cf. 152 ἃ 7.

Ὁ 6 τὴν ὑπόληψιν ἑαντῶν. In Plat. Def. 413 A ἐπιστήμη is defined
88 ὑπόληψις ψυχῆς ἀμετάπτωτος ὑπὸ λόγον.

Ὁ 9 τῆς λογίας, ‘suspectum ... ἀπολογίας coniec. Cohn (cf. 375
Ὁ 6 Ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν καλῶς ἐνόμιζε περὶ ἑκάστων ἀπολελογῆσθαι)᾽ Wend-
land. I had conjectured ἀναλογίας, and translated accordingly ;
the Latin gives ‘ratio.’ Cohn’s conjecture ἀπολογίας is perhaps,
still better.

ἃ 2 διηγόρευται. In Hat. vii. 38 for καὶ δὴ ἀγορεύειν, Schweig-

269

974 ἅ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

hiuser and Gaisford, with cod. Paris, B, read διαγορεύειν, ‘ to speak
out plainly what he wanted.’ Cf. 1 Esdras v. 49 τοῖς .. . διηγορευ-
μένοις, ‘expressly commanded’ R.V.; Dan. (LXX.), Sus. 61.

ἃ 5 ἐπιβάλληται, for which Viger would substitute ἐπιβάλλωνται,
‘ whatsoever they set themselves to damage,’ seems to be used in
the same sense as the intransitive τὸ ἐπιβάλλον.

ἃ 7 ov\AcpBdve. Aristotle makes no allusion to the vulgar
error about conception through the ears, but in the treatise De
Generatione Animalium, iii. 6. 5, explains the origin of the second
error as follows: ‘The weasel has just the same kind of womb as
all other quadrupeds: and in what way is the embryo to pass
from it into the mouth? But because the weasel, like the other
cloven-footed animals (σχιζόποδα), of which we shall speak here-
after, brings forth extremely small young, and often carries them
from place to place in her mouth, she has given rise to thig
opinion.’

ἃ ο Ὅσα yap δι’ ἀκοῆς λαβόντες. “Ἔλαβον opinor scribere debuit ’
(Viger).

σωματοποιήσαντες. Cf. Polyb. Fr. Hist. 58 ὡσανεὶ καὶ τὸ
αὐτόματον Kai τύχη τις ἐσωματοποίει τὰς τοῦ Σκιπίωνος πράξεις. Suidas
in "Eowparorote,

ἃ 10 ἐνεκύλισαν. Cf. Pherecr. Chiron. Fr. 7 (Meineke) πολλοῖς
ἐμαυτὸν ἐγκυλῖσαι πράγμασιν.

875 at ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑμῶν. Ptolemy Philadelphus.

@ 2 Ἐγὼ δὲ clra. We are reminded here that the passage
previously quoted is part of a supposed conversation between
Eleazar and Aristeas. Cf. 370 ¢ 1 τῶν ὑποδειχθέντων πρὸς τὰ δι᾽
ἡμῶν ἐπιζητηθέντα.

8 4 Ὁ δέ and καὶ λέγω are both omitted in the text of Eusebius,
but restored by Gaisford from Aristeas.

ἐπαγρύπνησις, ἃ rare word: Iambl. Vit. Pyth. 13 ἐπαγρυπνία.

b 2 μυθωδῶς, the reading of Eusebius, has been adopted by
Wendland in place of the evident corruption θυμωδῶς.

Ὁ ἐνόμιζε. Cf. 370 ὁ 2, note. ‘He takes ἐνόμιζε for ἐδόκει, in
a way which I have never yet known’ (Viger).

ὁ συνιστορῶν αὑτῷ τι, κἂν ἦ θρασύτατος,
ἡ σύνεσις αὐτὸν δειλότατον εἶναι ποιεῖ.
ἃ 6 ἡ δευτέρα τῶν Μακκαβαίων. This title of the book is first
370

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 9, 10 375 d

found in the present passage. See Schiirer, Jewish People, ii.
3. 218.

ἃ 7 ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς βίβλου. ‘ The two letters, which are now placed

before this book, stand in no connexion with it. They are letters
of the Palestinian to the Egyptian Jews, in which the latter are
summoned to the feast of the Dedication.’ Schiirer, ibid. It is in
the second letter that AristoBulus is addressed as ‘ King Ptolemy’s
teacher, who is also of the stock of the anointed priests.’ Cf.
323 d 6, note.
10] 876 Ὁ 3 éxdoxds, ‘interpretations.’ Cf. Polyb. iii. 29. 4
καθάπερ ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἐκδοχὴν of Καρχηδόνιοι; xxiii. 7 ἐξ ὧν ἦν
λαμβάνειν ἐκδοχήν, ὅτι x.r.A. Another instance of the familiarity
of Eusebius with the language of Polybius, a writer sure to be
studied by the author of the Chronicon.

C 5 ἀφορμάς, subjects which give occasion for writing, or speak-
ing. Cf. Eurip. Bacch. 266

ὅταν λάβῃ τις τῶν λόγων ἀνὴρ σοφὸς
καλὰς ἀφορμάς, οὐ μέγ᾽ ἔργον εὖ λέγειν.

377 ὁ. 3 κατάβασις. Exod. xix. 18, 20. On the following
passage of Aristobulus see Clement of Alexandria, Strom. vi. 755,
and Valckenaer, De Aristob. xxiii.

ἃ 2 ἀφηλίκων, properly applied to the aged, but also less
properly to young children. Lobeck, Phryn. 84; Rutherford,
New Phryn. |xiv.

ἃ 8 (οὐκ dv) ἔδειξε. Cf. Valckn. De Aristob. xxiii. 71 ‘ ἔδειξε
(legendum arbitror οὐκ ἂν ἔδειξε, quod Fr. Vigerus iam monuit).’

378 a 7 ἐκφαντικῶς. Cf. Plut. Mor. 104 B ὁ δὲ Πίνδαρος ἐν
ἄλλοις,

τί δέ τις; τί δ᾽ οὔ τις; σκιᾶς ὄναρ,
ἄνθρωπος,
ἐκφαντικῶς σφόδρα καὶ φιλοτέχνως ὑπερβολῇ χρησάμενος.

CG 2 ὑπῆγε, ‘meant to lead on.’ Clem. Al. Strom. vii. 839
ὁ ἑκὼν ταῖς ἐντολαῖς ὑπαγόμενος (J.B. M.). See also Clem. Al. 596,
532.

τῶν ἐν ἔξει, ‘those who had acquired the habit of virtue’
(J. B. M.).

6 3 ἐπαναβεβηκυᾳ. Cf. 130 Ὁ 2 τὸ ἐπαναβεβηκὸς τοὺς μύθους.

C & κατὰ διάνοιαν, i.e. according to the deeper thought as con-
trasted with the literal sense, xara τὴν ῥητὴν διάνοιαν.

471

378 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

© 6 βίου ἄσκησιν. The bodily asceticism of the Essenes is to be
distinguished from the ἄσκησις of the Therapeutae, Phil. De Vita
Contempl. 475. 35 ἄσκησις" ἐντυγχάνοντες yap τοῖς ἱεροῖς γράμμασι
φιλοσοφοῦσι τὴν πάτριον νομοθεσίαν ἀλληγοροῦντες. Cf. F.C. Cony-
beare, Philo about the Contemplative Life, v.

G τ αὐτὸ μόνον, ‘only just,’ ‘merely.’ ‘Vide Valcken. ad Fr.
Callim. p. 28, et Bast. ep. crit. p. 135 ed. Lips. Αὐτὸ μόνον βουκόλος,
nihil nisi bubulcus’ Hermann, Adnot. 735 tn Vig. De Idiot. Gr.

ἃ 4 τῆς ὑπὲρ Ἰουδαίων ᾿Απολογίας. The treatise from which the
following extract is taken is lost: it is supposed to be the same
which is mentioned in the list of Philo’s works by Eusebius,
H. E, ii. 18. 6 καὶ μονόβιβλα αὐτοῦ φέρεται, ὡς τὸ Περὶ Προνοίας,
καὶ ὁ Περὶ Ἰουδαίων αὐτῷ συνταχθεὶς λόγος. The genuineness of the
work has been disputed by Gritz and Hilgenfeld (‘Noch einmal die
Essier,’ Zeitschrift fiir wissensch. Theologie, Feb. 1900), but very
ably defended by Mr. F. C. Conybeare in the work mentioned
above, from which I have received much help in the following
notes. See also his article ‘Essenes’ in Hastings, Dict. B.

11] 879 ἃ 1 τῶν γνωρίμων. Cf. Philo, 481.11 of Μωῦσέως γνώριμοι.
The meaning ‘disciples’ is very common in Plutarch: see Mor.
63 Εἰ Λακύδης yap ὃ ᾿Αρκεσιλάου γνώριμος, x.7.d.

ὃ ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης. Philo’s words must not be pressed to
imply that Essenes had existed from the time of Moses: he only
means to ascribe their origin to the influence of his laws. His
language gives no support to the amusing exaggeration of Pliny
(Nat. Hist. v. 15) that ‘a people among whom there were no
births continued to exist through thousands of ages.’ The earliest
date definitely assigned to them is about 150 B.c., by Josephus,
Ant. Jud. xiii. 5. 9. Besides the present fragment and the
passage next quoted from Philo (Quod omnis probus liber, 457 M),
the chief ancient authority concerning the Essenes is Josephus,
Ant. Iud. xviii. 1.5; Bell. Iud. ii. 8. 2-13.

ἤλειψεν, & metaphor from the use of oil in training athletes.

ἃ 2 ‘Eocain, παρὰ τὴν ὁσιότητα. The derivation is repeated
with an apology for its inaccuracy by Philo in the next extract
381 c 2, and is assumed again in 384 Ὁ 1 Ἐσσαίων 7 ‘Ociwv.

b 1 τῆς Ἰουδαίας. ‘We know that the Essenes were confined
to Syria, Palestine, and Judaea not only from Philo who expressly
says 80, ii. 457 and 632’ (=379 ἃ 2, 381 Ὁ 6) but from Josephus

472

BOOK VIII. CHAPS, 10, II 379 b

and Pliny as well’ (F.C.C.). This distinguishes them from the
Therapeutae (τῶν θεωρίαν ἀσπασαμένων, Philo, 471) who were
widely diffused in Greece and Egypt (Philo, 474).

Ὁ 2 ὁμίλους. In L. and Sc. Ler. it is stated erroneously that
‘the word seems not to be used in pl.’

ἡ προαίρεσις, ‘the sect.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 1137 A οἱ ἀκολου-
θήσαντες τῇ τούτων προαιρέσει. Philo, 476. Σ μιμοῦνται τῆς προαιρέ-
σεως τὸν τρόπον : 481. 45 ἐὰν ὀψὲ τῆς προαιρέσεως ἐρασθῶσιν.

Ὁ 5 πρωτογένειος, ἣ μειράκιον. Cf. Philo, 479. 18 ἐφεδρεύουσιν
δὲ ἄλλοι μειράκια πρωτογένεια.

© 5 παρασκευαί. Cf. Philo, 479. 47 ἐπαινέσαντες οὐκ ὀλίγα τὴν
παρασκευὴν καὶ τὸν ἑστιάτορα τῆς πολυτελείας. Hor. Od. i. 38. 1

‘Persicos odi, puer, apparatus.’

C8 τοῦ κοινωφελοῦς. Cf. Philo, ii. 404 κοινωφελεῖς yap ai τοῦ
πρώτον ἡγεμόνος δωρεαί.

ἃ 2 ἐπαποδύντες, ‘having stripped for work.’ Cf. Aristoph.
Lys. 615

ἀλλ᾽ ἐπαποδυώμεθ᾽, ἄνδρες, τουτῳὶ τῷ πράγματι.

διαθλοῦσιν. Cf. Philo, 471. 12 διαθλητέον δὲ ὅμως καὶ δι-
αγωνιστέον.

οὐ κρυμόν, ov θάλπος. Cf. Philo, 477. 21 πρὸς ἀλέξημα κρυμοῦ
τε καὶ θάλπους.

880 b I χρειώδης, ‘in need of.? The usual meaning is ‘ needful ’
(L. and Sc. Lez.).

b 2 dopevilovres. Cf. Polyb. iii. 97. 5 ἀσμενίζοντες τῇ τῶν ἐπὶ
τάδε φιλίᾳ : Vi. 5. 4 ἀσμενίζοντες τῇ παρούσῃ καταστάσει.

b 6 éfwuides. This garment was a kind of tunic which had
only one sleeve (χιτὼν ἑτερομάσχαλος), and took its name from
leaving the right arm free: it could also be used as a cloak.
See the figure of Charon in Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Ant. ‘ Exomis.’

6 3 νοσηλεύεται. Cf. Isocr. 389 D ἐνοσήλευον αὐτὸν μετὰ παιδὸς
ἑνός.

C 7 προνομίας, “" privilege,’ a better reading than προνοίας. Cf.
Plut. Mor. 279 B ἔχει δὲ καὶ νῦν προνομίαν τινά.

ἃ 6 παλεῦσαι, ‘to decoy.’ Cf. Aristoph. Aves, 1082

τὰς περιστεράς θ᾽ ὁμοίως ξυλλαβὼν eip~as ἔχει
κἀπαναγκάζει παλεύειν.

ἃ 8 ὑπηκόων, the senses as servants of the mind.

881 ἃ 6 περιμάχητος. Cf. 388 ὁ 4.

s T 273

981 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

12] b 6 ἡ ἐν Παλαιστίῃ Συρία. In 398 Ὁ ‘Syria’ includes
Ascalon on the sea-coast of Palestine. But the expression ‘Syria
in Palestine’ is peculiar, and the readings vary. Viger suggests
ἡ ἐν Συρίᾳ Παλαιστίνη, ‘Palestine in Syria.’ In Richter’s edition
of Philo the reading is καὶ ἡ Παλαιστίνη καὶ Συρία.

Ὁ 2 οὐκ ἀκριβεῖ τύπῳ: Philo here confesses that the name
"Eooato: is not accurately formed from the Greek ὅσιος, but he
does not reject the derivation. This meaning is confirmed by
the next words.

[PoiBn}| τὸ Φοίβης δ᾽ ὄνομ᾽ ἔχει παρώνυμον.

‘In this case Phoebus was named from Phoebe his grandmother ;
hence the male name is παρώνυμον, or slightly changed from the
female’ (Paley). Aristot. Categ. i. 5 παρώνυμα δὲ λέγεται ὅσα ἀπό
twos διαφέροντα τῇ πτώσει THY κατὰ τοὔνομα προσηγορίαν ἔχει, οἷον
ἀπὸ τῆς γραμματικῆς ὃ γραμματικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνδρείας ὁ ἀνδρεῖος
(L. and Sc. Lex.). Philo’s vague and hesitating language gives
probability to Dr. Ginsburg’s suspicion that the name may have
been ‘coined by Philo and Josephus to suit the Greek readers.’
To the twenty conjectures enumerated by Ginsburg (Dict. Chr.
Biogr.) Edersheim (Jesus the Messiah, i. 332) adds another: ‘They
were the only real sect, strictly outsiders, and their name Essenes
(Econvol, Ἐσσαῖοι) seems the Greek equivalent for Chizonim,
“the outsiders.” ’ See also Lightfoot, Colossians, 115-8.

ἃ 6 ἀχρήματοι (καὶ ἀκτήμονες). The reading ἀκτήματοι is probably
due to the close connexion with ἀχρήματοι. Cf. Hom. Il. ix. 126

οὐδέ κεν ἀκτήμων ἐριτίμοιο χρυσοῖο.

882 a 3 εὐόλισθα. Cf. Plut. Mor. 878 D περιφερῆ καὶ λεῖα καὶ
εὐόλισθα (σώματα).

ἃ 4 ἀποδιοπομπούμενοι, ‘abjuring.’ Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Ler. ᾽Απο-
διοπομπεῖσθαι: ἀποπέμπεσθαι καὶ διωθεῖσθαι τὰ ἁμαρτήματα, συμπρά-
κτορι χρώμενος τῷ Ad... ‘Scriptores non ita vetusti metaphorice
usurpant pro rem aliquam procul amandare, reticere, respuere.’

Ὁ 3 παρευημερήσασα, ‘having been excessively prosperous.’ See
388 b 7, note.

Ὁ 5 λογοθήραις, known here only.

Ὁ 6 μετεωρολέσχαις. Cf. Plat. Rep. 489 C ἀχρήστους λεγομένους
Kai μετεωρολέσχας.

274

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 12, 13 382 ὁ

C 3 xaraxwy7s. The more correct form ‘except perhaps in late
writers’ i8 κατοκωχή, like ἀνοκωχή, ovvoxwyy. Plat. Jon 556 Ὁ
θείᾳ μοίρᾳ καὶ κατοκωχῇ. (L, and Sc. Lex.)

883 8 1 ἐπάλληλος, ‘close,’ ‘uninterrupted.’ Cf. 391 ἃ 10;
Polyb. ii. 69. 9 χρησάμενοι τῷ τῆς ἐπαλλήλον φάλαγγος ἰδιώματι.
The peculiarity of the Macedonian phalanx was that the men
besides standing shoulder to shoulder were one behind another,
three or even five deep. Polyb. xii. 18. 5 τριφαλαγγία ἐπάλληλος.

ἀνώμοτον. Cf. Eur. Hipp. 612
ἡ γλῶσσ᾽ ὁμώμοχ᾽ ἡ δὲ φρὴν ἀνώμοτος.

ἃ 4 ἀφέλειαν. Cf. Polyb. vi. 48. 4 καὶ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἀφέλεια.

b 3 ὁμοζήλων. Cf. Philo, i. 146 ᾿Αβραὰμ. . . Μωῦσῆν, καὶ εἴτις
αὐτοῖς ὁμόζηλος.

b μήποτε, ‘perhaps.’ Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. x. 1. 3 μή ποτε δὲ
ov καλῶς τοῦτο λέγεται. Buttmann, Demosth. Mid. Exc. vii. 135
‘Tironibus observo μήποτε hoc, quod proprie est interrogativum,
num forte, grammaticis usurpari sine omni interrogationis tenore
pro fortasse vel widetur.’

C 2 νοσηλείας. Cf. Plut. ii. 110 C Εὐριπίδης ἐπὶ τῶν τὰς μακρὰς
voonAcias ὑπομενόντων.

Ο 8 ἀδούλωτος. Cf. Orac. Sib, x. 22

ἠδὲ γυναικὸς ἀδουλώτον ὑπὸ δουρὶ πεσούσης.

ἃ 3 ἐκνικῆσαι eis, literally, ‘to force their way to.’ Cf. Thue.
i. 21 ἀπίστως ἐπὶ τὸ μυθῶδες ἐκνενικηκότα. Athen. 276 D, quoted
399 © 4.

ἃ 5 ἱερεύοντες, ‘slaughtering like victims in sacrifice.’ Hom. Jl.
Xviii. 559 βοῦν δ᾽ ἱερεύσαντες μέγαν duderov. Od. ii. 56.

ἃ 7 τὸ παρακεκινημένον καὶ λελυττηκός. Cf. Philo, 477. 33;
Lucian, 131 ὑπόθερμον δὲ γύναιον καὶ παρακεκινημένον, οἷον δὴ τὴν
λύτταν καὶ τὴν ὀργὴν δεικνύουσα.

8848, 2 ἄλεκτον. Cf. Polyb. xxx. 13. 12 ἄλεκτον ἦν τὸ συμβαῖνον.

ἃ 3 τῶν Εἰς τὸν Νόμον. This title includes all Philo’s treatises
on the books of Moses, from the first of which, On the Creation
of the World, the following extract is taken. See Philo, i. 2,
Mangey.

13] 3885 a 4 συνεκτικώτατα. Cf. 317 ἃ 2, note.
&5 ἔγνω δὴ ὅτι, the true text of Philo, is corrupted in the
Ta 278

335 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

MSS. of Eusebius into διότι : δή has its usual inferential sense ‘ of
course,’ or ‘ then.’

ἃ 6 δραστήριον. Owing to the repetition of the word δραστήριον
one whole line has been omitted in the MSS. of Eusebius. Read
τὸ μὲν εἶναι δραστήριον αἴτιον, τὸ δὲ παθητόν' καὶ ὅτι τὸ μὲν
δραστήριον κιτ.λ.

ἃ 9 παθητικόν. Cf. Aristot. Categ. viii. 8 παθητικαὶ ποιότητες.

Ὁ 3 τῶν εἰς εὐσέβειαν. In the text of Philo ἠκόντων is added,
as in Polyb. xii. 15. 9 τὰ πρὸς ἔπαινον ἥκοντα περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα. But
the same sense is sufficiently indicated by τῶν εἰς εὐσέβειαν.

Ὁ 9 ᾿Απεριμάχητον, ‘not worth fighting for,’ ‘ undesirable.’ This
is Philo’s text, and corresponds with the use of περιμάχητος in
381 a6. In the present passage περιμάχητον, the reading of the
MSS. of Eusebius, would have a different meaning ‘to be fought
against.’

ἃ 4 ἐν τῷ Περὶ Προνοίας. The following important fragment
of the lost work On Providence is preserved in Greek by Eusebius
only. Cf. 336 b, note.

14] 386 a 3 φθορᾶς. In editing the fragment Mangey reads
φορᾶς, ‘chance,’ without authority.

bi ἐπικωμάζει refers to the riotous entrance of a κῶμος. Cf.
Callim. Ep. xlii

Ei μὲν ἑκών, "Apyiv’, ἐπεκώμασα, μυρία μέμφου.

Ὁ 5 εὐμοιρίαν. Cf. Lucian, Eunuch. 366 σχῆμα καὶ σώματος εὐμοι-
ρίαν προσεῖναι φιλοσόφῳ δεῖν.

b 8 dvacxevyv. Cf. Quintil. ii. 4 ‘Narrationibus non inutiliter
subiungitur opus destruendi confirmandique eas, quod dvacxevy et
κατασκενή vocatur.’

ἃ 3 τημελοῦσιι Cf. Eur. Iph. in Aul. 731

Χώρει πρὸς "Apyos παρθένους τε τημέλει.
ἀσπόνδων. Cf. Demosth. 314. 16 ἦν γὰρ ἄσπονδος καὶ ἀκήρυκτος
ὑμῖν πρὸς τοὺς θεατὰς πόλεμος.

887 ἃ 9 ὀξνωπέστερος. Cf. Apollod. iii. 10. 3. 4 Λυγκεὺς δὲ
ὀξυδερκίᾳ διήνεγκεν, ὡς καὶ τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς θεωρεῖν.

Ὁ 3 δαίμονα. There is a play on the words δαίμων and εὐδαίμων,
which it is difficult to preserve in translation.

Ὁ 7 δεκασθέντες. Δεκασμός was the name for bribery, answering

276

BOOK VIII. CHAPS. 13, 14 387 b

to the Latin ‘decuriatio.? At Athens it was punished by death.
Cf. Aesch. 12 μαρτυρεῖν τὸν μὲν ὡς ἐδέκαζε, τὸν δὲ ὡς ἐδεκάζετο,
K.T.A.
Ὁ 8 παλεῦσαι. Cf. 380d 6.
ἀνερματίστους. Cf. Plat. Theaet. 144 A φέρονται ὡς τὰ ἀνερμά-
τιστα πλοῖα.

C1 xypaive, Cf. Eur. Hippol. 223 τί ποτ᾽, ὦ τέκνον, τάδε
κηραίνεις; Cf. Soph. Trach. 29 xeivov προκηραίνγουσα. Instead of
deriving the dissimilar meanings of xypaivw from some one root,
as Paley does, connecting it with cura, it is better to recognize
two distinct derivations, from «jp, ‘doom,’ ‘ death,’ and xp (κέαρ),
‘the heart.’ Cf. L. and Sc. Lee.

C 6 δευτερείοις ἄθλων. Cf. Plat. Phil. 22 D τῶν μὲν οὖν νικητη-
ρίων πρὸς τὸν κοινὸν βίον οὐκ ἀμφισβητῶ πω ὑπὲρ νοῦ, τῶν δὲ δὴ
δευτερείων ὁρᾶν καὶ σκοπεῖν χρὴ πέρι τί δράσομεν.

ἃ 4 ὅμοιον τροφῆς. The genitive cannot depend on ὅμοιον for
the supposed instances given in L. and Sc. Lex. ed. 7 admit
a better explanation. ‘Vel scr. τροφῇ vel mox εὐπορία xai’
(Mang.). Cf. Viger, De Idiot. Gr. 122 ‘Ov x ὅμοιον ἐν μέσῃ τῇ
θαλάσσῃ. . . τὴν εὐψυχίαν τὴν αὐτοῦ δεικνύναι καὶ καθήμενον ἔξω τῆς
ζάλης ὑπὸ τῷ Taxi. Aristid. Or. pro Quatuorviris p. 225’ (H.).

ἃ 9 φορᾶς. In Mangey’s Philo φθορᾶς is an evident corruption.
φορᾶς may mean either a ‘ crop’ (πλήθει φορᾶς) or, more probably,
from the addition of ἀκατασχέτῳ and ἀναχέηται, ‘a stream’ or
‘ flood.’

888 a 2 érarodwres. Cf. 379 ἃ 2.

@ 3 κονιόμεθα. Cf. Aristoph. Eccles. 1177 εἶτα κόνισαι λαβὼν
λέκιθον. Plut. Mor. 752 A κονίεται δὲ καὶ ψυχρολουτεῖ: 966 C
πρῶτον οὖν ὅρα τὰς προθέσεις καὶ παρασκενὰς ταύρων ἐπὶ μάχῃ Kovio-

μένων. Lucian, Anachar. 31 χρισάμεγοι τῷ ἐλαίῳ καὶ κονισάμενοι

πρόϊτε.
a 5 ddudotaros. Cf. 777 ἃ 13 ἀδιάστατος . . . τῶν ἄστρων
στρατός.

ἃ 6 προβάτων . . . ἄνθος. See Schol. in Hom. Jl, xiii. 599
olds yap ἀώτῳ, προβάτον ἄνθει, ὅ ἐστιν, ἐρίῳ
«αὐτὴν δὲ ξυνέδησεν tiotpédy οἱὸς ἀώτῳ.
Ὁ 4 ὑψαυχενεῖν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 324 E Κάμιλλον, ὃν εὐτυχῶν μὲν
καὶ tWavxevov ὁ δῆμος ἀπεσείσατο.
377

988 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ παρενημερούμενον tr αὐτῶν, literally ‘surpassed in prosperity.’
The active verb is found in Philo, i. 19 νυνὶ δὲ πάντων ὅσα λέλεκται
παρευημερησάντων.

6 4 καλλιγράφων, ‘painters.’ The reference in L. and Sc. Ler. to
Pollux, v. 102 τὸ πρόσωπον (καλλιγραφεῖν), shows that καλλιγράφος
need not be limited to scribes. Cf. Lobeck, Phryn. 122.

G10 περίστωα. Cf. Diod. Sic. v. 40 ἔν re ταῖς οἰκίαις τὰ περίστοα
(sic) πρὸς τὰς τῶν θεραπενόντων ὄχλων ταραχὰς ἐξεῦρον.

γυναικωνίτιδας. Cf. Lys. 92. 28 οἰκίδιόν ἐστί μοι διπλοῦν,
ἴσα ἔχον τὰ ἄνω τοῖς κάτω, κατὰ τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν
ἀνδρωνῖτιν.

889 a 4 (ἐάσαντες) Vig. If ἄξαντες, the reading of the MSS.,
be retained, the meaning will be ‘having broken through.’

[τῶν σωματοφυλάκων]. ‘Manifestum huius loci vitium est,
cui nihil opis afferunt MSS. Reponi forte possit ἢ ὑπηκόων τῶν ἐν
τέλει καὶ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων θεραπείαν edoavres’ (Viger). It is
better to regard τῶν σωματοφυλάκων as a marginal gloss intended
to explain more precisely the meaning of τῶν ἐν τέλει.

8 5 λιθοκόλλητοι, ‘set with precious stones.’ Cf. Strab. 778
ἐλέφαντος καὶ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρον λιθοκολλήτου.

ἃ 6 trAGpt γεγραφημέναι. ‘In verbo λίθῳ latere vitium apparet ’
(Heinichen). λιθογεγραφημέναι I, and λιθογραφημέναι BO, are
equally open to Viger’s objection, ‘Quid sit λίθῳ γεγραφῆσθαι non
intelligo.” It is not improbable that λίθῳ or λιθο- has been
interpolated from λιθοκόλλητοι in the line above. |

bi ἀπαμφιάσαντες. Cf. Philo, 264 ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀπαμφιάσασα.
Plut. Mor. 406 D ξυστίδας μαλακὰς ἀπημφίώαζε.

Ὁ 3 χιτωνίσκους. Of the diminutives χιτωνίσκος and χιτώνιον
the former is a man’s ‘ shirt,’ the latter a ‘chemise.’ Cf. Demosth.
0. Mid. 583. 21 θοιμάτιον προέσθαι καὶ μικροῦ γυμνὸν ἐν τῷ χιτωνίσκῳ
γενέσθαι.

b 8 τυφοπλαστοῦσιν is the reading of IO, the best MSS. of
Eusebius. ‘Erit autem stolide ambitioseque confingere ’ (Viger).
But Viger and Dindorf substitute τυφλοπλαστοῦσιν, which is
strongly supported by Philo, i. 521 M. καταφρονητικῶς ἔχειν ἀναδι-
δάξει τῶν ὅσα ai κεναὶ δόξαι τυφλοπλαστοῦσι, and ii. 345 μιμολόγων
ἢ τυφλοπλαστῶν.

278

BOOK ΥἹὯΙΙ. CHAP. 14 389 c

little more than a periphrasis in prose as well as in the Tragedians,
‘With some insatiable form of desire’ (J, B. Mayor).

διῴδηκε. Cf. Strab. 173 ἄρχεσθαι διοιδεῖν τὴν θάλατταν.
Lucian, Necyom. 18 ἔτι μέντοι ἐπεφύσητο αὐτῷ (τῷ Σωκράτει) καὶ
διῳδήκει ἐκ τῆς φαρμακοποσίας τὰ σκέλη.

890 a 4 [παρῆν], bracketed by Gaisford as having no authority
from MSS., but probably inserted by Stephens to make the
construction clearer.

ἃ 6 ἠλόγουν. Cf. Hdt. iii. 125 Πολυκράτης δὲ πάσης συμβουλίας
ἀλογήσας ἔπλεε.

c 5 Ἔνθα φόνοι. The passage is an imperfect quotation οὗ a
verse of Empedocles:

Κλαῦσά τε καὶ κώκυσα ἰδὼν ἀσυνήθεα χῶρον,
ἔνθα Φόνος τε Κότος τε καὶ ἄλλων ἔθνεα ηρῶν,
αὐχμηραί τε νόσοι καὶ σήψιες ἔργα τε ῥευστά.
The first line is quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. ili. 516.
ο 6 ἐναλλάττεσθαι, ‘to receive in exchange.’ Cf, Soph. 47. 208

τί δ᾽ ἐνήλλακται τῆς ἠρεμίας νὺξ ἧδε βάρος ;

C 7 χορηγός seems to mean here one who supplies the means of
paying the penalties mentioned just before: it stands in apposi-
tion to βαρυδαιμονίας. Cf. Aeschin. 54 λήψεται χορηγὸν τῇ βδελυρίᾳ
τῇ éavrov: 84 χορηγὸν ταῖς καθ᾽ ἡμέραν δαπάναις. The story of
Polycrates is related in full detail by Herodotus, iii. 120-5.
He was impaled not by the King of Persia, Cambyses, but by
Oroetes, Satrap of Sardis.

ἃ 1 Oléa, ἔφη. The construction is incomplete: read OlSa (δ᾽)
ἔφη.

δόξαντα. This dream occurred not to Polycrates himself but
to his daughter. It was fulfilled when Polycrates hanging upon
the cross was washed by the rain from heaven, and anointed by
the sun with the moisture drawn out by the heat from his own
body.

ἃ 9 dvyvirov. Cf. Plat. Legg. 735 Β μάταιος ἂν ὁ πόνος εἴη καὶ
ἀνήνυτος : 936 C εὐχαῖς βίον ἀνηνύτοις ξυλλεγόμενος.

εὐλαβείας. Mangey suspects that the name Διονυσίου has
fallen out. Cf. 391 ὁ 8.

891 a 1 θυμηρεστάτην.υ Cf. Hom, Il. ix. 336 ἔχει δ᾽ ἄλοχον
Ovpapéa. Philo, 481. 39 προσεύχονται τῷ θεῷ θυμήρη γενέσθαι. ..
τὴν εὐωχίαν.

279

9391 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

' 8 δὶ dveipova. Cf. Hom. Od. ili. 348
ἢ παρὰ πάμπαν dveipovos He πενιχροῦ.

8 8 ἐδάφους. Cf. Hdt. viii. 137 περιγράφει τῇ μαχαίρῃ ἐς τὸ
ἔδαφος τοῦ οἴκον τὸν ἥλιον. Aeschin. 134 περὶ τοῦ τῆς πατρίδος
ἐδάφους (ἀγωνίζεσθαι).

τάφρου γεωργικῆς. Cf. Cic. Tusc. Disput. v. 20 ‘Quumque
duas uxores haberet,...sic noctu ad eas ventitabat ut omnia
specularetur et perscrutaretur ante. Et quum fossam latam
cubiculari lecto circumdedisset, eiusque fossae transitum ponti-
culo ligneo coniunxisset, eum ipsum, quum forem cubiculi
clauserat, detorquebat.’

b 5 δι᾽ ἀπορρῶγος ὄρους. “ Eus. uses διά in the same way below
(392 ¢ 7) διὰ λόφου τραχέος, where one would have expected xara’
(J. B. Mayor).

ἀπορρῶγος. Cf. Hom. Od. xiii. 98
δύο δὲ προβλῆτες ἐν αὐτῷ
ἀκταὶ ἀπορρῶγες.

Ὁ 6 κρημνοβατοῦσιν. Strab. 711 κερκοπιθήκους, ot λίθους κατα-
κυλίουσι κρημνοβατοῦντες ἐπὶ τοὺς διώκοντας.

ἃ 3 ὑπεραιωρηθῆναι πέλεκυν. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 1. 17

‘Destrictus ensis cui super impia
Cervice pendet.’

892 a 1 ἑρπηνώδους. Cf. Philo, ii. 64 νόσος ... ἣν ἰατρῶν
παῖδες ὀνομάζουσιν tpwyra. Kai yap αὕτη πᾶσι τοῖς μέρεσιν ἐπι-
φοιτῶσα κιτιλ. The description applies to shingles rather than
cancer.

ἃ 2 ἀθεράπευτον. Cf. Lucian, Ocypus 27

ἀντέδακα τοῦτον ἀθεράπευτον εὐστόχως.

8 4 ἀγκιστρενομένοι. Cf. Philo, ii. 265 τὼ ὀφθαλμώ, οἷς τὰς

τῶν νέων ἀγκιστρεύεται ψυχάς.
εἰδεχθῶν. Cf. Polyb. xxxvii. 2. 1 Προυσίας ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰδεχθὴς
by κατὰ τὴν ἔμφασιν.

ἃ δ τῆς ὄψεως ὑπογραφαῖς. Cf. Xen. Cyr. i. 3. 2 δρῶν δὴ αὐτὸν
κεκοσμημένον καὶ ὀφθαλμῶν ὑπογραφῇ καὶ χρώματος ἐντρίψει καὶ
κομαῖς προσθέτοις.

b 3 ἐπὶ συνουσίᾳ τιμωριῶν. Cf. Soph. Philoct. 520

ὅταν δὲ πλησθῇς τῆς νόσου gvvovoig.
Ὁ πολύκρεων, found only here.
C 3 τὸν ἱερὸν πόλεμον ἐν Φωκίδι. Viger and all subsequent
280

BOOK VIII. CHAP. 14 392 ς

editors insert a second article after πόλεμον, contrary to the
testimony of all the MSS., and in disregard of a well-known
usage. When the article is immediately followed by an attribu-
tive, a second attributive either preceding or following the sub-
stantive does not require a second article, unless a distinctive
emphasis is to be laid upon it. Thus we may write either τὸν
ἱερὸν πόλεμον ἐν Φωκίδι, Or τὸν ἱερὸν ἐν Φωκίδι πόλεμον, or τὸν ἱερὸν
πόλεμον τὸν ἐν Φωκίδι, the last form expressly distinguishing the
sacred war in Phocis from some other sacred war, Cf. Thue. i, 11
τοῦ νῦν περὶ αὐτῶν διὰ τοὺς ποιητὰς λόγου κατεσχηκότος : i, 18 τὴν
τῶν τυράννων κατάλυσιν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος : i. gO τὴν ἐς τὸν Μηδικὸν
πόλεμον τόλμαν γενομένην : Vi. 46 τά τε ἐξ αὐτῆς Ἐγέστης ἐκπώματα
καὶ χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργνρᾶ ξυλλέξαντεςς ‘ Mireris hic et paulo post ante
καὶ Powe. articulum non esse repetitum. Sed haec omissio eadem
transpositione videtur excusanda esse quam de participiis adnota-
vimus ad i. 90’ (Poppo, Thuc. vi. 46). Plut. Mor. 480 A τῆς πρὸς
ἀδελφὸν εὐνοίας BeBatov. See Bernhardy, Gr. Synt. 323; Jelf, Gk.
Gr. 459. 3» 4» 5

C 5 συλήσαντας τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἱερόν. Pausanias, x. 2, says
that he cannot ascertain why the Phocians were fined by the
Amphictyonic Council. Diodorus Siculus tells the whole story
at great length (xvi. 23-31), and says that the Phocians were
fined for encroachments upon the sacred territory of Cirrha.

Strab. 421, referring to the wealth of Delphi, quotes the
lines of Homer, Jl. ix. 404
οὐδ᾽ doa Adivos οὐδὸς ἀφήτορος ἐντὸς ἐέργει
Φοίβου ᾿Απόλλωνος Πυθοῖ én πετρηέσσῃ.
Polybius has a passing allusion to the story (ix. 33. 4): Ὀνόμ-
apxos καὶ Φιλόμηλος, καταλαβόμενοι Δελφούς, ἀσεβῶς καὶ παρανόμως
ἐγένοντο κύριοι τῶν τοῦ θεοῦ χρημάτων.

Cc 8 κατακρημνισθῆνα. He is said to have thrown himself
voluntarily over a precipice: see the description in Diod. Sic.
Xvi. 31 ὁ δὲ Φιλόμηλος ἐκθύμως ἀγωνισάμενος, καὶ πολλοῖς τραύ-
μασι περιπεσών, εἴς τινα κρημνώδη τόπον συνεκλείσθη" οὐκ ἔχων δὲ
διέξοδον, καὶ φοβούμενος τὴν ἐκ τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας αἰκίαν, ἑαυτὸν
κατεκρήμνισε.

ἀφηνιάσαντος. ‘I think it has lost its purely literal mean-

ing and only implies “a run-away horse.” It is a favourite

word with Clement’ (J. B. Mayor). Diodorus xvi. 35 gives a
281

392 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

different account, 6 δὲ Φίλιππος τὸν μὲν Ὀνόμαρχον ἐκρέμασε, τοὺς
δ᾽ ἄλλους ὡς ἱεροσύλους κατεπόντισε.

dr ἀχανῆ. Cf. Plut. Mor. 16 Ο οἱ πρὸς ἀχανὲς θέοντες ἱστίοις
πέλαγος. “ Vastum mare, quasi infinito hiatu’ (Wyttenb.). ἀχανὲς
πέλαγος is a favourite phrase with Plutarch.

ἃ 2 δές For δέ read δ᾽ 4, as διττὸς γάρ implies that an alterna-
tive has been already suggested.

φθινάδι νόσῳ. Diod. Sic. xvi. 38 αὐτὸς δὲ (Φάῦϊθλλος) περιπεσὼν
νόσῳ φθινάδι, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀρρωστήσας ἐπιπόνως καὶ τῆς ἀσεβείας
οἰκείως κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον.

ἃ 3 τῷ ἐνΑβαις ἱερῷς:Ἡ Cf. Pausan. x. 888, who mentions that
the temple at Abae had been burnt by the army of Xerxes, and
remained in a half-ruinous state, ‘until in the Phocian war some
Phocians beaten in battle fled thither for refuge, and the Thebans,
like the Persians before them, burnt both the temple and the
fugitives.’

893 ἃ 6 aiydle. Cf. Soph. Philoct. 217 ναὸς ἄξενον αὐγάζων
ὅρμον.

ἀπαμπίσχων, an equivalent but rarer form than ἀπαμφιέννυμι
and ἀπαμφιάζω, 389 Ὁ 1.

Ὁ 6 ἐπιτειχισμός. Thuc. i. 122. 1 ἐπιτειχισμὸς τῇ χώρᾳ.

© 3 ἀποδέον. Cf. Plut. Mor. 335 C διαθέσει χορηγίας βασιλικῆς
οὐκ ἀποδεούσῃ χρώμενος. In Eusebius it seems rather to mean
‘useless,’ ‘ unsatisfactory.’

39485 δαπανήσαντες.ς Cf. Thuc. iv. 3 τὴν πόλιν δαπανᾶν. ‘I
prefer Suidas’s interpretation, that δαπανᾶν is here used to signify
els ἀναλώματα μεγάλα ἐμβάλλειν. Compare Antiphon, de Caede
Herodis, 719 (Reiske) ἀνὴρ ὃν ἐδαπάνησαν, i.e. whom they exhausted
with tortures’ (Arnold).

b 1 ἀποδιοπομπεῖται. Cf. 382 a 4, note.

ΟΣ ὑποικουροῦντα. Cf. 70 Ὁ 11, 101 ἃ 6.

Ὁ 3 συνδιαπονήσαντες, literally ‘by working it out together.’
For this Mangey substitutes συνδιαπορήσαντες, ‘by discussing it
together,’ with which compare 399 ἃ 9 τῶν ὑπὸ σοῦ διαπορη-
θέντων.

895 ἃ 6 καταιονούμενοι. The simple verb αἰονάω occurs in
Aesch. Fr. 366 ἠόνησα. Cf. Lucian, Leriph. 5 rvéAw καταιονηθέντες,
‘being bathed in a tub.’ In medical writers xarasovéw (or -vdw)
means to ‘foment.’ So Plut. Mor. 74 D ἐνέβρεξαν προσηνῶς καὶ

282

BOOK VIII. CHAP, 14 395 a

κατῃόνησαν, on which Wyttenbach quotes Athen. i. 44 ἔστι καὶ
τρόπος ἕτερος καμάτων λύσεως ἐκ τῶν κατὰ κεφαλῆς καταιονήσεων, ANd
other passages.

b 1 ἀπειροκάλων. ᾿ The ‘unrefined’ being accustomed to bathe
only in water, and to shake off the drops, do the same with the
oil, which is meant to be rubbed in.

b 5 ἅλως. Cf. Aesch. Theb. 484

ἅλω δὲ πολλήν, ἀσπίδος κύκλον λέγω,
ἔφριξα δινήσαντος.

Ὁ 6 (αὐγῶν), a good conjecture by Mangey for αὐτῶν, an evident
corruption in the MSS.

ἐπακολουθήματα. Cf. 397 Ὁ 4 τὰ ἰοβόλα γέγονεν οὐ κατὰ
πρόνοιαν, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἐπακολούθησιν, i.e. ‘as consequential effects.’

C7 Καὶ μὲν δή. Riddell, Apol. Socr. ‘ Digest of Idioms,’ 188.

ἃ 3 πυρσείαις. Polybius (x. 43) gives a very interesting descrip-
tion of three methods of signalling by means of beacon-fires, the
first being very simple, the second a more elaborate but clumsy
system introduced by Aeneas Tacticus, and the third devised by
Cleoxenus and Democleitus, and improved by Polybius himself,
who connected it with a fixed code of the letters of the Greek
alphabet.

ἃ 6 Geias .. . φύσεσιν. Philo does not mean that the natures
of the sun and moon are actually ‘divine,’ but only that they
are of great excellence.

ἃ μηνύματα. Cf. Milton, Par. Lost, i. 594; Verg. Georg.
i. 463

‘Solem quis dicere falsum
Audeat? Ille etiam caecos instare tumultus
Saepe monet fraudemque et operta tumescere bella.’
ἃ 8 Πίνδαρος pvigaro. Pind. Fr. (74) Donaldson, Hyporch. 4,
Dissen, Ὁ. 8
πολέμου δ᾽ εἰ σᾶμα φέρεις τινός, ἣ καρποῦ φθίσιν,
ἢ νιφετοῦ σθένος ὑπέρφατον,
ἢ στάσιν οὐλομέναν, ἢ πόντον κενέωσιν ἀνὰ πέδον,
ἢ παγετὸν χθονός, ἣ νότιον θέρος ὕδατι ζακότῳ διερόν,
ἢ γαῖαν κατακλύσαισα θήσεις ἀνδρῶν νέον ἐξ ἀρχᾶς γένος,
ὀλοφυρομένων πάντων μέτα πείσομαι.
I do not find in the passage previously quoted from Pindar (Fr.
58) by Philo, 511 M., any reference to an eclipse: it speaks
383

395d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

only of Delos. Philo may have been thinking of Fr. 74, as
quoted above.

896 a 1 δυσαιτιολόγητος, found only here.

Ὁ 8 συνεκτικώτατα.υ Cf. 317 a 2. Here the word seems to
refer to the chief laws or rather forces which hold the world
together.

C I orparapxiats. The usual term for the office is στρατηγία,
common in Polybius. Cf. Pind. Pyth. vi. 31; Isthm. iv. 44

καὶ στράταρχον Αἰθιόπων ἄφοβον
Μέμνονα χαλκοάραν.

ἃ 8 κλισιάδων. Cf. Hdt. ix. 9 μεγάλαι κλισιάδες ἀναπεπτέαται ἐς

τὴν Πελοπόννησον τῷ Πέρσῃ.
θαλαμενομένοις, ‘shut up in their chambers.’

897 ἃ 5 καταδύσεσι. Cf. Athen. 477 D ἄλλοι δὲ ἐτυμολογοῦσιν
αὐτὸ τοῦ χεῖσθαι, τὸ δ᾽ ἐστὶ χωρεῖν"

Οὐδὸς δ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους ὅδε χείσεται.
Καὶ ἡ τοῦ ὄφεως κατάδυσις χειὴ ἡ καταδεχομένη τὸ ζῶον.

ἃ 8 ἀλογιστί. Cf. Polyb. v. 15. 3 ὑπό τε τῆς μέθης καὶ τῆς
ἀλογιστίας ἐλαυνόμεναι.

Ὁ 2 κατηλοήθησαν. Cf. Xen. Cyr. vii. 1. 31 τοὺς δὲ πίπτοντας
κατηλόων καὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ ὅπλα καὶ ἵπποις καὶ τροχοῖς.

ἃ 6 ὕστριχας, properly “ porcupines’: but the name was given
to a scourge knotted with sharp pieces of iron such as in 1 Kings
ΧΙ. 11, 14 are called ‘scorpions.’

398 Ὁ 4 ἐστελλόμην. Swete, Intr. O. T. in Gk. 8 ‘No colony
was more dutiful than the Alexandrian. The possession of a local
temple at Leontopolis did not weaken its devotion to the temple at
Jerusalem ; pilgrimages were still made to Jerusalem at the great
festivals (Philo, ap. Eus. praep. eo. viii. 14. 64; cf. Acts ii. 10).’

ἃ 3 Χώρα δ᾽ ἡ Κυκλώπων has no finite verb. Viger suggests ἐν
χώρᾳ δὲ τῇ Κυκλώπων. Mangey supposes that some words are
omitted.

899 a 2 This was one of the boasts of the Athenians: Eurip.
Medea, 825

iepas
Χώρας ἀπορθήτον τ᾽ ἀποφερβόμενοι
κλεινοτάταν σοφίαν, ἀεὶ διὰ λαμπροτάτον
βαίνοντες ἁβρῶς αἰθέρος.
Plat. Tim. 24 Ο ἡ Θεὸς . . . ἐκλεξαμένη τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ γεγένησθε,
284

BOOK VI. CHAP. 14 399 a

τὴν εὐκρασίαν τῶν ὡρῶν ἐν αὐτῷ κατιδοῦσα, ὅτι φρονιμωτάτους ἄνδρας
οἷσοι. Cic. De Fato, 4 ‘Athenis tenue caclum, ex quo etiam
acutiores putantur Attici.” Dion Chrysostom, Or. vii. εἶναι yap
τὴν χώραν ἀραιάν, καὶ τὸν ἀέρα κοῦφον.

ἃ 4 οὗ γῆ. For which the MSS. of Eusebius read αὐγή : ‘the
light is dry.’ Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 80, n. 2 ‘ That the true
reading in this place is not, as in some texts, αὐγή or αὐγῇ (one
text has ξηρῇ ψυχῇ) but οὗ γῇ is clear from the passage in Philo’s
De Prowid. ii. 109 In terra sicca animus est sapiens ac virtutis
amans.’

Bywater, Heracl. Rel. Fr. 1xxiv-lxxvi, gives three forms of
the saying :

Fr. 1xxiv. Ady ψυχὴ σοφωτάτη καὶ ἀρίστη.

Fr. 1xxv. t Αὐγὴ ξηρὴ ψνχὴ σοφωτάτη καὶ ἀρίστη t.

Fr. Ἰχχυὶ. + Οὗ γῇ ξηρὴ ψνχὴ σοφωτάτη καὶ ἀρίστη t.

That the first is the original form seems to be confirmed by
the context in Stob. Flor. v. 120 ἀνὴρ ὁκόταν μεθνυσθῇ, ἄγεται ὑπὸ
παιδὸς ἀνήβου σφαλλόμενος, οὐκ ἐπαΐων ὅκῃ βαίνει, ὑγρὴν τὴν ψυχὴν
ἔχων. ain ψυχὴ σοφωτάτη καὶ ἀρίστη. It is quoted again in this
form in Stob. Flor. xvii. 43.

On the contrary the context in Philo seems to be in favour
of the form Οὗ γῆ ξηρή κ-τ.λ.

The second form is quoted by Galen, t. i. p. 346 ed. Bas. καὶ
yap οὗτος (Ἡράκλειτος) οὕτως elev’ Αὐγὴ ξηρὴ ψυχὴ σοφωτάτη, τὴν
ξηρότητα πάλιν ἀξιῶν εἶναι συνέσεως αἰτίαν.

‘Respic. Porphyrius ἀφορμ. πρὸς τὰ νοητά 33, p. 78 Holst.
(p. 233 Cantab.): ὅταν δὲ μελετήσῃ ἀφίστασθαι φύσεως, αὐγὴ ξηρὰ
γίνεται, ἄσκιος καὶ ἀνέφελος---Οοπῇ. Ficinus de 7ηππιοτί. anim. viii.
13 ut placet Orphicis et Heraclito, lumen nihil aliud est nisi
visibilis anima, . .. anima vero lux invisibilis ’ (Bernays).

b 2 airiov, the reading of all the chief MSS. of Eusebius, means
that the air is the cause of intelligence, as is implied in the
quotations given above. If aepos αὐτοῦ be adopted, as by
Mangey, Phil. Jud. 647, the meaning will be ‘out of air alone,’
i.e. unmixed with the vapours from earth and water. Gaisford
gives up the passage as corrupt: ‘ Mancus videtur huius loci sensus.’

C 4 προσοψήμασιν, whatever is eaten in addition to bread. Cf.
Athen. 276 D πάντων τῶν προσοψημάτων ὄψων καλουμένων ἐξενίκησεν
ὃ ἰχθὺς διὰ τὴν ἐξαίρετον ἐδωδὴν μόνος οὕτως καλεῖσθαι.

285

403 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

BOOK ΙΧ

1] 408 © 5 ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματος, ‘by name.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 1120 C
τούτους ἐλέγχειν ἐπ᾿ ὀνόματος.

C 9 ὡς ἂν μάθοις. ‘Rectius μάθῃς, et mox τῆς Ἑλλήνων ’ (Gais-
ford). For this use of the optative after a future compare Xen.
Anab. iv. 3. 14 BovAevovpeba ὅπως ἂν ἄριστα ἀγωνιζοίμεθα, and see
Bernhardy, Griech. Synt. 400; Jelf, Gk. Gr. 810. 1.

G1 τῶν Ἑλλήνων. For τῶν IO read τῆς, which should there-
fore have been adopted. But τῶν in itself is equally correct, as
a brachylogy like κόμαι Xapirecow ὁμοῖαι (Hom. Il. xvii. 51):
ἅρματα ὁμοῖα ἐκείνῳ (Ken. Cyr. vi. 1. 50) for ὁμοῖα rots ἐκείνου
ἅρμασιν.

ἃ 3 συνασκήσεως, “ practice,’ ‘active exercise.’ Cf. Clem, Al.
443 τὸ δύνασθαι πάρεστιν ἐκ συνασκήσεως ηὐξηκόσι τοῦτος Sext.
Emp. Math. vii. 146 ἐκ τῆς πρὸς τὸν λογισμὸν συνασκήσεως : Math.
ix. 248 γενόμενος φρόνιμος ἔκ τινος συνασκήσεως.

2] 404a1 θυσίν. The reading in Porphyry is συνήθειαν.

a 2 ζωοθυτούντων. There is evidently some corruption in the
text of this sentence both in Porphyry and Eusebius. If we
retain ζωοθυτούντων, with the best MSS. of Eusebius, we must
either alter ᾿Ιουδαῖοι into Ιουδαίας, or omit it as spurious: Nauck
brackets it as spurious, and, I think, rightly. The whole passage
is quite inapplicable to the Jews.

b I ov yap ἑστιώμενοι. ‘Ignota et falsa loquitur Theophrastus ’
(Viger). On Theophrastus see 28 ὁ, note 8. On the sacrifice of
animals and the sacrificial banquet in Egypt see Masp. i. 122,
266.

Ὁ 4 ὁ πανόπτης. Nauck adopts the conjecture of Bernays by
reading (Ἥλιος) & πανόπτης.

Ὁ 8 θεοκλυτοῦντες should have been translated ‘calling upon
them as gods.’

© 2 οὐκ ἐπιθυμᾳ. Human sacrifices, though not unknown
among the Syrians, were utterly abhorred by the Jews. Cf.
2 Kings iii. 27.

286

BOOK IX, CHAPS, I-3 404 d

9] Gtr ἱστορεῖ ὁ Πορφύριος. Porphyry quotes the whole descrip-
tion from Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 8, mentioning also the shorter
passage in Antiq. xviii. 1. 5, and another passage in the treatise
Πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, or Contra Apionem, which is not now to be
found there.

ἃ 2 οἱ Ἔσσαϊῖοι. See the notes on 381 c 2 and c 3.

ἃ 5 trepoyia. Cf. Thuc. i. 84 ἀμαθέστερον τῶν νόμων τῆς brep-
οψίας παιδευόμενοι.

ἃ 9 φυλαττόμενοι. Porphyry and Eusebius here omit a clause
which is added in Josephus: καὶ μηδεμίαν τηρεῖν πεπεισμένοι τὴν
πρὸς ἕνα πίστιν.

406 ἃ 3 τῷ τάγματι, usually applied to a body of troops as in
Xenophon and Polybius.

ἃ 7 αὐχμεῖν. The original meaning of the root avw, ‘ uro,’
seems to be retained in αὐχμός, ‘drought,’ and αὐχμεῖν, ‘to be
dry,’ as the opposite of being anointed with oil.

ἃ 9 αἱρετοὶ πρὸς ἁπάντων. With Nauck I have adopted this
reading from Josephus, as I do not understand the meaning in
this context of what is found in Porphyry and Eusebius, ἀδιαίρετοι
πρὸς ἁπάντων.

Ὁ 2 τὰ wap ἀλλήλοις. Eusebius substitutes this for τὰ παρ᾽
αὑτοῖς Jos. Porph. After αὐτοῖς Josephus adds ὁμοίως ὥσπερ ἴδια.
From this point to ἀναλωμάτων ἕνεκα the text of Josephus is much
altered and abridged by Porphyry and Eusebius.

C 4 εἰς αὐτὸν εὐχάς. Viger thinks it incredible that Josephus
should describe prayers to the sun ‘tanquam egregium verae
pietatis argumentum.’ But Josephus has only said that ‘their
piety towards the deity was of a peculiar kind,’ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἰδίως
εὐσεβεῖς.

ἃ 4 Καθεσθέντων. Cf. Buttmann’s Jrreg. Gk. Verbs, ἔζεσθαι :
‘The meaning J seat or place myself may also be understood
passively; and so arose (ξσθην)ὴ ἐκαθέσθην, καθεσθήσομαι, forms
which are frequent in the later writers but banished from the
pure language.’ Josephus and Porphyry have the more usual
form καθισάντων.

σιτοποιός. Cf. Edersheim, op. cit. i. 327 ‘The “ baker,” who
was really their priest—and naturally so, since he prepared
the sacrifice—set before each bread, and the cook a mess of
vegetables.’
387

405 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 6 ἁγνῆς οὔσης Kai καθαρᾶς. Porph. Eus., om. Jos.

406 a1 τὸν Θεόν. Josephus adds ὡς χορηγὸν τῆς τροφῆς.

br Tots δὲ ζηλοῦσι. A whole section of Josephus has here
been omitted by Porphyry.

Ὁ 2 ἀξινάριον, an instrument identified by Josephus with the
σκαλίς 407 ἃ 7. Cf. Edersheim, i. 332 ‘the axe or rather spade
(ἀξινάριον), which every novice received, has for its Rabbinic
equivalent the word Charina.’ Deut. xxiii. 13 MS.

6 5 ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος. Cf. Demosth. 399. 12 πάντ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιτάγματος
ὀξέως γίγνεται.

ἃ 2 προβάλλεσθαι, ‘to expose publicly,’ and as a law-term ‘ to
prosecute ’ before the ἐκκλησία. Cf. Demosth. c. Mid. 514 rpovBa-
λόμην ἀδικεῖν τουτονί.

ἃ 6 ἀφέξεσθαι δὲ λῃστείας. Edersheim, i. 328 ‘Can this
possibly have any connexion in the mind of Josephus with the
later Nationalist movement? This would agree with his insis-
tence on their respect for those in authority. Otherwise the
emphasis laid on abstinence from robbery seems strange in such
a sect.’

ἃ 8 τὰ τῶν ἀγγέλων ὀνόματα. Cf. Edersheim, i. 330 ‘Their
mysterious traditions made them cognizant of the names of the
Angels, by which we are, no doubt, to understand a theosophic
knowledge, fellowship with the Angelic world, and the power of
employing its ministry.’ Also vol. ii, Appendix xiii ‘Their
names were always a composition of that of God with the special
commission entrusted to them, so that the name of each Angel
depended on his message, and might vary with it. This is
beautifully explained in Yalkut (vol. ii. par. 797), where we are
told that each Angel has a tablet on his heart, in which the
Name of God and that of the Angel are combined.’

407 ἃ 5 ἀνάγκαις. Jos. ἀναπνοαῖς, ‘at their last breath.’

Ὁ 7 λυγιζόμενοι. Schol. Plat. Rep. 405 λυγιζόμενος. στρεφό-
μενος, καμπτόμενος, ἀπὸ τῶν λύγων. λύγος δέ ἐστι φυτὸν ἱμαντῶδες.
τινὲς δὲ καὶ τὸ μετὰ τιμωρίας βασανίζειν λυγίζειν φασί.

6 4 κατειρωνενόμενοι τῶν τὰς βασάνους προσφερόντων. Cf. Plut.
Mor. 1015 D Εὔδημος ἀγνοήσας κατειρωνεύεται τοῦ Πλάτωνος See
Wyttenbach’s note ibid. 41 E.

6 9 ῥύμῃ φυσικῇ. For this Josephus has ὥσπερ εἱρκταῖς τοῖς
σώμασιν ἴυγγί τινι φυσικῇ, ‘ become entangled with bodies as with

288

BOOK IX. CHAPS. 3-6 407 ς

fetters, being dragged down by a kind of natural magic.’ The
words ivyy: and κατασπωμένας are both used in reference to
incantations. Cf. 193 d 10; Plut. Mor. 416 F.

ἃ 2-d ᾿Απὸ δὴ... ἀστοχοῦσι. This sentence is much altered
and abridged by Porphyry. After it Josephus goes on to describe
another order of Essenes who differ from the former chiefly in
not prohibiting marriage, but only regulating it by certain
restrictions.

ἃ 8 ἐκ παλαιῶν, ws εἰκός. It is remarkable that Eusebius seems
to be unaware that Porphyry’s account is taken almost entirely
and verbally from Josephus.

4] 408 a1 ‘Exaraios. On Hecataeus of Abdera see 351 6, note.
b1 Ἔστι yap «.r.A. The statement of Hecataeus appears to
be taken by Eusebius from Joseph. 6. Apion. 456.

Ὁ 7 ἀργῶν λίθων, ‘unwrought stones.’ Cf. Pausan. 235 ἀντε-
δίδοσαν βοῦς καὶ ἀνδράποδα καὶ ἀργὸν τὸν ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσόν.

Cc 8 ὑποβάς. There is no interval in Josephus, who proceeds
Ἔτι ye μὴν ὅτι καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ.

5] 409 b 3 Κλέαρχος δὲ 6 Περιπατητικός. Joseph. 6. Apton. 454.
Clearchus was a pupil of Aristotle; his works, which were on
various subjects, are lost.

ἃ 1 τῶν ἀπαγγελιῶν. The rules of narration are given fully in
Aristot. Rhet. Alex. 31. The particular rule here referred to
seems to be (ὃ 5) ra πρῶτα πραχθέντα ἢ πραττόμενα ἢ πραχθησόμενα
πρῶτα λέγωμεν.

ἃ 5 Καλανοί, so called from Calanus, an Indian gymnosophist,
whose interviews with Onesicritus and Alexander are described
by Plut. Alex. 65-9, where we read (65) that ‘his true name
was Sphines: but because he addressed them with the word καλέ,
which was the Indian form of salutation instead of χαῖρε, the
Greeks called him Calanus.’

ἃ 9 émgevovpevos. Cf. Arist. Polit. vii. 6. 1 τό τε yap ἐπιξε-
γοῦσθαί τινας ἐν ἄλλοις τεθραμμένους νόμοις ἀσύμφορον.

410 ἃ 3 σχολαστικῶν, ‘ studious.’ Cf. Athen. 211 fin. πρὸς τὸ
σοφιστεύειν ὧρμησε μειράκια σχολαστικὰ θηρεύων.

6] C9 Μεγασθένης, ‘a Greek writer to whom the subsequent

Greek writers were chiefly indebted for their accounts of India, ...

was sent by Seleucus Nicator as ambassador to Sandracobus king

of the Prasii, whose capital was Palibothra, a town probably near
.* U 289

410 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

the confluence of the Ganges and Sone, in the neighbourhood of
the modern Patha.’ Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Bioyr.

ἃ 4 Βραχμάνων. Hippolytus, i. 24, gives an account of the
Brachmans, their mode of life, philosophy, and theology. Cf.
471 ἃ 5.

dg ᾿Αριστόβουλοςς. Cf. 323 ἃ 6, note. The passage here
quoted from Clem. Al. Strom. i. 358 is repeated, without Clement’s
name, 663 d 2, where see notes.

ἃ 13 πρὸ Anprrpiov. On the existence of Greek translations
prior to the Septuagint see 351 Ὁ, 3548, 664a. Walton, Proleg.
ii. 18 (Cantab. 1828), argues against the existence of any earlier
Greek translation, and accounts for the tradition by the still
more improbable supposition that Greek philosophers such as
Plato and Aristotle had borrowed many ideas from the Hebrew
Scriptures. Cf. Swete, Introd. to O. T. in Gk. i. τ.

411 a 8 Μωσῆς ἀττικίων. R. and Pr. Hist. Philos. (ed. ii)
525 ‘ Numenius tamen Platoni minime criminari ἰδία voluit, sed
sapientiam eius ex superiore antiquitate atque ex Oriente
repetere.’ Cf. 527 a 8, note.

7) bx τοῦ DvOayopxot. ‘Numenius of Apamea (about 160
A.D.) is still nearer to the Neo-Pythagoreans, and is generally
considered to be one. Yet the foundation of his views is formed
by Platonism, besides which, with wide-extending syncretism, he
appeals to Magians, Egyptians, and Brahmins, and even to
Moses, whom he holds in high repute.’ Zeller, Outlines, 92.314.
Cf. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 342 C; Orig. c. Cels. iv. 198; R. and
Pr. Hist. Phil. Gr. et R. 525-30. Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.
‘ Numenius is almost invariably designated as a Pythagorean, but
his object was to trace the doctrines of Plato up to Pythagoras,
and at the same time to show that they were not at variance
with the dogmas and mysteries of the Brahmins, Jews, Magi, and
Egyptians (see the Fragment of the rst Book περὶ τἀγαθοῦ, ap. Eus.
Pr, Ev. ix. 7)? J. W. Donaldson, Hist. Gk. Lit. ii. 183 ‘It would
not be too much to say that he (Numenius) was the immediate
founder of the systems of Christian and heathen philosophy which
flourished at Alexandria in the third century.’ Orig. c. Cels.iv. 51
‘I know also that Numenius the Pythagorean, a very excellent
expositor of Plato, and one who highly esteemed the doctrines of
the Pythagoreans, in many passages of his writings quotes the
ago

BOOK IX. CHAPS. 6-0 411 Ὁ

sayings of Moses and of the Prophets, and gives them an alle-
gorical meaning not at all improbable, as in the work entitled
Epops, and in his treatises Concerning numbers, and Concerning
place. Also in the third book Concerning the Good he quotes
a certain narrative concerning Jesus, without mentioning His
name, and gives it an allegorical meaning, whether successfully
or unsuccessfully this is not the occasion to say. He relates also
the account concerning Moses and Jannes and Jambres,’ &c.
Cf. v. 38 (257) on the account of Sarapis by Numenius, Porphyr.
De antro Nympharum, x. 111 ‘ They believed that the souls sat
beside the water which was filled with a divine spirit (θεοπνόῳ),
as Numenius says, adding that on this account the Prophet says
that “the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.” ’

It is however almost entirely from Eus. Pr. Eo. that the
doctrines of Numenius are known. See the references to
quotations from his writings in the Index Scriptorum.

C 2 ἀναχωρήσασθαι. See the remark of Dr. Brandis in the note
on b i.

C 5 συντελουμένας. Cf. Aristot. De Mirab. 137 θυσία τῷ Ad
συντελεῖται.
8] ἃ 3 2Tim. iii. 8 ‘As Jannes and Jambres withstood Moses.’
Cf. Schiirer, Jewtsh People, ii. 3. 149.

ἱερογραμματεῖς. Cf. G. W. (Birch) i. 157 ‘The first caste
was the sacerdotal order . . . composed of the chief priests or
pontiffs, as well as minor priests of various grades belonging to
different deities, prophets, judges, hierophants, magistrates, hiero-
grammats or sacred scribes,’ ἃς. Tidt. ii. 28 ‘Some, as the one
here mentioned, were scribes of the treasury, others of the
granaries, others of the documents belonging to the temple,’ &c.
Lucian (Macrob. 4) says that they usually lived to a great age in
consequence of their temperance in diet.

ἃ 6 παραστῆναι. To stand beside either ‘ as an equal’ (J. B. M.),
or to withstand, as in Hom. JI. xxii. 371
οὐδ᾽ dpa οἵ τις ἀνουτητί ye παρέστη,
‘encountered him without being wounded.’
9] 412 a 4 This ninth chapter is taken entirely, though without
express acknowledgement, from Josephus, ὁ. Apion.i.322. The
introductory sentence agrees only in substance with Josephus,
Χοιρίλος. Choerilus of Samos, a friend of Herodotus, wrote
U2 291

412 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

au epic poem on the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Nike
(Choertli Samii quae supersunt) distinguishes him from three
other poets of the same name, and places his birth about 470 B.C.,
and his death not later than B.c. 399. The prooemium of his
poem is noticed by Aristot. Rhet. iii. 14
“Hyeo μοι λόγον ἄλλον, ὅτως ᾿Ασίας ἀτὸ γαίης
Ἦλθεν ἐς Εὐρώπην πόλεμος μέγας.
His far-fetched similes are also mentioned by Aristot. Top. viii.
1. 19 ola Ὅμηρος μὴ οἷα Χοιρίλος. Other epic fragments of
Choerilus are preserved by Strabo 303 on the Sacae, a nomad
tribe of Scythia, and 672
Tait’ ἔχω, ὅσσ᾽ ἔφαγον καὶ ἀφύβρισα καὶ per ἔρωτος
τέρπν᾽ ἔπαθον, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ὄλβια κεῖνα λέλειπται.

Ὁ 6 τροχοκουράδες (τριχοκουρίδες Jos.), found only here.

10] 46 Ἐκκειμένων, ‘being explained.’ Cf Aristot. Rhet. 111.
19. 2 dxxewra: of τόποι πρότερον.

ἃ 6 τῶν περὶ θυσιῶν, a necessary correction of περὶ τῶν θυσιῶν
by Wolff, op. cit. 139 ‘nondum absoluta de sacrificiis quaestione.’

413 Ὁ 4 οἱ δὲ κρατοῦντες. ‘Christiani. Hi, inquit, rectum ad
deos aditum sapientemque cultum pessum dederunt’ (Wolff).

CG 1 Μοῦνοι Χαλδαῖοι. These lines are quoted by Justin M.
twice, Cohort. ad Gr. xi, xxiv, and by Eus. Dem. Eo. 104 a.

07 (dplyAwro), Wolff's conjecture for ἀριζήλητοι. Cf. Aristoph.
Eq. 1329 ἀριζήλωτοι ᾿Αθῆναι.

ἃ 6 dpyaoroyias. Cf. Diod. Sic. ii, 46 μύθους ἡγοῦνται πε-
πλασμένους τὰς περὶ τῶν ᾿Αμαζόνων ἀρχαιολογίας.

ἃ ὃ ἐν λάρνακι ξύλον πεποιημένῃ. Cf. Simonid. Fr. vii

Ὅτε λάρνακι (δ᾽) ἐν δαιδαλέᾳ κ-τιλ.,
and the imitation by his younger contemporary, Bacchylides,
Vv. 140
Kate τε δαιδαλέας
ἐκ λάρνακος ὠκύμορον
φιτρὸν ἀγκλαύσασα.

ἃ ο Βηρωσσός. Cf. the quotation in 493 a 1 from Tatian, Orat.
ad Graecos, 36 ‘Berosus a Babylonian, a priest of their god
Belus, born in the time of Alexander, composed for Antiochus
the third after him (after Seleucus, Eus.) the history of the

899

BOOK ΙΧ. CHAPS, 9-II 413 d

Chaldeans in three books.’ On pera Σέλευκον in 493 a 3 cf.
Schwartz, Tatian. Index Auctorum ‘Eusebius suo arbitrio τῷ
μετὰ Σέλευκον τρίτῳ correxit cum Berosi dedicationem ad Antio-
chum 11 Θεόν referret. Quod si recte fecit, certe Berosus libros
suos alteri Antiocho tum dedicasse censendus est, cum ille regnum
cum patre commune obtineret, i.e. ante a. 261.’ See the notices
of Berosus 415 ἃ, 417 Ὁ, and 493 ἃ, Ὁ.

Ἱερώνυμος. This Hieronymus ‘the Egyptian’ must not be
confounded with Hieronymus of Cardia, who is often quoted as
a chief authority on the history of Alexander’s successors, and
of whom Josephus writes (c. Apton. i. 23) ‘Hecataeus wrote an
entire book concerning us, while Hieronymus nowhere mentions
us in his history, although he was bred up very near the places
where we live.’ In referring to the flood Josephus says, Art.
Iud. i. 3. 6 ‘ These things are also mentioned by Hieronymus the
Egyptian, who wrote the Ancient History of the Phoenicians.’

ἃ 10 Νικόλαος. Nicolaus Damascenus, a poet, historian, and

philosopher, friend of Herod the Great and of Augustus, wrote
a Universal History at the request of Herod. 116 is mentioned
again 414 Ὁ, 415 ἃ, 417 b.
ll) 414 a2 ὧν ἐστι καὶ Bypwoods. Cf. Masp. i. 564 ‘The tradi-
tion to which most credence was attached in the Greek period
at Babylon (was) that which has been preserved for us in the
histories of Berosus.’? For the Chaldean account of the Deluge
as given in the tablets see Masp. i. 566; Hastings, Dict. of the
Rible, and especially Driver, Authority and Archaeology, 22-6.
In the Sibylline Oracles there is a long account of the Flood
(i. 125-282), and a short allusion in vii. 7-12.

Ὁ 3 τῶν Κορδυαίων. Masp. i. 570, note ‘The mountain of
Nisir is replaced in the version of Berosus by the Gordyaean
mountains of classical geography; a passage of Assur-nazirpal
informs us that it was situated between the Tigris and the
Great Zab.’

ἔτι μέρος τι. Cf, Masp. i. 572, note 2 ‘The legend about
the remains of the ark has passed into Jewish tradition con-
cerning the Deluge (Fr. Lenormant, Les Origines de l’Histoire,
ii. 3-6).’

b4 τῆς ἀσφάλτου. Cf. Gen. vi. 14 ‘thou shalt pitch it within and
without with pitch’; Masp. ibid. note 3 ‘ Discoveries of charcoal

293

414 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

and bitumen, such as those made at Gebel Iudi upon one of the
mountains identified with Nisir, probably explain many of these
local traditions’ (G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, 108). In the
tablet Par-naphistim says ‘Six Sars of bitumen I spread over
it for caulking’ (Driver, op. cit. 24).

Ὁ 5 ἀποτροπιασμούς. Masp. ibid. note 4 ‘Fr. Lenormant recog-
nized and mentioned one of these amulets in his Catalogue de la
Collection de M. le Baron de Behr, Ant. No. 80.’ Berosus, accord-
ing to Maspero, calls them ‘amulets of sovereign virtue against
evil spells.’

Ὁ 6 Ἱερώνυμος. See 413 ἃ 9, note.

b 7 Mvacéas, one of the later Sceptics (circ. B.c. 147), ἃ native
of Patara (or Patrae), who travelled in Europe, Asia, and Africa,
and wrote a work called Periplus (Athen. viii. 331 C) and
another Concerning Oracles. Clinton, Ep. Fast. Hell. 413; Smith,
Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

CI ὑπὲρ τὴν Muvada. Minyas is mentioned under the name
Minni among the kingdoms of Armenia in Jer. li. 27 ‘Call
together against her the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni, and
Ashkenaz.’

C5 ἐπὶ πολὺ σωθῆναι. Masp. i. 572, note 3, is not correct in

making Nicolas of Damascus say that these remains of the Ark
‘were still to be seen on the top of Mount Baris.’
12] ἃ 2 ᾿Αβυδηνοῦ γραφῆς. Abydenus wrote a history of Assyria,
the fragments of which were published by Scaliger, and by
Richter, Berosit Chaldaeorum Historia, Lips. 1825. See below,
414 ἃ, 456 d, 457 Ὁ, 6. ‘ Cyril (adv. Julian. 8, g) states that
he wrote in the Ionic dialect. Several fragments of his work
are preserved by Eusebius, Cyrillus, and Syncellus’ (Smith, Dict.
Gk. and R. Biogr.).

ἃ 4 Σείσιθρος. Sisythrus is called by Cyril of Alexandria
(adv. Iulian. i. 5) Xisuthrus, supposed by him to be an Assyrian
name for Noah. Masp. i. 565 ‘ Xisuthros held the sceptre for
eighteen sari’ (64,800 years). It was under him that the great
deluge took place.’

Another form of the legend of Xisuthrus is found in Berosus,
fragm. xv, and is thus related by Masp. i. 572 ‘By an order of
the god, Xisuthros before embarking had buried in the town of
Sippara all the books in which his ancestors had set forth the

294

BOOK IX. CHAPS, II, 12 414d

sacred sciences—books of oracles and omens, “in which were
recorded the beginning, the middle, and the end. When he had
disappeared ...a voice from heaven enjoined upon them to be
devout towards the gods, to return to Babylon, and to dig up
the books in order that they might be handed down to future
generations, . . . They offered sacrifice in turn, they regained
their country on foot, they dug up the books of Sippara, and
wrote many more; afterwards they refounded Babylon.”’ The
name in the tablets is Par-naphistim.

ἃ 5 Aeciov. Clinton, Epit. Fast. Hell. 357 ‘Daesius is June
in Suidas and the Paschal Chronicle. .. . In A.D. 325 at the
Council of Nicaea the rgth of Daesius is also the roth of June.’
Cf. Joseph. Bell. Iud. iii. 7. 32.

ἃ 7 Xurrdpoow. Cf. Driver, op. cit. 102 ‘Sepharvaim (2 Kings
xvii. 24)—the termination is the Hebrew dual—are the two
Sippars, Sippar of Shamash (the sun-god), and Sippar of Anu-
nitum, situated on the opposite banks of a canal flowing into
the Euphrates, about twenty-five miles north of Babylon.’

ἃ 8 εὐθέως... ἀνέπλωε, ‘straightway began his voyage.’

παραντίκα μιν κατελάμβανε, ‘ began at once to overtake him.’
The imperfect tenses mark the commencement and continuance
of the actions, but not their completion.

415 a Tpiry δὲ ἡμέρῃ. The tablet says that the storm raged
six days and nights.

ὕων ἐκόπασε, the usual elliptical phrase, Ζεύς or 6 θεός
being understood. In the text of the tablet it is ‘the god who
rules the rain’ (Masp. i. 568), or ‘the lord of the whirlwind’
(Driver).

μετίε. ‘When the seventh day arrived

I brought forth a dove, and let it go,’ &c.
(Driver).

perta, the Ionic form of μεθίει, after the analogy of προΐειν
in Hom. Od. ix. 88, x. 100, xii. 9, seems to have been corrupted
in Eusebius into perge: by a very usual itacism.

ἃ 3 dyxavéos. Cf. 392 ΑΙ, note.

ἃ 4 ὀπίσω κομίζονται. Cf. Plut. Mor. 968 F οἱ μὲν οὖν μυθο-
λόγοι τῷ Δευκαλίωνί φασι περιστερὰν ἐκ τῆς λάρνακος ἀφιεμένην
δήλωμα γενέσθαι χειμῶνος μὲν εἴσω πάλιν ἐνδνομένην, εὐδίας δὲ
ἀποπτᾶσαν.

295

416 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

8 1 ἀλεξιφάρμακα. Cf. 414 Ὁ 5, note.

13] © 7 ras τροφὰς ἐπιτηδειοτέρας. Lucian, Macrobii, 210, after
mentioning the tradition that Teiresias had lived through six
generations, observes that it was credible that a man devoted to
the gods and adopting a very pure mode of life (διαίτῃ) had lived
a very long time: thus he gives the two same reasons as Josephus.
Lucian also says that the Chinese were reported to live 300
years, and that the supposed causes were the climate, soil, or
especially the mode of living, they being all water-drinkers.

ἃ i εὐχρηστίαν, ‘ usefulness.’ Cf. Polyb. ix. 7. 5 τὴν πρὸς πάντα
τόπον εὐχρηστίαν τῶν Νομάδων. ;

ἃ 4 ὁ μέγας ἐνιαυτός. On the various lengths ascribed to the
Great Year compare 849 c.

ἃ 6 Μανεθῶς. For other notices of Manetho see 44 ὁ (note),
155 d, 500 c, in which last passage there is a quotation from the
second book of the Egyptian History (τῶν Αἰγυπτιακῶν), the work
here referred to.
᾿ @8 ModAos. Josephus has Μῶχος, who is mentioned by Athen.
iii, 126 as a writer on Phoenician history. Cf. 493 Ὁ.

‘Eorsatos. Of three persons mentioned under this name one
is described by Athen. vi. 273 as a native of Pontus who boasted
that he had never seen the sun rise or set, because he gave all his
time to study.

Ἱερώνυμος. See 413 ἃ g, note.

ἃ 9 οἵ re τὰ Φοινικικὰ συνταξάμενοι. For οὗ re Josephus has only
οἱ, which limits the statement to the three writers named above.

ἃ 10 Ἑκαταῖος. See 351 ὁ 5, note, and 417 Ὁ 7.

Ἑλλάνικος, καὶ "AxovaiAaos. Cf. 478 c.

ἃ 11 Ἔφορος. Cf. 464 Ὁ.

Νικόλαος. Cf. 413 ἃ το.

14] 416 Ὁ 2 ὁ μικρῷ πρόσθεν δηλωθείς, Abydenus, cf. 414 ἃ 2.

b 4 Ἐν τῇ δή1, Ἔν τῇδε Ο, ‘in this country.’ “Ἔν τῇ δ΄ cor-
rexit Gutschmid,’ Rzach, Orac. Sib. iii. 97, note. If Gutschmid’s
reading means ‘in the fourth generation’ (Noah, Ham, Cush,
Nimrod), it is hardly to be reconciled with τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ γῆς
ἀνασχόντας. Viger’s conjecture Evri δ᾽ of, implying a double itacism,
gives a very good sense, ‘ There are some who say,’ and is adopted
by Heinichen and Dindorf, but rejected by Gaisford on account
of the Doric dialect: ‘ Doricum ἐντί Ionice scribenti Abydeno

296

BOOK ΙΧ. CHAPS, 12-15 416 b

non debuerat obtrudere doctissimus Vigerus.’ Koen. ad Gregor.
Dial. Dor. 8. xcviii.

Ὁ 5 θεῶν καταφρονήσαντας ἀμείνονας εἶναι. Cf. Hdt. i, 66 xara-
φρονήσαντες ᾿Αρκάδων κρέσσονες εἶναι.

Ὁ 6 τύρσιν ἠἡλίβατον. Cf. Buttm. Lexil. 61 “ Ἠλίβατος in
Homer is always the epithet of wérpy .. . a steep height, difficult
or impossible to be climbed, &c.’

Ὁ 8 βωθέοντας, Ionic for βοηθέοντας.

bg λέγεσθαι Βαβυλῶνα. Cf. Gen. xi. 9 baa, ‘confusion. But
Schrader, Cuneif. Inscr. i. 113 (128) and many others think that
Babil or Babilu means ‘ God’s gate-way.’

ΘΙ πολύθροον φωνήν. Cf. Aesch. Supp. 798

pera με δρόμοισι διόμενοι
φυγάδα μάταισι πολυθρόοις.

GC 2 συστῆναι πόλεμον. The statement concerning the war οὗ
Kronos and Titan against the new race of men is derived by
Abydenus from Orac. Sib. iii. 121
| καὶ μαχέσαντο Κρόνος Τιτάν τε πρὸς αὐτούς.

C 3-417 ἃ 3 ὁ δὲ τόπος . . . ἐντυχοῦσαν. The whole of this

statement is taken not from Abydenus, but from Joseph. Ant.
Tud. i. 4. 3.
15] ἃ 2 Σίβυλλα. See Mr. Lupton’s excellent article, Smith,
Dict. Christ. Biogr. (Sibylline Oracles). A list of the Sibyls is
given in the anonymous Prologue to the Oracula Sibyllina, Rzach 4,
and in Pausan. 826. Cf.Neander, Church Hist. i. 245 ‘ Whatever
truth might be lying at the bottom of those ancient legends of
the Sibylline prophecies, of which the profound Heraclitus five
hundred years before Christ had said, “" Their unadorned earnest
words spoken with inspired mouth reach through a thousand
years,”’ most unquestionably the consciousness of such a prophetic
element in paganism—all that in these predictions spoke of the
fates of cities and nations, and more particularly of a final and
a golden age of the world, gave occasion to divers interpretations
based upon Jewish and Christian principles.’

ἃ 3 ὁμοφώνων. The original passage is Orac. Sib. iii. 97-104

ἀλλ᾽ ὁπότ᾽ ἂν μεγάλοιο Θεοῦ τελέωνται ἀπειλαί,
ds ποτ᾽ ἐπηπείλησε βροτοῖς, ὅτε πύργον ἔτευξαν
χώρῃ ἐν ᾿Ασσυρίῃ ὁμόφωνοι δ᾽ ἦσαν ἅπαντες
καὶ βούλοντ᾽ ἀναβῆναι ἐς οὐρανὸν ἀστερόεντα"
297

416d ΤΗΝ PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

αὐτίκα δ᾽ ἀθάνατος μεγάλην ἐπέθηκεν ἀνάγκην

πνεύμασιν: αὐτὰρ ἔπειτ᾽ ἄνεμοι μέγαν ὑψόθι πύργον

ῥίψαν καὶ θνητοῖσιν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἔριν ὧρσαν.

τοὔνεκά τοι Βαβυλῶνα βροτοὶ πόλει οὔνομ᾽ ἔθεντο.
This passage is quoted by Theophilus, Ad Autolyc. ii. 31; and
some of the following verses (108-13) are quoted by Athenagoras,
Legat. 30, and by Tertull. Ad Nationes, ii. 12.

ἃ 7 Xewadp. Gen. xi. 2 Shinar.

ἃ 8 Ἑστιαῖος. Cf. 415 ἃ 8.

Gg Ἐνναλών Διός. The title Ἐνυάλιος is usually given to
Ares, Hom. Jl. xvii. 210, xx. 69. In a Scholion on Aristoph.
Plut. 457 Enyalios is described as a son of Kronos and Rhea:
this would lead to his being identified with Zeus. Preller, Gr.
Myth. 55.

lepwpara. Cf. 2 Macc. xii. 40, with Fritzsche’s note “ ἱέρωμα
kémmt ausser uns. Stelle nirgends(?) vor; der Etymologie zufolge
Geweihetes : Vulg. donaria.’

417 ἃ τ ὑπὸ τῆς ὁμογλωσσίας τὰς συνοικίας. Joseph. Ant. i. 5 (6)
has ἀλλογλωσσίας and ἀποικίας, i.e. ‘they were scattered through
diversity of language.’ Eusebius means that, when thus scattered,
as many as spoke the same dialect formed a community.

16] b8 Νικόλαος. Cf. 413 d το.
ΟΙ ἔπηλυς. Cf. Aesch. Pers. 243
πῶς ἂν οὖν μένοιεν ἄνδρας πολεμίους ἐπήλυδας ;
and Theb. 34; Suppl. 195.

ἃ τ ᾿Αβραάμον οἴκησις. Hastings, Dict. Bib. ‘Damascus’:
Nicolaus ‘ mentions a village called “ the Habitation of Abraham,”
which may be identical with el-Burzeh, three miles north of the
city, where there is a wely sacred to the patriarch.’

ἃ 3 διαῴειν, sub. ἑαυτόν. Cf. Polyb. i. 37 διάραντες δὲ τὸν πόρον
ἀσφαλῶς.

ἃ 12 ἐκφαυλιζόντων. Cf. Lucian, Merc. Cond. 667 εἰ μὲν éxpav-
λίζοι τι τῶν λεγομένων.

418 8 1 διαπτύσσων. Joseph. ‘ unfolding,’ ‘examining.’ Plat.
Legg. 858 E ra περὶ τοὺς νόμους γεγραμμένα φαίνεσθαι διαπτυττόμενα
μακρῷ κάλλιστά τε καὶ ἄριστα. The reading οἱ of the MSS. of Eusebius
διαπτύων is quite unsuitable.

17] o1 Alexander Cornelius, surnamed Polyhistor from his
great learning, was a native of Miletus (Suidas), taken prisoner

298

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS, 15-17 418 ς

in Sulla’s campaigns in Greece (B. Ο. 87-83), and made a slave to
Cornelius Lentulus Sura (Catiline’s confederate), who made him
tutor to his children, and gave him his liberty. He wrote ‘more
books than a man can count’ (Suidas, ᾿Αλέξανδρος), among them ‘a
history of the various Schools of Philosophy (Φιλοσόφων διαδοχαί),
and an interpretation of the Pythagorean symbols’ (Zeller, Outlines,
11. 306; Diog. L. viii. 24 f.). The passage here quoted by
Eusebius, from a work Περὶ Ἰουδαίων, consists of extracts from
several writers on the history of Judaea, and may possibly have
formed part of his great geographical work of nearly all countries
of the known world. It is to this collection of extracts, quoted
by Eusebius, ‘that we are almost entirely indebted for our
acquaintance with the oldest Judaeo-Hellenistic and Samaritan
compilations of Scriptural history, whether in poetic or prosaic
form, with those of Demetrius, Eupolemus, Artapanus, Aristeas,
Kleodemus, Philo, Theodotus, and Ezekiel’ (Schiirer, Jewish
People, ii. 3. 197).

C4 ἐν τῇ Περὶ Ἰουδαίων συντάξε. Cf. Clem. Al. 396 ᾿Αλέξ-
ανδρος δὲ ὁ Πολυΐστωρ ἐπικληθεὶς ἐν τῷ Περὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων συγγράμματι
ἀνέγραψεν xr... The genuineness οὗ Polyhistor’s work is defended
‘with convincing proofs by Freudenthal, 174-84’ (Schiirer,
ibid. 198).

9 Εὐπόλεμος, besides the work here ascribed to him, which
Freudenthal (34) regards as an extract from a larger work, wrote
a book On the kings in Judaea (Clem. Al. 413).

ἐν τῷ Περὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων τῆς ᾿Ασσυρίας φησὶ πόλιν Βαβυλῶνα. The
mistake of making τῆς ᾿Ασσυρίας depend on Ἰουδαίων instead of
πόλιν has given to the book the false title (Smith’s Dict. Gk. and
R. Biogr. ii. 101 Ὁ) Περὶ τῆς ᾿Ασσυρίας Ἰουδαίων. See Corrigenda.

ἃ 2 τῆς Βαβυλωνίας Kapapivy. Cf. Orac. Sid. iii. 218
ἔστι πόλις... κατὰ χθονὸς Obp Χαλδαίων.

After πόλις there is a lacuna which Alexandre in his edition
proposed to supply by Καμάρινα from this passage.

ἃ 3 Οὐρῶν. After quoting the present passage Schrader,
Cuneif. Inscr. i. 114 (130), writes ‘ Here, at all events, we seem
to have, so far as the designation of locality is concerned, a tradi-
tion which is independent of what appears to be the tradition of
the Bible : and it is certainly a strange coincidence that Kapapivy,
when explained from the Arabic, expresses the meaning of ‘‘ moon-

399

418 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

town,” a name which would suit Uru or Oudpéy like no other
among the ancient Babylonian towns. Uru was probably the
seat of the worship of the moon-deity.’

μεθερμηνενομένην, Χαλδαίων πόλιν. This idea may have arisen
from ‘the fact that the LXX. do not transcribe the name Ur, but
substitute for it χώρα. Hastings, Dict. Bib. ‘Ur’; see Gen.
xi. 28. 31, xv. 7; Neh. ix. 7. Perhaps χώρα may be meant as
a transcription (H. A. R.).

ἃ 4 ἐν τρισκαιδεκάτη. Abraham was born in the tenth genera-
tion from Noah (Gen. xi. 10-27) as is stated in the first words of
this sentence. It seems that the interpolation ἐν τρισκαιδεκάτῃ
may be due to 420 ἃ 5 Mera δὲ τρεῖς γενεὰς ᾿Α βραὰμ γενέσθαι, the
three generations being added to the ten previously mentioned.
See Schiirer, ibid. 210.

ἃ 5 τὴν ἀστρολογίαν καὶ Χαλδαϊκήν. Cf. Philo, 464 M. Χαλδαῖοι
τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων ἐκπεπονηκέναι διαφερόντως δοκοῦσιν ἀστρονομίαν
καὶ γενεθλιαλογικήν : Ibid. 465 Μ. τούτων λεγομένων ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς
Χαλδαϊκῆς δόξης ἀνατροπῇ κιτιλ. : Ibid. 12 Μ. παραπεμψάμενος οὖν
τούς τε κατ᾽ οὐρανὸν περιπολοῦντας καὶ τὴν Χαλδαϊκὴν ἐπιστήμην κιτιλ.
It seems therefore that we must understand with Χαλδαϊκήν either
ἐπιστήμην, δόξαν, παιδείαν, or some word meaning ‘science’ in
& more general sense than astrology.

ἃ 8 τροπὰς ἡλίου καὶ σελήνης. ΑΒ τροπάς is not here limited to
the sun, it must have the general sense ‘ changes,’ and not merely
‘solstices’ as in 109 ὁ 7.

ἃ 11 τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν αὐτοῦ, the reading of 10, gives a form found
only in LXX, Cant. ii. 3 al. ἀδελῴφιδόν is probably a copyist’s
error, but Freudenthal suggests that it may be a corruption of
ἀδελφόν, derived from Gen. xiv. 16 καὶ Λὼτ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ.

419 9 4 ἐπεμβαίνειν. Cf. Soph. Zl. 456

ἐχθροῖσιν αὐτοῦ ζῶντ᾽ ἐπεμβῆναι ποδί,

&6 ὑπὸ πόλεως ἱερόν. ΑΒ the text stands, it must mean that
Abraham ‘ was admitted as a guest into a temple of the city called
Argarizin’; on ὑπό with the accusative see Hom. 7, xi. 181

ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ τάχ᾽ ἔμελλεν ὑπὸ πτόλιν αἰπύ τε τεῖχος
ἵξεσθαι.
But it seems not improbablethat εἰς may have fallen out after πόλεως.
᾿Αργαριζίν. OYA W, ‘ mount Gerizim,’ so-called, as Gesenius
thinks, from a colony of the Gerizites. The erroneous interpreta-
300

BOOK IX. CHAPS, 17, 18 419 a

tion of the name by Alexander was perhaps occasioned by the
fact that a temple of ‘The Most High’ was, after the exile, built
on Gerizim. In Smith’s Dict. of the Bible it is translated
‘mountain of the barren places.’

63 ἐν Ἡλιουπόλει τοῖς Αἰγυπτίων ἱερεῦσι. Cf. dt. ii. 3 of yap
Ἡλιονπολῖται λέγονται Αἰγυπτίων εἶναι λογιώτατοι.

C7 εἰς Ἔνὼχ ἀναπέμπειν. These confused statements about the
invention of astronomy are of course unhistorical, and intended to
glorify the Jewish nation.

GI τὸν πατέρα τῶν Φοινίκων. Probably Ham is meant. See
noteond 2. Cf. Hdt. i. 1, and vii. 109 ‘Now these Phoenicians,
according to their own account, dwelt of old upon the Red Sea;
but thence they crossed, and now inhabit the sea-coast of Syria.’
On the extent of the Erythraeum Mare, as including the Persian
Gulf, and on other accounts of the origin of the Phoenicians, see
Strab. 42 and 784. Cf. Hastings’ Dict. of the Bible, iii. 858 ‘ The
origin of the Phoenician people is wrapped in mystery.’

ἃ 2 Xovp, possibly a corruption of ‘Cham.’ Cf. G. W. (Birch
iii. 25) ‘The Hebrew word Ham is identical with the Egyptian
Khem, being properly written Khm, Kham, or Khem.’ But in
Gen. ix. 18 Ham is the father, not the son, of Canaan: on this
relationship see Hastings, ibid. ii. 289 (Ham). On 439 a 6 the
name Chum is given to a son of Moses and Zipporah. Χούμ may
be a corruption of Xovs, ‘ Cush.’

ἃ 3 Ασβολον. Cf. 195 c: he is described as an augur in
Hesiod, Scut. Herc. 184

Κένταυροι δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίοι ἠγερέθοντο
᾿Αμφὶ μέγαν ἸΠετραῖον, ἰδ᾽ “Ασβολον οἰωνιστήν.
Μεστραείμ. ΟἿ. Gen. x. 6 Υἱοὶ δὲ Χάμ' Χοὺς καὶ Μεσράιν, Φοὺδ
καὶ Χανάαν. Hastings, ibid. ‘That Cush and Mizraim should be
included under the name of Kemi need occasion no surprise, as
these two nations were known conjointly.’
18] 420 a1 “Aprdzavos. Cf. Clem. Al. 413 ᾿Αρτάπανος γοῦν ἐν
τῷ Περὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων συγγράμματι ἱστορεῖ x.r.A. See below 4296 1,
4314 τ. The chief purpose of the three passages is to glorify
the Jewish people by showing that the Egyptians were indebted
to them for their religion and sacred writing (hieroglyphics,
432 Ὁ 4) as well as for many useful arts.
ἃ 2 Ἑρμιούθ. Viger conjectures that the name is compounded
301

418d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

town,” a name which would suit Uru or Odpéy like no other
among the ancient Babylonian towns. Uru was probably the
seat of the worship of the moon-deity.’

ἃ 4 ἐν τρισκαιδεκάτῃ. Abraham was born in the tenth genera-
tion from Noah (Gen. xi. 10-27) as is stated in the first words of
this sentence. It seems that the interpolation ἐν τρισκαιδεκάτῃ
may be due to 420 ἃ 5 Mera δὲ τρεῖς γενεὰς ᾿Αβραὰμ γενέσθαι, the
three generations being added to the ten previously mentioned.
See Schiirer, ibid. 210.

ἃ 5 τὴν ἀστρολογίαν καὶ Χαλδαϊκήν. Cf. Philo, 464 M. Χαλδαῖοι
τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων ἐκπεπονηκέναι διαφερόντως δοκοῦσιν ἀστρονομίαν
καὶ γενεθλιαλογικήν : Ibid. 465 Μ. τούτων λεγομένων ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς
Χαλδαϊκῆς δόξης ἀνατροπῇ x.r.A.: Ibid. 12 Μ. παραπεμψάμενος οὖν
τούς τε κατ᾽ οὐρανὸν περιπολοῦντας καὶ τὴν Χαλδαϊκὴν ἐπιστήμην K.T.A.
It seems therefore that we must understand with Χαλδαϊκήν either
ἐπιστήμην, δόξαν, παιδείαν, or some word meaning ‘science’ in
a@ more general sense than astrology.

ἃ 8 τροπὰς ἡλίον καὶ σελήνης. ΑΒ τροπάς is not here limited to
the sun, it must have the general sense ‘ changes,’ and not merely
‘solstices’ as in 109 ὁ 7.

419 ἃ 4 ἐπεμβαίνειν. Cf. Soph. El. 456

ἐχθροῖσιν αὐτοῦ ζῶντ᾽ ἐπεμβῆναι ποδί.

86 ὑπὸ πόλεως ἱερόν. As the text stands, it must mean that
Abraham ‘ was admitted as a guest into a temple of the city called
Argarizin’; on ὑπό with the accusative see Hom. 71. xi. 181

ἀλλ᾽ ὅτε δὴ τάχ᾽ ἔμελλεν ὑπὸ πτόλιν αἰπύ τε τεῖχος
ἵξεσθαι.
But it seems not improbablethat εἰς may have fallen out after πόλεως.
᾿Αργαριζίν. OWA VW, ‘ mount Gerizim,’ so-called, as Gesenius
thinks, from a colony of the Gerizites. The erroneous interpreta-
300

BOOK IX. CHAPS, 17, 18 419 a

C 3 ἐν Ἡλιουπόλει τοῖς Αἰγυπτίων ἱερεῦσι. Cf. Hdt. ii. 3 of yap
Ἡλιονπολῖται λέγονται Αἰγυπτίων εἶναι λογιώτατοι.

9 Ἶ εἰς Ἐνὼχ ἀναπέμπειν. These confused statements about the
invention of astronomy are of course unhistorical, and intended to
glorify the Jewish nation.

di τὸν πατέρα τῶν Φοινίκων. Probably Ham is meant. See
note ond 2. Cf. Hdt. i. 1, and vii. 109 ‘ Now these Phoenicians,
according to their own account, dwelt of old upon the Red Sea;
but thence they crossed, and now inhabit the sea-coast of Syria.’
On the extent of the Erythraeum Mare, as including the Persian
Gulf, and on other accounts of the origin of the Phoenicians, see
Strab. 42 and 784. Cf. Hastings’ Dict. of the Bible, iii. 858 ‘ The
origin of the Phoenician people is wrapped in mystery.’

ἃ 2 Xovp, possibly a corruption of ‘Cham.’ Cf. G. W. (Birch
iii. 25) ‘The Hebrew word Ham is identical with the Egyptian
Khem, being properly written Kbhm, Kham, or Khem.’ But in
Gen. ix. 18 Ham is the father, not the son, of Canaan: on this
relationship see Hastings, ibid. ii. 289 (Ham). On 439 a 6 the
name Chum is given to a son of Moses and Zipporah. Χούμ may
be a corruption of Xovs, ‘ Cush.’

ἃ 3 “AcBoAdov. Cf. 195 c: he is described as an augur in
Hesiod, Scut. Herc. 184

Κένταυροι δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίοι ἠγερέθοντο
᾿Αμφὶ μέγαν Πετραῖον, ἰδ᾽ ΓΑσβολον οἰωνιστήν.
Μεστραείμ. Cf. Gen. x. 6 Υἱοὶ δὲ Χάμ' Χοὺς καὶ Μεσράιν, Bord
καὶ Χανάαν. Hastings, ibid. ‘That Cush and Mizraim should be
included under the name of Kemi need occasion no surprise, as
these two nations were known conjointly.’
18] 420 a1 "Aprdravos. Cf. Clem. Al. 413 ᾿Αρτάπανος γοῦν ἐν
τῷ Περὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων συγγράμματι ἱστορεῖ x.r.A. See below 429 ¢ 1,
431d 1. The chief purpose of the three passages is to glorify
the Jewish people by showing that the Egyptians were indebted
to them for their religion and sacred writing (hieroglyphics,
432 b 4) as well as for many useful arts.
ἃ 2 Ἑρμιούθ. Viger conjectures that the name is compounded
301

420 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of pas, ‘Aram,’ and ‘ym, ‘quasi Syro-Judaeus; non Judaeus
tantum.’ The name occurs again 430 a 5.

& 3 Ἑβραίους ἀπὸ ᾿Αβραάμου. ‘Talis ignorantia videtur re-
velare ipsum Artapanum non esse Judaeum, uti declaravit
Valckenarius De <Aristobulo, 26’ (Seguier). But Freudenthal
observes that the name is derived not from ‘ Abraam,’ but from
his surname, Gen, xiv. 13, “ay, ‘the Hebrew.’ See 304 ¢ 4
ἀπὸ τοῦ “EBep.

b 2 Φαρεθώθην. ‘Nomen istud similiter deformatur in Joseph.
A. 1. i. 8 Φαραώθης ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ᾿ (Seguier). Cf.
Freudenthal, 169; Deissmann, 327 ‘The Papyri yield a large
number of examples of similar forms in -w9.’

Ὁ 3 ἔτη ἐκεῖ εἴκοσι. The duration of Abraham’s sojourn in
Egypt is not mentioned in the Bible.

Ὁ 6 ἀδεσπότοις, applied to writings of which the authors were
unknown, a word common in Plutarch. Freudenthal supposes
that both this and the previous extract ascribed to Eupolemus are
derived from one and the same original, namely the anonymous
work of a Samaritan. Cf. Schiirer, ibid. 211.

ἀναφέροντα eis τοὺς γίγαντας. Plat. Theaet. 175 A ἀναφε-
povruy eis Ἡρακλέα.

Ὁ 8 Βῆλον. In Apollodorus Belus is mentioned not as one
of the giants (i. 6), but as son of Poseidon and Libya, king of
Egypt, and father of Aegyptus and Danaus (ii. 1. 4. 2). Cf.
Diod. Sic. i. 28 εἰς Βαβυλῶνα μὲν yap ἀγαγεῖν ἀποίκους Βῆλον τὸν
νομιζόμενον Ποσειδῶνος εἶναι καὶ Λιβύης.

19] di συσκευήν. Cf. 31.8.2. L. and Sc. Lex. give only the
meanings ‘preparation’ and ‘intrigue.’ A more appropriate
sense here is ‘ compilation.’

Μόλων. Molon was a surname of Apollonius of Alabanda,
a rhetorician of Rhodes, mentioned by Strabo, 655, who dis-
tinguishes between Apollonius and Molon: ᾿Απολλώνιος ὁ μαλακὸς
καὶ Μόλων, ἦσαν δὲ ᾿Αλαβανδεῖς, Μενεκλέους μαθηταὶ τοῦ ῥήτορος.
ἐπεδήμησε δὲ πρότερον ᾿Απολλώνιος, ὀψὲ δ᾽ ἧκεν ὁ Μόλων, καὶ
ἔφη πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνος “ὀψὲ μολών, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐλθών See also
Strab. 661.

Thus there were two rhetoricians natives of Alabanda re-
siding at Rhodes at the same time. Μόλων and ᾿Απολλώνιος
ὁ Μόλων (Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 14. 36), called also simply Μόλων,

302

BOOK XI. CHAPS, 18-20 420 d

or simply ᾿Απολλώνιος. This Apollonius is the adversary of the —
Jews here mentioned, while the former Molon was the rhetorician
by whose teaching Cicero profited at Rhodes and at Rome (Cic.
Brutus, 89, 90, 91; Quintil. Inst. xii. 6; Schiirer, 252).

ἃ 5 τρεῖς γενεάς. Cf. 418 d 4.

ἃ 6 πατρὸς φίλον. Gen. xvii. 5. The name D38, ‘ Abran,’
means ‘Exalted Father,’ and 07738, ‘Father of a multitude.’
In the interpretation ‘ Father’s friend,’ ὉΠ has been read by
mistake as ons, the latter form meaning ‘love.’ ‘The title
“el-Khalil,” “the Friend” (of God) (see 2 Chron. xx. 7; Isa.
xli. 8; Jas. ii. 22), is that by which he is usually spoken of by
the Arabs’ (Smith, Dict. Bible).

421 @ 2 δώδεκα υἱούς. The author has confused Ishmael with
his father. The sons of Ishmael are mentioned by name in
Gen. xxv. 13-6 ‘twelve princes according to their nations.’
Cf. Joseph. Ant. Jud. i. 13.

a 8 υἱοὺς ἕνδεκα. Again Isaac is confounded with Jacob.

Ὁ 4 ὁλοκαρπῶσαι. Gen. xxii. 2 dvéveyxe αὐτὸν ἐκεῖ εἰς ὁλοκάρ-
TWCLY.

Ὁ 8 καρπῶσαι. Cf. Lev. ii. 11 καρπῶσαι Κυρίῳ.

20] c1 Φίλων. This is probably the Philo who is mentioned by
Josephus, c. Apion. i. 23 (quoted on 458 c 6) and by Clem. Al. 404.

C 3 “ExAvoy ἀρχεγόνοισι. These verses are made up of long
and unusual words put into metre with little regard to sense.
Viger in his Latin translation omits them altogether as unintelli-
gible. For the sake of completeness 1 have left the original
Greek in the text of my translation. Cf. 430 c¢ 1, 453 8, Ὁ, where
other specimens of Philo’s epics are given.

422 ἃ 6 ᾿Αφρήν. Cf. Ὁ 7 ’Adpay. Dindorf’s text of Josephus,
A. I. i. 15, gives the names as "Adépay, Σουρείμ, and Ἰάφραν.

&7 viwvoi. Cf. Hom. Jl. ii. 666

υἱέες viwvoi re Bins Ἡρακληείης.

a 8 ᾿Αφρικά. This name seems only to occur in late authors
as the Greek transliteration of the Latin ‘ Africa.’

Ὁ 1 Κλεόδημος. This appears to be the sole mention of
Cleodemus Malchas. The name Malchas being neither Jewish
nor Greek, but Phoenician and Syrian, Ewald thinks he was
a Phoenician, Herzfeld a Syrian. But from the reference to the
books of Moses, from the title ‘ prophet,’ corresponding to the

893

422 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

claims of Simon Magus, and from the alleged affinity of Heracles
to Abraham (c 2), Freudenthal thinks Malchas was a Samaritan.

Ὁ 5 ‘Adép. Among the sons and grandsons of Abraham and
Keturah in Gen. xxv. 1-4, the names most nearly corresponding
to those given by Cleodemus are (Sept.) ᾿Ασσουριείμ, Tepap, and
᾿Αφεῴ, in English ‘ Asshurim,’ ‘ Ephab,’ and ‘ Epher.’ See note
on a 6 above.

© 1 Ἡρακλεῖ συστρατεῦσαι. For the expedition of Hercules to
Libya, and his wrestling with Antaeus, see Apollod. ii. 5. 11. δ;
Plut. Sertorius, 572.

9 2 γήμαντα δὲ τὴν ᾿Αφρὰ θυγατέρα. That the Samaritans con-
nected Heracles with the history of Abraham is made probable
by a statement of Epiphanius, Haer. lv. Melchisedekiani εἶπον
δέ reves Ἡρακλᾶν τινα καλεῖσθαι τὸν αὐτοῦ (rod Μελχισεδέκ) πατέρα,
μητέρα δὲ ᾿Αστὰρθ τὴν δὴ καὶ ᾿Αστοριανήν. No Pagan, Jew, or
Christian would have spoken thus about Melchisedek, but the
Hellenizing Samaritans in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes
claimed to be Phoenicians of Sidon (Joseph. A. J. xii. 5. 5), and
as such would be likely to claim descent from the union of a
grand-daughter of Abraham with the Phoenician Heracles, Mel-
carth of Tyre, whose worship was still maintained (2 Macc. iv.
18, vi. 2).

C3 Διόδωρον. Τούτου δὲ γενέσθαι ΣΣοφωνᾶν. According to
Plut. Sertor. ix. Diodorus was the son of Sophax and grandson
of Hercules.

C 4 Σοφὰς λέγεσθαι. Plutarch adds that King Juba claimed

descent from Diodorus and Sophax. Hence also the name Syphax
(Σύφαξ). Cf. Schiirer, 210.
41] G2 Δημήτριος, who is not to be confounded (as by Joseph.
c. Apion. i. 23) with Demetrius Phalereus, was a Jewish his-
torian and chronographer, who lived in the reign of Ptolemy
Philopator (Β. σ. 222-205). ‘Hence we obtain also an important
standpoint for determining the date of the LXX. For that
Demetrius made use of the Septuagint translation of the Penta-
teuch is acknowledged even by Hody ’ (Schiirer, 201).

‘This fragment of Demetrius, though sometimes in error,
comes much nearer to the truth of the Sacred History than the
statements of the others’ (Viger). As Eupolemus and Philo have
both been mentioned by Polyhistor (418 c 7, 421 ¢ 1), it is

BOOK IX. CHAPS, 20, 21 422 d

probable that the Demetrius here named is the same who is
joined with them in Clem. Al. 404 Φίλων δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀνέγραψε
τοὺς βασιλέας τοὺς Ἰουδαίων διαφώνως τῷ Δῃμητρίῳ. Ἔτι δὲ καὶ
Εὐπόλεμος ἐν τῇ ὁμοίᾳ πραγματείᾳ κ-τ.λ.

ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε. ‘Immo septuaginta septem...Annorum
enim erat nonaginta unius, cum Josephum ex Rachele suscepit
post annos quatuordecim quibus Labano servierat’ (Viger). See
the next note.

ἃ 8 ἑβδομήκοντα ἑπτά. ‘This statement is perfectly correct,’
Freudenthal 39, who praises Demetrius for his careful adherence
to the Biblical narrative.

428 a 3 ἐν ἑπτὰ ἔτεσιν ἄλλοις. In Gen. xxix. 27, Fulfil her week
means to celebrate the marriage with Leah for seven days (Judges
xiv. 17), and we will give thee this (Rachel) also for the service
which thou shalt serve with me yet seven other years. The second
service of seven years was not to precede but to follow the marriage
with Rachel, as is shown by the context.

ἃ 7 τὴν ἑαντῆς παιδίσκην Ζελφάν. Zilpah was Leah’s hand-
maid, and Bilhah Rachel’s. Cf. Freudenthal 219 ‘Locum foede
depravatum integritati restituere potes scribendo παιδίσκην (Βαλ-
Adv, ἣν τεκεῖν τῷ ἑνδεκάτῳ ἔτει μηνὶ τετάρτῳ Δὰν καὶ τῷ δωδεκάτῳ ἔτει
μηνὶ δευτέρῳ Νεφθαλείμ᾽ Λείαν δὲ καὶ αὐτὴν παρακοιμίσαι τῷ Ἰακὼβ
τὴν ἑαντῆς παιδίσκην) Ζελῴφάν᾽ The cause of the corruption is
discussed at large by Freudenthal 54 f., who imputes the fault
neither to Demetrius nor Eusebius nor to a mere copyist, but to
‘no other than the superficial compiler the heathen Alexander.’
With this correction ‘the handmaids have their right mistresses,
Dan, Naphtali, Gad and Asher their own mothers; the omission
is explained by the most frequent cause of transcribers’ errors,
the repetition of a like ending, and our faith in the accuracy of
Demetrius has suffered no loss’ (Freudenthal, 56).

Ὁ 3 Idd, ‘fortune.’ Cf. Gen. xxx. 11 Kai εἶπεν Λεία Ἐν τύχῃ:
καὶ ἐπωνόμασεν τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Γάδ.

b 5 ᾿Ασήρ, ‘happy.’ Gen. xxx. 13 Καὶ εἶπεν Acia Μακαρία
ἐγώ, ὅτι paxapiLovoiv pe πᾶσαι al γυναῖκες: καὶ ἐκάλεσεν τὸ ὄνομα
αὐτοῦ ᾿Ασήρ.

Ὁ 6 μήλων τῶν paydpaydpov. ‘The Alexandrian version of Genesis

. was used by the Hellenist Demetrius, fragments of whose
treatise Περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰονδαίᾳ βασιλέων are preserved by Clement
κα x 305

423 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(Strom. i. 403) and Eusebius (praep. ev. ix. 21,29). The following
specimens may suffice to prove this assertion. Demetrius ἀντὶ τῶν
μήλων τοῦ pavdpaypdov. Gen. (LXX) εὗρεν μῆλα pavdpaydpov .. .
ἀντὶ τῶν μανδραγορῶν (xxx. 14 f.)’ (Swete, Introd. to O. T. 18).
Dudaim (Gen. xxx. 14) is usually identified with ‘mandrakes’
(Atropa mandragora), and the name probably means ‘ love-plants.’
The fruit has a strong odour (Cant. vii. 13), and was supposed
to promote conception.

Ὁ συλλαβεῖν. ‘Primum indicare videtur Liam concepisse,
nec tamen foetum ipsi ullum tribuit’ (Viger). Cf. Gen. xxx. 17 f,
The supposed error of Polyhistor disappears if we include καὶ τῷ
αὐτῷ χρόνῳ τὴν παιδίσκην αὐτῆς Ζελῴφάν in a parenthesis.

C 4 τεκεῖν υἱὸν ὄνομα Δάν. ‘Cave credas. Fuit enim Dan
Balae Rachelis ancillae primogenitus, Gen. xxx. 6’ (Viger).

ἃ 4 ἔτη εἴκοσι. Gen. xxxi. 41 ‘I served thee fourteen years
for thy two daughters, and six years for thy flock’ (R. V.).

ἃ 5 τοῦ πλάτους, ‘ the flat,’ answering to the Hebrew 43 ‘ the
hollow of the hand’: in Gen, xxxii. 26, 33, it means the hollow
pan or socket of the thigh.

ἃ 6 ναρκήσαντα ἐπισκάζειν. Cf. Gen. xxxii. 25 ἐνάρκησεν τὸ
πλάτος τοῦ μηροῦ : ibid. 31 ἐπέσκαζεν τῷ μηρῷ αὐτοῦ.

dg εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν Σικίμων. Cf. Gen. xxxiii. 18 Καὶ ἦλθεν
ἸΙακὼβ εἰς Σαλὴμ πόλιν Σικίμων, ἦ ἐστιν ἐν γῇ Χανάαν.

424 Ὁ 5 Ἱσραήλ. Gen. xxxv. I0,

b6 Χαφραθά. Gen. xxxv. 16. Heb. 233 (R. V. ‘some way’):
χαβραθά the transliteration in LXX is regarded by Rusebiu as
& proper name (H. A. Redpath).

C1 Μαμβρὶ τῆς Χεβρών. Cf. Gen. xxxv. 27.

C 3 εἰς Αἴγυπτον. The date of the arrival of Joseph in Egypt
is supposed to be 1706 8. Ο., and that of his death B.c. 1635, by
G. W. (Birch, i. 30). .

ἃ τ ‘Aceé§. Gen. xli. 45 <Asenath, the daughter of Poti-
pherah, priest of On, i.e. of Heliopolis or Bethshemesh.

ἃ 8 κτηνοτρόφους. Gen. xlvi. 32 ἄνδρες yap κτηνοτρόφοι ἦσαν.

4265 a 4 dvo. The MSS. have μίαν, making confusion, as before,
among the numbers.

& 7 τριακοσίους χρυσοῦς. Gen. xiv. 22 ‘three hundred pieces
of silver’ (Heb. 03). But the LXX have χρυσοῦς.

Ῥ § λιμοῦ ὄντος, for which cod. I has λιμοῦ οὔσης. On the feminine

306 .

BOOK IX. CHAPS. 21, 22 425 b

form cf. Lobeck, Phryn. 188, Hom. Hymn. in Cerer. 311 Aquod
ὑπ᾽ ἀργαλέης. In Aristoph. Acharn. 743 the Megarian, speaking
in the Doric dialect, says: ra πρῶτα πειρασεῖσθε τᾶς λιμῶ κακῶς,
and at Sparta in the temple of Apollo Acuds was painted as a
woman.

ἃ 1 Χαρράν is the form given by the LXX to }W (Gen. xi. 31),
which in the English Bible is ‘ Haran.’

qd 6 Κλάθ. Gen. xlvi. 11 NOP: E. V. ‘ Kohath,’ LXX Kaaé.
22] 426 b1 @edSoros. Theodotus is mentioned again 458 b 7
among those who had written concerning the Jews. His verses
show an intimate knowledge of Homer, and are by no means
devoid of poetic merit.

b 2 (Ἐμμώρ). The reading Ἑρμοῦ is apparently a mistake
for Emmor, or Hamor, the father of Shechem (Gen. xxxiii. 19).
The name ‘Eppop is given correctly ἃ 3. .

Ὁ 4 aiyivopos, ‘browsed by goats.’ The paroxytone αἰγινόμος
means ἃ ‘ goat-herd,’ Anthol. Pal. vi. 221 ἦλθε φιλοκρήμων αὖλιν
ἐς αἰγινόμων.

ὑδρηλή. Hom. Od. ix. 132 (λειμῶνες) ὑδρηλοί, μαλακοί.

ΟΣ δρία λαχνήεντα. Hom. Od. xiv. 353 δρίος ἦν πολυανθέος ὕλης.
Hesiod, Opp. 528 ἀνὰ δρία βησσήεντα. Hom. Il. xxiv. 451 λαχνήεντ᾽
ὄροφον λειμωνόθεν ἀμήσαντες.

6 5 (ἡ διερή). The reading of the MSS. is ἦδ᾽ tep7. Neither ἡ δὲ
nor ἥδε is here suitable; and the repetition ἱερή and ἱερὸν ἄστυ is
very objectionable. Read, therefore, with Grotius, ἡ διερὴ &.
The epithet, like ὑδρηλή, six lines above, exactly corresponds to
the description of Shechem by modern travellers. ‘The whole
valley,’ says Dr. Robinson, ‘ was filled with gardens of vegetables
and orchards of all kinds of fruit, watered by fountains which
burst forth in various parts and flow westwards in refreshing
streams. All writers are struck by the peculiar verdure and
fertility produced by the numerous springs and streams.’ See
Smith, Dict. Bible (‘Shechem’). For the use of διερός see Plut,
735 E ἢ διερὸν ὡς μυρσίνη καὶ κιττός, and 951 B depos διεροῦ. It is
used in the same sense by Pindar, Fr. lxxiv. 11 γότιον θέρος ὕδατι
ζακότῳ διερόν, and Aeschylus, Humen. 253 (αἷμα) τὸ διερὸν πέδοι
χύμενον οἴχεται. Hesych. διερόν' ὑγρόν" χλωρόν.

drt λισσόν. Hom. Od. iii. 293 ἔστι δέ τις λισσὴ αἰπεῖά τε εἰς
ἅλα πέτρη.

x2 307

4264 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ὑπώρειαν. Hom. Il. xx. 218, Schol. ὑπωρείας: τὰ κάτω μέρη

”~ *

Tuy °
ἃ ἡ μάλ᾽ (ἀτειρέε) φῶτε. Cf. Hom. Il. iii. 60 αἰεί τοι κραδίη
πέλεκυς ὥς ἐστιν ἀτειρής : I. xv. 697 ἀκμῆτας καὶ ἀτειρέας.

427 & 3 ποταμοῦ κελάδοντος. Cf. Hom. Jt. xviii. 576 πὰρ ποταμὸν
κελάδοντα.

& 4 ἐνιπήν. Hom. Il, iv. 402 αἰδεσθεὶς βασιλῆος ἐνιπὴν
αἰδοώοιο.

bt ἀνεψιός. Hom. Jl. ix. 464. Laban and Rebekah were
children of Bethuel, son of Nahor, Abraham’s brother.

Ὁ 2 (vanyevés). Hom. Od. iv. 336 and xvii. 127 νεβροὺς κοιμή-
σασα νεηγενέας γαλαθηνούς. Laban’s sons are mentioned Gen. xxx.
35; xxxi.1. Cf. Delitzsch ‘ Jacob’s brothers-in-law having been,
contrary to Oriental custom, still silent individuals at their sisters’
Marriages, were quite little fourteen years ago, and perhaps not
born twenty years ago; now however they are grown up (xxx. 35)
and of age.’

Ὁ 4 ὁπλοτάτης, a word frequent in Hesiod. Homer uses only
the comparative ὁπλότερος.

τελέθειν. The transitive sense is found Or. Sib. iii. 263 τοῖσι
μόνοις καρπὸν τελέθει ζείδωρος ἄρουρα.

ἐπεμαίετο. The simple verb is more usual with the infini-
tive. Cf. Pind. Ol. viii. 8; Soph. Aj. 287; Hom. Jl. x. 401
δώρων δ᾽ ἐπεμαίετο θυμός. The compound verb is not used
by Hesiod, except in a fragment preserved by Athenaeus,
498 B.

Ὁ § τολύπευσε. Hom. Od. xix. 137 ἐγὼ δὲ δόλους τολυπεύω.

Ὁ 6 προγενεστέρη. Cf. Hom. It. ix. 161 γενεῇ προγενέστερος.

C 3 νόῳ πεπνυμένοι. Cf. Hom. Il. xxiv. 377 πέπνυσαί re vow.

ἃ 3 γεωμορεῖν. Cf. Hdt. vii. 155; Thuc. viii. 21; Plut.
303 E.

428 a 4 vous. Cf. Hom. JI. xxii. 65; Od. iii. 451 ; Theocr. Jd.
XV. 77 ἐνδοῖ πᾶσαι, ὁ τὰν νυὸν εἶπ᾽ ἀποκλάξας : Ibid. xviii. 15
Μονέλαε, rea ννὸς ἅδε.

b 3 ἀστεμφές.ς Hom. 77. ii. 344 ἔχων ἀστεμφέα βουλήν.

ΟἿΣ πολιτικῶς. Cf. Polyb. xviii. 31. 7 πρᾷως καὶ πολιτικῶς.

308

BOOK ΙΧ. CHAPS, 22, 23 428 ς

Ὁ 3 συγκάταινον, literally, ‘one who joins in approval.’ Cf.
Demosth. 284. 3 βουλόμενοι ὑμᾶς ovyxaraivous γενέσθαι.

ἃ 3 érov. Hom. Il. i. 244 ἄριστον ᾿Αχαιῶν οὐδὲν ἔτισας.

ἃ 4 (pcr). 1 have substituted μόλοι for μόλει O or μόλῃ I.
Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 832.

ἃ 6 λοίγια δ᾽ ὠρώρει τοῖσιν μεμελημένα ἔργα, made up of two
lines of Jl. i. 518 ἦἢ δὴ λοίγια ἔργ᾽ :- and Il. xviii. 497 ἔνθα δὲ νεῖκος
ὠρώρει.

429 ἃ 2 λεῖψε δ᾽ ἔτι σπαίρουσαν. Cf. Hom. Il. xii. 203 ζωὸν ἔτ᾽
ἀσπαίροντα.

ἃ 3 μένος ἄσχετος. Hom. Od. iii. 104 μένος ἄσχετοι υἷες
᾿Αχαιῶν.

& 4 γούνων ἅπτόμενον. Cf. Hom. Il. xxi. 65 γούνων ἅψασθαι
μεμαώς.

ἄσπετα μαργήναντα. Both words are Homeric.

8 5 κληΐδα. Cf. Hom. I. xxii. 324 9 κληῖδες ἀπ᾿ ὥμων αὐχέν᾽
ἔχουσι.

50 δὲ ξίφος ὀξύ. Il. xvi. 340 πᾶν δ᾽ εἴσω vu ξίφος.

b 2 ἀναρρυσαμένους, literally, ‘having drawn up,’ as from a
well. Cf. Cratin. Didasc. Fr. Suidas, "Avapvrew: ἐξαντλεῖν, ἀπὸ
τοῦ épver Gat.

ὅτε σὺ τοὺς καλοὺς θριάμβους ἀναρύτουσ᾽ ἀπεχθάνου.
The reading οὗ Ο ἀναρυσαμένους and the reference to ἐρύομαι by
Suidas suggest ἀνερυσαμένους a8 more appropriate to the idea of
‘rescuing.’ Cf. Anth. Pal. vi. 300 ὡς ἐκ νούσου ἀνειρύσω.
23] © 4 προειδόμενον. This form is found here in all our MSS.
and is retained in Thuc. iv. 64 by Goeller and Arnold; it often
occurs in MSS., elsewhere, but see Poppo’s note on Thue. loc. cit.,
and Kiihner on Xen. Anab. vi. 1. 8 (xpotSyra). The more correct
form is found in Dionys. Hal. Ant. i. 65; vii. 42; Lucian,
Toraris 39.

C5 τὸ ἐντυγχανόμενον, ‘what was requested.’ The active
ἐντυγχάνω, ‘to entreat’ is common; but this sense of the passive
is hardly to be found.

Ὁ 7 ἀπογόνους Ἰσραήλ, υἱοὺς τοῦ ᾿Αβραάμ. “ Israel’ must here
be taken as the ordinary name of the nation. Gaisford’s conjec-
ture Ἰσμαήλ, υἱοῦ ᾿Αβραάμ would require the further change of
ἀδελφοῦ for Ἰσαὰκ ἀδελφούς. The reading of the MSS. is confirmed
by 421 8 2—4.

809

429d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 5 χερσενομένην, ‘laid waste.’ Xen. Oecon. v. 17; XVL 5 καὶ
χερσεύουσα δὲ ὅμως ἐπιδείκνυσι τὴν αὑτῆς φύσιν ‘even when lying
waste.’

ἃ 6 γεωργήσιμον. Cf. Aristot. Probl. xx. 12. 4 οὐκ ἐθέλει
γίνεσθαι ἐν γεωργησίμῳ.

430 8 3 Σάει. On Sais, Sa-Hadjar, see Hdt. 11. 62 ; Plat. Tim. 21
‘There is in Egypt at the head of the Delta where the river Nile
divides a Nome called the Saitic, and the chief city of the Nome
is called Sais, the birth-place of King Amasis. The founder of
their city is a goddess whom the Egyptians call Neith, but the
Greeks in their language Athena.’ Cf. Diod. Sic. v. 57; G. W.
(Birch, iii. 40); Plut. De Is. et Osir.g. But Freudenthal for Sdee
with cod. B reads Sdy, one of the many Egyptian names for Tanis
or Zoan (Ps. lxxviii. 12).

ἃ 4 τὸ ἐν ᾿Αθώς. Of an Athos I can find no mention elsewhere,
but Freudenthal 128 tries to identify it with Pithom, Πάτουμον
(Hat. ii. 158), by cutting off the article I.

85 Ἑρμιούθ. Cf. 420 ἃ 2.

24] Ὁ 3 Φίλων. Cf. 4210 1.

CI ὅλης, 8c. γῆς. On the omission of γῆς cf. Eur. Heracleid.

140 ἐκ τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ τούσδε δραπέτας ἔχων.
ἄκτωρ. Cf. Aesch. Persae, 567 Σουσίδαις φίλος ἄκτωρ.

C5 δινεύσας. Cf. Hom. Il. xviii. 543 ζεύγεα δινεύοντες ἐλάστρεον.
25] ἃ 2 ᾿Αριστέας, ‘not the pseudonymous author of the letter
but the writer of a treatise περὶ Ιουδαίων, quotes the book of Job
according to the LXX, and has been suspected of being the author
of the remarkable codicil attached to it, Job xlii. 17 b-c’ (Swete,
Introd. O. T. 208). Cf. Schiirer, op. cit. 11. iii. 208.

ἃ 3 Βασσάραν. In Gen, xxxvi. 3 Esau’s wife is called ‘ Base-
math Ishmael’s daughter, sister of Nebaioth.’ Instead of
Βασσάρας υἱὸν .. . γεννῆσαι υἱόν, cod. B alone has the right reading
Bacadpay .. . γεννῆσαι Ἰώβ.

ἐν τῇ Αὐσίτιδι χώρᾳ. The name /%Y, ‘Uz,’ is rendered
Αὐσῖτις by the LXX. Uz lay to the south-east of Palestine, corre-
sponding to Arabia Deserta; cf. 431 b 3, note.

ἃ 7 ὄνους θηλείας νομάδας. Job i.3 LXX. The epithet νομάδας,
‘at pasture,’ introduced by the Septuagint, is not very appropriate
to the jiNS, so-called from its slowness, and being of the domestic
kind.

310

BOOK IX. CHAPS. 23-25 431 a

431 a 1 Ἰωβάβ. Gen. xxxvi. 33 Jobab the son of Zerah of
Bozrah, This becomes in the Sept. Ἰωβὰδ vids Ζάρα ἐκ Boodppas.
‘Jobad son of Zara by Bosorra,’ as if Bosorra were the name of
Jobad’s mother. At the end of the book of Job after xlii. 17
the Septuagint has the following addition: ‘But it is written
that he will rise again with those whom the Lord raiseth up.
This (man) is by translation from the Syriac book a dweller in
the land of Ausitis (Uz, Job i. 1), upon the borders of Idumaea and
Arabia: and his name was originally Jobab. Having taken an
Arabian wife, he begets a son whose name was Ennon: and he
was himself a son of Zaré, of the sons of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 13),
and his mother was Bosorra, so that he was fifth from Abraham.
And these are the kings who reigned in Edom, of which country
he also was ruler. First Balak the son of Beor, and the name of
his city was Dennaba: and after Balak Jobab who is called Job;
and after him Asom, who was a chieftain from the land of
Theman; and after him Adad son ef Barad, who cut off Madiam
in the plain of Moab, and the name of his city was Gethaim.
And the friends who came to him were Eliphaz of the sons of
Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 1) king of the Themanites, Baldad the monarch
of the Sauchaeans (Shuhites\, Sophar the king of the Minaeans
(Naamathites).’

ἃ 7 αὐθημερόν. Schol. in I ὅτι τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ιὼβ αὐθημερὸν οὗτός
φησιν ἑλκῶσαι τῆς γραφῆς τοῦτο μὴ παρασημαινούσης.

Ὁ 1 Θαιμανιτῶν, ‘ the south,’ a part of Edom, called after or per-
haps giving name to a son of Eliphaz son of Esau (Gen. xxxvi. 10,
11). The people were famed for wisdom (Jer. xlix. 7, 8; Obad.
vv. 8, 9).

Ὁ 2 Σαυχαίων. The Shuhites are identified by G. Rawlinson
(Dict. Bib. ‘Shuhite’) with Tsukhi a people mentioned in the
Assyrian inscriptions, dwelling on both sides of the Euphrates, in
a district afterwards called Sohene.

Muvaiwv. The Seventy by this rendering seem to have
identified the Naamathites with the Minaei, a powerful people in
the south-west of Arabia, bordering on the Red Sea, in the country
now called Yemen. See Smith, Dict. Gk. and Rom. Geogr. ‘ Minaei.’

Ὁ 3 Ζωβίτην. Cf. Job xxxii. 2. The Buzites, or descendants
of Buz (Gen. xxii. 21), are mentioned in Jer. xxv. 23 in connexion
with Dedan and Tema, and so seem to have settled in Arabia.

Bix

431 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

But Polyhistor, by transforming the name into Zobite, seems to
refer to Zobah in Syria (2 Sam. viii. 3). The passage in the LXX
is ᾿Ελιοῦς ὁ τοῦ Βαραχιὴλ ὁ Βουζίτης ἐκ τῆς συγγενείας ‘Pap, τῆς
Αὐσείτιδος χώρας, where Ram is the name of a family, not of
a country, Aram.
26] ο 3 This passage of Eupolemus is quoted by Clem. Alex.
Strom. i. 413.

φησι. Clem. Al. ἐν τῷ περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ βασιλέων τὸν
Motion φησι.

6 4 γράμματα. Clem. Al. γραμματικήν, retained by Freudenthal
209, ‘ weil Cobet (Ἑρμῆς 169) die Bedeutung “ Kunde der Buch-
stabenschrift ᾽ dem Worte gesichert bat.’ Freudenthal adds an
example of this meaning from Syrianus’ Commentary on the
Στάσεις of Hermogenes (Walz, Rhet. Gr. 43 ἡ γοῦν xara Κάδμον
+ + + γραμματική).

27] di ‘Aprdzavos. Cf. 420 Δ 1, note.

ἃ 2 Μεμψασθενώθ. The same Mempsasthenoth seems not to
occur elsewhere. On the terminations -ωθ and -w6ys see Deiss-
mann, 327, who gives many examples from the Papyri.

ἃ 4 Παλμανώθην. ‘Palmanothes reminds us of Pamenothes
and Pamonthes in Brugsch’ (Freudenthal, 158).

ἃ 5 Κεσσάν, identified by Freudenthal with Γεσέμ (Sept.),
Goshen, which in hieroglyphics is Keoep.

432 a2 Xevedpp. The name Chenephres is apparently identical
with Cephren, Hdt. ii. 127; Diod. Sic. i. 64: he was the brother
and successor of Cheops, and builder of the second pyramid, and
is mentioned by the Scholiast on Clem. Al. Protrept. 44

Μνήματα Χεφρῆνός τε καὶ ἀντιθέου Muxepivov
Καὶ Χέοπος κατιδὼν Μάξιμος ἠγασάμην.
Cf. Masp. i. 372, 379, where the pyramid of Cephren and two
of his statues are represented, as well as the coffin and sarco-
phagus of Mycerinus. See also G. W. (Birch, i. 16).

@3 πολλούς. G. W. (Birch, i. 19, note) ‘If we may believe
Josephus, Manetho speaks of kings of the Thebaid and the rest
of Egypt uniting in a common cause; and thereby shows the
existence of contemporary dynasties.’ Masp. i. 226, note 5
‘E. de Rougé triumphantly demonstrated, in opposition to
Bunsen, now (1895) nearly fifty years ago, that all Manetho’s
dynasties are successive ... and the monuments discovered from

gi2

year to year in Egypt have confirmed his demonstration in every
detail.’ Ibid. 227 f. ‘The country was, no doubt, frequently
broken up into a dozen or more independent states, each pos-
sessing its own kings daring several generations; but the annalists
had from the outset discarded these collateral lines, and recog-
nized only one legitimate dynasty, of which the rest were but
vassals.’ Ibid. iii. 28.

b1 λιθοθεσίας. The blocks of stone were drawn up inclined
planes by oxen, and were laid with the most scrupulous care.
Cf. Masp. i. 375, 384.

ὅπλα. On the Egyptian arms see G. W. (Birch, i. 297 ff.),
and Plates, 332, 406.

Ὁ 2 ὑδρευτικά. See the representations of the shadoof, pole and
bucket, in G. W. (Birch i. 279).

Ὁ 3 νομούς. On the original communities and principalities
of Egypt see Masp. i. 7o-6, and on the ‘Nomes’ 77; also
G. W. (Birch, i. 97-9).

Ὁ 4 ἀποτάξαι τὸν Θεόν. See Diod. i. 89 quoted above go ἃ 6.

ἱερὰ γράμματα, ‘hieroglyphics,’ as shown by the next sentence.
See Masp. i. 221.

ἃ 5 Ἑρμοπολίτην. Masp. i. 72 ‘RhmfénG, the present Ash-
minein, is the Hermopolis of the Greeks, the town of the god
Thot.’ A plan of the ruins is given by Masp. i. 144.

ἃ 7 προκαθεδουμένους τῆς χώρας. Cf. Polyb. ii. 24. 8 τὰ μὲν
οὖν προκαθήμενα στρατόπεδα τῆς χώρας ταῦτα ἦν.

dir τὴν ἴβιν. Ηαΐ. ii. 75.

488 a ἐν Διοσπόλειι. Diospolis was a name of Thebes: the
No, or No-Ammon of the Bible.

b 1 τὸ πλησίον dpos. For a description of the mountains see
Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr. ii. 1137 4.

Ὁ 6 ἾΑπιν. On Apis see 47 8; δῖ b,c; 117 d.

Ὁ 9 ᾿Αποξενωσάντων δὲ αὐτόν, literally, ‘having treated him as
an alien.’

G5 Μερόην. On Meroé see Hut. ii. 29, with G. W.’s note.

ἃ 6 τὴν Ἶσιν. Cf. Strab. 822 ‘The people in Meroé worship
Hercules, and Pan, and Isis, in addition to some other foreign
(BapBapuxg) deity.’

434 ἃ 4 προκαταταχήσαντα. Cf. Sext. Emp. x. 145 ovre orjoerat
οὔτε TO ἕτερον προκαταταχήσει.

813

484 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

@5 φονεῦσαι τὸν Χανεθώθην. This seems to refer to the inci-
dent in Exod. ii. 12.

b 5 ἐλεφαντιάσαντα. Elephantiasis, a disease akin to leprosy,
and the name under which leprosy itself was sometimes de-
scribed. Cf. Plut. Sympos. viii. Probl. 9 (731 A) ‘Philo the
physician was maintaining that the so-called elephantiasis had
become known not very long before; for none of the elder
physicians made mention of it.... But I brought forward for
him the testimony of a philosopher Athenodorus, who in bis first
_ book on Epidemics narrates that not only elephantiasis, but also
hydrophobia first appeared in the times of Asclepiades.’ Ascle-
piades of Prusa in Bithynia flourished at Rome about B.c. 100
(Cic. De Orat. i. 14. 62), and Athenodorus about A. D. 100.

6 3 πῦρ ἀναφθῆναι. Cf. Exod. iii. 2 ff.

ἃ 6 αὐτομάτως ἀνοιχθῆναι. Cf. Acts xii. 10 αὐτομάτη ἠνοίχθη
αὐτοῖς ἡ πύλη. The story is quoted from Artapanus by Clem. Al,
Strom. i. 413.

435 ἃ 3 ἀναβιῶσαι. Clem. Al. ἀναβιῶναι. Aristot. Hist. An. vii.
10. 3 πάλιν ἀνεβίωσεν ; Theophr, Hist. Plant. iv. 14. 12 καὶ τὰ
φύλλα ἀνεβίωσεν.

b 4 ἐποζέσαι. Cf. Exod. vii. 18 ἐποζέσει 6 ποταμός ; Xvi. 20, 24.

C6 φρονηματισθέντας. Cf. Aristot. Pol. viii. 6. 11 pera ra
Μηδικὰ φρονηματισθέντες ἐκ τῶν ἔργων.

ἃ 5 σκνῖπας. Sept. Exod. viii. 16 (12) σκνῖφες (Swete), the
word by which the LXX rendered 2933, R. V. ‘lice,’ Marg. ‘ sand-
flies,’ or ‘fleas.’ The more usual word for ‘flea’ is ywAAa. The
form of the word is discussed by Lobeck, Phryn. 399 ‘ Σκνιφός
cum ᾧ negant Atticum esse Phryn. et Thom., sed σκνιπόν aut
σκνῖπα.ἢ

ἃ 1 τὴν γῆν εἶναι Ἶσιν. Οἵ. ττό ἃ 7 "lous ἡ Αἰγυπτία ἐστὶ γῆ.

ἃ 8 ddpovovpévov. The active present participle occurs in
Hom, Jl. xv. 104 peveaivopey addpovéovres. But the middle voice
is hardly to be found, though there is a cognate form ddpovevopat.

Git σεισμῶν. ‘Hieronymus ad Fabiolam ep. 127: Illud
Hebraei autumant quod nocte qua egressus est populus omnia
in Aegypto templa destructa sunt, sive motu terrae sive ictu
fulminum ’ (Seguier).

436 a 6 διαβάντας. The very awkward repetition suggests that
one or other of the two clauses is an interpolation.

314

BOOK IX. CHAPS, 27--20 436 c

6 6 κρίμνον. Aristoph. Nubes, 965 κεὶ κριμνώδη xaravidor,

‘though it should snow thick as meal.’
ἐλύμῳ. “ Etymolog. M. p. 333. 33 "EAvpos. σπέρμα ὃ ἕψοντες
ot Λάκωνες ἤσθιον. ᾿Αριστοφάνης Νήσοις.᾽

6 ἢ πυρράκη. 1 Sam. xvi. 12 (Sept.) καὶ οὗτος πυρράκης.

ἃ τ ἀξιωματικόν. Cf. Polyb. x. 18. 8 ἦν ἡ γυνὴ πρεσβυτέρα καί
τινα προστασίαν ἀξιωματικὴν ἐπιφαίνουσα.

48] ἃ. Ἐζεκιῆλοςς Ezekiel, a Jewish author of uncertain.
date, wrote a dramatic story of the Exodus (Egaywyy) in Greek
Iambics, part of which is quoted by Clement of Alexandria,
Strom. i. 414.

ἃ 6 παρεισάγων. Cf. Polyb. iii. 47. 7 τὸν ᾿Αννίβαν ἀμίμητόν τινα
παρεισάγοντες στρατηγόν.

487 c 4 aBpas. Suidas, “ABpa : οἰκότριψ' γυναικὸς κόρη καὶ ἔντιμος,
εἴτε οἰκογενὴς εἴτε py. Thus “ABpa means ‘a favourite maid,’
whether born in the household or not. It was the title of a
play by Nicostratus, a poet of the Middle Comedy. Cf. Meineke,
Comic. Graec. Fr. Nicostratus, Athenae. 654 B, 133 C.

438 ὁ 2 ἀπογυμνῶσαι. Cf. Pausan. 333 ἀπεγύμνον τὸ πᾶν.

CQ συμφανές. Cf. Aristot. Eth. N. i. 9. 7 συμφανὲς δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ
ἐκ τοῦ λόγου τὸ ζητούμενον.

ἃ 3 ἀλλοτέρμονα, a word which I have not found elsewhere.

489 a5 ἀμοιβαίων. Cf. Plat. Rep. 394 B ὅταν ris τὰ τοῦ ποιητοῦ
τὰ μεταξὺ τῶν ῥήσεων ἐξαιρῶν τὰ ἀμοιβαῖα καταλείπῃ.

ἃ 6 Χούμ. The name occurs in 419 d 2 as that of the mythical

ancestor of the Ethiopians.
29] © 1 Ἰοθόρ, Heb, 1, Exod. iii. 1. There is a well-known
difficulty in reconciling the various statements concerning the
name of Moses’ father-in-law, who is called Reuel in Exod. ii. 18,
Jethro in Exod. iii. 1, Hobab in Judges iv. 11, while in Num. x. 29
we read ‘ Hobab, the son of Raguel, the Midianite, Moses’ father-
in-law.’

c5 Aaddy. Gen. xxv. 3 ‘And Jokshan begat Sheba and Dedan.’

c 6 ὍΒβαβ, seemingly the same name as Hobab, Num. x. 29;
Judges iv. 11.

ἃ 5 "Ioadp. There is no name corresponding to 1888 among
the sons of Keturah mentioned in Gen. xxv. 2.

ἃ 10 ἐν ᾿Ασηρώθ. Num. xi. 35, xii. 16 ‘ Hazeroth.’

dri Ai@torida. Num. xii.1. Demetrius seems here to adopt the

315

499 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

untenable opinion that Zipporah was the same as the Cushite or
Ethiopian woman whom Moses married.

ἃ 12 προσπαρειληφώς. There is no mention of a dream in
the narrative of the interview between Moses and Jethro in
Exod. xviii.

440 C1 παρεμβολή, usually a camp or fortress, Acts xxi. 34,
but here ‘an army.’ Cf. Gen. xxxii. 1.

ο 6 "Apa ye. Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 546

dpa ye πολλῶν
ἀγαθῶν πᾶσιν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἀποφαίνω σ᾽ αἴτιον οὖσαν ;
Ast. Ler. Plat.”Apa. ‘ Affirmate interrogat ita ut responsio aiens
vel sequatur vel in totius orationis continuatione lateat (sicut
Lat. ne pro nonne ponunt).’

ἃ 6 τεράστιον. Cf. Lucian, Dialog. Mort. xvii τεράστιόν τι
πάσχεις, ὦ Τάνταλε.

441 6 2 δύσφραστος. Cf. Plat. Tim. 50 C τρόπον τινὰ δύσφραστον.

ἰσχνόφωνος. Cf. Plut. Mor. 89 Β ἡ φιλία τανῦν ἰσχνόφωνος
γέγονεν.

ἃ 2 κολαστρίαν, ‘feminine οὗ κολαστήρ᾽᾽ (L. and Sc. Lez.).

442 Ὁ 4 Kuvopvu. Cf. Hom. Il. xxi. 394

Τίπτ᾽ αὖτ᾽, ὦ κυνάμνια, θεοὺς ἔριδι ξυνελαύνεις ;
Lobeck, Phryn. 689 “ Κυνάμνια, quod quidem retroacto ordine
μνιάκυνα (i.e. τὸν ἀναιδῆ Hesych.) dixerunt, in oratione soluta raro
occurrit, v. Athen. iii. 126 A.’

443 GI πρωτότευκτα, ἃ late form for rpwrodroxa.

ἃ 4 κοῖλα (8c. ὑποδήματα), ‘boots that reach to mid-leg’
(L. and Sc. Lez.).

444 Ὁ 4 προστάταισι, ‘front-rank men,’ Cf. Xen. Cyr. iii. 41
χώραν ἔχετε οὐδὲν ἧττον ἡμῶν ἔντιμον τῶν προστατῶν παραστάταις.
Cf. Hdt. vi. 117 τὸν δὲ ἑωντοῦ παραστάτην ἀποκτεῖναι.

Ὁ 6 φαλαγγικοί. The more usual forms are φαλαγγίτης and
φαλαγγιτικός.

b 7 διεκδρομάς, nearly equivalent to διεξόδους. Cf. Plat. Legg.
Viii. 813 ὁπλομαχίας καὶ διεξόδων τακτικῶν. In naval battles the
corresponding term was διέκπλους, Xen. Hell. i. 6. 31.

Ο 8 ἀποσκευή. Cf. Gen. xxxiv. 29 πᾶσαν τὴν ἀποσκευὴν αὐτῶν.

ἃ 2 ἔνδακρυν. Cf. Lucian, Somn. 4 κατέδαρθον ἔτι ἔνδακρυς.

445 Ὁ 6 εἰσεκύρσαμεν. The compound seems not to occur else-
where.

316

BOOK ΙΧ, CHAPS. 29, 30 445 ¢

C9 συνεκλύσθη. Cf. Plut. Mor. 206 D συγκλυζομένου δὲ τοῦ
πλοίον.

ἃ 12 εὐαε. Cf. Hesiod, Opp. 591 χώρῳ ἐν εὐαεῖ : Soph. Philoct.
828 (Jebb).

446 ἃ 8 ἐπίρρυτος. Cf. Xen. Anab. i. 2. 22 πεδίον μέγα καὶ καλὸν
ἐπίρρυτον καὶ δένδρων παντοδαπῶν σύμπλεων.

Ὁ 2 τοῦ φανέντος dpvéov. The bird is evidently meant to be
the phoenix, which Herodotus thus describes (ii. 73): ‘The
plumage is partly red, partly golden, while the general form and
size are almost exactly like the eagle.’ There is no mention in
Exodus of the phoenix or any such bird, but the twelve palm trees
(φοῖνιξ) at Elim may have suggested the story of the phoenix to
the poet, just as in the poem of Lactantius, Phoeniz 70, the tree
is said to have been named from the bird:

‘Tum legit aério sublimem vertice palmam,
Quae gratum Phoenix ex ave nomen habet.’

Ὁ πορφυροῦν. The many-coloured plumage of the bird, as
described in our text, falls far short of the glowing picture by
Lactantius, 137

‘Ingentes oculi: credas geminos hyacinthos,
Quorum de medio lucida flamma micat.’
C4 φωνήν. Lact. 45
‘Incipit illa sacri modulamina fundere cantus
Et mira lucem voce ciere novam.’
6 6 Πάντα yap τὰ πτήν᾽ ὁμοῦ. Lact. 155
‘Contrahit in coetum 8686 genus omne volantum,
Nec praedae memor est ulla nec ulla metus.
Alituum stipata choro volat illa per altum,
Turbaque prosequitur munere laeta pio.’
Cf. Clem. R. i. 25, with Lightfoot’s full notes.
90] 44741 Εὐπόλεμος. On this fragment see Schiirer, op. cit.
I. iii. 203.

Ὁ 3 υἱόν. γαμβρόν B, probably a conjectural emendation.

Ὁ 5 Κομμαγηνήν, ἃ district in the north of Syria, lying between
the Euphrates on the east, Cilicia on the west, and Cappadocia on
the north.

Γαλαδηνῇ, probably the same district of Assyria which is
called by Strabo (530, 735) ‘Calachene,’ and lies a little to the

447 Ὁ THE ῬΕΕΡΑΒΑΤΙΟΝ FOR THE GOSPEL

north of Nineveh: it is supposed to derive its name from ‘ Calah’
(Gen. x. 11).

Ὁ 6 Xrparetoa. This account of David’s conquests corre-
sponds nearly with 2 Sam. viii.

.C 1 Ναβδαίους. The Nabdaei are unknown, but perhaps the
name is a variation of Nabathaei, the first- born of Ishmael (Gen.
xxv. 15). Cf. Ovid, Metam. i. 61

‘Eurus ad auroram Nabataeaque regna recessit.’
Juven. Sat. xi. 126 ‘ Nabataeo belua saltu,’ where see Dr. Mayor’s
note.

Sovpwva. Other forms of the name are Χειράμ (Sept.),
Eipwpos (Josephus), Hiram (1 Kings v. 10), Huram (1 Chron.
xiv. 1), Sipwpos (Βαϊ. vii. 68). Cf. 493 ὁ 4.

Ο 3 Οὐαφρῆν, ‘Vaphres.’ Cf. Ewald (Hist. of Isr. iii. 225,
note, E. Trs.): ‘What Eupolemus (Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix. 30) or
Al. Polyhistor (Clem. Al, Strom. i. 21) says of the assistance of an
Egyptian king Vaphres in the building of the temple, supported
by allegation of the letters exchanged between the two kings, is
plainly in imitation of 1 Kings v. 2 sq., and may be derived from
an Apokryphon.’ See below 448 a 1, note.

6 7 ἱδρύσθαι. Gaisford prints ἱδρύσθαι both times, and Dindorf
ἱδρῦσθαι. Both forms are found as variants for ἱδρύσασθαι in
Hdt. ii. 182; ἱδρῦσθαι is more correct for the perfect passive,
which is also used in an active sense, as in Hdt. ii. 42 ὅσοι
μὲν δὴ Διὸς Θηβαιέος ἵδρυνται ἱρόν. Here the passive sense is
preferable.

69 Διαναθάν. There is no mention of an angel in the passages
quoted on c 8, nor does the name Διαναθάν occur in the Bible:
it is probably formed from the name of Nathan the prophet.

ἃ 4 ’AiAdvors, ‘ Eloth,’ 1 Kings ix. 26,

ἃ 5 Οὐρφῆ, ‘Ophir,’ 1 Kings ix. 28.

ἃ 7 μεταλλευτάς. Cf. Strab. 407, 700.

448 ἃ 1 γράψαι πρὸς Οὐαφρῆν. Cf. Clem, Al. Strom. 1. 396
᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ Πολυΐστωρ ἐπικληθεὶς ἐν τῷ περὶ ‘Tovdaiwy ovy-
γράμματι ἀνέγραψέ τινας ἐπιστολὰς Σολομῶνος μὲν πρός τε Ovadpyy
τὸν Αἰγύπτον βασιλέα πρός τε τὸν Φοινίκης Τυρίων τάς τε αὐτῶν
πρὸς Σολομῶνα κι τι λ. In these spurious letters no regard is paid
to chronology; Pharaoh-Hophra, who is called in the Septuagint

318 ᾿ ᾿

BOOK IX. CHAPS, 30-33 448 2

(Jer. xliv. 30) Otadpy, and by Herodotus (ii. 161) ᾿Απρίης, was
contemporary with Nebuchadnezzar and in Manetho’s list suc-
ceeded Psammuthes or Psammitichus as eighth in the 26th
Dynasty. See Hdt. iv. 159; Diod. Sic. i. 68.

91] a 4 OYA®PHI, ‘The name Hophra is in hieroglyphics
WAH-(P)RA-HAT, and the last syllable is equally omitted by
Herodotus, who writes Apries (ii. 161), and by Manetho, who
writes Uaphris.’? Smith, Dict. Bib. ‘Pharaoh-Hophra’; Hastings,
Dict. Bib. ‘Hophra.’

32] ad τ: Σεβριθίτον νομοῦ. This name is not given in the
list of Nomes in Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Geogr. ‘ Aegyptus,’
but the Nome meant is probably that of the Sembrithae (Strab.
711)

ἃ 4 ὡς ἄν. Cf. Soph. Philoct. 1330 ἕως ἂν αὑτὸς ἥλιος ταύτῃ
μὲν αἴρῃ. ἕως ἄν is a certain emendation of ὡς ἄν, which would
mean ‘in whatever way,’ ‘ however’ (Aj. 1369)... ὡς dy never
Means, or could mean, ‘ while’ (Jebb). Cf. Dind. Soph. Aj.
1117, note. In all these passages, as here, the MSS. have as dy,
and in Oed. Col. 1361 ὥσπερ dy, where Jebb and Blaydes read
ἕωσπερ dv. The use of ws ay in a temporal sense is common in
later Greek, and in face of the remarkable agreement of MSS. in
all the passages mentioned above the conjectural emendation can
hardly be regarded as certain.

ἃ 5 ἀπὸ τῆς χρείας (γενόμενοι), ‘when they have finished the

business.” ‘ Notus Hellenismus ἀπό τινος πράγματος γενέσθαι, hoc
est ἀπηλλαχέναι τοῦ πράγματος ... Plut. Alex. 683 C ἀπὸ τῶν
ἱερῶν γενομένῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντες (Viger). Cf. Polyb. v. 14. 7
ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς χρείας, ‘ after this affair’ (the battle).
33] 449 a6 κόρους. ‘The largest (about 8} bushels) of the -
dry measures, equivalent to the homer’ (Smith, Dict. Bibl. and
edit.). Cf. 1 Kings v. 11 ‘Solomon gave Hiram twenty thousand
measures (cors) of wheat... and twenty measures of pure oil,’
where the cor is used for a fluid as well as a dry measure, as
here.

8 7 ἀρταβῶν ἕξ. Cf. Hdt. i. 192 ‘The artabas is a Persian
measure, and holds three choenices more than the medimnus of
the Athenians.’

a 8 μέτρα δέκα. The measure here meant is the ephah, ten of
which made one homer or cor.

δῖ9

4Δ0ὉἢΣ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

bi ἱερεῖα δὲ εἰς κρεοφαγίαν, ‘sacrificial animals for food.’ Cf.
Hat. iii. 69 σιτία ἀποτακτὰ διδόντες καὶ ἱερήϊα, i.e. as food for
crocodiles. Diod. Sic. iii. ἀπὸ xpeodayias τὸν βίον ἔχουσι.

94] ἅἂ τΔλ πλάτος πηχῶν ξ΄. 1 Kings vi. 2. The measures do
not agree either with the Hebrew or the Septuagint, or with
Josephus, A. I. viii. 5.

450 a1 Νάθαν. In 1 Chron. xxviii. 11, 12 it is said that
David gave to Solomon the pattern of the house and of all that
he had ‘ by the spirit,’ no mention being made of Nathan.

a 2 δόμον, ‘a course.” Cf. Hdt. ii. 127 ὑποδείμας δὲ τὸν πρῶτον
δόμον λίθον Αἰθιοπικοῦ.

ἔνδεσμον, ἃ word used in the Septuagint in several senses,
which it is not easy to understand (3 Kings vi. 10; Prov. vii. 20;
Ezek. xiii. 11; 3 Mace. iii. 25): here it is a beam laid between
alternate courses of stone.

& 3 wedexivos, ‘securicula,’ ‘ dovetailing.’ But here a kind of
cramp, 80 called from its resemblance in shape to a small hatchet.

a 4 ἔξωθεν. In 1 Kings vi. 15 this covering of cedar is said
to have been on the inside, but in ver. 10 we read that ‘he
covered the house with beams and planks of cedar.’

a 6 In x Kings vi. 10, 16 ναός means the Holy Place, as dis-
tinguished from Aafip ‘the oracle,’ or Holy of Holies; and the
covering of gold is there said to have extended to the whole
house (ver. 22) as well as to the ‘oracle’ (ver. 20).

bi μαστοειδέσι. Cf. Polyb. v. 70. 6 ἐπὶ λόφου μαστοειδοῦς.

Ὁ 3 φατνωμάτων. Cf. Polyb. x. 27. 10 ras δοκοὺς καὶ τὰ φατνώ-
para, ‘ lacunaria.’

δῶμα. Cf. Judges ix. 51 ἀνέβησαν ἐπὶ τὸ δῶμα τοῦ πύργον.

Ὁ 4 χαλκόν, either pure ‘copper,’ or ‘bronze,’ a mixture of
copper and tin: but I have retained the word ‘ brass,’ which is
commonly used in the Bible, and particularly in this place,
1 Kings vii. 15-232.

ἃ 8 ἀνδρομήκεις. Cf. Polyb. viii. 7. 6 ὡς ἀνδρομήκους ὕψους.

ἃ 11 ὀπτάνηται. Cf. Acts i. 3 ὀπτανόμενος αὐτοῖς.

46δ18,. 3 ἁλυσιδωτούς. Polyb. vi. 23. 15 ἁλυσιδωτοὺς περιτίθενται
θώρακας.

ἃ 5 δικτύϊ, an unusual form for δίκτυον. In Hdt. iv. 193
it is the name of an unknown animal, but is there paroxytone
δίκτυς.

320

BOOK IX. CHAPS. 33-27 4510

κώδωνας χαλκοῦς. 2 Chron. iv. 13 Sept. κώδωνας χρυσοῦς.
A. V. and R. V. ‘pomegranates.’ Cf. the description of Aaron’s
robe, Exod. xxxix. 25 ‘They made bells of pure gold, and put the
bells between the pomegranates ...a bell and a pomegranate,
a bell and a pomegranate.’
Ὁ 4 dvd«ropov. Cf. Simon. lix. 1°Q ire Δήμητρος πρὸς ἀνάκτορον.
Ὁ 8 Σηλώμ, ‘Shiloh’; the form in the LXX is SyAw or Σηλώμ.
βοῦς χιλίους. In 1 Kings viii. 63 the number is 22,000 oxen
and 120,000 sheep: in 2 Chron. v. 6, ‘sheep and oxen which could
not be told nor numbered for multitude.’

d 1 τάλαντα μυριάδων νξ΄. If the reading is correct, this
means 460 x 10,000= 4,600,000 talents of gold. This is reduced
in cod. B to τετρακισμυρίων ἑξήκοντα, 40,060. Possibly μυριάδων
has been inserted by some one to whom 460 talents seemed too
small a sum (Frendenthal, 212).

452 a 1 Theophilus is mentioned again 458 b 7 among the
writers who had taken notice of the Jews. Passages from his
geographical works are quoted by Plutarch and Ptolemy.

8 3 ζῶον. Cf. Hdt. iii. 88 ζῶον δέ of ἐνὴν ἀνὴρ ἱππεύς.

8 6 χρυσῶν. The χρυσοῦς, or gold stater, was nearly equal to
the shekel, that is, to two drachmae in weight, and twenty
drachmae in value. The numbers here differ from those in
1 Kings x. 17 τριακόσια ὅπλα χρυσᾶ ἐλατά' καὶ τρεῖς μναῖ ἐνῆσαν
χρυσοῦ εἰς τὸ ὅπλον τὸ ἕν.

35] Ὁ τ Τιμοχάρης, a writer otherwise unknown.

36] d 1 σχοινομέτρησιν. The schoenus was a land-measure
varying in different countries from thirty to sixty furlongs. Cf.
Hat. i. 66 πεδίον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι. I have not found any
other mention of this metrical survey of Syria. Cf. Schiirer,
1. 1. 75.

97] d7 On Philo see 421 6, note, ‘Of course the author must
have lived before the time of Alexander Polyhistor, who came
to Rome B.c. 83’ (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.). Cf. Schiirer,
li. 3. 223.

453 a 3 Nyyxopevos. These verses are so corrupt that I cannot
attempt to translate them. Viger’s Latin version is as follows:

‘Desuper allabens nova tum miracula vidi

* . qua fons uberrimus undas
Egerit atque sinus implet ductusque profundos.’
μιᾷ Υ 821

453 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 7 ὑψιφάεννον, an unusual form. Cf. Anth. Pal. vii. Gor
Adwov ὑψιφαῇ τόνδ᾽ dvérewe τάφον.

Ὁ 1 (ὑπαὶ πύργοις συνόροισι) The reading of the MSS. ὑπὲρ
πύργοισιν ὄροισι is manifestly corrupt: Viger suggests tai, to
which I have added πύργοις συνόροισι. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. viii.
10. 3 σύνοροι γάρ εἰσιν αὗται: Eth, Eud. vii. 9. 1 πάντα ταῦτα
σύνορα ἀλλήλοις.

b 5 ἀποχετεύσεωςς. An interesting description of some of the
subterranean cisterns and aqueducts recently discovered in Jeru-
salem will be found in the publications of the Palestine Explo-
ration Fund. See Recovery of Jerusalem, 17-29; J. H. Lewis,
The Holy Places of Jerusalem, 118-23.

ΘΙ σωλῆνες. Cf. Hermann, Archilochi Fr. 98, Etymolog. 324.

14 οἷον ὡς παρὰ ᾿Αρχιλόχῳ, διὲξ σωλῆνος. Cyril. Hieros. Cat. iv. 9
οὐδὲ ὥσπερ διὰ σωλῆνος διελθὼν τῆς παρθένουι.͵ The word is pro-
bably used here of the underground tunnel by which the waters
of Siloam were brought from the Virgin’s fountain to the pool
of Siloam. See note on ἃ 6.
38] c 6 ᾿Αρισταῖοςς. This Aristaeus, or Aristeas, is otherwise
unknown, and quite distinct from the Ps.-Aristeas whose letter
concerning the Septuagint translation is mentioned 349 ὁ 10.
Cf. Schiirer, ii. 3. 208.

ἃ 4 σμῆξιν. On σμήχω, the late form for σμάω, and its deri-
vatives see Lobeck, Phryn. 253; Rutherford, New Phryn. 221
Σμῆγμα καὶ σμῆξαι καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα dvarrixd: τὸ γὰρ ἀττικὸν σμῆμα
καὶ σμῆσαι.

ἃ 6 Ὕδατος δὲ ἀνέκλειπτός ἐστι σύστασι. The truthfulness
of this and the other particulars here mentioned has been
fully confirmed by the researches of last century. In 1838
Dr. Robinson and afterwards Sir Charles Wilson and Sir Charles
Warren passed through the tunnel from end to end. In 1881
a remarkable inscription was found carved on the rock near
the exit: the translation by Professor Sayce ends thus: ‘ They
struck on the west of the excavation: the excavators struck,
each to meet the other, pick to pick. And there flowed the
waters from their outlets to the Pool for a thousand two
hundred cubits.’ The conduit was probably made _ shortly
before the siege by Sennacherib. Cf. Hayter Lewis, The Holy
Places of Jerusalem, 120 ff.; Wilson and Warren, The Re-

332

BOOK IX. CHAPS. 37-40 453 d

covery of Jerusalem, 17-27, where the water supply is fully
described.

ἃ 8 ὑποδοχείων, the underground cisterns mentioned in the
works quoted above.

454 a2 ἑαυτά. For ἑαυτάς it seems necessary to restore ἑαυτά,
as found in Aristeas.

ἃ 5 κονιάσεως. This word is mentioned by L. and Sc. as a
probable reading in Theophrast. Hist. Plant. iv. 10 4 where
Wimmer’s text is ᾧ χρῶνται πρὸς τὰς κονίας.

99] bi τῆς Ἱερεμίου προφητείας. This anonymous fragment
from the compilation of Polyhistor probably belongs to Eupolemus
(Freudenthal 16).

Ὁ 5 Ιωναχείμ. Jer. i. 3: Ἰωακείμ, Sept. ‘ Jehoiakim,’ E. V.

Ὁ 7 Βάαλ. Jeremiah frequently denounces the worship of
Baal, but without any reference to a golden image.

6 4 ᾿Αστιβάρην. Cf. Diod. Sic. ii. 34 ‘After the death of
Artaeus Artynes reigned over the Medes twenty-two years, and
Astibaras forty years.... And when Astibaras the king of the
Medes died of old age at Ecbatana, he was succeeded in the
government by his son Aspadas, who was called by the Greeks
Astyages.’ According to Hdt. i. 74 Astyages was the son of
Cyaxares.

C7 Ἱπεζῶντ᾽ appara. Probably πεζῶν has been repeated from
the preceding line, and should be omitted as Viger suggests.

ἃ 5 τὸν Ἱερεμίαν κατασχεῖν. Against the statement in 2 Esdras
x, 22 ‘The ark of our covenant is spoiled,’ may be set the tradi-
tion preserved in 2 Macc. ii. 4 ‘It was also contained in the same
writing, that the prophet being warned of God commanded the
tabernacle and the ark to go with him, as he went forth into the
mountain, where Moses climbed up, and saw the heritage of God.
And when Jeremy came thither, he found an hollow cave, wherein
he laid the tabernacle and the ark, and the altar of incense, and
so stopped the door.’

40) 455 b4 Συμμίξας. ‘This admirable and truly golden frag-

ment of Berossus has been preserved by Joseph. c. Apion. i. 450’

(Viger). Cf. Tatian. ad Graecos, 141 (Schwartz) Βηρωσὸς ἀνὴρ

Βαβυλώνιος, ἱερεὺς τοῦ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς Βήλου, κατ᾽ ᾿Αλέξανδρον γεγονώς,

᾿Αντιόχῳ τῷ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν τρίτῳ τὴν Χαλδαίων ἱστορίαν ἐν τρισὶ βιβλίοις

κατατάξας, καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν βασιλέων ἐκθέμενος, ἀφηγεῖταί τινος
Υ2 323

455 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

αὐτῶν ὄνομα Ναβουχοδονόσορ τοῦ στρατεύσαντος ἐπὶ Φοίνικας καὶ
Ἰουδαίους.

Ὁ 5 ἐξ αὐτῆς. Cf. Polyb. ii. 7. 7 ἐξαυτῆς (sic) ἐπεβάλοντο διαρ-

πάζειν τὴν πόλιν.

αὐτῶν. The editors have unnecessarily changed this reading
of the MSS. into αὐτοῦ, instead of αὑτοῦ in Josephus. αὐτῶν
means ‘of Nebuchadnezzar and his father Nabopolassar,’ who
being ill at this time entrusted the expedition to his son (Joseph.
ibid.).

6 3 τισὶ τῶν φίλων. Eusebius omits the statement of Berossus
that Nebuchadnezzar left his heavy-armed troops and booty with
these friends, and hastened on with a few to Babylon.

6 8 Εὐιλμαλούρονχος. The name Evil-Merodach, or Amil-
Marduk (Driver, Auth. and Arch. 120), is variously represented
in Greek. Cf. 456 Ὁ 2.

d1 NypryAwadpov. Neriglissar is identified by Canon Driver
(ibid.) with Nergal-Shar-uzur (Jer. xxxix. 3, 13).

ἃ 4 Χαβαεσσοάραχοςς. The name in Berossus, as quoted by
Joseph. ὁ. Apion. i. 20, is ‘ Laborosoarchod,’ and by Driver (ibid.)
as Labashi- Marduk.

ἃ 6 ἀπετυμπανίσθη. Cf. Heb. xi. 35 ἐτυμπανίσθησαν.

ἃ 9 τὰ περὶ ποταμὸν τείχη. This work is attributed by Herodotus
(i. 186) to Queen Nitocris, mother of Labynetus. Cf. Author. and
Arch. 165. ‘ At the end of the sixth Dynasty in Manetho, and in
the ancient Papyrus of Kings at Turin, is a queen Nitakere,
evidently the Nitocris of Herodotus.’ Cf. ibid. 199.

456 a 2 Ναβόννηδος. Nabonnedus, or Nabo-na’id, the Laby-
netus of Herodotus and last king of Babylon, admitted his eldest
son Bel-shar-ezar, or Belshazzar, to a share in the government.
When Nabonnedus retired to Borsippa, the government of the city
of Babylon was left in the hands of Belshazzar, who is mentioned
in an inscription of the period along with his father. Belshazzar
was slain in the capture of the city by Cyrus, B.c. 539. Daniel,
v. 30; Sayce, Babylonia, 174; Rawlinson, Historical Illustra-
tions of O. T., 171. Cf. Hdt. i. 191; Xen. Cyrop. vii. 5. 15,
and especially Driver (ibid. 122).

ἃ 4 Βορσιππηνῶν. Strab. 739 ‘ Borsippa is a city sacred to
Artemis and Apollo, a great linen-factory.’ It was ‘ almost adjoin-
ing Babylon on the south-west,’ and Birs Nimroud stood within it

334

BOOK IX. CHAPS, 40, 41 456 a

(Driver, ibid. 31, 122). See Sir ἢ. C. Rawlinson’s essay on The
Topography of Babylon, in Rawlinson’s Hdt. ii. 573: he speaks of
‘the identification of Birs with Borsippa—a town quite distinct
from Babylon, which is rendered certain by the monuments.’ See
a fuller description on p. 580.

Ὁ 2 ἐγχειρίσαντος αὑτὸν πρότερον. ‘From the ‘ Annalistic
Tablet’ quoted by Driver 123, 125 we learn that on the 16th
of Tammuz (June) 538 B.C. the soldiers of Cyrus under Gubaru
entered Babylon without fighting, and Nabo-na’id in consequence
of delaying was taken prisoner in Babylon.

Ὁ 3 Καρμανίαν, on the north-east side of the Persian Gulf.

Ὁ 7 ὀκτωκαιδεκάτῳ. 2 Kings xxv. 8 ‘nineteenth year of king
Nebuchadnezzar.’

6 2 Aevrépw. According to Ezra i. r the decree of Cyrus
was made in his first year, and the house was finished on the third
day of the month Adar, which was in the sixth year of the reign of
Darius (Ezra vi. 15).

41] di ᾿Αβυδηνοῦ. See 414 d 2, 416 Ὁ 2.

ἃ 3 Μεγασθένης. Cf. 410 ὁ 9.

ἃ 4 Ἰβηρίην. The Iberia here meant is ἃ region near the
Caucasus (Strab. 118 τοὺς περὶ τὸν Καύκασον, οἷον ᾿Αλβανοὺς καὶ
Ἴβηρας) in the isthius between the Black and Caspian seas, nearly
corresponding with Georgia. Strabo describes it as a rich country
well inhabited for the most part in cities and farmsteads
(ézrotxiots) with tiled roofs, and he even commends the archi-
tectural character of the buildings both public and private (499
fin... The remarkable story of the conversion of the Iberians
to Christianity (A.D. 320-30) is told by Neander, Church Hist.
iii. 162.

dg Birdos. Cf. 420 b 8, note, 457 Ὁ το.

457 a1 Βῆλτις. See note on 38 d 9.

& 2 ἡμίονος. Cf. 213 ἃ 6.

Ὁ 2 ᾿Αμιλμαρούδοκος. Cf. 455 ὁ 8, note.

Ὁ 3 IyAcodpys, another form of Νηριγλίσαρος, 455 ἃ τ. On
this succession of the Babylonian kings see the notes on 455 ¢ 6-
456 c 4, Clinton, Fast. Hell. 235; G. Smith, Babylonia, το.

Ὁ 10 Βῆλον δέ σφεα παῦσαι. Apparently σῴφεα refers to πάντα.

ΘΙ τῷ χρόνῳ δὲ τῷ ἱκνευμένῳ Cf. Hdt. vi. 86 συνενειχθῆναι δέ
οἱ ἐν χρόνῳ ἱκνευμένῳ τάδε λέγομεν. ‘Male olim: tnsequenti

325

457 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

tempore, cum potius sit : justo, conveniente, commodo tempore, sive
ut Larcherus reddi vult, constituto tempore. Vid. nott. ad vi.
65 οὐκ ixveopévws’ (Bibr).

6. 3 χαλκόπυλον. Herodotus (i. 180) describes the city as
divided by the Euphrates, and the city wall as brought down on
both sides to the edge of the stream, the cross streets which run
down to the water-side having low gates of brass in the fence of
burnt bricks that skirts the stream. In one division of the city
was the royal palace, and in the other was the sacred precinct of
Zeus Belos, a square enclosure two furlongs each way, with gates
of brass; ‘ which was also remaining ’ (says Hdt.181) ‘to my time.’

6 6 τριπλῷ περιβόλῳ. Hat. i. 181 ‘ The outer wall is the main
defence of the city. There is, however, a second inner wall... .
The centre of each division of the town was occupied by a fort-
ress. In the one stood the palace of the kings, surrounded by
α wall of great strength and size.’

C8 Σιππαρηνῶν. Sippara was situated on both sides of the
river (whence the dual form Sepharvaim) about the site of the
modern Mosaib. The Euphrates below this point was known to
the Babylonians as the ‘river of Sippara’: just as in Arabian
times, when Sippara had become Sura, it was known as the Nahr-
Sura.’ Maspero, i. 565, note 2 ‘Pantibibla’ (the name of a city
in Berossus’ account of Chaldaea) ‘ has been identified with Sippara
and Sepharvaim, on account of the play upon the Hebrew word
Sepher (book).’

The parasang contained thirty stades or furlongs (Hat. ii. 6)
about three and a half miles, The circuit here ascribed to this
artificial lake would therefore be 140 miles. This corresponds
exactly with the circuit given by Diod. Sic. ii. g; but the depth
mentioned there is only thirty-five feet. See the Standard Inscrip-
tion of Nebuchadnezzar, Rawlinson’s Hdt. ii. 585 ‘The Yapur-
Shaper—the reservoir of Babylon—by the grace of Merodach,
I filled completely full of water. ... For the delight of mankind
I filled the reservoir.’

ἃ 1 éxeroyvwpovas, dams having a graduated index {γνώμωνλ
to regulate the rise of the water, as in the Nile and its canals,
Strab. 817; Diod. Sic. 43, 44; G. W. (Birch, ii. 388).

ἃ 3 τά τε βασιλήϊα. This palace of Nebuchadnezzar is identi- -
fied by Sir H, C, Rawlinson with the modern Kasr, of which he

326

BOOK ΙΧ. CHAP. 4I—BOOK X. CHAP. 1 457d

gives an engraving on p. 577 of Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. ii.
Cf. Diod. Sic. ii. 10 ‘There was also the so-called Hanging
Garden, not made by Semiramis but by some later Syrian king, to
please a concubine. For she is said to have been a Persian by
birth, and longing for the mountain-meadows asked the king to
imitate the peculiar character of the land of Persia by means of
skill in gardening. And the garden extends on each side four
plethra (i.e. 400 feet), and the ascent is mountainous, and the
buildings one after another, so that the appearance is like a
theatre.’
a7 vag. Theodot. Dan. iv. 26 ἐπὶ τῷ vag τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ.
R. V. iv. 29 ‘in the royal palace of Babylon.’
42] 458 Ὁ 5 Σύρων. For ‘Syrians’ Josephus has ‘ Aegyptians.’
b 7 Theophilus, 452 a.
Theodotus, 426 b, 427 a.
Mnaseas, 414 b.
For ‘ Aristophanes ’ Josephus has ‘ Ariphanes.’
b 8 Euemerus, 59 seq.
‘Conon,’ an author of the age of Augustus.
Zopyrion is otherwise unknown.
c 6 On Demetrius Phalereus see 350 a 1.
6 7 Φίλων ὁ πρεσβύτερος. See 421 ΟΣ, 430 Ὁ 3, 452 ἃ 7.

BOOK X

1] 460 d 10 ὡς δέ. The sentence beginning with Ὥσπερ (ἃ 1)
is left without an apodosis. Viger has οὕτως ὅτι, but gives no
authority.

ἃ 12 συνεκτικώτατα. Cf.Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. iii. τὸ τούτων
δὲ τῶν αἰτίων of μὲν πλείους ἡγοῦνται τὰ μὲν συνεκτικὰ εἶναι τὰ
δὲ συναίτια τὰ δὲ συνεργά, καὶ συνεκτικὰ μὲν ὑπάρχειν ὧν παρόντων
πάρεστι τὸ ἀποτέλεσμα καὶ αἱρομένων αἴρεται καὶ μειουμένων μειοῦται.
Cic. De Fato 19 ‘causas cohibentes in se efficientiam naturalem ’:
ibid. 44 ‘continentem causam.’ Cf. 317 a, note.

461 Ὁ 4 ἐσκευωρῆσθαι. Cf. 218 ὁ σκενωρησαμένους, ‘ having
collected their goods.’

C2 ὁ καθ᾽ εἷς. Mark xiv. 19 εἷς καθ᾽ εἷς: Rom. xii. § τὸ δὲ
καθ᾽ els: 3 Macc. v. 34 ὁ καθ᾽ εἷς.

327

461 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

2] a6 καθ᾽ ὃ σημαινόμενον κιτιλ. Viger remarks: ‘ Graeca hic
subhorrida sunt, nec tamen a genio Clementis aliena.’ For the
meaning of ἐκδεχόμενοι see Aristot. Eth. N. iv. 1. 5.

ἃ 8 φέρε. The apodosis of the sentence commencing with
Παραστήσαντες begins here.

462 a 4 Oi γάρ. Clement’s reading εἰ γάρ has been changed in
the MSS. of Eusebius into the more difficult Oi γάρ, which would
be better written Ot ydp.

σχολῇ y av... ἀφέξονται. On this very anomalous use of
ἄν with a future indicative, see 267 a 5, note, Jelf, Gk. Gr. 424 ὃ.
A learned friend suggests οὖν instead of ἄν, but I have allowed
the reading of the MSS. to stand.

ἃ 6 τῶν τὰς αἱρέσεις διανενεμημένων. For the construction cf.
Plat. Legg. v. 737 Ε γῇ δὲ καὶ οἰκήσεις ὡσαύτως τὰ αὐτὰ μέρη
διανεμηθήτων. ᾿

Ὁ 1 καθωμιλημένων, ‘familiarly known.’ Cf. Polyb. x. 5. 9
δόξα καθωμιλημένη.

C 5 Θεοπόμπον. Theopompus of Chios, ἃ rhetorician and his-
torian contemporary with Alexander, and a pupil of Isocrates,
who said that Theopompus needed the bit and Ephorus the
spur. He wrote an epitome of Herodotus, a continuation of
Thucydides, a history of Philip, and various orations. Theo-
pompus is mentioned also in 354 d, 464 b, 465 b, c, 467 d,
and especially in 491 a 8. See the good account of Theo-
pompus in J. W. Donaldson’s Literature of Ancient Greece, i.
217-22.

ἃ 5 Εὐγάμων. .. ἐκ Movoaiov. Cf. Pausan. 53 ‘Among other
paintings’ (in the Acropolis at Athens) ‘is one of Musaeus. I
have read verses in which it is said that Musaeus could fly, as
a gift of Boreas, and I think Onomacritus is the author of the
verses: and there is nothing certainly written by Musaeus except
a hymn to Demeter, written for the Lycomedae. Miiller, Litera-
ture of Ancient Greece, 7o ‘The continuation of the Odyssey
was the Teleyonia, of which poem only two books were intro-
duced into the collection used by Proclus. Eugammon (sic) of
Cyrene, who did not live before the 53rd Olympiad (568 B.c.),
is named as the author.’ In the course of the poem ‘ Ulysses (in
all probability in compliance with the prophecy of Teiresias, in
order to reach the country where the inhabitants were neither

328

BOOK X. CHAPS. 2, 3 462 d

acquainted with the sea nor with salt, the product of the sea)
goes to Thesprotia, and there rules victoriously and happily, till
he returns a second time to Ithaca, where, not being recognized,
he is slain by Telegonus, his son by Circe, who had come to seek
his father.’ In his note on this passage Miller adds that ‘the
poem on the Thesprotians in a mystic tone, which Clemens of
Alexandria (Strom. vi. 277) attributes to Eugammon,... was
manifestly in its original form a part of the Telegonia.’

463 ἃ 4 ἐπιστροφήν. Cf. Xen. Hellen. v. 2. 9 ἄξιον... ἐπι-
στροφῆς.

b 7 αὐχμοῦ. Pausanias, 179, says that the drought prevailed
beyond the Isthmus and in the Peloponnese, and that envoys were
sent from every city to Aeacus, king of Aegina, who offered
sacrifices and prayers to Pan-Hellenian Zeus, and so brought rain;
and the people of Aegina made statues of all the envoys at
the entrance of the Hall of Aeacus. Cf. Apollod, iii. 12. 6.9;
Diod. Sic. iv. 61. 305; Pind. Nem. v. 17.

ἃ 9 κατεφώρασεν. The charge of plagiarism is vigorously re-
torted upon Clement himself by Valckenaer (Diatr. de Aristobulo,
iv), where, speaking of plagiarism among the Greeks, he says:
‘The fact itself cannot be denied, having been proved by clear
examples from the poets by Athenaeaus, ii. 43 F, iii. 84 B, iv.
262 D, E, x. 454; and of express purpose by Porphyry in
Eusebius, Praep. Ev. x. 464-8. Moreover, Porphyry, fearing
lest, while accusing others, he might himself be clearly convicted
of plagiarism (467 d 1-468 b 3) enumerates the authors who had
professedly treated of the plagiarisms of the ancients, That not
one of these is mentioned by Clement in that part of his work
seems, I confess, strange to me: yet he may have been well
acquainted with some of them. Certainly if these cases, which he
has so diligently searched out, are to be called thefts, he might
perhaps have applied to himself the words of Callimachus,

οὐκ ἀπὸ ῥυσμοῦ
εἰκάζω, φωρὸς δ᾽ ἴχνια φὼρ ἔμαθον.
For we have reason to suspect that Clement has copied out
much from other writers, not bearing on the present point, and
especially from the aforesaid Aristobulus, without mentioning
his name.’
9] 46481 The heading of the following chapter is ‘ Porphyry

$29

464 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

on the Greeks as Plagiarists, from the First Book of the Lecture on
Literature (τῆς φιλολόγου ἀκροάσεως). In Smith, Dict. Gk. and R.
Biogr., the title is given as φιλόλογος ἱστορία.

Ta Πλατώνεια. A festival held in honour of Plato on his
birthday, by his followers, who also paid like honour to Socrates.
Cf. Porph. Plotin. Vit. 117 ἐμοῦ δὲ ἐν Πλατωνείοις ποίημα ἀναγνόντος
τὸν ἱερὸν γάμον, K.T.X.

Longinus, A.D. 213-273. Cf. Porph. Plotin. Vit. 126 ἔτι
δὲ τοῦ Λογγίνον, ἃ ἐν συγγράμματι γέγραφε περὶ Τ]λωτίνου re καὶ
᾿Αμελίον καὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν γενομένων φιλοσόφων, ἀναγκαῖον παρα-
θεῖναι, ἵνα καὶ πλήρης γένηται ἡ περὶ αὐτῶν κρίσις, οἵα γέγονε τοῦ
ἐλλογιμωτάτου ἀνδρὸς καὶ ἐλεγκτικωτάτον.

a 2 Nicagoras of Athens wrote Lives of Illustrious Men, and
other works (Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.).

Major, an Arabian, wrote Περὶ στάσεων (ibid.).

8 3 This Apollonius, whom it is difficult to identify among so
many of the name, must not be confounded with ‘the Gram-
marian,’ Apollonius Dyscolus, who lived a century earlier.

Of the other three guests who are named nothing is known.

Ὁ 3 ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοι. The others are the many who have not
been named.

Ὁ 6 κλέπτην ἀπεκάλει. On Ephorus, cf. Donaldson, Hist. Lit.
Anc. Gr. i. 214 ‘It is clear that, in drawing up his details
of historical events, he availed himself of all the best authorities,-
not neglecting inscriptions and other authentic documents, and
correcting many errors of his predecessors. This diligence
has rendered him liable to a charge of plagiarism, but there
seems to be no reason for believing that he intentionally con-
cealed his obligations to other writers.’ Ephorus flourished circ.
B.C. 408,

Ὁ 7 ἐκ τῶν Aaipdyov. Daimachus, circ. B. 0. 312, wrote a
book about India, said by Strabo, 70, to be utterly unworthy of
credit. The dates show that Ephorus could not have borrowed
from him.

Καλλισθένους. Callisthenes accompanied Alexander in his
expedition, and was put to death by him circ. B. 0. 326.

C1 ᾿Αναξιμένους. Cf. 491 a 8. The dates in all these cases
prove that the charge made by Caystrius was false. There is
therefore no need to change the reading Δαϊμάχου (with Clinton)

380

BOOK X. CHAP. 3 464

into Δηϊόχου, the name of an early historian who lived before
Herodotus.

C 4 τῇ ἑνδεκάτῃ. The Philippica of Theopompus contained an
elaborate history of Philip of Macedon in fifty-eight books
(Donaldson, ibid. i. 220).

6 8 τὸν ἐπὶ Μαυσώλῳ ἀγῶνα. At the consecration of her hus-
band’s celebrated tomb Artemisia offered a prize for the best
panegyric on Mausolus, which was won by Theopompus (B.C. 352).
Strabo, 656, speaks of the Mausoleum as one of the seven wonders
of the world.

ἃ 3 “Avdpwvos. Andron of Ephesus wrote a work on the Seven
Sages of Greece, which he called The Tripod: cf. Diog. L. i. 30
‘Andron in the Tripod says that the Argives offered a tripod
as a reward of excellence to the wisest of the Greeks; and that
Aristodemus of Sparta who was adjudged the wisest gave way
to Cheilon.’ Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 396.

ἃ 6 ἀνιμήσας (ἱμάς) Cf. Athen. 352 εἰπόντων δὲ τῶν ἱμώντων,
Ἡμεῖς γε τοῦτο πίνομεν, κιτιλ.

ἃ 10 Ταῦτα καὶ αὐτὸς εἶπεν. For ἂν εἶπον the reading of Viger’s
text Gaisford substitutes εἰπών with the MSS. Viger’s conjecture
εἶπεν, referring αὐτός to Andron, seems to give the best construction
and sense, but is without support from the MSS.

465 a 2 On Pherecydes see 41 d 5.

ἃ 5 τῆς προρρήσεως τοῦ σεισμοῦ. Cf. Diog. L.i. 11 καὶ ἀνιμη-
θέντος ἐκ φρέατος ὕδατος πιόντα προειπεῖν ὡς εἰς τρίτην [ἡμέραν]
ἔσοιτο σεισμός: καὶ γενέσθαι. Jambl. Pyth. Vit. 136.

& 7 ἀπὸ Μεγάρων τῆς Σικελίάς. The Hyblaean Megara was a
city on the east coast of Sicily described by Thucydides, vi. 4.

ἀπὸ δὲ Σάμου. Diog. L. ibid. παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τῆς Σάμον
περιπατοῦντα, καὶ ναῦν οὐριοδραμοῦσαν ἰδόντα εἰπεῖν ὡς μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ
καταδύσεται: καὶ ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς αὐτοῦ καταδῦνα. The authority
quoted for these stories by Diog. L. is Θεόπομπος ἐν Τοῖς Θαυμασίοις.
Cf. Iambl. ibid. 126.

Ὁ i Συβάρεως ἅλωσιν. The capture of Sybaris (B. 0. 510) and
its total destruction by the people of Crotona, led by the Pytha-
gorean Milo, is recorded by Strab. 263; Hdt. v. 44; Athen. xii.
521; Diod. Sic. xii. 10.

Μεσσήνης. Messana, or Zanclé, the modern Messina, was cap-
tured by the Samians, circ. B.c. 490 (Thuc. vi. 4), and by Himilcon

336

465 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

the Carthaginian (B.c. 396), who utterly destroyed it, and left
scarcely a trace of the city. This final destruction seems to have
been related by Theopompus with circumstances borrowed, as is
here alleged by Porphyry, from the capture of Sybaris.

Ὁ 3 Περίλαον. Cf. Diog. L. i αἰ (116) ἀνιόντα τε (Pepexddn)
els Ὀλυμπίαν εἰς Μεσσήνην τῷ ξένῳ Περιλάῳ συμβουλεῦσαι peror-
κῆσαι μετὰ τῶν οἰκείων, καὶ τὸν μὴ πεισθῆναι" Μεσσήνην δὲ ἑαλωκέναι.

Ὁ Φαρναβάζου. The account of the interview is given at
length with the speeches of both parties in Xen. Hellen. iv. τ.
29-39, and fully deserves the praise here bestowed upon it by
Porphyry. Whether his criticism of Theopompus is equally just
we have no means of judging, as all his works are lost. The
interview is also described by Plut. Agesilai Vita, 602.

c 4 ἐξεργασίαν, lit. ‘elaboration.’ Cf. Polyb. x. 45. 6 ὁ δὲ
τελευταῖος τρόπος ἐπινοηθεὶς διὰ Κλεοξένου καὶ Δημοκλείτον, τυχὼν
δὲ τῆς ἐξεργασίας δι᾿ ἡμῶν, x.t.X.

ἃ 2 Μένανδρος. Menander, the famous dramatist οὗ the New
Comedy, was born B.C. 342.

ἃ 4 ὁ γραμματικός. Aristophanes of Byzantium (circ. B.c. 200),
ἃ very eminent grammarian, and chief director of the library at
Alexandria. He introduced accents, edited Homer and Plato,
and commented on all the chief poets. Cf. Donaldson, Gk. Lit.
i, 2311.

a5 Λατῖνος, unknown except from this mention of his work
by Porphyry.

a7 Φιλόστρατος. Neither of the rhetoricians thus named is
said to have been an Alexandrian: nor can I find any other
notice of the treatise on the plagiarism of Sophocles. Fabricius,
Bibl. Gr. ii. 17 refers to this passage only.

ἃ 8 (Καικίλιος), a Greek rhetorician of Kalé Acté in Sicily,
came to Rome in the time of Augustus, On his statement con-
cerning Menander see Meineke, Fragm. Gr. Com. (ed. min. 888),
where several fragments of the Δεισιδαίμων are quoted.

ἃ 10 ᾿Αντιφάνου. Antiphanes (B.C. 404-330°, one of the
most famous authors of the Middle Comedy, was a native of
Kios in Bithynia, or, as some say, of Smyrna (Meineke, ibid.
Antiphanes).

Οἰωνιστήν. Cf. Hom. Il. ii. 858 Μυσῶν δὲ Χρόμις ἦρχε καὶ
"Evvopos οἰωνιστής.
332

BOOK X. CHAP. 3 466 a

466 a1 Ὑπερίδην. Hyperides, or Hypereides, of Athens, a
distinguished orator contemporary with Demosthenes, and usually
allied with him in patriotic opposition to the Macedonians. Of
his numerous orations fragments only were known until the
discovery by the late Mr. Churchill Babington of the ᾿Επιτάφιος
Λόγος and the Defence of Euzrenippus. For an account of the
discovery of other works by which Hyperides was restored to
his rightful eminence among Athenian orators, see Donaldson,
Gk. Lit. i, 199.

& 2 τῷ Πρὸς Διώνδαν λόγῳ. Diondas unsuccessfully opposed the
bestowal of the wreath upon Demosthenes. Cf. Demosth. De Cor.
302. 15; 310. Io.

8. 3 Εὐβούλου. Eubulus was the first named of the ambas-
sadors sent to Philip for the ratification of peace, and was
charged with receiving bribes. Cf. Demosth. De Cor. 232,
235, &c.

Ὁ 5 ‘EAAavixov. Hellanicus, like other logographers, ‘ wrote
local histories and traditions. This circumstance, and the many
differences in his accounts from those of Herodotus, render it
highly probable that these two writers worked quite indepen-
dently of each other, and that the one was unknown to the
other’ (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.). Thucydides (i. 97)
says that Hellanicus almost alone had touched on the history
of the times between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, but
had done so too briefly and inaccurately as regard to dates.
Ifellanicus is mentioned by Eusebius 415 ἃ, 476 ἃ, 478 c, d, 489 a,
498 c.

Ὁ 6 (Aapdorov). Damastes of Sigeum, a Greek historian
contemporary with Herodotus and Hellanicus, is mentioned by
Strab. 583 (Δαμάστης δ᾽ ἔτι μᾶλλον συστέλλει ἀπὸ Παρίου) and
684.

Ὁ 8 Περιηγήσεως, the title of a Geography of Hecataeus, called
also Περίοδος γῆς. Rawlinson, Hdt. i. 49 ‘A writer of weak
authority (Porphyry) accuses him (Herodotus) of having copied
word for word from Hecataeus his long descriptions of the
phoenix, the hippopotamus, and the mode of taking the crocodile.
It seems, however, improbable that he should have had recourse
to another author for descriptions of objects and occurrences with
which he was likely to have been well acquainted himself; and

333

466 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

with regard to the phoenix, his own words declare that his
description is taken from a picture (ii. 73).’

CI περὶ βασάνων. Cf. Isaeus, 70. 2 ‘ You regard torture as the
surest proof both in public and in private suits’; 69. 43 ἔφυγε τὴν
βάσανον.

6 2 Κύλωνος The name is variously given in the MSS. of
Eusebius as Cylon, Cilon, Cyclon; but in Isaeus it is Ciron.

τῷ Τραπεζιτικῷᾳ. An oration against the banker Pasion.
Cf. 361 6 οὗτος δ᾽ οὕτω σφόδρα ἔφευγε τὴν βάσανον.

C 3 ἐξούλης Demosth. Adversus Onet. 871. 14 ἔφυγε τὴν
βάσανον. |

C5 Kara KAcopedovros. This is not one of the extant orations
of Dinarchus, and we therefore cannot tell what he borrowed
from Demosthenes, Against Conon, 1256-71. The δίκη αἰκίας was
tried before the Forty as a private action, and it was necessary
to prove who had struck the first blow, and whether in joke or
in anger. Cf. Demosth. Mid. 21 D.

ἃ 3 Γυναικός. Simonid. Fr. 224 (6); Clem. Al. 744.

d 5 Two of the plays of Euripides were named Melanippe the
Wise and Melanippe the Captive. Fragments only remain of
either. Diog. L. i. 33 ἔφασκε yap (6 Θαλῆς) τριῶν τούτων ἕνεκα χάριν
ἔχειν τῇ τύχῃ" πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι ἄνθρωπος ἐγενόμην καὶ οὐ θηρίον" εἶτα
ὅτι ἀνὴρ καὶ οὐ γυνή" τρίτον ὅτι Ἕλλην καὶ ov βάρβαρος.

ἃ τἰ Theodectes was an eminent rhetorician and tragic poet
in the time of Philip of Macedon, a pupil of Isocrates and friend
of Aristotle, who refers to one of his tragedies, Eth. Nic. vii. 7. 6.
See the interesting life of Theodectes in Smith, Dict. Gk. and R.
Biogr.

With these sentiments concerning woman compare the
Talmud, Berakhoth, ix. 156 (Schwab) ‘R. Judah taught three
things that a man should say every day: ‘Blessed be God;
(1) for not creating me a pagan; (2) nor foolish; (3) nor a
woman.”’

467 8 5 Antimachus, of Colophon, an epic and elegiac poet,
circ. B.C. 400, of whom Cicero (Brutus, 51) narrates the following
anecdote. In reading his interminable poem (The Thebaid) he
had wearied out all his audience except Plato, when he remarked,
‘I shall go on reading none the less, for Plato alone is to me
worth all the rest.’ Athenaeus (xiii. 597 A) mentions his elegiac

334

BOOK X. CHAP. 3 467 a

poem on Lyde, his wife or mistress. Cf. Miiller, Literature of
Ancient Greece, 453.

a 7 Idas, brother of Lynceus, was one of the Argonauts, and
it was he who slew the Calydonian boar.

Ὁ 2 Λυκόφρων ἐπαινεῖ. Lycophron was a celebrated gram-
marian and poet, who under Ptolemy Philadelphus arranged all
the Comic poets in the library of Alexandria and wrote a great
work on Comedy.

b 5 Kparivov. Cf. Aristoph. Eg. 526 sqq.

εἶτα Kparivov μεμνημένος, ὃς πολλῷ ῥεύσας ποτ᾽ ἐπαίνῳ

διὰ τῶν ἀφελῶν πεδίων ἔρρει, καὶ τῆς στάσεως παρασύρων

ἐφόρει τὰς δρῦς καὶ τὰς πλατάνους καὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς προθελύμνονυς"

γυνὶ δ᾽ ὑμεῖς αὐτὸν ὁρῶντες παραληροῦντ᾽ οὐκ ἐλεεῖτε.

ἃ 2 Lysimachus is probably the grammarian of Alexandria
(circ. B.C, 140-100).

d 3 Alcaeus of Messene the epigrammatist of the time of
Philip IIT of Macedon (B. c. 219-196).

ἃ 5 Πολλίωνοςς. This was probably Claudius Pollio a contem-
porary of the younger Pliny.

Σωτηρίδαν. Soteridas of Epidaurus was either the husband
or father of Pamphila, and lived in the reign of Nero.

ἃ 6 Περὶ τῆς Κτησίου Κλοπῆς. Ctesias, a physician and histo-
rian of Cnidos (circ. B.c. 400), wrote histories of Persia and of
India, and other works chiefly geographical. An Epitome of
Ctesias was written by the Pamphila mentioned above, who says
that during thirteen years being constantly at work upon her
book she diligently wrote down whatever she heard from her
husband and his many learned friends. See Smith, Dict. Gk.
and Κα. Biogr. ‘ Pamphila,’ and on Ctesias see Donaldson, Gk.
Lit. i, 40.

ἃ 8 Of Aretades nothing is known, except from Plut. Mor.
308 C ὡς ᾿Αρητάδης Κνίδιος ἐν τρίτῳ Μακεδονικῶν.

468 a Περὶ τοῦ Ὄντος The work of Protagoras entitled
Truth ‘was probably identical with the work on the Evxistent
(Περὶ τοῦ Ὄντος), attributed to Protagoras by Porphyrius (in Eus.
Praep. Evang. x. 3. 463 Viger). This work was directed against
the Elceatics (Πρὸς τοὺς ἕν τὸ by λέγοντας), and was still extant
in the time of Porphyrius, who describes the argumentation of

335

468 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

the book as similar to that of Plato, without adding any more
exact statements’ (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.). As the
supposed proofs are not given, we can only say that the charge
of plagiarism is not very probable, considering how often Plato
quotes Protagoras by name in several dialogues, and refutes his
doctrines at length in the Theaetetus.

4) ἃ 8 ἄλλην ἄλλως. Cf. Plat. Euthyd. 273 B ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην
βλέποντε.

ἃ 9 ποσῶς, ‘in some degree.’ Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp.
i. 120 ποσῶς δὲ ἐπινενομένη, ‘inclined in some degree’; 227 οἷον
ἐν οἴκῳ σκοτεινῷ ποσῶς κειμένου σχοινίον ἐσπειραμένου πιθανὴ ἁπλῶς
φαντασία γίνεται ἀπὸ τούτου ὡς ἀπὸ ὄφεως, i.e. ‘ when a coiled rope
is placed in a certain position.’ Polyb. x. 61. 2 οὐδὲ κατὰ ποσὸν
ἐποιήσατο μνήμην.

469 ἃ 2 καταλήψεως. “ conception’ as distinguished from ‘ per-
ception’ (φαντασία), a term invented by Zeno. Cf. Zeller, Out-
lines, 236; Stoics, 79; Stob. Ecl. ii. 128 εἶναι δὲ τὴν ἐπιστήμην
κατάληψιν ἀσφαλῇ καὶ ἀμετάπτωτον ὑπὸ λόγον.

ἃ 5 ὁ Δωδωναῖος. Cf. 61 ἃ 9 and 134 d 11, note. In the
present passage Apollo alone is mentioned as σεμνός τις καὶ μέγας
θεός. At Dodona there was the famous oracle of Zeus, but none
of Apollo. Probably, therefore, we should read here ὁ Διδυμεύς,
corresponding to 61 ἃ 9 τὸν Κλάριον, τὸν Πύθιον, τὸν Διδυμέα.
Cf. Strab. 634, 642.

ἃ 12 θεῖα. Cod. B has αὐτά τ᾽ αὐτῶν χρηστήρια, omitting τὰ
θαυμαστὰ καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι βοώμενα θεῖά τε καί. θεῖον in the sense of
‘divinity’ seems to be first used by Hdt. i. 32 τὸ θεῖον πᾶν ἐὸν
φθονερόν. Cf. iii. 40; iii. 108 rod θείον ἡ προνοίη. Here ra θεῖα
means not so much the gods themselves as their religious rites
and sanctuaries.

470 Ὁ 5 τοὺς ἑπτὰ. .. σοφούς. Zeller, Outlines, 27 ‘The
story of the Wise Men (which we first meet, though then univer-
sally recognized, in Plat. Protagor. 343 A) is for the rest entirely
unhistorical, not merely as to the statements concerning the
tripod, their maxims, their meetings and letters, but also as to
the theory that seven men were acknowledged by their contem-
poraries to be the wisest. Even their names are very variously
given: we are acquainted with twenty-two belonging to widely
different periods. Only four are to be found in all the enumera-

336

BOOK X. CHAPS. 3, 4 470 b

tions, viz. Thales, Bias, Pittacus, and Solon.’ Cf. Diog. L. i. 40;
Iambl. De Pyth. Vit. 83.

C ἢ ἀγωγῆς τῆς ἠθικωτέρας. Zeller, Outlines, 26 ‘ Among the
Greeks, as everywhere else, the universally recognized moral laws
are referred to the will of the gods, and their inviolability is
founded on the belief in Divine retributive justice.’ ... ‘It was
under the influence of Pythagoreanism that the belief appears
first to have been more universally spread, and turned to account
in a purer moral tendency.’

ἃ 2 φιλοσοφίαν. Diog. L. Prooem. 12 φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πρῶτος
ὠνόμασε ἸΠνθαγόρας καὶ ἑαυτὸν φιλόσοφον . . . μηδένα γὰρ εἶναι σοφὸν
[ἄνθρωπον] ἀλλ᾽ ἣ θεόν. Eusebius seems to have followed Clement
of Alexandria (Strom. i. 300 D) in his account of the birth-place
of Pythagoras. Zeller, Outlines, 46 ‘ Pythagoras, the son of
Mnesarchus, was‘ born in Samos, whither his ancestors, who were
Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, had migrated from Phlius.’... ‘He was
born about 580-70 Β. Ο., came to Italy about 540-30 B.c., and
died towards the end of the sixth or soon after the beginning of
the fifth century’: 47 ‘The statement that Pherecydes was his
instructor (attested from the middle of the fourth century, ap.
Diog. i. 118, 119, and others) is more trustworthy, but also not
certain.’ Cf. Diog. L. viii. 1. 1.

ἃ ἡ Φερεκύδην δὲ Σύριον. Cf. 41 ἃ 5, note.

471 ἃ 5 Βραχμάνων. Stephanus Ethnicographicus, quoted by
Bishop Pearson, Minor Theological Works, ii. 579, gives the follow-
ing account of the Brahmins: ‘ Hierocles in the Philhistorica says :
After this it was thought worth while to see the tribe of
Brachmans, men who are philosophers and dear to the gods, and
especially consecrated to the sun. They abstain altogether from
eating flesh, and spend their whole life in the open air, and have
reverence for truth. They wear linen raiment made from stones: for
they weave together soft skin-like filaments of stones, out of which
webbings are made which are neither burned by fire nor cleansed
by water; but when full of dirt and stains they are cast into fire
and become white and transparent.’ For a similar account of
the asbestos cloth of Carystus see Plut. De defectu oraculorum, 434.

Ὁ 5 Ἰταλικὴ φιλοσοφία. Zeller, l.c. 47 (Pythagoras) ‘settled
in Crotona, and established an association there which found

numerous adherents among the Italian and Sicilian Greeks.’
4. ὦ

ᾳ ἃ Ζ 337

φγῳ.

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478 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

favourite author of Eusebius, who may possibly have had in
mind the juxtaposition of the words in ii. 61. 3 τὰ καλὰ καὶ
δίκαια τῶν ἔργων ἐπισημαίνεσθαι, ἣ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς ὑπομγή-
μασιν, κιτιλ.

ἃ 9 ἀπολογισμόν, ἃ word frequent in Polybius, and ποῦ con-

fined to a defensive plea: iv. 14. 2 κατηγορούντων αὐτοῦ καὶ
φερόντων ἀπολογισμοὺς ἐναργεῖς.
δ] ἃ 3 Pownjia τὰ γράμματα. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 361
‘Barbarians were the inventors not only of philosophy, but of
almost every art... 362 And Cadmus the inventor of letters
among the Greeks was a Phoenician, as Euphorus states : whence
also Herodotus writes that they were called Phoenician letters.
And they say that the Phoenicians and Syrians first invented
letters.’ Cf. Hdt. v. 58.

ἃ 5 Σύρους. Maunde Thompson, Palaeography, 5 ‘It is not
however to be supposed that the Greeks received the alphabet
from the Phoenicians at one single place from whence it was
passed on through Hellas; but rather at several points of contact
from whence it was locally diffused among neighbouring cities
and their colonies. ... We cannot, then, accept the idea of a
Cadmean alphabet, in the sense of an alphabet of one uniform
pattern for all Greece.’ Cf. G, Wilkinson, Invention of Letters ;
Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 317.

ἃ 6 ‘EBpato. Cf. Clem. Recogn. i. 30; Theoph. Ad Autolyc.,
30; Orig. c. Cels. v. 31. Max Miller, Lectures on the Science of
Language, 267 ‘The ancient language of Phoenicia, to judge
from inscriptions, was most closely allied to Hebrew.’ Maunde
Thompson, ibid. 4 ‘ Bible history proves that in patriarchal
times writing was unknown to the Jews, but that, when they
entered the promised land, they were in possession of it. All
evidence goes to prove its acquisition during the Semitic occu-
pation of the Delta; and the diffusion of the newly-formed
alphabet may have been due to the retreating Hyksos when
driven out of Egypt, or to Phoenician traders, or to both.’
Ewald, Heb. Gram. 9 ‘For each of its twenty-two consonantal
sounds a distinct sign is appropriated, which is the image of an
object whose name begins with this sound.’

474 & 5 κατά τινος σημαντικῆς διανοίας. ‘The names of the
letters, which are all significative in Semitic tongues of the objects

340

BOOK X. CHAPS. 4) 5 474 ἃ

which they were originally intended to represent, but have no
meaning in Greek, prove that the Semites are the inventors, the
Greeks the copyists ’ (Rawlinson, Hdt. v. 58).

Ὁ 2 “AAd, ‘ox.’ Cf. Plut. Quaest. Sympos. ix. 2. 738 ‘When
Protogenes had ceased, Ammonius addressed me, and said, Do
not you the Boeotian mean to give any aid to Cadmus, who is
said to have placed Alpha before them all, because the Phoenicians
give this name to the ox, not putting it second or third as Hesiod
does, but first of all things necessary?’ According to Gesenius
the ox is called AOR, as being tamed and used to the yoke.
The interpretation ‘ learning’ given by Eusebius agrees with the
meaning of the root AON.

Ὁ 3 By, ‘tent’ or ‘ house.’

Ὁ 4 Γίμελ, Gimel, ‘camel.’

Ὁ 5 Δέλθ, Daleth, ‘door.’ The meaning ‘tablets’ is a mere
conjecture from the similarity of Sé\ra and δέλτος in name and
shape (A).

b 6 Ἥ, Hé.

b 9 Οὐαῦ, γᾶν. In rendering the letter atry Eusebius connects
it with the pronoun Nii or NM.

Ὁ 10 Zai, Zain. It corresponds with ζῇ only in sound.

"HO, Kheth, connected by Eusebius with the root NM.

c 2 Τήθ, Theth.

"180, Yod, ‘ hand.’

Cc 3 Xad, Kaph, ‘ hollow of hand.’

c 4 Λάβδ, Lamed, ‘ ox-goad,’ from the root ποῦ,

ο 5 Μήμ, Men, ‘water.’ Eusebius O70, ἐξ αὐτῶν.

c 6 Now, Nun, ‘ fish.’

C7 Σάμχ, Samech, ‘ prop.’

c 8 “Aw, Ain, ‘eye’ or ‘ fountain.’

69 7, Pé, ‘mouth.’

G10 Σάδη, Tzade, ‘righteous.’ Eusebius PTS.

ἃ 2 Kod, Qoph, ‘hole of axe,’ which the Phoenician letter
resembles in shape.

ἃ 3 ‘Pys, Résh, ‘ head.’

Sév, Shin, ‘ tooth,’ Heb. Ὁ.

ἃ 5 @ai, Tau, ‘ a sign.’

ἃ 6 Κλῆσις κεφαλῆς. It is perhaps needless to say that this
meaning is purely imaginary, an example of misplaced ingenuity.

341

475a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

475 ἃ 1 Ti yap τοῦ “AAd. Cf. G. W. Invention of Letters,

Rawlinson’s Hdt. ii. 317; Maunde Thompson, Palaeogr. 3, on
the derivation of the Semitic letters from the Egyptian.
6] Ὁ 3 Ἰατρικὴν dé. Eusebius has abridged the passage, Clem.
Al. Strom. i. 361, and transposed the parts of 4t. Clement him-
self borrowed great part of it without acknowledgement from
Tatian, Orat. ad Graecos, i., or from seme compilation used by
both. Cf. De Faye, Clém. d’Alez. 314 ‘Tl y a dans différents
passages du τος Stromate (74-6, 78-80) des listes ou catalogues
d’inventions avec les noms légendaires de ceux qui les auraient
découvertes. Deux jeunes critiques, MM. M. Kremmer (De Cata-
logis heurematum, Leipzig, 1890) et A. Wendling (De peplo
aristotelico Quaestiones selectae, Strasbourg, 1891), ont recherché
l’origine des catalogues, ... II est bien difficile de ne pas leur
accorder que nous avons dans ces passages de Clément des pages
copiées dans des écrits spéciaux.’

Ὁ 5 ἐναυπηγήσατο. Vid. 35 ἃ 9, ὁ 5.

ἀστρολογίαν. Cf. Diod. Sic. i, 81 ‘ Nowhere are the order and
movement of the stars more carefully observed ‘than among the
Egyptians; and the records of each'they preserve for an incredible
number of years, that study having been pursued by them from
ancient times. . .. They often succeed in foretelling what is
about to happen to men in their course of life.’ Tatian, ibid.
‘To the Babylonians you owe astronomy ... to the Egyptians
geometry.’

c 3 Πτήσεις. Tatian, ibid. ‘The Phrygians and the most
ancient Isaurians (invented) augury by the flight of birds.’

c 4 ‘Italy’ has here its earlier and limited sense as denoting
only the southern part of the peninsula.

C 5 οἰωνιστικήν, augury from the cries and flight of birds.

c6 (Τελμησσεῖς). Cf. Hdt. i. 78; Strab. 665; Tatian, ibid.
i. 4 ‘The most celebrated of the Telmessians invented the art of
‘divination by dreams.’ Telmessus was a river and city of Lycia
close to Caria. Lucan, Phars. viii. 247. Cf. Verg. den. viii. 526
‘Tyrrhenusque tubae mugire per aethera clangor.’ Aesch. Eum.
567; Soph. Aj. 17; Eur. Phoen. 1576, Heracleid. 830.

C7 Φρύγες αὐλόν. Pausan. 873 ‘Above him (Thamyris) is
Marsyas seated on a stone, and near him Olympus, a handsome
boy learning to play on the pipe.’ Tatian, ibid. i. 12 ‘ You acquired

342

BOOK X. CHAPS, 5, 6 47δ ς

the art of playing the flute from Marsyas and Olympus: these
two rustic Phrygians constructed the harmony of the shepherd’s
pipe (σύριγγος). Cf. 476 Ὁ 6.

C 9 τὸν ἐνιαυτόν. For the Egyptian names of the twelve months,
and their division into three seasons, see G. W. (Birch, ii. 368—74).

ἃ 3 KéAws. According to Thrasyllus, as quoted by Clement
of Alexandria, Strom. i. 401, the Idaean Dactyls discovered iron
at the time of the conflagration of Mount Ida, seventy-three
years after the Flood: cf. G. W. (Birch, ii. 248). The Dactyls
were originally three only, Kelmis ‘the smelter,” Damnameneus
‘the forger,’ Acmon ‘the anvil.’ Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 657 ‘The
Idaean Dactyls also belonged to the circle of the Great Mother,
and the Mount Ida in Asia must be regarded as their home,
although in time they were also transferred thence to the Cretan
Ida. The name ““ Dactyls ” is variously explained, most pro-
bably meaning “ Fingers,” from the skill of these metallurgic
Spirits of the mountain-forest; for such is their real nature,
although they must not on that account by any means be re-
garded as pigmies in the sense of our German mythology.’
Various forms of the myth are mentioned by Strab. 473. Viger
quotes from a poem called Phoronis, from Phoroneus king of
Argos, five lines to the following effect :

‘Where Phrygian sorcerers,
The men of Ida, had their mountain home,
Kelmis, Damnameneus, and Acmon fierce.
These in their mountain glens discovered first
The art of wise Hephaestus; and to fire
Bringing dark iron, wrought a beauteous work.’
Compare the extract frem Clem. Alex. on p. 497.

ἃ 4 Aédas. ‘ Plinius, vii. 56. Aes conflare et temperare Aris-
toteles Lydum Scythem monstrasse, Theophrastus Delam Phrygem
putat ’ (Viger).

d5 ὡς δὲ Ἡσίοδος. I cannot find the passage.

ἃ 6 ἅρπην. See Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Ant. ‘ Falx.’

ἃ 10 Κάδμος. ‘Pliny attributes the discovery of gold and the
secret of smelting it to Cadmus, who is supposed to have gone
to Greece B.C. 1493; but this, like most of the inventions men-
tioned by him, was known long before to the Egyptians’ G. W.
(Birch, ii. 257). See Pliny’s chapter on inventions (vii. 56).

343

4760 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

476 a1 Πάγγαιον. Hdt. vii. 112 τὸ Πάγγαιον otpos. . . ἐὸν
μέγα τε καὶ ὑψηλόν.

8ἃ 3 νάβλαν, a stringed instrument called in Hebrew 03)
(nével) ‘psaltery.’? Joseph. Ant. Jud. vii. 12. 3 ἡ δὲ νάβλα δώδεκα
φθογγὰς ἔχουσα τοῖς δακτύλοις Kpoverat.

& 4 τετρήρη, ἃ galley with four banks οὗ rowers. Triremes
were first built by the Corinthians (Thuc. i. 13), quadriremes and
quinqueremes by Dionysius of Syracuse about 400 B.c. (Diod.
Sic. xiv. 42). Polybius (i. 47) gives an animated description of
the capture of a Carthaginian quinquereme off Lilybaeum in the
first Punic war (B.c. 249), and of the eager patriotism with
which the Romans built a fleet of 200 quinqueremes on the
model of the captured galley of the Rhodian Hannibal.

ἃ 5 αὐτοσχέδιον. Cf. Hom. Hymn. ad. Herm. 55 ἐξ αὐτοσχεδίης
πειρώμενος.

br Nopores. Cf. Hor. Od. i. 16. 9; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 712
‘Durior et ferro quod Noricus excoquit ignis’; Mart. Epigr. iv.
55. 12; Strab. 208.

Ὁ 2 “Apuxos. Cf. Ap. Rh. Argon. ii. 51-3

τοῖσι δὲ μεσσηγὺς θεράπων ᾿Αμύκοιο Λυκωρεὺς
θῆκε πάροιθε ποδῶν δοιοὺς ἑκάτερθεν ἱμάντας
dpous, ἀζαλέους, περὶ δ᾽ οἵγ᾽ ἔσαν ἐσκληῶτες.

b 4 τὴν Λύδιον ἁρμονίαν. Cf. Athen. xiv. 624. Heracleides
Ponticus says that neither the Phrygian nor Lydian is properly
called a harmony. Milton, L’Allegro 136:

‘Lap me in soft Lydian airs.’
Dryden, Alexander’s Feast :
‘Softly sweet in Lydian measures
Soon he sooth’d his soul to pleasures.’
ἐφιλοτέχνησεν. Plut. Mor. 142 B (ποιητὰς) κινεῖν τὸν ἀκροατὴν
φιλοτεχνοῦντας.

b 5 σαμβύκην. Cf. Athen. xiv. 633 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ζητήσεως
γενομένης περὶ σαμβύκης ἔφη ὁ Μασούριος ὀξύφθογγον εἶναι μουσικὸν
ὄργανον τὴν σαμβύκην. .. χρῆσθαι φήσας αὐτῷ Πάρθους καὶ Tpwydo-
δύτας τετραχόρδῳ ὄντι. On the Troglodytes see Hdt. iv. 183;
Strab. 775.

Ὁ 6 τὴν πλαγίαν. The Syrinx or Pan-pipe was so called from
its shape, consisting of reeds of different lengths. Cf. 475 ¢ 7.

Ὁ Ὕαγνιν. Cf. Athen. xiv. 624 ὁ ᾿Αρωτόξενος τὴν εὕρεσιν

344

BOOK X. CHAP. 6 476 b

αὐτῆς (τῆς Φρυγιστὶ ἁρμονίας) Ὑάγνιδι τῷ Φρυγὶ ἀνατίθησιν. On the
meaning of the terms in ancient music compare the article
‘Music’ in Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Ant. and the more recent
work of Mr. D. B. Monro, Provost of Oriel College, Oxford.

Ὁ 4 τρίκροτον ναῦν. Cf. Xen. Hell. ii. 1. 28 αἱ μὲν τῶν νεῶν
δίκροτοι ἦσαν, ai δὲ povdxporot.

C6 κρόταλα. Cf. Pind. Fr. xlviii. 2 ἐν δὲ κεκλάδειν κρόταλα.
These instruments were used in the festivals of the Magna Mater,
and of Diana at Bubastis (Hdt. ii. 61).

Σεμιράμεως βασιλίδος. The reading in Clem. and IO.
Σ. βασιλέως may be corrected as Klotz suggests by substituting
βασιλίδος, or we May suppose that the name of some Egyptian
king is corrupted into that of Semiramis. A statue of the god
Nebo in the British Museum is dedicated by the artist to ‘his
lord Iva-Cash and his lady Sammuramit.’ This inscription shows
that the name of the wife was Semiramis, and that she reigned
conjointly with her husband, thus very remarkably confirming the
account given by Herodotus of the real age of that personage,
and also explaining in some degree her position in Herodotus as
a Babylonian rather than an Assyrian princess (Rawlinson, Hat.
i. 467).

c 7 Bvcowa. Byssus was a species of flax, from which the
finest linen was made. Hdt. ii. 86 κατειλίσσουσι πᾶν αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα
σινδόνος βυσσίνης τελαμῶσι.

ἃ 1 ἐπιστολὰς συντάξαι. Cf. Bentley, Phalaris (London, 1816),
39 ‘The words of Tatian (Or. ad Gr. 1) and Clemens are ἐπιστολὰς
συντάσσειν : now whether we take συντάσσειν in a general sense
for writing, or more strictly for comprising a volume and pub-
lishing, it is either way sufficient to prove Phalaris’s epistles
a cheat.’ Maunde Thompson, Palaeogr. 21 ‘ As to correspondence,
small tablets, codicilli or pugillares, were employed for short
letters; longer letters, epistolae, were written on papyrus.’ In
Tatian συντάσσειν has been understood by Otto as referring to
some mode of fastening epistolary tablets together, as in Hom. J1.
Vi. 169 γράψας ἐν πίνακι πτυκτῷ; but συντάσσειν ἱστορίας a few
lines before in Tatian is not favourable to this meaning.

ἃ Δ Σκάμων. Athen. xiv. 630 Σκάμων δ᾽ ἐν πρώτῳ Περὶ εὑρη-
μάτων K.T.A.

Θεόφραστος ὁ Ἐφέσιος. ‘Legendum ἜἘρέσιος ᾿ (Viger). In
348

468 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

4) a8 ἄλλην ἄλλως. Cf. Plat. Euthyd. 273 Β ἄλλην καὶ ἄλλην
βλέποντε.

ἃ 9 ποσῶς, ‘in some degree.’ Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp.
i. 120 ποσῶς δὲ ἐπινευομένη, ‘inclined in some degree’; 227 οἷον
ἐν οἴκῳ σκοτεινῷ ποσῶς κειμένου σχοινίον ἐσπειραμένον πιθανὴ ἁπλῶς
φαντασία γίνεται ἀπὸ τούτον ὡς ἀπὸ ὄφεως, i.e. ‘ when a coiled rope
is placed in a certain position.’ Polyb. x. 61. 2 οὐδὲ κατὰ ποσὸν
ἐποιήσατο μνήμην.

469 ἃ 2 καταλήψεως. ‘ conception’ as distinguished from ‘ per-
ception ’ (φαντασία), a term invented by Zeno. Cf. Zeller, Out-
lines, 236; Stoics, 79; Stob. Ecl. ii. 128 εἶναι δὲ τὴν ἐπιστήμην
κατάληψιν ἀσφαλῇ καὶ ἀμετάπτωτον ὑπὸ λόγον.

G5 ὁ Awdwvatos. Cf. 61 ἃ 9 and 134 d 11, note. In the
present passage Apollo alone is mentioned as σεμνός τις καὶ μέγας
θεός. At Dodona there was the famous oracle of Zeus, but none
of Apollo. Probably, therefore, we should read here ὁ Διδυμεύς,
corresponding to 61 ἃ 9 τὸν Κλάριον, τὸν Πύθιον, τὸν Διδυμέα.
Cf. Strab. 634, 642.

ἃ 12 θεῖα. Cod. B has αὐτά τ᾽ αὐτῶν χρηστήρια, omitting ra
θαυμαστὰ καὶ παρὰ πᾶσι Bowpeva θεῖά τε καί. θεῖον in the sense of
‘divinity’ seems to be first used by Hdt. i. 32 τὸ θεῖον πᾶν ἐὸν
φθονερόν. Cf. iii. 40; iii. 108 τοῦ θείου ἡ προνοίΐη. Here τὰ θεῖα
means not so much the gods themselves as their religious rites
and sanctuaries.

470 b5 τοὺς ἑπτὰ . .. σοφούς. Zeller, Outlines, 27 ‘The
story of the Wise Men (which we first meet, though then univer-
sally recognized, in Plat. Protagor. 343 A) is for the rest entirely
unhistorical, not merely as to the statements concerning the
tripod, their maxims, their meetings and letters, but also as to
the theory that seven men were acknowledged by their contem-
poraries to be the wisest. Even their names are very variously
given: we are acquainted with twenty-two belonging to widely
different periods. Only four are to be found in all the enumera-

336

BOOK X. CHAPS. 3, 4 470 b

tions, viz. Thales, Bias, Pittacus, and Solon.’ Cf. Diog. L. i. 40;
Tambl. De Pyth. Vit. 83.

Ὁ 7 ἀγωγῆς τῆς ἠθικωτέρας. Zeller, Outlines, 26 ‘ Among the
Greeks, as everywhere else, the universally recognized moral laws
are referred to the will of the gods, and their inviolability is
founded on the belief in Divine retributive justice.’ ... ‘It was
under the influence of Pythagoreanism that the belief appears
first to have been more universally spread, and turned to account
in a purer moral tendency.’ |

ἃ 2 ¢duro00diav. Diog. L. Prooem. 12 φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πρῶτος
ὠνόμασε [IvOaydpas καὶ ἑαντὸν φιλόσοφον . . . μηδένα yap εἶναι σοφὸν
[ἄνθρωπον] ἀλλ᾽ ἢ θεόν. Eusebius seems to have followed Clement
of Alexandria (Strom. i. 300 D) in his account of the birth-place
of Pythagoras. Zeller, Outlines, 46 ‘ Pythagoras, the son of
Mnesarchus, was‘ born in Samos, whither his ancestors, who were
Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, had migrated from Phlius.’... ‘He was
born about 580-70 Β. Ο., came to Italy about 540~30 B.c., and
died towards the end of the sixth or soon after the beginning of
the fifth century’: 47 ‘The statement that Pherecydes was his
instructor (attested from the middle of the fourth century, ap.
Diog. i. 118, 119, and others) is more trustworthy, but also not
certain.’ Cf. Diog. L. viii. 1. 1.

ἃ 7 Φερεκύδην δὲ Σύριον. Cf. 41 d 5, note.

471 a5 Βραχμάνων. Stephanus Ethnicographicus, quoted by
Bishop Pearson, Minor Theological Works, ii. 579, gives the follow-
ing account of the Brahmins: ‘ Hierocles in the Philhistorica says :
After this it was thought worth while to see the tribe of
Brachmans, men who are philosophers and dear to the gods, and
especially consecrated to the sun. They abstain altogether from
eating flesh, and spend their whole life in the open air, and have
reverence for truth. They wear linen raiment made from stones: for
they weave together soft skin-like filaments of stones, out of which
webbings are made which are neither burned by fire nor cleansed
by water; but when full of dirt and stains they are cast into fire
and become white and transparent.’ For a similar account of
the asbestos cloth of Carystus see Plut. De defectu oraculorum, 434.

Ὁ 5 Ἰταλικὴ φιλοσοφία. Zeller, l.c. 47 (Pythagoras) ‘settled
in Crotona, and established an association there which found
numerous adherents among the Italian and Sicilian Greeks.’

δὰ Ζ 331

471 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

b 8 Ἰωνική., The order of succession of the Ionic and Italian
schools is here inverted, the Ionic founded by Thales being the
more ancient. Zeller, l. c. 35 ‘Through the Jonians, Pythagoras
and Xenophanes, these endeavours were transplanted to Italy,
and carried on with such independent inquiry that from each of
them there arose a new school,’ namely the Pythagorean and
Eleatic. Pherecydes, the teacher of Pythagoras, was a younger
contemporary of Thales, who is said to have predicted the solar
eclipse of B.c. 609 (Hdt. i. 74), though this is discredited by
Sir II. C. Rawlinson.

Ὁ 10 Φοῖνιξ Fv. ‘This statement rests on the authority of
Hieronymus, the Peripatetic, a disciple of Aristotle.’ Smith, Dict.
Gk. and R. Biogr. ‘Thales.’ Cf. Diog. L. i. τ ‘ According to the
statements of Herodotus, Duris, and Democritus, Thales was the
son of Exemius and Cleobule, of the family of the Thelidae, who
are Phoenicians and the noblest descendants of Cadmus and
Agenor, as Plato also says....And he was enrolled as a citizen
in Miletus, when he came thither with Neileus who was banished
from Phoenicia ; but according to most authors he was a genuine
native of Miletus and of illustrious birth.’ According ta Diog. L.
i. 51, Solon withdrew to Egypt when Peisistratus became master
of Athens (B.0. 560).

C6 ἐν Τιμαίῳ. Tim. 22 C. The passage is abridged by
Eusebius.

ἂ τ ὁ Πλάτων. Plato, who was born in Β. 0. 429, was trained
as a youth in the philosophy of Heracleitus by Cratylus (Aristot.
Metaph. A 6), but from about his twentieth year (B.0. 409)
devoted himself to Socrates, after whose death in B. 0. 399 he
withdrew to Megara, and passed the next three or four years in
travels in Italy, Cyrene, and Egypt, and returned to Athens in
B.0. 394. See Clinton, Fast. Hell. under the several dates.

ἃ 5 πολλαχοῦ τῶν ἰδίων λόγων. It is unfortunate for this state-
ment of Eusebius, that of the many supposed proofs he alleges
none except from the Epinomis, a work attributed not to Plato
but to one of his followers, Philip of Opus. Cf. Diog. L. iii. 37.

ἃ 12 Τούτου, i.e. the ignorance of the name of the third planet.
In Epinomis 986 E, after mentioning the Sun and Venus (ἑωσφό-
pos), the author speaks of a third body of which he cannot give
the name, because it is not known; and the reason of its not

338

BOOK X. CHAP. 4 471 ἁ

being known is that the first observer was some barbarian,
whether Syrian or Egyptian. The Greeks called the planet in
question Στίλβων. In Ps.-Aristot, De Mundo, ii.g, the planets are
named in the following order, beginning with the largest and
most distant, Saturn (Φαίνων), Jupiter (Φαέθων), Mars (ὁ Πυρόεις),
next YriASwv, which some call Mercury, others Apello, after which
comes Phosphorus, which some call Venus, others Juno. The
order of the last two planets is thus inverted.

ἃ 13 ταῦτα, i.e. astronomy. Cf. Cic. De Divinat. i. 1. 2.

472 a 2 Ὅθεν. Between this and the preceding sentence
Eusebius has omitted the following words: φανεροὺς μέν, ὡς ἔπος
εἰπεῖν, ἀστέρας ἀεὶ ξύμπαντας καθορῶντας ἅτε νεφῶν καὶ ὑδάτων
ἀπόπροθεν ἐκεῖ τοῦ κόσμον κατῳκισμένους:

Ὁ 3 γραμμέων συνθέσιος, i.e. geometry.

b 5 (Αρπεδονάπται) Clem. Al., but more correctly “Apzredo-
varrat, 50 called from ἁρπεδών, ‘a rope,’ because they. used ropes
for measurements in their work as geometers.

ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα {πέντε). ‘Est vetustus error in numero, qui et
Clementis cedices invasit, librariis ΠῚ non ut debuerat pro πέντε,
sed pro ὀγδώκοντα sumentibus. v. Diodor. infra 482 Ὁ. In re
minime dubia πέντε reposui ’(Gaisf.’. Clinton, following Clement’s
reading σὺν rots δ᾽ for οἷς, thinks that Democritus spent five years
(σὺν τοῖσδε x’) with the Egyptians alone. Dindorf, Praef. xviii,
thinks that as ὀγδώκοντα is the reading of the MSS. both in
Clement and Eusebius, the error being older than. either author
should be allowed to remain. But the error. is not found in the
quotation from Diod. Sic. who was older than either. The older
compendious mode of writing numerals consisted in using the
initial letters of “Ios (one), Πέντε, Δέκα, Hexardy, Χίλιοι and Μύριοι
to express the corresponding numbers. See Jelf, Gk. Gr. 162;
Donaldson, Gk. Gr. 253, Obs. 4.

ἃ 9 ἀποματτόμενοι, ‘copying.’ Cf. Aristet. Eth. N. ix. 12. 3
ἀπομάττονται yap παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων ols ἀρέσκονται. The unfairness of
the exaggerated invective in this. long passage is too manifest to
need proof: it could do the Christian cause no good.

473 a2 (τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν) ἐπισημαίνεται. Viger’s proposed
emendation instead of τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας seems to be necessary,
unless we attribute the unusual construction to Eusebius himself.
The verb ἐπισημαίνεσθαι is extremely common in Polybius, the

22 339

473 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

favourite author of Eusebius, who may possibly have had in
mind the juxtaposition of the words in ii, 61. 3 τὰ καλὰ καὶ
δίκαια τῶν ἔργων ἐπισημαίνεσθαι, ἣ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τοῖς ὑπομνή-
μασιν, κιτιλ,

& 9 ἀπολογισμόν, a word frequent in Polybius, and ποῦ con-

fined to a defensive plea: iv. 14. 2 κατηγορούντων αὐτοῦ καὶ
φερόντων ἀπολογισμοὺς ἐναργεῖς.
δ] ἃ 3 Φοινικήία τὰ γράμματα. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 361
‘Barbarians were the inventors not only of philosophy, but of
almost every art... 362 And Cadmus the inventor of letters
among the Greeks was a Phoenician, as Euphorus states : whence
also Herodotus writes that they were called Phoenician letters.
And they say that the Phoenicians and Syrians first invented
letters.’ Cf. Hdt. v. 58.

ἃ 5 Σύρους. Maunde Thompson, Palaeography, 5 ‘It is not
however to be supposed that the Greeks received the alphabet
from the Phoenicians at one single place from whence it was
passed on through Hellas; but rather at several points of contact
from whence it was locally diffused among neighbouring cities
and their colonies. ... We cannot, then, accept the idea of a
Cadmean alphabet, in the sense of an alphabet of one uniform
pattern for all Greece.’ Cf. G. Wilkinson, Invention of Letters ;
Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 317.

ἃ 6 Ἑβραῖοι. Cf. Clem. Recogn. i. 30; Theoph. Ad Autolyc.
30; Orig. ὁ. Cels. v.31. Max Miller, Lectures on the Science of
Language, 267 ‘The ancient language of Phoenicia, to judge
from inscriptions, was most closely allied to Hebrew.’ Maunde
Thompson, ibid. 4 ‘ Bible history proves that in patriarchal
times writing was unknown to the Jews, but that, when they
entered the promised land, they were in possession of it. All
evidence goes to prove its acquisition during the Semitic occu-
pation of the Delta; and the diffusion of the newly-formed
alphabet may have been due to the retreating Hyksos when
driven out of Egypt, or to Phoenician traders, or to both.’
Ewald, Heb. Gram. 9 ‘For each of its twenty-two consonantal
sounds a distinct sign is appropriated, which is the image of an
object whose name begins with this sound.’

474 @ 5 κατά τινος σημαντικῆς διανοίας. ‘The names of the
letters, which are all significative in Semitic tongues of the objects

340

BOOK X. CHAPS. 4) 5 474 ἃ

which they were originally intended to represent, but have no
meaning in Greek, prove that the Semites are the inventors, the
Greeks the copyists’’ (Rawlinson, Hdt. v. 58).

Ὁ 2 “AAd, ‘ox.’ Cf. Plut. Quaest. Sympos. ix. 2. 738 ‘When
Protogenes had ceased, Ammonius addressed me, and said, Do
not you the Boeotian mean to give any aid to Cadmus, who is
said to have placed Alpha before them all, because the Phoenicians
give this name to the ox, not putting it second or third as Hesiod
does, but first of all things necessary?’ According to Gesenius
the ox is called ADK, as being tamed and used to the yoke.
The interpretation ‘learning’ given by Eusebius agrees with the
meaning of the root BD.

Ὁ 3 By, ‘tent’ or ‘ house.’

Ὁ 4 Tied, Gimel, ‘camel.’

b 5 Δέλθ, Daleth, ‘door.? The meaning ‘tablets’ is a mere
conjecture from the similarity of 5é\ra and δέλτος in name and
shape (A).

b 6 Ἥ, Hé.

b 9 Οὐαῦ, γᾶν. In rendering the letter αὕτη Eusebius connects
it with the pronoun Nj or NN.

Ὁ 10 Zai, Zain. It corresponds with ζῇ only in sound.

“HO, Kheth, connected by Eusebius with the root ΠΗ͂,

c 2 T76, Theth.

Ἰώθ, Yod, ‘ hand.’

94 Λαβὲ, Lamed, ‘ ox-goad,’ from the root 709.

C5 Myp, Mem, ‘water.’ Eusebius O90, ἐξ αὐτῶν.

c 6 Νοῦν, Nun, ‘ fish.’

c 8 “Aiv, Ain, ‘ eye’ or ‘ fountain.’

C9 7, Pé, ‘ mouth.’

C 10 Σάδη, Tzade, ‘righteous.’ Eusebius PTS.

ἃ 2 Kad, Qoph, ‘hole of axe,’ which the Phoenician letter
resembles in shape.

ἃ 3 ‘Pys, Résh, ‘head.’

Σέν, Shin, ‘tooth,’ Heb. .

ἃ 5 @ai, Tau, ‘ a sign.’

ἃ 6 Κλῆσις κεφαλῆς. It is perhaps needless to say that this
meaning is purely imaginary, an example of misplaced ingenuity.

841

47S5a YHE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

475 art YT. pa rer “ANS CE 6. W. Invention of Letters,

Rawiimaa’s Hit E. 317: Maunde Thompson, Palaeogr. 3, on
the derivataom of the Semitac letters from the Egyptian.
Θ᾽ ὃ 3 Ἰατρικὴν δέ. Encebius has abridged the passage, Clem.
AL Srom. i. 361, and transposed the parts of 4t. Clement him-
self borrowed great part of it without acknowledgement from
Tatian, Orat.ad Graecos, i., or from seme compilation used by
both. Cf De Faye, Clém. d’Alez. 314 ‘Tl y a dans différents
passages du 1& Stromate (74-6, 78-80) des listes ou catalogues
d’inventions avec les noms légendaires de ceux qui les auraient
découvertes. Deux jeuncs critiques, MM. M. Kremmer (De Cata-
logis heurematum, Leipzig, 1890) et A. Wendling (De peplo
aristotelico Quaestiones selectae, Strasbourg, 1891), ont recherché
Vorigine des catalogues, ... I] est bien difficile de ne pas leur
accorder que nous avons dans ces passages de Clement des pages
copiées dans des écrits spéciaux.’

Ὁ 5 ἐναυπηγήσατο. Vid. 35 ἃ 9, ¢ 5.

ἀστρολογίαν. Cf. Diod. Sic. i. 81 ‘ Nowhere are the order and
movement of the stars more carefully observed than among the
Egyptians; and the records of each they preserve for an incredible
number of years, that study having been pursued by them from
ancient times. . . . They often succeed in foretelling what is
about to happen to men in their course of life.’ Tatian, ibid.
‘To the Babylonians you owe astronomy . .. to the Egyptians
geometry.’

ὁ 4 ‘Italy’ has here its earlier and limited sense as denoting
anly the southern part of the peninsula.

60 (Τελμησσεῖν). Cf. Hdt. i. 78; Strab. 665; Tatian, ibid.
i, 4 " The niost culebrated οὗ the Telmessians invented the art of
ativination by dreams.” Telmessus was a river and city of Lycia
οἶνον tu Caria, Lucan, Phare, vill 247. Cf. Verg. den. vill. 526
‘PHevhanmaque Cubase mugire per aethera clangor.’ Aesch. Eum.
αὐγὶ Sophy Ah ys Kur. Phoen. 1576, Heracleid. 830. .

Wy aye αὐλῶν Ἰλιάδα. 873 ‘Above him (Thamyris) is
Marmian seated on a stan, and near him Olympus, a handsome
Way ἰναναίψῳ tv play ca the pipe. * Tatian, ibid. i. 12 ‘ You acquired

BOOK X. CHAPS. 5, 6 475 ς

the art of playing the flute from Marsyas and Olympus: these
two rustic Phrygians constructed the harmony of the shepherd’s
pipe (σύριγγος). Cf. 476 Ὁ 6.

C 9 τὸν évavrov. For the Egyptian names of the twelve months,
and their division into three seasons, see G. W. (Birch, ii. 368-74).

ἃ 3 KéAps. According to Thrasyllus, as quoted by Clement
of Alexandria, Strom. i. 401, the Idaean Dactyls discovered iron
at the time of the conflagration of Mount Ida, seventy-three
years after the Flood: cf. G. W. (Birch, ii. 248). The Dactyls
were originally three only, Kelmis ‘the smelter,’ Damnameneus
‘the forger,’ Acmon ‘the anvil.’ Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 657 ‘The
Idaean Dactyls also belonged to the circle of the Great Mother,
and the Mount Ida in Asia must be regarded as their home,
although in time they were also transferred thence to the Cretan
Ida. The name “ Dactyls ” is variously explained, most pro-
bably meaning “ Fingers,” from the skill of these metallurgic
Spirits of the mountain-forest; for such is their real nature,
although they must not on that account by any means be re-
garded as pigmies in the sense of our German mythology.’
Various forms of the myth are mentioned by Strab. 473. Viger
quotes from a poem called Phoronis, from Phoroneus king of
Argos, five lines to the following effect :

ἃ 4 Δέλας. ‘Plinius, vii. 56. Aes conflare et temperare Aris-
toteles Lydum Scythem monstrasse, Theophrastus Delam Phrygem
putat ’ (Viger).

ἃ 5 ὡς δὲ Ἡσίοδος. I cannot find the passage.

ἃ 6 ἅρπην. See Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Ant. ‘ Falx.’

ἃ 10 Κάδμος. ‘Pliny attributes the discovery of gold and the
secret of smelting it to Cadmus, who is supposed to have gone
to Greece B. 0. 1493; but this, like most of the inventions men-
tioned by him, was known long before to the Egyptians’ G. W.
(Birch, ii. 257). See Pliny’s chapter on inventions (vii. 56).

343

4768 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

476 a1 Πάγγαιον. Hdt. vii. 112 τὸ Πάγγαιον οὖρος. . . ἐὸν
μέγα τε καὶ ὑψηλόν.

ἃ 3 νάβλαν, a stringed instrument called in Hebrew Say
(nével) ‘ psaltery.’? Joseph. Ant. Jud. vii. 12. 3 ἡ δὲ νάβλα δώδεκα
φθογγὰς ἔχουσα τοῖς δακτύλοις κρούεται.

& 4 τετρήρη, ἃ galley with four banks of rowers. Triremes
were first built by the Corinthians (Thuc. i. 13), quadriremes and
quinqueremes by Dionysius of Syracuse about 400 B.c. (Diod.
Sic. xiv. 42). Polybius (i. 47) gives an animated description of
the capture of a Carthaginian quinquereme off Lilybaeum in the
first Punic war (B.c. 249), and of the eager patriotism with
which the Romans built a fleet of 200 quinqueremes on the
model of the captured galley of the Rhodian Hannibal.

ἃ 5 αὐτοσχέδιον. Cf. Hom. Hymn. ad. Herm. 55 ἐξ αὐτοσχεδίης
πειρώμενος.

b I Νώροπες.ς Cf. Hor. Od. i. τό. 9; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 712
‘Durior et ferro quod Noricus excoquit ignis’; Mart. Epigr. iv.
55. 12; Strab. 208.

Ὁ 2 “Apuxos. Cf. Ap. Rh. Argon. ii. 51-3

τοῖσι δὲ μεσσηγὺς θεράπων ᾿Αμύκοιο Λυκωρεὺς
θῆκε πάροιθε ποδῶν δοιοὺς ἑκάτερθεν ἱμάντας
ὦμούς, ἀζαλέους, περὶ δ᾽ οἵγ᾽ ἔσαν ἐσκληῶτες.

b 4 τὴν Λύδιον ἁρμονίαν. Cf. Athen. xiv. 624. Heracleides
Ponticus says that neither the Phrygian nor Lydian is properly
called a harmony. Milton, L’ Allegro 136:

‘Lap me in soft Lydian airs.’
Dryden, Alexrander’s Feast:
‘Softly sweet in Lydian measures
Soon he sooth’d his soul to pleasures.’
ἐφιλοτέχνησεν. Plut. Mor. 142 B (ποιητὰς) κινεῖν τὸν ἀκροατὴν
φιλοτεχνοῦντας.

Ὁ 5 σαμβύκην. Cf. Athen. xiv. 633 μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ζητήσεως
γενομένης περὶ σαμβύκης ἔφη ὁ Μασούριος ὀξύφθογγον εἶναι μουσικὸν
ὄργανον τὴν σαμβύκην. .. χρῆσθαι φήσας αὐτῷ Πάρθους καὶ Τρωγλο-
δύτας τετραχόρδῳ ὄντι. On the Troglodytes see Hdt. iv. 183;
Strab. 775.

b 6 τὴν πλαγίαν. The Syrinx or Pan-pipe was so called from
its shape, consisting of reeds of different lengths. Cf. 475 ὁ 7.

Ὁ Ὕαγνιν. Cf. Athen. xiv. 624 ὁ ’Apwrogevos τὴν εὕρεσιν

344

BOOK X. CHAP. 6 476 b

αὐτῆς (τῆς Φρυγιστὶ ἁρμονίας) Ὑάγνιδι τῷ Φρυγὶ ἀνατίθησιν. On the
Meaning of the terms in ancient music compare the article
‘Music’ in Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Ant. and the more recent
work of Mr. D. B. Monro, Provost of Oriel College, Oxford.

Ὁ 4 τρίκροτον ναῦν. Cf. Xen. Hell. ii. 1. 28 al μὲν τῶν νεῶν
δίκροτοι ἦσαν, ai δὲ povdxporot.

C6 κρόταλα. Cf. Pind. Fr. xlviii. 2 ἐν δὲ κεκλάδειν κρόταλα.
These instruments were used in the festivals οὗ the Magna Mater,
and of Diana at Bubastis (Hdt. ii. 61).

Σεμιράμεως βασιλίδος. The reading in Clem. and IO.
Σ. βασιλέως may be corrected as Klotz suggests by substituting
βασιλίδος, or we may suppose that the name of some Egyptian
king is corrupted into that of Semiramis. A statue of the god
Nebo in the British Museum is dedicated by the artist to ‘his
lord Iva-Cish and his lady Sammuramit.’ This inscription shows
that the name of the wife was Semiramis, and that she reigned
conjointly with her husband, thus very remarkably confirming the
account given by Herodotus of the real age of that personage,
and also explaining in some degree her position in Herodotus as
a Babylonian rather than an Assyrian princess (Rawlinson, Hat.
i, 467).

di ἐπιστολὰς συντάξαι. Cf. Bentley, Phalaris (London, 1816),
39 ‘The words of Tatian (Or. ad Gr. 1) and Clemens are ἐπιστολὰς
συντάσσειν : now whether we take ovvrdocew in a general sense
for writing, or more strictly for comprising a volume and pub-
lishing, it is either way sufficient to prove Phalaris’s epistles
a cheat.’ Maunde Thompson, Palaeogr. 21 ‘ As to correspondence,
small tablets, codicilli or pugillares, were employed for short
letters; longer letters, epistolae, were written on papyrus.’ In
Tatian συντάσσειν has been understood by Otto as referring to
some mode of fastening epistolary tablets together, as in Hom. 7.
Vi. 169 γράψας ἐν πίνακι πτυκτῷ; but συντάσσειν ἱστορίας a few
lines before in Tatian is not favourable to this meaning.

G2 Σκάμων. Athen. xiv. 630 Σκάμων δ᾽ ἐν πρώτῳ Περὶ εὑρη-
μάτων κ.τ.λ.

Θεόφραστος ὃ Ἐφέσιος. ‘Legendum Ἐρέσιος ᾽ (Viger). In
348

476 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

the MSS. of Eusebius ᾿Εφέσιος is a corruption, as Theophrastus
was a native of Eresus in Lesbos.

d 3 Cydippus is known only from this passage of Clement.

᾿Αντιφάνης. Cf. 465 d 10.

ἃ 4 ’Apurrodnpos. There were many writers named Aristo-

demus, and it is uncertain which of them is here meant.
Φιλοστέφανος of Cyrene, friend of Callimachus, about B.c. 249,
wrote on Geography and History. Cf. Athen. viii. 331 ἃ,

ἃ 5 Στράτων. Straten of Lampsacus succeeded Theophrastus

as head of the Peripatetic School, B.c. 288. See Ritt. and Pr.
Hist. Philos. 358 ff.
7] 477d 3 ‘Owe δὲ καὶ μόλις. Cf. Author. and Archaeol. 237
‘In both these regions’ (Cyprus and Asia Minor) ‘ exist remains
of early systems of writing which are clearly not of Phoenician
descent’... ‘the Cypriote syllabic script, and the “ Hittite” symbols
must have been firmly rooted in their homes before ever the con-
venient alphabet of Sidon and Tyre was known there,’ &c., &c.

478 ἃ 6 ἐκ τῶν ἀσμάτων (Josephus) is corrupted in some MSS.
of Eusebius into γραμμάτων, which contradicts the whole meaning
of the passage.

Ὁ 5 Φερεκύδην. See 470 d 1, note.

479 ἃ 1: Θουκυδίδης. ‘When we know the careless way in which
facts are now reported and recorded by very incompetent persons,
often upon very indifferent hearsay testimony, and compare with
such records the pains that Thucydides took to ascertain the
chief events of a war with which he was contemporary, in which
he took a share as a commander, the opportunities which his
means allowed, his great abilities, and serious earnest character,
it is a fair conclusion that we have a more exact history of a long
eventful period by Thucydides than we have of any period in
modern history, equally long and equally eventful’ (G. Long,
Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.).

a 7 ἐξ ἀρχῆς, Josephus. For this ἐξετασθῆναι is found in the
MSS. of Eusebius, which damages both the construction and the
sense,

Ὁ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον. Peisistratus first usurped the govern-
ment B.C. 560. The legislation of Draco was in B.c. 621: the
date of his birth is uncertain.

480 a 2 Διοδώρον. Cf. 18 d5, note.

346

BOOK X. CHAPS. 6-8 480 b

8] Ὁ 5 On Musaeus see note on 500 d.

Μελάμποδα. Of Melampus and his descendants there is a
long account in Hom. Od. xv. 225-55. Cf. Hdt. ii. 49 ‘Melampus,
who was a wise man, and had acquired the art of divination,
having become acquainted with the worship of Bacchus through
knowledge derived from Egypt, introduced it into Greece with
a few slight changes, at the same time that he brought in various
other practices.’ Cf. Hdt. ix. 34, and Rawlinson’s note.

CI τὸν μαθηματικόν. Eudoxus of Cnidus, about B.0. 366,
whose Phaenomena formed the basis of the poem of Aratus, was
a pupil of Plato, with whom he went to Egypt and, according to
Strabo, 806, remained there thirteen years. Cf. Aristot. Metaph.
xi, 8.9; Diog. L. iii. 86-91 ; Strab. 119; Cic. De Divinat. ii. 42.

© 2 Οἰνοπίδην. ‘It is known from Diodorus Siculus, Aelian,
Plutarch, Sextus Empiricus, Stobaeus, and others that Oenopides
was a Chian, about contemporary with Anaxagoras, that he
travelled to Egypt, and there conversed with priests and astro-
nomers, and derived thence such knowledge of geometry and
astronomy, that he was said to have discovered or at least to
have published as his own some facts of no little importance in
each of these sciences.’ Forster, note on Plat. Erast. 132 A,
where Oenopides is mentioned in the text with Anaxagoras: see
below 482 b 3. Cf. Plut. Plac. philos. ii. 12 ‘ Pythagoras is said
to have been the first to discover the obliquity of the zodiac,
which Oenopides of Chios claims as his own discovery.’

C7 Ὀρφέα. Cf. 18 ἃ 2.

dr Ὀσῴριδος. Cf. 27 ¢ 3, ἃ 2.

ἃ 4 τῶν εὐσεβῶν λειμῶνας. Cf. Masp. i. 180 ‘The cemeteries of
the inhabitants of Busiris and of Mendes were called Sokhit 16],
the Meadow of Reeds, and Sokhit Hotpi, the Meadow of Rest.’

ἃ 5 εἰδωλοποιίας. The soul or double of a man survived as
long as any portion of the body remained, but dwelt with it in
the tomb; hence the practice of embalming and mummies. By
day the double remained concealed within the tomb. It went
forth by night, because its organs needed nourishment: it
prowled about fields and villages, picking up and greedily
devouring whatever it might find. This ravenous spectre had
a precise and definite shape, naked, or clothed with the garments
which it had worn on earth, and emitting a pale light to which

347

480 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

it owed the name of Luminous—Khié. Masp. i. 114, 252 ff.
Compare 683-9, on the fate of the soul, funerals, tombs, and
the worship of the dead among the Chaldeans.

G7 ψυχοπομπόν. Hermes is identified with Thoth; cf. 31 ἃ 1ο.
Diog. L. viii. 31 relates that according to the Pythagoreans ‘ the
soul when driven out of the body wanders over the earth in the air
in the likeness of the body : and that Hermes is the guardian of the
souls, and therefore is called Topzratos and Πυλαῖος and Χθόνιος.᾽

ἃ 9 προτομήν. The MSS. of Eusebius have περιτομήν, except I
which has κεφαλήν. ‘Without doubt we should restore προτομήν
from Diodorus’ (Gaisford). προτομή is applied to the face of an
animal, as πρόσωπον to that of man (L. and S. Lez.). Cf. 46 b,
49 ὁ ‘the god whom they call Anubis has the head of a dog.’
Verg. Aen. viii. 698 ‘latrator Anubis.’ See the representations in
Maspero i. 180, of the jackal Anubis receiving the mummy of
Osiris at the door of the tomb.

481 ἃ 2 ἡρώων. Hom. Od. xxiv. 1. Diodorus has μνηστήρων
rightly.

& 3 προβάς. In the passage omitted by Eusebius Diodorus
quotes Homer’s description of the abode of the shades (Od.
Xxiv. 13):

αἶψα δ᾽ ἵκοντο κατ᾽ ἀσφοδελὸν λειμῶνα,
ἔνθα τε ναίουσι ψυχαί, εἴδωλα καμόντων.

b 3 Μάρον. In Diodorus the name is Mdppos. Of the labyrinth
G. W. (Birch, i. 63) says ‘ others affirm it to have been the palace
of Motherus or the sepulchre of Moeris, ... Possibly the prae-
nomen Maeura or Ma-kher-ra may have suggested the names of
the classical authorities.’

Ὁ 6 πρόπυλον. The temple of Hephaestus, or Phtah, the most
ancient in Memphis, is said by Herodotus, ii. 99, to have been
built by Menes, the first king of Egypt. Cambyses ‘entered the
temple and made great sport of the image,’ which was the figure
of a deformed pigmy (iii. 37), as represented in Rawlinson’s Hat.
li. 434. Cf. Strab. 807. ‘By πρόπυλον must not be understood
a gateway or door opening into the temple, but an entire building
in the form of a separate vestibule or porch, through which it
was necessary to pass in order to reach the entrance to the temple
itself’ (Bahr, note to Hadt. ii. τοι, in which he quotes Letronne Re-
cherches pour servir ἃ Vhistoire de Egypt and other authorities),

348

BOOK X. CHAP. 8 481 b

Ὁ 7 Δαίδαλον ἀρχιτεκτονῆσαι. G. W. ibid. ‘The most wonder-
ful of all buildings either in Egypt or in any part of the world.
This was the famous labyrinth, from whose model that of Crete
was afterwards copied by Daedalus.’ Cf. Hom. Jl. xviii. 590-2;
Pausan. 793; Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. ‘ Daedalus.’

C6 Τηλεμάχῳ. The dative after γενομένην is admissible, but
Τηλεμάχου the reading in Diodorus and adopted by Dindorf
gives a more direct construction. This story is quoted from
Diodorus by Justin Martyr, or the author of the treatise Cohort.
ad Gent. 28 E.

ἃ 9 χρυσῆς ’Adpodirys. For the epithet cf. Hom. JI. 111. 64; v.
427. Aphrodite was identified with Hathor, who was worshipped
at Momemphis under the form of a cow. See Hat. ii, 40, 41.
Ps.-Justin Cohort. ad Gent. 28 quotes the same account from
Diodorus.

ἃ 11 τὴν eis Αἰθιοπίαν ἐκδημίαν. Cf. Hom. Il. i. 423

Ζεὺς yap és ᾿Ωκεανὸν per’ ἀμύμονας Αἰθιοπῆας
χθιζὸς ἔβη κατὰ δαῖτα, θεοὶ δ᾽ ἅμα πάντες ἕποντο"
δωδεκάτῃ δέ τοι αὖτις ἐλεύσεται Οὔλυμπόνδε.

482 8 5 κατεστεμμένον (Eusebius) a more appropriate term
than κατεστρωμένον (Diodorus).

ἃ Πυθαγόραν re. The three subjects here mentioned seem to
answer to the three books of which Diogenes Laertius speaks
(viii. 5) ‘ Until the time of Philolaus there were no means of learn-
ing any doctrine of Pythagoras: but he alone published the three
celebrated books which Plato ordered to be bought for a hundred
minae.” These books are said to have supplied Plato with some
materials for the Timaeus, and Jowett (Introd. to the Timaeus,
525) remarks that we are led by Plato himself to regard that
dialogue as ‘framed after some Pythagorean model.’ On the
Ἱερὸς Λόγος of Pythagoras see the long and learned note of Zeller,
Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 311 f.

br ψυχῆς μεταβολήν. Zeller, ibid. 481 ‘Of all the Pytha-
gorean doctrines none is better known, and none can be traced
with greater certainty to the founder of the School than that of
the transmigration of souls, ... Aristotle describes it as a Pytha-
gorean fable, and Plato unmistakeably copied his mythical
descriptions of the soul after death from the Pythagoreans.’

Ὁ 3 Οἰνοπίδην. See 480 ὁ 2.

349

482 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 6 Cf. Plat. Zim. 38 Ὁ τὴν δ᾽ ἐναντίαν αὐτῷ εἰληχότας δύναμιν,
with the notes of Archer-Hind and Cook Wilson (On the Interpre-
tation of Plato’s Timaeus, 129). See Sir J. Herschel’s Astronomy,
303 The planets all have this in common, ‘that the general
direction of their motions (i.e. of their real motions) is the same
with that of the sun, viz. from west to east, that is to say, the
contrary to that in which both they and the stars appear to be
carried by the diurnal motion of the heavens.’

6 4 Τηλεκλέα. Herodotus (iii. 60), in describing three remark-
able works at Samos, says: ‘ The third is a temple, the largest of
all the temples known to us, whereof Rhoecus son of Phileus,
a Samian, was first architect’; the silver bowl sent by Croesus
to Delphi ‘is said by the Belphians to be a work of Theodore
the Samian, and I think that they say true, for assuredly
it is the work of no common artist (i. 51). In iii. 41 the
famous ring of Polycrates, ‘an emerald set in gold,’ is said to have
been ‘the workmanship of Theodore son of Telecles a Samian.’
Cf. Pausan. iii, 12; viii. 14; x. 38. The name Τηλεκλέα (Diod.)
is corrupted into TyAexpéa in the MSS. of Eusebius.

6 6 rod Πυθίου ξόανον. Cf, Athenag. xvii Ὁ δὲ Πύθιος ἔργον
Θεοδώρου καὶ Τηλεκλέους.

69 Οὐ δεῖ δὴ «.7.A. This passage is quoted by Aucher in
Eusebii Chronicon 3, note.

ἀλογίας ἡμῶν κατηγορεῖν. Cf. Demosth. 515 εἰ παρανόμων ἣ
παραπρεσβείας ἥ τινος ἄλλης τοιαύτης αἰτίας ἥμελλον αὐτοῦ κατη-
γορεῖν.

G9 ὁμοδοξοῦντες. The question concerning the relative anti-
quity and agreement between Christianity and the doctrines of
heathen philosophers, especially Plato, was discussed by many of
the Christian Fathers. See Ps.-Justin, Hort. ad Gr. xiv;
Theoph. ad Autoly. iii. 4, 26, 29; Tertull. Apologet. 47;
c. Marcion. i. 10; Clem. Al. Strom. i. 419; Orig. δ. Cels. vi. 1-6.
Fabricius, Delect. Argument. 304—7, gives lists of writers on both
sides.

9] 488 Ὁ 1. A large portion of this ninth chapter appears to

consist of extracts from the Chronicon, an earlier work of Eusebius,

The Chronicon was translated into Latin by Jerome, and in

Schoene’s edition many passages from this and the following

chapters of the Praep. Evang. are placed in a parallel column
350

BOOK X. CHAPS. 8,9 483 b

opposite to Jerome’s translation of Eusebii Praefatio, with which
they agree almost word for word.

Cc 6 Δαρείον μὲν yap τὸ δεύτερον. ΑΒ the first Olympiad began
in July B.c. 776, the second year of Darius, Ol. 65. 1, corresponds
to B.c. 520. These are the dates adopted by Clinton, Fasti
Hell.

C8 TiBepiov δὲ τὸ πεντεκαιδέκατον = Ol, 201. 4. The interval
therefore is, as Eusebius states, 548 years.

484 Ὁ 3 Ἰλίου ἅλωσι. The date of the capture of Troy
was B.C. 1183 (Clinton, Ε΄, H. Epit. 65).

Λαβδὼν τοῦ κριτοῦ. By Labdon is meant Abdon, who judged
Israel before Samson (Judges xii. 13); Abdon B.c. 1168, and
Samson 8. 6. 1161.

bg Κέκροπα. Apollod. Biblioth. iii. 14. 8 Κέκροψ αὐτόχθων,
συμφνὲς ἔχων σῶμα ἀνδρὸς καὶ δράκοντος, τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐβασίλευσε
πρῶτος. The younger Cecrops, son οὗ Erechtheus, was six gene-
rations later.

C 3 κατακλυσμός. The flood of Deucalion is placed by Erato-
sthenes about B. 6. 1433. Sce Clinton, 65.

C 4 Φαέθοντος. On the conflagration of Phaethon ep. Eurip.
Hippol. 740; Plat. Tim. 22 C; Ovid, Metam. ii. passim; Hor.
Od. iv. 11. 25.

Erichthonius is placed by Clinton about 300 years before the
capture of Troy. F. H. 42.

c 7 Κάδμον. Cadmus is placed by Eratosthenes about B.c. 1313.
Cf. Clinton, F. H. 65.

ἃ 3 τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος ζωῆς ᾿Αβραάμ. On the years of Abraham
see C. H. Turner, Journal of Theol. Studies, No. 2, 187, and the
same author’s article on the Chronology of the O. T. in Hastings’
Dict. Bib. i. 398, which should be consulted on all points of
Biblical chronology.

ἃ 4 ἔτη de’. In like manner Clinton, F. H. 118, places the
Exodus 505 years after the birth of Abraham.

ἃ 6 ἐπὶ Nivov. According to the fabulous account of Ctesias
the Assyrian empire was founded by Ninus about B.c. 2182,
or some 1000 years before the capture of Troy (Clinton, F. H.
IOI, 114).

ἃ ο 6 μάγος. Zoroaster may be regarded as the founder of
the Magian religion, but his date is quite uncertain; according

35%

484 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

to Justin the historian he was king of Bactriana, and conquered
by Ninus (Clinton, 114).

ἃ 14 Χρονικοῖς Κανόσιν. The work is described by Eusebius
himself as ‘chronological tables, to which is prefixed an epitome
of universal history drawn from various sources.’ ‘The context
of a second passage, where Eusebius refers to his Chronicle
(Praep. Ev. x. 9), accounts very clearly for the interest which
Christians felt in the study of comparative chronology. If their
heathen opponents contrasted the antiquity of their rites with
the novelty of the Christian religion, the Christian apologists
retorted by proving that the most celebrated Grecian legislators
and philosophers were very much junior to the Hebrew legis-
lator, and to the prophets who had beforehand testified of Christ,
and who had taught a religion of which the Christian was
the legitimate continuation’ (Dr. G. Salmon, Smith’s Dict. Chr.
Biogr.).

485 ἃ 3 συσκευήν. See 31 a 1, note.

& 7 ἀναμφηρίστως. Clem. Al. 387 δειχθήσεται ἀναμφηρίστως
πάσης σοφίας ἀρχαιοτάτη ἡ κατὰ “EBpatouvs φιλοσοφία. Clement
there treats the same subject as Eusebius in this chapter, namely,
the comparative chronology of Hebrews and Greeks.

Ὁ 2 Σαγχουνιάθων. On Sanchoniathon cf. 30 d 6, 31 a, b, 6,
where see the notes.

486 ἃ 8 Ἴναχος. Clinton, F. H. 14 ‘Inachus the father of
Phoroneus was the highest term in Grecian history. Africanus
makes him a little older than Moses. Eusebius has placed Moses
300 years below him, but agrees with Africanus in placing
Inachus 700 years before the fall of Troy.’

Ὁ 8 Τριόπα. Triopas, or Triops, was according to Apollodorus
(i. 7. 4) a son of Canace and Poseidon, and according to Pau-
sanias (ii. 22. 2) the father of Pelasgus, See Clinton, τό.

6 2 ὃ ἐπὶ Ὠγύγου. In the reign of Ogyges the first king of
Thebes the overflow of the lake Copais, caused by the influx of
the Cephissus and other streams, inundated Boeotia and part
of Attica. See Dict. Class. Geogr., ‘ Boeotia,’ 410 Ὁ.

c 3 Ἰώ. Io, like Isis, was supposed to be the goddess of the
moon: cf. Hdt. i. 2; ii. 41 τὸ yap Ἴσιος ἄγαλμα ἐὸν γυναικήϊον
βούκερών ἐστι, κατάπερ Ἕλληνες τὴν ‘lotv γράφουσι.

487 a2 οἱ ἀμφὶ Πυθαγόραν. Clinton, F. H. 156 ‘There are

352

BOOK X. CHAPS. 9, 10 487 ἃ

two accounts of the age of Pythagoras, differing from each other
nearly forty years. By one computation he was thirty-one years of
age in B.C. 539, by another he was near seventy. The latter calcu-
lation is founded upon Eratosthenes and Antiochus; the former
computation is founded upon Aristoxenus and Jamblichus.
According to Aristoxenus he was forty years of age when he
quitted the court of Polycrates of Samos; according to Iamblichus
he was fifty-seven in B.c. 513, which places his birth at B.c. 570.’
Democritus was much later.

8 6 χιλίοις πεντακοσίοις. This interval is nearly 500 years too
long.

6 3 Tas παρὰ πᾶσιν ἱστορίας rapaGévres. Much light is thrown
upon the method adopted by Africanus and Eusebius in their
Chronicles by a passage quoted by Routh (Rell. Sacr. ii. 425) from
Scaliger’s Prolegomena in Chronica Eusebit, f. 3:

‘Neither Eusebius nor Africanus undertook to write without
being previously provided with some Hebrew transaction which
fell upon a certain date of Grecian history, λαβόμενος, as
Africanus says, μιᾶς πράξεως Ἑ βραϊκῆς ὁμοχρόνου πράξει ὑφ᾽ Ἕλ-
λήνων ἱστορηθείσῃ.ἢ

To obtain a foundation for his work Africanus had first to
ascertain an interval; as one terminus (τὸ ἀφ᾽ οὗ) he took the
Exodus, as the other (τὸ ἐφ᾽ 6) the first year of Cyrus, Ol. 55. 1.
But the interval chosen by Eusebius was the seventy years of the
Captivity; the @ quo, the capture of Zedekiah, the ad quem, the
second year of Darius Hystaspes.

10] ἃ 5 The whole of Chapter X is taken from the third book
of the Chronicon of Julius Africanus, as we learn from the heading
of the chapter and from 491 Ὁ 5. Africanus, a man of great
learning and influence, went on an embassy to the Emperor
Heliogabalus (a.p. 218-222), and persuaded him to permit the
rebuilding of Nicopolis or Emmaus, not the Emmaus of Luke xxiv,
but a city about twenty miles north-west of Jerusalem. ‘Of this
city it is probable that Africanus was not only an inhabitant, but
also its Bishop’ (Routh, Rell, Sacr. ii. 222). Routh has edited the
extant Fragments of his works, (1) an Epistle to Origen On the
Story of Susanna, (2) an Epistle to Aristides On the Genealogies
of our Saviour in the Gospels, and (3) the Chronicon in five Books.
These Fragments, with Routh’s Commentaries upon them, occupy

ῷ

«᾿ Α ὃ 353

487d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

more than half of Volume Π of the Religuiae Sacrae: the text
there given has been both corrected and enlarged by extracts from
the Chronographia of Georgius Syncellus and from other works,
especially from the MS. of Eusebius in the library of St. John’s
College, Oxford. Cf. Eus. Hist. Eccl. vi. 31, and | Hieronym. De
Viris illustr. 63.

Μέχρι μὲν τῶν Ὀλυμπιάδων. This statement is also found in
Ps,-Justin, Cohort. ad Gr. 12 οὐδὲν Ἕλλησι πρὸ τῶν Ὀλυμπιάδων
ἀκριβὲς ἱστόρηται.

ἃ 7 ἠκρίβωνται πολλοῖς. Routh conjectures ἠκρίβουν τὰ πολλά,
but without any support from MSS.

488 Ὁ 2 ἀφαιρῶν τε καὶ προστιθείς Africanus finding that the
date of the Exodus was fixed by most historians as contemporary
with Inachus, 1200 years before the first Olympiad, took that date
as the foundation of his Chronology ‘ ad quod praeterita tempora et
& quo sequentia deduceret, xara προσθαφαίρεσιν, ut ipse loquitur,
κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἀφαίρεσιν εἰς τὰ προηγούμενα, κατὰ δὲ τὴν πρόσθεσιν
εἷς τὰ ἑπόμενα ᾽ (Scaliger, 1014...

6 1 Ὀλυμπιὰς ἤχθη ve. B.C. 559. ‘Cyrus began to reign
in Persia within Ol. 55. 1.’ Clinton, Fast. Hell. 155; cf. 100 fin.
But both the Cylinder of Cyrus and the Annals of Nabonidus
show that the reign of Cyrus, dating from his conquest of Astyages,
did not begin till B.c. 549.

6 2 Θαλλοῦ. Thallus is connected with Castor again 489 a,
and seems to have been a contemporary writer.

C 3 Κάστορος. On Castor see 489 a.

C5 τῷ πρώτῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτει. Routh, 426 ‘I am afraid these
calculations do not rest on true support.” The dates are in fact
very much confused. Africanus fixes the return from the
Captivity under Zerubbabel at the beginning of the reign of
Cyrus in Persia (B.C. 559), instead of his capture of Babylon,
B.C. 538. It is also very uncertain from what date the com-
mencement of the seventy years of the Captivity should be
calculated.

ἃ 6 “ (Ta) δὲ πρὸ τούτων pro ras δὲ πρὸ τούτων soribi sequentia
postulant’ (Routh).

G9 Φορωνέως. Aristid. Apolog. ii ‘The rest of the family was
descended from Inachus and Phoroneus.’ Cf. Clinton, F. H. 15
‘By all testimonies Phoroneus was an aboriginal chief of the

354

“ap.

BOOK X. CHAP. IO 488 d

predominant tribe of the Pelasgians. His subjects were Pelas-
gians and his successors Pelasgians till the coming of Danaus,
The ancient chronologers attempted to arrange the events recorded
in their early traditions according to the reigns of this Pelasgian
dynasty which ruled at Argos. Tatian has supplied the synchro-
nisms, which are also given by Clemens Alexandrinus.’

489 a 3 (oi ra). For ταῦτα γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίων ἱστοροῦντες Viger
would prefer ταῦτα yap ἱστοροῦσιν, and Routh adopts ταῦτα yap of ra
᾿Αθηναίων ἱστοροῦντες from the Cohort. ad Gent. 9 καὶ οἱ ra ᾿Αθηναί-
wy δὲ ἱστοροῦντες, a passage which Africanus has here adopted
almost word for word. Philochorus (B. ¢. 306-260) was a volu-
minous writer on Athenian history and other subjects. There is
a long catalogue of his works in Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

@ 4 τὰς ᾿Ατθίδας. Thucydides, i. 97, mentions the Attic
History (ἡ ᾿Αττικὴ συγγραφήλ of Hellanicus, in which he had
described the origin and establishment of the power of Athens.
On Atthis or Atthides as the name of a work on Athenian history
cf. Donaldson, Gk. Lit. i. 231.

Κάστωρ. “ Castor wrote a work on Chronolegy in six Books,
extending from Ninus to Ol. 181. He was son-in-law to Deio-
tarus, and probably was pub to death 8.0. 45 ’ (Clinton, who
often refers to his Chronology). Cf. Donaldson, ibid. ii. 110.

& 5 ὃ τὰς Βιβλιοθήκας. Ps.-Just. ibid. ὁ ras Βιβλιοθήκας ém-
τεμών.

8, 6 καί τινες. Routh’s conjecture: οἵτινες leaves the sentence
without a finite verb.

6 2 κατὰ ἀνάλυσιν. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. viii. g18 ‘Now there
is a difference between demonstration (ἀπόδειξις) and analysis, for -
in this latter each of the points to be proved (ἀποδεικνυμένων) is
proved by some things also requiring proof, until, after these have
been proved by others, we run back to things certain in themselves
or to things evident to sense and understanding ; which is called
analysis. But demonstration is when the point in question
reaches us from the first premisses through all the intermediate
steps.’

6 5 ὃς ἔκτισεν EXevoiva. According to Pausan. 93 Eleusis was
so named after its founder Eleusis, said by some to be a son of
Hermes, but by others of Ogyges.

c 7 Kai μεθ᾽ ἕτερα. The passage of Africanus here passed over

Aa2 355

489 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

by Eusebius is supplied by Routh from Syncellus (64 b ed.
Paris).

Ὁ 8 Kara δὲ τοὺς τούτου χρόνους. Cf. Routh, 431 ‘ Although
other well-known writers besides Africanus asserted that Moses
lived about these times (of Ogyges and Inachus), yet most of the
more recent chronologers have been convinced by Eusebius (in the
Chronicon) that the Exodus of the Hebrews from Egypt was about
200 years later.’

ἃ 3 ἔτη xe. For ‘twenty-five’ (xe’) ‘we must read twenty-
seven (xf) to make up the sum £237.’ According to Clement of
Alexandria Joshua ruled after the death of Moses twenty-seven
years, of which ‘he rested in the good land twenty-five years.’
Josephus (Ant. Jud. v. 1. 29) says that after the death of Moses
Joshua was their leader for twenty-five years (Routh).

490 a Φιλόχορος. Cf. 489 ἃ 3.

Ὁ 6 ᾿Απίων. Cf. 496 d 4.

b 8 ᾿Αμώσιος Cf. Auth. and Arch. 172 ‘From a tomb at El
Kab we have definite information as to the expulsion of the
Hyksos. Here the high admiral Aahmes, son of Abana, recounts
how the city of Avaris was taken and the Hyksos were finally
subdued by Aahmes I, the founder of the eighteenth Dynasty.’ In
the inscription Avaris is called Het-Wart, pronounced Hawari in
the Graeco-Roman period, and Amosis, or Aahmes I, Nebpehti-ra.

On the attempts to mix up the account of the sojourn of the
Israelites and their Exodus with the history of the Shepherds see
Rawlinson, Hdt. ii. 355. The similarity of the names Aabmes,
Amosis, Amasis added to the confusion.

Cr Μέμνηται δὲ καὶ Ἡρόδοτος. Cf. Hdt. ii. 162, where there is
no mention of Amosis or the Jews, but of Amasis who lived about
a thousand years later.

C 3 τρόπῳ δέ tm. Cf. Hdt. ii. 104 ‘The Colchians, the
Egyptians, and the Ethiopians are the only nations who have
practised circumcision from the earliest times. The Phoenicians
and the Syrians of Palestine confess that they learnt the custom
from the Egyptians.’ ‘ Herodotus apparently alludes to the Jews,
Palestin and Philistin are the same name ’(G. W.), note. Cf. Josh.
Υ. 5. 1; John vil. 22.

C 4 ᾿Ασσυρίους. ‘Herodotus is justified in calling the Jews
Syrians’ (not Assyrians, as in Eusebius [Africanus]) as they were

356

BOOK X. CHAPS. 10, II 490 c

comprehended under that name, and they were ordered to ‘speak
and say before the Lord God: A Syrian ready to perish was my
father,’ &c. Deut. xxvi. 5 (G. W.).

ἃ 2 xaraxAvopot. With this catalogue compare what Eusebius
himself has said above, 484 c.

ἃ 3 Σπαρτοί. The men sprung from the dragon’s teeth, sown
by Cadmus. Cf. Ovid, Metam. iii. 105 ‘Spargit humi iussos,
mortalia semina, dentes.’ Pausan. ix. 5.

ἃ 6 ἀποικίᾳ. The migration of the Ionians from Attica to the
west coast of Asia Minor, where they founded twelve cities, is
recorded in Hdt. i. 142 8q., Strab. 633, and Pausan. 524.

491 ἃ 4 Ὦγύγον. There was a flood in Boeotia in the time of
Ogyges, caused by the overflowing of the lake Copais. Another
flood is mentioned by Pausanias (ix. 756) ‘ The Boeotians say that
there were formerly other inhabited towns near the lake, called
Athens and Eleusis: and that in winter time the lake overflowed
and buried them.’

a 8 τῷ Τρικαράνῳ. Cf. Pausan. 490. Anaximenes and Lam-
psacus ‘ wrote histories of the Antiquities of Greece, and of the
exploits of Philip the son of Amyntas and of Alexander after-
wards... . Anaximenes seems also to have punished an enemy
very cleverly but also very spitefully. He had a natural turn
for sophistry and for imitating the arguments of sophists. And
as he had a quarrel with Theopompus the son of Damasistratus,
he wrote a book upon the Athenians which was at the same time
an abusive treatise against the Lacedaemonians and Thebans.
And as it was a very accurate imitation of his style, he wrote the
name of Theopompus on the title of the book, and sent it about
to the various cities: and though he had written it himself, yet
the enmity against Theopompus was greatly increased throughout
all Greece.’

Ὁ 3 πλάσσειν . .. perérAarre, ἃ punning explanation of the
legend.

Ὁ 5 ὁ ᾿Αφρικανός. On Africanus, and the help which Eusebius
derived from his Chronicle, see C. H. Turner, Journ. of Theol. Stud.
No. 2, 194.

11] οἱ Νῦν δέ. The whole chapter consists of extracts from
Tatian’s Address to the Greeks, of which the original title is
Τατιανοῦ πρὸς Ἕλληνας. Eusebius has copied out the whole of 31.

357

491 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

except a few words at the end, and 36-41 entire. The same
treatise had been previously used by Clement of Alexandria
(Strom. i. 378) in a passage quoted below by Eusebius, 496 d 1.
Cf. Harnack, Texte u. Unt. i. 10.

ἃ 8 ὁ ‘Pyyivos. Nothing is known of Theagenes of Rhegium
beyond what is here stated.

ἃ 9 Stesimbrotus, of Thasos (Plat. fon 530 C:;; Strab. x. 472),
lived in the time of Pericles, and wrote a book entitled, Of
Themistocles, and Thucydides, and Pericles (Athen. xiii. 589),
besides the commentary on Homer here mentioned.

᾿Αντίμαχος. Cf. 467 ἃ 5.

G10 Διονύσιος, ‘of Olynthus,’ is otherwise unknown.

492 a1 Ἔφορος. Cf. 464 b 6, note.

@ 2 Μεγακλείδης is mentioned by Athenaeus (xii. 513) as
censuring the poets who followed Homer and Hesiod for their
treatment of the myths concerning Heracles.

Χαμαιλέων. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom.i.351. Zeller, Outlines, 64,
speaking of Chamaeleon and other pupils of Theophrastus, says,
‘they are rather scholars and men of literature than philosophers.’

a 3 Zenodotus of Ephesus (circ. B.c. 280) was the first superin-
tendentof the famous library at Alexandria, especially distinguished
by his works on Homer and other Epic poets. One of his Homeric
criticisms is mentioned by Athenaeus (i. 12, aliter 21), who refers
to him also in x. 412 a and elsewhere. Suidas calls him the
first editor (διορθωτής) of the Homeric poems.

Aristophanes of Byzantium (B. 0. 200 circ.), one of the most
famous of the Alexandrian grammarians, pupil of Zenodotus and
Eratosthenes, and teacher of the still more celebrated Aristarchus.
For a full account of these learned men the reader is referred to
Smith’s Dictionary of Gk. and R. Biography, or to Donaldson,
Hist. of Lit. of Greece, i. 309 ff.

On Callimachus see Donaldson, i. 260, but the name is here
given in error by Eusebius, or his copyists, for Callistratus, a well-
known pupil of Aristophanes of Byzantium.

a 4 Crates, founder of a school of grammar at Pergamus in
opposition to the Alexandrian grammarians. His chief work was
a commentary on Homer in which he protested against the critical
method of Aristarchus. Sent as ambassador to Rome by Attalus
(B.0. 175 circ.), he introduced the study of grammar at Rome.

358

BOOK X. CHAP. II 492a

Eratosthenes, B.c. 276-196, the great astronomer who dis-
covered the obliquity of the ecliptic, and the magnitude of the
earth, was also eminent as a grammarian and historian, and the
first founder of scientific chronology.

᾿Αρίσταρχος, ‘the most celebrated grammarian and critic in
all antiquity,’ devoted his life to correcting and commenting on
the texts of all the chief poets of Greece, especially of Homer.

On Apollodorus see 498 d 4.

Ὁ 4 ἔτεσιτεσσαράκοντα, omitted by Schwartz in his text of Tatian,
seems to have been rightly preserved in Eusebius. On Philochorus
see above 489 a, and for a full account of his works see Donaldson,
i, 232 fff.

Ὁ 5 ’Apxirwov. The name ᾿Αρξίτπου, in Gaisford’s text, is of
questionable formation, and is certainly a corruption of ᾿Αρχίππου.
He was the archon eponymus of Ol. 114, 4.

C3 ᾿Αρχιλόχῳ. At B.C. 687, Ol. 23. 2, Clinton writes: ‘The
earliest notice of Archilochus is at B.c. 708, the latest at Β. 6. 665.
Iie might have been eminent forty-five years.’ On Archilochus
and his poetry compare the interesting sketch in the late G. S.
Farnell’s Greek Lyric Poetry.

ἃ 5 μὴ μόνον ὕστερος. ‘I would rather retain the negative
py, and strike out the adverb μόνον᾽ (Viger). The sentence
would then run thus: ‘Let it be granted however that Homer
was not later than the Trojan war, but let him be supposed to
have lived,’ &c. There is however no authority in the MSS. for
omitting μόνον, and the reading μὴ μόνον ὕστερος is approved by
Schwartz. It must be understood as: ‘not only not later.’
Though μὴ ὅπως is thus used (Xen. Cyr. i. 3. 10 μὴ ὅπως ὀρχεῖσθαι
ἐν ῥυθμῷ ἀλλ’ οὐδ᾽ ὀρθοῦσθαι ἐδύνασθε), I can find no example
of μὴ μόνον in this sense.

493 a1 διηγήσεις. Schwartz reading διηγήσεις ἢ Φ * supposes
that there is here a lacuna in the MSS., which he would supply
thus; ἢ τὸν ἐξαπατᾶν πειρώμενον τὰς περὶ τῶν δοξῶν paxpodcyias.
The addition is unnecessary, and not very intelligibly expressed.

Bypwoods. Cf. 413 ἃ. Schwartz gives the name Bypwods,
not Βηρωσσύός.

ἃ 3 μετὰ Σέλευκον, Eus. codd., per’ αὐτόν (sc. ᾿Αλεξάνδρον),
Schwartz. The order is, Alexander, Seleucus Nicator, Antiochus I
(Soter), Antiochus II, Θεός. See Schwartz, Index auctorum,

359

498 8 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

‘ Berosus ’; ‘ Eusebius suo arbitrio τῷ μετὰ Σέλευκον τρίτῳ correxit,
cum Berosi dedicationem ad Antiochum II @eoy referret. Quod
si recte fecit, certe Berosus libros suos alteri Antiocho tum
dedicasse censendus est cum ille regnum cum patre commune
obtinuit i.e. ante a. 261.’

a 4 ἀφηγεῖταί twos αὐτῶν ὄνομα Ναβουχοδονόσορ. I cannot find
that ἀφηγεῖσθαι, in the sense of ‘mentioning,’ ever governs a
genitive: otherwise we should translate, ‘mentions one of them
Nabuchodonosor by name.’

b 2 καὶ τούτου τεκμήριον Ἰόβας, ds... 11 ds be omitted, as in
Tatian, τεκμήριον is in apposition to the following sentence.
Tobas seems to be unknown except from this passage.

b 6 Theodotus is named by Josephus, c. Apion. i. 23, but
without any description.

Hypsicrates is known only from this passage.

Μῶχος. See 415 ἃ 8. Strab. 757 εἰ δὲ δεῖ Ποσειδωνίῳ
πιστεῦσαι, καὶ τὸ περὶ τῶν ἀτόμων δόγμα παλαιόν ἐστιν ἀνδρὸς
Σιδωνίου Μώχου πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν χρόνων γενομένου.

Ὁ 7 Λαῖτοςς Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 387 ‘as is said by
Menander of Pergamus, and Laetus in his Phoenician History.’

c 3 In the Odyssey Menelaus twice mentions his visit to
Phoenicia, L. iv. 83

‘From Cyprus to the far Phoenician coast

(Sidon the capital) I stretch’d my toil

Through regions fatten’d with the flows of Nile.’
Ibid. 618

‘A pledge the sceptred power of Sidon gave,

When to his realm I plough’d the orient wave’ (Pope).
Herodotus, ii. 116, gives a different account of the arrival of
Menelaus and Helen in Egypt, which he had heard from the
‘ priests. In Jl. vi. 290 Homer makes Paris visit Sidon on his
way to Troy

‘Rich garments, by Sidonian women wrought,

Whom godlike Paris had from Sidon brought’ (Derby).

6 4 Εἴραμον. The name of the king of Tyre is given as
Cheiram by Tatian, as in 2 Sam. v. 11 (Sept.), where it first
occurs. Cf.447¢1. There is no mention of this marriage in
the Bible, but Clement of Alexandria (Strom. i. 336) relates that
‘Eiram gave his daughter to Solomon about the time of the

360

BOOK X. CHAP, II 493 ὁ

arrival of Menelaus in Phoenicia, after the capture of Troy, as
is said by Menander of Pergamus, and Laetus in The Phoenician
History.’

Cc Μένανδρος This Menander of Pergamus is probably the
same as ‘ Menander of Ephesus,’ of whom Josephus (6. Apion. i,
18) says that ‘he wrote the transactions which occurred among
the Greeks and Barbarians in the reign of each of the kings.’
Josephus then adds a considerable fragment from the work of
Menander concerning Hiram and his successors.

ἃ 2 Πτολεμαῖος. The account of Ptolemaeus of Mendes in
Clem. Al. Strom. i. 328 is taken almost word for word from this
passage of Tatian.

ἃ 5 Μωσέως ἡγουμένου. Cf. 490 Ὁ 8, note; Joseph. 6. Apion.
i. τό, quoted below, 501 d 9.

a7 ὁ γραμματικός. Cf. 496 d 4, note.

ἃ 10 ἐν τοῖς Xpdvos. It is not known whether this was a
separate work, or only a chronological table appended to the
historical work mentioned above, d 3.

494 a 4 ᾿Αργείων βασιλεῖς. The various accounts of the early
Pelasgic kings of Argos, and of the later dynasty of Danaus and
his successors, are very fully discussed by Clinton in the first part
of the Fast. Hell. Epit. 15 ff.

Ἴναχος, ‘the father of Phoroneus was the highest term in
Grecian history’ (Clinton).

Φορωνεύς. ‘In the Pelasgic branch of the nation Phoroneus
is in the eighteenth generation before the Trojan war’ (idem).

a 6 ‘Danaus is in the ninth, Deucalion in the eighth, Cadmus
in the seventh generation before that epoch ’ (idem).

Περσεύς. A second Sthenelaus is inserted between Perseus
and Eurystheus in Tatian.

Ὁ 7 xara “Ivaxyov. ‘Africanus makes him a little older than
Moses. Eusebius has placed Moses 300 years below him, but
agrees with Africanus in placing Inachus 700 years before the
fall of Troy’ (Clinton).

C 5 κατακλυσμὸς ὁ πρῶτος. Cf. 489 Ὁ 2. Clinton 14 ‘ Africanus
according to computations derived from the accounts of Philo-
chorus, Hellanicus, Castor, and otbers placed the flood of Ogyges
and the ss5th year of the reign of Phoroneus at B.C. 1796, or
1020 years before the Olympiad of Coroebus, B. 0, 776.’

46:

404 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C6 xara δὲ Φόρβαντα. Clinton, 15 ‘The ancient chronologers
attempted to arrange the events recorded in their early tradi-
tions according to the reigns of this Pelasgic dynasty which ruled
at Argos. Tatian has supplied the synchronisms, which are also
given by Clemens Alexandrinus.’ Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 379.

ἃ : διφνής. Cf. 494 ἃ 11, 498 Ὁ 4; Aristoph. Vespae, 348
ὦ Κέκροψ ἥρως ἄναξ τὰ πρὸς ποδῶν Apaxovridn. Ovid, Metam. ii. 555
‘Virginibusque tribus gemino de Cecrope natis.’ Cecrops was half
man, half serpent. Apollod, iii. 14. 1 Κέκροψ αὐτόχθων συμφυὲς
ἔχων σῶμα ἀνδρὸς καὶ δράκοντος, τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐβασίλευσε πρῶτος,
καὶ τὴν γῆν πρότερον λεγομένην ᾿Ακτὴν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ Κεκροπίαν.

ἃ 2 éropBpia. Clinton, 36 ‘The flood of Deucalion is placed
by Aristotle near Dodona. It was generally however placed in
Thessaly.’ |

ἃ 3 ᾿Αμφικτύονος. Amphictyon was a son of Pyrrha and
Deucalion, who became king of Attica after Cranaus, Cf. Apollod.
i. ἡ. 2. 6.

ἃ 4 Aapdavias κτίσις. Dardania was a district of Mysia
adjacent to Troy. Strab. 592 ‘The poet gives two names to
these parts, at one time speaking thus

‘Dardanians next,
Anchises’ valiant son Aeneas led,”
where he calls them Dardanians; but at another time Dardans
‘Trojans, and Lycians, and ye Dardans, fam’d
In close encounter.”
And here probably was founded what in old times was called by
the peet “ Dardania”’
“ΒΥ Dardanus, of cloud-compelling Jove
Begotten, was Dardania peopled first,
(Ere sacred Ilium, populous city of men,
Was founded on the plain; as yet they dwelt
On spring-abounding Ida’s lowest spurs)”;
for now there is not even a vestige of a city preserved there.’
These passages are quoted from Homer, Jl. ii. 819, xv. 425,
Xx. 215, in Lord Derby’s translation. The lines in brackets are
added to Strabo’s quotation.

495 8&7 wapayapdrrev. Cf. Plut. Mor. 332 C δεῖ κἀμὲ νόμισμα
παρακόψαι, καὶ παραχαράξαι τὸ βαρβαρικῇ θέσει κατεσκενασμένον
Ἑλληνικῇ πολιτείᾳ.

362

BOOK X. CHAP. ITI 495 b

b 2 παραβραβεύσωσι. Cf. Plut. Mor. 535 C of παραβραβεύοντες
ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι. Col. ii. 18 μηδεὶς ὑμᾶς καταβραβενέτω, ‘let no man
rob you of your prize’ (R. V.).

Ὁ § ἐν τῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἀποφηναμένονς τὰ περὶ Θεοῦ δειχθήσεται.
The work here promised is not extant, and it is doubtful whether
Tatian means that he had already written it, or only designed to
write it.

Ὁ 6 τὸ δὲ viv ἔχον, a phrase which I have not found elsewhere.
Tatian has τὸ δὲ συνέχον, for which see the note on 338 a 4, and
Polyb. ii. 12. 3, 52. 4.

ΘΙ Λίνου. Cf. G. 5. Farnell, Greek Lyric Poetry, 13 ‘The
Linos-song is said to be of Phoenician origin, and to have derived
its name from the words ai li nu, ‘‘ woe is us,” which probably
formed part of the refrain of the song. The Greeks, misunder-
standing this, came to regard Linus as the name of a youth
whose untimely fate at the hands of Apollo is bewailed, or
sometimes as the inventor of the mournful dirge bearing
what was supposed to be his name.’ Cf. Hom. Jl. xviii. 570;
Hesiod, Fr. i.

Φιλάμμωνος. Cf. Pausan. 362 The river Balyra in Messenia
‘was so called, they say, because Thamyris threw away his
lyre there on account of his blindness: he was the son of
Philammon and of the nymph Argiope. And Argiope lived for
a while at Parnassus, but when she became pregnant removed
to the Odrysae, because Philammon would not take her home
to wife. And this is why they call Thamyris an Odrysian and
a Thracian.’

c 2 On Musaeus see 462 d, note 6 a.

On Demodocus see Hom. Od. ili. 267, viii, 62, xiii. 27; and
on Phemius Od. i. 154, xvii. 263, xxii. 330.

Epimenides is supposed to be the Cretan ‘ prophet’ referred
to by St. Paul, Tit. i. 12. See 226 c6.

GC 3 ‘Apwraiov. On Aristaeus, or Aristeas, see Hdt. iv. 13. 14
‘ Aristeas also, son of Caystrobius, a native of Proconnesus, says
in the course of his poem that, rapt in Bacchic fury, he went as
far as the Issedones. Beyond them dwelt the Arimaspi, men
with one eye; still farther, the gold-guarding griffins.’ The story
of the sudden death and subsequent reappearance of Aristeas,
narrated in ὁ. 14, may possibly be based, as Canon Rawlinson

363

495c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

suggests, on ‘the alternate appearance and disappearance of an
enterprising traveller.’

c 4 ᾿Ασβόλου. Cf. Hesiod, Scut. Hero. 184 (describing the battle
of the Centaurs and Lapithae as depicted on the shield)

Κένταυροι δ᾽ ἑτέρωθεν ἐναντίοι ἠγερέθοντο
ἀμφὶ μέγαν Ierpaiov ἰδ᾽ Ασβολον οἰωνιστήν.
Asbolus therefore is regarded as skilful in augury.

C 5 (Βάκιδος). For Ἰσάτιδος, a name otherwise unknown,
Schwartz edits Βάκιδος. The Boeotian prophet, whose metrical
oracles were so famous, could hardly be omitted in such a list.
His predictions are quoted by Herodotus, viii. 20. 77, ix. 43, and
mentioned with great respect by Cicero, Div. i. 18, in connexion
with Epimenides and the Erythraean Sibyl. Cf. Pausan. iv.
2. 2, x. 12. 11; Aristoph. Av. 899-916; Paz, 1009-15.

Δρύμωνός τε is thought by Schwartz to be corrupt. No
ancient poet of this name is known, but only a Pythagorean
mentioned by Iamblichus. Cf. Fabric., Bibl. Gr. i. 6.

EvxAov. Cf. Pausan. 828 χρησμολόγους δὲ ἄνδρας Κύπριόν re
EvxAovv καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖον Μουσαῖον. In 858 Euclus is said to have
foretold the birth of Homer in Cyprus:

‘In sea-girt Cyprus shall a mighty bard

Of fair Themisto in the field be born,

Whose fame from wealthy Salamis shall spread,
When far from Cyprus wafted o’er the sea

IIe first great Hellas’ countless woes shall sing
In verse immortal that can ne’er grow old.’

c 6 τοῦ Xapiov. Of Horus the Samian I can find no mention
elsewhere. Cf. Fabric., i. 12.

(Ilpovaridov.) Cf. Diod. Sic. iii. 67 ‘ Linus, it is said, wrote
in the Pelasgian script the deeds of the first Dionysius, and the
rest of the mythological time, and left them behind in his
memoirs. And in like manner the Pelasgic alphabet was used
by Orpheus and by Pronapides the teacher of Homer and a poet
of genius.’

C7 Ἡρακλέους ἐστὶ διδάσκαλος. Cf. Theocr. xxiv. 103

γράμματα μὲν τὸν παῖδα γέρων Λίνος ἐξεδίδαξεν.
Apollod. ii. 4. 9 ὑπὸ “Hpaxdéous τῇ κιθάρᾳ πληγεὶς ἀπέθανεν. In
Athen. iv. 164 there is an amusing fragment of the Linus, a comedy
of Alexis on Hercules’ choice of a book to read.

364

BOOK X. CHAP. II 495 ἃ

ἃ 2 Τληπολέμου. Cf. Hom. Il. ii. 651.

ἃ 3 ἄλλως τε καί, An additional proof that Moses was earlier
than Orpheus as a writer is this, that the writings attributed to
Orpheus were said to be the work of Onomacritus, who lived
as late as Ol. 50. On ἄλλως re καί see Viger, De Idiot. Gr. 378
and 778.

ἃ 4 ‘Ovopaxpirov. See Miller, Hist. Gk. Lit. 235 ‘The Orphic
poet of whom we know the most is Onomacritus. ...He col-
lected the oracles of Musaeus for the Pisistratids; in which work
the poet Lasus is said (according to Herodotus) to have detected
him in a forgery.’ Cf. Hdt. vii. 6; Pausan. 53.

ἃ 8 πλείονα. Viger conjectures πλείονας, ‘ quasi dicat Amphi-
onem tam antiquum esse, ut alium praeterea φιλομαθῆ neminem
quaeri patiatur.’? But the change is unnecessary. The great
antiquity of Amphion made it impossible to collect any further
particulars (πλείονα) concerning him.

ἃ 9 Δημόδοκος. Cf. Hom. Od. viii. 43 καλέσασθε δὲ θεῖον
ἀοιδὸν | Δημόδοκον κ-τ.λ.

Φήμιος. Hom. Od. i. 154
κῆρυξ δ᾽ ἐν χερσὶν κίθαριν περικαλλέα θῆκε
Φημίῳ, ὅς ῥ᾽ ἥειδε παρὰ μνηστῆρσιν ἀνάγκῃ.

406 ἃ 2 σφόδρα. After this word Schwartz marks a lacuna,
which one of his friends, V. de Wilamowitz, supplies by ἐπιμελῶς
τὰ κατεπείγοντα.

a 8 On Lycurgus see note on 222 b, and compare Rawlinson’s
note on Hdt. i. 65 with Pausan. iii. 2. The dates of Lycurgus
and other early kings of Sparta cannot be fixed with any accuracy:
see Clinton, F. H. 202.

Ὁ 2 Δράκων. Clinton, F. H. 90; 8.6. 621, Ol. 39. 4 ‘ Legisla-
tion of Draco.’

b 3 Σόλων. The archonship and legislation of Solon are
placed by Clinton (92) in B. 0. §94, Ol. 46. 3.

IIvOaydpas. ‘Pythagoras flourished in Ol. 62, at the time
of Polycrates of Samos’ (Clinton, F. H. 157).

b 4 Tas δὲ Ὀλυμπιάδας. Cf. Arethae Schol. ad loc, Tatiani:
καὶ μὴν Πίνδαρος ὃ λυρικὸς οὕτως φησίν: “Ἤτοι Ὀλύμπια μὲν ἔστησεν
Ἡρακλῆς. πῶς οὖν Ἡρακλῆς μιᾷ γενεᾷ τῶν Ἰλιακῶν προύχων, ὃ
κατὰ Πίνδαρον τὰ Ὀλύμπια στήσας, ὕστερον εὑρεθήσεται τῶν Ἰλιακῶν
ν΄ ἔτεσιν, εἴγε αὐτὸς ἔστησεν τὰ ᾿᾽᾿Ολύμπια ; Pind. Ol. ii. 3.

365

496 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C8 ἡ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ποίησις. This is rendered by Viger ‘res ab
eo creatae.? But ποίησις has properly an active sense; and for
the meaning of κατὰ Θεόν compare 2 Cor. Vii. 10 ἡ yap κατὰ Θεὸν
λύπη, and Rom. vili. 27 xara Θεὸν ἐντυγχάνει.

C10 ἀνεξαρνήτου. Just. M. Dial. 30 ἀνεξαρνήτους ἡμᾶς γενέσθαι

τοῦ ὀνόματος αὐτοῦ.
12] ἃ 2 Κασσιανῷ. Cassianus (Julius) is described by Clement
(Strom. iii. 652) as the founder of Docetism, and author of a
treatise Περὶ ἐγκρατείας. Dr. G. Salmon (Dict. Chr. Biogr.) says
that ‘The coincidences between Tatian and Cassian seem too
close to be accidental, but we have not data to determine their
relative priority.’

ἃ 3 ὑπόμνημα. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. v. 734 γνωστικῶν ὑπομνη-
μάτων στρωματεύς, and 735 γραφὴ ὑπομνηστική.

ἃ 4 ὁ Πλειστονίκης. Apion was called by Tiberius ‘ cymbalum
mundi,’ probably from his boastful vanity. He was a bitter
enemy of the Jews, and tried to excite Caligula against them.
His work against the Jews was answered by Josephus in the
Contra Apionem. His surname Pleistonetces is thought to de-
scribe his quarrelsome character. But Suidas calls him a son of
Pleistoneices, and both in Clement and Eusebius the name is
spelt Pleistonices,

497 ἃ 4 τὸν Μενδήσιον. Cf. 490 ὁ 5.

@5 ᾿Αούαριν. On Abaris, or Avaris, see 501 6.

b 6 ἐν τοῖς Xpovors. ‘Dionysius of Halicarmassus employed
twenty-two years in collecting his materials and in preparing his
history, and completed it in B.c. 7....He had been dead some
years before A.D. 18’ (Clinton, F. H. 417). Dion. Hal. i. 28
λέγουσι δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Δαναὸν ὁρμηθέντας ὁμοίως ἐκεῖθεν
συνοικίσαι τὴν ἀρχαιοτάτην σχεδὸν τῶν παρ᾽ Ἕλλησι πόλεων “Apyos.

b 8 διφυοῦς. Cf. 494 d 1, note, 498 Ὁ 4.

b 9 ὁ Τατιανός. Clement borrows largely from Tatian through-
out the passage.

ΟΣ Τούτων δὲ ἄλλα πεντήκοντα. Clement adds δυοῖν, which is
omitted in my text by oversight. If for πεντήκοντα we put the
numeral letter ν΄, we get a satisfactory reading which accounts
for the variations dAAaw δυοῖν O, and ἄλλων δνοῖν I.

ἃ 3 Αἰγιαλέως. Pausan. ii. 5. 5 (123) ‘The people of Sicyon,
who are neighbours to the Corinthians on this side, say of their

866

BOOK X. CHAPS, II, 12 497 d

own country, that Aegialeus an autochthon was the first man
therein, and that the part of Peloponnesus which is still called
Aegialus was named after him as being the king. ... And the
son of Aegialeus they say was Europs, and the son of Europs
Telchis, and the son of Telchis Apis.’

G4 Kpyros. We can hardly be wrong in adding the name
‘Cres’ to the examples given by Clinton (F. H. 3) of the names
of races or clans converted into the names of individuals, such
as ‘the brothers Lydus, AMfysus, and Car in Herodotus,’

ἃ 6 Φορωνίδος. See 488 ἃ 9, note. Phoronis was a name
of Io as daughter or sister, of Phoroneus. Cf, Ovid, Metam.
i. 668

‘Nec superum rector mala tanta Phoronidis ultra
Ferre potest.’

ἃ 9 τῶν τῇδε τῇ πόλει. ‘Ex ghossemate fluxit quod habet
Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 138 (380 Pott) et unus de Platonis codi-
cibus τῇδε τῇ πόλει. The true reading in Plato τῶν τῇδε means
‘the men of these parts,’ i.e. Greeks: cf. Phaedr; 247 C οὔτε τις

... τῶν τῇδε ποιητής.
περὶ Φορωνέως τε. Cf. Plat. Tim. 22 A, Solon’s account of
his conversation with the Egyptian priests.

ἃ 10 τὸν κατακλυσμόν. The flood meant is that of Deucalion
and Pyrrba, as in 488 d 8.

498 a1 opBarra. Pausan. ii. 145 ‘To Argos were born
Pirasus and Phorbas, and to Phorbas Triopas, and to Triopas
Tasus and Agenor,...and Crotopus the son of Agenor received
the kingdom after Iasus, and the son of Crotopus was Sthenelas.’
The whole passage 497 d 10-498 b 6 is taken word for word

rom Tatian, except the quotation from Homer.

a5 Δαναοῦ. Pausan. 1]. c. ‘ Danaus sailed from Egypt against
Gelanor son of Sthenelas, and ended the kingdom of the descen.
dants of Agenor.’

ἃ 10 {τῆς Εὐρώπης). Apollod. iii. 1.1.5 ὡς δὲ πᾶσαν ποιούμενοι
ζήτησιν εὑρεῖν ἦσαν ἙἘῤρώπην ἀδύνατοι, τὴν εἰς οἶκον ἀνακομιδὴν
ἀπογνόντες ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ κατῴκησαν.

8 11 Λυγκέα. Pausan. ibid. ‘And the events which followed
are equally known to all the world, the violence of the
daughters of Danaus towards their husbands, and how on
the death of Danaus Lynceus succeeded to the government.’

367

498 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Cf. Hor. Od, iii. 11. 33
‘Una de multis face nuptiali
Digna periurum fuit in parentem
Splendide mendax et in omne virgo
Nobilis aevum.

Ὁ 3 ᾿Ακρίσιον. The story of Acrisius, Danae, and Perseus is
told at much length by Apollod. Biblioth. ii. 4. 1. 1-4. 3; Hor.
Od. iii. 16; Ovid, Metam. iv. 607, v. 236; Soph. Antig. 947.

Ὁ 4 ὁ δεύτερος Κέκροψ. Cf Apollod. iii. 15.1 γήμας δὲ Ἐρεχθεὺς
Πραξιθέαν .. . ἔσχε παῖδας μὲν Κέκροπα Πάνδωρον, κιτιλ., and see
note on 494 d I.

c 2 ‘Ayias, The name in Clement is Aiyias, but ‘Ayias in
Athen. iii. 86 “Ayias δὲ καὶ Δερκύλος ἐν ᾿Αργολικοῖς, x.7.A.

μηνὸς Πανέμου. Panemus was the last month of the Lace-
daemonian year corresponding to September. As the days of the
last decade were counted backwards, ὀγδόῃ φθίνοντος was the
twenty-third or twenty-second day of the month, according as
the month was full or hollow, that is, consisting of thirty or
twenty-nine days.

C7 τὴν μικρὰν Ἰλιάδα. Cf. Pausan. iii. 278, x. 862. The little
Iliad was by some attributed to Cinaethon of Lacedaemon, one
of the earlier and most prolific of the Cyclic poets, about B.c. 765.
He is mentioned by Pausan. ii. 119 as the author of Genealogical
Poems, but without any mention of The little Iliad.

G1 Τληπολέμου. Cf. 495 d 2.

υἱὸς Ἡρακλέους. Clinton, F. H. 6 ‘Three arguments establish
that Hercules was a real person. First, his acts were recorded
by... Achaeans and Aeolians and Ionians, who had no vanity
to gratify in celebrating the hero of a hostile and rival people
(the Dorians). Secondly, his descendants in many branches re-
mained in many states to the historical times. His son Tlepo-
lemus, and his grandson and great-grandson Cleodaeus and
Aristomachus, are acknowledged to be real persons. ... Lastly
and especially, Hercules is authenticated by the testimonies in
the Iliad and Odyssey.’ Note: ‘Hercules is called ἃ man—dwyp
—in Jl. v. 396. His death is mentioned in Jl. xviii. 117 οὐδὲ
γὰρ οὐδὲ βίη Ἡρακλῆος φύγε κῆρα:

ἃ 4 Apollodorus, an Athenian grammarian and pupil of Aris-
tarchus, the author of the Bibliotheca, an extant work on Greek

363

BOOK X. CHAP, 12 498 d

Mythology, wrote many other works, besides the Chronicle in
iambic verse, comprising the history from the capture of Troy
down to his own time, B.c. 143; Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Btogr. ;
Donaldson, I. c. i. 321.

499 Ὁ 3 Ἴσιδι. ‘I have supplied the name Isis from Clement,
which was wanting in Eusebius: for Isis is the same whom in
the next line he asserts to have been named Io’ (Viger).

Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ τὴν Ἰώ φασι. Clem. Ἶσιν δὲ τὴν καὶ Ἰώ φασιν, x.7.A.
But neither reading gives a perfect construction.

cr Λέων. Leon the Egyptian is very frequently mentioned
by St. Augustine as a priest of high rank at the time when
Alexander was in Egypt, and as having explained to Alexander
that the gods of Greece were originally men. Cf. Aug. De Civit.
Dei, viii. §, &e.

6 4 ᾿Αρίστιππος. Diog. L. ii. 8 says there were four persons
named Aristippus, (1) the well-known disciple of Socrates, (2)
another who wrote about Arcadia, (3) the grandson of (1) ὁ μητροδί-
daxros,and (4) a Neo-Platonist. The second is evidently meant here.

c 5 Aristeas, ‘an Argive, who invited Pyrrhus to Argos,
B.C. 272, as his rival Aristippus was supported by Antigonus
Gonatas (Plut. Pyrrh. 30). Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

6 7 ἐν τρίτῳ Νομίμων. This is probably the book to which
Clement refers, Protrept. 56 Νυμφόδωρος ἐν Νομίμοις βαρβαρικοῖς.

c8 ἐν τῷ ναῷ. Cf. Wiedemann, 189 ‘The tombs of the sacred
bulls of Memphis, at least from the middle of the eighteenth
Dynasty, i.e. from about 1500 B.C. onward, were discovered by
Mariette in 1851. The gigantic and generally monolithic sarco-
phagi (copoi), weighing on an average fifty-eight tons each, stand
singly in separate rooms.’ |

ἃ 2 Σάραπιν. Cf. 6. W. (Birch, iii. 89) ‘ Hap-asar, or Asar-hapi,
Sarapis [Hieroglyphical name of Apis in the Apis tablets at
Saqquaéra (Memphis). He is called Apis-Osiris in the legends
there].’ For various derivations of the name see Plut. Mor.
362 B; Wiedemann, ΟῚ. .

"Ams δὲ τρίτος ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου. Apollod. ii, 1. 1. 4 ἾΑπις . ..
ὀνομάσας ἀφ᾽ ἑαντοῦ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ᾿Απίαν . . . ἅπαις ἀπέθανε,
καὶ νομισθεὶς θεὸς ἐκλήθη Σάραπις. In these statements concerning
Apis, son of Phoroneus, king of Argos, there is an evident con-
fusion between Grecian and Egyptian mythologies.

δ: Bb 36g

499d ## THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 Τιτυόν. Cf. Lucret. iii. 996 seq.; Verg. Aen. vi. 595; Ovid,
Metam. iv. 457.

ἃ 7 Ἐν χρόνῳ, Pind. Fr. 114, which is known only from this
passage of Clement.

ἃ 10 μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Cf. Apollod. iii, 10. 4 ‘Apollo slew
the Cyclopes who made the thunderbolts for Zeus; and Zeus
would have cast him down to Tartarus, but at the entreaty of
Latona ordered him to serve a mortal for one year.’ Cf, Callimach.
Hymn, ad Apoll. 47 seqq.
᾿ἅ τι Ζῆθος. Zethus and Amphion were twin sons of Zeus by
Antiope, who was imprisoned by her uncle Lycus and his wife
Dirce, but released and avenged by her sons, who tied Dirce to the
bull and dragged her about till she was killed, and then threw
her into the fountain called from her Dirce. They then built
the walls of Thebes. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 11. 2

‘Movit Amphion lapides canendo.’

Zethus despised the lyre, hence (Hor. Epist. i. 18. 41)

‘Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis atque

Zethi dissiluit, donec suspecta severo

Conticuit lyra. Fraternis cessisse putatur

Moribus Amphion.’
The Farnese bull is part of the sculpture representing the death
of Dirce: this and other parts of the story are mentioned in
the fifteenth fragment of the Antiope of Euripides, quoted by
Longinus: ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς συρομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ Ταύρου Δίρκης (Εὐριπίδης)
El δέ που τύχοι | πέριξ EAi~as... εἷλχ᾽ ὁμοῦ λαβὼν | γυναῖκα, πέτραν,
δρῦν. The imperfect metre shows that there is some omission.

ἃ 12 Φημονόην. Pausan. x. 809 says that Phemonoe was the
first and most famous priestess of Apollo, and the first who
recited the oracles in hexameters. Cf. Strab. 419.

13] 500 ἃ 3 'Eyévero βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν. Cf. Viger ‘ Supplendus et
oorrigendus hic locus ex Josepho.’ Cf. Masp. ii. 51 ‘At this
Junoture, so runs the Egyptian record, “there came to us a king
named Timaios. Under this king, then, I know not wherefore,
the god caused to blow upon us a baleful wind, and in the face
yf all probability bands from the east, people of ignoble race,
(aiid UpoD us unawares, attacked the country, and subdued it
ennlly and without fighting.”’ Ibid. note 2 ‘Fruin emended
Tiwaws in the text of Manetho into ’Apeveuatos or ᾿Αμενεμῆς

BOOK X. CHAPS, 12, 13 500 d

(Manethonis Sebennytae Relig. 53-5), and Lepsius first identified
this new Amenemes with the last Pharaoh of the twelfth dynasty,
Amenemhiait, then with the third king of the thirteenth, Ra-
Amenemhiit (Kénigsbuch 24).... We know too little of Manetho’s
style to be able to decide a priori whether the phrase ‘Eyévero
βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν τοῦ Τίμαιος ὄνομα is or is not in harmony with
manner of relating historical facts; the phrase is correct, and
that should be enough to deter us from altering it, at any rate
in the present state of knowledge.’

ἃ 5 ἄνθρωποι τὸ γένος dono. G. W., Rawlinson’s Herodotus,
App. ii. 8. 17 ‘These invaders constituted the fifteenth, sixteenth,
and seventeenth dynasties of Manetho; and the statement that the
seventeenth was composed of an equal number of shepherds and
Theban kings is evidently erroneous... . It is not easy to deter-
mine what race of people they were ; and they have been variously
pronounced to be Assyrians, Scythians, Cushites (or Ethiopians) of
Asia, Phoenicians, or Arabians. Manetho calls them Phoenicians,
and shows them not to have been from Assyria, when he says
they took precautions against “the increasing power of the
Assyrians,” and the character of ‘“ Shepherds ” accords far better
with that of the people of Arabia.’ Cf. Ermann, 41.

ἃ 6 ῥᾳδίως ἀμαχητὶ ταύτην κατὰ κράτος εἷλον. Cf. Masp. ii. 51,
note 3 ‘The apparent contradiction between the terms in which
Manetho explains the conquest of Egypt (ῥᾳδίως x«.7.A.) has been
noticed and explained by Fruin, Manethonis Sebennytae Relig. 59.
Padre di Cara (Gli Hyksés o Re Pastori di Egitto, 293 et seq.)
sees in if a proof that the Hyksés had not been guilty of the
atrocities of which the Egyptians accused them.’

ἃ το Σώς, ποιμήν ἐστ. Masp. ii. 54 ‘They, the Egyptians, had
already given the Bedouin the opprobrious epithet of Shaisi—
pillagers or robbers—which aptly described them: and they sub-
sequently applied the same name to the intruders—Hiq Shafisi—
from which the Greeks derived their word Hyksés or Hykoussés,
for this people. But we are without any clue to their real name,
language, or origin.’ Ibid, note 4 ‘ As a matter of fact, the word
Hyku means “ prince” in the classical language of Egypt, or as
Manetho styles it, the sacred language, i. 6. in the idiom of the old
religious, historical, and literary texts, which in later ages the
populace no longer understood. Shds, on the contrary, belongs

Bb2 371

499d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 Τιτυόν. Cf. Lucret. 111. 996 seq.; Verg. Aen. vi. 595; Ovid,
Metam. iv. 457.

ἃ 7 Ἐν χρόνῳ, Pind. Fr. 114, which is known only from this
passage of Clement.

ἃ 10 μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Cf. Apollod. 111. 10. 4 ‘Apollo slew
the Cyclopes who made the thunderbolts for Zeus; and Zeus
would have cast him down to Tartarus, but at the entreaty of
Latona ordered him to serve a mortal for one year.’ Cf. Callimach.
Hymn, ad Apoll. 47 seqq.
᾿ἅ τι 2700s. Zethus and Amphion were twin sons of Zeus by
Antiope, who was imprisoned by her uncle Lycus and his wife
Dirce, but released and avenged by her sons, who tied Dirce to the
bull and dragged her about till she was killed, and then threw
her into the fountain called from her Dirce. They then built
the walls of Thebes. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 11. 2

‘Movit Amphion lapides canendo.’
Zethus despised the lyre, hence (Hor. Epist. i. 18. 41)
‘Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis atque
Zethi dissiluit, donec suspecta severo
Conticuit lyra. Fraternis cessisse putatur
Moribus Amphion.’
The Farnese bull is part of the sculpture representing the death
of Dirce: this and other parts of the story are mentioned in
the fifteenth fragment of the Antiope of Euripides, quoted by
Longinus: ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς συρομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ Ταύρου Δίρκης (Εὐριπίδητ)
Εἰ δέ που τύχοι | πέριξ eAitas... Dy’ ὁμοῦ λαβὼν | γυναῖκα, πέτραν,
δρῦν. The imperfect metre shows that there is some omission.

ἃ 12 Φημονόην. Pausan. x. 809 says that Phemonoe was the
first and most famous priestess of Apollo, and the first who
recited the oracles in hexameters. Cf. Strab. 419.

18] 800 ἃ 3 Ἐγένετο βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν. Cf. Viger « Supplendus et
corrigendus hic locus ex Josepho.’ Cf. Masp. ii. 51 ‘At this
juncture, so runs the Egyptian record, “there came to us δ king
named Timaios. Under this king, then, I know not wherefore,
the god caused to blow upon us a baleful wind, and in the fi
of all probability bands from the east, people of ignoble τὶ
came upon us unawares, attacked
easily and without fighting.”’ 1
ἡμῖν Τίμαιος in the text of Mane’

81.

δοο ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE @OSPEL

to the spoken language of the later time, and does not occur in
the ancient inscriptions, so that Manetho’s explanation is value-
less; there is but one material fact to be retained from his
evidence, and that is the name Hyk-Shés, or Hyku-Shis, given
by its inventors to the alien kings,’ ... 56 ‘In spite of the facts
we possess, the problem is still unsolved, and the origin of the
Hyksés is as mysterious as ever.’

501 Ὁ 4 Μισφραγμούθωσις. The name in Josephus is Alisphrag-
muthosis. See Masp. ii. 76, who observes (note 1) that some
Egyptologists ‘consider Manetho’s account to be a romance in
which facts and names are jumbled together without any regard
to truth.’

Ὁ 6 dpovpdv. According to Hat. ii. 168 ‘ The arura is a square
of a hundred Egyptian cubits, the Egyptian cubit being the same
length as the Samian,’ i.e. rather more than twenty and a half
inches. The arura ‘was a little more than three-fourths of an
English acre; and was only a land measure’ (Rawlinson). In
the passage before us arura must be a measure of length, probably
the side of the square, a hundred Egyptian cubits. This would
give a circumference of enormous extent.

Ὁ 7 τείχει τε μεγάλῳ. Masp. ii. 52 ‘ On the ruins of the ancient
town of Hawirit-Avaris, in the Sethroite nome—a place connected
by tradition with the myth of Osiris and Typhon—Salatis (king
of the Hyksés) constructed an immense entrenched camp, capable
of sheltering 240,000 men.’ Cf. Auth. and Arch. 170, 12.
Amenothes, the son and successor of Ahmosis (Aahmes), was
succeeded by his son Thitmosis I, a copy of whose royal pro-
clamation, preserved in the Gizeh Museum, is given by Maspero,
ibid. 104. The narrative in Josephus is full of confusion.

C8 μυριάδων ὄντας εἴκοσι τεσσάρων. Their number is repre-
sented as exactly half the number of the besiegers. Masp. ii. 85
relates how Ahmosis built for himself a great tomb at El-Kab,
a fortress on the Nile south of Thebes, and recorded the chief
actions of his life on its walls. According to this inscription,
‘The army to which Egypt really owed its deliverance was not
the undisciplined rabble of later tradition but, on the contrary,
consisted of troops similar to those which subsequently invaded
Syria, some 15,000 to 20,000 in number, fully equipped and ably
Officered, supported moreover by a fleet ready to transfer them

372 -

BOOK X. CHAPS. 13, 14 501 ς

across the canals and arms of the river in a vigorous condition
and ready for the battle” The whole account of the Hyksés
should be read in Maspero.

ἃ το ἡμέτεροι δὲ πρόγονοι. This is an instance of the confusion
referred to in the note on 490 b 8.

14] 50261 ἐπισωρεύειν. Athen. iii, 123 μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ
κυνικοῦ τούτοις ἐπισωρεύειν τινά.

ἃ τ Ἑβραίων. See 304 6 4, note.

ἃ 2 τὸ παρώνυμον. Plut. Mor. 560 D παρωνύμῳ χρησάμενος
ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος.

ἃ ἔτεσιλ΄. The duration of Joshua’s leadership is ποῦ men-
tioned. ‘As regards the chronology there are no materials in the
Book of Judges from which to construct an accurate reckoning of
the number of years between the death of Joshua and the com-
mencement of Eli’s judgeship’ (Speaker’s Comm. ii. 118).

ἃ 8 ἀλλόφυλοι. Judges iii. 8 ‘ The children of Israel served
Chushan-rishathaim eight years.’

Τοθονιήλ is the form in the Septuagint for Swany, Othniel.
ἔτεσι πεντήκοντα. Judges iii. 11 ‘and the land had rest forty
years.”

dg ᾿Ἐγλώμ. Judges iii. 14.

ἃ το ’Awd, Sept., Heb. TWN, ‘Ehud.’ Cf. Judges iii. 30 ‘And
the land had rest fourscore years.’

ἀλλόφυλο, Judges iv. 3 Jabin and Sisera the captain of
his host ‘ twenty years mightily oppressed the children of Israel.’

508 ἃ 1 ἔτη μ. Judges v. 31 ‘ The land had rest forty years,’
after the defeat and death of Sisera.

Μαδιηναῖοι. Ibid. vi. 1.

ἃ 2 Γεδεών. Ibid. viii. 28 ‘The country was in quietness forty
years in the days of Gideon.’

ἃ 4 'EoBov. Judges xii, 8 Jbzan of Bethlehem.

Αἰαλών, Elon, Judges xii. 11.

8 5 ἀλλόφυλοι. Judges xiii. 1. The Philistines are usually
so described in LXX.

"HAci ἱερεύς. 1 Sam. i. 9.

Ὁ 8 ἡ πρώτη Ὀλυμπιάς = 776 B.C.

CI Ῥώμην ἔκτισε, 753 B.C.

C8 τοῦ ἱεροῦ. ‘The month Ad, in which the Temple was
destroyed, was in July 587.’ Clinton, Σ΄, H. 127.

373

503 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 14 περὶ τροπῶν ἡλίου. ‘The solar tropics’ are what we call
the summer and winter solstices, when the sun begins to turn
from the most northerly point of the ecliptic towards the south,
and the reverse.

504 Ὁ 2 ov yap μόνον. The passage is repeated 750 Ὁ 6.
Aristot. Metaph. i. 3. 9 ᾿Αναξαγόρας δὲ ὁ Κλαζομένιος « . . ἀπείρους
εἶναί φησι ras ἀρχάς: σχεδὸν yap ἅπαντα τὰ ὁμοιομερῆ, καθάπερ ὕδωρ
ἢ πῦρ οὕτω γίγνεσθαι καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαί φησι σνγκρίσει καὶ διακρίσει
μόνον, ἄλλως δ᾽ οὔτε γίγνεσθαι οὔτ᾽ ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἀλλὰ διαμένειν ἀΐδια.

Ὁ 4 τὰ πράγματα ὁμοῦ πεφυρμένα. Cf. Diels, Doxogr. Gr. Proleg.
166, 280 (Plut. Epit. i. 3) ἄρχεται δὲ οὕτως" ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα
ἦν, νοῦς δὲ αὐτὰ Τδιῆρε καὶ διεκόσμησε. A similar statement is found
in Simplicius, De Coelo 154 and in Diog. L. ii. 6, but Eusebius
seems to have altered the words, while retaining the right sense.

6 2 “axyyixds φιλόσοφος." ‘We may distinguish in bim,’ says
Schlegel, ‘a twofold personage: the poet whose works were dedi-
cated to a religious solemnity, who stood under the patronage of
religion, and therefore was bound in his turn to honour it; and
the would-be-philosopher sophist, who studied to overlay those
fabulous marvels of religion from which he derived the subjects
of his plays with his own sceptical and liberalizing opinions.’
Paley, Preface to Euripides, xxi, gives his own opinion, which
is much more favourable, at some length, and concludes as follows:
‘Euripides, however, was certainly no atheist. He believed in
the Providence, the Justice, the Omnipotence, the absolute Will
of a supreme Being. . . . He was no scoffer at religion in the
abstract as Aristophanes was. His object seems to have been to
lead men to a higher and sublimer contemplation and worship of the
one great Mind, or Being, or Intelligence, who is the author and
creator of all existing things. He finely describes Him (Fragm.
960) as τὸν πάνθ᾽ ὁρῶντα καὐτὸν οὐχ ὁρώμενον."

@ 11 Ἡράκλειτος. Cf. Cic. De Fin. ii. 5. 15 ‘ Heraclitus cogno-
mento qui σκοτεινός perhibetur

“quia de natura nimis obscure memoravit.”’’

Madvig following Muretus sees here a quotation from some old
Latin poet, perhaps Lucilius; ‘quia’ is to be taken as one
syllable. The nickname is first found in Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo, 5
ταὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο ἦν Kai τὸ παρὰ τῷ σκοτεινῷ λεγόμενον Ἡρακλείτῳ.

ἃ 1 Παρμενίδης. Cf. Plut. Adv. Colotem, 1126 D ‘Zeno the

374

BOOK X. CHAP. 14——BOOK XI. PROOEM, 504 d

pupil of Parmenides, having made an attack upon the tyrant
Demylus and failed in the attempt, maintained the doctrine of
Parmenides like gold in the fire unalloyed and approved, and
showed by his deeds that to a great man disgrace is terrible, but
pain is feared only by children and women and men with women’s
souls: for he bit through his tongue and spat it at the tyrant.’

ἃ 2 Melissus is usually placed after Zeno by about twenty
years, Zeno flourished B.c. 464, according to Clinton. See
724 C 4, notes.

ἃ 12 ἀπὸ Θαλοῦ ἀρξάμενοι. Thales was about fifty years earlier
than Cyrus, and was eighty years old when Cyrus began to reign
in Persia, Ol. 55. 1, but lived ten or fifteen years longer.

505 Ὁ 4 μικρῷ Oarrov’AXefdvdpov. Plato was born in May B.C.
427, and died in May B. c.347. Alexander was born in B.C. 356,
and died in B.c. 323. Therefore μικρῷ θᾶττον means that Plato
was partly contemporary with Alexander, dying only twenty-
four years before him.

Ὁ 5 Αὐγούστου δὲ τοῦ σεβαστοῦ. The name is given first in
its Latin form, then translated into Greek.

BOOK XI

507 ἃ 4 εὐγλωττίαν. Aristoph. Hq. 837 ζῃλῶ σε τῆς εὐγλωττίας.

508 ἃ 2 νέους ὁμοῦ τῇ φρονήσει καὶ τὴν ἡλικίαν. Viger suggests
τήν τε φρόνησιν : but though such a combination οὗ different cases
is unusual, the explanation of it is sufficiently clear. The dative
expresses a special limitation of véovs, while ἡλικίαν is the usual
accusative of cognate signification.

Ὁ 3 pow... ἀντὶ πάντων... Πλάτωνι. Cf. Οἷς, Brut. 191 ‘ Nec
enim posset idem Demosthenes dicere quod dixisse Antimachum,
clarum poetam, ferunt, qui cum, convocatis auditoribus, legeret
eis magnum illud quod novistis volumen suum et eum legentem
omnes praeter Platonem reliquissent, ‘‘ Legam,” inquit, “ nihilo-
minus: Platoenim mihi unus instar est omnium.” Merito 1116 et
recte.’ Cf. 467 a, note on Antimachus.

γνώμονι. Cf. Plut. Amatorius, 751 Β εὖγε, νὴ Δία, ἔφη, τοῦ
Σόλωνος ἐμνήσθης, καὶ χρηστέον αὐτῷ γνώμονι τοῦ ἐρωτικοῦ ἀνδρός :
968 F ἀλώπεκα ποιοῦνται γνώμονα τῆς τοῦ πάγου στερρότητος.
C2 ἐπιτυχῶς.ς Cf. Plat. Phil. 38 D ἐπιτυχῶς εἰπών.
87§

508 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C6 προησμενικέναι. Cf. Polyb. vi. 8. 3 τὸ μὲν πρῶτον dopevi-

ζοντες τὴν ἐπιτροπήν.
1] dx εἰς τρία διελόντος μέρη. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 135 ‘The
division of philosophy into Dialectics, Physics and Ethics (cf. 51)
is found in fact though not in form in Plato,’ Ibid. ‘Out of the
Socratic dialectic grows his doctrine of ideas; out of the ethical
principles of his Master a detailed ethics and politics; and both
are supplemented by a philosophy of Nature, which, though inferior
in importance to the other branches, yet fills up the most remark-
able deficiencies in the Socratic philosophy in harmony with his
whole point of view.’

ἃ 3 τὸν φυσικὸν διελομένον . .. τὴν τῶν ἀσωμάτων κατανόησιν.
Cf. 509 c 2, where τοῦ δευτέρου, i. 6. τοῦ φυσικοῦ τόπου (Ὁ 2), is made
to include τὴν περὶ τῶν θείων γνῶσιν . .. αὐτῶν τε τῶν πρώτων, Kal
τῶν αἰτίων.

509 ἃ 3 On Atticus see 794 c 1, and Zeller, Outlines, 298
‘ Atticus (who), like Numenius, Cronius, the well-known opponent
of Christianity, Celsus, and no doubt Severus also, belongs to the
reign of Marcus Aurelius. ... Part of these Platonists at any rate
would not hear of the displacing of the genuine Platonism by
foreign elements.’

8 δ διὰ τῶν ᾿Αριστοτέλου. On the relation of Aristotle’s
doctrines to those of Plato see Zeller, Socratic Schools, 50 ‘ There is
this difference between Aristotle and Plato, that whereas Plato
separates the conception from the appearance, regarding it as
independent—as an ἰδέα, Aristotle places it in things themselves,
without, however, implying that form stands in need of matter
to become actual, since it is in itself actual. Aristotle will not
remove the idea out of the phenomenal world, because in a state
of separation it cannot serve as a connecting link between indi-
vidual things, nor yet be the cause and substance of things.’
Cf. Outlines, 180, and see 526 b 5, note.

2] © 4 ἱστορίαν. Cf. Plat. Phased. 96 A ταύτης τῆς σοφίας, ἣν
δὴ καλοῦσι περὶ φύσεως ἱστορίαν. ‘Ioropia here has its proper sense
of ‘inquiry,’ ‘ research,’ = ‘study of nature.’

© 8 Πενθέως μέλη. Pentheus, grandson of Cadmus, and his
successor in the kingdom of Thebes, tried to check the orgies of
Bacchus, and was torn in pieces by the furious Bacchantes—the
subject of the Bacchae of Euripides.

376

BOOK XI. PROOEM., CHAPS, I-3 509 d

ἃ 5 On Pittacus see Diog. L. i. 74 ff., and on Periander son of
Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth, cf. Hdt. v. 92, 95

510 a I ἀρτιτελής. The word occurs in Polyb. vi. 18, where it
has been perhaps needlessly replaced by Casaubon’s conjecture,
αὐτοτελής. In Plat. Phaedr. 251 A ἀρτιτελής is equivalent to
veoreAys, Which occurs a few lines before, and means ‘ newly
impressed with the divine ideas,’ which have not yet had time to
fade. In both words there is an evident allusion to initiation into
the mysteries. Cf. Iambl. ap. Stob. Eclog. Phys. ii. 912 of re yap
νεοτελεῖς καὶ πολυθεάμονες τῶν ὄντων, οἵ τε συνοπαδοὶ καὶ συγγενεῖς
τῶν θεῶν, οἵ τε παντελεῖς ἐμφύονται πρώτως εἰς τὰ σώματα (Ast).

& 2 κατάπεμπτος seems to be used only by Atticus.

ag ᾿Αριστοκλῆς. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 796 ‘ If this distinguished
Peripatetic assumed that the divine spirit (νοῦς) inhabited the
entire corporeal world, and operated in it, and that it became an
individual human spirit wherever it found an organism adapted
to receive it, yet he treated the Deity, after the Stoic manner, as
the soul of the world, which was also the view taken by the
Peripatetics, according to his contemporary Athenagoras.’

Aristocles was a native of Messene, flourishing about a. D. 200
(Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.): but others assign a much
earlier date. Eusebius quotes several other passages from his
writings ; see 756 Ὁ 1.

3] 6.3 ἴλιγγον. Cf. Plat. Rep. iii. 407 Ο κεφαλῆς τινας ἀεὶ '
διατάσεις καὶ ἰλίγγους ὑποπτεύουσα. Legg. x. 892 E.

C5 πῦρ ἐπὶ πυρί. Cf. Plat. Legg. 666 A διδάσκοντες ὡς οὐ χρὴ
πῦρ ἐπὶ πῦρ ὀχετεύειν εἴς τε τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν ψυχήν, where Plato
applies the saying, not to Socrates, but to giving wine to young
boys. The proverb is quoted by many later writers, e..g. by Plut.
Praecept. Coniug. 143 F, as a caution to jealous wives against
listening to gossiping neighbours.

ἃ 7 κυνισμούς. Lucian, Bis Accus. 33 τὸ σκῶμμα καὶ τὸν ἴαμβον
καὶ κυνισμὸν καὶ τὸν Εὕὔπολιν καὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστοφάνην.

ἀτυφίας. Cf. Plut. Mor. 582 Β Σωκράτους ἀνδρὸς ἀτυφίᾳ καὶ
ἀφελείᾳ μάλιστα δὴ φιλοσοφίαν ἐξανθρωπίσαντος. Ibid. 29 B.

δ118 1 ἐκαλινδοῦντο. An evident allusion to Diogenes and his tub.

8 4 ἀνθρωπείων. Here and throughout the passage, Gaisford
keeps the form ἀνθρωπίνων, though his MSS. have ἀνθρωπείων. It
is difficult to draw any distinction in meaning between the two

377

498 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 11. 33
‘Una de multis face nuptiali
Digna periurum fuit in parentem
Splendide mendax et in omne virgo
Nobilis aevum.

Ὁ 3 ᾿Ακρίσιον. The story of Acrisius, Danae, and Perseus is
told at much length by Apollod. Bibléoth. ii. 4. 1. 1-4. 3; Hor.
Od. iii. 16; Ovid, Metam. iv. 607, v. 236; Soph. Antig. 947.

Ὁ 4 ὁ δεύτερος Κέκροψ. Cf Apollod. iii. 15.1 γήμας δὲ ᾿Ερεχθεὺς
Πραξιθέαν .. . ἔσχε παῖδας μὲν Κέκροπα Πάνδωρον, κιτ.λ., and see
note on 494 d I.

c 2 ‘Ayias. The name in Clement is Aiyias, but ᾿Αγίας in
Athen. iii. 86 "Ayias δὲ καὶ Δερκύλος ἐν ᾿Αργολικοῖς, x.7.X.

C7 τὴν μικρὰν ᾿Ιλιάδα. Cf. Pausan. iii. 278, x. 862. The little
Iliad was by some attributed to Cinaethon of Lacedaemon, one
of the earlier and most prolific of the Cyclic poets, about B.c. 765.
He is mentioned by Pausan. ii. 119 as the author of Genealogical
Poems, but without any mention of The little Iliad.

Gr TAnrodguov. Cf. 495 ἃ 2.

υἱὸς Ἡρακλέους. Clinton, F. H. 6 ‘ Three arguments establish
that Hercules was a real person. First, his acts were recorded
by... Achaeans and Aeolians and Ionians, who had no vanity
to gratify in celebrating the hero of a hostile and rival people
(the Dorians). Secondly, his descendants in many branches re-
mained in many states to the historical times. His son Tlepo-
lemus, and his grandson and great-grandson Cleodaeus and
Aristomachus, are acknowledged to be real persons. ... Lastly
and especially, Hercules is authenticated by the testimonies in
the Iliad and Odyssey.’ Note: ‘Hercules is called a man—dyjp
—in Jl. v. 396. His death is mentioned in Jl. xviii. 117 οὐδὲ
yap οὐδὲ Bin Ἡρακλῆος φύγε κῆρα."

ἃ 4 Apollodorus, an Athenian grammarian and pupil οὗ Aris-
tarchus, the author of the Bibliotheca, an extant work on Greek

363

BOOK X. CHAP, 12 — 498d

499 Ὁ 3 Ἴσιδι. ‘I have supplied the name Isis from Clement,
which was wanting in Eusebius: for Isis is the same whom in
the next line he asserts to have been named Io’ (Viger).

Εἰσὶ δὲ ot τὴν Ἰώ φασι. Clem. Ἶσιν δὲ τὴν καὶ Ἰώ φασιν, x.7.A.
But neither reading gives a perfect construction.

C1 Λέων. Leon the Egyptian is very frequently mentioned
by St. Augustine as a priest of high rank at the time when
Alexander was in Egypt, and as having explained to Alexander
that the gods of Greece were originally men. Cf. Aug. De Civit.
Dei, viii. §, &c.

C 4 ‘Apioturros. Diog. L. ii. 8 says there were four persons
named Aristippus, (1) the well-known disciple of Socrates, (2)
another who wrote about Arcadia, (3) the grandson of (1) ὁ μητροδί-
daxros,and(4) a Neo-Platonist. The second is evidently meant here.

c 5 Aristeas, ‘an Argive, who invited Pyrrhus to Argos,
B.C. 272, as his rival Aristippus was supported by Antigonus
Gonatas (Plut. Pyrrh. 30).’? Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.

C 7 ἐν τρίτῳ Nopipwv. This is probably the book to which
Clement refers, Protrept. 56 Νυμφόδωρος ἐν Νομίμοις βαρβαρικοῖς.

c 8 ἐν τῷ vag. Cf. Wiedemann, 189 ‘The tombs of the sacred
bulls of Memphis, at least from the middle of the eighteenth
Dynasty, i.e. from about 1500 B.C. onward, were discovered by
Mariette in 1851. The gigantic and generally monolithic sarco-
phagi (σοροί), weighing on an average fifty-eight tons each, stand
singly in separate rooms.’

ἃ 2 Σάραπιν. Cf.G. W. (Birch, iii. 89) ‘ Hap-asar, or Asar-hapi,
Sarapis [Hieroglyphical name of Apis in the Apis tablets at
Saqquara (Memphis). He is called Apis-Osiris in the legends
{8616}. For various derivations of the name see Plut. Mor.
362 B; Wiedemann, 191.

"Ams δὲ τρίτος ἀπὸ Ἰνάχου. Apollod. ii. 1. 1. 4”Ams...
ὀνομάσας ἀφ᾽ éavrov τὴν Πελοπόννησον ᾿Απίαν. . . dmas ἀπέθανε,
καὶ νομισθεὶς θεὸς ἐκλήθη Σάραπις. In these statements concerning
Apis, son οὗ Phoroneus, king of Argos, there is an evident con-
fusion between Grecian and Egyptian mythologies.

δ᾿ Β Ὁ 369

499d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 Τιτυόν. Cf. Lucret. iii. 996 seq.; Verg. Aen. vi. 595; Ovid,
Metam. iv. 457-

ἃ 7 Ἐν χρόνῳ, Pind. Fr. 114, which is known only from this
passage of Clement.

ἃ το μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Cf. Apollod. iii. 10. 4 ‘Apollo slew
the Cyclopes who made the thunderbolts for Zeus; and Zeus
would have cast him down to Tartarus, but at the entreaty of
Latona ordered him to serve a mortal for one year.’ Cf, Callimach.
Hymn. ad Apoll. 47 seqq.
᾿Αἅ1τι Ζῆθος. Zethus and Amphion were twin sons of Zeus by
Antiope, who was imprisoned by her uncle Lycus and his wife
Dirce, but released and avenged by her sons, who tied Dirce to the
bull and dragged her about till she was killed, and then threw
her into the fountain called from her Dirce. They then built
the walls of Thebes. Cf. Hor. Od. iii. 11. 2

‘Movit Amphion lapides canendo.’
Zethus despised the lyre, hence (Hor. Epist. i. 18. 41)
‘Gratia sic fratrum geminorum Amphionis atque
Zethi dissiluit, donec suspecta severo
Conticuit lyra. Fraternis cessisse putatur
Moribus Amphion.’
The Farnese bull is part of the sculpture representing the death
of Dirce: this and other parts of the story are mentioned in
the fifteenth fragment of the Antitone of Euripides, quoted by
Longinus: ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς συρομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ Ταύρου Δῴκης (Εὐριπίδης)
Ei δέ που τύχοι | πέριξ ἑλίξας. .. εἷλχ᾽ ὁμοῦ λαβὼν | γυναῖκα, πέτραν,
δρῦν. The imperfect metre shows that there is some omission.

ἃ 12 Dypovdnv. Pausan. x. 809 says that Phemonoe was the
first and most famous priestess of Apollo, and the first who
recited the oracles in hexameters. Cf. Strab. 4109.

13] 500 ἃ 3 Ἐγένετο βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν. Cf. Viger ‘ Supplendus et
corrigendus hic locus ex Josepho,’ Cf. Masp. ii. 51 ‘ At this
juncture, so runs the Egyptian record, “there came to us a king
named Timaios. Under this king, then, I know not wherefore,
the god caused to blow upon us a baleful wind, and in the face
of all probability bands from the east, people of ignoble race,
came upon us unawares, attacked the country, and subdued it
easily and without fighting.” ’ Ibid. note 2 ‘Fruin emended
ἡμῖν Τίμαιος in the text of Manetho into ᾿Αμενεμαῖος or ᾿Αμενεμῆς
379

BOOK X. CHAPS, 12, 13 500 d

(Manethonis Sebennytae Relig. 53-5), and Lepsius first identified
this new Amenemes with the last Pharaoh of the twelfth dynasty,
Amenemhaait, then with the third king of the thirteenth, Ra-
Amenemhiit (Kénigsbuch 24).... We know too little of Manetho’s
style to be able to decide.a priori whether the phrase ‘Eyévero
βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν τοῦ Τίμαιος ὄνομα is or is not in harmony with
manner of relating historical facts; the phrase is correct, and
that should be enough: to deter us from altering it, at any rate
in the present state of knowledge.’

ἃ 5 ἄνθρωποι τὸ γένος ἄσημοι. G. W., Rawlinson’s Herodotus,
App. ii. 8. 17 ‘ These invaders constituted the fifteenth, sixteenth,
and seventeenth dynasties of Manetho; and the statement that the
seventeenth was composed of an equal number of shepherds and
Theban kings is evidently erroneous... . It is not easy to deter-
mine what race of people they were ; and they have been variously
pronounced to be Assyrians, Scythians, Cushites (or Ethiopians) of
Asia, Phoenicians, or Arabians. Manetho calls them Phoenicians,
and shows them not to have been from Assyria, when he says
they took precautions against “the increasing power of the
Assyrians,” and the character of ‘“ Shepherds ” accords far better
with that of the people of Arabia.’ Cf. Ermann, 41.

ἃ 6 ῥᾳδίως ἀμαχητὶ ταύτην κατὰ κράτος εἷλον. Cf. Masp. ii. 51,
note 4 ‘The apparent contradiction between the terms in which
Manetho explains the conquest of Egypt (ῥᾳδίως x.r.A.) has been
noticed and explained by Fruin, Manethonis Sebennytae Reliq. 59.
Padre di Cara (Gli Hyksés ο Re Pastori di Egitto, 293 et seq.)
sees in it a proof that the Hyksés had not been guilty of the
atrocities of which the Egyptians accused them.’

ἃ 10 Σώς, ποιμήν ἐστι. Masp. ii. 54 ‘They, the Egyptians, had
already given the Bedouin the opprobrious epithet of Shaisi—
pillagers or robbers—which aptly described them: and they sub-
sequently applied the same name to the intruders—Higq Shaisi—
from which the Greeks derived their word Hyksés or Hykoussés,
for this people. But we are without any clue to their real name,
language, or origin.’ Ibid. note 4 ‘ As a matter of fact, the word
Hyku means “ prince” in the classical language of Egypt, or as
Manetho styles it, the sacred language, i.e. in the idiom of the old
religious, historical, and literary texts, which in later ages the
populace no longer understood. Shds, on the contrary, belongs

Bb3 311

δοο0 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

to the spoken language of the later time, and does not occur in
the ancient inscriptions, so that Manetho’s explanation is value-
less; there is but one material fact to be retained from his
evidence, and that is the name Hyk-Shés, or Hyku-Shés, given
by its inventors to the alien kings,’ ... 56 ‘In spite of the facts
we possess, the problem is still unsolved, and the origin of the
Hyksés is as mysterious as ever.’

Ὁ 6 dpovpov. According to Hdt. ii. 168 ‘ The arura is a square
of a hundred Egyptian cubits, the Egyptian cubit being the same
length as the Samian,’ i.e. rather more than twenty and a half
inches. The arura ‘was a little more than three-fourths of an
English acre; and was only a land measure’ (Rawlinson). In
the passage before us arura must be a measure of length, probably
the side of the square, a hundred Egyptian cubits. This would
give a circumference of enormous extent.

Ὁ 7 τείχει τε μεγάλῳ: Masp. ii. 52 ‘ On the ruins of the ancient
town of HawéArit-Avaris, in the Sethroite nome—a place connected
by tradition with the myth of Osiris and Typhon—Salatis (king
of the Hyks6s) constructed an immense entrenched camp, capable
of sheltering 240,000 men.’ Cf. Auth. and Arch. 170, 172.
Amenothes, the son and successor of Ahmosis (Aahmes), was
succeeded by his son Thitmosis I, a copy of whose royal pro-
clamation, preserved in the Gizeh Museum, is given by Maspero,
ibid, 104. The narrative in Josephus is full of confusion.

C8 μυριάδων ὄντας εἴκοσι τεσσάρων. Their number is repre-
sented as exactly half the number of the besiegers. Masp. ii. 85
relates how Ahmosis built for himself a great tomb at El-Kab,
8 fortress on the Nile south of Thebes, and recorded the chief
actions of his life on its walls. According to this inscription,
‘The army to which Egypt really owed its deliverance was not
the undisciplined rabble of later tradition but, on the contrary,
consisted of troops similar to those which subsequently invaded
Syria, some 15,000 to 20,000 in number, fully equipped and ably
Officered, supported moreover by a fleet ready to transfer them

37a

BOOK X. CHAPS. 13, 14 501 ς

across the canals and arms of the river in a vigorous condition
and ready for the battle.’ The whole account of the Hyksés
should be read in Maspero.

ἃ 10 ἡμέτεροι δὲ πρόγονοι. This is an instance of the confusion
referred to in the note on 490 b 8.

14] 502 ο 1 ἐπισωρεύειν.. Athen. iii, 123 μέλλοντος δὲ τοῦ
κυνικοῦ τούτοις ἐπισωρεύειν τινά.

dt Ἑβραίων. See 304 6 4, note.

ἃ 2 τὸ παρώνυμον. Plut. Mor. 560 D παρωνύμῳ χρησάμενος
ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος.

ἃ ἔτεσι λ. The duration of Joshua’s leadership is not men-
tioned. ‘As regards the chronology there are no materials in the
Book of Judges from which to construct an accurate reckoning of
the number of years between the death of Joshua and the com-
mencement of Eli’s judgeship ’ (Speaker’s Comm. ii. 118).

ἃ 8 ἀλλόφυλοι. Judges iii. 8 ‘ The children of Israel served
Chushan-rishathaim eight years.’

Γοθονιήλ is the form in the Septuagint for Serony, Othniel.
ἔτεσι πεντήκοντα, Judges iii. 11 ‘and the land had rest forty
years.’

dg ‘EyAop. Judges iii. 14.

ἃ 10 ’Awd, Sept., Heb. TWN, ‘Ehud.’ Cf. Judges iii. 30 ‘And
the land had rest fourscore years.’

ἀλλόφυλοι. Judges iv. 3 Jabin and Sisera the captain of
his host ‘ twenty years mightily oppressed the children of Israel.’

508 a1 ἔτη μ. Judges v. 31 ‘ The land had rest forty years,’
after the defeat and death of Sisera.

Μαδιηναῖοι. Ibid. vi. 1.

8. 2 Γεδεών. Ibid. viii. 28 ‘The country was in quietness forty
years in the days of Gideon.’

a4 ᾿Ἑσβών. Judges xii. 8 Jbzan of Bethlehem.

Αἰαλών, Elon, Judges xii. 11.

&5 ἀλλόφυλοι. Judges xiii. 1. The Philistines are usually
so described in LXX.

"HAci ἱερεύς. τ Sam. i. 9.

Ὁ 8 ἡ πρώτη Ὀλυμπιάς = 776 B.C.

C1 Ῥώμην ἔκτισε, 753 B.C.

C8 τοῦ iepov. ‘The month Ad, in which the Temple was
destroyed, was in July 587.’ Clinton, F. H. 127.

373

808 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

504 Ὁ 2 οὐ yap μόνον. The passage is repeated 750 Ὁ 6.
Aristot. Metaph. i. 3. 9 ‘Avagaydpas δὲ ὁ Κλαζομένιος . . . ἀπείρους
εἶναί φησι τὰς ἀρχάς: σχεδὸν yap ἅπαντα τὰ ὁμοιομερῇ, καθάπερ ὕδωρ
ἢ πῦρ οὕτω γίγνεσθαι καὶ ἀπόλλυσθαί φησι συγκρίσει καὶ διακρίσει
μόνον, ἄλλως δ᾽ οὔτε γίγνεσθαι οὔτ᾽ ἀπόλλυσθαι, ἀλλὰ διαμένειν ἀΐδια.

Ὁ 4 τὰ πράγματα ὁμοῦ πεφυρμένα. Cf. Diels, Dorogr. Gr. Proleg.
166, 280 (Plut. Epit. i. 3) ἄρχεται δὲ οὕτως: ὁμοῦ πάντα χρήματα
ἦν, vous δὲ αὐτὰ Τδιῆρε καὶ διεκόσμησε. A similar statement is found
in Simplicius, De Coelo 154 and in Diog. L. ii. 6, but Eusebius
seems to have altered the words, while retaining the right sense.

6 2 ““σκηνικὸς φιλόσοφος. ‘We may distinguish in bim,’ says
Schlegel, ‘a twofold personage : the poet whose works were dedi-
cated to a religious solemnity, who stood under the patronage of
religion, and therefore was bound in his turn to honour it; and
the would-be-philosopher sophist, who studied to overlay those
fabulous marvels of religion from which he derived the subjects
of his plays with his own sceptical and liberalizing opinions.’
Paley, Preface to Euripides, xxi, gives his own opinion, which
is much more favourable, at some length, and concludes as follows:
‘Euripides, however, was certainly no atheist. He believed in
the Providence, the Justice, the Omnipotence, the absolute Will
of a supreme Being. . . . He was no scoffer at religion in the
abstract as Aristophanes was. His object seems to have been to
lead men to a higher and sublimer contemplation and worship of the
one great Mind, or Being, or Intelligence, who is the author and
creator of all existing things. le finely describes Him (Fragm.
g60) as τὸν πάνθ᾽ ὁρῶντα καὐτὸν οὐχ ὁρώμενον."

CG Ir Ἡράκλειτος. Cf. Cic. De Fin. ii. 5. 15 ‘ Heraclitus cogno-
mento qui σκοτεινός perhibetur

‘“‘quia de natura nimis obscure memoravit.”’’

d 1 Παρμενίδης. Cf. Plut. Adv. Colotem, 1126 D ‘Zeno the

374

BOOK X. CHAP. 14——BOOK ΧΙ. PROOEM. δοάά

ἃ 2 Melissus is usually placed after Zeno by about twenty
years, Zeno flourished 8.c. 464, according to Clinton. See
724 ὁ 4, notes.

505 Ὁ 4 μικρῷ Oarrov’AXrefdvdpov. Plato was born in May B.C.
427, and died in May 8. c. 347. Alexander was born in B.C. 356,
and died in B.c. 323. Therefore μικρῷ θᾶττον means that Plato
was partly contemporary with Alexander, dying only twenty-
four years before him.

Ὁ § Αὐγούστου δὲ τοῦ σεβαστοῦ. The name is given first in
its Latin form, then translated into Greek.

BOOK XI

507 ἃ 4 εὐγλωττίαν. Aristoph. Lg. 837 ζηλῶ σε τῆς εὐγλωττίας.

508 8 2 νέους ὁμοῦ τῇ φρονήσει καὶ τὴν ἡλικίάν. Viger suggests
τήν τε φρόνησιν : but though such a combination οὗ different cases
is unusual, the explanation of it is sufficiently clear. The dative
expresses a special limitation of νέους, while ἡλικίαν is the usual
accusative of cognate signification.

Ὁ 3 μόνῳ.... ἀντὶ πάντων... Πλάτωνι. Cf. Cic. Brut.191 ‘ Nec
enim posset idem Demosthenes dicere quod dixisse Antimachum,
clarum poetam, ferunt, qui cum, convocatis auditoribus, legeret
eis magnum illud quod novistis volumen suum et eum legentem
omnes praeter Platonem reliquissent, ‘‘ Legam,”’ inquit, ‘ nihilo-
minus: Plato enim mihi unus instar est omnium.” Merito 1116 et
recte.’ Cf. 467 a, note on Antimachus.

γνώμονι. Cf. Plut. Amatorius, 751 Β εὖγε, νὴ Ala, ἔφη, τοῦ
Σόλωνος ἐμνήσθης, καὶ χρηστέον αὐτῷ γνώμονι τοῦ ἐρωτικοῦ ἀνδρός :
968 Ε' ἀλώπεκα ποιοῦνται γνώμονα τῆς τοῦ πάγον στερρότητος.
C2 ἐπιτυχῶς. Cf. Plat. Phil. 38 D ἐπιτυχῶς εἰπών.
876

508 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ο 6 προησμενικέναι. Cf. Polyb. vi. 8. 3 τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀσμενί-

Lovres τὴν ἐπιτροπήν.
1] dt εἰς τρία διελόντος μέρη. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 135 ‘The
division of philosophy into Dialectics, Physics and Ethics (cf. 51)
is found in fact though not in form in Plato.’ Ibid. ‘Out of the
Socratic dialectic grows his doctrine of ideas; out of the ethical
principles of his Master a detailed ethics and politics; and both
are supplemented by a philosophy of Nature, which, though inferior
in importance to the other branches, yet fills up the most remark-
able deficiencies in the Socratic philosophy in harmony with his
whole point of view.’

ἃ 3 τὸν φυσικὸν διελομένου . .. τὴν τῶν ἀσωμάτων κατανόησιν.
Cf. 509 ὁ 2, where τοῦ δευτέρου, i. 6. τοῦ φυσικοῦ τόπου (Ὁ 2), is made
to include τὴν περὶ τῶν θείων γνῶσιν ... αὐτῶν τε τῶν πρώτων, καὶ
τῶν αἰτίων.

509 a 3 On Atticus see 94 c 1, and Zeller, Outlines, 298
* Atticus (who), like Numenius, Cronius, the well-known opponent
of Christianity, Celsus, and no doubt Severus also, belongs to the
reign of Marcus Aurelius. ... Part of these Platonists at any rate
would not hear of the displacing of the genuine Platonism by
foreign elements.’

a5 διὰ τῶν ᾿Αριστοτέλους. On the relation of Aristotle’s
doctrines to those of Plato see Zeller, Socratic Schools, 50 ‘ There is
this difference between Aristotle and Plato, that whereas Plato
separates the conception from the appearance, regarding it as
independent—as an ἰδέα, Aristotle places it tn things themselves,
without, however, implying that form stands in need of matter
to become actual, since it is in itself actual. Aristotle will not
remove the idea out of the phenomenal world, because in a state
of sepuration it cannot serve as a connecting link between indi-
vidual things, nor yet be the cause and substance of things.’
Cf. Outlines, 180, and see 526 b 5, note.

Δ] © 4 ἱστορίαν. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 96 A ταύτης τῆς σοφίας, ἣν
δὴ καλοῦσι περὶ φύσεως ἱστορίαν. Ἱστορία here has its proper sense
of ‘ inquiry,’ ‘ research,’ = ‘study of nature.’

376

BOOK XI. PROOEM., CHAPS, 1--2 509 d

ἃ 5 On Pittacus see Diog. L. i. 74 ff., and on Periander son of
Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth, cf. Hdt. v. 92, 95

510 8 1 dprireAys. The word occurs in Polyb. vi. 18, where it
has been perhaps needlessly replaced by Casaubon’s conjecture,
avroreAns. In Plat. Phaedr. 251 A ἀρτιτελής is equivalent to
γεοτελής, which occurs a few lines before, and means ‘ newly
impressed with the divine ideas,’ which have not yet had time to
fade. In both words there is an evident allusion to initiation into
the mysteries. Cf. Iambl. ap. Stob. Eclog. Phys. ii. 912 of re yap
νεοτελεῖς καὶ πολυθεάμονες τῶν ὄντων, οἷ τε συνοπαδοὶ Kai συγγενεῖς
τῶν θεῶν, οἷ τε παντελεῖς ἐμφύονται πρώτως εἰς τὰ σώματα (Ast).

8 2 κατάπεμπτος seems to be used only by Atticus.

ag ᾿Αριστοκλῆς. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 796 ‘ If this distinguished
Peripatetic assumed that the divine spirit (vots) inhabited the
entire corporeal world, and operated in it, and that it became an
individual human spirit wherever it found an organism adapted
to receive it, yet he treated the Deity, after the Stoic manner, as
the soul of the world, which was also the view taken by the
Peripatetics, according to his contemporary Athenagoras.’

Aristocles was a native of Messene, flourishing about A. D. 200
(Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr.): but others assign a much
earlier date. Eusebius quotes several other passages from his
writings ; see 756 Ὁ 1.

3] © 3 ἴλιγγον. Cf. Plat. Rep. iii. 407 Οἱ κεφαλῆς τινας ἀεὶ ᾿
διατάσεις καὶ ἰλίγγους ὑποπτεύουσα. Legg. x. 892 E.

C5 wip ἐπὶ πυρί. Cf. Plat. Legg. 666 A διδάσκοντες ds οὐ χρὴ
πῦρ ἐπὶ πῦρ dxerevew εἴς τε τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν ψυχήν, where Plato
applies the saying, not to Socrates, but to giving wine to young
boys. The proverb is quoted by many later writers, e..g. by Plut.
Praecept. Coniug. 143 F, as a caution to jealous wives against
listening to gossiping neighbours.

ἃ ἡ κυνισμούς. Lucian, Bis Accus. 33 τὸ σκῶμμα καὶ τὸν ἴαμβον
καὶ κυνισμὸν καὶ τὸν Εὔπολιν καὶ τὸν ᾿Αριστοφάνην.

ἀτυφίας. Cf. Plut. Mor. 582 B Σωκράτους ἀνδρὸς ἀτυφίᾳ καὶ
ἀφελείᾳ μάλιστα δὴ φιλοσοφίαν ἐξανθρωπίσαντος. Ibid. 29 B.

δ11 1 ἐκαλινδοῦντο. An evident allusion to Diogenes and his tub.

ὃ 4 ἀνθρωπείων. Here and throughout the passage, Gaisford
keeps the form ἀνθρωπίνων, though his MSS. have ἀνθρωπείων. It
is difficult to draw any distinction in meaning between the two

δὴ}

Silla THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

forms, but in usage dvOpwreos is said to be Attic, ἀνθρώπινος
Hellenic (Moeris ap. Goeller, Thuc. i. 22, note; Ast ad Plat. Alcid.
i, 103). Perhaps ἀνθρώπινος is the more expressive of human
weakness? Here ἀνθρώπειος seems to be preferable, as correspond-
ing more closely in form to θείων.

Ὁ 6 ὁ μουσικός. Aristoxenus of Tarentum, trained in the
science of music first by his father, and afterwards by the Pytha-
goreans, became a disciple of Aristotle, whom he rivalled in the
number if not in the quality of his writings. He is mentioned
791 c 2 as the author of a Life of Plato. He taught that the soul
was a kind of ‘ harmony’ of the body (cf. Plat. Phaed. 86 B, 88 D;
Aristot. De Anima, i. 4. 13 Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. το. 18). From
his knowledge of music he was called pre-eminently ὁ μουσικός.
4] 612 a1 For ἡγήσαντο, the reading of the best MSS., I0,
Gaisford, and the other editors have ἠγάσαντο, which is followed
in my translation, but is without good authority, and gives a less
simple construction.

&2 τὴν τριγένειαν τῶν ἀγαθῶν. Cf. Sext. Empir. 163. 26
(Bekker) αὐτῶν τῶν φιλοσόφων τινὲς μὲν τρία γένη φασὶν εἶναι ἀγαθῶν,
ὡς οἱ Περιπατητικοί. τούτων γὰρ τὰ μὲν εἶναι περὶ ψυχὴν ὡς τὰς
ἀρετάς, τὰ δὲ περὶ σῶμα ὡς ὑγίειαν καὶ τὰ ἐοικότα, τὰ δὲ ἐκτὸς ὡς
φίλους, πλοῦτον, τὰ παραπλήσια. of δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς τριγένειαν μὲν
καὶ αὐτοί φασιν εἶναι ἀγαθῶν. See 758 ς 7.

8. 3 κατ᾽ ᾿Αριστοτέλην. Aristotle states the ordinary classification
without adopting it as his own. <£th, Nic. i. 8. 2 ‘To apply our
principle (δή), goods have been divided into three kinds, the one
kind being called external goods, and the others goods of the soul
and goods of the body; and we call those that have to do with
the soul most distinctively and most especially goods (τὰ περὶ
ψυχὴν κυριώτατα λέγομεν καὶ μάλιστα ἀγαθά). This classification is
attributed by Sextus Empiricus, adv. Ethicos, xi. 51, to the Plato-
nists and Peripatetics ; but in the Eudemian Ethics, ii. 1. 1, it is
spoken of as a popular division, καθάπερ διαιρούμεθα καὶ ἐν τοῖς
ἐξωτερικοῖς λόγοις. Accordingly here Aristotle calls it “‘ an ancient
division that is admitted by the philosophers ”’ (Grant).

8. 6 ἐποχήν, a technical term of the Sceptics. Cf. Diog. L. ix.
107 τέλος δὲ of Σκεπτικοί φασι τὴν ἐποχήν, 7 σκιᾶς τρόπον ἐπακο-
λουθεῖ ἡ ἀταραξίᾳ. Cf. 758 d 3 δεῖν ἀδοξάστους καὶ ἀκλινεῖς καὶ
ἀκραδάντους εἶναι,

$78

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 3-5 6126

Ὁ 3 πάροχος, ἃ public victualler (‘ parochus publicus,’ Cic. Att.
xiii. 2. 2), whose duty it was to provide necessaries for official
persons travelling in the Roman provinces, Cf. Hor. Sat. i. 5. 45

‘Proxima Campano ponti quae villula tectum
Praebuit, et parochi quae debent ligna salemque.’

6 4 dvOpwroyoviay. Cf. Joseph. 6. Apion. i. 8 τὴν τῆς dvOpwiro-

yovias παράδοσιν.
5] 6518 Ὁ 8 φδῶν τε καὶ ἐπῳδῶν. The Song of Moses at the Red
Sea may probably be taken as an example of what is here meant
by an Epode: ‘ Although without any regular strophical division,
it has the chorus, “ Sing ye to Jehovah, for He hath triumphed
gloriously,” &c. It was sung evidently in antiphonal measure,
chorus anwering to chorus, and voice to voice.’ Perowne, The
Book of Psalms, Introd. xvi.

CI evereias. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. (Schanz) 267 C ὀνομάτων τε
Λικυμνιείων [ἃ ἐκείνῳ ἐδωρήσατο] προσεποίησεν εὐέπειαν.

6 2 εὐφραδοῦς. Cf. Hom. Od. xix. 352 ὡς σὺ μάλ᾽ εὐφραδέως
πεπνυμένα πάντ᾽ ἀγορεύεις.

ἐξ ἔτι varias... ἡλικίας. On the careful instruction of Jewish
children see Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah, i. 230; Schiirer, ii.
I. 324.

6 4 Sevrepwrai, See note on 574 & 4.

ἃ 5 δέξασθαί re στροφὰς λόγων {Prov. i. 3; LXX) ‘ To receive
instruction in wise dealing ’ (R. V.).

514 @ 4 ἐντεύξεως means ‘intercourse,’ ‘conversation,’ ‘ dis-
course,’ very commonly in Polybius. Cf. Aristot. Top. i. 2. 1 πρὸς
τὰς ἐντεύξεις, πρὸς τὰς κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν ἐπιστήμας.

& 6 φιλοκάλως γένοιτο ἐν πείρᾳ. Cf. Xen. Απαῦ. i. 9 τῶν Κύρου
δοκούντων ἐν πείρᾳ γενέσθαι.

& λογικωτάτους. See the next note, λογικὴν εἶναι πραγματείαν.

Ὁ § éfaperpa. Cf. Neumann, Julianus Imp. contra Christianos,
203 καίτοι βούλεται ὃ μοχθηρὸς Εὐσέβιος εἶναί τινα καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς
ἑξάμετρα, καὶ φιλοτιμεῖται λογικὴν εἶναι πραγματείον παρὰ τοῖς
Ἑβραίοις, ἧς τοὔνομα ἀκήκοε παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι. Lowth, Lectures on
Hebrew Poetry, Lect. iii ‘In these however’ (Greek and Latin)
‘the rhythm or quantity remains; each retains its peculiar
numbers, and the versitication is distinct: but the state of the
IIebrew is far more unfavourable, which, destitute of vowel
sounds, has remained altogether silent (if I may use the expres-

879

514 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

sion), incapable of utterance, upwards of two thousand years.
Thus not so much as the number of syllables of which each word
consisted could with any certainty be defined, much less the
length or quantity of the syllable.’ Driver, Literature of O. T.
vii. 399 ‘In ancient Hebrew poetry though there was always
rhythm, there was (so far as has yet been discovered) no metre in
the strict sense of the term; and rhyme appears to have been as
accidental as it was with the classical Latin poets.’ There is
much interesting information in the same chapter on the paral-
lelism of clauses, and other characteristics of Hebrew poetry.

6] ἁ ᾽ φύσει τε ἀλλ᾽ οὐ θέσει. Forthe meaning of θέσις, ‘ hypo»
thesis,’ a proposition assumed as the basis of an argument, see
Aristot, Top. i. 11. 4-6. As contrasted with φύσις it denotes
what is conventional or arbitrary.

516 Ὁ 3 "Addu. Heb. DWN, ‘ Adam,’ pr. n., DOW, “ red.’

Ὁ 5 ᾿Αδὰμ ἡ γῆ καλεῖται. Gen. ii. ἡ. Heb. ΠΝ, ‘ earth.’

63 Ἑνώς, Heb. M8, ‘Enosh,’ first used in Gen. vi. 4. See
above, 307 a—c, and notes there.

C6 ἐπιλήσμων. Is it possible that Eusebius makes ἄνους
represent "Evws? Or does he derive 'Evds from NY, ‘ forget,’ an
etymology not generally accepted ?

517 Ὁ 1 ἀναθρῶν ἃ drure. Cf. Jowett’s Introduction to the
Cratylus, 168 ff., where these absurd etymologies are clearly
shown to be part of the irony and satirical humour of the
Dialogue. On p. 177 he gives the following paraphrase of our
passage: ‘And now I bethink me of a very new and ingenious
notion which occurs to me, and, if I do not mind, I shall be wiser
than I ought to be by to-morrow’s dawn. My notion is that we
may put in and pull out letters at pleasure and alter the accents
(as for example, Ad φίλος may be turned into Δίφιλος), and we
may make words into sentences, and sentences into words. The
hame ἄνθρωπος is a case in point, for a letter has been omitted,
and the accent changed; the original meaning ὁ ἀναθρῶν ἃ
Gruwre— be who looks up at what he sees.”’ Cf. Ovid, Meta-
morph. i. 84

‘Pronaque quum spectent animalia cetera terram,
Os homini sublime dedit, caelumque tueri
Iussit et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus.’
Ὁ 2 τὸν ἄνδρα ΕΠΣ καλοῦσι. Heb. UN, ‘a man’; UL, ‘ fire.’
880

BOOK XI. CHAPS, 5, 6 517 b

On &X see note on 307 a, Eusebius is unfortunately misled by
the Socratic irony of the Cratylus to try his own hand at Hebrew
etymology.

Ὁ 7 ESA. Heb. TY, ‘a woman.’

Ὁ 9 τὴν dw ῥοήν. Cf. Plat. Crat. 413 E. ‘If one takes away
the ὃ from the name ἀνδρεία, the name dypeia signifies the thing
itself... . For otherwise manliness (ἀνδρεία) would not be com-
mended. Also dppév (male) and ἀνήρ man have a certain resem-
blance to.this—rj ἄνω pop, the upward flux.’ By the ‘upward’
is meant the ‘ right ’ flow of things.

C2 “orepéwua.” Cf. Gen. i. 6. Heb. YP), from the root YP),
‘to spread out,’ as by beating with a hammer. Eusebius in this
case forms his etymology from the Greek (στερέωμα, LXX), not
from the Hebrew.

6 5 Plat. Crat. 396 C ἡ δὲ αὖ ἐς τὸ ἄνω ὄψις καλῶς ἔχει τοῦτο
τὸ ὄνομα καλεῖσθαι, οὐρανία, ὁρῶσα τὰ ἄνω... . καὶ τῷ οὐρανῷ ὀρθῶς
τὸ ὄγομα κεῖσθαι.

ἃ 6 θέειν. Cf. Hdt. ii. 52 θεοὺς δὲ προσωνόμοσάν σφεας ἀπὸ τοῦ
τοιούτου, ὅτι κοσμωθέντες τὰ πάντα πρήγματα καὶ πάσας νομὰς εἶχον.
This derivation is as purely fanciful as Plato’s θέειν. ‘After all it
is difficult to believe that θεός is not in some way connected with
its synonyms deva (Sanskrit), deus’ (L. and Sc. Lez.).

ἃ 13 Ἕκτορα. Plat. Crat. 393 A ‘This name also seems to me
to be very similar to Astyanax, and these are both like Greek
names: for a king (ἄναξ) and a holder (é«rwp) signify nearly the
same thing, so that both the names are proper to a king; for
a man is surely the holder of that of which he is the king; for he
evidently rules, and possesses, and holds it.’

618 8 1᾿Αγαμέμνονα. Plat. Crat. 395 A ‘The name Agamemnon
therefore means that this man was admirable for his persistence
(ἀγαστὸς κατὰ τὴν ἐπιμονήν).᾽

8. 3 Ὀρέστην, Plat. Crat. 394 E τὸ ὀρεινὸν ἐνδεικνύμενος τῷ
ὀνόματι.

a5 ᾿Ατρέα. Ibid. 395 B ‘In every way the name is rightly
given to him, whether in reference to stubbornness (τὸ dretpés),
or fearlessness (τὸ drpecrov), or destructiveness (τὸ ἀτηρόν).᾽

8 6 Πέλοπα. Ibid. ‘According to the tradition concerning him
in regard to the murder of Myrtilus, that he was not able to fore-
bode or foresee any of the distant consequences to his whole race,

881

518 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

with how great misfortune he was lading it; but he saw only
what was near and immediate, that is πέλας.

ἃ Τάνταλον. Plat. Crat. 395 E ‘ Both the many dreadful mis-
fortunes which happened to him while yet living, of which thie
end was the entire overthrow of his country, and after his death
the stone suspended (ταλαντεία) over his head in Hades, in
wonderful accordance with his name. And it is exactly as if
some one, wishing to call him most miserable (raAdvraroy), were
to disguise the name and call him Tantalus instead.’

Ὁ 5 “ Καὶν ζῆλος." A different interpretation is given in Gen.
iv. 1 ‘she conceived and bare Cain, and said, I have gotten a man
with the help of the Lord’ (R.V.marg. Heb. Kanah, ‘to get’).
Eusebius derives the name ἢ from 822 instead of 122.

Ὁ 8 “πένθος. The Heb. ban means ‘ breath,’ ‘ vanity.’

c 2 ᾿Αβραάμ. On the names ‘Abram’ and ‘Abraham’ see
note on 420 d 6.

Ο 6 πατέρα μετέωρον. Gen. xvii. 5, The etymology of the new
name is still a matter of conjecture; Eusebius has taken his
explanation from Philo Jud, 103, Mangey, ἑρμηνεύεται yap “ABpap
πατὴρ μετέωρος. ‘ Probably the right meaning of the name is
‘Ram (the lofty one) is father ”’ (Ryle, Hastings’ Dict. Bibl.).

ἃ 7 ἐνταῦθα μάλιστα. Cf. Plat. Crat. 397 B. Socrates is speak-
ing of the names of eternal essences (τὰ ἀεὶ ὄντα καὶ πεφυκότα).

519 a2 Tédus. Cf. Philo Jud. 104 γέλως yap ψυχῆς καὶ χαρὰ
καὶ εὐφροσύνη διερμηνεύεται οὗτος.

& ἀσκητήν. The word is taken from Philo Jud. 869 M.,
where Jacob is described as ὁ ἀσκητὴς καὶ τοὺς ἀρετῆς ἄθλους
διαθλῶν. The same allegorical gloss is put upon the simple
language of Scripture by Philo, 125 Μ.

a 8 Πτερνιστής. Gen. xxvii. 36 ἐπτέρνικεν yap pe ἤδη δεύτερον
τοῦτο, ‘ He hath supplanted me these two times.’

& 9 Ἰσραὴλ δὲ ὁρῶν θεόν. Gen. xxxii. 28. Jarael. ‘That is,
He who striveth with God,’ or‘ God striveth’ (margin, R. V.). The
explanation is added: ‘for thou hast striven with God and with
men, and hast prevailed.’ Eusebius has taken his explanation
of the name from Philo J. 369 M., ὅρασιν γὰρ Θεοῦ μηνύει τὸ ὄνομα.

Ὁ 6 Αὐτίκα, ‘to go no further.’ The meaning of αὐτίκα is illus-
trated by numerous examples in Ruhnken, Tim. Lex. and com-
pared with the Latin continuo, ne longe abeam, and the French

38a

BOOK XI, CHAP, 6 519 b

d@abord. Cf. Dr. J. B. Mayor, Clem. Al. Strom. vii. Append. A,
363 ‘ The word αὐτίκα properly means “on the instant,” as αὐτοῦ
means “on the spot.” Hence it is employed like εὐθύς to
introduce a sudden thought with the force of “to go no
further,”’?

τῶν πρώτων τῆς γραμματικῆς στοιχείων. Literally, ‘of the
first elements of grammar.’ See below, 519 d.

ἃ 6 διὰ τεσσάρων στοιχείων. ΟΣ Philo J. De Vit. Mosis, 152 M.
‘And a golden leaf was wrought like a crown, having four
carvings of a Name, which only those who have ears and tongue
purified by wisdom may lawfully hear or utter among holy men,
and no one else anywhere at all. And the sacred writer (θεο-
λόγος) says that the Name is of four letters (Τετραγράμματον) ;
making them perhaps symbols of the primary numbers one, two,
three, four.” Josephus (A. Δ it. 12. 4), referring to the announce-
ment of the name of the Lorp in Exod. xxxiv. 6, says: ‘ And God
shows him His own name, which had not previously been known
to men: concerning which it is not lawful for me to speak.’

For a full account of the many theories concerning the
Name see Smith, Dict. Bibl.‘ Jehovah’: and on the attempt to
identify the Pythagorean Tetractys with the Hebrew Tetragram-
maton see Cudworth, Int. Syst. i. 4. 15 ἢ; Zeller, Pre-Socr.
Phil. i. 428; Deissmann, 322 ff.

ἃ 10-520 a 4 Καὶ τῶν---μέλη. This section is omitted in one
family of the MSS. BO (CFG).

520 a 1 Ἑπτά pe φωνήεντα. The source of the epigram is
to be found in the magical formulae used by the Egyptians to
coerce their gods. An example is given by Wiedemann, 267,
from a Nostrum of Agathocles for producing dreams, found in
a Greek Gnostic Papyrus in Leyden Museum, ‘Hear me, for I
shall speak the great name, Thoth! whom each god honours and
each daemon fears, by whose command every messenger per-
forms his mission. Thy name answers to the seven (vowels)
a, €, ἤν t, 0, ὧν, w, igudéead oueé Gia. I named thy glorious name,
the name for all needs,’ We thus see that the ‘wise Greek’ to
whom Eusebius ascribes the epigram was probably Agathocles
the Greek historian mentioned -by Athenaeus, i. (30) and ix,
(375), and by Cicero, De Divin. i. 24 88 narrating a dream of
Hamilcar, This mention of a dream clearly identifies the his-

383

δ20 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

torian with the author of the Nostrum of Agathocles for producing
dreams; he is also mentioned as a Babylonian by the Scholiast
on Hesiod, Theog. 485. Cf. Masp. i 282 on ‘the books of magic
written by Thot’; Erman, 352 ff. In Irenaeus, i. 14. 7 we find
the power of the seven vowels thus expounded: ‘ The first heaven
utters a, the next ε, the third n, the fourth, which is the middle
of the seven, t, the fifth o, the sixth vu, the seventh, which is the
fourth from the middle, shouts out w, as the Sigé of Marcus, which
talks much nonsense, but speaks not a word of truth, persistently
affirms. And these powers, she says, being all combined with
one another, sound out the glory of Him by whom they were sent
forth.’ Cf. Hippol. vi. 43.

Θεὸν μέγαν. Cf. F. Jacobs, Animado. in Epigrammata
Anthol. Graeca, iii. 2. 34, Ep. cclxxx., ‘Servavit hoc epigr. Euse-
bius in P. £. xi. 6, 520, de Iudaeornm Deo illud interpretatus.
De Sarapide agi primus docuit Jos. Scaliger ad calcem Libri De
Emend. Temporum, 38; cujus sententiam secutus H. Valesius in
not. ad Socratis Hist. Eccl. v. 17 et in Emendatt. L. i. 2, 4 sqq.
monuit praeterea prius epigr. distichon non solum nomen
Sarapidis septem literis significare, sed simul ad eum ritum
respici, quo hic deus septem vocalibus (γράμματα φωνήεντα appel-
lantur) subinde repetitis coli solebat.? The seven vowels do not
form the name of Serapis, but the formula is as likely to have
been used in his case as in that of Thot.

Further light is thrown on the subject by a passage quoted
from Kenyon, Pap. Lond. xlvi. 466-82 by Deissman, 327 θεὸς
θεῶν, ὁ κύριος τῶν πνευμάτων 6 ἀπλάνητος αἰὼν Ltawount, εἰσάκουσόν
μου τῆς φωνῆς’ ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε τὸν δυνάστην τῶν θεῶν, ὑψιβρεμέτα
Ζεῦ, Ζεῦ τύραννε, αδαιναι (sic) κύριε ιαωουηε. . . βαρουχ αδωναι ελωαι
ιαβρααμ BapBapavw νανυσιῴ ὑψηλόφρονε.

& 3 πάντων χέλυς ἄφθιτος. ‘Hoc ad septem planetas eorumque
harmoniam referendum. Macrob. I. Saturn. 19 fin. “Ut lyra
Apollinis chordarum septem tota caelestium sphaerarum motus
praestat intelligi, quibus solem moderatorem natura constituit,”
Deus conversionis caelestis cantum moderatur. Maxim. Tyr.
Diss. xix. 3. 363 ἀλλ᾽ ἡγοῦ τὸ πᾶν τοῦτο ἁρμονίαν τινὰ εἶναι ὀργάνου
μουσικοῦ, καὶ τεχνίτην μὲν τὸν θεόν, τὴν δὲ ἁρμονίαν ταύτην ἀρξαμένην
wap αὐτοῦ, dv ἀέρος ἰοῦσαν καὶ γῆς, ἐμπεσοῦσαν μετὰ τοῦτο εἰς πολλὰς
καὶ διαφόρους φύσεις συντάττειν τὸν ἐν αὐταῖς πόλεμον ὡς κορυφαία

384 |

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 6, 7 820 a

ἁρμονία ἐμπεσοῦσα eis πολυφωνίαν χοροῦ συντάττει τὸν ἐν αὐτῇ
θόρυβον᾽ (F. Jacobs, ibid.).

ἃ ὁπηνίκα παρὰ βαρβάρων, κιτλ. Cf. 474 Ὁ τ.

b 5 τὸ παρωνύμιον εἴληφε. Cf. 304 ὁ 43 Gen. xiv. 13 ‘Abram
the Hebrew.’ LXX. “Apap τῷ περάτῃ. Eusebius, following the
LXX, adopts this derivation of the name from “2, ‘ the country
on the other side’ of the river, namely the Euphrates. But
‘according to analogy, this expression (Heb. “129, Ivri) can only
refer to Abram’s tribal or national extraction, that is, to his
descent from WY, Eber.’ Smith, Dict. Bibl. Cf. Gen. x. 21 ‘ Shem,
the father of all the children of Eber.’ Eusebius, as usual, follows
the explanation of the name given by Philo J., Migrat. Abr. 4,
439 M. ‘For the name Hebrew is interpreted περάτης. The
allegorical interpretation of passing over from the things that
are seen to things invisible is also taken from the same passage
of Philo, where Gen. xl. 15, ‘ For indeed I was stolen away out of
the land of the Hebrews: and here also have I done nothing that
they should put me into the dungeon,’ receives the following inter-
pretation : ‘ He boasted of being of the race of the Hebrews, who
were accustomed to rise up from the objects of sense and remove
to those of the mind, for “the Hebrew” is by interpretation “ one
who passes over,” because he boasted that “here he had done
nothing.”’’

6 4 πανηγεμόνι. Cf. Eus. Vit. Constant. xi. τὸ σέβας τοῦ κοσμο-
ποιοῦ Kal πανηγεμόνος θεοῦ τῶν ὅλων.

α 6 διαβεβηκότας. Cf. Wyttenb. ad Plut. Mor. 31 Εἰ διαβεβηκότα
τῇ δυνάμει τοῦ λόγου. ‘ Εὐρύοπα Κρονίδην. Iliad A 498, 152, et
alibi. Chrysippus hac interpretatione fortasse spectavit statuam
Tovis διαβεβηκότος, de quo genere consulatur P. Wesselingius ad
Diod. Sic. i. 11x (τὰ σκέλη διαβεβηκότα) et 319 (Δαίδαλος .. .
πρῶτος δὲ ὀμματώσας καὶ διαβεβηκότα τὰ σκέλη ποιήσας) : certe
frequens illud εὖ διαβάς in firmo statu pugnantium. . .. Iliad
M 458 et alibi... Simili forma, significatione diversa Hebraicos
ex origine verbi διαβεβηκότας τῇ διανοίᾳ, progredientes cogitatione ©
et mente appellat Eusebius Praep. Evang. ix. (immo xi.) 520 1),
Origenes Adv. Celsum, iii. 492 B, Phaedonem et Polemonem ἐπὶ
τοσοῦτον διαβεβηκέναι ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ. Cf. 574 ¢ 8.
7) 5621 Ὁ 7 πεφυσιολόγητος. Cf. Ps.-Plut. De Placit. Philos.
894 Ε παραπλησίως δὲ φυσιολογεῖται τὰ καλούμενα παρήλια.

δὶ cc 385

δ41 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C6 πεντακισχῶιαι, LXX, 1 Kings iv. 32 (28) ff., ‘a thousand
and five’ (Heb.). |

ἃ 3 παρὰ πάντων. Before these words Viger inserts ἐλάμβανε
δῶρα, but apparently without any authority of MSS. either in the
original passages, 1 Kings iv. 34, or in Eusebius.

ἃ 6 Αὐτὸς γάρ. Wisdom of Solomon vii. 17. The author
speaking in the person of Solomon makes this claim of wisdom
for him.

ἃ 10 πνευμάτων Bias. “ Violences of winds’ (R. V.), or spirits,
margin.

διαλογισμούς, ‘thoughts’ or ‘ reasonings’ (Deane, The Book
of Wisdom).

522 a1 κρυπτὰ καὶ ἐμφανῇ. adavy, Eusebius; ἐμφανῆ, LXX,
‘either secret or mantfest ’ (R. V.).

ἃ 3 ῥευστήν, ‘flowing away.” Plut. Mor. 522 Β ὀλισθηρὰν
Kat ῥευστὴν εἰς ἅπαντα τὴν πολυπραγμοσύνην ποιοῦντες.

b 6 “Apxrov, καὶ Πλειάδος. Cf. Job ix. 9 Which maketh the
Bear, Orton, and the Pleiades; xxxviiit. 31 Canst thou bind the
cluster of the Pleiades, or loose the bands of Orion? ...; 32 Or
canst thow guide the Bear with her train? The Heb. Ὁ, ‘ Ash,’
and WY, ‘ Aish,’ rendered ‘ Arcturus’ in A. V., are now generally
believed to be identical, and to represent the Great Bear. The
Hebrew corresponding to ‘Orion’ is DDS, meaning, according to
Oriental versions, ‘Giant.’ ‘ Pleiades’ is the rendering of ΠΌ,
‘acrowd.’ See Smith, Dict. of Bible, Arcturus, Orion, and Pleiades.
Compare, in Lord Derby’s admirable translation, Homer’s descrip-
tion of the Shield of Achilles, Jl. xviii. 487

‘Thereon were figur’d earth, and sky, and sea,

The ever-circling sun, and full-orb’d moon,

And all the signs that crown the vault of Heaven;
Pleiads and Hyads, and Orion’s might,

And Arctos, call’d the Wain, who wheels on high
His circling course, and on Orion waits;

Sole star that never bathes in th’ ocean wave.’

Ὁ 7 ’Apxrovpov. ‘ Arcturus’ and ‘ Arctophylax’ both mean the
‘ Bear-keeper,’ a bright star in the forehead of Bodtes, ‘ the Plough-
man.’ Compare Hom. Od. v. 272

Πληϊάδας τ᾽ ἐσορῶντι καὶ ὀψὲ δύοντα Bowrny,
“Apxrov θ᾽ ἣν καὶ ἅμαξαν ἐπίκλησιν καλέουσιν,
386

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 7-9 522 Ὁ

Ἢ τ᾽ αὐτοῦ στρέφεται καί τ᾽ "Opiwva Soxever,

Oin δ᾽ ἄμμορός ἐστι λοετρῶν ’Oxeayvoio.
Compare Hesiod, Opp. 609, 615; Verg. Aen. iii. 515 sqq.; Georg.
i. 138; Ps.-Anacreon. iii. 2,

C5 τῶν διανοίᾳ μόνῃ ληπτῶν, a good definition of τῶν νοητῶν.

ἃ 6 ἀπηντομάτισται. Cf. Plut. Mor. 717 B τοῦτο. .. dome...
ἀπαυτοματίσαι.

628 ἃ 5 μυεῖσθαι. μεμνῆσθαι coniec. Vig. " μνῆσαι pro μνῆσθαι
(Heinich.). Neither change is for the better.

ἃ 6 ἐποπτείαςς. Cf. 30 Ὁ 1. The word is proper to the
mysteries,

8] © 2 τηνικάδε... καθ᾽ oy..., scil. χρόνον. “χρόνον was
often omitted in the phrases τὸν dei, τὸν ἔμπροσθεν, τὸν ὕστερον.᾽ἢ
Jelf, Gk. Gr. 436. Cf. Soph. El. 1075, Schol. τὸ δὲ ἑξῆς" ἀεὶ τὸν τοῦ
πατρὸς μόρον στενάχουσα' ἣ Tov dei cis τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον.

τὰς διατριβὰς πεποιημένος. The time of Plato’s visit to Egypt
is variously stated. According to Diogenes L. iii. 8, after the
death of Socrates he retired first to Megara, then to Cyrene, thence
to Italy, and afterwards to Egypt. But Cicero (Rep. i. το. 16)
says that he first went to Egypt.

C 4 ἐπεχωρίαζον. Luc. Pseud. 19 οὐδ᾽ ἐπιχωριάζεις αὐτοῖς.

9] dt ἱεροφαντίαις. Cf. Plut. Mor. 621 C δᾳδουχίας καὶ ἱεροφαν-
τίας μιμούμενοι, ἃ passage referring to the initiation of the
Mysteries by Alcibiades. Clem. Al. Protrept. vii. 63 ‘Orpheus,
Hierophant and Poet at once, after his explanation (ἱεροφαντίαν)
of the orgies, and the theology of the idols, introduces a palinode
of truth.’ Strom. iv. 564 ‘being initiated into the minor
mysteries before the greater, so that there may be no obstacle
to the truly divine declaration of sacred things (τῇ θείᾳ ὄντως
ἱεροφαντίᾳ).᾽

δ24 ἃ 4 ὃ λαλήσει. Eccles. i.g. The LXX read ὃς λαλήσει,
but ὁ λαλήσει, the reading of the best MSS. of Eusebius, is sup-
ported by the Vetus Lat. as stated by Jerome.

Ὁ 10 τὸ δὲ αἰσθήσει ἀλόγῳ δοξαστόν. Eusebius has here abridged
the text of Plato: τὸ δ᾽ αὖ δόξῃ per αἰσθήσεως ἀλόγου δοξαστόν,
while not essentially altering the meaning, which according to
the fuller reading is as follows: ‘the other (may be compre-
hended) by opinion with unreasoning sensation, being the object
of opinion, coming and going, but never being.’ This construction

Cc2 387

524 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

is followed by Cic. Timaeus ii. where for ‘ quod affert opinionem ἢ
Stephanus suggests ‘ quod affert opinio.’

The other construction is adopted by Proclus : τὸ μὲν δὴ ἀεὶ xara
ταὐτὰ ὃν ἐστὶ νοήσει μετὰ λόγου περιληπτόν. τὸ δὲ γιγνόμενον καὶ
ἀπολλύμενον ὄντως δὲ οὐδέποτε ὃν δόξῃ per αἰσθήσεως ἀλόγου δοξαστόν.

ἃ » Ταῦτα γάρ. In Plato’s text, Tim. 37 E, the clause ταῦτα δὲ
πάντα μέρη χρόνου refers to what has gone before, ‘days and
nights and months and years.’ And this is followed by καὶ τό re
ἦν τό τε ἔσται χρόνου γεγονότα εἴδη, ‘and so are was and shall be,
being generated modes of time’: or, with the reading γεγονότος,
‘ modes of generated time.’

525 ἃ 2 τὸ παράπαν. The MSS. of Eusebius connect τὸ παράπαν
with ἔσεσθαι, but in Plato it is connected by re with the following
clause: ‘nor be subject at all to any of the conditions,’ &c.

8 6 Plato adds: ‘and that the non-existent is non-existent,
none of which are accurate expressions,’ apparently meaning that
the use of εἶναι as applied to what is not really ‘being’ but
‘ becoming ᾿ is inappropriate.

10] 626 Ὁ 2 τοῦ ὄντος ὀνόματος. ‘Vocem ὄντος libenter ex-
punxerim’ (Heinichen). But ὄντος is better taken as the name
‘being.’ Cf. Ὁ 1 εἶναι ὄνομα οὐσίαν καὶ ov.

b5 ἰδέᾳ. Cf. Ps.-Plut. De Plac. Philos. 882 D ‘ Idea is ἃ bodiless
substance (οὐσία), which of itself hath no subsistence, but giveth
form and figure (εἰκονίζουσα) to shapeless matter, and becometh
the cause that bringeth them into show and evidence. Socrates
and Plato supposed that these be substances separate and distinct
from matter, howbeit subsisting in the thoughts and imaginations
of God, that is to say, of mind and understanding. Aristotle
admitteth verily these forms (εἴδη) and ideas, howbeit not separate
from matter, as being patterns of all that God hath made’
(Holland’s translation). Cf. Grant, Aristotle’s Ethics, i. 160 ff.,
and 509 a 5, note.

CG 4 εἶπον. ‘Numenius ipse? an alii? Posterius hoc malui,
quod addiderit, quae audierat ea se, quantum meminisse potuit,
retulisse’’ (Viger). But εἶπον, ‘I said,’ may refer to Ὁ 1 ἐὰν φῶ
τοῦ ἀσωμάτον εἶναι ὄνομα οὐσίαν καὶ ov, and τὰ λεχθέντα to what
was said in answer. :

C6 λόγον. ‘Legi mallem τὸν λόγον. Ipsammet porro Platonis
orationem intelligit, ut ex sequentibus manifeste constat’ (Viger).

388

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 9-11 ‘626 Cc

Without the article, for which there is no authority, λόγον may
mean ‘ ἃ reason’ or ‘ an explanation.’

dt Ti τὸ ὃν ἀεί, quoted above, 524 Ὁ 8.

52788 Μωσῆς ἀττικίζων. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. i. 411 Νουμή-
γιος δὲ ὁ Πνθαγόρειος φιλόσοφος ἄντικρυς γράφει: Τί yap ἐστι Πλάτων
7 Μωὺῦσῆς ἀττικίζων ; ‘Dio Chrysostomus quoque, rhetor quidem >
sed qui ad Stoicam potissimum philosophiam prope accederet,
vaticinationem respuit Or. x. 149 (cf. xi. 157) τί δέ; νομίζεις τὸν
᾿Απόλλων ἀττικίζειν 4 δωρίζειν ;’ (Saarmann, Annot. ad Oenomai
Fr. 36).

Ὁ 8 Ps. cii. 28. The introductory words, ra μὲν ὁρατὰ πάντα
τραπείη dv wore καὶ μεταβληθείη, are not part of the direct quota-
tion, but a free paraphrase of the preceding verses 26, 27.

CI ὡς ἐν προτάσε. Cf. Plut. Mor. 408 C ἐρωτήσεις, οἷον ἐν
σχολῇ προτάσεις, Ei γαμητέον, Ei πλευτέον, Ei δανειστέον. Athen.
Vi. 234 ἐφιλοτιμήσαντο γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ τὰς τοῦ Οὐλπιανοῦ ἀπολύσασθαι
προτάσεις.

c 5 The letter ε, anciently called εἶ (Plat. Crat. 426 C οὐ γὰρ
ἦτα ἐχρώμεθα ἀλλὰ εἶ τὸ παλαιόν), carved in wood, was conspicuous
among the offerings at Delphi.

11] di Οὔτε οὖν ἀριθμόν. The following quotation is from
Plut., On the Et at Delphi, 391 F. ‘Totum hunc locum exhibuit
Eus. Praep. Evang. xi. 11, unde complures bonas lectiones
Plutarcho restituimus’ (Wyttenbach). _

ἀριθμόν. One explanation was that five of the Wise Men,
Chilon, Thales, Solon, Bias, Pittacus, wishing to imply that Cleo-
bulus and Periander had no right to the same title, dedicated the
Εἶ as the symbol for fice (ε)ὴ. Cf. Plut. 385 E.

τάξι. Another explanation was that « was the second vowel
in order (τάξει) and the Sun (Apollo) anciently second to the
Moon. Ibid. 386 B.

σύνδεσμον. A third meaning assigned was the ‘ conjunction ’
ei, ‘if.’ Plut. 386 C ‘ For as the Delphians suppose, and as
Nicander the priest said, speaking for them, it is the vehicle and
form of the communication with the god, and it holds the leading
rank in the questions of those who from time to time consult the
Oracle, and inquire 17 they shall be victorious, // they shall marry,
&c, The god, wise as he is, dismissed the logicians who think
that nothing comes out of the particle ¢/.’

389

δ4Ἷ ἅ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 2 τῶν ἐλλιπῶν μορίων. The conjunctions are called‘ defective
particles’ because they express no independent or substantial
thought, but only the relation or connexion in which two or more
notions or thoughts stand to each other in the mind. 426] ἢ,
Gk. Gr. 327.

ἃ 6 TO ΓΝΩΘΙ SAYTON. Plut. 385 D ‘Look also at these
inscriptions, the “ Know thyself,” and the “ No extreme ”—two
of the maxims of the Wise Men.’

XAIPE. He means that self-knowledge is essential to a man’s
welfare, being equivalent to ‘Be temperate.’ The passage is
taken from Plat. Charmid. 164 D ‘For my part I am inclined to
say that temperance is the very same thing as self-knowledge, and
I agree with him who dedicated the inscription of this nature at
Delphi. For it seems to me that this inscription is so dedicated
as being a salutation by the god of those who enter, instead of
‘Hail,’ as if this salutation ‘ Hail’ were not right, and that we
ought instead of this to exhort one another to ‘ be temperate.’ . . .
‘This, however, like a prophet, he expresses rather as a riddle ;
for “ Know thyself” and “ Be temperate ” are the same, as the
inscriptions and I say.’

528 a 7 τὴν ἄγαν ἐνάργειαν, ‘the extreme lucidity.’ This is
the reading in Plutarch, and is, perhaps, more suitable to the
sense of the passage than ἐνέργειαν, ‘ actuality,’ which is substituted
for it in the MSS. of Eusebius. The two words are often inter-
changed.

Ὁ 2 Ποταμῷ κιτιλ. ‘ Heracleitus somewhere says that all things
move, and nothing is at rest, and comparing existing things to the
stream of a river, he says that “ you cannot step twice into the
same river.”’ Inthe Theaetetus (181 A) Plato calls those who hold
this notion of a continual flux τοὺς ῥέοντας, ‘ the flowing philo-
sophers,’ and presently he speaks of οἱ τοῦ ὅλου στασιῶται, ‘ those
who make the universe stand still’ (Plat. Crat. 402 A). Cf. By-
water, Heracleiti Rell. xli, who gives the following references:
Aristot. Metaph. iv. 5 (ili. 5. 18); Plut. Qu. nat. 912 A; idem
De Sera Num. Vind. 559 C; i id. De EI, 392B.

Ὁ 3 xara ἕξιν, ‘in a permanent state,’ or ‘ in the same condition.’
Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socratic Philos. ii. 11, note. ‘The words, οὐδὲ...
κατὰ ἕξιν, appear to me to be an explanatory addition of Plutarch.
Heracleitus can scarcely have spoken of θνητὴ οὐσία, and we can

390

BOOK XI. CHAP. II 528 b

hardly help seeing in xara ἕξιν (which Schuster, g1, finds a diffi-
culty) the Aristotelian Stoic form of expression.’ See Zeller,
Stoics, 208, on ἕξις.

ΟἽ εἶτα βρέφος. Cf. Seneca, Ep. xxiv. 69 (quoted by Wytten-
bach), ‘We are dying daily: for every day some part of life is
taken away; and even while we are growing, life is decreasing.
We have lost our infancy, our boyhood next, and then our youth:
all past time, even up to yesterday, has perished: this very day
which we are passing we share with death. Just as it is not the
last drop that exhausts the water-clock, but all that has flowed
away before: so the last hour, in which we cease to be, is not
alone in working death, but is alone in completing it. We have
come to it then, but have been long coming.’ See also Epist.
lviii. 483; cf. Philo Jud. De Josepho, 544 D.

G5 πυρὸς θάνατος. Cf. Heracl. Rell. (Bywater) Fr. xxxv.
Plutarch adds to the quotation, καὶ ἀέρος θάνατος ὕδατι γένεσις.

dt εἰς τὸν αὔριον. It seems necessary to supply ἀποθνήσκει
from Plutarch, instead of repeating τέθνηκεν, which is found
in D.

ἃ 8 οὐδ᾽ ἔστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τούτον μεταβάλλει. Wyttenbach (Plut.
392 E): Plutarch perhaps wrote οὐδ᾽ ἐστίν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τούτον αὐτοῦ
μεταβάλλει, which he renders, ‘Sed ex illo ipso esse deiicitur alius
ex alio mutationibus factus.’

529 a 5 Οὗ (= τοῦ χρόνου), the partitive genitive. ἐξ of I.
‘Melius abesset praepositio ἐξ, ut apud Plutarch. expungitur’
(Viger). Cf. 529 ὁ 6 οὗ πρότερον οὐδέν ἐστιν οὐδὲ ὕστερον = ‘ in
whom is no “ before” or “ after.” ’

b 1 ἐκδυόμενος. Wyttenbach reads ἄγαν ἐκδυόμενος, for which
he suggests ἅμα καὶ λεγόμενος, Which is certainly no improvement.
With ἄγαν ἐκδυόμενος, we may translate ‘from this again our
reason slips quite away and loses it.’ Cf. Plut. Alcib. 11. 147 E
τοῦτο καὶ ἐκδεδυκέναι αὖ καὶ οὐκέτι ὡσαύτως δοκεῖν (Schanz).

b 2 ὥσπερ αὐγὴ βονλομένοις ἰδεῖν, ἐξ ἀνάγκης δστάμενον. The
sense is destroyed by the punctuation as shown by Wyttenbach,
Gaisford, and Dindorf—dozep αὐγή, βουλομένοις ἰδεῖν, ἐξ a. δ.

b 5 συννέμησιν. The form may be defended by διανεμήσεως,
Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo, vii. 7, but we should perhaps read συννό-
pnow, for which compare Plut. Mor. 1065 E θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων
ἄστυ κοινὸν ξυννομησομένων μετὰ δίκης καὶ ἀρετῆς.

39!

S29 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 2 ἐγκλίσεις, ‘inflexions,’ a grammatical term applicable to
the changes of form denoting persons, voices, moods, and (as

here) tenses.
c 6 ov, genitive partitive as at 529 a §, ‘in whom, &c.’

c 8 τὸ κατ᾽ airo. With this reading ὁ Θεός must still be the
subject, as in my translation. But with τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτόν I, or τὸ
κατὰ τοῦτον Plutarch, the meaning will be ‘and only that which
corresponds to Him is real “ being.” ’

ἃ 2 πανηγυρικῶς, ‘quo modo ex omnis generis hominibus
solennes conventus conflantur’ (Wytt.). This reference to the
promiscuous nature of the public festivals is more appropriate
here than any allusion to ‘ pomp’ or ‘ magnificence,’ such as is
sometimes found in the word. Cf. Isocr. 288 b; Polyb. v. 34. 3.

ἃ 3 ἑτερότης. The unity of ‘ being’ excludes all difference
or otherness, for this is a departure from ‘ being’ towards ‘ not-
being.’ Cf. Aristot. Metam. iii. 2 διαφορὰ γάρ τις ἡ ἐναντιότης, }
δὲ διαφορὰ ἑτερότης. Plut. 1025 A ἑτερότητος ἅμα καὶ ταντότητος
ἐφαπτόμενον. 1083 E ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἐν ἡμῖν ἑτερότητα καὶ διαφορὰν
οὐδεὶς διεῖλεν. For the word ‘ otherness’ compare Taylor’s transla-
tion of Iambl. On the Mysteries, iii ‘Knowledge is in a certain
respect separated (from its object) by otherness.’ In the footnote
Taylor quotes from Damascius, ἑτερότητος μὴ οὔσης μηδὲ γνῶσις ἔσται.
12] δ80 a1 τῆς ἀρρήτου προσηγορίας. See 519 d 5.

ἃ 4 ἐν τῇ μεγάλῃ Ἐπιστολῇ. Plat. Epist. vii. 341. This
epistle, professing to have been addressed by Plato to the friends
of Dion of Syracuse, is supposed to have been composed by one
of Plato’s pupils.

a 6 The subject to which ῥητόν refers may be learned from
Epist. ii. 312, where Plato is supposed to write to Dionysius the
younger thus: ‘You say, according to what Archidemus tells
me, that I did not give you any adequate demonstration concern-
ing the nature of the First Cause (rod πρώτου). I must however
explain it to you in enigmas, that if anything should happen to
my tablet in the remote parts either of sea or land, any one who
reads may learn nothing.’

These passages seem hardly to justify what Brandis says of
the groundlessness of ‘the Neo-Platonic assumption of a secret
doctrine, of which not even the passages brought forward out
of the insititious Platonic letters (vii. 341 e; ii. 314 0) contain

3y2

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 11-13 530 a

any evidence’ (Smith, Dict. Biogr. ‘ Plato,’ 398 b). The history of
Plato’s visits to Dionysius is told by Plutarch in the Life of Dion.

Ὁ 1 ᾿Ἐσημειώθη, Ps. iv. 7 (Sept.) ‘lift thou up,’ R.V. The

form of the Hebrew verb is doubly anomalous, 10J for nv).
13] ¢ 3 ἕνα Θεὸν εἶναι. Zeller, Outlines, 49 ‘ Plato’s own reli-
gion is that philosophic monotheism, in which the Deity coincides
with the idea of good, the belief in providence with the conviction
that the world is the work of reason and the copy of the idea,
while divine worship is one with virtue and knowledge. His
more popular utterances about God or the gods are conceived
in the same sense.’ Cf. Ps.-Justin, Cohort. ad Gent. xx.

531 ἃ 2 ὁ παλαιὸς λόγος. Schol. Ruhnk. in Legg. iv. 715 Θεὸν
μὲν τὸν δημιουργὸν σαφῶς, παλαιὸν δὲ λόγον λέγει τὸν Ὀρφικόν, ds
ἐστιν οὗτος :

Ζεὺς ἀρχή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ᾽ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται.
Ζεὺς πυθμὴν γαίης τε καὶ οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος.
See the notes on 100 Ὁ 2.
ἀρχήν. The same scholiast continues; ‘ And he is the “ begin-
ning ” as efficient cause, the “end” as final cause, and the
“ἐ middle ” as equally present to all, though all may partake of
him in various ways.’

ἃ 3 εὐθεᾳ. Idem: ‘Also by εὐθείᾳ he signifies what is done
according to justice and desert, and without deviation, and as
it were by one rule; while the word περιπορευόμενος indicates that
which is done eternally, that which is always in the same mode
and the same conditions; for in things sensible the circumference
has this quality.’ The circle is the common figure of eternity.

ἃ 4 περιπορευόμενος. The Scholion in Bekker’s Aristot. De
Mundo, vii. 7, though corrupt and scarcely intclligible, clearly
points to a geometrical explanation. γῆ μὲν ὡς κέντρον τῷ οὐρανίῳ
κατὰ γεωμετρικὴν ἐπιστημονικωτάτη ἀπόδοσις περιεχομένη καὶ τῇ ἐν
τοῖς τόποις ἐναντιωτάτη θέσει κατὰ διάμετρα ἑστηκυῖα λαμβάνει μὲν ἐξ
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἕδραν τῷ ἀεικινήτου τῆς ἀξίας καὶ οὐρανοῦ περιδινήσεως.
God as occupying the beginning, middle, and end of all things
may be compared to a diameter which ‘ passes straight through
the cosmical sphere, and is at the same time by its revolution
carried round the circumference.’ This interpretation is confirmed
by an earlier passage in the same treatise, Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo,
vi. 13 (Θεὸν) αὐτὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνωτάτω χώρας ἱδρῖσθαι, τὴν δὲ

393

OOK ΧΙ. CHAPS, 13-16 532 a

|; Job i. 16, or the repetition may be intended,
Ἐς to emphasize the extraordinary character of

Ps. cx. 1. Eusebius may here be excused
at the second Hebrew word (*) 1%) translated
Seventy is a common title of courtesy towards
ited to God as ὍΝ is. The ambiguous use of
for many Hebrew words of different meaning,
‘1K, and 7M, has been a fruitful source of

p bilo Jud. De Linyguarum Confus, xx. 419 M.
τὸ ὃν ἰδεῖν, where Philo has simply τοῦτον
ἀκλινὴς καὶ ἄτρεπτος Θεός, in the preceding

Οἱ, 519 ἃ Ἰσραὴλ δὲ ὁρῶν Θεόν.
; ἀρχάς, Philo.
Zach, vi. 12 Sept. The Hebrew ΠῸΣ means
od.’ Zachariah is called a companion of Moses,
‘the goodly fellowship of the Prophets.”
φοροῦντα, ἱκανῶς (Eusebius). The reading of
ροῦντα εἰκόνος, ‘ who differs not from the divine
Ὶ altered in Eusebius, but the sense is the same.
τοῦ τὸ χεῖρον. Eusebius here gives a wrong
he quotations are taken from the treatise On the
n of Tongues, as is mentioned above.
᾿Ἐπινομίδι. This is changed in the MSS. of Eusebius
a ἴδῃ, With the evident purpose of avoiding a sup-
concord. The true explanation ἐν τῷ ᾿Επινομίδι (λόγῳ)
ued by the forms of quotation in the contents of Bk. xiii,
τοῦ λόγου Ἐπινομίδος, for which we find in 18 ἀπὸ
νομίδος. Cf. Soph. Fr. 327 Grammaticus Bekkeri, 373. 5
ὡς ἐν τῇ (Cod. τῷ) Kpeotoy,’ sc. δράματι. Soph. Fr.
ἢ τῷ δράματι.
; Καὶ τιμάς. The ‘Epinomis,’ or ‘ Appendix to the
ought to be the work of some pupil of Plato, not of
himself. In the passage quoted (986 C) the author is
the powers and prerogatives of the heavenly bodies
deities.
λόγος. Compare Caesar Morgan, On the Trinity of
395

534 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Plato, 4 ‘It is to be observed that the word λόγος, ὃς ἔταξε κόσμον,
has not even an article prefixed to it; which, I conceive, it would
have had, if it bad been intended to express a person.’ This
conclusion is not affected by the inaccuracy of the quotation.

C5 τῇ πρὸς Ἑρμείαν. The sixth of the Epistles ascribed to
Plato is addressed to Hermeias, the dynast of Atarneus and Assos,
and friend of Aristotle, and to Erastus and Coriscus, both of the
neighbouring city of Scepsis, and pupils of Plato.

ἃ 4 τὸν τῶν πάντων Θεόν. Caesar Morgan, ibid. 50 ‘ The author
here appears to me to express himself according to the system of
a Creator and a creation. I conceive that τὸν τῶν πάντων Θεόν
corresponds with ro πάντων αἴτιον and βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν κιτιλ. in the
Philebus (28 ἃ), the Universe or the soul of the Universe.
According to this interpretation αἰτίου πατέρα κύριον must mean
the eternal self-existent Being, the Creator of the Universe (?),
who is called in the Timaeus δημιουργός (?), and πατήρ. But τοῦ
Πατρὸς τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ means ‘the Father of the Demiurge.’

ἃ 5 τοῦ re ἡγεμόνος καὶ αἰτίου πατέρα. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 710,
who says that Plato ‘ appears to exhibit the Father and the Son
somehow or other (οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως) from the Hebrew Scriptures,’
Eusebius adopts the interpretation more confidently. See Cud-
worth, Int. Syst. i. 4. 23 (vol. ii. 75. 311 ff, 314).

535 a 6 Πλωτῖνος. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 328 ‘ The real founder

of the Neo-Platonic School was Plotinus. ‘This eminent thinker
was born in 204-205 A.D. at Lycopolis in Egypt. For eleven
years he enjoyed the teaching of Ammonius (Saccas\. In a. "ἢ.
244-245 he went to Rome, and there founded a School, over which
he presided till his death. He was universally revered for his
character, and held in high respect by the Emperor Gallienus and
his consort Salonina. le died in Campania in 2y0a.p. His
writings were published after his death by Porphyrius in six
Enneads.’ .
17] br Κόσμον αἰσθητὸν κιτιλ. This sentence is introduced by
the words “Ido. δ᾽ dy ris καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε, and is intended to show the
excellence of Mind by its superiority even to Soul, excellent as
that also is.

Ὁ 5 παρ᾽ (αὑτῷν ἀΐδια. With Creuzer’s conjecture αὑτῷ, or αὐτῷ
as in his text, the meaning is that while phenomena are trans-
ient, the Ideas are permanent both in the intelligible world and

396

ΒΟΟΚ ΧΙ. CHAPS, 16, 17 δ88 Ὁ

in man’s own mind: this thought is more fully expressed in
Enn. v. 9. 13 εἰ δὲ τὰ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ λέγοιτο, συμπεριλαμβανομένων
καὶ ψυχῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν ψυχῇ, πάντα ἐνταῦθα ὅσα κἀκεῖ. But παρ᾽
αὐτῶν, the reading preserved by Eusebius, expresses more exactly
the meaning of Plotinus in the present passage. ‘His whole
point here is νοῦς κρείττων ψυχῆς. I should translate “and there
let him see all intelligible things, and things which are of them-
selves immortal in their own understanding and life.” Eternity
belongs to Mind as Time to Soul (Enn. iv. 4. 15 αἰὼν μὲν περὶ νοῦν,
χρόνος δὲ περὶ ψυχήν).᾽ For this good correction I am indebted to
the Rev. W. R. Inge.

C 7 γενομένη. Eusebius leaves the sentence unfinished; in
Plotinus it runs thus: καὶ παρὰ τοῦ ἑνὸς γεγενημένη ἐκεῖνο δριστὴν
ἔχει, αὐτὴ δὲ ἀόριστον παρ᾽ αὑτῆς.

C 9 περίλαμψιν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 931 A οὐδὲ σύλλαμψιν ἀλλὰ
περίλαμψιν αὐτῆς ὄντα φωτισμόν.

ἃ τ φῶς. For this Plotinus has ὥσπερ, ‘ the brightness running
as it were around him.’ But Creuzer would adopt φῶς in
Plotinus.

ἃ 7 ὧν ἀπολαύει ὑποστάντων 6 τι πλησίον, ‘and they subsist and
are enjoyed by whatever is near.’ The meaning seems to be that
the perfume is part of the substance, as in ἃ 3 δίδωσιν αὐτῶν
ἐξηρτημένην ὑπόστασιν.

ἃ 8 ὅτι πλησίον. The reading in Plotinus, ὃ πλησίον, is better.

536 a 8 πᾶν τὸ γεννῆσαν. The reading of the passage is
uncertain. In Plotinus Creuzer adopts ποθεῖ δὲ πᾶν τὸ γεννῆσαν
τὸ γεννηθέν, which gives the meaning, ‘Everything which begets
desires and loves that which is begotten.’

Ὁ 2 ἑτερότητι. Cf. 529 d 3. The ‘otherness’ here consists in
its being numerically different.

Ὁ 6 ra Πλάτωνος τριττά. See the passage quoted below (541 ὁ 9)
from .Epist. ii. 312 E. The text in Plotinus, and here, is con-
fused; as given by Gaisford and Dindorf it differs from the text
of the original passage in Plato, which is perfectly clear, δεύτερον
δὲ περὶ τὰ δεύτερα, καὶ τρίτον πέρι τὰ τρίτα. In each clause περί
stands after its case, but does not suffer anastrophe in the former
clause (Chandler ὃ 910) because δέ intervenes.

6 2 τὴν ψυχήν. The ψυχὴ ἐγκόσμιος is the third member of
this trinity. Cudworth, ii. 318 ff. ‘Thus Proclus affirmeth of

397

δ86ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Numenius the Pythagorean : Ὁ yap κόσμος κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ὃ τρίτος ἐστὶ
Θεός:

τῷ κρατῆρι ἐκείνῳ. Cf. Plat. Tim. 41 Ὁ ‘Thus he spake, and
again poured the remains of the elements into that former cup in
which he was previously mingling the soul of the universe, and
mingled them partly in the same way, but no longer unalloyed
and unchangeable, but of a second and third quality.’

C 3 πατέρα φησὶ τἀγαθόν. Cf. Jowett, Introduction to Philebus,
11 ‘To Plato the idea of God or mind is both personal and im-
personal. ... Hence, without any reconciliation or even remark,
in the Republic he speaks at one time of God or gods, and at
another time of the good.’ Cf. Fairbairn, Philosophy of the
Christian Religion, 154 ‘The Deity is not divine to us because
He is almighty . . . but because we conceive Him as the im-
personated ideal of the Absolute Good.”

ἃ 2 πρεσβεύων. For the transitive sense compare Aesch.
Eum, τ

Πρῶτον μὲν εὐχῇ τῇδε πρεσβεύω θεῶν

τὴν πρωτόμαντιν Γαῖαν.
18] ἃ 4 περὶ πρώτου καὶ Sevrépov. On the unity of God see
Athenag. Leg. pro Christ. viii, and on the Son of God cap. x ἀλλ᾽
ἐστὶν ὁ vids τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγος τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐν ἰδέᾳ καὶ ἐνεργείᾳ.

537 b I τῇ ὕλῃ δυάδι οὔσῃ. The Pythagoreans ‘ maintained
that the causes of sensible phenomena can lie neither in what
is sensibly perceptible, nor in anything corporeal, nor even in
mathematical figures, but only in Unity and indeterminate
Duality. ... They therefore regarded Unity as efficient cause,
and Duality as passive matter’ (Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 387).

9 9 ἐν διεξόδῳ: The word is variously applied to military
evolutions (Plat. Legg. 813 E), to the passing from one action to
another (Plut. Mor. 158 Ὁ σύμπας ὁ Bios, εἴ ye διαγωγή τίς ἐστιν
ἀνθρώπου πράξεων ἔχουσα διέξοδον ὧν ἡ τῆς τροφῆς χρεία καὶ παρα»
σκευὴ τὰς πλείστας παρακαλεῖ), to the passage through life accord-
ing to the Stoic definition (Porph. ap. Stob. Ecl. Eth. ii. 201
λογικῆς ζωῆς διέξοδον), to a treatise or description passing from one
detail to another (Plut. De Placitis Philos, 874 Ὁ ἡ φυσικὴ διέξοδος).
In Clem. Al. Strom. iv. 635 it is applied to the Son of God, ὁ δὲ
vids... καὶ ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει καὶ διέξοδον, ‘the Son is capable of
manifestation and description.’ In our passage of Eusebius the

398

BOOK XI, CHAPS, 17-10 537 ¢

connexion with xarw. .. πεμπομένον points to the transmission of
‘mind’ from the divine Demiurge to man. Cf. Plotin. 189 A, 351 A.

ἃ 2 βιώσκεσθαι. Cf. Aristot. Meteor. i. 14. 3 ἕτεροι δὲ τόποι

βιώσκονται καὶ ἔνυδροι γίγνονται κατὰ μέρος.

κηδεύοντος. ‘Legendum videtur κηδεύοντος, ut MSS. infra
p. seq. 538 b 2’ (Gaisford): with this reading, which Dindorf
adopts, ra σώματα is to be understood as repeated after κηδεύ-
ovros. But in both passages cod. I has κηδεύοντα in the sense
‘allying themselves to the radiations of God.’ Cf. Eur. Hipp. 634
ὥστε κηδεύσας καλοῖς | γαμβροῖσι χαίρων σώζεται πικρὸν λέχος.
Demosth. 1372. 25 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κηδεύσειεν αὐτῷ.

ἃ 3 εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ περιωπήν. Cf. Plat. Polit. 272 Εἰ ὃ μὲν
κυβερνήτης οἷον πηδάλιον οἴακος ἀφέμενος εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ περιωπὴν
ἀπέστη, ‘The Pilot retired to His own place of outlook, and then
the world was turned upside down again by fate and innate
desire.’ Hesychius: Περιωπή: ἄποψις, τόπος ὑψηλὸς ὅθεν ἐστὶ περι-
σκοπῆσαι ἀκρώρεια. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. vii. 831 with Hort’s
note. The word seems to occur first in Homer, JI. xiv. 8 αὐτὰρ
ἐγὼν ἐλθὼν τάχα εἴσομαι ἐς περιωπήν : Od. X. 146 καρπαλίμως παρὰ
νηὸς ἀνήϊον ἐς περιωπήν. In both these passages it means ‘a place
of outlook,’ as the Scholiast on the former passage explains it:
Τόπον ὑψηλόν, ἐξ οὗ περιωπίσασθαι καὶ περιβλέψαι ἔστι πάντα. So in
Lucian, Sympos. 11 ἐκ περιωπῆς, ‘from a place of observation.’

538 c 2 μάλιστά ἐστιν. ‘Quid si ἔχει nisi forte hic etiam
subintelligas ἀναφερόμενος ᾽ (Viger). A good alternative would
be to read ἀνὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον with cod. O.

d I νόμισμα κοῖλον, ἐπίσημον. Cf. Aristot. Oeconom. ii. 25
κοῖλος ἄργυρος, ‘ unstamped silver,’ ‘ bullion.’

589 co 7 Κυβερνήτης. Cf. 537 ἃ 3, note.

540 a6 ᾿Αμέλιοςς. Gentilianus Amelius (Porphyr. Vit. Plotini,
i. 20) is chiefly known as a pupil of Plotinus, with whom he
remained twenty-four years (ib. i. 3 e), diligently taking notes
from his lectures, from which he afterwards composed about
a hundred books. Porphyry (vii. c) says that he wished to be
called Amerius (Indivisible) rather than Amelius (Negligent).
Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 240.

19] b3 Cf. W. R. Inge, Christian Mysticism, Lect. ii, p. 47,

note 1 ‘There is also a very interesting passage in Eusebius

(Praep. Ev. xi. 19) Kai οὗτος dpa ἦν ὁ λόγος καθ᾽ ὃν αἰεὶ ὄντα τὰ
8299

540 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

γινόμενα ἐγίνετο, ὡς ἂν καὶ 6 Ἡράκλειτος ἀξιώσει. This is so near
to the words of St. John’s prologue as to suggest that the Apostle,
writing at Ephesus, is here referring deliberately to the lofty
doctrine of the great Ephesian idealist, whom Justin claims as
a Christian before Christ, and whom Clement quotes several times
with respect.’ Cf. Justin. M. Apol. i. 46 Τὸν Χριστὸν πρωτότοκον
τοῦ Θεοῦ εἶναι ἐδιδάχθημεν, καὶ προεμηνύσαμεν λόγον ὄντα οὗ way
γένος ἀνθρώπων μετέσχε. Καὶ οἱ μετὰ λόγον βιώσαντες Χριστιανοί
εἰσι, κἂν ἄθεοι ἐνομίσθησαν, οἷον ἐν Ἕλλησι μὲν Σωκράτης καὶ Ἧρά-
κλειτος καὶ οἱ ὅμοιοι αὐτοῖς. Bywater, Heracl. Rell. Fr. 11, gives
quotations of the passage from Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5; Hippol. Ref.
Haer. ix. 9; Sext. Emp. Ado. Math. vii. 32; Clem. Al. Strom. v.
716, and other authors. |

Ὁ 4 ὁ βάρβαρος, evidently St. John.

C5 τὸ μεγαλεῖον, ‘the majesty.’ Cf. Polyb. viii. 3. 1 τὸ peya-
λεῖον τῶν πράξεων. |

ἃ 2 γυμνῇ τῇ κεφαλῇ. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 243 B ‘with forehead
bold and bare’ (Jowett). | |

541 a4 τὰ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς x.r.A. Col. i. 15. The latter
clauses are misplaced, and inaccurately quoted.

8 οὐσιώσεως. Cf. 314 b 2, note.

20] ¢6 ἣ πόντου ἢ γῆς ἐν πτυχαῖς. Ficinus omits ἐν πτυχαῖς in
his translation, ‘si quid huic tabellae vel mari vel terra contingat.”
Viger refers it to the leaves of the tablet, as in Eur. [ph. Aul.
98 κἀν δέλτον πτυχαῖς, ἃ. very usual meaning, but the order of the
words and the extreme rarity in prose of the ‘genitivus loci’
point rather to the connexion with γῆς. Cf. Eur. Or. 1631 ἐν
αἰθέρος πτυχαῖς ; Phoen. 84 οὐρανοῦ ναίων πτυχάς; Soph. Oed. T.
1026 εὑρὼν ναπαίαις ἐν Κιθαιρῶνος πτυχαῖς.

C 9 δεύτερον δὲ περὶ τὰ δεύτερα. For the construction see 536 Ὁ 6,
note. The passage is rightly rendered by Ficinus: ‘circa secundum
secunda: tertia circa tertium.’ The same passage is quoted as
from Celsus by Origen, c. Cels. vi. 18.

21] 542 b4 Λέγωμεν. Plat. Tim. 29 D, quoted by Irenaeus, iii.

25.5. The passage seems to have been overlooked at first by Jowett,

Introduction to the Republic, 172 ‘There is no mention of the idea

of good in the Timaeus, nor of the divine Creator of the world in

the Republic: and we are naturally led to ask in what relation

they stand to one another? Is God above or below the idea of
4co

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 19-2Ὶ δ42 b

good? Or is the idea of good another mode of conceiving God ἢ
The latter seems to be the truer answer.’ See the next note.

Ὁ 5 ᾿Αγαθὸς ἦν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 508 B. Jowett, ibid. 181 ‘ The
idea of good is a cause as well as an idea, and in this point of
view may be compared with the Creator of the Timaeus, who out
of His goodness created all things.’ It is evident that there is but
a short step from ‘the idea of good,’ which is to Plato one of ‘the
truest and most real of all things’ (Jowett), and which is also
‘a cause,’ to the Creator who ‘ was good,’ and ‘out of His good-
ness made all things to be as like to Himself as possible.’

ΟΣ φάναι. On the use of the infinitive for the imperative,
common in Attic writers, see Matthiae, Gk. Gr. 546, and com-
pare Plat. Rep. 473 A φάναι ἡμᾶς ἐξευρηκέναι, with Stallbaum’s
note. .

ἃ 2 τὸ εἶναί τε καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν. In Plato’s earlier view the
‘existence ’ (τὸ εἶναι) of the individual consisted in participation
in its own proper essence (τῆς οὐσίας μετέχειν, Phaed. 101), that is
in partaking of the ‘idea,’ which alone had true being. Plato’s
own criticism of this theory is given in the Parmenides, and the
transition to thé theory of universal or abstract notions is especi-
ally marked in the question of Socrates (Parmen. 132), ‘ But may
not the ideas be thoughts only, and have no proper existence
except in our minds, Parmenides?’

ἃ 3 ἐπέκεινα τῆς οὐσίας. Cf. Damascius in Ritter and Pr.
570 περὶ τῶν ὑπερθειοτάτων ἀρχῶν οὐκ ἔχομεν ἄλλως οὔτε ἐννοεῖν οὔτε
ὀνομάζειν 7 οὕτως ὡς ἀναγκαζόμεθα χρῆσθαι τοῖς λόγοις ὑπὲρ τῶν εἷς τὰ
ἐπέκεινα ἀνεχόντων τοῦ παντὸς καὶ ζωῆς καὶ οὐσίας πραγμάτων.
Zeller, Outlines, 354 “ Damascius, the pupil οὗ Marinus, Ammonius,
and Isidorus, who was head of the School of Athens about 520--
530 A.D., an admirer and intellectual kinsman of Iamblichus,
endeavours in vain in his work on the ultimate sources (wept
ἀρχῶν) to find the means of transition from the primal essence—
of the inconceivability of which he cannot speak strongly enough
—to the intelligible by the insertion of a second and third
unity.’

ἃ 10 ὁμοούσια. This use of the word ὁμοούσιος by Eusebius
some ten years before the Council of Nicaea is noticeable. See
his letter to his own diocese in Athan. De Decretis Nicaenae Synodi,
241 καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν Twas λογίους καὶ ἐπιφανεῖς ἐπισκόπους καὶ ovy-

oe pd 40%

§29 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 2 ἐγκλίσεις, ‘inflexions,’ a grammatical term applicable to
the changes of form denoting persons, voices, moods, and (as
here) tenses.

6 6 οὗ, genitive partitive as at 529 a 5, ‘in whom, &c.’

c 8 τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτός With this reading ὁ Θεός must still be the
subject, as in my translation, But with τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτόν I, or τὸ
xara τοῦτον Plutarch, the meaning will be ‘and only that which
corresponds to Him is real “ being.” ’”

ἃ 3 ἑτερότης. The unity of ‘ being’ excludes all difference
or otherness, for this is a departure from ‘ being’ towards ‘ not-
being.’ Cf. Aristot. Metam. iii. 2 διαφορὰ γάρ τις ἡ ἐναντιότης, ἧ
δὲ διαφορὰ ἑτερότης. Plut. 1025 A ἑτερότητος ἅμα καὶ ταυτότητος
ἐφαπτόμενον. 1083 Εἰ ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἐν ἡμῖν ἑτερότητα καὶ διαφορὰν
οὐδεὶς διεῖλεν. For the word ‘ otherness’ compare Taylor’s transla-
tion of Iambl. On the Mysteries, iii ‘ Knowledge is in a certain
respect separated (from its object) by otherness.’ In the footnote
Taylor quotes from Damascius, ἑτερότητος μὴ οὔσης μηδὲ γνῶσις ἔσται.
12] 530 8) τῆς ἀρρήτου προσηγορίας. See 519 d 5.

893

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS, 11-}2 530 a

any evidence’ (Smith, Dict. Biogr. ‘ Plato,’ 398 Ὁ). The history of
Plato’s visits to Dionysius is told by Plutarch in the Life of Dion.

b 1 Ἐσημειώθη, Ps. iv. 7 (Sept.) ‘lift thou up,’ R.V. The

form of the Hebrew verb is doubly anomalous, 70) for XY).
13] © 3 ἕνα Θεὸν εἶναι. Zeller, Outlines, 49 ‘ Plato’s own reli-
gion is that philosophic monotheism, in which the Deity coincides
with the idea of good, the belief in providence with the conviction
that the world is the work of reason and the copy of the idea,
while divine worship is one with virtue and knowledge. His
more popular utterances about God or the gods are conceived
in the same sense.’ Cf. Ps.-Justin, Cohort. ad Gent. xx.

531 ἃ 2 ὁ παλαιὸς λόγος. Schol. Ruhnk. in Legg. iv. 715 Θεὸν
μὲν tov δημιουργὸν σαφῶς, παλαιὸν δὲ λόγον λέγει τὸν ᾿Ορφικόν, ὅς
ἐστιν οὗτος :

Ζεὺς ἀρχή, Ζεὺς μέσσα, Διὸς δ᾽ ἐκ πάντα τέτυκται.
Ζεὺς πυθμὴν γαίης τε καὶ οὐρανοῦ ἀστερόεντος.
See the notes on 100 Ὁ 2.
ἀρχήν. The same scholiast continues; ‘ And he is the “ begin-
ning” as efficient cause, the “end” as final cause, and the
‘‘ middle ” as equally present to all, though all may partake of
him in various ways.’

ἃ 4 wepiropevopevos. The Scholion in Bekker’s Aristot. De
Mundo, vii. 7, though corrupt and scarcely intclligible, clearly
points to a geometrical explanation. γῆ μὲν ὡς κέντρον τῷ οὐρανίῳ
κατὰ γεωμετρικὴν ἐπιστημονικωτάτη ἀπόδοσις περιεχομένη καὶ τῇ ἐν
τοῖς τόποις ἐναντιωτάτη θέσει κατὰ διάμετρα ἑστηκυῖα λαμβάνει μὲν ἐξ
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἕδραν τῷ ἀεικινήτου τῆς ἀξίας καὶ οὐρανοῦ περιδινήσεως.
God as occupying the beginning, middle, and end of all things
may be compared to a diameter which ‘passes straight through
the cosmical sphere, and is at the same time by its revolution
carried round the circumference.’ This interpretation is confirmed
by an earlier passage in the same treatise, Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo,
vi. 13 (Θεὸν) αὐτὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀνωτάτω χώρας ἱδρῖσθαι, τὴν δὲ

393

δ81 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

δύναμιν διὰ τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου διήκουσαν ἥλιόν τε κινεῖν καὶ
σελήνην, καὶ τὸν πάντα οὐρανὸν περιάγειν. Cf. ibid. 6 ἐπὶ πᾶν
διϊκνεῖσθαι πέφυκεν τὸ θεῖον. The proverb itself is quoted at the
end of the same treatise, as from Plato. Compare the description
of God by Xenophanes as a homogeneous sphere, sensitive in all
parts, in Hippol. Philos. xii (Diels, Dor. Gr. 565).
ξυνέπεται δίκη. Cf. Orph. Hymn. 62. 1

ὍὌμμα Δίκης μέλπω πανδερκέος dyAaopoppou

ἣ καὶ Ζηνὸς ἄνακτος ἐπὶ θρόνον ἱερὸν ἵζει,

οὐρανόθεν καθορῶσα βίον θνητῶν πολυφύλων.
Cf. Demosth. ὁ Aristogeit. 773 ‘Platonem...in his... potissimum
Orphicos esse secutum facile credimus Proclo, apte versiculum
afferenti,

Τῷ δὲ Δίκη πολύποινος ἐφέσπετο πᾶσιν ἀρωγός.
Nec aliter sentit Lobeckius Aglaoph. 532’ (Stallbaum).

C 2 Εὐθύτητας εἶδε. Ps. xi. 7 ‘ His countenance doth behold the
upright’ (A. V.). The R.V. changes the construction, ‘ The
upright shall behold His face.’

ἃ 4 Χαρμονή., Job xx. § Sept. εὐφροσύνη δὲ ἀσεβῶν πτῶμα
ἐξαίσιον, χαρμονὴ δὲ παρανόμων ἀπώλεια. Eusebius has transferred
χαρμονή to the first clause.

14] 532 8 3 Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ. This orthodox confession should be
set against any more questionable phrases.

ἃ 6 Κύριος παρὰ Κυρίου. Gen. xix. 24 Then the LORD rained
upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the LORD
out of heaven. Eusebius has given an imperfect and inaccurate
quotation, bringing the second ‘ Lord’ from the end of the sentence
and setting it close to the first, to make it appear that two Per-
sons are mentioned. In this he follows Justin M. 7ryph. 56 fin.
‘And He is the Lord from the Lord who is in heaven, that is,
from the Maker of all things.’ The Synod of Sirmium (A. D. 351)
adopted the same interpretation (Anathema 17): ‘If any one
understands the words, “ Then the Lord rained fire from the
Lord’? (Gen. xix. 24), not as referring to the Father and the
Son, but (says) that He (the Father) sent rain from Himself, let
him be anathema. For the Lord the Son sent rain from the Lord
the Father.’ See Hefele, Councils, ii. 196.

Such misuse of the passage is, of course, utterly unjustifiable.
‘Fire from the Lord’ probably means lightning, as ‘the fire of

394

BOOK XI, CHAPS, 13-16 532 a

God,’ 2 Kings i.12; Job i. 16, or the repetition may be intended,
as Calvin thought, to emphasize the extraordinary character of
the fire.

Ὁ 4 τῷ Κυρίῳ pov. Ps. cx. 1. Eusebius may here be excused

for not knowing that the second Hebrew word (318) translated
τῷ Κυρίῳ μου by the Seventy is a common title of courtesy towards
a superior, not limited to God as ‘258 is. The ambiguous ase of
Κύριος by the LXX for many Hebrew words of different meaning,
especially for [7%, "278, and mm, has been a fruitful source of
misinterpretation.
15] 688 b 3 Philo Jud. De Linguarum Confus. xx. 419 M.
Eusebius reads τοῦ τὸ ὃν ἰδεῖν, where Philo has simply τοῦτον
ἰδεῖν, referring to ὁ ἀκλινὴς καὶ ἄτρεπτος Θεός, in the preceding
sentence.

C 6 6 ὁρῶν Ἰσραήλ. Cf. 519 a Ἰσραὴλ δὲ ὁρῶν Θεόν.

C 7 dperds, Eusebius ; ἀρχάς, Philo.

ἃ 7 ‘AvaroAy. Zach. vi. 12 Sept. The Hebrew M¥ means
‘branch,’ or ‘bud.’ Zachariah is called a companion of Moses,
as being one of ‘ the goodly fellowship of the Prophets.’

ἃ 9 θείαν ἰδέαν φοροῦντα, ἱκανῶς (Eusebius). The reading of
Philo, θείας ἀδιαφοροῦντα εἰκόνος, ‘ who differs not from the divine
image,’ has been altered in Eusebius, but the sense is the same.

534 a 5 Περὶ τοῦ ro χεῖρον. Eusebius here gives a wrong
reference: the quotations are taken from the treatise On the
Confusion of Tongues, as is mentioned above.

Ὁ 3 ἐν τῷ Ἐπινομίδι. This is changed in the MSS. of Eusebius

into ἐν τῷ Ἐπιμενίδῃ, with the evident purpose of avoiding a sup-
posed false concord. The true explanation ἐν τῷ ᾿Επινομίδι (λόγῳ)
is confirmed by the forms of quotation in the contents of Bk. xiii.
Thus 4 ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου Emwwopidos, for which we find in 18 ἀπὸ
τῆς ᾿Επινομίδος. Cf. Soph. Fr. 327 Grammaticus Bekkeri, 373. 5
‘Axovotd. ὡς ἐν τῇ (cod. τῷ) Kpeovoy,’ sc. δράματι. Soph. Fr.
587 ἐν τῇ Τυροῖ τῷ δράματι.
16] Ὁ 5 Καὶ τιμάς. The ‘Epinomis,’ or ‘ Appendix to the
Laws,’ is thought to be the work of some pupil of Plato, not of
the Master himself. In the passage quoted (986 C) the author is
referring to the powers and prerogatives of the heavenly bodies
regarded as deities.

395

§34 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Plato, 4 ‘It is to be observed that the word λόγος, ds ἔταξε κόσμον,
has not even an article prefixed to it; which, I conceive, it would
have had, if it had been intended to express a person.’ This
conclusion is not affected by the inaccuracy of the quotation.

© 5 τῇ πρὸς Ἑρμείαν. The sixth of the Epistles ascribed to
Plato is addressed to Hermeias, the dynast of Atarneus and Assos,
and friend of Aristotle, and to Erastus and Coriscus, both of the
neighbouring city of Scepsis, and pupils of Plato.

ἃ 4 τὸν τῶν πάντων Θεόν. Caesar Morgan, ibid. 50 ‘ The author
here appears to me to express himself according to the system of
a Creator and a creation. I conceive that τὸν τῶν πάντων Θεόν
corresponds with τὸ πάντων αἴτιον and βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν κιτιλ. in the
Philebus (28 d), the Universe or the soul of the Universe.
According to this interpretation αἰτίου πατέρα κύριον must mean
the eternal self-existent Being, the Creator of the Universe (?),
who is called in the Timaeus δημιουργός (?), and πατήρ. But rod
Πατρὸς τοῦ Anprovpyod means ‘the Father of the Demiurge.’

ἃ 5 τοῦ re ἡγεμόνος καὶ αἰτίον warépa. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 710,
who says that Plato ‘ appears to exhibit the Father and the Son
somehow or other (οὐκ ofS ὅπως) from the Hebrew Scriptures,’
Eusebius adopts the interpretation more confidently. See Cud-
worth, Int. Syst. i. 4. 23 (vol. ii. 75. 311 ff., 314).

535 a 6 Ildwrivos. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 328 ‘ The real founder
of the Neo-Platonic School was Plotinus. This eminent thinker
was born in 204-205 A.D. at Lycopolis in Egypt. For eleven
years he enjoyed the teaching of Ammonius (Saccas’. In A.D.
244-245 he went to Rome, and there founded a School, over which
he presided till his death. He was universally revered for his
character, and held in high respect by the Emperor Gallienus and
his consort Salonina. He died in Campania in 270 a.p. His
writings were published after his death by Porphyrius in six
Enneads.’ .
17| Ὁ τ: Κόσμον αἰσθητὸν «7.4. This sentence is introduced by
the words “Ido: δ᾽ dv τις καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε, and is intended to show the
excellence of Mind by its superiority even to Soul, excellent as
that also is.

Ὁ § wap (αὑτῷ) ἀΐδια. With Creuzer’s conjecture αὑτῷ, or αὐτῷ
as in his text, the meaning is that while phenomena are trans-
ient, the Ideas are permanent both in the intelligible world and

396

BOOK XI. CHAPS, 16, 17 535 b

C 7 γενομένη. Eusebius leaves the sentence unfinished; in
Plotinus it runs thus: καὶ παρὰ τοῦ ἑνὸς γεγενημένη ἐκεῖνο ὁριστὴν
ἔχει, αὐτὴ δὲ ἀόριστον παρ᾽ αὑτῆς.

CQ περίλαμψιν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 931 A οὐδὲ σύλλαμψιν ἀλλὰ
περίλαμψιν αὐτῆς ὄντα φωτισμόν.

di φῶς. For this Plotinus has ὥσπερ, ‘the brightness running
as it were around him.’ But Creuzer would adopt φῶς in
Plotinus,

ἃ 7 ὧν ἀπολαύει ὑποστάντων 6 τι πλησίον, ‘and they subsist and
are enjoyed by whatever is near.” The meaning seems to be that
the perfume is part of the substance, as in d 3 δίδωσιν αὐτῶν
ἐξηρτημένην ὑπόστασιν.

ἃ 8 ὅτι πλησίον. The reading in Plotinus, ὁ πλησίον, is better.

536 ἃ 8 πᾶν τὸ γεννῆσαν. The reading of the passage is
uncertain. In Plotinus Creuzer adopts ποθεῖ δὲ πᾶν τὸ γεννῆσαν
τὸ γεννηθέν, which gives the meaning, ‘Everything which begets
desires and loves that which is begotten.’

Ὁ 2 ἑτερότητι. Cf. 529 ἃ 3. The ‘ otherness’ here consists in
its being numerically different.

9 2 τὴν ψυχήν. The ψυχὴ ἐγκόσμιος is the third member of
this trinity. Cudworth, ii. 318 ff. ‘Thus Proclus affirmeth of

397

δ86ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Numenius the Pythagorean: Ὁ yap κόσμος κατ᾽ αὐτὸν 6 τρίτος ἐστὶ
Θεύς.᾽

τῷ κρατῆρι ἐκείνῳ Cf. Plat. Tim. 41 Ὁ ‘Thus he spake, and
again poured the remains of the elements into that former cup in
which he was previously mingling the soul of the universe, and
mingled them partly in the same way, but no longer unalloyed
and unchangeable, but of a second and third quality.’

C 3 πατέρα φησὶ τἀγαθόν. Cf. Jowett, Introduction to Philebus,
11 ‘To Plato the idea of God or mind is both personal and im-
personal. ... Hence, without any reconciliation or even remark,
in the Republic he speaks at one time of God or gods, and at
another time of the good.’ Cf. Fairbairn, Philosophy of the
Christian Religion, 154 ‘The Deity is not divine to us because
He is almighty . .. but because we conceive Him as the im-
personated ideal of the Absolute Good.”

ἃ 2 πρεσβεύων. For the transitive sense compare Aesch.
Eum. t

: Πρῶτον μὲν εὐχῇ τῇδε πρεσβεύω θεῶν

τὴν πρωτόμαντιν Ταῖαν.
18] ἃ 4 περὶ πρώτου καὶ δευτέρου. On the unity of God see
Athenag. Leg. pro Christ. viii, and on the Son of God cap. x ἀλλ᾽
ἐστὶν ὁ vids τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγος τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐν ἰδέᾳ καὶ ἐνεργείᾳ.

537 Ὁ 1 τῇ ὕλῃ δυάδι οὔσῃ. The Pythagoreans ‘ maintained
that the causes of sensible phenomena can lie neither in what
is sensibly perceptible, nor in anything corporeal, nor even in
mathematical figures, but only in Unity and indeterminate
Duality. ... They therefore regarded Unity as efficient cause,
and Duality as passive matter’ (Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 387).

C9 ἐν διεξόδῳ. The word is variously applied to military
evolutions (Plat. Legg. 813 E), to the passing from one action to
another (Plut. Mor. 158 Ὁ σύμπας ὁ Bios, εἴ ye διαγωγή τίς ἐστιν
ἀνθρώπου πράξεων ἔχουσα διέξοδον ὧν ἡ τῆς τροφῆς χρεία καὶ παρα»
σκενὴ τὰς πλείστας παρακαλεῖ), to the passage through life accord-
ing to the Stoic definition (Porph. ap. Stob. Ecl. Eth. 11. 201
λογικῆς ζωῆς διέξοδον), to a treatise or description passing from one
detail to another (Plut. De Placitis Philos, 874 Ὁ ἡ φυσικὴ διέξοδος).
In Clem. Al. Strom. iv. 635 it is applied to the Son of God, ὁ δὲ
vids . . . καὶ ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει καὶ διέξοδον, ‘the Son is capable of
manifestation and description.’ In our passage of Eusebius the

398

BOOK XI, CHAPS. 17-1 537 ¢

connexion with κάτω... πεμπομένου points to the transmission of
‘mind’ from the divine Demiurge to man. Cf. Plotin. 189 A, 351 A.

ἃ 2 βιώσκεσθαι. Cf. Aristot. Meteor. i. 14. 3 ἕτεροι δὲ τόποι

βιώσκονται καὶ ἔνυδροι γίγνονται κατὰ μέρος.

κηδεύοντος. ‘Legendum videtur κηδεύοντος, ut MSS. infra
p. seq. 538 Ὁ 2” (Gaisford): with this reading, which Dindorf
adopts, ra σώματα is to be understood as repeated after κηδεύ-
ovros. But in both passages cod. I has κηδεύοντα in the sense
‘allying themselves to the radiations of God.’ Cf. Eur. Hipp. 634
ὥστε κηδεύσας καλοῖς | γαμβροῖσι χαίρων σώζεται πικρὸν λέχος.
Demosth. 1372. 25 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κηδεύσειεν αὐτῷ.

ἃ 3 εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ περιωπήν. Cf. Plat. Polit. 272 E 6 μὲν
κυβερνήτης οἷον πηδάλιον οἴακος ἀφέμενος εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ περιωπὴν
ἀπέστη, ‘The Pilot retired to His own place of outlook, and then
the world was turned upside down again by fate and innate
desire.’ Hesychius: Περιωπή" ἄποψις, τόπος ὑψηλὸς ὅθεν ἐστὶ περι-
σκοπῆσαι ἀκρώρεια. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. vii. 831 with Hort’s
note. The word seems to occur first in Homer, Jl. xiv. 8 αὐτὰρ
ἐγὼν ἐλθὼν τάχα εἴσομαι ἐς περιωπήν : Od. xX. 146 καρπαλίμως παρὰ
νηὸς ἀνήϊον ἐς περιωπήν. In both these passages it means ‘a place
of outlook,’ as the Scholiast on the former passage explains it:
Torov ὑψηλόν, ἐξ οὗ περιωπίσασθαι καὶ περιβλέψαι ἔστι πάντα. So in
Lucian, Sympos. 11 ἐκ περιωπῆς, ‘from a place of observation.’

538 ὁ 2 μάλιστά ἐστιν. ‘Quid si ἔχει ἢ nisi forte hic etiam
subintelligas ἀναφερόμενος ᾽ (Viger). A good alternative would
be to read ἀνὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον with cod. O.

d 1 νόμισμα κοῖλον, ἐπίσημον. Cf. Aristot. Oeconom. ii. 25
κοῖλος ἄργυρος, ‘ unstamped silver,’ ‘ bullion.’

589 c 7 Κυβερνήτης. Cf. 537 ἃ 3, note.

540 a6 ᾿Αμέλιοςς Gentilianus Amelius (Porphyr. Vit. Plotini,
i. 20) is chiefly known as a pupil of Plotinus, with whom he
remained twenty-four years (ib. i. 3 e), diligently taking notes
from his lectures, from which he afterwards composed about
a hundred books. Porphyry (vii. c) says that he wished to be
called Amerius (Indivisible) rather than Amelius (Negligent).
Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 240.

19] b3 Cf. W. ΒΕ. Inge, Christian Mysticism, Lect. ii, p. 47,

note 1 ‘There is also a very interesting passage in Eusebius

(Praep. Ev, xi. 19) Kai οὗτος dpa ἦν ὁ λόγος καθ᾽ ὃν αἰεὶ ὄντα τὰ
8299

“ΨΨ

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS, 19-21 «$42 b

good? Or is the idea of good another mode of conceiving God ?
The latter seems to be the truer answer.’ See the next note.

Ὁ 5 ᾿Αγαθὸς ἦν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 508 B. Jowett, ibid. 181 ‘ The
idea of good is a cause as well as an idea, and in this point of
view may be compared with the Creator of the Timaeus, who out
of His goodness created all things.’ It is evident that there is but
a short step from ‘the idea of good,’ which is to Plato one of ‘the
truest and most real of all things’ (Jowett), and which is also
‘a cause,’ to the Creator who ‘ was good,’ and ‘ out of His good-
ness made all things to be as like to Himself as possible.’

C I φάναι. On the use of the infinitive for the imperative,
common in Attic writers, see Matthiae, Gk. Gr. 546, and com-
pare Plat. Rep. 473 A φάναι ἡμᾶς ἐξευρηκέναι, with Stallbaum’s
note, .

ἃ 2 τὸ εἶναί τε καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν. In Plato’s earlier view the
‘existence ’ (rd εἶναι) of the individual consisted in participation
in its own proper essence (τῆς οὐσίας μετέχειν, Phaed. ror), that is
in partaking of the ‘idea,’ which alone had true being. Plato’s
own criticism of this theory is given in the Parmenides, and the
transition to thé theory of universal or abstract notions is especi-
ally marked in the question of Socrates (Parmen. 132), ‘ But may
not the ideas be thoughts only, and have no proper existence
except in our minds, Parmenides?’

ἃ 3 ἐπέκεινα τῆς οὐσίας. Cf. Damascius in Ritter and Pr.
570 περὶ τῶν ὑπερθειοτάτων ἀρχῶν οὐκ ἔχομεν ἄλλως οὔτε ἐννοεῖν οὔτε
ὀνομάζειν ἢ οὕτως ὡς ἀναγκαζόμεθα χρῆσθαι τοῖς λόγοις ὑπὲρ τῶν εἷς τὰ
ἐπέκεινα ἀνεχόντων τοῦ παντὸς καὶ ζωῆς καὶ οὐσίας πραγμάτων.
Zeller, Outlines, 354 ‘Damascius, the pupil of Marinus, Ammonius,
and Isidorus, who was head of the School of Athens about 520—
530 A.D., an admirer and intellectual kinsman of Iamblichus,
endeavours in vain in his work on the ultimate sources (περὶ
ἀρχῶν) to find the means of transition from the primal essence—
of the inconceivability of which he cannot speak strongly enough
—to the intelligible by the insertion of a second and third
unity.’

ἃ 10 ὁμοούσια. This use of the word ὁμοούσιος by Eusebius
some ten years before the Council of Nicaea is noticeable. See
his letter to his own diocese in Athan. De Decretis Nicaenae Synodi,
241 καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τινας λογίους καὶ ἐπιφανεῖς ἐπισκόπους καὶ ovy-

δι pd 4οἱ

5423 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

γραφεῖς ἔγνωμεν ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ θεολογίας τῷ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου
συγχρησαμένους ὀνόματι.

δ48 b 1 On Numenius see 411 b.

22] © 3 ἁλιάδα. Cf. Aristot. Hist. An. iv. 8. 12.
ἐπακτρίδων. Cf. Xen. Hell. i. τ. 11 σὺν πέντε τριήρεσι καὶ
ἐπακτρίδι.

C 4 μετακυμίοις, the spaces between the waves, i.e. the trough
of the sea, Cf. Eur. Alc. 91

εἰ yap μετακύμιος ἄτας,
ὦ Παιάν, φανέιης.
ὀξὺ SeSopxws. See Lobeck, Phrynich. 576; Aristot. Rhet. ad
Alex. i. 14 εἰ τὸ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς βλέπειν ἡδύ, τὸ τοῖς τῆς ψυχῆς
ὄμμασιν ὀξυδορκεῖν ἐστι θαυμαστόν.

544 b 2 διττὸς ὧν (αὐτός,) ποιεῖ κιτιλ. This is Viger’s text,
except that αὐτός does not appear as a conjecture: it is far prefer-
able to αὐτὸ ποιεῖ 1 and αὐτοποιεῖ O, which latter compound verb
is not found elsewhere. Translate therefore; ‘being Himself
twofold makes both the idea of Himself and makes the world as
being its Creator.’

C 3 καὶ μὲν δὴ τὸ φρονεῖν τοῦτό (ye). The conjectural emenda-
tion (ye), for which Gaisford reads δέ (0), Viger δεῖν (I), and
Dindorf δή, agrees with Plato’s use of the combination καὶ μὲν δὴ

-. ye. Cf. Plat. Theaet. 155 Εἰ καὶ μὲν δή, ὦ Σώκρατες, σκληρούς
γε λέγεις. Symp. 101] A καὶ μὲν δὴ τήν γε τῶν ζώων ποίησιν .. .;
Rep. 526 Β καὶ μὲν δή, ἔφη, σφόδρα γε ποιεῖ αὐτό. Cf. Riddell,
Plat. Apolog. 188,

συντετύχηκε. I understand this word as referring to some
earlier passage in the treatise where Numenius has ascribed wisdom
to the First God exclusively. Otherwise the meaning of the
present passage is very obscure.

C4 ἀποχραίνεται. Cf. Plat. Rep. 586 Β ὑπὸ τῆς παρ᾽ ἀλλήλας
θέσεως ἀποχραινομέναις. ‘Verbum est de pictoribus proprium’
(Stallbaum).

ἀγαθοῦται. The active voice is only used in the Septuagint
in the sense of doing good to.

ἃ 1: τῷ ὀξὺ βλέποντι. Cf. Plat. Rep. 518 C ἕως ἂν eis τὸ ὃν καὶ
τοῦ ὄντος τὸ φανότατον δυνατὴ γένηται ἀνασχέσθαι θεωμένη" τοῦτο δ᾽
εἶναί φαμεν τἀγαθόν.

ἃ 4 ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ χωρίσας may refer either to the different ways

40a

BOOK XI. CHAPS, 21--232 544 d

in which the thoughts are expressed, or to the different places in
which they occur, as in the 7 ἐπι. 29 Εἰ, or Rep. 505 A ἡ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ
ἰδέα, ibid. 508 E.

ἃ 5 τὸν κυκλικὸν (Adyov).. . ἐγράψατο. Probably the trite epitaph
“ ἀγαθὸς fv,’ answering to the Roman ‘bene merenti,’ or ‘ homini
bene merentissimo.’

23] 545 a1 (δῆλον δ᾽ ὅτι ὁ κόσμος). ‘Haec parenthesis Eusebii
est’ (Vig.). Or possibly it may have been inserted by Numenius
to make the meaning of his quotation clear.

a4 ἐκεῖνο. In Plat. Zim. 30 C ἐκεῖνο is explained by the con-
text as that whole in the likeness of which the world was framed,
that is, the intelligible world, the ideal pattern of the visible.

Ὁ 3 ἐκ τῶν Διδύμῳ. Areius Didymus was a grammarian of
Alexandria, pupil of Aristarchus, and intimate friend of Augustus,
who riding into Alexandria with Didymus beside him spared the
city for his sake (τῷ φίλῳ μον τοῦτο χαριζόμενος, Plut. Mor. 814,
V. Antonii 80). Didymus has been variously called a Pythago-
rean, an Academic, and a Stoic; but these various descriptions
are probably all due to the nature of his best known work, an
᾿Ἐπιτομὴ τῶν rots Φιλοσόφοις ἀρεσκόντων. Fragments of this work
have been edited by Diels, Doxogr. Graeci, 447 seqq., who also
gives a clear account of the author, ibid. Proleg. 7o-80. Didymus
was called Xadxévrepos from his immense industry, and Βιβλιο-
λάθας, because he could not remember the books he had written
(Athen. 139).

546 b 2 dpriws. We have here a notable instance of the way
in which a charge of heresy was sometimes concocted. The Latin
translator renders οὐσιώδη ἀρτίως ἡμῖν, ‘ nobiscum essentiae ratione
convenire,’ instead of giving to ἀρτίως its proper meaning, ‘just
now,’ ‘recently’ (Lobeck, Phryn. 20). The French translator,
trusting to the Latin, gives to the passage the same absurdly
contradictory meaning, that the Word is ‘divine, incorporeal,
having a nature like ours,’ and adds in a note: ‘It is easy to
see that in this passage, as in many others, Eusebius sets forth
the doctrine of the Arians and not the Catholic Faith.’ .

ὁ κοινὸς ἡμῶν λόγος. Eusebius plays on the double appli-
cation of λόγος to the ordinary speech of the Greek, and to the
Divine Word.

C 3 powdous οὐσίας. ‘Fluxive,’ which is used by Shakespeare

Dd2 408

646 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

and Ben Jonson, would be a very convenient word in translating
the language of ancient philosophy, as, for example, that of
Heracleitus, but I have used ‘ fleeting’ as more familiar.

C7 ἐν εἰκόνι. Ps, xxxix. 7 (Sept.) ἐν εἰκόνι διαπορεύεται ἄνθρω-

wos. R. V. every man walketh in a vain shew.
24) 54782 τὴν αἰσθητὴν πόλιν. The text of Philo (De Mundi
Opificio, 5 M.) is much corrupted in the MSS. of Eusebius, which
here read νοητήν instead of αἰσθητήν. As νοητήν is evidently
inappropriate, I have restored αἰσθητήν from Mangey’s text.

@ 5 εἰκὼν εἰκόνος. The Divine Image as existing in God (εἰκόνος)
is described by the same word (εἰκών) as the image in man.

& 6 ὃ μεῖζον. I have restored the reading of Philo, as εἰ μείζων
(Eus. codd.) gives no appropriate sense.

ἃ 7 θείας εἰκόνος here means the νοητὸς κόσμος as a whole.
Cf. 546 d 8 Θεοῦ λόγον ἤδη κοσμοποιοῦντος.

Ὁ 4 ἢ σὺν αὐτῷ γέγονεν. Cf. Plat. Tim. 37 Εἰ “Τὸ attach eternity
to the creature was impossible, but he designs to make a sort
of moving image of eternity, and, while arranging a heaven, he
makes an eternal image moving according to number while
eternity rests in unity, and this is what we call time. For
whereas days and nights and months and years did not exist
before heaven was created, He contrives that their birth should
be at the-same time with its establishment.’ The sequel of the
passage is quoted above by Eusebius 524 d.

C I ἰσήλικα. Again, in Plat. Tim. 38 B, we find the same
thought that time began with the creation of the heavens, ‘in
order that being produced together they might be dissolved
together, if ever there was to be any dissolution of them.’

Ὁ 7 Πρῶτον οὖν ὁ ποιῶν. Philo before ὁ ποιῶν adds παρὰ τοῦ
νοητοῦ κόσμου, Which makes the invisible and ideal heaven a copy,
in part, of the ideal world, as it exists in the Divine mind.
Eusebius omits both these words and the distinct explanation of
them 548 a 1 Τὸν δὲ... γένεσιν αὐτοῦ.

ἃ 4 τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὠνόμασε Θεοῦ. Cf. Gen. i. 2 πνεῦμα θεοῦ.

ἃ 5 ὑπερβαλλόντως καλόν. We must restore this from Philo.
The error in ὑπερβάλλον καλόν seems to be only an accidental
omission.

ἃ 7 αὐγοειδέστερον. Cf. Plut. Mor. 911 D φέγγος ἔχει καὶ χρόαν
avyoedy. Ibid. 928 C. |

404

BOOK XI, CHAPS, 23-25 847 ἃ

ἃ 8 καὶ τῶν αἰσθητῶν κριτηρίων νοῦς ὁ τῆς ὅλης ψυχῆς ἡγεμών,
καὶ ὀφθαλμοὶ σώματος. This is the text of Philo, which is hope-
lessly corrupted in Eusebius, καὶ ra κριτήρια νοῦς ὁ τῆς ὅλης ψυχῆς
ἡγεμών, ὀφθαλμῶν σώματος.

548 a1 There is an omission in the MSS. of Eusebius in
consequence of the repetition of νοητόν : Τὸν δὲ ἀόρατον καὶ νοητὸν
(θεῖον Λόγον εἰκόνα λέγει Θεοῦ" καὶ ταύτης εἰκόνα τὸ νοητὸν) φῶς
ἐκεῖνο, ὃ θείον λόγον γέγονεν εἰκών, τοῦ διερμηνεύσαντος τὴν γένεσιν
αὐτοῦ. ‘And the invisible and intelligible divine word he calls
the image of God. And an image of this image he calls that
intelligible light which is an image of the divine word that
explained its origin.’

ἃ 2 ἐκεῖνο. After this word ὅ is accidentally omitted in my text.

ἃ 5 παναύγειαν, ἃ word invented by Philo. Cf. Orph. Hymn.
ix. 3, where Φύσις is addressed as παναυγής.

Ὁ 6 καλῶς ποιῶν (Eusebius) is less appropriate here than the
simpler ὁ ποιῶν, ‘ the Creator,’ of Philo.

οὐχὶ πρώτην, ἀλλὰ μίαν. Gen. i. 5 ‘the first day,’ A. V., ‘one
day,’ R. V.

61 ἐτελειογονεῖτο, for which Philo has ἐτελειουργεῖτο, Means ‘ was
brought forth in perfection.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 1018 ra ἑπτάμηνα τῶν
βρεφῶν τελεογονεῖσθαι.

6 4 ὅτι περ καὶ τριχῇ διάστατον, ‘ because it is of three dimensions.’
Cf. Plut. Mor. 1023 Β τὴν ψυχὴν ἰδέαν εἶναι τοῦ πάντῃ διαστάτου.

6 9 τῷ (πέμπτῳ), ἃ necessary correction for τῷ ἕκτῳ (Eus. codd.).

The passage occurs in Strom. v. 702, and is quoted again on 671,
without any reference.
25] d 3 καλοῦ. Clement has the better reading, καλουμένου.
Cf. Strom. iv. 642 ἴσμεν δὲ καὶ Πλάτωνος πόλιν παράδειγμα ἐν οὐρανῷ
κειμένην. Plat. Rep. ix. 592 ἐν οὐρανῷ ἴσως παράδειγμα ἀνάκειται
τῷ βουλομένῳ ὁρᾶν καὶ ὁρῶντι ἑαυτὸν κατοικίζειν.

ἃ 4 τὸν δὲ αἰσθητὸν ἑξάδι. Zeller, Pr.-Socr. Phil. i. 435, note 2
‘Schol. in Arist. 541 ἃ 23 τὸν δὲ τέσσαρα ἀριθμὸν ἔλεγον [οἱ Πυθ.]
τὸ σῶμα ἁπλῶς, τὸν δὲ πέντε τὸ φυσικὸν σῶμα, τὸν δὲ & τὸ ἔμψυχον.
It is true that a very improbable reason is given for this, viz.
because 6 = 2 x 3, and that the even designates the body, and the
uneven the soul’ Ibid. i. 475 ‘In regard to Philolaus, we are
told that in the same way that he derived geometrical determina-
tions (the point, the line, the surface, the solid) from the first

495

848 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

four numbers, so he derived physical qualities from five, the soul
from six.’

549 a 2 Gen. i. 2 (Sept.) ἡ δὲ γῇ ἦν ἀόρατος καὶ ἀκατα-
σκεύαστος.

ἃ 7 κατὰ τὰ γένη seems to be suggested by κατὰ γένος so often
repeated in Gen. i (Sept.), and is here referred to the ‘ideas’ of
the various genera in the intellectual world. In Clement Klotz
has καὶ τὰ γένη.

b I γήϊνον ... σκῆνος. Plato often uses the word γήϊνος of the
body and its members (Phaedr. 246 C; Tim. 64 Οὐ, but σκῆνος
apparently is used only in the spurious dialogues, and there
without γήϊνον. Cf. 2 Cor. v. 1 ἡ ἐπίγειος οἰκία τοῦ σκήνους.

Ὁ 2 εἰς πρόσωπον. Gen. ii. 7 And the Lord God formed man of
the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils (ro πρόσωπον
αὐτοῦ, Sept.) the breath of life.

Ὁ 4 ἐπεισόδιον, ‘accessory.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 584 Εἰ rats ἐπεισοδίοις
καὶ περιτταῖς ... ἐπιθυμίαις.

πρωτοπλάστουι Cf. Sap. vil. τ γηγενοῦς ἀπόγονος πρωτο-
πλάστου. Ibid. x. 1 αὕτη πρωτόπλαστον πατέρα κόσμον μόνον
κτισθέντα διεφύλαξεν.
26] ai Ψυχὴν διοικοῦσαν. Cf. Clem. Al. v. 701; Theodoret. Gr.
Affect. Cur. 55. 4.

d5 Δυοῖν. Cf. Xen. Cyrop. vi. 1. 41 δῆλον ὅτι δύο ἐστὸν ψυχά,
καὶ ὅταν μὲν ἡ ἀγαθὴ κρατῇ τὰ καλὰ πράττεται ὅταν δὲ ἡ πονηρὰ τὰ
αἰσχρὰ ἐπιχειρεῖται. Ast refers to Plat. Legg. 906 A, and thinks that
in both passages there is an allusion to the dualism of Zoroaster.
Stallbaum also in a long note defends Plato’s own doctrine from
the charge of dualism, referring to what follows immediately in
907 C τὴνἀρίστην ψυχὴν φατέον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ κόσμου παντός, Kat
ἄγειν αὐτὸν τὴν τοιαύτην ὁδὸν ἐκείνην. On the doctrine of Zoroaster
see Plut. Mor. 369 D.

ἃ 9 πλειόνων δὲ τῶν μή (86. ἀγαθῶν). It is unnecessary to adopt
Viger’s proposal πλειόνων δὲ τινῶν (sic) μή, meaning that besides
good and bad there are no more kinds.

550 a4 Kai ἦν ὡς ἡ ἡμέρα αὕτη (Sept.), Job i. 13, an attempt to
represent the force of the article in the Heb. ΛΠ,

47) δδ1 8 11 ἐν τῷ ᾿Αλκιβιάδῃ. Alcib.I.133C. This dialogue is

not generally accepted as a genuine work of Plato. Cf. Jowett,

Introd. 446 ‘We have a difficulty in supposing that the same
406

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 25-27 6514

writer, who has given so profound and complex a notion of the
characters both of Alcibiades and Socrates in the Symposium,
should have treated them in so thin and superficial a manner in
the Alcibiades, or that he should have imagined that a mighty
nature like his could have been reformed by a few not very con-
clusive words of Socrates.’

b 1 θειότερον. The MSS. of Plato vary between θειότερον and
voepwrepov. Cobet, followed by Schanz, conjectures κυριώτερον.
The MSS. of Eusebius have θειότατον, tending to confirm the
reading θειότερον, which is also more appropriate to the following
context τῷ θεῷ dpa τοῦτο ἔοικεν αὐτῆς.

Ὁ 5 θεόν τε καὶ φρόνησιν. For θεόν Ast conjectures νοῦν.
Stallbaum and Schanz bracket the whole clause, which is not
necessary to the sense.

Ὁ 8—c 3 "Ap οὖν... Nai. This whole passage is an insertion
not found in the MSS. of Plato, but in Stobaeus, 181. It is
judged by Ast and Buttmann to be spurious.

Ὁ 8 ἾΑρ᾽ οὖν [ὅθ᾽] ὥσπερ. The construction is disturbed by ὅθ᾽,
which is not in Stobaeus.

τοῦ ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ ἐνόπτρου. Just before this passage, in
132 E, Ps.-Plato writes: ‘Have you then ever observed that the
face of one who looks into the eye is reflected as in a mirror in
the optic of the person over against him, which we call the pupil,
there being a sort of image of the person looking in?’

c 5 Before ὅπως a verb is required on which it must depend,
or ἐπάκουσον (a 11) must be understood again, unless with Viger
we omit orws altogether.

τοὺς τόπους. After these words Viger adds 6 αὐτὸς λέγων
οὕτως, which is omitted in the chief MSS. of Eusebius.

552 a 4 [τὸ δι αἰσθήσεως], omitted in all the chief MSS. of
Eusebius, is inserted in Viger, and being part of the genuine text
of Plato should have been printed within angular brackets {. .).

ἃ 5 ταῦτα τὰ μηδέποτε. The reading of Plato ra οὐδέποτε is
altered for the worse in Eusebius, probably from referring to the
previous passage d 1 τὸ δὲ ὁρατὸν μηδέποτε κατὰ ταὐτά;

& τοιούτων, i.e. uncertain and confused. Plato argues in
the same way in p. 65 B that neither sight nor hearing nor any
other sense can convey exact and certain knowledge.

ἃ 6 ἀνοήτῳ, which usually means ‘unintelligent,’ is here put

407

536 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Numenius the Pythagorean : Ὁ yap κόσμος κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ τρίτος ἐστὶ
Θεός.

τῷ Kparype ἐκείνῳ. Cf. Plat. Tim. 41 D ‘Thus he spake, and
again poured the remains of the elements into that former cup in
which he was previously mingling the soul of the universe, and
mingled them partly in the same way, but no longer unalloyed
and unchangeable, but of a second and third quality.’

C 3 πατέρα φησὶ τἀγαθόν. Cf. Jowett, Introduction to Philebus,
11 ‘To Plato the idea of God or mind is both personal and im-
personal. ... Hence, without any reconciliation or even remark,
in the Republic he speaks at one time of God or gods, and at
another time of the good.’ Cf. Fairbairn, Philosophy of the
Christian Religion, 154 ‘The Deity is not divine to us because
He is almighty . .. but because we conceive Him as the im-
personated ideal of the Absolute Good.”

ἃ 2 πρεσβεύων. For the transitive sense compare Aesch.
Eum, t

: Πρῶτον μὲν εὐχῇ τῇδε πρεσβεύω θεῶν

τὴν πρωτόμαντιν Ταῖαν.
18] ἃ 4 περὶ πρώτου καὶ δευτέρου. On the unity of God see
Athenag. Leg. pro Christ. viii, and on the Son of God cap. x ἀλλ᾽
ἐστὶν ὃ vids τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγος τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐν ἰδέᾳ καὶ ἐνεργείᾳ.

537 Ὅ τῇ ὕλῃ δυάδι οὔσῃ. The Pythagoreans ‘ maintained
that the causes of sensible phenomena can lie neither in what
is sensibly perceptible, nor in anything corporeal, nor even in
mathematical figures, but only in Unity and indeterminate
Duality. ... They therefore regarded Unity as efficient cause,
and Duality as passive matter’ (Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 387).

6 9 ἐν διεξόδῳ: The word is variously applied to military
evolutions (Plat. Legg. 813 E), to the passing from one action to
another (Plut. Mor. 158 Ὁ σύμπας ὁ Bios, εἴ ye διαγωγή τίς ἐστιν
ἀνθρώπον πράξεων ἔχουσα διέξοδον ὧν ἡ τῆς τροφῆς χρεία καὶ παρα»
σκενὴ τὰς πλείστας παρακαλεῖ), to the passage through life accord-
ing to the Stoic definition (Porph. ap. Stob. Ecl. Eth. ii. 201
λογικῆς ζωῆς διέξοδον), to a treatise or description passing from one
detail to another (Plut. De Placitis Philos, 874 D ἡ φυσικὴ διέξοδος).
In Clem. Al. Strom. iv. 635 it is applied to the Son of God, ὁ δὲ
υἱὸς . . . καὶ ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει καὶ διέξοδον, ‘the Son is capable of
manifestation and description.’ In our passage of Eusebius the

398

BOOK XI, CHAPS, 17-19 537 ς

connexion with κάτω... πεμπομένου points to the transmission of
‘mind’ from the divine Demiurge to man. Cf. Plotin. 189A, 351 A.

ἃ 2 βιώσκεσθαι. Cf. Aristot. Meteor. i. 14. 3 ἕτεροι δὲ τόποι

βιώσκονται καὶ ἔνυδροι γίγνονται κατὰ μέρος.

κηδεύοντος. ‘Legendum videtur κηδεύοντος, ut MSS. infra
p. seq. 538 b 2’ (Gaisford): with this reading, which Dindorf
adopts, τὰ σώματα is to be understood as repeated after κηδεύ-
ovros. But in both passages cod. I has κηδεύοντα in the sense
‘allying themselves to the radiations of God.’ Cf. Eur. Hipp. 634
ὥστε κηδεύσας καλοῖς | γαμβροῖσι χαίρων σώζεται πικρὸν λέχος.
Demosth. 1372. 25 καὶ διὰ τοῦτο κηδεύσειεν airy.

ἃ 3 εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ περιωπήν. Cf. Plat. Polit. 272 E ὃ μὲν
κυβερνήτης οἷον πηδάλιον olaxos ἀφέμενος εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ περιωπὴν
ἀπέστη, ‘The Pilot retired to His own place of outlook, and then
the world was turned upside down again by fate and innate
desire.’ Hesychius: Περιωπή' ἄποψις, τόπος ὑψηλὸς ὅθεν ἐστὶ περι-
σκοπῆσαι ἀκρώρεια. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. vii. 831 with Hort’s
note. The word seems to occur first in Homer, Jl. xiv. 8 αὐτὰρ
ἐγὼν ἐλθὼν τάχα εἴσομαι és περιωπήν : Od. x. 146 καρπαλίμως παρὰ
γηὸς ἀνήϊον ἐς περιωπήν. In both these passages it means ‘a place
of outlook,’ as the Scholiast on the former passage explains it:
Torov ὑψηλόν, ἐξ οὗ περιωπίσασθαι καὶ περιβλέψαι ἔστι πάντα. So in
Lucian, Sympos. 11 ἐκ περιωπῆς, ‘from a place of observation.’

G1 νόμισμα κοῖλον, ἐπίσημον. Cf. Aristot. Oeconom. ii. 25
κοῖλος ἄργυρος, ‘ unstamped silver,’ ‘ bullion.’

589 c 7 Κυβερνήτης. Cf. 537 ἃ 3, note.

540 26 ᾿Αμέλιοςς Gentilianus Amelius (Porphyr. Vit. Plotini,
i. 20) is chiefly known as a pupil of Plotinus, with whom he
remained twenty-four years (ib. i. 3 e), diligently taking notes
from his lectures, from which he afterwards composed about
a hundred books. Porphyry (vii. c) says that he wished to be
called Amerius (Indivisible) rather than Amelius (Negligent).
Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 240.

19] Ὁ 3 Cf. W. R. Inge, Christian Mysticism, Lect. ii, p. 47,

note 1 ‘There is also a very interesting passage in Eusebius

(Praep. Ev, xi. 19) Kai οὗτος dpa ἦν ὃ λόγος καθ᾽ ὃν αἰεὶ ὄντα τὰ
899

δ40 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

γινόμενα ἐγίνετο, ὡς ἂν καὶ ὁ Ἡράκλειτος ἀξιώσεις. This is so near
to the words of St. John’s prologue as to suggest that the Apostle,
writing at Ephesus, is here referring deliberately to the lofty
doctrine of the great Ephesian idealist, whom Justin claims as
a Christian before Christ, and whom Clement quotes several times
with respect.’ Cf. Justin. M. Apol. i. 46 Τὸν Χριστὸν πρωτύτοκον
τοῦ Θεοῦ εἶναι ἐδιδάχθημεν, καὶ προεμηνύσαμεν λόγον ὄντα οὗ way
γένος ἀνθρώπων μετέσχε. Καὶ οἱ μετὰ λόγου βιώσαντες Χριστιανοί
εἰσι, κἂν ἄθεοι ἐνομίσθησαν, οἷον ἐν Ἕλλησι μὲν Σωκράτης καὶ “Hpa-
κλειτος καὶ οἱ ὅμοιοι αὐτοῖς. Bywater, Heracl. Rell. Fr. 11, gives
quotations of the passage from Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5; Hippol. Ref.
Haer. ix. 9; Sext. Emp. Ado. Math. vii. 32; Clem. Al. Strom. v.
716, and other authors.

Ὁ 4 ὁ βάρβαρος, evidently St. John.

C5 τὸ μεγαλεῖον, ‘the majesty.’ Cf. Polyb. viii. 3. 1 τὸ peya-
λεῖον τῶν πράξεων.

ἃ 2 γυμνῇ τῇ κεφαλῃ. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 243 Β ‘ with forehead
bold and bare’ (Jowett).

541 ἃ 4 τὰ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς κιτλ. Col. i. 15. The latter
clauses are misplaced, and inaccurately quoted.

8 οὐσιώσεωςς Cf. 314 Ὁ 2, note.

20] © 6 ἢ πόντου ἣ γῆς ἐν πτυχαῖς. Ficinus omits ἐν πτυχαῖς in
his translation, ‘si quid huic tabellae vel mari vel terra contingat.’
Viger refers it to the leaves of the tablet, as in Eur. Iph. Aul.
98 κἀν δέλτου πτυχαῖς, ἃ Very usual meaning, but the order of the
words and the extreme rarity in prose of. the ‘genitivus loci’
point rather to the connexion with γῆς. Cf. Eur. Or. 1631 ἐν
αἰθέρος πτυχαῖς ; Phoen. 84 οὐρανοῦ ναίων πτυχάς; Soph. Oed. T.
1026 εὑρὼν ναπαίαις ἐν Κιθαιρῶνος πτυχαῖς.

Ὁ 9 δεύτερον δὲ περὶ τὰ δεύτερα. For the construction see 536 Ὁ 6,
note. The passage is rightly rendered by Ficinus: ‘circa secundum
secunda: tertia circa tertium.’ The same passage is quoted as
from Celsus by Origen, c. Cels. vi. 18.

21] 542 b4 Λέγωμεν. Plat. Tim. a9 Ὁ, quoted by Irenaeus, iii.

25.5. The passage seems to have been overlooked at first by Jowett,

Introduction to the Republic, 172 ‘There is no mention of the idea

of good in the Timaeus, nor of the divine Creator of the world in

the Republic: and we are naturally led to ask in what relation

they stand to one another? Is God above or below the idea of
4.0

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 19-21 842 b

good? Or is the idea of good another mode of conceiving God?
The latter seems to be the truer answer.’ See the next note.

b 5 ᾿Αγαθὸς ἦν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 508 B. Jowett, ibid. 181 ‘ The
idea of good is a cause as well as an idea, and in this point of
view may be compared with the Creator of the Timaeus, who out
of His goodness created all things.’ It is evident that there is but
a short step from ‘the idea of good,’ which is to Plato one of ‘the
truest and most real of all things’ (Jowett), and which is also
‘a cause,’ to the Creator who ‘ was good,’ and ‘out of His good-
ness made all things to be as like to Himself as possible.’

ἃ 2 τὸ εἶναί τε καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν. In Plato’s earlier view the
‘existence ’ (τὸ εἶναι) of the individual consisted in participation
in its own proper essence (τῆς οὐσίας μετέχειν, Phaed. tor), that is
in partaking of the ‘idea,’ which alone had true being. Plato’s
Own criticism of this theory is given in the Parmenides, and the
transition to thé theory of universal or abstract notions is especi-
ally marked in the question of Socrates (Parmen. 132), ‘ But may
not the ideas be thoughts only, and have no proper existence
except in our minds, Parmenides?’

ἃ 3 ἐπέκεινα τῆς οὐσίας. Cf. Damascius in Ritter and Pr.
570 περὶ τῶν ὑπερθειοτάτων ἀρχῶν οὐκ ἔχομεν ἄλλως οὔτε ἐννοεῖν οὔτε
ὀνομάζειν ἢ οὕτως ὡς ἀναγκαζόμεθα χρῇσθαι τοῖς λόγοις ὑπὲρ τῶν els τὰ
ἐπέκεινα ἀνεχόντων τοῦ παντὸς καὶ ζωῆς καὶ οὐσίας πραγμάτων.
Zeller, Outlines, 354 ‘Damascius, the pupil of Marinus, Ammonius,
and Isidorus, who was head of the School of Athens about 520—
530 A. D., an admirer and intellectual kinsman of Iamblichus,
endeavours in vain in his work on the ultimate sources (περὶ
ἀρχῶν) to find the means of transition from the primal essence—
of the inconceivability of which he cannot speak strongly enough
—to the intelligible by the insertion of a second and third
unity.’

ἃ 10 ὁμοούσια. This use of the word ὁμοούσιος by Eusebius
some ten years before the Council of Nicaea is noticeable. See
his letter to his own diocese in Athan. De Decretis Nicaenae Synodi,
241 καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τινας λογίους καὶ ἐπιφανεῖς ἐπισκόπους καὶ ovy-

ae pd 4οἱ

842 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

γραφεῖς ἔγνωμεν ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ viov θεολογίας τῷ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου
συγχρησαμένους ὀνόματι.

δ48 Ὁ 1 On Numenius see 411 Ὁ.

22] 63 ἁλιάδα. Cf. Aristot. Hist. An. iv. 8. 12.
ἐπακτρίδων. Cf. Xen. Hell. i. τ. 11 σὺν πέντε τριήρεσι καὶ
ἐπακτρίδι.

C 4 μετακυμίοις, the spaces between the waves, i.e. the trough
of the sea. Cf. Eur. Alc. 91

εἰ yap μετακύμιος aras,
ὦ Παιάν, φανέιης.
ὀξὺ δεδορκώς. See Lobeck, Phrynich. 576; Aristot. Rhet. ad
Alex. i. 14 εἰ τὸ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς βλέπειν ἡδύ, τὸ τοῖς τῆς ψυχῆς
ὄμμασιν ὀξνυδορκεῖν ἐστι θαυμαστόν.

544 Ὁ 2 διττὸς ὧν (αὐτός,) ποιεῖ κιτλ. This is Viger’s text,
except that αὐτός does not appear as ἃ conjecture: it is far prefer-
able to αὐτὸ ποιεῖ 1 and αὐτοποιεῖ O, which latter compound verb
is not found elsewhere. Translate therefore; ‘being Himself
twofold makes both the idea of Himself and makes the world as
being its Creator.’

9 3 καὶ μὲν δὴ τὸ φρονεῖν τοῦτό (ye). The conjectural emenda-
tion (γε), for which Gaisford reads δέ (0), Viger δεῖν (I), and
Dindorf δή, agrees with Plato’s use of the combination καὶ μὲν δὴ

.. ye. Cf. Plat. Theaet. 155 Εἰ καὶ μὲν δή, ὦ Σώκρατες, σκληρούς
γε λέγεις. Symp. 197 A καὶ μὲν δὴ τήν γε τῶν ζώων ποίησιν .. .;
Rep. 526 Β καὶ μὲν δή, ἔφη, σφόδρα γε ποιεῖ αὐτός Cf. Riddell,
Plat. Apolog. 188.

© 4 dwoxpaivera. Cf. Plat. Rep. 586 B ὑπὸ τῆς παρ᾽ ἀλλήλας
θέσεως ἀποχραινομέναις. ‘Verbum est de pictoribus proprium ’
(Stallbaum).

ἀγαθοῦται. The active voice is only used in the Septuagint
in the sense of doing good to.

ἃ τ τῷ ὀξὺ βλέποντι. Cf. Plat. Rep. 518 C ἕως ἂν εἰς τὸ ὃν καὶ
τοῦ ὄντος τὸ φανότατον δυνατὴ γένηται ἀνασχέσθαι θεωμένη" τοῦτο δ᾽
εἶναί φαμεν τἀγαθόν.

ἃ 4 ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ χωρίσας may refer either to the different ways

403

in which the thoughts are expressed, or to the different places in
which they occur, as in the Tim. 29 E, or Rep. 505 A ἡ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ
ἰδέα, ibid. 508 Εἰ.

ἃ 5 τὸν κυκλικὸν (λόγον) . . . ἐγράψατο. Probably the trite epitaph
“ ἀγαθὸς jv,’ answering to the Roman ‘bene merenti,’ or ‘ homini
bene merentissimo.’

23] 545 1 (δῆλον δ᾽ ὅτι ὁ κόσμος). ‘Haec parenthesis Eusebii
est’ (Vig.). Or possibly it may have been inserted by Numenius
to make the meaning of his quotation clear.

ἃ 4 ἐκεῖνο. In Plat. Zim. 30 C ἐκεῖνο is explained by the con-
text as that whole in the likeness of which the world was framed,
that is, the intelligible world, the ideal pattern of the visible.

Ὁ 3 ἐκ τῶν Διδύμῳ. Areius Didymus was a grammarian of
Alexandria, pupil of Aristarchus, and intimate friend of Augustus,
who riding into Alexandria with Didymus beside him spared the
city for his sake (τῷ φίλῳ pov τοῦτο χαριζόμενος, Plut. Mor. 814,
V. Antonit 80). Didymus has been variously called a Pythago-
rean, an Academic, and a Stoic; but these various descriptions
are probably all due to the nature of his best known work, an
"Excropy τῶν rots Φιλοσόφοις dpecxovrwy. Fragments of this work
have been edited by Diels, Dorogr. Graeci, 447 seqq., who also
gives a clear account of the author, ibid. Proleg. 7o-80. Didymus
was called Xadxévrepos from his immense industry, and Βιβλιο-
Ad6as, because he could not remember the books he had written
(Athen. 139).

546 b 2 dpriws. We have here a notable instance of the way
in which a charge of heresy was sometimes concocted. The Latin
translator renders οὐσιώδη ἀρτίως ἡμῖν, ‘ nobiscum essentiae ratione
convenire,’ instead of giving to dpriws its proper meaning, ‘just
now,’ ‘recently’ (Lobeck, Phryn. 20). The French translator,
trusting to the Latin, gives to the passage the same absurdly
contradictory meaning, that the Word is ‘divine, incorporeal,
having a nature like ours,’ and adds in a note: ‘It is easy to
see that in this passage, as in many others, Eusebius sets forth
the doctrine of the Arians and not the Catholic Faith.’

ὁ κοινὸς ἡμῶν λόγος. Eusebius plays on the double appli-
cation of λόγος to the ordinary speech of the Greek, and to the
Divine Word.

C 3 powdous οὐσίας. ‘Fluxive,’ which is used by Shakespeare

Dd2 493

δ81 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

δύναμιν διὰ τοῦ σύμπαντος κόσμου διήκουσαν ἥλιόν τε κινεῖν καὶ
σελήνην, καὶ τὸν πάντα οὐρανὸν περιάγειν. Cf. ibid. 6 ἐπὶ πᾶν
διϊκνεῖσθαι πέφυκεν τὸ θεῖον. The proverb itself is quoted at the
end of the same treatise, as from Plato. Compare the description
of God by Xenophanes as a homogeneous sphere, sensitive in all
parts, in Hippol. Philos. xii (Diels, Doz. Gr. 565).
ξυνέπεται δίκη. Cf. Orph. Hymn. 62. 1

Ὄμμα Δίκης μέλπω πανδερκέος ἀγλαομόρφου

ἣ καὶ Ζηνὸς ἄνακτος ἐπὶ θρόνον ἱερὸν ἵζει,

οὐρανόθεν καθορῶσα βίον θνητῶν πολυφύλων.
Cf. Demosth. c Aristogeit. 773 ‘Platonem...in his... potissimum
Orphicos esse secutum facile credimus Proclo, apte versiculum
afferenti,

Τῷ δὲ Δίκη πολύποινος ἐφέσπετο πᾶσιν ἀρωγός.
Nec aliter sentit Lobeckius Aglaoph. 532’ (Stallbaum).

C 2 Εὐθύτητας εἶδε. Ps. xi. 7 ‘His countenance doth behold the
upright’ (A. V.). The R.V. changes the construction, ‘ The
upright shall behold His face.’

ἃ 4 Χαρμονή., Job xx. 5 Sept. εὐφροσύνη δὲ ἀσεβῶν πτῶμα
᾿δξαίσιον, χαρμονὴ δὲ παρανόμων ἀπώλεια. Eusebius has transferred
χαρμονή to the first clause.

14] 532 8 3 Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ. This orthodox confession should be
set against any more questionable phrases.

8 6 Κύριος παρὰ Kvupiov. Gen. xix. 24 Then the LORD rained
upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the LORD
out of heaven. Eusebius has given an imperfect and inaccurate
quotation, bringing the second ‘ Lord’ from the end of the sentence
and setting it close to the first, to make it appear that two Per-
sons are mentioned. In this he follows Justin M. 7'ryph. 56 fin.
‘And He is the Lord from the Lord who is in heaven, that is,
from the Maker of all things.’ The Synod of Sirmium (A. ἢ. 351)
adopted the same interpretation (Anathema 17): ‘If any one
understands the words, “ Then the Lord rained fire from the
Lord ’”? (Gen. xix. 24), not as referring to the Father and the
Son, but (says) that 116 (the Father) sent rain from Himself, let
him be anathema. For the Lord the Son sent rain from the Lord
the Father.’ See Hefele, Councils, ii. 196.

Such misuse of the passage is, of course, utterly unjustifiable.
‘Fire from the Lord’ probably means lightning, as ‘the fire of

394

BOOK XI. CHAPS, 13-16 532 a

God,’ 2 Kings i.12; Job i. 16, or the repetition may be intended,
as Calvin thought, to emphasize the extraordinary character of
the fire.

Ὁ 4 τῷ Κυρίῳ pov. Ps. cx. 1. Eusebius may here be excused

for not knowing that the second Hebrew word (218) translated
τῷ Κυρίῳ pov by the Seventy is a common title of courtesy towards
a superior, not limited to God as ‘208 is. The ambiguous ase of
Κύριος by the LXX for many Hebrew words of different meaning,
especially for /18, ‘27%, and M{M, has been a fruitful source of
misinterpretation.
15] 588 Ὁ 3 Philo Jud. De Linguarum Confus. xx. 419 M.
Eusebius reads τοῦ τὸ ὃν ἰδεῖν, where Philo has simply τοῦτον
ἰδεῖν, referring to ὁ ἀκλινὴς καὶ ἄτρεπτος Θεός, in the preceding
sentence.

C 6 ὁ ὁρῶν Ἰσραήλ. Cf. 519 ἃ Ἰσραὴλ δὲ ὁρῶν Θεόν.

C 7 ἀρετάς, Eusebius; ἀρχάς, Philo.

ἃ 1 ᾿Ανατολή. Zach. vi. 12 Sept. The Hebrew ΠῸΣ means
‘branch,’ or ‘bud.’ Zachariah is called a companion of Moses,
as being one of ‘ the goodly fellowship of the Prophets.’

ἃ 9 θείαν ἰδέαν φοροῦντα, ἱκανῶς (Eusebius). The reading of
Philo, θείας ἀδιαφοροῦντα εἰκόνος, ‘ who differs not from the divine
image, has been altered in Eusebius, but the sense is the same.

534 a 5 Περὶ τοῦ τὸ χεῖρον. Eusebius here gives a wrong
reference: the quotations are taken from the treatise On the
Confusion of Tongues, as is mentioned above.

Ὁ 3 ἐν τῷ Ἐπινομίδι. This is changed in the MSS. of Eusebius

into ἐν τῷ Ἐπιμενίδῃ, with the evident purpose of avoiding a sup-
posed false concord. The true explanation ἐν τῷ "Emwopids (λόγῳ)
is confirmed by the forms of quotation in the contents of Bk. xiii.
Thus 4 ἔτι ἀπὸ τοῦ λόγου ᾿Επινομίδος, for which we find in 18 ἀπὸ
τῆς "Exwopidos. Cf. Soph. Fr. 327 Grammaticus Bekkeri, 373. 5
‘"Axovord. ὡς ἐν τῇ (cod. τῷ) Kpeovoy,’ sc. δράματι. Soph. Fr.
587 ἐν τῇ Tupot τῷ δράματι.
16] Ὁ 5 Καὶ τιμάς. The “ Epinomis,’ or ‘ Appendix to the
Laws,’ is thought to be the work of some pupil of Plato, not of
the Master himself. In the passage quoted (986 C) the author is
referring to the powers and prerogatives of the heavenly bodies
regarded as deities.

6 2 ὃν ἔταξε λόγος. Compare Caesar Morgan, On the Trinity of

395

§34 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Plato, 4 ‘It is to be observed that the word λόγος, ὃς ἔταξε κόσμον,
has not even an article prefixed to it; which, I conceive, it would
have had, if it had been intended to express a person.’ This
conclusion is not affected by the inaccuracy of the quotation.

6 5 τῇ πρὸς ‘Eppetav. The sixth of the Epistles ascribed to
Plato is addressed to Hermeias, the dynast of Atarneus and Assos,
and friend of Aristotle, and to Erastus and Coriscus, both of the
neighbouring city of Scepsis, and pupils of Plato.

ἃ 4 τὸν τῶν πάντων Θεόν. Caesar Morgan, ibid. 50 ‘ The author
here appears to me to express himself according to the system of
a Creator and a creation. I conceive that τὸν τῶν πάντων Θεόν
corresponds with τὸ πάντων αἴτιον and βασιλεὺς ἡμῖν κιτιλ. in the
Philebus (28 d), the Universe or the soul of the Universe.
According to this interpretation airiov πατέρα κύριον must mean
the eternal self-existent Being, the Creator of the Universe (?),
who is called in the Timaeus δημιουργός (?), and πατήρ. But rod
Πατρὸς τοῦ Δημιουργοῦ means ‘the Father of the Demiurge.’

ἃ 5 τοῦ τε ἡγεμόνος καὶ αἰτίου πατέρα. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 710,
who says that Plato ‘ appears to exhibit the Father and the Son
somehow or other (οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως) from the Hebrew Scriptures.’
Eusebius adopts the interpretation more confidently. See Cud-
worth, Int. Syst. i. 4. 23 (vol. ii. 75. 311 ff, 314).

585 a 6 IlAwrivos. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 328 ‘ The real founder
of the Neo-Platonic School was Plotinus. This eminent thinker
was born in 204-205 A.D. at Lycopolis in Egypt. For eleven
years he enjoyed the teaching of Ammonius (Saccas’. In a. Ὁ.
244-245 he went to Rome, and there founded a School, over which
he presided till his death. He was universally revered for his
character, and held in high respect by the Emperor Gallienus and
his consort Salonina. He died in Campania in 270 a.p. His
writings were published after his death by Porphyrius in six
Enneads.’ .
17| Ὁ τ Κόσμον αἰσθητὸν κιτιλ. This sentence is introduced by
the words “Ido δ᾽ dv ris καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε, and is intended to show the
excellence of Mind by its superiority even to Soul, excellent as
that also is.

Ὁ § wap (att) ἀΐδια. With Creuzer’s conjecture αὑτῷ, or αὐτῷ
as in his text, the meaning is that while phenomena are trans-
ient, the Ideas are permanent both in the intelligible world and

396

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS, 16, 17 535 b

in man’s own mind: this thought is more fully expressed in
Enn. v. 9. 13 εἰ δὲ τὰ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ λέγοιτο, συμπεριλαμβανομένων
καὶ ψυχῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν ψυχῇ, πάντα ἐνταῦθα ὅσα κἀκεῖ. But παρ᾽
αὐτῶν, the reading preserved by Eusebius, expresses more exactly
the meaning of Plotinus in the present passage. ‘His whole
point here is νοῦς κρείττων ψυχῆς. I should translate “and there
let him see all intelligible things, and things which are of them-
selves immortal in their own understanding and life.” Eternity
belongs to Mind as Time to Soul (Enn. iv. 4.15 αἰὼν μὲν περὶ νοῦν,
χρόνος δὲ περὶ ψυχήν).᾽ For this good correction I am indebted to
the Rev. W. R. Inge.

6. 9 περίλαμψιν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 931 A οὐδὲ σύλλαμψιν ἀλλὰ
περίλαμψιν αὐτῆς ὄντα φωτισμόν.

dr φῶς. For this Plotinus has ὥσπερ, ‘ the brightness running
as it were around him.’ But Creuzer would adopt φῶς in
Plotinus.

ἃ ὧν ἀπολαύει ὑποστάντων ὅ τι πλησώον, ‘and they subsist and
are enjoyed by whatever is near.? The meaning seems to be that
the perfume is part of the substance, as in ἃ 3 δίδωσιν αὐτῶν
ἐξηρτημένην ὑπόστασιν.

ἃ 8 ὅτι πλησίον. The reading in Plotinus, ὃ πλησίον, is better.
. 686 a 8 πᾶν τὸ γεννῆσαν. The reading of the passage is
uncertain. In Plotinus Creuzer adopts ποθεῖ δὲ πᾶν τὸ γεννῆσαν
τὸ γεννηθέν, which gives the meaning, ‘Everything which begets
desires and loves that which is begotten.’

Ὁ 2 ἑτερότητι. Cf. 529 ἃ 3. The ‘otherness’ here consists in
its being numerically different.

Ὁ 6 τὰ Πλάτωνος τριττά. See the passage quoted below (541 ὁ 9)
from .Epist. ii. 312 E. The text in Plotinus, and here, is con-
fused; as given by Gaisford and Dindorf it differs from the text
of the original passage in Plato, which is perfectly clear, δεύτερον
δὲ περὶ τὰ δεύτερα, καὶ τρίτον πέρι τὰ τρίτα. In each clause περί
stands after its case, but does not suffer anastrophe in the former
clause (Chandler ὃ 910) because δέ intervenes.

6 2 τὴν ψυχήν. The ψυχὴ ἐγκόσμιος is the third member of
this trinity. Cudworth, ii. 318 ff. ‘Thus Proclus affirmeth of

397

δ86ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Numenius the Pythagorean : Ὁ yap κόσμος κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ὃ τρίτος ἐστὶ
Θεός."

τῷ κρατῆρι éxeivp. Cf. Plat. Tim. 41 D ‘Thus he spake, and
again poured the remains of the elements into that former cup in
which he was previously mingling the soul of the universe, and
mingled them partly in the same way, but no longer unalloyed
and unchangeable, but of a second and third quality.’

9 3 πατέρα φησὶ τἀγαθόν. Cf. Jowett, Introduction to Philebus,
11 ‘To Plato the idea of God or mind is both personal and im-
personal... . Hence, without any reconciliation or even remark,
in the Republic he speaks at one time of God or gods, and at
another time of the good.’ Cf. Fairbairn, Philosophy of the
Christian Religion, 154 ‘The Deity is not divine to us because
He is almighty . .. but because we conceive Him as the im-
personated ideal of the Absolute Good.”

ἃ 2 πρεσβεύων. For the transitive sense compare Aesch.
Eum, 1

: Πρῶτον μὲν εὐχῇ τῇδε πρεσβεύω θεῶν

τὴν πρωτόμαντιν Tatay.
18] ἃ 4 περὶ πρώτου καὶ Sevrépov. On the unity of God see
Athenag. Leg. pro Christ. viii, and on the Son of God cap. x ἀλλ᾽
ἐστὶν ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγος τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐν ἰδέᾳ καὶ ἐνεργείᾳ.

9 9 ἐν διεξόδῳ: The word is variously applied to military
evolutions (Plat. Legg. 813 E), to the passing from one action to
another (Plut. Mor. 158 D σύμπας ὁ Bios, εἴ ye διαγωγή τίς ἐστιν
ἀνθρώπου πράξεων ἔχουσα διέξοδον ὧν ἡ τῆς τροφῆς χρεία καὶ παρα»
σκενὴ τὰς πλείστας παρακαλεῖ), to the passage through life accord-
ing to the Stoic definition (Porph. ap. Stob. Ecl. Eth. ii. 201
λογικῆς ζωῆς διέξοδον), to a treatise or description passing from one
detail to another (Plut. De Placitis Philos. 874 Ὁ ἡ φυσικὴ διέξοδος).
In Clem. Al. Strom. iv. 635 it is applied to the Son of God, 6 8
υἱὸς . .. Kat ἀπόδειξιν ἔχει καὶ διέξοδον, ‘the Son is capable of
manifestation and description.’ In our passage of Eusebius the

398

BOOK XI, CHAPS. 17-19 537 ς

connexion with κάτω... πεμπομένου points to the transmission of
‘mind’ from the divine Demiurge to man. Cf. Plotin. 189A, 351 A.

ἃ 2 βιώσκεσθαι. Cf. Aristot. Meteor. i. 14. 3 ἕτεροι δὲ τόποι

βιώσκονται καὶ ἔνυδροι γίγνονται κατὰ μέρος.

ἃ 3 εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ περιωπήν. Cf. Plat. Polit. 272 E 6 μὲν
κυβερνήτης οἷον πηδάλιον οἴακος ἀφέμενος εἰς τὴν αὑτοῦ περιωπὴν
ἀπέστη, ‘The Pilot retired to His own place of outlook, and then
the world was turned upside down again by fate and innate
desire.’ Hesychius: Περιωπή: ἄποψις, τόπος ὑψηλὸς ὅθεν ἐστὶ περι-
σκοπῆσαι ἀκρώρεια. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. vii. 831 with Hort’s
note. The word seems to occur first in Homer, Jl. xiv. 8 αὐτὰρ
ἐγὼν ἐλθὼν τάχα εἴσομαι ἐς περιωπήν : Od. x. 146 καρπαλίμως παρὰ
γηὸς ἀνήϊον ἐς περιωπήν. In both these passages it means ‘ a place
of outlook,’ as the Scholiast on the former passage explains it:
Torov ὑψηλόν, ἐξ οὗ περιωπίσασθαι καὶ περιβλέψαι ἔστι πάντα. So in
Lucian, Sympos. 11 ἐκ περιωπῆς, ‘from a place of observation.’

588 ὁ 2 μάλιστά ἐστιν. ‘Quid si ἔχει ὃ nisi forte hic etiam
subintelligas ἀναφερόμενος (Viger). A good alternative would
be to read ἀνὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον with cod. O.

GI νόμισμα κοῖλον, ἐπίσημον. Cf. Aristot. Oeconom. il. 25
κοῖλος ἄργυρος, ‘ unstamped silver,’ ‘ bullion.’

539 o 7 Κυβερνήτης. Cf. 537 ἃ 3, note.

19] b3 Cf. W. R. Inge, Christian Mysticism, Lect. ii, p. 47,

note 1 ‘There is also a very interesting passage in Eusebius

(Praep. Ev. xi. 19) Kai οὗτος dpa ἦν ὁ λόγος καθ' ὃν αἰεὶ ὄντα τὰ
8299

540 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

γινόμενα ἐγίνετο, ὡς ἂν καὶ ὃ Ἡράκλειτος ἀξιώσει. This is 80 near
to the words οὗ St. John’s prologue as to suggest that the Apostle,
writing at Ephesus, is here referring deliberately to the lofty
doctrine of the great Ephesian idealist, whom Justin claims as
a Christian before Christ, and whom Clement quotes several times
with respect.’ Cf. Justin. M. Apol. i. 46 Tov Χριστὸν πρωτότοκον
τοῦ Θεοῦ εἶναι ἐδιδάχθημεν, καὶ προεμηνύσαμεν λόγον ὄντα ob πᾶν
γένος ἀνθρώπων μετέσχε. Καὶ οἱ μετὰ λόγου βιώσαντες Χριστιανοί
εἰσι, κἂν ἄθεοι ἐνομίσθησαν, οἷον ἐν Ἕλλησι μὲν Σωκράτης καὶ Ἧρά-
κλειτος καὶ οἱ ὅμοιοι αὐτοῖς. Bywater, Heracl. Rell. Fr. 11, gives
quotations of the passage from Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5; Hippol. Ref.
Haer. ix. 9; Sext. Emp. Ado. Math. vii. 32; Clem. Al. Strom. v.
716, and other authors.

Ὁ 4 ὁ βάρβαρος, evidently St. John.

ἃ 2 γυμνῇ τῇ κεφαλῃ. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 243 B ‘with forehead
bold and bare’ (Jowett). |

541 ἃ 4 τὰ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς κιτλ. Col. i. 15. The latter
clauses are misplaced, and inaccurately quoted.

ἃ ἢ οὐσιώσεωςς. Cf. 314 Ὁ 2, note.

20] 06 4 πόντου ἣ γῆς ἐν πτυχαῖς. Ficinus omits ἐν πτυχαῖς in
his translation, ‘si quid huic tabellae vel mari vel terra contingat.’
Viger refers it to the leaves of the tablet, as in Eur. Iph. Aul.
98 κἀν δέλτου πτυχαῖς, a very usual meaning, but the order of the
words and the extreme rarity in prose of the ‘genitivus loci’
point rather to the connexion with γῆς. Cf. Eur. Or. 1631 ἐν
αἰθέρος πτυχαῖς ; Phoen. 84 οὐρανοῦ ναίων πτυχάς; Soph. Oed. 7.
1026 εὑρὼν ναπαίαις ἐν Κιθαιρῶνος πτυχαῖς.

C 9 δεύτερον δὲ περὶ τὰ δεύτερα. For the construction see 536 b 6,
note. The passage is rightly rendered by Ficinus: ‘circa secundum
secunda: tertia circa tertium.’ The same passage is quoted as
from Celsus by Origen, c. (εἶδ. vi. 18.

21] 542 b4 Λέγωμεν. Plat. Tim. 29 Ὁ, quoted by Irenaeus, iii.

25.5. The passage seems to have been overlooked at first by Jowett,

Introduction to the Republic, 172 ‘There is no mention of the idea

of good in the Timaeus, nor of the divine Creator of the world in

the Republic: and we are naturally led to ask in what relation

they stand to one another? Is God above or below the idea of
4.0

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 190-21 842 b

good? Or is the idea of good another mode of conceiving God ἢ
The latter seems to be the truer answer.’ See the next note.

Ὁ 5 ᾿Αγαθὸς ἦν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 508 B. Jowett, ibid. 181 ‘ The
idea of good is a cause as well as an idea, and in this point of
view may be compared with the Creator of the Timaeus, who out
of His goodness created all things.’ It is evident that there is but
a short step from ‘the idea of good,’ which is to Plato one of ‘the
truest and most real of all things’ (Jowett), and which is also
‘a cause,’ to the Creator who ‘ was good,’ and ‘ out of His good-
ness made all things to be as like to Himself as possible.’

ἃ 3 ἐπέκεινα τῆς οὐσίς. Cf. Damascius in Ritter and Pr.
510 περὶ τῶν ὑπερθειοτάτων ἀρχῶν οὐκ ἔχομεν ἄλλως οὔτε ἐννοεῖν οὔτε
ὀνομάζειν ἢ οὕτως ὡς ἀναγκαζόμεθα χρῇσθαι τοῖς λόγοις ὑπὲρ τῶν εἰς τὰ
ἐπέκεινα ἀνεχύόντων τοῦ παντὸς καὶ ζωῆς καὶ οὐσίας πραγμάτων.
Zeller, Outlines, 354 ‘Damascius, the pupil of Marinus, Ammonius,
and Isidorus, who was head of the School of Athens about 520—
530 A. D., an admirer and intellectual kinsman of Iamblichus,
endeavours in vain in his work on the ultimate sources (rept
ἀρχῶν) to find the means of transition from the primal essence—
of the inconceivability of which he cannot speak strongly enough
—to the intelligible by the insertion of a second and third
unity.’

ἃ 10 ὁμοούσια. This use of the word ὁμοούσιος by Eusebius
some ten years before the Council of Nicaea is noticeable. See
his letter to his own diocese in Athan. De Decretis Nicaenae Synodt,
241 καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τινας λογίους καὶ ἐπιφανεῖς ἐπισκόπους Kai συγ-

δι Dd 40!

842 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

γραφεῖς ἔγνωμεν ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς Kai υἱοῦ θεολογίας τῷ τοῦ ὁμοουσίον
συγχρησαμένονς ὀνόματι.

548 b 1 On Numenius see 411 Ὁ.

22] 63 ἁλιάδα. Cf. Aristot. Hist. An. iv. 8. 12.
ἐπακτρίδων. Cf. Xen. Hell. i. τ. 11 σὺν πέντε τριήρεσι καὶ
ἐπακτρίδι.

C 4 μετακυμίοις, the spaces between the waves, i.e. the trough
of the sea. Cf. Eur. Alc. gt

εἰ yap μετακύμιος ἄτας,
ὦ Παιάν, φανέιης.
ὀξὺ δεδορκώς. See Lobeck, Phrynich. 576; Aristot. Rhet. ad
Alex. i. 14 ef τὸ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς βλέπειν ἡδύ, τὸ τοῖς τῆς ψυχῆς
ὄμμασιν ὀξυδορκεῖν ἐστι θαυμαστόν.

δ44 b 2 διττὸς ὧν (αὐτός,) ποιεῖ κιτιλ. This is Viger’s text,
except that αὐτός does not appear as a conjecture: it is far prefer-
able to αὐτὸ ποιεῖ 1 and αὐτοποιεῖ O, which latter compound verb
is not found elsewhere. Translate therefore; ‘being Himself
twofold makes both the idea of Himself and makes the world as
being its Creator.’

6 3 καὶ μὲν δὴ τὸ φρονεῖν τοῦτό (ye). The conjectural emenda-
tion (ye), for which Gaisford reads δέ (0), Viger δεῖν (I), and
Dindorf δή, agrees with Plato’s use of the combination καὶ μὲν δὴ
oo. ye. Cf. Plat. Theaet. 155 Εἰ καὶ μὲν δή, ὦ Σώκρατες, σκληρούς
γε λέγεις. ϑ'ψηιρ. 10] A καὶ μὲν δὴ τήν γε τῶν ζώων ποίησιν .. .;
Rep. 526 Β καὶ μὲν δή, ἔφη, σφόδρα ye ποιεῖ αὐτό. Cf. Riddell,
Plat. Apolog. 188.

συντετύχηκε. 1 understand this word as referring to some
earlier passage in the treatise where Numenius bas ascribed wisdom
to the First God exclusively. Otherwise the meaning of the
present passage is very obscure.

C 4 ἀποχραίνεται. Cf. Plat. Rep. 586 B ὑπὸ τῆς wap ἀλλήλας
θέσεως ἀποχραινομέναιςς. ‘Verbum est de pictoribus proprium ’
(Stallbaum).

ἀγαθοῦται. The active voice is only used in the Septuagint
in the sense of doing good to.

ἃ τ: τῷ ὀξὺ βλέποντι. Cf. Plat. Rep. 518 C ἕως ἂν εἰς τὸ ὃν καὶ
τοῦ ὄντος τὸ φανότατον δυνατὴ γένηται ἀνασχέσθαι θεωμένη" τοῦτο δ᾽
εἶναί φαμεν τἀγαθόν.

ἃ 4 ἄλλῃ καὶ ἄλλῃ χωρίσας may refer either to the different ways

40a

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 21-23 544 ἃ

in which the thoughts are expressed, or to the different places in
which they occur, as in the Zim. 29 E, or Rep. 505 A ἡ τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ
ἰδέα, ibid. 508 E.

ἃ 5 τὸν κυκλικὸν (Adyov).. . éypdiparo. Probably the trite epitaph
“ἀγαθὸς ἦν,᾽ answering to the Roman ‘bene merenti,’ or ‘ homini
bene merentissimo.’

23] 545 a1 (δῆλον δ᾽ ὅτι ὁ κόσμος). ‘Haec parenthesis Eusebii
est’ (Vig.). Or possibly it may have been inserted by Numenius
to make the meaning of his quotation clear.

ἃ 4 ἐκεῖνο. In Plat. Tim. 30 C ἐκεῖνο is explained by the con-
text as that whole in the likeness of which the world was framed,
that is, the intelligible world, the ideal pattern of the visible.

Ὁ 3 ἐκ τῶν Advpy. Areius Didymus was a grammarian of
Alexandria, pupil of Aristarchus, and intimate friend of Augustus,
who riding into Alexandria with Didymus beside him spared the
city for his sake (τῷ φίλῳ pov τοῦτο χαριζόμενος, Plut. Mor. 814,
V. Antonit 80). Didymus has been variously called a Pythago-
rean, an Academic, and a Stoic; but these various descriptions
are probably all due to the nature of his best known work, an
"Extropy τῶν τοῖς Φιλοσόφοις ἀρεσκόντων. Fragments of this work
have been edited by Diels, Dorogr. Graeci, 447 seqq., who also
gives a clear account of the author, ibid. Proleg. 7o-80. Didymus
was called XaAxévrepos from his immense industry, and Βιβλιο-
λάθας, because he could not remember the books he had written
(Athen. 139).

ὁ κοινὸς ἡμῶν λόγος. Eusebius plays on the double appli-
cation of Adyos to the ordinary speech of the Greek, and to the
Divine Word.

C 3 powdous οὐσίας. ‘Fluxive,’ which is used by Shakespeare

pd2 498

646 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

and Ben Jonson, would be a very convenient word in translating
the language of ancient philosophy, as, for example, that of
Heracleitus, but I have used ‘ fleeting’ as more familiar.

9 7 ἐν εἰκόνι. Ps, xxxix. 7 (Sept.) ἐν εἰκόνι διαπορεύεται ἄνθρω-

πος. R.V. every man walketh in a cain shew.
24] 547 a2 τὴν αἰσθητὴν πόλιν. The text of Philo (De Mundi
Opificio, 5 M.) is much corrupted in the MSS. of Eusebius, which
here read νοητήν instead of αἰσθητήν. ΑΒ νοητήν is evidently
inappropriate, I have restored αὐσθητήν from Mangey’s text.

ὃ 5 εἰκὼν εἰκόνος. The Divine Image as existing in God (εἰκόνος)
is described by the same word (εἰκών) as the image in man.

ἃ 6 ὃ μεῖζον. I have restored the reading of Philo, as εἰ μείζων
(Eus. codd.) gives no appropriate sense.

ἃ 7 θείας εἰκόνος here means the νοητὸς κόσμος as a whole.
Cf. 546 d 8 Θεοῦ λόγον ἤδη κοσμοποιοῦντος.

Ὁ 4 ἢ σὺν αὐτῷ γέγονεν. Cf. Plat. Tim. 37 E‘ To attach eternity
to the creature was impossible, but he designs to make a sort
of moving image of eternity, and, while arranging a heaven, he
makes an eternal image moving according to number while
eternity rests in unity, and this is what we call time. For
whereas days and nights and months and years did not exist
before heaven was created, He contrives that their birth should
be at the-same time with its establishment.’ The sequel of the
passage is quoted above by Eusebius 524 d.

C I ἰσήλικας Again, in Plat. Tim. 38 B, we find the same
thought that time began with the creation of the heavens, ‘in
order that being produced together they might be dissolved
together, if ever there was to be any dissolution of them.’

C 7 Πρῶτον οὖν ὁ ποιῶν. Philo before ὁ ποιῶν adds παρὰ τοῦ
γοητοῦ κόσμου, Which makes the invisible and ideal heaven a copy,
in part, of the ideal world, as it exists in the Divine mind.
Eusebius omits both these words and the distinct explanation of
them 548 a1 Τὸν δὲ... γένεσιν αὐτοῦ.

ἃ 4 τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὠνόμασε Θεοῦ. Cf. Gen. i. 2 πνεῦμα θεοῦ.

ἃ 5 ὑπερβαλλόντως καλόν. We must restore this from Philo.
The error in ὑπερβάλλον καλόν seems to be only an accidental
omission.

ἃ ἡ αὐγοειδέστερον. Cf. Plut. Mor. g11 1) φέγγος ἔχει καὶ χρόαν
αὐγοειδῇ. Ibid. 928 C.

494

BOOK XI, CHAPS, 23-25 547 ἃ

ἃ 8 καὶ τῶν αἰσθητῶν κριτηρίων νοῦς ὃ τῆς ὅλης ψυχῆς ἡγεμών,
καὶ ὀφθαλμοὶ σώματος. This is the text of Philo, which is hope-
lessly corrupted in Eusebius, Kal τὰ κριτήρια vous ὁ τῆς ὅλης ψυχῆς
ἡγεμών, ὀφθαλμῶν σώματος.

548 a1 There is an omission in the MSS. of Eusebius in
consequence of the repetition of νοητόν : Τὸν δὲ ἀόρατον καὶ νοητὸν
(θεῖον Λόγον εἰκόνα λέγει Θεοῦ καὶ ταύτης εἰκόνα τὸ νοητὸν) φῶς
ἐκεῖνο, ὃ θείου λόγου γέγονεν εἰκών, τοῦ διερμηνεύσαντος τὴν γένεσιν
αὐτοῦ. ‘And the invisible and intelligible divine word he calls
the image of God. And an image of this image he calls that
intelligible light which is an image of the divine word that
explained its origin.’

& 2 ἐκεῖνο. After this word ὅ is accidentally omitted in my text.

@5 mavavyeay, ἃ word invented by Philo. Cf. Orph. Hymn.
ix. 3, where Φύσις is addressed as πανανγής.

Ὁ 6 καλῶς ποιῶν (Eusebius) is less appropriate here than the
simpler ὁ ποιῶν, ‘ the Creator,’ of Philo.

οὐχὶ πρώτην, ἀλλὰ μίαν. Gen. i. 5 ‘the first day,’ A. V., ‘ one
day,’ R. V.

ΟἹ ἐτελειογονεῖτο, for which Philo has ἐτελειουργεῖτο, means ‘ was
brought forth in perfection.’ Cf, Plat. Mor. 1018 τὰ ἑπτάμηνα τῶν
βρεφῶν τελεογονεῖσθαι.

6 4 ὅτι περ καὶ τριχῇ διάστατον, ‘ because it is of three dimensions.’
Cf. Plut. Mor. 1023 Β τὴν ψυχὴν ἰδέαν εἶναι τοῦ πάντῃ διαστάτον.

6 9 τῷ (réurrw), a necessary correction for τῷ ἕκτῳ (Eus. codd.).

The passage occurs in Strom. v. 702, and is quoted again on 671,
without any reference.
25] ἃ 3 καλοῦ. Clement has the better reading, καλουμένου.
Cf. Strom. iv. 642 ἴσμεν δὲ καὶ Πλάτωνος πόλιν παράδειγμα ἐν οὐρανῷ
κειμένην. Plat. Rep. ix. 692 ἐν οὐρανῷ ἴσως παράδειγμα ἀνάκειται
τῷ βουλομένῳ ὁρᾶν καὶ ὁρῶντι ἑαντὸν κατοικίζειν.

ἃ 4 τὸν δὲ αἰσθητὸν ἑξάδι. Zeller, Pr.-Socr. Phil. i. 435, note 2
‘Schol. in Arist. 541 a 23 τὸν δὲ τέσσαρα ἀριθμὸν ἔλεγον [οἱ Πυθ.]
τὸ σῶμα ἁπλῶς, τὸν δὲ πέντε τὸ φυσικὸν σῶμα, τὸν δὲ & τὸ ἔμψνχον.
It is true that a very improbable reason is given for this, viz.
because 6 = 2 x 3, and that the even designates the body, and the
uneven the soul.’ Ibid. i. 475 ‘In regard to Philolaus, we are
told that in the same way that he derived geometrical determina-
tions (the point, the line, the surface, the solid) from the first

498

848 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

four numbers, so he derived physical qualities from five, the soul
from six.’

549 a 2 Gen. i. 2 (Sept.) ἡ δὲ γῇ ἦν ἀόρατος καὶ dxara-
σκεύαστος.

& κατὰ τὰ γένη seems to be suggested by κατὰ γένος so often
repeated in Gen. i (Sept.), and is here referred to the ‘ideas’ of
the various genera in the intellectual world. In Clement Klotz
has καὶ τὰ γένη.

bt γήϊνον . .. σκῆνος. Plato often uses the word γήϊνος of the
body and its members (Phaedr. 246 C; Tim. 64 C), but σκῆνος
apparently is used only in the spurious dialogues, and there
without γήϊνον. Cf. 2 Cor. v. 1 ἡ ἐπίγειος οἰκία τοῦ σκήνους.

Ὁ 2 εἰς πρόσωπον. Gen. ii. 7 And the Lord God formed man of
the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils (τὸ πρόσωπον
αὐτοῦ, Sept.) the breath of life.

b 4 ἐπεισόδιον, ‘accessory.’ Cf. Plut. Mor. 584 E ταῖς ἐπεισοδίοις
καὶ περιτταῖς . .. ἐπιθυμίαις.

πρωτοπλάστουι Cf. Sap. vii. 1 γηγενοῦς ἀπόγονος πρωτο-
πλάστου. Ibid. x. I αὕτη πρωτόπλαστον πατέρα κόσμον μόνον
κτισϑέντα διεφύλαξεν.
26] di Ψυχὴν διοικοῦσαν. Cf. Clem. Al. v. 701; Theodoret. Gr.
Affect. Cur. 55. 4.

ἃ 5 Δυοῖν. Cf. Xen. Cyrop. vi. 1. 41 δῆλον ὅτι δύο ἐστὸν ψυχά,
καὶ Grav μὲν ἡ ἀγαθὴ κρατῇ τὰ καλὰ πράττεται Gray δὲ ἡ πονηρὰ τὰ
αἰσχρὰ ἐπιχειρεῖται. Ast refers to Plat. Legg. 906 A, and thinks that
in both passages there is an allusion to the dualism of Zoroaster.
Stallbaum also in a long note defends Plato’s own doctrine from
the charge of dualism, referring to what follows immediately in
907 C τὴἡνἀρίστην ψυχὴν φατέον ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ κόσμου παντός, Kai
ἄγειν αὐτὸν τὴν τοιαύτην ὁδὸν ἐκείνην. On the doctrine of Zoroaster
see Plut. Mor. 369 D.

ἃ 9 πλειόνων δὲ τῶν μή (sc. ἀγαθῶν). It is unnecessary to adopt
Viger’s proposal πλειόνων δὲ τινῶν (sic) μή, meaning that besides
good and bad there are no more kinds.

550 a4 Kal ἢν ὡς ἡ ἡμέρα αὕτη (Sept.), Job i. 13, an attempt to
represent the force of the article in the Heb, ὉΠ,

47) δδ1 8.11 ἐν τῷ ᾿Αλκιβιάδῃ. Alcib. 1.133 C. This dialogue is

not generally accepted as a genuine work of Plato. Cf. Jowett,

Introd. 446 ‘We have a difficulty in supposing that the same
406

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 25-27 5514

Ὁ 1 θειότερον. The MSS. of Plato vary between θειότερον and
voepwrepov. Cobet, followed by Schanz, conjectures κυριώτερον.
The MSS. of Eusebius have θειότατον, tending to confirm the
reading θειότερον, which is also more appropriate to the following
context τῷ θεῷ dpa τοῦτο ἔοικεν αὐτῆς.

b 5 θεόν τε καὶ φρόνησιν. For θεόν Ast conjectures γοῦν.
Stallbaum and Schanz bracket the whole clause, which is not
necessary to the sense.

Ὁ 8—c 3 "Ap οὖν... Nai. This whole passage is an insertion
not found in the MSS. of Plato, but in Stobaeus, 181. It is
judged by Ast and Buttmann to be spurious.

Ὁ 8 *Ap’ οὖν [ὅθ] ὥσπερ. The construction is disturbed by ὅθ᾽,
which is not in Stobaeus.

τοῦ ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ ἐνόπτρον. Just before this passage, in
132 E, Ps.-Plato writes: ‘Have you then ever observed that the
face of one who looks into the eye is reflected as in a mirror in
the optic of the person over against him, which we call the pupil,
there being a sort of image of the person looking in?’

c 5 Before ὅπως a verb is required on which it must depend,
or ἐπάκουσον (a 11) must be understood again, unless with Viger
we omit ὅπως altogether.

τοὺς τόπους. After these words Viger adds 6 αὐτὸς λέγων
ovrws, which is omitted in the chief MSS. of Eusebius.

552 a 4 [τὸ δ᾽ αἰσθήσεως}, omitted in all the chief MSS. of
Eusebius, is inserted in Viger, and being part of the genuine text
of Plato should have been printed within angular brackets (__).

ἃ; 5 ταῦτα τὰ μηδέποτε. The reading of Plato ra οὐδέποτε is
altered for the worse in Eusebius, probably from referring to the
previous passage ἃ 1 τὸ δὲ ὁρατὸν μηδέποτε κατὰ ταὐτά ;

& 7 τοιούτων, i.e. uncertain and confused. Plato argues in
the same way in p. 65 B that neither sight nor hearing nor any
other sense can convey exact and certain knowledge.

ἃ 6 ἀνοήτῳ, which usually means ‘unintelligent,’ is here put

4097

552 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

in direct opposition to νοητῷ, ‘intelligible.’ It has the same
passive sense in Hom. Hymn. Merc. 80 "Αφραστ᾽ ἠδ᾽ ἀνόητα διέπλεκε
θαυματὰ ἔργα.

558 a 6 ἐν τοιαύτῃ ὥρᾳ. I have followed Cope’s translation.
Jowett, also referring τοιαύτῃ to χαριέντως, writes, ‘if the season
of the year be favourable.’ Heindorf and Ast (Lex. Plat.) give to
ὥρᾳ the less suitable meaning, ‘beauty.’ Cf. Rep. v. 474 D πάντες
οἱ ἐν ὥρᾳ.

Ὁ 4 τὸ ἀειδές. Αιδης, in its earlier form ᾿Αἴδης, was commonly
supposed to be derived from a privative and ἰδεῖν, and so to be
equivalent to τὸ dedés. Cf. Plat. Cratyl. 403 A ὁ δὲ “Adys, οἱ
πολλοὶ μέν μοι δοκοῦσιν ὑπολαμβάνειν τὸ aedés προσειρῆσθαι τῷ
ὀνόματι τούτῳ: Gorg. 493 Β τῶν ἐν ᾿Αιδου---τὸ ἀειδὲς δὴ λέγων.

G1 τεθνάναι μελετῶσα ῥᾳδίως. Archer-Hind, ‘following Schanz
and Hirschig,’ brackets ῥᾳδίως as ‘savouring of the margin.’
But in the mouth of Socrates it agrees well with the previous
description (58 E) of his preparation for death, ὡς ἀδεῶς
καὶ γενναίως ἐτελεύτα. For the expression ῥᾳδίως ἀποθνήσκειν see
Phaed. 62 C ὃ μέντοι νῦν δὴ ἔλεγες, τὸ τοὺς φιλοσόφους ῥᾳδίως ἂν
ἐθέλειν ἀποθνήσκειν.

ἃ ἡ διάγουσα, the reading of all the MSS. of Plato, involves an
unusual change of construction, and it is for that reason altered
by Heindorf to διαγούσῃ, but without absolute necessity.

554 Ὁ 4 Πρὸς Βοηθόν. There is some difficulty in identifying
this Boethus among several philosophers of the same name. The
elder Boethus, the Stoic, denied the immortality of the soul
(Zeller, Outlines, 278). But from the present passage of Eusebius,
and from 555 Ὁ, 741 c, 812 ἃ, and 818 Ὁ, c, it seems more
probable that Porphyry’s treatise was an answer to an author less
remote from his own time. Boethus of Sidon, who lived about
B.C. 50-A. D. 1, is thus described by his younger contemporary
Strabo (757) καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς δὲ ἐκ Σιδῶνος μὲν ἔνδοξοι φιλόσοφοι γεγόνασι
Βόηθός τε, ᾧ συνεφιλοσοφήσαμεν ἡμεῖς τὰ ᾿Αριστοτέλεια, καὶ Διόδοτος
ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ. Of this Boethus Diels writes (Doxogr. Proleg. 100,
note 2) ‘De Boethi psychologia nihil compertum habemus, nisi
quod immortalitatem animi reiecit.? The argument criticized by
Boethus, 555 b 7, is that which Plato (553 d 4) based on the
likeness of the soul to that which is divine, not Porphyry’s
defence of it.

408

BOOK XI. CHAPS, 27, 28 554d

28] ἃ 7 (Avrov), a happy conjecture of Viger for the unmeaning
αὐτοῦ. Cf. 555 a 2, Aurw, just below, and 556 a 2.

555 Ὁ 6 περιαιρῶν means ‘taking away something that is all
round,’ hence ‘removing what is not essential.’ Cf. Plat. Polit.
281 D πρὶν ἂν καὶ ταύτας αὐτῆς πάσας περιέλωμεν.

C 6 ὁ Κροτωνιάτης. Pythagoras, son of Mnesarchus, born in
Samos about 580-570 B.c., came to Italy about 540-530 8.0.
and founded a philosophical society at Crotona. Zeller, 234 ff.
Outlines, 14.

C 7 Ta θεῖα τῶν σωμάτων. The heavenly bodies, sun, moon,
and stars. The Pythagoreans reckoned motion among the essential
qualities of the heavenly bodies, and in the unchangeable regu-
larity of their courses found the most obvious proof of the divinity
of the stars, in which they believed, like most of the ancients.
Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 458. Compare the magnificent passage
in Plat. Phaedr. 246 E, beginning, ὃ μὲν δὴ μέγας ἡγεμὼν ἐν
οὐρανῷ Ζεὺς ἐλαύνων πτηνὸν ἅρμα πρῶτος πορεύεται.

ἃ 8 ἐντρέψαι. Cf. Diog. L. ii. 29 ἐνέτρεψε δὲ καὶ Λαμπροκλέα τὸν
υἱὸν τῇ μητρὶ ἀγριαινόμενον, ὧς πον καὶ Ἐενοφῶν εἴρηκε. Sext. Emp.
Pyrrh. iii. 135 τοὺς σκεπτικοὺς ἐντρέπουσι μὲν οἱ λόγοι.

556 8. 5 ἐπιπροσθετουμένη, the reading of O, should not have
been allowed to displace ἐπιπροσθουμένη (cod. I), a verb formed
from ἐπίπροσθεν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 41 D 6 μὲν yap Μελάνθιος, ὡς
ἔοικε, περὶ τῆς Διογένους τραγῳδίας ἐ eis οὐκ ἔφη κατιδεῖν αὑτὴν
ὑπὸ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐπιπροσθουμένην.

8 6 τῷ λόγῳ χωρισθείη. Cf. Plat. Legg. 663 A ὃ μὲν μὴ χωρίζων
λόγος ἡδύ τε καὶ δίκαιον, ‘the argument that does not separate
pleasure from justice.’

Ὁ 1 ὡς ἐμφερὲς ὃν μόνῳ τῷ θεῷ, ἀλλὰ kai... The Latin render-
ing is ‘quae non affinis tantum deo sit, verum etiam’... as if
there had been in the text ὃν ov μόνον, which is not very improb-
able, μόνον being the reading of Viger and all subsequent editors.

6 5 πυρείων. Cf. Soph. Philoct. 36 καὶ πυρεῖ ὁμοῦ τάδε. Ibid.
296 ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πέτροισι πέτρον ἐκτρίβων μόλις | ἔφην᾽ ἄφαντον φῶς.

6 6 μιμήσεις τῶν τοῦ δημιουργοῦ ποιημάτων. Οἷο. Tusc. Disp.
i, 25. Astra suspeximus cum ea quae sunt infixa certis locis, tum
illa non re sed vocabulo errantia ; quorum conversiones omnesque

409

556 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

motus qui vidit, is docuit similem animum suum eius esse, qui
ea fabricatus esset in caelo. Nam quum Archimedes lunae, solis,
quinque errantium motus in sphaeram illigavit; effecit idem,
quod ille qui in Timaeo mundum aedificavit Platonis deus, ut
tarditate et celeritate dissimillimos motus una regeret conversio.
Quod si in hoc mundo fieri sine deo non potest, ne in sphaera
quidem eosdem motus Archimedes sine divino ingenio potuisset
imitari.’ Cf. Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 35; De Rep. i. 14, where
mention is made of the solid sphere of Thales, afterwards covered
with the stars and planets by Eudoxus, and described by Aratus :
‘Sed posteaquam coepit rationem huius operis scientissime Gallus
exponere, plus in illo Siculo ingenii, quam videretur natura
humana ferre potuisse, iudicavi fuisse.’ De N. D. ii. 34 ‘ Quodsi
in Scythiam aut in Britanniam sphaeram aliquis tulerit hanc,
quam nuper familiaris noster effecit Posidonius, cuius singulae
conversiones idem efficiunt in sole et in luna et in quinque stellis
errantibus, quod efficitur in caelo singulis diebus et noctibus, quis
in illa barbaria dubitet, quin ea sphaera sit perfecta ratione? Hi
autem dubitant de mundo, ex quo et oriuntur et fiunt omnia,
casune ipse sit effectus aut necessitate aliqua an ratione ac mente
divina, et Archimedem arbitrantur plus valuisse in imitandis
sphaerae conversionibus, quam naturam in efficiendis. The sphere
of Archimedes is referred to by Ovid, Fast. vi. 277
‘Arte Syracosia suspensus in aére clauso
Stat globus, immensi parva figura poli.’

ἃ 8 τῇ ἀντανισώσει .. . προσαναπανομένους. Cf. Joseph. A. J.
vi. 14. 3 τούτῳ μόνῳ προσαναπανομένη τῷ κτήματι, ‘hac sola
possessione contenta vivens.’

557 Ὁ 1 ἀνθρωπινώτερον .. . φάναι. Cf. Rom. vi. 19 ἀνθρώπινον
λέγω.

32] 559 br τούτου, referring to the head of the chapter, On
the alteration of the world, which in the MSS. immediately precedes
τούτον.

C1 Καὶ ξυνεστήσατο. Plat. Tim. 32 B, quoted again 702 ἃ 5.

64 as... γενέσθαι, for which Plato has the more usual ὥστε
γενέσθαι, is not however uncommon. Cf. Hdt. iv. 184 ὑψηλὸν δὲ
οὕτω . .. ὡς Tas κορυφὰς αὐτοῦ οὐχ old τε εἶναι ἰδέσθαι; Lucian,
Dial. Deorum 239 τίς οὕτως ἀνέραστος ἦν ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι τὸ καλὸν
ἐκεῖνο μειράκιον ; ibid. Timon. 130, Adv. Indoct, 101.

419

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 28-34 559 ς

6 10 Plat. Tim. 41 A, quoted again, 703 d. Cf. Athenag. Legat.
(Schwartz) vii. 31. .

dg To γὰρ πᾶν rode. Plat. Polit. 269 C. The speakers are
the same Eleatic stranger who appears in the Sophist, and Socrates
the younger, who has no connexion with the famous Socrates
except in name.

560 a 6 Ὃν δὲ οὐρανὸν ... ἀδύνατον, quoted by Athenag.
Legat. τό.

ὍΣ ἀνακύκλησιν. Cf. 253 ἃ 3 διὰ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀνακυκλήσεως καὶ
περιφορᾶς τῶν ἄστρων. In the present passage it must mean a
rotation in the opposite direction, as implied in 559 d 11 τὸ δὲ
πάλιν αὐτόματον εἰς τἀναντία περιάγεται.

C 6 ποδός, ‘minimo quodam cardine revolutus’ (Ficinus).

33] 561d 4 ξυνανακυκλουμένης εἰς τἀναντία τῆς γενέσεως. When
the revolution of the universe is turned back, the ‘circle οὗ gene-
ration’ (κύκλος τῆς γενέσεως) also is reversed, so that the course
is now from death to life. See the Scholion on Plat. Phaed.
70 C quoted by Lobeck, Aglaoph. 797 " παλαιὸς λόγος ’Opduixds
τε καὶ Πυθαγόρειος 6 πάλιν ἄγων τὰς ψυχὰς εἰς τὸ σῶμα καὶ πάλιν
ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος ἀνάγων καὶ τοῦτο κύκλῳ πολλάκις, ubi proprie et
significanter positum est nomen κύκλος. Ibid. 798 κύκλος τῆς
γενέσεως dicitur, Procl. in Zim. i. 32. Diog. L. V. Pythag.
viii. 14 πρῶτόν τέ φασι τοῦτον ἀποφῆναι THY ψνχὴν κύκλον ἀνάγκης
ἀμείβουσαν ἄλλοτ᾽ ἄλλοις ἐνδεῖσθαι (wos. On St. Jas. iii. 6 τὸν
τροχὸν τῆς γενέσεως see Dr. J. Β. Mayor’s learned note, and on the
subject generally compare 5. Aug. De Civ. Dei x. 30; xxii. 28;
Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 70; Outlines, 55.

a5 τρόπον. λόγον Plat. ‘Ne Eusebii lectionem omnino negli-
gamus, ipsius forte τὸν τρόπον substituendum pro priore τὸν λόγον,
ut legatur xara τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον. Quod autem dicit (Plato),
τῷ τοὺς πρεσβύτας ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ἰέναι φύσιν, proverbium
respicit, quod memorat Legg. i. 646 A οὐ μόνον ἄρ᾽, as ἔοικεν,
ὁ γέρων Sis παῖς γίγνοιτ᾽ ἄν, ἀλλὰ καὶ 6 μεθυσθείς ᾿ (Heusdius,
δα loc.).

94] 662 8.4 προσταχθέν, Eusebius. προσταχθέντα, Plato, with
many Variations, and among them προσταχθέν.

τοσαῦτα εἰς γῆν σπέρματα πεσούσης. The proposals to give
to πεσούσης ἃ transitive force, or to substitute βαλούσης for it,
are both unnecessary. The accusative may be explained on the

41ι

δ62 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

principle of the cognate notion, which is of very wide application
in Greek. See Jelf, Gk. Gr. 556.

ἃ 5 Ταῦτα, Plat. Rep. 614 A, refers to the rewards of the just
and unjust in this life, mentioned immediately before.
35] 563 8 3 ὡς οὐ πολλὰ ἄλλ᾽ ἥδιον ἀκούοντι. The reading
ov πολλά, ἀλλ᾽ ἥδιον, Which the printed editions all give as the
text of Eusebius, finds some confirmation in the following allu-
sion to the proverbially long story of Alcinous, which occupies
so many books of the Odyssey (vi-xiii). But in Plato the accent
on ἀλλ᾽ gives a different turn to the meaning, ‘ As there are
few things I would more gladly hear.’

& 5 ἀλκίμου. Plato here condescends to an alliterative pun
on ‘ Alcinous’ and ‘ Alcimus.’

τοῦ "Appeviov. Plut. Sympos. 740, calls Er the son of
Harmonius. There are allusions to this story in Orig. c. Cele.
ii. 16, and Clem. Al. Strom. v. 711, who says that Er was Zoro-
aster: ‘At least Zoroaster himself writes, This history was written
by me Zoroaster the son of Armenius, a Pamphylian by birth,
who having been slain in battle, and come to Hades, learned it
from the gods. This Zoroaster, Plato says, when twelve days
dead and lying on the funeral pile came back to life; so per-
haps he alludes to the resurrection, or perhaps to the notion that
the path for souls to ascend lies through the twelve signs of the
zodiac; and he himself says that the descending pathway to
birth is the same.’
36] di ᾿Αντύλλῳ. Compare the legend of the restoration of
Hippolytus to life by Aesculapius, and his concealment in the
forest of Aricia under the name of Virbius, in Ovid, Metam. xv.
491-544
‘Nomenque simul quod possit equorum
Admonuisse iubet deponere, Quique fuisti
Hippolytus, dixit, nunc idem Virbius esto.’

Plutarch tells a similar story in his treatise, De sera Numinis
vindicta, 563, about a man of Soli named Thespesius, who
having been killed by a fall came to life again after three days.
Many other such stories are related by Pliny and other ancient
authors.

ἃ ο ἄλλως dé. Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 975 πενιχρὸν μέν, ἄλλως δ᾽

418

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 34-37 563 d

εὐπρόσωπον καὶ καλόν. Thesmoph. 289, where ἄλλως τε is less
appropriate than ἄλλως δέ.

37] 564d 1 ἡ Γλαύκον τέχνη. Diog. Prov. iv. 8 ἐπὶ τῶν μὴ
ῥᾳδίως ἐργαζομένων (Wytt.). Herodotus (i. 25), in describing an iron
base of the bowl offered by Alyattes at Delphi, says, ‘It was the
work of Glaucus of Chios, the man who first invented the art
of welding iron.’ Pausanias (x. 16) says: ‘Of the native offer-
ings which the Lydian kings sent to Apollo nothing now remains
but the base of the bowl of Alyattes. This was made by Glaucus
of Chios, who first welded iron, and the places where the base
is joined are not riveted together by bolts or nails, but simply
by welding.’ It is described by Athenaeus (v. 210) as beauti-
fully inlaid with figures of plants and animals.

565 a 2 ἰσόρροπον yap πρᾶγμα. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 13.
25, where a similar theory is described, but rejected. Wyttenbach
refers to Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 39, and De Orat. iii. 45. Cf.
Stallbaum, Jim. 40 B, note.

8 Φάσιδος. The Phasis, a river at the eastern extremity
of the Euxine, and the Pillars of Hercules (Straits of Gibraltar),
were the extreme points of ordinary navigation for the Greeks.

ἃ 4 To δὲ εἶναι ταὐτόν. The meaning and construction of the
clause is much disputed, and Schanz brackets εἶναι ταὐτόν as not
genuine. To δέ may then be understood as the ‘ Accusative of
pronoun neuter, standing for the whole sentence immediately
following: Dig. 19’ (Riddell, Apol. Socr. 23). But there is no
reason to doubt the genuineness of εἶναι ταὐτόν, ‘But the fact is
the same (as in the illustration), namely that from weakness,’ &c.

ἃ 6 κατιδεῖν (ἂν) ἀνακύψαντα. ‘For δή read dv. These words
are often interchanged’ (Gaisford). ‘The particle ἄν, omitted
in the MSS., is necessarily required in this passage as Stephanus
had remarked ’ (Heindorf).

566 a 4 onpayyes. Soph. Fr. 493 κρημνούς τε καὶ onpayyas.
Theocr. Jd. xxv. ἤτοι ὁ μὲν σήραγγα προδείελος ἔστιχεν εἰς ἦν.

ἃ 7 Εἰ γὰρ δεῖ καὶ μῦθον λέγειν καλόν, the text of Plato, is altered
by Eusebius into εἰ γὰρ δὴ καὶ μυθολογεῖν καλόν. Stallbaum brackets
καλόν, which Archer-Hind would omit as ‘a pointless addition,’
absent from the Bodleian and other MSS. But καλόν is defended
by Wyttenbach on Plut. De sera Num. vind. 561 B, who refers to
Plat. Gorg- 312 E, dxove δὴ μάλα καλοῦ λόγου, ὃν σὺ μὲν ἡγήσῃ, ὡς

418

S66 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐγὼ οἶμαι, μῖθον, ἐγὼ δὲ λόγον. Wyttenbach also quotes a scholion
from the MSS. of Olympiodorus (the commentator on Plato) in
which he defends the epithet καλόν thus: καλὸν ἔφη τὸν μῦθον, ὡς
Kai TO φαινόμενον κατὰ φύσιν ἔχοντα, καὶ οὐδὲν ἀπεμφαῖνον.

Ὁ 5 δωδεκάσκυτοι σφαῖραι. These balls were made in the shape
of a dodecahedron, each of the twelve pentagonal bases being
covered with pieces of leather of a different colour. In the Jim.
55 C, after assigning the origin of the four elements, earth, air,
fire, and water to the cube and other regular solid figures, Plato
adds that ‘as there was yet a fifth figure, God made use of it in
delineating the universe.’ It has been supposed that in the word
διαζωγραφῶν there is a reference to the ‘signs’ of the zodiac: but
if there is any such reference at all in the passage, it must be
sought in the number twelve, as is expressly stated by Plut.
Quaest. Platon. 1003 D, where the meaning of the passage is
thus discussed. ‘Is it, as some suppose, that he assigned the
dodecahedron to the spherical form, when he said that God made
use of it in delineating the nature of the universe? For by the
multitude of its elements (sides), and the obtuseness of the angles,
it departs very far from the rectilineal, and is easily curved, and
like “the balls covered with twelve pieces of leather’ by being
extended on all sides it becomes circular and comprehensive... .
For it is composed of twelve pentagons equiangular and equi-
lateral, each of which consists of thirty of the original scalene
triangles. And on this account it seems to represent both the
zodiac and the year, by the division of its parts of equal numbers
with theirs.’ Cf. 293 seq.

GC I ἁλουργῆ, ‘ sea-wrought,’ i.e. genuine purple.

ἃ 9 καὶ τῶν δεῦρο. In the text of Plato, ὑπὸ σηπεδόνος καὶ ἅλμης
ὑπὸ τῶν δεῦρο ξυνερρνηκότων, the second ὑπό, though found in all
MSS., is suspected, and the xai, which is substituted for it in
Eusebius, is approved by Heindorf. Schanz thinks that ὑπὸ
σηπεδόνος καὶ ἅλμης should be omitted, as a gloss upon τῶν δεῦρο
ξυνερρνηκότων. Cf. 565 b.

38] 567 Ὁ 1 δικαιωτήριον, strictly ‘a place of punishment,’ as in
Plat. Phaedr. 249 A. But a wider sense like that of δικαστήριον
seems more appropriate here.

04 τῆς ἐκβολῆς. All interpreters seem to agree that Plato
uses the word for the source of a river, though its usual meaning

414

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 37, 38 567 c

is the mouth. The latter is the only sense of which I can find
any instance. See Hdt. vii. 128; Thue. ii. 102; Polyb. ii. τό. 7;
iii. 110. 9; V. 59. 11; 1X. 43. 2; iil. 86. 2.

C6 τῆς rap ἡμῖν θαλάττης. The Mediterranean.

ἃ Σ τῇ γῇ, omitted by O and Theodoret, and bracketed by
Schanz and Burnet, is found in I and in all printed editions of
Eusebius, and is defended by Stallbaum. The meaning seems
to be that the Acheron flowing under ground about the earth
appears at various points and especially at the Palus Acherusia
in Thesprotia.

ἃ 4 of ῥύακες. Cf. Thuc. iii. 116 ὃ ῥύαξ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐκ τῆς Αἴτνης.

ἃ ὁ κύανος. ‘It is lapis lazuli in Theoph. Lap. 31, and
perhaps so in Plat. Phaed. 113 C’ (L. and Sc. Zex.). It means
a ‘dark blue’ in Tim. 68 C.

ἃ 8 τὴν λίμνην ποιεῖ. ἦν, which in most MSS. of Plato had fallen
out after the similar ending of λίμνην, is restored by Bekker and
subsequent editors. See Stallbaum’s note on the reading.

568 a5 Kwxvurds. Hom. Od. x. 512

ἔνθα μὲν eis ᾿Αχέροντα Πυριφλεγέθων τε ῥέουσιν
Κώκυτός θ᾽, ὃς δὴ Στυγὸς ὕδατός ἐστιν ἀπορρώξ.

Pausanias, in his description of Thesprotia (i. 17. 5), says that
‘near Cichyrus is a lake called Acherusia, and a river called
Acheron, and there too flows Cocytus, a most joyless stream. And
I think that from having seen these Homer ventured upon his
representation of things in Hades, and especially gave names to
the rivers from those in Thesprotia.’ Cf. Milton, Par. Lost,
1. 573. μ

Ag δόξωσι διαφερόντως πρὸς τὸ ὁσίως βιῶναι. The same reading
is found in the MSS. of Plato, but the construction seems to be
incomplete. In Theodoret. Gr. Affect. Cur. 118, προκεκρίσθαι is
added after βιῶναι and adopted by Schanz. It has been proposed
to read διαφέροντες, to repeat βιῶναι (Stallbaum), to read ὅσιον, or
to take τὸ ὁσίως as equivalent to τὴν ὁσιότητα. Clem. Al. Strom.
iv. 580 adds προσκεκλῆσθαιι The meaning is perfectly clear.

569 8 3 καμάτων. In Plato, σωμάτων. The motive of the
change made by Eusebius (and adopted by Theodoret l.c.) is
plainly seen below, in 569 d 1, where the expression ἄνευ καμάτων
is compared with Isa. xxxv. 10 and pain and sorrow and groaning
jlee away.

415

569 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

9 2 Tis ἀναγγελεῖ. Isa. xxxiii. 14 (Sept.). The English Versions
have Who among us shall dwell with the devouring fire? Who
among us shall dwell with everlasting burnings ?

GI ἄνευ καμάτων. Cf. §69 a 3, note.

ἃ 5 τὰ ὀχήματα. Cf. 568 b τ. The explanation of ὀχήματα
by Eusebius as meaning ‘ bodies’ is inconsistent with Plato’s
language, the souls being said to embark in them (ἀναβάντες) as
though they had not inhabited them previously, and afterwards
to disembark and leave them (ἐκβαίνειν, ἀποβαίνειν). See
Wyttenbach’s note in Bekker’s Plato: ‘Nulla est ratio quare
ὀχήματα intelligamus corpuscula illa et quasi tenuissimas tunicas,
quae animae constanter adhaerere perhibebantur a Platonicis: de
qua opinione diximus ad Plutarchum de 8. Ν. V. 97.’

BOOK XII

1) δ8 1 Plato, Legg. i. 634 Ὁ. The scene of the Dialogue
is laid in Crete, the persons bring Cleinias a Cretan, Megillus
a Lacedaemonian, and an Athenian stranger.

574 a2 ἐμβαθύνειν. Cf. 283 d 9, Philo J. i. 18 M., of τοῖς
νόμοις ἐμβαθύνοντες ἐπιπλέον.

& 4 Sevrepwras. Cf. Schiirer, Jewish People, i. τ. 119. The
Deuterotists (literally ‘ Repeaters’) were the expounders of the
Mishna, or ‘Second’ Law, which was the traditional interpreta-
tion and supplement of the Law of Moses. The Mishna was the
text of which the Gemara was the commentary, and the two made
up the Talmud. Hieron. Isa. iii. 10 ‘Audivi Liddae quendam de
Hebraeis, qui sapiens apud illos et Sevrepwrys vocabatur, narrantem
huiusmodi fabulam.’ Margoliouth, Expositor, Sept. 1900: ‘ δευτέ-
ρωσις in Epiphanius, Jerome, &c. is a mistranslation of Mishnah,
which means “ Oral Tradition.” ... The correct translation is
dypados παράδοσις. Cf. Constit. Apost. i. 6 τὰ δεσμὰ τῆς Sevrepw-
σεως ‘ vincula secundationis’ (Didasc. Ap. Frag. iv. Hauler).

4] b8 Θέογνιν. Theognis was a native of Megara, the mother

city, but a citizen also, as Plato here states, of Megara Hyblaea in

Sicily. The couplet quoted is from his Elegiac Gnomes, 77 f.,

addressed to Cyrnus, a young friend who shared his political

sentiments. Theognis flourished in B.c. 544 (Clinton) and was
416

BOOK XI, CHAP. 38—BOOK XII. CHAPS. 1-ὸ 574b

nearly eighty at the close of the Median war Β. 6. 490. In the
fierce seditions and frequent revolutions of Megara Theognis was
a vehement partisan of the nobles; his property was confiscated,
and having barely escaped with his life, he wandered as an exile
to Euboea, Sparta, and the Sicilian Megara (vv. 780-83). See the
Scholia quoted by Stallbaum.

C8 διαβάντες δ᾽ εὖ. Literally, ‘with legs wide apart.’ Tyrtaeus,

iii. 16 ὅστις ἀνὴρ διαβὰς ἐν προμάχοισι μένῃ.
Hom. Jl. ii. 21
ἀλλά τις εὖ διαβὰς μενέτω ποσὶν ἀμφοτέροισι
στηριχθεὶς ἐπὶ γῆς, χεῖλος ὀδοῦσι δακών.
xii. 457 στῆ δὲ μάλ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἰών, καὶ ἐρεισάμενος βάλε μέσσας,
εὖ διαβάς, ἵνα μή οἱ ἀφαυρότερον βέλος εἴη.
Aristoph. Eg. 75 ἔχει γὰρ τὸ σκέλος
τὸ μὲν ἐν Πύλῳ, τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον ἐν τὐἠκκλησίᾳ.
τοσόνδε δ᾽ αὐτοῦ βῆμα διαβεβηκότος, κιτ.λ.

CQ φράζει Τυρταῖος. This refers to διαβάντες δ᾽ εὖ, the remainder
of the clause, μαχόμενοι ἐθέλοντες ἀποθνήσκειν, being implied but
not expressed in the same words in Tyrtaeus.

ἃ 8 ds φησι Θέογνις refers to ὁ 2, Πιστὸς ἀνήρ x.7.A.

ἃ 9 δικαιοσύνην . . . τελείαν. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. ii. 440 πιστὸς
μὲν γὰρ καὶ ὑγιὴς ἐν στάσεσιν οὐκ ἄν που γένοιτο ἄνευ ξυμπάσης
ἀρετῆς κιτιλ.

3] 575 © 7 εὐχόμενος ὁρᾶσθαι. 2 Mace. xv. 14 ‘This is the
lover of the brethren, he who prayeth much for the people and
the holy city, Jeremiah the prophet of God.’

4] 57686 λόγων. On the distinction between μῦθος and λόγος
see Wyttenbach on Plut. Mor. 561 B ἔχω μέν twa καὶ λόγον
εἰπεῖν, ἔναγχος ἀκηκοώς, ὀκνῶ δὲ μὴ φανῇ μῦθος ὑμῖν. Cf. Plat.
Gorg. 523 Α ἴΑκονε δή, φασί, μάλα καλοῦ λόγον, ὃν σὺ μὲν ἡγήσει
μῦθον, ws ἐγὼ οἶμαι, ἐγὼ δὲ λόγον᾽ ὡς ἀληθῆ γὰρ ὄντα σοι λέξω ἃ
μέλλω λέγειν.

5] 6 1 ἐπιστατητέον. Cf. Plat. Rep. 401 B, where it is followed
by the dative of the persons superintended, as here. In 356 c 4
ἐπιστατεῖν with a genitive means ‘to be the guardian of a thing.’
Viger’s reading ἐπιστατέον would mean ‘ we must attend to’ or
‘observe’ from ἐφίστημι.

6] 677 Ὁ 5 Plato, Gorg. 523 E. The introductory words are
not quoted by Eusebius: ‘There was then the following law con-

55 ΕΘ 41}

577 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

CATLiLZ ten in the time of Aronca, ard aiwars, δι sil even
Leow iS +xista among the gis. chat the man,” ἄς.

878 b 3 ἐξωμόρξατο. Cf Piat 1.72. vi. 623 C; Eur. Bacek.
344 μηδ᾽ ἐξομώρξῃ μωρίαν τὴν σὴν ἐμοί. Rabnk. Tim. Les.

C 4 ταράζεεγμαι In Plato some MSS. have σαραδείγματι, ἃ
πα idiomatic construction. Rep. i 341 E εἰ ἐξαρκεῖ σώματι
εἶναι σώματι; Gorg. 492 B οἷς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἱκηρξεν ἢ βασιλέων vicow
εἶναι «.7.X.

dg εἰ ἀληθῆ λέγει Heros. Polus the Sophist, one of the
characters in the Dialogue, had given a description of the atrocious
crimes of Archelaus in 471 A.

579 Ὁ g ἔσονται καὶ ἄλλοι ἀγαθοί The true text of Plato is καὶ
ἔσονται καλοὶ κἀγαθοί, ‘men thoroughly accomplished in this
virtue’ (Cope).

C 4 τῶν δυναστῶν, Plato: for which we have in Eusebius Τῶν
δὲ δικαστῶν, beginning a new sentence, in which it is quite out of
place.

580 a 5 ἀντιπαρακαλῶ ἐπὶ τοῦτον τὸν βίον. Cf. Gorg. 500 C
ἐπὶ bv σὺ παρακαλεῖς ἐμέ.

@7 Kai ὀνειδζω σε. Cf. Gorg. 515 A ἐμὲ δὲ παρακαλεῖς καὶ
ὀνειδίζεις ὅτι οὐ πράττω.

b 2 τὸν τῆς Αἰγίνης υἱόν. Aeacus was the son of Zeus and
Aegina (Apollod. iii. 12. 6. 6).

Ὁ 3 χασμήσῃ καὶ ἰλιγγιάσεις. Cf. Gorg. 486 B ἰλιγγιῴης ἂν καὶ
χασμῷο.

Ὁ 4 ἐπὶ xéppys. Cf. Gorg. 508 C ἄν τε τύπτειν βούληται, τὸ
yeavixoy δὴ τοῦτο τοῦ σοῦ λόγου, ἐπὶ κόρρης. In Demosth. dfeid.
537 8 blow on the cheek is mentioned as the most outrageous
insult : ὅταν ὡς ὑβρίζων, ὅταν ὡς ἐχθρὸς ὑπάρχων, ὅταν κονδύλοις, ὅταν
ἐπὶ κόρρης.

7) 658la1 Εὐλαβοῦ. Compare 530 ἃ 6, and 541 ¢ 6.

8 4 ἐνθουσιαστικώτερα. Cf. Aristot. Polit. viii. 5. 6 ἁρμονίαις
«.. ταῖς ἐνθουσιαστικαῖς. The passive sense ‘inspired’ is more
common.

8] d4 ἀμαθαίνονσι. Cf. Plat. Rep. 535 E.

G5 ἐχόμενον. The addition of καὶ λεγόμενον (Viger) is quite
inappropriate, and apparently a repetition of the same words
ind 3.

8] 582 ο 6 ὑποπαραιτούμενον. Cf. Eus. H. E. vi. 41. 3 ἡ δὲ
418

BOOK XII, CHAPS, 6-10 682 ς

ὑποπαραιτησαμένη βραχὺ καὶ ἀνεθεῖσα συντόνως ἐπεπήδησεν εἰς τὸ
πῦρ.

ἃ 7 ἐπανορθοῦντας ‘Vulgo ἀνορθοῦντα. Sensu quidem non
discrepant haec verba... sed ubique fere Plato usurpat verbum
ἐπανορθοῦν᾽ (Ast).

ἃ 8 καλῶς τῇ τέχνῃ πράξειν, ‘to prosper in his art’ (Davies and
Vaughan): ‘obeys the rules of his art’ (Jowett), Rather ‘does
honour to his art.’ The distinction between καλῶς πράττειν and
εὖ πράττειν is clearly seen in Alcib. 1, 116 B ὅστις καλῶς πράττει
οὐχὶ καὶ εὖ πράττει.

ἃ το δεῖ, Eusebius, δεῖν, Plato: δεῖν is defended by Stallbaum,

who compares Sophist. 263 Ὁ παντάπασιν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἡ τοιαύτη
σύνθεσις . . . γίγνεσθαι. ‘Ut videtur, praemium ponendum est’
(Ficinus). “ δεῖ et per se significantius est, et propterea quoque
rectius habet, quod iam in antecedentibus oratio ab obliqua, quae
dicitur, in rectam transiit ’ (Ast).
10] 583 a 2 προπηλακισμούς. Cf. Rutherford, New Phryn.
127 " προπηλακίζω, ἃ verb generally derived from πηλός. Fhis is
of course altogether impossible, and Curtius has accordingly to
coin a πῆλαξ. . .. But of πῆλαξ there is no trace in Greek authors’
and κατά not πρό would have been the preposition used to bring
out the signification which Suidas assigns to the word, παρὰ τὸ
πηλὸν ἐπιχρίεσθαι τὰ πρόσωπα τῶν ἀτιμίαν καὶ ὕβριν καταψηφιζομένων.
Rutherford’s own explanation, ‘to ask a man’s age before you
know him,’ presupposes a form πηλάκος, which seems to be no
better known than πῆλαξ.

Ὁ 4 Τὸν δ᾽ οὖν τοιοῦτον. For this Plato has τοῦτον δὲ τοιοῦτον,
where τοῦτον refers to the unjust man described in the preceding
paragraph.

Ὁ 5 κατ᾽ Αἰσχύλον. Aesch. Sept. c. Theb. 577

ov yap δοκεῖν ἄριστος ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι θέλει,
βαθεῖαν dAoxa διὰ φρενὸς καρπούμενος,
ἐξ ἧς τὰ κεδνὰ βλαστάνει βουλεύματα.

‘When those verses of Aeschylus concerning Amphiaraus were
repeated on the stage, the eyes of the people in general were fixed
on Aristides, as the man to whom this great encomium was most
applicable.’ Plut. Aristides, 3 (Langhorne). In the passage
from the Life of Aristides Plutarch reads δίκαιος, and possibly, as
Hermann thinks, the actor may have substituted that word to

EFe2 419

583 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

make the application to Aristides more pointed. See Paley’s note
on the passage. The phrase became proverbial. Cf. Agam. 788;
Plut. Mor. 50 E ὡς yap ὁ Πλάτων φησίν, ἐσχάτης ἀδικίας εἶναι,
δοκεῖν δίκαιον μὴ ὄντα. Cic. De Off. i. 14.

ἃ 4 ἀνασκινδυλευθήσετα. The word is explained by Timaeus
as equivalent to ἀνασκολοπισθῆναι and ἀναστανρωθῆνα. The
punishment described by either word, whether we call it crucifixion
or impaling, was virtually the same, as is evident from the use of
ἀνασκολοπίζειν and dvacravpow in Hdt. ix. 78; i. 128; iii. 132,
159; iv. 43, 202. Plato evidently selects it as the most cruel
and shameful death, and Clement of Alexandria (Strom. v. 714)
not unnaturally says that he is here ‘all but foretelling the
economy of salvation.’ Cf. Eus. Pr. Eo. 584 Ὁ.

584 br εἰσέτι δεῦρο. This strong expression indicates that the
persecution had but recently ceased when Eusebius thus wrote :
866 253, 254-

11] c 4 παράδεισον. On the Babylonian Paradise see Auth.
and Arch. p. το f.

585 at Plat. Sympos. 203 A. The passage is quoted more at
length by Origen, c. Cels. iv. 39.

8 5 εἰς τὸν rou Διὸς κῆπον. Cf. 584 ἃ 4.

12] b3 ἔκστασιν, ‘a trance,’ ‘a deep sleep,’ E. V.

CI ὕπνωσε, ‘cast into sleep.’ The intransitive verb is not
ὑπνόω, but ὑπνώσσω.

Ὁ 2 φκοδόμησε. R.V. margin ‘ Heb. builded he into.’

ἃ 56 ἀνδρόγυνον. On the prevalence of stories about hermaphro-
dites among the ancient Babylonians, Greeks, Romans, and
Talmudists see Freudenthal, Aler. Polyhistor, 68, 69.

ἃ το (ca). The true reading in Plato seems to have been
changed first into gd, and then, because of the gd immediately
following, into dra in Eusebius. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. "Oa.
ἀκροδρύων εἶδος μήλοις μικροῖς ἐμφερές.

ἃ 11 ταῖς θριξίν. Athenaeus, ii. 50 (57) ‘Alexis somewhere
speaks of eggs cut in two (ἡμίτομα wav)’: and Plut. Erot. 770 B
alludes to a proverb that ‘ boys’ friendship is separated like an
egg cut by a hair,’ where τριχὶ διαιρεῖσθαι is Ruhnken’s correction
for τριχῇ αἱρεῖσθαι adopted by Wyttenbach.

13] 586 a 3 ἀκτήμονι. Cf. 381 Ὁ 6.
Ὁ 8 δένδρων. This is the reading of nearly all MSS. both
420

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 10-18 586 b

of Plato and Eusebius, but the former reading δρυῶν Steph.
agrees better with the following words καὶ πολλῆς ὕλης ἄλλης.
The reading δένδρων has led to the omission of ἄλλης in Eus.
codd.

C2 ἄστρωτοι. Cf. Plat. Sympos. 203 D (Ἔρως) χαμαικετὴς dei
ὧν καὶ ἄστρωτος ἐπὶ θύραις καὶ ἐν ὁδοῖς ὑπαίθριος κοιμώμενος.

θυραυλοῦντες. Ruhnk. Tim, Lex. Θυραυλεῖν᾽ ἔξω τῶν θυρῶν
αὐλίζεσθαι καὶ ἀναστρέφεσθαι.

14] ἃ 3 ὁμιλάς. Demosth. 1466 καὶ κρῖναι τί τῶν πραγμάτων ἐξ
ὁμιλίας δυνατὸν προσαγαγέσθαι, καὶ τί βίας προσδεῖται.

ἃ 5 τρόφιμοι, “ alumni,’ ‘nurselings.’? Plat. Rep. 520 D ἀπε»
θήσουσιν οὖν ἡμῖν, οἴει, of τρόφιμοι ;

16] 589 Ὁ 5 πλοῦτος οὐ τυφλός. Cf. 28 6; Aristoph. Plut. 87 ;
Plat. Rep. viii. 554 B; Eur. Phaethon Fr. xii; Theocr. Jd. x. 19;
Antiphan. ap. Clem, Al. Strom. iv. 574.

ἃ 12 ἀληθοῦς δόξης. ‘Ficinus, vera opinione, But what is
true opinion? And if there is such a thing, what difference
is there between it and prudence? I think that δόξα here means
glory: for Plato had been discoursing much on the praise to be
awarded to honourable actions’ (Viger).

That the meaning trues opinion is quite admissible in itself
is evident from Plato, Legg. 653 φρόνησιν δὲ καὶ ἀληθεῖς δόξας
βεβαίους, where the connexion with φρόνησις, as here, is in favour
of the same meaning.

590 8 τὴν βασιλείαν. Matt. vi. 33. Eusebius omits τοῦ Θεοῦ,
and αὐτοῦ, to bring the passage more nearly into agreement with
his discourse about justice.

17) ἃ τι τῆς τοῦ πράγματος ἀρετῆς, bracketed by Schanz.
Badham, Praef. ad Euthyd. xliii, re-arranges the last clause
thus: τῆς τούτου τοῦ πράγματος ἀρετῆς, ὃ δεήσει γενόμενον ἄνδρα
αὐτὸν τέλειον εἶναι, ‘(the love) of excellence in that work in
which, when he has become a man, he will need to be
perfect.’

18] 591 Ὁ 4 καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν τοιούτων. ‘ Eus, non male’ (Boeckh).
The genitive depends on rz understood, an unusual ellipsis, but
one which is occasionally found, as in Aristot. Rep. i. 13. 2 οἷον
σωφροσύνη καὶ ἀνδρία καὶ δικαιοσύνη καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοιούτων ἕξεων
(Boeckh). Cf. Viger, De Idiotismis, 63; Plat. Legg. 716, Ast’s
note. Schanz, following Winckelmann, reads: ἄλλων τοιούτων

421

591 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐπιτηδεύματα. Stallbaum proposes ἄλλων τοιούτων ἄλλα πεπαιδευ-
μένον σφόδρα ἄνθρωπον.

19] 698 ἁ 6 θεοειδέξς. An epithet applied to Paris in Jl. iii. 16,
and to Priam, xxiv. 217.

θεοείκελον, used of Achilles, 7l.i. 131. Both epithets seem
in Homer to refer to bodily form and beauty, but Plato applies
them to mental and moral qualities.

40] 594 b 6 τεθειμένοις, substituted in Eusebius for πεπεισμένοις,
which would mean ‘those who are obedient to the law.’

Ὁ 8 γεγονέναι. On this elliptical use of the infinitive, where
the regular construction would require an imperative, see Jelf,
Gk. Gr. 671 c, and Bernhardy, Syntaz, 357, where there is
a reference to this passage of Plato.

ἃ 3 ῥυθμοῖς. Rhythm is the characteristic flow of the words,
whether in prose or verse. Thus Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 8, 1 seq.,
remarks that the language of oratory should be rhythmical but
not metrical: ῥυθμὸν δεῖ ἔχειν τὸν λόγον, μέτρον δὲ py woinpa yap
ἔσται.

421] 59582 Κινύρα. Cf. 63 a 6, note.

Μίδα μᾶλλον. Cf. Tyrtaeus, i. 6 πλουτοίη δὲ Μίδεω καὶ Κινύραο
πλέον. On the story of Midas and his gold see Ovid, Met. xi.
90-135;

8. 12 Ibid. εἰ μὴ τετλαίη μὲν ὁρῶν φόνον αἱματόεντα. Ibid. νικῴη
δὲ θέων Θρηΐκιον Βορέην.

These disjointed fragments of the well-known war-song of
Tyrtaeus are taken out of their proper order and construction,
and it is not easy to determine whether in the last three the
verbs are meant to be purely optative, as Ficinus seems to take
them, or conditional, as in the original, and as πράττοι and κτῷτο
are used by Plato himself above.

ἃ 5 Ἦ γὰρ ὁρᾶτε; Eus., 7 γάρ; ὁρᾶτε. Plat. With the latter
reading, we must render: ‘Is it not so? See: for I saw, &c.’
Compare Gorg. 468 ἢ yap; ἀληθῆ σοι δοκῶ λέγειν, ἢ ov; Where see
Heindorf’s and Buttmann’s notes.

422] 596 c1 αὐτόθι, that is, in Egypt. Plato had stated just
before that the Egyptians in order to train their youths in virtue
by the contemplation of what was really beautiful in sculpture,
in music, and in art generally, fixed by law certain forms and
patterns which were exhibited in their temples, and no painter
422

BOOK XII. CHAPS. 18-25 596 c

or artist was allowed to adopt any other, and ‘that the paintings
and sculptures executed ten thousand ycars before, literally and
truly ten thousand, were neither more nor less beautiful than
those produced at that present time, but expressed the same
skill.’

C 3 νομοθετεῖσθαι βεβαίως θαρροῦντα. The middle voice vopo-

θετεῖσθαι is used frequently in Plato not only of a state enacting
laws for itself, but also of the persons who will themselves be
subject to the laws enacted. Schanz, following Madvig, brackets
θαρροῦντα, for which Badham conjectures θαρροῦντι.
24] 659741 τῷ τοῦ Διονύσου xop>. Plato had been discussing
the necessity for the proper regulation of the poetry, music, and
dancing combined in theatrical representations such as those of
the Dionysiac Festivals.

ἃ 9 ἀνηκουστίας. Plut. Mor. 12 B διδασκάλων παρ᾽ ἀγωγὴν
dyyxovoria.

598 @ 4 τὸν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 86 A τῷ αὐτῷ λόγῳ
Gorep ov, With Stallbaum’s note.

Ὁ 6 dOopvBous. Aristotle, De Rep. ii. 12. 12, says that ‘the
law about drunkenness, namely that the sober should share the
power of the symposiarch,’ is peculiar to Plato.

Ὁ 8 ὕμνους εἰς Θεὸν πεποιημένους ἄδειν. These words and τοῦ
προσήκοντος κόσμον are evidently taken from the description in
Philo Judaeus (De Vita Contempl. p. 484 M.) of the feasts of
the Essenes: ‘And then some one rises up and sings a hymn
composed in honour of God... . After whom the others also
rise in ranks in becoming order.’ Again, p. 485: ‘Then they
sing hymns which have been composed in honour of God.’ Cf.
407 b 5.

25] 61 ὡς οὔσης σπουδῆς, corresponding to ὡς παιδιᾷ below.

599 Ὁ 6 τοῦ μαρτυρίου, LXX: Heb. TWid, ‘meeting.’ The ark
of the covenant ‘was so named as containing the Decalogue...
written on the tables of testimony ... and the tabernacle,
as we have seen (ὃ iii), ag in its turn containing the ark is
named... “the tent of the testimony’’’ (Hastings’ Dict. Bib.
iii. 665 a).

6 4 Mera βουλῆς, Prov. xxxi. 4, misplaced in the Septuagint at
the end of c. xxiv. The Greek translators mistook the meaning
of the Hebrew, which may be literally rendered, Not for kings,

433

$09 ε THE PREPARATION FOR THE GCEPEL

Lewsl,. wt for hiag ts dread cine: ead for princes, Wiere is
strom drink? see [εἰ τινὰ oo she reaming.

6; rie is not im the LUN ac thie piace, bat ms protably
intrstnand, by a lagee of memory, from τ΄ 5, Let him driak,
and forget his poverty, and rememier his misery (raw rere) πὸ
mire.

27) €00 b 3 ᾿Αθηναε. To le called am Athenian after the
“να of wisdom and her city was a better compliment than
to be aidrewed merely as an inhabtcant of Attica.

ἃ 5 σμήρενόοι. ‘ Valgo μήρινθοι, quod ut minus Atticom nunc
eorrectam habes ex Paris. A.’ (StallLaum).

601 4 2 otway. ‘ Post οὖσαν lacunam indicavi’ (Schanz}) The
winds καὶ μονοειδῆ, omitted in Eusebias and in Bekker’s text of
Plato, are represented in the translation of Ficinus, adopted by
Viger, and approved by Ast as necessary to the sense.

a 6 θαυμάτων. Cf, Plat. Legg. 645 D προσφέροντες τῷ Garpan
τούτῳ τὴν μέθην : 658 Β θαύματα ἐπκιδεικνύς.

A few lines before this quotation Plato has written, ‘ Let us
regard every one of us living beings as a puppet of the gods
(Oaipa... Ociov),’ or, with the reading θεῶν, ‘every one of us as a
puppet of the living beings, they being gods.’ Plato frequently
repeats this representation of men as puppets: see Legg. 645 D;
804 B. Compare Hor. Sat. ii, 7. 82

‘Duceris ut nervis alienis mobile lignum,’
and Vers. Sat. v. 128
‘To nibil impellit nec quicquam extrinsecus intrat,
Quod nervos agitet.’
29| 602 01 ἀκρότητα φιλοσοφίας. Cf. Philo Jud, De Mundi
Opis. li. 2 Mwvojs δὲ καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν φθάσας ἀκρότητα.

6 6 Λέγωμεν δή. Plat. Theaet. 173 C. The passage is also
quoted by Clem. Al. Strom, v. 706.

ἃ 6 ol τῆς θαλάττης λεγόμενοι xoes, ἃ Measure containing about
three quarts. In illustration of the proverb Stallbaum refers to
Aristeld. Or. iii, T. 1, 30, ed. Dind. τὸ λέγειν περὶ τούτων καὶ
ἐγχειρεῖν ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι βούλοιτο τοὺς xoas τῆς
θαλάσσης.

ἃ 10 κατὰ Πίνδαρον. Pind. Frag. 123 (226). ‘This reference
to Pindar is repeated by several subsequent writers, most of whom
havo borrowed from Plato. The allusion is probably to some

424

BOOK XII. CHAPS. 25-29 602 d

poem in which Pindar had spoken contemptuously of certain

philosophers of the Jonian school.’ . . . ‘Boeckh connects with

this another Fragment, ἀτελῆ σοφίας καρπὸν δρέπειν, as follows :
ὃς πέταται τά τε νέρθεν yas ἐφύπερθέ θ᾽ ὕπερθέν τ᾽ οὐρανοῦ
ἐξερευνάσων, ἀτελῇ σοφίας καρπὸν δρέπει᾽ (Donaldson),

603 b 5 θρέμμα. Stephens draws attention here to the differ-
ence between θρέμμα and ζωόν, the former being applied to cattle,
or contemptuously to man.

ἃ 8 βδάλλειν. ‘ Hesychius βδάλλει: ἀμέλγει. Item, βδάλληται"
θηλάζηται ἣ ἀμέλγηται᾽ (Fischer).

604 ἃ 1 σηκὸν ἐν dpe. Ruhnk. Tim. Leg. ‘Xnxds. ἔπαυλις
τριγχῷ περιεχομένη.Ψ Pro τριγχῷ malim θριγκῷ, etsi non ignoro
saepe reperiri formas θριγγός, θριγχός, τριγγός, τριγκός, στριγχός.᾽

@ 2 πλέθρα'ι The πλέθρον was 10,000 square feet, rather less
than a quarter of an acre.

Ὁ 5 σμικρολογίας. Cf. Plat. Rep. 486 A ἐναντιώτατον γάρ που
σμικρολογία ψυχῇ μελλούσῃ τοῦ ὅλου καὶ παντὸς ἀεὶ ἐπορέξεσθαι.

C7 αὐτῆς δικαιοσύνης. Cf. Phileb. 62 A αὐτῆς περὶ δικαιοσύνης,
ὅ τι ἔστι. Parmenid. 130 Β τί σοι δοκεῖ εἶναι αὐτὸ ὁμοιότης, χωρὶς
ἧς ἡμεῖς ὁμοιότητος ἔχομεν. ‘Ceterum pronomen αὐτό, ubi vim et
naturam alicuius rei genuinam indicat, plerumque neutro genere
usurpari solet, si nominativus aut accusativus ponitur; sin geni-
tivus vel dativus, id genus est adhibendum, quod exigit nomen
cui pronomen adiicitur’ (Stallb.).

a5 πάλιν αὖ τὰ ἀντίστροφα ἀποδίδωσιν, ‘he gives the philosopher
his revenge’ (Campbell, Jowett), a good paraphrase for what
means more nearly ‘he shows the reverse.’

605 8. 4 στρωματόδεσμον . . . συσκευάσασθαι. Cf. Xen. Anab. v. 4.
13 πάχος ὡς λινοῦ στρωματοδέσμον. “ Στρωματόδεσμος, stragulorum
involucrum, saccus, in quo loris constricto vestes stragulae vel
stragula lecti reconduntur ’ (Sturz).

8 6 ἀναβάλλεσθαι. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 1132 ryvdi δὲ χλαῖναν
ἀναβαλοῦ τριβωνικῶς. The verb has also the meaning, ‘to strike
up a prelude,’ ‘to begin a song.’ But the former sense is deter-
mined for this passage by Athen. Deipnos. i. 38 (al. 21), where
the quotation from Plato is introduced by the words, ἔμελε δὲ
αὐτοῖς καὶ Tov κοσμίως ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν ἐσθῆτα, Kai τοὺς μὴ τοῦτο
ποιοῦντας ἔσκωπτον.

9 4 6 λεγόμενος γραῶν ὕθλος. Plat. Rep. 336 D οὐκ ἀποδέξομαι,

605 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐὰν ὕθλους τοιούτους λέγῃς. Cf. Lactant. Inst. iii. 18 ‘Senex vanus
(Pythagoras), sicut otiosae aniculae solent, fabulas tanquam in-
fantibus credulis finxit.’

606 Ὁ 5 τὴν αὑτοῖς ὁμοιότητα. Cf, Phaed. 83 E‘ From sharing
the same opinions and same delights with the body, the soul is
compelled, I suppose, to have the same habits and nurture, and
become unfit ever to arrive at Hades in a pure state, but must
ever depart from the body infected by it, so that she soon falls
back into another body, and takes root in it as if planted there,
and has therefore no part in the communion of the divine and
pure and simple.’

30] 6078 Ὀπίσω Κυρίου rod Θεοῦ σον πορεύσῃ. Cf. Deut.
vi. 13; XK. 20, LXX Κύριον τὸν Θεόν σου φοβηθήσῃ καὶ αὑτῷ
λατρεύσεις.

91] d 3 ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ ψεύδεσθαι. The title of the chapter explains
this as meaning, ‘for the advantage of those who require such
a method.’ ‘ Eusebius may have meant nothing more than the
principle of accommodating the degree of enlightenment granted
from time to time to the knowledge and moral state of mankind ;
and his only error consists in giving the odious name of falsehood
to what is practically the most real truth’ (6, E. L. Cotton,
Smith’s Diet. Gk. and R,. Biogr. 115 Ὁ ‘Eusebius’). On the
general question see J. K. Abbott, Kant’s Ethics, Appendix 1.

G5 δυνάμενον μᾶλλον ποιεῖν. ‘A verb is wanted here, such as
πράττειν, προτιμᾶν, ἑλέσθαι, προελέσθαι, or the like: for the preced-
ing ποιεῖν is joined in construction with the participle δυνάμενον ἢ
(Viger). This view is confidently rejected by Boeckh, who trans-
lates δυνάμενον ποιεῖν by ‘ efficere ut faciant,’ and in support of this
meaning of δυνάμενον refers to Phileb. 23 D; Hipp. Mai. 269 D;
Menon 77 B, 78 B: but in none of these passages, nor in Legg.
176 C (quoted above on 598 a), has δύνασθαι the force of efficere,
so as to govern an accusative with infinitive. Ast, though at
first inclined to admit this force of δυνάμενον, proceeds to observe
that ὥστε must follow it, but finally accepts the opinion of
Stephens and Viger that ‘a verb might easily have been dropped
because of the preceding ποιεῖν. Schanz adopts the reading of
Stephens, πείθειν ποιεῖν. Badham proposed to read πράττειν for
πάντα.

32] 608 ὁ 9 οὗ καὶ καταγελαστότατόν ἐστι πάμπολυ ἡττώμενον.
426

BOOK XII, CHAPS. 29-43 608 Ἐς

For πάμπολυ Plato has πάντων, and with that reading we may
translate ‘ wherein, if defeated, it is most laughed at.’

G11 Kai γυμναστικὴ dpa καὶ πολεμική. This reading adopted
by Bekker seems to be very superior to the text of Eusebius in
Gaisford and Dindorf, Kai γυμναστικὴ δὲ dpa οὐδὲ πολεμική.

34] 610 Ὁ 3 τέλος... τοῦ Biov. The thought is expressed at
great length in the celebrated answer of Solon to Croesus, Hat.
i, 32. Compare Soph. Oed. R. 1528

wore θνητὸν ὄντ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν τελευταίαν ἰδεῖν

ἡμέραν ἐπισκοποῦντα μηδέν᾽ ὀλβίζειν, πρὶν ἂν

τέρμα τοῦ βίον περάσῃ μηδὲν ἀλγεινὸν παθών.

Soph. Trach. 1-3; Eur. Androm. 100; Troad. 510. Compare
Ovid, Met. iii. 135

‘Ultima semper

Exspectanda dies homini, dicique beatus

Ante obitum nemo supremaque funera debet.’
35] ἃ 3 νεωτερισμόν. Cf. Demosth. 215. 24 μηδὲ χρημάτων δημεύ-
σεις, μηδὲ yas ἀναδασμοί, μηδὲ χρεῶν ἀποκοπαί, μηδὲ δούλων
ἀπελευθερώσεις ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ.
38] 611 ἃ I μήτε ὁμοτέρμονοςς. The ὁμοτέρμων in antithesis to
οἰκείου πολίτου is ἃ, citizen of a neighbouring state who possesses
land on the frontier.

ἃ 2 τὰ ἀκίνητα κινεῖν. Cf. Legg. 684 E; Theaet. 181 A, where
the Scholiast describes the proverb as forbidding the removal of
temples, altars, tombs, and boundaries.

40] 612 Ὁ 5 ὑπὲρ τὸν κλῆρον. ‘ Vel ὑπὲρ τοῦ κλήρον dictum
esse eadem significatione qua ὑπὲρ τὸν κλῆρον, vel hanc lectionem
in illius locum substituendam esse fatendum est’ (Steph.). In
the sense of ‘ above,’ ‘more than,’ ὑπέρ seems always to require
the accusative, ‘quod Astius et Turicenses receperunt ’ (Stallb.).
ὑπὲρ τοῦ κλήρον is the reading of the MSS. both of Plato and
Iusebius, and may be explained by Legg. 744 D ἔστω δὴ πενίας
μὲν ὅρος ἡ τοῦ κλήρον τιμή, ὃν δεῖ μένειν, καὶ ὃν ἄρχων οὐδεὶς οὐδενί
ποτε περιόψεται ἐλάττω γιγνόμενον.

41] o1 ἐν τῷ διορύγματι, Exod. xxii. 2, ‘breaking in,’ R. V.
Cf. Zech. ii. 14; Jer. ii. 34.

43] 613 Ὁ 4 εἰσδέχεται, LXX. This use of the verb in a passive
sense is anomalous, though in a few passages the aorist εἰσεδέχθην
is so used.

427

814 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

44] 6140 8 Sarupdva. Cf. Hom. Od. iv. 621
δαιτυμόνες δ᾽ ἐς δώματ᾽ ἴσαν θείου βασιλῆος,
ot δ᾽ ἦγον μὲν μῆλα, φέρον δ᾽ εὐήνορα οἶνον.

ἑστιάσεσθαι must be of the middle voice.

ἃ 3 ἐκπεπύρισται is of the middle voice, as is shown by the

nominatives βελτίστη in Plato and royevucy both in Plato and
Eusebius. But βελτίστην (Eus. Plat. cod. v) may be defended
as coming before the construction has been determined by
ἐκπεπόρισται.
46] 616 a1 Isa. xxvi. 18. The passage in the Septuagint
is differently punctuated: ‘we have brought forth: we have
wrought a spirit of thy deliverance upon the earth.’

46] o 4 αὐτῷ, referring indirectly to Thrasymachus as the

author of a preceding remark (343 c) ‘that injustice is pro-
fitable to the man who is entirely unjust, but is thought to be
just.’

616 Ὁ 2 λιμοκτονεῖν, ‘to starve.’ Cf. Protag. 354 A ἰατρῶν
θεραπείας τὰς διὰ καύσεών Te καὶ τομῶν καὶ φαρμακειῶν καὶ λιμο-
κτονιῶν γιγνομένας.

ΘΙ γεωργός introduces ἃ new and partly incongruous figure,
so that it is difficult to say whether the following words describe
the treatment of a plant or of an animal.

47) 46 ἀγρονόμους, ‘guardians of the public lands,’ whose

duties corresponded to those of the ἀστυνόμοι within the walls:
καλοῦσι δὲ τοὺς ἄρχοντας τούτους οἱ μὲν ἀγρονόμους οἱ δ᾽ ὑλωρούς

(foresters), Aristot. Polit. vi. 8. 6.

φυλάρχους. ‘Harpocration (8. v.), φύλαρχός ἐστιν ὁ κατὰ
φυλὴν ἑκάστην τοῦ ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων, ὑποτεταγμένος δὲ τῷ ἱππάρχῳ, ὡς
᾿Αριστοτέλης ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ φησί᾽ (Rose, Fr. 392; Aristot.

Athen. Pol. 61).

_ 48 Tagtdpyous. At Athens the taxiarch was the commander

of the τάξις or infantry division furnished by each tribe

(φυλή). Aristot. ibid. χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ ταξιάρχους δέκα, ἕνα

τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης" οὗτος δ᾽ ἡγεῖται τῶν φυλετῶν καὶ λοχαγοὺς
καθίστησιν.

unice lectio est, quam etiam codices praestantissimi tuentur.

Vulgo ἐξοίκισις ᾿ (Stallb.). ἐξοίκισις would mean ‘an eviction.’

dg ἁλμυρόν. Sea-water, as being unfit to drink, was re.
428

BOOK XI. CHAPS. 44-49 617 ἅ

garded as impure. Plat. Phaedr. 243 D ἐπιθυμῶ ποτίμῳ λόγῳ
οἷον ἁλμυρὸν ἀκοὴν ἀποκλύσασθαι.

618 ἃ 7 ἐξαγωγήν, ‘exportation.’ Cf. Hdt. v. 6 Θρηΐκων ἐστὶ
ὅδε ὁ νόμος: πωλεῦσι τὰ τέκνα ἐπ᾿ ἐξαγωγῇ.

ἃ 8 ἀνθ᾽ ἑνὸς ἕν οὐδέν, ‘ nothing taken singly.’ Cf. Legg. 647 B
ἕν xpos ἕν οὐδὲν οὕτω σφόδρα . . . ἀπεργάζεται.
49] o1 ‘Os μὲν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰρῆσθαι, ‘Speaking as between
ourselves.’ Cf. Plat. Rep. 414 A ὡς ἐν τύπῳ μὴ δι’ ἀκριβείας
εἰρῆσθαι. The reading εἰρήσθω (Eus. codd.) may have arisen from
not understanding this idiomatic use of ὡς with the infinitive.

619 ἃ 7 τρίτος ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας, ‘in the third place,’ i.e. ‘twice
removed from the truth.’ Cf. Plat. Rep. 391 C Πηλέως σωφρο-
γεστάτου τε καὶ τρίτον ἀπὸ Διός.

Ὁ 5 Χαρώνδαν. On the date of Charondas and his laws see
Bentley On Phalaris, ch. xii., who corrects the account of him
given by Diodorus Siculus xii. 12. From Aristotle we learn
that Charondas was a native of Catana (Rep. ii. 12. 6), of the
middle class (Rep. iv. 11. 15), 8 hearer of Zaleucus (ibid. 12. 7),
who legislated for his own city Catana, and for the other Chal-
cidian cities in Italy and Sicily (ibid. ii 12. 6). As a hearer
of Zaleucus, who flourished B. c. 660, Charondas must have lived
in the latter part of the seventh century B.C.

ἃ 2 Κρεώφυλοςς. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. i 4; Strab. xiv. 638
‘Another Samian was Creophylus, who is said to have shown
hospitality to Homer, and to have received from him as a present
the ascription of the poem which is called The Capture of Oechalia.
But Callimachus on the contrary makes it appear by a certain
epigram that Creophylus was the author, but Homer was reputed
to be so because of the alleged hospitality.

“The Samian’s work am I, who in his home
To godlike Homer friendly welcome gave.
Of Eurytus and fair-haired Iole
I sing in verse that bears great Homer’s name.
Good heavens! To Creophylus what a gain.”’

ἃ 3 τοῦ ὀνόματος, Κρεώφυλος, ‘that child of flesh ’ (Jowett).

620 Ὁ : dviva. ‘The MSS. (of Plato) fluctuate between dviva,
évivat, dvetvat, ὀνῆναι, and Bekker has thence adopted ὀνῆναι; but
I cannot prefer that aor. 2 act. (unknown in any other instance,
and used here for the common ὀνῆσαι) to Matthiae’s correction

429

620 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(ὀνινάναι) ; particularly as the imperf. is the only tense naturally
suited to that passage’ (Buttmann, Greek Verbs). I have allowed
cvivac to remain in the text, being the reading of the MSS. of
Eusebius, and of some MSS. of Plato.

Ὁ 4 ἐπαιδαγώγουν involves the meaning of instruction or train-

ing, as in Plat. Legg. 641 B παιδὸς ἑνὸς ἢ χοροῦ παιδαγωγηθέντος
κατὰ τρόπον : ibid. 897 B ὀρθὰ καὶ εὐδαίμονα παιδαγωγεῖ πάντα.
50] 621 61 yis... πέρι. On this periphrastic use οὗ περί
see Gorg. 472 C περὶ ὧν εἰδέναι. Phaedo 95 E περὶ γενέσεως καὶ
φθορᾶς τὴν αἰτίαν. Ast, Ler. Platon. iii. 81 ‘ Vocis appositae
amplificatio est.’

G7 συνέριθοι. Cf. Plat. Rep. 533 D συνερίθοις καὶ συμπεριαγω-
yots χρωμένη als διήλθομεν τέχναις.

622 a I σμικρόν τι μέρος εἶναι. On the restrictive use of εἶναι
in parenthetical clauses see Plat. Polit. 300 C τὰ παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων

eis δύναμιν εἶναι γεγραμμένα. Crat. 396 Εἰ τὸ μὲν τήμερον εἶναι
χρήσασθαι αὐτῇ.

ἃ 6 καὶ τούτους refers to the gods, not to the laws.

Ὁ 2 νόμοις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δή τινι φύσει. Compare Gorgias, p. 482 fin.
‘For the most part these are opposed to one another, nature and
law.’ Aristotle comments on this passage, Elench. Sophist. xii. 6
ἐναντία yap εἶναι φύσιν καὶ νόμον, καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην κατὰ νόμον μὲν
εἶναι καλόν, κατὰ φύσιν δ᾽ οὐ καλόν.

Ὁ 4 ἰδιωτῶν τε καὶ ποιητῶν. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 258 E ἐν μέτρῳ
ὡς ποιητής, 7) ἄνευ μέτρου ws ἰδιώτης.

τὸ δικαιότατον. In attributing this sentiment to poets, Plato
alludes to a famous passage of Pindar, Fragm. 48 (151), referred
to in the Gorg. 484 B; Leyg. 690 B; Protag. 337 Ὁ
κατὰ φύσιν

νόμος ὃ πάντων βασιλεὺς

θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων

ἄγει δικαιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον

ὑπερτάτᾳ χειρί.
There are allusions to the same passage in Ηάΐ. iii. 38, vii. 104.
‘Fatalis lex, inquit, etiam vim maximam afert eamque tustam
eficit’ (Boeckh).

623 a 1 ἐν πρώτοις. On the omission of the article cf. Rep.
522 C; Thuc. viii. 89. 2 with Arnold’s note, approved by Poppo,
Goller, and Bernhardy, Gr. Syntaz, 311.

430

BOOK ΧΙ. CHAPS. 49-51 623 a

8 2 μετακοσμήσεως. Cf. Plut, Mor. 75 Ε ἐμοὶ μὲν yap δοκεῖ
μᾶλλον dy tis, ὡς ὃ Καινεύς, γενόμενος κατ᾽ εὐχὴν ἀνὴρ ἐκ γυναικός,
ἀγνοῆσαι τὴν μετακόσμησιν K.T.A.

51] o 1 ‘For θεόν Viger proposes θεούς, because the plural παρα-
κεκλήσθων follows. But θεός, like Deus, is often used of the gods
in general, and of things considered to be divine’ (Ast).

624 ἃ Τὴν αὐτὴν ἑαυτὴν δήπου κινοῦσαν. Compare Plat,
Phaedr. 245 Εἰ ‘Thus then the beginning of motion is the self-
moving, and this can neither be destroyed nor begotten, else the
whole heaven and all creation would collapse and stand still
(συμπεσοῦσαν στῆναι), and never again have any source of motion
and generation.’ In Theaet. 153 D ‘all is made to depend on
change; in the above passage (Phaedr. 245 E) all change de-
pends on that which is self-moving, but in both motion is essential
to being,’ Lewis Campbell, who further quotes from Comte,
‘No organism, even the simplest, could live in a state of complete
immobility. The double movement of the earth, and especially
its rotation, may probably be as necessary to the development of
life as to the periodical distribution of heat and light.’

625 Ὁ 4 ἀριθμῶν . . . πολλοστὴν τοσούτων. Cf. Philedb. 44 E
πρὸς τὰ πολλοστὰ σκληρότητι.

C I Μεμνήμεθά ye. Plat. Legg. 896 C, previously quoted by
Eusebius, 601 d.

626 Ὁ 6 Πότερον οὖν δὴ ψνχῆς γένος, Plato. ‘ Eusebius vitiose
τὸ γένος scribit ’ (Ast).

C 6 τοιαύτην, ‘of this same kind,’ has its meaning defined by
the preceding ἀρίστην.

627 a 11 σφαίρας évrdpvov, ‘a top ’ (Jowett),

628 ἃ 2 τὸ τοιοῦτον, 86. σῶμα.

& 3 airy, ‘Sic verissime libri Eusebii omnes pro vulg. αὐτῇ.
Ceterum quorumnam haec fuerit sententia non constat. De ipsius
Platonis ratione consulendus est TJimaeus, 34 sqq. et 41 D’
(Stallb.).

ἃ 3 ὁμολογουμένοις (Steph., Eus.) is restored by Stallbaum
instead of ὁμολογούμενον, which has the great majority of MSS,
in its favour.

629 di Πόθεν... λαβόν; The same argument is attributed
to Socrates in almost the same words by Xenophon, Mem. Socr,
i, 4. 8 ‘But do you suppose yourself to have intelligence, and

43%

591 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐπιτηδεύματα. Stallbaum proposes ἄλλων τοιούτων ἄλλα πεπαιδευ-
μένον σφόδρα ἄνθρωπον.

19] 698d 6 θεοειδέξς. An epithet applied to Paris in JI. iii. 16,
and to Priam, xxiv. 217.

θεοείκελον, used of Achilles, Zl. i. 131, Both epithets seem
in Homer to refer to bodily form and beauty, but Plato applies
them to mental and moral qualities.

20] 594 Ὁ 6 τεθειμένοις, substituted in Eusebius for reracpévas,
which would mean ‘those who are obedient to the law.’

Ὁ 8 γεγονέναι. On this elliptical use of the infinitive, where
the regular construction would require an imperative, see Jelf,
Gk. Gr. 671 c, and Bernhardy, Syntazr, 357, where there is
a reference to this passage of Plato.

ἃ 3 ῥυθμοῖς. Rhythm is the characteristic flow of the words,
whether in prose or verse. Thus Aristotle, Rhet. iii. 8, 1 seq.,
remarks that the language of oratory should be rhythmical but
not metrical: ῥυθμὸν det ἔχειν τὸν λόγον, μέτρον δὲ yy ποίημα yap
ἔσται.

21] δ9δ8 2 Κινύρα. Cf. 63 ἃ 6, note.

Mia μᾶλλον. Cf. Tyrtaeus, i. 6 πλουτοίη δὲ Μίδεω καὶ Κινύραο
πλέον. On the story of Midas and his gold see Ovid, Met. xi.
90-135-

8 12 Ibid. εἰ μὴ τετλαίη μὲν ὁρῶν φόνον αἱματόεντα. Ibid. νικῴη
δὲ θέων Θρηΐκιον Βορέην.

ἃ 5 Ἦ yap ὁρᾶτε; Eus., ἢ γάρ; ὁρᾶτε. Plat. With the latter
reading, we must render: ‘Is it not so? See: for I saw, &c.’
Compare Gorg. 468 ἦ yap; ἀληθῆ σοι δοκῶ λέγειν, ἣ οὔ; Where see
Heindorf’s and Buttmann’s notes.

22] 596 c1 αὐτόθι, that is, in Egypt. Plato had stated just
before that the Egyptians in order to train their youths in virtue
by the contemplation of what was really beautiful in sculpture,
in music, and in art generally, fixed by law certain forms and
patterns which were exhibited in their temples, and no painter
422

BOOK XII, CHAPS, 18-25 596 c

C 3 νομοθετεῖσθαι βεβαίως θαρροῦντα. The middle voice νομο-

θετεῖσθαι is used frequently in Plato not only οὗ a state enacting
laws for itself, but also of the persons who will themselves be
subject to the laws enacted. Schanz, following Madvig, brackets
θαρροῦντα, for which Badham conjectures θαρροῦντι.
24] 59741 τῷ τοῦ Διονύσου xop>. Plato had been discussing
the necessity for the proper regulation of the poetry, music, and
dancing combined in theatrical representations such as those of
the Dionysiac Festivals.

ἃ 9 ἀνηκουστίας. Plut. Mor. 12 Β διδασκάλων παρ᾽ ἀγωγὴν
ἀνηκουστία.

598 ἃ 4 τὸν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 86 A τῷ αὐτῷ λόγῳ
ὥσπερ σύ, With Stallbaum’s note.

Ὁ 6 ἀθορύβους. Aristotle, De Rep. ii. 12. 12, says that ‘the
law about drunkenness, namely that the sober should share the
power of the symposiarch,’ is peculiar to Plato.

Ὁ 8 ὕμνους εἰς Θεὸν πεποιημένους gdev. These words and τοῦ
προσήκοντος κόσμον are evidently taken from the description in
Philo Judaeus (De Vita Contempl. p. 484 M.) of the feasts of
the Essenes: ‘And then some one rises up and sings a hymn
composed in honour of God... . After whom the others also
rise in ranks in becoming order.’ Again, p. 485: ‘Then they
sing hymns which have been composed in honour of God.’ Cf.
407 b 5.

25] oc 1 ds οὔσης σπουδῆς, corresponding to ὡς παιδιᾷ below.

599 Ὁ 6 τοῦ μαρτυρίου, LXX: Heb. Tid, ‘meeting.’ The ark
of the covenant ‘was so named as containing the Decalogue...
written on the tables of testimony ... and the tabernacle,
as we have seen (§ iii), as in its turn containing the ark is
named ... “the tent of the testimony’’’ (Hastings’ Dict. Bib.
iii. 665 a).

6 4 Mera βουλῆς, Prov. xxxi. 4, misplaced in the Septuagint at
the end of c. xxiv. The Greek translators mistook the meaning
of the Hebrew, which may be literally rendered, Not for kings,

433

699 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Lemuel, not for kings to drink wine; and for princes, Where is
strong drink? See Delitzsch on the reading.

C7 πόνων is not in the LXX at this place, but is probably
introduced, by a lapse of memory, from v. 7, Let him drink,
and forget his poverty, and remember his misery (τῶν πόνων) no
more.

47] 600 Ὁ 3 ’A@nvaie. To be called an Athenian after the
goddess of wisdom and her city was a better compliment than
to be addressed merely as an inhabitant of Attica.

ἃ 8 σμήρινθοι. ‘ Vulgo μήρινθοι, quod ut minus Atticum nunc
correctum habes ex Paris. A.’ (Stallbaum).

601 @ 2 οὖσαν. ‘ Post οὖσαν lacunam indicavi’ (Schanz). The
words καὶ μονοειδῇ, omitted in Eusebius and in Bekker’s text of
Plato, are represented in the translation of Ficinus, adopted by
Viger, and approved by Ast as necessary to the sense.

ἃ 6 θαυμάτων. Cf, Plat. Legg. 645 D προσφέροντες τῷ θαύματι
τούτῳ τὴν μέθην : 658 B θαύματα ἐπιδευκνύς.

A few lines before this quotation Plato has written, ‘ Let us
regard every one of us living beings as a puppet of the gods
(θαῦμα. . . Octov),’ or, with the reading θεῶν, ‘every one of us as a
puppet of the living beings, they being gods.’ Plato frequently
repeats this representation of men as puppets: see Legg. 645 D;
804 B. Compare Hor, Sat. ii, 7. 82

‘Duceris ut nervis alienis mobile lignum,’
and Pers. Sat. v. 128
‘Te nihil impellit nec quicquam extrinsecus intrat,
Quod nervos agitet.’
29] 602 601 ἀκρότητα φιλοσοφίας. Cf. Philo Jud, De Mundi
Opis. ii. 2 Μωυσῆς δὲ καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν φθάσας ἀκρότητα.

6 6 Λέγωμεν δή. Plat, Theaet. 13 C. The passage is also
quoted by Clem. Al. Strom, v. 706.

ἃ 6 οἱ τῆς θαλάττης λεγόμενοι χόες, ἃ Measure containing about
three quarts. In illustration of the proverb Stallbaum refers to
Aristeid. Or. iii, T. i 30, ed. Dind. τὸ λέγειν περὶ τούτων καὶ
ἐγχειρεῖν ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις ἐξαριθμεῖσθαι βούλοιτο τοὺς χόας τῆς
θαλάσσης.

ἃ 10 κατὰ Πίνδαρον. Pind. Frag. 123 (226). ‘This reference
to Pindar is repeated by several subsequent writers, most of whom
have borrowed from Plato. The allusion is probably to some

BOOK XII. CHAPS. 25-29 602 d

poem in which Pindar had spoken contemptuously of certain

philosophers of the Ionian school.’ . . . ‘Boeckh connects with

603 Ὁ 5 θρέμμα. Stephens draws attention here to the differ-
ence between θρέμμα and ζωόν, the former being applied to cattle,
or contemptuously to man.

ἃ 8 βδάλλειν. ‘ Hesychius βδάλλει: ἀμέλγει. Item, βδάλληται"
θηλάζηται ἢ ἀμέλγηται᾽ (Fischer).

604 ἃ I σηκὸν ἐν ὄρε. Ruhnk. Jim. Leg. ‘Xnxos. ἔπαυλις
τριγχῷ περιεχομένη. Pro τριγχῷ malim θριγκῷ, etsi non ignoro
saepe reperiri formas θριγγός, θριγχός, τριγγός, τριγκός, στριγχός."

& 2 πλέθρα. The πλέθρον was 10,000 square feet, rather less
than a quarter of an acre.

D5 σμικ tas. Cf. Plat. Rep. 486 A ἐναντιώτατον γάρ που
σμικρολογία ψυχῇ μελλούσῃ τοῦ ὅλου καὶ παντὸς ἀεὶ ἐπορέξεσθαι.

ἃ 5 πάλιν αὖ τὰ ἀντίστροφα ἀποδίδωσιν, “he gives the philosopher
his revenge’ (Campbell, Jowett), a good paraphrase for what
means more nearly ‘he shows the reverse.’

605 & 4 στρωματόδεσμον . .. συσκευάσασθαι. Cf. Xen. Anab. v. 4.
13 πάχος ὡς λινοῦ στρωματοδέσμου. ‘ Στρωματόδεσμος, stragulorum
involucrum, saccus, in quo loris constricto vestes stragulae vel
stragula lecti reconduntur ’ (Sturz).

8 6 ἀναβάλλεσθαι. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 1132 τηνδὶ δὲ χλαῖναν
ἀναβαλοῦ τριβωνικῶς. The verb has also the meaning, ‘to strike ©
up a prelude,’ ‘to begin a song.’ But the former sense is deter-
mined for this passage by Athen. Deipnos. i. 38 (al. 21), where
the quotation from Plato is introduced by the words, ἔμελε δὲ
αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῦ κοσμίως ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν ἐσθῆτα, Kai τοὺς μὴ τοῦτο
ποιοῦντας ἔσκωπτον.

94. 6 λεγόμενος γραῶν ὕθλος:. Plat. Rep. 336 D οὐκ ἀποδέξομαι,
435

605 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἐὰν ὕθλους τοιούτους λέγῃς. Cf. Lactant. Inst. iii. 18 ‘ Senex vanus
(Pythagoras), sicut otiosae aniculae solent, fabulas tanquam in-
fantibus credulis finxit,’

30] 6078 Ὀπίσω Krpiov τοῦ Θεοῦ cov πορεύσῃ. Cf. Deut.
vi. 13; X. 20, LXX Κύριον τὸν Θεόν cov φοβηθήσῃ καὶ αὐτῷ
λατρεύσεις.

91] ἃ 3 ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ ψεύδεσθαι. The title of the chapter explains
this as meaning, ‘for the advantage of those who require such
a method.’ ‘ Eusebius may have meant nothing more than the
principle of accommodating the degree of enlightenment granted
from time to time to the knowledge and moral state of mankind ;
and his only error consists in giving the odious name of falsehood
to what is practically the most real truth’ (6, E. L. Cotton,
Smith’s Diet. Gk. and R, Biogr. 115 Ὁ ‘Eusebius’). On the
general question see J. K. Abbott, Kant’s Ethics, Appendix I.

ἃ 5 δυνάμενον μᾶλλον ποιεῖν. ‘A verb is wanted here, such as
πράττειν, προτιμᾶν, ἑλέσθαι, προελέσθαι, or the like: for the preced-
ing ποιεῖν is joined in construction with the participle δυνάμενον ᾿
(Viger). This view is confidently rejected by Boeckh, who trans-
lates δυνάμενον ποιεῖν by ‘ efficere ut factant,’ and in support of this
meaning of δυνάμενον refers to Phileb. 23 D; Hipp. Mai. 269 D;
Menon 77 B, 78 B: but in none of these passages, nor in Legg.
176 C (quoted above on 598 a), has δύνασθαι the force of effcere,
80 as to govern an accusative with infinitive. Ast, though at
first inclined to admit this force of δυνάμενον, proceeds to observe
that ὥστε must follow it, but finally accepts the opinion of
Stephens and Viger that ‘a verb might easily have been dropped
because of the preceding ποιεῖν. Schanz adopts the reading of
Stephens, πείθειν ποιεῖν. Badham proposed to read πράττειν for
πάντα.

BOOK XII. CHAPS. 29-43 608 Ἐς

For πάμπολν Plato has πάντων, and with that reading we may
translate ‘ wherein, if defeated, it is most laughed at.’

34] 610 Ὁ 3 τέλος... τοῦ Biov. The thought is expressed at
great length in the celebrated answer of Solon to Croesus, Hdt,
i. 32. Compare Soph, Oed. R. 1528
wore θνητὸν ὄντ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν τελευταίαν ἰδεῖν
ἡμέραν ἐπισκοποῦντα μηδέν᾽ ὀλβίζειν, πρὶν ἂν
τέρμα τοῦ βίον περάσῃ μηδὲν ἀλγεινὸν παθών.
Soph. Trach. 1-3; Eur. Androm, 100; Troad. 510. Compare

Ovid, Met. iii. 135 Ule
ima semper

Exspectanda dies homini, dicique beatus

Ante obitum nemo supremaque funera debet.’
35] ἃ 3 νεωτερισμόν. Cf. Demosth. 215. 24 μηδὲ χρημάτων δημεύ-
σεις, μηδὲ γῆς ἀναδασμοί, μηδὲ χρεῶν ἀποκοπαί, μηδὲ δούλων
ἀπελευθερώσεις ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ.
98] 611 di μήτε ὁμοτέρμονος. The ὁμοτέρμων in antithesis to
οἰκείου πολίτου is ἃ, citizen οὗ a neighbouring state who possesses
land on the frontier.

ἃ 2 τὰ ἀκίνητα κινεῖν. Cf, Legg. 684 E; Theaet. 181 A, where
the Scholiast describes the proverb as forbidding the removal of
temples, altars, tombs, and boundaries,

40] 612 Ὁ 5 ὑπὲρ τὸν κλῆρον. ‘ Vel ὑπὲρ τοῦ κλήρον dictum
esse eadem significatione qua ὑπὲρ τὸν κλῆρον, vel hanc lectionem
in illius locum substituendam esse fatendum est’ (Steph.). In
the sense of ‘above,’ ‘more than,’ ὑπέρ seems always to require
the accusative, ‘quod Astius et Turicenses receperunt ’ (Stallb.).
ὑπὲρ τοῦ κλήρου is the reading of the MSS. both of Plato and
Icusebius, and may be explained by Legg. 744 D ἔστω δὴ πενίς
μὲν ὅρος ἡ τοῦ κλήρου τιμή, ὃν δεῖ μένειν, καὶ ὃν ἄρχων οὐδεὶς οὐδενί
ποτε περιόψεται ἐλάττω γιγνόμενον.

41) οἱ ἐν τῷ διορύγματι, Exod. xxii. 2, ‘breaking in,’ ΒΟΥ.
Cf. Zech. ii. 14; Jer. il. 34.

43] 618 Ὁ 4 εἰσδέχεται, LXX. This use of the verb in a passive
sense is anomalous, though in a few passages the aorist εἰσεδέχθην
is so used.

427

614 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

44] 61408 δαιτυμόνα. Cf. Hom. Od. iv. 621
δαιτυμόνες δ᾽ és δώματ᾽ ἴσαν θείου βασιλῆος,
οἱ δ᾽ ἦγον μὲν μῆλα, φέρον δ᾽ εὐήνορα οἶνον.

ἑστιάσεσθαι must be of the middle voice.

ἃ 3 ἐκπεπόρισται is of the middle voice, as is shown by the

nominatives βελτίστη in Plato and ποιμενική both in Plato and
Eusebius. But βελτίστην (Eus. Plat. cod. v) may be defended
as coming before the construction has been determined by
ἐκπεπόρισται.
45] 615 a1 Isa. xxvi. 18. The passage in the Septuagint
is differently punctuated: ‘we have brought forth: we have
wrought a spirit of thy deliverance upon the earth.’

46] c 4 αὐτῷ, referring indirectly to Thrasymachus as the

author of a preceding remark (343 c) ‘that injustice is pro-
fitable to the man who is entirely unjust, but is thought to be
just.’

616 Ὁ 2 λιμοκτονεῖν, ‘to starve.’ Cf. Protag. 354 A ἰατρῶν
θεραπείας τὰς διὰ καύσεών τε καὶ τομῶν καὶ φαρμακειῶν καὶ λεμο-
κτονιῶν γιγνομένας.

CG I γεωργός introduces a new and partly incongruous figure,
so that it is difficult to say whether the following words describe
the treatment of a plant or of an animal.

47) 46 ἀγρονόμους, ‘guardians of the public lands,’ whose
duties corresponded to those of the ἀστυνόμοι within the walls:
καλοῦσι δὲ τοὺς ἄρχοντας τούτους οἱ μὲν ἀγρονόμους οἱ δ᾽ ὑλωρούς
(foresters), Aristot. Polit. vi. 8. 6.

φυλάρχους. ‘Harpocration (8. v.), φύλαρχός ἐστιν ὃ κατὰ
φυλὴν ἑκάστην τοῦ ἱππικοῦ ἄρχων, ὑποτεταγμένος δὲ τῷ ἱππάρχῳ, ὡς
᾿Αριστοτέλης ἐν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων πολιτείᾳ φησί᾽ (Rose, Fr. 392; Aristot.

Athen. Pol. 61).

ἃ 8 Tafidpxouvs. At Athens the taxiarch was the commander

of the τάξις or infantry division furnished by each tribe
(φυλή). Aristot. ibid. χειροτονοῦσι δὲ καὶ ταξιάρχους δέκα, ἕνα
τῆς φυλῆς ἑκάστης" οὗτος δ᾽ ἡγεῖται τῶν φυλετῶν καὶ λοχαγοὺς
καθίστησιν.
48] 617 ο 7 ἐξοίκησις, Eus., ‘an emigration.’ ‘Vera haec
unice lectio est, quam etiam codices praestantissimi tuentur.
Vulgo ἐξοίκισις ᾽ (Stallb.). ἐξοίκισις would mean ‘ an eviction.’

Gg ἁλμυρόν. Sea-water, as being unfit to drink, was re.

438

BOOK XII. CHAPS. 44-49 617 d

garded as impure. Plat. Phaedr. 243 D ἐπιθυμῶ ποτίμῳ λόγῳ
οἷον ἁλμυρὸν ἀκοὴν ἀποκλύσασθαι.

618 ἃ 7 ἐξαγωγήν, ‘exportation.’ Cf. Hdt. v. 6 Θρηΐκων ἐστὶ
ὅδε ὁ νόμος: πωλεῦσι τὰ τέκνα ἐπ᾽ ἐξαγωγῇ.

a 8 ἀνθ᾽ ἑνὸς ἐν οὐδέν, ‘ nothing taken singly.’ Cf. Legg. 647 B

ἕν πρὸς ἕν οὐδὲν οὕτω σφόδρα . . . ἀπεργάζεται.
49] c1 ‘Os μὲν πρὸς ὑμᾶς εἰρῆσθαι, ‘Speaking as between
ourselves.’ Cf. Plat. Rep. 414 A ὡς ἐν τύπῳ μὴ δὲ ἀκριβείας
εἰρῆσθαι. The reading εἰρήσθω (Eus. codd.) may have arisen from
not understanding this idiomatic use of ὡς with the infinitive.

619 8 7 τρίτος ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθείας, ‘in the third place,’ i.e. ‘twice
removed from the truth.’ Cf. Plat. Rep. 391 C Πηλέως σωφρο-
νεστάτου τε καὶ τρίτον ἀπὸ Διός.

b 5 Χαρώνδαν. On the date οὗ Charondas and his laws see
Bentley On Phalaris, ch. xii., who corrects the account of him
given by Diodorus Siculus xii. 12. From Aristotle we learn
that Charondas was a native of Catana (Rep. ii. 12. 6), of the
middle class (Rep. iv. 11. 15), 8 hearer of Zaleucus (ibid. 12. 7),
who legislated for his own city Catana, and for the other Chal-
cidian cities in Italy and Sicily (ibid. ii 12. 6). As a hearer
of Zaleucus, who flourished B. c. 660, Charondas must have lived
in the latter part of the seventh century B. Ο.

ἃ 2 Κρεώφυλοςς Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. i. 4; Strab. xiv. 638
‘Another Samian was Creophylus, who is said to have shown
hospitality to Homer, and to have received from him as a present
the ascription of the poem which is called The Capture of Oechalia.
But Callimachus on the contrary makes it appear by a certain
epigram that Creophylus was the author, but Homer was reputed
to be so because of the alleged hospitality.

ἃ 3 τοῦ ὀνόματος, Κρεώφυλος, ‘that child of flesh ’ (Jowett).

620 Ὁ 1 ὀνίναι. ‘The MSS. (of Plato) fluctuate between ὀνίναι,
ὀνῖναι, ὀνεῖναι, ὀνῆναι, and Bekker has thence adopted ὀνῆναι; but
I cannot prefer that aor. 2 act. (unknown in any other instance,
and used here for the common ὀνῆσαι) to Matthiae’s correction

429

ΘΩ2Ὼ 0 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(ὀνινάναι) ; particularly as the imperf. is the only tense naturally
suited to that passage’ (Buttmann, Greek Verbs). I have allowed
ὀνίναι to remain in the text, being the reading of the MSS. of
Eusebius, and of some MSS. of Plato.

b 4 ἐπαιδαγώγουν involves the meaning of instruction or train-

ing, as in Plat. Legg. 641 Β παιδὸς ἑνὸς ἢ χοροῦ παιδαγωγηθέντος
κατὰ τρόπον : ibid. 897 B ὀρθὰ καὶ εὐδαίμονα παιδαγωγεῖ πάντα.
50] 621 61 γῆς . . . πέρ. On this periphrastic use οὗ περί
see Gorg. 412 Ο περὶ ὧν εἰδέναι. Phaedo 95 E περὶ γενέσεως καὶ
φθορᾶς τὴν αἰτίαν. Ast, Ler. Platon. iii. 81 ‘ Vocis appositae
amplificatio est.’

ἃ ἡ συνέριθοι. Cf. Plat. Rep. 533 Ὁ συνερίθοις καὶ συμπεριαγω-
γοῖς χρωμένη αἷς διήλθομεν τέχναις.

622 a I σμικρόν τι μέρος εἶναι. On the restrictive use of εἶναι
in parenthetical clauses see Plat. Polit. 300 C ra παρὰ τῶν εἰδότων
eis δύναμιν εἶναι γεγραμμένα. Crat. 396 E τὸ μὲν τήμερον εἶναι
χρήσασθαι αὑτῇ.

ἃ 6 καὶ τούτους refers to the gods, not to the laws.

Ὁ 2 νόμοις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δή τινι φύσει. Compare Gorgias, p. 482 fin.
*For the most part these are opposed to one another, nature and
law.’ Aristotle comments on this passage, Elench. Sophist. xii. 6
ἐναντία yap εἶναι φύσιν καὶ νόμον, καὶ τὴν δικαιοσύνην κατὰ νόμον μὲν
εἶναι καλόν, κατὰ φύσιν δ᾽ οὐ καλόν.

Ὁ 4 ἰδιωτῶν τε καὶ ποιητῶν. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 258 E ἐν μέτρῳ
ὡς ποιητής, ἢ ἄνευ μέτρου ὡς ἰδιώτης.

τὸ δικαιότατον. In attributing this sentiment to poets, Plato
alludes to a famous passage of Pindar, Fragm. 48 (151), referred
to in the Gorg. 484 B; Legg. 690 B; Protag. 337 D
κατὰ φύσιν

νόμος ὃ πάντων βασιλεὺς

θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων

ἄγει δικαιῶν τὸ βιαιότατον

ὑπερτάτᾳ χειρί.
There are allusions to the same passage in Ηαΐ. iii. 38, vii. 104.
‘Fatalis lex, inquit, etiam vim maximam affert eamque tustam
efficit’ (Boeckh),

623 a I ἐν πρώτοις. On the omission of the article cf. Rep.
522 C; Thue. viii. 89. 2 with Arnold’s note, approved by Poppo,
Géller, and Bernhardy, Gr. Syntazr, 311.

430

BOOK XII. CHAPS. 49-51 623 a

& 2 peraxocpyoews. Cf. Plut. Mor. 75 E ἐμοὶ μὲν yap δοκεῖ
μᾶλλον ἄν τις, ὡς 6 Καινεύς, γενόμενος κατ᾽ εὐχὴν ἀνὴρ ἐκ γυναικός,
ἀγνοῆσαι τὴν μετακόσμησιν K.T.r.

51] 61 ‘For θεόν Viger proposes θεούς, because the plural παρα-
κεκλήσθων follows. But θεός, like Deus, is often used of the gods
in general, and of things considered to be divine ’ (Ast).

624 a Τὴν αὐτὴν ἑαυτὴν δήπου κινοῦσαν. Compare Plat,
Phaedr. 245 Εἰ ‘Thus then the beginning of motion is the self-
moving, and this can neither be destroyed nor begotten, else the
whole heaven and all creation would collapse and stand still
(συμπεσοῦσαν στῆναι), and never again have any source of motion
and generation.’ In Theaet. 153 D ‘all is made to depend on
change; in the above passage (Phaedr. 245 E) all change de-
pends on that which is self-moving, but in both motion is essential
to being,’ Lewis Campbell, who further quotes from Comte,
‘No organism, even the simplest, could live in a state of complete
immobility. The double movement of the earth, and especially
its rotation, may probably be as necessary to the development of
life as to the periodical distribution of heat and light.’

625 Ὁ 4 ἀριθμῶν... πολλοστὴν τοσούτων. Cf. Phileb. 44 E
πρὸς τὰ πολλοστὰ σκληρότητι.

ΘΙ Μεμνήμεθά ye. Plat. Legg. 896 C, previously quoted by
Eusebius, 601 d.

626 Ὁ 6 Πότερον οὖν δὴ ψυχῆς γένος, Plato. ‘ Eusebius vitiose
τὸ γένος scribit ’ (Ast).

6 6 τοιαύτην, ‘of this same kind,’ has its meaning defined by
the preceding ἀρίστην.

627 a 11 σφαίρας ἐντόρνου, ‘a top’ (Jowett).

628 @ 2 τὸ τοιοῦτον, 86. σῶμα.

ἃ 3 αὑτῇ, ‘Sic verissime libri Eusebii omnes pro vulg. αὐτῇ.
Ceterum quorumnam haec fuerit sententia non constat. De ipsius
Platonis ratione consulendus est Timaeus, 34 sqq. et 41 D’
(Stallb.).

ἃ 3 ὁμολογουμένοις (Steph., Eus.) is restored by Stallbaum
instead of ὁμολογούμενον, which has the great majority of MSS,
in its favour.

629 ἃ: Πόθεν... λαβόν; The same argument is attributed
to Socrates in almost the same words by Xenophon, Mem. Soer,
i, 4. 8 ‘But do you suppose yourself to have intelligence, and

431

629 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

that there is no intelligence anywhere else? And that too, though
you know that of so much earth as there is you have in your body
a small portion, and of much moisture but a little, and of each of
the other elements, great as they doubtless are, you have received
a small portion, out of which your body is compounded. And
do you then think that mind alone exists nowhere else, but that
you caught it by some lucky chance, and do you suppose that this
system of things of vast size and infinite multitude exists in such
good order owing to some irrational principle?’ The close simi-
larity between Plato and Xenophon in these passages implies their
remembrance of an actual discourse of Socrates,

ἃ 8 σωμασκίαν. Compare Xen. Mem. Socr. 111. 9. 11 ἐν νόσῳ

τοὺς νοσοῦντας Kal ἐν σωμασκίᾳ τοὺς σωμασκοῦντας.
52] 680 ἃ 5 [ὅταν]. ‘Steph. Eusebii scripturam proferens pro
ὅταν ante ἐν ἅπασι τούτοις scribi volebat ὦ τάν, et καί ante ἰδών
inserebat, quod utrumque Ruhnken. ad Tim. 281 adprobavit ;
sed ὦ τάν vel ὦ ray, ut Ruhnkenius cum aliis scribit, ab hoc loco
alienum est’ (Ast). Stallbaum begins a fresh sentence with ὅταν,
in which position some conjunction would be required, καὶ ὅταν,
ὅταν δέ, Or ὅταν γάρ. He also retains ὁρᾷς, which is not found in
the best MSS. of Plato or Eusebius. I have therefore bracketed
ὅταν, which is omitted in the best MSS. of Plato; but both ὅταν
and ὁρᾷς were already represented in my translation.

631 ἃ 4 ἀποδιοπομπήσασθαι. Cf. 382 a 4, and 394 br.

ἃ 7 διεπερανάμεθα, ‘we concluded.’ Cf. Plat. Phtleb. 20 C
κάλλιστα εἰπὼν οὕτω καὶ διαπέραινε.

Ὁ 6 οὐχ ἧττον ἣ τῶν (Ρ]α.). In Eusebius μᾶλλον δέ is interpo-
lated after ἧττον and τῶν altered to τῷ.

ἃ ἡ ὁ ποιητής. Hesiod, Opp. 301

τῷ δὲ θεοὶ νεμεσῶσι καὶ ἀνέρες, ὅς κεν ἀεργὸς
ζώῃ, κηφήνεσσι κοθούροις εἴκελος ὀργήν,

oire μελισσάων κάματον τρύχουσιν ἀεργοὶ
ἔσθοντες.

ἃ 9 πᾶσι. The reading both in Plato and in Eusebius is
very uncertain. Ficinus translates it, as if ἐχθρός or μισητός
were before him, ‘nonne odio nobis habetur?’ Jowett gives
a different turn to ὁ τοιοῦτος, referring it to the previous descrip-
tion of the gods: ‘ But can we suppose that one who takes care
of great and small will be luxurious and needless and idle, like

43a

BOOK XII, CHAPS. 51, 52 631 d

those whom the poet compares to stingless drones?’ For πᾶσιν
or was Stallbaum suggests κακός as removing all ambiguity.

ἃ 11 6 γέ τοι αὐτὸς μισεῖ. αὐτός means ‘the god himself,’
referring to the words τῷ δὲ θεοὶ νεμεσῶσι in Hesiod.

ἃ τό ὁ δὲ τούτον ye νοῦς, Plato; for which Eusebius has 6 δὲ
τούτου Tov γένους, a reading which agrees with the Latin of
Ficinus, ‘magna in eo opere curabit.’ The reading in Plato,
probably misunderstood by Eusebius or one of his copyists, is well
explained by Stallbaum: ‘Post relativum dvaxoAovOws infertur ὁ
δὲ τούτου pro eo quod esse debebat of δὲ νοῦς κιτλ. Quam
rationem Graecis non esse infrequentem ostendimus ad Polit.
306 C.’

632 ὁ 4 ἔκγονος, Plato; ἔγγονος, Eus. codd. Cf. 639 d 3,
note.

ἃ 6 βελτίω, Plato; βέλτιον, Eusebius. The former is required
by ὧν which follows.

ἃ 13 κτήματα. Cf. Phaed. 62 B θεοὺς εἶναι ἡμῶν τοὺς ἐπιμελο-
μένους, καὶ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἕν τῶν κτημάτων τοῖς θεοῖς εἶναι.
‘Post θνητὰ ζῶα Eus. addit ἢ νοερά, quod additamentum redolet
glossema ex recentiore philosophia Platonica repetitum, ut nollem
illud probasset Wyttenbach.’ (Stallb.).

ἃ 14 τὸν οὐρανὸν ὅλον. “ ὅλος οὐρανός est universus mundus, τὸ
πᾶν rerum creatarum universitas; vid. ad. Phaedr. 286 et 302’
(Ast). Cf. Tim. 69 C πᾶν τόδε ξυνεστήσατο ζῶον ἕν ζῶα ἔχον ἅπαντα
ἐν αὑτῷ θνητὰ ἀθάνατά τε.

633 a 2 ἢ σμικρά, Eusebius; 7 om. Plato, ‘seu parva huec sive
magna,’ Ficinus.

ἃ 1 φιλαιτίῳ. Cf. Isocr. 9 A μηδὲ φιλαίτιος ὦν, βαρὺ γάρ, μηδὲ
φιλεπιτιμητής, παροξυντικὸν γάρ.

634 Ὁ 4 τῷ πεττευτῇ. ‘ Deus omnia disponens πεττευτής dicitur’
(Ast’. Cf. Plat. Polit. 299 Εἰ χιλίων ἀνδρῶν ἄκροι πεττευταὶ
τοσοῦτοι.

Ὁ 6 προσηκούσης τῆς μοίρας. This should have been τῆς
προσηκούσης μοίρας, as in Plato, or προσηκούσης should be
omitted.

Ὁ 10 πρὸς τὸ ὅλον ἀεὶ βλέτων. The insertion of μή before this
clause is quite necessary to the sense, ‘ without constant regard to
the whole.’ See Stallbaum.

ΘΙ ἐκ πυρὸς ὕδωρ ἔμψνχον. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. v. 712 πῦρ

on Ff 438

684 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ὑπὸ τοῦ διοικοῦντος λόγον καὶ θεοῦ τὰ σύμπαντα δι᾿ ἀέρος τρέπεται εἰς
ὑγρόν. The water is‘ living ’ because the ‘ everliving fire ’ of Hera-
cleitus (πῦρ ἀείζωον) retains life under all its changes. Stallbaum
rejecting this obvious explanation proposes to read ὕδωρ ἔμψυχρον
for the very insufficient reason that the passage refers not to the
first element of all things, but to the changes of one element into
another.

9 3 i} καὶ τρίτης γενέσεως μετειληφότα. Cf. Plat. Tim. 41 E-
42 C.

ἄπειρ᾽ ἂν εἴη. This passage of Plato seems to have been the
source of an opinion propounded by Origen, De Principiis, ii. 9,
the Greek of which is preserved in an epistle of the Emperor
Justinian (A. D. 543) to Mennas, Patriarch of Constantinople: ‘In
the beginning which He contemplated God by His own will
created as large a number of intellectual beings as He was able
to support (διαρκέσαι). For even the power of God we must
declare to be limited, and not take away the limitation of it
under the pretence of reverence. For if the divine power be
unlimited, it necessarily follows that it cannot even understand
itself: for by its very nature the infinite is incomprehensible.
He has created therefore as many things as He was able to grasp
and keep under His hand, and compress under His own provi-
dence. As also He prepared as much matter as He was able to
adorn.’

The Greek is given in Lommatzsch, Tom. xxi. 215, and a
discussion on the passage in Huet, Origeniana, L. II. Quaest. i
(Tom. xxii, Lommatzsch).

This doctrine of transmutations is ascribed to Heracleitus by
Clem. Al. Strom. v. 712, and by Plotinus, Ennead. iv. 8. 468 B,
on which passage see Creuzer’s note.

6 9 ἀνώλεθρον δὲ ὃν γενόμενον, ‘ was indestructible when once
created.’

GI καθάπερ of κατὰ νόμον ὄντες θεοί. ‘Allevit (haec) verba
sciolus aliquis, qui meminisset loci Tim. 41 A... δὲ ἃ καὶ
ἐπείπερ γεγένησθε, ἀθάνατοι μὲν οὐκ ἐστέ, οὐδ᾽ ἄλντοι τὸ πάμπαν
x.7.A.... Haec igitur ille quum recordatus esset, addidit hanc
annotationem, eaque doctrinae suae iactatione verbis Platonis
gravissimam plagam immisit’ (Stallbaum). The reference of
τούτοιν to ψυχὴν καὶ σῶμα is made more obvious and direct by

434

BOOK XII. CHAP. 52——BOOK XIII. CHAP.I 84 ἁ

omitting the supposed interpolation, which is quite unnecessary
to the sense.

635 Ὁ 3 MeiLw .. . μεταβάλλῃ, ‘undergoes great changes.’
* μείζω, insigniora, vel ad virtutem vel ad pravitatem ’ (Ast).

Ὁ 6 τοιαύτη, Plato; τοιαῦτα, Eus.codd. ‘Dubium non est quin
illud τοιαῦτα mendosum sit, et τοιαύτη retineri debeat ’ (Steph.).
τοιαύτη, ‘ talis, divina ’ (Stallbaum).

C 4 ἀτυχὴς γενόμενος. Ast refers ἀτυχής to the unhappiness of
the criminal, ‘ qui ita infelix erat ut crimina committeret.’ With
that meaning we must adopt Stallbaum’s construction of θεῶν,
either as having been added ‘ex abundanti’ at the end of the
sentence, as if δίκης had not gone before, or rather as joined with
δίκης, which he prefers because it is immediately followed by ἣν
πασῶν δικῶν «t.A, In L. and Sc. Lex. ἀτυχής has a second mean-
ing, ἀτυχής τινος, ‘ without a share in,’ Ael. M.A. 11. 31, and
Wyttenbach, Index in Plut., gives ‘ ἀτυχής τινος, Plat. 672 E,’ but
I have been unable to verify the reference. Perhaps δίκης ἀτυχής
may mean that it is a misfortune to miss a salutary punishment:
cf. 643 d 6.

ἃ 2 ἀγριώτερον, Plato. Eusebius has ἁγιώτερον, which is inad-
missible, as giving the absurd meaning, ‘a place yet more holy
than earth or Hades.’

636 a 1 πρὸς οὐδέν, ‘of no importance.’ Cf. Soph. Aj. 1018.
For this Plato has was ov δεῖν δοκεῖς, “ἢ. 6. qui tandem videris
tibi non debere illam cognoscere ᾽ (Stallb.).

ἃ 5 ἡμῶν noe ἡ γερουσία. ‘The three interlocutors all of them
speak in the character of old men, which forms a pleasant bond
of union between them’ (Jowett, Introd. 7).

BOOK XII

1] 689 d1 See the notes on the same passage 692 ὁ 2.

ἃ 3 ἐκγόνοις. Cod. O has ἐγγόνοις. In late Greek ἐγ was
constantly written for ἐκ. Cf. Flinders Petrie, Papyri, 1891,
Index, ἐγ βασιλικοῦ, ἐγ δεξιῶν. Tebtunis Papyri, 1902, Add.
124. 25 μένειν δὲ ἡμῖν καὶ ἐγγόνοις.

ἃ 5 ἄνευ εἰκότων καὶ ἀναγκαίων ἀποδείξεων. “ Facete carpit suae
aetatis sophistas ac rhetores, qui τὰ εἰκότα et τὰς ἀνάγκας iactare
solebant, .. Theaet. 162’ (Stallb.).

ΕΔ 435

640 8 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

640 ἃ 2 καὶ ὅσοι μετὰ τούτων. This clause though found in all
MSS. of Plato is omitted by Eusebius here and in 75 d 5, and
692 ἃ 2.

C3 ‘Exwopidi. Cf. 534 Ὁ 3, note.

4] ἃ 2 xara τὸν ὕστερον λόγον. By ὕστερον Eusebius seems to
refer to the passage last quoted from Plato, Tim. 40 D. But in
the Epinomis 980 C τὸν ἔμπροσθεν λόγον clearly means the
‘Laws’: εἰ δὴ μέμνησθέ ye, ὦ Κλεινία: ἐλάβετε μὲν yap δὴ καὶ
ὑπομνήματα. ‘Epinomidis auctor se ipse prodit, dum fingit
Cleiniam et Megillum Legum libros habere scriptos’ (Ast).

3] 641 a1 Plat. Rep. 377 C. Parts of the same passage
are also quoted above, 76 c 3, where see the notes, and again
692 d g.

Ὁ 7 οὐσίαν is omitted in the chief MSS. of Plato, but in
Eusebius may well be governed by οἷοι, ‘of what nature they
are.’

6 8 χοῖρον. See note on 76 αι, and compare Aristoph. Ran. 338

ὦ πότνια πολυτίμητε Δήμητρος κόρη,
ὡς ἡδύ μοι προσέπνευσε χοιρείων κρεῶν.
Acharn. 747 χὴἠσεῖτε φωνὰν χοιρίων μυστηρικῶν.

642 ἃ 8 καὶ πρεσβυτέροις γιγνομένοις, ‘and as they grow up,
we must compel the poets also to compose for them in a similar
spirit’ (Campbell). This connexion with the following words
gives the best construction and sense.

Ὁ 2 “Hpas δὲ δεσμούς. Pausanias, i. 20. 2 ‘There is a painting
also of Dionysus taking Hephaestus to heaven. And this is the
story the Greeks tell. Hera exposed Hephaestus on his birth, and
he, nursing up his grievance against her, sent her as a gift a
golden seat with invisible bonds, so that, when she sat in it, she
was a prisoner, and Hephaestus would not obey any of the gods,
and Dionysus, whose relations with Hephaestus were always good,
made him drunk and took him to heaven,’ On the hurling of
Hephaestus out of heaven by his father, see Hom. Jl. i. 590. On
both these legends concerning Hephaestus, see Preller, Gr. Myth.
174 ff. and 177, note 1, where he quotes Sappho Fr. 66 (77) ὁ 8
Ἄρευς φαῖσί κεν ΓΛφαιστον ἄγειν βίᾳ, and Alcaeus Fr. 11 (57) dore
θεῶν μηδέν᾽ ᾿Ολυμπίων λῦσαι ἄτερ σέθεν.

Ὁ 4 ἐν ὑπονοίαις. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Ler. Οὐκ ἐν ὑπονοίᾳ οὐκ ἐν
αἰνιγμῷ, οὐκ ἐν ἀλληγορίᾳ.

436

BOOK XIII. CHAPS, 1-2 643 ς

6438 oc 1 βούβρωστις. Schol. Hom. Il. xxiv. 532 Kupiws μὲν
ὃ μέγας καὶ χαλεπὸς λιμός" viv δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ (sic) μεγάλης ἀνίας καὶ
λύπης κεῖται ἡ λέξις. ἔνιοι δὲ βούβρωστιν τὸν οἶκτον ἐξεδέξαντο.

C 2 ταμίας. Plato seems to have imitated Homer, Il. iv. 84
Ζεύς, ὅς τ᾽ ἀνθρώπων ταμίης πολέμοιο τέτυκται.

C 4 σπονδῶν σύγχυσιν. For the oaths and treaties see II. iii.
275 ff., and for the treachery of Pandarus, instigated by Zeus and
Athene, see Jl. iv. 92 ff.

C6 διὰ Θέμιδος. In Jl. xx. 4 Zeus summons the gods to council
by Themis, and sends them to take part as they will in the battle
between Greeks and Trojans.

c 8 Aesch. Mtobe, Fragm. 160. This and the preceding line of
Homer are quoted by Plutarch, Mor. 17 B, cf. 1065 E.

di παμπήδην. Cf. Aesch. Pers. 729.

ἃ 3 τὰ Πελοπιδῶν ἢ τὰ Tpwixd. Milton possibly had this
passage in mind when in Jl Penseroso he described Tragedy as

‘Presenting Thebes, or Pelops’ line,
Or the tale of Troy divine.’
Compare his Eleg. i. 45
‘Seu maeret Pelopeia domus, seu nobilis Ili,
Seu luit incestos aula Creontis avos.’
644 Ὁ 3 ἀπόχρη. Cf. Arist. Av. 1603
ἐμοὶ μὲν ἀπόχρη ταῦτα καὶ ψηφίζομαι.

Ὁ 6 αὐτὸν γιγνόμενον, ‘actually becoming what he seems’: this
meaning is made clear by the following words.

Cc 6 πᾶν φυτόν, ‘every growth,’ including therefore animals as
well as plants. Cf. Plat. Tim. 90 A ὡς ὄντας (ἡμᾶς) φυτὸν οὐκ
ἔγγειον ἀλλ᾽ οὐράνιον.

ἃ 2 σκεύη, ‘furniture.’ Cf. Lysias 154. 35 οὐχ ὅπως σκεύη
ἀπέδοσθε, ἀλλὰ καὶ αἱ θύραι ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκημάτων ἀφηρπάσθησαν.

645 Ὁ Πρωτέως. On the transformations of Proteus see
Verg. Georg. iv. 396-444; Ov. Met. viii. 731-8.

Θέτιδος. Cf. Pind. Nem. iii. 60, iv. 62, Dissen : “ Thetis quum
varias formas indueret, mutaretur in ignem, aquam, in leonem,
draconem, Peleus a Chirone monitus ista omnia cohibuit et
domuit.’

C1 ἱέρειαν ἀγείρουσαν. Cf. 79 b 3, note.

Ὁ 2 Ἰνάχου. Cf. Aesch. Xantriae, Fr. 159, Pausan. 611 τὸν

437

θ4δς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ἴναχον ἄλλοι re καὶ Αἰσχύλος ποταμὸν καλοῦσιν ᾿Αργεῖον. ‘ Aeschyli
-igitur versus fuerunt
Νύμφαις κ ais κυδραῖσι θεαῖσιν ἀγείρω
Ἰνάχου ᾿Αργείου ποταμοῦ παισὶν βιοδώροις.

Iunonis quae partes in Aeschyli fabula fuerint nescitur. Nos
hoc tantum ostendere voluimus, Aeschyli illos esse versus, non
Euripidis: e Xantriis an aliunde sint in medio relinquimus’
(Dindorf). It is evident from Plato’s words that Hera appeared
in the tragedy disguised as a mendicant priestess.

βιοδώροις, ‘life-giving,’ i.e. fertilizing, streams were espe-
cially valued in Argolis, where Poseidon was said to have dried
up the streams because Inachus had made Hera, instead of him-
self, the patron deity of the country.

6 4 ἐκδειματούντων. Wisd. xvii. 6 ἐκδειματούμενοι.

6 6 ἰνδαλλόμενοι. Cf. Hom. Od. iii. 246 9

ὧς τέ μοι ἀθάνατος ἰνδάλλεται εἰσοράασθαι.

ἃ 7 τῷ κυριωτάτῳ ἑαντῶν, i.e. to their own soul. Cf. Plat. Tim.
90 A τὸ δὲ δὴ περὶ τοῦ κυριωτάτου rap ἡμῖν ψυχῆς εἴδους διανοεῖσθαι
δεῖ τῇδε.

646 ἃ 4 ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ, ‘in animo’ (Ficinus), or ‘in such a
case,’ Plat. Rep. 393 C.

Ὁ 4 ὥστε μὴ ἄξιον εἶναι μίσους. Compare on this subject
Cardinal Newman, Apologia pro Vita Sua, Appendix, p. 72,
‘Lying and Equivocation.’

Ὁ 5 τῶν καλουμένων φίλων depends on ἀποτροπῆς ἕνεκα, ‘ which
the writer already has in mind’ (Stallbaum).

C 4 Ποιητὴς . . . ἐν θεῷ ψευδὴς οὐκ ἔνι; Stallbaum compares
Plut. Caesar i. 1 οὐκ ἔφη νοῦν ἔχειν αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ πολλοὺς ἐν τῷ
παιδὶ τούτῳ Μαρίους ἐνορῶσι.

ἃ 10 τὴν τοῦ ἐνυπνίου πομπήν. Hom, I1. ii. 6

πέμψαι ἐπ᾽ ᾿Ατρεΐδῃ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι οὖλον "Ονειρον.

θΘ478:1 Αἰσχύλου. Fragm. 266, known only from Plato’s quota-
tion. The translation is borrowed from Davies and Vaughan.

@ 3 ᾿Ενδατεῖσθαι, meaning originally ‘to divide’ (Aesch. Septem
c. Theb. 578 τοὔνομ᾽ évdarovpevos), is used in the sense of ‘ re-
proaching ’ by Soph. (Trach. 791 τὸ δυσπάρευνον λέκτρον ἐνδατού-
μενος) and Eur. (Hlerc. F. 217 λόγους ὀνειδιστῆρας ἐνδατούμενος).
In the present passage it probably means ‘to describe with false
praise.’

438

BOOK XIII. CHAPS. 3, 4 647 4

& 4 paxpaiwvos βίον. Cf. Soph. Oed. R. 518

οὗτοι βίον μοι τοῦ paxpaiwvos πόθος.

a 6 The presence of Apollo at the marriage of Peleus is men-
tioned by Homer, JI. xxiv. 62

‘Ye, Gods, attended all the marriage rites;

Thou too, companion base, false friend, wast there,

And, playing on thy lyre, didst share the feast’ (Derby).
On the other hand, Catullus, lxiv. 301, says that Apollo and
Diana did not deign to be present

‘Pelea nam tecum pariter soror aspernata est,
Nec Thetidis taedas voluit celebrare iugales.’

Β. 12 χορὸν ov δώσομεν. ‘The Choregi, appointed by the Tribes,
were assigned by the Archon to the poets, which was called
giving a chorus,’ ‘The office of the Choregus was to provide the
chorus in all plays, tragic as well as comic and satyrical.’
Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, iii. 22.

C 8 θάνατον οὐκ ἐποίησεν. Wisd. ii. 23, 24 * Because God
created man for incorruption ... But by the envy of the devil
death entered into the world’ (R. V.).

ἃ 6 ὁμωνύμως. Aristot. Categ. i. τ ὁμώνυμα λέγεται ὧν ὄνομα
μόνον κοινόν. Cf. Eth. Nic. i. 6. 12.

ἃ 8 οὐκ ἐπὶ βλάβῃ. For this and the following allusions to
Plato’s teaching see above 643 d 6, 644 ἃ 1, &c.

648 Ὁ 7 περὶ τοῦ μὴ ἀλλοιοῦσθαι. Cf. 644 d-645 Ὁ.

CI ἀναφωνεῖ. Cf. 5 d 11, note.

ἃ 3 ἀποτροπῆς ἕνεκα. Cf. 646 Ὁ 6.

ἃ 6 συγγενές τε. The construction is changed, as if τὸ τῶν
ἀνθρώπων γένος had been the subject of the preceding sentence.

ἃ 7 λογικός looks back to τῷ Λόγῳ.

649 ἃ 3 παρατροπήν, ‘perversion.’ Cf. Clem. Al. 490 ἐκ παρα-
τροπῆς. Here it means the perversion and degradation of men’s
Dature.

b 1 ὁ Θεὸς Λόγος. The words of Plato, quoted above, 646 d 2,
are here applied to Christ, by inserting Λόγος after 6 θεός.

Ὁ 8 ὑποστροφήν, literally ‘a turning round,’ ‘conversion.’

6 2 χαλεπανοῦμέν τε. Application to Christians of Plato’s words
as quoted above, 647 8 12.

4] 6509 4 τὴν γραφὴν φεύγω. Compare Xenoph. Mem. Soer.
i, 1 ‘The indictment against him was somewhat as follows:

439

650 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Socrates is guilty because he does not believe in the gods whom
the State believes in, but introduces other strange divinities.’

Ὁ 2 πρὸς Φιλίον. Cf. Phaedr. 234 Εἰ εἶπέ, πρὸς Διὸς Φιλῶν.
Pausanias, viii. 31, describing the temples of Megalopolis in
Arcadia, says: ‘Inside the precincts is the temple of Zeus the
god of Friendship, the statue being the work of Polycleitus the
Argive, and like Dionysus. For the god has buskins on, and
holds in the one hand a drinking-cup, in the other a thyrsus, and
an eagle sits on the thyrsus: this however does not agree with
the legendary description of Dionysus.’ For further particulars
of the worship of Zeus Philios, see Preller, Gr. Myth. 148,
note 2.

Ὁ 8 xarazreroixtArat. The construction proceeds as if the text
were καὶ olots ὑπὸ τῶν ἀγαθῶν γραφέων, x.r.r. (Stallbaum).

b 9 Παναθηναίοις. The Panathenaea was the great festival of
Athene Polias, instituted by Theseus, and observed every year,
but celebrated with especial splendour every fourth year, and
then commonly distinguished as τὰ μεγάλα Παναθήναια.

5] 650d1 On Numenius, from whom this fragment is taken,
see 411 b 1, note.

651 a 4 κοάλεμον. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. Ἰζοάλεμος: ματαιόφρων.

Aristoph. Eq. 198; Athen. v. 220 B.
6] co 8 wieiw ... μορμολύττηται. Cf. Gorg. 473 D ‘You are
trying to scare me with bugbears’ (μορμολύττει). Cf. Ruhnk.
Tim. Lex. Μορμολύττεσθαι est gestu quodam et pronuncianda voce
Moppw pueros terrere.” Cf. Aristoph. Av. 1245; Lucian Deor.
Dial. xix. 251.

652 @ 7 παρακρούοι. ‘Metaphora ducta est ab iis qui male
ponderant, i.e. ita ut libram impellant et concutiant manu, quo
propendeat altera lanx, et alter fraudetur. v. Harpocratio et ex
eo Suidas ’ (Fisch.). Cf. Ammon. De Divers. Voc. παρακέκρουσται.

Ὁ 9 καὶ τοῦτο πράττων. ‘This is the same phrase which the
Romans were taught by Numa to use in calling attention in
serious business and especially in sacrifices, Hoc age. Plutarch,
Numa, p. 69 d: ὧν ἴχνος τι μέχρι viv διασώζοντες, ὅταν ἄρχων
πρὸς ὄρνισιν ἢ θυσίαις διατρίβῃ, βοῶσιν ‘OK “ATE. σημαίνει
δὲ ἡ φωνή, Τοῦτο πρᾶσσε. Cf. Plut. Rom. Quaest. 270 c’ (Viger).
Plutarch, loc. cit. περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ἠσχολοῦντο Kai τοῦτο ἔπραττον,
ὥσπερ ἔτι νῦν προκηρύττουσιν οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐπὶ τὰς θυσίας βαδίζοντες.

449

BOOK XIII, CHAPS, 4-9 652 ς

9 2 παιδοτρίβης, ‘a trainer,’ or teacher of gymnastics. Plat.
Gorg. 504 A of περὶ τὸ σῶμα παιδοτρίβαι.

ἃ 11 éyivero. The imperfect tenses refer to the previous con-
versations of Socrates and Crito, before the former was in danger
of death. This explanation seems to be made certain by what
follows Crito 49 A τό ye ἀδικεῖν οὔτε ἀγαθὸν οὔτε καλόν, ὡς πολλάκις
ἡμῖν καὶ ἐν τῷ ἔμπροσθεν χρόνῳ ὡμολογήθη, ὅπερ καὶ ἄρτι ἐλέγετο,
where the last words refer to our present passage.

658 Ὁ 11 Δόξαν in John v. 44 means either ‘ glory,’ or ‘ esteem,’
‘opinion’ as used above by Plato.

C6 μορμολύττηται. Cf. 651 ¢ 8, note.

7) 654 a 1 ὅπερ καὶ ἄρτι ἐλέγετο refers to 652 ἃ 10 τῷ μὲν
δικαίῳ βέλτιον ἐγίνετο.

ἃ 3 dpa. ‘Eusebius dpa, male. Nam dpa hoc quoque loco
εἰρωνικῶς positum est, scilicet ᾽ (Fisch.).

Ὁ 10 ἀντικακουργεῖν. Even Pindar prides himself on returning
evil for evil: Pyth. ii. 83 φίλον εἴη φιλεῖν"

ποτὶ δ᾽ ἐχθρὸν ἅτ᾽ ἐχθρὸς ἐὼν λύκοιο δίκαν ὑποθεύσομαι,
ἄλλ᾽ ἄλλοτε πατέων ὁδοῖς σκολιαῖς.
Isthm. iii. 66 χρὴ δὲ πᾶν epdovra μανρῶσαι τὸν ἐχθρόν.
Archiloch. Fr. 65 ἕν δ᾽ ἐπίσταμαι μέγα,
τὸν κακῶς με δρῶντα δεινοῖς ἀνταμείβεσθαι κακοῖς.
8] 6550 1 ἐκαλλωπίζου. The laws of Athens are represented
as thus reminding Socrates of his former fine professions.

ἃ 2 “AAAo τι ow, ἂν φαῖεν, 7. The common reading, ᾿Αλλὰ τί
οὖν, was corrected by Stephens, and the correction adopted by
Buttmann and others in Plato.

658 a 1 The numbering of the pages in Viger passes abruptly
from 655 to 658 on the opposite sides of the same leaf.

@ 2 δῆλον ὅτι, written thus rather than δηλονότι, refers especially
to the addition of ἡμεῖς, δῆλον ὅτι καὶ ἡμεῖς οἱ νόμοι ἠρέσκομέν σοι,
as is clear from the following words rin γὰρ ἂν πόλις ἀρέσκοι ἄνευ
νόμων ;

& 3 οὐκ ἐμμένεις, Do you not mean to abide?’ Then ἐμμένεις,
or ἐμμενεῖς, is to be understood affirmatively before ἐὰν ἡμῖν ye
weiOy, ‘You will so abide, if you take our advice.’

9] © 5 σκευήν, ‘a dress,’ especially such as actors wore. Rep.
ix. 577 Β γυμνὸς . .. τῆς τραγικῆς σκευῆς, ‘a tyrant stripped of his
tragedy attire.’

441

658 d THE PREPARATION FOR THER GOSPEL

ἃ 5 Ὑπερχόμενος, ‘cringing to.’ Phavorinus Ὑπσέρχομαι τὸ
ὑποκάτω τινὸς ἔρχομαι, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου κολακεύω.

10] 659 ἃ 4 ὑπολογίζεσθαι, ‘to reckon per contra’ (Riddell).

660 Ὁ 5 The line in Homer (xviii. 104) is ἀλλ᾽ ἦμαι παρὰ νηυσὶν
ἐτώσιον ἄχθος ἀρούρης. Plato has substituted rapa νηυσὶ κορωνίσιν
from 1]. i. 170 οἴκαδ᾽ ἴμεν σὺν νηυσὶ κορωνίσιν.

Ὁ 9 ὑπολογιζόμενον. Cf. 659 d 4, note.

Ὁ. 3 ἐν Ποτιδαᾳ. On Potidaea see Thucydides 1, 56-65,
B.C. 432-429. In the Symposium, 219 E, Alcibiades describes
the exploits of Socrates at Potidaea, especially how he had
brought him when wounded safe out of the battle without
leaving his shield, and then persuaded the generals to give the
rewards of valour to Alcibiades instead of himself.

ἐν Αμφιπόλε. The capture of Amphipolis by Brasidas,
B.C, 424, is related by Thucydides, iv. 103-107; but we have no
mention of Socrates as being there.

ἐπὶ Δηλίῳ. Alcibiades thus describes the conduct of Socrates
at Delium (Β. 6. 424) in Plato, Sympos. 221 A ‘Again it was a
noble sight, Sirs, to see Socrates, when the army was returning
in flight from Delium: for I happened to be there on horseback,
but he as a hoplite. So when the troops were already dispersed
in flight, he and Laches were retiring together: and I fell in with
them, and as soon as 1 saw them, I began to exhort them to be of
good courage, and said that I would not desert them. Here then
I had a better sight of Socrates than at Potidaea, for I was myself
in less fear, because I was on horseback. First I observed how
far he was superior to Laches in presence of mind: and next he
seemed to me, according to your description, Aristophanes, to be
marching along with his head in the air, and turning his eyes
about, calmly surveying both friends and foes, plainly showing
to every one even at a long distance, that if any one were to
touch this man, he would repay him very vigorously.’

6 5 τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ, Apollo, who, in answer to a question of
Chaerephon at Delphi, replied that there was no man living
wiser than Socrates (A polog. 21). .

ἃ ἡ Καίτοι Eus. Kai τοῦτο Pl. “ Καίτοι πῶς puto profectum
esse ab iis qui ignorarent τοῦτο hoc loco dictum esse pro διὰ
rovro’ (Fisch.). ‘Absolute ponuntur τοῦτο et ταῦτα, idcirco, hanc
ob causam’ (Ast, Lex. Plat. ii. 494). But the construction is

442

BOOK XIII. CHAPS. 9, 10 660 d

better explained by Riddell, whose translation of the clause I
have adopted. τοῦτο, he says, is ‘not pleonastic,’ but ‘what is
this but that very same reprehensible ignorance?’

661 ἃ 4 καὶ ἀγαθὰ ὄντα. In Plato καί is supplied from Eusebius
by most editors.

Ὁ 2 ay... διαφθαρήσονται. ‘The construction of the fut.
indic. with dy is abundantly established ’ (Riddell).

C9 τῇ ψυχῇ. ‘An intensified form of the dative of reference,
equivalent nearly to a genitive’ (Riddell).

662 a 9 Mivas x.r.rX. ‘These judges are an instance of the
fact that certain features of the Greek mythology were first the
product of the mystery-worship, and thence made their way into
the popular mind... .᾽ ‘ All four were connected with the secret
rites, or mysteries, of their native places; Minos with the Cretan
mysteries, which through the Orphic influence were widely
known. Rhadamanthus, his assessor, is his countryman. Aeacus
was the hero of Aegina, where there were mysteries of Orphic
origin. And Triptolemus was connccted, of course, with Eleusis’
(Riddell, Apol. Socr., who refers to Dillinger, Gent. and Jew, i.
3. 175). Plat. Gorg. 523 E, Athenag. Leg. pro Christ. xii
Πλάτων μὲν οὖν Μίνω καὶ Ῥαδάμανθυν δικάσειν καὶ κολάσειν τοὺς
πονηροὺς ἔφη κιιλ. Tatian, Or. ad Gr. vi δικάζουσι δὲ ἡμῖν οὐ
Μίνως οὐδὲ Ῥαδάμανθυς, ὧν πρὸ τῆς τελευτῆς οὐδεμία τῶν ψυχῶν, ὡς
μυθολογοῦσιν, ἐκρίνετο, δοκιμαστὴς δὲ αὐτὸς ὁ ποιητὴς θεὸς γίνεται.

br Alaxds. Cf. Plat. Gorg. 523 E.

Τριπτόλεμος is mentioned only here as a judge of the dead.

Ὁ 6 “ὁπότε... τέθνηκεν. This depends upon ἀντιπαραβάλλοντι.
The whole sentence, ὁπότε. . . ἀηδὲς εἴη, is a restatement more at
length of θαυμαστὴ ἂν εἴη ἡ διατριβή, which it follows asyndetically
—an instance of Binary Structure: Dig. 207’ (Riddell).

Παλαμήδει. Palamedes was falsely accused of treachery by
Ulysses, and stoned to death (Xenoph. Mem. Socr. iv. 2. 33;
Ovid. Met. xiii. 56-62; Eurip. Palamedes, Fr. viii.). The author
of the argument prefixed to the Busiris of Isocrates writes that
the Athenians forbade any one to mention Socrates in the theatre,
but that nevertheless a story is told that, when Euripides wished
but yet feared to speak of him, he remodelled the Palamedes, that
thereby he might get an opportunity of alluding to Socrates and
to the Athenians in the words "Exdvere, éxdvere τῶν Ἑλλήνων τὸν

443

662 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἄριστον. And the whole theatre burst into tears when they per-
ceived that he was alluding to Socrates. The inaccuracy of the
story is proved by the fact that Euripides died B.c. 404, and
Socrates five years later, B.C. 399. Philostratus quotes the passage
as follows

κάνετε, éxavere τὰν πάνσοφον, ὦ Δαναοί,

τὰν οὐδὲν ἀλγύνουσαν ἀηδόνα Μουσᾶν.
Compare Diog. L. ii. 5. 44. The story of the repentance of
the Athenian people is regarded as a late invention by Zeller,
ii. 138.

Αἴαντι. Cf. Hom. Od. xi. 543.

ἃ 2 ἐκδημοῦντες. 2 Cor. v. 8, quoted apparently from memory
and inaccurately.

11] 663 ἃ 2 τοῦ χρυσοῦ γένους. On the golden race, and those
which followed, see Hesiod, Opp. 110-201.

a 5 Hesiod, ibid. 121. The same passage is also quoted in
the Cratylus, 397, and by Plutareh, De Orac. defect., 431, with
several various readings.

bi τιθέναι. Cf. Plat. Legg. 947 τὸν μακάριον γεγονότα θέντες.
The rites of burial for eminent citizens are in that context
minutely described.

bg ras θήκας. The custom of visiting the tombs of martyrs
was adopted as early as the death of Polycarp, Α. ἢ. 168.
Eusebius, H. E. iv. 15, quotes as still extant a letter from the
Church of Smyrna to the Church of Philomelium, which after
describing the martydom, and mentioning the tomb of Polycarp,
proceeds thus: ‘There the Lord will permit us to assemble as we
may in joy and gladness to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom,
both for the commemoration of those who have already con-
tended for the prize, and for the training and preparation of
those who shall do so hereafter.’ Cf. Tertullian, De Corona, iii.
‘QOblationes pro defunctis, pro natalitiis annua die facimus.’

6 9 ’ApioroBovAov. Cf. 323 d 6, Schiirer, ii. 3. 237.

12] ἃ 2 Φανερὸν ὅτι. The following passage has already been

quoted in part in 410 ἃ 11 from Clem, Al. Strom. i. 410. It is

very fully discussed by Valckenaer, Diatr. de Aristobulo, xvi-xxi,

with frequent reference to the earlier work of Archdeacon Hody,

De Bibliorum textibus originalibus, versionibus Graecis, et Latina

Vulgata, Oxon. 1705. Though differing from Hody on certain
444

BOOK XIII, CHAPS, I0-I2 663 d

points, Valckenaer fully agrees with him in rejecting the tradition
of the more ancient Greek version mentioned by Aristobulus:
‘Both opinions I hold to be mistaken, and herein most plainly
agree with Hody (iv. 1), who decides that no such version existed,
and that the ancient philosophers, Pythagoras and Plato, did not
derive their opinions from our sacred books.’

664 a 2 The words πρὸ Anpntpiov τοῦ Φαληρέως δι ἑτέρων are
rejected by Valckenaer, loc. cit., xvi, as a spurious addition to the
words of Aristobulus. Cf. 410 ἃ 13, note.

br Ἡ δ᾽ ὅλη ἑρμηνείαᾳ. Schiirer, ii. 3. 160 ‘The oldest part is
the translation of the Pentateuch, of the origin of which the
so-called Epistle of Aristeas gives a detailed narrative. , .. The
historical nature of this account, embellished as it is by a multi-
tude of graphic details, is now generally given up. The only
question is whether the foundation of the fictitious embellishment
may not perhaps be some historical tradition, the essence of
which was, that the translation of the Jewish Law into Greek
was projected by Ptolemy Philadelphus at the instance of
Demetrius Phalereus. This would in itself be very possible. ...
In favour of this view may also be cited the circumstance, that
the Jewish philosopher Aristobulus, in the time of Ptolemy VI.
Philometor, relates just what we have designated as the possible
essence of the tradition, without betraying any acquaintance with
the fictitious embellishments of the Epistle of Aristeas, which
seems to show that he was following some tradition quite inde-
pendent of the said Epistle.’ Schiirer gives up this view also,
because Demetrius Phalereus had been banished by Philadelphus
immediately after the death of Ptolemy Lagos: ‘There remains
merely a bare possibility that the Septuagint translation of the
Pentateuch owes its origin to the literary efforts of Ptolemy
Philadelphus.’

ΟΙ Πυθαγόρας. Valckenaer, xxiv ‘I am not aggrieved even at
his saying that some things were taken by Pythagoras and Plato
from the Law of Moses, because it is certain that both were in
Egypt, and Palestine bordered on Egypt, and it cannot be denied
that they both imported some philosophical opinions from the
East into Greece. If however the Christians had taken ag little
from Plato and the Platonists as Plato took from Moses, that
simple wisdom of theirs would not have been so corrupted.’

445

664 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 4 Ὀρφεύς. Valckenaer, ibid. ‘ First Orpheus comes upon the
scene, a name always convenient for forgeries. Albeit Cicero,
De Nat. Deor. i. 38, testifies “that Aristotle teaches that a poet
Orpheus never existed: and the Pythagoreans say that this
Orphic poem was the work of one Cecrops.” Now this “ Orphic
poem ” was “ΤῊ Sacred Legend (Ἱερὸς Λόγος). The passage of
Aristotle occurs in the De Anima i. δ. 18 τοῦτο δὲ πέπονθε καὶ
ὁ ἐν τοῖς ᾿Ορφικοῖς ἔπεσι καλούμενος λόγος.

ἃ τ: Φθέγξομαι. The greater part of this passage is quoted by
Justin Martyr, or the Pseudo-Justin, in the Cohortatio ad
Gentiles, xv, and parts of it by Tatian, Ad. Graecos, 39;
Clemens Al. Protrept. 63, and Strom. v. 722. Compare note on
97 d 3; and Hermann, Orphica, Fr, ii. 6.

d5 duépoy. Cf. Milton, P. L. i. 609

‘Millions of spirits for his fault amerc’d
Of heaven.’

ἃ 6 λόγον θεῖον. Ps.-Justin interprets this of the Divine
Logos, and is followed by Cudworth, Jnt. Syst. (i. 504), where
Mosheim justly remarks that ‘ we ought rather to say that Justin
lost sight of Orpheus’ meaning while endeavouring to discover in
it traces of the Christian doctrine.’

ἃ 7 κραδίης νοερὸν κύτος. Cf. Plat. Tim. 44 A τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς
ἅπαν κύτος. The epithet νοερόν is not appropriate to the body.

665 ἃ 5 κακὸν οὐκ ἐπιτέλλε. Ps.-Just. xv. θνητοῖσι δίδωσε,
Clem. Al. 725 θνητοῖσι φυτεύε.. This thought, that God is the
author of all things, including natural evils and the effects of
human passions, is required by the context, and it seems probable
that Eusebius tried to alter it. Cf. Orac. Sibyll. Fr. ii. 18

τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀγαθὸν προφέρων καὶ πλείονα μισθόν,
τοῖς δὲ κακοῖς ἀδίκοις τε χόλον καὶ θυμὸν ἐγείρων
καὶ πόλεμον καὶ λοιμὸν ἰδ᾽ ἄλγεα δακρνόεντα.

b 2 πρὶν δή ποτε δεῦρ᾽ ἐπὶ γαῖαν, to be connected with what
precedes, of which it completes the sense.

C1 δέκα πτυχαί, altered in Eusebius to δεκάπτυχον, which can
only be construed with νέφος repeated from the preceding clause.
Ps.-Justin, Cohort xv, De Monarch. ii, has an entirely different
reading

πᾶσιν yap θνητοῖς θνηταὶ κόραι εἰσὶν ἐν ὄσσοις,
ἀσθενέες δ᾽ ἰδέειν Δία τὸν πάντων μεδέοντα.
446

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 12 665 c

6 4 Χαλδαίων. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. v. 723. The passage
refers not to Moses (Huet), but to Abraham who was sprung
from Chaldea, and was represented as intimately versed in
astronomy. See Mosheim’s note on Cudworth, Int. Syst. i. 504.

ἃ 3 Αὐτὸς δή. This description of God on His throne is
quoted with many variations by Ps.-Justin and Clement in the
places mentioned above.

666 a 3 (ὑδογενής ) ‘vere corrigunt Scaliger Emend. in Fr.
viii, Casaub. ad Athen. p. 130’ (Lobeck, Agl. i. 444). Gesner
referred ὑλογενής to the bulrushes in which Moses was hidden.

@ 4 StrAaxa. Hom. Jl. iii. 125

ἡ δὲ μέγαν ἱστὸν ὕφαινε,
δίπλακα πορφυρέην.
fl. xxiii. 252 ὀστέα λευκὰ
ἄλλεγον ἐς χρυσέην φιάλην καὶ δίπλακα δημόν.

b 4 Ἐκ Διός. For Διός, the genuine reading in Aratus, θεοῦ

was substituted by Aristobulus, as he explains in d 2. Διός,

found as a correction in cod. F (Beo8), has been adopted by all
editors. The passage is quoted by Theophilus Ad Autolyc. ii. 8,
and Clem. AJ. Strom. v. 709, and the poem of Aratus was trans-
lated into Latin by Cicero, by Germanicus (grandson of Livia),
and by Rufus Festus Avienus: it is well edited by E. Maas,
Berlin, 1893.

ἃ 7 αἵρεσις. Valckenaer thinks that this refers to the Peri-
patetic School, to which Aristobulus belonged, and which is named
below, 667 Ὁ 1. But it is more in accordance with the context
to refer it to the philosophy contained in the Hebrew Scriptures.

Ἡ δὲ τοῦ νόμους ‘In these few words Aristobulus clearly
shows that the soul of religion, and the end and aim of the
whole Law, is to teach men their duties towards (1) God,
(2) men, (3) themselves’ (Valckenaer).

667 a 5 ἀνάπαυσιν. Clem. Al. Strom. vi. 810 ‘And the third
(fourth) commandment is that which shows that the world has
been made by God, and that He has given us the seventh day
as a rest because of the trouble of life... . The seventh day
therefore is proclaimed as a rest, a release from trouble, preparing
for the First-begotten Day which is our true rest, which is also
in truth the first birth of light, in whom all things are seen

447

667 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

and allinherited. From this day the first wisdom and knowledge
enlighten us: for the light of truth is true light.’

8. 7 Meradéporo. The meaning seems to be that the seventh
day might metaphorically be called the day of wisdom, as in
Clement, who here quotes without acknowledgement the words of
Aristobulus ἐν @ τὰ πάντα συνθεωρεῖται. This clause refers to Gen.
i. 31 ‘And God saw everything that He had made.’

b 2 λαμπτῆρος. Clem. Al. ibid. λαμπτῆρος ἐπέχον τάξιν εἰς THY
τῶν ὄντων ἐπίγνωσιν: ἀκολουθοῦντες οὖν αὐτῷ δι ὅλου τοῦ βίου
ἀπαθεῖς καθιστάμεθα, τὸ δέ ἐστιν ἀναπαύσασθαι. See the remarks
οὗ Valckenaer, xxviii. 38, on the interpretation of the seventh
day by Aristobulus and Clement.

C1 καθέστηκεν ‘tantundem notat ac ἐστί᾽ (Valckenaer) : rather,
perhaps, ‘stands for.’

ἐπὶ τῷ καταπεπανκέναι. Cf. Clem. Al. Strom. vi. 813 Ἔστιν δ᾽
οὖν καταπεπαυκέναι τὸ τὴν τάξιν τῶν γενομένων eis πάντα χρόνον
ἀπαραβάτως φυλάσσεσθαι τεταχέναι, καὶ τῆς παλαιᾶς ἀταξίας ἕκαστον
τῶν κτισμάτων καταπεπαυκέναι. The general meaning is quite clear,
but not the exact construction. If xarareravxéva: refers to God,
as κατέπαυσεν does in the original, it must apparently be taken
transitively, ‘after He had given a rest to the order of the things
created, He fixed it so for all time.’ But if with Clement we
refer καταπεπαυκέναι to the things created, we must give ἐπί a
different meaning, ‘but with a view to their having rest He
fixed the order of things created thus for all time.’ There is,
perhaps, some confusion in the text.

G6 (ov). The negative ov, though omitted in almost every
MS. of Eusebius, is quite necessary to the sense.

C 7 τοῦ περὶ ἡμᾶς ἑβδόμον λόγον. Cf. Philo. Jud. 28 M., and
Ps.-Plut. de Placitis Philos. iv. 4 ‘The Stoics say that the soul
is composed of eight parts, five senses, sight, hearing, smelling,
taste, touch, a sixth speech, a seventh generation, an eighth
reasqn itself (αὐτοῦ rod ἡγεμονικοῦ), from which these are all
extended through their proper organs, in a similar way to the
feelers of a polypus.’ Aristobulus puts reason in the seventh
place, apparently omitting generation.

98 Ad ἑβδομάδων. This sentence is borrowed from Aristobulus
without acknowledgement by Clem. Al. Strom, v. 713 and again
vi. 813. On the supposed virtues of the number seven see

448

BOOK XIII, CHAPS, 12, 13 667 ς

Ps.-Just. Quaest. et Respons, |xix, Philo Jud. 21 M. ‘I know not
if any one could adequately celebrate the nature of the number
seven, since it is superior to all description in words.’

ἃ 6 Πρῶτον évy. Hesiod, Opp. et ὃ. 770. The verse occurs
in Hesiod’s calendar of the month, and in the next verse a reason
is given for the sacredness of the seventh day, that on it ‘ Latona
bare Apollo of the golden sword.’ The verses which follow are
all falsely ascribed to Hesiod, Homer, and Linus: in Clement
Callimachus is named instead of Linus. Valckenaer is of opinion
that Clement was too familiar with the poems of Homer, Hesiod,
and Callimachus to be deceived by the forged verses of Aristo-
bulus, and that these had been interpolated in the text of
Clement before the time of Eusebius: he admits however that
Clement was sometimes deceived by spurious writings. In
chapter xxxvi Valckenaer shows that the seventh day was not
held sacred by the ancient Greeks or Romans as it was by the
Jews, and that neither Philo Judaeus nor Josephus had so stated.
He refers to the treatise of Selden, de Jure Naturae. et Gentium
iuzta Hebr, ili, 13-15 et 19.

668 a 7 For προειρημένα Viger suggests προῃρημένα, which gives
a better sense.

8 8 Λίνος. On Linus see Mullach, i. 155, and Verg. Eel. iv. 55

‘Non me carminibus vincet nec Thracius Orpheus

Nec Linus, huic mater quamvis atque huic pater adsit,
Orphei Calliopea, Lino formosus Apollo.’
13] 6 ἡ ywork)... ἀλήθεια. Ironical.

669 a 2 τὸ ἐν τῇ Σοφί. Wisdom vii. 24. ‘Grimm notes that
the verbs διήκειν and χωρεῖν are used by Stoical writers in con-
nexion with the spirituality and immateriality of the Anima
Mundi. Thus he quotes Plutarch, Plac. Phil. i. 881 F οἱ Στωϊκοὶ
.- . θεὸν ἀποφαίνονται... πνεῦμα μὲν διῆκον δι᾿ ὅλον τοῦ κόσμου,
τὰς δὲ προσηγορίας μεταλάμβανον διὰ τὰς τῆς ὕλης, de ἧς κεχώρηκε,
παραλλάξεις. Athenag. Suppl. vi. (pp. 32, 34, ed. Otto) οἱ δ᾽ ἀπὸ
τῆς Στοᾶς δι᾿ ὕλης... φασὶ τὸ πνεῦμα χωρεῖν τοῦ θεοῦ... . διήκει
δὲ δι᾿ ὅλον τοῦ κόσμον᾽ (W. J. Deane).

ἃ 8 τολμηρότερον ἤδη μὴ ὅν, Clement’s text, of which μὴ τόδε
ἡ (Viger) seems to be a corruption, since τὸ μὴ τόδε is not like
Plato’s language, but rather like Aristotle. Cf. Elench. Sophist.
Vii. 2 τῷ yap ἑνὶ καὶ τῇ οὐσίᾳ μάλιστα δοκεῖ παρέπεσθαι τὸ τόδε τι

oe Gg 449
* @

669 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

καὶ τὸ Ov: Metaph. vi. 4. 9 τὸ τόδε τι ταῖς οὐσίαις ὑπάρχει μόνον.
Otherwise τὸ μὴ τόδε, ‘not an individual thing,’ is sufficiently
appropriate to the context.

Ὁ ἀόρατος καὶ ἀκατασκεύαστος. ‘Iren. i. 18. 1 τὸν ἀόρατον δὲ
καὶ τὸν ἀπόκρυφον αὐτῆς μηνύοντα εἰπεῖν Ἧ δὲ yn” (Swete, Introd.
to Ο. Τ. in Gk. 465).

C 2 ἡ τοῦ αὐτομάτου παρείσδυσις. Cf. Plut. Mor. 476 C προκατ-
εἰλημμαί σε, ὦ τύχη, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν σὴν ἀφήρημαι παρείσδυσιν, ov
μοχλοῖς, οὐδὲ κλεισίν, οὐδὲ τείχεσιν t ἐθαρρυνεν t (? θαρρύνων) ἑαντόν,
ἀλλὰ δόγμασι καὶ λόγοις.

6.4 μέχρι σελήνης. On Aristotle’s opinions about Providence
compare 800 a 7, 842 ὁ 4, ἃ 8. Cf. Athenag. Leg. 134; Tatian,
Or. ad Gr. 9, το.

ἃ 5 ἰδίᾳ παραλαβόντες. The better reading in Plato, Rep.
615 E, is διαλαβόντες, ‘ having seized round the middle.’ ‘There
is nothing in what follows answering to ἰδίᾳ (Stallb.).

ἃ ἡ ἐπ᾽ ἀσπαλάθων κνάπτοντες. Cf. Hdt. i. 92 ἐπὶ κνάφον ἕλκων.
Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. Κνάφος" ὄργανόν τι ὃν κύκλῳ κέντρα ἔχον, δι᾿ οὗ
τοὺς βασανιζομένους κτείνουσιν: ὅμοιον δέ ἐστιν γναφικῷ κτεν The
ἀσπάλαθος was a prickly shrub.

670 Ὁ 4 ὃν εἵλετο δαίμονα. Cf.Plat. Phaed.107 D ὁ ἑκάστου δαίμων,
ὅσπερ ζῶντα εἰλήχει. ‘Praeclare Menander ap.Clem. Al. Strom. vi. 727

ἅπαντι δαίμων ἀνδρὶ συμπαραστατεῖ
εὐθὺς γενομένῳ μνυσταγωγὸς τοῦ Biov’ (Stallb.).

C 4 ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ. Eusebius has here abridged the state-
ment of Clement, in whose text we read—dAAa καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ
γεγονέναι σημαίνει καθάπερ υἱόν, πατέρα δὲ αὐτοῦ κεκλῆσθαι, ὡς ἂν
ἐκ μόνου γενομένου, κ.τ.λ.

d1 ἐνοικοῦσαν. Cf. 549 d 1, where the same passage is quoted.

67184 Κόσμον re. Cf. 548 d 1, and the notes there.

C2 ὃ γήϊνόν φησιν ὃ Πλάτων σκῆνος. See note on 549 Ὁ 1.

672 ἃ 2 κἀν τῷ Λύσιδι. Cf. Plat. Lys. 214 ἀδικεῖ γάρ' ἀδικοῦντας
δὲ καὶ ἀδικουμένους ἀδύνατόν πον φίλους εἶναι.

ἃ 5 Πρᾶξιν εἶναι φίλην. Plat. Legg. 716 C Tis οὖν δὴ πρᾶξις
φίλη καὶ ἀκόλουθος θεῷ ; μία, καὶ ἕνα λόγον ἔχουσα ἀρχαῖον, ὅτι τῷ
μὲν ὁμοίῳ τὸ ὅμοιον ὄντι μετρίῳ φίλον ἂν εἴη. For ὅτι Clem. Eus.
codd. have ὅταν.

8 6 τὸ μὲν ὅμοιον. On the saying compare Plat. Legg. 837 A
φίλον μέν που καλοῦμεν ὅμοιον ὁμοίῳ κατ᾽ ἀρετήν.

45°

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 13 672 b

b1 Πᾶς yap δὴ ἀγαθός. I have not succeeded in finding this
passage.

d6 Λέγωμεν δή. Plat. Theaetet. 173 C, quoted more fully
602 c, where see notes.

673 a 6 γᾶς ὑπένερθεν. In Plato the sentence is as follows:
τά τε yas ὑπένερθε καὶ τὰ ἐπίπεδα γεωμετροῦσα, οὐρανοῦ τε ὕπερ
ἀστρονομοῦσα. In abridging this Clement hag destroyed the
proper construction.

Ὁ 4 τοῦ ὀμόσαι. In Plat. Legg. 917 C the prohibition applies
to the sale of goods.

ἃ 4 πηλὸς ὁ (Προμηθῆος). Cf. Lucian, Prometh. vel Caucas.
xiii, καὶ δὴ κατὰ τὸν ποιητικὸν λόγον "γαῖαν We φύρας᾽ καὶ δια-
μαλάξας ἀνέπλασα τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. Soph. Pandora, Fr. 432 καὶ
πρῶτον (ἀργὸν) πηλὸν ὀργάζειν χεροῖν. Plat. Protag. 320 ἐκ γῆς
καὶ πυρὸς μίξαντες. Hor. Od. i. τό. 13

‘Fertur Prometheus, addere principi
Limo coactus particulam undique
Desectam, et insani leonis
Vim stomacho apposuisse nostro.’
Juv. xiv. 35 ‘Et meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan.’ Pausanias
806 ταῦτα ἔτι λείπεσθαι τοῦ πηλοῦ λέγουσιν ἐξ οὗ καὶ ἅπαν ὑπὸ τοῦ
Προμηθέως τὸ γένος πλασθῆναι τῶν ἀνθρώπων.

674 ar Πῦρ... τεχνικόν.Ό Cf. 755 a 6; Diog. L. vii. 156;
Athenag. vi. fin.; Diels, Doxogr. Gr. 306 a, note.

a 10 Epicharmus (B.0. 540-450 circ.), born at Cos but brought
up at Megara in Sicily, spent the latter half of his life at
Syracuse. He was said to have been a pupil of Pythagoras, but
became famous as a Comic poet. He was imitated by Plautus
(Hor. Epist. ii. 1. 58 ‘Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare
Epicharmi’), and Ennius gave the name Epicharmus to a work
intended to commend the doctrines of Pythagoras to his country-
men, See K. O. Miller’s Hist. of Gr. Literature, 433-36, and
J. W. Donaldson’s Theatre of the Greeks, vi, where references
will be found to the passages in which Epicharmus is mentioned
by Plato, Aristotle, Theocritus, ἄς. Diogenes Laertius, iii. 10, says
that Plato borrowed much from him. See below, 682 b, 721 a.

b 4 Pindar, Fr. 106, known only from this quotation in
Clement.

CI Ἔκ Διός. Arat. Phaen. i.1. The same passage is quoted

G@g2 450

674 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

above, 666 b 4, from Aristobulus, and is also quoted by Theo-
philus, Ad Autolyc. ii. 8, before Clement.

ἃ 3 ἐσκέψατο. Cf. Grotius, Supplem. ad Ciceronis Arati Phaen.

‘in totum providus annum
Astra dedit.’
Clement’s reading ἐστέψατο seems to be taken from Hom. 77.
Xviii. 485 ἐν δὲ τὰ reipea πάντα, τά τ᾽ οὐρανὸς ἐστεφάνωται.

ἃ 4 ἀστέρας. Maas reads ἀστέρες οἵ κε, making this clause
dependent on ἐσκέψατο, and refers to Arat. 757

ἀστέρες ἀνθρώποισι τετυγμένα σημαίνουσι.
τετυγμένα, ‘ prepared,’ ‘ ordained.’

675 & 4 καταλογάδην συγγραμμάτων. Cf. Isocr. τό Ὁ καὶ τῶν
μετὰ μέτρον ποιημάτων καὶ τῶν καταλογάδην συγγραμμάτων.

8 8... πάντα Ζεὺς μυθεῖται. This reading of the MSS. of
Eusebius implies that words are omitted between Ἕλληνες and
πάντα : ‘Democritus procul dubio scripserat ras εὐχὰς ποιέουσι.
Nam pendent posteriora’ (Heinsius ad Clem. Protrept. 60). We
must then translate: ‘who make their prayers with hands up-
lifted to that place which we Greeks call heaven; all things are
mythically named Zeus.’ But in my translation I followed the
reading Δία μυθεῖσθαι, wich I believe to be the original text of
Clement, Protrept. 59.

b 2 “Ev ἀνδρῶν, ἐν θεῶν γένος, does not mean that men and
gods are together one race, but declares the unity of each race,
both deriving the breath of life from the universal mother earth,
but with totally different powers.

Ὁ 4 τῆς ὕλης. So Eusebius interprets μητρός. But cf. Hesiod,
Theog. 44-50, where the first parents of gods and men are Gaea
and Uranus.

Ὁ 5 Pind. Fr. vi, Awdwvate peydobeves, ἀριστότεχνα πάτερ, &
Paean addressed to Zeus of Dodona, quoted by Plutarch, Sympoe.
618 B; Praecepta Reip. Ger. 807 C ὁ δὲ πολιτικὸς ἀριστοτέχνας τις
ὧν, xara Πίνδαρον; and in several other passages.

Ὁ 7 ἐν τῇ xpos Ἔραστόν. Cf. Strab. 608 ‘ From Scepsis came the
Socratics, Erastus, and Coriscus, and the son of Coriscus, Neleus,
a man who had been a pupil of Aristotle and Theophrastus, and
inherited the library of Theophrastus, in which that of Aristotle
also was included.’ Diogenes Laertius (iii. 36. 61) states that
Pilato wrote a letter to Erastus and Coriscus, and the sixth of

452

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 13 ' 678b

the Epistles attributed to Plato professes to be addressed to
Hermeias, and Erastus, and Coriscus. The passage quoted by
Eusebius is the close of the letter, 323 d. Cf. Caesar Morgan,
The Trinity of Plato, §0 ‘alriov πατέρα κύριον must mean the
eternal self-existent Being, the Creator of the universe who is
called in the Timaeus δημιουργός and πατήρ."

C 6 τρίτον πέρι τὰ τρία. Cf. 541 ὁ 9, note.

GI τὴν ἁγίαν Τριάδα μηνύεσθαι. It is remarkable that Caesar
Morgan in the work quoted above does not mention this notion
of Eusebius; the three principles in the Epistle he describes
(p. 44) 88 τὸ πάντων αἴτιον, τὸ ἄπειρον and τὸ πέρας. On p. 132
he says, ‘In the Ζ7Ζίπιαξυδ the three principles are the Creator,
Idea which is denominated the pattern, and Matter.’ The Ps.-
Platonic Trinity is fully discussed by Cudworth, Int. Syst. i. 4.
314 ΕἾ, and especially 461.

G5 Ζωρόαστρις. See the notes on 42 a 2 and §63 ἃ 5. Cf.
Clem. Recogn. iv. 27, where Zoroaster is represented as the son
of Ham, Ps.-Just. Cohort. ad Gr. xxvii, where the author sug-
gests that Plato derived his knowledge of a future judgement
from the Hebrew prophets, but for fear of the Greeks disguised
it under the story of Er.

676 a 2 Cf. Heracleit. Fr. 69 (Bywater) καὶ τὸ ἄνω καὶ τὸ κάτω
ἕν ἐστι καὶ τὸ αὐτό: ὁδὸς ἄνω κάτω pia καὶ ἡ αὐτή. This refers to
the transmutations not of souls but of matter, fire, water, earth
being the way downward, earth, water, fire the way upward.
Cf. Plat. Rep. 621 C τῆς ἄνω ὁδοῦ ἀεὶ ἑξόμεθα; Zeller, Pre-Socr.
Philos. ii. 49.

&7 εἰς τὴν τοῦ πυρὸς οὐσίαν. Cf. Hippol. Refut. Haer. i. 3
Ἐμπεδοκλῆς . . ἔφη. .. συνεστάναι ἐκ πυρὸς τὰ πάντα καὶ εἰς πῦρ
ἀναλνθήσεσθαι. In this statement the doctrine of Empedocles is
decidedly misrepresented by Hippolytus; see Zeller, Pre-Socr.
Philos. ii. 129, note 2, and ii. 149, note 7, where he says that
the only foundation for such a statement ‘is probably the analogy
between the doctrines of Empedocles and Heracleitus on the
changing conditions of the cosmos, on the strength of which
Clement, Strom. v. 711, attributes to Empedocles the opinion that
all things will be destroyed by fire.’

Ὁ 2 τὸν μέν τινα κόσμον ἀΐδιον. ‘That which Heracleitus (Fr.
20) characterizes as uncreated and imperishable is not the system

453

676 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of the world (i.e. 6 κατὰ τὴν διακόσμησιν) . « « but only the πῦρ
deiCwov, the primitive substance, which in developing itself
formed the world, and into which the world resolves itself’
(Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 440). Cf. 820 ἃ 3.

Ὁ 4 ἀϊδίως [ fort. ἰδίως] ποιόν (Bywater).

Ὁ 5 Κόσμον τὸν αὐτὸν ἁπάντων. ‘The ἁπάντων I refer as mas-
culine to the gods and men, so that the words would indicate
the reason why none of these can have made the world, namely,
because they all, as parts of the world, are contained in it’
(Zeller, ibid. ii. 22, note 1).

Ὁ 6 οὔτε τις θεῶν οὔτε ἀνθρώπων ἐποίησεν. Cf. Bywater, Heracl.
Fr. xx., who refers to Plut. De Anim. procreat. 1014, and Sim-
plicius in Aristot. De caelo, 132.

Ὁ 7 πῦρ deLwov. Cf. Hippol. Refut. Haer. ix. 10 ra δὲ πάντα
olaxi{er κεραυνός ; ‘ Respic. Cleanthes H. in 7100. 9

τοῖον ἔχεις ὑποεργὸν ἀνικήτοις ἐνὶ χερσὶν

ἀμφήκη πυρόεντ᾽ αἰεὶ ζώοντα κεραυνόν.
Justinus Mart. Apol. 93 C (cit. Deut. xxxii. 22) καταβήσεται
ἀείζωον πῦρ᾽ (Bywater, ibid.).

ἁπτόμενον μέτρα. “ μέτρῳ nescio cuius coniectura est a Ste-

phano edita’ (Gaisf.). The change is adopted by Viger and
Mullach, but is quite unnecessary: μέτρα is the accusative of
quantity (Jelf, Gk. Gr. 578).

9 2 Πυρὸς rporai. ‘ Conf. Hippolytus, Refut. Haer. vi. 17 πάντων
(scil. ait Simo Magus τὸν σκοτεινὸν Ἡράκλειτον συλαγωγῶν) ὅσων
γένεσίς ἐστιν, ἀπὸ πυρὸς ἡ ἀρχὴ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας τῆς γενέσεως γίνεται...
ἕν δὲ ὃν τὸ πῦρ στροφὰς στρέφεται δύο κιτ.ἑ.᾽ (Bywater, Fr. xxi.).

6 3 πρηστήρ. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 23, note 1. ‘The κεραυνός
has already come before us in a connexion (Hippol. Refut. Haer.
ix, 10) in which it can only signify fire as the creative principle
of the world, and not merely lightning in the special sense:
πρηστήρ, however, has doubtless the same general significance in
Fr. 47, and Clem. Strom. v. 599 C’ (our present passage).

C3 Δυνάμει. .. λέγει. This use of δυνάμει for the ‘ meaning ’
as distinguished from the ‘ actual words’ (ῥήμασιν αὐτοῖς) may be
compared with the similar antithesis of δυνάμει and ἐνεργείᾳ in
the technical language of Aristotle: cf. Anal. Post. i. 24 τῶν xpo-
τάσεων τὴν μὲν προτέραν ἔχοντες, ἴσμεν πως καὶ τὴν ὑστέραν καὶ
δυνάμει ἔχομεν . . . οὔτε δυνάμει οὔτε ἐνεργείᾳ.

454

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 13 676 ς

C 4 διοικοῦντος Λόγον. Zeller, ibid. ii. 43, note. ‘In Clem. Strom.
Vv. 711 the διοικῶν λόγος καὶ θεός is not found (as Lassalle thinks,
ii. 60) in the citation from Heracleitus, but in the interpre-
tation by the Stoics of Heracleitus’s words; this interpretation
itself is very inexact, and is expressly described by Clemens as
an addition of his own (δυνάμει yap λέγει, “the meaning of his
statement is”).’ Ibid. ‘ Heracleitus taught indeed that Reason
ruled in the world, and called this universal Reason the Adyos.’
In Clement’s interpretation Λόγον καὶ Θεοῦ seems to mean ‘the
Word which was God,’ or ‘God the Word.’

C7 πάλιν ἀναλαμβάνεται. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 65, note ‘That
these words really refer to the return of the earth into the sea,
from which it arose when the cosmos was formed, .. . the distinct
language of Clemens forbids us to doubt. There is all the
less reason to cancel γῇ, with Lassalle (ii. 61), or with Schuster
to substitute γῆν. As the sea then became in its greater part
earth, so now the earth must again become sea, in accordance
with the universal law of the transmutation of matter (cf.
P. 49 84.)

di εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον. Zeller, loc. cit. ‘Lassalle, loc. cit.,
explains the words “‘ according to the same law.”. But in this the
meaning of εἰς is little regarded. It signifies rather “to the same
size,” or more accurately (since λόγος designates the proportion,
in this case a proportion of magnitude), “so that its magnitude
stands to that which it had as earth, in the same proportion as
previously, before it became earth.’’’

ἃ 7 ἡμέραν νυκτερινήν, ‘darkness visible’ (Jowett). Cf. Plat.
Rep. 521 C ψυχῆς περιαγωγὴ ἐκ νυκτερινῆς τινος ἡμέρας εἰς ἀληθινὴν
τοῦ ὄντος ἰούσης ἐπάνοδον. Cf. 690 d 4.

ἃ 9 τὴν εἰς σῶμα ὁδόν. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 95 D ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐδέν
τι μᾶλλον ἣν ἀθάνατον, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ εἷς ἀνθρώπου σῶμα ἐλθεῖν
ἀρχὴ ἦν αὐτῇ ὀλέθρου.

ἃ 10 τῷ Ἡρακλείτῳ. Cf. Bywater, Heracl. Fr. \xiv θάνατός
ἐστι ὁκόσα ἐγερθέντες Spéopev, ὁκόσα δὲ evdovres ὕπνος. Cf. Clem.
Al. Strom. iii. 520 τί δέ; οὐχὶ καὶ Ἡράκλειτος θάνατον τὴν γένεσιν
καλεῖ καιτιλ. Clement compares it with Ps. iii. 5 ‘I laid me down
and slept; I awaked; for the Lorp sustaineth me’; which he
treats as an allegory of the birth and resurrection of Christ.

677 & 7 Kxarapavreverat, ‘foretells’: cf. Athen. 686 c.

455

677 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 3 τὴν ἀπλανῇ σφαῖραν, the supposed sphere of the fixed
stars.

Ὁ 5 τῶν ἑπτά, i.e. of the sun, moon, and five planets.

Ὁ 7 ἐπὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν dye. The passage in Plato proceeds thus:
ἀφικνεῖσθαι τεταρταίους ὅθεν καθορᾶν ἄνωθεν διὰ παντὸς τοῦ οὐρανοῦ
καὶ γῆς τεταμένον φῶς εὐθὺ οἷον κίονα. There is nothing in Plato
about the four elements.

c 3—678 ἃ 5. See the notes on 667 d 4—668 Ὁ 8.

ἃ 6 Καλλίμαχος. The line is attributed to Linus in 668 a 8.

678 a 6 Σόλωνος ἐλεγεῖαι. The elegiac poem of Solon on the
ages of man as measured by ten periods of seven years is quoted
at length by Philo J. De Mundi opificio 25 M., and by Clem. AL
Strom. vi. 814. The poem has been thought to be a Christian
forgery, but Gaisford, Poet. Min. Gr. iii. 139, and Valckenaer,
‘Diatr. De Aristobulo 103, 108, defend it as genuine.

b 3 Plat. Rep. 361 E. See the notes on this passage 583 d 2.

c 1 The same passage of Xenophon (Mem. Socr. iv. 3. 13) is
quoted by Clem. Al. Protrept. 61, but neither quotation is verbally
accurate (κατὰ λέξιν).

6 3 Οὐδὲ μὴν 6 παμφαής. Xenophon’s actual words are καὶ
ὃ πᾶσι φανερὸς δοκῶν εἶναι ἥλιος οὐκ ἐπιτρέπει τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἑαυτὸν
ἀκριβῶς δρᾶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐάν τις αὐτὸν ἀναιδῶς ἐγχειρῇ θεᾶσθαι, τὴν ὄψιν
ἀφαιρεῖται.

ο 6 Tis γὰρ σάρξ. Clement adds in the earlier quotation
(Protrept. 21) ‘Whence then does the son of Gryllus learn his
wisdom? Is it not evidently from the Hebrew prophetess, whose
utterance is of this kind?’ The following verses, taken from the
Sibylline Oracles, Fragm. i. 10-13, are quoted with the rest of
the Fragment by Theophilus, Ad Autolyc. ii. 36. Some parts are
quoted also by Lactantius, Jnstit. i. 6.

ἃ 4 On Xenophanes see 23 a 5, note. Cic. De Divin. i. 3
‘Colophonius Xenophanes unus, qui deos esse diceret, divina-
tionem funditus sustulit.’

dg ἀλλὰ βροτοί. This and the following fragment of Xeno-
phanes are afterwards quoted by Clement, Strom. v. 714, and by
Theodoret, Gr. Affect. Cur. iii. 49, who adds that Xenophanes
‘more openly satirizing this imposture, refutes its falsehood from
the various colours of the images. For the Aethiopians, he
asserted, represent their own gods as black and flat-nosed, just

456

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 13 678 d

such as they naturally are themselves. But the Thracians make
them blue-eyed and red.’

678 Ὁ 2 For an interesting account of Bacchylides, the rival
of Pindar at the court of Hiero (circ. B.c. 500-430), see Farnell,
Greek Lyric Poetry, 222. Cf. Egypt Exploration Fund, Archaev-
logical Report, 1896—7, p. 58; Kenyon, Bacchy. Fr. 61.

b 6 Cleanthes, pupil and successor of Zeno, wrote among many
others a treatise Περὶ θεῶν, and a Hymn to Zeus, still extant. Ile
was probably one of those to whom St. Paul alludes (Acts xvii. 28)
as certain of your own poets, since in the Hymn to Zeus, Vv. 5, we
read ἐκ σοῦ yap γένος ἐσμέν, and in Aratus i. 4 τοῦ yap καὶ γένος
ἐσμέν.

ἃ 6 Antiope, daughter of Nycteus, became by Zeus the mother
of Amphion and Zethus (Apollod. Béblioth. iii. 5. 5, 5). Cf.
Ovid, Metam. vi. 110

‘ Addidit, ut Satyri celatus imagine pulcram

Iuppiter implerit gemino Nycteida fetu.’

In the tragedy of Euripides Amphion is represented as telling his
mother that he did not believe the story about Zeus. The frag-
ment was preserved by this quotation. Other fragments of the
Antiope found among the papyri at Gurob by Prof. Flinders
Petrie, and deciphered by Dr. Mahaffy, were published by the
Royal Irish Academy (Cunningham Memoirs, viii. 1891).

ἃ 8 For the common reading, coi τήνδ᾽ és εὐνήν, Valckenaer
ingeniously conjectured σοὶ Ζῆν᾽ és εὐνήν (Diatr. Eurip. 63).

680 ἃ 2 Soph. Fragm. 708, known only from this quotation.
‘ These verses seem to have been taken from the Satyric drama of
Hercules ad Taenarum; for they treat of nothing else than the
birth of Hercules, and the secret intercourse of Zeus with
Alcmena’ (Brunck).

@ 4 κόρην Πλευρωνίαν. Leda was so-called as being, according
to some authors, a daughter of Thestius, a descendant of Pleuron,
the eponymus hero of Pleuron in Aetolia.

8 5 ὑπημβρύωσεν, not found elsewhere.

Ὁ 3 ἐθόρνυτο. Cf. Hat. iii. 109.

Ὁ 5 ὁ μὲν Ἡράκλειτος. ‘Vide Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5, 6,’ Gaisford.
In the passage referred to Aristotle says: ‘It is difficult to
punctuate the words of Heracleitus, because it is uncertain to
which they are attached, what follows or what has gone before,

457

680 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

as for example in the beginning of his treatise: for he says “ Τοῦ
λόγου τοῦ δέοντος ἀεὶ ἀξύνετοι ἄνθρωποι γίγνονται." For it is not
clear with which we ought by punctuation to connect the word
ἀεί. Clement, by inserting φησίν after ἀεί connects it with τοῦ
δέοντος, as 1 have translated it. With the other connexion the
rendering would be, ‘Men are always incapable of understanding
the right reason.’ Cf. Bywater, Heracl. Rell. Fr. ii.

b 7 Melanippides of Melos was a celebrated dithyrambic poet
of the fifth century 8.0. Cf. Xenoph. Mem. i. 4. 6. Aristotle
(Rhet. iii. 9) says that Melanippides substituted long preludes
for the antistrophic arrangement; for which he was ridiculed by
Democritos of Chios in a parody of Hesiod, Opp. et D. 265

οἷ τ᾽ αὐτῷ κακὰ τεύχει ἀνὴρ ἄλλῳ κακὰ τεύχων,
ἡ δὲ μακρὰ ἀναβολὴ τῷ ποιήσαντι κακίστη.
See Farnell, Greek Lyric Poetry, 264 sq. and 275, Fr. ii. β΄.

CI Παρμενίδης re ὃ μέγας. See notes on 23 ὁ.

Ὁ 4 povvoyevés, not meaning here ‘only-begotten,’ but ‘sui
generis.’

c 6 Hesiod, Fr. liii. Gaisf., ciii. Géttling: quoted by Clement
only, here and Protrept. 63.

Cc 8 ἐρήρισται. Cf. Buttm. Irreg. Gk. Verbs, 101 ἐρίζω ‘I
know not whether this perf. occurs in any other passage beside
the fragment of Hesiod in Clem. Alex.... but there, notwith-
standing the faults of transcribers, its connexion with the context
makes it unquestionable; and by comparing the two quotations,
it most probably ran thus

αὐτὸς yap πάντων βασιλεὺς καὶ κοίρανός ἐστιν
ἀθανάτων τε οἱ οὔτις ἐρήρισται κράτος ἄλλος.»

ἃ 3 On Hecatacus of Abdera see above, 351 6, 417 Ὁ.

a5 This fragment, falsely attributed to Sophocles, is quoted
by Ps.-Justin, Cohort. ad Gent. 18, de Monarchia ii, by Clem. Al.
here and Protrept. 63, Athenag. Legat. p. Christ. 5, Theodoret,
Gr. Affect. Cur. vii. 109, and by Cyril. Alex. adv. Julian. 32.
See Otto’s Justin M. ii. 65.

681 a 3 A fragment of an unknown play of Euripides, quoted
by Lucian, Jupp. Trag. 41 ‘When Euripides, unconstrained by the
necessity of his dramas, speaks his own opinions, hear how bold
his utterance is then; ὁρᾷς «1.A.’ Athenagoras, Legat. v, quotes

458

BOOK XIII, CHAP, 13 681 a

the lines as an evidence of the poet’s belief in the true God, as
does also Clem. Al. Protrept. 21.

8 7 kur. Peirith. Fragm. ii. Athenaeus, xi. 496, doubts whether
the play was written by Critias, one of the tyrants, or by
Euripides,

Ὁ 9 Ζεύς ἐστιν αἰθήρ. Aesch. Fr. Incert. 295, found only here.

c 3 Heracleit. Fr. ixv. (Bywater). Instead of the reading in
Eusebius, λέγεσθαι οὐκ ἐθέλει καὶ ἐθέλει Ζηνὸς οὔνομα, Zeller (Pre-
Socr. Philos. ii. 44, note) adopts the reading ἐθέλει καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλει
Ζηνὸς οὔνομα, and adds, ‘To me the best interpretation seems to
be this: ‘“‘One thing, the only wise wills and also wills not, to
be named by the name of Zeus.” It wills to be named so
because in truth it is that which we honour under that name;
but it also wills not, because with this name presentations are
connected which are not consistent with that primitive essence.
That the form Ζηνός is chosen instead of Διός, to indicate its
derivation from ζῆν, I agree with other readers in thinking
probable; but do not lay any great stress upon it.’ The god of
Heracleitus was the πῦρ νοερόν (Hippol. Philosophumena, civ.
Diels).

C 4 Nopos. Bywater, Herac. Rell. Fr. cx. This saying agrees
with the political opinions of Heracleitus, who hated and despised
democracy, and refused on that account to legislate for the
Ephesians.

C6 ᾿Αξύνετοι. Heracl. Fr. iii.

ai Cf. Plat. Tim. 20 A ‘Here is Timaeus of Locri in Italy,
a city extremely well governed, himself inferior to none of his
fellow citizens in wealth or birth: he has held the highest offices
and honours in the State, and has in my opinion reached the height
of all philosophy.’ The title of the book which bears his name is
De anima mundi et natura. It has been regarded as the original
source of Plato’s Timaeus, but is now acknowledged to be an
abridgement of it. See Zeller, i. 319.

ἃ 2 Méa ἀρχά. Ido not find this passage in Tim. Locr., the
first sentence of which declares on the contrary that there are two
causes of all things, mind and necessity. But there is a very
similar passage in Plato, Phaedr. 245 ἀρχὴ δὲ ἀγένητον: ἐξ ἀρχῆς
γὰρ ἀνάγκη πᾶν τὸ γιγνόμενον γίγνεσθαι, αὐτὴν δὲ μηδ᾽ ἐξ ἑνός" εἰ yap
ἔκ Tov ἀρχὴ γίγνοιτο, οὐκ ἂν ἐξ ἀρχῆς yiyvorro. For the last clause

459

681 ἅ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Buttmann conjectures οὐκ dy ἔτι ἀρχὴ γένοιτο, and Ast οὐκ ἂν ἦν
ἔτι ἀρχή.

ἃ 3 ἐξ ἃς. After this a comma is needed to connect it with the
preceding éxeiva, ‘that, from which it originated.’

ἃ 6 Οὗτος ἰδού. Cf. Orac. Sibyll. Fr.i. 28. The longer passage,
which begins with this verse, is quoted by Clem. Al. Protrept. 66,
and by Theophil. Antioch. Ad Autolye. ii. 36.

ἃ 7 Eusebius here judiciously omits two fictitious quotations
ascribed in Clement to Homer and Orpheus. The former is made
up of Od, ix. 410 sq. and 275 οὐ yap Κύκλωπες Διὸς αἰγιόχου
ἀλέγουσιν. Of the second I can find no trace in Hermann’s
Orphica, except Hymn. |xix. 2

ἁγναὶ θυγατέρες μεγάλοιο Διὸς χθονίοιο.
Neither passage has the slightest reference to a Divine Father
and Son. They may have been late interpolations. In the
Orphic AcOuxd 257 we find Avs αἰγιόχοιο vidi κισσοχίτωνι as
a description of Bacchus.

ἃ 8 Xenocrates succeeded Speusippus as the head of the
Academy (8.0. 339-313). Of him Plato said that he needed
a spur, and Aristotle a bridle. Diog. L. iv. 2.

τὸν δὲ νέατον. Ζεὺς véaros, or χθόνιος, is Ads, or Pluto.
Stobaeus, Ecl. i. 62, says that Xenocrates made gods of Unity and
Duality, in Pythagorean fashion, and called them the father and
the mother of the gods. Cf. Ritter and Preller, 297; Zeller,
Outlines, 51; Mullach, iii. 114.

682 Ὁ 4 Ἐπίχαρμος. See note on 674 a 10, and add Miller,
Lit. of Anc. Greece, 433, and Menand. Fr. Incert. x

ὁ μὲν ᾿Επίχαρμος τοὺς θεοὺς εἶναι λέγει
ἀνέμους, ὕδωρ, γῆν, ἥλιον, πῦρ, ἀστέρας.

b § ἐν τῇ Πολιτείᾳ. ‘Quatuor Epicharmo falso adscripta dra-
mata, Xeipwva, ἸΠολιτείαν, Kavdva, et Tvwpas’ (Kruseman, Epi-
charmi Fragmenta, 1834, p. 122).

Ct ζῶμεν ἀριθμῷ. Kruseman’s conjecture ζῶμεν δ᾽ ἀριθμῷ spoils
the trochaic metre. There is an apparent allusion to the verses
in Plat. Rep. 522 C λέγω δὲ αὐτὸ ἐν κεφαλαίῳ ἀριθμόν τε καὶ
λογισμόν. ἣ οὐχ οὕτω περὶ τούτων ἔχει, ὡς πᾶσα τέχνη τε καὶ ἐπι-
στήμη ἀναγκάζεται αὐτῶν μέτοχος γίγνεσθαι;

C 3 κατὰ τρόπον σώζει... The line has been variously com-

460

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 13 682 ς

pleted: καὶ τρόπον σώζει μόνος (Grotius, Excerpt. Tragoed. et
Comoed. Gr. 105); κἀκ τρόπων σώζει κακῶν (Sylburg).

64 Εἶτα ci. Both words are omitted by Grotius, Εἶτα by Eus.
codd., and εἰ alone by Kruseman, which is preferable.

ἃ 3 πέφυκεν ἀπὸ θείου λόγου. The insertion of ye τοῦ after ἀπό
in Eus. IO spoils the metre, and is evidently a mistaken repetition
from the beginning of the verse. Grotius and Kruseman read
πέφυκ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ θείου λόγου, which the metre does not admit.

ἃ 10 Ei τις δὲ θυσίαν. The same passage is quoted at greater
length by Ps.-Justin, De Monarch. iv., who ascribes it to Philemon,
the first poet of the New Comedy. Brunck regards it as spurious.
Boeckh thinks that some lines are genuine fragments of Menander,
others altered or added by an interpolator. Cf. Otto, De Monarch.
iv. note 2.

683 b 1 βελόνης Gappa. Cf. 27 ἃ 7. Here the word seems
to mean that which is ‘ fitted into,’ as thread into the needle.

Ὁ 7 μηδὲ βελόνης, ὦ φίλτατ. This verse in a mutilated form
occurs at a various reading of br in the Strasburg MS. of Ps.-
Just. De Monarch. Meineke, Menandr. et Philem. Rell. 308 quotes
the common text of Eusebius, μηδὲ βελόνης,

ὦ φίλτατ᾽, ἐπιθύμησον ἀλλοτρίας ποτέ,
and adds ‘Imperativus Aoristi in tali quidem poeta nihil
offensionis habet,’ but makes no remark on the metre.

c 2 The words καὶ οὐκ ἀδίκοις were rightly regarded by Grotius
as a manifest interpolation.

ἃ 1 Diphilus was contemporary with Philemon and Menander,
and ranked with them as one of the chief poets of the New
Comedy. Terence introduced a literal translation of part of his
play Συναποθνήσκοντες into the Adelphi; cf. Prolog. οὐ. 6-11.

ἃ 3 Ola σὺ τοὺς θανόντας. Cf. Meineke, ibid. 433. These
verses are attributed to Philemon in Ps.-Just. De Monarch. ii.
105, where Nicostratus the Comic poet is named instead of
Niceratus. The same passage is quoted in part by Theodoret,
Gr. Affect. Cur. 88.

ἃ 7 καὶ yap καθ᾽ ἄδην δύο τρίβους νομίζομεν. This reference to
the ‘Two Ways’ is not in Ps.-Justin. It may have been a
marginal qnotation which crept into the text of Clement, having
been intended to illustrate his line,

εἰ yap δίκαιος κἀσεβὴς ἕξουσιν ἕν.
465

684 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

68481 txai εἰ τοὺς δύο καλύψει ἡ γῇ φασὶ χρόνῳ ἴ. Eus,
κεὶ τοὺς δύο καλύψει γῇ φύσει παντὶ χρόνῳ. Clem. Al.
The line is evidently corrupt in both forms; it is not found in
the De Monarchia, but seems to be a corruption of the line
omitted by Clement after d 4, and found only in Ps.-Justin,
καὶ γἣν καλύψειν, ὡς ἀπὸ τοῦ πάντ᾽ εἰς χρόνον.
ἃ 6 ὃς τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι. In Ps.Justin we find here: Kai
Εὐριπίδης" ᾿
ἄφθονον βίου μῆκος δίδωσι πρὸς κρίσιν.
The lines should probably be arranged thus :
ὃς τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν ἄφθονον βίου
μῆκος δίδωσι πρὸς κρίσιν.

a 8 Εΐτις δὲ θνητῶν οἴεται, roid’ ἡμέραν. Eur. Phriz, Fr. viii.
‘Sextus Empir. ado. Math. i. 13. 274, et 287 Οἷόν ἐστι καὶ τὸ παρὰ
Εὐριπίδῃ λεχθὲν ἐν Φρίξῳ, Ὅστις δέ, x.7.d.” (Dindorf ).

τοὐφ᾽ ἡμέραν. Eurip. Cycl. 336
ὡς τοὐμπιεῖν ye καὶ φαγεῖν Tord ἡμέραν.

b 3 ὁρᾶθ᾽ ὅσοι νομίζετ᾽ οὐκ εἶναι θεόν. Valckenaer doubts the
authorship of Euripides. .

Ὁ 8 Ἔσται γάρ, ἔσται. Cf. Ps.Justin, De Monarch. 105 D
μάρτυρας παραστῆσαι ἔχω, καὶ πρῶτόν ye Σοφοκλέα καὶ περὶ τούτου
λέγοντα' "Ἔσται κιτιλ. Grotius thinks they are the verses of the
younger Sophocles.

CG 2 Kai per ὀλα. There is no interval here in Ps.-Justin,
105, where the line runs on thus, φλέξει paveio’> ὅταν δὲ ἐκλίπῃ
τὸ πᾶν.

ἃ 3 Πάντας γὰρ κρύψας. The whole Hymn, of which these are
the last lines, is quoted 100 b 2.

ἃ 8 ᾿Αθανάτοις ἄλλοισιν ὁμέστιοι. Empedocles taught that the
souls of the righteous after transmigrations and purifications
returned at last ‘as gods to the gods’ (Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
ii, 174).

685 at ewes. Cf. Emped. Epica, 308 βραχίονες εὕὔνιδες dpe.
Hom. Jl. xxii. 44 ὅς μ᾽ υἱῶν πολλῶν τε καὶ ἐσθλῶν εὖνιν ἔθηκε.

ἀπόκηροι, found only in this passage of Empedocles. For
ἀπόκληροι (Clem.) cf. Pind. Pyth. v. 71 πόνων δ᾽ οὔτις ἀπόκλαρος.
a5 Cf. 664 d 6, where see notes.

Ὁ 5 Ei μὴ μουνογενής. Cf. 665 ὁ 3, and notes,

C6 Αὐτὸς δή. Cf 665 d 3, and notes,

462

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 13 685 d

ἃ 6 ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ἔχων. Two lines that follow this in 666 a
are omitted here.

686 bt σπιθαμῇ, ‘a span’ or‘ half cubit.’ Cf. Hdt. ii. 106
μέγαθος πέμπτης σπιθαμῆς, ‘four cubits and a half.’

dpaxi. The connexion with δράσσομαι, ‘to grasp,’ points to
the meaning ‘ fist’ or closed hand, as σπιθαμή means the ‘span’
or hand stretched open.

Ὁ 7 μητροπάτωρ. Cf. Hom. 17. xi. 224 μητροπάτωρ ὃς τίκτε
Θεανὼ καλλιπάρῃον, ‘a maternal grandfather.’

687 a 2 ras mpoBodds. Cf. 694 ἃ 13. The meaning of the
word προβολή is explained by Origen, De Principiis, iv. 190
‘The Father being inseparable and indivisible is Father of the
Son not, 88 some think, by “emission” (προβαλὼν αὐτόν). For
if the Son is an emission (προβολή, prolatio) of the Father, and
generated out of Him, in such manner as the offspring of animals,
then both He who emits, and He who is emitted, are necessarily
corporeal.’ Cf. Athan. Expos. Fidei, i. 1 ob τμῆσιν τῆς ἀπαθοῦς
φύσεως οὔτε προβολήν.

& 4 5a Ὡσηέ, The first part of the quotation is found not
in Hosea, nor in Isaiah (Clement), but in Amos iv. 13, where
instead of the following clause of αἱ χεῖρες τὴν στρατιὰν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ
ἐθεμελίωσαν (Clem.), we find καὶ ἀπαγγέλλων eis ἀνθρώπους τὸν
χριστὸν αὐτοῦ. The extraordinary reading χριστόν arose from
a confusion between 8ND, ‘what is his thought, and ᾿ΠΌ,
‘ His anointed.’ From the same cause the LXX read DY), thunder,
instead of D3, the mountains. The meaning of the Hebrew is:
Lo! he that formeth the mountains, and createth the wind, and
declareth unto man what is his thought (R. V.).

bi Αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐξ ἀγαθοῖο. Cf. 665 a 5.

Ὁ.4 Ὦ Ζεῦ. This fragment is part of a poetic version of the
fable of ‘The Fox and the Eagle,’ Fabulae Aesopicae (Halm), 5.
Cf. Farnell, Gr. Lyr. Poets, 118, 300. It is supposed that Archi-
lochus, who turned the fable into verse (Fr. vi), directed it
against Lycambes. The part quoted by Clement ‘is either the
fox’s prayer to Zeus to punish the offender whom she cannot
reach, or her song of grateful triumph after the punishment hag
been inflicted’ (Farnell).

Ὁ 6 Aewpyd, ‘knavish.’ Cf. Aesch. Prom. § τὸν λεωργὸν ὀχμάσαι.

Ὁ Πάλιν. Cf. 685 d 2.

463

687 d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 3 Cf. Gaisford, Poet. Minor. Gr. Phocylidis Fr. xii. The
fragment is known only from Clement’s quotation. Instead of
ἐπερχομένου κακὸν ἀνέρος ἐκλύσασθαι, it would be better to read
ἐπερχομένον κακοῦ ἀνέρας ἐκλύσασθαι.

ἃ 5 Philemon, the earliest and one of the most famous authors
of the New Comedy, ‘came forward rather earlier than Menander,
and survived him many years; he was a great favourite with
the Athenians, but was always placed after Menander by those
who knew them both’ (Miiller, Literature of Greece, 439). The
present passage is Fr. xlviii. in Meineke’s Fr. Comic. Gr. It is
quoted also by Theodoret, Gr. Aff. Cur. vi. 88.

d 10 Sophocles is said to have written other poems besides
tragedies, but Clement is perhaps mistaken in ascribing these
epic verses to him.

688 a5 Cf. 100 ὁ 2, where instead of

μέγας οὐρανὸς αἴθων,
ἐν δὲ τὰ πάντα τέτυκται,
the reading is μέγας ἀρχὸς ἁπάντων,
ἐν δὲ δέμας βασίλειον.. ..

Ὁ 3 Pind. Incert. Fr. i., known only from this quotation.

Ὁ 5 Ibid. Fr. ii., quoted more fully by Didymus Alex., De
Trinitate, iii. 1. 320 Θεὸς ὁ τὰ πάντα τεύχων βροτοῖς καὶ χάριν ἀοιδᾷ
gurever. See Donaldson, Pindar, 378.

Ὁ 7 Pind. Paean. Fr. x., quoted also by Stobaeus, Eclog. ii.
1. 8, with many different readings.

c 3 Hesiod, Fr. lii. (Gaisford, Poet. Min. Gr.), known only
from this quotation.

6 5 κατακολουθήσας Ἡσιόδῳ. Cf. c 3 Μάντις δ᾽ οὐδείς, «7.2.

6 7 Solon. Fr. x. (Gaisford), known only from this quotation.

ἃ 2 ποιητής τις. It seems as if Clement did not remember at
the moment that these verses also are from Hesiod (Opp. 174),
whom he had quoted just before.

689 a1 Menand. Fr. Incert. xviii. (Meineke). The first part,
to ἀγαθός, is found also in Plut. De An. Tranqu. 474 Ὁ, and
Schol. xxviii. in Theocr. Jd. ii. (Gaisford, Poetae Min. Gr. Tom. 5).
Compare Hor. Epist. ii. 2. 187

‘Genius, natale comes qui temperat astrum,
Naturae deus humanae, mortalis in unum-
Quodque caput, voltu mutabilis, albus et ater.’

464

BOOK XIII. -OHAP. 12 689 a

The last words do not mean that the Genius is sometimes good,
sometimes bad, but that he is glad or sorry, according to the
wisdom or folly of man’s actions.

For an account of the opinions of Greeks and Romans
concerning the δαίμων or Genius, see Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R.
Biogr. ‘ Agathodaemon.’

b 1 These verses are quoted as from Aeschylus by Ps.-Justin,
De Monarch, ii., but they are not believed to be genuine. ‘Chris-
tiani hominis quin sint, non dubitandum videtur’ (Otto).

C6 τρέμεις Sept. Ps. cxiv. 7 ἐσαλεύθη.

ἃ 5 Οὐ δύναται Παλλάς. Clement has put together parts of two
separate oracles, both of which were given to the same Athenian
messengers. The two lines put first by Clement are from the
second answer, the others from the first. Both oracles have been
already quoted by Eusebius, 216; see the notes there.

680 a 2 Thearidas, or Theoridas, was a native of Metapontium
and disciple of Pythagoras: ἐν Μεταποντίῳ δὲ Θεωρίδην καὶ Evpvrov
(Iamblich. Pythag. v. 265).

a 5 On Diphilus see above, 683d 1. Cf. Ps.-Justin, De Monarch.
δ 108 E Μένανδρος ἐν Διφίλῳ. The lines were probably written
by some Christian author. Cf. Meineke, Fr. Com. Graec. ed.
min. ii. 1096 ‘ Paullo plenius haec scripta leguntur, et ex Me-
nandri Diphilo (sic) citantur apud Tustinum Mart. De Monarch.
41 Ὁ. At vero neque Diphili neque Menandri haec esse, cum
sententia illis verbis subiecta docet, tum ex tota orationis con-
formatione intellegitur.’ ἡ

b 3 The phrase dotpdxov περιστροφή is thus explained by the
Scholiast on Plato, Phaedr. 241 B ‘The saying is derived from
a game of the following kind. The boys, having divided them-
selves so that they may be equal in number on both sides,
stand some on the east and some on the west. Then another
sitting between both had an oyster-shell painted white on the
one side and black on the other, and this he threw straight up.
And if the white side came down uppermost, the boys who stood
on the east ran after those who were on the west; but if the
black was uppermost, those on the west pursued the others till
they caught them: and when caught they were carried back by
them from the spot where they were caught to the place from
which they ran away at first.’

so Hh 493

690 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

b 4 I have adopted Jowett’s translation with the reading of
Clement and Eusebius, εἰς ἀληθινὴν τοῦ ὄντος οὖσαν ἐπάνοδον.
Davies and Vaughan adopt the reading ἰούσης instead of οὖσαν,
and render thus—‘the revolution of a soul traversing a road
leading from a kind of night-like day up to a true day of real
existence.’ The passage is probably corrupt. ‘The sense is clear,
though the style is perhaps a little in fault’ (Jowett & Campbell).

C1 εἰσ... The text is defective: see the critical note.

C2 ἀντιλαμβάνεται, ‘lay hold of mentally.’ Cf. Ps.-Plat. Azrioch.
ὃ δ᾽ οὐκ ὧν οὐδὲ τῆς στερήσεως ἀντιλαμβάνεται. Diod. Sic. iii. 15
ἡδονῆς δὲ καὶ πόνου τὴν φυσικὴν μόνον ἀντίληψιν ποιούμενοι.

6 3 τὰ μὲν ἤδη ἀθάνατα, i.e. the sun, moon, and stars regarded
as living beings.

ἃ 3 ἁπτόμενον ἠόνων. Clement has ἀντόμενον, but that is usually
joined with a dative or accusative.

ἃ 8 τῷ ἀοράτῳ. This argument from the universality of natural
law is treated at length in Cicero, De Nat. Deor. ii. 15.

ἃ 10 πρόνοιαν, the reading in Clement, is changed in the text
of Eusebius into προνομίαν, which means ‘pre-eminence’ or
‘privilege,’ as in Plut. Hor. 279 B, 296 Ὁ. Gaisford notices no
various reading for προνομίαν, which is also found in Eus.
547 ἃ, where the sense ‘privilege’ or ‘pre-eminence’ is quite
appropriate.

691 ἃ 2 repidpacw. Cf. Plut. Mor. 406 F γλώσσας καὶ περυ-
φράσεις καὶ ἀσάφειαν ; ibid. 408 C.

14] c1 θεοπρόπια. Cf. 139 d 6.

ἃ 3 ἐπικήροις, literally ‘dependent on fate.’ Cf. Aristot. Gen.

Anim. iii. 2. 13 ra δὲ τῶν ὀρνέων ἐπικηρότερα.
εἰκασίαις. Plut. 765 E; Plat. Rep. 511 Εἰ, 534 A.

ἃ 11 ἀληθείας προθύρων. Cf. Plat. Phil. 64 C ἐπὶ μὲν rots τοῦ
ἀγαθοῦ νῦν ἤδη προθύροις.

ἃ 12 ἀνδρείκελον σχῆμα. Cf. Plat. Rep. 501 Β,

692 8 2 μεγαλοφωνίας. Cf. Lucian, 648 μέτροις τισὶ καὶ μεγα-
λοφωνίᾳ ποιητικῇ.

a 8 προσευξόμενον τῇ Oem. The goddess meant was Bendis,
the Thracian Artemis, whose festival was held on the twentieth
day of Thargelion: her image was of solid gold (Lucian, Jupp,
Trag. 651). Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. Βένδις, Drakenborch, Livy
XxXXviii. 41, notes,

466

BOOK XIII, CHAPS. 13, 14 692 b

b 1 τὸν ἀλεκτρυόνα. Eusebius seems to have borrowed the
whole of this censure on Socrates almost word for word from
Orig. c. Celsum, vi. 4. For similar censures cf. Tertull. De
Anima, i; Apolog. xlvi; Lactant. Jnstit. Dio. iii. 20, Epit.
XxXXvili; and for a well-deserved rebuke of the last writer’s
uncharitable revilings see Lommatzsch’s note on the passage in
Origen.- It is generally supposed that by the offering of a cock
to Aesculapius, the god of healing, Socrates meant to imply that
his soul was on the point of being released by death from all
infirmity and disease. A less probable opinion is that he
seriously wished to disprove the charge of atheism and un-
willingness to worship the gods of his country. From the de-
scription in the immediate context of the calmness and fortitude
with which he bore the effects of the poison we may perhaps
suppose that he wished to express his thankfulness that the
pains of death had been no worse than he could endure, and at
the same time with a last pathetic touch of irony show the
injustice of the charge of atheism and impiety.

C 4 ἀδύνατον οὖν θεῶν παισὶν ἀπιστεῖν. Cf. 639 ἃ 1; Clem.
Al. Strom. v. 697 ‘I do not think it possible that clearer
testimony could be borne by the Greeks that our Saviour
and those who were anointed to prophesy (the latter being
called “sons of God,” and the Lord being his own true Son)
are true witnesses of divine things, and therefore Plato also
added that we ought to believe them as being inspired.’
That Eusebius had a better perception of Plato’s humour is
shown by his remarks on the passage as previously quoted,
640 48 5-C I.

ἃ ) καθυποκρινάμενος, ‘having caricatured.’ Cf.640b 6 παίζειν
δ᾽ ἔοικε λέγων, σαφῶς γέ που τοὺς ἑαυτῶν προγόνους εἰδόσι. ᾿

ἃ 9 See notes on 641 al.

698 a 9 θητενέμεν ἄλλῳ, ἃ thought unworthy of Achilles: cf.
Lucian, Dial. Mort. xv. ἔφης βούλεσθαι éxdpovpos ὧν θητεύειν παρά
τινι τῶν ἀκλήρων, ᾧ ph βίοτος πολὺς εἴη, μᾶλλον ἢ πάντων ἀνάσσειν
τῶν νεκρῶν.

6 2 κορύδου δίκην, not found in any MS. of Plato, but added by
Eusebius. The lark makes its nest upon the ground; Aristot.
Hist. An. vi. 1. 5; ix. 8. 12.

C10 καὶ τότε ἀπιστεῖν. Cf. 692 ὁ 4. The combination of καΐ

Hh3 467

693 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

and re in the same clause is unusual, except in Homer; cf. Ji. i.
521, Od. xiv. 465.

ἃ 3 ἡ ἄλογος... πίστις. Eusebius seems to misunderstand the
ironical tone of Plato, and to mistake his delicate ridicule of
mythological fables for a cowardly pretence of belief.

ἃ 10 “Owep, ἦν δ᾽ ἐγώ. Cf. 641 Ὁ 4.

6948 4 Πρῶτον μέ. Cf. 641 ε 1.

16] d9 ἀγεννήτους εἶνα. Eusebius appears to be thinking of
Plat. Phaedr. 245 Ο ψυχὴ πᾶσα ἀθάνατος: ibid. 246 A ἐξ ἀνάγκης
ἀγένητόν τε καὶ ἀθάνατον ψυχὴ ἂν εἴη.

ἃ 10 ἐξ dxoppoias. Neither the word ἀπόρροια nor the Attic
form ἀπορροή is applied to the soul in Plato.

ἃ 13 προβολάς, not so used in Plato. See note on 687 a 2:

Athan. De Synod. ii. 3. 16, note by J. H. Newman. Eusebius
applies the current language of theology in his own day to the
ideas of Plato.
16] 6096 c 3 τῆς τε ταὐτοῦ φύσεως tad πέριϊ καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἑτέρου.
‘Istud αὖ πέρι eiiciendum censet Davisius ad Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 8,
secutus auctoritatem Sexti Empir. Pyrrhon. Hypotyp. iii. 24, et
adv. Mathem. Ὁ. 60’ (Stallb.). It is evident that αὖ πέρι is a
repetition of the same words two lines earlier. Stallbaum him-
self would omit πέρι and for αὖ read oy. See Cook Wilson, On
the Interpretation of Plato’s Timaeus, 25.

6 4 κατὰ τὰ αὐτά (Eus. codd.), ‘in like manner’ (Jowett). The
meaning is nearly the same with καὶ xara ταῦτα, ‘in this manner,’
the ordinary reading in Plato.

ἃ 1 αὐτῇ refers to μίαν ἰδέαν, that is to the soul, and the
meaning is ‘Hence naturally for him (Plato) the passible part,
or body, is joined by the soul to the rational part (τῷ λόγῳ) of
the essence.’

ἃ 3 ἀτόπημα. Cf. Sext. Emp. Ado. Gramm. i. 80 τῶν Διονυσίου
ἀτοπημάτων.

ἃ 5 τὰς οὐρανίους ὑπερπαίουσαν ἁψῖδας. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 247 Β
ἄκραν ὑπὸ τὴν ὑπουράνιον ἁψῖδα πορεύονται.

ἃ καὶ μύρμηκας. Cf. 697 ὁ 3.

697 ἃ 3 τὰ τοιαῦτα ἤθη. “ Recte Heindorfius ἤθη τοιαῦτα inquit
esse h. ]. ζῶα τοιούτοις ἤθεσι χρώμενα ᾽ (Stallb.).

Ὁ 5 τὴν δημοτικὴν καὶ πολιτικὴν ἀρετήν. On Plato’s idea of
the virtue thus described see Archer-Hind, Phaedo, Appendix I,

468

BOOK XIII. CHAPS. 14-17 697 b

where the chief passages bearing on the subject are brought
together.

ἃ 2 τὰ ὑπὸ γῆς δικαιωτήρια. Cf. Rubnk. Tim. Ler. Δικαιούμενος"
κολαζόμενος. Pollux. viii. 25 δικαιωτήρια, τὰ βασανιστήρια, ὡς
Πλάτων. Cf, Aristot. Eth. Nic. v. 7. 7 δικαίωμα δὲ τὸ ἐπανόρθωμα
τοῦ ἀδικήματος.

698 ἃ 6 Τὴν δὲ (κ΄) λαχοῦσαν ψυχήν. It seems certain that
εἰκοστήν, Or more probably the numeral «’, has dropped out of the
text since the time of Plutarch, who in Mor. 739 E discusses the
question, ‘Why did Plato say that the soul of Ajax came as
twentieth (εἰκοστήν) to the lot?’ And in 739 F he makes Hylas
answer ‘that the soul of Ajax having obtained the twentieth lot
(εἰκοστὴν λαχοῦσαν) in Hades exchanged, according to Plato, for
a lion’s nature.’

Ὁ 5 Ἐπειοῦ. Epeius was the architect of the wooden horse,
and, according to some accounts (Hesych.), an arrant coward,
hence he takes a woman’s nature. Cf. Hom. Od. viii. 492

ἀλλ᾽ aye δὴ μετάβηθι καὶ ἵππου κόσμον ἄεισον
δουρατέου, τὸν ᾿Επειὸς ἐποίησεν σὺν ᾿Αθήνῃ.

699 8 Ιο κομίζει,. .. καὶ οἱ μέν. Eusebius omits a short sen-
tence, πρῶτον μὲν διεδικάσαντο of τε καλῶς καὶ ὁσίως βιώσαντες, καὶ
οἱ μή. “

ἃ 2 ἰέναι. . .. Plat. Gorg. 525 Ο. A long passage is here

omitted by Eusebius, in which Plato describes how the souls both
of the judges and of those who are to be judged are to be stript
of all veils and wrappings of the body by which the true character
might be concealed.
17] 700 c 1 Severus, the author of the following extract from
a treatise On the Soul, was a Platonist probably of the first or
second century A.D. Cf. Porphyr. Plotini V. xiv ἐν δὲ ταῖς
συνουσίαις ἀνεγινώσκετο μὲν αὐτῷ τὰ ὑπομνήματα, εἴτε Σεβήρου εἴη,
εἴτε Kpoviov x.r.4. The best account of Severus is given by
Mullach, iii. 175. Zeller (Outlines, 299) regards him as an
Eclectic.

701 ἃ 2 μίαν ἄλλην πάντων κοινωνίαν. The qualities of matter,
having first been combined each with its opposite, are then all
of them formed into one other single combination, the passible
with the impassible, that is, body with soul.

459

7018 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 5 ὑποκείσεται. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. ii. 3. 6 ὑπόκειται dpa
ἡ ἀρετὴ εἶναι ἡ τοιαύτη περὶ ἡδονὰς καὶ λύπας. Ibid. v. x. 3.

18] 702 Ὁ 6 ({ Ἐπινομίδι), an obvious correction for ᾿Επιμενίδη.

ἃ τ διαπορείας. Cf. Plat. Critias, 106 A ἐκ τῆς τοῦ λόγον δια-
πορείας ἀπήλλαγμαι : ‘longas disputationis ambages’ (Ficinus).
Here it seems to mean a passing to and fro of heavenly
messengers.

ἃ 9 δι᾿ ἀναλογίας ὁμολογῆσαν, ‘ea constrictum comparatione
qua dixi,’ Cic. Tim. v. 15. The quotation is preceded by a state-
ment that the most complete union is formed in a geometrical
proportion, and that four terms are required for the combination
of a solid body. Cic. ibid. 13 ‘quae Graece ἀναλογία, Latine
(audendum est enim, quoniam haec primum a nobis novantur)
comparatio proportiove dici potest.’

703 Ὁ 2 ἡ θατέρου περίοδος. Cf. Tim. 36 D ‘This entire com-
pound he divided lengthway, into two parts, which he joined to
one another at the centre like the figure of an X, and bent them
into a circular form, connecting them with themselves and each
other at the point opposite to their original meeting point; and
comprehending them in an uniform motion on the same spot
around a centre, he made the one the outer and the other the
inner circle. Now the motion of the outer circle he called the
motion of “ the same,” and the motion of the inner circle the motion
of “the other ” or diverse’ (Jowett).

704 Ὁ 4 κόσμον, ‘array,’ Heb. 83¥. Cf. Gen. ii. 1 (Sept.) ὁ
οὐρανὸς καὶ ἡ γῆ Kai πᾶς ὁ κόσμος αὐτῶν.

C7 ἐπιστασίαν. Cf. Plut. Luculli V. 492 δεκτικώτερον ἐπι-
στασίας.

ἃ 3 μεθαρμόζεται. The middle voice implies that the new
knowledge is not in them, but in himself: cf. Plut. Mor. 793 B
ἐπὶ τὰ... προσῳδὰ πρεσβύταις πολιτεύματα μεθαρμοττομένους, ‘ re-
adapting themselves,’ &c.

ἃ 7 mpoddus. Cf. Plut. Mor. 1029 C κατάδουσι τῆς ἱερᾶς προ-
ddov καὶ χορείας ὀκτάχορδον ἐμμέλειαν, where Plutarch refers to
Plat. Rep. 617 B.

705 ἃ 4 ἀνήνυτον, ‘endless’; cf. Plat. Legg. 714 A ἀνηνύτῳ
καὶ ἀπλήστῳ κακῷ νοσήματι ξυνεχομένην.

& 6 αἴσθησις ὑποδιάκονος νοῦ, an unusual application of the
ecclesiastical title.

470

BOOK XIII. CHAPS, 17-21 705b

Ὁ 2 dedots, ‘invisible. Plat. Phaed. 79 B δρατὸν 4 ἀειδὲς
(ἡ ψυχή);

Ὁ 3 Θεὸς θεῶν ἐστι νοητῶν τε καὶ αἰσθητῶν. Philo has been
speaking above of those who regarded the heavenly bodies as
visible gods. The omission of θεῶν by Eusebius impoverishes
the sense.

Ὁ 5 θεραπείαν ἄλλῳ προσνέμῃ νεωτέρῳ καὶ γεννητῷς There seems
to be an allusion here to the Christian doctrine of the Son of
God. Philo’s embassy to Rome was in A. D. 39.

19] 706 Ὁ 2 ἀτελῇ, this is part of the quotation from Pind.
Fr. 227 ἀτελῆ σοφίας καρπὸν Spérev, with the sense—‘ reaping
unripe fruit of wisdom from his laughter.’

Ὁ 9 κόρη καὶ δέσποινα, ‘ the virgin Queen’ is Athena Polias.

Ὁ 10 κεναῖς χερσὶν ἀθύρειν.. Cf. Hom. Il. xv. 364

dy αὖτις συνέχευε ποσὶν καὶ χερσὶν ἀθύρων.

C & οἰκοῦντας ξένους. ‘Pro οἰκοῦντας lectio alia affertur οὐκ
ὄντας ᾽ (Steph.). Viger preferred οὐκ ὄντας, adding ‘ne peregrinos
ritus ... in Rempublicam inveheret. Idem etiam Lacedaemone
cautum.’ But οἰκοῦντας is rightly retained in Plato.

ἃ 8 διεξόδων τακτικῶν, ‘tactical evolutions,’ ‘acierum ordina-
tiones’ (Ficinus). Cf. 707 a 6 διεξόδων καὶ τάξεων, ‘evolutions
and formations.’

ἃ 9 στρατοπέδων is connected by Stallbaum with πορείας,
‘marching of armies.’

707 Ὁ 8 κόραις μὲν ἀνήβοις yupvais. ‘Non vidit bonus Euse-
bius quo sensu istud yupvais dicatur. .. . Cf. Demosth. Mid. 583
γυμνὸν ἐν τῷ χιτωνίσκῳ γενέσθαι᾽ (Stallb.).

6 2 πρεπούσῃ δὲ στολῇ. ‘ Apertum est philosophum adultiores
virgines velle stola indutas certare, quae totum fere corpus
velet et obtegat; puellas autem levius vestitas, nec tamen omni
veste nudatas iubere incedere’ (Stallb.).

708 Ὁ 9 πάντων πάσας εἶναι xowds. This proposal is con-
demned by Aristot. Polit. ii. 2, and referred to by Clem. Al.
Strom. iii. 431, vi. 751; Diog. L. vii. 131; Ps.-Clem. Recogn.
X. 5.

21] 71287 ἀπενιαυτεῖν. Cf. Plat. Legg. 866 C μέτοικος δὲ ὧν
ἀπενιαυτησάτω : ibid, Schol. ἐνιαυτὸν φευγέτω. On the form dren-
αντίζω see Ruhnk. Tim. Lez.

b8 ὧν ἀδελφούς re ἀδελφῶν κιτλ. The connexion of this

47t

712 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

clause is disputed. ‘Ad ὧν refertur τούτοις αὐτοῖς, et intelligenda
est ante ὧν particula explicans, velut nempe; praegressa enim
his illustrantur; et ὧν cum ἀδελφῶν et παίδων coniungendum :
quibus vel fratribus aut sororibus fratrem aut sororem vel filits
patrem aut mairem eripuit, cum his igitur...mne in eadem habi-
tato domo’ (Ast). This is rejected by Stallbaum, who, with
Ficinus, retains the older punctuation: ‘Insigni errore nuper
editores quidam ante ὧν sustulerunt interpunctionem. Apparet
enim haec per epexegesin subiungi superioribus hoc sensu: nam
quorum fratres fratribus aut parentes liberis quis orbavit, hutc
cum iis nunquam esto communio foci aut sacrorum. Quocirca dy
neutiquam pertinet ad superiora, sed respondet potius insequenti
τούτοις δέ... . Quamquam nolumus diffiteri pro dw potius ovs
scribendum videri.’

ἃ 6 νόμος ἀπαγορεύει. Eusebius here omits an emphatic sen-
tence: καὶ ἀπαγορεύων ὑπὲρ πάσης τῆς πόλεως ἀεὶ φαίνεταί τε καὶ
φανεῖται.

προαγορεύων. The full phrase occurs in Antiphon, 145. 23
προαγορεύειν ἐμοὶ εἴργεσθαι τῶν νομίμων.

ἃ 7 εἰργέσθω. Eusebius has abridged the passage in Plat.
Legg. 871 B and altered the construction rather than the sense
ἢ μὴ προαγορεύων εἴργεσθαι τῶν ἐντὸς ἀνεψιότητος πρὸς ἀνδρῶν τε
καὶ γυναικῶν προσήκων τῷ τελευτήσαντι, πρῶτον μὲν τὸ μίασμα εἰς
αὑτὸν καὶ τὴν τῶν θεῶν ἔχθραν δέχοιτο κιτιλ. The latter part of the
passage shows tbat the kinsman who fails to denounce the
murderer is to suffer the same penalties as the murderer himself.
Therefore εἰργέσθω as applied to him does not really alter the
sense.

τὸ δὲ δεύτερον points to a previous clause omitted by
Eusebius: πρῶτον μὲν τὸ μίασμα εἰς αὑτὸν καὶ τὴν τῶν θεῶν ἔχθραν
δέχοιτο, ὡς ἡ τοῦ νόμου ἀρὰ τὴν φήμην προτρέπεται.

718 ὁ 3 πληγαῖς ἀπαραιτήτοις. Cf. Tim. Locr. 104 D κολάσιες
ἀπαραίτητοι ἀπόκεινται δυσδαίμοσι νερτέροις.

C5 τὴν γενναίαν νῦν λεγομένην σταφυλήν. Cf. Theophr. Hist.
Plant. ii. 2. 4 ἔκ τε τῆς ἀμπέλου τῆς γενναίας ἀγεννής. Jer. ii, 21
(LXX) ἐγὼ δὲ ἐφύτευσά σε ἄμπελον καρποφόρον, ‘I had planted
thee a noble vine’ (A. V., R. V.). From the words νῦν λεγομένην
it is evident that in Plato’s time the expression γενναία bad but
recently come into use; and it was applied, as the preceding

473

BOOK XIII. CHAP. 2I-—BOOK XIV. ΟΗΑΡ. 32 718ς

context shows, to the earlier and finer of two crops (διττὰς ἡμῖν
δωρεὰς ἡ θεὸς ἔχει χάριτος αὕτη), the former of which was to be
used at once, and the latter to be dried and stored.

σταφυλήν. Cf. Athen. xiv. 653 Βότρυς δὲ ὅτι μὲν κοινόν,
δῆλον. σταφυλῆς δὲ μέμνηται, καίτοι δοκοῦντος τοῦ ὀνόματος ᾿Ασια-
γενοῦς εἶναι, Κράτης ἐν δευτέρῳ ᾿Αττικῆς διαλέκτου.͵ Athenaeus
proceeds to quote the present passage of Plato.

6 8 μὴ κινεῖν ὅ τι μὴ κατέθετο. Cf. Plat. Legg. xi. 913 Ο οὐδαμῇ
ἀγεννοῦς ἀνδρὸς νουθέτημα, ὃς εἶπεν, ἃ μὴ κατέθον, μὴ ἀνέλῃ. Hat.
vi. 73; Luke xix. 21. Diogenes Laertius, i. 57 attributes the law
to Solon, and adds the penalty : εἰ δὲ μή, θάνατος ἡ ζημία.

di xara paya βοτρύων, ‘for every berry in the bunches.’ Cf.
Lobeck, Phryn. Ep. 75 Ἢ pag ἐρεῖς" ὁ yap ῥὼξ δύο ἔχει ἁμαρτήματα,
i.e. both the gender and the vowel are wrong. Lobeck’s note is
long and exhaustive. Rutherford (New Phryn. 149) suggests
that pog may possibly have come from some dialect.

d 8 ἀμητόν, the standing corn ready for reaping. Cf. Hom. JI.

xix. 222 πλείστην μὲν καλάμην χθονὶ χαλκὸς ἔχευεν,
ἄμητος δ᾽ ὀλίγιστος, ἐπὴν κλίνῃσι τάλαντα
Ζεύς.

714 ἃ 1 καλαμήσασθαι, properly ‘to gather the stubble,’ see
the preceding note: but here it means ‘to glean,’ as in Plut.
Mor. 182 A ἐκεῖνος (᾿Αλέξανδρος) μὲν yap ἐθέριζε τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, ἐγὼ
δὲ καλαμῶμαι.

ἃ. 9 διεξωδευμένων. Cf. 789 ἃ 4 τὸ λεῖπον τοῖς διεξωδευμένοις
ἀποδώσομεν.

BOOK XIV

3] 720 8 6 ἐπὶ βραχέσι σαλεύσαντα. Cf. Thue. ii. 91 és βραχέα
ἀπειρίᾳ χωρίων ὥκειλαν. ,
Ὁ 6 Eusebius seems here to have followed the statement of
Epicurus, preserved by Athenaeus (viii. 354), that Protagoras
was at first a porter and then a scribe of Democritus; but accord-
ing to better authorities Democritus was not born till B.c. 460,
and Protagoras about twenty years earlier. Plutarch, Ade.
Colot. iv, expressly states that Democritus wrote much against
the opinions of Protagoras. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 408.

473

720 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 8 Περὶ μὲν θεῶν. It was for this preface to his work that
Protagoras was banished by the Athenians, who sent round
a crier to collect his writings and burned them in the Agora.
Cf. Diog. Laert. ix. 8; Zeller, ibid. ii. 481, note r.

6 2 τὸ κενόν. Cf. Aristot. Metaph. i. 4. 9; Zeller, ibid. ii. 217.

CG 6 “HpaxAeros. Cf. Bywater, Heracl. Rell. Fr. xx, xxii Πυρὸς
ἀνταμείβεται πάντα καὶ wip ἁπάντων, ὥσπερ χρυσοῦ χρήματα καὶ
χρημάτων χρυσός. Plut. De EI Delphico 388 E; Philo, Leg.
Alleg. iii. 89; Idem De Incorr. Mundi, 21. 508; Diog. Laert.
ix, 8; Plotinus, iv. 8. 468 C; Iamblichus, ap Stob. Ecl. i. 41.
4] 728 a1 In Viger’s edition there are no pages 721, 722; he
passes in his numbering from 720 to 723.

ἃ 3 συμφερέσθων. Most of the MSS. of Plato have συμφέρεσθον,
but the dual is here inadmissible, and there is hardly a more
common error in MSS. than the change of w into o.

@ 5 On Epicliarmus see 674 ἃ 10, 682 b 4.

τραγῳδίας δὲ Ὅμηρος. Cf. Twining, Aristot. Poet. iv. 12
‘Thus these old poets were divided into two classes— those who
used the heroic, and those who used the Jambic verse. And as
in the serious kind Homer alone may be said to deserve the name
of poet, not only on account of his other excellencies, but also of
the dramatic spirit of his representations ; 80 was he likewise the
first who suggested the idea of Comedy, by substituting ridicule
for invective, and giving that ridicule a dramatic cast.’

Ὁ 8 dtaxpovorra, ‘by sounding.’ Cf. Aristoph. Ran. 722

ἀλλὰ καλλίστοις ἁπάντων, ws δοκεῖ, νομισμάτων,
καὶ μόνοις ὀρθῶς κοπεῖσι καὶ κεκωδωνισμένοις.
Lucian, Paras. 4 εἰ συνάδει σκοπῶμεν καὶ ὃ περὶ αὐτῆς λόγος, ἀλλὰ
μὴ καθάπερ αἱ πονηραὶ χύτραι διακρονόμεναι μὴ σαθρὸν ἀποφθέγγηται.
Viger compares Persius, Sat. iii. 21
‘Sonat vitium percussa, maligne
Respondet viridi non cocta fidelia limo.’

ΟΣ χορηγοῦσι τούτου τοῦ λόγου. This construction of the verb
is rare.

C 4 ὑποτείνονται. Cf. Plat. Gorg. 448 E ‘Just as Chaerephon
traced out (ὑπετείνατο) the line for you before’ (Cope).

ἃ 1 τὸ οὐδ᾽ οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸ μηδὲ σμικρόν. The direct negation
οὐδ᾽ οὐδέν is stronger than the hypothetical μηδὲ σμικρόν, and so
is a better expression of their entire want of self-control. τὸ

474

BOOK XIV. CHAPS, 3, 4 723 ἃ

μηδὲ σμικρόν is the equivalent of ἧττον ἢ τὸ μηδέν, and πρός Means
‘in comparison with.’ Campbell’s long note is confusing.

72484 τὰ τοιαῦτα. ‘Scilicet εἰρηνικά ᾿ (Heindorf). “τὰ βέβαια
ἐν τοῖς λόγοις ᾽ (Campbell).

ἃ 6 Ποίοις μαθηταῖς, ‘Disciples indeed!’ Cf. Plat. Euthyd.
291 A ποῖος Κτήσιππος ;

ἃ 9 ὅπερ ἦα ἐρῶν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 562 Ο ὅπερ ἦα viv δὴ ἐρῶν.
Theaet. 198 Ε' ὅταν ἀριθμήσων ἴῃ 6 ἀριθμητικός.

b 3 τῶν πάντων. Cf. 723 Ὁ1 πάντα εἴρηκεν ἔκγονα ῥοῆς τε καὶ
κινήσεως. “τῶν ἄλλων apud Eusebium non exstat: nec video
certe quis hic sit eius usus’ (Steph.). ἄλλων is omitted in O.

C 3 Οἷον. The reading Οἷον gives a better sense, and is con-
firmed by the quotation in Simplicius (f. 7, a) ἀκίνητον αὐτὸ
ἀνυμνεῖ καὶ μόνον ws πάντων ἐξῃρημένον. Cf. Zeller, ibid. i. 587
‘The unanimous testimony, therefore, of later writers that ac-
cording to Parmenides Being exists and nothing besides, and
that the All was regarded by him as one eternal immoveable
essence, is in fact correct.’ Zeller, ibid. 586, note ‘How
Parmenides proved the immobility of Being we are not told.
The passage in Theaet. 180 E leaves it undecided whether the
reason there given belongs to him, or primarily to Melissus.’ Cf.
Aristot. Metaph. i. 5. 12 οὗτοι δὲ ἀκίνητον εἶναί φασιν, . . . Παρμε-
νίδης μὲν γὰρ ἔοικε τοῦ κατὰ τὸν λόγον ἑνὸς ἅπτεσθαι, Μέλισσος δὲ
τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ὕλην.

ἃ 2 διὰ γραμμῆς παίζοντες. The game διελκυστίνδα, ‘ pulling
across,’ as described by Pollux ix. 112, was exactly like ‘ The tug
of war’: "δύο δὲ μοῖραι παίδων εἰσὶν ἕλκουσαι τοὺς ἑτέρους of ἕτεροι,
ἔστ᾽ ἂν καθ᾽ ἕνα μεταστήσωνται παρ᾽ αὑτοὺς οἱ κρατοῦντες ᾿ (Heindorf).

725 8 1 ὁ μὲν ὡς τρία τὰ ὄντας. Cf. Aristot. de Gen. et Corr.
ii. 3 ἅπαντες οἱ τὰ ἁπλᾶ σώματα στοιχεῖα ποιοῦντες, οἱ μὲν ἕν, οἱ δὲ
δύο, οἱ δὲ τρία, οἱ δὲ τέσσαρα ποιοῦσιν. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
ii. 51 ‘We are therefore fully justified in maintaining that
Heracleitus considered fire, water, and earth as the fundamental
forms which matter assumed in its transformation.’ ‘Non ad
Pythagoreos nec ad unum aliquem ex priscis philosophis, ... sed
ad Ionicam scholam pertinere haec statuit Schleiermacher in
Prolegg. ad hunce dial.’ (Heindorf).

& 2 πολεμεῖ. Cf. Heracl. Fr. xliv, xlvi,lxii (Bywater). Aristot.
Eth, Nicom. viii. 1. 6 Ἡράκλειτος τὸ ἀντίξουν συμφέρον, καὶ ἐκ τῶν

475

2 8δ'αεἄι THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

διαφερόντων καλλίστην ἁρμονίαν, καὶ πάντα κατ᾽ ἔριν γίνεσθαι. ‘The
opposite conduces, and from the different comes finest harmony,
and all things are produced by strife.’ Plut. Js. et Osir. 369 B
παλίντονος yap dppovin κόσμον, ὅκωσπερ λύρης καὶ τόξον καθ᾽
Ἡράκλειτον. In Hippol. Ref. Haer. ix. 9 (al. 4) the very words
of Heracleitus are given πόλεμος πάντων μὲν πατήρ ἐστι, πάντων
δὲ βασιλεύς. Cf. Zeller, loc. cit. i. 31 sq. on the meaning of
Heracleitus as to strife and harmony.

a 4 δύο δὲ ἕτερος. This opinion is attributed to Parmenides
by Aristot. Metaph. i. 5 Παρμενίδης ... ἀναγκαζόμενος δὲ ἀκολουθεῖν
τοῖς φαινομένοις, καὶ τὸ ἕν μὲν κατὰ τὸν λόγον, πλείω δὲ κατὰ τὴν
αἴσθησιν ὑπολαμβάνων εἶναι, δύο τὰς αἰτίας καὶ δύο τὰς ἀρχὰς πάλιν
τίθησι, θερμὸν καὶ ψυχρόν, οἷον πῦρ καὶ γῆν λέγων. According to
Diog. Laert. ii. 4. 16 Archelaus, who introduced the physical
philosophy of the Ionians at Athens, used to teach that there were
two causes of generation, heat and cold. As the Eleatic School,
to which Parmenides belonged, is mentioned immediately after-
wards, Heindorf thinks that Archelaus is here meant.

ἃ 5 To δὲ zap ἡμῖν. The speaker is the Stranger from Elea or
Velia in Italy.

8 8 Μοῦσαι. Xenophanes, Parmenides, and Empedocles all
wrote in verse. The last is probably designated as one of the
Σικελικαὶ Μοῦσαι, but it is not clear who are meant as the Ἰάδες.
Parmenides is excluded as a native of Elea, and Xenophanes, an
Jonian born at Colophon, by the word ὕστερον.

b 2 Zeller, ibid. ii. 138, note 2 ‘ That he (Empedocles) was the
first who taught the duality of the efficient causes is noticed by
Aristotle, Metaph. i. 4.’ Ibid. ‘In his representation Empedocles
personifies these two forces as Love and Hate.’ See the fragment
quoted by Ritter and Pr. 169

καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἀλλάσσοντα διαμπερὲς οὐδαμὰ λήγει
ἄλλοτε μὲν Φιλότητι συνερχόμεν᾽ εἰς ἐν ἅπαντα,
ἄλλοτε δ᾽ αὖ δίχ᾽ ἕκαστα φορεύμενα Νείκεος ἔχθει.

Ὁ 3 Διαφερόμενον. Cf. Plat. Symp. 187 A τὸ & γάρ φησι δια-
φερόμενον αὐτὸ ἑαυτῷ ξυμφέρεσθαι.

b 8 οὕτω μεγάλα κλεινοῖς xt... Hermann would join these
words as meaning ‘men of so great reputation.’ But the
adverbial use of μεγάλα, except with verbs, is very questionable.

Ο 2 ἴδωμεν, Eus. codd., Schanz. εἰδῶμεν Plat. vulg. ‘Apud

476

BOOK XIV. CHAP. 4 725¢

Eusebium scriptum est ἴδωμεν ὅτι etc. quam scripturam malo’
(Steph.). So Heindorf thinks that the sense requires a word
expressing the idea not of ‘knowing,’ but of ‘ learning.’

ἃ 5 συχνοῖς, Plat. The corrupt reading πλέον οἷς in Eusebius
may have arisen from a marginal gloss πλείοσι, intended as an
explanation of συχνοῖς.

726 ἃ 1 ἄπλετοςς Plat, Gaisf. ‘oastus, immanis’ (Heind.).
Cf. Plat. Legg. iii. 683. ‘Euseb. dwAyros, quod veterum est
poetarum ut Hesiod. Theog. 709’ (GroBos δ᾽ ἅπλητος ὀρώρει)
(Heind.). Ibid. 153 ἰσχὺς δ᾽ ἄπλητος ; 151 ἄπλατοι, Schol. ἀπροσ-
πέλαστοι, διὰ φόβον δεινοί. Viger reads ἄπλητος.

Ὁ 1 διατριβήν. The Academia, named from the hero Academus
(Hecademus, Diog. L. iii. 9), lay outside the walls of Athens
on the north-west, under the hill of Colonos, and close to the
other Cerameicus, ‘the most beautiful suburb of the city’ (Thue.
ii. 34), and the burial-place of the illustrious dead. Plato, who
resided on a small estate in the neighbourhood, ‘ began to study
philosophy in the Academy, and afterwards in the garden near
Colonos’ (Diog. L. iii. 8). Not far from the Academy is the tomb
of Plato (Pausan. i. 76).

Ὁ 4 CTlorwyys). Cf. Diog. L. iii. 1 ‘Plato of Athens, son of
Aristo and Perictione [or Potone], who traced back her family
to Solon. ... His brothers were Adeimantus and Glauco, and his
sister Potone, who was the mother of Speusippus.’ On these suc-
cessors of Plato in the Old Academy see Diog. L. iv. 1-5; Cic.
Acad. Post. i. 9. 34; Zeller, Outlines, 51.

Ὁ 6 ἀφ᾽ Ἑστίας ἀρξαμένους, ‘beginning with one of his own
family,’ i.e, Speusippus.

Ὁ 7 παραλύειν. Cf. Ps.-Plato, Arioch. 367 Β τὸ γῆρας. . . παρέ-
Avoev, ἐλωβήσατο, παρήρθρησεν.

Ο 5 οὐδένας. On this use of the plural cf. Plat. Jim. 20 Β,
Ale. 11. 148 E, Euthyd. 305 E.

C7 ἐπιπλάστον σοφιστείας. Cf. 495 b 1, 337 8 4.

ἃ 1 ‘Arcesilaus of Pitane in Aetolia (315-241 B.0.)... Was
the first to alter the dialectic delivered by Plato, and to render
it more contentious by question and answer. ... And because he
suspended judgement (ἐπέχειν) about all things, he did not even
write a book’ (Diog. L. iv. 28). Sextus Empiricus says that,
though apparently a Pyrrhonist, he was in reality a dogmatist,

477

= |

726d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

and taught the doctrines of Plato to the more intelligent of his
pupils, and hence was described by Ariston as πρόσθε Πλάτων,
ὄπιθεν Πύρρων, μέσσος Διόδωρος, because he employed the dialectic
of Diodorus, but was actually a Platonist. See Ritter and Pr.
H. Ph. 438.

ἃ 8 νόον. The reading in Hesiod, Opp. 42 is βίον, by which the
scholiasts rightly understand ‘the means of life’; these are not
to be gained without labour and search. Proclus understood it
of ‘the virtuous life,’ which requires study. This latter inter-
pretation may have led to the alteration of βίον into νόον in
Eusebius.

ἃ 12 Ἔνιοι δέ. This passage is borrowed word for word from
Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrk. Hyp. i, 220,

727 ἃ 4 On Numenius see 411 Ὁ 1, note, Diog. L. ix.
11. 102 αὐτὸς μὲν yap ὁ Πύρρων οὐδὲν ἀπέλιπεν, of μέντοι συνήθεις
αὐτοῦ Τίμων καὶ Αἰνεσίδημος καὶ Νουμήνιος καὶ Ναυσιφάνης καὶ
ἄλλοι τοιοῦτοι.

5] b 6 παραλύοντες. Cf. 726 Ὁ 7 παραλύειν.

Ὁ 2 ἂν φιλοτίμῳ, ‘Abfuit tamen, opinor, omnis ambitiosa con-
tentio.’ But Toup’s conjecture ἀφιλοτίμῳ gives a better sense.

C 5 ὁμοδοξίαν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 433 C.

G1 πολυτιμητίζεσθαι, a word apparently coined by Numenius.

728 ἃ 6 éoraciacra. Cf. Zeller, Stoics 62, on the points in
which Aristo, the pupil of Zeno, differed from the rest of his
School: ‘to judge from his controversial tone, the opposite views
were those almost universally entertained by Stoics.’? Plutarch,
ii. 1034 Repugn. Stoic. mentions a special treatise of Antipater
περὶ τῆς Κλεάνθονς καὶ Χρυσίππου διαφορᾶς.

& Ἔλέγχουσι δὲ ἀγαπώντως ὑπὸ δυσμενοῦς ἐλέγχου. This being
the reading of all the MSS. of Eusebius, Mullach re-writes the
whole sentence by conjecture as follows: ἐλέγχονται δὲ ἀγαπητῶς
ὑπὸ δυσνοήτον ἐλέγχου. On the censoriousness of the Stoics see
Zeller, Stoics, 268 ff.

Ὁ 5 μικρολόγοι. On the minuteness and formality of the Stoic
dialectic see Zeller, ibid. 120.

Ὁ 6 (oxapupiopois), Viger’s conjecture for σκαριφηθμοῖς which
is not found elsewhere, occurs in Aristoph. Ran. 1497 σκαριφι-
σμοῖσι λήρων.

CG 1 ot Μεγαρικοίί The Megarian School was founded by

478

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 4) 5 7ae¢

Eucleides, a pupil of Socrates, and one of the interlocutors in
Plato’s Theaetetus, which is represented as being a written report
by Eucleides of a conversation between Socrates and Theaetetus,
On the death of Socrates Eucleides retired to his native city
Megara, and there taught philosophy. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 59;
Diog. L. ii. 106 sq.

© 2 Ἐρετρικοί, The School of Eretria in Euboea was founded
by Menedemus, a pupil of the Eleatic School, who had also been
a hearer of Stilpo. Diogenes Laertius makes him a hearer of
Plato, but this is apparently an anachronism, and quotes lines in
which his preternatural gravity was ridiculed by Crates and by
Timon (Diog. L. ii. 17).

© 3 τρεῖς θεούς. Compare the passage of Porphyry quoted by
Cyril of Alexandria, Contra Julian. viii. 271 A (ed. Spanh). ‘For
Plato said that the essence (οὐσίαν) of God extended unto three
persons (ὑποστάσεων) : and that the Supreme God was Goodness,
and next to Him the second, the Creator (Δημιουργόν), and the
soul of the universe third: for deity extended to soul.’ Ritter
and Pr. A. Ph. 530. ᾿

6 Ἴ τὸν Σωκράτην. In Plat. Rep. vii. 530 Socrates alludes to
the Pythagorean notion of the music of the spheres, and (ibid.
600) to the veneration in which Pythagoras and his mode of life
were held by his followers. But these passages seem insufficient
to support the statement of Numenius.

ἂ τ οὔτε... οὔτε Ἰδέϊ. I can find no other instance of δέ
thus used. It is omitted by Mullach. If retained it might be
rendered ‘nor yet.’

729 & 2 Πυθαγόρειον. Numenius being a Neo-Pythagorean
himself was naturally anxious to represent Plato as a follower of
the same School.

&7 τὸ κομψὸν τοῦτο Kal παιγνιῆμον. Cf. Hat. ii. 173 κατέσκωπτε
τοὺς συμπότας καὶ ἦν μάταιός τε καὶ παιγνιήμων.

b 2 δημοτικώτερος. Ken. Mem. Socr. i. 2. 60 Σωκράτης γε τἀν-
ἀντία τούτων φανερὸς ἦν καὶ δημοτικὸς καὶ φιλάνθρωπος ὧν.

62 Stilpo of Megara (370-290 8. 0.), ‘who had Diogenes the
Cynic for his teacher as well as Thrasymachus, showed himself
@ pupil of the former by his ethical tendencies, by the apathy
and self-sufficiency of the wise man which he in word
and deed, by his free attitude to the

729 ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

assertion that no subject admits a predicate differerent from it’
(Zeller, Outlines, 36, 116). See 756 1.

G1 ὑπὸ δὲ Πύρρωνος. Zeller, Sceptics, 520, says that it is not
asserted here by Numenius that he (Arcesilaus) was a pupil of
either Pyrrho, Menedemus, or Diodorus. ‘If Eusebius seems to
imply it, it would seem to be a misunderstanding of the statement
that he made use of their teaching.’

ἃ 2 παραγωγόν, ‘ parodied.’ Cf. Hom. fl. vi. 181 πρόσθε λέων,
ὄπιθεν δὲ δράκων, μέσση δὲ χίμαιρα.

ἃ » Τίμων. Cf. 759 Ὁ 6, note.

ἃ Μενεδήμουν. Diog. L. ii. 17 gives a long and amusing
account of Menedemus the philosopher of Eretria. See also
Athen. ii. 59; iv. 168; x. 420.

ἃ 8 τὸ πᾶν κρέας. ‘Similiter apud Theocritum Id. iii. 18 τὸ
πᾶν λίθος, sermo est de puella’ (Menag. Annott. in Diog. L. iv. 33).

780 86 3 φλήναφον. Lucian, Demosth. Encom. 516 al μὲν
τριήρεις καὶ ὃ Πειραιεὺς καὶ τὰ νεώρια λῆρος ἔμοιγε καὶ φλήναφος.

κατεστωμυλμένον. Aristoph. Ran. 1160
ov δῆτα τοῦτό γ᾽, ὦ κατεστωμυλμένε.
8 5 wadwayperos. Cf. 819 Ὁ 2; Hom. Jl. i. 526
ov yap ἐμὸν παλινάγρετον οὐδ᾽ ἀπατηλὸν κ.τ.λ.

8ἃ 6 παλίμβολος. Plat. Legg. 705 A ἤθη παλίμβολα καὶ ἄπιστα.
Ruhnk. Tim. Lex. παλίμβολος: ὕποπτος καὶ ὕπουλος, πολυμετάβολός
τε καὶ ἐπὶ μιᾷ γνώμῃ μένων.

b I σκιαγραφίας. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 12. 5 Ἧ μὲν οὖν δημη-
γορικὴ λέξις καὶ παντελῶς ἔοικε τῇ σκιαγραφίᾳ.

6] Ὁ 2 ὁποτέροις μετείη. Hom. Il. v. 85
‘But of Tydides none might say to whom
His arm belong’d, or whether with the hosts
Of Troy or Greece he mingled in the fight:
Hither and thither o’er the plain he rush’d’ (Derby).

C5 ‘Eprovom. Cf. Aristoph. Ran. 293

A. Ἔμπουσα τοίνυν ἐστί. ἘΞ. πυρὶ γοῦν λάμπεται
ἅπαν τὸ πρόσωπον.

C6 ἐφάρματτεν, ἐγοήτευεν. Cf. Plat. Meno, 80 A γοητεύεις με
καὶ papparras καὶ ἀτεχνῶς κατεπᾷάδεις.

ἃ : εἰς τὰς ψυχάς. The plural seems to mean that he was of
many minds at once.

ἃ 3 ἀμφότερα ἀλλήλων δυσκρίτως. To make a regular con-

480

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 5, 6 730d

struction Viger suggests ἀλληλίζων. Hesych. ᾿Αλληλίζων: ἄλλως
καὶ ἄλλως λέγων.

ἃ 6 ἐπεί re. The combination is rare, except in the Ionic
dialect ; but Viger’s conjecture ἐπεί τοι is unnecessary.

781 a 2 Theophrastus died circ. 287 B.c. at the age of eighty-
five, when Arcesilaus (315-241 8.0.) was about twenty-eight
years old.

τὰ ἐρωτικά. Cf. Diog. L. v. 2. ἢ Νικομάχον φησὶν ἐρωτικῶς
διατεθῆναι.

8 3 Kpdvropos. On the relations between Arcesilaus and
Crantor see Zeller, Sceptics, 529, note 3.

a6 (πιθανά). I have adopted Viger’s conjecture in place of
πιθάνια, an unusual word, irregularly formed. A few lines
below Numenius adds that Arcesilaus was regarded by some of
the Sceptics as even denying probability (τὸ πιθανόν). By Sextus
Empiricus however he is represented as saying, ‘The man there-
fore who attends to what is reasonable (τῷ εὐλόγφ) will succeed
and be happy.’ To reconcile the two statements we must sup-
pose that Arcesilaus made a distinction between τὸ εὔλογον and
τὸ πιθανόν. See Ritter and Preller, 441. Cf. Zeller, Outlines,
270 (Arcesilaus) ‘did not allow that the possibility of action
must be given up with the possibility of knowledge. The pre-
sentation sets the will in motion, even though we do not consider
it knowledge, and in order to act rationally it is sufficient to
follow probability, which forms the highest criterion for practical
life.’

Ὁ 6 (ἂν αἰτίᾳ) Heinichen’s emendation for ἀναίτια : ‘Though
he would on account of his Pyrrhonistic doctrines be called a
Pyrrhonist.’

tov ἐραστοῦ. Crantor was an Academic, but Theophrastus
a Peripatetic and successor of Aristotle.

Ὁ 9 Diocles and his Lectures (Διατριβαῖς) are known only from
this passage.

G1 διαστάντες, an imperfect quotation of Hom. Jl. xii. 86

οἱ δὲ διαστάντες, σφέας αὐτοὺς ἀρτύναντες.
ἃ 3 The quotation is made up of four separate passages of the
Iliad. The word ἐδνοπάλιζεν is taken from Il. iv. 471
ot δὲ λύκοι ὡς
ἀλλήλοις ἐπόρουσαν, ἀνὴρ δ᾽ ἄνδρ᾽ ἐδνοπάλιζεν.
ie 11 481

782 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

782 ἃ 6 ‘H μὲν δὴ ἀρχή. The principle (ἀρχήν) in the former
sentence is that of the Academic defence, in this latter it is the
principle of the Stoic attack.

a 7 For ἣν εἶπον, which is evidently corrupt, read with Viger,
ἦν εἴ που, or With BO, ἦν εἴπερ.

8 8 τῆς καταληπτικῆς φαντασίας. Zeller, Outlines, 68, The Stoic
Logic: ‘The concept then (κατάληψις, as distinguished from the
ἔννοια ...) has the same contents as the simple presentation, but
is distinguished from it by the consciousness of its agreement
with the object. A presentation which carries this consciousness
with it is called by Zeno “a conceptual presentation ” (φαντασία
καταληπτική), Which in the first instance doubtless means a pre-
sentation which is suited to become a κατάληψις. Consequently he
maintains that conceptual presentation is the criterion of truth.’

Ὁ 2 Διαστάντες. Cf. 731 ἃ 1 above and the quotation from
Hom. Jl. xii. 86.

Ὁ 4 Κηφισοδώρου. Cf. Athen. ii. (60) ‘Cephisodorus the dis-
ciple of Isocrates, in his work against Aristotle, which consists
of four Books, censures the philosopher for not having thought
it worth while to make a collection of proverbs, whereas Anti-
phanes had made a whole drama that was entitled Proverbs.’

6 8 Εἰ δ᾽ οὐκ ἀγνοῶν κιτιλ. The construction of εἰ with a par-
ticiple instead of a finite verb is much disputed. See Hermann
on Viger, De Idiotismis, 829; Donaldson on Pind. Ol. ii. 56;
Paley on Eurip. Electra, 533. It is easy to supply some finite
verb, such perhaps as ἐπολέμει, from the preceding context.

ἂ τ: ὡς ἐξ dy. In the text of Viger, Gaisford, and Dindorf, ὡς
ἐξ ὧν αὐτῷ ἀντέγραψεν ἐλέγχεται, ὅτι ἐποίησεν, there is no construc-
tion left for ὅτι ἐποίησεν, but this is easily supplied by placing
the comma before ἐλέγχεται, as Heinichen does, instead of after.
There is then an elliptical and idiomatic construction in ὡς ἐξ ὧν
αὑτῷ ἀντέγραψεν, as in Plat. Alcib. I. 127 D ὡς ἐκ τοῦ σοῦ λόγου.

do εἰς Πλάτωνα. . . νεωτερισθέντων. Cf. Thuc. iv. 51 ὑτ-
οπτευσάντων és αὐτούς τι νεωτεριεῖν.

788 a 4 ἀξιόνικον. In Xen. Cyr. i. 5. 10 ἀσκητὴς πολλὰ πονήσας
καὶ ἀξιόνικος, the meaning is active, ‘ worthy to gain a victory.’
Here the passive sense seems to be preferable, ‘worthy to be
conquered.’

Ὁ 1 τὴν καταληπτικὴν φαντασίαν. See above, 732 a 8. Cf. Sext.

482

BOOK XIV. CHAP. 6 733 Ὁ

Empir. adv. Math. vii. 150 ‘Now these being the statements of
the Stoics, Arcesilaus opposed them by showing that the “con-
ception” is no criterion intermediate between knowledge and
opinion. For this which they call ‘‘ conception,” and “assent to
the conceptual presentation,” occurs either in a wise or in a weak
man; but if it occur in a wise man, it is knowledge, and if in
a weak man, opinion, and besides these nothing else is commu-
nicated except only a name,’ Zeller, Stotcs, 530 ‘The principal
object of his attack was however the Stoic theory of irresistible
impressions (conf. Numen. in Eus, Praep. Evang. xiv. 6. 12), and
in overthrowing that theory Arcesilaus, it would seem, believed
he had exploded every possibility of knowledge.’

b 3 (Ἀρκεσιλάου). Wyttenbach. Animado. in Plutarch. ii.
190 A has the following passage: ‘Numenits as quoted by
Eusebius, Praep. Evang. xiv. 733 b, in a singularly elegant
passage of his graceful narrative has received from the tran-
scribers a blemish which should be amended as follows. Cor-
recting one word (᾿Ἀρκεσιλάῳ) and reading ᾿Αρκεσιλάου, we may
interpret the meaning thus: “ But Zeno, who would have been
esteemed the weaker, if he had remained quiet, although he
could suffer no injury, disregarded Arcesilaus, against whom he
would have had much to say, but was unwilling to say it, or
rather perhaps from some other reason,”” There is a special point
in the ambiguity of the word ἀδικεῖσθαι, which has also a reference
to the Stoic maxim that “the wise man can suffer no injury.”’
Viger gives a different meaning to the passage by omitting ὦν,
and referring ἐν τῷ ἀσθενεστέρῳ to Arcesilaus; ‘ Alter (Zeno)
interea adversus infirmiorem, quasi nihil ab eo laedi posset,
movebat nihil.’

Ὁ 5 éoxupdye. Compare Plat. Apol. 18 D, where Socrates
complains that he has to fight with shadows, because he cannot
make his accusers come forward.

τὴν ἀπὸ ἁμάξης πομπείαν πᾶσαν κατεθορύβει λέγων. Gaisford
wrongly connects λέγων with the following sentence. Cf. Bentley,
On Phalaris, 289 ‘ They generally used carts in their pomps and
processions, not only in the festivals of Bacchus, but of other
gods too; and particularly in the Eleusinian feast the women
were carried in the procession in carts, out of which they abused
and jeered one another.’

112 483

733 ¢ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ΟΙ (ἤδη) or 7de (Mullach), is a certain emendation of ὖἦδε,
the reading of the MSS. The stratagem of Agathocles is described
by Diodorus Siculus, Bibl. Hist. xx. 3. Having been defeated by
Hamilcar at Himera, he retired to Syracuse, and leaving a
garrison in the city transferred the best of his troops into Libya
(B.0. 310), and so changed the seat of war.

C 3 μοῦσα. ‘A passage imitated from Pindar, Isthm. ii. τὸ

ἃ Μοῖσα yap οὐ φιλοκερδής πω τότ᾽ ἦν
οὐδ᾽ ἐργάτις ᾽ (Gaisford).

C 4 ἐργάτις χαρίτων. . Cf. Anth. Pal. vi. 174 ἐργάτιν εὐκλώστου
νήματος ἠλακάταν.

C 5 περικῥούων, used by Plutarch, ii. 234 D, of a wrestler who
throttles his adversary by throwing his arms round his neck.
This meaning is here confirmed by ὑποσκελίζων below.

κατεγλωττίζετο. Cf. Aristoph. Eg. 353

τὴν πόλιν . . . κατεγλωττισμένην σιωπᾶν.

ἃ 3 Πιταναίῳβ. Pitane, the birth-place of Arcesilaus, was an
ancient city of Aeolis.

ἃ 5 ῥηματίσκια. Cf. Plat. Theaet. 180 A ὥσπερ ἐκ φαρέτρας

ῥηματίσκια αἰνιγματώδη ἀνασπῶντες ἀποτοξεύουσι.
7] 78481 Lacydes of Cyrene succeeded Arcesilaus as president
of the New Academy, a position which he resigned after twenty-six
years (B.0. 241-215). It is needless to say that the story told by
Numenius gives no idea of his real character. Diogenes Laertius
(iv. 8) says that he died of paralysis brought on by drinking.

& 2 ὑπογλισχρότερος. In the passage of Diog. ἴω. for γλυκύτατα
ἐσχηκέναι Gataker conjectures γλισχρότατα.

ὁ λεγόμενος Olxovojuxds. The word seems to have become
proverbial. Both Xenophon and Aristotle had written treatises
on the right management of a household.

Ὁ 2 τὸ ταμεῖον. Cf. Aristot. Oecon. i. 6. 2 καὶ ἡ τοῦ ταμιείου
θέσις οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν ταῖς μικροτέραις οἰκονομίαις.

Ὁ 5 ὁπόσοι γοῦν, ‘some at all events,’ i.e. whether many or few.

Ὁ 6 τὸ ἡδὺ διηγήσομαι. Plut. Mor. 63 C has another amusing
story about Lacydes and a ring.

ἃ 4 τὴν ἀκαταληψίάν. Cf. Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 1 τοῖς
ζητοῦσί τι πρᾶγμα ἣ εὕρεσιν ἐπακολουθεῖν εἰκὸς ἣ ἄρνησιν εὑρέσεως
καὶ ἀκαταληψίας ὁμολογίαν ἢ ἐπιμονὴν ζητήσεως. Cic. Hp. ad Att.
xiii. 19 ‘quae erant contra ἀκαταληψίαν praeciare collecta ab

484

BOOK XIV. CHAPS, 6, 7 734d

Antiocho, Varroni dedi.’ Zeller, Sceptics, 531 ‘The Stoic argu-
ments in favour of irresistible impressions Arcesilaus met by
asserting that an intermediate something between knowledge and
opinion, a kind of conviction common to the wise and the unwise
such as the Stoic κατάληψις, is inconceivable.’ Cf. 733 b 1, note.

7385 Ὁ 5 καγχάζων. Cf. Babrius, Fab. 99. 8

λύκος ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ καγχάσας “ ἐγὼ τοίνυν
Xaipew κελεύω᾽ φησί.

C1 θατέρᾳ ληπτοί, Cf. 136 Ὁ 4, note, and Galen’s description
of the slaves introduced by Menander in his comedies—Aaxois τισι
καὶ Τέταις οὐδὲν ἡγουμένοις σφίσι πεπρᾶχθαι γενναῖον, εἰ μὴ τρὶς
ἐξαπατήσειαν τὸν δεσπότην. Meineke, Fr, Menand. Incert. 517.

c 2 The Getae were afterwards called Dacians, and the name
Dacus is the same as Davus. Strab. 304 Aaxois δὲ... ots οἶμαι
Δαύους καλεῖσθαι τὸ παλαιόν' ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ᾿Αττικοῖς ἐπεπό-
λασε τὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν ὀνόματα, Γέται καὶ Δαῦοι.

C 3 τοῖς Στωϊκοῖς. .. ἤκουσαν. The construction is not very
usual; but see Hom. Jl. xvi. 515

δύνασαι δὲ σὺ πάντοσ᾽ ἀκούειν
ἀνέρι κηδομένῳ.
Soph. El. 226 τίνι γάρ wor ἄν, ὦ φιλία γενέθλα,
πρόσφορον ἀκούσαιμ᾽ ἔπος ;
τίψι φρονοῦντι καίρια ;

ἃ 9 ἀδοξάστῳ. Cf. Diog. L. vii. 162 μάλιστα δὲ προσεῖχε
Στωϊκῷ δόγματι τῷ τὸν σοφὸν ἀδόξαστον εἶναι. Cic. Tuse. iv. 15
‘Opinationem autem, quam in omnes definitiones superiores in-
clusimus, volunt (Stoici) esse imbecillam assensionem.’

736 0 5 ὑπειδόμενος, an incorrect form for ὑπιδόμενος. Cf. Eur.
Ion 1023 πῶς; dp’ ὑπείδον τοῦθ᾽ ὃ xa’ εἰσέρχεται ;

ἃ 2 ὁ Κυρηναῖος ᾿Αρίστιπποςς. This could only be the younger
Aristippus, grandson of the more famous disciple of Socrates ;
see below, 764 a. The remainder of the chapter, concerning the
successors of Lacydes, is supposed by Gaisford to have been
abridged by Eusebius from the work of Numenius.

ἃ 4 Evavipos. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 270 ‘ Arcesilaus was suc-
ceeded in the chair by Lacydes of Cyrene. Before his death the
latter handed over the headship of the School (B.c. 215-4) to the
Phocaeans Telecles and Evander, who were followed by Hegesinus
(Hegesilaus). But neither of these, nor of the rest of the Acade-

485

736d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

micians who are mentioned from this period, do we know more
than the general fact that they remained true to the direction
struck out by Arcesilaus. The greater is the importance of
Carneades, who on this account is called the founder of the
third or new Academy.’ Cf. Ritter and Pr. 442.

8] 787 Ὁ 1 ἐκδεξάμενος παρήγησιν, οὗ χρεών. No such word as
παρήγησιν is found elsewhere, and Dindorf (Praef. xiii, note)
rightly adopts the neglected emendation of Stephens, placed
among his Corrigenda, παρ᾽ ‘Hyncivov, ‘quae verissima est, nisi
quod servato οὗ scribere debebat rap “Hynoivov, οὗ. The mean-
ing will thus be: ‘Carneades having succeeded Hegesinus, whose
doctrines he ought to have defended, both those which were
unassailable and those which had been assailed, neglected this,
&c.’ It is not necessary to retain of, since χρεών is used like δέον,
ἐξόν, προσῆκον, &c., a8 an accusative absolute: Hdt. v. 50 χρεών
(νυ. 1. xpéov) μιν μὴ λέγειν; Thuc, iii. 40 ὑμεῖς ἂν ob χρεὼν ἄρχοιτε.

Ὁ 6 "Hye... καὶ ἀπέφερεν, i.e. would deny what he had just
affirmed.

Ὁ 7 ἐξαρνητικός τε καὶ (καταφατικός). Wyttenbach in Plut. Mor.
19 D ‘ Καταφατικὸς et ἀποφατικός, afirmans et negans, trita sunt
apud dialecticos: illud restituendum Numenio apud Euseb.
Praep. Evang. xiv. 8. 737 B de Carneade scribenti, ἐξαρνητικός
τε καὶ καταφαντικὸς ἦν, legendum enim xaradparixds.’

GC 6 περιερχόμενος. Hat. iii. 4 σοφίῃ γάρ μιν περιῆλθε ὃ Φάνης.
Aristoph. Eg. 1142 εἰ σοφῶς αὐτοὺς περιέρχομαι.

τῇ φαρμάξει. (1) ‘medical treatment,’ Plat. Phileb. 46 A οὐκ
ἄλλης δεόμενα φαρμάξεως ; (2) ‘ witching,’ ‘ flattery,’ Sympos. 194 A
φαρμάττειν βούλει με, ὦ Σώκρατες.

Ὁ Ἴ συγκορυβαντιῶντας. Plat. Phaedr. 228 B ἕξει τὸν συγκορυ-
βαντιῶντα.

ο --α 2 ἔλαθεν. . . χρημάτων. The construction and meaning
of this difficult sentence may be best determined by beginning at
the end. By τῆς ἁπαξαπάντων ἀναιρέσεως χρημάτων, ‘the over-
throw of all things,’ is meant ‘the denial of all certain truth,’
which was the favourite doctrine of Arcesilaus: cf. Cic. De Orat.
iii, 18. 67 ‘ Arcesilas ... hoc maxime arripuit, nihil esse certi
quod aut sensibus aut animo percipi possit.’ Then the infinitive
sentence μὴ ἠἡσθῆσθαι, πεπεῖσθαι δὲ κιτιλ. is the epexegesis of ἔλαθεν
ἑαυτὸν ... ἐξηπατηκώς, and the point of the criticism is that ‘he

486

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 7, 8 737 ¢

unconsciously deceived himself in this, that, though he did not
perceive it, he was convinced of the truth of the arguments which
he used in the course of overthrowing all truth.’

ἃ 5 θετικάς, ‘positive.’ Cf. Diog. L. ix. 75 λέγεται δὲ τὸ Οὐδὲν
μᾶλλον καὶ θετικῶς, ὡς ὁμοίων τινῶν ὄντων.

788 8 1 (προυδέδοκτο). Cf. Plat. Phaed. 88 D καὶ αὐτῷ μοι
τοῦτο προυδέδοκτος Thuc. vii. 18.

a 8 εἰς τὰς ἴσας, 80. πλάστιγγας, ‘having brought them to an
even scale.’ Plat. Tim. 63 Β ἱσταίη τιθεὶς εἰς πλάστιγγας.

Ὁ 4 Καρνεάδης. Sext. Emp. Ado. Math. vii. 159 ‘ But Carneades
opposed not only the Stoics, but also all who were before him in
regard to the criterion. In fact his first and common argument
against all is that in which he assumes that there is absolutely
no criterion of truth, neither reason, nor sense, nor presentation,
nor anything else in the world: for all these taken together
deceive us.’

ἐψυχαγώγει. Cf. Xen. Mem. Socr. iii. το. 6 ὃ δὲ μάλιστα
Yuxaywye διὰ τῆς ὄψεως τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, τὸ ζωτικὸν φαίνεσθαι, πῶς
τοῦτο ἐνεργάζῃ τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσιν ;

ΟΙ ’Avriratpos. Plut. Mor. 514 D ‘For the Stoic Antipater
was, seemingly, neither able nor willing to come face to face with
Carneades when rushing with full flood upon the Porch, but by
writing and filling his books with arguments against him he got
the surname of Calamoboas,’ i.e. one who shouts with his pen.

6 2 (dywriv), Viger’s marginal conjecture for ἀγωνιᾶν, is capable
of two meanings: (1) ‘ striving earnestly, as in Demosth. Mid. 53
ἀναλίσκοντας ἀγωνιῶντας, Diod. Sic. xiii. 53 ὑμεῖς δὲ τῆς θαλάττης
οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας πεζῆς GAN’ ὑπὲρ ἀναστάσεως ἀγωνιᾶτε; (2) " being
anxious,’ ‘ distressed,’ ‘ frightened,’ as in Plat. Lys. 210 Εἰ κατι-
Sov... αὐτὸν ἀγωνιῶντα καὶ τεθορυβημένον. In the latter sense
here it may be rendered, ‘ was intending, though in great fear, to
write something.’

Ο 5 οὐδὲ ypi. Cf. Aristoph. Plut. 17 ἀποκρινομένῳ οὐδὲ γρῦ.

C6 βιβλία κατέλιπε. Cf. Οἷο. Fr. 469 ‘Cum eo (Carneade)
digladiatus est Antipater pluribus voluminibus.’

Ο 8 xaradofayra. The intransitive sense of this form is rare,
but the transitive sense occurs frequently in Herodotus. The
passive occurs twice in Antiph. Or. ii. 116. 34 καταδοχθεὶς
φονεὺς εἶναι : ibid. εἰκότως ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν καταδοκοῦμαι, ‘I am naturally

487

ἥζ8 8.8}. THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

suspected by you.’ Cic. De Orat. ii. 38. 161 ‘Carneadis vis in-
credibilis dicendi et varietas, qui nullum umquam in illis suis
disputationibus rem defendit quam non probarit, nullum oppug-
navit quam non everterit.’ It is implied in καταδόξαντα that
this formidable power was regarded with some suspicion.

ἃ 6 Cf. Diog. L. iv. 9. 6. The account of Carneades in
Diogenes is chiefly made up of silly stories, very unlike the fall
and careful account of his system in Sextus Empiricus, Adv.
Math. vii. 159.

ἃ 9 τῆς διατριβῆς, ‘the School,’ i.e. the place of study. Athen.
350 init. ἀναστήσας δέ ποτε τρόπαιον ἐν τῇ διατριβῇ.

789 8 5 καπηλικώτερον, literally, ‘in a rather huckstering way.’

8. 9 Zeller, Outlines, 273 ‘After Carneades the Academy was
conducted by his pupils, first the younger Carneades, then
Crates—by both for but a few years, and then by the most
distinguished of the body, Clitomachus the Carthaginian, who
cannot have been born after 175 B.c., and died after rro.’

8 1o Ibid. 280 ‘Philo of Larissa, who fled to Rome about
88 B.C., where he was the teacher of Cicero, and appears to have
died about 80 B.C., (was) the pupil and successor of Clitomachus.
. .. Although he joined Carneades in controverting the Stoic
doctrine of the criterion, and regarded an absolutely certain
knowledge, a conception of things, as impossible, yet he would
not deny all power of knowledge, and maintained that Arcesilaus
and Carneades did not intend to deny it. There was an obvious-
ness (ἐνάργεια) which created a perfectly sure conviction, though
it did not attain to the absolute certainty of the concept.’ Cic.
Brut. 89; Tuse. ii. 3, v. 37.

9] 63 ἐξιτήλου. Cf. Hdt. i. τ ὡς μήτε τὰ γενόμενα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων
τῷ χρόνῳ ἐξίτηλα γένηται x.7.X.

c 6 διαίσθησι. The substantive is rare. Cf. Plat. Phaedr.
250 A ἀγνοοῦσι διὰ τὸ μὴ ἱκανῶς διαισθάνεσθαι.

740 ἃ 7 ἐξ ἀνθρωπίνων στοχασμῶν κιτιλ. Cf. 22 ἃ 2.

ἃ το On the Epistle to Anebo see 92 Ὁ 1, note.

10] 7410 2 τὸ μέρος τοῦτο, namely, the nature of ‘ the good.’

c 4 Philo Jud. de Incorrupt. Mundi, 497 (Mangey) ‘ Boéthus,
and Poseidonius, and Panaetius, men of great learning in the
Stoic doctrines, as if suddenly inspired, abandoned the theories
of conflagration and regeneration, and came over to the more

488

BOOK XIV. CHAPS, 8-12 741 ς

divine doctrine of the incorruptibility of the world.’ Cf. ibid. 502
on the opinions of Boéthus.

ἃ 4 Περὶ τῆς ἐκ λογίων φιλοσοφίας. Cf. 123 ¢ 9, note.

742 ἃ 1 Χαλκόδετος yap. See 413 Ὁ 2—b 6, and the notes there.

Ὁ 3 στοχασμῶν. Cf. 471 Ὁ 4, Aristot. Eth. Nic. i. 4.5 εὖ yap
καὶ Πλάτων ἠπόρει τοῦτο καὶ ἐζήτει, πότερον ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχῶν ἣ ἐπὶ
τὰς ἀρχάς ἐστιν ἡ ὁδός.

b 7 παρ᾽ αὐτῶν εἰρημένα. Cf. 741 ἃ 1.

ἃ 6 ἐπανατεινάμενοι. Cf. 738 ὁ 6 ἀντιγραφὰς δὲ ἐπανετείνατο :
but here in the strict middle sense it means ‘having stretched
themselves up,’ i. e. in an arrogant manner.

11] 748 ο § ἐπιστάμενον ἀπιέναι. ‘Verbum ἀπιέναι additum est
ut in Latino: discedere victorem similibusque’ (Kithner).

ἃ 3 ἀστρονομίας Eus., ἀστρολογίας Xen. ‘Sic ἀστρολογία idem
est quod ἀστρονομία. Sic etiam Latini aureae aetatis scriptores
dicunt astrologus et astrologia, non astronomus, astronomia, Quam-
quam etiam vocabulum ἀστρονομίας in usu fuit’ (Kitihner).

ἃ 8 νυκτοθηρῶν. Cf, Hor. Od. i. τ. 25 ‘ Manet sub Ioue frigido
venator.’

7448 3 ἀσταθμήτους ἀστέρας. Cf. Plut. Mor. 893 B Tov: ἀπὸ
Πυθαγόρου τινὲς μὲν ἀστέρα φασὶν εἶναι τὸν κομήτην τὸν οὐκ ἀεὶ
φαινόμενον x.T.d.

C5 λίθον διάπυρον. Cf. 836 Ὁ 9 μύδρον ἣ πέτρον διάπυρον.

ἃ 4 Ἐπιστολῇ. ‘As to the seven Epistles attributed to Xeno-
phon, among the one and forty so-called Socratic Epistles, the
same remark applies to them as to most of the Greek literary
remains of that class; they are mere rhetorical essays ’ (G. Long,
in Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. iii. 1303 a).

ἃ 5 Αἰσχίνην. Cf. Zeller, Socr. Schools, 246, note. Aeschines
was ἃ disciples of Socrates (Plat. Apol. 33 E) and author of certain
Socratic Dialogues not now.extant. One of the Dialogues con-
tained an amusing description of a conversation between Aspasia
and Xenophon and his wife, preserved by Cicero, De Inventione,
i. 31. 51.

12] 745 Ὁ 3 ἄγασθαι... . διαπονουμένῳ. Cf. Hdt. iv. 75 dyd-
μενοι τῇ πυρῳ. Plat. Sympos. 318 A ἀγασθέντες τῷ ‘Pye. The
accusative is much more usual.

Ὁ 4 φέρε. There being no subject for φέρει, the construction
is incomplete, and the text probably corrupt.

489.

745d ΤΗΣ PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ τ Plat. Apol. 20 E τῆς yap ἐμῆς, εἰ δή τίς ἐστι σοφία καὶ οἵα,
μάρτυρα ὑμῖν παρέξομαι τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖς. . . . ᾿Ανεῖλεν οὖν ἡ
Πυθία μηδένα σοφώτερον εἶναι.

ἃ δ Σικελιῶτις . .. τράπεζα. Plat. Rep. 404 C ‘Then as it seems,
my friend, you do not approve of a Syracusan table, and a Sicilian
variety of dishes.’ Athen. xii. 527 C.

G6 Πλάτωνα αἰνιττόμενος. The allusion is to Plato’s Pytha-
gorean tendencies, his visit to Egypt, and his residence at the
court of Dion. Cf. Epist. vii. 326 ἐλθόντα δέ pe ὁ ταύτῃ λεγόμενος
αὖ Bios εὐδαίμων Ἰταλιωτικῶν τε καὶ Συρακουσίων τραπεζῶν πλήρης
οὐδαμῇ οὐδαμῶς ἤρεσε.

18] 746 a1 ψυχῆς ὁλκόν. Cf. Plat. Rep. 527 Β ὁλκὸν ... ψυχῆς
πρὸς ἀλήθειαν εἴη ἄν.

Ὁ 4 τετεύτακε. The corrupt reading τέτευχε in Plato has been
corrected from Eusebius and the codex Parisinus, Cf. Ruhnk.
Tim, Lex. Tevrafwv’ πραγματευόμενος, ἐνδιατρίβων. Among many
instances of the use of τευτάζω there given see Phileb. 91 A;
Phrynich. Mystae μάστιγα δ᾽ ἐν χεροῖν ἔχων τευτάζεται; Plat.
(Comicus) Xantriae qv δὲ θόρυβος τευταζόντων.

C6 ἄγον. ‘Apud Eusebium scriptum est ἄγον, quod participium
multo magis quam nomen illud (ἀγαθόν) mihi placet’ (Steph.).
‘Sic ex Eusebio reposuimus pro ἀγαθόν, postulante sensu et prae-
positione πρός, quae 6 voce μάθημα pendere non potest’ (Ast).
‘Tenenda est lectio vulgata; recte enim dicitur ἀγαθὸν πρός re’
(Stallb.). “ἀγαθόν is to be taken with τοιοῦτον and not with
μάθημα. . .. The ν΄. τ, ἄγον I1™8, deserves consideration’ (Jowett,
Campbell).

ἃ 6 πάντα δεῖ ἀνήκειν. ddyxev(Plato). ‘Apud Eusebium legitur
ἀνήκειν, quinetiam πάντας pro πάντα, Sed ἀνήκειν quidem recipi
potest, at πάντας non item’ (Steph.).

747 81 πυκνώματα. Smith’s Dict. Gk. and R. Antig. 775 a
‘When the two lowest intervals of the tetrachord taken together
were less than the remaining one, these two were said to form a
condensed interval (πυκνόν) See the exhaustive note of Stallbaum
on Plat. Legg. 812 D.

& κολλόπων. Cf. Ruhnk. Tim. Ler. Κόλλαβοι: τὰ τῶν χορδῶν
émrovia. Cf. Hom. Od. xxi. 406

ws ὅτ᾽ ἀνὴρ φόρμιγγος ἐπιστάμενος καὶ ἀοιδῆς
ῥηϊδίως ἐτάνυσσε νέῳ περὶ κόλλοπι χορδήν.
49°

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 12-14 747 a

Cf. Lobeck, Phryn. Κολλάβους τοὺς ἐν τῇ λύρᾳ ἡ μὲν ἄλλη διά-
λεκτὸς λέγει: οὐ φροντὶς Ἱπποκλείδῃ φασί: σὺ δὲ ὡς ᾿Αθηναῖος λέγε
KoAAoras.

Ὁ 4 ἐρήσεσθαι, corrupted in the MSS. of Eusebius into εἰρῆσθαι,
which is quite inappropriate.

Ὁ 8 πρὸ ὁδοῦ κείσθω. Cf. Aristot. Polit. viii. 3. 11 viv δὲ
τοσοῦτον ἡμῖν εἶναι πρὸ ὁδοῦ γέγονεν. Ibid. De Caelo, ii. 12. 10
πάντα πρὸ ὁδοῦ ἐστι πρὸς TO ἄριστον.

969 Περὶ τῶν ἀρεσκόντων. On Plutarch, de Placitis Philosophorum,
see Diels, Dozographi Graeci, Prolegomena, 1-43, who clearly
proves that the real author of the collection epitomized by Plu-
_tarch was Aétius, a rhetorician who lived in the time of Augustus,
and whose authorship was forgotten through the greater reputa-
tion of Plutarch. Cf. Theodoret, Gr. Aff. Cur. 35. 7 Πλούταρχος
δὲ καὶ ᾿Αέτιος ras τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐκπαιδεύουσι δόξας.

Ο 10 ἐξ ὧν παραθήσομαι ταῦτας On the accuracy and fidelity

of the extracts made by Eusebius see Diels, ibid. 5-10. Much of
the following extract had been previously quoted by Ps.-Justin,
Cohort. ad Gentiles, iii.
14] ἃ 2 ‘Eandem accurationem (Eusi.) in ceteris excerptis ad-
mirari licet. Nam rarae sunt pro excerptorum ambitu mutationes.
Velut, Plut. i. 3. 1 post Θαλῆς ὁ Μιλήσιος addit els τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφῶν.
Mox ἀπεφήνατο auctum est addito εἶναι, capituloque finito claudit
ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Θαλῆς, de qua formula similibusque egit G. Dindorfius
praef. edit. I. xix.’ (Diels, ibid. 8).

ἃ 3 Δοκεῖ... Μέλητον. ‘Plutarchus ut principio statim suam
sapientiam ostentaret importune post ὕδωρ haec interpolavit ”
(Diels, ibid. 61).

748 a 3 The original reading of Aétius was ydp, which in
consequence of the distance from ὕδωρ Eus. changed into δέ
(‘inepte,’ Diels, ibid.).

πάντα. . . ἀναλύεσθαι. On this passage cf. Diels, 179.

ἃ 5 πάντων (τῶν) ζώων ἡ γονή. Cf. Aristot. Metaph. i. 3. 5.

b 3 Cf. Diels, 95; Ps.-Just. Or. ad Graec. v.

b 5 Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 227 ‘Whereas Thales had de-
clared water to be the primitive matter of all things, Anaxi-
mander defined this original element as the infinite or the
unlimited. By the infinite, however, he did not understand, like
Plato and the Pythagoreans, an incorporeal element, the essence

491

748 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of which consists exclusively in infinity; but an infinite matter.’
Cf. Zeller, ibid. 257. The theory of Anaximander is criticized by
Aristotle, Nat. Ause. iii. 8. 1:
Ὁ 8 γίνεται. Cf. Diels, 50, who suggests γίνεσθαι.
διότι, preferred by Wyttenbach to the reading διὰ ri; which
is found in the MSS. of Plutarch.

CI μηδὲν ἐλλείπῃ. Cf. Diels, 180; Zeller, ibid. ‘ According to
the unanimous testimony of later authors, Anaximander’s main
argument for his theory was that the infinite, and the infinite
alone, does not exhaust itself in constantly producing.’

Ὁ 4 τὸ δὲ ποιοῦν αἴτιον ἀναιρῶν. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 247
‘That Anaximander’s primitive matter was not a qualitatively
determined matter is, therefore, certain.’

ἃ 3 ‘Apaprdve. Cf. Diels, 180.

ἃ 4 συνεστάναι τὰ ζῶα. Zeller, ibid. i. 270 ‘It appeared to him
(Anaximenes)... that in men and animals the inspiration and
exspiration of the air is the cause of cohesion, and of the life of
the body; for when the breathing ceases or is hindered, life
becomes extinct, the body decomposes and perishes.’

ἃ 8 ἐπὶ τοῦ χαλκοῦ καὶ ξύλων. Cf. Aristot. Metaph. i. 3. 11
οἷον οὔτε τὸ ξύλον οὔτε ὁ χαλκὸς αἴτιος τοῦ μεταβάλλειν ἑκάτερον

Φφι

αντων.

dg Ἵππασος. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socrat. Philos. i. 526. Of Hip-
pasus ‘the ancient writers seem to have known no more than is
to be found in Aristotle—namely that, like Heracleitus, he held
fire to be the primitive matter. The further statements, that he
declared fire to be the Deity; that he made derived things arise
out of fire by rarefaction and condensation, ... all these must be
mere inferences from the comparison of him with Heracleitus,
since the scholars of the Alexandrian epoch possessed no writing
of his.’ Cf. Aristot. ibid. 8.

749 & 3 παχυμερέστατον. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 29, note 2 ‘Only
the later writers ascribe to him (Heracleitus) rarefaction and
condensation.’ According to Zeller the order of change was not
fire, earth, water, but ‘ fire is changed into moisture, and moisture
into earth.’

ἃ ἀρχὴ . .. πάντα. ‘Plutarchi additamentum ex initio repe-
titum ’ (Diels, ibid. 284).

8ἃ 9 In Plutarch the paragraph begins differently: ‘ Epicurus,

493

BOOK XIV. CHAP. 14 749 8

son of Neocles of Athens, having studied philosophy in the School
of Democritus, said that the primitive substances of all things
are indivisible bodies.’ Diels, 8.

b I σώματα ἄτομα. On the nature of the atoms of Democritus
see Zeller, ibid. ii. 220.

ἀμέτοχα κενοῦ. ‘Where there are no parts, and no empty
interspaces, no displacement of parts can occur’ (Zeller, ibid.).

C5 περιληπτά, οὐκ ἄπειρα, Eus. codd. Cf. Diog. L. x. 42 καθ᾽
ἑκάστην δὲ σχημάτισιν ἁπλῶς ἄπειροί εἶσιν αἱ ὅμοιαι, ταῖς δὲ διαφοραῖς
οὐχ ἁπλῶς ἄπειροι, ἀλλὰ μόνον ἀπεριληπτοί. From this quotation
it would appear that the better reading is ἀπεριληπτά, meaning
‘indeterminable,’ as distinct from ‘infinite.’ But Aristotle, a far
better authority, distinctly asserts that the shapes themselves are
infinite: cf. Gen. et Corr. i. 2. 5 ἐπεὶ δ᾽ qovro τἀληθὲς ἐν τῷ
φαίνεσθαι, ἐναντία δὲ καὶ ἄπειρα τὰ φαινόμενα, τὰ σχήματα ἄπειρα
ἐποίησαν. Ibid. i. 1. 4 Δημόκριτος δὲ καὶ Λεύκιππος ἐκ σωμάτων
ἀδιαιρέτων τἄλλα συγκεῖσθαί φασι, ταῦτα δὲ ἄπειρα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος
εἶναι καὶ τὰς μορφάς. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 224, note.

ἃ 3-d 5 wore... μονάς. Diels, ibid. 61, regards this passage
as an interpolation by Plutarch in the work of Aétius.

ἃ 5 καὶ ζῶα κενὰ «.r.X. ‘Difficile dictu quid in his ineptiis
lateat’ (Diels, 286).

ἡ μονάς. Cf. Zeller, ibid. i. 391 ‘The Pythagoreans exalted
the Deity above the opposition of principles (matter and form),
and derived the principles from Deity. Unity, as Deity, and ante-
cedent to this opposition, was called the One. Unity as opposed
to duality, and as a member of the opposition, was called the
Monad.’

ἃ 6 On Empedocles see 24 6 1, note.

"Axpayavrivos. The addition πολιστὴς Σικελίας (Eus. codd.) is
evidently a gloss, πόλις τῆς %., which has crept into the text.

G7 δύο δὲ ἀρχικὰς δυνάμεις. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 138 ‘In his
representation Empedocles personifies these two forces as Love and
Hate; on the other hand he treats them as corporeal substances
which are mingled in things.’

750 Ὁ 1 ᾿Αναξαγόρας. ‘Among the Greeks there was a faint
recognition by Anaxagoras of active Reason as the supreme
cosmic principle . . . apt to suggest a religious conception of the
relations of the whole’ (A. C. Fraser, Philos. of Theism, 45).

493

780 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 4 μηλόβοτον. Cf. Isocr. 302 C τὴν χώραν ἀνεῖναε μηλόβοτον.
Viger quotes Plat. Hipp. Mai. 283 A τοὐναντίον γὰρ ᾿Αναξαγόρᾳ
φασὶ ξυμβῆναι ἣ ὑμῖν: καταλειφθέντων yap αὐτῷ πολλῶν χρημάτων
καταμελῆσαι καὶ ἀπολέσαι πάντα. Cf. Diog. L. ii. 3..2 ‘He was
distinguished for noble birth and wealth, and also for magna-
nimity, since he gave up his patrimony to his friends, For when
they blamed him for his carelessness, he said, ‘‘ Why then do not
you attend to it yourselves? ’’’

Ὁ 8 Ἦν γάρ. Quoted before on 504 Ὁ 4.

CG 2 ἄθεος εἶναι. Cf. Diog. L. ii. 3. 9 ‘There are different stories

about his trial; for Sotion in his ‘‘ Succession of Philosophers ”
says that he was brought to trial by Cleon for impiety, because
he said that the sun was a mass of fire; and though Pericles, his
disciple, pleaded in his defence, he was fined five talents and
banished. But Satyrus in his “ Biographies ” says that the suit
was instituted by Thucydides, who opposed Pericles in politics :
and he was charged not only with impiety but also with aiding
the Persians, and was condemned to death in his absence.’
15] ἃ 2 νοῦς ἐστιν ὁ διακοσμῶν. Cf. Diog. L. ii. 3. 1 ‘Anaxa-
goras was the first who set mind over matter, and thus began
his book, which is expounded in a graceful and sublime style :—
‘¢ All things were mingled together: then came Mind and arranged
them in order.”’ Cf. Hippol. Ref. Haeres. i. 7.

751 8 6 περὶ αὑτοῦ. The reading of the best MSS. of Plato is
αὐτοῦ ἐκείνου, for which Schanz reads éxeivov, Stallbaum and
Wohlrab αὑτοῦ. This latter is the reading adopted by Ficinus,
“vel de se ipso vel de aliis,’ and by Cope ‘in his own case and
in that of everything else.’ Archer-Hind, retaining avrov éxeivov,
renders it thus: ‘he will seek this cause both for the particular
object of his inquiry and for everything else.’

ἃ 8 οὐδέ τινας αἰτίας ἐπαιτιώμενον. Some recent editors of the
Phaedo regard these words as an unmeaning interpolation, chiefly
on the ground that there is but one real cause, that is νοῦς. But
the meaning of Plato’s complaint against Anaxagoras is well
explained in the passage quoted by Wyttenbach from Plutarch,
De Def. Orac. 435 E ταῖς φυσικαῖς ἄγαν ἐνδεδυμένος αἰτίαις... τὸ
οὗ ἕνεκα καὶ td οὗ βελτίονας αἰτίας οὔσας καὶ ἀρχὰς ἀφῆκεν. Cf.
Aristot. Metaph. i. 4. 8 ᾿Αναξαγόρας τε γὰρ μηχανῇ χρῆται τῷ νῷ πρὸς
τὴν κοσμοποιίαν, καὶ ὅταν ἀπορήσῃ διὰ tiv’ αἰτίαν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἐστί,

494

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 14, 15 751d

τότε παρέλκει αὐτόν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πάντα μᾶλλον αἰτιᾶται τῶν
γιγνομένων ἣ νοῦν. See also 752 a 3, also Clem. Al. Strom. ii. 435,
and Creuzer’s note on Plotin. Enn. ii. 4. 162 (al. 289).

752 0 2 νὴ τὸν Kiva. Cf. μὰ τὸν Kiva τὸν Αἰγυπτίων θεόν, Gorg.
482B; 461A; 4660; Rep.399E. Porphyr. de Abstinentia iii. 16
‘For the Cretans it was a law of Rhadamanthus to swear by
all the animals: nor was Socrates mocking when he swore by
the dog, and the goose, but he wished to take his oath by the son
of Zeus and Justice (Rhadamanthus).’? Scholiast in Aristopb.
Vesp. 83 ‘It is said that he (Rhadamanthus) was the first who
forbade any one to take oaths by the gods, but bade them
swear by the goose, or dog, or rain, or such like things.” The
reason why Socrates so sware is given by Philostratus, Vit. Apoll.
vi. 19 ὦμνυ yap ταῦτα, οὐχ ὡς θεούς, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα μὴ θεοὺς ὀμνύοι.
Suidas assigns the same motive under the word Χῆνα ὀμνύναι.
The Christian Fathers suggest that the purpose of Socrates was
to show his contempt for the gods of his countrymen. Cf. Tertull.
A pologet. xiv; Ad Nationes, i. 10 ‘Socrates in contumeliam eorum
quercum et canem et hircum iurat.’ Lactant. Institut. iii. 20
‘If he wished to overthrow those public superstitions I do not
disapprove of this; yea, I shall rather praise it, if he shall have
found anything better. But the same man swore by a dog, and
a goose. Oh! buffoon (as Zeno the Epicurean says), senseless,
abandoned, desperate man, if he wished to scoff at religion;
madman, if he did this seriously, 80 as to esteem a most base
animal as God.’ See Oehler’s good note on Tertull. Apologet. xiv.

9 3 περὶ Μέγαρα ἣ περὶ Βοιωτούς. Cf. Plat. Crito, 53 Béav...
ἔλθῃς 4 Θήβαζε ἣ Μέγαράδε.

ἃ 5 δίνην. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo ii. 13. 21 οἱ δ᾽ ὥσπερ Ἐμπε-
δοκλῆς τὴν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φορὰν κύκλῳ περιθέουσαν καὶ θᾶττον φερο-
μένην τὴν τῆς γῆς φορὰν κωλύειν. Καίτοι μήτε τῆς δίνης κωλυούσης,
μήτε τοῦ πλάτους κιτιλ. Cf. Aristoph. Nub. 379; Diog. L. ix. 45;
Sext. Emp. Ado. Math. ix. 14; Wyttenb. ad loc. Phaedonis.

ἃ 6 xapdéry. Aristoph. Nub. 699 seqq.; Aristot. ibid. τό
‘ Anaximenes and Anaxagoras and Democritus say that its breadth
is the cause of its stability: for it does not cut through the air
beneath but covers it over like a lid, as broad bodies evidently
do: for against the winds these are difficult to move because of
their resistance.’

495

752d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ I1 τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ δέον, an allusion to the fact that Anaxagoras
dealt only with physical forces, paying no beed to moral causes,
whereas Plato made ‘ the idea of the good’ the supreme cause—
πάντων ὀρθῶν τε καὶ καλῶν αἰτία, Rep. vii. 517 B. Cf. Rep. vi.
508 E τὸ τὴν ἀλήθειαν παρέχον ... τὴν τοῦ ἀγαθοῦ ἰδέαν φαθὲὶ εἶναι,
αἰτίαν ἐπιστήμης οὖσαν καὶ ἀληθείας.

753 ἃ τ Cf. 504 ὁ 3; Hippol. Haeres. Refut. i. 8 (Diels,
Doxogr. Gr. 563).

a 4 On Xenophanes see 23 a 3. Cf. Hippol. ibid. xii. (Diels,
ibid. 565).

16] b3 Cf. Diels, ibid. 58 ‘Continet superstitionis irrisionem,
qua acerbior vix unquam ex Epicuri hortis retinniit.’

(Μήλιος.) Diels, ibid. 14 ‘Diagoram unus Melium (Galenus)
novit, quem prono errore vulgata Eusebii Byzantinorumque
Milesium vocant.’

CG 2 ἐν τοῖς iduBous. The iambic poems of Callimachus are lost,
but Ps,-Plutarch here quotes three lines omitted by Eusebius :

εἰς τὸ πρὸ τείχευς ἱερὸν ἀλέες δεῦτε,

οὗ τὸν πάλαι Παγχαῖον ὁ πλάσας Ζᾶνα

γέρων ἀλαζὼν ἄδικα βιβλία ψήχει.
Ταῦτ᾽ ἔστι τὰ περὶ τοῦ μὴ εἶναι θεούς.

94 Σίσυφον εἰσήγαγε. Euripides exhibited a Satyric drama
called Sisyphus, Ol. 91. 1. But the verses which Ps.-Plutarch
proceeds to quote (Diels, ibid. 298) are ascribed by Sextus
Empiricus, Adv. Math. ix. 51, to Critias, the leader of the
Thirty, and author of a play called Sisyphus, ‘in which the
belief in gods is explained as the discovery of a politician who
employed it as a means to terrify men from evil ’ (Zeller, Outlines,
97, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 481, note 3).

C 6 πρῶτον φάσκων αὐτόν. At this point the later hand of
cod. I begins, and continues to 818 ἃ 10 μηκύνοι; Cf. Praef. xv.

ἃ 2 ὡς τάξις. Cf. Plat. Tim. 30 A εἰς τάξιν αὐτὸ ἤγαγεν ἐξ
ἀταξίας, ἡγησάμενος ἐκεῖνο τούτου πάντως ἄμεινον.

ἃ 5 ἐπιστρεφόμενον. Cf. Soph. Philoct. 599, Anthol. Palat.
V. 47 τῆς λευκῆς καλάμης οὐδὲν ἐπιστρέφομαι.

ἃ 9 ἀνεπιστρεφές. Cf. Ps.-Justin, Cohort. ad Gent. ἀνεπιστρεφὲς
τὸ θεῖον οἰόμενοι εἶναι, where the context requires the meaning
‘inflexible’ rather than ‘ unobservant.’

754 Ὁ τ τὸ ἐγγὺς Gavdrov. The interpolation of ὕπνου as an

496

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 15, 16 «754d

explanation of this phrase led to the confusion of the text in
the MSS. of Eusebius.

CG 2 μοιχαλίδος. ‘Quod excusat Schol. ad Gregor. Naz. in Jul.
i. 73 ed. Mont. hoc addens: ἡ μοιχὰς (ἡ μοιχαλίς) οὐκ εἴρηται"
χρῶνται δὲ ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος τῇ μετοχῇ ol συγγραφεῖς οἷον ἡ μοι-
χευομένη ᾽ (Diels, ibid. 59).

ἐδολοφονήθη. Cf. Polyb. ii. 36 ᾿Ασδρούβας δ᾽ 6 τῶν Καρχη-
δονίων στρατηγὸς . . . ἐτελεύτησε δολοφονηθεὶς ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ κατα»
λύμασι νυκτός.

© 5 νοῦν τοῦ κόσμον τὸν θεόν. The substitution of τὸν κόσμον
for νοῦν τοῦ κόσμου in the MSS. of Eusebius is directly opposed
to all testimony concerning the opinion of Thales. Cf. Diog. L.
i. I. 35 φέρεται δὲ καὶ ἀποφθέγματα αὐτοῦ rade πρεσβύτατον τῶν
ὄντων θεός, ἀγένητον γάρ' κάλλιστον κόσμος, ποίημα γὰρ θεοῦ"
μέγιστον τόπος, ἅπαντα γὰρ χωρεῖ: τάχιστον νοῦς, διὰ παντὸς γὰρ
τρέχει. Athenag. xxiii πρῶτος Θαλῆς διαιρεῖ, ὡς οἱ τὰ ἐκείνου δι-
ακριβοῦντες μνημονεύουσιν, els θεὸν εἰς δαίμονας εἰς ἥρωας" ἀλλὰ θεὸν
μὲν τὸν νοῦν τοῦ κόσμον ἄγει.

Ο 6 τοὺς ἀστέρας οὐρανίους θεούς. The true reading of Plutarch,
τοὺς ἀπείρους οὐρανοὺς θεούς, is confirmed by Stobaeus, and by
Cyrill. Al. c. Julian. 28 C. Cf. Diels, ibid. 11.

C7 θεὸν ἐν πυρὶ σφαιροειδῆ, Eus. codd. The better reading is
found in Stobaeus νοῦν τὸν θεὸν ἐν πυρὶ σφαιροειδεῖ.

τὴν τοῦ κόσμου ψυχήν. The opinion of Diogenes, Cleanthes,
and Oenopides is here wrongly ascribed to Democritus. Cf. Diels,
ibid. 64.

ἂ 1 τὴν μονάδα θεόν. Cf. 749 ἃ 5. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
i. 462, distrusts the testimony of later writers, especially of
Neo-Pythagoreans and Neo-Platonists, concerning the opinions
of Pythagoras. ‘The testimonies in question are valueless (363) ;
and neither the doctrine of Unity and indefinite Duality, nor
the identification of the primal Unity with Deity, and all that
depends upon it, can any longer be attributed to the ancient
Pythagoreans.’

καὶ τὸ ἀγαθόν. Heinichen has rightly removed the colon
by which in other editions these words are separated from the
preceding. The statement is that ‘the Monad is god and is the
good.’ Cf. 754 ἃ 8.
ἃ 3 [ἐστὶ καὶ ὁρατὸς ὁ κόσμος] is omitted in some MSS. of
or Kk 497

784 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Eusebius and bracketed by Gaisford, who rightly remarks: ‘et
haec inseruisse videntur editores ex Plutarcho.’ Diels rejects it
from Plutarch.

G7 Σωκράτης καί, added by Eusebius.

τὸ povodvés. Cf. Aristot. Part. Anim. iii. 7. 1 σπλάγχνων ra
μὲν εἶναι μονοφνῆ, καθάπερ καρδία καὶ πλεύμων, τὰ δὲ διῴφνῇ καθάπερ
νεφροί.

ἃ 11 εἶδος χωριστόν, ‘a separable form,’ in other words, ‘an
abstract idea,’ as contrasted with a form embodied in matter:
thus the objects of mathematical science are described in Aristot.
Metaph, Vv. τ. 9 a8 ἀκίνητα μὲν οὐ χωριστὰ δ᾽ ἴσως ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐν ὕλῃ;
ἡ δὲ πρώτη (‘the first philosophy’) καὶ περὶ χωριστὰ καὶ ἀκίνητα.
Cf. Zeller, Socrates and Socratic Schools, 50 ‘ Whilst denying the
independent existence of the Platonic ideas, he (Aristotle) never-
theless asserts that reality consists not in matter but in form, and
that the highest reality belongs to mind free from matter.’

ἐπιβεβηκότα τῇ σφαίρᾳ τοῦ παντός. Cf. Zeller, ibid. 50
‘ Aristotle will not remove the idea out of the phenomenal world
because in a state of separation it cannot serve as a connecting
link between individual things, nor yet be the cause and sub-
stance of things.’ Thus ἐπιβεβηκότα x.7.4. seems to imply a sort
of pantheism, an immanence not only of divine power but also
of God himself, This view of Aristotle’s doctrine is less accu-
rately presented in Athenagoras, Legat. vi ‘Aristotle and his
followers recognizing God as one speak of him as a sort of com-
pound animal, consisting of soul and body, supposing his body
to be the ethereal space and the planets and the sphere of the
fixed stars, moving in circular orbits, and his soul the reason
which presides over the motion of the body, not itself subject to
motion, but becoming the cause of motion to the body.’

755 a 3 ζῶον εἶναι. Cf. Aristot. Metaph. xi. 7.9 φαμὲν δὲ τὸν
θεὸν εἶναι ζῶον ἀΐδιον ἄριστον, στε ζωὴ καὶ αἰὼν συνεχὴς καὶ ἀΐδιος
ὑπάρχει τῷ θεῷ τοῦτο γὰρ 6 θεός. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 193.

ἃ 6 νοερόν. This correction of κοινότερον, the corrupt reading
retained by Wyttenbach in Plutarch, is noticed by Diels,
Proleg. 9, a8 one of many examples of the accuracy of the
extracts in Eusebius.

πῦρ texvixov. Cf. Zeller, Stoics, 153 ‘God, according to Stoic
principles can only be invested with reality when He hag a

498

BOOK XIV. CHAP. 16 755 a

material form. Hence, when He is called the Soul, the Mind,
or the Reason of the world, this language does not exclude, but
rather presupposes that conceptions have bodies; and such bodies
the Stoics thought to discern in that heated fluid which they
at one time call the all-penetrating Breath, at another Ether or
primary Fire.’ Idem, Outlines, 240 ‘It penetrates all things as
the πνεῦμα, or artistic fire (πῦρ τεχνικόν), enlivening them and
containing their germs in itself (λόγοι σπερματικοῦ).᾽ Cf. Athenag.
Legat. vi; Diog. L. vii. 68. 69 (134).

br & ὅλης τῆς ὕλης, δι᾿ ἧς κεχώρηκε. Some MSS. of Plutarch
add zapadAages, which led to various corruptions of the passage.
Cf. Diels, ibid. 5, and 51.

Ὁ 6 εἰδώλων, not ‘images,’ but ‘ unsubstantial forms,’ as in
Hom. Od. xi. 476 βροτῶν εἴδωλα καμόντων.

λεπτομέρειαν. Cf. Lucret. v. 146

‘Tenuis enim natura deum longeque remota
Sensibus ab nostris animi vix mente videtur.’

Compare also Cic. De Nat. Deor. i. 18. 48 ‘Quodsi omnium ani-
mantium formam vincit hominis figura, deus autem animus est,
ea figura profecto est, quae pulcherrima sit omnium. ... Hominis
esse specie deos confitendum est. Nec tamen ea species corpus
est, sed quasi corpus, nec habet sanguinem, sed quasi sanguinem ’
(Munro). See also Lucr. v. 1161 866.

Ὁ 7 xara γένος ἀφθάρτους. The genus cannot perish, though
individuals may. Οἷς. De Nat. Deor. i. 19. 50 ‘ Ex hac (icovopias)
igitur illud efficitur, si mortalium tanta multitudo sit, esse im-
mortalium non minorem, et si quae interimant innumerabilia
sint, etiam ea, quae conservent, infinita esse debere.’

Ὁ 9 ὁμοιομέρειαι. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 334 ‘Empe-
docles and the Atomists hold that the organic is formed from
the elementary; Anaxagoras, conversely, that the elementary is
formed from the constituents of the organic. Aristotle usually ex-
presses this by asserting that Anaxagoras maintained the bodies
of similar parts (ra ὁμοιομερῆ) to be the elements of things, and
late writers call his primitive substances by the name of ὁμοιο-
μέρειαι.: This theory of Anaxagoras is here wrongly attributed
by Plutarch to Epicurus. It is criticized by Lucretius in a well-
known passage, i. 830 sqq.

‘Nunc et Anaxagorae scrutemur homoeomereiam.’
Kk2 499

758d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 8 πάλαι ἀπέδειξε. Cf. 32 ἃ 11, 45 Ὁ 3.

17) 756b1 On Aristocles see 510 a 9, note; Zeller, Outlines, 86.
Viger remarks that ‘his whole argument against the Stoics is
both subtle and solid.’ |

Ὁ 2 φαντασίας. Cf. Sext. Empir. 67 fin. ‘Since therefore some
say that the senses have impressions of no objective reality (for
the things which they seem to perceive have no underlying sub-
stance), while others say that all things by which they think they
are impressed have an underlying substance, and others that
some things have an underlying substance, and some not—we
shall have no means of coming to an agreement. For we can
neither determine the dispute by sense, since the very subject of
our inquiry is whether that has unreal or true perceptions, nor
by anything else, since according to the aforesaid hypothesis there
is no other criterion by which to judge.’

Ὁ 4 On Melissus see 724 c 4, 757 Ὁ 5.

c 1 On Stilpo see 729 ¢ 2.

ἃ 5 εἴη ἂν τὸ λεγόμενον ἕτερον, ‘the said (or, so-called) ‘ other ”
(cf. c 2) would exist’; that is, the object, as distinguished from
our sensation, would have a real being.

757 a1 διότι. Viger’s substitution of ὅτι is unnecessary. Cf.
Philipp. ap. Demosth. 284 πυνθάνομαι μέντοι διότι πᾶσαν ὑμῖν
᾿Αθηναῖοι προσφέρονται φιλοτιμίαν. Schweigh. Lex. Polyb. “ Διότι
frequentare Polybius solet pro simplici ὅτι, quod: pro διότε vero
passim a librariis nonnullis ete itoribus ὅτι temere erat invectum,
ut monui ad i. το. 7 (διότι δὲ ταχέως bh’ αὑτοὺς ποιήσονται τὴν
Σικελίάν . . . προφανὲς ἦν), Υ. 33. 3 (μνησθήσομαι διότι... φασὶ
τὰ καθόλου γράφειν).᾽ Most of the supposed instances of this usage
quoted from earlier writers by L. and Sc. Lex. (ed. vii.) are very
questionable.

Ὁ 5 Μέλισσος. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 533 ‘ We possess
a treatise, under the name of Aristotle, which expounds and
criticizes the doctrines of two Eleatic philosophers. . . . There
can be no doubt, however, that the first section treats neither
of Xenophanes nor of Zeno, but of Melissus.’? The usual title of
the treatise is ‘Concerning Xenophanes, Zeno, and Gorgias.’ On
the doctrines of Melissus, and the extant fragments of thig
treatise ‘On Being,’ see Zeller, ibid. 629 ff. The passage here
quoted is from Fr. 17.

500

BOOK XIV. CHAPS, 16-18 757 Ὁ

Ὁ 7 Ei γάρ ἐστι γῆ. On this argument of Melissus cf. Zeller,
ibid. 633 ‘If the so-called many things really were what they seem
to us, they could never cease to be so. Since our perception
shows us change and decease, it refutes itself, and consequently
deserves no faith in regard to what it says about the multiplicity
of things.’ Cf. Mullach, i, 264; Ritter and Pr. Hist. Philos. 165.
18] 75801 ᾿Αναγκαίως. ‘Subtilis ac solida est tota haec ab
Aristocle contra Scepticos suscepta disputatio’ (Viger).

ο ἢ Τίμων. Timon of Phlius, the Sceptic, and author of the
‘Silli,’ must not be confounded with Timon of Athens, the
Misanthrope, described by Aristophanes (Lysistrata, 808-20),
and introduced by Lucian as the chief speaker in the dialogue
which bears his name. On Timon the Sceptic see 759 b 6, note;
Zeller, Outlines, 77. 268; Sceptics, 520.

ἃ 3 dverixpra, literally, ‘that cannot be determined,’ and
therefore ‘ inaccessible to knowledge’ (Zeller, Sceptics, 521). Cf.
Sext. Emp. Hyp. Pyrrh, i. 112. 114.

ἃ 5 ἀδοξάστους, ‘without forming opinions.’ Cf. Sext. Emp.
ibid. 231 ἡμεῖς δὲ τοῖς νόμοις καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσι καὶ τοῖς φυσικοῖς
πάθεσιν ἑπόμενοι βιοῦμεν ἀδοξάστως. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 84 A τὸ
ἀδόξαστον.

ἃ 9 ἀφασίαν. Cf. Sext. Emp. ibid. 192 ἡ οὖν ddacia ἀπόστασίς
ἐστι τῆς κοινῶς λεγομένης φάσεως, ἦ ὑποτάσσεσθαι λέγομεν τήν τε
κατάφασιν καὶ τὴν ἀπόφασιν, ὡς εἶναι ἀφασίαν πάθος ἡμέτερον δι᾽ ὃ
οὔτε τιθέναι τι οὔτε ἀναιρεῖν φαμεν. By ‘speechlessness ᾽ therefore
is here meant abstaining from either assertion or denial.

ἃ 10 Αἰνησίδημος. Cf. 760 Ὁ 8, note.

759 Ὁ 2 τί μαθόντες. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 872 k ‘ri μαθών, τί παθών

. always used in a bad sense. The former signifies an in-
tentionally, the latter an accidentally wrong action.’

Ὁ 3 εἰ καί δοίμεν. This is one of the instances in which εἰ καί
certainly does not imply that the condition is true. See Hermann
on Viger, De Idiotismis Gr. 830.

b 6 Τίμων. Diog. L. ix. 12 ‘ Apollonides of Nicaea... says
that Timon was a son of Timarchus, and native of Phlius, and
being left destitute in his youth used to dance in a chorus, and
afterwards, despising that, travelled to Megara to join Stilpo,
and after spending some time with him came back again to his
home and married. Then he joined Pyrrho in Elis. He was

§01

BOOK XIV. CHAP, 18 760 d

to clear up... . The error in question is that of confounding
@ mere description of a set of observed phenomena, with an
induction from them.’ This is evidently the sense in which
ἐπαγωγή is here used by Aristocles, and is identical with the first
sense mentioned by Sir W. Hamilton.

761 a1 ἐν τῷ Πύθωνι. A poem in hexameter verse. Cf. Diog.
L. ix. 11. 105 ‘Timon also in the Python says that he has not
gone beyond custom. And in his Appearances (Ἰνδαλμοῖς) he
thus speaks: “ Where’er appearance comes, it has all power.”
Also in his books Concerning the Senses he says, “1 do not assert
that honey is sweet, but 1 admit that it seems so.”’’

Ὁ 8 στοιχειώσεις. Cf. 4 Ὁ 8. Other works of Aenesidemus
Mentioned by Diogenes Laertius, ix. 11 (106), are treatises
Against Wisdom, and Concerning Inquiry. See also 760 b 7, note.

9 7 ἀσυγκατάθετοι. Cf. Plut. Mor. 1057 A περὶ τοῦ μήτε πράττειν
pyre ὁρμᾶν ἀσυγκαταθέτως.

di Cf. Hom. Il. iii. 223 οὐκ ἂν ἔπειτ᾽ ᾽᾿Οδυσῆί γ᾽ ἐρίσσειε βροτὸς
ἄλλος.

ἃ 2 Coroebus and Meletides were the typical examples of
stupidity. Cf. Aristoph. Ran. 991

τέως δ᾽ ἀβελτερώτατοι,
κεχηνότες Μαμμάκυόθοι,
Μελητίδαι καθῆντο.
Eurip. Rhes. 539 Μυγδόνος υἱόν φασι Κόροιβον. Lucian, Amores, 53
MeAnridnv ἣ Κόροιβον ote pe, πρὸς θεῶν, iva τοῖς ὑπὸ σοῦ δικαίως
κριθεῖσιν ἐναντίαν φέρω ψῆφον; In Lucian, Philopseudes, 3 ταῦτα
Κοροίβον τινὸς ἢ Μαργίτου νομίζοι τὸ πείθεσθαι, Coroebus is coupled
with Margites, the stupid and ridiculous hero of the epic poem
which bore his name, and of which only a few lines remain
πόλλ᾽ ἠπίστατο ἔργα, κακῶς δ᾽ ἠπίστατο πάντα.
τὸν 8 οὔτ᾽ ἂρ σκαπτῆρα θεοὶ θέσαν οὔτ᾽ ἀροτῆρα
οὔτ᾽ ἄλλως τι σοφόν: πάσης δ᾽ ἡμάρτανε τέχνης.

762 Ὁ 1 καθαρτικά. Cf. Diog. L. ix. 11. 76 κατ᾽ ἴσον τοῖς
καθαρτικοῖς ἃ τὴν ὕλην προεκκρίναντα καὶ αὐτὰ ὑπεκκρίνεται καὶ
ἐξαπόλλνται.

6 6 ἐπηλυγάσατο. “ Propria verbi potestas est adumbrandi,
atque adeo occultandi.’ ‘ Avyn yap λέγεται ἡ σκιά (Rubnk, Zim.
Lex.). Cf. 777 8 δ.

C9 κοινῶν ἐννοιῶν. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 68 ‘ By conclusions

§°3

BOOK XIV. CHAPS, 18, 19 763 d

Aristippus.’ It is evident from this passage that Eusebius does
ascribe it to the elder.

ἃ 15 ras ἀφορμάς. Epicurus agreed with Aristippus in making
feeling (πάθος) the criterion of good and evil, and pleasure the
final object of life. But by pleasure he did not mean the
momentary sensation (ἡδονὴ povdxpoves), but the happiness of
the. whole life (ἡ rot ὅλου βίου μακαριότης). These views are
very clearly explained in the letter of Epicurus to Menoeceus,
Diog. L. x. 128. Cf. Zeller, ibid. 76, Ritter and Pr. 386.

764 ἃ 2 ὑγρὸς πάνυ. Cf. Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 99

‘Quid simile isti
Graecus Aristippus? qui servos proiicere aurum
In media iussit Libya, quia tardius irent
Propter onus segnes.’
Epist. i. 17. 13
(Diogenes) ‘Si pranderet olus patienter, regibus uti
Nollet Aristippus.’ |
(Aristippus) ‘Si sciret regibus uti,
Fastidiret olus qui me notat.’
Ibid. 22 ‘Omnis Aristippum decuit color et status et res,
Temptantem maiora, fere praesentibus aequum.’

ἃ ὃ σὺν ἄλλοις. Migne, following Viger’s corrupt reading Svvad-
Aos, gives as the translation: ‘ Aristippe eut pour disciple un
nommeé Synallus.’ “ σὺν ἄλλοις coniec. Menag. ad D. Laert. ii. 83,
probante Fabricio B. G. iii. 615, ed. Harles’ (Gaisf.).

DI τὴν κατὰ κίνησιν. Zeller, Outlines, xxxviii. 123 ‘All feeling
consists in motion (Protagoras).’

19] 76401 οἱ λέγοντες, the Cyrenaic School founded by Arist-
ippus. Cf. Zeller, ibid. 122.

ἃ x1 “᾿Αθήνησιν sine iota scribendum esse docent Born. Comm.
ii. 9. 1; Kuehn, An. iv. 8. 4.’ Cf. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 324 ζ (Sauppe,
Ind. Xenoph.).

765 ἃ 5 Cf. 758 a 4; Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 313 ‘Of
Nessus or Nessas, the disciple of Democritus, we know nothing
but his name. A disciple of this Nessus, or perhaps of Demo-
critus himself, was Metrodorus of Chios, who seems to have been
one of the most important of these later Atomists.’ Cf. Clem.
Alex. Protrept. 57; Strom. i. 353, ii. 498, v. 732 ‘Hear also
Metrodorus who though an Epicurean has spoken thus by divine

605

765d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

inspiration: Remember, 0 Menestratus, that, though thou art a
mortal whose life is limited,thou hast ascended in thysoul to eternity
and to the infinity of things: thou hast seen both what shall be,
and what has been; when with the blessed choir, according to
Plato, we shall behold the beatific sight and vision, we following
with Zeus, and others with other gods, to be initiated, as we may
rightly say, into the most blessed mystery, which we shall cele-
brate, being ourselves perfect and untroubled by all evils which
awaited us in after time, and admitted to perfect and true visions,
and contemplating them in a pure light, being pure ourselves
and unmarked by that which we now carry about and call our
body, being bound to it like an oyster to his shell.’ Cf. Plat.
Phaedr. 250 C.

ἃ το Diog. L.ix. 10.58; Sext. Emp. Adv. Dogmat. 88. Cic. Acad.
il. 23. 73 ‘Metrodorus initio libri, qui est de Natura: ‘“ Nego,”’
inquit, ‘‘scire nos sciamusne aliquid an nihil sciamus, &c.”’’

766 ἃ 2 πάντα ἐστίν, ὃ av τις νοήσαι. Cf. 768 Ὁ 4, and on the
optative see 17 ἃ 4.

On Protagoras see above, 620 a, 718 d, 720 b, and Zeller,
Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 408.

a4 Cf. Diog. L. ix. 51.

20] c6 Cf. 766a 2. Cic. Acad. ii. 46 ‘ Aliud iudicium Prota-
gorae est, qui putat id cuique verum esse quod cuique videatur.’

ἃ τ Plat. Theaet. 152 A; 161 C; 166 Ὁ.

767 c 6 τὸν κανόνα. The ‘Canonic’ was the name which
Epicurus gave to that part of his system which concerned
inquiries into the criterion of truth. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 74
‘Epicurus in his Canonic primarily regards perception as the
criterion of truth in theory, and in practice (see 76) the feeling
of pleasure and pain. Perception is the Obvious (ἐνάργεια) which
is always true; we cannot doubt it without rendering knowledge
and action impossible ... Out of perceptions arise concepts (προ-
λήψεις), Since that which is repeatedly perceived becomes stamped
upon the memory. As these concepts relate to earlier percep-
tions, they are always true; hence besides conceptions (αἰσθήσεις)
and feelings (πάθη) concepts can be counted as criteria.’

ἃ 5 χρωμένων, genitive absolute, ‘when men use it.’ χρώμενον
IO: but in this sense of ‘ using’ the passive voice is rarely, if
ever, employed.

506

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 19-22 768 a

768 8 5 τῶν γραφῶν, ‘drawings ’ or ‘ pictures.’

& 6 ἡ αἴσθησίς ἐστιν 7 ἀπατῶσα. It is not the sight that is the
source of error in this case, but the object presented to it has been
changed by refraction. This is correctly explained 769 d 1.

69 On Epicurus see 137 d.

21] 5 On Aristocles see 756 Ὁ 1.

769 ἃ 5 τὸ πάθος, ‘the sensation.’ Cf. Plat. Rep. 432 D ra ἐν
τοῖς κατόπτροις τῶν ὀμμάτων πάθη.

22] 770 ο 5 ἀλαζονίστατον. Cf.Ruhnk. Tim, Lex.’ AdafLov: ψευδής.

C 6 τὸ ἐπιορκεῖν. Cf. Callimach. Epigr. xxv

Ὥμοσε Καλλίγνωτος Ἰωνίδι μήποτ᾽ ἐκείνης
ἕξειν μήτε φίλον κρείσσονα μήτε φίλην.
ὥμοσεν: ἀλλὰ λέγουσιν ἀληθέα τοὺς ἐν ἔρωτι
ὅρκους μὴ δύνειν ovar ἐς ἀθανάτων.
Tibull. Eleg. i, 4. 21
‘Nec iurare time; Veneris periuria venti
Irrita per terras et freta summa ferunt.
Gratia magna Iovi; vetuit pater ipse valere,
Iurasset cupide quidquid ineptus amor.’

ἃ : In Plato the reading of σὰ was ὡς οὕτως. ‘ Eusebius
diserte ὡσαύτως, idque Steph. et Bekk, merito in textum re-
ceperunt ’ (Stallb).

σκέψαι. ‘Euseb. σκέψῃ pro σκέψαι. Quod non probo’ (Stallb.).

ἃ 4 περιχαρείας. ‘ Pollux, iii. 97 ἡ δὲ περιχάρεια τὸ ἀμέτρως
χαίρειν δηλοῖ (Stallb.).

ἃ το "Ap οὖν. Stallbaum conjectures ἀλλ᾽ οὖν, ‘quod satis
constat in responsionibus usurpari.’ But Protarchus prefers to
answer by another question: ‘Is it not surely the fact that no
one, &c.?” The various readings in the text of Eusebius, dp
οὖν ov Ο, dp οὐ I, indicate the meaning required: but this is
sufficiently expressed without ov. Cf. Plat. Gorg. 477 A dp ow
τοῦ μεγίστου ἀπαλλάττεται κακοῦ ; ibid. 479 C dp οὖν ovpBaive
μέγιστον κακὸν... τὸ ἀδικεῖν; Phaedr. 65 E dp οὖν ἐκεῖνος ἂν
τοῦτο ποιήσειε καθαρώτατα ;

ἃ 11 οὐδαμοῦ οὐδαμῶς. ‘Ex Eusebio reduxi. Omnes Plat.
editt. οὐδαμῇ οὐδαμῶς ᾿ (Stallb.).

ἃ 12 γενόμενον. “ Mireris editorum pertinaciam qui unanimi
consensu vulgatam γιγνόμενον οὔτε ὄντα tueantur ’ (Stallb.).

507

771a $$=THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

771 ἃ 1 Πάντῃ. Stallbaum needlessly conjectures πᾶσι. All
the MSS. of Plato and οὗ Eus. have πάντῃ.

b I καίριον. ‘In Hesiod καιρός is coupled with μέτρον, and
seems to express what was afterwards called the Golden Mean.
Hes. Opp. et D. 692 μέτρα φυλάσσεσθαι, καιρὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν dpurtos’
(Poste).

ἡρῆσθαι, the reading of ‘the best MSS. of Plato’ (Gaisf.).
Stallbaum has a long note on the passage, but even with the
reading which he proposes, πάντα ὁπόσα τοιαῦτα ὄντα χρὴ νομίζειν,
there is no improvement. The meaning is well rendered by
Poste: ‘Whatever similar attributes the eternal nature must be
supposed to have combined.’

Ὁ 1-772 Ὁ 10 This whole passage is well summed up in
Jowett’s Introduction to the Philebus, p. 28 ff.

c 6 Orphic Fr. xiii, quoted also in Plut. Mor. 391 C, with
θυμόν instead of κόσμον.

d I τὸ τρίτον τῷ σωτῆρι. Cf. Plat. Charm. 167 A, where the
Scholiast explains that three is a perfect number as having
beginning, middle, and end, and as Zeus also is perfect (τέλειος),
the third libation and the third bowl were dedicated to his
honour. Hence the phrase is used in tle case of those who are
bringing any matter to conclusion. Cf. Plat. Rep. 583 A; Pind.
Isthm. vi. 10 εἴη δὲ τρίτον

σωτῆρι πορσαίνοντα Ὀλυμπίῳ Αἴγιναν κάτα
σπένδειν.

772 Ὁ 8 For λόγων, the reading in Bekker’s and Stallbaum’s
texts, and in all the printed editions of Eusebius, the MSS.
have λέγων, λόγῳ, or λόγον. Ficinus appears to have read
λόγῳ : ‘ferarumque amores locupletiores testes asserunt quam
amores eorum qui in philosophica musa ratione (λόγῳ) vati-
cinantur.’ The sense seems to require λόγους agreeing with
τούς : ‘and deem the lusts of animals better witnesses than the
reasonings (λόγους) of those who have spoken in the inspiration
of divine philosophy.’

b 11 On Dionysius see 333 ¢ 4, note.

23] di ‘This beautiful fragment of the holy father’s work,

which is continued to the end of Book xiv, we owe to the care

of Eusebius, without which we should have lost this and very

many records preserved by that most prudent man’ (Viger).
.§98

BOOK XIV. CHAPS. 22-24 772d

The fragment of the book ‘On Nature,’ addressed by Dionysius
to his son Timotheus, was edited by Routh, Rell. Sacr. iv. 393,
before the publication of either Heinichen’s or Gaisford’s edition
of the Praep. Evang.

ἃ 5 παραφοραῖς. Cf. Plut. Mor. 249 παραφορὰν τῆς διανοίας.

προφοραῖς, literally ‘utterances.’ Sext. Emp. Hyp. Pyrrh.i.15
ἐν τῇ προφορᾷ τῶν φωνῶν τούτων τὸ ἑαυτῷ φαινόμενον λέγει : ibid. 203.

ἃ 6 κατακερματίζειν. Cf. 337 ὁ 5.

773 ἃ 1 ἀπρονόητον. Cf. Athenag. Legat. 134 τοῦτο καὶ τὸν
᾿Αριστοτέλη ἀπρονόητα εἰπεῖν τὰ κατωτέρω τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἐποίησεν :
ibid. 262.

ἃ 6 πολυσχήμονας. Cf, Strab. 121 ἡ μὲν οὖν Εὐρώπη πολυσχη-
μονεστάτη πασῶν ἐστιν.

b 2 ἀνεπαισθήτους. Cf. Tim. Locr. 100 B τὰς δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἀντίλαψιν
μὴ πιπτοίσας ἀν ήτως.

Ὁ 8 Diog. L. ii. 111 ‘There have been also other hearers οὗ
Eubulides, and among them Apollonius called Kronos, whose
disciple Diodorus, son of Ameinias, of Iasus, was also surnamed
Kronos, and of whom Callimachus in his Epigrams, says—

‘Momus’ self | Would write upon the walls, Kronos is wise.”
He too was a dialectician, and was thought to have been the
first inventor of the argument of The veiled man and The horned
man, as some say. While staying at the court of Ptolemy Soter
he was asked by Stilpo some dialectic problems, and not being
able to solve them immediately he was reproached by the king
in other ways, and especially was called in mockery Kronos.
So he went out from the banquet, and after writing a treatise on
the problem put an end to his life in despondency.’ Diogenes
adds an epigram of his own, the point of which is that Diodorus
deserved to be called not Κρόνος, but”Ovos. Cf. Zeller, Socratic
Schools, 253, note 1, 270.

*“HpaxAedys. For a full and amusing account of Heracleides
Ponticus see Diog. L. v. 86.

b g Asclepiades of Bithynia, the famous physician, applied the
theory of atoms (ὄγκοι) to the treatment of diseases.

24] 7748 8 ἐπιβολάς. Cf. Thuc. iii. 20 ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς τῶν
πλίνθων.

Ὁ 2 τρόπις. Cf. Hom. Od. xii. 420 ὄφρ᾽ ἀπὸ τοίχους

λῦσε κλύδων τρόπιος.
509

774b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 4 τὰ λεγόμενα. Hesiod, Opp. 454 ἑκατὸν δέ re Sovpar’ ἁμάξης.

Ὁ 6 ἑκατέρας, i.e. the builder of the ship or of the wagon.
Routh suggests ἑκάτερα, meaning ‘ the timbers (ξύλα) of each.’

61 ῥύμης. Cf. Xen. Cyr. vii. 1. 31 τοὺς μὲν ὀρθοὺς τῇ ῥύμῃ τῇ
τῶν ἵππων παίοντες ἀνέτρεπον.

C 5 Τὸ ἀκατέργαστόν σον. Dionysius has the reading of LXX“?;
in the English versions the pronouns are transposed.

ἃ 2 εὐήτρια, ‘well-woven.’ Cf. Plat. Polit. 310 E λεῖον καὶ τὸ
λεγόμενον εὐήτριον ὕφασμα ξυνάγοντα ἐξ αὐτῶν.

ἃ 3 ἐρίθους, restored by Gaisford in place of the corrupt ἀρρύθ-
μους Vig., or ἀριθμούς I. Cf. 855 c 7, where also ἔριθος has been
corrupted.

25] ἃ 1 καλούμενον κόσμον. Cf. Plat. Gorg. 508 A καὶ τὸ ὅλον
τοῦτο διὰ ταῦτα κόσμον καλοῦσιν.

775 & 3 τὴν παναρμόνιον τῶν οὐρανίων χορείαν... . συνάδειν. For
the meaning of χορείαν, ‘dance-music,’ compare Pratinas, i. 6
ἄκουε τὰν ἐμὰν Awpiay χορείαν (L. and Sc. Lezx.), and Aristoph.
Ran. 247 ἐν βυθῷ χορείαν

αἰόλαν ἐφθεγξάμεσθα.

Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice, v. 1
‘Still quiring to the young-ey’d cherubins.’

Ὁ 7 περσέαι. Cf. Theophr. Hist. Pl. iv. 2. 1 ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ γάρ
ἐστιν ἴδια δένδρα πλείω, 7 τε συκάμινος καὶ ἡ περσέα καλουμένη.
Ibid. 5 τῷ σχήματι δὲ πρόμακρος ἀμνγδαλώδης, i.e. the fruit of the
περσέα is ‘long like an almond.’ It is in fact difficult to dis-
tinguish the double-blossoming peach from the almond. Cf,
Birch, Ancient Egypt, iii. 119 ‘That the Persea and Peach were
often confounded by ancient authors is very evident: and the
fact of the former being the sacred tree on whose fruit (which
resembles the human heart) the gods inscribed the name of a
favourite king, sufficiently proves that Plutarch (De Istde, 378 C)
had in view the Persea, or at least the sacred tree of Athor, when
he speaks of the peach-tree resembling the heart.? The word in
Plutarch is Περσέα.

6 8 miuAnpata. Cf. Athen. 535 πίλημα λαμβάνων τῆς wodvrere-
στάτης πορφύρας.

a5 φυλοκρινῶν. Cf. Thuc. vi. 18, with Arnold’s note; Clem.
Al. Strom. ii. 448.

510

BOOK XIV. CHAPS, 24, 25 776 ς

c 8 ‘The poet,’ as usual, is Homer, and the passage referred
to is quoted by Routh, — Od. xvii. 218

καὶ μὲν δὴ μάλα πάγχν κακὸς κακὸν ἡγηλάζει,
ὡς ἀεὶ τὸν ὁμοῖον ἄγει θεὸς εἰς τὸν ὁμοῖον.

ἃ 3 ἀποτετορνευμένων. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 234 E; Plut. Mor.
45 A τῶν ὀνομάτων σαφῶς καὶ στρογγύλως ἕκαστον ἀποτετόρνευται.

7171 ἃ 5 ἐπηλυγαζούσῃ. Cf. ἸόΣο6.

Ὁ 2 τροπὰς ἀπαρατρέπτονς, i.e. the summer and winter solstices,
recurring with perfect regularity.

C 2 ἐπικάρποις. This anomalous form is found in all the printed
editions, and apparently in all the MSS., without being noticed.
ἐπικάρπιος, the proper form, is a title of Zeus: cf. Preller, Gk.
Myth. 130. 3.

6 9 yerviaces. Cf. Aristot. Part. Anim. iii. 10. 5 ὅταν yap διὰ
τὴν γειτνίασιν ἑλκύσωσιν ὑγρότητα κιτιλ. Here the word seems to
mean the duties of neighbourhood, ‘ border laws.’

a5 ἐκόσμησεν. A. V. ‘garnished’; but the thought is of
order rather than of beauty.

ἃ 6 ras ἀρχάς. Their original laws are to remain unchanged
as long as the works continue.

ἃ 9 ἐμποδοστατοῦντος. Cf. Judg. xi. 35 (LXX) οἴμοι θύγατέρ
pov, ἐμπεποδοστάτηκάς pe (Field). The texts of the MSS. vary
very widely. ἐμπεποδεστατη (sic) και σεμνοτατὴ A (Swete).

ἃ 10 συνασπιδοῦντες.ς Cf. Xen. Hellen. vii. 4. 23 of δ᾽ ᾿Αρκάδες
ἀθρόοι συνασπιδοῦντες.

ἃ τι ἀόχλητοςς. Cf. Lucian, Paras. 11 πρῶτον μὲν τὸ τῆς σαρκὸς
ἀόχλητον.

778 ἃ I ἀνεμπόδιστος. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. vii. 13 εἴπερ
ἑκάστης ἕξεώς εἶσιν ἐνέργειαι ἀνεμπόδιστοι. Polyb. x. 11. 3.

&2 ἐκνεύσεσι. Cf. Plat. Legg. 815 τάς τε εὐλαβείας πασῶν πλη-
γῶν καὶ βολῶν ἐκνεύσεσι καὶ ὑπείξει πάσῃ.

& 3 καιροφυλακοῦσι. Cf. Demosth. 678. 17 καὶ ἔργῳ ἑαυτὸν
ἐξήλεγξεν ὅτι καιροφυλάττει τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν.

ἃ 5 τῶν ἀσυνθέτων συναγωγεῖς. Cf. Plat. Phaed. 78 C; Sympos,
191 Ὁ.

& 7 κυκλοφορικὴ συνοδία καὶ περιοδία, ‘Synodical revolution and

git

778 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

period (or “ recurrence”) of the heavenly bodies.” Cf. Herschel,
Astronomy, 418.

Ὁ 3 dvevdeixros, ‘unexampled.’ I have not found the word
elsewhere. ‘It is perhaps a corruption for ἀνενδέκτοις, for which
ef. 5. Luke xvii. 1’ (H. A. Redpath).

26] 779 a 3 (ηὐξήθησαν), a necessary correction for ηὐξήν-
θησαν I.

ἃ 6 ὀστωθείσαις. I have not found the verb elsewhere. Cf.

Xen. Eq. i. 8 ἡ δὲ κεφαλὴ ὀστώδης.
γευρορραφουμένη. Cf. Xen. Cyr. viii. 2. 5 ἔστι δὲ ἔνθα καὶ
ὑποδήματα ὃ μὲν νευρορραφῶν μόνον τρέφεται, ὃ δὲ σχίζων.

@7 ἔγκατα. Cf. Lucian, Leriph. 3 καὶ τοῦ βοὸς τὸ πολύπτυχον
ἔγκατον. Hom. Il. xi. 438 μιχθήμεναι ἔγκασι φωτός. Plut. Mor.
684 A τὸν δὲ ποιητὴν τὰ κρέα ὑπέρτερα τὰ ἔξω τοῦ ἱερείου, ὥσπερ
ἔγκατα τὰ ἐντός. Hesiod, Theog. 538

ἔγκατα πίονι δημῷ
ἐν ῥινῷ κατέθηκε καλύψας γαστρὶ Boeiy.

C7 φορολογοῦσα. Cf. Polyb. i. 8. 1 καὶ πολλὰ: μέρη τῆς Σικε-
λίας ἐφορολόγουν.

ἃ 4 τὸν δοκοῦντα λογιώτερον. “ Dionysius, it seems, was intend-
ing to argue against some philosopher who was thought to be
more learned and elegant than Epicurus, who was commonly
regarded as unlearned ’ (Routh).

780 ἃ 5 διαμονῆς. Cf. Theophr. Hist. Plant. vii. 5.5 ra δὲ
ἀσθενέστερα πρὸς διαμονήν.

6 3 εὐαίσθητον. Cf. Aristot. Part. Anim. ii.17. 2 6 γὰρ ἅνθρωπος
εὐαισθητότατος τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων.

ἃ 1 πρωτότυπα. Cf. Eus. H. Ε. vi. 16 πρωτοτύπους αὐτοῖς
Ἑβραίων στοιχείοις γραφάς.

ἃ 5 τὴν Πανδώραν. Cf. Hesiod, Opp. 60-80, 81

Πανδώρην, ὅτι πάντες ᾽Ολύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχοντες
δῶρον ἐδώρησαν.
27) 782 ἃ 4 Ὑποθηκῶν. This title does not occur in the long
list of the works of Democritus by Tlrasylus preserved by Dio-
genes Laertius, 45 sq. But the work is supposed to be the same
as the Ὑπομνήματα Ἤθικά there mentioned.
512

BOOK XIV. CHAP. 25—BOOK XV. CHAP. I 782 a

& 6 γνώμη τύχῃ μάχεται. Routh would read γνώμῃ τύχη p. 88
better suited to what follows.

Ὁ 4 αὐτῶν προκάμνουσιν. Cf. Soph. Ajax 1270

οὗ σὺ πολλάκις
τὴν σὴν προτείνων προύκαμες ψυχὴν δόρει.

C2 θυμηδίαν. Cf. Plut. Mor. 713 D πολλῆς ἐν αὐτοῖς εὐφροσύνης
καὶ θυμηδίας παρούσης.

co 6 Cf. Hom. Od. viii. 325 θεοὶ δωτῆρες ἐάων.

C8 τεκμηριοῦνται. Cf. Thuc. i. 3 τεκμηριοῖ δὲ μάλιστα Ὅμηρος.
Ibid. 9. The middle voice means ‘find evidence.’

ἃ 2 διὰ τὸ θέειν. Cf. 517 ἃ 6.

788 Ὁ 2 ὁρκισμούς. Cf. Polyb. vi. 33. 1 ἐλευθέρους ὁμοῦ καὶ
δούλους ὁρκίζουσι, καθ᾽ ἕνα ποιούμενοι τὸν ὁρκισμόν.

Ὁ 7 παράρτημα. Cf. Lucian, Philops. 8 ἐπῳδαῖς τισι τὰ τοιαῦτα
παύεσθαι ἣ τοῖς ἔξωθεν παραρτήμασι.

.. ποιεῖ.

ἃ 5 Ecclus. xvi. 29, 30. Ψυχήν, the reading of both the Vatican
and Alexandrian MSS. of the LXX, is difficult to construe gram-
matically. The accusative can only be explained as one of
cognate signification: ‘He covered the face of the earth with
life.’ )

ἃ το An allusion to Gen. i. 31, and perhaps also to Ecclus.
xxxix. 18.

784 a1 ἐξήνθισται. Cf. Plut. Mor. 661 F ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐξανθί-
ζεται τοῦ λειμῶνος.

ΒΟΟΚ Χν

1] 788 b 8 ἐν τρισὶ τοῖς πρώτοις συγγράμμασι. In the following
passage we have an excellent summary of the whole argument of
the work, which should be compared with the Introduction, vi.

ἃ 6 (κομψείας). For κομπίας Eus. codd., or κομπείας Dindorf,
both unknown words, read κομψείας, as in Plat. Phaed. 101 C
τὰς ἄλλας τὰς τοιαύτας κομψείας ἑῴης ἂν χαίρειν. Another possible
reading would be πομπείας : cf. 733 Ὁ 6.

ἃ 10 ἐν ἑτέροις τρισί. Books iv, v, vi.

789 ἃ 2 ἐπιχειρήμασιν seems here to be used in its technical
sense, as defined by Aristot. Top. viii. 11. 12 ἔστι δὲ φιλοσόφημα

os L1 513

789 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

μὲν συλλογισμὸς ἀποδεικτικός (a demonstrative conclusion), ἐκιχεί-
ρημα δὲ συλλογισμὸς διαλεκτικός (α probable conclusion): cf. Top.
i, 1. 2.

a 8 ἰσαρίθμοις . . . λόγων συντάξεσι. Books vii, viii, ix.

a 9-Ὁ 4 Εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς... εἷς φῶς ἀγαγών. Book x.

Ὁ 4 τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα τριῶν. Books xi, Xii, xiii.

6 3 ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου συγγράμματι, i.e. Book xiv.

C5 ἀδέκαστον. Cf. 387 Ὁ 7, note on δεκασθέντες.

C7 ἀσκόπως. Cf. Hom. 7. xxiv. 157

οὔτε γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἄφρων οὔτ᾽ ἄσκοπος οὔτ᾽ ἀλιτήμων.

ἃ 3 τὸν ὕστατον. Book xv.

790 Ὁ 8 τοὺς τὴν ἐποχὴν εἰσηγουμένους. On this doctrine of
‘suspension’ see Diog. L. ix. 107 τέλος δὲ οἱ Σκεπτικοί φασι τὴν
ἐποχήν, and Sext. Emp. Hyp. Pyrrh. i. 28 τινὲς δὲ τῶν δοκίμων
Σκεπτικῶν προσέθηκαν τούτοις καὶ τὴν ἐν ταῖς ζητήσεσιν ἐποχήν.

6 7 τῶν τὰς ὀφρῦς ἀνατεινομένων. Cf. Menand. Andria, Fr. iv.

εὑρετικὸν εἶναί φασι τὴν ἐρημίαν
οἱ τὰς ὀφρῦς αἴροντες.

ἃ 12 On Aristocles see 510 a 9, note.

4] 791 Ὁ 5 τοῦ Πλάτωνος περιπάτου. Cf. 726 b 1, note.

παραβαλεῖν. Cf. Plat. Rep. viii. 5656 C ὅταν παραβάλωσιν
ἀλλήλοις οἵ τε ἄρχοντες καὶ οἱ ἀρχόμενοι. These statements of
Epicurus are mentioned in Athenaeus, Deipn. Vili. 354: they
were not supported either by Eubulides or Cephisodorus, who both
wrote against the great Stagyrite.

c 2 Aristoxenus, a disciple of Aristotle, and voluminous writer
on history, philosophy, and especially on music. A new edition
of his Harmonics by H. S. Macran has been recently published
by the Clarendon Press.

c 4 The ‘Peripatos’ here meant was one of the shady walks
of the Lyceum, the great gymnasium outside Athens on the east.
Here Aristotle used to deliver the more abstruse doctrines of his
philosophy during his morning walk (ἑωθινὸν περίπατον), and his
exoteric discourses in the evening (δειλινὸν περίτατον). See Aul.
Gell. Noct. Att. xx. 5.

ἃ 2 Nicagoras, an Athenian sophist, who lived about a.p. 250.

ἃ 5 Hermeias, or Hermias, who made himself ruler of Atarneus
and Assos, was an intimate friend of Xenocrates and of Aristotle,
and married Pythias the niece or adopted daughter of his friend

514

BOOK XV. CHAPS, I, 2 791d

and benefactor (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. ii. 410 Ὁ).
Aristotle was accused of impiety for a poem in memory of Hermias,
which is preserved in Athenaeus, xv. 696.

ἃ 8 Demochares, sister’s son to Demosthenes, was a leader of
the Anti-Macedonian party at Athens, which may account for
his dislike of Aristotle. He also supported a decree forbidding
philosophers to teach without permission from the state.

792 ἃ 2 Στάγειρα. ‘ Posterioris aetatis scriptores, ut observat
Wasse ad Thuc. iv. 88, dicunt quoque ra Srdyeipa’ (Bahr, Hat.
vii. 115). It is more commonly Στάγειρος, or ἡ Στάγειρα.

ἃ 6 Κηφισόδωρος. Aristotle’s criticisms of contemporary rhe-
toricians, and of Isocrates in particular, brought on him the
bitter enmity of Cephisodorus, a disciple of Isocrates, who wrote
a work against Aristotle in four books. Cf. Athen. ii. 60 b;
Vili, 359 6.

révOnv. Cf. Cratin. Fr. Incert. xiv
τρίγλην δ᾽ εἰ μὲν ἐδηδοκόη τένθου τινὸς ἀνδρός.
Aristoph. Pax 1120 τένθης εἶ σὺ κἀλαζὼν ἀνήρ.

C1 ἐριστικοί The followers of the Megarian School founded
by Eucleides, a disciple of Socrates, were called ‘ Eristics,’ because
they conducted their arguments by question and answer (Diog.
L. ii. 106). See above, 756 b 4; Zeller, Socratic Schools, 266 ff.

793 a3 Theocritus of Chios was an orator and sophist and
collector and author of witty sayings of the time of Alexander the
Great. See the notice of him in Clem. Al. Protrept. 77, and the
epigram prefixed to the works of Theocritus the poet :

ΓΑλλος ὁ Χῖος: ἐγὼ δὲ Θεόκριτος, ὃς τάδ᾽ ἔγραψα,
εἷς ἀπὸ τῶν πολλῶν εἰμὶ Συρηκόσιος.

b 1 Βορβόρου. Borborus (‘Marsh’) was the name of a lake
near Pella, the residence of king Philip.

Ὁ 4 On Apellicon, the Peripatetic (0b. B.o. 84), see Strab.
608. 9 ‘ Aristotle made over his own library to Theophrastus, to
whom he also left his School, being the first whom we know that
collected books, and taught the kings of Egypt how to arrange
a library. Theophrastus gave them over to Neleus, who carried
them to Scepsis, and handed them down to his successors, men
of no learning, who kept the books shut up, and lying about
without care. But when they perceived the eagerness of the
Attalidae, the kings to whom the city was subject, who were

Lla δῖ5

793 b THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

seeking books to establish the library at Pergamos, they buried
them in a certain trench, where they were damaged by damp
and bookworms. Their descendants at a later period sold the
books of Aristotle and Theophrastus for a large price to Apellicon
of Teos. He being more of a bibliophile than a philosopher, and
wishing to restore the parts that were eaten away, transferred
them to new copies, filling up the text badly, and published the
works full of errors.’ Cf. Diog. L. v. 52 ra δὲ βιβλία πάντα
Νηλεῖ (διατίθεμαι), part of the will of Theophrastus.

Ὁ 6 Πρὸς ᾿Αντύτατρον ‘Exwrodais. A fragment of a letter to
Antipater, in which Aristotle explains the reasons of his with-
drawal from Athens, and alludes to the false charges made against
him, is still extant (Smith, Dict. Gk. and R. Biogr. i. 320 b).
ἐπιστολαῖς May mean a single letter, as in Thue. i. 132.

C5 Θεοφράστῳ. Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. xiii. 5, relates how
Aristotle, when near his end, was asked by his pupils to name
a successor. The two most distinguished of his disciples were
Theophrastus of Lesbos, and Eudemus of Rhodes. The aged
Master, saying that the wine which he was drinking did not suit
his health, asked for some of a different kind, Rhodian or Lesbian.
Of the Rhodian he said that it was a strong and pleasant wine:
then after tasting the Lesbian, ‘ Both,’ he said, ‘are extremely
good, but the Lesbian is the sweeter.’ Diogenes Laertius (v. 38)
and Strabo (xiii. 618) say that Aristotle changed his name from
Tyrtamus to Theophrastus, to avoid the ill sound of the former,
and to indicate his admiration of his language.

9] 794 ἃ 4 τὴν ἑτέραν ὁδεύσας 6 ’ApurroréAns. Cf. A. Grant, Aristot.
Eth. 1. 109-216 ‘ Aristotle’s Dissent from Plato.’ Cf. 509 a 5.

4) ο΄ The quotation which follows is from a lost work of
Atticus, a Platonist of the second century of the Christian era,
under the emperor M. Aurelius. Cf. 509 a 3.

795 c 8 The Aloadae, Otus and Ephialtes, were of gigantic size

and daring spirit, as described by Homer, Od. 313-16
of pa καὶ ἀθανάτοισιν ἀπειλήτην ἐν Ολύμπῳ
φυλόπιδα στήσειν πολνάϊκος πολέμοιο.
Ὄσσαν ἐπ᾽ Οὐλύμπῳ μέμασαν θέμεν, αὐτὰρ ἐπ᾿ "Ocon
Πήλιον εἰνοσίφυλλον, tv’ οὐρανὸς ἀμβατὸς εἴη.

Ag Εὐδήμιοί τε καὶ Νικομάχειοι. On the authorship of these

treatises see Grant, ibid. i, 20. 40.
516

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 2-4 79648

796 a 3 Hom. J. i. 526
οὐ yap ἐμὸν παλινάγρετον οὐδ᾽ ἀπατηλὸν
οὐδ᾽ ἀτελεύτητον, ὅ τι κεν κεφαλῇ κατανεύσω.

8 6 εὐδαίμονας. Cf. Aristot Eth. Nic. i. 7. 5 τοιοῦτον δ᾽ ἡ εὐδαι-
μονία μάλιστ᾽ εἶναι δοκεῖ: ταύτην γὰρ αἱρούμεθα ἀεὶ δὶ αὐτὴν καὶ
οὐδέποτε δι᾿ ἄλλο, τιμὴν δὲ καὶ ἡδονὴν καὶ νοῦν καὶ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν
αἱρούμεθα μὲν καὶ δι᾿ αὐτά (μηθενὸς γὰρ ἀποβαίνοντος doin ἂν
ἕκαστον αὐτῶν), αἱρούμεθα δὲ καὶ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας χάριν, διὰ τούτων
ὑπολαμβάνοντες εὐδαιμονήσειν. τὴν δ᾽ εὐδαιμονίαν οὐδεὶς αἱρεῖται τού-
των χάριν, οὐδ᾽ ὅλως δι᾽ ἄλλο.

Ὁ 2 οὐχ ἱκανή. Cf. Aristot. ibid. 8 φαίψεται δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ τῶν
ἐκτὸς ἀγαθῶν προσδεομένη (sc. ἡ εὐδαιμονία).

CI ἐπὶ τροχόν. The construction of this passage is strangely
misunderstood by the Latin and French translators, who join
εὐδαίμονα with τροχόν, ‘ the wheel of happiness,’ whereas Aristotle,
in the passage alluded to, speaks of a man ‘ being broken on the
wheel.’ See Eth, Mic. vii. 13. 3 of δὲ τὸν τροχιζόμενον καὶ τὸν
δυστυχίαις μεγάλαις περιπίπτοντα εὐδαίμονα φάσκοντες εἶναι, ἐὰν 7
ἀγαθός, ἢ ἑκόντες ἢ ἄκοντες οὐδὲν λέγουσιν. Cf. Antipho, 134. 10
πρὶν ἐπὶ τὸν τροχὸν ἀναβῆναι. Demosth. 856. 14.

6.2 Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. i. 10. 14 εἰ δ᾽ οὕτως, ἄθλιος μὲν οὐδέ-
ποτε γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ὁ εὐδαίμων, οὐ μὴν μακάριός γε, ἂν Πριαμικαῖς τύχαις
περιπέσῃ.

797 8 1 κῆρες, μυρίαι δὲ αὗται. Cf. Hom. Jl. xii. 326

viv δ᾽, ἔμπης γὰρ κῆρες ἐφεστᾶσιν θανάτοιο
μυρίαι, ἃς οὐκ ἔστι φυγεῖν βροτόν, οὐδ᾽ ὑπαλύξαι,
ἴομεν.
Simon. Fr. ccxxxi. 20 ἀλλὰ μυρίαι
βροτοῖσι κῆρες.

Ὁ 5 σταυρός. Cf. Plat. Rep. 361 E ‘They will tell you that
the just man who is thought unjust will be scourged, racked,
bound—will have his eyes burnt out; and, at last, after suffer-
ing every kind of evil, he will be impaled.’ Ibid. 613 A οὕτως
dpa x.7.r., ‘Then this must be our notion of the just man, that
even when he is in poverty or sickness, or any other seeming mis-
fortune, all things will in the end work together for good to him in
life and in death: for the gods have a care of any one whose desire
is to become just and to be like God, as far as man can attain
the divine likeness, by the pursuit of virtue.’

517

797 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Ὁ 6 Ὑπὸ κήρυκι. Cf. Hesiod, Sc. 283 tr’ αὐλητῆρι. Plut. Mor.
41 Ὁ, note, and Sulla, 460 Ὁ.

6 2 ποίκιλλε τριχῃ.« Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. i. 6. 9 δῆλον οὖν ὅτι
διττῶς λέγοιτ᾽ ἂν τἀγαθά, καὶ τὰ μὲν καθ᾽ αὗτά, θάτερα δὲ διὰ ταῦτα.

ἃ 4 Inthe Nicomachean Ethics ἕξεις and διαθέσεις are synonymous,
as in ii. 8. 1-2. But in Categ. viii. 3. 4 they are distinguished,
the former being more permanent, the latter more variable.

ἃ 5 ἐνέργειαι. Cf. Eth. Nic. ii. τ. 7 καὶ ἑνὶ δὴ λόγῳ ἐκ τῶν

ὁμοίων ἐνεργειῶν ai ἕξεις γίνονται.
5] 798 ἃ 3 Πότερον δίκᾳ. Cf. Cic. Ad Att. xiii. 38 ‘Nunc me
iuva, mi Attice, consilio πότερον δίκας τεῖχος ὕψιον, id est aperte
hominem asperner et respuam, ἢ σκολιαῖς ἀπάταις; ut enim
Pindaro, sic δίχα μοι νόος ἀτρέκειαν εἰπεῖν. The last line completes
the quotation.

ἃ 8 εὐθείᾳ περαίνειν. Cf. 531 a, notes; ‘ Archytas ap. Iamblich.
Protr. iv. 160 ὁ θεὸς ἀρχά τε καὶ τέλος καὶ μέσον ἐστὶ πάντων τῶν
κατὰ δίκαν περαινομένων ? (Lobeck, Aglaoph. 530).

περιπορενόμενον. In Plato this word is preceded by κατὰ
φύσιν, and is explained by Stallbaum thus: ‘Istud. .. declarat
accuratius quid sit antegressum εὐθείᾳ περαίνει. Dicitur enim
Deus hoc habere proprium, quod, dum recta pergat, simul etiam
κατὰ φύσιν, naturae convenienter, id est quoniam principium,
medium et finem complectatur, libero motu in orbem circumeat.’
But see note 531 & 4.

ἃ 9-13 Cf. 542 Ὁ 5, and 814 b 3, note.

799 Ὁ 8 πάνυ χρηστός, used of course ironically, as in Plato,
Theaet. 161 A; Demosth. 330. 27 ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς ζῶντας, ὦ χρηστέ,
iva μηδὲν ἄλλ᾽ εἴπω, τὸν ζῶντα ἐξέταζε.

ἃ 1 ὁ Περιπατητικός. ‘We can never, perhaps, adequately
comprehend Aristotle’s philosophical conception of the Deity.
The expression of his views that has come down to us seems so
incomplete, and contains so much that is apparently contra-
dictory, that we are in great danger of doing Aristotle injustice ’
(Grant, Hthics of Aristotle, i. 288). Cf. Eth. Nic. x. 8. 13 εἰ γάρ
τις ἐπιμέλεια τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ὑπὸ θεῶν γίνεται, ὥσπερ δοκεῖ, καὶ εἴη ἂν
εὔλογον χαίρειν τε αὐτοὺς τῷ ἀρίστῳ καὶ τῷ συγγενεστάτῳ (τοῦτο δ᾽ ἂν
εἴη 6 νοῦς) καὶ τοὺς ἀγαπῶντας μάλιστα τοῦτο καὶ τιμῶντας ἀντευποιεῖν
ὡς τῶν φίλων αὐτοῖς ἐπιμελουμένους καὶ ὀρθῶς τε καὶ καλῶς πράττοντας.
See also Hampden, Fathers of Greek Philosophy, 49.

δ18

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 4-6 800 b

800 Ὁ 3 αἰσχυντηλότερον. Cf. Aristot. Eth. Nic. iv. 9. 3 καὶ
ἐπαινοῦμεν τῶν μὲν νέων τοὺς αἰδήμονας, πρεσβύτερον δ᾽ οὐδεὶς ἂν
ἐπαινέσειεν ὅτι αἰσχυντηλός.

Ὁ 6 ἔξω που τοῦ κόσμον καθίδρυσες. On the theology of Epicurus
ef. Diog. L. x. 123; Sext. Emp. ix. 25; Οἷς. De Nat. Deor. i. 16;
1. 37; Lucret. v. 1161-1240; Zeller, Epicureans, chap. 18.

C5 μαντεύονται. Cf. Plat. Rep. 349 A ἀληθέστατα, ἔφη, μαντεύει.
On this opinion of the motive of Epicurus see Cic. De Nat. Deor.
i, 30. 85 ‘ Video nonnullis videri Epicurum, ne in offensionem
Atheniensium caderet, verbis reliquisse deos, re sustulisse.’

ἃ 10 ἀκρίβειαν παραιτησάμενος, literally ‘by deprecating any dili-
gentcare,’ which is tantamount to ‘excusing them from diligent care.’

801 8 I χρεοκοποῦντα (vel χρεωκοποῦντα), ‘cancelling debts,’

‘novas tabulas facientem,’ hence ‘repudiating.’ Cf. Plut. Mor.
829 C ἐν τῷ δανείζειν χρεωκοποῦντες: ὁ yap οὗ γράφει λαμβάνων
ἔλαττον χρεωκοπεῖται. Aristotle, however, did not wholly repudiate
providence, but, if we may believe Atticus (cf. 798 c¢ 4), limited
it to the regions above the moon, thus ‘ discounting’ rather than
‘repudiating’ it. Cf. Tatian, Or. Contra Gr. ii. "ApiororéAns
ἀμαθῶς ὅρον τῇ προνοίᾳ θείς. Cf. 669 ¢ 4.
6] 64 ἵνα μὴ ἀποστερήσῃ τὸν κόσμον τῆς προνοίας ἀφεῖλε τὸ ἀγένητον
αὐτοῦ. Gaisford alone follows the text of cod. I, omitting μή and
reading γενητόν. In this way the passage would describe the
doctrine of Aristotle, who, ‘in order to deprive the world of
providence, denied that it was created’: cf. Aristot. Metaph. ii. 4
ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ ye ἀΐδιον οὐδέν ἐστιν, οὐδὲ γένεσιν εἶναι δυνατόν" ἀνάγκη
γὰρ εἶναί τι τὸ γιγνόμενον καὶ ἐξ οὗ γίγνεται, εἴπερ ἵσταταί τε καὶ ἐκ
μὴ ὄντος γενέσθαι ἀδύνατον. But in fact the whole context 801 ¢ 1--
802 b 5 refers to Plato and his doctrines, and the omission of the
negatives in cod. I destroys the argument.

6 6 τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς ἑστίας, ‘those of the same family,’ i.e.
the professed followers of Plato. Cf. Hdt. i. 176 οἱ πολλοί, πλὴν
ὀγδώκοντα ἱστιέων, εἰσὶ ἐπήλυδες.

802 a7 Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἡμετέραν ἀκοήν. Viger’s translation of
this is ‘ uti nostris ipsimet auribus docentem audivimus.’ But if
this, and the expression τῷ στόματι διείλεκται in 801 d 2, were to
be taken literally, Atticus would represent himself as a contem-
porary and hearer of Plato, whereas in fact he lived in the time
of Marcus Aurelius, Cf. 509 a 3, note; Mullach, iii. 178.

519

902¢c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

C2 τῆν εἰς ὄλεθρον μετοβολι». See the note om ἄορ ¢€ 75.

C3 ᾿Αριστοτέλους. See nite on 809 ¢ 1. CL Aristot. Le Anima,
111. 12. 1 ἀνάγκη yap τὸ γενόμενον αἴξησιν ἔχειν ant dap ami φόεσιν.

C 4 τηνάλλως.ς Plat. Legg. 650 A τὸ μετὰ πιαρδιῶς τῷ» ἄλλως

* Est temere, nullo certo consilio’ (Ast).
“Ἄλλως pro frustra tritissimum est’ (Ruhnk. Zim. Ler. Οἷκ
ἄλλως»

C 5 τό Te γενόμενον εἰς ἀνάγκην ror ἀπολέσθαι περιστάντος. Cf.
Aristot. Metaph. ii. 4. 4 τὰ γὰρ αἰσθητὰ κάντα φθείρεται. * The
assumption that the world, though it has come into being. will
last for ever, overlooks the fact that origin and decay mutually
condition each other’ (Zeller, Outlines, 58).

803 ἃ 9 ἀνάγκης. Cf. Plat. Tim. 47 E ‘We have spoken of

the acts and operations of intelligence. We must now add those
that arise through necessity: for the world is the result of the
combination of necessity and intelligence; intelligence governing
and persuading necessity to produce all things in the most perfect
way, necessity yielding to the wisdom of intelligence.’ Ibid.
48 A‘ We must consider the nature of fire, and water, and air,
and earth, which were prior to the creation of the heavens, and
what happened before there were elements, ἃς. In the last
words Plato rejects ro ἀγένητον : see 801 c 4, note, and Archer
Butler, Ancient Philos. ii. 178.
7) 804c7 τὴν πέμπτην οὐσίαν. This phrase seems to occur
first in Ps.-Aristot. De Mundo, ii. 2. 6 οὐρανοῦ δὲ καὶ ἄστρων οὐσίαν
μὲν αἰθέρα καλοῦμεν . .. στοιχεῖον οὖσαν ἕτερον τῶν τεττάρων ἀκή-
ρατόν τε καὶ θεῖον. This is followed by a full description both of
the αἰθήρ and of the usual four elements (ibid. 7-iii. 4), and the
conclusion πέντε δὴ στοιχεῖα ταῦτα κιτιλ. Cf. Cic. Tusc. Disput.
i, 10. 22 ‘ Aristoteles .. . quum quattuor nota illa genera prin-
cipiorum esset complexus, e quibus omnia orirentur, quintam
quandam naturam censet esse, e qua sit mens.’ Ibid. 41 ‘Quinta
illa non nominata magis quam non intellecta natura.’ See
Mosheim’s note in Cudworth, Int. Syst. iii. 470, on Aristot. De
Gen. An. ii. 3. 11 πάσης μὲν οὖν ψνχῆς δύναμις ἑτέρου σώματος ἔοικε
κεκοινωνηκέναι καὶ θειότερου τῶν καλουμένων στοιχείων.

805 ἃ 2 ἐστί τις οὐσία νοητή. Cf. Plat. Tim. 35 A τῆς ἀμερίστον
καὶ ἀεὶ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐχούσης οὐσίας κι.λ. The passage is quoted

B29

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 6-8 805 d

696 c 1. ‘Est igitur haec abstracta essentiae sive existentiae
notio atque species, quam philosophus (Plato) iam tanquam ex-
trinsecus menti obiectam et per se constantem spectavit, sive, ut
barbare dicam, est mera essendi possibilitas’ (Stallb. ad loc.).
Cf. Sophist. 248 B.

8] 806c 2 Cf. Plat. Tim. 40 A ‘The species of the divine he
made for the most part out of fire.’ On this passage Viger says
that ‘Proclus and Alcinous add that Plato thought this most
excellent body to be composed of the flower and choice, as it
were, of the elements, yet so that fire held the chief place in this
commixture’: see below, 839 Ὁ. Most of the Christian Fathers
both Greek and Latin were of the same opinion: especially Basil,
Hom. 3 in Heraémer., Theodoret. quaest. in Genesin 11, Ambros.
Lib. ii. in Heraémer. 1. 3, August. in many passages, as de Genesi
ad Liter. ii. 3, where in accordance with the common opinion,
which he by no means calls in question, he thus speaks, ‘So
above the air the heaven is said to be pure fire, out of which thie
conjecture that the stars also and luminaries were formed.’

c 4 Plat. Tim. 39 B.

c 7 Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 7.

dt κατ᾽ εἶδος, literally ‘as to form.’ In this respect they are
immortal and unchangeable, but not as to their ‘matter,’ which
is capable of increase and decrease.

ἃ 2 ἀποχωρήσεις τινὰς αὐτῶν καὶ προσχωρήσεις. Cf. Plat. Tim.
81 A, where the same terms are applied to the human body:
“ΝΟΥ͂ the process of repletion and depletion (τῆς πληρώσεως ἀπο-
χωρήσεώς re) after the manner of the universal motion of all
things ’ (Jowett).

ἃ 4 ἀποκρίσεις, ‘secretions,’ a medical term employed by Plat.
Defin. 415 καθάρσις ἀπόκρισις χειρόνων ἀπὸ βελτιόνων.

ἃ 5 προσκρίσεις, ‘accretions’ or ‘assimilations,’ a rare word
not occurring in Plato.

807 a 4 According to Aristotle, De Caelo, ii. 8. 7, the heavenly
bodies have no motion of their own, either of rotation or of
revolution, but are fixed in spheres which revolve in a diurnal
orbit. Ibid. 11 ‘ Moreover that the heavenly bodies do not
revolve is manifest : for that which revolves must turn, but the
same so-called face of the moon is always visible. So that since
things that move of themselves must have the motions proper to

821

807 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

them, and it appears that they have not these, it is evident that
they cannot move of themselves.’ The mistaken notion that the
moon does not turn on its axis once in each monthly revolution
has been confidently maintained in our own day.

ἃ 5 ὡς ἔμψυχοι. Aristotle, De Caelo, ii. 1. 4 and 6, refutes
this notion of the heavenly bodies having a soul as the source of
their motion.

Ὁ 1 πάθος εἶναι τῆς ἡμετέρας ὄψεως. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 8. 9
‘Further it would be reasonable that all should have the same
motion, but the sun alone of the heavenly bodies seems to do s0,
at rising or setting, and he not of himself, but through the
distance of our sight: for the sight, when directed too far away,
is made to roll because of its weakness. ... And its trembling
makes the motion seem to be that of the star.’

ἃ 2 ὁ δ᾽, ἧπερ. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, i. 2. 5 ‘If then there
is a simple motion, and if the motion in a circle is simple, and
if the simple body implies a simple motion, and the simple
motion a simple body (for if it be composite the result will
correspond to the preponderant part), there must necessarily be
some simple body, which tends to move in a circular motion
according to its own nature.’ Ibid. 7-9, where he argues that,
as a circle is a complete figure and a straight line incomplete,
circular motion is prior to motion in a straight line, and since
the four simple elementary bodies move in straight lines (fire
upwards, earth downwards towards the centre, and so on) there
must be some other simple elementary body which has the circular
motion prior to the others and more divine.

808 b I κατὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ ἄνω καὶ κάτω σχέσιν. Cf. Plat. Tim.
62, 63 ‘ But “heavy ” and “light ” will be most clearly explained
when examined in connexion with the nature of what we call
“up” and “down.”’

σχέσιν, ‘relation.’ Cf. Diog. L. ix. 87 τὸ γοῦν δεξιὸν φύσει
μὲν οὐκ ἔστι δεξιόν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ὡς πρὸς TO ἕτερον σχέσιν νοεῖται.

Ὁ 3 πρὸς τοὺς τόπους οἰκειότητας. Cf. Plat. Tim. 63 E ‘There is
this one thing however to be considered with regard to all of .
them, that the course of each towards its kindred element makes
the moving body “heavy,” and the place to which such a body
moves “down,” and of the things which are in a contrary relation
the contrary is true.’

523

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 8,9 808 b

Ὁ 7 μήτε τὸ μέσον μήτε τὸ πέριξ. Cf. Plat. Tim. 62 E ‘ For the
central spot therein cannot rightly be said to be by nature either
“up” or “down,” but simply in the centre: and the circum-
ference is neither, of course, central, nor has in it any one part
differing from another in a stronger tendency towards the centre,
or towards any of the opposite parts.’

CI τὸ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ μέσον φερόμενον βαρύ. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo,
iv. I. 7 ἁπλῶς μὲν οὖν κοῦφον λέγομεν τὸ ἄνω φερόμενον καὶ πρὸς
τὸ ἔσχατον, βαρὺ δὲ τὸ ἁπλῶς κάτω καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέσον.

C 2 τόπον τὸν ἐν μέσῳ κάτω φησί. Cf, Aristot. De Caelo, iv. 1. 4

‘For it is the nature of some things always to move away from
the centre, and of others always towards the centre. And of
these that which moves from the centre I say moves “up,” and
that towards the centre “down.” For it is absurd not to suppose
that there is in heaven some place “up” and another “down,”
as some persons think: for they say that there is no distinction
of “up” and “down,” since the heaven is in every direction
alike, and from every point a man as he travels round will be at
his own antipodes. But we call that extreme part of the world
‘- up,” which is both in position “ up,” and in nature first. And
since there is an extreme and a centre of heaven, it is manifest
that there will also be “up” and “down,” as the multitude also
speak, though not with sufficient accuracy.’
9] 809 Ὁ 6 Πᾶσαι yap ai μαθήσεις ἀναμνήσεις. Cf. Plat. Phaedo,
72 5 ‘And besides,’ said Cebes taking up the discourse, ‘ according
to that argument, if it be true, which you are so often accustomed
to use, that our learning is nothing but recollection, it would
follow, I suppose, from that too, that we have learned at some
earlier time what we now recollect: but that is impossible,
unless our soul was existing somewhere before it came in this
human form; so that in this way also it seems that the soul is
something immortal.’ Cf. A. Grant, Ethics of Aristot. i. 203;
Wordsworth, Ode:

‘Qur birth is but a sleep and a forgetting:
The Soul that rises with us, our life’s Star,
Hath had elsewhere its setting,
And cometh from afar.’

c 7 ’ApwroréAovs. ‘Though the portion of our human nature
§33

809 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

to which Plato positively and frequently, and Aristotle occasion-
ally and hesitatingly, allows immortality, be really the same,
namely the rational, yet in their historic results Plato has been
the perpetual patron of the doctrine of human immortality,
and Aristotle almost as constantly has been cited as unfriendly
to this great tenet.... The ancient Fathers assuredly regarded
Aristotle as specially perilous on this account (Euseb. Praepar.
Evang. xv. 9).’ (Archer Butler, Ancient Philos. ii. 428.)

ἃ 2 τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς πρᾶγμα, ‘the importance of the soul.’ For
this sense of πρᾶγμα compare Hat. iii, 132 ἦν δὲ μέγιστον πρῆγμα
Δημοκήδης παρὰ βασιλέϊ. Plat. Gorg. 447 E οὐδὲν πρᾶγμα.

παίδευμα. Cf. Plat. Tim. 24 D γεννήματα καὶ παιδεύματα θεοῦ
ὄντας.

ἃ 5 Οὔτε γὰρ πνεῦμα. ‘Lege Aristotelem lib. i De Anima, cap. 2
et seq. ad libri calcem’ (Viger).

ἃ 6 οἷον εἶναί τε ἐφ᾽ ἑαντοῦ καὶ κινεῖσθαι. Cf. Aristot. De Anima,
i. 3. 1 ‘We must inquire then first concerning motion: for perhaps
it is false that its substance is such as they affirm who say that
soul is that which moves, or is able to move, itself, whereas it
is an impossibility that it should possess motion.’

ἃ 8 πρωτούργους κινήσεις. Cf. Plat. Legg. x. 896 ‘The soul
then directs all things in heaven, and earth, and sea by her
motions, the names of which are—will, consideration, attention,
deliberation, opinion, true and false, joy and sorrow, confidence,
fear, hatred, and by all motions akin to these or primary, which
again receiving the secondary motions of bodily substances guide
all things to growth and decay and secretion and assimilation.’
Viger adds, ‘But Aristot. De Anima, i. 4. 11 thinks that these
functions should be ascribed to the whole man rather than to
the soul alone. “To speak of the soul being angry,” he says, ““ is
all the same as if one were to say that the soul weaves or builds.
For it is better probably to say not that the soul pities, or learns,
or thinks, but that the man does so with his soul.”’ This is a
true doctrine, and one that Plato himself does not deny: just
as Aristotle in other places speaks of the soul or mind as really
understanding; as De Anima, iii. 4. 4 ‘I call mind that whereby
the soul thinks or supposes.’

810 a 2 γραμματεύς. Scribes or secretaries of the lower class
were held in little estimation, and the term is often used con-

524

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 9, 10 810 a

temptuously, as in Demosth. 269. 20 σπερμολόγος, περίτριμμ᾽
ἀγορᾶς, ὄλεθρος γραμματεύς.

a 6 Dicaearchus, a Sicilian, was a pupil of Aristotle, and
a voluminous and accurate writer, especially on geography, philo-
sophy, and political life. He was a favourite author of Atticus,
and of Cicero, who frequently refers to him in his Epistles,
Tusculan Disputations, De Divinatione, and other treatises.
Dicaearchus altogether denied the existence of the soul (Cic.
Acad. ii. 39. 124; Tusc. Disp. i. το. 21).

Ὁ 4 τὸ βουλεύεσθαι. Cf. Plat. Legg. x. 896 E, quoted on
809 d 8.

CI ἐνεργείας. Cf. Grant, Ethics of Aristotle, i. 232 ‘Evépyaa
is not more accurately defined by Aristotle than as the correlative
and opposite of divapes. ... “ Actuality ” may be in various ways
opposed to “ potentiality.”’ Ibid. 233 ‘Sometimes it implies
motion as opposed to the capacity for motion, and sometimes
complete existence opposed to undeveloped matter.’

811 a7 ra Πλωτίνου. ‘Locum hunc Plotini exstare non puto.
Mihi quidem libri tantum secundi Ennead. 4 principium occurrit,
ubi verbo uno Entelechiam perstringit. Nam de animae immor-
talitate non duos sed unum dumtaxat librum ab eo scriptum esse
reperio, qui septimus est eiusdem Ennead. 4. In quo tamen de
Entelechia μηδὲ ypd. Porro vitrea sunt haec Plotini argumenta,
quibus Aristotelicam Entelechiam oppugnat’ (Viger). In this
note Viger is alluding to the heading of the chapter in Eusebius :
‘ Plotinus, from the Second Book On the immortality of the soul.’
Creuzer in his note suggests that the passage was taken by
Eusebius from the first recension of the work of Plotinus, but
was omitted in the later recension by Porphyry, who substituted
the argument which now stands as Ennead. iv. 2 Περὶ οὐσίας
ψυχῆς. Cf. Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. iv. 26, who speaks of the passage
as ‘prolixam disputationem,’ while Viger calls the arguments
‘as brittle as glass.’ I am not sure that I have made them
clear.

10] br Ἐντελεχείας. Grant, ibid. 234 ‘Since δύναμις has the
double meaning of “‘ possibility of existence ” as well as ‘‘capacity
of action,” there arose the double contrast of action opposed to
the capacity for action; actual existence opposed to possible
existence or potentiality. To express accurately this latter

535

811 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

opposition Aristotle seems to have introduced the term ἐντε-
λέχεια, Of which the most natural account is, that it is a com-
pound of ἐν τέλει ἔχειν, “ being in the state of perfection.” . .. But
in fact this distinction between ἐντελέχεια and ἐνέργεια is not
maintained. The former word is of comparatively rare occur-
rence, while we find everywhere throughout Aristotle ἐνέργεια, as
he says, πρὸς ἐντελέχειαν συντιθεμένη, ‘mixed up with the idea of
complete existence.” ’ Archer Butler, i. 393 ‘There is a principle
of energy, and a direct exercise of energy; a dormant activity
(ἐντελέχεια) and an operating activity (évépyea).’

Ὁ 2 εἴδους τάξιν. Aristot. Metaphys. viii. 8. 10 ‘Further the
matter exists potentially (δυνάμει), because it may come to the
form (εἶδος): but when it exists in actuality (ἐνεργείᾳ), then it is in
the form.’

CI φυσικοῦ, dpyavixod, δυνάμει ζωὴν ἔχοντος. We have here an
indisputable proof that the argument is directed against the
opinion of Aristotle, De Anima, ii. 1. § ἀναγκαῖον dpa τὴν ψυχὴν
οὐσίαν εἶναι ὡς εἶδος σώματος φυσικοῦ δυνάμει ζωὴν ἔχοντος.

a7 εἰ δὲ μή," otherwise,’ i.e. if it does retain them without the
body’s aid.

ἃ 8 ἀδύνατον ἄλλως δέχεσθαι, ‘they must receive them in the
same way,’ i.e. as ideal forms and images, and so without the
body’s aid. The sensitive soul therefore would be independent
of the body, and not inseparable from it, as an entelechy of the
body must be.

812 Ὁ 1 ὄγκῳ, literally ‘ weight,’ ‘burden.’ See Buttmann, -
Lexil. 131 ‘If we consider the word ὄγκος, a burden, to be a
verbal substantive, it answers to φόρτος, and leads us to a theme
EYKQ, J bear, or carry.’ But ὄγκος is also the name given to
an ‘atom’ (824 Ὁ 9) in Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. ix. 364 ᾿Ασκλη-
πιάδης δὲ ὁ Βιθυνὸς ἀνάρμους ὄγκους. Here it evidently means the
small ‘germ’ of a plant.

ἃ 2 Boethus, a Stoic philosopher of uncertain date, whose
works On Nature, and On Fate, are quoted by Diogenes Laertius,
and referred to by Cicero, De Divinatione, i. 8; ii. 21. Cf. Phil.
Jud. De Mundi Incorrupt. 497 M. ‘ Boethus, and Poseidonius, and
Panaetius, men of great learning in the Stoic doctrines, as if
seized with a sudden inspiration, abandoning all the stories
about conflagrations and regeneration, have come over to the

§26

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 110-13 812 d

more divine doctrine of the incorruptibility of the world.’ See
also 554 b 4, note.

11] 818 a1 τὸν ἐντελέχειαν τὴν ψυχὴν εἰπόντα, i.e. Aristot. De
Anima, ii. τ. 6 διὸ ψυχή ἐστιν ἐντελέχεια ἡ πρώτη σώματος φυσικοῦ
δυνάμει ζωὴν ἔχοντος.

ἃ 4 αὐτοκίνητον οὐσίαν. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 245 Εἰ ἀθανάτου
δὲ πεφασμένου τοῦ ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ κινουμένου, ψυχῆς οὐσίαν τε καὶ
λόγον αὐτόν τις λέγων οὐκ αἰσχυνεῖται. See also the note on
624 8 7.

12] 814 8 3 καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο εἶναι τὴν φύσιν ἢ ψυχήν. Cf. Plat.
Crat. 400 A καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων φύσιν οὐ πιστεύεις ᾿Αναξα-
γόρᾳ νοῦν τε καὶ ψυχὴν εἶναι τὴν διακοσμοῦσαν καὶ ἔχουσαν.

b 3 τῶν δὲ ὑπὸ σελήνην τὴν φύσιν. Cf. Epiphan. Ado. Haeres.
iii. 31 ἔλεγε δὲ (᾿Αριστοτέλης) . . . τὰ μὲν ὑπεράνω τῆς σελήνης θείας
προνοίας τυγχάνειν, τὰ δὲ κάτωθεν τῆς σελήνης ἀπρονόητα ὑπάρχειν,
καὶ φορᾷ τινι ἀλόγῳ φέρεσθαι ὡς ἔτυχεν. Cf. 798 ὁ 4, 800 ἃ 8.

Ὁ 5 τὸ μὲν γλαφυρόν, ‘his nicety’ or ‘subtlety.’ Cf. Aristot.
Hist. An. v. 27. 4 τίκτουσι δ᾽ ai μὲν γλαφυραὶ (τῶν ἀραχνῶν) ἐλάττω
τὸ πλῆθος. De Anima, i. 2. 15 Δημόκριτος δὲ καὶ γλαφυρωτέρως
εἴρηκεν.

C8 ἀρχὴ καὶ πηγὴ τῆς κινήσεως. Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 245 C καὶ

τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅσα κινεῖται τοῦτο πηγὴ καὶ ἀρχὴ κινήσεως. Cf. Legg.
x. 896.
13] 815 4 8 πεδίον. The expression is borrowed, as Gaisford
indicates, from Plato, Phaedr. 248 Β ἡ πολλὴ σπουδὴ τὸ ἀληθείας
ἰδεῖν πεδίον, where the soul is Jikened to a pair of winged horses
and a charioteer, traversing ‘ the plain of truth,’ and feeding there
upon heavenly food.

Ὁ 2 λήρους δὲ καὶ τερετίσματα καὶ dAvapias. There is an evident
reference to Aristot. Anal. Post. i. 22. 4 τὰ γὰρ εἴδη χαιρέτω" τερε-
τίσματά τε γάρ ἐστι, καὶ εἰ ἔστιν, οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν λόγον ἐστί. Com-
pare the Hippias Maior, 30 ἵνα μὴ δοκῇ λίαν ἀνόητος εἶναι λήρους
καὶ φλναρίας ὥσπερ νῦν μεταχειριζόμενος.

C5 μεθέξε. Cf. Plat. Parmenides, 132 D ‘What is meant by
the participation of other things in the ideas, is really assimilation
to them.’...‘The theory then that other things participate in
the ideas by resemblance must be given up, and some other mode
of participation devised.’ Aristotle’s criticism is found in Metaph.
i. 6. 3 ‘ As Socrates dealt with ethics and not at all with universal

537

815 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

nature, but yet sought for the universal in ethics, and first fixed
his thought upon definitions, Plato accepted his teaching for the
sake of this characteristic, and supposed that this was true not of
anything sensible but of some different things, because it was
impossible that the common definition should belong to any
sensible things as they were always changing. So then Plato
called this class of realities ideas, and said that sensible things
were all named on account of and in accordance with these, for
the multitude of things synonymous with the ideas were so by
participation. And he only changed the name, ‘ participation.’
For the Pythagoreans say that all things exist by imitation of
numbers, but Plato changes the name and says, by participation.
But as to what the participation or the imitation of the ideas
might be, they left the question open.’

816 b 7 Antisthenes, an Athenian, whose mother was a Thra-
cian, and who fought as a young man at Tanagra (B.C. 426), was
a disciple of Gorgias, and afterwards of Socrates, whose endurance
and indifference to pain or pleasure he admired. ‘In passionate
contradiction to the Platonic ideas he allowed the individual being
only to exist’ (Zeller, 118). Once when he had turned the ragged
side of his cloak outwards to view, Socrates saw it and said,
‘Through your cloak I see your vanity.2 He was the founder of
the Cynics, and was himself surnamed Haplocyon, a thorough dog.
Cf. Ritter and Pr. Hist. Philos. 221-7; Diog. L. vi. 104. Cf.
Mullach, ii. 261.

Ἡρακλεωτικός. Antisthenes is called ‘Herculean,’ because
he took the laborious life of Hercules for his pattern, and wrote
a treatise called by his name. ‘Procl. in Alcib. 98 (Creuzer)
ὁ ᾿Αντισθένους Ἡρακλῆς λέγει περί τινος νεανίσκου παρὰ Χείρωνι
τρεφομένου ᾽ (Lobeck, Aglaoph. 159). “HpaxAewrixds properly means
‘of Heraclea,’ as in Aristot. Hist. An. iv. 2. 3 of Ἡρακλεωτικοὶ
καρκίνοι. Pol. vii. 6. 8 τῇ πόλει τῶν Ἡρακλεωτῶν. Plut. Mor. go D
Σωκρατικὸν μᾶλλον δὲ Ἡράκλειον, on which Wyttenbach remarks,
“Ἡρακλεώτης prave Euseb. 816 b.’? See, however, Athen. 500
where ‘HpaxAewrixds and Ἡράκλειος are both derived directly from
Ἡρακλῆς.

Ὁ 8 τὸ μαίνεσθαι κρεῖττον. Cf. Diog. L. vi. 1. 3 μανείην μᾶλλον
ἢ ἡσθείην.

14] dr On Aristocles, the author of the following extract, see

528

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 132-15 816 d

510 a. The present Fragment is not noticed by Mullach. Cf.
Diels, Doxogr. Gr. 464.

ἃ 3 οὗτος (Heracleitus) .. . éxeivov (Plato). The usual reference
of οὗτος and ἐκεῖνος is here evidently inverted, as is not very un-
common. See Xen. Mem. Socr. i. 3. 13; iv. 3. 10; Plat. Phaedr.
232 D. There can be no doubt about the fact, that it was Plato
who believed in a divine power, and Heracleitus in a πῦρ τεχνικόν,
a kind of sublimated matter.

817 ἃ 6 ἀδιάδραστόν τινα καὶ ἄφυκτον. Cf. Preller, Gr. Myth. 538
‘ Adrasteia, 80 nearly connected with Nemesis, seems to be the
product of a worship of the Great Mother in the neighbourhood of
Cyzicus. The name is originally Asiatic, but an attempt was made
to explain it in the way of Greek by ἀναπόδραστος, i.e. dpuxros, OF
by ἀειδράστεια παρὰ τὸ ἀεὶ δρᾶν, or through the derivation from
Adrastus.’? Eus. H. E. vi. 9 Θεοῦ τρέσας τὴν ἀδιάδραστον δίκην.
16] bx ἑαυτοῦ. For this usage of ἑαυτοῦ instead of the simple
αὐτοῦ cf. Polyb. i. 79. 2 Βώσταρον ... pera τῶν ἑαντοῦ πολιτῶν
ἀπέκτειναν.

Ὁ 2 πεπερασμένον. Cf. Plat. Parmen. 145 A ‘Then the one
which has being is one and many, whole and parts, limited
(πεπερασμένον) and yet unlimited in number’ (Jowett). Aristot.
Met. iv. 26 τὸ δὲ συνεχὲς καὶ πεπερασμένον, ὅταν ἕν τι ἐκ πλειόνων ἧ
ἐνυπαρχόντων.

C 3 προσαγορεύεσθαι. The conjectural addition (κόσμον καὶ
by Diels makes the meaning more evident. Cf. Diog. L. vii. 137
λέγουσι δὲ κόσμον τριχῶς, αὐτόν τε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐκ τῆς πάσης οὐσίας
ἰδίως ποιόν, ὃς δὴ dpOaprés ἐστι καὶ ἀγένητος, δημιουργὸς ὧν τῆς
διακοσμήσεως, κατὰ χρόνων ποιὰς περιόδους ἀναλίσκων εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὴν
ἅπασαν οὐσίαν καὶ πάλιν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεννῶν. καὶ αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν δια-
κόσμησιν τῶν ἀστέρων κόσμον λέγουσι, καὶ τρίτον τὸ συνεστηκὸς ἐξ
ἀμφοῖν. καὶ ἔστι κόσμος ὁ ἰδίως ποιὸς τῆς τῶν ὅλων οὐσίας, ἡ, ὥς
φησι Ποσειδώνιος ἐν τῇ μετεωρολογικῇ στοιχειώσει, σύστημα ἐξ
οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν τούτοις φύσεων, ἢ σύστημα ἐκ θεῶν καὶ
ἀνθρώπων καὶ τῶν ἕνεκα τούτων γεγονότων.

c 4 Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, iii. 2. 6 ταύτην δὲ ὁ κόσμος ἔχει τὴν
διάταξιν. De Mundo, ii. 1 κόσμος μὲν οὖν ἐστι σύστημα ἐξ οὐρανοῦ
καὶ γῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν τούτοις περιεχομένων φύσεων. λέγεται δὲ καὶ
ἑτέρως κόσμος ἡ τῶν ὅλων τάξις τε καὶ διακόσμησις, ὑπὸ θεῶν τε καὶ
διὰ θεῶν φυλαττομένη. Cf. Diels, ibid. 20.

* Mm 529

817 ς THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

6 7 Cf. Aristot. Met. x. 6. 11 ἡ 8 οὐσία κατὰ τὸ ποιόν, Torro δὲ
τῆς ὡρισμένης φύσεως, τὸ δὲ ποσὸν τῆς ἀορίστου.

818 Ὁ 6 On Areius Didymus see 545 Ὁ, and Diels, Dozogr.
Gr. Proleg. 69, and on the text of this passage 464.

16] d3 τὸν αἰθέρα Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, i. 3. 13 ᾿Αναξαγόρας δὲ
κατακέχρηται τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ οὐ καλῶς: ὀνομάζει γὰρ αἰθέρα ἀντὶ
πυρός.

17) 81941 This extract is stated in the heading of the chapter
to be taken from ‘the first Book of Numenius On the Good.’ At
this point the earlier hand of cod. I begins again, as is more fully
explained in the Apparatus Criticus.

Ὁ 2 παλινάγρετα. Cf. 730 ἃ 5.

Ὁ 4 συλλαβάς (scil. στοιχείων. The application to a combina-
tion of material elements is unusual.

Ὁ 7 Ποταμός. There is an allusion to the well-known saying
of Heracleitus, Fir. 42 (Bywater). Cf. 821 d 9.

Ὁ 2 καλῶς ὁ λόγος εἴρηκε, dds, ‘has spoken well in asserting.’
Cf. Hdt. i. 122 ὁ δέ σφι ἔλεγε, φὰς πρὸ τοῦ μὲν οὐκ εἰδέναι.

820 a Διὸς σωτῆρος . . . δεηθῆναι. Cf. Plat. Legg. 7o4 D

μεγάλου τινὸς ἔδει σωτῆρος. Preller, Gr. Myth. 151, 868.
18] Ὁ 1 The following fragment and those which follow are
taken from the Epitome of Areius Didymus. Cf. 545 Ὁ 3, note;
822 ὁ 6, note ; Diels, op. cit. 69 ‘ Ex Areii autem Didymi Epitomis
etiam (Eus. P. E.) xv. 15. 18-20 de Stoicorum physicis amplae et
probae eclogae servantur.’

Ὁ 2 ἐξαιθεροῦσθαι. Cf. Plut. Mor. 922 B (ἀὴρ) ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς
ἐξαιθερωθείς.

Ὁ 5 οὐσίας, ‘substance.’ Cf. Diog. L. vii. 150 οὐσίαν δέ φασι τῶν
ὄντων ἁπάντων τὴν πρώτην ὕλην. Zeller, Stoics, 101, note; Hatch,
Hibbert Lect. 19, note,

6 2 τῆς μεγίστης. This is the reading of all the MSS., for
which Diels would substitute ras μεγίστας, but the alteration is
unnecessary, though not otherwise objectionable.

ἃ 3 διάδοχον τῆς σχολῆς Ζήνωνα. Zeno of Citium, the founder
of the Stoic sect, was succeeded by Chrysippus, and he by the
younger Zeno, a native of Tarsus, and son of Dioscorides.

19] ἁ 5-836 ἃ 8 Ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον... ἀνημμένον. Cod. I omits this
and all the following extracts from Areius Didymus, Longinus, and
Plotinus.

§30

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 15-20 820 d

ἃ 5 ὃ κοινὸς λόγος, καὶ κοινὴ φύσις. Cf. Plut. Repugn. Stoic.
1050 A ὅτι δ᾽ ἡ κοινὴ φύσις καὶ ὁ κοινὸς τῆς φύσεως λόγος Εἷμαρ-
μένη καὶ Πρόνοια καὶ Ζεύς ἐστιν, οὐδὲ τοὺς ἀντίποδας λέληθεν.
Zeller, Outlines, 240; Stoics, 148 (note 2), 152. Diels reads
(ἡ) κοινὴ φύσις, but the second article is unnecessary as the
two nouns are referred to the same subject. See Middleton,
Gr. Art. 56.

821 ἃ 3 ἐνιαυτὸν τὸν μέγιστον. On the various opinions of the
length of the cosmical year see 849 ὁ 6.

ἃ 4 ἀποκατάστασις. Zeller, Outlines, 69 ‘As the world arose
from the primitive fire, so, when the cosmical year has run
its course, it will return to primitive fire again, by means of
conflagration.’ Cf. 676 Ὁ, c.

& 7 τῆς ἀρχῆς αἰτίαν καὶ πᾶσιν. For this Diels reads from con-
jecture τῆς οὐσίας ἀρχὴν xdvdravow, and adds: ‘correxi inse-
quentis enuntiati sententia ductus.’ The sense would then be
‘it is not possible that there should be a beginning and a cessa-
tion of substance (or being), nor of that which administers it
(airjv).’ But the alterations seem to be unnecessary: καὶ πᾶσιν
and αὐτά yield a good sense: ‘it is not possible that all things
should have a cause either of their beginning or of their organizer,’
because the ‘ cause’ would be included in the “ all.’

Ὁ 4 ἀγενήτον. ‘Nisi plura interciderunt, scribendum videtur
ἀγενήτου κἀν τῷ κόσμῳ évdéor’ (Diels).

20] ο: Τὸ δὲ σπέρμα φησὶν ὁ Ζήνων. Cf. Theodoret. Gr. Af.
Cur. 73. 40 Ζήνων δὲ 6 Κιτιεὺς x.7.A.; Diels, 470, Proleg. 47;
Hermes Trismeg. ap. Stob. Ecl. Phys. i. 35 (741).

C 4 ἔχον yap τοὺς λόγους τῷ ὅλῳ τοὺς αὐτούς, i.e. the generative
laws of the universe. Cf. Diog. L. vii. 73 (148) ἔστι δὲ φύσις ἕξις
ἐξ αὑτῆς κινουμένη κατὰ σπερματικοὺς λόγους.

6 6 συμφνυές, ‘grown into one with it.’ Cf. Aristot. Gen.
An. ii. 4. 2 τὰ δὲ ζῳογονοῦντα ἐν αὐτοῖς τὰ τέλεια τῶν ζῴων, μέχρι
περ ἂν οὗ γεννήσῃ ζῷον καὶ θύραζε ἐκπέμψῃ, ἔχει συμφνὲς ἐν αὑτῷ
τὸ γιγνόμενον ζῷον.

ἃ 1 κρυφθέν τε φύει. Usener conjectures κρύφα ἐπισχύει, but for
the intransitive φύει cf. Hom. Jl. vi. 149 ὡς ἀνδρῶν γενεὴ ἡ μὲν
φύει, ἡ δ᾽ ἀπολήγει. For κρυφθέν Diels conjectures κερασθέν, but the
change is unnecessary.

ἃ 9 Ποταμοῖσι τοῖσιν αὐτοῖσι. Herac. Fr. 42 (Bywater), 22

Mm 2 531

821 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

(Mullach), Diog. L. ix. 6 (8), Sext. Emp. Hyp. Pyrrh. iii. 115
τὸν δὲ Ἡράκλειτον ὀξείᾳ ποταμοῦ ῥύσει τὴν εὐκινησίαν τῆς ἡμετέρας
ὕλης ἀπεικάζειν. ᾿

ἃ 10 ᾿Αναθυμίασιν. Cf. Aristot. De An.i. 2. 19 καὶ Ἡράκλειτος
δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶναί φησι ψνχήν, εἴπερ THY ἀναθυμίασιν ἐξ ἧς τἄλλα
συνίστησιν.

822 a1 τυποῦσθαι. Diels refers to Diog. L. vii. 46, where we
read τὴν δὲ φαντασίαν εἶναι τύπωσιν ἐν ψυχῇ, τοῦ ὀνόματος οἰκείως
μετενηνεγμένου ἀπὸ τῶν τύπων τῶν ἐν τῷ κηρῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ δακτυλίου
γενομένων.

8 3 ὑπαρχόντων. Cf. Diog. L. ibid. καταληπτεικὴν μὲν (φαντα-
σίαν), ἣν κριτήριον εἶναι τῶν πραγμάτων φασί, τὴν γενομένην ἀπὸ
ὑπάρχοντος κατ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ ὑπάρχον ἐναπεσφραγισμένην καὶ ἐναπομεμαγ-
μένην.

c 6 On Areius Didymus see 545 b 3, note, and Diels, Proleg.
87 ‘ Didymus legitimum nomen, “Apews patris adscitum cognomen
videtur, ... At repugnat Etymologic. M. 139. 1 “Apecos 6 ᾿Αλεξαν-
Spevs φιλόσοφος ἐν ἑορτῇ “Apeos ἐτέχθη: διὸ οὕτως ὠνόμασται.᾽ Cf.
Tertull. De An. 54.

6 8 Dionysius Cassius Longinus, the famous critic and Plato-

nist, was put to death by the Emperor Aurelian at Palmyra in
A.D. 273. The extract is from his treatise On the Soul, which
probably represents the opinions of his teacher Ammonius Saccas.
See Zeller, Outlines, 328.
21) 8238 82 τὴν τῶν στοιχείων αἰτίαν. I have not found this
phrase elsewhere. We may compare it with the κοσμικὴ αἰτία of
Plotinus ἔπη. iii. 1. 8, or the αἰτία πρωτουργός of the same passage,
which he identifies with ψυχή. Cf. 825 Ὁ 7 εἴπερ λόγος προσελθὼν
τῇ ὕλῃ σῶμα ποιεῖ, οὐδαμόθεν 5 ἂν προσέλθοι λόγος, ἢ παρὰ
ψυχῆς; 826 ὁ 3 ὡς δεῖ τι πρὸ τῶν σωμάτων εἶναι κρεῖττον αὐτῶν ψυχῆς
εἶδος.

Ὁ 5 τριπόδων. Cf. Hom. Il. xviii. 373

‘Him swelt’ring at his forge she found, intent
On forming twenty tripods, which should stand
The wall surrounding of his well-built house;
With golden wheels beneath he furnish’d each,
And to th’ assembly of the Gods endued
With power to move spontaneous, and return,
A marvel to behold.’ (Derby.)

532

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 20--22 823 b

θεραπαινῶν, ibid. 417

‘There waited on their king th’ attendant maids;

In form as living maids, but wrought in gold;
Instinct with consciousness, with voice endued,

And strength and skill from heav’nly teachers drawn.
These waited duteous at the Monarch’s side.’ (Derby.)

Ὁ 9 ψηγμάτων, ‘scrapings,’ equivalent to ξύσματα, the word
which Aristotle (De An. i. 2. 3) uses in comparing the atoms to
‘the so-called motes in the air, which are seen in the rays passing
through windows.’

καὶ αὖ. At this point there seems to be, as Toup suggested,
some omission in the text. The general sense seems to be as
follows: ‘Can atoms beget wisdom? No, they have as little
power as stones on the seashore to produce sensation.’
22] 824 ἃ 3 ἅπερ ἐστὶν αὐτός, i.e. the soul is the true man.

Ὁ 9 ὄγκοις. On this name for the atoms see 773 Ὁ 9.

ἃ 7 ἤτοι ἑκάτερον αὐτῶν, ἣ ἕκαστον. On the exact meaning and
use οὗ ἑκάτερον, and its difference from ἕκαστον, see Schweighiuser’s
excellent note in the Lexicon Polybtanum.

825 ὁ 2 ὁμοιοπαθείᾳ. The reading in Plotinus ὁμοπαθείᾳ is sus-
pected by Creuzer, who seems to prefer ὁμοιοπκαθείᾳ (Eus. codd.).
Cf. Wyttenbach, Plut. Mor. 72 B ὁμοιοπαθεῖν. Quomodo differant
huius loci verba in promptu est attendenti: ὁμοιοπαθεῖν est
similiter affici, tisdem affectibus praeditum esse, idque huic loco
magis convenit quam ὁμοπαθεῖν, quod est simul et eodem modo
atque alium afficit. ὋὉμοιοπάθεια occurs in Plut. Mor. 51 B and
several other places.

τῇ παραθέσει may mean either ‘by comparison with other
cases,’ i.e. ‘by analogy,’ or ‘by juxtaposition,’ as in 833 ἃ 1 Οὐ
γὰρ κατὰ μεγάλα μέρη παραλλὰξ ἡ κρᾶσις" (οὕτω γάρ φασι παράθεσιν
ἔσεσθαι") διεληλυθὸς δὲ διὰ παντός, κιτ.λ.

9 4 ψυχὴ δὲ αὑτῇ συμπαθής. Cf. Aristot. Problem. v. 22 ἐὰν οὖν
τι πονήσῃ μέρος, εὐθὺς συμπονεῖ τὸ ὅλον. So Cudworth, Immut.
Moral. ii calls sense ‘a compassion of the soul with its own
body,’ and Intell, Syst. iii, 390 speaks of Plotinus as insisting
upon ‘that συμπάθεια or ὁμοπάθεια which is in all animals.’ This
ὁμοπάθεια corresponds to the Gemeingefuhl or organic feelings of the
Sympathetic system, on which see Lotze, Microcosm, i. 6 (131-3),
and the note on 829 b 2.

§33

825d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ἃ 6 Ei δὲ πάθημα τῆς ὕλης The allusion is to the opinions
of ‘Dicaearchus and his fellow-student Aristoxenus, the former
of whom seems never to have suffered pain, since he does not feel
that he has a soul, while the latter is so enamoured of his musical
notes, that he tries to transfer them to this subject also’ (Cic.
Tusc. Disp. i. 18). Cf. Plat. Phaed.g2 A, B. The opinions of
Dicaearchus and Aristoxenus are described by Lactantius, Die.
Instit. vii. 13.

826 Ὁ 1 σώματος συνέρξε.. Cf. Plat. Tim. 18 D τῶν γάμων
ξύνερξιν.

Ὁ 2 ἀέρι καὶ πνεύματι. Cf. Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 9 ‘ Animum autem
alii animam, ut fere nostri declarant nomine: nam et agere
animam, et eflare dicimus ’ (Creuzer).

C1 ἐν τοῖς ὅλοις. The plural ra ὅλα is very commonly used in
the same sense as τὸ ὅλον, ‘the universe.’ Cf. 818 a 1, Ὁ 1;
820 c 3,d 4; Xen. Cyr. viii. 7. 22 ot καὶ τήνδε τὴν τῶν ὅλων τάξιν
συνέχουσιν. But in Plut. Mor. 1080 E τὸ μήτε ὅλοις ὅλων ἁφὴν
εἶναι, μήτε μέρεσι μερῶν, and Chrys. ap. Stob. Ecl. Phys. i. 8. 41
[260] rd τε ὅλα καὶ τὰ μέρη τὰ αὐτῶν, the whole bodies are distin-
guished from their parts. Here the context, Ὁ 3 τεμνομένων τῶν
πάντων σωμάτων, points to the latter sense ‘the wholes.’ Cf,
835 Ὁ 5.

C 4 ἔννουν. Anaximenes said that air, and Heracleitus that fire,
was the primordial element. Compare 748 c,d. On Anaximenes
see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 266, and on Heracleitus ii. 20.

ἃ 5 τί τὸ πολυθρύλητον αὐτοῖς “πως ἔχον. This is corrupted in
the MSS. of Eusebius into τὸ δὲ πολυθρύλητον αὐτοῖς πῶς ἔχει ;

ἃ 6 πως ἔχον. ‘In these words he seems to allude to that
fourth nameless (ἀκατονόμαστον) principle which the Epicureans
used in describing the soul, ... or to the τρόπον τινά of Chrysippus
the Stoic on the same subject’ (Creuzer). Cf. Plut. De Place.
Philos. iv. 3. 898 Ὁ Ἐπίκουρος κρᾶμα ἐκ τεσσάρων, ἐκ ποιοῦ
πυρώδους, ἐκ ποιοῦ ἀερώδους, ἐκ ποιοῦ πνευματικοῦ": ἐκ τετάρτου τινὸς
ἀκατονομάστου, ὃ ἦν αὐτοῖς αἰσθητικόν. De Repugn. Stoic. 1053 B
διόλου μὲν γὰρ ὧν ὃ κόσμος πυρώδης εὐθὺς καὶ ψυχή ἐστιν ἑαυτοῦ
καὶ ἡγεμονικόν: ὅτε δὲ μεταβαλὼν εἴς τε τὸ ὑγρὸν καὶ τὴν ἐναπο-
λειφθεῖσαν ψυχήν, τρόπον τινὰ εἰς σῶμα καὶ ψυχὴν μεταβάλλων, ὥστε
συνεστάναι ἐκ τούτων, ἄλλον τινὰ ἔσχε λόγον.

828 a 4 ψυχώσεται. Jelf, Gk. Gr. 364 a. Obs. ‘The future

534

BOOK XV. CHAP, 22 828 a

middle is sometimes used passively especially in Attic Greek: ...
the receptive reflexive form being used for the passive recep-
tive form, which when considered only as receptive (Bernhardy,
Synt. 341) differ but little.’

Ὁ 4 μεριζομένου. Creuzer, Annot. ‘dedi ex plurimis libris
μεριζόμενον : natura autem corporis aliquid est quod in plura
distribuatur.’ Volkmann has μεριζομένου, which seems to give
the simpler construction.

ἃ 4 ἐκ συνόδου μιᾶς. Cf. Aristot. De Gen. An. iv. 4. 2 sqq.

829 a5 “Arocoy. Cf. Cyrill. Adv. Iulian. x. 334 τὸ θεῖον...
ἄποσον καὶ ἀμέγεθες.

οἱ λόγοι, ‘the laws οὗ the soul.’ Cf. 821 ὁ 4, note.

Ὁ 2 τῷ αὐτῷ παντὸς ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. On this unity of the
sentient power see Lotze, Microcosm, i. 152 ‘We must single out
as the decisive fact of experience, that compels us in the ex-
planation of mental life to put in the place of matter an im-
material form of being as the subject of phenomena, that Unity
of Consciousness without which the sum total of our internal
states could not even become the object of our self-observation.’
Cf. 158 ‘And of this consciousness, of this general capacity that
makes the appearance of anything possible, we maintain that it
can be an attribute only of the indivisible unity of one being.’
Cic. Tusc. Disp. i, 20 ‘Quid, quod eadem mente res dissimillimas
comprendimus, ut colorem, saporem, calorem, odorem, sonum, quae
numquam quinque nuntiis animus cognosceret, ntsi ad eum omnia
referrentur, et is omnium iudex solus esset?’ Cf. 825 ὁ 4, note.

Ὁ 2 τὸ ἀντιλαμβανόμενον εἶναι ἦν ὄντως. Cf. Lotze, 135 ‘If the
soul, even if but rarely, but to a limited extent, nay but once,
be capable of bringing together variety into the unity of con-
sciousness, this slender fact is sufficient to render imperative an
inference to the indivisibility of the being by which this opera-
tion can be performed.’ On the supposed divisibility of the soul
in some of the lower animals, as a polyp, see Lotze, i. 153 f., 337 f.

ἃ 3 ὥστε ἄλλο ἄλλου μέρος, καὶ (pdtv) ἡμῶν κιτιλ, ‘Itaque
pars alia sentiet aliam, nihilque in nobis sentiendam rem totam
percipiet’ (Ficinus). Plotinus is here speaking of very large
objects (ra μέγιστα). If the sentient faculty had parts and
magnitude, these large objects would be presented to it, part
corresponding to part (συμμερίζοιτο dv), and thus different parts

§35

829 ἁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

of the sentient faculty would perceive different parts of the
object, and nothing in us (i.e. no part of the sentient faculty)
would perceive the sensible object as a whole. The various
readings ἄλλον (Creuzer, Volkmann), μηδένα (Eus. codd., Volk-
mann), by introducing several persons destroy the sense of the
passage, which is intended to prove the unity of the sentient
faculty in each one. Cf. Aristot. De An, i. 3.15 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν
ov καλῶς τὸ λέγειν τὴν ψυχὴν μέγεθος εἶνα. Cudworth, Jnéell.
Syst. iii. 388.

830 0 2 δάκτυλον. Like ‘digitus’ and ‘ doigt’ δάκτυλος means
either ‘finger’ or ‘toe’: Aristot. Part. Anim, iv. 10. 64 τὸ τῶν
δακτύλων δὴ μέγεθος ἐναντίως ἔχει ἐπί τε τῶν ποδῶν καὶ τῶν χειρῶν.
See 830 ἃ 7, note.

C 4 τὸ ἡγεμονοῦν. Cf. Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 11. 29 ‘ Princi-
patum autem id dico, quod Graeci ἡγεμονικόν vocant.’

Ὁ 5 τοῦ πνεύματος. On this meaning of πνεῦμα cf. Cudworth,
Intell. Syst. iii. 270, where he speaks of ‘the animal spirits
diffused from the brain by the nerves throughout this whole
(spirituous or airy) body.’

6 7 Διαδόσει. Cf. Plot. Enn. iv. 2. 2 οὐ yap δή, ὅπερ ἀπατῶντες
éavrovs λέγουσιν, ὡς διαδόσει ἐπὶ τὸ ἡγεμονοῦν ἴασιν ai αἰσθήσεις,
“παραδεκτέον.

ἃ 7 ταρσός, ἃ broad flat surface, as of the sole of the foot:
cf. Hom. Jl. xi. 377 ταρσὸν δεξιτεροῖο ποδός. It is also used of the
‘palm’ of the hand (L. and Sc. Lez.), and should not have been
translated ‘ wrist’ (καρπός).

881 a5 τὸ αἰσθανόμενον. Viger here rejects the active sense,
which is rightly maintained by Creuzer and Cudworth.

& 6 πανταχοῦ αὐτὸ ἑαυτῷ τὸ αὐτὸ εἶναι. Cudworth, iii. 390
‘Since therefore these sympathetic senses cannot possibly be
made by traduction at last to one thing; and body being bulky
or out-swelling extension, one part thereof suffering, another
cannot perceive it (for in all magnitude this is one thing, and that
another), it followeth, that what perceives in us must be every -
where, and in all parts of the body, one and the same thing with
itself. Which therefore cannot be itself body, but must of neces-
sity be some other entity or substance incorporeal.’

Ὁ 7 νοητῶν δὲ ἡ νόησις. Cf. Cudworth, iii. 390 ‘ Lastly, the fore-
mentioned philosopher endeavours yet further to prove the human

536

BOOK XV. CHAP. 22 831 b

soul to be unextended and devoid of magnitude, and indivisible,
from its rational energies or operations, its νοητῶν νοήσεις, and
ἀμεγέθων ἀντιλήψεις, “intellections of intelligibles,” and “ appre-
hensions of things devoid of magnitudes.”’...‘ For how could the
soul (saith he), if it were a magnitude, understand that which
hath no magnitude? And with that which is divisible conceive
what is indivisible ἢ

G2 μέρει τινὶ ἀμερεῖ atrov. An indivisible atom is not a body,
but body is made up of such parts.

C3 Ov yap δὴ. .. ἕν τι. The connexion of this sentence with
the previous argument is not very evident. Οὐ yap δή seems to dis-
miss an alternative, namely, that the whole body might be the perci-
pient: ‘ For of course the whole body is not used to touch,’ and it is
only by touch (if at all) that body could be thought to perceive.

Ὁ 5 τὰς πρώτας νοήσεις. By ‘ first notions’ the author seems to
mean abstract or general concepts, which cannot strictly be called
‘ first,’ being obtained by abstraction from individual things.

CG 6 αὐτὸ éxdorov. This should be written as one word. Cf.
Aristot. Eth. Nic. i. 6. 5 ‘Now one might be puzzled to say what
they mean by an “ absolute ” thing (αὐτοέκαστον).᾽ See Grant’s note.

Ὁ 7 τῶν ἐν ὕλῃ εἰδῶν, i.e. the concrete individual, constituted
by matter and form.

ἃ 8 δικαιοσύνη. ‘All that follows in Eusebius from the word
δικαιοσύνη to the end of the chapter is not to be found in Plotinus,
nor in the Latin versions of Hopper and Ficinus. Nevertheless
it agrees with the genius of Plotinus, is most suitably connected
with the preceding context, and acknowledged by the MSS. of
the Royal Library (Paris) and of Montaigut (Puy de Déme).
Certainly the passages which follow δικαιοσύνη in Plotinus have
no sense either in their language or their termination. Thus
Eusebius by this noble fragment will make a return with interest
for what he has so far borrowed from Plotinus’ (Viger). ‘If the
author of the passage be Plotinus, to whom must we impute the
mutilation of the work of Plotinus? Whether to Porphyry, whom
we brought under suspicion of a similar dishonesty on p. 364 D?
Or to the scribes? This is more probable, because in some MSS.
of the Enneads of Plotinus the whole passage is found. However
this may be, we have thought it right to insert the passage in
this place, from Eus. and our MSS. ’ (Creuzer).

537

832 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

832 a1 Plat. Phaed. 96 B ‘ Whether it is the blood which is
the vehicle of thought, or the air, or fire,’ &c. Cf. Kiihner, Cic.
Tusc. Disp. i. 19 ‘Empedocles animum esse censet cordi suffusum
sanguinem. The line of Empedocles in which this opinion is
expressed is preserved in Stobaeus, Hcl. Phys. ii. 1026, ed. Heeren:

αἷμα yap ἀνθρώποις περικάρδιόν ἐστι νόημα.
Cic. ibid. ‘ Animum autem alii animam, ut fere nostri declarant
nomine.’ ‘ Diogenes of Apollonia said the soul was dry hot air

. ἄνθρωπος yap καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ζῷα ἀναπνέοντα ζώει τῷ ἀέρι, καὶ τοῦτο
αὐτοῖσι καὶ ψυχή ἐστι καὶ νόησις. Archer-Hind, Plat. Phaed.
96 Β.

a 6 ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὖν. ‘Ody, according to both MSS., not οὐ, as for-
merly’ (Viger). In Plotinus 462 A, Cod. Marc. has ot, which
gives an interrogative sense: ‘ Nay, does it not on the contrary
want to enjoy,’ &c.

& 8 ψύχεος ἱμερε. Cf. Hom. Od. x. 555 ψύχεος ἱμείρων κατε-
λέξατο (Viger).

ἃ 7 ὥσπερ τὴν ὕλην. The Stoics regarded matter taken by
itself as without qualities (ὕλη ἄποιος), and derived all qualities
from the rational power (λόγος) which pervades them. See
Zeller quoted below, 833 d, note.

833 a1 κερματιζομένου. Compare Gregory of Nyssa, De Anima
(Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, v. 438): ‘This intelligent
essence of the soul is observable in the concourse of the atoms,
and does not undergo division when they are dissolved; but it
remains with them, and even in their separation it is co-extensive
with them, yet not itself dissolved nor discounted (κατακερμα-
τίζεται) into sections to accord with the number of the atoms.’

& 2 ἡ αὐτὴ ὅλη ποιότης μένε. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 239 ‘In
order to be able to explain ... the fact that the soul permeates
the body through its whole extent, and the properties of things
the things to which they belong, the Stoics, in their doctrine of
the κρᾶσις δι’ ὅλων, denied the impenetrability of bodies. They
maintained that one body could penetrate another in all its parts
without becoming one material with it. Yet, in spite of their
materialism, the Stoics distinguished between the material and
the forces at work in it. The first taken by itself they regarded
as without properties, and derived all properties of things from
the rational power (λόγος) which penetrates them.’

538

BOOK XV. CHAP. 22 834 a

884 ἃ. 2 στομωθεῖσαν, ‘sharpened’ or ‘hardened.’ Cf. Aristoph.

Nub. 1108

εὖ pot στομώσεις αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μὲν θάτερα

οἵαν δικιδίοις, τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέραν αὐτοῦ γνάθον

στόμωσον οἵαν ἐς τὰ μείζω πράγματα.
Chrysippus is quoted word for word by Plutarch, De Repugn.
Stoic. 1052 F as saying that ‘the child is nourished in the womb
naturally, just as a plant: but after it is born, the breath being
cooled by the air and sharpened (στομούμενον) undergoes a change,
and it becomes a living being: whence not inappropriately the
soul is called ψυχήν because of the cooling (ψῦξιν).᾽

&7 ἣν λέγουσιν ew. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 243 (By the Stoics)
‘the whole realm of nature is divided into four classes; which
are distinguished in such a manner that inorganic things are
kept together by a simple ἕξις, plants by φύσις, animals by a soul,
men by a rational soul.’

b 1 φύσιν throughout this passage seems to mean no more than
vegetative nature, growth.

Ὁ 4 μὴ ὄντος πρότερον τοῦ ἐνεργείᾳ. ‘We may follow the logical
order of the question according to Aristotle, and ask which exists
first, the δύναμις or the ἐνέργεια ?

‘The answer is, that as a conception, in point of thought
(λόγῳ) the ἐνέργεια must necessarily be prior; in short, we know
nothing of the δύναμις, except from our knowledge of the ἐνέργεια.

‘In point of time (χρόνῳ) the case is different; each indi-
vidual creature exists first δυνάμει, afterwards ἐνεργείᾳ ᾽ (Grant,
Arist. Eth. i. 239).

ἃ 2 οἷον dppovia. On the theory that the soul is a kind of
harmony, see Plat. Phaed. 85 E ‘As, you know, one might apply
the same explanation to a harmony and a lyre and its strings,
and say that the harmony is a thing invisible and incorporeal
and eminently beautiful and divine in the tuned lyre, and yet
the lyre itself and its strings are bodies and corporeal and com-
posite and earthly and akin to what is mortal’ (Cope).

835 c 4 ἐν τοῖς (ὅλοις). Cf. 826 ¢ 1, note.

836 a 2 ἀπὸ τῆς Πλουτάρχου γραφῆς. Cf. Zeller, Outlines, 8
‘On Theophrastus’ History of Physics were founded, as Diels
has shown (Dowxogr. Gr., 1879), those reviews of the doctrines
of the various philosophers which Clitomachus (about 120 A.D.)

539

836 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

gave in connexion with the criticisms of Carneades, and
which seem to have formed the chief treasury of the later
Sceptics, the compilation of the Placita, which was made about
80—60 B.c. by an unknown author, and was already used by
Cicero and Varro (an epitome of it has been to a great extent
preserved in the Pseudo-Plutarchic Placita Philosophorum), the
Eclogues of Stobaeus, and Theodoret’s Ἑλληνικῶν παθημάτων
θεραπευτική, iv. 5 ff.’ On these extracts from Ps.-Plutarch, Diels
remarks (Proleg. 43) ‘ Accurate descripsit Eusebius, cuius capita
singula singulis Plutarchi capitibus ad sinistram adnotavi. Infra
discrepantiam quam ex Gaisfordii indigesta mole extricavi appo-
sitam habes. Quanta perversitate Eusebii illa editio conflata sit,
nolo conqueri. Accuratiora de codicibus infra Plutarchi Stro-
mateon fragmento praefatus docebo.’ This more accurate account
of ths MSS. of Eusebius is found Proleg. 159, and seems to be as
correct as it could possibly be made before the new collation of
codex O (Bononiensis) and other MSS.

23] bi ἁψῖδα. This is explained by Achilles Tatius (Diels,
348) as identical with πλήμνη, the ‘nave’ of a wheel (Hom.
fl. v. 726). But Stobaeus, Ecl. Phys. i. 524, substitutes περι-
φέρειαν for ἁψῖδα. Diels also takes ais to mean the circumference,
Proleg. 25 ‘Sicut enim ex curvatura rotae radii medium petunt,
ita solis flammae ex interiore circuli parte per unum foramen
erumpunt, et per magni circum spiracula mundi ignes intus re-
clusos in terram versus efflant.’ Ibid. note 2, ‘Lucret. vi. 493,
ipsius Anaximandri doctrinam opinor explicans.’

Ὁ 3 πρηστῆρος, ‘ bellows.’ Cf. Apoll. Rh. iv. 773

δεύτερα δ᾽ εἰς Ἥφαιστον ἐβήσατο' παῦσε δὲ τόν ye
ῥίμφα σιδηρείων τυπίδων: ἔσχοντο δ᾽ ἀϊτμῆς
αἰθαλέοι πρηστῆρες.

Cf. Diels, Proleg. 26.

Ὁ 4 τῶν συναθροιζομένων. Between these words the MSS. of
Eusebius interpolate φαινομένων, which Diels (Proleg. 8) supposes
to have been written above συναθροιζομένων by some one who
disliked the repetition of the same verb in the next line.

Ὁ 5 ἐκ νεφῶν πεπυρωμένων. So all the MSS. of Eusebius write :
but ἣ ἐκ νεφῶν πεπυρωμένων (Ps.-Plut.) is confirmed by the
comment of Achilles (ap. Diels) 4 νέφος πεπυρωμένον. Cf. Zeller,
Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 512, note.

540

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 22-26 836 b

Ὁ 7 Of Srvixot ἄναμμα νοερὸν ἐκ θαλάττης. This opinion is
ascribed by Stobaeus, Ecl. Phys. i. 526, in the same words to
Heracleitus and Hecataeus.

6 3 διηθοῦντα, literally, ‘ filtering it through,’ i. 6. by refraction.
From the application of this term and of ἀνάκλασις to the same
phenomenon it would seem that the writer did not clearly
distinguish between reflexion and refraction.

Ο 4 adore προσεοικέναι. The text of the following passage in
Plutarch (Diels, Dozogr. Gr.) is very different: ὥστε προσεοικέναι ἡλίῳ
τὸ ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ πυρῶδες, τό τε δὴ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πυρῶδες καὶ ἐσοπτροειδές,
καὶ τρίτον τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐνόπτρου κατ᾽ ἀνάκλασιν διασπειρομένην πρὸς
ἡμᾶς αὐγήν, ‘so that the fiery matter in the heaven is like a sun,
and also the fiery reflexion from it as in a mirror, and thirdly the
light which comes to us dispersed by reflexion from the mirror.’
Stobaeus also allows a possibility of three suns, but in rather
different language.

6 7 On this doctrine of Empedocles see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
ii. 156 ‘He agreed with the Pythagoreans in supposing the sun
to be of a vitreous nature, probably as large as the earth, which,
like a burning-glass, collects and reflects the rays of fire from the
bright hemisphere surrounding it.’

ἃ 1 τεταγμένον, omitted in Eusebius, is a genuine part of the
text in Plutarch and Stobaeus: ‘ always situated opposite to its
own reflexion.’

ἃ 5. For ‘Os δὲ βραχέως εἰρῆσθαι [συντεμόντα], which gives no
proper construction, read συντεμόντι. For the passive compare
Plato, Protag. 309 A ὥς γ᾽ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἡμῖν εἰρῆσθαι, 339 E ὥς ye πρὸς
σὲ εἰρῆσθαι τἀληθῆ. But the combination of the participle with
the passive is unusual.

44] 887 8 2 πνοήν. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. 252. The
meaning of the passage is explained by 836 b 2.

& 5 εὖρος ποδὸς dvOpwreiov. Part of one of the verses in which
the followers of Heracleitus tried to give clearer expression to the
views of the Master (Diels, Proleg. 221).

25] b 4 ὑπόκυρτον. Cf. L. and Sc. Lex. ‘rather gibbous or
humped,’ which is the meaning of ἐπίκυρτος. The two compounds
seem to mean respectively ‘concave ’ and ‘convex’: though ὑπό-
κυρτος might possibly mean ‘slightly curved’ as in Latin subcurvus.
26] ἃ 4 μίαν ἐκπνοήν. Compare the description of the sun in

541

837d THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

536 Ὁ 2 (διὰ στομίου), and 848 Ὁ 5 τοῦ στομίου τοῦ περὶ τὸν τροχὸν
ἐπιφραττομένου.

ἃ 8 γεώδους is a corruption either οὗ πυρώδους (Plut.), or
perhaps of πυρὸς καὶ γεώδους (Galen. ap. Diels, 627. 14).

ἃ 12 κατοπτροειδές, Plut., Stobaeus: the text of Eus. BIO, xara
τὸ πυροειδές, is an evident corruption.

30] 888 ἃ 7 ἐξανέθλιψεΞ The double compound is hardly to be
found elsewhere: ἐκθλίβω occurs frequently, as in 840 a 6, b 9.

κατὰ τὴν πρώτην διάκρισιν. On this first separation of the
elements as conceived by Empedocles see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos.
ii, 154.

839 a ‘Avagaydpas. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 354.

a 8 τῷ κρυστάλλῳ, ‘the crystalline sphere’: cf. 845 Ὁ 3 Ἔμπε-
δοκλῆς στερέμνιον εἶναι τὸν οὐρανόν, ἐξ᾽ ἀέρος συμπαγέντος ὑπὸ τοῦ
πυρὸς κρυσταλλοειδῶς.

b 1 κόλλης, ‘glue.’ Cf. Hdt. ii 86 (in his description of
embalming) ὑποχρίοντες τῷ κόμμι (Gum), τῷ δὴ ἀντὶ κόλλης τὰ πολλὰ
χρέωνται Αἰγύπτιοι.

b 7 ἀέρα τε καὶ αἰθέρα (Plut.). The words ἀέρα τε καί are
omitted in Eusebius, but Diels thinks that καὶ αἰθέρα was a
various reading for ἀέρα re, and that the original text of Aétius
Was καὶ ἀέρα ἐν τῷ ἀπείρῳ αἰθέρι.

ΟἿΣ ἐχόμενος τοῦ ἐνδεχομένου, ‘holding fast to his “possibly.” ?
On the indifference of Epicurus in regard to physical speculations
see Diog. L. x. 78 ἔτι τε καὶ τὸ πλεοναχῶς ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις εἶναι
καὶ τὸ ἐνδεχομένως καὶ ἄλλως πως ἔχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπλῶς μὴ εἶναι ἐν
ἀφθάρτῳ καὶ μακαρίᾳ φύσει τῶν διάκρισιν ὑποβαλλόντων κιτιλ. Cf.
Zeller, Epicureans, xvii. 435.

91] σὴ τῷ κρυσταλλοειδεῖ. Cf. 839 8 8 τῷ κρυστάλλῳ, note.
92] ἃ 1 περικεκλασμένῳ, literally ‘twisted round,’ ‘rounded? ;
cf. 840 Ὁ 3 περιεκλᾶτο, Ὁ 4 κατὰ τὴν περίκλασιν.

840 8 5 εὐολίσθητα, ‘slippery,’ ‘easily moved.’ Cf. 382 a 3 ὅσα
κατ᾽ εἰρήνην εὐόλισθα εἰς κακίαν.

C5 πνευμάτων. The substitution in cod. Ο οὗ σωμάτων here
and αὐγάς ὁ 6 is described by Diels, Proleg. 161, as ‘scite ex-
cogitatum,’ but is not adopted by him.

ἃ 1 oréfa, ‘to hold’: cf. Plat. Rep. 621 A τὸν ᾿Αμέλητα
ποταμόν, οὗ τὸ ὕδωρ ἀγγεῖον οὐδὲν στέγειν. Eur. Iph. in Aul. 888
δάκρυόν 7° ὄμματ᾽ οὐκέτι στέγει.

548

BOOK XV. CHAPS, 26-33 840 d

ἃ 6 εἰ ἕνα τὸν κόσμον. From this point to 841 a 9 ἐνιαυτῶν
we have a series of the headings of chapters 38 to 54.

G7 τυγχάνει Θεοῦ Stocxovpevos. In the various reading τυχὸν
διοικοῦντος BI, and from this point onwards through several
pages, the dependence of I on B is very marked, as was the case
in Books i and ii, where cod. I is written by the same earlier
hand. Cf. Praef. xix.

841 Ὁ 2 ἀποφάσεις (= ἀποφάνσεις), ‘statements of opinion.’
Cf. 19 ¢ 2.

Ὁ 10 περὶ τῶν προσγειοτέρων. These matters are the subjects of
chapters 55 to 59.

6 4 μετεώρων καὶ perapoiwy. Of the two words the latter
implies the greater height: cf. Cic. Academ. ii. 127 ‘ cogitantes-
que supera atque caelestia &c.,’ ‘meditating on things high and
heavenly.’

9 ὅσα περὶ ψυχῆς. Cf. chapters 60, 61.

99] ἃ 7 Πλάτων δέ. Diels, Proleg. 59, argues that this criticism
of Plato is not part of the Placita Philosophorum, but proceeds
from some Epicurean who was an eager advocate of the plurality
of worlds.

τεκμαίρεται τὸ δοκοῦν. Cf. Diels, ibid. ‘Adde insolentioris
orationis exempla, illic τὸ δοκοῦν quo Wyttenbachius immerito
offendebatur &c.’

ἃ 8 μὴ ἔσεσθαι τέλειον, ἐὰν μὴ πάντα ἐμπεριέχῃ. Cf. Plat. Tim.
33 A ἕνα ὅλον ὅλων ἐξ ἁπάντων τέλεον.

dg ἐὰν μὴ μονογενὴς ἧ. Cf. Plat. Tim. 31 Β εἷς ὅδε μονογενὴς
οὐρανὸς γεγονὼς ἔστι τε καὶ ἔσται, and ibid. 92 Ο εἷς οὐρανὸς ὅδε
μονογενὴς ὦν, the last words of the Timaeus.

842 a1 οὐδὲ yap τὰ πάντα περιέχε. This is a contradiction of
Plato’s notion in Tim. 33 B τῷ δὲ τὰ πάντ᾽ ἐν αὑτῷ ζῶα περιέχειν
μέλλοντι ζώῳ πρέπον ἂν εἴη σχῆμα τὸ περιειληφὸς ἐν αὑτῷ πάντα
ὁπόσα σχήματα. On this passage Viger proposes to read either
ὅτι τέλειος ὃ κόσμος εἰ καὶ μὴ πάντα περιέχει OF ov τέλειος ὃ κόσμος
ἐπεὶ (vel εἰ καὶ) πάντα περιέχει. But neither change is admissible.
Plato’s argument is syllogistic :— °

That which includes all things is perfect.
The world includes all things.
Therefore the world is perfect.
The opponent first denies the minor premiss, οὐδὲ yap ra πάντα

843

842 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

περιέχει : then shifting his ground he denies the major premiss
not directly but conversely—‘to include all things’ is not the
same as ‘to be perfect’; for man is perfect, though he does not
include all things.

8 2 καὶ πολλὰ παραδείγματά ἐστιν, a very feeble objection to
Plat. Tim. 28 C πρὸς πότερον τῶν παραδειγμάτων ὃ τεκταινόμενος
αὐτὸν ἀπειργάζετο... δῆλον ὡς πρὸς τὸ ἀΐδιον ἔβλεπεν.

8. 3 πῶς δὲ τέλειος, εἴπερ ἔξωθέν τι αὐτοῦ περιδινεῖσθαι δύναται ;
I do not know what statement of Plato is supposed to be refuted
here. In Tim. 34 B the body of the world is supposed to be both
wholly pervaded and wholly surrounded by soul. Perhaps there
is an allusion to Tim. 34 A κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐν ἑαυτῷ
περιαγαγὼν αὐτὸ ἐποίησε κύκλῳ κινεῖσθαι στρεφόμενον.

& γενητὸς ὦν. Cf. d 6, where we see that this was an
Epicurean dogma.

a 6 On Metrodorus see 24 d 12.

ἃ 8 δῆλον ἐκ τοῦ. Cf. Diels, Proleg. 35 ‘Maxime vero memora-
bile est hoc i. 5. 4 δῆλον ore ἐκ τοῦ ἄπειρα τὰ αἴτια εἶναι : sic B, totius
enunciati structura claudicante. Rectissime A (codex Mosquensis
339 [352]) cum vulgata ὅτι omisit, quod confirmat Stobaeus.
Tam confer Eusebiana δῆλον ὅτι ἄπειρα τὰ αἴτια εἶναι : nonne

ἐκ τοῦ
sponte emendati libri enitescit talis scriptura δῆλον ὅτι ἄπειρα

τὰ αἴτια εἶναι Ecce denuo ἀδιόρθωτον quod saepe dixi Eusebii
exemplar.’
34] b6 (Oi μὲν ἄλλοι... .). The whole sentence is omitted
in the MSS. of Eusebius, and supplied by Viger from Plutarch.

C 8 προηγουμένως, ‘by primary purpose.’ Cf. Theophr. Ign.
i. 14 ἀποκαίει yap οὕτω καὶ πέττει τὸ ψῦχος οὐ προηγουμένως ἀλλὰ
κατὰ συμβεβηκός.
97] 848 62 ἀρχή. ‘F G ingenione an meliore memoria fisi
incertum, verum ἀρχήν pro ἀρχή servarunt soli.’ Diels, Dor. Gr.
Proleg. 161. I think ἀρχή (BIO) is right. The well-known fact
is stated simply as a fact by the author, not as an argument used
by the physicists. Stobaeus has ἀρχή; so Wyttenbach.

ἃ τ For ὁρατὸν τὸν κόσμον, Eus., we should probably read, as in
Stobaeus, τὸν ὁρατὸν κόσμον.

ἃ 7 τῆς πυραμίδος. The term ‘ pyramid’ is here evidently con-
fined to the tetrahedron, contained by four, as the octahedron is

544

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 33-44 643 d

by eight, and the eicosahedron by twenty, equal and equilateral
triangles. The dodecahedron is contained by twelve equal,
equiangular and equilateral pentagons.
38] 844 b πάντα rus ἀλλήλων μεταλαμβάνει. Cf. Zeller,
Outlines, 23. 72 ‘ Neither of these four substances can pass over
into another, or combine with another to form a third; all mixture
of substances consists in small particles of them being mechanic-
ally assembled together; and the influence, which substantially
separated bodies exert on each other, is brought about by small
particles (ἀπορροαί) of one becoming detached and entering into
the pores of the other.’ See a more complete account of this
doctrine in the Pre-Socr. Philos. ii. 122-32, where the original
passages from the poem of Empedocles entitled void are
quoted.
39] c7 ras ἄρκτους. Ursa Maior and Ursa Minor. Cf. Plat.
Critias, 118 B ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων xardBoppos; Hom. Od. v. 272;
Verg. G. i. 246 ‘ Arctos Oceani metuentes aequore tingi.’
40] dr Plat. Tim. 58 A ἡ τοῦ παντὸς περίοδος .. . κενὴν χώραν
οὐδεμίαν ἐᾷ λείπεσθαι.

ἃ 2 ἐκτὸς εἶναι τοῦ κόσμου κενόν. Cf. Aristot. De Caelo, i. 9. 13
δῆλον ὅτι οὐδὲ τόπος οὐδὲ κενὸν οὐδὲ χρόνος ἐστὶν ἔξω τοῦ οὐρανοῦ.

G5 Ποσειδώνιος. This refers to a work of Poseidonius of
Apamea, a distinguished Stoic and friend of Pompey and Cicero.
41) 845 a1 Tiva δεξιὰ τοῦ κόσμου. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 2. 1
‘Since there are some who say that there is a right and a left side
of the heaven, as the so-called Pythagoreans (for this is their
argument), we must consider whether it is as they say, or rather
otherwise.’
42] b2 τὴν περιφορὰν τῆς ἔξωθεν ζώνης εἶναι. In Plut. De Plac.
Philos. 888 B the reading is τὴν περιφορὰν τὴν ἐξωτάτω γηΐνην,
and the same words are found in the work De Hist. Philos. 12,
attributed to Galen, which is a reproduction of the De Placitis,
with slight alterations. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 274, note 1,
says: ‘The Pseudo-Galen here seems to give the original reading.’
The meaning of the sentence will then be that ‘the outermost
circumference of the heaven is of earth,’ i.e. solid.
44) do ἄμορφον, ἀνείδεον. Cf. Stob. Eel. i. 310 τῆς δὲ γῆς καὶ
τοῦ ὕδατός ἐστί τινα πρότερον ἐξ ὧν γέγονεν, ὕλη ἄμορφος καὶ ἀνείδεος.
On Aristotle’s distinction between μορφή and εἶδος see De Caelo,

oe Nop 545

$45 ἃ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

ig. 1 ἕτερόν ἐστιν αὐτὴ καθ᾽ αὑτὴν ἡ μορφή, καὶ μεμιγμένη μετὰ τῆς
ὕλης, οἷον τῆς σφαίρας ἕτερον τὸ εἶδος καὶ ἡ χρυσῆ καὶ ἡ χαλκῇ σφαῖρα
κιτιλ.

G11 δεξαμενὴν δὲ τῶν εἰδῶν. Matter is potentially a ‘ receptacle’
of any form.

ἐκμαγεῖον καὶ μητέρα. Cf. Tim. Locr. 94 A τὰν δ᾽ ὕλαν ἐκμα-
γεῖον καὶ ματέρα τιθάναν τε καὶ γεννατικὰν εἶναι τᾶς τρίτας οὐσίας.
See the notes on 333 a 9- 5.
45] 846 a 5 ὑφεστῶσα 10, μὴ ὑφεστῶσα FG, ‘quod frustra
tuebatur Wyttenbach ’ (Diels, 308). ‘In codice C nullum interpo-
lationis vestigium inveni; complura in recentioribus FG: male
enim correctum est i. 10. 1 (846 ἃ 5) μὴ ὑφεστῶσα ᾿ (idem,
Proleg. 161).

a 6 cixovifovaa. Cf. 843 d 1 γεγονέναι πρὸς παράδειγμα τοῦ

νοητοῦ κόσμου.
46] ο 1 Ἐενοκράτης. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 573 ‘Of
the physical propositions attributed to Xenophanes some, it is
certain, do not belong to him’; (note 1) ‘for instance, the state-
ment of the Pseudo-Galen (H. Phil. xiii) that Xenophanes believed
all the orbits of the stars to lie in the same plane; in regard to
@ passage where Stob. i. 514 and Plut. Plac. ii. 15 have more
correctly Xenocrates instead of Xenophanes.’

C πρῶτον Paivovra. Cf. Aristot. De Mundo, ii. 9 ὃ τοῦ

Paivovros ἅμα καὶ Κρόνου καλούμενος κύκλος. Thus ὁ Φαίνων was
only another name for Saturn.
47) 847 @ 3 τοὺς πλάνητας τοῖς ἀπλανέσιν ἐναντίους. Cf. Herschel,
Outlines of Astronomy, 457 ‘The apparent motions of the planets
are much more irregular than those of the sun or moon. Gene-
rally speaking, and comparing their places at distant times, they
all advance, though with very different average or mean velocities,
in the same direction as those luminaries, i.e. in opposition to
the apparent diurnal motion, or from west to east.’

& 9 ἰσοδρόμους εἶναι, ‘have equal orbits.’ On this error see
below 849 ὁ 3.

49] c 3 Διοσκούρων. Cf. Diod. Sic. Bibl. Hist. iv. 43 ‘ When
a great storm had come on, and the chieftains were despairing of
safety, Orpheus, it is said, offered prayers for safety to the
Samothracian gods: and as the wind immediately abated, and
two stars descended upon the heads of the Dioscuri, all were

546

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 44-50 847 ¢

amazed at the prodigy ... and voyagers in a storm pray to
the Samothracians, and attribute the appearance of the stars
to the manifestation of the Dioscuri.’

CG 4 Hevodavys. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 572 ‘ Xeno-

phanes regarded the sun, moon, and stars (as well as the rainbow
and other phenomena) as aggregations of burning and luminous
vapours, in a word as fiery clouds, which at their setting were
extinguished like embers, and at their rising were kindled, or
rather formed, anew.’
50] ἁ 2 ἔφη ἐκλείπειν τὸν ἥλιον. On Thales as ‘one of the
most celebrated of the ancient mathematicians and astronomers ’
see Zeller, Pre-Socr. Philos. i. 213, note. Hdt. i. 74 ‘In a battle
between the Medes and Lydians just as the battle was growing
warm, day was on a sudden changed into night. This event
had been foretold by Thales, the Milesian, who forewarned the
Tonians of it, fixing for it the very year in which it actually took
place.’ See Rawlinson’s notes.

ἃ 4 ὑποτιθεμένην τῷ δίσκῳ. Cf. Diels, Proleg. 53. With this,
which is the reading of Eusebius, ὑποτιθεμένην τῷ δίσκῳ (τὴν
σελήνην) seems to be an explanation of rotro: this phenomenon,
namely the moon situated under the sun’s disk.

ἃ 5 διεκπνοῆς. Cf. 837 a 2 ἀφ᾽ οὗ τὴν πνοὴν ἔχει.

ἃ 7 τοῦ σκαφοειδοῦς. Cf. 837 Ὁ 4.

ἃ 10 κατὰ σβέσιν. Cf. 839 Ὁ 2. The same notion of the
sun’s extinction is ascribed to Heracleitus by Plato, Rep. 498 A
‘As years advance, in most cases their light is quenched more
truly than Heracleitus’ sun, for they are never lighted again.’
See the Scholiast on the passage, who seems to have borrowed
from Plutarch. |

848 a 5 ᾿Αρίσταρχοςς. Cf. Zeller, Stotos, 348 ‘So seriously
was this belief’ (the divinity of the stars) ‘held by the Stoics,
that a philosopher of the unwieldy piety of Cleanthes so far forgot
himself as to charge Aristarchus of Samos’ (circ. 270 B.©.), ‘the
discoverer of the earth’s motion round the sun, the Galileo of
antiquity, with impiety for wishing to remove the hearth of the
universe from its proper place.’ Cf. Plut. De Fac. Lun. 923 A.
According to Plutarch Aristarchus meant that the sun is fixed
like the fixed stars, and that the moon revolves round it (instead
of round the earth), and that a solar eclipse occurs when the

Nn 2 547

848 a THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

moon in the course of its inclinations (ἐγκλίσεις) comes between
sun and earth.

a 8 πολλοὺς εἶναι ἡλίους. Cf. Zeller, Pre-Soer. Philos. i. 572

‘These masses of vapour (this is, at any rate, expressly said in
regard to the sun) were not supposed to move in a circle around
the earth, but in an endless straight line above it; and if the
course appears to us circular, this is only an optical delusion,
as in the case of the other clouds which, when they approach
the zenith, seem to our eyes to ascend, and when they go under
the horizon, to sink. It follows from this that new stars must
be continually appearing above our horizon, and that parts of
the earth widely separated from each other must be enlightened
by different suns and moons.’
51] Ὁ 5 τοῦ στομίου. Cf. Zeller, ibid. i. 252, on the theory of
Anaximander: ‘ The heavenly bodies were formed of fire and air;
when the fiery circle of the universe burst asunder, and the fire
was pent up in wheel-shaped husks of compressed air, from
the apertures of which it streamed forth, the stoppage of
these apertures occasions eclipses of the sun and moon.’ Cf.
837 d 4, note.

c 1 Berossus, besides his Chaldaean History, wrote on astronomy
and astrology.. Cf. 413 d 9, and 455 Ὁ 4, note.

6 4 ἀνταύγειαν καὶ ἐπίφραξιν. The meaning of ἀνταύγειαν seems
to be explained by the statement of Antiphon, 838 c 3, that “ it
is the nature of the stronger fire to obscure the weaker.’ On
ἐπίφραξιν cf. Aristot. De Caelo, ii. 13. 7 ‘Some think it possible
that there are more such bodies revolving round the centre, but
invisible to us because of the interposition of the earth: and
for the same reason, they say, eclipses of the moon occur more
frequently than those of the sun; for each of the revolving
bodies shuts her out from the light (ἀντιφράττειν), and not only
the earth.’

© 5 τῆς ἀντίχθονος. Aristot. ibid. 13. 2 ἔτι δ᾽ ἐναντίαν ἄλλην
ταύτῃ κατασκενάζουσι γῆν, ἣν ἀντίχθονα ὄνομα καλοῦσι. The
counter-earth was supposed by some to revolve between the sun
and our earth in such a manner that the latter always turned the
same face to it; by others it was thought to be our antipodal
hemisphere ; and by others again was identified with the moon.
See Zeller, ibid. i. 452.

548

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 50-54 . 848 c

ἐπινέμησιν. Compare the interpretation in Donaldson’s New
Cratylus, 174. 296 on Aesch. Agam. 485 πιθανὸς ἄγαν ὁ θῆλυς ὅρος
ἐπινέμεται, where ἐπινέμεται means ‘ is encroached upon.’

ἃ 4 τῆς σελήνης ἀντιφραττομένης, literally, ‘when the moon is

obscured by an obstacle.’ Cf. c 4, note.
52] d7 μείζοσι ζώοις. Cf. Zeller, ibid. i. 457 ‘They attributed
to the moon plants and living beings far larger and fairer than
those on the earth. This theory was founded, it would seem,
partly on the appearance of the moon’s disc, which resembles the
earth; and partly on the desire to discover a special abode for
the souls who had quitted the earth, and for the daemons.’ Cf.
Plut. Mor. 416 E οἱ μὲν ἄστρον γεῶδες, of δ᾽ ᾿Ολυμπίαν γῆν, of δὲ
χθονίας ὁμοῦ καὶ οὐρανίας κλῆρον Ἑκάτης προσεῖπον.

849 8. 2 τὴν ἡμέραν τοσαύτην. Zeller, ibid. note 1, shows that
there is an inconsistency in this statement of the length of the
moon’s day, unless the length of the daylight is meant as being
half of the lunar day.

& 5 wapapenixOa. According to Anaxagoras there was both
a separation of opposites, of dense from rare, heat from cold,
brightness from darkness, dry from moist; and then an ad-
mixture of these various constituents. Cf. Ritter and Pr. Hist.
Philos. 53 ἐν παντὶ yap παντὸς μοῖρα ἔνεστιν.

a 6 ψευδοφαῆ. The epithet is attributed by Diog. L. (ii. 1. 2)

to Anaximander: τήν re σελήνην ψευδοφαῇ καὶ ἀπὸ ἡλίον φωτί-
ζεσθαι.
53] b 2 τὴν σελήνην. Cf. Zeller, ibid. ii. 157, note, who
suggests that the corrupt text of Stobaeus διπλάσιον ἀπέχειν τῆς
σελήνης ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἥπερ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου should be corrected by
reading τὴν σελήνην. Karsten’s conjecture τὸν ἥλιον ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς
ἥπερ τὴν σελήνην is excluded by the heading of the chapter Περὶ
τῶν ἀποστημάτων αὐτῆς (τῆς σελήνης).

Ὁ 5 μυριάδας τετρακοσίας καὶ ὀκτακισμυρίας. “ Plutarch gives
only 780,000, a much smaller sum’ (Viger). But this is given
as the moon’s distance from the earth, the larger number,
4,080,000, being the sun’s.

54] ο1 Περὶ ἐνιαυτῶν. Cf. Aristot. De Mundo, vi. 18 σελήνη
μὲν yap ἐν μηνὶ τὸν ἑαυτῆς διαπεραίνεται κύκλον, . . . ἥλιος δὲ ἐν
ἐνιαντῷ καὶ οἱ τούτον ἰσόδρομοι, 6 τε Φωσφόρος καὶ ὁ Ἑρμῆς λεγό-
μενος, ὁ δὲ Πυρόεις ἐν διπλασίονι τούτων χρόνῳ, 6 δὲ Διὸς ἐν ἐξαπλα-

549

$49 c THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

σώνι Tovrov, καὶ τελειταῖος ὃ roe Κρόνος λεγόμενος ἐν δες λασίονι καὶ
ἡμίσει τοῦ ἑποκάτω.

c 2 The periods here assigned to Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars
are, roughly speaking, true.

C 4 ἰσώρομοι yap. The sidereal periods of Mercury and Venus
are in fact, approximately, 88 and 225 days respectively, and
their syncdical periods 116 and 584 days. The statement of the
text is, however, nearly true, if applied to the times of diurnal
rotation on axis, that of Mercury being 245. 5™., and that of
Venus 238. 21™. See Sir J. Herschel, Outlines of Astronomy, 412,
and Appendix.

ἡμέραε λ΄. This is very nearly right, the mean synodical
period of the moon being a little more than 294 days.

C6 Τὸν δὲ μέγαν ἐνιαυτόν. The Great Year is a term employed
in several senses : (1) It meansthe period in which the commence-
ments of the solar and lunar years were made nearly to coincide
by means of an intercalary month or months. Cf. Smith, Dict. Gk.
and R. Antt. ‘Calendarium,’ 122 Ὁ. (2) ‘The year which Aristotle
calls the Greatest rather than the Great, is that in which the sun,
moon, and planets all return and come together in the same sign
of the zodiac from which they originally started. The winter of
this year is the Cataclysm, or Deluge, the summer is the Ecpyrosis,
or Conflagration of the World’ (O’Brien in the Manual of
Geogr. Science, i. 40). Cf. 415 d 4. (3) ‘Censorinus (De Die
Natali, c. 18) attributes to Aristarchus the invention of the
magnus annus of 2,484 years’ (Smith, Dict. Biogr. ‘ Aristarchus’).
(4) Hippolytus, Refut. Haer. iv. 7 ‘They affirm that a configura-
tion of the same stars could not return to a similar position,
otherwise than by the renewal of the Great Year, through a space
of 7777.’ This is the same number which is given by Plutarch
in the text. Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Math. v. 105, says that ‘ the
restoration of the Great Year takes place at intervals of 9977
years.’

55] ἃ 1 Ἱκέτης. Diog. L. viii. 85, writing of Philolaus, says:
‘He was the first who asserted that the earth moves in a circle;
but others say that it was Hicetas of Syracuse.’ Hicetas was an
early Pythagorean, Cf. Οἷς, Academ. ii. 39.

τὴν ἀντίχθονα. See Zeller, ibid. i. 444; and cf. 848 c 5
above.

δ80

BOOK XV. CHAPS. 54-61 849 d

G10 ἐξ ἀέρος δὲ καὶ τυρός. Cf. Zeller, ibid. i. 568 ‘The theory

that he (Xenophanes) regarded the earth itself as a combination
of air and fire is certainly incorrect.’
56] 85085 λίθῳ κίονι προσφερῆ. Cf. Diels, Proleg. 133, where
he quotes Hippol. i. 6 (16) κίονι λίθῳ παραπλήσιον: τῶν δὲ ἐπιπέδων
ᾧ μὲν ἐπιβεβήκαμεν ὃ δὲ ἀντίθετον ὑπάρχει. For κίονι λίθῳ Diels
suggests κίονος λίθῳ (Proleg. 218).

τῶν ἐπιπέδων. The reading in Hippolytus shows that this
should be separated from the preceding clause, and written rav
δὲ ἐπιπέδων * « #, to indicate a lacuna: see Diels, ibid.

59] 851b 2 ἐξατμισθέντος. Cf. 181 Ὁ 4.

Ὁ 5 ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖον πίλησιν. In Plutarch the reading is ἐπιπό-
Aatov πλύσιν, or according to a conjecture of Junius ἐπιπόλαιον
πίλησιν, ‘the condensation of the surface,’ which seems to give
the best sense.

bg διηθεῖσθαι. Cf. 836 c 3.

60] d2 κατὰ piv τὸν ἀνωτάτω λόγον. Cf. Sext. Emp. Hyp. Pyrrh.
i, 138 τῶν τε ὄντων τὰ μέν ἐστιν ἀνώτατα γένη κατὰ τοὺς δογματικούς,
τὰ δ᾽ ἔσχατα εἴδη, τὰ δὲ γένη καὶ εἴδη. Ado. Phys. i. 11. Here
the first analysis of ‘soul’ is into ‘rational’ and ‘ irrational.’
See the next note.

ἃ 5 τὸ θυμικόν καὶ τὸ ἐπιθυμητικόν. On the parts of the soul
see Aristot. De Anima, ili. 9. 3 τρόπον γάρ τινα ἄπειρα φαίνεται,
καὶ οὐ μόνον ἅ τινες λέγουσι διορίζοντες λογιστικὸν καὶ θυμικὸν καὶ
ἐπιθυμητικόν, οἱ δὲ τὸ λόγον ἔχον καὶ τὸ ἄλογον.

852 ἃ 1: (ἐπιτέταται). Plut. 899 D ἐπὶ τὰ ὄργανα τεταμένα.

ἃ 2 πολύποδος πλεκτάναις. Cf. Hom. Od. v. 432

ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε πουλύποδος θαλάμης ἐξελκομένοιο

πρὸς κοτυληδονόφιν πυκιναὶ λάϊγγες ἔχονται. ..
61] Ὁ 1 On the subject of this chapter see Lotze, Microcosmus,
Book iii. 2, On the seat of the soul; Tertullian, De Anima, xv;
Diels, Proley. 203; Cic. Tuse. i. 9.

Ὁ 3 ἐν μεσοφρύῳ. Cf. Tert. ibid. ‘nec in superciliorum medi-
tullio, ut Strato physicus.’ .

Ὁ 4 "Epaciorparos, ἃ most distinguished physician and anato-
mist of the third century B.c., of whom a very interesting account
is given in Smith’s Dict. of Gk. and R. Biogr.

μήνιγγα. Erasistatus was especially famous for his dis-
section and study of the brain and its membranes. Cf. Aristot.

δδῖ

852 Ὁ THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

Hist. An. i. τό. 5 ἡ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν (τὸν ἐγκέφαλον) μῆνεγξ φλεβώδης
ἔστι δ᾽ ὑμὴν δερματικὸς ἡ μῆνιγξ ὁ περιέχων τὸν ἐγκέφαλον. Tertull.
ibid. ‘nec in membranulis ut Erasistratus.’

ἐπικρανίδα, ‘the membrane of the cerebellum’ (L. and Se.
Lex.).

Ὁ 6 Ἡρόφιλος, a contemporary of Erasistratus, equally cele-
brated as a physician and anatomist. It is said that parts of the
body are still called by his name.

ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἐγκεφάλου κοιλίᾳ, ‘in the ventricle of the brain.’
Cf. Aristot. Hist. An. i. 16. 4 τὸ δ᾽ ὄπισθεν τῆς κεφαλῆς κενὸν καὶ
κοῖλον πᾶσιν. Tertull. De Anima, 15 ‘nec circa cerebri funda-
mentum ut Herophilus.’

Ὁ 8 ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ καρδίᾳ. Cf. Zeller, Epicureans, 425 ‘Only the
irrational part of the soul is diffused as a principle of life over
the whole body; the rational part has its seat in the breast.’
Diog. L. x. 66 τὸ δὲ λογικὸν ἐν τῷ θώρακι.

ΘΙ Διογένης, not the cynic, but the Babylonian, a Stoic who
wrote a treatise Περὶ τοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς ἡγεμονικοῦ.

τῇ ἀρτηριακῇ κοιλίᾳ. Cf. Aristot. De Part. An. iii. 4. 22
κοιλίας δ᾽ ἔχουσιν al μὲν τῶν μεγάλων ζῴων (καρδίαι) τρεῖς. . . δεῖ
γὰρ εἶναι τόπον τινὰ τῆς καρδίας καὶ ὑποδοχὴν τοῦ πρώτον αἵματος.
I suppose the part thus described to be the ventricle from which
the pulmonary artery (if that is the right term) proceeds.

C 3 ἐν τῇ τοῦ αἵματος συστάσει, ‘in the composition’ (or ‘ sub-
stance’) of the blood: συστάσει may have either meaning. Cf.
Tertull. ibid. ‘ut et ille versus Orphei vel Empedoclis “ namque
homini sanguis circumcordialis est sensus.”’ ’

ἃ 6 εἰ καὶ σύ. The person thus apostrophized is an imaginary
Pagan opponent.

ἃ 9 ψήφους... eLevyveypévos. Cf. Hdt. v. 36 πάντες γνώμην
κατὰ τὠντὸ ἐξεφέροντο.

62] 85301 The same passage of Xenophon has been quoted
in 25 d 6.

854d 1 Ὑπέρ re πόντου. A fragment of a lost tragedy, possibly
the Andromeda of Euripides.

855 Ὁ 7 Tis yap τούσδ΄. Timon’s lines are a parody on Homer,
Π. i. 8-10. Eusebius has borrowed this and the following quota-
tion from Clem. Al. Strom. v. 651.

C6 Pog dé. A parody on the description of Discord (Ἔρις)

552

BOOK XV. CHAPS, 61, 62 855 c_

in Hom. Jl. iv. 440-3, borrowed from the same passage of
Clement. The passage of Homer is quoted in a fragment of
Anatolius, Bishop of Laodicea (c. A.D. 270), as a fit description
of mathematical science.

ἃ 2 For és (Bpi8os), the MSS, of Eus. have és βροτούς. Gaisford
with Clem. Al. gives és re βροτούς. With βροτούς one may render
the line ‘Anon, with head

Set firm in face of men, excites their hope.’

856 a 4 τῆς δὴ λειπούσης τῷ προβλήματι. Cf. 6 a 6.

ADDITIONAL NOTES

26 Ὁ 8 Cf. Classical Review, xvi. 16-17, 391-3.

33 c 8 On the supposed origin of animal life see Plut. Mor.
908 ; Cudworth, Intellectual System, i. 188.

64a 4 ἐκ κυμβάλου ἔπιον. ‘Titius on Nemesian. δ οἷ. 3. 51
rightly compares these verses (ibid. 49-51)

Concavat ille manus palmasque in pocula vertit,
pronus at ille lacu bibit et crepitantibus haurit
musta labris; alius vocalia cymbala mergit’

(J. E. B. Mayor).

182 8 4 τῇ σελήνῃ συναύξειν καὶ συμφθίνειν. On the supposed
influences of the moon cf. Plut. Mor. 658 F-659 C.

184 ἃ 11 ὁ Awdwvaios. Cf. Dion. Halic. i. 14 ‘In this region’
(Tiora Matiene) ‘there is said to have been a very ancient
oracle of Ares; and the manner of it, they say, was like that
which, according to tradition, there was formerly at Dodona;
except that there a dove sitting upon an oak (δρυός) was said to
prophesy, while among these aboriginals a bird sent from heaven,
which was called by them ‘ picus ’ and by the Greeks SpvoxoAdmrys
(woodpecker), appeared upon a wooden pillar and likewise
prophesied.’

174 ἃ 5 μεστὰ ἀπὸ τούτων. For the construction with ἀπό see
Xen. Cyr. i. 3. § πλέα σοι ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐγένετο, Athen. 569 F ἐπλήθυνεν
ἀπὸ τῶν ταύτης ἑταιρίδων ἡ Ἑλλάς.

433 ἃ 3 τοὺς iepets. ‘Die Schwierigkeiten werden beseitigt
durch eine sehr ansprechende und paldographisch naheliegende

553

ADDITIONAL NOTES

Konjectur von Diels, τοὺς πέριξ (statt ἱερεῖς) ἅπαντας᾽ (P. Wendland,
Berliner philol. Wochenschrift, October 25, rg902, col. 13232).
Wendland quotes his own paper in Archiv fir Papyrusforschung,
ii. 1 (1092) 28, note 3 (J. E. B. Mayor).

Whether among the Egyptians circumcision was compulsory on
any but the priests is a much disputed question. According to
Hdt. ii. 104 it was from the Egyptians that ‘the Syrians in Pales-
tine ’ learned the rite. Artapanus inverts the relation, and makes
the Israclites the teachers of the Ethiopians (Freudenthal, Poly-
histor, 161). See the notes on Hat. ii. 37, 104; Birch, Ancient
Egypt, iii. 385; Ermann, Life tn Ancient Egypt, 32, 539). On
so doubtful a matter of history it is not desirable to substitute
a mere conjecture (πέριξ) for ἱερεῖς the reading of all the MSS.

554

INDEX OF GREEK WORDS

ἀβασάνιστος 4a, 182 c.
ἀβέλτερος 219 c, 282 a.
ἀβίαστος 131 Ὁ, 196 d.
ἀβλεπτέω 251a: -ψία
95 d, 814c.
᾿Αβοριγῖνες (sic) 158 c.
ἀβουλία 172 Ὁ.
ἅβρα 487 c.
ἀγαθοδαίμων 41 c.
ἀγαθώτατος 42 a,
ἀγάνωρ 121 a.
ἀγάπησις 353 d.
ἀγελαῖος 14d.
ἀγελάρχης 776 ἃ.
ἀγεληδόν 888 d.
ἀγενησία 333 d.
ἀγένητος 19c, 23d et
passim.
dytoreia 356 ἃ.
ἀγκιστρεύω 392 a.
ἀγκιστροειδής 749 c.
ἀγλαόκαρπος 201 c.
ἄγονος 381 Ὁ.
ἀγορασμός 850 ἃ.
᾿Αγρούηρος, ᾿Αγρότης
35d. °
ἀγύρτης 224 d.
ἀγχίνοια 21 ἃ.
ἀγχονιμαῖος 277 ἃ.
ἀγωνιστικός 7 a.
ἄδεια 361 ἃ.
ἀδέκαστος 789 ο.
ἀδελφιδοῦς 55, d.
ἀδελφοκτόνος 65 d.
adécrores 420 Ὁ.
ἀδηλία 182 ἃ.
ἀδιάδραστος 817 a.
ἀδιαίρετος 429 ἃ,
ἀδιάκοπος 371 d.
ἀδιανόητος 215 c, 783 c.
ἀδιάπτωτος 7 c, 740 ο.
ἀδιάστατος 388 a, 777d.
ἀδιάστροφος 78 a.

adtaraxros 432 Ὁ.
ἀδιαφορέω 12 d.
ἀδόλεσχος 80c, 119 Ὁ.
ἀδόξαστος 758 d.
ἄδοξος 12 ἃ.
ἀδούλωτος 383 c.
adpavns 132c, 220d,
236 b.
ἀδυνατέω 389 ἃ.
ἀδωροδόκητος
897 d.
ἀειδῆς 70 a, 106 c.
ἀεικῆς 194 ἃ.
ἀένναος 354 c.
ἀεροειδής ΕΝ
ἀεροπετῆς 38 c.
ἀεροπόρος 101 d. ’
ἀερότεμις “Ἄρτεμις
118 ὃ. Cer

42 a,

ἀήθης 21 c.

ἀήτης 194 a.
anrrnros 7 d.
ἀθεότης 27 a, 829 ἃ.
ἀθεράπευτος 892 a.
ἄθεσμος 121 d.
ἀθετέω 125 ο.
ἀθεώρητος 266 b.
᾿Αθηλᾶ 113 c, note.
ἀθροισμός 24 d.
ἄθυρος 8 a.

ἄθυτος 151 Ὁ.
αἰγίνομος 426 Ὁ.
αἰγλήεις 100 d.
αἴδεσις 856 α.
αἴθομαι 105 Ὁ.
αἰθριάζω 200 ο.
αἱμάσσω 29 Ὁ.
αἱματουργός 114 Ὁ.
αἱρεῖ (λόγος) 349 a.
αἱρετιστῆς 408 Ὁ.
ἀίσσω 194 Ὁ.
ἀϊστόω 237 ἃ.
αἰσχροκέρδεια 121 ἃ.

αἰσχρορρημοσύνη 162 b,
183 d.

aircodoyia 781 d.
αἰτιολογισμός 16b(App.
Cr.)

αἰτιῶμαι 84 c.
ἀκάλυπτος 299 d.
ἀκαριαῖος 294 ο.
ἀκαταληψία 784 ἃ : «λη-
mros 730 C.
ἀκαταλλήλως 172 Ὁ.
ἀκατανάγκαστος 196 d.
ἀκατάπληκτος 7 ἃ.
ἀκατασκεύαστος 336 a,
69 c.
ἀκατάσκενος 218 ἃ.
ἄκεσις 180 ο.
ἀκήλητος 199 ἃ.
ἀκίνητος 611 d.
ἀκλινής 758 ἃ.
ἀκόσμητος 888 b.
ἀκουστικός 851 ἃ.
ἀκράδαντος 758 d.
ἀκράαντος 191 Ὁ.
ἀκρατοποσία 88 d.
ἀκριβολογέω 12 ἃ, 735d.
ἀκρόαμα 54 ἃ.
ἀκροβολισμός 581 d.
ἀκρόδρυα 109 d, 120 d.
ἀκρώρεια 128 ἃ.
ἀκτήματος, (ἀκτήμων)
881] d.
ἄκτωρ 480 c.
ἀκύλαιος 168 c.
ἀκώλυτος 394 d.
ἀλάστωρ 185 d.
ἀλγινόεις 237 c.
ἀλεαίνω 390 c, 395 c.
ἄλεκτος 308 c, 384 a.
ἀλεξιφάρμακον 397 c.
ἀλενρομαντεῖον 219 c.
ἀλευρόμαντις 62 a.
ἄληκτος, dAnoros 378 ο.

558

ἁλιάς 548 ο.
ἀλιτρόνοος 168 d.
ἀλλεπάλληλος 391 c.
ἀλληγορέω 44 Ὁ.
ἀλληνάλλως 468 d.
ἀλλογενῆς 5 d.
ἀλλοειδής 22 d.
ἀλλοίωσις 333 d.
ἀλλοτέρμων 438 d.
ἀλλόφυλος 5d.
ἀλμενιχιακά 92 6.
ἀλογέω 390 ἃ.
ἀλογιστίω 397 a.
advotreAns 898 c.
ἀλφιτοποιός 232 d.
ἅλως 395 Ὁ.
ἀμαθαίνω 581 ἀ.
ἀμάντεντος 205 8, 219 Ὁ.
ἄμαντις 218 Ὁ, 218 b.
ἅμαξα 733 Ὁ.
ἁμαρτητικός 251 ἃ.
ἀμάρτυρος 200 a.
ἀμαύρωσις 73 ἃ.
dpaxos 9 d.
apBoradny 195 a.
ἀμβολιεργός 781 c.
ἀμεγέθης 831 ο.
ἀμέλγω 778 d.
ἀμελέω (v. 1.) 890 a.
dpepns 42a, 773b, 825 ς.
ἀμετάβλητος 23d, 24 Ὁ.
ἀμετακίνητος 8θ2 C: -ws
2

ἃ.
ἀμεταστρεπτί 42 Ὁ, 48 ἃ,
162 dQ.

aperarporros 239 c.

ἀμητός 713d.

ἀμηχανία 95 Ὁ.

ἀμίαντος 98 b.

ἀμνάς 273 c.

ἀμοιβαῖος 439 a.

ἀμοιρέω 330 ἃ.

ἄμπωτις 486 b.

ἀμυδρός 528 a.

ἀμύητος 67 ἃ.

ἀμφίᾶσις 98 c.

ἀμφιβολία 34d, 138 a:
-os 131 c, 182 ἃ

ἀμφιγνοέω 317 a.

ἀμφέκυρτος 117 ἃ,

ἀμφιχαίνω 262 a.

ἀναβάλλομαι 605 8.

ἀναβιόω 435 a: -ωσις

112 d.
556

INDEX

ἀναβλύζω 848 c.

ἀναβλυστάνω 325 d.

ἀναγκοθέτησις 260 c.

ἀνάγνωσμα 179 6.

ἀναγορεύω 95 Ὁ.

ἀναγραφή 81 Ὁ, 52 ἃ,
850 d.

ava 7 149 c.
ἀνάγωγος 261 Ὁ.
ἀναδέχομαι 242 d, 245 ο,
200 ἃ.
ἀνάδοσις 181 Ὁ.
ἀναδρομὴ 332 d.
ἀναζεύγνυμι 456 ἃ.
ἀναζέω, ἀναζυμόω 20a.
ἀνάθεσις 858 ο.
ἀναθρέω 200d, 517 ἃ.
ἀναθυμίασις 173,836 Ὁ.
ἀναιρέω 428 c.
ἀναισθησία 371 Ὁ, 108 d.
ἀναιτιολόγητος 271 ¢.
ἀναίτιος 250 c (θεός),
814d (φύσις).
ἀνάκειμαι 8 d.
ἀνακεφαλαιόω 249 d.
ἀνακινέω 70 c.
ἀνάκλασις 836 α.
ἀνάκλησις 80 ο.
ἀνακομιδὴ 498 ἃ.
ἀνακόπτω 71 ἃ.
ἀνακτάομαι 8824.

ἀνάπηρος 184 c.
ἀνάπλασμα 30c, 42c:
-cow 38 d.
ἀναπλατύνομαε 84 d.
ἀναπλέω, ἀναπλώω 414d.
ἀναπληρόω 25 ἃ.
ἀναπόδεικτος 125 Ὁ.
ἀναπόσβεστος 408 c.
ἀνάρμοστος 83 d.
ἀνάρπαστος 352 Ὁ,
ἀναρριπίζω 821 d.
ἀναρρώννυμι 205 a.
dvapraw 15d, 250d.
ἀναρύτω (ἀνερύω) 429 Ὁ.
ἀνασκευάζω 147d: -ἡ
886 b.
ἀνασκοπέω 214 Ὁ.
ἀνασπάω (τὴν ὀφρύν
185 d, 224 8. “bev)
ἀναστολή 244 d.
ἀνασχινδυλεύω 583 d.
ἀνάτασις 182 ἃ.
ἀνατείνω 144 ο, 267 d.
ἀνατέλλω 178 ἃ.
ἀνατίθημε l4c, 2ὅς,

ἀνατρεπτικός 334 a.

ἀνατρέπω 244d: -οπή
248 ἃ.

ἀνατρέχω 169 ἃ.

ἀνάτριχος 117 d.

avaxropoy 451 Ὁ. ἀναφαίνω 349 Ὁ : -dar-
ἀνακτοτελέστης 65c} ὃδόν 63c.
(Lobeck <Aglaoph.|avapépe 420b: -opa
p. 1260). 362 d.
ἀνακυκλέω 2206: -«ησις ἀναφύω 20 Ὁ.
258 d, 560 b. ἀναφωνέω 5 ἃ.
ἀνάλαμψις 207 ἃ. ἀναχάζομαι 289 α.
ἀναλέγω 98 a. ἀναχώρησις 44 c, 790d.

ἀνάληψις 196 c.

ἀναμέλπω 85d.

ἰναμηρύκισις 878 C.

ἀναμίξ 5] d.

ἀναμφηρίστως 4858.

ἀναμφίλεκτος 8 c, 463 ἃ,
734 ἃ

ἀναμφίλογος 7a: -os
252 d.

ἄνανδρος 306 d.

ἀνάνευσις 2b, 69d,
830a: -εὐω 61b,
296 a.

ἀνανήφω 68 d.

ἀναπεμπάζω 311d.

ἀνδραποδίζω 11 a.
ἀνδραποδισμός 179 ἃ.
ἀνδρείκελον 106 ο, 691 d.
ἀνδριαντοποιητική 29d:
-ποιός 884 ἃ.
ἀνδρόγυνος 585 ἃ."
ἀνδροκτασία 148 c.
ἀνδρομήκηε 400 d.
ἀν νος 393 d.
ΜΚ, 34d.
ἀνείδεος 845 ἃ.
ἀνειδωλοποιέω 183 c.
ἀνείμων 391 8.
ἀνέκλειπτυς 458 ἃ.
ἀνέκφραστος 97 Ὁ, 8258.

OF GREEK WORDS

ἀνελλιπής 189 ο. ἀνομολογέω 857 6: -ws | ἀόρατος 669 b.
ἀνεμέσητος 605 a. 72 Ὁ. ἀόχλητος 777 ἃ,
ἀνεμπόδιστος 3380 ο,) ἀνοργίαστος 67 a. ἀπαγορευτικός 8186:
8. ἀνοσιουργέω 636d. was 870d: -εύω 290,

ἀνένδεικτος 778 Ὁ. ἀνοσισυργία 10 Ὁ, 2480.| 244 ἃ.
ἀνεννόητος 21 6. ἀνοχή 219d. ἀπωθανατίζω 28 ἃ.
dmtdnerror 1076, ἀντανάκλισις 24 ἃ, ἀπαθανατόω 280 Ὁ.

805 b. ἀνταναφέρω 94d. ἀπάθεια Ἰάθὰ: τὴν
ἀνεξέταστος 8 ἃ, 5¢,| ἀντανίσωσις 556d. 106 b, 825.

392 a. ἰνταύγεια 848.0. ἀπαιωρεῖσθωι 2b,

ἀνεπαίσθητος = 776. a:
τως 97 Ὁ.
ἀνεπήκοος 804 ἀ.
ἀνεπιβουλεύτως 396 d.
ἀνεπικαλύπτως 102d.
ἀνεπίκριτοε 758,
7608.
ἀνεπίληστος 3584.
ἀνεπιλόγιστος 268 b.
dvemarpepis 1584.
ἀνεπιτίμητος 267 ¢.
ἀνερείπω 331 8.
ἀνερμάηι στον 387 Ὁ,
ἄνεσις 1:
ἔχοις 290 a.
ἀνέφικτος 853 a.
ἀνεψιότης 712 d.
ἀνήκεστος 392 a
ἀνήμερος 186.
ἀνηνυτὸς 390d, 705 8.
ἀνθολόγιον 64 ο.
ἀνθρωποβορίω 116:
-Bépos 828 ἃ.
ἀνθρωπογονίω 898d:
τία 512 ο.
ἀνθρωποειδὴς 98 Ὁ.
ἀνθρωποθυσία 148,
162a, 9218: -τίω
lle

᾿ἀνθρωποκτονία 157 Ὁ.
ἀνθρωποπάθεια 125 ο.
ἀνθρωπότης 1800.
᾿ἀνθυποβάλλω 359 a,
ἀνθυπουργέω 382 a.

ἀνιχνεύω 42 ἃ, 44 Ὁ.

ἀνοδία ὅς (cf. Herm.
Pastor, Vis. i. §§ 2, 3).

ἀνόητος 71a, 552d,
826 b.

ἄνοθος 888 ἃ.
ἀνομοιότης 568 ο.

ἐντία (τίθεσθαι) 881 ἃ.
ἀντιβλέπειν 289 Ὁ,
ἀντίγραφον 850 ἃ.
ἀντιδιατίθεμαι 6d.
ἀντιδοξία 739 ἃ,
ἀντικαταλλάσσω 888 ἃ.
ἀντικηρύττω 18] ἃ.
ἀντιληπτικός 830d: -ψις
256, 382 a, 829d.
ἀντιλογία 8 ἃ.
ἀντιμεσουράνημα 291 ἃ.
ἀντινομοθετέω 131.2,
ἀντιπάθεια 132 a, 271 Ὁ.
ἀντιποιεῖσθαι 9 ς,888 ἃ.
ἀντίρρησις 8 ἃ, 7
ἀντισοφιστεύω 188.
ἀντισπουδία 217 ἃ.
ἀντίστροφος 604 d.
ἀντίτεχνος 133.
ἀντιφράττω 84
ἀντίχϑων 848 ο, 849d,
860.

ἀνυμνέω 122,
ἀνυπαίτιος 880 a.

ἄνω κάτω 26 c.
ἀνωμαλία 86c, 1120,
394 ἃ.

ἀνώμοτος 8888.
ἀνωτάτω 28, 120, 851d:

ἀνωφερῆς 1
ἀξινάριον 406 b.
ἀξιοζήτητος 255 Ὁ.
ἀξιόϑεος 980 ο.

ἀξιόνικος 733 a.
ἀξιοπιστία 1866.
ἀξιόχρεως 25 ἃ.
ἀξιωματικός 4360,
ἄξοος 99 b.

ἀοίδιμος 26 ἃ, 889 a.

ἀπακριβόω 44 ἃ.
᾿ἀπαλεξίκακος 1136.
ἀπαλλαγή 186.
ἀπαμπίσχω 398 a.
ἀπαμφιάζω 889 b.
drarderaris (ai. ἐπ-
cra) 160.
ἀπανθρωπία ,1486:
cor 12 a, 644:
ἀπαντάω 220 b.
ὁπαξοτλῶε 265 0.
ἀπαραβάτων 252 0.
ἀπαραίτητος 680, 1184,
1890, 2436, 8004,
186 ak
ἀπαράτρεπτος 777.
ἀπαρτίζω 88 b, 880.
ἀπαστράπτω 8D.
Grareov 295d =ndée
Ta, 182, 242 ¢.
dravropario 588 ἀ,
ἀπεικασία 7800.

ἀπειλονίζω 828 a, 824d,
881 ¢.

ἀπιιρόκαλος 895 b.
ἀπειρολεχής 175 6.
ἀπειρομεγίθης 3 ἀ,

ἀπελαστικός 181 a
ἀπε is 1716:
ἀπεμπολόω 162 Ὁ.
ἀπενιαυτέω 1128. : τησις

712 b.
ἀπεοικώς 218b. ὁ
ἀπεργάζομαι (passim)
ἀπέρεισις 871 ἃ, 378 b.
ἀπεριμάχητος (περιμαχ.

τ. 1) 385 b.
ἀπερινόητος 826 c.
ἀπερίοπτος 587 Ὁ.
ἀπεριόριστος 118 8.
ἀπερριμμένως 850 ἃ,

557

ἀπηνήε 169 ο.
rena 1)82a.

ἄπλετον 726 a. .
ἀπληστία 2210.
ἁπλούστατος 90 6.
ἀπόβασις 8.6.
ἀπόβλητος 99a.
ἀπογιγνώσκω bla.
ἀπογλαυκοῦμαι 355 a.
ἀπογυμνόω 62, 67
438 ς, 789d,
ἀποδοχῆ 197 b.
ἀποδέω 393 c.
ἀποδημία 60a.
᾿ἀπολίδωμι 604d: -δοσις
88 ἃ, 1190.
ἀπυδιοπομπέομαι 882 a,
8940.

ἀποδύω 112 d.
ἀποζάω 396 ἃ.
᾿ἀποζέω (Vv. 1.) 485 Ὁ.
᾿ἀποθεόω 49 ἃ, 299.
Grows 333 b, 8254.
ἀποκαθαίρω 6c.
ἀποκατάστασις 882 ἃ.
ἀπόκειμαι 13¢.

INDEX

roppatas 152 ο.
areeee 10a, 1984.
ἀπορρώξ 391 Ὁ, 452 Ὁ.

ἅποσος 8298.

ἀπόσπασμα 52 ἃ.

ἀποστάζωϑ8: Ὁ: -σία 828
c: στῆς 16 Ὁ, 1188.

ἀπόστρεπτος 1384,

ἀποστροφή 169.0.

ἀποτέλεσμα 3d, 8, 140,
252d, 691 6: -ἕω
258.

ἀπότεξις 391 Ὁ.

ἀποτορνεύο 776d.

ἀποτροπή 220 ἃ: -os v.1.
85 ἢ.

ἀποτροπιασμός 240 ἃ,
ἀποτυγχάνομοι (Poem)

ἀποτυπόω 98}.
ἀποφαίνομαι 6 ς, ot pas-

aims τῴασις 196,
841 b.

ἀποκηρύττω 782 a. ἀποφυιβάζω 126 b.
ἀποκλαδεύω 35 ἃ. drogpas 185 Ὁ.
ἀποκληρόω 332¢, 429d. ἀποφράττω 88.
ἀποκλίνω 16 ἃ. ἀποφυγή 122 4,
Groxpivy 22 Ὁ, ¢,| ἀπο; reves 453 b: -εὐω
576 c.
ἀποκρουστικός 181d. ἀποχή fora.
ἀπόκρυφος 32 b. ἀπόχρη Θ44 Ὁ: -ὥμαι
ἀποκυίσκω 277 Ὁ. 84: -ώντως 61 8.

᾿ἀπολαμβάνω 11 a,
ἀπολείπω 24d.
ἀπόλεμος 856 ἁ.
ἀπολογισμός 16b, 181 a.
ἀπομάττομαι 412 ἃ.
ἀπομιμεῖσθαι 106 Ὁ.
ἀπομνημήνευμα Ὡ5 ἃ:
-εύω 846.
ἀποναρκάω 305 ἃ,
ἀπονέμω 80.
ἀποξενόω 433 Ὁ.
ἀποπληξία 18 ο, 921 ἃ,
᾿ἀποπλήρωσις ΤΌ.
ἀπόπτωσις 9a, 329b:
τικός 2956,
ἀπορέω 5c, 6b, 8858:
τος 856 ἃ.

ἀπόρθητον 218,
358

dnpemis 228 c.
ἀπρονόητος Ti2d: τῶν
886 ο.
ἀπροσαύδητος 511 ἃ.
ἀπροσεξία 8165, a.
ἀπράσιτος 5118.
ἀπτικός 851 ἃ,
ἀπύρωτος 848 6.
ἀραίοϑδα, 181d: wou
apayoniie 89 a
ἀργιννός 175
ΤΥ κόμαυνοι 100.
ἄρζην 180 ο.
ἀρίδηλος ϑϑὺ ἃ, 891 Ὁ.
ἀριζήλητος 413 6.
ἁρμόδιο, 882 ο.
ἄρουρα429 ἃ: -bw287 Ὁ.

ἁρπαλέως 6 a.
ἁρπεδονάπτης 472 Ὁ.
ἅρπη 36 ἃ, pats a.
ἀρραγής 8
ἀβρενέθολοε 109 ἃ.
ἀρρητολογία 122 —
ἀρρητοποιία 251 Ὁ.
ἄρρητος 67 a.
ἀρρητουργία 63 ἃ,
ἀρρητοφόρια 64 ἃ,
ἀμτάομαι 201 ἃ.
ἀρτηριακός 852 6.
ἀρτιτελής 510 a.
ἀρχαιολογία 413 ἃ.
ἀρχαιότροπος 885 ἃ,
ἀρχαῖσμός 155 ἁ.
ἀρχέγονος 21 Ὁ, ὅθα.
ἀρχέκακος 63 b, 182 —
ἀρχέτυπος 836 6.
ἀρχή 88.
ἀρχηγός 43.
ἀρχιγένεθλος 100 6.
ἀρχιερεύς (1. Chr.) 6 6.
ἀρχιστράτηγος 894 ἃ.
ἀρχισωματοφύλαξ 858.
ἀρχιτεκτονικός 39 ἃ,
ἀρχοειδής 112 ἃ.
ἄρωμα, ἀρῶμαι 29 ἃ.
ἀσάφεια 182 ἃ, 214 ἃ.
ΝΕ 8 8.
ἄσημος 21 a,
ἄτκησις 15 a, 242 d,
243 a: -τῆς 68 b,
810c.
ἀσκόπως 269 b, 789 c.
ἀσμενίζω 8800.
ἄσπετος 315 Ὁ, 429 a.
ἄσπονδος 886.
ἀστάθμητος 758 ἃ.
ἄστατος 8384 Ὁ.
ἀστεῖος 81 6, jai b
ἀστεμφής 428
ἀστερόεις 100 Ὁ.
ἀστεροπληθής 198 ο.
ἀστεροσκοπικός 298 ἃ.
ἀστράγαλος 65 a,
ἀστραῖος 146 a,
ἀστραπηδόν 378 a,
ἀστροφαής 27 d.
ἄστρωτος 586 ο. 701
ἀσυγκατάθετος ο,
ΟΝ

ἀσύμβουλος 849 a,
ἀσυμπλόκως 97 ἃ.

ἀσύμφωνον ἢ 1 b.
ἀσύνηθος 40
ἀσύνθετος 108 b.

άλλω 782 ο.
ἄσχενο 429 ἃ.
ἀσχήμων 12d, 51d,

98 d.
ἄσχολος 98 Ὁ.
ἀσώματος 882 ο.
ἀσωτία 248 ἃ.
ἀταλαιπώρως 460 d.
ἀταμίευτος 389 c.
ἀταξία ὅρα b, 750 Ὁ.
drapagia 75
Graprés 087, ἐν
ἀτασθαλίη 260 d.
ἀτειρής 426 d.
ἀτίθασος ὃ 38 d, 388 b.
ἀτμός 122
ἀτόκιον 72. a.
ἀτολμία 28 Ὁ.
ἄτομος 749 ἃ.
ἀτονέω 3358:
ἀτόπημα 696 d.
ἀτοπία 251 ἃ.
ἄτρακτος 239 d (bis).
ἀτραπιτός 418.
ἀτραπός 418 b.
ἀτρεμές 28 ἃ.
ἄτρεπτος 884 a.
᾿Αττικίζω 411 4, 527 ἃ.

-os 112 Ὁ.

ati 593 a: “ἡ (v. 1)

atveede s 547 ἃ.

αὐδεκούσιος 245}, 247ς,
250 Ὁ, 2584, 254ο,
8286: -ως 247 d.

αὐθέντης 314 ἃ.

αὖθις 82 ἃ, 34d.

αὐλός 195 ἃ.

ἄῦλος 106 ο, 149 b.

αὔξησις 41 Ὁ.

αὐτεξούσιος 196d, 248,
250 b, 252 d.

avroayévnros 333 d.

αὐτογένεθλος 200 ἃ,
418 ο.

αὐτοδίδακτος 42 a.

αὐτοζωή 252 ὃ, 316 c.

αὐτόθι 70 c.

αὐτοκασίγνητος 427 a.

αὐτόκλητος 225 Ὁ,

OF GREEK WORDS

αὐτολεξεί 25 ¢.
αὐτόματος 21a, ἃ, 314d,
364d.

αὐτὸ μόνον 74 Ὁ, 378 c.
avrompoaiperns 243 a.
avrorréw 168 b, 198 ο.
avrogopia 316 c.
αὐτοσχεδιάζω 792 c.
αὐτοτελῶς 244 ς͵ 462 d.
αὐτοτοιοῦτος (γ. ].)
(Orig.) 385 d.
avrorpame{os 684 ἃ.
atropuns 45 Ὁ, 84 Ὁ.
αὐτόχειρ 37 Ὁ:
208.
Αὐτόχθων 85 ἃ.
αὐχμέω 405 ἃ.
ἀφασία 758 d:
335 a.
ἐφέλεια 888 ἃ.
ἄφετος 252 c.
ἀφήγησις 404:
211] c, 238 Ὁ.
ἀφηῆλιξ 877 d.
ἀφηνιάζω 392 c.
ἀφίδρυμα 17 ἃ, 29d.
ἀφιερόω 87 d.
ἀφιλάνθρωπος 232 ἃ.
ἀφιλήδονος 888 a.
ἀφιλόδοξος 888 8.
ἀφιλοσόφητος 79 d.
ἀφιλόσοφος 547 c, 692 Ὁ.
ἀφιλότιμος (ν. 1.) 727 c.
ἀφιλοχρήματος 888 ἃ.
ἄφιξις ὅ
τα 49}.
ἀφοράω 361 d.
ἀφόρητοι 11 Ὁ (ν. 1.).
ἀφορία 188 d.
ἀφοσιοῦμαι 185 d, 587 ο.
ἀφριάω 114 ο.
ἀφρογενής 63 c.
ἀφροδισιακός 53 ο.
ἀφρονέομαι 485 ἃ.
ἀφυής 26d: -as 18] ο.
ἄφυκτος, ἄφευκτος 247 ο.
ΝΟΥ 211 ο, 217d,

ἀχανής 892 ἃ, 547 ο.
ἀχθίζομαι 332 b.
ἀχθοφορέω 323 c, 753 d.
ἄχολος 84 a

dy pavros 193 6.

’
ia

-Tos

“ἔομαι

| ἀχρήματος 881 d.

ἀχρηστομαθία 7198,
obi 12

ἀψευδέω 12 c.

ἁψίς 8 Ὁ.

ἀψοφητί 398 a.

βαθυσκόπελος 192 Ὁ.
Βαιτύλιον 87 d.
βάκηλος 214 ἃ.
βαλιός 192 b.
Bapunyns 101 Ὁ.
βαρυθυμία 185 d.
βαρύμηνις 384 a.
βασίλειον 804 c.
βασιλικός 802 d, 808 b.
βϑασιλίσκος 328" ἃ,
29 d.

βάσις 852 Ὁ.

βδάλλω 608d.
βιοποριστικός 18 ο.
βιώσκομαι 587 d.
βιωτικός 82 ἃ.

βιωφελής 70d, 8494,

pate ΠΝ c, 225d.
βλαπτικός 12 a.
βλέννος 257 Ὁ.
βοηδρομέω 445 Ὁ.
βούβρωστις 648 ο.
Βουζύγια 859 b.
Bovroléo 114 2:

875 6.
βούλησις 335 a.
βραβευτὴς 221 a.
Βραθὺ 84 ἃ.

ριμώ 63 d.
βραπολοιγό; 287 ἃ.
βύθιος 898 ο.

soy

γαιώδης 181 ἃ.
γιλακτοποτέω 115 Ὁ.
γαλεαγκὼν 9] b.
γαλῆ 219 ο.
γαμετή 36 ο, 87 6.
γαμήλιος 88 α.
γαστρίζω 556 c.
γαστριμαργία 697 a,
γεηπόνος 379 d.
γειτνίασις 777 α.
γελασείω 64 a.
yevapxns 309 c.
yeveadoyéw 55 ἃ, 439 ἃ.
γενέθλη 238d: -nios
238 Ὁ.

559

INDEX

yereB cad oyi 294 a: | δεκανός 278 d. διαλγέω 55a.

ante 2 -Noyos | δεκάτευσις 1594. διαλελυμένος 288 : -ὕω

δεξαμενή 845, 3d.

oye 8220: -γόε] δεξιοῦμαι 13d, 28d. διάλεξις 6d.

114b. δεσπόζω 23 ΙΝ διάληψις 16d, 152d,
γένεσις 19 c. δευτερεῖα 8816. 8140, 400 a.
γενητός 19 ο, 24 ἃ. δεντερωτής 518 0. διάμετρος 108 c.
γενικός 1808. δηλητήριος 1884. διαμονή 59 ς, 86 d,
γεννητικός 494, 54b. | Bndov ὡς (in parenth.)| 780.8,
γεραΐρω 17d. 189. διανοέω 10 ο.
γεράνδρυον 61 ἃ, ΠΝ 98d. διανοίγω 68d.
γευστικός 851d. δημεύω 405 a. διαπαίζω 215 ἃ.
γεώδης 20. Δημήτηρ 63d, 894. διαποννυχιπιιός 18 ἃ.
γεωμορέω 429 ἃ. δήμιος 898 ἃ. διαπατάω 880 ἃ.
γεαπονέω 10 ο. δημιουνγία 121 6: -ικός διαπίπτω 851 ἃ.
γεωργήσιμος 429. 106d, 107 ο, 1088, διάπλασις 618 ς : -σμές
γηγενής 49 a, 66 8. 1190: és 2d, et] 749b: -cow 871 c.
γῆρας 418: -άω 11d. | passim. διαπληκτίζομαι 718 a.
γηροτροφέω 888 ο. δημοσιεύω 144 Ὁ. διαπόνημα 706 ἃ.
γλαφυρός 814. δημοτικός 129 Ὁ, διαπορεία 102 d.
γλίχομαι 898 ἃ. δημώδης 123 Ὁ. διαπορέω (v. 1.) 4d,
γλυπτικός 39 ἃ. δηναιός 99 ὃ. 23d.
γλύφανον 99d. δήνεα 239 c. διαπρέπω 9 ἃ.
γνώμων 508. δῆριν 192. διαπτύσσω (τ. 1. -ύω)
γνώριμος 3198: -σμα͵ δηώϊος 145 ἃ, 194 Ὁ, 4188.

49}, 3108, 8116. διαβαίνω 5206, 574 ο:] διαπυκτεύω 740 c.
γόης 70d: ττεία 199,| -σιε 8910. διάπυρος 41 ἃ, 1140.

2188: τεύω 7800. διαβοίω 18 ἃ. δαρθρόω 2a,21a,88d,
γόνιμος 22 c, 284, 121 ς. | διαγίγνομαι 28 a.
γραμμὴ 196 a: «δε ἃ. διαγιγνώσκω To. διρρήδην 7d, 70a,
γραφικός 29 ἃ. διάγνωσις 52a. διασαφέω 888.
γυμνασίαρχον 895. διαγορεύω 874 ἃ. διασείω 811 ἁ.
γυμναστήριον 282 ἃ. διαγράφω 830 c. dracncvdte 2290, 854c:
γυμνῇ κεφαλῇ 299 d, διαδείκνυμι 462 α. «ἡ 8540.
γυναικομανία 301.8, διαδίδωμι 11 ὃ. διασπιισμός 185 6.
γυναικωνῖτις 888 ἃ, διαείρω 145 ἃ, διασπορά ϑα.
γύναιον Μ ἃ. διάθεσις 2d. διάστασις 11 ἃ, 22 a,
yuroedi ¢ 117 a. διαθλέω 379 d. 387d: -ros 548 ο.
γύψ 1170, διαθολόω 84 d. διαστέλλω 846: -ολή

διαθραύω 725 d. 2688, 267a, 373d.

δᾳδουχέίω 62d: -ος διαίμω 417d. διαστροφή 171 Ὁ.

1178. διαίσθησις 739 ο. διασύρω 396 d.
Baxerdv 36 a, 49d. διωιωνίζω 180 b. διατρέχω 8 ἃ.
δαρτός 412 c. διακοπή 259d: -πτω διατριβή 726 Ὁ.
δασύνω 62 c. 259 ο. διάττω (διαίσσω) 298 ἃ.
δατέομαι (ν.1.) 146 b. | διακόσμησις 333.c,885a, | διανγάζω 41 ἃ: -ἧς 9 é
δαφνηρεφὴς 239 ἃ. 878 ἃ, 676 Ὁ. 70a, 98 b, 106d.
δεδίττομαι 829 ἃ, 788 b. | διάκοσμος 814 ἃ, διαφάνεια 5664: «ἧς 1
δείκηλον 10] ς, 106d. διακριβολογοῦμαι 125 Ὁ. Ὁ, 141 Ὁ, 855: -σις
δειματόω 180 δ. διάκρισις 69 ο. 185 b.
δεινότης 886 Ὁ. διακρούω 723 Ὁ. διαφερόντως 46 Ὁ.
δεισιδαιμονίαϑθο, 7408: | διακυβερνάω 2 Ὁ. διάφορον 850 a.

τῶν 14b, 638, διαλι 880. διάφραγμα 852 0,
δικάζω 881 Ὁ. διαλάμπω 9 ἃ. διαφνή 752 a.

560

διαφωνέω 20 ἃ, 790 Ὁ:
-ia 228, 25d, 82d:
-os 82 ο.

διαχλεύω 485 ἃ.

διαχράομαι 87 Ὁ.

διδασκαλικός 862 ἃ.

διεκδικέω 130 8.

διεκδρομὴ 444 Ὁ.

διεκπνοή 847 d.

διελκυστίνδα τὰς 4, note.

ιεἐξερύγησις .

διεξοδεύω 789d, 714:
-os ὅ87 ο, 706 d.

διερευνάω 4 Ὁ.

διερός 42θ ο.

διευκρινέω 18 Ὁ.

διήγησις 82 ἃ.

διηθέω 836 c, 851 Ὁ.

διίστημι 790 Ὁ.

δικαιωτήριον 14 a, 567 Ὁ.

δικανικός 604 d.

δίκτυς (δίκτυον) 451 ἃ.

διμήτωρ 53 d.

δινεύω 430 ο.

δινέω 239 d.

δίνη 19 ἃ, 752d.

διόγνητος 168 c.

διοιδέω 889 c.

διοίκησις 373d:
429 ἃ.

διολκέω (διέλκω) 64 Ὁ:
“ἡ 128 d.

διόλου 825 ο.

διοπετής 284 Ὁ.

διορισμός 708 a.

διοσημία 207 c.

δισκοειδής 838 Ὁ.

δισσόκερως 20] c.

δισσόπους 20] c.

δίυγρος 114 ο.

διχηλία 874 ο.

διχότομος 117 d.

δνοπαλίζω 731 d.

δογματοποιΐα
664 b.

,
τῆς

411 a,

δολιχεύω 323 c.

δολοφονέω 754 ο.

δοξοκοπία 167 ἃ.

δορνφορέω 828 Ὁ.

δοτήρ 147 c.

δοχεύς 126 b, c, 194 d,
ἴ95 d.

OF GREEK WORDS

-yua 149d: -¢ 318 d,
686 b

δραστήριος 826 ἃ, 832 c.
δραχμήν 185 a, 206 ἃ.
δρίος 426 c.
δυηπαθής 227 ἃ.
δυνάμει 676 c:
871 b.
δυσαιτιολόγητος 396 a.
δυσαλθής 40 d.
δυσεξίτητος 40 a.
δυσθήρευτος 810 d.
δυσκολία, δυσκόλως
396 ο.
δυσκρασία 86 ο.
δυσμαχέω 86 ο.
δυσμορφία 392 ἃ.
δυσπέμφελος 288 ο.
δυσφημία 28 Ὁ.
δύσφραστος 44] c.
δυσωπία (v.1. δυστροπία)

δυτικός 116d, 845 ἃ.

δωδεκάεδρον 848 d.

δωδεκάσκυτος 566 b.

δωδεκατημόριον 294 a, Ὁ,
6, 295 a.

«κός

ἐαρίζω 394 d.
ἐάων 782 c.
ἑβδομάς 407 Ὁ.
ἐγγαστρίμυθος 62a,
219 ο.
ἐγγενής ὅ a.
ἔγγλαυκος 89 ἃ.
ἔγγραφος 6d, 9d.
ἐγκαταφυτεύίω 63 Ὁ.
ἔγκατον 779 a.
ἐγκέφαλος 26 c.
ἐγκίρναμαι 395 Ὁ.
ἔγκλισις 529 c, 778 ἃ.
ἐγκρίνω 575 ἃ.
ἐγκρύπτω 62 b.
ἐγκυκλέω, ἐκκυκλέω 62 b:
“10s
ἐγκυλίνδω 374 d.
ἐγκύμων 52 d.
éyxvos 56 a.
ἐγχαράσσω 368 d.
ἐγχείρημα 18 ἃ.
ἐγχρίμπτω 40 ἃ.

δράγδην (δραχμήν, ῥά-] ἐέδμεναι 152 c.
γδην) 185 a, 206 a: ἐθελόκακος 216 a,
ΠῚ

ἐθελουργέω 776 Ὁ.
26vapyia 179 ἃ.
᾿Εθωθιῶν 41 b.

Ef 527 c.

εἰ δὲ μή 811d.
εἰδεχθής 392 ἃ.
εἰδοί 160 d.

εἶδος 331 Ὁ.
εἰδωλικός 64 b, 16] c.
εἰδωλολατρεία 14 Ὁ,
εἰκασία 691 ἀ.
εἰκονίζω 84θ ἃ.
εἰκοσάεδρον 848 d.
εἰκτικός 336 ἃ.
εἱλέω 19 d.

εἵλησις 644 c.
εἰρμός 252 a.
εἰσαγωγή 4 Ὁ, 14d.
εἰσαφικάνω 228 d.

εἰσδέχομαι (passive
LXX) 613 Ὁ. P
εἰσδίδωμι (v. 1.) 350 d.
elaxpivopat 175 Ὁ.
εἰσκύρω 445

εἰσποιοῦμαι 348 ἃ,

elompurropa 153 ἃ.

εἰσφέρω 242 ἃ.

εἰσωθέω 5d.

ἔκβασις 18] ο.

ἐκβιάζομαι 6 ἃ.

ἐκβολή 567 c.

ἐκδειματόω 645 c.
ἐκδέχομαι 461 d.
ἔκδηλος 4d.

ἐκδίδωμι 350c: -δοσις

850 d: -δοτος 248 d.

ἐκδύομαι 529 Ὁ.

ἐκεχειρία 78 Ὁ, 398 c.

ἐκθειάζω 41 a, 780 Ὁ.

ἐκθεόω 230 a.

ἔκθεσμος 73d: -ws 1] 6.

ἔκθρεψις 114 ο.

ἔκθυσις 199 ἃ.

ἐκκαίω 10 d.

ἐκκαλέω 229 ο.

ἐκλάμπω 88 d.

ἐκλειπτικός 84 d.

ἐκλύομαι (ν. 1.) δ29 Ὁ:

«σις 358 c.

ἐκμαγεῖον 845 ἃ.

ἐκμαστεύω 81] d.

ἐκμελετάω 543 d.

éxvixaw 89 d, 383 d.

ἔκπαλαι 204 a.

561

INDEX

ἐκπίπτω 307 ἃ, 317 Ὁ, ἐναίσιμος 728 d.
8

28 c.
ἐκπονέω 7 8,, 18] c.
ἐκπορίζω 800 a.
ἔκστασις, ἔκτασις (v. 1.)
111 d, 828 ἃ
ἐκτεκμαίροπαι 2158 ἃ.
ἐκτίθεμαι 8186: -«-θεσις
69 a, 849 ἃ.
ἐκτομή 39d.
ἕκτοπος 806: «ζω 60a.
ἐκτραγῳδέω 89 d, 64 d.
ἐκτραχηλίζω 1184, 2188.
ἔκτυφος 218 b.
ἔκφανσις ἃ, 8184:
«τικῶς 378 a.
ἐκφαυλίζω (v. 1.) 435 a,
417d.

ἐκφεύγω 280 Ὁ.

ξκῴυσις 109 d, 114 ἃ.

ἐλέγχω 64 Ὁ.

ἐλευθεροστομέω 242 c.

ἐλεφαντιάω 484 Ὁ.

ἐλικοειδῆς 41 ἃ.

ἕλκόω 431 a.

ἔλλιπής 527d.

ἕλμινς 397 Ὁ.

ἕλος 20 a.

ἕλυμος 436 c.

ἔλυτρον 452 a.

ἐμβαθύνω 288 d, 574 ἃ.

ἐμβιόω 229 d.

ἐμμανής 18 8.

ἐμμελῆς 603 ἃ.

ἐμπάζομαι 70}.

ἐμπαθής 199 a, 312d.

é ἰμπαιδοτριβέω 407 d.

ἐμπαρέχειν 180 c, 326 a.

ἐμπίς 765 ο.

ἐμποδοστατέω 777 ἃ.

ἐμπορεύομαι 2148:
21448.: -ἰκός 15 ο.

ἐμπρόσθιος 39 a.

"Ἔμπουσα 730 c.

ἔμπτωσις 114d, 172 a.

ἔμπυρος 85 b, 118 ἃ,

’
“tl

ἐμφαγεῖν 224 Ὁ.
ἐμφανιστής 379 ἃ: -ἰκός
-paois 41d,
326 ¢ ο.

ἐμφερής 106 Ὁ.
«μφιλοχωρέω 181 Ὁ.
ἐμφύρω 800 b.
ἐμφωλεύω (ν. }.) 181 b.

562

ἐναλίγκιος 145 ο.
ἐναλλάττομαι 890 c.
ἔναμμα 27 ἃ, 683 b.
ἐνανθρωπέω 7d.
ἐναντιότης 25 ο.
ἐναντιοφορέω 286 Ὁ.
ἐναποκλείω 122 ἃ.
19d,

ἐναπολαμβάνω

4 ἃ.
ἐνάργεια 266 b, 528 a,
810 b: -ns 4a.
ἐναρίζω 145 b, 215 Ὁ.
ἔνδακρυς 444 d.
évdeixrns 215 a.
ἐνδεικτικῶς 370 ἃ.
ἐνδεχομένως 858 Ὁ.
ἐνδοιασμός 394 ο.
ἐνδόσθια 780 Ὁ.
ἐνέργεια 528 a, 8106:
-έω 12a, 4684 : -ds
50 b.
ἔνθεος 7a, 8 Ὁ.
ἐνθύμησις 99 ἃ.
ἐνθύμιον 160 Ὁ.
ἐνιαυτὸς (μέγας) 821 ἃ,
849 c.

ἐνιπή 427 a.

ἐνίστημι 51 ἃ, 144 ο.

(ἐννέωρος note) 209 d.

ἔννοια 272a (note),
332 a.

ἔννους 82θ ο.

ἔνοπλος 64d.

ἐνσκευάζω 1178.

ἐνσφραγίζομαι 884 ο.

ἐντάφια 367 a.

évreivw 114 ἃ.

ἐντελέχεια 811 Ὁ.

ἐντελῆς Ab, 7908.

ἕντευξις 5148.

ἔντεχνος 68 ἃ.

ἐντίθημι 18 ἃ.

ἐντόπιος 421 a.

ἔντορνος 627 a.

ἐντυγχάνω 16 ¢, 69 c,
283 c: “Ὅμαι 429 ο.

ἐντυπόω 90 ἃ, 171 a,

404 d.

᾿Εννάλιος 416 ἃ.

ἐνωμότως 777 Cc.

ἐξαγκωνίζω 260d.

ἐξαγωγη, 618 a.

efaxovorus 169 d,

ἐξαναθλίβω 838 d.

ἐξανθίζω 784 a.

ἐξάντης 161 d.

ἐξαπλόω 130 b, 519 b.

ἐξάπτω 2 Ὁ, 25a: «ψις
2 Ὁ, 25a.

ἐξαρνητικόν 787 Ὁ.

ἐξαρτάω 15a.

ἐξασθενέω 205 c.

ἐξατμίζω 181 Ὁ, 851 b.

ἐξελκόω 435 α.

ἐξεργασία 4θ5 ο.

ἐξερευνάω 82 ς.

ἐξέτασις 4b: -τής 818:
-ητασμένως 44 ο.

ἐξηγητικός 7 ἃ:
280 ο.

ἐξιδιάζω 48 Ὁ.

ἐξιδιόω 89 d.

ἐξίλασις 1994:
854 d.

ἐξιλεοῦμαι 179 d.

ἔξις 528 Ὁ.

ἐξίτηλος 789 ο, 757 ἃ.

ἐξοικειοῦσθαι 2c, 37 ς,
48 Ὁ, 884 Ὁ.

ἐξοικίζω 169 c.

ἐξοιστρέω 10d, 179 a.

ἐξομοιοῦσθαι 24a.

ἐξομολόγησις 326 d.

ἐξομόργνυμι 578 Ὁ.

ἐξόριος 781 ἃ.

ἐξορχοῦμαι 62 Ὁ.

ἐξούλη 466 c.

ἐξονσιαστικός 267 c.

ἔξοχος 218 Ὁ.

ἐξυφαίνω 98 ἃ.

ἐξώλεια 859 ο.

ἐξωμίς 880 Ὁ.

ἐξωνέομαι 152d.

ἐπάγγελμα 15c.

ἐπάγομαι 16d, 44 4.

ἐπαγρύπνησις 3758.

ἐπαγωγή 357 d.

ἐπαθρέω 384 c.

ἐπαινετός 337 ἃ.

ἐπαΐω 5c.

ἐπαιωρέω 73d, 314 c.

ἐπακολούθημα 395 b:
«σις

ἐπακτρίς 548 c.

ἐπαλγής 875 ἃ.

ἐπαληθεύω 18 ἃ, 848 Ὁ.

ἐπάλληλος 888 a, 391 d.

“τῆς

“κόμαι

ἐπαμάομαι 94.
ἐπαμύνω 238 6.
ἐπαναβαίνω 180 Ὁ, 172 c.
ἐπάναγκος 194 ο.
ἐπαναιρέω 1894.
ἐπανάστασις 180 d.
ἐπανατείνω 738 ο, 742 ἃ.
ἐπανατρυγάω 14 ἃ.
ἐπαποδύω 379d, 888 ἃ.
ἐπαρήγω 288 c.
ἐπάρουρος 698 ἃ.
ἐπαφίημι 282 ο.
ἐπείσακτος 39 Ο.
ἐπεισκυκλέω 217 ἃ.
ἐπέκεινα 12 Ὁ.
ἐπελαφρίζω 386 d.
ἐπεμβαίνω 419 a.
ἐπεντρυφάω 181 c.
ἐπεξεργάζομαι 443 c.
ἐπέραστος 37 ἃ.
ἐπέρομαι 214 ἃ.
ἐπέτειος 28 ἃ.
ἐπέχω (χὠώραν) 802 Ὁ,
(βαθμόν) 848 c.
ἐπήβολος 807 ἃ.
ἔπηκοος 179 c.
ἐπηλυγάζω 7θ2ς, 777 ἃ.
ἔπηλυς 417 c.
ἐπιβάθρα 776 d.
ἐπιβίλλω 325 a: -βολή
354 ἃ.
ἐπιβατός 284.
ἐπιβρίθω 24 d.
ἐπίγειος 59 c, 90b.
ἐπίγνωσις 69 c, 307 d.
ἐπιγράφομαι 2b, 2d,
d:

ἐπιδαψιλείω 386 d.
ἐπιδέομαι 23 Ὁ.
ἐπιδεύομαι 198 ο.
ἐπιδημία 179 Ὁ, d.
ἐπιδιαβαίνω 284 a.
ἐπιδίδωμι 8b, 360 a:
-8oors 71 ἃ.
ἐπιδικάζομαι 231 Ὁ.
ἐπιδιορθόω 303 d.
ἐπίδοξος 12 ἃ.
ἐπιέννυμι 148 ἃ.
ἐπιζητέω 19 Ὁ.
ἐπιθαλαττίδιος 617 Ὁ.
ἐπιθειάζω 317 ἃ.
ἐπίθεσις 78 α.
ἐπιθεωρέω 16 d, 44 Ὁ.
ἐπιθυμητικός 851 d.

OF GREEK WORDS

ἐπίθυσις (v.1.) 28b, 34b.
ἐπικαλέω 71 Ὁ.
ἐπικάρπιος 777 Ὁ.
ἐπικατατρέχω 436 b,
ἐπικαταφέρω 231 ἃ.
ἐπίκηρος 69] d.
ἐπικινδύνως 121d.
ἐπίκλην 508 c.
ἐπικομίζω 80 Ὁ.
ἐπικρανίς 852 Ὁ,
ἐπικρίνω 221 Ὁ.
ἐπίκρνφος 88 c.
ἐπίκτητος 220 d.
ἐπικυματίζω 814 d.
ἐπικωμάζω 886 Ὁ.
ἐπιλάμπω 2 ἃ.
ἐπιλήθομαι 145 Ὁ.
ἐπιληψία 164 ἃ.
ἐπιλογισμός 803 Ὁ.
ἐπιμαίνομαι 11 c.
ἐπιμαίομαι 427 Ὁ.
ἐπίμαχος 110d.
ἐπιμιξία 780 ἃ.
ἐπινέμομαι 8944: -ησις
848

C.
ἐπιξενόομαι 409 ἃ.
ἐπιορκέω 12 c.
ἐπίπλαστος 495 b,726 6:
-ws 12 Ὁ.
ἐπιπλοκὴ δὼ ἃ, 28] Ὁ,
283 ἃ.

ἐπίπνοια 521] Ὁ.
ἐπιτολάζω 393 Cc, 739 a:
-ἧς (80 b.
ἐπιπομπή 371 a.
ἐπιπόνως 21 Ὁ.
ἐπιπρέπω 217 ἃ.
ἐπιπροσθέω 556 ἃ.
ἐπίρρησις 182 ἃ.
ἐπιρρήσσω 174 ¢.
ἐπίρρητος 162 a, 243 a.
ἐπίρρυτος 446 a.
ἐπισημαίνω 378 Ὁ, 473 ἃ.
ἐπισκάζω 433
ἐπισκέπτομαι 30 ἃ.
ἐπισκευή 351 Ὁ.
ἐπίσκηψις 1217 c, 180 α.
ἐπισκιάζω 40 Ὁ.
ἐπίσκιον 84 Ὁ.
ἐπισπάομαι 6b, 734d.
ἐπισπέρχω 237 ἃ.
ἐπιστασία 704 c.
ἐπίστασις 87 a.
ἐπιστατέω 306 ο, 976 ο.

002

ἐπιστημονικός 2 d, 307 ἃ,
40 Ὁ (ἐμπειρία).
ἐπιστημόνως 18 ἃ.
ἐπιστρατεύω 87 c.
ἐπιστρεπτικός (v. 1.)
289 a: -φομαι 753d:
«στροφή 122d, 463 a.
ἐπιστρωφάω 90 a.
ἐπισυμβαίνω 245 ἃ.
ἐπισυνάπτω 232 d.
ἐπισύστασις 429 c.
ἐπισφαλὴς 304d: -as
121 c.
ἐπισφράγισμα 18 c, 29 Ὁ.
ἐπισχυρίζομαι 82 ἃ.
ἐπισωρεύειν 802 Cc.
ἐπίτασις 174d.
ἐπιτάφιος 72 ο.
ἐπιτειχίζομαι
«σμός 393 Ὁ.
ἐπιτελέω 8a, 448.
ἐπιτέμνω 272 α.
ἐπιτευκτικός 295 Cc.
ἐπιτέχνημα 80 c.
ἐπιτήδευσις 243d.
ἐπιτηρησις 237 d.
ἐπιτίμιον 366 Ὁ.
ἐπιτολή 92 c.
ἐπιτρεπτικός (v.1.)289 a:
-πω 221 Ὁ.

718 c:

ἐπιτριβή 127 Ὁ.
ἐπιτύμβιος 62d, 72 ο.
ἐπιτυχῶς 508 c.
ἐπιτωθάζω 183 c.
ἐπιφάνεια 10d, 20a,
53 b, 69d: -ns 44d.
ἐπιφάσκω 388 d.
ἐπιφέρω 42d: -φορά
248

Cc.

ἐπιφημίζω 69a, 70d,

74}, 358 b, c.
ἐπίφραξις 848 c.
ἐπιφύω 74 ἃ.
ἐπιφωνέω 1a.
ἐπίχαρις 41 d.
ἐπιχείρημα 789 a.
ἐπίχειρον 397 Ὁ.
ἐπιχθόνιος 114 Ὁ.
ἐπιχορηγέω 329 ο.
ἐπιχράω 288 Ὁ.
ἐπίχνυσις 28 b, 84 b.
ἐπιχώριος 40 c.
ἐπιψοφέω 228 ἃ.
ἐπόμνυμαι 214 Ὁ.

563

ἐποπίζομαι 228 Ὁ.

ἐποπτεία 30b, 5238 a:
-evw 65 b: -rns 198 a,
899 ο.

ἐποχέομαι 22 d.

ἐποχή 790 b, 512 ἃ.

ἐπῳδή 518 Ὁ.

ἐρανίζω 858d, 780d:
-os 460 d.

ἐργαστικός 334 b, 677 b,

ἐργάτις 738 c.

ἐργοδοτέω 116.

ἐρεβώδης 88 ο.

ἐρεοῦς 484 Ὁ.

ἐρευνητής (ν.1.) 28d.

ἐρήρισμαι 680 ο.

ἐριουργέω 427 d.

ἐριστικός 792 ο.

ἑρμηνεία 46 ἃ.

ἔρνος 899 ἃ.

ἑρπηνώδης 392 ἃ.

ἑρπυστικός 40d, pict ἃ.

ἐρρωμενέστερυς 187 Ὁ:
-ws 18.

ἐρυθριάω 73 e.

ἐσκαταβαίνω 233 ἃ.

ἑστιάομαι 11 ἃ.

ἐσχατία 18 ¢.

ἑταιρεία 602d:
892 a.

ἑτερογενής 332 Ὁ.

ἑτερόδοξος 405 d.

ἑτερότης 529 ἃ.

ἐτυμολογέω 264 a, 62 ἃ:
-ia .

εὐαγής 144 Ὁ.

ears 445 d.

εὐαίσθητος 780 c.

evardns 192 Ὁ.

evavarperros 741 ο.

εὔβονλος 393 Ὁ.

εὐγνωμοσύνη 691 a.

εὐδάπανος 151 ἃ,

εὐδείελος 256 Ὁ.

εὐδοκίμησις 461 c.

εὐέπεια 513 c.

εὐεργεσία 14b, 45b:
“Ts oa.

evepyds 780 c.

εὐζωϊα 10a, 12 ς, 18 Ὁ.

εὐηνίως 249 ο.

εὔθετος 49d, 432 d.

εὐθημοσύνη 586,

εὐθηνία 356 ἃ.

564

εἰδιον

INDEX

εὐθυβόλος 142a:
704 d.

εὔθυνα 757

εὐκαταῷορος Cc.

εὐκρασία 48 a, 832 a.

evxréavos .

εὔλογχος 206 c.

εὔλυτος 36 a.

εὐμαρής 193 b: -ds 8 b.

εὐμοιρία “ος
888 d.

εὐμορφία 882 ἃ.

εὐνέτις 489 ἃ.

ews 685a. .

εὐνομία 42 a, 357 ἃ.

εὐολίσθητος 840 8.

εὐόλισθος 882 ἃ.

εὐορκία 12 c.

εὐπάθεια 3008.

εὐπήληξ 192 Ὁ.

εὐποιΐα 144 ο.

εὑρεσιλογέω 1838: -ia
82d, 788d, et passim.

evperixds 371 c.

εὐρυβίης, 101 ἃ.

εὑρυγάστωρ 210d.

εὐρύοπα 223

εὐσταθής 888 ἃ.

εὔστομα κείσθω 185 b.

εὐτονία 114d

εὔφημος 884 c.
εὐφραδής 518 c.
εὐφυής 21d: -ia 39d.
εὐχαίτης 238 Ὁ.
εὐχρηστία 415d:
871 ο.
εὐψυχία 481 b.
εὐωχία 892 Ὁ.
ἐφαπλόω 69 ἃ,
ἔφεδρο ς 18] ο.
ἐφερπύζω 201 d.
ἐφέστιον 159 ἃ.
ἐφικνέομαι 17d:
$25 d.
ἐφίππιος 707 Ὁ.
10 ἃ, 11},

ἐφοδεύω 18 b, 131 b.
ἐφοράω 18 ἃ.
ἐχετογνώμων 457 6.
ἑωσφόρος 828d.

-of

“τός

Ζαγρείς θά Ὁ, note.

-ws | ζάθεος 238 d.

ζαφλεγής 125 d.

(nary
oxen 10c, Ἵ 16 d.
ζοφώδης 14 b, 33 c.
ζυγοφορεῖσθαι 85 d.
ὥθος 53 a.
ζῳδιακός 291 a.
ζωογονέω 20D, d.
ζωοθυτέω 404 a.
ζῶον 452 a.
ζωοπλαστέω 91 Ὁ.
ζωοτρόφος 198 6.
ζωτικός 852 c.

Ζωφασημίν 38 d.

ἡγεμονέω 8806: -ia23b,
690 d: εἰκός 24d,
39 Ὁ, 852 a.
ἡ έομ αι 18.
vie τ ἃ, 191 ἃ.
ἡερέθομαι d.
Ἤερίη 256 Ὁ.
ἴα 152 α.
λίβατος 416 b.
λίθιος 68 b, 182 c.
ἡμέριος 223 d.
ἥμερος 2] ο, 70 Ὁ.
ἡμίκακος 218 ἃ.
ἡμίμηδος 218 a.
ἡμιπέρσης 218 ἃ.
ἡμισφαίριον 24 ς.
ἡνιοχείω 175d:
42a.
ἠρεμέω 26 ἃ.

nxn (ν.}]. ἦχος) 196d.

θακεύω 407 Ὁ.
θαλαμεύω 396 d.
θαλασσοποιός 111 ἃ.
θάλπω 214 c.

θάμνος 195d.
θανατηφόρος 828 d.
θατέρᾳ ληπτός 186 Ὁ.
θάτερος 246 a.
θεαγωγία 198 a.
θεήλατος 394 Ὁ, 396 a.
θειάζω 63 Ὁ, 318 c.
θειοδάμος 198 d, 194 b.

θεῖον χρῆμα 1a.

θέμειλον 237 ἃ.
θεμιτώδης 204d.
θεοβλάβεια 159 d.
θεογνωσία 3d, 349 Ὁ.
Geoyovia 17 b, 39d.
θεοείκελος 332 ἃ.
θεοεχθρία 829 d.
θεοκλυτέω 404 Ὁ.
θεοκρατία 86] ἀ.
θεολογέω db, ore 11 Cc:
aa 16d, -os

C.
θεομαχέω 5a: -ia 829 Ὁ.
θεοπληξία 284.
θεοποιζω T4c: -nros
888 d: - 17b, 74c:
-ds 230 ἃ.
θεοπρόπιον 139 d, 691 Ὁ.
θεοπτία 310 c.
θεός (etym.) 29 c,d.
θεόσδοτος 145 b.
θεοσέβεια 7c.
θεοσημία 812 ἃ.
θεοσοφία 16d, 18 ο,
412 ἃ, 740 ἃ.
θεοσύλης 898 d.
θεοφάνεια 189d, 808 d,
809 ἃ

θεοφήτης 191 b.

θεοφιλής 2b:
310 b.

θεοφορέω 3c, 317d:
“nots 78d, 521b:
-ia 132 ἃ.

θεραπεία 10d, 130 b:
-evrns 8816: -erw 69a,
74 a, 182 a.

θερμότης 23 a, note.

θερμουργός 731 a.

θεσμοφύρια 64 c, note.

θεσμῳδός 360 Ὁ.

θεσπίζω od, 144c:
«στῆς 430 c.

θεσπιῳδός 134 ἃ.

θετικός 737 ἃ.

θέω 29 c, 182α.

θεώρημα 8820: -ia 69 a,

ole

θηλύμο oppor, 109 d.
θημὼν

θηριωδία 18 ς, 70 Ὁ.
θησαυροφυλακέω 381 ἃ,
θητεία 18 ἃ : -εὐω 57 Ὁ.
θνητοειδής 556 ".

-ἰα 2 C,

OF GREEK WORDS

θοινάομαι 110: -ἡ 152d.

θολερός 19 ἃ.

θορός 94 d.

θρησκεύω 30 a.

θρνλέω 18 ἃ, 16d.

θρύον 35 ἃ.

θυγατρομιξία 80] ἃ.

θνηλά 14θ8.

θυμηδία 782 c.

θυμήρης 391 ἃ.

θυμίασις 29a: -τήριον
298: -w 848 0.

θυμικός 851 d.

θυραυλέω 586 c.

θυρσόω 53 ¢.

θυσία 29 a.

θύω 29 a.

ἰαίνω 201 Ὁ.
ἰατρεῖον 791 Ὁ : -εἴα (τά)
418 Ὁ

ἰδέα 19d, 526 b.

ἰδιάζω 805 ἃ.

ἰδιωτικός 14 ἃ, 218 ἃ.

ἴδρις 124 a.

ἵδρυσις 80Ὁ : -ύω 447 ο.

ἱδρὼς 214 Ὁ.

ἱεράκειος 116 d.

ἱερακόμορφος 41d.

ἱερακοπρόσωπος 116d.

iepevw 383 ἃ.

lepoypanparervs 410,
198 b.

ἱεροκήρνξ 117 a.

lepoddyos 32 a.

ἱερομηνία 62 c.

lepoovdia 148d:
892 c.

iepovpyia 1a,83d, 160d,
392 b.

ἱεροφάντης 89 ς, 117 ἃ,
817 a: -ia 523d,

ἱέρωμα 416d.

ἱερωσύνη 50 a.

inropin 1248.

ixvoupevos (χρόνος) 4576.

ἱλάσκομαι 221 a.

ἱλεοῦμαι 154 ς, 167 d.

ἰλιγγιῶ 391 c, 604 d:
-os 510 6.

ἰλύς 886: -ὦδης 19d.

ἰλυσπάομαι 112 ἃ, 181 Ὁ.

ἱμάς 231 Ὁ.

-O$

ἱματισμός 436 a.

ἰνδάλλομαι 645 c.

ἰοβόλος 40 ἡ.

ἸΙουδαΐζω 427 d.

ἱπποδρομία 397 ἃ.

ἱπποπόταμος 116d.

ἶρις 395 Ὁ.

ionpepia 160d.

ἰσόδρομος 847 a, 849 c.

ἰσόθε eos 47 0.

ἰσοκρατής 726 d.

ἰσομεγέθης 450 Ὁ.

ἰσομοιρία 228 ἃ: -os
227 d.

ἰσορροπία 565 a: -os
213 a, 220d, 560 6.

ἰσόστοιχος 777 d.

ἰσοῦσθαι 116 ἃ.

ἱστοβοεύς 225 ἃ.

ἰσχνόφωνος 441 ο.

ἰυγξ 193 d.

ἰχθνοφαγέω 274 ο.

ἰχνεύμων 49 ἃ.

ἰχνηλατέω 89θ ἃ.

καγχάζω 735 Ὁ.
καθαγισμός 145.
καθαίρεσις 9a, lla.
καθαμαξεύω 283 a,
καθέλκω 126 c.
κάθετος 291 a, 847 ἃ.
καθεψέω (καθέψω) 65 a.
καθηγεμών 872 a,
καθήκω 210 Ὁ.
καθιερόω 28 Ὁ.
καθίημι 4 ἃ.
καθικετεύω 186 Ὁ.
καθομιλεῖσθαι 462 Ὁ.
καθοσιόω 240 c.
καθύπνιος 219d.
καθυποκρίνομαι 220 ἃ,
692 ἃ, 694 ἃ: -νω
182 a, 220 d.
καινοτομέω 740 Ὁ:
16 d, 130d.
καιρός 113 a, 114 8.
καιροφυλακέω 778 ἃ.
κακεντρεχής 182 c.
κακηπελία 237 C.
κακοδαιμονέω 276 ἃ.
κακοεργός 171 ο.
κακόθυτος 151 Ὁ, 184 ἃ.
κακορραφίη 427 ο.

565

’
“tat

κακοτέχνημα 2176: -τἴτ!
167 c: -ος 70d, 139 ς..
199 b. ἱ
κακότροπος 290 d.
κάλαθος 64c. 113 ¢c.
καλαμάομαι 114 a.
κιλινδεῖσθαι 511 ἃ.
καλλίγονος 110 d.
καλλιγραφέω 369 c : -os |
338

Cc.
καλλιεργία 730 Ὁ.
καλλιερέω 157 ο. ]
καλλωπίζω 123 Ὁ, 132d:

«σμός 146.
καλύβη 35a.
καμαρόω 776d.
καμμύω 41 ἀ.
καμπεσίγνιος 64d.
κάμπη 49 d.
κανονίζω 815 &.
καπηλικῶς 739 ἃ.
κάπηλις 259 Ὁ.
καραδοκέω 219 ἃ.
καρδιουλκία 63 d.
κάρος 68 ἃ, 764 c.
καρπόω 421 b.
καρτερία 407 Ὁ.
καρωτικός 132 a.
καταβάλλω (absol.)

243 a: -βολή 310 6.
καταγέλαστος 124 ἃ.
καταγλωττίζω 739 C.
καταγράφω 106 Ὁ.
καταδείκνυμι 19a.
κατάδεσμος 199 c.
καταδυναστεία 140 Ὁ.
κατάδυσις 397 ἃ.

καταθορυβω 730 ο,
καταθύω 11 d.
καταιβάσιος 239 Ὁ.

κιταιονέω 395 ἃ.
κατακάμπτω 217 d.
κατακερματίζω 337 ¢,

κατακλάω 373 a.

κατάκλισις 153 a.

κατακρημνίζω 11 d.

καταλαμβάνω 362 Ὁ:
-ἡπτικός 331d: -ηπτός
820 ἃ, 8206: -ηψις
228, 820 ο, 469a,
740d

κατάλληλος 14 ἃ, 327 ἃ,
566

INDEX

καταλοίῳ 397 Ὁ.
καταμα:τείομαι 132 c.
κατανόησις 4 Ὁ.
καταξαίνω 96] Ὁ.

καταξιόω δ ἃ.

κατάπεμπτος 510 a.

κατοπίμπρημι 392 Cc.
καταπίπτω 3.2 Ὁ.
καταπλάσσω 217 ἃ.
καταποντόω 3598, 392 c.
καταπτήσσω Δ 6.
καταρρέω 23 d.
xataprie 731 Ὁ.
κατασπώω 49% Cc.
κατάστασις 390 Ὁ.
καταστέλλω 24 Ὁ, 85 d.
καταστοχάζομαι 182 c.
καταστωμύλομαι 780 ἃ.
κατασφίγγω 775 C.
κατασχεδιάζω 348 ἃ,
κατατάσσω 4] Ὁ.
κατατίθημι 7138 ¢.
κατάτρησις 836 d.
κατάτρυχόω 14 Ὁ.

κατατρύχω Ala, 14 Ὁ

(v.1.).
xararuparvew 10d.
καταφατικύς 737 Cc.
καταφερής 49 ἃ.
καταφορά 33 d.
καταχθόνιος 181 ἃ.
καταχώννυμι 31 Ὁ.
καταχωρίζω 350d, 664b.
κατειρωνεύομαι 407 c.
κατεστωμυλμένος 730 a.
κατέχει λόγος 17 Ὁ, 49 a.
κατισχίω 49 ἃ.
κατοικίδιος 200 ο, 859 b.
κατοίχομαι 12 ἃ.
κατονομάζω 29 ἃ: -σία
(v. 1.) 80 Ὁ.
κατοπτεύΐω 487 ο: της
88 d.
κατακωχῆ, κατοχή (v. 1.)
40 a, 882 ο, 779 d.
κενοδοξίι 172 Ὁ, 735 Ὁ.
κενοπαθέω 385 Ὁ.
κεντροφόρος 110 ο.
κένωσις 407 Ὁ.
κεράστης 49 ἃ.
κερατίας 53 6.
κέρκωψ 350 d.
κερνοφορέω 64 a.
κεφάλαιον 14b.

j κεφαλαλγέα 53 d.

| κηδεία, -δος 36% Ὁ: -eper

Ϊ 2d: -exw Zle,d,
5971 d.

κήλησις 172 ἃ.

κηλίς 405 a.

κὴηρ 110 a.

cnpaire 327 c, 842 d.

κηρνξ 66 Ὁ.

κιγνέω 625 a, 713 α: -ησις
624 a, Ὁ, 695 ἃ.

κισηροειδὴς 836 d.

κλισιάς 396 d.

κλόνος 189 c.

κνηφιάω, κνισιάω 213 Ὁ.

κγίσα (κνίσσι) [158 a,

i3 Ὁ.

κνώδαλον 310ς, 375 b.

κοάλεμος 651 a,

κοιλία 852 Ὁ.

κοινωφελής 819 c.

κολαστήριον 397 ἃ.

κολαστρία 441 ἃ.

Κολπίας 34 Ὁ.

κομάω 232 Ὁ.

κομπάζω 74b.

κομψεία 788 d: -ός 7298.

κονίασις 454 ἃ.

κονίω 388 a.

κοπρία 230 a.

κορμός 234 a.

κόρος 109 b.

κόρρη 580 b.

κορυβαντιασμός 78d.

κορυφαῖος 394a, 602 ο,
672 ἃ.

κορύσσομαι 789 ο.

κορώνη 219 ο, 225d.

κοσμογονία 18a, 21d,
266, 33d, 512 ας.

κοσμοκράτωρ 182 c.

κοσμοποιός 17 c.

κότινος 368 ἃ.

κουρίδιος 37 6.

κράδη 67 Ὁ.

κράτησις 88 ἃ.

κρατύνω 8846.

κρεανομία 62 c.

xpeoBopéw 274 Ὁ.

κρεουργέω 383 d.

κρεοφαγία 449 Ὁ.

κρημνοβατέω 89] Ὁ.

κριθομαντεῖον 219 c: -ἰς
62 ἃ.

κρικοειδής 749 ο.

κρίμνον 436 ο.

κροταλίζω 228 ἃ.

κρότος 2684.

κροῦμα 476.

xreis 67 Ὁ.

κτηνοτρόφος 424 d, 427 a.

κύανος 567 ἡ.

κυβεντήριον 62 ἃ.

κυέω (κύω) 64a: -ησις
110 a: -ἰσκω (ν. 1.)
277 b.

κυκεών 66 Ὁ.

κυλινδροειδής 22 ¢,
838 Ὁ.

κυνηγία -ἐσιον
191 ἃ.
κυνικός 273 a:
510 d.
κυνοκέφαλον 766 d.
κυνόμυια 442 Ὁ.
κυοφορέω 20 ".
κυπρογενής 63 c.
κυριολεκτέω 307 Ὁ.
κύτος 685 ἃ.
κύων 752 Cc.
κωμηδόν 381 c.
κωμῳδέω 369 c, 788 b,
κῶνος 64 d.
κωφός 362 ἃ.

«σμός

λαβύρινθος 72 Ὁ.

λάγνος 63 c.

λαθραῖα 430 c.

λακτιστική 230 ἢ.

λαμπηδών 201 Ὁ.

λαμπρότης (ν.}.) 24a:
-ύνομαι 28 ¢c, 18θ a.

λαοπλάνος 242 c.

λάρναξ 413d.

λαρός 146 b.

λάχανον 274 c.

Λάχεσις 263 d.

λαχνήεις 426 c.

λείψανα 39 a,

λεοντής 112 ¢.

λεπτομερής 108 Ὁ, 314b.

λευχειμονέω 405 a: -μων
113 ¢.

λεωφόρος 10 ο.
λιθίδια 566 d.

OF GREEK WORDS

λιθοθεσία 432 Ὁ.

λιθοκόλλητος 889 ἃ.

λιθόστρωτος 453 d.

λιθουργέω 334 Ὁ.

λιμνάζω 20a, 1460,
851 b.

λιμοκτονέω 616 Ὁ.
λιμοποιός 260 ο.

λιμός (7) 425 Ὁ, note.
λιμώσσω 274 ο.

λισσός 426 d.

λιτός 99 b.

λιτότης 407 Ὁ.

λογάς 16 Ὁ.

λογία (? ἀναλογία) 374 Ὁ.
λογογράφος 42 c, 44a,
λογοθήρας bir b.
λογομαχία d.
λοίγιος 428 ἃ.

λοιμικός 390 Ὁ.
λοιμώσσω 208 c.

λοχέω 88 Ὁ.

λόχιος 118 Ὁ.

λυγίζω 407 b.

λύθρος 148 d.
λυμαίνομαι 11d: -η 40d.
λύσσα 5D Ὁ: -dw 384 a.
λυτός 504d,

λυτρωτής ὅ ἃ.

λωφάω 393 d.

ea 132 Ὁ, 196d,
le: -ov 485.
μαθητεύω 11 Ὁ.
μαινόλης 62 c.
μανιώδης 53 d.
μαντεύομαι 800 c.
μαργαίνω 429 a,
μαστήρ 284.
μαστοειδῆς 450 ἃ.
ματαιολογία 2θ4 ἃ.
ματαιοπονία 852 c.
ματαιόφρων 66 d.
μαυσώλιον 72 Ὁ.
μαχλάω 63 ἃ.
μεγαλαυχία 829 Ὁ.
μεγαλεῖος 8706: «ὅτης

378 b.
μεγαλήτωρ 66 d.
μεγαλοδωρεά 3 Ὁ.
μεγαλομέρεια 850 ἃ.
μεγαλόνοια 7138 ἃ.

μα

μεγαλόπολις 3144, 393d. | μηρυκισμός 878 ο.

μεγαλόσωμος 48 ἃ.

μεγαλοφωνία 182 d,
692 ἃ.

μεγαρίζω θ4 ο.

μεγεθοποιέω 24 a,
μεθαρμόζομαι 704 ἃ.
μεθοδεύω 397 c.
μειλίσσομαι 169 c,
μειλίχιος 88 ο.
μελάγχρους 91 Ὁ.
μελανείμων 78 ἃ.
μελοποιός 12] ἃ.

Ἴ μεμελημένος 164 ἃ,

μέροψ 194 ἃ.
μέσαι (τέχναι) 185 6.
μεσόγειος 88 Ὁ.
μεσουράνημα 29] ἃ.
μεσόφρυον 852 Ὁ.
μεστὸὲξῤ (ἀπὸ τούτων)
174 ἃ,
μέστωμα 145 ο.
μεταβιβασμός (v. 1.)
307 ο.
μεταγενέστερος 59 0.
μεταγραφή 350 b.
μεταδίωξις 16 c.
μετακύμιος 543 c.
μεταλαμβάνω 350 c.
μετάληψις 298 ἃ, 307 ο.
μεταλλευτής 447 ἃ.
μεταποιέω 884 Ὁ: -ησις
298 d.
μετάπτωσις 624 a,
μετάρσιος 101d, 841 ο.
μετασκενάζω 74 Ὁ.
μετασχημάτισις 113 οα.
μετάφρασις 844.
μεταχρώννυμι 435 ο.
μετεωρίζω 8 Ὁ.
μετεωρολέσχης 96 b,
882 b, 852 ἡ.
μετεωρολογίι 123 a,
μετέωρος 841 ο.
μετροποιέω 220 b,
μήδεα 63 ο.
μηδεπώποτε (cum fu-
turo) 7 ἃ.
μηκάς 274 ¢.
μήκων 67 Ὁ.
μηλόβοτος 750 Ὁ.
μῆνιγξ 852 Ὁ.
μηνοειδής 28 a.
μήρινθος 391 d.

567

τέω 7

μητρίς 229 c.
μητρογαμέίω 11d:
801 a
prpordrep636b, 687 a.
μητρόπολις 9 a.

μισάνθρωπος 179 ο.
μισέλλην 719 a.

μόδον 286 ἃ, 238 d.
μολιβδόω 454 a.
μοναδικός 548 Ὁ.
μοναρχέω 10 d.
μονάς 49 ἊΝ ἃ, 821
y 6,
ary) hay d.
μονοειδῆς 3860c (ν.],
ὁμοιοειδής).
μόνωσις 548 Ὁ.
μόρσιμος 237 d.
μορφόω 825d, 826 a:
-wpa 294 Ἢ
υσουργός 4θ ο.
vee 4d, 67a: -ησις
64a
μυθήριον vel μυθάριον
62 d.

μυθογράφος 48 b.
μυθολογέω 486:
dc: -ia 128 ο.
μνθοποιίω 8716:
408.
μυρεψός 277 c.
pupiCopa 275 ἃ.
μυστηριώδης 82 d.
μνστικός 4c.

μα

vy
-α

νάβλα 47θ ἃ.
νάρθηξ 53 d.
vapxaw 423 ἡ.
vauxAnpia 382 a.
νεάζω 41 Ὁ.
νεβρίς 27 ἃ.
νειηγενής 427 Ὁ.

568

νε

INDEX

'ρτέω, μησαγυρ-' Νειλαῖος (ν.}, νηλείην) | οἰκοδομία 122 a:
To ee δὰ 29

ia 62 a.

-ta | νεόλεκτος 16 Ὁ.

νεοπηγής 146d.
veorria 359 Ὁ.

νεῦμα 308 d.
vevpoowacrés 245 ἃ.
vew vel νηέω 155 c.

νέωτα 3
νεωτερίζω 782 ἃ : -σμός
ὅ a.

Cc.

νηνεμία 207 ἃ.
νησοποιέω 220 Ὁ.
γικητικός 10 ἃ.

»οερός 2 ἃ, 8b, 541 c.

νοητός 389

νομαδικός τὸ ».

νομίζω 370¢c,

373 ς,

375 Ὁ (intrans.).
νόμιμος 19 c.
νομοθήκη 762 ἃ.

νοσηματικός 85 ἃ.
νοσοποιός 132 a,
νοσσεύω 451 a.
νυκτερινός 53 c, 676 d.
νυκτιπόλος 66 ἃ.

νυμῴα
88

fo 868: -ds

νυός 428 8.
νωχελής 114 a,

Eevayéw 256 c.
ξιφηφορέω 10 ο.
ξόανον 12 ἃ.
ξυντρέφω 26 c.

ὀαριστής 209 d.
ὀβριμόγνιος 101 ἃ.
ὄβριμος 10] ἃ.

ὄγκος

, 180, 812 b,

ΣΝ 250 a.

ὁδοὶ δύο 228 d.
ὁδοιπορία 229 Ὁ.
ὀθνεῖος 5 Ὁ, 848 d.
ὀθόνη 195 d.
οἴησις 763 ο.
οἰκίσκος 122 a,

«ἰκός
d: -ος 385 ἃ.
οἰκορομία 4c,6d: -ἰκός
set 158d: -os

οἱἰνοποτέω 274 c.
οἱοσδηποτοῦν 310 a.
οἶστρος 192 c.

: -εκή

οἰωνοσκόπος 62 a
ὁ καθ᾽ εἷς 461 c.
ὀκτάεδρον 843 d.
oxrarevxos 42 Ὁ.
oAa (ra) 826 c.
ὀλέθριον. 154c, 158 Ὁ.
ort 399 a: -ea
221 ¢, "380 b, 381 d.
ὀλιγωρία 789 d.
ὀλιζόω 214 a.
ὀλίσθημα 84d, 700 Ὁ
8955: ‘os 7170.

: ὅλοκαρπόω 88 d, 421 Ὁ.

ὁλόρριζος θὅ c.
ὁλοσχερής 779 c.
ὁλοσώματος 452 a.
ὁλόχρυσος. 389 a.
ὁμέστιος 684 ἃ,
ὁμιλία 7 a, 586 d.
ὁμοβώμιος 84 c.
ὁμογενής 13 Ὁ, 20 c.
ὁμογλωσσία 417 a:
416 b.

ὁμοδίαιτος 383 Ὁ.

ὁμοδοξία 727 c.

ὁμόζηλος 383 Ὁ.

ὁμοιοειδής (ν.].) 860 ο.

ὁμοιοτροπίαϑθὅ Ὁ, 812 ο.

ὁμονοεω 50 d.

ὁμοούσιος 542 ἃ.

ὁμοπάθεια, ὁμοιοπάθεια
825 ο.

ὁμορόφιος 888 b.
ὁμόσκενος 776 b.
ὁμοτράπεζος 8880',8398..
ὁμόφυλος 462 a, 782 Ὁ.
ὁμόφωνος 21 Ὁ.
ὁμώνυμος 45 Ὁ.
ὄναγρος 231 ἃ.
ὀνειβοπολέω 214 Ὁ.
ὀνομάζω (ν. 1.) 148}:
«στί

ὀξυδερκής 880 d.

ὀξυδορκία 112 ἃ, note.
ὀξυκινησία 116 d.
ὀξύρροπος 819 Ὁ.
ὀξυωπής 387 a.
ὁπάζομαι 208 d.
ὀπίσθιος 39 a.
ὁπλομαχία 706 d.
ὁπλοποιός 382 ἃ.
ὁπλότατος 427 Ὁ.
ὀπτασία 808 d.
ὀπώρα 274 c.
ὀπωρίζω 713 c.
ὁρατικός 851 ἃ.
ὀργιάζω θ2 c: -dw 39 c:
-aopos 47 c, 83 ο.
Spytov 62 ἃ, note.
ὀρειονόμος 192 Ὁ.
ὀρίγανον 67 Ὁ.
ὀρίνω 287 Ὁ.
ὁρκισμός 783 Ὁ.
ὁρμιά 35 ο.
ὀρνιθεύομαι 408 d.
ὀρόφωμα 450 Ὁ.
ὅσον οὕπω 349 a.
ὄσπριον 272 ο.
ὀστεόω 779 ἃ.
ὀσφραντικός 85] d.
ὀτραλέως 19ὅ ο.
ὀττεία 160 ο.
ὀττεύομαι 79 c.
οὖλος (ν. 1.) 28 ο, note.
οὐλοχύται 145 d.
οὐρανίων 100 d.
οὐρανόφοιτος 175 c.
οὐσία 820 c: -dw 554 ¢:
-wots 314 Ὁ, 541 a.
odpus 790 c.
oWiyovos 73 ἃ, 303 Ὁ.
ὀψοποιέω 454 c.

πάθημα 825d ὁ σὸς 333d.
παιγνιήμων 729 a.
παίγνιον 13 ἃ, 64 d.
παιδαγωγέω 12 c.
παιδαριώδης 64d.
παίδευμα 809 d:
244 c.
παιδοποιΐα 54d.
παιδοτρίβης 652 ο.
παλαιότατος 188.
παλεύω 387 b, c, 880 d.
παλίμβολος 730 a.
παλινάγρετος 730 ἃ.

’
"ἔυὼ

OF GREEK WORDS

παλινδρομέω 816 d.
πάλσις 112 Ὁ.
παμβασιλεύς 3. ἃ, 882 c.
παμμάκαριος, παμμα-
κάριστος 2 α.
παμπήδην θ48 d.
παμποίκιλος 884 c.
πανάγαθος 2d.
παναλκῆς 2496.
πανωρμόνιος 314 ο.
παναύγεια 548.
πάνδημος 128 c, 468 .
πανεπίσκοπος 321 0.
πανηγεμών 814.
πανήγυρις 71 Ὁ, 72 ο,
427 ἃ.

πανημαδόν 2148.
πανομφής 1948.
πανσέληνος 84d, 113d.
παντοδύναμος 249 ο,
821 ο.
πανώλης 197 Ὁ.
πάπυρος 35a, 98 a.
παραβάλλω 47 ἃ, 791 b.
παραβουκολέω 211 ¢.
παραβραβεύω 495 Ὁ.
παραγωγὴ 111 a,d.
παράγωγος 729 d.
παράδει μα 104 ἃ,
παράδεισος 816 a, 329 a.
παραδοξοποιΐα 139 c.
παράδοξος 82 ἃ, 220 ἃ.
παραδοχή 46.
παράθεαις 2] ο, 124 ἃ,
789 d, 828 ο, 888 d.
παραινέω, παραίνεσις
παραιτέομαι 27 ἃ,
800 b, ἃ,
παρακαταθήκη 40 a.
παρακατέχω 54d.
παρακέλευσις 12d.
παρακινέω 384 a.
παρακμάζω (v. 1.) 11d.
mapaxovopa 528: -vvw

παράληψις 29 Ὁ, 151 ἃ.

παράλλαξις 560 b: -σσω
23 a.

παράλογος 6 a.

παραλυκίζω 851 b.

παραλύω 726 Ὁ.

παραμνθέομαι 802 Ὁ:
oy 18ὅ ο.

παρανομέω 6a.
παραξέω 524 Ὁ.
παραπαίγνιον 800 ἃ.
παράπαισμα 219d (ν.].
παράπταισμα).
παραπληξία 218 d.
παραποδίζομαι 246 c.
παράρτημα 788 Ὁ.
παράσημα 89 a, 898 Ὁ.
παρασπείρω 24 ἃ.
παράστασις 980, 1126:
-άτης Ὁ: -ατικός
10a, 200 ἃ: -ἥσασθαι

8.
παρατριβη 34d: «ψις
395 ἃ.

παρατροπή 649 a.
παρατυγχάνω 349 d.
παραύξησις 113 d.
παραφαίνω 182 c.
παραφορά 7172 ἃ.
παραχαράττω 495 ἃ.
παρεγγύημα 2248: -σις
228 Ὁ.

παρεισάγω ὅ4ο.
παρεισερπύω 391 a.
mapexdoxn 34 d.
παρέλκω 282 ἃ.
παρεμβολή 440 ο.
παρέργως 851 Ὁ.
παρερμηνεύω 529 a.
παρενημερέω 388 Ὁ.
παρεφθαρμένως 451 Ὁ.
παρέχομαι 394 ἃ.
παρήγησις 137 ἃ.
παροδεύω 114 ἃ:
179 d.
παροξύνω 22) a.
παρορμάω 88.
πάροχος 512 Ὁ.
παρωθέω ὃ ἃ.
παρωνύμως 27 d,
πασσυδί 218 c.
πάταγος 191 a.
πατέομαι 146 Ὁ. 5
πάτριος, πατρῷος ὃ ἃ,
16 ἃ, 161 b, 382 6.
πατροκτονία 68 c.
πατροπαράδοτος 140b.
πεδάω 69 d.
πεδινός 109 a, 121 c.
πειθανάγκη 198 c.
πειθήνιος 81ὅ c.
πειρατεία 282 Ὁ.

569

Ὃς

πεῖσμα 22] Ὁ.
πελταστική 706 ἃ.
πεπαίνω 112 ἃ.
περαίνω 263 ο, ὅ81 ἃ.
περάτης 520 Ὁ, note.
περατικός 809 Ὁ.
περιαθρέω 387 c, 898 Ὁ.
περιαιρέω 10 d, 555 Ὁ.
περίαπτον 271 ο, 898 Ὁ.
περιάπτω 27 ἃ.
περιαυγάζω 889 ο.
περιβόλαιον 874 ἃ.
περίγειος 110 ο, 181 a.
περιγράφω 71 ἃ, 181 Ὁ,
789 d.

περίδραξις 528 a.
περιέπω 6a.
neptepyia 203 b, 870 c¢,
383 c: -os 196 c.
περιηχέω 89 d.
περιίσταμαι 17 ἀ.
περικρούω 788 C.
περιμάχητος 381 a,
388 ο.
περινοέω 30 a.
περινοστέω 38 6.
περιοδεύω 72 Ὁ.
περιουσία (ἐκ πο) 64a,
189}, d, 1718.
περίπατος 718 Ὁ, 791 Ὁ.
περιπέτεια 587.
περιπίπτω ὅ1.8, 52 ἃ:
-πτωσις 249 b.
περιπλοκή 122 a.
περιποιέομαι 213 a.
περιπολέω 118 ἃ: -ησις

περιπορεύομαι 58] ἃ.
περίπτυξις 832 a.
περισπούδαστος 17 a,
C.
περίσσωμα 185 Ὁ.
περίστασις 788 ἃ.
περίστῳον 888 d.
περισφίγγω 848 c.
περιτίθημι 21 d.
περιφεγγής 101 a.

περιφείδομαι 223 Ὁ.
περιφερής 41] ἃ : -φορά
112 a, 118 ἃ.

περίφρασις 691 a.
περίφρων 195 ἃ.
περιφύω 22 ο.
περιχάρεια 770 ἃ.

510

INDEX

meptyew 24 6: -χυσις
98 b.

περιωπή Oot d.

περσέα 775 Ὁ.

πετροποιός 1106.

πεφροντισμένως 148.

πήγανον 200 c.

πηλώδης 20 a.

πήρωσις 95 ἃ.

πιθανολογία 7 a, 317 c.

πιλέω 22d,837d: -ἡμα
718 c: -now 851}:
τος 112 ἃ.

πίμπρημι 175 ἃ.

πιστοῦμαι 6d.

πλάνης 28 d.

πλαστικός 29 d:

71 ο.

πλεκτάνη 852 ἃ.

πληθύίω 9 ἀ.

πλημμέλεια 29 a: -npa
820 Ὁ: -ἔέω 78 ¢.

πλημμύρω 898 d: -is
314 d.

πλησιόχωρος 10b, 179,
277 Ὁ.

πλοῦτος 2 ἃ.
πλωτήρ 394d: -dés 20 ο.
πνεῦμα 880 ο.
ποηφαγέω 407 ἃ.
ποιηβόρος 215 Ὁ.
ποιότης 22d, 335a: -όω
884 Ὁ.
πολιτικῶς 428 ο.
πολυανθρωπία 312 Ὁ.
πολυαρχέω 10 Ὁ: -ia
10 a, d, 178d (bis).
πολυάστηρ 125 ἃ.
πολναύχενος 800 d.
πολυγηθής 10] Ὁ.
πολύγονος 45 Ὁ.
πολυεθνῆς 224 ς, 777 α.
πολύθροος 41θ ο.
πολυκέφαλος 800 d.
πολύκρεως 892 Ὁ.
πολύκτηνος 480 d.
πολυμιγής 777 ο.
πολυμοιρής 208 d.
πολύμορφος 188 ο,
884 Ὁ.
πολύνοια 718 Ὁ.
πολυόμφαλος 67 ἃ.
πολυόφθαλμος 27 c.
πολνπαθής 2 an

πολυπλανής 2 Ὁ.
πολυπλασιεάζομαι 175 b.
πολυπλήθεια 783 d.
πολύπλοκος 170 a.
πολύπους 852 a.
πολυπράγμων 31d.
πολύρρυτος 458 d.
πολυτέλεια 152 c.
πολυτερπής 100 c.
πολυτεχνία 60 b.
πολύτιτος 224 c.
πολυτροπία 300d: -os
183 c.

πολυφάσματος 175 c.
πολυφλυαρία (v. 1.) 30 ὃ.
πολυφράδμων 193 d.
πολύφωνος 205 c.
πολύχους 435 b.
πολυχρήματος 390 ἃ.
πολυχρόνιος 41 ἃ.
πολνωρία 858 ἃ.
πομπεῖα 138 Ὁ.
πόπανον 67 a,
ποσειδωνοπετῆς 234 Ὁ.
ποσότης 828 ο, 829 a,
832d: -ῶς 468 d.
ποστημόριον 294 c.
ποτανός 145 ἃ.
πότιμος 111 ἃ, 115 ο.
πρᾶγμα 809 d.
πραγματεία 6 d: -εκός
ὅθ ἃ.
πράττειν τοῦτο, ‘hoc
age 652 b, note.
πρεσβεῖον 221 Ὁ: -εύω
7a, 16a, 586.
πρεσβηγενῆς 223 Ὁ.
πρηστήρ 207 ο, 676 ς,
886 Ὁ.

προαγορεύω ἃ ἃ: -σις

προαίρεσις 4 ἃ, 12 c:
-rexds 196 ἃ.
προαναστέφω 311 b.
προαναφωνέω 9d.
προαποδείκνυμι 6c.
προαποδίδωμι 322 a,
προάρχω 70 ἃ.
προασμενίζω 508 c.
προβιβάζω 591 ἃ.
πρόβλημα 85θ a.
προβολή 109 d, 687 a.
προβόλιον 330 a.
mpoyerns 427 Ὁ.

πρόγνωσις Be.
προγυμνάζω 10 ἃ.
προδανείζω 211d.
προδιαλαμβάνω 4 Ὁ.
προδιανύτω 236,
προδιαρθρόω 324.
πρόειμι 859 Ὁ.
προεκτίθημι 696.
προερμηνεύομαι 854 ἃ.
προευτρεπίζω 132 δι.
προήγορος 179 ἃ.
προηγούμενος 315d,
395 b: -; 8426.
πρόθεσις 88 ο.
προθεσπίζω 8.0, 8d.
pov 691 ἃ
ποιόω 884.
προκαθέζομαι 489 ἃ.
προκαθηγεμών 222 ἃ,
προκατασκενή 48.
προκαταταχέω 4848.
προκατέχω 88 ἀ.
προκοπή (ν.1. 1678.
προκόσμημα 89 ἃ.
προκύπτω 189 ἃ.
προλαμβάνω 40 a,
sree
προμήθεια ~éopat
Saha: toa
ΠΣ ΓῊΣ
πρόνοια, 3800, 5474,
πι σον ¢,
θοῦ d. ᾿
προξενέω 2a, 69 a,
169 d.
πρὸ ὁδοῦ 4 Ὁ.
προπαρατίθημι 44 Ὁ.
προπηλακισμύς 583 a.
τροπίλαια 880d.
πρόρρησις 8 8, 98
8490, 866}. ᾿
πρόρριζον 12 ο.
προσαναγράφω 120 Ὁ.
προσαναπαύεσθαι 556 ἃ.
προσανέχω δ 6, 16 Ὁ,

προσάραξις 395 a.
πρόσγειος 11

προσγράφω ΠΝ
προσδοκάω 914 ο, 215 ἃ.
προσεγκαλέω 213 8,
προσεκκαίω 1124.
προσεκτικός 783 ο,
προσενόω 888 Ὁ,

OF GREEK WORDS

προσεοικώς 290 Ὁ.
προσεπινοέω Τ4 Ἀ, α.
προσεπιτείνω 584 ο.
προσεπιτερατεύομαι 856.
προσεπιφημίζω 360 a.
προσεταιρίζομαι 171 ἃ,
172 Ὁ.
προσευκτήριον 179 Ὁ.
προσήγορυς 2b,
προσήλυτος 713 ἃ.
προσηνής 21 5: τῶ: 41 ἃ.
προσθετικός 118 Ὁ.
προσιστορέω 354 d,
πρόσκαιρος 13 ο.
προσκόπτω 834d.
προσκύνησις 7d, 28.
προσοικειοῦμαι 186 Ὁ.
προσόμοιος 357 d.
προσονομάζω 27 d.
προσουδίζομαι 114 6.
προσόψημα 8996.
προσπαραλαμβάνω 4898.
προσπολεμέω 219 ἃ,
προσρήγνυμι 10 b.
προστακτικός 818.
προστάτης 2d, 444 Ὁ.

προστρέπομαι, προτρέ- | pa

ρισφυ, B07 ὁ bi

προσφυής 807 ¢ (bis).

πρόσνξ 184 α, 1620,

προσυκοποιῶ 1044,

πρότασις 527 c.

προτείνω vel. προτίθημι
Cc.

προτερέω (v.1.) 244,
προτροπάδην 3800: ἡ
, 805 ὃ.
προῦπισχνέομαι 189 c.
προῦποδείκνυμι 871.
προφαίνον 11 δ: φανήν

πραφέρην Wc: -φορά
BB 8a: ous
218 b. a

προφόωσδε 85 Ὁ.

προφυλάττω 15 b,

προχείρως 360 Ὁ.

προχωρέω 337 ἁ.

πρυτανεΐω 69 ἃ, 885,
7040.

πρωτεῖον 68 Ὁ,

πρωτογένειος 379 a.

mporéyovos 41 ἃ.
πρωτόπλαστος 549 Ὁ,
πρωτύτυπος 780d,
πτερνιστῆς 519.
πτέρωμα
πτοέω Ἴ0 8.
πτύρω (ἐπτύρην) 84.
πυθόχρηστος 189 d.
πυκνόω 25 a: σις 22 ἃ.
πυραμίς 67 8, 72 Ὁ,
848 ἁ.

πυρεῖον 556.0,
πυρήν 168 c.
πυρίδιον 836 b.
πύριον (v. 1.) 23 Ὁ.
πυριπληθής 145 d.
πυριφλεγὴς 85 Ὁ.
πυρπολέω 368 ἃ.
πυρρακής 436 0.
πυρροειδής 85 Ὁ.
πυρσεία 895 ἃ.
πυρωπός 41d.

ῥάβδος 38a, 85 Ὁ.
βαγδαῖ

ῥευστός 98 b, 5220,
ῥημάτιον 12 ἃ: σκιον
733 d.

ῥητολογία 495 Ὁ.
ῥητός 325 ἃ.
ῥιψαύχην 185 ο.

᾿ἸΙβιψοκίνδενος 217 Ὁ.

ῥόμβος 64d.
ῥοώδης 801 ο.
ῥύαξ 567 d.
ῥύμη 407 ο, 178 α, 7740,
848.

σαμβύκη 416 Ὁ.
σανίς 99 Ὁ.

σάρδια 5664.
σαρκοφαγέω 273 ο,
σαφήνεια 32 ἃ.
σεβάσμιος 68 ἃ.
σελαγίζομαι 191 ο.
σελήνη 814 Ὁ.
σέλινον 808.
σεμίδαλις 51 Ὁ.

811:

συνωθέω 791 Ὁ.
συνωμοσία 776 d.
σῦριγξ 4584 8.
σνρράσσω 33 d.
συσκενή 31 a, 420 ἃ.

σύστασις 19d, 25c,
453d, 508b: -npa
21 ἃ.

συστολή 3° Ἢ

συστροφή 25

σφαιροειδης] Ἢ 6,388.

σφετερίζομπι 4θ2 8.
σφοδρύνω 178 ἃ.

σχεδιάζω 47 d.
σχηματίζομαι
-σμός 6518.
σχοινομέτρησις 452 ἃ.
σχολαστικός 410 ἃ.
σωλήν 453 c.
σώματα (ΞΞ ἄτομα) 19d.
σωματοποιέω 374 ἀ.
σωματουργός 780 c.
σωματοφύλαξ 49 ο.
σωτήριος 5 a, 14 Ὁ.
σωτηριώδης 240 c.

526 a:

τάγμα 405 a.
rakads 238 c.
τανύστροφος 215 Ὁ.
ταριχοπωλέω 259 ἃ.
ταρχύω 238 b.
ταυρῶπις 175 ο.
τέθηπα 88] ἃ.
τεθμός 99 Ὁ.
τεκμηριόω 782 c.
τεκνοκτονία Θθ86:
366 d.
τέκνωσις 19 6.
τελειογονέω ὅ48 ο.
τελεσιογονέω 110 ἃ.
τελεσιουργέω 781 d:
110d.

τελετή 5b.

τελίσκω 65 ἃ, 182 a.

τένθης 792 a.

τεράστιος 440d:
468 b.

τερατεία 63 Ὁ, 181] ο.

τεράτευμα 84 : -opae
463 a, 783 c.

τερατοποιΐα 182 a.

τερατοσκύπος 61d, 224d.

-0

“ὡς

OF GREEK WORDS

Teparoupyéw 435 c.
reparoupyia 173 Ὁ.
τερθρεία 9a, 80 b.
τερσαΐνω 30 ἃ.
τετρήρης 476 a.
τευτάζω 132 c, 746 Ὁ.
τεῦχος 354
τέχνασμιι 131 b.
τεχνικός 755 ἃ.
τεχνιτεύω 884 Ὁ.
τημελέω 386 ἃ.
τηνάλλως T5a, 122 ἃ,
802 ο.

τήρησις 506 ο.
τιθήνησις 22 d.
τίμησις 857 d.
τιμωρός 859 ο.
τοιχωρύχος 148 d.

τολυπεύω 427 Ὁ: -n 67a.
τοπάζω 158 ἃ.
τοπάρχης 10b, 60d,

ἃ.
τράγειος 116 c.
τραγοσκελής 201 ο.
τραγῳδέω 788 d.
τραχηλίζω 224 d.
τρεπτός 333 d.
τριαινοειδής 749 c.
τρίβων 135d.
τριετής, τριετηρικός 53 Ὁ.
τρίκροτος 476 ο.
τριμερής 88 Ὁ.
τριπόθητος 816 Ὁ.
τρισευδαίμων 800 Ὁ.

τρισμέγιστος 36 d.

τριτογένεια 89 ¢.

τρίτος (ἀπό) 619 ἃ.

τρίχρωμος 202 c.

τροπή 109c, 418d,
777d: -ἰκός 183 a,

τροπολογία 44 Ὁ.

τρόφιμος 586 d.

-ia | tpdxaopa 175d.

τροχοκουράς 412 Ὁ.
τρυφή 829 8.
τυμβωρνχία 248 ο.
τύπος

τυραννοκτονία 8966.
τύρβη 776 c.

rupeva 778 ἃ.
τυφεδὼών 284 ο.
τυφλώττω 6] b, 788 d.
τυφοπλαστέω 889 Ὁ.
τῦφος 82 Ὁ.

’

τωθασμός 736a: -εἰία

782 c.

ὑγίεια 182 ἃ.
ὑγροποιύς 113 a
μόπορος 145 Ὁ,
ὑδατώδης 88 c.
ὑδογενής vel ὑλογενής
6 a.

vdpa 800 d.
ὑδραγωγός 116 ο.
ὑδρηλός 426 Ὁ.
ὑδροποτέω 274 ο.
ὑδροποιός 111 d..
ὑδροχόος 453 Ὁ.
ὑθλέω 337 a: -ος θθ0ὅ ο,
763 d.
υἱωνός 422 ἃ.
ὑλίζω 851 c.
ὑμέναιος 85 d.
ὑμήν 20a, 194d, 852 c.
ὑμνέω 12 Ὁ.
ὑμνφῳδία | 149 ἃ: -ός 94 Ὁ.
ὑπαγορεύω 199 d.
ὑπαιθριάζω (v. 1.) 200 c.
ὑπαινίττομαι 881 8.
ὑπαρχή 8 ἀ.
ὕπαρχος 704 ο.
ὑπάρχω 19 ο, 45 Ὁ.
ὑπερακοντίζω 68 c.
ὑπερασπίζω 165 ο.
ὑπερβλύζω 237 c.
ὑπερβολή 12 ἃ.
ὑπέρεισις 112d: -σμα
112 Ὁ.
ὑπερέχω 18 Ὁ: -οχή 84d.
ὑπερθαυμάζω 17 ς.
ὑπερκύπτω 17 ο.
ὑπερλαμπρύνομαι 406 d.
ὑπερμενής 100d.
ὑπερνικάω 180 d.
ὑπευνάομαι 124 ἃ.
ὑπηρέτις 328 Ὁ.
ὑπνόω 585 b:
132 a.
UroBaivw 237 a.
UroBoAn 24 a.
ὑποβολιμαῖος 161 a.
ὑποβώμιος (v.1.) 156 Ὁ.
ὑπόγλισχρος 734 a.
ὑπογραφὴ 283 a: |
134 ο.
ὑποδοχεῖον 453 d.

573

-«ωτικός

ὑποδύω 17] ἃ, 172 Ὁ.

ὑπόθεσις 2a, [382 Ὁ,
828d: -τικός 355 Ὁ.

ὑποθήκη 782 ἃ.

ὑποθημοσύνη 198 ο, d.

ὑποικουρέω 70 b, 10] ἃ,
8

94 ο.
ὑποκεῖσθαι 335 Ὁ, 701 ἃ.
ὑποκορίζομαι 75 Ὁ, 6.
ὑποκρίνομαι (els) 182 c.
ὑπόληψις 11 ἃ, 182 Ὁ,
181 d.

73 ¢,

659 d, 660 b.
ὑπόμνημα 7 a, 81},

185d: -τίζω 89 ο.
ὑπόνοια 75 c.
ὑποπαραιτοῦμαι 582 c.
ὑποπίπτω 236 c.
ὕποπτος 83 6.
ὑποσελήνιος 112 Ὁ.
ὑποσκελίζω 317 a, 733 c.
ὑπόστασις 334 Ὁ.
ὑποσύρω 817 ἃ.
ὑποτείνω 128 ¢,
ὑποτέμνω 12 α

ὑποτίμησις 261, 851 ἃ,
363

ὕπονλος 172 a, 884 Ὁ:
-ὡς 381 a.

ὑποφήτωρ 194 Ὁ.

ὑποχείριος 38 b, 888 d.

ὑποχωρέω 8 c.

ὑπωρεία 65 b, 426 ἃ.

ὑπωρόφιος 398 ο.

ὕστριξ 397 ἃ.

ὑφηγεῖσθαι 2] ἃ : -ησις
588 Ὁ.

ὑφίημι 39 a.
ὑφίστασθαι 19 ο, 22 ο.
ὑψαυχενέω 388 Ὁ.
ὑψίπολος 237 c.
ὑψίπρῳρος 195 d.
ὑψιφάεννος 453 a.

ὑπολογίζομαι

φαεσίμβθροτος 175 ο,
204 d.

φαίνομαι 351 c.

φαλαγγικός 444 Ὁ.

φαλληνός 233 d.

davis (φανερός v. 1.)
101 ἃ, 115 a.

φάνσις (-Ξ- φάσις) 92 ο.

574

INDEX

φαντάζομαι 17 ο.

φαντασία 245 ἃ, 272,
332 a, 887 c.

φαρμακεύς 70d, 78:
"ον 112d.

φαρμακοπωλέω 791 Ὁ.

φάρμαξις 737: -σσω
4806

φατνεύω 232 c: -η2140.
φενακίζω 380d, 391 d.
φέρων λέγε 345 Ὁ.

Φεῦ ω cum genit. cf.

φερωνύμως 142 b, 451 b.

φημίζω 73 c.

φθείρ 397 b.

φθινάς, φθινώδης 392 ἃ.

φθόϊς 67 Ὁ.

φθοροποιός 381 c, 890 Ὁ.

φίλωιμος 179 c.

φίλανθος 110 Ὁ.

φιλάνθρωπος 14 d.

φιλαπεχθημόνως 496 d:
-μων 502 c.

φιλάρετος 383 a.

φιλαυτία 691 d.

φιλεγκλήμωω 142 d,
784 a.

φιλογυμναστέω 706 ἃ.
φιλόθεος 1 ἃ.
φιλοκάλως 469 d.
φιλόλογος 207 Ὁ.
φιλομάθεια 375 ο.
φιλομηδής 63 c.
φιλόμουσος 46 ο.
φιλοπαθῆς 204 a.
φιλοπονέω 244 a.
φιλοποσία 7 a. 1 ἃ
λόσοφος (adj. .
apabaaen 476 ἰ
φιλότιμος 727 c.
φληναφάω 217 c: -os
7808

φλογμοτύραννος 201 Ὁ.

φλοιός 22 c,

φλυαρία 119 Ὁ.

φλναρώδης 88 d.

Φοῖβος (ὡς ἀληθὼς)
188 b

φοινικίς 65 Ὁ.
φοινικοβάλανος 451 ἃ.
φοιτητήριον 226 a.
φονοκτονέω 161 ¢.

φορά 172 c, 723 a.

φορολογέω 779 c.

φόρταξ 735 c.

hopurés 35d.

φρενοβλάβεια 42 b, 43a,
157 "Ὁ, 828 d: -#
705 b

φρονηματίζω 435 c.

dpvurropa 782 c.

φρυγανώδης 109 Ὁ.

φυγάς 5 Ὁ.

φυλακτικῶς 14 ἃ.

φυλοκρινέω 778 ἃ.

φῖσα 175 ἃ.

φυσιολογέω 125d,510a:
-ἰα 24 Ὁ, 26 d, et pas-

81m.
φυσίωσις 127 Ὁ.
φύω (intrans.) 821d.
φωλεύω 131 Ὁ, 398 a.
φωνασκός 277 c.
φωσφόρος 17d.
φωτοειδίς 98 Ὁ.

χαλκόδετος 412 d.

χαλκόπυλος 457 c.

χαλκοσάνδαλος 118 ἃ.

χανδάνω 49 d.

χαρακτήρ 21 Ὁ: -ile
171d.

χάραξ 371d.
χαριστήριον 162 Ὁ.
χαριστικόν 852 c.
χαροπός 20] Ὁ.
χατίζω 193 d.
χαυνόω 416 b.
χειμάρρους 898 c.
χειραγωγέω 144.
χειροκμητέω 334 b.
X£tpoupye@ a.
χερνῆτιν 259 a.
χερσεύω 429 d.
otis 333 a.
χίμαρος 375 Ὁ.
χιτών 1% d:

χλενάζω 369 c.
χλεῦος 64 a.
χλοηφόρος 110 c.
χνοῦς 28 ἃ.

χόνδρος 51 b.
χορεία 314. ο, 775 a,
xopeurixes 112 ἃ.

«ἰσκος

OF GREEK WORDS

χορηγέω Ἴ28 0: -ds 2c, χρυσοπέδιλος 201 c. ψευδοφαής 849 ἃ.

73 Ὁ, 890 ο, 826 8. | χρυσοῦς 452 d. ψευδώνυμος 2 Ὁ, 68 ἃ.
χορτοφαγέω 273 c. χρυσοχοέω 334 Ὁ. Wuxaywyéw 53d, 738 Ὁ
χράω 126 c. χρυσωπός 684 Ὁ.
χρειώδης 880 Ὁ. χυδαῖος 40 b, 776 d.
χρέος 215 ἃ. χωλεύω 119 ὃ. ὠμοβόρος 165 d.
χρεωκοπέω 801 a. χώννυμε (Cxwvevo)) ὠμοφαγία 62c, 185c:
χρεών {00 d. 450 a. -os 51 Ὁ.
χρῆμα 1 χώρα(πατρός) 2d, 802 Ὁ. ῴφόν 115 Ὁ (cf. Athen.
ΧΡΉ φύλαξ 351d. || χωρητός 325 ἃ. 11, 50).
χρησμοδότης 135 Ὁ. ὡροσκοπεῖον 506 6 : -os
χρησμόλαλος 128 d. γευδοδοξέω 236 b: born b.
xpovoypadia 52 Ὁ. 468 d ε (rp δοκεῖν) (v. 1.)
χρνσοβέλεμνος 175 c. yevdodeyia 242 Ὁ, "ἐπ ἃ, (for ὡς) 280 b.

575

OXONIT
Excudebat Horatius Hart
Typographus academicus

GENERAL LIBRARY - U.C. BERKELEY

B00084.442

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