Full text of "Francis Deák, Hungarian statesman : a memoir"

See other formats

FRANCIS DEAK

HUNGARIAN STATESMAN

A MEMOIR

WITH A PREFACE BY
MOUNTSTUART E. GRANT DUFF, M.P.

MARCICS. "I have done,

As you have done : that's what I can ; induc'd
As you have been ; that's for my country. . . ."

COMINIUS. "Von shall not be
The grave of your deserving."

COR. Act i. sc. 9.

MACMILLAN AND CO.

1880

The Right of Translation is rtservtd.

NOTE.

THE defects and shortcomings of the following
memoir, whether regarded as an attempt to portray
the character of a great man, or to describe the
far-reaching historical events of the time in which
he lived, are so patent as to require an apology
for thus laying it before the public. Nevertheless
it is hoped that, in the absence for the time of a
more satisfactory biography, this memoir, superficial
though it be, may serve some purpose in bringing the
character and work of Francis Dedk more clearly
before the minds of those English readers to whom
he has hitherto been little more than a name.

In M. de Mazade, France has furnished a worthy
biographer of Cavour, the principal hero in the
drama of Italian Unity. Would it not seem in all
ways fitting, that an Englishman, equally well quali-
fied for the task by wide knowledge and genuine
sympathy with his subject, should one day pre-
sent his countrymen with a complete and living
portrait of the law-loving Hungarian citizen, who
played so noble a part in the political regeneration,

oo/* w

^^S JL+~t f

vi NOTE,

not only of his own country, but of the Austro-
Hungarian Monarchy ?

For most of the extracts quoted from Dedk's
earlier speeches, as well as for many personal
incidents recorded, the writer is indebted to the
interesting Memorial Address delivered by M.
Csengery in 1877, translated into German by Pro-
fessor Heinrich of the University of Pesth ; to the
biographical sketch by Herr Rogge in the volume
of ' Unsere Zeit' for 1876; and to the chapter on
Francis Deak, in ' L'Autriche et la Prusse depuis
Sadowa/ by M. de Laveleye.

PREFACE.

WHEN I was asked to put a preface to this book,
which I had read through in manuscript, my first
thought was, " Why does it need a preface ? It will
soon find a public for itself without a recommenda-
tion from any one." On reflection, however, I came
to the conclusion that authors, like other people,
usually understand their own affairs best, and that
it was not for me to set up my own judgment
against a deliberate opinion. Nor will I attempt
to deny that it gives me pleasure to connect my
name with what, although it is the first work of
a new writer, would, if I am not strangely misled,
do great credit to many mature politicians.

The subject, too, has long had the greatest in-
terest for me, and I have often wondered that no
Englishman had ever produced for the benefit of
his countrymen a biography of a man who united
so many of the qualities which we most admire.
It is interesting to pass in review some of the
statesmen who were Deak's contemporaries, and
who have also gone to their rest.

b 2

viii PREFACE.

Guizot was at best a stately failure. The ultimate
success of Thiers must not blind us to the fact
that his career taken as a whole was an evil to
his country and to mankind. Palmerston will be re-
membered for some time with kindness, on account
of his sympathy with constitutional government
upon the continent of Europe, but his name, a
generation hence, will be rarely mentioned. Peel
had the terrible misfortune of being born in the
wrong camp, and of necessarily incurring the hatred
of those amongst whom he lived by all his best
deeds. Cavour had to act under circumstances
which obliged him to be unscrupulous, and lived
only to see the beginning of the end. Louis
Napoleon verified alike in his obscurity, in his
triumph, and in his fall, the words of M. de
Falloux : " II ne sait pas la difference entre r£ver
et penser." Thorbecke, a great capacity far too
little known beyond the limits of Holland, had no
striking or dramatic, though much useful work, to
do. Cobden would have been in all probability
one of the greatest statesmen of his time, if
he had been born in the year in which he died,
for he was emphatically one of the singular few
of whom it may be said "that they are worthy
of a better age," while his friends may comfort
themselves with the reflection that "if this was
not his century, at least a great many others will
be."

PREFACE. ix

All of these had far wider fields of action ; most
of them had more brilliant abilities and wider know-
ledge, several of them as strong a character ; but
of which of them can we say that his life was
so grandly and absolutely victorious ? " Qu'est-ce
qu'une grande vie ?" asked Alfred de Vigny. " Une
pensde de la jeunesse realisee par 1'age mur."

Even in these days in which our lot has been
cast, so full of picturesque and striking historical
scenes, it would be difficult to mention many as
picturesque and striking as that which was witnessed
when the Empress of Austria went to lay her
wreath on the bier of the man who had fought the
battle of his country against the whole might of
the Hapsburgs, so steadfastly, so wisely, and with
such utter success.

Of all Englishmen, he whom Deak most re-
sembled was probably the great Buckinghamshire
squire who received his death-wound upon Chal-
grove Field. We may be perfectly certain that in
the correspondence of the Austrian Court party,
all through the years of struggle, he was again and
again described almost in the very words which
Clarendon applied to Hampden : " He was indeed
a very wise man and of great parts, and possessed
with the most absolute spirit of popularity, and
the most absolute faculties to govern the people,
of any man I ever knew. For the first year of
the Parliament he seemed rather to moderate and

PREFACE.

soften the violent and distempered humours than
to inflame them. But wise and dispassioned men
plainly discerned that that moderation proceeded
from prudence, and observation that the season
was not ripe, rather than that he approved of the
moderation." In a word, what was said of Cinna
might well be applied to him : "He had a head to
contrive and a tongue to persuade, and a hand
to execute any mischief."

But Deak was a Hampden, born in a happier
hour, in an hour when knots could be unravelled
which in the seventeenth century could only be
cut. " Felix opportunitate mortis," Hampden is
probably a greater and more generally revered
name to his countrymen than he could possibly
have been if he had lived through the war. Lam-
menais once said : " There is something wanting
to the noblest life that does not end either on
the battle-field, in the dungeon, or on the scaffold."
That of course was an extravagant phrase, and
was used indeed under circumstances of great
excitement ; still there can be no doubt that
martyrdom gilds all greatness.

" Heaven must be hung with pictures of the dead !

The shroud must robe the saint !
Never one halo round a living head
Did Raphael dare to paint."

Rare, very rare is it in human history for purely
civic and perfectly prosperous greatness to attain

PREFACE. xi

the aureole of romance which surrounds, in the
memory and imagination of his countrymen, the
name of the man who forms the subject of this
book. The mere fact that a private citizen who
never possessed rank or title of any sort, and who
died quietly in his bed, should have been buried in
a grave dug out of earth brought from each of the
fifty-two counties into which his native land is
divided, is almost enough to put him in a class by
himself. And yet, although their ends were so
different, the reader of these pages will be again
and again reminded of the stately inscription put up
a few years ago upon the cross which marks the
Ship Money field, amongst the beech-woods of the
Chilterns : —

" For these lands in Stoke Mandeville

John Hampden
was assessed in Twenty shillings

Ship Money

Levied by command of the King,
without authority of Law,
The 4th of August 1635.
By resisting this claim of the King

in Legal Strife,
He upheld the right of the People

Under the Law :

And became entitled

To grateful remembrance.

His work on earth ended

After the conflict on Chalgrove Field

The 1 8th of June 1643
And he rests in Great Hampden Church."

It is good to read the history of such men at
all times, but never perhaps more than now, when

xii PREFACE.

a school has arisen and attained to no small mea-
sure of political power which pooh-poohs the idea
that morality has anything to do with politics, or
that there is any other test of statesmanship than
obvious and immediate success.

M. E. GRANT DUFF.

YORK HOUSE, TWICKENHAM,
January 1880.

CONTENTS.

PART /.— REFORMATION.
CHAPTER I.

PAGE

Deak's claim on the interest and respect of his own countrymen
and of foreigners — Entry on public life — State of Hungary
since the Peace of 1815 — Sze'che'nyi i

CHAPTER II.

Parties — Government and Opposition — Difficulties of reform —
Deak's efforts to improve the Urbarial Laws — Failure to
emancipate th.6 ' peasantry — General result of the Diet of
1832-36 12

CHAPTER III.

Deak's position in the party — A Conservative Reformer — Belief
in law the keynote of his policy now and in the future — Spread
of Liberal ideas through the country — Kossuth and Wesseldnyi
— State prosecutions — Election of John Balogh 24

CHAPTER IV.

The County Assemblies of Hungary — Their peculiar character —
Deak's influence in the County Assemblies and Party Con-
ferences— Scene at a party meeting 34

CHAPTER V.

Movement, social and political, prior to the meeting of the Diet
of 1840 — Batthyany and Deak, in the Upper and Lower
House, 1840 — Deak's defence of the constitutional right of
freedom of speech — Reforms in the Diet of 1840 with reference

xiv CONTENTS.

to the peasantry and their^fflBaBfiipation ^°m femk^ dis-
abilities—Enthusiasm of the Liberal Opposition — Reconcilia-
tionTwith the Government 4°

CHAPTER VI.

Deak's Penal Code — Opinion of foreign judges as to his legal
abilities — Deak as a parliamentary leader 45

CHAPTER VII.

Interval between Diets of 1840 and 1843 — Kossuth's articles
in the Pesti HirlAp — Controversy between Kossuth and
Sze*che"nyi — Deak's refusal to take part — Excitement in the

M^MMH^^^MWM^MRMKM^guflfbl

County Assemblies on the subject of general taxation —
Contest at Zala— Deak's refusal to accept the mandate,
' Korteskede's ' — Explanations to his friends — Universal regret
at Deak's absence from the Diet of 1843 49

CHAPTER VIII.

Legislation of 1843 — Embittered debates — Compulsory intro-
duction^ of the Magyar language into the Diet and public
instruction— Opinion of Count Szechdnyi on the subject —
Small result gained in the Diet of 1843 — Estrangement
between the Opposition and the Government — Metternich's
attempt to check the too great independence in Hungary —
Appointment of Administrators — Indignation at this pro-
ceeding fully shared~b~y Dellc'— Speech on the illegal conduct
of the Government — Deak a supporter of the small party in
the Diet in favour of parliamentary government — Unpopularity
of the ' doctrinaires ' ,. .. 56

CHAPTER IX.

Gradual approximation of parties and classes throughout the
country — Spontaneous character of the Reform movement in
Hungary— Change effected silently since 1825 — Compact and
well-organised Liberal Opposition in the Diet of 1847 —
Kossuth the prominent figure ; but guarantee of moderation
given in the acceptance by the party of Deak's Manifesto of
1847 — Principles laid _ down in the manifesto the same as
those asserted in the addresses of 01 m*"^7~ .. .- 65

CONTENTS. xv

PART II.— RE VOL UTION.
CHAPTER X.

PAGE

Success of the Liberal Opposition at the commencement of the
Diet of 1847 — Loyal and constitutional character of the pro-
ceedings— Formation of Batthyany Ministry — Deak Minister
of Justice — Laws of March" 1848— Difficulties of the Minister
of Justice — Speech on"t!ie rights of property — Landlord and
tenant — State recognition of religious denominations .. .. 72

CHAPTER XI.

Removal of the seat of government from Presburg to Pesth —
Sanguine hopes of the Hungarian Ministry — Deak's fore-
bodings— Causes of his satisfaction in the recent Liberal
triumph in Hungary — Deak himself free from anti-Slav
prejudices — The bitterness of the debates on the question of
the Magyar language to be traced in part to his absence from
the Diet of 1843-46 — In the Laws of 1848 full consideration
shown for the rights and liberties of Croatia — But all hope of
restoring harmony between Hungary and Croatia now gone
by — Increased difficulties of the Hungarian Ministry — Their
authority defied by the imperial troops — Meeting at Agram —
The Hungarian Government disavowed by the Croats, headed
by the Ban Jellachich— Demand for an independent Croatian
Ministry — Movement in Croatia encouraged at Vienna — Rising
of the Serbs, or Raitzen, in the south of Hungary — Applica-
tion of Hungarian Government for military assistance from
Vienna — Reluctance of the Batthyany Ministry to take matters
into their own hands, notwithstanding the renewed incursions
of Serbs on the southern districts, and threatening attitude of
the Ban of Croatia — Government strengthened in their posi-
tion by favourable reception of Hungarian deputation of
Innspruck, consequent upon popular triumphs in Germany
and Italy — Jellachich disavowed publicly by the Imperial
Government 85

CHAPTER XII.

The Court party at Vienna baffled by persistently legal attitude
of the Hungarian Ministry — Cause of offence discovered in
the refusal of Hungary to take a share in the Austrian

xvi CONTENTS.

National Debt— Deak's subsequent regret on the action of
the Batthyany Government in this matter — Hard task for the
Hungarian Ministry to maintain its position of strict con-
stitutionalism and loyalty, in face of pressure from without
and within— Dedk's refusal to countenance conspiracy against
the dynasty — Speech of the Palatine on opening the Diet in
July 1848 inconsistent with treacherous conduct of Austrian
troops in suppressing the Raitzen and the insurgents in
Transylvania — Levy of troops and money by the Hungarian
Government — Measures of national defence organised — Still
no open rupture between the Governments of Vienna and
Pesth — The King, encouraged by victories of Windischgratz
and Radetzsky, refuses to sanction the recent measures of
defence — Evident intention of the Court party to seize the
first opportunity for abolishing Constitution of Hungary— Un-
gracious reception of Hungarian deputation at Schonbrun —
Decree of June depriving Jellachich of his command annulled
— Defensive measures in Hungary forbidden — Resignation of
the Batthydny Ministry — Deak's perplexity — His inability to
take part in revolutionary measures — Principle of his conduct
in holding aloof from the War of Independence — The con-
stitutional, not the revolutionary, leader 92

CHAPTER XIII.

Victories over the Croats — Anxiety of the Hungarian Government
to avoid an open rupture with Vienna — Defeat of national
levies at Swechat (Oct. 1848) — Windischgratz appointed
Governor of Hungary — Deputation to the camp of Windisch-
gratz and of Hungarian bishops to the King at Olmiitz —
Abdication of Ferdinand — Refusal of the Diet to recognise
Francis Joseph as King of Hungary — Manifesto of the
Emperor — Deputation headed by Batthydny and Deak to
Windischgratz — Arrest of the deputation 100

CHAPTER XIV.

The War of Independence — Publication of Imperial Decree of
March 4th ; replied to by declaration of Hungarian Inde-
pendence at Debreczin, April 1 4th— Entrance of Russian
troops into Hungary— Vilagds— Felicitations of the Imperial
Governments— Hay nau's Tribunal— Remonstrance of Lord
Palmerston— Prince Schwartzenberg's reply 106

CONTENTS. xvii

PART III.— REACTION.
CHAPTER XV.

PAGE

Condition of Hungary at the conclusion of the war — Deak re-
cognised as the guide and counsellor of the nation — Residence
in Pesth — The System — Passive resistance in Hungary — Posi-
tion of Deak in the estimation of his countrymen — Personal
characteristics — Methods of keeping alive public spirit in
Hungary — Agricultural Union — Academy 113

CHAPTER XVI.

New aspect of parties — Conservatives — Liberals — Distinguishing
principles of the present" tToriservati ve party — Memorial of
1850 refused by the Emperor — Second visit of the Emperor
to Pesth, 1857 — Petition drawn up by Count Desewffy to be
presented by Cardinal Szitowsky also refused 125

PART IV.— RE VIVAL.

CHAPTER XVII.

Outlook not altogether hopeless — Favourable disposition towards
Hungary of the Emperor and some of his German ministers
— Deak on the permanence of the System— Effect of Austrian
defeat in Italy in 1859 — End of the System— Offer of Ministry
of the Interior to Baron Josika — Count Rechberg and Baron
von Hiibner— Difficulties of carrying into execution the
Emperor's intention to grant constitutional government to the
whole empire — Competence of commissioners for revision of
Bach's Municipal Law not acknowledged in Hungary —
Difference between Deak and the Hungarian ministers — En-
larged Privy Council — Refusal of Eotvos, Vay, and Somssich
to attend— Attitude of the Hungarian magnates in the
Council — Majority in the Council for Constitution based not
on centralisation but on recognition of national rights .. .. 133

xviii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XVIII.

PAGE

Anxiety as to Dedk's view of the October Diploma— Respect for
his opinion amongst his countrymen — Dedk acknowledges the
benefits of the diploma in restoring the municipal institutions
of Hungary, but declines to pledge himself to his future
course before the convocation of the Diet — Provisional
Statutes of Count Golouchowski — Discontent both of Hun-
garians and German Liberals — Resolution of the Hungarian
ministers at Vienna to remain in office, in hopes of re-es-
tablishing a better system through help of the Diet — Funda-
mental harmony between them and Dedk — Refusal of the
latter to accept any scheme based upon theory of Forfeiture
of Right — Consequent demand for preliminary recognition of
Laws of '48 — Judex Curiae 141

CHAPTER XIX.

Resignation of Golouchowski — February Patent issued by Baron
Schmerling, Minister of the Interior — Triumph of Centralist
party — The Hungarian ministers still anxious to bring about
a reconciliation — Office of Court Chancellor accepted by
Baron Vay — Hostility of the County Assemblies of Hungary
to the Austrian Government not encouraged by Dedk — His
efforts to moderate the violence of the ultra-National party
— Remonstrance against the disavowal of existing judicial
authority by the County Assemblies dangerous to the liberty
and the rights of individuals— Excitement in Hungary before
the opening of the Diet — Deak's forebodings — March 1861,
Deak elected deputy for Pesth — His influence over the Pesth
County Assembly ; over the extreme Nationalist deputies-
Solution of difficulty as to place of meeting of the Diet . . 147

CHAPTER XX.

Opening of the Diet by Count G. Apponyi— The Royal Rescript,
October Diploma, and February Patent treated as Funda-
mental Laws overriding the Hungarian Constitution— Lord
Brougham— Increased strength of the Nationalist party, led
by MM. Ghyczy and Tisza— Dedk's First Address— Indigna-
tion of English and German Liberals at Hungary's refusal to
accept the new Constitution — A serfous charge brought against
the Hungarians— Deak's line of argument— The Pragmatic

CONTENTS. xix

PAGE

Sanction of 1723 — The theory of relations between Austria
and Hungary — How far had this been carried out — Urme'nyi,
Paul Nagy — Austrian Sovereign practically compelled to
recognise validity of Hungarian claims to constitutional inde-
pendence— Archduke Charles and the Diet — Emperor Francis
and Paul Nagy — The Diet of 1811 on the financial proposals
of the Imperial Government— Need for reform in the Hun-
garian Constitution acknowledged by Deak — Main objections
raised in the First Address to the provisions of the new
Austrian Constitution 156

CHAPTER XXI.

Reference to historical documents proving existence of ' personal '
as opposed to ' real ' union between Austria and Hungary —
Sanctioned laws can only be abrogated by the power which
created them — Protest against suspension of the laws — Deak
prepared to go beyond what is required by strict legal obliga-
tions— Conditions for the coronation of the King of Hungary,
and restoration of harmony between Austria and Hungary
— Vehement anti-Austrian spirit in Hungary — Indignation
against Hungarian obstructives in Austria — Warnings ad-
dressed to Hungary by English writers — Impracticability of
Deak's suggestion of double parliamentary government —
Excited feeling in Pesth ; prophecy of civil war — Difficulty of
finding means of reconciling concession to public feeling in
Hungary with possibility of further negotiation with Vienna
—Opposition between "Address" party and "Resolution"
party in the Diet — Partial victory of the ultra-Nationalists —
Alteration in title of the Address — Appeal to precedent —
Victory for the Moderates or Address party .. .. . .. 166

CHAPTER XXII.

xx CONTENTS.

solution of the Diet — The Diet dissolved— Provincial laws
reintroduced — Rescript oTTTovemBSrsuspending the Hun-
garian Constitution — Deak's warning to his countrymen
against a resort to violence or illegal measures — Deak's with-
drawal into private life on the close of the negotiations .. 176

CHAPTER XXIII.

Baron Schmerling's ImperialParliament — ' Full Reichsrath '—
' Diminished ReicEsrath ' — Entrance of deputies from Tran-
sylvania — Embarrassment of Baron Schmerling between
the Cabinet and his Liberal supporters in the Lower House
Growing discontent with prevailing state of things — Deak
content to await the pressure of circumstances — Hungary
under the Provisorium different to Hungary under the System
— Disposition towards reconciliation — The Emperor and
Deak both pursuing the same end — Impossibility of a
change so long as Schmerling remained in power — The
minister pledged to maintain the present Constitution—
Plea for support on ground of foreign complications —
Gracious intentions of the Emperor towards Hungary —
Controversy between LustkandP and Deak 200

CHAPTER XXIV.

Cause of Austria's unstable condition — Successive policies—
'Great German ' policy — Conference at Frankfort — Renewal of
negotiations with the Hungarian magnates — Deak's Easter
article in the Pesti Naplo — Appeal from the Government to
the Sovereign — Acknowledgment of the existence of ' common
affairs ' — Letters by Deak in the Debatte — Statement of Hun-
garian claims acceptable to all parties in Hungary — Diffi-
culties still to be overcome — Visit of the Emperor to Pesth —
Count Mailath, Court Chancellor, Baron Sennyei,Tavernicus —
Evidence in these appointments of intention to treat with
Conservative, not ultra-Liberal, party in Hungary — A blow to
the Schmerling Ministry — Further embarrassment caused by
debates over the Budget — Resignation of Baron Schmerling
— Count Belcredi, Minister of the Interior — Close of the
Reichsrath — Speech of the Archduke Rainald— Indication of
a coming change of policy 209

CONTENTS. xxi

CHAPTER XXV.

PAGE

Suspension of the Constitution of 1861 — Manifesto of September
— Satisfaction of Hungarians and FederaHsts~Agreement
betoyeen them rather negative than positive — Widespread
political controversy in Austria — Division of opinion re-
garding the September Manifesto — Reopening of the Diet at
Pesth by the Emperor in person — L)edk's "firm resolve to
require strict respect for Continuity of Right — Conciliatory
tone of the Royal Speech — Deck's reply in the Address of
February 1866 — Demand for restoration and enforcement of
the Laws of '48 in the matter of a responsible Hungarian
Ministry — Refusal of the Emperor — The Diet occupied in
preparing a scheme for the regulation of ' common affairs ' —
Committee of '67 — Effect of the harsh language of the Rescript
of March 3rd visible in the uncompromising tone of the
answering address of the Diet — Reluctance to dissolve the
Diet — Declaration of war on the part of Prussia and Italy,
June 1 8th — Continued discussion in the Hungarian Diet on
definition and treatment of common affairs — Custozza, June
24 — Adjournment of the Diet, 26th — Want of sympathy with
Austria in Hungary — Sadowa, July 3rd — Treaty of Prague,
August 1 8th 220

CHAPTER XXVI.

Good fortune of Austria in her defeats — New policy entered upon
after the war of 1866 — Deak and the Emperor at Vienna —
Dedk in the Pesti Naplo — Change in the Austrian Cabinet —
Count Mensdorff Pouilly succeeded as Foreign Minister by
Count Beust — Effect of Schmerling's constitutional principles
in facilitating the task of Austrian reconsolidation after the
war of '66 — Beust's advice to the Emperor to come to terms
with Hungary — Difficulties raised in all quarters — Scheme
drawn up by Dedk for discussion by Committee of '67
accepted by Count Beust — Confusion and division in Austria
— Resistance to proposed agreement with Hungary .. .. 234

CHAPTER XXVII.

Rising discontent in Hungary — Need of Dedk's influence in the
Diet — Dedk as a speaker — Nature of the compromise advo-
cated by him — The agreement based on Report of the Com-

xxii CONTENTS.

PAGE

mittee of Fifteen — Opposition led by M. Tisza — Proposal to
break off all further negotiations, defeated by the Moderate
or Dedk party — Skill required in framing the addresses of
the Diet at this time— Address of January 1867 — Sudden
change in tone of the royal reply — Counter effect upon the
Committee of '67 — Laws of '48 revised in sense desired
by the Crown — February interview between Dedk and the
Emperor — Royal Rescript announcing complete restoration
of the Hungarian Constitution — Count Andrdssy entrusted
with formation of a responsible Ministry for Hungary .. .. 244

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Causes of the change in the imperial policy regarding Hungary
to be sought elsewhere than at Pesth — Result in appearance
of the resignation of Belcredi in February, in reality cul-
minating point of the policy initiated by Beust on first taking
office at Vienna five months before — Difficulties encountered
by Austrian Foreign Minister in prosecution of his policy
equal to those of Dedk in Hungary — Natural disappointment
of the Federalists at the introduction of Dualism — Deak not
responsible — His advocacy of Dualism based on grounds of
general advantage to the monarchy 253

CHAPTER XXIX.

CONTENTS. xxiii

carrying into effect a principle not of equally permanent
importance with the principle itself — Count Beust and Dedk
not to be held pledged to perpetual support of Dualism — The
secret of Deck's advocacy of the Compromise in 1867 — Desire
to preserve the Hungarian Constitution — The connection
between Hungary and Austria — All his past acts consistent
with belief in these principles — But Dedk not committed
to support a system established originally with his warm
approval, if it should ultimately appear that the system then
established had ceased to work in favour of the principles on
which it had been based 259

PART IV.— RESTORATION.

CHAPTER XXX.

Deak's refusal of the office of Palatine" — Coronation of the
Emperor at Buda Pesth— Contrast between 1849 and ^67 270

CHAPTER XXXI.

Value of Dedk's services to Hungary in assisting the establish-
ment of national parliamentary government — Instinctive
anti-governmental feeling amongst Hungarians — The parlia-
mentary Opposition — Deak's influence in the settlement of
internal questions — Law of Nationalities — Croatia — Com-
promise of 1868 276

CHAPTER XXXII.

Good effect of the harmonious working of the Hungarian Govern-
ment on the western half of the monarchy — Difficulties of
Count Beust in establishing the new system in Austria —
Agreement between Austrian and Hungarian ministers with
regard to reform measures introduced at Vienna — Partial
concession to the Nationalists in Electoral Law of 1873 —
Abolition of the Concordat — Sympathy with development of
constitutional liberty in Austria on the part of Hungary —
— Deak's opinion on the relations of Church and State .. .. 286

xxiv CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

PAGE

Agreement between Austrian and Hungarian ministers on the
subject of peace — Policy of Austria since the Treaty of
Prague — Refusal of Count Beust to be drawn into hostility to
Prussia on the question of the Main — Count Beust supported
in his peaceful policy by Hungary — Harmony of opinion
between Beust and Andrassy as to future policy of the
Monarchy — Preparation against a possible reopening of the
Eastern Question — Deak and Andrdssy — Resignation of
Count Beust — Succeeded at the Foreign Office by Count
Andrdssy 294

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Financial excitement in Hungary — Speculation — Fall of the
SzlaVy Cabinet — The last Deak Cabinet — DeaVs continued
interest in public affairs — Symptons of a break-up in the Deak
party — Proposed Coalition Cabinet, 1875 — Fusion between
the Opposition and the Centre of the Deak party — Dedk's
increasing illness — Public sympathy — Last interview between
the leader and his political supporters— Death, January 1876
— Public funeral 304

CHAPTER XXXV.

Dedk's character — The result of his work— The tendency of
his influence — Appeal to the sentiment of reverence for law
in his countrymen — The principle of his own conduct —
Conclusion 315

FRANCIS DEAK.

PART I. — REFORMATION.
CHAPTER I.

Deck's claim on the interest and respect of his own countrymen and
of foreigners — Entry on public life — State of Hungary since the
Peace of 1815— Sze'che'nyi.

IN the month of January 1-876 a thrill of passing
interest was excited in the news-reading public of
Europe by the announcement of the death of
Francis Deak, a Hungarian, whose name, though
perhaps less widely known abroad than that of his
famous compatriot Louis Kossuth, yet seemed to
evoke in his own country the strongest feelings of
gratitude and veneration. The funeral of this simple
citizen of Pesth was like that of some European
sovereign. In the long procession that followed
the body to its last resting-place, in the dense crowds
that lined the streets of the Hungarian capital, were
representatives of every rank, every opinion, every
nationality in the monarchy, from the ancient dynasty
of the Hapsburgs to the most advanced Radical
constituency in Hungary, from the fiercely Magyar

FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i.

watched with genuine sorrow, and the names of the
Hungarian patriots who fought and suffered in the
cause of national liberty were household words in
this country.

But the war of 1849 had been preceded by the
bloodless revolution culminating in 1847-48 ; a fact
less noteworthy in the eyes of foreign nations, but
of equal and indeed of more lasting importance in
the history of Hungary, as was shown by subsequent
events. Amongst the men whose labours contri-
buted in the first place to make that revolution
possible, and in later years to make it bear good
fruit, none deserves more heartfelt gratitude from
his compatriots, a more cordial tribute of respect
from foreign observers, than Francis Dedk.

Born at Kehida, in the county of Zala, in
October 1803, Dedk belonged to an old Hungarian
family which could reckon amongst its ancestors
Verboczy, the celebrated jurist of the i6th century,
and author of the Corpus Juris of Hungary.

Young Francis Dedk was educated at Comorn,
and at the University of Raab, where he graduated
in law and jurisprudence, and made his first essay
as an advocate ; but as with many of his compatriots
at that time, the fascination of politics soon over-
powered all other interests, and the keen intellect
and lucid, convincing speech of the young lawyer
were more frequently exercised in the debates of the
Congregations in the County Assembly of Zala

CHAP, i.] ENTRANCE INTO THE DIET. 5

than in the courts of justice. In 1833 Anton,
Deak's elder brother, was forced by ill-health to
resign the office of deputy for his native county. On
bidding farewell to his friends at Presburg, he
assured them that he would send in his stead a
young man ' who has more stuff in his little finger
than I have in my whole body.'

In the same year Francis Deak was returned for
the county of Zala, and took his seat in the Diet of
Presburg, where he soon began to take a prominent
part in the debates of the Lower House.

Any one who were to form a conception of the
National Assembly of constitutional Hungary in 1833
from an acquaintance with the Parliament of constitu-
tional England, would have a very erroneous idea of
the appearance of the Diet at Presburg in the days
when Deak made his first entry on political life ; for
the scene presented by the meeting of the national
representatives of Hungary was far enough removed
in outward appearance from the grave, influential,
and decorous assemblage, where in England, at the
same date, two well-organised parliamentary parties
were soberly discussing the political and social
questions of the day.

In considering that latest and most elaborate
development of parliamentary government which
under the name of the ' Ausgleich ' (Compromise) is
now principally associated with Deak's name, it is
difficult to realise the quaint and almost archaic

FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i.

character of the institutions and customs prevailing
in Hungary when the young deputy first took his
seat amongst the legislators of his country.

And yet evsn at this time, even in the Diet of
1832-36, with its apparent aimlessness, its absence
of all party organisation, its shrinking from reform,
its sudden panic excited by the French revolution
of July, its limpet-like adhesion to the ancient forms
of the Corpus Juris, there was not wanting the germ
of that healthy political vitality which was destined
in after-years to shoot up into a plant worthy of
the soil that produced it.

During the Napoleonic wars, the Hungarians
had been fully occupied in fighting the battles of
the Empire ; for their loyal co-operation they had
more than once received imperial thanks, and the
tribute had been paid to their Constitution of sum-
moning the Diet whenever fresh supplies of men
and money were urgently needed by Francis II.
and his allies. Should the deputies be so ill-judging
as to take advantage of these occasions for de-
manding the redress of national grievances and
the fulfilment of royal promises, they were speedily
dismissed with reprimands or blandishments as
seemed most advisable, and care was taken that no
specially pertinacious deputy should be returned a
second time to impede the Diet in the exercise of
its true function, — that of providing supplies to meet
the requirements of the imperial policy. The faint

CHAP, i.] HUNGARY AFTER THE PEACE. 7

glowworm light of modern ideas which had been
visible in Hungary at the close of the eighteenth
century seemed to have died out during the long
struggle which absorbed into a military channel all
the ardour of the Magyar nation. The Peace of
Vienna left Hungary bankrupt and exhausted, and
with her freedom more closely curtailed than before
the outbreak of that last campaign, which had been
fought, — according to the generous declaration of the
allied princes, — ' to assert the liberties of the people/

But the sturdy refusal of the County Assemblies
of Hungary to carry out the arbitrary ordinances
ojfjthe Austrian emperor, the unwearied efforts of
Magyar poets and writers to preserve the national
language, had succeeded in keeping alive those
ideas of freedom and independence which had lain
so long dormant.

In 1825, Francis I. once more summoned the
Hungarian Diet, disavowed the unconstitutional t^^
acts of his officials, and assured the Estates of his
earnest desire to rule henceforth according to law
and usage. The Diet only sat for two years, and
few practical measures were enacted in it ; but none
the less it marked the opening of a new era of
internal activity in Hungary, and showed the in-
tention of the Magyars to assume once again their
distinct national existence.

If for no other reason, moreover, the Diet of
1825 deserves to be remembered as being the

FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i.

occasion of the first appearance upon the political
stage of Count Stephen Szech6nyi, the great
Radical magnate, who boldly carried the cry of
reform into the camp of the Hungarian aristocracy,
and dared to challenge the Conservative nobles of
his country, not only to reform the Government,
but actually to reform themselves, the hereditary
champions of meConstitiJtrdn]

Count Szech6nyi was rather a social than a
political reformer, and his vigorous writings, which
created such a flutter of excitement amongst the
landowners of Hungary, were concerned chiefly
with the abuses which, in his eyes, hindered the
material prosperity of his country. With all his
fiery energy of demolition, Szech£nyi, a thorough
aristocrat of the old school, had in him a strain of
the benevolent despot, and was somewhat disposed
to force improvement and progress upon his
countrymen at the point of the bayonet ; it was
perhaps this belief in the salutary influence of
unquestioned authority which inclined him, under
all circumstances, to keep on good terms with
the Vienna Government, and endeavour to carry
out his reforming projects for the people, but not
through the people ; indeed, he was at no pains to
conceal that, ardently as he loved his country, he
had the meanest opinion of the intellectual capacity
of the mass of his countrymen to decide upon
national questions of 'high politics.' It was this

CHAP, i.] DIET OF 1825. 9

tendency which in late years led to an estrangement
between the modern Liberals of the type of Dedk
and Baron Joseph Eotvos, and the brilliant magnate,
the ' great Hungarian ' par excellence, whose self-
sacrificing patriotism and noble character have
justly endeared him to all parties amongst his
countrymen.

With the reassembling of the Diet in 1825 a ray
of light had seemed to shine upon the gloom and
stagnation in which Hungary had been lying for
the past ten years ; but at the same time, the light
revealed a state of things social and political which
might well make the most stout-hearted patriot
despondent. The anxious desires awakened for
the introduction of a new and freer order of things,
for a more clearly realised national life, only served
to bring clearly home to the minds of some, the de-
pressing and backward condition of their country.
The combined weight of absolute power abroad
and feudal institutions at home, seemed as though
it must crush all life out of the newly apparent
aspirations after freedom and progress.

Kolcsey, the favourite poet and author of this
period, after exhorting his countrymen to achieve
what their ancestors had left undone, and reminding
them that ' not in vain did the brave nations of
the world cling to their traditions, and hold in deep
reverence the histories of their past,' had withdrawn
from the Diet of 1832 in profound despondency.

io FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i.

Dedk himself was not of a sanguine temperament,
and he felt painfully the backward and chaotic state
into which his country had fallen — the country that
at one time had held a foremost place amongst
European states.

Some of his speeches in the Diet at this period
are as melancholy as Hungarian music. ' The feel-
ing of patriotism is not kept alive in a Hungarian
to the same degree as it is in the men of other
nations, either by the inspiring memories of the
past, or by a sentiment of vanity and self-esteem.
The free citizens of powerful Rome or of free
Greece, could draw inspiration from the annals of
their native country ; they were proud in the con-
sciousness of the greatness and glory of their nation,
and each felt his own country to be of all others
the best and the most favoured. In like manner,
Frenchmen and Englishmen can look back with
enthusiasm to their past history, and they too can
feel that no country in Europe can boast such
stability as theirs. Amidst the ruins of his shattered
freedom, the ardent spirit of the Italian still kindles
with the glowing memories of a famous antiquity ;
the Russian finds something sublime at least in
the physical greatness of his country. But the
Hungarian cannot share in such feelings as these.

' Our history can look back to nothing but
disastrous civil wars, and bloody struggles for the
preservation of our very existence ; it can offer but

CHAP, i.] DESPONDENCY. n

few examples of the pure-minded noble citizen, few
brilliant pages which can make our hearts swell
with a glow of proud self-consciousness.

' Nor have we the consolations of vanity.
Europe is hardly aware of our existence, and
there are, it may be, many colonies in Africa better
known to other nations than is our Fatherland,
which is looked upon abroad as a fertile but un-
cultivated province of Austria. Our present con-
dition is not brilliant, nor even of such material
prosperity as to enable us on this ground to rival
other nations. Our future is in God's hands ; but
to say the truth, he must be a determined optimist
who can believe that it has any very bright prospect
in store, though we must needs hope for some
improvement on the present.'

Desponding Deak certainly was, but not weakly
despairing. In the course of the same speech he
adds : ' There exists in the heart of every man a
pure and ardent feeling which, quite independent of
all these outward helps, binds him closely to his
Fatherland, and I hold him for no brave man, no
true Magyar, to whom this poor suffering country is
not dearer than the most brilliant empire in Europe/

In this spirit Deak plunged vigorously into the
complex politics of the time, determined to do all
that in him lay towards re-building and establishing
the fabric of national life upon a broad and lasting
foundation.

12 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n.

CHAPTER II.

Parties — Government and Opposition — Difficulties of reform — Deak's
efforts to improve the Urbarial Laws — Failure to emancipate the
peasantry — General result of the Diet of 1832-36.

SELDOM has a country set to work more zealously
to reform itself than did Hungary, as represented
by the Opposition party in the national legislature
and in the country.

At this time parties might be described broadly
as consisting not so much of Liberals and Con-
servatives as of Government and Opposition. The
object of the former was to keep the country in as
good humour as was compatible with the scrupulous
maintenance of the state of things social and
political, sanctioned by royal and diplomatic
authority at the Peace of Vienna.

The object of the latter party — which included
men who developed subsequently all shades of
political opinion — was to resist the encroachments
and unconstitutional practices of the Government,
and to carry their country a step farther along the
path of civilisation and progress, in which England,
France, and even Germany, had outstripped them.

In thus entering on a campaign at once defensive

CHAP, ii.] PROCEDURE IN THE DIET. 13

and offensive, the Hungarian Opposition were under-
taking a task that required no small amount of
courage, patience, and tactical ability.

The course of a contested bill through the English
Houses of Parliament is plain sailing indeed com-
pared with the stormy passage that awaited a reform
measure in Hungary between its first incorporation
in the 'Mandate' delivered by the County Assemblies
to their deputies, and its final appearance in the
tranquil haven of the Statute Book — that august
volume a copy of which was always to be found on
a table in the magnates' club at Pesth, open to the
daily perusal of the law-loving Hungarian citizens,
who felt for the Corpus Juris something of the
same veneration as for the mystic circlet of the
Crown of St. Stephen itself.

The usual form in which a measure came before
the Diet was either as a Royal Proposition pre-
sented * with becoming pomp ' to the assembled
Estates for discussion in the two Houses, or as one
of the ' Gravamina,' brought forward by the Estates
in opposition to the royal demands.

Having decided on the subject of their first
consideration — and this in itself was a matter for
grave deliberation — the two Houses, or ' Tables,'
began the debate in good earnest.

In the Diet of 1833 the Lower House, consisting
of the deputies from the fifty-five counties, some of
the lower clergy, and the town deputies (who,

i4 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n.

however, had no vote), was, if not quite unanimous
in its advocacy of reform, at least quite unanimous
in its opposition to the Government.

But even supposing a measure to have succeeded
in uniting in its support the various fractions of the
Opposition, and to have passed triumphantly through
the Lower House, it had to encounter more stubborn
resistance in the Upper, where the magnates, act-
ing on the principle that a state of society which
was satisfactory to them could be in no need of
reform, preferred to support a Government that,
whatever might be its shortcomings from a national
point of view, had at least the merit of being
identified with the existing regime, and of showing
small inclination to launch out into so-called ' reforms,'
founded on mere sentiment and theoretical notions
of justice.

Even if a majority of the magnates were won over
to the popular side — and thanks to the brilliant
eloquence of the great Count Szdchenyi this was
sometimes the case — the king could still exercise
the royal veto and refuse his assent to the proposal
accepted by the two Houses ; a drag quite sufficiently
powerful to prevent the wheels of the car of Progress
from running too fast. On this would follow resolu-
tions, representations, negotiations innumerable, inter-
spersed with more debates and sessions, ' mixed ' or
' separate,' of the two Houses ; but in the end, the
proposed reform usually found itself relegated for

CHAP, ii.] NOBLES AND PEOPLE. 15

further discussion to the next Diet, or so greatly
modified as to make but slight improvement in the
actual condition of the people. This was the fate of
the Urbarial Law, the first grand attempt that had
been made since the time of Leopold II. to raise the
non-noble class of the community from that state of
social and political degradation in which they had
been allowed to remain ever since the days when
serfdom appeared the natural position for all who
were not warriors and therefore ' nobles ' in the old
feudal sense of the term. ' In Hungary the nobility
= 1000; the people == o,' writes an impartial but
by no means unfriendly German observer passing
through Hungary five-and-thirty years ago.1 Ask
the ordinary English traveller in the country during
the first quarter of this century his impression of
Hungary and its people, he will speak not of ancient
institutions and widespread political activity, but of
the vast possessions and feudal state of the great
magnates, the complete personal subjection, closely
resembling serfage, of the mass of the peasantry.

It was not the fault of the nobles themselves that
this stigma was not earlier removed from their
country.

' It would be vain in me to attempt hiding my
grief at our present discomfiture/ said Kolcsey ;
'but it ministers on the other hand to my no small
gratification to know that the reproach which hung

1 Kohl.

1 6 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n.

for centuries on the nobles is from this day attached
to the Government. I will proclaim that in the year
1834 the Hungarian legislature tried to open a
way for the emancipation of the people, and that
this was opposed by the Government.' '

In the Diet and out of it, the subject excited
eager interest, though there was wide divergence
of opinion even amongst the Opposition as to the
nature and extent of the reforms needed, and already
the symptoms were visible of a split in the Opposi-
tion phalanx.

Both from national and from philanthropic motives,
Dealt threw himself heartily into the whole question
of the Urbarium,2 declaring that every minute that
was allowed to pass without speaking out the
salutary truth was so much time lost to the country,
and that in asking that the protection of the law
might be extended to the person and goods of the
peasant, the reform party were not craving a boon
or begging a favour, but simply demanding an act

1 See Szabad, Hungary Past and Present.

2 The ' Urbarium ' was the name given to the Statute issued by
Maria Theresa in 1764, for the mitigation of the feudal institutions of
Hungary. It contained the following provisions : I. The serf was
allowed to leave his master if dissatisfied with his condition, 2. The
labour to be done by the serfs was fixed with due regard to the extent
of their tenures. 3. The children of peasants were declared competent
to fill the public offices of teachers, etc. In the Diet of 1790, this Royal
Statute was provisionally recognised as a law, and since that time all
the laws of the Diet of 1832-36, bearing on the relations of landlord
and peasant, were called ' urbarial ' laws, and each separate enactment
an ' urbarium.

CHAP, ii.] CONDITION OF THE PEASANTRY. 17

of justice, which could not be withheld without a
violation of the rights of humanity.

We have said that the general tendency at this
time was in favour of progress and reform, but the
Liberalism of many of the Opposition was of so very
faint a tinge, and would have been content with the
extension to the tax-paying (i.e. the non-noble)
class of the community, of so small a modicum of
political and even social enfranchisement, that Deak's
eloquent attempt in the Diet to place the matter
upon broader grounds, and prove that the safety of
the Constitution did not depend on the limitation of
its benefits to a privileged class, was by no means
the forcing of an open door.

That the picture he drew of the peasantry in
Hungary, who were excluded from all share in the
possession of the soil and from the enjoyment of all
civic rights, was not over-coloured, will be acknow-
ledged on simple reference to the laws in force at
that period. In allusion to the practice of billeting
the troops upon the peasants, Deak declared, ' The
wild beast has its den, and the bird its nest, from
which they have the power to keep off all intruders ;
but the Hungarian tax-payer is not even master
over that which is most exclusively his own — he is
not free to do as he likes in his own house ; for the
State, whose whole burden falls on his shoulders, does
not leave even the peace of his home undisturbed,
but foists upon him guests whose presence he is

i8 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. 11.

compelled to tolerate, who are frequently aliens
from foreign lands, and who are not even connected
with him by the bond of a common tongue and the
love of a common country.'

In speaking of the resistance offered to the
proposal that the peasants should be allowed to
possess land in their own right, he says, ' We have
felt most deeply the injustice of this exclusion, and
have said, " Let us grant to the people the right of
property, and thereby draw them closer to us, and
attach them with a bond of affection to that Father-
land which has been in great measure both sup-
ported and defended by them ; let us allow the
people to hold land of their own." " No," answered
the majority, " for — ' omnis terrae proprietas ad
dominum spectat' — property is sacred and inviolable."
" True," we replied, " we are willing to grant that the
people must obtain property from the lord of the
soil, 'ad quern omnis terrae proprietas spectat,' by
means of voluntary sale." " Heaven forefend ! "
exclaimed our opponents ; "such an idea is contrary
to the Constitution ! "

' Thus limited in our scope, we finally prayed that
the people might at least be absolved from giving
compulsory labour, and might employ for their own
and the country's profit the time which is now
wasted in bad work grudgingly rendered to their
landlords. To this it was answered, " We will
consider that question another time, for it also affects

CHAP, ii.] DEAK ON THE URBARIAL LAWS. 19

the Constitution." And now we have come to the
very last clause of our humble petition, so much of
which has been refused. We have now but one
request to make, and that is, that the bodily sus-
tenance of the people may be cared for ; that they
who bear on their shoulders the burdens of the
whole nation should not have the very bread taken
out of their mouths. This can hardly be refused ;
this surely is not "contrary to the Constitution."
That would indeed be a merciful Constitution which
should forbid us to take thought for the maintenance
of some millions of our most useful fellow-citizens !
That would indeed be an unhappy country whose
institutions should require us to deprive of the very
means of existence those to whom all rights have
already been denied ; to rob of their support those
whose sole privilege consists in the permission to
eke out a livelihood on the soil of their native
country, whose burdens they bear, though they are
forbidden to share in its possession !

' I wish to see the injustice which has gone on
during the eight hundred years of our constitutional
existence atoned for. I wish it in the interest of our
country, for political welfare can never be universal,
the full development of the nation can never be
achieved, so long as personal security is only a
privilege — a privilege, moreover, enjoyed exclu-
sively by the minority.'

On hearing it constantly asserted that in Hungary

C 2

20 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n.

all property in land belongs of right to the lord of
the soil, Deak declared that the countless divinities
of Greece displayed far greater modesty in their
pretensions than the noble proprietors of Hungary,
for the former claimed but a share in the ownership
of wood, fields, and waters, whereas the Hungarian
noble was absolute lord over all. The final result
of the long debates over the Urbarial Laws was
but small as regards the actual addition made to
the Corpus Juris. The measure that at last
received the royal sanction bore evident traces of
that careful regard for the Constitution which had in-
duced the Government and their allies in the Upper
House to suppress any reform that looked like
too serious an innovation upon the Constitutional
rights of the privileged class.

The Robot, or forced labour, was modified, but
not abolished ; the nobles gave up their right of
summary jurisdiction, and of inflicting corporal
punishment ; but the clauses establishing for the
peasant absolute security of property and person,
and the abolition of the 'Jus Avicitatis,'1 were
rejected. The non-noble class was relieved from
the charge of defraying the expenses incidental
to the meeting of the Diet, but most of their
other burdens, feudal dues and ecclesiastical tithes,

1 A law by which landed property belonging to a noble might be
reclaimed by its original proprietor, even should it have passed by sale
into other hands.

CHAP, ii.] WARNING TO THE GOVERNMENT. 21

were left unlightened, and the great gulf between
the tax-paying people and the nobles was not
filled up.

There was, perhaps, no department of public life
in which Deak rendered better service to his
country at this time than in that of legal reform,
and there was none in which from natural dis-
position and ability he took a keener interest. His
great legal knowledge and acquainance with the
judicial systems of foreign nations found worthy
employment in the compilation of a civil code
drawn up by a parliamentary commission under his
supervision. But it fared as ill with the legal
reforms proposed as with those concerning the
emancipation of the peasantry, religious liberty,
freedom of the press, and public instruction. With
reference to this last subject, when the Government
for the fifteenth time evaded the proposition of the
Diet for the complete reorganisation and reform of
public instruction throughout the country, Francis
Deak, usually pre-eminent for the moderation of his
language amongst his fiery colleagues, waxed
ominously indignant, and almost menacing, in his
condemnation of the Government policy.

'In more than one heart,' he exclaimed, 'will
spring up the bitter thought, that the Austrian
Government, dreading the prosperity of Hungary,
is striving henceforth to check its onward progress.

22 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. 11.

An ill-fated policy, a false and miserable calculation !
for could there possibly be a more false calculation
than thus to inspire us with bitter sentiments at the
moment when the Diet is about to dissolve, so
that we may instil into our constituents these same
sentiments which three years hence will again
animate the representatives of the country.

' There is no need to be a prophet to foretell that
the policy of the Government, far more than any
Polytechnic Institutions, will encourage the de-
velopment of our national faculties. I am of
opinion that the representation to the King should
be repeated, but I counsel the nation to trust only
to itself.'1

After having promised much, and allowed copious
discussion, the Government in the end, when the
requisite supplies had been voted, refused to sanction
the various reforms proposed, and dismissed the
Diet.

' We should have liked to obtain more concessions,
to extort more guarantees/ says Deak in his address
to his electors, ' but the combined strength of many
separate interests has prevented the success of our
cause.' Yet it was no small triumph for the
Liberal party in the Opposition of 1836 to have
made this short step forward in an aristocratic
country like Hungary, dominated by the over-

1 ' Ue 1'Esprit public en Hongrie,' De Ge"rando, p. 193.

CHAP, ii.] LEGAL RESISTANCE. 23

shadowing influence of the most august despotism
in Europe.

The people, who had so often maintained the
doctrine of national independence by force of arms,
were now prepared to carry on the struggle for con-
stitutional freedom in a manner better suited to
modern ideas, and the Imperial Government at
Vienna soon discovered to its cost that the Hun-
garians were quite as well qualified to fight their
country's battles in a political as in a military
campaign. The legal resistance of a Deak was in its
way almost as inconvenient as the armed rebellion
of a Bocksai or a Rdkoczy.

24 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in.

CHAPTER III.

Deak's position in the party — A Conservative Reformer — Belief in
law the keynote of his policy now and in the future — Spread of
Liberal ideas through the country — Kossuth and Wessele'nyi —
State prosecutions — Election of John Balogh.

THE unsatisfactory termination of the Diet in
1836 was succeeded by a ferment of discontent and
agitation throughout the country, in the midst of
which the gradual formation of political parties took
a more definite shape. The experience of the past
three years had fully justified the words of brotherly
admiration with which Anton Deak had recom-
mended the young deputy for Zala to his future
colleagues at Presburg, and it was evident that
in any new combination of parties Francis Deak
would hold a prominent place.

In later years, in describing his first entrance into
the Diet, Dedk would draw a humorous picture of
the embarrassing side to the reputation that had
preceded him.

' I came to Presburg,' he would say, ' as a young
man of nine-and-twenty, where I found that my
late brother Anton, in his exceeding kindness and
affection, had spread the most wonderful reports

CHAP, in.] THE YOUNG DEPUTY. 25

of my supposed intelligence amongst my fellow-
deputies. The result was that members were
perpetually tormenting me with the strangest and
most miscellaneous questions, in order to hear my
"wisdom." Even late at night, at the club and
in the billiard-room, they pursued me with their
questions. So I started the plan of putting them
off with telling anecdotes instead ; and this is how,'
Deak would explain, ' I have contracted the bad
habit of telling anecdotes when I am not being
asked questions.'

His way of living at this time was of the same
simple, unostentatious character which he maintained
to the day of his death. During the session of the
Diet, he lodged at an hotel with his friends Edmond
Beothy and Gabriel Klauzal. He would rise at
five, walk for three hours, and about nine o'clock
go down to assist at the sittings of the Diet. The
afternoon was devoted to reading and study, and
in the evening he was accustomed to meet his
friends and acquaintance over a game of billiards or
cards at the Casino.

Such were the simple habits and surroundings
of the young politician who was destined to become
by the force of circumstance, and as it were in spite
of himself, the leader and champion of his country,
the chief representative of Hungary in the eyes of
Europe.

The position deliberately taken up by Deak at the

26 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. HI.

outset of his political career, and consistently main-
tained throughout, was not an easy one. Believing
with Burke 'that a State without the means of
some change is without the means of its con-
servation/ Deak was a ' conservative reformer ' ; — a
reformer as regards the internal social and political
relations of his country ; conservative as regards
the connection of its present with its past history,
and its relations with the Austrian Empire. He
formed in those days the nucleus of that party in
Hungary which, according to modern parlance,
might be described as the Left Centre, and which
in the time of our own great parliamentary revolu-
tion was represented by statesmen of the type
of Somers.

Fully as Deak acknowledged the value of Count
Szechenyi's services in the last Diet, he could not
sympathise with the ' great Hungarian ' in his
desire to make a clean sweep of all the ancient
institutions — including the Corpus Juris — and start
the State upon an entirely new basis ; for, with
an Englishman's love of justice and independence,
Deak had also an Englishman's regard for pre-
cedent, and fond clinging to all that was connected
with an historic past.

He had perhaps still less in common with the
old Hungarian Conservatives in the Opposition,
who met every proposal for domestic reform with
the cry of 'the Constitution in danger,' and by so

CHAP, in.] REVERENCE FOR LAW. " 27

doing played into the hands of the absolutist
Government they opposed.

Royalist and patriot as he was, the watchword of
Deak's life was neither king nor country, but law ;
Law in the sense used by the imperial philosopher
when he affirms that ' nothing can harm the State
which does not harm law, and that what does not
harm law, does not harm either State or citizen.'

He believed that in demanding from high and
low in the smallest matters of every-day life, as
well as in great concerns of State politics, a strict
observance of the law, he was most effectually
serving both king and country. He recognised
clearly that it was this principle, the real kernel of
the Hungarian Constitution, which had caused it to
remain for centuries a living reality, and had been
the very salt of the nation, preserving it from the
fate that had overtaken other States no less famous
in their day than the Kingdom of Hungary.
V-^ From the beginning of his public career to the
end, the motive of his actions was invariably to be
found in this deeply rooted reverence for law, — using
the word in its widest sense as expressing absolute
justice, and as defining the right relations of man to
man, and of class to class ; law, as comprising the
body of well-weighed opinion arrived at by the
highest wisdom, ratified by the common acknow-
ledgment of rulers and people, and equally binding
upon all the constituent parts of the State.

28 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in.

In Dedk's view no circumstance whatsoever
could absolve either king or people from the duty
of rendering strict obedience to the law. The king
might be tempted by the consciousness of power
into arbitrary acts, the people might see itself
compelled by force, or incited by revolutionary
passion, into a violation of the original compact ;
but the duty incumbent upon both king and people
remained the same, and each party was entitled to
demand its due fulfilment by the other, not as a
boon, but as a right. Deak believed that it was in
a faithful adherence to the Constitution thus under-
stood that the strength of Hungary consisted, and
the events of later years showed that he had not
miscalculated.

It was in obedience to these principles that Deak
strove earnestly in 1834 to insure precedence for
the debate on the Gravamina, or national grievances,
before that on the Royal Propositions, however
satisfactory the new measures proposed in them ;
it was the same motive that prompted him in 1861
to refuse for his country the new Constitution
1 octroye ' at Vienna, as a compensation for the
unredressed wrongs of Hungary.

' Not only a violation of the rights of the nation
as a whole,' said Deak, ' but also any infringement
of the rights of individual citizens, magistrates, or
associations, is a matter of common concern, for
such an infringement is a violation of law and liberty,

CHAP, in.] SPEECH IN THE DIET. 29

and law and liberty are the common property of
the nation. Law imposes limits upon force, and
it is in the strength of law that the citizens of a
country seek protection against arbitrary power.
But law itself, with all the strength for resistance
which it bestows, is only secured against arbitrary
violence by the moral strength of the nation ; and
if a nation from lack of this moral strength is unable
to maintain unimpaired the inviolability of its laws,
and enforce respect for them, its independence is
at the mercy of any unforeseen event, and no
creation of new laws will ever avail to preserve
it from utter destruction. If a nation raises no
protest against the violation of its laws, but with
silent acquiescence creates each time ' a new pro-
vision in place of the one which has been set at
nought, it contributes of itself to impair the respect
due to its laws, for its silence seems to imply that
it approves of what has been done, or at least
condones it, on the ground of the ambiguity of the
law. If those in authority have been permitted
to transgress the law without any protest from the
nation, who will venture to remind the Government
of their past misdeeds, and invite them to return to
the path of justice, from which they have erred ?

' Moreover, a solemn and dignified protest raised
in vindication of a disregarded law honours the
sovereign more than a cowardly silence ; the one
shows a manly confidence in his sense of justice,

30 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in.

the other a timorous disbelief in it. The nation
which submits in cowardly silence to the violation
of its laws would be also capable of a cowardly
desertion of its sovereign in the hour of danger.
Princes themselves have no cause to delight in
such a people, for never do fear and confidence,
loyalty and cowardice, exist side by side in the
same nation.'

Notwithstanding the small practical outcome of
the Diet that closed in 1836, it was obvious that
a powerful impetus had been given to the Liberalism
of the country ; that modern Hungary was begin-
ning to feel ill at ease within the too narrow limits
of the old Constitution ; and that a spirit of insub-
ordination was rising against the rule of the Vienna
Government, even when administered through the
medium of the docile Hungarian Ministry at Pres-
burg.

No one recognised the danger more clearly than
the imperial ministers themselves. They perceived
that the influence of civil speeches and fair promises
from royal and arch-ducal lips was beginning to
wane before the growing might of that mysterious
and unconstitutional power, ' public opinion ' — the
Democracy, as the dreaded spectre was usually
designated in awe-struck terms by the frightened
magnates.

The brilliant weekly reports written by Louis
Kossuth, — ostensibly for the information of those

CHAP, in.] GOVERNMENT PROSECUTIONS. ' 31

absent magnates,1 who in accordance with the
prevailing custom had appointed the clever young
advocate as their silent proxy and private reporter
at the sittings of the Diet, — were secretly litho-
graphed and circulated throughout the country,
where they found thousands of eager readers.

The Government saw that the thin end of the
wedge was thus being introduced which would lead
finally to the admittance of the outside public into
the sacred mysteries of legislation. The right of
freedom of speech, too, was beginning to be under-
stood in a more extended sense than the most
tolerant of despotisms could endure, and it was
felt that strong measures must be resorted to.

Louis Kossuth, Baron Wesselenyi (the 'giant of
Transylvania '), and several of the younger members
of the Liberal party were accused of high treason,
and condemned to various terms of imprisonment,
on no other ground than their free expression of
Liberal opinions, and the attempt on the part of
Kossuth in Hungary, and Wessel6nyi in Tran
sylvania, to publish lithographed reports of the
discussions in the County Assemblies as they had
done of those in the Diet. John Balogh, deputy
for the county of Bar, who had indulged in too
vigorous a remonstrance in the Lower House

1 Kossuth's first appearance in the Diet at Presburg was as the
deputy of a magnate's widow, entitled by her rank to be thus re-
presented in the legislature.

32 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in.

against these illegal proceedings, was prosecuted
by the Government, who, relying on their firm
hold over the peasant nobles in the county, looked
forward confidently to replacing the obnoxious
deputy (now unseated in consequence of the pro-
secution) by the ministerial candidate. To make
matters quite safe, the 'Comes,'1 or lord lieutenant
of the county, had received instructions to present
the electors with five florins apiece beforehand,
as a polite indication by the Government of what
was expected of them. But the court party had
not reckoned on the extent to which the new leaven
had penetrated even to the lowest substratum of
the Constitution.

The experience of the Comes, Count Keglevich,
was as novel as it was disagreeable.

Urged by the Government, he had done all that
man could do to insure the return of the desired
candidate. The salt depots had been thrown open,
that the electors might help themselves to as much
as they could carry away, and money had been
lavished with unstinting liberality. But all proved

1 The fifty-two provinces, or circles, into which Hungary has been
from time immemorial divided, are called Comitates or Counties ;
over each is placed a ' Comes ' — a Magnate of the Empire, usually
appointed by the Crown, like our lord lieutenant, but in some cases
holding the office by hereditary right. The Comes is assisted in the
administration of the county by two deputies or Vice Comes, under
whom are many subordinate officers, elected by the ' nobles ' of the
province at the triennial ' Restorations,' the exciting municipal elections
of Hungary.

CHAP, in.] JOHN BALOGH. 33

useless, or rather worse than useless. The re-
doubtable John Balogh was re-elected by a large
majority ; and not content with displaying their
superabundant enthusiasm by carrying the favoured
candidate in triumph on their shoulders, the peasant
nobles swarmed into the Assembly Hall, their five-
florin notes stuck at the end of their staves, over-
whelmed the astonished ' Comes ' with reproaches,
and compelled him by main force to remain in his
seat for four mortal hours, whilst the chief county
officials, judges, notaries, and, in short, the whole
body of electors, upbraided him in no measured
terms for his treacherous and unpatriotic conduct.

After this highly unsuccessful attempt at coercion,
the Government thought it prudent to drop the pro-
secution of John Balogh.

34 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. iv.

CHAPTER IV.

The County Assemblies of Hungary — Their peculiar character —
Deak's influence in the County Assemblies and Party Conferences
— Scene at a party meeting.

THE Government soon found that the close of the
Diet brought no cessation of activity on the part of
the Liberal leaders, the only difference being, that
the discussion of ' burning questions ' was now
carried on with unabated energy in fifty small Diets
instead of in one.

Of all the venerable institutions of Hungary, none
is more interesting or more unique than this of the
County Assemblies or Congregations — with their
Comes and Vice-comes, their 'restorations,' their
exciting municipal and political elections, and
their animated public discussions ; miniature parlia-
ments, exercising each in its own province a juris-
diction so complete as to render the counties virtually
independent, not only of an arbitrary Government,
but even of the National Legislature, whose decrees
were calmly ignored if they ran counter to local
opinion as represented in the County Assembly of
a province.

CHAP, iv.] THE COUNTY ASSEMBLY. 35

It was this local organisation which had from
time immemorial played an important part in keep-
ing alive the innate love of the Hungarians for
political independence and self-government, under
the most adverse circumstances.

The County Assembly in Hungary was no arti-
ficial organisation, laboriously devised by official
authorities, and pressed upon an indifferent people
for their good, like the elaborate system of local
government which Catherine II. had in vain offered
to the Russian nobles with the wise object of miti-
gating the evils of a centralised bureaucracy ; it was
no ' caucus' of self-constituted officials, managing
the political concerns of a population too careless
or too ignorant to assert themselves, except on
occasions of great national crisis ; but the effectual,
if somewhat imperfect, system, which enabled the
Hungarian gentry to bring their keen political facul-
ties to bear upon the practical conduct of public affairs,
and to render their meed of unpaid service to the
State.

In this fact, perhaps, more than in any other, lies
the secret of that peculiar affinity which has always
been felt to exist between the social and political
constitution of Hungary and that of England. A
perfect constitution on the English pattern, and the
most approved modern institutions, not even ex-
cluding county government, may be introduced with
more or less success into any country in the universe,

D 2

36 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. iv.

from the Chinese Empire to the Argentine Republic ;
but the disposition which induces a man to give
hard work and honest service to the State from
no other motive than keen hereditary interest
in the political welfare of his country, and with
no desire for a more tangible reward than the
prestige conferred by the approbation of his con-
temporaries, or, if this be withheld, of his own
conscience, — this is a peculiar growth not every-
where native to the soil, as it is in England and
in Hungary.1

The defects of the ancient county organisation,
and its tendency to weaken the strength and unity
of the State as an executive body, were plainly
recognised by Francis Deak ; but with the instincts
of a true politician, he set himself to use to the best
advantage of his country the instruments at his
disposal, however imperfect, until the time when,
by means of these very instruments, the way

1 No more touching instance of this public-spirited patriotism, ' the
ruling passion strong in death,' could be found than in the letter of
remonstrance addressed by the 'great Hungarian ' in 1858, from his
then self-imposed prison within the sheltering walls of the Asylum at
Dobling, to a brother magnate who was proposing to withdraw from
some arduous public undertaking. ' The Hungarian,' wrote Count
Sze'che'nyi, ' who at the present time occupies a post that is not opposed
either to his honour or to his conscience, or to the good of his country,
ought not to abandon it voluntarily, whatever humiliations may be
heaped upon him. If they do not appoint you, or if they turn you out,
that is another affair ; the man who has lost his fortune may one day
recover it, but he who of his own free will gives up his treasure will
never find it again." — St. Rene" de Taillandier, La Boheme et la
Hongrie, 470.

CHAP, iv.] A PARTY CONFERENCE. 37

should have been prepared for a better state of
things.

It is with a sense of fitness that the citizens of
Buda Pesth have placed their noble portrait of
Francis Deak, not in the Parliament House, but
in one of the stately halls of the Liberal Club ; for
in the days when the meetings of the National
Legislature were few and far between — and at times
sadly barren in results — a great part of Deak's best
and most fruitful work was being carried on outside
the walls of Parliament, in the clubs and county
assemblies, at party conferences, and even in private
conversation.

The following graphic description of a party
meeting, held during the sitting of the Diet, is
quoted by M. de Laveleye in his interesting sketch of
the Hungarian leader, from one of Dedk's personal
friends.1 After describing the appearance of the
club-room, dense with clouds of tobacco smoke, in
which the members of the Opposition are wont to
assemble in the evenings during the session, the
writer proceeds : ' The excitement is intense ; to-
morrow there is to be an important sitting in the
Diet, for an Imperial Rescript has come down from
Vienna, and this has to be answered ; the national
pride is wounded ; " they are threatening our in-
dependence!" is the cry from all sides; "they are

1 L. Toth, quoted by Laveleye, 'La Prusse et FAiitriche depuis
Sadowa"1 (1870), vol. ii. pp. 170, 171.

38 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. iv.

trying to enslave the free Kingdom of St. Stephen ;
they are attempting by gentle means, and by slow
degrees, to deprive us of those liberties which we
have preserved against all attack for three centuries !
but the blood of our fathers still flows in our veins,
Rakoczy is not forgotten ! "

1 So speak the more excited members ; others
preach moderation, but fail to make themselves
heard ; the discussion is brilliant but without definite
aim ; there are as many different opinions as there
are members present; to win a hearing is impossible.
At this moment there enters the hall a man, still
young, and of sturdy build ; on the broad shoulders
and somewhat short neck, is set a round head with
a face full of " bonhomie " and humour ; bushy
eyebrows overshadow the grey eyes, twinkling with
a mixture half fun, half kindliness. Nothing about
him bespeaks the orator. His black clothes are
neat, but somewhat old-fashioned ; in his hand he
carries a stout ivory-handled walking-stick ; you
might take him for some good citizen of Presburg,
coming to take his daily glass of beer at the
" cabaret." He walks to a sofa, settles himself
comfortably in the corner, and lights a fresh cigar
from the one he has just finished.

' At first he follows the discussion with grave
attention ; then, as all seem to be awaiting his
opinion, he speaks in his turn, expressing himself
simply, as though in conversation ; in a few words

CHAP, iv.] THE ' BON BOURGEOIS.' 39

he lays down the object of the debate, shows the
points on which all are agreed, and the end they
have in view ; points out exactly the means by
which success may be attained, the weak side on
which the enemy must be attacked, the concessions
that may be made, the rights that must be main-
tained at all costs. He enlivens this exposition — as
closely reasoned as the demonstration of a theorem
—with homely humour, anecdotes, and illustrations.
Under this vivid and diffused light, sophisms are
exposed, excitement is allayed, the Magyar imagina-
tion sobers down. Good sense has spoken, the party
has received its instructions ; the plan of campaign
is drawn out ; the members break up, and go home
to supper. The "bon bourgeois" who thus rules
the majority of the sovereign assembly is Francis
Deak.'

40 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. v.

CHAPTER V.

Movement, social and political, prior to the meeting of the Diet of
1840 — Batthydny and Dedk, in the Upper and Lower House, 1840
— Deak's defence of the constitutional right of freedom of speech —
Reforms in the Diet of 1840 with reference to the peasantry and
their emancipation from feudal disabilities — Enthusiam of the
Liberal Opposition — Reconciliation with the Government.

SOCIAL reforms, new enterprizes of all kinds, the
founding of a national theatre, of an art exhibi-
tion, of literary and commercial associations, accom-
panied the political movement in the country during
the years that elapsed before the opening of the
next Diet.

In one County Assembly after another, the dis-
cussions ended in instructions being given to the
deputies to press in the ensuing Diet for such im-
portant reforms as freedom of conscience, equality
before the law, emancipation of the soil, and im-
provement of the penal code. Many of the great
proprietors, forestalling legislation, of their own
free will made over land to the peasant occupiers,
to be held by them in perpetuity.1

The state of popular excitement on the meeting
of the next Diet in 1840, was such that the Vienna

1 See Horvdth, Kurzgefasste Geschichte Ungarns, vol. ii. p. 309.

CHAP, v.] ATTACK ON THE GOVERNMENT. 41

Cabinet deemed it advisable to propitiate national
feeling, by replacing the Hungarian ministers who
had incurred odium on the occasion of the late
prosecutions, by men like the Counts George and
Anton Mailath, and Stephen Szerencsy, who might
be able, if any one could, to present the arbitrary
proceedings of the Government in a favourable light
to the Hungarian Opposition.

But no precautions could avail to silence the
indignant remonstrances that at once broke forth
from the Opposition, respecting the violation of their
national rights which had been committed in the
manner and matter of the recent prosecutions.

Count Louis Batthyany who led the Opposition
in the Upper House, and Francis Deak in the
Lower, made it quite clear that no Royal pro-
positions would be taken into consideration until
the ' gravamina ' of the nation had been redressed ;
above all, till the right of freedom of speech had
been fully acknowledged, judicial purity re-estab-
lished, and the political prisoners set at liberty.
The struggle was a long one, for the magnates
again sided with the Government, who endeavoured
to meet the fierce attacks of the Opposition by
identifying loyalty to the King's ministers with
loyalty to the King, and denouncing hostile criticism
upon their illegal acts as high treason.

In the end, however, the Opposition gained the
victory ; the political prisoners were released, the

42 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. v.

prosecutions still impending were given up ; above
all the great principle was acknowledged of the
distinction between the King and his Government,
and the way thus paved for the later doctrine of
ministerial responsibility to Parliament.

In the last Diet we have seen Deak chiefly in the
character of the modern philanthropist, striving to
enlighten and overcome the prejudices of his country-
men and improve the condition of the sorely
burdened peasantry. In this long contest of 1840,
we seem to be carried back to the England of the
seventeenth century, and find the stout-hearted
patriot standing up boldly to resist the injustice of a
powerful despotism, and assert the constitutional
rights of a free nation.

He refused to be tempted from his position of
uncompromising hostility to the Government by the
proposal of the magnates that the two Houses
should sink their differences on the subject of
freedom of speech, in a general session for the
amicable consideration of new laws. ' To complete
what is wanting, to improve what is imperfect/
replied Deak, ' is the first and most sacred duty of
the Legislature. But so long as the magnates lay
down such principles regarding the judicature, and
the Government persists in its present system of
violating our rights (our countrymen meantime
suffering under its yoke), so long as circumstances
like these continue, under which mutual confidence

CHAP, v.] VICTORY OF THE OPPOSITION. 43

is proportionately shaken — so long it would be
useless, nay, even dangerous, to attempt a task,
which from its bearing on the security of our position
as citizens, indeed on the whole future of our country,
would be, even under the most favourable conditions,
an important and difficult undertaking for the
Legislature.

At times the sense of the difficulties in the path of
progress, and even of justice, seemed to Deak almost
overwhelming. 'There were moments,' he wrote in
later years, ' when the growing force of adverse
circumstances threatened to endanger not only our
hopes of a brighter future, but even the present
time ; moments when the general discouragement
could only be kept at bay by a sense of the justice
of the cause, and the conviction that it was our duty
to fight for a righteous cause, even though every
hope of success had disappeared.'

Not only were the principles of public law suc-
cessfully asserted, but the Diet of 1840 was also
marked by the introduction of reforms touching
more nearly the actual condition of the people.

Of these the most important was the law enabling
the peasantry to become permanent proprietors
of the soil, with power to redeem their property
form the burden of the Urbarial dues. The royal
sanction to this law was received with indescribable
enthusiasm by the whole Liberal Party throughout
the country, and it was hoped that as the rejection

44 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. v.

of the measure had destroyed the good understand-
ing between the Government and the Diet four
years previously, so now its concession might tend
to promote still further the reconciliation which the
good sense and moderation of Hungarian statesmen
both in and out of office — of Count Mailath as well
as of Count Sz6che"nyi — had brought about. For
this happy result, few were more distinctly respon-
sible than Francis Dedk. Feeling strongly as he did
that it was the duty of the country to hold fast by
its political birthright, he felt no less strongly the
need of an efficient and trusted administration ;
consequently he used every effort to smooth away
difficulties, and replace by some approach to con-
fidence that spirit of blank opposition which had
found its sturdiest representative in John Balogh, —
the man of whom it had been admiringly said by
his contemporaries ' that he would fight tooth and
nail for nine-and-twenty days on behalf of a certain
measure, and then, when on the thirtieth day the
court party agreed to it, would turn round and
advocate the exact contrary.'

4 A brighter future will dawn upon Hungary,' said
Dedk, 'only when the nation and the Government
unite their forces and follow together the path of
law and justice, instead of allowing the two forces to
paralyse each other in a doubtful contest that may
easily prove dangerous both to prince and people.'

CHAP, vi.] REPUTATION AS A JURIST. 45

CHAPTER VI.

Deck's Penal Code — Opinion of foreign judges as to his legal abilities
— Deak as a parliamentary leader.

AFTER the close of the Diet of 1840, Deak, who was
now living with his friend the late Bishop Horvath
— well known as one of the chief historians of
Hungary — found ample scope for his activity in the
elaboration of a penal code for Hungary. The
new code never came into use, owing to the op-
position made to the proposed judicial changes both
by the Vienna Government and the majority of the
magnates in the Upper House. But Deak's labours
on this subject were not without effect in enhancing
his reputation beyond the limits of Hungary. As a
piece of legal workmanship the rejected code met
with high appreciation from competent judges on
the Continent and even in England ; Mittermaier,
the eminent German jurist, declaring that he knew
no legislative work which satisfied so completely the
progress of the age, the requirements of justice, and
the latest scientific opinions.

In addition to his acknowledged merits as a
jurist, Deak possessed many of the special qualifica-
tions for a parliamentary leader. Always scrupu-

46 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vi.

lously truthful in stating the arguments of his
opponents, a thorough gentleman in manner and
feeling, never, even in the heat of debate, losing
his sense of fairplay, he was universally respected
by men of all sides, at a time when party feeling
ran very high. The weight of his position and
authority in the House, combined with remarkable
tact, and insight into the character both of men and
of parties, enabled him to exert a strong personal
influence without giving offence. Never was per-
sonal influence more kindly or wisely used. Dedk
was as conscious of a high and worthy aim, had
as clear a perception of the folly and ignorance of
many of those with whom he had to deal, as keen a
sense of humour, as the great German Chancellor
who exercises with impartiality on friend and foe his
formidable powers of sarcasm and ridicule ; but he
had also that rare charity which prevents a man
from acting as though in public matters the feelings
and sympathies of his contemporaries might be
trampled on and disregarded with impunity ; as
though an active politician were by the nature of his
position absolved from all observance of the deeper
courtesies of life. ' Beware of hurting the feelings
of others with the two-edged weapons of ridicule
and wit ' he writes to a young friend ; ' the laughter
roused by the witty sarcasm is soon silent, but the
bitterness does not cease to rankle in the mind of
the man whose sensibilities have been wounded, and

CHAP, vi.] THE PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. 47

you have purchased the momentary triumph of
vanity, at the cost of friendship estranged and
suffering inflicted.'

M. Csengery has given us an interesting picture
of Deak's relations with his party : ' As soon as
Deak had definitely taken his place amongst us, he
made it his practice to communicate his views, first
to his own friends, and subsequently, if they were
approved, to bring them forward at the Party
Conference.

' His view once adopted, he readily ceded to others
the honour of introducing it in a public session
either as their own proposal, or as a resolution of
the whole party. Having no feeling of personal
vanity, he gladly left free scope for the play of other
men's ambition.

' Except in certain cases, where from the peculiar
importance of the matter at issue, he preferred to
take the proposal and explanation of it on himself,
the leader, having once sketched out the plan of
campaign, retired into the background, only to come
forward again when the controversy seemed to be
taking a new direction, or when the question was
ripe for immediate decision. And whilst in cases of
the first description, and especially during the earlier
sessions of the Diet, when " rules of the House " were
unknown, his powerful reasoning frequently brought

1 Franz Dedk, p. 57.

48 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vi.

back the course of the discussion to its proper
channel, so his appearance on the scene at an
advanced stage of the debate seemed of itself, — in
suggesting new arguments, and the possibility of
taking up a new standpoint, — to shed such light
upon the question as cleared up all difficulties.'

CHAP, viz.] THE ' PESTI HIRLAP.' 49

CHAPTER VII.

Interval between Diets of 1840 and 1843 — Kossuth's articles in the
Pesti HirlAp — Controversy between Kossuth and Sze'che'nyi —
Beak's refusal to take part — Excitement in the County Assemblies
on the subject of general taxation — Contest at Zala — Deak's refusal
to accept the mandate, ' Korteskede*s ' — Explanations to his friends
— Universal regret at Deak's absence from the Diet of 1843.

THE effect of the recent surrender on the part of the
Ministry, and the relaxation of the press censorship,
was soon visible in the audacity with which Kossuth,
now released from his illegal imprisonment and
become editor of the Pesti Hirldp (Pesth Gazette),
poured broadside after broadside into the abuses and
anomalies of his time ; directing his attacks not only
against judicial corruption and economic evils, but
hinting at such methods for the amelioration of these
evils as would have affected the relations hitherto
subsisting between the country and the supreme
Government. The more conservative and aristo-
cratic members of the Opposition grew somewhat
alarmed. Count Szechenyi himself, irate at seeing
his favourite project of gradually reforming Hungary
from above, through the means of a purified and
improved national government, thus endangered by

50 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vn.

the vehement anti-governmental tone of the new
journal, plunged into a controversy with the popular
agitator. By a sharp attack upon Dedk for an
innocent speech on agricultural topics made by him
in the provinces, he tried to draw the Liberal leader
into the quarrel. But Dedk had the faculty, so
valuable in this ink-and-paper age, of knowing how
to keep silence with his pen as well as with his
tongue. When in 1848 the two were together in
the Ministry of Count Batthyany, Szechenyi re-
proached his colleague for his persistent refusal to
reply to the attack then made upon him, 'Why
should I have replied ?' said Dedk. 'As we are both
of us of a passionate temperament, who knows how
far the controversy might have led us ? What
good would it have done our country if we had
quarrelled ? Is it not better that we have remained
friends ? '

The remonstrances of the great magnate were
not unavailing in checking the dangerous vehemence
of the Pesti Hirldp ; but popular opinion was en-
tirely on the side of the editor of the offending
paper, who was able to convey in the sober guise of
a leading article, and under cover of a matter-of-fact
disquisition on some question of trade or finance,
thrilling appeals to the passionate ' nationalism ' of
the people, and eloquent incitements to changes so
profound as to amount well-nigh to revolution in the
eyes of moderate Liberals. The Pesti Hirldp had

CHAP, vii.] KOSSUTH AND SZECHENYI. 51

a marvellous success for that pre-journalistic epoch ;
Louis Kossuth was the hero of the day, and the
interchange of pamphlets and articles between him
and Count Szechenyi, was followed with eager
interest by many who had formerly stood quite
outside the range of practical politics. Pesth was
like one vast club ; the great topic that absorbed
all interest and occupied all conversation being
indicated by the flaming red-and-yellow placards
that at the corner of every street announced to an
expectant public : ' Reply of Louis Kossuth to Count
Stephen Szechenyi.' In every corner of the king-
dom at this time the first question on a subject
was, ' What does Kossuth say ? '

The chief matter of dispute in the fierce election-
eering contests that preceded the Diet of 1843, was
that of general taxation.

The party of progress in the County Assemblies,
which had in many instances opened their doors to
members of the non-noble class, including at that
time some of the most intelligent and cultivated
members of the community, — were fully determined
that this important reform should have a place
in the instructions to be delivered to the new
deputies.

The question, however, was one which naturally
united against it that large body of electors of
all ranks who objected to voting away their
ancient privilege of exemption from taxation, on

E 2

52 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vn.

the sole ground of justice to the non-noble tax-
payers.

The election contest in the county of Zala was
the occasion of one of the most difficult and painful
incidents of Deak's public life.

He was firmly resolved that as a Liberal, indeed
as the leader of the Liberal party, he would not
accept the mandate of deputy for his county unless
the principle of general taxation were included in
the instructions.

But he was also firmly resolved that he, personally
at least, would do nothing to countenance the great
evil of ' Korteskedes,' — the electioneering violence
and corruption which he felt to be indeed, as one of
his countrymen has described it, ' a cancer at the
very root of public life in Hungary.' His friends
assured him that nothing should be done during
the election that could discredit his fair fame ; but
when the contest came on, the force of evil custom,
the practical interest of the question at stake, the
excitement amongst the hot-tempered Hungarian
electors, proved too strong for the best intentions
of Deak's Liberal adherents. Bribery and intimida-
tion were freely resorted to by both parties, and in
the end the victory of the Liberals was only gained
after lives had been lost in a free fight between the
two contending factions. To the deep disgust of
his excited supporters, and to the regret of many
sincere Liberals throughout the country, Deak

CHAP, vii.] REFUSAL OF THE MANDATE. 53

refused to accept the mandate, even though it
contained the all-important instructions with regard
to reform. ' He should always see blood-stains
upon the mandate,' he wrote in a private letter,
'and he should never venture in the Diet to give
free expression to his feelings with respect to im-
posing some restraint upon electioneering abuses,
because he should read in every face the reproach
that he himself owed his return to the various arts
of " Korteskedes.'"

It must have been no small trial to Deak to
withdraw from public life at a time when his party
was in full career, and the tendency of events
seemed to be moving in the direction he desired ;
moreover, the scene in the County Assembly when,
with tears in his eyes, he was forced to confront
the entreaties, the remonstrances, and the bitter
reproaches of his friends, — some of whom did not
scruple to charge him with cowardice in refusing
the honourable responsibility they had laid upon
him, — must have been deeply painful to a man of
Deak's warm-hearted, sensitive nature, who cared
for many things besides even the advancement of
his political views. But he • believed that on the
whole he was best serving his country by follow-
ing the dictates of his own conscience rather than
the wishes and entreaties even of his friends and
supporters. He honestly believed that so far as

54 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. VH.

he personally was concerned, he should be doing
greater wrong in accepting the election which had
been won by such disgraceful means than in
depriving his country of the services he might be
able to render by his presence in the Diet. He
believed that he should do more harm to the cause
of parliamentary government by seeming to sanction
the evils of ' Korteskedes,' than he should do good
by appearing in the House with a mandate acquired
under such conditions as had signalised the recent
election in the county of Zala.

To his intimate friends Deak wrote, entreating
them not to condemn him for a course which he
had taken only after a long struggle and grave
reflection. ' You/ he added, ' love me just as I am,
with all my peculiarities and foibles, and you know
too that this resolve which I have taken is only of
a piece with the rest of my character. No one who
knew me as you do could have doubted but that,
under the circumstances, I should have acted as I
did, and in no other way.' Nevertheless, Deak's
conduct on this occasion was blamed by some of
the most distinguished of his countrymen, and his
absence from the Diet of 1843 was cordially re-
gretted by Liberals of all shades of opinion. His
political adversaries too, both in the press and in
the Diet, joined in the general chorus of lamentation,
and in paying a generous tribute to the worth of

CHAP, vii.] REGRET IN THE DIET. 55

the absent leader ; Zsed^nyi, one of his chief
opponents, declaring that ' the purest character in
Hungary was missing from the Chamber.' The
seat of the ' great deputy ' was left unfilled, and
during the session of 1843 the county of Zala sent
only one representative to the Diet.

56 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vin.

CHAPTER VIII.

Legislation of 1843 — Embittered debates — Compulsory introduction of
the Magyar language into the Diet and public instruction —
Opinion of Count Sze'che'nyi on the subject — Small result gained
in the Diet of 1843 — Estrangement between the Opposition and the
Government— Metternich's attempt to check the too great in-
dependence in Hungary — Appointment of Administrators — Indig-
nation at this proceeding fully shared by Deak — Speech on the
illegal conduct of the Government — Deak a supporter of the
small party in the Diet in favour of parliamentary government
— Unpopularity of the ' doctrinaires.'

DURING the session of 1843—46 the Legislature was
chiefly occupied with embittered debates on the
subject of mixed marriages, on the introduction of
Hungarian as the official language throughout
the kingdom, on the extension of further rights
to the non-nobles, and on the vital question of
general taxation.

On this last matter the Opposition were defeated
in both Houses, and a similar failure attended the
measure for the improvement of the commercial
relations between Austria and Hungary. The prin-
cipal triumph of the Liberal party was in the enact-
ment of a law granting permission to the peasantry

CHAP, viii.] PARTIAL SUCCESS OF THE OPPOSITION. 57

to sell the usufruct of their land, and to purchase

complete liberty, on payment of a sum equivalent

to the value of their holding ; and in the compulsory

introduction of the Magyar language in the debates

of the Diet, in some branches of the administration,

and in public instruction. The unfortunate results

of this last victory gained by the ultra-Magyar party

in the Lower House, which were clearly foreseen

even at the time by such Hungarians as Szech^nyi,

Eotvos, Apponyi, and Mailath, were a few years later

only too visible to those who had most eagerly hailed

the triumph of their misguided patriotism. But it is

to be feared that the plain-spoken words of Count

Szech6nyi would make as little impression on the

ultra-Magyar zeal of his countrymen now, as they

did five-and-thirty years ago. * To impose our

language by force,' exclaimed the Count, ' is to

provoke revolt ; it is only our intellectual superiority

that can attach these races to the Hungarian

nationality. . . . How does a nation come to

possess the force and virtue necessary for its

political action ? If the majority of the individuals

composing it are to fulfil humanely and honourably

their appointed task, they must acquire above all

the art of pleasing, the faculty of attracting and

absorbing the neighbouring elements. Is it likely

that a people will possess this faculty who will not

respect in others that which it insists on having

respected in itself ? It is a great art to know how

58 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vm.

to win men's hearts. Can they be said to possess it
in the remotest degree who, when they have to
deal with a generous adversary — passionately de-
voted, like themselves, to the traditions of his race-
instead of according him chivalrous treatment, are
always ready to fling mud at him ? ' '

On the whole, the results gained in the Diet of
1843 were far from commensurate with the hopes
which had been raised in the country during the
exciting period of the elections ; and the absence of
Deak's wise and moderating influence was but too
apparent in the confused and embittered character
of the party conflicts in the Lower House.

In spite of the advance made in certain directions,
it was clear that the prospect of harmonious action
between the Government and the Legislature, which
the reconciliation of 1840 had seemed to hold out,
was not yet to be realised.

The Hungarian ministers might have wished in
all sincerity to return to the path of legality and
justice, and even have shown some disposition to
follow the bent of national feeling in the matter
of social, if not of political, reform. But nothing
was further from the intention of the Imperial
Government at Vienna than that Hungary should
quietly transform itself into a constitutional country
of the modern stamp, with a popular element,

1 Quoted by St. Rend Taillandier, La Bohcme et la Hongrie,
p. 422.

CHAP. VIIL] APPOINTMENT OF ADMINISTRATORS. 59

influencing, and even controlling, the action of
ministers.

The tactics of ' opportunism ' are not peculiar to
republican statesmen. The later Stuart sovereigns
in England had suffered the English Parliament to
pass laws most distasteful to royal ideas, whilst
they were content for the time to 'regulate' the local
organisation of the country, and keep a close watch
over the elections of the borough members, and the
nomination of lords lieutenant.

In the same way the Austrian Government,
having tolerated a certain amount of freedom in the
discussions of the Hungarian Diet, felt that the
time had now come when it was expedient for a
judicious Government to deal with the evil at its
roots. In the appointment of paid officials by the
• Crown, in place of the lord lieutenant of the
county and his lawfully elected coadjutors, a blow
was struck at the whole system of constitutional
liberty and self-government in Hungary, which
provoked a storm of indigation throughout the
country, — an indignation that was as fully shared
by the moderate and enlightened Deak in his
retirement at Kehida, as by the most fanatical
devotee of the ancient constitutional system of
the kingdom. For by this act a flagrant breach
of the law was committed, and eagerly as Deak
longed for progress and reform, it would have been
contrary to the whole principles of his life, if he

60 . FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vin.

had been content to occupy himself with questions
of social reform and progress, whilst the political
constitution of the country was thus openly defied.
No man was less wedded to old customs and old
rights simply from a blind desire to 'keep things
as they are ' ; but he could not but feel that there
were times when the only chance for the eventual
progress of Hungary, lay in a dogged refusal to stir
an inch forward, until an unconstitutional Govern-
ment had been forced to go back upon its steps, and
acknowledge the binding and irrevocable character
of the existing laws of the nation.

' A constitutional duty incumbent upon every
citizen,' said Deak in March 1846, 'is to protest
against the Government which violates the laws.
Let it not be thought that we are seeking an occasion
to do this ; it is rather a cruel necessity for men
who would be loyal to their country and to the
Constitution ; this necessity, painful as it always
must be, is doubly so in the present state of things,
when we see ourselves being outstripped by other
nations, and feel the need of attaining an equality
with them. With us, progress has been made only
by one class of the community ; the great mass of
the population has not followed in their wake. Our
duty is to urge on those who are behind ; and it
is when we are striving to widen our institutions,
to establish more equitable relations between all
citizens, then it is, that circumstances compel us

CHAP, viii.] INDIGNATION AGAINST GOVERNMENT. 61

to turn away our attention to the defence of our
ancient liberties. Our efforts being thus dissipated,
we weaken our forces, we are divided amongst
ourselves, we abandon our sacred object, the
development of the people. I do not wish to
speak with passion — though my heart is filled with
grief; I will obey the dictates of reason, I will
persist in believing that the Government will never
dare to lay a finger upon our constitutional existence.
I will even grant that it is seeking to develop it.
But " order" is only a means of governing, not the
end of the State's existence. For a Government to
succeed in enforcing order, it must be strong, that
is, it must have moral strength as well as material.
But a Government which would possess moral
strength submits to the law and respects the
limitations which it imposes, even though these
limitations be sometimes onerous. Is this the
conduct observed by the present Government ? ' l

Deak, though he had withdrawn at this time from
public life, was still making his influence strongly felt
in the guidance and tendency of events. During
the last Diet a small party had formed itself in the
midst of the Opposition ranks, including such men
as Anton Csengery, Baron Joseph Eotvos, and
Lladislas Szalay (then editor of the Pesti Hirldp\
which received from Deak all the sympathy and
support that he could give in his private capacity.

1 De G^rando, p. 262.

62 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vm.

Whilst Szech^nyi and the extreme Right, as the
conservative members of the old Opposition might
be called, aimed at reforming and renovating the
country through means of a patriotic Hungarian
element in the existing Government, whilst Kossuth
and the bulk of the Liberals in the Diet desired to
do everything through the counties, independently
of the central administration, — Deak and those who
thought with him looked forward to the introduction
of true parliamentary government, with a responsible
Ministry ; thus combining the popular represen-
tative character of the county organisation, with
the force and unity to be found only in a strong
central authority, — a far-sighted policy, involving
its advocates at that day in no little unpopularity.
4 Granting,' it was said, ' that the substitution of a
responsible central Ministry for the present Hun-
garian Court in Buda, and Hungarian Chancery in
Vienna, might on certain grounds be desirable, yet
the scheme of the " Centralist " reformers contains
this fatal flaw, that it proposes to set up a nom-
inally independent and responsible Ministry, without
requiring guarantees that the abolition in its favour
of the old system of local autonomy would not
lead to a still more flagrant disregard of the laws
and liberties of the country.' The bare idea of
voluntarily confiding fresh power to the hands of
a Ministry in any way connected with the ' Cama-
rilla ' was received with distrust and aversion ;

CHAP, viii.] UNPOPULARITY OF ' DOCTRINAIRES.' 63

former Ministers had been too often servile tools of
the Court, and it was Count Szechenyi's project of
improving matters by himself joining the Ministry
(a project of which he had vainly sought Deak's
approval) that had alienated from the ' great
Hungarian ' many of his admirers. On the other
hand, it was one of the chief tenets of the Liberal
party, both in and out of the Diet, that patriotism
and independence were to be found only in the
County Assemblies, where in bygone days the
cause of national freedom had so often been
preserved against the numbing influence of a
despotic Government.

Therefore the opinions of the so-called ' doc-
trinaires ' who presumed to conceive of the possi-
bility of a higher political idea for Hungary, were
regarded with suspicion, or at least considered in-
opportune, — a view which was confirmed by the
conduct of the Government in their appointment
of the detested ' administrators ' for the counties.
Under such circumstances, all thought of modifying
the local institutions, or of yielding one inch to the
Ministerialists, was more than ever unpopular. ' The
nation wants agitators — bloodhounds to be always
hanging at the throat of the Government — not
reformers,' exclaimed Count Batthyany.

Deak however was not the man to be turned
away from his object by unpopularity at home,
any more than by the pressure of unjust authority

64 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vm.

abroad. He believed parliamentary government
to be the true form in which to continue the
traditions of a free and constitutional Hungary, and
to this idea — as to other ideas once unpopular in
their day — he held fast ; content to bide his time,
and wait till the willing support of his countrymen
should enable theory to be converted into practice.

Little by little the views of the new Centralist
party gained wider acceptance. Already in 1 846 the
Pesth County Assembly, always foremost in the
cause of progress, resolved, at the instance of Baron
Eotvos, to support the principle of ministerial
responsibility through their deputies at the ensuing
Diet ; and this example was followed in many other
counties.

CHAP, ix.] REFORM MOVEMENT IN THE COUNTIES. 65

CHAPTER IX.

Gradual approximation of parties and classes throughout'the country
— Spontaneous character of the Reform movement in Hungary —
f Change effected silently since 1825 — Compact and well-organised
Liberal Opposition in the Diet of 1847 — Kossuth the prominent
figure ; but guarantee of moderation given in the acceptance by the
party of Beak's Manifesto of 1847 — Principles laid down in the
manifesto the same as those asserted in the addresses of '61.

AT this time a strong tendency towards union, not
only between the different fractions of the Liberal
party, but still more between the various classes and
interests, in the country, became gradually more
apparent ; an evidence of this was to be found in
the prominence given in the discussions of the
County Assemblies to such questions as the political
enfranchisement of the towns, the complete emanci-
pation of the peasantry, and general taxation.

Nothing shows more honourably the genuine and
spontaneous character of the reform movement in
Hungary than the manner in which the nobles
themselves came forward to carry out at their own
cost the measures they thought desirable for their
country. In the county of Zala alone, not only the
great proprietors, but two hundred of the lesser

66 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. ix.

nobles, agreed to submit themselves to taxation ;
whilst the Counts Casimir and Gustavus Batthyany,
and Count Karoli, following the example set by
Stephen Bezeredy a year or two earlier, sold part
of their estates in perpetuity to the peasants of the
adjoining communes.1

Seldom has a country more nobly worked out
its own regeneration. No startling change, no
' Jacquerie,' no dramatic stroke of benevolent legisla-
tion had occurred to draw the attention of Europe to
this remote ' province of the Austrian Empire.' To
all outward appearance the Hungary of 1847 was
much the same as the Hungary of 1825 ; but the
transformation that had passed over the country was
none the less real. Those who have followed
closely the gradual development that had been
going on during those twenty years will understand
how it was that when the time of trial came, neither
the internal troubles of 1848 nor the disastrous war
of 1 849 could destroy that national independence
and unity which was the result, not of the sudden
wave of Liberal feeling that affected all the nations
of Europe in those eventful years, but rather of the
persistent, unwearied labours of a people with whom
love of freedom was no mere rallying cry to be used
against the sovereign in his hour of difficulty, but
a motive power strong enough to provoke constant
unostentatious self-sacrifice, from men of all ranks

1 Horvdth, vol. ii. p. 339.

CHAP, ix.] DIET OF 1847. 67

and parties. Count SzechenyiV famous bridge had
done more than span the Danube ; it had bridged
over the gulf that for centuries had divided the
Hungarian nation into two distinct halves. In
the statute which compelled the proudest magnate
in Hungary, the blue-blooded Szekler from Tran-
sylvania, to forego his ancient privilege, and pay
toll as he passed over the new bridge, like the
common burgher of Pesth, or the white-shirted
shepherd from the Puzsta, the principle of equality
before the law was openly recognised ; and the broad
line between noble and non-noble, the privileged
and the tax-paying people of Hungary, was for ever
obliterated.

When the time came for the meeting of the last
and eventful Diet, to be held at Presburg in 1847,
the Government and their Conservative supporters
found themselves confronted by a compact and well-
organised Liberal Opposition. The most conspicuous
figure in the ensuing debates was undoubtedly Louis
Kossuth ; a somewhat alarming fact in the eyes of
less advanced Liberals. But as the Republican

1 The fact of belonging to the ' privileged class ' had formerly entitled
the Hungarian noble to exemption from the toll levied for passing over
the old pontoon bridge, replaced in 1848 by the present magnificent
structure, built at the instance of Count Sze'che'nyi, at a cost of ^500,000.
' The said privilege ' (exemption from toll) ' is so intimately connected
with that of passing free over all roads, bridges, and highways of the
kingdom, and rinding " I am a nobleman " accepted at all turnpikes
instead of Kreuzers, that the privileged orders dread of all things an
attack upon this right, as the first breach in their grand aristocratic
circumvallation.' — Kohl's Austria, 1843.

F 2

68 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. ix.

party in France in 1877 were provided at a critical
juncture with a guarantee of moderation and a
common basis of action in the posthumous manifesto
of M. Thiers, — so every section of the Hungarian
Opposition could accept with confidence the Liberal
Programme of 1847, drawn up by Francis Deak,
the leader on whose wisdom and moderation all
parties had firm reliance.

It is interesting to notice how the same funda-
mental principles on which the cause of Hungary
has been fought successfully in recent years, are
already clearly laid down in the Liberal Programme
of 1847. The claims then put forward were the
natural corollary of the movement of the past twenty
years. Neither in the Diet nor in the country was
there a thought of revolt, of breaking with old
tradition, of severing the constitutional connection
between Hungary and the Austrian Empire. The
aim of the Opposition, it was declared, was three-
fold— I. To check and counteract the illegal pro-
ceedings of a Government which, far from being
responsible to the country, was, on the contrary,
subject wholly to the influence of a foreign and
unconstitutional element. II. To secure guarantees
against future violations of the law, in the shape of
ministerial responsibility, the concession of the right
of public meeting, and the consolidation of the in-
terests of all classes of the community upon the
basis of nationality and constitutionalism, with care-

CHAP, ix.] LIBERAL PROGRAMME OF 1847. 69

ful regard for the special interests of the non-Magyar
populations. III. The attainment of the reforms
desired by the whole country ; amongst these were
again put forward — this time it was hoped with
every chance of success — the demand for equal
taxation of all classes, subject to the supervision of
a responsible Ministry ; representation of the people
in the legislative and municipal assemblies, further
improvements in the land system, and absolute
equality before the law.

Whilst duly mindful of the provisions of the
Pragmatic Sanction, the Opposition declared their
intention to abide firmly by the Fundamental
Law of 1790, in which the independence of the
Hungarian Government is clearly acknowledged.
Though carefully avoiding anything that should
bring the interests of Hungary into collision with
those of the monarchy as a whole, the Opposition,
it was stated, could not hold it consistent with right,
justice, or expediency, that the interests of Hungary,
in respect especially to questions of trade and com-
merce, should be illegally subjected to those of the
other provinces. Ever ready to assist in arriving
at a compromise between conflicting interests, they
could not consent to sacrifice the National Consti-
tution to the idea so favoured at Vienna of ' admin-
istrative unity ' ; this unity had been achieved in
the Hereditary States on the principles of absolu-
tism, and the Opposition, so far from being disposed

70 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. ix.

to renounce the national independence of Hungary
in favour of such a system of government, were
convinced that if the Hereditary States were also
to regain their ancient constitutional rights and
liberties, the conflicting interests of Hungary and
the other provinces could be more easily reconciled.
1 A greater unity of interests and a greater degree
of confidence being thus established,' — so concluded
the manifesto, — ' every part of the Empire would be
invigorated and knit together by a common tie ;
and the united monarchy, a guarantee being thus
afforded for its material and intellectual develop-
ment, would be enabled to brave with impunity the
storms and convulsions by which it might be here-
after assailed.'

It is not difficult to trace in this programme the
hand of the author of the Addresses of 1861, and
the chief promoter of the Compromise of 1867.

During the vehement contests between the now
sharply defined Liberal and Conservative parties
that occupied the Diet during the autumn of 1847,
Deak was living in retirement on his estate at
Kehida. The previous year had been spent at the
baths in his own county, and in travelling abroad
for the benefit of his health, which had lately given
grave cause for anxiety ; he had returned the better
for his journey, but still unable to accept the candi-
dature for his county in the election of 1847. The
excitement of public life had in itself no attraction

CHAP, ix.] APPEAL TO DEAK. 71

for him, and his natural love for the quiet of his
country home was increased by the tendency to
heart complaint, of which symptoms had already
shown themselves. That he did not the less follow
with incessant interest and attention the course of
public events, was sufficiently attested by the fact
that to him, in great measure, was owing the union
of all parties of the Opposition in the conference
held in June 1847, and the incorporation in the
Liberal programme of those Centralist principles,
which three years earlier had seemed likely to
cause a fresh split in the Opposition ranks.

Deak was at Kehida in the early spring of
1848, when he received news of the formation
of the first responsible parliamentary Government
of Hungary. The aid and wise counsel of the
ex-leader were sorely needed, and by letter and
deputation from the newly appointed Minister
President, and from both Houses of the Legislature,
Deak was summoned to the help of his country.
' Owing to my bad health,' he answered, ' I am
hardly equal to the work, but no one shall be
able to accuse me of not having done for my
country at least the best I could. I will come.'

72 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

PART II.— REVOLUTION.
CHAPTER X.

Success of the Liberal Opposition at the commencement of the Diet of
1847 — Loyal and constitutional character of the proceedings —
Formation of Batthyany Ministry — Deak Minister of Justice —
Laws of March 1848 — Difficulties of the Minister of Justice
— Speech on the rights of property — Landlord and tenant —
State recognition of religious denominations.

THE first act in the drama of the Hungarian
revolution had opened propitiously. In the midst
of popular uprisings and conflicts throughout Europe,
which cost kings their thrones and were accom-
panied by anarchy and bloodshed, Hungary pre-
sented the spectacle of a country where, thanks
to the patient preparation of years, thanks to the
wise direction given to reforming energy by the
national leaders, thanks above all to that innate
respect for law and order which distinguishes the
' Englishmen of Eastern Europe/ the principles
of 1 789 bid fair to triumph by a bloodless revolu-
tion over the ancient tyranny of feudalism and
absolutism.

It was not the fault of Hungary that the grand
experiment failed, and that the sanguine hopes of

CHAP, x.] ABOLITION OF THE JUS AVICITATIS. 73

1848 were succeeded by the reaction of despair
in 1849.

The proceedings of the Diet that met in the
autumn of 1847, though animated, had been con-
ducted in a perfectly legal and orderly manner.
The newly elected Palatine, the young Archduke
Stephen, to the rapturous delight of his audience,
opened the Diet with a speech in the Magyar
tongue. Kossuth's speech on proposing an address
to the throne, after news had been received of the
revolution in Paris in February, was couched in
the most loyal terms, and the political and social
reforms which it demanded were in every respect
the same as those advocated in the Liberal pro-
gramme of the preceding June. Meanwhile the
Opposition had not failed to take advantage of their
numerical strength in the Lower House, and of the
distinct advance which Liberalism had made even
amongst the magnates. It was a significant proof
of this, that the final abolition of that most glaring of
abuses, the Jus Avicitatis, which not so long since
had been upheld as the keystone of the Constitution,
— was proposed by Paul Somssich, the leader of the
Government party in the Lower House. The real
point at issue, however, underlying the debates be-
tween the two parties in the Diet, was felt to be
the great question of ministerial responsibility, as
opposed to arbitary government ; and it was this
which gave such special importance to the long

74 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

discussions and constant negotiations between the
two Houses on the subject of the ' Administrators.'
The Address, carried by acclamation in the Lower
House, was refused by the magnates, and the
work of reform seemed destined to remain but half
accomplished.

The sittings of the Upper House were suspended,
under pretext of awaiting the return of the Palatine
from Vienna, and two of the chief officials of the
Government left Presburg to avoid the pressure of
public opinion in the capital.

But all such expedients were unavailing. When
the Diet reassembled in March 1848, it was plain
that events abroad had so combined to further the
aims of the strong constitutional Opposition at home,
that continued resistance might endanger the author-
ity not only of the Ministry but of the Crown.

On the 1 4th of March the Address was carried
unanimously ; the Court, after hesitating for several
days, at length deemed it prudent to yield to the
wish of the nation whilst still expressed in peaceful
and constitutional form, and Count Batthydny was
entrusted with the formation of an independent and
responsible Ministry.

A glance at the names of the new ministers is
sufficient to show that the much-dreaded republican
element had not yet come to the front in Hungary.
The most devoted absolutist could hardly maintain
that Prince Esterhazy and Count Szechenyi would

CHAP, x.] LAWS OF MARCH. 75

be likely to have much in common with the
defenders of the barricades in Paris, or the leaders
of the revolutionary mob in Berlin or Vienna ; and
however hateful to the Court was the recent
administrative revolution, it was obvious that, in its
present development at least, it could not be put
down with bayonets.

Whilst Kossuth was appointed to the Ministry of
Finance, Deak took part in the new Government
as Minister of Justice, an office in which he found
ample scope for the employment of his peculiar
powers, in the attempt to prevent the vigorous
reform of abuses from degenerating into contempt
for law and order. The celebrated Laws of March
had added the finishing touch to the work of years,
and swept away at one stroke many venerable
abuses which the labours of the Opposition had
hitherto been powerless wholly to uproot. An
annual Diet was henceforth to be held at Pesth,
elected not by the privileged nobles in the County
Assemblies, but by every Hungarian in the kingdom
owning property to the value of ^30 ; general
taxation was enforced for all classes ; feudal dues
and tithes were abolished on payment of compen-
sation by the State ; judges were to .be appointed
for life.

Besides these new fundamental laws, other pro-
visions were enacted concerning liberty of the press

76 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

with specified safeguards, the establishment of a
National Guard, and other domestic matters.

But Dealt was well aware that the best of laws
will not in themselves insure good government,
and that the cause of fairness and justice needs to
be as jealously guarded under a parliamentary as
under a despotic rule, and he strove as earnestly
to protect individual and local freedom against
the tyranny of a parliamentary majority as he
had formerly done to defend the political liberties
of the nation against the open or insidious attacks
of absolutism.

With the same sense of proportion which always
distinguished his political action, Deak, who had at
one time dwelt strongly on the necessity for a
powerful executive, now showed himself anxious
that even the reformed Government of which he
was himself a member should not assume wider
powers than were consistent with the rights of the
Legislature and the country. * Do not let us extend
the power of the Government at the expense of the
House,' pleaded the minister, when it was proposed
to transfer from Parliament to the Government the
duty of inquiring into election abuses. On the
same ground he objected to placing extraordinary
judicial powers in the hands of the Government,
even at a time when the southern districts of
Hungary were being overrun by Croat hordes.

CHAP, x.] DEAK, MINISTER OF JUSTICE. 77

' Troops and artillery are wanted there,' he said,
' but not gallows.'

The office of Minister of Justice under the first
reformed Government of Hungary was no sine-
cure. Deak's quarters at his hotel, ' the Archduke
Stephen,' were continually besieged by a crowd of
peasants of all nationalities, who came to implore
the aid of the Minister of Justice in securing to them
the property which they believed had passed, in
virtue of the recent legislation, from the hands of
the late proprietors to their own. It required all
the fatherly authority, the patient kindness, the
convincing arguments of the honoured minister
to satisfy the demands of the excited people, and
dismiss the claimants not only with increased con-
fidence in ' Deak Ferencz,'1 but with heightened
patriotism and clearer views of justice. But it was
not only with the ignorance of the peasantry that
the new Government had to contend. ' If stupidity
is naturally Tory,' says a modern historian, ' Folly
on the other hand is naturally Liberal.'2 In his
capacity of minister during the excited period that
followed the establishment of the new Hungarian
Government, Deak experienced to the full the truth
of both these assertions. Not only had the Ministry
to stand their ground against the general dis-

1 According to Hungarian usage the Christian name is placed
after the surname.

2 Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i.
p. 474.

78 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

couragement which lent strength to the complaints
of the injured interests of Conservatism ; but they
were compelled also to withstand the pressure of
those ardent supporters who considered that the
exigencies of ' high politics,' and the claims of those
who had been too long debarred of their just rights,
ought to override all minute questions of justice.
M. Csengery relates that on one of the deputies
exclaiming, ' Do not let us weigh out in this cold-
blooded manner exactly what is in accordance
with strict justice, but consider rather what will
best suit the interests of the Fatherland,' Deak
referred in reply to the example of a certain Vice-
Comes who, when he felt disinclined to enter ' in
a cold-blooded manner ' into the administration of
justice, used to say, ' Don't let us trouble our heads
too much over this case ; it will be all one to the
State whether the plaintiff wins or the defendant.'
The zealous advocates of the cause of the peasants
failed to see that the strong current which, as it
hurries round the bend of a river, adds constantly
a fresh deposit to the soil on the one side of its
banks, is at the same time weakening and under-
mining the land on the opposite side. There were
some ardent Liberals who, not content with eman-
cipating the peasants from the burdens and unjust
obligations under which they had so long suffered,
would have established the theory that a peasant
or village community, as such, should be freed at

CHAP, x.] LANDLORD AND TENANT. 79

the cost of the State from all obligations whatsoever
connected with the possession of the land. By some
communes it was lamented, that in the midst of
universal freedom they still remained in slavery,
because the proprietors of the adjoining estate,
whose fields they held on lease, declined to dispense
them from paying their rent ; others demanded that
the State indemnity should extend to allodial lands
which the proprietors had leased to their former
serfs by private contract.

No one believed more firmly than Deak in the
duty of a complete and immediate emancipation of
the peasantry, and their admittance to a full share
in the benefits of the Constitution. ' In this matter
the condition of Europe has decided the question.
In France the throne has been shaken ; Germany
is in a state of ferment ; all this finds an echo
in Austria, and even in our own country. The
Legislative Assembly has rightly judged that any
delay here may prove dangerous. In times of such
excitement there is no choice left with either
Government or Legislature but to crush the move-
ment or to lead it. The Chambers have very
wisely placed themselves at the head of the move-
ment ; very wisely, I say, for in providing a sacrifice,
not at the cost of private individuals, but of the
national revenue, they have so acted as to prevent
the agitation in the country from degenerating into
civil war.' At the same time, Deak felt bound to

8o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

assert as vigorously the rights of the landlords. At
a time when liberty was understood by many to
mean liberty to benefit one class at the expense of
another, he had the courage to maintain that the
arbitrary transference of property by the will of the
majority from one class of the community to another,
was not justice, but confiscation. ' Either let pro-
perty be inviolable, or let it cease to exist ; the first
theory corresponds with existing practice ; the
latter, which is communism, may be supported by
philosophic arguments, but in practice encounters
difficulties that have hitherto proved insurmountable.
Property, if its rights are violated, will sooner or
later have its revenge, even though for the time
such a violation may appear to bring its advantages.
We are not acting in the interests of the poor by
ceasing to respect the rights of property. The
peasantry can become free and prosperous only
through their own industry and energy, and not
by receiving gifts.'

With all his wish to see in Hungary a free and
prosperous peasantry, Deak could not be brought
to regard the obligation to pay rent as the mark
of slavery and class oppression.

After pointing out in one of his speeches the
advantages of the landlord and tenant system in
other countries, and referring to the respectable
class of citizens which had been formed from
amongst the tenant-farmers in the counties of

CHAP, x.] DUTY OF A LEGISLATOR. 81

Weissenburg and Tolnau, he proceeded : ' Such a
development would be an impossibility if the pro-
prietor were in constant alarm lest the Legislature
should deprive him of the land he has let on
lease. For the improvement of trade we are in
need of much foreign money. Who will give credit
on uncertain tenure ? . . . Philanthropy is a senti-
ment which the Legislature should not leave out
of consideration, but it should apply it cautiously,
otherwise it may turn out to be a two-edged
weapon, with which we injure one half of the
community while we are striving to benefit the
other. Generosity is a fine thing, but justice is
more — it is a duty. The legislator who only takes
into consideration one class, one set of interests, is
fulfilling only half his duty ; he is bound to keep
in view the interests of the country as a whole ;
it is no less his duty to guard the inviolability of
property than to forward the interests of any one
particular class.'

Dedk was strongly averse to taking advantage
of the perturbed and disorganised condition of the
political world, to impose upon the country measures
which were certain to arouse a deep feeling of in-
dignant resentment amongst those who would
perhaps be unable to give full expression to their
dislike in Parliament. Thus he opposed strenuously
the proposal of the Radical wing of the Liberal party
to appropriate to the use of the State all denomina-

82 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

tional endowments, religious or educational. With
all his keen logical intellect and complete freedom
from sectarian prejudice, Deak had no wish to force
upon the people a theory of which, considered in
the abstract, an enlightened politician might acknow-
ledge the advantages. He never lost sight of the
fact that, whatever the moral strength and virtues
of the people, the time had not yet come when it
was safe to appeal to their reason without regard
for their feelings and prejudices ; he preferred to
bring his knowledge and experience to bear in in-
fluencing and raising the aspirations of his country-
men, rather than in aiming over their heads at some
political ideal with which they could have little
sympathy.

To the assertion that the State ought not to
recognise various denominations, Deak replied that
were he all-powerful it should be his first care, in
the interests of the sacred cause of religion, to
moderate or even to do away with all those differ-
ences of opinion which have a tendency to lead to
persecution. ' But who has the power to do this ?
Moreover, the best of methods is only effectual for
the achievement of an object if applied at the right
time. At a time when the country is in a state of
feverish excitement, when the nation is surrounded
with dangers, when we are dreading total shipwreck,
and declare that only the all-powerful hand of God
can avail to save us, — at such a time, can we say

CHAP, x.] PLEA FOR TOLERATION. 83

that a slight irritation arising out of a question of
religious belief is of no consequence ? Will not even
the man who is no bigot have all his feelings roused
against the tyranny of a law in which he sees a
restraint upon liberty of conscience and opinion ?
Such feelings are natural in any man ; they are
still more so in the general populace, who, in pro-
portion as they are less enlightened, cling the more
tenaciously to "religionism" and external forms.
With the people, any attack upon external forms
is an attack upon their religious sentiments ; to
wound these feelings, merely in the interests of
some fine theory, and when the cause of the State
does not require it, is a crime against the safety of
the nation.'

. . . . ' We are always saying that " Liberty,
equality, and fraternity " is the watchword of this
century ; this perhaps refers more to the future than
to the present. Was there ever in Europe a more
flagrant infringement of individual liberty than in
this case ? Is it consistent with liberty to try to
compel a Church to forego the exercise of its rights ?
And what sort of equality is that which is not con-
sistent with liberty, or shall we make men brothers
by binding them together with chains ? The legis-
lator ought not to wound even prejudices, unless
forced to do so in the interest of the State ; for what
we call " prejudice " is often with the people a senti-
ment with which their happiness is bound up. Do

G 2

84 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x.

not let us fling the apple of discord into the midst
of an excited community, at the moment when we
are calling the people to arms for the defence of
Freedom and Fatherland. Are we afraid of the
reaction ? The reaction is dangerous only when
it finds some support, some basis. It is easy to
awaken alarm ; to allay it, not force is needed, but
winning persuasion.'

CH. XL] REMOVAL OF THE MINISTRY TO PESTH. 85

CHAPTER XL

Removal of the seat of government from Presburg' to Pesth — Sanguine
hopes of the Hungarian Ministry — Deak's forebodings — Causes of
his satisfaction in the recent Liberal triumph in Hungary — Deak
himself free from anti-Slav prejudices — The bitterness of the debates
on the question of the Magyar language to be traced in part to
his absence from the Diet of 1843-46 — In the Laws of 1848 full
consideration shown for the rights and liberties of Croatia — But
all hope of restoring harmony between Hungary and Croatia
now gone by — Increased difficulties of the Hungarian Ministry —
Their authority defied by the imperial troops — Meeting at Agram
— The Hungarian Government disavowed by the Croats, headed
by the Ban Jellachich — Demand for an independent Croatian
Ministry — Movement in Croatia encouraged at Vienna — Rising of
the Serbs, or Raitzen, in the south of Hungary — Application of
Hungarian Government for military assistance from Vienna —
Reluctance of the Batthyany Ministry to take matters into their
own hands, notwithstanding the renewed incursions of Serbs on the
southern districts, and threatening attitude of the Ban of Croatia —
Government strengthened in their position by favourable recep-
tion of Hungarian deputation at Innspruck, consequent upon
popular triumphs in Germany and Italy — Jellachich disavowed
publicly by the Imperial Government.

THE famous Laws of March having received the
royal sanction, and the Diet at Presburg having been
closed by the King in person, the Ministry had
repaired to Pesth full of hope, to enter upon their
new functions. The dream of a reformed Hungary,
free, united, and independent, for indulging in which

86 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xi.

at the end of the last century the Abb6 Martinovics
and his companions had been branded as con-
spirators and had died upon the scaffold, seemed
now realised.

But notwithstanding the general rejoicing and
the apparent victory of the National party, Francis
Dedk foresaw clearly that Absolutism had by no
means laid down its arms, and that the Ministry of
which he was a member would not long be allowed
to carry on quietly the constitutional government of
the country.

' People here cannot accustom themselves to the
new order of things/ Dedk wrote from Vienna even
so early as March 1848. Beneath the aspect of
bold, cheerful self-confidence which made his country-
men look upon him as a pillar of strength and
wisdom, Dedk cherished a sorrowful foreboding of
the troubles that were coming upon Hungary.
'Whether it be the Russians, or once again the
power of Austria, or perchance the direst anarchy,
that is to enslave us, God only knows.'

These forebodings were but too soon justified.

The reason that more than any other had contri-
buted to Dedk's profound though anxious satisfac-
tion in the parliamentary victory of March, was the
belief that the laws then passed under the joint
sanction of King and people would save his country
from the calamity of civil war. The same true
Liberalism which had induced him to fight resolutely

CHAP, xi.] MAGYARS AND SLAVS. 87

and against powerful opposition for the accordance
of freedom, personal and political, to all classes of
his compatriots, made him desire with equal earnest-
ness to minimise as far as possible those distinctions
of race, the maintenance of which was considered by
some of his fellow-Magyars to be the Alpha and
Omega of Hungarian patriotism. From first to last
throughout his long public career there is no trace
in Francis Dealt of that national exclusiveness, that
scornful contempt for the non-Magyar inhabitants of
Hungary, which has so often been laid to the charge
of his countrymen, and to which is sometimes
ascribed, perhaps not unjustly, the political isolation
of the kingdom at the present time.

Deak had not been in the Diet during the em-
bittered debates of 1844 concerning the compulsory
employment of the Magyar instead of the Latin
tongue by all the members of the Diet, including
those from the Croatian counties. By some cool-
headed politicans even at that time, as has been
seen, the victory then gained by the Hungarian
Opposition in the midst of passionate excite-
ment, and at the cost of increased hostility
between Magyars and Slavs, was regarded as a
dangerous triumph ; better calculated to serve the
purposes of the Vienna Government than of the
Liberal party in Hungary.

Never had Deak's authority, tact, and judgment
been more grievously missed than in those

* '
88 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xi.

violent debates, when many seeds of ill-feeling
were sown, destined, when aided by the foster-
ing care of the Austrian Government, to produce
so plentiful a crop of discord and misery. In the
Liberal Programme of 1847 an^ the March Laws of
1848 the influence of the large-minded statesman
was again to be recognised. With Deak the plea
for a Liberal Constitution for Hungary, on the ground
that by the concession of this right ' every part of
the empire would be invigorated and knit together
by a common tie,' was no empty phrase ; he believed
in all sincerity that the extension of the parliamentary
form of representative government to Croatia would
tend not to the extinction, but to the establishment
on a broader footing, of the ancient rights and insti-
tutions of the little Slav kingdom ; he never imagined
that the substitution of a responsible Hungarian
Ministry for the Hungarian Council of Lieutenancy,
would be resented by Croatia as an act of tyranny
and injustice ; especially as in the administration of
justice the jurisdiction of the local tribunals was
left unaltered.

But the time had now gone by when goodwill or
wisdom on the part of either nation or individual
could avail to ward off the coming storm. The
winds of passion, ambition, and national jealousy
had been let loose, and it was to the interest of the
' Camarilla ' at Vienna to see that they were not too
soon laid.

CHAP, xi.] JELLACHICH. 89

As the year drew on, the troubles of the Ministry
at Buda Pesth increased on every side.

Their authority was set at defiance by the troops,
on pretext of loyalty to the Crown. In Agram the
Croats, headed by the Ban Jellachich, — himself ac-
cording to the Laws of March a member of the
Hungarian Ministry, — held an assembly, professed
openly their disavowal of the Hungarian Govern-
ment, and presented a petition to the Emperor de-
manding an independent Croatian Ministry and the
union of the kingdom of Croatia with the three
Slavonian counties and Dalmatia.

The political movement in Croatia, sedulously
encouraged at headquarters, was supplemented by
a rising amongst the wild and ignorant Serbs, or
Raitzen, on the southern borders of Hungary, incited
by their Patriarch Rajaacs.

The Government at Pesth applied for aid to
Vienna ; the Hungarian troops being at this time in
Italy, engaged, according to the traditional policy of
' Divide et impera,' in fighting the battles of the
Hapsburgs at a safe distance from the corrupting
influence of local patriotism.

In spite of the suspicious reluctance of the Austrian
Government to render the needful assistance in
suppressing the horrors now being committed by
the savage Raitzen in the south of Hungary, the
Batthyany Ministry, hopeful of a speedy pacifica-
tion, risked their popularity with their countrymen

90 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xi.

by declining to take matters into their own hands
and put down the Raitzen themselves independently
of the central authority ; it was only with a heavy
heart that Dealt at length yielded to the determina-
tion of the House to proclaim a state of siege in the
southern districts. Meanwhile a fresh influx of Serbs,
excited by appeals to their religious fanaticism,
poured into the Banat. Jellachich, as the representa-
tive of the pan-Slav or Illyrian party, continued his
preparations for the invasion of Hungary ; whilst the
Court at Vienna knew well how to turn to the ad-
vantage of absolutism the sincere aspirations of some
of the Nationalist party in Croatia for an independent
Ministry.

Thus the aspect of affairs grew daily more
threatening, and it became constantly more difficult
to hold in check the extreme National's! party in
the Hungarian Legislature.

The Batthyany Ministry wished to refrain from
breaking irrevocably with the Hapsburg dynasty, —
one branch of which was believed to be honestly in
favour of constitutional liberty, — and to avoid being
hurried into any illegal step ; yet the danger to the
country was imminent, and with their popularity,
Deak and his colleagues were also, it might be
feared, losing the power to influence and control
events.

The position of the Moderates, however, was
strengthened at this critical juncture by the favour-

CHAP, xi.] DISAVOWAL OF THE BAN. 91

able reception accorded to the Hungarian deputation
sent to Innspruck in June.

The effect of the recent triumph gained by the
popular cause in Germany and Italy was also
discernible in the Imperial Manifesto, in which
Jellachich was publicly disavowed, deprived of his
dignities and official command, and himself sum-
moned to justice. Along with this official con-
demnation, the Ban, however, received privately
from the Imperial Government fresh supplies of
arms and money.

92 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xn.

CHAPTER XII.

The Court party at Vienna baffled by persistently legal attitude of the
Hungarian Ministry — Cause of offence discovered in the refusal of
Hungary to take a share in the Austrian National Debt — Dedk's
subsequent regret on the action of the Batthydny Government in
this matter — Hard task for the Hungarian Ministry to maintain its
position of strict constitutionalism and loyalty, in face of pressure
from without and within — Dedk's refusal to countenance conspiracy
against the dynasty — Speech of the Palatine on opening the Diet
in July 1848 inconsistent with treacherous conduct of Austrian
troops in suppressing the Raitzen and the insurgents in Transylvania
— Levy of troops and money by the Hungarian Government —
Measures of national defence organised — Still no open rupture
between the Governments of Vienna and Pesth — The King,
encouraged by victories of Windischgratz and Radetzsky, refuses to
sanction the recent measures of defence — Evident intention of the
Court party to seize the first opportunity for abolishing Constitution
of Hungary — Ungracious reception of Hungarian deputation at
Schonbrun — Decree of June depriving Jellachich of his command
annulled — Defensive measures in Hungary forbidden — Resignation
of the Batthyany Ministry — Dedk's perplexity — His inability to take
part in revolutionary measures — Principle of his conduct in
holding aloof from the War of Independence — The constitutional,
not the revolutionary, leader.

THE persistently lawful and constitutional attitude
of the Hungarian Ministry was at once baffling
and irritating to the Court party. Some ostensible
ground for disregarding these repeated and reason-
able demands for active assistance must clearly be
found. It was not long forthcoming : the point

CHAP, xii.] DIFFICULTIES OF THE MINISTRY. 93

at issue between the two Ministries was declared
to be the* refusal of Hungary to take upon herself
a share of the Austrian National Debt ; the fact
being, that she had neither received any benefit
from the Austrian public loans, nor been in any way
a party to the contraction of the debt. Claim there
was none ; though Deak, speaking in 1869, declared
that he regretted the action taken by the Hungarian
Ministry on this point. ' We were asked to take
our share in supporting the burdens of a debt in-
curred without our consent ; we were not bound to
do this, either by law or equity ; the Vienna Ministry-
were wrong in demanding from us as a duty what
on our side could only be regarded as a concession ;
but on the other hand we were wrong in raising a
difficulty over a mere question of form, and not at
once agreeing to a compromise.'

Our sympathy and admiration have often been
aroused on behalf of a people striving gallantly to
throw off the yoke of a hated authority, the oppres-
sion of an illegal government ; but is there not also
something pathetic if not heroic in the spectacle of a
small knot of men struggling to uphold the cause of
law and authority, unsupported either by the material
power of a strong despotism or the moral force of
popular enthusiasm ? The Batthyany Ministry had
such difficulties to contend with, from discontent at
home and hostility abroad, as might well have made
the task of maintaining the rights of Hungary, and yet

94 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xn.

keeping strictly within the bounds of loyalty and con-
stitutional legality, seem hopeless. The state of things
tolerated, and even connived at, by the Vienna
Government, was enough to make a patriotic Hun-
garian forget all the obligations which still bound him
legally to the Austrian Empire ; but Deak, for one,
declined resolutely to lend himself to any scheme
propounded on behalf of the national cause that
was based on any secret anti-Austrian understand-
ing even with those to whose objects in themselves
he might heartily wish success ; the Liberal party
in Italy could never succeed in enlisting the secret
support of the Hungarian Liberal against the
dynasty to which he openly professed loyalty ;
Dedk could never make up his mind to become a
conspirator even in the cause of freedom.

The reassuring promises of the Palatine in his
speech from the throne on the convocation of the
Diet in July, (the Long Parliament of Hungary, as
it has been called), were hardly consistent with the
treacherous weakness shown by the imperial troops
in repressing the Raitzen, and the evident collusion
of the Austrian general Puchner with the Wallachian
insurgents in Transylvania.

One of the first acts of the Ministry on the re-
assembling of the Diet was to propose through the
Finance Minister, Louis Kossuth, a vote of 200,000
men and 40,000,000 florins, for ' the defence of the
country, the restoration of order, and the security of

CHAP. XIL] EFFECT OF RADETZSKY'S VICTORIES. 95

the throne.' The proposal was hailed with enthu-
siasm, as was also the action of the Hungarian
Government in despatching a deputation with an
offer of alliance to the representatives of the German
Confederation at Frankfort, and of diplomatic envoys
to the Governments of England and France.

Measures of national defence were organised, the
command and organisation of the new levies being
entrusted to four Hungarian officers, amongst them
the ill-fated Gorgei.

Still there was no open rupture between the
Governments of Vienna and Buda Pesth ; on the
contrary, the Hungarian Ministry, in order to meet
the Austrian Cabinet half way, had even consented
to compromise still further their popularity with a
large part of their countrymen, by inserting in the
address to the throne a passage to the effect that
' Hungary would do its best to bring about an
understanding in Lombardo-Venetia, which, while
compatible with the dignity of Austria, should at the
same time insure liberty to the Italians, on condition
that Austria would restore peace in Hungary.'

But with the victories of Radetzsky in Italy and
Windischgratz at Prague, the prospects of the
restoration of peace in Hungary grew fainter. The
King, emboldened by these recent successes, refused
to sanction the measures with regard to the levy of
national troops ; the Ministry, hoping against hope
for the advent of a better state of things, persevered

96 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xir.

nevertheless in their determination to remain on
strictly legal and constitutional ground ; but the
intention of the Court party, now relieved from
immediate danger in other quarters, to ignore, and
eventually to stamp out, that new system of govern-
ment in Hungary which five months earlier had
received the royal sanction, had become by this time
only too apparent. It was clear that Hungarian
patriots must look not merely to the defence of their
country against the invasion of Croats and Raitzen,
but to the preservation of their dearly loved and
hard-won liberties from the revengeful wrath of
the absolutist power.

Still one more attempt was made at reconciliation
—an appeal was addressed to the Sovereign himself.
In September, Count Batthyany and Francis Deak,
accompanied by a deputation of two hundred mag-
nates and deputies, journeyed to Schonbrun, im-
plored the King to admonish the military commanders
of their duty, and invited him to come himself to Pesth,
thereby to lend to the regulations of his loyal ministers
the support and sanction of his own presence.

After keeping the Hungarian deputation waiting
for two hours in an ante-room, Ferdinand gave an
equivocal, ungracious reply, and the deputation
returned to Pesth to find that Jellachich had crossed
the Drave, and that, so far from being discounten-
anced by the Vienna authorities, he was encouraged in
an imperial decree ' to pursue his loyal undertaking.'

CHAP, xir.] RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY. 97

The decree of the preceding June which had
disavowed his conduct was annulled, and Hungary
was forbidden to take further defensive measures
against the Ban of Croatia.

In the following month the Batthyany Ministry

resigned. In order that the country might not be

left without any sort of executive government, a

Committee of Defence was nominated by the Diet,

with Kossuth as president.

Deak's state of distress and perplexity at this
juncture is shown in a letter addressed to his brother-
in-law : ' How could I be the minister of a power
which is carrying on war against my country, and
which exacts as a condition of peace the sacrifice of
all that is most absolutely essential to our national
independence and constitutional freedom ? Under
a monarchy the minister is always the minister of
the king, and as such is responsible to the country ;
but if war is made upon my country in the name
of the King, how can I be that King's minister ?
You answer perhaps that I might be the minister
of the nation ; but under a monarchy, a separate
national ministry apart from, and in opposition to,
the sovereign, is inconceivable.' . . . ' The country
may have a provisional government, a dictator, but
that implies a revolution.'

Not the blackest treachery on the part of the
Sovereign and the Camarilla could shake Deak's
determination to do all in his power to keep his

98 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xn.

country as long as possible on the firm ground of
constitutionalism — to insure, that whatever the sins
of the Hapsburgs and their advisers, the people and
Government of Hungary should by a faithful ad-
herence on their side to the Laws of 1848, establish
the strongest of all claims to the ultimate fulfilment
of those royal engagements which were being now
so shamefully broken. Even in the midst of the
bewildering crisis that succeeded the resignation of
the first short-lived Hungarian Ministry, and indeed
to the end of his life, Deak held firmly the belief that
keeping in view not only the disastrous present, but
also the past and future of his country, it was better
for Hungary, better for the historic Magyar nation,
to preserve its connection with the Empire of
Austria.

This was the key-note of Deak's action throughout
the terrible events that seemed at one time as though
they must of necessity be fatal either to the con-
tinuance of the Hapsburg rule in Hungary, or to the
preservation of the Hungarian Constitution. On
looking back to this year of war and revolution in
connection with the years that followed, the position
then taken up by Francis Dedk appears perfectly
intelligible ; but it is not surprising if at the time
the man who, on whatever ground, shrank from taking
a foremost part in the desperate struggle of his
betrayed and injured country to free herself from
all connection with the Hapsburg dynasty, should

CHAP, xii.] DEAK NO REVOLUTIONIST. 99

seem to have forfeited justly all claim to a place
amongst the recognised leaders of Hungary.

But in truth, apart from political scruples, Dedk
had not in him the makings of a revolutionary
leader. He felt himself that he had not the power,
like his famous contemporary Louis Kossuth, to
stir the hearts and feelings of the people, to fire
their imaginations and incite them to action by
burning denunciations, clothed in a language of
poetic imagery that seemed more akin to the fervid
exhortations of the Hebrew prophets than to the
political oratory of modern days. When requested
to compose the revolutionary appeal to the nation,
Deak replied : ' I do not understand that kind of
thing ; give me the making of your laws.'

The nation had good cause to acknowledge in
later years that in the exercise of such weapons as
could be drawn from the armoury of law and reason,
the hand of their great lawyer-statesman had not
lost its cunning.

H 2

ioo FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. XTII.

CHAPTER XIII.

Victories over the Croats — Anxiety of the Hungarian Government
to avoid an open rupture with Vienna — Defeat of national levies
at Swechat (Oct. 1848) — Windischgratz appointed Governor of
Hungary — Deputation to the camp of Windischgratz and of Hun-
garian bishops to the King at Olmiitz— Abdication of Ferdinand
— Refusal of the Diet to recognise Francis Joseph as King of
Hungary — Manifesto of the Emperor — Deputation headed by
Batthydny and Dedk to Windischgratz — Arrest of the deputation.

THE outburst of popular rejoicing over the
repulse of the Croats, and the deliverance of Buda
Pesth by the victories of Perczel and Gorgei, seemed
the last flickering of the nation's hopes before their
final extinction.

The Diet continued to sit ; debates were still
held on questions of domestic interest, on the
amount of compensation to be adjudged to land-
lords under the new urbarial law. Even when at
length the troubled state of the country made the
further continuance of these peaceful discussions
seem incongruous and impossible, Deak, — who had
felt that in the absence of a Government appointed
by the Sovereign it was needful that there should
be some authority entitled to act in the name of the
nation, — moved by his ineradicable regard for legality
and constitutional forms, opposed the intention of

CHAP, xiii.] TREACHERY OF THE PALATINE. 101

Parliament to declare itself in permanence, on the
ground that such a declaration was needless, because
in accordance with Article IV. of the Laws of 1848
a Diet could never be dissolved ' until the address
had been passed and resolutions on the Budget
been voted.'

To the last, the Government of Hungary — now
represented by the Diet and the Committee of
Defence — strove earnestly to avoid taking any
action that might give excuse to the Austrian
Government for the declaration of an open rupture.
In face of recent events — the proclamation of
Jellachich as Governor of Hungary, the treachery
of Austrian officers in command of Hungarian
regiments on the plea of loyalty to the Emperor,
the sudden flight of the young Palatine from the
Hungarian camp, and the subsequent discovery
amongst his papers of a plan containing suggestions
for the use of his imperial uncle on the most
effectual means of subjugating Hungary,— it was no
easy matter to brave the passionate reproaches of
the nation ; and to continue to act upon the theory of
Austrian good faith, even to the extent of restraining
the Hungarian army from crossing the Austrian
frontier in pursuit of Jellachich, until it was too late
to be of any avail ; for the Ban, taking advantage of
the three days' truce granted him by the Hungarians
after his repulse before Pesth, had marched on Vienna
with the intention of joining Windischgratz.

102 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xin.

After suppressing the rising in Vienna, the
Austrian general was free to devote his whole
energies to the 'pacification ' of Hungary.

At the end of October a battle was fought at
Swechat between the Austro-Croatian troops and
the small Hungarian army, now reinforced by some
thousand inexperienced recruits brought by Kossuth
as Plenipotentiary Commissioner of the Diet. The
national troops were defeated, and Windischgratz
was appointed Viceroy of Hungary.

Still the 'Diet clung to the hope of averting the
final crisis ; such an awful calamity as civil war was
not to be entered upon with a light heart.

A deputation, including the Archbishop of Erlau,
Counts George and Anton Mailath, Count Batthyany
and Francis Deak, was sent to Windischgratz to
protest solemnly against his conduct, and entreat
him in the name of justice to desist from his treason
to Hungary and not bring ruin upon the dynasty.

The celebrated reply of the commander-in-chief,
' I do not treat with rebels,' put an end to these
negotiations. A deputation of Hungarian bishops
who travelled to Olmiitz, there to beg for peace, and
to remind the King of his coronation oath, received
no better treatment, but were dismissed with the
contemptuous injunction ' to go and pray for their
country.'

This was the last intercourse between Ferdinand
II. and his Hungarian subjects. At the beginning

CHAP, xiii.] ACCESSION OF FRANCIS. JOSEPH. 103

of December he abdicated in favour of his nephew
Francis Joseph, the young prince whom the Hun-
garian nation only three months before would gladly
have welcomed as their king, on the sole condition
of his breaking with the traditions of absolutism and
ill-faith with which the Camarilla had identified the
House of Hapsburg.

The Diet, acting on behalf of the country, and
mindful, it would seem, of Deak's counsel ' never to
suffer their national rights to fall into abeyance
through indifference, cowardice, or despair,' — de-
clared that, in conformity with an ancient law which
affirms ' that the King of Hungary cannot be dis-
charged from the duties of his sovereignty without
the consent of the States, and that in case of
resignation the Diet has the appointment of a
regency,' the abdication of Ferdinand and the
accession of Francis Joseph were, as regards Hun-
gary, illegal ; consequently no allegiance was due
to the new Emperor, so long as he was not
crowned King of Hungary with the consent of the
nation.

In the manifesto published by the young Sove-
reign there was little comfort to be found.

The Emperor announced, amidst profuse promises
of future good government, that he assumed the
Crown of Hungary by virtue of the Pragmatic
Sanction, making, however, no allusion to reciprocal
obligations imposed on King as well as people by

104 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xin.

that famous document. The only reference to
the ' Gravamen ' of Hungary was a declaration
on the part of his majesty of his intention to
quell the disturbances in his troubled provinces
by force of arms.

The invasion of Hungary was decreed, and the
Austrian army poured into the country.

The Diet resolved to make one last effort to save
their country from the horrors of war. A deputation,
headed by Count Batthydny and Francis Deak, was
sent to the Austrian headquarters to treat for peace.
On Deak's requesting permission from the com-
mander-in- chief to return to Debreczin (whither the
Diet had now withdrawn) to confer with his col-
leagues upon the terms proposed, Windischgratz re-
plied that the permission should only be granted on
condition that Deak would give his word of honour
to use all his influence to persuade Kossuth and
the Diet into unconditional surrender. It was
not difficult to predict the failure of negotiations
conducted in this spirit. The Hungarian envoys
refusing to become the tools of the Austrian Go-
vernment against their own countrymen, were at
once put under arrest, and Hungary found itself com-
pelled either to submit unconditionally to the form
of government designed for subject provinces by
imperial wisdom and clemency at Vienna, or to em-
bark upon a war of self-preservation, even at the
risk of being branded as ' rebels,' and abandoned to

CHAP. XIIL] KOSSUTH ON THE DIET OF '48. 105

the ready vengeance at the disposal of a powerful
military despotism.

Of the attitude of the Hungarian Diet during the
past year, so full of danger and perplexity, Kossuth
himself could say with truth in a letter of instruc-
tion addressed to the Hungarian envoy in London,
M. Francis Pulzsky, in February 1849: 'We have
rebelled against no Government, we have not broken
our allegiance ; we have no desire to separate from
the Austrian Empire, we desired no concessions and
no innovations ; we were satisfied with what was
ours by law.'

But the time had now come when no prudence, no
painful adherence to strictly legal and constitutional
forms, could avert the impending crisis, and the
parliamentary revolution of 1848 was followed by
the War of Independence of 1849.

106 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xiv.

CHAPTER XIV.

The War of Independence — Publication of Imperial Decree of March
4th ; replied to by declaration of Hungarian Independence at
Debreczin, April i4th — Entrance of Russian troops into Hungary —
Vilagds — Felicitations of the Imperial Governments — Hagnau's
Tribunal — Remonstrance of Lord Palmerston — Prince Schwartzen-
berg's reply.

THE chief events of the tragical year of 1849 are too
fresh in the memories of Englishmen to need more
than the briefest recapitulation here : the taking of
Buda Pesth by Windischgratz in January, the brilliant
but unfruitful successes gained by the Hungarian
levies under Generals Bern and Dembinsky ; the
occupation of Transylvania by the Russians, in-
fluenced solely, as Count Nesselrode explained to
the Czar's ambassador in England, ' by motives
of humanity,' and with no thought of armed inter-
vention in the internal affairs of the Austrian
Government.

The struggle for self-preservation and the main-
tenance of Hungarian independence became a truly
national war ; all classes of the population, from
magnates and prelates down to herdsmen and com-
mon soldiers, threw themselves eagerly into the
contest, each ready with their quota of self-sacrifice,

CHAP, xiv.] CHARACTER OF THE WAR. 107

for the sake of the liberties of their country and
the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary. This
spirit of fierce resistance and absolute confidence in
the strength of a good cause, which made the task
of the powerful invader so difficult, is illustrated
in the well-known prayer of the Hungarian
artilleryman on the eve of an engagement with
the imperial forces : ' O Lord, I pray Thee
only not to help the Austrian, and then my work
will be done.'

At Vienna the war in Hungary was officially
represented as a struggle against the entire revolu-
tionary party in Europe, and the demand of the
Imperial Government for the military assistance of
Russia, was justified on the ground that it was
consequently to the interest of all other States to
assist Austria in her efforts to suppress the danger.
An interesting commentary upon this official view
of the character of the Hungarian 'rebellion' is
to be found in the report of one of the English
secretaries at Vienna to Lord Palmerston. ' With
respect to the Hungarian rebellion,' wrote Mr.
Magenis, in May 1849, 'I may here state a
curious fact, which your Lordship will doubtless
have seen mentioned in the newspapers, but which
I have it in my power to confirm on the authority
of persons who are well informed on the subject of
Hungary. The population of Hungary are almost
universally royalist, but Kossuth has succeeded in

io8 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xrv.

persuading them that the late Emperor Ferdinand
has been dethroned, and that the present Emperor
is an usurper, so that they are convinced they are
fighting for the cause of their rightful Sovereign.'

On the 4th of March a new Imperial Charter was
promulagated at Olmlitz, containing many excellent
provisions, but having this fatal defect, that in it
Hungary was merged completely in the Austrian
Empire, and all its ancient institutions obliterated.

On the 1 4th of April the Imperial Decree was
answered by the Declaration of Independence, in
which the Hapsburg dynasty was proclaimed to
have forfeited all right to the Hungarian throne,
and to be banished for ever from the country.

Kossuth was appointed Governor, and a new
Ministry was chosen, under the Premiership of M.
Szemere, the late Minister for Home Affairs in the
Batthydny Government.

For a while the national army was victorious ;
Comorn was relieved, and in the south the Raitzen
were once more dispersed by the Hungarian troops
under Perczel.

But the despotic princes of Europe were now
recovering from the panic that had demoralised
them and their principles in 1 848 ; the time had
come for absolutism to rally its forces and reassert
itself after the old fashion. Acting on the maxim
that ' La raison du plus fort est toujours la meil-
leure,' the Emperor of Austria, after previous

CHAP, xiv.] ENTRY OF THE RUSSIANS. 109

arrangement with his imperial brother in St. Peters-
burg, felt at liberty to disavow and ignore the
arguments for constitutional government which had
seemed so cogent to his predecessor, and the enact-
ments of the Diet in 1848 were treated with as
much contempt as though they had been mock
laws, passed by a stage parliament for the tem-
porary entertainment of an excited audience.

In July the Czar's troops a second time entered
Hungary, this time with no disavowal of political
motives, but on the ground that ' His majesty,
having always reserved to himself entire freedom of
action whenever revolutions in neighbouring States
should place his own in danger, was now convinced
that the internal security of his empire was menaced
by what was passing and preparing in Hungary ;
every attack upon the integrity and union of the
Austrian Empire being one on the actual state of
territorial possession which is in accordance with
the spirit of treaties, the balance of power in Europe,
and the safety of his own States.'

In August, Gorgei, the commander-in-chief of the
national army, who had been nominated Dictator
in the place of Kossuth, was invested with full
powers to treat for a peace, and instructed to act
according to the best of his ability to save the
national existence of Hungary. At Vilagos, on
the 1 3th of August, the Hungarian army, by order
of the new Dictator, laid down their arms, and

no FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xiv.

surrendered — not to the Austrians, but to the
Russian general Rudiger.

Thanks to the united efforts of 300,000 of the
flower of the Austrian and Russian troops, the
Hungarian rebellion was at an end. The good
news reached the young Emperor of Austria on his
birthday, and, by an equally fortunate coincidence
of dates in Russia, the standards and colours taken
in the Hungarian war arrived at St. Petersburg in
time to be paraded through the streets and de-
posited in the Winter Palace on the festival of St.
Alexander Newsky. ' The victorious arms of the
Emperor have overcome the thousand-headed
Hydra of the Hungarian Revolution,' announced
the Austrian commander-in-chief in impressive lan-
guage. ' La Providence divine a beni nos efforts,'
piously ejaculated the Russian Chancellor.

Compliments and decorations were exchanged be-
tween the two victorious Governments, and Francis
Joseph received the congratulations of his brother
sovereigns on the pacification of Hungary, — the
English Government not forgetting to express a
hope that the ancient constitutional rights of the
conquered country would be duly regarded. But
as might perhaps have been expected, the repre-
sentations of Lord Palmerston on this head, as well
as his remonstrances against the ferocious measures
of the Austrian general in Hungary, made small
impression at Vienna. When, in due time, Prince

CHAP, xiv.] GENERAL HAYNAU'S TRIBUNAL. in

Schwartzenberg thought fit to take notice of the
subject, it was only to retort with that invariable
allusion of continental politicians under similar cir-
cumstances, to 'la malheureuse Irlande' ; the
English Government, it was further intimated, had
always known how to maintain its own authority,
when threatened, at the cost of torrents of blood,
and yet the Austrian Government had never pre-
sumed to express an opinion on the methods
adopted, in the belief that it is easy to fall into
grave mistakes in criticising the complicated situa-
tion of a foreign country. His Excellency con-
sidered that this conduct on the part of the Austrian
Government gave it a right to expect that Lord
Palmerston would be good enough to observe in
this respect a ' complete reciprocity.'

The conquered country was thus left entirely to
the tender mercies of the Imperial Government.
General Haynau presided over the Bloody Assizes
of Pesth and Arad, and the long roll of Hungarian
patriots condemned to death at the hands of the
Austrian hangman was headed by such names as
Count Batthyany and General Damyanics, the
wounded leader of the ' Redcaps,' the famous
student brigade. Those who escaped death found
a refuge in England, America, or Turkey, whither
they carried with them bitter memories of wrong
and suffering inflicted, and an undying love for the
country of their birth. Those bitter memories have

ii2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xiv.

happily died away, under the healing influence of
time, and still more of that great work of reconcilia-
tion which a wise generosity on both sides has
effected between the two countries ; and of the
patriotic men who then fought and suffered for the
cause of Hungary and of Freedom, many are still
living to render their tribute of loyal service to the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

CHAP, xv.] HUNGARY AFTER THE WAR. 113

PART III.— REACTION.
CHAPTER XV.

Condition of Hungary at the conclusion of the war — Dedk recognised
as the guide and counsellor of the nation — Residence in Pesth —
The System — Passive resistance in Hungary — Position of Deak
in the estimation of his countrymen — Personal characteristics —
Methods of keeping alive public spirit in Hungary — Agricultural
Union — Academy.

AT the close of the war in August 1849, the
pecuniary resources of the country were effectually
crippled by means of a general confiscation of
property, ruinous taxation levied by armed force,
and the promulgation of an imperial decree can-
celling the paper money issued under the late
Hungarian Government. The land was placed
under military rule, seconded by imperial commis-
sioners ; the right of domiciliary visitation was en-
trusted to foreign spies, and all the old institutions
of Hungary — now divided into thirteen military
districts — were completely abolished.

The storm of war and revolution had swept over
the country, leaving a scene of terrible devastation
behind it. The flood seemed to have carried away

H4 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv.

all that was best and noblest in Hungary ; to have
left nothing that might even serve as a point of
leverage for future action. The leaders of the re-
volution had staked their own lives, and the inde-
pendence, nay, the very existence, of their country
on the desperate venture of the i4th of April.
The Hungarian Republic proclaimed at Debreczin
had been extinguished in blood ; and with it, to all
appearance, the national existence of Hungary, not-
withstanding the heroic efforts which for three
months had kept at bay the two great despotic
powers of Europe.

But amidst the excitement, the bewilderment, the
terror of the crisis that the country had passed
through, since the young Emperor had openly set
at defiance past engagements, and asserted his
claim to the crown of Hungary, not by right of law,
but of force, a talisman had been preserved, which
force had been unable to destroy, and which in the
end proved effectual even against Haynau's troops
and Bach's officials.

Owing partly to deliberate choice, partly, as he
himself owned, to outward circumstances, Francis
Deak had taken no share in the events that followed
upon the arrest of the Hungarian deputation sent
by the Diet to Windischgratz on the eve of the
Austrian invasion. He remained living on his estate
at Kehida, not seeking to hide himself, but not
taking any active part in public events ; he was not

CHAP, xv.] DEAK RECOGNISED AS LEADER. 115

present when the Diet, amidst tumultuous applause,
had declared the independence of Hungary, and
the severance of all connection with the House of
Hapsburg.

Such a step as this, popular though it might be
at the time, and strong as were the arguments that
might be urged in its justification, was not one of
which Deak could honestly approve. Like many a
true patriot before him, he saw the strong tide of
passionate feeling carrying his country in a direc-
tion that was opposed, as he believed, to its best
interests.

The current had become beyond his strength to
stem, but at least he could refuse to be carried away
by it against his better judgment. For a time it
seemed as though he had been left hopelessly
stranded, and had lost for ever, by thus holding
aloof, the influence he formerly possessed as one
of the acknowledged leaders of the people. The
name of Francis Dedk was not known as one of
the gallant band of Hungarian gentlemen whose
struggle in defence of the liberties of their country
was watched with such sympathy and interest in
England.

It was only when the lurid light of war had died
away, and Hungary was left sunk in the darkness
and silence of despair, that his countrymen recog-
nised in Deak a leader who, by loyal unswerving
adherence to law, was destined to win back for

I 2

n6 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv.

them, step by step, every iota of their ancient rights,
and restore that mutual confidence between king
and people which recent events had seemed to
make for ever impossible.

During the years following the ' pacification ' of
Hungary, Deak lived permanently in Pesth, having
sold his estate that he might have no temptation
to return to the quiet country life which he loved
so well.

His presence in the capital at this time was a
constant source of strength and encouragement to
his fellow-citizens ; they knew that they had still
amongst them a Hungarian patriot, who, whilst he
won the respect even of Austrian statesmen by
his strict regard for law, by his generous recognition
of the difficulties of his opponents, and his manly
honesty of purpose, might yet be safely trusted to
abate nothing of his assertion of the lawful rights
of Hungary, nor to despair of gaining his cause in
the end. From the outset of that long period of
passive resistance which the country entered upon
in 1849, Deak had his object — the restoration of the
Hungarian Constitution — clearly before him, and no
conciliatory overtures on the part of Herr v. Bach
and his colleagues could ever induce him to be
drawn into a discussion which he foresaw would be
based on premises that he could never accept. To
the urgent request of the Austrian minister on one
occasion, that Deak, as the representative of his

CHAP, xv.] PASSIVE RESISTANCE. 117

country, would consent to negotiate with the Vienna
Government, the sturdy champion of Hungary re-
plied, ' I must beg your Excellency to excuse me,
but I know nothing of any Constitution but the
Hungarian. So long as that is not restored, I can
do nothing, for I am nothing — I have no political
existence.'

It was now seen that the long contest which the
Liberal Opposition of Hungary had been carrying on
during the past twenty years, both in and out of the
Diet, had not been without its results : the fruits of
the victory consummated in 1847 had not been
destroyed even by the war, which might have
appeared to blot out all previous events. The
Hungary that emerged from the disasters of 1849
was at least a united Hungary; the nation which
now looked to Deak as their guide and counsellor
in the new campaign of passive resistance, was
no longer weakened by class distinctions, nor
hampered by the cumbrous relics of an obsolete
feudalism.

Deak and his friends never lost heart and hope,
and yet cheerfulness in those days was no easy
virtue. The ' dismal cold dead uniformity ' of the
System weighed heavily upon the Empire, and
the grip of the central Government at Vienna was
firm and relentless.

To the royal and aristocratic despotism — some-
what out of favour in Europe since 1848 — there

n8 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv.

succeeded another form of personal government.
The period between 1850 and 1860 was the golden
age of the bureaucratic regime. Charters and con-
stitutions were no longer unfashionable words, even
in the most exalted circles ; the designing of various
fanciful and attractive systems of government was
a favourite amusement with active-minded and in-
genious officials, and it had moreover the happy
effect of keeping a certain portion of the Liberal
world harmlessly occupied in the discussion and
contemplation of political theories which, it was
evident to the authorities, could never be realised
under the existing conditions of the Empire.

The system of Herr v. Bach had at first sight
the appearance of being a distinct improvement
upon the old regime of Metternich and Schwartzen-
berg, but the fundamental principle of government,
' administrative unity,' remained the same ; the sole
difference, in truth, consisted in the fact that whereas
formerly the centre of the State system was to be
found in the royal cabinet, it was now transferred to
the minister's bureau. In deference to the march
of Liberal ideas, a too obtrusive imperialism was
replaced by a system of German officialism, but the
strings of the whole Empire were still worked from
Vienna.

Hungary, like all the other provinces of Austria,
was ruled entirely by German officials ; the local
organisation of the Counties remained totally ignored ;

CHAP, xv.] CONFIDENCE IN THE FUTURE. 119

justice was dispensed by newly established Austrian
tribunals, and the country was overrun with armed
spies, charged to detect and suppress the faintest
symptoms of national revival.

But no official vigilance could prevent the re-
membrance of 1849 from burning fiercely in the
minds of every shepherd and fisherman toiling on the
hot plains or beside the broad rivers of Hungary ;
and in the humblest peasant homes the recollection
of the national Constitution, now so ruthlessly
trampled under foot, was never suffered to die out.

On-lookers in Europe saw clearly that though
Francis Joseph might have succeeded in turning
Hungary for the time being into a dependency of
Austria, he had not succeeded by this means in
turning the Hungarians into good Austrian subjects ;
and many were the prophecies that the ' pacified '
country would prove the weak point in the armour
of the great military despotism.

Nevertheless, the people of Hungary, under the
influence of their guiding spirit in Pesth, refrained
with striking unanimity during these trying years of
alien rule from isolated acts of violence or lawless-
ness. All classes of the nation entered into the
spirit of Dedk's policy, relied on the justice of their
cause, kept alive the memory of their past freedom,
and looked forward to regaining it one day by law-
ful means under the guidance of their law-abiding
champion.

120 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv.

A plate fixed into the wall of one of the long
corridors of the 'Queen of England' Hotel at Pesth,
marks the apartment occupied at this time by
Francis Deak. The modest room became the
4 head-centre ' of the country, where were concocted,
no plots and secret conspiracies, but openly avowed
schemes for the spread and encouragement of such
germs of national life as not even the Vienna Govern-
ment had been able to root out. Here assembled
men of all shades of opinion, bringing tidings from
all corners of the country, and learning to sink
political differences in a common patriotism. The
only parties in the land whose representatives
were never to be seen at these gatherings were
those pledged either to the reaction or to revolu-
tion. From this rendezvous went forth messengers
of hope, carrying to their countrymen in distant
parts of Hungary the cheering assurance that
' Deak Ferencz ' was alive and active, that he did
not despair, ' that he was to be seen going about
his business in good spirits.'

The very sight in the streets of Pesth of his
stalwart figure and shrewd kindly face, with its
bright eyes flashing from beneath their shaggy
overhanging brows, was a satisfaction to his
countrymen ; and his humorous pithy sayings were
passed on from mouth to mouth for the benefit of
a wider circle than his own immediate friends and
acquaintance.

CHAP, xv.] DEAK AND HIS COUNTRYMEN. 121

Never perhaps did a public man occupy quite the
same position as that which Deak held in the
intimate affection and respect of his countrymen.
The English traveller in Pesth was surprised to
find that the grave, quiet-looking Hungarian gentle-
man whom he passed constantly on the staircase
of his hotel, and whose name perhaps he had
never heard until introduced to Francis Deak
through the good offices of some chance acquaint-
ance, was the idol of his fellow-countrymen ; the
single-minded patriot, the able statesman and jurist
whose wide knowledge, sound sense, and keen in-
tellectual power were at length to carry the day
against the arguments of German lawyers, and the
still more formidable logic of 'accomplished facts.'1

But Deak's influence with his countrymen was due
to other causes besides respect for his ability and
absolute confidence in his political honesty ; they
loved the man as much as they honoured the
statesman, and it was perhaps owing to this mix-
ture of personal affection with political hero-worship,
that in later years the portrait of Deak Ferencz
was commonly to be found enshrined amongst the
household gods of the Magyar peasant. To the

1 ' But Deak cannot surely demand,' an Austrian statesman had
once exclaimed, ' that after such a series of " accomplished facts " we
should begin affairs with Hungary all over again ! ' ' Why not ? ' re-
turned Dedk: 'if a man has buttoned one button of his coat wrong,
it must be undone from the top.' ' The button might be cut off,' said
the minister. ' Then,' replied Dedk, ' the coat could never be buttoned
right at all.' — Csengery.

122 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv.

warm-hearted, impressionable Hungarians there was
something singularly attractive in the character of
the statesman who, with the self-confidence and
unsparing candour that never shrank from denounc-
ing political errors and facing popular misunder-
standing or royal disfavour, was yet uniformly fair
and courteous towards his opponents, genial and
friendly in his personal bearing towards all classes
of his countrymen, and lastly— no contemptible dis-
tinction— a universal favourite with children. It did
not lessen their regard for their national champion
to know that the same man who refused, with a
persistence which his enemies called ' obstinacy,' to
yield an inch, in matters where he thought the
interests of his country were involved, was yet so
weakly indulgent when the appeal was one demanding
merely a personal sacrifice of time or money, that
his friends were occasionally forced to intervene
to prevent him from becoming the victim of his own
kindliness and the importunities of place-hunting
mediocrities or begging letter-writers.1

Like Cavour under similar circumstances of
political extinction, Deak did all in his power to
keep alive the national spirit, by promoting those
literary and agricultural enterprises which presented

1 Deck's method of almsgiving would have scandalised the members
of a modern Charity Organisation Society. Every night was to be
seen arranged on a table in his room a little pile of money destined
for the purpose of indiscriminate distribution the next day amongst his
poorer fellow-citizens.

CHAP, xv.] ACADEMY AT PESTH. 123

no handle of offence to the Government officials, —
ever on the watch to suppress the least semblance of
an attempt at political association, — and which at the
same time offered a basis for united action such as
the quick-witted Hungarians were not slow to take
advantage of.

In this way the ' Koztelek,' or National Agri-
cultural Union, came to serve in some respects the
purpose of a club, offering a place of meeting for the
Hungarian gentry, now debarred from the exercise
of all public functions, and deprived of those oppor-
tunities of political and social discussion which had
been afforded by their favourite national institution
of the County Assemblies.

The Academy at Pesth, founded originally by the
magnificent generosity of Count Szechenyi, owed
much also to Deak and his friends, who felt that
everything which contributed to mark and to pre-
serve the individuality of the nation, whether social,
literary, or political, deserved the gratitude and
support of all patriotic Hungarians.

Deak himself was a man of considerable literary
culture; his earnest desire, so far back as 1838, for
the promotion of the scientific study of the Magyar
tongue, and its introduction as the official language
in the place of Latin, was to him a matter not only
of political but of literary interest ; and in his younger
days he had spared no pains to make himself master
of the intricacies of his mother tongue, and to extend

1 24 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv.

a thorough knowledge of it amongst all classes of
his countrymen.

On one occasion during the era of official des-
potism, Deak, who in 1837 had been elected a
member of the Academy, came gallantly to the
assistance of his learned colleagues. The Govern-
ment, uneasy at the distinctively national character
of the institution, made an attempt to obviate this
by requiring the directors so to change their statutes
as to place the Academy under the direct control of
the Government. From the noble founder of the
Academy, Count Szech^nyi himself, came a message
of protest and remonstrance, and Deak at once drew
up a memorial protesting in such vigorous and un-
courtly terms against the proposed alteration that
the council shrank from presenting the address to
the authorities, some members suggesting that the
remonstrance might prudently be couched in milder
terms. In the end, however, Count Desewffy took
the memorial in its original form under his protection,
and undertook to present it ; with the result, as it
proved, of inducing the Government to abandon their
projected interference.

CHAP, xvi.] NEW FORMATION OF PARTIES. 125

CHAPTER XVI.

New aspect of parties — Conservatives — Liberals — Distinguishing
principles of the present Conservative party — Memorial of 1850
refused by the Emperor — Second visit of the Emperor to Pesth,
1857 — Petition drawn up by Count Desewffy to be presented by
Cardinal Szitowsky also refused.

IN a country like Hungary, it was not to be expected
that misfortunes however crushing, national efface-
ment however complete, should destroy those
ingrained political tendencies which lead to the
formation of opposing parties even amongst men
united in the fellowship of a common suffering and
a common patriotism.

But in considering the party conformation existing
during the decade that followed the war of 1 849, we
are struck with the fact that the nomenclature of
the period before 1848 is no longer applicable.

The terms Conservative and Liberal are still in
use, but the men to whom they apply are not the
same that we recognised under those denominations
in the Diet of 1847.

Prior to 1848, the chief strength of the nation,
both moral and intellectual, had been represented
by the large and powerful Liberal party, the political

126 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvi.

descendants of the old Hungarian Opposition of
1825 ; in the ranks of this historic party had been
included such men as Francis Deak and the framers
of the Liberal Programme of 1847. But the name
of the popular leader was no longer for the time to
be found amongst the politicians who now claimed
the honourable title of the Liberal party of Hungary.
These looked rather to the exiled Louis Kossuth as
their chief, and they it was who in later days played
the game of the German Centralists at Vienna by
the demand of unconditional autonomy for Hungary
— a demand that could only have been met either
by a complete concession, which would have meant
separation from the Austrian Empire, or by a blank
refusal, to be followed by a more stringent centrali-
sation. It was these Liberals who subsequently
headed the vehement, and in one instance successful
opposition to the proposals tending towards com-
promise and reconciliation which Francis Deak had
the courage to advocate, at a time when popular
opinion was running strongly against the Austrian
Government and everything connected with it.

Another great change in the aspect of parties
might be observed in the complete disappearance
of the genus ' Conservative/ in the pre-revolution
acceptance of that term.

Where was the party that had once so vigorously
maintained that the abolition of class privileges
would infallibly entail the ruin of society and the

CHAP, xvi.] MODERN CONSERVATIVES. 127

downfall of the Constitution ? It had vanished as
completely as the old world institutions it had
vainly sought to preserve. The party, as a party, no
longer existed ; side by side with those distinguished
men who now by hereditary succession, as it were,
found their place amongst the ranks of the present
Moderate Conservatives, were some whose political
companionship would have sent a shudder through
many of the stately bearers of that designation under
the old regime.

So far as Deak at this time belonged to any party
more limited than that of all patriotic men through-
out the country, it was to the Conservative party, as
thus understood ; though no doubt he occasionally dis-
approved of their method of action, and was annoyed
at finding his name identified with measures which
he regarded as inopportune, and therefore as harmful
to the cause he had at heart.

But on the whole it may be said of the Conserva-
tives at this period that they represented the true
force and wisdom of the country, as the Liberal
Opposition had done in 1847.

The distinguishing principles of these modern
Conservatives may be briefly described, first as a
recognition of the fact that the just demand of
Hungary for the full restoration of her rights, must
be based upon an acknowledgment of the necessity
of insuring not only the integrity and administrative
independence of Hungary, but also the unity of the

128 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvi.

Empire ; secondly, as a conviction that even should
the complete autonomy demanded by the extreme
Liberals be attained, a strong and permanent con-
solidation of the monarchy could never be accom-
plished so long as genuine constitutional freedom
was not enjoyed by the other provinces of the
Empire.

The party that supported these principles —
whether under the name of Conservative or Liberal
— was in any case faithful to the Programme of 1847 ;
and it was from the members of this party — equally
obnoxious to the extreme advocates both of in-
dependence and incorporation — that came the first
protest against the unlawful authority of the Vienna
Government in Hungary.

In 1850, a memorial bearing the signatures of
some of the greatest names in Hungary — Esterhdzy,
Szech^nyi, Josika, Batthyany, Desewffy, Andrassy —
was presented to the Emperor. "You are playing
with your heads," the imprudent memorialists were
warned by a high official ; but judging from the
outspoken language of the address, the warning
produced small effect on the Hungarian magnates.
With all due reverence and loyalty to the Emperor,
the memorial declared plainly that the course taken
by the Government would never lead to the pacifi-
cation of Hungary, and a demand was boldly made
for the restoration of the constitutional institutions of
the country, and of the municipal administrative and

CHAP, xvi.] MEMORIAL TO THE EMPEROR. 129

legislative rights of the Hungarian people. 'In
the revolution which has passed over the country/
said the memorial, ' much has been destroyed, and
much uprooted, but the ground on which the Throne
and Constitution of Hungary has stood firm for so
long remains unshaken.' ' On this foundation alone
can a new edifice be safely built up.' ' The universal
desire of the country to have an influence in the
settlement of its future relations, does not spring
from a desire to draw back from the path of needful
reform, to throw obstacles in the way of the con-
stitutional development of the Empire, or to claim
for Hungary rights and constitutional forms, which
might be dangerous to the common welfare of
the monarchy or injurious to the strong action
of the Supreme Power.' l

Already the note is struck so constantly recurred
to by Francis Deak in his exposition of the claims
of Hungary — ' It is likewise fully and universally
acknowledged that Hungary, by virtue of the
Pragmatic Sanction, is indissolubly connected with
the monarchy, and that it is indispensable that the
relations of the former to the Empire, as well as its
internal constitution and administration, should be
regulated upon a secure basis, and in such a manner
as to offer strong guarantees against the renewal of
the events we have lately witnessed.'

The result of this memorial might have been

1 Drei Jahre Verfassungsstreit.

130 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvi.

foreseen. Not only were its protests disregarded,
but the imperial officials in Hungary were charged
to watch closely the dangerous agitators who were
thus defying and bringing into contempt the
measures of the supreme Government, were im-
pairing the authority of the administration, and
rendering, the task of consolidating those social
conditions which had been so seriously shaken by
revolutionary anarchy, more difficult, by their in-
trigues and machinations.

The signatories of the memorial, having been thus
held up to the official world as conspirators and
revolutionists, were, by a truly masterly stroke of
misrepresentation, exhibited to the people, through
the medium of a docile press, as bigoted Conserva-
tives and aristocrats, who, irritated at the paternal
Liberalism of the Austrian Government, were agitat-
ing for the recovery of their class privileges and
exclusive national rights.

Seven years later, on the occasion of a visit of the
Emperor to Pesth, the Hungarian Conservatives
resolved once more to approach the Sovereign as
loyal subjects with a prayer for justice to their
country. A petition was drawn up by Count Emil
Desewffy, setting forth the grievances of Hungary
under German official rule, especially with reference
to the newly introduced system of taxation.

'We do not doubt,' said Count Desewffy, 'that
your Majesty will in the course of your inquiries

CHAP, xvi.] PETITION OF 1857. 13 l

arrive at the conviction that it will be possible to
bring into harmony those historic institutions which
are bound up with the life of the nation, and to
which the people are devoutly attached, with the
requirements of the age, the necessity for the unity
of the monarchy, and the conditions of a strong
Government. We will readily co-operate with the
other subjects of your Majesty in everything that may
be needful to maintain the security of the monarchy,
to heighten its prestige, and to increase its power.
In the greatness of your Majesty and the strength of
the Empire lies our own security, and in the general
welfare of the monarchy our own prosperity. The
unity of the monarchy is the result of centuries ;
it comes from the co-operation of all the natural
forces of the Empire. A people which has had a
past is never able to forget its history. This
country has learnt the great lessons which history
teaches, and the interest of your Majesty demands
that it should not forget them. Our Fatherland
feels and acknowledges the obligations it is under to
your Majesty and to the common monarchy ; it is
ready to discharge these obligations, to do every-
thing but this — to be untrue to itself, to renounce
its individual existence, and abjure the creed which
is itself founded upon its dynastic feelings and its
devotion to the dynasty.' During the three days
that the Emperor remained in Buda Pesth, more
than a hundred influential names of burghers and

K 2

132 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x/i.

nobles were privately affixed to the above petition.
But it was never presented to the Emperor. The
time had not yet come when Francis Joseph was to be
allowed, according to Count Szechenyi's expression,
' to see with his own eyes, and hear with his own
ears.' The Ministers at Vienna got wind of the
affair, and at once urged upon his Majesty the
imprudence of encouraging so grave a breach of
the law as would be involved in the presentation of
such a document ; indeed so great was their alarm
that Count Buol and Herr v. Bach travelled to
Pesth and intimated that, should the Emperor
consent to receive the petition, they should feel it
their duty to resign office.

The Prince Primate of Hungary, Cardinal
Szitowsky, who had undertaken to present the
memorial, was careful always to take it with him
when he appeared at Court, in the hope that an
occasion might some day arise for presenting it
formally to his Majesty ; but the opportunity never
came, and at last the document found itself en-
tombed amongst the archiepiscopal archives at
Gran, where for a time all hope of the restoration
of the liberties of Hungary seemed buried with it.

CHAP. XVIL] IMPENDING CHANGE. 133

PART IV.— REVIVAL.
CHAPTER XVII.

Outlook not altogether hopeless — Favourable disposition towards
Hungary of the Emperor and some of his German ministers —
Deak on the permanence of the System — Effect of Austrian defeat
in Italy in 1859 — End of the System — Offer of Ministry of the
Interior to Baron Josika — Count Rechberg and Baron von Hiibner
— Difficulties of carrying into execution the Emperor's intention to
grant constitutional government to the whole empire — Competence of
commissioners for revision of Bach's Municipal Law not acknow-
ledged in Hungary — Difference between Deak and the Hungarian
ministers — Enlarged Privy Council — Refusal of Eotvos, Vay, and
Somssich to attend — Attitude of the Hungarian magnates in the
Council — Majority in the Council for Constitution based not on
centralisation but on recognition of national rights.

BUT nevertheless the outlook was not altogether
so hopeless as it might appear to some despond-
ing patriots in Hungary. Above all, the Emperor
Francis Joseph was not the ' perjured young Nero '
whom Kossuth, burning with the recollection of his
country's wrongs, was wont to denounce with bitter
indignation, and in Shakespearian English of en-
trancing eloquence, before sympathising audiences
in this country.

Even amongst the German ministers of the
Crown there were some who recognised the
unsatisfactory character of the existing state of

134 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvn.

the Empire — a recognition that was intensified
as the prospect of war with a powerful military
state like France became more imminent.

Deak had never believed in the permanent
establishment of the System ; his opinion as to the
probable influence of a European crisis upon Herr
v. Bach's political structure is expressed in the
significant little anecdote which he once related by
way of answer to the gloomy prognostications of
some of his compatriots. On consulting his gardener,
he said, who was also an authority in architecture,
as to the solidity of a certain vine-dresser's hut
which had just been erected on his estate, the man
expressed the sage opinion that the building might
stand for a long time, if the wind did not blow.
'Yes,' Deak had answered, 'but suppose it does
blow — and that often? ' l

Before ten years had gone by, the storm had
come that was destined to test the durability of the
political fabric, and prove how different is union by
compression from that union of voluntary cohesion,
which alone gives strength to the State.

As the victories of Radetzsky in Italy in 1848
had once sealed the fate of constitutionalism in
Austria, so in 1859 the news of his defeat came
like the first dull crash of melting snow that heralds
the break-up of the long frost-bound winter and the
advent of spring and freedom.

1 Csengery.

CHAP, xvii.] PROPOSAL TO BARON JOSIKA. 135

All through the Empire there passed a thrill of
life and movement ; loyalty to the throne remained
unshaken, but a breach was plainly discernible in
the hard crust of official absolutism that had
overspread the land. The era of the System was
at an end.

A significant symptom of the new spirit at work
in the imperial councils was to be seen in the offer
of the portfolio of Minister of the Interior to Baron
Josika, one of the Conservative magnates who had
signed the petitions of 1850 and 1857. But the
Hungarian magnate, true to his principles, declined
the honourable proposal. The words in which he
explained his reasons for so doing deserve to be
noted as a remarkable instance of the manner in
which some Hungarian statesmen have combined
with their intense and deeply rooted patriotism a sense
of consistency and justice towards other nationalities
than their own. ' We are persuaded/ said Baron
Josika, ' that no man, however great his talents, is
able to enter so completely into the various relations,
opinions, feelings, inclinations, and peculiarities ex-
isting in the two halves of the Empire as to be
capable of managing, rightly and successfully, the
internal affairs of the whole monarchy. On the
same principle that I would not credit any man
who had not devoted a lifetime to the study of the
peculiar relations of the lands under the Hungarian
Crown, with the power to rule those provinces well,

136 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. XVH.

so I do not consider that a conscientious Hungarian
statesman ought to undertake the control of the
internal administration of the German and Slav
provinces.'

On the return of the Minister President and
Count Rechberg from the seat of war in Italy, and
the conclusion of the Peace of Villafranca, Herr v.
Bach resigned ; and after a short interval a Polish
nobleman, Count Golouchowski, accepted the office
of Minister of the Interior which the Hungarian
magnate had felt bound to decline.

Meanwhile the evidence of goodwill shown in
the recent offer made to Baron Josika was not
disregarded, and a constant though unofficial inter-
course was kept up between certain Austrian and
Hungarian statesmen.

Deak himself had little faith in the practical
success of the projects of reconciliation sketched
out by Count Emil Desewffy and amicably dis-
cussed over Count Rechberg's tea-table — a scepticism
in which, as it proved, he was only too well justified.

At the same time it was a fact, not without im-
portance, that at this early stage of affairs there
should have been two Austrian statesmen, namely,
Count Rechberg and Baron v. Hiibner, who ap-
proved in the main of a programme that was based
upon a frank recognition of the impossibility of
maintaining the present system of internal adminis-
tration, and the need for a thorough reconstruction

CHAP, xvii.] APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS. 137

of the State. However, as Deak had foreseen, the
vast complication of imperial politics was not to be
thus easily unravelled in the course of a few private
conferences.

Outside the minister's sanctum matters went far
less smoothly. In consequence of too pronounced
views on the subject of the rights of Hungary,
Baron v. Hiibner found himself compelled to resign ;
and the difficulties of carrying into execution the
Emperor's generous intention to establish constitu-
tional government in Austria, in such a manner as
to satisfy the various sections of the Empire, became
daily more formidable.

Whilst in the German and Slav provinces the
Commissioners who were entrusted with the revision
of Bach's Municipal Law, and were invited to give
expression to their free opinion on its working and
results, acknowledged gratefully the confidence thus
reposed in them, and set to work obediently upon
their prescribed task, — the Hungarian Commis-
sioners, on the contrary, declared themselves touched
by the honour done them, but unable to undertake the
flattering office, ' since the revision of the Municipal
Law was undoubtedly the function of the Diet, and
of the Diet only.' Here was the rock on which all
attempts at a private settlement of the Hungarian
question split. It was from his firm resolution to
accept no compromise that could be effected only
by dint of ignoring that primary factor in the Con-

138 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvn.

stitution of Hungary — the lawful authority of the
Diet — that Deak became pre-eminently distinguished
as the national champion of Hungary. ' First arrive
at a reconciliation with the Imperial Government,
and you will then be in a position to summon the
Diet, and do full justice to the special claims of
Hungary' — so argued the Hungarian magnates,
whose valuable services to the nation at this
juncture few of their countrymen would deny.

' First recognise the lawful status and authority
of the Diet/ insisted Deak, ' and then by all means
let the Diet acknowledge the paramount necessity
for harmonising the distinctive rights of Hungary
with the requirements of the common monarchy.'

There was much to be urged on either side, both
from a purely national and from an imperial point
of view. The former policy promised best for
immediate fulfilment ; but the latter has been
crowned, as it deserved, with the success due to
the patient, far-seeing statesmanship of its great
exponent.

Checked in the attempt to prepare the way for
the establishment of the promised Constitution by
means of the proposed Royal Commissioners,
owing to the refusal of the Hungarian people to
acknowledge the legal competence of such func-
tionaries, the Emperor determined to carry on nego-
tiations through the aristocratic rather than the
popular element in the monarchy — to begin the

CHAP, xvn.] THE ENLARGED PRIVY COUNCIL. 139

work of reconstruction in the upper instead of the
lower strata. The permanent Reichsrath, or Privy
Council, was enlarged, leading men chosen from
every province of the Empire being summoned to
Vienna to deliberate with the Sovereign on the
fitting measures to be taken for the proposed re-
organisation of the State.

Of the six Hungarian magnates nominated by
the Crown to represent their country in this enlarged
Imperial Council (Verstarkte Reichsrath), only three,
Counts Apponyi, Barkoczy, and Mailath, answered
the summons ; Baron Eotvos, Baron Vay, and M.
de Somssich declined, considering the present
Reichsrath, however well-intentioned, to be only a
fresh means of avoiding direct consultation with the
nation through the Diet.

The Hungarian representatives at Vienna — though
the very fact of their presence in the Imperial
Council, under present circumstances, was in itself
contrary to the general wish of their countrymen —
could in no other respect be charged with betraying
the national independence of Hungary. Through-
out the whole course and conduct of the discussions
they maintained a firm dignified and attitude, and
never shrank from using all the influence conferred
by their independent position and natural aptitude
for debate in asserting the just claims of their own
country, and of the cause of national liberties in
general. It was greatly owing to the ability and

140 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvn.

eloquence of the Hungarian magnates that the
majority of the Imperial Council, including repre-
sentatives of various sections in the Empire, declared
themselves strongly in favour of a Constitution
founded, not upon centralisation, but upon a re-
cognition of the national and historic rights of the
several lands and provinces of the Empire.

In the celebrated October Diploma of 1860, in
which the Emperor of Austria announced the aboli-
tion of the absolute system, and his intention
henceforth to admit the peoples of Austria to a
share in the government of their country, this
principle received the royal sanction ; and Baron
Sennyei and Count Mailath were summoned to
Vienna by their compatriots, with the assurance
that this time ' things were really in earnest.'

CHAP, xviii.] 'WHAT WILL DEAK SAY?' 141

CHAPTER XVIII.

Anxiety as to Deck's view of the October Diploma — Respect for his
opinion amongst his countrymen — Deak acknowledges the benefits
of the diploma in restoring the municipal institutions of Hungary,
but declines to pledge himself to his future course before the
convocation of the Diet — Provisional Statutes of Count Golou-
chowski — Discontent both of Hungarians and German Liberals —
Resolution of the Hungarian ministers at Vienna to remain in office,
in hopes of re-establishing a better system through help of the Diet
— Fundamental harmony between them and Deak — Refusal of the
latter to accept any scheme based upon theory of Forfeiture of
Right — Consequent demand for preliminary recognition of Laws
of '48 — Judex Curiae.

WHAT would Deak say to the October Diploma ?
For ten years the great representative of Hungary-
had kept silence, leading the ordinary life of a citizen
of Pesth, going quietly about amongst the people,
ever ready with a word of encouragement or hope
when it was needed, but never volunteering an
opinion or suggestion on the course of public events
either by speech or writing. And yet when the
crisfs of 1860 came, ministers on both sides of the
Leitha, friends and foes alike, felt instinctively that
to this silent, unobtrusive man they must look for
an answer to the momentous question : ' Will the
people of Hungary accept the provisions of the

142 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xvni.

royal Diploma in so far as these affected their own
country ? '

The strange influence exercised by Francis Deak
over his countrymen seemed only to have increased
during those years of inaction in which his name
had been unknown in Europe.

' In the eyes of the people,' writes one of his
compatriots at this time, ' Deak is the type of
justice, the organ of truth, the touchstone of true
law. It is not enthusiasm that he inspires, for he
has never sought to captivate by his speeches or
writings ; but the entire nation believes that from
him alone it can take the " mot d'ordre." No party
could succeed in carrying the nation with it without
the assent of Deak, for all think that he alone can
say when it would be prudent and right to proceed
to action. The exiles, however popular they may
be, would find no response in the country if Deak
were to hold aloof; but once let him come forward,
once let him give the word, and all Hungary will
obey his voice like one man.' 1

On the promulgation of the October Diploma,
Deak abandoned his attitude of silent observation,
and entered heartily, though still in the same un-
assuming, unofficial manner, into active political
life.

He frankly acknowledged the great step gained
by the restoration in the October Diploma of the

1 Quoted by Laveleye, UAutriche et La Prusse.

CHAP. XVIIL] COUNT GOLOUCHOWSKI'S STATUTES. 143

municipal institutions of Hungary, and fully hoped
that an opening had now been found for future
discussion and for ultimate reconciliation through
the Diet ; at the same time he would not, prior to
the convocation of the Diet, consent to pledge him-
self or the country as to the course he should take
with regard to its further application.

Unfortunately the tendency of events was such
as gradually to widen instead of to diminish the
breach which had seemed at last on the point of
being closed between the two halves of the Empire.

To the profound disappointment of the Hungarian
magnates at Vienna, the imperious provisions by
which the October Diploma was carried out departed
widely from the spirit of the original document and
the intention of the majority in the Imperial Council.

The 'Statutes' issued by Count Golouchowski
to all the various provinces gave equal dissatisfac-
tion in the Hereditary States and in Hungary ; to
the advocates of centralisation, as well as to those
of nationality. With the publication of the arbitrary
statutes — affecting the constitution of the Provincial
Diets — a system was introduced that was neither
to the taste of the Hungarian Conservatives nor of
the German Liberals.

The principle of national self-government was, to
a certain extent, recognised in the convocation of
the Provincial Diets, but at the same time the in-
timation that local institutions would be carefully

144 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvm.

regulated by the Crown, in such a manner as not
to interfere with existing relations, considerably
lessened the value of this concession.

On the other hand, whilst the creation of a single
Legislative Assembly at Vienna was in theory con-
sistent with the views of the German Centralists,
the powers of the new Legislature were ill-defined ;
and the fact of its members being for the most part
nominees, chosen by the Crown from amongst the
delegates of the Provincial Diets, deprived the pro-
posed Reichsrath of a genuinely popular or repre-
sentative character.

It appeared as though events would justify the
warnings and the silent abstention of those Hun-
garians who considered that when, in the praise-
worthy desire for a reconciliation with Austria,
Count Apponyi and his colleagues had consented to
waive the due recognition of the Hungarian Diet,
they had been tempted into sacrificing the just
pretensions of their country, without gaining for the
common monarchy that genuine constitutional free-
dom which they had looked for in return.

But in spite of the unfavourable turn of the
reform movement, the Hungarian ministers deter-
mined to remain at their posts, in the well-founded
belief that by dint of tact and perseverance they
might still bring about the meeting of the Diet,
where the country might decide its own fate, and
perhaps succeed in removing those flaws in the

CHAP, xviii.] DEAK AND HUNGARIAN MINISTERS. 145

new arrangement which individual efforts were
powerless to eradicate. They still maintained, in
spite of recent discouragement, that whatever the
form of the Constitution designed for the whole
Empire, nothing would meet the interests both of the
monarchy and of the various provinces composing
it which was not founded on the principle of the
October Diploma — namely, common constitutional
treatment of the common affairs of the monarchy,
combined with as much regard as possible for the
historical autonomy of the separate provinces, and
their political and national individuality.

Thus there was no essential difference of opinion,
as to the ultimate object to be gained, between the
Hungarian ministers and Francis Deak. Both held
that the ' rights ' of Hungary, those peculiar consti-
tutional privileges, which required that laws should
not be imposed upon the land without the consent
of the Legislature, could not be ignored without de-
stroying the political existence of the country ; that
no change, however desirable, should be ' octroy£ '
upon Hungary, but should be carried out with the
free consent and co-operation of the Diet. Both
held that no devotion to their national rights would
justify the Hungarians in weakening the authority
and influence of the common monarchy. But the
Hungarian magnates aimed first at the attainment of
common constitutional government for the whole
Empire, in the hope that the recognition of the rights

146 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvm.

of individual states would follow in due course ;
whilst Deak believed that a genuine constitutional
regime for the common monarchy would never be
established until the constitutional rights of these
individual states had first been fully and legally
acknowledged. He had no faith in the power of
the Vienna Government to construct a Constitution
that should be based upon the theory, in favour
with some German Liberals, of ' forfeiture of right.'
It was because he believed, on the contrary, in the
vital and universal importance of the opposing theory
of the 'continuity of right,' not only for Hungary, but
for all the provinces of the Empire, that in November
1860 he gave as the mot tfordre in the impending
negotiations 'recognition of the laws of 1848,' and
thereby brought upon himself the charge of en-
dangering the successful attainment of a little by
demanding too much.

' How can I be your Judex Curiae ?' said Deak
to the Hungarian ministers when they would have
persuaded him to take office under the existing
regime. ' You forget that I am your Minister of
Justice, and that my resignation, which I sent in
in September 1848, has never yet been accepted.' l

1 Rogge, Unsere Zeit, 1876.

CHAP, xix.] THE PATENT OF FEBRUARY. 147

CHAPTER XIX.

Resignation of Golouchowski — February Patent issued by Baron von
Schmerling, Minister of the Interior — Triumph of Centralist party —
The Hungarian ministers still anxious to bring about a reconcilia-
tion— Office of Court Chancellor accepted by Baron Vay — Hostility
of the County Assemblies of Hungary to the Austrian Government
not encouraged by Deak — His efforts to moderate the violence of
the ultra-National party — Remonstrance against the disavowal
of existing judicial authority by the County Assemblies dangerous
to the liberty and the rights of individuals — Excitement in
Hungary before the opening of the Diet — Deak's forebodings —
March 1861, Dedk elected deputy for Pesth — His influence over
the Pesth County Assembly ; over the extreme Nationalist deputies
— Solution of difficulty as to place of meeting of the Diet.

BETWEEN October 1860, and February 1861, the
constitutional problem in Austria assumed a new
phase. Count Golouchowski was succeeded by
Baron v. Schmerling, and the Patent of February
issued under the auspices of the new minister
marked the triumph of the Centralist policy of the
German Liberals, and the inauguration of an attempt
to establish the Constitution upon an entirely
different principle from that laid down in the
October Diploma.

For the changed aspect of affairs in Austria, the
Hungarian ministers were no more responsible than
was Francis Deak for the uncompromising and

L 2

148 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix.

violent attitude of the Hungarian County Assemblies,
which had undoubtedly contributed to bring about
the present estrangement between the two countries.

Though seeing with regret the direction in which
matters were tending — thanks to the arbitrary ap-
plication of the October Diploma — the Hungarian
counsellors of the Crown had resolved not to give
up too soon the hope of arriving at some arrange-
ment to which their country might with justice to
itself agree.

Baron Nicholas Vay, a Protestant magnate, and
one of tlje most popular men in Hungary, who
in 1849 had been three times summoned before
General Haynau's military tribunal, twice acquitted,
and the third time condemned to two years' imprison-
ment in the Fortress of Theresienstadt, was pro-
posed by the Hungarians at Vienna for the office
of Court Chancellor.

The Emperor consenting to the appointment,
Baron Vay was summoned to the capital, where he
arrived still in ignorance as to the purport of his
journey. Whilst he was being enlightened by his
compatriots, Count Mailath and Baron Sennyei, on
the present state of the negotiations, the Chancellor
elect was called away to an audience of his Majesty.

The interview was short, and no definite scheme
of future policy was agreed upon, but the wished-for
result was obtained : the Hungarian magnate con-
sented to forget past wrongs, and to come loyally to

CHAP, xix.] BENEFICIAL INFLUENCE OF EMPEROR. 149

the help of his Sovereign in the new attempt to
restore harmony and confidence between Hungary
and the Imperial Government.

Never did a sovereign more abundantly deserve
the loyal support and self-sacrifice of his subjects,
be they of what nationality they might. For more
than five hundred years the Hapsburgs have
exercised a stronger and more personal influence
upon the destiny of States and nationalities than
any other reigning house in Europe. But the
power and prestige of the ancient dynasty, which for
centuries bore exclusively the Imperial title, were
too often employed with baleful effect by princes
who chose to make the name of Austria synonymous
with bigotry, despotism, and oppression, a byword
for blind resistance to liberty and progress amongst
all the freedom-loving nations of Europe. The
Emperor Francis Joseph has shown that the magic
power of the Hapsburg dynasty has not become
extinct even in this democratic age ; that it is a
power which can be used for good with as great
effect as it was once used for evil. The truly royal
patience and magnanimity displayed by the Sovereign
throughout the long and difficult endeavour to re-
concile the claims of his various subjects upon the
basis of constitutional and national freedom, was
an element in the ultimate success of the attempt
which none but a strong personal influence could
have supplied.

150 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix.

In enumerating the causes that in the opinion of
some foreign critics must speedily lead to the dis-
solution of the heterogeneous Empire of Austria,
the great Catholic State of Europe, sufficient account
is not always taken of the strength of the uniting
bond of dynastic loyalty. In looking back at the
principal changes which have passed over Europe
during the last twenty years, and comparing the
present position of Austria with her position at the
time of the Italian war of 1859, it seems at least
open to question whether the personal influence of
the last Hapsburg emperor has not tended more to
strengthen the foundations of the monarchy than
Solferino and Koniggratz, the Treaty of Versailles,
or the Peace of San Stefano, have done to endanger
them.

The line of uncompromising hostility to the
Austrian Government taken up by the provincial
assemblies on the re-establishment of the County
organisation of Hungary formed no part of Deak's
policy of legal resistance. He had, as we have
seen, been prepared to welcome the disposition
towards reconciliation evinced in the original scheme
of the October Diploma, and the long interview
which he had with the Emperor at Vienna in the
following December confirmed him in the earnest
desire to find a ' modus vivendi ' acceptable to all
parties in the State.

On his return to Hungary, Deak, not for the first

CHAP. xix.]DEAK AND THE COUNTY ASSEMBLIES. 151

time in his life, risked his popularity in the attempt
to moderate the unreasoning violence of the ultra-
National party in the County Assemblies, who
would have exercised their newly restored power in
sweeping away every trace of Austrian rule, and
refusing all recognition of officials appointed under
the central Government.

The lawyer in Deak, as well as the statesman,
was alarmed at the prospect of anarchy involved in
the ill-considered conduct of the ' ultras ' in thus
suddenly disavowing all existing judicial authority.
He acknowledged, he said, the importance that
should be attached to public opinion, even when
excited, but he should consider it an injury to
the State if private relations were to be decided
under the stress of a political agitation ; ' the voice
of the private person who has been unjustly dealt
with is far too weak to make itself heard above the
tumult of excitement, and individuals suffer with-
out the State being in any way benefited thereby.'
'After ten years of absolute rule under Joseph II.,
it was easy to restore the old order of things, for
then nothing but the organisation of the courts of
justice had been altered ; the law itself had not been
changed, no foreign code had been introduced into
our country, no new regulations founded upon a
basis distinct from the law of Hungary. But now
the case is entirely different ; old legal principles

152 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix.

have disappeared ; with new laws, new principles
of law have been established ; the legal relations
between private persons, both in our own country
and abroad, have been modified, and that to some
extent in the direction which in principle we our-
selves acted upon in 1848. And can any one with
the smallest idea of truth and justice doubt for an
instant that the legal relations which have arisen
out of the new laws must be judged by the same
laws under whose sanction, and in accordance with
whose ordinances, they came into existence P'1

Dedk's ideal of liberty was rather that of the
English than of the French reformers. No one
realised more keenly the advantages of a strong
central authority, whether for his own country or
for the common monarchy ; but in his conception
of a well-ordered political community, the State
played a less prominent part than in the schemes
of most constitutional reformers in France ; he was
ever a most jealous guardian of the freedom of
individual citizens.

' The struggle between Liberty and Depotism,'
he once said, ' is as old as history ; and it is always
a striking feature of the contest that that party has
invariably succumbed which did not fulfil its promise
to the nation. The absolute system held out the
prospect of order, peace, and material prosperity ;

1 Csengery, Franz Dedk> p. 148.

CHAP, xix.] ANXIETY AS TO THE FUTURE. 153

liberty, on the other hand, promises the enjoyment
of individual and civic freedom.'

For his part, Deak might fairly claim to have
spared no pains in the attempt to prevent the advo-
cates of constitutional liberty in his own country
from belying this promise of perfect individual
freedom without prejudice to race, religion, or
nationality.

Altered circumstances, both at Vienna and in
Hungary, had made the approaching assembly of
the Diet seem far less promising of a successful
issue than when Deak had first hailed the pro-
clamation of the October Diploma.

He felt oppressed with the difficulties attending
the harmonious settlement of the great question
affecting the future of his country, at a time when
at home and abroad the most extravagant hopes
and fears were rife, and the political atmosphere
was so charged with electricity that the slightest
friction might produce an explosion such as would
shatter the whole framework of the empire.

' I have lived through many hard times,' said
Deak — ' hard for the Fatherland, and hard for the
political position of individuals, but I have never
before known a time when I have not been able
to look forward, frankly, boldly, and with inward
contentment, to coming events, with at least the
satisfaction of knowing, understanding, and feeling
what was my duty as a citizen. But now, my brain

154 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix.

reels, my heart fails me, when I look into the chaos
of possibilities that lies before us, in emerging from
which a single false step may plunge the country
into ruin.' ' You write that the eyes of the country
are turned expectantly towards me,' he wrote to a
friend at this time. ' So much the worse for me
and for the country ; for the evil has come to such
a point that neither I nor any one else can save
the Fatherland from it.' l

In spite of his gloomy forebodings, Dealt worked
manfully at the attempt at least to minimise the
perils he realised so forcibly. In March 1861 he
was elected deputy for the town of Pesth, and very
shortly had an opportunity of using his great in-
fluence in the interests of moderation and prud-
ence ; he even succeeded in inducing that ardently
patriotic body, the Pesth County Assembly, to vote
the measures necessary for the levying of recruits
and the collecting of taxes — a concession to an
unconstitutional Government which most of the
officials of the newly restored County Assemblies
had refused to sanction, not without serious detriment
to the public service. In warning his countrymen of
the futility of trying to establish a more satisfactory
state of things in Hungary by a resort to violent
or aggressive measures, Deak would remark, ' You .
may blow up whole fortresses with gunpowder, but
you cannot build the smallest hut with it.' !

1 Csengery, Franz Dedk, p. 152.

CHAP, xix.] CONVOCATION OF THE DIET. 155

The Diet had been convened to meet at the
royal palace at Buda, in disregard of a law of 1848
which provided that for the future the Legislative
Assembly should be held in Pesth.

For a time it appeared as though all chance
of reconciliation were to be wrecked on this com-
paratively trifling question, the Left being anxious to
refuse all compliance with the royal summons until
a concession should have been made to them on
this point.

But Deak, having once entered on the campaign,'
was determined to exercise the rightful prerogative
of a leader in choosing his own ground, and he
resolved to occupy a more tenable position of
defence for the coming contest. He quietly an-
nounced that for his part he should go to Buda for
the opening sitting of the Diet, whether the other
deputies should follow him thither or not. The ex-
treme party, who in this instance were numerically in
the majority, agreed to a compromise ; the opening
ceremonial was attended by all the deputies at
Buda, and the subsequent debates were carried on
at Pesth.

156 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx.

CHAPTER XX.

Opening of the Diet by Count G. Apponyi — The Royal Rescript,
October Diploma, and February Patent treated as Fundamental
Laws overriding the Hungarian Constitution — Lord Brougham —
Increased strength of the Nationalist party, led by MM. Ghyczy
and Tisza — Dedk's First Address — Indignation of English and
German Liberals at Hungary's refusal to accept the new "Con-
stitution— A serious charge brought against the Hungarians —
Dedk's line of argument — The Pragmatic Sanction of 1723 — The
theory of relations between Austria and Hungary — How far had
this been carried out — Urme'nyi, Paul Ndgy — Austrian Sovereign
practically compelled to recognise validity of Hungarian claims
to constitutional independence — Archduke Charles and the Diet
— Emperor Francis and Paul Ndgy — The Diet of 1811 on the
financial proposals of the Imperial Government — Need for reform in
the Hungarian Constitution acknowledged by Deak — Main objections
raised in the First Address to the provisions of the new Austrian
Constitution.

ON the 6th of April 1861, the Diet was opened by
the Royal Commissioner, Count George Apponyi.

Nothing could have been more gracious than the
tone of the speech from the Throne. His Majesty,
it was said, felt deeply the mistrust to which the
remembrance of the past eventful years had given
rise in Hungary, and was persuaded that harmony,
confidence, and sincere reconciliation could only be
brought about by reciprocal respect for rights, and
mutual consideration of interests. After announcing

CHAP, xx.] ROYAL RESCRIPT. 157

that the principal object of the Emperor in con-
vening the Diet was ' to deliberate with the
legislative bodies on the restoration, maintenance,
and remodelling of the Constitution, to receive the
consecration of the Holy Crown, and issue the
Inaugural Diploma preliminary to his coronation,'
the speech proceeded to explain the reasons that
rendered it imperatively necessary to carry out the
first provisions of the October Diploma, without
previous consultation with the Hungarian Diet,
and that 'compelled his Majesty to hold certain
ordinances of the laws of the land in abeyance
until the constitutional system should, after a re-
newed revision, come into full force.'

In short the October Diploma and the February
Patent, with all that they entailed, were regarded
in the royal speech as the irrevocable Constitution
of the Empire ; and the Hungarian Legislature
was simply invited to discuss subsidiary details,
and to express its opinion on the mode in which
the definite organisation, rendered necessary by the
change in the internal affairs of Austria, might be
brought into accordance with such of the con-
stitutional rights of Hungary as might be not
incompatible with the new Constitution of the
Empire.

' In Hungary,' said Lord Brougham, speaking at
Dublin in I86I,1 'the ancient Constitution as it

1 Addresses of the Hungarian Diet in 1861, translated from the
Hungarian by J. Home Payne, Esq.

158 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx.

existed before 1848 is restored, and the establish-
ment of that which was formed in a season of civil
war is alone refused.'

Not so thought the Hungarians.

The extreme Nationalists, who now constituted
the Opposition party in the Diet, had been growing
constantly more powerful since the first assembly
of the Legislature ; and the ardour of hostility to
the Vienna Government was not checked by the
tragic death of their leader, Count Teleki, on the
eve of the opening debate. His place was at once
filled by M. Ghyczy and M. Tisza, their party
numbering a slight majority in the Lower House.

On the 1 3th of May Francis Deak, who for the
past few weeks had been hard at work in collabora-
tion with his friend M. Csengery (known in Pesth
as ' Deak's pen '), read to the House the proposed
reply of the Diet to the speech from the Throne — a
reply couched in the loyal and respectful language
which the tone of the Emperor's gracious message
amply demanded.

It was the first of those famous Addresses in
which Deak, with the wide knowledge of a historian,
the logical reasoning and clear argument of a
jurist, and the dignified moderation of a statesman,
set forth in the name of his country the reasons
why Hungary, with all grateful acknowledgment
of the Emperor's good intentions in conferring
constitutional government upon the Empire, yet
could not consent to the provisions of the October

CHAP, xx.] OBJECTIONS TO DEAK'S POLICY. 159

Diploma, and the system of government there laid

down for Hungary as well as for the other provinces
of the Empire.

Great indignation was expressed by Liberals in
England as well as in Germany against the
Hungarian leader, for thus continuing his policy
of resistance in face of the new Constitution
proffered by Francis Joseph and his advisers.

' Here,' it was said, ' is a nation declining to
accept liberties of infinitely wider extent and
more liberal character than those it had enjoyed
under the provisions of its ancient charter. Not
only does it injure itself by this obstinate refusal
to accept an improvement upon its antiquated
Constitution, but by this selfish abstention it pre-
vents the successful working of the new Imperial
Constitution, which would have established parlia-
mentary government, and secured to all the different
provinces of the Austrian Empire the ample en-
joyment of their rights and local privileges.'

This is a serious indictment, but on closer ex-
amination it will be acknowledged that there was
more justification for the conduct of the Hungarian
people than would be apparent from the foregoing
view of the situation.

To appreciate Deak's line of argument as pre-
sented in the two Addresses of 1861, and to under-
stand the force of his objection to the assertion that
the new Constitution offered Hungary a boon more

160 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx.

valuable to his country than the rights which she'
was asked to sacrifice, it may be well to recall what
had been the position of things before the political
earthquake of 1848 had shaken the mutual relations
of states to their foundation.

According to the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, it
had been definitively agreed, in the interest both of
Hungary and of the Hapsburg dynasty, that, as
regarded the rest of Europe, Austria and Hungary
should constitute one State, but that, as regarded
the internal relations of the two countries, each
should maintain its separate national existence and
distinctive form of government — the bond of union
between them, the pledge of their identity in all
dealings of the State with foreign Powers, consisting
in the person of the hereditary sovereign, who in
matters of internal legislation and administration
formed the sole point of contact between Hungary
and the other provinces of the Empire. Such was
the theory of the relations between Austria and
Hungary.

No doubt, in the course of a hundred and fifty
years, force majeure and the natural tendencies of
absolutism on the one hand, political subserviency
and the blinding influence of class prejudices on
the other, had frequently caused an infraction of the
original stipulations, and had warped or obscured the
ideal theory of the unity of the State and the inde-
pendence of the nation, recognised in the Pragmatic

CHAP, xx.] REASSERTION OF OLD PRINCIPLES. 161

Sanction, and embodied in the Constitutional Laws of
Hungary. Too often, it is true, the Hungarian nobles,
in their dread of losing any fraction of their caste
privileges, had played into the hands of the Vienna
Government, and by their connivance at, or actual
participation in, illegal and unjust proceedings, had
seemed to sanction a theory of government in which all
question of Hungarian independence was disregarded.

But with all the servility and treachery which had
sometimes brought discredit upon the Hungarian
aristocracy, and had imperilled the national independ-
ence, there had never been wanting patriotic men
to assert the rights and interests of their country ;
men who refused to use the letter of the Constitution
as a weapon for destroying the spirit of it ; who,
whilst clinging to the loyal observance of the law
themselves, demanded that others should do the
same.

Francis Deak and those who thought with him,
might in this respect claim their descent from the
Magyar patriots who formed the small but far-
sighted band of reformers in the Diet of 1 79 1 ; from
those magnates who, like Zichy, Urmenyi, and
Batthyany in 1792, succeeded in wringing from the
Government, even amidst the excitement of an
approaching European war, the acknowledgment
of the constitutional independence of their country ;
from Paul Nagy and the "Old Guard" of the
Opposition in 1825.

1 62 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx.

It is not difficult to show that the rights and
privileges claimed by the Hungarians were frequently
overridden by their powerful neighbours ; but on
the other hand there is abundant evidence to prove
that though the Austrian Emperor may often have
used his giant's strength like a giant, he was always
ready to acknowledge that by right he was bound
to consult with Hungary and not to command her ;
that the refractory country with its Diets and County
Assemblies could not be treated in the same arbitrary
fashion as the Hereditary States ; and there had
always been separate Hungarian ministers to per-
petuate, in name at least, what was too often merely
the fiction of national administrative independence.
The responsible Hungarian Ministry established by
the Laws of 1848 was but the modern development
of the old system of Hungarian Courts and Chan-
celries ; not, as Lord Brougham had said, the creation
of a season of civil war.

Even during the crisis of the Napoleonic Wars,
the Emperor dared not disregard the Constitution
he would so gladly have abolished.

The popular Archduke Charles, a great favourite
with the warlike Magyars, had even then felt that
his only hope of carrying out the important changes
in the military system of Hungary, which he
earnestly desired, was through the Diet, which was
accordingly summoned for the first time after an
interval of ten years. The subject had to be ap-.

CHAP, xx.] ATTITUDE OF THE DIET IN 1811. 163

preached cautiously, being introduced in a speech
from the President of the Lower House ; but in the
end the Diet, indignant at the inadequacy of the
Royal Propositions with reference to the redress of
long-standing grievances, and at the fresh burdens
which it was sought to lay upon the nation, refused
absolutely to gratify imperial wishes by transferring
to the Austrian War Minister the unconditional
control of the Hungarian army, and the Archduke
was forced to be content with receiving the military
aid of the Magyars on their own terms.1

As regards the financial relations theoretically
existing between Hungary and the Empire, it is a
significant fact that in the Diet of 1811 the Emperor
Francis failed entirely to induce the representatives
of the nation to vote an extraordinary levy for the
purpose of guaranteeing the 100,000,000 florins of
paper money then to be found in the Imperial
Treasury. The demand was met with the reply
from the deputies that in no case would they consent
to give the required guarantee, inasmuch as the
Government had committed the mistake of confound-
ing the finances of Hungary with those of the
Hereditary States ; moreover, it was impossible that
under present circumstances they could give their
approval to the proposed financial operation, because
it was forbidden them to impose upon their country

1 See Sayous, La Hongrie depuis 1790.

M 2

1 64 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx.

prospective taxation. The Diet maintained its
point, and the royal proposition was withdrawn.1

During the critical year of 1807, when Napoleon,
relieved from anxiety on the score of Russia by the
interview at Tilsit, was making Austria feel the
precarious nature of the peace lately signed at
Presburg, the military preparations of the indomitable
Empire in view of a possible renewal of hostilities
had to be carried on with the utmost secrecy.
Under these circumstances the attitude of Hungary
was of vital importance. The eloquent harangues
of Paul Ndgy, the patriotic leader of the Opposition
in the Diet, now assembled at Presburg, must be
silenced at all costs. But what were the means
resorted to ? Any interference on the part of the
Austrian Government would infallibly have roused
the Hungarians to a more dangerous pitch of excite-
ment. The King of Hungary alone could hope to
influence the conduct of his Magyar subjects.

Paul Ndgy was summoned to Vienna, and in a
private audience with the Emperor was admonished
to be more circumspect in his language. Loyalty to
the Sovereign prevailed for the time over all other
considerations ; Paul Ndgy promised to observe a
discreet silence, and henceforward no perilous
allusions to the French Empire in the Diet at
Presburg complicated the foreign policy of Austria.2

1 See De Ge'rando. 2 Sayous.

CHAP. xx.j DEAK JUSTIFIED IN HIS PROTEST. 165

That the Constitution of Hungary stood in great
need of reform to fit it for the requirements of
modern times and altered circumstances no one
recognised more fully than Francis Deak himself,
when in 1833 he first entered upon public life. For
twenty years he had laboured heart and soul to free
it from the defects which had furnished adversaries
of contrary opinions with a pretext for aiming at its
destruction ; but once convinced that the reformed
Constitution of Hungary was the best form of
government for his country, he might well feel
justified in straining every nerve to uphold and hand
down unimpaired to his successors that noble heritage
which for centuries had distinguished Hungary
amongst the despot-ridden States of Europe.

Hence in answer to the charge that in refusing
the ' octroye ' Constitution of 1861 the Hungarians
were refusing what was in fact an immeasurable
improvement upon their own, it might fairly be urged
that the ancient national system which they were
required to supersede by Baron Schmerling's German
Parliament had been changed by the Hungarians
themselves, with the sanction of royal authority,
into a Constitution that was now valued not only by
the nobles but by all classes of the people, and
which was as much superior in the eyes of the
Hungarians to the new Constitution introduced into
the Empire as the latter undoubtedly was to the
absolute system which had preceded it.

1 66 FRANCIS DEAK, [CHAP. xxi.

CHAPTER XXI.

Reference to historical documents proving existence of ' personal ' as
opposed to ' real ' union between Austria and Hungary — Sanctioned
laws can only be abrogated by the power which created them —
Protest against suspension of the laws — Deak prepared to go beyond
what is required by strict legal obligations — Conditions for the
coronation of the King of Hungary, and restoration of harmony
between Austria and Hungary — Vehement anti-Austrian spirit in
Hungary — Indignation against Hungarian obstructives in Austria
— Warnings addressed to Hungary by English writers — Impractic-
ability of Deak's suggestion of double parliamentary government —
Excited feeling in Pesth ; prophecy of civil war — Difficulty of
finding means of reconciling concession to public feeling in Hun-
gary with possibility of further negotiation with Vienna — Opposi-
tion between " Address " party and " Resolution " party in the Diet
— Partial victory of the ultra-Nationalists — Alteration in title of
the Address — Appeal to precedent — Victory for the Moderates or
Address party.

THE pith of the objections raised by the Hun-
garians to the new parliamentary system in which
they were required to take part is to be found in the
following clause of the First Address : * ' This Di-
ploma would rob Hungary for ever of the ancient
provisions of her Constitution which subject all
questions concerning public taxation and the levy-
ing of troops throughout their whole extent solely
to her own Diet. It would deprive the nation of
the right of passing in concurrence with the King

1 From the translation by J. Home Payne, Esq.

CHAP, xxi.] REPLY TO THE ROYAL RESCRIPT. 167

its own laws on subjects affecting the most im-
portant material interests of the land. All matters
relating to money, credit, the military establishment,
customs and commerce of Hungary, these essential
questions of a political national existence, are placed
under the control of a general Council of the Empire
(the Reichsrath), — a body the majority of whom
would be foreigners. There, these subjects would
be discussed from other than Hungarian points of
view, with regard to other than Hungarian interests.
Nor is this all ; in the field of administration this
Diploma makes the Hungarian Government de-
pendent upon the Austrian, on a Government which
is not even responsible, and which, in the event of
its becoming so, would render an account not to
Hungary, but to the Council of the Empire, which
would give no guarantee for our interests where
these should come into collision with those of
Austria.'

By elaborate reference to historical acts and
treaties, and to the former political relations be-
tween Hungary and the Hereditary States, Dealt
essays to prove that from the time when Austria
and Hungary were united under the same ruler,
'none but a ' personal union,' consisting in the
identity of the reigning sovereign, had legally existed
between the two countries.

Once again the principle is asserted which
throughout his life forms the cardinal point in Deak's

1 68 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi.

political creed : ' Sanctioned laws can only be
abrogated by the power which brought them into
existence. In a constitutional country only the
entire Legislature can create a law. For one
member of the Legislature to set aside the same,
or whilst professing Constitutionalism to hold in
abeyance statutes which were suspended by the
absolute power because incompatible with that
system, is a proceeding which militates against
every constitutional conception. ... A parlia-
mentary government, a responsible ministry, free-
dom of the press, with its concomitant trial by jury
and the right of self- taxation, are the strongest
guarantees of constitutional liberty.

' Our sanctioned laws have given us those
guarantees, and never shall we consent to their
abrogation or curtailment, however modified ; we
shall always regard a temporary suspension of
these laws as a suspension of the Constitution, as
a denial of the constitutional principle itself.'

But the spokesman of the Hungarian people was
a practical statesman as well as a jurist and a
patriot. Even whilst asserting in these uncom-
promising terms the theoretical position of Hungary,
Deak was careful not to close the door upon the*
hope of eventual reconciliation by claiming the
actual concession of all that might be demanded on
the strength of ' legalite formelle.' ' We do not
wish,' said the Address, ' to endanger the existence

CHAP. XXL] CONCLUSION OF FIRST ADDRESS. 169

of the monarchy ; but are prepared on a basis of
equity and from considerations of expediency to go
beyond what strict legal obligations would require
of us, to do all that a due regard for our inde-
pendence and constitutional rights will allow, in
order that the crushing burden resulting from the
reckless policy of the hitherto existing absolute
system may not annihilate at once the prosperity of
the Hereditary States and our own, and that the
ruinous consequences of the past hard times may
be averted from us both.' . . . ' The King of
Hungary,' concludes the Address, 'becomes only
by virtue of the act of coronation, legal King of
Hungary, but the coronation is coupled with certain
conditions prescribed by law, the fulfilment of which
is indispensably necessary. The maintenance of
our constitutional independence, and of the terri-
torial and political integrity of the country, in-
violate, the completion of the Diet, the complete
restoration of our fundamental laws, the restoration of
our parliamentary government and our responsible
ministry, and the setting aside of all the still sur-
viving consequences of the absolute system, are
the preliminary conditions which must be carried
into effect before deliberation and reconciliation are
possible.'

The calm and dignified language of the State
documents in which the controversy between the
Government and the Hungarian Diet was carried

i?o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi.

on, would give but a faint idea of the turmoil of
excitement raging at this time in Vienna and Buda
Pesth.

The extravagant spirit of anti-Austrian hostility
to which many of the County Assemblies in Hungary
had recently given vent, aroused a corresponding
feeling of irritation in the Cis Leithanian provinces,
where perhaps not enough allowance was made for
the fierce reaction which twelve years of silent
enthralment was likely to produce amongst such a
people as the Hungarians.

The random declamations of patriotic orators,
luxuriating once more in the free display of their native
eloquence before an enthusiastic and sympathising
audience, made more impression in Austria than
the moderate language and reasonable propositions
of the national leaders. An angry expression such
as that attributed to the Hungarian orator who was
said to have exclaimed, ' What do we care about
Austria ? ' when caught up and spread abroad
through the newspapers, was more widely read and
produced more effect on the public mind than all
the careful arguments and historical references by
which statesmen on either side sought to 'manager'
the national sentiments of both parties.

Amongst politicians in Vienna, and indeed
amongst all the advocates of Herr v. Schmerling's
idea of a centralised parliament, the indignation
against the Hungarian ' obstructives ' was naturally

CHAP. XXL] GERMAN AND HUNGARIAN LIBERALS. 171

very great ; for it was the German Liberal party,
now in the ascendant, who had procured the
addition of the February Patent to the original
Diploma, for which latter the Hungarian ministers
and the majority of the non- German members of the
Imperial Council had been chiefly responsible.

The belief held at one time by the German
Liberals, that the extreme Nationalist party in
Hungary might be enlisted as an ally in the attempt
to establish a central parliament at Vienna, on
' progressist ' and separatist principles, was now
entirely dispelled by the union of all parties in
Hungary in support of Deak's First Address, which
made it abundantly clear that the form of govern-
ment devised by Herr v. Schmerling had not
the remotest chance of being accepted at Pesth
by those whose demand was seen to be not
for a Constitution, but for the Constitution of
Hungary.

It was inevitable that the German Liberals, being
now in power, and having acquired a position in
which they might at last hope to put in execution
their favourite scheme of a central parliamentary
government in which the German element would be
predominant, feeling keenly moreover the necessity
on financial grounds for bringing the present state of
uncertainty to an end, — should resent bitterly the
conduct of Hungary in thus preventing the im-
mediate introduction of an uniform settlement for

172 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi.

the whole Empire. Nor was the disapproval of
Dedk's policy confined to politicians at Vienna.

By many English Liberals the position of
Hungary was declared to be false and illogical.
She was warned that the reputation of her people
for statesmanship and patriotism had been seriously
damaged, and was advised to accept without selfish
resistance the state of things which Providence had
imposed upon her in the birth of new institutions in
Austria. As for the arguments and suggestions
based upon Francis Dedk's 'legal lore/ they were
declared to be of a ludicrous impracticability ; one
writer demonstrating conclusively by reference to
a passage from Lord Macaulay that the idea of
two parliaments was a manifest impossibility, and
a scheme that could not last half a dozen years.

In Pesth, on the other hand, the fever of agitation
ran no less high than in Austria. The scenes in the
Diet were such as to remind the spectator of the
debates in the County Assemblies during the great
reform battle of 1840. All the fire of Hungarian
eloquence was aroused ; youthful orators, clad in
the picturesque national costume, addressed stirring
appeals to the galleries ; the House rang with the
cries of ' Eljen ' that greeted the vigorous outburst
of some patriotic assailant of the Vienna Govern-
ment ; the old uncompromising opposition fervour
of pre-revolutionary days seemed to have got sole
possession of the Assembly ; recollections of 1 849

CHAP, xxi.] DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS. 173

were evoked, and a new era of civil war was freely
prophesied.

Any one who was present at the first meeting of
the Hungarian Diet in the spring of 1861 would
acknowledge that it must have required something
more than the ' legal lore ' and ingenuity of a jurist,
to frame an address which should have satisfied the
imperious demands of the Hungarian Legislature
and nation for an unyielding assertion of their
rights, and yet at the same time have left an
opening for further negotiation with the Imperial
Government.

Indeed it appeared at first as though even Deak's
influence and authority were powerless to keep the
nation to the course in which, as his instinct told
him, lay the sole hope of a future reconciliation.

The party in the Diet in favour of presenting the
Address as it stood, led by Deak himself, was opposed
by the extreme Nationalists, headed by M. Tisza
and Baron Podmanicky, who proposed to reply to
the Royal Speech (or Rescript) simply in the form
of a Resolution, stating, that until he should have
been crowned in accordance with the Laws of 1848,
Francis Joseph could not be regarded as the legal
sovereign of Hungary. On this point, after long
debate, the Ultras, or ' Resolution party,' were
defeated by a majority of three ; but they succeeded
in carrying an amendment to the effect that in the
address the Emperor should be styled simply by the

174 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi.

title of Majesty, leaving out the words ' Imperial
Royal.' This victory of the ' Resolution party ' in
the Diet was a severe blow to the hopes of the
Hungarian ministers at Vienna. All chance of re-
conciliation was at an end if the Emperor should
resent — as was not unnatural — this discourteous
rejoinder to the well-disposed and even gracious
tone of the Royal Rescript, and yielding to the
advice of his German ministers, should renounce all
idea of coming to a reasonable understanding with
his Hungarian subjects, and at once dissolve the
Diet. To accept the Address as at present worded
would be derogatory to the dignity of the Crown ;
to refuse it absolutely, would be to give a most
undesirable triumph to the extreme parties both in
Pesth and Vienna.

Thanks however to the goodwill and the in-
genuity of some of his advisers, a most characteristic
method of escape from the dilemma was discovered.

It was suggested that by reference to an act of
1790 a precedent could be found in Hungarian
history for addressing the Monarch as ' Imperial
Royal ' before he had been formally crowned King
of Hungary. On the strength of this discovery, the
Address was returned to the Diet with a Rescript
countersigned by Baron Vay and M. Szedenyi,
intimating that it could only be received by His
Majesty when addressed in a manner becoming his
royal dignity.

CHAP, xxi.] VICTORY OF THE MODERATES. 175

Backed by all the weight of a well-authenticated
precedent, the ' Address party,' or Moderates, after
repeated conferences, succeeded in carrying their
point ; the amendment was withdrawn, and the
Address sent back to Vienna in the original form.

176 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

CHAPTER XXII.

Gradual establishment of Baron Schmerling's Centralist policy —
Ascendency of the German Liberals visible in the tenour of the
Royal Rescript of July — Regret of the Hungarian ministers —
Fruitless remonstrances— Resignation of Baron Vay— In the July
Rescript the laws of '48 not suspended, but simply abrogated —
Hungarians summoned to Imperial Parliament at Vienna — Deak's
Second Address — Second Address carried unanimously ; sent to
Vienna with a protest from both Houses against a premature and
unconstitutional dissolution of the Diet — The Diet dissolved —
Provincial laws reintroduced — Rescript of November suspending
the Hungarian Constitution — Deak's warning to his countrymen
against a resort to violence or illegal measures — Deak's withdrawal
into private life on the close of the negotiations.

MEANTIME the preparations of Herr v. Schmerling
and his coadjutors for a Constitution upon the
ground of purely parliamentary institutions, went
on apace. The representations of the Hungarian
ministers, to the effect, that at least the number of
delegates to be sent by Hungary to the new Par-
liament House at Vienna should be left to the
decision of the Diet, were unavailing. A complete
' octroy6 ' Constitution was now the order of the
day, and the amendments and remonstrances of the
Hungarians were disregarded, or overruled by an
appeal to the majority which the German ministers
could now command in the Imperial Council. The

CHAP, xxii.] TRIUMPH OF THE CENTRALISTS. 177

bureaucracy was entirely on the side of Schmerling,
as was the German element throughout the country,
reasonably confident of a preponderating influence
in the future administration. The claims of pro-
vincial Diets — including the Hungarian Legislature
—might well, it was considered, be required to
subordinate themselves to the dispositions of a
Ministry which was prepared to give them in exchange
for local autonomy the advantages of a central
Parliament, organised on the most approved Liberal
principles. That the Reichsrath at Vienna appeared
likely to be an Imperial Parliament only in name, in
consequence of the refusal of Bohemia, Hungary, and
Galicia to send to it the prescribed quota of represen-
tatives, was perhaps no fault of Baron Schmerling
and the advocates of the new Constitution ; it was
the fault of historical facts, and of human nature.

The paramount ascendency of the parliamentary
Centralists was plainly evident in the tenour of the
Royal Rescript of July in reply to the First Address
of the Hungarian Diet, which no longer bore the sig-
natures of Baron Nicholas Vay and Count Szedenyi,
but of Count Forgach and M. Koloman Beke.

The Hungarian ministers at Vienna, with little
sympathy for the ultra- Nationalists in the Diet in
their demand for the unqualified restoration of the
Laws of 1848, and with a sincere desire to bring
about an understanding between their country and
the Imperial Government, were yet forced reluctantly

178 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

to acknowledge that the measures taken by the
Austrian ministers, and the new aspect now given
to the controversy in the reply to the First Address,
made it impossible even for Dedk himself, supported
as he was by the whole strength of the Diet, to
advance a step further towards a compromise.

It was in vain that the late Hungarian chancellor
and his colleagues had urged upon the German
ministers, that the necessity for some closer bond
than a mere personal union having been practically
conceded by Francis Dedk in the recent Address,
the settlement of the future relations between
Austria and Hungary might safely be left for dis-
cussion in the Diet, with full reliance upon the
statesmanship and good sense of its leaders. It was
in vain they pointed out, that, by taking as the basis
for further negotiations the principles established in
the Pragmatic Sanction, a means might still be found
for reconciling a due respect for the undisputed rights
of Hungary with the equally undisputed necessity
for united action in the common affairs of the
monarchy ; and in vain they proposed that to meet
the pressing exigencies of those questions of com-
mon concern which required immediate settlement,
a deputation should be appointed by the Diet to
confer upon such matters with the Government and
the Reichsrath.

The plans of the German ministers and their
supporters were too far advanced to be disorganised

CHAP, xxii.] ROYAL "RESCRIPT OF JULY. 179

by a return to what would have been in effect an
application of the October Diploma, now eclipsed
by the Patent of February.

The draft of the second Rescript was drawn up
with such complete disregard of the representations
of the Hungarian ministers that the latter had no
choice but to resign ; with the melancholy conscious-
ness that the step about to be taken by the Imperial
Government would only widen the breach which they
and the Deak party in Hungary had been labouring
so earnestly to heal.

The sting of the Royal Rescript of July lay in
the insistance upon the unqualified acceptance by
the Hungarian Legislature of the Austrian Con-
stitution, as formulated in the Patent of February.
There was no question here of the Diet consenting
to 'suspend' the Laws of 1848; they were simply
abrogated ; there was no recognition, even in form, of
the undoubted validity of the claims of Hungary, of
that ' legalite formelle ' which Hungarian statesmen
had acknowledged might with reason be subordinated
to a regard for the common good of the monarchy.
The favours conferred by the Sovereign were im-
pressively dwelt upon, whilst the maintenance of
the existing and old-established laws of the nation
was treated as a question not of right but of
expediency. ' We indeed acknowledge,' said the
Rescript, ' that agreeably to the contents of our
former Diploma the Hungarian Diet will, in deviation

N 2

i8o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

from former law, deliberate on all questions concern-
ing taxation, the liability to military service and its
regulations, henceforth only in common with the
other constitutional representatives of the Empire.'
But this summary abrogation of ancient rights was
not to be without its compensations. ' We at the
same time call the attention of the Estates and re-
presentatives, in Diet assembled, to the circumstance
that until now their influence extended over but a
small area of the field of taxation, and not, as will
be the case agreeably to our said Diploma, over
all matters of taxation and finance.'

To'some this might appear a tempting prospect ;
but Hungary being Hungary, it was as improbable
that a new scheme of government, however perfect,
thus ' octroye ' upon the nation should be gratefully
accepted, as that Englishmen should consent to
discard the ancient British Constitution in favour of
a system recommended to them by the President of
the United States as better suited to the political
requirements of the Anglo-Saxon race in its modern
development.

The Second Address of the Hungarian Diet, in
answer to the July Rescript, is a masterly and
exhaustive statement of the position of Hungary
in relation to the Sovereign and to the rest of
the Austrian Empire, and a spirited vindication
of the conduct of the country in refusing obedience
to the roval commands.

CHAP. XXIL] SECOND ADDRESS. 181

With a force of argument and an animation of
style that carry the reader with unflagging interest
through a State paper over a hundred paragraphs in
length, Deak in this remarkable document replied
point by point to the arguments and assertions
of- the Rescript, and showed the inconsistency of
grounding the royal demands on an appeal to the
Pragmatic Sanction, when the stipulations of the
Pragmatic Sanction were actually being violated in
the suspension of the Constitution and laws of the
country by the sole force of absolute authority.1
The demand that representatives should be sent
to the Imperial Parliament (created without the
consent of Hungary), there to deliberate on matters
— such as taxation — which concerned the internal
affairs of the kingdom, was in itself, Deak pointed
out, contrary to a clause in the Third Act of 1715,
which declares ' that his Majesty will not rule and
govern the Estates in any other way than according
to the own laws of Hungary heretofore made, or
hereafter to be made, through its Diet,' and that
' Hungary shall not be governed according to the
manner of the other provinces.'

1 It may be objected that, considering the proportions of this
Memoir, too large a space is devoted to the purely legal and historical
questions involved in this and the foregoing Address of the Hungarian
Diet. But on the other hand, to attempt an account, however brief
and superficial, of Deak's work, without entering at some length on
the great state controversy of 1861, in which he played the chief part,
would be to write the Life of Wellington with but a cursory allusion to
the Peninsular Campaign. The quotations throughout are from the
translation by Mr. Home Payne.

182 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

In answer to the assurances contained in the
Rescript that the guarantees of the constitutional
independence of the country would not be en-
dangered, but on the contrary further secured, if
Hungary were to discuss the questions of taxation
and military service in common with the repre-
sentatives of the Hereditary States, — the Address
boldly declares : ' We find in these words no ground
whatever for the least reassurance. The consti-
tutional independence of the country is seriously
infringed by the very fact that your Majesty, with-
out the previous consent of the Diet, of your own
might takes from the land this cardinal right ; that
your Majesty of your own authority ordains laws,
and without once asking the Diet whether it accepts
these essential alterations of its ancestral Constitu-
tion, treats the same as an accomplished fact, and
commands us straitway to send representatives to
the Council of the Empire (Reichsrath), which will
take the place of our Diet in exercising those rights
with regard to Hungary.' . . . 'Where would be
the guarantee of the constitutional independence of
Hungary, if at a future period a successor of your
Majesty, appealing to this precedent, should act in
the same manner with our other laws and rights, and
should by a command of his own power and authority
suppress or modify these without the previous
consent of the nation, and then instruct the Diet to
complete these mandates in the field of legislation ?'

CHAP, xxii.] HUNGARY AND HEREDITARY STATES. 183

After showing by reference to former Acts,
notably those of 1715, 1790, and 1827, that Hun-
gary through her Diet had always in reality
possessed and exercised the right of herself dis-
posing of the lives and money of her citizens, and
had never shrunk from heavy sacrifices, when
threatened danger to the monarchy had made
them necessary1 — the Address grapples once more
with the question of the relations established by
the Pragmatic Sanction between Hungary and the
Hereditary States, in consequence of the identity of
the common sovereign.

The particular Acts quoted in the Royal Rescript
are declared not to demonstrate a more intimate
real union, but on the contrary, to confirm the politi-
cal and administrative independence of Hungary.
' The methods, the conditions, and the forms pre-
scribed by law, by which the prince becomes King
of Hungary, are one thing, the steps by which he
ascends the throne of the Hereditary States are
another.'

The present arrangement existing in the Dual
Empire of Austria-Hungary is foreshadowed in
the passage referring to the necessary unity in the

1 A right which the Sovereign had no reason to grudge the nation.
It could certainly not be maintained that a rigid respect for con-
stitutional laws had the effect of making the Hungarians niggardly
with their contributions in times of danger to the monarchy. The
campaigns of 1799 and of 1800, in which Hungary took a foremost
share, cost the Kingdom 100,000 men and 30,000,000 florins. (See
Sayous.)

184 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

administration of foreign affairs. ' The sovereign
rights in Hungary being vested by the Constitution
in the person of the King of Hungary, who is at the
same time ruler of the Hereditary States, it follows
as a matter of course that rights of this nature should
be exercised, both in relation to Hungary and to the
Hereditary States, by the same sovereign. Such a
royal prerogative is the right of the King of Hungary,
by virtue of which he decides of his own sovereign
will the external relations with foreign Powers, and
foreign affairs generally.'

That questions of peace or war should be sub-
ject to the influence of Hungary, that Hungarians
should not be excluded from the administration of
foreign affairs, and should be admitted to the foreign
embassies, had indeed been stipulated by various
laws for the past two centuries ; but the supreme
control of foreign affairs had always been placed
in the hands of the King ; and the country, satisfied
with its highest and amplest guarantee in its right
to grant taxes and levy recruits, only desired that
Hungarians should have their due influence in their
administration.

' This principle too in reference to foreign affairs
was carried out by the Diet of 1847-48, which
respecting the said royal right, and maintaining it in
its full integrity, established no special Hungarian
Ministry for Foreign Affairs, but considered it
sufficient that the minister attached to the person

CH. xxii.] MILITARY AND FINANCIAL RELATIONS. 185

of his Majesty should exercise the influence secured
to the kingdom by the laws above enumerated.'

The military and financial aspect of the relations
between Hungary and the Hereditary States is next
dealt with ; the legislative and administrative in-
dependence of the kingdom in these matters being
demonstrated not only by reference to the sanctioned
laws of the Diet, but to the evidence of historical
facts, which show that the Emperor had in times
past recognised, not only theoretically but practically,
the necessity for separate dealings with Hungary.

As to the former (the military relations), an
enumeration of the various important matters which
had always been subject to the decision either of
the Hungarian Council of Lieutenancy or to com-
missioners appointed by the Diet, ' places it beyond
a doubt that the law of 1848 which entrusted to
a responsible minister the administration of the
military department, without prejudice to the royal
prerogative of the Hungarian king, was passed in
accordance with the spirit of the former laws.'
With regard to the latter (the financial relations),
also, it is carefully shown that by law the adminis-
tration of the income of the country was independent
of, and separate from, the administration of the
other ' provinces.' The determination of the taxes
belonged to, and was settled by, the Diet, without
any influence being exerted on it by the Hereditary
States.

186 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

Having refuted in detail the various statements
quoted by the Royal Rescript from former Acts to
prove the existence of a central Government having
a right to direct matters relating in common to
Hungary and the other provinces, — Deak explains
that he had entered thus fully into the former rights
and position of the country in order to lay before
his Majesty the true and firm basis of the legitimate
wishes submitted in the First Address, and to prove
that 'the rights of the country did not owe their
origin to the legislation of 1848, but have existed
according to older laws.' ' The Laws of 1848 have
only given the rights of the nation a newer, clearer,
and more determined form, a form more adapted to
the requirements of the times. With regard to the
relations between the nation and the Sovereign, no
new rights were created or established.'

After making the daring assertion that, ' if the
Laws of 1847-48 did create new rights, if they
had altered the Public Law of Hungary not merely
in form but in substance, we should still have the
right to demand — as we do demand — all that they
contain ; for these laws were enacted by the con-
stitutional Legislature, by the common consent of
the King and the nation, and are therefore binding,
until repealed by the same common consent of the
Sovereign and the nation,' Deak proceeds to
vindicate the aforesaid Laws of 1848 from the
charge of having caused the convulsions which in

CHAP, xxii.] MISTRUST OF AN ' OCTROI.' 187

that eventful year had agitated Hungary in common
with the other provinces of the Empire. The
Constitution bestowed upon the Hereditary States
in 1 848 contained none of the separatist tendencies
with which the Hungarian laws are reproached,
' yet this bureau-born Constitution, whose principles
had been established by royal power, was speedily
revoked, convulsions followed there also, and there
too the absolute system was introduced. Croatia,
which had taken up arms against the Laws of 1848,
and is certainly not open to the same reproaches
made against them, suffered the same fate as
Hungary and the other provinces, and lost too all
its constitutional rights.' ' The convulsions, the
dangers, and the introduction of the absolute
system were then not the consequences of the Laws
of 1848, for the absolute system was imposed
beyond the jurisdiction of the Hungarian Laws,
nay, even where they met with resistance.'

The promise of the Monarch in the Royal
Rescript to restore the Constitution, and that con-
ditionally, by the exercise of royal absolute authority,
is declared to give no confidence whatever in the
stability of even that partial restoration which it
boasts of having already effected ; there is no
guarantee that rights acknowledged to be dependent
on royal authority may not on the strength of the
same authority be again revoked or suspended.

' Did our holiest duty and our conscience not

190 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

mask of constitutionalism the attempt at incorpo-
ration which the absolute power had so often,
though unsuccessfully, attempted, was to be renewed.
This anxiety and its invariable companion, mistrust,
would at every step impede the progress of
deliberations, and often make them impossible ;
would finally either dissolve the Council of the
Empire, or lead the majority to conduct productive
of bitterness and hatred, not between individuals,
but between people and people, land and land.
This without doubt would be the greatest blow that
could reach the Empire.'

Whatever may be the opinion of politicians as to
the probable stability of the present Dual system,
few will deny that Deak has been justified in his
belief that the concession to Hungary of her long-
sought rights would not loosen but strengthen the
bonds uniting her with the Empire.

The following protest against enforcing the
* centralised unity ' of the Empire is based not only
on the opinion of a Hungarian patriot as to the
form of administration best suited to his own country,
but on a broad principle of government applicable to
all states, and in all times : ' A forced unity will
never make the Empire strong ; the outraged
feeling of the individual states, and the bitterness
arising from the pressure of force, awaken the desire
for separation, and therefore the Empire would be
the weakest just at the moment when it would be in

CHAP, xxii.] 'CENTRALISED UNITY.' 191

want of its united strength and the full enthusiasm
of its peoples. The position of an empire as a
great Power whose unity can only be maintained by
force of arms, is precarious, and least safe in the
moment of danger. . . . Feelings and ideas will
extend themselves ; and because a "centralised unity "
is in opposition to the past of the individual lands
to which they look back with pious recollection,
because it is opposed to the hopes they nourish for
the future, the practical carrying out of " centralised
unity " will have to contend not only with hostile
feelings, but in the course of open deliberations with
opposition and considerable difficulties. If therefore
your Majesty wishes your Empire to be free and
really strong, your Majesty cannot attain that object
by a compulsory unity, but by a mutual understanding
arrived at through the free consent of the nation.'

Something of the same idea as to the true nature
of a strong empire had been expressed in very
vigorous English eighty years before : ' Perhaps,
sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an empire as
distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But
my idea of it is this, that an empire is the aggregate
of many states under one common head, whether
this head be a monarch or a presiding republic. It
does in such Constitutions frequently happen (and
nothing but the dismal cold dead uniformity of
servitude can prevent its happening) that the
subordinate parts have many local privileges and

i88 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

command us to protest against this "octroi," we
should still cling to our own ancestral Constitution,
because that Constitution, which has sprung from
the existence of the nation, and concurrently with
the nation, has grown to maturity, developed, and
extended itself, according to all precedent, answers
its purpose better, and is more durable than an
" octroi." We could appeal in this respect to history,
and quote examples from other countries ; but we
will only call to mind how many constitutions or
systems taking their place have been introduced into
the Austrian Empire since 1848, of which some
have never come into operation, others have sur-
vived but a short time.'

Had the Address ended here, the Austrian and
Hungarian statesmen who so earnestly desired in
the interests of the monarchy to bring about a
speedy reconciliation between the two countries,
might justly have complained that, whilst establish-
ing beyond dispute the ' le"galite formelle ' of Hun-
gary's position, and giving eloquent expression to
the strong constitutional and patriotic feelings of
his countrymen, Deak had yet shown himself in-
capable of appreciating the true nature of the
situation as it affected not only the Hungarian
Constitution, but the safety and well-being of the
whole Austrian Empire.

But Deak had not ignored this side of the
question, and was prepared to show that in fighting

CHAP. XXIL] COMMON AFFAIRS. 189

thus stubbornly for the rights of Hungary he was
not endangering the true interests of the Hereditary
States. Although taking his stand on the theory
of a ' personal union,' he was willing to modify it
in the direction of a ' real union,' so far as this
might be done lawfully and with the free consent
of the nation. ' We have no desire,' so ran the
Address, ' to endanger the existence of the Empire ;
we do not wish to dissolve the union lawfully
existing through the Pragmatic Sanction. The
"personal union" is a bond from which common
relations spring, and these relations we wish to bear
in mind.' After pointing out that the Third Act of
1848 had made special provision for the settlement
of those relations which affect ' the common interests
of the country and the Hereditary States,' the
Address declares the willingness of the Hungarian
Legislature from time to time freely and openly
to confer with the constitutional peoples of the
Hereditary States. . . .

' By such means it will be much more easy to
settle in special cases matters affecting our joint
interests than by a common Council of the Empire,
to which we could not send deputies without
sacrificing our most essential rights and our
constitutional independence, and which Hungary
would moreover enter with the anxious fear that
in spite of all verbal assurances she would be
considered as an Austrian province ; that under the

192 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

immunities. Between these privileges and the
supreme common authority the line may be extremely
nice. Of course disputes, often too very bitter
disputes, will arise. But .though every privilege is an
exemption (in the case) from the ordinary exercise
of the supreme authority, it is no denial of it. The
claim of a privilege seems rather "ex vi termini "
— to imply a superior power. For to talk of
the privileges of a State or of a person who has
no superior is hardly any better than speaking
nonsense.

' Now, in such unfortunate quarrels among the
component parts of a great political union of
communities, I can scarcely conceive anything more
imprudent than for the head of the empire to
insist that if any privilege is pleaded against his
will or his acts, that his whole authority is
denied ; instantly to proclaim rebellion, to beat to
arms, and to put the offending provinces under the
ban. Will not this very soon teach the provinces to
make no distinctions on their part ? Will it not
teach them that the Government against which a
claim of liberty is tantamount to high treason is a
Government to which submission is equivalent to
slavery ? ' 1

But Burke's words of remonstrance and warning
fell unheeded, and the American Colonies ceased to
form part of the British empire.

1 Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America, 1775.

CHAP, xxir.] NON-MAGYAR NATIONALITIES. 193

To return to the Address. With reference to his
Majesty's declaration, that he has given validity to
one part of the Laws of '48, but ' never has and
never will ' acknowledge the other part, asking the
Diet at the same time to modify a part of those
laws and submit to the Royal Sanction Acts for
their repeal, the Address, whilst announcing the
readiness of the Diet, when completed, to transform
and more clearly define certain points in the Laws
of 1848, protests absolutely against the assumption
that his Majesty is entitled to repeal of his own
authority any part whatever of the existing laws.
Above all, the Diet demurs to the unconstitutional
principle that his Majesty does not consider himself
personally bound to recognise the Laws of '48.

After vindicating elaborately the claims of the
Hungarian Diet with respect to the administrative
reunion of Transylvania, Croatia, and Fiume, and
explaining the position which the legislation of
1848 had established with regard to the non-Magyar
peoples cif Hungary, Deak adds : ' But we know
that the constantly developing feeling of nationality
deserves respect, and must not be weighed by a
measure derived from former times or older laws.
We shall not forget that the non-Hungarian in-
habitants of Hungary are in every respect citizens
of the country, and we are prepared sincerely and
readily to secure to them by law whatever their own
interests or that of the country demand.'

194 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

Francis Deak was not one of those whose
theories of patriotism are framed exclusively to
suit their own race or country. In condemning the
pride of race, the perhaps over-zealous patriotism,
which is sometimes laid to the charge of the
Hungarian people, it is well to remember that Count
Sz6chenyi, Baron Josika, and Francis Dedk are
Magyars who have at least as much right to be
cited as typical representatives of their nation, as
the vehement ultra-Magyar orators who are some-
times regarded abroad as the only true exponents
of Hungarian opinion.

After summing up shortly the foregoing arguments
and defining the present attitude of the country, the
Address ended with the declaration that ' in con-
sequence of the Royal Rescript we are compelled
with the greatest sorrow to regard the thread of
negotiations through the Diet as broken of.'

Those who knew Francis Deak, not only as the
dauntless champion of the national rights, and the
accepted leader of a united party, but as the far-
sighted careworn man who realised with a painful
intensity of personal feeling the dangers and
difficulties that beset his country, were well aware
that the closing passage of the Address was no
mere rhetorical peroration, but the genuine expression
of sad though not hopeless foreboding : ' It is
possible that our country will again pass through
hard times ; we cannot avert them at the sacrifice of

CHAP, xxii.] CONCLUSION OF SECOND ADDRESS. 195

our duties as citizens. Constitutional freedom is not
our possession in such a sense that we can freely
deal with it ; the nation has with faith entrusted
it to our keeping, and we are answerable to our
country and to our conscience.

'If it be necessary to suffer, the nation will
submit to suffering, in order to preserve and hand
down to future generations that constitutional liberty
it has inherited from its forefathers. It will suffer
without losing courage, as its ancestors have en-
dured and suffered, to be able to defend the rights
of the country ; for what might and power take
away, time and favourable circumstances may
restore ; but the recovery of what a nation renounces
of its own accord from fear of suffering, is matter of
difficulty and uncertainty. The nation will suffer,
hoping for a better future, and trusting to the justice
of its cause.'

In the debates on the First Address, Deak had
been forced to defend himself against the charge of
excessive caution and even cowardice, and had
been driven to declare in words which made a deep
impression upon his auditors : 'He who is careful
about his own personal safety when the interest of
his country is at stake, is indeed timid and cowardly ;
but the man who with no fear for himself is anxious
solely for his Fatherland, who is prudent not for his
own sake, but to avert danger from his country, he
is neither timid nor a coward. When we are acting

o 2

1 96 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

only for ourselves, we may run what risks we please ;
but when it is a question of acting on behalf of those
who have entrusted their destiny to our hands, of
the fate of the country itself, then we must run no
risks ; prudence is a duty. We are bound to hazard
our all for the country, but not the country itself.'

On the present occasion, however, the Diet ac-
knowledged, that the man who had preached cau-
tion, when the prevailing excitement amongst his
countrymen was all in favour of a spirited policy,
who had braved misunderstanding and even sus-
picion rather than endanger the interests of his
country and disobey the voice of conscience, could
speak out boldly enough when he believed that the
right time had come.

The Second Address was carried unanimously,
and sent to Vienna accompanied by a protest from
both Houses of the Legislature against a breach of
the Fourth Act of 1848, which decrees that ' the Diet
cannot be dissolved until the Ministry has submitted
to it the accounts of the past year, and the estimates
for the ensuing one, and until the Diet has passed
resolutions.'

The result of this Address, the last will and
testament of the doomed Assembly, was a foregone
conclusion.

In spite of the efforts of Counts Mailath and
Apponyi at Vienna, the Diet was dissolved, and the
provisional laws and ordinances in force before the

CHAP, xxii.] SUSPENSION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 197

commencemant of the recent negotiations re-estab-
lished. Protests against the dissolution of the Diet
were sent in from many of the County Assemblies,
amongst others from that of Pesth, where a general
congregation was summoned for the 3Oth of Sep-
tember. But the short interlude of municipal liberty
had gone by, at least for the present.

On the members of the Assembly appearing on
the appointed day, to the number of seven hundred
and fifty, the hall was found in possession of
Austrian troops, and the Hungarians were forced
to disperse without having held their meeting.

At the beginning of November a Royal Rescript
was published suspending the Hungarian Con-
stitution, the existing authorities in the counties
were removed, and military tribunals re-established
throughout the country.

Once more Deak warned the nation not to be
betrayed by these arbitrary measures into acts of
violence, nor on any pretext whatsoever to abandon
the ground of legality.

4 This is the safe ground,' he said, ' on which, un-
armed ourselves, we can hold our own against armed
force. Law endues men with such serenity that in
holding closely to it they can await in confidence
the most critical events ; it is this which supplies
the oppressed with their chief need, the power to
suffer with dignity ; for dignity is conferred by law,
and by law only.'

198 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn.

On the sudden rupture of all negotiations through
the Diet, the leader himself, the representative of
the nation, relapsed again into private life.

The summer at this time he spent mainly on
the estate of his brother-in-law at Szent-Laszlo,
the winter in the ' Queen of England ' hotel at
Pesth.

At the height of his fame, Deak could never be
brought to assume the habits and surroundings of a
political personage. The 'wisest Hungarian/ the
distinguished statesman, whose able defence of his
country's rights had drawn upon him the attention
of Europe, continued always to lead the same life of
homely simplicity as the young deputy who came
up to the Diet at Presburg thirty years ago.

On the very day on which Parliament was
dissolved and all hope of further negotiation was
therefore at an end, Francis Deak, it was said, might
be seen, playing bowls and chatting with a knot of
intimate friends, at one of his favourite haunts in the
environs of Pesth, as though no ' bon bourgeois ' in
the capital were more entirely innocent of all share
in the political events of the time. If he disliked
and avoided all ostentation and unnecessary publicity,
it certainly could not be said of the ' sage of Kehida '
that he affected to enhance his reputation by any
mystery of seclusion. Day after day he was to be
seen, either pacing the streets of Pesth, his hands
folded behind his back, the inevitable cigar between

CHAP, xxii.] POLITICAL INACTION. 199

his lips, deep in conversation with one of his
numerous devoted friends ; or strolling over the
beautiful grassy slopes of the hills that overhang
the western banks of the Danube ; or listening* to
the lively political gossip in the dining-room of the
' Queen of England ' hotel, occasionally breaking
into some heated discussion with a humorous
commentary or warning, that had more effect in
forming the public opinion of Pesth than half a
dozen leading articles.

Notwithstanding his apparent disappearance from
the prominent place which he had occupied during
the past few months in the face of Europe, Deak
had by no means let go the reins which none but he
could handle with such masterly power, and was
quite prepared to undertake again the guidance of
his country's course when the times should seem
ripe for a fresh advance.

' We can wait,' the German minister had proudly
said, when thwarted in his schemes by the opposition
of Hungary.

' We can wait,' was Dedk's motto, as he quietly
resigned himself and his country to a second period
of political inaction.

200 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxin.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Baron Schmerling's Imperial Parliament — 'Full Reichsrath' — 'Di-
minished Reichsrath ' — Entrance- of deputies from Transylvania —
Embarrassment of Baron Schmerling between the Cabinet and
his Liberal supporters in the Lower House — Growing discontent
with prevailing state of things — Dedk content to await the pressure
of circumstances — Hungary under the Provisorium different to
Hungary under the System — Disposition towards reconciliation —
The Emperor and Dealt both pursuing the same end — Impossibility
of a change so long as Schmerling remained in power — The
minister pledged to maintain the present Constitution — Plea for
support on ground of foreign complications — Gracious intentions
of the Emperor towards Hungary — Controversy between
Lustkandl' and Deak.

FOR four years the Austrian Constitution as or-
ganised by Baron Schmerling maintained a difficult
and precarious existence.

It was a strong proof of the ability and dexterous
management of the Minister of the Interior, that
so exceedingly artificial and one-sided a piece of
mechanism, should have worked even this length
of time without breaking down.

The theory of a ' Full Reichsrath,' to which the
various provincial Diets should all send their repre-
sentatives in obedience to the regulations of the
February Patent, remained a theory and nothing

JHAP. xxiii.] 'FULL' AND 'LESSER' REICHSRATH. 201

more, in consequence of the refusal of Hungary
and Croatia to comply with the commands of the
Imperial Government.1 During the first two sessions
of the new Parliament, the Legislative Assembly
was supposed therefore to be only the Lesser (or
Diminished) Reichsrath ; though to satisfy his Liberal
supporters, the Constitutionalists, Baron Schmerling,
braving the remonstrances of Czechs and Con-
servatives, allowed the Lower House to discuss
the ' estimates of the State expenditure ' as though
it were the Full Reichsrath, which alone was
entitled to decide upon affairs common to the
whole empire.

In the session of 1863 an expedient was found
for gradually transferring to the actually existing
' Lesser Reichsrath ' the functions that should,
according to the Constitution of February, have
been exercised by the unfortunately non-existent
' Full Reichsrath.'

The Diet of Transylvania, based on the newly
introduced electoral laws, and composed entirely
of the Saxon and Rouman nationalities, dutifully

1 ' The sphere of action of the Full Reichsrath embraces (according to
Art. II. of the Diploma of October) all subjects of legislation which
have reference to rights, duties, and interests common to all the
kingdoms and lands, including military service, regulation of money,
customs and commerce, imperial finance, and general estimates of the
State expenditure. To the Diminished Reichsrath belong, with the
exception by the matters mentioned above, all subjects which are not
expressly reserved of the Provincial Ordinances for the several Pro-
vincial Assemblies represented in the Diminished Reichsrath.' —
Patent of February 1861.

202 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxm.

accepted the provisions of the February Patent, and
sent delegates to the Reichsrath at Vienna.

The presence of the Transylvanian deputies was
declared to constitute a Full Reichsrath ; on their
withdrawal from the Chamber, the scene changed,
and the Assembly became at once the Lesser
Reichsrath ; thus with a respect for the ' Unities '
worthy of the classical drama, subjects pertaining
to one or the other body could be dealt with on
the same day, in the same place, and by the same
persons. No more ingenious method could have
been devised for reconciling the exigencies of theory
with the realities of fact.

In the end, however, the task of satisfying the
demands of the Centralist Liberals in the Lower
House, and at the same time preserving a good
understanding with the non-German representatives
and Conservatives, became too hard even for Baron
Schmerling. His position was a peculiar one, the
chief supporters of the minister and of the Constitu-
tion, as identified with the February Patent, were
the advanced German Centralists, who, owing to the
provisions of the Patent, had acquired such control
over the finances as to give them an influence
which they were not backward to take advantage
of, when the Budget came to be submitted for
discussion in the Lower House.

But the minister was aware that if the Constitu-
tionalists made too free a use of their privileges in

CH. xxiir.l BARON SCHMERLING'S DIFFICULTIES. 203

this respect, and pressed too strongly for important
changes — such as recognition of ministerial respon-
sibility— which were beyond their legitimate scope to
effect, and were moreover highly distasteful to the
Cabinet, the whole scheme of parliamentary govern-
ment ' octroye ' by one minister might be withdrawn
by a more favoured successor.

Thus, both to refuse and to concede the demands
of his Liberal supporters, was equally dangerous to
the position of the chief author of the Constitution.

With the financial embarrassments occasioned,
or at least heightened, by the perpetual disputes
over the Budget in the Lower House, discontent
with the existing state of things increased amongst
the non-German populations ; a desire for some
change, the conviction of the necessity for coming
to some agreement with Hungary, grew daily more
pressing.

In those attempts to establish a satisfactory
compromise which had taxed the best endeavours
of the Hungarian ministers before the publication
of the October Diploma, Deak had taken no part,
because he believed that events were not then ripe
for a solution, which, however desirable in itself,
would never be arrived at without the aid of
necessity and the sheer force of circumstances.

' He knew,' says M. Csengery, ' that peace between
the Monarch and the Nation could be firmly
established only if the agreement came about

204 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxni.

of itself, so to speak, as a matter of political
necessity.'

But the aspect of affairs in Hungary at this time,
even under the Provisorium, was very different
from what it had been during the twelve years
of Herr v. Bach's regime. Instead of a mute,
hopeless resistance, there was a feeling in certain
circles, not indeed of amity, but of an openness to
reconciliation, — a disposition to accept the hand of
friendship when it should be cordially held out.
The bitter self-contained resentment of former years
had subsided, and the relations of the non-German
inhabitants of the Empire towards their Magyar
fellow-subjects had been rather improved than
otherwise by the staunch resistance of the Hungarian
Diet to the centralising tendency of the February
Patent.

That much discontent and hostility still prevailed
throughout the country, was sufficiently attested by
the plots and secret negotiations discovered from
time to time by the Austrian Government, by the
suspicious attitude of Hungary three years later
during the Austro-Prussian war, and by the strength
and numbers of the party which subsequently car-
ried on in the Diet a strenuous opposition against
the Hungarian Government and the Compromise
of 1867.

But signs were not wanting in the course of
the four years during which Hungary underwent a

CHAP, xxiii.] DEAK AND SCHMERLING. 205

second period of arbitrary rule to show that though
the thread of negotiations through the Diet might
have been broken off, yet all channels of com-
munication between the leading statesmen in the
two countries had not been closed.

There were at least two men in the monarchy
who were determined that, so far as their influence
and goodwill could avail, Austria and Hungary
should find a means of blotting out past differences,
and forming one State, based no longer upon force,
but on community of feeling and interest. The
Emperor and Francis Deak were steadily pursuing
the same object, though from the nature of their
respective positions they approached it from a
different standpoint.

So long, however, as the chief personage of the
present Ministry remained in power in Austria, it
was morally impossible that the demands of the
united Hungarian nation, as set forth in the Second
Address of the Diet, should be satisfied. Baron
Schmerling was no less completely identified with
the policy of a stringent centralisation than was
Francis Deak with the cause of national autonomy
and the preservation of historical rights. The very
'raison d'etre' of the minister being involved in
the successful maintenance of the Constitution as
developed in the February Patent, it would have
been as impossible for him to yield to the remon-
strances of the Hungarian Diet, as it would have

206 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xxm.

been for the popular champion in Pesth to accept
a portfolio as minister, and take part in the de-
bates of the Reichsrath at Vienna. It is therefore
not surprising that the various endeavours made
during the first years of the Provisorium to come to
a formal understanding between the two parties in
Austria and Hungary should have been unsuccess-
ful ; that the programme brought forward by Count
Apponyi at the conference of Hungarian statesmen
in 1862, even though supported by the Pesti
Naplo, the organ of the Deak party, should have
proved unacceptable at Vienna ; that the proposal
for a compromise founded on the Liberal Pro-
gramme of 1847, suggested by Count Forgach in
1863, should have met with no better fate.

So long as Baron Schmerling could rely upon
the support of the German Liberals in the Lesser
Reichsrath, and insure the toleration if not the cor-
dial acceptance of the existing Constitution on the
part of the Court party and the Upper House,
so long he could maintain his position without the
necessity for such concession to the Hungarians as
would in fact have destroyed the symmetry of the
present Centralist Government, and diminished the
prospect, at best a doubtful one, of its ever striking
firm root throughout the Empire.

All suggestions of compromise therefore, however
reasonable they might appear to their Hungarian
promoters, could from the nature of things be met

CHAP. XXIIL] ROYAL CONCESSIONS TO HUNGARY. 207

only with the stipulation that the October Diploma
and the Patent of February should be regarded as
Fundamental State Laws, from which no appeal was
possible.

The reluctance of the Cabinet, moreover, to enter
upon an embarrassing discussion of the unsleeping
4 Hungarian question,' found convenient justification
in the various foreign complications which enabled
them to silence the remonstrances of discontented
politicians at home with the unanswerable plea,
that, in dealing with matters of foreign policy the
Government of the day must have all the weight
and authority conferred by, at least, the ostensible
support and sanction of the various fractions of the
State.

But whatever the exigencies of the Government,
the Sovereign himself had never wavered in his
gracious intentions towards his Hungarian subjects.
In 1862, at the request of Count Forgach, and with-
out the intervention of the Cabinet, an amnesty
was declared by the Emperor for all political
prisoners in Hungary, and about the same time a
Royal Rescript announced the grant of a subvention
from the Hungarian Exchequer towards the support
of the National Museum and Theatre at Pesth.

The few words addressed by the Emperor to a
deputation of gentlemen from the Landowners'
Association of Hungary made a profound im-
pression in that country, and created a feeling of

208 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxm,

hopefulness not to be discouraged by the repeated
failure of the official negotiations. 'It is my
wish/ said Francis Joseph, ' to satisfy Hungary
not only in material respects but in other matters
also/ l

In the autumn of 1864 the question of Hungary's
State rights was brought prominently before the
public mind by a controversy between the Viennese
jurist Dr. Lustkandl', an ardent supporter of
Baron Schmerling's policy, and the great Hungarian
lawyer. On this occasion Deak broke the silence of
three years with a vigorous reply to the arguments
of Dr. Lustkandl', in which he showed the danger of
insisting too strongly upon the convenient theory
of ' Forfeiture of Right ' — a theory that might be
turned against the legitimate authority of the Crown
as effectively as against the historical rights of the
people. In the following year it became apparent
that the Hungarian problem was reaching a stage
when it was beyond the scope of professors and
jurists, however learned, to solve ; and that political,
not legal, arguments were to come into play.

1 Dreijahre Verfassungsstreit.

CHAP, xxiv.] AUSTRIA'S FOUR POLICIES. 209

CHAPTER XXIV.

Cause of Austria's unstable condition — Successive policies — ' Great
Germany ' policy — Conference at Frankfort — Renewal of negotia-
tions with the Hungarian magnates — Dedk's Easter article in
the Pesti Naplo — Appeal from the Government to the Sovereign —
Acknowledgment of the existence of ' common affairs ' — Letters by
Dedk in the Debatte — Statement of Hungarian claims accept-
able to all parties in Hungary — Difficulties still to be overcome —
Visit of the Emperor to Pesth — Count Maildth, Court Chancellor,
Baron Sennyei, Tavernicus — Evidence in these appointments of
intention to treat with Conservative, not ultra-Liberal, party in
Hungary — A blow to the Schmerling Ministry — Further embarrass-
ment caused by debates over the Budget — Resignation of Baron
Schmerling — Count Belcredi, Minister of the Interior — Close of the
Reichsrath — Speech of the Archduke Rainald — Indication of a
coming change of policy.

A FRENCH writer1 has ascribed the perilous and
unstable condition of Austria to the unfortunate
necessity which has compelled her in the course of
the past hundred years to take up four successive
lines of policy. First the Danubian policy, when
the energies of the monarchy were directed against
the Ottoman power. This line being abandoned
under the present Emperor, and the role of patron
of the Christian races of Turkey passing exclusively

1 M. de Forbade.

210 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxiv

to Russia, an Italian policy was initiated, in which
Austrian interests were identified with the main-
tenance of papal and imperial supremacy over an
unwilling people, Austrian troops occupied Florence
and Milan, and the black and yellow flag waved over
the Castle of St. Angelo. After the collapse of the
Italian policy in 1859, a distinctively German policy
was adopted ; and the 'gross Deutsch Idee,' rendered
more attractive to German Liberals from its connec-
tion with the first establishment of Constitutionalism
in Austria, found an able and zealous champion in
Herrv. Schmerling.

But the growing influence of the Hohenzollerns
in Germany, the failure of Austria to obtain from
Europe the recognition of the brilliant position
claimed by her at the conference at Frankfort in
1863 as undisputed chief of the German Confedera-
tion, the cold indifference of Hungary and the non-
German provinces of the Empire, — all combined to
convince the Hapsburg Emperor that circumstances
did not favour his ambition to become an Austrian
Charlemagne.

If it needed Sadowa to bring fully home to the
minds of Francis Joseph's advisers the important
truth that the safety and greatness of the Austrian
Empire were to be found in consolidating, not in
extending, the range of its dominion, it would seem
as though the Sovereign himself was earlier
convinced that the 'Great Germany' policy, pure

CHAP, xxiv.] THE EASTER ARTICLE. 211

and simple, could no longer be relied on, if his
Empire were to remain a compact and powerful
state.

Towards the close of 1864, the question of
negotiation with Hungary again coming to the
foreground, all eyes were once more turned towards
Francis Deak. This time the Conservative magnates,
mindful of the difficulties and misunderstandings that
had hindered their well-intentioned efforts to render
the October Diploma acceptable to the Hungarian
people, resolved not again to enter the lists against
the German ministers in the capacity of ' generals
without an army;' and accordingly Count Mailath
and Baron Sennyei repaired to Pesth, there to take
counsel with the true representative of Hungary be-
fore embarking on further negotiations at Vienna.

In the famous Easter article which appeared
in the Pesti Naplo in the spring of 1865, Dedk
showed in what spirit he was prepared to meet these
renewed overtures at reconciliation. From the
ministers of the Crown at Vienna he turned to the
Sovereign himself. The cause of the disputes, said
the Easter article, which had so often arisen be-
tween Austria and Hungary, and had threatened at
times to break up for ever the unity of the monarchy,
might in every, instance be traced, not to Hungary,
but to those Austrian statesmen who had attacked
her Constitution and her laws. The Hungarian
Constitution, it was pointed out, had never been

p 2

2i2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv.

opposed to the safe existence of the monarchy ; by
its means, the nation in times of danger had always
fulfilled its obligations with regard to the preserva-
tion of the Empire with energy, and sometimes with
brilliant success. After recognising the futility of
looking for a reconciliation between Austria and
Hungary in a change of opinion on the part of the
present ministers, Deak appealed to the wisdom and
love of justice of the Sovereign ; declaring at the
same time that, ' whilst the Hungarian nation would
never give up its constitutional independence, it was
prepared, when once this should be restored, to take
such legal measures as might be proved necessary
for bringing its laws into harmony with the stability
of the monarchy.'

When in the First Address of the Hungarian
Diet, Deak, speaking in the name of his countrymen,
had declared that Hungary was prepared to enter,
' from case to case ' and on special occasions, into
deliberation with the constitutional peoples of the
Hereditary States, — the expression had provoked
vehement protests from the Extreme party ; Paul
Uzany exclaiming, ' That phrase " from case to case "
will take us straight into the Reichsrath.' But
Deak had carried his point then, and he did not
hesitate now to adopt the same line of good sense
and sound statesmanship.

The Easter article acknowledged fully the
existence of affairs common to both halves of the

CHAP, xxiv.] LETTERS IN THE ' DEBATTE.' 213

Empire, and even gave to the term * common affairs '
a wider signification than had been expected from
the popular champion ; always however with the
understanding that their settlement should not be
left to the decision of a parliamentary majority in
the Reichsrath, but should be arrived at after due
consultation between delegations appointed for the
purpose.

It was the Deak party that had spoken in the
Easter article. After a short interval came an
answering voice from the Conservative magnates
and their allies at Vienna. As if to show the
complete harmony that now prevailed between the
Hungarian magnates and the main body of their
compatriots, the complement to the article in the
Pesti Naplo appeared in a series of letters emanat-
ing from Deak himself, and published in the
columns of the Debatte, the organ of the Conserva-
tive party.

In the recognition of the existence of 'common
affairs ' and the proposition to discuss these through
delegations appointed for the purpose, a basis of
action had been found on which all parties in
Hungary, with the exception of the Extreme Left,
could agree.

The letters in the Debatte, claiming to be the
authentic expression of Hungarian opinion, were
widely read on both sides of the Leitha, and
produced a distinctly favourable effect at the

214 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv

critical juncture, when the relations between Baron
Schmerling and his Liberal supporters in the
Reichsrath, were becoming constantly aggravated by
the inability of the former to satisfy the demands of
the German majority in the Lower House, and by
the refusal of the latter to replenish the Imperial
Exchequer, until their claims had been granted.

The views and wishes of Hungary, as set forth in
the Debatte, were based on a complete acceptance
of the Pragmatic Sanction. From an examination
of this fundamental compact were deduced two
important and undeniable facts. First, that there
are affairs common to all the lands of the Austrian
Empire ; second, that all affairs common to the
Empire are so only in so far as their being treated
as common is necessary to the safety of the
monarchy.

After showing that the Pragmatic Sanction regards
all the Austrian lands as belonging to one common
ruler, and considers the maintenance of the power and
dignity of the ruler as a ' common affair,' and that
it also binds the several lands to mutual support,—
the writer in the Debatte argues from hence, that
the management of foreign affairs and of the army
are ' common affairs.' The providing of money for
all such purposes is also declared to come under the
same category ; the Hungarian Finance Minister
being therefore bound to furnish the proper quota of
Hungary to the Imperial Exchequer, whilst leaving

CHAP, xxiv.] BASIS OF GENERAL AGREEMENT. 215

to the Diet the settlement of those matters of
internal finance which were not common to the
monarchy.

From these premises as to the position of
Hungary with regard to the Sovereign and to the
other lands of the Austrian Empire, the writer draws
the conclusion, that a central Parliament at Vienna,
legislating not only for common affairs, but for the
internal administration of Hungary, is impossible ;
that a separate Ministry for Hungary is indispensable ;
and that the two halves of the Empire ' must be
considered as two aggregations of lands having a
parity of rights.' *

No statement of the Hungarian position could
have so well succeeded in enlisting the approval and
adherence of the best men on all sides in Hungary.
The Conservative magnates saw full justice done to
their view as to the necessity of common action in
matters concerning the dignity and unity of the
monarchy. The Deak party and the Moderate
Liberals acknowledged that the principles here laid
down, committed them to no surrender of that
ancient constitutional independence which they had
guarded so jealously against the insidious attacks of
Baron Schmerling's German Constitutionalism.

There was still a labyrinth of difficulties to be passed
through between 1865 and 1867 ; but Deak had
never lost hold of the clue which had enabled him to

1 See Studies in European Politics, M. E. Grant Duff, M.P.

216 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv.

guide his country safely through the troubles and
complications of twenty years, and which was
destined to lead him to the wished-for goal at last.
In 1865, Hungary, speaking through the mouth of
Deak, was asserting the same principles, claiming
the same rights, rendering and demanding the same
scrupulous respect for law and justice, as in 1847.

A long interval had passed since the bright
hopes which had then seemed so near their
fulfilment had been destroyed.

Were the hopes of 1865 to be as speedily
extinguished ?

The appeal of Hungary to the Sovereign did not
remain unheeded. In June of the same year the
Emperor of his own initiative (and contrary, it was
rumoured, to the wishes of his ministers), undertook
a journey to Buda Pesth, this time to stand face
to face with his Hungarian subjects in the royal
palace at Buda.

The last occasion on which the magnates had
assembled in the Hall of Audience was to hear the
Royal Rescript which had called upon Hungary to
forego the ancient Constitution of the nation, and
merge herself in the Austrian Empire.

Instead of the chilling silence that had greeted
the message read from the Throne four years before,
the hall now rang with the cheers of the assembled
nobles, as Francis Joseph, with that perfect mastery
of the Magyar language which is in itself a charm

CHAP, xxiv.] ROYAL VISIT TO PESTH. 217

in the eyes of his Hungarian subjects, delivered a
speech expressing warm sympathy with Hungary,
though refraining from rash promises that might
have raised undue expectations and made the work
of final agreement more difficult.

Cardinal Szitowsky, the venerable Primate of the
Kingdom, found at length that favourable oppor-
tunity for an interview with his Sovereign which he
had sought in vain on the occasion of the last royal
visit to Pesth in 1857; at the conclusion of the
Emperor's address, it fell to him to declare in the
name of his country what Hungary desired of its
King, and to assure his Majesty that the hearts of
all his subjects would be faithful to the prince who
should guarantee to them their rights.

The royal visit to Hungary was of short duration,
but it was long enough to prove, if proof were
needed, that the chivalrous loyalty of the Magyars
was not a thing of the past, and that the experiment
of bearding the lion in his den had not been tried
too late for success. The King's reception by the
mass of the people was no less cordial than that
accorded him by the nobles. In the evening of the
same day on which he had received the magnates,
the Emperor presided at a banquet in the old palace
at Buda. As he looked down from the terrace that
crowns the Danube, upon the enthusiastic multitude
thronging the steep streets and broad quays of the
twin cities, now brilliantly illuminated in honour of

218 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv.

their unwonted and welcome guest ; as he heard the
wild defiant music of Rakoczy's March, played by
the imperial band, answered with the stately strains
of the Kaiser Lied from the strange half-barbaric
instruments of the famous Ziganers, the national
musicians of Hungary, Francis Joseph may well
have felt that it could only be by a perverse
fatality of mismanagement and misunderstanding,
if his Kingdom of Hungary did not become the
strength, instead of the weakness, of the Austrian
Empire.

Shortly after the return of the Emperor from Pesth,
the German ministers at Vienna were surprised by
the announcement that Court Mailath had accepted
the office of Court Chancellor ; his Hungarian coad-
jutor, the Tavernicus,1 being Baron Sennyei, one of
the Conservative magnates who had acknowledged
most readily the necessity of acting for the future
in concert with Deak and his party in Hungary.

The evidence given by these appointments of an
intention to treat with Hungary through the medium
of the Conservative instead of the ultra-Liberal
party in that country, was an additional blow to the
already waning power of the Schmerling Ministry ;
for it was in great measure by holding out to his
supporters the prospect of a speedy settlement with
Hungary, on terms acceptable to the ultra- Liberals
in both countries, that Baron Schmerling had

1 Treasurer.

CH. xxiv.] RESIGNATION OF BARON SCHMERLING. 219

maintained himself amidst the increasing difficulties
of his position.

The finishing stroke to his embarrassment came
with the debates on the Budget in the Upper
House. A few weeks later the Archduke Rainald,
Baron Schmerling, and his whole party in the
Cabinet resigned ; and Count Belcredi, a Moravian
nobleman, became Minister of the Interior in the
Cabinet of Count Mensdorff Pouilly.

On the 2yth of July the Reichsrath was closed
with a speech from the Archduke Rainald, in which,
after commending both Houses for the patriotic zeal
and unwearied activity which they had displayed in
the deliberations, it was announced that important
reasons connected with the general interests of the
Empire, made it advisable to summon speedily the
lawful representatives of the peoples in the eastern
parts of the monarchy ; and rendered it necessary to
refrain in this session from considering the Budget
for 1866. An indication of the impending change
in the political horizon was visible in the concluding
passage of the speech, where a hope was expressed
that ' a treatment in common of the rights belonging
in common to all the kingdoms and territories,
should in the immediate future firmly unite all
the peoples of the Empire — a desire based upon a
recognition of the conditions of the existence of
the monarchy.'

220 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

CHAPTER XXV.

Suspension of the Constitution of 1861 — Manifesto of September —
Satisfaction of Hungarians and Federalists — Agreement between
them rather negative than positive — Widespread political
controversy in Austria — Division of opinion regarding the Sep-
tember Manifesto — Reopening of the Diet at Pesth by the
Emperor in person — Deak's firm resolve to require strict respect
for Continuity of Right — Conciliatory tone of the Royal Speech —
Deak's reply in the Address of February 1866 — Demand for
restoration and enforcement of the Laws of '48 in the matter of a
responsible Hungarian Ministry — Refusal of the Emperor — The
Diet occupied in preparing a scheme for the regulation of ' common
affairs ' — Committee of '67 — Effect of the harsh language of the
Rescript of March 3rd visible in the uncompromising tone of the
answering address of the Diet — Reluctance to dissolve the Diet —
Declaration of war on the part of Prussia and Italy, June i8th —
Continued discussion in the Hungarian Diet on definition and
treatment of common affairs — Custozza, June 24 — Adjournment of
the Diet, 26th — Want of sympathy with Austria in Hungary —
Sadowa, July 3rd — Treaty of Prague, August i8th.

IN the following September 1865 Europe witnessed
with keen interest the development of a fresh crisis
in the internal history of Austria.

In the desire to establish that form of government
which should be most truly adapted to the welfare
of his complex empire, the Emperor of Austria
had the courage to suspend the Constitution in the
interests of Constitutionalism, and to acknowledge
openly before it was too late, that the provisions

CHAP, xxv.] MANIFESTO OF SEPTEMBER. 221

of the February Patent, however excellent in theory,
were in practice so ill suited to the requirements of
the common monarchy, as to make it dangerous to
maintain them in force, even when glorified by the
name of the Austrian Constitution.

By the Manifesto of September, the historical
rights of the various provinces of the Empire were
again fully acknowledged, and the authority of the
Diets restored, by the suspension of those obnoxious
statutes and electoral laws which had been framed
with the avowed object of gradually extinguishing all
local self-government, and transferring every vestige
of administrative power from the hands of pro-
vincial authorities to the officials of the central
Government.

The hopes of the Federalists or State Rights party
in the Empire ran high. In the suspension of the
Constitution of 1861 they, as well as the Hungarians,
saw the first obstacle removed that hindered the
realisation of their several objects. Czechs, Poles,
and Magyars all agreed in their satisfaction at the
retirement of the Schmerling Ministry. Indeed in
an important article published at this time in a
Viennese journal, and attributed to the pen of Count
Belcredi himself, one of the chief arguments adduced
in favour of the recent Manifesto was grounded
upon the attitude of Hungary with reference to the
suspended Constitution of 1861. The Hungarian
Diet, said the article, declined to send its representa-

222 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

tives to the Reichsrath, on the ground that the
fundamental State affairs of the country had not first
been definitively settled by the Diet in the sense of
its laws. Now, both in the October Diploma and
the February Patent, such a settlement was distinctly
stated to be the preliminary condition of the validity
of the Constitution of the Empire. Therefore, it
was argued, so long as this condition remains unful-
filled, and Hungary in consequence abstains from
sending representatives to the Reichsrath, there can
be no question that the law respecting the repre-
sentation of the Empire is ' de jure ' inoperative.1

Unfortunately, as appeared later, the agreement
between Hungary and the great non- German pro-
vinces of Austria was of the negative kind, founded
upon a common dislike of the existing system,
rather than upon any positive harmony of opinion
as to the State policy which should be adopted in
its stead.

But in the first agitation which resulted in the
defeat of the German Centralists, the important
question of Dualism versus Federalism had not
yet come into prominence. In the political cam-
paign that attracted the attention of Europe in
1865, the victorious opponent of Baron Schmerling
was Count Belcredi, the hope of the Federalist party,
not Count Beust, the Saxon statesman who, a year
and a half later, contrived so skilfully to meet the

1 See Westminster Review, April 1866.

CHAP, xxv.] REASSEMBLING OF THE DIETS. 223

exigencies of a critical period for the Austrian Em-
pire, by welding together the elements of strength
to be found in the German Centralist party and the
Hungarian advocates of Dualism.

The babel of political controversy that resounded
from one end of the monarchy to the other, formed
a strange contrast to the silence that had reigned
for centuries past in the great polyglot empire.
Assuredly, if complete freedom of speech be one
of the chief distinctions of a constitutional State, if
unceasing activity of political disputation both with
tongue and pen be a symptom of healthy vitality
in the body politic, then never was Austria further
from her decadence, never was she more truly a
constitutional country, than in the autumn of 1865,
when the Constitution was suspended, and dismal
prophecies were abroad of a new era of despotism
and ' reaction.'

Two months after the publication of the Septem-
ber Manifesto the Diets reassembled. Out of the
seventeen Provincial Diets of Austria ten gave a
majority of votes in favour of the principles of the
Manifesto ; seven, either by resolutions or addresses
to the Throne, expressed their disapproval of it.

The one party supported the present Government
in the belief that the September Manifesto aimed at
a confederation of peoples (Volkesbund\ whereas
the February Patent had tended to create a separate
league (Sonderbund} amongst the German-speaking

224 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

inhabitants of the Empire. The other party pro-
tested vehemently against the recent change of
policy, on the ground that the suspension of the
Constitution was not only impolitic but illegal ; since
' the wilful abstention of some of the representatives
of the Empire, could not be taken as depriving those
who had taken possession of the constitutional
ground, of the further exercise of their legislative
functions.' x

This being the position of affairs in Austria, what
was to be the line taken by Hungary ? — a most im-
portant factor in the tangled web of Austrian politics.

On the 1 4th of December the Diet at Pesth was
reopened by the Emperor in person.

With this revival of constitutional life in Hungary-
Francis Deak again came to the front, seeming,
from his constant and ever-present activity, to unite
in one the functions of minister, jurist, diplomatist,
and party leader. Now in the royal cabinet at
Vienna, now in the national assembly or in the
clubs and party conferences at Pesth, he devoted
all his energies to making a good use of the fresh
opening for reconciliation presented by the late
ministerial changes, and the publication of the
September Manifesto.

Deak was resolved to consent to nothing that

1 For further information, see a series of highly interesting and
valuable articles on the various constitutional experiments in Austria,
contained in the pages of the Westminster Review in 1861, 1863,
1866, and 1867.

CHAP, xxv.] ATTITUDE OF HUNGARY. 225

would involve dropping a single link in the chain
of ' Continuity of Right ;' and it had therefore been
determined at a conference of the party held in
November, before the opening of the Diet, to exact
in the establishment of a separate Hungarian
Ministry an acknowledgment of the Laws of '48.
At the same time he was anxious not to ruin the
new hopes dawning for his country, by a persistent
refusal to regard the question from any but a purely
Hungarian point of view.

Nothing could have proved more decisively the
unfaltering consistency of Dedk's principles with
respect to the sacredness of law, than the tenour of
the address drawn up by him on this occasion, and
finally accepted by the Diet.

The language of the Emperor in his opening
speech from the Throne had been well calculated
to overcome the scruples of any loyal subjects less
firmly devoted to their constitutional rights, and
less deeply versed in the principles of constitutional
law, than the Hungarians. ' We are now come/
his Majesty had announced, ' to finish the work
which our feeling of the duties of government
compelled us to begin. Our object in coming
among you in person, is more effectually to remove
those scruples which till now have stood in the
way of the solution of the political question we
have to deal with.'

After pointing out that one of the chief obstacles

226 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

to a successful agreement lay in the sharply defined
opposition between the different starting-points
assumed with a view to the desired understanding—
' forfeiture of right ' on the one hand, ' continuity of
right' on the other — the Emperor declared that he
should himself set aside these obstacles by choosing
for a starting-point ' a basis recognised on all sides,
viz. the Pragmatic Sanction.'

This famous compact, whilst it guaranteed auto-
nomy for the internal administration and legislation
of Hungary, confirmed at the same time the tie
which binds the lands and provinces under the
same sovereign into one great empire.

The Diet was therefore exhorted, in harmony
with the acknowledged principles of the Pragmatic
Sanction, to consider the manner in which affairs of
common interest should be treated, to deliberate and
give their opinion upon the Manifesto of September
last, as well as upon the Diploma of October 1860
and the Patent of February '61, and to ' revise or
reform that part of the Laws of 1848 which refers
to the exercise of our rights of sovereignty and the
limitation of the attributes of government.'

1 Only when this shall have been done will it be
possible for the King, with a quiet conscience, to
take the royal Coronation Oath to the Hungarian
Constitution duly reformed and confirmed so that
it may endure to a late posterity, and be solemnly
invested with the diadem of St. Stephen, our

CHAP, xxv.] CONTINUITY OF RIGHT. 227

apostolic forefather — with that sacred crown in
which we would fain insert as its most precious
jewel the prosperity of our Kingdom of Hungary,
and the unbroken love of its people.'

But the sun had no better success than the wind
in inducing the law-abiding champion of Hungary
to give up what he considered to be the chief pro-
tection, the main guarantee, for the future inde-
pendence and freedom of his country, — namely, strict
respect in every detail for the Continuity of Right.
Not even the wish to meet half-way the evident
desire of the Sovereign and his present advisers to
come to a satisfactory understanding with Hungary,
could make Deak consent to include in the accepted
bases of negotiation, the provisions laid down in
the October Diploma and the February Patent.
To regard the Constitution there ' octroye ' upon
Hungary and the other lands of the Empire, as an
end desirable of attainment in the future by mutual
agreement, was one thing ; to lay it down arbitrarily
as the starting-point for further action, irrespective
of the legal and historical rights of the countries
affected by its provisions, was another.

In the Address of February the 24th, Deak there-
fore felt bound to dwell forcibly on the danger of
yielding too far on the plausible ground of ' ex-
pediency.' After alluding to the miseries of mis-
government which the country had been doomed to
undergo during the past seventeen years under the

Q 2

228 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

name of a policy of expediency, he observes : ' The
advocates of an " expediency policy " must not be
surprised, if, after having been the victims of so many
illusions, we are somewhat cautious, and do not
enter without consideration on the path which they
invite us to follow. It was by holding fast to the
law, and not by pursuing a policy of expediency,
that our ancestors saved the Fatherland. Leopold I.
was forced to restore the Hungarian Constitution
in its integrity, without condition or reservation,
before the Diet would agree to annul that clause of
the Golden Bull respecting the lawfulness of armed
resistance, which no well-ordered State could put
up with.

4 Esau, it is true, when he was in want sold his
birthright for a mess of pottage ; he got the
pottage he wished for, but there was strife between
the brothers all the same.

' This is what those expediency politicians will
bring us to, who, under pretext of an amiable
concession, are in reality only making matters more
difficult to settle.' l

The Address acknowledged that there were
indeed affairs which Hungary shared in common
with the Hereditary States, and promised that the
Diet should proceed without delay to the prepara-
tion of a bill respecting the definition and treatment
of these affairs, as well as take into consideration all

1 See Unsere Zeit, Rogge.

CH. xxv.] REJECTION OF HUNGARIAN DEMAND. 229

the propositions of the Government with regard
to the revision of the Laws of '48 ; but it was
stipulated that the recognition of the Continuity of
Right must so far take precedence of all else, that
the aforesaid propositions should be introduced by a
responsible Hungarian Ministry.

' The land still remains under absolute rule,'
concluded the Address. ' Sanctioned laws, of which
your Majesty yourself allows that no objection can
be raised against them on the score of " strict
legality," are practically treated as if non-existent.
In all branches of the administration the absolute
system still prevails ; we therefore plead for " Con-
tinuity of Right," above all, in respect of our laws ;
for parliamentary government, for a responsible
Ministry, and for the constitutional re-establishment of
the municipalities. All we demand is the restoration
of the law ; for a law not enforced is a dead letter/

The Emperor could not justly complain that
his Hungarian subjects rendered the difficulties of
the situation greater by the ambiguity of their
language. To a plain request his Majesty returned
a plain refusal.

On receiving the Address brought by a deputation
from the Diet to the royal palace at Buda, on the
27th of February, the Emperor, after stating shortly
that in the interests of the peoples of Austria the
principles laid down in the speech from the Throne

U3o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

must be strictly adhered to, quitted the Audience
Room amidst profound silence.

Under Deak's influence, however, the Diet, not-
withstanding the discouraging reception of the
Address, and the somewhat harsh language of the
Royal Rescript published a week later, proceeded
with the promised revision of the Laws of 1848 ; and
a scheme drawn up by the leader, for the regulation
of common affairs, was submitted for discussion to
a committee of sixty-seven deputies.

But there was no symptom of yielding to the
temptations of an ' expediency policy ' in the uncom-
promising, almost threatening, tone of the Second
Address of the Hungarian Diet a fortnight later.
The draft of the First Address had met with some
opposition from the Conservative section of the
party, who were in favour of remaining satisfied
with a theoretical acknowledgment of the ' Continuity
of Right,' and withdrawing the demand for the
actual recognition of the Laws of 1848.

Now, however, the discontent awakened by the
Rescript of March $rd was clearly to be seen in
the unanimous support accorded to the strong
expression of the national views in the Second
Address. ' The legislative power,' it was declared,
' is the dearest right of the nation. But if it is to be
a reality, it is indispensably necessary that the laws
created be maintained in force until they have been

CHAP, xxv.] OUTBREAK OF THE WAR. 231

legally repealed or altered by the constitutional
Legislature.

' If the executive pov/er has the right to leave in
abeyance, or to suspend, the force of laws constitu-
tionally enacted ; to replace them by diplomas, and
to keep the whole Constitution in suspense until
these shall have been revised by the Diet, — then
the executive would in point of fact be also the
legislative power.

' This is not the Continuity of Right that has
been established by laws, royal inaugural diplomas,
and princely oaths. True Continuity of Right
consists not only in the continued non-abrogation
of laws, but in their execution and enforcement.'

On the presentation of this Second Address, the
Emperor contented himself with exhorting the Diet
to proceed without delay in the discussion on the
regulation of common affairs. External difficulties
were becoming more threatening, and it was felt
that it would be imprudent to follow the advice of
some impatient counsellors and undo the work of
months by dissolving the Diet in the hope of obtain-
ing a majority that might prove more compliant.

Before three months had elapsed the Austrian
army was in the field, Prussia and Italy .having
declared war simultaneously on the i8th of June.

Meanwhile the Committee of Fifteen in the
Hungarian Diet continued its labours on the defini-
tion and treatment of common affairs, and the draft

232 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv.

measure framed upon Deak's principles was
referred for further discussion to the enlarged
Committee of Sixty-seven.

On the 24th of June the imperial army gained in
the victory of Custozza its only success during a
short and disastrous war.

Two days later the Hungarian Diet was adjourned,
and in a few weeks Magyar regiments found
themselves encamped side by side with Slavs and
Germans in the Prater at Vienna.

As might have been supposed, Deak refrained
absolutely from all participation in the attempts of
General Klapka, and others of the ultra- National
party, to force the hand of the Sovereign by
raising Hungary in rebellion, at a time when all the
energies of the Government were required to meet
their formidable northern enemy. Nevertheless the
cause at issue between Austria and Prussia was
not one that could excite the least sympathy
in Hungary.

The wisest heads in the nation recognised
clearly the embarrassments that would accrue to
Austria, and the dangers to Hungary and the
cause of free constitutional nationalities throughout
Europe, if the Vienna Cabinet should succeed in
establishing even for a time an Austrian hegemony
in Germany.

It was not in the nature of loyal subjects and
prudent statesmen like Francis Deak and Baron

CHAP, xxv.] TREATY OF PRAGUE. 233

Joseph Eotvos to pursue the good of their country
at the cost of the general welfare of the monarchy,
or to oppose what they considered an essentially
false policy by means of secret intrigue and con-
spiracy ; but none the less, they, in common with the
majority of their countrymen, could not but watch
with cold indifference, it may be with satisfaction,
the military reverses which involved the abandon-
ment of an idea dangerous both to the interests
of Hungary and of the Austrian Empire.

On July 3, 1866, the battle of Sadowa was
fought and lost ; on the i8th of August was signed
the treaty of Prague, in which the Emperor of
Austria acknowledged the dissolution of the Ger-
manic Confederation as hitherto constituted ; gave
his consent to a new organisation of Germany
without the participation of the Imperial Austrian
State ; recognised the Main as the barrier between
the southern States of the German Confederation
that were to preserve an independent national
existence, and those northern States henceforth to
be connected by more restricted federal relations
with Prussia ; and lastly transferred to the King
of Prussia all the rights acquired by the Vienna
Treaty of 1864 over the Duchies of Holstein and
Schleswig.

234 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi.

CHAPTER XXVI.

Good fortune of Austria in her defeats — New policy entered upon after
the war of 1866 — Deak and the Emperor at Vienna — Dedk in the
Pesti Naplo — Change in the Austrian Cabinet — Count Mensdorff
Pouilly succeeded as Foreign Minister by Count Beust — Effect of
Schmerling's constitutional principles in facilitating the task of
Austrian reconsolidation after the war of '66 — Beust's advice to
the Emperor to come to terms with Hungary — Difficulties raised
in all quarters — Scheme drawn up by Deak for discussion by
Committee of '67 accepted by Count Beust — Confusion and
division in Austria — Resistance to proposed agreement with
Hungary.

IN nothing has the good fortune of ' Austria
Felix ' shown itself more conspicuously than in her
defeats. It will hardly be denied that the military
disasters of 1859, and the consequent loss of
Lombardy, left Austria a stronger State than she
was at the time when every whisper of revolt south
of the Alps, found a mysterious echo from half a
score of distant provinces, and in as many different
tongues east and west of the Leitha. Nor probably
will it be denied that the prestige, no less than the
practical influence, of the monarchy, in the decision
of European questions, has been enhanced rather
than weakened since the defeat at Sadowa, when
the vague pretensions to an impossible sovereignty
were definitively abandoned, and Austria concen-

CHAP, xxvi.] INAUGURATION OF A NEW POLICY. 235

trated all her energies upon the successful execution
of another though not less important role.

The new phase of European history presented
by the unification of Germany under the stringent
and somewhat intolerant rule of the ' iron Chan-
cellor ' ; the crumbling away of the Ottoman power
in European Turkey ; the recent successes of
Russian arms and Russian diplomacy, facilitated by
the popular Pan-Slav agitation which an autocratic
Government knows well how to make use of; the
crude efforts at self-assertion, the vague aspirations
towards a recognised national individuality, amongst
the Slav peoples of Eastern Europe — all this renders
more needful than ever, in the interests of civilisa-
tion, the existence of a powerful State on the
Danube ; a constitutional empire that shall be at
once self-contained and yet capable of expansion,
non-aggressive, and yet with sufficient military
strength to enable it to consider calmly even those
convincing diplomatic arguments that are backed by
standing armies ; open to new ideas of freedom and
progress, but yet never departing from that old idea
which holds that in the maintenance of a strong and
respected central authority, based upon true constitu-
tional principles, is to be found the surest guarantee
for the preservation of individual liberty and the
dignity and well-being of the whole community.

The new policy entered upon after 1866 may
have been in the first instance, to use Deak's own

236 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi.

expression on a former occasion, an ' expediency
policy/ forced upon Austria literally at the point
of the bayonet ; but it is none the less true that
when frankly accepted and ably carried out by the
statesmen who since that time have had the
direction of the foreign affairs of Austro-Hungary,
it has seemed destined to prove the commencement
of a new and vigorous lease of life for the imperilled
Empire of the Hapsburgs.

It was not only in the political history of Austria
that the war of 1866 opened a fresh era. As the
humiliating Treaty of Olmiitz in 1850 had been the
signal for the complete reorganisation and improve-
ment of the Prussian army, so the Treaty of Prague
was followed by a thorough reform and recon-
struction of that brave army which had of late paid
so dearly for its inferiority to the enemy in respect
of military science and organisation.

Not only the unbiassed opinions of foreign critics,
but the still more valuable evidence of facts, tends
to show that in the Austrian army, as at present
constituted, the Imperial Chancellor has an effective
and powerful instrument wherewith to insure due
respect for the arguments of a well-considered
diplomacy. The variety of races, languages, and
creeds, to be found represented in its ranks, has not
as yet destroyed the ' esprit de corps ' in which
consists the main strength and attraction of a
standing army. Of the Hungarian at least, whatever

CHAP, xxvi.] INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 237

his personal opinions, it may be said with truth, that
once serving under the imperial standard, he is
content for the time being to sink the politician
in the loyal soldier of the Austro-Hungarian army.

Two or three days after the news of the defeat
at Koniggratz had reached the capital, Deak was
summoned to Vienna. Arriving at the palace at
midnight, he was ushered at once into the presence
of the Emperor, who was standing pale and troubled
at the window. Presently turning round, he said
abruptly, ' Well, Deak, what shall I do now ? '
'Your Majesty/ was the prompt reply, 'must
first make peace, and then give Hungary her
rights.' 'Will the Hungarian Parliament give me
men to carry on the war if I give the Constitution at
once ?' demanded the Emperor. ' No,' was Deak's
answer, thus faithfully representing Hungarian
opinion in its repugnance to the war and the whole
scheme of policy that it implied. ' Well,' said the
Emperor after a pause, ' I suppose it must be so.'

The interview was at an end, and without seeing
any one else Deak left the capital.

Peace was made, and now the day seemed not
far distant when the second, and — as it appeared to
some — desperate remedy, for the ills of the Austrian
Empire, was to be tried in good earnest — the
restoration of the Hungarian Constitution.

But for the moment the bold importunity of the

238 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi.

Hungarian citizen remained apparently without
result. An independent responsible Ministry was
not conceded; Hungary declined to abate one jot
from her original demands ; and the Emperor
Francis Joseph was still only the King elect, not yet
the duly crowned and anointed King of Hungary.

What he had said in private conversation with
the Emperor, Dedk did not hesitate to assert
openly. A few days after the interview at Vienna,
he wrote in the Pesti Naplo : —

' The claims of Hungary call for speedy satisfac-
tion ; the condition of the monarchy admits of no
delay. A large portion of the Empire is overrun by
the enemy's troops ; Hungary alone is free from
them, but Hungary is dead. Everything, or at
least a great deal, can be done with Hungary, but
she herself can do nothing, for her hands are tied.
The one thing, and the only thing, that can set free
her hands, and breathe new life into her, is the con-
cession of parliamentary government. If Hungary
is to do anything for the monarchy, it can only be
under a Government which is the expression of the
national will, and is regarded by the nation as a
guarantee of its rights.' *

On the conclusion of peace, an important
change took place in the Austrian Cabinet. Count
Mensdorff Pouilly resigned, and was succeeded
as Foreign Minister by the late Minister of King

1 Unsere Zeit, Walter Rogge.

CHAP, xxvi.] COUNT BEUST. 239

John of Saxony, Count Beust, whose bold and
successful intervention with the French Emperor
on behalf of his country at the close of the war,
had rendered him so obnoxious to the victorious
Prussian Government as to induce them to insist
with the King of Saxony on his dismissal.

At the time when Count Beust transferred his
services from King John of Saxony to the Emperor
Francis Joseph, it seemed as though the blunders of
his predecessors at the Ball Platz, the consummate
ability and good luck of the great Prussian minister,
had left Count Bismarck with every trump card in his
hand. But amidst the many mistakes committed,
there had been one feature in the ' Great Germany '
programme — for which the credit was mainly due
to Baron Schmerling, — that contained the secret of
Austria's speedy regeneration, and of the success
with which she was able to reconsolidate the
loosened fragments of the Empire. The proposals
of reform brought forward on behalf of Austria
at the conference of Frankfort in 1863 had been
based upon truly Liberal principles ; and although
the conference was a failure so far as it was held with
the object of furthering the Emperor's pretensions
to Austrian supremacy in Germany, although the
broadly liberal character of Baron Schmerling's
proposals on this occasion was said to have
weakened his position as regards the Conservative
members of his Cabinet — yet the constitutional idea

240 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi.

then identified with the House of Hapsburg in its
dealings with the German States beyond the
confines of its own immediate dominions, was the
lever by which Herr v. Schmerling's successor was
enabled to raise Austria out of the perilous condi-
tion into which an unwisely ambitious policy had
brought her.

The line to be taken by the new Foreign Minister
was indicated by the fact that Count Beust, on
assuming office, putting all other considerations for
the time into the background, at once advised the
Emperor to come to terms with Hungary.

But in a State like the Austrian Monarchy,
for the Emperor to come to terms with one portion
of his subjects was to arouse deep dissatisfaction
amongst the remainder ; and he might not unna-
turally hesitate before acting unconditionally upon
the advice thus offered.

There are times when the highest qualities of
statesmanship can be shown only in a wise choice of
the least amongst many evils ; evils so many and so
pressing that to the ordinary mind they seem to
baffle all perception of their true relative proportions.

It is no discredit to the sagacity of Count Beust
that the course which he urged upon the Emperor,
when at the termination of an unsuccessful war he
undertook to guide the foreign affairs of a distracted
empire, should have been received with a chorus of
disapprobation from a hundred hostile critics, each

CHAP, xxvr.] COUNT BEUST AND DEAK. 241

provided with a distinct and unanswerable argument
against the proposed policy.

The great fact however remained, that if there
were a hundred good arguments against the policy
of Count Beust, there were at least a hundred and
one against every alternative scheme suggested by
his opponents.

Looking not only to the past and present
difficulties of Austria in Western Europe, but to the
new dangers that might at no remote period arise in
the East, the minister felt persuaded that in the
interest of the permanent stability of the monarchy,
the Emperor's next move should be in the direc-
tion of complete reconciliation with his Hungarian
subjects.

It was on this ground that Count Beust resolved
to accept the propositions of Hungary, as embodied
in the scheme drawn up by Francis Dealt for dis-
cussion by the Committee of Sixty-seven in the
Hungarian Diet, and to use his influence with the
Austrian Government to secure its ultimate realisation.

But not even cordial agreement between Count
Beust, the Imperial Minister, and Francis Dedk,
the popular representative of his country and the
staunch upholder of the Laws of '48, was enough to
insure the wished-for result of a reconciliation
between Hungary and the Cis-Leithanian provinces.
The fresh attempt to find a basis of common agree-
ment, and an acceptable solution of difficulties,

242 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi.

appeared only to have entangled the skein more
inextricably than before, and to have made con-
fusion worse confounded.

Austria, the great despotic Empire, the prison
house of freedom, where during centuries, thanks to
the vigilant exercise of a paternal authority, no
unseemly protests had been suffered to disturb
the orderly silence in which the work of government
was carried on, — seemed now on the point of falling
into ruin, amidst a turmoil of confusion, a clamour of
tongues loud enough, one might imagine, to reach
the ears of the stately worthies of the old regime,
and cause them to shudder with pious horror in
their graves. It seemed as though the Nemesis of
History had decreed that the Hapsburgs, who in a
greater degree than any dynasty in Europe had
represented the theory of absolute power, and been
accustomed to rule the fate of their manifold
dominions according to the arbitrary dictates of a
single will and voice, should now be condemned to
see the very existence of the Empire endangered by
a multiplicity of counsellors, and by the innumerable
conflicting elements that claimed loudly to have a
voice in the settlement of great State questions.
On all sides the peril of the internal situation was
acknowledged, whilst impartial observers abroad
shook their heads gravely, and declared it highly
doubtful whether the Austrian Empire could sur-
vive Sadowa.

CHAP, xxvi.] 'HUNGARIAN INTRIGUE.' 243

The days had gone by when the union between
two men, each so influential in his own sphere as
Count Beust and Francis Deak, even when strength-
ened by the tacit sanction of the Sovereign himself,
could suffice to insure the triumph of a given
policy.

If statesmen propose, it is now the people that
dispose. The objections of the Austrian provinces
on various grounds to the Dualism involved in the
satisfaction of the Hungarian demands, were not to
yield at once either to the diplomatic finesse of
Esterhazy, the persuasive eloquence of Andrassy,
the straightforward representations of Francis
Deak, or the unwearying exertions of the Foreign
Minister, — to any, in short, of all those combined
influences which opponents wrathfully described as
4 Hungarian intrigue.'

R 2

244 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn.

CHAPTER XXVII.

Rising discontent in Hungary — Need of Deak's influence in the Diet —
Deak as a speaker — Nature of the compromise advocated by him —
The agreement based on Report of the Committee of Fifteen —
Opposition led by M. Tisza — Proposal to break off all further
negotiations, defeated by the Moderate or Deak party — Skill
required in framing the addresses of the Diet at this time —
Address of January 1867 — Sudden change in tone of the royal
reply — Counter effect upon the Committee of '67 — Laws of '48
revised in sense desired by the Crown — February interview
between Deak and the Emperor — Royal Rescript announcing
complete restoration of the Hungarian Constitution — Count
Andrassy entrusted with formation of a responsible Ministry for
Hungary.

MEANWHILE in Hungary, the Diet, that faithful
barometer of public opinion, pointed to 'stormy;'
and as the autumn months of 1866 wore away
in fruitless negotiations between the Hungarian
magnates at Vienna and the Imperial Government,
in which Count Belcredi still held office as Minister
of the Interior, the dark cloud of discontent and
sullen resistance seemed once more to be settling
down over the eastern half of the monarchy.

Never was Deak's influence over his country-
men more severely tested than now, when he might
have fairly hoped that he was at last about to see
the fruition of his long and patient labours for the
restoration of harmony and confidence.

CHAP. XXVIL] EXCITEMENT IN THE DIET. 245

The guiding, enlightening, and moderating in-
fluence of the popular leader was never more
imperatively needed than in the course of the
debates which occupied the Diet during the
autumn of 1866. With all the political instinct
and governing faculty of the Hungarians, it could
scarcely be said of their Legislative Assembly, as
has been said of the English House of Commons,
that it was . wiser than any man in it ; and the
debates were apt sometimes to partake of that
extremely animated character which is commonly
thought to distinguish the parliamentary discus-
sions of our neighbours across the Channel. In-
difference to the political affairs of his country,
is a crime of which the Hungarian can rarely be
accused ; and at this critical period it was only
natural that intense excitement should prevail,
and that opposing views on the future position
and relations of Hungary should come into strong
relief. Every honourable deputy was prepared
with a distinct opinion upon the merits of the
important State question at issue ; every honourable
deputy, moreover, possessed a fatal facility in giving
express-ion to his opinion ; a circumstance which
did not tend to accelerate a final settlement.

Deak was no orator, and yet whenever he rose
to speak he exercised over the assembly an
influence so marked and so powerful that he him-
self could only account for it by the modest

246 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn.

explanation, 'that he was so fortunate as to hold
the same opinions as were shared by the great
number of his compatriots.' In addressing the
House, he did not carry his hearers with him
in a burst of splendid eloquence, nor enchain their
attention by the beauty of studied or poetic lan-
guage, nor rouse their enthusiasm by stirring the
easily kindled flame of national patriotism ; he
did not attempt by the aid of epigram and satire
to bring special points into brilliant relief, to
force a given conclusion upon his auditors by
means of a series of irrefutable logical syllogisms,
and arguments founded upon strict law ; his aim
was rather to place the whole subject of discussion
in broad and clear light before the House, taking
into careful consideration every argument pro
and con. that might be brought to bear upon it,
and bringing gradually into view the underlying
principle on which, in his opinion, the final action
of his countrymen with regard to it ought to be
guided.

The quiet unaffected delivery, the full deep-
toned voice, sinking at times, when the speaker
was moved, into a low tone that thrilled his
hearers as no elaborate rhetorical pathos could
have done, — these suited well the character of
the man who with all his dry logical faculty, his
imperturbable common sense, could yet feel as
deeply as the most excitable of his compatriots,

CHAP, xxvii.] DEAK AS A SPEAKER. 247

and who never spoke upon any subject without
such perfect honesty of purpose and conviction,
such a single-minded desire for the good of his
country, that opponents as well as friends in-
variably listened to him with attention and respect.

But after all it was not so much what Deak
said, as what he was, that gave to this simple,
plain-spoken citizen, who had never — except for
one short interval during the troubled year of '48
—held any official position, who belonged to no
'governing family/ who possessed no advantages
of wealth or station, such extraordinary influence
amongst his brilliant and headstrong country-
men.

' Deak's speeches,' says M. Csengery, ' excited
in the minds of his auditors a peculiar admiration
that can hardly be shared by those who only read
them in later days ; for the effect of his eloquence
was heightened not only by the charm of his
dignified presence, but also by the consciousness
that the speaker was the leader of a great party,
at one time indeed of the whole nation.' His
hearers could not disconnect the present from the
past, nor forget that the Deak who strove so
earnestly to bring about a compromise, to moderate
the vehemence of the Opposition in the debates of
1866, was the same Deak who for more than
thirty years had been spending his life in the dis-
interested service of Hungary, labouring in the

FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn.

cause with a zeal and a wisdom that had always
been able to mitigate, sometimes to avert, the
misfortunes besetting his country.

The nature of the compromise to which the leader
sought to win the consent of the Diet, was indicated
in the rescript prepared by himself and Count Mailath
in the foregoing August at a private conference at
Sz6nt Laszlo, after an unsuccessful interview be-
tween Francis Deak and Count Belcredi at Vienna.
The basis of agreement here laid down, i.e. the
Report of the Committee of Fifteen, was such, it
might reasonably have been supposed, as would
have met with the approval of the most vehemently
patriotic party in the Diet ; inasmuch as it provided
expressly for the maintenance of a separate national
control over all questions of trade, customs, the
State debt, and indirect taxation, and, above all,
stipulated that the appointment of a responsible
Ministry should precede the revision of the Laws
of '48.

But the temper of the House had become em-
bittered by the inevitably protracted course of the
negotiations with the Imperial Government, and the
only hope of seeing any sort of compromise carried
successfully through the difficulties and objections
now rising on every side, lay in the skill and tact
of the far-sighted national leader, who, whilst en-
tering fully into the views and sentiments of his own
countrymen, could yet look beyond the frontiers of

CHAP, xxvii.] THE OPPOSITION. 249

Hungary, and take into account the difficulties and
the opposition which the Imperial Government also
had to encounter on their side of the Leitha.

The fate of Deak's compromise seemed threatened
on all sides. One party thought that the scheme
proposed went too far in the direction of union with
Austria ; another (including the extreme Conserva-
tive section of those broadly known as the ' Deak
party ') considered that the species of Dualism
involved would threaten the safety of the common
monarchy ; whilst a third opposed the compromise
on the fundamental ground that the maintenance of
any bond whatsoever between Hungary and the
Empire was contrary to the interests of their
country.

The most formidable resistance came from the
compact body which, under the leadership of M.
Koloman Tisza, constituted for seven years the
recognised Opposition in the Hungarian Parliament.
Indeed so strong was this party, that when M. Tisza,
giving expression to the widespread feeling of
weariness and discontent, proposed to break off all
further negotiations, the Deak party only succeeded
in averting this fatal proceeding after a sharp debate,
and a division in which the leader of the Opposition
carried one hundred and seven members with him.

To control and guide the Diet under these cir-
cumstances was a task demanding not only a strong
will, but a light hand. In drawing up the various

250 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn.

Addresses presented by the Diet during this anxious
session, Deak's skill in political composition was
exercised in no small degree ; it being necessary to
frame a document that in the first place should
prove acceptable to the majority in the Hungarian
Diet, and in the second place should avoid being so
defiant in its terms as to provoke a complete rupture
of negotiations between Vienna and Pesth. Thus,
in spite of the victory of the Moderates in the recent
division on M. Tisza's motion, Deak saw himself
compelled, under pain of forfeiting entirely his
position as leader, and losing his hold over the ex-
cited assembly, to draw up an Address, presented on
December 15, in which the views of the majority
were stated in dangerously harsh language. No
allusion was made to a revision of the Laws of '48 ;
and the Diet expressed its fixed determination to
postpone all consideration of the Royal Propositions
contained in the last Rescript, until the Report of
the Committee of Sixty-seven should have been
passed by the Diet, and ratified by a legally con-
stituted responsible Ministry. . ' Between absolute
power on the one side, and a nation deprived of its
constitutional liberties on the other/ declared the
Diet, ' no compromise is possible.'

The year 1 866 closed with little apparent prospect
of a final reconciliation between Hungary and the
Imperial Government ; nor did 1867 open more

CHAP, xxvii.] SYMPTOMS OF CHANGE. 251

auspiciously. From Pesth came still the same
persistent unyielding demands, the national dis-
content with the existing state of things being
further increased by the publication of the recent
decree upon the subject of compulsory military
service for the whole monarchy.

' Let his Majesty cancel these decrees and all
other measures sanctioned by absolute power in
defiance of our Constitution ; and let him restore our
Constitution in its integrity, and as speedily as may
be. The aim pursued, with the object of securing
the moral as well as the material welfare of the
Empire, can only be attained, if Constitutionalism,
both in Hungary and in the other lands of your
Majesty, is allowed free and full activity.'

Judging by this, Hungary's 'last word,' the end of
the long and tedious negotiations was as far off as
ever.

But the tone of the royal reply a fortnight later
showed plainly that in some quarter at least, if not
in Pesth, a marked change had taken place. The
Hungarian deputation bringing the Address above
quoted, received a gracious reception, and a hope
was expressed that all grievances would shortly be
removed.

The counter effect of this conciliatory spirit was
seen in the action of the Committee of '67, which
at once set to work to amend their report in the
sense desired by the Crown.

252 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvu.

On the 7th of February Deak himself brought
the report thus amended to Vienna ; and a day or
two later he had an audience of the Emperor, with
regard to the formation of a Hungarian Ministry, —
now no longer to be discussed, as in the interview
six months earlier, as a theoretic if legal right, but
as a question of practical politics demanding im-
mediate settlement.

It was not in vain that Francis Deak had held
with patient tenacity to the thankless office of leader
during the protracted and wearisome debates of the
past autumn, and had striven successfully to prevent
the Diet from committing itself absolutely to a fatal
' non possumus.'

On the 1 8th of February 1867, in the great hall
of the National Museum at Pesth, amidst an out-
burst of enthusiastic cheers, the House listened to
the Royal Rescript, in which the Emperor restored
the Constitution of Hungary, suspended the
arbitrary military service decree, and entrusted to
Count Andrassy, as President of the Council, the
formation of a responsible Hungarian Ministry.
Francis Deak had waited to some purpose.

CHAP. XXVIIL] CAUSE OF THE CHANGE. 253

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Causes of the change in the imperial policy regarding Hungary
to be sought elsewhere than at Pesth — Result in appearance of the
resignation of Belcredi in February, in reality culminating point of
the policy initiated by Beust on first taking office at Vienna five
months before — Difficulties encountered by Austrian Foreign
Minister in prosecution of his policy equal to those of Dedk in
Hungary — Natural disappointment of the Federalists at the
introduction of Dualism — Dedk not responsible — His advocacy of
Dualism based on grounds of general advantage to the monarchy.

IT is obvious that the causes for the sudden change
in the attitude of the Imperial Government towards
the claims of the Hungarian Diet must be sought
elsewhere than in Pesth, where the line originally
laid down at the commencement of the negotiations
had been rigidly adhered to throughout. Dealt had
ably played his part as a General of division, and
it may well be questioned whether, but for the
tactical skill of the Hungarian statesman, the union
and consolidation of the Austro-Hungarian Mon-
archy would ever have been accomplished. But
nevertheless, the supreme direction of affairs being
in the hands of the Commander-in-Chief at Vienna,
it was on the success or failure of Count Beust to
carry out his pre-considered policy, that the ultimate
fate of the Compromise depended.

254 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxvnr.

The history of the political campaign in Austria
during the autumn of 1866, when the cause of
Federalism again found eloquent and statesman-
like defenders in the Slavonic provinces — notably
in Bohemia, Moravia, and Galicia, — though full of
interest, is beyond the scope of the present memoir.
Suffice it to say that the concession to Hungary, to
all appearance the immediate result of the resigna-
tion of Count Belcredi at the beginning of February,
was in reality but the culminating point of a policy
initiated by Count Beust five months before, but
which he had only succeeded in carrying out after
a long period of suspense and opposition.

The difficulties to be overcome by Francis Deak
and the advocates of the Compromise in Hungary,
had been fully equalled by the difficulties of the
Foreign Minister in the prosecution of his policy in
Austria.

The final triumph of the Hungarian Dualists,
now by a turn in the political kaleidoscope grouped
in the same combination with their quondam
opponents, the German Centralists, was signalised
by the withdrawal of the Patent of January 2,
(signed by Count Belcredi and Count Beust) sum-
moning the Diets to an ' extraordinary Reichsrath' for
the discussion of the future relations of Hungary to
the Empire ; and the promulgation in its stead of a
decree bearing the signature of Beust alone, con-
voking a ' Constitutional Reichsrath ' to legislate

CHAP, xxvin.] DISCONTENT OF THE FEDERALISTS. 255

for the 'Western Half of the Empire, and accept
the recent arrangements with Hungary as a ' fait
accompli.'

Even those who hold strongly the opinion, that
under existing circumstances Dualism was the least
hazardous solution for the difficulties of Austria,
must find it impossible not to sympathise with the
distinguished leaders of the Federal party, whose
hopes of seeing the Constitution based upon federa-
tive principles, — unduly encouraged by the Imperial
Manifesto of September 1865, — were now so cruelly
disappointed by the Decree of February 1867.
No candid Hungarian, however deeply pledged for
the time to the support of Dualism, would deny that
the objections urged by the national leaders in the
Bohemian Diet to the compromise imposed upon
the Empire by Count Beust and his allies, were
based on the same ground as was taken up by
the Hungarians in their resistance to the October
Diploma.

Hungary indeed might boast with truth that for
twenty-five years she had held the same position
and demanded the same rights, and that no re-
proach could be cast upon her, if, in the tardy
satisfaction of her just claims by the Imperial
Government, the claims of others were perforce
disregarded or ignored. Yet it is not difficult to
understand the bitter indignation of the Federalists
at seeing the Hungarians — whose stubborn resist-

256 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvm.

ance to the pretensions of German Centralism when
applied to the common monarchy a few years back,
had contributed in no small measure to the down-
fall of the Schmerling Ministry and the publication
of the September Manifesto — now consenting to
obtain the restoration of their own Constitution by
an alliance with their former enemies, and at the
expense, as it seemed, of their former friends, the
advocates for a recognition of ' historic rights.'
To the Federalists it appeared, that not only were
their claims sacrificed to the exigencies of a scheme
which merged all the national and historical divisions
of the Empire in the one artificial and arbitrary
division of a ' Western Half ' ; but that the promise
made in the September Manifesto, that the various
provinces of the Empire should have a voice
through their Diets in the settlement of the future
relations with Hungary, had been broken by the
convocation of the so-called ' Constitutional Reichs-
rath ' of February, based upon the recent electoral
laws which left the National and Federalist element
in the Diets inadequately represented. The present
Constitution, it was urged, possessed neither the
advantages of a genuine centralised Government
such as the German Liberals still professed to
advocate, nor of a federative system for the whole
monarchy, such as the politicians of the Slavonic
provinces and of the Tyrol maintained to be the
best suited to the needs of the Austrian Empire.

CHAP. XXVIIL] GROUND OF DEAR'S SATISFACTION. 257

Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that
the protests of the majority in the provincial Diets
against a ' centralised West Half/ a ' Cis-Leithania
under German hegemony,' should have been loud
and persistent.

But whatever might be the defects of the Dual
system which excited such profound dissatisfaction
amongst a large section of the Austrian public, the
most ardent opponent of Dualism could not justly
accuse its principal author, Francis Deak, of having
at any time during his career shown the slightest
animus against the Slav nationalities, or of having
sought to regain the rights of Hungary at the
sacrifice of those of a sister kingdom. ' The day
will come,' he had once said, ' when it will be
recognised that the freedom of one nation can never
by any possibility be opposed to the freedom of
another.' His conduct with reference to Croatia,
a short time later, whilst the storm of reproach and
remonstrance was still raging, gave fresh evidence
that his patriotic zeal for Hungary had not made
him insensible to the claims of justice and generosity,
when the rights of other nationalities were in
question.

Nevertheless, at the time when the new Dual
system was introduced, Deak's insight as a European
statesman, no less than as a Hungarian patriot,
warned him that the only firm ground on which
to base the ingeniously constructed and somewhat

258 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvm.

fragile structure, was to be found in a firm
alliance between two at least out of the three great
parties in the monarchy, namely between Hun-
garians and Germans. ' Sei nur ruhig Alter,' said
Deak cheerfully to the landlord of the ' Stadt
Frankfurt ' hotel at Vienna, where in the same little
room that he had always occupied during his flying
visits to the capital for the past twenty years,
he now received the crowd of eminent personages
who came to seek an interview with the famous
Hungarian statesman, — ' sei nur ruhig ; es wird noch
alles gut werden, wenn Ihr Wiener es auch nicht
glauben wollt.'

The genial hopefulness of the Hungarian leader
was not the mere exultation of a successful party
politician who triumphs in having ' scored a point '
and defeated his opponents at any cost ; he was not
thinking of his own party, or even of his own country
only, when he declared so confidently, notwith-
standing the dark and confused outlook, that ' it
would all come right.' His confidence arose from
the belief that the system now initiated would, if
allowed a peaceful and natural development, prove
well adapted to the requirements, not only of
Germans and Hungarians, not only of one province
or nationality to the detriment of another, but of the
Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a whole.

1 See Unsere Zeit, W. Rogge.

CHAP. xxix.J THE DUAL SYSTEM. 259

CHAPTER XXIX.

Dual parliamentary government an adaptation of old-established
system, not the introduction of a new one — Principle to be traced as
far back as 1847 — Causes preventing an earlier agreement between
Hungary and the Austrian Empire — Three rights demanding equal
recognition — Merit of the Dual system of '67 that it took these
into consideration — Essentially a compromise, the distinguishing
feature being the Delegations, a modification of both the opposing
theories of ' Personal ' and ' Real ' union — By the compromise
respect insured for the three rights — Constitutional independence
of Hungary — Constitutional government for the western half of
the monarchy — Central administrative unity in affairs of common
interest — Drawbacks of the Dual system— Complicated machinery —
Numerous opportunities for constitutional obstruction — Consequent
dependence upon personal influence and ability for harmonious
working — The means adopted for carrying into effect a principle
not of equally permanent importance with the principle itself —
Count Beust and Dedk not to be held pledged to perpetual support
of Dualism — The secret of Deck's advocacy of the Compromise in
1867 — Desire to preserve the Hungarian Constitution — The con-
nection between Hungary and Austria — All his past acts consistent
with belief in these principles — But Dedk not committed to support
a system established originally with his warm approval, if it should
ultimately appear that the system then established had ceased to
work in favour of the principles on which it had been based.

WHAT, in effect, was this complicated Dual system,
whose authors may in any case claim the credit of
having attempted a novel if hazardous experiment
in the art of constitutional government, of having
supplied a plausible, if not the right, solution of the
problem of Austrian state-craft.

s 2

260 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix.

We have spoken of Dualism as a novel ex-
periment, and so indeed it must have appeared
to those who to all intents and purposes had
regarded the Austrian Empire as a united and
homogeneous country, of which Hungary, though
possessing certain specified rights and privileges, yet
formed an integral part. But a reference to the
past history of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy,
and to the internal relations between the two
countries now united by this apparently new and
bizarre device of a Dual parliamentary government,
will show that Dualism was in reality an attempt on
the part of Austrian and Hungarian statesmen rather
to adapt ancient institutions to modern wants and
ideas, than to invent a new political system to be
added to the numerous list of Constitutions that
have been on their trial in Europe, with more or less
success, since the beginning of the century.1

1 The Common Ministry for the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
consists of a Minister for Foreign Affairs, for War, and for Finance.

In each half of the monarchy there is a separate Ministry of
Worship, of Finance, Commerce, Justice, Agriculture, and National
Defence, headed respectively by a Minister President of the Council.

The Lower House in the Austrian Reichsrath consists of 353
members ; in the Hungarian Diet, of 444, now chosen in both cases
by direct election.

The Delegations, composed respectively of sixty members from each
half of the monarchy, are elected annually from amongst their parlia-
mentary representatives of the majority in each province, by the
members of the two Houses of the Austrian and Hungarian Legislatures.

The two Delegations, who meet alternately at Vienna and Pesth,
deliberate separately, their discussions being confined strictly to affairs
of common interest, with regard to which the Delegations have the
right to interpellate the Common Minister, and to propose laws or

CHAP, xxix.] PRINCIPLES OF DUALISM. 261

The principles underlying the present state
system of Austria- Hungary are to be traced with
varying distinctness in the programme of the Hun-
garian Liberals in 1847, in the Sanctioned Laws of
1848, in the provisions of the abortive Austrian
Constitution promulgated the same year at Olmiitz,

amendments. In case of disagreement between the two Delegations,
the. question of policy at issue is discussed by an interchange of
written messages, drawn up in the official language — German or
Hungarian — of the Delegation sending the message, and accompanied
by an authorised translation in the language of the Delegation to
which it is addressed.

If, after the interchange of three successive notes, an agreement
between the two bodies is not arrived at, the question is put to the
vote by ballot without further debate. The Delegates, of whom in a
plenary session there must be an equal number present from each
Delegation, vote individually, the Emperor having the casting vote.

By virtue of the present definition of common affairs, the cost of the
diplomatic service and the army is defrayed out of the Imperial
Revenues, to which Hungary contributes a proportion of 30 per 100.

With reference to the former, it is stipulated that all international
treaties be submitted to the two Legislatures by their respective
Ministries ; with reference to the latter, that whilst the appointment to
the military command of the whole army, as also to that of the national
force of Hungary, is in the hands of the Sovereign, the settlement of
matters affecting the recruiting, length of service, mobilisation, and pay
of the Honvid army remains with the Hungarian Legislature.

Those matters which it is desirable should be subject to the same
legislation, such as customs, indirect taxation, currency, etc., are
regulated by means of treaties, subject to the approval of the two
Legislatures. In cases where the two parties are unable to come to an
agreement, each retains the right to decide such questions in accordance
with their own special interests.

In common affairs, the decisions arrived at by the Delegations
(within the scope of their powers), and sanctioned by the Sovereign,
become thenceforth fundamental laws ; each Ministry is bound to
announce them to its respective National Legislature, and is responsible
for their execution.

262 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix.

in the Memorial of the so-called ' Old Conservatives '
of Hungary in 1850, in the October Diploma and
the Addresses of the Hungarian Diet in 1861, in
Deak's Easter article and the letters to the
Debatte in 1865, in the Imperial Manifesto of
September, and in the Speech from the Throne
and answering Address of the Diet in 1 866 .

With so much harmony of intention and idea
as is discernible on a comparison of these various
documents, how came it that for fifty years the
relations between Hungary and the Austrian
Empire had been such as to form a constant source
of exasperation and misery to the one, of weakness
and danger to the other ? Putting aside for the
moment all consideration of traditional prejudice and
antipathies of race, it may be said that the great
obstacle to a satisfactory agreement amongst men
who had so much in common as was the case with
the best and wisest of the statesmen of every
nationality in the State, consisted in the difficulty of
finding a system of government in which three
hitherto conflicting claims, three equally indisputable
rights, could be reconciled. First, the right of
Hungary to her Constitution, implying in this, the
acceptance by the Sovereign of laws constitutionally
created. Second, the right of the peoples of Austria
to the enjoyment of the constitutional government
promised, and that not for the first time, in the
October Diploma, and to the due recognition of their

CHAP, xxix.] THE DELEGATIONS. 263

historical privileges. Last, but not least, the right
of the Emperor to insist that the exercise of
national autonomy should in no case be allowed to
infringe upon the lawful prerogative of the Sovereign,
nor weaken the central authority of the State.

The merit of the Dual system, elaborated by
Francis Deak, and carried into execution by Count
Beust, lay in the fact that whilst it was based upon
a consideration for these several inalienable rights,
which to the end of time no one of the parties
concerned would ever have consented to forego, — it
yet required from each a certain measure of con-
cession, not for the satisfaction of a victorious faction,
but for the good of the State and in the interests of
the common unity.

It was essentially a compromise, open to all the
just and severe criticism to which such arrange-
ments are always liable, but having at the same time
the strong recommendation of being the one thing
possible ; and it is precisely that novel feature of the
present system on which so much disapproval has
been expended, viz. the Delegations which gave it this
necessary character of a compromise, and insured
for it when first started the best chance of practical
success. By this ingenious device a link was supplied
between Hungary and the Cis-Leithanian provinces,
which established something different either from a
bare ' Personal union,' dependent upon no stronger
bond than the personal identity of the Sovereign; or

264 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix.

from a ' Real union,' which would have been equi-
valent to the complete absorption of Hungary and its
Constitution into the political system of the Austrian
Empire.

In granting the demand of the Hungarians to be
governed by a separate responsible Ministry having
entire control over the legislation and internal ad-
ministration of their country, the time-honoured
constitutional independence of Hungary was fully
acknowledged.

In reintroducing parliamentary government for the
Cis-Leithanian provinces, the way was at least pre-
pared for the more complete development of their
constitutional liberties, and for a just distribution of
political power amongst the various nationalities
of Austria.

In establishing a common Ministry for Foreign
Affairs, War, and Finance, responsible not to the
respective Parliaments at Vienna and Pesth, but to
the Emperor and to the Delegations, — a twin body
having parity of rights, and representing in pro-
portionate degree the final opinion upon affairs of
common interest of the different nationalities included
within the two halves of the monarchy, — the all-
important principle of administrative unity in the
great affairs of state was respected, and the spirit
of the Pragmatic Sanction adhered to.

It cannot be denied, however, that though the
ground lines on which the new Austro-Hungarian

CHAP, xxix.] DANGERS OF DUALISM. 265

Constitution was planned might be comparatively
simple, the details that required to be adjusted
before the elaborate machine could be set in work-
ing order were so complicated, as to inspire reason-
able doubt whether Dualism could survive the shock
of a single ministerial crisis ; not to speak of the
more dangerous convulsionsj:o which the variety of
discordant elements comprised within the Hapsburg
Empire render it peculiarly liable. It cannot be
denied that according to the existing arrangement,
favourable opportunities for ' obstruction' at various
points in the administration of government are
perilously numerous. The effective action of the
State may be impeded, and even threatened, either
by a want of harmony between the Delegations and
the Legislatures they professedly represent, or by a
serious disagreement on a broad question of policy
between the Delegations themselves ; or again, by
a failure on the part of the Imperial Minister to
reconcile one or both of the Delegations to the
measures proposed —possibly already taken — by the
Government.

Under these circumstances, it is clear that much
must depend, first upon the maintenance of a close
and complete understanding between the imperial
and national ministers, and secondly upon the ability
of the latter to retain the support of a majority in
the National Legislature.

Whilst ostensibly based throughout upon the

266 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix.

modern theory of popular representation and sub-
mission to the decisive authority of numbers, the
present Constitution is, in some of the most im-
portant affairs of the monarchy, dependent for its
successful working upon the tact and capacity of
individual statesmen, on the beneficent influence of
the Sovereign, and on that political instinct and good
sense of the people, which makes all parties sincerely
desirous to avoid pursuing their special objects to
an extreme that might lead to the actual dislocation
of the Constitution, and involve the whole monarchy
once again in all the difficulties of a political crisis.

Hitherto the predictions of failure have been
unfulfilled ; the two Delegations have not yet come
into fatal collision, and the fantastic creation of par-
liamentary Dualism has contrived to survive without
breaking down, the wear and tear of a twelve years'
experience.

Nevertheless it would be unwise to argue that
because an ingenious expedient founded upon sound
principles has answered even beyond expectation
the purpose of its original inventors, it is consequently
to be regarded as having the same permanent im-
portance as those principles themselves, and as being
therefore equally beyond the scope of future states-
men to change and modify in consideration of new
times and altered circumstances. It would be doing
injustice to the political sagacity of Count Beust and
Francis Deak, to imagine that they would have

CHAP, xxix.] POSSIBLE NEED OF RE-ADJUSTMENT. 267

considered themselves bound irrevocably to the
maintenance, for all time, of the state of things laid
down in the Compromise of 1867 ; to suppose that
they regarded as an end what was in effect a means,
and to insist on the preservation of the Dual system
of 1867 in all its details, even though it should ap-
pear that the object originally held in view, namely,
the consolidation of a strong, free, and contented
monarchy under the Hapsburg rule, could best be
attained by a modification of the original Compromise.
Gifted as he was with a large share of that foresight
which is one of the chief attributes of statesmanship,
Deak himself would have been the last to assume
that he could prescribe for his country, or for that
shifting if indestructible State the Austrian Empire,
a system of government which should defy all
necessity for future readjustment. ' I know what I
shall do to-day,' he once observed, ' and to some
extent what I shall do to-morrow ; the day after
to-morrow I leave to Providence.'

To find the secret of Deak's staunch support of the
Compromise in 1867, it is only necessary to consider
what were the principles that had guided his conduct
since he first entered public life. Were they not
broadly these ? First, a firm belief in the Hungarian
Constitution, that is, in the right of Hungary to entire
liberty in all matters of internal legislation and ad-
ministration ; the right of her people to absolute
independence in these matters of all control by

268 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix.

officials appointed under a non- Hungarian regime,
whether popular or despotic. Second, the necessity
for Hungary to maintain on honourable terms her
lawful connection with the Austrian Empire, if she
would continue to exert an influence on the politics
of Europe, and not incur the risk of losing her
historical identity under the increasing pressure
of Slav multitudes within and without her own
borders.

The various acts of Deak's long public career will
all be found consistent with his belief in these two
principles ; his reforming zeal before 1848, his ab-
stention from all share in the proceedings of the
Republican Parliament at Debreczin ; his passive
resistance under the regime of Herr v. Bach ; his
stubborn opposition to Baron Schmerling's central
Parliament ; his eager advocacy of the Compromise
of 1867.

It was because he believed that the best method
of securing the end he always had before him,
namely, the union of a free Hungary with a free
Austria in one powerful and compact European
State, was at that time to be found in the Dual
system inaugurated by Count Beust, that he exerted
all his influence, all his great legal and political
abilities, in the furtherance of that complicated
scheme of government.

In the case of a State like the Austro-Hungarian
Monarchy, which has already, within a short space

CHAP, xxix.] DEAK NOT A 'DEAKIST.' 269

of time, gone through so many and such strange
vicissitudes, any attempt to forecast the probable
changes of a remote future would be more than
usually ill-advised. And yet to those who have
watched with sympathising interest the introduction
and gradual development of the present Constitution
of Austria-Hungary, the thought will inevitably
suggest itself, — may not there come a time when
Dualism will no longer fulfil the purposes for which
it was designed in 1867 ? 'I am not a Deakist,
only Deak,' Francis Deak once observed. It may
possibly be that the statesman who at some future
day, under the altered conditions of the Austrian
Empire, looks towards the establishment of a new
order of things upon the basis of old principles, will
be following more closely in the footsteps of Francis
Deak, than the thorough-going defenders of the
Compromise of which the great Hungarian citizen
was the author and champion.

270 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxx.

PART V.— RESTORATION.
CHAPTER XXX.

Deck's refusal of the office of Palatine — Coronation of the Emperor at
Buda Pesth — Contrast between 1849 and 1867.

WHEN Deak returned to Pesth after his last inter-
view with the Sovereign, when the famous message
had been read in which the Emperor announced
his determination to re-establish the Constitution of
the Kingdom of Hungary, and with this end to con-
stitute a responsible Hungarian Ministry, — the great
citizen felt that his task was practically accomplished ;
and with the same predilection for doing the solid
work of politics and leaving it to others to exhibit
the results, which had been so characteristic of his
conduct in the Reform struggle twenty years ago,
he would now gladly have withdrawn again at once
into the obscurity of private life. But his com-
patriots were not content to be as silent in their
eager recognition of his services, as Dedk in his
devotion to his country. What could be done to
testify the gratitude of the nation towards the loved
and honoured leader, Deak Ferencz, the popular
hero to whom the present reconciliation was chiefly

CHAP, xxx.] REFUSAL TO BE PALATINE. 271

owing ? Count Andrassy was consulted on the
subject by the Emperor himself; but the Minister
President knew his countryman too well to venture
on suggesting the offer of any tangible reward, and
his reply to the royal inquiry was not encouraging :
' You have at your disposal, Sire, riches, rank, and
honour ; for any other your Majesty could do much ;
but for Deak, nothing.' To bestow orders or
decorations on the famous citizen seemed equally
out of the question ; it might as well have been
proposed to decorate the Blocksberg. Even the
diamond-set portrait of the King and Queen was
declined by their most loyal subject ; the feeling
between Deak and his Sovereign was not such as
needed to be gauged or testified by the bestowal
of costly gifts ; and the staunch old patriot might
well be forgiven if his pride took the form of a
resolve never, from the beginning of his life to the
end, to have gained the smallest personal advantage
by his public services. The attempt of the Hun-
garian Parliament to do honour to Francis Deak,
by the unanimous proposal that the man who
more than any other had made the coronation
possible, should, in the character of Palatine, himself
place the crown on the head of the newly anointed
King of Hungary, was not more successful. The
Palatine-elect at once courteously refused the
proffered dignity ; and when his friends ventured
a second time to urge their request, they found that

272 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxx.

they were treading on dangerous ground, for, his
face flushing ominously, and in language more per-
emptory than before, the leader reiterated his refusal
of the flattering offer, and insisted that the office of
Palatine should be filled by none other than the
Minister President, Count Andrassy. Deak had
cheerfully made many sacrifices, and done much for
his country ; but there was one thing he could not
bring himself to do, and that was, to step out of the
quiet retirement of his ordinary life into the glare
of a public triumph, to figure as the centre of a
national ovation, and become, though only for a clay,
the observed of all observers. Never was popular
hero more intractable.

On the day of the coronation Deak was nowhere
to be seen. He had done his work so well that
for the time at least no influence of his was needed
to smooth away difficulties between King and people,
no logical argument to prove, by dry reference to
historic documents, the union legally subsisting
between a Hapsburg Sovereign and his Hungarian
subjects. The crowds that on that memorable 8th
of June thronged the streets of the royal city of
Buda, testified by their sincere enthusiasm towards
the rightful sovereign that in Hungary the triumph
of law had in no way diminished the ardour of loyalty.

The gulf separating the Hungary of 1867 from
the Hungary of 1849 seemed wide indeed ; and yet
such had been the dramatic rapidity with which

CHAP, xxx.] THE CORONATION. 273

despair, hope, and triumph had succeeded one
another during those eighteen years, that the chief
actors were the same throughout. The generation
that had witnessed the deepest misfortunes of their
country, that had listened to the passionate wail
of the young soldier-poet of Hungary over his
slaughtered comrades, — ' the holy victims of Liberty,
mown down in the battle,' l — were still living to take
part in the national rejoicing over the full restoration
of Hungarian freedom, and the hearty reconciliation
between the once suffering people and their Austrian
oppressors. The Emperor, now welcomed to the
Hungarian capital by his people as their lawful and
constitutional King, was the same who had occupied
the throne when the English Ambassador at Vienna
could confidently assure his Government, ' Austria
will not ever consent to establish the ancient Con-
stitution of Hungary.'2 Amongst the loyal subjects
who came to do honour to the Sovereign on his
coronation day, there were many whose names had
once appeared on the roll of proscribed traitors, and
who might have answered with Count Andrassy,
when the Emperor graciously inquired of the
Minister President, 'Where have you been, that
I have seen nothing of you for so long?' 'Sire,
in exile.'

Regarded merely as a pageant, there has seldom

1 Petofi, quoted by St. Rend Taillandier, La BoMme et la
Hongrie. 2 Lord Ponsonby to Lord Palmerston, 1849.

274 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxx.

been a more impressive spectacle than was witnessed
on that bright June day of 1867, in the streets of
Buda Pesth — gay with the once forbidden colours
of the national tricolour — as the long procession
of nobles and ecclesiastics, clad in all the varied
splendour of Hungarian costume, escorted the
Emperor-King Francis Joseph — now for the first
time wearing the sacred crown of St. Stephen— from
the Cathedral of Buda to the Coronation Hill in
Pesth ; where, mounted on his white charger, the
lawful successor of Arpad brandished his sword
towards the four points of the compass, in token
that from whatever quarter the enemy of his country
might come, the King of Hungary was prepared to
repel the invader.

But to those who looked back over eighteen
years to the ill-omened day when on the eve of a
civil war, the same Francis Joseph, now receiving
the devoted homage of his people, had replied to the
last manifesto of the loyal Hungarian Diet with the
harsh declaration of his intention to crush all dis-
turbance in his troubled province by force of arms ;
to those who could recall the bitter experiences of
war, oppression, and mute helpless misery, which
their country had been doomed to undergo since
then ; who had followed with keen anxiety the
hopes and disappointments of the last six years, and
the slow but patient advance of Hungary towards
the recovery of her ancient and never-forgotten

CHAP, xxx] NATIONAL FEELING. 275

rights ; to them, the ceremony of the 8th of June
was something more than an imposing pageant. For
beneath the quaint symbolism, thegorgeous trappings,
that seemed more befitting the glories of the Field
of the Cloth of Gold than the sober usages of
the nineteenth century, might be felt the beating
of a nation's heart, and every detail in the stately
and elaborate ceremony was fraught with genuine
significance to those in whose minds the traditions
of their past history were so closely interwoven with
the events of present politics as to be matters not
of antiquarian interest but of actual practical im-
portance. It is not often in this prosaic age that the
deepest realities of national life and feeling have
their true expression in so picturesque a form as
on the coronation day of the Hapsburg King of
Hungary ; not often that we see so ideal a harmony
between the pomp and outward splendour of a state
ceremony, and the sincere inmost feelings of the
actors who take part in it.

T 2

270 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxi.

CHAPTER XXXI.

Value of Deck's services to Hungary in assisting the establishment
of national parliamentary government — Instinctive anti-govern-
mental feeling amongst Hungarians — The parliamentary Opposi-
tion— Beak's influence in the settlement of internal questions — Law
of Nationalities — Croatia — Compromise of 1868.

UNLIKE Cavour, struck down not too soon for his
own glory, but sadly too soon for the tranquil
establishment of his great work and for the future
prosperity of United Italy, Francis Deak was spared
to guide his country through the dangerous period
of restless disorganisation and reaction, that usually
succeeds to the concentrated excitement of a great
national crisis.

He had never done better service to his country
and his sovereign than now during the last nine years
of his life, when his name was seldom heard beyond
the confines of Hungary, or within a small circle of
well-informed politicians in all countries of Europe.
Deak would never consent to take office in the new
Hungarian Government. The position he held as
a sort of supplementary and irresponsible Prime
Minister, whose support was well understood to be
so indispensable to the Cabinet that none could

CHAP. XXXL] GOVERNMENT AT PESTH. 277

possibly be formed on any other foundation, might,
under ordinary circumstances, have proved a hin-
drance to the healthy development of parliamentary
government. But in this case it was no small gain
to the newly established institution of a responsible
parliamentary Ministry, — quite independent of the
persons composing it — that it should have the
unfailing sanction and support of the trusted
patriot. In a country like Hungary, where the
old Nationalist feeling of suspicion and instinctive
opposition towards a Ministry in any way connected
with the Imperial Government at Vienna, is still so
strong, that a young deputy, however able and
ambitious to make his mark in the widest political
arena, will even hesitate at the notion of winning
his laurels in the character of a prominent mem-
ber of the Pesth Government — it would have
been dangerous to the existence not only of a
particular Ministry, but of the whole system of
constitutional government as established by the
Compromise of 1867, if Deak had at any time
during these early years been found in the ranks
of Opposition.

Meantime the useful element of hostile criticism
was well supplied by two parties who carried on the
functions of an effective parliamentary Opposition
according to the Hungarian fashion, by aid of well-
concerted action in the various party clubs. The
one, surnamed the Tigers (a terrifying cognomen,

278 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxi.

derived simply from the name of the hotel at
which the meetings of the party were held), led
by MM. Tisza and Ghyczy, opposed the Com-
promise in the interests of the more complete ad-
ministrative independence to be found under a
' Personal union.'

The other and smaller fraction, led by MM.
Bozsomenyi and Madarasz, looking to the absent
Kossuth as their chief, represented in the Legislature
the extreme republican principles of 1848. To up-
hold the existing Constitution in the face of this
vigorous internal hostility, was as difficult a matter
as to protect in its first years the infant Republic
in France against the unceasing attempts of Imperial-
ists, Reds, and Royalists, to undermine its gradually
increasing authority.

But fortunately in Hungary the love of order, and
respect for lawful authority, however distasteful,
prevented opposition from degenerating into intrigue ;
and the free discussion of differences in open
parliamentary debate, led, not to further estrange-
ment between the two chief parties, but to the
eventual establishment of an agreement with regard
to the fundamental principles of the Compromise.
Within seven years from this time the broad division
separating the ' Deak ' from the ' Tisza ' party had
disappeared ; a coalition had been formed between
their respective followers, and M. Tisza is now
Minister President under the conditions of a system

CHAP, xxxi.] DOMESTIC LEGISLATION. 279

of which he was at one period the most formidable
assailant. Opposition to the Government there is,
and always will be, so long as there are Govern-
ments at all in Hungary ; but that less dangerous
stage has now been reached when it is the Tightness
of special men and measures that is the subject of
dispute and criticism, not the right of the Government
itself to exist.

With regard to certain internal questions of vital
importance to the safety and well-being of the
Hungarian kingdom, Deak's influence amongst his
political contemporaries was exerted to good purpose
in repairing the grievous errors of past years, and
introducing a sound principle for the future. To
the great satisfaction of all true friends of Hungary,
one of the first acts of the Legislature on regaining
its lawful rights was to annul the clause in the
Laws of '48 decreeing the compulsory use of the
Magyar language in all the County Assemblies
throughout the country irrespective of nationality,
until the further decision of the Diet.

For the last twenty years Deak had been forced
to devote all his abilities to the defence of old-estab-
lished laws, not to the making of new ones ; but the
reforming legislator of pre-revolutionary days was
not one of those who have a natural bias towards
a negative policy of defence and resistance, and
as soon as circumstances would allow, he gladly

28o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxi.

reverted to that more congenial work of progressive
and constructive legislation in which he had been
interrupted during the dark December days of 1848,
by the blare of Austrian trumpets, and the advance
of an invading army upon the Hungarian capital.

Before the close of the year of 1867, Deak, in
concert with a sub-committee of the Diet, had
prepared the draft of a law for regulating the equal
rights of the nationalities1 (Gleichberechtigung) of
Hungary. But the ultra-Magyar feeling in the
House was still too strong for the leaders to suc-
ceed in carrying out at once their wise measure
of conciliation ; the Diet was prorogued without
any decision being taken; and it was not till 1868
that the Law of Nationalities was passed by both
Houses of the Legislature.

If Deak had shown that he knew how to stand
firm in the interests of Hungary, he showed in his
treatment of the 'burning question ' of Croatia that
he knew also how to make concessions. Of all the
numerous dangers besetting the new Government of
Hungary, none was so threatening as that presented
by the attitude of the sister-province, whose bond
with Hungary had always been of that delicate
description which requires constant easing and
adjusting, lest the slightest undue strain or friction
should break the link irreparably.

Ever since the days of Gai and Draskovics, and the

1 Magyars, Roumans, Germans, Ruthenes, Servians, Slovacks.

CHAP, xxxi.] CROATIA. 281

Pan-Slav or so-called Illyrian movement of 1840 — a
movement skilfully fostered by the Vienna Govern-
ment of the time as a useful counterpoise to the
increasing Constitutional fervour of the Hungarian
Liberals, — there had been a party in Croatia dis-
posed to break off absolutely all connection with
Hungary and the Hungarian Government, and
aspiring towards confederation with their Slav
brethren in the neighbouring provinces ; under the
aegis of a Hapsburg Emperor if possible, if not —
an eventuality seldom contemplated, it would seem,
by the violent anti-Magyar counsellors of his
Austrian Majesty — under the patronage of the Czar,
who, in accordance with historical precedent had
never ceased to take a benevolent interest in the
fate of such Slav subjects of a brother sovereign, as
belonged, not only to the same race, but to the same
Church, as the inhabitants of Holy Russia. l

Diametrically opposed to these Pan-Slav Nation-

1 The light in which a wisely patriotic Slav regarded these Pan-Slav
aspirations and their tendency, may be judged from the words of Count
Palacky, the veteran champion of Bohemian nationality and State-
rights, when replying to the invitation to attend the German Parliament
at Frankfort in 1848. 'You know which is the colossal Power that
occupies all the eastern part of Europe ; all but invulnerable on its own
soil, we see it already threatening the world's liberty and aiming at
universal monarchy. This universal monarchy, though it professes to
be for the benefit of the Slav peoples, I, a Slav in heart and soul,
should regard as an appalling evil, as an incalculable and immeasurable
calamity. I shall be told that I am an enemy of the Russians — but
what of that ? Above the interests of race I have always placed the
interests of humanity and civilisation, and the bare prospect of a uni-
versal monarchy exercised by the Russians has no more resolute

282 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxr.

alists — if such a designation be not in itself a contra-
diction— were those, chiefly to be found amongst the
magnates and upper ranks of the country party in
Croatia, who not only had from their position
more natural affinity with the Constitution-loving
magnates of Hungary than with the extreme party
in their own country, but who also believed honestly
that the old constitutional rights and privileges of
Croatia were more likely to be preserved by
maintaining a close connection with the Liberal
Government at Pesth, than by exchanging the
light parliamentary yoke of Hungary for the
bondage of subjection to the Pan-Slav idea ; an
idea which, implied the obliteration of national in-
dividuality, and which, beginning with liberation,
might possibly end with despotism.

Between these, was the great body of Croatian
patriots, who, whilst they were as firmly resolved to
preserve their national individuality and constitu-
tional rights as the Magyars themselves, were at

adversary than myself, not because it would be a Russian monarchy,
but because it would be a universal monarchy ' (quoted by St. Rene'
Taillandier).

Nor had warning against the danger of coquetting with Pan-
Slavism been wanting from the Emperor's Hungarian subjects in
earlier days. ' Let his Majesty beware,' exclaimed Charles Jezernitzky,
the deputy for Nyitra, speaking on behalf of the Diet in 1790, at a
time when Leopold II. was encouraging unduly the separatist tendencies
of the ' Illyrian ' party of that day, by listening to their proposal for a
separate chancelry : ' From the heart of Russia will, at some future
time, come races kindred to this nation, and together they will shake
the imperial throne to its foundations.' — De Gdrando, p. 101.

CH. xxxi.] BEAK'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS CROATIA. 283

the same time anxious to uphold for the present
the traditional union with Hungary under the
Crown of St. Stephen, provided it were made
possible for them to do this without surrendering
too far the lawful rights of Croatia and her
dependencies.

In all his past dealings with Croatia, Deak had
not only shown a thorough comprehension of the
political bearings of the question, but a wise and
generous fellow-feeling for a people who stood
much in the same relation towards the Hungarians
as did the latter towards the Austrian Government
at Vienna. It was with the same large-minded
political wisdom that in the Second Address of 1861
he had ventured to declare in the name of his
countrymen, ' that in view of the palpable fact '
that Croatia, whether wisely or not, wished to
loosen the bond that had attached her for centuries
to Hungary, ' the Diet, respecting her wishes, was
ready at any moment to enter into negotiations
for this purpose.' And again, a short time later,
it was Francis Deak, the acknowledged champion
of the rights of Hungary, who held out to the
Croats the famous offer of the 'blank sheet' on
which to inscribe their own conditions for main-
taining the connection with Hungary ; promising
that whatever the conditions, they were accepted
beforehand, so long as they did not involve the

dismemberment of the Kingdom of St. Stephen.

284 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxr.

On this occasion, however, the proposed agree-
ment between the Diets of Hungary and Croatia
had, owing to various reasons, fallen through ; and
in spite of the expressed willingness of the Nation-
alists at Agram to consent to a union on the terms
of local autonomy and central administration of
common affairs by the Hungarian Government —
the provisions of the February Patent remained
in force for Croatia, as well as for the other pro-
vinces of the Empire.

Seven years later, Deak, now the moving spirit
of an independent Hungarian Government, having
full command over the settlement of its relations
with the ' partes adnexae ' of the Kingdom of St.
Stephen, showed that he still remained faithful
to the principles he had held in 1861. At a time
when all parties in Croatia, united in profound dis-
content at the introduction of Dualism and the
whole result of Count Beust's German- Hungarian
policy, were giving vent freely to the bitterest anti-
Magyar sentiments, sending deputations to Vienna
to protest against ' incorporation with Hungary,'
and refusing to send representatives from the Diet
of Agram to the coronation of the King at Pesth, —
Deak, with his ineradicable belief in the sovereign
efficacy of reason and moderation, undertook the
seemingly hopeless task of devising a scheme that
should be acceptable to the ultra- Nationalists both
in Hungary and Croatia, and yet commend itself

CHAP, xxxi.] COMPROMISE OF 1868. 285

to the approval of cooler and perhaps more far-
sighted politicians.

The draft of an agreement prepared by Deak
and his distinguished friend and ally Baron Eotvos,
was submitted to the joint discussion of delegations
nominated by the Diets of Pesth and Agram ; and
after long debate a compromise was arrived at, so
satisfactory to the aggrieved patriots at Agram
that the town was illuminated in celebration of the
auspicious event, and for the time at least there
seemed a fair prospect of restored good-will between
the neighbouring countries.1

By the end of May 1868 — exactly a year from
the time when the Croatian deputies had presented
to the Emperor their remonstrance against re-
union with Hungary — the compromise was an
accomplished fact ; and a distinct step was thus
taken towards the peaceful establishment of the
Hungarian Government.

1 According to the provisions of this compromise the Diet of Agram
exercises complete home rule in all matters of the interior, those
questions only which are of common interest, such as the army, customs,
and finance, being settled at Pesth. Croatia sends to the Hungarian
Parliament thirty-one deputies, who in the special sessions devoted to
the discussion of common affairs are entitled to vote, and to address
the House in their own language. According to the financiaT^rralige-
ment, 45 peFcent. 01 tne revenues of Croatia is set apart for the special
expenses of the country, the remainder being paid into the national
exchequer at Pesth.

286 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Good effect of the harmonious working of the Hungarian Government
on the western half of the monarchy — Difficulties of Count Beust
in establishing the new system in Austria — Agreement between
Austrian and Hungarian ministers with regard to reform
measures introduced at Vienna — Partial concession to the
Nationalists in Electoral Law of 1873 — Abolition of the Concordat —
— Sympathy with development of constitutional liberty in Austria
on the part of Hungary — Deak's opinion on the relations of Church
and State.

BUT it was not only within his own country that
the tact and judgment of the Hungarian leader,
combined with the prudent moderation of the
Ministry at Pesth, produced wholesome effect.

The Dual system was on its trial ; and had it
not been for the reassuring example and the steady-
ing influence afforded by the successful working
of parliamentary government in Hungary, the
difficulties of Count Beust in Austria would have
been considerably increased.

For months after the conclusion of the com-
promise and its official acceptance by the Reichsrath,
the success or failure of the new experiment seemed
a question of at least equal probability, and the
most sanguine onlooker could hardly have asserted

CHAP, xxxii.] DISCORD IN THE EMPIRE. 287

that the latest political crisis was safely over for
the storm-tossed empire. It still remained to be seen
whether in the disasters and convulsions of 1866
Austria had sustained the final blow that was to
break up beyond all possibility of reconstruction
the vast congeries of lands and provinces which
for centuries had owned the sway of the Hapsburg
sceptre, or the electric shock that was to send a
thrill of new and vigorous life into every corner
of the monarchy. During the latter half of 1867
the darkest forebodings seemed justified.

Germans, Czechs, Poles, Croats, Servians, Italians,
—Autonomists, Centralists, Federalists, Clericals,
Feudalists, Radicals, — each party straining in a
different direction, absorbed in the pursuit of its
own special object, following its own leaders, and
endeavouring to influence the central Government
in the sense of its own particular views and
interests. A discouraging prospect truly, for those
who, being pledged to no special interests, were
only desirous to see a strong and united Austria
once more take its rightful place amongst the
great Powers of Europe. Well might Count Beust
say, ' We are climbing a steep mountain ; the load
we have to draw is heavy ; the road is bad and
bordered with precipices ; if we are ever to reach
the top, every one will have to put his shoulder to
the wheel.'1

1 Laveleye.

288 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn.

The day seemed yet far distant when the noble
words of the Emperor on opening the Reichsrath
in May 1867 were to be realised. ' Let us lay to
heart,' his Majesty had urged, 'the lessons of the
immediate past ; but yet let us find in our unshaken
courage, the power and the will to restore to the
Empire peace and prosperity at home, respect and
strength abroad ; let us not be influenced by
thoughts of retaliation ; we shall find a nobler
satisfaction in uniting together to transform by
degrees aversion and hostility into regard and
sympathy. Then the peoples of Austria, of what-
ever kindred, of whatever tongue, will gather
round the imperial standard, and will render glad
credence to those words of my ancestor: "Austria
shall exist and prosper down to remotest ages, under
the protection of the Almighty."

As time went on, however, it became apparent
that the new Constitution, inaugurated amidst over-
whelming difficulties and in the face of opposition
passive or active in every province and every class
throughout the Empire, had been framed on principles
so well suited to the circumstances for which it was
created, that not only did it take root and grow, but
soon developed sufficient vitality to stand the test
of severe criticism, and even of alteration, without
losing its original character.

It was fortunate for the harmonious settlement of
internal politics in the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy,

CHAP, xxxii.] STATE RIGHTS. 289

that in those important measures of reform which
the Cabinet judged it necessary to introduce, in the
interest of the peoples of Austria, the imperial
ministers could rely confidently upon the goodwill
and sympathy of the Liberal majority and the
Liberal Government in the Hungarian Parliament.

Of the three inalienable rights before referred to,
as demanding equal recognition in any permanent
settlement of the constitution of Austria- Hungary,
viz. the right of Hungary to her lawful independence,
the right of the sovereign to insist on the main-
tenance of a strong central authority, and the right
of the Austrian peoples to constitutional freedom
and the acknowledgment of their historical privi-
leges, this last might seem to have received the
least share of justice in the establishment of the
Dual system, and the provisions of the Compromise
of 1867. But if so, it was not from any lack of
appreciation of the validity of this right, on the part
at least of Francis Deak, who in 1847 had declared
in the name of the Opposition, their conviction, ' that
if the Hereditary States of Austria were to regain
their ancient constitutional rights and liberties, the
conflicting interests of Hungary, and the other lands
of the monarchy, could be more easily reconciled.'

The claims of the national party in Bohemia and
Galicia are not yet satisfied, nor, to the full extent of
their demands, is it probable that they ever will be ;
but the electoral reform of 1873, and the subsequent

2 90 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn.

concession, to some degree, of the Nationalist claims,
have at least gone far to amend the present Consti-
tution, in a direction where some such alteration was
not uncalled for. The rumours that the Young
Czech party in Bohemia, weary of their self-exclusion
from the constitutional privileges enjoyed by the
other nationalities of the monarchy, are seeking to
come to some understanding that shall enable them
to take their seats in the Imperial Parliament, would
seem to show that the Constitution of 1867 is
gradually finding acceptance, even amongst those
who were originally most opposed to it. But there
are wheels within wheels in Austrian politics, as
there are parties within parties ; and it would be
the height of rashness for an outsider to set down
as signs of the times, what may be only transitory
and misleading appearances.1

With regard also to the great question which for
upwards of two years engaged the attention of
Austrian politicians of all parties and nationalities, —
the abolition of the Concordat and the reform of the

1 The above was written in May 1879. Since then (in October) the
Czech deputies have for the first time taken their seats in the Reichsrath.
The ministerial changes of the preceding August, when Dr. Stremayr
was succeeded as Minister President in Austria by Count Taaffe, and
Count Andrassy as Foreign Minister by Baron Haymerle, are not
apparently to be taken as importing a departure from the main
principles which have influenced the action of Austro- Hungarian
statesmen since the Compromise of 1867. Count Taafife appears
resolved, like his Liberal predecessor, to maintain the constitution
then established ; Baron Haymerle has entered upon his arduous
duties at the Foreign Office with the sympathy and good will of the
late imperial Chancellor.

CHAP, xxxii.] THE CONCORDAT. 291

confessional laws, — the sympathies of the Hungarian
leader were entirely with Count Beust and the great
majority in the Reichsrath.

Few subjects could have provided such a broad
ground of common interests, or offered to the various
peoples of Austria so favourable an occasion for
exercising in concert their newly acquired constitu-
tional privileges ; few could have given the Emperor
Francis Joseph so striking an opportunity for proving
to all the world, by his refusal to override the decision
of Parliament by the lawful exercise of the royal
prerogative, that a Hapsburg Sovereign, when he had
once accepted the principles of freedom and con-
stitutional government, was prepared to abide by
them, with the same conscientious devotion that his
ancestors had displayed in the cause of ecclesiastical
tyranny and absolutism.

The unanimity with which the laws tending to
emancipate the State, — in such matters as education
and marriage, — from the legal jurisdiction of Rome,
were in due time passed by both Houses of the
Legislature, was remarkable ; considering the multi-
plicity of classes, interests, and nationalities, repre-
sented by those who took part in the debates. But
the chief cause for satisfaction lay in the illustration
thus afforded of the words used in the Upper House
by Herrv. Hasner, the Minister of Worship, in reply
to the charge, that in altering the provisions of the
Concordat, Austria would be guilty of breaking her

u 2

292 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn.

engagements. ' All is now changed ; the absolutism
which treated with Rome is at an end ; a constitu-
tional State has come into existence, which is bound
to settle its internal affairs according to its own
convenience. Austria, in taking her stand upon
the ground of Constitutionalism, has regained full
liberty of action.' 1

With this development of constitutional activity
in Austria, and also with the special object to which
in this instance it was directed, Deak, as has been
said, had entire sympathy.

Himself a Catholic and a faithful son of the
Church, he yet shared to the full that deeply rooted
aversion to papal interference in national affairs,
that sturdy independence of judgment, which have
at all times characterised the relations between
Hungary and the Holy See ; and which were con-
spicuously evident in 1870, when Deak's friend and
compatriot, the accomplished Archbishop Haynald,2
returned in disgrace from the (Ecumenical Council
at Rome ; one of the few Catholic bishops who
had refused to accept the new dogma of Papal
Infallibility.

His own opinion as to the ideal relation between
the ecclesiastical and civil authority may be best
described in the words of Cavour — ' a free Church in

1 Quoted by Laveleye.

J The Archbishop of Kalocsa, raised to the dignity of Cardinal by
Pope Leo XIII., May 1879.

CHAP. XXXIL] CHURCH AND STATE. 293

/ a free State.' The last great speech that Deak de-
livered in the Hungarian Parliament, was on this
subject, and though already the shadow of mortal
illness was upon him, those who heard him speak
on that occasion will not soon forget the masterly
force, lucidity, and logical argument with which
he expounded his favourite thesis. The days of a
purely ' Deak Cabinet ' were at that time gone
by, and Deak spoke with no more official authority
than the youngest deputy present ; but, as in past
times, the influence of the old leader was still potent
amongst his countrymen, and the Commission ap-
pointed by the House, to prepare a ' projet de loi '
regulating the relation between Church and State,
received instructions to base their scheme upon the
principles just laid down by Deak Ferencz.

294 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Agreement between Austrian and Hungarian Ministers on the subject
of peace — Policy of Austria since the Treaty of Prague — Refusal of
Count Beust to be drawn into hostility to Prussia on the question
of the Main — Count Beust supported in his peaceful policy by
Hungary — Harmony of opinion between Beust and Andrassy as
to future policy of the Monarchy — Preparation against a possible
reopening of the Eastern question — Deak and Andrassy — Resigna-
tion of Count Beust — Succeeded at the Foreign Office by Count
Andrdssy.

THE Emperor, in his royal message of the iyth
of February 1867, had declared his reliance upon
the political wisdom of the Hungarians, and his
confidence that they would not refuse to accord to
the lately established responsible Government, the
full and exceptional powers rendered necessary by
the grave difficulties of the situation.

This confidence was not misplaced. Above all, in
the pre-eminently important and delicate question of
the foreign relations of the monarchy, the Andrassy
Government, of which Dedk was virtually, though not
officially, a member, received the steady support of a
large majority in the Chambers.

Apart from the general welfare of the monarchy,
there was no subject with regard to which, for the

CHAP, xxxiii.] FOREIGN POLICY. 295

sake of the Dual System itself, there existed so
imperative a necessity for the preservation of a
complete understanding between the two Govern-
ments and Legislatures.

The agreement between the Hungarian statesmen
and Count Beust, that had resulted in the Com-
promise of 1867, was no hasty bargain, patched up
to meet the pressing needs of the moment, but a
compact based on a sincere harmony of opinion
with regard to the present and future policy of
Austria-H ungary.

The keystone of this policy, with respect to foreign
affairs in both countries, was peace.

The short and sharp thunder-storm of 1866, had
marvellously cleared the air in Germany ; and when
the sombre clouds of battle rolled away, Austrian
statesmen could see their course lying more clearly
before them. The peace that followed the Seven
Days' War, was not a ' recueillement ' after the
Russian fashion, — a mere truce, occupied with
thoughts of retaliation and the precautions of sus-
picious watchfulness, — a state of things well-nigh as
exhausting to a nation's strength, and as fatal to
internal progress and reform, as one of open hostility ;
but a genuine peace, frankly accepted in all its
conditions, with the dignity of a great empire that
has full confidence in its ability to achieve a worthy
future, and to carry out its destiny amongst European
nations by other ways than those closed against it by

296 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin.

the fortune of war, or still more by the irresistible
force of circumstances.

But to carry into execution this conception of
Austria's true policy, was no easy matter ; and it was
well for her statesmen that they were cordially
supported in their intention to maintain a solid and
durable peace by the leading men in the Hungarian
Government.

The Treaty of Prague had left a state of things
which by a little ingenuity, a slight imprudence,
might easily have been made to produce a feeling
of chronic irritation, if not a renewal of active
hostilities. Between the Austrian Empire on the
one hand, and Prussia, with the States of the North
German Confederation * on the other, lay the States
of the Southern Confederation, prohibited from
forming any political connection with Austria, and
yet not amalgamated completely with the North
German Confederation, though connected with
Prussia by the tie of a military convention and a
common customs union.

' Germany has been divided into three by the
Treaty of Prague,' boasted M. Rouher to the
French Assembly ; and no doubt the minister and
his imperial master, — to whose intervention was due
the insertion in the Preliminaries of Nikolsburg,
of the arrangement relative to the barrier formed by
the line of the Main between the German States

1 Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden.

CHAP, xxxiii.] HAPSBURG AND HOHENZOLLERN. 297

north and south of that river, — would have been not
ill-pleased, if the arbitrary division created by this
politic device, should have proved a source of ill-
feeling and strained relations between Berlin and
Vienna ; thereby leaving renewed opportunity for
France to make her game out of the rivalries of the
two great German Powers, and enable her to fill the
honourable post of mediator in their differences.

But in Count Beust, Louis Napoleon had found
his match. In vain is the net spread in the sight of
any bird. Though sedulously preserving a good
understanding with the French people and their
emperor, Count Beust resolutely declined to be em-
broiled with his late adversary. When the ' Great
Germany' policy of Count Buol and his colleagues,
was given up at Vienna for good and all, the
Austrian Chancellor was too accomplished a states-
man not to take care, that the Empire should at
least reap the advantages of this compulsory re-
nunciation. There was room enough in Germany
for Hohenzollern and Hapsburg, and if it were
decreed that the former should carry off the prize for
which both had been contending, it was surely
better that Austria- Hungary should henceforth
strengthen her position by securing the firm friend-
ship of the victorious State, and cementing the
natural alliance between the two great German
dynasties of the Continent, rather than indulge in the
doubtful and perilous satisfaction of angry remon-
strance, or ungracious resistance to the inevitable

298 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxm.

tendency of events. What if Prussia, in course of
time, should gradually draw into her orbit those
German States south of the Main, which it was
certain would never become incorporated with the
Austrian Empire, still less revive the traditions of the
German Confederation, even should the river barrier,
which separated them in diplomatic imagination from
the States of the Northern Confederacy, be preserved
till Domesday ? Was not Austria- Hungary, now
animated with fresh life and vigour, justified in
looking forward with calm reliance upon her
strength to the new career marked out for her by
the events of recent years, and therefore in regard-
ing with the equanimity of a dignified self-assurance,
the increasing greatness of a neighbouring, and now
friendly State ?

Before four years had gone by, Austria-Hungary,
the crushed and shattered Empire of 1866, was the
object of anxious solicitude on the part of both her
powerful neighbours. But neither pressure nor
flattery, was allowed to divert the monarchy from
the position of reserve, and strictly impartial
neutrality, which had been deliberately adopted on
the conclusion of the late war.

' It has always been the misfortune of Austria,'
Count Beust once observed, ' to have made a great
commotion, and incurred dislike, about things for
which she was not resolved to go to war. To avoid
this mistake is the leading idea of my policy.' l

1 Verdict der Thatsachen, Leipzig, 1878.

CHAP. XXXIIL] DESIRE FOR PEACE. 299

In following out this * leading idea ' the Chancellor
of the Dual Empire, as has been already pointed out,
found hearty support in Hungary, where the neces-
sity for peace, and the desire to preserve a good
understanding with Germany, were naturally stronger
than in Austria.1 Indeed so closely was this aim
kept in view beyond the Leitha, that when, on the
occasion of a grand festivity of the National Schutz-
verein at Vienna, the Imperial Chancellor had
ventured to indulge in somewhat more bellicose
language than was quite consistent with his avowedly
peaceful policy, a voice of remonstrance and warning
was immediately raised by the^ chief organ of public
opinion in Hungary. ' The nation of hussars ' was
also a nation of politicians ; and having made up
their minds that the interests of the monarchy
required the preservation of an unbroken peace, the
Hungarians were now as pugnaciously vehement in
the cause of peace as they had sometimes been on
behalf of war.

But in other questions than that of the immediate
relations of Austria-Hungary to her Continental

1 " Comme je 1'ai toujours fait pressentir dans nos pourparlers de
I'anne'e derniere, nous ne pouvons pas oublier que nos dix millions
d'Allemands ne voient dans la guerre actuelle, non pas un duel entre
la France et la Prusse, mais le commencement d'une lutte nationale.
Nous ne pouvons pas nous dissimuler non plus que les Hongrois, tout
disposes qu'ils soient a s'imposer les plus grands sacrifices des qu'il
s'agit de deYendre 1'empire centre la Russie, se montreront plus
reserve's des qu'il s'agit de ddpenser leur sang et leur argent pour
reconqudrir a 1'Autriche sa position en Allemagne." — Despatch of
Count Beust to Prince Metternich, July 20, 1870.

300 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin.

neighbours, the Austrian Premier had able and
sympathising allies, in the Minister President of
Hungary, and his great countryman.

Whilst still the chief of the Hungarian Cabinet,
Count Andrassy had shown in his views for the
future as well as for the present, how thoroughly he
appreciated the 'motif of the policy initiated by the
Austrian Foreign Minister. In his manner of re-
garding the great problem of the relations to be
maintained towards the Porte and its Christian
subjects! in Turkey, in view of the palpable ineffi-
ciency of the Ottoman Government, and the constant
growth of Russian influence in that quarter, — the
Hungarian Minister was substantially at one with
the colleague whom he afterwards succeeded at the
Austrian Foreign Office.

Fully realising the value to Austria- Hungary of
maintaining a good understanding with the Western
Powers, and resolved not again to commit the
mistake of 1854, when Austria contrived to aggrieve
all parties, without in any way improving her own
position ; keenly alive to the importance, from a
European point of view, of not allowing the Christian
provinces of Turkey, as they became one by one
detached from the Ottoman Empire, to fall under
the exclusive control of Russian despotism ; and
from an Austrian point of view, of preserving the
influence of the monarchy amongst the rising Slav
States of Turkey, — Count Andrassy was yet at no
time a blind devotee of the ' status quo,' — that

CHAP, xxxni.] DEAK AND ANDRASSY. 301

favourite watchword with some anti-Russian politi-
cians,— and would always have been rather disposed
to take as his device the sage words of his pre-
decessor, ' II importe de distinguer ce qui est possible
de ce qui ne Test pas.' l

Deak did not live to see the breaking of the
storm, against which his far-sighted compatriot had
so long been making ready ; but he had not failed
to appreciate the tendency of those ideas in the
Hungarian Minister President, which the Imperial
Chancellor has since been working out under no
small difficulties. The veteran statesman who had
weathered so many European storms, was accustomed
to read the signs of the times, and could well under-
stand why Count Andrassy should keep his eyes so
anxiously turned towards the East, even whilst the
horizon, in that direction at least, seemed calm and
cloudless.

It has been related by one who was accustomed
to be present at those familiar conclaves, in which
Deak would talk over the events of current
politics with a circle of intimate friends, that on one
occasion, so far back as 1 868, the conversation turned
upon Andrassy's absurd infatuation on the subject of
the Eastern Question. ' We might safely leave that
I to the Western Powers,' said a deputy present ; ' they
jwill take good care that their work of 1856 is
not so soon destroyed.' ' Excuse me, my friend,'
observed Deak quietly, ' but with all due deference

1 Despatch of Count Beust, Jan. 1867. See Diplomatic Sketches.

302 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin.

to you, I think Gyula [Count Julius Andrassy] sees
farther than you do.'1 Had Dedk been spared
to aid his country with his counsels, during the
critical phase through which Austria- Hungary has
been passing during the past three years, would not
the weight of his powerful influence have been
still exerted on behalf of the much-abused policy
of the Hungarian Chancellor? Judging by the
internal evidence to be derived from an ex-
amination of the words and deeds of a lifetime,
does it not seem probable that the same principles
influencing the unpopular and so-called anti-Magyar,
policy adopted by Count Andrassy and M. Tisza, in
their attempt to steer the Dual Empire with safety
and honour through the perilous shoals of the
Eastern Question, would, rightly, or wrongly, have
guided the actions of Dedk himself ?

With the removal of Count Andrdssy to Vienna
in 1871, the period of Dedk's intimate personal
connection with the Hungarian Ministry came to
an end ; though his name was still used to describe
the Government party, as being that which was
emphatically pledged to the support of the Dedk
Compromise of 1867.

The internal differences in Austria between the
supporters of the amended Constitution of 1867,
on the one side, and the Conservative and
Clerical party advocating the further concession of

1 See Verdict dcr Thatsachen,

CHAP, xxxm.] RESIGNATION OF COUNT BEUST. 303

provincial independence, on the other, had come to a
point under the Ministry of Count Hohenwcjrt ; who,
in his desire to satisfy the claims of the Czech party
in Bohemia, had gone the length of pledging the
Emperor to such a fundamental law on the subject
of State-rights, as would, in the opinion of Count
Beust, have infallibly broken up the recently con-
solidated empire.

On the urgent advice of the Chancellor, the new
fundamental law was revoked, and Count Beust,
satisfied with having gained his point, made all the
amends in his power to the justly exasperated
Czechs, by resigning the important office he had
held for five years.

This somewhat dangerous episode in the internal
history of the convalescent empire, had at least
the salutary effect of showing the solidarity now
established between the two halves of the monarchy.
In his representations to the Emperor on this
occasion, Count Beust was not only supported
warmly by the Hungarian Minister President, — his
successor at the Foreign Office, — but by a large
majority in the two Delegations. It was evident
that the relations between Vienna and Pesth were
at this time of such a nature, that the opinion
expressed only two years earlier by the German
Ambassador, ' The Hungarians are still hoping and
waiting for Prussia/ would have to be reconsidered.

304 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Financial excitement in Hungary — Speculation — Fall of the Szlavy
Cabinet — The last Dedk Cabinet — Deak's continued interest in
public affairs — Symptoms of a break-up in the Dedk party —
Proposed Coalition Cabinet, 1875 — Fusion between the Opposition
and the Centre of the Dedk party — Deak's increasing illness —
Public sympathy — Last interview between the leader and his
political supporters — Death, January 1876 — Public funeral.

THE prudent policy of the leading statesmen on
both sides of the Leitha, though it might be suc-
cessful in preserving peace for Austria- Hungary
abroad, was of no avail in guarding it against the
dangers of financial crisis at home. The frenzy of
speculation, the reckless plunge into vast financial
and commercial enterprises of all kinds, which pre-
vailed throughout the monarchy in the year 1870,
the sudden haste to grow rich, the feverish anxiety
to develop within an abnormally short time the
hitherto neglected resources of the country, — all this
was a phase of national activity by no means to the
taste of Francis Deak. In his opinion, the Ministry
of Count Lonyay, who had succeeded Count
Andrassy as Minister President, lent itself far too
readily to the encouragement of the universal
mania ; and it was no secret that when, a year later,

CHAP, xxxiv.] THE SZLAVY CABINET. 305

the fall of the minister seemed imminent, the in-
fluence of the great deputy in the party club was
not exerted in his favour.

Under the Cabinet of M. Szlavy, endless questions
of State-loans, railway concessions, the formation of
companies, and various speculative undertakings,
patronised by the Government in the interests
ostensibly of the public service, still engrossed the
attention of the Hungarian Parliament. ' We have
now neither a Deak party nor an Opposition,'
remarked one deputy ; ' we have only a Grenz-
walder, a Kaschau-Odenburg, or an Eastern-railway
party.'

Deak himself expressed his views with regard to
the prevailing state of things in the style of forcible
and homely allegory peculiar to him. ' In his
youth/ he said, ' he had been passionately fond of a
certain little pond-fish, the cziky until one day when
he happened to see in what disgusting places it was
caught ; and from that time he could never touch it
again. It had been the same,' he declared, ' in the
matter of these railway schemes ; no one could
have been more ardently in favour of this means of
extending our civilisation, until he came to see in
Parliament, what nasty mud the railways were built
out of.' Henceforward, if he chanced to enter the
House whilst some fresh railway concession was
under discussion, his friends would laughingly call

306 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv.

out ' Czik, czik ! ' a signal for Dedk at once to retreat
into the lobby.1

The fall of the Szlavy Government in the spring of
1874, may be said to have been the beginning of the
end, so far as the unimpaired and homogeneous
existence of the original ' Deak party ' of 1865, was
concerned. The old leader himself had never
spoken in the House again since he took part in the
discussion on the relations of Church and State in
the summer of the previous year. Though still
following with unabated interest the party evolutions
of the time, Deak was now quite incapacitated by
increasing illness from taking an active share in that
busy world of politics, where, for forty years, he had
been a prominent and influential actor. At the time
of the last general election, his health having
slightly improved, he had consented to be returned
once more to Parliament ; but the improvement was
only temporary ; and though still nominally a
member of the House, he was unable for three years
before his death to attend the sittings, and with
characteristic delicacy refused to accept the small
salary to which as a deputy he was entitled.

The first symptom of a coming dissolution and
re-formation of parties in Hungary, was to be
descried in the Coalition Cabinet of MM. Bitto and
Ghyczy in 1874, formed out of a combination

1 See " Oesterreich seit der WaMreform," 1873, Unsere Zeit, 1876.

CHAP, xxxiv.] PROPOSED COALITION. 307

between the Right wing of the Dedk party, and a
small fraction from the Moderates of the Opposition.
The necessity of infusing a fresh element into the
composition of the Government, began to be so
strongly felt, that in a conference of the leading men
of all parties, summoned by the Emperor on his visit
to the capital in the spring of 1874, with a view to
the reorganisation of the Ministry, M. Tisza, the
chief of the Opposition, was invited to enter a
Cabinet, which, even in the opinion of the new
Minister President himself, had but small chance of
stable existence. ' I am not at liberty to disobey
your Majesty's commands,' M. Bitto had observed,
when charged by the Emperor to form a Ministry on
the principles of the pure Right, ' but if your Majesty
were to command me to speak Arabic, I could not
do it.' ' Try, at all events,' was the Emperor's
laughing rejoinder.1

The proposal mooted in some quarters, less than
a year later, of a Coalition Cabinet, to include such
various elements as Baron Sennyei, a prominent
member of the Extreme Right, Baron Lonyay, the
late chief of the Deakist Centre, and M. Koloman
Tisza, the leader of the Opposition — showed still
more plainly to what a pass matters had come.
Though now completely an invalid, Dedk continued
to watch the course of public events with close

1 "Oesterreich seit der Waldreform von 1873," Unsere Zeit, 1876,
p. 916.

X 2

308 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxvi.

attention, and even from his sick-room the old
leader still exercised no small influence in the clubs
of Pesth. His well-known opinion as to the merits
of the proposed Coalition Cabinet was not calculated
to further the success of that remarkable scheme.
' Tokay,' he was reported to have said, ' is the king
of wines ; Somlauer and Villanyer are both excellent
also ; but what sort of a brew they would make if
they were all mixed up together, no one can possibly
tell beforehand. You must try it yourself if you
wish to know.'

But even had such a combination Ministry been
desirable, the refusal of the Opposition leader to
enter the Government under such conditions, would
have made it impossible.

With sound political instinct, M. Tisza perceived,
that for the chief himself to abandon the leadership
of the recognised parliamentary Opposition, before
the now imminent break-up of the old party
formation had been completely effected, and the
ground thus prepared for a new and definite
arrangement, would only have enabled the ultra-
Radicals to acquire an undue importance, by figuring
before the country as the sole representatives of
Opposition to the existing Government and the
policy of the pure Right.

Moreover, the wary politician saw clearly, that
for him to identify himself personally with the once
triumphant and united ' Dedk party,' in its present

CHAP. xxxiv.J FUSION OF 1875. 309

state of division and dissolution, would be to join
the crew of a sinking ship.

The very triumph of Dedk's principles had
destroyed all necessity for the existence of a ' Deak
party.' The Compromise of 1867 was now so firmly
established, that the strong phalanx which had
rallied round the great Hungarian leader to defend
his work — including in its ranks men of various
shades of opinion, bound together for the nonce in
the defence of a common cause, had now lost its
' raison d'etre ;' and it was evident that a fresh centre
of attraction, a fresh basis of parliamentary action,
would have to be discovered, before a strong
Government could look forward to a term of steady
and profitable administration founded on the cordial
support of a united party.

But it was not till the spring of 1875, when experi-
ence had shown the futility of attempting to construct
a stable Ministry out of the now incongruous materials
of the old ' Deak party,' that the fusion took place
on which the present Liberal party in Hungary is
based. A few months before his death, Deak had
the satisfaction of seeing the formal resistance to
the principles of his great work, brought to an end,
by the union between the parliamentary Opposition
led by M. Tisza, (the present Minister President)
and the main body of the old Deak party, on the
basis of acceptance of the Compromise of 1867.

The newly constituted Liberal party started on

310 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv.

its career with the hearty good-will and approval
of the veteran leader, who had had perhaps in his
day, more experience than any living politician of
the good and evil, the strength and the weakness, of
party government. One of Deak's last public acts
was to send his name to be inscribed in the Club-
book of the new Liberal party.

After his return in 1875 fr°m ms usual summer
sojourn at the Stadtwaldchen in the environs of
Pesth, it became evident that the illness (heart
disease, with dropsical symptoms) against which
Deak had been struggling bravely for the past
three years, was rapidly approaching a crisis. The
attacks of suffocation, now more violent and more
frequent, were succeeded by a state of semi-torpor ;
though, even to the last, the old vivacity and genial
humour would at times seem quite unimpaired by
the grievous suffering and oppression of long
illness. The ancient quarters at the Queen of Eng-
land hotel were given up ; and under the roof of
M. Szell — who had married Deak's ward, Mdlle.
Vorosmarty — the old bachelor was surrounded in
his last days with all that loving friendship could
supply.

The house in the little square facing the Uni-
versity, now the home of Deak Ferencz, was
known to every man, woman, and child in Pesth ; for
his withdrawal from the stage of active life had in
no way lessened the feeling of familiar yet revering

CHAP, xxxiv.] INCREASING ILLNESS. 311

affection, with which he was regarded by all classes
of his countrymen.

• Judging by the constant and anxious sympathy
felt and expressed for the illustrious patient, it would
seem as though the whole population of Buda Pesth
must be included amongst Dedk's personal friends,
from the Minister and the great lady of the Court,
to the waiter at the Queen of England hotel, to
whose child Deak Ferencz had stood godfather.

Nor were the King and Queen of Hungary behind-
hand in showing their regard for the dying states-
man, who had served both King and country so
faithfully for forty years.

Only a few days before his death, Deak received
pleasure from a special message of affectionate
inquiry from the royal palace at Buda, — a pleasure
which he was at no pains to conceal. In the
sentiment with which the veteran citizen regarded
the lawful sovereign of Hungary, there was some-
thing of the very ideal of loyalty ; the stout-
hearted patriot, who in the course of his life had
spoken more plain truths when face to face with
his sovereign than many a demonstrative republican
would have dared to utter, was yet not ashamed of
owning to a belief in that old-fashioned superstition
of personal loyalty, which is sometimes thought
to have disappeared as completely from the con-
siderations of all rational politicians, as a belief in
divine right itself. And the peculiar relations

3i2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv.

which had subsisted for many years between Deak
and the Emperor Francis Joseph, had only served
to intensify this abstract loyalty to the constitutional
Sovereign, — always so strangely characteristic of the
proud, law-loving Magyar, — into a feeling of deep
personal affection and respect for the reigning King
of Hungary and his beautiful consort. On the
death of Francis Deak, there was no one who
shared more sincerely in the grief of the Hungarian
people over the loss of their great countryman,
than the royal lady who had visited the dying
patriot on his sick-bed, and who with her own hands
laid upon his coffin a wreath bearing the inscription,
' To Deak Ferencz ; Queen Elizabeth.'

The last occasion on which Deak appears before
us in the familiar character of the honoured leader
and political chief, as well as the friend and favourite
of the nation, will be best described in the touching
words of a compatriot, who, like Deak himself, has
had his share in the troubles and triumphs of
Hungary.

' As for years past, so on the last New Year's
Day (1876), the members of the party that once
bore his name, but who have now coalesced with
those who once so energetically opposed his policy,
and form the ruling great Liberal party, had decided
to go in a body to offer him their best wishes.
Though only just recovered from one of those
attacks of suffocation which had already become so

CHAP, xxxiv.] LAST DAYS. 313

alarmingly frequent, he insisted on seeing them.
There he was, the strong man of former days, who
had led with clear intellect and firm hand his
willing and trusting followers, prostrated in his
arm-chair, which he had scarcely left for the last
year and a half; pale, with sunken cheeks and half-
closed eyes, while the representatives of the nation
stood round him with mourning countenances ; and
when the chairman of the party went up close to his
chair, and in subdued voice expressed the feelings of
the hundreds who crowded the room, Deak raised
for a moment his head towards the speaker, his eye
revived and passed over those present, and the lips
muttered faintly some words of thanks.

' With subdued steps, as if in a place of worship,
oppressed with unspeakable sorrow, and the eyes
moist with tears, every one withdrew. One long and
sad look of farewell was sent to the parting chief,
and a mute pressure of the hand, which was ex-
changed, expressed the general sad conviction that
we should see him no more.'

The long struggle was indeed nearly over ; Deak's
work for Hungary was at length to end, but to end
only with his life.

During the last week of January 1876, it was
known that he had become worse, and all through
the day crowds of anxious inquirers thronged the
square, waiting for the latest tidings of the sick man.
On the 28th, his strength failed rapidly, and in the

314 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv.

evening of that day, the hurried summons of the
Finance Minister, M. Szell, from the House, an-
nounced that the end was come.

Deak Ferencz was dead, and Hungary had to
mourn the loss of one of the noblest, purest-
minded citizens who had ever stood forth to defend
the rights of his country, since the kingdom of St.
Stephen was first founded on the banks of the Danube.

The veteran patriot was ' the dead of the nation.'
In the great hall of the Academy, which nine years
ago had resounded with the cheers that had greeted
the announcement of the victory which Deak had
won for his country, his body lay in state, that
his fellow-citizens might come — now in deep and
sorrowful silence — to gaze for the last time on the
once familiar form, — the broad brow and rugged
features ennobled with the mysterious dignity of
death, the snow-white hair and thick drooping
moustache, blanched with suffering and illness
rather than with age.

The long procession to the cemetery, where the
grave was dug in earth sent from each of the fifty-
two counties of Hungary, the streets hung with
black, the weeping crowds, — these were but the
natural and spontaneous tokens of the nation's heart-
felt grief at losing the honoured, citizen, who, for forty
years had spent his life ungrudgingly in the service
of Hungary, and who had loved his country not
only well but wisely.

CHAP, xxxv.] 'AN HONEST MAN.' 315

CHAPTER XXXV.

Deak's character — The result of his work — The tendency of his
influence — Appeal to the sentiment of reverence for law in his
countrymen— The principle of his own conduct — Conclusion.

AT the time when all Hungary had been anxiously
seeking for some fitting reward to bestow on the
successful champion of the constitutional liberties
of the country ; when the Emperor himself, fully
recognising the service which his Hungarian subject
had rendered to the whole monarchy, would gladly
have found some way in which to do honour to the
loyal citizen of Pesth, Dealt had refused all recom-
pense ; desiring only, he declared, that when he died
the King might say over his grave, ' Deak Ferencz
was an honest man.'

No one would deny that he had full right to this
modest epitaph. An honest man he had assuredly
been, from the day when the young deputy, in no
burst of passing enthusiasm, buoyed up with no
false hopes of speedy success, but with a steady
determination to serve his cotmtry, had resolved to
take his share in stimulating and guiding the
reforming zeal of the nation, down to the last year of

3i6 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxv.

his life, when, in the interests of the Liberal cause in
Hungary, he generously held out the hand of good-
fellowship to those who had once been his most
vehement political opponents.

But not even his great statesmanlike abilities and
absolute honesty of purpose could have given Dedk
the extraordinary hold he exercised over the minds
and affections of his countrymen, had he not pos-
sessed at the same time, that fervent, deeply rooted
enthusiasm for Hungary, which makes ' patriotism '
the cardinal point in the political creed of every true
Magyar.

A patriot he was to the backbone ; but one who
felt, as he once said, ' that he had it in him to love
his country even more than he hated his country's
enemies.' ' A white raven,' a German writer has
called Deak, ' a Magyar who did not hate the
Saxon.' It is this large-minded charity, in his public
as well as in his private relations, which lends a
special charm to the character of the keen, fearless
patriot, with his masculine force of intellect and
sturdy penetrating common sense.

Deak's love of his country, his absolute confidence
in the all-sufficient power and ultimate triumph of
law and a good cause, were so deeply grounded,
that he could afford to extend some sympathy and
generous consideration even to those whose national
and political aspirations were sometimes supposed
to be detrimental to the interests of the Magyar-

CHAP, xxxv.] BEAK'S INFLUENCE. 317

Orszag.1 In his private relations this natural kind-
liness was never allowed to warp his conduct nor
make him deviate from the principles of justice ; and
he always sought to act in the spirit of his own
maxim, ' Generosity is a good thing, but there is
something better, and that is justice ; ' yet none
the less did it pervade all that he did and
said, and enabled him to refuse an unreasonable
request in such a manner, as to send away the
applicant resigned to the requirements of justice, if
not convinced.

If we consider what the result of his work and
influence has been, we shall acknowledge that the
people of Hungary were justified in trusting, as they
did so implicitly, in the patriotism and wisdom of
Deak Ferencz, that, according as he gave the word,
the most fiery and impulsive spirits in the nation
would consent to remain quiescent in silent endur-
ance, the most cautious and passive would nerve
themselves to encounter the risks of a vigorous
resistance. We have seen that it was in no small
measure owing to the influence of Francis Deak,
that the independent, vivacious, law-loving spirit of
old Hungary wisely adapted itself betimes to the
altering conditions of a new age, and that the re-
formed Constitution, now become a treasure well
worth defending not only by a privileged class but
by the nation as a whole, was able to survive the

1 The Kingdom of Hungary.

3i8 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xxxv.

terrible disruption of 1849. When the blow fell,
Hungary was already armed with a strength which
enabled her to emerge from the ordeal, weak it is
true, and for the time helpless, but full of the capacity
for future action ; and preserving uninjured, in the
charter of her lawful and constitutional rights, a
weapon that, when guided by the hand of a true
statesman, availed to win for her complete and last-
ing victory.

Deak, as has been said, was before all else a
Hungarian patriot, a Magyar of the Magyars ; but
he was something more than this. That which dis-
tinguishes him even amongst the most eminent of his
countrymen, that which gives him his title to the name
of ' statesman,' was not only his power of realising
with keen perception and pursuing with unwearied
zeal and courage a single political truth, but the
calm far-reaching wisdom which enabled him to see
this truth in relation to other truths, and to shape
his actions accordingly.

During the thirty-five years that elapsed between
1833, when Deak first took his seat in the Diet
at Presburg, and 1867, when, under a Hapsburg
Emperor duly crowned King of Hungary, a free
representative Parliament, presided over by a
responsible national Ministry, assembled for the
first time in Pesth, — Hungary had passed through
such a period of internal change and convulsion,
of outward storm and conflict, as few nations have

CHAP, jrtcxv.] MOTIVE OF ACTION. 319

experienced. But during all that time, Deak
himself never once departed from the line he had
originally adopted as the rule and motive of his
political action. It is no exaggeration to say, that
there were certain critical times in the history of
Hungary, when Deak held in his hand the destinies of
his country, and consequently of the whole monarchy;
times when a single speech from the trusted leader
— whose long silence had only heightened his in-
fluence among his countrymen — might have made
the peaceful restoration of the former relations be-
tween Hungary and the Austrian Empire an utter
impossibility.

The very contrast between the calm reticence, the
habitual moderation of the lawyer-statesman, and
the passionate, impetuous disposition of his fellow-
citizens, with their natural promptitude to action
and quickly roused enthusiam, gave him a power
which, had he willed, he might have used in
inflaming the nation to such a pitch of patriotic
resistance to the sovereign authority, as would have
made it impossible for a Hapsburg ever again to
wear the crown of St. Stephen with the free consent
of his Hungarian subjects.

But to what end had Deak used his power?
For the assertion and defence of law. He did
not attempt to excite the people by appeals to their
patriotism, to their love of liberty and independ-
ence, to the recollection of their past wrongs —

320 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxv.

though none felt these more keenly than himself. He
appealed throughout to that side of the Hungarian
nature which few but he could have touched with
such magical effect — to that innate reverence for
law, which he showed by his own example to be no
unworthy or insufficient motive in the conduct of
public life. He perceived that in this reverence for
law was to be found the true secret of Hungary's
greatness in the past ; that it was this, even more
than the brilliant valour, the devoted patriotism of
the Magyars, which had kept their ancient Consti-
tution in existence for eight centuries. There-
fore, in spite of all perplexity, danger, and temp-
tation, he remained steadily true to his watch-
word of strict fidelity to the law ; from which
followed, as was natural, loyalty both to King
and people.

There were times, when this staunch adherence
to an abstract principle might seem to put him out
of sympathy with the mass of his countrymen ; if so,
Deak was prepared to see the leadership of the
nation pass into other hands ; for he could not be
false to himself and the tenour of his whole life,
for the sake of dealing more easily with the passing
exigencies, or even the imperious necessities, of the
moment. He never lost sight of the fact, which it
takes a nation, says M. Renan, so many lessons to
comprehend, ' that it is general principles alone that
have a far-reaching application ; and that without

CHAP, xxxv.] CONCLUSION. 321

them, the most ingenious combinations are at bottom
but a matter of chance and good luck.' *

On the whole, however, the Hungarian people
responded nobly to the appeal of Francis Deak ;
they were worthy of such a leader ; and the leader,
it may well be added, was worthy of such a Sove-
reign as he had in the Emperor Francis Joseph.

The great champion of law could indeed have
wished for no better recompense, than that he should
live to see Hungary acknowledge of her own free
will, the sovereignty of her lawful King, and the
Emperor of Austria recognise with equal loyalty, the
full right of Hungary to her lawful Constitution. It
was no mere courtly compliment when the Emperor
declared on the death of his great Hungarian subject,
that ' by his fidelity to throne and country, Deak
had earned the confidence and affection of his
sovereign and his countrymen.'

The statesmen of our day have need of a certain
enlightened flexibility, if they would adapt their
policy to suit the varying currents of this age of
change and development ; but none can hope to
leave a permanent mark upon his time, to influence
successfully the course of events, whose work is not
based upon some ruling principle, some 'ground
idea.'

The ruling principle of Deak's life, the landmark
which neither the darkness of national misfortune,

1 Renan, Questions Contemporaines.

322 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxv.

nor the dazzling gleams of returning prosperity,
could make him lose sight of, was the principle of
reverence for law — for that law which is sanctioned
both by eternal justice and by the authority of
historic tradition ; in obedience to which, kings and
people, nations and individuals, alike find the truest
freedom.

Surely among the countrymen of Somers, of
Hampden, and of Burke, of men who in deed
and word have shown how reverence for law may
be combined with the staunchest patriotism, the
history of Deak's work should meet with special
sympathy and interest.

The new phase upon which Hungary has
entered, bids fair to offer no lack of difficulties and
dangers. But if the past may be taken as an
augury for the future, we may well believe that the
nation which has come safely through so many perils
in the past, is not destined to succumb under the
new dangers and perplexities of the present.

There is no better wish that Englishmen can form
for the noble country which has so many links of
affinity with their own, than that the spirit and the
principles of Deak Ferencz may find many followers
amongst the politicians whose duty it will be to in-
fluence and guide the future destinies of Hungary.

LONDON: PRINTED BY WrLLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET
AND CHARING CROSS.

MESSRS. MACMILLAN & Co.'s

PUBLICATIONS.

Bismarck in the Franco - German War. An

Authorised Translation from the German of Dr. MORITZ BUSCH.

Two vols. Crown 8vo. i&r.

The Athenerum says : — "Their importance to historical students, and to all who care for
an insight into the inner complications of one of the most marvellous periods of modern
history, and for a comprehension of the wonderful man figiinng_in the Centre of it, is of the
greatest. Nc "
man Bismarck

Nobody can understand the political history of the Franco-German War, nor the
irck, its chief maker, who has not read the diary of the Roichskanzler's Boswell."

The Daily News Correspondence of the War

BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE, 1870-1. Edited with
Notes and Comments. New Edition, complete in One Volume.
With Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. 6s.

The Daily News Correspondence of the War

BETWEEN RUSSIA AND TURKEY, TO THE FALL OF
KARS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

FROM THE FALL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION

OF PEACE. 6s.

COMMANDER CAMERON'S JOURNEY THROUGH SYRIA
AND THE EUPHRATES VALLEY.

Our Future Highway to India. By V. L. CAMERON,

Commander, R.N. Two vols. Crown 8vo. With Illustrations and
Map. 2is.

Cyprus as I saw it in 1879. By Sir SAMUEL W.

BAKER, F.R.S., &c., Author of "Ismailia," "The Albert Nyanza,"

&c. 8vo., with Frontispiece, izr. 6d.

" The book may safely be pronounced to be by far the most valuable contribution that has
yet appeared towards enabling us to form an impartial estimate of the present condition and
future prospects of our new acquisition." — Academy.

Cyprus ; its History, its present Resources, and

FUTURE PROSPECTS. By R. HAMILTON LANG, late H.M.'s
Consul for the Island of Cyprus. With Four Maps and Two Illustra-
tions. 8vo. 14^.

" The fair and impartial account of her past and present to be found in these pages has
an undoubted claim on the attention of all intelligent readers." — Morning Pest.

The Annals of our Time. A Diurnal of Events,

Social and Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of Queen
Victoria to the Peace of Versailles. By JOSEPH IRVING. Fourth
Edition. 8vo., half bound. i6s.

Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871, to March 19, 1874. 8vo. 45. 6J.
Second Supplement. From March 1874, to JulX l%7%- *vo. 4r. 6J.

"We have before us a trusty and ready guide to the events of the past thirty years,
available equally for the statesman, the politician, the public writer, and the general
reader." — Times.

MESSRS. MACMILLAN & Co.'s

PUBLICATIONS.

Life of Victor Emmanuel II., First King of Italy.

By G. S. GODKIN. Two vols. Crown 8vo. i6j.

"An extremely clear and interesting history of one of the most important changes of later
times." — Examiner.

Napoleon I.— THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. By P.

LANFREY. A Translation with the sanction of the Author. Four
vols. 8vo. Vols. I., II., and III., price 12s. each. Vol. IV., with
Index. 6s.

The Seven Weeks' War ; its Antecedents and Inci-

DENTS. By H. M. HOZIER. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Prance since the First Empire. By JAMES MAC-

DONELL. Edited with Preface by his Wife. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Memoirs of the Right Hon. William, Second

VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. By W. M. TORRENS, M.P. With
Portrait after Sir T. Lawrence. Second Edition. Two vols. 8vo.

32J.

Fifty Years of My Life. By GEORGE THOMAS, Earl

of Albemarle. With Steel Portrait of the first Earl of Albemarle,
engraved by JEENS. Third and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo-
7-r. 6d.

Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, afterwards

FIRST MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. With Extracts from his
Papers and Correspondence. By Lord EDMOND FITZMAURICE. In
Three vols. 8vo. Vol I. 1737-1766, izs. ; Vol. II. 1766-1776, I2s. ;
Vol. III. 1776-1805, i6j.

The Holy Roman Empire. By JAMES BRYCE, D.C.L.

Sixth Edition, revised and enlarged. Crown 8vo. "js. f>d.

The History of Italy. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A.

8vo. 3J.

A History of the Commonwealth of Florence from

THE EARLIEST INDEPENDENCE OF THE COMMUNE TO
THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC in 1831. By T. ADOLPHUS
TROLLOPE. Four vols. 8vo., half-morocco. 2is.

BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, LONDON, W.C.
December, 1879.

MACMILLAN &* Co.'s CATALOGUE of Works
in the Departments of History, Biography ',
Travels, Critical and Literary Essays,
Politics, Political and Social Economy,
Law, etc.; and Works connected with Lan-
guage.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, &c.

Albemarle.— FIFTY YEARS OF MY LIFE. By GEORGE
THOMAS, Earl of Albemarle. With Steel Portrait of the first Earl
of Albemarle, engraved by JEENS. Third and Cheaper Edition.
Crown 8vo. 7^. 6d.

" The book is one of the most amusing of its class. . . . These remi-
niscences have the charm and flavour of personal experience, and they
bring us into direct contact with the persons they describe." — EDINBURGH
REVIEW.

Anderson.— MANDALAY TO MOMIEN ; a Narrative of the
Two Expeditions to Western China, of 1868 and 1875, under
Colonel E. B. Sladen and Colonel Horace Browne. By Dr.
ANDERSON, F.R.S.E., Medical and Scientific Officer to the Ex-
peditions. With numerous Maps and Illustrations. 8vo. 21.'.
"A pleasant, useful, carefully-written, and important work." —

ATHENAEUM.

Appleton. — Works by T. G. APPLETON : —

A NILE JOURNAL. Illustrated by EUGENE BENSON. Crown
8vo. dr.

SYRIAN SUNSHINE. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Arnold (M.) — ESSAYS IN CRITICISM. By MATTHEW
ARNOLD. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. gs.

Arnold (W. T.)— THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVIN-
CIAL ADMINISTRATION TO THE ACCESSION OF
CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize
Essay for 1879. By W. T. Arnold, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6s.
5,000.12.79. A

Atkinson.— AN ART TOUR TO NORTHERN CAPITALS
OF EUROPE, including Descriptions of the Towns, the Museums,
and other Art Treasures of Copenhagen, Christiania, Stockholm,
Abo, Helsingfors, Wiborg, St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kief.
ByJ. BEAVINGTON ATKINSON. 8vo. i2s.

Bailey. —THE SUCCESSION TO THE ENGLISH CROWN.

A Historical Sketch. By A. BAILEY, M.A., Barrister-at-Law.
Crown 8vo. Js. 6d.

Baker (Sir Samuel W.)— Works by Sir SAMUEL BAKER,
Pacha, M.A., F.R.S., F.R.G.S. :—

CYPRUS AS I SAW IT IN 1879. With Frontispiece. 8vo.
I2s. 6d.

ISMAILIA : A Narrative of the Expedition to Central Africa for
the Suppression of the Slave Trade, organised by Ismail, Khedive
of Egypt. With Portraits, Map, and fifty full-page Illustrations
by ZWECKER and DURAND. New and Cheaper Edition. With
New Preface. Crown 8vo. 6.r.

"A book which -will be read with very great interest." — TIMES. " Well
written and full of remarkable adventures," — PALL MALL GAZETTE.
"Adds another thrilling chapter to the history of African adventure. " —
DAILY NEWS. " 'Reads more like a romance . . . . incomparably more
entertaining than books of African travel usually are." — MORNING POST.

THE ALBERT N'YANZA Great Basin of the Nile, and Explora-
tion of the Nile Sources. Fifth Edition. Maps and Illustrations.
Crown 8vo. 6s.

11 Charmingly written;" says the SPECTATOR, "full, as might be
expected, of incident, and free from that wearisome reiteration of useless
facts which is the drawback to almost all books of African travel."

THE NILE TRIBUTARIES OF ABYSSINIA, and the Sword
Hunters of the Hamran Arabs. With Maps and Illustrations.
Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

ITie TIMES says : "It adds much to our information respecting Egyptian
Abyssinia and Ike different races that spread over it. It contains, more~
over, some notable instances of English daring and enterprising skill ;
it abounds in animated tales of exploits dear to the heart of the British
sportsman ; and it will attract even the least studious reader, as the author
tells a story well, and can describe nature with uncommon power."

Bancroft. — THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES

OF AMERICA, FROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE CON-
TINENT. By GEORGE BANCROFT. New and thoroughly Re-
vised Edition. Six Vols. Crown 8vo, 54^.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 3

Barker (Lady).— Works by LADY BARKER :—
A YEAR'S HOUSEKEEPING IN SOUTH AFRICA. With

Illustrations. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
" We have to thank Lady Barker for a very amusing book, over which
we have spent many a delightful hour, and of which we will not take
leave without alluding to the ineffably droll illustrations which add so -very
much to the enjoyment of her clear and sparkling descriptions." — MORNING
POST.

Beesly.— STORIES FROM THE HISTORY OF ROME. By

Mrs. BEESLY. Extra reap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

" A little book for which every cultivated and intelligent mother will be
grateful for. " — EXAMIN ER.

Bismarck_IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR. An Authorized
Translation from the German of Dr. MORITZ BUSCH. Two Vols.
Crown 8vo. i&r.

The TIMES says : — " TTie publication of Bismarck's after-dinner talk,
whether discreet or not, will be of priceless biographical value, and English-
men, at least, will not be disposed to quarrel with Dr. Busch for giving a
picture as true to life as Boswell's 'Johnson ' of the foremost practical
geniiis that Germany has produced since Frederick the Great.''

Blackburne. — BIOGRAPHY OF THE RIGHT HON.
FRANCIS BLACKBURNE, Late Lord Chancellor of Ireland.
Chiefly in connexion with his Public and Political Career. By his
Son, EDWARD BLACKBURNE, Q.C. With Portrait Engraved by
JEENS. 8vo. 12*.

Blanford (W. T.) — GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY OF
ABYSSINIA. By W. T. BLANFORD. 8vo. au.

Bronte. — CHARLOTTE BRONTE. A Monograph. By T.
WEMYSS REID. With Illustrations. Third Edition. Crown
8vo. 6s.

Brooke. — THE RAJA OF SARAWAK : an Account of Sir
James Brooke, K.C.B., LL.D. Given chiefly through Letters
or Journals. By GERTRUDE L. JACOB. With Portrait and
Maps. Two Vols. 8vo. 25*.

Bryce. — Works by JAMES BRYCE, D.C.L., Regius Professor of

Civil Law, Oxford : —
THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. Sixth Edition, Revised and

Enlarged. Crown 8vo. "Js. 6d.

"// exactly supplies a want : it affords a key to muck which men
read of in their books as isolated facts, but of which they have hitherto
had no connected exposition set before them." — SATURDAY REVIEW.

4 MACMILLAWS CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

B ry CC. — continued.
TRANSCAUCASIA AND ARARAT: being Notes of a Vacation

Tour in the Autumn of 1876. With an Illustration and Map.

Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 9^.

"Mr. Bryce has -written a lively and at the same time an instructive
description of the tour he made last year in and about the Caucasus. When
so well-informed a jurist travels into regions seldom visited, and even
walks up a mountain so rarely scaled as Ararat, he is justified in think-
ing that the impressions he brings home are worthy of being communicated
to the world at large, especially when a terrible war is casting a lurid glow
over the countries he has lately surveyed." — ATHENAEUM.

Burgoyne. — POLITICAL AND MILITARY EPISODES

DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE REIGN OF
GEORGE III. Derived from the Life and Correspondence of
the Right Hon. J. Burgoyne, Lieut. -General in his Majesty's
Army, and M.P. for Preston. By E. B. DE FONBLANQUE. With
Portrait, Heliotype Plate, and Maps. 8vo. i6j.

Burke.— EDMUND BURKE, a Historical Study. By JOHN
MORLEY, B.A., Oxon. Crown 8vo. "js. 6d.

Burrows. — WORTHIES OF ALL SOULS : Four centuries of

English History. Illustrated from the College Archives. By
MONTAGU BURROWS, Chichele Professor of Modern History at
Oxford, Fellow of All Souls. 8vo. 14*.
"A most amusing as well as a most instructive book. — GUARDIAN.

Cameron. — OUR FUTURE HIGHWAY. By v. LOVETT

CAMERON, C.B., Commander R.N. With Illustrations. 2 vols.
Crown 8vo. [Shortly.

Campbell.— LOG-LETTERS FROM THE "CHALLENGER."
By LORD GEORGE CAMPBELL. With Map. Fifth and cheaper
Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

"A delightful book, which we hezrtily commend to the general reader.'"
—SATURDAY REVIEW.

" We do not hesitate to say that anything so fresh, so picturesque, so
generally delightful, as thtse log-letters has not appeared among books of
travel for a long time." — EXAMINER.

Campbell. — MY CIRCULAR NOTES : Extracts from Journals ;
Letters sent Home ; Geological and other Notes, written while
Travelling Westwards round the World, from July 6th, 1874, to
July 6th, 1875. K7 J- F- CAMPBELL, Author of " Frost and
Fire." Cheaper Issue. Crown 8vo. 6s.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 5

Campbell.— TURKS AND GREEKS. Notes of a recent Ex-
cursion. By the Hon. DUDLEY CAMPBELL, M.A. With Coloured
Map. Crown 8vo. 3^. 6d.

Carpenter. — LIFE AND WORK OF MARY CARPENTER

By the Rev. J. E. CARPENTER. With Portrait engraved by
JEENS. Crown 8vo. [Shortly.

Carstares WILLIAM CARSTARES : a Character and Career

of the Revolutionary Epoch (1649 — 1715). By ROBERT STORY,
Minister of Rosneath. 8vo. I2j.

Chatterton : A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY. By DANIEL
WlLSON, LL.D., Professor of History and English Literature in
University College, Toronto. Crown 8vo. 6s. f>d,

Chatterton : A STORY OF ,THE YEAR 1770. By Professor
MASSON, LL.D. Crown 8vo. 5^.

Clark. — MEMORIALS FROM JOURNALS AND LETTERS
OF SAMUEL CLARK, M.A., formerly Principal of the
National Society's Training College, Battersea. Edited with
Introduction by his WIFE. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. "js. 6tl.

Clifford (W. K.) — LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Edited by
LESLIE STEPHEN and FREDERICK POLLOCK, with Introduction
by F. POLLOCK. Two Portraits. 2 vols. 8vo. 25^.
The TIMES of October 22, 1879, says: — "Many a friend of the
author on first taking up these volumes and remembering his versatile
genius and his keen enjoyment cf all realms of intellectual activity must
have trembled lest they should be found to consist of fragmentary pieces of
work, too disconnected to do justice to his powers of consecutive reasoning
and too varied to have any effect as a whole. Fortuna'ely those fears are
groundless .... It is not only in subject that the various papers are
closely related. There is also a singular consistency of view and of method
throughout .... It is in the social and metaphysical subjects that the
richness of his intellect shows itself most forcibly in the variety and
originality of the ideas which he presents to us. To appreciate this variety,
it is necessary to read the book itself, for it treats, in some form or other, of
nearly all the s^lbjects of deepest interest in this age of questioning"

Combe. — THE LIFE OF GEORGE COMBE, Author of "The

Constitution of Man." By CHARLES GIBBON. With Three
Portraits engraved by JEENS. Two Vols. 8vo. 32*.
"A graphic and interesting account of the long life and indefatigable
labours of a very remarkable man" — SCOTSMAN.

6 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

Cooper. — ATHENE CANTABRIGIENSES. By CHARLES
HENRY COOPER, F.S.A., and THOMPSON COOPER, F.S.A.
Vol. I. 8vo., 1500— 85, i8j. ; Vol. II., 1586—1609, i8j.

Correggio.— ANTONIO ALLEGRI DA CORREGGIO. From
the German of Dr. JULIUS MEYER, Director of the Royal Gallery,
Berlin. Edited, with an Introduction, by Mrs. H EATON. Con-
taining Twenty Woodbury-type Illustrations. Royal 8vo. Cloth
elegant. 31 s. 6d.

COX (G. V.)— RECOLLECTIONS OF OXFORD. By G.
V. Cox, M.A., New College, late Esquire Bedel and Coroner
in the University of Oxford. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Cunynghame (Sir A. T.)— MY COMMAND IN SOUTH

AFRICA, 1874 — 78. Comprising Experiences of Travel in the
Colonies of South Africa and the Independent States. By Sir
ARTHUR THURLOW CUNYNGHAME, G.C.B., then Lieutenant-
Governor and Commander of the Forces in South Africa. Third
Edition. 8vo. \2s, 6d.

The TIMES says : — "ft is a volume of great interest, .... full of
incidents which -vividly illustrate the condition of the Colonies and the
character and habits of the natives // contains valuable illus-
trations of Cape warfare, and at the present moment it cannot fail to
command widespread attention."

" Daily News."— THE DAILY NEWS' CORRESPOND-

ENCE of the War between Germany and France, 1870 — i. Edited
with Notes and Comments. New Edition. Complete in One
Volume. With Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. 6s.

THE DAILY NEWS' CORRESPONDENCE of the War between
Russia and Turkey, to the fall of Kars. Including the letters of
Mr. Archibald Forbes, Mr. J. E. McGahan, and other Special
Correspondents in Europe and Asia. Second Edition, enlarged.
Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

FROM THE FALL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION OF
PEACE. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Davidson. — THE LIFE OF A SCOTTISH PROBATIONER ;
being a Memoir of Thomas Davidson, with his Poems and
Letters. By JAMES BROWN, Minister of St. James's Street
Church, Paisley. Second Edition, revised and enlarged, with
Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7*. 6d.

Deas. — THE RIVER CLYDE. An Historical Description of the
Rise and Progress of the Harbour of Glasgow, and of the Im-

Brovement of the River from Glasgow to Port Glasgow. By J.
EAS, M. Inst. C.E. 8vo. IO.T. 6d.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRA VELS, ETC. 7

Denison.— A HISTORY OF CAVALRY FROM THE EAR-

LIEST TIMES. With Lessons for the Future. By Lieut. -Col.
GEORGE DENISON, Commanding the Governor-General's Body
Guard, Canada, Author of " Modern Cavalry." With Maps and
Plans. 8vo. i8j.

Dilke.— GREATER BRITAIN. A Record of Travel in English-
speaking Countries during 1866-7. (America, Australia, India.)
By Sir CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, M.P. Sixth Edition.
Crown 8vo. 6j.

"Many of the subjects discussed in these pages " savs the DAILY NEWS,
" are of the widest interest, and such as no man who cares for the future
of his race and of the world can afford to treat with indifference."

Doyle.— HISTORY OF AMERICA. By J. A. DOYLE. With

Maps. i8mo. 4s. 6d.

" Mr. Doyle's style is clear and simple, his facts are accurately stated,
and his book is meritoriously free from prejudice on questions where
partisanship runs high amongst us." — SATURDAY REVIEW.

Drummond of Hawthornden : THE STORY OF HIS

LIFE AND WRITINGS. By PROFESSOR MASSON. With Por-
trait and Vignette engraved by C. H. JEENS. Crown 8vo. IQJ. 6d.

Duff. — Works by M. E. GRANT-DUFF, M.P., late Under Secretary
of State for India : —

NOTES OF AN INDIAN JOURNEY. With Map. 8vo. IO.T. 6d.
MISCELLANIES POLITICAL AND LITERARY. 8vo. loj. 6rf.

Eadie. — LIFE OF JOHN EADIE, D.D., LL.D. By JAMES

BROWN, D.D., Author ot " The Life of a Scottish Probationer."
With Portrait. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. Js. 6d.
"An ably written and characteristic biography" — TIMES.

Elliott.— LIFE OF HENRY VENN ELLIOTT, of Brighton.
By JOSIAH BATEMAN, M.A. With Portrait, engraved by JEENS.
Extra fcap. 8vo. Third and Cheaper Edition. 6s.

Elze. — ESSAYS ON SHAKESPEARE. By Dr. KARL ELZE.
Translated with the Author's sanction by L. DORA SCHMITZ.
8vo. 12s.

English Men of Letters. Edited by JOHN MORLEY. A
Series of Short Books to tell people what is best worth knowing
as to the Life, Character, and Works of some of the great
English Writers. In crown 8vo. Price zr. 6d. each.

8 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

English Men of Letters. — continued.

I. DR. JOHNSON. By LESLIE STEPHEN.

" The new series opens well with Mr. Leslie Stephen's sketch of Dr.
Johnson. It could hardly have been done better ; and it will convey to
the readers for whom it is intended a juster estimate of Johnson than
either of the two essays of Lord Macaulay " — PALL MALL GAZETTE.

II. SIR WALTER SCOTT. By R. H. HUTTON.

" The tone of the volume is excellent throughout" — ATHENAEUM.
" We could not wish for a more suggestive introduction to Scott and
his poems and novels.'1'' — EXAMINER.

III. GIBBON. By J. C. MORISON.

"As a clear, thoughtful, and attractive record of the life and works of
the greatest among the world's historians, it deserves the highest praise" —
EXAMINER.

IV. SHELLEY. By J. A. SYMONDS.

" The lovers of this great poet are to be congratulated on having at
their command so fresh, clear, and intelligent a presentment of the subject,
written by a man of adequate and wide culture." — ATHEN^UM.

V. HUME. By Professor HUXLEY.

"It may fairly be said that no one now living could have expounded
Hume with more sympathy or with equal perspicuity." — ATHENAEUM.

VI. GOLDSMITH. By WILLIAM BLACK.

" Mr. Black brings a fine sympathy and taste to bear in his criticism
of Goldsmith's writings as well as in his sketch of the incidents of his life."
ATHENAEUM.

VII. DEFOE. By W. MINTO.

"Mr, Minto's book is careful and accurate in all that is stated, and
faithful in all that it suggests. It will repay reading more than once."
-ATHEN^UM.

VIII. BURNS. By Principal SHAIRP, Professor of Poetry in the
University of Oxford.

" It is impossible to desire fairer criticism than Principal Shairp's
on Burn s's poetry .... None of the series has given a truer estimate
either of character or of genius than this little volume .... and all who
read it will be thoroughly grateful to the author for this monument to the
genius of Scotland's greatest poet" — SPECTATOR.

IX. SPENSER. By the Very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.
"Dr. Church is master of his subject, and writes always with good

taste." — ACADEMY.

X. THACKERAY. By ANTHONY TROLLOPE.

"Mr. Trollops' s sketch is excellently adapted to fufil the purpose of
the series in which it appears'' — ATHEN^UM.

XI. BURKE. By JOHN MORLEY.

"Perhaps the best critLism yet published on the life and character of

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 9
English Men of Letters. — continued.

Burke is contained in Mr. Morley's compendious biography. His styJe is
vigorous and polished, and both his political and personal judgment, and
his literary criticisms are just, generous, subtle, and in a high degree
interesting. " — SATURDAY REVIEW.

MILTON. By MARK PATTISON. \7ust ready.1

HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES. >

SOUTHEY. By Professor DOWDEN.

CHAUCER. By Professor WARD. i ,, ^ .. ,

COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH. ( Vn preparation. ~\

BUNYAN. By J. A. FROUDE.
WORDSWORTH. By F. W. H. MYERS.
Others in preparation.

Eton College, History of. By H. C. MAXWELL LYTE,
M.A. With numerous Illustrations by Professor DELAMOTTE,
Coloured Plates, and a Steel Portrait of the Founder, engraved
by C. H. JEENS. New and cheaper Issue, with Corrections.
Medium 8vo. Cloth elegant. 2is.
" We are at length presented with a -work on England's greatest public

school, worthy of the subject of which it treats. . . . A really valuable and

authentic history of Eton College." — GUARDIAN.

European History, Narrated in a Series of Historical

Selections from the best Authorities. Edited and arranged by

E. M. SEWELL and C. M. YONGE. First Series, crown 8vo. dr. ;

Second Series, 1088-1228, crown 8vo. 6s. Third Edition.

" We know of scarcely anything," says the GUARDIAN, of this volume,

"which is so likely to raise to a higher level the average standard of

English education."

Faraday.— MICHAEL FARADAY. By J. H. GLADSTONE,
Ph. D. , F. R. S. Second Edition, with Portrait engraved by JEENS
from a photograph by J. WATKINS. Crown 8vo. 4^. 6d.
PORTRAIT. Artist's Proof. 5.?.

Forbes. — LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES DAVID

FORBES, F.R.S., late Principal of the United College in the
University of St. Andrews. ByJ. C. SHAIRP, LL.D., Principal
of the United College in the University of SL Andrews ; P. G.
TAIT, M.A., Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University
of Edinburgh; and A. ADAMS- REILLY, F.R.G.S. 8vo. with
Portraits, Map, and Illustrations, l6j.

Freeman. — Works by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L.,LL.D. :—
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Edition. 8vo. icw. 6d.
CONTENTS :— /. "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early

English History;" II. "The Continuity of English History?^ III.

"The Relations between the Crowns of England and Scotland ; IV.

12 MACMILLAWS CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

" , . . Every page is full of interest, not merely to the musi-
cian, but to the general reader. The book is a very charming one, on
a topic of deep and lasting interest" — STANDARD.

Goldsmid. — TELEGRAPH AND TRAVEL. A Narrative of

the Formation and Development of Telegraphic Communication
between England and India, under the orders of Her Majesty's
Government, with incidental Notices of the Countries traversed by
the Lines. By Colonel Sir FREDERIC GOLDSMID, C.B., K. C.S.I.,
late Director of the Government Indo-European Telegraph. With
numerous Illustrations and Maps. 8vo. 2 If.

" The merit of the work is a total absence of exaggeration, which does
not, however, preclude a vividness and vigour of style not always character-
istic of similar narratives." — STANDARD.

Gordon.— LAST LETTERS FROM EGYPT, to which are added
Letters from the Cape. By LADY DUFF GORDON. With a
Memoir by her Daughter, Mrs. Ross, and Portrait engraved by
JEENS. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. gs.

" The intending tourist who wishes to acquaint himself with the country
he is about to visit, stands embarrassed amidst the riches presented for his
choice, and in the end probably rests contented with the sober usefulness of
Murray. He will not, however, if he is well advised, grudge a place in
his portmanteau to this book." — TIMES.

Gray. — CHINA. A History of the Laws, Manners, and Customs
of the People. By the VENERABLE JOHN HENRY GRAY. LL.D.,
Archdeacon of Hong Kong, formerly H. B. M. Consular Chaplain
at Canton. Edited by W. Gow Gregor. With 1 50 Full-page Illustra-
tions, being Facsimiles of Drawings by a Chinese Artist. 2 Vols.
Demy 8vo. 32.?.
"Its pages contain the most truthful and vivid picture of Chinese life

which has ever been published. " — ATHEN/EUM.

" The only elaborate and valuable book we have had for many years

treating generally of the people of the Celestial Empire." — ACADEMY.

Green. — Works by JOHN RICHARD GREEN : —

HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. Vol. I.— Early

England— Foreign Kings— The Charter— The Parliament. With

8 Coloured Maps. 8vo. i6s. Vol. II. — The Monarchy,

1461 — 1540 ; the Restoration, 1540 — 1603. 8vo. l6s. Vol. III.

— Puritan England, 1603 — 1660; the_ Revolution, 1660 — 1688.

With 4 Maps. 8vo. i6s. \_Vol. IV. in the press.

"Mr. Green has done a work which probably no one but himself could

have done. He has read and assimilated the results of all the labours of

students during the last half century in the fold of English history, and

has given them a fresh meaning by his own independent study. He has

fused together by the force of sympathetic imagination all that he has so

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 13

Green . — continued.

collected, and has %iven us a -vivid and forcible sketch of the march ef
English history. His book, both in Us aims and its accomplishments,
rises far beyond any of a similar kind, and it will give the colouring to the
popular view to English history for some time to come." — EXAMINER.

A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. With
Coloured Maps, Genealogical Tables, and Chronological Annals.
Crown 8vo. 8.?. 6d. Sixty-third Thousand.

" To say that Mr. Green's book is better than those -which have pre*
ceded it, would be to convey a very inadequate impression of its merits. It
stands alone as the one general history of the country, for the sake of
which all others, if young and old are wise, will be speedily and surely set
aside."

STRAY STUDIES FROM ENGLAND AND ITALY. Crown
8vo. Ss. 6d. Containing : Lambeth and the Archbishops — The
Florence of Dante — Venice and Rome — Early History of Oxford
— The District Visitor — Capri — Hotels in the Clouds — Sketches
in Sunshine, &c.

" One and all of the papers are eminently readable" — ATHENAEUM.

Guest.— LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

By M. J. GUEST. With Maps. Crown 8vo. 6s.
" The book is pleasant reading, it is full of information, much of it is
valuable, most of it is correct, told in a gossipy and intelligible way." —
ATHEN^UM.

Hamerton. — Works by P. G. HAMERTON : —
THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE. With a Portrait of Leonardo da
Vinci, etched by LEOPOLD FLAMENG. Second Edition. Crown
ioj. 6d. 8vo.

" We have read the whole book with great pleasure, and we can re-
commend it strongly to all who can appreciate grave reflections on a very
important subject, excellently illustrated from the resources of a mina
stored with much reading and much keen observation of real life." —
SATURDAY REVIEW.

THOUGHTS ABOUT ART. New Edition, revised, with an

Introduction. Crown 8vo. Ss. 6d.
"A manual of sound and thorough criticism on art" — STANDARD.

Hill. — THE RECORDER OF BIRMINGHAM. A Memoir of
Matthew Davenport Hill, with Selections from his Correspondence.
By his Daughters ROSAMOND and FLORENCE DAVENPORT-HILL.
With Portrait engraved by C. H. JEENS. 8vo. l6s.

14 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

Hill. — WHAT WE SAW IN AUSTRALIA. By ROSAMOND

and FLORENCE HILL. Crown 8vo. los. 6d.

"May be recommended as an interesting and truthful picture cf the
condition of those lands which are so distant and yet so much like home"
— SATURDAY REVIEW.

Hodgson.— MEMOIR OF REV. FRANCIS HODGSON,
B. D., Scholar, Poet, and Divine. By his Son, the Rev. JAMES
T. HODGSON, M.A. Containing numerous Letters from Lord
Byron and others. With Portrait engraved by JEENS. Two
Vols. Crown 8vo. iSs.
"A book that has added so much of a healthy nature to our knowledge

of Byron, and that contains so rich a store of delightful correspondence."

— ATHEN.EUM.

Hole. — A GENEALOGICAL STEMMA OF THE KINGS
OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By the Rev. C. HOLE,
M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, u.

A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Compiled and
Arranged by the Rev. CHARLES HOLE, M.A. Second Edition.
i8mo. 4?. 6d.

Hooker and Ball.— MAROCCO AND THE GREAT

ATLAS: Journal of a Tour in. By Sir JOSEPH D. HOOKER,

K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., &c., and JOHN BALL, F.R.S. With an

Appendix, including a Sketch of the Geology of Marocco, by

G. MAW, F.L.S., F.G.S. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 2is.

" It is long since any more interesting book of travels has issued from

our press." — SATURDAY REVIEW. " This is, without doubt, one of the

most interesting and valuable books of travel published for many years."

— SPECTATOR.

Hozier (H. M.) — Works by CAPTAIN HENRY M. HOZIER,
late Assistant Military Secretary to Lord Napier of Magdala :—

THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR ; Its Antecedents and Incidents.
New and Cheaper Edition. With New Preface, Maps, and Plans.
Crown 8vo. 6s,

THE INVASIONS OF ENGLAND : a History of the Past, with
Lessons for the Future. Two Vols. 8vo. 28*.

Hiibner.— A RAMBLE ROUND THE WORLD IN 1871. By

M. LE BARON HUBNER, formerly Ambassador and Minister.
Translated by LADY HERBERT. New and Cheaper Edition.
With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s.

" // is difficult to do ample justice to this pleasant narrative of travel
. ... it does not contain a single dull paragraph." — MORNING POST.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 15

Hughes. — Works by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C., Author of "Tom

Brown's School Days."

ALFRED THE GREAT. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
MEMOIR OF A BROTHER. With Portrait of GEORGE HUGHES,
after WATTS. Engraved by JEENS. Crown 8vo. 5s. Sixth
Edition.

" The boy "who can read this book without deriving from it some addi-
tional impulse toivards honourable, manly, and independent conduct, has
no good stuff in him." — DAILY NEWS.

Hunt.— HISTORY OF ITALY. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A.

Being the Fourth Volume of the Historical Course for Schools.

Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. i8mo. 3^.
" Mr. Hunt gives us a most compact but very readable little book, con-
taining in small compass a very complete outline of a complicated and
perplexing subject. It is a book -which may be safely recommended to
others besides schoolboys"— JOHN BULL.

Irving. — THE ANNALS OF OUR TIME. A Diurnal of Events,
Social and Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of
Queen Victoria to the Peace of Versailles. By JOSEPH IRVING.
Fourth Edition. 8vo. half-bound. l6s.

ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871,

to March 19, 1874. 8vo. 4;. (>d.
ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Second Supplement. From March,

1874, to the Occupation of Cyprus. 8vo. qs. 6d.
" We have before us a trusty and ready guide to the events of the
pait thirty years, available equally for the statesman, the politician, the
public writer, and the general reader." — TIMES.

James. — Works by HENRY JAMES, Jun. FRENCH POETS AND

NOVELISTS. Crown 8vo. Ss. 6d.

CONTENTS: — Alfred de Mussel; Thtophile Gautier ; Baudelaire;
honors de Balzac ; Gtorge Sand ; The Two Amperes ; Turgenieff, &c.

Johnson's Lives of the Poets. — The Six Chief

Lives — Milton, Dryden, Swift, Addison, Pope, Gray. With
Macaulay's " Life of Johnson." Edited, with Preface, by
MATTHEW ARNOLD. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Killen.— ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND, from
the Earliest Date to the Present Time. By W. D. KILLEN, D.D.,
President of Assembly's College, Belfast, and Professor of Eccle-
siastical History. Two Vols. 8vo. 2$s.
" Those who have the leisure will do well to read these two volume'.

Thev are full of interest, and are the result of great research. . . . We

16 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

have no hesitation in recommending the work to all who wish to improve
their acquaintance with Irish history" — SPECTATOR.

Kingsley (Charles). — Works by the Rev. CHARLES KINGSLEY,
M.A., Rector of Eversley and Canon of Westminster. (For
other Works by the same Author, see THEOLOGICAL and BELLES
LETTRES Catalogues.)

ON THE ANCIEN REGIME as it existed on the Continent before
the FRENCH REVOLUTION. Three Lectures delivered at the
Royal Institution. Crown 8vo. 6s.

AT LAST : A CHRISTMAS in the WEST INDIES. With nearly
Fifty Illustrations. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Mr. Kingsley's dream of forty years was at last fulfilled, when he
started on a Christmas expedition to the West Indies, for the purpose of
becoming personally acquainted with the scenes which he has so vividly
described in " Westward Ho !" These two volumes are the journal of his
voyage. Records of natural history, sketches of tropical landscape, chapters
on education, views of society, all find their place. " We can only say
that Mr. Kingsle)fs account of a ' Christmas in the West Indies ' is in
every way worthy to be classed among his happiest productions." —
STANDARD.

THE ROMAN AND THE TEUTON. A Series of Lectures
delivered before the University of Cambridge. New and Cheaper
Edition, with Preface by Professor MAX MULLER. Crown 8vo. 6s.

PLAYS AND PURITANS, and other Historical Essays. With
Portrait of Sir WALTER RALEIGH. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

In addition to the Essay mentioned in the title, this volume contains
other two — one on "Sir Walter Raleigh and his Time," and one on
Fronde's " History of England."

Kingsley (Henry).— TALES OF OLD TRAVEL. Re-
narrated by HENRY KINGSLEY, F.R.G.S. With Eight Illus-
trations by HUARD. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5-r.
" We know no better book for those who want knowledge or seek to
refresh it. As for the ' sensational,' most novels are tame compared with
these narratives" — ATHEN/EUM.

Lang. — CYPRUS : Its History, its Present Resources and Future

Prospects. By R. HAMILTON LANG, late H.M. Consul for the

Island of Cyprus. With Two Illustrations and Four Maps. 8vo. 141.

" The fair and impartial account of her past and present to be found in

these pages has an undoubted claim on the attention of all intelligent

readers" — MORNING POST.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 17

LaOCOOn. — Translated from the Text of Lessing, with Preface and
Notes by the Right Hon. SIR ROBERT J. PHILLIMORE, D.C.L.
With Photographs. 8vo. 12s.

Leonardo da Vinci and his "Works. — Consisting of a
Life of Leonardo Da Vinci, by MRS. CHARLES \V. HEATON,
Author of "Albrecht Durer of Niirnberg," &c., an Essay on his
Scientific and Literary Works by CHARLES CHRISTOPHER
BLACK, M.A., and an account of his more important Paintings
and Drawings. Illustrated with Permanent Photographs. Royal
8vo, cloth, extra gilt. 31$. 6J.

Liechtenstein.— HOLLAND HOUSE. By Princess MARIE
LIECHTENSTEIN. With Five Steel Engravings by C. H. JEENS,
after Paintings by WATTS and other celebrated Artists, and
numerous Illustrations drawn by Professor P. H. DELAMOTTE, and
engraved on Wood by J. D. COOPER, W. PALMER, and JEWITT &
Co. Third and Cheaper Edition. Medium 8vo. cloth elegant
1 6s.

Also, an Edition containing, in addition to the above, about 40
Illustrations by the Woodbury-type process, and India Proofs of
the Steel Engravings. Two vols. medium 410. half morocco
elegant. 4/. 4-f.

Lloyd.— THE AGE OF PERICLES. A History of the Arts and
Politics of Greece from the Persian to the Peloponnesian War.
By W. WAI KISS LLOYD. Two Vols. 8vo. 2is.
" No such account of Greek art of the best period has yet been brought

together in an English -work Mr. Lloyd has pioduced\a book of

unusual excellence and interest." — PALL MALL GAZETTE.

Loch Etive and the Sons of Uisnach. — with Illus-
trations. 8vo. 14^.

' ' Not only have we Loch Etive of the present time brought before us in
colours as true as they are vivid, but stirring scenes which happened on
the borders of the beautiful lake in semi-mythical times are conjured up
with singular skill. Nowhere else do we remember to have met with such
a well-wntten account of the invasion of Scotland by the Irish.'1'' — GLOBE.

Loftie.— A RIDE IN EGYPT FROM SIOOT TO LUXOR, IN

1879 ; with Notes on the Present State and Ancient History of the
Nile Valley, and some account of the various ways of making the
voyage out and home. By the Rev. W. J. LOFTIE. With
Illustrations. Crown 8vo. \os. 6d.

" We prophesy that Mr, Lofties little book "will accompany many
travellers on the Nih in the coming winters." — TIMES.

i8 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

Lubbock. — ADDRESSES, POLITICAL AND EDUCA-
TIONAL. By Sir JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., M.P., D.C.I..,
F.R.S. 8vo. 8s. 6d.

Macdonell.— FRANCE SINCE THE FIRST EMPIRE. By
JAMES MACDONELL. Edited with Preface by his Wife. Crown
8vo. [Shortly.

Macarthur.— HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, By MARGARET

MACARTHUR. Being the Third Volume of the Historical Course

for Schools, Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. Second

Edition. i8mo. zs.

" It is an excellent summary, unimpeachable as to facts, and putting

them in the clearest and most impartial light attainable." — GUARDIAN.

" No previous History oj Scotland of the same bulk is anything like so

trustworthy, or deserves to be so extensively used as a text-book." — GLOIIK.

Macmillan (Rev. Hugh).— For other Works by same Author,

see THEOLOGICAL and SCIENTIFIC CATALOGUES.
HOLIDAYS ON HIGH LANDS ; or, Rambles and Incidents in
search of Alpine Plants. Second Edition, revised and enlarged.
Globe Svo. cloth. 6s.

"Botanical knowledge is blended with a love of nature, a pious en-
thusiasm, and a rich felicity of diction not to be met with in any works
of kindred character, if we except those of Hugh Miller." — TELEGRAPH.

Macready. — MACREADY'S REMINISCENCES AND SE-
LECTIONS FROM HIS DIARIES AND LETTERS. Edited
by Sir F. POLLOCK, Bart., one of his Executors. With Four
Portraits engraved by JEENS. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown
Svo. 7-r. 6d.

" As a careful and for the most part just estimate of the stage during
a very brilliant per iod, the attraction of these volumes can scarcely be
surpassed. .... Readers who have no special interest in theatrical
matters, but enjoy miscellaneous gossip, will be allured from page to page,
attracted by familiar names and bv observations upon popular actors and
authors." — SPECTATOR.

Mahaffy. — Works by the Rev. J. P. MAHAFFY, M.A., Fellow of

Trinity College, Dublin : —

SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE FROM HOMER TO MENAN-
DER. Third Edition, revised and enlarged, with a new chapter
on Greek Art. Crown Svo. 9.c.

" It should be in the hands of all who desire thoroughly to understand
and to enjoy Greek literature, and to get an intelligent idea of the old Greek
life, political, social, and religious." — GUARDIAN.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 19

M a h a ffy . —continued.

RAMBLES AND STUDIES IN GREECE. With Illustrations.

Crown Svo. los. 6d. New and enlarged Edition, with Map and

Illustrations.
"A singularly instructive and agreeable -volume." — ATHENAEUM.

" Maori."— SPORT AND WORK ON THE NEPAUL FRON-
TIER ; or, Twelve Years' Sporting Reminiscences of an Indigo
Planter. By "MAORI." With Illustrations. Svo. 14*.
"Every day's adventures, with all the joys and perils of the chase, are

told as only a keen and cunning sportsman can tell them." — STANDARD.

Margary.— THE JOURNEY OF AUGUSTUS RAYMOND
MARGARY FROM SHANGHAE TO BHAMO AND BACK
TO MANWYNE. From his Journals and Letters, with a brief
Biographical Preface, a concluding chapter by Sir RUTHERFORD
ALCOCK, K.C.B., and a Steel Portrait engraved by JEENS, and
Map. Svo. io.f. 6d.

" There is a manliness, a cheerful spirit, an inherent vigour -which
was never overcome by sickness or debility, a tact which conquered the
prejudices of a strange and suspicious population, a quiet self-reliance,
always combined with deep religious feeling, tinalloyed by either priggish-
ness, cant, or suferstition, that ought to commend this volume to readers
sitting quietly at home who feel any pride in the high estimation accorded
to men of their race at Yarkand or at Khiva, in the heart of Africa, or
on the shores of Lake Seri-kul" — SATURDAY REVIEW.

Markham. — NORTHWARD HO ! By Captain ALBERT H.
MARKHAM, R.N., Author of "The Great Frozen Sea," &c.
Including a Narrative of Captain Phipps's Expedition, by a Mid-
shipman. With Illustrations. Crown Svo. IOJ. 6d.
" Captain Markham 's interesting volume has the advantage of being

written by a man who is practically conversant with the subject. " — PALL

MALL GAZETTE.

Martin. — THE HISTORY OF LLOYD'S, AND OF MARINE

INSURANCE IN GREAT BRITAIN. With an Appendix
containing Statistics relating to Marine Insurance. By FREDERICK
MARTIN, Author of " The Statesman's Year Book." Svo. \^s.

Martineau. — BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, 1852—1875.
By HARRIET MARTINEAU. With Additional Sketches, and Auto-
biographical Sketch. Fifth Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.

Masson (David).— For other Works by same Author, see PHILO-
SOPHICAL and BELLES LETTRES CATALOGUES.

20 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

Masson (David).— continued.

CHATTERTON : A Story of the Vear 1770. By DAVID MASSON,
LL. D., Professor of Rhetoric and English Literature in the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh. Crown 8vo. 5^.

THE THREE DEVILS : Luther's, Goethe's, and Milton's ; and
other Essays. Crown 8vo. 5^-

WORDSWORTH, SHELLEY, AND KEATS; and other
Essays. Crown 8vo. $s.

Mathews. — LIFE OF CHARLES j. MATHEWS, chiefly

Autobiographical. With Selections from his Correspondence and

Speeches. Edited by CHARLES DICKENS.

" One of the pleasantest and most readable books of the season. From
first to last these two volumes are alive with the inimitable artist and
comedian. . . . 7^he whole book is full of life, vigour, and wit, and even
through some of the gloomy episodes of volume two, will repay most careful
study. So complete, so varied a picture of a man's life is rarely to be met
with." — STANDARD.

Maurice. — THE FRIENDSHIP OF BOOKS ; AND OTHER
LECTURES. By the REV. F. D. MAURICE. Edited with Pre-
face, by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C. Crown 8vo. los. 6d.

Mayor (J. E. B.)— WORKS edited by JOHN E. B. MAYOR,
M. A. , Kennedy Professor of Latin at Cambridge : —

CAMBRIDGE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. Part II.
Autobiography of Matthew Robinson. Fcap. 8vo. $s. 6d.

LIFE OF BISHOP BEDELL. By his SON. Fcap. 8vo. 3*. 6d.

Melbourne.— MEMOIRS OF THE RT. HON. WILLIAM,
SECOND VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. By W. M. TORRENS,
M.P. With Portrait after Sir. T. Lawrence. Second Edition.
2 Vols. 8vo. 32J.

" As might be expected, he has produced a book which will command
and reward attention. It contains a great deal of valuable matter and
a great deal of animated, elegant writing."— QUARTERLY REVIEW.

Mendelssohn.— LETTERS AND RECOLLECTIONS. By
FERDINAND HILLER. Translated by M. E. VON GLEHN. With
Portrait from a Drawing by KARL MULLER, never before pub-
lished. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. "js. 6d.

" This is a very interesting addition to our knowledge of the great
German composer. It reveals him to us under a new light, as the warm-
hearted comrade, the musician whose soul was in his work, and the home-
iwing, domestic man" — STANDARD.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 21

Merewether. — BY SEA AND BY LAND. Being a Trip
through Egypt, India, Ceylon, Australia, New Zealand, and
America — all Round the World. By HENRY ALWORTH MERE-
WETHER, one of Her Majesty's Counsel. Crown 8vo. &r. 6d.

Michael Angelo Buonarotti ; Sculptor, Painter, Architect.

The Story of his Life and Labours. By C. C. BLACK, M.A.

Illustrated by 20 Permanent Photographs. Royal 8vo. cloth

elegant, 31 s. (>d.

" The story of Michael Angelo s life remains interesting "whatever be the
manner of telling it, and supported as it is by this beautiful series of photo-
graphs, the volume must take rank among the most sphndid of Christmas
books, fitted to serve and to outlive the season." — PALL MALL GAZETTE.

Michelet.— A SUMMARY OF MODERN HISTORY. Trans-
lated from the French of M. MICHELET, and continued to the
present time by M. C. M. SIMPSON. Globe 8vo. 4?. 6rf.

Milton. — LIFE OF JOHN MILTON. Narrated in connection
with the Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his Time.
By DAVID MASSON, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and
English Literature in the University of Edinburgh. With Portraits.
Vol. I. i8.r. Vol. II., 1638—1643. 8vo. l6s. Vol. III.
1643—1649. 8vo. iSs. Vols. IV. and V. 1649—1660. 321.
Vol. VI. concluding the work in the press.

This -work is not only a Biography, but also a continuous Political, Eccle-
siastical, and Literary History of England through Milton's whole time.

Mitford (A. B.)— TALES OF OLD JAPAN. By A. B.

MITFORD, Second Secretary to the British Legation in Japan.
With upwards of 30 Illustrations, drawn and cut on Wood by
Japanese Artists. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
" These very original volumes will always be interesting as memorials
of a most exceptional societv, while regarded simply as tales, they are
sparkling, sensational, and dramatic." — PALL MALL GAZETTE.

MonteifO.— ANGOLA AND THE RIVER CONGO. By
JOACHIM MONTEIRO. With numerous Illustrations from Sketches
taken on the spot, and a Map. Two Vols. crown 8vo, 2U.

Morison. — THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAINT BERNARD,
Abbot of Clairvaux. By JAMES COTTER MORISON, M.A. New
Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Moseley.— NOTES BY A NATURALIST ON THE CHAL-
LENGER : being an Account of various Observations made
during the Voyage of H.M.S. Challenger, Round the World,

22 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

in 1872-76. By H. N. MOSELEY, F.R.S., Member of the
Scientific Staff of the Challenger. 8vo. with Maps, Coloured Plates,
and Woodcuts. 2is.

" This is certainly the most inlei-esting ami suggestive book, descriptive
of a naturalist's travels, which has been published since Mr. Darwin's
''Journal of Researches ' appeared, more than forty years a»a." — NATURE.
" We cannot point to any book of travels in our day more vivid in its
powers of description, more varied in its subject matter, or more attractive
to tvery educated reader." — SATURDAY REVIEW.

Murray ROUND ABOUT FRANCE. By E. C. GRENVILLE

MURRAY. Crown 8vo. js. 6d.

" These short essays are a perfect mine of information as to the present
condition and future prospects of political partits in France. . . . It is
at once extremely interesting and exceptionally instructive on a subject on
which few English people are well informed." — SCOTSMAN.

Napier. — MACVEY NAPIER'S SELECTED CORRE-
SPONDENCE. Edited by his Son, MACVEY NAPIER. 8vo. 14*.
The TIMES says : — *'// is replete with useful material for the bio-
graphers of many distinguished writers of the generation which is passing
away. Since reading it we understand several noteiuorthy men, and
Brougham in particular, far belter than we did before. " "ft would be
useless to attempt within our present limits to give any adequate idea of the
abundance of interesting passages which meet us in the letters of Macaulay,
Brougham, Carlyle, Jeffrey, Senior, and many other well- known writeis.
Especially piquant are Jeffrey's periodical criticisms on the contents of
the Review which he had formerly edited." — PALL MALI. GAZETTE.

Napoleon.— THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. By P.

LANFREY. A Translation with the sanction of the Author.

4 vols. 8vo. Vols. I. II. and III. price I2J. each. Vol. IV.

6s.

The PALL MALL GAZETTE says it is " one of the most striking
pieces of historical composition of which France has to boast, " and the
SATURDAY REVIEW calls it "an excellent translation of a work on every
ground desetving to be translated. It is unquestionably and immeasurably
the best that has been produced. It is injact the only work to which we
can turn for an accurate and trustworthy narrative of that extraordinary
career. . . . The book is the best and indeed the only trustworthy history
of Napoleon which has been written."

Nichol.— TABLES OF EUROPEAN LITERATURE AND
HISTORY, A.D. 200—1876. ByJ. NICHOL, LL.D., Professor
of English Language and Literature, Glasgow. 410. 6s. f>d.
TABLES OF ANCIENT LITERATURE AND HISTORY,
K.C. 1500— A.D. 200. By the same Author. 4to. qs. 6d.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 23
Nordenskiold's Arctic Voyages, 1858-79. — with

Maps and numerous Illustrations. 8vo. i6j.
" A volume of great interest and much scientific value" — NATURE.

Oliphant (Mrs.).— THE MAKERS OF FLORENCE : Dante
Giotto, Savonarola, and their City. By Mrs. OLIPHANT. With
numerous Illustrations from drawings by Professor DELAMOTTE,
and portrait of Savonarola, engraved by JEENS. Second Edition.
Medium 8vo. Cloth extra, zis.
" We are grateful to Mrs. Oliphant for her eloquent and beautiful

sketches of Dante, Fra Angelica, and Savonarola. They are picturesque,

full of life, and rich in detail, and they are charmingly illustrated by the

art of the engraver" — SPECTATOR.

Oliphant— THE DUKE AND THE SCHOLAR; and other

Essays. By T. L. KINGTON OLIPHANT. 8vo. 7^. &/.
1 ' This volume contains one of the most beauliful biographical essays we
have seen since Macaulay's days." — STANDARD.

Otte. — SCANDINAVIAN HISTORY. By E. C. OTTE. With
Maps. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6.r.

Owens College Essays and Addresses. — By PRO-

FESSORS AND LECTURERS OF OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER.

Published in Commemoration of the Opening of the New College
Buildings, October 7th, 1873. 8vo. 14?.

Palgrave (R. F. D.)— THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ;
Illustrations of its History and Practice. By REGINALD F. D.
PALGRAVE, Clerk Assistant of the House of Commons. New
and Revised Edition. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Palgrave (Sir F.) — HISTORY OF NORMANDY AND
OF ENGLAND. By Sir FRANCIS PALGRAVE, Deputy Keeper
of Her Majesty's Public Records. Completing the History to the
Death of William Rufus. 4 Vols. 8vo. 4/. 4*.

Palgrave (W. G.)— A NARRATIVE OF A YEAR'S
JOURNEY THROUGH CENTRAL AND EASTERN
ARABIA, 1862-3. By WILLIAM GIFFORD PALGRAVE, late of
the Eighth Regiment Bombay N. I. Sixth Edition. With Maps,
Plans, and Portrait of Author, engraved on steel by Jeens. Crown
8vo. 6s.

" He has not only written one of the best books on the Arabs and one
of the best books on Arabia, but he has done w in a manner that must
command the respect no less than the admiration of his fellow-country-
men."— FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW.

24 MACM/U^llTS CATALOGUE Of WORKS 7.V

Palgrave.— »«ft*wtf.
ESSAYS ON EASTERN QUESTIONS. BY W. GIJTORD

PALGKATK. Sro. lot 6£

"Tior essays are jmtt of anecdote and interest. Tke toot it deddedfy
' to ike stock of Bteratmit om mJticM mem mmst

tasc their opinion of the di/untt social mmd political pntlems sug-
gested oy the designs tf Russia, tie capacity tf Mahometans

f^&t7OgwfF9 MMm Vie f9Ou £KWTWOT0K MMm frffflffMM if

SATTHU: AT RETIEW.

DUTCH GUIANA. With Maps and Flans. STO. 9*.
"His fagff *re memriy ertmmitivt ms for ms fmets «W ttmtittirt g*,
they are Interned by grafUc Mtial tkrtrket mt
— SATO IDA v REVIEW.

PattCSOO. — LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN COLERIDGE

PATTESON, D. D., Missioauy Bishop of the Mdaacsiu Islands,

By CHAKLOTTB M. YOSGE, Aatbor of " The Heir of Reddyfie.*'

With Portraits after RICHMOND and from Photograph, engraved by

JEKSS. With Map. Fifth Edirioo. Two Yob. CFOWB &TO. 121.

"Jfitt Y0mgfs-aafrk it in erne nsptd a muJel HtgrmfJky. It is made

mfmlmoxt entirely tf Patesafs nam letters. A-aoarc tkat he had left ku

ktmu MET mmd Jtr all, Us ctrresfomdemce took Iteftrm of a diary, attf

ms weremd g* -ax cvmte t» kmim fiemtoM, mmd tt ImxUm mlmtostms if vat

had see* Urn,"— ATHENAEUM. "Smch m life, wit* its grand lessens •/

wmtrfjfttwess, is a Uessmg mmd mm ktmma- ta the mge im -mUck it is live* ;

the ktfgrmpSey cammttbt studied -mithffmt fleaatre and profit, and indted

•me tkmmld think li&e *f the mam mi* did mwt rise fivm the study tf it

fitter and miser. Neither the Church mar th* motion mhich prtducts

tmch stms meed ever despair tf u* future.* — SATCMJAY REVIEW.

Pauli. — ^PICTURES OF OLD ENGLAND. By Dr.

PAUIJ. Translated, with die approval of die Anther, by E. C.
OTTE. Cheaper Edition. Crown STO. 6s.

Payne. — A HISTORY OF EUROPEAN COLONIES. By

E. J. PAYNE, M. A. With Maps. i&no. AS. 6d.
72^ TIMES mja:—fftf£mmarjmmtmfm^mmt a Ustonmn capaUe tf
farming a more ctrnprehensae, far-seeing, and umprcjudiud estimate tj
events and peoples, and me cam emmmend this Kttle mtrh as one certain to
prom: of&e highest interest to off thoughtjml readers."

Persia. — EASTERN PERSIA, An Account of die Journeys of
die Persian Boundary Commission, 1870-1-2. — YoL L The Geo-
graphy, with Narratives by Majors ST. Joirx, Lot KIT, and EDAH
SMITH, and an Introduction by Major-General Sir FREDERIC
GOLDSMID, C.B., K.CS.L, British Commisskner and Arbitrator.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 25

With Maps aad Dhaatinas.— VoL H. Tin Tiiiiliiij mi 1
By W. T. BiAmaui A.R.S.M., F.R.S. With Cafcml Utes-
traaoBK. Two Yak. Urn. 421.
" Tkf mtmma Imrgdi increase emr stor tf
twmmfi i i- witi mtidk Em&zkmem, M$& to te
Tkrytiurvaf fiifi fi iJMJr iff fiif iffi i ft in
fgfntimg Ac btml faOmrxs •/ Persia, Us samay, it* rat^na,
tfdal tnm1Uinm. Tier omtm da* mimmitmt es&mu tf
mimmmue, daring, omd jfmL"— Tans.

Prichard.— THE ADinNiSTRATioisr OF OTDIA. Wnm

i859toi86&. Ttir Firf Tm Yrirr nf 1 UmimAnAm •rfri Ifcr
Crown. By I. T. PUCHAXDI, Banider*flt-Lnr. Two Vcti*.
With Mau zu.

Raphael. — RAPHAEL OF URBIXO AND HIS FATHER

GIOVANNI S ANTL By J. D. PASSATAOT, ionaniy Dtreetor
of the Mnont at FrnakJort. Wisk Twotfy T\tmmi* Fhoto-
gnphs. Royal 8nx Had^»dy bond. 31x6^.
71* SATCIDAT RETIEW jv^r «f doc, " 19^ Aor oat **t * fern

AgmMt spoomems ff Mr. WmMmty's *o* frmua, Jbf me tax seat

mtme thmt tymsl these."

Reynolds. — SHt JOSHUA REYNOUJS AS A PORTRAIT
PAINTER. AN ESSAY. By J. CHCTTTOS Coixiss, B.A.
BJfai CiJry, OrfonL nhBtoaeA bf m Scries of Rvtnte of

'r "' • I'*HI» Benties of d»e Comt «f George HL ; repnidaiocd

' UK *" IKjLJLf »• ..",'. . ' "

IB .ABDOtype HOIK nuut UBpressnvs ot tke flEHDniBB tagixww*s,
by VAUOTTDIK GMES, THOMAS WATSOK, F. R. SMITH,
FISHES, xod otbos. FoEo kaKvanicin.

Rogers (James E. Thorold). — HISTORICAL GLEAN

INGS: A Series of Sketches. Moataae, Wdpole, AA» «T i"rt.

Cobbett. By Prot ROGEKS. Cxowa Svn. 41. 6£ Secoad Series.
Laid, WJLes, and Hone Tooke. Ctowm STO. fa.

Routledge. — CHAPTERS IN THE HISTORY OF POPULAR

PROGRESS IN ENGLAND, driefty • Rebtioii to Ac Fnilia
of the Picas and Ttnl by Jmy, 1660— I&20. Wath appficatioa to
haeryeai^. By J. ROUTLEDGE. 810. ifa.

4^0* mn'wi" TniT'

Rum ford. — COUNT RUUFORD^S COMPLETE WORKS,
with Memr. amd Notices of his Dawhtec. By G«o«c«
Five Yob. STO.

26 MACMTLLA&S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

Seeley (Professor). — LECTURES AND ESSAYS. By
J. R. SEELEY, M.A. Professor of Modern History in the
University of Cambridge. 8vo. lor. ftd.

CONTENTS : — Roman Imperialism : I. The Great Roman Revolu-
tion; 2. The Proximate Cause of the Fall of the Roman Empire;
The Later Empire. — Milton's Political Opinions — Aft/ton's Poetry
— Elementary Principles in Art — Liberal Education in Universities
— English in Schools — The Church as a Teacher of Morality — The
Teaching of Politics : an Inaugural Lecture delivered at Cambridge.

Shelburne.— LIFE OF WILLIAM, EARL OF SHELBURNE,

AFTERWARDS FIRST MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE.

With Extracts from his Papers and Correspondence. By Lord

EDMOND FITZMAURICE. In Three Vols. 8vo. Vol. I. 1737 —

1766, 12s. ; Vol. II. 1766—1776, 12s. ; Vol. III. 1776—1805. i6s.

"Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice has succeeded in placing before us a

wealth of new matter, which, while casting valuable and much-needed

light on several obscure passages in the political history of a hundred

years ago, has enabled us for the first time to form a clear and consistent

idea of his ancestor." — SPECTATOR.

Sime.— HISTORY OF GERMANY. By JAMES SIME, M.A.

i8mo. 3*. Being Vol. V. of the Historical Course for Schools:

Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L.

" This is a remarkably clear and impressive History of Germany." —
STANDARD.

Squier.— PERU : INCIDENTS OF TRAVEL AND EX-

PLORATION IN THE LAND OF THE INCAS. By E. G.

SQUIER, M.A., F.S.A., late U.S. Commissioner to Peru. With

300 Illustrations. Second Edition. 8vo. 2ls.

The TIMES says : — " No more solid and trustworthy contribution haa

been made to an accurate knowledge of what are among the most -wonderful

ruins in the world. The work is really what its title implies. While of

the greatest importance as a contribution to Pei uvian archeology, it is also a

thoroughly entertaining and instructive narrative of travel. Not the least

important 'featuremustbeconsideredthenumerouswellexeculed illustrations."

Strangford. — EGYPTIAN SHRINES AND SYRIAN SEPUL-

CHRES, including a Visit to Palmyra. By EMILY A. BEAUFORT
(Viscountess Strangford), Author of " The Eastern Shores of
the Adriatic." New Edition. Crown 8vo. 7*. 6J.

Tait.— AN ANALYSIS OF ENGLISH HISTORY, based upon
Green's " Short History of the English People." By C. W. A.
TAIT, M.A., Assistant Master, Clifton College. Crown Svu.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 27

Tait.— CATHARINE AND CRAUFURD TAIT, WIFE AND
SON OF ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, ARCHBISHOP OF
CANTERBURY : a Memoir, Edited, at the request of the Arch-
bishop, by the Rev. W. BEN HAM, B.D., Vicar of Margate, and
One of the Six Preachers of Canterbury Cathedral. With Two
Portraits engraved by JEENS. Crown 8vo. I2s. <*/.
" The volume can scarcely fail to be read widely and with deep interest.
, . . It is difficult to put it down when once taken in hand, still more
difficult to get through it without emotion. . . . We commend the volume
to those who knew Catharine and Craufurd Tait as one which will bring
back to their- minds recollections of their characters as true as the recollec-
tions of the faces brought back by the two excellent portraits which adorn
the book ; while to those who knew them not, we commend it as containing
the record of fuv noble Christian lives, which it will be a pleasure to
them to contemplate and an advantage to emulate." — TIMES.

Thomas. — THE LIFE OF JOHN THOMAS, Surgeon of the

' ' Earl of Oxford " East Indiaman, and First Baptist Missionary to
Bengal. By C. B. LEWIS, Baptist Missionary. 8vo. IQJ. 6d.

Thompson. — HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By EDITH THOMP-
SON. Being Vol. II. of the Historical Course for Schools, Edited
by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. New Edition, revised and
enlarged, with Maps. l8mo. 2s. 6d.

" Freedom from prejudice, simplicity of style, and accuracy of staff'
ment, are the characteristics of this volume. It is a trustworthy text-book,
and likely to be generally serviceable in schools" — PALL MALL GAZETTE.
" In its great accuracy and correctness of detail it stands far ahead of the
general run of school manuals. Its arrangement, too, is clear, and its
style simple and straightforward. " — SAT u RDAY REVI EW.

Todhunter. — THE CONFLICT OF STUDIES ; AND

OTHER ESSAYS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH
EDUCATION. By ISAAC TODHUNTER, M.A., F.R.S., late
Fellow and Principal Mathematical Lecturer 01 St. John's College,
Cambridge. 8vo. I or. 6J.

Trench (Archbishop).— For other Works by the same Author,

see THEOLOGICAL and BELLES LETTRES CATALOGUES, and

page 30 of this Catalogue.
GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS IN GERMANY, and other Lectures

on the Thirty Years' War. Second Edition, revised and enlarged.

Fcap. 8vo. 41.*
PLUTARCH, HIS LIFE, HIS LIVES, AND HIS MORALS.

Five Lectures. Second Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 3*. 6J.
LECTURES ON MEDIEVAL CHURCH HISTORY.- Being

the substance of Lectures delivered in Queen's College, London.

Second Edition, revised. 8vo. 12s.

28 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN

Trench (Maria).— THE LIFE OF ST. TERESA. By MARIA
TRENCH. With Portrait engraved by JEENS. Crown 8vo, cloth
extra. &. 6d.
" A book of rare interest." — JOHN BULL.

Trench (Mrs. R.)— REMAINS OF THE LATE MRS.

RICHARD TRENCH. Being Selections from her Journals,
Letters, and other Papers. Edited by ARCHBISHOP TRENCH.
New and Cheaper Issue, with Portrait. 8vo. 6s.

Trollope. — A HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF

FLORENCE FROM THE EARLIEST INDEPENDENCE
OF THE COMMUNE TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC
IN 1831. By T. ADOLPHUS TROLLOPE. 4 Yols. Svo. Hall
morocco. 2ls.

Uppingham by the Sea.— A NARRATIVE OF THE
YEAR AT BORTH. By J. H. S. Crown Svo. y. 6d.

Victor Emmanuel II., First King of Italy — HIS

LIFE. By G. S. GODKIX. 2 vols., crown Svo. idr.
" An extremely dear and interesting history of one of the matt
important changes of later times." — EXAMINER.

Wallace.— THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO: the Land of the
Orang Utan and the Bird of Paradise. By ALFRED RUSSEL
WALLACE. A Narrative of Travel with Studies of Man and
Nature. With Maps and numerous Illustrations. Sixth Edition.
Crown Svo. yj. 6<t.

" 751* result it a vivid picture of tropical lift, which may be read with
unflagging interest^ and a sufficient account of his scientific conclusions to
Stimulate our appetite without wearying us by detail. In short, we may
safely say that we have never read a more agreeable book of its kind." —
SATURDAY REVIEW.

Ward.— A HISTORY OF ENGLISH DRAMATIC LITERA-
TURE TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN ANNE. By A. \V.
WARD, M.A., Professor of History and English Literature in
Owens College, Manchester. Two Vols. Svo. 32*.
"As full of interest as of information. To students of dramatic

literature invaluable, and may be equally recommended to readers for

mere pastime." — PALL MALL GAZETTE.

Ward (J.) — EXPERIENCES OF A DIPLOMATIST. Being
recollections of Germany founded on Diaries kept during the years
1840 — 1870. By JOHN WARD, C.B., late H.M. Minister-
Resident to the Hanse Towns. Svo. icw. 6J.

HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 29

Waterloo (C.) — WANDERINGS or SOUTH AMERICA,

THE NORTH-WEST OF THE UNITED STATES, AND
THE ANTILLES IN 1812, 1816, 1820, and 1824. With
Original Instnoctious for the perfect Preservation of Kids, etc.,
far Cabinets of Natural History. By CHAKUS WATEKTOIT.
New Edition, edited with re"F "l'1*'"^ Ti*n dm titmt and F^pbM-
tary Index by the Rev. J. G. WOOD, if. A, With 100 ntatjations.
Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6x.

WcdgWOOd.— JOHN WESLEY AND THE EVANGELICAL
REACTION of the Eighteenth Centmy. By JETUA WEDGWOOD.
Crown 810. 8x 6J1

WhewelL— WILIJAM WHEWELL, D.D., fate Master of
Trinity College, Cambridge. An Accoomt of his Writings, with
Selections from his Literary and Scientific Correspondence. By
I. TODHUSTEZ, M.A., F.R.S. Two VoBs. 8ro. 25*.

White. — THE NATURAL HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES
OF SELBORNE. By GILSEKT WHITE. Edited, with Memoir
and Notes, by FKAXK BCCKIAXD. A Chapter on Airtigmties by
LORD SELXOKKE, Map, &c., and •••^'^'•v Hbutrations by
P. H. DELAMOTTE. Royal Sro. doth, extra gik. f^**pf^
Issue. 2U.

Also a Large Paper Edition, containing, in «iHKi» to tibe •hove,
npwaids of Thirty Woodbnrytype UhBtzations from Drawings
by Pro£ DELAMOTTE. Two Vois. 4to. Half morocco, elegant.

4*4*

Mr.

tmmff i fi nl T*t? krimg S&arme ft/one us, mml raaJfy kdp ms m
mmtiamml -mhy Whttfs boc far his motive fimce moor gnm aU." —
TIMES.

Wilson. — ^A MEMOIR OF GEORGE WILSON, M. D.,
F.R.S.E., Regius Professor of Technology in the Unrveniry of
Edmborgh. By his SISTER. New Edition. Crown Svo. 6t

W^ilson (Daniel, LL.D.) — Works by DASTIEL WILSOX,
LL.D., Professor of History and Engfish TAnatme in Unrrersary
College, Toronto: —
PREHISTORIC ANNALS OF SCOTLAND. New Edition,

with nmeroos Hmstiations. Two ¥ok. demy STO. 362:
- Qme tf Of most imtmstimg, leunul, mmd ei&utt mmrtr me kmx*
see* f*r * bug time." — WESTMINSTER REVIEW.

PREHISTORIC MAN : Researches into the Origin of Cmfization
in the Old and New World. New Edition, revised and enlarged
throDghont, wifli nmmenms Dhntntions and two Coloured Plates.
Two Vols. STO. 36*.

30 AtACATILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF

Wilson. — continued.

"A valuable work pleasantly written and well worthy of attention
both by students ami general readers." — ACADEMY.

CHATTERTON : A Biographical Study. By DANIEL WILSON,
LL.D., Professor of History and English Literature in University
College, Toronto. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.

Yonge (Charlotte M.)— Works by CHARLOTTE M. YONGE,
Author of "The Heir of Redclyffe," &c., &c. :—

A PARALLEL HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND :

consisting of Outlines and Dates. Oblong 4to. 3-r. (>d.

CAMEOS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. From Rollo to Edward
II. Extra fcap. 8vo. Third Edition. 5*.

SECOND SERIES, THE WARS IN FRANCE. Extra fcap.
8vo. Third Edition. $s.

THIRD SERIES, THE WARS OF THE ROSES. Extra
fcap. 8vo. $s.

" Instead of dry details," says the NONCONFORMIST, " we have living
pictures, faithful, vivid, and striking."

FOURTH SERIES. Reformation Times. Extra fcap. Svo. $s.

HISTORY OF FRANCE. Maps. iSmo. y. 67.

[Historic // Course for Schools.

WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 31

POLITICS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL
ECONOMY, LAW, AND KINDRED
SUBJECTS.

Anglo-Saxon Law.— ESSAYS IN. Contents : Law Courts
— Land and Family Laws and Legal Procedure generally. With
Select cases. Medium 8vo. i8j.

Arnold.— THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL ADMIN-
ISTRATION TO THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE
THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize Essay for 1879. By
W. T. Arnold, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Ball.— THE STUDENT'S GUIDE TO THE BAR. By
WALTER W. BALL, M.A., of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at-
Law. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
" The student -will here find a clear statement of the several steps by

•which the degree of barrister is obtained, and also useful advice about

the advantages of a prolonged course of ' reading in Chambers. ' " —

ACADEMY.

Bernard. — FOUR LECTURES ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED
WITH DIPLOMACY. BY MONTAGUE BERNARD, M.A.,
Chichele Professor of International Law and Diplomacy, Oxford.
8vo. 9J.

" Singularly interesting lectures, so able, clear, and attractive." — SPEC-
TATOR.

Bright (John, M. P.)— Works by the Right Hon. JOHN BRIGHT,
M.P.

SPEECHES ON QUESTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY.
Edited by Professor THOROLD ROGERS. Author's Popular Edition.
Globe 8vo. y. 6d.

" Mr. Bright* s speeches will always deserve to be studied, as an
apprenticeship to popular and parliamentarv oratory ; they will form
•materials for the history of our time, and many brilliant passages,
perliaps some entire speeches, will really become a part of the living litera'
lure of England." — DAILY NEWS.

LIBRARY EDITION. Two Vols. 8vo. With Portrait 2$s.
PUBLIC ADDRESSES. Edited by J. THOROLD KOUERS. bvo.

32 MACMILLAWS CATALOGUE OF

Bucknill.— HABITUAL DRUNKENNESS AND INSANE
DRUNKARDS. By J. C. BUCKNILL, M.D., F.R.S., late
Lord Chancellor's Visitor of Lunatics. Crown 8vo. 2s. f>d.

Cairnes. — Works by J. E. CAIRNES, M.A., Emeritus Professor of

Political Economy in University College, London.
ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY, THEORETICAL
and APPLIED. By J. E. CAIRNES, M.A., Professor of Political
Economy in University College, London. 8vo. Itxr. 6J.
POLITICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. ior. 6rf.
SOME LEADING PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY

NEWLY EXPOUNDED. 8vo. 14?.

CONTENTS : — Part I. Value. Part II. Labour and Capital. Part
III. International Trade.

" A work -which is perhaps the most valuable contribution to the science
made since the publication, a quarter of a century since, of Mr. Mill's
' Principles of Political Economy.'1 " — DAILY NEWS.
THE CHARACTER AND LOGICAL METHOD OF POLI-
TICAL ECONOMY. New Edition, enlarged. 8vo. 7*. 6d.
" These lectures are admirably fitted to correct the slipshod generaliza-
tions -which pass current as the science of Political Economy" — TIMES.

Cobden (Richard). — SPEECHES ON QUESTIONS OF
PUBLIC POLICY. By RICHARD COBDEN. Edited by the
Right Hon. John Bright, M.P., and J. E. Thorold Rogers.
Popular Edition. 8vo. 3^. 6d.

Fawcett. — Works by HENRY FAWCETT, M.A., M.P., Fellow of

Trinity Hall, and Professor of Political Economy in the University

of Cambridge : —
THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE BRITISH

LABOURER. . Extra fcap. 8vo. $s.
MANUAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Fifth Edition, with

New Chapters on the Depreciation of Silver, etc. Crown 8vo.

I2S.

The DAILY NEWS says: " It forms one of the best introductions to the
principles of the science, and to its practical applications in the problems
of modern, and especially of English, government and society."

PAUPERISM : ITS CAUSES AND REMEDIES. Crown 8vo.
5*. &/.

The ATHENAEUM calls the -work " a repertory of interesting and -well
digested information."

SPEECHES ON SOME CURRENT POLITICAL QUES-
TIONS. 8vo. lor. &/.

" They will help to educate, not perhaps, parties, but the educators of
parties." — DAILY NEWS.

WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 33

FawCCtt. — continued.

FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION: an Inquiry into the
Causes which have retarded the general adoption of Free Trade
since its introduction into England. Third Edition. 8vo. "js. 6d.
" No greater service can be rendered to the cause of Free Trade than a
clear explanation of the^ principles on which Free Trade rests. Pro-
fessor Fawcett has done'this in the volume before us with ail his habitual
clearness of thought and expression." — ECONOMIST.

ESSAYS ON POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SUBJECTS. By
PROFESSOR FAWCETT, M.P., and MILLICENT GARRETT
FAWCETT. 8vo. IQJ. 6d.

" They will all repay the perusal of the thinking reader" — DAILY
NEWS.

Fawcett (Mrs.) — Works by MILLICENT GARRETT FAWCETT.

POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR BEGINNERS. WITH QUES-
TIONS. New Edition. i8mo. zs. 6J.

The DAILY NEWS calls it "clear, compact, and comprehensive;" and
the SPECTATOR says, "Mrs. Fawcetfs treatise is perfectly suited to its
purpose"

TALES IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. Crown 8vo. 3*.

" TTie idea is a good one, and it is quite wonderful what a mass of
economic teaching the author manages to compress into a small space. . . The
true doctrines of International Trade, Currency, and the ratio between
Production and Population, are set before us and illustrated in a masterly
manner" — ATHENAEUM.

Freeman (E. A.), M.A., D.C.L.— COMPARATIVE

POLITICS. Lectures at the Royal Institution, to which is
added " The Unity of History," being the Rede Lecture delivered
at Cambridge in 1872. 8vo. 14*.

" We find in Mr. Freeman's new volume the same sound, careful,
comprehensive qualities which have long ago raised him to so high a place
amongst historical writers. For historical discipline, then, as well as
historical information, Mr. Freeman's book is full of value," — PALL
MALL GAZETTE.

Goschen. — REPORTS AND SPEECHES ON LOCAL TAXA-

TION. By GEORGE J. GOSCHEN, M. P. Royal Svo. 5*.
" The volume contains a vast mass of information of the highest value."
— ATHENAEUM.

Guide tO the Unprotected, in Every Day Matters Re-
lating to Property and Income. By a BANKER'S DAUGHTER.
Fourth Edition, Revised. Extra fcap. Svo. y. 6d.

34 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF

"Many an unprotected female will bless the head which planned and
the hand which compiled this admirable little manual. . . . This book
was very much wanted, and it could not have been better done." —
MORNING STAR.

Hamilton.— MONEY AND VALUE: an Inquiry into the

Means and Ends of Economic Production, with an Appendix

on the Depreciation of Silver and Indian Currency. By ROWLAND

HAMILTON. 8vo. I2J.

" The subject is here dealt with in a luminous style, and by presenting

it from a new point of view in connection with the nature and Junctions

of money, a genuine service has been rendered to commercial science" —

BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW.

HarwOOd.— DISESTABLISHMENT : a Defence of the Principle
of a National Church. By GEORGE HARWOOD, M. A. 8vo. 12s.

Hill. — OUR COMMON LAND ; and other Short Essays. By

OCTAVIA HILL. Extra fcap..8vo. $s. 6<l.

CONTENTS : — Our Common Land. District Visiting. A More
Excellent Way of Charity. A Word on Good Citizenship. Open Spaces.
Effectual Charity. The Future of our Commons.

Historicus.— LETTERS ON SOME QUESTIONS OF
INTERNATIONAL LAW. Reprinted from the Times, with
considerable Additions. 8vo. 1s.~ dd. Also, ADDITIONAL
LETTERS. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Holland.— THE TREATY RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND

TURKEY FROM 1774 TO 1853. A Lecture delivered at Oxford,
April 1877. By T. E. HOLLAND, D.C.L., Professor of Inter-
national Law and Diplomacy, Oxford. Crown 8vo. zs.

Hughes (Thos.)— THE OLD CHURCH: WHAT SHALL
WE DO WITH IT? By THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C. Crown
8vo. 6s.

Jcvons. — Works by W. STANLEY JEVONS, M.A., Professor of
Political Economy in University College, London. (For other
Works by the same Author, see EDUCATIONAL and PHILO-
SOPHICAL CATALOGUES.)

THE THEORY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Second Edition,

revised, with new Preface and Appendices. 8vo. los. 6d.

1 'Professor Jevons has done invaluable service by coi4rageously claimins

political economy to be strictly a branch of Applied Mathematics.

— WESTMINSTER REVIEW.

PRIMER OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. i8mo. is.

WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 35

Laveleye. — PRIMITIVE PROPERTY. By EMILE DE

LAVELEYE. Translated by G. R. L. MARRIOTT, LL. B., with an
Introduction by T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE, LL.B. 8vo. I2r.
" It is almost impossible to over-estimate the value of the well-digested
knowledge which it contains ; it is one of the most learned books that
have been contributed to the historical department of the literature of
economic science, " — ATHENAEUM.

Leading Cases done into English. By an APPRENTICE

OF LINCOLN'S INN. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. zs. 6d.
" Here is a rare treat for the lovers of quaint conceits, who in reading
this charming little book will find enjoyment in the varied metre and
graphic language in which the several tales are told, no less than in the
accurate and pithy rendering of some of our most familiar ' Leading
Cases.' " — SATURDAY REVIEW.

Lubbock.— ADDRESSES, POLITICAL AND EDUCA-
TIONAL. By Sir JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., M.P., &c., &c.
8vo, pp. 209. 8.r. 6d.

The ten speeches given are (i) on the Imperial Policy of Great
Britain, (2) on the Bank Act of 1844, (3) on the Present System
of Public School Education, 1876, (4) on the Present System of
Elementary Education, (5) on the Income Tax, (6) on the National
Debt, (7) on the Declaration of Paris, (8) on Marine Insurances,
(9^ on the Preservation of Ancient Monuments, and (10) on Egypt.

Macdonell. — THE LAND QUESTION, WITH SPECIAL
REFERENCE TO ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. By
JOHN MACDONELL, Barrister-at-Law. 8vo. los. 6d.

Marshall.— THE ECONOMICS OF INDUSTRY.. By A.
MARSHALL, M.A., Principal of University College, Bristol, and
MARY PALEY MARSHALL, late Lecturer at Newnham Hall,
Cambridge. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Martin.— THE STATESMAN'S YEAR-BOOK: A Statistical
and Historical Annual of the States of the Civilized World,
for the year 1880. By FREDERICK MARTIN. Seventeenth Annual
Publication. Revised after Official Returns. Crown 8vo. los. 6d.
The Statesman's Year-Book is the only work in the English language
which furnishes a clear and concise account of the actual condition of all
the States of Europe, the civilized countries of America, Asia, and
Africa, and the British Colonies and Dependencies in all parts of the
world. The new issue of the work has been revised and corrected, on the
basis of official reports received direct from the heads of the leading Govern-
ments of the world, in reply to letters sent to them by the Editor. Through
the valuable assistance thus given, it has been possible to collect an amount

36 MACM1LLAWS CATALOGUE OF

of information, political, statistical, and commercial, of the latest date, and
of unimpeachable trustworthiness, such as no publication of the same
kind has ever been able to furnish. "As indispensable as Bradshaw." —
TIMES.

Monahan. — THE METHOD OF LAW: an Essay on the
Statement and Arrangement of the Legal Standard of Conduct.
By J. H. MONAHAN, Q. C. Crown 8vo. 6s.

" Will be found valuable by careful law students who have felt the
importance of gaining clear ideas regarding the relations between the parts
of the complex organism they have to study." — BRITISH QUARTERLY
REVIEW.

Paterson. — THE LIBERTY OF THE SUBJECT AND THE

LAWS OF ENGLAND RELATING TO THE SECURITY
OF THE PERSON. Commentaries on. By JAMES PATERSON,
M.A., Barrister at Law, sometime Commissioner for English and
Irish Fisheries, etc. Cheaper issue. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 2\s.
' ' Two or three hours' dipping into these volumes, nofto say reading them
through, will give legislators and stump orators a kncavledge of the liberty
of a citizen of their country, in its principles, its fulness, and its modi-
fication, such as they probably in nine cases out of ten never had before"
— SCOTSMAN.

Phillimore. — PRIVATE LAW AMONG THE ROMANS,

from the Pandects. By JOHN GEORGE PHILLIMORE, Q.C. 8vo.
i6s.

Rogers. — COBDEN AND POLITICAL OPINION. ByJ. E.

THOROLD ROGERS. 8vo. IO.T. 6</.

" Will be found most useful by politicians of every school, as it forms a
sort of handbook to Cobderfs teaching." — ATHEN^UM.

Stephen (C. E.)— THE SERVICE OF THE POOR;
Being an Inquiry into the Reasons for and against the Establish-
ment of Religious Sisterhoods for Charitable Purposes. By
CAROLINE EMILIA STEPHEN. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.
" The ablest advocate of a better line of work in this direction that tut

have ever seen." — EXAMINER.

Stephen. — Works by Sir JAMES F. STEPHEN, K.C.S.I., Q.C.

A DIGEST OF THE LAW OF EVIDENCE. Third Edition
with New Preface. Crown 8vo. 6.r.

A DIGEST OF THE CRIMINAL LAW. (Crimes and

Punishments.) 8vo. l6.r.

" We feel sure that any person of ordinary intelligence who had never
looked Into a law-book in his life might, by a few days' careful study of

WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 37

Stephen. — continued.

this volume, obtain a more accurate understanding of the criminal law,
a more perfect conception of its different bearings, a more thorough
and intelligent insight into its snares and pitfalls, than an ordinary
practitioner can boast of after years of study of the ordinary text-
books and practical experience of the Courts unassisted by any competent
guide." — SATURDAY REVIEW.

A GENERAL VIEW OF THE CRIMINAL LAW OF ENG-
LAND. Two Vols. Crown Svo. [New edition in the press.

Stubbs. — VILLAGE POLITICS. Addresses and Sermons on
the Labour Question. By C. W. STUBKS, M.A., Vicar of
Granborough, Bucks. Extra fcap. Svo. 3.?. 6</.

Thornton. — Works by W. T. THORNTON, C.B., Secretary for

Public Works in the India Office : —
ON LABOUR: Its Wrongful Claims and Rightful Dues ; Its

Actual Present and Possible Future. Second Edition, revised,

Svo. I4>-.
A PLEA FOR PEASANT PROPRIETORS : With the Outlines

of a Plan for their Establishment in Ireland. New Edition,

revised. Crown Svo. "js. 6J.
INDIAN PUBLIC WORKS AND COGNATE INDIAN

TOPICS. With Map of Indian Railways. Crown Svo. 8.r. 6d.

Walker. — Works by F. A. WALKER, M.A., Ph.D., Professor of

Political Economy and History, Yale College : —
THE WAGES QUESTION. A Treatise on Wages and the

Wages Class. Svo. 145.
MONEY. Svo. i6s.

" It is painstaking, laborious, and states the question in a clear ana

very intelligible form. . . . The volume possesses a great value as a sort

of encyclopedia of knowledge on the subject." — ECONOMIST.

MONEY IN ITS RELATIONS TO TRADE AND INDUSTRY.

Crown Svo. [Shortly.

Work about the Five Dials. With an Introductory

Note by THOMAS CARLYLE. Crown Svo. 6s.
"A book 'which abounds -with wise and practical suggestions." — PALL
MALL GAZETTE.

38 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF

WORKSCONNECTEDWITH THE SCIENCE
OR THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE.

Abbott.— A SHAKESPERIAN GRAMMAR : An Attempt to
illustrate some of the Differences between Elizabethan and Modem
English. By the Rev. E. A. ABBOTT, D.D., Head Master of the
City of London School. New and Enlarged Edition. Extra
fcap. 8vo. 6s.
"Valuable not only as an aid to the critical study of Shakespeart,

but as tending to familiarize the reader with Elizabethan English in

general. " — ATHENAEUM.

Breymann. — A FRENCH GRAMMAR BASED ON PHILO-
LOGICAL PRINCIPLES. By HERMANN BREYMANN, Ph.D.,
Professor of Philology in the University of Munich late Lecturer
on French Language and Literature at Owens College, Man-
chester. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4^. 6<£

Ellis PRACTICAL HINTS ON THE QUANTITATIVE

PRONUNCIATION OF LATIN, FOR THE USE OF
CLASSICAL TEACHERS AND LINGUISTS. By A. J.
ELLIS, B.A., F.R.S., &c. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4*. 6</.

Fleay.— A SHAKESPEARE MANUAL. By the Rev. F. G.

FLEAY, M.A., Head Master of Skipton Grammar School. Extra
fcap. 8vo. 4^. dd,

Goodwin. — Works by W. W. GOODWIN, Professor of Greek
Literature in Harvard University.

SYNTAX OF THE GREEK MOODS AND TENSES. New

Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.

AN ELEMENTARY GREEK GRAMMAR. Crown 8vo. 6s.
" It is the best Greek Grammar of its size in the English language" —
ATHENAEUM.

Hadley.— ESSAYS PHILOLOGICAL AND CRITICAL.
Selected from the Papers of JAMES HADLEY, LL.D., Professor of
Greek in Yale College, &c. 8vo. l6j.

Hales.— LONGER ENGLISH POEMS. With Notes, Philo-
logical and Explanatory, and an Introduction on the Teaching of
English. Chiefly for use in Schools. Edited by J. W. HALES,
M.A., Professor of English Literature at King's College, London,
&c. &c. Fifth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4*. 6d.

WORKS ON LANGUAGE. 39

Helfenstein (James).— A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OF THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES : Being at the same
time a Historical Grammar of the English Language, and com-
prising Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Early English, Modern English,
Icelandic (Old Norse), Danish, Swedish, Old High German,
Middle High German, Modern German, Old Saxon, Old Frisian,
and Dutch. By JAMES HELFENSTEIN, Ph.D. 8vo. I&T.

Masson (Gustave).— A COMPENDIOUS DICTIONARY

OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE (French-English and English-
French). Followed by a List of the Principal Diverging Deriva-
tions, and preceded by Chronological and Historical Tables. By
GUSTAVE MASSON, Assistant-Master and Librarian, Harrow
School. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. Half-bound. 6s.
"A book ivhich any student, "whatever may be the degree of his ad-
vancement in the lan^age, would do well to Jiave on the table close at
hand while he is reading"— SATURDAY REVIEW.

Mayor.— A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL CLUE TO LATIN LITE-
RATURE. Edited after Dr. E. HUBNER. With large Additions
by JOHN E. B. MAYOR, M.A., Professor of Latin in the Univer-
sity of Cambridge. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.
"An extremely useful volume that should be in the hands of all

scholars." — ATHEN/EUM.

Morris. — Works by the Rev. RICHARD MORRIS, LL.D., Member
of the Council of the Philol. Soc. , Lecturer on English Language
and Literature in King's College School, Editor of " Specimens
of Early English," etc., etc. : —

HISTORICAL OUTLINES OF ENGLISH ACCIDENCE,
comprising Chapters on the History and Development of
the Language, and on Word-formation. Sixth Edition. Fcap.
8vo. 6j.

ELEMENTARY LESSONS IN HISTORICAL ENGLISH
GRAMMAR, containing Accidence and Word-formation. Third
Edition. i8mo. 2s. 6d.

Oliphant.— THE OLD AND MIDDLE ENGLISH. By
T. L. KINGTON OLIPHANT, M.A., of Balliol College, Oxford.
A New Edition, revised and greatly enlarged, of " The Sources
of Standard English." Extra fcap. 8vo. 9*.

"Mr. Oliphant' s bock is to our mind, one of the ablest and most
scholarly contributions to our standard English we have seen for many
years. " —SCHOOL BOARD CHRONICLE. "The book comes nearer to a
history of the English language than anything we have seen since such a
history could be written, without ccnjusion and contradictions" —
SATURDAY RKVIEW.

40 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF

Peile (John, M.A.) — AN INTRODUCTION TO GREEK

AND LATIN ETYMOLOGY. By JOHN PEILE, M.A.,

Fellow and Tutor of Christ's College, Cambridge. Third

and revised Edition. Crown 8vo. lew. 6</.

"The book may be accepted as a very valuable contribution to the

science of language." — SATURDAY REVIEW.

Philology.— THE JOURNAL OF SACRED AND CLAS-
SICAL PHILOLOGY. Four Vols. 8vo. 12s. 6d. each.

THE JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. New Series. Edited by
JOHN E. B. MAYOR, M.A., and W. ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A.
4J. 6d. (Half-yearly.)

Roby (H. J.)— A GRAMMAR OF THE LATIN LANGUAGF,
FROM PLAUTUS TO SUETONIUS. By HENRY JOHN
ROBY, M. A. , late Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge.
In Two Parts. Second Edition. Part I. containing : — Book I.
Sounds. Book II. Inflexions. Book III. Word Formation. Ap-
pendices. Crown 8vo. 8.r. 6d. Part II. — Syntax, Prepositions,
&c. Crown 8vo. los. 6d.

"The book is marked by the clear and practical insight of a master in
his art. It is a book which would do honour to any country.'" —
ATHENAEUM. "Brings before the student in a methodical form the best
results of modern philology bearing on the Latin language." — SCOTSMAN.

Schmidt.— THE RYTHMIC AND METRIC OF THE
CLASSICAL LANGUAGES. To which are added, the Lyric
Parts of the "Medea" of Euripides and the "Antigone" of
Sophocles ; with Rhythmical Scheme and Commentary. By
Dr. J. H. SCHMIDT. Translated from the German by J. W.
WHITE, D.D. 8vo. los. 6d.

Taylor. — Works by the Rev. ISAAC TAYLOR, M.A.:—
ETRUSCAN RESEARCHES. With Woodcuts. 8vo. 14^.
The TIMES says: — " The learning and industry displayed in this
volume deserve the most cordial recognition. The ultimate verdict of
science we shall not attempt to anticipate ; but we can safely say this, that
if is a learned book which the unlearned can enjoy, and that in the de-
scriptions of the tomb- builders, as well as in the marvellous coincidences
and unexpected analogies brought together by the author, readers of every
grade may take delight as well as philosophers and scholars."

WORDS AND PLACES ; or, Etymological Illustrations of
History, Ethnology, and Geography. By the Rev. ISAAC TAYLOR.
Third Edition, revised and compressed. With Maps. Globe
8vo. 6s.

GREEKS AND GOTHS : a Study on the Runes. 8vo. 9-r.

WORKS ON LANGUAGE. 41

Trench. — Works by R. CHENEVIX TRENCH, D.D., Archbishop of
Dublin. (For other Works by the same Author, see THEOLOGICAL
CATALOGUE.)

SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Eighth Edition,

enlarged. 8vo, cloth. 12s.

"ffe is," the ATHEN^UM says, "a guide in this department of
knowledge to whom his readers may entrust themselves with confidence."

ON THE STUDY OF WORDS. Lectures Addressed (originally)
to the Pupils at the Diocesan Training School, Winchester.
Seventeenth Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 5*.

ENGLISH PAST AND PRESENT. Tenth Edition, revised
and improved. Fcap. 8vo. $s.

A SELECT GLOSSARY OF ENGLISH WORDS USED
FORMERLY IN SENSES DIFFERENT FROM THEIR
PRESENT. Fifth Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. $s.

Vincent and Dickson. — A HANDBOOK TO MODERN
GREEK. By EDGAR VINCENT and T. G. DICKSON. Extra
fcap. 8vo. S.T.

Whitney.— A COMRENDIOUS GERMAN GRAMMAR. By
W. D. WHITNEY, Professor of Sanskrit and Instructor in Modem
Languages in Yale College. Crown 8vo. 6s.
"After careful examination we are inclined to pronounce it the best

orammar of modern language we have ever seen." — SCOTSMAN.

Whitney and Edgren. — A COMPENDIOUS GERMAN

AND ENGLISH DICTIONARY, with Notation of Correspon-
dences and Brief Etymologies. By Professor W. D. WHITNEY,
assisted by A. H. EDGREN. Crown 8vo. fs. 6d.

The GERMAN-ENGLISH Part may be had separately. Price 5*.

Yonge — HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN NAMES. By CHAR-
LOTTE M. YONGE, Author of "The Heir of Redclyffe."
Cheaper Edition. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 12*.

Now publishing, in crown 8vo, price 2s. 6d. each.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.

Edited by JOHN MORLEY.

A Series of Short Books to tell people what is best worth knowing
to the Life, Character, and Works of some of the
great English Writers.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.-JOHNSON. By LESLIE

STEPHEN.

" The new series opens well with Mr. Leslie Stephen's sketch of
Dr. Johnson. It could hnrdly have been done better, and it will convey
to the readers for whom it is intended a juster estimate of Johnson than
either of the two essays of Lord Macaulay." — Fall Mall Gazette

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.— SCOTT. By R. H. HUTTON.

" The tone of the volirne is excelled throughout." — Athcnaum.

" We could not wish for a more suggest! ve introduction to Scott and
his poems and novels," — Examiner,

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.— GIBBON. By J. C.

MOKISON.

" As a clear, thoughtful, and attractive record of the life and works
of the greatest among the world's historians, it deserves the highest
praise." — Examiner.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.— SHELLEY. By J. A.

SYMONDS.

" The lovers of this great poet are to be congratulated on having at
their command so fresh, clesr, and intelligent a presentment of the
subject, written by a man of adequate and wide culture." — Atkenanm.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.— HUME. By Professor

HUXLEY.

" It may fairly be said that no one now living could have expounded
Hume with more sympathy or with equal perspicuity.1' — Athenccum.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. — GOLDSMITH. By

WILLIAM BLACK.

"Mr. Black brinjs a fine sympathy and taste to bear in his criticism
of Goldsmith's writings, as well as in his sketch of the incidents of his
life. " — Athenceum.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.— DEFOE. By W. MINTO.
"Mr. Minto's book is careful and accurate in all that is stated, and
faithful in all that it suggests. It will repay reading more than once."
— Athenizurn.

ENGLISH MEN OF

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.— BURNS. By Principal
SHAIRP, Professor of Poetry in the University of Oxford.

" It is impossible to desire fairer criticism than Principal Shairp's

on Burns's poetry None of the series has given a truer estimate

either of character or of genius than this little volume. . . . and all who
read it will be thoroughly grateful to the author for this monument to
the genius of Scotland's greatest poet." — Spectator.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. -SPENSER, By the Very
Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S.

" Dr. Church is master of his subject, and writes always with good
taste. " — Academy.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.-THACKERAY. By

ANTHONY TROLLOPE.

"Mr. Trollope's sketch is exceedingly adapted to fulfil the purpose
of the series in which it appears. " — Athenaum.

ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. - BURKE. By JOHN

MORLEY.

" Perhaps the best criticism yet published on the life and character
of Burke is contained in Mr. Morley's compendious biography. His
style is vigorous and polished, and both his political and personal
judgment and his literary criticisms are just, generous, subtle, and in
a high degree interesting." — Saturday Review.

Just ready.

MILTON. By MARK PATTISON.

In preparation.

HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES.
SOUTHEY. By Professor DOWDEN.
CHAUCER. By Professor WARD.
COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH.
BUNYAN. BY J. A. FROUDE.
WORDSWORTH. By F. W. H. MYERS.
Others in preparation.

MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON

LONDON:

R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRIN'TEKS,
BRRAD STREET HILL.

/ A.

9H
111

- *

A 000 083 346 7

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Francis Deák, Hungarian statesman : a memoir"

See other formats