he Genesis of the United
tates. Being a Series of
lexand# i>i%#ni
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013
http://archive.org/details/genesisofuniteds01brow
THE GENESIS
OF THE
UNITED STATES
A NARRATIVE OF THE MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND, lG0;j-161G, WHICH
RESULTED IN THE PLANTATION OF NORTH AMERICA BY
ENGLISILMEN, DISCLOSING THE CONTEST BETWEEN ENGLAND
AND SPAIN FOR THE POSSESSION OF THE SOIL NOW OCCUPIED
BY THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA; SET FORTH THROUGH
?il cScric^ of l^i^torical a^ami.a'cnpt.i^ uolu fir^t printcts
TOGETHER WITH A REISSUE OF RARE CONTEMPORANEOUS TRACTS,
ACCOMPANIED BY BIBLIOGRAPHICAL MEMORANDA, NOTES, AND
23ricf 25iograpl[)ic^
COLLECTED, ARRANGED, AND EDITED BY
ALEXANDER BEOWN
Member OP xnB Viroinia Histouical Society and of the American Historical Associatiow
Fellow of tqe Royal Historical Society of England
WITH 100 PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND PLANS
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. L
vpsic^ ■^::'Tr?^^:
r^r:mnLirn'mgTinTtrrJin''fffm:t—
c^o
?>^
BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY
MDCCCXO
f
V.
't
j^eDication.
As a slight token of my appreciation of tJieir kindness and assistance,
I most respectfully inscribe tiiis work to those who have aided me in its
preparation: Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge, Mass., whose
works first called my attention to the fact that the only contemporary
history of our foundation was not trustworthy, and who has personally
helped me in many ways in my own undertaking ; the Hon. J. L. M.
Curry, LL. D., late Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America at the court of Spain, without whose
generous aid I could not have procured the copies of the records from
the General Archives of Siraancas ; the Hon. E. P. C. Lewis, Minister
Resident and Consul-General at Lisbon, who had the Archives of Portu-
gal searched for me at his own expense ; Professor M. Schele De Vere,
LL. D., of the University of Virginia, who made translations for me of
the French and Spanish documents, without charge ; Rev. Edward D.,
Neill, a. B., of Minnesota, who permits me to use the documents collected
by him and published in his works ; Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch, of
New York city, wiio has, I believe, the choicest collection of very early
Americana in this country, and has presented me with copies of some of
his very rare documents ; Justin Wixsor, LL. D., Librarian of Harvard
University and Editor of The Narrative and Critical History of Amer-
ica, who has lent me valuable books ; Rev. Philip Slaughter, D. D.,
Historiographer of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia ; and
Rear-Admiral Thornton A. Jenkins, William C. Rives, Esq., R. A.
Brock, Esq., and N. F. Cabell, Esq., of the Virginia Historical Society,
who have aided me materially ; The Society of Antiquaries of London,
Sir John Alexander Thynne, fourth Marquess of Bath, the Hon. Sir
L. S. Sackville-West, late Envoy Extraordinary, etc., from Great Brit-
ain to the United States, Sir John B. Monckton, Hon. Canon J. E.
Jackson, Rev. Charles Herbert Mayo, Rev. Beaver H. Blacker,
William Buncombe Pink, Esq., Thomas Dorman, Esq., W. Noel
Sainsbury, Esq., G. D. Scull, Esq., S. W. Kershaw, Esq., Dr. J A.
Kingdon, and most especially to Lt.-Col. William Cabell, of London.
MAURICE OF NASSAU
Princf of Orani^<'
PREFACE.
"As in arts and sciences to be the first inventor is more than to illustrate or am-
plify ; and as in the works of God the creation is greater than the preservation ; and
as in the works of nature the birth and nativity is more than the continuance ; so in
kingdomes the first foundation or plantation is of more noble dignity and merit than
all that foil owe th. And the foundation that makes one of none, resembles the crea-
tion of the world, which was de nihilo ad quid:' — Sm Francis Bacon.
This work is especially devoted to the period included
between the return of Weymouth to England in July, 1605,
and the return of Dale in June, 1616. This was the period
of " the first foimdation.^' It found many Eng- Time covered
lishmen ready and resolved to secure, for their ^
country and for their religion, " a lot or portion in the New
World," regardless of the claims of Spain and Rome ; it
witnessed the granting of the first public charters in Eng-
land and the planting of the first pubHc colonies in Vir-
ginia ; it saw the greatest difficulties overcome, and it closed
with the irrevocable estabHshment of the English race on
American soil. It was the crucial period of English occu-
pancy of North America ; if the enterprise had then resulted
in failure, the United States would not now be in existence.
Yet, because of the insufficiency and inaccuracy of the only
available sources of information, this period has hitherto
been most imperfectly understood. The text of the first
sermon (see p. 287) preached before the first company of
Virginia has long since been fulfilled. We have long been
" a great nation," and yet a full and fair account of our
very beginning has never been accessible to us. The object
of this work is to supply (at least in part) this national
deficiency.
I do not attempt to give a history of the colonies in
Tl PREFACE.
America, for during the foundation period of which I
The scope of writc, the colouies were really dependent on the
the work, companies in England. I endeavor to give as
complete an idea (narrative, evidence, biography, and illus-
tration) as is now possible of the movement (1605-1616),
in Ungland, which resulted in the plantation of North
America by Englishmen. And although I express my
opinion sometimes, it is my special desire to furnish the
reader with the means of forming his own opinion regard-
less of mine, and to present this means in such form as will
enable him to do so readily and correctly. With these ob-
jects in view I have adopted the following method :
First, I give an introductory sketch of what had
been done by Englishmen in the way of discovery and col-
onization, prior to 1606, for the purpose of showing the
motives and the guides which governed the Virginia com-
panies when they first undertook to plant colonies in Amer-
Thenarra- i^a. Thcu locatiug thc uarrative in London
^^^' (because that city was the chief basis of opera-
tions), I aim to enable the reader to see the events as nearly
as possible as they developed at that time, by presenting the
Theevi- evidence (the letters, broadsides, etc.), in the course
dence. ^£ ^j^^ narrative as nearly as possible in the same
order of time that it was presented to those then interested
in the enterprise.
In order to understand more clearly the evidence which
remains, it will be necessary for us to glance over the
The records rccords f ormcrly existing, but now mostly missing.
giniacora- Of thcsc thc chartcrs are of the first importance,
panics and ■*•
colonies. ^^d most fortuuatcly they have been preserved. I
think that the first draft ^ for the proposed first Virginia
charter, annexed to the petition for the same, was drawn by
Sir John Popham (see p. 47) ; but this draft was subject to
alterations, as it had to be inspected, revised, and legally
drawn (passing for these purposes through the hands of the
King, the Privy Council, the Secretary of State, the Attor-
* See Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, id. p. 169.
PREFACE. • "Vli
ney-general, the Solicitor-general, the Lord Chancellor, etc.),
before the perfected instrument was finally signed, sealed,
and delivered. The warrant for the first charter (V.) was
issued by the Secretary of State (Robert Cecil, Earl of Salis-
bury) ; the charter itself was prepared by the Attorney-gen-
eral (Sir Edward Coke) and the Solicitor-general (Sir John
Dodderidge) ; and it was passed under the Great Seal by the
Lord Chancellor (Sir Thomas Egerton). Under this char-
ter both the North and South colonies in Virginia were
subjected to the management of the same Royal Council resi-
dent in England (see p. 56, note). " The Booke-keeper "
to this council was the most important and the best paid
of ^' the under officers." He was appointed by the Lord
Treasurer of England (Thomas Sackville, Earl of Dorset),
was paid £100 ($2,500) per annum, and was required to
keep complete records of the affairs of both Virginia colo-
nies and companies. This first bookkeeper's records are
missing ; his name even is unknown. A recorder or sec-
retary was also appointed for each colony, and sent over
with the first planters, who was to compile descriptions of
the country and people, relations of affairs in his colony,
etc. ; and the councils in each colony were required to have
proper clerks, who were to keep a regular set of books for
accounts and all business matters. Capt. Gabriel Archer
(a lawyer) was the recorder for the Southern colony, and
" Mr. Seaman " (probably Mr. Richard Seymour, a preacher),
for the Northern colony. The names of the colonial clerks
are not known, and the records kept by these early record-
ers and clerks — with the possible exception of XXL,
XXIL, XXIIL, and XXXVL — are still wanting.
The first drafts annexed to the petitions for the second
(LXVI.) and third (CCII.) charters, were probably drawn
up by Sir Edwin Sandys (see pp. 47, 207). The warrants
for both of these charters were issued by Robert The records
Cecil, Earl of Salisbury ; the charters were both e^ma. com.
•/ ' pany of Lon-
prepared by Sir Henry Hobart and Sir Francis ^°'^-
Bacon, and both were passed under the Great Seal by Sir
viii PREFACE.
Thomas Egerton. While many of the same men were
members of both Vu'ginia companies, the Southern com-
pany became an entirely distinct corporate body under the
second charter (see pp. 206-208), and as such was organized
somewhat on the plan of the East India and other great
commercial companies, save that it was under the manage-
ment of a special royal council. The Royal Council was the
pecuHar plantation feature of both Virginia companies, and
the idea is especially commended by Bacon in several of his
discourses. Besides this special protecting and connecting
link to the crown, the company was directed by the treas-
urer and deputy treasurer (both of whom were to be also
members of the Royal Council) ; sixteen directors (a major-
ity to be of the Royal Council) ; seven auditors (two at
least of the Royal Council and three at least of the quorum) ;
a secretary, a bookkeeper, the husband, the beadle, and " the
cashyer." The auditors audited all accounts, and reduced the
whole receipts and disbursements of each year into a book.
They also kept in a separate book " set downe particularly
and exactly the names of all Adventurers, with their several
sums adventured ; stating what is paid and what is remain-
ing unpaid." The bookkeeper was the clerk to the auditors.
" The cashyer " was the clerk to the treasurer of the com-
pany. The husband was the special manager of the con-
cerns of the ships, etc., and kept a regular record of every
voyage, which he presented to the auditors, and they to the
court. There were several courts, namely : —
A. The Court of "the Committies" or Directors, com-
posed of not less than seven, whereof the treasurer or
deputy must be one. They had a general direction of the
affairs of the company, and met " whensoever occasion of
business shall require."
B. The Ordinary Courts of the company, composed of not
less than five of the Royal Council (the treasurer or deputy
being one) and fifteen of the generality, " which assembled
every Wednesday fortnight reckoning from the Great Quar-
ter Courts, for dispatch of ordinary and extraordinary
business."
PREFACE. IX
C. The Preparative Courts of the Directors (a special
branch of A.) were held every Monday before a Great Quar-
ter Court to prepare such business as was to be submitted to
that court.
D. The Great Quarter Courts, " which assembled upon the
last Wednesday save one of Hillarie (Winter) term, Easter
(Spring), Trinity (Summer), and Michaelmas (Fall) terms,
to elect officers, make laws and consider the business sub-
mitted to them by the Preparative Court " (C).
The secretary, who was a most important officer, kept the
records of the proceedings of all four of the courts, each
of which had its own set of books (the position was filled,
during the period of which I write, by Richard Atkinson,
Edward Maye (or Mayo), Henry Fotherby, and possibly
others). There were a great many other books besides those
which I have mentioned, and all were kept in the secretary's
office. " The Secretarie shall also keepe safe in the Com-
panies chest of evidences, the originals of all the Letters
Patents, and other writings aforementioned : all the Bookes
also aforesaid : All the Treasurers Bookes of the yearely
accounts : The Husbands Bookes of accounts of every
voyage to Virginia : and all other accounts perfected and
approved by the Auditors. In the same chest shall be kept
all Charter Parties, as well cancelled as uncancelled : All
Bonds made to the Companie, or for their use : And all
Bonds of the Companies discharged and cancelled : And
all other writings and muniments whatsoever belonging to
the Companie. And the Secretarie shall deliver out none
of the Companies writings, but by direction from the
Treasurer, Counseil or Court : taking a note of the par-
ties hand for the true restoring of them." I doubt if a
single original from " the Companies chest " remains. The
documents of an official character which I give have been
taken from first drafts, copies, or from originals preserved
by other parties than the company to the instrument. It is
thought that the . originals were all destroyed by the great
fire of 1666 ; but I am sure that enough remains to show
X PREFACE.
very clearly the almost insurmountable obstacles which the
managers o£ the movement during the foundation period
were obliged to meet and to master.
The early records of the Virginia companies, kept under
the supervision of some of the best business men of the
A review of time, wcrc evidently very complete ; but for cfood
the growth 1 m . i ^ ' O
of the avail- aud sumcient reasons they were never accessible
able lufor- •'
mation. ^^ ^|^g pubHc ; uo liistory was compiled from them,
and no contemporary account was written by a properly
qualified or properly equipped person. From 1624 to
1857, and even later, Capt. John Smith's " General History "
(see his biography) was " almost the only source from which
we derived any knowledge of the infancy of our State."
As the extracts from the records of the Virginia Company
of London, now preserved in the Library of Congress at
Washington, relate chiefly to the later period of 1619-
1624, it will not be necessary to discuss them here ; but as
they sometimes refer back to the period of which I write, I
will ask the reader to remember, when reading Stith's and
other histories based on these records, that the administra-
tion whose organ, or reports, they are was of an unfriendly
and opponent party to the old founder administration.
And it will be well to remember at all times, that it is a
remarkable fact, and one greatly to be deplored, that the
story of our very beginning has been based almost entirely
on the evidence of those who were opponents or enemies of
the managers who established the first English colony in
America. In 1787 Thomas Jefferson, who was as well
informed in the premises as any man, knew of only five
documents written during 1606-1616, namely : V., XII.,
LXVL, CXXVIIL, and CCIII. In 1857 only twenty-seven
of the contemporary papers had been printed (and thus
made available) in America ; but at this date the repositories
of the Old World began to open their doors more freely,
and since then the accumulation of evidence has been more
rapid. Within the next thirty years about forty-four docu-
ments of more or less importance were added to the list of
PREFACE. XI
American publications. To these seventy-one I now add
about three hundred. Some of these may be of no great
consequence ; but, as a whole, they form the most impor-
tant contribution yet made to our earhest history.
The documents and reprints are furnished with head-
notes, which state explicitly their origin and present loca-
tion, as well as the events which called them forth, ^^^^^^ ^^
and with explanatory foot-notes. These notes are Eew-'''^
based not only on the papers mentioned in the
work, but on many other authorities of a Httle later date.
The documents are printed, when taken from EngHsh rec-
ords, with scrupulous precision as to spelling and capitali-
zation, and the translations from the Spanish and French
have been made as literal as possible with due regard to in-
teUigibihty.
For cogent reasons, it was impracticable to give all of the
tracts, reprints, etc., in full in this work. In pre- ciassmca.
• 1 -IT! 1 -1111 *^°^ ^^ ^^^
sentmg the evidence, i have been guided by the evidence.
following classification : —
L Manuscripts which never before have been printed.
These are given in full regardless of their length.
II. Printed papers which never have been reprinted
either in England or in America,
III. Manuscripts in foreign languages of which trans-
lations into English never before have been printed,
IV. Manuscripts and printed papers which have ap-
peared at a later date in print, but not in America,
These three divisions are given in full except in some in-
stances when the length renders this impracticable ; in such
cases extended extracts are given.
V. Manuscripts and printed papers which have been
printed in America, In this division only the briefer
papers have been reproduced, but careful reference has been
made to the longer ones, and full account given of the
American reprint.
VI. Illustrative material. This is properly noted for
convenient reference.
xii PREFACE.
The evidence presented is of so varied a character, that
it should be sifted and considered with great care. In
Remarks on ordcr to placc a correct estimate, it is of the first
deuce. importance to regard the ideas and the motives
which influenced the writers and the compilers. All evi-
dence (outside of the private exact record, and unfortu-
nately in this instance but little of this remains) which
relates to an enterprise necessarily carried on with secrecy
and diplomacy must be " taken with a grain of allowance ; "
even the tracts " published by the authority of the Council "
contained only such items as it was thought advisable to
present to the public. The success of the enterprise really
depended on the discretion, judgment, secrecy, and diplo-
macy of the managers, and in their reports much was kept
private, and very probably misrepresentation was sometimes
made for the especial purpose of misleading. The tracts
printed by individuals without the authority of the Virginia
Council were inspired by some personal motive, and must
be weighed accordingly. The character of the evidence
which remained in manuscript is various : when written by
those well informed and competent, and where there was no
personal motive or diplomacy, it is more apt to be trust-
worthy than evidence published for a purpose ; but some of
the writers were not in a position to gain accurate intelli-
gence, and some were bitter enemies of the enterprise, in-
capable of doing justice to the movement. However, I
give the documents to the reader as they are, with Sir Fran-
cis Bacon's maxim : " Itjs the office of history to represent
the events themselves together with the counsels and to
leave the observations and conclusions thereupon to the
liberty and faculty of every man's judgment."
I have given somewhat extended biographies of the lead-
The biog- ers ; but of the generality I only attempt to give
^^ ^' enough to enable the reader to identify the persons,
and thus to form a correct estimate of those engaged in the
enterprise. This portion of the work, besides the value
which it possesses as a record not elsewhere to be found,
B^sum^.
PREFACE. xiii
affords the student admirable facilities for an intelligent
reading of the documents. It renders the entire work self-
explanatory to an important degree.
The reader is referred to the head-note to Brief Biog-
raphies on pp. 807, 808, for additional remarks on the
biographies and portraits. The illustrations, in- The iuustra-
cluding maps, plans, etc. — some of them of pecul-
iar interest and value — will be found at proper places in
the volumes (see the List of Illustrations). And, finally,
all the various subjects, persons, places, etc., men- xhe General
tioned are collected together in good form for
ready reference by the General Index.
In brief, I have attempted to make the work as complete
a history as is now possible of the movement in England
which resulted in the plantation of North America by Eng-
lishmen ; to give the narrative with the evidence,
and the actors therein with their lives and portraits ;
to enable the reader to see the events, and those engaged
pass before his mind's eye almost as they passed before the
Londoner of two hundred and eighty years ago.
Much has been written in advocacy of several particular
founders, and it is true that some were much more active
than others ; but the first foothold on America was The move-
not secured through the instrumentality of any
single EngHshman. The plantation of this country by
English Protestants was a result of the Reformation.
The Spaniards were the first to establish colonies in Amer-
ica. Their sovereign aimed not only at the restoration of
the Roman Catholic empire in Europe, but also at the crea-
tion of a new Roman empire in America, which was held
(and could only be held) as the exclusive property of the
Spanish crown under the Bulls of the Popes of Rome.
For forty years the New World had been an important fac-
tor in the great struggle then waging between Protestant-
ism and Romanism. The idea that the dangerous and
increasing power of Spain and Rome in America should be
The found
era.
xiv PREFACE.
checked had been growing in England ever since the arrival
there, in 15G5, of the Huguenots who escaped massacre by
the Spaniards in Florida ; it had produced several enter-
prises of a private character ; but in 1605 it took a national
turn, and very many Englishmen were determined to con-
summate the idea by securing for their country and for
their religion, " a lot or portion in the New World," regard-
less of the claims of Spain and of the Bulls of the Popes.
They were convinced that the establishment of English col-
onies in North America would not only put " a byt into
their ainchent enymyes' mouth,'' but would also advance
the commonwealth, the commerce, and the church of Eng-
land, or English Protestantism.
Although many took little or no interest in the matter,
and some were critics, opponents, and enemies of the enter-
prise from the first, still the movement was really a
national one. I am very sure that a majority of
the House of Lords and of the House of Commons were
interested. The government was represented by the king,
the royal family, and many great officials ; the church by
some of her most noted divines ; the trades by the city
companies of London and by some of the greatest mer-
chants of England ; the army, the navy, and the learned
professions by an assemblage of peculiarly illustrious names.
England had the earnest support of the Protestants of the
United Netherlands; and "the Eyes of all Europe were
looking upon their endeavors to spread the Gospel among
Thefounda- the Hcathcn people of Virginia, to plant an Eng-
lish nation there, and to settle at in those parts "
(p. 463). It was regarded " as an action concerning God,
and the advancement of religion, the present ease, future
honor and safety of the kingdom, the strength of the Navy,
the visible hope of a great and rich trade, and many secret
blessings not yet discovered'* (p. 253). It was under the
management of some of the greatest men in English his-
tory ; they selected one of the strongest natural positions
for their purpose on our Atlantic coast ; they took fast hold
PREFACE. XV
there ; they prayed " unto that mercifull and tender God,
who is both easie and glad to be intreated, that it would
please him to blesse and water these feeble beginnings, and
that as he is wonderfull in all his works, so to nourish this
graine of seed, that it may spread untill all people of the
earth admire the greatnesse and seeke the shades and fruite
thereof " (p. 352) ; and it pleased God to answer their
prayer. " All people of the earth admire our greatness ; "
and yet, as I have said, our knowledge of these men and of
their work has been derived almost entirely from the evi-
dence of their opponents. I have tried to correct this great
national and historical wrong. Necessarily very much is
still wanting in the historical portion of my work ; but I be-
Heve the true character of our founders is sufficiently shown
in the biography (which thus throws much of the needed
additional light on the history), and I think that a correct
idea of our first foundation " which was de nihilo ad quid,'*
will be arrived at, if the reader will take the pains to con-
sider the whole work from Preface to Finis, before forming
a fixed opinion.
I have been earnestly laboring, since July, 1876, "to gather
together all the fragments that remain that nothing be lost,''
which relates to the Genesis of the United States. My task
has been a long, a laborious, and a very expensive
one ; but as it progressed, I became more and more
convinced that it was a patriotic duty which should be per-
formed at all hazards ; and, therefore, although it has obHged
me to practice every self-denial and to overcome difficulties
which would have baffled many men, my effort in behalf of
the true source of our historic life, in behalf of justice to
our founders, has gone on from year to year for fourteen
years. And now that my task is done, and the result of
my long labors submitted to the jury, I sincerely hope that
I may receive a satisfactory verdict from those who are
enjoying " the shades and the fruite " produced by the
" graine of seed " which our founders planted.
xvi PREFACE.
It was my intention to dedicate the work to a few special
friends ; but this design has been abandoned for good and
sufficient reasons. I shall, however, avail myself of this
opportunity to acknowledge my obligation for assistance of
Acknowi- various kinds in the preparation of these volumes,
edgmeuts. ^^ ^^^ followiug Amcricaus : The late Mr. Charles
Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge, Mass., who gave me his
helping hand from the beginning to the end ; his last letter
to me is expressive of his interest and great faith in my
work; the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, LL. D., late envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United
States of America at the court of Spain, without whose
generous aid I could not have procured the copies of the
records from the General Archives of Simancas ; Professor
M. ScHELE De Vere, LL. D., of the University of Vir-
ginia, who made the translations of the French and Spanish
documents for me without charge ; the Hon. E. P. C. Lewis,
late minister resident and consul-general at Lisbon, who had
the Archives of Portugal searched for me at his own ex-
pense; Mr. Horace E. Scudder, of Cambridge, Mass.,
who gave me his most valuable assistance and advice in pre-
paring, presenting, and editing the work; Mr. Charles H.
Kalbfleisch, of New York, who presented me with copies
of several very rare documents from his exceedingly choice
collection of very early Americana ; Rev. Edward D.
Neill, a. B., of Minnesota, who permitted me to use the
documents collected by him and published in his works;
Mr. Justin Winsor, LL. D., Hbrarian of Harvard Univer-
sity, Burton N. Harrison, Esq., and William Pitt
Robinson, Esq., of New York, who lent me scarce and
valuable books, and assisted me greatly in various ways ;
Rev. Philip Slaughter, D. D., historiographer of the Prot-
estant Episcopal Church in Virginia; the late William
Cabell Rives, Esq., of Virginia; Rear-Admiral Thorn-
ton A. Jenkins, Hon. A. R. Spofford, librarian of Con-
gress, and Dr. G. Brown Goode, of the Smithsonian In-
stitution, Washington, D. C. ; the late Hon. J. Russeh
PREFACE. XVU
Bartlett, of Rhode Island ; Mr. James P. Hunnewell,
of Charlestown, Mass.; Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, and
Rev. B. F. De Costa, D. D., of New York ; Mr. N. F.
Cabell, and Mr. R. A. Brock, of Virginia.
And to the following in England : Lieut.-Col. William
Cabell, of London, who aided me in almost every way
from the beginning to the end ; Mr. W. Buncombe Pink,
of Leigh, Lancashire, whose assistance, especially in the
biographical portion of my work, was invaluable; Mr.
James A. Kingdon, of London, who sent me the extracts
from the Grocers' Records, and aided me in many other
ways; The Society of Antiquaries of London, who
permitted me to have copies made of several very rare
(and probably unique) broadsides preserved in their collec-
tion ; Sir John Alexander Thynne, fourth Marquess of
Bath; the Hon. Sir L. S. Sackville-West, late envoy
extraordinary, etc., from Great Britain to the United States ;
Sir John B. Monckton, Kt., F. S. A., town clerk of Lon-
don ; W. Noel Sainsbury, Esq., of H. M. Public Record
Office ; Mr. Thomas Dorman, of Sandwich ; Canon J. E.
Jackson, of Leigh Delamere; Rev. Charles Herbert
Mayo, of Sherborne, Dorset; Rev. Beaver H. Blacker,
of Bristol ; the Librarians of the British Museum,
Lambeth Palace, Bodleian, and other libraries; the
Clerks of the London City Companies; the Town
Clerks of the old Cinque Ports, and others. In truth,
it is a special gratification to me, that nearly every one to
whom I applied, at home or abroad, rendered me such assist-
ance as was within his power. And I hope that every one
who aided me in any way — either in the preparation or in
advancing the publication — will take a personal interest in
the future welfare of these volumes, which relate not only
to the beginners and the beginning of an English nation
" where none before had stood," but also to the beginners
and the beginning of that wonderful onward march of the
English-speaking people from the ports of the little Isle,
which has continued until they have become, in the words
xviil PREFACE.
of Webster, " a power to which Rome, in the height of her
glory, was not to be compared, — a power which has dotted
over the whole surface of the globe with its possessions
and military posts, — whose morning drum-beat, following
the sun, and keeping company with the hours, circles the
earth daily with one continuous and unbroken strain of its
martial airs."
"Union Hill," Nelson County, Va.,
May U, 1890.
PHILIP III
h'ittir of Spain
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introductory Sketch. 1485-1605 1-28
PERIOD I.
the experimental period, from the return op WEYMOUTH IN JULY,
1605, TO THE RETURN OF NEWPORT IN JANUARY, 1609.
I. « Eastward Hoe." September 4, 1605 29-32
II. Articles of Agreement. October 30, 1605 32-35
III. Reasons for raising a fund. 1605 36-42
" The Gunpowder Plot." November 5, 1605 42
Remarks on the Spanish documents 43-45
IV. Zuniga to the King of Spain. March 6, 1606 45, 46
^\. Letters-Patent to Gates and Others. April 10, 1606 . . 46-63
Voyages to America. 1606 64
vVI. Instructions for the Government of the Colonies. Novem-
ber 20, 1606 64-75
*^VII. Orders of the Council. December 10, 1606 75-79
^ VIII. Advice of the Council. December 10, 1606 79-85
Newport's voyage. December 19, 1606 85
IX. Ode to the Virginian Voyage 86, 87
X. Zuiiiga to the King of Spain 88-90
XI. The King of Spain to Zuniga. February 26, 1607 ... 91
XII. An Ordinance and Constitution. March 9, 1607 .... 91-95
XIII. Gorges to Chalens. March 13, 1607 95-97
XIV. Zuiiiga to the King of Spain. April 20, 1607 97-99
Havham and Pring's voyage. 1607 99
XV. Ciriza to Pedrastra. April 27, 1607 100, 101
Extract from the Sparks Manuscripts. 1607 101
Hudson's and Popham's voyages. May, 1607 .... 102
XVI. The King of Spain to Zuniga. June 2, 1607 102, 103
The Dutch ambassadors. 1607 104
XVII. Zuniga to the King of Spain. July 20, 1607 104, 105
XVni. Newport to Lord Salisbury. July 29, 1607 105, 106
Newport's return from Virginia. 1607 106
XIX. The Council in Virginia to the Council in England. June
22, 1607 106-108
XX. Robert Tindall to Prince Henry. June 22, 1607 .... 108, 109
XXI. "A Relatyon of the Discovery of Our river." June 22,
1607 109
CONTENTS.
^
XXII.
XXIII.
XXIV.
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
yy XXXIX.
XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
y1
XLVI.
XLVII.
XLVIII.
XLIX.
L.
LI.
Ln.
LIII.
LIV.
LV.
LVI.
LVII.
LVIIL
LIX.
LX.
The Description of the Country of Virginia. June 22,
1007 110
" A Brief Description of the People." June 22, 1607. 110
Zuniga to the King of Spain. August 12, 1607 . . . 110, 111
Carleton to Chamberlain. August 18, 1607 .... 111-114
Captain Barley to Mouke. August 18, 1607 .... 114, 115
Minute, E. I. Co. Records. September 4, 1607 . . . 115
The King of Spain to Zuniga. September 11, 1607 . 115, 116
Zuniga to the King of Spain. September 12, 1607 . . 116-118
Zuniga to the King of Spain. September 25, 1607 . . 118, 119
Zuniga to the King of Spain. September 28, 1607 . . 120-123
Zuniga to the King of Spain. October 6, 1607 . . . 123, 124
Newport's second voyage. October 8, 1607 .... 124, 125
The King of Spain to Zuniga. October 18, 1607 . . 125
Report of the Spanish Council of State. October 31,
1607 125-127
Challons' Voyage. November, 1607 127-139
Zuniga to Philip III. November 27, 1607 .... 140
A ship returns from North Virginia. 1607 .... 140
Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc. 1607 .... 140, 141
Zuniga to Philip III. December 12, 1607 141
Extract from the French Mercury 142
Ralegh to Salisbury 143
Report of the Spanish Council of State. January 7,
1608 143, 144
A ship returns from North Virginia. 1608 .... 144, 145
Popham to James I. December 13, 1607 145, 146
Zuniga to Philip III. March 18, 1608 147
Resolution of the States General. April 14, 1608 . . 148
Gorges to Salisbury. May 2, 1608 148-150
Herris's Tombstone. May 16, 1608 150, 151
Newport returns from Virginia. May 21, 1608 . . . 151
Tindall's Chart of James River. 1608 151
Percy's Discourse. 1608 152-168
White's Description of Virginia. 1608 169
Wingfield's Discourse. 1608 170-172
Zuniga to Philip III. June 16, 1608 172
Letter from Francis Perkins [?]. March 28, 1608 . 173-177
Nelson returns from Virginia. Newport sails on his
third voyage to South Virginia, and Captain Davies
on his second voyage to North Virginia. 1608 . . 177-179
Chamberlain to Carleton. July 7, 1608 179, 180
Philip III. to Zuiiiga. July 19, 1608 180, 181
Smith's Relation. 1608 181-183
Report of the Spanish Council. August 6, 1608 . . 183
Zuniga to Philip III. August 31, 1608 183, 184
Chart of Virginia. 1608 184^190
Plan of St. George's Fort. 1608 190-194
Report on Virginia. 1608 195
Philip III. to Zuniga. September 13, 1608 .... 196
CONTENTS. xxi
LXI. ZuRiga to Philip III. October 29, 1608 196
The colony returns from North Virginia. 1608 . . 197
LXII. Zuiiiga to Philip III. January 5, 1609 197,198
LXIII. Zuniga to Philip III. January 7, 1609 198
Newport returns from South Virginia. 1609 . . . 198, 199
>/ LXIV. Smith to the Treasurer of Virginia 199-204
PERIOD II.
THE BRIEF PERIOD OF ENTHUSIASM, FROM THE RETURN OF NEWPORT IN
JANUARY, 1609, TO THE RETURN OF THE REMNANT OF THE FLEET IN NO-
VEMBER, 1609.
, LXV. Chamberlain to Carleton. January 23, 1609 ... 205
s/LXVI. The Second Charter. 1609 206-237
Extract from E. I. Co. Records. February 13, 1609 . 237
Chamberlain to Carleton. February 14, 1609 ... 237
LXVII. The Council of Virginia to Plymouth. February 17,
1609 238-240
LXVIII. Nova Britannia. February 18, 1609 241-243
LXIX. Zuniga to Philip III. February 23, 1609 .... 243-247
LXX. Broadside concerning Virginia, 1609 248, 249
LXXI. Hugh Lee to Thomas Wilson. March 16, 1609 . . 249
Remarks on the Records of the London companies . 250, 251
LXXII. The Council of Virginia to the Lord Mayor of Lon-
don. 1609 252,253
LXXIII. Precept of the Lord Mayor. 1609 254
LXXIV. Extract from Fishmongers' Records. March 20, 1609 254
LXXV. Zuiiiga to Philip III. March 22, 1609 254, 255
LXXVI. Sermon by Richard Crakanthorpe. March 24, 1609 . 255, 256
LXXVII. Extract from Grocers' Records. 1609 257
LXXVIII. Extract from Grocers' Records. March 31, 1609 . . 257, 258
LXXIX. Zuniga to Philip IIL April 2, 1609 258,259
LXXX. New Britain. 1609 259-277
LXXXI. Extract from Mercers' Records. April 4, 1609 . . 277
LXXXII. Extract from Clothworkers' Records. April 5, 1609 277, 278
Sir George Carew to Salisbury. April 4, 1609 ... 278
LXXXIII. Extract from Clothworkers' Records. April 12, 1609 278, 279
LXXXIV. Virginia Richly Valued. April 15, 1609 . . . . 27^, 280
LXXXV. Extract from Fishmongers' Records. April 24, 1609 280-282
LXXXVI. Virginea Britannia. [Sermon.] April 25, 1609 . . 282-291
LXXXVII. Extract from Clothworkers' Records. April 26, 1609 291
LXXXVIII. Extract from Stationers' Records. April 28, 1609 . 292, 293
LXXXIX. Good Speed to Virginia. April 28, 1609 293-302
XC. Extract from Merchant Taylors' Records. April 29,
1609 302-306
XCI. Extract from Merchant Taylors' Records. May 3,
1609 306, 307
Argall's voyage to Virginia. May 3, 1609 .... 307
XCII. Salisbury to the Officers of Customs. May 3, 1609 . 307
xxii CONTENTS.
XCm. Extract from the Merchant Taylors' Records. May 4,
1609 308
XCIV. The Privy Council to the Heralds. May 9, 1609 . . . 308, 309
XCV. Extract from Stationers' Records. May 10, 1609 . . . 309, 310
XCVI. Ziuiiga to Philip III. May 10, 1609 310
Charter of the E. I. Co. May, 1609 310
XCVII. Philip III. to Zuniga. May 4, 1609 311
XCVIII. Philip III. to Zuniga. May 15, 1609 311
XCIX. Price's Sermon. May 28, 1609 312-316
C. Instructions to Holcroft. May 29, 1609 316-318
[Canon Jackson's letter.] 318, 319
CI. Stallenge to Salisbury. 1609 320
Gates sails for Virginia. 1609 320
v^II. Laws sent by Gates. 1609 321
CIII. Matthew to Shrewsbury. June 8, 1609 321
CIV. New France. June 12, 1609 321-324
CV. Zuniga to Philip III. June 25, 1609 324
The Irish plantation. July 1, 1609 324, 325
CVI. Buckler's Petition. July 25, 1609 325
CVII. Moryson to Salisbury. August, 1609 325
French company charter. 1609 326
CVIII. Ecija's Relation. 1609 326
CIX. Extract from Van Meteren. 1609 327
Argall returns from Virginia. 1609 327
ex. Letter of Gabriel Archer. August 31, 1609 328-332
CXI. Zuniga to Philip III. November 13, 1609 332, 333
Return of the fleet from Virginia. 1609 333
CXII. Radcliffe to Salisbury. October 4, 1609 334, 336
PERIOD III.
THE LONG PERIOD OF THE CRUCIAL TEST, FROM THE RETURN OF THE FLEET
IN NOVEMBER, 1609, TO THE RETURN OF ARGALL IN JULY, 1614.
CXIII. Zuniga to Philip III. November 31, 1609 336, 337
\yCXlY. A True and Sincere Declaration. December 14, 1609 . 337-353
CXV. A Broadside by the Council. 1609 354-356
CXVI. Southampton to Salisbury. December 15, 1609 . . . 356, 357
CXVII. Zuniga to Philip III. December 21, 1609 357, 358
Extract from Van Meteren. 1609 358
CXVIIL Zuniga to Philip III. January 18, 1610 358
Folkingham's Feudigraphia. February 2, 1610 .... 359
The plantation of Newfoundland. February 9, 1610 . . 359
CXIX. Minute from the Commons Journal. February 14, 1610 359, 360
CXX. Crashaw's Sermon. February 21, 1610 360-375
Roe sails to Guiana. Howes. 1610 375
Poutrincourt to New France. 1610 375
CXXI. Lord De la Warr's Commission. February 28, 1610 . . 375-384
CXXII. Virginia Commodities 1610 384-386
CXXIII. Zuniga to Philip III. March 1, 1610 386
Spanish ambassadors, etc. 1610 387
CONTENTS.
mnn
CXXIV.
CXXV.
CXXVI.
CXXVII.
CXXVIII.
CXXIX.
CXXX.
CXXXI.
/ CXXXII.
^CXXXIII.
CXXXIV.
cxxxv.
CXXXVI.
CXXXVII.
CXXXVIII.
CXXXIX.
CXL.
CXLI.
CXLII.
CXLIII.
CXLIV.
CXLV.
CXLVI.
CXLVII.
CXLVIII.
CXLIX.
CL.
CLI.
CLII.
CLIII.
CLIV.
CLV.i
CLV.2
CLVI.
CLVII.
CLVIII.
yCLIX.
Minute from the Grocers' Records. March 4, 1610 . 387, 388
Lord De la Warr sailed for Virginia. April 1, 1610 388
Henry Hudson for the North West. April 18, 1610 388
Minute from the Grocers' Records. April 30, 1610 . 388, 389
Minute from the Grocers' Records. May, 1610 . . 389
Minute from the Grocers' Records. May, 1610 . . 390
Newfoundland Charter. May 2, 1610 390, 391
Assassination of Henry IV. of France. May, 1610 . 391
Receipt given to Dover. May 23, 1610 391, 392
Velasco to Philip III. June 4, 1610 392
Extract from the Trinity House Records. 1610 . . 393
The Dainty sails to Virginia. Howes. 1610 ... 393
Report of Francis Maguel. June 21, 1610 .... 393-399
Gates and Newport return from Virginia. September,
1610 399,400
Somers to Salisbury. June 15, 1610 400-402
Council in Virginia to the Virginia Company. July
7,1610 402-413
De la Warr to Salisbury. July, 1610 413-415
Letter from Strachey. July 15, 1610 416, 417
Velasco to Philip III. September 20, 1610 . . . 418, 419
A Discovery of the Barmudas. 1610 419
Newes from Virginia. 1610 420-426
Report of the Spanish Council. October 23, 1610 . 426, 427
A True Declaration. November 8, 1610 .... 427, 428
The return of the Dainty. 1610 428
Argall's Voyage. 1610 428-439
A Broadside by the Council. 1610 439
More to Winwood. December 15, 1610 440
The Hercules sailed for Virginia. 1610 440
Evelyn's Letter. 1610 440-442
Extract from the Mercers' Records. December 20,
1610 442
Velasco to PhiHp III. December 21, 1610 .... 442, 443
Ralegh to Queen Anne 443, 444
A Broadside by the Council. January, 1611 . . . 445
Resolution of the States General. January 10, 1611 446
Resolution of the States General. January 15, 1611 446, 447
Resolution of the States General. January 30, 1611 44T
Winwood to Salisbury. February 6, 1611 .... 447-450
Reply of the States General. February 2, 1611 . . 450,451
Philip III. to Gaspar de Pereda. February 10, 1611 451, 452
Extracts from Northampton Records. February 24,
1611 452,453
Extracts from Northampton Records 453, 454
Roe to Salisbury. February 28, 1611 454, 455
Velasco to Philip in. March 12, 1611 455-457
Map of America. 1610 457-461
Dale sails for Virginia. Howes. 1611 461
Laws by Dale. Inarch, 1611 461
ZXIT
CONTENTS.
CLX. Sandys to Mayor of Sandwich. March 21, 1611
CLXI. Circular Letter of the Virginia Council. February
20, IGll
CLXII. List of Subscribers. November, 1610, to February
1611
CLXIII. Classes of Emigrants wanted. 1611 . . ,
The voyage of Ilarley and Hobson. 1611
The voyage of Edge and Poole. 1611 . .
" Three Articles sett downe." April 8, 1611
CLXIV. A Bill of Adventure. April 11, 1611 . . .
CLXV. Cottiugton to Salisbury. April 10, 1611 .
CLXVI. Cottington to Salisbury. April 23, 1611 .
The first voyage from England to Japan .
CLXVII. Velasco tp Philip III. May 6, 1611 . .
Capt. Matthew Somers returns to England 1611
Gates sails to Virginia. Howes. 1611
CLXVIII. Biard to Balthazar. May 31, 1611 . . .
CLXIX. Philip III. to Velasco. June 7, 1611 . .
CLXX. De la Warr to Salisbury. June 22, 1611 .
CLXXL De la Warr's Relation. June 25, 1611 .
CLXXII. Spelman's Relation. 1611
Captain Adams returns from Virginia. 1611
CLXXIIIi. Dale to the Council. May 25, 1611 . . .
CLXXIIP. Dale to the Committee. 1611 ....
CLXXIV. Velasco to Philip III. August 12, 1611 .
" The last newes from Virginia." August 16, 1611
CLXXVi. The Weymouth Bond. September 8, 1611 .
CLXXV2. Cranfield's Receipt. September 20, 1611 . .
CLXXV^ Extract from Trinity House Records. October
1611
Vessels return from Virginia. 1611 . . .
CLXXVI. Whitaker to Crashaw. August 9, 1611 . .
CLXXVII. Percy to Northumberland. August 17, 1611 .
CLXXVIIL Dale to Salisbury. August 17, 1611 . . .
Extract from Shakespeare's " Tempest." 1611
CLXXIX. Lee to Wilson. November 2, 1611 ....
CLXXX. Lerma to Arostegui. November 3, 1611 . .
CLXXXI. Report of the Voyage to Virginia. 1611 . .
CLXXXII. Digby to Salisbury. November 4, 1611 . .
CLXXXIII. Velasco to Philip III. November 5, 1611 .
CLXXXIV. Philip III. to Velasco. November 5, 1611 .
CLXXXV. Philip III. to Velasco. November 5, 1611 .
CLXXXVI. Philip III. to Velasco. November 5, 1611 .
CLXXXVII. More to Winwood. November, 1611 . . .
CLXXXVIII. Velasco to Philip III. December 4, 1611 .
CLXXXIX. Chamberlain to Carleton. December, 1611 .
\/CXC. Laws for Virginia. December 13, 1611 . .
CXCI. Digby to Salisbury. December 13, 1611 . .
CXCIL Velasco to Philip IIL December 14, 1611 .
The return of Harley and Hobson. 1611 . .
24.
461,462
463-^5
465-469
469. 470
470. 471
471
471
471
472
472
472, 473
473
473
474
475
476
476, 477
477-483
483-488
488
488-494
494
494, 495
495
496
496
496, 497
497
497-500
500, 501
501-508
508
509
509, 510
511-522
522, 523
523
524
525
625, 526
526
527
527, 528
528-530
530, 531
531, 532
532
CONTENTS. XXV
CXCIII. Chamberlain to Carleton. December 15, 1611 ... .632
Newport returned from Virginia. 1611 532
CXCIV. Dale to the Council. 1611 632, 533
CXCV. PhiUp III. to Velasco. December 27, 1611 .... 533
CXC VI. Biard to the Provincial. January 21, 1612 . . . . 533-^36
CXCVII. Digby to SaUsbury. February 2, 1612 536,537
CXCVIII. Chamberlain to Carleton. February 12, 1612 ... 537
CXCIX. Philip III. to Velasco. February 15, 1612 .... 537,538
" A booke or thinge called the PublicaCon^ of the Lot-
tery for Virginia." February 24, 1612 .... 638
CC. Letter to the Governor and Company of Virginia.
1612 538
CCI. Digby to Salisbury. March 9, 1612 539
CCII. Extract from the Trinity House Records. March 11,
1612 539,540
"A Discourse concerning the circumference of the
Earth, or a North- West Passage." 1612 .... 640
»^CCIII. The Third Charter. March 12, 1612 540-553
CCIV. Philip III. to Velasco. March 22, 1612 653, 554
CCV. Velasco to Philip III. April 4, 1612 554
CCVI. Sandys to the Mayor of Sandwich. April 8, 1612 . 555
CCVII. Digby to Salisbury. April 18, 1612 556
Button's Voyage. 1612 656
CCVIII. Moore's Commission. April 27, 1612 557
Vessels sent to Virginia. Howes. 1612 557
CCIX. Extract from the Grocers' Records. April 29, 1612 . 557, 558
" Toucliinge the deferringe of the Lottery." May 16,
. 1612 558
"^CX. The New Life of Virginia. May 1, 1612 558, 559
CCXI. From the Mercers' Records. May 20, 1612 ... 560
CCXII. Philip III. to Velasco. May 27, 1612 560
CCXIII. Velasco to Philip III. June 8, 1612 660
CCXIV. Digby to Carleton. June 20, 1612 661
CCXV. From the Grocers' Records. June 23, 1612 ... 561
^ CCXVI. Strachey's Virginia. I. 1612 662-567
''CCXVII. Strachey's Virginia. 11. 1612 667, 568
•CCXVIII. From Stow's Chronicle. June 29, 1612 568
CCXIX. Chamberlain to Carleton. July 9, 1612 569, 570
CCXX. The Lottery Drawing. June 29 to July 20, 1612 . . 570, 571
" A booke called, The Lottery for Virginea." July 2,
1612 571
" The Articles sett downe for the Second Lottery."
July 17, 1612 571
CCXXI. Records of St. Mary Colechurch. 1612 571,572
CCXXII. Records of St. Mary Woolchurch Hawe. 1612 . . 572
CCXXIII. Flores (Zuniga) to Philip III. July 22, 1612 . . . 672, 573
Argall sailed to Virginia. July 23, 1612 573
CCXXIV. Charter of the N. W. P. Company. July 26, 1612 . 573, 574
CCXXV. Flores (Zuniga) to PhUip III. August 6, 1612 . . 575
v/cCXXVI. Purelias his Pilgrimage. August 7, 1612 576
xxvi CONTENTS.
CCXXVII. Digby to James I. August 21, 1612 577
CCXXVIII. Digby to James I. September 1, 1612 .... 577
A ship arrives from Virginia. 1612 577
The darkest hour. September, 1612, to July, 1613 . 578
CCXXIX. Whitaker to Sir Thomas Smythe. July 28, 1612 . 578, 579
CCXXX. Whitaker's Good News from Virginia. 1612 . . 579-588
CCXXXI. Digby to James I. September 13, 1612 .... 588, 589
CCXXXII. Northampton to James I. 1612 589, 590
CCXXXIII. Digby to Carleton. September 22, 1612 .... 590
CCXXXIV. From Grocers' Records. September 29, 1612 . . 590, 591
CCXXXV. From Grocers' Records. December 18, 1612 . . 591, 592
CCXXXVI. From Grocers' Records. December, 1612 ... 592
CCXXXVII. Digby to Carleton. October 10, 1612 592,593
CCXXXVIII. Philip III. to Velasco. October 24, 1612 .... 593
The death of Henry Prince of Wales. 1612 ... 593
CCXXXIX. Digby to James I. November 12, 1612 .... 593, 594
The Virginia Company sold the Somers Islands.
November, 1612 594
CCXL. Chapman's An Epicede 594, 595
CCXLI. Extract from the French Mercury 695, 596
CCXLII. Smith's Map of Virginia 596, 597
CCXLIII. Smith's Map of Old Virginia 596, 597
CCXLIV. Smith's Description of Virginia 597-601
CCXLV. Smith's Procedings, etc., in Virginia 597-601
CCXL VI. Biondi to Carieton. January 7, 1613 601
CCXLVII. Velasco to Philip III. January 15, 1613 .... 602
Ships sent to Bermudas and Virginia. 1613 . . . 602
CCXL VIII. Edmondes to James I. January 26, 1613 .... 603
CCXLIX. Philip in. to Velasco. February 3, 1613 . ... 603
CCL. The Mask at White Hall. February 15, 1613 . . 604-606
Marriage of the Princess Elizabeth. 1613 . . . 606
CCLI. Digby to James I. February 18, 1613 606, 607
CCLII. Letter from Lisbon. February 11, 1613 .... 607
CCLIII. A Broadside by the Council. March, 1613 . . . 608, 609
CCLIV. Digby to James L March 5, 1613 609
CCLV. Charter granted to the Russia Company. March
13, 1613 609, 610
CCLVI. Chamberlain to Carieton. March, 1613 .... 610
CCLVII. Philip III. to Velasco. March 22, 1613 .... 610, 611
Charter for the Irish Plantation. March 29, 1613 . 611
CCLVIII. Crashaw's Epistle Dedicatory. 1613 611-620
CCLIX. A Plain Description of Bermuda. 1613 .... 620, 621
CCLX. Report of the Spanish Council. April 20, 1613 . . 621, 622
CCLXI. Edmondes to James I. April 24, 1613 622
CCLXII. Edmondes to James I. April 28, 1613 623
CCLXIII. Brooke to Ellesmere. April 28, 1613 623-631
Ships set forth by the Muscovy Company. 1613 . 631
CCLXIV. Philip III. to Velasco. May 9, 1613 631
CCLXV. Philip III. to Velasco. May 13, 1613 631, 632
CCLXVI. Digby to James I. May 13, 1613 632
CONTENTS.
XX vu
VTl
CCLXVII. ZuSiga to Philip III. September 22, 1612 . . . 632, 633
CCLXVIII. Velasco to Philip III. May 20, 1613 .... 633,634
CCLXIX. Digby to Carleton. May 22, 1613 634,635
CCLXX. Digby to Lake. May 26, 1613 635
CCLXXI. Digby to James I. June 4, 1613 636
CCLXXII. Instructions to Gondomar. 1613 636
Extract from Shakespeare's Henry VIII. 1613 . 637
CCLXXni. Velasco to Philip III. July 2, 1613 638, 639
The Elizabeth returns from Virginia. July 20,
1613 639
Dale to Sir Thomas Smith. June, 1613 .... 639, 640
Argall to Hawes. June, 1613 640-644
Portion of Virginia and Summers Island Histories.
1613 645
Velasco to Philip III. July 23, 1613 645,646
Molina to Velasco. May 18, 1613 646-652
Molina to Velasco. June 28, 1613 652-654
Philip III. to Gondomar. July 31, 1613 ... 654
Chamberlain to Carleton. August 1, 1613 . . . 654r-656
Digby to James I. August 15, 1613 656
Gondomar arrives in England. 1613 656
The Harcourt Colony. August 28, 1613 ... 657
Digby to James I. September 3, 1613 .... 657
Philip III. to Velasco. September 4, 1613 . . . 657, 658
The Martha returns from the Bermudas. 1613 . 658
Digby to James I. September 22, 1613 .... 658
Gondomar to Philip III. September 25, 1613 . 659-662
Edmondes to James I. October 11, 1613 ... 662
Digby to James I. October 13, 1613 .... 662, 663
The Elizabeth sails for Virginia. October 14,1613 663
Philip III. to Gondomar. October 14, 1613 . . 663
Montmorency to James I. October 18, 1613 . . 664, 665
Chamberlain to Carleton. October 27, 1613 . . 665-667
Concerning the North- West Passage, etc. 1613 . 667
Digby to Carleton. November 3, 1613 .... 668, 669
Limits of the Spanish Possessions in America.
1613 669-673
English trade into the West Indies. 1613 . . 673-675
Gondomar to Philip III. November 6, 1613 . . 675, 676
E. I. trade ; Champlain's works, etc. 1614 . . 676
Order in the Privy Council. January 2, 1614 . 676, 677
Edmondes to James I. January 2, 1614 . . . 677, 678
The Mask of Flowers. January 6, 1614 . . . 678, 679
Order in the Privy Council. January 23, 1614 . 679, 680
Minutes E. I. Co. ; Dutch charters ; Hunt and
Smith to N. E., and the fleet to the Bermudas . 680
Gondomar to Philip III. March 7, 1614 . . . 680-684
" A declaration ... of the English in Virginia."
March 9, 1614 684, 685
CCCI. Privy Council to City Companies. AprU 1, 1614 685, 686
Parliament ; the voyage of Gibbons. 1614 . . 686
CCLXXIV.
CCLXXV.
CCLXXVI.
CCLXXVIL
CCLXXVIII.
CCLXXIX.
CCLXXX.
CCLXXXI.
CCLXXXIL
CCLXXXIII.
CCLXXXIV.
CCLXXXV.
CCLXXXVI.
CCLXXXVII.
CCLXXXVIII.
CCLXXXIX.
CCXC.
CCXCI.
CCXCII.
CCXCIII.
CCXCIVi.
J CCXCIV2.
CCXCV.
CCXCVI.
CCXCVII.
CCXCVIII.
J CCXCIX.
CCC.
xxvm
CONTENTS.
CCCII. Extract from Grocers' Records. April 15, 1614 . . 686-688
The Irish plantation. 1614 688
CCCIII. The Lord Mayor to City Companies. April 20, 1614 688
The Elizabeth returns from Virginia, etc. 1614 . . 689
CCCIV. Extract from Commons Journal. April 20, 1614 . 689, 690
CCCV. Extract from Merchant Taylors' Records. May 6,
1614 690,691
CCCVI. Chamberlain to Carleton. May 12, 1614 .... 691
^ CCCVII. Extract from Commons Journal. May 12, 1614 . . 692
u^CCVIII. Extract from Commons Journal. May 17, 1614 . . 692-694
»XXCCIX. Extract from Commons Journal. May 18, 1614 . . 694-696
CCCX. Chamberlain to Carleton. May 19, 1614 .... 696, 697
CCCXI. Lorkin to Puckering. May 28, 1614 697, 698
CCCXII. Extract from Carayon 698-700
CCCXIII. Biard to Acquaviva. May 16, 1614 700-706
CCCXIV. Biard to Louis XIII 706-708
CCCXV. Biard's Relation 709-725
CCCXVI. Biencourt's Complaint. July 8, 1614 725-729
The voyages of Harlie and Hobson. 1614 . . . 729
PERIOD IV.
IT BECOMES EVIDENT THAT THE COLONY WOULD FINALLY BE SELF-SUS-
TAINING ; FROM THE RETURN OF ARGALL IN JULY, 1614, TO THE RE-
TURN OF DALE IN JULY, 1616.
The Treasurer returns from Virginia. July, 1614
CCCXVIL Virginia Council to Privy Council. 1614 .
CCCXVIIL Reply of the Privy Council. 1614 . . .
CCCXIX. Lorkin to Puckering. July 21, 1614 . . .
Minutes of the E. I. Co. July 29, 1614 .
CCCXX. James I. to States General. August 19, 1614
Capt. Smith returns from N. E., etc. 1614
CCCXXI. Letter to Sir Thomas Dale. September 20, 1614
CCCXXII. Extract from Present State of Ireland. 1614
CCCXXIII. Resolution of the States General. September
1614
CCCXXIV. Gondomar to Philip III. October 7, 1614 .
CCCXXV. Molina to Gondomar. April 20, 1614 . .
CCCXXVI. Molina to Gondomar. June 4, 1614 . . .
Charter from the States General, etc. 1614
CCCXXVII. Hamor's Narration. October 20, 1614 . .
CCCXXVIIL RolfetoDale. March, 1614
CCCXXIX. Dale to D. M. June 18, 1614
CCCXXX. Whitaker to Master G. June 18, 1614 . .
The Bermudas resigned to the Crown. 1614
CCCXXXI. Howes' Chronicles
CCCXXXII. Edmondes to Winwood. December 12, 1614
CCCXXXIII. Extract from Stationers' Records. 1014 .
CCCXXXIV. Edmondes to Winwood. December 30, 1614
20,
730
730-733
733, 734
734
735
735
736
736
736
737
737-740
740-743
743-745
745, 746
746, 747
747
747
747
748
748-756
757
757
757
CONTENTS.
XXIX
CCCXXXV.
CCCXXXVI.
CCCXXXVII.
OCCXXXVIII.
CCCXXXIX.
CCCXL.
. CCCXLI.
.CCCXLII.
w^CCXLIII.
VCCCXLIV.
CCCXLV.
CCCXLVI.
CCCXLVII.
CCCXL VIII.
CCCXLIX.
y^
CCCL.
CCCLI.
CCCLII.
•c
CCCLIII.
CCCLIV.
CCCLV.
CCCLVIi.
CCCLVP.
CCCLVII.
CCCLVIII.
CCCLIX.
CCCLX.
Complaints against the French. 1614 . .
Extract from Alexander's Doomsday . . .
Extract from Cooke's Tuquoque
Vessels return from the Bermudas. 1614 .
Gondomar to Philip III. January 31, 1615
Letter from Lewis Hughes. December 21, 1614
Captain Argall sails for Virginia. February, 1615
Minute of the Privy Council. February 19, 1615
Privy Council to Canterbury. February 22, 1615
A Declaration for the Lottery. February 22, 1616
Extract from the Trade's Increase. 1615 . . .
Extract from the Defense of Trade. 1615 . . .
Voyage to the North-Westwards, etc. 1615 . .
Extract from Britain's Buss. 1615
Carew to Roe. April, 1615
Extract from Records of Dover. 1615 ....
Extract from Records of Wycombe. 1615 . . .
Sundry voyages to the N. E. Coast. 1615 . . .
The Somers Islands Charter. June 29, 1615 . .
Richard Hawkins sails for N. E. ; extracts from
E. I. Co. Records. 1615
Tobacco Memoranda. 1615
The Lottery drawing. November 17, 1615 . . .
East India Company to the Lord Mayor. 1615 .
Carew to Roe. January 24, 1616
Tucker's Commission ; the first land-owner in
Virginia ; Ralegh to go to Guiana. 1616 . .
A Brief Declaration. 1616
Baffin's voyage to the Northwest ; Sundry voy-
ages to N. E. 1616
Smith's Map of New England. 1616
Smith's Description of New England. 1616 . .
Dale returns from Virginia. 1616
Dale to Winwood. June 3, 1616
Captain John Smith to Queen Anne
Carew to Roe. June, 1616
Chamberlain to Carleton. June 22, 1616 . . .
Rolfe's Relation to James I. 1616
" The first Magazin " ship sails for Virginia. 1616
Abbot's Geography
757, 758
758
759
759
759
759, 760
760
760
760, 761
761-766
766
767
767
767, 768
768
768, 769
769
769, 770
770, 771
771
772
773
773
773
774
774-779
779, 780
780
781, 782
782
783, 784
784-788
789
789, 790
790
790
790-795
ILLUSTRATIVE DOCUMENTS.
CCCLXI. His Majesty's Council for the Virginia Company.
1613-1619 796,797
CCCLXII. Broadside by the Virginia Council. 1616 . . . 797, 798
CCCLXIII. Bacon's Essay of Plantations 799-802
CCCLXIV. Members of Parliament in Virginia Company
1624 802,803
CCCLXV. List of additional members of the Virginia Com-
panies. 1612-1616 803-805
XXX CONTENTS.
BRIEF BIOGRAPHIES.
Head Note 807-808
Duration of Parliaments 809
Explanations and Abbreviations 810
Brief Biographies of Persons connected with the founding of Vir-
ginia 811-1068
The following Documents are given in the Biographies: —
Winwood to Carleton. March 31, 1617 870
Dale to Carleton. October 18, 1617 870, 871
Dale to Carleton. November 6, 1617 . 871
James I. to Carleton. November 11, 1617 871, 872
Saville to Carleton. December 4, 1617 872
Carleton to Lake. February 4, 1618 872, 873
Carleton to Southampton. February 12, 1618 873
Carleton to Lake. March 3, 1618 873
Lake to Carleton. March 26, 1618 873
Gondomar to Philip III. December 7, 1616 899, 900
Sanchez de Ulloa to Philip III. October if, 1618 900
List of Adventurers. April, 1623 982
Additional Members of Parliament 1069, 1070
Index 1071-1151
ir'^^.'Xn""~~r"nilFii;'ntffiK
HENRY IV
Of France umi of Navarr
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PORTRAITS.
PASS
James Stuart. King James I., of England . . Frontispiece Vol. I.
From Thomas Woolnoth's engraving of the original portrait by Van-
somer.
Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange iv
From Bernardi's engraving of the painting by Michel Mirevelt.
Philip III., King of Spain xviii
From Ogborne's engraving of the original portrait by Boizet.
Henry of Bourbon. King Henry IV., of France and of Navarre . . xxx
From an etching by E. Boilvin published in Lettres Intimes de Henry
IV. par L. Dussieu.
Elizabeth Tudor. Queen Elizabeth of England 1
From W. HoU's engraving of the original portrait in Her Majesty's
collection at St. James's Palace.
George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury 10
From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits.
William Alexander, first Earl of Stirling 20
From William Marshall's engraving prefixed to " Recreations with the
Mvses, 1637."
Thomas Arundell, first Baron Arundell 30
From the engraving by Richard Cooper of a miniature in the possession
of the Right Honorable Lord Arundell.
Sir Roger Ashton, or Aston 40
From the engraving, published in 1800 by Cadell & Davies, on the
Strand, London, of his monument in St. Dunstan's Church, Cranford
Parish, Middlesex, England.
Walter Aston, first Baron Aston 50
From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits.
Francis Bacon, first Viscount St. Albans 60
From H. Wright Smith's engpraving of the old print by Simon Pass.
Sir George Barnes 70
From his portrait in the picture of the delivery of the charter of Bride-
well to him, as Lord Mayor, by Edward VL, in 1553.
Henry Brooke, eighth Lord Cobham 80
From the engraving published by W. J. White, 14 Brownlow Street,
Holborn.
Sebastian Cabot 90
From S. Rawle's engraving of the original in the possession of Charles
Joseph Harford, Esq., in 1823.
xxxii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Sir Julius C^sar 100
From the engraving in Lodge's Life of Sir Julius Caesar, London,
1827.
George Calvert, first Baron Baltimore 110
From an engraving of the painting by Mytens in the Earl of Verulam's
gallery at Gorhambury.
George Carew, first Earl of Totness . 120
From the engraving published May 20, 1806, by J. Scott, on the Strand,
London.
Henry Carey, or Cary, first Viscount Falkland 130
From J. Brown's engraving of G. P. Harding's drawing of the original
painting by Vansomer, formerly at Strawberry Hill.
Robert Carey, or Cary, first Earl of Monmouth 140
From J. Stow's engraving of a drawing in the possession of Mr. G. P.
Harding in 1815.
Captain Christopher Carleill, or Carlile 160
From the engraving in Holland's Heroologia Anglia.
Dudley Carleton, first Baron Carleton 170
From the engraving of the portrait by Rivers, published by J. Scott, on
the Strand, London, in 1807.
Captain Thomas Cavendish, or Candish 180
From a copperplate engraving in H. Holland's Heroologia, Arnheim,
1620, p. 89.
William Cavendish, first Earl of Devonshire 200
From the engraving of Gardiner's drawing of the original painting at
Hard wick.
Edward Cecil, first Viscount Wimbledon 210
From an old engraving.
Robert Cecil, first Earl of Salisbury 220
From J. Cochran's engraving of the portrait by Zucchero in the col-
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Salisbury in 1836.
Thomas Cecil, first Earl of Exeter 230
From H. Meyer's engraving of the original by Marc Gheeraerts, in
the possession of the Most Noble the Marquis of Exeter, 1828.
William Cecil, first Baron Burghley 240
From W. Freeman's engraving of the original by Marc Gheeraerts, in
the collection of the Most Noble the Marquis of Exeter, in 1829.
Sir Thomas Chaloner 260
From the engraving of . his monument at Chiswick in Middlesex, pub-
lished by Robert Wilkinson, Cornhill, London, 1812.
George Clifford, third Earl of Cumberland 260
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Castle Street,
Leicester Fields.
Francis Cottington, first Baron Cottington 270
From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits of the painting by Van-
somer.
Sir Robert Bruce Cotton 280
From J. Tookey's engraving of the original painting of 1629 by C.
Johnson (Jansen, Janssen, Janssens).
Thomas Coventry, first Baron Coventry 290
From an old engraving of the original painting by C. Jansen.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. xxxiii
Lionel Cranfield, first Earl of Middlesex 300
From W. Finden's engraving of the original of Myten's in the collec-
tion of His Grace the Duke of Dorset, 1830.
Sir John Danvers, or Da vers 310
From an old engraving of " a fine and curious drawing in the collection
of Robert Stearne Tighe, Esq."
Dr. John Dee 320
From the engraving by Scheneker, published by T. Cadell, Strand,
London, 1792.
John Digby, first Earl of Bristol 330
From an old engraving.
Sir Dudley Digges 340
From C. Turner's engraving of a drawing by Harding after the orig-
inal in the collection of William Hammond, Esq., at St. Albans's
Court, 1813.
Sir Francis Drake 350
From a copperplate engraving in H. Holland's Heroologia, Arnheim,
1620, p. 105.
Michael Drayton, poet 360
From W. Hole's engraving issued as a Frontispiece to his works in
1619.
Sir Robert Dudley 370
From J. Brown's engraving of G. F. Harding's drawing from the orig-
inal miniature by N. Hilliard, in the collection of Lord de Lisle and
Dudley.
Thomas Egerton, first Baron EUesmere 380
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Castle Street,
Leicester Square, in 1794.
EiATiNTOMiNO. Portrait in the engraved heading to CCCXLII. . . . 760
John Eldred, merchant 390
From the engraving published by the Society of Antiquaries of Lon-
don in 1806.
Rev. Nicholas Ferrar 400
From P. W. Tomkins's engraving of the original painting by C. John-
son, 1791.
Sir Martin Frobisher 410
From S. A. Scho£f's engraving of the portrait in Holland's Heroologia
Anglia, published in the N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, January,
1849.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert 420
From the engraving published by E. Harding, Pall Mall, London, in
1802.
Count De Gondomar 430
From Ben Damman's engraving of the original portrait by Mytens at
Hampton Court, published in Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury,
by Sidney L. Lee. By permission of John C. Nimmo, publisher.
Rev. William Gouge, D. D 440
From his engraved portrait by John Dunstall.
Sir Richard Grenville 450
From the engraving published by E. Harding, Pall Mall, London, in
1802.
xxxiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
FuLKE Greville, first Baron Brooke 460
From the engraving by J. Jenkins of the original in the collection of
the Right Honorable Lord Willoughby De Broke, 1825.
John Hakington, or Harrington, first Baron Harrington .... 470
From an old engraving of " an original by Isaac Oliver."
Lucy Harington, or Harrington, Countess of Bedford 480
From H. T. Kyall's engraving of the original of Honthorst in the col-
lection of His Grace the Duke of Bedford, in 1835.
Henry Hastings, fifth Earl of Huntingdon 490
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Strand, London,
1798. .
Sir Edward Coke, Chief Justice 490
From Barratt's engraving of an original published by Harrison & Co.,
London, 1795.
Rev. Samuel Purchas 490
From an engraving by H. R. Cook.
Sir John Hawkins 500
From an engraving of the bas-relief, a photograph of which is given in
the Hakluyt Society's edition of the Hawkins Voyages.
James Hay, first Earl of Carlisle 510
From an old engraving.
Sir John Hayward, or Haiward 620
From his engraved portrait by W. Pass, in his Life of Edward VI.
Robert Heath, Esq., Chief Justice 630
From Richard Sawyer's etching of the painting by W. Hollar.
Philip Herbert, first Earl of Montgomery 640
From E. Scriven's engraving of the original of Vandyke in the collec-
tion of the Right Honorable the Earl of Pembroke, 1828.
William Herbert, third Earl of Pembroke 650
From H. T. Ryall's engraving of the original of Vandyke in the col-
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Pembroke, 1836.
Sir William Hericke, or Herrick 660
From an old engraving.
Sir Henry Hobart, Baronet 570
From his engraved portrait by Simon Pass, prefixed to his Law Re-
ports.
Henry Howard, first Earl of Northampton 680
From H. Robinson's engraving of the original of Zucchero in the col-
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Carlisle in 1834.
Thomas Howard, first Earl of SufiPolk 690
From his engraved portrait by R. Elstracke.
Richard Humble, Esq 610
From the engraving of his monument effigy in St. Mary Overies.
William Knollys, first Earl of Banbury 620
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Strand, London,
1800.
Nicholas Leate, or Leake, merchant 630
From the very rare engraved portrait by Jo. Payne.
Richard Martin, Esq 640
From the very rare engraved portrait by Simon Pass.
Matahan. Portrait in the engraved heading to CCCXLII 760
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. xxxv
Henry Montague, first Earl of Manchester 660
From an old engraving.
James Montague, Bishop of Bath and Wells 660
From an old engraving.
George Mountains, or Montaigne, Archbishop of York .... 670
From an old engraving.
Sir Henry Neville 680
From W. N. Gardiner's engraving of S. Harding's drawing " From an
original picture in the collection of Richard Aid worth Neville, Esq.,"
1794.
Sir John Ogle 690
From an old engraving.
Captain George Percy 700
From an engraving of a portrait belonging to the Virginia Historical
Society at Richmond.
Pocahontas 710
From a photograph of the original painting of 1616.
John Poulett, or Pawlet, first Baron Poulett 720
From the engraving of E. Harding.
Sir Walter Ralegh 730
From Stalker's engraving, published by I. Stockdale, Piccadilly, Lon-
don, 1812.
Henry Rich, first Earl of Holland 740
From John Godefroy's engraving of the painting by Samuel Cooper.
Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick 750
From H. Robinson's engraving of " the original of Vandyke in the col-
lection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Hardwicke," 1827.
Sir Thomas Roe 770
From an old engraving.
Margaret Russell-Clifford, Countess of Cumberland 790
From an old engraving of the original painting at Gorhambury.
Edward Sackville, fourth Earl of Dorset 800
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, Strand, London, 1800.
Richard Sackville, third Earl of Dorset 810
From an old engraving.
George Sandys, Esq 820
From W. Raddon's engraving of the drawing by G. Clint, A. R. A.,
" from the original in the collection of the Marchioness of Down-
shire," 1823.
Sir John Scott : 830
From Zucchero's engraving of the original painting in Scott's Hall,
published in Memorials of the Scotts of Scot's Hall, by James
Renant Scott, F. S. A.
John Selden, Esq 840
From W. Holl's engraving of the original of Mytens, in the Bodleian
Library, Oxford, in 1829.
Edmond Sheffield, first Earl of Mulgrave 850
From T. Berry's engraving of the print by Elstracke.
Mary Sidney, Countess of Pembroke 860
From the engraving in Lodge's Portraits from the original of Marc
Gheeraerts.
xxxvi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Sir Philip Sidney 870
From E. Scriven's engraving of the original of Sir Antonio More in the
collection of His Grace the Duke of Bedford, in 1823.
Robert Sidney, first Earl of Leicester 880
From an engraving in the Antiquarian Repertory of 1807.
Captain John Smith 890
From an old engraving.
Sir Thomas Smith, or Smythe, first treasurer Virginia Company . . 900
From the engraving published by W. Richardson, York House, Strand,
London, 1797.
Sir George Somers 910
From the engraving of the original of Vansomer, published by General
Lefroy in the Hakluyt Society Volume, 1882.
Robert Spencer, first Baron Spencer 920
From W. Skelton's engraving of the drawing by T. Uwins from the
original in the possession of Earl Spencer, at Althorp.
Anne Stuart. Queen of England 930
From Ben Damman's engraving published in the Life of Lord Her-
bert of Cherbury, by Sidney L. Lee. By permission of John C.
Nimmo, publisher.
Charles Stuart. Prince, afterward Charles I., of England .... 940
From Richard Cooper's engraving of the rare print by Delaram.
Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia. From whom the present
royal line of Great Britain 960
From the engraving by T. A. Dean of the original of Honthorst, in the
collection of the Right Honorable the Earl of Craven, 1826.
Henry Stuart, Prince of Wales 960
From the engraving by W. Finden of the original of Mytens, in the
collection of His Grace the Duke of Dorset, 1830.
Gilbert Talbot, seventh Earl of Shrewsbury 970
From an old engraving of " an Original Picture in the possession of
Mr. Clarke," 1788.
Horace Vere, first Baron Vere 980
From an engraving of the portrait by Cornelius Jansen, owned by
Marquis Townshend.
Sir William Waad, or Wade 990
From an old engraving.
Sir Francis Walsingham 1000
From Richard Cooper's engraving of the original painting by Zuc-
chero.
Thomas West, third Baron Delaware 1010
From Hall's engraving of a photograph of the original painting by
Hilliard, in the collection of the present Earl de la Warr, at Buck-
hurst Park, published in the Mag. of Am. Hist., N. Y., January,
1883.
John Whitson, Mayor of Bristol 1020
From E. Scriven's engraving of the drawing by Eliz. Eden, from the
original picture in possession of the corporation of Bristol, England.
Sir Ralph Winvvood 1030
From Georji^e Vertue's engraving of the original painting by Miere-
velde (Mierevelt, Mirevelt).
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. xxxvii
Sm Henry Wotton 1040
From J. Cochran's engraving of the original of Cornelius Jansen, in
the Bodleian Gallery, Oxford, 1835.
Henry Wriothesley, third Earl of Southampton 1050
From S. Freeman's engraving of the original of Mirevelt, in the col-
lection of His Grace the Duke of Bedford, 1830.
Edward Zouche, eleventh Baron ZoucLe 1060
From an old engraving.
OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS.
A View of London in 1616 Frontispiece Vol. IL
After the unique original by Visscher, preserved in the British Mu-
seum.
Seal of His Majesty's Council of Virginia 57
Outline drawing of North America 80
Tindall's Chart of James River. XLVI. (1608) 150
Chart of Virginia. LVII. (1608) 184
Plan of St. George's Fort. LVIII. (1607) 190
Map of North America, Atlantic coast. CLVIII. (1610) 456
Smith's Map of Virginia. CCXLII. (1612) 596
Smith's drawing of Old Virginia. CCXLIII 596
The engraved heading to " A Declaration for the Lottery." CCCXLII. 760
Smith's Map of New England. CCCLIV. (1616) 780
Nos. XLVI., LVII., LVIIL, CLVUL, CCXLIII., and CCCXLII. have
never been published before.
TITLE PAGES IN FAC-SIMILE.
" Nova Britannia." LXVIII 241
Sermon by Symonds. LXXXVI 283
Good Speed to Virginia. LXXXIX 294
Saules Prohibition. XCIX 312
News from Virginia. CXXXVIII 420
The New Life of Virginia. CCX 559
AUTOGRAPHS.
Samuel Argall 816
Timothie Batherst 826
George BoUes 831
George Calvert 842
William Canning 842
George, Lord Carew 843
Robert Cecil 850
Thomas Coventry 866
Rawly Crashaw 867
Thomas Dale 874
John Delbridge 876
Francis Drake 881
John Dyke 883
Richard Edwards 884
Martin Frobisher 893
XXXVIU LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Thomas Gates 896
Thomas Gresham 905
Richard Ilakluyt, preacher 908
Christopher Ilatton , 915
(James Hay) Carlile 918
Thomas Hewytt 922
John Hyde (or Hide) 923
Lewes Hughes 929
Thomas Jadwyn 931
Robert Johnson 932
Marie (de Medici) 946
(Henry Montague) H. Manchester 952
John Ogle 959
William Palmer 960
Giles Parslo 962
Edmond Piershall 962
George Percy 964
John Popham 969
John Pory 971
John RadclifEe 978
Nathaniel Rich 980
Robert Rich 980
Robert Rich, second Earl of Warwick 982
Thomas Roe 986
William Romeny 987
(Margaret Russell) M. Cumberland 988
Edwin Sandys 994
Edmond Sheffield 999
John Smith 1010
Robert Smyth 1011
Thomas Smythe 1018
George Somers 1019
Stephen Sparrow 1020
Henry Spelman (Sir Hem^y) 1021
William Strachey 1024
Gilbert (Talbot, Earl of) Shrewsbury 1030
Daniel Tucker 1033
George Tucker 1034
William Waade 1040
Thomas (West, Lord de) la Warr 1049
Ferd Wenman (Weynman, etc.) 1049
John Whitson 1053
Danyel Winche 1054
JohnWoodall 1059
Edward, Lord Zouche 1067
John Zowche (Zouche) 1067
QUEEN ELIZABETH
THE GENESIS OF THE UNITED STATES.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH
COVERING THE PERIOD FROM 1485-1605.
In order to form correct ideas of the motives which gov-
erned the Virginia companies, and to know what guides
they had to go by when they undertook to plant colonies
in America, it is necessary to ascertain what had been done
in matters of this nature prior to 1606. I have made a
study of what was done in naval affairs, discovery, com-
merce, and colonization from 1470 to 1605, and have com-
piled^ an extended chronological list of sundry events coming
under these heads. This list is entirely too long for use
in this work, and I must content myself with extracts
therefrom as brief as possible consistent with the object in
view. While I shall relieve the reader's mind from the
burden of much foreign matter, confining myself quite
closely to the acts of Englishmen, he must remember that
English statesmen Hke Walsingham and Cecil, geographers
like Hakluyt, and merchants like Gresham kept themselves
thoroughly informed regarding all foreign commercial
affairs, discoveries, etc., and of course foreign publications
were also accessible to Englishmen.
The Wars of the Roses ended on Bosworth Field Au-
gust 22, 1485. The union of the Roses was effected in
the marriage of Henry VII. with the Princess Elizabeth,
daughter of Edward IV., January 18, 1486, and England,
for the first time in thirty years, freed from internal strife,
^ From contemporary authorities in lie and private collections at home and
print and MS. still preserved in pub- abroad.
2 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
was able to take her position in the line of the world's
progress. John Cabot was sent to America, and charters
for discovery and colonization were granted to him and his
sons, and also to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashhurst, Hugh
Eliot, Nicholas Thorne the elder, and others ; but these
charters, in order to be " without prejudice to Spain and
Portugal," ^ could not extend south of 44° north latitude,
and thus the EngHsh were confined in the New World to a
region too cold and desolate to encourage settlement.
Henry VH. died April 21, 1509, and was succeeded by
Henry VIII., whose reign marks a transition period in the
history of England of the greatest interest and importance.
His contentions with the popes of Rome were instrumental
in establishing the Church of England, in creating a disre-
gard for the papal bulls relating to America, and finally in
establishing English colonies in America.
Henry VIII. laid the foundation of the English navy as
a distinct service. The Royal Dock at Deptford was estab-
lished by him about the beginning of his reign ; the ©Id
naval storehouse there was erected by him in 1513. In 1512
the Trinity House was founded by Captain Thomas Spert,
as an " Association for piloting ships." It was incorpo-
rated in 1514. The most remarkable publication of this
reign having a bearing on America was Sir Thomas More's
" Utopia." And the most notable voyage was the expedition
of Master Robert Hore of London to Newfoundland, April
to October, 1536, in two ships with Armigil Wade, Oliver
Dawbeney, merchant of London, M. Joy, M. Weekes, M.
Thomas Buts, M. Tucke, M. Tuckfield, M. Hardie, M.
Biron, M. Carter, M. Wright, M. Rastel, M. Ridley, with
sixteen other gentlemen and ninety others, sailors, etc.
Henry VIII. died January 28, 1547, and was succeeded
by his son, Edward VI., who began to establish Protestant-
1 See letter of January 21, 1496, the Papal Bulls to divide between
from Doctor do Puebla to Ferdinand Spain and Portugal, by a north and
and Isabella of Spain, and their reply south line, only the new discoveries
of March 28, following. I understand " west and south " of Spain.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 3
ism in England and to look out for new lands, regardless o£
the bulls of the popes of Rome. He recalled Sebastian
Cabot from Spain, and under his leadership that great asso-
ciation was formed in England called " The Mysterie and
Companie of the Merchant Adventurers for discoverie of
Regions, Dominions, Islands, and Places unknown." It
was to a certain extent a reissuance to a company of the
Cabot charter of 1496 ; but this charter did not regard the
bounds as fixed by the Pope, as the Cabot charter did.
Discoveries were not confined to " North, east, and west of
England." The leading men in the enterprise were Sir
George Barnes and Sir William Gerrard. The descendants
of very many of the founders of this company were after-
wards interested in planting colonies in America.
Edward VI. died July 6, 1553, and was succeeded by
Queen Mary, who reestablished Romanism in England. She
married Philip II. of Spain July 25, 1554, and July 6,
1555, Philip and Mary granted a second charter to the Mer-
chant Adventurers, confining them to the north, northeast,
and northwestward of England, thus respecting the Spanish
claims more fully than the Cabot grant of 1496 had done.
In this reign many English merchants visited, inspected,
and gained a knowledge of King Philip's possessions in
America. In 1555 Richard Eden published his " Decades
of the Newe Worlde or West India," which is the first pub-
lished collection of voyages in English. It is dedicated to
" Philip, King of England and Spain."
Queen Mary died November 17, 1558, and was succeeded
by Queen EHzabeth.
The reigns of the sovereigns of England from 1485 to
1558 may be studied only as having a bearing on our his-
tory. America south of 44° north latitude was really con-
ceded to Spain, and before Elizabeth ascended the throne of
England the Spaniards had explored our coasts,^ east and
west, and had traversed a large part of our present territory.
But under EHzabeth the embryo took shape, and her reign
^ See The Narrative and Critical History of America, vol. ii.
4 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
must be studied closely as the direct introduction to our
bejxinnino'.
Elizabeth at once took issue with the Pope in her first
Parliament (1559), a bill was passed which vested in the
crown of England the supremacy claimed by the Pope of
Rome, the mass was abolished, and the Protestant religion
reestablished.
May, 1562, Captain Jean Ribault, who had been sent
by Admiral Coligny, determined to lay the foundation of
the first Huguenot colony in North America at Port Royal
(South Carolina).
October, 1562, Captain John Hawkins sailed from Eng-
land on his first voyage to the West Indies, and in Sep-
tember, 1563, they returned to England with accounts of
their voyage.
Leaving his colony in America Captain Ribault returned
to France, but early in 1563 he was obliged to take refuge
in England, and soon after his arrival there was published
in London his account of Terra Florida (the flourishing
land), on May 30, 1563.
Some time before June 30, 1563, the celebrated Captain
Thomas Stukely proposed to settle his province in Terra
Florida.
The French colonists left by Ribault at Charles Fort
(Carolina), compelled by distress to abandon the country,
landed in England in the fall of 1563.
April 22, 1564, Coligny sent a second colony of Hugue-
nots under Captain Rene de Laudonniere, who settled on
St. John's River, Florida. In October, 1564, Captain John
Hawkins sailed from England on his second voyage to
Guinea and the West Indies, set forth by the Earl of Pem-
broke, the Lord Robert Dudley, the Lord Admiral Clin-
ton, Sir William Cecil, Sir William Gerrard, Sir William
Chester, Sir Thomas Lodge, Benjamin Gonson, Edward
Castlyn, John Hawkins, and William Winter. This expedi-
tion passed along the whole coast of Florida, and on the 3d
of August, 1565, relieved the Huguenots at Fort Caroline.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 5
Thence they sailed "along the whole extent of our east
coast," via Newfoundland, and reached England in Septem-
ber, 1565. The next month the Huguenots, Laudonniere,
Le Moine, Challeux, and others who had escaped massacre
by the Spaniards in Florida, landed in Wales. Hawkins and
his men gave a lively description of Florida, its products,
soil, climate, etc. They brought to England samples of
tobacco, potatoes, and other products. The Huguenots told
the English of the destruction of the Protestant colony in
America. They were able to give a general idea of the
country which now is Florida, Georgia, and Carolina.
Laudonniere, Challeux, and Le Moine each wrote accounts
which were afterwards published. Challeux's account was
published in England in 1566. Le Moine, the painter, who
was commissioned by Coligny to make a description and map
of the country with drawings of all curious objects, etc.,
remained in England, under the patronage and consulted
by the Gilberts, Ralegh, the Sidneys, and others. He died
in England about 1587, and not long before his death he
published " La Clef des Champs, pour trouver plusieurs
Animaux, tant Bestes qu'Oyseaux, avec plusieurs Fleurs &
Fruits. Anno 1586," which is dedicated to Madame Sid-
ney (Sir Philip's mother) by her very affectionate servant,
the author. The relations of the returning Huguenots of
1563 and 1565, and of Hawkins and his men, planted a
determination in the minds of a few Englishmen to possess
at least a portion of that country. This plant may have
grown slowly at times, but evidently it continued to grow.
November 17, 1566, a bill passed Parliament defining
and increasing the privileges, etc., of the Merchant Adven-
turers of 1555, and changing their name to " The Fellow-
ship of English Merchants for Discovery of New Trades."
Some time before November, 1566, Humphrey Gilbert peti-
tioned Queen Elizabeth for privileges for himself and his
two brothers to discover the northeast passage to Cathay,
and soon after this date he petitioned the queen for privi-
leges for himself and "the heirs of Otes Gylberte," for
f
6 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
discoveries to the northwest. On January 24, 1567, Sir
WilHam Gerrard and Alderman Rowland Haiwarde, as the
representatives of the Merchant Adventurers, wrote to Sec-
retary Cecil in regard to Gilbert's second petition.
October 2, 1567, Captain John Hawkins sailed from
Plymouth on his third voyage with six vessels. Among the
officers were Captain John Hampton, Captain Thomas
Bolton, Master Francis Drake, and Master Robert Barret.
On September 23 or 24, 1568, Hawkins lost three of his
ships in a memorable fight with the Spaniards at " San
Juan d'Ulua" (Vera Cruz). October 8th he was forced
to set ashore north of the bay of Tampico, Mexico, 114 of
his men. Three of these, David Ingram, Richard Brown,
and Richard Twide, marched northward, and within twelve
months, having evidently traversed a great part of the pres-
ent United States, they reached the Atlantic coast about
fifty leagues from Cape Breton, where they found a French
vessel which carried them to England "anno 1568." About
seventy of these men marched westward into Mexico under
the command of Anthony Goddard. Among these were
Miles Phillips and Job Hortop, who afterwards published
accounts of their travels. Merchants kept themselves well
informed as to what was going on in the world, but this
information, for business reasons, was seldom given to the
public. However, in this instance we know that, in less
than forty days after the disaster of September 24 at Vera
Cruz, the news had been given to Benedict Spinola, a mer-
chant of London, who reported to Admiral William Win-
ter, and he notified Master William Hawkins, who wrote
to Secretary Cecil about the report on December 3, 1568.
Just before this letter was written several Spanish ships
laden with treasure, being chased in the Channel by men-
of-war belonging to the Prince of Conde, were compelled
to sail into the harbors on the south coast of England for
safety. So William Hawkins begged Cecil "to advertise
the Queen thereof, to the end there might be some stay
made of King Philip's treasure here in these partes, till
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 7
there be sufficient recompens made for the great wrong
offered " his brother at Vera Cruz. And Cecil decided " to
stay this treasure '' in England for a time. These incidents
produced a rupture with Spain which was not healed. " All
the materials for an explosion had long been accumulating,
and nothing but a spark was necessary to fire the train." ^
The spark kindled in Mexico at the City of the True Cross
had a wonderful influence on the destiny of North America.
In January, 1569, in the midst of the bitter contention
over " King Philip's treasure," which had been " stayed "
on his account, Captain John Hawkins reached England,
and his report of the events of his voyage widened the
breach between England and Spain. America was thence-
forward an important object in the great struggle between
Protestantism and Romanism.
In the spring of 1569 England was repairing her sea-
ports. In the autumn of the same year there was a rising
of the Roman Catholics in the North of England.
" On the morning of the 15th of May, 1570, the Bull
declaring Elizabeth deposed and her subjects absolved from
their allegiance was found nailed against the Bishop of
London's door." ^
On the 25th of August, 1572, the great massacre on St.
Bartholomew's day took place in France, and the house of
the English ambassador (Francis Walsingham) in Paris was
a place of refuge for the Huguenots.
In 1574 most of the Englishmen set on shore in Mexico
by Hawkins in October, 1568, were sentenced by the Holy
Office, and these men were the performers at the celebration
of the first Auto-da-fe in the New World.^ Sixty-eight
were punished with stripes and imprisonment in the galleys,
and three were burnt to ashes.
March 22, 1574, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir George Peck-
^ BviTgon^s Life and Times of Sir T. « See Bernard Quaritch's Rough
Gresham, vol. ii. p. 277. List, No. 87, January, 1888, item 134 ;
^ Froude's History of England ^ vol. also the narrative of Miles Philips iu
X. p. 59. Hakluyt.
8 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1606.
ham, Mr. Christopher CarHle, Sir Richard Grenville, and
others petitioned Queen EUzabeth to allow of an enterprise
for discovery of sundry rich and unknown lands " fatally
reserved for England and for the honor of your Majesty."
Soon after this, and possibly as a result of this petition,
Frobisher deHvered a letter from Queen Elizabeth to the
Muscovy company, urging them to make discoveries or else
to gTant their license to others. The company returned
an unfavorable reply, but in December following Frobisher
procured a second letter from the queen, " requiring the
company either to attempt the matter themselves or to
grant licence to another to do it by the northwestward." ^
The company granted the desired license on February 3,
1575, but " the enterprise was stayed this year for lack of
Money." ^ Frobisher made his first voyage to the north-
west under this license, June to October, 1576 ] the second,
May to September, 1577 ; and the third May to October,
1578. These voyages were sent out by a stock company
composed of more than ninety English people of means
who were then interested in advancing foreign discoveries
and commerce. Of these Julius Csesar, Michael Lock,
Mrs. Mary Sidney, Richard Martin, and probably others ;
and the heirs of most of them were interested in estabHsh-
ing the colonies in America in 1605-1616.
November 6, 1577, some one presented the queen with
" A discourse how Her Majesty may annoy the Kinge of
Spaine by fitting out a fleet of shippes of war under pre-
tence of Letters Patent, to discover and inhabit strange
places, with special proviso, for their safeties whom policy
requires to have most annoyed — by which means the doing
the contrary shall be imputed to the executor's fault ; your
Highness' s letters patent being a manifest show that it was
not your Majesty's pleasure so to have it," etc. Under this
plan the writer offers to destroy the great Spanish fleets
which went every year to the banks of Newfoundland for
the fish for their fasting days, and continues : " If you will
1 Cal of State Papers^ Colonial^ East Indies, 1513-1616, pp. 12, 13.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 9
let US first do this we will next take the West Indies from
Spain. You will have the gold and silver mines and the
profit of the soil. You will be monarch of the seas and out
of danger from every one. I will do it if you will allow
me ; only you must resolve and not delay or dally — the
wings of man's life are plumed with the feathers of death." ^
This remarkable document is not signed. On the day that
it was written Sir Humphrey Gilbert had a consultation with
Dr. Dee at Mortlake. The same idea of " reading between
the Hues " will be found in Gilbert's letter to Cecil from Tre-
gouse September 7, 1572, and in several other letters of his.^
January 7, 1578, England and the United Netherlands
made a treaty for the mutual support of each other against
the then exorbitant power of Spain.
June 11, 1578, Elizabeth granted letters-patent to Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or assigns, for the inhabiting
and planting an English colony in America, with " special
proviso " that there shall be no robbing " by sea or by
land," etc. In the fall Gilbert sailed for America with
seven ships and 350 men ; but all the fleet was forced to
return witliin a short time save the Falcon, commanded by
Captain Walter Ralegh.
Early in 1579 Gilbert was preparing to sail again for
America in "a puissant fleet, able to encounter a king's
power by sea ; " but Ralegh had already had a dangerous
sea-fight with the Spaniards and other complications had
arisen, so the English council ordered Gilbert to " stay "
until these matters were settled.
In September, 1580, Drake returned to England from
his voyage round the world, and the Spanish minister in
England demanded that the treasure taken by him from
Spaniards should be returned to Spain. The English
government in their answer made this important declara-
tion : " That they could not acknowledge the Spanish right
to all that country, either by donation from the Pope or
1 State Papers^ Domesticy Eliz. ^ gee Froude's Hist, of England^ vol.
X. p. 417, note.
10 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
from their having touched here and there upon those coasts,
built cottages, and given names to a few places ; that this
by the law of nations could not hinder other princes from
freely navigating those seas and transporting colonies to
those parts where the Spaniards do not inhabit ; that pre-
scription without possession availed nothing."
Captain Edward Fenton's voyage, June, 1582, to May,
1583.
July 16, 1582, Six* George Peckham had a consultation
with Dr. John Dee ^Ho know the tytle for Norombega in
respect of Spain and Portugall parting the whole World's
destilleryes." ^
August and September, 1582, Sir Francis Walsingham,
Sir George Peckham, Captain Christopher Carlisle, and
divers others of good judgment and credit examined David
Ingram as to America to the southwest of Cape Breton.
They also examined the reports of '^ Vererzamis, Jacques
Cartier, John Barros (Johann Baros), Andrew Thevett, and
John Walker ; with the last three Sir Humphrey Gilbert did
confer in person." ^
November 2, articles of agreement indented between
Sir H. Gilbert and such as adventure with him touching
new lands to be discovered or conquered by him.^
November 6, report or prospectus for the voyage of
discovery to be undertaken by Sir H. Gilbert, the nature
of the country and the advantage of its trade, and a detail
of early voyages of discovery in America and Canada.*
November. Master Thomas Aldworth, merchant of Bris-
tol, wrote to Walsingham that he had a good inclination to
the western discovery.^
February 7, 1583, while the arrangements for his voy-
age were in progress Gilbert wrote to Walsingham, " touch-
ing the queen's desire for him to stay at home," etc.^
^ Dee's Diary. ^ State Papers^ Domestic, Eliz.
2 Royal Hist. MS. Com. Report, ii. p. * Ibid.
45. MS. of Lord Calthorpe. See also ^ Hakluyt, vol. iii.
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, * State Papers, Domestic, Eliz.
1574-1660.
GEORGE ABBOT
Archbishop of Canterbury'
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1G05. 11
March 11, 1583, Walsingham wrote to Aldworth com-
mending his good inchnation to the western discovery;
and on the same day wrote also to the Rev. Richard Hak-
luyt, " encouraging him to pubUsh about discoveries in the
western parts," etc.^
March 17, Ralegh wrote to Gilbert, telling him : " I
have sent you a token from her Majesty, an ancor guided
by a lady," and further conveying her Majesty's good
wishes for the success of his voyage, etc.^
March 27, Aldworth replied to Walsingham concerning
a western voyage intended for the discovery of the coast of
America lying to the southwest of Cape Breton, telling him
the merchants of Bristol had subscribed the sum of 1,000
marks and upward, propose to send two vessels, to be left
in the country under the government of Captain CarHsle
if agreeable, etc.^
In April Captain Carleil issued " A discourse upon the
intended voyage to the hithermoste parts of America," ^ to
induce the merchants of London to contribute thereto.
In reply to this discourse the Merchant Adventurers ap-
pointed Alderman Hart, Messrs. Spencer, William Bur-
rough, Christopher Hudson, William Towerson, Slanye,
Stapers, Maye, John Castelin, and Nicholas Leake to con-
ferre with M. Carlile, and this committee set down certain
points to guide them in this intended conference, viz. :
" That 100 men be conveyed thither to remain one whole
year, who with friendly entreaty of the people may enter
into the better knowledge of the country, and gather what
commodities may be hereafter expected from it. The
charges will amount to £4,000, the city of Bristol having
very readily offered £1,000, the residue remains to be fur-
nished by the city of London. Privileges to be procured
by M. Carlile for the first adventurers ; also terms upon
which future settlers will be allowed to plant. In the
1 Hakluyt, vol. iii. » Hakluyt, vol. iii.
2 Life of Sir Walter Ralegh, by Ed- * Ibid,
wards, vol. ii. p. 19.
12 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
patent to be granted by the Queen liberty will be given to
transport all contented to go." ^
May 20, 1583, George, Earl of Shrewsbury, agreed to
adventure 100 marks with Carlile in this his intended dis-
covery rather than it should fail, for his friend's sake, etc.
{i, e., Walsingham's sake).^ For some reason Carlile gave
over his part in this voyage, but on June 11, 1583, Sir
Humphrey Gilbert sailed from " Caushen Bay neere Plim-
moutli " on his voyage to the west and northwest of Amer-
ica with a fleet of five ships. They landed in Newfound-
land August 4, and the next day took possession in the right
of the crowne of England. August 20 they sailed toward
the southwest of Cape Breton. August 29 one of the ves-
sels was wrecked on Sable Island. August 31 Gilbert sailed
homeward, and at midnight September 9 the lights of the
little Squirrel went out forever. Sir Humphrey Gilbert and
all in her were swallowed up by the sea. The Golden Hinde,
Captain Edward Hayes, reached Falmouth September 22,
1583. There was a long lingering hope in England that
Gilbert had weathered the storm and would finally arrive
safely in England. There were earnest appeals for coloni-
zation and it was proposed to make another attempt under
Gilbert's patent.
While the foregoing voyage of Gilbert's was under way,
there was another American venture on the tapis, and it is
not always easy to assign the contemporary references to
these voyages accurately. January 23, 1583, Secretary
Walsingham, Mr. Adrian Gilbert and Dr. John Dee talk
over the northwest straits discovery. The next day the
above together with John Davis and Mr. Beale have a
secret conference on the same subject. March 6, Dr. Dee,
Mr. Adrian Gilbert, John Davis, Mr. Alderman Barnes,
Mr. Towerson, Mr. Young, and Mr. Hudson continue the
conference about the northwest voyage.^
1 State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1G60. 3 Pr, Dee's Diary.
2 Illus. of Brit. Hist., Lodge, vol. ii.
pp. 241, 243.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 13
June, 1583, heads of the grant to Adrian Gilbert to
discover and settle the northerly part of Atlantis called
jVovus Orhis, not inhabited or discovered by any Chris-
tians hitherto but by him. The said Adrian Gilbert, John
Dee, and John Davis to be exempt from all customs for-
ever.^
February 6, 1584, the queen granted letters-patent to
Master Adrian Gilbert, Walter Ralegh, Dr. John Dee, John
Davis, William Sanderson, and others, for the search and
discovery of the northwest passage to China. Captain John
Davis made three voyages under this patent, the particulars
of which it will not be necessary to give.
March 25, 1584, after Gilbert's death was assured, the
letters-patent for discovering and planting of new lands,
etc., were regranted, with the same special proviso, to his
half brother, Walter Ralegh, and on April 27 Philip
Amadas and Arthur Barlow sailed from England, set forth
at the charges of Ralegh, Sir Richard Greenville, Mr. Wil-
ham Sanderson, and others. The expedition reached the
present coast of North Carolina in July ; returned to Eng-
land about the middle of September. They gave a glowing
description of the land of " Wyngandacoia," and England's
virgin queen named the land Virginia.
December 14, 1584, the bill in confirmation of Ralegh's
patent was read in the House of Commons the first time.^
In the afternoon it was read the second time and commit-
ted to the vice-chancellor, Christopher Hatton, Secretary
Walsingham, Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Drake, Sir
Richard Greenville, and others. December 17, the said
bill without alterations was ordered to be engrossed. The
next day it was read for the third time, when after many
arguments and a proviso added it passed the House upon
the question. December 19, the bill was read the first
time in the House of Lords. It was drafted as " An Act
for the confirmation of the Queen's Majesty's letters-patent
^ State PaperSf Domestic, Eliz. House were interested in American
* At least twenty members of this colonization, 1606-1616.
14 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
granted to Walter Raleigh Esquire, touching the discovery
and inhabitino^ of certain foreij^n lands and countries."
It recites the queen's desire for the spread of true religion
and the increase of traffic in England, etc.^ (Ralegh's name
is spelled in six different ways in the draft and proviso.)
April 9, 1585, " Sr Walter Rawle's " fleet of seven ves-
sels sailed from Plymouth under the letters-patent of Eliza-
beth, Queen of England, to take possession of a land claimed
by Spain under the Bulls of the Popes of Rome. The fleet
was commanded by Sir Richard Greenville, and among the
other officers were Thomas Cavendish, M. John Arundell,
Mr. Raymund, Mr. Stukely, Mr. Bremige, Mr. Vincent,
Simon Ferdinando, Mr. Atkinson, Mr. Russell, Edward
Gorges, Francis Brooke, Captain John Clarke, and others.
Captain Ralph Lane, Philip Amidas, John White, Thomas
Hariot, Edward Stafford, and about 103 others " were by
agreement to remain in the colony one whole year at least." ^
They reached the present coast of North Carolina in June.
The history of this expedition is well known. Greenville
on his return voyage, after some fighting, captured a Span-
ish ship ; he reached England about October 29, 1585.
June 20, 1585, Bernard Drake was commissioned to
proceed to Newfoundland to warn the English fishing there
of the troubles with Spain, etc.^
Sainte-Aldegonde's " pithie and most earneste exhortation
to all Christian Kinges, Princes and Potentates to beware of
Kinge Phillip's ambitious growinge," was printed in Eng-
land prior to August, 1584,* and was probably received
there with the respect due to the works of this celebrated
man and reformer. In the summer of 1584 Sir Philip Sid-
ney began to take an earnest interest in the American
1 MSS. House of Lords. See Third « Cal State Papers, Dom., 1581-1590,
Report Royal Com. on Hist. MS., Ap- p. 246.
pendix, p. 5. ^ See Hakluyt's Discourse on West-
2 See the suggestion of the Merchant ern Planting, 1584. Maine Hist. Soc,
Adventurers to Carlile under April, 1877.
1582.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 15
enterprises.^ He was interested in Ralegh's voyage, but late
in 1584 he projected an expedition on a much grander scale
which was to be under the command of Sir Francis Drake
and himself, assisted by the ablest officers of those martial
times. " This scheme," says Fulke Greville, " was the ex-
actest model Europe ever saw ; a conquest not to be enter-
prised but by Sir Philip's reaching spirit that grasped all
circumstances and interests." The idea was to check the
dangerous power of Spain and Rome by attacking the Span-
iards in America ; by subverting their government there
and laying in its place an English Protestant settlement
upon such a plan as it might become a durable establish-
ment, and by degrees increase till it extended its power
from ocean to ocean.^
April 7, 1585, Hakluyt wrote from Paris to Walsing-
ham a long letter, largely devoted to the war then waging
in the Low Countries between Romanism and Protestantism ;
a struggle which was continually shaping the destinies of
the New World. In this letter Hakluyt also wrote : " The
rumor of Sir Walter Rawle's fleet, and especially the prep-
aration of Sir Francis Drake, doth so much vex the Span-
iard and his fautors as nothing can do more."
April 25, Queen Elizabeth was again excommunicated
by Bull of Pius V. In July Elizabeth accepted the pro-
tectorate of the Netherlands ; virtually accepting war with
Spain. And Philip II. laid an embargo on all the vessels,
men, and merchandise of England in the ports of Spain ;
virtually declaring war with England. The fleet of Sid-
'ney and Drake was now ready to sail for the attack on the
Spanish settlements in America, and to begin " the scheme
in which Sir Philip had embarked a great part of his own
fortune ; " but Elizabeth would not allow Sidney to go.
She ordered him to the Netherlands, and therefore his idea
was not fully carried out.
August 6, 1585, Henry Talbot wrote to the Earl of
1 One of the first letters from Vir- 2 g^e Life and Times of Sir Philip
giiiia, August 12, 1585, was written by Sidney, by S. M. D. Boston : Tickuor
Layne to him. & Fields, 1859, pp. 244, 245.
16 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
Shrewsbury : " Here are no speeches but of gomg either
into Flanders, or else with Sir Francis Drake." ^ The de-
parture of the fleet was delayed from early in July to
the middle of September (12 or 14) when it sailed under
the command of Sir Francis Drake. It consisted of
" live and twenty saile and 2,300 souldiers and sailers."
The ofiicers, who had been carefully selected for this
very important enterprise by Sidney and Drake, were
Lieutenant-General, Christopher Carlile ; Sergeant-Major,
Anthony Powell ; Captains Matthew Morgan, John Samson,
Anthony Plat, Edward Winter, John Goring, Robert Pen,
George Barton, John Merchant, William Cecil, Walter
Biggs, John Haman, and Richard Stanton ; Lieutenants
Thomas Gates, Thomas Tucker, Alexander Starkey,
Crofts, Escot, and Waterhouse and others, land
officers. The naval officers were Admiral, Sir Francis Drake ;
Vice-Admiral, Captain Martin Frobisher ; Rear-Admiral,
Captain Francis Knollys ; Captains, Thomas Vennor, Edward
Winter, Christopher Carlile (who also commanded the land
forces), Henry White, Thomas Drake, Thomas Seely,
Bayly, Robert Crosse, George Fortescue, Edward Careless
alias Wright, James Erizo, Thomas Moone, John Rivers,
John Vaughan, John Varney, John Martin, Richard Gilman,
Richard Hawkins, Bitfield, and Edward Greenefield ;
Masters, Abraham Kendall, Grifeth Heme, George Candish,
Nicholas Winter, Alexander Carleill, Robert Alexander,
James Dyer, Peter Duke, Scroope, and others.
I can only follow this voyage very briefly. Returning
from the siege of Carthagena in May, 1586, they took St.
Augustine in Florida from the Spaniards, pillaged and then
burnt the town. June 8 they arrived off the English
settlement at " Roanoak," and on the 19th " all hands sett
saile " for England, and on the 22d or 27th of July,
1586, they arrived at Portsmouth, bringing the English
colonists who had spent one year in North Carolina, with
the description and maps of the country, drawings of the
1 Illus. of Brit. History, Lodge, vol. ii. p. 268.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 17
inhabitants, etc. Drake also brought some prisoners from
Florida, among whom were Pedro Morales, a Spaniard, and
Nicolas de Burgoyne, a Frenchman, said to have been
spared in the massacre of 1565. These two men had been
long in this country, and gave the English wonderful
accounts (which are published in Hakluyt) of the regions to
the northwest of St. Helena, of the vast mineral treasures of
the Appalachian Range. The accounts of the Huguenots
who reached England from CoHgny's and Ribault's colonies
in 1563, 1565, and 1586, of the Florida and Carolina coun-
try were very instrumental in planting in the English mind
a desire to settle that country.
While the preparation for Francis Drake's voyage was
under way in June, 1585, the envoys for the United States
arrived in London, and in July, as I have said, " Elizabeth
accepted the protectorate of the Netherlands." About two
weeks after Drake sailed " the queen caused a declaration to
be published, setting forth the reasons which had induced
her to give aid to the afflicted and oppressed people of the
Low Countries. It was dated at Richmond on October 1,
1585." Markham, in " The Fighting Veres," says : " It is
one of the noblest state papers that was ever written, and
it placed the English nation in a most honorable position
before the world. It is not unworthy to take a place beside
the Declaration of American Independence." Many of
those who learnt their lesson under the influence of the
sentiments expressed in this document were afterwards very
instrumental in establishing English Protestant colonies in
America.
"April 16, 1586. Sir Richard Greynville sailed over
the barr at Barnstaple with his flee boat and frigot ; but
for want of sufficient water on the barr, being neare upon
neape, he left his ship. This Sir Richard Greynville in-
tended his goinge to Wyngandecora where he was last
year." ^ A " bark of Aviso " was sent to Virginia soon
after Easter, but Greenville himself was detained by the
1 Chanter's Literary History of Barnstaple. Barnstaple, 1866.
18 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
tides until late in the spring, when he sailed with three ves-
sels for the relief of the colony. The bark arrived at
Roanoke in July, but finding no one returned to England.
Sir Richard arrived in August, and being unwilling to lose
the possession of the country, left fifteen men on Roanoke
Island well furnished for two years and departed again for
England. " By the way making spoyle of the townes of
the Azores and there taking divers Spaniards." ^
June 26, 1586. George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland,
began his celebrated naval raids on the commerce of Spain
on the Atlantic Ocean.
July 21, 1586. Captain Thomas Cavendish sailed on
his voyage around the world under the patronage of Henry
Cary, Lord Hunsdon. The real object of this voyage was
to raid upon Spain's commerce on the Pacific, the great
South Sea.
December 30, 1586. Hakluyt wrote from Paris to
Ralegh a very interesting letter in which he says : " If you
proceed, which I long much to know, in your enterprize of
Virginia, your best planting will be about the Bay of the
Thestepians [Chestepians or Chesapeake], to which latitude
Peter Martyr and Franciscus Lopez de Gomara, the Span-
iard, confess that one Gabot (Cabot) and the English did
first discover ; which the Spaniards hereafter cannot deny
us, whensoever we shall be at peace with them." ^
England was now at open war with Spain, and her ship-
ping could now be attacked without such subterfuges as
patents for discovery. January 7, 1587. Sir Walter Ra-
legh by an indenture granted to John White, Roger Bay-
lye, Ananias Dayre, Christopher Cooper, John Sampson,
Thomas Steevens, William Fulwood, Roger Pratt, Dionise
Harvie, John Nichols (Nicholas), George Howe, James
Piatt, and Simon Ferdinando of London, gentlemen, certain
privileges for planting a colony in Virginia. May 18,
Governor John White with three vessels sailed from Plym-
^ Purchas, iv. p. 1645. 2 Calendar of Clarendon Papers, vol.
ii. App. p. 1. Oxford, 1872.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 19
outli taking with him 150 householders to plant the city
of Ralegh on Chesapeake Bay, according to the advice of
Hakluyt, Lane and others. July 22, they landed at Hata-
rask for the purpose of taking off the men left there by
Greenville the year before. They did not find them, and
they finally determined to remain at Roanoke, although
the experience of Lane and Drake had condemned this
stormbeaten, harborless coast as altogether unsuitable for
the purpose in view, and although the expedition was
intended for the Chesapeake Bay. " August 18, Elyoner
Dare, wife of Ananias Dare and daughter of Governor
White, gave birth to a daughter and the child was named
Virginia."
" August 27, 1587. Governor White sailed to England
for supplies." The fate of those left at Roanoke is a
blank page in our history which appeals to our hearts more
eloquently than words. White reached Southampton on
the 8th of November and found all England actively pre-
paring to meet the threatened Spanish invasion.
April 25, 1588. " Notwithstanding the prospect of a
Spanish invasion White, with two small vessels, sailed from
Bidef ord to supply the colony in Virginia ; but these ves-
sels, undertaking to take Spanish prizes, were forced to
return to England in May and June without performing
the intended voyage."
The Popes of Rome had never acknowledged Elizabeth
as the Queen of England, and Sixtus V. had made over
England to Philip 11. of Spain, as the rightful heir to his
deceased wife, Mary of England. For several years that
king had been preparing to take possession of his English
dominions, and in May, 1588, his preparations were com-
pleted. Sixtus V. laid an interdict on England and ex-
communicated Queen Elizabeth. John Aylmer, Bishop of
London, replied by excommunicating the Pope.
May 29, the invincible Armada sailed from Lisbon under
the blessing of the Cardinal Archduke Albert.
July 29 to August 7. The invincible Armada was
20 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
defeated. Amon<^ the officers of the English fleet were
many who were afterwards interested in the Virginia enter-
prises of 1606-1616.
March 7, 1589. " An indenture made between Sir Wal-
ter Ralegh, Chief Governor of Virginia on the one part,
and Thomas Smith, William Sanderson, Walter Bayly,
William Gamage, Edmund Nevil, Thomas Harding, Walter
Marler, Thomas Martin, Gabriel Harris, William George,
William Stone, Henry Fleetwood, John Gerrard, Robert
Macklyn, Richard Hackluyt, Thomas Hood, Thomas Wade,
Richard Wright, Edmund Walden, merchants of London
and adventurers to Virginia; John White, Roger Bayly,
Ananias Dare, Christopher Cooper, John Sampson, Thomas
Steevens, Roger Pratt, Dionise Harvie, John Nichols, Hum-
frey Dimmocke, late of London, gentlemen of the other
part, witnesseth." Ralegh transferred the colony of Vir-
ginia and the planting thereof in his domain to these men ;
he gave them <£100 towards the planting of the Christian
religion there ; bound himself, " as much as in him lieth,
to procure and indevor to obtaine the Queen's letters patent
for ratification, approbation and more sure confirmation of
the items in this indenture," and reserved to himself and
his heirs or assigns only the fifth part of all gold and silver
ore. I suppose Governor White had gotten these mer-
chants of London to aid him in his effort to relieve the
colony in Virginia ; whether the indenture was ratified by
the queen or not I do not know. Evidently it was a very
bad time to attempt an English colony in Virginia. The
Atlantic Ocean was swarming with vessels of war. It is
remarkable to read of the success of English sailors, under
the inspiration of the defeat of the Armada, and of the
fataHty which attended the shipping of Spain during the
years 1588, 1589, 1590, and 1591. Probably more than
800 Spanish ships were destroyed during those years by the
elements and the English. The Atlantic was a battlefield,
and the coast of old Virginia was strewn with wreckage.
Thus the supplying of the city of Ralegh was hindered
WILLIAM ALEXANDER
First Earl of Stirlinir
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 21
until March 20, 1591, when three ships and two shallops
furnished at the special charges of Mr. John Watts and
others sailed from Plymouth to relieve the colonists and
" to make spoil of the Spaniards." Governor John White
sailed in this fleet and, August 15, they came to anchor
at Hatarask. " Some tracts of feeting they found upon a
sandy bank, and on a tree, curiously carved, these Romaine
letters, C. R. 0., which gave them hope they might be
removed to Croatan." ^ Not a Hving soul was seen, and the
vessels, "having made some spoil of the Spaniard," re-
turned to England, arriving there in the fall of 1591, and
on the 16th of October Ralegh wrote to Cecil " on the
value of the prizes captured by these ships, and on the par-
tition of the profits." ^ [This voyage has been incorrectly
placed in 1589 and 1590.]
In or about 1590 Elizabeth granted a commission to
Richard Greyneville of Stow, Piers Edgecombe, Thomas
Digges and others for discovering lands in the Antarctic
seas, to the Dominions of the great Cam of Cathaia.^
August 26, 1591, Captain Thomas Cavendish sailed
from England " on his last fatal voyage." Dr. Thomas
Lodge was on one of the vessels and while at sea wrote his
" A Margarite of America."
September 14, 1591, Mr. Thomas James of Bristol wrote
to Cecil concerning " the disco verie of the isle of Ramea."
1592. January 25, Captain Christopher Newport sailed
from England with three ships and a pinnasse for the West
Indies, where " he took and spoyled Yaguana and Ocoa in
Hispaniola and Truxillo, besides other prizes." *
Early in this year a strong expedition was organized for
a privateering cruise against the vessels of New Spain, com-
bined with a plan for an attack on the Spanish settlements
at Panama ; the nearest way to the South Sea and the
1 Strachey's History of Travaile into 2 Xi/e of Sir W. Ralegh, by Ed-
Fa. Brita., p. 152. Hakluyt Soc. Vol. wards, vol. ii. p. 43. London, 1868.
1849. 8 Cal. State Papers, Domestic.
* Purchas, iv. p. 1186.
22 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
key to the possessions of Spain in America. The Adven-
turers provided thirteen vessels well equipped, and the
queen two ships of war. Sir Walter Raleigh was to have
the command of the expedition as admiral ; Sir John Bor-
ough vice-admiral, and Sir Martin Frobisher next in com-
mand. They were ready to sail in February, but were
detained by the winds for at least three months, and when
they finally sailed Raleigh was followed by peremptory
orders from the queen that he should instantly resign and
return forthwith to the court. Before returning Raleigh
relinquished the proposed attempt on Panama, and divided
the fleet into two separate commands. One under Sir John
Borough was sent to the Azores to waylay the plate-ships
from the West Indies. The other, under the command of
Frobisher, was sent to the coast of Spain to hold the Span-
ish convoy fleet on their own coast.
July 28, Sir John Borough, being then near the Azores,
entered into an agreement with Captain Newport " to be
partakers in lawfuU pryses," and on the 3d of August
their vessels, together with the vessels of the Earl of Cum-
berland, captured the Great Carrack, the Madre de Dios,
and Captain Newport was placed in her as captain and
carried her to Dartmouth, where he arrived September 7,
1592. Edwards, in his " Life of Raleigh," says : " The
capture of the Great Carrack of 1592, and the proceedings
which ensued in relation to the partition of her spoils,
have an interest which extends far beyond the mere occur-
rence itself. It was intone sense the most brilliant feat of
privateering ever accomplished by Englishmen, even in the
days of Queen Elizabeth. It was also a piece of mercantile
enterprise, — pregnant with results, — and the history of
which throws light, alike on some curious points connected
both with our admiralty law and with the growth of our
commerce and colonies."
In 1592 Captain James Lancaster, returning in his ship
from the East Indies, was wrecked on Mona, a small Island
in the West Indies.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 23
1593. The voyage of Mr. George Drake of Apsham
(Topsham, the Port of Exeter) to Ramea in the Gulf of
St. Lawrence.
" The voyage of Richard Strong of Apsham . . . unto
Cape Breton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and
an half in 1593."
1593. Captain George Weymouth sent out with two
ships by the merchants of the Russia and Levant compa-
nies to discover a northwest passage. This year the Earl of
Cumberland sent three of his ships on a cruise to the West
Indies. There were as many as seventeen EngKsh vessels
at one time before Havana (Cuba) " wayting for purchase."
December 17. Henry May, one of Captain Lancaster's
men, was wrecked on the Bermudas.
1594. Mr. Silvester Wyet's voyage to Ramea. Captain
Jacob Whiddon and Captain Parker sent by Raleigh on an
exploring voyage to Guiana, South America.
November 6, 1594, to late in May, 1595. Sir Robert
Dudley's voyage to Guiana and the West Indies, with Cap-
tain Benjamin Wood, Captain George Popham, Master
Abraham Kendall, and others. They returned by the Ber-
mudas. Captain George Popham captured from a Spanish
vessel at sea letters concerning Guiana which he gave to
Raleigh.
1595. " Some to the wars, to try their fortune there,
Some to discover islands far away."
Two Gentlemen of Verona, act i. so. 3.
February 6, Ralegh sailed from England on his famous
voyage for Guiana, South America.
August 27, 1595, to April, 1596. The fatal voyage of
Sir Francis Drake, Sir John Hawkins, Sir Thomas Bask-
erville, Captain Arthur Chichester, and others, with twenty-
seven ships and barks containing 2,500 men and boys,
intended for some special service in the West Indies.
1596, January to June. Captain Laurence Keymis'
voyage to Guiana for Ralegh.
24 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
March to September. The victorious voyage of Captain
Ainias Preston and Captain George Somers to the West
Indies.
April 23, 1596, to June, 1597. Sir Anthony Sherley's
voyage with nine ships and a galley to the West Indies, the
Bay of Honduras, and homeward by Newfoundland.
1596, to July, 1597. " Captain Parker's voyage
to the West Indies, with his taking of Campeche, the chief
town of Yucatan."
June to August. The expedition against Cadiz. At
least fifteen of the knights made by Essex at Cadiz were
afterwards interested in the Virginia enterprise.
December 27, 1596, to June 28, 1597. Ralegh sends
another expedition to Guiana.
1597. M. Charles Leigh's voyage to Cape Breton and
to Ramea in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
August 17. The celebrated voyage to the Azores under
the command of the Earl of Essex, Lord Howard, and
Ralegh, with Sir William Monson, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges and many others who were afterwards
interested in the colonies in Virginia.
1598, March 6 to October. The twelfth voyage of the
Earl of Cumberland. To the Azores and the West Indies
in nineteen ships with a large force. Returning, one of
the vessels was cast away in a storm at the Bermudas.
In November Ralegh was preparing to send another expedi-
tion to Guiana under Sir John Gilbert. The Rev. Richard
Hakluyt began the publication of " The Principal Naviga-
tions, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English
Nation, Made by Sea or Overland, to the Remote and Far-
thest Distant Quarters of the Earth, at Anytime within the
Compasse of these 1600 yeres."
Of those who were interested in publishing books, tracts,
and broadsides regarding naval affairs, discovery, com-
merce, and colonization, in the reign of Elizabeth, 1558 to
1603, I have Hsted 105 authors, fifty-eight printers and
booksellers, and thirty-nine patrons to whom dedicated.
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1C05. 25
I have been obliged to omit these publications from this
sketch ; but the reader will find most of them mentioned
in " The Narrative and Critical History of America."
1599, September 22. Over £30,000 was ventured in a
proposed voyage to the East Indies by a company of Eng-
lishmen, about sixty of whom were afterwards interested in
the Virginia companies. A second invasion of England
was threatened by Spain.
1600, " England employed annually two hundred ves-
sels and 10,000 men and boys in the Newfoundland fisher-
ies." '
"A very considerable business was now transacted on
the present New England coast, connected with the fisheries
and the fur trade, which centred chiefly at Monhegan and
Pemaquid. At both places a considerable and busy popu-
lation was found in the summer season and very possibly
some remained through the winter." ^
Of course these fishing and trading voyagers were con-
stantly gaining information regarding our northern coasts
and reporting to their employers ; but of these reports we
know almost nothing. In fact we know but little regard-
ing the results of the voyages sent out especially for discov-
ery. It seems evident that full reports were made to the
employers, but the published reports given to the public
were generally written by those in subordinate positions,
and are very meagre and unsatisfactory.
December 31, the great East India Company was first
chartered. The first governor. Sir Thomas Smythe, and
about one hundred of the first members were afterwards
interested in the Virginia companies.
1601, February 8. The rising of the Earl of Essex.
Several voyages to the West Indies, including the voyage
of Captain William Parker, Captain Ashley, and others, to
the taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello.
It must be borne in mind that for nearly twenty years,
^ Sabine's American Fisheries^ p. 40. ^ Johnston's History of Bristol and
Bremen, p. 47.
26 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
with the West Indies as the centre o£ attraction, the Atlan-
tic was the great battle-ground of England and Spain.
English sailors sailed on it, fought over it, and were well
acquainted with it.
1602. Sir Walter Raleigh sent Samuel Mace of Wey-
mouth on a voyage to Virginia.
March 26 to July 23, the voyage of Captain Barthol-
omew Gosnold, Captain Bartholomew Gilbert, Captain Ga-
briel Archer, with John Brereton, James Rosier, Robert
Salterne, William Street, John Angell, John Tucker, and
twenty-three others, to our New England coast. They were
set forth by Henry, Earl of Southampton, Lord Cobham,
and others.
May 2 to September, the voyage of Captain George
Weymouth to discover the Northwest Passage, set forth by
the merchants of London.
Nova Scotia (Mawooshen) began to be visited regularly
by the English traders. English commissioners at Bremen
engaged in making a treaty with Denmark concerning com-
merce and fishing.
1603. The voyage of Captain Martin Pring, set forth
by Master John Whitson, Master Robert Aldworth, and
other of the chiefest merchants of Bristol, sailed from
King-rode March 20 and reached Milford Haven about
the 27th, where they heard of Queen Elizabeth's death.
Queen Elizabeth died at Richmond March 24, and on
the same day James VI. of Scotland was proclaimed king
of England as James I.
April 10, Pring continued his voyage from MiKord
Haven to our New England coast, and returning entered
King-rode October 2. April to September 10, the voyage
to Cherry Island, set forth by Alderman Francis Cherry.
May 7, James I. entered London and was crowned at
Westminster July 25.
May 10 to September, the voyage of Captain Bartholo-
mew Gilbert to the Chesepian Bay in the country of Vir-
ginia. July 29, Captain Gilbert, Master Thomas Canner, a
INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605. 27
gentleman of Bernard's Inn, Richard Harrison, the master's
mate, Henry Kenton, the chirurgion, and one Derricke, a
Dutchman, went on shore [probably the eastern shore of
Virginia] and were all killed there by the Indians. There-
fore the master, Henry Suite, took his course home for Eng-
land.
1604, January. The celebrated Hampton Court con-
ference. March 21, Captain Charles Lee sailed for Guiana.
In the spring the Gunpowder Plot was organizing. June
25, license to Sir Edward Michelborne to make a voyage to
China, Japan, etc. August 18, ratification by James I. of
a treaty of peace and mercantile intercourse with Philip
III., King of Spain, and AUbert and Isabel, archduke and
archduchess of Burgundy. In the fall the Phoenix again
left England for Lee's colony in Guiana.
1605, March 31 to July 18, the voyage of Captain
George Weymouth, set forth by the Earl of Southampton,
Lord Thomas Arundell, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and others,
with John Stoneman, James Rosier, Master Thomas Cam,
and twenty five others, some of whom had been with Ra-
legh in Guiana. They remained a month on our New Eng-
land coast.
April 14, Sir Olive Lee sent a vessel to the relief of his
brother in Guiana. Durino^ the summer the Phoenix re-
turned to England from Guiana. Champlaine entered the
present harbor of Plymouth, New England. Hakluyt
received a letter written at Valiadolid by Luis Tribaldo, of
Toledo, " touching Juan de Onate, his Discoveries in New
Mexico, five hundred leagues to the North of Old Mexico."
Captain Newport brought two young crocodiles and a wild
boar from Hispaniola, West Indies, and they were pre-
sented alive to King James. ^ Captain George Weymouth
returned as aforesaid (July 18), bringing five native In-
dians with him, which " accident," says Gorges, " must be
acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and
giving life to our plantations," and on June 15 the treaty
1 How's Stow, ed. 1G15, p. 871.
28 INTRODUCTORY SKETCH, 1485-1605.
of peace between Spain and England was signed and rati-
fied by Philip III. Which peace was " the means under
God " of making possible the settlement of English colo-
nies, across the Atlantic battle-ground, in the far distant
land of Virginia.
PERIOD I.
FROM THE RETURN OF WEYMOUTH IN JULY, 1605, TO THE
RETURN OF NEWPORT IN JANUARY, 1609.
This was the experimental period, in which a trial was
made both in North Virginia and in South Virginia ; as a
result of these experiments it was thought best to make a
concentrated effort to secure a footing in America in the
milder climate of South Virginia, and in the remarkably
strong and strategical position afforded for the purpose by
the James River.
I. "EASTWARD HOE."
The stage is apt to illustrate the popular tastes of the
time ; comedy generally caters to those who laugh at ob-
jects of popular interest.
The following extracts from " Eastward Hoe/' a comedy,
will serve as a prelude to this work. The play was written
by George Chapman, Ben Jonson, and John Marston, and
was entered for publication at Stationers' Hall by William
Aspley on the 4th of September, 1605.
Act II. Scene 1. Quicksilver. . . . Well, dad, let him [Sir Petronell
Flash] have money ; all he could anyway get is bestowed on a ship,
nowe bound for Virginia ; the frame of which voyage is so closely con-
vaide that his new lady nor any of her friends know it. Notwithstand-
ing, as soone as his ladies hand is gotten to the sale of her inheritance,
and you have furnisht him with money, he wil instantly hoyst saile and
away.
Security. Now, a franck gale of wind go with him, Maister Franck !
we have too fewe such knight adventurers. Who would not sell away
competent certenties to purchase (with any danger) excellent uncerten-
ties ? Your true knight venturer ever does it. Let his wife seale to-
day, he shall have his money to-day. . . .
30 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
Act III. Enter a Messenger.
Messenger. Sir Petronel, here are three or fowre gentlemen desire
to speake with you.
FetroJiel. What are they ?
Quicksilver. Tiiey are your followers in this voyage, knight Cap-
taine Seagul and his associates ; I met them this morning, and told them
you would be here.
Fet. Let them enter, I pray you ; I know they long to be gone, for
their stay is dangerous.
Enter Seagul, Scapethrift, and Spendall.
Seagid. God save my honorable Collonell !
Fetronel. Welcome, good Captaine Seagul, and worthy gentlemen ; if
you will meete my friend Franck here, and mee, at the Blewe Anchor
Taverne by Billingsgate this evening, wee will there drinke to our happy
voyage, be merry, and take boate to our ship with aU expedition.
Act III., Scene 2. Enter Seagidl, Sjpendall, and Scapethrift in the
Bleive Anchor Taverne, with a Drawer.
Seagull. Come, drawer, pierce your neatest hogsheads, and lets have
cheare — not fit for your Billingsgate taverne, but for our Virginian Col-
onel ; he will be here instantly.
Drawer. You shal have al things fit, sir ; please you have any more
wine ?
Spendal. More wine, slave ! whether we drinke it or no, spill it, and
draw more.
Scapethrift. Fill all the pottes in your house with al sorts of licour,
and let 'hem waite on us here like souldiers in their pewter coates ; and
though we doe not emploie them now, yet we will maintaine 'hem till we
doe.
Drawer. Said like an honorable captaine ; you shal have al you can
commaund, sir. {Exit Drawer,
Seagidl. Come, boyes, Virginia longs till we share the rest of her
maiden-head.
Spendall. Why, is she inhabited alreadie with any English ?
Seagull. A whole countrie of English is there, man, bread of those
that were left there in '79 ; they have married with the Indians, and
make 'hem bring forth as beautifull faces as any we have in England ;
and therefore the Indians are so in love with 'hem, that all the treasure
they have they lay at their feete.
Scapethrift. But is there such treasure there, Captaine, as I have
heard ?
Seagull. I teU thee, golde is more plentiful! there then copper is with
THOMAS ARUNDELL
First Enroll Arundel I
"EASTWARD HOE." . 31
us ; ^ and for as much redde copper as I can bring He have thrise the
waight in gold. Why, man, all their dripping-pans and their chamber-
potts are pure gould ; and all the chaines with which they chaine up their
streets are massie gold ; all the prisoners they take are f etered in gold ;
and for rubies and diamonds they goe forth on holydayes and gather
'hem by the sea-shore to hang on their chlldrens coates, and sticke in their
children's caps, as commonly as our children weare saffron-gilt-brooches
and groates with hoales in 'hem.
Scapethrlft. And is it a pleasant countrie withall ?
Seagull. As ever the sunne shind on : temperate and ful of all sorts of
excellent viands ; wilde bore is as common there as our tamest bacon is
here ; venison as mutton. And then you shall live freely there, without
sargeants, or courtiers, or lawyers, or intelligencers [; only a few indus-
trious Scots perhaps, who are indeed dispersed over the face of the whole
earth. But as for them, there are no greater friends to Englishman and
England, when they are out on 't, in the World, than they are : and for
my part, I would a hundred thousand of them were there, for we are all
one countrymen now, ye know, and we should find ten times more com-
fort of them there than here].^ Then for your meanes to advancement,
there it is simple, and not preposterously mixt. You may bee an alder-
man there, and never be scavinger ; you may be any other officer, and
never be a slave. You may come to preferment enough, and never be a
pandar ; to riches and fortune enough, and have never the more villanie
nor the lesse witte. Besides, there wee shall have no more law then con-
science, and not too much of eyther ; serve God enough, eate and drinke
inough, and " enough is as good as a feast."
^ " Sir Thomas More, in the second omitted. The story is thus related
book of his Utopia preferreth iron in Ben Jonson's conversations with
before gold and silver." "And giveth Drummond : "He was dilated by Sir
us there also a plot to bring gold and James Murray to the King, for writ-
silver into contempt : telling us how ing something against the Scots in a
the Utopians imploy these mettals, in play Eastward Hoe, and voluntarily
making of chamber pots, and vessels imprissonned himself with Chapman
of more uncleane use ; how they make and Marston, who had written it
fetters and chaines herewith to hold in amongst them. The report was, that
their rebellious slaves and maelf actors ; they should then have had their ears
how they adorne their infants and lit- cut and noses. After their delivery,
tie children with jewels and pretious he banqueted all his friends ; there
stones, etc." — Heylyn ; but see Uto- was Camden, Selden, and others; at
pia. the midst of the feast his old mother
* This comedy was popular at the dranke to him, and shew him a paper
time, and at least four editions were which she had (if the sentence had
issued in 1605. In the first impres- taken execution) to have mixed in the
sion is this passage reflecting upon the prisson among his drinke, which was
Scots, for the publication of which the full of lustie strong poison, and that
authors got into serious trouble, and she was no churle, she told, she minded
in the later impressions these lines are first to have drunk of it herself."
32 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
Spendall. Gods me ! and how farre is it thether ?
Seagull. Some six weekes saile, no more, with any indifferent good
winde. And if I get to any part of the coaste of Affrica, ile saile
thether with any winde ; ^ or When I come to Cape Finister, ther 's a fore-
right winde ^ continual! wafts us till we come to Virginia. See, our col-
lonell 's come.
Enter Sir Petronell Flash with his followers.
Sir Fetronell. . . . Wee '11 have our provided supper brought a bord
Sir Francis Drake's ship,^ that hath compast the world, where, with full
cups and banquets, wee will doe sacrifice for a prosperous voyage.
The Virginian adventurers fall into the hands of the law,
but finally everything ends happily and we
" Behold the carefuU father, thrifty sonne,
The solemne deeds which each of us have done :
The usurer punisht, and from fall to steepe
The prodigall child reclaimed, and the lost sheepe ! "
[Mem. — This comedy was played before King James
January 25, 1614. Sir Petronell Flash, perhaps some
time personated by the immortal Shakespeare, was one of
the first of a long and illustrious line of " Virginian colo-
nels."]
II. ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT.
Soon after the return of Weymouth (July 19, 1605)
there were several plans set on foot by Englishmen for set-
tHng English colonies in America, and for making trading
voyages to that country. The plan to form royal colonies
there, by chartered companies under license from the crown,
it seems, was largely under the management of Sir John
Popham, the lord chief justice of England. But before
the petitioners under this plan had received in answer to
their petitions the royal charter asked for, by which the
^ That is, would be carried by the as a memorial of the first English voy-
ocean current. age " 'round about the world," the
2 The trade-wind. cabin being turned into a banqueting-
2 For long years the Golden Hind house,
was preserved in Deptford dockyard
» ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT. 33
country between 34° and 45° north latitude was taken
under the crown, and private enterprise for settlements,
etc., thus shut out, other plans were well under way. Prior
to October 30 Captain Weymouth had engaged himself
to make " a marchante voyage to Virginia ; " but he aban-
doned this voyage and entered into the following agree-
ment for making a settlement there. The original is still
preserved among the Kimbolton manuscripts of His Grace
the Duke of Manchester. It is No. 203 of the appendix
(Part II.) to the eighth report of the Royal Commission on
Historical Manuscripts, 1881. Extracts from the docu-
ments are given in this appendix, and Mr. Neill refers to
them in his " Virginia Vetusta " (1885), pp. 1, 2 ; but the
whole document, I believe, has never been printed before.
" Articles of Agreement Indented made and agreed upon
the thirtithe dale of October, In the yeeres of the Reigne of
Our Sovereigne Lord James by the Grace of God Kinge of
England, Scotland, Fraunce and Ireland defender of the
faith &c. That is to saie of England, France and Ireland
the tliirde and of Scotland the nyne and thirtith. Be-
tweene the Right WorshipfuU Sir John Zouche of Codnor
in the County of Darbye Knight on the one parte, and
Captayne George Waynmouth of Cockington in the County
of Devon gent on the other parte. For and concerninge a
voiage intended to be made unto the land commonly called
by the name of Virginia uppon the Continent of America.
" Firste on the parte and behalf e of the said Sr John
Zouche. It is covenated and agreed. That he shall at his
owne proper costs and charges, sett forth two shipps fitted
prepared and furnished with all necessaries of victuall, pro-
vision, munition, and two hundred able and sufficient men ;
that is to saie, of such trades and arts as are fittinge for a
plantation and colonic, before the last daie of Aprill nexte
cominge after the date hereof.
" Item, It is covenanted and agreed that he, the said Sir
John, shall in present payment give and deliver unto the
34 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1G09. *
said Captayne George Waymoutli the somme of one hun-
dred pounds of lawful! English money within twenty-one
dayes next after the date of theis presents, in consideration
of his travell and paynes to be taken in and about the saide
voyage and for his owne charge defrayinge.
" Item that whereas the said Captayne George Way mouth
hath hertofore ingaged himselfe by band and covenante,
made betweene him and WilUam Parker, Thomas Love,
Came, and William Morgan of Plymouth, marchaunts to
carry them with their shippinge and provision (accordinge
to the Tenor of such Covenante of Agreemente as are made
betweene him and them) to the said lande of Virginia, there
to fishe, traffick and to doe what els shalbe fittinge for a
Marchante voyage. He, the said Sr John Zouche, shall
suffer and by all meanes permitt the said Marchaunts to
make their trade for what commodities soever without anie
hindrance or disturbance of his parte or any his followers
under his Commaund for the space of one wholle yeere
nowe next comminge, and not after.
" Item, it is covenanted and agreed that he, the said Sir
John Zouche beinge Cheife Commaunder shall allowe and
give unto the saide Captaine George Waymouth the nexte
place of commaunde under himselfe as well at sea as at land.
" Item, if it soe please God to prosper and blisse the said
intended voiage and the Actions of the same, that thereby
the lande aforesaid shalbe inhabited with our English Na-
tion, and accordinge to PoUiticque estate of Government
proportion of lande be, allotted to such as shalbe trans-
ported thither to inhabitt. That then after the said Sr
John Zouche shall have made his choise and assumed into
his possession in manner of Inheritaunce such quantitie of
Land as he the said Sr John shall thinck good. Then he
the saide Captayne George Waymouth and his Assignes shall
and maie make his or their next choise of lande for his or
their possession and plantation. To holde the same in ten-
ure of him the saide Sr John as Lorde Paramount. Which
said lande soe by the said Captaine George Waynmouth to
ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT. 35
be chosen shall discend to his heires or Assignes, or shalbe
uppon reasonable consideraeons to his or their uses im-
ployed or disposed.
" And in like manner on the behalfe of the said Cap-
tayne George Waymouth it is agreed that he shall with his
best indeavoure councell and advise, be helpinge, aydinge
and assistinge to the said Sr John for the f urnishinge and
settinge forth of the said voyage.
" Item that hee the said Captaine George Waymouth shal-
be ready e to goe with him the said Sr John in the said voi-
age at such tyme as is lymitted or before, if conveniency
shall require and all things necessary fitted in readines, un-
lesse he shalbe by sickness or other such visitation hindred.
" And that when they shalbe arrived uppon the land
aforesaid, he shall with his best arte furtheraunce and in-
deavour, be assistinge to the said Sir John for his plantation
and fortification, and what els shalbe thought fittinge and
necessary hy the said Sir John,
" A7id that the said Captayne George Waymouth shall
not be aydinge and assistinge by person or direction to any
other in or for the said pretended lande or voiage without
the Consent or allowance of the said Sir John.
" Li Witness whereof the parties above named to theis
present Articles Indented interchangeably have sett their
hands and scales the daye and yeere first above wrytten.
"John Zouche.
" Memorandum. Theise words (by the said Sir John)
were interlyned before the sealynge.
" Sealed and delivered in the presence of —
W. RiGGS.
Jam : Rosier.
TiMo : Sanger.
RoB^ Has ." ^
^ The latter part of the name is illegible.
36 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
III. REASONS FOR RAISING A FUND.
The following paper is catalogued in the British Museum
catalogue as : —
" Lansdowne MS. 160. Reasons for raising a fund for
the support of a Colony at Virginia."
The title of the paper is : —
" Caesar Papers. Admiralty. Bibl. Lansdowne. 160.
fol. 356."
The indorsement on the back of the document : —
" Reasons to move the High Court of Parlam* to raise a
stocke for the maintaining of a Collonie in Virginia and
many other good uses in such manner that the payer shall
gaine 2s. for every xii*^ disbursed, with the good of the
whole Kingdom and ten thousande poundes yearly brought
to his Mat : receipts."
" The article itself and the endorsement are written
throughout in the same hand ; but about half an inch
below the endorsement, and in quite a different handwrit-
ing, is the date, ' 5 January 1607.' This is the only date
on the paper, and there is no means of ascertaining when or
by whom that date was written, nor whether it is Old Style
or New Style." E. Salmon. Brit. Mus., June 13, 1884.
The paper was preserved by Sir Julius Caesar, who some-
times indorsed the date on his undated papers. And Mr.
Neill, who has published it in his " Virginia Vetusta "
(1885), pp. 27-34, ha,s accepted the date "5 January
1607 " as Old Style, and as the correct date of the paper
itself {%, e. 5 January, 1608) ; but to me the paper bears
internal evidence of having been written before the charter
of April, 1606, was granted, probably in the fall of 1605,
or winter of 1605-1606. I am supported in this belief not
only by the internal evidence of the paper itself, but also
by the fact that there was no meeting of Parliament, on
account of the plague in London, from 4th July, 1607, to
10th February, 16^.
REASONS FOR RAISING A FUND. 37
Having some reasons to think the paper was drawn up
by Hakhiyt, I queried the museum on the point and re-
ceived the following in reply : " With the assistance of the
officer in charge of the manuscripts at the museum I have
compared the facsimile of the Rev. Richard Hakluyt's writ-
ing with that of Lansdowne MS. No. 160, folio 356 (Caesar
Papers), and can confidently say that the two are not iden-
tical, and the officer declares the latter to be written by a
clerk." WiUiam Cabell. September 2, 1884.
" Reasons or motives for the raising of a publique stocke
to be imploied for the peopling and discovering of such
Countries as maye be fownde most convenient for the sup-
plie of those defects which this Realme of Englande most
requireth.
"1. All Kingdomes are maintained by Rents or Tra-
ficque, but especially by the latter, which in maritaine
places most florisheth by meanes of Navigation.
" 2. The Realme of Englande is an Islande impossible
to be otherwise fortified then by stronge shippes and able
mariners and is secluded from, all corners with those of the
maine continent, therefore fit abundance of vessells be pre-
pared to exporte and importe merchandize.
" 3. The furniture of shipping consist in Masts, Cordage,
Pich, Tar, Rossen, that of which Englande is by nature
unprovided and at this presente injoyeth them only by the
favor of forraigne potency.
" 4. The life of shipping resteth in number of able Mari-
ners and worthy Chieftaines, which cannot be maintained
without assurance of rewarde of honorable meanes to be
imployed and sufficient seconde of their adventurs.
"5. Private purees are cowld compfortes to adventurers
and have ever ben fownde fatall to all interprices hitherto
undertaken by the English by reason of delaies, jeloces
and unwillingnes to backe that project which succeeded not
at the first attempt.
" 6. The Example of Hollinders is verie pregnante by a
38 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
maine backe or stocke have effected marvelous matters in
traficque and navigacon in fewe ^ years.
" 7. It is honorable for a state rather to backe an exploite
by a pubhque consent then by a private monopoly.
"8. Where Collonies are fownded for a publique-well ^
maye continewe in better obedience, and become more
industrious, then where private men are absolute signors of
a vioage, for-as-much as better men of haviour and qualitie
will ingage themselves in a publique service, which carrieth
more reputacon with it, then a private, which is for the
most parte ignominious in the end, as being presumed to
a}Tiie at a lucre and is subject to emulacon, fraude and
envie, and when it is at the greatest bight of fortune can
hardly be tollerated by reason of the jelosie of state.
" 9. The manifest decaye of shipping and mariners and
of manie borrowe and porte townes and Havens cannot be
releaved by private increase nor amended other^\dse than by
a voluntary consent of manie purees of the Well-publique.
" 10. It is publicly knowne that trafique with our neigh-
bor Countries begin to be of small request, the game seldom
answering the merchantes adventure, and forraigne states
either are already or at this presente are preparing to inrich
themselves with woole and cloth of their owne which heer-
tofore they borowed of us, which purpose of theirs being
achieved in Fraunce and it hath been already in Spayne
and Italy, therefore we must of necessity forgoe our greate
showing if we doe not wish [to] prepare a place fit for the
vent of our wares and so set our marriners on worke, who
dayly run to serve forraigne nacons for wante of imploy-
ment and cannot be restrained by anie Lawe when necessa-
tie inforseth them to serve and hire of a stranger rather
than to serve at home.
^ I obtained a copy of this paper in was "fewe/' and is "written very
1883 or 1884. In my copy this word plainly in the MSS." The Hollanders'
was written "some." Mr. Weill's joint stock East India Company was
copy has the word "five." I queried formed March 2, 1G02. See VI.,
the British Museum as to this differ- note 3.
ence, and the reply was that neither ^ Publique-well or Well-publique=:
word was correct — the correct word public-weal.
REASONS FOR RAISING A FUND. 39
" 11. That Realme is most compleet and wealthie which
either hath sufficient to serve itself e or can finde the meanes
to exporte of the naturall comodities then [if] it hath occa-
son necessarily to importe, consequently it muste insue
that by a pubhque consent, a CoUony transported into a
good and plentiful climate able to furnish our wantes, our
monies and wares that nowe run into the handes of our
adversaries or cowld frendes shall passe unto our frendes
and naturall kinsmen and from them likewise we shall
receive such things as shalbe most available to our necessa-
ties, which intercourse of trade maye rather be called a
home bread trafique than a forraigne exchange.
" 12. Forraigne nacons yearly attempt discoveries in
strange coaste moved thereunto by the polosy of state which
affecteth that gaine most which is gotten either without anie
[trick] of their neighbors, or at best by smalest advantage
that maye turne unto them by their trafique.
" 13. Experience teacheth us that it is dangerous to our
state to interprice a discovery and not to procead therein
even to the verie sifting it to the uttermost for not only
disreputacon groweth thereby, disability and power weake
to proceed or bewraiing our owne Idelnes and want of
Counsell to mannage our enterprices, as if the glorious state
of ours rather broched by the vertue of our Ancestery,
then of our owne worthines.
" 14. The want of our fresh and presente supplie of our
discoveries ^ hath in manner taken awaye the title which the
Lawe of naCons giveth us unto the Coast first fownde out
by our industrie, forasmuch as whatsoever a man relinquis-
eth mayebe claymed by the next finder as his own prop-
erty neither is it sufficient to set foot in a countrie but to
possesse and howld it, in defence of an invading force (for
wante whereof) the King of denmarke ^ intendeth into the
^ It seems evident that the English 2 There was a voyage from Den-
colonies had not settled in America mark to the northwest in May -
when this paper was written ; after August, 1605 ; another in May -
April, 1607, Virginia was never re- October, 1606 ; and a third at about
linquished. the same time in 1607. This paper
40 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
northwest passage (as it is reported), and it is also reported
that the French ^ intendeth to inhabit Virginia, which they
may safely achieve if their second prove stronge and there ^
languishe [not] for want of sufficient and tymly supplie,
which cannot be had but by the meanes of multitude con-
tributory.
" The circumstances necessarily to backe a CoUony sent
owt are these : —
" 1. Reputacon and opinion of the interprice.
"2. A competent some of monie raised aforehande to
supplie all accident es, that distrust heerby maye be wrought
in forraigne States to attempt anie thing in prejudice of
our Collonies, because they maye be well asured that where
there is not a publique purse, and a comon consent to prose-
cute an accion it is but botlesse to hope of advantage to be
gotten without revenge.
" 3. As are most apt to make a conquest so are pub-
lique weales fitter to howld what is gotten and skilf uUer by
Industrie to inrich it.
" 4. It is probable that if the whole State be ingaged in
theise adventures it will be no harde matter when aparant
grownde of profit is laied to persuade every County accord-
ing to the proportion of bignes and abilitie to builde barkes
and shippes of a compotent size and to maintaine them,
when gentlemen's yongest sons and other men of quality
may be imployed.
" 5. Also it importeth much that no man be suffered to
venture more then he maye be deamed able to spare owt of
his owne supfluity, or if he go in person, he would Idely
spende at home, lest such men entring into a rage of
may have been written before the latitude, and he was attempting to
first voyage, as it speaks of an in- form a settlement in 1604 and in 1605,
tended voyage and not one already first at St. Croix and then at Port
made. Royal.
^ November 8, 1603, Henry IV. 2 j^ gome copies this word appears
of France granted to "Monsieur de as "they," in others as "ours," but I
Monts" a patent to "Inhabit Vir- am assured that " there " is the correct
ginia ; '* that is, to settle a colony in word.
America between 40° and 46° north
SIR ROGER ASTON
REASONS FOR RAISING A FUND. 4l
repentance, and thereby discorage others and scandilize
the mterprice.
" The monie to be raised to the use and purposes afore-
said : —
" 1. Ought not to be levied of those things which maye
hinder the Comonwealth to injoye the necessaries of vict-
ualle and aparroll, but shall rather advance them to the
neady.
" 2. It shall not be raised without moderacon and ease
to the payer, neither shall anie thinge be demanded from
anie man without presente assurance of gaine and hope of
future profit.
" 3. It shall not be raised upon the sweat of the poore,
or industrie of the husbandman, Artificer, or tradisman.
"4. It is not to be levied to a private intent.
" But it is to be raised : —
" 1. Upon the emoderate gaines of those that contrary
to lawe abuse the poore ; but in such sorte that the payer
shall for every ij"* paied gaine iiij"^.
" 2. That they upon whom the maine chardge of payment
shall lye maye be greater gainers than the merchant adven-
turer.
" 3. That the whole state shalbe interested in the benefit
of it.
" 4. That the superflous waste maye be avoyded of which
the poore most want.
" 5. The merchandize increasing thereby, the Realme
shalbe inriched yearly manie thousandes powndes, and the
Kings imposte and Customes increased.
" 6. That at the least CC thousande powndes yearly
maye be saved in the Realme which nowe is consumed to
the displeasure of God and hurte of the people.
"Also it is reason that the King's Majesty have as well
parte of the monie so raised, either to adventure or other-
wise dispose at his Highnes good pleasure : —
" 1. In respect of his roiall assent to be given to an Act
of Parliament enabhng commissioners togather the monies
aforesaid.
42 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605^ANUARY, 1609.
"2. Privileges and lysence to transporte a CoUonie or
CoUonies are to be obtained at the Kings handes : ^ neither
is it reason that his Highnes's prerogative showld be valued
at no thinge.
" 3. That the Kings Majestie will be engaged in honor
the rather to asist and protect the project.
" 4. It would savior too much of affectacon of a populor
State to levie monies without imparting some convenient
portion to his Majestie.
" 5. That portion ought not to be so smale, that it showld
seame to undervalue the King's greatnes and favour."
[Mem. — " The gunpowder plot " was revealed to Lord
Monteagle by letter of October 26 ; but it was not made
known to James I. until November the first. The plot was
to have taken effect on the assembling of Parliament,
November 5, 1605. The plans for colonization in America
must have been greatly hindered or delayed by the excite-
ment incident to the arrests, trials, and executions of the
conspirators, most of whom were executed on the 30th and
31st of January, 1606 ; but one of them, a Jesuit, not
until the 3d of May. Many thought that Spain was " be-
hind the scene," and after the excitement had somewhat
abated this plot probably gave additional impulse to the
schemes for planting English colonies in the country
claimed by Spain.]
^ It is not safe to be too sure where leges." It was written in the interest
no dates are given, but I believe the of a public company or companies,
document to be a draft of some peti- and against private enterprises. It
tion for obtaining "privileges and may have been written by Sir John
lysence to transporte a collonie or col- Popham in favor of the proposed Vir-
lonies " to America, written before the ginia companies and in opposition to
granting of the charter of April 10, the private enterprise of Zouche and
1606, wliich gave the said "privi- Weymouth.
f ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 43
IV. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2585, FOLIO 21.
The Simancas papers were procured for me in Spain by
the Hon. J. L. M. Curry, LL. D., our late representative
there. Many of them were originally written in cipher, in
the strictest secrecy, nearly three hundred years ago, and
relate to the foundation of our country. They are now
made public for the first time ; their historical value to us
cannot be overestimated, and I hope the public will receive
them with an appreciation commensurate with their value.
Charles Campbell, one of the best historians of Virginia,
asserts that Spain made no claim to Virginia. " Had she
set forth any title to Virginia," says Campbell, " Gondomar
would not have failed to urge it, and James the First would
have been probably ready to recognize it." Laboring
under this impression, he built up his history ; but as his
basis was wrong, his structure is defective.
Spain has not been regarded as an important actor or
factor in our foundation. Yet Spain was really the chief
obstacle which had to be met and overcome. And our
founders managed the affair with such diplomacy, they
accomplished their object so quietly, that " the generality "
in England and Virginia were probably never fully aware
of the great and real danger which at first threatened the
enterprise.
I am entirely indebted to Professor M. Scheie De Vere
of the University of Virginia for a translation of the old
Spanish manuscript. The difficulties which he had to over-
come are best described in his own words : —
" It is A\dth considerable reluctance that I send you the
translation of your Spanish MSS., for hardly ever have I
done a work that has called for equally exceptional brain-
work and at the same time given me less satisfaction. The
Spanish is more than 270 years old, and none but a Span-
44 PERIOD I. JULY, I6O0-JANUARY, 1009.
ish scholar can appreciate the changes which that language
has undergone in those centuries. Then, there is no punc-
tuation : no stop, no mark of interrogation, no sign to
judge where a sentence begins or ends. Then, there are
no accents in the whole MS., and accents are fully as im-
portant as letters in Spanish. Finally, the copyist was
evidently not as careful as he might have been ; some
words are repeated, some manifestly omitted, and some are
probably given wrong. I have to confess, moreover, that
quite a number of words, perhaps a dozen, have escaped
me entirely ; and yet I have good works to consult. The
Dictionary of the Academy, as well as recent ones, were con-
sulted. ... I am very much interested both in the MSS.
and in your energy and enterprise. . . . With most cordial
good wishes for the success of your most valuable under-
taking I remain very truly yours,
" M. ScHELE De Vere."
In copying nearly 50,000 words of the old script of 280
years ago it would scarcely be possible for a copyist to pre-
vent some errors from creeping in, yet, notwithstanding
every trouble, I am sure that Professor Scheie De Vere has
given a translation which will enable us to understand the
ideas the writers wished to convey.
These papers were written in the interest of Spain ; they
are unfriendly to the English ; they must be read and
weighed with these facts before us. Yet, notwithstanding
their one-sided and unfriendly character, they must prove
invaluable as a factor in enabling us to understand cor-
rectly the struggle for the possession of this country. They
reveal to us for the first time in our history the real position
occupied by Spain towards our early history. They show
the system of Spanish espionage which obtained even in his
majesty's council for Virginia, in the Virginia companies,
and in the very colonies themselves. Spanish spies were
everywhere. The great secrecy which evidently veiled the
acts of the managers of these American enterprises for
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 45
years has always been, and is yet, a serious obstacle to the
historian of our early period who wishes to obtain the real
facts. These papers enable us to see how carefully — with
what diplomacy — the managers were obliged to proceed,
and how necessary it was for them to have honorable, reli-
able officers and agents, and to guard every act and all
information with an oath-bound secrecy. No accurate ac-
count of the location of the colonies, or number of the col-
onists ; no description of the country, its position, its rivers,
ports, harbors, etc. ; no map of the country could have
been given to the public in print by any officer of the Vir-
ginia companies without his falsifying his solemn oath.
All such data were closely kept by the managers of the
companies, and no part of them could be honorably pub-
lished " without the consent of his Majesties Privy Counsel
or the Counsel of Virginia or the more part of them."
Thus the wording and the information given in the few
publications sanctioned by these councils are evidently very
closely guarded ; and, as the early records of the companies
have never been used by an historian, these papers, written
in the greatest secrecy, closely preserved for nearly three
hundred years, now given to the public for the first time,
will read like a revelation to many of us. It is peculiarly in-
teresting that they should first reach the public through the
press of a country whose beginning they placed in jeopardy.
Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter from Don
Pedro de Zuniga ^ to the King of Spain, dated London,
March 16,^ 1606, on the preparations then being made
in England to go and send people to Virginia.
"Sire,—
. 3
" They also propose to do another thing, which is to send
^ The Spanish ambassador in Eng- lish date, ten days must be subtracted,
land. i. e., the English date for this paper is
2 It must be remembered that these March 6.
Spanish dates are New Style. To ob- » The first part of this letter re-
tain the corresponding Old Style Eng- lates to England's favoritism for
46 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
500 or 600 men, private individuals of this kingdom to
people Virginia in the Indies, close to Florida. They sent
to that country some small number of men in years gone
by, and having afterwards sent again, they found a part of
them alive.
" They brought 14 or 15 months ago ^ about ten natives,
that they might learn English, and they have kept some of
them here [in London] and others in the country, teaching
and training them to say how good that country is for peo-
ple to go there and inhabit it. The chief leader in this
business is the Justiciario [Chief Justice, Sir John Pop-
ham], who is a very great Puritan and exceedingly desirous,
whatever sedition^ may be spoken of, to say that he does it
in order to drive out from here thieves and traitors to be
drowned in the sea. I have not yet spoken to the king
about this ; I shall do so when I see in what way they will
try to satisfy me in the council."
V. LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES AND
OTHERS.
Under the management, it seems, of Sir John Popham,
as I have said, " Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers,
Knights, Richard Hackluit, clerk, Prebendary of Westmin-
"The Rebels " of " The United States of course, endeavored to send his mas-
of the Netherlands," then at war with ter, the King of Spain, only correct in-
Spain. formation ; but as he had to obtain
1 This should be divided by two, i. e., this underhand, it was of course not
" 7 or 8 months ago five natives." Of always accurate.
course, in reading these Spanish pa- ^ It must be remembered that the
pers certain allowances must be made, translation of these papers is literal,
among other reasons, on account of the In plain English, this passage evi-
evident ill-will towards the enterprise, dently means that whenever Popham
as well as on account of the incorrect was told (by Zuniga, I suppose) that
and misleading information on which the enterprise was seditious (in viola-
they were sometimes based. " Greek tion of the treaties), he was quick to
met Greek " in the diplomatic field, — reply that he undertook it only in or-
the favorite field of James I. And in der to drive out of England thieves,
this controversy he not only held his etc., to be drowned in the sea. But
own, but secured to England a great this was diplomacy. (See November
country, claimed by Spain, without fir- 6, 1577.) The first charter reveals
ing a gun. The Spanish ambassador, Popham's real purpose.
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 47
ster, Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, and
Raleigh Gilbert, Esquires, William Parker and George
Popham, gentlemen, and divers others of his loving sub-
jects were humble suitors to James I. to grant them his
license to make habitation, plantation, and to deduce a
colony of sundry of his people into that part of America
commonly called Virginia."
I do not know when this petition was first presented to
King James ; but as it took some time for the patent, in
answer to the petition (or petitions), to pass through the
hands of the various officials, — the attorney-general, the
solicitor-general, privy council, etc., — until, having com-
plied with all the forms of the law, it finally came from
under the grand seal a legal patent, it was probably before
the proposed meeting of Parliament (November 5, 1605),
before the Gunpowder Plot was known, and its course may,
very possibly, have been interrupted by the events incidental
to that affair.
But however doubtful the exact date of this petition
may be, it is certain that as a result, " Yt well pleased his
Maiestie to cause his Letters to be made Patents the tenth
of ApriU 1606."
In 1623, among the charges against Sir Thomas Smythe
was "that the Treasurer and Governor of the Company
being in themselves distinct offices : Were made one by the
King's letters Patents, which is supposed to be by Sir T.
Smithes meanes." To this Smythe answered, " This is the
Article of the letters Patents : 2 whereof were drawn by
Sir Ed: Sandys himselfe." The two drawn by Sir Edwin,
I am quite sure were the 2d and 3d. I am inclined to
think that the first charter was drawn up by Sir John Pop-
ham. (See Preface vi, vii.)
The following are some of the contemporary references to
this charter and to the motives which caused King James
to grant it : —
1. By William Strachey, gent., in " The First decade of
The Histoirie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia," written
in 1612.
48 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARy, 1609.
" Upon his [Weymouth's] returne, his goodly report
joyniiig with Captain GosnoU's, cawsed the business with
so prosperous and faire starres to be accompanied^ as it not
only encouraged the said Earle [Southampton] (the foresaid
Lord Arundell being by this time chaunged in his intend-
ments this waye, and engaged so far to the Archduke, be-
fore returne of this ship, that he no more thought upon the
accion), but likewise called forth many iirme and harty
lovers, and some likewise long affected thereunto, who by
comyng, therefore, humble peticioners to his Majestic for
the advancement of the same (as for the only enterprize
reserved unto his daies that was yet left unaccomplisht ;
whereas God might be aboundantly made knowen ; His name
enlarged and honoured ; a notable nation made fortunate ;
and ourselves famous), it well pleased his Majestic (whoe in
all his practizes and consultations, hath ever sought God
more than hunself , and the advauncement of His glory, pro-
fessing deadly enmity — noe prince soe much — with igno-
raunce and errour), adding to her Christian prsenomen,
Virginia, the surname of Britannia, to cause his letters to
be made patents, the tenth of Aprill, 1606."
2. By Captain John Smith, in " The Proceedings of the
English Colony in Virginia." Published at Oxford in
1612.
" Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold the first mover of this
plantation, having many y cares solicited many of his friends,
but found small assistants ; at last prevaled with some gen-
tlemen, as Mr. Edward-Maria Wingfield, Cajptame John
Smith and diverse others who depended a yeare upon his
projects, but nothing could be effected, 'till by their great
charge and industrie it came to be apprehended by certaine
of the Nobilitie, Gentrie, and Marchants, so that his Maies-
tie by his letters patents, gave commission for establishing
Councels, to direct here, and to governe and to execute
there. To effect this, was spent another yeare ; " etc.
3. Captain John Smith, in his General Historic of 1624,
makes two alterations in the above (see lines in italics). In
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 49
place of "the first mover" he puts "one of the first movers,"
and then, placing his own name first, he inserts the name
of " Mr. Robert Hunt ; " thus, " Captaine John Smith, Mr.
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Mr. Kobert Hunt and diverse
others."
4. "By his Maiesties Counseil for Virginia," in "A
briefe declaration," etc., written in 1616.
" When first it pleased God to move his Maiesties minde,
at the humble suit of Sundry his loving subjects, to yeild
unto them his gracious Priviledge for the Virginia Planta-
tion, it was a thing seeming strange and doubtfull in the
eye of the World, that such and so few Under-takers should
enterprise a charge of that waiglit, as rather beseemed a
whole State and Commonwealth to take in hand."
5. By Edward Waterhouse, in " A Declaration of the
state of the Colony in Virginia, &c., 1622."
" Since his Maiesties most happy coming to the Crowne,
being an absolute King of three of the most populous
Kingdomes (which Charles the Fift was wont to tearme
officina gentium, the shop or forge of men), finding his
subjects to multiply by the blessed peace they enjoy under
his happy government, did out of his high wisedome and
Princely care of the good of his subjects, grant a most gra-
tious Patent to divers Honourable persons, and others of his
loving subjects authorizing them thereby to goe on in the
Plantation of this lawfull and rightfull Kingdome of Vir-
ginia."
6. " By the Ancient Planters nowe remaining alive in
Virginia," in " A Breife Declaration of the Plantation of
Virginia duringe the first Twelve Yeares." 1624.
" Wheras in the beginninge of Sir Thomas Smith's twelve
yeares government, it was published in printe throughout
the Kingdome of England that a Plantation should be set-
tled in Virginia for the glorie of God in the propagation of
the Gospell of Christ, the conversion of the Savages, to the
honour of his Majesty, by the enlargeinge of his territories
and future enrichinge of his Kingdome, for which respects
50 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
many noble and well minded persons were induced to ad-
venture great sums of money to the advancement of soe
pious and noble a worke."
7. By Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in " A Brief e Narration of
the Originall undertakings of the Advancement of Planta-
tions into the parts of America."
" This great monarch [James I.] gloriously ascending
his throne [1603], being born to greatness above his ances-
tors, to whom all submitted as to another Soloman for wis-
dom and justice, as well as for that he brought with him
another Crown. . . . With this Union there was also a
general peace concluded between the State and the King
of Spain, the then only enemy of our nation and religion,
whereby our men of War by sea and land were left desti-
tute of all hope of employment under their own Prince :
and therefore there was liberty given to them (for prevent-
ing other evils) to be entertained as mercenaries under what
prince or state they pleased [See III.]. . . . Some there were
not liking to be servants to foreign states, thought it bet-
ter became them to put in practice the reviving resolution
of those free spirits, that rather chose to spend themselves
in seeking a new world, than servilely to be hired but as
slaughterers in the quarrels of strangers. This resolution
being stronger than then* meanes to put it into execution,
they were forced to let it rest as a dream, 'till God should
give the means to stir up the inclination of such a power
able to bring it to life. And so it pleased our great God,
that there happened to come into the harbor of Plymouth
[July, 1605], where I then commanded, one Captain Wey-
mouth, that had been employed by the Lord Arundell of
Wardour for the discovery of the North-West passage ; but
falling short of his course, happened into a river on the
coast of America, called Pemmaquid, from wlience he
brought five of the natives, three of whose names were
Manida, Skettwarroes, and Tasquantum, whom I seized
upon. They were all of one nation ; but of several parts
and several families. This accident must be acknowledged
WALTER ASTON
First Baron Aston
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 51
the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to
all our Plantations. . . .
" His Lordship [Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice]
failed not to interest many of the lords and others to be peti-
tioners to his Majesty for his royal authority, for setting
two Plantations upon the coasts of America, by the names
of the First and Second Colony ; the first to be undertaken
by certain noblemen, Knights, gentlemen, and merchants in
and about the city of London ; the second by certain
knights, gentlemen, and merchants in the Western parts."
8. By Arthur Wodenoth in " A Short Collection of the
most Remarkable Passages from the originall to the Disso-
lution of the Virginia Company." London, 1651.
" The Continent of Virginia discovered in the time of
Q. Elizabeth (who gave it that name) was in the beginning
of K. James his reign much advanced in reputation, and
the advantages promised thereby seemed then worthy the
best consideration how to make it a Plantation for the JEJng-
lish. Whereupon many worthy Patriots, Lords, Knights,
Gentlemen, merchants and others held consultation, which
produced a large subscription of Adventurers of all quali-
ties in severall proportions, to the value of £200,000, or
thereabouts. By which time a Patent was procured with
great priviledges and immunities for the Adventurers, as
estabhshing and impowring a Councell of State, as well as
a generall Company, Whereby the whole affairs of that
Plantation should in 2^er2jetuity bee governed^
Wodenoth apparently refers to the first patent ; but " for
a fact " the above really refers chiefly to the second patent
of May 23, 1609.
9. From " Virginia and Maryland." London, 1655.
" Divers preceding discoveries having confirmed an opin-
ion that the country of Virginia was fit for Plantations ; It
pleased God to affect the mindes of very many worthily
disposed Noblemen, gentlemen and others to conceive it as
a matter of Great Religion and Honour to undertake the
work of perfecting a Christian Plantation in those parts.
52 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
Whereupon King James was pleased to become the Fii'st
Founder of this noble work."
Extracts from Y. were published by Purchas in 1625.
The whole was first published by Stith in 1747. I give the
charters, articles, etc., although some of them have been
previously printed several times, because they are very im-
portant papers. All of them have never been previously
collected together, and several of them are only to be found
in books now really out of print.
" Letters Patent to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers
and others, for two several Colonies and Plantations, to
be made in Virginia, and other parts and Territories of
America. Dated April 10, 1606.^
" I. James, by the grace of God, King of England, Scot-
land, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith,
Preamble. 777 7
&c. Whereas our loving and well-disposed sub-
jects. Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Somers, Knights,
Richard Hakluit, clerk. Prebendary of Westminster, and
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, and Ralegh
Gilbert, Esqrs., William Parker, and George Popham, gen-
tlemen, and divers others of our loving subjects, have been
humble suitors unto us, that we would vouch safe unto
them our licence, to make habitation, plantation, and to
deduce a colony of sundry of our people into (that part of
^ The two companies for planting tion between 38° and 45° north lati-
colonies in South and North Virginia tude, and were granted in like manner
were both incorporated by this one fifty miles north and fifty miles south
charter. of said location, etc. Provided, how-
The first colony was authorized to ever, that they should not plant within
locate their plantation " in some fit one hundred miles of each other. Tliis
and convenient place," between 34° clause has frequently been the subject
and 41° north latitude, and when so of remark ; but as one colony was to
located the charter granted them fifty extend fifty miles north of their first
miles north and fifty miles south of plantation, and the other fifty miles
said location, as well as one hundred south of theirs, the clause was neces-
miles to sea and one hundred miles sary to prevent a possible conflict of
within land. And the second colony bounds between the two companies,
was authorized to locate their plauta-
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 53
America, commonly called Virginia, and other parts and
territories in America, either appertaining unto us, or which
are not now actually possessed by any christian prince or
people/situate, lying, and being all along the sea coasts,
betweeii four and thirty degrees of Northerly latitude from
the Equinoctial line, and five and forty degrees of the same
latitude, and in the main land between the same four and
thirty and five and forty degrees, and the islands thereunto
adjacent, or within one hundred miles of the coasts thereof.
" II. And to that end, and for the more speedy accom-
plishment of their said intended plantation and
,,.. , ,. T'li Preamble.
habitation there, are desirous to divide them-
selves into two several colonies and companies ; the one
consisting of certain Knights, gentlemen, merchants, and
other adventurers, of our city of London and elsewhere,
which are and from time to time shall be, joined unto them,
which do desire to begin their plantation and habitation in
some fit and convenient place, between four and thirty and
one and forty degrees of the saidTTaHtude^ alongst the
coasts^of^y irginia and coast of America aforesaid ; and the
other consisting of sundry Knights, gentlemen, merchants,
and other adventurers of our cities of Bristol and Exeter,
and of our town of Plimouth, and of other places, which do
join themselves unto that Colony, which do desire to begin
their Plantation and habitation in some fit and convenient
place, between eight and thirty degrees and five and forty
degrees of the said latitude, all alongst the said coast of
Virginia and America, as that coast lyeth.
" III. We greatly commending, and graciously accepting
of, their desires for the furtherance of so noble a
work, which may, by the providence of Almighty
God/nereafter tend to the glory of his divine Majesty, in
propagating of Christian religion to such people, as yet live
m darkness and miserable ignorance of the true knowledge
and worship of God, and may in time bring the infidels
and savages, living in those parts, to human civility, and to
a settled and quiet government ;I)o by these our letters pat-
54 PERIOD I. JULY, I6O0-JANUARY, 1609.
tents, graciously accept of, and agree to, their hunible and
\vell intended^ desires ;
" IV. And do therefore, for us, our heirs, and successors,
grant and agi-ee, that the said Sir Thomas Gates,
Sir George Somers, Richard Hackhiit, and Ed-
ward-Maria Wingfield, adventurers of and for our city of
London, and all such others, as are, or shall be joined unto
them of that Colony, shall be called the first Colony ; and
they shall and may begin their said first plantation and
habitation at any place upon the said coast of Virginia or
America, where they shall think fit and convenient, between
the said four and thirty and one and forty degrees of the
said latitude ; and that they shall have all the lands, woods,
soil, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, marshes,
waters, fishings, commodities, and hereditaments, whatso-
ever, from the said first seat of their plantation and habita-
tion by the space of fifty miles of EngHsh statute measure,
all along the said coast of Virginia and America, towards
the west and south-west, as the coast lyeth, with all the
islands witliin one hundred miles directly over against the
same sea coast ; and also all the lands, soil, grounds, havens,
ports, rivers, mines, minerals, woods, waters, marshes, fish-
ings, commodities, and hereditaments, whatsoever, from the
said place of their first plantation and habitation for the
space of fifty Hke English miles, all alongst the said coast
of Virginia and America, towards the east and north-east,
or towards the north, as the coast lyeth, together with all
the islands within one' hundred miles, directly over against
the said sea coast, and also all the lands, woods, soil,
grounds, havens, ports, rivers, mines, minerals, marshes,
waters, fishings, commodities, and hereditaments, whatso-
ever, from the same fifty miles every way on the sea coast,
directly into the main land by the space of one hundred
like English miles ; and shall and may inhabit and fortify
within any the same, for their better safeguard and defence,
according to their best discretion and the discretion of the
council of that colony ; and that no other of our subjects
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 55
shall be permitted, or suffered to plant or inhabit behind,
or on the backside of them, towards the main land, without
the express licence or consent of the council of that colony,
thereunto in writino- first had and obtained.
o
" V. And we do likewise, for us, our heirs, and successors,
by these presents, grant and agree, that the said Second col-
Thomas Hanham, and Ralegh Gilbert, William °"y-
Parker, and George Popham, and all others of the town of
Plimouth in the county of Devon, or elsewhere, which are,
or shall be, joined unto them of that colony, shall be called
the second colony ; and that they shall and may begin
their said Plantation and seat of their first abode and habi-
tation, at any place upon the said coast of Virginia and
America, where they shall think fit and convenient, be-
tween eight and thirty degrees of the said latitude, and five
and forty degrees of the same latitude ; and that they shall
have all the lands, &c. [as granted to the first colony.
Sec. IV.].
"VI. Provided always, and our will and pleasure herein
is, that the plantation and habitation of such of
the said colonies, as shall last plant themselves,
as aforesaid shall not be made within one hundred like
English miles of the other of them, that first began to make
their plantain as aforesaid.
" VIL/And we do also ordain, establish, and agree, for
us, our heirs, and successors, that each of the
said colonies shall have a Council, which shall to have a
govern and order all matters and causes, which ^^""^^ '
shall arise, grow or happen, to or within the same several
colonies, according to such laws, ordinances, and instruc-
tions as shall be in that behalf, given and signed with our
hand or sign manuel, and pass under the privy seal of our
realm of England ; each of which Councils shall consist of
thirteen persons, to be ordained, made, and removed, from
time to time, according as shall be directed and comprised
in the same instructions ; and shall have a several seal, for
all matters that shall pass or concern the same several coun-
56 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
cils ; each of which seals shall have the King's arms en-
graven on the one side thereof, and his portraiture on the
other ; and that the seal for the council of the said first
colony shall have engraven round about, on the one side,
these words ; Sigillum Regis Magnca Britannim, Francice,
et ITibernicB ; on the other side this inscription round
about ; Pro Concilio primce Colonice Virginice, And the
seal for the council of the said second colony shall also
have engraven, round about the one side thereof, the afore-
said words ; Sigilhim Regis Magnce Britannice, FraiiGioe^
et Hibernice ; and on the other side ; Pro Concilio se-
cimdce Cisdonice Virginice.
" VIIlAAnd that also there shall be a council estab-
Su erior h^hcd here in England, which shall, in like man-
eouneii in ncr, cousist of thirteen persons to be, for that pur-
its number posc, appomtcd by us, our neirs, and successors,
which shall be called our Council of Virginia ;
and shall, from time to time, have the superior managing
and direction, only of and for all matters that shall or may
concern the government, as well of the said several colo-
nies,^ \a> of and for any other part or place, within the
aforesaid precincts of four and thirty and five and forty
degrees, above-mentioned ; rsvhich council shall, in like man-
1 It must here be especially noted government of his Ilo3'al Council of
that under this charter the whole of Virginia. And while it virtually as-
North America between 34° and 45° serts that this part was then unpos-
north latitude, commonly called Vir- sessed by, or that England had more
ginia, was claimed by the king of right to it than, any other Christian
England, and that the whole of this nation, it apparently concedes to Sj)ain
Virginia, including the said very lim- all the mainland south of 34°, and to
ited grants to the two companies, was France all north of 45° north latitude,
placed under the management of one See also LXXXIV. and CIV. In
and the same Royal Council of Vir- many respects it is a very important
ginia. About 2,000,000 square miles document ; but as a charter for colo-
were claimed by the crown, of which nization it was mainly experimental,
only 20,000 square miles were granted and as experience revealed its imper-
to both companies. fections they were corrected by subse-
This charter virtually attaches this quent charters. It remained, however,
portion of North America to the crown the basis of England's claim to Amer-
of Great Britain, placing it at once ica between 34° and 45° north lati-
"next under the King," under the tude.
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES.
57
ner, have a seal/ for matters concerning the council or col-
onies, with the like arms and portraiture, as aforesaid, with
this inscription engraven round about on the one side;
SigiUum Regis llagnice Britcmniw, Fraucice, et Hiher7iicti ;
and round about the other side, Pro Concilio sua Vir-
ginice, I
" IX. /And moreover, we do grant and agree, for us, our
heirs and successors, that the said several coun- ^^^ ^^^^^^
cils, of and for the said several colonies, shall for and dig
and lawfully may, by virtue hereof, from time to
time, without any interruption of us, our heirs or succes-
* The above cut represents both
sides of the seal of *' His Majesties
Council of Virginia." The seals of
the councils of the two colonies were
exactly like the above, save that in
the place of " Pro consilio suo Vir-
ginice,^^ the first colony had " Pro Con-
silio Primce Colonice Virgince," and the
second colony, " Pro Consilio secundce
Colonice VirginicE." Prior to Novem-
ber, 1619, the Viro^nia Company of
London had adopted no special seal.
In the dissensions of 1623, the fifth
charge made against Sir Thomas
Smythe was, ** That there was no pub-
lique scale made for the company in
Sir T. S. tyme : nor no divisions of
land."
To which Sir Thomas Smythe an-
swered : —
"There were many divisions of land
made : but true it is the Colony was
not so scattered as since.
"As for the scale that which was
then used was the scale made for the
Counsell of Virginia by his Majesties
own appointment."
58 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARy, 1609.
sors, give and take order, to dig, mine, and search for all
manner of mines of gold, silver, and copper, as well within
any part of their said several colonies, as of the said main
lands on the backside of the same colonies ; and to have
and enjoy the gold, silver, and copper, to be gotten thereof,
to the use and behoof of the same colonies, and the planta-
tions thereof ; yielding therefore, to us, our heirs and suc-
cessors, the fifth part only of all the same gold and silver,
and the fifteenth part of all the same copper, so to be
gotten or had, as is aforesaid, without any other manner of
profit or account, to be given or yielded to us, our heirs, or
successors, for or in respect of the same. /
" X. And they shall, or lawfully may, establish and
May coin causc to be made a coin, to pass current there
money. bctwccn tlic people of those several colonies, for
the more ease of traffick and bargaining between and
amongst them and the natives there, of such metal, and in
such manner and form, as the said several councils there
shall hmit and appoint.
" XI. And we do likewise, for us, our heirs, and succes-
May invite sors, by thcsc prcscuts, give full power and
overTd^en- authority to the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir
turers. Gcorgc Somcrs, Richard Hackluit, Edward-Maria
Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, William
Parker, and George Popham, and to every of them, and to
the said several companies, plantations, and colonies, that
they, and every of them, shall and may at all and every
time and times hereafter, have, take, and lead in the said
voyage, and for and towards the said several plantations
and colonies, and to travel thitherward, and to abide and
inhabit there, in every the said colonies and plantations,
such and so many of our subjects, as shall willingly accom-
pany them or any of them in the. said voyages and planta-
tions ; with sufficient shipping, and furniture of armour,
weapons, ordnance, powder, victual, and all other things,
necessary for the said plantations, and for their use and
defence there.
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 59
" Provided always, That none of the said persons be such
as shall hereafter be specially restrained by us, .
our heirs, or successors.
" XII. Moreover, we do, by these presents, for us, our
heirs, and successors, give and grant licence unto May repel
the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, intruders.
Richard Hackluit, Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Han-
ham, Ralegh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham,
and to every of the said colonies, that they, and every of
them, shall and may, from time to time, and at all times for
ever hereafter, for their several defences, encounter, expulse,
repel and resist, as well by sea as by land, by all ways and
means whatsoever, all and every such person and persons, as
without the especial licence of the said several colonies and
plantations, shall attempt to inhabit within the said several
precincts and limits of the said several colonies and planta-
tions, or any of them, or that shall enterprise or attempt, at
any time hereafter, the hurt, detriment, or annoyance of
the said several colonies or plantations :
" XIII. Giving and granting by these presents, unto the
said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Rich- Duties pay-
ard Hackluit, Edward-Maria Wingfield, and their certahfper-
associates of the said first colony, and unto the sons for trad-
'J ^^ ing- to the
said Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert, William colonies.
Parker, and George Popham, and their associates of the
said second colony, and to every of them, from time to
time, and at all times forever hereafter power and author-
ity to take and surprise by all ways and means whatsoever,
all and every person and persons, with their ships, vessels,
goods, and other furniture, which shall be found trafficking,
into any harbour or harbours, creek or creeks, or place,
within the limits or precincts of the said several colonies
and plantations, not being of the same colony, until such
time, as they, being of any realms or dominions under our
obedience; shall pay, or agree to pay, to the hands of the
Treasurer of that colony, within whose limits and precincts
they shall so traffick, two and a half upon every hundred,
60 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
of anything, so by them trafficked, bought, or sold ; and
being strangers, and not subjects under our obeyance, until
they shall pay five upon every hundred, of such wares and
merchandises, as they shall traffick, buy, or sell, within the
prechicts of the said several colonies, wherein they shall so
^ . ^ traffick, buy, or sell as aforesaid ; which sums of
To the use of i .
the colonies moncy, Or benefit, as aforesaid, for and during
for 21 years ; , i n i . .
then to the tiic space 01 oue and twenty years, next ensuing
^"^' the date hereof, shall be wholly emploied to
the use, benefit, and behoof of the said several plantations,
where such traffick shall be made ; and after the said one
and twenty years ended, the same shall be taken to the use
of us, our heirs, and successors, by such officers and minis-
ters, as by us, our heirs, and successors, shall be thereunto
assigned or appointed. /
" XIV. And we do further, by these presents, for us.
Certain ar- our licirs, and successors, give and grant unto
duly foT""^ the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers,
seven years. Richard HacMuit, and Edward-Maria Wingfield,
and to their associates of the said first colony and planta-
tion, and to the said Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert,
William Parker, and George Popham, and then* associates
of the said second colony and plantation, that they, and
every of them, by their deputies, ministers, and factors,
may transport the goods, chattels, armour, munition, and
furniture, needful to be used by them, for their said ap-
parel, food, defence, or otherwise in respect of the said
plantations, out of our realms of England and Ireland, and
all other our dominions, from time to time, for and during
the time of seven years, next ensuing the date hereof, for
the better relief of the said several colonies and plantations,
without any custom, subsidy, or other duty, unto us, our
heirs, or successors, to be yielded or paid for the same. /
" XV. Also we do, for us, our heirs, and successors.
Inhabitants dcclarc, by these presents, that all and every the
dren^to hav^i^' P^rsons, being our subjects, which shall dwell
the privi- aj^j inhabit within every or any of the said
FRANCIS BACON
First Viscotint St. Albans
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 61
several colonies and plantations, \ and every o£ ^g^igj^^^^.
their children, which shall happen to be born jects.
within any of the limits and precincts of the said several
colonies and plantations, shall have and enjoy all liberties,
franchises, and immunities, within any of our other domin-
ions, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abid-
ing and born, within this our realm of England, or any
other of our said dominions. /
" XVI. Moreover, our gracious will and pleasure is, and
we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and ^^^^^^^ f^^.
successors, declare, and set forth, that if any per- ^^^^^^^"1
son or persons, which shall be of any of the said destined for
, . 1 1 J , • J.1 1*1 *^6 colonies
colonies and plantations, or any otlier, wnicn to any other
shall traffick to the said colonies and plantations, p^^^®^"
or any of them, shall, at any time or times hereafter, trans-
port any wares, merchandises, or commodities, out of any
our dominions, with a pretence to land, sell, or otherwise
dispose of the same, within any the limits and precincts of
any the said colonies and plantations, and yet nevertheless,
being at sea, or after he hath landed the same within any of
the said colonies and plantations, shall carry the same into
any other foreign country, with a purpose there to sell or
dispose of the same, without the licence of us, our heirs, and
successors, in that behalf first had and obtained ; that then,
all the goods and chattels of such person or persons, so
offending and transporting, together with the said ship or
vessel, wherein such transportation was made, shall be for-
feited to us, our heirs, and successors.
" XVII. Provided always, and our will and pleasure is,
and we do hereby declare to all Christian king's, „
-, J( .p ^ Robberies,
princes, and states,^^iat ii any person or per- &c,tobe
sons, which shall hereafter be of any of the said ^'""'''
several colonies, and plantations, or any other, by his, their
or any of their hcence and appointment, shall, at any time
or times hereafter, rob or spoil, by sea or by land, or do
any act of unjust and unlawful hostility, to any the sub-
jects of us, our heirs, or successors, or any the subjects of
62 TERIOD I. JULY, 1605^ANUARY, 1609.
any King, Prince, ruler, governor, or state, being then in
league or amity with us, our heirs, or successors, and that
upon such injury, or upon just complaint of such prince,
ruler, governor, or state, or their subjects, we, our heirs,
or successors, shall make open proclamation, within any of
the ports of our realm of England, commodious for that
purpose, that the person or persons, having committed any
such robbery or spoil, shall, within the term to be limitted
by such proclamations, make full restitution or satisfaction
of all such injuries done, so as the said princes, or others,
so complaining, may hold themselves fully satisfied and con-
tented ; and that, if the said person or persons, having
committed such Kobbery or spoil, shall not make, or cause
to be made, satisfaction accordingly, within such time so to
be limited, that then it shall be lawful to us, our heirs, and
successors, to put the said person or persons, having com-
mitted such robbery or spoil, and their procurers, abetters,
or comforters, out of our allegiance and protection ; and
that it shall be lawful and free for all princes and others,
to pursue with hostility the said offenders, and every of
them, and their and every of their procurers, aiders, abet-
ters, and comforters, in that behalf.
" XVIII. And finally, we do, for us, our heirs, and suc-
Landstobe ccssors, grant and agree, to and with the said
freTanVcom- Sir Thomas Gatcs, Sir George Somers, Richard
won soceage Hackluit, and Edward-Maria Winrfeld, and all
in the first ' ^ '
colony. others of the said first colony, that we, our heirs,
and successors, upon petition in that behalf to be made,
shall, by letters patent under the great seal of England,
give and grant unto such persons, their heirs, and assigns,
as the council of that colony, or the most part of them,
shall, for that purpose nominate and assign, all the lands,
tenements, and herditaments, which shall be within the
precincts limited for that colony, as is aforesaid, to be
holden of us, our heirs, and successors, as of our manor of
East-Greenwich in the county of Kent, in free and common
soccage only, and not in capite : /
LETTERS-PATENT TO SIR THOMAS GATES. 63
" XIX. And do, &c. [Same grant as XVIII. to 2d colony.]
" All which lands, tenements and hereditaments so to be
passed by the said several letters patent, shall be ^ ,
pn ' p • 1 Lands passed
sufficient assurance from the said patentees, so by these
distributed and divided amongst the undertakers amed by the
for the plantation of the said several colonies, P^^^^t^^^-
and such as shall make their plantations in either of the
said several colonies, in such manner and form, and for
such estates, as shall be ordered and set down by the council
of the said colony, or the most part of them, respectively,
within which the same lands, tenements and hereditaments
shall lye or be ; although express mention of the true
yearly value or certainty of the premises or any of them, or
of any other gifts or grants, by us, or any of our progeni-
tors or predecessors, to the aforesaid Sir Thomas Gates,
Knight, Sir George Somers, Knight, Richard Hackluit,
Edward-Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hanham, Ralegh Gilbert,
William Parker, and George Popham, or any of them, here-
tofore made in these presents, is not made ; or any statute,
act, ordinance, or provision, proclamation, or restraint, to
the contrary hereof had, made, ordained, or any other thing,
cause, or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding.
" In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to
be made patents ; Witness ourself at Westminster, the tenth
day of April, in the fourth year of our reign of England,
France, and Ireland, and of Scotland the nine and thirtieth.
" LUKIN.
" Per breve de privato Sigillo'^
[Mem. — Read in the light of subsequent events, the
following remarks, made by Hume in 1754, are very inter-
esting : " Speculative reasoners," says Hume, " during that
age raised many objections to the planting of those remote
colonies, and foretold that, after draining their mother
country of inhabitants, they would soon shake off her
yoke, and erect an independent government in America:
but time has shown that the views entertained by those
64 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
who encouraged such generous undertakings were more
just and soHd." In less than a generation after this was
written, the " speculative reasoners " became prophets.
April 18, 1606, Master John Knight, sent out by the
Muscovy and East India Companies, sailed from Gravesend,
with two vessels, for the discovery of the Northwest Pas-
sage. Eeturned September 20, 1606.
Late in July, Captain John Legat sailed from Plymouth,
England, for the Amazon River, South America.
August 12, Capt. Henry Challons sailed [see XXXIV.].
In October [?], " It pleased the Noble Lord Chief e Jus-
tice, Sir John Popham, Knight, to send out another shippe,
wherein Captayne Thomas Hanham went commander, and
Martine Prinne [Pring] of Bristow, Master, with all neces-
sary supplyes, for the seconding of Captayne Challons and
his people."
November 5. "The Gunpowder Plot Day" was ap-
pointed by Parliament to be observed forever as a day of
solemn thanksgiving.]
VI. INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
COLONIES.
FROM A MANUSCRIPT RECORD BOOK, IN THE REGISTER'S
OFFICE OF VIRGINIA. BOOK NO. 2, FACE 1.
In 1623, among the charges brought against Sir Thomas
Smythe was this : —
" That his Majesties Instructions first given for Govern-
ment were not observed, nor so much as published. That
they were clean suppressed and extinguished, and the Orig-
inals no longer extant."
To this Smythe replied : —
" That he did follow the instructions, and gave coppies
thereof to the President and Counsell first estabhshed.
And they were engrossed fairely in a Book as a Record."
Purchas does not publish them, but in vol. iv., on p.
1667, he speaks of " the articles and instructions," as being
GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES. 65
dated two days after April 10 ; but Purchas must have
made a mistake as to the date, unless there was another
document of the kind now lost, as this is dated November
20, 1606. This document was published in Hening's " Vir-
ginia Statutes at Large," vol. i. pp. 67-75, in 1809. It was
taken from a MS. record book in the register's office of
Virginia, but I am not prepared to claim that it was the
same record book in which Sir Thomas Smythe had it
" fairely engrossed."
Burke, in his " History of Virginia," vol. i. pp. 85-92,
gives an extended abstract of this paper, but the whole of it
has only been printed, I believe, by Hening, as aforesaid,
and I have copied from his imprint, which makes the whole
document a single sentence, probably one of the longest on
record.
" Articles, Instructions and Orders made, sett down and
established by us, the twentieth day of November, in the
year of our raigne of England, France, and Ireland the
fourth and of Scotland the fortieth, for the good Order
and Government of the two several Colonies and Planta-
tions to be made by our loving subjects, in the Country
commonly called Virginia and America, between thirty-
four and forty-five degrees from the sequinoctial line.
Wheras Wee, by our letter pattents under our great
scale of England, bearing date att Westminster, the tenth
day of Aprill, in the year of our raigne of England, France
and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the 39th, have
given lycence to sundry our loving subjects named in the
said letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and
conduct two several Collonies or plantations of sundry our
loving people willing to abide and inhabit in certain parts
of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences, privi-
ledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same
letters pattents more particularly it appeareth. Wee accord-
ing to the effect and true meaning of the same letters pat-
tents, doe by these presents, signed with our hand, signe
66 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1C09.
manuel and sealed with our privy seale of our realme of
England, establish and ordaine/ that our trusty and well
beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our
Tower of London, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter
Cope, Knight, Sir George Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Pope-
ham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Sir John
Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder of
the citty of London, Sir William Rumyiey, Knight, John
Dodderidge, Esq. SoUicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr.
John Eldred of the citty of London, merchant, Thomas
James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and James Bagge
of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall
be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Vir-
ginia or any the territories of America, between thirty-four
and forty-five degrees from the sequinoctial line northward,
and the Islands to the several collonies limitted and as-
signed, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of
Virginia/which councel or the most part of them shal have
full power and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and
under us, our heires and successors, to give directions to the
councels of the several collonies which shal be within any
part of the said country of Virginia and America, within
the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands afore-
said, for the good government of the people to be planted
CounciUors in thosc parts, and for the good ordering and
nated!^""' desposing of all causes happening within the
same, and the same to be done for the substance thereof j
as neer t0 the common lawes of England, and the equity
thereof Jas may be, and to passe under our seale, appointed
for thai councel^hich councel, and every or any of them
shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed,
and others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our
heires and successors, and att our and their will and pleas-
^ The members of His Majesty's were members of the first colony, the
council of Virginia were chosen from others being members of the second
the members of the two companies. I colony. Most of them were then
am quite sure that the names in italics members of Parliament.
GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES. 67
ure^nd the same councel of Virginia, or the more part of
them, for the time being, shall nominate and appoint the
first several eouncellours of those several councells, which
are to be appointed for those two several colonies, which
are to be made plantations in Virginia and Americaif be-
tween the degrees before mentioned, according to our said
letters pattents in that behalfe made / and that
T p , 1 ^ o .1 1 Each council
each 01 the same councels oi the same several to choose a
colonies shal, by the major part of them, choose h[s continu-
one of the same councel, not being the minister ^^® ^"
of God's word, to be president of the same coun-
cel, and to continue in that offic^by the space of one whole
year,/unless he shall in the mean time dye or be removed
from that office ; and wee doe further hereby establish and
ordaine, that it shal be lawful for the major part ^ of either
of the said councells, upon any just cause, either absence
or otherwise, to remove the president or any other of that
councel, from being either president, or any of that coun-
cel ; and upon the deathes or removal of any of ,,
• 1 1. Ill PIP Vacancies,
the presidents or councel, it shal be lawful for how sup-
the major part of that councel, to elect another ^ '^ *
in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies,
as they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said
eouncellours, and wee doe estabHsh and ordaine, that the
president shal not continue in his office of president ship
above the space of one year ; and wee doe specially ordaine,
charge, and require, the said president and coun-
cells, and the ministers of the said several colo- H^fon^^Ye"
nies respectively, within their several limits and P^^^^^^^fJ
f ^ . . . among the
precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and colonists and
respect, doe provi(J/^that the true word, and ser- * '^ ^^'^*^'^^-
vice of God and Christian faith be preached, planted, and
used, not only within every of the said several colonies, and
plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the
^ This clause destroyed the useful- the blame on when affairs were not go-
ness of the president in troublesome ing smoothly, while the autliority was
times, and made him an object to lay really in the hands of the majority.
68 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or
border upon them, according to the doctrine, rights, and
reHgion now professed and established within our realme
Penalty for of England/ and that they shall not suffer any
rnT'oftixe"^ person, orpersons to withdrawe any of the sub-
peopie from ng^ts or pcople iuliabitino^, or which shall inhabit
their religion '^ , pi ' ^ i i-
or allegiance. Avitlim any of the said several colonies and plan-
tations from the same, or from their due allegiance, unto
us, our heires and successors, as their immediate soveraigne
under God w^nd if they shall find within any of the said
colonies and plantations, any person or persons soe seek-
ing to withdrawe any of the subjects of us, our heires or
successors, or any of the people of those lands or territo-
ries, within the precincts aforesaid, they shall with all dili-
gence, him or them soe offending cause to be apprehended,
arrested, and imprisoned, until he shall fully and throughly
ref orme himselfe, or otherwise, when the cause soe requireth,
that he shall, with all convenient speed be sent into our
realme of England, here to receive condigne punishment for
his or their said offence or offences ; and more-
to descend ovcr wcc doc hereby ordaiiife and establish for us,
an pass. ^^^ hcircs and successors/ that all the lands, ten-
ements, and hereditaments to be had and enjoyed by any
of our subjects within the precincts aforesaid, shal be had
and inherited and enjoyed, according as in the like estates
they be had arid enjoyed by the lawes within this realme
of England /and that the offences of tumults, rebelHon,
(Conspiracies, mutiny and seditions in those parts
How certain a ^ ./ a
offences to wliich may be dangerous to the estates there, to-
e punis le . ^g^j^^j. ^'^j^ murtlier, manslaughter, incest, rapes,
and adulteries committed in those parts within the precincts
of any the degrees above mentioned (and noe other of-
fences) shal be punished by death, and that without the
benefit of the clergy, except in case of manslaughter, in
which clergie is to be allowed, and that the said several
presidents and councells, and the greater number of them,
within every of the several limits and precincts, shall have
GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES. 69
full power and authority, to hear and determine all and
every the offences aforesaid, Avithin the precinct of their
several colonies, in manner and forme following, rp^^^j .
that is to say, by twelve honest and indifferent i^^y-
persons^ sworne upon the Evangelists, to be returned by
such ministers and officers as every of the said presidents
and councells, or the most part of them respectively shall
assigne, and the twelve persons soe returned and sworne
shall, according to the evidence to be given unto them
upon oath and according to the truth, in their consciences,
either convict or acquit every of the said persons soe to be
accused and tried by them ; and that all and every person
or persons, which shall voluntarily confesse any of the said
offences to be committed by him, shall, upon such his con-
fession thereof, be convicted of the same, as if he had been
found guilty of the same, by the verdict of any such twelve
jurors, as is aforesaid ; and that every person and persons
which shall be accused of any of the said offences, and
which shall stand mute, or refusing to make di- judgment on
rect answer thereunto, shall be, and he held con- «<^^^^<^^"ff
' ^ " mute or by
victed of the said offence, as if he had been found confession.
guilty by the verdict of twelve such jurors, as aforesaid ;
and that every person and persons soe convicted, either by
verdict, his own confession, or by standing mute, or by
refusing directly to answer as aforesaid of any the offences
before mentioned,\^the said Presidents, or Coun- president
cells, or the c^reatest number of them within ^"^^^""cii
, t? ^ ^ ^ to pronounce
their several precincts and limits, where such judgement,
conviction shall be had and made as aforesaid, shall have
full power and authority, by these presents, to give judg-
ment of death upon every such offended without the bene-
fit of the clergy, except only in cause of manslaughter, and
noe person soe adjudged, attainted, or condemned j^^ ^.^^^ ^
shall be reprived from the execution of the said t'^e president
judgment, without the consent of the said presi- PardTby '
dent and council or the most part of them by *^^ ^'"^'
whom such judgment shall be given ; and that noe person
70 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
shal receive any pardon, or be absolutely discharged of any
the said oli'ences, for which he shall be condemned to death
as aforesaid, but by pardon of us, our heires and succes-
sors, under our great scale of England; and wee doe in
Hke manner estabHsh and ordaine, if any either of the said
coUonies shall offend in any of the offences before men-
tioned, within any part between the degrees aforesaid, out
of the precincts of his or their coUony, that then every
such offender or offenders shall be tried and
Offenders to • i i n • i • i • i • i •
be tried in punisncd iis aiorcsaid within his or their proper
ony. ^Q^Qj^y . L^^ ^j^^^ every the said presidents and
councells, within their several limits and precincts, and the
President Hiorc part of them shall have power and author-
and council ftv bv thcsc prcscuts to hear and determine all
to have n i nc i
power to and every other wrongs, trespasses, oiiences, and
termine all misdcamcauors whatsoever, other than those be-
civii causes. ^^^^ mentioned, upou accusation of any person,/
and proof thereof made, by sufficient witnesse upon oath ;l
and that in all those cases the said president and councel,
and the greater number of them, shall have power and
authority, by these presents respectively, as is aforesaid, to
punish the offender or offenders, either by reasonable cor-
poral punishment and imprisonment, or else by a convenient
fine, awarding damages or other satisfaction, to the party
grieved, as to the said president and councell, or to the
more part of them, shall be thought fitt and convenient,
having regard to the quality of the offence, or state of the
cause ; and that alsoe the said president and councel, shall
have power and authority, by virtue of these presents, to
punish all manner of excesse, throuph drunken-
To punish ^ . 1 n . n 1 . i
excesses and ucssc or othcrwisc, and all idle loytering and
drunkenness. . i*i ini p i 'ii*
vagrant persons, which shall be round within
their several limits and precincts, according to their best dis-
cretions, and with such convenient punishment, as they or
How judicial the most part of them shall think fitt M alsoe our
toTe^en-"^ will and pleasure, concerninge the/ judicial pro-
tered. ccedings aforesaid, that the same shall be made
SIR GEORGE BARNES, the Elder
GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES. 71
and done summarily, and verbally without writing, until it
come to the judgment or sentence, and yet nevertheless
our will and pleasure is, that every judgment and sentence
hereafter to be given in any the causes aforesaid, or in any
other of the said several presidents and councells, or the
greater number of them, within their several limits and pre-
cincts, shall be breifely and summarily registered into a
book, to be kept for that purpose, together with the cause
for which the said judgment and sentence was given ; and
that the said judgment or sentence, so registered and writ-
ten shall be subscribed with the hands or names of the said
president and councel, or such of them as gave the judg-
ment or sentence ; alsoe our will and pleasure is,'^nd wee
doe hereby establish and ordaine, that the said several col-
lonies and plantations, and every person and per- -^^^ ^^^ ^^j_
sons of the same, severally and respectively ,^hall onists are to
within every of their several precincts, for the first five
space of five years, next after their first landing ^^^'^^'
upon the said coast of Virginia and America, trade to-
gether all in one stocke^or devideably, but in two or three
stocks at the most, and bring not only all the fruits of their
labours there, but alsoe all such other goods and commodi-
ties which shall be brought out of England, or any other
place, into the same collonies, into severall magazines or
store houses, for that purpose to be made, and erected
there, and that in such order, manner and form, as the
councel of that coUony, or the more part of them shall sett
downe and direct ; land our will and pleasure is, and wee doe
in like manner ordaine, that in every of the said collonies
and plantations there shall be chosen there, elected yearely,
by the president and councell of every of the said several
colonies and plantations or the more part of them, one per-
son, of the same colony and plantation, to be treasurer or
cape-merchant of the same collony and plantation Cape-mer-
to take the charge and managing of all such ^^^'^^'
goods, wares, and commodities, which shall be brought into
1 Joint stock. III. note 1.
72 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
or taken out of the severall magazines or storeliousea/{ the
same treasurer or cape-merchant to continue in his office by
the space of one whole year, next after his said election,
unless he shall happen to dye within the said . year, or vol-
untarily give over the same, or be removed for any just or
reasonable cause ;/and that thereupon the same president
and councell, or the most part of them, shall have power
and authority to elect him again or any other or others in
his room or stead, to continue in the same office as aforesaid ;
and that alsoe there shall be two or more persons of good
discretion/<vitliin every of the said colonies and plantations
elected and chosen yearely during the said terme of five
years, by the president and councell of the same collony, or
the most part of them respectively, within their several lim-
its and precincts, the one or more of them to
keep a book in which shall be registred and en-
tred all such goods, wares, and merchandizes, as shall be
received into the several magazines or storehouses within
that collony, being appointed for that purpose, and the
other to keep a like book, wherein shall be regis-
tred all goods, wares, and merchandizes which
shall issue or be taken out of any of the several magazines
or store-houses of that collony j^hich clarks shall continue
in their said places but^tt the will of the president and
councell of that colony/whereof he is, or of the major part
of them ; and that every person of every the said several
colonies, and plantations shall be furnished with all neces-
saries out of those several masrazines or store-
Magazines. .
houses which shall belong to the said colony and
plantation, in which that person is, for and during the terme
and time of five years, by the appointment, direction and
order of the president and councell there, or of the said
cape-merchant and two clerks or of the most part of them,
within the said several limits and precincts of the said colo-
nies and plantations : /A-lsoe our will and pleasure is, and
wee doe hereby ordain, that the adventurers of the said first
colony and plantation, shall and may during the said terme
GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONIES. 73
of five years, elect and choose out of themselves one or
more companies, each company consisting of pj^^^^j^^,
three persons att the least who shall be resident ami compa-
att or neer London, or such other place, and
places, as the councell of the colony for the time being, or
the most part of them, during the said five years shall
think fitt, who shall there from time to time take charge of
the trade an accompt of all such goods, wares and merchan-
dizes, and other things which shall be sent from thence to
the company of the same colony, or plantation in Virginia,
and likewise of all such wares, goods and merchandizes, as
shall be brought from the said colony or plantation unto
that place within our realme of England, and of all things
concerning the managing of the affaires and profits con-
cerning the adventurors of that company which shall soe
passe out of or come into that place or port ; [Then follows
a Hke provision for the second colony, except that the com-
pany or companies " shall be resident att, or near Plymouth
in our county of Devon."]. Alsoe our will and pleasure is,
that no person or persons smill be admitted into any of the
said colonies and plantations there to abide and ^ , .
11111 11 Colonists to
remame, but such as shall take not only the usual take certain
oath of obedience to us, our heires, and succes-
sors, but alsoe the oath which is limited in the last session
of Parliament holden at Westminster in the fourth year of
our raigne, for their due obedience unto us, our heires and
successors, that the trade to, and from any the colonies
aforesaid may be mannaged to, and from such ports and
places, within our reahne of England, as is before in these
articles intended, anything set down heretofore to the con-
trary notwithstanding ; ^«md that the said President and
Councell of each of the said colonies, and the president
more part of them respectively shall and may ^^fy'^^asTor-
lawf ully from time to time constitute, make and dinances, &c.
ordaine such constitutions, ordinances, and officers, for the
better order, government and peace of the people/of their
several coUonies, soe alwaies as the same ordinances, and
74 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
constitutions doe not touch any party in life or member,
which constitutions, and ordinances shall stand, and con-
tinue in full force, untill the same shall be otherwise altered,
or made void, by us, our heires, or successors, or our, or
their councel of Virginia, soe always as the same altera-
tions, be such as may stand with, and be in substance con-
sonant unto the lawes of England, or the equity thereof ;
furthermore, our will, and pleasure is, and wee doe hereby
determine and ordame, that every person and persons being
our subjects of every the said collonies and plantations shall
from time to time well entreate those salvages in those parts,
Must pro- and use all good meanes to draw the salvages
^Sii^mono- ^^^ heathen people of the said several places,
the Indians, and of the territories and countries adjoining to
the true service and knowledge of God, and that all just,
kind and charitable courses, shall be holden with such of
them as shall conf orme themselves to any good and sociable
traffique and dealing with the subjects of us, our heires and
successors, which shall be planted there, whereby they may
be the sooner drawne to the true knowledge of God, and
the obedience of us, our heires, and successors, under such
severe paines and punishments, as shall be inflicted by the
same several presidents and councells of the said several col-
onies, or the most part of them within their several limits
and precincts, on such as shall offend therein, or doe the
contrary ; and that as the said territories and countries of
Virginia and America mthin the degrees aforesaid shall from
^ . . ^ time to time increase in plantation by our sub-
rrovision for , . -^ \ .
further ordi- jccts, wec, our heu'cs and successors will ordaine
' * and give such order and further instructions,
lawes, constitutions and ordinances for the better order,
rule and government of such, as soe shall make plantations
there, as to us, our heires and successors, shall from time to
time be thought fitt and convenient, which alwaies shall be
such, as may stand with, or be in substance, consonant unto
the lawes of England, or the equity thereof ; and lastly wee
doe ordaine, and establish for us, our heires and successors,
ORDERS OF THE COUNCIL. 75
that such oath shall be taken by each of our councellors
here for Virofinia concernino^ their place and ^
m P n • ^^ o Councillors
office of councell, as by the privy councell or us, to take an
our heires and successors of this our realme of
England, shall be in that behalf limited and appointed ;
and that each councellor of the said colonies shall take such
oath, for the execution of their place and office of councel,
as by the councel of us, our heires and successors here in
England, for Virginia shall in that behalf e be limited and
appointed, and as well those several articles and instruc-
tions herein mentioned and contained, as alsoe all such as
by virtue hereof shall hereafter be made and ordained, shall
as need shall require, by the advice of our Councel here for
Virginia shall be transcripted over unto the said several
councells of the said several colonies, under the seale to be
ordained for our said councell here for Virginia.
"In Witnesse," etc.
VII. ORDERS OF THE COUNCIL.
FROM NEILL'S VIRGINIA COMPANY OF LONDON, pp. 4-8.
The document was written by His Majesties Council for
Virginia.
" Certain orders and Directions conceived and set down
the tenth day of December in the year of the reign of Our
Soverain Lord King James of England, France and Ireland
the fourth, and of Scotland the fortieth, by his Majesties'
Counsel for Virginia, for the better government of his
Majesties subjects, both captains, soldiers, marriners, and
others that are now bound for that coast to settle his Majes-
ties' first colony in Virginia, there to be by them observed
as well in their passages thither by sea, as after their arrival
and landing there.
" Whereas our said Soverain Lord the King by certain
articles signed by his Majestic, and sealed with his High-
ness privy seal hath appointed us whose names ^ are under-
^ Unfortunately, I am not able to still hope that they may be found pre-
give the names of the signers ; but I served in some copy of the document.
76 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
written with some others to be his Majesties Counsel for
Virginia, giving unto us by his Majesties warrant under
the said privy seal full power and authority in his Majesties
name to nominate the first several counsellors of the several
colonies which are to be planted in Virginia, and to give
directions unto the several counsellors for their better gov-
ernment there, we having such due respect as is requisite to
a service of such importance being assembled to-gether for
the better ordering and directing of the same do by this
our writing sealed with his Majesties seal appointed for this
Counsel, ordain, direct, and appoint in manner and form
following.
" First, Whereas the good ship ^ called the Sarah Con-
stant and the ship called the Goodspeed, with a pinnace
called the Discovery are now ready victualed, riged, and
furnished for the said voyage ; we think it fit and so do
ordain and appoint that Capt. Christopher Newport shall
have the sole charge to appoint such captains, soldiers, and
marriners, as shall either command, or be shiped to pass in
the said ships or pinnace, and shall also have the charge
and oversight of all such munitions, victuals, and other pro-
visions as are or shall be shiped at the pubiick charge of
the adventurers in them or any of them. And further that
the said Capt. Newport shall have the sole charge and com-
mand of all the captains, soldiers, and marriners and other
persons that shall go in any the said ships and pinnace in
the said voyage from the day of the date hereof, until such
time as they shall fortune to land upon the said coast of
Virginia, and if the said Captain Newport shall happen to
^ There is, also, some confusion as In 1602, in Weymouth's northwest
to the names of the ships. This voyage, on the 5tli of August, the
document gives their names as the Godspeed " strooke a piece of Ice,
Sarah Constant, the Goodspeed, and which they thought had foundred
the Discovery ; while Purchas gives their shippe ; but thanks be to God
their names as the Susan Constant, they received no great hurt, for our
the Godspeed, and the Discovery. I shippes were very strong." It is pos-
am quite sure that the two last named sible that the Discovery was the Dis-
were the same vessels which returned coverer of Pring's voyage to ouv
from Cherry Island, August 15, 1606. northern coast in 1603.
ORDERS OF THE COUNCIL. 77
dye at sea, then the masters of the said ships and pinnace
shall carry them to the coast of Virginia aforesaid.
" And whereas we have caused to be delivered unto the
said Captain Newport, Captain Barthol. Gosnold and Cap-
tain John Ratcliff e, several instruments ^ close sealed with
the Counsels seal aforesaid containing the names of such
persons as we have appointed to be of his Majesties
Counsel in the said country of Virginia, we do ordain and
du-ect that the said Captain Christopher Newport, Captain
Bartholomew Gosnold, and Captain John Ratcliffe, or the
survivor or survivors of them, shall within four and twenty
hours next after the said ship shall arrive upon the said
coast of Virginia and not before open and unseal the said
Instruments and declare and publish unto all the company
the names therein set down, and that the persons by us
therein named are and shall be known, and taken to be
his Majesties Counsel of his first Colony in Virginia afore-
said. And further that the said Counsel so by us nomi-
nated, shall upon the pubhshing of the said instrument pro-
ceed to the election and nomination of a President of the
said Counsel, and the said President in all matters of con-
troversy and question that shall arise during the continu-
ance of his authority where there shall fall out to be
equality of voices, shall have two voices, and shall have
full power and authority with the advice of the rest of the
said Counsel, or the greatest part of them to govern, rule
and command all the captains and soldiers, and all other
his Majesties subjects of his Colony according to the true
meaning of the orders and directions set down in the arti-
cles signed by his Majestic and of these presents.
^ I have been unable to find a copy America, these instruments were not
of these "several Instruments;" but to be open until their legal efficacy
the names of " his Majesties Counsel began, in order to prevent a possible
in Virginia " were Christopher New- conflict of authority on the voyage be-
port, Bartholomew Gosnold, John Rat- tween " The officers at Sea " and " the
cliffe, Edward-Maria Wingfield, John land officers." This plan had been
Martin, John Smith, and George Ken- found to be a necessary precaution,
dall, with Gabriel Archer as secretary and had been adopted, under like cir-
or recorder. As their authority did cumstances, by the East India and
not begin until they had landed in Muscovy companies.
78 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
" And that immediately upon the election and nomina-
tion of the said President, the President himself shall in the
presence of the said Counsel, and some twenty of the princi-
pal persons, adventurers in the said voyage to be by the
said President and Counsel called thereunto, take his cor-
poral oath upon the holy Evangelists of alleageance to our
Soverain Lord the King and for the performance of this
duty in his place in manner and form following.
" I elected President for his Majesties Counsel for
the first Colony to Virginia do swear that I shall be a true
and faithful servant unto the King's Majestic as a Coun-
sellor and President of his Majesties Counsel for the first
Colony planted or to be planted in any of the territories
of America between the degrees of 34 and 41 from the
equinoctial line northward and the trades thereof, and that
I shall faithfully and truly declare my mind and opinion
according to my heart and conscience in all things treated
of in that Counsel, and shall keep secret all matter com-
mitted and revealed unto me concerning the same, or that
shall be treated of secretly in that Counsel until time as by
the consent of his Majesties Privy Counsel or the Counsel
of Virginia or the more part of them, publication shall be
made thereof, and of all matters of great importance or
difficulty I shall make his Majesties Counsel for Virginia
acquainted therewith and follow their directions therein.
I shall to the best of my skill and knowledge uprightly and
duly execute all things committed to my care and charge
according to such directions as are or shall be given unto
me from his Majestic his heirs or successors, or his or their
Privy Counsel, or his or their Counsel for Virginia accord-
ing to the tenour, effect and true meaning of his Majesties
Letters Patent, and of such articles and instructions as are
set down by his Highness under his Majesty's Privy Seal
for and concerning the government of the said Colony, and
my uttermost bear faith and alleageance unto the King's
Majesty his heirs, and lawful successors, as shall assist and
defend all jurisdictions and authorities granted unto his
ADVICE OF THE COUNCIL. 79
Majesty and annexed unto the Crown as against forrain
princes, persons and potentates whatsoever be it by act of
ParHament or otherwise, and generally in all things I shall
do as a true and faithful servant and subject ought to do
to his Majesty. So help me God. — And after the oath so
by him taken, the said President shall minister the like oath
to every one particularly, of the said Counsel leaving out
the name of President only.
" And finally that after the arrival of the said ship upon
the coast of Virginia [and] the Counsellor's names pub-
lished, the said Captain Newport shall with such number of
men as shall be assigned him by the President and Counsel
of the said Colony spend and bestow two months in dis-
covery of such ports and rivers as can be found in that
country, and shall give order for the present laiding and
furnishing of the two ships above named, and all such
principal comodities and merchandize as can there be had
and found, in such sort as he may return with the said
ships full laden with good merchandizes, bringing with him
full relation of all that hath passed in said voyage, by the
end of May next, if God permit."
VIII. ADVICE OF THE COUNCIL.
FROM NEILVS VIRGINIA COMPANY OF LONDON, pp. 8-U.
The document was written by His Majesties Council for
Virginia.
Stith, in his "History of Virginia," 1747, gives a few
extracts from VH. and VHI. They were first published in
fuU by the Rev. Edward D. NeiU (as above), in 1869.
The manuscript is now preserved in the Library of Con-
gress. Burke, in his " History of Virginia," 1804, vol. i.
p. 93, merely refers to them.
"Instructions given by way of Advice by us whom it
hath pleased the King's Majesty to appoint of the Counsel
for the intended voyage to Virginia, to be observed by
80
PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
those Captains and Company which are sent at this present
to plant there.
" As we doubt not but you will have especial care to
observe the ordinances set down by the King's Majesty and
delivered unto you under the privy seal ; so for your better
directions upon your first landing we have thought good to
recommend unto your care these instructions and articles
following.
" When it shall please God to send you on the coast of
Virginia, you shall do your best endeavour to find out a safe
port in the entrance of some navigable river making choice
of such a one as runneth farthest into the land, and if you
happen to discover divers portable rivers, and amongst them
any one that hath two main branches, if the difference be
not great make choice of that which bendeth most toward
the North-West, for that way you shall soonest find the
other sea.^
1. Groenlandia. 7. Baccalaos, by the English 12. Bermuda.
2. Islandia. 1496. 13. Azores.
3. Frislandia. 8. Hochelaga. 14. Florida.
4. Meta Incognita, discovered by 9. Nova Albion, by the English, 15. Nueva Mexico.
the English in 1576. 1580. 16. Nova Hispania.
5. Demonum ins. 10. Nova Francia.
6. S. Brandon. 11. Virginia, by the English, 1584.
Of course there were differences of opinion, at that time, as to the forma-
HENRY BROOKE
Eiffhtli Lord Coblnnii
ADVICE OF THE COUNCIL. 81
" When you have made choice of the river on which you
mean to settle be not hasty in landing your victuals and
munitions, but first let Captain Newport discover how far
that river may be found navigable that you make election
of the strongest, most wholesome and fertile place, for if
you make many removes, besides the loss of time, you shall
greatly spoil your victuals and your casks, and with great
pain transport it in small boats.
" But if you choose your place so far up as a bark of
fifty tuns will float, then you may lay all your provisions
ashore with ease, and the better receive the trade of all the
countries about you in the land, and such a place you may
perchance find a hundred miles from the river's mouth, and
the further up the better, for if you sit down near the
entrance, except it be in some island that is strong by
nature, an enemy that may approach you on even ground
may easily pull you out, and if he be driven to seek you a
hundred miles in the land in boats you shall from both
sides of the river, where it is narrowest, so beate them with
your muskets as they shall never be able to prevail against
you.
" And to the end that you be not surprised as the French
were in Florida by Melindus,^ and the Spaniard in the same
place by the French,^ you shall do well to make this double
provision, first erect a little stoure^ at the mouth of the
tion of this continent. The above cut way lies India," he said, pointing to
represents the Hakluyt-Martyr idea the west. The Panama canal, when
of 1587. In 1606 the idea of our At- completed, will probably have cost
lantic coast was more definite, while .^500,000,000. In 1600 it is evident
the still indefinite knowledge of the that they had the latitudes nearly cor-
Great Lakes caused many to hope for rect ; the trouble was with the longi-
a ready way northwestward from tudes. They had not an accurate
Chesapeake Bay via these lakes to method for determining distances from
the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean), east to west.
The great desire to find some ready ^ Menendez in 1565.
way to that sea was most natural and ^ Gourgues in 1568.
most commendable. The idea has ^ Xhis " little stoure " may have
continued to obtain among us. On been first stationed on the present
Benton's statue in St. Louis is chiseled Newport News point.
a memorable sentence of his. " That
82 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
river that may lodge some ten men, with whom you shall
leave a Hght boat, that when any fleet shall be in sight
they may come with speed to give you warning. Secondly
you must in no case suffer any of the native people of the
country to inhabit between you and the sea coast, for you
cannot carry yourselves so towards them but they will grow
discontented with your habitation, and be ready to guide
and assist any nation that shall come to invade you, and if
you neglect this you neglect your safety.
" When you have discovered as far up the river as you
mean to plant yourselves and landed your victuals and muni-
tions to the end that every man may know his charge, you
shall do well to divide your six score men ^ into three parts,
whereof one party of them you may appoint to fortifie and
build of which your first work must be your storehouse
for victual ; the other you may imploy in preparing your
ground and sowing your corn and roots ; the other ten of
these forty you must leave as centinel at the haven's mouth.
The other forty you may imploy for two months in dis-
covery of the river above you, and on the country about
you, which charge Captain Newport and Captain Gosnold
may undertake of these forty discoverers ; when they do
espie any high lands or hills Capt. Gosnold may take
twenty of the company to cross over the lands, and carrying
a half dozen pickaxes to try if they can find any minerals.^
The other twenty may go on by river, and pitch up boughs
upon the banks' side by which the other boats shall follow
them by the same turnings. You may also take with them
a wherry such as is used here in the Thames, by which you
may send back to the President for supply of munition or
any other want, that you may not be driven to return for
every small defect.
" You must observe, if you can, whether the river on
which you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of
^ One hundred and twenty men. ^ Their desire to find minerals has
There were also 40 sailors, or 160 all been turned to ridicule, but the same
told. Of these 104 remained in Vir- desire remains,
ginia.
ADVICE OF THE COUNCIL. 83
lakes ; if it be out of any lake, the passage to the other
sea will be the more easy, and is like enough that out of
the same lake you shall find some spring which runs the
contrary way toward the East India Sea ; for the great and
famous rivers of Volga, Tanis and Dwina have three heads
near joynd, and yet the one falleth into the Caspian Sea,
the other into the Euxine Sea, and the third into the Polo-
nian Sea.
'' In all your passages you must have great care not to
offend the naturals, if you can eschew it, and imploy some
few of your company to trade with them for corn and all
other lasting victuals, if they have any, and this you must
do before that they perceive you mean to plant among
them, for not being sure how your own seed corn will pros-
per the first year, to avoid the danger of famine, use and
endeavour to store yourselves of the country corn.
" Your discoverers that passes overland with hired guides,
must look well to them that they slip not from them, and
for more assurance, let them take a compass with them, and
write down how far they go upon every point of the com-
pass, for that country having no way nor path, if that your
guides run from you in the great woods or desert, you shall
hardly ever find a passage back.
" And how weary soever your soldiers be, let them
never trust the country people with the carriage of their
weapons, for if they run from you with your shott which
they only fear, they will easily kill them all with their arrows.
And whensoever any of yours shoots before them, be sure
that they be chosen out of your best markesmen, for if they
see your learners miss what they aim at, they will think the
weapon not so terrible and thereby will be bould to assault
you.
" Above all things do not advertize the killing of any
of your men, that the country people may know it ; if they
perceive that they are but common men, and that with the
loss of many of theirs, they may deminish any part of yours,
they will make many adventures upon you. If the country
84 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
be populous, you shall do well also not to let them see or
know of your sick men, if you have any, which may also
encourage them to many enterprises. You must take espe-
cial care that you choose a seat for habitation that shall not
be over burthened with woods near your town for all the
men you have shall not be able to cleanse twenty acres a
year, besides that it may serve for a covert for your enemies
round about.
" Neither must you plant in a low or moist place because
it will prove unhealthfuU. You shall judge of the good air
by the people, for some part of that coast where the lands
are low have their people blear eyed, and with swollen
bellies and legs, but if the naturals be strong and clean
made, it is a true sign of a wholesome soil.
" You must take order to draw up the pinnace, that is
left with you, under the fort, and take her sails and anchors
ashore, all but a small Kedge to ride by, least some ill dis-
posed persons slip away in her.
" You must take care that your marriners that go for
wages, do not marr your trade, for those that mind not to
inhabite, for a little gain will debase the estimation of ex-
change, and hinder the trade forever after, and therefore
you shall not admit or suffer any person whatsoever, other
than such as shall be appointed by the President and Coun-
sel there, to buy any merchandizes or other things whatso-
ever.
" It were necessary that all your carpenters and other
such like workmen about building do first build your store-
house and those other rooms of publick and necessary use
before any house be set up for any private persons, yet let
them all work together first for the company and then for
private men.
" And seeing order is at the same price with confusion it
shall be adviseably done to set your houses even and by a
line, that your streets may have a good breadth, and be car-
ried square about your market place, and every street's end
opening into it, that from thence with a few field pieces you
ADVICE OF THE COUNCIL. 85
may command every street throughout, which market place
you may also fortify if you think it need full.
" You shall do well to send a perfect relation by Capt.
Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated,
how far into the land, what comodities you find, what soil,
woods and their several kinds, and so of all other things
else, to advertise particularly ; and to suffer no man to re-
turn but by pasport from the President and Counsel, nor to
write any letter of any thing that may discourage others.
" Lastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good
success is to make yourselves all of one mind for the good
of your country and your own, and to serve and fear God
the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation which oui'
Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out."
[Mem. — "December 17 [1606], Commission granted
to Thomas Lord Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor of England, to
award Commissions to divers men for examination of all
such persons as go out of the Kingdom at any of the Ports
of London, Harwick, Weymouth and Kingston-upon-Hull."]
"On Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere
1606," the first expedition sent out for " the First Colony
in Virginia " sailed from London in three vessels, viz.,
the Sarah (or Susan) Constant, Captain Christopher New-
port, the commander of the voyage, the Godspeed (or the
Goodspeed), Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, vice-admiral,
and the Discovery (or the Discoverer), Captain John Rat-
cHffe.
They took with them copies (" engrossed fairely in a
Book as a Record") of V., VL, VIL, and VIII.; also
" The several instruments " mentioned in VIL, the commis-
sions for " the First Council in Virginia," and other docu-
ments, now, probably, lost forever.
The following poem was possibly written as an incentive
to this voyage : —
86 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
IX. ODE TO THE VIRGINIAN VOYAGE.
BY MICHAEL DRAYTON.
Printed in the collected edition of Drayton's Poems, 1619-20, and in the Hak-
luyt Society volume for 1851, pp. ii., iii., and partly (8 verses) in Mr. Neill's
Virginia Company of London, 1869, pp. 14, 15.
You brave heroique minds,
Worthy your countries name,
That honour still pursue,
Goe, and subdue,
Whilst loyt'ring hinds
Lurk here at home with shame.
Britans, you stay too long,
Quickly aboord bestow you.
And with a merry gale.
Swell your stretch'd sayle,
With vowes as strong
As the winds that blow you.
Your course securely steere.
West and by South forth keepe ;
Rocks, lee-shores, nor sholes,
When Eolus scowles.
You need not feare,
So absolute the deepe.
And cheerefully at sea,
Successe you still intice.
To get the pearle and gold,
And ours to hold,
Virginia,
Earth's only Paradise,
Where nature hath in store
Fowle, venison, and Fish ;
And the fruitfuU'st soyle,
Without your toyle.
Three harvests more.
All greater then you wish.
And the ambitious vine,
Crownes with his purple masse
ODE TO THE VIRGINIAN VOYAGE. 87
The cedar reaching hie
To kisse the sky,
The cypresse, pine,
And useful! sassafras,
To whose, the Golden Age
Still natures lawes doth give ;
No other cares that tend,
But them to defend
From winter's age,
That long there doth not live.
When as the lushious smell
Of that delicious land.
Above the seas that flowes
The cleere wind throwes
Your hearts to swell,
Approching the deare strand.
In kenning of the shore
(Thanks to God first given)
O you, the happy 'st men,
Be frolike then ;
Let cannons roare,
Frighting the wide Heaven,
And in regions farre.
Such heroes bring yee foorth
As those from whom we came;
And plant our name
Under that starre
Not knowne unto our north.
And as there plenty growes
Of Lawrell every where,
Apollo's sacred tree,
You it may see,
A poets browes
To crowne, that may sing there.
Thy Voyages attend.
Industrious Hackluit,
Whose reading shall inflame
Men to seeke fame,
And much commend
To after-times thy wit.
88 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
X. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ABCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME es^S, FOLIOS 78 AND 79.
The exact date of the following letter is uncertain. The
envelope containing it is indorsed " Copy of a deciphered
letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated
London December 24, 1606. On the arming of English
people for Virginia, and the orders which they took with
them." But at the head of the letter itself is written,
" London, Don Pedro de Cuniga. January 24, 1607. De-
ciphered."
The letter is as follows : —
" Since I have reported to your Majesty that the Eng-
lish were arming some vessels to send them to Virginia,
this has been much in suspense, a/id now they have in
great secrecy made an agreement that two vessels shall
go to that place every month, 'till they have 2000 men
in that country, and they will do the same from Plymouth,
so that there also two vessels are ready to sail. They
have agreed with the Rebels that they shall send all the
people they can. The pretext which they assert is, that
the King over here has given them permission and his
Patents to establish their religion in that Country, provided
that they rob no one, under the penalty, if they do not obey
he will not take them under his protection. He grants
them leave to occupy any island within a hundred miles
from the sea-coast ; he orders that the second colony (as he
calls them in his patents) shall not come within one hun-
dred miles of where the other may be established, without
speaking of the distance at which they are bound to be
from your Majesties subjects. He yields to one of these
Colonies all the firm land which lies between [illegible] ^
^ Zuniga has this wrong. It should privileged to make a plantation be-
be 34 to 45 degrees, claimed by Eng- tween 34 and 41 degrees, and the
land, and one of these colonies was other between 38 and 45 degrees.
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 89
to 45 deirrees and to the other from 45° to 55°. He com-
mands that each Colony shall have its Council^ and here,
an election is held of another supreme Council, to which
are appointed, and will have to take the oath to very great
secrecy, William Wade, Lieutenant of the Tower, Anthony
Cope,^ Francis ' Profane ' [Popham], eldest son of the
Chief Justice, ' Dodrig,' Procurator of the Court of Wales
and ^' Huane Caballero," ^ Counsellors, than whom more
insolent ones cannot be found in this world. They claim
to be able to obtain from the country higher up than the
Island of St Helena, the same commodities as from Spain,
because it is under the same latitude, so as not to be in need
of it [that is, so as not to need the products of Spain], He
commands that if they come to some river, they must try to
find the source of it, so that they might in this way come
to open intercourse with the Kingdom of China, which they
desire much, and that the Colony which should be nearest
to the Island of St. Helena should take its way along the
coast and the other helow [above ?] in a straight line.^
Your Majesty will see what is useful for His Royal service,
since all this is seeking a way to encourage the rebels
against Your Majesty, for whom (the Rebels) they feel the
very greatest compassion, as everywhere, on land as well as
at sea, they (the Rebels) are losing so much. ' Caron ' *
said to this King here that it was necessary to assist them
because otherwise they would be totally ruined. The King
did not receive this well, whereupon he \_' Caron '] with-
drew. They say there are going to France, and there are
persons coming here, to make an offer of the Revolted
States. I do not believe they will meet with great success
1 This should he Sir Walter Cope, ^ There is some confusion in the
the brother of Anthony Cope. foregoing sentence. Some words may
2 " Huane Caballero " evidently have been omitted in the transcript,
means " Sir John," and must apply to or incorrectly copied.
Sir John Trevor, as he was the only ■* Sir Noel de Caron, ambassador to
" Sir John " among the members of England from Holland,
his Majesty's Council for Virginia at
that time.
90 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
here, because I believe this King is really fond of Peace, as
I have told Your Majesty on other occasions, and the King-
dom is so poor, that it will not permit them to indulge in
carrying out evil thoughts. The Duke of Lennox and the
Count of Salisbury, speaking in the presence of three Coun-
sellors (whose names I have not been able to ascertain) to
the King, said to him : ' Sire, let Your Majesty take the
Dutch under your protection and assist them ! ' and he re-
plied : ' Very good, I think some who propose that to me,
receive good presents from the Dutch, and I do not wish
to have anything to do with it.' Lenox replied : ' Believe
that no one of those who are here would take anything.'
And the King said to him : ' Tell me you — with an oath
— if you have not taken anything from them, and leave
the others alone.' He replied : ^ Sire, when I was in
Flanders, they treated me well (made me presents) but from
that time till now they have given me nothing.' Another
day Count Pembroke asked him to do him a certain favor
and he replied : ' It is a fine thing that you are not satisfied
with what I have given you ; I shall make you my Counsel-
lor and then everybody will give you presents and you will
be a rich man.' " [The rest of the letter relates to the
rebels.]
[Mem. — January 9, 1607. King James granted to
Richard Penkevell of Rosserowe in county Cornwall license
to discover the passage into China, Cathay, the Moluccas,
and other regions of the East Indies, by the north, north-
east, or northwest, for seven years. See " Foedera," vol. xvi.
pp. 660-663.]
SEBASTIAN CABOT
AN ORDINANCE AND CONSTITUTION. 91
XI. THE KING OF SPAIN TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 196.
Copy of an extract from a letter of H. M. [His Majesty
the King of Spain] to Don Pedro de Zuiiiga, dated
Madrid, March 8, 1607/
"... You will report to me what the English are doing
in the matter of Vii-ginia — and if the plan progresses
which they contemplated, of sending men there and ships
— and thereupon, it will be taken into consideration here,
what steps had best be taken to prevent it."
[The rest of the letter relates to the East Indies and to
the rebels.]
[Mem. — Six days after the date of the above letter, on
March yi, the King of Spain held a consultation with his
council as to what steps should be taken to prevent the
English from settling colonies in North America ; but the
report of this meeting, as yet, has not been found.]
XII. AN ORDINANCE AND CONSTITUTION ENLARGING
THE COUNCIL.
FROM A MS. RECORD BOOK IN THE LAND-OFFICE OF VIR-
GINIA. BOOK NO. 2.
March 9, 1607. " An Ordinance ^ and Constitution
enlarging the number of Our Councel for the two several
Colonies and Plantations in Virginia and America, between
thirty-four and forty-five degrees of northerly latitude, and
augmenting their authority, for the better directing and
ordering of such things as shall concerne the said Colonies.
" James, by the grace of God, &c.
1 The English date would be Febni- Hening in his Statutes at Large (Vir-
ary 26. Tlie letter was probably re- ginia), vol. i. pp. 76-79. It is the
ceived in England about March 8 second state paper — after 1605 —
(O. S.). mentioned by Jefferson in his Notes
2 This document was printed by on Virginia.
92 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
" Whereas, Wee, by our letters patents, under our Great
Seale of England, bearing date the tenth day of
April last past, have given lyeence to sundry our
loving subjects, named in the said letters patents, and to
their associates, to deduce and conduct two several Colonies
or plantations of sundry our loving people, willing to abide
and inhabit in certaine parts of Virginia and America,
with divers preheminences, priviledges, authorities and other
things as in and by the said letters patents more particu-
larly it appeareth ; and whereas wee, according to the effect
and true meaning of the said letters patents, have, by a
former instrument signed with our hand and signe manuel,
and sealed with our privy seal of our realme of England,
estabHshed and ordained, that our trusty and wel-beloved
Former ^^1' Wilham Wadc, Knight, our Lieutenant of
CounciUors. q^j. Towcr of Loudou, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight,
Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George Moor, Knight, Sir
Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight,
Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague Knight, re-
corder of our citty of London, Sir William Rumney Knight,
John Dodderidge Esq our solicitor General, Thomas Warr
Esq, John Eldred of our city of London, merchant, Thomas
James of our citty of Bristol merchant, and James Bagge of
Plymouth in our county of Devon, merchant, should be
our Councell for all matters which should happen in Vir-
ginia or any the territories of America aforesaid, or any
actions, businesse or causes, for and concerning the same,
which Councel is from time to time to be increased, altered
or changed att the nomination of us, our heires and succes-
sors, and att our and their will and pleasure ; and whereas
Their num- ^^^ ^^^^ Couuccl havc fouud by experience, their
^6^- number being but fourteen in all, and most of
them dispersed by reason of their severall habitations far
and remote the one from the other, and many of them in
like manner, far remote from our citty of London, where,
if need require, they may receive directions from us and
our privy Councel, and from wlience instructions and direc-
AN ORDINANCE AND CONSTITUTION. 93
tions may be by them left, and more readily given, for the
said Colonies, that when very needful occasion requireth,
there cannot be any competent number of them by any
meanes, be drawn together for consultation ; for remedy
whereof our said loving subjects of the several Colonies
aforesaid, have been humble suitors unto us, and have to
that purpose offered unto our royal consideration, the
names of certain sage and discreet persons, and having
with the like humility entreated us, that the said persons or
soe many of them, as to us should seem good, might be
added unto them, and might (during our pleasure) be of
our Councel for the foresaid Colonies of Virginia, Wee
therefore, for the better establishing, disposing, ordering
and directing of the said several Colonies, within the
degrees aforesaid, and of all such aifaires, matters, and
things, as shall touch and concerne the same, doe by these
presents, signed with our hand and signe manuel, and
sealed with our Privy Seale of our real me of England,
establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well beloved
Sir Thomas Challoner, Knight, Sir Henry Nevil,
Knight, Sir Fulke Grevil, Knight, Sir John Councillors
Scott, Knight, Sir Robert Mansfield, Knight, by"tiiTfirst
Sir Oliver Cromwell, Knight, Sir Morrice Berke- ^^^''''^•
ley Knight, Sir Edward Michelbourne Knight, Sir Thomas
Holcroft, Knight, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Clerk of our
Privy Councel, Sir Robert Kelligrew, Knight, Sir Herbert
Croft, Knight, Sir George Coppin, Knight, Sir Edwyn
Sandys, Knight, Sir Thomas Roe Knight, and Sir Anthony
Palmer, Knight, nominated unto us by and on the behalfe
of the said first Colony ; ^ —
1 From this it seems that sixteen of clerk of onr Privy Councel and Sir
these councilors were representatives Anthony Palmer, for neither of them
of the first colony ; while the second were members of the first colony,
colony had only ten. This is mani- Greville joined that colony in 1617 ;
festly unjust, and I am certain there but the other two never did.
has been a misplacement, in copying That there were mistakes made in
this document, of three names, viz. : copying these names is certain. In
Sir Fulke Grevil, Sir Thomas Smith, the copy of this list preserved among
94 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
Sir Edward Hungerford Knight, Sir John Mallet,
By the 2d. Knight, Sir John Gilbert Knight, Sir Thomas
Colony. Freake Knight, Sir Richard Hawkins, Knight,
Sir Bartholomew Mitchell Knight, Edward Seamour Esq,
Bernard Greenville Esq, Edward Rogers Esq, and Mat-
thew SutcHlle, Doctor of Divinity, nominated to us by and
on the behalfe of the said second Colony, shall, together
with the persons formerly named, be our Councel for all
matters, which shall or may conduce to the aforesaid
plantations, or which shall happen in Virginia or any the
territories of America, between thirty-four and forty-five
degrees of northerly latitude from the sequinoctial line, and
the Islands of the several Colonies limited and assigned.
That is to say, the first Colony, from thirty-four to forty-
one degrees of the said latitude, and the second Colony,
between thirty-eight and forty-five degrees of the said lati-
tude ; and our further will and pleasure is, and by these
presents for us, our heires and successors, wee doe grant
Any 12 may ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ Couuccl of Virginia, that they or
^^^' any twelve of them att the least for the time
being, whereof six att the least to be members of one of the
Colonies, and six more att the least to be members of the
other Colony, shall have full power and authority, to
ordaine, nominate, elect, and choose any other person, or
persons at their discretion to be and to serve as officer
or officers, to all offices and places, that shall by them be
thought fitt and requisite for the businesse and affaires of
our said Councel, and' concerning the Plantation or Planta-
tions aforesaid, and for the summoning, calling, and assem-
bling of the said Councel, together when need shall require,
or for summoning and calling before the said Councel any
of the adventurors or others which shall passe on unto the
^ , said severall Colonies to inhabit or to traffick there
Ineir power.
or any other such like officer, or officers, which
the Duke of Manchester Records, the sentatives of the first colony, while it
name of "Sir Ferdinando Gorges^ is a well-known fact that he was a lead-
Knight," is inserted among the repre- ing member of the second colony.
GORGES TO CHALENS. 95
in time shall or may be found of use, behoofe, or impor-
tance unto the Councel aforesaid. And the said Council
or any twelve of them as is aforesaid shall have ,,
n n 1 1 • p • • ^y change
full power and authority from time to time to their Offi-
continue or to alter or change the said officers
and to elect and appoint others in their roomes and places,
to make and ordain acts and ordinances for the better
ordering, disposing and marshalling of the said several
Colonies and the several adventurers or persons going to
inhabit in the same several Colonies, or of any provision or
provisions for the same, or for the direction of the officers
aforesaid, or for the making of them to be subordinate, or
under jurisdiction, one of another, and to do and execute
all and every of their acts and things, which by any our
grants, or letters patents heretofore made they are war-
ranted or authorised to do or execute so as always none of
the said acts and ordinances, or other things be contrary or
repugnant to the true intent and meaning of our said let-
ters patents granted for the plantation of the said several
Colonies in Virginia and territories of America as afore-
said, or contrary to the laws and statutes in this our realme
of England or in derogation of our prerogative royal.
" Witness Ourself at Westminster, the ninth day of March,
in the year of our reign of England, France and Ireland,
the fourth, and of Scotland, the fortieth," etc.
XIII. GORGES TO CHALENS.
About March 13, 1607, Master Nicholas Himes, who had
escaped from prison in Spain (late in February or early
in March) arrived in England bringing letters from Mr.
Chalens to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. He may, also, have
brought some account of the meeting of the Spanish coun-
cil regarding Virginia on March 4 ; but it is more proba-
ble that his escape was one of the motives for the said meet-
ing of that council. I have not found the copies of the
letters brought ; but the following is the reply thereto.
96 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
" The Copie of Sir Ferdinando Gorges his letter to Mr.
Chalens.^
" Mr. ChaHnge — I received your letters sent me by
the Master Nicholas Himes, by whom I rest satisfied for
your parte of the proceedinge of the voyadge and I doubte
not but you wilbe able to amis were the expectation of
all your friends. I hoope you shall receive verie shortlie
if alreadie you have not an Attestation out of the highe
Courte of Admiraltie to give satisfaction of the truth of
our intent y* sett you out. Let me advise you to take
heede that you be not overshott in accep tinge recompence
for our wronges received, for you knowe that the jorney
hath bene noe smale chardge unto us y*' first sent to the
Coast and had for our returne but the five Salvadges
whereof two of the principall you had with you, and since
within two monthes after your departure we sent out
another shippe ^ to come to your supplie. And now againe
we have made a new preparation ^ of divers others all which
throughe your misfortune is likelie to be frustrate and our
time and chardge lost. — Therefore, your demands must be
answer-able hereunto and accordinglie seeke for satisfaction
which cannot be lesse then five thousand poundes, and
therefore before you conclude for lesse attende to receive
for resolution from hence if they aunsvvere you not here-
after for if their conditions be not such as shalbe reason-
able we doe knowe howe to right ourselves for rather then
we wilbe loosers a penny by them we will attende a fitter
time to gett us our content, and in the meane time leave
all in their handes therefore be you carefull herein and re-
member y* it is not the bussines of merchants or rovers,
but as you knowe of men of another ranke and such as will
not preferre manie complayntes nor exhibite divers peti-
^ This letter was printed in " A ence to a manuscript copy made espe-
Vindication of the Claims of Sir Fer- cially for myself.
dinando Gorges as the Father of Eng- ^ The Voyage of Hanham and
lish Colonization in America. By Pring, October, 1606.
John A. Poor. New York, 1862," ^ This " new preparation " sailed
p. 34, note. I have also had refer- May 31, 1607.
ZUSflGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 97
tions, for that they understande a shorter way to the
woode. — Soe comendinge you to God and continuinge
myseKe
" Your most assured and lovinge Freinde
" Ferdinando Gorges.
" Plimothe 13. of Marche 1606.
"Postcript: I pray you use the meanes that the salvadges
and the Companie be sent over with as much speede as is
possible and that you hasten yourself away, if you see not
likelihoode of a present ende to be had, for we will not be
tired with their delaies and end lesse sutes, such as com-
monlie they use, but leave all to time and God the just
revenger of Wronges.
" Ferdinando Gorges."
[Mem. — " In the Spring of 1607 the translation of the
Bible began."]
XIV. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 20.
The Spanish diplomatic correspondence relates chiefly to
the Low Countries, Ireland, the East and West Indies, and
to Virginia. As a rule only the Virginia matter is ex-
tracted for these pages ; but in this letter and a few others
I have thought it best to leave some of the other matter
in order to give a fuller and therefore better idea of the
general tone and character of the correspondence.
Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro
de Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, dated London, April
30,1607 [April 20, 1607, English style], "concerning
Virginian affairs."
" Sire : —
" The Council which as I wrote your Majesty, had
98 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
brought about these . . . [illegible] . . . eoncarning
Virginia, is somewhat put out, because, as I have heard
that of the three ships ^ [voyages ?] they had sent one has
been taken.
" They were about to commit another villany beyond
going to Virginia, because they have not told me a word
of having heard that your Majesty had been pleased to
command, that that nest of rogues, Terranate ^ and ' Am-
bueno ' must be abandoned. The Secretary, Andres de
Prade, wrote me so in letters of the 8th of last month,
and I sent it to this King here, rejoicing at the good suc-
cess. He sent me word what great delight it had given
him, that it had been done so much to your Majesty's satis-
faction ; but I think he has been grieved in the same pro-
portion as I have been rejoicing. A thousand thanks to
God for this ! — They applied to the Earl of Pembroke,
that he should give £500, to assist in sending these ships,
and on the day on which this was made known, he said
publicly in the King's palace : The King of Spain has
made an end to the villany of the Dutch ; better, he should
make an end to ours, and I would very cheerfully now
take half of my pounds. . . . [illegible] and having urged
much that counsel that two vessels should sail, which were
in a condition to be able to do so, the money is wanting to
send them off, and the people who may wish to go, from
what I hear, have to give up this chimerical notion and this
marvellous advice likewise.
" Here they have built a few vessels for France, and after
they were ready, I had (as I wrote to your Majesty) an
^ The Virginia Companies had sent Spain, wrote to Salisbury from Ma-
three voyages to Virginia. The first drid March 7, 1607 : " The Spaniards
under Challons (August, 1606) ; the have lately (as they say here) had a
next, Hanham and Pring (October, great victory against the Hollanders
1606), and the third, under Newport and English that had begun to fortify
(December, 1606). Challons had themselves in an island in the East
" been taken " by the Spaniards. Indies called Terra Nata, and have
2 Ternate and Amboyna Islands in not left of these nations one man
the East Indies. Sir Charles Corn- alive there," etc.
wallis, the English ambassador in
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIK 99
embargo laid upon them for two reasons : for a Royal
Proclamation which exists in this Kingdom, that no for-
eigner may build or purchase ships in it, and because the
crew and the soldiers were Englishmen. The ' May re ' ^
favored those from here who is himself the greatest Pirate
that has ever been in this Kingdom, and to these three ves-
sels he added three others of his own. The embargo was
raised by their giving security to the amount of the value
of the ships, and the plan was (as I now hear,) to go to the
' Malucas,' and to privateer in going out and in returning.
The day on which it became known how your Majesty had
secured them, there remained not a man on board the ships
and thus they are here at anchor, without any one on
board. Thus I have told your Majesty all that there is of
news of the sea. May God preserve Y. M." etc.
[Mem. — Hanham and Pring, who sailed for North Vir-
ginia in October, 1606, returned to England early in 1607,
possibly in April. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, writing many
years after, says Pring " brought with him the most exact
discovery of that coast that ever came to my hands since ;
and indeed he was the best able to perform it of any I have
met withal to this present ; which, with his relation of the
country, wrought such an impression in the Lord Chief Jus-
tice and us all that were his associates, that (notwithstand-
ing our first disaster [dialling's] we set up our resolu-
tion to follow it with effect." Captaine Thomas Hanham
also WTote an account of this voyage unto Sagadahoc.
" The brief Eelation " of " The President and Councell for
New England," published in 1622, also refers favorably to
the Relation of Hanham and Pring. Rev. Samuel Pur-
chas had a copy of Hanham's Relation about 1624 ; but I
fear that both accounts are now lost.]
^ Sir John Watts, then Lord Mayor of London.
100 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
XV. CIRIZA TO PEDRASTRA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 202.
Copy of an original letter of M. Juan de Ciriza to M.
Andres de Pedrastra, dated Madrid, May 7, 1607.
" By order of His Majesty and a paper for the Lord
Count de Lemos you sent to the Board of War for the
Indies a part of a letter of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga Em-
bassador in England which treats of certain plans which
the English have formed to go to Virginia with two ves-
sels every month, until they have landed there two
thousand men, and of the Charter and Patents which
the King has granted them to establish their religion in
those parts, and all this having been examined and con-
sulted about in the Board, what was found out was, that
this country, which they call Virginia lies in 35 degrees
above La Florida on the Coast, in the direction of New-
foundland, and is contained within the limits of the Crown
of Castille, although it has not been discovered until now,
nor is it known, what its nature may be — and that from
England it lies 74 degrees of longitude^ which make 1200
leagues, and from Spain there are a thousand, and accord-
ing to this and to other considerations which were of special
importance, it was thought proper that with all necessary
forces this plan of the English should be prevented, and
that it should not be permitted in any way that foreign
nations should occupy this country, because it is, as has
been said, a discovery and a part of the territory of the
Crown of Castille, and because its contiguity increases the
vigilance which it is necessary to bestow upon all the Indies
and their commerce — and this all the more so if they
should establish there the religion and the liberty of con-
science which they profess, which of itself already is what
most obliges us to defend it even beyond the reputation
which is so grievously jeopardised, — and that His Majesty
should command a letter to be written to Don Pedro de
SIR JULIUS C/ESAR
CIRIZA TO PEDRASTRA. 101
Zuiiiga, ordering him to ascertain with great dexterity and
skill how far these plans of which he writes, may be founded
in fact, and whether they make any progress, and who
assists them, and by what means — and that when he is
quite certain, he should try to give the King of England to
understand that we complain of his permitting subjects of
his to disturb the seas, coasts and lands of His Majesty —
and of the rebels being favored by his agency, in their
plans, the rebels of the Islands and of other nations — and
that he should continue to report always whatever he may
hear, charging him to be very careful in this matter, be-
cause of the importance of providing the necessary reme-
dies, in case he should not have any hy those means,
" And His Majesty having been consulted on this matter
in the Council held March 14th of this year, it was decided
to reply that there should be taken down and prepared
everything that seemed advisable, of which I informed His
Majesty, so that orders should be given to write to the
Ambassador in conformity with what His Majesty has
decided. Then your correspondence is with the Council of
State, through which the writing must go to you, and the
orders be given to you, that may be proper.
" May God preserve you, as I desire. From home. May
7th, 1607.
"Juan de Cirica."
[Mem. — The following memoranda, in the handwriting
of George Chalmers, will be found in the Calendar of the
Sparks Manuscripts, in Harvard College Library, V. vol. i.
p. 6, under the head " Spanish Maxims about America : " —
" May, 1607. The Conde de Lemos, President of the
Council of the Indies, told Sir Charles Cornwallis, when he
solicited the enlargement of the English sailors imprisoned
at Lisbon for trading to the West Indies, that the Spaniards
looked to their Indies with no less watchful eyes than to
the government of their own wives."
This, I suppose, has reference to Challons, Legate, and
others.
102 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
May 1, Master Henry Hudson sailed from Gravesend to
discover a passage by the North Pole to Japan and China.
Set forth at the charges of "certaine WorshipfuU Mer-
chants of London."
May 31, " a fly boat called The Gift of God, George
Popham commander, and a good ship, called The Mary and
John of London wherein Raleigh Gilbert commanded,
brake ground from Plymouth," and sailed for North Vir-
ginia. His Majesty's Council for Virginia certainly fur-
nished this expedition with Orders,^ etc., for the voyage,
and Advice, etc., on landing ; also, other Instrimients sim-
ilar to those given to the undertakers for South Virginia.
They also appointed seven councilors for the colony, viz..
Captains George Popham, Ralegh Gilbert, Edward Harlie,
Robert Davis, Elhs Best, James Davis, and Master Gome
Carew, with the Reverend Richard Seymour, as Secretary
or Recorder.
June 10, Sir John Popham, the Chief Justice, died sud-
denly.
June 11, " An Act of Parliament to reform the abuses
of mariners and sailors."]
XVI. THE KING OF SPAIN TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 201.
The letter written from the following " first draft " was
probably received in England late in June, 1607.
" Copy of a first draft of a letter of His Majesty to Don
Pedro de Zuiiiga, dated Ventosilla, June 12, 1607 (N. S.).
" You recently wrote me that the English contemplated
very eagerly going to the island, which they call Virginia
— sending every month two ships, until they shall have
put 2000 men on shore there — carrying Patents and
Ordinances of that King as to the form of Government
1 See VI., VII., VIII., and XII.
THE KING OF SPAIN TO ZUNIGA. 103
and the way of establishing their kind of religion there
— and I commanded you to report what was being done
in this matter, so that we could prepare whatever might
be proper to prevent it. And in the meantime to keep
me informed to the best of your ability as to whatever
you are able to find out about this matter — and this to
be done with the special care which the case calls for —
and considering that this land is a discovery and a part
of the Indies, of Castille, so close to them — and consider-
insf the inconvenience to us, which would follow the occu-
pation of these regions by the English ; for many reasons
which have to be contemplated — especially if they estab-
lish their errors and their sects there (as it must be ex-
pected that they would do if the opportunity was given to
them). It has appeared right to prevent these plans and
purposes of the Enghsh by all available means — and there-
fore I charge and command you, with great skill and vigi-
lance, to ascertain the root of this matter ; what is certain
about this determination ; whether it progresses ; who aids
them and by what means. — and if it be so, that it ought
to be decided at the very beginning, you are to speak to
that King, expressing regret on my part, that he should
permit any of his subjects to try and disturb the seas, coasts,
and lands of the Indies, and that by his agency they should
be protected in their designs who have it in their hands.
And you will report to me what he may reply to you, and
whether it may appear to be likely that that King will re-
ciprocate the kindly feeling which is here shown in all that
concerns him. — but if he should not do so, and if what is
begun should continue to be carried on, you will promptly
report it to me, so that in some other way the necessary
measures may be taken, as demanded by the importance of
this affair. While I will consider myself well served by
you, with all the vigilance which you are able to give to
this matter."
[Mem. — Early in July, while Zuniga was most vigilantly
104 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
spying out the affairs of the Virginia Company, the ambas-
sadors of the United Provinces arrived in England, and
were well received on all sides. On Thursday, the 16th of
July, a famous entertainment was given them by the Mer-
chant Tailors of London, at which King James, Prince
Henry, and many other notables were guests. The cele-
brated Doctor John Bull (the reputed author of the national
anthem of Great Britain, " God Save the King ") played
on the organs, and a boy delivered a speech of eighteen
verses, which was written by Ben Jonson. The cost of
the entertainment probably equaled $20,000 present value.
Chamberlaine wrote to Carleton, " In all things they (the
Dutch ambassadors) speed well enough, insomuch that the
Spanish ambassador is ready to burst to see them so
graced."]
XVII. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 53.
" Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro
de Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, dated London, July 30,
1607.
" Sire : —
" In my previous letter of April 30. I told Y. M. what
I knew of the design they had formed here to go to Vir-
ginia, and now I do not see that I have anything to add,
except that the Chief Justice [Sir John Popham] has died,
who was the man, who most desired it, and was best able
to aid it. I am anxious now, and I shall watch to see if
this begin again to go underway, making all the diligence
which Y. M. in your letter of June 16.^ has been pleased to
command me to use."
[The rest of the letter relates to " Don Antonio Shirley,"
^ This refers to XVI., " the first 16. I have not as yet found a copy of
draft" of June 12; the letter was the complete letter,
probably completed and dated June
NEWPORT TO LORD SALISBURY. 105
and to " Don Thomas Shirley his father," " who are related
to the Queen of England." He says : " Don Antonio Shir-
ley has from Lisbon, made some presents to the Earl of
Salisbury, by the hands of Jeremiah Clemens,* who is the
EarFs servant and spy," etc.]
XVIII. NEWPORT TO LORD SALISBURY.
This document is copied from " Virginia and Virgin-
iola," by Rev. Edward D. NeiU, A. B. (1878), p. 12. It
is also mentioned, and extracts are given from it, in the
Third Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Man-
uscripts. London, 1872, p. 54.
" Copie of a Letter to ye Lord of Salisbyrie from Captaine
Newport ye 29*^ of Julie 1607, from Plimouth." Pre-
served among the manuscripts of His Grace the Duke of
Northumberland at Alnwick Castle.
" Right Ho"^.^
" My verie good Lo. my duty in most humble wise re-
membred. it maie please your good Lordship, I arrived
here in the Sound of Plimouth this daie from the discov-
erie of that parte of Virginia imposed uppon me and the
rest of the Colonic for the South parte, in which wee have
performed our duties to the uttermost of our powers. And
have discovered into the country near two hundred miles,
and a River navigable for greate shippes one hundred and
fifty miles. The contrie is excellent and very rich in gold
and Copper, of the gould we have brought a say and hope
to be with your Lordship shortlie to show it his Majesty
and the rest of the Lords.
" I will not deliver the expectaunce and assurance we
have of great wealth, but will leave it to your Lordship's
censure when you see the probabilities. I wish I might
have come in person to have brought theis glad tidings but
1 An agent of Salisbury in Spain.
106 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
my inability of body and the not having any man to putt in
trust with the shippe, and that in her maketh me to defferre
my coming 'till winde and weather be favourable.
" And so I most humbly take my leave.
" From Plimouth this 29. of Julie. 1607.
" Your Lordships most humbly bounden.
" Christopher Newporte."
[Mem. — Captain Newport arrived at Plymouth on July
29, 1607, on his way from Virginia, and reached London, it
seems, between the 12th and 18th of August. He brought
with him the first documents ever written by Englishmen
on the banks of the James River in America, viz., the fol-
lowing : XIX., XX., XXL, XXIL, and XXIIL, copies of
which have been preserved, and others now probably lost
forever. Among these were : —
TindaU's " dearnall of Our Voyage," see XX. ; Tindall's
" draughte of our River," see XX. ; Percy's letter to Mr.
Warner, see XXV., and a Dutchman's letter to Pory, see
XXV.]
XIX. THE COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA TO THE COUNCIL IN
ENGLAND.
The following, taken from " Virginia and Virginiola,"
pp. 10, 11, is also mentioned in the Third Historical Re-
port, p. 53.
" Coppie of a Letter from Virginia, Dated 22d of June,
1607. The Councell there to the Councell of Virginia
here in England." ^
" We acknowledge ourselves accomptable for our time
here spent were it but to give you satisfaction of our indus-
tries and affections to this most Honorable action, and the
better to quicken those good spirits which have alreadie
bestowed themselves here, and to put life into such dead
1 This was possibly the "perfect relatiou" suggested in VIII.
COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA TO COUNCIL IN ENGLAND. 107
imderstandinofs or beleefs that must first see and feel the
womb of our labour and this land before they will enter-
tain any good hope of us or of the land : —
" Within less than seven weeks, we are fortified well
against the Indians. We have sown good store of wheat
— we have sent you a taste of Clapboard — we have built
some houses — we have spared some hands to a discovery,
and still as God shall enhable us with strength we will bet-
ter and better our proceedings.
" Our easiest and richest comodity being Sasaf rix ^ roots
were gathered up by the Sailors with loss and spoil of many
of our tools and with drawing of our men from our labour
to their uses against our knowledge to our prejudice, we
earnestly entreat you (and do trust) that you take such
order as we be not in this thus defrauded, since they be all
our waged men, yet do we wish that they be reasonably
dealt withall so as all the loss, neither fall on us nor them.
I beleeve they have thereof two tonnes at the least which if
they scatter abroad at their pleasure will pull down our
price for a long time, this we leave to your wisedomes.
The land would flow with milk and honey if so seconded
by your carefull wisedomes and bountifuU hands, wee doe
not perswade to shoot one Arrow to seek another but to
find them both. And we doubt not but to send them home
with goulden heads, at least our desires, labours and lives
shall to that engage themselves.
" We are set down 80 miles within a River, for breadth,
sweetness of water, length navigable up into the country,
deep and bold channell so stored with sturgion and other
sweet fish as no man's fortune hath ever possessed the like.
And as we think if more may be wished in a River it will
be found. The soil is most fruitfull, laden with good Oake,
Ashe, Walnut tree. Poplar, Pine, sweet woods, Cedar, and
others yet without names that yeald gums pleasant as
^ The East India Company and a beverage, which was thought to be
others making long voyages used sas- " very wholesome for the preservation
saf ras root and anise-seed for making of men's health ' ' on board the ships.
108 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
Frankincense, and experienced amongest us for great vertue
in healing green wounds and aches. We entreat your suc-
cours for our seconds with all expedition least that all de-
vouring Spaniard lay his ravenous hands upon these gold
showing mountains, which if we be so enhabled he shall
never dare to think on. — This note doth make known
where our necessities do most strike us, we beseech your
present releif accordingly, otherwise to our greatest and last
grief es, we shall against our wills not will that which we
most willingly would.
" Captaine Newport hath seen all and knoweth all, he can
fully satisfy your further expectations, and ease you of
our tedious letters. We most humbly pray the heavenly
King's hand to bless our labours with such counsailes and
helps as we may further and stronger proceed in this our
King's and countries service.
" Jamestowne in Virginia this 22th of June An** 1607.
" Your Poore Friends. —
" Edward-Maria Wingfield. Bartholomew Gosnold,
John Smith. John Rattcliffe.
John Martins. George Kendall."
XX. ROBERT TINDALL TO PRINCE HENRY.
BRITISH MUSEUM. HAUL. MS. 7007, FOLIO 139.
The following document is taken from a manuscript
copy made for me in the British Museum, several years
ago. It has since been printed in the Preface to Mr.
Arber's edition of Captain J. Smith's Works. Birmingham,
England, 1884. Some extracts were printed from it, also,
in " The Life of Henry Prince of Wales," by Thomas
Birch. London, 1760, page 91. So far as I know, it
has never been printed in this country before.
[Robert Tindall, gunner to Prince Henry; his letter
to the Prince.]
ROBERT TINDALL TO PRINCE HENRY. 109
" MiGHTiE Prince. — I thought it no lesse than my
duty beinge imployed in this voyage of Verginia, In all
humble mannor to make your Princelye selfe acquainted
with those accidentes which hathe happenned to us in this
Our Voyage. May it therefore please your grace to accepte
at the handes of your most humble and dutiful! servante
a dear nail of our voyage and clr aught e of our River, hear
inclosed/ by us discovered where never Christian before
hathe beene, and also to let your grace understande wee
are safely arryved and planted in this contreye by the
providence and mercye of God, which wee finde to be in it
selfe most fruitefull, of the which wee have taken a Reall
and publike possession in the name and to the use of your
Royall father and our gratious King and soveraigne :
Thus ceasing for being too tedious and troublesome unto
your grace, I in all humble mannour committ your princelye
selfe to the protection of Almightie God whome on my
Knees I daylye praye (as I am bound) to blesse and pros-
per your Godlye and vertuous proceedings : —
" From James Towne in Virginia this : 22. of June 1607.
" By your Graces most humble dutifull and faithf ull ser-
vaunte and Gunner : Roberte Tindall."
Addressed: "To the highe and mightie Prince, Henry
Fredericke. Prince and heyre apparente of Greate Brit-
aine, Fraunce, Ireland and Virginia'^
Indorsed : " Tindall his H. Gunner — from Viro-inia."
XXI. " A Relatyon of the Discovery of Our river, from
James Forte into the maine : made by Capt. Christopher
Newport, and sincerely written and observed by a gentle-
man of the Colony." A journal from 21st May to 21st
June, 1607.
1 Tlie inclosures, « the dearnall " from Jamestowne in Virginia," and
[Journal] of our voyage and draughte indorsed as sent " from Virginia."
[drawing] of our River," are missing. It seems quite evident, as Tindall sent
The letter was written June 22, his letter from Virginia, that he must
1607, — the day Newport sailed, — have remained in Virginia himself.
110 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
XXII. " The Description of the now-discovered river
and country of Virginia ; with the liklyhood of ensuing
ritches, by England's ayd and industry."
XXIII. " A Brief Description of the People."
The above three documents were first published in 1860
by " The American Antiquarian Society," in " Archseologia
Americana," vol. iv. pp. 40-65. Edited by Rev. Edward
E. Hale, A. M. Capt. Gabriel Archer was the regularly
appointed Recorder of the Colony, and I think these
documents were written by him. They are all valuable
and interesting. I am much tempted to give them ; but
they are companion pieces, and the three together exceed
my limit on documents heretofore published in America.
For full information, in the premises, the reader is referred
to these American imprints.
XXIV. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 66.
Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Pedro de Zuiiiga to
the King of Spain, dated London, August 22, 1607.
"Sire,—
" Of the vessels that have been to Virginia one has ar-
rived in Plymouth, but as yet it has not come up the river
[to London ?]. I understand they do not come over well
pleased ; because in that country there is nothing else but
good timber for masts, pitch and rosin, and some soil from
which it seems to them they may obtain ' bronse ' [brass ?] .
They say it looks as if they might plant vineyards there
and that they will be very good because there are many
wild grapes there. They have not been able to meet with
the 20 men they left there now 3 years ago,^ and say they
fell in with a King who had in all 150 men, whom they
1 " The 20 men they left there now refer to Capt. Bartholomew Gilbert
3 years ago." In 1G04? Does this (1G03), or to whom?
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GEORGE CALVERT
First Lord Baltininre
CARLETON TO CHAMBERLAIN. Ill
made very grateful by giving him a few presents. I am
still anxious, in order to comply with your Majesties orders,
to hear if they will continue sending people to that country.
As the chief Justice has died, I think this business will
stop.^ Having heard that of the ships which went over
there it has taken one a year.^ — They thought the voyage
an easy one, taking only a month." —
[The rest of this letter relates to Holland, etc.]
XXV. CARLETON TO CHAMBERLAIN.
I give the whole of the following letter because I have
never seen all of it in print, and because it is, I believe, the
first one of the remarkable series of letters between Carle-
ton and Chamberlain, which contains any reference to the
infant Colony in America. These Gazette Letters are very
interesting ; the forerunners of the modern newspaper, the
printed gazette, they are filled with the news and gossip of
their day.
" Mr. Chamberlain — you may whilst you live confess
your obligation to Sr. Wa. Cope for not diluding you with
a jornie as he hath done others with whom he might make
more bolde. Here have we bin ever since I parted from
you readie to sett sayle for the voyage — but yesterday the
wind blew contrarie, or rather the storme of my Lord of
Salisburies commandements which blows our Knight-ad-
venturer in all hast to SaHsburie.^ He endured a small
gust from the Ladie Suffolke which came the day before,
and did in a manner f orewarne the tempest that followed :
It sownded after this sort. — My dancing Knight, if I have
any power in thee, let me stay thee from this jornie. To
which was made this compendious answeare.
Your dancing Knight, takes no delight to lett you dance alone.
Yet with John Porie, not with John Doric to Paris is he gone.
1 " Chief Justice " Popham. His « What ship was this ?
death did "cause a stay" in the ^ The court was then at Salisbury.
Northern Colony of Virginia.
112 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
" But now he stays and by consequent the whole troope
of the Voluntaries. The prest men began theyr inarch on
Saturday last towards Margett where they are mett with
one of the Kings ships. Sir Rafe Winwood^ left many
commendations in store for you. He makes account to re-
turne abowt the beginning of the new yeare, and to begin a
new world ^ by setting himself and his wife here at home, for
which purpose he hath taken a house uppon Parcells greene
neere his wifes mother and meanes to play the goode lius-
bande. You would have laughed at me, if a matter I told
you of had bin done in opinion of this jornie, and then
have bin stayed, and though I now stay it is not like to be
long deferred for there is no other way or meanes of sup-
port but by her and her frends, which I must be faine to
trust upon 'till the world mend with me. Yet shall I see
you and speake with you againe before anie thing be done.
Yf one of my horses were not lame I would speedely be
with you, and as soon as I can I intend to limp towards
you. Meane time I pray you lett me heare where Sir
Michell is, at Ascott or Hampton poile, and how long you
stay in those parts. My Lady Cope comes not downe as
she intended I tolde her you had a purpose to have
seene her, and she sayde she meant to have sent expreslie
to you to have desired your company and goode counsell
how to rule herself in her husband's absence. Our frends
here at Criplegate are all well. Poore Harry is much
lamented of all your frends here. Ned Wimarke ^ had the
newes before I saw him and so had John How and the
hoste of the Star. And now you have all our domestike
newes for publike, you shall understand, that Capt. New-
port is come from our late adventurers to Virginia having
left them in an Island in the midst of a great river 120
mile into the land. They write much commendations of
1 Sir Ralph Winwood and Sir Rich- ^ xhe New World was an absorbing
ard Spencer had recently been sent as topic in England at this time,
joint Ambassadors to the Low Coun- ^ Edward Wymarke, a noted wit.
tries.
CARLETON TO CHAMBERLAIN. 113
the aire and the soile and the commodities of it ; but silver
and gold have they none, and they cannot yet be at peace
with the inhabitants of the countrie. They have fortified
themselfs and built a small towne which they call James-
towne, and so they date theyr letters, but the towne me
thincks hath no gracefull name and besides the Spaniards
who thinck it no small matter of moment how they stile
theyr populations will tell us I doubt, it comes too neere
Villiaco/ One Capt. Waiman^ a special favorite of Sir
Walter Copes was taken the last weeke in a port in Kent
shipping himself for Spaine, with intent as is thought to
have betraied his frends and shewed the Spaniards a
meanes how to defeat this Virginian attempt. The great
Counsell ^ of that state hath resolved of a dubble supplie to
be sent thether with all diligence.
" The opinion is now generally that the Peace will be
made in the low countreys. Sir Richard Spencer saw not
the King since he was appointed for the jornie, and went
without taking leave but by letter, for feare belike lest his
knees should faile him as they did when he should have
gone into Spaine. but legatiis sine mandatis is not held
so honorable a title. Mr. Warner and Mr. Porie are well
mett at this present at my lodging, and you have both
theyr commendations. So with my due remembrance to Sir
Michell and my Ladie, I wish you health and all goode con-
tentment.
" From London this 18th of August 1607.
" Yours most assuredly.
'^Dudley Carleton.
" I pray you aquaint my brother with the stay of my jor-
nie, and lett me not be forgotten to Mr. Gent. Mr. Porie
tells me of a name given by a Duchman who wrote to him
^ Villa Jacobo is Spanish for James- so, he was probably offended because
*®^^"' his own plan with Sir John Zouche
I think this was Capt. George had been prevented by the Virginia
Weymouth, whose name was then Charter.
sometimes written Waiman, etc. If » His Majesty's Council of Virginia.
114 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
in latin from the new towne in Virginia, Jacobopolis, and
Mr. Warner^ hath a letter from Mr. George Percie who
names theyr towne, James-Forte, which we like best of all
the rest, because it comes neere to Chemes-ford."
[Mem. — On the 27th of August, 1607, Carleton again
wrote, giving more particulars of the stay made by SaHsbury
to the journey of Sir Walter Cope, Carleton, John Pory,
and others to France and the Low Countries.]
XXVI. CAPTAIN BARLEY TO MONKE.
AUGUST 18TH. STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, JAMES I., VOLUME
28, NO. 32.
Indorsed : " Capten Barlee.^
" names of prisoners at Sevill.
" To the wor*^ M" Levinus Monke esquire Secretary to
ray lo : of Salishiiry att his howse or els wher.
" Worthy S^
" I have in this inclosed ^ presented unto yow the names
of all those that are prisoners in Spaine, the thinge that I
wold most especially have entreated att your hands (more
then this paper will informe you) is this that yow will com-
mend to your care the recovering the two Salvages Manedo
and Sasacomett, for that the adventures do hold them of
great prize, & to be used to ther great availe for many pur-
poses. So beseeching yow to be as willing to furder yt as
yow were ready of your owne accorde to looke into the
buy sines (whereof I have no dowbte) & God will reward
^ Walter Warner the mathemati- ^ This inclosure is most unfortu-
cian, etc., I suppose. nately missing.
2 This may have been John Barley, I sent a copy of this letter to Mr.
whose daughter Dulcibella married Charles Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge,
Alexander Popham, a brother to Cap- Mass., and it was published with in-
tain George Popham ; but he was troductory remarks by him, in the
more probably of a later generation, proceedings of the Massachusetts His-
possibly a son of the aforesaid John torical society for March, 1885.
Barley.
CAPTAIN BARLEY TO MONKE. 115
your Charitable devise & the prisoners shalbe perpetually
bound to yow who shall procure them this favour from my
ho : good lo : of SaUsbury : & for myselfe I rest ready to
do yow all office & thinke myselfe in my owne harte obliged
unto yow as well for my particular friends as for so noble
& publique a service : & so I commend my respecte to yow
& yow to God's fovour & remaine
" Your friend as you wilbe pleased to use.
"John Barlee.^
" this present Wednesday in hast the xviijth of August
1607^
[Mem. — September 4. Court minute East India Com-
pany. "Beads and cloth very much moth eaten, sold to
the Governor Sir Thomas Smythe for £3. 5^ for the Vir-
ginia Voyage."]
XXVII. THE KING OF SPAIN TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 5571, FOLIO 2U.
This is evidently a draft for a reply to Zuiiiga's letter of
July ^, 1607 (XVII.). The reply was probably received in
England about September 21, 1607, English or Old Style.
Copy of an extract from a first draft of a letter of H. M.
(His Majesty the King of Spain) to Don Pedro de Qu-
niga, dated Madrid, September 21, 1607.
" It is likewise understood, what you say of the suspen-
^ For certain reasons not necessary though the r is peculiarly formed,
to discuss here, I thought the above Could not find an original signature of
must be the signature of Captain John the Capt Baily (or Bay lee) whose
Baylee, and on writing to the Public project is several times alluded to.
Record Office received this reply : — Mr. Hall of the P. R. Office thought
"r<? Barlee or Baylee. the 3rd letter of the name might be
" The name signed to letter dated meant for y. . . . K. Corner."
Augt 18th 1607 appears to be Barlee
116 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
sion of the plans of going to Virginia. — What that King
liad done with the father of Don Antonio Shirley, and the
Justice he did in Scotland to the Earl of ' Dumbirra ' [Dun-
bar].— And of whatever else, of importance, which may
present itself, you must continue to keep me informed."
XXVIII. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME S586, FOLIO 36.
Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Pedro de Zuniga
to the King of Spain, dated London, September ^ 22,
1607.
" Sire : —
"I have reported to your Majesty [XXIV.] how there
had come to Plymouth one of the vessels that went to
Virginia, and afterwards there came in another, which
vessels are still here. Captain Newport makes haste to
return with some people — and there have combined mer-
chants and other persons who desire to establish them-
selves there ; because it appears to them the most suitable
place that they have discovered for privateering and mak-
ing attacks upon the merchant fleets of Your Majesty.
Your Majesty will command to see whether they will be
allowed to remain there. On account of this report I sent
to ask an audience of the King at Salisbury,^ and God was
so pleased that from that day I have not been able to rise
from my bed. Whereupon I have repeated^ my request
stating the reason why. I did not go on the day which had
1 The copy of this letter was dated (during which period Newport proba-
** a 22. de Diciembre ; " but the month bly readied London), and it was dur-
was certainly " Setiembre,^* as the in- ing that time that Zuniga first " asked
ternal evidence and its position " in an audience " of King James.
Jiley'* proves. The day " 22 " is prob- * The king was at Windsor Septem-
ably correct (that is, 12 O. S.). ber 8 (O. S.), and it was probably at
^ The king was at Salisbury (on his that time that Zuiiiga " repeated his
western progress) from about the 14th request " for an audience,
to about the 29th of August (O. S.),
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 117
been designated to me. He has sent me to be visited ^ very
graciously and in the same way, the Queen ; and I desire
nothing more than to have health to fulfil what Y. M. has
commanded me to see in what manner they take up that
business, which I fear, he will say is not his businesse ; —
and that he will order it to be set right — and in the mean-
time they will make every effort they can. It is very desir-
able Y. M. should command that such a bad project should
be uprooted now while it can be done so easily. I hope to
God I shall be able to speake to the King within eight days ;
because at that time ^ he will come nearer to this place.
"I have found a confidential person, through whom I
shall find out what shall be done in the Council ^ (which they
call Council of Virginia). They are in a great state of
excitement about that place and very much afraid lest Your
Majesty should drive them out of it. They go about with
a plan that if this be not done, they will make this King
take the business in his own hands.* And there are so
many who here, and in other parts of the Kingdom, speak
already of sending people to that country, that it is advis-
able not to be too slow ; because they will soon be found
1 That is, he tells Philip III., when ^ j^^ ^he meetings of His Majestys
he wrote to the king at Salisbury, ask- Council of Virginia were private, and
ing audience, the king and the queen the members thereof sworn to secrecy,
had both very graciously appointed a this " confidential person" was prob-
day for his visit or audience. The ably a member of that council. Who
translation is literal. was he ?
2 Zuniga was evidently looking for * They were, in fact, royally char-
the king's coming to Hampton Court^ tered colonies, and not private planta-
eight miles nearer than Windsor. He tions, from the beginning. The indi-
passed there, probably unexpectedly vidual feature was for diplomacy, to
to Zuiiiga, on the 12th (O. S.) of Sep- enable the king, when called upon by
tember (the day this letter was writ- other governments, to gain time by
ten, it seems), but did not return to shifting the responsibility on irrespon-
hold his court there for a week or sible shoulders — the old idea of No-
more (see XXX.). As soon as Zuiiiga vember 6, 1577. The whole of Amer-
heard that the king had come to ica from 34° to 45° was claimed by
Hampton (.^), he made a third appli- the king, who had placed it under the
cation, it seems, for an audience (see management of liis royal council, es-
XXIX.). This may have been only tablished for that purpose.
the second application (see note 2, p.
116), but I think it was the third.
118 PP:RI0D I. JULY, IGOS^ANUARY, 1C09.
there with large numbers of people, whereupon it will be
much more dillicult to drive them out than now. &c.
" May Our Lord preserve and guard the Catholic Person
of Y. M. as all Christendom needeth."
[Mem. — Captain Henry Hudson returned from his voy-
age September 15, 1607.]
XXIX. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 258G, FOLIO 64.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga to the
King of Spain, dated London, October 5, 1607.
" Sire, —
" When the King came to Hampton Court, which was
on the 22d of last month [12tli September, 0. S.], I sent
to ask an audience, and he sent me word, that it pleased
him to wait 'till he should return there ; because he was
leaving the next day to hunt, on the other side of Lon-
don, in certain woods and forests which he has towards
'Fibols' [Theobald's?]. Day before yesterday he re-
turned, and I sent again begging an audience. He was
sick with fever that day and he replied that this, and
his waiting for the Members of his Council,^ prevented
his doing what I washed and that he would let me know
when he was so disposed. In this way I have not been
able to say anything to the King about Virginia ; but I
understand that a sliip^ is sailing there and a tender with
about 120 men and from all who go they require an oath
of allegiance. A man has told me to-day, a man who
usually tells me the truth, that these men are complaining
^ The king was putting off, gaining with two vessels, emigrants, and sup-
time, and the managers of the Virginia plies, as rapidly as possible,
enterprise were preparing Newport, ^ The John and Francis and the
Phoenix.
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
119
of what the King does for the Scotch who may go there,
and that he favors them more than themselves. They are
in the greatest fear, that Y. M. will give orders to have
them stopped ; because all see that their sending there can
no longer be approved, as Y. M. takes it. It appears
clearly to me now that it is not their intention to plant
colonies, but to send out pirates from there, since they do
not take Avomen, but only men. I have not wished to
detain this courier, because the King might be one of these
days in bad health.^ I understood that he writes to Y. M.
desiring much to strengthen the bonds of Friendship. I
believe that there are some things that have to be done for
the service of God and of Y. M. &c. — as for myself, a
cloud has disappeared from my heart, because now I see a
door is opening for free speech in religion. May God open
it in such a manner that His sacred service may be entirely
fidfilled, and may He protect," etc.
1 Was Zuiiiga expecting the king
to die, or did he fear his assassina-
tion?
[Note. — The following abstract
from Bacon's report to the House of
Commons (June 17) of Salisbury's
speech at the conference of the Lords
on June 15, 1607 (see note 1, pp. 121,
122) throws much light on XXX.,
XXXI., XXXIII., and on the diffi-
culties in the way of obtaining the re-
lease of Challons and his men : —
" His Lordship said, it was the pol-
icy of Spain to keep that treasury of
theirs [the West Indies] under such
lock and key as a vigilant dragon
keepeth his golden fleece. Yet his
ALajesty [James I.] in the conclusion
of the last treaty would not agree to
any article excluding his subjects from
that trade, nor acknowledge any right
to Spain either by the donative of the
Pope, whose authority he disclaimeth,
or by the title of a dispersed occupa-
tion of certain territories in the name
of the rest; but stood firm to reserve
that point in full question to further
times. So as it is left by the treaty in
suspense, neither debarred nor per-
mitted. The tenderness and point of
honour whereof was such, as they that
went thither must run their oivn peril.
But if his Majesty would descend to a
course of intreaty for the release of the
arrests in those parts, and so confess an
exclusion, and quit the point of honour,
his Majesty mought have them forth-
with released : And yet his Lord-
ship added, that the offences and scan-
dals of some had made this point
worse than it was ; in regard that this
very last voyage to Virginia, intended
for trade and plantation where the
Spaniard hath no people nor posses-
sion, is already become infamed for
piracy : Witness Bingley, who first in-
sinuating his purpose to be an actor in
that worthy action of enlarging trades
and plantation, is become a pirate, and
his ship is taken in Ireland, though
his person is not yet in hold." (See
Spedding's Letters and Life of Lord
Bacon, vol. iii. pp. 352, 353.)]
120 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARy, 1609.
XXX. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 68.
Copy of a deciphered letter from Ziiniga to the King of
Spain, dated London, October 8, 1607.
" Sire : —
" Saturday night ['^^SrcT I had a message from the
Chamberlain in which he told me that the King would
give me an audience, yesterday, Sunday, at 2.
"He received me as usual very courteously, and after
we had seated ourselves, I told him how your Majesties
had grieved over the death of his daughter.^
" He rephed to this with much gratefulness. Then I
told him that Y. M. had ordered me to represent to him
how contrary to good friendship and brotherly feeling it
was, that his subjects should dare wish to colonize Vir-
ginia, when that was a part of the Spanish Indies, and that
he must look upon this boldness as very obnoxious.
" He answered that he had not particularly known what
was going on ; that as to the navigation to Virginia he had
never understood that Y. M. had any right to it ; but that
it was a very distant country where Spaniards lived, and
that in the Treaties of Peace with him and with France it
was not stipulated that his subjects should not go there,
except to the Indies, and that as Y. M.'s people had dis-
covered new regions, so it seemed to him, that his own
people might do likewise. I replied to him that it was a
condition of the Treaty of Peace, that in no way should
they go to the Indies. The King said to me that those
who went, did it at their own risk and that if they came
upon them in those parts there would be no complaint
should they be punished. I told him that to punish them
^ The queen was brought to bed at at Stan well, the Lord Kne vet's house.
Greenwich on the 9th or 10th of April, She was the first royal infant to re-
1605, of a daughter, afterwards named ceive Protestant baptism in England.
Mary, who died September 16, 1607,
GEORGE CAREW
First Earl of Totncs
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 121
was all riglit, but that it would be better for the closer
union between Y. M.'s subjects and his own, and that this
invention of going to Virginia for colonising purposes was
seen in the wretched zeal with which it was done, since the
soil is very sterile, and that hence there can be no other
purpose connected Avith that place than that it appears to
them good for pirates, and that this could not be allowed.
He told me in reply that he had never known Y. M. was
interested in this, but since I assured him it was so, and
that they might send pirates out from there, he would seek
information about it all, and would give orders that satis-
faction should be given to me by the Council, and that he
was inclined to think as I did, having heard it said that the
soil was very sterile and that those have been sadly deceived
who had hoped to find there great riches — that no advan-
tage from it all came to him, and that if his subjects went
where they ought not to go, and were punished for it,
neither he nor they could complain. I said in reply that
the difficulties were such as must be considered and the best
remedy was to prevent and cut it short from here, since it
was publicly known, that two vessels^ had sailed from a
port of this kingdom for the Indies, and that two others^
were being laden here to go. The King told me they were
terrible people and that he desired to correct the matter. I
represented to him how well his subjects would always be
treated in all parts of Y. M. dominions to which they can
go, and with how much good will Y. M. commands it so.
He told me, he saw now perfectly well how certain every-
thing was that I told him, because in the last Parliament
there had been so much excitement about the two ships
seized in the Indies.^
" I told him that here the common people always liked
to raise difficulties with us and that I would not complain
^ The Gift of God and the Mary ^ There is " a bit of irony " in the
and John. (See May 31, 1607.) king's remarks. " The last Parlia-
2 The John and Francis and the ment " was in session from February
Phcenix. (See October 8, 1607.) 10 to July 4, 1607. In the English
122 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
of such people, but that I did complain of some Members of
the Council who had talked of Y. M.'s having called the
Count of Tyrone/' etc.
[Relates to Irish affairs, etc. In this part of the inter-
view, King James refers to the kind treatment which " An-
tonio Perez " had received in England.]
" I told him [King James] once more how important it
was that a remedy should be found for that matter in Vir-
ginia, because it was necessary to take measures about it
before it assumed a worse condition."
[End of the interview with King James.]
" These explanations of the Council [promised by the
king] are apt to be very long and protracted here, and in
the meantime they may send more people there, and fortify
themselves there, for I hear that from Plymouth, they have
settled another district near the other. — I shall be careful
to find out about what is going on, and I shall report to
Y. M. ; but I should consider it very desirable that an end
should be now made of the few who are there, for that
would be digging up the Root, so that it could put out no
more."
[Zuiiiga again refers to Tyrone ^ and to Irish affairs.]
State Papersj vol. xxvii., No. 19, May Challons' and Captain Legat's ship.
13, 1007, are notes of Sir Edwin (See XXXIV.) It may be safely in-
Sandys' speech in the Lower House, ferred that Virginia was mentioned in
concerning the complaints of the mer- this debate, in May and June, 1607,
chants, of injuries inflicted on them by both in the House of Lords and in the
the Spaniards. Same volume, No. 53 House of Commons.
[June 17], 1G07, The Report by Sir Zuuiga's account of his first inter-
Francis Bacon to the House of Com- view with King James, on Sunday,
mons of speeches by two Earls [Elles- September 27, 1G07, regarding Vir-
mere and Salisbury], in a conference ginia, is very interesting. He had been
between the Houses of Lords and trying to meet the king since he heard of
Commons, relative to the petition of Newport's return, probably since about
the merchants for redress of wrongs August 12, and it is interesting to note
suffered in Spain. And in the same the various hindrances which delayed
volume, No. 54, is an Analysis of the interview for a month and a half,
some points of the p]arl of S.alisbury's until Newport was ready to sail again.
Speech at the conference about the ^ Tyrone was expected in England
Spanish business. September 16. Sir Oliver Lambert
" The two ships seized in the [^yest] brought the news to the Court that he
Indies " were evidently Captain Henry had fled into Spain. On September
ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN. 123
" A servant of a merchant who is going to Spain on busi-
ness, takes this letter in another letter for Dona Maria, so
that Y. M. may know what is going on here.
" May Our Lord " etc.
XXXI. ZUNIGA TO THE KING OF SPAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 69.
Copy of a deciphered letter from Zuiiiga to the King of
Spain, dated London, October 16, 1607.
" Sire : —
"I have written to Y. M. and reported the audience
which I had concerning the Virginia affair [XXX.]. I sent
to Hampton Court to remind the Council of the answer due
me, as the King had told me, and Count Salisbury tells me
that having discussed it with the King, he replied to him
nearly what he told me : If the English go where they may
not go, let them be punished — and having looked carefully
into the matter, it seems to him that they may not go to
Virginia — and that thus, if evil befalls them, it will not be
on his account, since to him this will not appear as being
contrary to friendship and peaceful disposition. He says,
he does not wish to do what he has been asked to do, in
18, 1607, the Earl of Salisbury wrote treaty with the Low Countries, which
to the Earl of Shrewsbury from Theo- had been under way for some time ; a
balds, . . . ** I send you this abstract, truce, for twelve years, was signed in
by which you shall see that Ireland con- June, 1609. Spanish procrastination
ceals not their adherence to Spain. . . . was evidently understood, and taken
But, ray Lord, that these men [Tyrone advantage of, in England,
and O'Dounel] shall procure the King The student of the struggle for our
of Spain suddenly to declare himself Atlantic coast must also bear in mind
in any open invasion I am not of the troubles, at that time, between
opinion ; because he hath now a piece England and Ireland, and Spain's and
of work to treat of, «fec. . . . The time Rome's relation thereto, as well as the
of the year is far spent, and Spain is troubles between Spain and the Low
not so sudden in such attempts." " The Countries, and the relation of England
piece of work to treat of," was the thereto.
124 PERIOD I. JULY, IGOo^ANUARY, 1G09.
preventing their going and commanding tJiose who are
Old there to returii, and the reason of this is, because that
would be acknowledging that Your Majesty is Lord of all
the Indies.
" Those who are urging the colonization of Virginia,
become every day more eager to send people, because it
looked to them as if this business was falling to sleep after
all that has been done for it, and before Nativity there will
sail from here and from Plymouth five or six ships. It
will he serving God and Y. 31. to drive these villains out
from there, hanging them in time which is short enough
for the purpose. They have been told that the Earl of
Tyrone has reached Corufia and that he has been very well
received there. They are now anxious to see what will be
done to him, and they are afraid Y. M. may perhaps in the
name of His Holiness send him with some Italian forces to
Ireland, so as to stir up there some rebellion, and they say,
that if this should be so, they would openly declare war,
but that, if not, they will faithfully keep the peace with Y.
M. This is, therefore, finally to tell me that they are not
in favor of war, and I have replied to them, that Y. M. has
always faithfully observed the Treaties of Peace, and that
he will do so now.
" May the Lord " etc.
[Mem. — The John and Francis, Captain Newport, and
the Phoenix, Captain Francis Nelson, " sailed from Graves-
end on Thursday, October 8. 1607 — reached Plymouth the
following Thursday (15th) — where they remained untill
Monday (lOtli), and as the wind was not favorable it was
necessary on the next day (20th) to make port at Falmouth,
where until Friday (23d) morning they suffered much from
a great storm." On Friday, October 23, 1607, they sailed
from Falmouth for Virginia. Carrying, of course, many
letters, documents, etc., all of which are now probably lost
forever. The John and Francis took Sir Thomas Smythe
round the North Cape of Europe into the White Sea, on
REPORT OF THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF STATE. 125
his embassy to Russia in 1604. The Phoenix had been
employed in the expeditions of the Lees to Guiana in 1604-
1605. His Majesties council in England send over at this
time an additional member for the council in Virginia in
the person of Matthew Scrivener.]
XXXII. THE KING OF SPAIN TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 215.
Copy of an extract from a letter of H. M. to Don Pedro de
Zufiiga, dated Madrid, October 28, 1607.
" I am very well pleased with the result of your transac-
tions with that King in the Virginia Question — and this
matter will have to be looked into continually so as to pro-
vide what is to be done — and in the meantime try to
ascertain what ships and what men go from there to Vir-
ginia, and report to me what you may find out."
XXXIII. REPORT OF THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF
STATE.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 251S.
" Copy of a report of the Spanish Council of State, dated
10th Nov^ 1607 — on a communication from Don Pedro
de Zuniga on the subject of Virginia,
" Sire : —
" The Embassador Don Pedro de Qufiiga writes in a let-
ter of October 16. [6, 0. S.] [XXXI.] that requesting the
Council [in England] to give him an answer concerning
Virginia, he has been told that they cannot prevent Eng-
hshmen from going there at their own peril, nor will that
King give any orders concerning this matter, because it
would be acknowledo^ino: that Y. M. is Lord of all the In-
126 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
dies. And Don Pedro reports that before Nativity there
will sail from London and from Plymouth five or six ships,
and that it would be important to drive these people out
from there, at once, hanging them in time, which is short
enouofh for all that has to be done.
" And it having been seen in this Council that the ' Con-
destable ' of Castile [Juan Ferdinand de Velasco] has re-
ported that when he was negociating the Treaty of Peace
in England [August 19, 1604], he considered that if partic-
ularly anxious to treat of excluding the English from the
Indies and more especially from Virginia, he would have to
encounter the difficulty that it is more than 30 years since
they have had peaceful possession of it, and that, if it were
declared that Virginia was not a part of the Indies, a very
dangerous door would be opened. Thus it was resolved
that an effort should be made to agree to it, as was done,
that the navigation of the English should only be allowed
in Y. M.'s dominion, where of old and before the war it was
usual to navigate — by which agreement the English were
tacitly excluded from navigating in the Indies — and that
always since it has appeared difficidt to him to insist upon
it as a right that all that is contiguous to the Indies is a
part of them, and for this reason it is prudent to proceed
cautiously. The actual taking possession will be to drive
out of Virginia all who are there now, before they are rein-
forced ; and for this and other reasons it will be well to
issue orders that the small fleet stationed to the Windward,
which for so many years has been in state of preparation,
should be instantly made ready and forthwith proceed to
drive out all who now are in Virginia, since their small
number will make this an easy task, and this will suffice to
prevent them from again coming to that place.
" And to this the whole Council agreed. Your Majesty
will order it to be seen to that everything be provided
which may be necessary.
" Madrid November 10. 1607."
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 127
[The King of Spain indorsed on this report of his Coun-
cil the following : —
" Royal Decree : Let such measures he taken in this
business as may now and hereafter api^ear proper,
" At the {parralar) of the report it appeared that the
driving out of the English from Virginia by the Fleet sta-
tioned to the windward will be postponed for a long time,
because delay will be caused by getting it ready and that
thus this idea is not to be relied upon." Signed with three
rubrics or signatures.]
XXXIV. CHALLONS' VOYAGE.
The following interesting narrative is one of the docu-
ments collected by Hakluyt, which were afterwards printed
by Purchas. See his " Pilgrimes/' volume iv. pp. 1832-
1837. I have never seen a reprint, and therefore I give
the whole of it, though it is rather long.
"The Voyage of M. Henry Challons intended for the
North Plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the way,
and ill used by Spaniards.
" Written by John Stoneman, pilot.
" On Thursday the twelfth of August, 1606, M. Henry
Challons gentleman set forth from Plimouth, in our small
ship of the burthen of fiftie-five Tunnes or thereabout,
called The Richard of Plimouth, Wherein went twentie
nine Englishmen and two of the five savages (whose names
were Mannido and Assacomoit) which were brought into
England the yeere before out of the North parts of Vir-
ginia from our goodly River by him thrice discovered,
called in the Latitude of 43. degrees, 20. minutes
were imployed for a farther discovery of these coasts : And
if any good occasion were offered, to leave as many men as
wee could spare in the Country. Being victualled for
eleven or twelve moneths, at the charges of the Honourable
Sir John Popham Knight, Lord Chief Justice of England,
128 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
Sir Fardinando Georges, Knight, Captaine of the Fort of
Phmouth, together with divers other worshipful! Knights,
Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Country e : John
Stoneman of PHmouth being Pilot, who had beene in the
foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere before with George
AVaymouth ; The Masters name was Nicholas Hlne of Cock-
ington neere Dartmouth.
" The last of August wee fell with the He of Madera,
,, , where we watered and refreshed ourselves, and
stayed three dayes, being very kindly used by the
Inhabitants. The third day of September wee departed
from thence, passing betweene Gomora and Palma, two of
the Canary lies, and from thence were driven by contrary
winds, to take a more Southerly course then we intended,
and so spent more then sixe weekes before wee could re-
cover any of the Ant-Iles. The first that we could recover,
^ . , . vras the lie of Saint Lucia, in the Latitude of 14.
baint Lucia.
degrees, 20 minutes, where we refreshed our-
selves with wood and water. And saw certaine of the Sav-
ages there, about fortie or fiftie, came unto us at our Ship
in one of their Canoas, bringing unto us Tobacco, Potatos,
Fortie En Plautius, and Cassavi Bread, the which Savages
lish siaine by had slaiuc morc then fortie of our Nation the
1005. See yccrc before, 1605, as after wee understood by
Philip Glasco, and Miles Pett, being two of Cap-
taine Nicholas Saint John's Company, which was there
treacherously siaine among the rest. Having stayed heare
three dayes, about the two and twentieth of October we
departed thence to the Northward. And in passing by the
^ . . He of Dominica, wee chanced to see a White
Dominica.
Flag put forth on the shoare, whereat marvel-
^ The Storie given by Purchas, iv. " about the end of September, 1606,"
pp. 1255, etc., is from An Howrc and writes: "We shot the channell
Glasse of Indian Newes, etc., written of Florida in eight dayes against the
by John NichoU (February 2, 1607), winde, and came along by the Isle of
dedicated to Sir Thomas Smythe, and Bermuda," etc. He arrived in Eug-
printed for Nathaniel Butter in 1607. land February 2, 1607.
NichoU sailed from Havana, Cuba,
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 129
ling, wee supposed that some Christians had sustained ship-
wreck there. And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the
shoare towards us, which when they came neere, being very
Kttle wind, wee hiyed our ship by the lee and stayed for
them a little, and when they were come within a little dis-
tance of the ship, wee perceived in the Cannoa a Friar,
who cried aloud in the Latine tongue, saying, I beseech,
as you are Christians, for Christ his sake to shew some
mercy and compassion on mee, I am a Preacher of the
Word of God, a Friar of the. order of Franciscus in Sivill,
by name Friar Blasius. And that hee had Friar Biacus
beene there sixteene moneths a Slave unto those ^^^ request.
Savao-es : and that other two Friars which were of his Com-
pany they had murthered and throwne into the sea. We
demanded of him then, how he got so much favour to pre-
serve his life, his Brethren being murthered : Hee an-
swered, because hee did shew the savages how to fit them
sayles for their Cannoas, and so to ease them of much
labour often in rowing, which greatly pleased the Savages
as appeared, for wee saw them to use Sayles in their Can-
noas, which hath not beene scene before. Then we de-
manded of him where they had this Linnen Cloth to make
those Sayles : hee answered, that about two yeeres before
that, three Gallions comming to the West Indies
were cast away on the He of Gwadalopa, where Hons lost at
abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchan- ^^ ^ '^^^'
disc was cast on shoare. Then we demanded farther what
was the cause of his being in this place, and how he came
thither : he answered. That the King of Spain did every
yeere, send out of every great monastery certaine c^^ggg ^f
Friars into the remote parts of the Indies, both yeereiy send
to seeke to convert the Savages, as also to seeke out of
out what benefits or commodities midit be had ^^'''"^*
m those parts, and also of what force the Savages were of,
and what number of them were in the seven Ant-Iles, viz.
Saint Vincent, Granado, Saint Lucia, MattaHna Dominica,
Gwadalopa, Aisey. The which the said Friar Blaseus said
130 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
he had dihgently noted and observed, and did hope to
make perfect relation of such great benefits and riches as
was to be drawne from thence, as he doubted not but
would bee greatly accepted of his King, if hee might live
to return to declare it : For, said hee, I have scene in one
River discending from the Mountains in the He of Domi-
Goid in nica, the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Copper,
Dominica. whercupou I tookc some of it, and chewed it be-
tweene my teeth, and found it perfect Mettall, the Savages
noting me, began to have some jealousie of me, so as I
durst not take any farther notice of it, neither would they
suffer him forward to come neere to that place. And far-
ther hee said. That if the great plentie of divers Fruits and
Roots fit for man's sustenance were perfectly knowne, to-
gether with the Sugar-canes that they have in those lies,
and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would be very
shortly inhabited ; and as for the number of savages there,
as neere as we could understand, was scarce one thousand
of all sorts of men, women and children in all the said
seven lies.
" Now, being moved with pittie at the lamentable com-
plaint, and humble suit of this distressed Friar, wee tooke
him into our Ship, and sent away the Savages much discon-
tented. And from thence wee sayled to the Isle of Saint
John De Port-rico, where on the nine and twentieth of
^, , , October, wee arrived on the South Side, and
They land ^ . i i t i
the Friar on forthwith scut the Friar on shoare, and delivered
him to two Heardsmen, which most thankfully
received him, and of their courtesie brought us a fat Cow,
and proferred us more with Hogs, calves, or anything else
that they could procure us in recompence of the good deed
done to the Friar. Wee departed from thence and sayled
out betweene the lies of Saint John Deportrico and His-
paniola standing away to the Northward. And leaving the
great shoalds called Abrioio, on our Larboord side, being in
the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees, from thence West-
ward, our course North North-West, and North-west and
HENRY GARY
First I'isroiiiit Falkland
CAT^Ctl^^^^
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 131
by North, iintill wee were in the Latitude of 27. degrees or
better, and about one hundred and eightie leagues from
Saint John de Port Rico. In this place having had a very
great storme of Wind and Raine continuing fiftie sixe
houres and more before on the tenth day of No- ^^ ,
•^ . Iney by un-
vember, about ten of the clocke in the morning, iiappy h^p
suddenly we found ourselves in the middest of a Spanish
fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke ^ ^^^
fogge of mist and raine, so as we could not see them be-
fore they were very neere, and within shot of them, where-
in three of them were on the windward of us, on a third
and fourth more to leeward : those at the windward came
rome unto us, and shot at us, requiring us to speake with
their Admirall. When we saw that by no meanes we could
avoid them, but that they would speake with us, we put
abroad our colours, and went toward the Admirall, before
wee came unto him, he likewise strooke downe our Sayle,
and came under his lee, demanding his pleasure : the other
ship which first shot us, all our sayles being downe, and
shot our mayne sayle in pieces lying on the Decke. And
forthwith the Admirall came on boord of us, with two and
twentie men in their ships Boate with Rapiers, They are
Swords, and halfe-pikes. We being all in peace taken^and
stood redie to entertayne them in peace. But abused.
as soone as they were entred on boord of us, they did most
cruelly beate us all, and wounded two of our Company in
the heads with their Swords, not sparing our Captayne nor
any. Also they wounded Assacomoit, one of the Savages
aforesaid, most cruelly in severall places in the bodie, and
thrust quite through the arme, the poore creature creeping
under a Cabbin for feare of their rigour : and as they
thrust at him, wounding him, he cried still. King James,
King James, King James his ship. King James Kin^-james
his ship. Thus having beaten us all downe his name lit-
under the Deckes, presently they beat us up by Span-
againe, and thrust us over-boord into their Boate,
and so sent us on boord of the Admirall ship. Neither
132 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1G09.
would they suffer any of us to speake a word, to shew the
cause of our passing the Seas in these parts. Neyther
regarded they anything, our Commission which the Cap-
tayne held forth unto them in his hand : untill that the
Admirall with the Company of foure other of the ships,
had rifled, spoyled, and delivered all the Merchandize and
goods of the ship among them : which beeing done, they
also divided us beeing thirtie persons in all into the said five
ships, by [eight?] seven, six, five, and foure to a ship.
" Three of the former eight Sayle made Sayle away, and
never came neere us, neither were partakers of our Spoyle.
Then they also repayred our Maine Sayle which was torne
with the shot aforesaid, and put their men into her. And
after because they could not make her to sayle well, they
took two of our men, and put into her to helpe them, the
other five ships and our ship kept company two or three
dayes together. After this they separated themselves either
from other, not through any tempest or storme, but through
wilfull negligence or simple Ignorance, by shaping contrary
courses the one from the other. So as not two of them
kept company together. My selfe and six more of our
company in the Vice-Admirall (of the burthen of one hun-
dred and eightie tunnes; called the Peter of Sivill, the
Captaynes name was Andreas Barbear) beeing alone, and
having lost the company of the Fleet, continued our course
untill the middle of December : at which time being about
twentie leagues off from the He of Santa Maria one of the
lies of the Azores, the Vice-Admiral and the whole com-
pany disliking the great Ignorance of the Pilot, because he
had told them ten dayes before that he was very neere the
Hands, and had waited all this time, and could [not] find
any of them, entreated me very earnestly to shew my skill.
And the Pilot himselfe brought mee his instruments, and
besought mee most earnestly to assist him, and to appease
the Company. Whereunto by there much importunitee I
yeelded. And by God's assistance on Christmasse Eve,
after our English account, I brought them safe to the
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 133
Barre of Saint Lucas, being the first ship of the whole
Fleet that arrived there.
" One of the ships of This Fleet, by the great Ignorance
of the Spanish Masters, Pilots, and Mariners was driven
beyond all the coast of Spaine, into Burdeaux in Gascoyne.
" In which shippe the officers of the Admiraltie of France,
finding f oure of our EngHshmen prisoners under Yv^uc\i Cour-
the Deckes in hold; to wit. Master Daniel t^^^^-
Tucker, who was our Cape Merchant, Pierce Gliddon and
two others, did very friendly set them at libertie ; and the
said Daniel Tucker, presently arrested the Spanish ship and
goods beeing of great value, which of long time remayneth
under arrest.
" The good Duke of Medina hearing of the arrivall of
certaine English prisoners taken here [neare ?] the Coast of
the West Indies ; sent command to the Captaynes of the
Spanish Ships, to bring foure of the chiefest to be brought
before him. Whereupon myselfe. Master Thomas Saint
John, John Waldrond our Steward, and William Stone our
Carpenter were brought before him. The Ship wherein
Master Challons was, was not yet come. Master David
Nevill an Englishman dwelling in St. Lucas, was appointed
our Interpretor. And then the Duke required me upon
my oath to yeeld a true and faithfull answere, according
to the whole state and manner of our Voyage and pro-
ceedings, which I did, according to the former Relation
afore-written, whereupon his Excellencie replyed unto the
Spanish Captaynes which had brought us, saying, if this
bee true which this Englishman affirmeth, you have greatly
wronged these men. And so commanded them to provide
meate, drinke, and fit lodging for us, and to bring us
againe the next day before him. They sent us nevertheless
to Sivill, where wee were brought to a Dutchman's house,
called Signior Petro, where we were reasonably lodged, and
entertayned that night. The next morning being New
Yeeres day we were brought before the President of
Sivill, at the Contractation, who hearing of our comming,
134 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
and not vouchsafing to speake with us, sent foure officers
Their impris- ^^ ^^^y ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ PHsou. Where for the
onment. space of five dajcs wee had publike allowance,
but such as poore men which were there Prisoners, also
did of their mercie bestow on us. At length after many
humble Sutes, and earnest Petitions exhibited to the Presi-
dent, we had a Riall of Plate allowed to each man a day,
which is sixe pence English, which by reason of the dearth
of all sorts of victuall in those parts, will not goe so far as
three pence in England. And so at severall times, within
one moneth after eleven more of our Company were com-
mitted to Prison, as they came home, whereof, our Captaine
was one. Notwithstanding that the good Duke of Medina
had discharged both him and all those of his Company,
which came into Spaine with him, and willed him to goe
home to the Court of England, or to the Court of Spaine
where he thought to have best reliefe for his poore impris-
oned Company. Whereupon Nicholas Hine our Master,
and two more of our men wisely foreseeing what was like
to bee the Issue, made haste away out of the citie, and so
got passage and escaped to England.
" Before the comming of our Captaine to Sivill, my self e
and eleven more of my Company were examined before the
President of the Contractation : who finding no just cause
of offence in us, did often earnestly examine me of the
manner and situatio7i of the Countrie of Virginia, together
with the commodities and he7ieflt thereof. And after the
comming of our Captaine, they likewise examined him to the
same purpose. We answered both to one purpose, accord-
ing to our Commission in writing, which the Spaniards
at our taking at Sea, had preserved and delivered up
unto the hands of the President. Within few dayes after,
they gave our Captaine and Master Thomas Saint John,
libertie of mayne Prison, upon the securitie of two English
Merchants, which were Master William Rapier, and Master
John Peckeford, whereof the later is dwelling and maried
in Sivill. The rest of the Company being one and twentie
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 135
in Prison continued still in miserable estate. And about
two moneths after, Robert Cooke of London one of our
Company fell sick of a Fluxe, whereof he Ian- Hardhearted
guished three moneths and more, and by no Spaniards,
meanes that wee could make, could get him forth to bee
cured, although wee spent more than sixtie Rials in Sup-
plicaves and Sutes to get him out. At length being dead,
they caused his bodie to bee drawne up and downe the
Prison by the heeles, naked, in most contemptible manner,
crying. Behold the Lutheran, as five others of our Company
beeing then in Prison beheld : and so laid him c^ueii im-
under the Conduit, and powred water into his dead "^"»^itie.
bodie. This done, they cut off his Eares, Nose and Members,
as the Spaniards themselves confessed unto us, and so con-
veyed his bodie wee could never learne whether, although
we proffered them money to have his dead corps to burie
it. Shortly after Nathaniel Humfrie our Boatswaine was
stabbed into the belly with a Knife by a Spaniard, which
was a slave in the Prison, and fourteen dayes after dyed,
who beeing dead I went unto the keeper of the Prison, desir-
ing to buy his dead bodie to burie it, and so for twenty
Rials I bought his body, and buried it in the field. Then
we besought the President for justice on this slave which
had slaine our Boatswaine : he demanded what we would
have of the slave. And we requested, that as he had slaine
an honest and worthy man of ours causelesse, that hee might
die for it according to the law. The President answered,
no, but if we would have him condemned for two or three
yeares more to the Gallies he should. For said hee. The
King of Spaine will not give the life of the worst gpanish
slave that he hath, for the best Subiect that the Presidents
p-minii 1 •! respect to the
King or Lngland hath, and so sent us away with English,
this answere. Whereupon being out of all hope of Justice
with the President, we repaired unto the Regent being an
Ecclesiasticall man, one of the chiefest Judges of the Citie,
desiring likewise Justice on the Murtherer afore- Honest Span-
said: who in kind tearmes promised us Justice, ^^^^^'
136 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
and so willed us to retaine counsell and Attornies to prose-
cute our Sute ; which wee did accordingly, and so after
two moneths Sute, and the cost of more then two hundred
Rials on Lawyers, Scribes and other Officers at length we
had him hanged by the favour of the Regent, which other-
wise we had never obtained.
" And now I may not omit to shew how I got the libertie
to have the scope of the Citie for my Race to come, and go.
Having beene three moneths in close Prison with our poore
Company as aforesaid. At length I got the favor of two
Englishmen inhabiting in Sivill named Constantine Collins
and Henry Roberts, who did ingage themselves for me.
The Spaniards were very desirous to have me to serve their
State, and proffered me great wages, which I refused to
doe, affirming, that this imployment which I had in hand,
was not yet ended untill which time I would not determine
any.
" Then the Alcadie Maior of the Contractation House and
divers other Merchants perswaded me to make them some
descri2ytions and Maps of the Coasts and parts of Vir-
ginia, which I also refused to doe. They being discontent
with me, sent mee again to Prison, where I continued two
and twentie dayes, and then I making meanes unto my good
friends borrowed money, and so gave divers bribes unto the
Keepers of the Prison, whereupon they gave me libertie to
goe abroad againe into the Citie at my pleasure. And
wayting every day for some order from the Court of Spaine
of our discharge, there came none but delayes and prolong-
ing of our troubles and miseries. So as we began almost
to despaire of libertie..
" At length an honest Dutch Merchant dwelling in Sivill,
named Hanse Eloyse, sent unto mee to speake with me,
which when I came unto him, signified unto me what he
had learned of one of the Judges of the Contractation :
who told him as he reported unto me, that the Spaniards
had a great hate unto me above all others, because they
understood that I had beene a former Discoverer in Vir-
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 137
ginia, at the bringing into England of those Savages ; and
that they thought it was by my instigation to per s wade
our State to inhabit those parts. And because they had re-
ceived so small knowledge of those parts by my confession :
and that they coidd not perswade mee to serve that State,
neither would I make them any note, draught, or descripj-
tions of the Countrie, They resolved to bring to the Rack
and torment me, whereby to draw some further knowledge
by confession from me, before any discharge might come
for us. The which this honest Merchant considering, and
the Innocencie of our case, gave me to understand. And
wished mee rather to flie and preserve myselfe then to
stand to their mercie on the Racke. I hearing this the
next morning, being the three and twentieth of October,
suddenly fled from Sivill, and with me Master Thomas
Saint John aforesaid, and one other of our Company
named James Stoneman, my Brother, whom through great
cost and charges bestowed on the Keepers of the Prison a
Httle before I had got forth to bee cured of a Callenture.
Thus wee fled from Sivill, leaving Master Henry Challons
our Captaine at libertie upon sureties, and sixteene more of
our Company in close Prison.
" From thence on the five and twentieth of October, wee
came to a Mount in the Cundado, where finding no passage
by any shipping into England, France, or Flanders. Wee
travelled through Algarnie, to the Port of Setunall, and
finding no passage there, wee travelled to Lisbone in Por-
tugall. Where wee arrived the one and thirtieth of
October, and there found ships readie bound to goe to
England, but the wind was contrary for fourteene days.
" At the time of our abode in Lisbone, wee understood
that three Carricks were come from the East Indies :
whereof one was arrived safely at Lisbon tenne days before
our comming thither. Another was driven leeward, and put
in Veego, as wee heard. The third Carracke beeing at the
He of Tercera, was so leake that they could not bring her
home into Portugal, but unloaded her into three of the King
138 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
of Spaines great Armacloes, to bring the goods more safely
to Lisbon. Which ships at their eomniing before the mouth
of the River of Lisbone in the night within three dayes
Three ships ^^^^^ ^^J ^'on^miiig thither, were all cast away on
cast away. ccrtainc slioaldcs there called Oscacho})Os, or as
wee commonly call them the Catchops, where of nine hun-
dred men, as the Portugalls reported, but only thirtie seven
were saved, and of the goods very little at all : because the
said ships being cast away on the ebbe, the goods were
driven off into the Sea, the dead bodies of many that were
drowned, I myselfe saw cast on the shore with the sundry
wrackes of the parts of the Ships-Masts and yards, with other
wracke of Caske, chists, and such like in great abundance.
" The fourteenth day of November the winde being faire,
wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a small Barke belong-
ing to Bideford, called the Marget, and on the foure and
twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Ives in
Cornwall, and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth, where I
shewed unto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and divers others the
Adventurers, the whole Discourse of our unhappie Voyage
together with the miseries that wee had, and did indure
under the Spaniards hands. And then hasted with all the
speed I could toward the Court of England, where I was
assured to my great comfort ; that they either were al-
readie, or very shortly should bee delivered.
" Before my departure from Sivill, I should have remem-
bred, that about Whitsontide last there Were
Cap. John T T • • p 1 r^
Legatof brought into the Prison oi the Contractation
there, two young men brought out of the West
Indies, in one of the Kings Gallions, which were of Cap-
taine John Legats Company of Plimmouth, which departed
out of England, about the latter end of July 1606, bound
for the River of Amazons, as hee told me before his going
forth, where hee had beene two yeeres before. And com-
ming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men (the name
of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere
Plimmouth) reported unto mee whether falling to the lee-
CHALLONS' VOYAGE. 139
ward of the Eiver of Amazons, or deceived by his Master
they knew not. And not being able to recover the said
River, were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies, in
which time there fell a p^reat disorder betweene .. . .
the said Captain e Legat and his company, so as Cap. Leg-at
. , , 'ii • ii slaine by his
one of his company, in a broyle within them- mutinous
selves aboard there ship, slue the said Captaine ^nJ^; J)'^"''^
Legat, Avhether in his owne private quarrell or ^''^*|'^^|J^^^.q
with the consent of the rest of the Company, bring- home
n Ti i j1 • • 1 j_ their Ship,
they could not tell mee. i>ut this is the more to and so stum-
bee suspected for that he alwayes in former ish'iusdcers""
Voyages dealt very straitly with his Company. Jj^^J^r"^^
After his death his Company commino^ to the commended
for fi ProDGT
He of Pinos, on the Southside of Cuba, to re- expert Sea-
fresh themselves, being eighteene persons were "^^""
circumvented by the trecherie of the Spaniards, and were
there betrayed and taken Prisoners : and within foure
dayes after, of eighteene persons, fourteene were hanged
and the other foure being youthes were saved to serve the
Spaniards, whereof, two of them, refusing to serve longer
in there ships, were put into the Prison at Sivill, the other
two remayne still as slaves to the Spaniards.
" This I had the rather noted to the end, that it may be
the better considered what numbers of ships and men have
gone out of England since the conclusion of Peace between
England and Spaine (19th Augt 1604-15th June 1605)
in the way of honest Trade and Traffique, and how many
of them have miserably miscarried. Having beene slaine,
drowned, hanged or pittifully captived, and thrust out of
their Ships and all their goods."
[Mem. — In 1607 a second edition of " The Seaman's
Secrets," etc., first published by John Davis, in 1594, was
issued from the Press. In this work Davis says, — " For
what hath made the Spaniard to be so great a Monarch,
the Commander of both Indies, to abound in wealth and
all Nature's benefites, but only the painefull industrie of
his subjects by Navigation."]
140 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
XXXV. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO SO.
Copy of an Extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro
de Zuniga to the King of Spain, " dated London, Decem-
ber 6, 1607,"
" Sire.
" As to Virginia, I hear that three or four other ships
will return there. Will your Majesty give orders that
measures he taken in time; because now it will be very-
easy, and quite difficult afterwards, when they have taken
root, and if they are punished in the beginning, the result
will be, that no more will go there."
[Mem. — I can only guess at the date of the return to
England of the vessels from North Virginia. The draught
of Fort St. George (LVIII.), by John Hunt, is dated Octo-
ber 8, 1607. " A Relation of A Voyage to Sagadahoc "
(XXXVI.) is a journal of particulars from June 1 to Octo-
ber 6, 1607. Strachey says, The Mary and John, Cap-
tain Robert Davies, was dispatched away soon after their
first arrival " to advertise both of their save arrival and
forwardness of their plantation . . . with letters to the
Lord Chief Justice," etc. It seems to me probable that
the Mary and John left about October 8, 1607, and pos-
sibly arrived at Plymouth late in November, or early in
December following, bringing the aforesaid letters (now
probably lost), the drawing of the fort (LVIII.), and the
following document.]
XXXVI. RELATION OF A VOYAGE TO SAGADAHOC.
" The Relation of A Voyage to Sagadahoc," which was
" first printed from the Original Manuscript in the Lambeth
ROBERT CAREY
First Earl of Monmouth
ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. 141
Palace Library. Edited with Preface, Notes and Appendix
by the Rev. B. F. De Costa. Cambridge (Masst') John
Wilson and Son University Press 1880 " — Being reprinted
in advance from the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, vol. xviii. (1880-1881).
This narrative, of probably 7,000 words, was written by
some one on board Captain Gilbert's ship, the Mary and
John, possibly by Captain Robert Davies or Captain James
Davies. It is a particular narrative of the voyage of that
ship, from the departure from the Lyzard, June 1, 1607.
The Lambeth copy ends with September 26, 1607, but
Strachey, in compiling CCXVI. and CCXVIL, evidently
had the use of this document, and continues the particulars
until October 6, 1607, about which time I think the writer
and document left America for England. See LVIIL
XXXVII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
An extract from Zuniga's letter to the King of Spain, dated
London, December 22, 1607.
" Besides what I have written on the subject of Virginia,
I have learned that they have appointed Baron ' Queri '
[Carew], who is Vice-Chamberlain of the Queen, a Coun-
sellor of Virginia — And that he and the Lieutenant of the
Tower, who is called the Knight ' Wed ' [Wade], said that
it would be certain, when they put two thousand men in
that place between this and Spring, it would be the greatest
impediment which Y. M. could find concerning the Indies —
And that then we would not be able to move them from
there. It appears to me that there will be more people
there after Nativity than those I have written of. Where-
fore Y. M. will see how necessary it is to act with vigor and
to hasten the remedy,'^
142 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
XXXVIII.i EXTRACT FROM THE FRENCH MERCURY,
VOLUME I., 1606-1609, p. 271.
This extract, and otlierSj from the " Mercure Frangoise "
were sent to me by the late Honorable John R. Bartlett, of
the Carter-Brown Library, Rhode Island, not long before
his death, inclosed in a letter, in which he writes : —
" I have been so ill that I have not visited the Carter-
Brown Library to examine the ' Mercure Frangoise.' Yes-
terday, however, Mr. Brown, the owner of the library, was
in town [Providence], and at my request took from it and
sent me the volumes of the work which relate to the years
1606 to 1619, both inclusive. I have looked through these
volumes, and I send you the references to Virginia which
they contain."
" In the spring of this year the Colony (which was to
settle the Western portion of Virginia) which consisted of
one hundred men, with their wives and children under the
guidance of Vincfeld [Wingfield], embarked in a ship, com-
manded by Newport, which without any untoward circum-
stance came to the mouth of a river in Virginia and there
landed. Vincfeld and the Colonists (who tried to make
friends with some poor Indians) commenced to build a fort
there, and [to] hasten to the search for ores ; — They found
crystal and other minerals which they gave to Newport to
carry to England, which he did and was only five weeks on
his return voyage ; but these minerals proved to be of Httle
value."
1 I do not know exactly when in the original French in his Virginia
XXXVIII. and XXXIX. were writ- Company of London^ pp. 16, 17.
ten ; but as they were probably writ- The author had some idea of the
ten sometime in 1607, I have placed voyage, but was misinformed as to
them at the end of that year. " wives."
Mr. Neill gives the above extract
REPORT OF THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF STATE. 143
XXXIX. RALEGH TO SALISBURY.
FROM LIFE OF SIB W. RALEGH, BY EDWARDS, VOLUME II.,
pp. 389-391.
" I have hard that Sir Amias Preston informed your
Lordship of certain niinerall stones brought from Guiana,
of which your Lordshipe had sume doubt ; — for so you had
att my first returne." [The letter goes on to convince
Sahsbury of the vast mineral wealth of Guiana, and to pro-
pose another voyage there.] " The Jurney may go under
the culler of Virginia, for Neuport will shortly return.^
We will break no peace ; invade none of the Spanish townes.
We will only trade with the Indiens, and see none of that
nation [the Spaniards], except they assay le us. If your
Lordship will send my Lord Carew, or any elce, I will satis-
fye them in all particulars ; and rest your Lordship's, ever
more to serve yow,
"W. R."
XL. REPORT OF THE SPANISH COUNCIL OF STATE.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2513.
Copy of the original report (advice) of the Council of
State, of January 17, 1608, on a letter of Don Pedro de
Zuiiiga, referring to Virginia.
" Sire, — Don Pedro de Zuniga in one of his letters
of December 22d [XXXVIL] says that, besides what he
has written on the subject of Virginia, he has learnt that
they have appointed Baron Queri [Carew], who is Vice-
Chamberlain of the Queen, Counsellor of Virginia, and
when he and the Lieutenant of the Tower, who is called
the Knight ^ Wed' [Wade], said ' that it would be certain
that if they put two thousand men in that place between
1 The date of this letter is doubtful, it was probably written in September,
Edwards, in his Life of Ralegh, dates as Newport returned on October 8 of
it "1607?" If it was written in 1607, that year.
144 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
this and Spring, it would be the greatest impediment
which Y. M. could find concerning the Indies, and that
they [the Spaniards] would not be able to move them
from there,' — as it appears to him [Zuniga] that there
will be more people there after Nativity than those he had
written of, whereby Y. M. will see how necessary it is to
act with vigor, and to hasten the remedy.
" The Council says that having informed Y. M. as to
other information that arrived before this, Y. M. was pleased
to command that there should he 'prei:)aTed whatever was
necessary to drive out the people who are in Virginia^
and that the Council should advise what ought to be pro-
vided, in compliance with which it says that the fleet ought
to be notified and a copy of this advice should be given to
Count Lemos, so that he may show it to the Council or
Board of War of the Indies. And Y. M. should be in-
formed of what may appear. Y. M. will command to be
done and prepared all that may best serve.
" In Madrid, January 17th, 1608."
[Here follow the six signatures or rubrics, — flourishes
forming part of certain Spanish signatures.]
" Decree of the King, endorsed on the above : — Let new
copies of the reports be given, and also to the Council of
War, informing those to whom they are given, that they
are to serve to hasten all that is necessary, and not to let
any one hear what is being done^
[Royal signature.]
[Mem. — I can only continue to guess at the date of the
return to England of the vessels from North Virginia ; but
it seems very probable that one of the vessels left about
October 8, 1607, which vessel, as I have said, I believe was
the Mary and John, Captain Robert Davies. It seems to
me also probable that the other vessel, the Gift of God,
Captain James Davies, returned about the 15th of Decem-
ber, 1607, bringing XLI., and probably " with divers other
letters from Captain Popham and others " (see Purchas, iv.
POPHAM TO JAMES I. 145
p. 1837), now lost, I fear, forever. If this surmise is cor-
rect, the Gift of God probably reached England about Feb-
ruary 8, 1608, on which day Captain J. Davies wrote a let-
ter to Cecil. However, this is all merely conjecture.^ ]
XLI. POPHAM TO JAMES I.
The following translation of the original Latin is taken
from the " Popham Memorial Volume," pp. 223-226.
Addressed : " To the most heigh and mightie my gra-
tious Sovereign Lord James of Great Brittain, France and
Ireland, Virginia and Moasson, Kinge.
" At the feet of his most serene King, humbly prostrates
himself George Popham, President of the second Colony of
Virginia.
"If it may please the patience of your divine Majesty
to receive a few things from your most observant and de-
voted, though unworthy servant, I trust it will derogate
nothing from the lustre of your Highness, since they seem
to redound to the glory of God, the greatness of your
Majesty, and the utility of the Britons. I have thought it,
therefore very just that it should be made Known to your
Majesty, that among the Virginians and Moassons, there is
no one in the world more admired than King James, Sover-
eign Lord of the Britons, on account of his admirable jus-
tice and incredible constancy, which gives no small pleasure
to the natives of these regions ; who say, moreover, that
there is no God to be truly worshipped but the God of
King James; under whose rule and reign they would
gladly light. Tahanida, one of the natives who was in
Britain, has here proclaimed to them your praises and vir-
tues.
^ I have some abstracts of letters not give them as I learn that the com-
and papers of the present Marquis plete documents will be given in the
of Salisbury's preserved at Hatfield forthcoming volume {Life of Sir F.
House, which throw additional light Gorges) of The Prince Society. Bos-
on the North Virginia colony, but do ton, Mass.
146 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
*"' What and how much I may avail in transacting these
affairs and in confirming their minds, let those judge who
are well versed in these matters at home; while I wittingly
avow that all my endeavors are as nothing when considered
in comparison with my duty towards my Prince. My well
considered opinion is, that in these regions the glory of
God may be easily evidenced, the Empire of your Majesty
enlarged and the pubHc welfare of the Britons speedily
augmented.
" So far as relates to commerce, all the natives constantly
affirm that in these parts there are nutmegs, mace and cin-
namon, besides pitch, Brazil wood, cochineal and ambergris,
with many other products of great importance and value ;
and these, too, in the greatest abundance.
" Besides, they positively assure me, that there is a cer-
tain Sea in the opposite or western part of this province,
distant not more than seven day's journey from our fort of
St. George in Sagadahoc : a sea large, wide and deep of the
boundaries of which they are wholly ignorant ; which can-
not be any other than the Southern Ocean, reaching to the
regions of China, which unquestionably cannot be far from
these parts.
" If therefore, it may please you to keep open your divine
eyes on this matter of my report, I doubt not but your
Highness will perform a work most pleasing to God, honor-
able to your greatness, and most conducive to the weal of
your Kingdom, which with most ardent prayers I vehe-
mently desire ; and I beg of God, the best and the greatest,
that he will preserve the glorious majesty of my Sovereign
James for ages to come.
" At the Fort of St. George in Sagadahoc of Virginia,
the thirteenth of December, 1607.
" In all things Your Majesty's most devoted servant.
" George Popham."
ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. 147
XLII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP II.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 93.
Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Pedro de Zuniga to
the Kmg of Spain, dated London, March 28, 1608.
" SiKE : —
" The persons interested in Virginia increase daily and
they have put into the Council as President Count Lincon,^
who is an impertinent old man, and who has never been
held in esteem ; but the reason that they have taken hold
of him, is because he is a wealthy man, who has given them
8.000 Philips (gold pieces) with the condition that with
this sum as far as they can a goodly number of people be
sent (they say as many as 800 men), within one month or
two. their expectation is that they will in a short time send
there 2.500 or 3000 men — on which account it seems to
me necessary to intercejjt theifn on the way.
" Besides they are sending from here, they say, two ships
bound for the East Indies, which carry 10.000 ducats in
ready money and that they will go to the mouth of the Red
Sea, to a place they call Aden ; — that from there, they will
pass on to the Kingdom of Camboya adjoining Malagor
and between Ormus and Goa. One of these ships is of 500
tons burden and the other of 400 tons ^ — the first carries
80 men and 20 pieces of Artillery, the other 60 men and
14 pieces, and both go loaded with iron and cloth.
"Our Lord" etc.
^ Henry Clinton, Earl of Lincoln. remember the great interest taken at
^ The fourth voyage of the East this time in spreading abroad the com-
India Company, " the which voyage merce of England. Ships were con-
God bless and prosper, began at the stantly going from and returning to
Downs near Sandwich the 23rd March London and other ports, trading over
1608." a great part of Europe, Asia, Africa,
I have of course confined myself to and America. Under the guidance of
writing of the voyages having some James L, old warrior England was
direct bearing on the colonization of rapidly learning to reap the blessed
North America, but the reader will fruits of peace.
148 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
XLIII. RESOLUTION OF THE STATES GENERAL.
FROM THE REGISTEB OF RESOLUTIONS OF THE STATES GEN-
ERAL, IN THE ROYAL ARCHIVES AT THE HAGUE, FOLIO 57.
This document is printed in " Documents Relative to the
Colonial History of the State of New York " (1856), vol i.
p. 2.
Resolution of the States General, granting leave of absence
to Sir Thomas Gates, Thursday, April 24, 1608.
" On the petition of Sir Thomas Gates, Captain of a Com-
pany of English soldiers, commissioned by the King of
Great Britain to command with three other gentlemen in
the Country of Virginia in colonizing the said Countries ;
the Petitioner is therefore allowed to be absent from his
company for the space of one year, on condition that he
supply his Company with good officers and soldiers for the
public service.'
>>
XLIV. GORGES TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC. JAMES L, VOLUME 32, NUMBER 33.
Indorsed : " To the Right Ho^^ my very good Lord the
Earle of Salesbury at the Court give these. 2A^ Maij.
1608. S^ Fard : Gorges fro Plimmouth."
This letter is mentioned in " A Vindication of the Claims
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as the Father of English Coloni-
zation in America. By John A. Poor. New York, 1862,"
p. 19, as " Letter. Sir F. G. to Thomas Gamel of Salis-
bury," but I have never seen the letter in print. My
copy was made for me in the British Museum several years
ago.
" Right Ho^f — I thought it my duty to advertize your
Lorship that Captayne Challoner hath made an escape out
of Spaine and is arrived here havinge brought with him his
bayle. Which he hath don for that he sawe his cause soe
GORGES TO SALISBURY. 149
desperate, and his hope soe smale and finding by the man-
ner of their proceeding noe likelyhode of other, then a mis-
erable conclusion of his tedious suite. But (poore gent) his
wants are soe greate now (he beinge come home) as he hath
not meanes to supplie his present necessityes : otherwise he
had come uppe to have given your Lordship a particular
accompte of his Ejiowledge of the affayres of those partes
himself e ; as alsoe to have given his dutyf uU thancks for
those honorable favours it hath pleased your Lordship to
afforde to him, and the rest of his poore people, whome he
left in greate extreamity. But those thinges of moment,
which I collecte from his relation, is first a greate Levey
towards of land-souldiers ; but it is not knowen whether
they are to goe, or what their intent is to doe. Ther is
alsoe a common opinion yt the peace with the Hollanders
will not goe forwarde by reason (as they say) that your
Lordship is pleased to oppose yourselfe agaynst it, and to
give encouragement under hand to the Flemminges to make
demands of unreasonable condicions ; for which your doings
they dowbt not, but your dayes wilbe shortened, & then
they presume to frame their businesse to their better lyking.
They promise mountaynes unto themselves, & are per-
swaded of greate partyes, that they have in England (when
the tyme shall come) yt are fitt to make use of them. They
speake moste basely & unworthiely of his Majesty & alsoe
of her Highnesse & soe vile as it is agaynst the nature of
an honest man to write it ; nor possible to live, & heare it
(if it be as he reportes) without endeavouring to be revenged
of it. My desire is not to aggravate matters betweene
Princes, or to be noted for a boat a-feu (sic) in these tymes
of peace ; the which maks mee more sparing then otherwise
I would be, fearing least my profession would be an occa-
sion to perswade yt what I saie is rather what I wishe, than
what I desire (sic) indeede. Notwithstanding I beseeche
God we repent not too late oure too soone concluding of
peace : for (as now the case standeth) our Kinge is by them
(as it seemeth) contemned, our people unjustly proceeded
150 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
withall, and generally our Nation of all other, lyke to be
debarred from the liberty of making use of sea, or land ;
saving wher and how they list to dispose of us. These re-
ports ar horrable to honeste Natures to beare ; and occasions
much to grive our people in generall to understand of,
whose eares ar dayly filled with it by every common mari-
ner, that comes from thence. Which what it hath bred
amongest ye multitude, I protest, I am affraied to write.
But God is he alone, that directes all thinges according
unto his owne pleasure the acomplishment of whose will
we must continually pray for, & unto whose holy protection,
I humbly recommend your Lordship to be defended from
the malice of those, w^ho ayme at you, for that they endea-
voure the ruine of Eange, and Country ; and (as they seeme
playnly to confesse) are kept from their desire by your
carfuU vigillancy and foresight. Even soe craving pardon
of your Lorship for my bouldnesse I end, and forever rest
" Your Loppes in all service to be comaunded.
" FaRD : Gorges.
" From Plymouth May 2. 1608."
XLV. HERRIS'S TOMBSTONE.
Mr. Charles Campbell, in " The Southern Literary Messen-
ger " for October, 1843, p. 591.
I give this (without comment) as I find it.
'' The following I found in the State Library at Kich-
mond [Va.]. The paper on which it was written was dis-
covered in turning over the pages of ' Smith's History of
Virginia.' From the earliness of the date, 1608, it is likely
that Lieut. Herris was one of Smith's companions in an
exploratory voyage, viz : —
" * Here lies ye body of Lieut. William Herris who died May ye 16th
1608 : aged 065 years ; by birth a Britain, a good soldier, a good husband
& neighbor.'
" The above inscription, handsomely carved on a tomb-
TINDALL'S CHART OF JAMES RIVER. 151
stone of usual size, standing on the banks of the Neabsco
Creek, in Fairfax County, Virginia. Its duration to this
time is 229 years.
'^ Correctly copied by me.
" Thos. Hurd, Octr. 20th, 1837."
[Mem. — Capt. Newport arrived at Black wall on Sunday,
May 21, 1608. Captains Edward-Maria Wingfield and
Gabriel Archer returned from Virginia with him, and he
brought the foUowins: documents, viz : —
The letter from Francis Perkins (LI.) and Tindall's
chart (XLVI.), and I am quite sure Percy's Discourse
(XLVII.) and White's Description (XLVIII.), which four
documents have been preserved entire or in part, and " A
large Journal of Newport's Journie to Werowocomoco,"
which is now probably entirely lost. Purchas mentions
that he had it by him when he wrote (1622-24) ; but he
gives nothing from it (vol. iv. p. 1710). Of course New-
port brought letters from the Council and from others in
Virginia ; but these interesting and valuable documents are
now probably lost.]
XLVI. TINDALL'S CHART OF JAMES RIVER.
I think this " Draught of Virginia by Robarte Tindall.
Anno 1608," probably accompanied the " Large Journal
of Newport's Journie to Werowocomoco." The York
River and most of the James is evidently drawn from actual
survey. " Werowocomoco," strangely enough, still bears
its old name of " Poetan " (i. e. Portan) Bay, although it
has been frequently, if not always, located elsewhere. This
" Draught of Virginia " is the earliest drawn by an English-
man now known to be in existence. It has never been
engraved before.
152 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
XLVIL PERCY'S DISCOURSE.
^' Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Planta-
tion of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the Enghsh,
1606. Written by that Honorable Gentleman Master
George Percy. H."
This is one of the manuscripts preserved by Hakluyt,
which came to the hands of the Reverend Samuel Purchas.
The original MS. is now probably lost. We have only the
extracts from it as published in the fourth volume of " Pur-
chas his Pilgrimes," in 1625, which I will give, because it
has not been reprinted, I believe, in this country.
" On Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere
1606. the fleet fell from London, and the fift of January
we anchored in the Downes ; but the winds continued con-
trarie so long, that we were forced to stay there some time,
where wee suffered great stormes, but by the skilfulnesse
of the Captaine ^ wee suffered no great losse or danger.
2 The next "The twelfth day of February [1607] at
day Cap. night wc saw a blazing starre, and presently a
suspected for stomiC. . . .
Mutfilier " The three and twentieth day [of March] we
no'ucL mit- fell with the Ikud of Mattaucuio in the West
^^^' Indies.
" The foure and twentieth day we anchored at Dominico,
within fourteene degrees of the Line, a very faire Hand,
the Trees full of sweet and good smels. inhabited by
many Savage Indians, they were at first very scrupulous to
come aboord us. Wee learned of them afterwards that the
Spaniards had given th«m a great overthrow on this He,
but when they knew what we were, there came many to oui
Trade at ships with their Canoas, bringing us many kindes
Dominica. of suudry fruitcs, as Pines, Potatoes, Plantons,
Tobacco, and other fruits, and Roane Cloth abundance,
^ Newport is the " Captaine " of this ^ xhe side-notes are by Purchas.
narrative.
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 153
which they had gotten out of certaine Spanish ships that
were cast away upon that Hand. We gave them Knives,
Hatchets for exchange which they esteeme much, wee also
gave them Beades, Copper Jewels, which they hang through
their nosthrils, eares and lips, very strange to behold, their
bodies are all painted red to keepe away the biting of Mus-
cetos, they goe all naked without covering : the haire of
their head is a yard long, all of a length, pleated in three
plats hanging downe to their wastes, they suffer no haire to
grow on their faces, they cut their skinnes in divers workes,
they are continually in warres, and will eate ^ . ,
, . . , , 1 Ml 1 Brutishness
their enemies when they kill them, or any stran- of the
ger if they take them. They will lap up mans
spittle, whilst one spits in their mouthes in a barbarous
fashion like Dogges. These people and the rest of the
Hands in the West Indies and Brasill, are called by the
names of Canihals, that will eate mans flesh, these people
doe poyson their Arrow heads, which are made of a fishes
bone : they worship the Devill for their God, and have no
other beliefe. Whilst we remayned at this Hand we saw a
Whale chased by a Thresher and a sword-fish : Fight be-
they fought for the space or two houres, we JXaie^the
misrht see the Thresher with his flayle lay on the Thresher,
" 1 • 1 »/ J and bword-
monstrous blowes which was strangle to behold : fish.
in the end these two fishes brought the whale to her end.
" The sixe and twentieth day we had sight of Mcwiga-
lanta, and the next day wee sailed with a slacke ^^^^ ^^^^^^
saile alongst the He of Guadalupa, where we Q^^daiu a
went ashore, and found a Bath which was so hot, r. ^^
^ ^ ' Uath very
that no man was able to stand long by it. Our i^ot.
Admirall Captaine Newport caused a piece of Porke to be
put in it ; which boyled it so in the space of half e an houre
as no fire could mend it. Then we went aboord, and sailed
by many Hands, as Mounserot and an Hand called Saint
Christopher, both unhabited ; about two a clocke in the
afternoone wee anchored at the He of Mevis.
There the Captaine landed all his men being well
154 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
fitted with Muskets and other convenient Armes, marched
a mile into the woods ; being commanded to stand upon
their guard, fearing the treacherie of the Indians, which is
an ordinary use amongst them and all other Savages, on
Bath at ^^"^ ^^^ ^^ came to a Bath standing in a Valley
Mevis. betwixt two Hils ; where wee bathed our selves
and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in England,
some places hot and some colder ; and men may refresh
themselves as they please, finding this place to be so con-
venient for our men to avoid diseases, which will breed in
so long a Voyage, wee incamped ourselves on this He sixe
dayes [March 27 to April 3], and spent none of our ships
victuall, by reason our men some went a hunting, some a
Commodities foiling, and somc a fishing, where we got great
there. storc of Couics, suudry kinds of Fowles, and
great plentie of fish. We kept Centinels and Courts de
gard at every Captaines quarter, fearing wee should be as-
saulted by the Indians, that were on the other side of the
Hand : wee saw none nor were molested by any : but some
few we saw as we were a hunting on the Hand. They
would not come to us by any means, but ranne swiftly
through the woods to the Mountaine tops ; so we lost the
sight of them : whereupon we made all the haste wee could
to our quarter, thinking there had beene a great ambush
of Indians there abouts. We past into the thickest of the
Woods where we had almost lost ourselves, we had not
gone above halfe a mile amongst the thicke, but we came
into a most pleasant Garden, being a hundred paces square
on every side, having many Cotton-trees growing in it with
abundance of Cotton-Wooll, and many Gitiaciim trees ;
wee saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the
garden, as though they had beene set by Art, which made
us marvell very much to see it.
" The third day, wee set saile from 3Ievls : the fourth day
we sailed along by Castutia and by Saba : This
day we anchored at the He of Virgines, in an
excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred ships : if this Bay
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 155
stood in England, it would be a great profit and commod-
itie to the Land. On this Hand wee caught great store
of fresh-fish, and abundance of Sea Tortoises,
which served all our Fleet three daies, which
were in number eight score persons. We also killed great
store of wilde Fowle, wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees
which tasted much like Cinnamon ; and very hot in the
mouth. This Hand in some places hath very good ground,
straight and tall Timber. But the greatest discommoditie
that wee have scene on this Hand is that it hath no Fresh-
water, which makes the place void of any Inhabitants.
" Upon the sixt day, we set saile and passed by Becam, and
by Saint John dejjortorico. The seventh day, we arrived
at Mona : where wee watered, which we stood in great need
of, seeinof that our water did smell so vildly that ,, .
p . , . ,i^, .| Mevis water
none of our men was able to mdure it. Whilst unwhole-
some of the saylers were a filling the Caskes with
water, the Captaine, and the rest of the Gentlemen, and
other Soldiers marched up in the He sixe miles, thinking to
find some other provision to maintaine our victualling ; as
wee marched we killed two wild Bores, and saw a huge
wild Bull, his homes was an ell betweene the two tops.
Wee also killed Guanas, in fashion of a Serpent, and
speckled like a Toade under the belly. These wayes that
wee went, being so troublesome and vilde going upon the
sharpe Rockes, that many of our men fainted in the march,
but by o^ood fortune wee lost none but one Ed- ^, ^ ,
ward Brookes, gentleman, whose tat melted faint with
within him by the great heate and drought of
the Countrey ; we were not able to relieve him nor our-
selves, so he died in that great extreamitie.
" The ninth day in the after noone, we went off with our
Boat to the He of Moneta, some three leagues
from Mona, where we had a terrible landing,
and a troublesome getting up to the top of the Mountaine
or He, being a high firme Rocke step, with many terrible
sharpe stones: After wee got to the top of the He, we
156 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground, full of goodly
Store of grasse, abundance of Fowles of all kindes, they
Fowies. flew over our heads as tliicke as drops of Hale ;
besides they made such a noise, that we were not able to
heare one another speake. Furthermore, wee were not able
to set our feet on the ground, but either on Fowles or Egges
which lay so thicke in the grasse : wee laded two Boats full
in the space of three houres, to our great refreshing.
" The tenth day [of April] we set saile and disimboged
out of the West Indies, and bare our course Northerly.
The fourteenth day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer. The
one and twentieth day, about five a clocke at night there
began a vehement tempest, which lasted all the night, with
winds, raine, and thunders in a terrible manner. Wee
were forced to lie at Hull that night, because wee thought
wee had beene neerer land then wee were. The next morn-
ing, being the two and twentieth day wee sounded ; and the
three and twentieth and foure and twenteth day, but we
could find no ground. The five and twentieth
driven to try day we souuded, and had no ground at an hun-
fndby^the ^^^ed fathom. The six and twentieth day of
storme were ApriU about f ourc a clockc in the morninpf, wee
lorced neere -t^ ...
the shoare, dcscricd tlic Land of Virginia : the same day
not knowing' ^ . i -n n m • t i
where we wcc cutrcd luto the J3ay 01 Chesupioc directly,
^^^^' without any let or hinderance ; there wee
They land in landed and discovered a little way, but we could
find nothing worth the speaking of, but faire
meddowes and goodly tall Trees, with such Fresh-waters
running through the woods, as I was almost ravished at the
first sight there of.
" At night, when wee were going aboard, there came the
Savages creeping upon all foure, from the Hills hke Beares,
with their Bowes in their mouthes, charged us very des-
perately in the faces, hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both
his hands, and a sayler in two places of the body very dan-
gerous. After they had spent their Arrowes, and felt the
sharpnesse of our shot, they retired into the Woods with a
great noise, and so left us.
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 157
" The seven and twentieth day we began to build up our
shallop : the gentlemen and souldiers marched eight miles
up into the Land, we could not see a Savage in all that
march, we came to a place where they had made a great
fire, and had beene newly a roasting Oysters : when they
perceived our coming, they fled aAvay to the Mountaines,
and left many of the Oysters in the fire : we eat some of
the Oysters, which were very large and delicate in taste.
" The [28th] day we lanched our shallop, the Captaine
and some Gentlemen went in her, and discovered up the
Bay, we found a River on the South side running into the
Maine ; we entered it and found it very shoald water, not
for any Boats to swim : We went further into the Bay, and
saw a plaine plot of ground where we went on Land, and
found the place five mile in compasse, without either Bush
or Tree, we saw nothing there but a Cannow, which was
made out of the whole tree, which was five and fortie foot
long by the Rule. Upon this plot of ground we got good
store of Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as
thicke as stones : wee opened some and found in many of
them Pearles. Wee marched some three or foure miles
further into the Woods, where we saw great smoakes of
fire. Wee marched to those smoakes and found that the
Savages had beene there burning downe the grasse, as wee
thought either to make their plantation there, or else to
give signes to bring their forces together, and so to give
us battell. We passed through excellent ground full of
Flowers of divers kinds and colours, and as goodly trees as
I have scene, as cedar, cipresse, and* other kindes : going a
little further we came into a little plat of ground full of
fine and beautifull strawberries, foure times bi":- ^ , .
ger and better than ours in England. All this
march we could neither see Savag^e nor Towne. When it
grew to be towards night we stood backe to our ships, we
sounded and found it shallow water for a great way, which
put us out of all hopes for getting any higher with our
Ships, which road at the mouth of the River. Wee rowed
158 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
over to a point of Land, where wee found a channell, and
sounded six, eig'lit, ten or twelve fathom : which put us in
Point Com- good comf ort. Therefore wee named that point
fort. of Land, Cape Comfort.
" The nine and twentieth day we set up a Crosse at
Chesupioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry. Thir-
tieth day, we came with our ships to Cape Comfort ; where
wee saAV five savages running on the shoare ; presently the
Captaine caused the shallop to be manned, so rowing to the
shoare, the Captaine called to them in signe of friendship,
but they were at first very timersome, until they saw the
Captain lay his hand on his heart : upon that they laid
down their Bowes and Arrowes, and came very boldly to
us, making signes to come a shoare to their Towne, which is
Kecough- called by the Savages Kecoughtan. Wee coasted
*^" to their Towne, rowing over a River running
into the maine, where these Savages swam over with their
Bowes and Arrowes in their mouthes.
" When we came over to the other side, there was a many
of other Savages which directed us to their Towne, where
we were entertained by them very kindly. When we came
first a Land they made a dolefull noise, laying their faces
to the ground, scratching the earth with their nailes. We
did thinke that they had beene at their idolatry. When
they had ended their Ceremonies, they went into their
houses and brought out mats and laid upon the ground,
the chief est of them sate all in a rank ; the meanest sort
brought us such dainties as they had, and of their bread
which they make of their Maiz or Gennea wheat, they
would not suffer us to eat unlesse we sate down, which we
did on a Mat right against them. After we were well satis-
fied they gave us of their Tobacco, which they
tooke in a pipe made artificially of earth as ours
are, but far bigger, with the bowle fashioned together with
a piece of fine copper. After they had feasted us, they
shewed us, in welcome, their manner of dancing, which
was in this fashion : One of the Savajres standins: in the
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 159
midst singing, beating one hand against another, all the
rest dancing about him, shouting, howling, and singing and
stamping against the ground, with many Anticke dancing.
tricks and faces, making noise like so many Wolves or
Devils. One thing of them I observed ; when they were
in their dance they kept stroke with their feet just one
with another, but with their hands, heads, faces, and
bodies, every one of them had a severall gesture : so they
continued for the space of halfe an houre. When they
had ended their dance, the Captaine gave them Beades and
other trifling Jewells. They hang through their eares
fowles legs : they shave the right side of their heads with
a shell, the left side they weare of an ell long tied up with
an artificiall knot, with a many of Fowles feathers sticking
in it. They goe altogether naked, but their privities are
covered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly with little
bones, or beasts teeth : some paint their bodies blacke,
some red, with artificiall knots of sundry lively colours,
very beautifuU and pleasing to the eye, in a braver fashion
then they in the West Indies.
[The 1st, 2d, and 3d of May seem to be omitted.]
" The fourth day of May, we came to the King or
Werowance of Paspihe : where they entertained us with
much welcome ; an Old Savage made a long ^ j q^^_
Oration, making a foule noise, uttering his speech *^^^'
with a vehement action, but we knew little what they
meant. Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes, the
Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the
River in his Cannoa ; he seemed to take displeasure of our
being with the Paspihes : he would faine have had us come
to his Towne, the Captaine was unwilling ; seeing that the
day was so far spent he returned backe to his ships for that
night.
" The next day, being the fift of May, the Werowance
of Rapahanna sent a Messenger to have us come to him.
We entertained the said Messenger, and gave him trifles
which pleased him : Wee manned our shallop with Mus-
160 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
kets and Targa tiers sufficiently ; this said Messenger guided
us where our determination was to goe. When wee landed,
the Werowanee of Rapahanna came downe to the water
side with all his traine, as goodly men as any I have scene
of Savages or Christians : the Werowanee comming before
them playing on a Flute made of a Reed, with a
made of a Crowu of Dearcs liaire colloured red, in fashion
of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire, and
a great Plate of copper on the other side of his head, with
two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Homes placed in
the midst of his Crowne. His body was painted all with
Crimson with a chaine of Beads about his necke, his face
painted blew, besprinkled with silver Ore as wee thought,
his cares all behung with Braslets of Pearle, and in either
eare a Birds claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold,
he entertained us in so modest a proud fashion, as though
he had beene a Prince of civill government, holding his
countenance without laughter or any such ill behaviour ;
he caused his Mat to be spred on the ground, where hee
sate downe with a great Majestic, taking a pipe of To-
bacco : the rest of his company standing about him.
After he had rested a while he rose, and made signes to
us to come to his Towne : Hee went formost, and all the
rest of his people and our selves followed him up a steepe
Hill where his Palace was settled. Wee passed through
the Woods in fine paths, having most pleasant Springs
which issued from the Mountaines : Wee also went
through the goodliest corne fieldes that ever was scene in
any countrey. When we came to Rapahannos Towne, hee
entertained us in good humanitie.
[6th and 7th of May omitted ?]
" The eight day of May we discovered up the River. We
landed in the countrey of Apamatica, at our landing, there
came many stout and able Savages to resist us with their
Bowes and Arrowes, in a most warlike manner, with the
swords at their backes beset with sharpe stones, and pieces
of yron able to cleave a man in sunder. Amongst the rest
CAPTAIN CHRISTOPHER CARLEILL
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 161
one of the chiefest standing before tliem crosse-legged, with
his Arrowe readie in his Bow in one hand, and taking a
Pipe of Tobacco in the other, with a bold uttering of his
speech, demanding of us our being there, wilHng us to bee
gone. Wee made signs of peace, which they perceived in
the end, and let us land in quietnesse.
[9th, 10th, and 11th of May omitted?]
" The twelfth day we went backe to our ships, and discov-
ered a point of Land called Archer's Hope, which Archer's
was sufficient with a little labour to defend our- Hope,
selves against any Enemy. The soile was good and fruit-
full, with excellent good Timber. There are also great
store of Vines in bignesse of a man's thigh, running up to
the tops of the Trees in great abundance.
" We also did see many squirels, conies. Black Birds with
crimson wings, and divers other Fowles and Birds of divers
and sundrie collours of crimson, watchet, Yellow, Greene,
Murry, and of divers other hewes naturally without any
art using. We found store of Turkic nests and many
Egges. ... If it had not beene disliked, because the ship
could not ride neere the shoare, we had setled there to all
the Collonies contentment.
" The Thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in
Paspihas countrey, some eight miles from the point of Land,
which I made mention before ; where our shippes doe lie
so neere the shoare that they are moored to the Trees in
six fathom water.
" The fourteenth we landed all our men which were set to
worke about the fortifications and others to watch rj.^^^^ pj^^_
and ward as it was convenient. The first nio:ht \^'^''''' ^^
. . James-
of our landnig, about midnight, there came some Towne.
Savages sayling close to our quarter ; presently there was
an alarum given ; upon that the savages ran away, and we
not troubled any more by them that night. Not long after
there came two Savages that seemed to be Commanders,
bravely drest, with Crownes of coloured haire upon their
heads, wliich came as Messengers from the Werowance of
162 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
Paspihe ; telling us that their Werowanee was comming
and would be merry with us with a fat Deare.
'' The eighteenth day, the Werowanee of Paspihe came
himselfe to our quarter ; with one hundred Savages armed,
which garded him in very warlike manner with Bowes and
Arrowes, thinking at that time to execute their villany.
Paspiha made great signes to us to lay our Arms away.
But we would not trust him so far : he seeing he could not
have convenient time to worke his will, at length made
Land oiven. sigucs that lie would givc US as much land as we
would desire to take. As the Savages were in a
These Sav- tlirouo^ in the Fort, one of them stole a Hatchet
ages are nat- ^ i • i • i i •
uraiiy great irom oue 01 our compauy, which spied mm
doing the deed : whereupon he tooke it from him
by force, and also strooke him over the arme : presently
another Savage seeing that, came fiercely at our man with
a wooden sword, thinking to beat out his brains. The
Werowanee of Paspiha saw us take to our Armes, went sud-
denly away with all his company in great anger.
" The nineteenth day, myselfe and three or foure more
walking into the Woods by chance wee espied a path-way
like to an Irish pace ; wee were desirous to knowe whither it
would bring us ; wee traced along some foure miles, all the
way as wee went, having the pleasantest Suckles, the ground
all flowing over with faire flowers of sundry colours and
kindes, as though it had beene in any Garden or Orchard
in England. There be many Strawberries, and other fruits
unknowne : wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse
trees, with other trees, which issues out sweet Gummes like
to Balsam : wee kept on our way in this Paradise, at length
wee came to a Savage Towne, where wee found but few peo-
ple, they told us the rest were gone a hunting with the
Werowanee of Paspiha : We stayed there a while, and had
of them Strawberries, and other things ; in the meane time
one of the Savages came running out of his house with a
Bowe and Arrowes and ranne mainly through the Woods :
then I beganne to mistrust some villanie, that he went to
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 163
call some companie, and so betray us, wee made all the
haste away wee could : One of the Savages brought us
on the way to the Woodside, where there was a Garden of
Tobacco, and other fruits and herbes, he gathered Tobacco,
and distributed to every one of us, so wee departed.
" The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent
fortie of his men with a Deere, to our quarter : but they
came more in villanie than any love they bare us ; they
faine would have layne in our Fort all night, but wee would
not suffer them for feare of their treachery. One of our
Gentlemen having a Target which hee trusted in, thinking
it would beare out a flight shot, hee set it up against a tree,
willing one of the Savages to shoot ; who tooke from his
backe an Arrow of an elle long,^ drew it strongly in his
Bowe, shoots the Target a foote thorow, or better : which
was strange, being that a PistoU could not pierce it. Wee
seeing the force of his Bowe, afterwards set him up a Steele
Target ; he shot again, and burst his arrow all to pieces, he
presently pulled out another Arrow, and bit it in his teeth,
and seemed to bee . in a great rage, so hee went away in
great anger. Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell, their
strings of Leather, their Arrowes of Canes or Their ar
Hasell, headed with very sharpe stones, and are ^^^^^^•
made artificially hke a broad Arrow : other some of their
Arrowes are headed with the ends of Deeres homes, and
are feathered very artificially. Pasphia was as good as his
word ; for hee sent Venison, but the Sawse came within a
few dayes after.
" At Port cotage in our Voyage up the River, we saw a
Savage Boy about the ao^e of ten yeares, which _
1 J 1 1 e 1 ' PP n 1 Yellow
had a head ot haire oi perfect yellow and a rea- haired Vir-
sonable white skinne, which is a Miracle amongst ^'"'^"'
all Savages.
^ Purchas refers to this incident in was at his service until after Hak-
his Pilgrimage of 1014, p. G71 ; but luyt's death.
I do not think that Percy's Discourse
164 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
^' Tills River which wee have discovered is one of the
River of famouscst Rivcrs that ever was found by any
Powhatan. Christian, it ebbes and flowes a hundred and
threescore miles where ships of great burthen may harbour
in safetie. Wheresoever we landed upon this River, wee
saw the goodliest Woods as Beech, Oke, Cedar, Cypresse,
Walnuts, Sassafras and Vines in great abundance, which
hang in great clusters on many Trees, and other Trees
unknowne, and all the grounds bespred with Strawberries,
Mulberries, Rasberries and Fruits unknowne, there are
many branches of this River, which runne flowing through
the Woods with great plentie of Fish of all kindes, as for
Sturgeon all the World cannot be compared to it. In
* Low ^^^^ countrey I have scene many great and large
Marshes. Mcdowcs * liaviug exccllcnt good pasture for
any Cattle. There is also great store of Deere both Red
and Fallow. There are Beares, Foxes, Otters, Bevers,
Muskats, and wild beasts unknowne.
" The foure and twentieth day [May] we set up a Crosse
at the head of this River, naming it Kings River, where we
proclaimed James King of England to have the most right
unto it. When wee had finished and set up our Crosse,
^ we shipt our men and made for James Fort.
Wee came t-» i ti i m
down the By the way wee came to r oliatans 1 owre where
the Captaine went on shore suffering none to
goe with him, hee presented the Commander of this place
with a Hatchet which he tooke joyfully, and was well
pleased.
"But yet the Savages murmured at our planting in the
Countrie, whereupon this Werowance made answere againe
very wisely of a Savage, Why should you bee offended with
them as long as they hurt you not, nor take anything away
by force, they take but a litle waste ground, which doth
you nor any of us any good.
" I saw Bread made by their women which doe all their
drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 165
their warres, which they are in continually one Kingdome
against another. The manner of baking of bread g^^^^ j^^^
is thus, after they pound their wheat into flowre "^^^^•
with bote water, they make it into paste, and worke it into
round balls and cakes, then they put it into a pot of
seething water, when it is sod throughly, they lay it on a
smooth stone, there they harden it as well as in an Oven.
" There is notice to be taken to know married women from
Maids, the Maids you shall alwayes see the fore Distinct
part of their head and sides shaven close, the Maidstnd
hinder part very long, which they tie in a pleate Wives.
hanging downe to their hips. The married women weares
their haire all of a length, and is tied of that fashion that
the Maids are. The women kinde in this Countrey doth
pounce and race their bodies, legges, thighes, armes and
faces with a sharpe Iron, which makes a stampe in curious
knots, and drawes the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts,
then with paintings of sundry lively colours, they rub it into
the stampe which will never be taken away, because it is
dried into the Flesh where it is sered.
" The Savages beare their yeeres well, for when wee were
at Pamonkies, wee saw a Savage by their report gava^e 160
was above eight score yeeres of age. His eyes y^^"^^^ ^^^•
were sunke into his head, having never a tooth in his
mouth, his haire all gray with a reasonable bigge beard,
which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle
to see a Savage have any haire on their faces,
I never saw, read, nor heard, any have the like before.
This Savage was as lustie and went as fast as any of us,
which was strano^e to behold.
" The fifteenth day of June, we had built and finished our
Fort which was triangle wise, having three Bulwarkes at
every corner like a halfe Moone, and foure or five pieces
of Artillerie mounted in them, we had made ourselves
sufficiently strong for these Savages, we had also sowne
most of our Come on two Mountaines, it sprang a mans
166 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
height from the ground, this countrey is a fruitfull soile,
bearing many goodlie and fruitfull Trees, as Mulberries,
Cherries, Walnuts, Cedars, C3rpresse, Sassafras, and Vines in
o^reat abundance.
" Munday the two and twentieth of June, in
ports depart- the momiug Captaine Newport in the Admirall
departed from James Port for England.
" Captaine Newport being gone for England, leaving us
(one hundred and foure persons) verie bare and scan tie of
victualls, furthermore in war res and in danger of the Sav-
ages. We hoped after a supply which Captaine Newport
promised within twentie weekes. . . . But if the beginners
of this action doe carefully further us, the country being so
fruitfull, it would be as great a profit to the Realme of
England, as the Indies to the King of Spaine. If this
River which wee have found had beene discovered in the
time of warre with Spaine, it would have beene a commodi-
tie to our Realme, and a great annoyance to our enemies.
" The seven and twentieth of July the King of Rapa-
hanna, demanded a Canoa which was restored, lifted up his
hand to the Sunne, which they worship as their God, be-
sides he laid his hand on his heart, that he would be our
speciall friend. It is a general rule of these people when
The Savag^es they swcrc by their God which is the Sunne, no
ficetothe" Christian will keepe their Oath better upon this
Sunne. promisc. Thcsc people have a great reverence
to the Sunne above all other things at the rising and set-
ting of the same, they- sit downe lifting up their hands
and eyes to the Sunne making a round circle on the ground
with dried Tobacco, then they began to pray making many
Devillish gestures with a Hellish noise f oming at the mouth,
staring with their eyes, wagging their heads and hands
in such a fashion and deformitie as it was monstrous to
behold.
PERCY'S DISCOURSE. 167
" The sixt of August there died John Asbie of the
bloudie FHxe. The ninth day died George Flowre of the
swelling. The tenth day died William Bruster gentleman,
of a wound given by the Savages, and was buried the
eleventh day. The fourteenth day, Jerome Alikock, An-
cient, died of a wound, the same day Francis Mid-winter,
Edward Moris Corporall died suddenly.
" The fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and
Stephen Galthrope. The sixteenth day, their died Thomas
Gower gentleman. The seventeenth day, their died
Thomas Mounslie. The eighteenth day, theer died Robert
Pennington, and John Martine Gentleman. The nine-
teenth day died Drue Piggase gentleman.
" The tw^o and twentieth day of August, there died Cap-
taine Bartholomew Gosnold one of our Councell, ^^ ,, »
J^ Death of
he was honourably buried having all the Ord- Cap. Bar.
ance in the Fort shot off with many vollies of
small shot.
" After Captaine Gosnols death, the Councell could hardly
agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall, which after-
ward was committed about hainous matters which was
proved against him.
" The foure and twentieth day, died Edward Harrington
and George Walker, and were buried the same day. The
sixe and twentieth day, died Kenelme Throgmortine. The
seven and twentieth day died William Roods. The eight
and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie, Cape Merchant.
" The fourth day of September died Thomas Jacob Ser-
geant. The fift day, there died Benjamin Beast.
" Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings,
Flixes, Burning fevers, and by Warres, and some departed
suddenly, but for the most part they died of Miserable
meere famine. There were never Eng-lishmen left famine.
in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this
new discovered Virginia. Wee watched every three nights
lying on the bare cold ground, what weather soever came ;
168 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
warded all the next day, which brought our men to bee
most feeble wretches, our food was but a small can of Bar-
lie sod in water to five men a day, our drinke cold water
taken out of the River, which was at a flood verie Salt, at a
low tide full of slime and filth, which was the destruction of
many of our men. Thus we lived for the space of five
months in this miserable distresse, not having five able men
to man our Bulwarkes upon any occasion. If it had not
pleased God to have put a terrour in the Savages hearts,
we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans, being
in that weake estate as we were ; our men night and day
groaning in every corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare,
if there were any conscience in men, it would make their
harts to bleed to heare the pittifull murmurings & out-
cries of our sick men without reliefe every night and day
for the space of sixe weekes, some departing out of the
World, many times three or foure in a night, in the morn-
ings their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to
be buried : in this sort did I see the mortalitie of divers of
our people.
*' It pleased God, after a while, to send those people which
Gods ffood- were our mortall enemies to releeve us with vic-
nesse. tuals, as Bread, Corne, Fish, and Flesh in great
plentie, which was the setting up of our feeble men, other-
wise wee had all perished. Also we were frequented by
divers Kings in the Countrie, bringing us store of provision
to our great comfort.
" The eleventh day [September], there was certaine Arti-
cles laid against Master Wingfield which was then Presi-
dent, thereupon he was not only displaced out of his
Presidentship, but also from being of the Councell. After-
wards Captaine John Ratcliffe was chosen President.
" The eighteenth day, died one Ellis Kinistone which was
starved to death with cold. The same day at night, died
He was a ouc Richard Simmons. The nineteenth day,
madman. ^^^^^ ^j-^^j ^^^ ThomaS MoutOU." . . .
WHITE'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA. 169
XLVIII. WHITE'S DESCRIPTION OF VIRGINIA.
" A Description of Virginia by William White. H."
This is one of Haklu3rt's manuscripts which came into
the hands of the Rev. Samuel Purchas, who has only pre-
served enouo'h of it to make us wish to know more. In his
fourth volume, p. 1690, he says : " William White (having
lived with the natives) reported to us of their customes in
the morning by break of day, before they eate or drinke
both men, women and children, that be above tenne yeeres
of age runnes into the water, there washes themselves a
good while till the Sunne riseth, then offer Sacrifice to it,
strewing Tobacco on the Water or Land, honouring the
Sunne as their God, likewise they doe at the setting of the
Sunne." Here Purchas breaks off, adding in his side-note,
" The rest is omitted, being more fully set downe in Cap.
Smith's relations," and then proceeds to give (pp. 1691—
1704) " The description of Virginia by Captaine John
Smith," etc. However, he gives a few other extracts from
White in vol. v. pp. 841-843, describing the Indian feasts,
rites, etc., from which it seems that the descriptions of
White and Smith ran somewhat in similar channels. White
"also relateth that one George Casson was sacrificed as
they thought, to the Divell, being stripped naked and
bound to two stakes, with his backe against a great fire ;
then did they rip him, and burne his bowels, and dryed his
flesh to the bones."
If the principle that " a half loaf is better than no bread "
holds good in the matter of preserving historical data, we
must be thankful to Purchas, but I do not think the way
he pruned and cut short the valuable manuscripts, preserved
so carefully by Hakluyt, deserving of much thankfulness.
170 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
XLIX. WINGFIELD'S DISCOURSE.
Wing-field's " Discourse of Virginia," which was evidently
addressed to his Majesty's Council for Virginia, under
whose authority he acted, in defense of his course while
President of the Council in Virginia, was probably deliv-
ered soon after his return to England in May, 1608. This
discourse was not printed at that time. Rev. James S. M.
Anderson found it in the Lambeth Library, and used it in
compiling his " History of the Church of England in the
Colonies," published in London in 1845. A verbatim et
literatim copy was obtained by Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D.
in 1859 or 1860, and it was first published in full by the
American Antiquarian Society in 1860, edited with notes
and an introduction by Dr. Deane, who also printed one
hundred copies of the work separately. In his notes. Dr.
Deane calls in question for the first time the accuracy of
Smith's story of his rescue by Pocahontas. Mr. Jefferson
speaks of the style of Smith's history as " barbarous and un-
couth ; " Burk calls it " a sort of epic history or romance."
Dr. Palfrey had serious doubts concerning Smith as a trust-
worthy historian ; but I believe Dr. Deane was the first to
suggest an intelligent analysis of his writings for freeing
our early history from the meshes of his fable.
I do not think the MS. of XLIX. in the Lambeth Li-
brary is the finished document, but probably the first rough
draft of Wingfield's ideas, which were afterwards put into
better order and shape, properly addressed, signed and
handed to his Majesty's Council for Virginia. My reasons
for thinking so are : —
First. The address Js incomplete.
Second. It is not signed.
Third. There are several blanks for dates and other mat-
ter, and the narrative bears other evidences of not having
received the author's "finishing touches." And fourthly,
I believe that none of the original papers of his Majesty's
Council for Virgmia have been found.
DUDLEY CARLETON
Fimt Baron Cor/etoti
WINGFIELD'S DISCOURSE. 171
The Lambeth Library was probably founded by Arch-
bishop Bancroft (in IGIO) who left by will " to his succes-
sors the Archbishops of Canterbury, forever, a greate and
famous library," etc. After Winglield had sent the fin-
ished document to his Majesty's Council for Virginia, he
may have given his first draft to Bancroft, as the Arch-
bishop is mentioned in the instrument. The following is
the letter introducing the Discourse : —
"Eight Worp'''''' and more worthy —
" My due respect to yourselves, my allegiance (if I may
so terme it) to the Virginean action, my good heed to my
poore reputacon, thrust a penne into my handes, so jealous
am I to be missing to any of them. If it wandereth in
extravagantes, yet shall they not bee idle to those physitions
whose loves have undertaken the saftie and advancement of
Virofinia.
" It is no small comfort that I speake before such gravi-
tie, whose judgement no forrunner can forestall with any
opprobrious untruths, whose wisedomes can easily disroabe
malice out of her painted garments from the ever rever-
enced truth.
" I did so faithfully betroth my best endeavours to this
noble enterprize, as my carriage might endure no suspition.
I never turned my face from daunger, or hidd my handes
from labour ; so watchf ull a sentinel stood myself to my-
self. I know wel, a troope of errors continually beseege
men's actions ; some of them ceased on by malice, some by
ignorance. I doe not hoodwinck my carriage in my self
love, but freely and humblie submit it to your grave cen-
sures.
" I do freely and truely anatomize the governement and
governours, that your experience may applie medicine ac-
cordinglie ; and upon the truth of this journal do pledge
my faith and life, and so do rest
" Yours to command in all service."
172 PERIOD I. JULY, lC05-JA]SrUARY, 1G09.
See the Discourse as printed in " Archseologia Ameri-
cana/' vol. iv. pp. 77-103. (See also the note on LIV.)
It relates to events in Virginia from June 22, 1607, to
April 10, 1608.
L. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIM AN CAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 111.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the
king of Spain, dated London, June 16 or 26, 1608.
" Sire : —
" of what is going on here concerning Virginia I have
reported to Y. M. Captain Newport has returned and
brought a few things of small importance, so that it is more
clearly seen that the main thing they find to do in that
place is to fortify themselves and to sail as pirates from
there. They are in the greatest strait for money that can
be imagined, and yet in spite of that they have managed to
secure some means with which to send out again this New-
port with two good ships and their crews, and they will
leave here in two months, since they are already preparing
themselves. He has selected people of better quality than
those there and as they call them to rob, all of them go
very willingly. I have a letter which one of those who are
there writes to a friend of his and it has appeared to me
well to send it so that Y. M. may see the progress they
make and the way they are living there (LI.).
" This Ne^vport brought a little boy,^ who they say is the
son of an Emperor o'f those Countries, and they have in-
structed him that when he saw the King, he should not
take off his hat, and other things of the same kind, so that
it has amused me to see how they esteem him, thinking it
much more certain that he must be a very ordinary person.
" Our Lord " etc.
1 Namontack.
LETTER FROM FRANCIS PERKINS. 173
LI. LETTER FROM FRANCIS PERKINS [?].
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2586, FOLIOS 112, US.
Copy of a letter which is quoted in another written by Don
Pedro de Zufiiga, dated June 16, 1608, and is inclosed
in that. On the envelope [containing this letter] is
said : " Carta of Virginia to be sent to His Majesty."
" March 28th. — Most Illustrious Sir : ^ — After my due
respects to you, with thanks for the many favors which
you have done me, and the trouble you have taken on
my account, I being unable to repay them except by pray-
ing God and desiring to serve you in every way that I can,
I venture to beg of you another favor on the occasion
which at this time presents itself, altho' I have given you
just cause to abandon me by not taking leave of so good a
friend as you have always been to me on the occasion of
my departure. But the confidence I feel in your unfailing
kindness will excuse me this time, since that neglect arose
only from fear of some impediment in this my long-desired
journey. I shall not fail, however, to make amends in
part at least for this mistake, because if I do not succeed
in securing your favor and in making my peace with
" Madama," securing in my absence the success of my
wishes, of which I had occasion to speak in petition to you
before I left, so much more time being given to solicit this
business in person, the whole matter will turn to my great
prejudice and injury, but trusting entirely your usual
kindness, I pray you will have the goodness to negotiate
with Mess"- WilHam Wade, Tomas Smith, Walter Cope,
Thomas Chancellor^ (Chaloner), George More, and the
^ The name of the person addressed them deciphered for the benefit of
is not given, but it was probably Philip III. into old Spanish script,
some member of the Cornwallis house- there is necessarily some confusion in
hold. See the Cornwallis biographies, the words, etc., sometimes, and this is,
^ In converting these documents especially the case with the English
first into Zuniga's cipher, then having names, which nearly always " come
174 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
others, that I be appointed one of the Council here in Vir-
<^inia, as much for my honor as tliat I may be better able to
pay my debts. There are some of the Members of the
Council here, who understand State-affairs as little as I do
and who are no better than I. It will be a matter of great
delight to see coming here so many from our Country, so
richly gifted and enlightened that I would not be worthy
to appear among them.
" Concerning our Voyage and my views of the Country, I
will state them to you as well as I can. We left Gravesend
on Thursday, October 8. 1607. We reached Plymouth
the following Thursday, where we remained 'till Monday,
and as the wind was not favorable it became necessary on
the next day to make port at Falmouth, where until Friday
morning we suffered much from a great storm, after which,
continuing our voyage ; in five weeks and two days
(Nov. 29.) we reached the island of Sancto Domingo, which
is in the West Indies, and we were there all that day, traffick-
ing with the Savages, who came on board naked, bringing
us potatoes, plantains, pine apples, which are a very savory
fruit, bread w^hich they call " casadra " made of certain
roots, parrots, cocks and hens, and other things, which they
gave us in exchange for iron-hatchets, saws, knives, rosaries,
bells and other similar trifles which they esteem very highly,
and are of great usefulness to those who carry them with
them in like voyages ; — and thus sailing along the coasts
the whole week past the other neighboring islands, we
came near the Island of San Juan towards the Northern
part, and fourteen days later, on Sunday (Dec. 20), we
came in sight of America. On the following Thursday
(Dec. 24) the Ship that kept us company, called the Phoenix,
came to lose us in a very dense fog which rose when we
were not more than ten or twelve leasfues from the entrance
to the port and we have not been able up to today to hear
any news about it. There were in that ship about forty
out twisted " and are seldom g-iven to give the right names whenever I
perfectly correct. I have attempted can do so with any certainty.
LETTER FROM FRANCIS PERKINS. 175
men, who were to remain here with us. The ship called
the John and Francis, in which Captain Newport was,
came on the 2d of January to Jamestown. The river is
very beautiful and wide, but full of shallows and piles of
oystershells. The land lies low and is full of wood until
you reach the coast. [At first] we always had warm
weather ; afterwards such bitter colds and such severe
frosts that I and several others had our feet frost bitten.
A month after this we came to a land where there was also
great frost and snow. The country around there has
a great abundance of wild swans, herons and cranes, wild
ducks and other water fowl, with many other birds, as long
as the winter continues, with the prettiest parrots that can
be seen. So excessive are the frosts, that one night the
river froze over almost from bank to bank, in front of our
harbour, although it was there as wide as that of London.
There died from the fJost some fish in the river, which when
taken out after the f^ost was over, were very good and so
fat that they could be fried in their own fat without add-
ing any butter or such thing. After our landing — which
took place on a Monday (January 4.) there broke out on
the following Thursday (January 7.) such a fire that, grow-
ing rapidly, it consumed all the buildings of the fort, and
the storehouse of ammunition and provision, so that there
remained only three, and all that my son and I possessed
was burnt, except only a mattress which had not yet been
carried on shore. Thanks to God we are at peace with
all the neighbouring inhabitants of the country and trade
with them in wheat and provisions. They attach very great
value to copper which looks at all reddish. Their own
great Emperor, or the " Vuarravance " which is the name
of their Kings, has sent us some of his people, that they
may teach us how to sow the grain of this country and
to make certain tools [traps ?] with which they are going
to fish [catch fish?]. And certainly, as far as may be
conjectured there is a great probability, that the land is
very fertile and good, quite sufficient to support a million
176 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
o£ inliabitants in that part which we now occupy ; but it is
more in clearing- out the wood than in the multiplying of
the grain that difficulty arises. I have sent to " Madama,"
your wife, a pair of tortoises, others to " Madama Catalina,"
and others to William Cornwallis, hoping that when our
people make another excursion, I shall have better things
to send. I send you an ear of the grain as it grows here,
with two bales of our ordinary " flora," and other two to
" Madama Catalina," and others to Mr. William [Corn-
wallis?] the elder. There are found there, many small
animals with savory [illegible] inside (opossum ?) ; when I
meet any by chance I shall send them to you, that you and
your friends may see them. There is here the greatest
abundance of pasturage for any kind of cattle, especially
for pigs and goats, even if there were a million of them.
There is also to be found all around the fort, where we
have cut down the trees a great quantity of strawberries
and other plants pleasant to the taste. And, sir, consider-
ing that this misfortune of the fire has caused among us a
general want of almost all things, especially as far as I am
concerned, having suffered much during these past two
years — so much in fact, that I have not even paper and
ink to write to our friends ! I beseech you to seTtTutkat
" Madama Catalina " ^'""^eS''"^ angry with me, but that, yield-
ing to the natural nobility of her heart and to the affec-
tion she has been pleased to show me in the past, she will
endeavour, jointly with you and Mr. William Cornwallis
most earnestly to recommend my claim to be admitted [to
the council in Virginia ?] especially with Mr. William
[Thos.?] Smith, since he can do more in matters concern-
ing this State, than anyone else. I beg also Madama Cata-
lina will have the kindness to get Mr. William Cornwallis
to send me for the value of ten pounds, such clothes as he
may have that are worn out, whether it be large or small
garments, doublets, trousers, stockings, capes, or whatever
may appear fit to them, since the fire having burnt all we
possessed, everything is needed and whatever may be sent
LETTER FROM FRANCIS PERKINS. 177
will be useful. I beg also you will ask Madama Catalina
to negotiate in conformity with the same arrangement, with
Mr. William " Sans," ^ since I promise I will return to
them the value of whatever they may send me, whilst I
acknowledge that by her kindness and that of these gen-
tlemen I and my people are still alive — and even if this
should fall short of supplying the wants of so many, will
"Madama" and those gentlemen do me and my son, at
least, this favor out of their liberality to send us such things
as are of little use to them and most valuable to myself. I
beseech you. Sir, not to be offended by this my candor and
daring boldness, but in your great kindness to remember
me who am so far away and cut off from my friends, doing
me at the same time the favor, in all reasonable things to
be kind to my wife, if in any emergency she should have re-
course to you. I pray you will communicate the contents
of this letter to " Madama Catalina," and let her read it all,
if it so please her. And herewith I most humbly commit
myseK to your protection and that of those gentlemen, in
whose kindness and favor I put my entire confidence. I
pray God may protect you and all.
" March 28, 1608. Your servant for life.
"Francis Perquin [Perkins?]
" of Villa James in Virginia."
[Mem. — I have only found one letter from Zuniga (that
of June 26 L. and the inclosure LI.) written at this time;
but it is evident from the letter of Philip III. of July |^,
(LIII.) that he also wrote others, namely, of June }^,
II, and jur/% and sent them all to the King of Spain by
Special Messenger Rivas. The news brought by Newport
(May 20) evidently caused a stir in the South Virginia
Company and they were hastening his return. The
1 I am not certain who " Mr. Wil- was burnt on Thursday, the 7th. The
liam Sans " was. date given in Wingfield's Discourse
Newport arrived at Jamestown on (Archceologia Americana, iv. p. 92)
Saturday evening January 2, landed as " the viijth of January " should be
on Monday, the 4th, and Jamestown I am sure "the iiijth of January."
178 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1G09.
North Virginia Company were also preparing to send Cap-
tain Davis back to that Colony. Both companies were
very busy, and evidently Zuiiiga and his agents were busy
also. When Captain John Smith returned from his cap-
tivity in January, 1608, he brought certain news of a
ready way, through the North of Virginia, about the for-
tieth degree of northerly latitude, to the great South Sea,
and this news created excitement in the Virginia Com-
panies. Early in July, Captain Francis Nelson, who had
left Virginia June 2, arrived in England in the Phoenix.
Captaine John Martin returned with him. He brought
Captain John Smith's "True Relation" (LIV.), the chart
(LVII.) ; and other documents, letters, etc., now probably
lost forever.
The exact date of Captain Newport's return to Virginia
is not known to me ; but I believe that he sailed almost
immediately after Captain Nelson's return to England.
The following extracts from memoranda (1607-1608) of
Henry Percy, ninth earl of Northumberland, probably
relate to this voyage : " For apparel for Mr. George Percy
<£9. 2s. 4d, sent by Captain Newport." " For the rings
and other pieces of copper given to the Virginia Prince
3s." " To Mr, Melshawe for many necessaries which he
delivered to Mr. Percy toward the building of a house in
Virginia, 14s."
Newport also carried at this time to the Virginia Prince,
Powhatan, " rich presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes and
a Crowne " from the Virginia Company. He went pre-
pared to attempt the way to the South Sea. I have found
none of the letters, documents, etc., taken by Newport on
this voyage, mentioned^ in LXIV. He sailed in the Mary
and Margaret, a ship of about one hundred and fifty tons,
which, like most of the vessels on former voyages, was in
the service of the Russia Company ; she was afterwards, in
the summer of 1611, " shipwrecked by Ice," in the North
Sea in the latitude of seventy-nine degrees. Captain Rich-
ard Waldo and Captain Peter Wynne were sent over at this
CHAMBERLAIN TO CARLETON. 179
time as additional members for the Council in Virginia.
July 5, Sir John Gilbert died of the small-pox, and it seems
that soon after his death (exact date not known to me)
" Capt. Davies set out from Topsam, the Port town of Exi-
ter, with a ship laden full of victualls, arms, instruments
and tools &c for the North Virginia Colony ; set forth by
Sir Francis Popham, certaine of his private friends, and
others of the Virginia Council." None of the documents
carried over by him are known to me.]
LII. CHAMBERLAm TO CARLETON.
STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, JAMES I. VOLUME 35, NUMBER 13.
" John Chamberlain Esq to Dudley Carleton Esq.
"Sir: —
" I cannot but commend your memorie. . . . On Tues-
day I went with the Lady Fanshaw (Sir Tho^ Smythe's
sister) and other good Company to visit Cope Castle [now
Holland House] at Kinsington and calling in at the strand,
we took the little Betty and the infant Norris along with
us. We had the honour to see all, but touch nothing, not
so much as a cherry, which are charily preserved for the
Queen's coming. I took my leave of him yesterday ; and
upon some mention of you he made this short reply, that
your books were very well accepted, and that he would ever
slip no opportunity to do you service. He (Sir Walter
Cope) grows more and more into the great lord ; and it is
conceived that if any place should fall, whereof Sir Caesar
were capable, he should presently step into his room, and
bear the burden of the exchequer business.
" The New Bourse at Durham House goes up apace. . . .
" The marriage of the Young Lord Cranborne with the
Lord Chamberlain's daughter is thoroughly concluded and
the books sealed.
" Staples, one of our great merchants, died the last week
180 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1C09.
very suddenly, as he was sitting down to supper, and Sii'
John Gilbert two days since of the smalli^ox,
" Here is a ship (the Phoenix) newly come from Virginia
that hath been long missing. She went out the last year,
in consort with Captain Newport, and after much wander-
ing, found the port three or four days after his departure
for England. I hear not of any novelties or other com-
modities she hath brought more than sweet wood.
" Sir Horace Vere, coming out of the Low Countries to
conduct his lady, met her on Saturday at Kochester, and
went back presently.
" These contracts and cross marriages 'twixt France and
Spain trouble both them and us. . . .
" The King's Progress holds on towards Northampton-
shire, as unwelcome to those parts, as rain in harvest, so as
the great ones begin to dislodge : the Lord Spencer to his
daughter Vane in Kent ; and divers other gentlemen devise
other errands other ways.
"From London this 7*^ of July 1608.
" Yours most assuredly
"John Chamberlain."
Addressed : " To my assured goode Frend Master Dud-
ley Carleton. geve these at Eaton."
LIIL PHILIP III. TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 245.
Copy of a rough draft of a deciphered letter of H. M. to
Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated Lerma, July 29, 1608.
" By Kivas have been received all your letters of Jmie
26, 27 & 28 last and of the o^^ of this month, to which a
reply will reach you in this letter. There is announced the
arrival of Captain Newport from Virginia — the importance
which is there attached to that Island — and most of what
CAPTAIN THOMAS CAVENDISH
SMITH'S RELATION. 181
you say in that connection — and I shall be glad, if inform-
ing yourself through really practical men from that coun-
try, you will give me a special and detailed account of the
position and location of that Island — the time when it was
discovered and by whom — the harbours to be found there
and their capacity — the countries which they can reach
from there — with the climate — and everything else that
concerns it — and you will briefly report of it all."
LIV. SMITH'S RELATION.
Auofust 13 there was entered at Stationer's Hall for
publication, by " John Tappe, printer and William Welby
bookseller at the sign of the Greyhound, in Paules Church-
yard. A booke called A True Relatione of such occur-
rences and accidents of note as have hapened in Virginia
synce the first plantinge of that colonye, which is now resi-
dent in the South parte of Virginia, till Master Nelson's com-
minge Away from them," etc. It was probably a letter. It
begins thus : " Kinde Sir, commendations remembred," etc.
Who the " Kinde Sir " was to whom it was addressed is not
certainly known. It was printed with the running title, at
the top of each page, " Newes from Virginia." It is the
only one of Smith's works published by a stationer who was
personally interested in the Virginia enterprises. William
Welby afterwards became the publisher for the Virginia
Company of London, and on the 1st of October, 1610, he
assigned his interest in this tract to Michael Baker, who
was not interested in Virofinia. It was the first account
of the Virginia colony published to the world. For cogent
reasons it was not " Published by Authoritie of his Majes-
ties Counsell of Virginia."
Original copies of this tract are preserved in the follow-
ing Libraries in America, namely, Charles Deane, Harvard
College, S. L. M. Barlow, Carter-Brown, New York Histor-
ical Society (2), Lenox (3), and Charles H. Kalbfleisch.
182 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
The copy which was sold at Sotheby's, London, April 5,
1882, for £57, I am quite sure was bought by Mr. Kalb-
fleisch, and this is the latest sale which I have noted.
It was reprinted in the " Southern Literary Messenger "
for February, 1845, at Richmond, Va., also by Mr. Charles
Deane, LL. D., with a preface and notes, Boston, 1866,
and this is the best reprint, that in the " Messenger " be-
ing very imperfect. It is also, of course, included in Mr.
Arber's reprint of Captain Smith's works, 1884.
[Mem. — There had been great suffering, and many
misfortunes had happened in Vii'ginia, and as a result there
was much trouble in the council. Ratcliffe, Martin, and
Smith had removed Wingfield, not only from the presi-
dency, but from the council also, and had elected Ratcliffe
president. Archer was afterwards taken into the council,
and under his leadership, it seems. Smith was about to be
hanged for allowing the Indians to kill and secure the bod-
ies of several of his men ; but in the midst of the turmoil
Captain Newport arrived and " pored oil on the troubled
waters." XLIX. is Wingfield's account of his case. LIV.
is Smith's account of his stewardship. Archer presented
his side of the case, but this account has not been found,
and I suppose Percy in XLVII. also gave an account ; but
if so, Purchas suppressed it. XLIX. and LIV. are both
ex parte evidence. However, XLIX. is evidently addressed
to the proper authorities, and the author pledges to them
on his faith and his life, the truth of his journal. While
LIV. is addressed by the author to some unknown friend
of his in England, and it was published without authority
from the council and erroneously, as " written by Th : Wat-
son gent." As an off sett for the loss of his men. Smith
tells in LIV. of what he had learned of the nearness of the
great South Sea, and this was a balm apt to heal all wounds
at that time. I think LIV. leaves a more favorable impres-
sion than Smith's later works ; it is true that he does not
conceal his good opinion of himself, but his vanity and his
ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III. 183
injustice to others increased with his age. It may be said
that no one could now attempt to venture a decision on
the points in question regarding the troubles in Virginia,
unless they had all the evidence before them ; but I am
sure the council of Virginia were amply able to decide
these matters then, and I think we should abide by their
decision.
The whole of LIV. was not printed. As published it
relates mainly to events in Virginia from April 26, 1607,
to June 2, 1608. See also my remarks on LVII.]
LV. REPORT OF THE SPANISH COUNCIL.
"The King of Spain sent from Madrid (on the 16th
August, 1608) to his Ambassador in England, the Report
of The Spanish Council of State, giving the reasons for
sending to the galleys the English who in 1606 were taken
in the West Indies." That is, the remainder of Challons'
crew who had not escaped from Spain.
This reached England by way of Flanders about August
31 (0. S.), being about twenty-five days on the way.
LVI. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2586, FOLIO 145.
Copy of an original letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the
King of Spain, dated Higiiete [Highgate ?], September
10, 1608.
" Sire : —
" I have thought proper to send Y. M. a plan of Vir-
ginia (LVII.) and another of the Fort (LVIII.) which the
English have erected there, together with a report (LIX.)
given me by a person who has been there. Still, I am try-
ing to learn more and I shall report about it. I received
just now, by way of Flanders, the letter which Y. M. was
pleased to command to be written to me on the 16th of last
184 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
month, with the Report which contains the reasons then
existing for sending to the galleys the English, who in
1606 were found in our waters, and I shall make such use
of it as I am commanded by Y. M. Whose Catholic and
Royal person God preserve as all Christendom requires it.
" At Higuete [Highgate ?] September 10. 1608.
"Don Pedro de Zuniga."
LVII. CHART OF VIRGINIA.
This chart must have been sent to England by Captain
Francis Nelson, who left Virginia June 2, 1608. It is
not drawn to an exact scale ; but on comparing it with
XLVI. made about the same time, and with CLVIII.,
it seems to have been drawn on the basis of about five
miles, or say Ij leagues to an inch. It illustrates Cap-
tain John Smith's " True Relation " (LIV.), and was sent
from Virginia with it. The " Relation" was published
in August 1608 ; but I have never seen an engraving
of this chart. I am convinced that copies of this " Rela-
tion " and of this chart were taken to Holland by Captain
Henry Hudson in the latter part of 1608, and that they
are referred to by Hudson as " letters and charts which one
Captain Smith had sent him from Virginia, by which he
(Smith) informed him (Hudson) that there was a sea lead-
ing into the Western Ocean by the North of the Southern
English Colony," about the latitude of forty degrees. On
December 29, 1608 (0. S.), Captain Hudson, with the infor-
mation derived by him in his native England, entered into
a contract with the Dutch. We have here, with this chart
in Spain and with Hudson in Holland with Smith's letters
and charts, another strong illustration of the great necessity
the Virginia Company was under to keep close its charts,
records, etc., and the great danger to them which might
result by having in their official service one through whom
such things reached outsiders.
CHART OF VIRGINIA. 185
The leofends on the chart : —
" Here remayneth 4 men clothed that came from Ro-
onock to Ocanahawan."
LIV. says : " What he knew of the Dominions he spared
not to acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a
place called Ocanahonan, cloathed like me." — and " Many
King-domes hee (Powhatan) described to me. . . . The
people clothed at Ocamahowan, he alsoe confirmed."
CCXVII. says : " Where at Peccarecamek and Ochana-
hoen, by the relation of Machumps, the people have bowses
built with stone walles, and one story above another, so
taught them by those Englishe whoe escaped the slaughter
at Roanoak, at what tyme this our Colony, under the con-
duct of Captain Newport, landed within the Chesapeake
Bay, where the people breed up tame turkeis about their
bowses, and take apes in the mountaines, and where at
Ritanoe, the Weroance Eyanoco preserved seven of the
Enghsh alive — foioei^ men, two boyes and one yonge
mayde. (who escaped [the massacre ?] and fled up the river
of Chanoke) — to beat his copper, of which he hath certaine
mynes at the said Ritanoe, as also at Pamawank are said to
be store of salt stones." There is the following side-note
in Strachey : " Howses of stone, tame Turkyes, and Monk-
yes, supposed at Peccartcanick."
[Mem. — The three rivers given on the chart, south of
the James, were probably intended for the Neuse, the Tar,
and the Roanoke rivers. Ocanahowan was probably sup-
posed to be on the Neuse.]
" Here the King of Paspahege reported our men to be
and wants to go." This is possibly in the present Samp-
son County, North Carolina.
" Here Paspahege and 2 of our own men landed to go to
Pananiock."
This is the Pananaioc of Smith's Map of Ould Virginia.
Smith says in his " True Relation " (LIV.) : " We had
agreed with ye King of Paspahegh to conduct two of our
men to a place called Panawicke beyond Roonok, where he
186 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
reported many men to be apparelled. Wee landed him at
Warraskoyack, where playing the villaine, and deluding us
for rewards, returned within three or foure dayes after
without "foinor further." Smith is here referring to an
expedition of January or February, 1608, under Newport.
He does not mention this incident at this time in his Gen-
eral History ; but in referring to an expedition of Decem-
ber, 1608, under his own command, he says, that he sent
from Warraskoyack, Master Sicklemore and two guides
" to seeke for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleigh's."
[Mem. — The landing from the chart was probably in
Pagan Creek, Isle of Wight County.]
"Amongst high rocks," etc. I am unable to decipher
this leo-end.
o
In his " True Relation," Smith says : " Within 4. or 5.
dales Journey of the Falles was a great turning of Salt
Water " — and again, " I tolde him [Powhatan] in that I
would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea, that on the
other side of the maine, where was Salt Water, my father
had a childe slaine, which wee supposed [by] Monocan his
enemie, whose death we intended to revenge. After good
deliberation, bee began to describe mee the countreys
beyond the Falles, with many of the rest, confirming what
not only Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had been
prisoner to Powhatan had before tolde me, but some called
it five dayes, some sixe, some eight, where the sayde water
dashed among est many stones and rocks, each storme,
which caused oft tymes the heade of the River to bee
brackish : Anchanachuck he described to bee the people
that had slaine my brother, whose death hee would re-
venge."
Strachey says : " Yt (the James River) falleth from
rocks far west, in a country inhabited by a nation, that
they call Monocan. . . . from high hills afar off within
the lands, from the topps of which hills, the people sale
they see another sea, and that the water is there salt ; and
the journey to this sea, from the Falls, by their accompt,
CHART OF VIRGINIA. 187
should be about ten daies, allowing, according to a march,
some fourteen or sixteen miles a day."
" Monacan 2 days Jorney."
From the Falls (Richmond) to the present Manakin town
is less than twenty miles.
"20 miles above this C. S. was taken." The site of
Apocant, on this chart, is placed farther west than the Falls
(Powhatan). If this is correct " 20 miles above " would be
higher up than the present Goochland line ; but the chart
is not drawn to an exact scale, and without giving tiresome
details, I will only give it as my opinion that the capture
more probably took place near the present line between
Hanover and New Kent.
The route the Indians took Smith after his capture is
pricked down on the chart. After collating the various
evidences in the premises with Smith's narrative in his
" True Relation," I believe the following to be approxi-
mately correct. Smith seldom gives dates. He was taken
prisoner about the 16th of December, 1607, and taken that
day " about 6 miles to a hunting town " (Rasawrock), where
he probably spent the next day ; on the 18th he was car-
ried to another kingdom on the Youghtanan (Pamunkey)
river ; thence to Mattapament (Mattapony) River ; thence
to two hunting towns, and " after this f oure or five dayes
march," he was returned again to Rasawrock about the 23d.
Breaking up camp on the 24th, they marched to Mena-
pacute (near the present West Point), reaching there on
the second day's journey (25). The next day (26th) they
visit Kekataugh, and thence, marching along northward,
passing across the headwaters of the Payankatank, Smith
is taken to Topahanocke (Tappahannock, Essex County ?),
reaching there the 27th ; the next day (28th) departed and
lodging that night at a hunting town of Powhatan's, they
arrived the next day (29th) at Warawocomoco, " Where
Powhatan, assured mee [Smith] his friendship and my lib-
ertie within foure dayes." January 1, 1608, " Powhatan
sent Smith home with four men," etc. ; he arrived at James-
188 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
town early on the morning of Saturday, January 2d, and
" Nuport arrived the same night." The Indians kept Smith
a prisoner about 16 days, yet he says, in his History of
Virginia, " Sixe or seven weekes those Barbarians kept
him prisoner."
Smith says that he " was taken to Topahanocke, a King-
dome upon another River northward : because, the yeare
hefore, a shippe had beene in the River of Pamaunke, who
having been kindly entertained by Powhatan then- Em-
perour, they returned thence, and discovered the River of
Topahanocke, where being received with like kindnesse, yet
he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they sup-
posed I were hee, but the people reported him a great man
that was Captaine, and using mee kindly, the next day
we departed." XLIX. says : " Pamaonche having Smith
prisoner carryed him to his neybors Wyroances to see if
any of them knew him for one of those which had bene
some twoe or three yeeres hefore us, in a river amongst
them Northward, and taken awaie some Indians by force."
From these statements we infer that a ship was up the
Rappahannock River in 1603-1606 ; if so I have no other
record of it. It could hardly refer to the Spanish ship in
1572?
From XLYI., from this chart, from CLYIII., and from
the map engraved for Captain Smith (CCXLII.), it is evi-
dent that Werawocomoco was on the present Purtan or
Putin Bay, York River. In fact this bay retains its original
name. Tindall calls it Poetan (i. e. Powhatan), Fry and
Jefferson Portan, and the present coast survey Purtan.
Those who have placed it on Timberneck Bay and else-
where, in the Cantauntack (or as CCXLII. and CLYIII.
have it, the Capahowasick) country, have, as usual, been
led into an error by the text of Smith's History of Vir-
ginia, which says that Werawocomoco was " ah out 25
Tniles " from where the river divided (West Point). The
text (25 miles) is wrong, the chart (about 11 miles) is cor-
rect.
CHART OF VIRGINIA. 189
" Pocaughtawonaucks, a salvage people dwelling upon
the bay beyond this mayne that eat of men and women."
In his " True Relation " Smith says : Powhatan " de-
scribed also upon the same sea [the Back Sea] a mighty
Nation called Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did
eate men, and warred Avith the people of Moyaoncer, and
Pataromerke, Nations upon the toppe of the heade of
the Bay, under his territories, where the yeare before they
had slain an hundred, he signified their crownes were
shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like
PoUaxes. Beyond them he described people with short
coates, and sleeves to the Elbowes, that passed that way in
shippes Hke ours. Many Kingdomes hee described mee to
the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a mightie River,
issuing from mightie Mountain es betwixt the two Seas."
It will be seen that this chart gives an island in James
River, in the bend above the mouth of the Appomattox,
which is evidently the " Turkey Island " of the first ex-
plorers. There is no island there now.
[Mem. — In 1888 Mr. Hamilton McMillan, A. M., of
Robeson County, North CaroHna, pubhshed an historical
sketch of " Sir Walter Raleigh's Lost Colony, with the
traditions of An Indian Tribe in North CaroHna indicating
the fate of the Colony," etc. From this I will give extracts.
" In the latter part of 1864 three young men of the Croa-
tan tribe, who had been drafted to work on the fortifica-
tions at Fort Fisher, were killed, it is supposed, by a white
man who had them in custody. An inquest was held,
and at its conclusion an old Indian, named George Lowrie,
addressed the people assembled, in substance as follows :
^We have always been the friends of white men. We
were a free people long before the white men came to our
land. Our tribe was always free. They lived in Roanoke
in Virginia. When the English came to Roanoke our
tribe treated them kindly. One of our tribe went to
England in an English ship and saw that great country.
190 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
We took the English to live with us. There is the white
man's blood in these veins as well as that of the Indian.
In order to be great like the English, we took the white
man's language and religion, for our people were told they
would prosper if they would take white men's laws. In
the wars between white men and Indians we always fought
on the side of white men. We moved to this land and
fought for liberty for white men, yet white men have
treated us as negroes. Here are our young men shot down
by a white man and we get no justice, and that in a land
where our people were always free.' "
This speech caused Mr. McMillan to investigate the his-
tory and traditions of this tribe.
" They assert that the English colony became incorpo-
rated with the tribe, which soon after emigrated westward,
— to what is now Sampson County, — a portion to Cumber-
land County, and they had probably settled on the Lumber
River in Robeson County as early as 1650, where they were
found by the Huguenots in 1709, having farms and roads
and other evidences of civilized life. Their language is
almost pure Anglo-Saxon. Many of the words have long
been obsolete in English-speaking countries."
It will be noted that the Croatan tradition is not at vari-
ance with the chart, from which it seems the Indians and
lost colonists went from Roanoke westward up the present
Roanoke River to Ocanohowan, and from thence to Pakraka-
nick (or Peccarecamek, Strachey), probably on the Neuse
River, near Sampson County, where it seems they were
reported to be in 1608.]
LVIII. PLAN OF ST. GEORGE'S FORT.
[The following note on LVIII. was made at my request
by the late Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D., of Cambridge,
Mass. —A. B.]
This draft of St. George's Fort is sufficiently described by
the inscription on it, which recites that the fort was " erected
PLAN OF ST. GEORGE'S FORT. 191
by Captaine George Popham, Esquier, one the entry of the
famous River of Sagadehock in Virginia, taken out by
John Hunt, the viii day of October in the yeere of our
Lorde, 1607."
The projectors of the Northern Colony of Virginia,
which inckided Sir John (Chief Justice) Popham, and Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, prosecuted their enterprise with eager-
ness. After sending a number of ships to the coast, and
gathering what information they coiild from the natives,
they finally projected a settlement much after the fashion
of theu' rivals of the Southern Colony. On the last day of
May two ships sailed from Plymouth with a hundred set-
tlers well furnished with supplies, and taking two of
Gorges' Indians, which two years before had been kid-
napped on the coast by Weymouth, as guides and inter-
preters. The ships were a fly-boat, called the Gift of God,
commanded by George Popham, a brother^ of the Chief
Justice, John Popham, ^' and a good ship," called the Mary
and John, commanded by Ralegh Gilbert. After a prosper-
ous voyage they arrived on the coast of Maine by the last
of July, and after expending several days in exploring the
coast and islands, on Sunday, the 9th of August, the greater
part of the company of both ships landed on an island
they called " St Georges Island," probably Monhegan, and
" there," the narrative reads, " we heard a sermon delivered
unto us by our preacher, giving God thanks for our happy
meeting, and safe arrival into the country, & so returned
abroad again." (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. xvii. 94 et seq.)
Proceeding to the shore they made choice on the 18th of a
place for a settlement — being a projected point of land at
the mouth of the Sagadahoc or Kennebeck, on the western
side, called by the Indians " Sabino," " being almost an
island of good bigness." This peninsula is included in the
present town of Phippsburg. On the following day, " the
19th of August, we all went to the shore where we made
^ So always stated, but I doubt if they were brothers. See my Popham
pedigree in the Biographical Index.
192 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
choice for our plantation, and there we had a sermon
delivered unto us by our preacher, & after the sermon
our patent was read with the orders & laws therein pre-
scribed." The company then proceeded to organize their
community. Captain George Popham was chosen presi-
dent. Captain Ralegh Gilbert, admiral ; Edward Harlow,
master of the ordinance ; Captain Robert Davis, sergeant
major ; Captain Ellis Best, marshal ; Mr. Seaman, secre-
tary ; Captain James Davis, captain of the fort ; Mr. Gome
Carew, chief searcher. All these were of the council.
These names are taken from Smith, folio 203, to which
from Strachey we should add, Richard Seymer, preacher.
They then all returned to their ship. Next day the com-
pany landed and began to fortify. " Our President, Cap-
tain Popham, set the first spit of ground unto it, and after
him all the rest followed, & labored hard in the trenches
about it." The narrative which we have referred to above,
being the basis of Strachey's account, gives an almost daily
record of the work upon the fort, showing " that each man
did his best endeavor for the building of the fort," until it
was fully finished . . . trenched & fortified, with twelve
pieces of ordinance and fifty houses built therein, beside a
church and storehouse." It has been conjectured that
" fifty " was a clerical error, and we should read five for
the number of houses built, but the number indicated
on the plan, and as compared with the marginal list on
the "Draught," proves that conjecture to be erroneous,
for a somewhat larger number even than fifteen, which
might have been the word intended, beside the chapel
and storehouse, can be made out. The narrative proceeds
to say that after finishing the fort, etc., " the carpenters
framed a pretty pinnace of about thirty ton, which they
called the ' Virginia,' the chief shipwright being one Digby
of London." This vessel a few years later was one of
those which accompanied the fleet bound to the southern
colony in 1609, on which voyage Gates and Somers were
wrecked at Bermuda. She is mentioned as the " Virginia,
PLAN OF ST. GEORGE'S FORT. 193
which was built in the North Colony," and her chief offi-
cers were, " Captain Davies " and " Master Davies." These
may well be the same persons who witnessed the building
of this vessel at Fort St. George. It will be noticed that
the maker of this " Draught " has delineated on it a small
vessel, near the fort, on the northerly or water side of it.
About four months after the landing at Sabino, or on
the 15th of December,^ Robert Davies was dispatched
home in the Mary and John, " to advertise both their safe
arrival & forwardness of their plantation within the river
of Sagadahoc, with letters to the Chief Justice, importuning
a supply for the most necessary wants in the subsisting of
a colony to be sent unto them betimes the next year."
He also bore a letter from President George Popham to
Khig James, dated " At the Fort of St. George, in Sagada-
hoc of Virginia, 13 December, 1607." More than half the
colonists at that time returned home, leaving but forty-five
at the fort.
All the narratives existing of the Popham colony are
very deficient in details concerning it after this time. On
the return of Captain Davies in the following year with
supplies, — we do not know at what precise time he arrived
at the fort, perhaps by May, — he found that the colonists
had experienced a hard winter, during which their store-
house and provisions had been burned. He learned also
that President Popham had died on the 5th of February.
Captain Davies brought news of the death of Chief Justice
Popham, who had died on the 7th of June, 1607, only a
few days after the first expedition had sailed for Sagadahoc.
He also brought letters announcing the death of Sir John
Gilbert, the eldest brother of Ralegh Gilbert, now presi-
dent of the colony, who was summoned home to settle the
1 So always stated, but I have rea- that the other ship returned to Eng-
son to believe (as I have said) that land about the middle of December
one of the ships returned to Eng- with Popham's letter, etc., and taking
land early in October " to advertise back many of the colonists. The evi-
both of their safe arrival and forward- dence of this is only circumstantial,
ness of their plantation," etc. ; and but it seems to me quite strong.
194 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605^ANUARY, 1G09.
estate, in which he had an interest. So they all resolved to
stay no longer in the country, " wherefore they all em-
barked in this new arrived ship, & in the new pinnace, the
^ Virginia,' and set sail for England. And this," concludes
Strachey, " was the end of that northern colony upon the
Kiver Sagadehoc."
Samuel Maverick, who settled in Massachusetts Bay
about the year 1624, says, in a " brief description of New
England," written in the year 1660, on his return to Eng-
land, that he visited the scene of the Popham colony when
he first went over, and " found roots & garden hearbs &
some old walls there . . . which showed it to be the place
where they had been." (Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. xxi. 231.)
One would think that the walls of so formidable a structure
as we have here would have shown something more than a
mere ruin after the lapse of only seventeen years. In the
autumn of 1611, only three years after its abandonment,
the fort was visited by the French under Biencourt, as told
by Father Biard, in Carayon, p. 63, and in CXCIII. of this
history, when this structure must have been intact ; but the
description of it is too brief and indefinite. It excited the
curiosity of the French, who were much inclined to extol
the enterprise of the English, but on looking at it with a
military eye, they discovered the ground to be badly chosen
for defense, as not fully commanding the situation. Biard
relates some improbable stories told by the Indians as to
the fate of the Popham colonists. See, also, an Indian tra-
dition concerning the fort and settlement, preserved by
Hubbard in his " Narrative of the Troubles," second part,
p. 75. It would be interesting to know if the fort was in
any manner dismantled by the retiring colonists.
REPORT ON VIRGINIA. 195
LIX. REPORT ON VIRGINIA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2586, FOLIO I46.
Copy of a document on the outside of which is said : " To
be sent to the King our Master." It is inclosed with
the drawings in Don Pedro de Zuiiiga's letter of Septem-
ber 10, 1608, and is evidently the report given him by a
person who had been to Virginia," mentioned in said
letter.'
" Virginia is situated on the firm land, on the Continent
of the West Indies , in the N. Western part ; it has three
streams and on one of these are the plantations or fortifica-
tions, which are of little power of resistance. The river is
called Zanagadoa ^ ; it is ten or twelve fathoms deep, and a
hundred miles, more or less, long ; there is no other har-
bour but this which they call ' Jamestowe ' [Jamestown],
which means Jacob's Town ; Raley discovered this land
perhaps some twenty years ago. Captain ' Niuporte '
[Newport] discovered the rivers perhaps some two years
ago.
"Only that river which is in the Southern Colony or
Settlement is best known, and . . . coming from that river
with a West or West and North wind. All that has so far
been found is only ' Gomar Sasifrax,' and some other dye
wood.
"You sail from here with a Southwest wind; in the
South [North?] it lies under the forty-second degree of
latitude, and at the North [South ?] under the thirty-ninth
and a half, with fourteen minutes superadded."
1 Evidently a part of this " report " stood, including both the north and
IS missing. south colonies. The author has, either
2 Zanagadoa must be intended for through ignorance or design, given
Sagadahoc. It was a report on Vir- Zuniga an inaccurate and badly mixed
ginia (from 34° to 45°) as then under- up description.
196 PERIOD I. JULY, leOo^ANUARY, 1609.
LX. PHILIP III. TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 249.
Copy of an extract from a letter (deciphered) of H. M. to
Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated Valladolid, September 23,
1608.
" I should be very glad to see the papers ^ which you
thought you would send me, concerning Virginia, so that I
might the better come to a decision as to what ought to be
done — and thus you will send them as promptly as it can
be done."
LXI. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S6, FOLIO 154.
Copy of a paragraph (a portion) of a deciphered letter writ-
ten by Don Pedro de Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated
London, November 8, 1608.
" Sire.
"... It is very important. Your Majesty should com-
mand that an end be put to those things done in Virginia ;
because it is a matter of great importance — and they pro-
pose (as I understand) to send as many as 1500 men there ;
and they hope that 12,000 will be gotten together there in
time. It is a matter which it might be well should be
clearly understood."
Zuniga evidently wished Philip III. to put an end to the
colony ; but as an ambassador, he only suggests to the king
and Lerma, giving his reasons for making the suggestions.
Zuniga mentions in LXIX. a letter of December jo, 1608, in
^ I am quite sure these were not They were probably sent after this
the papers already sent (aepi, id> LVL). and have not been found.
ZU5^IGA TO PHILIP III. 197
which he tells Philip III. that two vessels had left England
for America ; but I have not found the letter, and I do not
know what two vessels they were.
As it seems the colony from North Virginia had returned
to England in December, 1608, it is probable that they " all
embarked in Capt Davis's new arrived ship and in the new
pinnace, the Virginia (which had been built there, the chief
shipwright being one Digby of London), and set sail for
England," either in October or November, 1608.
The material for a history of this northern enterprise was
evidently very ample ; but unfortunately most of it fell into
the hands of Purchas and is now probably lost. Purchas,
vol. iv. p. 1837, mentions the following documents as then
(1624) at his service ; namely : —
" The Journals of Master Raleigh Gilbert, James Davies,
John Eliot, etc.
" With divers Letters from Cap. Popham and others."
It seems that these papers had come to the hands of Pur-
chas (vol. iv, p. 1873) " amongst M. Hakluyt's papers."
It is not improbable that the journal of James Davis, or a
large portion of it, was the basis of Strachey's account of
the colony. See Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc. vol. xviii. p. 94.
LXII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S7, FOLIO 5.
Copy of a paragraph of a deciphered letter written by Don
Pedro de Zuniga to the King of Spain, dated London,
January 15, 1609.
" Sire : —
" The Colony which the Chief Justice sent out to Vir-
ginia has returned ^ in a sad plight. Still there sails now a
1 This letter was written January 5, probably recently returned, in Decera-
1608-9, English style ; the colony had ber, 1608, I think.
198 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
good ship and a tender/ to he somewhere in the neigh-
horhood of the Havana " (i. e. to go by a route passing
somewhere near Havana, Cuba^). "From the best infor-
mation that I can obtain they say that they carry news of
having probably found some mines ; this is not certain.
They will proceed to the aforesaid Virginia, w^here they
will endeavour to make themselves very strong." . . .
LXIII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP IIL
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2585, FOLIO 85.
Copy of an extract of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de
Zuniga to H. M. dated London, January 17, 1609.
" They are likewise negotiating with the Baron of Arun-
del, who is the one who took the regiment to Flanders,
that he shall engage to go with 500 Englishmen, and with
as many Irishmen, to settle in Virginia, to fortify them-
selves there, and to take the necessary supplies, so as to put
it in the best state of defense. He has asked for two
things : First, a Patent by this King, and secondly,
money. So far they have told him that, as to a Patent,
they dare not give it to him, and as to the other, they have
none. They have talked about it that the great pirate
Warte ^ (sic) will go now — which shows that they wish for
that port only for purposes of piracy, and if your Majesty
makes an end of those who are now over there (which can
easily be done), they will not dare go on with their plans."
[Mem. — Capt. Newport, who had left Virginia in Decem-
ber, 1608, arrived in England late in January, 1609. Cap-
tain John RatclifFe, returned with him, and they brought
the following documents, which are now probably lost.
1 This " good ship and a tender " the vessels waylaid in the West In-
were probably sent by Sir Francis dies.
Pophara. ^ Sir John Watts, whose ships had
^ This information was for having often pillaged the West Indies.
SMITH TO THE TREASURER OF VIRGINIA. 199
" A Diarie of the Disco verie of the Bay '' (2 June to 21
July, 1608), and " A Diarie of the second voyage in dis-
covering the Bay " (24 July to 7 September, 1608). Pur-
chas (see vol. iv. p. 1712) had these Diaries ; but did not
publish them. They were probably Hakluyt manuscripts.
Captain John Smith, who was President of the Council in
Virginia, when Newport left, says he sent at this time
LXIV. and a " Mappe of the Bay and Rivers, with an an-
nexed Relation of the countries and Nations that inhabit
them," which has generally been supposed to be the Map
(CCXLII.) and Description (CCXLIV.), but this is not cer-
tain.
Granger says, " In Ashmole's Museum is a very singular
coat, taken from the back of his savage Majesty (Pow-
hatan) by the English. It is composed of two deer skins,
and enriched, rather than adorned, with figures of men and
beasts, composed of small cowree shells which were the
money of his country." It may be that this coat of Pow-
hatan's was taken back by Newport at this time, being one
of the articles given in exchange for the Bed, etc.]
LXIV. SMITH TO THE TREASURER OF VIRGINIA.
" The Copy of a letter sent to The Treasurer and Coun-
cell of Virginia from Captaine Smith."
It was not published in the Oxford Tract (CCXLV.) nor
by Purchas. It was first published in Smith's History of
Virginia (1624), pp. 70-72. Smith doubtless reported to
the Council of Virginia in England at this time, as it was
his duty to do so ; but it is not probable that the document,
as pubHshed in 1624, was written in Virginia in 1608.
" The copy of a Letter sent to The Treasurer and Coun-
cell of Virginia^ from Captaine Smith, then President in
Virginia.
1 This title, " The Treasurer and April, 1606 ; but by the second or
Couucell," was not granted by the special charter to the South Virginia
first charter to the two companies of Company, which did not pass the seals
200 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
" Right Honorable, &c. — I Received your Letter,^
wherein you write, that our minds are so set upon faction,
and idle conceits in dividing the Country without your con-
sents, and that we feed you but with ifs and ands, hopes,
and some few proofes ; as if we woulde keepe the mystery
of the businesse to ourselves : and that we must expresly
follow your instructions^ sent by Captaine Newport: the
charge of whose voyage amounts to neare two thousand
pounds, the which if we cannot defray by the ships returne,
we are like to remain as banished men.^ To these particu-
lars I humbly intreat your Pardons if I offend you with my
rude Answer.
" For our factions, unlesse you would have me run away
and leave the Country, I cannot prevent them : because I
do make many stay that would els fly any whether. For
the idle Letter ^ sent to my Lord of Salisbury, by the Presi-
dent and his confederats, for dividing the Country, etc.
What it was I know not, for you saw no hand of mine to
it ; nor ever dream't I of any such matter. That we feed
you with hopes, &c. Though I be no scholer, I am past
a schoole-boy ; and I desire but to know, what either you,
and these here, doe know, but that I have learned to tell
you by the continuall hazard of my life. I have not con-
cealed from you anything I know ; but I f eare some cause
you to beleeve much more then is true.^
" Expresly to follow your directions by Captaine Ne^v^ort,
though they be performed, I was directly against it ; but
according to our commission, I was content to be overruled
by the maior part of the Councell, I feare to the hazard of
us all ; which now is generally confessed when it is too late.
in England until 23 May^ 1G09, and ^ j h^ve found no other mention of
was not known in Virginia before the such instructions.
following July. ^ They did not defray these charges
1 I have not found this letter ; but and they were not suffered " to re-
the Council in CXIV. profess to have main as banished men."
found no fault until Newport's third ^ Not found.
return. This letter, if sent at this ^ Captain Smith had just been
time, would have had reference to Rat- guilty of this himself,
cliff e's government and not to Smith's.
WILLIAM CAVENDISH
First Earl of Devons/iire
SMITH TO THE TREASURER OF VIRGINIA. 201
Onely Captaine Winne and Captaine Waldo I have sworne
of the Councell, and crowned Powhatan according to your
instructions.
" For the charge of this Voyage of two or three thou-
sand pounds, we have not received the value of an hundred
pounds. And for the quartred Boat ^ to be borne by the
Souldiers over the Falles, Newport had 120. of the best
men he could chuse. If he had burnt her to ashes, one
might have carried her in a bag ; but as she is, five hun-
dred cannot, to a navigable place above the Falles. And
for him at that time to find in the South Sea, a Mine of
Gold, or any of them sent by Sir Walter Raleigh : ^ at our
Consultation I told them was as likely as the rest. But
during this great discovery of thirtie myles,^ (which might,
as well have been done by one man, and much more, for
the value of a pound of Copper at a seasonable tyme) they
had the Pinnace and all the Boats with them, but one that
remained with me to serve the Fort.
" In their absence I followed the new began workes
^ The idea was to carry the parts evidently written with years of after
of this boat around the Falls and put experiences before him. We know
it together again above — to be used who the Council of Virginia were at
in the " four or five daies Journey of that time, and it does not seem at all
the Falles" where Smith had reported probable that Smith would have writ-
that there was " a great turning of ten such a letter to them ; neither is
Salt Water." See Notes on LVII. it probable that he would have written
2 Captain Smith himself had origi- it in the lifetime of Archer, Newport,
nated these hopes. See Notes on or Ratcliflte. It was certainly not pub-
LVII. lished until these men were dead. It
8 Evidently there was some truth is a fair sample of Smith's General
in the Indian report about the mines, History, and when we consider that
as the eastern gold belt of Virginia such evidence as this was implicitly
crosses the river from forty to sixty relied on for over two hundred years,
miles above the Falls. This discovery we can easily understand why the ac-
made by Newport and his men is pos- count of the early colony in Virginia
sibly referred to in Hening's Statutes came to be a mere eulogy of this
at Large (Virginia), vol. i. p. 135. adventurer, and a disparagement of
This document is so evidently par- others, and why such great injustice
tisan and untrustworthy, that it does has been done the men who gave their
not seem worth the while to continue time, their talents, and their lives to
these notes. It is not only a praise of establishing the first Protestant col-
self, but a making small of others, ony in our country
202 PERIOD I. JULY, 1G05-JANUARY, 1609.
of Pitch and Tarre, Glasse, Sope-ashes, and Clapboord ;
whereof some small quantities we have sent you. But if
you rightly consider, what an infinite toyle it is in Russia
and Swethland, where the woods are proper for naught els,
and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in
those ancient Common-wealths, which many an hundred
years have used it ; yet thousands of those poore people
can scarce get necessaries to live, but from hand to mouth.
And though your Factors there can buy as much in a week
as will fraught you a ship, or as much as you please ; you
must not expect from us any such matter, which are but a
many of ignorant miserable soules, that are scarce able to
get wherewith to live, and defend ourselves against the
inconstant Salvages : finding but here and there a tree fit
for the purpose, and want all things els the Russians have.
" For the coronation of Powhatan, by whose advice you
sent him such presents, I know not ; but this give me leave
to tell you, I feare they will be the confusion of us all ere
we heare from you againe. At your Ships arrivall, the Sal-
vages harvest was newly gathered, and we going to buy it ;
our owne not being halfe sufficient for so great a number.
As for the two ships loading of corne Newport promised
to provide us from Powhatan, he brought us but foureteene
Bushels ; and from the Monacans nothing, but the most of
the men sicke and neare famished. From your Ship we
had not provision in victuals worth twenty pound, and we
are more then two hundred to live upon this : the one halfe
sicke, the other little better. For the Saylers (I confesse)
they daily make good cheare, but our dyet is a little meale
and water, and not sufficient of that. Though there be
fish in the Sea, foules in the ayre, and Beasts in the woods,
their bounds are so large, they so wilde, and we so weake,
and ignorant, we cannot much trouble them. Captaine
Newport we much suspect to be the Authour of those
inventions.
" Now that you should know, I have made you as great
a discovery as he, for lesse charge then he spendeth you
SMITH TO THE TREASURER OF VIRGINIA. 203
every meale ; I have sent you this Mappe of the Bay and
Kivers, with an annexed Relation of the Countries and
Nations that inhabit them, as you may see at large. Also
two barrels of stones, and such as I take to be good Iron
ore at the least ; so divided, as by their notes you may see
in what places I found them.
" The Souldiers say many of your officers maintaine their
families out of that you send us : and that Newport hath
an hundred pounds a yeare for carrying newes. For every
master you have yet sent can find the way as well as he, so
that an hundred pound might be spared, which is more
then we have all, that helps to pay him wages.
" Captaine RatHffe is now called Sicklemore, a poore coun-
terfeited Imposture. I have sent you him home, least the
Company should cut his throat. What he is, now every
one can tell you ; if he and Archer returne againe, they
are sufficient to keepe us alwayes in factions.
" When you send againe I intreat you rather send but
thirty Carpenters, husbandmen, gardiners, fishermen, black-
smiths, masons, and diggers up of trees, roots, well provided ;
then a thousand of such as we have : for except wee be
able both to lodge them, and feed them, the most will con-
sume with want of necessaries before they can be made
good for anything.
" Thus if you please to consider this account, and of the
unnecessary wages to Captaine Newport, or his ships so
long lingering and staying here (for notwithstanding his
boasting to leave us victuals for 12 moneths ; though we
had 89 by this discovery lame and sicke, and but a pinte of
Come a day for a man, we were constrained to give him
three hogsheads of that to victuall him homeward) or yet to
send into Germany or Poleland for glasse-men and the rest,
till we be able to sustaine ourselves, and relieve them when
they come. It were better to give five hundred pound a
tun for those grosse Commodities in Denmarke, then send
for them hither, till more necessary things be provided.
For in overtoyling in our weake and unskiKull bodies, to
204 PERIOD I. JULY, 1605-JANUARY, 1609.
satisfie this desire of present profit, we can scarce ever
recover ourselves from one supply to another.
" And I humbly intreat you hereafter, let us know what
we should receive and not stand to the saylers courtesie to
leave us what they please ; els you may charge us with
what you will, but we not you with anything.
" These are the causes that have kept us in Virginia,
from laying such a foundation, that ere this might have
given much better content and satisfaction ; but as yet you
must not looks for any profitable returnes : so I humbly
rest."
PERIOD n.
FROM THE RETURN OF NEWPORT IN JANUARY, 1609, TO
THE RETURN OF THE REMAINS OF THE FLEET IN NO-
VEMBER, 1609.
The Place for gaining a Foothold in America having been selected.
— The Plan determined on. — A special Charter granted, such as Expe-
rience had taught the Managers they would need. — The Council take
the Enterprise well in Hand, and a Brief Period of Enthusiasm reigns
in England at the Prospect of Planting a Protestant Colony in America.
LXV. CHAMBERLAIN TO CARLETON.
STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, JAMES L VOLUME 43, NUMBER 39.
" Sir. — You had heard from me on f riday &c. [The
House at Westminster not yet furnished. Interview with
Sir Walter Cope. The King has erected a new office, by
appointing Sir Richard Wigmore, Marshall of the Field.
Project to plant Ireland with English and Scotch. Threat-
ened quarrel with the Duke of Florence.]
" The least of our East Indian Ships called the pinnesse
is arrived at Dartmouth with a 100 tunne of cloves, without
seeing or hearing anything of her consorts since they parted
from the coast of England.
" Here is likewise a ship newly come from Virginia with
some petty commodities and hope of more, as divers sorts
of woode for wainscot and other uses, sope ashes, some pitch
and tarre, certain unknowne Kindes of herbs for dieng not
without suspicion (as they terme yt) of cuchenilla. . . •
" From London this 23rd of January 1608. (0. S.)
" Yours most assuredly
"John Chamberlain."
Addressed : " To my assured Goode Frend. Master Dud-
ley Carleton. Geve these at Eton."
206 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
LXVI. THE SECOND CHARTER.
The reports of the proceedings in Virginia brought back
by Newport convinced His Majesties Council for Virginia,
and the ofl&cers of the Virginia Company of London, of
sundry errors in the form of government in Virginia, and
of other things which it was necessary to rectify, and after
consulting together it w^as determined, in order to reform
and correct those errors already discovered, and to prevent
such as in the future might threaten them, to ask for a new
charter. Hakluyt mentions one of these " Solemne meet-
ings at the house of the right honourable the Earle of
Exeter," at which " Master Thomas Heriot " was present in
consultation with the managers of the American enterprise.
In reply to their petition the king promptly granted
them new " Letters Patten ts," giving them greater privi-
leges and powers, some time prior to the 17th of February,
1609 ; but as this charter had not only to go through the
long official routine, but also, as " every planter and Ad-
venturer was to be inserted in the Patent, by name," it was
kept open to receive these names, and was not signed and
sealed by the king until May 23, 1609.
The reasons given by the managers of the enterprise for
asking for this charter and making the change in the form
of government in Virginia will be found in CXIV. All
contemporaries whom I have noted, and I have noted
many, indorse the wisdom of the act, except Captain John
Smith, whose references to the same in his " General His-
tory " (pp. 89, 90, 164) and his Advertisements, etc. (p. 5),
are both inaccurate and unjust.
John Rolfe says : " The beginning of this plantation was
governed by a president and councell, aristocratically . . .
and in this government happened all the miserie."
Hamor says the years 1606-1610 "were meerely mis-
pent." All agreed that the change in the government was
a wise one, that under the president and council, "the
THE SECOND CHARTER. 207
plantation went rather backwards than forwards " (Sloane
MS., No. 750). " For Government let it be in the hands
of one, assisted with some counsel," etc. (CCCLXIII.). As
to the changes in the charters, the advantages of the sec-
ond charter are self-evident.
This charter, it seems, was drafted by Sir Edwin Sandys,
but, as I have said in the Preface, the first draft was sub-
ject to revision by the King and his Council. The charter
was finally based on a warrant issued by the Secretary of
State (Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury), and was prepared
by Attorney-General Sir Henry Hobart and SoHcitor-Gen-
eral Sir Francis Bacon.
The first colony had found and " settled on a fit and con-
venient place," within the bounds Hmited to them in the
first charter. They now obtained a special charter and a
special royal council for that company and colony. Among
other things, their charter increased their bounds from the
former limited grant of only 10,000 square miles to over
1,000,000 square miles, extending 200 miles north and 200
miles south of Point Comfort, and from sea to sea, also all
the islands lying within 100 miles along the coast of both
seas, or, as then understood, the lands lying in America
between 34° and 40° north latitude. Although the Vir-
ginia Company of London now had a special royal council,
there is nothing in their charter revoking the authority for-
merly granted to " His Majesties Council of Virginia," over
" Virginia or any the territories of America, between thirty
four and forty-five degrees of northerly latitude." And
King James certainly continued his claim to all of America
within those bounds, and the authority of his original coun-
cil in the premises must have remained in force over the
lands between 40° and 45° north latitude. The northern
company had been forced to abandon their first settlement ;
but they had not ceased to hope to be able yet to make a
plantation somewhere within those bounds, and thus secure
the grant of 10,000 square miles. Their privileges under
the first charter of April, 1606, had never been revoked,
208 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
when in 1620 they asked for and obtained (as the first col-
ony had done in 1609) a special charter and a special coun-
cil for their company and colony. And the charter of
1620 to them (as that of 1609 to the first colony) increased
their lands from the former limited grant to the immense
body of lands lying between 40° (the north boundary of the
southern colony) and 48° north latitude.
The advantages and benefits, additional privileges, etc.,
derived by the Virginia Company of London under the
second charter are too apparent to admit of any real ques-
tion. It was in fact their first charter, " erecting them into
a Corporation and Body Politic," a regular grant of incor-
poration to " The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers
and Planters of the City of London for the First Colony in
Vii-ginia," with definitely located bounds, etc., while the
first charter was merely an experimental grant, of unlocated
lands, to two separate companies or colonies.
The second charter was first published in Stith's " His-
tory of Virginia " in 1747. It is the third state paper
mentioned by Jefferson.
" The Second Charter to The Treasurer and Company, for
Virginia, erecting them into a Corporation and Body Poli-
tic, and for the further enlargement and explanation of the
privileges of the said Company and first Colony of Vir-
ginia. Dated May 23d. 1609. 7. James.
" Article I. [a Recital of the first charter, &c.]
" II. Now, forasmuch as divers and sundry of our lov-
Recitai of a ^^& subjccts, as wcll advcuturcrs, as planters, of
Petition for ^hc Said first colony, which have already engaged
largement thcmsclvesin furthering the business of the said
tion onhe^ colouy and plantation, and do further intend, by
first Charter, ^j^^ assistaucc of Almighty God, to prosecute the
same to a happy end, have of late been humble suitors unto
us, that (in respect of their great charges and the adven-
ture of many of their lives, which they have hazarded in
the said discovery and plantation of the said country) we
THE SECOND CHARTER. 209
would be pleased to grant them a further enlargement and
explanation of the said grant, privileges, and liberties, and
that such counsellors, and other officers, may be appointed
amongst them, to manage and direct their affairs, as are
wilHng and ready to adventure with them, as also whose
dwellings are not so far remote from the city of London,
but that they may, at convenient times, be ready at hand, to
give their advice and assistance, upon all occasions requisite.
" III. We, greatly affecting the effectual prosecution
and happy success of the said Plantation, and Company
commending their good desires therein, for their incorporated,
further encouragement in accomplishing so excellent a
work, much pleasing to God, and profitable to our King-
dom, do, of our special grace and certain Knowledge, and
mere motion, for us, our heirs, and successors, give, grant,
and confirm, to our trusty and well beloved subjects,
Robert [Cecil], Earl of Salisbury,
Thomas [Howard], " " Suffolk,
Henry [Wriothesley], " " Southampton,
William [Herbert], " " Pembroke,
Henry [CHnton], " " Lincoln,
Richard Sackville], " " Dorset,
Thomas [Cecil], " " Exeter,
Philip [Herbert], " " Montgomery,
Robert [Sydney], Lord Viscount Lisle,
Theophilus, Lord Howard of Walden,
James [Montague], Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells,
Edward, Lord Zouche,
Thomas [West] Lord Lawarr,
. WiUiam [Parker], " Mounteagle,
Ralph [Eure], " Ewre,
Edmond [Sheffield], " Sheffield,
Grey [Brydges], " Chandois,
[William Compton], " Compton,
John [Petre], " Petre,
John [Stanhope], " Stanhope,
George [Carew], " Carew,
210 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Sir Humphrey Weld, Lord Mayor of London,
George Percie, Esq,
Sir Edward Cecil, Knt.,
" George Wharton "
Francis West, esq,
Sir WilHam Wade, Knt,
" Henry Nevil, "
" Thomas Smith, "
" Oliver Cromwell, "
" Peter Manwood, "
" Drue Drury, "
" John Scott, "
" Thomas ChaUoner, "
" Robert Drury, "
" Anthony Cope, "
" Horatio Vere, "
" Edward Conway, "
" William Brown '^
" Maurice Berkeley, "
" Robert Mansel "
" Amias Preston, "
" Thomas Gates, "
" Anthony Ashly, "
" Michael Sondes, "
^^ Henry Carey,
" Stephen Soame,
" Calisthenes Brooke,
" Edward Michelborn,
" John Ratcliffe,
" Charles Wilmot,
" George Moor, "
" HughWirral, "
" Thomas Dennis, "
« John Holies, "
« WiUiam Godolphin, "
<^ Thomas Monson, "
^* Thomas Ridgway, "
EDWARD CECIL
First Vi<:roH7it Wivibledon
THE SECOND CHARTER. 211
Sir John Brooke, Knt,
" Robert Killigrew, "
" Henry Peyton "
" Richard Williamson, "
" Ferdinando Weynman, "
" WnHam St. John, "
" Thomas Holeroft, "
" John Mallory, "
" Roger Ashton, "
" Walter Cope, "
" Richard Wigmore, "
" William Coke, "
" Herbert Crofte, "
" Henry Fanshawe, "
" John Smith, «
" Francis WoUey, "
" Edward Waterhouse, "
" Henry Seckford, "
" Edwin Sandys, "
" Thomas Waynam, "
" John Trevor, "
" Warwick Heele, *^
" Robert Wroth, "
" John Townsend, '^
" Christopher Perkins, "
" Daniel Dun, "
" Henry Hobart, "
^' Francis Bacon, ^
^' Henry Montague, "
" George Coppin, "
" Samuel Sandys, "
" Thomas Roe, «
" George Somers, *^
" Thomas Freake, "
" Thomas HarweU, "
'' Charles Kelke, "
'' Baptist Hicks, "
212 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Sir John Watts, Knt,
" Robert Carey, "
" William Romney, "
" Thomas Middleton, "
" Hatton Cheeke, "
" John Ogle, "
" Cavallero Meyeot, "
" Stephen Riddlesdon, "
" Thomas Bladder, "
" Anthony Aucher, "
" Robert Johnson, "
" Thomas Panton, "
" Charles Morgan, "
" Stephen Pole, "
^' John Burlaeie, "
" Christopher Cleave, "
" George Hayward, "
" John Davis, "
" Thomas Sutton,
" Anthony Forest,
" Robert Payne,
" John Digby,
" Dudley Digges,
" Rowland Cotton, "
Dr. Matthew Suteliffe,
" [James] Meadows,
" [Peter] Turner,
" [Leonard] Poe,
Captain, Pagnam,
Jeffrey Holcrofte,
Romney,
Henry Spry,
Shelton,
Sparks,
Thomas Wyat,
Brinsly,
William Courtney,
THE SECOND CHARTER. 213
Captain Herbert,
" Clarke,
" Dewhurst,
" John Blundell,
" Fryer,
" Lewis Orwell,
" Edward Loyd,
" Slingesby,
" Hawley,
" Orme,
" Woodhouse,
" Mason,
" Thomas Holcroft,
" John Coke,
'' HoUes,
" William Proude,
" Henry Woodhouse,
" Eichard Lindesey,
^' Dexter,
" WiUiam Winter,
" Pearse,
" John Bingham,
" Bur ray,
" Thomas Conway,
" Rookwood,
^' William Lovelace,
" John Ashley,
*^ Thomas Wynne,
" Thomas Mewtis,
" Edward Harwood,
" Michael Everard,
" Comock,
" Mills,
'' Pigot,
" Edward-Maria Wingfield,
^' Christopher Newport,
" John Sicklemore, alias Ratcliffe,
214 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Captain John Smith,
John Martin,
Peter Wynne,
[Richard] Waldoe,
Thomas Wood,
Thomas Button,
George Bolls, Esq. Sheriff of London,
William Crashaw, Clerk, Batchelor of Divinity,
WilHam Seabright, Esq,
Christopher Brooke "
John Bingley "
Thomas Watson "
Richard Percival "
John Moore "
Hugh Brooker "
David Woodhouse "
Anthony Aucher "
Robert Bowyer "
Ralph Ewens "
Zachery Jones "
George Calvert "
William Dobson "
Henry Reynolds ''
Thomas Walker "
Anthony Barnars "
Thomas Sandys "
Henry Sandys *^
Richard Sandys " , son of Sir Edwin Sandys,
William Oxenbridge "
John Moore "
Thomas Wilsoa "
John Bullock "
John Waller «
Thomas Webb,
Jehu Robinson,
William Brewster,
Robert Evelyn,
THE SECOND CHARTER. 215
Henry Danby,
Richard Hackluit, ministery
John Eldred, merchant,
WilHam Russel, "
John Merrick, "
Richard Banister "
Charles Anthony, goldsmith,
John Banks,
William Evans,
Richard Humble,
Richard Chamberlayne, merchant,
Thomas Barber, "
Richard Pomet, "
John Fletcher, "
Thomas Nicholls, *^
John Stoke, ^
Gabriel Archer,
Francis Covel,
William Bonham,
Edward Harrison,
John Wolstenholme,
Nicholas Salter,
Hugh Evans,
William Barnes,
Otho Mawdet,
Richard Staper, merchant,
John Elkin, "
William Coyse,
Thomas Perkin, cooper,
Humphry James, "
Henry Jackson,
Robert Singleton,
Christopher Nicholls,
John Harper,
Abraham Chamberlayne,
Thomas Shipton,
Thomas Carpenter,
216 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Anthony Crew,
George Holman,
Robert Hill,
Cleophas Smith,
Ealph Harrison,
John Farmer,
James Brearley,
William Crosby,
Richard Cox,
John Gearing,
Richard Strongarm, Ironmonger,
Thomas Langton,
Griffith Hinton,
Richard Ironsides,
Richard Dean,
Richard Turner,
William Lawson, Mercer,
James Chatfield,
Edward Allen,
Tedder Roberts,
Hildebrand Sprinson,
Arthur Mowse,
John Gardiner,
James Russel,
Richard Caswell,
Richard Evans,
John Hawkins,
Richard Kerril,
Richard Brooke,
Matthew, Scrivener, gentleman,
William Stallenge "
Arthur Venn, "
Sandys Webbe, "
Michael Phettiplace, "
WilHam Phettiplace "
Ambrose Prusey, "
John Taverner, "
THE SECOND CHARTER. 217
George Pretty, Gentleman,
Peter Latham,
Thomas Montford,
William Cantrel,
Richard Wiffin,
Ralph Moreton,
John Cornelius,
Martin Freeman,
Ralph Freeman,
Andrew Moore,
Thomas White,
Edward Perkin,
Robert Offley,
Thomas Whitley,
George Pit,
Robert Parkhurst,
Thomas Morris,
Peter Harloe,
Jeffry Duppa,
John Gilbert,
William Hancock,
Matthew Brown,
Francis Tyrrel,
Randal Carter,
Othowell Smith,
Thomas Hamond,
Martin Bond, Haberdasher,
John Moulsoe,
Robert Johnson,
William Young,
John Woodal,
William Felgate,
Humfrey Westwood,
Richard Champion,
Henry Robinson,
Francis Mapes,
William Sambach,
218 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Ralegh Crashaw,
Daniel Tucker,
Thomas Grave,
Hugh Willeston,
Thomas Culpepper, of Wigsel Esq,
John Culpepper, gentleman,
Henry Lee,
Josias Kir ton, gentleman,
John Pory, "
Henry Collins,
George Burton,
WiUiam Atkinson,
Thomas Forest,
John Russel,
John Holt,
Harman Harrison,
Gabriel Beedel,
John Beedel,
Henry Dawkes,
George Scot,
Edward Fleetwood, gentleman,
Richard Rogers, "
Arthur Robinson,
Robert Robinson,
John Huntley,
John Grey,
William Payne,
WiUiam Field,
William Wattey,
William Webster,
John Dingley,
Thomas Draper.
Richard Glanvil,
Arnold Lulls,
Henry Roe,
William More,
Nicholas Gryce,
THE SECOND CHARTER. 219
James Monger,
Nicholas Andrews,
Jeremy Hayden, Ironmonger,
Philip Durette,
John Quarles,
John West,
Matthew Springham^,
John Johnson,
Christopher Hore,
Thomas Snead,
George Berkeley,
Arthur Pet,
Thomas Careles,
William Berkeley,
Thomas Johnson,
Alexander Bents,
Captain William King,
George Sandys, gentleman,
James White, "
Edmond Wynne,
Charles Towler,
Richard Reynold,
Edward Webb,
Richard Maplesden,
Thomas Lever,
David Bourne,
Thomas Wood,
Ralph Hamer,
Edward Barnes, Mercer,
John Wright, "
Robert Middleton,
Edward Littlefield,
Katharine West,
Thomas Web,
Ralph King,
Robert Coppin,
James Askew,
220 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Christopher Holt,
William Bardwell,
Alexander Chiles,
Lewis Tate,
Edward Ditchfield,
James Swifte,
Richard Widdowes, goldsmith,
Edmond Brudenell,
Edward Burwell,
John Hansford,
Edward Wooller,
William Palmer, Haberdasher,
John Badger,
John Hodgson,
Peter Mounsel,
John Carril,
John Busbridge,
William Dun,
Thomas Johnson,
Nicholas Benson,
Thomas Shipton,
Nathaniel Wade,
Randal Wetwood,
Matthew Dequester,
Charles Hawkins,
Hugh Hamersley,
Abraham Cartwright,
George Bennet
. William Cater,
Richard Goddart,
Henry Cromwell,
Phineas Pet,
Robert Cooper,
John Cooper,
Henry Newce,
Edward Wilkes,
Robert Bateman,
ROBERT CECIL
First Earl of Salisbury
THE SECOND CHARTER. 221
Nicholas Ferrar,
John Newhouse,
John Cason,
Thomas Harris, gentleman,
George Etheridge, "
Thomas Mayle, "
Richard Stafford,
Thomas ,
Richard Cooper,
John Westraw,
Edward Welch,
Thomas Britain,
Thomas Knowles,
Octavian Thorne,
Edmond Smith
John March,
Edward Carew,
Thomas Pleydall,
Richard Let,
Miles Palmer,
Henry Price,
John Joshua, gentleman,
WilHam Clauday,
Jeremy Pearsye,
John Bree, gentleman,
Wilham Hampson,
Christopher Pickford,
Thomas Hunt,
Thomas Truston,
Christopher Salmon,
John Howard, clerk,
Richard Partridge,
Allen Cassen,
FeHx Wilson,
Thomas Bathurst,
George Wilmer,
Andrew Wilmer,
222 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Maurice Lewellin,
Thomas Godwin,
Peter Burgoyne,
Thomas Burgoyne,
Robert Burgoyne,
Robert Smith, merchant-taylor,
Edward Cage, grocer,
Thomas Cannon, gentleman,
WilUam Welby, Stationer,
Clement Wilmer, gentleman,
John Clapham, "
Giles Francis, "
George Walker, Sadler,
John Swinhow, Stationer,
Edward Bishop, "
Leonard White, gentleman,
Christopher Baron,
Peter Benson,
Richard Smith
George Proctor, minister,
Millicent Ramsden, widow,
Joseph Soane,
Thomas Hinshaw,
John Baker,
Robert Thornton,
John Davis,
Edward Facet,
George Newce, gentleman,
John Robinson,
Captain Thomas Wood,
William Brown, Shoemaker,
Robert Barker, "
Robert Pennington,
Francis Burley, minister,
William Quick, grocer,
Edward Lewis, "
Laurence Campe, Draper,
THE SECOND CHARTER. 223
Aden Perkins, grocer,
Richard Shepherd, preacher,
William Shacley, Haberdasher,
William Taylor, "
Edwin Lukin, gentleman,
John Frankly n, Haberdasher,
John Southwick,
Peter Peate,
George Johan, Ironmonger,
George Yeardley, gentleman,—
Henry Shelley,
John Prat,
Thomas Church, draper,
Wilham Powel, gentleman,
Richard Frith "
Thomas Wheeler, draper,
Francis Haselrig, gentleman
Hugh Shipley, "
John Andrews, the Elder, Doctor of Cambridge,
Francis Whistler, gentleman,
John Vassal, "
Richard Howie
Edward Berkeley, gentleman,
Richard Keneridgburg, "
Nicholas Exton, Draper,
William Bennet, Fishmonger,
James Haywood, merchant,
Nicholas Isaac "
William Gibbs "
Bishop,
Bernard Mitchel,
Isaac Mitchel,
John Streate,
Edward Gall,
John Martin, gentleman,
Thomas Fox,
Luke Lodge,
224: PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
John Woodliffe, gentleman,
Richard Webb,
Vincent Low,
Samuel Burnham,
Edmund Pears, Haberdasher,
John Googe,
John St John,
Edward Vaughan,
William Dunn,
Thomas Alcocke,
John Andrews, the Younger of Cambridge,
Samuel Smith,
Thomas Gerrard,
Thomas Whittingham,
William Canning,
Paul Canning,
George Chandler,
Henry Vincent,
Thomas Ketley,
James Skelton,
James Mountaine,
George Webb, gentleman,
Joseph Newbridge, smith,
Josiah Maud,
Captain Ealph Hamer, the Younger,
Edward Brewster, the son of William Brewster,
Leonard Harwood, mercer,
Philip Druerdent,
William Carpenter,
Tristian Hill,
Robert Cock,
Laurence Green,
grocer,
Daniel Winch
Humphrey Stile
Averie Drausfield
Edward Hodges,
Edward Beale
THE SECOND CHARTER. 225
Thomas Cutler grocer,
Ralph Busby "
John Whittingham "
John Hide
Matthew Shepherd "
Thomas Allen "
Richard Hooker "
Lawrence Munks "
John Tanner "
Peter Gate "
John Blunt "
Robert Phips "
Robert Berrisford "
Thomas Wells "
John EUis "
Henry Colthurst "
John Cavady "
Thomas Jennings "
Edmond Pashall "
Timothy Bathurst "
Giles Parslow "
Robert Mildmay "
Richard Johnson, "
William Johnson, Vintner,
Ezekiel Smith,
Richard Martin,
William Sharpe,
Robert Rich,
William Stannard, Innholder,
John Stocken,
William Strachey, gentleman,
George Farmer, "
Thomas Gypes, Clothworker,
Abraham Dawes, gentleman,
Thomas Brocket, "
George Bache, fishmonger
John Dike, "
226 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Henry Spranger,
Richard Farrington,
Christopher Vertue, Vintner,
Thomas Bayley "
George Robins, "
Tobias Hinson, grocer,
Urian Spencer,
Clement Chicheley
John Scarpe, gentleman,
James Campbell, Ironmonger,
Christopher Clitheroe, "
Philip Jacobson,
Peter Jacobson o£ Antwerp,
William Berkeley,
Miles Banks, cutler,
Peter Higgons, grocer,
Henry John, gentleman,
John Stokeley, merchant-taylor,
The Company of Mercers,
Grocers,
Drapers,
Fishmongers
Goldsmiths
Skinners,
Merchant-taylors
Haberdashers
Salters,
Ironmongers
Vintners
Clothworkers
Dyers,
Brewers,
Leathersellers,
Pewterers,
Cutlers,
Whitebakers,
Wax-chandlers,
THE SECOND CHARTER. 227
The Company of Tallow-chandlers,
Armorers
Girdlers,
Butchers,
Sadlers,
Carpenters,
Cord way ners,
Barber-Chirurgeons,
Paint-Stainers,
Curriers,
Masons,
Plumbers,
Inholders,
Founders,
Poulterers,
Cooks,
Coopers,
Tylers and Bricklayers,
Bowyers,
Fletchers,
Blacksmiths,
Joiners,
Weavers,
Woolmen,
Woodmongers,
Scriveners,
Fruiterers,
Plaisterers,
Brown bakers.
Stationers,
Imbroiderers,
Upholsters,
Musicians,
Turners,
Gardiners,
Basketmakers,
Glaziers,
228 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
John Levet, merchant,
Thomas Nornicot, clothworker,
Richard Venn, Haberdasher,
Thomas Scot, gentleman,
Thomas Juxon, merchant-taylor,
George Hankinson,
Thomas Seyer, gentleman,
Matthew Cooper,
George Butler, gentleman,
Thomas Lawson, "
Edward Smith, Haberdasher,
Stephen Sparrow,
John Jones, merchant,
Reynolds, Brewer,
Thomas Plummer, merchant,
James Duppa, Brewer,
Rowland Coitmore,
William Southerne,
George Whitmore, Haberdasher,
Anthony Gosnold, the Younger,
John Allen, Fishmonger,
Simon Yeomans, "
Lancelot Davis, gentleman,
John Hopkins, Alderman of Bristol,
John Kettleby, gentleman,
Richard Cline, Goldsmith,
George Hooker, gentleman,
Robert Chening, yeoman ; ^
and to such and so many, as they do, or shall hereafter
admit to be joined with them, in form hereafter in these
1 The incorporators of this charter failed to pay anything. I cannot find
were 56 city companies of London and that it was necessary to pay any par-
659 persons ; of whom 21 were peers, 96 ticular amount in order to become a
knights, 11 doctors, ministers, etc., 53 member of the Virginia company be-
captains, 28 esquires, 58 gentlemen, fore January, 1609. I suppose it was
110 merchants, and 282 citizens and necessary to make a payment, however,
others not classified. Of these, about After January, 1609, no one was to be
230 paid £37 10s., or more ; about 229 admitted to the freedom of the corn-
paid less than £37 10s., and about 200 pany for less than one share of £12
THE SECOND CHARTER. 229
presents expressed whether they go in their persons, to be
planters there in the said plantation, or whether they go
not, but adventure their monies, goods, or chatties ; That
they shall be one body or commonalty perpetual, and shall
have perpetual succession, and one common seal, to serve
for the said body or commonalty ; and that they, and their
successors, shall be known, called and incorporated by the
name of. The Treasurer and Comimny of Ad- g^ji^ ^^ ^j^^
venturers and Planters of the City of London corporation.
for the first Colony in Virginia: "
IV. [Authorizes this company " to take and hold prop-
erty," etc.]
V. [They may plead and be impleaded.]
" VI. And we do also of our special grace, certain knowl-
edge and mere motion, give, grant and confirm, unto the
said Treasurer and Company, and their succes- Limits of the
sors, under the reservations, limitations, and ext^nt^of"
declarations, hereafter expressed, all those lands, Jurisdiction.
countries, and territories, situate, lying, and being, in that
part of America called Virginia, from the point of land,
called Cape or Point Comfort, all along the sea coast, to the
Northward two hundred miles, and from the said point of
Cape Comfort, all along the sea coast to the southward two
hundred miles, and all that space and circuit of land, lying
from the sea coast of the precinct aforesaid, up into the
land, throughout from sea to sea, west and northwest ; and
also all the islands, lying within one hundred miles, along
the coast of both seas of the precinct aforesaid ; together
with all the soils, grounds, havens, and ports, mines, as well
royal mines of gold and silver, as other minerals, pearls and
precious stones, quarries, woods, rivers, waters, fishings,
lOs. It was afterwards proposed to one hundred of them served in the
increase the amount to £25; but I House of Commons, at some time; and
cannot find that this proposition was about fifty of these were then mem-
ever carried out. The persons in this bers of the first Parliament of James I.
charter were evidently of divers quali- Parliament was not then in session ; but
ties, from the man of limited means it was in session at and before the in-
to the peer of the realm. At least corporation of the first charter (V.).
230 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises
and preheminences, within the said territories, and the pre-
cincts thereof, whatsoever, and thereto and thereabouts,
both by sea and land, being and in any sort belonging or
appertaining, and which we, by our letters patents, may or
can grant, in as ample manner and sort, as we or any of our
noble progenitors, have heretofore granted to any company,
body politick or corporate, or to any adventurer or adven-
turers, undertaker or undertakers, of any discoveries. Planta-
tions, or traffick, of, in or into any foreign parts whatsoever,
and in as large and ample manner, as if the same were
herein particularly mentioned and expressed ; to have and
to hold, possess and enjoy, all and singular the said lands,
countries and territories, with all and singular other the
premises, heretofore by these presents granted, or men-
„ , , tioned to be g-ranted, to them, the said treasurer
Habendum. ^ .
and company, their successors and assigns for-
ever ; to the sole and proper use of them, the said Treas-
urer and company, theire successors and assigns
for ever ; to be holden of us, our heirs, and suc-
cessors, as of our manour of East Greenwich, in free and
common soccage, and not in capite ; [see V. arts. XVIII.
and IX.] yielding and paying, therefore, to us, our heirs,
and successors, the fifth part only of all ore of gold and
silver, that from time to time, and at all times hereafter,
shall be there gotten, had, or obtained for all manner of
services.
" VII. And nevertheless our will and pleasure is, and we
do, by these presents, charge, command, warrant, and
authorise, that the said Treasurer and company, or their suc-
cessors, or the major part of them, which shall be present
. . and assembled for that purpose, shall, from time
Commission . . ^ ^ i t ^^
of survey & to time, uudcr their common seal, distribute, con-
distribution. \ T , 1 , . T , .
vey, assign, and set over, such particular portions
of Lands, tenements, and hereditaments, by these presents
formerly granted, unto such our loving subjects, naturally
born, or denizens, or others, as well adventurers as planters.
. .. ;CELLED
THOMAS CECIL
First Earl of E\-eter
THE SECOND CHARTER. 231
as by the said company (upon a commission of survey and
distribution, executed and returned for that purpose,) shall
be nominated, appointed and allowed ; wherein our will
and pleasure is, that respect be had, as well of the propor-
tion of the adventurer, as to the special service, hazard,
exploit, or merit of any person so to be recompenced,
advanced, or rewarded.
" VIII. And forasmuch, as the good and prosperous suc-
cess of the said plantation cannot but chiefly de- ^^^ Council
pend next under the blessing of God, and the tobeinEng-
stcp2:)ort of our royal authority, upon the provi-
dent and good direction of the whole enterprize, by a care-
fid and understanding Council, and that it is not conven-
ient that all the adventurers shall be so often drawn to
meet and assemble, as shall be requisite for them to have
meetings and conference about the affairs thereof; there-
fore we do ordain, establish and confirm, that there shall be
perpetually one Council here resident, according to the ten-
our of our former letters patents ; which council shall have
a seal, for the better government and administration of the
said plantation, besides the legal seal of the company or
corporation, as in our former letters patents is also ex-
pressed.
" IX. And further, we establish and ordain, that Henry,
Earl of Southampton ; William, Earl of Pem- Names of the
broke; Henry, Earl of Lincoln; Thomas, Earl Members.
of Exeter ; Robert Lord Viscount Lisle ; Lord Theophilus
Howard ; James Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells ; Edward,
Lord Zouch ; Thomas, Lord La Warr ; William, Lord
Monteagle ; Edmond Lord Sheffield ; Grey, Lord Chandois ;
John, Lord Stanhope ; George, Lord Carew ; Sir Humfrey
Weld, Lord Mayor of London ; Sir Edward Cecil, Sir Wil-
liam Wade,^ Sir Henry Nevil, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir
^ There were really two royal coun- ties Council for the Virginia Com-
cils, " His Majesties Council for Vir- pany," from 34° to 40° north latitude,
ginia," from 34° to 45° north latitude Those whose names are in italics were
(see VI. and XII.), and " His Majes- members of both of these councils.
232 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Oliver Cromwell, Sir Peter Manwood, Sir Thomas Chal-
loner, Sir Henry Hobart, Sir Francis Bacon, Sir George
Coppin, Sir John Scot, Sir Henry Carey, Sir Robert
Driiry, Sir Horatio Vere, Sir Edward Conway, Sir Maurice
Berkeley, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir Michael Sondes, Sir Rob-
ert Mansel, Sir John Trevor, Sir Amias Preston, Sir Wil-
liam Godolphin, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Robert Killigrew,
Sir Henry Fanshawe, Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir John Watts,
Sir Henry Montague, Sir William Romney, Sir Thomas
Roe, Sir Baptist Hicks, Sir Richard Williamson, Sir Ste-
phen Poole, Sir Dudley Digges, Christopher Brooke Esq.
John Eldred, and John Wolstenholme, shall be our Coun-
cil for the said Company of Adventurers and Planters in
Virginia.
"X. And the said Thomas Smith we do ordain to be
^ treasurer of the said Company ; which treasurer
shall have authority to give order for the warn-
ing of the Council and summoning the Company, to their
courts and meetings.
" XI. And the said council and treasurer, or any of
Council & them shall be from henceforth, nominated,
treasurer, choscu, coutiuued, displaccd, changed, altered,
and vacancies and Supplied, as death, or other several occasions,
suppie . g]^aii require, out of the company of the said
adventurers, by the voice of the greater part of the said
Their term of office was for life, nies were also organized, within them-
unless they be displaced. Of the fifty- selves, for business purposes, as the
two members of the council for the East India and other purely commer-
company named in this charter, four- cial companies were, with a treasurer
teen were members of the House of or governor, a deputy, auditors, com-
Lords, and about thirty of the House mitteemen, a secretary, a bookkeeper,
of Commons. Reference to the Bio- a husband, and a beadle or messenger,
graphical Index will show the various I have allowed most of the names
parts of England represented. These in this charter to remain as given in
royal councils formed an especial fea- Stith's History, though many are cer-
ture in the companies organized for tainly given incorrectly, because there
colonization, by which the colonies seems to have been no fixed way for
were really attached to, and placed spelling many names, and therefore it
under the authority and protection of, is frequently impossible to say which
the crown ; but the Vii'ginia compa- mode of spelling is correct.
THE SECOND CHARTER. 233
company and adventurers, in their assembly for that pur-
pose : Provided always, that every counsellor, so newly
elected, shall be presented to the Lord Chancellor of Eng-
land, or to the Lord High Treasurer of England, or to the
Lord Chamberlain of the household of us, our heirs, and
successors, for the time being, to take his oath of a coun-
sellor to us, our heirs and successors, for the said Company
of adventurers and colony in Virginia."
XII. [Provides for a deputy treasurer, etc.]
" XIII. And further, of our special grace, certain knowl-
eds^e, and mere motion, for us, our heirs and ^
o ^ 111 • 1 Co"«cil in
successors, we do, by these presents, give and England, to
gi-ant fidl power and authority to our said Coun- remo^^e
cil, here resident, as well at this present time, as ®^^®^^' ^^'
hereafter from time to time, to nominate, make, constitute,
ordain, and confirm, by such name or names, stile or stiles,
as to them shall seem good, and likewise to revoke, dis-
charge, change, and alter, as well all and singular govern-
ors, officers, and ministers, which already have been made,
as also which hereafter shall be by them thought fit and
needful to be made or used, for the government of the said
colony and plantation ;
"XIV. And also to make, ordain and establish all
manner of orders, laws, directions, instructions, ^
p - • P , . To establish
lorms, and ceremonies oi government and magis- forms of
tracy, fit and necessary, for and concerning the foJthe"^^"
government of the said colony and plantation; ^^^^'^y*
and the same at all times hereafter, to abrogate, revoke, or
change, not only within the precincts of the said colony,
but also upon the seas in going, and coming, to and from
the said colony, as they, in their good discretion, shall think
to be fittest for the good of the adventurers and inhabitants
there.
" XV. And we do also declare, that, for divers reasons
and considerations us thereunto especially mov- q^ ^^^^^ ^^
ing, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby *^® appoint-
j. , . TIP 1 1 ment of a
ordam, that immediately from and after such Governor by
234 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
the Treasurer time, as any such governor or principal officer,
the^powersof SO to be nominated and appointed, by our said
PiLMenT Council, for the government of the said colony
& Council as aforesaid, shall arrive in Virginia, and give
notice unto the colony there resident of our pleas-
ure in this behalf, the government, power, and authority of
the President and Council, heretofore by our former letters
patents there established, and all laws and constitutions, by
them formerly made, shall utterly cease and be determined,
and all officers, governors, and ministers, formerly con-
stituted or appointed, shall be discharged, anything, in our
former letters patents concerning the said plantation con-
tained, in any wise to the contrary notwithstanding;
straightly charging and commanding the President and
council, now resident in the said colony, upon their alle-
giance, after knowledge given unto them of our will and
pleasure, by these presents signified and declared, that they
forthwith be obedient to such governor or governors, as by
our said council, here resident, shall be named and ap-
pointed, as aforesaid, and to all directions, orders and com-
mandments, which they shall receive from them, as well in
the present resigning and giving up of their authority,
offices, charge and places, as in all other attendance, as
shall be by them, from time to time, required."
XVI. [New members may be admitted and old ones
disfranchised, by the treasurer and council, " or any four
of them (the treasurer being one)."]
XVII. [Mining privileges, about as in V., Art. IX., in-
cluding, however, " iron, lead, and tin, and aU other miner-
als."]
XVIII. [" Licence to travaile to Virginia — Shippinge
— Armour — Munition" — to the same purport as in V.,
articles XI. and XIV.]
XIX. [Colonists to be free of all subsidies and customs
for 21 years, and from all taxes and impositions, forever,
upon all importations or exportations " except only the five
pounds per cent." due on all goods imported into England,
THE SECOND CHARTER. 235
etc., " according to the ancient trade of merchants." Pro-
vided, the exportation is within thirteen months after impor-
tation, i, e., after the first landing of said goods " within
any part of those dominions."]
XX. [May expel intruders, etc., to the same purport as
article XII. in V.]
XXI. [Similar to article XIII. in V., except that the
duty on such British subjects as are not adventurers is in-
creased from 2i to 5 per cent., and the duty on aliens from
5 to 10 per cent.]
XXII. [To the same purport as article XV. in V.]
" XXIII. And forasmuch, as it shall be necessary for all
such our loving subjects, as shall inhabit within
the said precincts of Virginia, aforesaid, to de- council in
termine to live together, in the fear and true ^"dvTi'tndf
worship of Almighty God, Christian peace, and ^^^^^^^^
civil quietness, each with other, whereby every
one may, with more safety, pleasure, and profit, enjoy that,
whereunto they shall attain with great pain, and peril ; we,
for us, our heirs, and successors, are likewise pleased and
contented, and by these presents, do give and grant unto
the said Treasurer and Company, and their successors, and
to such governors, officers, and ministers, as shall be, by our
said Council, constituted and appointed, according to the
natures and limits of their offices and places respectively,
that they shall and may from time to time forever hereafter,
within the said precincts, of Virginia, or in the way by sea
thither and from thence, have full and absolute power and
authority, to correct, punish, pardon, govern and rule, all
such the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, as shall,
from time to time, adventure themselves in any voyage
thither, or that shall, at any time hereafter, inhabit in the
precincts and territories of the said Colony, as aforesaid,
according to such orders, ordinances, constitutions, direc-
tions, and instructions, as by our said Council, as aforesaid,
shaU be established, and in defect thereof, in case of neces-
sity, according to the good discretions of the said governor
236 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
and officers, respectively, as well in cases capital and crimi-
nal as civil, both marine and other ; so always, as the said
statutes, ordinances and proceedings, as near, as conven-
iently may be, be agreeable to the laws, statutes, govern-
ment, and policy of our realm of this England."
XXIV. [Martial law to be enforced in cases of rebellion
or mutiny.]
XXV. [To the same purport as article XVI. in V.]
XXVI. [In all questions and doubts, that shall arise upon
any difficulty of construction or interpretation of anything
in this or the former letters patents, the same to be con-
strued in the most favorable manner for the said company.]
XXVII. [Former privileges confirmed.]
" XXVIII. . . . that all and singular person and per-
Who entitled SOUS, which shall, at any time or times hereafter,
ofad^en!^^^ advcnturc any sum or sums of money, in and
turers. towards the said plantation of the said colony in
Virginia, and shall be admitted by the said Council and
Company, as adventurers of the said colony, in form afore-
said, and shall be enrolled in the book or records of the ad-
venturers of the said company, shall and may be accounted,
accepted, taken held, and reputed, adventurers of the said
colony, and shall and may enjoy all and singular grants,
privileges ... as fully ... as if they had been precisely
. . . named and inserted in these our letters patents.
" XXIX. And lastly, because the principal effect, which
we can desire or expect of this action, is the con-
To guard . . ^ 1 • 1
against the vcrsiou and Tcductiou 01 the people in those parts
of thrchurch unto the true worship of God and Christian reli-
OaS^S'"' *^^ ^o^? ^^ which respect we should be loath, that
Supremacy ^uy pcrsou should bc permitted to pass, that we
dered to all suspcctcd to cffcct the supcrstitions of the church
persons. ^^ Komc : Wc do hereby declare, that it is our
will and pleasure, that none be permitted to pass in any
voyage, from time to time to be made. into the said country,
but such, as first shall have taken the oath of supremacy ;
for which purpose, we do, by these presents, give full power
THE SECOND CHARTER. 237
and authority, to the Treasurer for the time being, and any
three of the Council, to tender and exhibit the said oath,
to all such persons, as shall, at any time, be sent and em-
ployed in the said voyage. Although express mention of
the true yearly value or certainty of the premises, or any
of them, or of any other gifts or grants, by us or any of
our progenitors or predecessors, to the aforesaid Treasurer
and Company heretofore made, in these presents is not
made ; or any act, statute, ordinance, provision, proclama-
tion, or restraint, to the contrary hereof had, made, or-
dained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, or matter,
whatsoever, in any ^vise notwithstanding.
" In witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to
be made patent. Witness Ourself at Westminster, the 23d.
day of May, in the seventh year of our reign of England,
France, and Ireland, &c.
" Per ipsum Regem. ,, Lukin."
[Mem. — February 13. From the Court Minutes of the
East India Company.
^^Four pounds a ton to be paid for 17 tons of cider
belonging to the Virginia Company.'*
Sainsbury's "Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1513-
1616," p. 181 gives the word cider^ not iron as sometimes
quoted. Whether the correct word in the original records
is cider, or iron, I know not.
February 14 Chamberlain wrote to Carleton, " News here
is none at all ; but that John Donne seeks to be Secre-
tary at Virginia." Birch's " Court and Times. James I./'
vol. i. p. 87.]
238 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
LXVII. THE COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA TO PLYMOUTH.
The following document was read at the meeting of
the Massachusetts Historical Society in March, 1886, by
Mr. Charles Deane, LL. D., who then made some remarks
thereon. The document was presented to the society by
Dr. B. F. De Costa of New York, whose letter, together
with the document and Mr. Deane's remarks, were pub-
Hshed in the " Proceedings of the Society."
" A Letter from His Majesty's Council of Virginia to The
Corporation of Plymouth.
" After our hartie Comendations. Having understood of
your generall good disposition towards ye advancing of an
intended plantation in Virginia begun by divers gentlemen
and Marchaunts of the Westerne parts, which since for
want of good supplies and seconds here, and that the place
which was possessed there by you : aunswered not those
Comodities which might keep life in your good beginnings
it hath not so well succeeded as so worthy intentions and
labours did merit. But by the coldness of the climate and
other connatural necessities your Colonic was forced to re-
turn. We have thought fit nothing doubting that this one
ill success hath quenched your affections from so hopeful!
and godly an action to acquaint you briefly with the Pro-
gress of our Colony, the fitness of the place for habitation,
and the Comodities that through God's blessing our indus-
tries have discovered unto us. Which though perhaps you
have heard at large yet upon less assuredness and credit,
than this our information : —
" We having sent 3 years past and found a safe and
navigable River, begun to builde and plant 50 mylees from
the [mouth ?] thereof ; have since yearly supplyed, and sent
100 men, from whom we have assurance of a most fruitful!
country for the mayntenance of man's life, and aboundant
in rich Commodities safe from any daunger of the Salvages,
or other ruin that may threaten us, if we joyne freely to-
THE COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA TO PLYMOUTH. 239
getlier and with one common and patient purse maintain
and perfect our foundations. The staple and certain Com-
odities we have are, soap-ashes, pitch, tar, dyes of sundry
sorts and rich values, timber for all uses, fishing for sturgeon
and divers other sorts, which is in that Baye more abun-
dant than in any part of the world known to us, making of
Glass and Iron, and no improbable hope of richer mines ;
the assuredness of these, besides many other good and pub-
lique ends have made us resolve to send, in the month of
March a large supply of 800 men under the government of
the Lord De la Warr,^ accompanyed with divers Knights and
gentlemen of extraordinary rank and sufficiency. ^""^ """."^ be-
cause the great charge in furnishing such a number ]^°"^'?^®
hardly drawn from our single adventures, we have the
pleasure to ask jq^j^ Corporatiou of Plymouth to joyne your in-
deavors with ?"" ^°.^^'! ""*^''?*^!T which if you please to do, we
will upon your Letters mcert you for ^^y«"^'^'^«;« i" our Patent^
and admit and receive so many of you as shall adventure
£25 in '*°'^:!°^"y Corporation. Of which to all priviledges
and liberties he shalbe as free, as if he had begun with us
at the first difficulty. And whereas we have intreated the
Riofht honorable the Earle of Pembroke to address his let-
ters to his officers in the staneries, for providing us 100
mineral and laboring men, we do desire that such adven-
tures as shall be consented to among you may be disbursed
by some officer, chosen among yourselves for the providing
a Ship, marry ners and victuals for 6 months, for such a
number, and to be ready by the last of March. About
which time we purpose with our fleete to put in at your
haven, or where else you shall appoint us, to take them in
our Company. It will be too large to discourse more par-
ticularities of this business by letter or to promove with
many reasons so good and forward inclinations as we hope
and receive yours to be. And therefore desiring only your
^ " The project at this time " was to ^ -phe patent had then been granted
send the Lord De la VVarr ; but this and the names of the incorporators
plan was not carried out at that time, were being inserted.
240 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
speedy answer of this, and that you will please to confer
with Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mr Doctor Sutcliffe Dean
of Exon, to whome we have written, to assist you and us
herein.
" We bid you hartelie farewell.
" London the 17th of February 1608.
" Your verie loving f reinds.
Wm. Waade. Tho : Smythe.
Edwyn Sandys. Tho : Roe.
Wm. Romeny.
" To the Right Worshipfull our very loving Friends The
Mayor and Aldermen of the Towne of Plymouth."
Indorsed on the back : ^^ A letter from ye Councell of
Virginia to the Corporation of Plymouth. Ye xvijth of
Februarie 1608. And the Aunswere to ye same from ye
Corporation."
The answer of the Corporation is now missing.
WILLIAM CECIL
First Ed mil Biirt^h/ev
NOVA BRITANNIA.
241
LXVIII.
Nova Britannia.
OFFRING MOST
Excellent fruites by Planting in
Virginia
Exciting all fuch as be well afFeded
to further the fame.
London
Printed forSAMVEL Macham, and are to be fold at
his Shop in Pauls Church-yard, at the
Signe of the Bul-head.
1609.
LXXX. gives a fair idea of LXVIII.
242 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
This discourse was reprinted by Peter Force at Washino--
ton, D. C, in 183G, and by Joseph Sabin (edited by F. L.
Hawks), New York, 1867. An original in a good state of
preservation is worth about two hundred and fifty dollars.
Originals are in the following libraries : Mr. Charles H.
Kalbileisch of New York, the John Carter-Brown, the Li-
brary of Congress, and in the Virginia State Library.
Zuiiiga must have bought one of the first copies that
issued from the press. It was entered for publication on
the 18th of February, and on the 23d he sent a copy to
Philip III. of Spain.
" Nova Britannia " was entered at Stationers' Hall, for
publication, on the 18th of February, 1609, " under the
handes of My Lord Byshopp of London [Thomas Ravis,
D. D.] and the wardens." It is dedicated " To the RigJit
WorshipfuU Sir Thomas Smith of London, Knight one
of his Maiesttes Councell for Virginia, and Treasurer for
the Colonic, and Govern our of the Companies of the Mos-
covia and LJast India Merchants ; Peace, health and liap-
pinesse in Christ.
" Right WorshipfuU Sir, forasmuch as I have alwayes
observed your honest zeale to God, accompanied with so
excellent carriage and resolution, in actions of best conse-
quence, I cannot but discover unto you for your further
encouragement, the summe of a private speech or discourse,
touching our plantation in Virginia, uttered not long since
in London, where some few adventurers (well affecting the
enterprise) being met together touching their intended
project, one among the rest stood up and began to relate
(in effect) as followeth.
' " R. I." [Robert Johnson ?]
The Discourse, of about 12,000 words, is an earnest
appeal in behalf of the colony of Virginia. The author
begins by saying : " Whereas in our last meeting and con-
ference the other day, observing your sufficient reasons
ZU5;riGA TO PHILIP III. 243
answering all objections, and your constant resolution to go
on in our Plantation, they gave me so good content and
satisfaction, that I am driven against myselfe, to confesse
mine own error in standing out so long, whereby many of
you (my friends) were engaged in the businesse before mee,
at whose often instigations I was but little moved, and
lightly esteemed of it, till being in place, where observing
the wise and prudent speech of a worthy gentleman, (well
knowne to you all) a most painful mannager of such pub-
Hke affayres within this cittie, which moved so effectually,
touching the publike utilitie of this noble enterprise, that
with-holding no longer, I yeelded my money and endeav-
ours as others did, to advance the same, and now upon more
advised consideration, I must needes say I never accompted
my poore means employed to better purpose, then (by
Gods helpe) the successe of this may bee, and therefore I
cannot but deliver (if you please to heare) what I rudely
conceive of a suddaine."
LXIX. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 12.
Copy of a deciphered letter written by Don Pedro de
Zuiiiga to the King of Spain, dated Higuet (Highgate ?)
March 5, 1609.
" Sire. —
" On December 12th [2, Enghsh style] I wrote to Y. M.
how two vessels left here for Virginia,^ and afterwards I
^ I have not as yet found a copy it may be (as it seems that no letter
of this letter of December i2> 1608, of this date can be found) that Zuniga
and therefore I can only guess about meant to refer to his letter of Jan-
these *'two vessels," as I have found uary it, and erred by giving a wrong
no other mention of them, In the date. However, I believe there were
letter of January it, 1609 (LXIL), expeditions sent to North Virginia
Zuniga writes of the sailing of *'a about this time, and after, of which we
good ship and a tender." This may have found no account. See also
be the same voyage as that mentioned note 2, p. 247.
in the said letter of Docember ,1 or
244 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1603.
heard that they carried up to 150 men most of whom were
men of distinction. And Hkewise I wrote to Y. M.
[LXIIL] on Jan' 17th how they would make still greater
efforts, and spoke of sending the Baron de Arundel with a
number of people, who has told me that they have ex-
cluded him, because in order to go, he asked this King for
a Patent and for money, and likewise he tells me he had
asked that liberty of conscience should be given in that
country. This is what he asserts ; but the truth is that
they have failed to send him out because he is suspected of
being a Cathohc. He is dissatisfied and has told me that
if Y. M. would do him the favor to reward him for the ser-
vices in Flanders,^ he would be of particular usefulness in
this affair. It seems to me he is all jealousy, that they have
made the Varon de la Warte [Lord Delawar] general and
Governor of Virginia, who is a Kinsman of Don Antonio
Sirley [Sherley]. They assure me, he has said that Y. M.
pays no attention, so far, to the people who go there and
this has made them so reckless that they no longer send
their little by little as heretofore, but they command that
Captain Gacht [Sir Thomas Gates] go there, who is a very
special soldier and has seen service among the Rebels. He
takes 4. to 500 men and 100 women, and all who go have
first to take the oath of the supremacy of the King [James
I.]. He will sail within a month or a month and a half,
and as soon as the news of his arrival is received here the
" Varon de la Warte " [Baron de la Warr] is to sail with
600 or 700 men, and a large part of them principal men
and a few women, and when he gets there, the Gacht
[Gates] will return here to take more men. They have
offered him, that all the pirates who are outside of this
Kingdom, will be pardoned by the King, if they will take
refuge there, and the thing is so perfect — according to
what they say — for making use of these pirates, that Y. M.
will not be able to get the silver from the Indies, unless a
1 Strachey says, that " Lord Arun- duke, when Weymouth returned in
dell " was in the service of the Arch- July, 1605.
ZU^IGA TO PHILIP III. 245
very large force should be kept there, and that they will
make Y. M.'s vassals lose their trade, since this is the de-
sign with which they go.
" The Baron de Arondel offers to leave here, whenever
Y. M. may command, under the pretext of a voyage of dis-
covery, and that in the Canaries or in Porto Rico he will
take on board his ship the person whom Y. M. will send to
him, as a man who is fleeing from Spain, and will carry
him to Virofinia and instruct him as to the mouth of the
river, the posts which the English hold and the fortifica-
tions which they have, and that soon he will tell Y. M. by
what means those people can be driven out without violence
in arms. I am of the opinion that the business is very far
advanced and that Y. M. ought not to apprehend much on
account of these chances, since during the time of these
goings and comings they will place there a large number of
people, because they have too many of them and do not
know what to do for them ; and the time may come when
this King will take a hand in this business openly,^ and
Y. M. might find it very difficult to drive them out from
there, and it might come to breaking all these treaties on
this ground, which is largely asserted. Hence Y. M. will
command that they should be destroyed with the utmost
possible promptness, and when this news arrives here, altho'
they may resent it, they will say that they ought not to
have been there, because when I spoke with the King
about their going to the Indies and to those countries he
said to me, that he could not hold them otherwise than
according to the Treaty, if they gathered together there
they were Hable to be punished. I send Y. M. a ' pla-
carte,' [LXX.] [a broadside advertisement] which has been
issued to all officials, showing what they give them for
going ; and there has been gotten together in 20 days ^ a
^ It was the constant dread of the that it was done especially to please
Spanish Government, that King James Spain.
would take the enterprise openly under ^ xhis goes to show that the sub-
the protection of the crown, and yet scriptions began on or before February
when he did so, we have been told 3, 1609.
246 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Slim of money for this voyage which amazes one ; among
fourteen Counts and Barons they have given 40.000 ducats,
the Merchants give much more, and there is no poor, Uttle
man, nor woman, who is not wilHng to subscribe something
for this enterprise, — Three counties have pledged them-
selves that they will give a good sum of money, and they
are negotiating with the Prince [of Wales] that he shall
make himself Protector of Virginia, and in this manner
they will go deeper and deeper into the business, if Y, M.
does not order them to be stopped very promptly. They
hsLYe pri7ited a book [LXVIII. and LXXX.] which I also
send Y. M., in which they call that country New Britain
and in which they publish that for the increase of their
religion and that it may extend over the whole world, it
is right that all should support this Colony with their
person and their property. It would be a service ren-
dered to God, that Y. M. should cut short a swindle and
a robbery like this, and one which is so very important to
Y. M.'s royal service. If they go on far with this they
must needs get proud of it and disregard what they owe
here, and if Y. M. chastises them, he puts a bridle upon
them and thus will make them see to it before they under-
take anything against the King's service. I confess to
Y. M. that I write this with indignation, because I see the
people are mad [crazy, wild] about this affair and shame-
less. I have also seen a letter ^ written by a gentleman who
is over there in Virginia, to another friend of his, who is
known to me, and has shown it to me. He says that from
Captain Newport, who is the bearer of it, he will learn in
detail how matters are there, and that all he can say is that
there has been found a moderate mine of silver and that the
best part of England cannot be compared with that coun-
try. He says furthermore, that they have deceived the
King of that part of the country by means of an English
boy,^ whom they have given him saying that he is a son of
^ This letter was not inclosed to the pose, who had been left by Newport
King, and must now be lost forever. with Powhatan in exchange for Na-
2 This was Thomas Savage, I sup- montack.
ZU^IGA TO PHILIP III. 247
this King, and he treats him very handsomely; he has
sent a present to this King.
" I understand that as soon as they are well fortified they
will kill that King and the savages, so as to obtain posses-
sion of everything. I send Y. M. the chart ^ which the
Members of the Council of Virginia have ; they have told
me that the numbers are marked, and that they count them,
as well as the others which are at the top, in such a way
that they go up to 39. I have also drawn a line where
the entrance to the river is and there will be seen the depth
of it. I mark where the English are, and all the rest till be-
low, are dwellings of the Savages. They say that they can-
not disembark at any other part of the river with a vessel.
I have thought it my duty to report this to Y. M. by this
Courier ; because Y. M. ought very promptly to give orders
to make an end of this. I have also been told that two
vessels are leaving Plymouth with men to people that coun-
try which they have taken, which is farther of .^
" May Our Lord," etc.
[Mem. — The following documents LXX. and LXXX.
were inclosed in the foregoing letter.]
^ I have not yet found this " Chart endeavors to secure a copy, if it still
which the Members of the Council of remains.
Virginia had ; " but I still hope to 2 ^his was certainly an expedition
find it. I believe it to be a most valu- for North Virginia. See also note 1,
able document, and shall use my best p. 243.
248 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
LXX. BROADSIDE CONCERNING VIRGINIA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S7, FOLIOS 10, 11.
Copy of a document on the cover of which is said : " To
be sent to H. M. the King." Inclosed in the letter of
Don Pedro de Zuiiiga, dated March 5 (February 23)
1609.
" Concerning the Plantation of Virginia New Britain.
"In as much as it may please God, for the better
strengthening of the Colony of Virginia, it has been deter-
mined by many noble persons, Counts, Barons, Knights,
Merchants and others, to make a voyage there very speedily
as is necessary, and in order that so honorable a voyage
and a work so pleasing to God, and of such great useful-
ness for this Commonwealth in many respects, may find
support and be prospered by all necessary ways and means,
in which voyage many noble and generous persons have
resolved to go themselves, and are already preparing and
making ready to that eif ect. — Therefore, for the same pur-
pose this paper has been made public, so that it may be
generally known to all workmen of whatever craft they
may be, blacksmiths, carpenters, coopers, shipwrights, turn-
ers and such as know how to plant vineyards, hunters, fish-
ermen, and all who work in any kind of metal, men who
make bricks, architects, bakers, weavers, shoemakers, saw-
yers and those who spin wool and all others, men as well as
women, who have any occupation, who wish to go out in
this voyage for colonizing the country with people. And
if they wish to do so, will come to ' Fitpot len ' [Filpot
Lane] street, to the house of Sir Thomas Smith, who is
Treasurer of this Colony, and there they will be enlisted
by their names and there will be pointed out to such per-
sons what they will receive for this voyage, viz. five hun-
fired ' reales ' for each one, and they will be entered as
Adventurers in this aforesaid voyage to Virginia, where
HUGH LEE TO THOMAS WILSON. 249
they will have houses to live in, vegetable-gardens and
orchards, and also food and clothing at the expense of the
Company of that Island, and besides this, they will have a
share of all the products and the profits that may result
from their labor, each in proportion, and they will also se-
cure a share in the division of the land for themselves and
their heirs forever more. Likewise, if they should give
anything to add to the funds that have been collected for
that voyage, they will receive additional shares in the dis-
tribution of goods and of land over there, in accordance
with the amount they may have given, — and in the same
way, all who may desire to give one hundred ' Philips '
before the last day of March will be admitted as Members
in this Virginia Company and will receive a proportionate
share of the profits and advantages, of this amount, altho'
they do not go in person on this voyage." ^
LXXI. HUGH LEE TO THOMAS WILSON FROM LISBON.
PORTUGAL, MARCH ^, 1609.
SAINSBURY'S CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL.
EAST INDIES, 1571-1616, NO. 432
" Five caracks sailed on the S instant for the East Indies,
laden with merchandise, and carrying in the place of sol-
diers, children and youths from the age of ten upwards, to
the number of 1.500 ; in a few years they say these chil-
dren will be able to do good service, their bodies being well
acquainted with the climate of those countries ; thinks it
were no evil course to follow in England for planting inhab-
itants in Virginia ; it is forced by necessity in Lisbon."
^ Zuniga says the foregoing '' pla- Council for the Company, and I doubt
carte " had been *' issued to all offi- if a single original remains. It was
cials." I doubt if it was a printed circulated prior to February 23, prob-
broadside. He does not refer to it as ably as early as February 3, 1609,
printed, as he does to LXXX. If it about which time the subscriptions
was a printed broadside, it was prob- began,
ably the first ''print " of his Majesty's
250 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
LXXII. THE COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA TO THE LORD
MAYOR OF LONDON.
I do not know the exact date of either LXXII. or
LXXIII., but they were written prior to March 20, 1609.
Copies have been preserved by several of the guilds of Lon-
don. They have never been published in America.
Sir Humfrey Weld was the Lord Mayor from October,
1608, to October, 1609.
I beheve none of the documents given from the muni-
ments of the city companies of London have ever been pub-
lished in America. They illustrate the part taken by the
incorporated trades in the great movement for making
America an English Protestant commonwealth.
Of the twelve great companies of London, the records
of the Salters and Vintners were destroyed in the fire of
London in 1666. I understand that the books of the
Drapers, Goldsmiths, Haberdashers and Skinners throw no
light on the subject. I shall give extracts from the muni-
ments of the Mercers, Grocers, Fishmongers, Merchant-
Taylors, Ironmongers, and Clothworkers, and also from the
Stationers Company. I am under special obligations to
the clerks of these companies. Some of the extracts given
are very brief ; but if we take them all together we shall
obtain a very fair idea of the part taken by these guilds in
the movement. I am especially anxious to place on record
my very great obligation in these premises to Mr. J. A.
Kingdon, Member of the Court of Assistants and a past
Master of the Worshipful Company of Grocers of London,
who had the records of his company thoroughly searched,
both for historical and biographical data, and has aided
me in every way.
It is interesting to note the mode of conducting business
in these old companies, and as an example I have given full
extracts from the records of the Grocers Company, retain-
ing the names of the members present at the court.
Much has been written of the part taken by Plymouth,
;M();vr;MK;\'r <.k .s i:i;
[^K at-rUiSWH-K
Smi €» .lb- n.m,tr tKUtiur, ,r'lAr/<,nmi//i m i;r*a/un. anil
nun.ui M.- li^m^ .■r-KJinml llMari ,mJ Kliial-fth llr niral
k-ut.il.rlnt at S^fMlLr .«■,*,»./,«*//*.•« ul Ma.iJ.il,-n tHlr.ir
(t/>vi.v^«>irA.K.r A^ nn/ .■nlur Innrl'.MiJ HI Il-ilt Jr>-
t,U hinvtttlf Ihr JtyJi- rr'SMuni/HLitiirrMil truimlr,
7h<- frvtiiit9uf rn^uJk Ai-yM/uJ m rt*w<- St-Mii-r.r tej turn,
•i-Mrt at Itfiir. /.■ .'htrrt'f Ou- jwuLinff ,tlfi.- ..vi/
t.*i.* jt^'/uk/ nil nrt.r nr,^ .iilum V.'iiit !>• AiU ^S^jf'
i^t^kis own Aftufc at OtfttmH^ He tivntr,! a J^ait ^SK^Jf d
rhr Ou- nHahlirhKunt .fan.Utim.Uinii«j.t.-n- .^^^J# /
• i>f'tiu Workiwn,hn^,»jia them
iZfdhy thvPopf His
unAfT itf Prcnyatit'i
that the OtHre\tf' ti%*vcm,'r tt» I't'ituv Hmrv \
on him as a cotf^fenstitum; ,m»l u*'t A*<- fn>htiNr thiil /•*»
.'t' hi.t jfons.Thomas. arulJamis. wluvre .•.•utmitum.f are tf
t/teSfunler of nuiHt^f / u4-re itftatalrti
A< ttuitrrincf b%thf n-4\>ttr,-ti<Ht it'hv
taihers infitsticf- ti>wMtl.f tfteit-s. Th' t-stat*' X^Jt^m
e.t'tvreti to the fttmily ^v th^'
T.i-nto Parittiment- Sir TTtom*is <7ut/*vuf!r eMtvet
rrtrtttedl a fUmmet, litt dv
•ut. the- titU he€'^ttiu r.rtttwi,
tin J Edmtt^,his /w.rt hnythr, uth4yit>t/
the estates, wideh Imrr patMi fht^
han^^irtnufh rive descente,U' JU*
hrrt Chalifiur. or ' trlshon*Uiih
r prr.-ent f*oi.u *.>•< *<r
MONUMENT OF SIR THOMAS CHALONER
COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA TO LORD MAYOR OF LONDON. 251
Bristol, and other cities in the planting of English colonies
in America, but it does not seem to me that full justice
has been given to London in this matter. Stowe, writing
about 1603, says, " The private Riches of London, resteth
chiefly m the Hands of the Merchants and Retailers. . . .
London by the Advantage of its situation disperseth foreign
Wares (as the Stomach doth meat) to all the members most
commodiously. By the Benefit of the River of Thames,
and great Trade of Merchandize, it is the Chief Maker of
Mariners, and Nurse of Our Navy and Ships, which (as
Men Know) be the wooden Wall for defence of Our
Realm." More than four hundred years before this Fitz
Stephen wrote : " Amongst the noble cities of the World,
honoured by Fame, the city of London is the one principal
Seat of the Kingdom of England, whose Renowne is spread
abroad very far ; but she transporteth her Wares and com-
modities much farther, and advanceth her Head so much
the higher. ... To this city Merchants bring in Wares by
ships from every Nation under Heaven."
At the time of which I write the citizens and merchants
of London, the metropolis, with the earnest cooperation of
other cities, toAvns, etc., were taking an especial interest in
the encouragement of English colonization, advancing Eng-
lish commerce, and making discoveries in unknown regions.
British energy and enterprise were beginning to take firm
hold and to settle abroad over the face of the earth. The
home of the English-speaking people was then a mere
speck on the globe; but since then they have continued to
overspread the world, until now the British flag is always
floating in the sunshine. And although this flag no longer
floats over us, no country illustrates more completely the
wonderful progress of the English-speaking people than
this, for here there are sixty millions where less than three
hundred years ago there was not one.
252 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1C09-NOVEMBER, 1C09.
" A Letter from the Councill and Company of the honour-
able Plantation in Virginia to the Lord Mayor, Alder-
man and Companies of London.
" Whereas the Lords of his Majesties Councill, Commis-
sioners for the Subsidy, desirous to ease the city and sub-
urbs of a swarme of unnecessary inmates, as a contynual
cause of dearth and famine, and the very originall cause of
all the Plagues ^ that happen in this Kingdome, have ad-
vised your Lordshipp and your Brethren in a case of state,
to make some voluntary contribucon for their remove into
this Plantation of Virginia, which wee understand you all
seemeth to like as an action pleasing to God and happy for
this Comon Wealth.
" Wee the Councill and Company of this honourable
Plantacon willing to yield unto your Lordship and them all
good satisfaccon, have entered into consultation with our-
selves what may be the charge of every private man and
what every private family, which wee send herewith at
large, not as a thing which wee seek to exact from you, but
that you may see, as in a true glasse, the precise charge,
which wee wholly commend to your grave wisdome, bothe
for the sum and manner of levy : only give us leave thus
far to enforme you that we give noe Bills of adventure for
a lesse sum than ^12. 10., presuming it would breed an
infinite trouble no we and a confusion in the contribucon ;
But if your Lordship make any easement or raise any vol-
untary contribution from the best disposed and most able
of the companies, wee are willing to give our Bills of adven-
ture to the Masters and Wardens to the Generall use and
behoofe of that Companie. If by wards to the Alderman
and his Deputy, to the perpetuall good of that ward, or
otherwise, as it shall please you and your Brethren out of
your better experience to direct. ^And if the inmate called
before you and enjoined to remove shall alleadge he hath
not place to remove unto, but must lye in the streetes ; and
being off red to go this Journey, shall demaund what may
1 This element is said to have carried the plague to Virginia.
COUNCIL OF VIRGINIA TO LORD MAYOR OF LONDON. 253
be theire present mayntenance, what maye be theire future
hopes ? it may please you to let them Knowe that for the
present they shall have meate, drinke and clothing, with an
howse, orchard and garden, for the meanest family, and a
possession of lands to them and their posterity, one hun-
dred acres for every man's person that hath a trade, or a
body able to endure day labour, as much for his wief, as
much for his child, that are of yeres to do service to the
Colony, with further particular reward according to theire
particular meritts and industry.
" And if your Lordship and your Brethren shall be
pleased to put in any private adventures for yourselves in
particular, you shall be sure to receive accordinge to the
proporcon of the adventure, equall parte with us adventur-
ers from the beginning, both of the commodities returned
and lands to be divided.
"And because you shall see, being Aldermen of soe
famous a cittie, wee give you due respect, wee are con-
tented, having but one badge of grace and favour from his
Maj''^ to participate with you therein and to make as many
of you as shall adventure ffifty pounds or more, fellow Coun-
cellors from the f&rst day with us who have spent double
and treble as much as is required abiding the hazard of
three severall discoveries with much care and diligence and
manie daies attendance.
" And as your Deputies are your Assistants in your pri-
vate wards soe shall as many of them as will adventure but
£25. present money, be made Partners of this Companie
and Assistants of this Councell.
" And thus, as an action concerning God, and the ad-
vancement of religion, the present ease, future honor and
safety of the Kingdome, the strength of our Navy, the vis-
ible hope of a great and rich trade, and many secrett bless-
mgs not yett discovered ; wee wholly coinend the cause to
the wisdome and zeal of yourself and your Brethren, and
you and it, and us all to flie holy proteccon of the al-
mightie."
254c PERIOD II. JANUARY, 16C9-NOVEMBER, 1609.
LXXIII. PRECEPT OF THE LORD MAYOR.
The precept of the Lord Mayor of London to the London
Companies.
"To the Masters and Wardens of the Companie of
\^Merchants to lohom sent]
" These are to charge and reqmre you immediately upon
receipt of the annexed letter [LXXIL] from the Councill
and Company of the honourable Plantacon in Virginia,
that you call before you your said Companie and acquaint-
ing them with the contents of the said letter to deale very
earnestly and effectually with every of them to make some
adventure in soe good and honourable action."
»
LXXIV. EXTRACT FROM FISHMONGERS' RECORDS.
At a Court of Assistants of the Fishmongers of London
held at their Hall the 20th March 1608 (0. S.).
" At the same Court Mr. Warden Poyntell did bring a
Precept from the Lord Mayor [LXXIII.] directed to this
Company to call all the Company together and very effec-
tually to exhort them to venture money to Virginia for
Plantation thereat ; and most of the Livery having been
spoken with all and the generality of the Company now
being Avarned and particularly, earnestly, persuaded to ad-
venture anything — Wherefore it is agreed that answer
shall be made to the Precept accordingly."
LXXV. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME, 2587. FOLIO 18.
Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of the Ambas-
sador Don Pedro de Zufiiga to the King of Spain,
dated at (Highgate) April 1, 1609.
" Sire. ... By Ribas I reported to Y. M. the dangerous
SERMON BY RICHARD CRAKANTHORPE. 255
manner in which they hasten the fortifying of Virginia, and
now I see that it is even more dangerous, since the Baron
Lawarre and the Captain Gacht ^ have taken a much
larger force of men than I had reported, and since they
now expect those whom the Rebels will send there.^ And
if once they are fortified there this King here will declare
himself the Master of that Country and thereupon the
peace which Y. M. now keeps with him, as I have said,
mig^ht be broken." ^. . .
LXXVI. SERMON BY RICHARD CRAKANTHORPE.
FROM VIRGINIA VETUSTA BY EDWARD D. NEILL, PAGES 36, 37.
Various influences moved various men ; but the move-
ment was especially controlled by those who wished to ad-
vance the kingdom of England, the commerce of England,
and the Church of England ; and while very many were
interested in all of these, it may be said that the officials
of the government were the leaders in the desire to spread
the English possessions ; the merchants, in the desire to
spread the Jlnglish commerce, and the ministers, in the
desire to spread the English religion.
The sermons and discourses of the ministers will there-
fore be most apt to furnish us with the motives, the ideas,
etc., which influenced the Church of England in aiding and
advancing the movement for planting colonies in America,
and I will therefore, from time to time, give extended ex-
tracts from their sermons and discourses.
On the 24:th of March, 1608 (0. S.), the anniversary
of the accession of King James, Richard Crakanthorpe, a
Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford, and an able theologian
of Puritan tendencies, preached a sermon in the open air,
1 Lord De la Warr and Sir Thomas * In 1624, soon after King James
Gates. The expedition had not yet declared war against Spain, he " de-
sailed. Glared himself the Master of that
^ The English soldiers from the Country."
Netherlands ? (See CXLIII.)
256 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
at Paul's Cross, and in these words alluded to the new ex-
pedition for Virginia : —
" Let the honourable expedition now intended for Vir-
ginia be a witness, enterprised, I say not, auspiciis, but by
the most wise and religious direction and protection of our
chief est pilot [James I.], seconded by so many honourable
and worthy personages in the State and Kingdom, that it
may justly give encouragement with alacrity and cheerful-
ness for some, to undertake ; for others, to favour so noble,
and so religious an attempt I may not stay, in this straight-
ness of time, to mention, much less to set forth unto you,
the great and manifold benefits which may redound to this
our so populous a nation, by planting an English Colony in
a territory as large and spacious almost as is England, and
in a soil so rich, fertile, and fruitful as that ; besides the
sufficiency it naturally yields for itself, may with best con-
venience supply some of the greatest wants and necessities
of these Kingdoms. But this happiness which I mention,
is a happy and glorious work indeed of planting among
those poor and savage, and to be pitied Virginians, not
only humanity instead of brutish incivility, but religion
also . . . This being the honourable and religious intend-
ment of this enterprise, what glory ! What honour to our
Sovereign ! What comfort to those subjects who shall be
means of furthering of so happy a work, not only to see a
New Britain in another world, but to have also those as yet
heathen barbarians and brutish people, together with our
English, to learn the speech and language of Canaan."
[Mem. — After a long negotiation a truce of twelve
years was agreed to, thus concluding the war which for
near half a century had been carried on with such fury
between Spain and the States of the United Provinces,
March 30, 1609.]
EXTRACTS FROM GROCERS' RECORDS.
257
LXXVII. EXTRACT FROM GROCERS' RECORDS.
Extract from Wardens' Accounts (July) 1608 to (July)
1609 of the Grocer's Company.
" Casual Receipts
" Rec*^ of divers persons of this Company "
sundry particular somes as money by them ad-
ventured of their owne voluntarie disposition to-
wardes the plantacon of Virginia amountinge to
the some of LXIX." ^ which sayde moneys lyeth > LXIX." ^
alwayes reddie to be disposed of as to Mr.
Wardens and the Right worshipful the Assist-
ants shall seeme most meete and expedient, yf it
be not ymployed to the intended purpose."
LXXVIIL EXTRACT FROM GROCERS' RECORDS.
COURT MINUTES, GROCERS' COMPANY.
" Die veneris 31. day March 1609. 7. James.
" Second quarter day. — [present]
" The Right Honorable The Lord Mayor [S^ H. Weld.]
M"- Sheriffe Bolles.
M' Robert Cocks, M^ Edmond Peshall, M"^ Timothy
Batherst, Wardens,
MJ George Holman,
" Humphrey Walcott,
" Richard Pyott,
" Robert Sandy,
" Robert Bowyer,
" Thomas Nutt,
M"" John Newman,
" Giles Parsloe,
" Richard Aldworth,
" Anthony Soda,
" Thomas Bull,
" Robert Morer,
" W- Pennyfather.
" Post Meridiem sive post prand. This daye in the after-
noon the call of the Gener^Uitie and the reading of the
ordinances was sparred in respect of extraordmarie business
^ li. is an abbreviation for the Latin libra (a pound) ; lb. is an abbreviation
for the same word in weight.
258 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1G09-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
now in hand namelie the readinge as well of a letter sent
from the Connsell and Company [LXXII.] of the honorable
plantacion of Virginia, as alsoe of a precept sent from the
[LXXIII.] Right Honorable the Lord Mayor, unto this
Companie the chief scope and purporte whereof is to rayse
some voluntary contribution out of the best disposed and
most hable of the Companie towards the sayd plantacion
and further as by the sayde letter and precepte more plainly
maie appear — a true coppie whereof are hereunder wrytten.
After the readinge of which sayde letter and precept }i;
pleased the Right Honorable the Lord Mayor to make a
most worthie and pithie exortacon unto the generallitie con-
cerning the premises requiringe every of them in his par-
ticular person to come up to the Clarke and to set downe
what and how much he will contribute for soe honorable
a service, — which was done accordinglie, and also notice
taken and theire names sett downe as well those which weare
contributors as those which denyed and refused to make any
such contribucon." [This very interesting list cannot now
be found among the muniments of the Grocers' Company.]
LXXIX. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENEBAL ARCBIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 19.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga to the
King of Spain, dated (Highgate) April 12, 1609.
" Sire : —
" Much as I have written to Y. M. of the determination
they have formed here to go to Virginia, it seems to me
that I still fall short of the reality, since the preparations
which are made here, are the most energetic that can be
made here, for they have actually made the ministers in
their sermons ^ dwell upon the importance of filling the
1 I have quoted the Rev. Richard March 24, and the Rev. Daniel Price
Crakanthorpe's sermon (LXXVI.) of in his sermon of the 28th of Ma^^
NEW BRITAIN. 259
world with their relisfion and demand that all make an
effort to give what they have for such a grand enterprise.
Thus they are getting together a good sum of money and
make a great effort to carry masters and workmen there, to
build ships. They send eight great masters by force and
more than 40 workmen. I understand they have there
timber cut and ready, and that they will leave the place
where they first fortified them-selves, because it is very
unhealthy and many of them had died there, and that far-
ther up the river they had found a good site. A man
whom I can trust, altho' he is a heretic, has told me that
speaking the other day with the High Chancellor, (Tho*
Egerton Lord Ellesmere &c) he asked him what all this
excitement meant that was being seen here about going to
Virginia to have fortifications there, he replied to him : We
always thought at first we would send people there little by
little, and now we see that the proper thing is to fortify
ourselves all at once, because when they will open their
eyes in Spain they will not be able to help it, and even tho'
they may hear it, they are just now so poor that they will
have no means to prevent us from carrying out our plan.
Y. M. will see the great importance of this matter for your
Royal service and thus, / Ziope, will give orders to have
these insolent 2oeople quickly annihilated.
" May our Lord," etc.
LXXX. NEW BRITAIN.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIOS 20, 21.
Folio 20 (included in 19). "This is an envelope on
which is said: Herewith follows the translation of the
papers Avhich the letters of Don Pedro de Zuiiiga referred
mentions a previous sermon of the helping hand, seeing the Angel of Vir-
Dean of Glocester (Morton) hefore ginia crieth to this Land as the Angel
his Majesty and nobles, wherein he of :\Iacedonia did to Paul ; O ! come
said "that it is a voyage wherein and help us."
every Christian ought to set to his
2G0 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
to [see LXIX.] made by Father Cresuelo, and a summary
of lohat they contain ; but it will be well that Y. Exc*"^
should see them themselves.
" May God preserve Y. Ex/ as I desire.
" Madrid. April 4. 1609.
[Signed] " Andreas de Prada."
The inclosed papers with the letters that referred to
them could not be seen [by the king ? ] because they were
not translated and thus they are put here with this which
treats of the same subject.
" Decree : His Majesty has seen them and commands
that they shall be examined with the letters and that above
all there shall be reported to him what may appear best.
May God preserve &c.
" In the Palace. April 10. 1609. [Mar. 31.]
[Signed] " The Duke " [Lerma].
FoKo 21 (inclosed in folio 20). This is a document on
the outside of which is said : " The colonizing of Virginia."
The summary of what the document contains.
New Britain/
With a statement of the great advantages which must
follow the colonizing of Virginia.
Addressed (Dedicated) to the chief Treasurer of this
Colony and of the Merchants of the Moscovite and the
East India Companies.
1. The coasts and the lands of Virginia were discovered
many years ago by the English, and we have sent Colonies
there at different times and without opposition on the part
of the natives of the country, nor of any other sovereign,
1 See under February 18, 1609, cial notice. Thus this summary is very
(LXVIII.) for the memoranda re- interesting and valuable to the histo-
garding this tract. The whole tract rian, as it shows the points which were
contains nearly 12,000 words. Father regarded as the most important to
Cresuelo has made an especial " sum- Spain. I have added several passages
mary " for the king of Spain of about in order to show the character of some
6,000 words, of such matter as seemed of the matter which the Father omit-
important to bring to the king's espe- ted.
GEORGE CLIFFORD
Third Earl of Cumberland
NEW BRITAIN. 261 ^
which IS sufficient argument for us, and for the fact that
no other Christian King except King James, our Lord and
Master, has any claim or right whatever on those lands, or
on the inhabitants thereof, English or Savages, unless it
be under the pretext of a Donation, which according to their
statement, Pope Alexander VI. made of all America.
2. But what does it matter to us that he has done so ?
They must be very blind who can stumble at this. This
appears at the donation of Constantine the Great by right
of which the Pope claims to be the Head of the Western
Empire. They are brothers ; the Western Empire was
given to the Pope by a secular sovereign, and the Pope
gave all the Western Indies to another secular sovereign.
The first donation is an ancient fable ; and the other is a
joke and a ridiculous invention. If there be a law like that
ancient one of the Kings of the Persians : That the Pope
can do what he chooses — let those obey him who choose
— we do not acknowledge him as our superior.
3. Therefore, leaving aside those fables, which make no
impression upon sensible men, and do not touch us, the
King, our Master, is resolved not to yield anything of his
Estate or his Right, left to him by his predecessor, but wants
the ancient Colonies to be succored and enlarged, which
we possess in those parts ; and thus he has given us permis-
sion to send there more Colonists, as we have already com-
menced doing under the conduct of Captain " Christoval
Nuport." And besides this, he has granted us many and
very weighty privileges under the Great Seal of this crown,
in order that the settlers in those countries may enjoy them,
and likewise those who with their money may assist that
colony, and with them their heirs, for ever and ever. Thus
there can be no doubt that all the faithful subjects of this
crown and all who are well-affectioned towards His Ma-
jesty, will help, some with their person and others with
their money, to further this great work, by means of which
the Kingdom of God will be enlarged and the tidings of
His Truth will be proclaimed among so many millions of
262 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
savasre men and women, who now live in darkness in those
reo-ions. At the same time and with it the fame of our
King A\411 be increased, his dominions will be extended, with
the proper defense and protection of his subjects who are
already established there, in that New World, who might
otherwise, in the course of time, be exposed to danger, to
be deprived of what they now own and driven out, as the
French were (not many years ago) from New France, and
finally there will redound to this Kingdom, and to our
whole people, and to each one of us individually who ven-
ture anything in this enterprise very great and very certain
advantages as will be seen below.
4. We see that only the subjects of one Christian
King, who within our memory have entered the Indies, it
may be because they followed up the first settlements with
a few handsful of people scattered here and there, now
imagine to be the Masters of the Earth, and want violently
to thrust out all other nations from there, as if they alone
knew how to govern and to command not only in their col-
onies, but in all America, which contains many provinces
and Kingdoms, where up to this day, they never yet have
set foot, nor even know them unless it be by name.
5. And although we might indulge them in this their
fancy, and although there might be some foundation to it,
in spite of all that, their strength and their means are so
inferior to their thoughts, that they will never spread out
enough to fill up the hundreth part of that which they
wish to occupy. Of this we have clear proof since when
we had open war and hostilities with them, with mere
handsful of people we invaded their best and strongest for-
tified places, because for want of men, they were so poorly
defended that we could easily have overrun the whole coun-
try and reduced them to very narrow limits (a long time
ago) if we had followed up our good success.
6. But now that we have passed on without driving
them from their settlements, and God in his mercy has
given us another country, so remote from their habitation.
NEW BRITAIN. 263
what reason is there that any one should be offended by
our great success or feel envious ? Or, if they are envious,
why should we attach any weight to it ? or why fear to
" enlarge ourselves " ? Or lose so fine an opportunity ?
Where is our ancient might and power ? Where is that
great repute, sleeping now, that we won so few years ago ?
Let not the world be deceived : we are the same now we
were then and they would soon see it, if they were to give
us the chance, since with the blessing of God we are more
powerful now than we were then, those parts being now
inclosed and in good order which at that time were open ;
our plant has taken root, the branches are green and very
desirous to spread out.
7. But before coming to details of this earthly Para-
dise, I wish to recall that the first time when possession was
taken of it by subjects of this crown, was in the days of
King Henry the Seventh, when it was discovered at the
same time that the Spaniards discovered New Spain, and
thus the claim is the same in both cases. But I do not
wish to attach special importance to this occupation, but
to that which was made in the name of Queen Elizabeth, in
the years 1584 and 1587, and later on, when Colonies of
men, women and children were sent out there. The covet-
ousness of those who had to carry out this enterprise and
to succor it, turned them aside to pillage upon the Spanish
Coast, where if the enterprise had been supported as it
ought to have been, and by the favor of God certainly will
be, all that country would already be peopled and culti-
vated, and would this very day (as it will be in a very short
time) be a very nursery and fountaine of much wealth and
strength to this Kingdom.
8. Christopher Columbus, the first Discoverer, offered
himself first of all to King Henry the Seventh of this King-
dom, then (as it will be) the most powerful by sea ; but no
attention was paid to his offer. The Spaniards encouraged
him and within less than a hundred years they have drawn
from that small beginning the great results which we see ;
264 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
they have extended their dominions, increased their trade,
enriched their subjects and their overflowing treasury, scat-
tering gold through the whole world, gives strength and
reputation to their Kingdom, and confirms their foresight,
which anticipated all the other princes. Although their arro-
gance, growing with their wealth has alarmed Christendom,
now for forty years and more. I mention this merely to
show how vigilant men have to be to understand business,
the importance of business, and how careful they should be
not to miss the first opportunity. But although this scheme
of colonization has not been encouraged until now, as it
ought to have been, henceforth this will be done, now that
it is no longer the business of any one person, nor of a few
private individuals but of the whole state, and that so many
gentlemen of title. Knights and powerful merchants, have
become interested in this enterprise, all of them sharing the
same privileges and determined to venture, some their per-
son, and some their fortune in it, who vow to avenge any
opposition that might be made by any other nation, upon
their persons or their property, by sea or by land. Hence
we may confidently hope, with the favor of God, for suffi-
cient strength against all such as may try to interfere with
us, and a happy outcome in a short time.
9. Coming next to a description of the country,^ the
voyage is neither long nor dangerous ; in six weeks they
arrive there, over the great ocean, without encountering
rocks, shallows, narrow straits, or the lands of other princes,
who might interfere with us. Most of the winds are favor-
able, and not one is adverse. Then coming to the coast,
deep enough water is found everywhere, with good bottom
for Anchor hold, excellent beaches and harbors fit for the
largest ships that can come there ; and many delightful
islands within sight of the firm land.
1 In the original there is also the Lord love us, Tie will bring our people
following scriptural illustration : " If to it, and will give it m5 for a possession.'
I should say no more but with Caleb This were enough to you that are will-
and Joshua, * The land which we have ing," etc.
searched out is a very good land, if the
NEW BRITAIN. 265
10. We have discovered two large rivers ; one towards
the north, where the Colonies of " Exceter" and " Plymou "
are ; and the other towards the south, large, deep, abound-
ing in fish and with very pleasant banks, where our Colony
of " London " has been established and a village has been
built which they call, " Villa Diego," ^ eighty miles inland,
and they have pushed even still higher up and have dis-
covered more than a hundred miles additional of the most
charming country, all along the same river.
11. The Country is vast ; the soil is good ; the air is
healthy : the climate very suitable to our constitution and
even more temperate than that of England. The natives
are savages who Hve in troops like cattle — some dressed in
furs and others naked — without any discipline or law of
life than the law of Nature. The principal ones have huts
in which they can rest; generally they are humane and
peaceable, and enter willingly into communication with our
men and help them with all that may be needed. They are
well disposed and eager to learn a better mode of life. The
soil produces naturally all that is needed for the support
of the inhabitants, and will produce a great deal more when
it is cultivated. There is an abundance of fish of every
kind ; countless flocks of land and water fowl, deer, hares,
rabbits, and other hunting without end ; with much fruit
and eatable roots, which are not known at home.
12. There are many hills and valleys, with springs and
brooks of fresh water ; there are also mountains and moun-
tain ranges which promise to hold treasure. The land is
full of minerals and of woods which we have not in Eng-
land ; the soil produces vines which hanging upon the trees
produce their fruit. Here may be gathered Rosin, Turpen-
tine, Pitch, Tar, sassafras, dye-wood ; and for ships, masts,
planks and everything else that is necessary. Among other
things in abundance, there are white mulberry trees and
silk worms without end, being now of no use, and animals
with costly furs. And where Nature is so Hberal in its
1 "Villa Diego," — "James Town."
266 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
naked kind what may we not expect from it when it is
assisted by human industry, and when both Nature and Art
shall vie with each other to give the best content to men
and all other creatures.
13. As to the two difficulties which some have mentioned :
that we do not seek the salvation of the Indians but our
private gain — and that without injustice we cannot take
their land from them, — We reply to the former, that many
things, very good in themselves, and in their final results
have been commenced for less noble purposes, and thus
here also the Kingdom of God will, no doubt, grow by
bringing these savages to the Knowledge of the Gospel ;
and every one of us ought surely to do his share in that
direction. As to the second objection we do not intend to
dispossess the savages, but to join them for their own good,
by raising them from a wretched state to a much better one.
First, in regard to God their Creator, and to their Redeemer,
Jesus Christ, if they are willing to believe in them, and
secondly, in regard to many temporal blessings of which
they have now no earthly advantage, living like beasts,
assuming the duty of protecting and defending them against
all enemies.
14. It is still fresh in our memory how Don Juan de
Aguila, landing in Ireland (a Christian dominion, subject
to a Christian King and to beneficent laws) made known that
he came to free the people from the oppression of their
legitimate rulers, who governed them with justice, and to
lead them (as he said) into the Catholic church, although this
was what he least thought of, if he did not think of acting
contrary to justice under that color. If that money was
at that time made by the same Masters of the Mint and
passed current through the whole world, we trust that they
will not be less favorable to this our enterprise, which is
beyond comparison more just and better justified, since we
do not intend to make their condition worse, but — at our
risk and peril — by means of just and legitimate intercourse,
to conununicate to them first (as has been said) divine
NEW BRITAIN. 267
riches, and after that, to cover their nakedness and relieve
their poverty by using human clothing and human food,
and to teach them, with great kindness and in friendship,
many arts and handicrafts, which they admire in us and de-
sire much to learn. In return for these advantages, we ask
for nothing, but that they and we jointly should enjoy what
Nature offers and what they do not know how to make use
of, and thus we may think that God has kept these scat-
tered sheep in order that they may be brought back to His
flock by our agency, and thus those who should obstinately
desire to impede this work of God, can be looked upon by
us as Eecusants, opposed to their own welfare, and can be
treated as enemies of their own country.
15. The King, our Master, will gain much fame by this
enterprise ; because if any legitimate conquest gained by
arms is glorious, this will be much more so, rescuing the
poor souls from their ignorance and perdition ; and since
His Majesty's dominions and subjects will be added to, not
by storms of raging cruelties, as the West Indies were con-
verted with rapier point, and musket shot, murdering so
many millions of naked Indians, as their Histories tell us,
but with gentleness and affection, corresponding to our own
condition, winning their good will and letting them enjoy
the same advantages and privileges which we are going to
have.
16. The Law of Moses counts it as a blessing, when
the Prince and the people of God will be able to lend to
every one and need to borrow of none ; and I can say here
confidently and with good reason, that by means of this new
discovery in the West, and the footing which we already
have obtained in the most important countries of the East,
together with our former known Trades which we maintain
with nations in other parts of the world, there is no doubt
that if His Majesty will favor and encourage the merchants
in their trade and commerce (as may be proper), we shaU
see in a very short time, his authority, his Majesty and the
reputation of his wisdom extended far and near over the
268 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
whole face of the Earth ; the maritime power of this Crown
mightily increased and his Majesties duties and customs
more than trebled. And finally, the necessity of assisting
our Colonies is so urgent that it is not necessary to repeat
it here.
17. There remains now only to prove that it mil be
beneficial to the Commonwealth and this is quite as evident.
In the first place England and Holland spend every year
a million of dollars on timber for shipbuilding and other
purposes. We can get this from Virginia, better and
cheaper by fifty per cent., which is now brought from Po-
land and Prussia, where the forests are nearly exhausted.
18. From there we can also obtain iron and copper, in
great abundance. And the sparing of our forests is of
great importance.
19. Within a few years, with our industry, this country
will give us all the wine and the vinegar which we need ;
also fruits which do not grow in our country and which we
now import at great expense from other lands.
20. It will give us likewise an abundance of salt fish ;
of silk, flax and hemp, because the soil is very fertile and
the climate very well suited for all those things in particular,
and for others, as experience has already shown us. The
officials, as well as the men of experience in all these pro-
ducts, both of our own and of other nations whom we have
sent there, promise to try to find out what may be found
there and to report to us the facts. [And for the mak-
ing of Pitch Tar, Turpentine, Sope-ashes, Deale, Wainscott,
and such like, we have alreadie provided and sent thither
skillful workmen from forraine parts, which may teach and
set ours in the way, whereby we may set many thousands a
worke, in these such hke services.]
21. We do not mention here the mines of gold and
silver, which may be found. Suffice it to say that we have
that other source of wealth which is more certain, more
abundant and more permanent, than those which are drawn
from the bowels of the earth ; because it ever circulates and
NEW BRITAIN. 269
always increases with human industry, Hke the waters which
rise and fall and irrigate the soil and make it give its fruit
at the proper time, without ever coming to an end. This
is the best mine and the greatest wealth, which a prince can
possess. We are taught this by what we see among our
nei<rhbors, the United States, And how much does it add
to the wealth and the strength of a commonwealth to induce
and encourage merchants and others to increase navigation
and to send out ships, if it were possible, to all parts of the
world, in order to onve an outlet to native fruit and to im-
port those of foreign lands with greater advantage, and even
to carry the products of other kingdoms from one to the
other, where there is want of shipping. For in this man-
ner men of experience will be formed and the power by land
and by sea will be increased, returning continually honor
and profit to the source from which they spring.
22. If we look back we shall see what a novice Eng-
land was, a hundred years ago, in this commercial inter-
course with foreign countries, as our people then did not
know how to obtain nor where to carry anything out of
their houses, so that the " Hulkas " which brought us drugs
from Italy were recorded in the Chronicles, and the Han-
seites of the North and the Lombards of other parts, brought
us food as to children, and their Agents who lived in Lon-
don sucked the whole substance of the country. And
finally take this ever as a rule, that Domestic trade confined
to the products of any one country alone, brings forth but
poor results in that commonwealth.
23. He who should like to compare the beginning of
the reign of Queen Elizabeth with its end, would be amazed
to see how Her Majesty, always opening her hand freely to
succor all the princes and her neighbors in all their neces-
sities, and maintaining perpetually such large armies and
fleets in different parts in order to check her enemies, with
all that, added so much to her revenues and to her power by
land and by sea, improved the condition of her subjects,
increasing their wealth to seven times the amount which she
270 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
found, simply by having encouraged and assisted the mer-
chants and increased their trade and commerce with many
foreign nations. The advantage springing from this noble
feature of her character is incredible; everything receives
its increase from where it had its beginning, and this ought
to satisfy us and animate all of us, not to be slow in in-
creasing the causes from which there are produced such
results.
24c. There is another example which puts us to shame
that we should possess so little industry and management —
that the Dutch (who have not a single stick of timber of
their own, and hardly land enough to sow a grain of wheat)
should have more ships than we have and a greater abun-
dance of all supplies. The mere mention of the advantage
which they have in both those things, should make us blush
and bind us not to remain inferior (in points so very im-
portant in prudence and good management) to people who
are so far inferior to us by many degrees in almost every-
thing else.
25. And to return to the business : Unless we take
measures to found new Colonies, the earth will not suffice
to sustain the overwhelming number of human beings, —
and this was the opinion of the Goths and Vandals, when,
in order to relieve their home provinces, they transplanted
those hosts of people that were in excess, who went and
took possession of Spain, Italy and other provinces. Thus it
is neither a new thing, nor an unnecessary one for this Com-
monwealth, that we recommend. And in this city and in
this Kingdom there are men of all professions and pursuits
who will be delighted to establish their homes in those new
Colonies, so that they and their descendants may remain
forever in perfect harmony and agreement with the laws,
the language and the religion of England.
26. Three classes of people will, however, have to be
excluded : First those who, under the pretext of serving
their Prince, are all the time interfering with general inter-
ests in order to use them for the advantage of the few.
[/. e., " Monopolists, the very wrack of Merchandizing."]
FRANCIS COTTINGTON
First Baron Cottington
NEW BRITAIN. 271
27. The second are the Papists : Not one of them should
be admitted, nor any person seasoned with the least taint
of that leaven ; and if one of them should by oversight get
there, he ought, as soon as discovered, to be turned out
and shipped to England ; because such people will never be
loyal, nor will they cease (if they could) conspiring against
this enterprise, to impede and disturb this new plantation.
28. The thii-d, are bad magistrates, and on this step
rests the very life and the happy success of this great busi-
ness ; because if they should be Papists or Atheists or
Demagogues, or ambitious despots who respect no King, or
vicious men who set a bad example and employ others like
unto themselves, or covetous men who might sell the offices
of the commonwealth for their own benefit, the whole affair
will be ruined and God will refuse us His blessing.
29. On the whole, men of good character ought to be
sent, and poor though they may be, the soil will make them
rich and among other handicrafts the chief ought to be ship-
wrights, workmen, fishermen, metal founders, and although
they may have no special knowledge, if they are indus-
trious, there will be employment for many thousands of
them — only they must go with this determination that all
must be busy in some way and not yield to idleness.
30. In this way^ our merchants will no longer sell their
large ships (as has been done) to foreigners, contenting
themselves with small vessels, nor will our sailors and other
seafaring people, for want of work, go to seek employment
in Tunis, Spain or Florence, when it is so much more advan-
tageous that this government should employ them, as they
are the most experienced in this profession that are in the
world, and men of valor.
31. We shall thus, by the Mercy of God, soon get from
Virginia, may be, all that is brought now from the East,
and there is hope that cochineal will be found and pearls.
Cloth will always have to be brought from England ; be-
cause as yet there is no wool there, and thus when the Col-
onies are well grown and the savages are brought to civili-
272 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
zation, they will need a great abundance of Cloth and this
business will once more flourish in England, with many
other benefits, which we may promise ourselves from the
good dispositions of our best sort of Citizens, who willingly
engage themselves to undertake all new discoveries, as well
this of the West, as by the Northwest to find out China.
And unto the East beyond the Cape, into the Red Sea, the
Gulf of Persia, the Straits of Sunda, and among all the
Kings of East India, to the great advantage and honor of
this Kingdom.
32. Such long voyages are of great importance, in order
that large ships do not go out of use, because, if we con-
tinue them, we shall be so powerful that soon the mer-
chant-fleets will suffice to encounter the fleets and the
power of any other Monarch, and this Northern corner of
the world will in a short time be the richest warehouse and
the greatest customhouse of all kinds of merchandise to be
found in Europe.
33. The King, our Master, whilst adding to our privi-
leges, has appointed eminent men for his Virginia Council,
which is to govern us. And every planter and adventurer
will be registered by name in the charter of Privileges.
34. This foundation being laid we shall send promptly
all we can send : men, women and children to people the
country.
35. We call those Planters, who go there in person in
order to stay there. And those adventurers who contribute
their money and do not go in person ; and both will be
alike members of that Colony.
36. We assess each separate share at five hundred Reales
[£12 10s.].
37. Every individual, man or woman and every child of
twelve [ten?] years and upwards which may be carried
there to settle, at the distribution of lands, and of the
profits of the transaction, wiU have his share " pro rata " of
one separate share, or be as if he had actually paid in five
hundred reales for that purpose. But persons of extraordi-
NEW BRITAIN. 273
nary character, as ministers, governors, state officers and offi-
cers of justice, knights, physicians and others who are able
to render very special services to the colony, besides being
honorably supplied with provisions in proportion to the
quality of each one, at the expense of the commonwealth,
will receive each one his share in the distribution of the
lands, and in the profits, according to the amount at which
their persons and their services were estimated, which with
the consent of all parties will immediately be registered in
a book, so that at all times it may be evident about the
first settlers — when they went out to settle, and the
amount at which they were valued. But if any one of
those who go in person should also wish to deposit a share
in the hands of the treasurer general appointed for this
enterprise, in order that it may contribute to its ends and
purposes, this amount also will be registered and the colo-
nist will receive his distribution in the aforesaid division,
both for his person and for the capital which he may have
handed over conforming to the rates of said register.
38. All the cost of commencing and supporting this
Colony and of renewing and improving the settlements,
which shall occur in the first seven years, after the date of
this last Charter of Privileges, which His Majesty has
granted us, will be charged to the account of the same col-
ony, by the hand of the chief treasurer and all the returns
of merchandise coming from there will be sold on the same
account, because it is a very reasonable thing that as we
send from here, at our own expense, to those said planters
all that they will need for their support and the conven-
ience of their persons and to fortify and build for them
houses, and everything else out of the common treasury
[" Joint Stock "] so they also ought to retiu'n from there
the fruit and the profit of their labor, to increase the afore-
said treasury till the end and completion of the aforesaid
seven years.
39. Then, by the help of God, commissioners will be
appointed who will make the distribution, with all fairness
274 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
and justice ; both of what may have been produced by the
industry of the colonists, and the profits of trade, as of the
lands which His Majesty has granted us for this colony, in
conformity with the rates of the aforesaid register, which
will amount, as a minimum to five hundred " akers " (a
measure of land, less than a " yguada " of Spain) of land
for each separate share of five hundred reales.
40. And if we make an effort to send at the beginning
a large number of people, well provided, no doubt after the
second year, the returns that we shall receive from there
will suffice not only for all the necessary expenses hence-
forth to sustain and improve the colony, but the capital
also will be increased in such a manner that the benefit
which we may expect from it shall not be less than that
which we get from the other division.
41. And although land will in the beginning not be spe-
cially valuable, still it will improve as it is tilled and will sur-
pass ours in England, being new and having a climate spe-
cially well suited for many precious products, which England
does not produce. With the abundance of timber, which
there is excellent and will long continue, and with every-
thing else needed (we sending workmen from here), we
shall have in a few years a hundred " Galeones " employed
in this trade and commerce yearly, as good as are found at
sea, and more to sell to others, all which good and much
more we may lose if we pinch and spare our purses now.
42. Our ancestors on account of their lack of foresight,
and their carelessness, lost the first opportunity and the
first offering of the greatest treasures of the world, and we
tax their omission for it, yet now the same offering and
the same trial is made to their children. Divine Providence
having reserved for us this magnificent region and the dis-
covery of this great world, which it now offers to us ; and
since we have arms to embrace it and to hold on to it, there
is no reason why we should let it escape us.
43. The reputation and the honor of our nation is now
very great by his Majesty's means, and we his subjects
NEW BRITAIN. 275
cannot enlarge and sustain it by gazing on and talking of
what hath been done ; but by doing now what our posterity
will commend hereafter. If we lose the opportunity we
shall despoil ourselves as the Romans did when in the days
of their prosperity they had gathered the spoils of the
whole world and having brought the goddess Victoria to
her temple, cut her wings that she should not fly away, nor
leave them, as she had gone away from other nations, and
having thus placed her among their other gods, gave
themselves up to idleness and inactivity, whereupon they
became effeminate in a few years and lost the reputation
and the valor which had enabled them to make themselves
the masters of the world, losing finally their empire and
becoming subjects of the very same nations almost, over
whom they had ruled a little while before.
[" Let not such a prize of hopeful events, so lately pur-
chased by the hazard of our valiant men, in the deepe Seas
of forreine dangers, now perish in the Haven by our neg-
lect, the lives of our friends already planted, and of those
noble Knights and Gentlemen that entend to goe shortly,
must lie at our mercy to be releeved and supplied by us, or
to be made a prey unto others, (though wee feare not the
subjects of any Prince in amity, that they will offer wrong
unto us). And howsoever wee heare tales and rumours of
this and that, yet be not dismaid, for I tell you, if we finde
that any miscreants have wronged, or goe about to hurt our
few hundreds there, we shall be ready to right it againe
with many thousands, like the giant Anteus, whose often
foiles renued his strength the more. And consider well
that great work of freeing the poore Indians from the
devourer, a compassion that every good man (but passing
by) would shew unto a beast : their children when they
come to be saved, will blesse the day when first their
fathers saw your faces."]
44. If those valiant warriors, our ancestors, who so
readily sold their possessions in order to recover the Holy
Land from the Saracens, had seen in their time such an
276 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
open door as this is to the accomplishment of such great
results by such simple means (as this enterprise promises),
they would certainly not have left it to us, to carry out the
plan.
45. What a strange thing it is and how deserving of
admiration, to find all the states and all the princes of
Europe in so profound a sleep, now for so long a time that
for the space of a hundred years and more, the riches and
the treasures of the East and of the West found no outlet
except into the coffers of one individual ; until they were
scattered about, as it were for the disquietude of all Europe,
bringing forth a bad race of monks who have recently come
to Hght and who with their cunning, as it were, transfix the
heart of Christendom and the true religion, in all parts of
the world.
["How strange a thing is this that all the States of
Europe have been a sleepe so long ? That for an hundred
yeares and more, the wealth and riches of the East and
West should runne no other current but into one coffer, so
long till the running over, spread itselfe abundantly among
a factious crew of new created Friers, and that to no more
speciall end, than instigating bloody plots to pierce the
heart of a Christian State and true Religion.
"It is long since I read in a little treatise, made by Frith,
an English Martyre, an excellent foretelling touching the
happinesse of these Northern Hands, and of great wonders
that should be wrought by Scots and English, before the
comming of Christ, but I have almost forgotten, and cannot
readily call it to minde as I would, and therefore I omitte
it now, Protesting unto you, it would be my grief e and sor-
row, to be exempted from the company of so many honour-
able minded men, and from this enterprise, tending to so
many good endes, and than which, I truely thinke this day,
there is not a worke of more excellent hope under the Sun,
and farre excelling (all circumstances wayed) those Noble
deeds of Alexander, Hercules, and those heathen Monarks,
for which they were deemed Gods among their posterity.
EXTRACT FROM CLOTHWORKERS' RECORD. 277
" And so I leave it to your consideration, with a memora-
ble note of Thomas Lord Howard, Earle of Surry, when K,
Henry the eight, with his Nobles at Dover tooke shipping
for Turwin and Turney, and bidding the saide Earle fare-
well, whom he made Governour in his absence : the Story
sayth, the Nobleman wept, and tooke his leave with teares,
an admirable good nature in a vahant minde, greeving to
be left behinde his Prince and Peers in such an honourable
service. Finis."]
LXXXI. EXTRACT FROM THE MERCERS' RECORD.
" On the 4th April 1609, the Mercers Company consid-
ered a precept of the Lord Mayor [LXXIH.] and the letter
of the Councell and Company of the honorable plantation
of Virginia [LXXH.], and agreed to adventure £200. to-
wards the same voyage of Virginia."
LXXXII. EXTRACT FROM CLOTHWORKERS' RECORD.
Court Minutes, Clothworkers' Company, April 4, 1609.
" This daie also a precept from the Lord Maior directed
to this company towchinge the voiage and adventure to
Virginia, a coppy also of a letter sent to the Lord Maior and
Aldermen by the Councell and Company of the honorable
plantacon of Virginia were openly redd to the whole as-
sembly here present, and after the reading thereof some
speeches were used by the Maister, Mr. Coleby to incourage
those of the Company then presente to the said adventure.
But they thereoppon did not shew any forwardnes to that
adventure Save only Humfrey Hawes who said that hee had
already adventured xij"- x'* (£12. 10') and rather than the
voiage should not proceede he would adventure xij"- x^*
more, and the lyke offer was made by Thomas Weekes,
whereupon bycause it was thoughte fitt by the Table that
the Company should have some tyme to deliberate uppon
278 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
this matter, — It was declar'd to the whole assembly then
presente that as many of them as were disposed to be ad-
venturers in this voiage should within two daies next com-
inge repaire to the dwellinge howse of Mr, John Coleby,
Maister of this Company, and signifie unto him what somes
of money they purpose to adventure, that returne may be
made to the Lord Maior of the said precepte together with
the names of the Adventurers and the severall somes of
money they are willinge to adventure, accordinge as by the
said precepte it is required and Commanded."
[Mem. — April 5 Sir Geo. Carew wrote from Paris to
Sahsbury : —
" Has been told the French are in hand with the discov-
ery of a passage into the South Sea, by the North West,
and that one Poncet, a Knight of Malta, has revealed that
secret to the King, and is sworn not to tell it any further ;
that they purpose to build forts upon a strait through which
that passage lieth, to make themselves masters of it ; and
that this is one of the causes why the lieutenancy of Nova
Francia is taken from Mons. De Monts. — For the truth of
all this you must wait for the lame post."]
LXXXIII. EXTRACT FROM CLOTHWORKERS' RECORD.
At a Court of the Clothworkers' Company of London,
held at their Hall, April 12, 1609.
" This dale it is ordered and agreed by a full consent of
the maister. Wardens and Assistants here presente that
there shalbe adventured by this howse in this intended
voiage towards the plantacon in Virginia the some of C. M''^
[100 Marks].
" This dale also the whole livery was warned hither to
knowe their mindes what they purpose severallie to adven-
ture towards the said plantacon and their severall names
which were willinge to adventure together with their several!
VIRGINIA RICHLY VALUED. 279
somes yealded to be adventured were also sett downe and
recorded." . . .
LXXXIV. VIRGINIA RICHLY VALUED.
Reprinted by Peter Force (vol. iv. No. 1) at Washington,
D. C, in 1846, and by the Hakluyt Society of London,
England, in 1851.
<* Virginia richly valued. By the description of the main
land of Florida her next neighbour : —
" Out of the f oure yeeres continuall travell and discov-
erie, for above one thousand miles East and West, of Don
Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred able men in his
companie.
" Wherin are truly observed the riches and f ertilitie of
of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleasant,
and profitable for the Hfe of man : with the natures and
dispositions of the Inhabitants.
" Written by a Portugall gentleman of Elvas, emploied in
all the action, and translated out of Portuguese by Richard
Hackluyt.
" At London. Printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew
Lownes and are to be sold at the signe of the Bishop's head
in Paul's Church yard. 1609."
" The Epistle Dedicatorie," is " To The Right Honour-
able, the Right worshipfuU Counsellors, and others, the
cheeref uU adventurors for the advancement of that Christian
and noble plantation in Virginia. . . .
" From my lodging in the Colledge of Westminster this
15. of April 1609.
" By one publikely and aunciently devoted to God's ser-
vice, and all yours, in this so good action
"Richard Hakluyt."
This tract is a description of the country south of
Virginia. On June 12, 1609 (CIV.), the companion tract
describing the country north of Virginia was entered for
280
PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
publication. Both tracts were probably published under
the auspices of the Virginia Company.
In 1611, " Virginia richly valued &c." was reissued with
the following title.
" The Worthye and Famous History of the Travailes,
Discovery & Conquest of that great Continent of Terra
Florida, being lively Paraleld, with that of our now In-
habited Virginia. As, also, the Comodities of the said
Country, with divers excellent and rich Mynes, of Golde,
Silver, and other Mettals, etc. Which cannot but give us a
great and exceeding hope of our Virginia, being so neere
[and] of one Continent. Accomplished and effected by that
worthy Generall and Captaine Don Ferdinando de Soto and
six hundred Spaniards his Followers. London. Printed
for Matthew Lownes, dwelling in Paules Churchyard, at
the Signe of the Bishop's head. 1611."
[Originals of this tract, which are now worth about $250
each, are preserved in the John Carter-Brown Library and
in the library of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.]
LXXXV. EXTRACT FROM THE FISHMONGERS' RECORD.
"At a Court of Assistants at the Hall 24''' April
1609: —
" The names of those persons of this Company that have
before this day adventured to Virginia, viz*. : —
Mr. Richard Poyntell
John Harper
a
6(
Martin Freeman
Otterwell Smith
John Fletcher .
John Stoks .
Thomas Langton
Arthur Mowse
Edward Allen .
James Brierley
£62. 10/
62. 10/
62. 10/
62. 10/
62. 10/
62. 10/
62. 10/
50.
62. 10/
62. 10/
SIR ROBERT BRUCE COTTON
EXTRACT FROM FISHMONGERS' RECORD.
281
Mr. William Day, — Adventurer
vnth Capt Gosnell, Capt. Archer
& Timothy Lodg : . . . .
" The names of those who do now newly ad-
venture
12. 10/
Mr.
a
i(
(6
a
a
a
a
((
u
a
((
u
i(
((
a
«
i(
a
(C
a
u
a
a
a
a
a
John Allen
Symon Yeomands
George Chambers
Leonard Thomson
Thomas Brett .
Edmund Stab
Martin Crane .
Libias Swann
Thomas Johnson
Thomas Smartfete
Thomas Toward
Stephen Crossley
George Pollard
William Barnes .
WilKam Upkins
John Langley
Kobert Poudon
William Mason .
WiUiam Bennett
Warden Widdowspay .
" Tapp and Christ'
John Dyke
Robert Hall .
Walter Riley
Robert Knight
John Bayfill
John Wolverston
Trysham
Broomsgrave .
Bagshaw
Newgate
12 10
12 10
12 10
12 10
25
2.
2.
3.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
5.
5.
5.
25.
3.
12.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
2.
3.
10.
282 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
£ S. d.
Mr.
Thomas Quested to adventure, but did not
6C
pay.
Warden Edmund Andrews ... 3.
ii
Harbrowe 5.
((
' These utterly refuse to pay at all.
Mr.
Thomas Spenee,
ii.
Stephen Collet,
Harry Graveborn,
Robert Hawes,
66
66
66
Thomas Atkyns,
Benjamin Day,
Matthias Pratt,
66
WiUiam Budd,
66
John James,
66
Richard Sanderson,
66
66
Paul Hodge,
Richard Cole,
66
66
Arthur Jeffreys,
Edward Oliver,
66
Robert Tetsworth,
66
66
Robert Tiarge,
Robert Gibbs,
i6
Robert ElUott."
LXXXVI. VIRGINEA BRITTANIA.
This sermon, delivered April 25, and entered for publi-
cation May 4, 1609, was probably the first sermon pub-
lished for the advancement of the American enterprise.
May 4, 1609. " Entered at Stationers Hall, by Eleazar
Edgar, under the hands of Master Etkins. A Sermon
preached at White Chappel the 25^^ of April 1609, by
Wm. Symonds, Lecturer at Sainte Saviour in South warke."
It was published with the following title-page : —
VIRGINEA BRITANNIA.
283
VIRGINIA.
SERMON
PREACHED AT
Whit e-C happel, in the
prefence of many. Honourable and
Worfhipfull, the Adventurers and Plan-
ters for Virginia.
25 April, 1609.
PVBLISHED FOR THE BENEFIT
And Vse Of The Colony, Planted,
and to bee Planted there, and for the Ad-
uancement of their Chris-
tian Purpofe.
By William Symonds, Preacher at Saint
Saviours in South warke.
I V D E. 22. 23.
Haue compafflon of fome, in putting of difference:
And other favc with fcare, pulling them out of the 6re.
LONDON:
Printed by I. WiNDETfor Eleazar Edgar, and
IVilliam Welby^ and are to be fold in Paules Church-
yard at the Signe of the Windmill.
1609.
284 PERIOD II. JANUARY, IGOO-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Originals are preserved in the John Carter-Brown Li-
brary and in the library of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.
I have not noted an original for sale in the last ten
years. One would probably be worth $150 or more. There
are some extracts from it in Anderson's "History of the
Colonial Church/' where it is erroneously mentioned as
having been delivered after Crashaw's sermon (CXX.).
Extracts are also given in Neill's " English Colonization of
America/' Strahan & Co., London, 1871, pp. 29-31.
It has never been reprinted. It contains nearly 20,000
words, and is therefore too long to be reprinted in this
book ; but in order to illustrate the ideas which obtained in
the religious element among the advancers of the American
enterprise I w^ill give extended extracts therefrom.
The following is the full text of the
"EPISTLE DEDICATORIE.
" To the Right Noble and Worthie Advancers of The
Standart of Christ, among the Gentiles, The Adventurers
for the Plantation of Virginia, W. S. prayeth that Nations
may blesse them, and be blessed by them.
" Right Noble and Worthy, such as do prayse the wor-
hies, do cloth them with the robes of others that have
^one before them in vertues of like nature. A thing
which I cannot doe of your Plantation, seeing neither Tes-
tament (that I can find) dooth afford us a Parallell in men
of like qualitie. That great and golden sen-
tence. The seede of the woman shall breake the
Serpents head, (the onely subject of all ages) with a part
of the wisedome that is folded therein, hitherto hath beau-
tified the world with admirable and pleasant varieties ;
more rich and delightfull then all the Ornaments of Princes
palaces. Or the Curtaines of Salomon. Here may we see
the Flood, the burning of Sodom ; the drowning of Pharoh :
the subduing of the Cananites by David and his
Sonnes ; the breaking of Monarchies into chaffe :
VIRGINEA BRITANNIA. 285
the surprising & conquering of great Nations, by Fisher-
men, with the sword of the Spirit ; the stamping
of the Dragon (the Heathen Empire) into peeces
by Constantine ; the desolation, and nakednesse vita Constan-
of Anti-Christ, now readie to be cast into the fire.
Manifest demonstrations of the Serpents bruised head. But
here is not all. These things were done in a Corner, in
comparison of that which is in hand, and remaineth to be
accomplished at the last judgment. Long since Reve. 6. &
the Gospell of Christ did ride forth conquering ^'^'
that hee might over-come. And Now, the hostes that are
in heaven doe follow him on white horses. Now isac. 52. lo.
the Lord hath made bare his holy arme, in the ^^''®* ^^' ^^'
sight of all the Gentiles ; and all the ends of the earth
shall see the salvation of our God. Now many
Psal. 47. 9.
Mighty Kings have set their crownes upon the
head of Christ. The valiant souldier saith. The shields of
the world belong to God, the true Nobilitie, have
upon their horse bridles, holinesse to the Lord,
And now the wise and industrious Merchant, doth hold the
riches of the Gentiles too base a fraight for his shippes.
He tradeth for his wisedome, that saith : Surely
the Isles wait for me {saith the Lord) and the
shippes of the Ocean most especially : namely to carry the
Gospell abroad. The people in multitudes like
strong thundrings, doe say Hallelu-iah. And
who is wanting in this blessed expedition ? Surely, not any
tribe, Prayse ye the Lord, for the people that
offered themselves so willingly. For who can " ^' " *
with-draw himself e from concurrence in so good an action :
especially, when he shall but read, or heare that one sen-
tence which Deborah did sing : Curse ye Meroz,
sayd the Angell of the Lord, curse the inhabit- ^"'^^' ^' ^^'
ants thereof: because they came not forth to helpe the
Lord.
" This land, was of Old time, offered to Our Kings. Our
late Soveraigne Q. EHzabeth (whose storie hath no peere
286 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
among Princes of her sexe) being a pure Virgin, found it,
set foot in it, and called it Virginia. Our most sacred
Euseb.de Sovcraigue, in whom is the spii-it of his great
Vita Con- Ancestor, Constantine the pacifier of the World,
and planter of the Gospell in places most remote,
desireth to present this land a pure Virgine to Christ.
Such as doe manage the expedition, are carefull to carry
thither no traitors, nor Papists, that depend on the Great
Whore. Lord finish this Good worke thou hast begun ;
and marry this land, a pure Virgine to thy Kingly sonne
Christ lesus ; so shall thy name bee magnified : and we
shall have a Virgin or Maiden Britaine, a comfortable
addition to our Great Britaine.
" And now Right Worthy, if any aske an account of my
vocation, to write and Preach thus much ; I answere : that
although I could not satisfie their request that would have
me goe ; yet I could not omit to shewe my zeale to the
Glory of God. If they aske account of my Dedication, I
answere, your vertue hath exacted it. If any man list to be
curious, or contentious, wee have no such custome, nor the
churches of God. Hold on your blessed course and you
Psai. 72. 18. ^^^^^ receive blessings of Christ : Blessed bee the
1^- Lord God ; even the God of Israeli, which onely
worketh great wonders, and hath put these blessed thoughts
into your Christian hearts. And blessed be his glorious
name forever, and let all the earth be filled with his glory,
Amen, Amen.
" Yours most heartily affected in the cause of Virginia.
" William Simonds."
The following extracts are taken from the sermon as pub-
lished. There are about 300 words to the page ; the pages
are noted. Thus the reader can see when the mere heading
only is given, and when the extract is more at large. The
first page is given in full.
VIRGINEA BRITANNIA. 287
"Virginea Britannia. A Sermon Preached At [p. 1.]
White Chappel, In The presence of many the
Adventurers, and Planters for Virginia. [From the text]
" Genesis 12 : 1. 2. 3. For the Lord had said unto Abram,
get thee out of thy Countrey, and from thy Kindi'ed, and
from thy father's house, unto the land that I will shew thee.
" And I will make of thee a great nation, and will blesse
thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing.
" I will blesse them also that blesse thee, and curse them
that curse thee, and in thee shall all the families of the earth
be blessed.
" This Booke of Genesis conteineth the story of the Crea-
tion and Plantation of heaven and earth with convenient
inhabitants. The heaven hath Angels, the skie
starres, the aire soules, the water fishes, the earth [p. 2.]
(furnished with plants and hearbes and beasts)
was provided for man a while to inhabite, who after was to
be received into Glory, like unto the Angels. Hereupon
the Lord (who by his great decree, set downe by his whole
Trinitie, hath determined that man should rule among the
creatures) did make man, both male and female. After his
owne image, that is Jesus Christ, and gave them this bless-
ing. Bring forth fruit and multiplie, and fill the earth, and
subdue it &c. . . .
" Among whome the blessed line of Shem is not onely
plentifully remembred, but also commended, as
obedient unto that first and great Law of God : [p. 3.]
For Terah, the father of Abram, with his family,
are reported to be found in a Land not theirs, that they
might fill the earth.
" The reason why Terah, and his family removed, is
recorded in these three verses." — He then dwells specially
on his text under the following pointers : " The Context " —
" Goe out of " — " To the place which I shaU
shew thee " — " Argiimefits from promises " — [p. 4.]
" 1. A great Nation " — « 2. Blesse thee " —
" 3. A great name " — " 4. A blessing " — " Argume^its
288 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
that concerne other men " — " 1. Blesse them that blesse
thee" — "2. Curse them that curse thee" —
[p. 5.] 3. " All Nations blessed in thee." He then dwells
on the " Doctrines " taught by the text (pp. 5-10).
To the objection, " The country they say, is possessed by
owners, that rule, and governe it in their owne
[p. 10.] right : then with what conscience, and equitie
can we offer to thrust them, by violence, out of
their inheritance ? " He gives a long answer, largely justi-
fying the enterprise by former acts of the " Great Princes,
and Monarkes, of Assyria, Persia, Media, Greece and Rome."
He also answers various reasons for not going,
[p. 18.] " I am not ignorant, that many are not willing to
goe abroade and spreade the gospell, in this most
honorable and christian Voyage of the Plantation of Vir-
ginia. Their reasons are diverse according to their wits.
One saith England is a sweete country. True in-
[p. 19.] deede, and the God of glory be blessed, that
wher-as the country was as wilde a forrest, but
nothing so fruitfull, as Virginia, and the people in their
nakedness did arme themselves in a Coate of Armor of
Wood, fetching: their Curets and Polderns, from
Com. basons. -r» . i i • 'n p
a Painters shop : by the civill care oi conquerors
and planters it is now become a very paradise in comparison
of that it was. But how sweete soever it be, I am sure it
cannot compare with Mesopotamia, where Abrani dwelt.
Look seriously into the land (England), and see whether
there bee not just cause, if not a necessity, to seek abroad.
The People blessed be God, doe swarme in the land, as
young bees in a hive in June ; insomuch that
[p. 20.] there is very hardly roome for one man to live by
another. The mightier like old strong bees
thrust the weeker, as younger, out of their hives." He
then describes the over-crowded condition of all
[p. 22.] industries, etc., in England at that time, and
urges " the younger bees, to swarme and hive
VIRGINEA BRITANNIA. 289
themselves elsewhere. Take the opportunity, good honest
labourers, which indeede bring all the honey to the hive,
God may so blesse you, that the proverbe may be true of
you, that A May swarme is worth a Kings ransome."
" The land which wee w^alked through to search [p. 24.]
it, is a very good land. If the Lord love us, he ^umb. 14. 7
will bring us to this land, and give it us." ^'
" The land, by the constant report of all that have seene
it, is a good land, with the fruitfulnesse whereof, and
pleasure of the Climate, the plentie of Fish and Fowle,
England, Our Mistresse, cannot compare, no not when she
is in her greatest pride. It is said of the land
of Canaan, that Isaack sowed in that land, and
found in the same yeere, an hundred fold, by estimation :
and the text addeth. And so the Lord blessed him. But
here is a greater matter then so : For, if I count a-right,
this land giveth five hundred fold at one harvest. For the
eares of Wheate [corn], which I have seene, are ten in
square, and fiftie long : and yet they say, that commonly
this returne is little better then the third part,
every stalke bearing, ordinarily three such eares [p. 25.]
of Wheate. As for the opportunitie of the place,
I leave it to the grave PoHtitian : and for the Commodities,
let the industrious Merchant speake : but for food and
raiment, here is inough to be had for the labour of mas-
tring and subduing the soile."
" The natives were not like ' the sonnes of Anak.'
There are but poore Arbors for Castles, base and
homely sheds for walled townes. A Mat is their
strongest Port cullis, a naked breast their Target of best
proofe : an arrow of reede, on which is no iron, their most
fearfuU weapon of offense, heere is no feare of nine hun-
dred iron charets. Their God is the enemie of judg. 4. 13.
mankind that seeketh whom he may devoure." ^' ^^* ^' ^'
" Let us be cheerfull to goe to the place that [p. 26.]
God will shew us to possesse in peace and plentie,
a Land more like the garden of Eden: which the Lord
planted, than any part else of all the earth."
290 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
[p. 35.] " Out of these arguments, by which God inticed
Abram to go out of his Country, such as goe to
a Christian Plantation may gather many blessed lessons.
Marrie not Grod wiU make him a great Nation. Then must
with iixiideis. Abrams posteritie keepe them to themselves.
They may not marry nor give in marriage to the heathen,
that are uncircumcised. And this is so plaine, that out of
this foundation arose the law of marriage among them-
selves. The breaking of this rule, may breake the necke of
all good successe of this Voyage, whereas by keeping the
feare of God, the Planters in shorte time, by the blessing of
God, may grow into a Nation formidable to all the enemies
of Christ, and be the praise of all that part of the world,
for so strong a hand to be joyned with the people here that
feare God."
[p. 43.] " I hope out of these words thus generally
delivered, every true harted Protestant, can frame
out an answere unto the objection, that is thought much to
impeach this Plantation of Virginia. The perill, say the
objectors, is great by the Papist that shall come on the
backe of us. What Papists doe you feare ? The Princes ?
Sure, such as are in aliance with your Nation will thinke
other thoughts, and take better advice. But as for the
popish Church, an unruly beast." He is very bitter in his
words of invective against this church,
[p. 46.] " The onely perill is in offending God, and tak-
ing of Papists into your Company ; if once they
come creeping into your houses, then looke for mischiefe :
if treason or poyson bee of any force : Know them all to
be very Assasines, of all men to be abhorred, will also send
you such governours, as will cast out the leaven out of
your houses : to whom I need say little, because I know
they need not be nurtured by me."
[p. 53.] " Againe, if it be Gods purpose that the Gospell
shall be preached through the world for a wit-
nesse then ought ministers to be carefuU and willing to
spread it abroad, in such good services as this, that is in-
THOMAS COVENTRY
First Baron CoTetitry
EXTRACT FROM CLOTHWORKERS' RECORD. 291
tended. Sure it is a great sliame unto us, of the ministry,
that can be better content, to sit, and rest us heere idle,
then undergoe so good a worke. Our pretence
of Zeale, is cleare discovered to be but hypocrisie, [p. 54.]
when we rather choose to minde unprofitable
questions at home, then gaining soules abroad. It is a sin-
gular sin for men to be overcome with evill, it is a shame
that the Jesuites and Friers, that accompany every ship,
should be so diligent to destroy souls, and wee not seeke
the tender lambes, nor bind up that which is broken.
" But go on couragiously, and notwithstanding the snort-
ing idlenes of the ministry, suspect not the bless-
ing of God. A captive Girle brought Naman to
the Prophet. A Captive woman, was the meanes of con-
verting Iberia, now called Georgia. Edesius, and Ruffinus
Frumentius two captive youthes, were the meanes Lib. L Cap!
of bringing the Gospell into India. God makes * ^ *
the weake thinofs of the world confounde the ^- ^^^- 1-
mighty, and getteth himselfe praise by the mouth of Babes
and sucklings. Be cheerfull then, and the Lord of all
glory, glorifie his name by your happy spreading of the
Gospell, to your commendation, and his glory, that is Lord
of all things, to whom be power and dominion for-ever.
Hallelu-iah.
" Finis."
LXXXVII. EXTRACT FROM CLOTHWORKERS' RECORD.
At a Court of the Clothworkers' Company of London, held
at their Hall, April 26, 1609.
" This daie also it is ordered, agreed and f ullie assented
unto by this Courte that with the petty somes yealded by
divers persons, of this Company to be adventured in the
plantacon of Virginia, there shalbe adventured by this
house as muche money as will make upp the petty somes soe
as aforesaide yealded to be adventured amountinge to xxx"'
or thereabouts, the full some of one hundred pounds.
292
PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
LXXXVIII. EXTRACT FROM STATIONERS* RECORD.
FROM THE COURT MINUTES OF THE STATIONERS' COMPANY,
"M' Bisshopp M--
M^H. Hooper 1
M^H. Lownes ^^"""^
7mo Regis
The Copy of the receipte under
Sir Thomas Smithes hande for the
Comp"'^" Adventure into Virginia,
viz.
"Received the 28^^ of April 1609 of M-" Humphrey
Hooper and Humphrey Lownes Wardens of The Stationers
of the Citty of London the sum of one Hundred and twenty
and five pounds, & is for the said Comp*^'®^ adventure in the
Voyage to Virginia. I said ree^ <£125. 0. 0.
"Tho. Smythe.
" The which sum of £125 was Levyed & disbursed in The
Comp"'® in portions as followeth
viz.
M"^ Bisshopp M;^ the Comp"« .
M'' Bonham Norton .
M"" Hooper elder Warden
M'' H. Lownes younger Warden
M'' Harrison the elder
M'' Barker
M' Mann the elder
M" John Norton
M" Dawson .
M^ Seton .
M' Leake
M'^ Standish
M' Richard Collins
M-^ Keyle .
M-* Adams .
M^ Ockold
W Bankworth
M"" John Jaggard
M"^ Gylman .
£
s d
10.
0.0.
5.
0.0.
3.
0.0.
6.
5.0.
5.
0.0.
5.
0.0.
5.
0.0.
10.
0.0.
3.
0.0.
3.
0.0.
6.
5.0.
5.
0.0.
2
0.0.
2.
0.0.
10.
0.0.
2.
10.0.
3.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
GOOD SPEED TO VIRGINIA
M^ Cole
M"- Smithe
M'^Dighte .
M"^ Kiiiglite .
M' Pavyer .
M' Eclw. Bisshopp
M'^ Bill
M'^ Cooke
M"^ Islip
M'' Kiiigstone .
M^ Weaver .
M' La we
M^ Cotton .
Richard Boyle
M*" Swinhowe
293
£
s d
3.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
3.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
5.
0.0.
2.
0.0.
"Surna. £125. 0.0."
[This represents the way the sum contributed by the cor-
poration of stationers was" levy ed & disbursed" among the
members. A good many members of this company were
also personal adventurers for a considerable amount in the
American enterprise.]
LXXXIX. GOOD SPEED TO VIRGINIA.
The document, it seems, was written by R[obert] G[ray],
28th April, 1609.
May 3, 1609. " Entered at Stationers Hall, For Wm.
Welbye, by Robert Gray. Under the hands of Master
Richard Etkins and Master Wm. Lownes. A booke called
A Good Spede to Virginia."
It was published with the following title-page : —
294 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
A
GOOD SPEED
to Virginia.
EsAY 42.4.
He shall not faile nor be difcouraged till he have
fet judgement in the earth, and the lies (hall
wait for his law.
LONDON:
Printed by FelixKyngston for IVilUam
^elbie^ and are to be fold at his (hop at the figne
of the Greyhound in Pauls Church
yard. 1609.
GOOD SPEED TO VIRGINIA. 295
On the 1st of October, 1610, there is the following entry
in the Register of the Company of Stationers of London ;
"Prinio Oetobris die Lunae quarter day 1610. . . .
" Michael Baker : [had] assigned over unto him from
Master Welby by the consent of the Courte holden this
day. Good Speed to Virginia."
At the sale of the Drake Library in March, 1883, an
original fetched $150.
Originals are preserved in the John Carter-Brown Li-
brary, and in the library of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.
LXXXIX. goes over much the same ground as LXVIII ;
but the latter gives a business view, while the former, look-
ing from a scriptural standpoint, presents a rehgious view.
The tract, I believe, has never been reprinted. It contains
nearly 9,000 words, and is too long to be reprinted entire ;
but I give extended extracts, in further illustration of the
sentiments which then obtained in the premises.
It was pubHshed with the following " Epistle Dedicato-
rie:" —
"To The Right Noble and Honorable Earles, Barons
and Lords, and to the Right Worshipf ull Knights,
Merchants and Gentlemen, Adventurers for the [p. 2.]
plantation of Virginea, all happie and prosperous
successe, which may either, augment your glorie, or increase
your wealth, or purchase your eternitie.
" Time the devourer of his own brood consumes both
man and his memorie. It is not brasse nor marble that
can perpetuate immortalitie of name upon the earth. Many
in the world have erected faire and goodly monuments, whose
memorie together with their monuments is long since de-
faced and perished. The name, memorie and actions of
those men doe only live in the records of eternitie, which
have employed their best endeavours in such ver-
tuous and honourable enterprises, as have ad- [p. 3.]
vanced the glorie of God, and inlarged the glorie
296 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER 1609.
and wealth of their Countrie. It is not the house of Salo-
mon, called the Forrest of Lebanon, that continues his
name and memorie upon the earth at this day, but his wise-
dome, justice, magnificence and power, yet do and forever
shall eternize him. A right sure foundation therefore have
you (My Lords and the rest of the most worthie Adventurers
for Virginia) laid for the immortalitie of your names and
memorie, which, for the advancement of Gods glorie, the
renowne of his Maiestie, and the good of your Countrie,
have undertaken so honourable a project, as all posterities
shall blesse : and Uphold your names and memories so long
as the Sunne and Moone endureth : Whereas they which
preferre their money before vertue, their pleasure before
honour, and their sensuall securitie before heroicall adven-
tures, shall perish with their money, die with their pleasures,
and be buried in everlasting forgetfulnes. The
[p. 4.] disposer of al humane actions dispose your pur-
poses, blesse your Navie as hee did the ships of
Salomon which went to Ophie, and brought him home in
one yeere six hundred threescore and six talents of gold.
The preserver of al men preserve your persons from all
perils both by sea and land; make your goings out like
honest men triumphing for the victorie, and you comings in
like an army dividing the spoile. And as God hath made
you instruments for the inlarging of his Church militant
here upon Earth ; so when the period of your life shall be
finished, the same God make you members of his Church
triumphant in Heaven. Amen.
" From mine house at the North-end of Sithes lane Lon-
don, April 28. Anno 1609.
" Your Honours and Worships in all affectionate well
wishing.
"R.G."
He takes as a text for his discourse on a " Good Speede
to Virginia," Joshua 17 chapter, 14 to 18 verses.
[p. 5.] ^^Then the children of Joseph spake unto
GOOD SPEED TO VIRGINIA. 297
Joshua, saying, why hast thou given me but one lot, and
one portion to inheritie, seeing I am a great people ?
" Joshua then answered, if thou beest much people, get
thee up to the wood, and cut trees for thyselfe in the land
of the Perizzites, & of the Giants, if Mount Ephraim be too
narrow for thee.
" Then the children of Joseph said, the Mountaine will
not be inough for us, and all the Canaanites that dwelt in
the low countrey, have Charets of Iron as well as they in
Bethsheam, and in the towns of the same, as they in the
Valley of Israel.
" And Joshua spake unto the house of Joseph, to Ephraim
and Manasses, saying. Thou art a great people, and hath
gi'eat power, and shalt not have one lot.
" Therefore the mountain shall be thine, for it is a wood,
and thou shall cut it downe, and the endes of it shall be
thine, & thou shall cast out the Canaanites though they
have Iron Charets, and though they be strong."
The discourse begins : " The heavens saith David, even
the heavens are the Lords, and so is the earth, but he hath
given it to the children of men," etc.
He reviews the past : "In those days this [pp. 6, 7.]
Kingdome was not so populous as now it is,
Civell warres at home, and forreine wars abroad, did cut off
the overspreading branches of our people."
" But now God hath prospered us with the [p. 8.]
blessings of the wombe, and with the blessings
of the breasts, the sword devoureth not abroad, neither is
there any feare in our streetes at home ; so that we are
now for multitude as the thousand of Manasses, and as the
ten thousands of Ephraim, the Prince of peace hath joyned
the wood of Israel and Judah in one tree. And therefore
we may justly say, as the children of Israel say here to
Joshua, we are a great people, and the lande is too narrow
for us : so that whatsoever we have beene, now it behooves
us to be both prudent and politicke, and not to deride and
reject good powers of profitable and gainefuU expectation ;
298 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
but rather to embrace every occasion which hath any proba-
bilitie in its future hopes : And seeing there is neither pre-
ferment nor employment for all within the lists of our
Countrey, we might justly be accounted as in former times,
both imprudent and improvident, if we will yet sit with our
amies foulded on our bosomes, and not rather seeke after
such adventers whereby the Glory of God may be advanced,
the teritories of our Kingdome inlarged, our people both
preferred and employed abroad, our wants supplyed at
home, his Maiesties customes wonderfully augmented, and
the honour and renown of our Nation spread and propa-
gated to the ends of the World."
[p. 9.] " And therefore for the better satisfying of
some, and for the encouraging of all sortes of
people concerning this project for Virginia, let us more
fully examine the particulars of this discourse betweene
the children of Joseph and Joshua."
[p. 10.] " There is nothing more dangerous for the
estate of Common-wealths, than when the people
do increase to a greater multitude and number than may
justly paralell with the largenesse of the place and Coun-
trey : for hereupon comes oppression, and diverse kindes of
wrongs, mutinies, sedition, commotion and rebellion, scar-
citie, dearth, povertie, and sundrie sorts of calamities, which
either breed the conversion, or eversion, of cities and com-
monwealths."
[p. 14.] " For they that turne many unto righteous-
nesse shall shine as the starres for evermore. Dan.
[p. 15.] 12. 3." He urges that it " is everie mans dutie
to travell both by sea and land, and to venture
either with his person or with his purse, to bring the barbar-
ous and savage people to a civill and Christian Kinde of
government. ... to trie all meanes before they undertake
Warre."
[p. 16.] '' The report goeth, that in Virginia the people
are savage and incredibly rude, they worship the
divell, offer their young children in sacrifice unto him, wan-
GOOD SPEED TO VIRGINIA. 299
der up and downe like beasts, and in manners and condi-
tions, differ very little from beasts, having no Art, nor science,
nor trade, to imploy themselves, or give themselves unto,
yet by nature loving and gentle, and desirous to imbrace
a better condition. Oh how happy were that man which
could reduce tliis people from brutishness to civilitie, to re-
ligion, to Christianitie, to the saving of their souls, . . .
'' Farre be it from the hearts of the English, they should
give any cause to the world, to say that they sought the
wealth of that Countrie above or before the glorie of God,
and the propagation of his Kingdome."
He reviews and answers several of the objections to the
enterprise.
" The first objection is, by what right or war- [p. 18.]
rant we can enter into the lands of these savages,
take away their rightful inheritance from them, and plant
ourselves in their places, being unwronged or unprovoked
by them.
" Some affirme, and it is likely to be true that [p. 19.]
these Savages have no particular propertie in any
part or parcell of that countrey, but only a generall resi-
dencie there, as wild beasts have in the forest, . . .
" But the answer to the aforesaid objection is, that there
is no intendment to take away from them by force that
rightfull inheritance which they have in that countrey,
for they are willing to entertaine us, and have offered to
yeelde into our hands on reasonable conditions, more lande
than we shall bee able this long time to plant and ma-
nure, . . .
" Secondly, they reason of the future events [p. 20.]
by those that are alreadie past. And seeing it
is above twentie yeares agoe since this attempt was begun,
and yet no good hath come of it, nor Httle hope of any,
they holde it an unvised course to set the same
attempt on foote again : which objection of theirs [p. 21.]
is very sufficientlie answered in th^t booke inti-
tuled Nova Britannia [LXVIII.]. And indeed most child-
300 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
ish is this objection, for neither was the ends of the first
attempt the same, with the ends of this, nor the meanes,
nor the managing of the meanes of this attempt semblable
with the former, . . . The event of this cannot be judged
by the event of the former.
" Their second [third ?] objection is, that this age will
see no profit of this plantation. Which objection admit it
were true, yet it is too brutish, and bewraies their neglect
and incurious respect of posteritie : we are not borne like
beasts for ourselves, and the time present only. . . . Pos-
terity and the age yet ensuing have not the least part in
our life and labours. What benefit or comfort should we
have enjoyed in the things of this world, if our forefathers
had not provided better for us, and bin more carefully re-
spective of posteritie then for themselves? We sow, we
set, we plant, we build, not so much for ourselves as for
posteritie ; We practice the workes of Godlines in this life,
yet shall we not see the end of our hope before wee in joy
it in the world to come. . . . They which onely are for
themselves, shall die in themselves, and shall not have a
name among posteritie, their rootes shall be dried up be-
neath, and above shall their branches bee cut down, their
remembrance shall perish from the earth, and they shall
have no name in the street. Job. 18. 16. 17."
[p. 22.] " Others object to the continuall charges which
will prove in their opinion very heavie and bur-
densome to those that shall undertake the said Planta-
tion. These like the dog in the manger, neither eate hay
themselves, neither will they suffer the Oxe that would.
They never think any charge too much that may any way
increase their owne private estate. They have thousands to
bestow about the ingrossing of a commoditie, or upon a
morgage, or to take their neighbors house over his head,
or to lend upon usurie ; but if it come to a publicke good,
they grone under the least burden of charges that can bee
required of them. These men should be used like sponges,
they must be squeased, seeing they drinke up all, and will
LIONEL CRANFIELD
Fimt Karl of Middlexi'x
GOOD SPEED TO VIRGINIA. 301
yeeld to nothing, though it concerne the common good
never so greatly. But it is demonstratively prooved in
Nova Britannia, that the charges about this Plantation will
be nothing, in comparison of the benefit that will grow
thereof. And what notable thing I pray you can be
brought to passe without charges ? . . . Without question
he that saves his money, where Gods glory is to be ad-
vanced, Christian religion propagated and planted, the good
of the Commonwealth increased, and the glorious renowne
of the King inlarged, is subject to the curse
of Simon Magus, his monie and he are in danger [p. 23.]
to perish together. Let none therefore find de-
laies, or faine excuses to withhold them from this imploy-
ment for Virginia, seeing every opposition against it is an
opposition against God, the King, the Church, and the Com-
monwealth. . . .
"For this present businesse of plantation in Virginia,
there must bee speciall choice and care had of such persons
as shall be sent thither. Nature hath emptied herselfe in
bestowing her richest treasures upon that countrie ; so that
if Art and Industrie be used, as helpers to Nature, it is
likely to proove the happiest attempt that ever was under-
taking by the English. And for as much as of all human
Artes, Political government is the chiefest, there must be a
speciall care in the Magistrate, for herein consists the verie
maine matter of the successe of this businesse. . . .
And for as much as no policie can stand long [p. 25.]
without reHgion, a chiefe care must be had of
sufficient, honest and sober minded Ministers. . . .
"Provision must be made of men furnished with Arts
and trades most necessarie for this businesse."
" Besides all this, industrie must be also added [p. 26.]
to helpe Arte and Nature. . . . necessarie sup- [p. 27.]
plies of livelihoode will be very precious there a
while : and therefore order had more neede be taken, that
such provision be not consumed by unserviceable loytei>
ing companions.
302 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
" Lastly, all degrees and sorts of people which have pre-
pared themselves for this Plantation must be admonished
to preserve unitie, love and concord amongst themselves :
for by concord small things increase and grow to great
things, but by discord great things soone come to nothing.
. . . Therefore if any mutinous or seditious person dare
adventure to moove any matter which may tend to the
breech of concord and unitie, he is presently to be sup-
pressed as a most dangerous enemy to the state and govern-
ment there established.
" Now all these particulars being already not onely con-
cluded upon, but also provided for by the godly care of
the Counsell and Adventurers of Virginia : I have presumed
onely to advise, being out of doubt that they will be care-
fully performed, as they are already wisely and religiously
determined. And thus far have I presumed in my love
to the Adventurers, and liking to the enterprise, to deale in
this businesse, praying as much goode successe to them and
it, as their owne hearts can desire, hoping to see their ex-
pectation satisfied, and the glory of England as much in-
creased, by this their honourable attempt, as ever was the
Romane Empire by the enterprises of her greatest Emperours,
sorrowing with myself e that I am not able neither in person
nor purse to be a partaker in the businesse."
XC. EXTRACT FROM MERCHANT TAYLORS' RECORDS.
Extract from the Minutes of a Court of Assistants of the
Merchant Taylors' Company, dated 29th day of April,
1609.
" This day our Maister, Wardens and Assistants did con-
sider with the Warden Substitutes and XVI men, concern-
ing the money proposed to be collected from the common
stock, at a Courte held on 31 March last, towards the
honorable plantacon in Verginia. And upon full exaihy-
nacon of all that was collected and lately agreed uppon it is
EXTRACT FROM MERCHANT TAYLORS' RECORDS. 303
resolved that the some of Two hundred pounds shalbe pres-
ently sent to Sir Thomas Smyth, Treasurer of the Verginia
Company, which cc! wilbe raysed in this manner following
viz: —
Out of the stock of the Company, C. ^
Of the free guift of diverse of the ) I
lyvery whose names ensue ) xxiiij
I
cxxiiij
Of the free guift of the Batchelers \ I s d
Company whose names alsoe ensue, | liiij. iij. iiij
( XV.
Adventurers of the Batchelers Com-
pany whose names alsoe ensue —
expecting gayne.
s
xij.
Supplied by the Batcheler's Com- ) I
pany out of theire Treasury > "^i-
s d
iiij. ij
"Ixxvj
£
cc.
" And be it remembred that upon examynacon and con-
ference with diverse of the Company it alsoe appeareth that
particular brothers of the Company have adventured with
the Virginia Company in the name of themselves and theire
friendes or children severall somes whereof this Company
have knowledge of as much as in the whole doth amount to
ffy ve hundreth fower score and six pounds thirteene shillings
and fower pence, over and besides the two hundred pounds
before mentioned, whose names also hereafter f oUowe —
" And first —
" The names of such of the Lyvery as (of their owne free
guift) have contributed the severall somes hereafter follow-
ing to be adventured by this Company towards the hon-
orable plantacon in Virginia : And have agreed that the
gayne thereof (if any shalbe) shall from tyme to tyme be
given and bestowed upon the poore of this Company.
" Francis Evington, warden.
XX5
John Prowde.
xxs
Andrewe Osborne.
xxs
Richard Tenaunt.
xxs
Edward Atkinson.
xxs
George Sotherton.
xxs
John WooUer.
£x
William Bond.
xxs
Randle Woolley.
xxs
George Hethersall.
xxs
Richard Otway.
xxs
Robert Jenkinson.
xxs
Thomas ffranklyn.
xxs
Thomas Johnson.
xxs
Edward James.
xxs
Thomas Boothby.
xxs
304
PERIOD n. JANUAKY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
Charles Hoskins.
xxs
Bartholomew Elnor.
XX5
John Harrison.
xxs
Nicholas Bosville.
ZXS
William Priestly.
xxs
John Hanbury.
XXS
Jeffrey Prescott.
XX5
Suma : £xxiiij.
" The names of such of the Batchelers Company (as of
theu'e free guift) have contributed the severall somes here-
after following, to be adventured by this Company towards
the honorable plantacon in Virginia. And have agreed
that the gayne thereof (if any be) shall from tyme to tyme be
given and bestowed upon the poore of the said Batcheler's
Company.
John Mawditt.
vs
Robert Saunders.
V*
Thomas Stapleton.
George Beard.
viijs
vs
Walter Eldred & > „
Samuel Palke J Partners.
\s
George Robson.
vs
Richard Sparchford.
\s
William Reynolds.
xs
Ralph Balser.
xxs
William Crosley.
vs
Henry Howson.
iij»
William ffield.
vs
William Greene.
V*
Titus Westley.
xs
William Ampleford.
iijs
John Godwyn.
vs
Hugh Rymell.
V*
Noah Smythe.
xs
William Hartford.
xs
John Dade.
vs
John Hawkins. iijs
iiijc?
Andrew Pawling. Yis
viijc?
Humffrey Hamond.
xs
Richard Williams.
xs
William Stanley.
vs
Samuel Bonnyvale.
vs
Robert Senyor.
vs
Symon Woode & ) „ _^
r>i.iv n 11 r Partners.
Philhpp Collam >
xs
Roger Marsh.
Robert Dobson.
vs
vis
Richard Jenkinson ) ^ ,
Thomas ffretwell.
VS
& Charles Guy ) P*'"'^''
xxs
William Wright.
vs
Peter Sparks.
vs
Edward Owen.
xs
Henry Ashley.
iijs
Robert James.
xs
James Ashley.
vs
William ffairebrother.
vs
Thomas Holmes.
vs
William Sales.
vs
Henry Kynnersley.
xxs
Robert Willoughby.
iiijs
William Lane.
vs
Richard Banbury.
xs
William Parker.
v£
Anthony Juke.
vs
William Alisbury.
xs
Nicholas Wynniff.
xxs
Robert Perryn.
xs
Richard Rod way.
xs
Edward Cotton.
vs
Edward Moody.
YS
Robert Hayward.
vijs
John Brooke.
VS
Nicholas Adams.
vs
Alexander Miller.
v£
Thomas Woodcock.
vs
Patrick Blake.
v£
Thomas Plomer.
xxs
Mathew Barker.
vs
John Kirby.
xs
William Barnard.
xvs
Thomas Harward.
xs
Thomas Gifford.
xs
EXTRACT FROM MERCHANT TAYLORS' RECORDS. 305
Edward Robinson.
vs
Martyn Bowden.
vs
Thomas Heylo.
YS
John Helme.
v«
Richard Spencer.
\S
Griffin ElUs.
Z5
William Benbowe.
\s
James Cording.
Y8
Thomas Claxton.
viijs
Daniell Pewsy.
vs
Thomas Hodges.
vs
John Rowe.
vs
Michael Steele.
vs
George Bassett.
vs
Thomas Harrison.
xs
Robert Dawson.
xxs
Matthewe Nelson.
vs
Thomas Bradford.
vs
Amyuadab Cowper.
xxs
Anthony Wilkins.
vs
William Morrall.
XJ5
Thomas Culpepper.
vs
Henry Overton.
XS
Robert Gray.
vis viijrf
Oswell Hoskins.
\s
Edward Thorold.
xs
Myles Gunthrop.
vs
Christopher Mayott.
vs
Albian ffrancis.
vjs
Thomas Elwyn.
vs
Cornelius Wellen.
xs
Henry Pratt.
xs
Richard Pierson.
\s
Roger Sprott.
xs
Otwell Worsley.
vs
Henry Ensworth.
xs
John Downe.
vs
John Juxon.
xs
Richard Danyell.
vs
John Robynson.
Tj'
John Pemberton.
xxs
Nicholas Smyth.
xs
Thomas Wolf.
vs
John Vicars.
xs
John Baker.
xxs
William Cole.
xs
William Short.
vis wiijd
John Browne.
TXS
William Sprott.
xs
Thomas Sparks.
vs
Nicholas Aldridge.
vs
Thomas Edge.
xs
Suma. liiij£ iijs nijd
John Waynewright.
xs
[When we consider that a shiUing then was equivalent
to more than a dollar of our present money the aforesaid
" free guifts " will not appear inconsiderable. £1 = $25.]
" The names of such of the Batchelor's Company as have
adventured the severall somes hereafter following with this
Company towarde the honorable plantacon in Virginia. And
are to have a ratable allowaunce of the gayne (if any shalbe)
according to their severall adventures.
Thomas Santy
John Key
Thomas Hamer
Is jBfrauncis Buteridge iij£ ijs virf
Is William Lane of Pater-
v£ noster rowe
Suma. xv£ xiis vie?
}
Is
" The names of such of the Company of the Marchaun-
tail" as doe affirme they have adventured with the Virginia
Company in the name of themselves their children or friends
these severall somes hereafter following, viz ; —
306
PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
" Thomas Ilenshaw xxv£
John Wooller in the name of ')
John Hanford and Edward r 1£
Woller )
Ralph Ilamer for himself 1£ ) i c
and for his children xxv£ )
Thomas Johnson. xxv£
Mathewe Springham. xxv£
George Wynne in the name ^
of himself and his Sonne r xxv£
Edmond Wynne ^
Otho Mawditt in the name of
himself and his chi
3 name of )
lildren. )
lx£
Richard Osmotherley. xxv£
John Hanbury. xxv£
John Harden and George )
Johnson. |xij£xs
William ffield. xxv£
Gregory Bland. xxv£
Robert Johnson. Ix£
ffrauncis Pendleton. vi£ xlijs iiijc?
John Browne. xxv£
John Goff. xii£ xs
Richard Turner. lx£
Stephen Sparrowe. xxv£
Suma. v" iiij" yj£ xiijs iiijc?."
[i. e., £586 13s. 4rf.]
[XC. is the most complete report of one of the guild
meetings, in the premises, which I have. It will serve as a
sample, and will aid us in forming our idea of these meet-
ings. See also XCI. and XCIII.]
XCI. EXTRACT FROM MERCHANT TAYLORS' RECORD.
"To the Right honorable S'^ Humfrey Weld Knight
Lord Maio'' of London.
"May it please your good Lordshipp, to be advertised
That wee the Maister and Wardens of the Marchauntailo"
having (according to your Lordships comaundement) called
before us the whole generality of our Company, are in-
formed that diverse of them have already adventured with
the Virginia Company, and taken severall bills of Adven-
turers in the name of themselves, theire children or friends,
amounting to ye some of v*' iiij'''' vj* xiij^ iiij*^ as by the par-
tic ulers (if your Lordship please to see the same may ap-
peare). And some others affirme they have a p'pose to ad-
venture somes of good value whereof they are not yett fully
resolved. Therefore wee could not perswade them at this
tyme to adventure with us soe great a some as wee expected,
and did earnestly desire. Neverthelesse out of our poore
stock of our howse, and the good of some breatheren, wee
have provided a some of two hundreth pounds which wee
wilbe ready to deliver over to the Virginia Company when
your Lordship shall appointe.
SALISBURY TO THE OFFICERS OF CUSTOMS. 307
" And soe moast humbly rest at your Lordships further
Comaundement.
" From Marchauntailors Hall the third of May 1609.
HuMFREY Streete, Maister.
Thomas Henshaw.
Anthony Holmeade.
George Liddiott.
Frauncis Evington.
Wardens.'
[Mem. — " For the Discoverie of a shorter way to Vir-
ginia and to avoid all danger of quarrell with the subjects
of the King of Spaine, Capt Samuel ArgoU was commis-
sioned by the Council for Virginia and afterwards sailed
from Portsmouth on the fifth of May 1609." see CXIV.]
XCII. SALISBURY TO THE OFFICERS OF CUSTOMS.
DOMESTIC CORRESPONDENCE, JAMES I. VOL UME XLV. , CALEN-
DAR 10, PAGE 508.
" Lo : Threr to permitt all goods passing for Virginia to
be transported free of Cost.
" After my hartie Comendacons. fforasmuch as his Ma"®
is pleased that all such Comodities as are shipped from
hence to Virginia for the use and service of his subjects,
that doe remaine there should bee free of custome & other
duties. These are to will and require you (according to his
Ma"®^ said pleasure) to permitt such persons as are ap-
pointed for that purpose to shipp and carrie awaye such
goods and Marchandizes as are provided onely f or the use
aforesaid, without demaundinge anie Custome Impost or
other duties for the same. And in soe doing this shalbe
your Warrant.
" From Whitehall 3. May 1609.
" Your loving fFreind.
" R. Salisburie."
^' To my Loving fPreinds the Officers & ffarmers of his
308 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
Ma : *'®' Customes in the Porte of London, & to evrie of
them whome it maie coneerne."
XCIII. EXTRACT FROM THE MERCHANT TAYLORS'
RECORDS.
Copy of the Bill of adventure, being sealed with a greate
Seale, having the armes of England with this writing
about the same, viz., " Pro Consilio Suo VirginicB " and
being subscribed with the name of Kichard Atkinson,
the Clarck of the Virginia Company.
"Whereas the Master and Wardens of the Merchant-
tailors of the ffraternity of St John Baptist, in the cittie
of London, have paid to Sir Thomas Smythe Knt. Th'ror
for Virginia, the sum of two hundred pounds for their
adventure towards the voyage to Virginia. It is agreede
that for the same they, the said Master and Wardens, and
their successors for the tyme being, shall have ratably,
according to their adventure, theire full parte of all such
lands, tenements, and hereditaments as shall from tyme to
tyme be there recovered, planted and inhabited. And of
all such mines and minerals, of gould, silver and other met-
als or treasure, pearles, precious stones, or any kind of
wares or marchaundizes, Comodities, or profitts whatsoever,
which shalbe obteyned or gotten in the said voyage accord-
ing to the porcon of money by them employed to that use,
in as ample a manner as any other adventurer therein shall
receave for the like some.
" Written this fourth of May 1609.
"Richard Atkinson."
XCIV. THE PRIVY COUNCIL TO THE HERALDS.
From the Harleian MS., and published by the Rev. Edward
D. Neill, in his " Virginia Vetusta," pp. 42, 43.
" After our hartie commendacons, whereas divers honour-
EXTRACT FROM STATIONERS' RECORD. 309
able personnages, Knightes and others have undertaken to
settle a Collonie or Plantation in Virginia as well for the
PubHshinge of a Ch*rian faith among those barbarous
nations, as for the enlargement of his Ma*'®^ dominions, and
for their better encouragement in so honorable an action
are to have a grant of that Countrie by his Majesties letters
pattente with which the names of the principalle Adventur-
ers are particularly to be inserted, forasmuch as it is not
unlikely but that the Lords, Knights and Doctors as well of
dignitie [divinity?], as of lawe and Phisick might conceave
dislike and displeasure, if they should not be so placed,
marshalled as their severall worths and degrees do require,
We have thought good to let you know that our desire is
that you call with you the CoUedge of Herauldes, or so
many of them as you shall thinke fit, and by their advise
you marshall and sett in order the names of such noblemen,
Knightes, and doctores, as you shall receave herewith in
there due places and ranke and send them unto us fayre
written on paper, with your hande and names subscribed,
with as much expedience as you can, and these shall be
your Warrants in that behalf. From the Court this 9'^ of
May 1609. " Your Loving Friends.
E. Worcester.
[Edward Somerset, Earl of Worcester.]
[Henry Howard] H. Northampton. [The royal
[Thomas Howard] T. Suffolk. arms are here
To The Colledge of Heraulds." appended.]
XCV. EXTRACT FROM STATIONERS' RECORD.
" Here f olloweth the copy of the bill of Adventure under
Scale, to the Stationers Company.
" Whereas the M'' & keepers or Wardens & Comonalty of
the Mysterie or Art of Stacioner of the citty of London
have paid in ready money to Sir Thomas Smythe Knight,
Treasurer for Virginia the sum of one Hundred & twenty
ffive pounds for their adventure towards the said Voyage.
310 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
It is agreed that for the same they the said M"" & keepers or
Wardens and their successors (for the time being) shall
have ratably according to their adventures their full part of
all such lands, tenements and hereditaments as shall from
time to time be there recovered, planted and inhabited :
And of all such mines & minerals of Gold Silver & other
metalls or treasure, pearls, precious stones or any other
Kind of Wares or merchandise, comodities or proffitte what-
soever which shall be obtained or gotten in the said Voyage
according to the porcion of money by them imployed to
that use in as ample manner as any other adventurer
therein shall receive for the like sum.
" Written this 10*^ daye of Maye 1609.
" Richard Atkinson."
XCVI. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ABCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATEj
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 29.
Copy of an extract from a deciphered letter of Don Pedro
de Zuniga to H. M. dated Iguet (Highgate) May 20,
1609.
"Sire —
" The Soldiers who were gathered here for Virginia,
have been on the point of departure and have been de-
tained here, because the orders which they carried did not
appear good, and now they remain here waiting for others
before they leave."
[Mem. — Chiefly through Sir Thomas Smythe's influ-
ence, in Heu of the privileges conferred by Queen Elizabeth,
a new charter was obtained from James I., conferring upon
the East India Company " the whole entire and only trade
and traffic to the East Indies forever and a day," no one
being allowed to have any share in that branch of com-
merce without hcense from the company (May 11, 1609).
See H. R. Fox Bourne's " Famous London Merchants."]
SIR JOHN DANVERS
PHILIP III. TO ZU^IGA. 311
XCVII. PHILIP IIL TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 277.
Copy of an extract from a rough draft of a letter of H. M.
to Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated San Lorenzo, May 14,
1609.
[Received in England probably about May 14, English
style.]
" All that you say touching Virginia is well understood
here and attention is paid to what may be proper to do in
this matter — and it is well that you should act with great
precaution with the Baron of Arundel, since it may be, that
he is [Miechadigo'?]."
XCVIII. PHILIP IIL TO ZUNIGA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2571, FOLIO 281.
Copy of an extract from a rough draft of a letter from
Philip III. of Spain to Don Pedro de Zuniga, dated
Aranguez, May 25, 1609.
[Possibly received in England about May 25, 0. S. ?]
" Concerning what you say of the progress made there in
fortifying Virginia, and the great number of people whom
they wish to send there, you must be on the look out, to
report when those will depart who are to settle that country,
with what forces they go, and what route they will have
to take in their voyage thither — so that here, such orders
may be given as will be necessary." [For intercepting them,
I suppose.]
312 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 160<>-NOVEMBER, 1609.
XCIX. PRICES SERMON.
SAVLES
PROHIBITION
S T A I D E :
OR
THE APPREHENSI-
ON, AND EXAMINATION
OF SAVLE.
And to the Inditement of all that per-
secute Christ with a reproofe.
of those that traduce the Honoura-
ble Plantation of
Virginia.
Preached in a Sermon Commanded at
Paule Crosse, vpon Rogation Sunday, be-
ing the 28th of May,
1609.
By Daniel Price, Chaplaine in ordinarie
to the Prince, and Master of Artes
of Exeter Colledge in
Oxford.
LONDON
Printed for Matthew Law, and are to be sold in Pa^uh
Church yard, neere unto Saint Austlnes Gate at the
Signe of the Foxe. 1609.
PRICE'S SERMON". 313
There is an original in the Carter-Brown library. It
has not been reprinted. The following extract is taken
from " Virginia Vetusta," by Rev. Edward D. Neill, pp.
45-50. I have never seen an original offered for sale, and
I have no idea as to the value of one.
The text was Acts, 9th chapter, 4tli verse : " Saul, Saul,
lohy persecutest thou me f "
[The conclusion was denunciatory of several classes of
persons, especially those who did " traduce the honourable
Plantation of Virginia."]
" If there be any that have opposed any action intended
to the glory of God, and saving of souls, and have stayed
the happy proceeding in any such motive, let him know
that he is a persecutor and an adversary of Christ.
"In which Quaere give me leave to examine the lying
speeches that have injuriously vilified and traduced a great
part of the glory of God, the honour of our Land, Joy of
our Nation and expectation of many wise, and noble Sena-
tors of this Kingdom, I mean in the Plantation of Virginia,
When the discovery of the Indies was offered to that
learned and famous Prince, Henry the Seventh, some idle,
dull and unworthy sceptikes moved the King not to enter-
tain the motion. We know our loss by the Spaniards gain ;
but now the souls of those dreamers do seem by a Pithagori-
call transmigration to be come into some of those scandalous,
and slanderous detractors of that most noble voyage. Surely
if the prayers of all good Christians prevail, the expectation
of the wisest and noblest, the knowledge of the most experi-
mented, and learnedest, the relation of the best traveled and
observant be true, it is like to be the most worthy voyage
that ever was effected, by any Christian in discovering any
country of the World, both for the peace of the entry, for
the plenty of the Country, and for the climate. Seeing
that the Country is not unlike to equalize (though not India
for gold, which is not impossible yet) Tyrus for colours,
Basan for woods, Persia for oils, Arabia for Spices, Spain
for Silks, Narsis for shipping, Netherlands for fish, Pomona
314 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
for fruit, and by tillage, Babylon for Corn, besides the
abundance of mulberries, minerals, rubies. Pearls, gems,
grapes, deer, fowle, drugs for physic, herbs for food, roots
for colours, ashes for Soap, timber for building, pastures for
feeding, rivers for fishing, and whatsoever coimnodity Eng^
land wanteth. The Philosopher commendeth the tempera-
ture ; the politician, the opportunity ; the divine, the piety
in converting so many thousand souls. The Virginian de-
siretli it, and the Spaniard envieth us, and yet our own
lazy, drowsy, yet barking countrymen traduce it, who should
honour it, if it was but for the remembrance of that Virgin
Queen of eternal memory, who was the first Godmother to
that land and nation. As also that Virgin Country may
in time prove to us, the farm of Britain, as Sicily was of
Rome, or the garden of the World as was Thessaly, or the
argosy of the World as is Germany.
" And besides the future expectation, the present encour-
agement is exceeding much, in that, it is a voyage counte-
nanced by our gracious King, consulted on by the Oracles
of the Council, adventured in by our wisest and greatest
Nobles, and undertaken by so worthy, so honourable and
religious a Lord, and furthered not only by many other
parties of this Land, both clergy and laity, but also, by
the willing liberal contribution of this Honourable city,
and as that thrice worthy Dean of Glocester,^ not long since
remembered his Majesty and Nobles, that it is a voyage
wherein every Christian ought to set his helping hand, see-
ing the Angel of Virginia crieth to this Land, as the Angel
of Macedonia did to Paul, O ! Come and heli^ us. There
is a fearful woe denounced against those that came not to
assist Deborah. Whosoever they be that purposely with-
stand or confront this most Christian, most honorable voy-
age, let him read that, and fear. Hath God called this land
Ad summum muniis AjmstoUcum, to that great work of
apostleship, that whereas, this was one of the first parts of
^ Dr. Thomas Morton. I have not not know the date of its delivery be-
found a copy of his sermon, and I do fore " his Majesty and Nobles."
PRICE'S SERMON. 315
Christendom that received the Gospel, so now, it is the first
part that ever planted and watered the Gospel in so great,
fair, fruitful a Country, nor shall skeptical humorists be a
means to keep such an honor from us, such a blessing from
them ? No, my Beloved, to the present assurance of great
profit, and this future profit, that whosoever hath a hand
in this business, shall receive an unspeakable blessing, for
tliey that turn many to righteousness shall shine as the
stars for ever and ever. You will make Plutarch's novvi'
^ono7.L<; Athenocus ov^avono%LC,, a savage country to become
a sanctified country ; you will obtain the saving of their
souls, you will enlarge the bounds of this kingdom, nay the
bounds of Heaven, and all the angells that behold this if
they rejoice so much at the conversion of one sinner, 0 !
What will their joy be at the conversion of so many.
" Go on as you have begun, and the Lord shall be with
you ; go, and possess the Land, it is a good land, a land
flowing with milk and honey, God shall bless you, and
those ends of the World shall honor him.
" I will end with one word of exhortation to this City ;
many excellent things are spoken of this as sometimes, of
the City of God. Hither the Tribes came, even the Tribes
of the Lord, herein, is the Seat of Judgment, even the seat
of the house of David. Peace be within thy walls, plen-
teousness within thy palaces.
" You remember how manifold infections hence, as from
a fountain, issued out; all the tricks of deceiving, the
divers lusts of filthy living, the pride of attire, the cause of
oppression, gluttony in eating, surfeit in drinking, and the
general disease of the fashions. ... It should be Jerusalem
tha City of God, and it is become Murder's slaughterhouse,
Thefts refuge. Oppressor's safety. Whoredom's stewes.
Usury's bank. Vanity's stage, abounding in all kind of
filthiness and profaneness. 0 ! remember that sins have
been the pioneers of the greatest cities, and have not left
one stone upon another.
" My Honourable Lord Mayor, I need not to remember
316 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
you in this behalf. The last Sabbath* you re- *HigMa-
ceived a letter though not from the Cross, yet J^^^jJ^ ^^^
from the Crown by our Royal Ecclesiastes, prac- 2ist of May,
, , 11 . 1 • P • P to the Lord
tice that lesson both concerning the iniection oi Mayor and
the body and the infection of the soul of the Greenwfch*
city."
C. INSTRUCTIONS TO HOLCROFT.
"Instructions given to Capt. Thomas Holcroft whom we
authorise to negotyate the business of the Virginia Com-
pany with his Majesties subjects in the Free States of the
United Provinces.
" It hath pleased his Majesty to grant his Letters patents
under the Great Seal of England unto divers Earls, Barons,
Knights, gentlemen and others his highness subjects under
his protection and favour to plant in the parts of America
that lie between 34 and 45 degrees o£ Northerly Latitude
and to deduce Colonies of such people of all Arts and trades
as shall willingly offer themselves thereunto.
" In which Letters patents his Majesty hath given and
granted all the lands. Islands, harbours. Rivers, mines, pro-
fits whatsoever within the precincts aforesaid of latitude
and of longitude from sea to sea. To the undertakers in
purse and planters in person, and to their heirs forever,
reserving unto himself and his heirs divers regalities and
parts in royall mines only.
" For the estabHshment and government of this Colony
transplanted by the said letters patents, his majesty hath
ordained and appointed a Council to be resident in his City
of London. To whom he hath given authority and power
to elect nominate and constitute as well Governors and
officers of peace or war, as to alter, change and establish
any form of government in their discretions, that may best
conduce to the good and vancement of the Plantatyon and
settling thereof, with divers powers and liberties to confirm
them into a corporation of themselves and such only as
they shall admit.
INSTRUCTIONS TO HOLCROFT. 317
"By vertue whereof there hath been three years since
100 men sent thither under conduct of Capt. Newport, to
begin this Noble work, who have seated themselves upon a
goodly Navygabell River 140 miles into the main and hath
been yearly supplyed with the like number, whose weak
and feeble endevours consisting of so few persons, who have
been most part employed in providing for the necessities of
life, have yet given such assured testimony of a most rich
fertile and wholesome soil, abounding in mines of Copper,
Steele and Iron, and full of goodly timber for building and
mastage of ships, of divers rich dyes, drugs and gums, the
Fir and pich tree, woods for soap-ashes and clapboard, vines,
and materials for sweet oil, hemp, flax, and hops; Rich
furres and skins, fishing for pearl, cod and Sturgeon within
the bay and of all those Rich marchandyse which with
great charge and pains are sought in the North Eastern
Voyages.
" Upon which assurance the undertakers having made
one common and joint stock to continue undivided until
the advancement thereof shall be able to make the supplyes :
have this present May set forth 8. ships and a pynace under
the conduct of Sir Thomas Gates Knight and Governor of
Virginia with 600 men, to undertake more roundly, the
plantation. And considering these numbers are yet too
few, either to defend themselves agamst an eneiny that
daily threatens, or to send back a present return, that may
answer the expectation of such a business, or to make any
great progress either into plantation or discovery. A new
resolution is taken to prepare ten ships and 1000 men to
attend the Lord De la Warr in the end of August next for
the better expedition and execution whereof we desire to
Invite unto us and our Company so many of his Majesty's
subjects or others that be willing or desirous to join their
purses or persons in this present supply, who shall be as
free to all liberties and privileges as if they had begun the
first year and shall have ratible according to their adven-
tures of money, or according to the value of his person,
318 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
that shall go, or of his art or service proportionably, his
equal (livident both of land to plant upon and of all mines
and other profits whatsoever therein, as also freedom of
Trade after the first Divident and his part respectively
out of the joint stocke or Treasury of London, of all mer-
chandyes and goods whatsoever that shall be receaved.
For assurance whereof he shall have, upon his money de-
Hvered to the Treasurer resident in London, a bill of free-
dom and adventure under our Seal.
" May the 29. 1609. Signed under neth.
" Henry. Southanton. Penbroc. L. Lisle.
Tho. La Warre. Tho Smythe.
The lord Mountagell. Robert Mansfeld.
Tho. Gates. Walter Cope.
Tho: Roe."
" The above document was copied by me from an origi-
nal paper in the collection of the Marquis of Bath, at
Longleat, Co. Wilts, being No. 34 in vol. i. of the Series
called the ^Whitelocke Papers.'
" John Edward Jackson, F. S. A.
" Rector of Leigh Delamere, near Chippenham,
and Hon. Canon of Bristol Cathedral.
"28 July, 1886."
In his letter accompanying this, and other papers sent,
Canon Jackson says : " I am glad you found the extracts I
sent you interesting. The Marquis of Bath laughingly
told me that I should be sure to hear from you again, with
further wants ; and, to be prepared for that, he bade me
take the Virginia papers home with me, as he might not
happen to be at Longleat again for some little time. So
that I am able now at once to send you copies of the
Whitelocke documents. . . .
" No. 34 is in a very quaint old hand and the ink faded ;
but I think I have got it all right, except one word. ... I
cannot make out whether the name is ' Cap tepie Port,' or
INSTRUCTIONS TO HOLCROFT. 319
^ Capt Newport^ You may perhaps be able to settle the
point, through your familiarity with the names of the early
people who went out. . . .
" I was in some little doubt whether the signatures to
No. 34 are the original writing of the parties themselves or
not ; but the ink of the signatures is so precisely the same
in one and all as that of the document itself, that I now
consider the names to be merely imitated from the original
document. Still, the document is not headed as a copy (as
No. 38 is) [see CXXI.], so that it may after all be the real
original, and the signatures, bona fide, those of the parties
themselves. If they are not the real signatures, they are
an admirable imitation, as I know most of them perfectly
well, especially that of the old Earl of Pembroke, who
in many letters and papers that I have seen adopted the
form of Pe^ibroc.
" My elder brother happens to be the vicar of St. Sepul-
chre's Church in London, in which (or rather in a former
church on the same site, which perished in the great fire of
London in Charles II. 's reign) Capt. J. Smith of Pocahontas
fame was buried. Some years ago, some visitors from Vir-
ginia came to his church anxious to find any memorial of
the captain, but his monument had perished in that fire.
My brother used to point out a fragment of gravestone,
supposed to be for Captain Smith, as it had upon it three
Turks' heads : and such heads I believe occur upon the
coat of arms of a Smith family. But Colonel Chester, a
well known London genealogist (now dead), explained to my
brother that the heads as arranged on the stone were not in
the right heraldic order for Smith's arms, so my brother's
good intentions of finding Captain Smith's monument came
to naught. One of the Virginian visitors to his church
(not to have to leave the spot without some relic or other)
appropriated, greatly to my brother's amusement, a little
root of ivy that was growing against the church wall. I
hope it found a welcome and congenial encouragement in
the soil of Virginia. '. . , J. E. Jackson."
320 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
CI. STALLENGE TO SALISBURY.
" To The Right Honorable, the Earle of SaHsbury ^ Lord
Highe Treasurer of England my singular good Lord
and Maister.
" Right honorable my most humble dutye Remembred.
By Sir Walter Cope's direction I have presumed to send
these letters^ unto your Lordshipp by the packett poste.
The matter concerneth the Virginia business. Where with
I doubt not but he will acquaint you more at large.
" The comino- hither of Sir Thomas Gates is much de-
sired to the end the shipps may be speedelye dispatched
from hence considering the great charges which now the
adventurers are at with their Companies.
" Sir George Sommers hath bene heere this two daies, and
the shipps if wheather serve God willing shalbe readye this
next daie. Their people God be thanked are all in health
and well. And soe beseching the Almightie for the encrease
of your Lordshipps happiness, I take my Leave and Rest.
" Your Lordshipps Servant most humbly at Commaund.
"Will. Stallenge."
[Mem. — June 2, the fleet under Gates, etc., set sail to
sea from Plymouth, "but crost by South West windes
they put into Faulemouth and there staying till the eight
of June they then gate out to sea." See CX.
Gates carried " certain Martial Laws (CIL), with severall
commissions sealed successively to take place one after
another, considering the mortality and uncertainty of
humaine life," and other documents now unknown. The
" severall commissions " have not been found, but an idea
of their contents will be found in CXIV.]
^ The date of this letter is not ^ These letters are now lost, I fear,
given, but it was about the last of
May, 1609.
OR JOHN DEE
NEW FRANCE. 321
CII. LAWS SENT BY GATES.
These laws sent by Gates were afterwards printed in
1611 (see CXC), and they will be found in Force's reprint,
in vol. iii., Laws, etc., pp. 9-28.
cm. MATTHEW TO SHREWSBURY.
FROM LODGE'S ILLUSTRATIONS OF BRITISH HISTORY, VOL-
UME IIL PAGES 254-256.
June 8, 1609. Tobias Matthew, archbishop of York, to
the Earl of Shrewsbury.
"But why do I so long discourse with your Lordship of
inordinate Pascoe. Let me rather intreat your Lordships
honourable advertisement, when I shall be somewhat nearer
you in Nottinghamshire, what in earnest they do at Venice,
yea in Austria and Bohemia, for toleration of our religion
in those parts, whereof much is bruited, more possible than
probable; as likewise what quarter is kept between the
King of Denmark, with Sweden, or Polonia ; for of Vir-
ginia there be so many tractales, divine, human, historical,
political, or call them as you please, as no further intelH-
gence I dare desire. . . .
" At Cawood Castle, June 8*^ 1609.
" Your Lordship's assured to be commanded.
"Tobias Eboracen."
CIV. NEW FRANCE.
This tract describes the country north of Virginia, and
may be called a companion to LXXXIV.
June 12, 1609, Master George Bisshop entered at Sta-
tioners' Hall for publication, " A booke called Nova ffran-
cia, or the Description of yat parte of Newe ffrance which
322 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
is one continent with Virginia. Translated out of ffrench
into Englishe." [By P. Erondelle.] It was published with
the following title : —
" Nova Francia, or the Description of that part of New
France which is one Continent with Virginia. Described in
the three late Voyages and plantation made by Monsieur de
Monts, Monsieur de Pont-Grave, and Monsieur de Poutrin-
court, into the countries called by the Frenchmen La Cadie,
lying to the South West of Cape Breton. Together with
an excellent treatise of all the commodities of the said
countries, and maners of the naturall inhabitants of the
same," etc.
The preface is as follows : —
" Gentle reader, the whole volume of the navigations of
the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three
bookes) was brought to me to be translated, by Mr. Richard
Hackluyt, a man who for his worthy and profitable labours,
is well known to most men of worth, not only of this King-
dome, but also of forrain parts, and by him this part was
selected and chosen from the whole worke, for the particular
use of this nation, to the end that comparing the goodnesse
of the lands of the northern parts heerein mentioned, with
that of Virginia, which (though in one and the selfe same
continent, and both lands adjoining) must be far better by
reason it stands more Southerly neerer to the Sunne ;
greater encouragement may be given to prosecute that gen-
erous and goodly action in planting and peopling that coun-
try to the better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the
salvation of innumerable souls, and general benefit of this
land, too much pestred with over many people. ... If a
man that sheweth foorth effectually the zealous care he
hath to the wellfare and common good of his country de-
serveth praises of the same, I refer to the judgement of
them that abhor the vice of ingratitude (hatefull above
all to God and good men) whether the said M'" Hakluyt
(as well for the first procuring of this translation, as for
many workes of his set out by him for the good and ever-
NEW FRANCE. C23
lasting fame of the English nation) deserveth not to reape
thankes."
It is dedicated " To the Bright Starre of the North,
Henry Prince of Great Britaine/' and the " Epistle Dedica-
torie " exalts him for permitting the translation to be dedi-
cated to him, thus to assist in converting the Savages of
Virginia."
The book of some 125,000 words is a translation of
Books IV. and VI. of Lescarbot's "Histoire de la Nouvelle-
France," first edition, Paris, 1609, and with the book was
issued a copy of the French map of New-France. It has
not been reprinted in modern times ; but copies of the orig-
inal are to be found in the following libraries in the United
States, viz : Massachusetts Historical Society, New York
Historical Society, Congressional at Washington, D. C,
Harvard College, and Carter-Brown.^ An original in the
Bolton Corney sale (England) in 1871 brought £37.
Lescarbot says, '"^ It is well to live in a mild climate, since
one is perfectly comfortable and one has the choice; but
Death pursues us every where, I have been told by a pilot
from Havre de Grace, who was with the English in Vir-
ginia, 24 years ago [1585 ?] that after their arrival there,
36 of them died in three months; and yet Virginia is
placed between the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh and thirty-
eighth degree of latitude, which is considered a happy posi-
tion for a Country. . . .
" It is of the greatest importance in such a country to
have from the beginning domestic cattle and fowle of every
kind and to take there large numbers of fruit-trees, so as to
have soon the variety and refreshment necessary for the
health of those who wish there to fill up the earth."
The sixth book of Lescarbot, containing the manners,
customs and ways of living of the West Indians of New
France, gives something of the religion, language, customs,
etc., of the Virginia Indians, also, something of the com-
1 "I have two copies of Nova Francia, one slightly imperfect." — Charles
H. Kalbfleisch.
324 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1G09-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
modities, trees, bii-ds, animals, and country of Virginia,
taken chiefly from " an English Historian who has liimself
lived there," that is Hariot.
CV. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S7, FOLIO 37.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the
king of Spain, dated Highgate, July 5, 1609.
" Sire. Captain Gach [Gates] has sailed for Virginia
with the men and women of whom I wrote to Y. M. and
apparatus for building ships and forts ; and the Lord de
la ' Wari ' will sail with a goodly nimiber of people in the
Spring. I have a pcqoer which ' Vata ralas ' ^ [Walter
Ralegh] wrote, who is a prisoner in the Tower, and it is he
who discovered that land and whom they consider here a
very great personage. The Members of the Council of Vir-
ginia follow this paper ; it ought to be translated because
it is the original which he had and when it is finished we
shall compare it with the chart ^ which they have caused to
be made, and by it, the way which they take will be under-
stood ; where they are fortifying themselves and all the rest
that Y. M. commands to be known. The Lord of Arundel
may be held in suspicion on account of the mean satisfac-
tion which he has given, but in this I think he speaks with
a desire that they should order those people to go away
from there, because to him, as a Catholic, they did not con-
fide this business. May God preserve Y. M.'* etc.
[Mem. — July 1, 1609, the Lord Mayor of London
issued his precepts to the companies, accompanied by a
^ The name of Sir Walter Ralegh found this paper, which was evidently
has heen spelled in very many different a very important document.
ways ; but it will be seen that Zuniga ^ Neither have I found this very
has been able to spell it in an entirely important chart, but I have not given
original manner. I have not yet up all hope of finding both " the
paper " and " the chart."
MORYSON TO SALISBURY. 325
copy of certain " Motives and Reasons " to induce the citi-
zens of London to undertake the new planting and peopHng
with Protestants, the crown lands in the Province of Ulster,
in the north of Ireland, particularly in the county of Derry.
See March 29, 1G13.]
CVI. BUCKLER'S PETITION.
July 25, 1609. County Dorset.
Two petitions of Andrew Buckler of Wyke-Regis, to
Salisbury, to be admitted to tenements in the manor of
Wyke-Regis, parcel of the Queen's jointure, which had
descended to him whilst he was absent in Virginia, states
that two years past he went an adventurer to Virginia, and
is about to return thither, with reference and report thereon.
These petitions are No. 50 in vol. xlvii.. Domestic Cor-
respondence James I., and the following, without date, is
No. 10 in vol. lix., " Petition of Andrew Buckler to Salis-
bury, that his tenement in the manor of Wyke Regis, Dor-
setshire, may be resettled on himself and his intended wife."
CVII. MORYSON TO SALISBURY.
FROM THE CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, IRELAND, 1608-1610.
August, 1609. Sir Richard Moryson to the Earl of SaHs-
bury.
" Should his Lordship please to allow of them [the Irish
pirates] to be employed in the intended plantation of Vir-
ginia, which he has not yet motioned to them, he thinks
good use might be made of them for the present there, both
in defending them now in the beginning, if they be dis-
turbed in their first settling, and in reheving their wants
from time to time."
See also Mr. Neill in the "Pennsylvania Magazine of
Hist, and Biog.," No. 2 of vol. ix. p. 156, note.
326 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
[Mem. — October 18, letters were read to the East India
Company from the Lord Mayor of London and Lord Treas-
urer, intimating that His Majesty, having lately made a
ti-eaty with the French king, is incHned to establish a com-
pany of English merchants there ; part of those present
consent to be of the French company. — From Minutes
E. I. Co. This French company was afterwards chartered,
and Sir Thomas Smythe was the governor; but I have
never seen a copy of the charter and do not know the date.]
CVIII. ECIJA'S RELATION.
" Kelacion del Viage " (June-September, 1609) of Ecija
the Spanish Pilot-Major of Florida, who was sent to Vir-
ginia to find out what the English were doing there. Mr.
John Gilmary Shea, LL. D., mentions this Relation in " The
Narrative and Critical History of America," vol. ii. pp. 285,
286, and I have made every effort to obtain it for pubHca-
tion and preservation in this work, but without success. It
is one of the manuscripts collected by the late Buckingham
Smith, and is now in the library of the New York Histori-
cal Society.
The will of Buckingham Smith which governs the dispo-
sition and use of his historical MSS. is as follows : " My
manuscripts of historical character I give to the New York
Historical Society with this reservation, that during the life-
time of John Gilmary Shea they be for his consultation and
use and none other, and for such use may be withdrawn
from the custody of the Society, any of them, two months
at a time."
The interpretation put by Dr. Shea on this is that he has
no power to allow the paper or a translation to be included
in this work.
I tried, but without success, to find a copy in Spain. If
I had found it there I could have given it here, as to the
last moment I have hoped to be able to do.
EXTRACT FROM VAN METEREN. 327
CIX. EXTRACT FROM VAN METEREN'S " HISTORIE DER
NIEDERLANDEN."
" October 28. 1609. Henry Hudson in the Half e-Moone
arrived at Dartmouth, in England whence he informed his
employers, the directors of the Dutch East India Company
of his voyage." A full account of the voyages of " Henry
Hudson, The Navigator," will be found in the Hakluyt
Society volume for 1860. In this voyage> March 27 to
October 28, 1609, he had hoped to find a passage through
America in about the latitude of 40°. " This idea ^ had
been suggested to him by some letters and maps which his
friend Captain Smith had sent him from Virginia, and by
which he informed him that there was a sea leading into
the Western Ocean (the Pacific) by the north of the South-
ern Enghsh Colony. Had this information been true (ex-
perience goes as yet to the contrary), it would have been a
great advantage as indicating a short way to India."
[Mem. — Captain Samuel Argall, who left Virginia about
the first of September, probably reached England late in
October, 1609, and probably brought with him the follow-
ing letter (CX.) from Captain Gabriel Archer, and Captain
Smith's " True Relation of the Causes of our defailments,"
which has not been found and of which we know nothing
save what Smith tells us himself. For some reference to
this voyage of Captain Argall's see CXIV.]
^ With " this idea," Hudson ex- son River. " Sailed [in his ship] up
plored our coast from about 37° 15' the river as far as 42° 40'. Then their
to 44°. August 1^ he was off the coast boat went higher up," Sotowf'^* sailed
of Virginia. August ig he entered from New York and reached Dart-
and explored the Delaware Bay. In mouth as aforesaid, So'/embe/?, 1609.
September he was exploring the Hud-
328 PERIOD n. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
ex. LETTER OF GABRIEL ARCHER.
This document was printed in 1625 in " Purchas his Pil-
grimes," vol. iv. pp. 1733, 1734. It was one of the manu-
scripts preserved by the Rev. Richard Hakluyt, which came
into the hands of Purchas. It was reprinted in 1884, by
Mr. Arber, in his Introduction to Captain John Smith's
Works, at Birmingham, England ; but I believe it has never
been printed in this country. It was thought worthy of
preservation by Hakluyt. It is much to be regretted that
Purchas has suppressed a part of it. The bent of the mind
of Purchas was towards religious customs, etc., of people,
rather than to historical facts.
A Letter of M. Gabriel Archer, touching the voyage of the
fleet of ships which arrived at Virginia, without Sir Tho.
Gates and Sir George Summers, 1609. [Aug. 31, 1609.]
" From Woolwich the fifteenth of May 1609, seven saile
weyed anchor, and came to Plimmouth the twentieth day,
where Sir George Somers, with two small vessels consorted
with us. Here we tooke into the Blessing (being the ship
wherein I went) sixe mares and two Horses ; and the Fleet
layed in some necessaries belonging to the action : In which
businesse we spent time till the second of June. And then
wee set sayle to sea, but crost by South-west windes, we put
into Faulemouth, and there staying till the eight of June,
we then gate out. Our Course was commanded to leave the
Canaries one hundred leagues to the Eastward at least, and
to steer e away directly for Virginia, without touching at
the West Indies, except the Fleet should chance to be sep-
arated, then they were to repaire to the Bermuda^ thereto
stay seven dayes in expectation of the Admirall ; and if they
found him not, then to take their course to Virginia.
" Now thus it happened ; about sixe dayes after we lost
the sight of England, one of Sir George Somers Pinnasses^
^ This should be " the Baruada "in ^ The Virginia, which had not ar-
the West Indies. rived when this letter was written.
LETTER OF GABRIEL ARCHER. 329
left our Company, and (as I take it) bare up for England ;
the rest of the ships, viz ; The Sea Adventure Admirall,
wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and
Captaine Newport : The Diamond, Vice- Admir all, wherein
was Captaine Ratcliffe and Captaine King; The Falcon,
Rare-Admlrall, in which was Captaine Martin and Master
Nelson : The Blessing, wherein I and Captaine Adams
went: The Unitie, wherein Captaine Wood and Master
Pett were : The Lion wherein Captaine Webb remained :
And the Swallow of Sir George Somers, in which Captaine
Moone, and Master Somers went. In the Catch went one
Matthew Fitch, Master : and in the Boat of Sir George
Somers, called the Virginia, which was built in the North
Colony, went one Captaine Davies and one Master Davies.
These were the Captaines and Masters of our Fleet.
" We ran a Southerly course from the Tropicke of Can-
cer, where having the Sun within sixe or seven degrees
right over our head in July, we bore away West ; so that
by the fervent heat and loomes breezes, many of our men
fell sicke of the Calenture, and out of two ships was
throwne over-boord thirtie-two persons. The Vice-Admi-
rall was said to have the plague ^ in her ; but in the Blessing
we had not any sicke, albeit we had twenty women and
cliildren.
" Upon Saint James day, being about one hundred and
fiftie leagues distant from the West Indies, in crossing the
GuKe of Bahoma, there hapned a most terrible and vehem-
ent storme, which was a taile of the West Indian Horacano ;
this tempest separated all our Fleet one from another, and
^ From this it seems that both the fact that the yellow fever committed
calenture or yellow fever, and the great havoc among the early e\m-
plague were taken to Virginia in this grants to Virginia, being bred aboard
fleet ; other accounts say it was the ship in the long voyage through the
calenture only ; while others still say tropic ; it was taken there at this time
it was the plague only. The plague and these terrible scourges were the
was raging in London from 1603 to chief causes of the following miseries
1611, and it is almost certain that in the colony, which was already in a
cases of this disease were taken to miserable condition.
Virginia, while it is a well established
330 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
it was so violent that men could scarce stand upon the
Deckes, neither could any man heare another speake, being
thus divided every man steered his owne course, and as it
fell out about five or sixe dayes after the storme ceased
(which endured fortie foure houres in extremitie) The Lion
first, and after the Falcon and The Unity got sight of our
shippe, and so we lay away directly for Virginia, finding
neither current nor winde opposite, as some have reported,
to the great charge of our Counsell and Adventurers. The
Unity was sore distressed when she came up with us, for of
seventy land men, she had not ten sound, and all her Sea-
men were downe, but onely the Master and his Boy, with
one poore sailer, but we relieved them, and we foure con-
sorting fell into the King's River haply the eleventh of
August. In The Unity were borne two children at sea,
but both died, being both Boyes.
" When wee came to James Towne, we found a ship
which had bin there in the River a moneth before we
came ; this was sent out of England by our Counsels leave
and authority, to fish for Sturgeon, and to goe the ready
way, without tracing through the Torrid Zoan, and shee
performed it : her Commander was Captaine ArgoU (a good
Mariner, and a very civill Gentleman) and her Master one
Robert Tindall}
" The people of our Colonic were found all in health (for
the most part) howbeit when Captaine ArgoU came in, they
were in much distresse, for many were dispersed in the
Savages Townes, living upon their almes for an ounce of
Copper a day, and fourscore lived twenty miles from the
Fort, and fed upon nothing but oysters eight weekes space,
having no other allowance at all, neither were the people of
the Country able to relieve them if they would. Where-
upon Captaine Newport and others have beene much to
blame to informe the Counsell of such plenty of victuall in
^ Smith says the master's name dall, who made the first maps of Vir-
was Thomas Sedan. Smith, for some ginia.
reason, avoids mentioning Robert Tin-
JOHN DIGBY
First Earl of Bristof
LETTER OF GABRIEL ARCHER. 331
this country, by which meanes they have beene slacke in
this supply to give convenient content. Upon this you
that be adventurers, must pardon us, if you find not returne
of Commodity so ample as you may expect, because the law
of nature bids us seeke sustenance first, and then to labour
to content you afterwards. But upon this point I shall be
more large in my next Letter.^
" After our f oure ships had bin in harbour a few dayes,
came in the Vice-admirall, having cut her maine Mast over
boord, and had many of her men very sicke and weake ;
but she could tell us no newes of our Governour, and some
three or foure dayes after her, came in the Swallow/ with
her maine Mast over boord also, and had a shrewd leake,
neither did shee see our Admirall.
" Now did we all lament much the absence of our Gov-
ernour, for contentions began to grow, and factions and
partakings,^ &c.
• ••••••••■•
" Inso much as the President,* to strengthen his authority,
accorded with the Mariners, and gave not any due respect
to many worthy Gentlemen, that came in our Ships : Where-
ujpon they generally (having also my consent) chose Master
West, my Lord de la War's brother, to be their Governor,
or president de bene esse, in the absence of Sir Thomas
Gates, or if he miscarried by sea, then to continue till we
heard newes from our Counsell in England. This choice
1 This letter was probably sent in * " The President " was Capt. John
October, by the returning fleet. Smith. Purchas, while omitting Ar-
2 Six ships had now arrived. The cher's account, adds his own criticism
Sea Venture was wrecked on the Ber- in this side-note : " Hinc illce lachryince.
mudas, a catch went down at sea, and Hence from the Malecontents which
the Virginia had not yet come in. had beene in Virginia before enemies
3 Purchas gives here the following to the President ; raising now ill re-
side-note : " Some things partly, false ports at their comming of him arose
rumors, partly factious suggestions, these stirs, and the following miseries
are here left out." For cogent reasons, in which this Author with almost the
Purchas took sides with Smith in the whole Colony perished."
controversy. He was not impartial, We shall find few things, even in
and suppresses the statements of Captain Smith's works, more unjust
Smith's opponents. and misleading than this side-note.
332 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1G09.
of him they made not to disturbe the old President during
his time, but as his authority expired, then to take upon him
the sole government, with such assistants of the Captaines,
as discreetest persons as the Colonie afforded. Perhaps you
shall have it blazoned a mutenie by such as retaine old
maHce ; but Master West, Master Percie and all the re-
spected Gentlemen of worth in Virginia, can and will testifie
otherwise upon their oathes. For the King's Patent we
ratified, but refused to be governed by the President that
now is, after his time was expired, and onely subjected our-
selves to Master West, whom we labour to have next Presi-
dent.
" I cannot certifie you of much more as yet, untill we
grow to some certaine stay in this our State, but by the
other ships you shall know more.
" So with my hartie commendations I cease.
" From James Towne this last of August 1609."
CXI. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIM AN CAS. BEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 49.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the
King of Spain, dated Highgate, November 23, 1609.
" Sire : — The vessel of a fisherman ^ has arrived here
from Virginia and he says that there the English took from
him his fish, because they were short of provisions; and
that of the nine ships which I reported to Y. M. as having
sailed from here, seven had arrived [in Virginia], but that
they heard the Admiral's ship and the Captain's ship have
been lost. He also says that the cattle which they have
sent there have increased very much. Those who here
maintain that Colony wait for some of the ships that are
over there to return and then, I think, they will send more.
"^Wata wales' [Walter Ralegh] who is in the Tower
1 This was really Captain Argall.
ZU^IGA TO PHILIP III. 333
has left his fortune so that the King may give it to a Scotch-
man, who thereupon will give him 1200 ducats. Thus he
expects to regain his liberty and that the King will banish
him to Guiana, where he left some people and wishes to
send more.
" May Our Lord " etc.
[Mem. — Late in November, the remnant of Sir Thomas
Gates his fleet, returning from Virginia, reached England.
" Two of the Ships returning home perished upon the point
of Ushant, in one of which [the Diamond] Capt. W. King
was master, and one man alone was left to bring home news
of their perishing." " The rest of the fleet came ship after
ship, laden ivith nothing hut had reports and letters of
discouragement : and which added the more to our crosse,
they brought us newes that the Admirall Ship, with the two
Knights and Captaine Newport were missing, severed in a
mightie storme outward, and could not be heard of — which
we therefore yeelded as lost for many moneths together ;
and so that Virgine Voyage, which went out smiling on
her lovers with pleasant lookes, after her wearie travailes,
did thus returne with a rent and disfigured face : for which
how justly her friends tooke occasion of sorrow, and others
to insult and scoffe, let men of reason judge." Capt. John
Smith, who had been sent back from Virginia, arrived in
one of these ships, and he never returned to Virginia
again. They also brought CXII. and many other docu-
ments, now unknown. They were " laden with nothing but
bad reports and letters of discouragement ; " they left the
colony in Virginia in the most deplorable condition ; at war
with the Indians ; a terrible disease raging at Jamestown ;
and the colonists without sufficient provisions or comforts
of any kind. Two vessels were wrecked in the terrible
tempest met in the voyage outward, and two more were lost
in the return voyage. The hand of God was heavy on the
enterprise, " and the hand of God reacheth all the Earth,"
" who can avoid it, or dispute with him ? "]
334 PERIOD II. JANUARY, 1609-NOVEMBER, 1609.
CXII. RADCLIFFE TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL, JAMES I. VOLUME 1, NUMBER 19.
Published in the Proceedings of the American Antiqua-
rian Society (Worcester, Mass.) for October, 1870, pp.
13, 14.
Indorsed : " Captaine John Radcliffe to my Lo : from
Virginia."
Addressed : "To the Right Ho^^nhe Earle of Salisburye'
Lord high Treasurer of England, deliver these."
"Right honorable, according to your gratious favour
being bound, I am bold to write the truth of some late acci-
dentes befalne his Majesties Virginia Collonye.
"Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers Captaine
Newport and 180 persons or ther about are not yet arrived
and we much feare they are lost and alsoe a small pinnace.
The other Shipps came all in, but not together ; we were
thus separated by a storme, two shipps had great loss of
men hy the Calenture and most of them all much weather
beaten. At our arrivall We found an English shipp riding
at Jamestowne and Captaine Argoll her Commander. We
heard that all the Counsell were dead, but Captain Smith,
the President, who reigned sole governor, without assistantes
and would at first admitt of no Councell but himselfe. This
man is sent home to answere some misdeamenors, whereof
I perswade me he can scarcely clear himselfe from great
imputation of blame. Mr. George Pearcye, my Lord of
Northumberlandes brother is elected our President, and Mr.
West (my Lord la War's brother) of the Councell, with
me and Captaine Martine ; and some few of the best and
worthyest that inhabitie at Jamestowne are assistantes in
their advise unto us. Thus have we planted 100 men at the
^ The fact that this letter is not England gives additional strength and
written to some unknown person, but importance to the document,
to one of the most powerful men in
RADCLIFFE TO SALISBURY. 335
falls and some others upon a champion, the President is at
Jamestowne, and I am raysing a fortification upon Point
Comfort — also, we have been bold to make stay of a small
shipp for discoverye and to procure us victuals whereof we
have exceedinge much need, for the country people set no
more then sufficeth each familye a yeare, and the wood is
yet so thick, as the labor to prepare so much ground as
would be to any purpose is more then we can afford ; our
number being soe necessary lie dispersed : so that if I might
be held worthye to advise the directors of this business : I
hold it fitt there should be a sufficient supply of victualls for
one year, and then to be sparinge, it would less hinder the
Collonye. Thus fearinge to be too offensive in a tedious
boldness I cease, wishinge all hapinees to your Honnor, yea,
wear it in the expense of my life and bloud.
" From Jamestowne this 4*^ of October 1609.
'' Your Honnors in all obedience and most humble dutye.
"John Radclyeffe j-^ ,-.
comenly called." '- -•
PERIOD III.
FROM THE RETURN OF THE FLEET IN NOVEMBER, 1609, TO
THE RETURN OF ARGALL IN JULY, 1614.
The long period of the crucial test, which the undaunted
council met " with a constant and patient resolution, untill
by the mercies of God " they overcame every obstacle.
The most trying time of this period was from the return of
Lord De la Warr in June, 1611, to the return of Argall in
July, 1614. To incidental trials and the continual struggle
with Spain was added the controversy with France and the
Netherlands, yet a few constant adventurers under the lead
of Sir Thomas Smythe " were never discouraged ; but faith-
fully yielded their purses, credit and Counseil to uphold the
plantation." This was " the darkest hour before the break
of day."
CXIIL ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 52.
Copy of an original letter of the Embassador Don Pedro de
Zufiiga to the King of Spain, dated " Iguet " (High-
gate?), December 10, 1609.
" Sire. From Dover I have received a letter in which I
am told that three vessels of those which sailed from here
to Virginia have returned to the Downs. They confirm
what I have written Y. M. that the Captain's ship was lost
with the most distinguished people who went, and the orders
[commissions] according to which they were to govern in
that part. They tell me that the sailors are not well pleased
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 337
because they suffer much from hunger there, and do not
bring a thing of importance in their ships. After all I
think they will have to send again people because no doubt,
the one reason why they wish to hold that place is because
it appears to them well suited to send out pirates. I shall
continue to give an account of all I may hear to Y. M.,
whose Catholic Person Our Lord preserve as all Christen-
dom needeth. At Highgate, Dec' 10. 1609.
"Don Pedro de ^uniga."
CXIV. A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION.
December 14, 1609, entered at Stationers' Hall, by John
Stepney, under the hands of Lord De la Ware, Sir Thomas
Smith, Sir Walter Cope, Master Waterson, "A True and
sincere declaration of the purpose and ends of the Planta-
tion," etc. It has never been reprinted, I believe. Orig-
inals are in Harvard College Library and in the library of
Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.
In June, 1885, Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, literary and
fine art auctioneers, 47 Leicester Square, London, sold an
original by auction to Mr. Quaritch for £45. I suspect
that it was bouo^ht for Mr. Kalbfleisch. The Hon. John
E. Bartlett of the Carter-Brown Library wrote me in July,
1885, that "he had sought the book in vain for many
years."
I give the whole of this tract from a copy made for me
at the British Museum in 1883. It is the first tract bear-
ing the indorsement : " Set Forth by the authority of the
Gover7iors and counciUers established for that planta-
tion,^^ and, I believe, contains more historical information
regarding our foundation than any other publication of the
authorities, or authorized by them.
The manifold disasters (although evidently beyond hu-
man control) of the last voyage made some public explana-
tion necessary, and the managers of the Virginia Company
made the following wonderful appeal to the public in be-
338 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
half of the enterprise. Portions of the tract are really pro-
phetic. The way in which Smith and his authors have
turned the disasters of these times — which were the acts
of God — into arguments for Smith is unpardonable.
The date, " 1610/' on the title-page has led some authors
to suppose that the tract did not issue from the press " until
after March 25, 1610 ; " but it was then " the custom of
the London printers to begin the year on their books at
Michaelmas, so that after September 29, 1609, they will
date them at the bottom of the title-page, 1610." The
tract is very short it was entered for publication 14th De-
cember, 1609, and was probably published very soon after
that date with the following title-page : —
" A True and Sincere declaration of the purpose and ends
of the Plantation begun in Virginia of the degrees which
it hath received ; and meanes by which it hath heene ad-
vanced : and the resolution and conclusion of His Majes-
ties Councel of that Colony for the constant and patient
prosecution thereof, untill by the mercies of God it shall
retynhute a fruitful harvest to the Kingdome of heaven,
and this Common- Wealth,
" Set Forth by the authority of the Governors aiid
Councellors established for that Plantation,
'' A word spoken in due season, is like apples of gold,
with pictures of Silver. — Prover. 25. 11.
"Feare is nothing else but a betraying of the succors
which reason offereth. — Wis. 17. 11.
" At London. — Printed for J. Stepieth^ and are to be
sold at the signe of the Crane in Paules Churchyard.
1610."
The tract begins with a repetition of the first part of the
title : " A true and sincere declaration of the purpose . . .
to this Commonwealth," and then continues as follows : —
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 339
" It is RESERVED AND onelj proper to Divine Wisdome
to foresee and ordaine, both the elides and wayes of every
action. In humaine prudence it is all can be required, to
propose Religious and Noble and Feasahle ends ; and it
can have no absolute assurance, and infalliblenesse in the
wales and nieanes, which are contingent and various, per-
haps equally reasonable, subject to unpresent circumstances,
and doubtfuU events, which ever dignifie or betray the
CouncelVs from whence they were derived. And the higher
the quaHty, and nature, and more removed from ordinary
action (such as this is of which we discourse) the more per-
plexed and misty are the pathes there-unto.
" Upon which gi'ounds. We purpose to deliver roundly
and clearly, our endes and wayes to the hopef ull Plantations
begun in Virginia : and to examine the truth, and safety
of both, to redeeme ourselves and so Noble an action, from
the imputations and aspertions, with Avhich ignorant rumor,
virulent envy, or impious subtilty, daily callumniateth our
industries, and the successe of it : — Wherein we doubt
not, not only to satisfie every modest and wel-affected heart
of this Kingdome ; but to excite and Kindle the affections
of the Incredulous, and lazy ; and to coole and asswage the
curiosity of the jealous and suspitious ; and to temper and
convince, the malignity of the false and treacherous. The
Pr^?^c^2a^aIldJ^a^7^e Endes (out of which are easily derived
to any meane understanding infinitlesse, and yet great ones)
weve first to preach and baptize into Christian Religion, and
by propagation of the Go spell, to recover out of the armes
of the Divell, a number of poore and miserable soules, wrapt
up unto death, in almost invincible ignorance ; to endeavour
the fulfilling, and accomplishment of the number of the
elect, which shall be gathered from out all corners of the
earth ; and to add our myte to the Treasury of Heaven,
that as we pray for the coming of the Kingdome of Glory,
so to expresse in our actions, the same desire, if God, have
pleased, to use so weak instruments, to the ripening and
consummation thereof.
340 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
" Secoiidly, to provide and build up for the publike Hon-
our and Safety of our gixdlous King and his Estates (by
the favor of our Superiors even in that care) some small
Rampier of our owne, in this opportune and general sum-
mer of peace, by transplanting the rauckiiesse^^and multi-
tude of increase in our people ; of which there is left no
vent, birtnrgeTand evident~danger that the number and
infinitenesse of them, will out-grow the matter, whereon to
worke for their life and sustentation, and shall one infest
and become a burthen to another. But by this provision
they may be seated, as a Bulwarke of defence, in a place of
advantage, against a stranger enemy, who shall in great
proportion grow rich in treasure, which was exhausted to a
lowe estate ; and may well indure an increase of his people
long wasted with a continual war, and dispersed uses and
losses of them : Both which cannot chose but threaten us,
if we consider, and compare the ends, ambitions and prac-
tices of our neiofhbour countries, with our owne.
" Lastly, the appearance and assurance of Private com-
modity to the particular undertakers, by recovering and
possessing to themselves a fruitful! land, whence they may
(a) Co er f umish and provide this Kingdome, with all such *
Iron, Steel, ncccssitics and defects under which we labour,
ships, yards, and are now enforced to buy, and receive at the
^e^, sope- curtesie of other Princes, under the burthen of
ashes. great Customs, and heavy impositions, and at so
high rates in trafique, by reason of the great waste of them
from whence they are now derived, which threatens almost
an impossibility long to recover them, or at least such losse
in exchange, as both the Kingdome and Merchant, will be
weary of the deerenesse and peril. These being the true,
and essential ends of this Plantation, and corresponding to
our first rule, of Religious, Nohle and Feasahle, two of
which are not questioned, the thu-d easie, and demonstrable
in the second limine, when we shall examine the causes of
some disaster and distemper in the wayes unto them : These
being admitted of, for such as we pretend them to be, and
SIR DUDLEY DIGGES
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 341
standing yet firme and safe in themselves, we hope easily to
justifie the first part of our undertaking, and presume to
averre, that in this branche there ariseth to no peaceable man
any scruple or doubt, to suspect the issue, or to with drawe
his affection and assistance or to Callumniat the Project, or
our choise of it.
" In discussion and examination of the Second party which
is the wayes, by which we hope to arrive at these ends, and
in which no Jmmcdne reason can so provide but that many
circumstances and accidents, shall have as great a stroake
in the event, as any Councell shall have; We must first
briefly deliver the course of this Plantation, from the Infan-
cie thereof ; and then let us equally consider, whether from
so small a roote, it hath not had a blessed and unexpected
growth. Next, we will call before us all the objections,
and conf esse ingenuously all the errors and discouragements,
which seeme to lye so heavie, as almost to presse to death
this brave and hopef ull action ; and releeve it, we doubt
not, from that, which with reasonable men, can at most be
but a pause, and no entire desertion, and restore it to the
Premarie estate, life and reputation.
"In the yeare 1606, Cajptaine Newport, with three
ships, discovered the Bay of Chessiopeock in the height
of thirty-seven degrees of Northerly latitude, and landed a
hundred persons of sundry qualities and Arts, in a River
faUing into it ; and left them under the Government of a
President ^ and Councell, according to the authority de-
rived from, and limited by his Majesties Letters Pattents,
His returne gave us no hope of any extraordinary conse-
quence, yet only upon report of the Navigablenesse of the
River, pleasure, fertility and scituation of the land, to our
projected ends, we freshly and eheerefully sent in the next
yeare a like number : and yet also receiving nothing new,^
we had courage and constancie to releeve them the third
1 He left June 22, 1607, when Cap- May and July, 1608. Captain Rat-
tain Wingfield was president of the cliffe was president of the council
council. when they left Virginia.
2 Newport and Nelson returned in
342 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
time, with one hundred more : at which returne ^ experience
of error in the equaHty of Governors, and some out-rages,
and f olhes committed by them, had a little shaken so tender
a body ; after consultation and advise of all the inconven-
iences in these three supplies, and finding them to arise out
of two rootes, the Forme of Government, and length and
danger of the passage,^ by the southerly course of the
Indyes : — To encounter the^rs^, we did resolve and ob-
tain, to renew our Letters Pattents, and to procure to our-
selves, such ample and large priviledges and powers by
which we were at liberty to reforme and correct those
already discovered, and to prevent such as in the future
might threaten us ; and so, to set and furnish out under
the conduct of one ahle and absolute Governor, a large
supply of five hundred men, with some number of families,
of wife, children and Servants, to take fast holde and roote
in that land, and this resolution was with much alacritie
and confidence. And to meete the Second Inconvenience
we did also prepare to set out, one small ship, for discovery
of a shorter way, and to make tryall of the Fishing within
our Bay and River.
" Hitherto, untill the sending of this Avisall for experi-
ence, and Fleete for setling the Government, appeares no
distaste, nor despaire ; for every supply in some respect,
was greater than other, and that in preparation greater
than them all in every respect, and must in reason hold
Anologie and proportioii with our expectations and hopes
at the dis-inboging of it. So that what-so-ever wound or
Palsie this Noble action hath gotten and the sick-ness under
which it seemes to faint, must needs arise out of the suc-
cesse of these two : which wee will now examine apart with
all Equitye and Cleernesse, and waigh, whither there be any
such reason, to desist from the prosecution thereof, in recti-
^ Newport returned from Virginia ^ Xhe danger was twofold : first of
the third time in January, 1609. taking the yellow fever ; second of
When he left Virginia Captain Smith being taken by the Spaniards in or
was president of the council. near the West Indies.
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 343
fied judgement, or to fall so lowe in our resolutions, and
opinions of it, as rumor and ignorance doth pretend we do,
or have cause to do.
" For the Discoverie, Captaine Argoll received our com-
mission under Our Scale, with instruction (to avoide all
danger of quarrell with the subjects of the King of Spaine)
not to touch upon any of his Dominions actually possessed,
or rightly entituled unto, and to shape his course free from
the roade of Pyrates, that hang upon all streights and
skirts of lands ; and to attempt a direct and cleare passage,
by leaving the Canaries to the East, and from thence, to
run in a streight westerne course, or some point neere there-
unto. And so to make an experience of the Windes and
Currants which have affrighted all undertakers by the
North. By which discovery, there would growe to us
much securitie, and ease, and all occasion of offence re-
moved, and we should husband and save a moyetie of the
charge in victuall and freight, which was expended, and
lost in the Southerne passage. To these endes he set sayle
From Portsmouth the fift day of May ; and shaping his
course South-South-West to the height of thirty degrees,
leaving the Canaries a hundred leagues to the East, he
found the windes large, and so tooke his course direct
West, and did never turne nearer the South : and being in
the longitude of the Barmudos he found the winde a little
scant upon him, yet so that on the thirteenth of July he
recovered our harbor : and in tryall found no currant, nor
any thing else which should deter us from this way. He
made his journey in nine weekes, and of that was becalmed
fourteen dayes whereupon he hath divers times since his
returne publikely avowed, and undertaken to make this
passage within seven weeks : and that the windes in all this
course, are as variable, as at other places, and no apparant
inconvenience in the way. So that the maine end of this
advise hath succeeded almost beyond our hopes. The sec-
ond for fishing, proved so plentiful, especially of sturgion,
of which sort he could have loaded many ships, if he had
344 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
He that went had some man of skill to pickell and prepare it
pose d^'yed'in ^OT Keeping ; whereof he brought sufficient tes-
theway. timouj both of the flesh and Caveary, that no
discreet man will question the truth of it — so it appears
cleerely that from hence there can be derived no cause to
suspect or desist from our first endes, but so contrary, that
in this project both our purposes and wayes were happy
and successfull even to our desires. But from this Ship
ariseth a rumor of the necessity and distresse our people
were found in/ for want of victual of which though the
noise have exceeded the truth, yet we doe confesse a great
part of it ; But can lay aside the cause and fault from the
dessigne, truely and home upon the misgovernment of the
Commanders, by dissention and ambition among themselves,
and upon the Idlenesse and bestiall slouth, of the common
sort, who were active in nothing but adhearing to factions
and parts, even to their owne mine, like men almost desper-
ate of all supply, so conscious, and guilty they were to
themselves of their owne demerit and lasinesse. But so
soone as Captaine Argoll arrived among them, whose pres-
ence and example gave new assurance of our Cares, and
new life to their indeavors, by fishing onely in few days,
they were all recovered, growne hearty, able and ready to
undertake every action : so that if it bee considered that
without industry no land is sufficient to the Inhabitants :
and that the trade to which they trusted betrayed them to
loose the opportunity of seed-time, and so to rust and weare
out themselves : for the Naturals withdrew from all com-
merce and trafficke with them, cunningly making a war
upon them [the colonists], which they [the Indians] felt
not, who durst no otherway appear an enemy. And they
being at division among themselves, and without warrant
from hence, could not resolve to inforce that, which might
have preserved them, and which in such a necessity is most
lawfuU to doe, every thing returning from civil Propryety
1 When Argall arrived in July, distress. Smith was still president of
1609, and found the colony in great the council.
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 345
to Naturall, and Primary Community : — Lastly if it be
remembred, that this extremitie in which they were is now
relieved, (which is as happy in the presage of God's future
blessing as in his present providence and mercy) was but an
effect of that, we did fore-see in the first Government, and
for which the forme was chaunged, and the new in project,
and therefore cannot be objected as any just exception to
the successe of this, but as a consequent considered, and
digested in the former. It is then I say evident, that in all
the progresse of this discovery, or anjtJmig accidental to
it, there cannot be rack'd nor pressed out any confession,
either of error in the ends, or mis-carriadges in the waies
unto them.
" To the establishment of a Government, such as should
meete wdth all the revealed inconveniences ; We gave our
Commission to an able and worthy Gentleman, Sir Thomas
Gates, whome we did nominate and appoint sole and ahso-
lute Governor ^ of that Colony, under divers limitations and
instructions expressed in writing : and with him we sent
Sir George Summers Admirall, and Captaine Newi^ort
vice-Admirall of Virginia, and divers other persons of
rancke and quality, in seven shij^s and two ^ji?inoces, with
several commissions sealed, successively to take place one
after another, considering the mortality and uncertainty of
human Hfe, and these to be devided ^ into several ships.
" Our fleet weiohed anchor from Falmouth the eisfht of
June, the winde being fair, they shaped a course for the
height of the Canaries ; within few days sail, the Governor
calling a Councel of all the Ca'ptains, Masters and Pilots,
it was resolved, they should run southerly unto the Tropic,
and from thence bear away West : (which error will take up
all the objections of sickness, the sun being then in it,^ was
1 Gates was the first sole and abso- 2 ggg ^i^^ j^ True Declaration
lute governor of the colony. It had (CXL.), Force's Reprint, p. 9, in expla-
becn on the tapis to make Lord De la nation of certain defects.
Warr lord governor and captain gen- 8 Xhe sun being in the tropic was
eral and send him over, but the idea supposed to cause an infection then
was not carried out until February, known as " the calenture," now as the
1610. yellow fever.
346 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1G14.
the cause of all the infection, and disease of our men). At
this consultation, was delivered an instruction under seale
to every Master, with a provision what course should be
taken, if the fleet were separated ; which was that if the
windes scanted or were contrary, or that any lost sight of
the Admiral, they should steer away for the West Indies j
and make the Baruada an Hand to the North of Dominico,
and there to have their Rendevous, and to stay seven days
one for another.
" In this height and resolution, short of the West-Indies
150 leagues, on St, James day a terrible tempest overtook
them, and lasted in extremity 48 hours, which scattered
the whole fleet, and wherein some of them spent their
masts, and others were much distressed. Within three
days four of the fleet met in consort, and hearing no news
of their Admiral and the winds returning large for Vir-
ginictf and they wearied and beaten, it was resolved among
them, to bear right away for Our Bay, and to decline their
commission, which within few days they made and arrived
in the King's River, on the eleventh of August : In this
passage, fourteen degrees to the south-ward of Virginia^
ran no current with them, which should hinder or make
difficult that in Proposition by the North-West. Within
six days after came in one, and within five, another of our
fleet, the Masters of both having fallen upon the same
Councel by the opportunity of the wind, not to seek the
Baruada, but to steer away for our Harhor. Which doubt-
less the Admiral himself e did not observe, but obeyed his
own directions and is the true or probable cause of his
being cast so for into suspition ; where perhaps bound in
with wind, perhaps enforced to stay the Masting or mend-
ing of some-what in his ship, torn or lost in this tempest ;
we doubt not, but by the mercy of God he is safe, with the
Pinnace which attended him, and shall both, or are by this
time, arrived at our Colony.
" Not long after these, another of our small Pinnaces, yet
also unaccounted for, recovered the River alone ; and now
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 347
seven of our fleet being in, they landed in health neer
four hundred persons ; who being put ashore without their
Governor, or any order from him (all the Commissioners
and principal persons being aboard him) no man would
acknowledge a superior nor could from this headless and
unbridled multitude, be anything expected but disorder and
riot, nor any Councel prevent, or fore-see, the successe of
these wayes.
" Now if wee compare the disasters of this siq^ply, with
the main ends, it will appear they have weakened none of
them ; but that they still remain safe and feasable, for
anything ariseth in objection out of them. For that these
accidents and contingencies, were ever to be expected, and
a resolution was to be put on at first, armed against the
probability of them. Who can avoid the hand of God, or
dispute with him ? Is he fit to undertake any great action,
whose courage is shaken and dissolved with one storm?
Who knows, whither he that disposed of our hearts to so
good beginnings, be now pleased to try our constancy and
perseverence, and to discerne between the ends of our
desires, whither Piety or Covetousness carryed us swifter?
For if the first were the principal scope, hence ariseth
nothing to infirm or make that impossible : But as it fall-
eth out in business of greatest consequence, sometimes the
noblest ends, upon which wee are most intense, are furthest
removed from the first steps made unto them, and must by
lesser and meaner be approched ; Plantation of religion
being the main and cheefe purpose, admits many things of
less and secondary consequence of necessity to be done
before it : for an error or miscarriage in one of which, to
desist or stagger, were to betray our principal end cow-
ardly and faintly, and to draw upon ourselves just scorn e
and reprehension.
" Whither we shall discourse out of reason or example ;
that every action hath Proportional difficulties, to the great-
ness thereof, such as must necessarily be admitted from
the first conception, and such as even in the passage dignify
348 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
both the actors and the work, if with prudence they foresee
all the hazards, and with Patience and Constancy meet
and encounter them. It must either be confessed, that it
was folly from the Origin and first Step, not to have been
prepared for such as these ; or that it is none now ; not to
quit it, for them, but the greatest of all to say. Who would
have expected this ? If we cast our eye upon the Spanish
Conquest of the Indyes, how aboundant their stories are
of Fleets, Battailes, and Armies lost : eighteen upon the
attempt of Guiana, and more than seventy in both the In-
dyes, and yet with how indefatigable industry, and pros-
perous fate, they have pursued and vanquished all these,
their many Armies maintained in Europe, can witnesse,
with too lamentable an experience.
" If we compare the beginnings, they were meaner than
ours, and subject to all the same and much more uncer-
tainty. If the Religion, which shall crown the success, it
admits no controversy nor comparison, among those to
whom we write : if the Commodities, they, which we have
in assurance and knowledge, are of more necessity, and
those in hope equally rich and abondant.
" But to come home to our purpose : that which seems to
disharten or shake our first grounds in this supply ; ariseth
from two principal sources, of which one was cause of the
other ; First, the Tempest : and can any man expect an
answer for that? next the absence of the Governor, an
affect of the former, for the loss of him is in suspence, and
much reason of his safety against some doubt ; and the
hand of God reacheth all the Earth. Now if these two
only be the main Crosses, which stagger the feasableness,
consider that of three voyages before, no man miscarried in
the way, and that all other depend on these, as the misgov-
ernment of our men, their illness, their want, and the
empty returne of our fleet, wherein if we recover and cor-
rect the cause, we vancpdsh all things consequent unto it,
and yet in appearance, if with these we compare the advan-
tages which we have gotten, in the shortness and security
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 349
of the passage, in the intelligence of some of our Nation
planted by Sir Walter Raleigh, yet a live, within fifty mile
of our fort, who can open the womb and bowels of this
country ; as is testified by two of our colony sent out to
seek them, who, (though denied by the savages speech with
them) found crosses and Letters the Characters and
assured Testimonies of Christians newly cut in the barks
of trees : if we consider the assuredness of the Commodi-
ties, Wines, Pitch, Soap-ashes Timber for all * with every
uses. Iron, steel. Copper, Dyes, Cordage, silk- kh^^'^s^w
grass. Pearl, which (though discolored and '^"^^fj^^'^
softened by fire, for want of skill in the naturals they beieeve
.. -i\ c ^ • 1 ^ ^ • that he that
to pierce tliem) was lound m great abundance m dieth richest,
the house of their sepultures.^ Sr^wS"
" If we consider I say, and compare these cer- i^^ppiest.
tainties and truths, as less ends to strengthen and produce
our first and principal, with those casual and accidental mis-
adventures and errors, which have befallen us, before every
equal and resolved heart, they will vanish and become
smoke and air, and not only keep upright but raise our
spirits and affections, and reconcile our reasons to our
desires.
" If any object the difficulty of keeping that we shall
possess ; if this discourse could admit a disputation of it, it
should easily appear, that our confidence against any enemy,
is built upon solid and substantial reason : And to give
some taste thereof ; Our enemies must be either the Natives
or Strangers ; Against the first the war would be as easy
as the argument. For the second ; a few men may dispute
the possession of any place wherein they are fortified,
where the enemy is so much a stranger, as that he must
discover and fight at once ; upon all dis - advantages of
streights, Fords, and Woods ; and where he can never march
with horse, nor with ordinance without them ; nor can abide
to stay many months, when all his releef e must be had from
his shipps, which cannot long supply a number competent
to besiege. Neither is it possible to block us up, by plant-
350 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
mg between us and the sea, the Rivers being so broad,
and so many out-lets from them into the Bay. Besides the
protection and privilege of subjects to so Potent a King,
whome any wise estate will be wary to affront or provoke.
" We doubt not, but by examination of what is said, our
Fii'st ends are yet safe, and the ways unto them in no sort
so difficult, as should more affright and deter us now, than
at the first meditation of them. But if these be not suffi-
cient to satisfy, and encourage, every honest affection we
will not so desist ; but urge the necessity of a present sup-
ply, to redeem the defects, and misadventures of the last :
that seeing all the dangers and sicknesses have sprung from
wcmt of effecting our purpose of sending an able Gov-
ernor : We have concluded and resolved to set forth the
Right Honor : the Lord de la Warr by the last of Janu-
ary, and to give him all the liberties and priviledges, which
we have power to derive upon him, and to furnish him with
all necessaries fit for his quahty, person, and the business
which he shall undergo, and so by God's grace to persist
untill we have made perfect our good and happy begin-
ninofs.
" If these shall not yet suffice to resolution, that a Baron
and Peere of this Kingdome (whose Honour nor Fortune
needs not any desperate medicine) one of so approved cour-
age, temper, and experience, shall expose himself for the
As a doore commou-good to all thcsc hazards and paines
turneth upon which wc fcarc and safely talke of, that sit idle
ms hinges, *^ ^ .
so doth a at home ; and beare a great part upon his own
up^ifhisbed. charge, and revive and quicken the whole by
Prov. 26. 14. j^-g example, constancy, and resolution ?
" If you have no implicite faith nor trust in us, that gov-
erne this businesse ; to whom there must be some advantage
granted in our practise, and intelHgence (especially in this)
above ordinary persons ; that we have no will nor intent,
to betray our poore country-men, nor to burthen our owne
consciences, nor to draw so just scorne and reproach upon
our reputations ? If our Knowledge and constant persua-
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION. 351
sion, of the faitlifiilnesse and wholesomnesse of this Land,
and of the recompense it shall in time bring to this King-
dome, and to every particular member of this Plantation,
be of no authority ? If this seem not to you some argu-
ment, that every man returned is desirous to go back to
that which they account and call their owne home : and
do upon their Hves justify, which else they wilfully betray ;
that if the Government be settled, and a supply of victual
for one year sent, so that they may have a seed time and
Harvest before them, they will never need nor expect to
charge us with more expense for any thing of necessity
to man's life ; but they will have leasure and power, to ret-
ribute with infinite advantage all the cost bestowed upon
them : If all these be yet too weake to confirm the doubt-
f uU, or awake the drousie, then let us come nearer, and
arise from their reasons and affections to their soules and
consciences : remember that what was at first but of con-
ve7iiency, and for Honor is now become a case of necessity
and piety : let them consider, that they have promised to
adventure and not performed it ; that they have encouraged
and exposed many of Honorable birth, and which is of
more consequence 600. of our Bretlieren by our common
mother the Church, Christians of one Faith and one Baj)-
tisme to a miserable and inevitable death. Let not any
man flatter himself, that it concernes not him, for he that
forsakes whome he may safely releeve, is as guilty of his
death, as he that can swim and forsakes himself by refusing,
is of his owne. Let every man looke inward, and disperse
that cloud of avarice, which darkeneth his spiritual sight
and he will finde there, that when he shall appeare before
the Trihunall of Hecwen, it shall be questioned him what
he hath done ? Hath he fed and clothed the hungry and
naked? It shall be required, what he hath done for the
advancement of that Gospell which hath saved him ; and
for the releefe of his makers Image, whome he was bound
to save : 0 let there be a vertuous emulation betweene us
and the Church of Home, in her owne Glory, and Treas-
352 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
ury of Good Workes ! And let us turne all our contentions
upon the common enemy of the Name of Christ. How
farre hath she sent out her Apostles and thorough how
glorious dangers f How is it become a marke of Honor
to her Faith, to have converted Nations, and an obloquie
cast upon us, that we having the better Vine, should have
worse dressers and husbanders of it ?
"If Piety, Honour, Easinesse, Profit nor Conscience
cannot provoke, and excite (for to all these we have applyed
our discourse). Then let us turne from hearts of stone and
Iron, and pray unto that mercifull and tender God, who
is both easie and glad to be intreated, that it would please
him to blesse and water these feeble beginnings, and that
as he is wonderfull in all his workes, so to nourish this
graine of seed, that it may spread till all people of the earth
admire the greatnesse, and seeke the shades and fruite
thereof : That by so faint and weake indevors his great
Councels may be brought forth, and his secret purposes to
light, to our endlesse Comforts and the infinite Glory of his
Sacred Name.
" Amen."
Appendix. — " To render a more particular satisfaction
and account of our care, in providing to attend the Right
Honourable the Lord de la Warr, in this concluded and
present supply, men of most use and necessity to the Foun-
dation of a Commonwealth ; And to avoyde both the
scandall and peril of accepting idle and wicked persons;
such as shame, or fear compels into this action ; and such as
are the weedes and ranknesse of this land ; who being the
surfet of an able, healthy, and composed body ; must needes
be the poison of one so tender, feeble, and as yet unformed :
And to divulge and declare to all men, what Kinde of per-
sons, as well for their religion and conversations, as Facul-
ties, Arts and Trades, we propose to accept of : — We have
thought it convenient to pronounce that for the first pro-
vision, we will receive no man that cannot bring or render
A TRUE AND SINCERE DECLARATION.
353
some good testimony of his religion to God, and civil
manners and behaviour to his neighbour, with whom he
hath lived ; And for the second, we have set downe in a
Table annexed, the proportion, and number we will enter-
taine in every necessary Arte, upon proofe and assurance,
that every man shall be able to performe that which he
doth undertake, whereby such as are requisite to us may
have knowledge and preparation, to offer themselves, and
we shall be ready to give honest entertainment and content,
and to recompence with extraordinary reward every fit and
industrious person, respectively to his Paines and quality,
" The Table of such as are required to This Plantation.
Foure honest and
2.
Salt-makers.
learned Ministers.
6.
Coopers.
2. Surgeons.
2.
Coller -makers for
2. Druggists.
draught.
10. Iron men for the Fur-
2.
Plow-wrights.
nace and Hammer.
4.
Rope-makers.
2. Armorers.
6.
Vine-dressers.
2. Gim- Founders.
2.
Presse-makers.
6. Blacksmiths.
2.
Joyners.
10. Sawyers.
2.
Sope-ashe men.
6. Carpenters.
4.
Pitch Boylers.
6. Ship-wrights.
2.
Minerall men.
6. Gardeners.
2.
Planters of Sugar-
4. Turners.
Cane.
4. Brickmakers.
2.
Silke-dressers.
2. Tile-makers.
2.
Pearle Drillers.
10. Fishermen.
2.
Bakers.
6. Fowlers.
2.
Brewers.
4. Sturgeon dressers and
2.
Colliers.
preservers of the Caveary.
FINIS.'
•>
354 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXV. A BROADSIDE BY THE COUNCIL.
" A Publication bj the Counsell of Virginea, touching the
Plantation there.
" Howsoever it came to passe by God's appointment, that
governes all things, that the fleete of 8 shippes, lately sent
to Virginea^ by meanes the Admirall, wherein were shipped
the chiefe Governours, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George
Sommers and Captaine Newport, by the tempestuous windes
and forcible current, were driven so farre to the Westward,
that they could not in so convenient time recover Cape
Henrie, and the Port in Virginea, as by the return of the
same fleete to answer the expectation of the adventurers in
some measure.
" By occasion whereof, some few of those unruly youths
sent thither, (being of most leaud and bad condition) and
such as no ground can hold for want of good directions
there, were suffered by stealth to get aboard the ships re-
turning thence, and are come for England againe, giving
out in all places where they come (to colour their own mis-
behaviour, and the cause of their returne with some pre-
tence) most vile and scandalous reports, both of the Country
itselfe, and of the Cariage of the businesse there.
" Which hath also given occasion that sundry false
rumours and despightfuU speeches have beene devised and
given out by men that seeme of better sort, being such as
lie at home, and doe gladly take all occasions to cheere
themselves with the prevention of happy successe in any
action of publike go|^ disgracing both the actions and
actors of such honourable enterprises, as whereof they
neither know nor understand the true intents and honest
ends.
" Which howsoever (for a time) it may deterre and keepe
backe the hands and helpe of many well disposed men, yet
men of wisdome and better resolution doe well conceive and
know, that these devices infused into the tongues and
A BROADSIDE BY THE COUNCIL. 355
heades of such devisors (by the Father of untruths) doe
serve for nothing else, but as a cloke to cover the wi'etched
and leaud prancks of the one sort, and the stupidity and
backwardnesse of the other, to advance any commendable
action that taxeth their purse, and tendeth not wholly to
their owne advantage.
" And therefore those of his Maiesties Counsel in this
honourable Plantation, the Lords, Knights, gentlemen, and
merchants interested therein (rightly considering that as in
all other good services (so in this) much losse and detriment
may many waies arise and grow to the due meanes and
manner of proceeding, which yet no way toucheth nor em-
peacheth the action itselfe, nor the ends of it, which do still
remaine entire and safe upon the same grounds of those
manifold Christian duties whereon it was first resolved,) are
so farre from yielding or giving way to any hindrance or
impeachment of their cheeref ull going on, that many of them
both honourable and worshipfull have given their hands
and subscribed to contribute againe and againe to new sup-
plies if need require.
" And further, they doe instantly prepare and make
ready a certain number of good shippes, with all necessaries,
for the right honourable Lord de la Ware, who intendeth
God assisting, to be ready with all expedition to second the
foresaid Generals, which we doubt not are long since safely
arrived at their wished port in Virgmea,
" And for that former experience hath too dearely taught,
how much and manie waies it hurteth to suffer Parents to
disburden themselves of lascivious sonnes, masters of bad
servants and wives of ill husbands, and so to clogge the
biisinesse with such an idle crue, as did thrust themselves
in the last voiage, that will rather starve for hunger, than
lay their hands to labor.
" It is therefore resolved, that no such unnecessary person
shall now be accepted, but onely such sufficient, honest and
good artificers, as
" Smiths, Shipwrights, Sturgeon-dressers, Joyners, Car-
356 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
penters, Gardeners, Turners, Coopers, Salt-makers, Iron'
men for Furnasse cfc hamnier, Brickmakers, Brick-layers,
Miner all-men. Bakers, Gun-founders, Fishermen, Plough-
Wrights, Brewers, Sawyers, Fowlers, Vine-dressers, Sur-.
geons and Physitions for the body, and learned Divines
to instruct the Colonie, and to teach the Infidels to Worship
the true God. Of which so many as will repaire to the
house of Sir Thomas Smith, Treasurer of the Company to
proffer their service in this action, before the number be
full, and will put in good sureties to be readie to attend the
said honourable Lord in the voyage, shall be entertained
with those reasonable and good conditions as shall answere
and be agreeable to each man's sufficiency in his several!
profession.
" Imprinted at London by Thomas Haveland for William
Welby, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Church-
yard at the signe of the Swanne. 1610."
CXIV. and CXV. were evidently pubhshed about the
same time. I am inclined to think that the Broadside was
really published before the tract. I only know of one orig-
inal of this Broadside, and that is No. 122 of the collection
of the Society of Antiquaries of London. It has never been
reprinted in this country.
CXVI. SOUTHAMPTON TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, JAMES I. VOLUME SO, NUMBER 65.
Henry Earl of Southampton to the Earl of Salisbury.
" My Lord : — Upon Wedensday morninge [December
13] I went to New Markett and before the Kinge went to
dinner I delivered unto him what I receaved from your
Lordship, concerninge &c.
" Your Lordships most assuredly to do you service.
"H. Southampton.
the 15. of December."
ZU^TIGA TO PHILIP III. 357
To this letter Southampton adds this P. S. : " Talkinge
with the King by chance I tould him of the Virginia Squir-
rills which they say will fly, wherof there are now divers
brought into England, and hee presently and very earnestly
asked me if none of them was provided for him and whether
your Lordship had none for him, sayinge that hee was sure
you would gett him one of them. I would not have troub-
led you with this but that you know so well how hee is
affected to these toyes, and with a little enquiry of any of
your folkes you may furnish yourself to present him att
his eomminge to London which will not bee before Wens-
day next : the monday before to Theobals, and the Saterday
before that to Royston."
CXVII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP III.
GENEBAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 69.
Copy of a letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the King of
Spain dated December 31, 1609. (Original.)
" Sire. I have reported to Y. M. that two [three ?]
vessels had come from Virginia, [CXIIL] and that they
did not come well satisfied. Since then four ^ others have
come, and in a storm the two others have been lost on the
French coast, with which I think they will have to be quiet
for the present. But now they hasten the Lord de la Ware
to take his departure, and they tell me he will do so in a
month or a month and a half. And they have assured him,
that after him they will send this summer a thousand men.
" In like manner there will sail for Guiana two small ves-
sels with small crews, but I hear that if any of the people
which ' Watawales ' [Walter Ralegh] left there, should be
found, they will send more, because they praise that country
very much and say that Gold and Silver are found there,
and it is thought that they will take ' Watawales ' out of
^ He has probably been misinformed, as it seems only four returned in all at
this time, Argall and three others.
358 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
the Tower, that he may go there. May our Lord preserve
and o'uard the CathoHc Person of Y. M. as all Christendom
needeth. From Highgate, December the last, 1609.
"Don Pedro de Cuniga."
[Mem. — Henry Hudson had proposed to the Dutch
East India Company that he should remain (during the
winter 1609-10) in England, and again sail on a north-
west voyage from Dartmouth in March, 1610 ; which pro-
posal was not agreeable to them, and in January, 1610,
they ordered him to return to Holland, with the Half Moon
and crew as soon as possible. " But when they were going
to do so, Henry Hudson and the other Englishmen of the
Ship were commanded by government there, not to leave
England but to serve their owne Country. . . . and it was
then thought probable that the English themselves would
send ships to Virginia, to explore the river found by Hud-
son." — Van Meteren. See also CIX.]
CXVIII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP HI.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 66.
Copy of an original letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the
King of Spain dated at " Iguet," January 28, 1610.
" Sire. Lord de la War with three hundred men and
large stores will certainly be sent from here at the begin-
ning of April ; and somewhat later one thousand men will
go, a fact which shows very clearly the advantages they
hope to derive from over there, since with such very great
losses as they have suffered, and of which I have informed
Y. M., they still show so much courage.
" The two vessels which, as I have reported to Y. M. are
going to Guiana, will sail within eight days.
" May our Lord preserve the CathoUc Person of Y. M. as
aU Christendom needeth. From Highgate, January 28, 1610.
"Don Pedro de Quniga."
MINUTE FROM THE COMMONS JOURNAL. 359
[Mem. — February 2, 1610. W. Folkingham's "Feu-
digraphia. The Synopsis or Epitome of Surveying metho-
dized. Anatomizing the whole Corps of the Facultie &e.
Intimating all the Incidents to Fees and Possessions, &c.
Very pertinent to be perused of all those, whom the Right,
Revenewe, Estimation, Farming, Occupation. . . . Prepar-
ing and Imploying of Arable, Medow, Pasture, and all
other Plots doe concerne. And no lesse remarkable for all
Under-takers in the Plantation of Ireland or Virginia^ for
all Travailers for Discoveries of forraine Countries, &c.
London Printed for Richard Moore &c. 1610." It is dedi-
cated to Lord Compton. The address to the reader is
dated from " Helpringham neere to Folkingham the second
of Februarie, 1609."
The title conveys a fair idea of the contents of the black
letter tract.
February 9, 1610. " Certaine articles and reasons touch-
ing a plantation to be made in Newfoundland, exhibited by
certain Marchants of London and Bristol, unto the Lords of
His Majesty's Privie Counsell, and by them referred to the
consideration and reporte of the Master, Wardens and
Assistants of The Trinity House.
"It prays for a patent of a small part of the Country
never inhabited by Christians."
" The Master and Wardens of The Trinity House made a
favourable report thereon."
There were many voyages made to Newfoundland, as the
reader knows, which I have not attempted to mention.]
CXIX. MINUTE FROM THE COMMONS JOURNAL.
Commons Journal — 14 February 1609-10. On the
question whether Sir George Somers' seat in Parliament
would be made vacant by his going to Virginia.
" Sir George Moore in the course of the discussion
remarked, " That Sir George Sommers ought not to be re-
360 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
moved. No disgrace, but a Grace to be Governour in Vir-
ginia."
Chalmers states in his " Political Annals of Virginia,"
p. 27, that " Sir George Somers being a Member of Parlia-
ment, the Commons declared his seat vacant; because by
accepting a Colonial office, he was rendered incapable to
execute his trust : and this, it should seem was the first ^
time that Virginia was noticed in Parhament." He, also,
adds in his Appendix, p. 41 (where he cites his authority
for the above, as Commons Journal, iv. pp. 2, 3), that " the
common law disability, which was declared by this resolu-
tion, was not probably adverted to at a subsequent day,
when it was enacted by 6. An. c. 7. s. 25, that no gov-
ernor, or deputy governor, of any of the Plantations, shall
be elegible to Parliament."
CXX. CRASHAW'S SERMON.
This sermon was preached February 21, 1609 (0. S.),
that is, 1610, and was entered at Stationers' Hall for pub-
lication on the 19th of March following. Anderson in his
"History of the Colonial Church," under the erroneous
impression that it was the first sermon before the Virginia
Company, gives extended extracts therefrom. Mr. Neill, in
his " Virginia Company of London," 1869, and in his
"English Colonization of America," London, 1871, also
gives extracts.
Originals are in the library of Congress at Washington,
and of Mr. Kalbfleisch of New York.
I have not noted an original for sale in the last ten years.
One would probably be worth about $200. CXX. has
never been reprinted ; it contains about 27,000 words, and
of course is too long to be reprinted entire here. It is evi-
dently a very carefully prepared discourse, illustrating the
ideas of the ministers of the Church of England, and there-
fore I give extended extracts from the sermon as published,
noting the pages extracted from.
1 See Biography of Lord Bacon, February 17, I6O7.
MICHAEL UKAYTOfNJ
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 361
"A Sermon Preached in London before the [p. 1.]
right honourable the Lord Lawarre, Lord Gov-
ernour and Captaine Generall of Virginea, and others of his
Maiesties Councell for that Kingdome, and the rest of the
adventurers in that plantation. [On the text]
" Luke. 22 chapter 32 verse. But I have praied for
thee, that thy faith faile not : therefore when thou art con-
verted strengthen thy brethren.
" Four places of scripture are abused by the Papists
above the rest. First those words of Christ
Upon this Rocke I will build my Church : Sec-
ondly, his words at his last Supper, This is my
bodie : Thirdly, his speech to Peter after his resurrection,
Feede my sheep : Lastly, these to Peter afore his j^j^^ 21.
passion, I have praied for thee that thy faith
faile not. These last Bellarmine likes so well, that ten times
he allegeth them in one of his Tomes, and makes them
serve not for one, but many purposes." He then has some-
thing to say of the Pope and Bellarmine. He
next says, " as the body, so the soule stands in [p. 2.]
need of three sorts of physicke." First purgative, [p. 3.]
second restorative and thirdly perservative ; and [pp. 3,
he treats of each of these separately. He then 4.]
divides his text into two parts : first, " Christs [p. 5.]
Mercy " and second, " Peter's dutie." First dwel-
ling on " Christ's mercy," and not forgetting the [pp. 5
Pope and the Papists ; and then (still remember- to 15.]
ing the Papists) on "Peter's duty," and under [pp. 15
this head he has much to say of the Virginia to 83.]
enterprise. " Wee here see the cause why no [p. 18.]
more come in to assist this present purpose of plan-
tation in Virginia, even because the greater part [p. 19.]
of men are unconverted & unsanctified men, and
seeke merely the world and themselves, and no further.
They make many excuses, and devise objections ; but the
fountaine of all is, because they may not have present
profit. If other voiages be set afoot, wherein is certaine
36fi PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
and present profit, they run, and make meanes to get in :
but this, which is of a more noble and excellent nature, and
of higher and wortliier ends, because it yeelds not the pres-
ent profits, it must seeke them, and with much difficultie
are some brought in, and many will not at all. Tell them
of getting XX. in the C. Oh how they bite at it, oh how it
stir res them ? But tell them of planting a Church, of con-
verting 10.000. soules to God, they are senselesse as stones :
they stii-re no more then if men spoke of toies and trifles "
etc.
[p. 21.] He speaks on the lawfulness, the excellency
and goodness, " and indeed the plaine necessity of
this present action for Virginia : the principall ends thereof
being the plantation of a Church of EngHsh Christians
there, and consequently the conversion of the heathen from
the divel to God," etc. Dwelling especially on the conver-
sion of the savages,
[p. 25.] ^^It is not only a lawfull, but a most excellent
and holie action, and so necessarie that I hold
every man bound " " to assist this voyage in foure things : "
" Countenance, Person, Purse, and Prayer." To
[pp. 25- each of which he has somewhat to say. " I
27.] make my conclusion, that the assistance of this
businesse is a duty that lies on all men."
[p. 28.] " But now (right Honorable and beloved) see-
ing we are assembled peculiarly for this businesse,
even to consecrate this enterprise to the Lord of heaven :
and to send away our honorable Governor and his associates
and attendants in the name of the Lord ; give me leave
(not as calling once into question the lawfulnesse of so
noble an action, but) for the further cleering of the truth
to them that know it not, for the justification of our course
against the adversaries of all excellent exploits, for the stop-
ping of the mouthes of the malignant, and for the better
satisfaction and encouragement of ourselves, who either in
purse or person, or both, are ingaged in the action, to de-
scend a little more particularly into consideration of the true
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 363
state here of. All I have to say I will reduce to two heads,
namely, to lay downe truly, (first) The discouragements,
(and secondly) The encouragements in this businesse."
These he treats under the following headings :
"Fii^st the discouragements, in this action laid [p. 29.]
downe and removed." " The first discourage-
merit: Question of the lawfulness,'' answered,^
" Christians may trafficke with the heathen." [p. 30.]
" We will take from them only that they may
spare us. First, their superfluous land. Secondly,
their superfluous commodities." " The commodi- [p. 31.]
ties certainly known to be in Virginia — Timber,
CrystaU, Masts, Wine, Copper, Iron, Pitch, Tarre, Sopeashes
and Sassafras." " We give to the Savages what they most
need. 1. Civilitie for their bodies. 2. Christianitie
for their soules." " Religion and the knowledge [p. 32.]
of the true God." He refers to the sermon of
M. Simonds (LXXXVL), and to the "Sincere
declaration " (CXIV.). " The second discour- [p. 33.]
agement : difficulty of plantation." 1. ^^ By dis-
tance." answer " How neere Virginia is to England." " 2.
For hard passage." answer, "How faire, safe
and easie, the passage to Virginia is." " 3. The [p. 34.]
climate." Answers, "The chmate in Virginea
temperate." " The true position of Virginea." [p. 35.]
" Their skins not blacke." " Our men there com-
plaine not of the climate." " The third discouragement :
smallness of our beginnings, and povertie of our
proceedings." " For answere, I say, many greater [p. 36.]
States (then this is like to prove) had as little
or lesse beginnings then this hath : " — " Compare Deut.
10. 22. with Exod. 12. 37." " Looke at the beginning of
Rome, how poore, how meane, how despised it was ; and
yet on that base beginning grew to be the Mistresse of the
World."
^ In order to give an idea of the references to the discourse, and not
sermon in the most condensed form, I the discourse proper,
frequently quote the original side-note
364 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609^ULY, 1614.
" Oh but those that goe in person are rakte up out of the
refuse, and are a number of disordred men, unfit to bring
to passe any good action : So indeed say those that He and
slander. But I answere for the generalitie of them that
goe, they be such as offer themselves voluntarily, for none
are pressed, none are compelled : and be like (for ought
that I see) to those are left behind, even of all sorts better
and worse. But for many that goe in person, let these
objecters know, they be as good as themselves, and it may
be, many degrees better. But as for mockers of
[p. 37.] this business, they are worthie no answere : " Yet
he continues his answer at length, quoting Nehem.
[p. 38.] 1, 7, 8, chap. 4. 1, 2, ibid. vers. 3, chap. 2. 10,
[p. 39.] chap. 4. 4, 5, etc., 1 Sam. 22. 2. He shows that
" God brings to passe great matters on small be-
ginnings." 1. In matters naturall. 2. In matters human.
3. In matters spirituall, " and 4. In matters poHtike."
[p. 40.] " Objection. We send base and disordered
men." Answer. " The basest and worst men
trained up in severe discipline, under sharpe lawes, a hard
life and much labour, do prove good members of a Com-
monwealth."
[p. 42.] " Better government and discipline in small
then in great States, and in those that are newly
settled."
[p. 43.] " The Fourth discouragement : ill reports of
the countrey, by them that come from thence."
"I answere, it is not true, in all, nor in the greater or
better part ; for many there be and men of worth who have
been there, and report so well of it, that they will not be
kept from going thither againe, but hold it and call it, their
home and habitation, nor can all the pleasures, ease, delights
and vanities of England allure them from it. But that
some, and it may be many of the vulgar and viler sort, who
went thither only for ease and idlenesse, for profit and
pleasure, and some such carnall causes, and found contrari-
wise but cold entertainment, and that they must labour or
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 365
else not eate, and be tied within the bounds of sharp laws,
and severe disciphne ; if such base people as these, doe
from thence write, and here report, all evill that can be out
of that countrie, we doe not marvell, for they do but like
themselves, and we have ever found that all noble exploites
have been so maligned and misreported by the greater part
(which generally is the worse part) of men." He
then refers to and dwells upon Numb. chap. 13, [pp. 44,
verses 3, 32, 33; chap. 14, verses 7, 8, 10, 24, 45.]
27, 30, 37.
" A comparison of searching of Canaan and [p. 46.]
Virginia, and of the reports thereof made." —
Matth. 12. 34, Rom. 13. 19.
" The Fifth discouragement : miseries of them [p. 47.]
that goe in person." " Answere 1. No great
thing atchieved without induring miseries." " The
more excellent because difficult." " Answere 2. [p. 48.]
This objection raiseth from basenesse and cowardize
of spirit." " The ancient valour and hardnesse of [p. 49.]
our people." " How the Low-Countrie men were
altered within these 100 yeares." " A good thing [p. 50.]
in a state for people to be inured to hardnesse."
"Answere 3. The miseries and wants that have [p. 51.]
been sustained, came accidentally by the absence
of our governours." ^ " And to conclude, seeing it is
knowne to all, that know anything in this matter, that the
principal (if not the only) wound in this businesse hath
beene the want of governement ; there is now care taken,
that (by the blessing of God) there never shall be want of
that againe."
" The sixth discouragement : uncertaintie of [p. 52.]
^ Crashaw continues here, " Which staine blemish the beautie of so faire a
was caused by the hand of God, and businesse ? Shall one particular mis-
force of tempest, which neither hu- carriage, overturne the fame, or con-
mane wit could forsee, nor strength demne the substance of the whole
withstand. Or suppose something was action ? Surely wisdome and good
miscarried by negligence ; haste or reason will not admit it."
other humane infirmitie ; shall one
366 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
profit, and the long stay for it." " Answere 1. Profit is
the least and last end aimed at in this voyage."
[p. 53.] " Ans. 2. The voiage will be assuredly profitable
in short time." " The cause why the profit can-
[p. 54.] not be presently expected, is because that contin-
uall supplies are still to be sent." " The high
and principall end being plantation, of an English Church
and Common- wealth, and consequently the Conversion of
heathen."
[p. 55 J] " The seventh discouragement : multitude and
might of our enemies." " What enemies ? they
answer first the Spaniard, I answere, deceive not your-
selves, we have him not our enemies : for first, he is in
league with us. ... we hope they bee too wise and worthie a
nation to breake their league and falsifie the oath
[p. 56.] of God which they have made." He reviews and
answers the claims of Spain. " This bull of
Pope Alexander the sixth is extant Verbatim amongst the
Constitutions of the Popes, set out by Peter Matthew at
Lions 1588. and is to be found at page 150."
[p. 57.] " What enemies ? The French ? Nay they are
rather incHned to follow our example, and to plant
in another Countrey not far from ours : the same also might
I speake of other Christian Nations. The Savages ? Nay
they invite us," etc. " This enterprize hath only three
enemies. 1. The Divell, 2. The Papists, and 3.
[pp. 58- The Players." And to each of these the Rev. Mr.
63.] Crashaw pays his respects. " The evill and base
reports that have been scattered of this enterprize
came originally from some Papists." " As for
[p. 63.] Plaiers : (pardon me right Honourable and be-
loved, for wronging this place and your patience
with so base a subject,), they play with Princes and Poten-
tates, Magistrates and Ministers, nay with God and Reli-
gion, and all holy things : nothing that is good, excellent
or holy can escape them : how then can this action ? But
this may suffice, that they are Players : they abuse Virginea,
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 367
but they are but Players : they disgrace it : true, but they
are but Players, and they have played with better things,
and such as for which, if they speedily repent not, I dare
say Vengeance waites for them." " The divell hates us,
because wee purpose not to suffer Heathens, and the Pope
because we have vowed to tolerate no Papists : so doe the
Players, because wee resolve to suffer no Idle persons in
Virginea, which course if it were taken in England, they
know they might turne to new occupations."
II. " The encouragements in this businesse are [p. 64.]
three."
''The first Encouragement^ the excellency of
the designe, in itself, being, 1. a most lawfuU [p. 65.]
action." " 2. An honorable action, both in re-
gard of the ends and undertakers." " 3. A holy [p. 66.]
action."
" The second Encouragement : The friends of
this action." " 1. Friend God himselfe." " Tes- [p. 67.]
timonies that God is our friend." " 1st. In our
King and Prince." " 2nd. In the Undertakers." [p. Q^,'\
" 3rd. In them that goe in person." " It is God
that moves men to go thither." "4th. In the [p. 69.]
Savages." " 5th. In the multitude of contribu-
tors." " 6th. In moving all good men to pray [p. 70.]
for it." " 2. Friends Gods Angels." " 3. Friend [p. 71.]
The praiers of Gods Church." " A comparison [p. 72.]
of the friends and enemies of this enterprise." [p. 73.]
" The third encouragement to this businesse [p. 74.]
is the due consideration of the true ends of this
action." " 1. Accidentall ends." " 2. True ends.
— principall — in regard of the Savages their con- [p. 75.]
version." " 2. In regard of God." " 1st. To ap-
pease him, because justly offended." " 2nd. To
honor him, being by us dishonoured." " 3. In [p. 76.]
regard of our religion." " 4. In regard of our-
selves." ^' 5. Ends subordinate." " Hereby we shall hon-
our ourselves and strengthen ourselves by propagating our
368 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09^ULY, 1614.
owne religion : hereby we shall mightily advance the hon-
ourable name of the English nation, the honor whereof we
ought every one to seek : hereby we shall mightily inrich
our nation, strengthen our navie, fortifie our kingdome, and
be lesse beholding to other nations for their commodities :
and to conclude, hereby we shall rectifie and reforme many
disorders which in this mightie and populous state
[p. 77.] are scarce posibly to be reformed without evacua-
tion : and consequenthe when we have atchieved
all these ends, we shall eternize our owne names to all ensu-
ing posteritie as being the first beginners of one of the
bravest and most excellent exploits that was attempted since
the Primitive times of the Church.
" And to adde one word more (but it is of much moment),
we shall hereby wipe off the staine that stickes upon our
nation since, (either for idlenesse or some other base feares,
or foolish conceits) we refused the offer of the West Indies,
^ , . made unto us by that famous Christopher Colum-
In the time ^ pi ii'i
of Henry bus, who upou Jliuglands reiusal, tendered it the
Prince that now enjoieth them. And thus I
have given you a tast of the roiall Encouragements which
naturally and infallibly doe attend this blessed businesse :
You see the discouragements how base and idle and imag-
inary they bee ; contrariwise, the encouragements how real,
solide and substantiall : Now therefore let us all bee ex-
The conciu - hortcd and encouraged to the effectuall prosecu-
®^°°* tion of this enterprise unto the end.
" And you first of all, right honourable and worshipful!
of the Counsell, and the rest of the undertakers
honorable ^^^^ ^^^ hcrc, by whose wisedome the action is
Counsel! & to be directed, and by whose purses maintained,
undertakers. • i i i i •
consider what you have entered mto, even upon
an action of that nature and consequence as not only all
nations stand gazing at, but even heaven and hell
[p. 78.] have taken notice of it, the holy Angels hoping,
and the divells swearing what will be the issue.
Therefore let all nations see, to their amazement, the divela
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 369
to their terror, the Angels to their joy, and especially Our
God to his glorie, and the honor of his truth, that the Eng-
lish Christians will not undertake a publike action which
they will not prosecute to perfection. Let us then beleeve
no tales, regard no slanders (raised or spred by Papists or
Epicures) feare no shadowes, care for no oppositions, respect
no losses that may befall, nor bee daunted with any dis-
couragements whatsoever; but goe forward to assist this
noble action with countenance and counsell, with men and
money, and with continuall suppHes, till wee have made our
plantation and Colonic able to subsiste of itselfe, and till
there be a Church of God established in Virginea, even
there where Satans throne is. Thus shall we honour our
God, oiu* religion, our Nation, and leave that honour on our
names, which shall make them flourish till the worlds end,
and (wliich is all in all) lay up that comfort for our soules
which shall stand by us at our deaths, & speake for us to
the great Judge at the last and great day.
'' And to you (right honourable and beloved) who ingage
your lives, and therefore are deepliest interested ^ ^ ,
•^ '. 11 2. To them
in this busmesse, who make the greatest ventures, that goe in
and beare the greatest burdens ; who leave your p^^^^"^'
ease and pleasures at home, and commit yourselves to the
Seas and winds for the good of this enterprise ;
you that desire to advance the Gospell of Jesus [p. 79.]
Christ, though it be with the hazard of your lives,
goe forward in the name of the God of heaven and earth,
the God that keepeth covenant and mercie for
thousands ; goe on with the blessing of God,
Gods Angels and Gods Church ; cast away feare, and let
nothing daunt your spirits, remembring whom you goe unto,
even to the Englishmen your brethren, who have broke the
ice before you, and suffered that which with God's blessing
you never shall ; remembring what you goe to doe, even to
display the banner of Christ Jesus, to fight with the divell
and the old dragon, having Michael and his Angels on your
side : to eternize your owne names both heere at home &
370 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
amongst the Virgineans (whose Apostles you are) and to
make yourselves most happy men whether you live or die :
if you live, by effecting so glorious a worke ; if you die, by
dying as Martyrs or Confessors of God's religion : and re-
membring lastly whom you leave behinde you, even us your
brethen, of whom many would goe with you that yet may
not, many will follow you in convenient time, and who will
now goe with you in our hearts and praiers, and who will
second you with New & fresh supplies, & who are resolved
(by the grace of that God in whose name they have under-
taken it) never to relinquish this action ; but though all the
wealth already put in were lost, will againe & againe renue
and continue their supplies, untill the Lord give the hoped
harvest of our endevors.
[p. 80.] " And thou most noble Lord, who God hath
stirred up to neglect the pleasure of England, and
Particular ^^^h Abraham to goe from thy country, and for-
honorabie sakc thy kindred and thy fathers house, to goe
to a Land which God will shew thee, give me
leave to speake the truth : Thy Ancestor many
At the battle i i i • n , i , , i
with the hundred yeeres ago gained great honour to thy
black Prince. j^Q^gg . }y^j^ }^y ^j^ig actiou thou augmcutist it.
He tooke a king prisoner in the field in his owne Land :
but by the godly managing of this businesse, thou shalt
take the divell prisoner in open field, and in his owne king-
dome : Nay the Gospell which thou carriest with thee shall
binde him in chaines, and his Ane^els in strongrer
Psal. 149. 8 9. . on
fetters then iron, and execute upon them the
judgement that is written : Yea it shall lead Captivity Cap-
tive, and redeeme the soules of men from bondage. And
thus thy glory and 'honour of thy house is more at the last
then at the first.
" Goe on therefore, and prosper with this thy honor.
Admonitions "^l^ich iudccd is greater then every eie discernes,
totu^G^^^ even such as the present ages shortly will enjoy,
eraii and his and the f uturc admire : Goe forward in the
mpany. g^j-g^gth of the Lord thy God, and make men-
SIR ROBERT UUDLEN
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 371
tion of his righteousnesse only. Looke not at the gaine,
the wealth, the honour, the advancement of thy house that
may follow and fall upon thee : but looke at those high and
better ends that concerne the Kingdome of God. Remem-
ber thou art a General! of English men, nay a Generall of
Christian men ; therefore principally looke to religion. You
goe to commend it to the heathen, then practice
it yourselves : make the name of Christ honour- [p. 81.]
able, not hatefull unto them. Suffer no Papists ;
let them not nestle there ; nay let the name of the Pope
or Poperie be never heard of in Yirginea. Take heed of
Atheists the Divels Champions : and if thou discover any,
make them exemplarie. And (if I may be so bold as to
advise) make Atheisme and other blasphemie Capitall, and
let that bee the first law made in Virginia. Suffer no
Brownists, nor factious Separatists : let them keepe their
conventicles elsewhere : let them goe and convert some
other Heathen, and let us see if they can constitute such
Churches really, the Idaes whereof they have fancied in
their branes ; and when they have given us any such exam-
ple, we may then have some cause to follow them. Till
then we will take our paterne from their betters. Espe-
cially suffer no sinfull, no leaud, no licentious men, none
that live not under the obedience of good lawes : and let
your lawes be strict, especially against swearing and other
prophanenesse. And though vaine swearing by Gods
name be the common and crying sinne of England, and no
morrall, but a veniall sinne in Popish doctrine, yet know
that it is a sinne under which the earth mournes : and your
land will flourish if this be repressed. Let the
Sabboth be wholly and holily observed, and pub-
like praiers daily frequented, idlenesse eschewed, and muti-
nies carefully prevented. Be well advised in making lawes :
but being made, let them be obeyed, and let none stand for
scarre-crowes ; for that is the way to make all at
last to be contemned. This course taken, and you [p. 82.]
shall see those who were to blame at home, will
372 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
proove praise-worthy in Virginea. And you will teach us
in England to know (who almost have forgotten it) what an
excellent thing execution of lawes is in a common-wealth.
But if you should aime at nothing but your private ends,
and neglect religion and God's service, looke for no bless-
ing, nay looke for a curse, though not on the whole action,
yet on our attempt ; and never thinke that we shall have the
honour to effect it. Yet thinke not that our sinne shall
hinder the purpose of God : for when this sinful! genera-
tion is consumed, God will stirre up our children after us,
who will learne by our examble to follow it in more holy
manner, and so bring it to that perfection which we for our
sinnes and prophanenesse could not doe. But you (right
honourable) have otherwise learned Christ, and (we hope)
will other- wise practise him, and will declare by your manag-
ing of this action the power of that true reHgion you have
learned in England. Thus shall heaven and earth blesse
you, and for this heroicall adventure of thy person and
state in such a godly cause, the God of heaven will make
thy name to bee remembred thorowout all generations : and
thousands of people shall honour thy memorie, and give
thankes to God for thee while the world endureth.
^ vlr*tneT " "^^^ thou Virgiuca, whom though mine eies
see not, my heart shall love ; how hath God hon-
[p. 83.] oured thee 1 Thou hast thy name from the wor-
thiest Queene that ever the world had : thou hast
thy matter from the greatest King on earth : and thou shall
now have thy forme from one of the most glorious Nations
under the Sunne, and under the conduct of a Generall of
as great and ancient Nobility as ever was ingaged in action
of this nature. But this is but a little portion of thy hon-
our : for thy God is coming towards thee, and in the meane
time sends to thee, and salutes thee with the best blessing
heaven hath, even his blessed Gospell. Looke up therefore,
and lift up thy head, for thy redemption draweth nie ; and
he that was the God of Israel, and is still the God of Eng-
land, will shortly I doubt not bring it to passe, that men
CRASHAW'S SERMON. 373
shall say, Blessed be the Lord God of Virginea ; and let all
Christian people say. Amen.
" And this salutation doth my soule send thee, 0 Vir-
ginea, even this poore New-yeeres gift, who though I be
not worthy to be thine Apostle, yet doe vow and devote
myselfe to be in England thy faithf ull factor and soHcitor,
and most desirous to do thee any service in the Lord Jesus
Christ our Saviour and thine : whom we beseech for his
standard amongst you, and that you may once crie for your-
selves as we do now for you, Even so come Lord Jesus."
I beHeve that I have given a fair outline of this sermon*
Mr. Grosart says " there is no nobler sermon than this of
the period."
" March 19, 1610. Entered at Stationers' Hall (for pub-
lication) by Master Welby, under the handes of Master
Doctor Mockett, Sir Thomas Smithe and Mr. Warden
Water. [Waterson ? ] A Sermon preached by Master Cra-
shaw intitled a Newe yeres Gifte to Virginia." It was pub-
Hshed with the following title : " A Sermon preached in
London before the right honorable the Lord La Warre Lord
Governour and Captaine GeneraU of Virginia, and others of
his Maiesties Counsell for that Kingdome, and the rest of
the Adventurers in that Plantation. At the said Lord
Generall his leave taking of England his Native Countrey,
and departure for Virginea, Febr. 21. 1609. By W. Cra-
shaw Bachelar of Divinitie, and Preacher at the Temple.
" Wherein both the lawfulnesse of that action is main-
tained and the necessity thereof is also demonstrated, not so
much out of the grounds of Policie, as of Humanity, Equity
and Christianity. Taken from his mouth, and pubUshed by
direction.
" Daniel 12. 3. They that turne many to righteousnesses
shall shine as the starves for ever and ever.
" London, Printed for WilHam Welby, and are to be sold
in Pauls Churchyard at the Signe of the Swan. 1610.' '
374 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
It was dedicated : —
" To The Thrice Honorable, Grave, Religious, The
Lords, Knights, Burgesses, now happily assembled in Parlia-
ment : L. D.^ humbly considering the union of their interest
in all endeavours for the common good, together with the
zealous, costly, care of many of them, to advance the propa-
gation of the Gospell ; Doth consecrate this sermon, spoken
and published for incouragement of Planters in Virginea."
" To The Printer
" My earnest desire to further the Plantation in Virginea
makes me perhaps too bolde with Mr. Crashaw, thus with-
out his leave to publish his Sermon : But the great good
I assure myself e it will doe, shall merit your paines and my
pardon.
"You may give it what Title you will: Only let this
inclosed Dedication to the Parliament be fairely prefixed,
and the Booke for your credit truly printed : to the care
whereof I leave you.
" Your friend L. D."
It was printed with the headline " A New-yeeres Gift to
Virginea," and at the end were the following texts, viz. : —
GOD TO EUROPE.
The Kingdome of God shall be taken from you* and given to a
Nation that shall bring foorth the fruits thereof.
* Too true
*°^*^® GOD TO ENGLAND,
greater part
is owerrunne But I have praied for thee that thy faith f aile not : there-
either with ^^^^ when thou art converted strengthen thy brethren,
lurcisra or ° •'
Poperie. Luke 22. 32.
ENGLAND TO GOD.
Lord heere I am : Send me. Esay. 6. 7.
GOD TO VIRGINEA.
Hee that walketh in darknesse, and hath no light, let him trust in the
name of the Lord, and stay upon his God. Esay. 50. 10.
1 L. D. probably the initials of Lancelot Dawes.
LORD DE LA WARE'S COMMISSION. 375
VIRGINEA TO GOD.
God be mercifuU to us, and blesse us, and cause the light of thy coun-
tenance shine upon us : let thy waies bee knowen upon Earth, and thy
saving health among all Nations. Psal. 67. 1, 2.
ENGLAND TO VIRGINEA.
Behold I bring you glad tidings : Unto you is borne a Saviour, even
Christ the Lord. Luk. 1.
VIRGINEA TO ENGLAND.
How beautifull are the feet of them that bring glad tidings, and pub-
lish salvation ! Es. 52. 7.
ENGLAND TO VIRGINEA.
Come children, hearken unto me : I will teach you the feare of the
Lord. Psal. 34. 11.
VIRGINIA TO ENGLAND.
Blessed bee hee that commeth to us in the name of the Lord. Psal. 118.
[Mem. — 1610. " February 24tb Sir Thomas Roe, a wor-
thy young Knight and right valiant gentleman, set sayle
from Plimmouth, for the discovery of Guyana, in a shippe
and a pinace, builded at his own and his friends charge." —
Howes' Chronicle.
February 26 (N. S.), Poutrincourt sailed from France
for Port Royal, New France. A leading purpose of this
voyage was the conversion of the natives, some of whom
had previously been instructed in the CathoHc faith.]
CXXI. LORD DE LA WARE'S COMMISSION.
" Feby 28*^ The Lord La Warre had his Pattent sealed
by that Company [the Virginia Company] the twenty-eight
day of February this yeare. He went accompanied with
knights and gentlemen of qualitie." — Howes' Chronicle.
It is the first commission to a lord governor and captain-
general of an English colony in America, and as such it is
a very interesting and valuable document. It has never
been printed before.
376 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609~JULY, 1614.
" The Coppie of the Commission granted to the right hon-
orable Sir Thomas West, Knight, Lord La Warr.
" To All unto whome theis presents shall come, We the
Lords and others of his Majesties Councell for the Company
of Adventurers and Planters of the first Collonie in Vir-
ginia, resident in England, and We the Treasurer and
Companie of the said Adventurers do send greeting in our
Lord God Everlasting. — Whereas the King's most royall
Majesty, that now is, by his Highnes Letters Pattents under
the Great Seale of England, bearing date at Westminster
the three and twentith day of May now last past, before the
date of these presents, hath given unto us his Majesties said
Councell full power and authority as well at this present
tyme as hereafter from tyme to tyme, to nominate make
constitute ordaine and confirme by such name or names,
stile or stiles as to us his Majesties said Councell shall seeme
good, and likewise to revoke discharge, change and alter all
and singular Governors, Officers, and ministers, which have
been made, as also, which should be by us his Majesties said
Councell there after thought fitt and needfull to be made
and used for the Government of the said Collonie and Plan-
tation, and the same at all tymes thereafter to abrogate,
revoke or change, not only within the precincts of the said
Collonie but also upon the Seas in going and coming to and
from the said Collonie, as we the said Councell in our dis-
cretions shall thinke to be fittest for the good of the
Adventurers and Inhabitants there.
" Aiid Whereas his Majestic by his said Letters Pattents
hath declared that for divers reasons and considerations
him thereunto especially moveing, his will and pleasure is,
and by his said letters patents he hath ordained, that im-
mediately from and after such tyme that any Governor, or
principall Officer so to be nominated by us his Majesties
said Councell for the government of the said Collonie afore-
said, shall arrive in Virginia and give notice unto the Col-
lonie there resident of his Majesties pleasure in this behalf,
LORD DE LA WARR'S COMMISSION. 377
the Government, power and authoritie of the President and
Councell then to be there established and all Laws and
Constitutions by them formerly made shall utterlie cease
and be determined, and all officers, Governors and ministers
formerlie constituted or apointed shalbe discharged any-
thing in any of his Majesties Letters Pattents concerning
the said Plantation contained in anywise to the contrary
notwithstanding.
" And Whereas, also his said Majestic by his said Let-
ters Pattents hath ordained and graunted that such Gov-
erners, officers and ministers as by us his Majesties said
Councell shall be constituted and apointed, according to the
natures and limitts of their severall offices and place respec-
tivelie should and might from tyme to tyme forever there-
after, within the precincts of Virginia or in the way by the
sea thither and fi'om thence, have full and absolute power
and authoritie to correct, punish, pardone, governe and
Eule, all such the subjects of his Majestic, his heirs and
successors in any voyage thither, or that should at any
tyme there inhabite in the precincts and Territorie of the
said Collonie, as is aforesaid, according to such ordinances,
orders, directions, constitutions and Instructions, as by us
his Majesties said Councell for the tyme being shalbe estab-
lished, and in defect thereof in case of necessitie according
to the good discrecions of the said Governors and Officers
respectively, as well in cases Capitall and Criminall as civill,
both Marine and others, so allwaies as the said statutes,
ordinances and proceedings as neere as convenientlie maybe,
be agreeable to the Laws, Statutes, Government and Policie
of this his Majesties Realme of England.
" And Whereas likewise his said Majestic hath by his
said Letters Pattents, graunted, declared and ordained that
such principall Governors as from tyme to tyme should
dulie and lawfullie be authorized and appointed in manner
and forme as by the said Letters Pattents be express-ed,
should in cases of Rebellion and Muteny have power and
authoritie to use and exercise Marshall Law in as large and
378 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
ample manner and forme as his Majesties Lieftenants in his
highnes counties within the Reahne of England, have or
ought to have, by force of their Commissions of Lieftenan-
cie, as in and by the said Letters Pattents amongst other
things in them contained more at large doth and may
apeare.
" Now Know yee that We his Majesties said Councell
upon good advise and deliberation and upon notice had of
the Wisedome, valour, circumspection, and of the virtue
and especiall sufficiencie of the Right Honourable Sir
Thomas West, Knight Lord La Warr to be in principal!
place of authoritie and Government in the said CoUonie,
and finding in him the said Lord La Warr propensness and
willingness to further and advance the good of the said
Plantation, by virtue of the said authoritie unto us given
by the said Letters Pattents have nominated, made, or-
dained and apointed and by these presents do nominate
make ordaine and apointe the said Sir Thomas West, Knight
Lord La Warr to be principall Governor, Commander and
Captain Generall both by Land and Sea over the said Col-
lonie and all other CoUonies planted or to be planted in
Virginia or within the limitts specified in his Majesties
said Letters Pattents and over all persons, Admiralls Vice-
Admiralls and other Officers and Commanders whether by
sea or land of what quallitie soever for and during the term
of his natural life, and do hereby ordaine and declare that
he the said Lord La Warr during his life shall be stiled and
called by the name and title of Lord Governor and Cap-
tain General of Virginia and of the Collonie and CoUonies
there now planted or to be planted, and do by these pres-
ents revoke and change all and all manner of former con-
stitutions, ordinancies, apointments and authorities by us
his Majesties said Councell or any of us given, made, nom-
inated, constituted ordained or apointed to any to be Presi-
dent, Chief Governor or principal Officer in Virginia afore-
said or to use or exercise the authority jurisdictions or
offices herein limitted graunted or apointed or mentioned to
LORD DE LA WARE'S COMMISSION. 379
be graunted or apointed to the said Lord La Warr and of
and from the same and everie of them do hereby discharge
all and everie persone and persones heretofore authorized,
nominated or apointed to use execute or exercise the same
or any of them and that the said Lord La Warr, Lord Gov-
ernor and Captain Generall as is aforesaid in all cases of Re-
bellion and Muter ie happening or which shall happen,
either within the precincts of Virginia limited or specified
in his Majesties said Letters Pattents or in the present in-
tended passage and expedition thither, shall have such
power and authoritie to use, exercise and put in execution
Marshall Law as in the said Letters Pattents is mentioned,
and upon all other cases as well Capitall as Criminall and
upon all other accidents and occasions there happening, to
rule, punish, pardone and governe according to such direc-
tions orders and instructions as by his Majesties said Coun-
cell, or the greater part thereof here resident in England
shall from tyme to tyme, be in that behalf made and given
with the consent of Henrie Earle of Southampton, WilHam
Earl of Pembroke, Philip Earle of Mountgomerie, Robert
Lord Viscount Lisle, Theophilus Lord Howard of Walden,
Edmond Lord Sheffield and George Lord Carew, or any
two of them, and in defect of such informations he the said
Lord Governor and Captain Generall shall and may rule
and governe by his owne discretion or by such lawes for the
present government as he with such councell as he shall
take unto him, or as he the said Lord Governor and Captain
Generall shall think fitt to make and estabHsh for the
advancement of the publique weale and good of the said
CoUonie with as full and absolute power authority and
commaund as either we by virtue of his Majesties said Let-
ters Pattents have power to derive and graunt to him or as
he the said Lord Governor and Captain Generall by his
Majesties said Letters Pattents in any sort is authorized to
use and exercise.
" And Further Know yee that we his Majesties said
Councell by these presents as much as in us lietli do give
380 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
and graiint full power and autlioritie to the said Lord Gov-
ernor and Captain Generall, of his free will and pleasure to
call unto his assistance and to choose for Councellors such
and so many persons of the said Collonie now planted in Vir-
ginia or hereafter to be planted there as he shall think fitt
and meete, and to displace such from being Councellors whose
demerit he shall conceive to give cause thereof. And like-
wise to place for Councellors and Officers such persons as
he from tyme to tyme during his government there shall
think fitt. And also at all tymes at his will and pleasure, to
discharge, displace and put from the execution of all, every
or any such Officer or Officers as he shall think meete, such
personns as now be there in office, or which shall hereafter
be in any Office in the said Collonie now planted or here-
after to be planted in Virginia during his life as he the said
Lord Governor and Captain Generall shall deeme worthie
to be displaced or put from any such his office or place,
which any such person doth or shall so hould : The Office of
Lieftennant Governor, Marshall, Admirall and Vice-Admi-
rall, and all governors of Provinces and Townes which shalbe
made or constituted by us, the said Councell resident here
in England, allwaies excepted, which said officers and gov-
ernors so excepted, it shall and may nevertheles be lawfull
to and for the said Lord Governor and Captain Generall to
suspend and put from the execution of all and everie their
said office and offices and governments, and others in their
places, offices and governments to constitute and apoint at
his pleasure, untill further order shalbe therein taken by us
his Majesties said Councell resident here in England. And
in like manner we his Majesties said Councell, Treasurer
and Companie do by fhese presents as much as in us lieth,
give and graunte full power and authoritie to the said Lord
Governor and Captain Generall at his will and pleasure from
tyme to tyme, and at all tymes hereafter during his life, by
or with any office or place in Virginia aforesaid, for increase
of any man's person, by bill of adventure for land, onelie
not to exceede a four fould proportion of the first rate
THOMAS EGERTON
First Bnrnn Ellcswere
LORD DE LA WARE'S COMMISSION. 381
of his adventure, or of the Office which he shall beare,
unless the same be by expresse consent of the said Councell
and Companie, here resident, of Virginia and under their
Seale, to reward and recompense the good and well deserv-
inge of any person or personns what soever under his Gov-
ernment according as he the said Lord Governor and Cap-
tain Generall shall in his wisedome and discretion think such
persons to have merited and deserved. To have, hould, use
and exercise the stile and title of Lord Governor and Cap-
tain Generall of Virginia and all other the jurisdictions,
powers and authorities aforesaid, to him the said Sir Thomas
West, Knight, Lord La Warr, for and during the tearme of
his naturall life, without any revocation or restraint by us
the said Councell or any of us in any wise to be made
otherwise than before is excepted : —
" And Know yee further that we his Majesties said Coun-
cell have made, ordained and constituted and by these
presents do make, ordaine and constitute the said Lord La
Warr, Admirall of the whole Fleete of such shipps and
other vessels as are apointed and by the Grace of God shall
be imploied and passe in this present intended expedition to
Virginia aforesaid, giving him the said Lord La Warr full
power and authoritie to exercise and put in execution in all
cases and upon all occasions and accidents, upon all persons
passing in the said Fleete full and absolute power, authori-
tie and command in this behalf as by his Majesties Letters
Pattents we or any of us, have power to derive and graunt
unto him : And for the more securitie and saf etie as well
of the said Fleete in their present passage as of the said
Collonie and Plantation We his Majesties said Councell by
virtue of the authoritie unto us in this behalf given or
graunt ed Do hereby give full power and authoritie to the
said Lord La Warr, at all tymes during his naturall life, to
encounter, expulse, repell and resist by force of Arms, and
by all wayes and meanes whatsoever, all manner of persons
that shall at any time either by sea or land, enterprise or
attempt the destruction, invasion, hurt, detriment or anoy
382 PERIOD ni. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
ance of the said Fleete, CoUonies, or Plantation. We also
hereby and in his Majesties name strictlie command and
require, all and everie person and persons now inhabiting
or which shall hereafter inhabite within the precincts of
the said CoUonie, and which shall passe in the said Fleete
thitherward, in all things and upon all occasions, to yield
unto the said Lord Governor and Captain Generall all due
honoiu- and respect, and dulie and wiUinglie to obey and
execute the directions and commands of the said Lord
Governor and Captain Generall according to the author-
itie to him limited and given, as also to be unto him upon
all occasions, to their powers and habilities, aiding and
assisting, as they will to their utmost perills answere the
contrary.
" And Lastlie We his Majesties said Councell for us, and
We the said Treasurer and Companie respectivelie, by these
presents as much as in us or any of us lieth or shalbe, do
respectivelie promise and graunt to the said Lord La Warr,
Lord Governor and Captain Generall of Virginia, that if it
shall hereafter apeare to his Lordship that it shall be meet
for him to have any other Articles or Clauses to authorise
him more then in these premises is mentioned, to rule, gov-
erne, do or execute any Act or Acts, thing or things, which
may tend to the furtherance or benefite of the said CoUo-
nies or Plantations, or the good government thereof, or the
rewarding of any persons as aforesaid, that then upon
notice thereof and request made by or from his Lordship :
to us the said Councell, Treasurer and Companie, and the
successors of us the said Councell, Treasurer and Companie,
for the tyme being. We his Majesties said Councell, Treas-
urer and Companie for the tyme being, shall and will, from
time to tyme do our utmost Indeavour and as much as
in us or any of us lieth, by graunt or otherwise to enlarge
the same and to satisfie his Lordships reasonable desire
therein. And lastlie, we his Majesties said Councell do
condescend and agree, to and with the said Sir Thomas
West, Knight, Lord La Warr, that in cases of necessitie, or
LORD DE LA WARE'S COMMISSION. 383
upon any other occasion which shall happen, he may with-
draw himself from being resident with or in the said CoUo-
nie or Collonies in Virginia and that it shall and may be
lawfuU to and for him the said Lord La Warr, to nominate,
make, constitute, depute and apoint, such person or persons
as he shall think meet to be his Deputie or Deputies and
Lieftennant Governor in his absence to rule and governe
the said Collonie and Collonies in Virginia, for, by and dur-
ing the space of one whole year next after the said Lord
La Warr his being absent from the Collonie and his deput-
ing of any person or personns so to be by his Lordship
constituted, deputed or apointed, for no longer tyme, unlesse
authoritie and further warrant therein shalbe given unto
such deputie and deputies by and from us his Majesties
said Councell, under our Councell Scale and sent to him
as a warrant for his or their continueing Deputie or Depu-
ties or Lieftennant Governor over the said Collonie or Collo-
nies : which Deputie or Deputies so to be made, constituted
or apointed by the said Lord La Warr for the space of
such whole yere as aforesaid shalbe in the absence of the
said Lord La Warr Governor of the said Collonie or Collo-
nies, and shall have such power and authoritie by and with
all our consents, agreements and apointments to do and
execute all things touching the said Government, as the said
Lord La Warr shall unto such Deputie or Deputies, assigne^
limitt and appoint.
" In wittness wherof we his Majesties said Councell,
apointed by his Majesties Letters Pattents, for so much in
these presents as concerneth us and our graunt herein men-
tioned, by mutuall consent and agreement have sett here-
unto our hands and the scale of us the said Councell : And
likewise We the said Treasurer and Company for so much in
these presents as concerneth us and our graunts herein
mentioned, by mutuall consent and agreement have here-
unto sett the scale of Our Corporation.
" Given at his Majesties cittie of London aforesaid the
28^ day of February in the 7*^ yere of his Majesties
384 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
raisrne of Engfland, France and Ireland and of Scotland
the 43.
" Southampton. Pembroke.
Philip, Mountgomerie. Theophilus Howard.
Edward Cecill. William Waad.
Walter Cope. Edward Conoway.
Thomas Smith. Baptist Hicks.
DUDLIE DiGGS, ROBART MaNSILL.
Christopher Brook. William Romney."
Indorsed : " The Coppye of my Lord De la Wares Com-
mission into Verginia."
" The above was copied by me from an original docu-
ment in the collection of papers at Longleat in Wilts,
belonging to the Marquis of Bath, and forms No. 38,
Whitelocke Papers, vol. i.
" John Edward Jackson, F. S. A.
Rector of Leigh Delamere near Chippenham,
and Hon. Canon of Bristol Cathedral.
"28 July, 1886."
"... No. 38 is written in a very minute hand ; almost
requiring a magnifying glass ; but as I am accustomed to
old writing, I had no difficulty about it, . . .
"John Edward Jackson."
CXXII. VIRGINIA commodities.
"Instructions for such things as are to be sente from
Virginia. 1610.
" 1. Small Sassafras rootes to be drawen in the winter
and dryed and none to be medled with in the Sommer, and
it is worthe £50. and better per Tonne.
" 2. Baye berries are to be gathered when they turne
blacke, to be layde abroade and dryed and then putt in
sackes or Caske, or for wante of bothe to be tourned into
the houlde, and is worthe per Tonne £12.
VIRGINIA COMMODITIES. 385
" 3. Poccone to be gotten from the Indians and put up
in Caske is worthe per Tonne. <£100.
" 4. Galbrand groweth like f ennell in fashion, and there
is greatest stoare of it in Warriscoes Country, where they cut
wahuit tree laste. You must cut it downe in Maye or June,
and beinge downe it is to be cut into small peaces, and
brused and pressed in your small presses which were sent
over for oyle, or any other like presses, the juice thereof is
to be saved and put into casks, which wilbe worthe here per
Tonne, £100. at leaste.
" 5. Sarsapilla is a Roote that runneth within the grounde
like unto Licoras, which beareth a small rounde leafe close
by the grounde, which beinge founde the Roote is to be
pulled up and dryed and bounde up in bundles like Fag-
gotts, this to be done towards the ende of Sommer before
the leafe fall from the stalk ; and it is worthe here per
Tonne, £200.
" 6. Wallnutt oyle is worth here £30. per Tonne, and
the hke is chesnutt oyle and chechinkamyne oyle.
" 7. Wyne a hoggeshead or two sower as it is, should be
sent for a sample, and some of the grapes packed in Sande.
" 8. Silke grasse, accordinge to a Note formerlye given
my Lord,^ should be sent in good quantitye.
" 9. Bever codd is likewyse to be cutt and dryed and
will yealde here 5s. per lb.
" 10. Bever skynnes beinge taken in Winter tyme will
yealde good profitt, the hke will Otter Skynnes.
" 11. Oake and Wallnut tree is best to be cutt in the
winter — the oake presentlye to be cleaven into clapboorde ;
but the wallnut tree to be lett lye.
" 12. Pyne trees, or firre trees are to be wounded within
a yarde of the grounde, or boare a hole with an Agar the
thirde parte into the tree, and let it run into any thing that
may receive the same, and that which issues out wilbe Tur-
pentine worthe £18. per Tonne. When the tree beginneth
to run softly it is to be stopped up agayne for preserving
the tree.
1 This note not found.
386 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
" 13. Pitclie and Tarre hath been made there, And we
doubt not but wilbe agayne, and some sent for a Sample,
your owne turnes being first served.
" 14. Sturgion which was last sent, came ill conditioned,
not beinge well boyled, if it were cut in small peeces, and
powdred put up in caske, the heads pickled by themselves,
and sente hither it would doe farre better.
" 15. Rowes of the said Sturgion make Cavearie according
to instructions formerlye given.
" 16. Soundes of the said Sturgion will make Isinglasse
according to the same instructions. Isinglasse is worthe
here £6. 13s. 4d. per 100 pounds, and Cavearie well condi-
tioned is worthe £40. per 100 pounds."
Indorsed : " Virginia Comodities."
CXXII. is No. 23 (pp. 10-11) of Mr. Sainsbury's Calen-
dar of State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660. It has never
been printed before. It was sent by Lord De la Warr to
Virginia in MS. Mr. Sainsbury's next No. 24, with the
questionable date 1610, is a broadside which was issued by
the council in 1621.
CXXIII. ZUNIGA TO PHILIP in.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 75.
Copy of an original letter of Don Pedro de Zuniga to the
king of Spain, dated " Higete," March 11, 1610.
" Sire — Within three weeks Lord de la Ware will sail
for Virginia. He takes three ships laden with supplies, and
also a hundred old soldiers, good people, and a few knights.
Two months later four more ships will follow him, with a
larger number of people.
" May our Lord guard the Catholic Person of Y. M. as
all Christendom needeth. From Higete, March 11. 1610.
"Don Pedro de Quniga."
MINUTE FROM THE GROCERS' RECORDS. 387
[Mem. — Don Alonso de Velasco was appointed by the
court of Spain to go ambassador to England in January,
1610. He probably an*ived there in April or May. About
the same time (January, 1610) Sir John Digby was appointed
to represent England at the court of Spain, and he set out
for Madrid " about the 20'^ of March," or " the beginning
of April." The marriage between England and Spain had
long been dallied with. Both governments were now pre-
paring to play the game more seriously. The foregoing
letter (CXXIII.) is the last one which I have as yet found
from Zufiiga at this time. Birch says he returned to Spain
from his embassy in England about April or May, 1610.
However, Velasco seems to have filled his place in England
very well. My first letter from Velasco (CXXX.) is dated
June it 1610.
Most unfortunately I have not been able to find the dis-
patches of His Majesty, Philip III. king of Spain, for the
years 1610 and 1611, and I am very much afraid that these
very interesting documents, for those years, are now lost.
They were possibly taken from Simancas by Napoleon I.,
and may be in France.]
CXXIV. MINUTE FROM THE GROCERS' RECORDS.
Court Minutes of the Grocers' Company.
" Die Mercurii iiij Martii 1609 [0. S.]. 7. Jas.
" [Present.]
" Sir Stephen Soame, Sir Tho^ Middleton K'^
" W Nicholas Stile, M^- Geo. BoUes. Alder :
"W Humfrey Walcott, M"^ Robert Bowyer and M'^
Kichard Cocks, Wardens,
" W Richard Hall, M^ Geo. Holman, M' John Newman,
M'- Hugh Gould, M^ Rob^ Cox, M"^ John West, M"^ Giles
Parsloe, M'' Rich^ Pyott, M"^ W'" Dale, M^ Richard Aid-
worth, M' Robert Sandy, M' Edmond Pashall, M' Anthony
Soda, M"" Robert Morer and M"^ Wm Millett.
388 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1G14.
" This daye the demande of M' . . . Leveson for certen
moneys by him supposed to have been promised by this
Companye to be payd toward the plantacon in Virginia is
respited to be considered at the next Courte of Assistants.
" And it is ordered that M"" Wardens in the meane tyme
shall have conference with Sir Humphrey Weld K* concern-
ing the same."
[Mem. — April 1, Lord De la Warr sailed from England
for Virginia. See CXXXIII. and CXXXIV.
" April 18'^ Henry Hudson sailed from London in The
Discovery, on a voyage for the discovery of the North West
Passage set forth by Henry, Earl of Northampton, Charles,
Earl of Nottingham, Thomas Earl of Suffolk, Henry ^ Earl
of Southampton, William Lord Cranborne, Theophilus
Lord Walden, Sirs Thomas Smythe, Robert Mansell^ Wal-
ter Cope, Dudley Digges, and Jas. Lancaster; Rebecca
Lady Romney, Francis Jones alderman, John Wolsten-
holmcj John Eldred, Robert Sandye, Wm, Greenwell,
Nicholas Leate, Hewett Stapers, Wm, Russell, John Mer-
ricke, Abraham Chamberlain, Philip Burlamachi, mer-
chants. The Muscovy Company and The East India Com-
pany of the sixth voyage."]
CXXV. MINUTE FROM THE GROCERS' RECORDS.
" Court of Assistants of The Grocers Company of London
held at their Hall 30. April 1610.
" Present : — Sir Stephen Soame, Sir Humf rey Weld and
Sir Tho^ Middelton, K*^
M' Geo. Bolles. Alderman.
M'^ Humphrey Walcott, M"" Robert Bowyer, Wardens. —
M' Richard Hall, M' Andrew Bayning,
" George Holm an, '' John Newman,
" Hugh Gould, " Robert Cocks,
MINUTE FROM THE GROCERS' RECORDS. 389
M' John West, M^ Giles Parsloe,
" Richard Pyott, " William Dale,
" Richard Aldworth, " Anthony Soday,
" Tho« Nutt, " Robert Morer.
and M' Wm. Myllett.
• ••••••••••
" It is agreed and ordered by the Court that the moneys
which have been collected of divers Brothers of this Com-
pany e for and towards the plantacon of his Majesties sub-
jects in Virginia and remayning uppon accompte in the
hands of Mr. Wardens with the rest promised to be col-
lected shall by Mr. Wardens, be encreased to an 0^' [£100.]
of the Comen goodes of this House and by them payd over
to Sir Thomas Smyth K* Treasurer of his Majesties Col-
onyes in Virginia, and to take a Bill of adventure for the
same, to the use of this Companye." . . .
CXXVI. MINUTE FROM THE GROCERS' RECORDS.
From the Account Book of the Wardens of the Grocer's
Company — Year [July] 1609 — [July] 1610.
Humphrey Wallcott. \
Robert Bowyer. > Wardens.
Richard Cocks. J
Under the head, " More Particular Payments"
"Paid to Sir Thomas Smyth K' The Treasurer of
Virginia according to an order of the Courte of 25 .
AprH 1610 the sum of £100. for the which a bill ^^""^
of adventure is taken to th' use of this Company."
xv^
390 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXXVII. MINUTE FROM THE GROCERS' RECORDS.
Under, " Casual Recei2')tesJ^
" Item received of Robert Johnson and Will™ Bes-
beche XV<£. by them adventured of their own
voluntary disposicons for the Plantacon in Vir-
ginia which together with other moneys coming to
these accomp*^ handes as pareell of the foote of
their sayde predecessors accompte and . . . more
of the goodes of this house being there unto
added to make it upp one hundred according to
an order of the Court of Assistants made the
25*^ day of April laste poste, was by these ac-
comptants payd to the Treasurer of Virginia and
a Bill of Adventure for the same taken to th' use
of this companye as in the discharge money ap-
peareth."
CXXVIII. NEWFOUNDLAND CHARTER.
" King James granted a patent for establishing a Colony
or Colonies, in the Southerne and Easterne parts of New-
found-land, to Henry Earle of Norihaimpton^ Keeper of
the privy-seal, Sir Laurence Tanfield, chief -Baron of the
Exchequer, Sir John Dodridge, one of our Sergeants at
Law, Sir Francis Bacon, SoUicitor General, Sir Daniel
Dun, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Piercivall WillougKby and Sir
John Constable Knights, John Weld, Esquire, William
Freeman, Ralph Freeman, John Slany, Humfrey Slany,
William Turner, Robert Kirkam, gentlemen, John Weld,
gentleman, Richard Fishhurne, John Browne, Humfrey
Spencer, Thomas Juxon, John Stokely, Ellis Crispe, Thomas
Alport, Francis Needeham, Wm. Jones, Tho^ Langton,
Philip Gifford, John Whittingham, Edward Allen, Rich**
Bowdler, Tho' Jones, Simon Stone, John Short, John Vigars,
John Juxon, Rich** Hobby, RoV Alden, Anthony Have-
JOHN ELDRED
RECEIPT GIVEN TO DOVER. 391
land, Tho' Aldworth, William Lewis, John Guy, Richard
Hallworthy, John Langton, Humfrey Hooke, Philip Guy,
Wm. Meredith, Abram Jenings and John Dowghtie, their
Heires and Assignes. . . . Incorporated by the name of The
Treasurer and the Company of Adventurers, and Planters of
the cities of London and Bristoll for the Colony or Planta-
tion in Newfound-land."
This is Mr. Jefferson's fourth state paper, 1606-16.
[Mem. — Henry IV. of France was assassinated by Ra-
vaillac. May 14, 1610. " The instigators were never pub-
Hcly known ; but the Jesuits incurred violent suspicion, and
the House of Commons eagerly improved the opportunity to
urge a fresh expulsion of all the individuals of that order
from England, and a revival of the severities against recu-
sants. The oath of allegiance was at the same time more
rigorously imposed."]
CXXIX. RECEIPT GIVEN TO DOVER.
The original of the following is in the British Museum,
Egerton MS. 2087, folio 3 : " Payment by the Corporation
of Dover for a share in a Venture to Virginia. 1610."
" Whereas the Maior Jurattes and comonaltye of the
Towne and Porte of Dover have payde in ready e money e to
Sir Thomas Smythe Knight, Treasurer of Virginia the
Somme of Twenty-fyve poundes for there adventures to-
wardes the sayd Voyadge. It is agreed that for the same they
the said Maior, Juratts and Comonaltye and there successors
shall have ratablye accordinge to there adventures there full
parte of all suche landes, tenements and hereditaments as
shall from tyme to tyme be there recovered, planted and
inhabited. And of such mynes and minneralls of golde, sil-
ver and other mettaUs or Treasure, pearles, precious Stoanes,
or anye kind of wares or marchandises, Commodities, or
profitts whatsoever which shalbe obteyned, or gotten in the
sayd voyage accordinge to the portion of money by them im-
392 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
ployed to that use, in as ample manner as anye other adven-
turer therein shall receyve for the like summe.
" Written this 23^ of Maye Anno Dm. 1610."
[Seal of the Council of Virginia is still attached.]
CXXX. VELASCO TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATEy
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 88.
Copy of an original letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to
the King of Spain, dated in London, June 14, 1610.
" Sire. — From Virginia there has come to Lyme, a har-
bour of this Kingdom, a ship ^ of those that remained there
lately, and those who arrived in it, report that the Indians
hold the English surrounded in the strong place which they
had erected there, having killed the larger part of them, and
the others were left so entirely without provisions that they
thought it impossible to escape, because the survivors eat
the dead, and when one of the natives died fighting, they
dug him up again, two days afterwards, to be eaten. The
swine which they carried there and which commenced to
multiply, the Indians killed, and almost all who came in this
vessel died from having eaten dogs, cat skins and other vile
stuff. Unless they succour them with some provisions in
an English ship ^ which they met close to the Azores, they
must have perished before this. Thus it looks as if the zeal
for this enterprise was cooling o£P, and it would on that
account he very easy to make an end of it altogether hy
sending out a few ships to finish what might be left in
that place, which is so important for pirates, and May our
Lord preserve the catholic person of Your Majesty as is
needed.
" From London, June 14. 1610.
"Don Alonso de Velasco."^
^ Evidently this was the Swallow. ^ He had been appointed ambassador
2 Probably one of Lord De la Warr's to England in January, 1610. This is
ships. See CXXXIII. the earliest letter of his which I have
found.
REPORT OF FRANCIS MAGUEL. 393
[Mem. — The Records of the TriDity House state that
" an award was given in 1610, by the Master and Wardens
of that Corporation, on a dispute between a merchant and
the men of a ship arrived from Virginia." This is probably
a reference to the Swallow.
" In June, 1610, there was one ship with 20 men and a
yeares competent provision for the whole Colony sent to
Virginia." This was the Dainty. — Howes' Chronicles,
abridged.]
CXXXI. REPORT OF FRANCIS MAGUEL.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 98.
Velasco in his letter of September 30, 1610, says : " On
the first of September [August 22, English style] I received
Y. M.'s letter of July 21 [or 24 or 26, the last figure is not
distinct] , with the report which the Irishman made touching
Virginia." His Majesty's letter of July 21-26 has not been
found, but the following is the report referred to.
Copy of a document indorsed on the outside : " July 1, 1610.
Report on Virginia to the [Spanish] council of state."
" Report of What Francisco Maguel, an Irishman, ^Zw^^
in the State of Virginia, during the eight months that he
was there.
" About the Voyage he made and the direction the Eng-
lish took at first in order to discover Virginia.
" 1. From England they sail for ' Sancto Domingo,' from
there to ' Mevis ' and from ' Mevis ' to ' San Nicolas,' and
from there to ' Puertorico.' From ' Puertorico ' they took
their route directly towards Virginia, sailing sixteen days
towards the North-West 'till they discover a Cape of Vir-
ginia, which the English call ' San Nicolas,' which in the
opinion of said narrator is about six hundred leagues dis-
tant from Puertorico. And all this sea-coast is low-land
like ' La Florida ' and is free from any danger, and all
394 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
along there, close to the shore, there are ten or twelve
[fathoms ?] deep water and is very convenient for anchoring
there. And in all that space there is a sandy beach, or a
sandbank eight leagues out from the sea shore, which is
covered to the depth of sixteen or eighteen fathoms. This
bank begins close to ' la Florida ' and continues all the way
towards the mountains, until it comes to unite with another
bank of ' Terranova ' [Newfoundland?]. There is naviga-
tion between this Bank and the firm land for some hundred
and fifty leagues, on account of the great current which the
water has on the other side of said Bank. ^^iTuT this Bank
and the land there is a tide which runs from S. S. E. to N.
N. W. From Cape ' San Nicolas ' to Cape Comfort th^re'^are
eight leagues. This Cape Comfort is an island which Ues
at the mouth of a great river on which the English live.
This river lies under 37i degrees. In order to enter this
river the vessels that come up have to pass very close to
said island, where they find ten fathoms of water. And
half a league inside of this island in the river there is a
large and ample bay with twelve fathoms of water, and
in it all the ships of England might lie at anchor. The
English had determined to erect a fort on this island, so as
to defend the entrance to that river ; but the narrator does
not know whether it has ever been finished. Twenty leagues
up from this island, or this mouth of the river, the English
built a well intrenched fort, standing on a point which
goes out from the land into the river, and the English
determined to cut this point so that the water should sur-
round them on all sides. And in this fort they put twenty
pieces of artillery and afterwards they sent there from Eng-
land much more artillery. This river will be little more
than a league wide in most parts, and where it is least deep,
it still has three fathoms of water when the tide is low, and
in other parts it has ten or twelve fathoms. From this Fort
which the English call James Fort the river flows towards
the west for twenty leagues more, where the English pene-
trated in a few pinnaces taking with them some of the
natives of the country to show them the way.
REPORT OF FRANCIS MAGUEL. 395
" Of the Commodities which the English find in that
Country, and of its Chmate.
"2. In this country are found many mines of iron and of
copper and others, which they took to England, and the
Enoflish do not wish it to be known what kind of mines
there are, until they are first well fortified in Virginia. And
of these mines the Narrator brought a sample to England
which weighed eighty pounds, and in it he found the
weight of three Reales of gold, of five in silver, and of
four pounds in Copper. There are many large pearls in
that country and a great quantity of coral, and in the
mountains they find a few stones which look very much like
^ diamants.' And in order to discover more such mines
and to examine the products, the King of England sent
many skilled workmen, who understand it and also other
laborers in all the mechanic Arts to live there. There are
found there many varieties of dye stuff, which are sold in
England at forty Reales a pound. The English make a
very great quantity of soap-ashes, which they send home to
their country. There are in those rivers great numbers of
salmons [sallos.] and other fish, and such a quantity of Cod-
fish and as good as in Newfoundland. There is in that
country an infinite supply of deer, peacock, swans and
every kind of fowl. There grow in that country wild many
forest grapes, of which the EngHsh make a wine that
resembles much the wine of Alicante, according to the
opinion of the narrator who has tasted both. There is also
a great quantity of [hanas], chick-pea, maise, almonds, nuts
and chesnuts, and above all much flax which grows wild
without any cultivation. They have a great abundance of
peltry ^/^ very rich furs, especially sable-martins, . and the
King has houses full of them, they being his Treasure. The
English draw from there many drugs and things necessary
for pharmacy. The land lies very pleasantly and level, and
is very fertile with many large rivers ; the air is healthy and
the temperature about the same as in Spain, altho' the win-
ters are somewhat colder.
396 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09-JULY, 1614.
" Of the Emperor and the Natives of the Country.
" 3. The Emperor of Virginia has sixteen Kings under
his dominion ; he and all his subjects deal peaceably with
the Eno-lish and attend a market which the Eno^lish hold
daily near the Fort and bring to them there the commodi-
ties of the country to exchange them for many little trifles
which the English give them, as knives, glass, mirrors, little
bells &c. The natives of this country are a robust, well
disposed race ; and generally go about dressed in very well
tanned deer skins as they understand very well how to pre-
pare them. Their arms are bows and arrows. The Em-
peror sends every year some men by land to West India
and to Newfoundland and other countries, to bring him
news of what is goino* on there. And these messensfers
c? ^ O'
report that those who are in West India treat the Natives
very badly and as slaves, and the English tell them that
those people are Spaniards, who are very cruel and evil
disposed. The English have some boys there among these
people to learn their language, which they already know, at
least some of them, perfectly. The Emperor sent one of
his sons to England, where they treated him well and
returned him once more to his own country, from which the
said Emperor and his people derived great contentment
thro' the account which he gave of the kind reception and
treatment he received in England. The English sent the
Emperor a crown of shining Copper and many copper-ves-
sels and silk dresses for himself and for his wives and chil-
dren. This narrator returned to Enofland in the same
vessel with the said son of the Emperor.^ There they wor-
ship the Devil whom they consider their God and say that
he often speaks to them, appearing in human form. The
Emperor and his sons promised the English that they would
^ Namontack, to whom the Irish- is really a good deal in the report ;
man evidently alludes, sailed for Eng- but the Irishman was possibly acting
land with Captain Newport April 10, as a spy (see Biographies), or more
and arrived there May 21, 1608. He probably seeking a very remunerative
returned to Virginia with Newport employment, and he was evidently not
about July and arrived there about carefully accurate. His statements
the last of September, 1608. There are mixed. See CLVII.
REPORT OF FRANCIS MAGUEL. 397
give up their religion and believe in the God of the English
and on account of the great famiHarity which they show, it
seems that they would be easily converted.
" Of the Designs and Intentions of the English against
His Catholic Majesty, as the said Narrator learned when he
was in Virginia.
" 4. In the first place the natives of Virginia assure the
English that they can easily take them to the South-Sea by
three routes. The first route on which they will take them
is by land, from the head of that river, on which the Eng-
lish have a fort, to the South Sea, as the Natives afiirm [is
ten days' march]. The second route is, because in a day's
march and a half from the head of that river inland, there is
another river so long that it falls into the South Sea. The
third route is that twelve leagues from the mouth of this
river, where the English are, towards the N. W. there are
four other rivers, to which there came [went .^] one of those
English Captains in a pinnace,^ who says that one of these
rivers is of great importance, and the Natives af&rm, that
fourteen leagues farther on from these 4 rivers towards the
N. W. there is another great river, which flows very far into
the country, until it meets another large river, which flows
to the South Sea. The English desire nothing else so much
as to make themselves Masters of the South Sea in order to
secure their share of the riches of the Indies and to cut off
the trade of the King of Spain, and to seek new worlds for
themselves. With a view to this end : to make themselves
Masters of the South Sea they have determined to erect a
fort at the end of every days march of these ten days march
which lie between the head of their river and the South
Sea, to secure themselves on this route. And two other
forts on that day's march and a half which lie between the
two rivers. This they hope to accomplish in a short time,
because they do not intend to fortify them very strongly,
1 All this is a part of the story ments carried back to England by
with which Captain Smith excited the Newport in May, and Nelson in July,
colony on his return from his captivity 1608.
in January, 1608. See also the docu-
398 PERIOD in. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
but only so much as would suffice to defend themselves
against these savages. Likewise, for this aforesaid purpose
the King of England has sent out many carpenters of his
Kingdom, who are to build ships, and boats for those seas
and rivers, for which they have there the very greatest facil-
ities, since they have there a great abundance of the best
timber that can be found, for ship building, and their land
abounds in pitch, rosin and tar. Besides there grows wild
there much hemp, of which they mean to make cables and
ropes for their ships, and having, as they do have, all these
facilities for ship building, and with them, as before men-
tioned, so many iron mines (to work which, as well as to
work other metals they have already erected there some
machinery) it will be very easy to them to build many ships.
And according to themselves — as the narrator heard — if
they once have twenty or thirty thousand effective English-
men settled there, they will be able to do much injury to
the King of Spain, much more than France and England
can do. The English are much encouraged to make this
march to the South Sea by the report of the Natives of
Virginia that on the other side of Virginia, close to the
South Sea, there is a country, the inhabitants of which
wear wide silk dresses for their clothing, and bright colored
buskins, that they have much gold and that ships are in the
habit of coming to that country, who deal with the natives
and get from them both silk and gold. As a proof of this
the Virginians showed the English a few knives and other
things which they had gotten from those who came in these
aforesaid ships, & the English believe these vessels must be
Spanish.
" Item : The English in that country have among them-
selves proclaimed and sworn (allegiance to) the King of
England as King of Virginia. A?id the anxiety they feel
that the secrets of this country shall not become known, is
so great that they have issued orders prohibiting any one
from taking letters with him beyond the frontiers, and
also from sending any, especially to private individuals,
REPORT OF FRANCIS MAGUEL. 399
without their being first seen and read by the Governor.
For the same reason they have tried in that Fort of theirs at
Jamestown an EngHsh Captain, a Cathohc, called Cajjtain
' Tindol,' ^ because they ^SIe\f that he had tried to get to
Spain, in order to reveal to His Majesty all about this coun-
try and many plans of the English, which he knew, but
which the Narrator does not know. And in conclusion of
this it must be observed that now, since they have fully dis-
covered this country, they no longer follow the first route
and sailing course, which they took by ' Puerto rico ' when
they were about to discover Virginia, but that from Eng-
land they take their course much more towards the North
so as not to fall in with Spanish ships and also to make
the voyage in less time. The same Narrator affirms that he
returned from Virginia to England in 31 days, because in
coming back the voyage is much shorter than in going out.
" And in proof of the truth of all that has been stated
within the said Narrator promises and binds himself to go
in person, to serve His Cathohc Majesty, by showing to the
eye all that he says, if H. M. should be pleased to employ
him in this service.
" I, Don Fray Florencio Conryo, Archbishop of Tuam,
certify that the said Irishman, the narrator, ' Francisco
Miguel,' has sworn in my presence that he has either seen
himself, or heard said, or done all that is herein contained,
and among the best people of the English, when he was in
Virginia, and that all he has said in his own language, is
here faithfully translated into the Spanish Language, and
for the truth of it he signed it at Madrid, July the first.
1610. Fr: Florencio Conryo,
Archbishop of Tuam."
[Mem. — Sir Thomas Gates and Captain Newport left
Virginia in July, and arrived in England in September,
1610, bringing with them the following : —
^ This must be Captain Robert being a Catholic. The Irishman may
Tindall; but as he was in the employ have gotten liim confused with Cap-
of Henry, Prince of Wales, I doubt his tain Wingfield.
400 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXXXII. June 15. Somers to Salisbury.
CXXXIII. July 7. Governor and Council in Virginia
to the Virginia Company.
CXXXIV. . Lord De la Warr to Salisbury.
CXXXV. July 15. Strachey to " an Excellent Lady."
They brought to England the first news of the wreck of
the Sea Venture on the Bermudas, which was regarded, and
written of, at the time, as ahnost a miracle, performed by
God in the interest of English colonization, and the advance-
ment of the Protestant religion in the New World.
They also brought many other letters, now probably lost.
In one of these Lord De la Warr wrote : " That he will
sacrifice himselfe for his countrie in this service, if he may
be seconded ; and if the Company doe give it over he will
yet lay all his fortunes upon the prosecution of the Planta-
tion."]
CXXXII. SOMERS TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL, JAMES I. VOLUME 1, NUMBER 21.
Indorsed : " Sir George Sommers to my Lord from Vir-
ginia. 15. June 1610."
Addressed : " To the Right Honorable the Earle of Salys-
barie Lord Treasurer of England, Geve these."
" Right Honorable. May yt please your good honor
to bee advertised, that sithence our departure out of England
in goinge to Virginia, about some 200 leagues from the
Bermooda wee weare taken with a verie greate storme or
horrecane, which sundred all the fleete, and on St. James
eave, being the 23. of Julie, wee had such a Leake in our
ship, i insomuch that thear was in hir 9 feete of water before
wee Knewe of any such thinge, wee pumped with ij pumpes
and bailed in iij or iiij ur places with certaine Barreekroes
and then wee kept 100 men alwaies workinge night and
daie from the 23. untill the 28. of the same Julie being
Fridaie (at which time) wee sawe the Hand of Bermooda,
NICHOLAS FERRAR, the Younger
SOMERS TO SALISBURY. 401
whare our ship liethe upon a Rocke, a quarter of a mile
dystant from the shoare, whare wee saved all our lives, and
afterwardes saved much of our goodes, but all our bread
was wet and lost : Wee continued in this Hand, from the
28. of Julie untill the 10. of Maie (in which time) wee built
ij small Barks, to carie our people to Virginia, which in
number weare 140 men and weomen at the cominge to the
Hand. Wee departed from the Bermooda the 10. of Maie
and arived in Virginia the 23. of the same monethe, and
cominge to Cape Henrie, [Comfort ?] the Captaine thare
tould us of the famen that was in James Towne whereupon
wee hastened up and found it true : for they had eaten all
the quick things that weare there and some of them had
eaten snakes or adders : But by the industrie of Our Gov-
ernor in the Bermooda thear was saved a litell meale : for
our allowance would not extende to above one pounde and
a halfe for a man a weeke, and [on] this with fishe wee
lived 9 moneths — and this allowance our Governor Sir
Thomas Gates did allowe them, as wee had with some
porke and recovered all saving iij that did die, and weare
past recoverie before our cominge. Wee consulted togither
what course wear best to be taken for our meanes would
not continewe above 14 daies : We thought good to take
into our iiij pinaces as much of the munition as wee could,
and tooke in all the people and weare goinge down the river
but by the waie wee met with the Lord La Ware and Lord
Governor which made our heartes very glad and wee pres-
entlie retourned up to James Towne, and theare wee found
noe Savages for they weare affraid to come thither, for they
did not trade with our men these manie monethes : The
trothe is they had nothinge to trade withall but mulberries.
Nowe wee are in a good hope to plant and abide there, for
heere is a good course taken and a greater care then ever
thear was. — I am goinge to the Bermooda for fishe and
hogge with ij small Pinaces and am in a good opinion to be
back againe before the Indians doe gather their harvest.
The Bermooda is the most plentifuU place, that ever I came
402 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
to, for fislie, Hogges and f owle. Thus wishinge all healthe,
with the increase of honor, do humblie take my leave.
" From Virginia the xv^'' of June 1610.
" Your honors to command.
" George Somers."
" From James Towne in Virginia.
" I have sent your honor a breif e of the Hand of Ber-
mooda." [This " breife " is now missing.]
[Mem. — Mr. Neill published CXXXII. in his Virginia
Vetusta, pp. 61-63. The above is from a copy made for
me. The only hnportant difference between Mr. Neill's
copy and mine is in the date. Mine is dated 15th of June,
and his the 20th of June.]
CXXXIII. COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA TO THE VIRGINIA
COMPANY.
" Letter of the Governor and Council of Virginia to the
Virginia Company of London. [Harl. MS. 7009, fol. 58.]
[July 7, 1610.]
" Right Honourable and the rest of our very
" We are not ignorant how divers perplext and jealous
Eies mae looke out, and keepe more then freindly espiall
over this our passive and misconceived business, and now
(more especially, haply then at any other time), in these our
early dayes, and after the aspersions of so many slanderous
and wandering discourses, which have bin scattered by
maHgnant and ill-disposed people against it ; for which we
have conceived it essentiall with the birth of the worke
itself, to give up unto your noble knowledges the truth of
the state of the same, and of some consequences most mate-
riall following it, since it tooke protection and fostering
from us.
" You shall please then to know, how the first of Aprill
1610, in the good shipp the De-la- Warr, admirall, accom-
COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA TO THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 403
panied with The Blessing of Plimmouth, viz-admirall, and
the Hercules of Ry, reere-admirall, we weyed from the
Cowes, getting out of the Needles, and with a favourable
passage, holding consort, the 12'^ day we fell with the
Treseras, and recovered that evening (within three leagues)
the Westermost part of St. George's Island, where we lay
that night becalmed ; but the next morning with the sunrise,
did the wind likewise rise, west and west-by-South, a rough
and lowde gale, at what time the master of the Reere-ad-
mirall told me of a roade litt for that winde at Gratiosa,
whereupon I willed him to go before and I would follow,
and so we stood for that roade ; but it was my fortune to
lead in it, where we came to an ancor at f ortie fathom, when
it blew so much winde presently that our ancor came home,
and we were forced to sea againe, the same time the Bless-
ing was compeld to cutt her cable at haulfe, for in the
weying of it the pale of her capstan brake, and dangerously
hurte 12 of our men ; The Hercules was Hkewise forced
from the roade, and brake her ancor ; yet the next day we
met al together againe. The 15*^, we lost sight of the
Hercules, betweene the Treceras and Gratiosa, and we saw
her no more untill the G**" of June, at what time we made
land to the Southward of our harbour. The Chesiopiock Bay,
where running in towards the shoare, steering away nor-
west, before noone we made Cape Henry, bearing nor-west
and by West ; and that night came to an ancor under the
Cape, where we went ashoare, as well to refresh ourselves
as to fish, and to sett up a cross upon the pointe (if haply
the Hercules might arrive there) to signify our coming in.
Whilst we were a fishing, divers Indians came downe from
the woods unto us, and with faire intreatye on both sides,
I gave unto them of such fish as we tooke, which was good
store, and was not unwelcome unto them, for indeed at this
time of the yeare they live poore, their corne being but
newly putt into the ground, and their old store spent ;
Oysters and crabbs, and such fish as they take in their
weares, is their best releefe. As we were returning aboard
404 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
againe, oiir master descried a sayle close by the pointe at
Cape Henry, whereupon I commaunded him to beare up the
helme, and we gave it chase, when within an hower or a little
more, to our no little [joy], made her to be The Hercules,
our reere admirall, wliome we had now lost . . . weekes
and odd dayes ; and this night (all praise be to God for it)
came to an ancor under Pointe Comfort ; from whence the
Captaine of the fort, Ca[ptain] James Davies, repaired unto
us, and soone had unfolded a strange . . . tion of a double
quallitie, mixed both with joy and sorrow. He let us to
understand first (because thereof I first inquired) of the
arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Sumers, in 2
pinnisses, with all their company safe from the Bermudas,
the 21. of May (about some fortnight before our now
coming in), whome, he told us, were now up our river at
James Town. I was heartily glad to heare the happines of
this newes ; but it was seasoned with a following discourse,
compound of so many miseries and calamaties (and those in
such horrid chaunges and divers formes), as no story, I be-
lieve, ever presented the wrath and curse of the eternall
offended Majestic in a greater measure. I understood
moreover, by reason I saw the Vb^ginia to ly then in Roade,
before the pointe ridg, and prepared to sett sayle out of the
river, how that Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Sumers
were within a tide or two coming downe againe, purposing
to abandon the countrie whilest they had meanes yet lefte
to transport them and the whole company to Newfoundland.
" For most true it is, the straunge and unexpected condi-
tion and ... in which Sir Thomas Gates found the colony,
gave him to underst[and] never was there more neede of
all the powers of Judgement, and . . . knowing, and long
exercised vertue, then now to be awak . . . calling upon
him to save such whome he found so f o . . .as in redeem-
ing himself and his againe from falling into the . . . ties.
For besides that he found the forte unfurnished (and that
. . . and many casualties) of so lardge an accompte and
number ... as he expected, and knew came alonge the
COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA TO THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 405
last yeare, trained in . . . fleete with himself ; so likewise
found he as empty and unfuinished a . . . entering the
towne, it appeared raither as the ruins of some auntient
[forjtifieation, then that any people living might now in
habit it : the palHsadoes he found tourne downe, the portes
open, the gates from the hinges, the church ruined and un-
frequented, empty howses (whose owners untimely death
had taken newly from them) rent up and burnt, the Hving
not hable, as they pretended, to step into the woodes to
gather other fire-wood ; and, it is true, the Indian as fast
killing without as the famine and pestilence within.
Only the block house (somewhat regarded) was the safetie
of the remainder that lived ; which yet could not have pre-
served them now many dayes longer from the watching,
subtile, and offended Indian, who (it is most certaine) knew
all this their weaknes, and forbare too timely to assault
the forte, or hazard themselves in a fruitless war on such
whonie they were assured in short time would of themselves
perish, and being provoked, their desperate condition might
draw forth to a valiaunt defence ; yet were they so ready
and prepared, that such whome they found of our men
stragled single beyond the bounds, at any time, of the
block house, they would fiercely chardge (for all their
pieces), as they did 2. of our people not many dayes before
Sir Thomas Gates was come in, and 2. likewise they killed
after his arrivall 4. or 5. dayes.
" But that which added most to his sorowe, and not a
Htle startled him, was the impossibilitie which he conceived
{and conceived tridy) how to amend any one whitt of this.
His forces were not of habilitie to revenge upon the Indian,
nor his owne supply (now brought from the Bermudas)
sufficient to releive his people ; for he had brought no
greater store of provision (as not jealous that any such dis-
aster could have befalne the Colony) then might well serve
150 for a sea voyage ; and at this time of the yeare, neither
by force (had his power bin sufficient) nor trade, might have
amended these wants, by any help from the Indian : nor
106 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
was there any meanes in the forte to take fish, for there
was neither a sufficient seine to be found, nor any other
convenient netts ; and, to saye true, if there had, yet was
there not aneye sturgion come into the river.
" All these considered, he then entered into consultation
with Sir George Sumers and Capt. Newporte, calling unto
the same the gentlemen and Counsaile of the former govern-
ment, intreating both the one and the other to advise with
him, what was to be don : the provision w^hich they both
had aboard, both Sir George Sumers and Capt. Newporte,
was examined and delivered, how it being rackt to the utter-
most, extended not to above 16 dayes, after 2. cakes a day.
The gentlemen of the towne (who knew better of the coun-
trie) could not give them any hope, or wayes how to recover
oughts from the Indian. It soone then appeared most fitt,
by a generall approbation, that to preserve and save all
from starving, there could be no readier course thought on,
then to abandon the countrie, and accommodating them-
selves the best that they might in the present pinnasses then
in the roade (as, namely, in The Discovery , and The Vir-
ginia, the 2. brought from, and builded at, the Bermudas,
the one called The Delivercmnce of about 70 tonn, and the
other. The Patience^ of about 30 tonn), with all speed con-
venient to make for the New-found-land, where, it being
then fishing time, they might meete with many English
ships, into which happily, they might disperce most of the
Company.
" This consultation taking effect the 7*^ of June, Sir
Thomas Gates having appointed to every pinnass his com-
plement and nomber, . and delivered likewise thereunto a
proportionable rate of provision, caused every man to re-
paire aboard ; and bycause he would preserve the towne
(albeit now to be quitted) unburned, which some intemper-
ate and malitious people threatened, his owne company he
caused likewise to be cast ashoare, and was himself the last
of them, when, about noon, giving a farewell with a peale
of small shott, he sett sayle, and that night, with the tide,
COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA TO THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 407
fell down to an island in the river, which our people here
call Hogg Island ; and the next morning the tide brought
them to another island, which they have called Mulberry
Island, at what time they discovered my long boat. For I,
having understood of the resolution by the aforesaid pinnas,
which was some 4. or 5 days come away before, to prepare
those at Pointe Comforte, with all expedition I caused the
same to be man'd, and in it, with the newes of our arrivall,
dispatched my letters by Captaine Edward Brewister to Sir
Thomas Gates which, meeting to[geth8r] before the afore-
said Mulberry Island, the S^^ of June aforesaid, upon the
receite of our letters. Sir Thomas Gates bore up the helm
againe, and that night (the wind favourable) re-landed all
his men at the Forte ; before which, the 10*^ of June being
Sonday, I brought my shipp, and in the afternoon went
ashoare where after a sermon made by M"" Buck, Sir
Thomas Gates his preacher, I caused my commission to be
read, upon Avhich Sir Thomas Gates delivered up unto me
his owne commission, both patents, and the counsell scale :
and then I delivered some few wordes unto the Company,
laying some blames on them for many vanities and their
idlenes, earnestly wishing that I might no more find it so,
leaste I should be compeld to drawe the sworde of Justice,
to cut of such delinquents, which I had much rather drawe
in theire defence, to protect from enemies ; heartening them
with the knowledge of what store of provisions I had
brought for them ; and after, not finding as yet in the
towne a convenient house, I repaired aboard againe, where
the 12^'' of June, I did constitute and give places of office
and chardge to divers Captaines and gentlemen, and elected
unto me a counsaile, unto whome I administred an oath of
faith, assistance, and secresy ; their names were these : Sir
Thomas Gates, Knight, Lieutenant Gen[eral] Sir George
Sumers, Knight, Admiral. Capt George Percy Esq, [and in
the Fort Captaine of fifty.] Sir Ferdinando Wenman,
Knight, M [aster of the Ordnance] Capt Christopher New-
port, [vice-admirall.] William Strachey, Esq. Secretary [and
408 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
Recorder.] As likewise I nominated Capt. John Martin,
Master of the B[attery] Workes for Steele and iron ; and
Capt George Webb, Serjeant [Major] of the forte ; and
M' Daniell Tucker and M' Robert Wild, clarkes of the
Store.
" Our first care was to advise with our counsaile for the
obtaining of such provisions of victualls, for store and
quallitie, as the country afforded for our people. It did not
appeare unto us that any kind of flesh, deere, or what els,
of what kind could be recovered from the Indians, or to be
sought in the countrey by us ; and our people, together with
the Indians (not to friend), had the last winter destroyed
and kild up all our hoggs, insomuch as of five or six hun-
dred (as it is supposed), there was not above one sow, that
we can heare of, left alive ; not a henn nor chick in the
forte (and our horses and mares they had eaten with the
first) ; and the provision which we had brought concerning
any kind of flesh was little or nothing : whereupon it
pleased Sir George Sumers to propose a voyage, which, for
the better releife and good of the Colony, he would per-
forme unto the Bermudas, (which, lying in the height of 32
degrees and 20 minutes, 5 degrees from our bay, may be
some seve[n] skore leagues from us, or thereabouts ; reck-
oning to every degree that lyes nor-west and westerly, 28
English leagues) ; and from thence he would fetch 6
monthes provision of flesh and fish, and some live hoggs, of
which those islands (by their owne reporte, however, most
daungerous to fall with) are marvellous full and well stored ;
whereupon, well approving and applauding a motion relish-
ing of so faire hopes and much goodnes, we gave him a
commission the 15*^ of June, who, in his owne Bermuda
pinnas. The Patience^ accompanied with Capt Samuell
Argall, in the Discovery (whome we sware of our counsaile
before his departure), the 19"' of June fell with the tide
from before our towne, whome we have ever since accom-
panied with our hearty prayers for his happy and safe
returne. And likewise because at our first coming we
COUNCIL m VIRGINIA TO THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 409
found in our owne river no store of fish after many tryalls,
we dispatched with instructions the 17. of June, Robert
Tindall, master of the De la Warr, to fish unto all along
and betweene Cape Henry and Cape Charles Y/ithin the bay,
who the last of the same returned unto us againe ; but mett
with so small a quantitie and store of fish, as he scarce tooke
so much as served the company that he caried forth with
him. Nor were we in the meane while idle at the forte,
but every day and night we hayled our nett sometimes a
dozen times one after another, but it pleased not God so to
bless our labours, that we should at any time take one
quarter so much as would give unto our people one pound
at a meale a peice (by which we might have better hus-
banded and spared our peas and oatmeale), notwithstanding
the greate store we now saw dayly in our river.
" Thus much in briefe concerning our voyage hether, our
meeting with Sir Thomas Gates here, and our joynt cares
and indeavours since our arrivall : nor shall we be fay ling
on our parte to do the uttermost that we may for the happy
structure and raysing againe of this too much stooped and
dejected imployment. It rests that I should now truly
deliver unto yee (right honourable and the rest of our good
friends) somewhat our opinion, or rather better judgement,
which hath observed many things, and those objected cleare
to reason, most beni-ficiall concerning this countrie. And
first, we have experience, and our owne eyes witnes, how
young soever we are to this place, that no countrie yealdeth
goodlier corne or more manifold increase, large feildes we
have as prospects houerly before us of the same, and those
not many miles from our quarter (some whereof, true it is,
to quitt the mischeivous Indian, and irreconsilable for his
late injuries and murthering of our men, our purpose is to
be masters of ere long, and to thresh it out on the flores of
our barnes when the time shall serve). Next in every boske
and common hedge, and not farr from our pallisado gates,
wa have thousands of goodly vines running along and lean-
ing to every tree, which yeald a plentifuU grape in their
410 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
kind, let me appeale, then, to knowledge, if these naturall
vines were planted, dressed, and ordered by skilfull vinea-
roones, whether we might not make a perfect grape and
fruitfuU vintage in short time? Lastly, we have made
triall of our owne English seedes, kitchen hearbes, and
rootes, and find them no sooner put into the ground then
to prosper as speedily and after the same quallitie as in
England.
" Only let me truly acknowledge they are not an hundred
or two of deboisht hands, dropt forth by yeare after yeare,
with penury and leysure, ill provided for before they come,
and worse governed when they are heere, men of such dis-
tempered bodies and infected mindes, whome no examples
dayly before their eyes, either of goodnes or punishment,
can deterr from their habituall impieties, or terrific from a
shamef ull death, that must be the carpenters and workers in
this so glorious a building.
" But (to delude and mock the bewsiness no longer) as a
necessary quantity of provision for a yeare, at least must be
carefully sent with men, so likewise must there be the same
care for men of quallitie, and paines taking men of artes
and practises, chosen out and sent into the bewsiness, and
such are in dew time now promised, sett downe in the sced-
ule at the end of our owne approved discourse, which we
have intituled 'A True and sincere declaration of the
'purpose and end of our Plantation hegonn in Virginia^
&c: [CXIV.]
" And these two, such men and such provision are like
enough to make good the ends of the jnnployment in all
the waies both for reputation, search and discovery of the
countrie, and the hope of the South Sea, as also to returne
by all ships sent hither many commodities well knowne to
be heere, if meanes be to prepare them. Where upon give
me leave, I beseech yee, further to make inference, that
since it hath bin well thought on by yee to provide for the
government by changing the authoritie [see remarks on
LXVI.] into an absolute command (indeed . . . vhtuall
SIR MARTIN FROBISHER
COUNCIL IN VIRGINIA TO THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 411
advancement to these like bewsinesses and m . . . company
us) of a noble and well instructed leifet[enant] ... of an
industrious admirall, and other knights and gen[tlemen],
and officers, each in their severall place of quallitie and
implo[yment], if the other two, as I have saide, be taken
into dew accompte . . . valewed as the sinewes (as indeed
they be) of this action (without which it cannot possible
have any faire subsisting, however men have belyed both it
and themselves heeretofore) then let no rumor of the pov-
erty of the countrey (as if in the wombe thereof there lay
not those elHmentall seedes which could produce as many
goodly birthes of plenty and increase, yea, and of better
hopes as of any land under the heavens unto whome the
sunn is no neerer a neighbor ; I say, let no imposture,
rumor then, nor any fame of some one or a few more
chaunceable interposing by the way or at home, wave any
mans faire purposes hetherward, or wrest them to a declin-
inge and falling of from the bewsiness.
" For let them be assured, as of the truth itself, these
premises considered, looke what the countrie can afforde,
which may, by the quantitie of our men, be safely and con-
veniently explored, searched, and made practise of, these
things shall not be omitted for our part, nor will be by the
lievetenant generall to be commaunded ; nor our commaunds
receaved {as iii former times) with unwillingnes or f alee-
nes, either in our people's going forth, or in execution,
being for each one in his place, whither commaunder, over-
seer or labourer.
" For the causes of these idle and restie imtowardnes
being hy the authoritie and unitie of our government
removed, all hands already sett to it ; and he that knew not
the way to goodnes before, hut cherisht singularitie and
faction, now can heate out a path himself of industrie
and goodnes for others to trade in, such, may I well say,
is the power of exemplar vertue. Nor would I have it con-
ceived that we would exclude altogether gentlemen, and
such whose breeding never knew what a dayes labour
412 PERIOD in. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
meant, for even to such, this countrie I doubt not but will
give likewise excellent satisfaction, especially to the better
and stayed spirritts ; for he amongst us that cannot digg,
use the square, nor practise the ax and chissle, yet he shall
find how to imploy the force of knowledge, the exercise of
Counsell, and the operation and power of his best breeding
and quallitie.
" And thus, right honourable and the rest of our very
good friends, assuring yee of our resolution to tarry God's
mercy towards us, in continuing for our parte this planta-
tion, I only will intreate yee to stand favourable unto us
for a new supply in such matters of the two-fold phisicke,
which both the soules and bodies of our poor people heere
stand much in neede of ; The specialties belonging to the
one, the phisitians themselves (whome I hope you will be
caref ull to send unto us) will bring along with them ; the
particularities of the other we have sent herein, inclosed
unto us by M"" Doctor Boone [Bohun], whose care and
industrie for the preservation of our men's lives (assaulted
with straunge fluxes and agues), we have just cause to com-
mend unto your noble favours ; nor let it, I beseech yee, be
passed over as a motion slight and of no moment to furnish
us with these things, so much importuning the strength and
health of our people, since we have true experience how
many men's lives these phisicke helpes have preserved since
our coming in, God so blessing the practise and diligence
of our doctor, whose store is nowe growne thereby to so lowe
an ebb, as we have not above 3 weekes phisicall provisions,
if our men con tine w still thus visited with the sicknesses of
the countrie, of the which every season hath his particular
infirmitie reighning in it, as we have it related unto us by
the old inhabitants ; and since our owne arrivall, have cause
to feare it to be true, who have had 150 at a time much
afflicted, and I am perswaded had lost the greatest part of
them, if we had not brought these helpes with us.
" And so concluding your farther troubles, with this only
remembrance, that we have, with the advise of our Coun-
DE LA WARR TO SALISBURY. 413
sell, conceived it most fitt to detaine yet a while, for all
good occasions, the good shipp the De la Warr, to which we
hope yee wil be no whitt gainsaying : We cease with un-
necessary relations to provoke yee any farther.
" James Towne. July 7'^ 1610.
" Tho La Warre. Tho. Gates. Fer^ Wenman.
George Percy. William Strachey."
[CXXXIII. has been printed before in this country by
Mr. Neill in his " Virginia Company of London,'' pp. 36-
49, and in England by the Hakluyt Society, volume for
1849, xxiii.-xxxvi.]
CXXXIV. DE LA WARR TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL, JAMES I. VOLUME 1, NUMBER 22.
Indorsed : " Lord De La Warr to my Lord from Vir-
ginia. Received in September 1610."
Addressed : " To the right honourable my most worthy
and speciall Frend the Earle of Salisbury, Lord High
Treasurer of England. Give thes."
" Maie it pleass your good Lordshippe.
" Synnce I Departed from your Ld : I have meet with
verie much comf ortye ; yett mingled with as manie Lamen-
table accidentes, as ever your eares have binne filled withall
and because Sr. Thomas Gates who is the bearer hereof was
the first that found our men in miserie, I will leave that rela-
tion to him as beinge best able to Informe, and onlie tuchs
breeflie what my self e canne Testifie. The first of A prill I
Departed the Cowes in the He of Wight with 3. good
shippes, and in them an 150 persons to land as Planters in
Virginia. The 12. of Aprill I made laund, it being the
Trecera Hand, that night the Wynnd came in contrarie
and it blewe harde ; the next Dale that wee weare forced to
seeke out a rodde unbeknownt onto our best marriners and
wee fared accordinglie, for 2 of my shippes lost theare
Ipii
414 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1C09-JULY, 1614.
aunkei*s and spoyled Divers of thear men in seeking to weye
them and the annkor of my owne shippe came home, so that
I was forced to sea again, so soune as my anker was Downe :
the 15 Daie I lost sight of my Rear admirall and I con-
tinued beatinge uppe and Downe with the Wynnd contrarie,
to meete with our loste shippe but could not bee so happie,
the [wind] continued still contrarie so that I was forced to
runne to the Southwards to the hight of 28 Degrees of
northerlie Latitude, and untill the 27. of Aprill I had not
Wynnd to carrie mee forward one my course ; but then the
wynd came faier, and I went before the wynnd till I came
neare the Coaste of Virginia so that tyme if it had not
scanted I had recovered the place in lesse than 8 weekes,
but I laye beatinge uppon the coaste, that it was neare ten
weekes before I made the Lannd ; for it was the 5. of June
beefore I sawe laund and that night I came to anne annkor
at Cape Henrye, having the Blessinge whearin was Sir Fer-
dinando Wenman in my companie. The next Daie the
Wynnd beinge contrarie I was faynne to take the oppor-
tunitie of the tide, to turnne uppe the river and a Httle
before noon I discried a sayle comminge in at the poynte
and then I presentlie bore up with her when I came to
make what shee was I found her to bee my owne consort
that had binne missinge neare 8 weekes. The 6. of June I
came to an ankor under Cape Comfort where I met with
much cold comfort, as if it had not binne accompanyed
with the most happie newes of Sir Thomas Gates his ari-
vall it had binne sufficiente to have brooke my hart and to
have made mee altogeather unable to have Donne my King
or countrey anie service. Sir Thomas Gates likewise being
in Despaire of anie present supplie had prepared himselfe
and all his companie for England and ment to quite the
Countrye ; uppon which advertisement I presentlie sent
my skife awaie, to give him notice of my arivall, which
newes I knew would alter that resolution of his, myselfe
with all possible speede followed after, and meet him com-
minge downe the river havinge shipped the hole companie
DE LA WARR TO SALISBURY. 415
and Colonie in two small pinnasses with a determination to
staie some tenn Daies at Cape Comfort to expect our Com-
minge, otherwise to goe for England having but 30 Daies
vittualles left him and his houngrie companie, so uppon the
tenth of June I landed at James Towne being a verie noy-
some and unholsome place occasioned much bie the mortal-
litie and Idlenes of our owne people, so the next Daie I sett
the sailors to worke to unlode shippes and the landmen
some to cleanse the towne, some to make cole for the forges.
I sent fishermen out to provide fish for our men, to save
other provision, but those had but ill success. Likewise I
Dispached Sir George Sommers backe againe to the Bar-
mudas, the good old gentleman out of his love and zeale
not [illegible] motioning, but most cheerfuUie and reso-
lutehe undertaking to performe so Dangerous a Voiage and
if it please God, he doe safllie return he will store us with
hoges. . . . fleshe and fish enoughe to serve the whole
colonie this wynter. Thus bie Godes assistance I shall goe
forwards Imployinge my best indevors in settlinge and man-
aging these affairs. . . .
" These weare never so weake and so farr out of order as
nowe I found them. I make no one question if God
restore me to health, and give me a blessinge to my Labours.
I shall verie shortlie in some measure recompence the great
care and charge the companie hath bine at, and returne
something valuable unto the adventurers, who have so
nobly began and constantlie seconded these hut as yet
unfortimate proseedinges, I make no question but your
Lordship wilbe a favorer and a furtherer hearin unto us
and make it your owne cause, synce it is undertaken for
God's glorie and our Countries good, to both of which you
have been so zealous and so faithful a professor, assuringe
your Lordship you shall ever find me readie to execute all
your commandementes and to doe you all the faithfiUl ser-
vice that Hethe in my power."
The whole of this letter [CXXXIV.], I believe, lias
never been printed before.
9
416 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXXXV. LETTER FROM STRACHEY.
" A True reportory of the wracke, and redemption of Sir
Thomas Gates, Knight ; upon, and from the Hands of the
Bermudas : his comming to Virginia, and the estate of that
Colonie then, and after, under the government of the Lord
La Warre, July 15. 1610. written by William Strachy,
Esquire."
This was one of the manuscripts preserved by Hakluyt.
It was published by Purchas (vol. iv. pp. 1734-1756) in
1625, with the following introductory note : " M. Strachies
copious discourse shall feast you with the lively expression
of others miseries, and Barmudas happy discovery m Rhet-
orickes Full sea and spring tideJ' This long discourse of
over 20,000 words, divided into four chapters, is addressed
to an " Excellent Lady,'^ without giving her name. The
first and second chapters entire and a part of the third were
reprinted in 1877, in Lefroy's " Memorials of the Bermu-
das," vol. i. pp. 21-51. In this work, in two volumes, pub-
lished by Longmans & Co. in 1877-1879, and in " The
History e of the Bermudaes or Summer Islands," published
by the Hakluyt Society in 1882, General Lefroy has col-
lected together much of the early history of the Bermudas.
Professor Tyler, in his " History of American Literature,"
vol. i. pp. 41-45, gives a few extracts, but I believe the
whole letter has never been printed in America. I would
like to give it, but it is too long. " The still-vex'd Ber-
moothes " is mentioned by Shakespeare in " The Tempest,"
and it is thought by some that the storm of July 24, 1609,
inspired that play.
Strachey's first chapter describes " A most dreadfull Tem-
pest (the manifold deaths whereof are here to the life de-
scribed) their wracke on Bermuda, and the description of
those Hands."
Chapter II. " Actions and Occurrents whiles they con-
tinued in the Hands : Masters Mate Henry Ravens and the
Cape Merchant Thomas Whittingham, sail in the long Boat,
LETTER FROM STRACHEY. 417
as a Barke of Aviso for Virginia with a commission for
Capt Peter Win as Lieut Governour of Virginia: Divers
mutinies : Two Pinnaces built," etc.
Chapter III. " Their departure from Bermuda [May 10,
1610], and arrivall in Virginia [May 21] : Miseries there,
departure [June 7] and returne upon the Lord La Warres
arriving. James Towne described."
Chapter IIII. " The Lord La Warres beginnings [June 10]
and proceedings in James Towne. Sir Thomas Gates sent
into England," etc. Chapters III. and IIII. contain a good
deal of the same information given in the letter of July 7
(CXXXIII.) and sometimes in the same words. Strachey
gives the names of the following officers, not mentioned
in the said letter, viz. : Master Anthony Scot, Lord De la
Warr's Ancient (Ensign) ; " Capt Edward Brewster who
hath the command of his Honours owne Company ; " Capt.
Thomas Lawson, Capt Thomas Holecroft, Capt SamueU
Argall, " Capt. George Yardley who commandeth the Lieu-
tenant General's Company," "Master Ralph Hamor and
Master Browne, clarkes of the Counsell."
It should be remembered, however, that when this letter
was written Strachey had been in Virginia less than two
months, and Lord De la Warr only a few days more than
one month.
Strachey refers to " The Booke, which the Adventurers
have sent hither, intituled ' Advertisements unto the Colony
in Virginia.' " I have not found this " Booke," unless it
be CXI v., which I think possible, if not probable.
CXXXV. originally contained the Lawes, etc. (CII.) ; but
Purchas has omitted them in his publication.
418 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULT, 1614.
CXXXVI. VELASCO TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 25S7, FOLIO 118.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to
the King of Spain, dated London, September 30, 1610.
" Sire, — On the first of September [i. e., August 22]
I received Y. M.'s letter of July 21, with the report
[CXXXI.] which the Irishman made touching Virginia,
and a httle later there came here Captain ' Neoporto ' in
two small vessels,^ which he made out of his ship in Ber-
muda, where it broke to pieces. He has secretly reported
the misery suffered by those who remain there and said that
if Lord de la ' Warca ' [Warre] who recently went there as
Governor, had delayed three days longer, the island would
have been abandoned by the 300 persons who had remained
alive out of 700, who had been sent out. In order to en-
courage the merchants, at whose expense this expedition is
undertaken, so that they may persevere in it, he has publicly
given out great hopes, and thus they have formed several
Companies by which men will be sent out in assistance, and
they have determined, that at the end of January of the
coming year, three ships shall sail, with men, women and
ministers of their religion, and with a full supply of arms
and ammunition for all. Thus I have been told by ' Guil-
lermo Monco ' [Wm. Monson ^] whom I consider a trust-
worthy and very intelligent man, who knows all about this
business, as some of the sailors who came over in those
small vessels, were servants of his and all the others intimate
friends and dependents of his ; and the same I have heard
from other sources, all of which agree in this. I think this
plan might be brought to nought with great facility, if Y.
M. were pleased to command that a few ships should be
^ As to the vessels this is a mistake. ^ gij. William Monson, a pensioner
Gates and Newport returned with the of Spain. See Gardiner's Hist, of
Blessing and the Hercules. England^ i. 215, and ii. 216.
A DISCOVERY OF THE BARMUDAS. 419
sent to that part of the world, which would drive out the
few people that have remained there, and are so threatened
by the Indians that they dare not leave the fort they have
erected.
" May Our Lord preserve " etc.
CXXXVII. A DISCOVERY OF THE BARMUDAS.
The following tract, and CXXXVIII., were among the
first literary fruit of the Bermudas' shipwreck : —
" A Discovery of the Barmudas, Otherwise called the He
of Divels : By Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sommers,
and Captayne Newport, with divers others. Set forth for
the love of my Country ; and also for the good of the Plan-
tation in Virginia. London, Printed by John Windet, and
are to be sold by Roger Barnes, . . . 1610."
Dedicated by Sil. Jourdan, the author, to " Master John
Fitz James Esquire one of his Maiesties chief e Justices of
the Peace within the countie of Dorset."
'' Good Reader, this is the first BooTce published to the
world touching Sommer Hands; hut who shall live to
see the last f "
This Httle tract was again printed in " A plaine descrip-
tion of the Barmudas " (CCLIX.). It was reprinted in the
1809-12 edition of Hakluyt's works, and by Peter Force
in his third volume, Washington, 1844. I suppose there
are originals in America ; but I do not know of any. It
relates to events on the ocean, in the Somers Islands, and
Virginia, July 25, 1609, to June 19, 1610.
4:20 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXXXVIII.
NEVVES FROM VIRGINIA.
The Lost Flocke Triumphant;
With the happy Arrival of that famous and
worthy knight S' Thomas Gates : and
the well reputed and valient Cap-
taine M^ Christopher New-
porte, and others, into
Virginia.
With the manner of their distresse in the Hand of Devils
(otherwise called Bermoothawes) where they
remained 42 weeks, and builded
two Pynaces, in which
they returned unto
Virginia.
by R. Rich, Gent., one of the voyage*
LONDON:
Printed by Edw. Allde, and are to be solde by John
Wright, at Christ-Church dore. 1610.
The copy in the Huth Collection formerly belonged to
Lord Charlemont's library at Dublin, where Halliwell found
it in 1864. It was sold in 1865 for £63. A second copy
was found in the Drake Library, and sold in 1883 for £93.
SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT
NEWS FROM VIRGINIA. 421
Mr. Kalbfleisch has since bought the Drake copy for £105,
and it is, I believe, the only original in America.
It was reprinted by Mr. Neill in 1878, and in the " Maga-
zine of American History," New York, in 1883.
" TO THE READER.
" Reader, — how to stile thee I knowe not, perhaps
learned, perhaps unlearned; happily captious, happily en-
vious ; indeed, what or how to tearme thee I know not,
only as I began I will proceede.
" Reader : Thou dost peradventure imagine that I am
mercenarie in this busines, and write for money (as your
moderne Poets use) hyred by some of those ever to be ad-
mired adventurers to flatter the World. No ; I disclaim it.
I have knowne the voyage, past the danger, scene that
honorable work of Virginia, and I thanke God, am arrived
here to tell thee what I have scene, don, and past. If thou
wilt believe me, so ; if not, so too ; for I cannot force thee
but to thy owne liking. I am a soldier, blunt and plaine,
and so is the phrase of my newes ; and I protest it is true.
If you aske why I put it in verse, I prethee knowe it was
onely to feede mine owne humour. I must confesse, that,
had I not debarde myselfe of that large scope which to the
writing of prose is allowed, I should have much eas'd my-
selfe, and given thee better content. But I intreat thee to
take this as it is, and before many daies expire, / will
2Jromise thee the same worke more at large}
" I did f eare prevention by some of your writers, if they
should have gotten but some part of the newes by the tayle,
and therefore, though it be rude, let it passe with thy liking,
and in so doing I shall like well of thee ; but, however, I
have not long to stay. If thou wilt be unnaturall to thy
countryman, thou maist, — I must not loose my patrymonie.
I am for Virginia againe, and so I will bid thee hartily
farewell with an honest Verse :
1 I am inclined to think that this copy is now known, was entered for
" worke more at large " of which no publication August 16, 1611.
422 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
" As I came hether to see my native land,
To waft me backe, lend me thy gentle hand —
^' Thy loving country-man.
'^NEWES FROM VIRGINIA,
" Of The happy arrival of That Famous and Worthy Knight^ Sir
Thomas Gates, and well reputed and Valiante Captaine Newport,
into England,
" It is no idle fabulous tale,
Nor is it fayned newes,
For Truth herself is heere arriv'd,
Because you should not muse.
With her both Gates and Newport come,
To tell Report doth lye,
Which did divulge into the World,
That they at sea did dye.
" 'Tis true that eleaven monthes and more,
These gallant worthy wights
Was in the shippe Sea-Venture nam'd,
Deprived Virginia's sight :
And bravely did they glyde the maine
Till Neptune 'gan to frowne,
As if a courser proudly backt
Would Throw his ryder downe.
" The Seas did rage, the windes did blowe.
Distressed were they then ;
Their shippe did leake, her tacklings breake,
In daunger were her men,
But heaven was pylotte in this storme,
And to an Hand nere,
Bermooihawes called, conducted them,
Which did abate their feare.
** But yet these worthies forced were
Opprest with weather againe.
To runne their ship between two rockes,
Where she doth still remaine ;
And then on shoare, the Hand came
Inhabited by hogges,
NEWS FROM VIRGINIA. 423
Some Foule, and tortoyses there were,
They onley had one dogge ^
** To kill these swyne to yield them foode
That little had to eate,
Their store was spent, and all things scant,
Alas ! they wanted meate.
A thousand hogges that dogge ^ did kill,
Their hunger to sustaine,
And with such foode, did in that He
Two and forty weekes remaine,
"And there two gallant pynases
Did build of Seader-tree
The brave Deliverance one was call'd
Of seaventy tonne was shee,
The other. Patience had to name,
Her burthen thirty tonne ;
Two only of their men which there.
Pale death did overcome.
" And for the losse of these two soules,
Which were accounted deere,
A Sonne and daughter then was borne,
And were baptized there.
The two and forty weekes being past.
They hoyst sayle and away ;
Their ships with hogs well freighted were.
Their harts with mickle joy.
*' And so to Virginia came,
Where these brave soldiers finde
The English-men opprest with griefs
And discontent in minde ;
They seem'd distracted and forlorne
For those two worthies' losse.
Yet at their home returne, they joye'd,
Amongst them some were crosse
" And in the midst of discontent
Came noble De la Ware ;
And heard the griefes on either part,
And sett them free from care :
* We may safely class this document as doggereL
424 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
He comforts them, and cheeres their hearts,
That they abound with joy ;
He feedes them full, and feedes their soules,
With God's word every day.
*^ A discreet counsell he creates
Of men of worthy fame.
That noble Gates, leiftenant was,
The admirall had to name ;
The worthy Sir George Somers, Knight,
And others of command,
Maister George Pearcy, which is brother
Unto Northumberland,
" Sir Fardinando Wayneman, Knight,
And others of good fame,
That noble Lord his company
Which to Virginia came,
And landed there his number was
One hundred seaventy ; then
Ad to the rest, and they make full
Foure hundred able men.
" Where they unto their labour fall.
As men that mean to thrive ;
Let's pray that heaven may blesse them aU
And keep them long alive :
Those men that vagrants liv'd with us,
Have there deserved well,
Their governour writes in their praise
As divers letters tel.
" And to the adventurers thus he writes.
Be not dismayed at all.
For scandall cannot doe us wrong,
God will not let us fall.
Let England knowe our willingnesse.
For that our worke is good.
Wee hope to plant a nation^
Where none before hath stood,
" To glorifie the Lord 'tis done.
And to no other end ;
He that would crosse so good a worke,
To God can be no friend ;
NEWS FROM VIRGINIA. 425
There is no feare of hunger here
For corne much store here growes.
Much fish the gallant rivers yield,
'Tis truth, without suppose.
** Great store of fowle, of venison,
Of Grapes and Mulberries,
Of chesnuts, walnuts and such like
Of fruits and strawberries,
There is indeed no want at all
But some, condicion'd ill.
That wish the worke should not goe on,
With words doe seeme to kill.
" And for an instance of their store,
The noble De la Ware
Hath for a present hither sent.
To testifie his care
In managing so good a worke
Two gallant ships, by name
The Blessing and The Hercules
Well fraught, and in the Same
" Two ships, are these commodities
Furres, sturgeon, caviare.
Black walnut-tree, and some deale boards.
With such they laden are ;
Some pearle, some wainscot and clap bords,
With some sasafras wood.
And iron promis't for 'tis true
Their mynes are very good.
" Then maugre, scandall, false report
Or any opposition,
Th' adventurers doe thus devulge
To men of good condition.
That he that wants shall have reliefe
Be he of honest minde.
Apparel, coyne, or anything.
To such they will be kinde,
** To such as to Virginia
Do purpose to repaire ;
And when that they shall hither come
Each man shall have his share.
426 PERIOD UI. NOVEMBER, ISOQ-JULY, 1614.
Day wages for the laborer,
And for his more content,
A house and garden plot shall have
Besides 'tis further ment
" That every man shall have a part
And not thereof denied
Of generall profit, as if that he
Twelve pounds, ten shillings paid ;
And he that in Virginia
Shall copper coyne receive,
For hyer, or commodities.
And will the country leave
" Upon delivery of such coyne
Unto the Governour,
Shall by exchange, at his returne,
Be by their Treasurer
Paid him in London, at first sight,
No man shall cause to grieve
For tis their generall will and wish
That every man shall live.
" The number of adventurers.
That are for this plantation.
Are full eight hundred worthy men,
Some noble, all of fashion ;
Good, discreete, their work is good,
May heaven assist them in their worke,
And thus our newes is done."
CXXXIX. REPORT OF THE SPANISH COUNCIL.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIM AN CAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2640.
Copy of a Report of the Spanish Council of State of No-
vember 2, 1610, concerning what Don Alonzo de Velasco
wrote about Virginia matters.
" Sire. Don Alonso de Velasco in one of his letters of
the 30^^ of last September [see Sept. ^, CXXXVI.] which
Y. M. has seen, says that he received the report [CXXXI.]
which was sent to him on Virginia affairs. That soon
A TRUE DECLARATION. 427
afterwards there came Captain ' Neoporto ' from those parts
in two small vessels which he had built in ' la Vermuda.'
That he has secretly reported all the misery, which those
suffer, who remain there. That if Lord de la ' Vuarra/ who
recently went out there as Governor, had delayed three days
longer, the 300 persons who had remained alive there of
the 700 who had gone out, would have left the island, and
that, in order to encourage the merchants, at whose expense
this expedition is undertaken, so that they might persevere
in it, he has pubhcly given out great hopes, and thus they
have formed several companies, by which men will be sent
out in assistance, and they have determined that at the end
of January of the coming year, three ships shall sail, with
men, arms and other things. And Don Alonso is of the
opinion that this plan might very easily be brought to
nought, if Y. M. would be pleased to command that a few
ships should be sent to those parts, who might make an end
of the few who have been left there and are so hard pressed
by the Indians that they dare not leave the fort in which
they are now.
" It appears to the Council that this should be communi-
cated to the Council of War, for the part that it may take
in this matter, and that it be asked to state what will be
right and proper to do, the supply of ships and whatever
else may be needful for that purpose, Y. M. will command
what shall be done.
" At Madrid. November 2. 1610.
[Here follow four signatures or rubricas.]
" Royall Decree : It is well.
[The king's signature.]
CXL. A TRUE DECLARATION.
November 8, entered (at Stationers' Hall for publica-
tion) by Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Maurice Barkley, Sir George
Coppin, and Master Richard Martin. " A True declaration
of the estate of the Colony of Virginia, with a confutacon
428 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09-JULY, 1614.
of such scandalous reportes as have tended to the disgrace of
so worthy an enterprise. Published by order and direction
of the Councell of Virginia." It was " Printed for WilUam
Barret and are to be sold at the blacke Beare in Paul's
Church-yard. 1610."
This tract of about 12,000 words was reprinted by Peter
Force, vol. iii., Washington, D. C, 1844.
Mr. Quaritch priced an original in his No. 363 Catalogue
(July, 1885) at £120. Originals are preserved in the libra-
ries of Harvard College, John Carter-Brown, and Mr. Kalb-
fleisch.
A copy was bought for Henry, Earl of Northumber-
land, in 1610, for six shillings, equivalent to about $7.50
present value. Prints must have been quite a luxury then.
The title gives a fair idea of the character of this tract. It
was issued in the interest of the enterprise.
[Mem. — I do not know when the Dainty returned from
Virginia, but the Spanish ambassador in his letter of March
2I, 1611 (CLVII.), mentions the return of a vessel about
three months before, which must have been the Dainty.
She probably brought the following (CXLI.), which it
seems was written about the last of August, 1610, and the
large map (CLVIII.), and of course brought other docu-
ments now lost forever. She probably reached England
about December 12, 1610.]
CXLI. ARGALL'S VOYAGE.
I give the whole of this journal, because I believe it has
never been reprinted, and because it is a sample of many
particular journals, log-books, etc., which were evidently
preserved by the managers of the Virginia enterprises for
their guidance and information.
" The Voyage of Captaine Samuel Argal, from James
Towne in Virginia, to seeke the He of Bermuda, and miss-
ing the same, his putting over toward Sagadahoc and Cape
ARGALL'S VOYAGE. 429
Cod, and so backe againe to James Towne, begun the nine-
teenth of June, 1610."
A manuscript preserved by Hakluyt and pubHshed by
Purchas (vol. iv. pp. 1758-1762) in 1625.
" Sir George Simimers, being bound for the [p. 1758.]
He of Bermuda with two Pinnaces, the one called
the Patience^ wherein he sailed himselfe, set saile from
James Towne in Virginia, the nineteenth of June 1610. The
two and twentieth at noone we came to an anchor at Cape
Henry, to take more balast. The weather proved very wet :
so wee road under the Cape till two of the clocke, the three
and twentieth in the morning. Then we weighed and
stood off to sea, the wind at South-West. And till eight of
the clocke at night it was all Southerly, and then that
shifted to South-West. The Cape then bearing West^
about eight leagues off. Then wee stirred away South
East. The foure and twentieth at noone I observed the
sunne, and found myselfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees,
fortie seven minutes, about twentie leagues off from the
Land. From the 24*^ at noone, to the 25*^ at noone, 6
leagues E. the wind Southerly, but for the most part it was
calme. From the 25*^ at noone, to the 26*^ about 6. of the
clocke in the morning, the winde was all Southerly, and but
httle. And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at W.,
S-W. So by noone I had sailed 14 leagues E., S-E. pricked.
From the 26*^ at noone, to the 27*^ at noone, 20 leagues
E., S-E. The wind shifting from the W., S-W. Southerly,
and so to the East, and the weather faire, but close. From
the 27'^ at noone to the 28*^ at noone, 26 leagues E., S-E,
the wind shifting backe againe from E. to W. Then by
mine observation I found the ship to be in 35° 54'. From
the 28*^ at noone, to the 29*^^ at noone 36 leagues E. by S.
the wind at W., N-W. Then by my observa-
tion I found the ship to be in 35° 30' pricked, [p. 1759.]
From 29**" at noone to 30*^ at noone, 35 leagues
E., S-E. The winde shifting betweene W., N-W, and W.
S-W., blowing a good fresh gale. Then by my observa-
430 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
tion I found the ship to be in 34° 49' pricked. From 30*^
of June at none, to 1^* July at noone 30 leagues S-E. by
E., the winde at West, then I found the ship in 34° pricked.
From 1'* July at noone to 2"*^ at noon, 20. leagues E., S-E.
southerly, the wind W. then I found the ship to bee in
33° 30' pricked, the weather very faire. From the 2°^ at
noone, to the 3''** at f oure of the clocke, in the afternoone it
was calme, then it beganne to blowe a resonable fresh gale
at S-E. so I made account that the ship had driven about
sixe leagues in that time East. The sea did set all about
the West. From that time to the fourth at noone, 17
leagues E. by N., the wind shifting betweene S-E., and S.
S-W, then I found the ship to bee in 33° 40', the weather
continued very faire. From the fourth at noone, to the 5*^
at none, ten leagues S-E, the wind and weather as before,
then I found the ship to be in 33°, 17' pricked. From 5*^
at noone to 6*^ at noone, 8 leagues S-W, then I found the
ship to be in 32° 57' pricked ; the wind and weather con-
tinued as before, only we had a small showre or two of
raine. From 6*^ at noone, to 7**" at noone, 17 leagues E. by
N. then I found the ship to be in 33°, the wind and
weather as before. From 7*^^ at noone, to 8*^ at noone, 14
leagues N-E., then I found the ship to be in 33° 32' the
wind and weather continued as before. From 8*^ at noone
33. degrees to 9*^^ at uoouc, 5 Icagucs S'E, there I found the
21. minutes, ^j^-^ ^^ ^^ ^^ 330 2^^ the wiud at S-W, the
weather very faire. From 9*^ at noone to the 10^^ at
noone, 5 leagues S, the wind westerly ; but for
the most part it was calme, and the weather very
faire. From the tenth at noone, to the eleventh at noone
it was calme, and so continued untill nine of the clocke the
same night, then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale
at S-E, and continued all that night betweene S-E and S,
33. degrees and untiU the 12*^ at noone : by which time I
30. minutes, j^^^ ^^-j^^ ^5 Icagucs Wcst Southerly I then I
found the ship in 33° 30'. From that time to 4. of the
clocke the 12'^ day in the morning 12 leagues W. by N.,
COUNT DE GONDOMAR
ARGALL'S VOYAGE. 431
the wind all southerly, and then it shifted betweene S. and
S-W., then wee tacked about and stood S-E, S-E. by S. : so
by noone I had sayled 5 leagues S-E. by E. ; then I found
the ship in 33° 10'. From 13"' at noone, to 14'^ at noone,
20 leagues S-E. by E., the wind shifting betweene the S-W,
and W. S. W., then I found the ship to be in 32° 35'.
From 14*^ at noone, to 15'^^ at noone, 20 leagues
S-E, then I found the ship to be in 32°, the
wind as before : then we tacked about, and lay N-W, by
W. From the 15^^ at noone, to the 16*^ at noone, 12
leagues N. by W., the wind shifting betweene S. W. & W.,
and the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of
wind and raine.
" And about sixe of the elocke in the afternoon e, being
to windward of our Admirall I bare up under his „
lee : who when I hayled him, told me that he with the
would tack it up no longer, because hee was not "^'"^^ *
able to keepe the sea any longer, for lacke of a road and
water : hut that hee would presently steer e away N, N, W.,
to see if he could fetch Cape Cod, Which with-
out delay he pict in execution. His directions toward
I followed : so from the IG**" at noone to 17*^ at ^^^
noone I had sailed 38 leagues N. N-W : then I found my
ship to be in 34° 10'. The 17*^ and 18*^ were very wet and
stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the Compasse.
The 19'^ about 4. of the elocke in the morning it began to
cleere up, and then we had a very stiffe gale between E. and
N-E. From 17*^ at noone, to the 19*^ at noone, I had
sayled 55 leagues N. N-W, then I found the ship to be in
36° 30'. From 19^^ at noone, to 20*^ at noone, 35 leagues
N-W : then I was in 37° 52', the weather now was fairer
and the wind all easterly. From the 20^^ at noone, to the
21'* at noone, we sayled 20 leagues N. by W., the wind be-
tweene E. and S-E, and the weather very faire : westerly
At the sunne setting I observed, and found 13i° ^"ation 13.
o 7 ^ z degrees &
of westerly variation, and untill midnight we had ^ half.
a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and then it
432 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
fell calme and rained, and so continued very little wind
untill the 22"*^ at noone, and shifting all the points of the
Compasse : yet by mine observation that I made then, I
40. degrees, f ound that the ship had run 25 leagues N., for I
1. minute ' f^^j^^ j^^j. ^^ ^^ ^^ 40% 1', which maketh me
setthig^to the tliiuke that there was some tide or current that
Northward. ^'^ g^^ Northward. Againe, those that had the
second watch did say. That ifi their loatch they did see a
race, and that the ship did drive apace to the Northward,
when she had not a breath of wind.
[p. 1760.] " From 22°^ at noone, untill ten of the clocke
at night, we had a fresh gale of wind, betweene
E. and S-E, and then it shifted all westerly, and so con-
tinued untill two of the clocke the 23'''^ in the morning:
A great ^^^ then it began to be very foggy and but little
^og. wind, yet shifting all the points of the Compasse,
and so continued untill ten of the clocke, and then it began
40. deg ^^ cleere up. At 12. of the clocke I observed,
56. mi. and then I found the ship to be in 40° 50' : so
from the 22'''^ at noone to the 23^"^ at noone I had sayled
20 leagues Northward. From 23** at noone to the 24, at
3. of the clocke in the morning it was calme, and then we
had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and so it
continued untill noon southerly, in which time I had sailed
47. Fathoms "^^ Icagucs N. And about foure of the clocke
water. \^ ^|^g aftcrnooue, we had 47. fathoms of water,
untoagreene wliich watcr wc did find to be changed into a
grasse. grassc grccu in the morning, yet we would not
heave a lead, because our Admirall was so farre on head of
us : who about 3. of the clocke in the afternoone lay by
They take ^^ ^^^' ^^^ fislied till I Came up to him : and
fis^- then I fitted my self e and my boat, and fished
untill sixe of the clocke. And then the Admirall fitted his
sailes, and stirred away North, whom I followed with all
the speed I could. But before seven of the clocke there
fell such a myst, that I was faine to shoot off a
Peece, which he answered with a Cornet that he
ARGALL'S VOYAGE. 433
had aboord. So with hallowing and making a noyse one
to another all the night we kept company. About two of
the clocke, the 25^^ day in the morning we tooke in all our
sailes, and lay at Hull untill five of the elocke : and then
finding but small store of fish, we set saile and stirred away
North West, to fetch the mayne land to relieve ourselves
with wood and water, which we stood in great need of.
About two of the elocke in the afternoone we tooke in
all our sailes and lay at Hull, at which time I heaved the
lead three times together, and had three sundry
kindes of soundings. The first a blacke peppery
sande, full of peble stones. The second blacke peppery,
and no stones : the third blacke peppery, and two or three
stones. From the 24*^ at noone, to the 25*^, at two of the
elocke in the afternoone, I sayled 13 leagues W. N-W. :
and the weather continuing very foggy, thicke, Q^-eatFo
and rainy, about five of the elocke it began to ^"<i ^aine.
cease, and then we began to fish, and so continued untill
seven of the elocke in betweene 30 and 40 fathoms, and
then we could fish no longer. So having gotten betweene
20 and 30. Cods we left for that night : and at five of the
elocke, the 26*^ in the morning we began to fish againe, and
so continued untill ten of the elocke, and then it would fish
no longer : in which time we had taken neere ^qq ^^^
one hundred Cods, and a couple of Hollybuts. t^^^n.
All this while wee had betweene 30 and 40. fathoms water :
before one of the elocke in the afternoone we Theship
found the ship driven into one hundred and driveth.
twenty fathoms, and soft blacke Ose. Then Sir George
Somers sent me word that he would set saile, and stand in
for the River of Sascadahoc ; whose directions I ^,
o y Thev stand
followed. Before two of the elocke we set saile, for the River
and stirred away N-W. by N., the wind S. S-W., ^^ ^"^^^^^'^«-
aad the weather continued very foggy. About eight of the
elocke, wee tooke in all our sailes, and lay at Hull al that
night. The 27^^, about seven of the elocke in the morning
we heaved the lead, and had no ground in 120 fathoms.
434 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, IGOO-JULY, 1614.
Then I shot off a Peece, but could not heare none an-
Verie foggie swere f rom our Admii'all : and the weather was
weather. g^ thicke, that we could not see a Cables length
from our ship. Betweene nine and ten of the clock we did
thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to Wind-
ward : which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile,
and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set sayle
and stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing and a
The thick f Off i^oise to try whether I could find him againe : the
coutinueth. ^yiud was at S-W., and I stood away W. N-W.
From the 26^^, at two of the clocke in the afternoone, to
8. of the clocke at night I had say led nine leagues N-W.
The 27*^ at noone I heaved the lead, in 120 fathoms, and
had no ground. Then I stirred away N. W., till foure of
the clocke at night: then I heaved the Lead again 120.
fathoms, and had no ground. Then I tooke all my sailes and
lay at Hull, and I had sayled seven leagues N-W. The 28^^,
at seven of the clocke in the morning I did sound in 120
fathoms, and had no ground. Then I set sayle againe,
and steered away North, and North by West. At noone I
heaved in 120 fathoms againe, and had no ground. So
The foff -^ steered on my course still, the wind shifted be-
continued. twceuc S. and S-W., and the fog continued. At
foure of the clocke in the afternoone, I heaved 120. fathoms
againe and had no ground : so I stood on untill eight of
the clocke, by which time I had sailed 12 leagues : then I
heaved the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose, and 135 fathoms
water. Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull untill
the 29*^ at five of the clocke in the morning. Then I set
saile againe, and steered away N., and N. by W. At eight
of the clocke I heaved the Lead again, and had blacke Ose,
in 130 fathoms water. Betweene eleven and twelve of the
The foff clocke it began to thunder, but the fogge con-
continueth. tiuucd not [?] still. About two of the clocke in
the afternoone, I went out with my Boat myselfe and heaved
the Lead, and had blacke Ose in 90 fathoms water : by
which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more.
ARGALL'S VOYAGE. 435
Then I tooke in all my sayles saving my Fore-course and
Bonnet, and stood in with those sailes onely.
" About sixe of the elocke I sounded againe, [p. 1761.]
and then I had 65, fathoms water. As soone
as I came aboord it cleered up, and then I saw a small
Hand, which bare North about two leagues off ; whereupon
I stood in untill eight of the elocke : And then I stood off
againe untill two of the elocke in the morning the 30*^
day. Then I stood in againe and about eight of the elocke
I was faire aboord the Hand. Then I manned my Boat
and went on shoare, where I found great store of Scales :
And I killed three Scales with my hanger. This a Rocke of
Hand is not haKe a mile about, and nothinsr but ^^""If^ ^^^^^
' o a mile about
a Rocke, which seemed to be very rich Marble f uii of Seaies.
stone. And a South South-West Moon maketh a full sea.
About ten of the elocke I came aboord againe, with some
wood that I had found upon the Hand, for there had beene
some folkes that had made fiers there. Then I stood over
to another Hand that did beare North off me Thesmai
about three leagues; this small rockie Hand nJth^J^^^^
lyeth in f orty-f oure degrees. About seven of ^'^' degrees.
the elocke that night I came to an anchor among many
Hands in eight fathoms water: and upon one Many Hands
of these Hands I fitted myself e with wood and iathfmsof
Water, and Balast. ^^*«^-
" The third day of August, being fitted to put to Sea
aofaine, I caused the Master of the Ship to open ^
,^ , , . . . r r Aug-ust 3.
the boxe wherein my commission was, to see what
directions I had, and for what place I was bound to shape
my course. Then I tried whether there were any fish there
or not, and I found reasonable good store there ; Resonabie
so I stayed there fishing till the 12*'' of August : store of fish,
and then finding that the fishing did faile, I thought good
to returne to the Hand where I had killed the Seaies, to see
whether I could get any store of them or not ; for I did
find that they were very nourishing meate, and a great
reliefe to my men, and that they would be very well saved
436 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
with salt to keepe a long time. But when I came thither I
could not by any meanes catch any. The 14^^ at noone I
observed the Sun, and found the Hand to He in 43, degrees
40 minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape
Seale Rock r j i
in 43. deg. Cod, to scc whether I could get any fish there
' ™^' or not : so by the fifteenth that noone, I had
sailed 32 leagues S-W., the wind for the most part was be-
ne returneth ^wecne N-W. and N. From the 15*^ at noone, to
home. the 16'^ at noone I ran 20. leagues S., the wind
shiftinof betweene W. and S-W. And then I sounded and
had ground in 18. fathoms water, full of shels and peble
stones of divers colours, some greene, and some blewish,
some like diamants, and some speckled. Then I tooke in
all my sayles, and set all my company to fishing, and fished
till eight of the clocke that night ; and finding but Httle
fish there, I set sayle againe, and by the 17*^ at noone I had
sayled ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting be-
tweene S. and S-W. From noone, till sixe of the clocke at
night, four leagues North-West, the wind shifting betweene
W. and S-W. Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all
my sayles, and lay at hull all that night, untill five of the
clock the 18*^ in the morning ; and then I set saile againe,
and by noone I had sailed foure leagues N-W., the wind
betweene W. and S-W. From the 18'^ at noone to the 19'^
at noone ten leagues W. by W., the wind shifting
foggie betweene S. and S-W., and the weather very
thick and foggy. About seven of the clocke at
night the fogge began to breake away, and the wind did
shift westerly, and by midnight it was shifted to the North,
and there it did blow very hard untill the 20*^ at noone : but
the weather was very' cleere, and then by my observation
41. deg. ^ found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty
44. mi. one degrees, forty foure minutes, and I had sailed
20. leagues S-W. by W., from the 19*^ at noone to the 20**^ at
^ , noone. About two of the clocke in the after-
Cape Cod.
noone I did see an Hed-land, which did beare off
me South-West about foure leagues : so I stereed with it,
ARGALL'S VOYAGE. 437
taking it to bee Cape Cod ; and by foure of the elocke I was
fallen among so many shoales, that it was live of The shoides
the elocke the next day in the morning before I ^^ ^^^^ ^°^'
could get cleere of them, it is a very dangerous place to
fall withall : for the shoales lie at the least ten leagues off
from the Land ; and I had upon one of them but one fathom
and an halfe water, and my Barke did draw seven foot.
This Land lyeth S-W, and North-East, and the shoales lie
off from it S and S. by W., and so along toward the North.
At the N-W. by W. Guards I observed the North-Starre,
and found the ship to be in the latitude of forty The middle
one degrees fiftie minutes, being then in the mid- shoides in 41
die of the shoides : and I did finde thirteene de- ^'^- ^^- '^'^
g'Tees of westerly variation then likewise. Thus i^- de^ees
. ■, oi westerly
finding the place not to be for my turne, as soon Variation.
as I was cleere of these dangers, I thought it fit to returne to
James Towne in Virginia, to the Lord De-lawarre, my
Lord Governour, and there to attend his command : so I
shaped my course for that place. And the 21'*^ by noone
I had brought my self e S. S-W., 33 leagues from this Cape :
and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene N. and
N-W., and the weather very faire and cleere. From 21'' at
noone to 22""^ at noone I ran thirtie leagues S-W. by West,
and then by mine observation I found the ship ,^ ,
, . , . . , , . . . . ■'•12. de^ees
to be in thirty nine degrees, thirtie-sixe minutes : of westerly
and I had twelve degrees westerly variation, and
the wind shifting betweene North and N-E., and the weather
very faire and cleere. From 22°'^ at noone, to 23^"^ at noone,
nine leagues S-W. by W. ; and then by observation I did
find the ship in thirty-nine desrrees, twentie foure , , ,
■"■ ^^ o ^ w^ degrees
minutes, and I had eleven degrees of westerly of westerly
variation : and there did blow but very little wind,
and shifting betweene West and North, and the [p. 1762.]
weather very faire and cleere. From the 23^*^
at noone to the 24'^ at noone 18 leasfues S-W., ,, ^
TP 11 !• ^ ' • ' ' ^ degrees
and then I found the shippe to be m thirtie eight of Westerly
degrees f ortie two minutes : and I had twelve de-
438 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
grees of Westerly Variation, and the wind shifting betweene
North and West, and the weather very faire.
" From the 24^*" at noone, to the 25^^ at noone 22 leagues
W. by S., the wind shifting betweene North and East. And
then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees, five
and twentie minutes^ and the same Variation that I had
before, and the weather very faire.
" From the 25*^ at noone, to the 26^^ at noone, 25 leagues
Westerly, the wind all shifting betweene South and South-
13. deg. 25. West. And I had thirteene degrees five and
Sly v^a-* twentie minutes of Westerly Variation. About
tion. gixe of the clocke at night the water was changed,
and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelve
fathomes water about twelve leagues from the shore.
" The seven and twentieth by day in the morning I was
faire aboord the shore, and by nine of the clocke I came to
an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay, where I
found great store of people which were very kind, and
promised me that the next day in the morning they would
bring me great store of come. But about nine of the
clocke that night the winde shifted from S-W. to E. N-E.
so I weighed presently, and shaped my course to Cape
Charles. This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues. And
the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-East and North
North- West, and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes
of Northerly Latitude.
"The 28*^ day, about foure of the clocke in the after-
,, , , noone I fell among: a gfreat many of shoales, about
Many shoales. o o J -'
12. leagues to twclvc Icas^ues to the Southward of Cape La Warre.
the south of^, ±' ai'ipi
Cape La bo there 1 came to an Anchor m three tathomes
water, the winde beeing then all Easterly, and
rode there all that Night.
" The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed
againe, the wind being all Southerly, and turned untill
night, and then I came to an Anchor in seven fathoms water
in the offing to Sea.
" How the tyde did set there, or whether that there did
A BROADSIDE BY THE COUNCIL. 439
run any current or not, I cannot say ; but I could find
neither current nor tyde.
" The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe, the wind
still southerly, and turned all that day, but got very little, so
at Evening I stood off to sea untill midnight, and then stood
in againe.
" The one and thirtieth, about seven of the clocke at night
I came to an Anchor under Cape Charles in foure
fathomes, and one third part water, and rode
there all that night."
[This seems to me to end very abruptly, and I suppose
Purchas has omitted the latter part.]
CXLII. A BROADSIDE BY THE COUNCIL.
This broadside is " without any date what soever," but it
was circulated about this time (December, 1610). It is No.
128 of the " Catalogue of Broadsides of the Society of
Antiquaries of London," and I know of no other original.
" By the Counsell of Virginea.
" Whereas the good ship called the Hercules, is now pre-
paring and almost in a readinesse with necessarie provisions
to make a supplie to the Lord Governor and the Colonic in
Virginea, it is thought meet (for the avoiding of such
vagrant and unnecessarie persons as do commonly profer
themselves being altogether unserviceable) that none but
honest sufficient Artificers, as Carpenters, Smiths, Coopers,
Fishermen, Brickmen, and such like, shall be entertained
into this Voyage. Of whom so many as will in due time
repaire to the house of Sir Thomas Smith in Philpot lane,
with sufficient testimonie of their skill and good behaviour,
they shall receive entertainement accordingly."
[No Imprint.]
440 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXLIII. MORE TO WINWOOD.
December 15, 1610. Letter from Mr. John More to Sir
Ralph Winwood, written in London. Extract.
" It is wi-itten from Seville, and confirmed likewise from
other Ports, that one of the Kings of Barbary hath delivered
Morrocco into the hands of the King of Spain for a sume of
money ; which will subject our Merchants trading through
the straights the more into the Spaniard's Mercy : Yet for
the present we gaine this one point, by the diverting of the
Si^aniard's Designs into Africa, we are the more secure
to settle our Plantations in Ireland and Virginia, So
soon as the Hector [correctly the Hercules] (now ready to
hoise sail) shall be set forth of this Haven towards Virginia,
Sir Thomas Gates will hasten to the Hague, where he will
conferr with the States about the overture that Sir Noel
Caron hath here made for joining with us in that CoUonie.^
Sir Noell hath also made a Motion to joyn their East India
Trade with ours ; but we fear that in case of joyning, if it
be upon equall Terms, the Art and Industry of their People
will wear out ours,"
[Mem. — The Hercules sailed for Virginia soon after
December 15, 1610.]
CXLIV. EVELYN'S LETTER.
I think that Robert Evelin, the writer of the following,
sailed to Virginia in the Hercules, and that the letter was
written about this time. It is taken from " The Evelyns
in America," by G. D. Scull, Oxford, England, 1881, pp.
62-65. Mr. Scull says Mrs. Stoughton died November 11,
1610, and as the letter mentions her " debts,'' he thinks it
^ Several references will be found to ginia Company of London," p. 51. The
sach plans in the letters of the Spanish letter was published in 1725 in the
ambassadors. Mr. Neill has given an " Win wood Memorials," by Edmond
extract from this letter in his " Vir- Sawyer, vol. iii. p. 239.
REV. WILLIAM GOUGE, D. D.
EVELYN'S LETTER. 441
must have been written he fore her death ; but it seems to
me evident that the reference is to her " deth,^^ not "debts,"
and therefore I think the letter was written after November
11, 1610, probably in December, just before the sailing of
the Hercules.
"Mother Evelyn, — I commend me most particularly
unto you and to my brother Richard, hoping in God of
your good health, which I beseech God long to continue to
his will and pleasure with much comfort and happiness. I
am very sorry that I am morgaged so much, that I am driven
to tell you to pay the hundred marks to Mr. Stoughton for
me, which you, at my request, did stand bound so kindly
for me to him. I am much grieved at my heart for it that
my estate is so mean, that at this time I am not able to
repay it ; but if it be God's pleasure to restore me, I will
repay it again to your good liking. I am going to the sea,
a long and dangerous vo[yage with] other men, to make
me to be [able] to pay my debts, and to restore my decayed
estate again ; which, I beseech God of His mercy to grant
it, may be [made] prosperous unto me to His honour, and
my comfort in this world and in the world to come ; and I
beseech you, if I do die, that you would be good unto my
poor wife and childi-en, which, God knows, I shall leave very
poor and very mean, if lAy friends be not good unto them,
for my sins have deserved these punishments and far greater
at God's hands, which I humbly beseech God of His mercy
to [pardon]. I would have gladly seen you and my brother
at this time, but that the Captain of the ship made such
haste away so suddenly. I am very sorry for the \deths~\
of my sister and brother Stoughton, but we must all be con-
tented with the pleasure of Almighty God. [Whenever] it
is His pleasure to dispose of us, no doubt they are most
happy and blessed at rest loith God and out of this trouble-
some icorld. My wife commends her unto you, and we do
[heartily and] most humbly thank you for your love and care
of her ; and I pray God give her years to shew herself duti-
442 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
ful unto you for it, and thankful, and to her unkle. My
motlier Yunge, and my brother Morris and his wife, com-
mend them unto you, and I would entreat you commend us
unto Mr. Comber and his wife and Mr. Yunge and his
wife ; and I would entreat my brother Richard, and Mr.
Comber, to do me this kindness, that when [they] go to
London, they would sometimes see my wife, and that she
may not think that all my friends have forsaken her ; and
that my brother Richard would do me this kindness, as to
give my mother Yunge thanks for her [great] care of me
and my children, and I shall be very bound to him for it."
CXLV. EXTRACT FROM THE MERCERS' RECORDS.
At a Court of the Mercers' Company held " on the 20*^
December, 1610, the Wardens stated that they had been
called before the Lord Mayor and ordered to call the Com-
pany together touching a farther supply for the furthering
of the plantation of Virginia; but the Company answered
that they had already adventured out of their stock a com-
petent sum of money and answerable to that which other
companies of the city had done, besides the large adventures
of many particular brethren of the Company, and their reso-
lution was not to adventure any farther out of the stock of
the Company."
The above is extracted out of a letter from the clerk of
the company to me dated, Mercers' Hall, London, April 18,
1885.
CXLVI. VELASCO TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2587, FOLIO 137.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to
the King of Spain, dated London, December 31, 1610.
Received January 16 {i, e, 6th), 1611.
"Sire. On the 30*^ [20th] of September [CXXXVL]
RALEGH TO QUEEN ANNE. 443
I wrote to Y. M. what I could hear about Virginia, by the
arrival of Captain ' Neoporto ' from that country and since
then I have been very anxious to penetrate the designs
which they have for the future and I have ascertained that
within a month from now there will sail four ships, the
Captain's ship of 250 tons, another of 150, and the other two
of 120 each. They carry 300 men {' todos obedientales de
diver son obedientes ') and the 60 with their wives, 8 minis-
ters of their religion, 1000 arquebuses, 500 muskets, 300
corselets, 500 helmets, and a quantity of ammunition, all of
which has been gotten ready with great secrecy, by order of
the King, and without consulting the Council, and for
greater concealment a rich merchant has been charged with
the matter, who in the form of a Company with others has
made these provisions. They go with orders to fortify
themselves once more and to build ships, on account of the
great facilities offered in those countries, where they find an
abundance of good oak-timber and pitch. Thus being so
near to the ' Habana ' [Havana], if they succeed with this, if
they sail from there, they can reach it in 6 days, having fair
weather ; and this would be a very serious inconvenience for
Y. M's fleets in case Y. M. should determine to go to war.
" May Our Lord preserve Y. M." etc.
CXLVII. RALEGH TO QUEEN ANNE.
From " Life of Ralegh," by Edwards, 1868, vol. ii. pp.
333, 334. Probably written in 1610 ; but the date is un-
certain.
Sir Walter Ralegh to Queen Anne of Denmark, consort of
King James of England.
" The same blessinge which God doth contynewe towards
your Majestic will, I hope, put your Majestic in minde of
your charritie towards others. I long since presumed to
offer your Majestic my service in Virginia, with a shorte
444 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
repetition of the comoditie, honor, and safetye which the
King's Majestie might reape by that plantation, yf it were
followed to effecte. I doe still hombly beseech your Majes-
tie that I may rather die in serving the Kinge and my
countrey then to perrish here.
" I did also presume hertofore to set downe my answeres
to all objectyones that could be made, to wit, that yf I
wente not by a day sett that I would forfete my life and
estate ; that I wold leave my wife and two sonnes pleadges
for my faith, and that my wife shall yeald herself to death,
yf I performe not my duty to the Kinge. And yf this
suffice not, that it may be tould the masteres and marrineres
that transporte me that yf I offer to saile elsewhere thay
may caste me into the Sea.
" But were tlier nothinge ells, let your Majestie, I be-
seech you, be resolved that it shall never be said of me that
the Queen of England gave her worde for this man ; that
the Queen tooke him out of the hands of Death ; that he,
like a villaine and perjured slave, hath betray de so worthy
a princes, and hath brokene his faithe. Noe, Maddam, as
God lyvetli, ther is no bound, noe, not the lose of 20
sonnes, cane tye me so faste as the memory of your good-
nes, and ther is neither death nor life that cane allewre me
or feare me from the performance of my duty to soe wor-
thie and charritable a Lady.
" This I knowe your Majestie may effecte for me, and
the sooner, if you please to engage your worde for me to
the Earle of Salesbury. And yf your Majestie thinke me
worthie of Life, or that I have any bloud of a gentleman in
me, I beseech you vouchsaife it ; and your Majestie shall
never repente you or receave lose by your goodnes towardes
me, from whose reverence and service no power but that of
God by death shall ever seperat, but that I will ever rest
" Your most humble vassall,
" W. Ealeghe."
A BROADSIDE BY THE COUNCIL. 445
CXLVIII. A BROADSIDE BY THE COUNCIL.
January, 1611. This is No. 127 of the Collection of
Printed Broadsides in the possession of the Society of
Antiquaries of London, and I know of no other original.
" By the Counsell of Virginea.
" Seeing it hath pleased God, after such hard successe
and the manifold impediments knowne to the World, that
now hy the Wisdome and industry of the Lord Governour
settled in Virginea, the state and businesse of the English
Plantation there succeedeth with hope of a most prosperous
event, and that therefore it is resolved and almost in a read-
inesse, for the further benefit and better settling of the said
Plantation, to make a new supply of men and all necessarie
provisions in a fleet of good ships, under the conduct of Sir
Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dale Knights, and for
that it is not intended any more to burden the action with
vagrant and unnecessarie persons : This is to give notice to
so many honest and industrious men, as Carpenters, Smiths,
Coopers, Fishermen, Tanners, Shoemakers, Shipwrights,
Brickmen, Gardeners, Husbandmen, and labouring men of
all sorts, that if they repaire to the house of Sir Thomas
Smith in Philpot lane in London, before the end of this
present moneth of Januarie, the number not full, they shall
be entertained for the Voyage, upon such termes as their
qualitie and fitnesse shall deserve.
" Imprinted at London for William Welby. 1611."
446 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CXLIX. RESOLUTION OF THE STATES GENERAL. '
January 10, 1611. From the Register of Resolutions of
the States General in the Royal Archives at the Hague,
foHo 23.
" Resolution of the States General, granting leave of ab-
sence to Captain Dale. Thursday 20^^ January 1611.
" On the writing presented by the Honorable Rudolph
Winwood, Ambassador from the King of Great Britain, it
is ordered as follows : —
" The States General of the United Netherlands hereby
consent and allow on the recommendation of his Highness
the Prince of Wales, that Captain Thomas Dale (destined
by the King of Great Britain to be employed in Virginia
in his Majestys Service) may absent himself from his com-
pany for the space of three years, and that his said company
shall remain meanwhile vacant to be resumed by him if he
think proper. It is understood that his pay as Captain
shall cease during his absence."
CL. RESOLUTION OF THE STATES GENERAL.
January 15. Folio 29. Further Resolution of the
States General respecting Captain Dale. Tuesday, the 25th
January, 1611.
" It is considered at the further instance of the Hon^^®
Rudolph Winwood, Ambassador of the King of Great
Britain, whether Captain Thomas Dale should be allowed
to receive the payment of his salary as Captain for the term
of three years during which he is allowed to be absent from
his company, in the service of his Royal Majesty of Eng-
land, in Virginia ; But it is resolved, in view of the very
prejudicial consequences resulting therefrom to the State,
that the aforesaid Captain Dale shall have to be content
with what has been granted him on the recommendation of
WINWOOD TO SALISBURY. 447
the aforesaid Ambassador on behalf of his Highness the
Prince of Wales."
CLI. RESOLUTION OF THE STATES GENERAL.
January 30. Folio 44. Further Resolution, etc. Wed-
nesday the 9th February, 1611.
" The Heer Joachimi reports that the Sir Winwood, Am-
bassador of the King of Great Britain, General Veer, Gov-
ernor of Briel, and Conway his Lieutenant, have again very
urgently recommended, on behalf of his Highness the
Prince of Wales, the request of Captain Dale, proceeding
for three years to Virginia, that his allowance as Captain
may go on in the meanwhile. It is again resolved, that
the aforesaid Captain shall have to be content with the
resolution here-to-fore adopted in this case."
The foregoing resolutions (CXLIX., CL., and CLI.) were
printed in Albany, New York, in 1856, among the Holland
" Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State
of New York." They were the results of recommendations
from Henry, Prince of Wales, in favor of Sir Thomas Dale,
given to the Ambassadors from the States when they were
in England.
John Berke, Albert de Veer, Helias Oldenbarneveld, and
Albert Joachimi, the said Ambassadors, were knighted by
King James at Whitehall on the 13th of May, 1610. They
were still in England at the creation of Henry Prince of
Wales, June 4, 1610.
CLII. WINWOOD TO SALISBURY.
The following (CLII. and CLIII.) are among the EngHsh
State Papers, "Correspondence, Holland." They have
never been printed, I believe.
448 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
February 6, IGll. Sir Ralph Win wood to Lord Salisbury.
" Right honorable my very good Lord :
" I receaved your Lordships Letters ^ in favor of Sir
Thomas Gates, the last of January, And because the like
motion some fewe dayes before,^ was made for Sir Thomas
Dale, ichicl^ the Prince was pleased to recommend to the
States Amhassadors when they were in England ; ^
whereonto the States Generall gave this answere, that dur-
ing his absence for three yeares, his Company should be
oph olden for him ; but in the meane tyme, the treatment
for his person as Captayne should cease ; fearing that Sir
Thomas Gates should finde no greater favour, I thought
good before I would make the proposition in the Assembly
of the States Generall, to acquaint, first the Count Maurice,
with the charge I had receaved from his Majestic : And
afterwards Mons^ Barnevelt, whom I prayed to recommend
the matter to some of his friends, who represented the
States of Holland in the Assembly.
" The second of this moneth I procured audience, and
used to them these words.
* " ' Messieurs. Your Lordships have heard, for the
report of it is general, how some gentlemen in England
with other men of honour and of quality, have undertaken,
at their own expense to estabhsh a Colony of our People
in the country of Virginia. Among the many who have
worked hard to carry out this design, there is no one who
has done more to advance this business, than one of your
Captains, called the Chevalier Thomas Gates, who last year
has been there, having been led there by the Providence of
God, after having been exposed to the peril of shipwreck at
sea, and having been cast by a tempest, upon the islands,
the Bermudos, where he has remained, with all his follow-
ers, for more than forty weeks. His Majesty of Great
^ So Gates arrived at the " Haghe " » gge note on the above numbers,
about January 31, 1611. ■* The original of what follows is in
2 See CXLIX., CL., and CLI. French.
WINWOOD TO SALISBURY. 449
Britain, desiring a happy issue of this enterprise, on account
of the great benefits which He foresaw would spring from
it, both for the Christian religion and for the increase of
Commerce, believes no one to be better qualified for such
emplo3anent than the aforesaid de Gates, both for his own
qualities and for the practical knowledge of those regions
which he possesses. On this account His Majesty has
charged me to ask your Lordships in his name and on his
behalf, that with your kind permission he be allowed once
more to proceed to those parts, and there remain for some
time, conducting the Colony, until your service shall recall
him from there ; and that, in the meantime, his Company
be maintained, until his return, in charge of his lieutenant,
and the other officers. This is not a great thing, and yet
these little favours maintain friendship between friends and
allies : nor is it to be feared that this request may be ex-
tended too far, since there is only this man and Captain
Dale, who are intended for this service. I request a prompt
decision on your part : the Mf de Gates has been sum-
moned, and the 4 ships, destined to make this voyage to
Virginia, are ready to make sail, awaiting only a favourable
wind and his coming.'
" The President did pray me awhile to retire ; and after
some half bowers time, being called in he made me this
answere ; ' That the States Generall were glad of any occa-
sion, which might be presented, whereby they might give
testimony of their dutifuU respecte and affection to his
Majestic, and therefore were well content, that at his majes-
ties instance. Sir Thomas might be employed in Virginia :
Until whose returne his companie should be entertayned :
but during his absence, the treatment for his owne person,
as Captaine, was to be defalked.' I replied, ^that that
was the mulcte which ordinarily was imposed upon them,
who without their leave, were absent from their charge :
and therefore prayed them, syth they were pleased to give
him leave, not to inflicte a penalty for his absence : ' The
President answered : ' The resolution was taken by the
450 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
States, which was not in theyr power to alter.' I prayed
them ' to be pleased better to advyse of it : and whatsoever
they should resolve, to give order I might receave it by
writing,' which this day from the Greffier I did receave ;
the copie whereof ^ I send herewith to your Lordship. The
originall, I have dehvered to Sir Thomas Gates, whom moste
of it doth concerne. The States doe thinke, they doe him
herein an extraordinary favour to bynd themselves, during
his absence, to the upholding of his Company, which if he
were present himself e, would every day be subjecte to the
hazard of caseering, and if the different [sic] of contribu-
tions be not the more speedily accommodated, whereof here
is small appearance, before many moneths be passed, there
wilbe great alteration amongst our Companies ; and if once
the Provinces begin to caseere, they will strive, a I'envye,
who shall caste the fastest and discharge itself the soonest
of the burthen of theyr souldiers. . . .
" Raphe Winwood.
"Haghe this 6. of february 1610."
CLTII. REPLY OF STATES GENERAL.
February 2, 1611. Reply of the States General to the
propositions made for Sir Thomas Gates.
" The States General of the United Provinces of the Neth-
erlands, having maturely considered the recommendation
made in their Meeting by Sir R-alph Winwood, Ambassador
of the King of Great Britain &c. in behalf of Thomas Gates,
Captain of an English Company in their service to the end
that said Gates be permitted to absent himself from his
aforesaid Company for the time during which His Majesty
may wish to employ him in a voyage, which he is to make
in his service, with 4 ships to Virginia, or for such other
time as their Lordships may wish to determine, whilst allow-
ing him, however, in the meantime to enjoy his ordinary
1 CLIII.
SIR RICHARD GRENVILLE
PHILIP III. TO GASPAR DE PEREDA. 451
pay as Captain, &c. — declare that they desire nothing so
much as to please and to serve His Majesty in all things, the
consequences of which will not redound to the prejudice of
their State, and are therefore well content and agree that
the said Captain Thomas Gates may absent himself from his
said Company and employ himself in said voyage for the
time that the affairs of these Provinces will at all permit it,
and that during this time, said Company shall be maintained
and his place as Captain shall be left open for him, to be his
again at his return if he so wishes it. Well understood
however that during his absence he shall not be allowed to
enjoy the aforesaid pay, for this reason, and also even on
this account, that the Province, to which this Company is
allotted will make difficulties to pay it by itself : So that
the foresaid Lordships the States General, request the said
Ambassador that he will see to it and procure that His
Majesty shall hold this excuse agreeable.
" Done at the Meeting of the Honorable States General at
the Hague, the 12*^ of February 1611.
" Magnus V*
*^ By order of the Hon : States General.
" Gersens . . ."
CLIV. PHILIP III. TO CASPAR DE PEREDA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIM AN CAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2641.
Copy of a minute of a letter of the King of Spain to Don
Caspar de Pereda, dated Madrid February 20, 1611, on
Virginia affairs.
" To Don Caspar de Pereda Governor of the Havana.
" Don Alonso de Velasco, my embassador in England has
written to me in letters of the last of December of last year,
of the foot hold which the Enghsh have in Virginia.
W ithin a month 4 ships with 300 men, a few women and
many arms and ammunition, are to leave England for this
452 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09-JULY, 1614.
same country. They have orders to fortify themselves once
more and to build ships, so that if they succeed with this, if
they leave there [Virginia], being so near to that Island,
they can reach there [Cuba] within 6 days sail and it would
be a very serious inconvenience for my fleets. Of this I
wished to inform you, and to charge and command you
as I noio do, that you should seiid out and obtain a cer-
tain account of what this means about Virginia, what
forces and ivhat strength they have there with every other
information that can be gotten. You will be loarned and
prepared in your parts, so that no injury be done, report-
ing to me at the same time with great exactness what
there may be in this matter, and I shall be your affec-
tionate'' , . .
CLV^. EXTRACTS FROM NORTHAMPTON RECORDS.
These documents are now preserved among the Records
of Northampton County, Virginia. Copies were made for
me by Garland P. Moore, deputy for Gilmor S. Kendall,
clerk. There was some difficulty about reading the old
script correctly. Dale subscribed £75, and it may be that
that amount is the correct amount in CLV^ However, the
Council may have allowed him a Bill of Adventure to cover
the whole expense of his outfit, etc. The date of CLV^. is
not certain, and a good many words are given as doubtful.
From the Records found in England, it seems that the clerk
of the Company it this time was Edward Maye. I do not
know which is correct, " Maye " or " Mayor." These papers
were copied in England in 1643, and sent to Virginia, to
be used in settling the estates of the wife of Sir Thomas
Dale, who had recently died.
" Whereas Sir Thomas Dale, Knight Marshall of Virginia
hath payd in ready money to Sir Thomas Smyth Knight
Treasurer of Virginia the summe of three hundred seventy
five pounds for his Adventures towards the sayd voyage.
EXTRACTS FROM NORTHAMPTON RECORDS. 453
It is agreed that for the same hee the sayd Sir Thomas Dale
his heirs, executors, Administrators or Assignes shall have
ratably according to his Adventures his full part of all such
lands tenements and hereditaments, as shall from tyme to
tyme bee there recovered planted and inhabited. And of
such mynes and mineralls of gold, silver and other mettalls
or treasure, pearls, precious stones, or any kind of wares or
merchandizes, commodityes or profits whatsoever which shal
be obtayned or gotten in the said voyage according to the
portion of money by him ymployed to that use, in as Ample
manner as any other Adventurer therein shall receyve for
the like summe.
" Written the twenty seventh of February Anno Dom.
1610. Edward Mayor."
" This is a true coppie of the original, under the Scale of
the Virginia Company, examyned the 14*^ day of October
1643 by us under written.
" Fra : Moses. No^^ Public.
"Solo: Seabright. " "
CLV2.
" "Whereas the right honorable Sir Thomas Dale Knight
Marshall of Virginia (being the first man of his ranke and
degree that hath undertaken that charge and place) hath not
only adventured his person in that service in tymes of great-
est difficulty but has been at great charges both in further-
ing the action and furnishing himselfe. The Counsell of
Virginia at their meeting on the xviij"' of this instant upon
their special trust and confidence that as hee hath begunn soe
he will proceed and continue in advanceing soe christian and
noble an Action, have withe unanimous consent thought
this : — That our consideration be now had of him, but
such (as in future times) shal be by no meanes drawne into
precedent upon any occasion whatsoever — They therefore
agreed that his person should be rated at the summe of seven
454 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
hundred pounds and that hee, the said Sir Thomas Dale, his
heyres, executors, Administrators or Assigns shall have rat-
ably (according to the sayde Some) his and their full share
of all such lands, Tenements and hereditaments as shall from
tyme to tyme be there recovered, planted and inhabited.
And of such mynes and mineralls of Gold and Silver and
other mettalls or Treasures, pearls, precious stones, or any
kinde of wares or merchandizes, commodities or profitts what-
soever which shalbe obtayned or gotten in the said voyage
in as ample manner as any other adventurer therein shall
ratably receive for the like summe. Written this xxvi*^ of
February An° Dom^ 161 .
"Edward Mayor."
" This coppie agreeth with the originall under the seale
of the Virginia Company, examyned the xii*^ day of October
1643 by us under written.
" Fra : Moses. No^ Publiq.
"Solo: Seabright. " "
CLVI. ROE TO SALISBURY.
SAINSBUBY'S CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL,
1574-1660, PAGE 11.
Abstract of a letter from Sir Thomas Roe to SaHsbury,
dated Port d'Espaigne, Trinidad, February 28, 1610-11.
" Has seen more of the Coast, from the river Amazon to
Orinoco, than any Englishman alive, having passed the wild*
coast and arrived at Port d'Espaigne. The Spaniards there
are proud and insolent, yet needy and weak, their force is
reputation, their safety is opinion. Will not exceed the
honourable caution Salisbury gave him. The Spaniards
treat the English worse than Moors. News that the King
of Spain intends to plant Orinoco. Men, cattle and horses
are arriving daily to be employed in fortifying the place,
raising a new city, and in the conquest of Guiana. Thinks all
VELASCO TO PHILIP III. 455
will be turned to smoke. The Government is lazy, and has
more skill in planting and selling tobacco than in erecting
Colonies or marching armies. Don Juan de Gambo, the
late Governor of Caraccas, proscribed for treating some
English well, and fled inland. Will try and confer with
him, for he is a great soldier, and may be of service to Eng-
land. Should Roe fail, hopes to bring over one, born a
Venetian, of almost equal ability."
CLVII. VELASCO TO PHILIP IIL
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2588, FOLIO 22.
Copy of a deciphered letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to
the King of Spain, dated London, March 22, 1611.
" Sire. Since I have come to this country I have tried
to ascertain the condition of the people of Virginia, the
reasons which induced the English to continue there and
the inconveniences which this might cause Y. M's service.
Having found the reports to vary very much I have tried
to ascertain the truth by means of the persons who have
come over in the two ships ^ which have recently arrived,
thro' the agency of ' Guillermo Mongon ' [William Monson,]
Admiral of this Strait, who as a person of such high author-
ity among sailors has in secret and with great skill dis-
covered ichat follows :
'' That the province is very fertile in all that may be
planted and of a good climate — that there is much wild
growing fruit and great quantity of grapes, and thus it is
believed, that they would try to have vineyards — there is a
great abundance of fish along the coast and in the rivers,
and good oak timber as well as all the main necessaries for
1 The Blessing and the Hercules ar- William Monson in CXXXVI. The
rived in September, 1610, and these next ship to arrive was the Dainty,
are probably the two ships referred probably in December, 1610, in which
to. See the reference to the same the surveyor probably returned.
456 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09-JULY, 1614.
ship building — there is no information of mines of gold or
of silver being found, but there are some few of iron.
They have built two forts on the bank of a river, and but
for these the Indians would have made an end of them,
as they are warlike and pursue them continually, so that
they cannot come out into the country without great dan-
ger, and they would have perished with hunger, if it were
not for the swine which they have brought over from Ber-
muda. It does not appear that they will be able to main-
tain themselves, unless they bring over so large a number
of people that they can make themselves Lords of the Coun-
try, as the Indians now are. Their principal reason for
colonizing these parts is to give an outlet to so many idle
and wretched people as they have in England, and thus to
prevent the dangers that may be feared from them.^ They
cannot sail from there to the Havana without first touching
at the Canaries, on account of the currents ^ which follow
there the whole coast from the Bahama channel by Florida
up to Virginia, which is the way they would have to go,
and which are so strong during the whole year that naviga-
tion is impossible there. Thus I am assured by Monson,
who tried it years ago without being able to succeed with
it, and he learns the same from those who have after that
tried to take that course.
1 The reasons for planting the col- disordered men unfit to bring to passe
ony were many. This was one of the any good action : So indeed say those
reasons advanced by some, and it was that lie and slander. But I answere
put in practice to a certain extent in for the generalltie of them that goe,
the first voyage of Gates, June, 1G09 ; they be such as offer themselves vol-
but many thought the terrible conta- untarily, for none are pressed, none
gion which nearly swept away the are compelled : And be like (for
colony in the fall of 1G09 was almost ought that I see) to those are left
entirely attributable to this element ; behind, even of all sorts better and
and the managers of the enterprise, as worse. But for many that goe in per-
will be seen by their broadsides, etc., son, let these objecters know, they be
took every precaution to prevent the as good as themselves, and it may be,
colony from being thus burdened many degrees better." [" The gen-
again. The Rev. William Crashaw eralitie" were sent out by the com-
in his sermon (February 21, 1610), in pany ; those that "goe in person " paid
meeting this charge says : " Oh, but their own way.]
those that goe in person are rakte up ^ The Gulf Stream,
out of the refuse, and are a number of
MAP OF AMERICA. 457
^' They say also that it is impossible to pass to the South
Sea by the river on which they have erected their two forts.
By land it is more than 400 leagues off and many high
mountains are there and vast deserts which the Indians
themselves never yet have explored. Thus no credit can
be given to what the Irishman Francisco Manuel says in
the report which Y. M. commanded to be sent to me
[CXXXI.].
" This King sent last year a surveyor to survey that
Province, and he returned here about three months ago
and presented to him [King James] a plan or map of all
that he could discover, a copy of which [CLVIII.] I send
Y. M. Whose Catholic Person " etc.
CLVin. MAP OF AMERICA.
This map, said to have been made in Virginia by a sur-
veyor sent over by the King of England (in 1610) for that
purpose, who returned to England about December, 1610,
procured in some secret way by the Spanish Ambassador in
London and sent to the King of Spain, is very interesting
and valuable. It is curious that it should be first published
in the strange country which it attempted to delineate.
I think the map evidently embodies (besides the surveys
of Champlain and other foreigners) the English surveys of
White, Gosnold, Weymouth, Pring, Hudson, Argall, and
Tyndall, and possibly others. Strachey, referring to Argall's
voyage of June to August, 1610 (CXLI.), says he " made
good, from 44 degrees, what Captayne Bartho. Gosnoll and
Captayne Waymouth wanted in their discoveries, observing
all along the coast, and drawing the plotts thereof, as he
steered homewardes, unto our bay."
Purchas (vol. iii. p. 590), in a side-note to the narrative
of Hudson's voyage along our coast in August, 1609, says,
" This agreeth with Robert Tyndall." Tyndall made a
plan of James River for the Prince of Wales in 1607, which
is now probably lost. He made a chart of James and
4:58 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
York rivers in 1608, which I have given (XL VI.). He
was not in ArgalFs voyage, June to August, 1610 (CXLI.),
because from June 17 to 30 he was employed in the Chesa-
peake ; but he was probably afterwards with Argall while
trading in the Bay, the Potomac, etc.
I am incHned to think that the map was compiled and
drawn either by Robert Tyndall or by Captain Powell.
However, I cannot be certain. The names of places on
this map are sometimes different from those on Tyndall's
Chart (XL VI.), and when the names are the same they are
generally spelled differently. While I do not know posi-
tively that either Tyndall or Powell was the draughtsman,
it is certain that the Virginia Company of London, from
the beginning, employed competent surveyors and posted
themselves as rapidly as possible regarding the cartography
of the country; but it was highly important that they
should preserve the fruits of their labor in this kind for
their own use, and they did so as far as they were able.
In 1616, when Virginia and the Bermudas were under
nearly the same management, surveyors and commissioners
it seems were sent out to both plantations, who probably
made accurate surveys. No copies of the Virginia surveys
have as yet been found ; but Richard Norwood's excellent
survey of the Bermudas was engraved in 1626, and thus
preserved, and this gives us the character of the men
employed by the Virginia Company and the character of
their work. Norwood was a man of note in his profession,
and his work was excellent.
The North Carolina coast, on this map, was evidently
taken, chiefly, from Captain John White's survey and draw-
ings. I have compared it with our present coast surveys
and with other maps, and the following table is probably
approximately correct.
MAP OF AMERICA.
459
Name on Map.
C. Feare.
EndeSohes. [End Shores?]
Wococon.
Croatoan.
C. S. John.
C. Kenrick.
Hatarask.
Po. Fernando.
Po. Lane.
Roanoack.
Trmitie Harhor.
Present Name.
Cape Lookout.
Near Whalebone Inlet ?
Portsmouth I. ?
Ocracoke Inlet?
Cape Hatteras.
Near Chicamicomico ?
Near New Inlet ?
Oregon Inlet ?
Near Nag s Head ?
Roanoke I.
Caffey Inlet ? now closed.
It seems evident that W. Hole used a copy of the Vir-
ginia part of this map for his engraving (CCXLIL). See
the remarks on that map.
The coast from Cape Charles to about 41° north lati-
tude, and up the Hudson River to a little beyond the en-
trance of the Mohawk, contains only one or two names,
and I think was drawn from the recent surveys of Hudson
(1609) and Argall (1610). The legend, "All the blue is
dunne by the relations of the Indians," probably refers most
especially to this part of the map.
I believe, the New England coast of this map shows traces
of the surveys of Captains Gosnold, Archer, Pring, Wey-
mouth, and probably of the North Virginia colonists, as well
as of Champlaine, and possibly other foreigners. This part
of the map is especially interesting as it retains many of
the names given to localities, etc., by the original dis-
coverers.
Name on Map.
Cladia [Claudia].
Elizabethes lies.
Marthay's Viniard.
C. Cod.
C. Shole.
Present Name.
Block Island.
Elizabeth's Islands ?
Martha's Vineyard.
Cape Malabar.
Cape Cod Shoal.
460 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
Whitsuii's hed. Cape Cod.
Whitson's bay. Cape Cod Bay.
Penguin. Barnstable ?
Savidg lies. [(Rocks ?) along south shore of Massachusetts
Bay.]
[Massachusetts Bay is drawn but not named.]
A Shole. [Near Boston Harbor.]
He of Sands. [Near Boston Harbor.]
[Boston Harbor is drawn but not named.]
Peninsula. Cape Ann.
lie Lobster.
C. Porpas. Cape Porpoise.
R. Sagadahock Kennebec River.
I. St. George. Monhegan I.
Tahanock.
[The cross at the bend of the Tahanock was possibly
erected there by Captain George Weymouth, June 13, 1605.]
S. Georges Banck. Saint George's Bank.
lies Basses
Penduis.
I. haute. Isle an Haut.
R. Pemerogett [Pentagoet?] Penobscot River,
lies de Mountes Deserts. Mt. Desert Islands,
lies Las Ranges.
I. Peree.
R. de Eschemanis (Etechemins). St. Croix River.
I. St. Croix.
He oni[aux] Oiseaux.
The last nine or ten names are evidently derived from
French sources.
It will not be necessary for me to annotate the portions
of the map referring to Canada, Nova Scotia, Newfound-
land, etc.
I will mention the following additional references to early
surveyors and maps. The Virginia Records at Washington
mention, under November, 1620, that Captain Madison, who
FULKE GREVILLE
First Bar on Brooke
SANDYS TO MAYOR OF SANDWICH. 461
had been twelve years together in Virginia, was especially
employed by Dale in discovering the country, rivers, etc.
The author o£ " New Albion " (1648) in describing Dela-
ware Bay refers to Captain Smith's hook of Virginia, and
to " Captaine Powel's Map.''' Without discussing the mat-
ter here, I will say that it seems certain that Captains
Robert Tyndall, Isaac Madison, and Nathaniel Powell were
making surveys, drawing maps, etc., for the company from
the beginning.
[Mem. — " March 15, or thereabouts. Sir Thomas Dale
sails for Virginia, with three ships, three hundred people,
twelve kine, twenty goats, and all things needful for the
colony." — Howes' Stow.
" About the middle of March last [1611] Sir Thomas
Dale, Knight Marshall of Virginia was sent thither with
three ships and three hundreth men and all things necessary
for the Colony, and also twelve kine, twenty goates, besides
Coneies, Pigeons and Pullen." — Howes' abridgment of
Stow.
The fleet sailed from " the land's end March 17*^" Prob-
ably the only one of the documents, letters, etc., carried over
by him which has been preserved is CLIX.]
CLIX. LAWS BY DALE.
The Lawes, etc., afterwards printed in CXC, are con-
tained in the reprint of Peter Force, 1844, vol. iii. pp. 82, etc.
CLX. SANDYS TO MAYOR OF SANDWICH.
Sir Edwin Sandys to the Mayor and Jurats of Sandwich.
" I am requested by his Majestie's Counsil for Virginia
to conveigh these inclosed,^ to your hands and to procure
1 CLXI., CLXII., and CLXIII. CLX. and CLXI. were published by
462 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
your answer against the beginning of the next term. The
effect is to invite your town and such particular persons of
worth as shall be so disposed, to partnership in the great
action of Virginia, which after manifold disasters doth now,
under the government of noble and worthie leaders, begin
to revive, and we trust ere long shall flourish.
"I acquainted them that your Town had been much
hindered by sickness : in regard whereof the less will be per-
haps expected. But they would not pass over so principal
a port, in an action tending generally to the good of the
whole Realm, but the profit whereof will chiefly fall to the
Haven Towns, and principally in them, to merchants.
"But I will leave you to the letter itself ; only this much
(to acquaint you with the present state of the business) :
We have sent away Sir Thomas Dale with 300 men and
great abundance of victual and furniture. We send after
them this next month two ships more with 100 Kyne and
200 swine for breed. And if monie come in, whereof we
are in very good hope, in May next we shall send Sir
Thomas Gates with other 300 men of the best and choicest
we can procure. Which done, and God blessing them, the
busines we account as won.
" Thus with my very heartie salutations, I betake you to
the Tuition and Direction of the Highest, and rest,
" Your very loving friend.
" Edwin Sandys.
"Norborn, 21 March, 1610." (1611.)
the Rev. Edward D. Neill, A. B., in made directly from these archives for
1878, in his Early Settlement of Vir- me. They differ but little from Mr.
ginia, pp. 40-43. The others have Neill's. The most important differ-
not been published in America before, ence is in the date of CLXI. My
so far as I know. They are all pre- copy gives the date as 20th February,
served among the archives of Sand- his as the 28th.
wich, England. I have used copies
CIRCULAR LETTER OF THE VIRGINIA COUNCIL. 463
CLXI. CIRCULAR LETTER OF THE VIRGINIA COUNCIL.
" A circular Letter of his Majestie's Counsil for Virginia.
" The eyes of all Europe are looking upon our endevors
to spread the Gospell among the Heathen people of Virginia,
to plant our English nation there, and to settle at in those
parts which may be peculiar to our nation, so that we may
thereby be secured from being eaten out of all proffits of
trade, by our more industrious neighbors. We cannot doubt
but that the eyes, also, of your best judgments and affections
are fixed no less upon a design of so great consequence.
" The reasons, wherefore, that action hath not yet received
the success of our desires and expectations are published in
print to all the world. To repeat them were idlenes in us
and must be tedious to you, yet to omit mention of that
main reason which hath shaken the whole frame of this busi-
nes and which hath begot these our requests to you, would
but return unto us a fruitless accompt and consequentlie a
hazard to destroy that life which yetbreatheth in this action.
" That reason in few words was want of means to imploy
good men and want of just payment of the means which were
promised, so disabling us thereby to set forth our supplies in
due season.
" Now that we have established a form of government fit
for such members in the persons of the Lord La Warr and
Sir George Sommers already in those parts, as also in Sir
Thomas Dale embarked with 300 men and provisions for
them, and the Colony to the value of many thousands of
pounds, who is already fallen down the river, in his way
thither, and in Sir Thomas Gates whom we reserve to second
this expedition, in May next with 300 more of the choicest
persons we can get for moneys through your means and our
own cares. We accompt from many advised consultations
that £30.000 to be paid in two years, for three supplies, will
be a sufficient sum to settle there, a very able and strong
foundation of anexing another Kingdom to this Crown,
464 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
'' Of this £30.000. there is already signed by diverse par-
ticular noblemen, gentlemen and merchants the sum of
£18.000, as may appear unto you by a true copy ^ of their
names and sums, written with their own hands in a Register
book which remaynes as a record in the hands of Sir Thomas
Smith, the Treasurer for that plantation, so that the adven-
tures to be procured from all the noblemen, the Byshopps
and Clergie that have not yet signed, from all the gentrie,
Merchants and Corporate townes of this Kingdome, doth but
amount to £12.000. payable as aforesaid.
" To accomplish which sum we entreat your favors no
farther than amongst yourselves, and as shall seem good
unto you upon respect of your j udgments, rank and place :
we endevor by these our requests to gaine as helps unto us,
in such poor measure as we have begun toward the advance-
ment of so glory ous an action.
" We are farther to entreat your helpes to procure us such
numbers of men and of such condition as you are willing
and able ; wee send you herewith the list ^ of the numbers and
quahty that we entend, God willing, to employ in May next.
" As soon as you can with conveniency we desire your res-
olutions touching means and men, upon receipt thereof we
shall acknowledge due thanks and limit the time of their
appearance, wherein we shall not forget the point of charge
to the undertakers, howsoever we prefer so far as lies in us,
a seasonable dispatch to the first place of our considerations.
" The benefit of this action, if it shall please God to blesse
these beginnings with a happy success must arise to the
general good of this Common wealth. To lay then a strong
foundation for so great a work we hold ourselves and our
request to yourselves warranted by the reasons aforesaid,
and by the rules of honour and judgment, and for as we
ourselves, the present adventurers, cannot receive the whole
benefit, so can it not be expected that we should undergo
the whole charge. The often renewed complaints against
Companyes heretofore hath happened by reason of the Mo-
1 CLXII. 2 CLXIII.
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 465
nopoHzings of trade into a few men's hands, and though the
ice of this busines hath been broken by the pin-ses, cares,
and adventures of a few, yet we seclude no subject from the
future benefit of our present care, charge and hazard of
person and adventures. All which we leave to your judicious
considerations and only importune your speedy resolutions,
that according to the warrants of duty we may either wash
our hands from further care or cheerfully embrace strength
from you to the furtherance of this action, that tends so
directly to advance the glory of God^ the honor of our
English nation and the profit and security, in our judg-
ment, of this Kingdoms
^^And soe leaving you to that sence hereof which his
goodness shall please to infuse into you, who is of absolute
power to dispose of all things to the best, we rest.
" Your very loving friends.
" From Sir Thomas Smythe's Pembroke.
house in Philpot Lane the Montgomery.
20^^ February, 1610. (0. S.) H. Lo. Southampton.
K. Lisle.
[Illegible.] Tho. Smythe. Robert Mansell.
Walter Cope. He. Fanshawe. Edwin Sandys.
G. CoppiN. Tho. Gates. Baptiste Hicks."
CLXII. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS.
This subscription list began to be circulated as early as
November, 1610, if not before.
The last session of the first Parliament of James I. closed
February 9, 1611, and this list had evidently been circu-
lated among the members of the House of Commons, many
of whom signed it. Of the 100 knights, probably 75
served at some time in the House, and most of these were
then members. Of the 5S esquires, about 25 were then
members. Of the 142 citizens and others, nearly all were
leading men of affairs of that day, merchants, etc. A good
many of them, also, served in Parliament; some became
466
PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
knights, baronets, etc. All of the subscribers must have
been persons of considerable means, as the smallest sub-
scription was £37 10s., a sum nearly equal to one thousand
dollars present value.
" Anno Dom : The names of such as have signed
1610. [1611 N. S.] with the somes of money by them
adventured on 3 yeares towardes the
supply of the Plantation begonne in Virginia, accordinge
to their order of writeing for that busines, remaininge in
the Register Booke in the hands of Sir Thomas Smith,
Treasurer."
KNYGHTES.
Sir
Henrye Goodere
37 10 0
«
Carew Ralieghe
37 10 0
Sir Thomas Smith
£75 00 0
«
Henrye Care we
75 00 0
« Robert Mansell
75 00 0
((
Warwicke Heale
37 10 0
« Walter Cope
75 00 0
((
William Smith
37 10 0
" Edwine Sandes
75 00 0
«
Percivall Willoughbie
75 00 0
** Thomas Denton
37 10 0
«<
James Scudamore
37 10 0
«* Thomas Dale
75 00 0
((
William Fleetewoode
37 10 0
" Richard Grobha.in
75 00 0
«
John Hungerford
37 10 0
" Mourice Berkley
75 00 0
«
Thomas Grantham
37 10 0
" Dudley Digges
75 00 0
t(
Edmonde Bowyer
37 10 0
" James Perrott
37 10 0
((
Thomas Sherley
37 10 0
** Richard Spencer
75 00 0
'u
Anthonie Ashlie
" Samuel Sandes
37 10 0
«
John Bourchier
" ThomasMansp.il
75 00 0
((
Henry Nevill
« Johnllollis
75 00 0
«
Christopher Parkins
« Henry Nevill
37 10 0
"
John Hanham
« William Wade
75 00 0
«
Robert Miller
37 10 0
« Edward Cecil
75 00 0
«
Thomas Jermyne
37 10 0
« Baptist Hicks
75 00 0
«
Valentine Knightley
37 10 0
« Robert Kelligrevve
75 00 0
«
Thomas Middletou
37 10 0
« William Twisden
37 10 0
«
John Ackland
37 10 0
« John Scott
75 00 0
«
John Watts
37 10 0
" John Sames
150 00 0
«
Thomas Willford
37 10 0
" ffrauncis Leighe
37 10 0
u
Edward Conway
75 00 0
« William Boulstrod
37 10 0
tt
John Greye
37 10 0
" John Harrington
150 00 0
ti
John Bennett
37 10 0
" John Davers
37 10 0
«
Thomas Beomont, the
« Thomas ffreake
75 00 0
elder
37 10 0
" Peter Manwoode
37 10 0
«
William Lower
37 10 0
" George Coppine
60 00 0
«
Thomas Lee^les
37 10 0
«* William Romney
75 00 0
<(
Cavaliero Maycote
175 00 0
" John Townsende
37 10 0
((
Thomas Horwell
37 10 0
" ffrauncis Barrington
37 10 0
((
Thomas Hewett
75 00 0
LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS.
467
Sir William St John
75 00 0
Raphe Ewens
37 10 0
« John St. John
75 00 0
Anthonie Erbie [Irby]
37 10 0
Laclie Elianor Carre
37 10 0
William Hackwell
37 10 0
Sir Walter Chute
75 00 0
Henrye Reignoldes
37 10 0
" Marmaduke Darrell
75 00 0
Thomas Warre
37 10 0
" Stephen Powell
37 10 0
Christopher Brooke
37 10 0
" Arthur Manveringe
75 00 0
William Raveuscrofte
37 10 0
" Robert Wroth
75 00 0
Lawrence Hyde
37 10 0
" David Murrey
75 00 0
ffrauncis Johanes
37 10 0
" William Craven Lord
William Dobson
37 10 0
Maior
75 00 0
Nicholas Salter
37 10 0
" George Carey
45 00 0
William Garrawaye
50 00 0
" Samuell Lennard
37 10 0
Thomas Stevens
37 10 0
" John Cutts
75 00 0
ffrauncis Tate
37 10 0
" Walter Vaughan
37 10 0
Richard Tomlyns
37 10 0
" Oliver Cromwell
75 00 0
Nicholas Hyde
37 10 0
" Moyle ffinche
75 00 0
Richard PercivaJl
37 10 0
" John Went worth
37 10 0
.Tohn Hare
37 10 0
" Frauncis Goodwine
37 10 0
Robert Askwith
37 10 0
" John Leveson
37 10 0
John Waller
37 10 0
" Thomas Walsingham
37 10 0
John Harris
37 10 0
« Henry Peyton
37 10 0
Thomas Coventrye
37 10 0
« William Harris
75 00 0
Anthonie Dyott
37 10 0
" Henry ffanshawe
60 00 0
Thomas Willson
37 10 0
" John Hey ward
75 00 0
ffrauncis Wortley
37 10 0
u
37 10 0
Gresham Hogan
37 10 0
" Smith
75 00 0
Captaine Owen Gwinne
37 10 0
" eywarde
37 10 0
Walter FitzWilliam
75 00 0
« Ralphe Shelton
37 10 0
Henry ffane
75 00 0
" William Hericke
37 10 0
Augustine Stewarde
37 10 0
« Charles Willmott
37 10 0
.
.
" . . . .
37 10 0
John Culpeper
37 10 0
((
100 00 0
Humfrey Johnson gent
37 10 0
" nwoode
125 00 0
Captaine John Kinge
37 10 0
" Thomas Harkfleete
37 10 0
Thomas Watson
75 00 0
" Edward Heron
37 10 0
John Arundell
37 10 0
" John Dodrige
37 10 0
Henry Cromwell
37 10 0
John Legate gent
37 10 0
ESQUIRES.
John Crowe gent
37 10 0
John Pawlett
£75 00 0
Thomas Mildmay
37 10 0
Richard Martin
37 10 0
John Hoskyns
37 10 0
John WoUstenholme
75 00 0
ffarnando Heyborne
37 10 0
John Eldred
37 10 0
Thomas Gouge gent
37 10 0
David Waterhouse
37 10 0
William Crashawe mynister
37 10 0
Anthonye Earners
37 10 0
John Heyward mynister
37 10 0
William Coyse
37 00 0
William
37 10 0
Arthur Ingram
75 10 0
Captaine Thomas Button
37 10 0
John Bingley
75 00 0
Captaine Gyles Hawkeridge
37 10 0
John Welde
37 10 0
Mrs. Elizabeth Scott (vidua) 37 10 0
468
PERIOD m. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CITIZENS AND OTHERS.
Devoreux Woogan
£37 10 0
Christopher Landman
37 10 0
Mr. Robert Johnson
£60 00 0
Alleine Cotton
37 10 0
" Hewett Staper
60 00 0
Edward Baber (Barber)
37 10 0
« William Russell
37 10 0
John Stoakley
37 10 0
" John Merricke
37 10 0
James Askewe
37 10 0
" Richard Chamberlyn
37 10 0
George Roberts
37 10 0
" George Chamberlyne
37 10 0
William Palmer
37 10 0
" George Scott
37 10 0
Ralphe Freeman
37 10 0
" Jerome Heyden
37 10 0
Adrian Moore
37 10 0
" ffrauncis Covell
37 10 0
Nicholas ffarrar
37 10 0
" Charles Anthonye
37 10 0
Edward Bishoppe
37 10 0
« Robert Offley
37 10 0
William Evans
37 10 0
" William Canuinge
37 10 0
Matthew Shepherd
37 10 0
" Henry Vincente
37 10 0
Thomas Dike
37 10 0
" William Welbie
37 10 0
George Pitt
37 10 0
" Jeames Hawoode
37 10 0
Nicholas Hooker
37 10 0
« John West
37 10 0
Edward Harrison
37 10 0
" Rice Webb
37 10 0
[Mr. Robert ?]
" William Quicke
37 10 0
Abraham Dawes
" Phineas Pett
37 10 0
Raphe Hamour
" Edmond Wynne
37 10 0
Thomas Leavat
" Laurence Campe
37 10 0
Edward ffawcett
« Peter Gate
37 10 0
Thomas Jadwine
" George Etheridge
37 10 0
John Kerrell
" Thomas Wheatley
37 10 0
John Geringe
" Stephen Sparrowe
37 10 0
John ffearmer
« Edward Ditchfield
37 10 0
Robert Shingleton
" Richard Pigcott
37 10 0
Nicholas Andrews
" Hildebrand Spruson
37 10 0
William Greenwell
" George Swinhowe
37 10 0
Phillipe Jacobson
37 10 0
« Peter Mounsell
37 10 0
Richard Rogers
37 10 0
« George Barkley
37 10 0
Averye Drauffeild
37 10 0
" JohnWoodall
37 10 0
John Busbridge
37 10 0
" Abraham Cartwright
37 10 0
Richard Caswell
37 10 0
Christopher Clitheroe
37 10 0
Martin ffreeman
37 10 0
William Payne
37 10 0
Abraham Chamberlyne
37 10 0
Thomas Scott
37 10 0
John Robinson
37 10 0
William Earners
37 10 0
Edward Alleine
37 10 0
Richard Maplesden
37 10 0
Edward Cage
37 10 0
Thomas Church
37 10 0
Gyles ffrauncis
37 10 0
Nicholas Exstone
37 10 0
William ffelgate
37 10 0
Richard Stratforde
37 10 0
Thomas Draper
37 10 0
John Wooller
37 10 0
Matthewe Dequester
37 10 0
Humfrey Hanforde
37 10 0
John ffletcher
75 00 0
Randall Carter
37 10 0
Charles Hawkins
37 10 0
Edward Lukin gent
37 10 0
Laurence Greene
37 10 0
Jefferey Duppa
37 10 0
Nicholas Benson
37 10 0
Ellis Roberts
37 10 0
John Hodges
37 10 0
Roger Harris
37 10 0
Thomas Norriucot
37 10 0
CLASSES OF EMIGRANTS WANTED.
469
William Nicholls
£37 10 0
Daniel Darnellye
£37 10 0
Edmond Alleine gent
75 00 0
Andrew Throughton
37 10 0
William Brighte
37 10 0
William Barrett
37 10 0
Thomas Style
75 00 0
Bourne (?)
37 10 0
Thomas Cordell
75 00 0
Edward Barners
37 10 0
John Reiguolds
37 10 0
.
37 10 0
Peter Bartle
37 10 0
.
37 10 0
John Wiliest
37 10 0
Robert Mildmaye
37 10 0
Humfrey Smythe
37 10 0
John Withers
37 10 0
Roger Dye
37 10 0
George Holeman
37 10 0
Nicholas lipake
37 10 0
Raphe Kinge
37 10 0
Morris Abbot
37 10 0
Cleophas Smythe
37 10 0
Thomas Hiiishawe
37 10 0
John Cason
37 10 0
Thomas Hodges
37 10 0
Thomas ffoxall
37 10 0
Thomas Wale
37 10 0
Robert Parkhurste
37 10 0
Lewis Tate
37 10 0
William Hazleden
37 10 0
Humfrey Merrett
37 10 0
Jarvize Munds
37 10 0
Robert Peake
37 10 0
William Bonham
37 10 0
.
37 10 0
William Tucker
37 10 0
.
37 10 0
Richard Warner
37 10 0
Francis Bradley minister
37 10 0
William ffleete
37 10 0
.
37 10 0
William Burrell (Burwell)
37 10 0
"The adventures of the noble men and companies of
London amounteinge to the some of ffive thousande pounds
togeather with the particulers here recyted makes up the
some of eighteene thousand powndes mentioned in our
letter."
CLXIII. CLASSES OF EMIGRANTS WANTED.
" The Trades-men to be sent into Virginia under the
Comaunde of Sir Thomas Gates.
Neames Phisisions —
Millwrights for Iron Mills
Iron Miners
2
4
Appothecaries
Fishermen
Husbandmen
Chirurgions -
20
30
Iron finers
2
Gardiners
10
Iron founders
2
Saylers
20
Hamermen, for Iron
2
Watermen
10
Edge tole makers for Iioe
Worke
2
Sparemakers
Laborers
2
10
Colliers for charcole
2
Brickmakers
4
Woodcutters
Shipwrights
Ship Carpenters
Calkers
2
2
20
10
Bricklayers
Lymeburners
Sawiers
Smithes
6
2
15
4
470 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULy, 1614.
Edge tole makers
2
Masons
2
Coopers
6
Bakers
2
Baskett Makers
2
Brewers
2
Cutlers
2
Swine herdes
2
Armorers
2
Spinners of Pack threade
2
Tanners
2
Cordage makers
2
Last-makers
2
Bellowes Makers
2
Shoemakers
2
Millers
2
Taylors
2
Mat makers
Clapboardmen
10
Gunpowder makers
2
Potters of Earth
4
Saltpeter men
2
Net makers
6
Salt makers
2
House Carpenters
10
Braziers in Mettle men
2
Uphoulsters of feathers
Distillers of Aqua Vite
2
Hempe planters
Sadlers
1
Hempe dressers
C oiler-makers
2
Turners
Furriers
2
Millwrights for Water mills.
Stockmakers for peeces
2
Fowlers
Wheele and Plowrightes
6
Pike makers
2
Gun makers
2
Leather dressers
Tyle-makers
2
[Miner]ell men
Mr. Dorman of Sandwich, Kent, writes me regarding
CLX. to CLXIII. inclusive, as follows, viz. : —
** Sandwich, Kent, 8^^ July, 1886.
" My dear Sir, — In accordance with your letter of the
18th ultimo, I send you herewith copy of the documents
you require.
" The MSS. [CLXII. and CLXIII.] appear to me to be
in the same handwriting, and were apparently sent to Sand-
wich in the letter from the Council of Virginia of 20th
February, 1610 [CLXI.]. They are defective and decayed
in some parts, and in some few cases I have been obliged
to make a guess at the names, while others I have been
compelled to leave blank. . . .
" Yours faithfully,
'^Thomas Dorman."
[Mem. — Edward Harlie and Nicholas Hobson probably
sailed from England in March, 1611, on their voyage to our
northern coasts. Purchas (iv. p. 1837) had the narratives
JOHN HARINGTON
Firat Baron Harington
A BILL OF ADVENTURE. 471
of this voyage, which had probably been preserved by Hak-
luyt ; but he does not pubhsh it.
April 8, Master Wm. Welby entered for pubHcation at
Stationers' Hall, " Three Articles sett downe by the Councell
of Virginia for 300 men to go thither." I have not found
this publication.
April 11, the voyage of Thos. Edge and Jonas Poole to
Greenland and towards the west of it.]
CLXIV. A BILL OF ADVENTURE.
April 11, Master Wm. Welby entered for publication
at Stationers' Hall " under the handes of Sir Thomas Smith
& Th' wardens. The bylls of adventure, with blanckes con-
eerninge the Summes of money disbursed for adventures
towards the voyage of Virginia." The following I believe
to be a copy of one of these " bylls of adventure."
" The Byll of Adventure.
^' Whereas paid in ready money to Sir Thomas
Smythe Knight, Treasurer for Virginia the sum for
adventure towards the said Voyage.
" It is agreed that for the same the said shall
have ratably according to adventures full part
of all such lands, tenements and hereditaments as shall from
time to time be there recovered planted and inhabited :
And of all such mines and minerals of Gold, Silver and
other mettalls or treasure, pearls, precious stones or any
other kind of wares or merchandise commodities or proffitte
whatsoever which shall be obtained or gotten in the said
Voyage according to the porcion of money by im-
ployed to that use in as ample manner as any other adven-
turer therein shall receive for the like summe.
" Written this daye of
I suppose these Bylls of Adventure had been previously
written. They were now printed, leaving the necessary-
blanks for names, etc.
472 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CLXV. COTTINGTON TO SALISBURY.
These documents (CLXV. and CLXVI.) are from the
English State Paper Office, Correspondence, Spain. They
are the earliest references which I have found, from the
representative of England at the Court of Spain ; but I
suppose the English Ambassador at that court was always
performing his duty, in this matter, in the interest of Eng-
land, as faithfully as the Spanish Ambassador in England
certainly performed his duty in the interest of Spain ; yet
it seems that their correspondence has not been so faithfully
preserved.
April 10, 1611, Francis Cottington, English Ambassa-
dor in Spain, writes from Madrid to Lord Treasurer Salis-
bury : —
"... The Shipps, buylt at ye Havana (& sayd to be
ordayned for a journey unto Verginia) are now in Lysbone.
I am dayly tould by many, that from thence shall ye Ver-
ginyan Voyage proceed, and with at least 40 sayle of shipps,
to which I doe give soe lyttle credit, (knowing ye poore
abylyty of this state) as I am almost ashamed to advertyse
yt unto your Lordship, yet can assure you out of my own
knowledge that with those plantations they are here so
much trohled, as they know nott how to behave them-
selves in the husynessJ^
CLXVI. COTTINGTON TO SALISBURY.
April 23, 1611, Cottington again writes to Salisbury : —
" The rumor of sending from hence certayn armed Gal-
lions unto Verginia doth dayly encrease, but I am sty 11 soe
farr from beleeving yt as I would not wyllingly that your
Lordship should soe much as dreame of yt."
[Mem. — The first voyage of the English to the Islands
of Japan, being the eighth voyage set forth by the East
VELASCO TO PHILIP III. 473
India Company, begun April 18, 1611, returned to Eng-
land September 27, 1614.]
CLXVII. VELASCO TO PHILIP III.
GENERAL ABCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2588, FOLIO S9.
Copy of an original letter of Don Alonzo de Velasco to the
King of Spain, dated London, May 26, 1611.
" Sire. The report which Y. M. commanded me to look
into ^ — telling of two vessels that had sailed from here for
the East Indies; but this was uncertain. For they have
only gone to Virginia and to the Island of Trinidad, as the
opportunity offered in search of tobacco. These are the
ships of which I have given an account to Y. M., and /
think it would he a difficult task for any vessel of some
size to sail from here without my knowledge. From Hol-
land it may be that they sail without my knowing it ; but
if the news were certain that came these few days ago, they
will look more carefully before going to those parts. They
say that the Indians have murdered all the Dutch and
burnt their ships in the ports in which they were fighting
against them, having found themselves to be cheated by the
false money which they gave them in trading with them.
If this information shall be confirmed, or not, I will report
the matter to Y. M. whom God preserve as is needful.
From London May 26. 1611.
"Don Alonso de Velasco."
[Mem. — Captain Matthew Somers arrived in England
in the Patience with the body of Sir George Somers
some time after February 28 and before July 26, 1611,
possibly in May ; but, I think, much more probably early
in July.
"Toward the end of May 1611, Sir Thomas Gates,
^ Unfortunately, as I have said, the king's dispatches for 1611 are lost.
474 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-^ULY, 1614.
Knight, Lieutenant General of Virginia was sent with three
ships and three Carvells, and two hundred and fourscore
men and twenty women, and two hundred kine, and as
many swine with other necessaries." — Stow's " Chronicle,"
abridged by Howes (edition 1618). Other accounts^ say
that he carried " one hundred kine and two hundred
swine." Hamor^ says he arrived in Virginia ^ about the
second of August," and that his " passage was more long
than usuall." The usual voyage was about nine weeks.
Lord De la Warr mentions his having met " Gates at the
Cowes neere Portsmouth ; " but he does not give the date
of the meeting. We know that Lord De la Warr was at
the Azores on the 18th of April ; but we do not know how
long he remained there. We know that he arrived in Lon-
don on the 21st of June ; but we do not know how long
he had then been in England. However, I am inclined to
rely upon Howes and Hamor, and to think that Gates sailed
" toward the end of May, 1611," or early in June, although
" The New Life of Virginia " ^ conveys the impression that
letters from Dale in Virginia were received in England before
Gates was " furnished out," etc., by the special exertions of
the " Lord Generall Cecill, Sir Robert Mansel and some
others." I think the author of OCX. must have erred.
Dale arrived in Virginia May 12 (not 10 as in OCX.), and his
letter of Aviso was sent from Virginia May 25. It could
scarcely have reached England before June 25, and if so,
Gates could not have had over about five weeks in which to
be " furnished out " and to make the voyage. That is, if
he arrived in Virginia " about the second of August," as
stated by Hamor ; but there is some cause to doubt the
accuracy of this date also. However, without discussing the
matter further, I will only repeat that I am inclined to think
that Gates sailed from England " toward the end of May "
or early in June, 1611. All documents, letters, etc., carried
over by him then are now probably lost.]
1 CLXXI. 2 CCCXXVII. « CCX.
BIARD TO BALTHAZAR. 475
CLXVIII. BIARD TO BALTHAZAR.
CLXVIII., CXCVI., CCCXII., and CCCXIII. are taken
from a collection made from the Jesuit archives at Rome,
published by R. P. Auguste Carayon, S. J., at Paris, France,
in 1864, under the title " Premiere Mission des Jesuites au
Canada." The translations given in this work were made
for me by Professor M. Scheie De Vere of the University
of Virginia.
May 31 (0. S.). Letter written by Father Biard to the
Very Rev. Christopher Balthazar, Provincial of France,
in Paris. (Copied from the autograph preserved in the
Archives of Jesus at Rome.)
" My Reverend Father 1
Pax Christi !
"... This affair and several others which occurred dur-
ing the latter part of our journey were the reason why we
could not leave Dieppe before January 26 [16] 1611.
M. de Biancourt, a young, highly accomplished gentleman,
with much experience afloat was our conductor and chief on
board. We were 36 persons in a ship called the Grace of
God, of about sixty tons. We had only two days favorable
wind ; on the third we found ourselves suddenly, by con-
trary winds and tides, driven within one or two hundred
yards of the cliffs of the Isle of Wight in England, and it was
well for us that we found there good anchorage ; without
which all would have been decidedly over with us. Having
escaped from there we landed at Hyrmice and afterwards at
Newport where we spent 18 days.^ On the 16*^ February,
the first day of Lent a favorable North-west wind sprang up,
^ The English were at once placed selves well before Argall was commis-
on their guard against these French sioned to remove them, about July,
colonies on the borders of North Vir- 1612.
ginia, and had probably posted them-
476 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
enabled us to leave and accompanied us till we left the
channel behind us.
" From Port-Koyal in New France, on the 10*^ of June,
1611. Pierre Biard."
CLXIX. PHILIP III. TO VELASCO.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
PARCEL 2641.
Copy of a minute of a letter of the King of Spain to Don
Alonso de Velasco, dated Madrid, June 17, 1611.
" For Don Alonso de Velasco.
" Because it is understood that the English are still ex-
ceedingly busy with that question about Virginia, and it is
important to think of a remedy with which all this may be
met. I charge and command you to send from that King-
dom, where you are, two Catholic men, in whom you can
perfectly trust, sending them aboard the first vessel that
may sail for those parts and directing them to bring to you
a very exact account of all that is going on there, so that,
being better informed, the most suitable measures may be
adopted. In this you will be very careful to see that the
utmost diligence be used before the injury grow larger, and
you will inform me of all that may be done in this matter."
CLXX. DE LA WARE TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC, CORRESPONDENCE, JAMES L
VOLUME 64, NO. 53, CAL. PAGE 43.
Lord De la Warr hhd probably reached England some Ht-
tle time before the following letter was written ; but the
exact date of his return is not known.
" To the right honorable my very good Lord the Earle of
SaHsbury Lord High Treasurer of England. Give thes.
" May it please your Lo^ : —
" I would gladly have wayted on your Lordship the last
DE LA WARE'S RELATION. 477
night as soone as I came to towne but I understoode from
Sir Walter Cope that your advice was otherwise : first to
have a care of my health, then to attend his Majesty and
afterwards your Lordship. For my health I thank God I
finde myselfe perfectly recovered though something weake in
regarde of my long sicknes, ever since my first arrivall at the
Hands I have recovered dayly, and I arived at Fiall the
18"* of Aprill, or thereabouts, so that I dare bouldly say,
that I have no touch of my disease remayning on me, and if
your Lordship shall thinke it fitt I would presently attend
his Majesty. This long and paynefull sickness of myne,
hath no whit discoradged me to proceede with the business
I have undertaken, if it be now prosecuted as it is begun ;
nether had my retourne hether bin so suddayne if the winds
had favoured myne intention for the West Indies, at my de-
parture from Virginia : for I dare bouldly say there was
never more hope then at this present and when it shall please
your Lordship I doubt not but to give you full satisfaction
to every doubte or scandall that leyeth upon that country,
fearing nothing less then an honorable and profitable end of
all if it be not let fall.
" Thus attending your Lordship's further advice I humbly
take my leave this 22^^ of June 1611.
" Your Lo : servant to command,
" Tho : La Ware."
CLXXI. DE LA WARR'S RELATION.
The following tract was entered for publication at Sta-
tioners' Hall on July 6, 1611, " under the handes of Sir
Thomas Smithe and the Wardens." It was again printed
by Purchas in his " Pilgrimes," vol. iv. pp. 1762-1764,
and Captain Smith gives some extracts from it in his
" General History " (1624), p. 109.
At the sale of the so-called Sir Francis Drake's Library
in March, 1883, an original fetched $132.75.
Originals are now preserved in this country in the Lenox
478 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
and John Carter-Brown libraries, and in the library of Mr.
Kalbfleisch of New York.
It is probably the only publication of the first English
Lord Governor and Captain General in America. Mr.
Griswold printed twenty copies of CLXXI. in 1868 ; but I
have never seen this reprint.
" The Relation of the Right Honourable the Lord De-la-
Warre, Lord Governour and Captaine Generall of the Col-
onic, planted in Virginea.
" London ^ Printed by William Hall for William Welbie,
dwelling in Pauls Churchyeard at the Signe of the Swan.
1611.
" A Short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre, to
the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia, touching
his unexpected returne home, and afterwards delivered to
the generall Assembly of the said Company at a Court
holden the twenty five of June, 1611.
" Published by authority of the said Counsell.
"My Lords, etc.
" Being now by accident returned from my charge at
Virginea, contrary either to my owne desire, or other men's
expectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of duty,
and to discourse and question the reason, though they
apprehend not the true cause of my returne, I am forced,
(out of a willingnesse to satisfie every man) to deliver unto
your Lordships, and the rest of this Assembly, brief ely,
(but truely) in what state I have lived, ever since my arrival
to the Colonic ; what hath beene the just occasion of my
sudden departure thence ; and in what termes I have left
the same : The rather because I perceive, that since my
comming into England, such a coldnesse and irresolution is
bred, in many of the Adventurers that some of them seeke
to withdraw those paiments, which they have subscribed
towards the Charge of the Plantation, and by which that
Action must bee supported and maintained ; making this
DE LA WARR'S RELATION. 479
my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnes and
unjust protraction. Which, that you may the better under-
stand, I must informe your Lordships, that presently after
my arrival in James Towne, I was welcomed by a hot and
violent Ague, which held mee a time, till by the advice of
my Physition, Doctor Lawrence Bohun, (by blood letting)
I was recovered, as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gates
I have informed you. That disease had not long left me,
till (within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength)
I began to be distempered with other greevous sicknesses,
which successively & severally assailed me : for besides a
relapse into the former disease, which with much more vio-
lence held me more than a moneth, and brought me to great
weakenesse ; the Flux surprised me, and kept me many
daies : then the cramp assaulted my weak body, with strong
paines ; & afterwards the Gout (with which I had hereto-
fore beene sometime troubled) afflicted me in such sort, that
making my body through weaknesse unable to stirre, or to
use any maner of exercise, drew upon me the disease called
Scurvy ; which though in others it be a sicknesse of sloth-
fulnesse, yet was in me an effect of weaknesse, which never
left me, till I was upon the point to leave the world.
" These severall maladies and calamities, I am the more
desirous to particularize unto Your Lordships (although
they were too notorious to the whole Colonic) lest any man
should misdeeme that under the general name and common
excuse of sicknesse, I went about to cloke either sloth, or
feare, or anie other base apprehension, unworthy the high
and generall charge which you had entrusted to my Fidelitie.
" In these extremities I resolved to consult my friends,
who (finding Nature spent in me, and my body almost con-
sumed, my paines likewise daily encreasing) gave me advise
to preferre a hopefuU recovery, before an assured mine,
which must necessarily had ensued, had I lived, but twenty
dayes longer, in Virginia : wanting at that instant, both
food and Physicke, fit to remedy such extraordinary dis-
eases, and to restore that strength so desperately decayed.
480 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
" Whereupon, after a long consultation held, I resolved
by generall consent and persuasion, to ship myself for
Mevis, an Island in the West Indies, famous for wholesome
Bathes, there to try what help the Heavenly Providence
would afford me, by the benefit of the hot Bathe : But
God, who guideth all things, according to his good will and
pleasure, so provided, that after we had sailed an hundred
Leagues, we met with Southerly windes which forced me to
change my pvu-pose (my body being altogether unable to
endure the tediousnesse of a long voyage) and so stear my
course for the Western Islands, which I no sooner recovered,
then I found help for my health, and my sickenesse as-
suaged, by mea«ies of fresh diet, and especially of Orenges
and Lemonds, an undoubted remedy and medicine for that
disease, which lastly, and so long, had afflicted me : which
ease as soone as I found, I resolved (although my body
remained still feeble and weake), to returne backe to my
charge in Virginia againe, but I was advised not to hazard
myselfe before I had perfectly recovered my strength,
which by Counsell I was persuaded to seeke in the naturall
Ayre of my Countrey, and so I came for England. In
which Accident, I doubt not but men of reason, and of
judgement will imagine, there would more danger and prej-
udice have happened by my death there, then I hope can
doe by my returne.
" In the next place, I am to give accompt in what estate
I left the Collony for government in my absence. It may
please your Lordships therefore to understand that upon
my departure thence, I made choise of Captaine George
Pearcie, (a gentleman of honour and resolution, and of no
small experience in that place) to remaine Deputie Govern-
our, untill the comming of the Marshall, Sir Thomas Dale,
whose Commission was likewise to be determined, upon the
arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates, according to the intent and
order of your Lordships, and the Councill here.
" The number of men I left there were upwards of two
hundred, the most in health, and provided of at least tenne
W^ f^
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LUCY HARINGTOiM
Coniitess of lied ford
DE LA WARE'S RELATION. 481
monetlis victuals, in their store-house, (which is daily issued
unto them) besides other helps in the Countrey, lately found
out by Captaine ArgoU, by trading with pettie kings in
those parts, who for a small returne of a piece of Iron, Cop-
per, &c. have consented to trucke great quantities of Corne,
and willingly imbrace the intercourse of Traffique, shewing
unto our people certaine signs of amitie and affection.
" And for the better strengthening and securing of the
CoUony, in the time of my weaknesse there, I tooke order
for the building of three severall Forts, two of which are
seated neere Poynt Comfort, to which adjoyneth a large
circuit of ground, open, and fit for corne : the thirde Fort
is at the Falles, upon an Island invironed also with Corne
ground. These are not all manned, for I wanted the Com-
moditie of Boates, having but two, and one Bardge, in all
the Countrey, which hath beene cause that our fishing hath
beene (in some sort) hindered, for want of those provisions,
which easily will be remedied when we can gaine suffi-
cient men to be imployed about those businesses, which in
Virginia I found not : but since meeting with Sir Thomas
Gates at the Cowes neere Portsmouth (to whom I gave a
perticular accompt of aU my proceeding, and of the present
estate of the CoUony as I left it) I understood those wants
are supplyed in his Fleete.
" The countrey is wonderf ull fertile and very rich, and
makes good whatsoever heretofore hath beene reported of
it, the Cattell already there, are much encreased, and thrive
exceedingly w4th the pasture of that Countrey : The kine
all this last Winter, though the ground was covered most
with snow, and the season sharpe, lived without other feed-
ing than the grasse they found, with which they prospered
well, and many of them readie to fall with Calve ; Milke
being a great nourishment and refreshing to our people,
serving also in (occasion) as well for physicke as for Food,
so that it is no way to be doubted, but when it shall please
God that Sir Thomas Dale, and Sir Thomas Gates, shall
arrive in Virginia with their extraordinary supply of one
482 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09-JULY, 1G14.
hundred Kine, and two hundred Swine, besides store of all
manner of other provisions for the sustenance and mainte-
nance of the CoUony, there will appeare that successe in the
Action as shall give no man cause to distrust that hath
already adventured, but encourage every good minde to
further so worthy a worke, as will redound both to the
Glory of God, to the Credit of our Nation, and to the com-
fort of all those that have beene Instruments in the further-
ing of it.
" The last discovery, during my continuall sicknesse, was
by Captaine Argoll, who hath found a trade with Patomack
(a King as great as Powhatan, who still remaines our ene-
mie, though not able to doe us hurt.) This is a goodly
Kiver called Patomack, upon the borders whereof there are
growne the goodliest Trees for Masts, that may be found
else-where in the World : Hempe better then English, grow-
ing wilde in abundance : Mines of Antimonie and Leade.
Without our Bay to the North ward there is also found an
excellent fishing Banke for Codde, and Ling as good as can
be eaten, and of a kinde that will keepe a whole yeare, in
shippers hould, with little care ; a tryall whereof I have now
brought over with mee. Other Islands there are upon our
Coasts, that doe promise rich merchandise, and will fur-
ther exceedingly the establishing of the Plantation, by
supply of many helpes, and will speedily afford a returne of
many worthie Commodities.
" I have left much ground in part manured to receive
corne, having caused it the last Winter to be sowed for
rootes with which our people were greatly releeved.
" There are many Vines planted in divers places, and do
prosper well, there is no want of anything, if the action can
be upheld with constancy and resolution.
" Lastly concerning myselfe, and my Course, though the
World may imagine that this Countrey and Climate will (by
that which I have suffered beyond any other of that Plan-
tation) ill agree, with the state of my body, yet I am so farre
from shrinking or giving over this honourable enterprise.
SPELMAN'S RELATION. 483
as that I am willing and ready to lay all I am worth upon
the adventure of the Action, rather then so Honourable a
worke should faile, and to returne with all the convenient
expedition I may, beseeching your Lordships, and the rest,
not onely to excuse my former wants, happened by the
Almighty hand : but to second my resolutions with your
friendly indeavours : that both the State may receive Hon-
our, yourselves Profit, and future Comfort, by being imployed
(though but as a weake instrument) in so great an Action.
" And thus having plainely, truely, and briefely, delivered
the cause of my returne, with the state of our affayres, as
wee now stand, I hope every worthy and indifferent hearer,
will by comparing my present resolution of returne, with the
necessitie of my comming home, rest satisfied with this true
and short Declaration.
" Finis."
CLXXII. SPELMAN'S RELATION.
This document in MS. was preserved by Dawson Turner.
At the sale of his library in 1859 it was bought by Joseph
Lilly, the bookseller, and at his sale, July 7, 1871, it was
purchased by Mr. Stevens for Mr. James F. Hunnewell, of
Charlestown, Massachusetts, who had it published, in 1872,
at the Chiswick Press, London, England.
The tract relates to events in 1609-1611. Spelman re-
turned to England with Lord De la Warr in June, 1611,
and I suppose it was written soon after. He makes an over-
sight in saying that he arrived in Virginia in October (it
was August). The ships left Virginia in October. He is
confused in his story of the assassination of Ratcliffe and
his men, and has given two accounts, neither of which seems
satisfactory. It seems evident that the Indians had used
him as a decoy to lead Ratcliffe into the ambush, and
doubtless the part which he had probably innocently played
gave him trouble and anxiety. As a whole it seems as
reliable as most narratives of the time and place. He has
484 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
corrected his MS. by marking out the words in itaHcs and
writintr instead the words in brackets.
" Beinge in displeasuer of my frendes, and desirous to see
other cuntryes, after tlwee moneths [some weekes] sayle we
cum with prosperus winds in sight of Virginia wher A
storme sodenly arisinge seavered our Jleete [ships] (which
was of X sayle) every shipp from other, puttinge us all in
great daunger for vij or viij dayes togither. But ye storme
then ceasing our shipp called ye Unitye came ye next morn-
ing saff ly to an anker at Cape Henry, ye . . . daye of Octo-
ber, 1609, Wher we found thre other of our fleete, and about
a senio^ht after thre more cum thether also. The resideu
[still remayned] amongst which was Sir Thomas Gates and
Sir George Summers, Knights wear [who being] not hard
of many months after our arrivall.
" From Cape Henry we sayled up ye River of Powahtan
and within 4. or 5 dayes arived at James towne, wher we
weare joyfully welcomed by our cuntrymen, being at that
time about 80 persons under the government of Capt. Smith,
the President. Havinge heare unladed our goods and be-
stowed sum senight or fortnight in vieinge of the cuntry. I
was caried By Capt Smith our President to ye Fales, to ye
litell Powhatan wher unknown e to me he sould me to him
for a towne caled Powhatan and leavinge me with him ye
litle Powhatann, He made knowne to Capt. Weste how he
had bought a towne for them to dwell in desireing that
Captaine West would come and settle himself e there ; hut
Captaine West having bestowed cost to hegi7ie a toune in
another place, misliked it : and unkindnesse thereuppon
ariseing hetweene them [wheruppon Capt Weste growinge
angrye Bycause he had bestowed cost to begine a toune in
another place] Capt Smith at that time repliede [saying] htell
hut [yet] afterward consjnred [wrought] with the Pohawtan
to kill Capt Weste, which Plott tooke but smale effect, for
in ye meanetime [interim] Capt. Smith was Aprehended, and
sent abord for England. Myself havenge binn now about
vij or viij dayes with the litell Powhatan, who though he
SPELMAN'S RELATION. 485
made very much of me givinge me such thinges as he liad
to winn me to live with him. Yet [when] I desired to see
our EngHsh and therf ore made signes unto him to give me
leave to goe to our ship to search such thinges as I leafte
behind me, which he agreed unto and settinge himselfe
doune, he clapt his hand on the ground in token he would
stay ther till I returned. But I staying sumwhat to long,
at my cumminge [back] to ye place wher I leaft him I
found him departed wheruppon I went backe to our shipp
beinge still in ye Fales and sayled with them to Jamestoune,
wher not beinge long ther, Before one Thomas Savage
with 4. or 5. Indians came from the great Powhatan with
venison to Capt. Percye, who now Avas President. After the
delivery therof, and that he must returne he was loith to
goe without sum of his cuntrymen went with him, wheruppon
I was apoynted to goe, which I the more willinglie did, by
Reason that vitals were scarce with us, cariinge with me sum
Copper and a hatchet which I had gotten. [And] cum-
minge to the great Powetan I presented to him such thinges
as I had which he tooke, usinge me very kindly, [settinge
this Savage and me at his oune Table messe] and After I
had bin with him about 3. weekes he sent me backe to our
English bidding me tell them, that if they would bring ther
ship, and sum copper
he would fraught liir backe he would fraught hir backe
with corne, which I having corne which I having re-
reported to our English and ported to our English and
returninge ther answer to ye returning their answeare to
Kinge, He before ther cum- ye Powhatan. Captaine Kat-
minge layd plotts to take clyff came with a shipp with
them, which in sum sort he xxiiij or. xxv men to Oroh-
affected, for xxvj or vij they pikes, and leaving his shipp
killed which cam towards land there came by barge with six
in ther long boate, and shott teen men to ye Powhatan to
many arrows into ye shipp, Powmunkey where he very
which our men perseyving curtuously in shew received
and f earinge the worst, wayed them by sending them bread
486
PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1G14.
anker and returned.
Now whil this busines was
in action [doing] ye Pow-
hatan sends me and one Sam-
and venison in reward where
of Captaine Ratclyff sent him
copper and beades and such
like. Then Powhatan ap-
pointed Cap. Ratclyff a
house for him and his men
to lye in during the time
that they should traffique, not
far from his owne but above
half a mile from the barge,
and himself in the evening
comeinge to the [ther] house
slenderly accompanied wel-
comed him thither, And
[after Capt. Ratclyff] re-
turned leaving the Dutch-
man, Savage and myself be-
hinde him. The next day
the Powhatan with a com-
pany of Salvages came to
Capt Ratcliff, and caried our
English to their storehouse
where their corne was to
traffique with them, giveing
them peices of copper and
beades and other things Ac-
cording to ye proportions of
ye basketts of corne, which
they brought ; but the Indi-
ans dealing deceitfully by
pulling or beareing upp the
bottom of their baskets with
their hands soe that ye lesse
corne might [searve to] fill
them. The English men tak-
ing exceptions against it
and a discontentment riseing
SPELMAN'S RELATION.
487
well a Duchman to a tonne
about xvj miles of ealed
Yawtanoone willinge us tlier
to stay [till] for him.
uppon it ye King departed
taking [conveied himself
and] me and ye Dutchman
with him and his wives hence.
And presently a great num-
ber of Indians that lay lurk-
ing in ye woods and come
about began with an Oulis
and Whoop ubb and whilest
our English men were in
hast carieinge their corne to
their shipps the Indians that
weare hidden in ye corne
shott the men as they passed
by them and soe killed them
all saveing one Wilham Eus-
sell and one other whoe being
acquainted with ye country
escaped to James towne by
land.
" At his cumminge thether we understood how althinges
had passed by Thomas Savage, as before is related, the
Kinge in shew made still much of us yet his mind was much
decHned from us which made us feare the worst, and having
now bin with him about 24 or 25 weekes, it happned that
the Kinge of Patomeck [Pasptan] came to visitt the great
Powetan, wher beinge a while mth him, he shewed such
Kindnes to Savage, Samuell and myself, as we determined
to goe away with him, when the daye of his departure was
cum, we did as we agreed and havenge gone a mile or tow
on the way, Savage fayned sum excuse of stay and un-
knowne to us went backe to the Powetan and acquaynted
him with our departing [fleing] with ye Patowomeck.
The Powetan presently sends after us commandinge our
returne, which we refuseing [not belevinge] went still on
our way : and thos that weare sent, went still on with us,
till one of them findinge oportunity on a sudden strooke
488 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
Samuell with an axe and killed him, which I seinge ran
away from amonge the cumpany, they after me, the Kinge
and liis men after them, who overtake them heald them, till
I shifted for myself and gott to the Patomeckes cuntry.
With this Kinge Patomeeke I lived a year and more at a
towne of his called Pasptanzie, untill such time as an worthy
gentleman named Capt : Argall arived at a toune cald
Nacottawtanke [Xatanahane^], but by our English cald
Camocacocke, wher he understood that ther was an English
boy named Harry. He desiringe to here further of me cam
up the river, which the Kinge of Patomeck hearringe sent
me to him, and I goinge backe agayne brought the Kinge
to ye shijje [him], wher Capt : ArgoU gave the Kinge
[sum] copper for me which he [and he] receyved. Thus
was I sett at lihertye [free] and brought into England."
The rest, some 4,000 words, relates chiefly to the customs,
etc., of the Indians.
[Mem. — Captain Adams, who sailed from Virginia in the
Hercules on the 25th of May, probably arrived in England
late in June or early in July, 1611, bringing, among other
documents, letters, etc., CLXXIIP., Dale to Counsell, and
Dale to "the Committees," CLXXHP.]
CLXXIIIi. DALE TO THE COUNCIL.
Careful transcripts of the copies of CLXXHP . and
CLXXVI., made by EHas Ashmole, the antiquary, and
found in his collection of manuscripts, now deposited in the
Bodleian Library at Oxford, were sent by G. D. Scull, Esq.,
of Oxford, England, to Mr. R. A. Brock, corresponding
secretary of the Virginia Historical Society, who published
the first in the " Richmond Standard " of January 28,
1882, and the other in the same paper of February 4, fol-
lowing. CLXXIII^ was also published by Mr. Neill, in
1885, in his " Virginia Vetusta," pp. 77-83.
1 Possibly the Spanish " Xacan."
DALE TO THE COUNCIL. 489
"Sir Thomas Dale to the President and Counsell of the
Companie of Adventurers and Planters in Virginia.
"Eight honorable and the rest of our Noble
FRIENDS. — After I had left the lands end the 17 of March
with soe happie successe (by the permission of the divine
goodnesse), and with soe fay re windes was our whole jour-
ney accompanied as within one month, the 29. of Aprill,
We had in friendly consorte all our whole fleete together
reached Dominico, a passage which I coulde hartily wish
might not be declined by those our English fleete which
should at any time make into Virginia probable enough, as
may appeare by this our tryall to be most speedie. And I
am right well assured most convenient for our peoples re-
freshing and preservation of our Cattle. The first may be
made good by reason of a contynual winde from the Ca-
naries to the West Indies ; the second by restitution of our
sick people into health by the helpes of Fresh ayre, diet
and the baths. For true it is we being under shipped of
tonnage, and pestered by that means, that our goods filled
up the Orlage having no room for our men to be accommo-
dated, but crowded together their own aires and the unclean-
tiness of the ship, dogs, &c., gave some infexion amongst
us and was the cause of the loss of well more a dozen men.
I could earnestly wish therefore that you will be pleased
to advise the undertakers concerninge this point, that the
like inconvenience may be avoyded in the future.
" The 12. of May we seized our Bay and the same night
with a favourable South-East gale (all prayse to God for it)
we came to an anchor before Alirernoone Forte at Point
Comfort, where to our no small comfort again we discov-
ered The Hercules, even then preparing to take the advan-
tage of the present Tide to set sayle for England. We had
no sooner saluted the Fort, and that us, and were come to
an anchor, but Captain Adams came aboard us in his longe
boate, who gave me to understand both of his Lordship's
departure for Mevis in the West Indies some ten days
490 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
before our coming in (as by his Lordship's letters you shall
further understand thereof) as of Captain Percy's being at
the Fort, who together with some of the present Counsell
had come down thither to give Captain Adams his discharge.
It was not full two hours before myself and Captain New-
port went ashore, where we had related unto us the full
circumstance of many things and the condition of the pres-
ent Colony. In this forte we found besides Capt. Davis
his Company, the most of Sir Thomas Gates his Company
there Hving quartered as well by reason they were not of
competency in numbers to take in againe the two Forts of
Kecoughtan, and to supply James Towne and Algernoune
fort both, as also because at all times this place yieldeth
the better reliefe, by means of the Fishing, than James
Towne.
" I found many omissions of necessary duties which would
have indeed advanced the end which we have now proposed
concerning the perpetual subsistence of the Colony but a
plantation being not the full and utmost intention resolved
on, or so advised from home ; but rather the search after
those mines which Faldoe the Helvetian, had given intelli-
gence of in England, and which his Lordship was intreated
unto by the Committees letters (which I have since scene)
to make exploration of, was the cause of those omissions.
Howbeit, I found how carefull his Lordship hath been in
what either his forces, or own abihtie of bodie enable him
unto. And well I perceave his zeale, how it is enflamed to
his Right Noble worke. According therefore as his Lord-
ship left in direction for me (if I should come in before his
returne) with a commission Hkewise to governe as his
Deputy in the Interim.
" My first labor was to repossesse me of the two last
yeares erected forts upon Southampton River, Fort Henry
and Fort Charles. The second day therefore after my
arrivall, I went and viewed the forts and ground for corn
finding the Pallasadoes yet most standing about those forts
and the ground though somewhat later in the year to be
00 V
z C;
DALE TO THE COUNCIL. 491
sowed with some little paines to be cleared. I drew all my
new men ashore and takin«: some of the rest of both Com-
panies quartered as aforesaid in Algernoune Fort, whilest I
employed our Carpenters to build Cabins and Cottages for
the present, we on all hands fell to digging and cleaning
the ground and setting of corn and in 4. or 5. days we had
set more ground about Fort Henry than Sir Thomas Gates
found sett by the Indians in the year before. After I had
forwarded this worke because I conceaved it necessary as
well to look into the present state of James Towne and
what might be fit to be accomplished there before my
search further up for a convenient new seat to rayse a prin-
cipal! Towne according to my directions, as also to unlode
our provisions into our Magazine of which I know some of
[our?] ill-conditioned ships required the more speed, as
likewise carefull to sett some hands likewise on the worke
for the lading of the ships with all conveniency and speed
for their Returne.
" I left the charge of corn setting about Charles Fort
under the command and care of the Captains which I nowe
had brought ; leaving therefore still on shore with them all
my new Company. Constituting Capt. James Davys, Taske
Master of the whole three Forts : who having instructions
given from myself should appoint each Captain of the Fort
what to command his officers and his people to execute,
who weekly therefore (I did so order it) that they should
give accompt to Capt. Davis, and Capt. Davis to me. This
thus settled and every one busy at his taske and days labor,
the 19. I came before James Towne, being Sonday in the
afternoone, where I landed and first repairing to the church
(the company thither assembled) Mr. Poole gave us a Ser-
mon, after that Mr. Strachy did openly read the commis-
sion which his Lordship had left with him for me, Capt.
Percy surrendering up his, it being accordingly so to expire.
I found here likewise no corn sett, some few seeds put into
a private garden or Two ; but the cattle, cows, goats, swine.
Poultry &c to be well and carefully on all hands preserved
492 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
and all in good plight and likeing. The next day I called
into consultation such whom I found here made of the
Counsell by his Lordship, where were proposed many busi-
nesses necessary, and almost every one essentiall which in-
deed required much labour and many hands, as namely, the
reparation of the falling Church and so of the Store-house,
a stable for our horses, a munition house, a Powder house,
a new well for the amending of the most unholsome water
which the old afforded. Brick to be made, a sturgion
house, which the late curer, you sent by the Hercules, much
complayneth of, his work otherwise impossible to come to
good, and indeed he dresseth the same sturgions perfect
and well, a Block house to be raised on the North side of
our back River to prevent the Indians from kilHng our
cattle, a house to be set up to lodge our cattle in the winter,
and hay to be appointed in his due time to be made, a
smith's forge to be perfected — Caske for our Sturgions to
be made, and besides private gardens for each man — Com-
mon gardens for hemp and flaxe and such other seeds, and
lastly a bridge to land our goods dry and safe upon, for
most of which I take presente order — and appointed first
for the Church Capt. Edw. Brewster with his gang, and for
the stable Capt. Lawson with his gang. Captain Newport
undertook the Bridge with his Mariners. All the Savages
I set on work who duly ply their taske, and thus when these
are done the others slialbe set upon. In the meane while
we now of necessity are inforced to phe the unlading of
our ship to which we call other hands not imployed and I
myself likewise somewhat busied two or three days to dis-
patch Capt. Adams with all speed with these our letters of
Aviso, who the 21. was present with [us] at Counsel! where
we positively determined with God's grace (after the Cornes
setting at the Princes Forts) to go up unto the Falls ward
to search and advise upon a seate for a new Towne, with
200 men, where we will set downe and build houses as fast
as we may, resolving to leave at James Towne some good
fifty men with a sufficient commander for the preservation
i
DALE TO THE COUNCIL. 493
of our breeders. Likewise at that Counsel! it being then
debated howe hopeful! tlie trust for a while would be unto
the Northward rivers, especially the Pattomack for corne
after harvest. I did forbid all manner of tradings with the
Indians least our Commodities should grow every day with
them more vile and cheap by their plenty. And being
poUitiquely conveyed by Powhatan unto those Northerne
people, who seeing our eccess threaten againe (as in the last
winter was Capt Argall in the Discovery) might forstall
our truckings. Likewise the 21. I went into Paspahaighes
ould Towne ; because it was related unto me to be good
ground to sowe corn, in purposing to set there some hemp
and flax ; but surveighing it, I found it too much rough
weeded and over-growne with shrubbs and bushes which
nowe being greene and high would not be so readily
cleansed this year for any service. The 22. I made divers
proclamations which I caused to be set up for the publique
view, one for the preservation of our cattle amongst our-
selves ; another for the valuation of provisions amongst the
Mariners, the copies of which I have sent and leave to your
noble considerations, every one here thinking those rates
very easy and reasonable.
" Let me intreat that we may have both a Vice-admiral
and hired Mariners to be all times resident here, the benefit
will quickly make good the charge as well by a trade of
furs to be obtained with the Salvages in the Northern
Rivers to be returned home, as also to furnish us here with
corn and fish. The want of such men all this time, whom
we might trust with our pynaces, leaves us destitute this
season of so great a quantity of fish as not far from our
own Bay, would sufficiently satisfy the whole Colony for a
whole year. Our wante Hkewise of able chirurgions is not
a little, be pleased to advise the committees for us in this
pointe.
" And thus having nothing else at this present to be fur-
ther a necessary trouble to me, I humbly take my leave, in
all offices and travell to the advancement of this your hope-
494 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
full Colony, bowing me ever unto the same and your
honorable command
" a constant & perpetuall Servant
" Thomas Dale.
" Virginia, James Towne, the 25 of May, 1611."
CLXXIII2. DALE TO THE COMMITTEE.
July, 1611. The author of " The New Life of Virginia "
(CCX.) says that Sir Thomas Dale sent a letter at this time
" to the committies," assuring the adventurers so long as he
remained there, their ships should never returne empty. His
words are these : —
" But if any thing otherTvdse then well betide me in this
businesse, let me commend unto your caref ulnesse, the pur-
suite and dignitie of this businesse, then which your purses
and endeavours will never open nor travell in a more
acceptable and meritorious enterprize, take foure of the best
kingdomes in Christendome, and put them all together,
they may no way compare with this countrie either for com-
modities or goodnesse of soile."
The author then goes on to say that "this sparke"
determined the adventurers to furnish out Sir Thomas
Gates with six ships, etc., without delay, etc., but I believe
Gates had already sailed before Dale's letters were received.
The adventurers had certainly determined to send Gates,
even before Dale sailed himself.
CLXXIV/VELASCO TO PHILIP IIL
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2588, FOLIO 59.
Copy of an original letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to the
King of Spain, dated London, August 22, 1611.
" Sire. — Lord de la Warre, who was Governour of Vir-
ginia two years ago, has returned, leaving there by stealth,
VELASCO TO PHILIP III. 495
saying that he went in search of certain baths near the
coast. Because if it had been suspected that he meant to
come here the people who had remained there in garrison,
in two forts which he had erected since he went out there,
would not have let him go. And in order to excuse his
return, he has published a book, advocating a further
reinforcement of that Colony, which has much declined by
the persons who have died, and the sufferings which they
endure, persecuted as they are by the Indians, so that, if it
were not for the two forts, they would have made an end of
them all. Notwithstanding all this, if it were not that they
sadly want some outlet for all the idle and wicked people
such as this kingdom has, they will for that purpose even
preserve that post. For this purpose they now propose to
erect a fort on the island of Vermuda, which, tho' it is two
hundred leagues from Virginia, still has been able to suc-
cour them very effectually — especially with herds of swine,
which are innimierable there and altho' the Coast of Ber-
muda is dangerous, having no considerable port at all, still
they will find shelter there for small vessels.
" In the first ship that may sail for Virginia, I shall send
a trustworthy person, to confirm myself in the special cer-
tainty of things as they are there.
" May God preserve Y. M. as is needed. From London
August 22 1611.
"Don Alonso de Velasco."
[Mem. — August 16, 1611, there was entered at Sta-
tioners' Hall for publication, by John Wright, bookseller,
" A ballad called the last newes from Virginia being an
encouragement to all others to follow that noble enter-
prize." Unless this is an edition of CXXXVIII., no copy
is known to have been preserved. I think it is " the same
worke more at large," promised " To the Reader " in that
document, which was also " to be solde by John Wright, at
Christ-Church dore."]
496 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CLXXV^ THE WEYMOUTH BOND.
THE DUKE OF MANCHESTER RECORDS. KIMBOLTON MS. NO.
m. ABSTRACT.
"Sept. 8, 1611. Authorisation to George Weymouth,
of London, gentleman, by Sir William Bonde, of High-
gate, in the County of Middlesex, Knight, to make the
purchases, and other arrangements necessary for building,
victualHng, arming, and manning (with a crew of 20) a
a ship of 40 tons, and for victualling it for a year. (Parch-
ment.) "
Although I give only an abstract from this document, I
have numbered it, because it is still in existence, and may
be obtained if necessary.
CLXXV2. CRANFIELD'S RECEIPT.
Among the MS., etc., of the Earl De la Warr, listed in
the Fourth Report of the Royal Hist. Commission, is the
following : —
" 1611. Sepf^ 20. A Printed Paper. Lionel Cranfield
Esq. has subscribed £12. 10^ to Sir Thomas Smythe K* and
shall have a proportionate share with the other adventurers
of gold and silver and other metals and treasure. Sealed in
the presence of Edward May. Seal, the Royal Arms, with
a motto."
This was a bill of adventure.
CLXXV«. EXTRACT FROM TRINITY HOUSE RECORDS.
Among the Records of the Trinity House, listed in the
Eighth Report of the Royal Hist. Commission, pp. 236,
237, there are some very important depositions, taken Octo-
ber 24, 1611, by the master, wardens, and assistants of the
Trinity House, regarding Hudson's last voyage to the
northwest. They sailed from London April 18, and en-
WHITAKER TO CRASHAW. 497
tered Hudson's Bay August 2, 1610. Wintered there.
June 12j 1611, homewards bound. June 23, Henry Hud-
son and eight others were set adrift in Hudson's Bay. " To
save some from starving, they said, they were content to put
some away." Six others died, or were killed by the na-
tives, and eight only returned to England, and they possi-
bly saved their own lives by causing many in England to
believe that the discovery of the passage to the South Sea
was finally assured. I have never seen these depositions in
print. They are only illustrative of, and do not belong
strictly to, my work, therefore I do not give them.
[Mem. — CLXXXIII. says a vessel reached England
from Virginia about the last of October, 1611, bringing an
account to James I. of the arrival there of the Spanish
spies. This document is now probably lost. CLXXVI.,
CLXXVn., and CLXXVIII. presumably reached England
by this ship (the Prosperous?), which I suppose left Vir-
ginia in September ; but I think Dale had previously sent
the EHzabeth in July, as a private " Aviso " to the Virginia
Council in England.]
* CLXXVI. WHITAKER TO CRASHAW.
" Good Mr. Crashaw, you heard by my last letters ^ how
prosperous a journey I had hither, and must now againe
send you word how God hath contynued his goodness
towards me and preserved me safe hitherto with great hope
of good success to our purposes. It is needless that I
should write unto you of every particular of our doings, for
I suppose it would be unsavoury to the conceit of a schollar
and your heavenly meditations to heare what corne we have
sett, what boats we have built &c ; but I will acquainte you
with one thinge which may be worthy your consideration and
wherein I desire to know your opinion. Our Gov^ Sir
^ These letters, which have not been found, were probably sent by Captain
Adams May 25, 1611.
498 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
Thomas Dale pretended an expedition to a place called the
ffalles, seaven or viii daies before his goinge the Kinge of
the Indians Powhatan by his Messengers forbidd him those
quarters, and demaunded of him 2 Indian prisoners which
he had taken from them, otherwise he threatened to destroy
us after strange manner, ffirst he said he would make us
drunke and then kill us and for a more solemnity gave us
vi or vii daies respite. Sir Thomas was verry merry at this
message and retourned them with the like Answere. Shortly
after without any deliverances of the prisoners he wente
armed to the ffalles, where one night our men beinge att
praiers in the cours of guard a strange noise was heard
comino^e out of the corne towards the trenches of our
men like an Indian " liuio hup " with an " Oho Oho " ^ some
say that they sawe one like an Indian leape over the fier
and runne into the corne with the same noyse. Att the
which all our men were confusedly amased. They could
speake nothing but " Oho Oho^'' and all generally taking
the wrong end of their armes beyon the Thebans Warre
against Cadmus. But thanks be to God, this Alarum lasted
not above half a quarter of an hower, and no harme was
done excepting 2. or 3. that were knockt downe without
any further harme ffor sudenly as men awaked out a dream
they began to search for their supposed enemies, but finde-
ing none remained ever after very quiett. Another Acci-
dent fell out in a march upp Nansemund river as our men
passed by one of their Townes, there yssued out on the
shoare a mad crewe dauncinge like Anticks, or our Morris
dancers before whome there went Quiockosite (or theire Priest)
tossed smoke and flame out of a thinge like a censer. An
Indian (by name Mem chumps) amongst our men seeing this
1 This noise was probably made by mond Standard, February 4, 1882. See
a night owl, as he flew about the fire introduction to CLXXIII^ N. B.
for a moment, and then away " into If Gates had arrived in Virginia
the corne." about the first of August, why is it
Mr. Neill gives extracts from tliis that his arrival is not mentioned in
letter in Virginia Vetusta, pp. 165-166. either CLXXVL, CLXXVIL, or
The whole was published in the Rich- CLXXVIII. ?
WHITAKER TO CRASHAW. 499
dance tould us that there would be very much raine presently
and indeed there was forthwith exceedinge thunder and
Hghteninge and much raine within 5. miles and soe further
of, but not so much there as made theire powder dancke.
Many such Casualties happen, as that the principall
amongest them beinge bound with stronge Irons and kept
with great watch have strayed from us without our knowl-
edge or prevention. All which things make me thinke that
there be great witches amongest them and they very familiar
with the divill. I should more admire Virginia with the
Inhabitants yf I did not remember that Egipt was exceed-
inge faithfull, that Canaan flowed with milke and honey
before Israel did overrunne it, and that Sodom was like the
garden of God in the dayes of Lott. Only I thinke that
the Lord hath spared this people and inriched the bowells of
the Country with the riches and bewty of Nature that we
wantinge them might in the search of them communicate
the most excellent merchandize and treasure of the Gospell
with them. God hath heretofore most horribly plagued
our contrimen with famine, death the sword, &c., for the
sins of our men were intoUerable. I marvell more that God
did not sweepe them away all att once, then that he did in
such manner punishe them. Yet he in the midest of his
anger remembered mercy, and mindeinge nowe (as we hope)
to fulfill his purpose and sett up the Kingdome of his Sonne
on their parts most miraculously withstood manytimes the
purposes of our men whoe were retourninge home, and now
againe with farre more successive proceedings and better
hopes doth preserve us here. As for me God hath dealt
mercifully with me beyond my friends' opinion and my
owne hopes. My cominge hither was prosperous and my
continuance here hath been Answerable, I thinke I have
fared better for your prayers and the rest. Yf there be
any young Godly and learned Ministers whom the Church
of England hath not, or refuseth, to sett a worke send them
thither. Our harvest is froward and great for want of such.
Younge men are fittest for this country, and we have noe
500 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
need either of ceremonies or bad livers. Discretion and
learninge, zeal with knowledge would doe much good. I
have much more to write, but nowe can noe more, besides
my prayers to God for a blessinge on our laboures. ffare-
well your lovinge friend.
" Alexander Whitaker.
" James Towne in Virginia, this 9. of August. 1611."
CLXXVII. PERCY TO NORTHUMBERLAND.
This document was published by the Kev. Edward D.
Neill in 1885, in his " Virginia Vetusta,'' pp. 84-85.
I have almost invariably rehed on my own copies of
documents (whether they have been previously printed or
not) for these pages, and I have copies of nearly every
document mentioned, except the Percy Papers. I have not
had access to these, and the documents given from them are
taken from Mr. Neill's works.
"To the right Honorable my singuler good Lord and
Brother, The Earle of Northumberland, give these.
" Right Honorable : — I am not ignorant, and cannot
therefore be unmindfull in what I may so satisfie your
Lordship for your manifold and continuall curtesies which
I dayly and at the reprotch of everie shipping do abun-
dantly taste of, and I must acknowledge freely that this last
yere ^ hath not bin a little chardgable unto your Honnor who
I hope will continue so noble and honorable opinion of me
as you shall not think anything prodigally by me wasted or
spent which tendeth to my no little advancement : True it
is the place which I hold in this Colonic, (the store affording
no other meanes then a pound of meale) cannot be defraied
with small expense, it standing upon my reputation (being
Governeur of James Towne) to keepe a continuall and dayly
Table for Gentlemen of fashion aboute me, my request unto
1 " February 6th, 1610, the Earl of Mr. George Percy to the amount of
Northumberland made payments for £432. Is. 6d."
SIR JOHN HAWKINS
DALE TO SALISBURY. 501
your Lordship at this present is to intreate your Honnor to
be highly pleased to disehardg a Bill of my hand made to
Mr. Nellson, and likewise a Bill of eight pounds unto Mr.
Pindle Burie of London merchant and I shall ever be in all
humble dutie bound unto your Lordship.
" And thus wishing all honnor and happines to accom-
panie you in this world and eternall bhsse in the other to
come, I cease to be further unnecessary troublesome unto
your Lordship, ever vowing myself and the uttmost of my
services in all duty unto your Honnor, and rest.
" Your Lordship's
" lovinge brother.
" George Percy.
" Virginia, James Towne, August. 17, 1611."
CLXXVIII. DALE TO SALISBURY.
STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL, JAMES L VOLUME L NUMBEB 26.
The following letter from Sir Thomas Dale to Salisbury
has never been pubhshed in this country I beheve.
" Right Hono*"*^ — I knowe right well how covetous (if
not zeleous) your full and absolute meditations are, over and
concerning this so pious so heroicke enterprise ; (in these
dayes not imploying any State in Christendome, with a like
worke parallel to it, whither be admitted the accesse of
honnor, bounties of nature, inlardgment of temporarie re-
spects, or the honor of God, and inlardgment of his King-
dome) in so much as, it is well observed, that you lend no
busie thought so mutch welcome and grace, as what bringes
Tales, and restles discourse of the constitution thereof.
And it is out of this (thrice honored Lord) that I presume
to give us somewhat of hir praises who since my comming
into this Countrie have taken pains to informe myself of
it, even concerning those mixed conditions and secondary
wayes by which hee may meete us with the more favour.
502 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
knowinsr it to be true that the same conditions are to be re-
quired in this Countrie (habitable aire, temperate and whole-
some, the breeders of the land and Rivers and benefites of
the earth for Corne and fruite) which other Countries de-
liver unto the subsisting and being of mankinde and both
of the one and all of that under this kinde I have approved,
and may uprightly testefie in so mutch as there are not
those feares and slaunders to be laid out upon the commodi-
ties, or clime, or soile of this Countrie which Ignorance or
malice have poisoned the generall opinion with.
" I doe finde many kinde of Beasts, fish and ffowle, goodly
corne, and a greater quantitie than may easihe win beleife,
Vines, and those with liable meanes soone to returne a cer-
tain and plentif uU vintage : for our ordinary well knowne
commodities I may not denie but that here are their mate-
rialls, though here noe hands to gather and work them
unto our advantage.
" It is onely in the power (excellent Lord) of as true a
Lover of God and your Countrie (and of so free an offerer
unto so languishing and forsaken a holy action) as your
Honnor is, to advance this work unto hir propper heigth and
send sutch labourers thereunto as may take of the filme of
ignorance and simplicitie which vaile the eyes of these poore
wretches from looking upon their owne bewtie which if the
devine goodnes by your potent meanes should make them see
what a worcke had you wrought into them and unto your-
self No age wold be ever silent of it, and indeed (right wor-
thie to be most famous Lord) so lardgly hath allreadie your
Exchequer opened unto hir being as but for your bountie
she had not long since beene at all,^ and then not now to
make complaint by me of hir weake being.
" In that she hath hitherto no better thrived but still
everie yeare after fresh and new additions of men and
monies declined rather and stooped under many disasters
allmost past reparation hath been because the true groundes
^ From this it seems that Salisbury had rescued the colony from destruction
or abandomnent.
DALE TO SALISBURY. 503
wliich sliold have advanced liir have not bin hitherto so
faithfuUie followed, as faithfuUie and maturely advised^ how-
beit I can lay no blame upon the will and desires of the
interchangeable Undertakers, but upon the want of those
great disbursments which at one tyme and at first must fix
and settle hir, for I confess it an Enterprise of cliardg.
" Yet now at length let me boldly affirme it unto your
Lordship (and laying for the same, my life to paune if I
j)erforme it not) that with the expence of so mutch monie
as now at once disbursed to furnish hither 2.000 men, to
be here by the beginning of next Aprill, I wold in the space
of two yeares (my number still made good) render this whole
countrie unto his Majestic, settle a Colonic here secure for
themselves, and readie to favore all hir ends and expecta-
tions, for by the several! Plantations and Seates which I
would make I shold so over master the subtile-mischeivous
Great Powhatan, that I should leave him either no roome
in his Countrie to harbour in, or drawe him to a firme as-
sociation with ourselves, and he being brought to this shift
of fortune to seek a straunger Countrie or to accept of a
w^ell liked condition of life with us how would it strike upon
the neighbour Salvadges confining him (who in all proba-
bilitie of reason) may be wun then unto our owne conditions.
And that it may be thus wrought I humbly beseetch your
Lordship to pardone my weaknes, if unto your habler
Judgment I presume to present the meanes thus unto your
Honnor. All the tract of Land which Heth betweene our
River, which we call the King's River, and that whereupon
Powhatan dwelleth (which may be in some places twentie
miles over, and from Point Comfort up to the Falls ex-
tendeth in length some 150 miles) is all in the commaund,
and containeth the principallest Seates of Powhatan, which
I would secure unto us (and by haveing them, of necessitie
be commaunders of the oposite South Shoare.).
" Att Point Comfort I would first fortefie to secure as
above, and hold open the mouth of our River to lett ship-
ping into us : And where the two Princes Forts there are
504 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
at Kecoughtan, fashion and lay out a spatious and commod-
ious Towne, for a cheife Commander, where is allreadie 2. or
3.000 acors of cliered ground to sett corne, and plant
Vines; and Vines growe naturallie there in great abun-
dance with all. This place is apt for fishing, as likewise
there grows our best silk grass.
" Some 15 miles from hence at a place called Kiskaick
somewhat short of Powhatan's cheif Towne (called Woro-
wocomaco upon the North side of the River) should my
second Plantation bee, for that would make good the in-
land and assure us likewise of Pamunkit River.
" My third should hould as it doth at James towne.
" My fourth should be at Arsahattacks 80 miles up our
River from James Towne where I have surveied a con-
venient strong, healthie and sweete seate to plant a new
Towne in, (according as I had in my instructions upon my
departure) ^ there to build, from whence might be no more
remove of the principall Seate ; and in that forme to build,
as might accommodate the inhabitants, and become the
Title and Name, which it hath pleased the Lords allreadie to
appoint for it.
" A fifth I could advise to be Tenn miles above this, to
commaund the head of the River, and the many fruitefull
Islands in the same : These divisions (like Nurseries) send-
ing out smaller Settlements, (upon some places yet of
moment) would worck my former promise concerning the
full possession of Powhatan's Countrie, and this Countrie of
itself would afPoard many excellent Seates for many a thow-
sand Householder.
" And beleive it right noble Lord without these forces to
make good these severall Seates (the haveing whereof not
only secures our lives from the subtile Indian, but brings us
in plentie of wherewith to feede our lives, to cloath our
Bodies, and to explore the hidden and unknowne commodi-
ties of the whole countrie). It shalbe in vaine to strive any
longer to settle a handfull of wretched and untoward peo-
^ So the city of Henricus was planned in England about March, 1611.
DALE TO SALISBURY. 505
pie here and great expectations to be placed over their
labours, with waking and jeleous eyes, expecting the return
of sutch retributions, and benefites, secrett commodities and
ritches, which is as impossible for them to get, either into
their possession or knowledg, as it is to poise :and weigh the
mountaines.
" I have sene (right excellent Lord) a spatious and fruit-
full circuit of ground even from Point Comfort, up to the
Falls, upon many seates both upon the one and the other
shoare, and in all places within the lower Countrie finde
that plentie of corne, which our Companie Adventurers in
England hardly believe can be here at all, and at the Falls,
I cannot onely testifie of corne, but of all probabilities of
mines, when our tyme shall serve (which may not be yet)
and where I gathered many scattered peeces of Cristall.
" I am not ignorant (noble Lord) how cold the devotions
of men take this great worcke and some former slaunders
yet upon it (not removed) deterr many a meane'* man from
his personall adventure hither, howbeit I am right well
assured if we once had here the number of 2.000 men as
aforesaid I should in little tyme even satisfie the worst and
widest assertion of him who most mahgnes it, or flies from
it : for the two plantations the one at Arsahatacks, the
other at the head of the Falls upon the maine of Taux-
Powhatan's Land do so neerely neighbour all the cheife and
and onely varietie and chaunge of Townes and bowses be-
longing to the Great Powhatan as either he would ione
friendship with us, or will leave then to our possession his
countrie and thereby leave us in Securitie. Upon them we
might nourish our owne Breeders, and hunt and fowle upon
the land, and fish in the Rivers, and plant our corne and
Vines boldly and with saftie by which meanes we should
no more lament us of want or scarcitie of any provision, and
onely the not haveing of sufficient of provision (and in that
good kindes likewise) hath bin and is yet the greatest ene-
mie unto the speedie peopHng of the Colonie : —
" And upon the arrivall of those 2.000 men (may they
506 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
be here before the next Aprill though sent at two severall
tynies) if but sent hither furnished with six monethes provi-
sion of eorne. I would never after chardg the companie
for any commoditie or supplie in that kinde againe for
them as long as they staid in the Countrie.
" And sithence (noble Lord) I know well the Colonie
standing in suteh conditions and state as it doth how hard
it is to procure so many men in so short tyme I have
(under your Lordship's pardone) conceived that if it will
please his Majestie to banish hither all offenders condemned,
betwixt this and then, to die, out of common Goales, and
likewise so continue that grant for 3. yeres unto the Colonie
(and thus doth the Spaniard people his Indes) it would be
a readie way to furnish us with men, and not allwayes with
the worst kinde of men either for birth, spiritts or Bodie,
and sutch who wold be right glad so to escape a just sen-
tence to make this their new Countrie and plant and inhab-
ite therein with all diligence, cheerf uUnes and Comfort :
Whereas now sutch is the universall disposition throughout
our whole Httle Colonie (as by reason of some present want
of our english provisions) as everie man allmost laments
himself of being here, and murmurs at his present state,
though haply he would not better it in England, not taking
unto them so mutch patience untill some few yeres have
accomplisht the fullnes of our better store by the growth
and increase of our Cattle, planting and tilling of our corne
and Vines, and indeede (right noble Lord) our discontented
companies makes good that old saying Jejimus exercitus
71071 habet aures,
" Nor can I conceive how sutch people as we are inforced
to bring over hither by peradventure, and gathering them
up in sutch riotous, lasie and infected places can intertaine
themselves with other thoughts or put on other behaviour
then what accompanies sutch disordered persons, so pro-
phane, so riotous, so full of Mutenie and treasonable In-
tendments, as I am well to witness in a parcell of 300
which I brought with me, of which well may I say not
DALE TO SALISBURY. 507
many give testimonie beside their names that they are
Christians, besides of siitch diseased and erased bodies as
the Sea hither and this CHme here but a little searching
them, render them so unhable, fainte, and desperate of
recoverie as of 300 not three score may be called forth or
imploied upon any labour or service.
" Thus (my right noble Lord) I have presumed to apeale
you from your grave and serious affaires to peruse a tedious
storie of the Condition wherin your Colonic both ever here-
tofore and now for the present remaineth : — Some meanes
likewise I have presumed as I conceive it to offer unto your
Lordship how it may be truly recovered and prosper with
greater comfort both to the Adventurers at home and to us
here.
" Unto all which if it shalbe pleasing unto your Lordship
still to voutchsafe your powerfuU and honorable further-
ance you shall mutch binde us the poor Planters, forever to
continue our prayers which we make dayly for the access of
all honnor and happiness unto your Lordship, and in few
yeres should his Majestic possesse another Kingdome as
goodly as what the Sunn can looke upon, (to which his
gold-creating powre is no neerer a neighbour :) and thus
both it and my unworthie services humblie commending
unto your Lordship ceasing to be unnecessarie troblesome,
I humbly kiss your Lordships hand.
" One Advertisement ^ I am loath to omitt unto your
Lordship, who may be pleased to understand how this Som-
mer a Spanish Carvall came into our River fitted with a
shallop necessarie and propper to discover freshetts. Rivers
and Creekes, where she ancoring at the mouth of our Bay
upon Pointe Comforte, sent three Spaniards ashoare into
the ffort there placed demaunding a Pilott to bring their
said Carvall into our River. What may be the daunger of
this -unto us, who are here so few, so weake, and unfortified,
since they have by this meanes sufficiently instructed them-
^ Probably the main advertisement. Perez, and Lymbry. The English
The three Spaniards were Molina, pilot was Captain Clark.
508 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1G09-JULY, 1614.
selves concerning our just height and seate, and know the
reaJie way unto us both by this discoverer, and by the help
likewise of our owne Pilott, I refer me to your owne honor-
able knowledg.
" Your Lordsliips humble Servant
" Thomas Dale.
" August 17*^ 1611. Virginia, James Towne."
" The Capt. of the fort sent him a Pilot, And the Carvall
made out of our Bay, leaving the 3. Spaniards ashore, who
I have now here Prisoners.''
Indorsed : " Sir Thomas Dale to Salisbury. August 17^^
1611."
[Mem. — The following extracts are from Shakespeare's
play of " The Tempest," which, it is said, was first produced
on the stage November 1, 1611 (Hallowmas night) : —
ACT I. SCENE II.
Prospero. But are they, Ariel, safe ?
Ariel. Not a hair perish' d ;
On their sustaining garments not a hlemish,
But fresher than before ; and, as thou bad'st me,
In troops I have dispers'd them 'bout the Isle : —
Prospero. Of the king's ship.
The mariners, say, how thou hast dispos'd,
And all the rest o' the fleet ?
Ariel. Safely in harbour
Is the king's ship ; in the deep nook, where once
Thou call'dst me up at midnight to fetch dew
From the still-vex' d Bermoothes, there she 's hid :
. And for the rest o' the fleet,
"Which I dispers'd, they all have met again.]
LERMA TO AROSTEGUI. 509
CLXXIX. LEE TO WILSON,
Hugh Lee to Thomas Wilson, secretary to Lord Salisbury,
Madrid, November jS, 1611.
" The sucees of Francis Lymbrye, the English Pilott that
went out of Portingale to the discovery of Virginea, ys
happened unto hym as I ever hoaped yt woulde, for the
Carvell that carryed hym, ys retorned without him, but
whether he weare stayed there against his will, or that out
of his Love to his Country he stayed hymselffe, I refer me
to the truth which you shall receve from thence, but very
glad I ame, that he retorned nott, to make reporte of whatt
was comytted to hym in charge ; I hoape the Advertise-
ment given of his goinge,^ will be esteemed for a Loyall
service, — yt pleased my Lord Ambassador to acquaint me
with this newes, unto whose larger relation ^ I refer you."
CLXXX. LERMA TO AROSTEGUL
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 2588, FOLIO 81.
Copy of an original letter of the Duke of Lerma to Secre-
tary Antonio de Arostegui, that Don Alonso de Velasco
should be written to concerning the liberty of the three
persons whom the English had made prisoners in Vir-
ginia, written at the Prado, November 13, 1611.
" His Majesty having seen what the Council of War has
reported to him concerning the success of the Voyage made
by the persons who went out to examine the place which
the English occupy in the Indies, in that country which they
call Virginia, (of which the report [CLXXXL] is here
enclosed) has been pleased to decide, that I should write
^ This document not found. Chamberlain, and Carleton were all
^ Possibly CLXXXII. copied for me in the English State
The letters given from Cottington, Paper Office, very few of them have
Winwood, Lee, Digby, Edmoudes, been published in America.
510 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, ICOO-JULY, 1614.
thro' the Council o£ State to Don Alonso de Velasco, Em-
bassador in England, what just resentment it has produced
that, a large sloop having sailed, under orders from the
Governor of the Havana (or Island of Cuba) in search of a
vessel which left Carthagena in the Indies with certain guns
which were taken there out of a galleon that was stranded
on the coast of Buenos Ayres, and having passed thro' the
sea of ' la Florida ' on that errant, and three persons belong-
ing to said sloop having gone on shore in good faith, called
Diego de Molina, Marco Antonio Peres and ' Maestre Anto-
nio,' some Englishmen made them prisoners, who say that
under orders from their king they have taken possession of
that part of the coast which they call Virginia.^ He is com-
manded to use all diligence with that king, employing all
necessary skill and dexterity, to keep from him the purpose
for which these prisoners went there, and that without
doing them any harm, they should be set free and allowed
to go back and comply with the orders which the Governor
of the Havana had given them.
" From said report it will appear that these prisoners are
the ' Alcayde ' Don Diego de Molina, Ensign Marco Anto-
nio Perez, and Francisco Lembri, an Enghsh pilot, but the
Ambassador must not give their names but do as has been
said above.
" You will immediately take the necessary measures for
this, charging him to obtain, as far as it may be possible
for him, the liberty of these men, since, aside from the im-
portance this matter has for H. M.'s service, they are per-
sons of great consideration.
" May God keep you, etc.
"In the Pardo. November 13. 1611.
" The Duke [Signature.]
" M*^ Secretarv Antonio de Arostis^ui."
1 King Philip's little plan for finding is very interesting, and the result quite
the location, etc., of the colony in Vir- amusing,
guiia, although somewhat farfetched,
JAMES HAY
First Earl of Carl is If
REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 511
CLXXXI. REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA.
GENERAL ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME 258S, FOLIO 82 (INCLOSED IN FOLIO 81).
Copy of a document inclosed in the letter of the Duke of
Lerma to the Secretary Antonio de Arostegui, dated
November 13, 1611.
" Report of the Voyage to the Indies, as far as Virginia,
which the large sloop made by order of His Majesty, in
behalf of the Alcayde Don Diego de Molino, the Ensign
Marco Antonio Perez, and in their company Francisco Lem-
bri, English pilot of the Navy.
" Said sloop left Lisbon April 13th [3d, English style]
1611, with the persons mentioned above and a Master, a
pilot and 13 sailors, sailing by the Havana, which was
reached on May 24 [ 14 ] and they handed to Don Gas-
par Ruyz de Pereda, Governor of that island Y. M.'s
despatches which the said Don Diego and the Ensign Marco
Antonio Perez brought, and in obedience to H. M.'s orders
said Governor dispatched the ' Caravela,' consenting, how-
ever, to their wish that they might not be named * in the se-
commanders of a Squadron, so as not to add to J^^^g whicr'
the suspicions about this plan entertained by the t^ey brought
y ^ '^ irom fepain,
sea faring people there who were all Portuguese, and in orders
and availed themselves of a piece of news (altho' ernor of the
false still much circulated) which had been current, ^as^s^ki that
that they had sent from Carthagena a ship laden conJeaUhem
with ammunition, and that it had been lost, under the
and that now the ' Caravela ' was to sail for the Heads of a
n • .1 ... • -i Sqiiadron
purpose 01 recovering the ammunition, in its and a land
search passing along the coast of ' la Florida,' *°^°®"
in obedience to instructions which were given to them
for that purpose, and which are as follows : What Don
Diego de Molina and Antonio Perez have to do in the
voyage which upon my order, they are com- The English
manded to make for the recovery of the ammu- mentioifed°^
nition lost, is as follows : — Francisco
512 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
Lembri, " The fii'st tiling that is charged upon them, is
name^toMas- the shoi'tness o£ the passage from this port to
Imithii^rJS where they must go in the Caravela, and the
to be called which has been handed over to them
tliere, as long
as he is not and which they are to carry abaft till to the
the said Di- ' Caveza de los Martires ' [Bay of the Martyrs ?] ;
ima and An- and from there to follow the Bahama channel,
tonio Perez. ^^^ ^^ j^^^j^ ^^^.^ ^ jj^ somc key, harbour or estu-
ary within it, or, after having examined it, in all the o^J^ts, on
the whole coast of ' la Florida,' they can discover the ship,
called ' The Plantation,' which will be 300 tons burden,
and is that which sailed from the port of Cartagena with
the ammunition, there taken out of the Chief Galleon which
was wrecked on the coast of the Buenos Ay res, this way.
Since it is certain, that in the disabled conditioned in which
it was known to be, when it parted from the fleet, with a
broken mast and without a rudder, it cannot have made a
certain and safe voyage ; it is necessary to sail along the
coast until it is met with, because, as a matter of course,
even if it should not be found entire, they will have to find
some relics of it. According to the place where these
may be found, they will have to make an effort to get to
where it was stranded. And if God should be pleased to
let them find it entire and capable of being steered, they
have to do everything possible to take it to one of the
Windward islands, where the people and the ammunition
may remain in safety, provided it be not possible to return
with it here thro' the same channel, and in that case they
are directed to load the Caravela with 12 or 14 pieces of 35
to 40. hundred weights and to return with them here
promptly thro' the same channel. Then according to the
Tonnage and the draft of the said Caravela, it will be an
easy matter to get in between Keys, and the advantage
of being able to sail this galleon the present year with
the others of the Silver-Fleet consists in the short time for
carrying those pieces. If the ship should be stranded and
be beyond repair, so as not ic lie fit for use, they must try
REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 513
to take out of it the same number of pieces and come with
them, leaving the others sunk with buoys fastened to them,
and having carefully marked the place and reconnoitred the
harbour or the estuary where they are, so that when we send
to get them, with the report they will have brought, remem-
bering that, if for this reason as well as for the finding of
them when the ' Virey ' [Viceroy] President comes here
and the generals, it will be most urgently necessary, that
they should try to gain time as much as can possibly be
done without, at the same time, losing one moment. But
even on that account they must not return till they have
discovered that ship, however much it may be necessary to
prolong their stay and to increase the cost. If the people
of the ship should wish to come on board the Caravela,
their own vessel not being fit for navigation, they will take
them on board and try to treat them well, and they will in
like manner take in the arms, ammunitions and tools which
may be found. If, however, those people or a part of the
crew should wish to remain there as a guard for the said
ammunition, they may be left there, it being by their own
free will, so that they may come back with those who will
be sent to fetch them, and in that case there may be left to
them such a share of the arms, ammunitions and tools as
they may need. This order they will obey very particularly,
because of its importance for the service of God and of
H. M. to whom a report will be made of the manner in
which they may have acquitted themselves on this occasion.
" Don Gaspar Ruiz de Pereda."
" With this order and the sloop and four seamen [rowers]
for it, which Don Gaspar gave them, they left ' la Havana '
on June 2d. [May 23] towards the channel, and landed
at San Augustin of la Florida on the 8*^ [May 29] and
having been there 8 days, their purpose was not discovered
nor even suspected. Thus having made all diligence
"^MkSg^ all along the coast and examining it to trace the ship,
they were in search of, they continued their voyage coast-
514 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
ing along, sounding and seeking the land at 37°, they came
to Puerto and Bahia de Santa Elena, which is at 33°, where
they entered with the sloop and also sounded, finding that
the bay has at the mouth about three fathoms and farther
in a much greater depth, from which the pilot of the Cara-
vela conjectured that there is another channel in said Bay
of greater depth. From there, they went on following the
coast until they met another river, called River of the Cross,
which is at 34", at the mouth of which they anchored. This
was done at night, and in the day, having sounded that
harbour and found that at the mouth it may have two or
three fathoms depth and within 15, — they continued their
voyage sailing in search of the Cape of ' San Roman,'
which is at 34°, until where from ' Sant Augustin ' of Ha
Florida,' the coast runs to the N. E., a quarter to East;
which in the ship's course makes 110 leagues. Here they
keep away from land, from the coast which makes a small
bay of about 25 leagues, and likewise there is a shallow at
the South side, which stretches out into the sea for 8 or 9
leagues. From there [ ' San Roman ? ' ] you sail to the
N. E., some 10. or 12. leagues from land, and at the end of
15 leagues there is a shallow which stretches out into the
sea 6 or 7 leagues and ends at the N. E. From this shallow
to the Cape of Trafalgar you sail also N. E. — S. W., it may
be some 30 leagues and said shallow is in 35° and f of 36°
N. latitude. From Trafalgar to Virginia the coast runs to
the N. quarter to N. W ; the distance may be about 45
leagues and here you can go hugging the coast at the dis-
tance of an arquebus shot from the land, because there are
always 7 to 10 fathoms, and there is no shallow at all till
you come to the point of the Bay of Virginia, where there
is a shallow before you come to the entrance, which stretches
out into the sea less than half a league. This point of the
bay on the southside is at 37° and 10. minutes N. latitude,
and altho' they did not think of making a regular ship's
course, it is certain that from San Augustin of ' la Florida,'
which is at 30° degrees close measure, to Virginia it may be
REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 515
by sea in a straight line perhaps 170 leagues, and following
the coast perhaps 200 leagues. The Caravela having
reached this aforesaid Bay of Virginia (which is called Bay
of the ' Xacan ' ) they found it to be very large. Here Don
Diego said was the country they were in search of. Sailing
up in the centre of the Bay and sounding, they found that
it had at the mouth 15 fathoms, and in the middle and
higher up, 10 to 4. Here they found a ship lying at anchor
close to a point where there was an earthwork, like trenches,
and they heard a gun being fired from that direction, but
it was not known whether there was a ball fired ; but that
Don Diego ordered another gun to be fired in reply, but
without a ball. nlylmTflr the sloop, into which went [Don
Diego de Molina himself], Marco Antonio, the pilot Lembri,
and the Master of the Caravela with 8 or 9 other men, armed
with muskets and ammunition, and made them pull them
on shore, because, as he said, he was quite certain that this
was the ship they were looking for. Before landing, how-
ever they discovered near the fortification some 60 or 70
men, and upon their coming to shore these disappeared.
One of the sailors having told him [Don Diego] that it
would be better to get aw^ay from that place to the leeward,
because he did not think well of those people, Don Diego
said, no one should say a word or he would break his head.
Coming then on shore he [Don Diego] ordered the Master
to remain in the sloop with the crew, and that he should
not come on shore unless he himself should first come and
order him to do so, calling ' Pedro,' and atho' he should
come ^,hen he spoke this name, he should not trust any one.
The Master wondering very much at this, replied to him,
regretting very much that he should not wish him to come
on shore with him. Only Don Diego, Marco Antonio and
Francisco Lembri did go on shore with their guns, which
was a resolution springing from his great courage and
because every one insisted upon him, that to him belonged
the risk and the danger. One sailor seeing the footsteps
which there were in the soil, said they were made by Eng-
51G PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1014.
lish or Flemish shoes. And then Don Diego replied again
that they should keep quiet and say nothing to him, because
there were no enemies who would do them harm, and began
to wall?: over the sand. The sloop having pushed off from
land they saw some 50 men come out of a creek, in 3. or 4.
detachments, apparently Englishmen and Flemish men, who
took the three and depriving them of their arms, carried
them to the fort. An hour afterwards there came some 20
of them back again and called to the sloop, to come ashore,
and the Master replied that he would do so if his Captain
came ; to which they replied that that was not possible.
Some of these men remained there and others went away,
bringing Francisco Lembri, and saying that he had come on
shore, altho' he did not speak a word, and seeing that he
did not come forward, they made the said Lembri tell them,
as he did very sadly, striking with his hand outward and
crossing his arms, declaring and making them understand
that he was a prisoner. Then the Master caused one of the
crew to go on shore, swimming, to see if he could learn any-
thing of the three ; but they did not permit him to speak to
him, standing there surrounded by a guard of ten men with
their helmets and their arquebuses, the matches all ready.
Soon there came 7 or 8 Englishmen, and one of them asked
for the Master, and the sailor replied to him that he was in
the sloop and that if he wished to speak to him, he would
take him there, and thus he did on his shoulders. Being on
board he told the Master, that he was a pilot [Clark.] and
meant to put the Caravela close to the fort, and that he
should go on shore with 4 other companions, where they
would be very well treated. To this he replied that they
should show him his captain, whom they had in their power,
that thereupon he would go on shore. To this he said that
that was not possible, and the Master said that on his side
also it would not be possible for him to go on shore, and
ordered the sloop to be rowed to the Caravela, which when
he saw, he intended to throw himself into the sea, but 3
men seizing him, prevented him, and when he began to cry
REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 517
aloud they shut up his mouth so that he should not be heard
on shore and put him on board the Caravela for good secur-
ity. On the next day the Master resolved to embark in the
sloop with 12 men, with their muskets and the English
pilot, to see if they could not for him exchange our men.
They came close to the land and discovered on the shore
the same men as the day before. These concealed them-
selves in a creek with the expectation that they would thus
be tempted to land and then be caught. But whilst prepar-
ing for this, they stopped at the swell of the sea, a stone's
throw from land, and the English seeing their caution camed
down to the shore, calling with their cloak, and bringing
Francisco Lembri there, they made him say again to the
Master of the Caravela, that he should come on shore and
that they would then consider what was most suitable to be
done, as he did not wish to come nor give up the English-
man, if they did not first set free Don Diego and send him
back. The aforesaid Englishman tried again to throw him-
self into the sea, but was prevented by the great care that
was taken of him. He said that it was not right to keep
him in bonds as he was the chief Pilot of the English in that
Bay and the coast of ' Xacan ; ' with whom then the Master
agreed that he should make his Captain come there and
speak to him and negotiate with him for his exchange for
the three, which he had in his power, and that in all this he
was to be alone and without guards. Having said this and
the Captain (of the English) having come with 20 musket-
eers, he was not willing to bring any one of the three.
When the Master learned this, he made the Englishman tell
the Captain that unless he determined to surrender Don
Diego and his companions, that he would fight him. Hav-
ing heard this he replied from the shore with great anger,
that they might go to the Devil. At this time it was seen
that they took away Francisco Lembri with much violence
and that from behind the English Captain he made signes
that they should push out to sea, crossing his arms and
hastening to get away. Thus they returned to the Caravela
518 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
and discovering that a small vessel was coming out from
within the river which falls in on the right hand, they re-
solved to be off to sea and to return to the Havana, where
they arrived on July 20*^' [10th], Avithout anything of impor-
tance having occurred or befallen them on the way, with all
the people they took out except Don Diego de Molino, Marco
Antonio Perez and Francisco Lembri, who remained in the
power of the English. They promptly reported to the
Governor all that had happened to them during the voyage,
and delivered up the English pilot whom they brought with
them. He was ordered to be put in a safe place, where he
could not communicate with any one. Having examined
him on the 23rd [13th] of said month and taken his deposi-
tion, with the aid as interpreter of John ' Lak,' an English-
man, who was a prisoner in that city, with the usual solem-
nities and formalities, he declared, that his name was John
' Clerique ' [Clark] an Enghshman by nation, a native of
London, and of the same religion as his King ; that his duty
is to act as pilot and his age is 35 years ; that he sailed from
the port of London in the month of March of this year,
taking the route for the ' Xacan,' since that is the name of
Virginia, on the coast of Florida, with three ships, one of
300 tons in which he came himself, and the others of 150.
and 90. They went as far as, ' la Dominica ' of the Lee-
ward Islands and took on water in stormy weather, from
which they went to reconnoitre ' Puertorico,' and from
thence they took the route and sailed N. W., and the first
land which they made was 12 leagues to the W. of the har-
bour of Virginia. Whilst at other times they are not apt
to come to ' Dominica ' to make water, for, unless they fall
below 22°, they make their voyage steering W. or E. N. W.
without touching land or makmg the Leeward Islands, as
the coast of Virsrinia is clear for 40 leagfues the current
running up from E. N. E. to W. S. W., with 60 fathoms
water; and at 30 leagues 50 fathoms; at 20 leagues 36
fathoms; at 10 leagues 18 fathoms and at 5 leagues 15
fathoms, and within the five leagues from the land the least
REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 519
water that there is, is 5 fathoms to 4. and in the proper
entrance of the Bay the depth is from 12 to 14 fathoms ;
and on the Southside of the harbour there is a shallow which
has not more than one fathom or one and a half, and on the
Northside of it in the real opening of the Bay there are,
close to the point, 10. or 12 fathoms of water, and from one
point of the harbour to the other from 8 to 5 fathoms ; and
inside a very good anchoring place for ships under shelter
from all wdnds. Within the Bay itself there are five rivers
which flow in different directions, and of 4 of them he has
no knowledge of what they are. At the mouth of this
said Bay there are four earthworks towards the northern
side, all on one bank ; and the first fort is at the mouth of
that river, which consists of stockades and posts without
stone or brick and contains 7. pieces of artillery two of 35
' quintales,' and the others of 30, 20 and 18, and all of iron,
where 50 persons are present, counting men, women and
boys, of which 40 are fit to carry arms. The second fort
stands at two-thii*ds of a league from the first, and the third
at a musket shot, and both of them with their supply of
pieces of artillery for defense against the Indians. The
principal settlement is the fourth fort, which is 20 leagues
up the river from the first fort, and in it there are 16. pieces
of artillery of iron, and is surroimded with palisades
hke the others. The houses of the colonists are of wood.
As high up as where large ships come and along the bank
of the river, where the depth is least, there are three and a
half fathoms of water. This changes sometimes with inun-
dations. High and low tide are of half a fathom. The
tides go up the river 30 leagues above the town, which must
be in all 50 leagues from the entrance to the harbour.
" But you cannot travel by land along that bank (river),
and from the end of it to the South Sea it may be 16 to 18
days journey, according to what has been understood from
the native Indians. He has never heard that any pirates
should have come to this harbour or these rivers, from any-
where ; and says that there may be a thousand persons in
520 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
all the said settlements, and in the forts some 600 fit for
carrying arms, and the others all women, children and old
people. The trade for the present does not go beyond some
provisions, clothes and other things which they have brought
here for said people, and in return they carry wood for bar-
rels and vessels and sasifrage. They have brought to this
Colony 100 cows, 200 pigs, 100 goats and 17 horses and
mares ; and he hears there is a gold mine, for which cause the
King has given permission to them to sail from England to
these parts. The Government of which was in charge of
a brother of Count ' Nortomberlan,' [Earl of Northumber-
land], appointed for himself, who has been succeeded by
Don Thomas ' Del ' [Dale], by order of the King of England,
who recently came over to said government, in the 3 ships,
of which mention has been made ; that for August they ex-
pected four more ships with some people and a large quan-
tity of cattle, and all under the charge of Don Thomas
Gates ; and that the people who go out there are outcasts
and live by piracy ; that the aforesaid narrator has only been
this one time in those parts, coasts and ports, where at pres-
ent there remain six ships in the before mentioned river ;
the 3. to which he has referred, two others of 70 and of 50
tons, which were built two years ago in ' la Bermuda ' (for
the purpose of bringing from there to Virginia, in the
Spring, 150 persons, who had been wrecked there in a ship,
which was of 200 tons, that went in charge of Captain
' Nioporte,' that the blacksmiths and carpenters which they
carried took advantage of the wreck to provide the two said
vessels (which they vvere building) with iron and pitch) ;
and one boat of 12 or 13 tons which was built in said Vir-
ginia; where there is, also, now, building a galley of 25
benches which will not be finished so soon, as they had but
little to begin with and only a few workmen. The Colony
of Virginia had a beginning now about five years ago.
Where there is no intercourse with the Indians, because at
one time it is war, at another time it is peace ; they go about
dressed in deer skins and with their bows and arrows, which
TijfTi^
\ nj or /^u^e
^^^^K^iSf-i
^T^
rxY rnojx Evix dob Goor>
S:R JOHN HAYWARD, LL. D.
REPORT OF THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA. 521
are the weapons they use. The soil produces no other fruit
but maise and nuts ; but very far inland there is much
game ; and fine fishing is found more or less there. Mines
of gold and silver have been looked for and this still goes
on ; but none have yet been found. The Indians bring
them none of those metals.
" As to the manner in which our people took him and
carried him to the Havana, he reports that a Caravela hav-
ing come to Virginia, one boat of theirs went towards the
land with some men, of whom three jumped on shore, two
Spaniards and an Englishman [Lymbry], whom he knew
and saw two years ago in Malaga, who was pilot of the
fleet commanded by Don Luis Fajardo. They carried the
3. men to the Fort, with the aid of the soldiers who came
out on the shore, with the Captain of the aforesaid fort,
who is called Davis ; and they eat with them and told him
that he should go with three or four others to put the
Caravela in the Port ; and that thus he went to the sloop,
to which a sailor carried him on his shoulders, and when
they had him inside, they did not let him out again ; but
carried him to the Caravela ; and on the following day they
made him go once more in the boat, together with the
Master of the Caravela and other sailors, and they went
towards the land in order to speak with the Enghsh and
negotiate the return of each one to his own people. By
means of a boy, who served as interpreter, they replied that
until they had given an account to the Governor of that
country, who was in the Colony, they could not. And as
the people of the Caravela thought that one of the vessels
which were in the harbour, might come out, they did not
want to wait longer and thus they came away.
" All that the said men reported of the capacity of that
port, its entrance and its depth, and what there is on the
coast, was done in the presence of Don Caspar [de Pereda] ;
the chief Pilot, Caspar de Vargas, being also present with
the chart and compasses, who remains well pleased with the
accounts which they gave, and in particular with what the
522 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
English pilot declared. Don Gaspar writes that he made
this comparison to see if they agree in their declarations.
Altho' the aforesaid business was transacted before the
arrival there of the Marques de Sahnas, President of the
Indies, the whole was done over again in his presence, and
that of the Licentiate Maldonado de Torres, of the same
Council, and they persisted and remained firm in what they
had said. With the consent and agreement of the said
Marques, the Licent : Maldonado and Don Gaspar Ruyz de
Pareda, it was resolved as the most suitable to be done that
the English pilot should remain at the Havana on account
of his safety there, without any communication with any
one, and especially of his own nation ; which could not be
done in Spain ; nor should they omit giving notice to the
Embassador of England, (and for other worthy considera-
tions besides, that he is there at hand, and another one, who
had been found in a ship which was captured on the Tor-
tuga coast of Santo Domingo) with whom negotiations may
be carried on about some exchange. Or he might be used
as a pilot for anything that might present itself and might
be undertaken."
CLXXXII. DIGBY TO SALISBURY.
November 4, 1611, Madrid. Digbye to Salisbury.
" I advertised your Lordship of one James Limry an Eng-
lish pilott serving the King of Spaine, who was sent to the
West Indies, and was said to be returned some feawe dayes
before the Armada went out. But I since understand, that
he remaineth in Virginia having beene sent thither from
the Havana upon discoverie, where arriving, he went on
shore with the Captayne of the Shipp, and one man more,
saying that distress of weather had brought him thither,
whereupon, a Pilott was sent aborde to bring in their Shipp.
But because this Limry came not aborde according to prom-
ise, the Master of the Shipp growing jealous, sett sayle,
and went back to the Havana, carrying with him the Pilott
VELASCO TO PHILIP III. 523
which was sent abord him at Virginia. This newes cometh
by a French-man, and an Irishman, who say they spoke
with this Enghsh Pilott at the Havana, where he was pris-
oner. And they say that he is now brought secreatly to
Sevill in this last Fleet, where I will use all dilligence for
the freeing of him, and sending him speedilie home."
CLXXXIII. VELASCO TO PHILIP IIL
GENERAL ABCBIVES OF SIMANCAS. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
VOLUME £588, FOLIO 83.
Copy of an original letter of Don Alonso de Velasco to the
King of Spain, dated London, November 15, 1611.
"Sire —
" This week a ship has arrived here from Virginia, which
the Governor sends to give an account to the king here,
how a caravela with some Spaniards arrived there, and hav-
ing sent to report to them that a bad tempest had driven
them thither and to ask for a pilot who might put them into
the river, until they should arrange to depart and continue
their voyage. This was granted to them, and as soon as
the pilot was embarked they sailed away with him, leaving
three sailors on shore. This information causes them great
concern, as it appears to them that this may be a stratagem
to reconnoitre the site and the condition of that Colony,
and according to the reports of those who come in this ves-
sel the statements are confirmed which I made to Y. M. of
the extreme sufferings of the people who remain there, and
that but for the Forts, the whole thing would have long
ago been destroyed by the Indians. Thus they tell me that
those are cooling off very much, who at first so warmly
embraced this enterprise, altho' people are not wanting who
still say that there may be access to the South Sea thro'
those parts, which is the purpose, at which they have always
aimed.
" May our Lord preserve Y. M. etc.
"London. November 15. 1611.
"Don Alonso de Velasco."
524 PERIOD III. NOVEMBER, 1609-JULY, 1614.
CLXXXIII. was evidently regarded as a most important
paper, giving information of great consequence. Velasco
sent a duplicate copy in CLXXXVIII., which is also pre-
served at Simancas in volume 2588, folio 93, and Digby
procured a copy and sent it to the King of England. Thus
three copies remain, — two at Simancas and one in the
British Museum.
CLXXXIV. PHILIP III. TO VELASCO.
CLXXXIV. is a translation of the document made at
the time, and sent to King James by Digby. CLXXXV.
is the translation recently made (of a copy of the original
document in the Spanish Archives) for me by Professor M.
Scheie De Yere.
November 15, 1611. From the Pardo. The King of
Spain to Velasco. [Literal translation.]
" ' The King.' — Don Alonso de Valasco of my Council
and my Ambassador in England. A Carvel having gone
by order of the Governor of the Havana in search of a ship
which sailed from the Port of Carthagena of the Indies
with certain artillery which was there taken from a Galeon
which touched on the Coast of Buenos Ayres, and having
passed by the Coast of Florida in that Expedition, and three
men of the said Carvel, named Diego de Molina, Marco
Antonio Perez, and Master Antonio, landing in good faith,
certain Englishmen took them, who say that by order of
the King of Great Britain they have set foot in the part of
that coast which the^^ call Virginia ; Of which I have de-
termined to advertize you, and to command you (as I do)
to express to the said king the just resentment which I feel
at the seizure of these men, and that therefore (I expect) he
will give order by the briefest way which may present it-
self, to the effect that without doing them any damage they
do give them liberty to return & accomplish the Commission
which the Governor of the Havana gave them. And you
shall inform me immediately of the offices which you shall
have done in this matter and what shall be its result."
F Brown, Alexander (ed.)
229 The genesis of the
B86 United States
v.l
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