THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
15-crV
HISTORICAL SKETCHES
OF
ANCIENT DEKHAN
BY
K. V. SUBBAHMANYA A1YEB, B.A.,
Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland.
WITH
A FOREWORD BY
DK. SIR S. SUBRAHMANYA IYEB, K.C.I E., LL.D.
MADEAS :
THE MODERN PRINTING WORKS,
MOUNT ROAD.
1917
All Rights Reserved.] [Price Rs.2S.
FOREWORD.
.
In collecting and publishing these contributions
of his to periodicals from time to time, Mr. K. V.
Subrahmanya Aiyar has in my humble opinion done
a real service to students of South Indian History.
Though from the very nature of the contributions,
they are more or less discursive, yet they deal with
subjects of considerable interest to the student and
are the result of an assiduous and careful study
carried ou over many years mostly of epigraphic
evidence which of course constitutes the most reliable
basis for authentic history. The difficulties in the
way of arriving at correct conclusions on some of
the points involved must be obvious to all'who have
paid any attention to the kind of work such pioneers
as the author have to do under present circumstances.
Nevertheless it seems clear that Mr. Subrahmanya
Aiyar has endeavoured to avoid'starting novel theories
and tried to judge upon the evidence with a judicial
frame of mind. The paper on Ancient Dekhan Polity
is not only well worth reading but shows how the
author has been able to gather most valuable informa-
tion from the dry bones of lithic records and to give
us good glimpses into the actual life of the people at
different times during nearly the past 20 centuries in
this part of India. It is to be hoped that the
encouragement which this publication receives at
the hands of the public will make the author persevere
in the career of research which he has hitherto, so
well pursued.
APRIL, 1917.
S. SUBRAMAN1A IYER.
1800363
PEBFACE.
THERE is a growing interest evinced in the
study of the ancient history of Southern India, and
the want of a book, based on the authority of trust-
worthy literature as well as the results of the latest
research, is keenly felt. It is hoped that this collec-
tion of historical sketches will meet the demand to
a certain extent.
Ancient Dekhan had a special charm about it
which is no longer in existence. Nature had kept it
for a long time free from foreign aggressions, due
mainly to its isolation and natural protection. Never
had its institutions, social or political, been interfered
with, prior to the waves of the Muharnraadan inva-
sions which took place in the 14th century and later.
Like the history of Greece and more especially of
Sparta, the annals of the people of the Ancient Dek-
han have an absorbing interest, which Is exclusively
its own. It has been my endeavour to present a
continuous narrative of some of the principal dynas-
ties of Southern India and to give a true picture of
the people and their kings. In doing so, it fell on
my way 'to piece together, the information obtained
from several sources and to clear up gaps. As much
as possible, pitfalls due either to speculation or to the
UBG of materials of doubtful value have been avoided.
To make each account complete in itself, certain
facts had to be repeated in more places than one.
ii ANCIENT DEKHAN.
In this volume, four dynasties have been dealt
with viz. the Pallava, Paudya, Chola and the Kaka-
tiya. It opens with the ancient history of Conjee-
varaiii in which an attempt has been made to show
the importance of the place in early times, to give a
more extended genealogy of its principal rulers i.e. the
Pallavas than has hitherto been supplied by scholars,
who have written on that dynasty of kings, and to
prove, by conclusive evidence, when and by whom they
were dispossessed for the first time of their kingdom
and the benefits which the country derived under their
sway. The early history of the Pandyas, not
having been attempted in full by any, is taken up
next. Here, the period of rule of many of the
kings mentioned in the Tamil literature has been
determined and they are assigned their proper places
in the pedigree furnished in copper-plates. The
commercial relationship of this ancient stock, in
the early centuries of the Christian era, with
the civilised nations of Europe, has been traced
mainly with the help of the coins discovered in
Southern India and the notices made by Roman
historians. Their history subsequent to the 10th
century A.D. has been worked out from contemporary
accounts principally that of the Cholas and it has
been brought up to the 17th century. In the history
of the Chdlas too, in spite of the fact that much has
been written about them, there remained big gaps
in the information about the kings that preceded the
Vijayalaya line and about those that ruled in the
interval between Parantaka I and Rajaraja I, The
latter is no doubt one of the very -puzzling chapters
of the South Indian history and it has proved an ass's
fBEFACE. ill
bridge to many an enquirer. The conflicting opinions
advanced so far have, therefore, been carefully
examined and the flaws in them pointed out. In
the fourth book is given a succinct account of the
Kakatiyas of Warraugal, who played an important
part in the political history of the Dekhan in the
13th and 14th century A.D. The last part deals
with ancient polity of the Dekhan and its interest,
it is impossible to over-estimate. It has all the
charms to requite the labours of any earnest enquirer
and could be more fully worked out.
In writing the following narrative, a definite
plan has been adopted viz. of fixing the genealogy
of each dynasty at the outset, mentioning the salient
features of each reign, determining the chronology
of the kings, showing the importance of such of the
events which had any far-reaching effect and tracing
the causes that led to the rise and decline of the
families.
»
The sources of information are given either in
foot-notes or in the body of the book. For earlier
periods we have utilised the Singhalese chronicle
Mahawansa which is an invaluable guide to the
student of ancient Dekhan history. Whenever
lioman historians and foreign writers refer to the
activities of South Indian kings, they have been
made use of. Though mostly inscriptions had been
our loadstar in steering through our course, the light
shed by the Tamil classical works which-, as has
been very often said, compare favourably with the
fund of information bequeathed to the world by the
Chinese travellers, was found to be of immense service.
iv ANCIENT DEKHAN.
No student of Indian history can fail to profit by a
perusal of the accounts given by that master of
observation Hiuen Tsiang. This authority had been
consulted to know the character and pursuits of the
people. For the later history of the Pandyas and the
Kakatiyas, much useful material had been obtained
from the writings of the Muhammadan historians as
presented by Sir Henry Elliot in his eight volumes,
Brigg's Ferishta and from the account of Morco Polo.
Last but not least, it remains to acknowledge the
help derived from the Bombay Gazetteer and the
Annual Reports on Epigraphy, especially those from
the pen of the late Rai Bahadur Venkayya.
I beg to tender my best thanks to Prof. S. J.
Crawford, the editor of the Christian College
Magazine, for kindly permitting the reproduction of
Books I, II and IV which originally appeared in that
Journal and to the proprietor of the Modern
Printing Works for the neat execution of the work.
I have often received sincere words of encouragement
from the venerable gentleman Dr. Sir S. Subramanya
Aiyar to whom I always feel grateful.
The most tedious part of the work viz. the pre-
paration of an exhaustive index to the book, which
covers the last few pages, devolved on -my brother Mr.
K. V. Padmanabier, B.A., who helped me also in check-
ing the references and fair copying the manuscript.
VADHULASBAM, )
FEBNHILL, K. V. SUBBAHMANYA AIYAB.
1st February, 1017.)
CONTENTS.
BOOK I. — THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF CONJEEVARAM.
Section. Page.
i. The antiquity of Conjeevaram ... ... 1
ii, The Pallavas ... ... ... 15
iii. Genealogy of the Pallavas ... ... 25
iv. An account of the kings ... ... 34
v. Later Pallavas and Cholas .. ... 50
vi. Muhammadan occupation of Kanchi ... 64
vii. Conjeevaram under the Vijayanagara Kings ... 67
BOOK II. — THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE PANDYA
COUNTRY.
i. Sources ... ... ... ... 73
ii. Eeferences to the Pandyas in early works ... 76
Buddhism in the Pandya country ... ... 80
iii. Eoman intercourse with South India ... 82
iv. Tamil classical works and their historical value 91
v. Genealogy of the early Pandyas ... ... 99
vi. Pandya kings up to the 7th century A.D. ... 105
Identity of Malakuta with Milalai-kurram ... 115
vii. Pandya kings from A.D. 770 to 900 ... . . 135
viii. Ditto from A.D. 900 to 1200 ... ... 143
ix. Pandya expansion in the 13th and 14th centuries 164
x. Chronology of the later Pandyas ... ... 175
BOOK III. — ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE CHOLAS.
i. Introductory ... ... .. 183
ii. Earlier ChoUs, — Manu-Chola, Senganrian, Kari-
kala, Killi and an extract from Pattinappalai ... 185
iii. Chdlas (7th century to the 9th) ... ... 204
ii ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Section. Page.
iv. Reigns of Vijayalaya, Aditya I and Parantaka 1 209
v. Thirty- three years' rule of the Chola dominion
(953 to 985) ... ... ... 222
vi. Expansion of the Choja dominion (985 to 1070) ... 244
BOOK IV. — KAKATIYAS (A TELUGU FEUDATORY FAMILY.)
i. Introductory ... ... ... 267
ii. Genealogy of the Kakatlyas ... ... 274
(An account of the kings, — Beta, Prola II, Rudra,
Mahadeva, Ganapati, Rudramba and Pratapa-
rudra ... ... ... ... 276
iii. Decline of the Kakatlyas ... ... 305
BOOK V. — ANCIENT POLITY OF DEKHAN.
i. Introductory ... ... ... 311
ii. Administration ... ... ... 312
iii. The temple ... ... ... 328
iv. Charitable endowments and taxation ... 339
iv (a) Misappropriation of charitable endowments. ... 345
v. Profession and trade tax ... ... 347
vi. Land assessment ... ... ... 350
vii. Sale of lands ... ... ... 355
viii. Survey and settlement ... ... ... 357
ix. Territorial divisions, boundary-marks etc. ... • 360
x. Formation of villages and towns ... ... 362
xi. Irrigation ... ... ... ... 365
xii. Officers and their duties... ... ... 371
ziii. Weights and measures ... ... ... 374
xiv. Coins and ornaments 377
Some ancient customs ... ... ... 384
Aryan colonization of the Dekhau ... ... 388
Index 395
BOOK I
THE
ANCIENT HISTOKY OF
CONJEEVERAM
SECTION I :— THE ANTIQUITY OF CONJEEVEKAM.
ONE of the most ancient cities of Southern India,
which retains at the present day part at least of its
past greatness, is Conjeeveram in the Chingleput
district 1. Every school boy knows that it is a chief
centre of pilgrimage in the Dekhan resorted to by a
large concourse of people of both the Vaishnava and
Saiva creeds. Unlike Madura, Uraiyur 2 and Cran-
ganore 3, the capitals of the Pandya, Chola and
Chera sovereigns, this city which was once the capital
1 Conjeeveram is 43 miles south-west of Madras and 20
miles west-norbh-wesb of Chinglepub (Sewell's Lists of Antiquities,
Vol. I., p. 146) wibh which ib is connecbed by bhe Soubh Indian
Eailway.
2 The Cholas had several capibals ab differenb periods of
their rule and Uraiyur is one among bhem. The inscripbions
found in this village do uobbake us bo a period earlier bhan the
llth century, A.D. The place is said bo have been destroyed
by a shower of sand. The other capibals are Kavirippumpattinam
now known as Kaverippattanam in the Shiyali taluk, Tanjore,
Gangaikondasolapuram, etc.
3 This is Tiruvanjaikkalam, 10 miles east of Ponnani in the
Cochin Stabe. There- is a Siva temple in this village,
2 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
of the Paliavas abounds in structural monuments
of early ages containing a very large number of
lithic records from which it is possible to make out
its history from the earliest times 1.
If any city of Southern India has a claim to our
study on account of its antiquarian interest, Conjee-
veram is pre-eminently one among them 2. The
time-honoured sculptural monuments enshrined in
the city show to some extent the importance of the
place ; and there is not the least doubt that in its
entrails lie hidden more interesting specimens of
olden times awaiting tlie application of the explorer's
spade to come into view. When the city rose into
prominence, how many dynasties of kings ruled over
it, what vicissitudes of life it witnessed and the degree
of civilisation it reached in the past, are questions
whose solution would interest any student of ancient
history.
The place is variously called Kachchippedu,
Kachchi, Kanchi, Kanchipuram and Kanchi. The
form Kachohippedu 3 of which Kachchi * is a
1 No less than 283 inscriptions have been collected by Sir
Walter Elliot from Conjeeveram. Mr. Sewell who notices them,
remarks that they do not exhaust the number of epigraphs in
the place (Lists of Antiquities Vol. I., pp. 178 to 187).
2 Buddhism, Jainiem, Saivism and Vaishnavism, each in its
turn had powerful hold on the city and have left unmistakable
marks of their influence.
3 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I., pp. 113, 114, 117, 139,
141 and 143.
4 Inscriptions of the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III state
that he took Kachchi and Tanjai. Sir Walter Elliot figures a coin
which bears the legend Kachchi-valangum-peruman. Kulottunga-
THE ANTIQUITY OI* CONJEEVEBAM. 3
contraction, occurs in early inscriptions and is
perhaps the fullest and the most original. Both
Kachchi and Kanchi find place in Tamil works
composed in the middle of the 7th century, A. D. 1.
The popular form Kanchi 2 is an authorised change
from Kachchi obtained by softening the hard con-
sonant. Kanchi is a further change from Kanchi and
is derived by the lengthening of the initial short
consonant. These changes are supported by rules of
Tamil grammar 3. We may also note here the opinion
of some that Kanchi is the Sanskritised form of the
name Kachchippedu 4. Dr. Burnell gave out that the
Sanskrit Kanchi is a mis-translation of the Dravidian
Kanchi 5. Varaharnihira locates Kanchi in the
southern division 6; and Hiuen Tsiang calls this
Kin~clii-pulo and states that it was the capital of
Ta-lo-pi-cha, i- e., Dravida, and that it was 30 li
round 7.
Some of the early records omit to give the name
of the district in which the town was situated. They
Choja III claims to have captured Kachchi in one of his inscrip-
tions at Tirukoilur (No. 2 of the Madras Epigraphical collection,
for 1905. Also see Ep. Ind., Vol. III., pp. 284-5).
1 See the hymns of Tirunavukkarasu-Nayanar, and
Jnanasambandha on the temples of Conjeeveram.
2 The temple of Tirukkamakkottam (Kamakotyambika)
is popularly called Kanchi Kamakshi.
3 For these changes see Nanmd PunariyaL
4 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II., p. 318, Note 3.
3 South Indian Palaeography, Ix. note 2.
6 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII., pp, 171 and 180.
7 Beal's & yu ki, Vol. II,, p. 22b.
4 AKCIEKT DEKHAN.
mention only the larger division Tundaka-Visha-
ya l. It may be noted that this term had several
variants, viz., Tondira, Tundira, Tonda, Tondai,
etc 2. The Tamil equivalent of it is Tondai -manda-
lam. Twenty-four districts called Kottam were
comprised in this division 3 and Kanchipuram
1 South Ind. Inscrs., Vol. I., p. 146.
2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II., p. 318. where Dr.
Fleet gives references to the places where these forms occur.
3 The Tamil work Tondamandalasadakam states that
Tonda-mandalam was divided into 24 kottams. Mr. Kanakasabai
Pillai, in his Tamils 1800 Years Ago, names these districts as
follows : —
(1) Pulat-kdttam. (2) Ikkattu-kottam, (3) Manavir-kdttam,
(4) Sengattu-kottam, (5) Paiyur-kottam, (6) Eyil-kottam, (7)
Damal-kottam, (8) Urrukkattu-kottam, (9) Kalattur-kottam,
(10) Sembur-kottam, (11) Ambur-kdttam, (12) Venkunra-kot-
tam, (13) Palakunra-kdttam, (14) Ilangadu-kottam, (15) Kali-
vur-kottam, (16) Chemkarai, fl7) Paduvur-kottam, (18) Kadi-
kur, (19) Sendirukkai, (20) Kunravatfcana-kottam, (21) Ven-
gada-kottam, (22) Volur-kottam, (23) sethoor and (24) Puliyur-
kottam. Here is an interesting question of ancient geography for
study. Except a few of these kottams, the rest are all mention-
ed in inscriptions. Each of them appears to have had a number
of sub-divisions called nadu under it. Ambattur-nadu and Pulal-
nadu were in Pulal-kottam. The fact that TiruvoV.P.iyur Was
situated in Pulal-nadu, roughly indicates where this district lay.
Puribai-nadu, Kanrur-nadu, Kunrur-nadu and Palaiyanur-nadu
were some of the sub-divisions in ManaviF-kottam. Since Tiru-
valangadu was a chief place in Palaiyanur-nadu, the country
round about that place should have been in Man.avir-kottam.
Maganur-nadu was a sub-division in sengattu-kottam. Paiyur-
kottam, also known as Paiyur-llangottam, had in ic Tekkur-nadu
in which the modern village of Satyavedu fPonneri taluk) was
situated. The city of Kanchiwas in Eyil-kottam. The modern
villages of Damal and tjrr.ukkadu in the Chingleput district,
THE ANTIQUITY OP 'CONJEEVEEAM. 5
was the principal town in one of them, viz.,
Eyil-kottam l. During the time of the Chola king
Rajaraja I, i.e., at the commencement of the llth cen-
tury A. D., the name Tondai-niandalam was changed
into Jayangonda-Chola-niandalam after one of the
surnames of that king and it was hy this latter name
the territory was known for several centuries, i. e.,
until the Vijayanagara times 2. But it may be said
that though the original names of villages, districts
and sub-divisions of a country underwent changes at
different periods in the history of their existence and
were known sometimes by the two names and at other
times exclusively by the new names the original names
ought fco have been chief places in ancient times in the divisions
which bear their names. Valla-nadu was a sub-division in
Damal-kottam, while Velima-nadn, Kunra-nadu and Damanur-
nadu were some of the territorial divisions included in tjrruk-
kattu-kdttam. The country round Tirukkalukkunram was com-
prised in Kalattur-kottam which had in it Paidavur-nadu, Ka-
lattur-nadu and Sengunra-nadu. From the inscriptions of
Paramesvaramangalam we know that it was a village in Sembur-
kottam. And from other records we learn that Amur-nadu,
Kumili-nadu and Paduvur-nadu were in Amur-kottam and that
Mangalur-nadu and Vattiya-nadu were in Kuuravattana-kottam.
Vengada-kottam must be the country near the Tirupati hill.
Madras and its suburban villages were situated in Puliyur-
kottam. Among the sub-divisions of this district are mentioned
Kottur-nadu, Nedungunra-nadu, Mangadu-nadu and Surattur-
nadu.
1 South Ind. Inscrs. Vol. I., p. 125.
2 Inscriptions earlier than the time of Kajaraja I mention
the territorial division Tondai-mandalam and it is only in the
latter part of the reign of Bajaraja I, that the other name
Jayangonda-ChoJa-mandalam came to be applied to it.
0 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
survived to the very last while the intermediate ones
died out completely 1. We have an instance of this in
the name Tondai-mandalarn and its later equivalent
Jayangonda-Chola-mandalam.
v O • * • •
References to this aucietit city are nob wanting.
The facts connected with the place incline one to
the belief that from the earliest times it was a strong-
hold of people of various religions. From the
Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang, we learn that as
far back as the 5th century B. C. when Tathagatha,
i. e., Buddha was living in this world he frequented
this country much ; he preached the law here and
converted men ; and, therefore, Asokaraja built stupas
over all the sacred spots where these traces exist.
1 When the Chdlas had permanently conquered or annexed
the dominions of other kings, they appear to have given, in addition
to the original namas of villages, districts and sub-divisions,
new designations called after their own names and sur-names or
those of their ancestors. This innovation was first started in Pal-
lava times. The re-naming of places was not necessarily effect-
ed after a conquest or an annexation, though that was certainly
one of the many occasions when it seems to have been done.
There was a general tendency among the (Hiola kings to change
the existing names of all places situated within their territory
and call them after the names of Chola kings. This was perhaps
done to mark out the places by their very names as belonging to
the Cholas. Some of the later members of the family further
altered the new names and thus we have several surnames for a
single place. A proper study of these names alone affords a clue
to find out the surnames of Chola kings. The survival of the
original names and complete effacement of the intermediate ones,
may be accounted for by the fact that it is the former that find
place in literature, in preference to the latter.
THE ANTIQUITY OP CONJEEVEEAM. , 7
Kanchipura was the Dative place of Dharmapala
Bhodisatva who assumed the robes, of a recluse and
attained brilliant reputation 1. To the south, of the
city, not a great way off, is a large sangharama
frequented by men of talent and learning and there
is a stupa about 100 ft high built by Asokaraja 2.
At best we can only regard this account of the
pilgrim as a record of what the people of Conjeeveram
had to say in the 7th century A- D., concerning the
origin of Buddhism in the place. But even as re-
presenting the belief or tradition of the 7th century,
the reference is certainly valuable. The truth of the
pilgrim's account cannot be assumed without sub-
jecting it to scrutiny. We. are not in a position to
test the correctness of the first part of the statement
which connects Buddha with Kanchi. As Buddhism
does not appear to have made any real progress in
the south during the lifetime of its founder, we are
inclined to think that the statement is not grounded
on solid fact. But it is not improbable that at the
time of Asoka, Buddhist stupas came to be erected at
Conjeeveram. Though the edicts of Asoka do not
include the capital of Dravida among the places to
which he sent missionaries, the Singhalese chroni-
cle MaJiawansa gives a long list of countries to
which 'Buddhist apostles were sent by the Maurya
emperor 3. Some of these countries are in the neigh-
bourhood of Dravida. An inscription of Asoka has
1 Seal's Si yu lei Vol. II., p. 229.
2 Ibid,, p. 230.
3 Wijesinha's translation, p. 116f. See also the author's
paper on the origin and decline of Buddhism and Jainism in
Southern India in Ind. Ant. Vol. XL.
8 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
been discovered at Siddhapura in the Mysore State,
the ancient Mabishamandala l. The countries of
the Pandya, Chola and Keralaputra, where Buddhism
found votaries at the time of Asoka, are not far off
from Conjeeverarn. It will not be a wild conjecture,
therefore, to suppose that some of the missionaries
to these parts exercised their influence at Conjee-
verarn as well and were instrumental in building the
monasteries and stupas referred to by Hiuen Tsiang.
That Conjeevaram had in early days a large number
of sangharamas and mendicants of high order, is also
learnt from the Tamil work Manimegalai which states
that at the time when the Chola capital Kavirippum-
pattinam was destroyed by the encroachment of the
sea, the inhabitants of that place removed to Coajee-
verarn and changed their faith to Buddhism 2. We are
here informed that Ilankilli, the brother of the Chola
king Todukalar-killi also built a big Buddhist monas-
tery at Conjeeverarn 3. The book completely bears
testimony to the pilgrim's words that there were some
hundreds of sangharamas and 10,000 priests at the
1 References in ancient Tamil literature to Erumaiyur,
show that it is identical with £he present Mysore State. Erumai-
yur is an exact rendering of Mahishamandala. The thera
Majjhantika was deputed to Kasmira and Gandara, the them
Mahadeva to Mahishamandala, the thera Eakkita to Vanavasi,
the thera Yona-Dhammarikkita to Aparantaka, the thera Maha-
Dhammarakkita to Maharatta, the thera Maharakkita to the
Yona country, the thera Majjhima to the Himavanta, the two
theras Soma and Uttara to Suvanna-bhumi and the thera
Maha-Mahinda together with Moggali's disciples to Lanka.
2 See Canto 28.
3 Annual Report of the Director- General of Archceology in
India for 1906-07, p. 220,
THE ANTIQUITY OF CONJEEVERAM. 9
time of his visit i e , in the middle of the 7th century
A.D. * These monuments of the Buddhists should
have been constructed by the Pallavas, who ruled the
country at the time the pilgrim visited* the place and
prior to it for several centuries. But it must be noted
that the vestiges of Buddhist influence at Kanchi
have all disappeared without a single exception. The
religious revival2 of Saivism3 and Vaishnavism 4
is perhaps the chief cause of the disappearance of
Buddhist and Jain monuments of the place.
As the principal objects of interest in the city
have already been stated to consist in its temples,
even a meagre account of the place should not fail
to mention at least the more important of them.
The earliest Hindu temples of the place are those
1 Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II.,
p. 229.
2 Vide the Origin and Decline of Buddhism and Jainism in
Southern India, Ind. Ant., Vol. XL.
3 Of the sixty-three Saiva devotees mentioned hy Sundara-
murti-Nayanar, six belong to Tondai-mandalam. These are
Sakkiyanar of Sangaramangai, Sivanusar and Vayilar of Mayilai,
i.e., Maylapore, Tirukkuripputtondar of Kanchi, Murkka-Nayanar
and Kaliyar of TiruvoT.riyur. Sekkilar, the author of the
Periyapuranam was also a native of Tondai-mandalam 32 Siva
temples of the country ar6 celahrated in the Devaram.
4 Kanchi was the native place of Poygaialvar. Pudattalvar
born at Kadalmallai,i.e. Mavaliveram, one of the principal towns
of the Pallavas, Poyalvar whose birthplace was Tirumayilaij Tiru-
malisai, who is connected with the city of the same name and Tiru-
mangai, have referred to the temples at Kanchi. The first three of
these are considered the earliest of the Vaishnava saints and the
works of the last two are noted for sweetness of melody and high
thoughts. Tonda-mandalam contains 22 places sacred to
Vaishnavas.
2
10 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
noticed in the Devaram and the Nalayirapraban-
dham. Tirukkachchi-Ekambarn l and Nerikkaraik-
kadu2 are celebrated in the hymns of Jnanasam-
bauda who lived in the middle of the 7th century
A. D. Merrali3 is mentioned by Juanasambanda's
contemporary, Appar. Sundararaurti, who could be
assigned to the 8th century A. D., has sung in praise
of Anekatangavadam 4 and Onakandanrali.5 It
may be said that the first three of these temples were
in existence prior to the 7th century and that the
last two attained notoriety in the interval between
the time of Jnanasarnbanda and Sundaramurti. Of
these, the Ekambaranatha temple contains the
celebrated earth linga, one of the five famous ling as
of Southern India.6 The ancient name of the modern
Ekambaranatha is Ekamban and this name seems
to be connected with Kambai, i. e., the river Vegavati
on whose banks the town is situated. In fact one of
1 This is the well known Ekambranatha temple situated
in Big Conjeeveram.
2 It is now known as Tirukkaldsvara and is near "Veppan-
gulam, one mile to the east of Conjeeveram. Later Choja inscrip-
tions found on the walls of it, call the temple by the name
Tirukkaraikkadu.
3 This temple is in the weavers' street and contains four
comparatively modern inscriptions.
4 This temple is situated quite' close to the Kailasanatha
and is called in its inscriptions Anaiyapadangavudaiya-Nayanar
(S.I.I., Vol. I, p. 117.)
5 This is identical with the Onakantesvara temple, near
the Sarvatirtham tank.
6 The other four are Ap (water)-linga at Jambuko«varam,
fire-linga at Tiruvannamalai, 7ayw-linga at Kalahasti and Akasa-
linga at Chidambaram.
THE ANTIQUITY 01* CONJEEVE&AM. ll
the stanzas in Jnanasambanda's hymns bears out
this view. At present they trace the origin of the
name Ekambaranatha to a single mango tree found
in the temple- Onakandan means the lover of the
constellation Sravana. Merrali should have been so
called on account of its position on the western
side. The significance of the term Anekatangava-
dam is not apparent. Perhaps this temple was situ-
ated in a forest or garden frequented by a large
concourse of people and was on that account called
by the name which it bears. Besides the temples enu-
merated above, the Pallava king Kajasimha built of
stone a Siva temple called Rajasimhesvara and this
is now known as Kailasanatha. An inscription found
in it registers the fact that Vikraniaditya, the
Western Chalukya king, when he invaded the Pallava
dominions, made some improvements to this temple.
The shrine of Muktisvara, whose vicinity is now
kept in a most deplorable state, is another Pallava
structure, as clearly evidenced by an inscription of
Nandivarman dated in the 28th year of the king1 .
According to this record, the ancient name of the
temple was Dharmamahadevlsvara. It should have
been called after Dharmainahadevi, probably a
Pallava queen. So far no epigraph refers to this
lady. The sculpture representations on either side
of the mandapain front of the central shrine of this
temple bear bold outlines and fineness of touch,
though very much damaged.
Among the Vishnu temples of the place, fourteen
are mentioned in the songs of Al vars, and Professor
1 No. 14 of 1893 in the Annual Eeport on Epigraphy.
TJ ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Hultzsch has identified the following six of them
from a study of their inscriptions.1 Tiruppadagam2 ,
Tiruttanka3 , Attabuyagaram4 , Uragam5 , Attiyur 6
and Paramesvaravinnagaram7 are respectively the
Pandava-Perumal, Vilakkoli-Perumal, Ashtabuja,
Ulagalanda-Peramal, Varadaraja and Vaikuntha-
Perumal temples of Conjeeveram. The remaining
eight are Velukkai8 now called Mugundanayaka,
Niragam9 now known as Jaggannada Perumal,
1 Annual Eeporton Epigraphy for 1893, p. 5.
2 Tirumalisai-Alvar refers to this temple in his Tiruch-
chandaviruttam (stanzas 63 and 64) and saint Tirumangai in
one of the stanzas of his hymn on Tirunaraiyur and in the
127th couplet of his Periya-tirumadal. It is also mentioned by
Pudattalvar in the second Tiruvandddi (v. 94,) and Payalvar
in the third Tiruvandadi [v. 30.]
3 This temple is referred to by Tirumangai-Alvar in two
stanzas in one of which VHakkoli also occurs.
4 Both Tirumangai and Peyalvar mention Attabuyagram.
In the last verse of the former's hymn on this temple, it is stated
that the god was worshipped by Vayiramegan, the king of the
Tondaiyur i. e. a Pallava. Mr. Venkgyy has shown that this king
must be identical with Dantivarman, son of Pallavamalla.
5 Tirumaliisai states that Vishnu assumes here a standing
posture.
6 Pudattalvar refers to Attigiri in verse 96 of the second
Tiruvandddi.
7 Tirumangai contributes, in praise of the temple, ten stanzas
wherein he describes the military achievements of N. Pallava-
malla.
8 Velukkai is referred to by Peyalvar in the third Tiruvandddi
(vv. 26, 34 and 62) and by Tirumangai in his Periya-tirumadal
(127th couplet): In the last of these references the temple is said
to be situated in the high-walled Kanchi.
9 These six temples are mentioned by Tirumangai-Alvar.
THE ANTIQUITY OF CONJEEVERAM. 13
Nilattingaltundam,1 Tiruvehka2 called also Yadok-
takari, Karagam 1 i.e., the modern Karunakara-
Perumal, Karvanam 11 Kalvar, i. e., Tirukkalva-
nar 1 the Varaba-Perumal and Pavalavannar. 1
From an inscription in the Vaikuntha-Perumal
temple, we learn that its ancient name was Parames-
vara-Vishnugriha and it is, therefore, evident that it
was built by the Pallava king Paramesvara, the
immediate predecessor of Nandivarman-Pallavamalla,
whose military achievements are recorded in the
hymns of the saint Tirumangai-Alvar3 . The peculiar
feature of this temple consists in its sculptures
found on the four walls of the raised verandah runn-
ing round the central shrine, all of which represent
particular events in contemporary history of the time
of Nandivarman Pallavamalla, as noted in the labels
engraved below them.4 The temple of Varadaraja
is the biggest structure in Little Conjeeverarn. It
is said to be literally covered with inscriptions, the
decipherment of which will surely reveal valuable
information regarding the history of the place.
1 These six temples are mentioned by Tirumangai-Alvar.
2 Tirumalisai, Tirumangai, Peyalvar and Poygai refer to
the temple of Tiruvahka. The god is said to be lying down.
3 The defeat of the Pandya and several of the battles
fought by Pallavamalla are here referred to. The saint was a
contemporary of Nandivarman Pallavamalla and his son
Dantivarman, who had the surname Vayiramegan.
4 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906, pp. 62 aud 63.
The mention of Muttaraiyan in one of the labels shows that he
played some part in the civil war perhaps taking the side of
Pallavamalla.
14 ANCIENT DEKHAtf.
Iii the last quarter of the 8th century A. D.
Kauchipuram was subjected to the influence of
Samkaracharya the powerful exponent of the Advaita
philosophy. He is believed to have subdued the
power of Kamakshi who in the form of Kali is said
to have been doing havoc at nights till his day.
Sarnkara is said to have extracted a promise from
the goddess that without his permission she would
not stir out of the temple. There is an image of the
reformer in the Kamakshi temple before which they
halt the procession deity of the goddess whenever the
latter is taken iuto the town in order that she may
take permission. Whatever the truth of this may
be, there is not much doubt as to Samkara's connec-
tion with Kanchi where he is said to have establi-
shed his matlia. That he was an ardent worshipper
of Kamakotyambika is also fairly certain. It may
be added that but for the importance attached
to the town as a place of religious activity from very
early times, even the little of its history that is now
preserved would not have come down to us.
Tamil literature often describes the place as being
situated on the bank of the river Karnbai1 which
is another name for Vegavati,2 as being strongly forti-
fied and resplendent with towering palaces,3 as having
high fort walls4 which were surrounded by a deep
1 Ponmalarum Kambai-kkaraiy'Ekambam-udaiydnai occurs
in one of the hymns of Ekambam.
3 See Winslow under Kambai.
3 Jnanasambanda has Vinn-ainar nedu-mddam-dngi vilan-
giya Kachichi tannul an<l Tirumalisai Mddanedu Kachchi.
* In one of the poems of Tirumangai we get kalldr madiUid
Kacbchinagar.
THE ANTIQUITY OF CONJEVEEBAM. 15
moat1 and as containing a number of weavers'
families2 and big streets tit for cars to run upon0 ,
SECTION II:— THE PALLAVAS.
We shall now make an attempt to trace the
history of the city, which till the 9th century A.D.
is closely connected with that of the Pallavas. But
before doing so, it may be advantageous to note
the general traits of these people, their origin, and
how they caine to have possession of the place. Their
history shows that they were a warlike race con-
stantly at feud with their neighbours. While some
writers look upon tbem as foreigners that came to
India by the north-western route,4 others are of
opinion that they are an indigenous class formed
in Southern India-5 Puranas mention the Pallavas
along with the Sakas and Yavanas6 and Tamil
inscriptions and literature use the terms Kadavar,
Tondaiyar and Kaduvetti as synonymous with the
Pallava. Of these names, Tondaiyar is an exact
rendering of Pallavar and both come from roots
which mean ' a sprout or creeper.' The term Kadavar
might have been applied to them to denote the fact
that they lived in a forest. The other name
1 Al-kidangu-siil vayalum madil-pulgiy-alaq-amarum
nen'marugir-kali-Kachchi (Jnanasambanda).
2 Seflar- far-kali- Kachchi do,
3 Terur nedu vldi-chchelun-Kachchi (do).
4 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II, p. 317.
5 Mr. V. A. Smith's History of Ancient India, p, 404.
See also the late Mr. Venkayya's remarks in the Director-
General's Annual for 1906-07, foot-note 5 on p. 219.
6 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part II, p. 317.
16 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Kaduvetti borne by them is also significant as it
means that they cleared the forest, perhaps to
make a settlement. Apart from other considera-
tions, a reasonable conjecture may be made from
these names alone that the Pallavas settled them-
selves in a remote age in some forest tract which
they cleared and made habitable. At this time of
their settlement, there existed, in the country round
about Conjeeveram, an extensive forest which must
have formed part of the great Dandakaranya. The
name Arkkadu still reminds us of the state of the
tract in those days.
Early records connect the Pallavas with the
country in Northern India which was ruled
by the kings of the Andhra dynasty.1 In course
of years they appear to have exhibited martial
spirit and administrative ability to such an
extent that some of them were raised to the position
of chiefs and ministers. As an instance of this, it
may be pointed out that, in A. D. 150, the Andhra-
britya king Rudradaman had a Pallava. minister by
name Suvisaka who was entrusted with the rule of
the provinces of Anarta and Saurashtra.2 King
Gotamiputra-Satakarni, seeing that the Pallavas had
grown to be a source of danger, took steps to drive
them out of his kingdom.3 Expelled by the Andhra-
brityas, the Pallavas set out to seek thei-r fortune
elsewhere and, as will be shown below, they came
and settled near Conjeeveram. Established firmly at
Conjeeveram, they soon assumed signs of royalty and
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I.. Part JI, p. 317.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI II., p. 48.
3 Arch. Survey of Western India, Vol. IV., p. 109.
THE PALLAVAS. 17
founded a dynasty of their own. The grazing bull,
the noble lion and the axe, all pertaining to the
wood, appropriately figure in the insignia of their
royalty. Though the bull emblem adopted by the
Pallavas might be taken to indicate their leaning
towards Saivism, yet a study of their history clearly
shows that they had great religious toleration. We
have already pointed out that Buddhist monasteries
which were once abundant in and around Conjeeveram
were probably built by the Pallavas. The name's
Buddhavarman and Asokavarman occurring among
their ancestors also point to the same conclusion.
It was a Pallava sovereign that built the Vishnu
temple suag by the saint Tirumangai-Alvar Another
king of the same line adopted the faith of the great
Buddha at Dhanyakataka 1. A third supported the
cause of an exiled Buddhist king of Ceylon 2. The
rock-cut shrines found scattered over different
parts of Southern India owe their existence to the
Pallavas 3. It is worthy of note that some of these
1 This is Nandivartnan of the Amaravati pillar inscription.
2 About Manavamma, the exiled king of Ceylon, we shall
notice more in the sequel.
3 Bock-cut caves excavated by Pallava kings have so far
been found in the Trichinopoly, North Arcot, South Arcot and
Chingleput districts. At Mavaliveram, better known as the
Seven Pagodas, there are several cave temples which, we have
reasons to believe, had come into existence during the reign of
Narasimhavarman. The cave at Saluvanguppam is called in its
inscriptions Atiranachandesvara and is said to have been
excavated by Atiranachanda alias Atyantakama and Eanajaya
South Ind. Inscrs., Vol. I, p. 7. The rook-cub cave of Orukal-
mandapa at Tirukkalukkunrarn bears an epigraph of Vatapikonda.
3
18 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
are dedicated to Vishnu, some to Siva, and a few to
other puranic deities; but most of these are found in the
country round Conjeeveram- 1 In the excavation of
huge rocks and in the art of shaping nice caves with an
Narasimhapotavarman, i. e., the Pallava king Narasimha-
varman I (Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1909, p. 76.)
Vallam in the Chingleput district contains a cave dedicated to
Siva. This, according to an inscription found in it, was excavated
in the reign of Mahendravarman I, who bore also the burdas
Lalitankura, Satrumalla and Gunabhara (South Ind. Inscrs.,
Vol. II., Part III, p. 341). The cave temple of Vishnu at Ma-
hondravadi (Ep. Ind., Vol. IV., p. 163), the rock-cut shrines of
of Avanibhajana-Pallavosvara at Siyamangalam in the North
Arcot district (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI., p. 320), Satrumallosvar-
alaya at Dalavanur in the South Arcot district (Annual Report
on Epigraphy for 1905, p. 47) and those atPallavaram (Annual
Report for 1909, p. 75) and Trichinopoly (South Ind. Inscrs.,
Vol, 1., p. 29) were also excavated during the reign of the same
king. At Panamalai in the South Arcot district there is a cave
with a lithic record of Narasimhavarman II,
1 At Namakkal in the Salem district there are two rock-
cut temples both dedicated to Vishnu. One of them, the Lakshmi-
Narasimha-Peruma] temple consists of three finely sculptured
cells with a verandah in front. Here are found neatly executed
images in high relief, of Narasimba tearing open the bowels of
Hiranyakasipu represented as lying on his lap, the several
deities attendant on Narasimba and the Trivikrama-avatara.
In the other cave god Eanganatha is shown as lying on his
serpent conch with a number of attendant deities. In the
cells to the north and south of the central one, there are
images of Sankaranarayaru and Trivikrama. As the second of
these caves contains an epigraph which names the temple as
Atiyendra-vishnugriha, it is fairly certain that it was the work
of a Kongu king. And it is not unlikely that the other cave
also came into existence at the same time. Both in the
Pudxikkotta State and in the Madura district, we find many
!THE PALLAVAS. 19
abundance of sculpture works, it may be said that
none equalled them, though many imitated that art
in Southern India. Even to the present day these
cave temples stand as admirable monuments of
ancient times- The Pallavas tried their skill in the
building of structural monuments also and they
were not found wanting. :
rock-cufc caves. lu their inscriptions we have clear evidence
that some of them were excavated by the Pandyas. The Vishnu
temple of Narasimha-Perumal at Anainalai near Madura was
the work of Madhurakavi, the minister of the Pandya king
Nedunjeliyan. The Subramanya temple on the hill at Tiruppa-
rangunram is another instance of a Pandya cave. It has a num-
ber of cells cut in three different stages and the images in them
are about the best in this part of the country. Though some of
the caves in the Pudukkottai State such as those at Narttamalai
and Kudumiyamalai, were excavated during the time of the
Ganga-Pallavas, there are others which appear to have been cut
out by the Muttaraiyans, a local family of chiefs who ruled
over a portion of the state in ancient times. To the last must be
ascribed the Siva temple at Malaikkoil, But, it must be said that
none of these could stand comparison with the caves at the
Seven Pagodas in neatness of execution, in technique or in bold-
ness of design. The detailed workmanship displayed in the Pal-
lava sculptures are conspicuous by their absence iu most of the
images found in the caves of the Chora and Pandya countries.
Hundreds of Jaina figures are found cut on the sides of big boul-
der, but these are poor imitations of Pallava art.
1 The temples of Kailasanatha, Vaikuntha-Peruina] Muk-
tisvara and others of Kanchi could be traced to Pallava times. At
Tiruppattur in the Trichinopoly district there is a Siva temple
whose architecture closely resembles that of the Vaikun^ha-
Perumal and on this account it has been pronounced to be of
Pallava origin. At Kavirippumpattinam in the Tanjoro district
there was a temple called Pallavanisvaram about which Jnana*
20 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Though in the long years that preceded the 1st
century A. D., a few Aryans had penetrated the
natural barrier of the Vindhyas and traversed the
region beyond, there was not a definite attempt at
founding fresh empires or settlements in the Dekhan
till that date. The Pallavas were almost the' first
people to acquire dominion in the south. Their suc-
cess in this direction seems to have atractted their
fellows in the north. Migrations followed migration,
battles were fought in several parts of the country,
victory now favouring the one side and now the other ;
but in the end the Pallavas made steady progress,
The Cholas were driven further south and the Kalin-
gas further north. All the tract of country that lay
between the Cholas and the Kalingas was formed into
a dominion and over this the Pallavas ruled.
Ever since the success of the Pallavas, the
Dekhan became the coveted object of many an
adventurous monarch of Northern India. Some of
the Gupta emperors tried to acquire dominion here.
Vijayaditya, king of Ayodhya, made a successful
settlement in the districts adjoining to the Pallavas
on the western side. The Rashtrakutas and Gangas
were not slow to take similar advantages. Thus in
the course of a few centuries there were several domi-
nions in the Dekhan in addition to the three original
sambandha had composed hymns. This should no doubt have
been built during the time of the Pallava supremacy in the Choja
country. But no trace of the old building exists at present. The
Yayalur pillar epigraph and the Tirupporur inscriptions, though
fragmentary, clearly suggest that they originally belonged to
some Pallava structural monuments erected near those places.
PALLAVAS. 21
kingdoms i>e., the Chera, Chola and the Pandya. The
new comets brought with them a mighty civilization
the advantage of which they imposed on the people
who were only quite willing to add it to their own or
remodify that which was reared on lines which suited
them best- One cannot but marvel at the institutions
they started, the building works they opened and the
arts they planted and furthered. Their activities
gave employment for ages to thousands of people in
the land and invited many more from outside. They
improved the art of the land, the agriculture of the
adopted country and opened a training ground for
artisans and labourers- They increased the wealth of
the country and brought under cultivation more of
the rich arable waste lands. They opened up roads
and wrought several beneficial changes.
The persecution of the Pallavas and their ex-
pulsion from Northern India had a far-reaching
effect. Politically it is an event of great conse-
quence and more so is it in other ways. It led to
the spread of North Indian culture and art in the
Dekhan on more definite lines than the spasmodic
influence produced from time to time by the emigra-
tion of families and their settlement in the south.
The prolonged wars which the Pallavas had to wage
with the neighbouring powers, the clash of their
arms and their rejoicing over victories gained, are
liable to be forgotten and even overlooked in
spite of the quiet life which the immigration of this
people should have paralysed, and the stir it should
have made at the commencement; but the rapid
strides with which the south studded the country
2'2 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
with ecclesiastical buildings which remain even to
the present day as permanent monuments of their
rule in the Dekhan and which should have caused
the original emigrants iminence hoards of money
and immeasurable human labour can never be wiped
out ; and the gain which the people of the Dekhan
acquired in the enlargement of their views on build-
ing and in the arts must remain indelible for ever.
When one stands before the Pallava relic of the
Seven Pagodas, he is reminded of the innumerable
skilled and unskilled artisans and labourers that;
should have been employed at converting the bare
rock into a store house of sculptures which mutely
unfold the stories imbedded in the sacred books of
the east.
The Pallavas had their own alphabet which is
now known to us as the Pallava-Grantha. Since the
Chinese pilgrim says that it resembles the alphabet
employed in mid India,1 we may not be altogether
wrong if we trace it to the country of their original
settlement amidst the Andhrabrityas. But Dr,
Burnell calls it the eastern Chera characters and
states that it should have first come to be employed
in Tondamandalam in the 4th century A. D.
We shall note here the testimony of a few as
regards the character and pursuits of the people of
Kanchi in ancient times. From the Talgunda inscrip-
tion Kakusthavarman, we learn that the Kadamba
king Mayurasarman went to the city of the Pallavas
1 Baal's Si yu ki, p. 229,
THE PALLAVAS. 23
i.e., Kanchi with his preceptor Virasarman to study
the whole of the sacred lore, 1 but soon took to arms,
showed great courage in defeating the frontier guards
of the Pallavas, and establishing himself in the forest
stretching to the gates of Sriparvata, he levied
tribute from the great Banas and other kings 2.
From this account of Mayurasarman, we learn
that Conjeeveram was, in those early times, a seat
of highly learned men and the favourite resort
of students. Hiuen Tsiang who visited Coujeeveram
in the middle of the 7th Century A. D. found
the people courageous and deeply attached to the prin-
ciples of honesty and truth and that they highly
esteemed learning.3 The Saiva saint Appar, who
lived about the same time, states that the learning of
the people of the city of Kanchi had no bounds.4
Poetess Auvaiyar writes that Tondainadu abounds in
wise and honest men.5 Pugalendi, the author of
Nalavenba eulogises these people and says that they
will not utter a single lie even if it be to get an
empire.6
From the part played by the Pallavas, we can
unhesitatingly say that they were a war-loving race
and that they had enough of opportunities to show
1 Ep. Ltd., Vol. VIII., p. 34, v. 10.
2 Ibid., p. 28.
3 Si yu ki, p. 229.
4 See Appar's hymn on Merrali where he writes kalviyai
karaiy-ilada Kanchimanagar.
5 Auvai has Tonflai-nan-nadu savior uclaittu.
6 Vaiyam perinum oru poy uraikka maffdr Tonflai-nan-
naUar are the words of Pugatendi.
24 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
their valour. As their capital Conjeeveram was situa-
ted in a singularly central place and was surrounded
on all sides by great and powerful dominions, the
martial spirit of this people was called into play from
the very beginning of their career. On one side lay
the dominion of the Kadambas and on the other that
of the Western Chalukyas. Even the Banas who
guarded the frontier part of the Pallava territory
perhaps as their feudatories, could not have remained
as such always without trying to assert their
independence by raising the standard of revolt against
their overlords when opportunities presented
themselves, The territory to the south was guard-
ed by the Chera, Chola and Pandya races.
There were occasions when the Gangas and Rash-
trakutas during the time of their supremacy crossed
swords with the Pallavas. Such being the position
of their little domain, every effort made by the
Pallavas to extend it, was at once felt by the adjacent
powers and resulted in a corresponding reaction to
check the aggression. Their muscles were early exer-
cised in contending against powerful rivals. To gain
an inch of ground when they increased in numbers
or thought of extending their territory, they were
forced to openly and successfully meet on the one
hand the superior intelligence of the Kadambas while
the indomitable hardihood of the Western Chalukyas
required the display of a like force in them. The
ultimate end of the struggle was the extension of
the Pallava dominions. In the zenith of their power,
their territory included Bellary and a part of the
present Mysore State, the modern districts of North
GENEALOGY OP THE PALLAVAS. 25
Arcot, South Arcot and Chingleput with a portion of
Taujore and Trichiuopoly. In the north their arms
were carried as far as Orissa. Such in brief is the
general account of the Pallavas who ruled with their
capital at Conjeeverarn till the 9th century A.D. And
it will be useful to look at their dynastic list and note
the achievements of some at least of them.
SECTION III :— GENEALOGY OF THE PALLAVAS.
The materials necessary for drawing up the
history of the Pallavas have been chiefly obtained
by the Madras Epigraphical Department and they
consist of a number of copper-plate charters of the
dynasty and a few stone inscriptions.1 Side light is
also thrown by the grants of the Western Chalukya
kings who were, from the very beginning of their
career, the family foes of the Pallavas. Though much
has been written about the Pallavas we have not yet
got a connected genealogy of all or most of the mem-
bers of the line known so far. Since Dr. Fleet wrote
his account of them in his Dynasties, more epigraphs
have come to light and these either confirm what
is known already about them or add a few fresh facts.
Before we attempt a regular genealogy of the
Pallavas, the first question that awaits solution is
whether or not there have been two different branches
1 Most of these have been critically edited. The exertions
of Professor Hultzsch, Dr. Fleet, Rai Bahadur Venkayya and
others in collating these materials cannot be adequately acknow-
ledged.
4
26 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
of them ruling over two different regions, one some-
where in the north of the Madras Presidency near the
modern district of Nellore where several Pallava re-
cords have been found and the other further south with
their capital at Kanchi. It may look reasonable to
hold that in the ordinary course of events the Palla-
vas proceeded slowly by first acquiring some ground
in the Telugu districts which were not far from their
original settlement in the Andhrabritya country ;
establishing themselves there, they then moved south-
ward into Kanchi ; rather than to say that as soon
as the Pallavas lefb their northern home, two branches
of them moved out, one to the east and the other to
the south. But the facts may be far otherwise. Also
if more records had been found, it might be possible
to settle the question once for all. All that can be
done now is to examine very carefully the records in
our hands and make out a genealogy which it seems
possible to do but which, we may say, has not been
attempted by any with the result we have arrived at
on page 33. The reasons for adopting this genealogy
are given below. Still it is liable to alteration if fresh
materials turn up and reveal facts militating against
the conclusions suggested.
Mention has been made of the Pallavas of
Kanchi in very early records and these point to their
occupation of the place at a considerably earlier
period. One of such references is that which we
find in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudra-
gupta of about the middle of the fourth century A.D.
which states that among the kings of Southern India
GENEALOGY OF THE fALLAVAS. 27
overcome by him Vishnugopa of Kanchi was one l.
The name Vishnugopa occurs several times in the
genealogy of the Pallavas. It is, therefore, not
unlikely that the Vishnugopa defeated by Samudra-
gupta was a Pallava king of Kanchi as has been sup-
posed 2. From a careful consideration of the palaeo-
graphical and orthographical peculiarities the Mayi-
davolu Hirahadiigalli plates of Sivaskandavarman
—both of which had been issued from Kanchipura
— have been pronounced to belong to much the same
period 3. The a$vamedha sacrifice said to have been
performed by this king and the fact of his having had
a subordinate at the distant Dhanyakataka show that
he was a powerful sovereign of the dynasty and that
his territory was wide in extent *. The Madras
Museum plates of Charudevi, mother of Budhyankura,
and queen of Vijaya-Buddhavarman who was the son
of Vijaya-Skandavarman, discovered in the north of
the Presidency come next in point of time 5« We
have already alluded to the part played by the founder
of the Kadamba dynasty, i.e., Mayurasarman, the great
grand-father of Kakusthavarman, in the affairs of the
Pallavas of Kanchi 6. Professor Keilhorn expressed
his opinion that Kakusthavarman should belong to
the first half of the sixth century A. D. 7. From what
1 Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 12 and 13.
2 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, p. 319.
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, pp. 85-86.
* Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXXVII, p, 282.
5 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 143 ff.
6 Above p.
7 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 31.
28 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
has been said here, it can be gathered that the Palla-
vas had established themselves at Kanchi soon after
their expulsion from Northern India, that they con-
tinued to hold it ever afterwards and that in the
time of Sivaskandavarman, their territory extended
as far as Amaravati on the Krishna. It will be
shown below that the kings represented in the cop-
per-plate charters discovered in the Nellore district l
are all mentioned by name among the ancestors
of the Pallavas of Kanchi. This fact coupled with
what is stated about Sivaskandavarman's having
had a subordinate at Amaravati indicates that while
the Pailavas had their captial at Kanchi they had
been sending out members of their family to
administer distant provinces.
The Kasakudi 2 and the Udayendiram 3 plates
of the time of Nandivarman Pallavamalla furnish
the following pedigree from Simhavishnu for seven
generations 4. They mention six members of the
line of Simhavishnu's younger brother :
Simhavishnu Bhimavarman
! I
Mahendravarman I Buddhavarman
1 The Pikira grant of Simhavarmati and the Chendalur
plates of Kumaravishnu have heen edited by Prof. Hultzsch in
Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 153 to 163 and 233 to 236. Dr. Fleet
has edited the Uruvapalle grant in Lnd, Ant., Vol. V, pp.
2 See South-Jnd. Inscrps. Vol. II, Part III, 432 /.
Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I., Part. II, p. 323.
GENEALOGY OP THE tALLAVAS. 29
Narasimhavarman I Adityavarman-
I I
Mahondravarman II Govindavarman
I i
ParamoSvaravarman I Hiranyavarman
I ' I
Narasimhavarman II Nandivarman Pillai
I Vamalla.
ParameSvaravarman II
The relationship between Sirnhavishnu and
Mahendravarman I is not given in the former record
but the latter states that they were father and son.
Asokavarrnan, Skandavarman, Kalindavarman, Ka-
nagopa, Vishnugopa, Virakurcha, Virasiniha, Simha-
varman and Vishrmsirnha are also mentioned but
their relationship is not specified l. Nor are we
informed who the immediate predecessors of Simha-
vishnu were. What is not preserved in these records
is happily furnished in the Velurpalaiyam plates
which state that Simhavishnu was the sou of
Sirnhavarmau and grandson of Nandivarman 2.
Thus the genealogy of Simhavishnu's line is carried
back by two generations. Though the Udayendiram
grant has been pronounced as spurious on good
grounds 3, Dr. Fleet is of opinion that the relationship
of the kings therein mentioned can be accepted.4 This
grant which is said to have been issued in the first
year of Nandivarman who is perhaps identical with
1 South Ind. Inscrs., Vol. II, Part III, p. 356, line 45.
2 Annual Report on Kpigraphy for 1911, Part II, paragraph 7.
3 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXX, p. 215, No. 9.
* Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 320-1.
30 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Siinhavishnu's grandfather, gives the following
dynastic list l : —
Skandavarman
I
Simhavarman
I
Skandavarman
I
Nandivarman
We thus get the names of three more kings who
reigned one after another before Nandivarman ascend-
ed the throne. In enlarging the genealogy of Siinha-
vishnu, we have so far made use of only those records
which undoubtedly belong to the Pallava kings
of Kanchi. We have the authority of Dr. Fleet for
connecting the kings represented in the Udayendirarn
grant with those mentioned in the Pikira, Mangalur
and Uruvupalle plates which were issued in the 5th,
8th and llth years of Simhavarmau, from Menma-
tura, Dasanapura and Palakkada 2. These places
seems to be situated in the Nellore district. 3 Even
if they are there, there are enough grounds to suppose
that the kings mentioned in them are members
belonging to the royal family of the Pallavas of
Kanchi because they figure among the remote ances-
tors of Pallavas in the Kasakudi plates and are men-
tioned in the Vayalur stone inscription of Kaja-
simha 4. As given in these charters, Sirnhavarman's
genealogy is as follows : —
1 No. 621 of Prof. Kielhorn's List of Southern Inscriptions
in Vol. VII. It was issued from Kancbipura.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII. p. 161.
3 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905, p. 47.
4 Annual Report of the Director-General of Archaology tor
1908-9, p. 121.
GENEALOGY OF THE PALLAVAS. 31
Maharaja Skandavarman
,, Vlravarman
I .
,, Skandavarman
I
Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa
( i
Maharaja Simhavarman
This when connected with the Udayendiram
grant furnishes the following pedigree : —
Skandavarman
I
Vlravarman
I
Skandavarman
Simhavarman Yuvamaharaja Vishnugopa
I I
.Skandavarman Simhavarman
I
Nandivarman
The Chendalur plates furnish four generations l
of Pallava kings. Siuce the grant was issued from
Kanchipura, there is no doubt as to the connection
of the kings represented here with the line which has
been traced so far. The list of kings given in them
is as under : —
Maharaja Skandavarman
I
., Kumaravishnu I
I
,, Buddhavarman
Kumaravishnu II.
Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, pp. 233-4.
32 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
In giving an account of the kings that preceded
Nandivarman, grandfather of Sirnhavishnu, the
Velurpalaiyam plates suggest the followiug dynastic
list 94 :—
Kalabhartri (Kanagopa)
I
Chuta-Pallava
I
Vlrakurcha
Skandasishya
I
Kumaravishjiu
I
Buddhavarman
Since the first three kings of the Chendalur
grant are represented here, it will be correct to
add to the list Kumaravishnu II as the son and
successor of the last member. To assign this
group of seven kings their proper place in the
Pallava pedigree presents but little difficulty. From
a study of the Chendalur and other allied records
it has been concluded that the Cheudalur grant
is later in point of time than the Uruvapalle
and Mangalur charters issued in the reign of
Simhavarman, son of the Yuvamaharaja Vishnu-
gopa 2. This makes it plain that Kumaravishnu I
of the Chendalur grant must be one of the sons of
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1911, p. 61.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 234. Prof. Hulfcxsch concludes
that the four Pallava kings of the Chendalur plates should have
ruled in the interval between Simhavarman and Simhavishnu.
GENEALOGY OP THE PALLAVAS. 33
Skandaharman II. If this should prove correct,
Viravarman l of the Nellore district plates must be
identical with Virakurcha of the Velurpalaiyam plates
and Skaudavarman I must have had the surname
Cbuta-Pallava. Now the whole pedigree of the Palla-
vas of Kanchi might be arranged as follows : —
Kalabhartri (Kanagdpa)
Skandavarman I, surnamed Ghuta-Pallava
[
Virakurohaor Viravarman m. a Naga princess
Skandasishya or Skandavarman II
Kumaravishnu I Simhavarman I Yuvamaharaja
I | Vishnugdpa
Buddhavarman Skandavarman III
| Simbavarman II
Kumaravishnu II Nandivarman I
I
Simhavarman III
Simhavishnu Bhimavarman
I I
Mahandravarman I Buddhavarman
I _ I
Narasirnhavarman I ' A^ityavarman
. I I
Mahendravarman II Govindavarman
i I
Paramosvaravarman I Hirariyavarman
1 That there had been more kings than one bearing the
name Vira amoug the Pallavas, is evident from the Kasakudi
plate which mention Virakurcha and Vfrasimha among the
ancestors of Simhavishnu.
5
34 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Narasimhavarinaii II Nandivarman II
Pallavamalia
Dantivarrnan
Pararaesvara- Mahondravarman III Nandivarman III.
varman II
SECTION IV:— AN ACCOUNT OF THE KINGS.
Having made out the genealogy of the Pallava
kings, it now remains to add a few facts known about
some of these sovereigns. First of all it must be re-
membered that Vishnugopa defeated by Samudragupta,
Sivaskandavarman of the Hirahadagalli and Mayid-
avolu plates, Vijaya-Skandavarman and Vijaya-
Buddhavarman mentioned in the Madras Museum
plates are not to be identified with any of the kings in
this genealogy as they appear to have lived much
earlier. Their connection with the members of this
pedigree still remains to be determined. Another
factor to notice is that between Skandavarman II and
Simhavishnu, there had been nine' kings for four
generations and the throne of Kanchi seoms to have
been occupied by members belonging to three bran-
ches. By the very nature of the case, we are inclined
to think that there must have been internal dissen-
sions during this period and we expect that future re-
searches will clear the ground and furnish information
as to which of these nine members actually
held the reins of government, before Simhavishnu
ascended the throne. The title Yuvamaharaja
given to Vishnugopa even in later records sug-
gests that he never reigned at all. He must have
either resigned in favour of other claimants or
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PALLAVA KINGS. 35
was excluded from the throne. It is even likely that
he did not survive his two brothers, Kumaravishnu I
and Sirnhavarman I both of whom appear to have
reigned as also their sons and grandsons. Else-
where we have assigned to the beginning of the
sixth century A. D. the Chola king Karikala whose
Pallava contemporary had the surname Trinayana-
Pallava 1. This Pallava sovereign appears to have
lived prior to Kumaravishnu I, and he is report-
ed to have been defeated both by the Western
Chalukya Vijayaditya and the Chola Karikala, The
defeat inflicted on Trinay ana- Pallava by Karikala
gave the latter the possession of Kanchi which he is
said to have beautified with gold.2 The Saiva saint
Jnanasambanda refers to Karikala in one of his
nymns on Kanchi. 3 An important fact revealed
in the Velurpalaiyam plates is the capture of
Kanchi attributed to Kumaravishnu I. This shows
beyond doubt that the very capital of the Pallavas
was lost by one of Kumaravishnu's ancestors,
probably by his immediate predecessor on the
throne and it confirms the account given about
Karikala with regard to his occupation of Kanchi.
Kumaravishnu I must have driven back the
Cholas and got possession of his capital ;.else there is
1 See Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLI, pp. 144-9, where all
the facts known about Karikala are put together.
2 This is mentioned in versa 42 of the Tiruvalangadu plates
discovered by the author and noticed in the Annual Report on
Epigraphy for 1906, Part II, p. 67.
3 Kalalin velvdr Karikdlanai nannuvar elil-kol Kachchi-
nagar, etc., occurs in verse 7 of Jnanasainbanda's hymn on
Tirukkachchiyokarnbam.
36 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
nob much significance in the boast of a Pallava king
capturing his owu capital.
Simhavishnu.
From the time of Simhavishnu we have to trace
gradually the extension of the Pallava dominion
further south and the conflict of the Pallavas not only
with their family foes, the Western Chalukyas, but
with the Chera, Chola, Pandya and others as well.
The Kasakudi plates record that Simhavishnu, called
also Avanisimha, vanquished the Malaya, Kalabhra,
Malava, Chola, Pandya, the Simhala proud of the
strength of their arms and the Kerala 1. It is doubt-
ful if all the conquests here mentioned are established
facts. If it be the case, Simhavishnu must have been a
powerful emperor having for his feudatories almost
all the kings of the south and some of the north. So
long as the names of kings whom he defeated and
the places where he gained victories over them are
not mentioned, we have to take them with some
amount of caution. And before we can regard them
as facts, it is necessary-to look for corroborative evi-
dence from other sources. That he was a powerful
sovereign, there is no doubt. The Velurpalaiyam
plates say that he conquered he Chola territory
which was sanctified by the waters of the Kaveri and
resplendent with groves of areca-trees and paddy
flats* 2 This conquest of his must be a fast, because
we have an inscription of his son Mahendravarman I
in the Trichinopoly cave 3. As the latter is not re-
1 South-lnd. Incrs., Vol. II, Part III, p. 356, verse 20.
2 Annual Beport on Epigraphy for 1911, p. 61.
3 This record states that Gunabbara alias Satrumalla
constructed the temple of Siva on the top of the mountain and
AN ACCOUNT OP THE PALLAVA KINGS. 37
ported to have contended against the Cholas, we have
to presume that Trichinopoly came into his posses-
sion as part of his ancestral dominion, it having been
conquered by his father. In this connection it may be
farther noted that Kaujauur in the Kurnbhakonam
taluka was called Simhavishnu-Chaturvedimaugalam
in ancient times and it was evidently so named after
king Simhavishnu 1. As regards the creed professed
by this kingjlhe Udayeudiram plates state that he was
a devout worshipper of Vishnu 2.
Mahendravarman I.
Mahendravarrnan I had many surnames such
as Lalitankura, Satrumalla and Grunabhara 3. He
appears to have been a pious and powerful monarch.
In his reign were excavated most of the rock-cut
caves of the Dekhan 4. One of his birudas, Chettha-
kari, shows that he indulged much in building tem-
ples 5. The monuments that came into existence
during his time are found in the Chingleput, North
Arcot, South Arcot and Trichinopoly districts 6.
placed in ifc a lingo, and a statue of himself (South-Ind. Inscrs.,
Vol. I. p. 29). Mr. Venkayya has shown that Gunabhara and
Satrumalla are the surnames of Mahendravarman I. The village
of Mahendramangalam in the Trichinopoly district should have
heen so called after this Pallava sovereign.
1 No. 265 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1907.
2 South Lnd. Inscrs., Vol. II, Part III, p. 370.
3 For these surnames, see his records at Trichinopoly,
Maheudravadi and Pallaveram.
4 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905, p. 47.
5 „ for 1909, p. 75.
6 See note 3, p. 17/.
38 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
The principal event of his day was the defeat inflicted
by him on his enemy the Western Chalukya king
Pulakesin II at Pullalur 1. As Pullalur is situated
in the Conjeeveram taluka, it looks as if the Chaluk-
y:in army had made an inroad into thePallava domi-
nion before it was repulsed by Maheudravarman I 2.
Since Pulakesin II figures as the opponent of
Narasitnhaverman I, it may be said that the last
years of Mahendravarman I fell in the early part of
the reign of Pulakesin II. Mahendravarman I was
at first hostile to the Saiva saint Tirunavukkarasu
whom he persecuted, but afterwards turned back
from hostility and embraced the faith of the vic-
tim 3.
Narasimhavarrnan I.
To Narasimhavarman I is ascribed the destruc-
tion of Vatapi 4 (i. e., the modern town of Badami
in the Bijapur district) founded by the Western
Chalukya Pulakesi I. That this event is an accom-
plished fact is proved by the existence of a
1 South Ind, Inscrs., Vol. II, Part III, p, 343. Verse 21.
2 This view was expressed by Dr. Huhzsch in editing
the Kasakudi plates.
3 Though the details of the perpecution recorded in the
Periyapuranam may not he strictly correct, there is not much
doubt that the saint was at first exposed to all the difficulties
arising from royal disfavour. Curiously enough we find mention
even in the Devaram the different kinds of torture to which
Appar was subjected. The king, when he became a convert to
Saivism, is said to have demolished a Jain temple at Tiruppadiri-
ppuliyur and built with its stones a Siva temple at Tiruvadi.
4 This fact about him is referred to in several inscriptions
which introduce the king in the terms
pdttaraiyar.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PALLAVA KINGS. 39
mutilated inscription of his found at Badami and
by the mention of the event in the Tamil work
Periyapnranam which states that the Saiva saint
Siruttonda served the Pallava king as general in his
expedition against Vatapi. The second great
achievement in his reign is the defeat of Pulakesi-
vallabha (i. e. Pulakesin II) in the fields of Pariyala,
/
Manirnangala and Suramara.1 As to the actual
occurrence of Narasimha's encounter with Pulakesin
II and the part played by the Singhalese prince
Manavamrna, we have corroborative evidence in the
Singhalese chronicle Mahawansa 2.
Here it is said that king Manavarnma of Ceylon
having been exiled, while very young, went over to
India with his wife Sanka and took up service under
Narasiha. He wras greatly favoured by that king.
At the time of his stay, a certain Vallabha invaded
Narasiha's territory. Manavamma took this oppor-
tunity to show his high talent in war and the great
attachment he had for his benefactor. With the joint
efforts of the two, Vallabha was completely defeated
in battle. After this, the Mahawansa goes on to
narrate how Narasiha, pleased at the victories gain-
ed over his enemy, placed at the disposal of Mana-
varnma a large army to get back his throne by invad-
ing Ceylon ; how he was forced to flee a second time
to India; and how, with the help of his former bene-
factor, he invaded again the island but this time
1 See the Udayendiram plates of Nandivarman (South
Ind. Inscrs ., Vol. II, pp. 370-1.)
2 See Chapter 47 of Wijesinha'a translation of t-he Maha-
ivansa from which this account is taken.
40 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
with success. From the way in which the second
invasion is described in the Singhalese chronicle, it
can be inferred that Narasiha himself accompanied
the exiled king with a large army. Inscriptions
also record an invasion of Ceylon by Narasimha-
varman I.1
Copper-plate charters of the Pallavas mention
the Pandyas among the powers with whom Nara-
simhavarman I contended and it is, therefore, meet
that we say a word about the relationship that exist-
ed between him and his Pandya contemporary. We
have seen that the long continued hostility between
the Pallavas and the Chalukyas was pushed to a
decisive end in this reign. Conquest of Vatapi set-
tled for once the fate of the Chalukyas. Either elat-
ed by this triumph or as a preliminary undertaking
to that great event, the Pallava king appears to
have crossed swords with the Pandya sovereign of
his day by carrying on the war to the latter's domi-
nion. The army that marched against the Pandyas
came from the city of Vilveli which is perhaps identi-
cal with Villivalam in the Chingleput district. If
we can rely on the statement of a Pandya grant
issued long after the event had happened, the encoun-
ter took place at Nelveli which is probably the same
as Tirunelveli, i e., the modern Tinnevelly. Here,
success seems to have been denied to the victor of
Vatapi. This Pandya contemporary of Narasimha-
varman is the same person who is celebrated in the
Tamil work Periyapuranam as the 'Great Maran who
1 Verse 22 of the Kasakudi plates states that Narasimha-
varman I conquered Ceylon.
AN ACCOUNT OP THE PALLAVA KINGS 41
fought the battle at Nelveli and won lasting fame in
it.' The Velvikudi grant also calls him Maravarman.
And both attribute success to him. He was ae
avowed Jaina in the earlier part of his reign and his
conversion to the Saiva faith which was an important
evenj; of the time, was effected by Jnanasambandha
who was sent for by the Pandya queen Mangaiyark-
karasi and the Pandya minister Kulachirai-Nayanar
both of whom were staunch Saivites and figure
among the sixty-three Saiva devotees. This king is
variously called Kun-Pandya and Nedumaran. He
had a malignant fever which is said to have been
miraculously cured by the application of the sacred
ash accompanied by the singing of a hymn on its
efficacy.
Now as regards the length of Narasimhavar-
man's reign we get some help from the Mahawansa.
It says that Manavamma went over to the territory
of Narasiha, while young ; that he had four sons and
four daughters when he was under the service of that
king ; that Narasiha seeing his friend grow old, placed
at his disposal a large army, determined to make
him king of the island ; and that four sovereigns had
ruled over Ceylon for a period of forty-five years,
before Manavamma obtained possession of it. These
statements show that Manavamma's stay in Conjee-
veram was pretty long and that Narasimhavarman's
reign extended over a period of nearly fifty years.
Mahendravarman II.
Of Mahendravarman II, son of the previous
sovereign, history has not much to say, except attri-
buting to him certain meritorious acts for the benefit
42 ANCIENT DEKHAN
of temples and Brahmans1 . The complete omis-
sion of his name in the Velurpalaiyam plates2 per-
haps shows that he did not reign at all, and even if
he did, his reign was short and uneventful.
Paramesvaravarman I.
To Paramesvaravarman I, son of Mahendravar-
man II, Gonjeevaram inscriptions give the surnames
Ugradanda 3, Lokaditya, and Isvarapotavarman. IB
is said of him that he defeated the Western Chalukya
king Vikramaditya I (A.D. 655 to 680) at Peruvala-
nallur and forced him to flee with only a rag 4. He
is also reported to have destroyed the army and town
of Ranarasika.
Narasimhavarman II.
Narasimhavarman II had the surnames Atyan-
takama, Atiranachanda,Kalakala, Ranajaya, Sribhara
and Rajasimha 5. Like Mahendravarman I, he was
also a great builder. If we owe the rock-out caves of
Southern India to the former, we have reasons to
believe that a large number of structural monuments
came to be erected during the time of the latter, in
addition to a few rock-cut caves. The monuments
of his time are to be found at Mahabalipuram, Tiru-
pporur, Vayalur, Conjeevaram and other places. The
temple of Rajasimha-Pallavesvara, now called Kaila-
sanathaatKanchiwasconstructedbyhim. Inscriptions
1 South Ind. Inscrs., Vol. It, Part III, p. 342/.
2 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1911, p. 61.
3 South Ind. Inscrs., Vol. I, pp. 9 and 23.
* Ibid., p. 144/.
5 These names are disclosed by his records at Conjeevaram
and the Seven Pagodas.
AN ACCOUNT OP THE PALLAVA KINGS. 43
found in this temple state that his queen Rangapataka
built a lovely dwelling for Siva and that the match-
less temple of Mahendresvara was erected near the
temple of Rajasimhesvara by Mahendra (varman)
who sprang from Urjita, i.e., Rajasimha alias Nara-
simhavarman II.1 The piety of the king is justly
celebrated in copper-plate charters which state that
he bestowed wealth on Brahmans and temples2 and
was a devout worshipper of Manes vara.3 Para-
mesvaravarman II who succeeded Narasirnhavarman
II on the throne at Kanchi, was not destined to rule
long.
Paramesvaravarman II and Nandivaraman
Pallavamalla.
Here we shall have to pause a while to consider
the circumstances which within nearly half a
century brought a change in the administration
of Conjeeveram. On good authority we are inform-
ed that. Paramesvaravarman II who was the 7th in
descent from Sirnhavishnu reigned for some time
before he was overthrown by Nandivarrnan Pallava-
malla who belonged to a collateral branch and had
not the least claim for the Pallava throne which had
remained in the line of Simhavishnu for fully six
generations. We know that this Nandivarman was
a ifcieal descendant of Bhituavarman, 4 the younger
1 South Ind. Inscrs., Vol. I, p. 23.
2 See verse 25 of the Kasakudi plates in South Ind. Inscrs,
Vol. II, Part III.
3 Ibid., p. 37Q/f.
4 The Udayendiram grant makes Nandivarman Pallava-
'malla the son of Pramesvaravarman II while the Kasakudi
44 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
brother of Simhavishnu by several generations and
as the Pallava throne at Kanchi had been held all
along by Siinhavishnu's line until Paramesvara II was
ousted by Nandivarman Pallavamalla, we have not
the slightest hesitation in saying that the latter had
not even a pretext of a claim for the Pallava domi-
nion. The fact the Pavamesvaravarmau II was in
charge of the government when he was removed from
it, might suggest one of two things, either that his
rule was oppressive or that he was considered too
weak a monarch, when a powerful hand was required
to be at the helm of government. We could
infer that his rule was not thought to be a cruel
one because records say that he followed the
precepts of Manu.1 And in favour of the latter
supposition the plates report that Nandivarman
was chosen by the people. 2 Not only this, the
military officer of this time stood by him in all
his difficulties and supported his cause.3 It would
be a gross misreading of history to believe that both
the people and the military were influenced to take
up the cause of one belonging to a collateral branch
without any pretensions to the throne and choose
him as their ruler thereby deposing a virtuous king,
plates state that he was descended from Bhimavarman ; but ic
must be noted that the relationship of the members mentioned
therein is not given.
1 This fact is mentioned in the Volurpalaiyam plates of
Nandivarman III (Annual Keport on Epigraphy for 1911, p. 61,
paragraph 7).
2 Verse 27 of Kasakudi plates.
•3 South Ind. Iriscrs., Vol. II, Part III, p. 372.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PALLAVA KINGS. 45
merely because the former was a powerful man, were
they not convinced also that the times required the
services of such a one. The Pallava general Udaya-
chandra seeing that Nandivarman was closely besie-
ged at Nandipura by a number of Dramila princes
promptly came to his rescue, defeated his enemies and
killed the Pallava prince Chitrarnaya. He is said
to have bestowed the kingdom several times on
Nandivarman l. A consideration of the circum-
stances which favoured Nandivarman Pallavamalla
in securing the throne at Kanchi would rather incline
one to believe that he was quite young and full of
potentialities at the time he usurped the kingdom
and as such we can easily imagine that his reign
cpuld have been a long one as has been supposed by
Dr. Fleet who assigns him to the period A.D. 715 —
765. It is worthy of note that the Panchapandava-
malai record dated in the 50th year of his reign has
been a ssigned to Nandivarman Pallavamalla 2. It
is true that in his reign there were several wars, but
this can not account for the shortness of his reign.
On the other hand, when we look at his achievements
we can safely credit him with a long rule. The
Pallava dominion reached the utmost limit of its
expansion during his time in spite of the defeats
inflicted on Nandivarman by the Western Chalukyas
and others as we shall see presently. (1) Vikra-
maditya II (A-D. 733—746) having resolved to
uproot completely his natural enemy the Pallavas,
reached with great speed the Tundaka-vishaya
1 Ibid.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p.
46 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
attacked and put to flight the Pallava Nandippotta-
varman who had come to withstand him, took pos-
session of his banner and musical instruments and
entered, without destroying it, the city of Kanchi
where he acquired great merit by granting heaps of
gold to the Rajasimhesvara and other temples which
Narasimahpotavarman II had caused to be built.1
(2) Kirtivarman II (A.D. 746-757), while he was yet
a Yuvaraja, was entrusted with the command of an
expedition against the Pallava lord of Kanchi
in which the Pallava king came out to meet him
but proved unable to fight in the open country :
Kirtivarman II, thereupon drove him back into
his fortress, broke his power and seized multitudes
of elephants and rubies and gold which he pre-
sented to his father 2. Kirtivarman's victory over
the lord of Kanchi is also mentioned in Kashtra-
kuta records. Inscriptions in the Kajasimhesvara
temple at Conjeeveram mention Vikramaditya II as
well as his son Kirtivarman and thus establish their
conquests. What was it that made Kanchi to become
an easy prey to the dying Western Chalukya power
at this time ? May it be that the unsettled state of
the country consequent on the civil war that was
raging in the capital soon after the usurpation of the
Pallava kingdom by Nandivarrnan Pallavamalla
afforded a nice opportunity for the enemy to make a
1 These are recorded in the Vakkaleri grant of the Western
Chalukya Vikramaditya II whose inscription in the Rajasimhes-
vara temple proves the certainty of his conquest of Kanchi
(Sonih-Ind. Inscrs., Vol. I, pp. 146-7).
2 Ep. lnd.t Vol. IX, pp. 201 and 204.
AN ACCOUNT OP THE PALLAVA KINGS. 47
raid on it and perform a feat which the greatest king
of the Western Chalukya line could not dream of
accomplishing with all his great resources ; or that
the initial resources of Nandivarrnan Pallavamalla
having been exhausted in overcoming the difficulties
caused by the dethroned monarch, the way was made
easy for even a weak enemy to march almost un-
opposed to the very capital of the Pallavas, capture
it and plunder and carry away its riches ? Both the
causes ought to have been at .work to bring about
this result. The fact that the Western Chalukyas
were not permitted to hold Kanchi for any length of
time suggests that Nandivarman Pallavamalla was
not slow to summon up his energy to regain his
hold on the city. He rose even more powerful after
the event of the capture of Kanchi by the Western
Chalukyas and made himself stronger than before.
His general Udayachandra defeated the army of the
dethroned Pallava king and his adherents in the
battles at Nirnbavana, Chutavana, Sankaragrama,
Nellore, Nelveli, Suravalundur and other places l. The
enemies overcome in these places are not mentioned,
but some of them can be determined. At Nelveli,
Udayachandra slew in battle the Sabhara king
Udayana and seized his banner. He pursued and
defeated the Nishada chief Prithvivyaghra and drove
him from the territory of Vishnuraja, i.e., the Eastern
Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana III (A.D. 709—746).
He defeated the army of the Pandyas at Mannaikudi
1 For this and what follows see p. 372 of South Ind. Inscrs.,
Vol.11, Part III.
48 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
after breaching the fortress of Kalidurga. The
Velvikudi plates report that the Pandya king
Arikesari Parankusa Maravarman defeated the
Pallavas at Neduvayal, Kurumadai, Mannikuruchchi,
Tirumangai, Puvalur, Kodumbalur and Kulurnbur l.
The Sinnamanur grant adds Sankaramangai to the
list 2. We are expressly told that this Arikesari
was the contemporary of Pallavamalla 3.
There is thus no doubt that the struggle be-
tween the Pallavas and the Pandyas was fierce and
long protracted. The Rashtrakuta kings who were
contemporaries of Pallavamalla also claim victories
over the Pallavas 4. When we take into account
merely the number of battles fought by Nandivarman
Pallavamalla and his general, we are forced to admit
that his reign must have extended over a long period
and that he must have been quite a youth when he
usurped the Pallava dominion. In the face of so
many facts, it cannot be believed that he came out
as a meteor, accomplished in the twinkling of an eye
feats which would have taken years for ordinary
mortals to perform and vanished all of a sudden.
Again take into consideration the approximate date
to which his son Dantivarman is assigned. He
appears to belong to about A.D. 804 and is mention-
ed as having been overcome by the Rashtrakuta
king Govinda III. This again would give his father,
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1907, p. 63.
P. 64.
3 See No. 6 in the genealogy given on page 66 of the
Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908.
* Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 247.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE PALLAVA KINGS. 49
who was a contemporary of the Eastern Chalu-
kya Vishnuvardhana III (A. D. 709—740) a long
period of rule. It is held by some that none of the
stone inscriptions so far discovered should be attri-
buted to Nandivarman Pallavamalla. Though this
novel idea has been put forth, no argument has yet
. been advanced to prove it. So far it rests completely
on the assertions of those who hold the view and
mere assertions, it is needless to say cannot form
arguments. While we find stone records of the time
of Mahendravarman I, Narasimhavarman I, Para-
mesvaravarman, Narasimhavarman II and even of
Mahendravarman III all of whom preceded Nandi-
varman Pallavamalla, we are at a loss to know why
we 'should not reasonably expect records of Pallava-
malla as well. Several places which admittedly were
under the sway of this king have been surveyed
and copies of stone epigraphs belonging to the reign
of Nandivarman have been secured. It would be
really strange if none of these belong to the time
of Pallavamalla. Again when we have copper-plate
charters of his time, it is not at all unreasonable
to expect stone records of his reign among the col-
lection of Nandivarman epigraphs. We have addu-
ced enough grounds to show that Pallavamalla's reign
must have been long and highly eventful. While
even the various incidents connected with his adven-
turous life are depicted in the sculptures of the
Vaikunthaperurnal temple at Conjeeveram, with
labels explaining them engraved below each x — a
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906, Part II, para-
graph 2.
7
50 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
rare thing in South Indian history and architecture
—it would look singularly strange to say that no
stone inscription of Pallavamalla has come down to
us. But what may be safely hazarded iu connection
with the epigraphs of Nandivarman is, that though
there may be several among them that probably be-
long to the time of Pallavamalla, seeing that he had a
long and eventful career, they have to be selected by a
careful examination of their internal evidence,
palfeography and other like considerations.
SECTION V :— LATEK PALLAVAS & CHOLAS.
The future history of the Pallava kings of Kanchi
is beset with difficulties and it may be useful to
collect here what we know about them. A certain
Dantivarman whose inscription has been found in the
Triplicane temple, has been assigned by Mr.
Venkayya to the period immediately following the
reign of Nandivarman Pallavamalla.1 He took him to
be the successor of Pallavamalla and said that he
should have had the surname Vayiramegan. The
first part of his surmise has been confirmed by the
recently discovered Velurpalaiyam plates which state
that Nandivarman Pallavamalla had a son named
Dantivarman, by his queen Keva, who succeeded
him 2.
There is not much doubt as regards the second
surmise,3 because it rests on the mention of the
1 Ep. 2nd., Vol. VIII, p, 294.
2 Anmial Report on Epigraphy for 1911,Parfc II, paragraph 8.
3 It is worthy of note that the Rashtrakuta king Danti-
durga wa3 also known by the surname Vayiramagan (Ep. 2nd,.
Vol. Ill, p. 169.)
LATER PALLAVAS AND CHOLAS. 51
name in the hymns of the Vaishnava saint Tiruman-
gai-Alvar who was for some time a contemporary of
Pallavamalla. Dantivarrnan was called Pallavakula-
tilaka or shortly Pallavatilaka, the ornament of the
Pal lava race 1. The successors of Dantivarman called
themselves Pallauatilaka-kulodbhauas to indicate
their descent from this Dantivarman. At Tiruvella-
rai in the Trichinopoly district there are two stone
records, one of Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman and
the other of Pallavatilaka-Daativarman 2. That
these two are not far removed hi point of time is
shown by the fact that a chief named Vasaiyanal-
lulan and his younger brother Kamban-Araiyan figure
in them 3. We may have to suppose that these two
kings are the descendants of Dantivarman and that
they stand, most probably, in the relation of father
and son. Two other inscriptions mention Maramba-
vai, the queen of Pallavatilaka-Nandivarman. '
When these successors of Nandivarman Palla-
vamalla were holding the reins of government, there
were also other princes who appear to have governed
parts of the ancient Pallava dominion and claimed
Pallava ancestry. Professor Hultzsch has termed
them Ganga- Pal lavas. The Bahur plated give three
generations of these, viz., Danti, Naudi and Nripa-
tunga. .Other members, probably of this family, are
Narasimha, Isvara, Karnpa and Aparajita.
The names Danti and Nandi occurring both
among the Pal lavas and Ganga-Pallavas, and
1 Ed. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 295 text-line 1.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 156.
3 Up. Ind., Vol. XI, p. 165,
52 AKCIENT DEiKHAti.
the fact that the inscriptions of both the families
are found in the ancient Pallava dominion are apt
to lead to the belief that the Ganga-Pallavas
are not different from the regular Pallavas and that
they have no separate existence. That Pallavatilaka-
Nandi is different from the Ganga-Pallava Nandi is
evident from the fact that the queen of the former
was Marambavai1 who, we need hardly say, is differ-
ent from the Kashtrakuta princess Sanka,2 the queen
of the Gauga-Pallava Nandi. Again, if Marambavai
were the mother of Nripatunga, she would not have
been introduced in her son's records in the way she
figures. It is clear, therefore, that we are precluded
from taking all Nandis, occurring in inscriptions, to
be identical. To say that there were three different
Naudis, it will be enough to mention that the queen
of one of them wasReva, of the second Marambavai
and the third Sanka. Though the supposition, that
all Nandis and Dantis are identical, is a good expe-
dient to explain away easily the fact of the existence
of their records found almost over the same area, yet
the fact that there have been three different Nandis
is, as shown above, beyond question.
The period of Ganga-Pallava rule seems to have
extended roughly over a century and. a half, the last
years falling somewhere about the end of the 9th
century A D-, in the reign of the Chola king Aditya I,
1 She figures in twoc reords of the Gaaga-Pallava king
Nripatunga at Tiruchchannampundi.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 180-1. Sanka was the daughter
of the Kashtrakuta king Amoghavarsha i.e. Nripatunga and her
son was evidently called after her father.
PALLAVAS AND CHOLAS. 53
the son and successor of Vijayalaya, the founder
of the revived Chola line at Tanjore. The large
Leyden grant reports that by Aditya 'the sounding
discusses of hostile kings were cast down,' hinting
thereby that he was a great conqueror l. The ear-
liest inscription of the Cholas found in Tondaimanda-
lam, i.e. the ancient Pallava country, of which Kanchi
was the capital, is of a Rajakesarivarman. The late
Rai Bahadur Venkayya with his usual sagacity at-
tributed a record of this Rajakesarivarman to
Aditya I 2. Information as to how Aditya I came
to have possession of the Pallava territory was
not. forthcoming till recently. The Tiruvalangadu
grant once for all settled the question, as it stated
that Aditya defeated the Pallava Aparajita and took
possession of his dominion3. We have inscriptions
of this sovereign in the Chingleput district and they
range in date between his 3rd and 18th years 4. The
defeat inflicted by Aditya must have occurred after
Aparajita had reigned for eighteen years. Conjeeveram
1 Archceological Survey of Southern India, Vol. IV. pp.
234 /.
2 Madras Christian College Magazine for October 1890.
This inscription registers the renewal of a grant made by the
Pallava king Skandasishya and confirmed by Narasimhavar-
mau I, the conqueror of Vatapi.
3 These plates were discovered by the author in^l906.
Verse 49 of these plates states that Aditya having conquer-
ed in battle the Pallava with his brilliant army though he
was Aparajita (i. e. the unconquerable), took possession of his
queen, i.e. the earth and accomplished his object in this direction
too.
4 No. 351 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1908
and No. 435 of the same for 1905.
54 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
which thus passed into the hands of the Cholas, was
not retained by them for a long time. Aditya's son and
successor Parantaka I, who was also a powerful
sovereign, held it in his day. He reigned from A. D.
907 to 953 for nearly 46 years 1. Towards the close of
his reign an event occurred which resulted in the
Cholas losing possession of Conjeeveram. About
A. D. 945, Parantaka I was engaged in crushing the
power of the Pandyas and their ally the king of Cey-
lon who were giving him trouble again and again 2.
While he was thus fighting with these southern
powers, he appears to have left Tondaimandalam in
charge of his eldest son Rajaditya whose principal
place of residence was Tirunamanallur in the South
Arcot district, called also Rajadityapuram. The
inscriptions of that place and those found at Gramam
reveal the fact that Rajaditya had a large army under
his command which mainly consisted of soldiers enlist-
ed from Malabar. At this time the Rashtrakutas of
Malkhed under the leadership of their king Krishna
III and his Ganga ally Butuga invaded Tondai-
mandalam and obtained possession of it 3. Raja-
ditya made an attempt to drive out the invader and
the armies of the two met on the plains of Takkolam,
a village in the Chingleput district, about A.D. 947 4.
* Archaeological Survey Beport for 1908-09, p. 122 and
footnote 1.
2 Conquest of Ceylon by Parantaka is found for the first
time in the records of his 37th year ( = A.D. 944-45).
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI., p. 53/.
* Ep. Ind., Vol. VII. p. 195. The year two in the
Solapuram record has been taken by Mr. Venkayya to refer to the
second year after the conquest of Krishna III of Toridaimaixdalam
LATEE PALLAVAS AND CHOLAS. 55
In the encounter which followed, Rajaditya while
seated on the back of his elephant was killed by
Butuga and he is on that account called in inscrip-
tions 'Anaimerrunjinadeva' i.e. the king who died on
an elephant's back 1. The Rashtrakuta victor
Krishna III styling himself 'Kachchiyum Tanjaiyurn-
konda Kannaradeva' i-e. Kannaradeva who took
Conjeeveram and Tanjore, ruled -the country for
twenty-five years 2. The above account shows that
Conjeeveram was under the sway of the Rashtrakutas
from A.D. 945 to 970- The successors of Parantaka I,
having had enough to do in putting down the Pandyas
who were in a state of chronic revolt against the
Chola yoke,3 were not able to retake the city, until
the time of Uttama-Chola. The existence of two ins-
criptions of this king in the Ekambaranatba temple
at Conjeeveram * is conclusive evidence that the
city was under his sway, but how and when he got it
are points on which no information is forthcoming at
present. From a stone record of his found at Tiru-
1 An unspecified Chola record of Parakosarivarman found
at Tiruvellarai refers to Anaimer.r.unjinadevar.
2 The earliest of Krishna Ill's inscriptions in the Tamil
country is dated in his 5th year and the latest in his 30th year.
3 Parantaka II and his son Aditya II fought with Vira-
Pandya. The former styles himself 'Pandiyanai-churam-irakkina',
(who drove the Pandya into the forest,) and the latter claims to
have taken the head of Vira-Pandya. The title Madhurantaka,
assumed by Uttama-Chola shows that he had a fight with the
Pandyas.
4 Nos. 2 and 3 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for
1906.
56 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
vidaimarudiir l, we learn that his accession took
place in A.. D. 970, the very year when Krishna III
ceased to rule or died. His latest regnal year carries
us to the date of accession of his successor, the great
Rajaraja I (A. D. 985-1013). This king had a vast
scheme of conquests which he successfully worked
out and which extended the Chola dominion to a
limit unknown in the previous annals of any of the
kings of the South. The complete conquest of the
Rattas, i.e. the Rashtrakutas and the Gangas was
left to him. Rajendra-Chola I (A. D. 1011-1045),
son and successor of Rajaraja 1, followed up his
father's conquests. During his reign the Chola arms
were carried as far north as the Ganges and their
territory included Kalingarnandalam, i.e. the Circars,
Ceylon, Burma and a few islands in the Bay of
Bengal. It may be said that during the reigns
of these two kings and of their successors Raja-
kesari-Rajadhiraja I, Parakesari Rajendradeva
and Virarajendra, whose inscriptions are found in
large numbers in the vicinity of Conjeeveram, no
attempt was made to wrest this city from the Cholas.
The people quietly submitted themselves to the
Chola authority. Rajendra-Chola is said to have
transferred his capital from Tanjore to Gangai-
kondacholapuram. The Vikramangacharita of Bil-
hana informs us that, on the death of king Vira-
rajendra, there was anarchy in the Chola dominion
and that Vikramaditya VI on hearing it, went to
Conjeeveram, put down the rebellion and installed
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908, Part II, Para-
graph 53.
LATER PALLAVAS AND CHOLAS. 57
his brother-in-law on the Chola throne and returned
to his dominion on the Tungabhadra 1 . Shortly
after, the prince was murdered by his own subjects
and the way was made easy for the Eastern Chalukya
king Rajendra-Chola II (who was a grandson of the
Chola king of that name by his daughter) to obtain
the Chola dominion. He appears to have made
Conjeeveram his capital. After his accession to the
Chola throne, he changed his name to Kulottun^a
I 2. He had a Pallava feudatory in the person of
Karunakara Tondaiman who distinguished himself
in the-war against Kalinga3- We have innumerable
inscriptions in and round Conjeeveram dated in the
reigns of Kulottunga I (A.D. 1073-1122), Vikrama-
Chola (A. D. 1118 to 1135), Rajarajall (A. D. 1146-
1162) and Rajadhiraja II. The last of these is
assigned to the third quarter of the 12th century
A. D. Thus the town seems to have enjoyed the
benefit of Chola rule from the middle of the 9th cen-
tury A. D., for three centuries, but for the interrup-
tion caused by the Rashtrakuta occupation from
A. D, 945 to 970. It witnessed a change of sovereign
some time prior to A. D. 1196. But how the Cholas
came to be dispossessed of their hold on Kanchi in
the present instance is again a point on which no
information has come down to us. About the begin-
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1892, p. 5.
a Inscriptions dated prior to his 5th year call him Bajendra-
Chola.
3 This war is described fully in the Tamil work Kalin-
gattuparani and is also referred to in Kulottunga's inscriptions.
8
58 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
ning of the 13th century A. D. and even a little before
it, Chingleput and North Arcot districts were in
the possession of certain chiefs who appear to
have been of Telugu extraction. They claim
Karikala as their ancestor 1. Their records do not
inform us as to how they got Conjeeveram. But
this much is certain that Nallasiddha, the father's
elder brother of Tarnmasiddbi, whose records dated
in A.D. 1205 are found at Conjeeveram and its
neighbourhood, captured Kanchi 2. We shall soon
see the part played by the later members of this
family in the affairs of southern kings. Nallasiddha's
occupation of Kanchi appears to have taken place in
the earlier part of the reign of Kulottunga III. This
Chola sovereign (A.D. 1177 — 1215) is said to have
despatched matchless elephants, performed heroic
deeds, prostrated to the ground the kings of the
north, and entered Kauchi 3. That Kulottunga II I
captured Conjeeveram is also mentioned in some of
his stone records dated in A. D. 1201 and 1204 4.
The northern kings whom Kulottunga III is said to
have overcome before he took Kanchi, are perhaps
the Telugu-Cholas. These chiefs continued to hold
possession of Conjeeveram and the surrounding parts
even after the event, probably as feudatories of the
Chola sovereign. In the early part of the 13th
century A. D., Conjeeveram was under the sway of
1 If there is any truth in this, it can only show that
Karikala's sway was acknowledged in the Talugu districts.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 122.
3 South. Ind. Inscrs., Vol. Ill, p. 207.
* Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1905, p. 53.
LATER PALLAVAS AND CHOLAS. 59
Rajaraja HI and one of his inscriptions in the
Arulala-Perumal temple furnishes a Saka date coup-
led with his regnal year 1. According to it his
accession to the throne took place in A.D, 1216 and
this agrees with the results of Prof. Kielhorn.
During the time of Maravarman Sundara-Pandaya I
(A. D. 1216—1235), the Pandya contemporary of
Rajaraja III, strenuous efforts were made by the
Pandyas to extend their dominion. Rajaraja III
being too weak to maintain the extensive Chola em-
pire, allowed the Pandya king to burn Tanjore and
Uraiyur and to take away a portion of his territory
and distribute it among his feudatories. The Pallava
general Perunjinga, who remained submissive to
Chola rule till A. D. 1229—30, began to defy that
power soon after. He grew so powerful that he even
seized Rajaraja III and kept him in prison at Senda-
mangalam. When the news of this reached the
Hoysala king Vira-Narasimha who appears to have
been the father-in-law of Rajaraja III, he fitted out
an expedition against the rebel, defeated him in
several battles, released Rajaraja and re-established
him on the Chola throne and thus earned the title of
the establisher of the Chola kingdom \ A similar
title is also claimed by the Telugu-Chola chief Tikka
who, in the Telugu work, Nirvvackaribttararamaya-
namu, is said to have defeated Samburaja, Karnata-
Somesa and others and established the Chola king
1 Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I, p. J85.
2 The above facts are recorded in the Tiruvendipuram
inscription published in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VII, pp.
160 /.
60 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
on his throne.1 A NandalQr inscription, dated in
the 13th year of the Ohola king Virarajendra-
Chola gives the genealogy of the Telugu-Cholas
and confirms the account of the poet about
Tikka, whom it describes as ruling from Vikrama-
siugapura, i.e. Nellore, and as having captured
Kauchi and defeated Somesa at Champapuri 2. Tik-
ka's capture of Kanchi is borne out by a record of his
in the Arulala-Perumal temple dated in Saka 1156
(A. D. 1233-4) 3. The almost similar claim of the
Hoysala Narasirnha II and of the Telugu-Chola chief
Tikka to the title of the establisher of the Chola
country suggests that both of them must have
helped Rajaraja III in his difficulties and as
such it is reasonable to suppose that Narasimha
and Tikka were on friendly terms. If this were
so, it is inexplicable how Tikka claims to have
defeated Karnata Somesa and Samburaja. The
former is no doubt identical with the Hoysala
king Vira-Somesvara, the son of Narasimha II ;
and the latter, we have reason to consider, was a
feudatory of Rajaraja III.4 After he was reinstated,
1 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1900, p. 19.
2 No. 580 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for
1907. It is dated in Pingala-Samvatsara ( = A. D. 1257-8.). See
also Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908, p. 83.
3 No. 34 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1893.
4 Ammaiyappan Alagiyasolan alias Edirilis*61a Sarabu-
varayau figures as a vassal of the Chola king Rajaraja III during
the latter part of his rule (vide Nos. 59-61 and 64 of the Soiith
Ind. Inscrs., Vol. I). One of the records which mentions this
chief states that he distinguished himself unaided by others in
gaining a victory (Ibid., Vol. I, p. 38). This inscription, hpw-
ever, does not give the name of bis enemy or the place where he
LATEB PALLAVAS AND CSOLAS. 61
Rajaraja III was able to keep up a semblance of
power for nearly a decade from ( A. D. 1232 to 1242
and during this period Coujeeveram was under his
sway. lu A.D. 1242 Purunjinga again grew powerful
and was proclaimed king- Inscriptions, dated in A.D.
1252 — 62, are found in Con jeeve rain, and establish his
authority over the place. He claims to be a Pallava
and if this is true we see that after a lapse
of five centuries the Pallavas have once again esta-
blished themselves in their original capital.
For some time, Conjeeveram appears to have been
under the sway of the Kakatiyas of Warrangal.
But the exact date when it passed into their hands
and the particular circumstances which favoured
their entry into the place remain to be determined.
Suffice it to say here that the existence of an
inscription of Ganapati dated in Saka 1172 (A- D.
1249) in Conjeeveram points to the fact that
defeated him ; but it is not unlikely that this Sambuvaraya is
identical with the Sambhuraja whom the Telugu-Chola Tikka
claims to have vanquished. It is not possible to decide as to
who was the victor in this encounter and what the cause of the
quarrel was. On the other hand, we have grounds to expect
that they must have been on amicable terms because one of them
claims to have been the establisher of the Chola kingdom, while
the other actually figures as a vassal of Kajaraja III. As such,
they must have made common cause with each other. May it be
that Tikka who had helped the Chola king in the earlier years
had become a source of danger later on and merited the wrath of
a vassal of that king V The only fact in favour of this view is
the absence of Tikka's records dated later than A.D. 1233-4 and
the mention of Sambuvaraya in Bajaraja's records dated from
A. D. 1238 to 1243, as his subordinate.
62 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
already during the reign of Perunjinga the town
had been included in the territories of the Kakatlya
kings1 and was ruled by their governors. And
in the south, the Pandyas were making vigorous
attempts to extend their kingdom. Jatavarman
Sundara-Pandya 1 (A. D. 1251 to 1271), the
greatest sovereign that Madura had witnessed, claims
to have defeated the • Kakatlya king Ganapati and
to have performed the anointment of heroes and
victors at Nellore where his inscriptions are actually
found. Thus the Kakatiya hold on Kanchi was
terminated by the Pandyas. It is worthj of note that
the same Pandya sovereign claims also to have defeat-
ed another chief of Tondaimandalam viz. Ganda-
gopala whose accession took place in A.D. 1250 a.
Perunjiuga's sway was acknowledged in Conjeeveram
up to A.D. 1278-9 and then it passed into the hands of
Prataparudra3 who held it till the memorable inva-
sion of Malik Kafur which, as v/e know, took place in
A.D. 1310. A Kerala king by name Kavivarman alias
Kulasekhara, entered Kanchi in triumph and was
crowned on the banks of the river Vegavati in A- D.
1313- He boasts of conquests over Vira-Pandya and
a certain king of the north 4. The unsettled state
of the country consequent on the Mussalman in-
1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI. p. 197.
2 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1890, p. 2. This date
is obtained from three records of GaEidagopaia found in Conjee-
veram (Nos. 27, 35 and 36 of the year's collection).
3 In the Arulala-Peruma} temple there is an inscription of
this king dated in s'aka 1234 ( = A.D. 1316.)
* Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, pp. 145 /.
LATER PALLAVAS AND CHOLAS. 63
vasion and the confusion that prevailed in the land
immediately after it seem to have offered a
nice opportunity for the Kerala king to seek his
way to the place. But he was not destined to have
it long, for we find that in A.D. 1316, the
Kakatiya king Prataparudra despatched his able
general Muppidi-Nayaka to settle affairs in Conjee-
verain, which heseerns to have done by driving out
the southern usurpur and installing one Manavlra
as governor of the place '.The rule of Manavira lasted
but for a short time. The Sambuvarayas who were
vassals of the Chola kings now asserted their inde-
pendence. One of them, Venrumankonda Sambuva-
raya, seems to have been the earliest to throw off the
Chola yoke. He has left a stone record at Velur in
the North Arcot district which couples his 17th
regnal year with Pramadi-sarnvatsara. This yields
for his accession A. D. 1322. He appears to have
reigned for 18 years, i.e. until A. D. 1339 when he
was succeeded by Rajanar§.yana Sambuvaraya 2.
For him we have a date in one of the inscriptions of
the Ulagalanda-Perumal temple at Conjeeveram.
According to this, his 9th year corresponded to Saka
1268 and the Vijaya-samvatsara (=A.D. 1346). He
seems to have ruled until A.D. 1366-7. About this
time Conjeeveram passed into the hands of the Hindu
kings of Vijayanagar whose kingdom, we are informed,
was constructed on the ruins of the fallen house
of the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra which was brou-
ght to the brink of destruction by the Muham-
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 128.
2 G. O, No. 355, dated Hfch May, 1890, p. 2.
64 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
madans in the earlier part of the 14th century A.D.
Conjeeverain remained under them till almost the end
of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th and
was greatly benefited by their rule. Some of the
kings had their tulabhara ceremonies performed here
and others made munificent gifts to the place.
SECTION VI :— MUHAMMAD AN OCCUPATION OF
KANCHI.
Between the Hindu sovereigns of Vijayanagar and
the Bahmani kings of Golkonda there were constant
wars and though the effects of these were mostly felt
in the north of the Presidency, there were occasions
when the south was also shaken to its very depths.
We need recount here but a single instance when
Conjeeveram was exposed to all the horrors of an
invasion by a foreigner having the least sympathy
with the religious sentiments, social habits and the
political institutions of the people whom he had the
fortune to overrun. Even to the present day people
remember the terrible results of a Muhanimadan raid
on their country and speak with awe of the shocking
incidents that followed in its train. When they
obtained scent of such an impending danger, they
hurriedly had their effects buried underground, aban-
doned the country and lived in the neighbouring
forests or betook themselves to distant places with
their families and such objects of attachment as they
did not wish to leave behind them. This traditional
account is completely borne out by inscriptions and
books. Corroborating the same we find in the temples
of Southern India under renovation, underground cells
filled with stone and copper images, copper-plates,
MUHAMMADAN OCCUPATION OF CONJEEVEBAM. 65
etc., kept there to save them from the destructive
hands of the iconoclasts. As regards the lot that befell
Conjeeverarn early in A. D. 1481, the Muhammadan
historian Ali Bin Aziz-Ullah Tabataba gives the
following description in his Burhani Ma'asir. (While
encamped at Malur in the Mysore State), the Sultan
(Muhammad II) was informed that at a distance of
fifty farasakhs was a city called G-anja (Kanchi)
situated in the centre of the dominion of that malig-
nant one (Narasimha), containing temples which
were the wonder of the age, filled with countless
concealed treasures and jewels and valuable pearls
besides innumerable slave girls. From the rise of Islam
up to this time no Muhammadan monarch had set foot
on it, no stranger had laid hand on the cheek of that
idol temple ; and it was suggested that if the Sultan
were to send an expedition against it, immense booty
and treasure would doubtless be obtained. The Sultan
with nearly 10,000 horse made forced marches from
that place, and after they had for one day and two
nights travelled a long distance through an uneven
country, on the morning of the second day which hap-
pened to be the llth of Muharram in the year 886
(12th March A. D. 1481) the Sultan with Nizamul-
mulkBahri Khan-i-'Azam 'Adil Khan and 150 special
slaves of the Sultan, outstripped the whole army and
having surrounded the city of Kanchi, entrapped the
people of that city of sinners. Out of a number who
had been appointed for the protection of the city and
temples, some were put to the sword, whilst others
by a thousand stratagems escaped with their lires, and
took to flight. The royal troops moment by moment
and hour by hour following one another were assemb-
9
66 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
ling till a large army was collected under the Sultan's
standard. After that, at a sign from the Sultan, the
troops took to plundering and devastating. They
levelled the city and its temples with the ground and
overthrew all the symbols of infidelity and such a
quantity of jewels, valuable pearls, slaves and lovely
maidens and all kinds of rarities fell into their hands
that they were beyond computation".1
Plunder and lust, not dominion seem to have
been the object of the invader and accordingly the
town had a bitter experience of the Muhammadan
invasion. It had submitted itself more than once to
the aggressions of outsiders, but it must be said that
the treatment meted out to it in the present case was
quite different from what it had received on previous
occasions. We have seen that in the commencement
of the 6th century A. D., it was snatched away from
tnjae Pallavas by the Chola king Karikala. Instead of
plundering and devastating the town, the Chola king
beautified the place by spending an enormous quantity
of gold. In the middle of the 9th century A. D. it
again fell into the hands of the Western Chalukya
king Vikramaditya II. Though he was not permitted
to hold it long, this king is stated to have enriched
its temples by munificent presents instead of depri-
ving them of what they had already possessed. In the
third quarter of the 10th century, the Rashtrakutas
became its lords and we are not informed anywhere
that they carried away its lovely maidens or molest-
ed its innocent inhabitants. A century later the
Eastern Chalukya king Bajendra-Choja (II) (i.e.
I Ind. Ant., Vol. XXIII, pp. 289-90.
CONJEEVERAM UNDER VIJAYANAGARA KINGS. 67
Kulottunga I) occupied it and this time it had the
fortune of becoming the capital of his empire. In
all these instances, the invaders were not actuated
by low motives. And again we cannot help think-
ing that if the Muhammadans had only wished
for an extension of their dominion in Southern India
and followed up their conquest in the present instance,
they could have brought the whole of the Dekhan
under their sway because it was quite a patent fact,
which they could not have been ignorant of, that the
last kings of the first Vijayanagara dynasty were
weak and irnbecilS and their kingdom was just then in
a tottering condition. By failing to do this they lost
a nice opportunity, which never again returned to
them. The farsighted general and minister Nara-
simha saw the position clearly and in order to save
the empire from becoming a prey to the Muhamma-
dans, usurped the Vijayanagara dominion soon after
the Muhammadans had left Conjeeveram.
SECTION VII: — CONJEEVEBAM UNDER THE
VIJAYANAGARA KINGS.
The wave of destruction that passed over the city
having subsided, it soon recovered its original state
and by means of royal favour, it rose again to import-
ance. The kings of the second Vijayanagara dynasty
made additions to its structural monuments and
lavished some of their wealth by presents made to the
city. They were more than a match for the Muham-
madans whom they worsted in several encounters.
In the collection of Conjeeveram inscriptions
noticed by Mr. E. Sewell in his Lists of Antiquities
Volume I, pages 178 to 187, the following Vijayana-
68
ANCIENT DEKHAN.
gara kings are represented and the dates given for them
are noted against each. A few important facts con-
nected with them, revealed in theConjeeveraminscrip-
tions, are also mentioned at the end of the list :—
LIST OF YlJAYANAGARA KINGS.
King's Name.
Saka dates with English
equivalents of the inscrip-
tions found in Conjeeveram.
No. in Mr.
Sewell's list,
pp. 178-187.
SSyana-Udaiyar...
24th year of reign.
(121).
Kampana II
Kilaka ( = A.D. 1368), Saka
1287 (1365) and S 1222
(wrong).
(13), (48), (63)
(64), (75), (76)
(105).
Harihara II
S1300 ( = A.D. 1378) and S
1315 ( = A.D. 1393).
(82), (120).
Devaraya
S 3349 ( = A. D. 1427), S
1360 ( = A.D. 1438).
(78), (80).
Mallikarjuna
S 1H25 (wrong) and S 1380
(=*A.D. 1458).
(77), (80).
Narasimha
S 1409 ( = A.D. 1487).
(104), (108).
Krishnaraya
S 1432 = (A. D, 1510), S
1436 ( = A.D. 1514) S 1440
( = A. D. 1518) S 1451
( = A.D. 1529) and S 1452
( = A.S. 1530J.
(15), (84), (85)
(107), (220),
(228).
Achyuta
S 1451 ( = A.D. 1529), Vikrita
(=A. D. 1530), S. 1453
(=A. D. 1531). S 1454,
(1532), S 1455 ( = A.D.
1533) H. 1459 ( = A. D.
1537), S. 1461 ( = A.D 1539)
S 1463 ( = A. D. 1541) and
S 1464 ( = A.D. 1542).
(86 to 90), (103.)
(111-2), (115,6),
(122)
(J35-6), (233
to 235).
CONJEEVERAM UNDER VIJAYANAGARA KINGS. 69
LIST OF VIJAYANAGARA KINGS. — Continued.
King's Name.
Saka dates with English
equivalents of the inscrip-
tions found in Conjeeveram.
No. in Mr. Sewell's
list, pp. 178-187.
Sadasiva
Tirumala
Sriranga
Venkatapati
S 1465( = A.D. 1543), S 1474
(-A.D.1552), S1478( = A
D, 1556) S 1480 ( = A.D.
1558).
S 1494 ( = A.D. 1572). (93).
91, (92), (117)
(144), (241-3).
S 1494, 1496, 1504, 1506
( = A.D. 1572, 1574, 1582,
1584.)
S 1508, 1509, 1513, 1514,
1515,1517, 1518 and 1527
( = A.D. 1586, 1587, 1591,
1592,1593,1595,1596 and
1605).
(94), (123), (129)
(138), (221).
(19), (20), (42),
(113), (J14),
(223-5), (236),
(281).
A glance at the list shows that Conjeeveram was
under the sway of the Vijayanagara kings from
almost the middle of the 14th century A- D. to the
beginning of the 17th century. The list is by no
means exhaustive. There is no doubt that there are
many more inscriptions in the place. A few records,
not included in this list, were secured by Dr. Hultzsch
and some others were noticed by the late Rai Bahadur
Venkayya in the pages of the Madras Christian
College Magazine for 1902.
The earliest inscription in the collection before
us is that of Sayana-udaiyar. His records at Mopur
in the Cuddapah district are dated in Saka 1273
(A. D. 1351) and 1283 (A- D. 1361) and state that
he was the son of Kampana I by Mangadevi. If his
70 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
date of accession is known, the Conjeeveram inscrip-
tion will perhaps give us the latest year of his
reign.
Kainpana II is supposed to be the first Vija-
yanagara sovereign that interfered in the politics of
the southern kings and acquired dominion further
south. From other inscriptions we know that he con-
tended successfully against the Muhamniadans. Two
inscriptions of this king at Conjeeveram, secured by
Dr. Hultzch, are dated in Saka 1288 (A.D. 1366) and
Saka 1297 (A.D. 1375). The fact that Harihara II
constructed the vimana of the Kamakshi temple in
Saka 1315 (A.D. 1393) is revealed in one of the ins-
criptions of Conjeeveram and confirms the statement
in the copper-plates that he made munificent gifts
to many of the temples of the south, Kanchi in-
cluded. Two records of Bukka II found at Tiruppa-
ruttikkunru, which in ancient times formed part of
Conjeeveram, furnish us with the information that
Irugappa, the king's general and minister, built a
mandapa to the Jaina temple of Vardhamana at the
instance of his preceptor Pushpasena, in A.D. 1387.
Mallikarjuna, the last real sovereign of the first
dynasty, called also Praudhadevaraya (Nuniz's Padea
Rao), is also represented in the collection. His latest
date, so far known, is Saka 1405 (A.D. 1483). He
was soon after deposed by Narasimha his general who,
as we have already noticed, fought with theBahmani
king Muhammad II. This Narasimha has also left
a record in Conjeeveram which very probably
belongs to the first or 2nd year of his reign. The
Jaimini-Bharatam tells us that Immadi-Narasimha
decorated with precious stones the temples at Kanchi,
CONJEEVERAM UNDER VLTAYANAGARA KINGS. 71
Krishnaraya, Achyuta and Sadasiva of the second
Vijayanagara dynasty are all amply represented in the
list. One of the records of Krishnaraya registers the
gift of a golden vimana, made by him for the merit of
his father. Quite in accordance with what is stated
in the inscriptions of Krishnaraya, a native chronicle
relates that after having first settled the Dravida
country about Conjeeveram, he crushed a refractor
king in the Mysore territory/^, e., an Ummattur
chief1 . Achyuta's queen Varadadevi and his son
Venkatadri are mentioned in one of the records given
above and his southern campaigns are noticed in a few
others. Sriranga and Venkatapati of the third dynasty
had their hold on the city and the latter is known to
have had his coronation ceremony performed at Kanch
with great eclat by his spiritual guru Tatacharya.
The history of Conjeeveram has been brought
up to the beginning of the 17th century A.D. The
narrative shows that the city was the capital
of the Pallavas from the earliest times to almost
the middle of the 9th century A. D., with a
slight interruption in the beginning of the 6th century
when it passed into the hands of the Cholas but
was soon recovered; that the Cholas, who obtained
possession of it afterwards, had it under their sway
till the middle of the 13th century, if we omit the
Kashtrakuta occupation of the place for 25 years
from A. D. 945 to 970 ; that the Kakatiyas of
Warrangal and the Telugu-Chola chiefs from the
north then took the place but found competent rivals
in the rising Pandya kings of Madura ; that, conse-
1 Ep. 2nd., Vol. VII, p. 18.
72 . .ANCIENT DEKHAN.
quent on the weakness of the later Chola kings and
the confusion caused by the Muhammadan invasion
of Malik-Kafur, several feudatory families asserted
their independence ; and that the Vijayanagara
kings finally took possession of it in the 14th century
A.D. and retained it till the beginning of the 17th.
BOOK II.
THE
ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE
PANDYA COUNTRY.
SECTION I :— SOURCES.
WE TRACED the fortunes of one of the most
ancient cities of the Dekhan in the book on the early
history of Conjeeveram. There we had occasion to
notice the part played by the Pallavas, one of the
powerful dynasties of kings that wielded the destinies
of the people of a portion of Southern India, for
several centuries. In this book, we propose to sketch
the history of another old city of the south, viz.
Madura, and to give an account of the Pandyas who
were its rulers from the earliest times till a very late
period and who are, as will be shown below, a more
ancient people than the Pallavas.
Our principal sources of information are the
following : — (i). Copper-plates and stone inscriptions.
Till recently owing to the absence of early inscriptions
in Madura and other places of the Pandya territory,
historians despaired of ever being able to reconstruct
the history of this people. But fortunately the dis-
covery of the Sinnamanur copper-plates 1 and the
1 The contents of these are noticed in the Annual Report on
Epigraphy for 1907.
74 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
information furnished in the Velvikudi grant 1 remo-
ved the veil of oblivion that shrowdedthe actions of
these early sovereigns and brought them to the fore-
front. The light which the Pandya history and with
it the literature of the early Tamils has received from
these grants cannot be over-estimated. With the help
thus obtained, it is possible to assign approximate
periods to the Pandya kings referred to in the Tamil
classical works. Nearly twenty years ago, the late
Eai Bahadur Venkayya published in the Indian Anti-
quary, the Madras Museum plates of Jatilavarman.
In addition to these a number of early stone records
of the family have been obtained ; and of these, two
deserve special mention, viz. the one at Aivarmalai
and the other at Anaimalai near Madura 2.- Being
dated in Saka and Kali years, they afford valuable
help in working out the chronology of the kings
mentioned in the copper-plates noticed above. All
these furnish us with information regarding the an-
cient kings who ruled over Madura.
(ii) Secondly, the early literature of the Tamils
contains a valuable account of the Pandya kings and
this has been, to a great extent, collected by the late
Mr. Kanakasabai Pillai in his Tamils Eighteen Hund-
red Years Ago. But as that writer confined himself
to a certain period, he has left out of consideration,
as being outside the scope of his undertaking, a few
more points of information which these books supply.
1 See the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1908.
2 The Anaimalai record is published in the Epigraphia
Indica, Vol. VIII.
SOUKCES. 75
These also we shall collate, since they contain a
vivid picture of the times to which they refer and
are, therefore, very important for our purpose. In
his articles on the date and times of Nedunjeliyan l
and Karikala, 2 the author has attempted to show
the importance of some of these books, and with
the help of tbe new Pandya grants proved that they
belong to a much later period than what they have
been assigned to.
(iii). The third source of information is the
Singhalese chronicle Mahawansa. Here are found
some references to South Indian kings. We shall
have occasion to note all those references which relate
to the Pandya kings of Madura and show where they
tit in with the accounts furnished by other sources.
(iv). Inscriptions of Chola kings of the time of
Parantaka I down to Kulottunga III enable us to
determine the part played by the Pandyas in South-
ern India during the rule of these sovereigns. The
efforts of Professor Keilhorn, who showed wonderful
skill in evolving correct English equivalents from
the astronomical data found in some of the later
Pandya records of the 13th and 14th centuries, and
those of Dewan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai in the
same field 3 afford great assistance in following the
career of the Pandyas till the 15th century A.D. At
this stage, we get dated stone inscriptions for later
members who held but a limited tract of country and
who shared even this with several other claimants.
1 Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL, pp. 221 fl\
Vol. XLI, pp. U4#
3 „ Vol. XLII, June to August 1913.
76 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(v). For the history of the period immediately
preceding that mentioned in (i), we have to be content
with the notices made by several writers both Indian
and foreign. These throw a flood of light on the state
of the country, the commercial intercourse of the
people with outside nations, etc., and are valuable in
the absence of an account of the kings that reigned
during the period.
SECTION II :— REFERENCES TO THE PANDYAS
IN EARLY WORKS.
The earliest epigraphical record that bears in a
way on Southern India shows that nearly two thousand
one hundred and seventy years ago, while the Buddhist
king Asoka, whose kindly influence of love and mercy
was felt through his missionary efforts not only in India
but Europe as well, was holding the reins of Govern-
ment, his dominions included a large portion of India
and extended in the south as far as Siddhapura in
the Mysore State. The extreme south of the pen-
insula was then under the rule of a few independent
families, the principal one of which was the Pandya.
That these Pandyas formed a highly civilised race
even in much earlier periods might be gathered from
the reference in the epic of Valmiki that the monkey
soldier of Kama was directed to go to the kingdom
of the Pandya, the gates of whose city are described
as being richly embellished with gold, pearls and
jewels. The antiquity of the kingdom is further
attested to by the mention of it in some of the
Puranas and by the statement in the Mahabharata
THE PANDYAS IN EARLY WORKS. 77
that Sahadeva, the youngest of the five Pandavas
conquered the Pandya king. Professor Bhandarkar in
his able disquisition on the early history of the
Dekhan assigns Patanjali to 150 B.C., Katyayana
to 350 B.C., the Aryan settlement of the Southern
Peninsula to the period immediately following the
7th century B.C., and the grammarian Panini to the
7th century B.C. He further states that the MaJia-
bharata must have been written prior to Panini's
grammar and that the Eamayana of Valmiki is even
earlier. It is specially worthy of note that, except
Panini, all others mention the Pandyas. The descrip-
tion given of their capital in the Ramayana furnishes
us with the state of the country in the earliest times,
the taste of the people and illuminates the civilisation
of the early Tamils. The earliest derivation of the
term Pandya is to be found in the Vartikas of Katya-
yana who says that " one sprung from the individual
of the tribe of the Pandus or the king of their country
should be called a Pandya. Those who do not wish to
give an Aryan origin to the term, derive it irompandu
which means * olden times' and say that the Pandyas
were so called because they were the oldest inha-
bitants of the south. It is needless to state that Katya-
yana's view is supported by the facts that the
Pandyas are also called the Panchavar and Kauriyar
and belong to the lunar race. Though this derivation
points to the Aryan origin of this most ancient
stock of the Dravidians, no learned writer has
ever gone the length of asserting that the
Tamils had not an independent individuality of
their own which was different from that of the
78 ANCIENT DEKliAN.
Aryans. From the account which we are able to
gather of them, we see that the very genius of this
people took a different turn from that of their
northern brethren. In the glowing picture we find
of them in their works, there are clear evidences to
show that thiey were a matter-of-fact people who took
the pleasures of life as bounteous nature afforded
them and exulted in their full enjoyment. In this
character they were quite unlike the Aryans who are
represented as wrestling with nature to learn its
hidden secrets by a labyrinthine course of investiga-
.tion displaying all the subtlety of thought which
eventually resulted in the evolution of a wonderful
system of philosophy and metaphysics. In early
times when the Aryans penetrated the fastnesses
of the Dekhan and came in contact with the races of
people inhabiting it, they saw them already in pos-
session of a cultured language and a high degree of
civilisation so much so that not only were they not
able to impose upon them their own language and
culture but had to assimilate a few fresh ideas and
sentiments hitherto unknown to them. History has
impressively shown the fact that no two nations can
come in contact with each other for any length of
time without mutual influence, and the benefit deriv-
ed by the Dravidian races through the Aryan
contact was the absorption into their language of
words expressing abstract ideas of philosophy,
religion and science. The Aryan emigration in
successive generations gradually modified the life of
the southern race and moulded or rather remodelled
its religion.
THE PANDYAS IN EARLY WORKS. 79
There is a tendency now-a-days to trace every
thing Indian to what was in use in the country of
Magadha at the time of Asoka and this in the case
of the Dravidian alphabets is to be discouraged. Of
course points of resemblance between any two charac-
ters could be made out by a stretch of the imagina-
tion and this alone cannot be sufficient authority to
warrant the advancement of a theory that one was
borrowed from the other. If, as some think, even
the very alphabets of the Tamils were derived from
the Asokan, it becomes impossible to account for the
development of a separate Tamil language able to
stand by itself without the help of the other. Again
the recent discoveries in the Tamil country, especially
in the territory of the Pandyas, of a number of lithic
records dating back to the time of Asoka and some-
times even earlier, show that the Tamils were
acquainted with the art of writing as early as their
northern compeers. It is not contended here that
the script in which these lithic records are engraved
is the parent of the Tamil alphabet. It is reasonable
to suppose that the Tamils and the Aryans derived
their alphabets from a common stock and developed
them in their own way, just as they had done in the
case of their language and culture. The South had
earlier opportunities of coining in contact with
civilized nations such as those of Persia, Egypt etc.,
which the North had not ; and it is but natural that
they should have borrowed their alphabets from any
one of them, if borrowing is to be admitted. The close
similarity between the Vatteluttu and the Sussanian
perhaps indicates a Persian origin of the Dravidian
80 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
alphabet, though it is not at present clear when they
got it l.
The Singhalese chronicle Maliawansa states
that Vijaya, the first king of Ceylon landed in the
island on the very day of the nirvana of Buddha, i.e.
about B. C. 478. 'He married a daughter of the
Pandya king to whom he was sending annually rich
presents. If there is any truth in this, it shows that
the Pandya kingdom is earlier than Ceylon. The
Greek ambassador Megasthenes, writing in the 3rd
century B.C., gives a curious account of the origin of
the Pandya kingdom. He states : — " Next came the
Pandoe, the only race in India ruled by women.
They say that Herakles having but one daughter,
who was on that account all the more beloved,
endowed her with a noble kingdom. Her descend-
ants ruled over 300 villages and commanded an army
of 150,000 foot and 500 elephants." There is no
doubt that the Greek ambassador has given us a
distorted version of a legend concerning the founda-
tion of the Pandya territory. It is believed by
some that the Yadavas after their fall in Gujarat
came to Southern India and settled in the extreme
south of the peninsula and founded the city of
Madura. 2
BUDDHISM IN THE PANDYA COUNTRY.
There are a number of early Buddhist remains
of the 2nd century B.C.. scattered over different
parts of the Pandya country. They consist of
1 Madras Manual of Administration, p. 49.
2 Dutt'a Ancient Hindu Civilisation, p. 219.
THE PANDYAS IN EARLY WORKS. 81
natural caverns which present a noble outlook and
afford a cool resort for mendicants to meditate on
the deity. They are sufficiently removed from villages
to be free from the disturbing influences of life. At
the time when these were occupied by recluses, they
appear to have been provided with railings and other
protective works raised in front to shield the monks
from exposure to the inclemencies of the weather.
The rock-cut beds in these caverns, which sometimes
amount to two or three dozens, determine the number
of their occupants. When the large collection of
inscriptions secured from these caverns are deciph-
ered, they will reveal the names of the mendicants
who once occupied them.
It is enough to mention here that Buddhism
counted thousands of followers in the Pandya country
in the 2nd century B. C. and that the spread of that
religion was mainly due to the Singhalese mission-
aries. There are grounds for thinking that even in ear-
lier periods the Pandyas must have known the tenets
of the new faith through their intercourse with the
island which dates from the 4th century B. C. For
a more detailed account of Buddhism in the Pandya
country, we would refer the reader to a contribu-
tion on the origin and decline of Jainism and
Buddhism, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL.
11
82 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
• SECTION III :— ROMAN INTERCOURSE WITH
SOUTHERN INDIA FROM THE FIRST CENTURY
B. C. TO THE SIXTH CENTURY A. D. 1.
We now pass on to trace the relationship of the
Pandyas with the civilised nations of the west
especially with .Rome, in the early centuries of the
Christian era. As the records relating to the Pandya
kings prior to the 6th century A. D. are completely
wanting in their own country, we are obliged to look
for information from external sources. The first in
this direction is to be found in the writings of the
Greek and Roman historians and geographers. The
account which they have recorded is only second
hand, having been obtained from the navigators
of the ancient seas who could not have cared
much for the accuracy of the information which
they furuished to their countrymen at home.
But in the absence of all other sources, they
are entitled to a notice here. Except in rare instan-
ces of invasion by foreign aggressive sovereigns,
Northern India had less opportunities of coming in
contact with outside nations than the South which
had several ancient ports regularly visited by ships
from Greece, Egypt, Rome, Persia, Arabia and China.
Egyptian sailors had the benefit of Indian trade up to
the time of its conquest by Rome which took place
during the reign of Augustus in about B.C. 30. Till
then Rome had no direct communication with India
but Indian products were received in Italy through
1 The account given in this section is based on Mr. Edgar
Thurston's Coins of the Madras Museum, Catalogue No. 2 and
the information of the Roman historians.
ROMAN INTERCOURSE WITH SOUTHERN INDIA. 83
Egypt. From the time of the firsfRoman Emperor,
however, Eonian vessels regularly touched the ports
of Southern India for commercial purposes and more
articles began to be carried to their country. This
kind of busy intercourse between the two nations last-
ed till almost the beginning of the 6th century A- D.,
when the mighty Roman empire became a prey to the
Teutonic races who established independent kingdoms
in Italy and elsewhere. The abundant finds of gold
and silver coins throughout Southern India of almost
all the Roman Emperors from Augustus to Zeno
furnish us with links with the past of a kind that we
look for in vain in the written records of the East or
the West. They afford conclusive proof of the long
maintained commercial relationship between the two
countries and supplement to a great extent the scraps
of information supplied by the Roman historians.
The principal ports of Southern India frequented by
the Roman vessels are mentioned by the ancient
geographers and Mr. Kanakasabai Pillai has identi-
fied them in his Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago.
He was best fitted to do this both on account of his
thorough mastery of the Tamil works and of his visit
to almost all parts of the Presidency. We, there-
fore, omit to go over the same ground here. Tamil
literature and Roman historians are at one in
stating that in ancient times ships were propelled
by the wind. Maduraikkanchi has : — "Big ships
with flying sails attached to long posts, propelled
by the wind blowing on the sheets which became
bent on that account, brought to the Pandiyan
territory wealth-yielding articles of merchandise
64 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
for consumption by the people of the inland
districts." The following extract from a Koman
historian confirms the statement herein made : —
"Every year about the time of the summer sols-
tice, a fleet of an hundred and twenty vessels
sailed from Mois Harrnos, a port of Egypt on the
Ked Sea. By the periodical assistance of the mon-
soons, they traversed the ocean in about forty days
to reach the ports of India or of Ceylon. The ships
returned with rich cargo which, as soon as they were
transported on the back of camels from the Red Sea
to the Nile and descended the river as far as Alexan-
dria, was poured without delay into the capital of
the Roman empire." We are credibly informed that
there was considerable demand in the western world
for pepper, ginger, cinnamon and in short for the
whole tribe of aromatics. Besides, the fancy which
the Romans had for diamonds, pearls, jewels and silk
was so great that they were prepared to pay any
price for them. Attracted by the hundredfold gain
which trade with the east promised in those days,
several people took to navigation, nothing daunted
by the labour and risk involved in it. The
articles enumerated above were mostly supplied
by the Pandya and Chera territories which pro-
duced an abundance of them. Kumari, Korkai,
Kayal and the Pamban yielded an enormous
quantity of pearls the sale of which and also some of
the aromatics which were grown largely in the hills
bordering the Travancore State, gave the Pandyas
their wealth in ancient times. In the beginning of
the Christian era the splendour of the oriental traffic
ROMAN INTERGOUBSE WITH SOUTHERN INDIA. 85
loomed large in the eyes of the Romans themselves.
In their estimation, pearl received the first rank after
diamond. Roman women considered it a luxury to
wear garments of silk a pound of which was obtained
in exchange for a pound of gold. Jewels made of
pearls and other precious gems were largely obtained
from Southern India to satisfy the craving of the
Roman ladies for ornaments which followed in the
wake of the conquest of the east. We learn further
that aromatics were largely used in religious worship,
in funerals and in sharpening their palate even on
ordinary occasions. The Pandya country was one
among those which met the demand of the Romans
in this direction. The Tamil classical works ex-
pressly state that pearls, jewels and aromatics were
exported in large quantities from the Pandya
territory1 . The Romans set a very high value on
beryl, a precious gem of sea-green colour exported
from the beryl mines of Padiyur in the Coirnbatore
district, which even as late as 1819-20 supplied sixty
seers of the gem valued at £ 1,200. These were
probably exported from the ports of the western
coast. As regards the drain on the Roman treasury,
consequent on the craving of the times, we are
informed that it was a complaint worthy of notice by
the Senate that in the purchase of female ornaments
the wealth of the state was irrecoverably given away
to foreign nations. Pliny observes that the Indian
commodities were sold at Rome at a hundred times
their original price and he computes the annual loss
at upwards of eight lakhs of pounds sterling. The
-I Ind. Ant., Vol. XL. p. 229.
ANCIENT DEKHAN.
loss of the one was a gain to the other. We thus
get an idea of the profitable trade which South-
ern India kept up with Rome. If we could have
a similiar statement respecting the annual trade
amount of Egypt, Persia, Arabia and China with
India, we could obtain a very fair estimate of the
gain which Southern India derived by its com-
mercial intercourse with these nations in ancient
times. If it is remembered that there was not a
proper outlet for the immense wealth which Southern
India was hoarding by this means for five or six
centuries as will be shown below, we can easily
account for the fact that despite the want of natu-
ral sources of gold in the country, the south was
remarkable for the possession of fabulous quanti-
ties of that metal as is revealed to us by numerous
epigraphical records and as also attested to by the
Muhamrnadan historians. At this stage we propose
to give a list of Roman sovereigns represented by
their coins in South India. They are : —
Kings.
Date.
Places where their coins
were found and when.
I Augustus
I a Drusus (Senior).
] b Antonia (wife
of la)
I c Germanicus
II Tiberius
B. C. 44-14
A.D.
B. C. 8
A.D. 14-37.
Pollacbchi (1888), Veilalur
(1842), and Karur
' (1878).
Veilalur (1842), Kalaya-
muttur (1856).
Karur (1806).
Veilalur (1842).
Poljachchi (1800), Karur
(1806 and 1878), Veila-
lur (1842) Cannanore
ROMAN INTERCOURSE WITH SOUTHERN INDIA. 87
Kings.
Date.
Places where their coins
were found and when.
(1851), Kalayamuttur
(1856).
Ill Caligula'
37-41
Vellalur (1842), Kalaya-
muttur (1856).
IV Claudius
41-54
Karur (1806), Vellelur
(1842), Kalayamuttur
(1856).
V Nero
54-66
Cannanore (1851), Kalaya-
muttur (1856).
VI Vespesian „„
69-79
Kistna (1888).
VII Domitian
81-96
Madura, Kalayamuttur
(1856), Kistna (1888),
VIII Nerva
96-98
Kalayamuttur (1856).
IX Trajan
98-117
Nellore (1787), Cuddapah
(1838) and Kalayamut-
tur (1856).
X Hadrian
117-138
Kalayamuttur (1856),
Kistna (1888).
XI Antonious Pius
138-161
Kistna (1888), Sholapur
(1840),
XII L. Verus
died 169
Kistna (1888).
XIII Marcus Aurelius
161-180
Do.
XIV Commodius ...
180-193
Kalayamuttur (1856),
Sholapur (1840), Kistna
(1888).
XV Severus
193-211
Sholapur (1840).
XVI Caracalla
211-212
Kistna (1888).
XVII Geta
212-217
Sholapur (1840).
XVIII Alex Severus ...
222-235
Kistna (1888).
XIX Canstantinus ...
323-337
Karur.
XX Julianus
361-363
XXI Velentian
364-375
Elliot's Collection.
XXII Theodosius
393
Elliot's and Tracy's
and Eudocia
Madura Collection and
Seven Pagodas.
XXIII Honorious
*ir\ f j c\ n \
and Arcadus
XXIV Constans II
XXV Zeno
395-408)
421
474-491
Scott's Collection.
Madura (Tracy's).
Elliot's Madura Collection.
88 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
The list is by no means exhaustive. The coins
that must have been consigned to the melting pot
cannot now be estimated and there is no knowledge
as to what kings were represented in them. The
first name in the list is that of Augustus who was the
first Emperor of Rome after the constitution of the
second Republic. About his conquest of Egypt
which threw open direct commercial intercourse with
India we have already remarked. Even Drusus and
Germanicus who did not; succeed him on the throne
are represented in the collections above catalogued.
They were admitted into the equestrian order and
entrusted with the command of large armies under
Augustus who, it appears, permitted the issue of
coins in their names. Their coins found in Southern
India are remarkable for their beauty as containing
the nice figureheads of Antonia and Agrippina. Dr.
Caldwell has shown that the Indian ambassador who
visited the court of Augustus was probably sent by
the Pandya king of the day. Fourth in the list is
Claudius. During his reign the island of Ceylon
was discovered by the Roman navigators and ever
since its discovery it formed one of their principal
marts in the east. The island was known to the
Romans under the name of Taprobane which is an
almost unaltered form of Tambapanni, the name
given to it in the Singalese chronicle Dlpavansa.
It is said that Claudius received ambassadors from
India and Ceylon. Coins of Trajan are numerous in
the South Indian finds- The reason for this is not
far to seek. He had a highly prosperous reign during
which he undertook an expedition against the east.
ROMAN INTERCOURSE WITH SOUTHERN INDIA. 89
Driving before him the degenerate Parthians he crossed
the river Tigris, entered Arabia and pillaged its princi-
pal ports. For once we hear of a Roman Emperor
entering the Persian gulf with a large fleet bent on
conquering the nations of the Orient. He vainly
boasted that he reached the borders oj: India. The
next sovereign but one i.e., Antoninus Pius is said
to have received an Indian ambassador in his Court;
but it is not known by whom he was sent. Eighteenth
in the list is Alexander Severus (A. D. 222-235). A
perusal of the catalogue of the Indian commodities,
which has come down to us as being subject to the
payment of duty during his time, clearly shows that
trade with Southern India was maintained unabated
till the third century A.D. So far our coins have
taken us without even a single break through all the
emperors from the time of Augustus. The list is so
perfect that one is inclined to believe that these
coins were found perhaps in the cabinet of some coin
collector instead of their having been introduced for
commercial purposes. We note here the big gap of
over a hundred years after Alexander Severus which
suggests a temporary abeyance of trade between
Rome and Southern India ; and this is perhaps to be
explained by the fact, that soon after the reign of
that emperor, the Roman Empire was in a pre-
carius condition, owing to the insurrections which
broke out in almost all the provinces and the barba-
rian invasions of Italy on all sides, so much so that
trade was naturally interfered with. When order and
good Government were restored in Rome, trade with
India seems to have revived. Accordingly, we find
13
90 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the coins of Constantinus in the collection. Hereafter
the list is not so complete as before. But even here
we should not fail to mention two names in particular,
viz. Julianus and Zeno. In A.D. 362 when the
former was emperor, ambassadors from India and
Ceylon again visited Rome, taking with them large
presents. Zeno's coins carry us to almost the end of
the Roman Empire. With the help of these shining
tiny little bits, we have followed the commercial
relationship between Rome and Southern India from
the time of Augustus i.e., a little before the Christian
era to the end of the fifth century A.D. What is
here said generally about Southern India is applicable
to the Pandya country in particular.
Now, a few observations of some of the autho-
rities who have had the opportunity of examining
these coins immediately after they were unearthed,
deserve to be noted. In several of the finds, the
coins disclosed an excellent state of preservation just
as if they had been directly issued from the mint.
This state of things indicates thav they had not
suffered damage by long circulation. Again the coins
are not only found in the coast towns but are also
met with in inland places. Most of them are excel-
lently shaped in the purest gold and are remarkable
for the .beauty of the design and neat execution.
Many of the heads are of striking individuality.
Instances of attempts at perforating them for
use as ornaments are not wanting and afford
sufficient testimony of their having been worn
as jewels. In spite of this fact, the large number
of coins discovered in each find, which some-
HISTORICAL VALUE OF ANCIENT TAMIL WORKS. 91
times amounted to several thousands, cannot but
lead us to believe that they must have formed part
of the currency of the country. It is particularly
worthy of note that so far no native coin of any
Dravidian king ascribable to the period preceding
the tenth century A. D. has been brought to light.
Does not this circumstance lend support to the view
herein expressed, since the people should of necessity
have had a medium of exchange ? Added to this, the
Tamil inscriptions give direct evidence on the point
when they state that the Roman dinar and drachm
had been in use among the Dravidians. One other
point deserves to be mentioned. A large number of
copper coins had been found in the Madura district
and this is accounted for by Mr. Sewell and Dr. Cald-
well who argue that there was probably a Roman
colony stationed in the extreme south of the
Peninsula. So far as we are aware no serious
objections have been put forth against the acceptance
of this view.
SECTION IV:— THE TAMIL CLASSICAL WORKS
AND THEIR VALUE FOR HISTORICAL
PURPOSES DISCUSSED.
In the absence of purely historical works in
South Indian literature much importance is naturally
attached to the Tamil classical works such as
Purananuru, Pattuppattu Padirruppattu, the com-
mentary on Iraiyanar Agapporul and the like which
furnish abundant materials for constructing the
political history of the ancient Dekhan, There
02 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
is no doubt that these poetical works contain
really trustworthy accounts of early kings of Sou-
thern India and present facts as they occurred,
though they never throw light as regards the time
when they lived or how long they reigned. The
student is, therefore, confronted with difficulties when
he attempts to arrange the kings mentioned in these
works in some chronological order because the authors
did not care to leave behind them even a hint from
which it may be possible to form conjectures as regards
the probable period when they flourished- But the
way in which these poems are written seems to
indicate that the writers cared more for presenting
real facts than for a display of their imaginativeness ;
for truly these interesting pieces of the ancient Tamils
are completely void of all poetical embellishments
which we find in the later day works. They are
written in an ornate style of Tamil by contem-
porary bards and record the deeds of ancient kings
in whose honour they are composed and do not fail
to give us a true picture of the country as seen by
them, so much so that some of their faithful descri-
ptions could be verified even at the present day.
Our opinion about them is that they can very favour-
ably compare with the notes put down by Fa Hian
and Hiuen Tsiang and are invaluable helps for the
history of the times to which they relate. In this
connection we would refer the readers to the minute
description of the manners, customs and habits of the
people of various castes, callings and professions, that
inhabited the several districts of the ancient Pallava
dominion, furnished in the Perumbanarruppadai of
HISTORICAL VALUE OF ANCIENT TAMIL WORKS. 93
Kadiyalur Rudrangannanar to whom may indeed be
adjudged the highest place among the early Tamil
poets.
As has been remarked already, the dates when
these poems were composed are not given anywhere.
To settle this question with any amount of probabi-
lity, we are naturally forced to look for information
from external sources. Even in this direction, there
was not much to help us till recently. The discovery
of the Sinnamanur plates and the information sup-
plied in the Velvikudi grant of the Pandya kings
have placed a lot of reliable matter before the earnest
student of ancient history, and a careful examination
of their contents is sure to enable him to arrive at a
satisfactory solution which has all along been sought
for in vain. The previous scarcity of -materials
served only to mislead inquirers.
The credit of a critical analysis of all the ancient
Tamil works and of laying bare the historical matter
contained in them belongs to the late Mr. Kanaka-
sabai Pillai. By a study of the various texts which
deal with the kings of Southern India, he has made
out a genealogy of the three great dynasties that held
sway over parts of the Dekhan in ancient times. But
following the track of the Honourable Mr. Komara-
sawmy, who pointed out that Gajabahu mentioned in
the Slappadigaram must be identical with Gajabahul
of Ceylon who ruled from A.D. 135, he assigned dates
to the kings mentioned in the classical poems which
do not appear to be correct as they are not borne
out by the facts brought to light by recent researches-
94 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Dr. Hultzsch suspected this long ago and the late
Mr. Venkayya shared the same view.
Many others also hold that the kings celebrated
in these poems must be assigned to the 2nd century
A. D. Writers on the early history of India general!}
adopt the date arrived at by Mr. K. Pillai for the
Tamil works. It is high time, therefore, to review
the whole position, briefly though it be, as it is neces-
sary for our present purpose to assign approximate
dates to a few of them.
But before doing so, it is necessary to make
an observation as regards the kings and bards noticed
in these works. We are led to believe that till the
time of Perundevanar, the reputed author of the
Tamil Mahabharata which is popularly ascribed to
the period of the last Sangam, these poems, written
at various times, remained as stray pieces- The
credit of collecting them is due to Perundevanar.
Not only did he collect them together, which by
itself was an important service, but he added an
introduction and perhaps also supplied an annotation
with a short account, at the end of each piece as to
when, by whom and in whose honour it was composed.
We are directly concerned here with the account fur-
nished by him of the kings and bards. Perundevanar's
time is known to us by the mention in his work of
his patron, the Pal lava king Tellarrerinda Nandipota-
varman whom we may identify with Nandivarman JII,
the grandson of Nandivarman Pallavamalla. He
appears, therefore, to belong to the beginning of the
9th century A.D. For historical purposes, we can at
HISTORICAL VALUE OF ANCIENT TAMIL WORKS. 95
best regard literary evidence as second rate ; and, if
it is remembered, that we are to make use of certain
additional information about the kings which the
bards themselves did not supply, it will be evident
that we must be all the more cautious in utilising it.
But though the authenticity of this information may
be called in question, yet as the person who supplied
it was not far removed in point of time from the poets
and kings, we may safely presume that popular tradi-
tion, as current at the time when the poarns were
written, is accurately reflected in his annotations. Or
it may even be that Pemndevanar found in the very
manuscripts before him the information which he has
given us.
For purposes of history we can freely adopt the
accounts given in Purananuru, Pattappattu, Padir-
rupattu etc- These poems have been edited in an
admirable way by Mahamahopadyaya V. Swami-
nathier who gives now and then short notices of Again
which has not yet appeared in print. Altough Silap-
padigaram and Manimegalai are classed among tbe
Sangam works, serious doubts may justly be entertain-
ed as to whether they speak of contemporary kings
and events ; and therefore great caution is necessary
before utilising wholesale the materials contained in
them. Several savants of Tamil literature would not
like this remark. But all the same we wish to
record here our reasons for holding this position.
The two works in question contain a romantic
account of a certain Kannagi famed for chastity
and of Manimegalai, the daughter of a hetaira
of Kannagi's husband Kovalan. Enraged at the
96 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
unreasonable murder of her husband, Kannagi
miraculously sets fire to the city of Madura where-
upon the Pandya king struck down by remorse for
the unjust act kills himself. A heavenly palanquin
is seen to descend to earth to carry Kannagi to the
abode of the gods. The people who observed this,
erected a shrine for her worship and this was at
once followed by the initiation of the same worship
in other countries both in and out of India. The
romantic nature of the story will not fail to
strike any one at the very outset. Under the
circumstances it cannot be granted that it relates to
contemporary events. On the other hand it would
be natural to view the legend as a story spun out
by the poets, if not wholly from their imagina-
tion, at least with liberal addition to traditional
beliefs extant at the time, of events long past. Is it
possible, we ask, that a person however virtuous he
or she may be, would be invested with divinity even
at the very moment of death ? In our opinion, which
we are sure will be shared by many, the story of the
person should have remained in the memory of the
people for a long time before any halo of divinity
could gather round it. It passes one's comprehen-
sion to imagine that people should have set about
erecting a temple for a heroine at or soon after the
time of her death. We would ask further how long it
would have taken for her fame not only to spread but
to strike such deep root in other countries as to cause
her image to be enshrined in costly temples. In this
connection the reader will bear in mind that she was
neither a royal personage nor a religious prophetess.
HISTORICAL VALUE OF ANCIENT TAMIL WORKS. 97
In all probability, if the story is due to a develop--
ment of events taken from life, it must have been
written long after Karmagi had been deified. As
such we cannot assume the contemporaneousness of
the kings mentioned in these works with the date of
their composition. Our view is that f.he authors,
not knowing the time when the kings mentioned by
them individually flourished have treated persons
belonging to different ages as contemporaries and
thus brought together a Gajabahu, a Nedunjeliyan
and a Karikala as living at the same time. By
conclusive evidence it has been shown elsewhere
that the last two kings should have lived at least
a century apart. And we would further point
out here that Mr. Kanakasabai Pillai's identi-
/
fication of Nurrangaunan mentioned in the Silappa-
digaram with Satakarni is entirely untenable,
because there is no warrant for the reading
Satakarni of the name Satakarni which we find in all
inscriptions and coins- Though attempts at tran-
slating proper names are not quite uncommon, yet
it would seem that in this cise Nurranganuan is not
a translation of Satakarni. If the Tamil name was
the result of perfect translation we should have
expected Nurrangadan instead. No foreigner has ever
dealt with proper names in this fashion. We have
the mention of Indian kings and geographical places
by Greek and Roman writers and by the Chinese
pilgrims who visited India. We may note that none
of them has adopted the novel method. And again it
is a wonder that a similar attempt at translation was
not made in the case of the other name Gajabahu
13
98 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
into Yanaikkai. We would farther state that if you
examine carefully the contents of Manimegalai, you
find mentioned in this work, assigned to the second
century A.D., systems of belief and philosophy that
could not have struck root till the eighth century.
The honourable Dewau Bahadur L. D. Swami-
kannu Pillai very kindly furnishes the following note
on the question of the date of Silappadigaram and
Chintamani : —
" As regards the date of composition of Silappa-
digaram I have found that the details given by
Adiyarkunallar in nadukankadai and the prophecy
about " adi-ttingal arirul pakkattit alalser kuttat-
t-attami nanru ve\\\-varattu" etc. are satisfied in only
one year between A.D. 1 and A.D. 1300, i.e., A.D.
756- Similarly I have quite recently found that the
details given in Jlakachiutamani in Gandaruva-
tattaiyarilambagam (text regarding the Muhurtham
for construction of Kanakkidanga and commentary
by Nachchinarkiuiyar on the 1st verse) are correct
for only one year, A. D. 813.
" In either case the actual composition of the
poems may have followed the respective dates by 60
to 80 years the ordinary period for which Pan-
changas are preserved. My view is that the poets
could have obtained the details only from a con-
temporary panchanga, if indeed they did not find
the details in the materials used by them for the
poems. In the case of Jivakachintarnani there were
materials on hand.
/
''The interval between this composition of Silap-
padigaram and Chintamani was only about 60 or 70
GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY PANDYAS- 99
years or at most about 150 years not 700 years as
supposed by Kanakasabai Pillai and others."
We can safely accept Mr. Swarnikannu Pillai's
date, A-D. 756 for Silappadigaram. Still, we cannot
but maintaiu that the matter contained in this and
other works of a similar nature is useless for purposes
of history- If we are asked to explain further why
we adopt the accounts furnished in Purananuru and
Pattuppattu as come down to us from the hand of
Perundevanar, — an author who cannot be said to
have lived earlier than the date (A.D. 756) assigned
to Silappadigaram — we would say that Perundevanar
stands in the high position of au editor of some older
and trustworthy historical documents of great merit,
while the authors of Silappadigaram and other
similar works appear before us as mere story-tellers
and that their compositions are full of improbabilities,
impossibilities and inconsistencies.
SECTION V.— GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY
PANDYAS.
We now proceed to notice the kings mentioned
in the Tamil classical works and to state their
probable periods. But as most of them could be
fitted into the genealogy of the Pandyas mentioned
in copper-plates, it is better to give their pedigree
here and then discuss the facts connected with each
king. As already stated, our principal sources of
information in this direction are the two sets of
copper-plates from Sinnamanur, the Madras Museum
plates of Jatilavarman, land the Velvikudi grant of
100 ANCIENT DEKHAN,
Nedunjadaiyan. The kings mentioned in these are
indicated in the following four tables : —
I.— MADRAS MUSEUM PLATES OF JATILA-
VARMAN.
(1) Maravarmau, the destroyer of the Pallavas.
I
(2) Jatilavarman ; fought the battle of Vinnam, Seliyakkudi
and Ve!|ur ; put to flight Adiyan and his allies, the
Pallava and the Kerala, at Ayirur, Pungajiyur and
Ayiraveli ; defeated the Western Kongu king ; destroyed
Vilinam and subdued the king of Van.
II.— SMALLER SINNAMANUR PLATES.
(1) Jayantavarman.
(2) Arikesari Asarnasaman Alamghyavikrama Akalakala
Maravarman ; performed hiranyagarbha and gosahasra
and tulabhara ceremonies.
I
; fought the battle of Marudur.
III.r-BIGGER SINNAMANUR PLATES.
(1) Arikesari Parankuya Maravarman ; conquered
the Pallavas.
I
(2) Jatila
' I
(3) Rajasimha
(4) Varaguna — Maharaja
, I '
(5) Srimara Srivallabha Parachakrakolahala
r i
(6) Varagunavarman. (7) Parantaka Vlranarayana
(ascended the throne in A.D. Sadaiyan
862) I
(8) Bajasimha II Maravarman
GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY PANDYAS. 101
IV— VELVIKUDI GRANT.
(1) Pandya Palyagasalai Mudukudumi Peruvaludi
: Kalabhra inter-regnum
(2) Kadungon
I
(3) Maravarman
I ,
(4) Seliyan Sendan
(5) Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman ; fought the battle of
Nelveli : performed tuldbhara and hiranyagarbha
ceremonies.
. I
(6) Sadaiyan ; fought the battle of Marudur.
(7) Ter-Maran ; defeated the Pallavas, married a Ganga princess
| and subdued Malakongam.
(8) Parantaka Nedunjadaiyan (A.D. 770.)
We shall first consider the bigger Sinnamanur
plate. It was issued in the second year opposite the
fourteenth of the reign of Rajasimha, who is stated
to have fought with the king of Tanjore. As Chola
copper-plates inform us that Parantaka I (A.D. 907-
953) defeated a Pandya contemporary of his, named
Rajasimha, we can assign the bigger Sinnamanur
plates to the lObh century A.D. It may be said here
that the script in which the record is engraved does
not militate against this conclusion. Another point
in favour of this identification is contained in the fact
that Varagunavarman, whose accession took place in
A.D. 862, figures in the genealogy as the uncle of
this Rajasimhfl, and therefore not far removed from
him in point of time- We may note also that the
date of accession of Varagunavarman will yield for
Jatilar a date falling somewhere about the third quar-
ter of the 8th century A.D. This suggests that the
102 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
latter might be identical with the king of that name
whose record, dated in A.D. 770, has been found in
the cave temple of Narasimha at Anaimalai in the
Madura district. Now we shall see where this genea-
logy fits in with that furnished in the Tamil portion
of the Velvikudi grant which was issued in the third
year of the reign of Parantaka alias Nedunjadaiyan
(i.e., Jatila). It records that the king's minister was
the Vaishnava saint Madhurakavi. The mention of
the two names of the king and of his minister con-
clusively proves that he is none other than the king
mentioned in the Anaimalai inscriptions which also
furnish the same names. It is thus evident that he
is identical with Jatila the fourth ancestor of Vara-
gunavannan. The combined genealogy of the bigger
Sinnamaniir plates and Velvikudi grant as given by
the late Rai Bahadur Venkayya, who has fully dis-
cussed their contents,1 is as follows : —
TABLE V.
(1) Palyagasalai Mudukudumi Peruvaludi
: Kalabhra infcer-regnum
(2) Kadungon.
'I
(3) Maravarman
c I 't
U) Seliyan Sendan
. I
(5) Ariktisari Asamasaman Maravarman
, I
(6) Sadaiyan Banadhiran -
I
(7) Ter-Maran
I '
i Annual Report on Epigraphy, for 1908.
GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY PANDYAS. 103
(8) Nedunjadaiyan
(9) Eajasimha
I
(10) Varagurxa — Maharaja
; i ,
(11) Srimara Srivallabha
(12) Varagunavarman (13) Paranbaka Viranarayana Sadaiyan
I
(14) Bajasimha
There is one other way of viewing the infor-
mation supplied by the two sets of documents and
it consists in supposing that Varagtina-Maharaja of
the bigger Sinnamanur plates is identical with
Nedunjadaiyan of the Velvikudi grant. True that in
this case we could avoid introducing into the
genealogy a Rajasimha and a Varaguna about whom
nothing is known. But the strongest objection to
such an identification is that we have only a single
sovereign between Nedunjadaiyan of about A. D. 770
and Varangunavarman who ascended the throne in
A. D. 862 and we are obliged to give him a reign of
nearly one hundred years which is absurd on the
very face of it. The only possible way of identifying
the kings mentioned in the two sets of copper-
plates is that presented here as table V l.
A word may now be said as regards the kings
mentioned in the smaller Sinnamanur and the Madras
Museum plates. Both appear to have been issued
in the reign of one and the same king as is
evidenced by the fact that they are both engraved by
i A. K< for 1908 p.
104 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
a certain Arikesari the son of Perumbanaikkaran.
Wbile the Museum plates give only two members of
the Pandya family, viz. Maravarman and Jatila, we
have reasons to believe that the smaller Sinnamanur
plates contained more names of which the earliest
two are preserved, viz. Jayantavarman and Arikesari
Maravarmau. Regarding the successor of the second,
the plates report that he fought the battle of Maru-
dur. Neglecting for a moment the palaeography of
the records, we see that in the combined genealogy
obtained from the bigger Sinnamanur and the
Velvikudi plates, these three names could be identi-
fied with Nos. (4), (5) and (6) who are respectively
called Sendan, Maravarman and Sadaiyan. It may
be remarked that the name Jayanta is the Sanskri-
/
tised form of the Tamil Senda and of the last
member the Velvikudi plates state, like the smaller
Sinnamanur grant, that he fought the battle of
Marudur. The two kings mentioned in the Madras
Museum plates may perhaps be identified with Nos.
(7) and (8) of table V because as in the Velvikudi
grant, the Museum plates give the names and
surnames of the king, in whose reign they were issued,
to be Parantaka, Nedunjadaiyan, Pandttavatsala,
Virapuroga, Vikramaparaga and Srivara. The above
consideration shows that the missing plate or plates
in the smaller Sinnamanur set should have contained
three names including that of the victor of Marudur,
if it is to be admitted that the engraver of this set, viz.
Arikesari son of Perumbanaikkaran, is the same person
who is stated to have written the Madras Museum
plates. We are thus led to suppose that the Madras
GENEALOGY OF THE EARLY PANDYAS. 105
Museum plates and the Velvikudi grant were issued
in the same reign, the first in the seventeenth year
and the second in the third year of Nedunjadaiyan's
rule, the interval of time being fourteen years. The
earlier grant was engraved by Yuddhakesari Perum-
banaikkaran while the later was written by Arikesari,
son of Perumbanaikkaran. We might suppose that
the former was the father of the latter. If the
Velvikudi grant and the Madras Museum plates were
issued in the same reign, it may be asked why the
former omits to mention the several battles noticed
in the latter. This is quite easy to answer and the
reply consists in the fact that the former grant was
issued in the third year of reign when the king had
not fought the battles. In favour of the identity, it.
might be further said that, while the Velvikudi grant
states that the father of Nedunjadaiyan defeated the
Pallavas in several battles, the Madras Museum
plates call him Pallavabhanjana quite in keeping with
the other.
SECTION VI:— PANDFA KINGS UP TO THE
MIDDLE OF THE TTH CENTURY A. D.
The Pandya kings mentioned in early Tamil
literature are the following : —
0 ">>
(1) Vadfcnbalamba-ninra-Pandiyan.
(2) Pandiyan Karungai-ol-val-Perumbeyar Valudi.
j, (3) „ Arivudai Nambi.
(4) „ Palyagasalai Mudukudumi Peruvaludi.
(5) Sifcfciramadattu-fcunjina-Nan-Maran.
(6) Talaiyalanganafctu-Seruvenra-NedunjeJiyan.
(7) Ilavandigaippalji-fcunjina-Nan-Maran.
14
106 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(8) Kudagaratbu-tunjina-Nan-Maran.
(9) Pandiyan Kfran Sattan.
(10) Kanapper-eyil-kadanda-Ugra-Peruvaludi,
(11) Velliyambalabbu-tunjina-Peruva'udi.
(12) Arikesari Ter-Maran,
(13) Ollaiyur-tanda-Puda-Pandiyan.
The first three of these belong to earlier times
than those represented in the copper-plates. In one
of the ten idylls, viz. Maduraikkanchi of Mangudi
Marudanar, Palyagasalai Mudukudumi-Peruvaludi
and Vadimbalamba-ninra-Pandiyan are mentioned
among the remote ancestors of Nedunjeliyan, the
victor of Talayalanganam-
Which of them is earlier is not stated here.
But from stanza 9 of Purananuru, which was written
by Mudattamakkanniyar in praise of the Pandya
king Palyagasalai Mudukudumi-Peruvaludi, it is
gathered that Vadimbalamba-ninra-Pandiyan is
earlier in point of time. Tamil literature says of
this king (1) that he made the river Pahruli which
is no longer in existence, (2) that he performed
a grand festival in honour of the Ocean God, and
(3) that he made rich presents of gold to certain
vayiriyar by which panegyrists or dancers are meant.
When the smaller Sinnamaaur plates say that a
Pandya king cast his spear for the return of the sea,
when the bigger plates record that, though the ocean
was disturbed on account of the end of the Yuga, it
took refuge with the splendour of the footstool of a
Pandya king, and when the Velvikudi grant states
that there was a deluge and that the Pandya king
survived it, we have perhaps to understand that these
£ ANDYA KINGS OF THE 7lH CENTUKY A. D. 107
references are to Vadimbalamba-ninra-Pandya. For
these considerations we regard him as a historical
person.
PandiyanKarungai-ol-val-Perumbeyar-valudi. —
This king is represented by a single stanza in the
Purananuru and it was composed by IrumbidarUa-
laiyar. The poet was the uncle of the Chola king
Karikala whom he is said to have helped in getting
the throne. It seems, therefore, that this Pandya
king belonged to the time which immediately preceded
the reign of Karikala, i.e., the beginning of the sixth
century A. D. He was a powerful sovereign of
some military renown and his wife was a model of
chastity.
Pandiyan Arivudai Nambi. — One of the stanzas
in Pur am (188) is said to have been sung by this
king and another (184) was composed by Pisirandai
in honour of Arivudai Nambi. Both do not give us
any information regarding the king. While the
former states that there is nothing to be achieved by
one who has no issues, the latter records that it is
better to levy small taxation and utilize the amount
to good purposes than heavy taxation turned to bad
use-
Hereafter we are on more firm historical ground.
Palyagasalai Mudukudumi-Peruvaludi. — There
are five short pieces (vv. 6, 9, 12, 15 and 64) in the
collection of Purananuru composed in praise of this
king by three contemporary poets, viz. Karikilar,
Nettiinaiyar and Nedumballiyattanar. We gather
from those that his fame was known in the northern
regions beyond the tall and snowy mountain, in the
108 ANCIENT DEKSAN.
west and east beyond the seas, in the south beyond
the river Kumari, in the regions below the earth and
in the land of the gods (on account of the innumerable
sacrifices performed by him). In rendering justice, he
resembled the point of a scale. With his army, which
consisted of huge elephants, he inarched against his
enemies, took their fortresses, and brought home
valuable jewels with which he rewarded many of those
who sought him for presents. Through the streets,
which were full of ruts caused by the frequent passage
of cars, he drove herds of white mouthed asses and
destroyed the fortifications of his enemies. He led his
big cars, yoked to proud horses, into the cultivated
fields of his enemies so as to devastate them by the
stamping of their hoofs. He caused destruction to their
fresh water tanks guarded by watchers by letting into
them a number of thick necked, long tusked, proud-
footed and angry-looking elephants. He was provided
with a powerful army and effective weapons and
when his foes marched against him intent on destroy-
ing these, they were themselves destroyed. There
were several halls with sacrificial posts planted and
fitted with the things necessary for the perform-
ance of yagas. So many were the sacrifices per-
formed by him that the epithet Palyagasalai came
to be attached to his real name Kudumi- His crown
was praised by Brahmanas versed in the Vedas. Such
was his glory that the Banas did not feel it deroga-
tory to put on him wreaths of lotuses and the poets
'did not feel the indignity of preparing his cars.
The performance of one thousand sacrifices
attributed to one of the ancestors of the first king
tANDYA KINQS OF THE 7TH CENTURY A. D. 109
mentioned in the smaller Sinnamanur plates undoub-
tedly refers to this king. And we might perhaps trace
another allusion to the achievements of this king in
the bigger Sinnamanur plates when they report that
numberless kings and emperors who performed the
rajasuya and asvatriedha sacrifices passed away before
Arikesari ascended the throne. The Velvikudi grant
mentions him by his name and epithet, and thus clear-
ly testifies to his having performed several sacrifices
which we find recorded in the account given of him
by contemporary bards. There is not much doubt as to
his having been a powerful sovereign who by his valour
subdued many hostile kings. And it is perhaps as a
result of these successes that he undertook to perform
the sacrifices for the vindication of his strength and
supremacy over other kings of the Dekhau. The Kaja-
bhra invasion, which seems to have taken place imme-
diately after the accession of his successor, was perhaps
due to their having taken into their heads to wreak
vengeance on the Pandyas for the aggression on the
part of Palyagasalai Mudukudurni-Peruvaludi. The
period of his rule might be roughly placed at the
second quarter of the sixth century A.D. The des-
cription given as to how he dealt with the territory
of the kings overcome by him shows that he was
actuated by a spirit of vengeance. When we look at
the probable period of his rule we may presume that
one of his immediate predecessors suffered defeat at
the hands of the Chola Karikala and this king
probably thought of retrieving that loss.
The Kalabhra inter-regnum which followed soon
after the reign of Mudukudumi does not appear to
110 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
have lasted long. From the mention in the
W. Chalukya and Pallava copper-plate charters of
the Kalabhras along with the Pandyas, Cholas and
Keralas and from an account given in the Tiruvi-
laiyadal-puranam about a certain Murti-Nayanar, a
devout Saiva who is said to have felt much for the
misrule and religious persecution of the Karnata king
who invaded and got possession of Madura, it has
been conjectured that the Kalabhras may have be-
longed to the Kanarese country. At the time of which
we are speaking, the Kadambas appear to have been
very powerful in that portion of the land- In fact
one of the kings of that dynasty claims to have
taken the three crowns evidently meaning that he
subdued the Chera, Chola and the Pandya contem-
poraries of his and this is Kakusthavarman assigned
to the middle of the sixth century A. D.
Kadungon. — This king perhaps reigned in the
period A.D. 560-590. The Velvikudi grant states
that he, the Pandyadhiraja, appeared like the sun
springing out of the stormy ocean and quickly
removed the right which other kings had over the
goddess of the earth and established his own exclusive
right over her, thus hinting that he put an end to the
Kalabhra inter-regnum. The account given about
him in Tamil literature is that it was during his time
that the first academy of Tamil poets came to an end-
In the collection of Purananuru there is not a single
piece written in his honour, But among the Chera
kings there was a sovereign by name Seraman Selva
Kadungo-vali-Athan and he is celebrated by a stanza
written by Kapilar. He cannot belong to this period.
PANDYA KINGS OF THE ?TH CENTURY A. D. Ill
Much is not known about his son f;he Adhiraja
Maravarman Avanisulamani. It is said that he made
the earth his sole possession and wedded the goddess
of prosperity. We might assign him to A.D. 590 to
620. Purananuru makes mention of three Maravar-
mans who respectively died at Ilavandigaippalli,
Kudagaram and Sittiramadarn. The contemporary
bard of the last of these was Madurai Kulavanigan
Sattanar. The first two appear to have flourished
about the same time and more will be said about
them after we deal with Seliyan Sendan, whose
successor oue of them was. As the plates report chat
Maravarman Avanisulamani lived in prosperous
times we have perhaps to identify him with the one
who died at Sittaramadatn because, as will be shown
below, there was a severe famine in the reign of the
other.
Seliyan Sendan.— (A. D. 620—650.) In dealing
with the date of Maduraikkanchi and its hero in
the Indian Antiquary Vol. XL., sufficient grounds
have been adduced to show that this king is
identical with Nedunjeliyan, the victor of Talaiyalan-
ganam and that he should be ascribed to the
period A. D. 620—650. As the Velvikudi plates
report, he was renowned for his heroism- He defea-
ted the Chera and Chola kings of his day together
with five potentates. Nedunjeliyan defeated the
Ghera king Yanaikkatchey-Mandarancheral-Irumbo-
rai and captured him as prisoner and finally set him
at liberty. This same Chera king is said to have
fought a battle with the Ghola Rajasuyamvetta
Perunatkilli. Another Chera sovereign of the time
112 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
wasSeraman Mavenko. That the Pandya king Ugra-
Peruvaludi is either identical with Nedunjeliyan, or
at any rate is not far removed from him in point of
time, is suggested by the fact that the contempora-
ries of these are celebrated in the songs of the same
bards. If this identification could be established it
would show that he captured the fortress of Kanapper
and died (in the temple) at Madura which is known
as Velliyambalam. Pnrananuru contains several
stanzas sung in honour of Nedunjeliyan of Talaiya-
langanam fame by the four poets Kudapulaviyanar,
Kalladanar, Mangudikilar and Idaikunrurkilar.
That Vel-Evvi and Vattarrelini-Adan were among
the feudatories of Nedunjeliyan, may also be gathered
from some other stanzas in the same collection l.
The defeat of the Chola and Chera sovereigns is
one of the greatest achievements of this king. It
made him the sole monarch of the three ancient
territorial divisions of the Dekhan, It is necessary
to point out here that the Cholas had a very limited
dominion in the south at this period, much of the
northern portion having passed into the hands of the
Pallavas and the south being occupied by the
Pandyas. The crushing defeat now inflicted by the
Pandya king on the Cholas once for all dispossessed
the latter of the little hold that they had in the
Tanjore and Trichinopoly districts. There are
reasons to believe that the Cholas thereafter confined
themselves to Cuddapah, Kurnool and Bellary dis-
tricts where they may have continued to rule as
l For further details the reader will see Ind. Ant. Vol. XL,
on Maduraikkanchi,
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 7TH CENTURY A. D. 113
Pallava feudatories. In favour of this supposition we
note (1) that Hiuen Tsiang who visited India about
this period locates his Chu-li-ye, i.e. Chola, somewhere
in the Telugu district and (2) that the inscriptions of
the Cholas are actually found in this locality. That
this was the case is conclusively proved by one other
fact viz., that the Pandyas had never more to fight
with the Cholas which would have been the natural
course open to them if the latter held any territory in
the Trichinopoly district. On the other hand the
enemies of the Pandyas were the Pallavas. The
Cheras appear to have contended also with the
Pandyas and it was left to the successors of Nedun-
jeliyan to deal with them. Having for ever driven
the Cholas from their ancestral possession, the
Pandyas seem to have assumed the title of Sembi-
yan and Solan which, as we shall have occasion to
notice, were borne, by more than one successor of
this king. The appropriateness of this title to the
Pandya kings is explained by the fact that they, were
governing most of the ancient dominions of
the Cholas. If there were any remnants of the
ancient Chola family at Uraiyur, which would
necessarily have been the case, they do not
appear to have had any vestige of power and
do not, therefore, deserve mention. From what
has been said above, it will be clear that the
territory immediately to the south of the Pallavas
was in the possession of the Pandyas at this time.
Naturally, therefore, the successors of Nedunjeliyan
in striving for the supremacy of the south had to
encounter them for full eight generations. That
15
114 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
power had played its role of greatness for several
centuries prior to the middle of the seventh cen-
tury A.D. The oil which fed the lamp of Pallava
power was becoming spent. We see the last steady
flame of it in the reign of Narasimhavarman I and
we do not fail to perceive the dimness of the light
during the days of his weak successors. Eventually
presenting a bright glow at the time of the usurper
Nandivarman Pallavamalla, it died out practically
with his death. It is necessary to remind our readers
that the contemporary history of the period following
the reign of Nedunjeliyan is that covered by the rule
of Narasimhavarman's effeminate followers culmina-
ting in the usurpation of their dominion by Pallava-
malla and the collapse of that power soon after his
death. Want of organisation and internal dissensions
added to the weakness of the sovereigns had been the
bane of Indian constitutions and they eventually
contributed to their decline and fall. Extension of
dominion always brought with it conflicting interests
and an increase in the number of the ruled with
different ideas of government, justice and internal
policy. If the existing political institutions of a
country, though sufficient to keep in check a limited
kingdom, are not changed and better organisations
started to suit the altered state of things, which natu-
rally follows on the wake of an expansion of terri-
tory, disintegration begins to set in and this affords
to the subdued powers an opportunity to raise the
standard of revolt for which they have been only
waiting with a view to proclaiming their indepen-
dence. Internal dissensions, it is needless to say,
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 7TH CENTURY A. D. 115
are the cancerous sores in the body of a state and
while they exist, the strength and resources of the
country become completely exhausted, thus making
the way easy even for a weak enemy to throw off his
overlords. Such was the state of the Pallavas at the
time of which we are speaking. It was not difficult,
therefore, for the successors of Nedunjeliyan, though
they were not as powerful as he, to snatch from the
Pallavas their newly conquered territory in the
Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts.
Malakuta: Its identity with Milalai-kurram, one of
the principal divisions of the Pandya country.
Here we must notice what the Chinese pilgrim
Hiuen Tsiang, who visited India in the middle of the
seventh century A.D., has recorded about the Pandya
territory, its people and their pursuits. This
leads us to take up the question of the identification
of the Malakucha country mentioned by the pilgrim.
Several persons have had their say concerning the
identification of this locality. But it seems that the
place has not yet been satisfactorily identified. Dr. A.
C. Burnell has contributed a learned article on the
question, in the Indian Antiquary- Vol. VII. pp. 39 ff.
Here the author attempts to settle the point by first
identifying Hiuen Tsiang's southern Charitrapura and
his whole position may be summed up as follows :—
Hiuen Tsiang describes his southern Charitra-
pura as a port situated on the north-east of the king-
dom of Malakuta. As the pilgrim returned to
Kanchipura from Malakuta and thence proceeded
to Konkanapura, it is evident that Madura and the
116 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
extreme south of India cannot be intended by
Malakuta ; and again if this be assumed to be Madura
and Gharitrapura be Negapafcam, it is difficult to
understand the statement that Charitrapura was in
the north-east of the kingdom.
He admits that for a time the Pandya kings of
Madura held in subjection what is now the Tanjore
province and what was once the best part of the
Chola kingdom but questions if Negapatam could
ever have been their northern limit. If by Malakuta
Madura is meant, Hiueii Tsiang could hardly have
said that the Malaya mountains are to the south of
it. He should have put them in the west.
The distance given by Hiuen Tsiang must be
left out of consideration because it is not possible to
ascertain the exact measure of the li the pilgrim
used, as it varied enormously even in China at
different periods.
According to him, the only sure data from which
we could find out the southern Charitrapura are : (1)
It was in the north-east corner of Malakuta, and (2)
Malakuta was the kingdom next on the south to
Dravida of which the capital was Kanchipura.
Basing his arguments on the information
supplied by a Tanjore inscription that Malakuta-
chudamani-chaturvedimangalam is mentioned as a
place in Avur-kurram, he concludes that Malakuta
was the name of the kingdom comprised in the Kaveri
delta, that the name itself appears as a suburb of
Kumbhakonam, which was probably the capital of
the Cholas and that Charitrapura is identical with
Kaverippattanam the once famous port at the mouth
PANDYA KINGS OF THE ?TH CENTURY A. D. 117
of the Kaveri and mentioned by Ptolemy as chaba-
ris emporium.
These are the considerations which led Dr.
Burnell to locate Hiuen Tsiang's Charitrapura and
Malakuta in the Ghol;i territory and identify them
with the places mentioned in the last paragraph.
The learned Doctor's identification of Malakuta with
the country surrounding Kunibhakonarn or more
properly Svamimalai is generally accepted but there
are strong grounds against it and the incorrectness
of it will be quite apparent from what will be dis-
cussed hereafter. It must be said that at the time
he wrote his article, epigraphical research had not
advanced much. There were also other facts which
the Doctor had not taken into account. Against his
identification the following facts may be set forth : —
(1) That neither Svamimalai nor Kaverippatta-
nam was in a district which bore the name Malakuta.
(2) There is no authority for the statement that
Kumbhakonam was ever the capital of Cholas and
that Malakuta was the name of a former suburb
of it.
(3) The Tanjore inscription, which Dr. Burnell
refers to, does not mention Malakutachudamani-
chaturvedimangalam. It refers to a place Manu-
kulachulamani-chaturvedimangalam in Avurkurram
which was a sub-division of Nittavinoda-valanadu.
Prof. Hultzsch has pointed out these inaccuracies.
(4) We cannot leave out of consideration the dis-
tances given by the pilgrim from one place to an-
other for the mere reason that the measure of a li
varied at different periods. Whatever might have
118 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
been the equivalent of it at different times, it could
only have denoted a particular distance when used
by one person. It is not very difficult to find out
the modern equivalent of a li of Hiuen Tsiang. We
cannot persuade ourselves to believe that the pilg-
rim, who has taken paius to ascertain and note the
distances of places, would have erred very widely in
this direction and especially when he speaks about
places which he himself had visited. There may
be some slight discrepancies in the account which he
has recorded from hearsay, but for this reason we
cannot reject his distances as being entirely un-
worthy of credence. So far as we are able to find
out the value of a li, its modern equivalent comes to
very near a furlong. Accordingly, we have to look
for the Malakuta country not in the immediate
vicinity of Dravida but 400 miles to the south of
Conjeeveram- It is clear, therefore, that this country
cannot be located in the ancient Chola dominion,
but must be in the territory of the Pandyas. The
identity of Gharitrapura with Kaverippattanam, as
Dr. Burnell would have it or with Negapatam, is
out of the question. Beal is of opinion that the sepa-
rate existence of a southern Charitrapura different
from the one in Odra (Orissa) is not warranted by
the writings of Hiuen Tsiang. According to this
author, Julian's interpretation of the passage, which
involves a southern Charitrapura, is incorrect and he
says that the correct reading of the original text is
" going from Mount Malaya in a north-eastern direc-
tion there is a town at the sea-dividing." What
that town is, is not stated.
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 7TH CENTURY A. D. 119
One reason which weighed strongly in the mind
of Dr. Burnell about these places was that Hilien
Tsiang was not giving a random account of territo-
ries situated far and near but was mentioning them
one after another in succession. His data that
Malakuta must be next on the south to Dravida is
certainly correct and unassailable. But his suppo-
sition that the Chola territory lay next to the south
of Dravida at the time of the pilgrim's visit is a gen-
uine mistake which led him on the wrong track. Hiuen
Tsiang himself locates the Chola territory 1000 li to
the south-west of Dhanyakataka i. e., Amaravati in
the Kistna district which, as has been shown by others
takes us to Kurnool, When the pilgrim himself has
said this, we have no reasons to infer that the terri-
tory to the south of the Pallava dominion belonged to
the Cholas. We have already pointed out that at the
time of Nedunjeliyan, the Cholas were completely
dispossessed of their ancestral dominion in the Trichi-
nopoly and Tanjore districts and that the successors
of his had never more to fight with them but only
with the Pallavas- It seems that the latter fact is a
clear proof that the Cholas had no hold in that loca-
lity, which appears to have been shared by the Pal-
lavas and Pandyas. Thus there is no doubt that
Malakuta must represent the Pandya country or be an
important territorial division in it. The distance
given by the pilgrim of Malakuta from Conjeeveram,
viz. 3000 li, takes us to very near the capital Madura.
In early times there was a clear route to Madura
which passed through Pndukkottai State and Kodum-
balur is said to have been a place where travellers
120 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
halted on their way. As such, the people who
supplied the information to the pilgrim could have
known well the distance. One of the most import-
ant territorial divisions of the Pandya country in
ancient times was Milalai-kurrram. From the Tirup-
puvanam grant it is gathered that this division had
several districts in it. Two of these are Kil-kurru
and Naduvir-kurru which, as the names indicate,
must have formed the eastern and central portions of
the bigger division Milalai-kurram which the Chinese
traveller should have called Malakurra (Malakuta)
deleting the intermediary letter la. There are
reasons to believe that this division covered a large
area surrounding Madura. Again, the descrip-
tion given by Hiuen Tsiang of this country, its
people and their pursuits is quite characteristic of the
Pandya and an unmistakable proof is here afforded
that he meant only the Pandyas. He says : — *' The
land and fields are impregnated with salt. The
produce of the earth is not abundant. All the
valuables that are collected in the neighbouring islets
are brought to this country and analysed. The
temperature is very hob. The men are dark com-
plexioned, firm and impetuous in disposition. They
are wholly given to commercial gain." By the
words of the pilgrim that all the valuables collected
in the neighbouring islets are brought here, he
must be referring to the enormous quantity of pearls
which were collected from the sea and for which the
Pandya country was famous from the remotest period.
The third section of this book w ill amply bear out the
statement of the pilgrim that the people were wholly
PANDYA KINGS OP THE ?TH CENTURY A. D. 121
given to commercial pursuits- We need hardly say
that the description of the people suits very well the
Kallar and Maravar castes of the Pandya country.
It may be further added that it will not be applicable
to the people of the Che^a country, though it is
possible to suppose that Malakuta may stand for
Malai-nadu.
The pilgrim takes us from somewhere near
Madura southwards to Tinnevelly province where
he refers to the Malaya mountains noted for sandal-
wood and kai'pura trees and then he speaks of
Potalika, i.e. the Podiyamalai giving us, as shown by
Prof. Hultzsch, a distorted version regarding the sage
Agastya, who is frequently mentioned in Tamil
literature as the family priest of the Pandyas. With
the pilgrim's words that serpents are seen twining
round the sandal-wood trees of the Malaya hills
compare Kalidasa's parallel verse
which speaks of the same mountain adjoining the
Pandya country. It is worthy of note that the
description given about the Potalika would suit very
well for either Kourtaliam or Papanasam. The
seaport town to which he is referring has to be looked
for to the north-ease of this hill.
One other point must be made clear. The
account of Hiuen Tsiang about Malakuta is not what
he had seen but is what he had heard from others.
Hwui-li seems to give the correct information when
it says that he only heard of the Malakuta country.
16
122 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
This is assured by two facts which Hwui-li records :
(1) that Hiuen Tsiang, when he was about to leave
Conjeeveram for Malakuta, was informed of the death
of king Raja Buna Mugalan and (2) of the prevalence
of famine in that country. The proper equivalent of
Raja Buna is Raja Bhushana. We find this name in
the list of the Pandya sovereigns preserved by
tradition. Looking at the time of the pilgrim's visit
to Kanchi, there is no doubt that he is referring to
the death of Nedunjeliyan who had perhaps the
surname Raja Bhushana.
It is an agreeable surprise to find in contempor-
ary Tamil literature some account about the famine
referred to in the Chinese account. Nakkirar, the
contemporary of Nedunjeliyan's successor Mara-
varman states, in his commentary on the Iraiyanar
Agapporul, that there was a severe famine in the
Pandya country which lasted for twelve years, that
the court poets, of the Pandya king were sent away
from the country to live elsewhere and to return
when the draught terminated and the kingdom re-
sumed prosperity. This affords ample reasons for
thinking that, as Hwui-li states, the pilgrim was
really prevented from visiting Malakuta personally
and that by Malakuta is meant the Pandya territory.
It has been stated already that Arikesari-Mara-
varman, the son of Nedunjeliyan, was holding the
reins of government of the Pandya country, when the
Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang visited Conjeeveram.
There is not much doubt regarding his identity with
Nedumaran, referred to in the Periyapuranam as the
contemporary of the Saiva saint Jnanasambanda.
FANDYA KINGS OF THE TTH CENTURY A. D. 123
And it will be shown here that he is also the hero of
the commentary on Iraiyanar Agapporul. This
commentary celebrates the military achievements of
a certain Maran (i.e., Maravarman) who had several
birudas and surnames such as Parankusan, Arkesari,
Uchitan, Nedumaran, Varodaya, Vijayacharitan and
Satrudurantara, He is also called Puliyan, Tennavan,
Panchavan, Vanavan and Solan. One of the stanzas
of this commentary is of special importance since it
gives pointed reference as to who he was and gives
grounds for the identification of this king. It is
stanza 106 which states that this king, called here
" Nedumaran, spread the influence of his good rule
throughout the world and was victorious in the
battle of Nelveli." An exact rendering of this occurs
in the Periyapuranatn which says that Nedumaran
(the contemporary of Jnanasambanda) established
his fame and gained victory in the battle of Nelveli.
The Velvikudi plates state distinctly that this king
was called Arikesari and Maravarman and attribute
to him victory in the battle of Nelveli. Thus
the king mentioned in the three sources, viz.,
the Periyapuranam, the commentary on Iraiyanar
Agapporul and the Velvikudi grant, is evidently
the same person. The first two sources are
silent as to whom he defeated at Nelveli but
the. writer of the Velvikudi grant informs us that
Maravarman overcame the army of Vilveli in
this field. It has been elsewhere suggested that
Vilveli might be identical with Vilvala-(nagara)
which latter place has been identified with Villivalam
in the Chingleput district then included in the
124 ANCIENT DEttflAtf.
Pallava dominion. The identification of the place
enables us to say that the Pallavas must have carried
on an aggressive war far into the interior of the
Pandya country, i.e., as far as Tinnevelly. One
Other fact revealed by the Velvikudi grant about this
sovereign is the defeat inflicted by him on the
Cheras. The places whera he defeated them are not
given ; but these are preserved in the commentary on
Iraiyanar Agapporul- A number of battles are here
mentioned and in some of these the enemies overcome
by Maravarman are also stated. We give below,
with references to stanzas, the account which the
book relates about eight battles.
(1) Kdttaru. Stanza 36 states that Maravar-
man drove the Vanavan (i. e., the Chera) into the
forest and captured the fortress of this high walled
town.
(2) Pulandai. Stanza 8 records that the Pandya
king defeated several sovereigns who took up the cause
of the Vanavan, i.e. the Chera. Stanzas 60, 62, 63,
64 and 66 add that the enemies were on the
aggressive. The victory gained in this battle left
the Pandya king in possession of the elephant troops
of his foes.
/
(3) Southern S&vur. Here the Pandya king
defeated the Seralar (stanzas 44, 46, 48 and 52.)
The place is stated to be at the mouth of a river.
(4) ArruJckudi. The Chera king defeated by the
Pandya is said to have been the latter's son-in-law
or sister's son (stanzas 43 and 54).
(5) Vilinam. The place is described as being
situated on the seashore. Though the enemies
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 7TH CENTURY A. D. 125
overcome in this battle are not given, we can pre-
sume them to be the Cheras, as the place is in their
territory.
(6) The southern Naraiyur. The cause of the
battle was extension of dominion. The Chera king
who had the sea for his protection, was defeated in
this battle (stanzas 57 and 97). ^
(7) Sennilam. Here, the Silaimannar i.e. the
Cheras were defeated (stanza 58).
(8) Kadaiyal. The Pandya king defeated the
Silaimannar (stanzas 19 and 41), Vanavan (77)
Seralan, and took possession of all their wealth (24)
and elephants (34) ; defeated also the Kadar and
Karuvar (84). Vanavan, Silaimannar and Seralan
are synonymous with Chera.
The following five other battles are also mention-
ed, viz. Vallam, Manarri, Venmattu, Nattaru and
Kalattur. The above account amply bears out the
statement of the plates that Maravarman defeated
the Keralas.
The reputed author of the commentary on Iraiya-
nar Agapporul and four other poets viz. Madurai-
Marudan-Ilanaganar, Karikkannanar of Kavirippum-
pattinam, Mulangilar of Avur and Vadavarmakkan-
Periyasattan have written five pieces in the collec-
tion of Purananuru, in praise of a certain Maran.
He is probably identical with Arikesari Maravarman,
the victor of Nelveli. Nakkirar, writing about him
in Puram, says that he is the most renowned of the
three kings of the south ; that though he was
powerful on account of his large army of elephants,
horses, chariots and Marava soldiers, yet he was
126 ANCIENT DEKfiAN.
justly known for his heroism, calmness and liberality.
In anger he resembled the god of death, in strength
the god Ganesa, in fame Vishnu and, in successfully
carrying out his intentions, the god Muruga. Being
equal to these, nothing was difficult for him. He
gave away rare ornaments to those who sought him
for presents. The poet then concludes, " O ! Mara
of victorious sword ! May you be pleased to conduct
yourself well, drinking the cool and sweet-scented
wine brought by the Yayanas in fine bottles and which
your ladies pour out in gold cups and offer you with
their delicate hands jingling with bangles." He had
a number of children who resembled him in prowess
and who were capable of reducing the whole of the
Tamil country. His queen wore rich jewels and
long garlands and was much devoted to him. We
have already referred to the twelve years' .famine
that raged in the Pandya country during the early
years of his reign.
The king is said to have died at a place called
Ilavandigaippalli. Let it be noted that we are pre-
cluded from interpreting Ilavandigaippalli as 'the
Jain temple at Ilavaudigai ' for the reason that Nedu-
rnaran figures among the sixty-three Saiva saints.
Periyapuranam states that in the earlier part of his
life he was an avowed Jaina. It further adds that,
invited by his queen Mangayarkkarasi and his minis-
ter Kulachchirai-Nayanar, both of whom are also
canonised Saiva devotees, Jnanasambanda visited
Madura, overcame the Jainas in disputation and
converted the king to the Saiva creed. The Pandya
queen and minister as well as a number of Jaina
PANDYA KINGS OF THE ?TH CENTURY A. D. 127
priests, who resided at Anaimalai and other places,
are mentioned in the hymns of Jnanasambanda on
Madura- The probable period of this king's reign is
A. D. 650-680-
To the same period we have to assign two other
persons, viz. Kiran Sattau and Maran Valudi who
died at Kudagaram and who were perhaps princes
belonging to the Pandya family. These are celebrated
in Purananuru by a few pieces composed by some of
the poets who have sung in honour of Nedumaran.
Kudirai-sakkayan, the otber name of Kiran Sattan,
suggests that he was the chief officer who commanded
the cavalry of the kiug. Here, our account of the
Pandya kings represented in early Tamil literature
ceases-
Arikesari Nedumaran was succeeded by his son
Kochchadaiyan Ranadiran. He bad the titles Tennan,
Vanavan, Sernbiyan and Solan which suggest that he
was ruling the three Tamil kingdoms secured by his
father and grandfather. Not content with this, he
seems to have carried his arms against other kings.
The titles Kongarkornan and the sweet Karnataka
assumed by him show that he fought with the Kongu
king of his day and perhaps with the Kadambas or
Gangas also. The Velvikudi plates further report that
he defeated the Mabaratha at a place called Mangala-
pura. By Maharatha is perhaps meant the Western
Chalukyas of Badami. Of the two kings Viuayaditya
and his son Vijayaditya of that family, the latter is
not known to have contended with the southern
powers, while of the first it is stated that, at the
command of his father, he arrested the excessively
128 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
exalted power of the Cbola, Pandya, Kerala and Pal-
lava kings, reduced them and brought them to a
state of peace and quiet. It is not unlikely, therefore,
that he crossed swords with Vinayaditya. We cannot
be positive about his success in the field. Mangala-
pura, where he is reported to haVe fought, might be the
same as Mangalapuri whence the Balsar charter of
Mangalarasa was issued in A.D. 731 — 32.1 That it
was a principal place in the Western Chalukya terri-
tory could also be gathered from the fact that the
Kodumbalur chief Samarabhirama, father of Pudi
Vikramakesarin claims to have killed the Ghalukyas
at Adhirajamangala.2
Arikesari Parankusa Maravarman Rajasimha,
the son of the last king, succeeded him. He may be
assigned roughly to the period A.D, 710 — 740. Being
in possession of the Chera and Chola territories
in addition to the Pandya, he renewed the walls of
the capital cities of Kudal i.e. Madura, Vanji i.e.
Tiruvanjaikkalam and Koli i.e. Uraiyur evidently
with the object of carrying on wars with the neigh-
bouring powers. He is reported, in the Velvikudi
plates, to have performed numberless tulabhara,
liiranyagarbha and gdsahasra ceremonies, to have
married a Malava princess and to have had by her a
son named Jatila. He continued the wars under-
taken by his father against the Kougu and Ganga
kings. Crossing the river Kaveri he subdued
Mala-Kongarn, worshipped the god Pasupati at
Pandi-Kodurnudi and presented heaps of gold and
Bombay Gazetteer, p. 374. 2- A. R. for 1908, p. 78.
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 8TH CENTURY A. D. 129
jewels to it. He is said to have contracted relation-
ship with the Ganga king and this suggests that he
had had something to do with the Grangas- But his
chief enemies were the Pallavas, who under the
banner of Pallavamalla, repeatedly fought with this
king in several battles. Victory over the Pallavas is
claimed for the Pandyas in the following places : —
Kulumbur, Sankaramangai, Neduvayal, Kurumadai,
Mannikuruchchi, Puvalur, Tirumangai and Kodum-
balur. As some of these places are in the Puduk-
kottai State it may be presumed that the Pallavas
advanced far south during this period but were
repulsed by the Pandj a.
As much is not known about the Malavas, a
word about them will not be out of place here, espe-
cially as the king is said to have married a Malava
princess and subdued Mala-Kongam. There is no
doubt that the Malavas formed one of the southern
family of chiefs. They are mentioned in copper-plates
along with the Chola, Pandya, Kerala, Haihaya and
Alupa. It is sometimes attempted to convert Malava,
occurring in these records, into Malava and to identify
it with Malwa in Northern India. This is not tenable.
Tamil classical works mention Mala-nadu among the
ancient territorial divisions of Southern India. It
has to be located on the borders of the Trichinopoly
and Tanjore districts and it should have included
a small portion of the Pudukkottai State also. In
later times i.e., during the reign of the Chola
king Kajaraja I (A.D. 985 — 1013,) it was called
Kajasraya-valanadu and had in it several sub-divi-
sions. Maganikudi, i.e. the modern hamlet of that
11
130 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
/
name, near Samayaveram about ten miles north-
north-east of Trichinopoly, was a place in- Venkon-
kudi-kandam which was a sub-division of Malanadu.
Mangu'di was also a village in the same district.
That the Kolli mountain was situated in this
territory is gathered from Tamil literature which
also informs us that it was subject to the rule of a
Velir chief who was subordinate to the Adigaiman
kings of Kongu. That the kings of the Kongu country
had some interest in this tract of land may be
gathered from the discovery at Kodumbalur of early
Kanarese inscriptions. These are so fragmentary
that the king's names cannot be traced in them. In
support of the view herein expressed we may state
that there is a tradition which marks out the small
river called Karaipottanaru as forming the boundary
of Kongu, Chola and the Pandya territories. This
river runs southwards through the Namakkal taluka
and falls into the Kaveri at Siplaputtur, twelve miles
west of Musiri. A large sized embankment carries
the boundary from the river southwards. The fact
that the lord of Mala-nadu was subordinate to the
Adigaiman kings of Kongu explains how the sub-
jection of this chief byArikesari Parankusau, opened
up the way for the Pandya king to Kodumudi, which
ought to have been under the sway of the Kongu
kings. As corroborating the statement that a part
of the Pudukkottai State acknowledged the overlord-
ship of the kings of Kougu, the following may be
added.
/
According to the Periyapuranam, the Saiva saint
Idangali-Nayanar was a chief of. Kodumbalur in
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 8TH CENTURY A, D. 131
Konadu. He belonged to the family o_f Irungovel
and was a descendant of a certain Aditya who
f covered with gold the pinnacle of the dancing hall
of the god (Nataraja) in the temple of Siva in Kongu'.
The temple here referred to may be that of Perur near
Coimbatore. It might also refer to the temples at Karar
or Kodumudi. Whichever it is, the reference clearly
shows that the Velir chiefs of Kodumbalur had an inte-
rest in the Kongu country. May it not be that they were
subordinate to the Kongu kings ? The Kongu king-
dom consisted of several divisions in ancient times
and its capital was Tagadur, i.e. Dharmapuri in the
Salern district. Purananuru mentions some of the
kings who ruled from this place and it is very likely
that this city was situated in the northern divi-
sion. Malakongu was probably the eastern division
which extended eastwards from Karar. One of the
stanzas in the Devaram states that Periir was situat-
ed in the Western Kongu. By Malavas we have to
understand ' the people of Mala-Kongu or Mala-
nadu which has also supplied one of the sub-
sects of Brahmins. The independent existence of
the chiefs of this place during the time of Paran-
taka I (A.D. 907-953) is known from a record of
that king published in the South Indian Inscrip-
tions, Vol. II, Part III, p. 375- It records that
Parantakan Madevadigalar, one of the queens of
Gandaraditya, the second son of Parantaka I, was
the daughter of a Malava prince (Mala[van] -
perurnan).
Parankusan Maravarrnan was succeeded by his
son Nedunjadaiyan Parantaka. The Velvikudi grant
132 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
was issued in the third year of the reign of this king
and we have given reasons for thinking that the
Madras Museum plates of Jatilavarman were issued
in the 17th year of this same sovereign and stated
the opinion of the late Rai-Bahadur Venkayya that
the Anaimali record dated in Kali 3871 (A.D. 769-70)
also belongs to this king. We shall first note here
what is said about him in the Velvikudi grant, which
seems to be the earliest epigraph so far known of his
time. It gives for him the titles Tennan and Vanavan
which, as we have already seen, were borne by his
ancestors. His surnames were Srivara, Snmano-
hara, Sinachcholan, Punappuliyan, Vltakalmashan,
Vinayavisrutan, Vikrarnaparagan, Virapurogan, Ma-
rudbala, Manyasasana, Manupama, Marditavira,
Giristhira, Gltikinnara, Kripalaya, Kritapadana,
Kalippagai, Kanthakanishthura, Karyadakshina, Kar-
mukhapartha, Parautaka, Panditavatsala, Paripurna
and Papabiru. Many of these names occur in the
Madras Museum plates which also note that the vil-
lage of Velangudi in Ten-Kalavali-nadu was granted
as a brahmadeya with its old name changed into
Srivaramangalam. The latter fact shows that the king
/ o
had the surname Srivara. The earliest achievements
of this king were the conquest of the Kadava at
Pennagadam on the southern bank of the Kaveri
and the defeat of the Ayavel and the Kurum-
bas at Nattukkurumbu. A number of Kanarese
epigraphs found in the Mysore State clearly shows
that Pallavas are meant by the term Kadava. To
enable us to identify Pennagadam, we may state
that one of the inscriptions of Tiruvidaimarudur
PANDYA KINGS OF THE 8TH CENTURY A. D. 133
registers the fact that this village is situated in Tan-
javur-kurrain.1 As such we have to look for it very
near Tanjore. From Purananuru, we understand that
Ayavels were the chiefs of the Podiya mountains and
that their town was Aykkudi, which may be identified
with the village of that name now belonging to the
Travancore State and situated very near Tenkasi in
the Tinnevelly district. By Kurumbas are perhaps
meant the hill tribes who formed the subjects of this
chief. This gives a clue as to where we should look
for Nattukkurumbu. At Virmam, Seliyakkudi and
Vellur, Neunjadaiyan defeated some un-named
enemies. Like his father, this king had also to fight
with the Kongu king of his day. The Museum plates
record that he put to flight Adiyan, i.e., the Kongu
king Adigaimau of Tagadur at Ayirur, Pugaliyur and
Ayiraveli situated on the northern bank of the
Kaveri. The defeated king is said to have had for
his allies the Pallavas and Keralas, who fought on
his side and sustained defeat with him. The success-
ful Pandya marched in triumph to Kanchivay-Perur,
i.e., Perur on the river Kanchi in the Coirnbatore dis-
trict where he erected a big temple for Vishnu. Some
trouble seems to have been caused by the king of
Venadu (Travancore). The enemy had to pay dearly
for his aggression because the Pandya king caused
the excellent port of Vilinam to be destroyed and he
is even said to have taken possession of all his
elephants and riches.
In the third year of his reign he had for his
minister the Vaishnava saint Madhurakavi-Alvar
1 No. 314 of the Epigraphical Collection for 1907.
134 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
who bore the names Marangari and Madhuratara.
He was also known by the designation of Muvenda-
Mangala-Peraraiyan and Mangalaraja which indicate
that he was the chief of Muvendamangalarn or shortly
Mangala. He was a native of Karavaudapura and
the crest-jewel of the Vaidya family ; was well versed
in the Sastras ; was a poet and an orator. Karavan-
dapura here mentioned is also known as Kalakkudi
and Kalaudai and is identical with Kalakkad in the
Tinnevelly district. This minister excavated the
cave temple of Narasimha-Perumal on the Anairnalai
hill near Madura. He having died before completing
it, his younger brother Maran Eyinan, who succee-
ded him in the office of prime minister, consecrated
the temple, building for it a Mukha-maiidapa. We
have already referred to the construction of another
Vishnu temple by the king himself at Perur near
Coimbatore. This is said to have been built as high
as a hill but no traces of it exist at present. There are
no means of ascertaining if Maran Byinan of the
Anaiinalai record is identical with Murti Eyinan of
the Madras Museum plates, though that is not un-
likely. The following facts are favourable for the
conjecture •'
(i) The principal name in both is the same.
(ii) Both are said to have been natives of
Kalandai also called Karavandapuram.
Yuddhakesari Perumbanaikkaram, the engraver
of the Velvikudi grant, may perhaps be the father of
Arikesari- Perumbanaikkaran who wrote the later
documents, viz. the Madras Museum and the smaller
Sinnarnanur plates.
FROM A. D. 770 TO 900. 135
SECTION VII :— FKOM A. D. 770 TO 900,
For a clear understanding of the history of the
period which followed the reign of Nedunjadaiyan, it
is necessary to know the political state of the Dekhan
at the time. The mighty and warlike Pallavas, who
had reared a great dominion from a very insignificant
position, had become subject to the usurper Nandi-
varman Pallavamalla, owing chiefly to the weakness
of the rulers of the main line. From what we are
able to gather from the accounts that have come down
to us, it appears that the names of Pallavamalla and
his general Udayachandra acted as a charm in dis-
pelling the hosts of enemies that came to cross
swords with them. Just at the time Nedunjadaiyan
shuffled off his mortal coil, the powerful Pallava
usurper also died at Kanchi after a long reign of over
half a century in which he successfully encountered
innumerable foes at a number of places and after
bringing the empire to a limit unknown in the pre-
vious annals of the Pallavas. Immediately after his
death .several families rose with mushroom growth
and the great kingdom soon fell to pieces. The
successors of the usurper had not his strength or
resources. The Western Chalakyas of Badami who
were the family foes of this great power had also
come to an end ; and m their place the Rashtrakutas
of Malkhed and the Western Gangas of Talakkad
were striving hard for asserting their supremacy* It
was apparent that just at this time if one had a
powerful army at his command, the whole of Dravida
could have been easily brought under the canopy of
such an one. The only power that could have effected
136 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
this was the Pandyas who, as we have seen already,
had been striving to do it for full eight generations
ever since the time of Nedunjeliyan's successor
Arikesari Maravarman. That the Pandyas attempted
such a thing will be evident from the sequel but
before they could lay claim to having accomplished
the feat, there arose internal dissensions in the family
which once for all decided that they were not to be
the masters of the situation- During the last
hundred years, Pandya arms were carried far and
wide. They had, by their aggressiveness, created
enemies all round. A coalition of these powers might
be expected at any moment and one was formed
already in the days of Neduujadaiyan and this they
do not appear to have been mindful of. The times
required, therefore, on the side of the Pandyas a
strong and diplomatic ruler, who could avert a grand
alliance and meet each power separately. The failure
of the Pandyas was the success of the Oholas who,
alertly seizing the opportunity now afforded them,
rose once again to prominence after a lapse of nearly
two centuries. Such in brief was the political state
of Southern India at this period. We shall now
proceed to notice the successors of Nedunjadaiyan
and the part played by them.
The reigns of Rajasiinha II, Varaguna- Maharaja
aud Srimara alias Parachakrakolahala seem to have
covered about ninety years from A.]). 770 or there-
abouts to A.D. 86'2. The plates do not furnish any
information regarding Rajasimha II, the son and
successor of Nedunjadaiyan. This was perhaps due
to the fact that his reign was not very eventful. He
FROM A, D. 770 TO 900. 137
was succeeded by his son Varaguna-Maharaja, who
was a powerful sovereign and whose inscriptions are
found in the Tanjore and Tinnevelly districts as well
as in the Pudukkottai State. His Ambasamudram
epigraph registers the fact that the grant recorded in it
was made when the king was encamped at Araisur on
the Pennar river. This shows that he made a raid
on the Pallava kingdom. Varaguna-Maharaja's ins-
criptions found in the Tanjore district are a clear
proof that the ancient Chola kingdom or at least the
southern portion of it acknowledged the overlordship
of the Pandya. The information furnished in the
Ambasamudram epigraph coupled with the existence
of his records in the Tanjore district go to confirm
the tradition that he united the Chola and Tondai
to Madura. It is not unlikely that the Saiva saint
Manikkavasagar lived during his reign. We learn
from other sources that he was a great devotee of
Siva. His son Srimara Parachakrakolahala succeed-
ed him after his death, There is no dearth of
information about the events that occurred during
his reign. As the accession of his successor Vara-
gunavarman took place in A. D. 862, it is fairly
certain that this king reigned in the period imme-
diately preceding it and we may, therefore, assign
him roughly to A. D. 830-862- The Singhalese
chronicle Makawansa states that Aggabhodi IX ruled
for three years from A. D. 843 to 846 and after him
his younger brother Silamegha Sena I raised the
canopy of dominion and reigned for twenty years
from A. D. 846 to 866. Thus these two sovereigns
are contemporaries of Srimara. We are told in the
Mahawansa that during the reign of Aggabhodi's
18
138 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
father Dappula, his brother's son Mahinda was not
raised to the rank of a governor as was the custom.
It is said that this course was adopted in order to
secure the throne to Aggabodi and Sena. Mahinda
and his brothers then went to the opposite coast
(i. e. the Pandya country) for help and returned
to the island when Dappula died. Dappula's sons
Aggabodi and Sena killed them in a battle. This
was probably the reason for the invasion of Ceylon by
the Pandya king Srimara.
The following are the events of the war as nar-
rated in the Singhalese chronicle. The king of
Pandu came to the island with a great army to subdue
the country. Taking advantage of the strife among
the Singhalese ministers, he built fortifications in the
village of Mahatalita and thereupon a great number
of the Tamils joined his standard and thereby largely
increased his power. When the hosts of Sena went
there and gave battle, the king of Pandya went out
into the field mounted on an elephant and on seeing
his face the Tamils were filled with strength and
courage and were ready to give their lives for him.
The Singhalese army finding it unable to fight in the
field broke their ranks and fled away on all sides,
whereupon the Pandya hosts caused destruction
in thft land. When the Singhalese king heard
that the enemy had defeated his forces, he col-
lected all the treasures that he could lay his hands
on and fled from the city to the Malaya. Of the
two brothers of Sena, Mahinda the sub-king
killed himself, but Kassapa fought with the Pandyas
and finally went to Kondavata where he was beseig-
ed by the Pandya army. "The Pandyas took all the
FROM A. r>. 770 TO 900. 139
precious things that were in the king's treasury and
likewise also the things in the city and in the viha-
ras. All the jewels that were in the king's palace,
the golden image of the teacher and the two eyes of
precious stooes of the sage, the golden covering of
the Tuparama cliaitya and the golden images that
were enshrined in the different viharas, — all these
he took away and made Lanka of no value what-
soever ; and the beautiful city he left desolate, even
as if it had been laid waste by evil spirits." This
account of the Mahawansa is clear evidence that the
Pandya king Srimara, as related in the Sinnainanur
plates was completely successful in his invasion of
Ceylon. Probably these events took place in the
earlier part of the reign of Sena i.e. about A. D. 846.
Further, the plates record that the Pandya king gain-
ed victories at Kunnur and Vilinam. As he is said
to have defeated the Keralas, we may presume that
these two battles were fought against them. A
grand alliance of several powers appears to have
been formed against the Pandya at the same
time, Srimara is stated to have met the Ganga,
Chola, Pallava, Kalinga and Magadha on the plains
of Kudamukku, i.e., Kumbhakonam and to have over-
come them. We are further informed that Srimara
defeated a certain Maya-Pandya. This shows that
there were conflicting interests in the family. The
names of two of his sons, viz. Varagunavarman and
Parantaka Viranarayana Sadaiyan are known from
the copper-plate charters.
Varagunavarman succeeded Srimara in A.D.
862. This is gathered from a stone record discovered
at Aivarinalai in the Madura district which is dated
140 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
in Saka 792 coupled with the eighth year of the king.
Early in his reign, he carried an expedition into the
Tanjore district which, as we have seen already, was
the bone of contention between the Pandyas and the
Pallava for a long time. The Pallava, i.e., the Granga-
Pallava king Aparajita is said to have allied himself
with the Western-Granga Prithivipati I and met
Varaguna-Pandya in battle at Sripurambiya i.e.,
Tiruppirambiyam near Kumbhakonam. Though
the Granga ally lost his life in the encounter, victory
was on the side of Aparajita ; and Varaguna was forced
to retire leaving the place in the hands of the enemy.
The Trichinopoly cave inscription of this king claims
for him the destruction of the fortifications of Vembil
(i.e. Vembarrur near Tiruvisalur). This might have
occurred either before or after the battle of Sripur-
ambiyam which is quite close to the place. Troubles
arising soon in his capital, Varaguna was prevented
from further prosecuting the war in the Tanjore
district.
From the Singhalese chronicle Mahawansa we
learn that there were divided interests at this time
in the Pandya family. A prince of the royal family
of Pandu, the book relates, went to Ceylon having
formed a design to overthrow the kingdom because
he had been ill-treated by the king. His cause was
readily espoused by Sena II (A. D. 866-901) who
made that a pretext for invading the Pandya
country. The ostensible object of the invasion was
to place the Pandya prince on the throne, but in
reality the Singhalese wanted to recover the immense
treasure which was carried away thither by Srirnara.
Accordingly, a large army was fitted out which on
FROM A. D. 770 TO 900- 141
reaching the opposite coast, laid waste the country,
besieged Madura and set fire to its battlements,
towers and storehouses. Thereupon the Pandya
king, who heard of this, ran up to the capital and
gave battle to the Singhalese arrny ; but receiving a
wound he fled away from the field and died in an
obscure place- The Pandya prince who sought the
aid of the king of Ceylon was then installed on the
throne with due ceremony. The Singhalese, taking
all their treasures, returned to the island. From
the above account it may be gathered that the reign
of Varaguna was put to an end by the Singhalese
invasion. Since the copper-plates report that Pa-
rantaka Viranarayana Sadaiyan, the younger brother
of Varaguna, seized a certain Ugra, we may sup-
pose that he was the prince set up by the Singha-
lese on the Pandya throne. Thus the reign of the
usurper was a short-lived one. At the time when
these changes were taking place, there ruled the
powerful Chola sovereign Aditya I in the Vijayalaya
line of Tanjore. He was a Rajakesarivarman and
his accession took place about A,D. 880. Of him
the Tiruvalangadu plates state that he defeated
Aparajita and took possession of his dominions. The
inscription of this king found in the Ghingleput
district proves that the conquest over Aparajita
claimed for him in the plates is not a mere boast.
But it must be said that the Pandyas had not yet
renounced their claim to the Tanjore district.
Before leaving Varaguna we may note that he
had the title Maranjadaiyan. As this title was
also borne by his younger brother Parantaka Vira-
narayana Sadaiyan, who succeeded him, deposing
142 ANCIENT DEKHAtf.
the usurper Ugra, we may not be far wrong, if we
postulate that all the sons of Maravarman were called
Maranjadaiyans.
Of Vlranarayana Sadaiyan, we do not know
much. That he continued the wars undertaken by his
predecessors to gain possession of the Tanjore district
there is little doubt. We think that the undated
Ramanadapuram (Diudigul taluka) inscription of
Maranjadaiyan which refers to the expedition against
Idavai in the Chola country must be attributed to
Vlranarayana and not to Varaguna as has been
done. It mentions an officer named Parantakappalli-
velan alias Nakkampullan and states that he accom-
panied the king to Idavai. The first part of the
name of the officer suggests that the king whom
he served was called Parantaka and this, we know,
was one of the surnames of Viranarayana. As he
was also called Maranjadaiyan, there is not much
doubt as to the identification proposed here.
One of the Tanjore inscriptions of Rajaraja
locates Idavai in Manni-nadu and as such we have
to look for this place on the northern side of the
Manni river somewhere near Vembarrur which was
also situated in the same sub-division. But there is
no place answering to this name in that locality at
the present day. Perhaps it has changed its name.
The invasion of the Chola country must have taken
place at the end of the reign of Aditya I in about
A.D. 900. Vlranarayana must have died soon after.
FROM A. D. 900 TO 1200. 143
SECTION VIII :— A. D. 900 TO 1200.
The subsequent history of the Pandyas for
another two hundred years and a little more, has to be
made out chiefly from the accounts of the neigh-
bouring kings such as those of Ceylon and the Chola
country. This was the period in which the Chola
kings of the Vijayalaya line of Tanjore strove hard
for regaining their lost possessions in their ancestral
territory which had been divided between the Pal-
lavas on the one hand and the Pandyas on the other.
The former having disappeared from the scene
forever, the Cholas had to contend only with the
latter and this they did. By severe contests all round,
the Pandyas had lost their energy, and accordingly
it was not very difficult for the Cholas to overcome
them. But it must be remembered they were not the
people to bear meekly the Chola yoke. The account
that has come down to us amply bears out the fact
that they were in a state of chronic revolt against
the Chola overlordship from the tenth to the begin-
ing of the thirteenth century A.D. and they eventu-
ally proved to be too great a match for them ; so
much so that in contending against them it was
found necessary for the Cholas to call in the aid
of other powers. We shall see in the • following
pages how relentlessly the Pandyas fought with
the Cholas even during the latter's best days, how
the Cholas became so much reduced in their
strength as to allow their own subordinates to get
mastery over them and how at last they were
forced to yield back to the Pandyas, in the middle
144 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
of thirteenth century A.D., the territory which they
had taken years to obtain from them. We shall also
see that it was the rise of the Vijayanagara emperors
that finally extinguished the energy of the Pandyas
whom they reduced to the position of vassals with
little or no power to do any independent action. They
were made to occupy a limited extent of territory and
that too under the surveillance of the Vijayanagara
viceroys. These are the general features of the period
following A.D. 900-
The Pandya king Viranarayana was succeeded
by his son Rajasimha. His accession to the
throne may be tentatively placed at the begin-
ning of the tenth century A. D. The bigger
Sinnamanur plates, issued in the sixteenth year
of his reign, state that he was the light of the
lunar and solar races. By this is evidently meant
that his mother was a Kerala princess. She is called
Vanavanmahadevi and her name clearly suggests
that she was the daughter of a Kerala king. The
statement in the plates that the village of
Narcheygaiputtur (i.e. the modern village of
Sinnarnaniir in the Periyakulam taluka) was granted
as a brahmadeya with the old name changed into
Mandaragauravamangalam shows that Rajasimha
had the surname Mandaragaurava. The plates claim
for him victory over the king of Tanjore. But
as will be pointed out presently there is not much
truth in this boast of the king. The Ghola con-
temporary of Rajasimha was Parantaka I who reigned
from A.D. 907 to 953. Three wars were undertaken
by him against the Pandyas. The first of these took
place prior to A.D. 909 when the Chola army crushed
A. D. 900 TO 1200. . 145
in a great battle the Pandya king together with his
elephants, horses and soldiers and took possession of
Madura, his capital city. The success in this in-
stance was the occasion for Parantaka's assuming the
title Madiraikonda (i.e. who took Madura) which we
find mentioned in the inscriptions of his, dated in the
third year of reign. The Singhalese chronicle Maha-
ivansa confirms the results of this invasion when
it states that while Kassapa V was ruling, king Pandu
who had warred with the king of Chola and was
routed, sent many presents unto him, that he might
obtain an army.
The second war between the Pandyas and Cholas
took place in A.D- 918. The inscription which refers
to this, mentions the battle of Velur (not yet identified)
fought on this occasion. It also refers to the Pandya
ally, i.e. the king of Ceylon. The Udayendiram plates
record that having slain in an instant, at the head of
his troops, an immense army despatched by the lord
of Lanka, which teemed with brave soldiers and was
interspersed with troops of elephants and horses,
Parantaka assumed the title of Samgramaraghava
meaning that he was a very Rama in defeating the
forces of the king of Ceylon. Mahawansa again comes
to corroborate the results of the second invasion.
We learn from it that when the Pandya king applied
for help to the king of Ceylon, the latter sent under
the leadership of his general an army for his aid.
When it reached the Pandya country, king Pandu
was greatly pleased and exclaimed, " All Jambudipa
shall I bring under the canopy of one dominion." He
led the two armies himself but did not succeed in
conquering the Cholas as he was forced to abandon
19
146 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the struggle and return to his place. The Singhalese
general continued to fight with the enemy but died
of a contagious disease which greatly thinned the
Singhalese ranks. The king of Ceylon, when he
heard reports of it, callad back the remnants of his
army.
The third invasion of the Pandya country by
Parantaka I, occurred at the end of his reign, i. e.
about A.D. 943. At this time, the Chola arms
were carried not only into Madura but further
south to the island of Ceylon, perhaps to
chastise the Singhalese for the shelter and assist-
ance which they were giving to the Pandyas.
The success in the present instance enabled Paran-
taka I to change his title ' Madiraikonda" into
" Madiraiyum-Ilamum-konda (i.e. who took Madura
and Ceylon) which we find mentioned for the first
time in the inscriptions of his, dated in the thirty-
seventh year of reign. Both the Mahawansa and
the Tiruvalangadu plates are unanimous in stating
that the Pandya king, fearing the wrath of the Cholas,
deserted his country. Further the existence of stone
inscriptions of Parantaka I in the vicinity of
Madura conclusively proves that the Pandya king-
dom, deserted by its king, was occupied by the
Cholas. The Singhalese chronicle makes us believe
that the Pandya king sought refuge first in Ceylon
and then in Kerala. It states that when he arrived
at Mahatitta the king of Ceylon received him well,
gave him large possessions and made him live outside
the city. And while the king of Lanka was preparing
for war determined on helping the Pandya and con-
quering the Cholas on his account, a severe strife
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 147
arose among the princes of the island. Thereupon
the Pandya king thinking that he would derive no
benefit by staying in Ceylon, went to the Kerala
country, depositing with the king of Ceylon, his crown
and other apparel. We cannot be sure if all these
invasions took place while Rajasirnha was the king of
Madura, It is reasonable to hold that during the last
invasion of Parantaka I Madura had passed into
the hands of a different sovereign.
After the death of Parantaka I and up to the time
of Rajaraja I, even the Chola chronology becomes
obscure. The large Leyden plates state that
Parantaka I had three sons, viz. Rajaditya, Ganda-
raditya and Arinjaya. Though the account given
about them would make us believe that these princes
reigned one after another there are reasons for think-
ing that the eldest of them did not survive his father
and that the reign of the other two did not last long.
It is fairly certain that Sundara-Chola alias Paran-
taka II (son of Arinjaya) ascended the throne with
the title of Rajakesarivarinan about A.D. 954-5 and
reigned up to A.D. 970, when he was succeeded by
his eldest son Aditya II, who appears to have held the
reins of government along with his uncle Madhu-
rantakan Uttaina-Chola. This is suggested by the
fact that both of them figure as Parekesarivarmans.
It may be remarked that Aditya II did not reign as
long as his co-regent Gttama-Chola but died five' or
six years after his accession in A. D. 970.
The next Pandya king about whose actions we
get a glimpse in Chola inscription is Vir a- Pandya.
There are also stone records of this sovereign. The
148 ANCIENT DEKSAN.
large Leyden grant states that at a place called Che vur,
a fierce battle was fought between the Chola king
Sundara-Chola alias Parantaka II and Vira-Pandya.
It resulted in great bloodshed and in the complete
defeat of the Pandyas who, on this occasion, lost a
large army. The Chola prince Adityall alias Karikala
is said to have fought valourously against the Pandyas
and won laurels in thefield though he was quite a youth.
The defeated king Vira-Pandya was forced to flee and
take shelter in a forest. The victory on the side of the
Cholas gave Sundra-Cholathe occasion to assume the
title " Pandiyanai-suram-irakkina" i.e., ' who drove
the Pandya into the forest' which we find mentioned
in his stone records discovered in the Tanjore district.
As the event appears to have happened in the 9th
year of the reign of Sundara-Chola, it may be assigned
roughly to A.D. 964. The Singhalese chronicle states
that there was a Chola invasion of Ceylon in the
period A.D. 964-7'J when Udaiya III was reigning.
We are here given to understand that the Chola
king, having heard that Udaya was a drunkard and a
sluggard, " his heart was well pleased and as he desired
to take to himself the whole of the Pandu country, he
sent emissaries to him to obtain the crown and the
rest of the apparel that the king of Pandu left there
when he fled. But the king refused to yield them.
Whereupon the Chola king who was very powerful,
raised an army aud sent it to take them even by
violence." The result of the invasion was a complete
success. The Singhalese general lost his life in the
battle and the Chola king took the crown and the
other things and proceeded towards Rohana which
he was not able to enter. So the Cholas returned to
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 149
their own country. The period ascribed to Udaya
falls in the reign of Suudara-Chola. Accordingly we
may suppose that during his reign, this invasion was
made, perhaps as a consequence of the defeat inflicted
on Vira-Pandya. So far we have not found any
Chola inscriptions which relate to this event but it is
hoped that future researches may bring to light
some corroboration of it.
After the death of Sundara-Chola and when
Aditya II and Uttama-Chola were reigning together,
Vira-Pandya appears to have again risen up in rebel-
lion against the Cholas. Now an alliance was formed
between the Chola, the Kodumbalur chief Vikramake-
sari and Parthivendravarman whose records are most-
ly found in the Chinglepet district. As all these claim
to have taken the head of Vira-Pandya, it may be
presumed that in the battle which took place between
the allied forces and Vira-Pandya, the latter lost his
life. The date of the event may be placed about
A. D. 972-3, because this fact is mentioned even in
the records of Aditya's second year of reign.
The earliest conquest of the Chola king Rajaraja I
(A. D. 985-1013) seems to be that of the Pandyas,
as the Tiruvalangadu plates mention this event first
and state that the king seized on this occasion the
Pandya sovereign Amarabhujanga. The Tanjore
inscriptions record that Rajaraja I defeated the
Cheras and Pandyas together in Malai-nadu and
carried away immense booty. It is worthy of note
that the booty mainly consisted of gold and pearls
and a small quantity of silver. Jewels were made
out of these treasures and presented to the Tanjore
150 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
temple- From the above account of the Chola
inscriptions, we learn the name of the Pandya king
of the period and how he fared at the hands of
Rajaraja I. There are reasons to suppose that the
conquest of the Pandyas took place in the tenth
year of Rajaraja's reign (A- 1). 995), On this occa-
sion the whole of the Pandya country was re-named
Rajaraja-Pandinadu after the conqueror. That the
Pandyas now acknowledged the over-lordship of the
Cholas is fairly established by the existence of
Rajaraja's inscriptions in the Madura and Tinnevelly
districts. The Tamil poem haling attupparani
registers the fact that the fortress of Udagai was
stormed.
Rajaraja I was succeeded by his son Rajendra-
Chola I who reigned from A. D. 1011 to 1045. He
was no less a powerful monarch than his father and
added greatly to the dominion of the Gholas. Like
his father he had a wide scheme of conquests and
during his lifetime the Chola arms were carried into
distant lands both in and out of India. For him, who
was a proved soldier that conducted successfully the
war against the Western Ghalukya Satyasraya during
the days of his father, success was assured in all his
endeavours. For the first time we hear of an Indian
king setting out with a brilliant army to conquer the
several small islands in the Indian Ocean and even
distant Burrnah. In India itself the king's authority
spread as far north as the Ganges and the Singhalese
bowed before the proud conqueror One striking
feature about this king is that he was the first to
notice that the Pandyas proved ever refractory in
spite of several crushing defeats inflicted on them by
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 151
successive Chola sovereigns from the time of Aditya I
down to his own. To the credit of Rajendra-Chola
it must be said that his clear eye did not fail to
perceive the need for keeping under check the subdued
provinces. It was he who for the first time invented
the means of effectively preventing insurrections, by
appointing his relatives as viceroys of the conquered
territories. As soon as he was given the independent
control of the Chola empire, i.e. in the third year of
his reign (A. D- 1014), he directed his arms against
the Pandyas and Keralas, subdued them and left
them in charge of his son Sundara-Chola on whom
he conferred the title of Chola-Pandya, which
indicated that he was a Chola prince ruling the
Pandya territory in the name of his father. None
of the inscriptions of Rajendra-Chola I mention the
names of the Pandya and Kerala sovereigns over-
come by him. One of the Tiruvisalur records, dated
in the third year of the king, registers gifts
made by the queen of the Pandya Srivallabha
and we may presume for the present that he was one
of the Pandya kings whom he subjugated. Besides
this Srivallabha, there were more Pandya princes
ruling over parts of the Pandya territory. There
are sufficient grounds to suppose that the simulta-
neous rule of five Pandya kings commenced about
this period- Though this system came into vogue
now, WP do not find their inscriptions, because they
had no real power, the country having been directly
under the sway of Chola-Pandya viceroys. But from
the inscriptions of Kajadhiraja I whose nominal
accession to the throne took place in A.D- 1018, i>e.,
seven years after that of Rajendra-Chola I, and who
152 ANCIENT DEKHAN,
appears to have conducted the military operations
of the latter so long as he was ruling the Chola
country, we learn the names of the other Pan-
dya princes of the day. It is said (1) that Rajadhi-
raja I cut off on the battle field the beautiful head of
Manabharana which was adorned with large jewels
and which was inseparable from the golden crown ;
(2) that he seized in battle Virakerala whose ankle-
rings were wide and whom the Chola was pleased to
trample down under the feet of his furious elephant
called Attivarana ; (3) that he drove to the ancient
Mullaiyur, Sundara-Pandya of endless great fame,
who, having lost in a hot battle the royal white
parasol and his throne, ran away, — his crown dropp-
ing down, his hair being dishevelled and his feet
getting tired. The prince Manabharana here referred
to has left his mark in such names as Manabharna-
Chaturvedimangalam, a village near Ambasamudram
in the Tinnevelly district. One of the inscriptions
in the temple at Tenkarai near Sholavandan refers
to Virakerala- Virmagar which must be a Vishnu
shrine built by the Pandya prince Virakerala. By
the way it may be pointed out that the names of two
Cuera sovereigns belonging to this period are preser-
ved in the inscriptions of Mannarkoyil (Tinnevelly
district). These are Rajaraja and Rajasirnha. The
latter built the Vishnu temple of Gopalakrishnasva-
min and called it Rajeudrasola-Vinnagar after
his Chola overlord. Sundara-Chola-Pandya's rule
of the Pandya and Kerala dominions lasted from
A.D. 1020 to 1044. This shows that he died in the very
year of his father's death. In the Tamil grammar
Virasoliyain there is a reference to this king. That
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 153
he was not unmindful of the interest of the people
entrusted to his care may perhaps be gathered from
the fact that he built the temple of Sundara-Chola-
Pandisvaramudaiyar at Perundurai in the Puduk-
kottai State. His inscriptions are met with through-
out the ancient Pandyaand Kerala dominions, i.e. in
the Madura and Tinnevelly districts and in Puduk-
kottai and Travancore States.
Two of the successors of Rajendra-Chola I fol-
lowed the latter's plan of governing the Pandya
country by appointing their relations as Chola-
Pandya viceroys. It is said that Parakesarivarrnan
Rajendradeva (A. D. 1052-64) conferred on his
younger brother Mumrnadisolan, the title of Chola-
Pandya and that Rajakesarivarman Virarajendra (A
D. 1062-70) granted Pandi-mandalarn, whose crown
of jewels is exalted in this world, to his royal
son Gangaikonda-Solan along with the title Sola-
Pandiya, the leader of very tall elephants. One of
these two Chola-Pandya viceroys might be Vikrama-
Chola-Pandya whose inscriptions have come down to
us and show that he is not far removed in point of
time from Sundara-Chola-Pandya. These were really
very humiliating days for the Pandyas. From about
A. D. 1014, they seem to have lost all power; their
country wrested from them and themselves placed
under the surveillance of princes of the Chola family.
Such being the case, they could not even contemplate
gathering a small force and rising up in revolt. This
state of affairs continued as shown above till A.D. 1070.
But the time was not far off when they were enabled
to shake of their bondage. Within a few years there
was anarchy prevailing in the Chola country and the
20
154 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
confusion caused by it gave the Pandyas an opport-
unity to rise up ouce more mustering all the strength
they could gather. The dearth of princes in the
Chola family threw open the vast Chola empire to
the Chalukya-Cuola chief Rajendra-Chola II, who
caught hold of his grand-father's throne and ruled
from Kanchi. The freshness and vigour of the kings
of the Vijayalaya line were completely wanting in
the sovereigns of the Chalukya-Cholas who now took
possession of the Chola territory. To pursue the
policy of Rajendra-Chola I towards the provinces,
there was not in the new line a number of princes
who could be appointed to the several viceroyalties.
Thus the procedure of governing the Pandya country
by Chola-Pandya viceroys started by Rajendra-Chola
I and followed by his successors Rajendradeva and
Virarajendra, was abandoned. This gave opportuni-
ties for the almost dying Pandya power to revive ; but
it must be said that they could do nothing of note
for nearly one hundred years. We hear of them in
connection with the war of succession which, as will
be shown below, was waged principally in the Madura
district. The details of this war are recorded in two
inscriptions of the fifth and twelfth years of the reign
of the Chola king Rajadhiraja II and they corroborate
to a large extent the account given in the Singhalese
chronicle Mahawansa.1 Prof. Hultzsch speaking on
the date of this war notes: As Rajadhiraja II
ascended the throne in A.D. 1163 2 his fifth year
began in A-D. 1167 and his twelfth year in A.D. 1174-
1 Rai Bahadur Venkayya has fully described the events,
of this war in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899,
a Ep.Ind., Vol. ix.p. 219.
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 155
According to the Mahawansa (Ch. 76-7) Lankapura's
expedition would have taken place after the six-
teenth year of Parakramabahu I. i.e., after AD. 1168-
9. The Arppakkam inscription of Rajadhiraja II
suggests that there must be a slight chronological
error here, and that Lankapura had invaded South
India already before A.D. 1167 l.
Parakrama-Pandya having been besieged in his
capital Madura by his rival Kulasekhara, applied
to Parakramabahu, the king of Ceylon for aid, There-
upon the latter sent his general Lankapura-Danda-
natha to go and destroy Kulasekara and establish
Parakraiua in his kingdom. The general was direc-
ted not to return without accomplishing his
object. When he went as far as Mahatitha,
the news arrived that king Kulasekara had
taken the city and killed Parakrama-Pandya,
his wife and children. Parakramabahu then ordered
Lankapura to seize the kingdom and give it to one
of the offspring of the dead king. Lankapura set out
with a large army, got on board a ship at Talabbilla
and after a sail of one day and one night, he reached
the opposite coast near a port of the same name when
he found the army of the enemy ready to give battle.
They rained their arrows on the Singhalese who
successfully warded them off and lauded in the place
and seized it. Encamping here, the general fought
four battles- The five chieftains Vadavalattirukkai-
nadalvar, Kudayamutturayar, Pallavarayar, Anju-
kottai-nadalvar and Narasihadeva, who fought
with him, were defeated. A number of Tamils
1 JM.A.S., July 1913, p. 519.
156 ANCIENT 1>EKHAN«
was slain and their horses seized. Rainissaratn
was captured after five more battles were
fought. Encamped at this place, the general fought
nine battles. In the tenth he defeated the chiefs
Silamegha, Narasinga-Brahinarayar, Liankiyarayar,
Aojakottairayar, Paludiyarayar, and the five already
mentioned. He proceeded to Kundukala, a place
midway between the .two seas and four leagues distant
from Ramissaram. The men seized on this occasion
were sent to Ceylon to repair the Ratnavaluka
Chaitya which was breached by the Tamils. At
Kundukala, Lankapura built a fortress with three huge
walls and three trenches and named it Parakramapura.
While he was stationed here, he defeated Kadak-
kudaiyaraya, Cholaganga and others. Kulasekhara
now sent Sundara-Pandya and Pandyadhiraja against
the Singalese but these were also defeated in three
battles. Charukatta was then taken and one other
battle was fought in which the Singhalese gained
victory over Alavanda-Perumal. Koluvura and
Mjiruthupa were taken and the army of Marava
soldiers of the countries of Kangundiya and
Kolura was subdued. Lankapura then marched
against the territory of Viraganga, laid waste
Kunappunallur and other villages and brought
under subjection Malavarayar* On his return to
Parakramapura he fought with Alavanda and slew
him at Vadali.
Kulasekhara finding it of no avail to send
his chiefs to attack the enemy, determined to
take the command himself. Collecting under his
standard Malavachakravarti, Malavarayar, Parut-
tikkudaiyarayar, Tondamarayar, Tuvaradhipavelar,
A. D. 9CO To 1200. 157
Virapperiyarayar, Sengundiyarayar, Nigaladhaiayar
Kurumrnalattarayar, Nakularayar, Pangundanadal-
var, Karambarayar, Kandiyanadalvar, Thalandur-
nadalvar, Kangaya-Nadalvar, Viraganganadalvar,
Yimnvarayar, Alatturnadalvar, the three Manniya-
rayar, Kalavandiyanadalvar KetalasimhamuUara,
and others and gathering a large army from
the two Kongu countries that belonged to the
two brethren of his mother and his own forces
in Tiruuavali (Tinnevelly) and with many more
chieftains such as Nichchavinoda-Manavarayar,
Pattirayar, Tenkuttarayar, Tompiyarayar, Alavanda-
Perumal, Solakonara, Tangapperumal, Alagiyarayar,
Manabharanaraya, Avandiyarayar, Mundiyarayar
and Vittara, he set out to Parakramapura to try
issues with Lankapura-Dandanatha. He fortified
the villages Erukotta and Idangalissara. Fifty-
three battles were fought and in all these the
Pandyas were defeated. The Singhalese general
pursued the army of the enemy up to Kururnpan-
dankali which he made his stronghold. Thereupon
a fierce battle was fought which resulted in the loss
of many Pandya chieftains and in the retreat of
Kulasekhara. The Singhalese general proceeded to
• Erikkavur which he burnt, then to Vadali, thence to
Deviyapattaua, (Deyipatnarn) which he took and
afterwards to Siriyala. Capturing Koluvukotta and
burning twenty-seven villages, Lankapura stopped at
Dantika and laid seige to Kotta and Vukka.
Remaining at Kundanneka, he brought under subjec-
tion many a Pandya chief and captured Vikrama-
solapper and Kamandakkotta. He then fought the
battle of Maruttukotta. Taking Kangakottana,
158 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
he proceeded to Panivakotta which he captured
and returned to Kangakottana. He then went to
Anivalakkotta where he fought a battle Then he
took Nettur and sent a messenger to fetch Vira-
Pandya, the son of Parakrama who, fearing Kula-
sekara, was staying in the Malaya Hills. This done,
he defeated Malavaraya at Mundikkara and subdued
Kilrnangala and Melmangala. In the battle of Mana-
ruadhura, he defeated a few chiefs, took the fortress of
Patapata, set fire to some villages, went to Anivalak-
kotta, captured Tondi and Pasa (Pasippattanam
in the Ramnad Zernindari), went to Kurundan-
kudi and thence to Tiruvekambarna. From there he
proceeded to Sernponmari, took it after a fierce
battle, fought against the determined opposition
of several forces. He gave the place to Malavacha-
kravarti who now submitted to him- When the
general was at Mundikkara to tight a second battle,
Malavachakravarti revolted and took possession of
Siriyala, Tiruvekambama and Semponmari. Lanka-
pura captured the last place once again and bringing
Malavachakravarti to terms he went to Nettur. By
this time Kulasekhara collected the forces of Tinne-
velly, those of the two Kongus and others and was
ready to give battle. Jagad-Vijaya now arrived from
Ceylon and was met by Lankapura at Anivalakkotta.
The latter moved from Nettur to Muddrannadhana,
fought two successful battles at Manual a and
o °
Orittiyur-Tondarna, burnt Siriyala and proceeded to
Tirukkanapper. Jagad-Vijaya meanwhile destroyed
the fortress of Mauaviramadhura, Pattanallur and
Soraudakotta and returned to Nettur. By an
arrangement, the two generals met to confer on
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 159
the future plan of work. Battles at Tiruppali
and Ponnattukkotta were then fought and the
Singhalese gained the day. At Rajina, Kulase-
kliara was defeated and forced to flee to the
fastnesses of Tondamana and several chiefs were
reduced. The general went to Tiruppattur and
thence to Pon-Amaravati, three leagues from it, aud
after doing great havoc he returned to Madura. Now
an order was received from ParSkramabShu that
Vira-Pandya's coronation should be celebrated in a
fitting manner and it was so done.
Meanwhile Kulasekhara joine'd Tondamana and
gathering a large force attacked Mangala and took it
from the chiefs who had submitted to the Singhalese.
Leaving Madura, Lankapura-Dandanatha went to
Mangalakotta, seized Vellinabha and Srivilliputtur.
Kulasekhara occupied the fortress of Santaneri with a
large army. When Lankapura and Jagad-Vijaya pro-
ceeded to attack him, he caused a great tank to be
breached but this did not daunt the generals who,
having rebuilt the bund, marched straightway, burnt
Sirimalaka where Parakrama-Pandya was previously
slain and went to Solantaka. Now Kulasekhara
went to Palankotta with all his forces. He was here
Joined by certain Chola chiefs. The generals then
proceeded to Palamcottah and took it. But Kula-
sekhara escaped to Madura and the generals
pursued him thither, subduing on their way
Nigaladharaya at Adharatteri. On hearing of their
approach, Kulasekhara ran away to the Chola
country out of fear. Stationing Jagad-Vijaya at
Pattanallur, Lankapura went to Tirukkanapper. Now
Kulasekhara received a large force from the Chola
160 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
king and this he sent to Tondi and Pasa. Jagad-
Vijaya moved to Madura while Lankapura marched
from Tirukkanapperto Kila-Nilaya, where he defeated
the Chola forces, burnt Vada-Manamelkudi, Mana-
melkudi and Manjakkudi and arrived at Velangudi.
By this time Kulasekhara went to Pon-Amaravati
whither Lankapura followed him and after a great
battle, put him to flight. Finally giving to Vira-
Pandya the whole of the possessions which the generals
conquered and ordering the use of the Kahapana
coins in the Pandya country, they appear to have
returned to Ceylon. The king of the island built a
city called Panduvijayaka to commemorate the
conquest and gave it to Brahmanas.
Though the above narrative of the Mahawansa
cannot be thought to be incorrect, there are good
grounds to presume that it is one-sided in its account.
It does not even once admit that the Singhalese
ever sustained defeat throughout this long protracted
war. In all probability when the Cholas began to
help the Pandya king Kulasekhara, the latter grew
very powerful ; the reverses of the Singhalese follow-
ed and "finally resulted in their evacuation of the
Southern peninsula. The Mahawama is silent as to
how and when the Singhalese generals left for
Ceylon. When we look at the help which Kula-
sekhara was obtaining from all sides viz., from
his own chieftains and the Cholas and Kongus, in
spite of the innumerable defeats inflicted on him, we
are inclined to believe that his case was better than
Vira-Pandya's. There are several instances where
chiefs who had been subdued and brought to terms
by the Singhalese generals, had taken to arms soon
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 161
after the pressure was withdrawn. Unremittingly
they helped Kulasekhara. Vira-Pandya is described
as being left without even a single supporter.
Confirmation of the general issues of this war is
found in two stone inscriptions, one found at Arppak-
kam and the other at Tiruvalangadu. The first
epigraph states that Edirilisola-Sambuvarayar, the
father of Pallavarayar, hearing that his son had defeat-
ed the generals Lankapura and Jagad-Vijaya and
rid the country of the enemy, presented a village
to a Brahrnana. The second inscription gives the
additional information that a certain Srivallabha,
probably a Pandya, played the traitor in this war.
The war against Vira-Pandya was continued
even after the Singhalese left India. Kulasekhara
died and the cause of his son Vikrama-Pandya was
taken up by the Chola king Kulottunga III. His
Tirukkollarnbudur record states : u The Singhalese
soldiers had their noses cut off and rushed into the
sea. Vira-Pandya himself was compelled to retreat.
The town of Madura was captured and made over to
Vikrama-Pandya."
The Pandya kings, whose achievements are
discussed in this section, are Vira-Pandya, Amarabhu-
janga, Srivallabha, Manabharana, Virakerala, Sun-
dara-Pandya, Parakrama-Pandya, Kulasekhara, Vira-
Pandya and Vikrama-Pandya.
In the next section we shall make an attempt
to trace the Pandya expansion and therefore it will
be useful to note here the names of a few of the
sovereigns that held sway over the Pandya territory
during the latter portion of the twelfth century A.D.,
though much is not known about them,
21
162 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
The latest king of this period is Jatavarman
Kulasekharadeva who, according to Professor Kiel-
horn, ascended the throne in A.D. 1190. He was
for some time a contemporary of Maravarman
Sundara-Pandya I. The historical introductions of
this king begin* with the words Puvin Kilatti.
Inscriptions of these two sovereigns refer to an
earlier member of the family, viz. Jatavarman
Srivallabhadeva 1. At Tenkarai and Kurivitturai in
the Madura district, there are a number of stone
records, engraved in the Tamil characters of the
twelfth century A.D. and dated in the regnal years of
Jatavarman Srivallabha, who may be identical with
the king of the same name mentioned just now. The
historical introduction prefixed to his inscriptions does
not reveal any events connected with his reign ; but
the large collection of his records discovered so far,
clearly prove that his reign was a prosperous one and
that it was a time when attention was paid to the
improvement of the internal administration of the
country such as opening new irrigation channels,
repairing other works that had already been in exist-
ence, building of temples and the like. That this
king was near in point of time to Jatavarman Kula-
sekhara I, may be inferred from the fact that a certain
Srivallabha-achari figures as a signatory in a record of
the latter dated in his third year. The irrigation
works mentioned in the Kurivitturai inscriptions are :
(1) Parakrama-Pandiyapperaru, (2) Parakrama-Pandi-
yan-Kallanai, (3) Vira-Pandyan-kal and Snvallabap-
peraru-
l Vide Nos. 683 of 1905 and HO of the Madras
Epigraphical Collection for 1907,
A. D. 900 TO 1200. 163
The first three of these discloses the names of
two other early sovereigns, viz. Parakrama-Pandya
and Vira-Pandya, who were in all probability contem-
poraries of Jatavarman Srivallabha, at least during
the latter portion of their reigns. Dewan Bahadur
L.D. Swainikkaunu Piliai, in his paper on ' Some
New Dates of Pandya Kings ' contributed to the
Indian Antiquary, gives the date of accession of a
certain Jatavarman Vira-Pandya as A.D. 1189-1190.
This result has been arrived at from the calcula-
tion of the astronomical details furnished in two
records, one from Piranmalai (Madura, district)
and the other from Kudumiyarnalai (Puduk-
kottai State). The details in both of them
are not quite regular. We hope that future
researches may bring to light a few records of this
king giving correct data for verification. At all
events Mr. Swamikkannu Pillai's calculations prove
that there was a Vira-Pandya at this time and we
may suppose that he was the one referred to above.
Parakrama-Pandya after whom the channel and dam
referred to in the Kurivitturai records were called, is
represented in the collection of inscriptions from
Tenkarai, Kurivitturari and Vikkirarnangalam. As
one of the inscriptions of Parakrama-Pandya found
at Vikkiramangalam introduces a general of Vira-
Pandya, the contemporauiety of the two is in a way
established.
164 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
SECTION IX :— PANDYA EXPANSION FROM THE
13TH CENTURY TO THE MIDDLE OF THE 14TH.
We have hereafter to trace the expansion of the
•Pandya dominions. Maravarman Sundara-Pandya
I, whose accession took place in A.D. 12i6, is said to
have burnt Tanjore and Uraiyur, defeated the Oholas
and taken possession of their country and made a
present of it. He proceeded as far as Chidambaram
in the South Arcot district where he worshipped the
god (Nataraja) and performed the anointment of
heroes at Mudikondasolapuram in honour of his
triumph. His inscriptions are found not only in
Madura and Tinnevelly bat also in Trichinopoly,
Tanjore and Pndukkottai State. The existence of
his records in the last three places shows the extent
of his dominion and it also proves that his
claim to have conquered the Cholas is nob a mere
boast. The latest regnal year found for him is in a
record which gives his characteristic title " Sonadu-
Valangiyaruliya", and this is dated in his twenty-
first year which corresponds to A.D. 1287-8 l. In
this year Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II ascended
the throne and reigned up to A.D. 1251, which was
the year of accession of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya
J. This last mentioned sovereign may be regarded
as the greatest of the Pandya kings of Madura for it
was during his rule that the kingdom reached the
utmoso limit of expansion, as will be pointed out
presently. Koyilolugn states that he defeated the
1 Mr. Swamikkamm Pillai assigns three inscriptions to
Jatavarman Kulabekhara II, and finds that the date of accession
of this new king took place between 16th June and 30th Septem-
ber 1237.
PANDYA EXPANSION FEOM THE 13TH CENTURY. 165
Chera, Cbola, Vallala and others, assumed the biruda
' who took every country ' and made munificent gifts
from the immense booty which he obtained from the
vanquished kings. He constructed several tula-
•purusha-ma:idapas and other structures in the temple
of Ranganatha, presented ornaments made of gold
and the nine gems to the god. He is said to have
expended eighteen lakhs of gold pieces for covering
the temple with gold plates and another eighteen
lakhs for other purposes and thus acquired the
name Koyil-pon-meynda-Perumal ' lie who covered
the temple with gold.' One of his inscriptions
states that he was the ornament of the race of
the moon, i.e. the Pandya, the Madhava of the city
of Madura, the uprooter of the Kerala race, a second
Rama in plundering the island of Lanka, the
thunderbolt to the mountain, i.e. the Chola race, the
dispeller of the Karnata king, the fever to the elephant
Kathaka king i.e. (the Gajapati king of Guttack, in
Orissa), the jungle fire to the forest Vira-Ganda-
gopala, the lion to the deer Ganapati (i.e. the Kaka-
tiya king Ganapati), who was the lord of Kanchi,
who performed the anointment of victors at Vikrama-
singapura, i.e. Nellore. He is said to have taken
Srirangam from the moon of the Karnata, which
means the Hoysala Virasomesvara. Still another
record registers the following facts about this Sundara-
Pandya. He destroyed the Chera king and his army
in a battle ; levied tribute on the Chola ; by the
strength of his arm he inflicted defeat on the Hoysala
king in the country which is watered by the Ponni
(i.e. the Kaveri) and cut off his powerful cavalry and
infantry together with many commanders, such as
66 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
/
Singana, who were renowned for their valour ;
killed the Chera king who offered protection to
the Hoysala sovereign when the latter fled from
the Held ; captured Kannanur ; received a tribute
of elephants from the Karnata; not accepting
the tribute sent by the king of Ceylon, he seized him.
He laid siege to Sendamangalarn which was protected
by strong fortifications ; fought several battles which
made the Pallava (Perunjinga) tremble, took the coun-
try which yielded rich produce of paddy, heaps of gold
and innumerable huge elephants and horses and gave
them to him (i.e. the Pallava Peruujinga). He wor-
shipped the two feet of the god Siva who performs the
sacred dance at Tillai (i.e. Chidambaram). In order
to enrich the temple at Tiruvarangam (i.e. Srirangam)
which shines in the land enclosed by the Kaveri,
he performed there the tulabhara ceremony several
times. He was pleased to cover this temple with
gold so as to make it appear like a golden moun-
tain 1. Sundara-Pandya's conquest of the Hoysala
Virasomesvara and the capture of his new capital
Kannanur must have left him in possession of the
Kongu country and what surrounded Trichinopoly.
The victory over the Cholas and Gandagopala must
have brought almost all the rest of the Tamil districts
under his sway. The subjugation of the Grajapati
king of Cuttack in Orissa and the Kakatiya sove-
reign Ganapati must have secured the Telugu
country for the invincible conqueror. His per-
formance of the anointment of victors at Nellore
is of great significance in history as it shows that
1 The details above given are recorded in an inscription
published in the Sentamil.
PANDYA EXPANSION FEOM THE 13TH CENTURY. 167
not only the southern portion of the Presidency
but the north as well acknowledged his supreme
power. We may note here the remark made by the
Muhammadau historian that ' Ma'bar (the name
by which the Pandya country was known to the
Muhammadans) extends from Qulam i.e- Quilon to
Nilawar (Nellore), nearly three hundred pharasangs
along the sea coast ; and in the language of the
country, the king is called Dewar which signifies that
he is the lord of the empire.' Jatavarman Sundara-
Pandya I seems to have issued coins bearing several
legends. Some at least of those with the inscription
Sundara-Piindya are his. Prof. Hultzsch has adduced
grounds to show that coins bearing the legend Ellan-
dalaiyaua belong to him. Mr. Tracy has secured a coin
which contains the characteristic emblem of the
Pandyas viz. the double fish on the obverse side,
while the reverse bears the legend Kodandarama.
There are reasons to suppose that this coin is one of
Jatavarrnau Sundara-Pandya I. In his historical
introduction, the king calls himself a second Rama
in plundering the island of Lanka. There are also
stone epigraphs of the same sovereign which provide
for festivals called Kodandaraman-Sandi and these
declare that the festivals were called after the king
himself. Nothing could be more convincing than
the two grounds here set forth for the identity of
the Kodandarama of the coins with Jatavarman
Sundara-Pandyal 1.
It remains to make clear one point in the last
extract from Sundara-Pandya's records, which is
1 This account is extracted from Koyilolugu in the Indian
Antiquary, Vol. XL.
168 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
liable to be mistakeu. It is this. Sendamangalam
was the place where the Pallava Kopperunjinga kept
the Chola king Rajaraja III in prison. The Tiru-
vendipuram record states that the Hoysala Nara-
sirnha II, — who appears to have been the father-in-
law of the captive Chola sovereign, — came to rescue
him. He is said to have defeated the Pallava and to
have re-instated the Chola sovereign. In the account
given in the previous paragraph it is recorded that
Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I laid siege to Senda-
mangalam and fought many a fierce battle which
made the Pallava tremble ; and that as a final result
of the undertaking, we are told that Sundara-Pandya
took the country together with immense wealth and
numberless elephants and horses and bestowed the
kingdom on Perunjinga. It must be impressed that
we are not to suppose that Sundara-Pandya fought
against the Pallava, which the record seems to admit
at the outset by the use of the phrase ' which made
the Pallava tremble.' The battle must be taken as
having been fought against the Hoysajas and the
words ' which made the Pallava tremble ' should be
interpreted to mean that he was a witness to the
fierce battles which the Pandya fought for him. This
is made clear by the last statement that Sundara-
Pandya bestowed the kingdom on Perunjinga.
In favour of what has been said here, it may be
pointed out that this Pallava chief figures as a
feudatory of Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I in many
a record.
The last year of reign of this illustrious Pandya
sovereign takes us to A.D. 1271. During the major
portion of his reign, his co-regent was Jatavarman
PANDYA EXPANSION FROM THE 13TH CENTURY. 169
Vira-Pandya 1 who ascended the throne in A-D.
1254, i.e. three years after the accession of Jata-
varman Sundara-Pandya I and ruled until at least
A.D. 1271 like the other. He claims to have con-
quered Kongu, Ceylon and the Chola-Mandalam and
to have performed the anointment of victors at
Perumbarra-Puliyur, i.e. Chidambaram. Since he
was a contemporary of Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya
I, there can be little doubt about the conquests
claimed for him in his inscriptions. It is very likely
that he distinguished himself in the wars undertaken
by Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I and assumed the
titles which he bears. His records are mostly met
with in the Pudukkottai State and the Tiunevelly
district and are totally absent in other parts of the
country. They indicate roughly the extent of the
territory that was under his direct rule.
Maravarman Kulasekhara I was anointed king
in A.D. 1268 which falls about the close of the reign
of the two previous sovereigns and his latest year
takes us to A.D. 1310. He is believed to be the Kales
Dewar of the Muhammadan historians. This Kales
Dewar is alleged to have been murdered by his eldest
and legitimate son Sundara-Pandya, ?.e. Sunder- Pande
of the Muhammadan accounts. In the period between
A.D. 1270 and 1310 there were several Pandya kings
as will be seen from the list appended below. Chief
among them may be mentioned Jatavarman Sundara-
1 Mr. Swamikkannu Pillai was the first to arrive at the date
of accession of this king and of another of this period, i.e. Mara-
varman Snvallabha to whom he gives the initial date A.D. 1257.
There was also a Maravarman Vira-Pandya reigning at this time.
His accession took place in A.D. 1253.
22
170 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Pandya whose accession took place in A.D. 1270 and
another of the same name who ascended the throne
in A.D. 1275-6. The latter king is styled Jatavarman
Sundara-Pandya II by Prof. Kielhorn. We may
mention that there were no Chola kings ruling at the
time. They having become extinct, the Pandyas
were left undisputed lords of the ancient Chola and
Pandya territories- In fact Jatavarman Sundara-
Pandya's records are met with in the Madura, Tinne-
velly, Tanjore, Chingleput and South Arcob districts
and those of the second king of this name are found as
far north as Cuddapah district. In A.D. 1292 Marco
Polo found a Sundara-Pandya ruling at Madura
and we have the evidence of the Muhamrnadan
historian Wassaf that this king died in A.D. 1293. l
The Singhalese chronicle Mahawansa states
that when Bhuvanekabahu I (A.D. 1277-88) was
reigning, there were certain Tamil foes in the island.
Chodaganga, Kalingaraya, and others were among
them. These had landed from the opposite coast,
having been driven out by the Pandya king. ' Then
there was a famine in Ceylon and the five brethren
who governed the Pandyan kingdom sent thither, at
the head of an army, a great minister of much power
who was a chief among the Tamils, known as Arya-
chakravarti, albeit he was not an Aryan. And when he
had landed and laid waste the country on every side,
he entered the great and noble fortress, the city of
Subbhagiri (i.e. Yapuva.) And he took the venerable
1 The dates of accession of all these have been fixed by
Mr. Swamikkannu Pillai except the one for Mar, Kulasakbara II.
According to him, Sundara-Pandya of the Muhammadan
historians is he who ascended the throne in A.D. 1302.
PANDYA EXPANSION FROM THE 13TH CENTUKY. 171
tooth relic, and all the solid wealth that was there,
and returned to the Pandyan country. And there
he gave the tooth relic unto king Kulasekara, who
was even like unto a Sun, expanding the lotus-like
race of the Pandyan king." Of Parakrabahu III
(A.D. 1288-93), we learn from the same source that
he went to the Pandya country with a certain num-
ber of crafty men, and recovered the sacred tooth
relic, which was afterwards enshrined in a big temple
built by Parakrarnabahu IV.
From the above account two points are specially
worthy of note, viz., (1) that the principal monarch of
the Pandya country was a certain Kulasekbara who
was one of five brethren, and (2) that the Pandya
minister, though called Aryachakravarti was not an
Aryan. It is not difficult to find out, from the
materials available to us who this Kulasekara was.
There was but one king of this name reigning at the
time and this is Maravarman Kulasekhara I who
ascended the throne in A.U. 1268, and had a highly
prosperous reign of forty odd years. His verified dates
carry his reign to A.D. 1308, and it is not unlikely
that he lived for two years more, i.e. till A.D. 1310,
when he was murdered by his eldest son Sundara-
Pandya, as the Muhammadan historians inform us,
The name Aryachakravarti is more a title than a
proper name. It is a general appellation which a south
Indian would have used to denote a king or a poten-
tate of northern India. The statement of the
Mahawansa that he was not an Aryan strongly
suggests that he belonged to a different nationality.
The writings of the Venetian traveller Marco-Polo
make us believe that this Pandya general was a
172 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Muhammadan. Now turning to the pages of the
Muhammadan historians, who have sketched the
conquests of the various kingdoms of Southern India
by Malik-kafur, the general of Alla-ud-diti Khilgi, we
find that, at the time of which we are speaking, there
were Muhammadau ministers employed under Pandya
kings.
We are informed that the eminent prince, the
Margrave of Hind, Taki-uddin Abdur Rahiman, son
of Mohammadut Tibi, whose virtues and accomplish-
ments have, for a long time, been the flame of
admiration among the chief inhabitants of that
country, (i.e. Ma'bar, a name by which the Pandya
territory is referred to by the Muhammadan wiiters)
was the Dewar's (Pandya king's) minister and
adviser and was a man of sound judgment. In the
year H. 692 (A.D. 1293) the Dewar (i.e. the ruler of
Ma'bar), died and left behind him much wealth and
treasure. His brother succeeded him. He had for
his minister Malikia'zam Takiuddiu. The reference
given here completely corroborates the account of
the Mahaivansa that the Pandya general and
minister was not an Aryan.
From the Muhammadan writers again, we learn
that during the time of rule of Maravarmaii Kulase-
kara 1 (Kales Dewar), no foreigner dared enter his
country, and that he knew naught of any sickness
which confined hhu to bed. The wealth of his domi-
nion is described in glowing terms. He had two sons
of whom the elder, called Sundara-Pandya, was legiti-
mate, while the younger Tira-Pandya (i.e. Vira-
Pandya), though illegitimate, was remarkable for
shrewdness and intrepidity. Kulasekara having
PANDYA EXPANSION FROM THE 13TH CENTURY. 173
nominated the latter as his successor, Sundara-
Pandya was enraged, and in anger rashly killed his
father towards the close of A.D. 1310, and was
quickly crowned in the city of Madura. The army
supported his cause and helped him to carry away
a portion of the treasure found in the capital to
Mankul (Namakkal.)
Vira-Pandya, having resolved to avenge his
father's blood followed Sundara, and met him in battle
on the banks of the lake called Talachi. The result
of the encounter was that Vira-Pandya, being wound-
ed, fell into the hands of his enemy. Seven elephant
loads of gold were taken by Sundara-Pandya, and he
straightway obtained possession of the kingdom. Now
Manar Barmul (Manabharana) the son of a daughter
of Maravarrnan-Kulasekara, who was then at Kara-
inatti (i.e., Paramatti) near Kalul (i.e., Karur),
espousing the cause of Vira-Pandya, helped him with
men and money. Collecting a large army, Vira-
Pandya advanced against Sundara-Pandya, who now
fled from his native country, and took refuge under
Allauddin Khilgi of Delhi, leaving Vira-Pandya in
undisputed possession of his hereditary kingdom,
where he was now firmly established. When these
events were taking place Malik-Kafur marched against
Dur Sarnundar (i.e. Dwarasamudra) and soon after, the
Pandya country itself was thought of for an invasion.
In A.D. 1310, the appointed leaders, accompanied by
a select army, got possession of some of the towns,
owing chiefly to the animosity that had lately arisen
between the two brothers Sundara and Vira. But
finally, a large army attended by numerous elephants
of war was sent to oppose the Muhamrnadans which
174 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
forced Malik-Naib to retreat. In April 1311, just at
the time when Sundara-Pandya had vacated Madura,
and fled away with all his queens, the Muhamrnadans
reached that place and took hold of the two or three
elephants left in the temple of Jagauar, i.e. Chok-
kanatha.
The Sundara-Pandya reported in the above
account as having died in A.D. 1293, appears to be
Jatavarman-Sundara-Pandya II, who ascended the
throne in A.D, 1276. The parricide Sundara has been
identified with Jatavarman-Sundara-Pandya IV.,
who ascended the throne in A.D. 1303, and his illegiti-
mate brother Vira with the one of that name whose
accession took place in A. D. 1296. -Many of the
records of this Vira-Pandya, who had successfully
withstood the Muhammadan invasion and lived for a
comparatively long period, naturally speak of the
reconsecration of temples destroyed and defiled by
the Muhammadaus.
Of the other Pandya princes of this period,
Maravarinan Vikrama-Pandya's records range bet-
ween A. D- 1283-1291, Jatavarrnan Srivallabha
1291-1316, Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya 1302-1318,
and Maravarman Kulasekhara IL 1314-1345« Mara-
varman Vikrama-Pandya's inscriptions have been
found'in the Tanjore, South Arcot and Chingleput
districts, while those of Maravarman Kulasekhara II
are met with in Madura, Pudukkottai, Tinnevelly
and Tanjore districts and indicate roughly the portions
of territory which were under their sway. The for-
mer of these claims to have conquered Vira-Ganda-
gopala and Ganapati and this shows that there was
probably some revolt on the part of the northern
PANDYA EXPANSION FKOM THE 13TH CENTURY. 1.5
powers to throw off the Pandya yoke shortly aft
Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I passed away an
that Vikrama-Pandya had to quell them. So far
with the help of the dates given for these Pandya
kings, we have followed, though briefly, their career
up to the middle of the 14th century A.D.
LIST OP PANDYA SOVEREIGNS OP THE THIRTEENTH AND
FOURTEENTH CENTURIES l
(1) Jatavarman Kulas5khara L, A.D. 1190-1216.
(2) Maravarman Sundara-Pandya L, 1216-1237.
(3) Jatavarman KulasGkhara II., 1237-1260..
(4) Maravarman Sundara-Pandya II., 1238-1255.
(5) Jatavarman Sundava- Pandya I., 1251-1271.
(6) Jatavarman Vira-Pandya, 1254-1271.
• (1) Maravarman Kulasekhara I., 1268-1310.
(8) Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya, 1270-1310.
(9) Do. II. 1276-1292.
(10) Maravarman Vikrama-Pandya, 1283-1291.
(11) Jatavarman Srivallabha, 1291-1316.
(12) „ Vira-Pandya, 1296-1342.
(13) Maravarman Kulasekhara II, 1314-1345.
SECTION X :- CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER
PANDYAS.
A number of inscriptions of Pandya kings
belonging to the fourteenth to the seventeenth
centuries have, in recent years, been discovered. As
some of them furnish both the regnal years of the
kings and the corresponding Saka dates, it has been
1 Beside the kings given in this list there appear to have
been several others and the calculations of Dewan Bahadur
Swamikkannu Pillai have brought to light five of them. These
are Mar. Vira-Pandya (1252-3), Mar. Sundara-Pandya (1294)
Jat. Vira-Pandya (1296) Jat. Parakraraa (1315) and Jat.
Sundara (1318).
in 6 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
possible to fix the years of their accession. A few
others contain astronomical detail from which also
the initial dates could be ascertained. Two copper-
plates belonging to the dynasty have been obtained.
These give the genealogy of the family with some de-
tails about the reigns of a few of them. The follow-
ing account is based on the inscriptions registered
in the appendices to the Annual Reports on Epig-
raphy of the Madras Circle. As much is not known
about their achievements we must be content with
knowing their chronology. They do not appear to
have had any real power which rested with the Vijaya-
nagara kings and their Viceroys who had the actual
Government of the country during the major portion
of this period.
The earliest king for whom dated inscriptions
are found is a certain Parakraina-Pandya. He
appears to have ascended the throne in A.D. 1384.
The latest regnal year for him is his thirty-sixth
which corresponds to A.D. 1415. This is gathered
from a stone inscription l which comes from Kutta-
lam in the Tinnevelly District. The next king is a
certain Jatilavarman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin
Kulasekharadeva whose accession took place in
A-D. 1395 i.e., eleven years later than that found
for Parakrama-Pandya. A record of his seventh year
coupled with Saka-Samvat 1324 corresponding to
A.D. 1402 has been copied at Karivalamvandanallur.
The date given to this king shows that he was co-
regent with Parakrama for some time. It is not
possible to say how long both these sovereigns
No. 203 of the Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1895.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER PANDYAS. 177
reigned and whether their reigas extended up to
the date of accession of the next king Mara-
varman alias Tribh. Vira-Pandya which took place
in A.D. 1420-1. Inscriptions of the last mentioned
king have been found in the Madura, Tinnevelly
and South Canara districts and they range in
date between A.D. 1420 and 1440. The king who
reigned* as co-regent with Vira-Pandya is Jatila-
varman Arikesarideva alias Parakrama-Pandya whose
accession also took place in the same year i.e. in A.D.
1420-1. He had a highly prosperous reign of nearly
forty-two years extending up to A.D. 1463, when he
is reported to have died. The principal work of his
time was the construction of the big tower in the
Tenkasi temple and certain repairs and additions to
the latter. The religious teacher Tattvaprakasa was
the recipient of rich gifts from the hands of this
sovereign. His inscriptions are mostly found at or
near Tenkasi, which he seems to have made his prin-
cipal place of residence. One of these records states
that the OlakJca-Mandapa in the temple of Visva-
natha, which is perhaps identical with the exqui-
sitely sculptured porch in front of it, was built by
him. These sculptures which are worked on huge
pillars display boldness of design, powerful skill,
elaborate ornamentation, minute and detailed work-
manship of the various parts and a high degree of
polish. They are admirable specimens of Indian art
and sculpture of the fifteenth century A.D., and
appear to be superior in quality to the work of a
similar nature found in the Tinnevelly and Krishna-
puram temples. Of the sculptures in the mandapa
referred to above, two represent Nataraja, one
23
178 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the goddess Kali, the fourth Vlrabhadra, the fifth
Manraatha with his characteristic weapons viz.,
the sugar-cane bow and the lotus arrow, the sixth
Ratidevi, the goddess of beauty, seated with ease
on the peacock vehicle and the seventh is a simi-
lar form to Virabhadra's but with the representa-
tion at his feet of the demon Apasmara whom he
kills with a sword. Another figure in the same group
which is almost like Manmatha, has a flute applied
to his lips and it is believed to represent the god
Krishna. There are also two other female images
which perhaps represent attendant deities.
Another king who was also co-regent with
Arikesari Farakrama, was his younger brother
Alagan-Perumal Kulasekharadeva. He appears to
have ascended the throne ten years later and con-
tinued to hold the reins of government for forty-four
years till A.D. 1473. His reign was more prolonged
than that of his elder brother Parakrarna. He com-
pleted the work in the big gbpura at Tenkasi, which
was left unfinished by his brother when he died in
A.D. 1463. During his time a Vishnu shrine was
built in the Visvanathasvamin temple by a Brahmin
officer of the king named Tiruvali-Srirangaraja-Brah-
raadhirajan. This shrine is the one (now found
closed) to the left of the principal shrine in the
temple. This has also a fine porch with some
sculptures popularly believed to represent the Pandya
heroes.
The next king for whom a dated inscription
has been found at Tenkasi is one who bears the
double name Parakrama Kulasekhara. He was a
Jatilavarman and ascended the throne in A. D. 1479.
CHKONOLOGY OF THE LATER PANDYAS. 179
His fifteenth year corresponded to Saka-Samvat 1416
(A.D. 1494) and the twentieth year fell in Saka 1421
(A.D. 1499.) Ic is not known who the Pandya king
was that ruled during the six years that preceded
the accession of this king. There is also an un-
explained gap after the time of this sovereign and the
next king Maravarman alias Sundara-Pandya, whose
accession took place in A. D. 1530-1. Of this last
named king only a single record has so far been
copied. It is dated in his twenty-fourth year coupled
with Saka 1479 (A. D. 1555) and conies from Gangai-
kondan in the Tinnevelly district. Contemporary
with him there reigned (1) Jatilavarrnan alias
Srivallabha who ascended the throne in A.D. 1534
and reigned until at least A.D. 1544 and (2) Jatila-
varman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin Konerinmai-
kondan Perumal Kulasekharadeva who revived the
old times. To this king must be attributed an ins-
cription dated in Saka-Samvat 1458 (A.D. 1536) which
Mr. Sewell notes in his Lists of Antiquities, Vol. I,
p. 306. The third co-regent was Perumal Parakrama
whose fourth year fell in Saka 1469 corresponding to
A. D. 1546 and this yields for his accession A, D.
1542. One of the Tenkasi inscriptions calls him
Perumal-Kulasekharadeva-Parakrama-Pandya and
states that he was f>he son of Jatilavarman Abhirama-
Parakram a- Pandya. A record of this king found
at Karivalamvandanallur mentions Jatilavarman
alias Tribhuvanachakravartin Konerinmaikondan
Tirunelveliperumal born in the constellation Asvati,
as his son. He is perhaps identical with Jatila-
varman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin Konerinmai-
kondan Kulasekhara also called Dharma-Perumal
180 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
and Tirunelveli-Perumal. His inscriptions are found
at Sankaranainarkovil, Tenkasi and Karivalam-
vandanalliir. He ascended the throne in A.D. 1550-1
and reigned until A. D. 1563. In his honour, a
poern called Viravenbamalai was composed. In his
sixth year (A.D. 1557), Ativirararna alias Srivallabha
was crowned king and he reigned till A. D. 1596-
He is said to have ordered the return of certain taxes
wrongly collected, to the temple at Tenkasi. A record
in the Tenkasi temple states that Alagan Sivalavel,
i.e., Srivallabha was crowned king in A. D. 1564 i.e.,
seven years later than the accession of the one last
mentioned. It is, therefore, evident that he must be
different from Ativirararna Srivallabha. This king
receives the name Jatilavarmau alias Ativiraraina
alias Srivallabha in several records. The latest
known date for him is A.D. 1583-4 and it was in his
reign that the Pudukkottai grant was issued. Prince
Abhirama Varatungarama is mentioned in No. 528
of the Collection of 1909 and he is perhaps identical
with Jatilavarman alias Tribhuvanachakravartin
Abhirama- Varatungarama alias Vira-Pandya, whose
record of the tenth year corresponding to Saka 1517
(A.D. 1595) was found at Karivalamvaudanallur.
According to this, his accession should have taken
place in A.D. 1585-6- He appears to have ruled
jointly with Ativirarama Srivallabha mentioned above.
One other king for whom dates are known is Gunarama
alias Kulasekhara also called Sivalamaran. His
thirty-seventh year corresponded to Saka 1574 (A-D.
1652), which yields for his accession A. D. 1615.
In this book we have noticed briefly the part
played by the Pandyas in the early history of the
CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER PANDYAS. l8l
Dekhan from some centuries prior to the advent of
Christ up to the 17th century A.D. ; the commercial
intercourse that existed between the Pandya country
and the western world ; their contention with the
several powers of southern India ; the expansion of
their dominion and their final decline. This history
has much to teach us in the several aspects which it
presents, and these will be evident to the reader as he
peruses their account. We have also shortly touched
on some of the important features at the beginning
of each section.
BOOK III.
SECTION I :— INTRODUCTORY.
Tradition asserts that from time immemorial, the
south was divided into three great kingdoms of which
the Chola was one. The earliest epigraphical reference
to it is contained in the second and thirteenth rock
edicts of the Buddhist emperor Asoka who flourished
in the 3rd century B.C. The second edict speaks
of the Chola dominion as being one of the outlying
provinces of the Maurya, which has not been brought
under Asoka's sway ; and the thirteenth edict makes
us believe that Buddha's moral teachings were respect-
ed by the people of that country. Notices about
Cholas are also made in the Periplus Maris Erythrae
,ind in Ptolemy. This indicates that it was known to
the early Greek geographers. According to some of
the Pur&nas, the Chola territory was one of those that
composed the DaJcshinapatha i. e. the ' southern
region'. Reference to this territory is to be found in
the Ramayana of Valmiki, in the Vartikasol Katya-
yana and in Patanjali's Mahabhashya. Katyayana
tells us that one sprung from an individual of the
Chola tribe as well as the king of their country
should be called Chola. This leads us to infer that
the term Chola was first applied to a tribe and then
184 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
to the country and its king. The early Sanskrit poet
Kalidasa, in giving an account of Raghu's conquest
mentions most of the kingdoms of Southern India
and some of the rivers among which we find
the Kaveri. All these references help us to under-
stand that the Chola kingdom was one of the most;
ancient and civilised countries of the Dekhan, that it
was inhabited by a tribe called the Chola which lent
its name to the country and its king and that it lay
in the extreme south of the Peninsula. It appears to
have comprised all that tract of country which lies
along the east coast commencing from the northern
boundary of the Pandya territory and extending up
to the Palarii.
We have not got a continuous dynastic account
of the sovereigns of this early dominion prior to the
middle of the 9th century A, D« when Vijayalaya
started a new line with his capital at Tanjore. Ins-
criptions on stone and copper belonging to this later
branch refer by name to a few of the members of the
earlier line and the Tamil historical texts supplement
to a great extent the meager information furnished in
inscriptions- The names mentioned in these charters
of the Vijayalaya line are (I) Sengannan, (2) Karikala,
and (3) Killi. The order in which these names occur
is different in different tablets. The Tiruvalangadu
plates place Killi at the head, Karikala in the middle
and Kochchengannaii at the end whilo the Leydeu
grant mentions Karikala first, Kochchengannan after-
wards and lastly Killi. This shows that at the time
when these charters were drawn up, even the order
in which these early sovereigns, ruled, was forgotten
;and that there were no written records to indicate
INTKODUCTORY. 185
their time. But it must be added that in spite of
these difficulties which confront us at the outset
there are materials available now which help
to fix with some amount of certainty the period
when these kings flourished. There are also
records which give a vivid description of the state of
the country in those early times and from them we
learn much about the civilisation, the mode of
warfare, the commercial activities and the like which
we shall notice in the sequel.
SECTION II :— EARLIER CHOLAS.
Manu-Chola : — This sovereign appears to be
different from Manu, the great law-giver of India and
must not be mistaken for him. To indicate the
strictly just method of administration followed by him,
the Tamil work Periyapuranam states that he put up
a tower and hung a bell in it which any one who had
been wronged and who desired redress might ring. So
just was the administration in his day that never once
was the bell rung. However on one occasion when the
king had grown old, a cow caused it to beat. The
king was sorely afflicted to hear the sound which
indicated at once that there was miscarriage of justice
in his kingdom. He ascertained from his unwilling
ministers that the cow ha,d been wronged by the
king's own son who had caused the death of its calf
by running his car unawares on it. It was suggested
that the prince might be asked to perform expiatory
ceremonies for the crime committed. But the king
would not hear it as he thought that the punishment
was too light and directed that the prince must be
24
186 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
run over by a car in the same way as the calf was.
This was done but miraculously enough his life was
saved by the power of the gods. This story of the
Periyapuranam has a sequel in the Dipavansa
when it describes the reign of Elera. Elera is said to
have beenaDramila of the illustrious Uju tribe, that
he invaded Ceylon from the Chola dominion, put to
death the Singhalese king Asela and reigned righte-
ously for 44 years from B.C. 205 to 161, The incidents
narrated about his just ways compare well with those
recorded about Manu-Chola.
There is an account in the Tamil works which
states that Tiruvalluvar, the author of the Rural had
a friend by name Eielasingan, a very Craesus of his
time and that his concerns were much on the sea.
The latter part of the name i.e. Singan might perhaps
indicate that he was connected with the island.
The question is whether Manu-Chola of the Periya-
puranam, Elelasinga of the Tamil tradition and
Elera of the Dipavansa are identical. We want
more evidence to settle the point which is really of
very great interest.
Kochchengannan : — Tamil literature speaks of
this sovereign as having fought with the Chera king
Kanaikkal Irumborai at a place called Kalumalam,
where he defeated his enemy and took him prisoner
aud confined him at Kudavayil-kottam. Kalumalam
is not to be identified with Shiyali which also bore
that name but must be looked for in the Cochin state
and Kudavayil-kottam is most probably Kodavasal
near Kumbakonam. The poet Poygaiyar assigned by
the late Kanakasabai Pillai to the 7th or 6th century
A.D. celebrates the valour of this king in his poem
EARLIER CHOLAS. 187
Kalavalinarpadu. From this we learn that the battle
of Kalumalain was a sanguinary engagement. It was
fought on a forenoon. The Chera was strong in
elephants while the Chola had a large army consist-
ing mainly of picked archers and horsemen. The
Chola archers rained their arrows and killed a large
number of the enemy's elephants. At the time of
bat61e Sengannan was young, valiant and terrible in
war. He wore ornaments of gold and precious stones,
a sword and a scabbard and garlands of fragrant
flowers. In other places Sengannan is said to have
extended his authority over the Pandya and Chera
kings. He is reported to have settled a number of
Brahmans and built for them houses at Chidambaram.
No less than 70 temples dedicated to Siva and Vishnu
in different parts of the Chola country were cons-
tructed by him. The extensive building operations
of this king are also referred to in the hymns
of Jnanasambanda and in the Tamil work Periya-
puranam. One peculiarity of the structures raised
by him is that they had a top portion which resem-
bled an elephant in its lying posture. This means
that the tops of these buildings formed a long dome
and it is not unreasonable to gather from this that
the dome architecture which is considered rather a
difficult piece of work was practised in Southern
India with success in those early days. The inclusion
of Sengannan's name in the list of 63 Saiva devotees
has much to tell us about the character of this king.
An image of his is always to be found in every Siva
temple.
From the poem Kalavalinarpadu, we learn that
swords, Javalins, lances, bows and arrows were
188 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
largely used as weapons of war. Leathern sandals
were worn by soldiers to protect their feeb. Big
drums were carried to the battle-field on the back of
elephants and tall banners were borne on chariots as
well as on elephants. The soldiers fought on foot
and on horse back ; the nobles and princes rode on
elephants while the commanders drove on chariots.
Umbrellas with straight handles and flat circular
tops covered with white silk or cloth were taken
behind the officers of the army as tokens of their
dignity. Women went to the battle-field to recover
the bodies of their slain kindred.
We have not got enough materials to fix the age
of this king. That he lived in a much earlier period
than the 7th century A. D. can be gathered from
the fact that already during the time of the Saiva
saints Jnanasambanda and Appar, stories regarding
the past birth of Sengannan came to be circulated.
In the writings of these we find that king Sengannan
was a spider in his previous birth and that he wove
cobwebs over the Siva-linga at Jambukesvaram ;
that an elephant removed it everyday, offered water
and flower to the deity and that the spider on seeing
this got into the nostrils of the animal and gave
trouble. The story is not of much value as regards
facts but this much we have to take from it viz., that
the lower limit of king Sengannan is the middle of
the 7th century A.D. when the writers lived.
Karikala.
Karikala was one of the greatest sovereigns of
the Chola dynasty. He it was that made Kavirippum-
pattinam the capital of the empire seeing its
EARLIER CHOLAS. 189
advantageous position for trade. He appears to have
improved its position to a considerable extent by
building warehouses and appointing officers to collect
the dues to government on the articles exported from
and imported into the country. It is riot unlikely
that the seat of government was removed by Karikala
to this place from Uraiyur, which he is said to have
abandoned, finding perhaps that the latter place was
not a central one and had not so much in its favour to
be the capital of the empire as the flourishing port of
Kavirippumpattinam. Karikala was certainly one of
the most powerful Chola kings that ruled from the
city and his name is even to the present day known
throughout the Tamil country and in the Telugu
districts as that of a great monarch who looked to the
welfare of the subjects entrusted to his care and as
a patron of letters.
Inscriptions that mention him are indeed very
few, but certainly not 'fewer than those that refer to
the other great kings of the line. Except for the mere
mention of him, Ghola inscriptions do not throw much
light on the events connected with his reign. This is
because we have not as yet obtained any copper-plate
grant relating to the dynasty to which Karikala be-
longed, all the charters hitherto discovered being only
those of the revived Chola line started by Vijayalaya
in the 9th century A.D. Nor are we in possession of
the facts which brought an end to the earlier line.
It is not even known who the last great sovereign
was. But there is not much doubt, however, that
the Pallava expansion in the south and the establish-
ment of the Chalukyas were some of the causes
which might have contributed to this end, not to say
190 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the effiminacy and weakness of some of the Chola
kings, who do not appear to have persisted in main-
taining their ground against the advancing northern
powers. We have already stated that even the order
of reigns of the earlier Cholas is not uniformly given
in copper-plates. The Udayendiram plates place
Karikala between Killi and Sengannan, while the
Leyden plates mention him prior to the other two
sovereigns. The Telugu-Cholas claim descent from
Karikala. Though the materials furnished by inscrip-
tions regarding his reign are scanty, yet there is no
room for complete disappointment, for the literature
of the early Tamils has on record many a reference
which could be of use to the student of history.
The exact time when this king flourished is not
given either in the copper-plates which mention him
or in the Tamil works which describe his times.
Scanty as the materials are for settling the question
of his date, the approximate' period to which this
king should be ascribed can fairly be made out by a
consideration of certain facts and events connected
with his reign. These are : —
(1) Karikala fought with Trilochana-Pallava,
and defeated him.
(2) He ruled from Kanchl, which he made new
with gold.
(3) Karikala was an ally of Avanti and an over-
lord of Vajra and Maghada.
(4) He brought a number of families from the
Gangetic valley and settled them in the several dis-
tricts of Tondai-mandalam.
(5) He figures among the early ancestors of the
Telugu-Choda chiefs and the Cholas,
EARLIER CHOLAS. 191
(6) The battle at Vennil, where Karikala defeat-
ed the Chera and the Pandya kings.
Copper-plate charters of the Telugu-Choda chiefs
attribute to Karikala the building of high banks to
the Kaveri river and the conquest of Trilochana-
Pallava.1 It may be stated that the former of these
events is mentioned in the Tiruvalangadu grant 2.
The statement that Karikala ruled from Kanchi
making it new with gold might be taken to show
either that the Pallavas had not settled themselves yet
at Kanchi, or that the Chola king's conquest of them
gave him its possession. The conquest of Trilochana-
Pallava attributed to Karikala suggests that the
latter is more probable. It is not known, however,
which king among the Pallavas bore the surname
Trilochana. Whoever he was, he is also said to have
been defeated by the Western Chalukya Vijayaditya,
who, in spite of the victory, is reported to have lost
his life in the encounter.3 As Vijayaditya, with
whom the Pallava contemporary of Karikala had to
fight, is considered to be the immediate predecessor
of Pulakesin I, and as the initial date of Pulakesin
is fixed at A.D. 550, Vijayaditya has to be assigned
to the earlier half of the 6bh century A.D. And this
must also be the time, when the Chola king Karikala
flourished. It may be noted that Vijayaditya was a
king of Northern India and came from Ayodhya in
quest of a dominion in the south. We are not
informed if Trilochana-Pallava met his two oppo-
nents in the same battle or in different encounters.
1 Page 17 of the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1900.
2 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-07, p. 67.
3 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I. Part II. p. 340.
192 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
If the Tamil work Tondamand&lasadagam can
be relied upon, we may perhaps infer that Kari-
kala had something to do with the kings of
Northern India, whence Vijayaditya also came-
Here we find that Karikala brought a number of
Sudra families from the Gangetic valley (and on that
account said to belong to the G-angakula), settled
them in the 24 districts (kottam) of Tondai-manda-
lam, and bestowed on them rich gifts.1 This fact and
the subsequent settlement of the Western Chalukyas
in Southern India on a more or less firm footing
might perhaps be adduced to show that Trilochana-
Pallava had to meet the combined forces of Karikala
and Vijayaditya, and that the two last were on
some terms of alliance, which are not quite plain.
It is not unlikely, that some of the northern powers
joined one side or the other, la this connection it
is worthy of note that Karikala is represented in the
Tamil work Silappadigaram as an ally of Avanti,
which is Ujjain in Malwa,2 and as the overlord of
of Vajra and Magadha.3 It looks as if Karikala was
instrumental in permanently settling the Western
Chalukyas in Southern India. The surmise' made
above gathers strength by the fact revealed in the
Velurpalaiyam plates that Kumaravishnu I, the
grandfather of Kumaravishnu II who is attributed
to the 7th century A.D., captured Gonjeeveram.
There could be absolutely no meaning in the boast
of a Pallava king capturing his own capital if the
place had not been lost by one of his predecessors.
1 Stanza 97, p. 38,
2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol.IV p. 246 and Vol. VI. p. 195.
3 Magadha denotes Southern Bihar in Lower Bengal.
EARLIER CHOLAS. 193
The arguments adduced above show that Conjeeveram
should have passed into the hands of Karikala during
the time of Skandavarman II the immediate prede-
cessor of Kumaravishnu I and that the latter should
have wrested it from the Cholas in the reign of
Karikala. The defeat of the Chera and the Piindya
on the plains of Vennil, and the confederacy of nine
potentates and the Pallavas in some unnamed places
should have left Karikala as the undisputed lord of the
Dekhan. The Chera king overcome by him was Sera-
man Peruncheral Athan. He is said to have received
a wound on his back and to have sought a voluntary
death rather than being a monument of disgrace to
his family.1 That even the people of the Telugu
districts acknowledged his sway is gathered from the
fact that Karikala figures among the early ancestors
of the Telugu-Choda chiefs and the Cholas, Inscrip-
tions of the Cholas are found in the Cuddapah and
Bellary districts.
A word about Karikala's parentage deserves to
be mentioned here. He was the son of Ilanjetchenni
called also Ilanjenni or Ilaiyon. This name means
" the young Chola" or " the young prince." He was
perhaps the heir apparent to the Chola throne and
hence was known by that appellation. It may be
noted that Ilanchenni or Ilaiyon in something similar
to Ilanyo, Yuvaraja or Ilavarasu. There is nothing
to warrant our presuming that Ilanjetchenni was a
king of the Chola dominion. He seems to have
distinguished himself in the wars undertaken by the
reigning king who, we might suppose, was his elder
1 The poets Kalattalaiyar and Venni-Kuyatfciyar refer to
this king in Pur.ananuF.u, stanzas 65 and 66.
25
194 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
brother. The title Uruvappahreru, which we find
prefixed to his name, shows that he resembled a lion
in prowess. Sometimes the name Ilanjetchenni is
connected with Neydalanganal which denotes that
the tract of country over which he was the lord,
bordered on the sea and it was, most probably, near
the mouth of the Kaveri river. He married a
daughter of Alundur-vel. Alundar is identical with
Ter-or Tiruv»Alundur near Mayaveram. He is
credited with having defeated in battle the Ghera
king of his day and taken from him a place called
Pamalur1 . Kudakko-Nedunjeral Athan might be
the person vanquished by him as we know that he
was his contemporary.
From what has been said above, it will be
evident that the accession of Karikala to the Chola
throne is not quite regular, as he had no claim to it,
if the reigning king had any issue. There are also
grounds for inferring that on the death of Karikala's
predecessor, there were several claimants to the
Chola throne and Karikala succeeded in getting it
through the aid of his uncle Jrumbidar-Talaiyar.
The story that an elephant from Tirnkkalumalam
put a garland on Karikala's neck, carried him on its
back and placed him on the Chola throne, when he
was stationed at Karuvur, perhaps tells the same fact.
It is worthy of note that this story is quite similar
to another recorded about Murti-Nayanar, one of the
Saiva devotees who was raised to the rank of a
Pandya king, when the Pandya country had no
sovereign. If the interpretation of the name Karikala
1 Puram, stanzas 10 and 203.
EABLIER CHOLAS. 195
is ' scorched leg, ' it is not unlikely that in the endea-
vour to get the kingdom, Karikala happened to
meet with an accident in which one of his legs was
scorched.1 Karikala married the daughter of a Velir
chief of Nangur. A village of this uarne is celebrated
in the Vaishnava work Nalayiraprabandham. Inscrip-
tions state that it was the headquarters of a sub-
division in ancient times.. Tiruvengadu and Kavirip-
pampattitiam were places situated in 'it. It seems,
therefore certain, that Kil- Nangur in the Shiyali
taluka is identical with it. It is, therefore, no wonder
that Karikala had a special liking for Kavirippum-
pattinam which was only three or four miles from
Nangur whence his queen hailed.
He might probably have witnessed the annual
destruction which the Kaveri caused when it
overflowed its banks during high floods and it may
have led him to undertake the stupendous work of
constructing high banks to the river to prevent the
recurrence of the evil. By the way, it may be said
that the irrigation of the Kaveri delta had engaged the
attention of early Chola kings more than of any other,
Of the several branches which this river has, the
Vennaru and the Arasil date back to times earlier than
Karikala2 and most of the rest are attributable to some
of the members of the Chola dynasty whose names
1 Another way of interpreting the name is ' he (who is) death
to the elephants (i.e. his enemies).' In this case the name shows
how powerful he was. if Kalikala is the name, it means ' the
destroyer (of the evils,) of the Kali (age).'
2 The names Venni-kuyattiyar and Arisilkilar assumed by
persons indicate the existence of the two branches of the Kavori,
196 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
they bear even at the present day.1 The course of the
river seems to have changed at an early date giving
rise to a new source of irrigation to the country.
Palankaveri was the name by which the original river
was known to distinguish it from the new, but it is
not known if this diversion of the river was due to
natural causes, or if it was the work of any particular
persoD. Palankaveri and KoUidam were in existence
prior to the 7th century A. D.2 In spite of the
diversion of water in these branches, the Kaveri seems
to have carried much water and caused damage to
the country during floods. Karikala's services to
the country in undertaking to build high banks and
in opening new channels to improve the irrigation of
the land, cannot be over estimated. The banks are
said to measure 1,080 feet in length, 40 to 60 feet in
width, and 15 to 18 feet in height. They success-
fully prevented annual destruction for nearly fifteen
centuries by the mere inertia of the storage of
materials. It is not unlikely that the bunds cons-
tructed by him were improved periodically. In all
probability the ancient custom of parcelling out a
few acres of land irrigated by the source among a few
families who were required to take out fixed quantities
of mud or sand from the bed and throw them on the
bund every year, was followed in the case of the
Kaveri also.
1 It may be remarked that Virasolan, Kfrtimartandan,
(Kirtiman), Uyyakkondan and Mudigondan are the surnames of
some of the Chola kings of the 10th and llth centuries.
2 Several inscriptions mention Palankaveri. This and
.KoUidam are referred to in the Devaram songs of the 7th
oentury, A. D.
EARLIER CHOLAS. 197
We have already referred to the impetus given
by Karikala to commerce and trade and the king's
contact with the northern powers which gave him an
opportunity for settling a number of people in the
south. The growth of civilisation dnriug this period
seems to have assumed a different turn. The impulse
given to art and trade is specially noteworthy. The
condition of the people improved to a considerable
extent and every effort was made to increase their
happiness and prosperity.
The following extract from Pattinappalai gives
a vivid picture of the state of the country and the life
of the people at the time of Karikala.
Extract from Pattinappalai.
The Chola country was irrigated by the Kaveri
river which never failed in its supply even when there
was no rain. The fields yielded sugarcane from the
juice of which jaggery was prepared, big bunches of
plantains, cocoanuts and arecanuts. Mango and
palm trees abounded. There were also flower-
gardens covering areas- The tanks of the country
had high bunds resembling the form of the constel-
lation Makha. Fragant flowers of a variety of colours
were produced near them.
The villages in the country adjoined each other
and the houses had large compounds in front where
they dried paddy. Here children amused themselves
by dragging three-wheeled little cars. The doors of
the houses bore tiger marks. The royal palaces were
white but soiled by the dust raised by cars and horses
which were ever moving in the streets. .
198 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
There were big alms houses where large quanti-
ties of rice were cooked and served to people resort-
ing to them. Also places where small tanks were
made and grass served for cattle. Jaina and Buddhist
temples were found in one quarter of the town while
in another the Brahrnans with plaited hair performed
sacrifices and raised volumes of smoke- The
Paradavar living near the sea-coast ate iral fish and
boiled flesh of tortoises, wore the flowers of adicmbu
and ambal and indulged in setting goats to fight in the
open and spacious court-yards. ' In the purachcheri,
i.e- the quarter outside the town low-class people
reared pigs and fowls.
On holidays the Paradavar of Pugar abstained
from going over the sea to catch fish, allowed their
nets to dry on the white sand in front of their low-
roofed houses which were built on the sea-shore.
They wore the talai flowers and garlands, drank
toddy drawn from the palmyra and paddy, and
amused themselves in dancing around a post in which
they invoked the presence of a god. Accompanied by
their wives they bathed in the high waves of the sea
to expiate their sins, then in the fresh water of the
river to remove the salt, made images and had other
enjoyments throughout the day. And in the night
they abstained from drinking, stayed in their high
palaces, heard music and witnessed dramatic perform-
ances, spent some time in the moonlight and
retired with their wives to rest, removing the silk
cloths which they wore and putting on thin white
robes. Just before the dawn of day they slept on
the sands of -the shore.
EAELIER CHOLAS. 199
Near the wide streets of the Paradavar and on
the sea-shore where the talai flowers abounded there
were warehouses with good guards. Things poured
in here from all quarters for being stored, eventually
to be shipped. These, when removed from the
warehouses, were stamped with tiger-marks and issued
out on payment of a duty. Things landing from ships
were similarly stamped with tiger-marks and duty
charged. The officers who raised taxes on exports
and imports were ever busy in their work.
In the upper stories of their houses, ladies of
great beauty gathered near the windows with folded
hands and joined palms to witness the festivities
made for gods like muruga, etc., which passed in
the streets of the bazaars, to the accompaniment
of music sounded by the kulal, yal, mulam, murahu,
and the like. Their houses were storeyed, had raised
pials and large court-yards where cattle played freely.
At the gates and on the tops of buildings flags were
put up. Men of learning and reputation also put up
flags inviting combatants to challenge their scholar-
ship. Attached to the masts of ships, in the port of
Pugar, there were other banners. In the toddy shops
in front of which fish and flesh were spread out to dry,
there were flags seen hoisting.
To the city were imported horses of good gait,
in ships which were propelled by the wind ; diamond
and gold from Mount Meru ; sandal wood and agil
from Goorg ; pearls from the southern ocean, coral
from the easDern sea ; the wealth of the Gangetic
region ; food-stuffs from Ceylon ; eatables from Burma
and incense from other places. Thus, the streets of
Pugar literally bore the burden of rich merchandise
200 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
which were imported from several quarters. Here
were also streets inhabited by people of various creeds
and tongues who had abandoned their towns and
settled in this city where they formed new acquaint-
ances and relations. The Vellalar who cultivated the
land and who were the source of prosperity to all
classes of people, lived in great numbers.
Not statisfied with the wealth of his own country
and what was paid to him as tribute by the feudatory
chiefs, the great Chola, i. e. Karikala, whose kalal
touching the crowns of other kings made them bright,
and in whose chest the sandal-paste was rubbed out
by the embrace of his wife and children, started on
a tour of conquest with his elephants, horses, etc.,
destroyed his enemies' regions and killed their army
in great numbers. He made the aruvalar obey his
commands and the northern kings wither, caused
trouble to the Kudavar, cut away the progeny of
Poduvar and destroyed the Irungovel. He demolished
the forests in the Chola country, inhabited them, con-
verting them into habitable lands, increased the
wealth, abandoned Urandai with its brilliant palaces,
built temples, set up families, opened small and large
gates in the huge walls of the city, stored bows and
arrows and showed his anger against the Pandya
who was powerful in arms.
Killi.
It will be useful to examine the evidence con-
tained in Tamil works regarding the kings bearing
the name Killi. As a result of our enquiry we find
that it is a mistake to take each king of that name
as a separate sovereign and to allot him a place in
the Chola genealogy.
EARLIER CHOLAS. 201
One of these kings, Solan Kulamurrattu-tun-
jina 1 Killivalavan 2 is said to have laid siege to
Karuvur and conquered the Chera king of his day.
No less than eleven poets, including Kovur-kilar,
sung in his praise. This poet is the author of stanzas
44, 45 and 47 of Purananuru which speak of Kari-
yarru-tunjina Nedun-Killi of Uraiyur and of his friend
Ilandattan. In Puram 373, the same poet celebrates
the glory of Solan Kurappalli-tunjina Killivalavan
who is also credited with having destroyed Karuvur
owing to an hostility with the Chera. This Chola
king's friendly Pandya contemporary was Velli-
yambalattu-tuDJina Ugra-Peruvaludi. 3 Konattu 4
Erichchalur Madalau Madiraikkumanan, one of
the poets of the time of Kurappalli-tunjina Killi-
valavan is also the author of (1) puram 61 which
speaks of Solan Ilavandigaippalli-tunjina Nalankilli-
Setchenni, 5 the contemporary of Nedunkilli ; (2) of
puram 167 in praise of Enadi Tirukkilli and (3) of
puram 180 in favour of Iratturkilan Tayan Maran
who fought for his over-lord. It thus appears that all
these Killis belong to one period.
Another Chola king celebrated in Tamil litera-
ture is Perunarkilli. He is referred to as one of
the ancestors of the Cholas in the large Leyden
1 The meaning of the word tunjina, is ' who died.'
2 Valavan is a synonym for the Chola.
3 Valudi is a synonym for Pandya.
4 Kdnadu is a territorial division in the Pudukkottai State.
During the time of the later Cholas, it was called Ka<j,al-adaiyad-
Ilangai-konda- Chola- Valanddu.
5 Senni is a synonym for Chola.
26'
202 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
plates, the Tiruvalangadu grant and the Udayendi-
ram charter of Prithivipati II. He performed the
Rajasuya ceremony, and was, on that account, known
by the epithet Rajasuyamvetta Perunarkilli. With
the help of Tiruvenmalaiyan and perhaps also of
Seraman Mavenko, who was his friend, he defeated
theCheraMandaraucheral-Irumborai (puram 16, 125,
365 and 367) who was the lord of the Kolli mountains,
who rescued the village of Vilangil, who was the
friend of the poet Kapilar, and who was taken captive
by the Pandya king Talaiyalagnanattu-seruvenra-
Nedunjeliyan and was subsequently set at liberty
(puram 4, 17, 20, 22, 53, 125, 129). It is said that
Kanapper-kadanda Ugra-Peruvaludi, one of the royal
personages that adorned the last academy of Tamil
poets of Madura (puram 21, 367) also belonged to the
same age. If this Pandya king is identical with
Velliyambalattu-tunjina Ugra-Peruvaludi, the second
set of Killi would also be of the same age as the first.
In this case, we are inclined to take Perunarkilli who
performed the Rajasuya ceremony, and perhaps one
or two others as the real sovereigns of the time and
that all the rest were members of the royal family
who distinguished themselves in the wars undertaken
by the reigning kings. The defeat of the Chera and
the destruction of Karuvur are attributed to several
Chola kings of this age. Mudittalaiko-Perunarkilli,
whose Chera contemporary was Seraman Andu-
vancheral Irumborai and Verpahradakkai Perunar-
killi, who claimed to have killed Seraman Kudakko
Neduncheral Athan, probably refer to the same king.
The facts set forth above clearly show that
the Pandya kings Talaiyalanganattu-seruvenra
EARLIER CHOLAS. 203
Nedunjeliyan and Ugra-Peruvaludi, the Chola sove-
reign Rajasuyarnvetta Perunarkilli and the Chera
Mavenko and Mandarancheral Irumborai of elephant
look, belonged almost to the same period. With the
help of the copper-plate charters of the Pandyas, viz.
the Velvikudi grant and the Sinnamanur plates and
from the statement in the Maduraikkanchi of Mangudi
Marudanar that Nedunjeliyan of Talaiyalanganam
fame was a lineal descendant of Palyagasalai Muduku-
dumi-Peruvaludi, we have elsewhere attempted to
ascribe Nedunjeliyan to the first half of the 7th cen-
tury A.D. If Kilji, referred to in the Koyilolugu, is
identical with any of the kings bearing that name,
who are contemporaries of Nedunjeliyan, it is quite
evident that he must belong to the same age.
According to Manimegalai, the Chola king
Venriver-Killi, whose identity with any of the kings
named above is not certain and who probably
belongs to an earlier age, married a Naga princess
called Pilivalai, the daughter of Valaivanaii and
became the father of a child who, it is said,
escaped a sea disaster. There are grounds to suppose
that this prince was Tondaiman Ilandiraiyan, the
ancestor of the Pallavas of Conjeeveram. This
account is interesting, as it shows the connection
between the Cholas and the ancient Pallavas who
had by this time advanced southwards and establish-
ed a dominion near Conjeeveram- Evident traces of
the rule of the Killis in the Tanjore and Trichinopoly
districts exist in such names as Kilinalur, Nalankili-
nallur and Killikudi, etc. The abbreviated form of
Killi in the first two names supports the supposition
204 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
fchat the name Kill which occurs in the Koyilolugu
is only a shortened form of Killi.
SECTION III :— CHOLAS DUKING THE INTERVAL
BETWEEN THE MIDDLE OF THE 7TH CENTURY
A.D. AND THE MIDDLE OF THE 9TH CENTURY A.D.
A little before the middle of the 7th century A,D.
the Cholas virtually lost their hold on the Trichino-
poly and Tanjore districts which formed their ances-
tral dominion. The northern portion of this kingdom
was taken by the Pallavas and the south was occupied
by the Pandyas. Simhavlshnu was the first Pallava
sovereign who tried to extend his territory southwards.
The Velurpalaiyam plates'say of him that he conquered
the Chola territory which was resplendent with areca
groves, decorated by ranges of paddy flats and sancti-
fied by the river Kaveri. The fact that Kanjanur near
Kumbakonam was called in ancient times Simha-
vishnu-chaturvedimangalam might be taken to prove
that this conquest was real. During the time of his
successor Mahendravarman I, the Trichinopoly
district was under Pallava sway. This is proved by
the fact that we have a stone record of his in the
upper rock-cut cave at Trichinopoly and that there
is also a village of the name Mahendramangalam
which should have been called after this king. At
Kaverippatnam, 12 miles from Shiyali, there existed
a Siva temple called Pallavanichcharam in the mid-
dle of the 7th century A. D. About this Jnanasam-
bandha has sung hymns. It is not unlikely that this
temple was constructed by one of the Pallava sove-
reigns that held the ChSla dominions. From what
CHOLAS BETWEEN ?TH AND 9TH CENTURY A. D. 205
has been said above, it will be clear that in the middle
of the 7th century A. D. the Pallavas had complete-
ly dispossessed the Cholas of their possession of the
Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts. It is a matter,
therefore, of no wonder that Hiuen Tsiang who visited
Southern India about this period locates his Cliu-li-
ye i.e. Chola, 1000 li to the south-west of Dhanyaka-
taka i.e. Amaravati in the Kistna district. This
description of the Chu-li-ye takes us to the Kurnool
district. The pilgrim says that the country was 2400
li in circuit ; its capital was 10 li round and adds that
" going from this southwards we enter a wild forest
tract". Passing through this for a distance of 1500
li we come to Ta-lo-pi-cha i.e. Dravida. Now, this
extract from the Chinese traveller's account tells us
that the Cholas, after .being expelled by the Pallavas,
moved northwards to the tract of country surrounding
Cuddapah and Kurnool and we also gather that it must
have been originally a forest tract just like the portion
to the south of it.
Inscriptions belonging to the Cholas, subsequent
to the middle of the 7th century A.D., have to be look-
ed for in the Cuddapah and Kurnool districts and here
we actually find them. A copper-plate grant discover-
ed in this locality gives the following genealogy : —
Nandivarman of the Kasyapa Gotra
Simhavishnu Sundarananda Dhananjayavarman
Cholamaharaju called also
Navarama, Mahendravikrama-
varman, Muditasilakshara,
lord of the Paridya, Chola and
Kerala kingdoms.
206 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Guriamudita Pormukarama-
Purushasardula
Punyakumara.
The grant was issued in the 5th year of Punya-
kumara. Stone records are also discovered of the
time of this king, of his predecessor Cholamaharaja
and of a few other members who are not mentioned
in the genealogy given above. They are Cholamaha-
rajadhiraja Vikramaditya, Satyadutunru, son of
Saktikomara Vikramaditya and Vikramaditya Chola-
maharajulu. These kings are said to have belonged
to the solar race, Kasyapa-#o£ra and the family of
Karikala and their emblem was the tiger. As such,
we need have no hesitation to declare that they are
lineal descendants of the Cholas. Judging from the
characters in which these records are incised it has
been said that they are anterior to the 8th century
A.D. When we look at thenames Nandivarman, Siniha-
vishnii, Mahendravikrainavarman etc. borne by some
of the early members of this branch of the Cholas, one
will be inclined, and we may say correctly too, that
they should have at first held a subordinate position
under the Pallavas who dispossessed them of their
territory in the Tanjore and Trichinopoly districts.
The other name Vikramaditya which occurs as part
of the name of three other members suggests that
later on they became the feudatories of the Western
Chalukyas. When all the inscriptions of the Cudda-
pah and Kurnool districts are secured, it may be
possible to carry the genealogy of this branch further
down to the 8th and 9th century A.D. and to know
also the achievements of the sovereigns that ruled
during the period.
CHOLAS BETWEEN 7TH AND 9TH CENTURY A. D. 207
Either the Chola king Nandivarman, who is the
first in the genealogy given above, or SuncTara-Nanda,
his second son, is probably the same as Nanda-Chola
referred to in the Tamil work Koyilolugu as having
contributed his share of charities to the temple at
Srirangam. Other early sovereigns known to us from
inscriptions and literature are Manu-Chola, about
whom we have already given an account, Dharma-
varman and Srikantha. The second of these is men-
tioned in the Koyilolugu and in the Devaram, He
must have flourished prior to the 7th century A.D.
We know of a Chola chief named Srikantha, whose
ancestors were Navarama and Sundara-Nanda, and
we meet with this name in the early Chola inscrip-
tions of Tiruverumbur, of the 9th century A.D.,
where the village is called Srikantha-chaturvediman-
galam. The inscriptions of the Telugu-Chola chiefs
would add Mahimana-Chola and Jata-Choda to this
list of early sovereigns. They are described as the
sons of Karikala and probably, if they had left any ins-
criptions, they would be found in the Telugu country.
Whether or not there was any connection bet-
ween the Cholas of the Kurnool district and those
that established themselves at Tanjore in the
middle of the 9th century A.D. it is not possible to
say at present. But this much may safely be added
that under the Pallava king Nandivarman III a
Chojamaharaja served as minister. This was not
long before the breaking up of the Pallava dominion
and the establishment of the Cholas at Tanjore.
We have here to note the circumstances which
favoured the rise of the Cholas as an independent
power. In the last quarter of the 8th century A.D.
208 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
and the beginning of the 9th, the several powers of
Southern India were in a state of restlessness being
engaged in a desparate struggle with the others for
the suzerainty of the Dekhan. At this time, Southern
India witnessed the winding up of two great empires
rousing the ambition of others to seize the oppor-
tunity to become all powerful. From the early
centuries of the Christian era, the Pallavas of Con-
jeeveram played their part in Southern India. They
waged wars with all the neighbouring powers. They
crossed swords with the Kadambas and with the
Cholas. Their contest with the Western Chalukyas
of Badami for centuries together is unparalleled so
much so that the ancient writers had termed the one
as the family foe of the other and their feud was
pushed to such an extent that both had become
exhausted at the end of the 8th century A.D. The
Western Chalukya of Badami are not heard of after
that date, though the Pallavas lingered on for a few
years more and closed their career in Southern
India. The Rashtrakutas of Malkaed got into the
place of the former and were threatening to swal-
low up the dominion of the Pallavas. The Western
Gangas of Talakkad were also making rapid pro-
gress in building an empire in the south and about
the period of which we are speaking they made some
successful attacks on the Pallava dominion. But
the more formidable enemy of the Pallavas after the
Western Chalukyas had retired from the scene was
the Pandya. Ever since the Cholas vacated Tanjore
and Trichinopoly, these were presenting obstacles in
the way of the Pallava expansion in the south.
Countless battles were fought between the two powers
CHOLAS BETWEEN ?TH AND 9TH CENTURY A. D. 209
Naturally enough the Pandyas expected to become;
the dictator of the South when the Pallava power
collapsed. Thus at the time of which we are speak-
ing, there were gathered on the plains of the Kaveri
banks, the Gangas, the Rashtrakutas, the Pandya and
the waning Pallava with his subordinate powers the
Muttaraiyans and others. Now the Cholas thought
it was a nice opportunity for rising into prominence
again in this part of the territory which formed their
ancestral dominion and which they had lost some
two centuries ago. Fortunately for the Cholas, the
Pandyas allowed internal dissensions to creep into
the family which once for all decided they could not
become the all powerful in the Dekhan. As ministers
and generals of the Pallavas, the Cholas could have
had at their command a good army and what needed
to re-build the empire-
SECTION VI :— THE REIGNS OF VIJAYALAYA,
ADITYA I AND PARANTAKA I.
Before we attempt to give the history of the
Cholas of the Vijayalaya line, it is necessary to draw
their pedigree first so that the narrative may be
closely followed. The Anaimangalam or the better
known -Leyden grant and the Tiruvalangadu plates
are the two reliable charters which furnish the
names and relationship of the members belong-
ing to the Chola line from Vijayalaya up to Rajendra-
Chola I.
Both the authorities start with a mythical
genealogy and mention some of the earlier members
belonging to previous lines and these are also noted.
27
210 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
below as given in the published Leyden plates,
though they are not of much historical importance.
Vaivasvat
I
Ikshvaku
I
Mandhata
I
Muchukunda
I
Valabha
Sibi
Chola
. I
Bajakesari
Par ak a sari
; I
Bajakasari
I
Mrifeyujit
Vyaghraketu
Arikala
Karikala
Kocbchengarxnan
Kilji
Vijayalaya
Aditya I
!
Parantaka I
• I
Bajaditya Gandaraditya Arinjaya
VIJAYALAYA. 21 1
Madburantakan Paranfcaka II Sundra-Chola
Ufctama-Chola j
i r I
Aditya II Karikala Kundavai Rajaraja I
Rajendra-Chola I Kundavai
I I I I
Rajadhiraja I Rajendradeva Virarajendra Ammangadevi m.
1 I Rajaraja I
I I I. |
Raja- Madhu- Adhirajendra daughter
mahendra rantaki
m. Kulottunga I Kundavai
The genealogy from Kajendra-Chola downwards is
mainly made out from stone inscriptions and copper-
plates.
About Vijayalaya, the first member of this
branch, who appears to have been known in his stone
inscriptions only by his title Parake sari var man,
which he assumed in common with several others
belonging to his line (i.e., the alternate sovereigns of
the Cholas of this period) the Tiruvalangadu plates
hint that he captured the town of Tanjore from some
enemy whose name however is not mentioned. But
when we look at the period in which he flourished, it
is fairly certain that he should have obtained posses-
sion of Tanjore from the Muttaraiyans, who are
reported in their records to have been the kings of
Tanjore just before Vijayalaya. During the reign
of this king much was not accomplished by way of
conquest except perhaps repulsing certain Pandya
aggressive attacks. We might note in passing that at
this time the Pandyas had completely allienated the
212 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Cheras by their policy. This circumstance will be
useful in understanding the future history of the
Cholas for three or four generations.
Of Aditya I, the son and successor of Vijayalaya,
the Tiruvalangadii charter informs us that he fought
against the Pallava Aparajita, defeated him and got
possession of Tondaimandalam. An inscription found
at Tillaisthanam states that both the Chola king
Rajakesarivarman, who extended his conquests into
Tondai-nadu, by which is clearly meant Aditya I, and
the Chera sovereign Sthanu-Ravi, who had a large
army of elephants and the surname Kokkandan,
honoured a certain chief named Vikki- Annan by the
gift of a feudatory throne, a fly-whisk, a palanquin,
a drum, mansion, punagam, a bugle, an army of elep-
hants and the hereditary title of Sembiyan Tamilavel.
From this record, we learn that the Chola Aditya I was
on friendly terms with the Chera king of his day i.e.,
Kokkandan Sthanu-Ravi and that for some service
rendered by Vikki- Annan alias Sembiyan Tamilavel,
they honoured the chief in a fitting manner. It is
not unlikely that Aditya I was greatly helped by the
Chera king and this feudatory chief, in fighting
against the Pallava Aparajita and acquiring posses-
sion of Tondaimandalam. This Pallava king Apara-
jita had in his earlier years for his ally the Ganga-
Bana king Prithivipati I of Kolar with whose help
he fought with the Pandya Varaguna a great battle
at Sripurarnbiyam near Kumbakonam and gained a
victory, though he lost his friend in the field. It
is certain that the Pandya king advanced as far
as Kumbakonam, just like his predecessor Sri-
mara-Parachakrokolahala had done, to contest the
ADITYA I. 213
possession of that part of the country. The victor in
the strife having been successfully handled by the
Chola king, the position of the latter became very
strong. The defeat of Aparajita is as signed to the end
of the 9th century A,D. One of the inscriptions of
Aditya I found at Tirukkalukkunram is dated in the
27th year of this king and here it is stated that he con-
firmed grants made by earlier Pallava sovereigns.
This circumstance also proves that for the first time
the Pallava dominions passed into the hands of the
Cholas during Aditya's reign and that Aditya I res-
pected the grants of previous sovereigns though they
were not of his house.
Conquest of the Pallava territory was followed
by the acquisition of some dominion in the Kongu
country which was perhaps then under the Western
Gangas of Talakkad. We are informed by the Kongu-
desardjakkal that Aditya conquered Kongu. Though
the chronology of this work is not admitted to be
very correct, it seems to tell us an historical fact when
it attributes the conquest of Kongu to Aditya I.
The discovery of stone inscriptions of Aditya's succes-
sor Parantakal in the Kongu country, which he does
not lay claim to have conquered, goes a long way
to establish Aditya's achievement recorded in the
Kongu chronicle. The people of the subdued
country appear to have borne the Chola yoke meekly.
In this connection, we may note that a general of
Parantaka was a native of Kongu and there was a
big road leading to that country perhaps from the
Chola dominions. These are referred to in inscriptions.
A stone record discovered at Tirumalpur in the
North Arcot district refers to Aditya I by the epithet
214 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Tondaiman-Arrur-tunjinadeva which means that the
king died at a place called Tondainaan-Arrur. This
place is identical with the village of Tondamanad
near Kalahasti because the inscriptions of the place
refer to it by the name Tondaiman-Perarriir.
Another fact revealed by the Tondamanad inscription
is that a temple was built over or near the burial
ground of Aditya I in that village. This shows
that he was regarded as a pious king and worshipped
in after years. In honour of the same sovereign
another temple was erected at Melpadi in the North
Arcot district.
Parantaka I, the son of the late king, succeeded
to the Chola throne with the title Parakesarivarrnan.
His accession took place in A.D. 906 — 7 and he reign-
ed for nearly 46 years i-e., until A.D. 952-3. His
earlier inscriptions refer to him in the words ' Madi-
raikonda Parakesarivaram ' i.e> Parakesarivarman
who took Madura, while those dated in later years of
his reign call him " Madiraiyum Ilamun-konda Para-
kesarivarman " i.e. Parakesarivarman who took
Madura and Ceylon. His other names are Viranara-
yana, Samgramaraghava, Devendra and Panditavat-
sala.
First of all, we have to note the relationship that
existed between him and the Cheras. As in the
days of his father, during his time also, the Cheras
continued to be on friendly terms with the Cholas and
the following facts are worthy of mention in this con-
nection.
Parantaka I had for his queen a Chera princess.
The daughter of a Chera king called Vijayaraghava,
who was the contemporary of this Chola sovereign, is
PAKANTAKA I. 215
reported to have visited Tiruvorriyur and made gifts
to the temple there. The eldest son of Parantaka I,
i. e> Rajaditya had a large army which contained a
number of soldiers enlisted from the Chera country.
It was during the reign of Parantaka I, more than in
any other, that we find a free intercourse between
the people of the Chola and Chera countries. Thus,
there are enough grounds to infer that the relationship
of the Cholas with the Cheras was very cordial at
this time.
Let us now speak of the warlike side of this
king's reign. His father had defeated the Pallavas
and obtained for the Cholas a more or less firm foot-
ing in the ancient Tondaimandalam which included
in it the modern districts of Chingleput, North Arcot
and South Arcot. But more work remained to be done
here. The Cholas could not be the undisputed lords
of this tract of land until the feudatories of the
Pallavas had been overcome and made to bear the
Chola yoke. Accordingly, Parantaka took on himself
the task of reducing the Banas, who were guarding
the frontiers of the Pallava territory. He utterly
destroyed the power of this ancient Pallava feudatory
and conferred on the Western Ganga Prithivipati II
the territory of the former and made him rule it as
his own subordinate. Another family of feudatory
chiefs that had encroached on parts of Tondaiman-
dalarn was the Vaidumba. These were also the object
of Parantaka's subjugation. But before he could
effect it, he had to deal with a more formidable enemy
i. e. the Pandya. The resources of the Pandyas
were not scanty. Early in his reign, therefore,
Parantaka I directed his arms against them, At
216 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
this time he made a successful inroad into the Pandya
country and captured their capital Madura. This
event is referred to in the Udayendram plates in the
following words : —
" Parantaka's army having crushed at the head
of a battle the Pandya king together with an army
of elephants, horses and soldiers, seized a herd of
elephants and the city of Madura." He then added
to his title Parakesarivartnan the epithet " the cap-
turer of Madura which we find for the first time in
his records of the third year corresponding to A.D.
909-10. It is after this event that he appears to
have fought with the Banas and the Vaidumbas and
settled the affairs in the country conquered by his
father,
The Pandya king Bajasimha, who was defeated
by Parantaka I in about A.D. 909-10, now sought the
help of the sovereign of the neighbouring island of
Ceylon who readily espoused the cause of the exiled
monarch and sent a large army. The Singhalese
chronich Mahawansa speaking of the events of this
period says : —
" King Pandu who bad warred with the king of
Ch5la and was routed, sent many presents into
Kassapa V that he might obtain an army from him.
And the king, the chief of Lanka, took counsel with
his ministers and equipped an army ; and appointing
Sakkasenapati to the command thereof, accom-
panied it himself to Mahatitha. And he stood on
the shore and brought to their mind the victories
of former kings and gave them courage and then
sent them into the ships. And Sakkasenapati
carried them safely to the other side of the sea and
PAEANTAKA I, 217
reached the Pandyan country. And when king
Pandu beheld the army and the captain thereof, he
was greatly pleased and exclaimed : " All Jambu-
dipa shall I now bring under the canopy of one
dominion " and then he led the two armies (his
own and the Singhalese king's) to battle. But he
succeeded not in conquering the king of the Cholian
race. And so he abandoned the struggle and
returned to his own place,"
As Kassapa V is assigned in the Mahawansa to
A.D. 929-939, the events recorded above must have
happened in this interval, if the chronology of the
book could be relied upon. Confirming the account
above narrated, we read in the Udayendiram charter
of Prithivipati II (A.I). 921-2) that " Parantaka I
having slain in an instant at the head of a battle an
immense army despatched by the lord of Lanka which
teamed with brave soldiers and was interspersed with
troops of elephants and horses, he bears in the world
the significant title of Samgramaraghava i. e. who
resembled Rama in battle." Also a stone inscrip-
tion of Parantaka I, dated in his 12th year (=A.D.
918-19), refers to the invasion against the Pandya
and the king of Ilam (Ceylon) and the battle of Velur.
If the three sources of information relate to the same
event i.e. Parantaka's invasion against the allied
forces of the Pandya and Ceylon, it should have
occurred in or prior to A.D. 918 which is the date of
the earliest record mentioning it. In this case, we trace
an error of 11 years or more in the period of rule as-
signed in the Maliawansa to Kassapa V. If, however,
the error in the Singhalese chronology is not admitted
the events in Parantaka's reign will be as follow : —
28
218 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(i) Conquest of Madura in A.D. 909-10.
(ii) Battle of Velur in which Parantaka defeated
the allied forces of the Pandya and the king of
Ceylon, — A.D. 918 or earlier. The Udayendirain
plates (A.D. 921-2) may refer to this event.
(iii) Pandya king's soliciting the help of Kassapa
V as related in the Mahawansa and fighting with
the enemy by the aid of his own army and that of
the Singhalese and getting defeated by the Chola
Parantaka I,— A.D. 929-39.
In any case, the conquest of the Singhalese troops
sent by their king to help the Pandya was not the
occasion for Parantaka's assuming the title " Madi-
raiyum Ilamumkonda" which means " who took
Madura and Ceylon." Hundreds of stone epigraphs
of this king have been found dated in years later than
A.D. 918 and 929 to 939. Except those that are dated
in A.D. 943-4, the rest do not mention the conquest of
Ceylon. This fact strongly suggests that that event
took place in or about A.D. 943-4. Parantaka was
greatly enraged at the constant trouble given him by
the Pandya king succoured by the Singhalese and he
therefore determined to invade the island in order to
cut off the root cause of these troubles. We learn
from the Tirvalangadu plates about Parantaka's con-
quest of Ceylon which is described in these words : —
" All the waters of the sea were not enough to
"quench the fire of the Chola king's anger, which
" consumed the enemies and which was put out only
"by the tears of the wives of the kings of Simhala,
" cut and killed by the king's weapons."
PARANTAKA I. 219
The immediate cause of the invasion of
Ceylon was the shelter given for a time by the king
of the island to the Pandya sovereign who, fearing the
wrath of the Chola, appears to have sought it- The
following two quotations are worthy of consideration
here : —
;' The Pandya king intent, as it were, on extin-
" guishing the fire of the Chola king's valour, entered
" the ocean deserting his hereditary dominion." —
Tiruvalangadu plates.
" Now at that time (Dappula V's reign A.D.
940-952), king Pandu because he feared the Cholians,
left his country, got into a ship and landed at
Mahatitha. And the king sent unto him and was
well pleased to see him, gave him great possessions
and caused him to live outside the city. And
while the king of Lanka was yet preparing for war
thinking unto himself " now shall i make war with
the Cholian king, take two sea-ports and give them
unto king Pandu", it came to pass that a fierce
strife arose from some cause among the princes of the
island to the great misfortune of king Pandu.
And the king of Pandu thought thus to himself " I
shall reap no benefit by dwelling here." So he left
the crown and other apparel and went to the
Keralaite." — Mahawansa.
The two passages from different sources read
above show not only the cause of Parantaka's expedi-
tion against Ceylon but also bring to light some
important facts. They are
(i) The Pandya was dispossessed of his king-
dom.
220 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(ii) That he could not even stay in Ceylon
though the Singhalese king was prepared to under-
take a war on his account against the Chola whom
he knew to be close on his heels. Hence the preci-
pitate haste to go away to the country of the Keralas
leaving even his crown and other apparel.
We must note that the Pandya country which
was evacuated by its king was now occupied by the
Cholas. This fact is proved by the existence of the
inscriptions of Parantaka I, dated in later years of his
reign, at Auaimalai which is only 6 miles from Madura,
the capital of the* Pandyas, at Sinnamanur in the
Periyakulam taluka of the Madura district and at
Ainbasamudram in the Tinnevelly district.
We must refer to one other event which appears
to have happened in the latter part of Parantaka's
reign. His general Sembiyan Soliyavaraiyan of
Sirukulattur defeated a certain Sitpuli and destroyed
Nellur i. e. the modern Nellore. If the place of battle
could suggest anything, it shows that the Eastern
Chalukyas were defeated in this case. But it must
be noted that the name Sitpuli does not occur any-
where.
After achieving all these conquests, Parantaka I
is said to have covered the small hall of Siva at
Chidambaram, with gold brought from the quarters
which he had subdued. In dealing with the polity
of ancient Dekhan, we shall show that this king was
not unmindful of improving the internal administra-
tion of his country and we shall have reason to
think that the south could very well be proud
of this sovereign for the wise rules framed for the
PARANTAKA I. 221
guidance of village assemblies, — rules which will
do honour to any nation at any time. Parantaka
built many temples at great cost and endowed others
which required help. He opened new channels and
improved the irrigation of the country. If Vijayalaya
had the credit of starting the new line of Gholas at
Tanjore and Aditya I secured for them a position
by extending the country into Tondaimandalam and
defeating the Pallavas, Parantaka I can well claim
to have laid the foundation of the greatness of the
Chola empire which made it possible to assume large
proportions in later years under Rajaraja I and his
son Bajendra-Chola I. It was Parantaka that
made the position of the Cholas secure in the ancient
Tondaimandaiarn by prosecuting further the designs
of his father and defeating the Banas. It was he
that wrested the kingdom from them and placed it in
the hands of the Gangaking Prithivipat.i II on whom
he had conferred the title of Sernbiyan-Mavaliva-
narayan and whom he made his own subordinate. It
was he also that saw clearly that his position was not
safe until the aggression of the Pandyas was put an
end to. With this object in view, he conducted many
an expedition to crush that power, if that was possible.
It was indeed a great achievement that he was able
to expel the Pandya out of his kingdom and to suc-
cessfully cross the sea and overcome the Singhalese
who gave protection to the Pandya. The happy
.feature in the reign of Parantaka was the opening of
several irrigation channels and the attention paid to
better the administrative measures of the country.
Though the reign of Parantaka I was un unquali-
fied success, there was a slight disturbance at the
222 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
latter part of his rule which will be mentioned in the
next section.
SECTION V:— THIETY-THKEE YEARS RULE
OF THE CHOLA DOMINION *. e. BETWEEN
A.D. 952 AND 985.
The future history of the Cholas for about 33
years has not been made out. No less than six
members are assigned to this period in the large
Leyden grant. The stone inscriptions discovered do
not as usual state definitely what the events of this
period were. Owing to this want of information,
several conjectures have been formed and some
speculations which are not quite warranted. To some,
" the irregular succession of the princes indicated
that they fought among themselves for the throne "
and accordingly it has been said that " Parantaka's
death was followed by a crushing blow to the Chola
power which confined that dynasty for half a century
to its own ancestral dominion and Tondamandalam."
In his progress report on epigraphy, embodied in G.O.
No. 452, dated 10th June 1891, Dr. Hultzsch stated
that 55 years would not be a reasonable period
to cover the reigns of five Chola kings who ruled be-
tween Kajaditya and Riijaraja and the two quotations
given above from the revised District Gazetteers are
based on his statement that " the irregular succession
of these five kings proves that the time of their reigns
was one of continual fights between different pretend-
ers to the throne, none of whom appears to have enjoy-
ed the sovereignty for any length of time, until matters
became more settled at the accession of the great
THIBTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 223
Rajaraja". The confusion of ideas that generally
prevails about the events of this period and the fact
that the history of the Cholas relating to this interval
remains unsettled or has been given differently by
different writers necessitates our drawing attention
to some of the incorrect notions put forth by others
and to caution readers to avoid taking them for
established facts.1
The account given below is based on the author's
paper in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XII., pp. 121-
but gives more details.
Before we begin to discuss the events of the
period under review, it will be advantageous to have
before us the genealogy of the Cholas as furnished in
the copper-plates mentioned already viz. the Tiruva-
langadu and Leyden grants. They attribute to
Paranf.aka I three sons, Rajaditya, Gandaraditya and
Arinjaya. The eldest of these was Rajaditya and the
youngest Arinjaya. Rajaditya left no issues, Ganda-
raditya had a son named Uttama-Chola and Arinjaya
had for his son Parantaka II alias Sundara-Chola.
This Suudara-Chola had two sons named Aditya II
alias Karikala and Rajaraja I. The following table
represents the relationship specified above : —
1 With the object of settling some of the doubtful points in-
volved in this part of the Chdla history, I contributed in 1910-11
an article to the Epigraphia Indica on an inscription of Par-
antaka II alias Sundara-Chola and tried to determine which of the
kings mentioned in the earlier part of the Chola genealogy given by
Dr, Hultzsch in his South-Indian Inscriptions Vol. III. p. 196 had
actually reigned. Subsequently Mr. Venkayya gave in the Direc-
tor-General's Annual for 1908-09, issued in 1912, the pedigree of
the Cholas of this period and this is in accordance with what I had
suggested in my paper on Sundara-Chola submitted to him.
224 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Parantaka I
. .
Rajaditya Gandaraditya Arinjaya
Parantaka II a^'as Sundara Chola
Uttama-Chola |
Adifcya II Eajaraja I.
alias Karikala
Oar account relates to the six princes commenc-
ing with Rajaditya and ending wtih Aditya II.
Many of the incorrect inferences drawn as regards
the reigns and events connected with this period are
in a large measure due to the adoption of the state-
ments made in the Leyden grant without subjecting
them to scrutiny and the omission to bestow the neces-
sary consideration as regards the length of Parantaka
I's rule- It is proposed to enquire into the last ques-
tion first, because on it depends much that will be said
later on. Though the majority of Parantaka's ins-
criptions are dated between his 3rd and 39th years,
there are a few which belong to later years and these
range between his 40th and 46th years of reign. By
a calculation of the astronomical details furnished
in some of Parantaka's records, it has been con-
cluded that his accession should have taken place
between approximately 15th January and 25th July,
A-D. 907- The highest regnal year so far discovered
of this king viz. 46, takes the end of his reign to A.D.
952-3. This makes it plain that during the whole of
the first half of the 10th century A.D., the Chola
dominion was subject to the rule of Parantaka I. Now
if it is remembered that Parantaka died in or about
A.D. 952-3, it becomes easy to understand that he
was not succeeded by his eldest son Rajaditya as the
THIRTY- THREE YEARS RULE- 225
large Leyden plates lead us to believe. The plates
report that " Parantaka I, the one king able to
" destroy the armies of his enemies, 'and submissive to
'' law, after protecting the ocean-encircled earth,
'' having goneto the sky, his valourous son Rajaditya,
'' whose two feet were worshipped by the crest of
" rows of princes, was lord of the earth. This heroic
" Rajaditya, the ornament of the solar race, having
" conquered the unconquerable Krishnaraja with his
" army in battle, by his own sharp arrows filling on
" all sides and having his heart pierced while seated
'' on the back of his elephant by showers of sharp
" arrows and being famous in the three worlds
" ascended the car of the gods and went to the world
" of heroes (Viralbka) ." From this it looks as if
Rajadifcya survived his father Parantaka I and
succeeded him on the Chola throne ; secondly that
he fought a well-contested and sanguinary battle with
Krishnaraja i.e. the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III
and met his death while seated on the back of his
elephant. From the records of Krishna III we know
that his encounter with the Chola Rajaditya took
place on the plains of Takkolarn in the North Arcot
district. As the inscription which registers the above
facts is dated in Saka 871 (=A.D. 949), it is plain
that Rajaditya died in or prior to that year which is
full 4 years before his father's death and must have
happened while Rajaditya was yet a crown prince.
This being the case, we are obliged to say that the
plates give an incorrect statement when they record
that Rajaditya became the lord of the earth after
Parantaka had died. During the major portion of the
reign of Parantaka I, victory attended all his under-
29
226 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
takings but about the close of bis career wben the
conquest of Ceylon was attempted, in or about A.D.
944-5, the northern part of the Chola dominion
presented a vulnerable point to the enemy's sword, as
the great king appears to have concentrated all his
energy tothe south to crush the power of the Pandya
and his ally the king of Ceylon. Tondai-mandalam
seems to have been left in charge of Rajaditya. From
the-inscriptions of Tirunamanallur, we may infer that
this prince had under his command a large army
which mainly consisted of soldiers enlisted from
Malabar and that his principal place of residence was
Tirunamanallur which he renamed Rajadityapuram
after himself. Soon after Parantaka directed his
forces against the southern kingdoms, the Rashtra-
kuta king Krishna III invaded the Chola dominion
and got possession of Tondai-mandalam. In the
attempt to rescue it, Rajaditya lost his life. A study
of the records of Krishna III found in the Tamil
country reveals the following facts : —
i that he had effected his conquest prior to his
fifth year.
ii. that the Vaidumbas, who seem to have enter-
tained a spirit of hostility against Parantaka I for the
defeat which they had sustained at his hands in the
earlier part of the 10th century A.D., helped the in-
vader against the Cholas and
iii. that Krishna III continued to have possession
of the conquered territory till almost the close of his
reign i.e. for over 25 years after he got it.
The absence of inscriptions of Parantaka L dated
in later years, in the Chingleput, North Arcot and
THIRTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 22?
South Arcot districts shows that he was unable to
expel the Rashtrakuta conqueror and was not able to
get back the lost dominion. There is another way of
settling the question as to when the Rashtrakutas
occupied Tondaimandalam for the first time. It is by
a consideration of the records of Krishna III found in
the Tamil country. These range in date from his 5th
to 30th year and are found almost throughout the an-
cient Tondai-mandalam. Many of them mention his
conquest of Kachchi i.e. Conjeeveram and Tanjai i.e.
Tanjore. The earliest date found for Krishna III in
his dated inscriptions, is Saka 862 which is equal to
A. D. 940 and the latest is Saka 884 (= A. D. 962) the
period covered by the two dates being 22 years. But
there are reasons to believe that he reigned until
A. D. 967-968 which is perhaps furnished by the
Lakshmisvar inscription of the Western Granga prince
Satyavakya-Kongunivarma- Maharaja who was then
or had been a feudatory of Krishna III l . As the
highest regnal year furnished for Krishna III in his
Tamil records is 30, it is probable that his reign com-
menced in about A.D. 937 and lasted till A-D. 967-8.
Since we find him in possession of Tondaimandalam
already in his 5th year, the natural presumption would
be — and it will be shown that it is not correct — that
the battle of Takkolam was fought in about A.D. 942,
if it is to be admitted that the Rashtrakuta Krishna
III fought this battle before his actual entry into
Tondaimandalam. This will place the event of
Rajaditya's death just at the time when his father
Parnataka was making preparations for his conquest
of Ceylon. Here it is necessary to consider the facts
1 Bombay Gazetteer, p. 419.
228 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
registered in a Solapuram inscription published by
Dr. Hultzsch in the Epigraphia I?idica, Vol. VII,
p. 195. Eegarding the date of this record the editor
of it remarks : —
The date of the inscription is expressed in three
different ways viz. " the year two," "the Saka year
871 " (in words) and " the year in which the emperor
Kannaradeva-Vallabha, having pierced Rajaditya
entered Tondai-mandalam." He adds that the
second and third portions of the date furnish an
interesting confirmation of the Atakur inscription
according to which the Rashtrakuta king Krishna
III had killed the Chola king Rajaditya at Tak-
kolam in Saka-Sainvat 872, current, the Saumya-
Sainvatsara = A, D. 949-50. He also expresses
that " the year two " with which the Solapuram
record opens cannot refer to the reign of Krishna III
because according to the Deoli plates the father of
Krishna III had died and that the latter was reign-
ing in A.D 940. And he concluded by saying that
the year two could only refer to the reign of the Chola
king Rajaditya and that it might be provisionally
assumed that Parantaka I reigned from A. D. 907
to at least A. D. 946 and that Rajaditya was crowned
in about A- D- 948 and was killed in A. D. 949.
Mr. Venkayya gave a different interpretation 1 viz.
"the year two cannot refer to the reign of Rajaditya,
as it is evidently a record of the Rashtrakuta Krishna
III. It is probably the second year after the conquest
qf Tondai-nadu by the Rashtrakuta Krishna III."
Since the occupation of Tondaimandalam by Krishna
1 This was done after the author of this sketch had submitted
his paper on Sundara-ChoJa to Mr. Venkayya.
THlRTY-tffiREE YEARS RULE. 229
III was effected in about A.D. 942 as evidenced by the
existence of his inscriptions in that part of the country
dated in the 5th year of his reign, even Mr. Ven-
kayya's explanation is not a satisfactory solution.
We would therefore interpret the date portion of
the Solapuram inscription as follows : —
" Saka 871 which is the second year of king Kan-
naradeva (calculated from the date when) he, after
killing the Chola prince Rajaditya, passed through
Tondai-mandalam."
One important fact made plain here is that the
Rashtrakuita conqueror had a state procession in
Tondaimandalam after he had killed Rajaditya and
that this happened two years before Saka 871 (=A.
D. 949). It is this fact that the Solapuram inscrip-
tion prominently wants to convey and it is for this
object the engraver of the record had inserted the
third method which is merely an explanation as to
what kind of regnal year is used in this particular
inscription and it may even be suggested that the
peculiarity in the way in which this record is dated
is admitted by the engraver when he seeks to explain
the term * yandu ' which he has used at the beginning
of the record in question. Accordingly, Rajaditya's
death should have taken place in A. D. 947-8. The
peculiar regnal year of Krishna III given in this
inscription would make one suspect that all his other
records in the newly conquered Tamil country are
also similarly dated i.e. with the initial year in A.D.
947, though there is nothing in the other records to
raise such a presumption. We shall give a little
consideration to this and show the fallacy in holding
such a view. The latest regnal year of Krishna III
230 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
found in his Tamil records is his 30bh as has already
been stated. If the initial date be A.D. 947, this
would correspond to A.D. 977. Krishna III doe? not
seem to have reigned so far, because the earliest
record of his successor Kottiga is dated in A.D. 970
and this completely proves that such a view as the one
here assumed for the sake of argument is untenable-
We must here say a word about Krishna Ill's
entry into Tondai-mandalam mentioned in the
Solapuram record. That it is different from his first
coming into the place, which took place in A.D. 942, is
evident from the fact that the record places the other
in A-D. 947. In all probability, the second is a trium-
phant State march through the conquered territory
after the invader had killed the Chola prince in battle
when the latter came to drive him out of Tondai-
mandalam which he had taken possession of 5 years
ago. That Krishna III assumed the title Kaclicliiyum
Tanjaiyum-Jconda even in A.D. 942 has already been
pointed out. Other records state that he set up a
pillar of victory at Karnesvaram. Since his inscrip-
tions are not found further south than the ancient
Pallava territory, we have to regard his claim as
regards the capture of Tanjore aud the planting of
a pillar of victory at Eamesvaram, as a mere boast.
From what has been said above, it will be plain
that the northern part of the Chola country was
subject to the rule of the Bashtrakuta king Krishna
III from A. D. 942 to 967. We have incidentally
mentioned that the Vaidumbas were the chief feu-
datories of that king. Some of the inscriptions
of Krishna III mention the names of a few of
these subordinates. One was Vaidumba-Maharaja
THIRTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 231
Sandayan Tiruvayan. Another was Vaidumba-Maha-
raja Sri-Vikramaditya. He has ruling Maladu,
Vanagappadi, Singapura-nadu and Venkunra-kottam.
A third Yaidumba feudatory of Krishna III named
Tiruvayan Srikantan figures as donor in an inscrip-
tion found at Gramarn. Besides the above mentioned
feudatories, the Rashtrakuta conqueror had for his
subordinate a Maladu chief called Narasimhavarman
who was probably the builder of the central shrine
of the Vishnu temple at Tirukoilur.
Having pursued the history of the latter part of
the reign of Parantaka I and shown that his eldest
son Rajaditya did not survive him, it now remains to
settle whether Gandaraditya and Arinjaya did reign
and if so with what titles. As no sure records attri-
butable to either of them have been found, it would
be safe to start from the reign of one whose inscrip-
tions have been found and whose title could with
certainty be fixed. And for this purpose we would
take the reign of Parantaka II alias Sundara-Chola.
A few stone records of this king have been discovered
in the Tanjore district and these give the name of one
of his generals Parantakan Siriyavelar who was a
native of Kodumbalur. He is reported to have died
in Ceylon in the 9th year of the king's reign and he
is therefore precluded from appearing in records other
than those of Sundara-Chola. Though none of
Sundara-Chola's inscriptions reveal whether he was a
Rajakesari or Parakesari, the fact that this general
of his, figures in a record of Rajakesarivarman shows
that that was the title borne by Sundara-Chola. Now
that the certainty of Sundara-Chola being a Raja-
kesari is thus assured, the statement in the Leyden
232 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
grant that the titles Rajakesari and Parakesari were
borne by Chola kings alternately, helps us to say
that Ra j ake sari var man Sundara-Chola should have
ascended the throne either immediately after Parake-
sarivarrnan Parantaka I or that two kings should have
intervened between them, the first with the title Raja-
kesari and the second with the title Parakesari. We
have thus two alternatives m-z either to accept Ganda-
raditya and Arinjaya as ruling kings or to reject both
as uncrowned princes. Though the complete absence
of inscriptions of Gandaraditya and Arinjaya would
point to the conclusion that neither of them ever
reigned, yet the recognition of Uttama-Chola's claim
to the Chola throne, even after two kings belonging to
a collateral line had ruled, is clear evidence that his
father Gandaraditya did reign, though it be for a short
time only. If this is not the case, it becomes difficult
to understand how Uttama-Chola could lay claim to
the throne which was at the time of his accession in
the line of his father's younger brother aod that there
were claimants to it in that line. Thus it looks as if
Gandaraditya held the reins of Government and after
him Arinjaya.
We shall note here what we know of Gandaradit-
ya. He was a Rajakesarivarman. He had two queens
viz. Viranaraniyar and Sembiyanmaddeviyar. The
former of these figures as the builder of temples in
the records of Parantaka I dated in A. D. 931. She
had no issue. Gandaraditya had a name for piety
and good works. The Ley den grant attributes to
him the foundation of a town on the north bank of
the river Kaveri which he is said to have called
Gandaraditya-chaturvedimangalam after his own
THIBTY-THEEE YEARS RULE. 233
name. This town is perhaps- identical with the
modern village of Kandaradittam in the Trichinopoly
district. The plates call him a devine being. At
Konerirajapuram in the Tanjore district there is a
group of sculptures which represent Gandaraditya,
his queen Sembiyau-inahadevi and their son Uttama-
Chola. Gandaraditya appears to have been a Tamil
scholar and one of his compositions is preserved
in the collection of devotional hymns known as
Tiruvisaippa. In the last stanza of this poem he calls
himself the son of the Chola king who took Madura
and Ceylon by which is clearly meant Parantaka I.
The omission of Sembiyan-mahadeviyar's name
in Parantaka's inscriptions which mention the other
queens of Gandaraditya, is a point worthy of note.
It suggests that Gandaraditya was wedded to this
lady late in his life. She was a pious queen and
her whole life was dedicated to the building of
temples and in endowing them richly. . Inscriptions
which mention her as a builder of, or as donor
of munincient gifts to, temples, are numerous. She
lived up to the 16th year of the reign of Kajaraja I
(A..D. 1001). From this it may be gathered that
she lived for at least 48 years after the demise of
Parantaka I and that therefore she could not have
been old at the time of Gandaraditya's death which
soon followed and secondly that her son Uttama-Chola
was a mere child when his father passed away. Quite
consistent with the surmises made above, the Leyden
grant reports that Gandaraditya having given birth to
a son, went to heaven, suggesting thereby that he did
not live long after Uttama-Chola was born. The points
made clear above, furnish an explanation as to why
so
234 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the Chola crown passed on to Arinjaya and his line
immediately after G-andaraditya died and it is needless
to say that such a procedure would not have been
followed if Uttama-Chola were sufficiently old at
the time. When Uttama-Chola came of age, his
superior claim was respected by the great Rajaraja I
who according to the Tiruvalangadu plates, was not
willing to have the crown as long as his uncle
Madhurantakan Uttama-Chola was fond of the
empire. We have the authority of the same plates
for the statement that the people desired to have
Rajaraja for their sovereign just at the time when
Madhurantaka's accession took place. Before leaving
G-andaraditya, we have to say that the two records
of Tirunamanallur which mention the officer
Gandaraditya-Pallavaraiyan and of which one is
dated in Saka 879 (A.D. 957) and the other in the
3rd year of the reign of Parakesarivarmau, are not
records of Gandaraditya as surmised by some scholars
because he was distinctly a Rajakesarivarman. They
might belong to his successor Arinjaya, who was a
Parakesarivarman. But even here we have to admit
the overlapping of the reigns of Arinjaya and his son
Sundara-Chola, as will be pointed out later on.
Of Arinjaya, who, according to this account, ought
to have been a Parakesari, nothing definite is known.
He reigned during the minority of Uttama-Chola as
did his son Sundara-Choja. Arinjaya's relationship to
Parantaka I is not stated in the Tiruvalangadu plates.
But we know from stone inscriptions and the Leyden
grant that he was a son of Parantaka I. The latter
authority states that he was a forest fire to the wood
THIETY-THEEE YEARS BULES. 235
of hostile kings, meaning that he had won some
military fame. From other sources we learn that
his queen was a Kodumbalur princess, the daughter
of Pudi Vikramakesari who, it is said, contended
against Vlra-Pandya, perhaps for his Chola overlord.
If this is the case, the troubles with Vlra-Pandya
ought to have commenced already during Arinjaya's
time.
Now we pass on to the reign of Sundara-Chola
alias Parantaka II. He was a Bajakesarivarman.
His rule was so just that he was considered a
Manu born again to govern the earth. The Leyden
plates state that he was equal to Siva, that he
crushed the circle of hostile kings and pleasing
his subjects by his own virtue, he ruled with
ease the sea-girt earth. Further, we are informed
that at a place called Cheur he filled all the space
by volleys of sharp arrows sent forth from his
beautiful bow and produced manifold rivers of blood
which flowed from the multitude of his enemy's ele-
phants cut down with his sharp sword. Lithic records
of his time say that he fought with the Pandya king
and drove him into the forest. In confirmation of this,
the Leyden grant states that his son Aditya II alias
Karikala played sportively in battle with the head of
Vira-Pandya while he was yet a boy. These two
statements put together clearly point out that the
Pandya king with whom Sundara-Chola contended
was none other than Vira-Piindya who must be
identical with the opponent of the Kodurnbalur
chief Vikramakesari. A certain Parthivendravarman
whose inscriptions are mostly found in the Chingleput
and North Arcot districts also claims victory over
336 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the same Pandya king. It will not be unreasonable
to suppose that under the banner of Sundara-Chola
several chieftains fought against Vira-Pandya and
gained a victory which gave all of them the title of
'the taker of the head of Vira- Pandya.' Of all the
kings that are known to have reigned during the
thirty-three years following the demise of Parantaka I,
Sundara-Chola was the most powerful and his
rule perhaps extended to a longer period than
the rest. Though tbe principal event of his time
was the war against Vira-Pandya, Sundara-Chola
appears to have fought with the king of Ceylon as
well. The epigraphical confirmation of the latter
event is contained in an inscription of Rajaraja I
where it is stated that Parantakan Siriyavelar, the
general of Sundara-Chola, died in the 9th year of the
king in a battle-field in Ceylon. The Mahawansa
gives a more detailed account of this invasion of Cey-
lon. It is this : —
" Udaya III (A. D. 964-972) became a drunkard
and a slaggard and when the Chola king heard of
his indolence, his heart was well pleased and as he
desired to take to himself the dominion of the whole
Pandu country he sent emissaries to him to obtain
the crown and the rest of the apparel that the
king of Pandu left there when he fled. But the
king refused to yield them. Whereupon the Chola
king who was very powerful, raised an army and sent
it to take them even by violence. Now at this time
the chief of the army was absent, having gone
to subdue the provinces on the border that had
revolted. And the king commanded him to return
and sent him to make war. Accordingly, the chief
THIRTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 237
of the army went forth and perished in the battle.
And the king of Chola took the crown and other
things." Though this may not be a colourless
report of facts, yet much of it could be relied upon.
The date assigned to Udaya in the Singhalese
chronicle also falls within the period to which we
have to assign Sundara-Chola. It is not unlikely
that this expedition to Ceylon was the result of
the Chola king's encounter with Vira-Pandya
and it might even be supposed that the Singha-
lese supported the cause of the Pandyas as they
had been doing during the time of Bajasimha-
Pandya.
One other question may appropriately be consi-
dered here. The title Bajakesarivarman occuring
in the name Madiraikonda Bajakesari, — about half a
dozen lithic records of whose reign have been found, —
precludes the identification of this king with Arinjaya,
Aditya II alias Karikala and Uttama-Chola who are
all Parakesarivarmans. The fact that one of the
records of Madiraikonda Bajakesarivarman found at
Tiruvorriyur introduces as donor the prince Udaiyar
Uttama-Choladeva shows distinctly that he must
be one of the kings that reigned between Parantaka I
and Bajaraja 1. As such, we have to identify him
with Gandaraditya or Parantaka II who were the
only Bajakesarivarmaus during this period. Neither
the plates nor even the stone inscriptions attribute to
Gandaraditya any conquests. It will not therefore
be safe to assign the records of Madiraikonda
Bajakesari to this king. Besides, we are not in-
formed anywhere that Gandaraditya distinguished
himself in the war of his father against the Pandyas
238 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
as that at least would give him a claim to the
title Madiraikonda Since Sundara-Chola was a
Rajakesarivarman and since he is known to have
successfully contended against the Pandyas,, the re-
cords of Madiraikonda JKajakesari should be attribut-
ed to him. It being thus practically settled that
Madiraikonda Rajakesarivarman is identical with
Sundara-Chola, the Tiruvomyur record which is
dated in the 17th year of the king, may just reveal
to us the fact that Uttaina-Chola was sufficiently
aged at the time.
At Karikal in the North Arcot district there is an
inscription of the same king and it has been attri-
buted to Uttama-Chola by Dr. Hultzsch on the
strength of the fact that the latter was called
Madhurautaka which is an equivalent of Madirai-
konda. Tne incorrectness of the identification has
been shown by others who at the same time think
that the record is one of Gandaraditya. Gandara-
ditya had nothing to do with Madura and the only
king to whom both the titles Madiraikonda and
Rajakesarivarman are appropriate is Sundara-Chola.
Immediately after his death, Sundara-Chola was
known by the name Ponmaligai-tunjinadeva
evidently because he had died in a golden palace.
An image of his was set up in the big temple at
Tanjore and provisons were made for offerings to it.
Similarly also his queen Vanavanmahadevi, who had
committed suttee, came to be deified. An image of
hers, was set up in the same temple by her daughter
Kundavai. The fact that the images of these two
were enshrined in temples shows in what esteem
people regarded them for their meritorious acts.
THIRTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 239
The extracts given from the copper-plates that Sun-
dara-Chola was a Manu bora again on earth and was
equal to Siva in protecting his subjects and that his
wife committed suttee seem to have been the reasons
for their deification.
An important fact that could be gleaned from
the identification of Madiraikonda Rajakesarivarrnan
with Sundara-Chola is that this king recovered
Kanchi from the Rashtrakutas perhaps immediately
after the death of Krishna III or in the latter
part of his reign. The existence of inscriptions
of Madiraikonda liajakesarivarman in Tondai-
mandalarn is proof sufficient to show that the people
of this part of the country acknowledged his sway,
and since it is not stated about any of his predeces-
sors that they got back the lost territory, it may be
presumed that it was during his time that Tondai-
mandalam passed again into the hands of the Cholas,
after the short Rashtrakuta occupation of it. Two
records of Uttama-Chola found in Conjeevaram, show
clearly that it was retained by him.
Now we pass on to the successors of Sundara-
Chola. According to the large Leyden grant,
Aditya- Karikala succeeded Sundara-Chola and when
that king died, Uttama-Chola ascended the throne.
There is not much doubt that the inscriptions of
Parakesarivarrnan who took the head of Vira-Pandya
belong to Aditya II and we have already remarked
that all the records of Uttama-Chola without any
exception call him a Parakesarivarman. If, as the
plates report, Uttarna-Chola succeeded Aditya, it is
difficult to understand why he is called Parakesari-
varrnan instead of Rajakesari. Here again, we have to
240 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
suspect the correctness of the plates. It may be said
that because Uttama-Chola was the son of Gandara-
ditya who was a Rajakesarivannan, he assumed the
title Parakesari. But it must be said that this does not
seem probable because no Chola prince had a claim to
the title of Rajakesari or Parakesari merely by virtue
of his being a son of a Chola sovereign. The title
could only be borne by him when he became a king
and even then he seems to have had no choise in the
matter as the succession determined what title he
should adopt. If the plates are correct in saying
that the titles Rajakesari and Parakesari were borne
alternately by the Chola kings, we cannot be making
a mistake when we say that Parakesarivarman
Uttama-Chola should have succeeded a king who had
the title Rajakesarivarman and similarly also that
Aditya II should have been the successor of a
Rajakesarivarman. Now as these two are the only sove-
reigns that reigned after Rajakesarivarman Sundra-
Ch5la and before Rajakesarivarman Rajaraja I, the
only way of accounting for the fitness of the titles
borne by them is to suppose that both of them succeed-
ed Sundra-Chola simultaneously or in other words
that after the death of Sundra-Chola, these two
sovereigns reigned over the Chola dominion one as
co-regent of the other.
From the foregoing it will be seen that
(1) Parantaka I reigned until A.D. 953.
(2) Krishna III took possession of Tondaiman-
dalam in about A.D. 944-945.
(3) Rajaditya was killed at Takkolam in about
A-D. 948-9 aad therefore did not survive his father.
THIRTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 241
(4) G-andaraditya, Arinjaya and Sundara-Chola
reigned over the Chola dominion one after the other
with the titles Rajakesari, Parakesari and Rajakesari
respectively.
(5) Madiraikonda-Rajakesari is probably identi-
cal with Sundra-Chola.
(6) Aditya Karikala and Uttama-Chola reigned
together as co-regents after the death of Sundara-
Chola. They were both Parakesari varmans.
It remains now for us to give the probable dura-
tion of each reign, and for this purpose, we
have to start with the reign of Uttama-Chola
and work backwards. The highest regnal year
furnished for him in his stone records is sixteen
and as he was the immediate predecessor of
Rajaraja I, who reigned from A. D. 985 to 1013, it
is certain that the last years of his reign fell in or
about A. D. 985 and that he should have commenced
to rule in A. D. 969. This was actually the case, is
proved by some dated inscriptions of his. One of
them was discovered at Tiruvid.timarudur in the
Tanjore district. It couples Kali 4083 (A. D. 981-2)
with the 13th year of reign and yields A. D. 969-70
for the king's accession. As Aditya II was a co-regent
of Uttama-Chola, his initial date should also have
fallen in the same year. And since the latest regnal
year found for this sovereign is 10, it may be said that
his reign lasted from A.D- 969 to 979. Against the
possibility of Aditya's co-regency with Uttama-Chola
in later years, it may be pointed out that he was
sufficiently aged at the time of Sundara-Chola's death
and perhaps even earlier, because the Leyden plates
31
242 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
report that be fought against Vira-Pandya in the war
undertaken by his father and distinguished himself
by valourous deeds. Since Sundara-Chola was the
immediate predecessor of Uttarna-Chola and since
his highest regnal year was seventeen we have to
place his accession in A.D. 953 — perhaps at the close
of that year. We have already said that Parantaka I
should have died in A.D. 953 and that his two sons
G-andaraditya and Arinjaya should have reigned after
him, one following the other. Now we have to suppose
that Parantaka I died in the early part of the year
953 and his two sons ruled for the rest of the same
year — each for a few months only. The pretty long
reign of Parantaka I must account for the shortness
of the reign of his two sons who should have been
rather old at the time of their accession. Arinjaya
seems to have nominated his son Sundara-Chola to
the throne in about A.D. 954 and reigned 3 years
longer. The pedigree of the Chola kings of the
period 953 to 985 may be marked down as follows : —
Parakesari Parantaka I (A.D. 907—952-3)
i i i
Rajaditya Rdjakesari Gandaraditya Parakesari
(did not survive I 953 (few months) Arinjaya
his father). 953 (few months)
| and 954 to 957
Parakesari Uttama-Chola Rdjakesari Sundara-
(A.D. 969—985) Chola alias Paran-
taka II (954 to
970)
1
Parakesari Aditya II
alias Karikala
(A.D. 970-980)
i
Kundavai
(Daughter)
Rdjakesari
Raj a raj a I
(985—1013).
THIRTY-THREE YEARS RULE. 243
A word more has to be added to close this account
of the six princes. A certain Madhurantakan
Grandaradittan figures largely in the inscriptions of
Eajaraja I. In some of these records, he is said to have
made searching enquiries in several places regarding
temple properties. Whenever he found any misappro-
priation of a temple land or money, he is reported to
have rectified them and punished the offenders accor-
ding to their deserts. Judging from the name alone,
some have taken Madhurantakan Grandaradittan
for a member of the royal family and made him a
son of Uttama-Chola. This conjecture rests purely
on the basis of the fact that in ancient times a person
assumed the name of his grand-father and prefixed
to it that of his father. If Madhurantakan Ganda-
radittan were a son of Uttama-Chola as contended,
it would make the latter sufficiently aged at the time
of Grandaraditya's death (A.D. 953) a fact which we
have already disproved- Supposing for a moment
that this was the case, there arises a difficulty to
account for the exclusion of Uttama-Chola from the
throne immediately after his father's death and this,
it will be seen, casts a serious doubt, amounting
almost to a denial, of the conjectural relationship of
Madhurantakan Grandaradittan to the royal family.
The denial becomes a certainty when we find that
his name is totally omitted in the dynastic account
of the Cholas given in copper-plates which mention
even those members who did not actually succeed to
the throne. The omission might be said to be casual,
if it were found only in a single record. Since this
is not the case, we are obliged to say that Madhu-
rantakan Grandaradittan is not a member of the
244 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
royal family and at any rate is not a son of Uttama-
Chola.
SECTION VI :— EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA
DOMINION FROM A.D. 985 TO 1070.
RAJARAJA I.
Rajaraja I succeeded to the Chola throne in
A.D. 985. It has been already noted that thfe people
were anxious to have him as their ruler when his
elder brother Aditya II alias Karikala died and that
he stoutly refused to become king saying that so long
as his uncle Madhurantakan Utcaina-Chola was fond
of the country, he would not have the throne- When
the authorities for Chola history report these facts
and add that all the time his paternal uucle was
bearing the burden of the earth, Kajaraja I was
satisfied with the heir-apparentship, we see the wisdom
of the youth. It tells us that he understood quite
distinctly the situation of the Cholas and thought
that it would be ruinous to allow even the least
symptom of dissension in the royal House. Hence
it was that in spite of the strong desire of the people,
he wished to wait for his own turn to assume the
imperial purple. He must have known that there
was a strong feeling in favour of Madhurantakan
Uttama-Chola about whose superior claim to the
throne we have already discussed. His heir-apparent-
ship for the period of 10 years gave him the neces-
sary insight into the State affairs and this goes a
long way to account for the greatness which he was
able to acquire during his sovereignty.
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 245
In the first decade of his reign, Kajaraja, who
was bent on extending his dominion, directed his
entire attention to the improvement of the resources
of his country and to the preparation of an excellent
army. He had soon at his command several regi-
ments of skilled archers, men wearing coat of mail,
large infantry, powerful swordsmen, mounted caviliers
elephant troops, and others. The Velaikkaras, a class
of fighting men belonging to the right hand section,
enlisted themselves under the king's standard and
formed several strong detachments. All the regiments
of the king were called after one or the other of
the surnames of the king viz., Alagiya-Sola, Aridurga-
langhana, Chandaparakrarna, Nittavinoda, Vikrama-
bharana, Ranamukha-Bbima, etc. Similarly, his
cavalry, elephant troops, archers, mailed armour-
bearers and infantry in the last of which were enlisted
the Telugu people, bore the names of the king.
His officers, who were living in the two streets
Sirudanam and Perundanam of Tanjore, gathered
themselves to render him willing service. He had
a large retinue of servants and body-guards. These
also stood by him in the hour of need. Numerous
bodies of men were entrusted by the king with parti-
cular kinds of work and there were also several per-
sonal attendants on him.
Having got ready a large army and trained them
for years, Kajaraja began to give them employment by
engaging them in a wide scheme of conquests which
he had planned. He set out first to subdue the
southern powers i.e. the Chera and the Pandya. His
army crossed the impenetrable fastnesses of the ghats
and reached the country created by Parasurama
246 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(Malabar) who bad taken a vow to destroy all tbe
Ksbatriyas aud wbicb was considered inaccessible on
account of tbe natural barriers viz. tbe mountains and
tbe ocean tbat formed its boundaries. On bis way, be
dealt a beavy blow on tbe Pandyas wbo at once sub-
mitted to tbe conqueror, their king Amarabbujanga
being seized in battle. Tbe victorious army then
marched to Malai-nadu where Rajaraja captured tbe
fort of Vilinam and cut off tbe ships at Kandalur.
This was the first campaign of the king. On this
occasion, he took to his country immense boards of
silver, gold, pearls and coral for which both the
Pandya and Chera countries were famous.
After bis return from the southern region,
Rajaraja directed his arms against Gangavadi i.e. the
country of the Western Gangas of Talakkad, Kudama-
lai-nadu i.e. Coorg, Nolambavadi i.e. the territory
round about Bellary, Tadigaipadi or Tadigaivali,
Vengai-nadu which is the territory ruled by the
Eastern Cbalukyas with their capital at Rajahmundry
and further north, the territory of the Kalingas. In
dealing with the reign of Parantaka I, we said tbat
that sovereign dealt a severe blow on the Banas, took
their country and conferred it on his Ganga contem-
porary Prithivipati II with the title of Sembiyan-
mavalivanaraya. Taking advantage of the inability
of tbe successors of Parantaka I, the descendants of
the Ganga kings perhaps thought they might throw
off the Chola yoke. It is not impossible that they
committed some act of violence which provoked the
wrath of Rajaraja and induced him to send an
expedition against them. The Nolambas claim to
be of Pallava origin and as such they should have
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 247
carried their spite against the Cholas for the defeat
sustained at the hands of Aditya I and Parantaka I.
It was given to Rajaraja I to overcome them also.
The affairs of the Vengi country were worse than any
other. It was subjected to a state of anarchy for a
period of nearly 27 years. Rajaraja interfered in its
politics, put an end to the inter-regnum by appoint-
ing Saktivarman a member of the Eastern Ohalukya
line to the throue. To judge from the future history
of that territory, it is fairly certain that he dictated
some terms to him for holding the dominion under
the overlordship of the Cholas, He sealed the
compact by giving his daughter in marriage to the
Eastern Chalukya prince Vimaladitya, called also
Aniyanka-Bhirna and Birudanka-Bhima. The Tiru-
valangadu plates say that Rajaraja defeated the
Andhra king Bhima and a certain Rajaraja. Two
facts are worthy of note here viz. that Vimaladitya
was in the North Arcot district in the second year
of Rajaraja and that Vimaladitya's son and grand-
son also chose their queens from the Chola family.
While Rajaraja was engaged in settling the disturbed
state of the Vengi country, his attention was again
drawn to the South. A second expedition was made
on the Chera and the Pandya dominions. Quiioii
the principal town of the former, fell into his hands
and the victorious monarch now crossed the sea to
subdue the island of Ceylon and destroyed the fortress
of Udagai in the Pandya country. These conquests
of Rajaraja I are proved beyond a shadow of doubt
by the following circumstances : —
(i) by the existence in those countries, of innu-
merable monuments of the time of Rajaraja I.
24t> ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(ii) by the re-naming of the Pandya country into
Rajaraja- Pandinadu and
(iii) by the assignment of part of the revenue
derived from Ceylon to the big temple at Tanjore.
This done, the Chola sovereign set his eyes on
the subjugation of the Western Cualukya empire i.e.
Rattapadi, which consisted of 750,000 villages.
Satyasraya was c jmpletely defeated and forced to
give a large amount of money which the Chola king
took to his very capital. It is on record that on this
occasion, the army of the Chola king numbered
900,000 men, who pillaged the whole country of the
Western Chalukyas ; slaughtered even women,
children and Brahmaiias ; and taking their girls to
wife destroyed their caste. In spite of all these
horrors of war, the conquest of the Western Chalukyas
was not a permanent one. So was that over the
Pandyas, because we shall soon find the successors of
Rajaraja I engaged in severe contests with these
powers. Still, the king had not sheathed his sword
for, almost in the very last year of his reign, we find
him subduing the 12,000 islands of the Indian ocean.
Great as was the military fame of Rajaraja I
achieved by his conquest in several directions, the
benefits which this king conferred on his people were
none the less. He was a devout Saiva in his creed
and bis piety won for him the titles Rajarajan and
Sivapadasekhara. Immediately after the conquest of
the Western Chalukyas, the great king undertook the
construction of the big temple at Tanjore, one of ihe
most admirable monuments of Southern India which
supplied the model in after years for the Dekhan
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 249
builders and which gave employment to thousands of
skilled labourers and improved the arts and crafts of
the land. Besides this temple, many more were
constructed during this period and these bear testi-
mony to the building activity and the high skill of
the sculptors of those times. We are informed by
the Kongudesa-Rajakkal that Rajaraja 1, like his
great grand father Parantaka I, made large additions
to the temple at Chidambaram by building mandapat,
shrines, and the like and bestowed immense money
for the upkeep of festivities.
Irrigation had always attracted the particular
attention of early kings. The branches of the
Kaveri river which bear the names Mudikondan,
Klrttimarbtandan, Solachulamani and UyyakkondSn
which irrigate thousands of acres of land as well as
several other canals of which many do not exist
at present, owe their origin to Rajaraja I. In A.D.
1010-11 this great king undertook a revenue
survey of his country and the minuteness with
which the work was performed will be made
clear when we come to know that land as little in
extent as L rv^°^ a v^ was measured and
£>ji) 'l!iO , oUUj UvHJ
assessed to revenue. He struck coins bearing on one
side the inscription Rajaraja and on the other the
standing figure of a man.
Incalculable and almost fanciful were the endow-
ments which Rajaraja made to the new temple built
by him and to others that were already in existence.
The gifts themselves proclaim the wealth of the
Chola dominion in his day. Though a devout Saiva,
he had great toleration for other religious creeds and
32
250 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
in this connection we might mention his rich dona-
tions to the Buddhist temple built at Negapatam by
a feudatory prince. Rajaraja and his elder sister,
his queens and his son, his generals and officers,
were the chief persons who made grants to the temple
of Rajarajesvara, which had become the one object of
endearment in the whole territory. It is particularly
worthy of note that the king and the royal house-
hold made these munificient gifts, which we may
at once say the richest that ever was made by
any past king or queen in the land, from the
treasures that he had brought from the Pandya
and the Che'ra territories after defeating the
hostile monarchs at Malai-nadu and from the
country of the Western Ghalukyas after overcoming
Satyasraya. The jewels and vessels presented, give
us a glimpse of the taste of the people, a description
of the several kinds of ornaments made of pearls
diamonds, rubies, coral etc; fastened to gold and silver
frames which were filled with lac and the use of the
nine gems. Many of these ornaments have no
representative in the modern jeweller's shop. The
people of the Dekhan — at least those that were
wealthy — adorned themselves in a surpassingly
beautiful way from head to foot and used gold, silver
and the nine gems profusely.
As a Saivite he had great admiration for the
stirring hymns composed by the Saiva saints Appar,
Jnanasambanda and Sundara, the devotional songs of
Manikkavasagar and the various acts of piety of the
other 63 Saiva saints. He provided for the recitation
of their hymns and set up also their images in the
spacious temple built by him. Among such images
EXPANSION OP THE CHOLA EMPlEE. 25l
enshrined in the temple, we have to mention two
in particular viz. those of the king's own father
and mother- It has been already said that Rajaraja's
father Sundara-Chola was regarded by people as Manu
born again to re-establish on earth his laws which had
become lax on account of the Kaliyuga by which we
have to infer that his rule was chatacterised by extreme
kindness. Rajaraja's mother Vanavanmahadevi had
made her claim for being worshipped, by committing
the meretorious act of suttee when her husband died.
Rajaraja took a keen interest in the arts. He
brought from several places beautiful damsels famous
for their skill in dancing, musicians of note, drummers,
trumpeters, pipers and others, settled them in
Tanjore and provided richly for their maintenance.
He opened halls where these had to assemble and
practice the natyasastra, sing musical notes and play
on the instruments. We are informed that a drama
called Rajarajesvara-nataka was enacted in the
temple and this shows clearly the literary taste and
attainment of the times. Colleges for the education
of children existed and men proficient in learning
imparted instruction mostly in temples and the king
occasionally visited these institutions. Look where
we will, we do not fail to observe that Rajaraja's time
was one of unsullied prosperity, full of activities
displayed in every direction. If we are to re-
count these, there will be no end. What has been
said already will be enough to convince any one
that the king's activities ,were many-sided. His
warlike spirit is more than eclipsed by the impulse
he gave to the cultivation of the arts, the improve-
ment of irrigation works, the education .of fckte
252 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
masses and the methods adopted to improve the
official machinery the last of which became more elab-
orate than ever owing chiefly to the necessity of main-
taining a large number of registers which we have
reasons to believe were opened for the first time after
the revenue survey had been undertaken by thin king.
It is not to be understood that till then there were
no registers of the kind but only that more were
started and better scrutiny exercised in respect of
the State revenue, holdings of individuals, exemptions
from payment of taxes and the like. Suffice it to
say that we find mentioned in his records which can
be counted by thousands, a number of accountants
keeping various account books, superintendents of
accounts, ledger-keepers, keepers of index registers,
maintainers of boundary marks, persons in charge of
books showing tax-free lands which were many in those
times, settlement officers and secretaries of the king
in charge of different sections of work. During the
reign of Kajaraja I, we hear for the first time of
officers and commissions appointed to enquire into
the misappropriation of endowments made for
charitable institutions who went about from place
to place, overhauling accounts, calling for witnesses,
taking evidences and punishing the offenders and
those at fault and setting right matters- These could
have been possible to do, only in case the State had
charge of the charitable endowments and main-
tained registers for the purpose. The king had a
large number of bodyguards and those whose duty
was to communicate his orders whenever they emana-
ted from his mouth. The administration of the
country was during his time, as in earlier ages,
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIBE. 253
entrusted to the village assemblies with ample powers
and with a sort of salutary check exercised by com-
missioned officers.
Household of Eajaraja : — Among the elderly
members in the household of the kiag, two deserve to
be mentioned viz. his sister Kundavai and his aunt
Udaiyapirattiyar Sembiyanmadeviyar, both of whom
appear to have been notable characters. To judge
from their pious and charitable works, it is certain
that they could not but have exercised a wholesome
influence on the life and character of the reigning
sovereign. The gifts made by them and the shrines
whicu they constructed in the various parts of the
country mark them out as high-minded ladies- Eaja-
raja had several queens and inscriptions reveal the
names of five of them viz. Dantisakti-Vitanki alias
Lokamahadevi, Iladainahadevi, Panchavanmahadevi
and Vanavauinahadevi. All of them made costly
endowments to the temple of Eajarajesvara, In A.D.
1013, Tiruvisalur, a village near Tiruvidairnarudur,
had the fortune of witnessing the grand festival of
Eajaraja's tulabhara ceremony which being the one
held after the king had finished all his conquests and
won laurels in several fields, the whole country resoun-
ding with his fame, could not but have attracted
crowds of people from all parts of the empire. The
ceremony was performed in the Sivayoganathasvamin
temple where on the very occasion Eajaraja's chief
queen Dautisaktivitauki passed through a gold cow.
Eajaraja had only one son Eajendra-Ohola who was
nominated to succeed him already three years prior
to the death of the king. His only daughter was
given in marriage to the Eastern Chalukya king.
254 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Rajendra-Chola I.
The actual accession of this king to the Chola
throne took place in A.D, 1013-4 when his father
died, though his nomination was three years earlier.
During Rajaraja's later years, the prince was engaged
in some of his wars against the Western Chalukyas.
Rajendra-Chola's conquests are given at great length
in his records which carry his reign to A.D. 1044-5.
They show that he followed up the war-plans of his
father with success. Between his 3rd and 5th years, he
conquered Idaiturai-nadu, Banavasi, Kollppakkai.
Mannai aud Ceylon. The first people against whom
he directed his arms thus appear to be the Western
Gangas of Talakkad. As the 3rd year of the king
already expired while his father was living, we have to
regard that some of these conquests had been effected
under the guidance and advice of Rajaraja I.
Having settled the affairs in the Ganga and the
Eastern Chalukya territories, he turned his atten-
tion to the subjugation of the southern powers i> e.,
the Pandya and the Chera, the former of which
was in a state of chronic revolt against the Chola yoke
from the very beginning of the reign of Aditya I.
Even the thorough conquests of Parantaka I and
Rajaraja I the latter of which resulted in the re-
naming of the Pandya country into Rajaraja-Pandi-
mandalarn, and the defeats inflicted on them by
Suudara-Chola, Aditya II, Uttama-Chola and their
allies, were of little avail. The policy of the Cholas
during the five generations immediately preceding the
reign of Rajendra-Cnola I was to gradually weaken
the strength of the Pandya who nourished the most
inviterate antipathy to the Chola victors. It was
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIBE. 255
given to Rajendra-Chola I, therefore, to device a
scheme whereby they could be kept under complete
control, so as not to be a source of constant trouble
and concern to the Cbolas as heretofore. Accord-
ingly, when he was placed in independent charge of
his domain, he first attacked the Pandyas with the
result that their king deserted his country from fear.
Thereupon, the Chola king established his son Chola-
Pandya as Viceroy of the Pandya territory. The
appointment of Cbola-Pandyas as Viceroys of the
South has much to say in its favour since it prevented
the Pandyas from rising again and this left the Chola
king free to carry his military operations undisturbed
in other directions.
Rejendra-Chola is further reported to have fear-
lessly crossed the Western ghats and made war with
the Kerala ruler. There arose a fearful battle in which
he came out successful. This done, he returned to
his capital, appointing the Chola- P&ndya Viceroy to
rule over the Kerala dominion also. It may be
mentioned that during this period, the state docu-
ments were issued in the name of the Chola-Pandya
Viceroy and not in the name of the Kerala king who
at thj£ time was a certain Rajasimha, the builder of
the Gopalakrishnasvamin temple at Mannarkoil.
The temple was called Rajendra-Chola-Vinnagar after
the name of the Chola overlord. Another Kerala king
who was probably the predecessor of this Rajasimha
was Rajaraja.
The next expedition of Rajendra-Chola was
directed against the Western Chalukya Jayasimha III
with success on the Chola side.
256 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Elated by these triumphs, the Chola sovereign
determined to advance farther north to the Gangetic
region. Indraratha of the lunar race was quickly
overcome, the wealth of Ranasura was seized and the
countrj of Dharmapala was subdued. The general
who distinguished himself in this war made the
vanquished kings, of whotn Mahipala was one, to
carry the water of the Ganges to the Chola country
for its purification. The same person on his way
home, attacked Orissa and seized its king along with
his younger brother. In some respects the military
fame of Rajendra-Chola exceeded that of his father.
While Rajaraja confined his activities to the Madras
Presidency and Ceylon, Rajendra-Chola made plucky
inroads into the several States of Northern and
Central India. His arms were felt by the kings who
ruled over the two Berars, the ruler of the Bastar
country, the sovereigns of Bengal, Kosala, Kaliuga
and Vengi. Rajendra-Chola made a dash against the
Eastern Chalukya country, defeated its king Vima-
laditya who was his own brother-in-law and set up a
pillar of victory on the Mahendragiri hill. The
Chola emblem, i.e., the tiger crest with the double fish
in front showing that the Pandyas had been overcome
by him, was also engraved on the same hill, to testify
his conquest for all time to come. Not content with
all these achievements, Rajendra-Chola crossed the
seas and conquered the distant country of Katahai.e.,
Kidaram in lower Burmah. A pillar of victory made
up, as it were, of the water of the Ganges was then
set up in the Chola capital which was at this time
Gangaikondacholapnram built in memory of his
conquest of the north with a big temple constructed
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 257
on the model of the one at Tanjore and standing at
present in a well nigh deserted tract exciting the
admiration of antiquarians. Other minor conquests
effected by our sovereign were the subjugation of
several islands in the Indian Ocean viz. Nicobar,
Pappalam and the like. Other Chola sovereigns had
engaged themselves in naval warfare in prior times, but
they do not appear to have formed such a strong fleet
as Rajendra-Chola I did ; neither do they appear to
have undertaken distant expeditions in ships. The
existence of Tamil inscriptions in Sumatra and Java
afford conclusive proof that the conquests claimed for
this king is real. The Chinese work Sungshih states
that sldh lilo cWa yin to lo dm Zo, i.e. Sri-Rajendra-
Chola sent an embassy to China in A.D. 1033 and it
is fairly certain that this embassy should have taken
a sea route. The object of Rajendra-Chola's courting
the friendship of the Chinese emperor is not quite
apparent- Perhaps he had more extensive military
schemes in view than are revealed in his inscriptions.
Rajendra-Chola is called Panditachola in the
Kalingattu-parani and the Tanjore inscriptions refer
to an army called Panditasola-terindavilligal i.e. the
chosen archers of Pandita- Chola evidently so
termed after Rajendra-Chola, if not after Rajaraja I.
If this surname was given him by others, it must
indicate the high learning which he had acquired.
Tradition asserts that Rajendra-Chola brought with
him, when he returned from his northern expedition,
a number of families belonging to the class who
perform worship in temples aud settled them in
Southern India for doing eccliciastical duties, The
king reigned up to A.D, 1045.
258 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Kajadhiraja I (A.D. 1018 to 1050.)
The computation of the astronomical details fur-
nished in some of his inscriptions shows that Rajadhi-
raja's reign counted from A.D. 1018 between May and
December. Though nominally he was the king elect
for the Chola dominion, he was for a good portion of
his reign only assisting Rajendra-Chola in the capacity
of a co-regent or general as he could not have acquired
any independent royal functions till the latter's death
in A.D. 1045. Hence we do not get records of this
sovereign dated in earlier years of his reign than the
26th. In this year, therefore, which was the date of
demise of his father, he became the actual ruler.
His inscriptions attribute to him a long list of
achievements most of which must refer to events
which happened during the lifetime of his father.
These are : —
(i) Conferring on many of his relations governor-
ship of the outlying provinces.
(ii) Conquest of the southern region: Of the three
kings of the Pandya country, Manabharana was
decapitated, Vira-Kerala was trampled under the feet
of an elephant and Sundara-Pandya was driven away
as far as Mullaiyur 1. This was followed by the kil-
ling of the king of Venadu i.e. of Travencore, and
three princes of Iramagudam and the destruction of
the ships at Kandalur-Salai.
(iii) A military campaign against the Western
Chalukyas: Ahavamalla, i. e. Somesvara I (A.D.
1044-65) fled out of dread ; the generals Gundappayya,
1 See. p. 152j above.
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 259
Gangiidhara and Kevuda fell in the battle-field ;
Vikki i.e. Vikramaditya VI, Vijayaditya and Sanga-
maya retreated like cowards and were seized by the
Chola king along with their treasure and their army
of horses and elephants.
(iv) An expedition against Ceylon : The Chola
king took the crowns of Vikrarnabahu, Vikrama-
Pandya, who had entered the island after having lost
his possessions in the Pandya country, Virasalamegan
and Srivallabha Madanaraja.
The Chola king having seized Virasalamegan's
elder sister, daughter and mother and cut off the nose
of the last, there ensued a hot fight in which the
Singhalese king was put to death. Mahawansa cor-
roborates this information of the inscriptions and
the records of Rajadhiraja, discovered in Ceylon, afford
conclusive evidence that the island owned the sway
of the Cholas.
(v) Lastly Rajadhiraja defeated four chiefs named
Gandar-Dinakaran, Naranan, Kanavadi and Madisu-
dan. The palace of the Chalukya king at Kampili
was destroyed on this occasion and a pillar of victory
was set up there.
The king accompanied his younger brother Vira-
rajendra to the battle of Koppam where he lost his life.
Thus ended the career of this king, who never appears
to have sheathed his sword. Fighting seems to have
been his pastime and he laid his life in a battle-field.
Rajendradeva (A.D. 1052-62).
Some details of the war of Rajadhiraja I is
obtained from the lithic records of Parakesarivarman
llajendradeva, his younger brother. The latter, it is
260 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
said, inarched with the van-guard of the army of his
elder brother, who was then ruling the kingdom, into
the battle-field and took possession of Rattapadi, 7£
lakhs. Then he fought with the large army of Ahava-
malla, which had advanced to Kopparn on the banks
of the great river, and converted them into heaps of
corpses. Ahavamalla fled away from the field of battle
out of fear and the Chola king seized his elephants and
horses, women and treasures together with the camels.
He then performed the anointment of heroes and
ascended the throne, and reigned from A.D, 1052 to
1062. His reign was not very eventful.
Virarajendra (A.D. 1062—70).
Virarajendra then came to the throne. To
make his position strong he conferred certain honours
on some of his relations. His elder brother, probably
a cousin, received the title of Rajaraja. On Gangai-
konda-Chola, he conferred the title of Chola-Pandya
and made him rule the Pandya country. A brilliant
crown was bestowed on Mudikonda-Chola along
with the name Sundara-Chola.
His principal enemy was the Western Chalukya
Vikramaditya VI., with whom he had three engage-
ments. In the first instance, the armies of both the
kings met on the plains of Gangapadi. Victory was
on the side of the Chola. The forces of the defeated
monarch were driven as far as the Tungabhadra.
A large and powerful army was then marshalled by
Vikramaditya and he sent this on an expedition
against the Vengi country. The army fared ill, the
general Chamundaraja having been killed and the
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 261
only daughter of his, named Nagalai, who was the
wife of Irugaiya, having had her nose cut off. The
third encounter was the worst of all. Full of rage
against the Chola and anxious to retrieve the previous
losses, the Western Chalukya king met his opponent
at a place called Kiidal-Sangama which was at the
confluence of the rivers Tunga and Bhadra. The
result of this battle is described in his inscriptions in
glowing terms 1.
Virarajendra then directed his attention to other
quarters. and defeated the ruler of Pottappi, the king
of the Kerala country, the younger brother of Jana-
natha of Dhara and the Pandya sovereign Srivallabha
and Virakesari. A record of A.D. 1070-1 refers to
this king in the following words : —
" The wicked Chola who had abandoned the
religious observances of his family, penetrated into
the Belvola country and burnt the Jaina temples
which Ganga-Permadi, the lord of Grangamandala,
while governing the Belvola province had built in the
Armigere-nadu. * # # The Chola eventually
yielded his head to Somesvara I in battle and thus
losing his life, broke the succession of his family."
The above statement clearly hints that there
was no heir to the Chola throne when Virarajendra
died in A.D. 1070.
Here our narrative of this dynasty must end.
The revived Vijayalaya line of Cholas had no surviv-
ing member, who was capable of ruling over the vast
dominion which had been acquired during the past
2| centuries commencing from the second quarter of
1 See South Ind. Inscrs, Vol. III. Parb I, p. 37.
262 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the 9th century and ending in A. D- 1070. As
a result of constant wars waged all round, the Chola
dominion now included almost the whole of the
Madras Presidency with Ceylon and a good portion
of Mysore. Pudukkottai, Cochin and Travancore
states were also comprised in it and the rulers of
parts of Central Provinces, Bombay and Bengal were
made feudatories of the Cholas. One of the effective
checks made by the later sovereigns of this line was
the appointment of royal Viceroys to administer
conquered territories. This innovation was first
adopted by Bajeudra-Chola I with regard to the
Pandya and Chera territories and was afterwards
largely followed by his three successors. Severe wars
were waged against the refractory Western Chalukyas
from the time of Bajaraja I., and the Cholas showed
no remorse in dealing with them. Quiet administra-
tion was brought about in the Vengi country by the
interference of the Cholas in the politics of the
Eastern Chalukyas. Systematic naval warfare and
distant expeditions characterise the rule of Kajendra-
Chola I. As the empire was being built up rapidly,
the Choja sovereigns were also mindful of improving
the administration of the country which was done by
the use of all their resources. In fact the Cholas
were the only people that attempted to devise
better organisations called forth by an extension of
dominion. In spite of all these precautions, the
decline of the power was brought about almost at the
very time when it reached its zenith owing chiefly
to causes beyond human control.
There were, as hinted in the record cited above
no princes in the direct line of the Cholas to succeed
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE.
Virarajendra and the dominion was, therefore, left
without a ruler at the moment of his death- It was
the time for pretenders and rival powers to put forth
their claim for the spoil. The persons in whose
hands the Chola empire fell after Virarajendra had
ceased to rule cannot be. called Cholas, though they
styled themselves as such- In later times an attempt
was made to establish a lawful claim for these, the.
merits of which we have to discuss before closing
this section.
According to the Vikramd,ngadevacharita, the
anarchy in the Chola dominion was put an end to,
at the first instance by the Western Chalukya
Vikramaditya VI who, it is said, as soon as he heard
of the death of the Chola king, hastened to Conjee-
veram and installed a prince on ihe throne. The
intervention of an outsider shows at once the.
weakness of the claimant and his claim. Quite
naturally, therefore, this prince paid the price of his
pretention, by blood. He was murdered soon after
his coronation and the way was opened for the Eastern
Chalukya prince Rajendra-Chola (II), who was the
daughter's son of his namesake Eajendra-Chola I
to bring the extensive Chola dominion under his
canopy. The Tamil work Kalingattuparam states
that Rajendra-Chola I adopted his grandson by his
daughter and nominated him to the Chola throne.
In this connection it is also believed that Rajendra-
Chola I had no sons. There does not appear to be
much truth in these statements which, as had been
surmised by others, must have been invented to
establish some locus standi to the usurper. And neither
could the Chola king have nominated the prince to
264 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
succeed him. To dispose of the last point first, we
might at once say that there is almost a physical
impossibility for the adoption of the step, because
Rajendra-Chola II had reigned over the Chola
dominion for a period of 50 years from A.D. 1070
and this date falls nearly 30 .years after the demise of
Rajendra-Chola I during which period the Chola
empire was ruled by three successive kings viz.
Rajadhiraja I, Rajendradeva and Virarajendra, all of
whom are regarded as the sons of Rajendra-Chola I.
Supposing that the Eastern Chalukya prince was
nominated by Rajendra-Chola I, what would have
been his age at the time the latter made the
choice. He could not have been more than a boy
at best or a mere child at the worst. It is not pos-
sible to conceive how a person like Rajendra-Chola I
could have decided upon such a course as has been
suggested in the poem when there were a number of
claimants to the throne in the direct Chola line.
Against the belief that he had no son, we may point
out that the Tiruvalangadu plates report that Sun-
dara-Chola-Pandya whom he appointed as Viceroy
of the Pandya and Kerala countries, was a son of his-
And if it was the decision of Rajendra-Chola I that
Rajendra-Chola II should succeed him, how is it that
we find that Rajadhiraja I was proclaimed to be the
future ruler even during the life-time of the king and
suffered to occupy the throne after him and that
Rajendradeva and Virarajendra were allowed to come
in regular succession afterwards. It is very unlikely
that the adopted prince could have remained all this
while without pressing forward his right. From what
has been said above, it will be quite apparent that the
EXPANSION OF THE CHOLA EMPIRE. 265
accession of Rajendra-Chola II was not settled at the
time of his grandfather and it is evident that there
was no necessity for the adoption of a prince from the
Eastern Chalukya line, as most of the members that
are mentioned in the epigraphs of Rajadhiraja I
and Rajendradeva I must have been living then.
84
BOOK IV.
KAKATIYAS :-A TELUGU
FEUDATORY FAMILY.
SECTION I :— INTKODUCTOKY.
In this book we propose to give an account of
the Kakatiyas, one of the feudatory families of
Southern India that played an important part in the
history of the country for a little over two centuries.
The interest of the student in the study of this
history consists in the fact that it shows clearly how
far circumstances favour the rise of a subordinate
family to a state of independence, facilitate its
acquiring power and dominion, and finally work out
its annihilation, giving place to fresh families.
The term ' Kakatiya' with its variants Kakati,
Kakata, Kaketa, etc., occurs in inscriptions ; but its
proper significance as applied to the family is not
clear, because none of the records so far discovered
affords any explanation on this point. This being
so, anything that could be said regarding it would
only be by way of conjecture, and the truth of such a
conjecture could not be substantiated. The ordinary
meaning of the word Kakata is ' a crow,' and Dr.
Burnell says that the family name Kakatiya is said
by Kumarasvamin, the commentator on Vamsabha-
harana, to be derived from the name of a local form
of the goddess Durga. (i) If the word Kakatiya be
268 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
connected with Kakata, and means a crow, we should
suppose that that bird would have figured among the
emblems of the Kakatiyas. But as yet we are not
informed anywhere that this was the case. On the
other hand the statement made in an inscription of
Budradeva, one of the members of this family, viz.,
that his father Prola, after he had conquered Gunda,
the lord of the city of Mantrakuta, had his head shaved
and his breast marked with a boar, might be taken
to signify that the Kakatiya emblem was a hoar. The
Sanskrit work Prataparudriya, when it states that
the crest of Prataparudra — another member of the
same family — was a boar, confirms the inference here
drawn, (ii) The records of the Kakatiyas do not tell
us that they were the worshippers of any particular
deity such as Durga. Though these chiefs showed
great religious toleration, they appear to have built a
large number of Siva temples, and richly endowed
them. The boar emblem might have been borrowed
from the Chalukyas whose subordinates they at first
were. It seems to us that the word Kakatiya must be
traced to a shrub just like the term Pallava.
Two capitals of this family are mentioned in
inscriptions viz., Amnakonda and Warrangal, and
both of them had several variants. Hanumakonda
assumes the forms Anumakunda, Anumakunde, etc.,
and it is the present headquarters of the Warrangal
division and district of the Hyderabad .State- It is
situated in 18° 1' N and 79° 34' E near the stations
of Kazapet and Warrangal on the Nizam's State
Eailway.1 Though it is described as the former
1 Imperial Gazetteer, Vol. XIII, p. 22.
INTRODUCTORY. 269
capital of the Kakatiyas before Warrangal was found-
ed, it had not lost its importance .even during the
time of rule of the last king of the line, as will be
seen from the sequel. Inscriptions speak of it
as a great city and as an ornament of the Andhra
country. It contains some very interesting buildings
of which the 1,000 pillared temple consisting of three
spacious halls with a fine portico supported by
300 pillars, and a star shaped mandapa resting on
200 pillars was built in 1162 A.D. in the Chalukyan
style.1 It may be gathered from what has been said
above, that, in the earlier periods, the places surround-
ing Hanumakonda were under the sway of the Eastern
Chalukyas and the Andbrabrityas. These latter have
left several monuments in that part of the country of
which we may note in particular the Jaina images
carved in the rocks close to the ruined temple of
Anumantagiri near Hanumakonda. The fact that
the earliest known member of the Kakatiya dynasty,
i.e., Beta was granted the Sabbisayira country and
that he made Anumakonda his capital, shows that
the town was situated in this division. Warrangal
or Arangal is the form adopted by the Muharn-
madans of the original name Orungallu or Oru-
gallu which we find mentioned in stone inscriptions
with its Sanskrit equivalent Ekasilanagari, as the
later capitial of the Kakatiyas. Both towns were
constructed near a hill which commanded an excellent
view of the country all round. The seat of the
Kakatiya government seems to have been removed
during the time of Kudradeva from Anumakonda
to Warrangal. This king and his successors greatly
i Ibid, p. 23.
270 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
beautified the place by building many a temple and
mansion, and strengthened its fortifications.
We shall notice here briefly the circumstances
which favoured the rise of the Kakatiyas to
an independent power just like some others who
came into prominence in the beginning of the 12th
century A.D., or a little before it, in the north of our
Presidency, which from the 7th century was subject
to the sway of the Eastern Chalukya kings of the
line of Kubjavishnuvardhana. It must be remembered
that the western portion of the Eastern Chalukya
dominion was subject to the sway of the Western
Chalukyas of Badami and Kalyani. Immediately
after the death of the Eastern Chalukya king Dhana
or Dhanarnava, there was an interregnum in the
Vengi country, which lasted for twenty-five or twenty-
seven years. This was put an end to by the inter-
vention of the Chola king Rajaraja I, who set up
Saktivarman on the vacant throne about the begin-
ning of the llth century A. D. Saktivarman's
successor Vimaladitya and the latter's son Rajaraja I
of Vengi had married Chola princesses viz., Kundava
and Ammangadevi respectively, probably out of some
political necessity. The anarchy prevailing in the
Eastern Chalukya dominion and the consequent
interference of the Cholas in its affairs clearly show
that the kingdom had become weak. Soon after the
death of Vimaladitya's son and of the accession of his
grandson Rajendra-Chola (who was also a grandson
of the Chola king Rajendra-Chola I, by his daughter),
there was anarchy in the Chola country. The way
was thus open to the Eastern Chalukya king to lay-
claim to. and actually obtain, the vast Chola kingdom
INTRODUCTORY. 271
which had been welded together by the kings of
the Vijayalaya line, for three centuries. The acqui-
sition of the Chola dominion necessitated the pre-
sence of Rajendra-Chola in the south, and he was
obliged to leave his own dominion in the Circars
to be ruled over by his viceroys. The hold which
JRajendra- Chola — who assumed the new name of
Kulottunga I after coming to the South, and who
was a powerful sovereign — had on the southern
country may be considered to have been firm ; but
during the rule of his successors, who cannot be
regarded as having been as strong as he, the northern
part of the Presidency presented certain difficulties,
the real power being vested in the hands of a few
feudatory families. The Western Ghalukyas were
not slow to take advantage of the absence of a mon-
arch in the Eastern Chalukya dominion. The ten-
dency on the part of these to encroach on the Vengi
country (either independently or in combination with
their subordinates) was resisted by the feudatories of
the absent monarch, sometimes successfully and some-
times not. There were also constant fights between
the several subordinate powers. The successful sub-
ordinate soon proclaimed his independence and such
an one appears to have been the founder of Kakatiya
family.'
The Kakatiyas may be said to have belonged to
the solar race. Their mythical genealogy included
in it such names as the Sun, Manu, Sagara, JBagiratha,
Ikshvaku and others of the Eaghu family. Though
a Kshatriya origin could thus be given to the
Kakatiyas viewed from this point, yet as it is expressly
stated in some of the inscriptions of the Nellore
272 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
district that they, like other families that rose to
power along with them, belonged to the Sudra caste,
we are precluded from ascribing to them a Kshatriya
origin.
A few records state that Karikala was one of the
ancestors of the Kakatiyas ; and some others mention
a certain Durjaya immediately before the first
historical person Beta. It is worthy of note
that, like the Kakatiyas, several other families of the
Telugu country also claim Karikala among their
early members. Since it is mentioned that this
Karikala built high banks to the river Kaveri, ruled
from the city of Kanchi, and encountered Trinayana-
Pallava in battle, there is not much doubt that he is
identical with the ancient Chola king of that name,
who figures among the ancestors of Vijayalaya, and
who in the Tiruvalangadu plates, is stated to have
beautified the town of Kanchi by expending an enor-
mous quantity of gold, and to have built high banks to
the Kaveri.
An attempt will be made to show how the name
and fame of this early Chola king were kept alive in the
memory of the Telugu people, who included him
among their ancestors. It has been pointed out that
after the interregnum in the Vengi country had been
put an end to by the Chola king Bajaraja I-^-which
considered in itself was an important service — the
princes of the Eastern Chalukya line married Chola
princesses, perhaps from some political necessity. The
sons and grandsons of Vimaladitya adopted Chola
names in preference to those of the Eastern Chaluk-
yas and Kulottunga I and his successors when they
removed to the Chola dominion, freely adopted the
INTRODUCTORY. 273
Chola ancestry in which Karikala was an important
figure. This was probably due to the tendency on the
part of the Eastern Chalukyas as well as their subordi-
nates to give up tracing their ancestry to Kubja-
vishnuvardhana and in this way t^ie name of Karikala
may have come to be included in their high sounding
pedigree. The fame of Karikala could not have been
quite unknown in the north. Here it is worth re-
membering that, if the encounter in which Vijayaditya
claimed to have gained a victory over Trinayana-
Pallava is not different from the one which gave
the Chola king the capital of the Pallavas and
the identical claim, Vijayaditya and Karikala pro-
bably made common cause against the Pallava king
of the day, whose surname was Trinayana, and that
Karikala might have been instrumental in establish-
ing the Chalukyas in Southern India in the first half of
the 6th century A.D. If there is any truth in this, we
can reasonably expect the people of the Telugu dis-
tricts to have preserved the memory of the valuable
services rendered by Karikala. There is one other
reason also for the Telugus remembering the achieve-
ments of this Chola king. It is this. The Pallavas
were not slow to recover their lost hold on Kanchi.
Kumaravishnu is said to have re-taken it perhaps from
one of the successors of Karikala. In dealing with
the Pandyas, we have conclusively proved that in the
middle of the 7th century A.D. the Cholas were com-
pletely dispossessed of their ancestral dominion in the
Trichinopoly and Tanjore districts, partly by the
Pandyas and partly by the Pallavas, and that
they were ruling somewhere in the Cuddapah,
Karnul and Bellary districts, as Pallava or Western
35
274 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Chalukya feudatories, and it is here that Hiuen
Tsiang's description ol Chu-li-ye, i.e., Chola takes
us. These Gholas of the Telugu country described
themselves as the descendants of Karikala. Having
given some consideration to the question how Kari-
kala's name and achievements came to be known to
the Telugu people, and why they included him
among their ancestors, we now pass on.
Of Durjaya, the other ancestor of the Kakatiyas,
inscriptions do not reveal any historical fact except
that some of the families of the Telugu country
traced their descent from him. The Kondapadmati
chiefs, a certain Nambaya, and those belonging to
the Chagi race, claim to be of Durjaya-kula.
SECTION II :— GENEALOGY OF THE KAKATIYAS.
Before we attempt to offer an account of the his-
tory of the several members belonging to this dynasty,
it is necessary to give their pedigree first, so that
it may be easy to follow the narrative. Some of the
stone records of the Kakatiyas state that in the family
of Durjaya there was Beta, called also Betmaraja and
Tribhuvanamalla. We may note at once that the
names Beta and Tribhuvanamalla occur among the
Telugu Cholas. The father and son of this Beta were
both called Prola. The variants of his name are Prola-
raja, Prodaraja or Polalarasa. The sons of Prola II by
queen Muppala or Mupparna-Mahadevi were Eudra
and Mahadeva. The latter married Bayyamambika,
and their son was Ganapati, who took to wife two
sisters, Nararaa and Perama. He had two daughters,
GENEALOGY OF THE KAKATIYAS. 275
Rudramba and Granapamba. Of these the former was
the daughter by Soma and, it is said, she ruled after
Ganapati under the male name Rudradevamaharaja.
The second daughter • became the wife of the Kota
chief Keta. After Rudramba, the Kakatiya crown
passed on to her grandson Prataparudra. Prabapa-
rudra's relationship is not stated in inscriptions,
but is noted in the Sanskrit work Prataparudriya,
which mentions also the names of his father and
mother, viz., Mahadeva and Mummadamba. -The
several members here given are noted in the follow-
ing genealogy with some of their surnames.
Karikala
Dar aya
Prdla
I
Bofca Tribhuvanamalla
I
Prola II, Prolaraja, Polalarasa or Prddaraja
m. Muppalamabadevi
I I
Budraduva Mahadeva m. Bayyamambika
I I
Melambika Ganapati m. Narama, PGrama
and Soma
I
Rudramba or Rudradava-Maharaja Ganapamba m. Kata
I
Mabadava m. Mummadamba
I
Prataparudra
276 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Beta.
In the above genealogy of the Kakatiyas, the first
historical person is Beta or Betmaraja. He bore the
surname Tribhuvanamalla, which was distinctly a
Western Chalukya title. It is said that he ruled a
portion of the Andhra country, had acquired the five
great sounds, and was a mahamandalesvara. His
ministers were (i) a certain Vaija and (ii) his son
Pergada-Beta who was born to his beautiful wife
Yakamabbe. The former of the two ministers is said
to have been prodigious in his fame and prowess, and
it is added that he did a service to the king which
won for him the applause of the world. He made Beta
bow at the feet of the Western Chalukya emperor, and
rule the Sabbi, one thousand district, by the favour of
that emperor. This statement of the inscription about
the iutervention of the minister of Beta in order to
make his lord (the king), who was the ruler of a por-
tion of the Andhra country, bow at the feet of the
Western Chalukya emperor and obtain from him the
Sabbi one tnousand district taken by itself, cannot
be considered a very great act, because, it brought on
his master complete humiliation ; and if this is to be
called a tactful and diplomatic act for which he
deserved the applause of the world, the circumstances,
must have been that Beta had got into entire dis-
favour with the Western Chalukya king on account
of some act of his and that he was on the point of
beiag crushed by the latter had it not been for the
intervention of the minister. We are not informed
how he displeased the Western Chalukya emperor ;
but when we take into consideration the fact that
Beta was governing a part of the Andhra dominions
PEOLA II. 277
before he incurred the displeasure of the Western
Chalukya sovereign, it is possible that Beta may have-
been one of those Eastern Chalukya feudatories who
resisted the attempt of the Western Chalukyas to
gain possession of a portion of the former's kingdom
thinking the absence of the ruling king in fjhat part
of the country a favourable opportunity.
In favour of this view it may be urged that the
Cholas as well as the successors of Beta had to con-
tend hard with the Western Chalukyas. We shall
speak in the next paragraph, about the spirit of revenge
which actuated the successors of Beta against the
Western Chalukyas, for the defeat sustained by Beta
at the hands of Vikramaditya VI. The second
minister of Beta continued to hold his office even
during the reign of Prola. The exact period of Beta's
rule is not known at present, but when we look at
the way in which he is mentioned in inscriptions we
are inclined to think that he did not acquire any
independent power, and was not in a position to
issue grants in his own name.
Prola II.
Prola II succeeded Beta. By a severe contest with
the Western Chalukyas and some of the chieftains of
the Telugu country, he raised himself to a position of
independence which made it possible for his successors
to increase the limits of the kingdom. Only a single
record of his reign has come down to us. It was found
at Anmakonda, the original capital of the dynasty,
and is dated in the Chalukya Vikrama year 42 corres-
ponding to A.D. 1117, which is thirty-four years
earlier than the date of accession of Taila III. As has
been already noted, he found himself in conflict with
278 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Taila or Tailapa III (A.D. 1151-1163), whom he
'worsted and took prisoner, but finally set at liberty.
Jagaddeva, the Santara chief of Patti-Pombuch-
chapura and a feudatory of three of the Western
Chalukyakings, — Jagadekamalla II, Vikramaditya VI
and Taila III, — who had won distinction in some
encounters with the Hoysala sovereign Ballala I and
Vishnuvaradhana-Bitti, is supposed to have laid siege
to Anmakonda? the capital of the Kakatiyas. But it
was of little avail. Not only was Prola able to reduce
this chief to subjection, but he carried his arms against
a number of other feudatories or allies of the Western
Chalukyas, defeated them and annexed their terri-
tories. A certain Govinda, also called Govinda-
Dandesa was defeated and driven out of his kingdom,
which was at once taken and given to Udaiya, a
member of the Chola family. Gunda, the lord of the
city of Mantrakuta,1 also called Mantena, was next
attacked and put to death, after having been made to
suffer the ignominy of having his head shaved and his
breast marked with a boar. The conquests achieved
by Prola suggest that his reign could not have been
short. The facts that his Anmakonda record is dated
in A.D- 1117, and that he defeated and brought under
subjection Taila, who commenced to rule in A.D- 1151,
go a long way to establish this surmise. We may
note in this connection that the earliest known
epigraph of his successor Rudra is dated in Saka
1084( = A.D. 1162). There must, therefore, be truth
in the tradition which states that Prola ascended the
1 This place has been identified with Mantena in the Nazvid
Zemindari of the Godavari district,
KUDBA. 279
throne when he was a minor. We are not able to ascer-
tain the truth of .the other part of the same tradition
which asserts that during his reign Orungallu (i.e.,
Warrangal) was subjected to an invasion by the
Gajapati king of Orissa, and that Prola was killed
accidentally by his sou, thus fulfilling an old prophecy
which foretold the fate of Prola exactly as it occurred.
The conquests of Prola were confined to the' Telugu
districts. He appears to have improved the irrigation
of the country by building tanks.
Rudra.
Prola was succeeded by his eldest son Rudra.
Two records of his reign have been discovered so far.
Of these, one is dated in Saka 1084 (=A.D. 1162),
and the other in Saka 1107 ( = A.D. 1185). He was
more powerful than his father and carried with him
the spirit of hostility against the Western Chalukyas
and their feudatories. Taila III having died soon
after Rudra's accession in about A.D. 1163, there was
not much trouble from the Western Chalukyas. Two
other chiefs subdued by Rudra are Domma, who is
stated to have been powerful on account of his cavalry,
and a certain Mailigideva, whose kingdom he annexed
to his own. The last mentioned chief has been
identified with the Yadava king Mullugi, the prede-
cessor of Billama (A.D. 1187-91). A more powerful
opponent of Rudra now rose in the person of Bhima
who seems to have acquired a portion of the
dominion of the Western Chalukyas. It is said that
this chief slew his own brother and a certain Gokarna
and seized the city of Chododaya, — on whom the late
280 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
king Prola conferred the kingdom of Govinda, and
who died in the early part of the reign of Rudra, just
before the demise of Taila III. Bhima now advanced
towards the capital of the Kakatiyas, took possession
of a place called Vardharnanagiri which was situated
very near Anrnakonda. Kudra marched against him,
and forced him to abandon the place, and took it.
The Cholas of Kundur who had been the vassals of
the Kakatiyas, having now become troublesome
Rudra was forced to burn their capital. The con-
quests effected by this king largely extended the
Kakatiya territory. Rudra is also said to have razed
to the ground several cities, founded quarters at
Orungallu under the names of the cities so destroyed,
and peopled them with the inhabitants brought from
there. He built temples called Rudresvara at the
places which he destroyed, and re-peopled them with
fresh families. From one of his inscriptions we learn
that the eastern boundary of the kingdom was the sea ;
Srisailam marked its southern limit, Malayavanta
formed the northern boundary, and the Western
Chalukya dominion as far as the confines of Kataka
was the western boundary.
Rudra is described in his records as being of a
religious turn of mind and as a man of many virtues.
He supported the learned liberally. He had a large
army and he himself was a great general. Victory
attended all his undertakings. The wealth and glory
of his dominion increased during his reign. He built
many temples and endowed them richly. His power
was so great that all kings between Kanchi and the
Vindhyas sought his protection.
MAHADEVA. 281
EUDRA was succeeded by his younger brother
Mahadeva, who was the second son of queen Muppala-
mahadevi. Since the reigns of his father and elder
brother were of considerable length, and there is
certainty about the accession of his son Ganapati to
the Kakatiya throne in A.D. 1198-99 as will be shown
presently, it is quite possible that Mahadeva's
reign was short. The conflict with the Yadavas of
Devagiri which commenced during the days of
Rudra seems to have continued in this reign as
well.
Jaitugi (1191-1209 A.D.), the successor of Bil-
lama, claims to have slain a king of Trikalinga and
seized his kingdom. He is also reported to have set
at liberty Ganapati and conferred on him a territory
which is probably Trikalinga. We are not informed
who the Trikalinga king that was slain by Jaitugi
was, how Ganapati came to be in prison and
who imprisoned him. We shall not be far wrong
if, with the facts before us, we make the sur-
mise that the defeat inflicted on Mullugi by Rudra
and the consequent loss of the Yadava dominion or
a part of it, which the conqueror is said to have
annexed to his own, induced Jaitugi to take up arms
against the Kakatiyas after the demise of Rudra and
in the reign of Mahadeva. In this case, Jaitugi must
have slain Mahadeva, and imprisoned Ganapati for
a time, and on the latter's coming to terms he must
have restored to him his kingdom. The Kakatiya
records naturally omit to mention the struggle of
Mahadeva with the Yadavas, because the results of it
were thoroughly disastrous to them.
36
282 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Ganapati.
As many as forty inscriptions of the time of
Ganapati have beeu secured so far, and there is no
dearth of information regarding the history of the
period of his rule, which was indeed very eventful.
This king was the son of Mahadeva by his
queen Bayyarnambika. He had a sister named
Melarnbika, who was married to the Natavadi chief
Vakadimalla-Rudra, the second son of Buddha. He
took to wife Narama and Perama who were the
sisters of Jaya, also called Jayana, whom he appointed
as his minister. To the Kota chief Keta he married
his own daughter Ganapamba, By a different
queen named Soma he had another daughter,
viz., Rudramba who was destined to play a dis-
tinguished part in the history of India. Many of
the records of Ganapati are dated in the Saka era
coupled with the regnal years, and from these it is
possible to ascertain the exact year of his accession to
the throne. One of his Tirupurantakarn inscrip-
tions1 is dated in Saka 1182 and belongs to the 62nd
year of reign. This shows that he carne to the throne
in A.D. 1198-9 and reigned until at least A.D- 1260-1,
which is almost the last year of his rule. Ganapati
seems to have gained strength by the marriages
contracted with the Natavadi and Kota chiefs as well
as with Jaya, whose family counted many a general
and minister. Probably with their help, he success-
fully fought with the Chola, Kalinga, Seima, Karnata,
Lata and Velanandu kings. After the death of the
Yadava king Jaitugi, Simhana (1209-47 A.D.) ascend-
ed the throne. Hostilities between the Kakatiyas
i No. 196 of 1905.
GANAPAITI. 283
and the Yadavas revived. In his inscriptions, Sim-
hana claims to have overcome the Andhra king and
to have uprooted the water-lily, which was the head
of the Telinga king. It is not unlikely that there is
a reference here to his conflict with the Kakatlyas.
Similarly also Granapati lays claim to have defeated
Simhana. Other records of his, refer to the same
event, when they say that he defeated the king of
Seuna. Though each of these kings claims to have
defeated the other, there are reasons for holding
that in the present instance the real victor was the
Kakatiya king Granapati. This event seems to have
happened before A.D. 1235.
The political condition of Southern India in the
second quarter of the 13th century A.D., presented to
the Kakatlyas an opportunity to extend their domi-
nion- The Chola kingdom was then governed by
Kajaraja III, who was a very weak sovereign. In the
latter part of his reign, some of his own subordinates
began to throw off the Chola yoke, and tried to assert
their independence. One such rebel, the Pallava
Perunjinga, even went to the length of putting the
king in prison. The Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra
under their king Narasimha II, taking up the cause
of the captive emperor, fought with the Pallava,
defeated him in several encounters, released Kajaraja
from captivity and reinstated him on his throne, thus
earning the title of 'The Establisher of the Chola-'
This he seems to have done because he had given
his daughter in marriage to the Chola sovereign.
After being reinstated in about A.D. 1232, the Ch5la
king continued to keep up the semblance of power for
a few years more, i.e-, till A.D, ]242, when a portion
Q84 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
of the Chola dominion passed into the hands of Perun-
jinga, who proclaimed himself king in A.D. 1242. The
wreck of the Chola empire, which was brought about
mainly by the weakness of its kings, presented ample
opportunities for other powers to rise into importance,
The Kakatiyas were not slow to take advantage of it.
Accordingly, we hear of Granapati claiming victory
over the Cholas. That this is not a mere boast is
proved by the fact of the existence of his inscriptions
at Oonjeevaram and Kalahasti. How he came to
have possession of these places is not stated, but it is
not very difficult to find out. Almost at the end of
the 12th century A.D. a branch of the Telugu-Chodas
who were governing some part of the Nellore district
with their capital at Vikramasingapura, i.e., Nellore,
moved southwards and took possession of Kanchi.
This was done in about A.D. 1196 by Nallasaddha who
was the paternal uncle of Tammasuddbi. Inscriptions
of the latter chief are found in Conjeevaram and its
neighbourhood. When tke records of the Chola king
Kulottunga III state that he despatched matchless
elephants, performed heroic deeds, prostrated to the
ground the kings of the north and entered Kanchi in
triumph, we have to understand that he defeated a
member of the Telugu-Choda family, who had occu-
pied Conjeevaram. Even after this event, the chiefs
continued to have possession of a portion of the North
Arcot and Chingleput districts where their inscriptions
are found. Perhaps they ruled the country as feuda-
tories of the Cholas after they were defeated by
KulSttunga III. One of the members of this family
was Cho4a-Tikka. He is said to have ruled from his
.capital at Vikramasingapura, to have defeated the
GANAfATI.
Karnata king Somesa (i.e., the Hoysala Virasomes-
vara) at Champapuri, to have subdued Samburaja (i.e.,
Sambuvaraya), to have captured Kanchi aud to have
established the Chola king on the throne. The last
of these achievements is proved by the existence of
an inscription of his, found in the Arulalaperurnal
-temple at Conjeevaram, dated in Saka 1156 (=A.D.
1233-4). Tradition asserts that Manma, the son of
this chief and a patron of the Telugu poet Tikkana-
somayaji, was ousted from his kingdom by his own
cousins. The poet interceded on behalf of the exile
with the Kakatiya king Ganapati, who, readily
espousing the cause, defeated the enemies of
Manma, and reinstalled him on the throne- This
interference of king Ganapati in. the affairs of the
Telugu-Chodas must have occurred before A.D. 1249
corresponding to Saka 1172, which is the date of his
Conjeevaram inscription, and it is worthy of note
that this inscription reveals the name of Sachlva,
-the minister, and Santa-Bhoja of the Dochi family,
•his general, both of whom distinguished themselves
in the king's southern expedition. That there must
be truth in this account of the tradition can perhaps
be inferred from the fact that the Telugu-Chodas
are mentioned among the enemies overcome by
Ganapati aud from the appearance iu his records of a
feudatory who bore the title Velananti-Kulottunga-
Kajendra-Choda-Nistaraka1 and who calls himself the
ornament of the family of Manma, the protector of the
kingdom of Jata-Choda. AnotherTelugu-Choda chief,
who figures as a feudatory of Ganapati, was Mallideva
1 Nos, 160 and 161 of 1899.
286 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
of Kandukurin Pakanandu, who calls himself a descen-
dant of Karikala, and who made a grant of a village
to the temple of Bhirnesvara at Ikshugrama, i.e., the
modern Peddacherukuru, for the merit of king Gana-
pati. Yet another Telugu-Choda chief, who found
favour with the Kakatiya king, was Opilisiddhi II,
who had conquered Kaminauandu, apparently from
one of his cousins. An inscription found at Konidena
in the Kistna district registers the gift of a village by
this chief and states that it was made for the merit
of Ganapati. The Velanandu chiefs are also said to
have been overcome by the Kakatiya sovereign, and
this receives confirmation from the fact that the
ministers and servants of that family figure in the
inscriptions of Ganapati.1
In the earlier part of his reign, i.e., in the first
and second decades of the 13ch century A.D., Gana-
pati was served by his able minister Jaya (Jayana or
Jayasenapati) and the king was pleased to grant to
him in A.D. 1213 the village of Tamarapuri, i.e.,
Chebrolu in the Kistna district, perhaps as a recogni-
tion of his services. This minister having repaired the
temple of Pandesvara which Kuloituuga-Rajeudra-
Gonka had built and named after his younger brother,
king Ganapati made a gift of a village to it.'2 A
Chebrolu record further states that Jaya built the
temple of Chodesvara, named it after his father and
gave to it the village of Mrottukuru in Velanandu. 3
He was also the builder of another Siva temple,
Ganapesrvara. The wife of Gangayasahini constructed
1 No. 411 of 1893, dated in Saka 1159 ( = A.D. 1239).
2 No. 250 of 1897.
3 No. 140 of 1897.
GANAPATI. 287
the temple at Pushpagiri. 1 Ganapati's relations
rendered him some kind of service or other. In
A.D. 1209, the Kota chief Keta, who had married
one of the daughters of Ganapati, reconsecrated
the temple of Bhimesvara.2 In the same year,
the king's sister Melambika, also called Mailala-
mahadevi, built and consecrated the shrine of
Melambikesvara in the Tripurantakesvara temple. 3
About A.D. 1249-50 Ganapati had to contend
against a certain Rakkasa and Damodara, the latter
of whom was holding a territory to the west of the
Kakatiya kingdom and commanded a powerful army.
The Kayastha feudatory of Ganapati, i-e., Gandapen-
daragangayasahini, who was given the country
between Ponangallu and Marjavadi to govern over, is
reported to have conquered these chiefs. Some of the
inscriptions register gifts made for the merit of Gana-
pati, (1) by this chief,4 (ii)by the minister Namadeva
Pandita,5 who built a temple at Durgi,6 and (iii) by the
Maharnandalesvara Januigadeva-maharaja, who was
governing a province of the Kakatiya dominion in
the later years of Ganapati's reign.7 Ttie last men-
tioned personage was probably a successor of Gangaya-
sahini and belonged to the Kayastha race. A Konideua
record states that Bhaskaradeva was the commander
of the elephant forces of Ganapati.8 About the close
of his reign another general of his, who belonged to
the (Jhalukya family, fought battles on the banks of
1 No. 304 of 1905. 5 No. 231 of 1905.
2 No. 244 of 1897. 6 No. 571 of 1909.
3 No. 204 of 1905. 7 No. 208 of 1905.
* Nos. 176 and 283 of 1905. 8 No. 178 of 1899.
288 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the Godavari and took the head of a certain Gonturi-
nagadeva,1 who may be a descendant of Gonturi-Nara-
yana (A.D, 1255) and Gonturi-odayaraja (A.D. 1216)
who are mentioned in the inscriptions of the Kistna
district; together with their ministers Kayana-
Preggada and Kuchana-Preggada-2
It has already been noticed that the Kakatiya
occupation of Kanchi must have taken place in or
before A.D. 1249, which is the date of the Arulala-
perumal inscription of Ganapati. In this attempt,
the Kakatiyas found themselves in opposition to the
Pallava rebel Perunjinga who asserted his indepen-
dence in A.D. 1243 and was governing Tonda-
mandalam, which he seized from the Cholas. Though
the records of Ganapati are silent as to his conflict
with Perunjinga, there is distinct mention in the
inscriptions of the latter that he fought with the
Telingar and drove them to the north. This reference
means that he contended with the Kakatiyas success-
fully, But the complete conquest of them was reserv-
ed for the Pandyas whose ally Perunjinga appears
to have become after he was worsted by the Hoysalas.
In 1250-51 A.D , Jatavarman Sundara-Pandya I
ascended the throne and during his reign the Pandya
kingdom, which from the end of the J.2th century
A.D. was slowly rising into importance from a position
of insignificance, received a fresh impulse by the
activities of this sovereign, who appears to have been
a powerful warrior and a man of matured plans and
determined intentions. By wars carried on all round
1 No. 194 of 1905.
2 Sewell's list of Antiquities, Vol. I. p. 49,
GANAPATI. 289
with a strong army at his back, he was able vastly tso
extend his dominion. He it was that secured the
greater part of the territory of the declining Chola
power. During his reign the Pandya kingdom reached
a limit which was unknown in its previous annals.
It is reported that he carried an expedition into the
Telugu country and fought successfully with the Kaka-
tiya king Ganapati and a certain Vlragandagopala.
The existence of his inscriptions in the northern part
of the Presidency leaves no doubt that his claim to
have performed the anointing pf heroes and victors at
Vikramasingapura, i.e., Nellore, was true. The
success of the Pandyas greatly crippled the power of
the Kakatiyas and resulted in their losing possession
of their dominion in the Tamil country.
We shall note here a few facts of general interest
concerning the reign of Ganapati. In 1244 A.D. the
king remitted the taxes on certain articles of export
and import l and favoured the merchants trading on
the sea. In the next year Dachanapreggada-ganapaya,
who seems to have been an officer of Ganapati, made
a remission of tolls payable on 300 pack-bullocks.
No. 225 of the Epigraphist's collection for 1909 re-
gisters gifts made by Rudradeva, son of the Natavadi
chief Rudradeva-inaharaja and Mailalamahadevi.
In 1250 A.D. Ganapati gave to the temple at
Tripurantakam the tax on salt manufactured in that
year, 2 and a record of 1255 A.D, states that the cen-
tral shrine of the Tirupurantakesvara was, under the
orders of the king, built of stone by Santa-Sambu, son
of Visvesvaracharya. Another work of this king was
.1 JNo. 600 of 1909. 2 NO. 221 of 1905.
37
290 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the construction of a lake called Jagadalamummadi,
i.e., the Pakal lake 1. From this it appears that Jaga-
dalamummadi was one of his surnames. The Saiva
ascetics belonging to the Golaki or G-olagirirnatha
made some grants to temples during this reign. An
inscription dated in Saka 1174 (= T252 A.D.)2 gives
the name of one of them, viz., Visvesvarasivadesika
and states that he was the pupil of Dharmasivacharya.
Another record tells us that the influence of the
teachers of the matha extended over three lakhs of
villages. In later years the members belonging to
this religious institution established branches in the
Tamil country, and it may be remarked that in those
days mathas were the centres of learning.
To sum up, the reign of Ganapati seems lo have
been a prosperous one- He had a number of ministers
and generals, who remained devoted to him and
displayed their activities whenever opportunities
occurred. The wars undertaken by the king spread
his fame far and wide and resulted in the extension
of his dominion, though he could not stand before
the superior strength of his Pandya foe. In the
course of the long years that he reigned, several
buildings came to be newly erected and substantial
additions were made to those that were already in
existence. There was much religious activity at the
time and learning also received a stimulus. Favour-
able taxation and remission of duiies were made with
a view to increase commercial enterprise or to remove
the disabilities under which traders laboured. Chari-
table endowments received special care and due
attention was paid to irrigation.
i No. 82 of 1913. 2 NO. 223 of 1905.
BUDKAMBA. 291
Rudramba.
Ganapati had no sons but only two daughters
whom he called Rudramba and Ganapamba. Of
these the former was born to his queen Soma, and the
latter was the daughter of Bayyamambika and had
married the Kota chief Keta, who played an important
part in protecting the realm of his father-in-law.
One of Ganapati's illustrious contemporary sovereigns
of Northern India, Sultan Rezia of the Slave Dynasty
was a talented lady. Seeing this instance, perhaps,
the king, who had no male issue, decided long
before his death, to leave the kingdom in charge of
Rudramba, and with this object in view he taught
her all that a king should know. When we look at
the admirable way in which she conducted the govern-
ment of the country, we clearly see that her succes-
sion could not have been a work of pure accident }
but that her father must have thought of putting her
at the helm of government after his demise, and
must have trained her in the art of governing, which
during those troublous times was always beset with
much difficulty. We may not be far wrong if we
suppose that the title Pattbdati, which an inscription
of 1269 A.D. gives her, was borne by her already
during her father's lifetime to indicate that she was
the queen elect of the KaKatiya dominion. We are
confirmed in our view by a statement in the Pratapa-
rudriya that Ganapati, seeing that he had no male
issue, decided that Rudramba should succeed him and
gave her the male name Rudradeva-maharaja.
Rudramba was proclaimed ruler of the Kakatiya
kingdom immediately after the death of Ganapati.
ANCIENT DEKHAN.
This took place in 1261 A. D. (corresponding to
Saka 1183). During the earlier years of this sovereign,
the officers and subordinates of the late king con-
tinued to be in power. Accordingly, we find
mention in her records of Jannikadeva, the gover-
nor, and Bhaskaradeva, the commander of the
elephant force, and some of the ministers of
Ganapati.1 Jannikadeva continued to be in charge of
his province until A.D. 1269 or thereabout. This is
gathered from an inscription a of Rudradeva dated
in Saka 1191 in the Gopinabhasvamin temple at
Durgi (Kistna district) which states that a Brahmana
consecrated that temple and that Jannikadeva was
the governor. One of the records of Draksharama is
dated in Saka 1184 ( = 1262 A-D.) which falls into
the reign of Rudramba, Here the king is called
Sakalabhuvanachakravartin Avanyavanasambhava-
maharajasimha, which closely corresponds to Sakala-
bhuvanachakravartin Avaniyalappirandan Kopper-
unjinga, who, as has been already stated, contended
against Ganapati. It is not possible to say what
kind of relationship existed between him and
Rudramba. A certain Gaunamarasa, also called
Gannamanaidu was the commander-in-chief of this
Kakatiya queen in 1268 A.D.3 The fort at Gudimatla
.in the Kistna district is stated to have been con-
structed during the reign of this sovereign by a chief
named Sagi-Potaraju and Mr, Sewell notes that an
inscription of Muktiyala gives the genealogy of the
Chagi (a variant of Sagi) family, which includes in
1 Nos. 194 and 207 of 1905 and 178 of 1899.
2 Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, Vol, I. p. 57.
3 See Sewell's Lists of Antiquities under Peddavaram
BUDKAMBA. 293
it the names of Durjaya, Pota, Dhorabhupa and
another Pota. The builder of the fort may be one
of the two Potas here mentioned. To the same
family belonged Peddachagi, Bhima, and Manma
or Manrnaganapati, which the Mangalapalli inscrip-
tions mention. One of the records of Tripurantakam.
dated in Saka 1192 (=1270 A.D-) and in the reign-
oi Rudramba, mentions a certain Srikanta-Siva, who
may be a teacher belonging to the Golaki-matha
which received much support from Ganapati.
Gandapendara-Triupurarideva-rnaharaja of the Kay-
astha family, who perhaps succeeded Jannikadeva
in the office of governor, made a gift of goid orna-
ments and vessels to the temple at Tripurantakam,
in Saka 1194 (=1272 A. D,). lu this year Ambadeva-
inaharaja, another member of the same family, came
to power 4 and exercised it till the close of the reign
of Rudramba, i.e., until 1291 A.D. The capital of
this governor was Kandikota-rnanorathapura. Seeing
perhaps that the Kakatiya dominion was now under
the sway of a female ruler, a few chiefs began to disturb
the peace and they were successfully dealt with by
Arnbadeva. This chief conquered Sripati-Ganapati
and assumed the title of Rajasahasramalla; defeated
Eruvamallideva ; subdued Kesava, Svamideva, and
Alluganga ; brought under subjection Damodara and
a' certain Mallikarjuna, who is declared to be an
enemy of the Brahmanas and gods ; and destroyed
Kadavaraya, At Vikramasingapura. i.e., Nellore, he
established Maumagandagopala, who was dispossessed
of his kingdom. Thus it is clear that Rudramba
found able supporters in the persons of her governors
l No. 168 of 1905.
294 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Jannigadeva, Triupurarideva-maharaja and Amba-
devamaharaja. But for the few disturbances wbich
were also easily put down, her reign was a powerful
oue. It was during the close of Rudramba's rule that
the Venetian traveller Marco Polo visited the coast
at Mottupalli near the mouth of the river Kistna.
We have his testimony as regards the benefits con-
ferred on the country by this remarkable lady. He
says that the country was for forty years under the
sway of the queen, a lady of much discretion. He
assures us that during all that space of forty years
she administered her realm as well as her predecessors
did cr better, and as she was a lover of justice, equity
and peace, she was more beloved by t hose of her king-
dom than ever was lady or lord of theirs before. If
there is any truth in that part of the traveller's state-
ment about the length of Hudrarnba's reign, which he
says was forty years, we have to believe that she was
nominated for succession nearly ten years before the
actual demise of Granapati, for we know that she came
to the throne in 1261-62 A.D., and reigned for a
period of thirty years, i.e., till 1291-92 A,D., which is
the earliest date of her successor Prataparudra. Our
inference in this respect made in a previous paragraph
receives confirmation here. And we would like to
add one word more before closing the history of this
distinguished lady sovereign of Southern India, that
we shall be doing her an injustice if we suppose, in
the face of this unsolicited testimony of a contem-
porary writer, that the Kakatiya kingdom was growing
weak or that her rule was not a peaceful one.
The Venetian traveller stopped at Mottupalli
on his voyage up the. coast. He gives a glowing
EUDBAMBA. 295
description of the place and its commercial activity,
particularly mentioning the trade in diamonds l and
very fine cloth.2
1 Marco Polo gives three interesting methods of obtaining
diamonds adopted by the people — (1) When the heavy winter rains
fall on the lofty mountains they produce great torrents, which flow
down the mountains carrying pieces of diamonds and deposit
them on their beds. These are collected in nleuty by the people
after the rains are over. (2) In the summer season, when there
is not a drop of water to be had owing to excessive heat and
when there are huge serpents and other venomous reptiles,
which prevent the seekers of diamonds from descending the
inaccessible depths of the ravines where the gem is found, people
have recourse to the curious process of throwing from the
mountain heights lean pieces of meat into the valley beneath so
that they may stick to them. It is said that the eagles which
live on the serpents, immediately take the pieces of naeat to the
tops of mountains and begin to feed on them. By shouts» they
drive away the birds and take back the meat in which pieces of
diamonds are stuck. (3) The third method is yet more curious.
People go to the nests of these birds and find in their droppjugs
pieces of diamonds. It is said that they also get them from the
stomaehg of the eagles which have devoured the gem along with
the meat.
In these accounts there seems to be some amount of exag-
geration, but it must be said that they may have been based
upoti figments of facts and as such they cannot be dismissed as
fabrications unworthy of credence. Marco- Polo further states
that the diamonds of his country are the mere refuse of the gems
found in India, and that they cannot stand comparison with
those obtained in Telingana. The best of the diamonds obtained
in this country are further stated to be remarkable for their size
and quality, so much so that the Great Khan arid the other
kings of the north get them in large quantities from here.
2 In this kingdom also are made the best and most delicate
buckrams and those of highest price ; in sooth they look like
296 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
We are informed by him that Rudramba was a
widow at the time of her accession to throne ;
perhaps her husband whose name is not revealed to
us in the Kakatiya inscriptions was alive during the
last years of Ganapati, when she was nominated to
succeed him- We know from other sources that this
queen had a daughter — perhaps the onlj issue of hers
— who was called Mummadamba. She married a cer-
tain Mahadeva, 'and their son was Rudra. When he
came of age Rudramba abdicated the throne in his
favour.
Prataparudra.
The earliest inscription of Prataparudra is dated
in Saka 1213 (=1291 A.D.) which must be the year
when Rudramba retired from active work. During
the three years 1291-93 Prataparudra was known by
the name of Kumara-Rudradeva-maharaja. It has
been sought to explain the appellation Kumara, by
supposing that it indicates either his young age or
his heir-apparentsbip. There is no doubt that
Prataparudra was young at this time ; but that fact
cannot be the reason why records belonging to these
three years alone call him by that name. Neither
is the other satisfactory, because the title maharaja
assumed by him, and the fact that the charters are
dated in his reign, show clearly that he was not
merely an heir-apparent, but was actually ruling
at the time. It seems that the correct way of
explaining the prefix Kumara is to suppose that
Prataparudra's grandmother i.e-, queen Rudramba,
tissue of spider's web. There is no king nor queen in the world
but might be glad to wear them. Yule's Marco Polo III, xix.
p. 296.
. PRATAPARUDKA. 297
called in her inscriptions Rudradeva-maharaja, was
alive at the time ; and as she was alive, it was
thought necessary to distinguish the two. This
was effectively done by the addition of the epithet
Kumara to the name of the young king, which was
tne same as that borne by Rudramba.
The names of a number of generals of this king
are revealed to us in his records, which range from
Saka 1213 (=1291 A.D.) to Saka 1244 (=1322 AJX).
In the first years of the king's reign, his general
Somayalula Rudradeva made a grant to the temple
at Julakallu in the Kistna district. The same general
without the title Somayalula is referred to in a few
inscriptions 1 of Durgi and Tripurantakarn. A
record of 1291 A.D. mentions Annaladeva, the
son of the Mahapradhani Gannayapreggada2 who
is perhaps identical with the Annayapreggada
mentioned as the general of the king in his records of
1306 A.D. (from Peddagalapalle) arid 1317 A.D. (from
Tirupati). A third general of his is one Adidemma
who claims to have cut off the head of Manmaganda-
gopala and had the title Misaraganda.3 A record of
1296 A.D. mentions the king's prime minister Pochi-
raju,4 and another of 1299 A.D. states that Gunda-
Nayaka, who was the first lord of the elephant forces
(Gajasahini) of the king and who bore the title
Svamidtoharaganda, was ruling the districts of
Gurisalastala, Pingalistala and certain other pro-
vinces. Machayanayaningaru, who had also the same
1 Nos. 45 of 1909 and 570 of 1909 and 572 of 1909.
2 No. 238 of 1905. 3 No. 171 of 1905.
* No, 45 of 1909.
38
. 298 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
birudas together with the title of Imruadi Nissanka-
vira* was another military officer of Prataparudra. He
figures in records dated in 1303 and 1311 A-D. In
the latter year he made grants for the merit of
Gundaya-Nayaka and Marayasahini, who are stated
to have been commanders of elephant forces- About
the close of the reign of this king, Devaranayaningaru,
son of Machayasahini, who calls himself the res-
cuer of the Kakatiya family, was ruling the country
round Mahadevicharla. We are introduced to a
fresh general of Prataparudra, i.e , Muppidi-Nayaka
in his inscription of the Arulalaperumal temple dated
in Saka 1238 (=1316 A.D.) Prataparudra had, as his
sarv&dMkari, a certain Ellayareddi ; and his elder
brother figures in a record of 1308 A.D.
One of the first acts of the king was to settle
some disturbances in Nellore and this, as we have
already stated, was done by his general Misaraganda
Adidemma, who put to death the Telugu-Choda chief
of the place named Maumagandagopala. In 1308 A.D.
the Kakatiya kingdom was pitched upon for an
attack by the Muhammadan emperor of Delhi.
One of their historians named Zia-ud-dm-Barni
informs that Malik Fakhruddin Juna Malik Jhaju of
Karra, nephew of Nazaratkhan, had been sent with
all the officers and forces of Hindustan against
Arangal. When they arrived there, tha rainy
season commenced and proved such a hindrance that
the army could do nothing ; arid in the beginning of
winter they returned to Hindustan, greatly thinned
in ranks. This ill-fated expedition was soon followed
by another the result of which was a thorough success.
The following is an extract from the account of the
. PRATAPARUDRA. 299
Muharnmadan chronicler Amir-khusru : — On the 25th
of Jumadalawwal, A.H. 709 (=1309 A.D.) Malik Naib
Kafur, the minister, was despatched on an expedition
to Tilang (i.e. Telingana). The army of the general
crossed several rivers, torrents, water courses and
forests, and finally, eight days after they crossed the
Nerbudda (i>e. Narmada), they arrived at Nilakantha
(Nelgund in the Nizam'.s dominions), which was
on the borders of Deogir and included in the
country of Rai Rayan, whose minister Ramdeo was.
Here the Muhammdans ascertained the stages in
advance of them and proceeded after a halt of two
days. They then crossed three plains and hills and
arrived within the borders of Bijanagar (Baugnagar in
the Hyderabad state ?) which was situated in the doab
of two rivers, one being Yashar and the other Baruja,
and which was reported to contain a diamond mine.
They then went to the fort of Sirbar* (identical with
Sirpur in the Hyderabad state), which was then
included in the province of Tilang (Telingana). The
place was attacked by the invaders, who put to the
sword those Hindus that escaped the flames of their
fire arrows. Auanir, the brother of the commander
of the fort, was forced to surrender with all treasures.
The Muhammadans then marched to Kunarpal (iden-
tical with Sunarpal in the Bastar State) and thence
to Arangal (i.e. Warrangal). From the last place two
chiefs were sent to occupy the hill of Anmakinda (i,e.
Anmakonda), for from that place all the edifices and
gardens of Arangal can be seen. The wall of Arangal,
says the historian, was made of mud. So strong was it
that a spear of steel could not pierce it ; and if a ball
from a western catapult were to strike against it, it
300 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
would rebound like a nut which children play with.
The fort of Arangal, the entire circuit of which was
12,542 yards, was then besieged from all sides. A
night attack was made on the Muhammadan camp by
3,000 Hiudu horse under the command of Banak
Deo, the chief of that country. It proved unsuccessful
and the Ravats (i.e. the Rahuts who were the
commanders of cavalry) were either slain or im-
prisoned- From those in prison the Muhammadans
learnt that in the town of Dhamdum six pharasangs
from Tilang (Telingana) three powerful elephants
were kept. These they soon seized.
The Naib Amir gave daily orders to attack the
chief of Laddar Deo (i.e. Rudradeva to demolish the
wall and to reduce it to powder by throwing western
stone balls. Many breaches were effected and the
mud which fell in the trench filled it to half its
depth. During the night, the Muhammadans mounted
the . walls by means of ladders and occupied three
positions of the outer wall. In the space of three or
four days, the whole of the outer wall was in the
possession of the invaders. They then observed that
there was an inner wall and an inner ditch. The
success achieved so far filled them with courage and
hope. And when the army reached the inner ditch,
they swam across it, and commenced a vigorous
attack on one of the stone bastions which so alarmed
Rai Ladder Deo (Raja-Rudradeva) that heoffered terms
of capitulation by despatching confidential messengers
to offer an annual tribute. He also sent a golden image
of himself with a golden chain round its neck in
acknowledgment of his submission. Next morning the
officers of the Rai returned with elephants, treasures
PRATAPABUDRA. 301
and horses before the Malik, who took the entire
wealth. Ferishta computes the present at 300
elephants, 7,000 horses, aod money and jewels to a
large amount. A treaty was then entered into by
which it was agreed that the Rai should send Gizya
annually to Delhi. The Malik left Arangal on the
16th of Shawwal (March 1310 A.D,) with all his
booty and 1,000 camels groaning under the weight
of treasures. It is said that the Muhammadan
general gave the king of Delhi, i.e., Ala-ud-din,
(in 1311 A.D.) 312 elephants, 20,000 maunds
of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and
other precious effects which he carried from
the laud as a result of his expedition against
the Hindu kings of the Dekhan. The Tamil work
Koyilolugu confirms the statement of the Muham-
madan historian, when it says that the Mussalman
king of Delhi defeated Prataparudra, took possession
of Tondaimandalam, Cholamandalam and other coun-
tries, looted temples and carried away images and
treasures. Here also the event is ascribed to Saka 1230
( = 1308-9 A.D.). The Yadava king of Devagiri having
neglected to pay for several yeara the annual tribute
agreed upon by him, Malik Kafur came to the south in
1312 A.D. determined on punishing him and to receive
the tribute from the Kakatiya king who was ready to
pay it'. The Muhammadan general now put to death
the .Raja of Devagiri, laid waste the country of
Maharashtra and Canada from Dabul and Chaule as
far as Kaichur arid Mudkal ; realised the tribute from
the Kakatiyas of Telingana and the Ballalas of Kar-
nata and sent the whole to Delhi.1
1 Brigg'e Ferishta, Vol. ]., pp. 378—9.
302 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Taking advantage of the confusion caused by
the invasion of Malik Kafur, the Kerala king Ravi-
varman Kulasekara obtained possession of Conjee-
varain after defeating the Pandyas and a northern
sovereign. The latter was probably a Telugu-Choda
chief ruling in Tondai-mandalam. This Kerala
sovereign was crowned on the banks of the Vegavati
in 1313. A.D. Three years after, i.e., in 1316 A-D-,
Prataparudra sent his general Muppidi-Nayaka to
settle the affairs at Conjeevaraui, which he seems to
have done by driving out the southern usurper and
installing one Manavira as governor of the place. This
was perhaps a necessary consequence of Prata-
parudra's taking possession of Nellore, the affairs of
which place attracted his attention. The Kakatiyas
were now able to push their way further south to
Trichinopoly, as they were left without any rivals in
the field. By this time the Chola power had
completely vanished ; the powerful Pallava rebel
Perunjinga had died; and the successors of Jatavar-
inan-Sundara-Pandya, the Great, had not the skill or
the strength of that sovereign. Hence Prataparudra
did not meet with much opposition in his endeavour
to acquire more territory in the south. About the
same time one of Prataparudra's subordinates reduced
the fort of Gandikotta, 1 and it is said in an inscription
found at Upparapalle that a certain Gotikareddi was
appointed to the governorship of this place and Mulki-
nandu. Tradition asserts that in the year Pratnathin,
corresponding to 1314 A.D., the fort of Warrangal was
taken possession of by a son of Kapilendra- Gajapati
of Orissa. There is not much doubt that about this
l No. 328 of 1905.
PRATAPARUDRA, 303
period the Orajapati kings tried to extend their domi-
nion southwards. Koyiloluyu registers the fact that
the lord of Oddiyadesa, i-e. Orissa, made an invasion
of the South with a large army. It is not unlikely
that the claim of Prataparudra's general, Devaranaya-
ningaru, to the title of the rescuer of the Kakatiya
family which we find mentioned in an epigraph of
1315 A.D., 1 rests on the fact that he freed the country
from the aggression of the G-ajapati ruler. It must,
however, be noted that the list of the Kesari kings
of Orissa 2 omits this name from among those of
the sovereigns of this period. Prataparudra's latest
date found in his inscriptions is Saka 12^4 3,
which takes us to 1322-3 A.D., when he apparently
ceased to rule. Perhaps, it was now that he refused
to pay tribute to the Muhamrnadan emperor at Delhi,
and was taken prisoner, as some accounts have it.
In 1321 A.D-, when Ghias-ud-din Taghlak was
the emperor of Delhi, he sent his eldest son Mullik-
Fukhr-ud-din-Joona, the heir apparent, entitled Aluf
Khan, against Telingana. The cause of this expedi-
tion was the refusal of Pnitaparudra to send the
tribute agreed to by him. This step was the result
of certain disturbances that were caused at Delhi
consequent on the change of government. The
Muhammadan prince plundered the country in every
direction and Prataparudra gallantly attacked him,
but in the end was obliged to retreat to his capital
Warrangai, which was immediately invested by the
Muhamrnadans. The siege was carried on with great
loss on both sides ; but the fortifications having been
l No. 586 of 1909. 2 No. 601 of 1909.
3 Sewell's Lists of Antiquities Vol. II., p. 201 ff.
;3.04 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
lately strengthened, no breach could be effected in
them. The season having proved unfavourable to
the Muhammadans, and an epidemic having broken
out which carried off hundreds of men every day from
their ranks, the Muhammadan generals were greatly
disheartened. A rumour was spread that the emperor
was dead which caused universal consternation
throughout the army and the officers left the camp.
The prince was therefore forced to raise the siege and
to retreat to Devagiri, whither he was pursued by
Prataparudra sustaining great loss. At this stage,
the falsity of the rumour was ascertained by the
prince and he returned to Delhi taking with him as
captive the authors of the false report, who, it is said,
were buried alive. Two months after, the prince
again marched tot Warrangal with a large army.
Bedur on the borders of Telingana was taken and a
Muhammadan garrison was stationed there. Warran-
gal was soon besieged and made to surrender ; Prata-
parudra and his family were taken prisoners and sent
to Delhi ; and having appointed a Muhammadan
viceroy to rule over Telingana, Ulugh Khan returned
to Delhi with immense booty. In A.D. 1327 Muham-
mad-Bin-Taghlak turned his thoughts again to the
conquest of the several provinces in India, and War-
rangal was now incorporated with the Muhammadan
empire along with several others such as Dvarasamu-
dra, Mabar (i.e., the Pandya country) and the whole
of the Carnatic.
The last days of the Kakatiya dominion.
Prataparudra was the last great sovereign of the
Kakatiya dynasty. His kingdom, after reaching its
DECLINE OF THE KAKATIYAS. 305
zenith during his time, came practically to an end
in 1323 A.D. The political condition of Southern
India about the second quarter of the 14th century
was very precarious. The Muhammadan invasions,
undertaken by the generals of the Khilji and the
Taghlak kings of Delhi, which were conducted
with much skill and vigour, carried destruction
throughout the Dekhan and left it void of
all resources. The treasures taken away by the
Muhammadans from the south knew no limit.
The three great powers of Southern India viz., the
Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra, the Yadavas of Deva-
giri, and the Kakatiyas of Warrangal were those who
suffered most from these invasions, which, it may be
noted, brought them to the brink of complete annihila-
tion. The confusion caused by the Mussalman raids,
which resulted in the prevalence of anarchy in the
Dekhan, offered nice opportunities for the generals
and commanders of the forces of these Hindu sovere-
igns to rise into independence and to found separate
kingdoms in the place of the subverted ones.
If the Vijayanagar kingdom was founded on the
ruins of the fallen houses of the Yadavas of Devagiri,
and the Hoysala Ballalas, there are ample grounds
for supposing that the Eeddi kingdoms of the Telugu
districts were founded on the wreck of the Kakatiyas
of Warrangal. That the Keddis were originally
under the service of the Kakatiyas governing some
province or another is almost certain. It has
been pointed out already that the Sarvadhikari
(answering to the modern position of a private
secretary) of Prataparudra was a certain Ellaya-
Eeddi and it was also noticed that the governorship of
' 39
ANCIENT DEKHAN. .
Gandikota in the Cuddapah district was conferred on
Gonka-Reddi. Tradition asserts that in 1225 A.D.,
one Donti-Alla-Reddi was in possession of the fort of
Dharanikota close to Arnravati on the Krishna river,
and that subsequently Prolaya-Vema-Reddi acquired
power, defeated Prataparudra at Dharanikota, pro-
claimed himself independent, proceeded to Kondavidu,
rebuilt Puttakota, and ruled from 1320 to 1331 A.D.
From other sources we learn that this Vema-Reddi was
originally a commander in the service of Prataparu-
dra-, and that when the Kakatiya king was taken
prisoner by the Muhammadans, he declared his inde-
pendence and took possession of the Vinukonda king-
dom. Thus, we see that the Reddis were the political
descendants of the Kakatiyas of Warrangal, just as
the Vijayanagaras were of the Yadavas of Devagiri
and the Hoysala Ballalas.
In A.D. 1339-40 the Muhammadan emperor
conceived the idea of making Devagiri his capital,
as being a more central place, and thought that it
would become an important base of operations in
Southern India. From here, it is said, he directed
his campaigns against the Raja of Warrangal, and
marched by way of Telingana to Mabar.
In 1344 Krishna-Naik, son of Prataparudra
who lived near Warrangal, revealed to Ballal-Deva,
the Raja of the Carnatic, a design of the Dekhan
Muhamraadans to extirpate the Hindus, and said
that a strong combination should necessarily be
made against them. Ballal-Deva agreed to this.
He strengthened all his fortifications at once
and built a new city in the mountain fastnesses
which he called Vijaiyanagar, ' the city of victory '
DECLINE OF THE KAKATIYAS. 307
and raised a strong army. They then reduced
Warrangal and forced Imoodulmulk, the governor,
to retreat to Doulatabad. Several of the Hindu
Bajas were induced to join them. The confe-
deracy of Hindu KiDgs seized the country occu-
pied by the Muhammadans and expelled them
from the Dekhan. Only Doulatabad remained in the
hands of the Delhi emperor. Muhammad Taghlak
was greatly exasperated at the receipt of this intellige-
nce ; but he could take no effective step, because his
hands were already full on account of the anarchy
and famine that prevailed in-his realm. The Dekhan
Hindus were thus left to themselves.
In 1370 A. D., Krishna-Naik and the king of
Bijnagar made a final attempt to get back their lost
possessions. They sent ambassadors to the court of
the Bahmani king, Muhammad Shah, demanding
restitution of the territories taken from them and
threatening him with an invasion in case of non-
compliance. Muhammad Shah was not willing to
cede any of the territories ; nor was he prepared for an
invasion just then, as the times were not quite favour-
able for an undertaking of the kind, because there
were dissensions among his nobles and his treasury
was poor. He tried to gain time by retaining the
ambassadors at his court, and sending others to the
Hindu kings. Thus, he evaded a collision for a period
of eighteen months by. which time he had restored
order in his kingdom. He then made an exorbitant
demand from the Hindu kings and when this was not
complied with, he led an expedition against Telingana.
Viuaik-Deva, the son of the Raja of Telingana
was sent to recover Kowlas. He was assisted by the
308 ANCIENT DEKflAN.
Raja of Bijnagar. But the combined armies were
completely defeated by the Muhammadan general
Bahadur Khan, who devastated the country of the
Raja and forced him to accept a humiliating treaty.
In 1371, on the plea that some horse dealers had
been dispossessed by Vinaik-Deva at Vellumputtan
of some of the fine horses which they were taking
for the king of Kulburga, Muhammad Shah renewed
the war against Telingana, and succeeded in entering
Vellumputtan by strategic means. The Hindu Raja
being taken unawares retired to his citadel where he
was afterwards besieged, taken captive and cruelly
put to death. Muhammad Shah then took hold of
all the treasure and jewels he could lay his hands on
and levied an indemnity on the people. When he
retired from the country, the Telingas mustered
together the available forces and molested Muham-
mad Shah to such an extent that when he reached
his country he found that his forces were greatly
thinned in number.
"The Raja of Telingana being sorely afflicted by
the death of his son, petitioned the emperor Firoz
Taghlak of Delhi to send an army to help him in his
wars against the Bijapur king. In return, he promised
allegiance to him, a good tribute and the recovery of
the possessions of the Delhi emperor in the Dekhan.
This proved to be of no. avail as the emperor had
enough to do in putting down rebellions in his domi-
nion. Muhammad Shah then resolved upon the
entire conquest of Telingana. It was with much diffi-
culty that the Hindu Raja purchased peace from the
king of Bijnagar by which he agreed to pay a large
sum of money, elephants and horses. Muhammad
DECLINE OF THE KAKATIYAS. 309
Shah then went to his capital leaving Bahadur Khan
at Kowlas to see the terms of the treaty fulfilled. After
some time, the Raja of Telingana sent his agents to
the Bijapur king praying for permanent freedom from
disturbance and in return promised to present him
with a curiosity worthy of a great king. Golkonda
was made the fixed boundary between the two king-
doms, and Muhammad Shah received a beautiful
throne set with costly gems valued at thirty-three
lakhs of rupees. Not long after, the remaining
members of the royal line appear to have left Telin-
gana and shifted their residence to the Bastar State
where they founded a small kingdom. Thus ended
one of the powerful kingdoms of the Dekhan.
BOOK V.
ANCIENT DEKHAN POLITY.
SECTION I :— INTRODUCTORY.
Though the accounts which inscriptions and
literature furnish about the kings of olden times is
very important at the present stage of our knowledge
about them, more instructive are the other details,
they contain. These are the only sources from which
we could ascertain (i) the state of the country and its
administration, (2) the political institutions that
existed in the land and the power and influence
which they exercised, (3) the various offices under
the king and the functions allowed to each, (4) the
mode of holding lands, the method of irrigation, the
payment of taxes, the system of levying and realising
them, (5) the growth of the temple, which takes in
India the place of the Church in the European coun-
tries, and its management and (6) the life of the
people, their social habits and occupations. If it is
remembered that the terminology used in early records
for the offices that existed, the taxes raised and the
books maintained in ancient times is not found in the
extant literature of the south, nor even in the lexicons,
it will be quite apparent that fora correct interpreta-
tion of the terras that occur in them, we have to
bestow our careful attention to the usage made of
them in a number of epigraphs — which, by the way,
312 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
it may be said, are by no means few — study their
etymology and arrive at a satisfactory solution, if
possible by also comparing the result with the probable
significance of such of the terms or lingering traces
of the old customs as are found now.
SECTION II :— ADMINISTRATION.
The ancients recognised the necessity of opening
by common consent, certain institutions in which the
interests of all classes of people were strongly repre-
sented. They are mainly intended to control the
actions of men, to protect the weak from the attacks
of the strong and to devise a code of laws for
guidance. The Government of a country by the king
and his council is the natural outcome of the obedience
paid by the common folk to the elders and the strong,
in primitive ages. The thinker and the athlete were
held in high esteem for the help they rendered to the
community. Almost all the political institutions of
the world had grown out of these first principles of
societies. The constitution of the country-moot,
the town-moot and the Witanagemot, and the rela-
tionship of the English Parliament to them, unfold
the history of the origin and growth of institutions
in a general way. Among the Slavic, Keltic and
other races of Europe similar institutions have deve-
loped out of such nuclii and assumed large dimen-
sions. The early administrative assemblies of
India take us several centuries back and the mate-
rials necessary for a study of their gradual
development are not wanting. These have- been
in recent years explored and definite knowledge
ADMINISTRATION. 313
gathered- The Vedas, the Upanishads, the Maha-
bharata, the Sutra literature and works like the
Arthasasti'a of Chanakya have a special value to the
person who sets out to understand the scope and
development of the political institutions of India.
The statements made in these authorities are well
reflected in the epigraphical monuments of the land-
Under the kings of the last Vijayanagara dynasty
and in the dark days of what is generally called the
memorable invasion of Malik Kafur as well as during
the period of rule of the kings of the Bahmaoi line,
the political and social institutions together with the
official machinery of Southern India which were in
existence from the earliest times had been shaken root
and branch. Sometimes they were destroyed without
proper substitutes in their place. Still, some of the
older forms have survived and are preserved to the
present day though their significance has undergone
a change from what it was originally. It might be
said that even the distorted picture has its interest,
since it is possible to touch it up and revive it to the
original shape, with the help that we get from lithic
records. The want of a continuous literature in
South India dealing with the administrative terms is
greatly felt when we begin to trace the past institu-
tions of the Dekhan. The weak and imbecile rnon-
archs in whose hands the ancient kingdoms of the
Chera, Ghola, Pandya and the Pallava, fell, parcelled
out the dominion into portions and entrusted them to
petty viceroys and chieftains without retaining in
their hands the local administration, for hereditary
management as their whims and fancies dictated and
these in their own turn created a number of smaller
40
314 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
principalities which they gave away to some of their
subordinates in return for military service to be
rendered at a time of need or danger. These changes
appear to have happened in the 16th and 17th
centuries. It was during this period that the
old systems vanished or lost much of their useful-
ness. But happily we have thousands of inscriptions
belonging to earlier times to indicate clearly what
the systems then in vogue were- Generally, the
social and political institutions of India are judged
from the later environments and this is a mistake.
Though it might have been excusable so to judge at
a time when the early inscriptions had not been
secured and their proper import ascertained, to do so
now is to persist in the mistake once committed.
Ancient Dekhan institutions suffer to-day more by an
improper estimate of them formed by hearsay and by
the propagation of such views than by any lack of
materials to arrive at a correct idea of them.
Every country in the Dekhan was divided in
ancient times into large divisions called mandalam ;
the-?e again into Valanadu or districts, nadu or
taluks, Chaturvedimangalam constituting a number
of villages, and ur or villages. The king was re-
cognised as the head of the government and his
authority was held supreme. He was respected by
all bodies of men who were entrusted with distinct
and independent functions, He took a keen interest
in all matters concerning the State, though his chief
attention was directed towards the military and
foreign departments. He had about him five great
assemblies which consisted of ministers, priests or
ecclesiastics, generals, envoys and spies ; as well as
ADMINISTRATION. 315
eight great bodies of men viz., accountants, artisans
royal relations, guards, members of commerce and
commanders of elephant forces, infantry and cavalry.
A different authority states that the five great
assemblies of the king are the Maliajanas, Brali-
manas, medical men, astrologers, and ministers.
Epigraphs reveal ihe fact that ancient kings had at
their command all the paraphernalia mentioned by
the two authorities.
Some of the special traits or characteristics of
South Indian kings as we find them in literature and
lithic records may be noted here. They were highly
renowned for their estimate of the learned, for the
munificieut grants which they made to scholars and
for patronising arts and crafts. They lavished their
wealth by building temples and other pious works
with the object of securing merit, by making rich
presents to them ; by digging tanks and wells ; and
by opening canals, feeding houses and the like.
Hospitality is an ingrained quality in them. They
were ever ready to provide men of any nationality
with food, clothing and residence and met all their
comforts by gifts of lauds, villages, revenues and
even parts of their dominion. They were a warlike
people and they properly valued the martial spirit of
others. There is no parallel in any history for the
religious tolerance which they always evinced. The
natural barriers that separated the south from the
north were of little avail to the Aryans, when they
came to understand the nature and quality of the
South Indian people and their kings. Larger and
larger bodies of men emigrated to the south, being
sure of a good reception. Never was there a faithful
316 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
servant who was made to repent for the service he
had taken up. Discontent is a thing unheard of in
ancient Dekhan. Every aspirant was richly rewarded
according to his deserts. Service was rewarded with
grants of the entire incomes of several villages and
towns. As nothing could be more impressive than
the citing of instances, we shall give a few of them
to prove our point.
As regards the royal favour bestowed on literary
men, it is perhaps sufficient to say at the outset that
the poet was the friend and associate of kings in
ancient times. He was better favoured than even
the king's nearest relations and there was nothing to
compare his status, honour and esteem.
The Chera king Imayavaramban Neduujeral-
Athan gave away as brahmadeya the district of
umbarkadu which consisted of 500 villages and
assigned part of the revenue on his whole dominion
for-38 years to a Brahmin named Kumattur-Kannanar
for composing a poem of 240 lines.
Another poet of great fame celebrated in Tamil
works is Palaigautamanar who has lefo behind him
a poem of 247 lines. He performed at the expense
of tbe Chera king Palyanai-Selkelu-Kuttuvan nine
vedic sacrifices, the financing of which should have
cost a good deal. Both literature and tradition praise
him as the poet who obtained heaveii by his meri-
torious sacrifices.
The poet Kappiyarra-Kappiyanar received as
reward for his composition of 178 lines, 40 lakhs of
gold pieces and part of the revenues of the Chera
ADMINISTKATION. 317
dominion, from king Kalangaykkarminar Mudich-
cheral.
The poems composed by Paranar are very many.
For having composed a piece consisting of 208 lines
he was rewarded by Kadalpirakkottiya-Senguttuvan,
with the income (varuvay) derived from Uinbarkadu
and got also the king's son Kuttuvan Serai as hostage,
Kakkaippadiniyar Nachchellaiyar was a poetess
of great fame who was rewarded for her composition
of 200 lines, 9 tida-ni of gold and 1 lakh of gold kasu
by Adukotpattu-Seral-Athan for making jewels.
Here is an instance where a lady of great literary
attainments appears in the horizon of ancient learn-
ing. Her observations are indeed very valuable.
Kapilar, a brahmin by caste and born at Tiru-
vadavar in the Madura district, composed a poem
consisting of 202 lines celebrating Selvakkadungovali-
Athan and received as reward for it one lakh of gold
Kam and all the villages that were visible from the
summit of a hill. He was the friend of many a king
and chieftain. Two of his particular comrades in
life were Paranar and Idaikkadan. One of his royal
friends having died leaving a daughter, he sought for
her .the hand of a chieftain ; and on being refused by
him, he gave her in marriage to a Brahmana. This cir-
cumstance is of great value as it shows that though
marriages were confined within the castes themselves,
there were occasions when intermarriages between
castes were permitted. The poems composed by him
are many. He had a religious turn of mind, was pure
in word, thought and action.
318 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Arisilkilar composed a poem consisting of 181
lines in honour of Tagadur-Erinda-Perunjeral-
Irumborai and received as reward for the composi-
tion, 9 lakhs of gold kasii aud the throne which he
sat on.
He was also a friend and associate of several
kings and chiefs of his time. He had composed a
large number of pieces in Tamil.
There is a popular saying in Tamil which goes to
show that in the State accounts the revenue demand
on lands were deducted to the extent damaged by
Kaniban and his followers. Whenever Kamban
travelled from one part of the country to another he
was accompanied by so many of his followers that
they could not possibly go on the road. They had
of necessity to pass through fields which lay on either
side of it causing damage to the crops. The crops
so damaged were measured by the state and remis-
sions were allowed. The royal favour on the poet
was such that he was pleased to pass a general order
to the effect that remissions should be granted to the
extent of the crops that were despoiled by the poet
and his retinue.
Though the king had about him for counsel the
above said groups of men, he does not appear to have
concerned himself at all times with the direct
administration of the country. The latter was vested
in the hands of the following assemblies:—
i. District assembly.
ii. Members of Commerce.
hi. Village assembly.
ADMINISTRATION. 319
iv. and an assembly consisting of the principal
residents of a village.
Of these, the third alone seems to have been
composed entirely of Brahmin members. Their
jurisdiction extended over what was called in ancient
times a Chaturvedimangalam which consisted of a
central village with a number of hamlets and minor
villages called padagai and Clieri as well as streets,
all situated within a radius of nearly 10 miles. The
assembly was divided into a number of bodies which
shared among themselves the various functions
connected with the administration. All the members
of it were highly learned in the scriptures, science,
arts and laws of the land. Among them there were
persons who studied the four Vedas, chaturvedins as
they were called ; men who knew two or three Vedas
i.e., Dvivedins and T rive dins ; those who had learnt
the Kramapatha and acquired the title of Kramavits ;
those who were familiar with the six branches of
study and known by the designation of Shadangavids ;
'and others who had understood the rules regulating
the conduct of yagas nudyajnas and performed them,
such as the Somayajins, Vajapeyins etc. Besides
being learned, they had a permanent and abiding
interest in the village in whose assembly they served.
Particular care was taken to see that they were sound
in body and mind and possessed sufficient vigour and
energy to turn out good work, that they loved just
methods and that they were well behaved and of
good morals. The minimum qualification required
for membership, the method of election and the
formation of Committees are given at some length in
32Q ANCIENT DEKHAN.
a stone document of the 10th century A.D. and we
give the contents of it below.1
The following qualifications must be possessed
by a candidate who stands for membership in the
village assembly : —
(a) He must own more than a quarter veil of
tax-paying land.
(b) He must have a house built on his own site.
(c) His age must be below 70 and above 35.
(d) He must know the Mantrabrahmana in such
a way as to be able to teach it to others.
(e) Even if he owns only one-eighth veli of land,
he shall be considered a fit candidate, in case he has
learnt one Veda and one of the four Bhashyas and
can explain the same to others.
(/) Among those possessing the foregoing quali-
fications,
i. only such as are well conversant with
business and conduct themselves according to sacred*
rales shall be elected, and
ii. those who have acquired their wealth by
honest means, whose minds are pure, and who have
not been on any of the committees for the last three
years shall also be chosen.
This proviso clearly points out that members,
who had served once on the committee and retired,
can stand for membership after a period of 3 years.
1 Adopted from the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1899,
pp. 24 ff.
ADMINISTRATION. 321
Disqualifications : —
(g) i. Those who have been on any of the
committees but have not submitted their accounts
and their relations specified below are not fit for
election as members.
ii. The sons of the younger and elder sisters
of their mother.
iii. The sons of their paternal aunts and mater-
nal uncles.
iv. The brothers of their mothers.
v. The brothers of their fathers,
vi. Their brothers,
vii. Their fathers-in-law,
viii. The brothers of their wives.
ix. The husbands of their sisters.
x. The sons of their sisters,
xi. The sons-in-law who have married the
daughters of disqualified persons,
xii. Their fathers and
xiii. Their sons.
(h) i- Those against whom illicit sexual inter-
course or the first four of the five great sins [viz.
killing a Brahmana, drinking intoxicating liquors,
theft, committing adultery with the wife of a spiri-
tual teacher and associating with any one guilty of
these crimes] are recorded ; and
ii. all their various relations above specified
are not fit for membership.
(i) Those who have been outcasts for association
with low people are not eligible until they perform
the expiatory ceremonies.
41
322 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(j) Those who are fool-hardy,
(&) Those who have stolen or plundered the
property of others.
(I) Those who have taken forbidden dishes of
any kind and who have become pure by reason of
having performed the expiatory ceremonies, are not
eligible to the end of their lives.
(m) Those who had been village pests and have
become pure by reason of having performed expiatory
ceremonies and those who had been guilty of illicit
sexual intercourse and have become pure by perform-
ing expiatory ceremonies, are not eligible to the end
of their lives.
It may be noted now how the election of members
took place. At various centres or wards of the village,
pots were kept, probably with their mouths covered and
provided with a small hole just sufficient to allow a
voting card i.e. a palm-leaf ticket containing the name
of the person nominated, to drop in. When all the
voters had written on their tickets the names of per-
sons whom they wished to elect and put them into the
pots, the latter were taken to a place where the tickets
were drawn- This place is stated to be the assembly
hall. Here on the day of election, all the people of
the village, the young and the old inclusive, gathered
together with the temple priests then present in the
village and the arbitrators. The contents of each pot
were mads into a bundle, provided with a cover and
the whole emptied into a vacant pot and well shaken.
A boy who knew nothing about what these tickets
indicated was then asked to take out a card from the
pot. It was received by the arbitrator on the palm of
ADMINISTRATION. 323
his hand who did so with his five fingers wide apart,
the precaution being to avoid any mischief. He
then read out the name written on the ticket. The
ticket read out by him was also read out by all
the priests, this precaution being to detect immedi-
ately the mischievous and willful wrong reading of
names. The name thus read out was declared
elected. Similarly one man was chosen for each
of the wards. The number of wards of a village depend-
ed upon its size. Thus Uttaramallur in the Chiuglepet
district had 30 wards and Sendalai in the Tanjore
district counted nearly double the number. When the
required number of members had been selected in the
manner described above, they were divided into several
committees. Each of these committees was entrusted
with the duty of supervising some administrative
departments. The following are a few of the com-
mittees mentioned in epigraphs : —
i. Annual Supervision Committee
ii. Garden Supervision Committee
iii. Tank Supervision Committee
iv. Field Supervision Committee
v. Gold Supervision Committee
vi. Ward Supervision Committee
vii. The Panchavara Committee and
viii. The Committee for the Administration of
Justice.
Of these, the first counted among its members
those who had previously been on the second and
th'ird and those who were advanced in learning and
in age. This shows that members are eligible to
stand as candidates after the expiry of their first
election. The second and third committees were
324 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
chosen after an oral expression of opinion and the
members of all the three committees held office for
full three-hundred and sixty days and then retired.-
The Panchavara committee and the gold committee
for the year served only a few of the wards. In the
succeeding year the remaining wards came under the
control of newly elected members of these committees.
As regards the appointments of accountants, it is
said that only arbitrators and those who had earned
their wealth by honest means should be chosen to
write the accounts. It was incumbent on those to
submit, at the end of their term of office, the'accounts
which they had been maintaining to the satisfaction of
the committee in charge of the accounts and must be
declared to have been honest in their dealings. The
accounts maintained by one should not be closed by
another and the re-appointment of accountants rested
on proving their honesty in the past year.
Any accountant, who was probably suspected of
professional misconduct, was required to undergo the
ordeal of holding in his hand a red hot iron piece and
to prove his innocence. If he came cut unhurt and
established his purity thereby, he was honoured by
being presented with sacred water and flower from
the feet of the God.1 If, on the other hand, he burnt
his hand, he was declared to have made default and
fined 10 kalanju of gold. A similar case of trial by
ordeal occurred in the 13th century A.D. and it is
related as follows : —
1 See Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1916, pp.. 115-6.
The term padasesha has been taken to mean " one quarter
of the surplus" revenue. With this view we don't agree.
The term must convey some such idea as nirmalya and cannot
have any reference to surplus funds.
ADMINISTRATION. 325
The Pujaris of the temple of Tirunalukkunram-
Udiya-Nayanarof Kudumiyamalai(in the Pudukkottai
state), had made away with the cash as well as the
jewels of the temple. One of them confessed to
having taken a portion of the lost property and shared
it with a carpenter. The other pujaris denied all
knowledge of the lost property but were implicated
by the former. The lying Pujaris were ordered to
be taken before the Court where they were required
to handle a red-hot- plough-share. The hands of all
these were burnt and then they confessed their guilt,
They w^re all ordered to be dealt with as sinners
against the god.
These cases of submitting persons to trial by
ordeal cannot, in the face of the above regulations,
be taken to reflect a crude and uncivilized society
since such courses are commonly adopted in a coun-
try where divine interference in human affairs is
considered probable at all times.
An important principle which was observed in
forming these rules is that the members comprising
the committees should change every year. After the
expiry of 3 years since one last held office, he became
eligible for re-election and, if selected, he was made to
serve in some other committee than the one m
which he was before. The annual change of office-
bearers gave every qualified and deserving men an
opportunity to get acquainted with the details of
village administration, and this acquaintance led him
to take a keen interest in the affairs of the village.
In course of time, the village assembly which con-
sisted of all the residents of the village, both young
326 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
and old, became possessed of sufficient knowledge
regarding every detail of the village administra-
tion and watched zealously their own interest as
citizens and exercised a wholesome control over the
doings of the various committees, which were freed,
by the wise rules devised for their formation, from
incompetent, ignorant, unscrupulous or undesirable
members.
A few other committees in charge of the village
administration, mentioned in early inscriptions, are
(i) Ganapperumakkal, called also Granavariyapperu-
rnakkal and Alunganavariyarn, (ii) Srikoyilvariyam,
(iii) Gramakarya, (iv) Anjashta-sabhai, (v) Udasina-
pperumakkal and (vi) Bhattar* The principal duty
of the first of these was perhaps magisterial function,
of the second temple management and of the third
general village supervision.
It may be worth knowing the punishments
accorded for some of the criminal offences which we
find noted in early epigraphs. They are : —
(1) A merchant of Jambai had a concubine
whom a native of Navalur attempted to outrage at
night. The latter was stabbed by the merchant.
The merchant could not be prosecuted. He combined
with a relation of the deceased and gave gold for a
lamp to burn in the temple at Jambai (A.D. 1012-13).
(2) A village officer demanded taxes from a
woman who declared she was not liable. The former
seems to have put her through an ordeal. The
woman took poison and died. A meeting of the people
from the four quarters, eighteen districts and the
various countries was held and it was decided that
ADMINISTRATION. 327
the man was liable. In order to expiate his sin, he
paid 32 ~kaku for burning a lamp at the temple
(A.D. 1054).
(3) A Sudra went out hunting, missed his aim
and shot a Vellala. The agriculturists from the
seventy-nine districts assembled together and de-
clared the Sudra guilty. He was required to present
64 cows for burning two lamps in the temple.
(4) A man pushed his wife and she fell down
and died in consequence. The 1,500 men of the
four quarters assembled and declared the husband
guilty. He was required to provide for lamps to the
temple (12th century A.D).
(5) A Vellala and anotber were comparing their
skill in arms. A third man, who was a relative of
the former, also seems to have tried his strength, but
he stabbed the second man. The relatives of the
deceased were consulted and it was decided that the
third man should present 32 cows for burning a
lamp in the temple (A.D. 1126-7).
(6) A woman threw a stick at her daughter.
But the stick hit another girl, who died on the 20th
day after the occurrence. It was decided that a lamp
should be burnt in the temple. Accordingly the
husband of the woman, who hit the girl, presented
32 cows to the temple (12th century A.D).
(7) A man was hunting boar at night. He
missed aim and shot a human being. For the merit
of the deceased, the former gave 32 cows for a lamp
to burn in the temple (A.D. 1225—6).
The above system of village administration is
akin to what the Greek ambassador Megasthenes
328 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
records as being followed at Patua, during the time
of Chandragupta's rule- He says that there was a
commission consisting of 30 members which was
divided into six departmental boards with five mem-
bers each and that the war office was similarly under
the supervision of another commission of 30 mem-
bers also divided into six boards which had to look
after the admiralty, transport and commissariat,
infantry, cavalry, war chariots and elephants.
Besides, there was an irrigation committee which
controlled the distribution of water for agricultural
purposes. Thus it looks as if the management of
state business by committee system was a very
ancient one and the south seems to have borrowed
it from Northern India and used it with great
elaboration. Though the names of committees
indicate in a general way what their functions were,
they do not appear to 'have been so completely
restricted, because we find in records that gifts to
temples had been left in the hands of more than one
committee. The exact nature of their transaction
of business is yet to be made out.
SECTION III :— THE TEMPLE.
Of all the institutions of Southern India, the
most important was the temple. During the early
days i.e. long before the advent of the Muhammadans,
each big village could boast of an excellent temple
built in the old style and picturesquely situated
within a radius of one or two miles from the village
in a very fine and ever-green grove of plantains,
cocoanuts and areca-palms with a tank of crystal
THE TEMPLE. 329
water just in front of it- Novel as this idea may
seem, it is not far from the truth. If we look at
some of the most ancient temples of Southern
India such as the Vedaranyesvara, Vataranyesvara,
Svetavanesvara, Madhyarjunesvara and the like,
the fact will become quite evident. All these tem-
ples were so called because they were situated in
groves adjoining villages — not in villages them-
selves. Even at the present day, after a lapse of
several centuries, it will not fail to strike even a
casual observer that the temples are at a little distance
from the habited villages. Though in later times
the size and capacity of the temple increased several-
fold by the ever new additions of spacious halls, of
the innumerable shrines for minor deities erected
in the covered verandah, of the huge prakara walls
built round the central shrine, one within the other
and of the towering gopuras which attract the eye of
the traveller even from a distance and which the
charitably disposed well-to-do persons loved to erect
by expending enormous sums of money, the original
structures, shorn of all later improvements, modest as
they were, were not without a history of their own,
memorable enough to be sketched by the gifted.
The earliest form of a temple consisted of three
parts viz. the garbagriha i.e. the innermost apart-
ment or the central shrine with two mandapas one in
front of the other. The middle portion called the
antarala-man(}apa is a passage leading from the
more spacious outer mukha-mandapa into the cen-
tral shrine. While the worship was being conducted
in the central shrine, the devotees gathered to-
gether in these two mandapas and outside of them.
42
330 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
All round this simple structure of three stages which
was known by the name of traiyHnga, there were
niches provided on the outside walls to accommodate
some principal deities. The atruotura itself was
built of five parts or angas called the panchanga.
The five parts are known by the technical names
kandappadai, kumudappacl-ai, jagadippatf.ai, uttiram,
and vimanam. In the central shrine of a Siva temple,
generally, a linga is found and this is sometimes
replaced by stone images of Siva and Parvati com-
fortably seated tegether on a well decorated pedastal.
The linga and avadai within which it is fixed, repre-
sent the purusha or the universal spirit and the
prakriti or primival matter and thus establish the idea
of the evolution of the manifested world by their com-
bination, resulting in a variety of-forms. This idea it
is that is prominently brought into the minds of the
innumerable devotees that stand before the shapeless
image wrapt in silence, perceiving how inseparably soul
and matter are united together in this world of chan-
ges. Tne spontaneous outburst of thousands of stir-
ring hymns of the pious leaders of the Saiva creed em-
bodied in the Tamil Dsvaram often refer to this aspect
and amply bear testimony to the object with which
the images were enshrined in temples. In the
central shrines of Vishnu temples, there are invariably
placed huge sculptures of one form or another of
the several manifestations of Vishnu with a number of
attendant deities with whom He is said to have been
associated in the incarnations which He had taken in
order to put an end to the cup of misery or the mis-
doings of the wicked when unrighteousness reigned
supreme in the world. The puranic stories regarding
THE TEMPLE. 331
them are picturesquely delineated in the images en-
shrined in these temples and the devotees are made to
profit by them. The niches accommodate in them the
various forms assumed by the Almighty and furnish
a visible explanation of the fund of knowledge stored
in ancient lore. Such are the Lingodbhava, Dakshina-
murti, Ardhanarisvara, Mahishasuramardhani and
the like. To these were added the images of the
principal devotees themselves, who by their perfect
abstinence from the worldly ways and search after
the imperishable one, praised in the books, by a
severe penance, renouncing the pleasures of life,
even to the utmost, had come to acquire a halo of
divinity and regarded as the first servants of God.
These are the Naiidi, Bhringi, Chandesa and others.
In this connection, it may be pointed out that all
transactions connected with Siva temples were done
in the name of Chandesa, who is expressly stated to be
the first servant of God. It was in his name that the
sales of temple lands took place. It was he also
that purchased all lands for the temple, leased them
out or received the moneys paid into the temple
treasury. Not a single Hindu is unaware of the life
of this sage as vividly portrayed in the Periapuranam
of Sekkilar.1 Various places of the Dekhan, con-
nected with the lives of these sages, celebrate special
festivals which keep alive their memory and the
1 The veracity of his statements have been verified in
several instances. Many a missing link in the history, made out
from inscriptions, have been supplied by the accounts in this
priceless work and these are sufficient proofs that the author,
who was an official of the State, had at his disposal a mass of
reliable matter from which he wrote his book.
332 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
miracles popularly attributed- to them. Thus at
Kalahasti, Tiruvalangadu, Chidambaram, Tiruvarur,
Shiyali, Tiruchchangattangudi and others, promi-
nence is given to the devotees of Kannappa-Nayauar,
Karaikalammai, Manu-Chola, Jnanasarnbanda, Siru-
ttonda among the Saivas; Poygaiyalvar, Pudattalvar,
Peyalvar, Tirumangai, Tirumalisai, Nammalvar and
others among the Vaishnavas. Many more instances
may be given, but this will suffice to point out how
useful information could be collected from lithic
records of what are recorded in books. To return to
our subject, we may state that in the grandeur of the
massive shrines and in the exquisite sculptures, which
strike the imagination in a way that could not be
done by any other means, the temples of Southern
India taught the people for centuries, lessons of
purity and devotion-
Generally service in temples was conducted
four times daily viz. at the dawn, in the midday,
in the evening and at midnight. Special worship in
the nature of grand festivities on certain stated
occasions was performed for a number of days in some
months and rich provisions were made for the daily
requirements on these special festivals. They are
mentioned in several inscriptions in great detail and
continue, though in a limited way, even to the present
day. A record of the time of Rajendra-Chola I (A-
D. 1010-1045) found at Kolar registers that the
following classes of servants were provided for in
the temple of Durga (goddess) at the place.
(1) A Brahmin to perform the sacred worship.
Other records state, there were many a Saivacharya
or Siva-Brahmins to do this work by turns.
THE TEMPLE. 333
(2) Four bachelors to do the attendant work,
(3) One man to bring water for the bathing of
the god.
(4) Two men to gather flower and make garlands.
(5) Three persons to keep watch in the temple.
(6) Two families to cultivate the flower garden
of the temple.
(7) Four Yogins.
(8) Three Bhairavas.
(9) Four Yogisvaras.
(10) For the singing troup the following persons
were appointed. One to beat the wide mouthed big
drum, two drummers, one to sound the Karadigai, one
to beat the Segandi (a big metal plate), one to sound
the hand bells, two to blow the conch, on<i singer and
one other to be dancing master.
(11) One accountant.
(12) Twenty-four dancing girls.
(13) One potter to supply pots for cooking.
(14) One washerman to cleanse the sac red
clothes.
(15) One astrologer.
(16) One to expound the rhetoric (Vyakarana)
and Yamala.
(17) One superintendent or manager of the temple
(devakanmi).
(18) One carpenter to execute repairs whenever
necessary. Other inscriptions provide for several
more. Some of these are, for singing the tiruppadi-
yam, tiruvaymoli and for enacting dramas.
334 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
The temple was in ancient times the busiest
part of all the places in a village or a town. From
the early dawn till midnight we could see there,
gathered from far and near, crowds of people, rich
and poor. Bound by agreements, a number of shep-
herds and other classes of men, who were left 'in
charge of laud, money or livestock, which formed
the donations made to the temple, brought to its
court-yard, at fixed hours, ghee for burning lamps
or for feeding Brahmins, flowers and garlands to
the God, rice for offerings, cleaned and pounded
several times, fruits of various kinds and vegetables,
sandal pastes and incense, scents such as pachchaik-
karpuram, rnusk, rose-water, etc., and in short
all the requirements of the temple and gave them
away to the authorities according to the terms of
contract by which they were put in possession of
temple holdings. In this connection, we may quote
the words of one such contract which runs thus : —
" If he (the donee) dies, absconds or gets into prison,
fetters or chains, we, all these aforesaid persons (the
sureties of the donee) are bound to supply ghee for
burning the holy lamp as long as the sun and the
moon endure." The contents of two other similar
documents may also be taken note of. The first of
them is the Sirpur inscription which registers a grant
of villages for the maintenance of aim-houses, the
repair of breaks or cracks in the temple, the support-
ing of the servants of the sanctuary and for the Brah-
manas versed in the three Vedas, Rig, Yajus and
Saman. The record enjoins that the sons and grand-
sons who succeed the Brahmin donees should be such
as offer sacrifice to fire and know the six supplements
THE TEMPLE. 335
of the Vedas, as are not addicted to gambling or other
bad associations, as have their mouth clean and are not
servants. If they did not answer or possess the above
qualifications and if one dies also, such should be
removed and in their places other Brahmins posses-
sing the stipulated qualifications should be appointed.
The substituted persons should be chosen from
among the relations of the unqualified men and
should be advanced in age while being learned at the
same time. They must be appointed by their consent
alone and not by an order of the king. The second
states that in place of those donees (of shares allotted
for the performance of specified services in temples)
who die or emigrate, the nearest relatives of such
persons have to receive the grant and do the
service. In case the nearest relatives of such
persons are not qualified themselves, they have
to select others who are qualified and let them do the
service receiving the remuneration provided for. And
if there were no near relations to such persons, the
other incumbents of the service have to select quali-
fied persons for doing the same and the person so selec-
ted shall receive the remuneration in the same way as
the person whom he represented had received it before-
Persons who held temple lands on lease were
bound by agreement to bring to the court-yard of the
temple the stipulated quantity of paddy or rice, free
from dust, chaff, and unripe grains and give them in
heaped measures. It can be gathered from the word-
ing of the documents that they have to bear the
incidental charges such as the wages of those who
have to carry them to the temple and the tolls. In
the temples, labour was divided ; each one had to do
336 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
a particular duty assigned to him and for which he
received a remuneration. Here in a spacious mandapa
so constructed as to accommodate a large concourse of
people, sitting on a pedestal in a prominent place, a
famous scholar chanted the hymns of the Vedas and
expounded them to his ardent hearers. There in
another mandapa, the great epic Mahabharata, which
had moulded the life and character of the Hindus for
ages was read and explained to the people. The
Dharma-Sastra embodying the rules of right conduct,
the pur alias, grammar, rhetoric, logic, astrology,
astronomy, medicine and other special sciences were
taught to those who thronged to learn them.
In the temple at Tiruvorriyur, Vyakarana, Soma-
siddhanta and Panini's grammar were taught. There
are references also to the recital and teaching of
PrabhaJcara, Ritdra, Yamala, Parana, Sivadliarma,
Panchanga and Bharata. Lands were granted to
learned scholars and their future generations as
Vedavritti, bhattavritti, vaidyavritti or maruttuvap-
peru, archanavritti and the like. From all these it
would be clear that the temple was the seat of free
learning in ancient times and it was also the place
where charities of every description were conducted.
A record of the 12th century A.D. states that a big
hospital existed at Tirumukkudal in the Chingleput
district provided with a number of beds for the sick,
with nurses to attend on them, with men to fetch fuel
and medicinal herbs, with a good stock of many a
patent remedy and with doctors, cooks and others.
There is not the least doubt that other temples of the
south had similar provisions. Among the Tamil
hymns sung in temples, we may note those of the
THE TEMPLE. 337
Dev&ramt NalayiraprabandJiam and Tiruvacliagam.
References to the recital of the tiruppallandu,
tiruvfiymoli, tiruchchalal, tiruvembavai and tiruppadi-
yam are often found in inscriptions. Among the
musical instruments that were in use in ancient times,
we may mention, besides mattalam, karadigai, segandi
kaimani, parai and sangu already noticed, yal or
vinai, kulal, udnkkai, hidamula and Jcalam. -In the
temples of Southern India there was invariably a
spacious Eanga-mandapa. On almost all days, dancing
was practised here and on special occasions dramas
were staged. The latter were divided into acts and
scenes and the former consisted of several varieties of
popular amusement conveying religious instruction.
Besides being the scene of all the aforesaid activities,
the temple was the principal feeding house of the vill-
age. All strangers, ascetics and men of learning were
fed sumptuously in the temple. Fruits, ghee and
sugar were largely used and people were served with
several kinds of boiled preparations from raw vegeta-
bles by the addition of condiments such as pepper,
pulses, mustard, turmeric, cumin, salt and tamarind,
along with a few others, fried in gheo. Chillies did not
go into their preparations, but asafoetida was largely
consumed. Ancient inscriptions reveal the method of
preparing several varieties of special dishes which are
rarely done at present. For festive occasions, ample
provisions were made and a large number of people
fed. These occasions were not few and we give below
some of those of Siva temples .—
(1) Vishu in the months of Sittirai and Aippasi.
(2) Visakha in the month of Vaigasi.
43
338 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
(3) Pusam in Adi.
(4) Sravishtha in Avani
(5) Satabhishaj in Purattasi.
(6) Krittika in Karttigai.
(7) Ardra in Margali.
(8) Pushya in Tai.
(9) Makha in Masi.
(10) Uttara-Phalguni in Panguni.
(11) Sankranti in the two Ayanas,
(12) The hunting excursion of the god, the
ratliotsava or the car festival, the vasantotsava and
the like.
Most of the festivals enumerated, continue to be
observed even at the present day ; but they appear
to have been more elaborate in the past and that on
these occasions a large collection of men were fed
free.
The temple was also the place where ancient
kings performed their titlabhara and hiranyagarbha
ceremonies which attracted crowds of people from .all
parts of the kingdom. The greatest of the Chola
kings i. e. Bajaraja I had his tufabh&ra ceremony
performed in the Sivayoganathasvamin temple at
Tiruvisalur in his 28th year of reign i.e., in A.D.
1013. On the very day, his queen Dantisaktivitanki
alias Lokamahadevi passed through a gold cow in
the same place. It is stated in the Tamil work
KoyiloluflU that Jatavarraan Sundara-Pandya I (A.D.
1251-71), the greatest of the Pandya kings, built
several tulapuriisha-mandapas in the Srirangam
THE TEMPLE. 339
temple and had his tulabhara ceremony performed
there, several times. Many of the Vijayanagara kings
had the same ceremony done in the temples at
Srirangam and Conjeeveram. Almost in all the
temples visited by the South Indian kings, special
festivals, called after their own names, were ordered
to be conducted annually on the asterism of their
birth-day and rich endowments were made for them.
To secure merit for the dead, to get success in
a field of battle, to be rid of some sickness from
which one was suffering or for obtaining prosperity,
wealth and happiness in life, offerings were made to
propitiate the god. On these occasions, the images
in temples were bathed in 108 pots of water to
the accompaniment of the chanting of the Vedic
hymns, were smeared with sandal-paste and taken
in procession.
SECTION IV :— CHAEITABLE ENDOWMENTS
AND TAXATION.
Names of taxes are mentioned in a number of
published inscriptions which are in their nature, docu-
ments evidencing free gifts of lands or villages to
Brahmins, to Siva, Vishnu, Jaina and Buddhist tem-
ples, or to other charitable institutions such as those
established for imparting religious instruction to the
people, and for reading and expounding the scriptures.
The villages and lands granted to Brahmins were
called bmhmadeyas ; those given to Hindu temples
were named devadanas ; to Jaina shrines pallich-
chanda ; others which were set apart for the feeding of
persons were known as Salabhoga, murruftu etc. For
340 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
a clear grasp of the various' transactions involved
in such gifts as are enumerated above, it is necessary
to go through one at least of these documents. Where
a village or land was made a free gift, it was not meant
that the granted village or land was free from the pay-
ment of taxes, but that the taxes or other sources of
income, which till the time of the grant replenished
the treasury of the king, ceased to go to him. And it
is expressly stated in these grants that the state relin-
quished its title or right to the incomes derivable
from such lands and villages and made them over to
the donees imposing at the same time certain liabili-
ties on them. Thus when a village is said to have
been made tax-free, we have to understand that the
State refrained from levjdng taxes on it, but that the
village itself was not free from the payment of taxes.
Instead of paying to the state, the payment was
made to the donee. If it was not the king that made
the gift, the duty of freeing the land from payment
of taxes devolved on the person who made the gift.
It was sometimes done by paying a lump sum of
money for compounding, as it were, the tax due on the
laud for all time to come and to have the land granted,
declared tax-free. There are also instances in which
the grantors bound themselves to pay the taxes
when they made tax-free donations. Two cases, one
of AD. 1193 and the other not far removed from it in
point 6f time, are cited below.1 In the first, it is said
1 These are noticed in Volume IV of the Archaeological
Survey of India, pages 11 and 13. One of the documents is dated
in the 3rd year of the reign of Jatavarman Kulasekhara 1 (A.D.
1191) and the other in the 23rd year of the reign of Maravarman
Parakrama-Pandya.
CHARITABLE ENDOWMENTS AND TAXATION. 341
that the people of a village (Vikramasolapuram i.e.,
Vikkiramangalain near Sholavandan in the Madura
district) gave away as devaddna to the temple in that
village a certain piece of land, for enjoyment free of
all taxes and that the grantors agreed to pay the
tax (to the State). In the second instance, a grant (of
5 ma) of land was made as devadana to the same
temple by a private individual (Jayaugondanathaafo'as
Alagiyapandya-Anantapala) to meet the requirements
of the temple. It is here stated that the devadana land
shall be enjoyed tax-free and that the donor shall pay
all items of taxes. The two cases make plain that if
devadana grants had been made by other persons than
the king, whether they were a body of men or private
individuals, the state did not forego its dues and that
it was the duty of the donors to pay them, while the
lands themselves were enjoyed by the donee free of all
taxes. In some cases, the village assemblies exercised
the right of collecting from private individuals making
devaddna gifts, a fixed sum of money which they lent
out to interest and paid annually the income due to
the State. It deserves to be noted that in the case of
brahmadeya and devaddna grants, the lands became
the property of the donees subject to certain condi-
tions for their proper upkeep and that they obtained
the double right of getting (i) the rent from the tenants
just as the State was doing and (ii) the other sources
of income which will be enumerated below.
The following are some of the conditions or
liabilities imposed on the donees in the case of chari-
table grants : —
i. For drinking and irrigation purposes, the
donees shall cut channels from rivers and tanks, and
342 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
carry water from them, where they admit of easy
How. They shall receive kolkalam and puludipadu,
for the channels so dug.
ii. They shall not allow the water of these
channels to be drained by baskets, by small lifts
(kurrettani) or by under-channels, and shall impose
fines on those who do so. They shall not permit the
fresh water (intended for drinking) to be spoiled by
being used for common purposes.
iii. They shall erect houses, mansions and other
big structures with burnt bricks and tiles.
iv- They shall sink big wells.
v. , They shall have the garden lands planted
with fruit-bearing and useful trees of various descrip-
tions such as the cocoanut, palmyra, jack and mango
and shall cultivate sweet-scented creepers and flower-
plants like damanaJca, maruvu, iruveli, senbagam
and sengalunir.
vi. They shall set up big oil presses.
vii. They shall nob allow the cocoanut and
palmyra trees, planted in the villages, to be climbed
by the toddy-drawers.
These conditions, or more properly the liabilities,
show that the brahmadeya lands and villages are not
the exclusive possession of Brahmins, that is to say
that in such villages there could be other classes of
people than Brahmins. The setting up of oil presses
indicates the existence in brahmadeya villages of
Vaisyas of the oil-monger class. The cutting of
channels, planting of trees and building structures
CHARITABLE ENDOWMENTS AND TAXATION. 343
with bricks, show that the village should have con-
tained rnen of various professions, artisans and
masons. What could be reasonably gathered from
these liabilities is that the donees should do all that
is necessary to keep the village always in aflourishing
condition favourable to the life of every class of
people. From certain items of income which the
donees derived and which will be enumerated below,
it is seen that bralimadeya villages contained washer-
men, potters, goldsmiths, weavers, shop-keepers and
others among the inhabitants of these villages. Fur-
ther, it is expressly stated that in some cases of such
grants, the previous holders of lands i<e. the tenants
of the soil were not dispossessed of their holdings
at the time when the whole village was given away
as brahmadeya- This shows that the grant did not
affect the life of other classes of men than Brahmins.
Add to all these, it may be pointed out that we do
not find among the items of rights conferred on the
donees that they could dispossess the old tenants, X)n
the other hand, it is clearly stated that the donees had
only the right to receive the income, which the State
derived from the village.
The rights conferred on the donees are mentioned
in the following terms. They shall obtain such
incomes as
nadatchi and iiratcki=iee for governing the
country and village ; puta-nali=one n<ili on every
marakkal ; kusakkanam^b&x of (one) kanamdueby
the potter ; kannalaJihanani = mf\,vriB,gp. fee ; rannarap-
_parai = tax on the washerman's stone; va$irn&lim
(one) nali on every big basket (of grain taken for sale);
344 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
nir-1cuU= water-rate ; ilaikkulam ; tarippudavai or
fan-mil = the tax on looms paid in cloth ; taragu^iKx.
on brokers ; tattarappattam=iKZ on goldsmiths ;
idaipattam or idai~putchi=fax. on shepherds; nalla,
narpasu,narkida, &nd.nallerudu ; nadu-kaval= watch-
men of the country ; udu-pokkti, mavirai, tiyeri ;
virpidi, ila-putchi=fax on toddy-drawers ; Valaman-
jadi; ulgu-ta^ on toll-keepers; OdakkuU=t&x. on
ferry keepers ; manrupadu and sabhaviniy~6gam=sh&Ye
for the maintenance of village assemblies ; JcuttuJc-
^a?=fines; sekJnrai^b&x on oil presses ; Brahmanar-
asaJckanam=ta,x of (one) kanam on the profits of
Brahmins; Sengudikkanam, Kannittukkanam, Kadir-
kkanam, Visakkanam, arikuli, neyvilai= ghee-seller's
fees ; puttaga-vilai=iees levied on sellers of cloths ;
pattigaikaiiam=iee on cattle-sheds ; riayaM, tuduval,
kanigarattiga I, pannuppa leduppar, pu du kku diraik-
kurradu =!,&•£ on horses ; nattuvagai** settlement du-
ties, padangali, kaiyal=ta,'x. on retainers of servants ;
ne^umbarai =tax on those for whom big drums are
beaten; panampakkti= tax on areca-nuts, karanadan-
dam, adikarana-dandam, kuvalaikkdnam.
CHABITABLE ENDOWMENTS. 34£
SECTION IV (a) :-HOW MISAPPKOPKIATION OF
CHAEITABLE ENDOWMENTS WEEE
DEALT WITH.
Instances of misappropriation of charitable
grants occasioned by conquests of adjacent powers
which naturally caused confusion in the quiet admi-
nistration of the country and the neglect sometimes
of the conditions stipulated in the deeds resulting in
the deterioration of the lands and villages granted,
were not uncommon. In such cases, the authori-
ties appear to have taken steps to remedy the
evil by the appointment of officers of state to
enquire into the matter. The Chola king Raja-
raja I was one of the early sovereigns of South
India who devoted his attention in this direction.
Early in his reign a certain Madhurantakam Ganda-
radittanar was appointed with a committee consist-
ing of five members to inspect villages which had been
made over to temples, Brahmins etc. to overhaul
their accounts, to conduct inquiries and to rectify the
errors. In A.D. 989 the commission was conducting
inquiries at Tirumalperu in the North Arcot district
where they found that the endowments had been
neglected and consequently the daily offerings had
been reduced to 2 nali of rice and that the produce
of the temple lands were being misappropriated.
They set right matters by fining the men in charge
of the store-room of the Agnisvara temple, In A. D.
992 this officer was at Tiruvallam in the same district
and noticed a similar defalcation. He observed
that the offerings presented to the Alvar were only
2 nnli of rice, that the vegetable offerings, ghee,
curds, etc. had ceased and] that the perpetual lamps
346 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
were neglected. He called for the Siva-Brahmanas
of the temple and the members of the assembly to
which the temple belonged and asked them to state
the revenue and expenditure of the temple in accord-
ance with the royal orders and letters-
In a record found at Tirumalperu in the Conjee-
varam taluka of the Ghingleput district dated, it is
supposed, in the reign of Aditya II alias Karikala,
the elder brother of Rajaraja I (985-1014), we are
told that in the 21st year of the reign of Tondaiman-
Arrurttunjinadeva i.e. Aditya I, father of Parantaka
I (907-953), the village of Sirriyarrur in Manayil-
nadu had been granted as devad'ana and brahmadeya
to the village assembly (sabhai) of Puduppakkam.
The condition of the grant was that the donee should
make over a fixed quantity of the produce of the
village and a certain amount of gold every year to
the temple of Mahadeva at Tirurnalperu- In the
next year, the boundaries of the village granted were
determined and a deed evidencing the gift was drawn
up. But the village was not entered in the accounts
as a devadana and bralunadeya. This mistake
was rectified in the 4th year of Parantaka I (i.e.
in A.D. 911) and the village assembly of Pudup-
pakkam were making over the stipulated produce
and gold to the temple. In the 36th year of the
same king's reign (=A. D. 943) an additional item
was made payable from the village of Sirriyarrur to
the same temple and entered in the accounts. The
village assembly of Puduppakkam were misappropriat-
ing this item and the temple authorities made a
complaint to the king while he was at Conjeevaram.
The king sent for both the parties, and after due
CHARITABLE ENDOWMENTS. 347
enquiry satisfied himself that the village assembly,
had been guilty of misappropriating the revenues
assigned to the temple at Tiruinalperu. They were,
accordingly, fined and the grant was restored to the
temple. This account shows that already during the
time of Parantaka I (A.D. 907-953) enquiries were
instituted to ascertain defalcations. • It also shows
that there should have been account books kept for
the purpose of entering bralnnadeya and devadana
grants and that the kings of old retained in their hands
the right to punish those found guilty of misappro-
priation, in the case of charitable endowments.
SECTION V :— PEOFESSION AND TEADE TAX.
Looking at the list of taxes enumerated on page,
343f, it is clear that all professional men among whom
are included washermen, goldsmiths, potters, ferry-
keepers, toddy-drawers, oil-mongers, toll-keepers,
hawkers, betel leaf sellers, brokers, shepherds, main-
tainers of boundaries, ghee sellers, dealers in cattle,
horses and elephants, areca-nut sellers, and others
had, in ancient times, to pay a small fee or tax to the
state. These taxes resemble to a great extent the
profession and trade tax of modern municipalities,
but very minutely and carefully ascertained.
Although the number of taxes were many, they did
not weigh heavily on the people, for, on the face
of it, it is quite apparent that all these taxes were
not paid by one and the same individual, and neither
were all of them paid at all times. Some were realised
only on particular occasions such as the marriage
fees. But there is no doubt that these items should
348 . ANCIENT DEKHAN.
have made a large sum to the state. The very names
of the tax indicate in some cases, the quantity to be
paid and these show that the demand was not very
heavy. Here it is worth noting also that in ancient
times, the state demand was only made on the
amounts realised but not on what was taken for
realisation. The Muhammadan historian Abdul
Eazak observes : — "The officers of the customs
department levy a duty on the goods, of one-fortieth
part, when a sale is effected ; if they are not sold, they
make no charge on them whatsoever." The terms
used to indicate taxes are kadamai, kuli, pattam,
irai, kadan, amanji, ay am, vari and putchi- The
meaning of these is " share, duty, income or tax."
While some of the items were paid in money, others
were given in kind. It may be useful to note here
what some of these items represented. A record of
of Parantaka I (10th century A.D.) found at Erode
in the Coimbatore district registers the fact that the
marriage fee to be paid by the bridegroom and the
bride is & of a paiiam and that each kudi or family
had to pay \ a panam. The former is the kannalak-
kanam and the latter is perhaps what is known as
sengudikkanam. What is here given in money is
elsewhere stated to have been paid in cloth. Another
document states that in the case of marriages among
persons belonging to the kalla caste, one selai i.e. cloth
shall be received and nothing shall be obtained for the
second and subsequent marriages-1 A Chola record
1 At the present day it is a custom in Malabar to pay
during marriage occasions a fee as gramapanam which goes to
the temple. This is in all probability a reminiscence of an old
practice.
PROFESSION AND TRADE TAX! 349
of Tirumejnanam in the Tanjore district fixes the fee
to be paid by those who sell things in the bazzar by
measures, weights and by number. It states that
when paddy, rice or other grains, brought from out-
side villages are sold by measures, there shall be
received one nali; for things sold by weight, one
palam shall be taken ; and in the case of betel-leaves
and areca-nuts, the fee to be paid for each basket is
one parru and two nuts.
The term vatti-nali, ilai-Jculam etc get an expla-
nation from this record. Vaiti is a big basket which
could hold 6 Jcuruni or 48 measures of grain
and one nali paid for selling such a quantity cannot
be considered heavy. And two nuts for selling a big
basket of areca is almost nothing. A third record 1
dated in Kali 4431 Promoduta falling in the reign of
the Hoysala king Viravallala gives a longer list of
these items. The share of the city is here stated to
be 10 panam for every elephant sold, one panam for a
horse, two Jcasu for a cloth, 40 areca-nuts for one podi
of it, one alaJcku for one podi of pepper, one alaJcku
for one podi of salt, one uri for one podi of grains,
two li'aku for one slave, two Jcasu for pachchavadam,
etc. Another inscription of the same king, dated in
A. D. 1335, states that if a horse was sold, both the
seller and the purchaser had to pay one panam each.
From the above, it may be gathered that every
person knew what he had to pay for following a
particular trade or profession, that all classes of
people were treated equally, that the realisation of
the state dues could have been effected without
i No. 70 K of Kolar.
350 ANCIENT? DEKHAN.
much inconvenience to the rate-payers, the mode of
payment being in kind and also light. The last fact
gave no room for grievance.
SECTION VI:— LAND ASSESSMENT.
We shall now see what portion of the produce
was taken by the kings of South India as the Govern-
ment share or in other words what the assessment pro-
per on land was. First of all, it must be said that
land assessment was mostly paid in kind, though
payment in money was not absolutely unknown.
There are instances in v/hich part of the assessment
was paid in kind and the rest in money. In the last
case it is not clear what the basis was on which they
fixed the two kinds of payments. In Tanjore and
the surrounding parts, assessment during the time of
Eajaraja I ( A.D. 985-1013) was 100 kalam of paddy per
veil. As we are not in a position to ascertain what
the exact measure of ~kalain and veil was, and the
yield per veil in those times, this information is not of
much use. We have to look for more direct evidence
on the point to know the proportion of the produce
which formed the revenue or rent. Mr. L. Rice's
Kolar volume contains an early record1 which is dated
in the 3rd year of the reign of Bajakesarivarman
Rajendra-Chola i.e, Kulottunga I. The importance
of this inscription will be evident when its contents
are discussed. It removes many of the misconcep-
tions liable to be formed as regards the land
assessment, not knowing the correct quantity of
a unit of land as well as the unit of paddy
1 No. 492 of Mulbagal in the Kolar district.
LAND ASSESSMENT. 351
measure, because it gives in unmistakable terms the
proportion of the assessment to the produce at the
time of which we are speaking and thus affords a
means of comparison with the rate prevalent at
other times. The translation of the contents is as
follows : —
The cultivators of Solamandalam 18 countries,
Jayangondasolamandalam 48,000 bhumi and the
great army of the valangai possessing large weapons
belonging to all the countries under the sway of the
king, having appeared before him, the following great
settlement was made regarding the 18 countries of
Rajendrasolabhumi. From the time when the Chola
family sprang up, cows and buffaloes had no taxes ;
therefore, the officer Solamuveudavelar (in charge of
the tax department) of these 18 countries, orders that
no tax needs be collected on cows and buffaloes. For
dry lands in which dry crops are raised, there shall be
paid a melvaram (rentor's share of the produce) of one
in five. For lands under tank, there shall be paid a
melvaram of one in three. For every 15 kuli of
land in which kummari or shifting cultivation is
raised by the forest tribes (vedar), one puflavai shall
be received. The internal taxes such as kumarak-
kachchanam, washermen's fees, good buffaloe, good
cow etc shall be two folsu on each item or head. For
petty taxes the dsuvi-makkal shall pay one kasu per
head (Here is a damaged portion) quarter ka&it
shall be received from each house of teachers (uvdtti),
of the men in charge of the temple and of the talarar.
The houses set apart for siru-sunyam are exempt.
The lands shall be measured by rods of 18 san in
length, a san being equal in length to (damaged).
352 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Thus the 18 countries and the great army of valangai
possessing large weapons received the order and had
this document engraved on stone. Any one
shall incur the sin of killing cows and Brahmanas on
the bank of the Ganges."
Mr. Eice's Bangalore volume furnishes two more
early Tamil epigraphs. These are dated in the 33rd
year of the reign of Kajadhiraja I and are thus very
near in point of time to that of Eajaraja I. They
furnish information similar to that supplied by the
record translated above. One of them states that
the melvaram in the case of wet lands (nirarambam)
was two-fifths of the produce and that for dry lands
(kattarambam) it was one-fourth,
The usual imprecation that those who act
against the rule laid down shall incur the sin of
killing tawny cows on the banks of the Ganges is
added at the end of this as in the case of the previous
one. The otber registers that Sannai-nadu in
Taligaivali alias Vikramasolamandalam was given
to the king's general Rajendrasolabrahmarayar as a
jivita i.e. for enjoyment by himself and his progeny-
In this district, the record states, that for wet lands
(mrnilam) the ratio between melvaram i.e. (renter's
share of the produce) and kilvaram (i-e. the culti-
vator's share) was 1 to 1 £ ; and that for dry lands
(kattarainbain) tbe same was 1 to 3. This means
that in the case of wet lands for every yield of 5,
two was given away as the renter's share, while 3
was retained by the cultivator ; and that for dry
lands for every yield of 4, one was given as the
renter's share and 3 retained as the cultivator's
LAND ASSESSMENT. 353
portion. The sharing of the produce between the
renter and the lessee here given, is just the same as
in the former. We may state that the last record is
an evidence on the question because in all jivitas
granted by the king, the king had only the right to
transfer his incomes to the holders of the jivita just
as he did in the case of brahmadeya and devadana
grants and as such the proportion expresses simply
what existed between the king and the cultivators.
The three records just quoted make plain the
following facts :—
i. That the State in those days realised what
may be called the rent from the cultivators. The
expressions melvaram and kilvaram decidedly prove
this fact.
ii. The proportion of the produce shared by the
State and the cultivator was such that it could not
have been considered hard on the latter.1
iii. That the payment of rent which was
generally, made in kind must have caused no hardship
to the cultivator to pay the amount. Here it may
be mentioned that there were State granaries in all
villages.
iv. The State demand was only made on lands
on which crops were raised. The statement in the
record quoted above that melvaram was paid for
lands on which crops were raised (vilainda nilattukku)
might perhaps be taken to indicate that in cases
1 In this connection, it may he said that at present the
renters of land take as much as half the produce and sometimes
even more from the cultivator.
354 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
of failure of crops, the lands were exempt from pay-
ing the rentor's share. This will be made evident
when we take up the question as regards the occasions
when remissions were granted. But it may be noted
here that if lands were left uncultivated by the
tenants they were not so exempt because it is express-
ly stated in a number of records that for failing to
cultivate and pay the (^/rsaafl^^ear) rent, the lands
were given away to others.
v. That Government realised rent from the
cultivators of the soil at specified rates, which varied
differently for different classes of lands such as wet,
dry, forest, etc. and which were fixed with reference
apparently to the advantages of irrigation, facilities
of getting more yield, cost of cultivation etc., naturally
takes us to the question whether there was in
ancient times any ownership or property in land.
This question probably receives its answer when we
mention the fact the tenants had full right to mort-
gage, sell or otherwise transfer the lands either
partially or in full.
It may be useful to note how lands were held
in ancient times and the rents paid to the king.
Each village had a kaniyalan who may be considered
as a middleman between the king and his tenants.
His duty was to see to the proper cultivation of all
the lands in the village by letting them to reliable
tenants and their successors, of course by the order of
the king, and be responsible for the king's share of
the produce. The officers of the king demanded the
royal rent from the kaniyalan or through him from
the tenants, and stored it in the village granary.
LAND ASSESSMENT. 355
When the farming tenants neglected to cultivate
the lands entrusted to them and thus let fall in
arrears the rent due to the State, the kaniyalan
reported the matter to the king through the latter's
officers, and recommended the removal of the default-
ing tenants and submitted proposals for giving the
lands to other reliable persons and their families.
His proposal was generally accepted and the former
owner i.e. the tenant was replaced. If a proper tenant
was not pitched upon and if there were arrears of rent
due by the ousted tenant, the land was generally
put in public auction, and sold to the highest bidder
who offered to take up the land with the encum-
brances. The above facts perhaps establish that
there was private property in land. It is apparent '
that the kaniyalan should have been subject to
the authority of the village assembly who really
conducted the direct administration of the coun-
try. This system of land revenue seems to have been
prevalent in the presidency even in the early years
of the 19th century and in the scheme which made
the kaniyalan responsible to collect the lump assess-
ment of grain or money fixed for each village, there
was certainly the element of a successful realisation
of the State dues. It might be said that any system
which makes the rentors subject to public control
would adapt the revenue administration to the
ancient institution of the country.
SECTION VII :— SALE OF LANDS.
Inscriptions register private and public sales of
lands. In the former, the parties to the transaction
356 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
agree among themselves, the one to part with his pos-
sessions or holdings, for a stipulated amount, which
the other consents to give. In the latter case, the
land of one is put in auction before a large concourse
of people with a crier to announce the bid amounts.
The reason for the sale of the land is perhaps first
set forth and finally the land is knocked down after
three calls, to the highest bidder. In all sales the
vendor declares, on oath, the receipt of the sale money
agreed upon. Then a conveyance is drawn up
between the parties, which gives the extent of the
property sold and a minute description of its bounda-
ries, the full payment of the money to the vendor,
the transfer of the property to the purchaser which
is effected with libation of water, etc. All these
transactions take place before an assembly consti-
tuted for the special purpose of registering docu-
ments. If the land sold was not the property of a pri-
vate individual but formed the possession of a village
assembly, it was necessary that some of the members
of the assembly should order the sale of it. The word-
ing of the deeds, as we find them specially in Tamil
inscriptions of great length, shows how well convey-
ancing was done in those days. Every minute detail of
the transaction involved, is clearly set forth in unequi-
vocal terms and nothing is left to be desired to
complete it. Generally the persons who drew up deeds
were the village or temple accountants or the madh-
yastas (arbitrators). The final words of the document,
which had been introduced to coverall omissions and
which were intended to guard against litigation at
future dates, deserve special mention. '* This shall
be the sale-deed and the receipt for the money paid.
SALE OF LANDS. 357
Besides this, no other document shall be shown or
seen for the complete payment of the sale money
agreed upon. Fault of palm-leaves, mistakes in the
use of letters, words or sense, shall not be deemed
as real faults. Thus was the land sold after an oral
declaration of oath. So long as the (Sun and
the Moon endure, the stone and the Kaveri exist,
and the grass and paddy grow on earth, the lands
conveyed by the document shall be enjoyed by the
purchasers, their sous, grandsons and their successors
with the eight kinds of privileges such as the use of
water and trees, stones and treasures buried under-
ground, akshini, and agami, etc., together with the
right to the wells sunk down and trees growing up
and all animals and birds attached to the land
and trees. The purchasers shall have this document
inscribed on stone and copper."
SECTION VIjLI :— SURVEY AND SETTLEMENT.
From a number of inscriptions we learn that all
villages had been carefully surveyed and measured,
their total acreage and the correct extent of tax-free
lands in them noted in the registers maintained for
the purpose. For every village, both the extent of
lands paying revenue or rent, and the quantity of
paddy or other grain, of gold and kasu to be given to
the State had also been determined and entered in the
books. In the Chola country, Kajaraja I seems to
have been the first sovereign to start a systematic
land survey, which he did in the 16th year of his
reign i.e. in A. D. 1004. In earlier times the approxi-
mate exjent of lands in villages was known to the
358 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
authorities. Rajendra-Chola I, the son and successor
of Rajaraja I, appears to have ascertained the excess
and deficiency in the measurements made prior to
his time. Later on in the 16th year of the reign of
Kulottuuga I (A.D. 1086), that monarch undertook a
re-survey and settlement. This was perhaps started
owing io the appreciable differences noticed in the
reign of one of his predecessors, Rajeudra-Chola I.
Another re-survey was done in the 38th year of
Kulottunga III and this is referred to in the lithic
records of his successors Rajaraja III and Rajendra-
Chola III.
Lands Exempt from Assessment.
The following items which mostly consist of
lands set apart for communal purposes — as being
indispensable for the life and growth of the popula-
tion and regarded as unfit for cultivation, are
expressly declared to be exempt from taxation. The
long list shows how carefully it had been made out.
They are : —
Urnattam=village site ; kulam = pond ; kammana-
cheri=quarter of the carpenter ; paraichcheri= quarter
of the Pariahs ; vellansudukadu and paraichchudu-
kadu= burning ground of the Vellalas and Pariahs ;
urnilattai udaruttuppona vaykkalgal = the channels
which passed through the lands of the village ;
srikoyil = the sacred temple ; Aiyankoyil = the
temple of Aiyan (village god); pidari-k5yil = the
temple of the village goddess; kalani-kulangal = the
ponds dug in the fields ; Paraichcheri-nattam^ihQ
site set apart for the Pariahs; nandavanam=t>he
flower gardens (attached to temples) ; kudi-irukkai
LAND EXEMPT FROM ASSESSMENT. 359
and ur-irukkai^the site covered by the houses in a
village; odai= streams or watercourses; llachcheri =
the quarter of the toddy-drawers ; vannarachcheri=
the quarter of the washermen ; paraikkulam kuli=
the ponds and pools of the Pariahs ; the urn burials
of the ancients ; punakkulam= the rain-fed tanks ;
peruvali=the high roads ; tlndachcheri=the quarter
of the polluted classes; tirumurram = the courtyard
of temples; karkidai = kairns and kistaevans; uruni=
the fresh water tanks ; Jwttagaram=tbe king's palace ;
kalam=the threshing floor ; agaiyarn ; Devar-tiru-
manjanakkulam = the bathing tank of the god ;
kanrumey-pal = the village grazing ground; sudu-
kattukku pogum vali=the way leading to the burning
ground; manai=houses ; manai padaippai=house
sites ; kadai= bazaars ; kadai teruvu=t>he bazaar street ;
manru=t>he place where the assembly meets; kidangu
=pits; purru=&nb hills ; terri* big trees marking the
boundaries; A-<z^=forest ; kalar, wvar- saline earth;
arzt=river; aridu padugai=\a,ud just on the bed of a
river (which it washes during floods) ; udaippu = lands
where breaches had occurred ; mm-payil-pallam=
marshy valleys where fish is found ; and ten-payil-
po(lumbn = forest tracts where honey is gathered.
From what is detailed above, it will be clear
that in ancient times each village had a known
area and that it was divided into cultivated land,
cultivable waste, uncultivated land set apart for
special purposes such as for communal benefit and
those which were declared unfit for cultivation.
.360 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
SECTION IX :— TERRITORIAL DIVISIONS,
BOUNDARY MARKS, ETC.
In ancient times, territories belonging to the
various dynasties of kings that held sway over parts
of the Dekhau were divided into large districts called
valanaduor kottam which included in them a number
of sub-divisions or nadus. The latter comprised a
number of villages and towns. Though there is much
material on hand which supply valuable information
for making out the ancient geography of the country,
yet the published records alone are not sufficient to
determine completely the districts and sub-divisions
that existed at the time of which we are speaking.
Still, it would be useful to put down a few points of
general interest which could be gleaned from them.
For making the boundaries of lands, villages and
divisions, natural objects of a permanent nature were
utilised. Among such objects were mountains, hills,
rocks, ant-hills, rivers, streams, canals, stumps of big
trees, trees and banks. Stones with boundary marks
were also used for the same purpose. One of the
territorial divisions of the ChSla country at the time
of Rajaraja I (llth century A.D.) was" Uyyakkondar-
valanadu and this district denoted the piece of
land that lay between the two rivers Arisil and the
Kaveri. Rajendrasimha-valanadu was the name
given to another district of the same province and it
included all the territory situated on the north bank
of the Kaveri. The villages on the north bank of the
Kaduvaiyaru river, which flowed through the Tanjore
district were comprised in the district of Vada-kadu-
vay, while those of the southern bank of the same
river formed the division of Ten-kaduvay. The
TERRITORIAL DIVISIONS BOUNDARY MARKS ETC. 361
former division was afterwards changed into Aru-
molideva-valanadu ancl the latter was called
Kshatriyasikhamani-valanadu. A number of other
instances might be given to show that the banks of
rivers formed the boundaries of districts. Such
districts and sub-divisions existed in the tracts water-
ed by the Palaru, Tamraparni, Pennar and the
Vaigai. To know that districts had mountains and
hills for their boundaries wherever these are found, the
names of many of the kottams of Tondai-mandalam
might be instanced. Thus, Kunravardanam, Venkun-
ram, Vengadam, Menmalai and Naduvinmalai had
given their names to districts. The high roads, which
existed in the country and which were the trade
routes of early days, also formed the boundaries of
divisions. Examples of these are Vadakajavali-nadu,
Tenkalavali-nadu, Vadavali-nadu Vadugavalimerku
and Perumbanappadi. The eastern boundary of
the last was the high road leading to the Andhra
country from Dravida. There was another high
road leading to the Kongu country and this also
formed the boundary of some districts. Though
these general facts are known from published
records, it is necessary to study a larger number
of them to fix with any amount of certainty the
district limits of ancient Dekhan which, in some
cases, changed several times. There are instances
where villages which once belonged to one district
had passed into another later on.
The number of villages comprised in each
territorial division or province was ascertained in
ancient times. A large collection of inscriptions
bear testimony to this fact. Gangavadi i-e. the
46
362 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Ganga province had in it as many as 96,000 villages,
while Nulambavadi had 3fe,000 and Rattapadi 7J
lakshas. The numbers given against each of the
following divisions of the country show how many
villages there were in them.
Rattapadi 7i lakshas.
Nulambavadi 32,000.
Gangapadi 96,000.
Ballamkonda 300.
Kogali 500.
Masavadi 140.
Kadambalige 1,000.
Kottur 32,000.
Kimkad 70.
Beliyanda 4,000.
Edadore 2,000.
Kudipara 70.
Kukkanur 30.
Punnad 6,000.
SECTION X :— THE VILLAGES AND TOWNS ;
THEIK FOKMATION.
For administrative purposes every village in the
country was included in a small sub-division which
in its turn belonged to a bigger district. It will be
interesting to point out what the village unit was.
It was not merely a village with a number of houses
in it as at the present day. Places situated within
a radius of 8 or 10 miles were grouped together
and all of them received the name of the principal
village. They had a regularly constituted assembly
to control or look after the affairs. Thus in each
group there were, besides the principal village,
several other villages which were called the hamlets
THE VILLAGES AND TOWNS. 363
(padagai) of it, the latter being dependent on the
principal one for matters concerning their adminis-
tration. Members for the village assembly were
selected not only from the principal village but also
from its hamlets. Besides the hamlet, there were a
number of smaller settlements called cheris attached
to each village. Both, within the town and outside
of it, there were big streets which were divided into
several wards. The Tanjore inscriptions give the
names of streets and quarters inhabited by men of
various professions and these were situated within
and outside of Tanjavur. The inscriptions of Tiru-
visalur and Tirrukkalittattai mention a number
of cheris which formed part of Vembarrur- To give
a further example, it might be said that in the llth
century A.D., Bajaraja-Chaturvedimangalam inclu-
ded in it the modern villages of Ambasamudram,
Kalladaikkuruchchi, Brahmadesam, Tiruvahsvaram,
Alvarkurichchi, Kadaiyam and several others and
had as many as twelve cheris.
A few villages are mentioned as taniyur. In
naming these, lithic records particularly omit to state
the smaller sub-divisions in which generally villages
are said to be situated, but furnish only the districts
to which they belonged. The term taniyur means a
separate village We have perhaps to understand
that this appellation was given them to denote that
they were principal towns of the districts and that
they formed a separate unit for purposes of adminis-
tration.
Before closing this section a word may be said
regarding the formation of villages and towns in
ancient times which appear to have been done on
364 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
definite plans. Provision was invariably made for
the growth of these in after years, owing either to an
increase in the population or by fresh settlement of
families from outside. Accordingly, in each village a
few acres of land had been set apart as village-site
and house-site and every facility was afforded to
erect new buildings. There was absolutely no room
for overcrowding and quarters were not muddled to-
gether indiscriminately. Every profession or caste
had separate squares for residential purposes. And this
system had its own advantage in the corporate life
of the communities, each of which followed some
profession or craft. The village was divided iuto
a number of wards and their interest was represented
in the village assembly. Each class of people had its
own burial ground or burning ghat and there was a
separate pathway for taking the corpses to these
places. Spacious grounds were allotted for the grazing
of the cattle and special precaution was taken as
regards the supply of water for drinking purposes.
It was strictly enjoined that it should not be used
for common purposes. There were roads leading to
and from each village, which appear to have been
neglected totally when the administration of village
assemblies ceased to be in existence after the 16th
and 17th centuries. Every village had a temple in
it. The popular saying is " no temple" "no village".
In the case of towns, there were, besides all these
mentioned above, a fort, a moat, palaces and a forest
just at the entrance to them. There were big bazaars
and every article was also taken and sold house to
house. There were city-guards moving to and fro to
keep peace and order. On the borders were cultivated
VILLAGES AND towNS. 365
fruit-bearing trees of every description and sweet-
scented herbs.
SECTION XI :— IRBIGATION.
In a country like Southern India where there are
no large lakes and where the supply of water even in
the rivers is precarious, and is more or less regulated
by the rainfall, there must naturally be expected to be
found a number of artificial tanks, wells or other con-
trivances made to store up water whenever that could
be had. The Tamil classical work Maduraikkanchi in
describing the state of the Pandya country in about
the beginning of the 7th century A.D., states that there
were several big tanks in that part of the Dekhan
which were fed by the water from the river Vaigai
flowing through the country in a meandering course
carrying an enormous quantity of water when in
freshes. Almost all the rivers of the Tamil country
are dry during the greater part of the year. Early
kings of the various dynasties that held sway over
the Dekhan realised the difficulty in this respect and
set about rectifying it- They constructed tanks and
wells, dug out canals, sluices and embankments. In
the Ramnad district there are, even at the present
day, several tanks which cover a large area, being
some miles in circumference, but the channels which
fed them with the water of the Vaigai have now dis-
appeared. The Kurivitturai inscriptions, of the time
of Jatavarman Srivallabha, of about the later half of
the 12th century A-D., refer to stone anicuts, canals
and water courses which existed at the time. Kura-
vikkalladaippu mentioned in one of these epigraphs
is probably the head of a sluice, from the river Vaigai.
366 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
The anicut called Parakrama-Pandiyan-Kallanai
must have been a stone embankment, connected with
the irrigation system of the Vaigai, and it may be
noted that the present Kallanai is not far from the
Kuruvitturai temple. It is not unlikely that it refers
to an ancient irrigation work at the spot, which is
now improved or replaced by the modern Kallanai. A
third source of irrigation in this part of the country
was Vira-Pandyankai, which must be a channel cut
from the Vaigai to water the lands near Kuruvitturai.
The Vikramangalarn inscriptions also speak of some
other works of the kind, One of the epigraphs of
Jatavarman Srivallabha refers to the opening of a
new channel called Parakrama-Pandyankal, which
had to be closed owing to an objection raised that it
was cut just above a main canal.
In the Chola country also, there were a number
of tanks, besides a net work of canals from the
Kaveri and its branches, all dating back to very early
times and covering almost the whole of the Kaveri
delta. Vermaru and the Arisilaru were in existence
prior to the time of Karikala who lived in the 1st half
of the 6th century A.D. Palankaveri and Kollidam
are mentioned in the hymns of Tirujnanasambandar
and Appar as well as in some of the inscriptions.
Thus they appear to have irrigated the lands of the
Tanjore district from some time prior to the 7th
century A.D. Of these, the name Palankaveri indicates
that the course of the river changed, giving rise to a
new source of irrigation and it might have been so-
called to distinguish it from the new. It is not
known if this diversion of the river was due to natural
causes or if it was the work of any particular person.
IRRIGATION, 367
In spite of the diversion of water in these branches,
the Kaveri seems to have carried an enormous quan-
tity of water and caused damage to the country when
in flood. And it was given to Karikala to build high
banks to the river and to open fresh canals to improve
the irrigation of the country. His device successfully
prevented the annual destruction for nearly 15 cen-
turies. The canal called Virasolan should have been
opened during the time of Parantaka I (907-953)
and it is mentioned in the records of that king.
Other early irrigation canals mentioned in lithic
records are the Kirttimarttandan, Uyyakkondan, and
Mudikondan. These must have been opened during
the time of the early Chola kings of the 10th and llth
centuries.
The benefits which the country derived from
Pallava rule are varied in their character. They
started a number of huge works which gave employ-
ment to skilled and unskilled labourers for an
indefinite period. The Pallavas improved the several
arts of the Dekhan and made the people acquire a high
degree of prosperity. Among the monumental works
left by them in Southern India may be mentioned
the rock-cut caves and tanks. It will be enough to
point out here that most of the irrigation works con-
structed under their patronage in the Tamil country
were of immense capacity, and some of them continue
to be in good repair. These are noticed by Mr.
Vankayya in his able paper on 'The Irrigation in
Ancient Times.' There was a channel cut from
the river Palaru called Perumbidugu-vaykkal and
this was probably cut in the beginning of the 7th
century A.D., by the Pallava king Mahendravarman I,
368 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
one of whose surnames was Perumbidugu. The
same king is stated to have constructed a tank
in the town of Mahendravadi, in the Chingleput
district. This tank called Mahendra-tataka is
now in a ruined condition and is identical with
the one on whose bank stands the temple l. Other
irrigation works in the Chingleput and North
Arcot districts which came into existence during
Pallava times are Vayiramega-tataka, Paramesvara-
tataka, Tiraiyaneri and Chitramega-tataka. It was
customary in those days to parcel out a few acres of
land irrigated by tanks, among some families and
bind them and their descendants to do certain speci-
fied works connected with the proper upkeep of the
tanks. The service, which these families rendered
in exchange for the free enjoyment of the lands
assigned to them, was the removal of a fixed quantity
of silt from the bed of the tank and depositing
the same on the bund. It is stated that there were
boats kept for the purpose of carrying the silt. We
need scarcely say that this ancient practice, while it
increased the capacity of the tank in the course of
a few years, also proportionately strengthened the
bund. The popular Tamil saying " As the banks are
raised there will be more water, as the water increases
so will paddy, increase of paddy brings in more
prosperity to the people, and with the prosperity of
the subjects the king's dignity grows!" is quite
characteristic of their practice.
At Uyyakkondan-Tirumalai in the Trichinopoly
district there was a channel called Vayiramega-
vaykkal. Evidently this came into existence during
1 A. R. for 1896 p. 4.
IREIGATION. 369
the time of the Pallava king Dantivarman, the son and
successor of Nandivarman Pallavamalla. At Alam-
bakkam another village in the same district there was
a big tank called Marppidugeri which is perhaps
identical with the one now existing in that village. At
Tiruvellarai, 12 miles from Trichinopoly, there is a big
well which is so constructed as to give it the form of
a svastika. An inscription engraved on the stone
margin of this well registers the fact that it was con-
structed by a certain Kamban Araiyan and was called
Marppidugu-perunginaru. In editing this inscription
which is dated in the reign of Dantivarman of the
Pallava Tilaka family, the author has shown that the
well at Tiruvellarai and the tank at Alambakkam,
referred to above should have come into existence in
the 9th century A.D., and that they should have
been called after Marppidugu, a feudatory of the
Pallava Tilaka Danti of the 9th century A.D. Con-
struction of tanks was quite a common feature in
ancient times not only in the Tamil country but also
in the Kanarese and Telugu districts. We have only
to open the pages 'of some volume of inscriptions to
see how numerous were the works of this description
undertaken in early times. Enormous sums of money
seem to have been spent almost in every reign of the
ancient kings of the Dekhan, both by the State and
by private individuals of means, influence and power
for digging new tanks, opening fresh channels,
providing sluices or building Kalingu works, embank-
ments and the like. When private individuals
undertook such a task and thus enabled the waste
lands of the districts to be brought under cultivation,
they were rewarded by the gifts of tax-free lands and
47
370 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
certain other concessions. While some of these
works were undertaken to secure merit for the dead,
others were taken up for the benefit of the public.
A Hoskote epigraph states that when a new tank was
constructed, it was ordered that all the lands under
it were to be enjoyed as a sarvamanya for the first
two years, and that in later years only 2 kudangai
should be taken. This record also mentions the
committee of great men in charge of the fields.
Another inscription from the same place which
is dated in Saka 1253 (=A.D. 1331) and in the reign
of Hoysala king Viravallala? states that the sand
that filled the pit to the east of the village was
removed and a tank was constructed and on this
account it was ordered that all the lands that were
attached to it should be enjoyed as a sarvamanya as
long as the sun and the moon endure- Another
document from the Anikal Taluq registers the
fact that the big tank at Suguni having breached, a
private individual reconstructed the seven breaches
at his own expense, and that in recompense for this
act the mahajanas of the village assembled together
and gave two Kudangai-kalani under the tank.
Instances of this kind might be multiplied, but the few
that are cited here are sufficient to show the custom
or law of those times as regards the construction of
tanks and how the lands under them were enjoyed.
Construction of tanks, channels and other irrigation
works was of daily occurrence and almost all kings,
without any exception, ?eem to have done it.
OFFICERS AND THEIK DUTIES. 371
SECTION XII :— OFFICERS AND THEIR DUTIES.
The following offices existed in ancient times : —
i. Tirumandiravolai : This word is made of
tine (sacred), mandiram (council) and olai (order).
The primary meaning of the last is ' palm-leaf ' and
it denotes an order conveyed by a palm-leaf on which
it is written. Thus the meaning of the compound
Tirumandiravolai is the sacred order (of the king)
and of his council. From being an order of the king,
issued after consultation with his councillors, the term
seems to have denoted the officer of the king who
communicated it to others for being carried out.
This is learnt by the fact that the term was assumed
as a part of or prefix to the names of such persons.
They were mostly personal attendants on the king
and being the first to hear the orders issued by him,
they committed them to writing almost in the very
words of the king, signed and sent them to others for
entry in books, kept for that purpose and for giving
effect to them. There were some grades of officers of
this class.
ii. Udankuttam : This term is also met with
largely. It means the body of men (going) with
(the king). Among this body, there were several
officers belonging to the department of taxes or
accounts, besides the pallichchivigaiyar (palanquin
bearers), tirumunkotti (the guard of honour going
before the king), talaiyeduppar (those who carry the
royal emblem or insignia), kattikkarar (those who
carry swords) and others.
iii. Tiruvaykkelvi : This compound means those
who hear (what comes from) the sacred mouth (of
372 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the king). There were a number of persons of this
class appointed in ancient times. Some at least
of them ought to be in attendance on the king
always to note down what he said. The king might
give a suggestion or order while he is bathing,
when giving charity, inspecting any place or institu-
tion such as colleges, temples or other buildings.
Members of this class who were in attendance on the
king by turns communicated h'rst the royal orders to
the tirumandiravolai officers.
iv. Puravuvari-tinaikkalam : This term is made
up of puravu, vari and tinaikkalam. The meaning
of the first two words is ' tax ' and it is not unlikely
that there was seme difference in the use of the two,
Tinaikkalam has to be taken to mean ' a department.'
Thus puravuvari-tinaikkalam might be construed as
indicating the department which dealt with the
several sources of income of the king or in other
words the account branch of the State. In this
branch of the official machinery, there were several
grades of officers and perhaps there were many
departments for the various divisions of the country.
The grades of officers are : —
Puravuvari-tinaikkala — Kankani.
„ Nayagam.
„ Mugavetti.
„ Varippottagam.
„ Variyilidu.
„ Pattolai.
Kankani might be taken to denote ' an examiner of
accounts ' and nayagam, is probably ' a superintend-
ent.' Mugavetti is perhaps a personal noun derived
from mugavefa which means ' an index ' i.e. that
OFFICERS AND THEIR DUTIES. 373
which gives the first words. Varippottagam may be
rendered as ' the tax register ' and it was perhaps in
this book that all revenues, due to the State, were
entered. Variyilidu is probably another form of
variyedu. Pattolai might be the register in which
all orders of the king were filed.
Besides the books and accounts mentioned above,
there appear to have been others of which two are
known, viz., ningal and irangal.
To give a clear idea as regards the procedure
adopted in communicating royal orders and the
maintenance of account books, we give here the trans-
lation of an early record of the time of the Chola
king Rajendra-Chola I which refers to the various
details involved in the transaction. It occurs in
connection with a grant made by the king while
he was encamped at Vikramasolapuram in Kaiva-
ra-nadu, a division of Nigurilisola-mandalam. " The
king ordered orally that the income or revenue
of the village of Pirakkampalli which consisted of
176 kalam, 6 kuruni, 4 nali and 3 alakku of paddy
and 132 kalanju, 3 manjadi, 6 ma and 1 kani of gold
or coin, should be granted to meet the expenses of
the temple of Pidari at Kuvalala (i. e. Kolar).
In the very words of the king, a written order was
sent. It was signed by two persons who bore the
official designation tirumandiravolai and five others
who heard the king pronounce the order. On receipt
of this order, some of the officers (adigarigal) issued
instructions that the grant should be so registered
in the account books (variyilittukkolga) and the
command was reiterated by certain others who
374 ANCIENt DEKHAtf.
belonged to the class of officers called udankuttattu-
adigarigal, vidaiyil-adigarigal and madliyastas. As
directed by ail these? the officials belonging to the
tax department (Puravuvari-tinaikkalam, Nayagam,
mugavetti, varippottaga-kanakku, variyilidu and
pattolai) being present together, carried out the order
and set their signatures in token of having done so."
It is interesting to note that the incomes which
the king derived from each village is determined once
for all and entered in the account books even to the
minutest detail and that it consisted of both money
and grain. The inscription states that the procedure
involved took a long time to carry out. The order
contained in it was issued in the 7th year of
the king, but was carried out in the 13th. Though
six years were taken to complete the transaction,
effect was given to the order from the date when
the king issued it. The titles Sarvakratuyaji,
somayaji and bhatta, borne by some of the officers,
show that they were men of high learning.
SECTION XIII :— WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.
Another point on which we get useful informa-
tion from inscriptions is the weights and measures.
Grain such as paddy, rice, pulse, etc., and liquids
such as ghee, oil and curds were sold by measures.
The standard measures in those days were called by
the names of reigning kings, villages or gods. The
Ambasamudram inscription of Vavaguna-Pandya,
and some of the Tanjore epigraphs are very
valuable in this respect. From a study of these
records, the following table of measures could be
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 375
made out. The smallest measure used was the
sevidu, 5 sevidu made 1 alakku, 2 alakku made 1
ulakku, 2 ulakku made 1 uri, 2 uri made 1 nali, 8
nali made 1 kuruni, 2 kuruni wa,s equal to Ipadakku,
4 kuruni or 2 padakku was equal to 1 tuni, and 3 tuni
or 12 kuruni was equal to 1 kalam.
1 kalam=12 kuruni or 3 tuni.
1 padakku=2 kuruni.
1 kuruni=8 nali.
1 nali=2 uri.
1 uri =2 ulakku.
1 ulakku =2 alakku.
1 alakku =5 sevidu.
From 'an inscription of Mulbagal, we get the
following additional piece of information which is
very valuable as affording a means of comparison
with the modern prices of articles : — (i) For obtaining
two measures of rice 5 measures of paddy were
required. Though by husking and cleaning one
would get half the quantity of rice from a given
quantity of paddy, the Mulbagal inscription and
several others state that rice was obtained for paddy
in the ratio of 2 to 5. It may be inferred from this
that the remainder viz. £ a measure of rice was
apparently set apart for the wages required to pound
aud clean 5 measures of paddy ; (ii) that ghee
which is now in some parts sold by weight was in
ancient times invariably exchanged by measures, and
that curds were, as now, sold or given in measures ;
(iii) one nali of paddy could be exchanged for 1/16 nali
of ghee, 1 nali of curds, 10 arecanuts, 20 plantain
leaves or 1/16 nali of oil. It is worthy of note that
376 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
paddy and curds were sold at the same price. And
in purchasing the necessary articles of daily con-
sumption, paddy was used. Generally paddy was
the medium of exchange, though money was not
unknown. The same record states the price of
cloths for the god and goddess in coin or money and
gives the paddy value of the kasu required to purchase
the cloth ; (iv) the year is always mentioned to
have had 360 days, and that in temples, worship
(service) was conducted thrice daily.
As regards the standards used in measuring, it
may be stated that in the village parts of Madura
and other districts we still retain the names of the
measures such as Jcalam, kuruni, padakku, tiini, nali
and alakku, and that they have even now the same
relation to each other as in the times of which we
are speaking. It is interesting to add that the smallest
unit i.e. sevidu is now known by the term sodu
and its corruption to this form is quite easy to ex-
plain.
The Mulbagal record under reference, states that
the marakkal (the wooden measure) which was in
use there, was called Arumolidevan evidently called
after one of the names of the Chola king Biijaraja I.
The Tanjore inscriptions give for the same measure
the name Adavallan which was the name of the
principal deity in the big temple at Tanjore. We
are further informed that the Adavallan measure
was equal to a RajaJcesari. The latter name was
probably that of an older measure which the other
replaced. At Vedaranyam in the Tanjore district, the
measure in usage was called Tirumaraikkadan after
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 377
the name of the village. Many more instances might
be given but for our present purposes these are
sufficient.
The standard weights used for gold, silver, copper
and other metals were Tcalanju, manjadi, kunri, ma
and Mm. The following is a table of these.
1 kalanju=20 manjadi.
1 manjadi =2 kunri.
1 ma =1/10 manjadi.
1 kani='l/40 manjadi.
Some of the proper names of standard weights
are Videlvidugu, Dandavani-kal, Dakshinameru-
vidangan and Adavallan. The first of these was
called after a king, while the rest were named after
the gods. It may be noted that for testing the
carets of gold separate stones were employed.
SECTION XIV:— COINS AND ORNAMENTS.
As is the case in all early societies, money was
sparingly used in the Dekhan. It was principally
due to two causes.
i. The coinage of the country was not profuse,
ii. (a) Bartering in kind was not difficult.
(b) Payment in kind besides being easy, avoided
much complications.
In the earliest times which could be taken
cognizance of by history, the people of the Dekhan
did not have recourse to minting ; but they valued
the precious metals such as silver and gold, especially
18
378 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the latter. Sources of these were not abundant
to them in their own land as it proved to be at some
later time. They were content with the collection
of gold from the alluvial washings'. The products
raised in South India found a ready market in the then
civilised coifntries and the people realised their gold
by the sale of these articles. And hence most of the
gold which they obtained were coins struck in
foreign mints, principally Rome. These poured into
the country so abundantly that the people were con-
tent with using them whenever occasions needed. In
tine, Roman coins appear to have formed the currency
of South India for centuries. Coins of foreign
countries were made use of when the price of articles
sold or purchased was high. But in simple cases, the
process of bartering was by exchange of paddy, the
unit of reconning being of course money which was
quite common, though it did not come into play
as often as one would expect. This procedure could
not have caused any inconvenience to the dealers,
since there were public granaries scattered all
over the country, where they could readily convert
grain into money, if need be. Mostly the paddy
realised by the sale of articles was utilised by dealers
in purchasing articles of export value. Considering
the limited use of money, no inference regarding the
backwardness of the people of ancient Dekhan could
be drawn just in the same way as one would, in the
case of other countries, because the conditions were
different.
In the early literature of the Tamils, which could
at best be assigned to 5th to 8th centuries A.D., there
are clear references to gold coins, These are pon,
COINS & ORNAMENTS OF GOLD, SILVER, & GEMS. 379
kasu, kanam and porkasu. Though they are men-
tioned as having been frequently used, natural
economy continued to exist till a very "late period.
There was thus no transition from the one to the
other and there are strong reasons to think
that since the 5th century A.D. up to the latest times
Dekhan was under a natural economy and a money
economy simultaneously. To show that coinage was
not unknown to the people of the Dekhan, innumer-
able and conclusive evidences might be given.
It has been stated on the authority of old
lithic records and the writings of the Muhammadan
historians that South India, despite the want of
natural sources of gold, abounded in a fabulous
quantity of that metal. From the 1st or 2nd
century B.C., Dekhan kept up a profitable trade
with almost all the civilized powers of Europe
and the East. Pliny informs us that in the pur-
chase of female ornaments the wealth of the Roman
empire was irrecoverably given away to foreign
nations. He computes the annual loss, on account
of commercial intercourse with India, at upwards
of 8 lakhs pounds sterling. There was a large
demand in Italy for pepper, ginger, cardomum, cloves,
and in short for all kinds of aromatics which the
Romans used not only on occasions of marriage
and funeral but also in their daily meals. The
country which supplied them these is expressly
stated to be India Silk garments and jewels made
of gold, silver, pearls and diamonds were supplied
from Southern India. These articles, it is said,
sold at Rome at hundred times their actual price in
India. A pound of silk cost a pound of gold. In
380 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
the eyes of the Romans, pearl took the first rank
after diamond. It is unnecessary to go into further
details here-' The flourishing ports of the Dekhan
and Ceylon were the principal places, whence the
Romans largely obtained these commodities.
The Tamil classical work Maduraikkanchi, ascribed
to the 7th century A. D., states that pepper,
ginger, pearls and jewels were largely exported
from the Pandya country. It gives a glowing picture
of the busy life at ihe time of the arrival of foreign ves-
sels. Another poem which supplies useful information
in this direction is Pattinappalai for which a transla-
tion is given on pages, 197/, above. The commercial
relationship maintained for a period of 7 or 8 centuries
from the 1st or 2nd century B.C., between Rome and
Southern India, gave the latter country immense
quantities of gold which the skilled workmen of the
place shaped into nice jewels which again found
large purchasers in the Roman markets. In jewel-
lery, the people of ancient Dekhan reached a high
degree of skill. The variety and richness of the
ornaments, mentioned both in the early literature
of the Tamils and in a number of epigraphs, reflect
not a little the fine taste of the people ; and the
profusion of jewels with which the images found in
South Indian temples are charmingly decked from
head to foot, vividly portray the aesthetic sense
of the times. Some of the old ornaments have no
representative in the modern jeweller's shop and even
& mere list of them is not without value to the student
who wants to form a picture of the ancient people.
As such, it is given below. Many of these were made
of gold and the nine gems and some were of silver.
COINS AND ORNAMENTS. 381
Tiruppattam = diadem ; Tirumudi= sacred lock;
Pallittongal or malai=garland; Dhavalachhatrain or
Korrakkudai = white parasol or parasol of victory;
Porpu = gold flower; tiralmanivadam= combination of
strings; Kaikkarai=arm-ring ; Adikkarai = foot-ring;
Annam=swan ; Kili=parrot ; S6nagachchidukku =
lock formed in the fashion of the Jonakas ;
Sonagachchidukkin-kudu=the cover for the same;
Vayirasayalam ; padasayalam ; makutam = crown ;
vali and vacjugavali = ear-ring ; Bhadram = auspicious
mark; mattirai; sudagam = bracelet ; nayanam or
kamnalar=eye; sutti=a forehead ornament ; punul =
sacred strings ; tali = marriage badge ; tali-manivadam
= the string for holding the same ; kandattudar or
kandanan= necklace ; pulligai-kandanan= composite
necklace; purattudar with padugan and kokkuvay =
outer chains worn at the back to hold the
various ornaments of the neck ; pottu=forehead
mark; katakarn= brace let (set with jewels or corals) ;
modiram= finger-ring; pattigai=a girdle ; muttuvalai-
yal or ratna-valaiyal= pearl or jewelled bracelets;
Srichhanda ; Bhasamala= garland of rays ; Panchasari
or saptasari= ornament of 5 or 7 strings; Padakkam
= breast plate ; kalavam^part of the above ; ekavalli ;
kalvadam=foot-strings ; Prabhai = an aureola; Kama-
lam = lotus ; Sedi= shrub ; Bahu valayam= armlet ;
kumbhattagadu or mattagattagadu= forehead plate ;
karkandu ; tudar=chains ; Prishtakandigai=outer
necklace ; and uluttu.
We have given here a rather big list of
ornaments. Yet ib is not exhaustive. Many of these
were made of silver, gold, pearls and the nine
382 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
gems. Pearl and coral were mostly produced in
the Chera and Paiidya countries. In describing
the people of the MalakQta country, — which we
have elsewhere said must denote the Pandya
territory, — the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang says
that they were wholly given to commercial gain
and that the produce of the neighbouring islands were
taken to that country for being analysed. The pil-
grim refers no doubt to the pearls and corals that
were collected in that part of the country for ages
long past. Epigraphical confirmation of the fact
that the Pandya and Chera countries had large quan-
tities of pearls, corals and gold, is found in the
Tanjore inscriptions, which state that the Chola
king Rajaraja I, after defeating these two powers
in the country of rnalai-nadu, took with him an
immense treasure. He utilised part of it in making
ornaments to the god set up in. the Raja-Rajesvara
temple built by him at Tanjore. The treasure con-
sisted chiefly of gold, pearls and coral with a small
quantity of silver. The varieties of pearls mentioned
in these records are vattam (round pearls), anuvattam
(pearls with slightly curved surface), oppumuttu
(those which are hollow within), kurumuttu (small
pearls), nimbolam, and payittam. It is worth re-
membering that among the several kinds of pearls
•which were admitted into the treasury of the Magadha
king in the 3rd century B.C., there were those pro-
duced from the Tamraparni river, the Pandya country
and from Pasa, a port in the Ramnad district.
Inscriptions speak of several varieties of diamond
and the nine gems. These were produced in the
COINS AND ORNAMENTS. 383
southern country and worked into ornaments. The
beryl mines of Padiyur in the Coimbatore district are
mentioned by the Eomans, who refer to the gem as
being of sea green colour. Others liken the colour to
that of a parrot's feather and of water. It is called
Vaidurya and its varieties are Pushyaraga and Gome-
daka. These were largely obtained in the Malaya
mountains and Malabar and sent out to distant parts.
The Muhammadan historian Amir Khusru informs
us that there was a diamond mine at Bijanagar and
Morco Polo also refers to similar mines in the north
of the Presidency. All these mines appear to have
existed even during the time of the Maurya emperor
Chandragupta.1
The list of ornaments given above shows that
they were made of different varieties and shapes.
The formation of most of these could be imagined
with reference to their modern equivalents ; but the
names of some have changed thoroughly, while the rest
have, as noted already, no representatives at all at
the present day. It is worthy of mention that the
ancients wore jewels mado in the form of flowers,
shrubs, parrots, swan, etc. The ornament called
uluttu is perhaps now known by the term uruttu.
Some of the jewels were made out of gold and inlaid
with gems, while pearls and gems were fastened to
others.
Gold being a heavy metal, most of the ornaments
had only gold covers which were filled with lac.
1 Kautiya'a arthasastra pp. 86/.
384 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Some ancient customs.
One of tbe most important ancient customs
of Southern India revealed by the inscriptions,
is the building of shrines and temples over the
tombs or in honour of the dead. The literature
of the Tamils contains a few references to this
kind of practice which, as will be shown below, was
generally prevalent in the Dekhan. Silappadigaram
states that temples were erected in several parts of
the Tamil country, nay even in Ceylon and Northern
India, to enshrine the image of Kannagi and
thus refers to an ancient custom. In the 10th
idyll, Malaipadukadam of Pattuppattu, Perun-
gunrur Kousikanar of Iranyamuttam writes that the
country abounds in hero-stones planted with inscrip-
tions to celebrate the fame of military men, who have
given their lives in fighting to the last with the
enemy, even when the whole army was put to flight,
thinking it better to die in battle-field than brook the
ignominy attending a flight. Similar references to
this kind of monuments are found in Purapporul-
venbamalai and Tolgappiyarn. Inscriptions discover-
ed in the Kanarese country amply bear testimony to
*ihe account given in the Tamil works just referred
to. Some at least of these monuments belong to the
10th century A.D. Men of remarkable deeds, who had
earned the admiration and respect of the people
during their life-time, such as the Saiva Nayanmars,
the Vaishnava Alvars and a few of the kings of
Southern India came to be deified in later times. The
earliest reference to a temple built on the tomb of a
dead person is perhaps the one at Satyavedu in the
SOME ANCIENT CUSTOMS. 385
Ponneri Taluka of the Chinglepet district. Two of
the inscriptions of this temple are dated in the 4th
and 5th years of the region of the Ganga-Pallava king
Aparajita who appears to have flourished in the last
quarter of the 9th century A.D. They call the temple
Mattangan Palli and this is perhaps to be interpreted
as the tomb of Matanga. The word Palli occurring
here cannot be taken to mean ' a Jaina temple '
because it is still a Siva shrine- Popular tradi-
tion connects the temple with the sage Matanga-
maharishi for which there is no warrant. At Tiru-
nagesvaram near Kumbakonam, there is a mandapa in
front of the Nagesvarasvamin temple and it contains
an inscription of the time of Raj ake sari varmari who
has been identified with Aditya I. It mentions a
shrine of Miladudaiyar Palli. The first part of this
name might be connected with the Saiva saint
Meypporul-Nayanar, who was the lord of Miladu i.e.
the country of which the capital was Tirukoilur. It
may be seriously doubted if the Tirunagesvaram
inscription refers to a shrine built in honour of the
saint, because thereis ample evidence in the sculptures
found all round the shrine of the goddess in the Siva
temple, that there was a big Jaina temple in the
place from which these images should have been
removed to the place where they are now found.
Most of the images are certainly Jaina in their form.
Besides the people of Tirunagesvaram say that the
images in question were removed from a field near
a ruined temple. The ruined temple should there-
fore have been a Jaina shrine and it might have
borne the name Miladudaiyar-Palli indicating that
49
386 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
it was built by a Miladu chief, who was in all like-
lihood a feudatory of the Chola king of his time.
During the time^of Rajaraja I (A.D. 985-1013),
the images of the Saiva saints Tirunavukkarasu,
Jnanasambanda, Sundaramurti and his two wives;
Siruttonda and his father and son ; and several others
were set up in the big temple of Rajarajesvara built
by him at Tanjore. The large number of images set
up shows that the worship of the dead great, had
become quite common at the end of the 10th
century A.D. and the beginning of the llth. One of
the inscriptions of the Siva temple at Tondamanad
near Kalahasti in the Chittoor district, is very
interesting to note in this connection. It registers
the fact that the temple which bears the record under
reference was erected as B, paUippadai (i.e. a memorial
over the remains) of the king who died at Tondai-
man-Arrur. Since the place itself is called by the
name Tondaiman-Perarrur, there is little doubt that
the king on whose behalf it was built died in the
place and the temple was probably raised over the
place of his burial. The king here referred to is
spoken of, in an inscription at Tirumalperu, as the
immediate predecessor of Parantaka I, indicating
clearly that he is identical with Aditya I. The
Melpadi inscription of Rajaraja I states that the
temple of Arinjesvara was erected as a pallippadai
to the king who died at Arrur. From the very
fact that the temple was erected in a place
different from where died, it is certain that there
is a clear reference to the construction of a shrine
in honour of the dead king, not being on his
tomb but far removed from the place of burial, We
SOME ANCIENT CUSTOMS. 387
have already noted that during the time of Rajaraja I,
this practice had become quite common and we have
also referred to the images of certain Saiva-Nayan-
mars set up in temples. It is particularly worthy
of mention that the elder sister of Rajaraja I had
built shrines for Ponmaligaittunjinadeva and for
her own mother, set up their images in them and
provided richly for their daily offerings. Some
of the inscriptions of Tirukkalittattai show that
Ponmaligaittunjinadeva (i.e. the king who died in a
golden palace) is identical with Sundara-Chola alias
Parantaka II and as such this shrine was erected by
Kundavai for her father. Here then are instances of
persons obtaining a halo of divinity soon after their
death i.e. within a space of 30 years. When we look at
the lives of these two persons, we see that there were
some grounds for the step taken by Kundavai. The
Tiruvalangadu plates state that the people believed
Sundara-Chola to be Manu born again in order to
establish on earth his laws which had become lax on
account of the Kaliijuga and that when that emperor
was ruling the world, pain was a thing unheard of.
The Leyden plates mention that he was equal to Siva
and that he pleased his subjects greatly. Kundavai's
mother, whose name is not given in the Tanjore
inscription noticed above, must be Vanavanmahadevi,
who, according to the Tiruvalangadu, plates com-
mitted sahagamana on her husband's death. The
facts detailed above must have been the reasons for
setting up the images of these two in the Tanjore
temple. Rajaraja himself had earned an undying
glory by the building of the stupendous structure
and by his munificent gifts to it, of almost the
388 ANCIENfr DEKHAti.
whole of the booty gained in his wars against the
Pandya, the Chera and the Chalukya kings. His fame
in raising the glory of the Chola family had spread
far and wide. On this account, his image was set
up in the temple at Tanjore. Instances could be
multiplied without limit but as what have already
noticed is sufficient to establish that hero-worship
was prevalent in the land, during the period we speak
of, there is no need for them.
Aryan Colonisation of the Dekhan.
The emigration of North Indian families into
the south for purposes of making permanent
settlements— by way of conquests or otherwise — and
their final absorption into the southern race which
gradually remodelled the life and customs of the
people of the Dekhan, requires to be noticed. It is a
subject on which also we get information from
epigraphs. The glimpse that we get of the state of
Southern India in the remotest ages, is that it was
included in the region of a great forest, following
closely upon a mountain system, which stretched
from the Vindhyas to Cape Comorin and the Gulf
of Mannar, and which, by a thousand ramifications,
penetrated into almost every part of the country,
dividing it into so many principalities with evident
marks of self-protection. Throughout this region
there were rivers and streams, which though not so
ARYAN COLONISATION OF THE DEKHAN. 389
great as those in the Hindustan, were full, at least
during some months of the year, and occasionally
overflowed their banks and enriched the soil by depo-
siting enormous quantities of silt. Many of these
mountains, rivers and forests are mentioned in the
Puranas and have, according to the conception of the
Hindu mind, acquired a sanctity. While the interior
was thus studded with such natural objects and had
several spots here and there full of charm for the
foundation of colonies which had all the elements of
a successful and vigorous growth, the Dekhan was
provided with a coast Hue on two of its sides which
in those times had several excellent ports. This
had left a distinctive mark on the country and its
people. Besides serving as a bulwark against the
easy attack of foreigners and separating the country
from alien kingdoms, the coast of South India with
its many ports determined the character and pursuits
of the people. Ships from distant lands brought the
South into constant contact with other nations of
maritime enterprise and stimulated commercial
and industrial activities. From the history of other
nations, we gather that commodities of Southern India
found place in the markets of China, Assyria, Egypt,
Greece and Rome, and there is sufficient evidence in
the extant literature of South India that articles from
these countries found their way into the Dekhan and
were widely used. The earliest kingdoms of the
Dekhan were only three viz., the Chera or Kerala,
Chola, and the Pandya and these do not appear to have
possessed any extensive territory in the early part
of the Christian era, nor was the population dense-
There were large tracts of land that could be easily
390 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
converted into admirable abodes by men of enter-
prise and skill. Now and again collections or
bodies of men set out from the north, succeeded in
penetrating the fastnesses of the Vindhyas, settled
on the banks of some great river as the Godavari,
Kisfcna, Tunghabhadra, Kaveri and Tamraparni, a
thick forest land, or on the sea borders, which they
converted into happy and pleasant homes. These
were mostly of Brahman or Kshatrya caste. They
found in the kings and chiefs of Southern India
persons who greatly valued learning and who
patronised scholars by munificent gifts. Some of
the authors of the Tamil collection known as
Padirruppattu were Brahmans. The writer of the
2nd ten was a certain Kurnattur Kannanar, who, it is
said, was rewarded for his composition by the gift of
a bralimadeya of 500 villages in Umbarkkadu and
by the enjoyment of the income from the southern
country for 38 years. The author of the 3rd ten
was Palai-Gautamanar, who is credited with having
performed 9 or 10 sacrifices. There are reasons to
think that some other authors of this collection
were Brahmans. Such instances are also found in
other works and these show that Aryans had come
and settled in South India in very early periods and
even obtained mastery of the language of their
adopted country. The earliest inscriptions, so far
discovered in the Dekhan contain verses written
in Sanskrit and afford incontrovertible proof that
during the time when they were issued or even prior
to it by a few centuries, northern families had emi-
grated into the south. A discontented prince of a
royal house or a chief, who proved refractory to
AEYAN COLONISATION OF THE DEKHAN. 391
his overlord, often thought of seeking his fortunes
elsewhere. To such a one, the Dekhan afforded
an asylum and the natural obstacles, that stood
in the way, were of little consequence. It is
reasonable to hold that, when they came and settled in
South India, they brought along with them a number
of adherents of their cause- In the 1st and 2nd
centuries A.D., the Pallavas were driven out of
their northern possessions by their Andhrabritya
overlords and had to migrate to the Dekhan. They
could not but have brought Aryan influence with
them. It is also very likely that some families of
Aryans followed them to the region beyond the Vin-
dyas. The Prakrit charters of this dynasty of kings
afford some evidence in this direction. The Sanskrit
grants supplement it to a great extent. The early
Chola king Karikala who flourished in the 1st half
of the 6th century A.D., is reported in Tamil litera-
ture to have been an ally of Avanti and an overlord of
Vajra and Magadha. Elsewhere it has been shown
that he and Vijayaditya should have jointly encoun-
tered Trilochana-Pallava in battle and defeated him.
Vijayaditya is reported to have been the lord of
Ayodhya and that he came in quest of a dominion in
Southern India. Karikala is further stated to have
brought a number of families from the north and
settled them in the 24 districts of Tondaimandalam.
Some portions at least of the early copper-plate
charters, which contain an account of the kings of
the Pandya country, dating back to the 8th century
A.D., are written in Sanskrit and show how well that
language was cultivated in the extreme south of
the Peninsula i.e> in Madura. The Pandya king
392 ANCIENT DEKHAN.
Palyagasalai-Mudukudumi-Peruvaludi, assignable to
the end of the 5th century A.D., is reported, both in
Tamil literature and in the Velvikkudi plates, to have
performed several sacrifices, and this indicates that
Aryan influence was greatly felt in the Dekhan.
Though the works of the Sangam period, which are
ascribable to the 6th, 7th and 8th centuries A.I)., are
written in a chaste and ornate style of the Tamil
language, we could trace words derived from Sanskrit
even here. The late Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai was
of opinion that there are words in Tamil which
could be connected with those in use in Northern
India, and this led him to suppose a migration of
people southwards from Hindustan in very early
times. In Purananuru, there is a reference to
an early Chera king, who is believed to have fed the
army of the Pandavas in the Bharata war. This
may be entirely incredible taken by itself, but it has
its own significance.
Inscriptions speak of collections of men settled
in various parts of the Dekhan. The Tiruvellarai
inscription of Dantivarman of the Pallava-Tilaka
family, published in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. X,
says that the 3700 of that village had to protect the
charity recorded in it. Other inscriptions refer to
similar collections of 48,000, 8,000 etc. That later
members living 3 or 4 centuries after, called them-
selves as belonging to 3700, 48,000, and 8,000, goes to
prove that they must refer to bodies of men, who came
and settled in the places with which the numbers are
found associated ; and to these bodies, later members
traced their descent. In the expression Tillai-
Muvayiravar (i.e. three-thousand of Chidambaram),
ARYAN COLONISATION OF THE DEKHAN. 393
another such instance is found. From these cases
there is a strong impression created that the sections
of Brahman communities represented by the terms,
ashtasahasra,aruvelu, and the like, refer to the original
number in the collection of men or families that
came and settled in the south. In course of years, they
forgot the names of places where they settled at first
or did not care to preserve them by adopting them to
their names. Some other collections appear to have
retained the names of the places of their first settle-
ment and to have given up the numbers. Such are
the families of Settalur, Kumandur, Kandadai,
Dvedaigomapura, Tattai, and Krancha. Inscriptions
frequently mention persons with these place-names
prefixed to their proper names, besides giving also the
village .where they further went for residing. An
important factor that is noticed in all these cases, is
that each separate collection claims to be of the
same gotra&nd are practically so even at the present
day. Foi instance the Kandadai people, mentioned
in the lithic records of different ages, belong
to the Vadhulagotra, the Kumandur family to the
Kausika-<7o£r&, and the Settalur to the Bharadwaja
gotra.
60
INDEX,
Abdul Razak, Muhammadan
historian, 348
Abhirama Varatungarama alias
Vira-Pandya, Later Pandya
k., 180
Achyuta, Vijayanagara k., 68,
71
Adharatteri, vi., 159
Ad hi raj a, sur, of Maravarman,
111
Adhirajamangala, vi., 128
Adhirajendra, Chola k., 211
Adidemrna, ch., 297^ 298
Adigaiman, Kongu k., 130
adikaranadandam, tax, 344
Aditya L, Chola k., 52 to 54,
141, 142, 151, 210, 212 to
214,221,247,254,346,385,386
Aditya II alias Karikala, Chola
k., 55 n, 147 to 149, 211,
223, 224, 235. 237, 239,241,
242, 244, 254, 346
Aditya, Kodumbalur ch., 131
Adityavarman, Pallava prince,
29, 33
Adiyan, s. a. Adigaiman, 100,
130, 133
Adukotpattuseral A t h a n,
Chera k.,
adumbu,^o76'er, 198
Advaita, school of philosophy,
14
Aivarmalai, vi , 139
Agam, Tamil work, 95
agami, 357
Agapporul, work., 91, 122 to 125
Agastya, sage, 121
Aggabodi IX., Ceylon k , 137,
138
agil, tree, 199
Agnisvara, te., 345
Ahavamalla.s.a. Somesvara I.,
258, 260
Akalavarsha, sur. of Arikesari
Maravarman, 100
akshini, 357
Alagan Perumal Kulasekhara,
Later Pandya k., 178
Alagiyapandya Anantapala,
sur. of Jayangondanatha, 341
Alagiyarayar, ch., 157
Alagiya8ola, sur. o/Eajaraja I.,
245
Alamghyavikrama, sur. of Ari-
kesari Maravarman, 100
Alatturnadalvar, ch., 157
Allauddin,' Khilji k., 172, 173,
301
Alavanda-Perumal, ch., 156,
157
Alexandria, vi., 84
Alex. Severus, Roman emperor,
87, 89
AH Bin Aziz ullah Tabata,
Muhammadan historian, 65
Allahabad, vi., 26
Alluganga, ch., 293
Aluf Khan, ch., 303
1. The following aboreviations are used : — cto = chief, co = country, di =
division or diacrict, Do.=ditto, dj/ = dyna8ty, /=female, Jat.=Jatavarman
or Jatilavarman, & = king, w = man, mo = mountain or hill, Mar = Maravur-
man, n = foos-note, Parak= Parakesarivarman, Rajak = Rajake8arivarman,
rt = river or channel, s.a. = same as, sur=> surname, te = temple, Tribh =
Tribhuvanaohakravartip and vi = village or town.
396
INDEX.
Alundur, s, a. Teralundur or
Tiruvalundur, 194
Alundur-ve|, c/i.,'194
Ajungana, committee, 326
Alupa, family, 129.
Alvar, Vaishriava saint, 11.
Amarabhujanga, Pdndya k.,
149,161, 246
Amaravati, vi., 28, 119, 306.
Ambadeva- Maharaja, Kdyas-
tha ch., 293, 294
ambal,/?o«;er, 198
Ambasamudram, vi,, 137, 152,
220, 363, 374
Ambattur-nadu, di., 4 n
Anabur or Amur-kdttam, di.,
4n, 5 n
Amir Khusru, Muhammadan
historian, 299, 383
Arnmaiyappan AlagiyasolaH,
sur. of Kdirilisola-Satnbuva-
raya, ch., 60n
Ammangadevi, Chola princess,
211, 270
Amoghavarsha, Rdshtrakuta k.,
52 u
Amur-nadu, di., 5n
Anaiyapadangavudaiya - Naya-
nar, s. a. Anekatangavadam,
lOn
Andhra, co., 16,247,269, 276,
283, 361
Andbrabritya, family, 16, 22,
26, 269
Anaimalai, vi., 19n, 74, 102,
127, 132, 134
Anairaangalatn, vi , 209
Anaimer.Cunjinadeva, sur. of
Rajaditya, 55
Ananir, ch., 299
Anarfca, co., 16
Anekatangavadam, te., 10, 1L
Anivalakkotta, vi., 158
Aniyanka-Bbima, sur. of Vima-
laditya, 247
Anjashtasabbai, committee, 326
Anjukottainadalvar, ch., 155
Anjukottairayar, ch., 156
Anmakonda, Anmakinda, Anu-
makunda or Anumakundi, s.
a. Hanumakopda, 268, 269,
277, 278, 280, 299
Annaladeva, ch., 297
Annigere-nadu, di., 261
antarala-mandapa, 329
Antonia, Roman queen, 86, 88
Antonius Pius, Roman emperor,
87
Anumantagiri, te., 269
Aparajitaor Aparajitavikrama-
varman, Ganga-Pallava k.,
51, 53, 140,141,212, 213,385
Aparantaka, co , 8n
Apasmara, demon, 178
Appar, sur. of Tirunavukkarasu-
Nayanar, 10, 23, 38n, 188,
250, 366
Arabia, co., 82, 86
Araisur, vi., 137
Arangal, s.a. Warrangal, 269,
298 to 301
Ara&l or Arisil, ri., 195, 360,
366
Arcadius, Roman emperor, 87
archanavritfci, 336
Ardbanarisvara, form of Siva,
331
Aridurgalanghana, sur. of Raja-
raja I., 245
Arikala, Mythical k., 210
Arikesari MaV.avarman,Paw£?2/a
k., 100, 102, 104, 106/109,
122,125,127,336
Arikesari Parankusa Maravar-
man, Do., 47, 123, 128, 130
Arikesari or Arikesari Perum-
banaikkaran, m., 104, 105,
134
arikuli, tax, 344
Arinjaya, Chola k, 147, 210.,
223, 224, 231, 232, 234, 235,
237, 241, 242
INDEX.
397
Arinjesvara, te., 386
Arisilkilar, poet, 195n, 318
Arivudai Nambi, Pandya k.,
105', 107
Arkkadu, vi., 16
Arppakkam, vi., 155, 161
A^ukkudi, vi., 124
Arriir, vi., 386
Arthasastra, work, 313
Arujala-Perumal, te , 59, 60, 62
285, 28d
Arumolideva-valanadu, s. a.
Vada-kaduvay, 361
Aruvalar, people, 200
Aryachakravarfci, ch., 170, 171
Aryan, race, 20, 77 to 79, 170
to 172, 315, 391, 392
Asamasaman, sur. of Arikesari
Maravarman, 100
Asela Ceylon k., 186
Ashtabhuja, te., 12
Asoka or Asokaraja, Maurya
k., 6 to 8, 76,79, 183
Aisokavarman, Pallava k., 17, 29
asuvimakkal, 351
asvamedha, sacrifice, 27, 109
Atakur, vi., 228
Atiranachanda, sur. of Nara-
aimhavarman, 17n, 42
Atiranacbkndesvara, te., 17n
Ativirarama Snvallabha, Later
Pandya k., 180
Atiyendra - Vishnugriha, s.a.
Ranganatha, 18n
Attabuyagaram, s.a. Ashta-
bhuja, 12
Attiyur or Attigiri, s.a. Varada-
raja, 12
Afctivarana, elephant, 152
Atyantakaraa, stir, of Nara-
simliavarman, 17n, 42
Augustus, Roman emperor,
82, 83, 86, 88 to 90
Auvai or Auvaiyar, poetess, 23
avadai, 330
Avandiyarayar, ch., 157
Avanibhajana-Pallavesvara, te.,
18n
Avanisimha, sur. of Simha-
vishnu, 36
Avaniisulamani, sur. of Mara-
varman, 111
Avanti, s.a. Ujjain. 190,192,391
Avanyavanasambhava Maha-
rajaaimha, s.a. Avaniyalap-
pirandan Perunjinga, 292
Avur, vi., 125
Avur-kurram, di., 116, 117
Ayavel, ch., 132, 133
Ayiraveli, vi., 100, 133
Ayirur, vi., 100, 133
Aykkudi, vi., 133
Ayddhya, vi., 20, 191
Badami, vi., 38, 39, 127, 135,
208, 270
Bagiratha, Mythical k., 271
Bahadur Khan, ch., 308, 309
Bahmani, dy., 64, 70, 307, 313
Bahur, vi., 35
Ballala, s. a. Hoysnla, 301, 806
Ballala, I., Hoysala k., 278,370
Ballal D5va, do., 306
Ballamkonda, co., 362
Balsar, vi ,128
Bana, dy., 23, 24, 215, CM6, 221,
246
Bana, poet, 108
Banak Deo, ch., 300
Banavasi or Vanavasi, co., 8n,
254
Baruja, ri., 299
Bastar, co., 256
Baugnagar (Bijnagar), vi., 299,
306 to 308
! Bayyamambika, queen of Ma-
had«va, 274. 275, 282, 291
Belvola, co., 261
Bengal, co., 256
Berar, co., 256
Beta or Betmaraja, Kdkatiya
k.. 269, 272, 274 to 277
Bhairava, 333
398
INDEX.
Bhashya, 320
Bhaskaradeva, ch., 287, 292
Bhattar, 326, 374
Bhattavritti, 336
Bhima, Chdgi ch., 293
Bbitna, Natavadi ch., 282
Bhima, ch., 279, 280
Bhiraa, sur. of Vimaladitya,
247
Bhimavarman, Pallava prince,
28, 33, 43, 44n
Bhimesvara, k., 286, 287
Bhringi, 331
Bhuvauakabahu I.. Ceylon k.,
170
Bijapur, vi., 308, 309
Bijnagar, s.a. Vijayanagar, 306
to 308, 383
Billama, Yadava k., 279
Birudanka-Bhima, sur. of Vi-
maladibya, 247
boar, emblem, 268
brahmadeya, 132, 339, 341 to
343, 346, 347,353, 390
Brahmana, 315, 317
Do. Communities, 393
Brahmanarasakkanam, tax, 344
Buddha, saint, 6, 7, 17, 80, 183
Buddhavarman, Pallava k., 17,
31, 33
Buddhavarman, Pallava prince,
28,33
Buddhism, religion, 2n, 7 to 9,
81
Buddhist, 9, 17, 76, 80, 183,
197,250, 339
Budhyankura. Pallava k., 27
Bukka II., Vijayanagara k., 70
bull, emblem, 17
Burhani Ma'sar, work, 65
Burmah, co., 150, 199
Butuga, Ganga k , 54, 55
Caligula, Roman emperor, 87
Canada, s. a. Karnata, 301
Cannanore, vi., 86, 87
Caraculla, Roman emperor, 87
Ceylon, island, 17, 39 to 41,
54,56,80,84,88,89,93,138
to 141,143, 145 to 148, 155,
156, 158, 160, 166, 169, 170,
199, 214, 217 to 220, 226,
231,233, 236, 237, 247,248,
254, 256, 259, 262
Chaberius emporium, port, 117
Chagi or Sagi, family, 274, 292
chaitya, a Buddhist temple, 139
Chalukya, Eastern, dy., 47, 49,
57, 67, 220, 246, 247, 253,
254, 256, 262 to 265, 268
to 273, 276, 287
Chalukya, Western, dy., 11, 24,
25, 35, 36, 38, 40, 42, 45
to 47, 66, 110, 127, 128, 135,
150, 189,. 191, 192, 206, 208,
248,250, 254, 255, 258 to 263,
270, 271, 27_4, 276 to 280, 388
Chalukya-Chola, family, 154
Champapuri, vi., 60, 285
Chamurxdaraja, ch., 260
Charukya, author, 313
Chandaparakrama, sur. of Ra-
jaraja I., 245
Chand5sa, 331
Chandragupta, Maurya k., 328,
383
Charitrapura, vi. 1 15 to 118
Charudevi, Pallava queen, 27
Charukatta, vi., 156
Chafcurvtidimangalam, a town
including villages, 314, 319
Ohaturvddin, title, 319
Chaule, vi., 301
Chehrolu, vi. 286
Chemkarai, di., 4n
Chendalur, vi., 28n, 31, 32
Chera, dy., 1, 19n, 21, 22, 24,
36, 84, 110 to 113, 121, 124,
125, 128, 149, 152, 165, 166,
186, 187, 191 to 194, 201 to
203, 211, 2U, 215, 245 to
247, 250, 254, 262, 313, 316,
382, 388, 389, 392
INDEX.
399
chori, hamlet, 363
Ghetthakari, biruda of Maben-
dravarman I., 37
Ch.ovur or Chour, vi., 148, 235
Chidambaram, vi., 10n,164,166,
169, 187, 220, 249, 332, 392
China or Chinese, co., 82,86,97.
115,116,122,205,257,382, 389
Chintamani or Jivakachinta-
maiii, Tamil work, 98
tHhitramaya, Pallava prince, 45
Chitramega-tataka, tank, 368
Chodaganga, ch., 170
Chddesvara, te., 286
Chododaya, ch., 279
Cbokkanatha, te., 174
Chola -or Sola, dy., 1, 5, 6n, 8,
10n,20, 21, 24, 35 to 37,52
to 60, 61n,63, 66, 71, 72, 75,
101, 107, 109 to 113, 116, to
U9, 128 to 130, 136, 137,
139, 141 to 143, 145 to 154,
159 to 161, 164 to 166, 168,
170,183, 184, 186 to 191, 193
to 195, 197, 200 to 209, 211,
to 226, 228 to 230, 232 to 237,
239 to 244, 246 to 249, 254 to
264, 270 to 274, 277, 278,
280, 282 to 285, 288, 289,
302, 313, 348, 358, 360, 366,
367, 373,386, 388, 389, 391
Chola, Mythical k , 210.
Choia, dy., 193, 206 to 208
Chojaganga, ch., 156
Ghojamaharaja, Minister of
Nandivarman III., 207
Cbolamaharaju, Chola k., 205,
206
ChoJamaharajadhiraja, title of
Vikramaditya Satyadutunru,
206
Chola-marujlalam, co., 169, 301,
351
Chola-Pandya, title, 151, 153,
154, 255, 260, 264
Chu-li-ye, s.a. Chola, 113, 205,
Chufca-Pallava, sur. of Skanda-
varman I,, 32, 33
Chutavana, vi., 47
Claudius, Roman emperor,- 87,
88
Coimbatore, vi., 131, 134
coin or money (kasu, kanam,
panam, pon, kalanju), 317,
318, 327, 348, 349, 351, 357,
377,378
Commodius, Roman emperor, 87
Conjeeveram, vi., 1, 2, 3n, 8,
lOn, 12, 13, 16 to 18, 23 to
25, 41 to 43, 46, 49, 53 to 58,
61 to 65, 67 to 71, 73, 118,
119, 122, 192, 193, 203,208,,
227, 263, 284, 285, 302, 339,
346
Constans II., Roman emperor,
8?
Constantinus, Do., 87, 90
Coorg, co., 199
Cranganore, vi., 1
Croesus, Persian k., 186
Cuddapab, vi., 87
Cuttack, vi., 165
Cyclic years : —
Picgala, 60n
Pramadi, 63. 302
Saumya, 228
Vijaya, 63
Dabul, vi., 301
Dacbanapreggada-Ganapaya,
ch., 289
Dakshinamurti, form of Siva
331
Daksbn.apatha, the southern
region, 183
Dalavanur, vi,, 18n
Damal, vi., 4n
Damal-kottam, di., 4n, 5n
Damanaka> plant, 342
Damanur-nadu, 5n
Damodara, ch.t 287, 293
400
INDEX.
Daridakaranya, forest, 16
Dantidurga, RUshtrakitta k.,
50n
Dantika, 157
Dantisaktivitanki, queen of
Kajaraja, 253, 338
Dantivarman, Pallava k ., 12n,
34, 48, 50, 51, 369,392
Dappula, Ceylon k., 138, 219
Dasanapura, vi., 30
Daulatabad, vi.. 307
Delhi, vi., 173, 298, 301, 303
to 306, 308
Deoli, vi., 228
Daogir or Davagiri, vi., 281,
299, 301, 304 to 306
devadana, 339, 340, 341, 346,
347, 353
Devaram, Tamil loork, 9n, 10,
38n, 131, 196a, 207, 330,
337
Devaranayaningaru, ch., 298,
303
Deveadra, sur. of Parantaka I.,
214
D5varaya, Vijayanagara, k,68
Devipatnam or Deviyapattana,
vi., 157
Dewar, the kino, 167, 172
Dhamdam, vi., 300
Dbaoa or Dhanarnava,
E. Chalukya k., 270
Dhananjayavarman, Ghola k.,
205
Dhanyakataka, s.a. Amaravati,
17, 27, 119
Dhara, co , 261
Dharanikofca, vi., 306
Dharmamahadevi, Pallava
queen, 11
Dharmamahadeviavara, s. a.
Muktisvara, 11
Dharmapala Bhodisatva, Bud-
dhist saint, 7
Dharmapala, k., 28
Dbarmapuri, vi., 131
Dharmasastra, 336
Dharmasivacharya, Saiva tea-
cher, .v>90
Dharmavarman, Cholak., 207
Dhorabhiipa, Chdgi ch., 393
dinar, coin, 91
Dipawansa, work, 88, 186
Dochi, family, 185
Domitiao, Roman emperor, 87
Domrna, ch.t 179
Donti Alla-Beddi, Eeddi ch.t
306
drachm, coin., 91
Draksbarama, vi,, 191
Dramila, 45, 186
Dravida, co., 3, 7, 77 to 79, 91,
116, 118, 119, 135, 205, 361
Drusus, Roman emperor, 86,
88
Durga, goddess, 267, 268, 332
Durgi, vi., 287, 292
Durjaya, ch , 272, 274, 275, 293
Dur Samundar, s. a. Dvara-
samudra, 173
Dvarasamudra, vi., 63,173,283
304, 305
Dvivedin, title, 319
Edadore, dt.,,362
Edirilisola Sambuvaraya, ch,,
60 n, 161
Egypt, co., 80, 82 to 84, 86, 389
Ekamban or Ekambranatha, te.
^ 10, 11, 14n, 55
Ekasilanagari. s. a. Warrangal,
269
Elela^inga, TO., 186
E!£ra, Ceylon k., 186
Ellandalaiyana, sur. of Ja^.
Sundara-Pandya I., 167
Ellayareddi, ch.', 298, 305
Enadi Tirukkilli, Chola k.,lQl
Erichchalur, vi.t 201
Erode, vi., 348
Erumaiyur, s. a. Mysore, 8
Eruvamallideva, ch., 293
Eudocia, Roman emperor, 87
INDEX.
Erikkavur, vi., 157
Erukotta, vi., 157
Eyil-kottam, di., 4n,5
Fa Hian, Chinese pilgrim, 92
Ferishta, Muhammadan his-
torian, 301
Feroz Taghlak, Taghlak k., 308
Gajabahu, Ceylon k., 93, .97
Gajapati, dy., 165, 166, 279,
302, 303
Ganjasahini, lord of elephant
forces, 297
Ganapamba, Kakatiya prin-
cess, 275, 282, 291
Ganapati, Kakatiya k., 61, 165,
166, 274, 275, 281 to 294, 296
Ganapesvara, te., 286
Ganapperumakkal or Ganava-
riyapperumakkal committee,
326
Gandagdpala, ch., 63, 166
Gandapendara, title, 187, 293
Gandaraditya, Chola k., 131.
147, 210, 223, 224, 231 to
234, 237, 238, 240 to 243
Gandaraditya- chaturvodiman-
galam, s. a. Kandaradittam,
232
Gandaraditya Pallavaraiyan,
ch'., 234
Gandar Dinakaran, ch., 259
Gandhara, co., 8r
Gandikotta, vi., 302, 306
Ganesa, god, 126
Ganga, co., 20, 24, 54, 56, 101,
127 to 129, 135, 139, 140,
208, 209, 213, 215, 221, 227,
246, 254
Ganga-Bana, family, 212
Gangadhara, ch , 259
Gangaikonda-Chola, Chola
prince, 153. 260
Gangaikondan, vi., 179
Gangaikondasolapuram, vi., In,
256
Ganga-mandala, co,, 261
51
Ganga-Pallava, dy., 19 n, 51,
52, 140, 385
Ganga-Permadi, W. Ganga &.,
261
Gangavadi or Gangapadi, co.,
246, 260, 361, 362
Gangayasahini, ch., 286
Ganges, or Ganga, ri., 56, 150,
]92, 256, 352
Ganja, s.a, Kanchi, 65
Gannamarasa or Gannama-
naidu ch., -292
Gannaya or Annaya-preggada,
oh., 297
garbagriha, central shrine, 329
gems, 382, 383
Germanicus, Roman emperor,
86,88
Geta, do., 87
Ghiazuddin Taghlak, Taghla^
fc.,.808
Giristhira, sur. of Nedunjada-
iyan, 132
Gitikinnara, Do., 132
gizya, tax, 301
Golaki or Golagiri-matha, 290,
293
Golkonda, vi., 64
Gonkareddi, ch., 302, 306
Gonturi Nagadeva, ch., 288
Gonturi Narayana, ch., 288
Gonturi Odayaraja, ch., 288
Gopalakrishnasvamin, te,, 152,
255
Gopinathasvamin, te., 292
gopura, tower, 329
Gosahasra, ceremony, 100, 128
Gotamiputra Satakarni, Andhra
k., 16.
gdtra, 393
Govinda or Govinda Dandesa,
ch., 278, 286
Govinda lll.,Rdshtrakuta k., 48
Govindavarman, Pallava prince
29, 33
Gramakarya, committee, 326
402
INDEX.
Gramam, vi., 54, 231
grain and liquid measure,
(kalam, kuruni, nali, marak-
kal, sevidu, ulakku, alakku,
uri), 345,' 349, '350, 374, 375
gramapanaiu, tax, 348
granary, 353
Greece, or Greek, 80, 82, 97,
183, 327, 389
Gudimafrla, vi.. 292
Gujarat, co., 80
Gunabhara, sur. of Mahendra-
varman I., 18n, 37
Gunarama, Chola &., 205
Gunarama alias Kulasekhara
alias Sivalamara, Later
Pandya &., 180
Gunda, ch., 268, 278
Gunda or Gundaya-Nayaka,
ch., 297, 298
Gundappaya, ch., 258
Gupta, dy., 20
Gurisalastala, di., 297
Hadrian, Roman emperor, 87
Haihaya, family, 129
Hanumantakonda, vi., 268,
269
Harihara, Vijayanagara &., 68,
70
Herakles, hero, 80
Himavanta, co., 8n
Hirahadagalli, vi , 27, 34
hiranyagarbha, ceremony, 100,
101, 128, 338
Hiranyakasipu, demon, 18n
Hiran.y avarman , Pallava prince,
29, 33
Hiuen Tsiang, Chinese traveller,
3,6,8, 23, 92, 113. 135 to
122, 205, 274, 382
Honorius, Roman emperor, 87
Hoysaja, dy., 59, 60, 63. 165,
166, 168, 278, 283, 285, 288,
305, 306, 370
Hwuili, 121, 122
Hyderabad, State, 268
Idaikkadan, poet, 317
Idaikunrurkilar, poet, 112
idaippattam, tax, 344
Idaiturai-nadu, di.,x254
Idangali-Nayanar. Saiva saint,
'130
Idangalissara, vi., 157
Idavai, vi., 142
Ikkatfcu-kottam, di.t 4n
Ikshugrama, s. a. Peddacheru-
kuru, 286
Ikshvaku, Mythical k., 210,
271
Iladamahadevi, queen of Baja-
raja I., 253
Ilaikkulam. tax, 344, 349
llam, s.a. Ceylon, 217, 218
Ilandattan, m.t 201
Ijangattu-kottam, di., 4n
Ilango or llavarasu, s. a. Yuva-
raja, 193
Ilanjetchenni or Ilanchenni,
Chola prince, 193, 194
Ilankilli, Chola k. 8
Ilankiyarayar, ch., 156
ila-putcbi, tax, 344
Ilavandigapalji, vi., Ill, 126,
201
Ilavandigaippalli-tunjina Nan-
maran, Pandya k , 105
Imayavaramban Nedunjaral
Athan, Cherak, 316
Immadi Narasimha, Vijaya-
nagara &., 70
Immadi Niabankiivira, title,
298'
Imoodulmulk, ch., 307
Indian Ocean, 150, 248,257
Indraratha, k., 256
Iraiyanar, author, 91, 122 to
125
iral, fish, 198
Iramagudam, co., 258
irangal, 373
Iratturkilan Tayan Maran,
ch., 201
INDEX.
403
Tr-ugappa, Vijayanagara gene-
raZ.Tft
Irugaiya, ch., 261
Jrutnbidarttalaiy4r, w., 107,
194 '
Irungovel, ch., 131, 200
Iruveli, plant, 342
Isvara, Ganga-Pallava k. ,51
Isvarapofcavarman, sur. of Pa-
ramesvaravarman I., 42
Italy, co., 82, 83, 89
Jagadala, sur. of Ganapati, 290
Jagadafamummadi, s. a. Pakal
lake, 290
Jagaddeva, Sdntara ch., 278
Jagadekamalla II., W. Chaluk-
ya k., 278
Jagadippadai, 330
158 to 161
Jaganar, s. a. Chokkanatha,
174
Jagannatha-Perumal, te., 12
Jaimini Bharatam, Telugu
work, 70
Jain or Jaina, 9, 19n, 38n, 41.70,
126, 191, 261, 339, 385, 386
Jainism, 2n, 7n, 9n, 81
Jaitugi, Yddava *., 281, 282
Jambai vi., 326
Jambudipa, s. a. India, 145,
217
Jambukesvara, vi., 10 n, 188
Jananatba, ch., 261
Jannigadeva-Maharaja, ch.,
287, 292. 294
Jata-Cboda, Telugu-Chola ch.,
207, 285
Jafe. Kulasekhara I., PandVa
k., 162, 175, 340n
Jat. Kulasekhara II., Do., I64n,
175
Jat. Parakvama-Pandya, Do.,
175n
Jatil. Parakrama Kulasekhara,
Do., 178
Jatil. Srivallabha, Do., 179
Jat. Srivallabha, Do., 162, 163,
174, 175, 365, 366
Jat. Sundara-Pandya I., Do., 62,
164 to 169, 175, 288, 302,
338
Jat. Suudara-Pandya II., Do.,
170, 174, 175
Jat. Sundara-Pandya IV., Do.,
170, 174
Jat. Sundara-Pandya, (Acces-
sion A.D. 1270), Do., 169, 175
Jat. Sundara-Pandya (Acces-
sion A.D- 1318), Do, 175
Jat. Vlra-Pandya (Accession
A.D. 1254), Do., 169, 175
Jat. Vira-Pandya (Accession
A.D. 1189), 'Do., 163, 169,
175
Jatila or Jatilavarman, Do. ,74,
99 to 104", 128, 132
Jatil. Abhirama Parakrama-
Pandya, Do., 179
Jatil. Alagan Sivalavol (Sri-
vallabha), Do., 180
Jatil. Arikesarideva alias Para-
krama-Pandya, Do., 177, 178
Jatil. Tribh. Kulabekhara, Do.,
176
Jatil. Tribh. Kon. Kulasekhara,
Do , 179
Java, island, 257
Jaya. Jayana or Jayasenapati,
ch., 282, 286
Jayangonda-Chola, sur. o/Raja-
raja I., 5
Jayangondachola - mandalam,
sur. o/Tondaimandalam, 5, 6,
351
Jayangondanatha, m., 341
Jayantavarman, ^dndydt ••
100, 104
Jayasimha III., W. Chalukya
k., 255
Jivita, 352, 353
404
INDEX.
Jnanasambanda o?'Tiru° Saiva
saint, 3n, 10, 11, 14n, 19n, 35,
4), 122, 123, 126, 127, 187,
188, 204, 250, 332, 366, 386
Julakallu, vi., 297
Julianus, Roman Emperor, 87,
89
Kachchi, s.a, Conjeeveram, 2,
3, 14n, 227
Kacbchippedu, s.a. Conjee-
veram, 2, 3
Kachchivalangum - Peruman,
legend on coin, 2n
Kachchiyum Tanjaiyum-konda,
title of Krishna III., 230
Kadalmallai, s.a. Mavalivaram,
9n.
Kadaiyal, vi., 125
Kadakkudaiyaraya, ch., 156
Kadaladaiyadilangaikonda
Chola-Valanadu, sur. of
Konadu, 201n
Kadalpirakkottiya Senkuttu-
vac, Chera k., 317
Kadamba, dy., 22, 24, 27, 110,
127, 208
Kadambalige, di., 362
Kadar, tribe, 125
Kadavar s.a. Pallava, 15, 132
Kadavaraya, ch., 293
Kadirkkariam. tax, 344
Kadiyalur, vi.- 93
Kadukur, di., 4n
Kadungon Pdndya k., 101, 102,
110
Kaduvetti, s. a. Pallava, 15, 16
Kabapana, coin, 160
Kailasanatha, te., 10o, 11, 19n,
42
kaiyai, tax, 344
Kakata, 267, 268
Kakafci, 267
Kakatlya, dy., 61 to 63, 71, 165,
166, 267 to 278, 280 to 285
287 to 289, 291 to 294, 296,
298, 301 to 306
KakSta, 267
Kakkaippadiniyar Nachchellai-
>ar, authoress, 317
Kakustavarman, Kadamba '\,
22, 27, 110
Kalabbra, 36, 101, 102, 109
110
Kalahasti. vi. lOn, 214, 284,
332
Kalakala sur. of Narasimha-
varman II., 42
Kalakkad or Kalakkudi, vi, 134
Kalal, ornament, 200
Kalandai, s.a. Kalakkad, 134
Kajangaykkannauar Mudich-
cheral, Chera k., 317
Kalatbalaiyar, m., 193n
Kajattur, vi., 125
Kalattur-kottam, di,, 4n, 5n
Kalattur-nadu, di , 5n
Kalavali-narpadu, poem, 187
KajavaDdiyanadalvar, ch., 167
Kalayamuttur, vi.. 86, 87
Kales Dewar, s.a. Maravarman
Kulas^khara I., 169, 172
Kali, goddess, 14, 178
Kali, age, 195n, 241, 251
Kalidasa, poet, 121, 184
! Kalidurga, fortress, 47
Kalindavarman, Pallava k., '29
Kalinga or Kalinga-mandalaDo,
co., 20, 56, 57, 139, 246
256, 282
Kalingaraya, ch., 170
Kalingattuparani, poem, 57n,
150, 257, 263
kalingu, 387
Kalippagai, sur. of Nedun-
jadaiyan, 132
Kaliyar, Saiva saint, 9n
Kaliyur-kottam, di., 4n
Kalladanar, poet, 112
Kallar, caste, 121, 348
Kalul, s. a. Karur, 173
Kalumalam or Tirukkajuma-
lam, vi., 186, 187, 194
INDEX.
405
Kalvar, s. a, Tirukkajvanar, te.,
13
Kalyani, vi., 270
Kamakotyambika, or Kamak-
shi, te'., 3n, 14, 70
Kamandakkotta, vi., 157
Kamban, poet, 318
Kambai, s. a. Vagavati, 10,
14
Kamban Araiyan, ch., 51,
369.
Kammanandu, di., 286
Kampa or Kampavarman,
Ganga-Pallavan A;., 51
Kampana I., Vijayanagara k.,
70.
Kampana II., Do.. 68, 70
Kampili, vi., 259
Kanaikkal Irumborai, Chera k.,
186
Kanagdpa or Kalabhartri,
Pallava k., 29, 32, 33
Kanapper vi., 106, 112
Kan arose, 110, 130, 132
Kanavadi, ch., 259
Kanchi, or Kaochi, s. a. Gon-
jeeveram, 2, 3, 4n, 7, 9, 12n(
14, 19n, 23, 25, 27, 28, 30
38 to 35, 42 to 47, 50, 53, 57
60, 62, 64, 65, 70, 71, 122*
154,165, 190, 191,239, 272*
273, 280, 284, 285, 288
Kancbipuram, Do., 2, 4, 7, 14,
27, 30, 31, 115, 116
Kanchivay^rt., 133
Kandalur Salai, vi., 258
Kandappadai, 330
Kandaradittam, vi., 233
Kandikota-manoratbapura, vi.t
293
Kandiyanadalvar, ch., 157
Kandukur, vi., 286
Kangakottana, vi., 157, 158
Kangayanadalvar, ch., 157
Kangundiya, di., 156
Kanigarattigal, tax, 344
Kaniyalan, 354, 355
Kanjanur, vi., 37, 204
Kannagi, /., 95 to 97, 384
kannalakkauam, tax, 343, 348
Kannanur, s.a. Samayaveram,
166
Kannappa-Nayanar, tiaiva
saint, 332
Kannara or Kannaradeva-Val-
labba, s.a. Krishna III, 55,
228, 229
Kanmttukkarum, tax, 344
Kanrur-nadu, di,, 4n
Kanthakanisbtura, sur. of Ne-
dunjadaiyan, 132
Kapilar/poeJ, 110, 202, 317
Kapilendra-Gajapati, Gajapati
k., 302
Kappiyarru-Kappiyanar, au-
thor, 316
Karadigai, 333, 337
Karagam, s.a. Karunakara-Pe-
rumal, 13
Karaikkalammai, Saiv a devotee,
332
Karaipottanaru, ri., 130
Karamatti, s.a. Paramatti, 173
Karambarayar, ch., 157
karanadandam, tax, 344
Karavandapura, s.a. Kalakkad,
134
Karikal, vi., 238
Karikala or Kalikala, ('hula k.,
35, 58, 66, 75, 97, ' 107,
109, 188, 189, 190 to 197,
200, 203, 207, 210, 272 to
275,286, 366, 391
Karikala, sur. of Aditya II,
148, 211, 223, 224, 235, 237,
239, 241, 242, 244
Karikilar, poet, 107
Karikkannanar, poet, 125
Karivalamvandanallur, vi., 176,
179, 180
Kariyar.Ku-tunjina Nedunki.Ui,
Chdla k., 201
406
INDEX.
Karmukhapartba, sur. of Ne-
dunjadaiyaD, 132
Karnata or C'Cnatic, co., 60,
110/127, 165,166, 282, 285,
301, 304, 306
kaV.pura, tree, 121
Karra, di., 298
Karunakara-Peruma}, te., 13
Karunakara Tondaiman, ch., 57
Karungai - ol - val-Perumbeyar-
Valudi, Pandya k., 105, 107
Karur or Karuvur, vi., 86, 87,
131, 173, 194, 201, 202
Karuvar. tribe, 125
Karvanam, te., 13
Karyadakshina, sur. of Nedun-
jadaiyan, 132
KasSkudi, vi., 28, 30, 36, 38n,
40n, 43n, 44n
Kasmira, co., 8n
Kassapa, Ceylon k., 138, 145,
216 to 218
Kataba, s.a. Kidaram, 256
Kanaka, 280
Kathaka, co., 165
kattarambam, 352
Eatyayana, author, 77, 183
Eauriya, s.a. Pandya, 77
Kavori, ri., 116, 117, 128, 130,
132, 133, 165, 166, 184, 191,
194 to 197, 204, 209, 232,
249, 272, 357, 360, 366, 367,
390
Kaverippattanam or Kavirip-
pumpattmam, vi., 1,8, 19n,
116 to"ll8, 125, 188, 189,
195, 204
Kowlas, vi., 307, 309
Kayal, vi., 84
EayaBtba./awwZi/, 287,293
Eazapet, vi., 268
Eera'-a or Keralaite, co., 8, 36,
62,63, 100, lio, 125,128, 12i»,
133, 139, 144, 146, 147, 151
to 153, 165, 205, 219, 220,
255, 261, 264, 302, 389.
Eeralaaimhamuttara, ch., 157
Kesava, ch., 293
Euta, Kota ch., 275, 282, 287,
291
Kevuda, ch., 259
Khilji, dy.t 305
Kidaram, Lower Burma, 256
Kilanilaya, vi., 160
Kilinalur, vi., 203
Kil-kurru, di., 120
Killi, names of Chola kings,
184, 190, 200 to 203, 210
Eillikudi, vi., 203
Kllmangala, vi., 158
Kil-Nangur, vi., 195
kllvSram, 352, 353
Kin-chi-pu-lo, s.a.Conjeevaram,
3
Kiran Sattan, Pandya k., 106,
127
Kirttimarttandan or Eirtiman,
ri., 196n, 249, 367
Kirtivarman II., W. Chalukya
k., 146
Kistna, vi., 87
Kodaridarama, sur. of Jat. Sun-
dara-Pandya I., 167
Kodavasal, vi., 186
Kodumbalur, vi., 48, 119, 128
to 131, 149,231, 235
Kodumudi or Pandikkodumudi,
vi., 128, 130, 131
Kogali, di., 362
Kokkandan, stir, of Sthanu
Ravi, 212
Kolar, vi., 212, 332
K6U, s. a. Uraiyur, 128
Kolkalam, tax, 341
Eolli, mo , 130, 202
Kollidam, ri., 196, 366
Kollippakkai, vi., 254
Kolura, di., 156
Koluvukotta, vi., 157
Koluvura, ch., 156
Konadu, di., 131, 201
Eondapadmati, family, 274
INDEX.
407
Kondavata, vi., 138
Kondavidu, vi., 306
Konerirajapuram, vi., ^33
Kongarkoman, sur. o/Sadaiyan
Ranadhiran, 127
Kongu and its divisions, co.,
I8n, 100, 101, 127 to 131,
133, 157, 158, 160, 166, 169,
213, 361.
Kongudesarajakkal, The Kongu
chronicle, 213, 249
Konidena, vi., 286, 287
Konkanapura, co., 115
Koppam, vi., 259, 260
Korkai, vi., 84
Kosala, co., 256
Kota, family, 275, 282, 287,
291
Kotta, vi., 157
Kottam, a division, 4, 192, 360,
361
Kdttaru, vi., 124
Kottiga, Rashtrakuta k., 230
Kottur-nadu, di., 5u, 362
Kourtallam, or Kuttalam, hill,
121, 176
Kovalan, m., 95
Kdvurkilar, poet, 201
Koyilolugu, work, 164, 167n,
203, 207, 301,303, 338
Koyil-ponmeynda-perumal, sur.
of Jat. Sundara-Pandya I.,
165
Kramapatha, 319
Kramavit, title, 319
Kripalaya, stir, of Nedunjadai-
yan, 132
Krishrxa, god, 178
Krishna, ri, 28, 306, 390
Krishna III., Rashtrakuta, k ,
2n, 54 to 56, 225 to' 231,
239, 240
Krishna-Naik, Kdkatiya prince,
306, 307
Krishnapuram, vi,, 177
Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k.,
68, 71
Kritapadana, sur. of Nedunjad-
aiyan, 132
Kshatriya, 246, 271, 272
Kshatriyasikhamani -valanadu,
s. a. Ten-Kaduvay, 361
Kubjavishnuvardhana, E. Cha-
lukya k , 270, 273
Kuchana-Preggada, ch., 288
Kudagaram, vi., 127
Kudagarattu - tunjina - Nanma-
ran, Pandya k., Ill
Kudakko-Nedunjeral Athan,
Chera k., 194
Kudal, s. a. Madura, 128
Kudal&anganca, vi., 261
Kudamukku, s.a. Kumbhako-
nam, 139
Kudangai, 370
Kudapulaviyan'ar, poet, 112
Kudavar, 200
Kudavayil-kofctam, s. a. Koda-
vasal, 186
Kudayamutturayar, ch., 155
Kudipara, di., 362
Kudumiyatnalai, vi., 19n, 163,
325
Kukkanur, di., 362
Kulachchirai-Nayanar, Saiva
saint, 41, 126
kulal, musical instrument, 199
Kulamurratbu - tunjina-KiU'va-
lavan, Chola k., 200, 201
Kulasikhara (of the war of
succession) Panflya k., 155
to 161, 171^172'
Kulavanigan Sattan. poet. 111
Kulburga,w., 308
Kulotiunga-Chola I., Chalukya-
Chola k., 57.' 67, 211, 271,
272, 350, 358
Kulottunga-Chola III.. Do., 2n,
58, 75, 161, 284, 358
Kulottung-Kajyndra-Gonka,
ch., 286
408
INDEX.
Kulumbur, vi., 48, 129
Kumara, title, 296, 297
Kumarakkachchanam, tax, 351
Kumarasvamin, author, 267
Kumaravishriu I., Pallava k.,
31 to 33, 35, 192, 193, 273
Kumaravishnu II., Do., 28n,
31 to 33, 192
Kumari, vi., 84, 108
Kumattur-Kannanar, author,
316,' 390
Kumbakonarn, vi., 37, 116,
117, 139, 140, 186, 204, 212
Kumili-nadu, di., 5n
Kumoiari, shifting cultivation,
351
Kumudappadai, 330
Kunappunallur, vi., 156
Kundanneka, vi., 157
Kundavai, Chola princess, 211,
238, 242, 253; 270, 387
Kuudukala, vi., 156
Kundur, vi., 280
Kunuur, vi., 139
Kun-Pandya, sur. of Neduma-
ran, 41
Kunravattana-kottam di., 4n,
5n, 361
Kunra-nadu, di., 5a
Kunrur-nadu, di., 4n
Kural, work, 186
Kurappalli-tunjina-killivaJavan,
Chola k., 201
Kurumadai, vi., 48, 129
Kurumpandankali, vi., 157
Kurumbas, tribe, 132, 133
Kurummalattarayar, ch., 157
Kurundankudi, vi., 158
Kuruvitturai, vi., 162, 163, 365,
366
Kuruvikkalladaippu, sluice, 365
Kusakkanarn, tax, 343
kuttukkal, tax, 344
Kuttuvan Serai, Chera prince
317
kuvalaikkanam, tax, 344
Laddar Deo, s. a. Kudradeva
i.e. Pratapai'udradova, 300
Lakshmi-Narasimha -Peruinal,
te, 18n
Lakshmisvar, vi., 227
Lalitankura, sur. of Mahen-
dravarman I., 18n, 37
land and linear measure (san
kuli, veil, ma), 241, 249, 320,
350, 351,
lands exempt from taxes, 358,
359
Lanka, s. a. Ceylon, 8 n, 139,
145, 165, 167, 216, 217, 219
Lankapura Dandanatha, Sin-
ghalese general, 155 to 161
Laita, co., 282
Leyden, vi., 147, 148, 190,201,
209, 210, 222 to 225, 231,
232, 235, 239, 241, 387
li, linear measure, 116 to 119,
205 ,
linga or Sivalinga, 10, 37n, 188,
330
Lingoclbhava,/orm o/Siva, 331
Lokaditya, sur. of Parame£-
varavarmau II., 42
Lokamabadevi, sur. of Dautis-
aktivitanki, 253, 338
lunar, race, 77
Ma'bar, Pandya country, 167,
172, 304 "
Machayanayaningaru, or Ma-
chayasahini, ch., 297
Madalan Madiraikumanan, poet
201
Madhurakavi or Madhurakavi-
Alvar, Vaishnava .saint, I9n,
102, 133, 380"
Madhurantakan Uttama-Ghola,
55, 147, 149, 211, 223, 224,
232 to 234, 237 to 244, 254
Madhurantaka, s. a. Madirai-
konda, 238
Madhurantakan Gandaradittan,
ch., 243, 345
INDEX.
409
Madhurantaki, Chola princess,
211
Madhuratara, sur. of Madhura-
kavi, 134
Madhyarjunosvara, te., 329
Madhyastha, 357 .
Madiraikonda Kajakesarivar-
man, sur. of Parantaka II>
237 to 239, 241
Madiraikonda, title of Paranta-
ka I, 145', 146, 214
Madiraiyum Ilamum-konda,
Do, 146, 214, 218
Madisudau, ch.t 259
Madras, vi., 27, 34, 74, 99, 103
to 105, 132, 134
Madura, vi.t 1, 19n, 62, 72 to
75, 80, 87, 91, 110, to 112,
115, 116, 119 to 121, 126
to 128, 134, 137, 139, 141,
145 to 147, 150, 155, 159 to
161, 164, 165, 173, 174, 177,
214, 216, 218,219, 233, 238,
384
Maduraikkanchi, ivork, 83, 106,
111, 203, 365
Madurai Marudan Ijanaganar,
poet, 125
Magadha, co., 79, 139, 190, 192
Maganikudi, vi., 129
Maganur-nadu, di., 4n
Mahabharafca or Bharata, ivork,
76,77, 94, 313,336
Mahabhashya, do., 183
Mahadtiva, Kdkatiya k., 274,
275, 281, 282
Mahad^va, ch., 275, 296
Mabadeva, Buddhist mission-
ary, 8n
Mahaddvicharla, vi.t 2U8
Maha-Dhammarakkita, End-
dhist missionary, 8n
Mahajana, 315
Maha-Mahinda, Do., 8n
Mahamandalesvara, title, 276
52
Maharakkita, Biiddhist mis-
sionary, 8n
Maharashtra, co.. 8n, 301
Maharatha, 127
Maharatta, s.a. Maharashtra,
8n
Mahatalita. vi.t 138
Mahatitha, vi., 146, 155, 216,
219
Mahawanaa, work, 7, 39, 41,
75, 80, 137, 139, 140, 145,
146, 154, 155, 160, 170 to
172, 216 to 219, 236, 259
Mahundragiri, mo., 256
Mahtindramangalam, vi., 37n,
204
Mahendratataka, tank, 368
Mahendravadi, vi., 18n, 37n,
368
Mahendravarman I., Pallava
k., I8n, 28, 29, 33, 36 to 38,
42, 49, 204, 367
Mahondravarman II., Do., 29,
33, 41, 42
Mahendravarman III., Do., 34,
43, 49
Mahendravikramavaruoan, mr.
of Gholamaharaju, 205, 206
Mahendresvara, te., 43
Mahesvara, s. a. Siva, 43
Mahimana-Choia, Telugn-Chd-
la ch, 207
Mahinda, Ceylon k., 138
Mahipala, Pdla k., 256
Mahishamandala, s. a. Mysore,
8
Mahishasuramardhani, God-
dess, 331
Mailigideva, ch., 279
Majjhantika, Biiddhist missio-
nary, 8n
Majjhiraa, Do , 8n
Malabar, co., 246
Maladu, co.,23I
Malaikkoil, vi., 19n
INDEX.
Malai-nadu, di., 121, 149, 246,
250,382
Malaipadukadam, work, 384
Malaku'cha, s.a. Malakuta, 115,
120
Malakuta, co., 115 to 119, 121,
122,382
Malakutachudamani -chaturve-
dimangalam, misreading of
Manukulaohujamani-cha0,
116, 117
Mala-nadu, di., 129 to 131
Majava, 'family, 36,128, 129
13n
Malavachakravarti, ch., 156,158
Malavaraya, ch., 156, 158
Malaya, wo., 36, 116, 118,121,
vi., 138, 158
Malayavanta, 280
Malikia'zam Takiuddin, ch., 172
Malik Fakbruddin Juna Ma-
lik Jhaju, ch., 198
Malik Kafur, general, 63, 72,
172 to 174, 29'J, 301, 302,
313
Malkhed, vi., 54, 208
Mallideva, ch., 285
Mallikarjuna, Vijayanagara k ,
68,70
Mallikarjuna, ch., 593
Mallugi, Yddava k., 279, 281
Malur, vi.t 65
Malwa, co., 129, 19tf
Manabharana, Pandya k., 152.
161, 258
Manabharana, ch., 173
ManaHhar»na • chaturvediman-
galam, vi., 152
Manabharanaraya, ch., 157
Manar Barnaul, s.a. Manabha-
rana, 173
Manarri, vi., 125
Manamadhura, vi., 158
Manamelkudi, vi., 160
Manavamma, Ceylon k., 17n,
39, 4t
Manavira, general, 63, 302
Manaviramadhura, vi., 158
Manavir-kottam, di., 4n
Manayil-nadu, di., 346
roandalam, a division, 314
Mandaragaurava, sur. o/Paran-
taka ViranarayanaSadaiyan,
144
MandaragauravamangalamjS?*^
of Sinnamanur, 144
Mandhata, Mythical k., 210
Mangadevi, Vijayanagara queen,
70
Mangadu-nadu, di., 5n
Mangayarkkarasi, Pandya
queen, 41, 126.
Mangala. vi., 158, 159
Mangala, s. a. Muvendaman-
gala, 134.
Mangalakotta, vi., 159
Mangalapalli, vi., 293
Mangalapura or Mangalapuri,
vi., 127, 128
Mangalaraja, sur. of Madhura-
kavi, 134
Mangalarasa, W. Chalukya k,
127, 128
Mangalur, vi., 30, 32
Mangalur-nadu, di., 5n
Mangudi, vi.', 106, 130, 203
Mangudikilar, poet, 112
Manikkavasagar, Saiva saint,
137, 250
Mrtnimegalai, loork, 8. 95, 98,
203
Manimegalai,/., 95
Manimangala, vi., 39
Manjakkudi, vi., 160
Mankul, orNamakkal, 18n, 173
Manma or Manma-Ganapati,
Ghagi ch., 293
Manma, ch., 285
Manma-Gandagopala, ch., 293.
297, 298
Manmatha, god, 178
Mannai, vi., 254
INDEX.
411
Mannaikkudi, vi., 47
Mannarkoyil, vi., 152
Manni,™., 142
Mannikurichchi, vi., 48, 129
Manni-nadu, di., 142
Manniyarayar, ch., 157
manrupadu, tax, 344
Mantena, vi., 278
Mantrabrahmana, 320
Mantrakuta, vi., 268, 278
Manu, sage, 44, 185, 235, 239,
271, 387 •
Manu-Chola, Chola k., 185,
186, 207, 332
Manukulachulamani- chaturve-
dimangalam, vi., 117
Manupama, sur. of Nedunja-
daiyan, 132
Manyasasana, Do., 132
Marambavai, Pallava queen,
51,52
Maran or Maravarman, Pawe^a
*., 41, 122 to 126, 128
Maran Eyinan, ch., 134
Marangari, sur. of Madhura-
kavi, 134
Maranjadaiyan, title of Pdndya
kings, 142
Maranjadaiyan, title of Paran-
taka Viranarayana, 142
MaraDJadaiyan, title of Vara-
gunavarman, 141
Maran Valudi, Pandya prince,
127.
Mar.ava caste, 121, 156
Maravarman, title of Pdndya
kings, 142
Maravarman, Pdndya k., 100
to 104, 111
Mar. Kulasekhara I, Do., 169,
171 to 173, 175
Mar. Kulasekhara II, Do,
170n, 174, 175
Mar. Parakrama-Pandya, Do.,
340n
Mar. Srivallabba (of A,D. 1257),
Do., 169n.
Mar. Sundara-Pandya I., Do. 59,
161, 164, 175
Mar. Sundara-Pandya II., Do.,
164, 175
Mar. Sundara-Pandya (of A.D.
1294), Do., J75n'
Mar. Hundara-Pandya (Later),
Do., 179
Mar. Vikrama-Pandya, Do.,
]74, 175
Mar.Tribh.Vira-Pandya,I>o.,177
Mar. Vira-Pandya (of A. D.
1253), Do., 169n, 175n
Marayasahini, ch.t 298
Marcus Aurelius, Roman empe-
ror, 87
Marditavira, sur. ' of Nedunja-
daiyan, 132
Margrave of Hind, 172
Marjavadi, vi., 287
Marudanar, poet, 106, 203
Marudbala, sur. of Nedunjadai-
yan, 132
Marudur, vi., 100, 101, 104
Marutbupa, vi., 156
Maruttukkotta, vi., 157
maruvu, plant, 342
Matanganpalli, 389
Masavadi, di., 362
mattalam, musical instrument,
337
Maurya, dy.,7, 183
Mavalivaram or Mababalipu-
ram.s.a. The Seven Pagodas,
9n, 17n
Mavenko, Chera k., 112
mavirai, tax, 344
Maya-Pandya, s. a. Varaguna
varman, 139
Mayidavolu, vi., 27, 34
Mayilai, or Tirumayilal s, a.
Mylapore, 9n
Mayurasarman, Kadamba A,,
22, 23, 27 1
412
INDEX.
80, 327
Melumbikfi or Mailalamaha-
devi, Kakatiya princess, 275,
282, 287, 289
Melambikosvara, shrine, 287
Molmangala, vi., 158
Mulpadi, vi ;., 214
Melvaram, 351, to 353
Menmalai, mo., 361
Menmatura, vi., 30
Merrali tc., 10, 11, 23n
Meru, mo., 199
Meypporul-Nayauar, saint, 385
Milalai-kfirram, dz., 120
Mios Hormos, poet, 84
mfsaragarida, fri^e, 297, 298
Moggali, Buddhist missionary,
8n
Mopur, vi., 69
Mohammadut Tibi, ch., 172
Morco Polo, Venetian traveller,
170, 171, 294, 295n, 296n
Mottupalli, vi,, 294
Mrityujit, Mythical k., 210
Mrobfcukuru. vi., 286
Mucbukunda, Mythical k., 210
Mudattaoiakkanniysir, y;ot'£, 106
Muddrannadana? vi., 158
Mudikonda-Chola, C ho la
prince, 260
Mudikoridau, n., 249, 367
Mudikondayolapuram, vi., 164
Muditasilakshara, swr. of
Cholamabaraju, 205
Mudkal, vi., 301
Mugunda-Nayaka, te., 12
Muhammad II., Bahmani k.,
65,70
Muhammad Shah, k., 307 to
309
Muhammad Bin Tagblak,
Taghlak k., 304, 306
mukha-mandapa. 329
Muktijivara, tc,, 11, 19n
Muktiyala, v*., 292
mulam, musical instrument,
199
Mulangilar, poet 125
Mulbagal, vi., 375
Mulkinandu, di., 302
Mullaiyur, vi., 152, 258
Mullik Fakhruddin Joona, 303
Mummadamba, Kakatiya prin-
cess, 275, 296
Mummadissojan, Chola prince,
153 •
Mundikkara, vi., 158
Mundiyarayar, ch , 157
Muppala or Muppama-maba-
devi, Kakatiya queen, 274,
275, 281
Muppidi-Nayaka, general, 63,
298, 302
murassu, musical instrument,
199
Murkka-Nayanar, Saiva saint,
9n
Murti Eyinan. ch,, 134
Murti Nayanar, saint, 110, 194
Muruga, god, 126, 199
Musiri, vi,, 130
Muttaraiyan, c/t,, 13n, 19u,
209, 211
MuvuDdamangalam, vi., 134
Muvondainangala - Peraraiyan,
sur. of Madhurakavi, 134
Mylapore> vi., 9n
Mysore, vi , 8
Nachcbinarkkiniyar, Commen-
tator, 98
nadatchi, tax, 343
nadu, a division, 4n, 314, 360
nadu-kaval, tax, 344
Naduvinmalai, mo., 361
Naduvir.-kurr.u, di., 130
Naga, family, 33, 203
Nagalai,/., 261
Nageavara, tc., 385
Naib Amir, c^.,, 300
INDEX.
413
Nakkampullan, sur. of Paran-
takappalUvolan, 142
Nakkfrar, poet, 122, 125
Nakularayar, ch., 157
Nalankilinallur, vi., 203
Nalankijli StJtchenni. Chdla k.,
201
Nalaveriba, poem, 23
Nalayiraprabandham, work, 10,
195, 337
nalla, narpasu or narkidu,
nallerudu, ta&, 344
Nallasiddha, Telugu- Chdla ch.,
58, 284
Namadeva-Pandita, ch., 287
Nambaya, ch., 274
Nammalvar, Vaishnava saint,
332
Nanda-Chola, Chdla k., 207
Nandalur, vi., 60
Nandi, bull, 331
Nandipura, vi., 45
Nandivarman II. or Nandipota-
varman, s. a. Pallavamalla,
11, 34, 44 to 46, 369.
Nandivarman III., Pallava k.,
34, 44n, 94, 207
Nandi or Nandivarman, Do.,
17n, 29 to 33, 39n, 50 to 52
Nandivarman, Chdla k., 205,
206_, 207
Nangur, s. a. Kil-Nangur, 195
Nannul, Tamil Grammar, 3n
Naraiyur, vi., 125
Narama, Kdkatiya queen, 274,
275, 282
Naranan, ch , 259
Narasihaduva, ch., 155
Narasimba, god, 18n, 102
Narasinga Brabmarayar, ch.,
156
Narasimha, Vijayanaqara k.,
65, 67, 68, 70
Narasimha II, Hoysala k., 59,
60, 168, 283
1 Narasimha, Ganga-Pallava k.,
51
: Narasimha-Peruma}, te., 19n,
102. 134
| Narasimhavarman I., Pallava
k., 17n, 18n,29, 33, 38 to 41,
49, 53n, 114
Naraaiuahavarman II., Do., 18n,
29, 34, 42, 43, 46, 49
Narasimhavarman, Maladuch ,
231
Narcheygai-Puttur, s.a. Sin-
naiuanur, 141
Narmada(Nerbuda), ri., 299
Narttamalai.vi., 19n
Nataraja, god, 131, 164, 177
Natavadi, vi., 282, 289
Nafctara, vi., 125
Nattukkurumbu, vi., 132, 133
nattavagai, tax, 344
Navalur, vi., 326
Navarama, sur. of Cholamaba-
raju, 205
Navarama, ch., 207
uayadi, tax, 344
natyasastra, science, 251
Nazarat Khan, ch., 298
Nedumaran, Pandya k., 41,
122, 123, 127
Nedumballiyattanar, Pandya
k'., 107
Nedungunra-nadu, di., 5n
Nedunjadaiyan Parantaka,
Pandya k., 100 to 105, 131,
133, 135, 136
Neduujadiyan, Do., 19n, 75, 97,
105,106, 111 to 113, 115, 119,
122, 136, 202, 203
Nedunkilli, Chola k.,201
Ne<juvayal, vi., 48, 129
Negapatam, vi ., 116, 118,250
Nelgund (Nilakantha), vi., 299
Nellore or Nellur, vi., 47, 60,
87, 165 to 167, 220, 284, 289,
293, 298, 302
414
INDEX.
Nelveli, Tirunelveli, or Tinne-
velly, 40, 41, 47, 101, 123,
125
Nerikkaraikkadu, s. a. Tirukka-
lesvara, 10
Nero, Roman emperor, 87
•Nerva, Do., 87
Nettimaiyar, poet, 107
Nettur, vi., 158
neyvilai, tax, 344
Nicbchavinddamanavarayar,
ch., 157
Nicobar, island, 257
Nigaladharaya, ch., 157, 159
Nigarilisdlamandalam, di., 373
Nilattingalfcundam, te., 13
Nilawar. s.a. Nell'jre, 167
Nile, ri., 84
Nimbasana, vi., 47
Nlragam, te., 12
Nfrarambam, 352
Nirkuli, tax, 344
Nirmalya, 324n
Nirvachanottararamayanamu,
work, 59
Nishada, co., 47
Nittavinoda, sur. of Rajaraja
I., 245
Nittavinoda-valanadu, di., 317
Nizamulmulk Bahri Khani
' Azam' Adil Kban, ch., 65
Nolamba-Pallava, family 246
Nolambavadi, di., 246, 362
Nripatunga, Garig a- Pallava k.,
• 51,52
Nuy.r.angadan, 97
NurF.anganaan, 97
Odakkuli, tax, 344
Odra or Oddiyadeba (Oriasa),
vi., 118, 303
Officers, 371 to 375
Ollaiyur, vi., 106
Onakandanrali or Onakandis-
vara, te., 10
Opiliaiddhi II, ch., 286
Orissa, 256, 302, 303
Orifctiyur Toridama, vi., 158
Ornaments, 383
Orukal-mandapa, te., 17n
Orungallu or Orugallu, s. a.
Warrangal, 269, 278. 280
Padagai, hamlet, 362
Padangali, tax, 344
Padaaesha, 324 n
Paidavur-nadu, di., 5 n
Padea rao, s. a. Praudhadeva-
raya, 70
Padirruppattu, work, 91, 95,392
Padiyur, vi., 85
Pad.uvur-kottam, di., 4n
Paduvur-nadu, di., 5n
Pahruli, n./106
Paiyur or Paiyur-Il-angofctam,
di., 4n
Pakal, lake, 290
Pakanandu, di., 286
Palaigautamanar, author, 316>
390
Palaiyanur-nadu. di., 4n
Palakkada, vi., 30
Palamcottab, vi., 159
Palakunra-kottam, di., 4n
Palam, weight, 349
Palankaveri, ri., 109. 366
Paiaru, ri., 184, 361, 367
Pallava, dy., 2, 6n, 9, 11, 12n,
13, 15 to 40, 43 to 53, 61,66,
71,78,94,100,101,105,110,
113 to 115, 119, 124, 128,
129, 133, 134, 137, 139, 140,
166, 168, 189, 191, 192, 193,
203 to 209, 212, 213, 215,
221, 230, 246, 268, 273, 283,
288, 302, 313, 367, to ,369
Pallava, a sprout, 15
Pallavabhanjana, sur. o/Nedun-
jadaiyan, 105
Pallava-Grantha, alphabet, 22
Pallavakulatilaka, or Pallavati-
laka, 51, 52, 369
INDEX.
415
Pallavamalla, Pallava k., 12n,
13, 28, 29, 43 to 51, 94, 114,
129, 135
Pallaveram, vi,, 18n, 37n
Pallavarayar, ch., 155, 161
Pallavanisvaram, te., 19n, 204
Paludiyarayar, ch., 156
Palyagasalai Mudukudumi-
Peruvaludi, Pandya k., 101,
102, 105 to 107", 109,203,392
Palyanai Selkelu Kuttuvan,
Chera k., 316
Pamalur, vi., 194
Pamban, channel 84
Panamalai, vi., I8n
Panampakku, tax, 344
Pancbanga, 330, 336
Pancbapandavamalai, vi., 45
Panchava, s. a. Pandya, 77
Panchavanmabadevi queen *of
Bajaraja I., 253
Pancbavara, 323, 324
Pandava, 77,392
Pandava-Peruma}, te,, 12
Pandesvara, te., 286
Pandi-mandalam, the Pandya,
country, 153
Pandiba-Ch6la,s?<r. o/Kajendra-
Cf)6|a I., 257
Panditasola-terinda-villigal. re-
giment, 257.
Panditavatsala, sur. of Nedun-
jadaiyan, 104, 132.
Panditavataala, sur, of Paran-
taka I., 214.
Pandiyanai-cburam - iv.akkina,
title of Prantaka II., 55n,
148.
Pandee, s. a. Pandya, 80.
Pandu, old, 77.
Panduuvijayaka, vi,, 160.
Pandya or Pandu, dy., 1, 8,
130, I9n, 21, 24, 36, 40, 41,
47, 48, 54. 55, 59. 62, 72. to
81, 84, 85, 88, 90, 93, 96,
99, 101, 104 to 107, 109,
110, 112, to 114, 116, 118
to 122, 124, 126 to 130, 133,
136 to 141, 143, 154, 157,
160 to 175, 178 to 181, 184,
187, 191, 193, 194, 200 to
205, 208, 209. 211, 212, 215
to 221, 226, 235 to 238, 245
to 248, 250, 254 to 256, 258
to 260, 262, 264, 273, 288 to
290, 302, 304, 313, 338, 380,
382, 388, 389, 391
Pandyadhiraja, ch,, 156.
Pan^yadhiraja, sur. of Kadun-
gon, 110.
Pangundiyanadajvar, ch., 157.
Panini, author, 77
Panivakotta, vi., 158
Pannuppaleduppar, tax, 344
Papabfru, sur. of Nedunjadai-
yan, 132
Papanasam, hill, 121
Pappalam, island, 257
Paradavar, caste, 198
Parakesarivarman, sur. of
Parantaka I., 214, 216,242
> Parakesari, Chola k., 55, 210
Parakesarivarman, sur. of
| Vijayalaya, 211
Parakesarivarman, sur.of Baje-
dradeva, 56, 153, 259
Parakesarivarman, sur. of
Uttama-Chola, 147, 237, 239,
241. 242
Parakesarivarman, sur. of
Aditya TL, 147, 237, 239,
241, 242
Parakesarivarman, sur. of
Arinjaya, 232, 234, 237, 241,
242
Parakesarivarman, Chola title,
231, 232, 240
Parakramababu 1., Ceylon k.,
155, 159
Parakramabahu I., Ceylon k.,
171.
416
INDEX.
Parakrama-Pandiyan- kallanai,
dam, 162, 366.
Parakrama-Pandiyapporaru or
kal channel, 162, 366.
Parakrama-Paridya, Pandya
k., 155, 158, '159, 161/162,
163, 176,
Parakramapura, vi., 156, 157.
Paramatti, vi,, 173.
Paramesvaramangalam, vi., 5n
Paramesvara-tataka, tank, 368.
Paramesvaravarman T., Palla-
va k., 29, 33, 42, 49
Paramesvaravarman II., Do.,
13, 29, 34, 43, 44
Paramtisvara-vinnagar or vish-
nugriha, s. a. Vaikuntha-
Perumal, 12, 13.
Parankusa, sur. of Maravar-
man, 100, 123, 131
Parantaka I., Chola k., 54, 55,
75, 101, 131, 144 to 147,
•210, 213 to 228, 231 to 234,
236, 240, 242, 246, 247, 249,
254, 346, 347, 348, 367, 386
Parantaka II Sundara-ChoJa,
Chola fc,,55n, 147, 148, 211,
223, 224, 231, 235, 237, 242,
387
Parantaka, sur. of Nedunjadai-
yan, 132
Parantakan Madevadigajar,
queen of Gandaraditya, 131
Parantakan Siriyavelar, ch.,
231, 236'
Parantaka Viranarayana Sadai-
yan, Pdndya k., 100, 103,
139, Ml, 142, 144
Parasurama, sage, 245
Paripurna> binida of Nedunja-
daiyan, 132
Pariyala, vi., 39
parru, 349
Parthivonnravarraan» &., 119,
235
Parthians, 89
Parittikkudaiyarayar, ch., 156
Pasa, or Pasippatfcanam, 158,
160
Pasupati, h., 128
Patanjali, author, 183
Patapaba, vi., 158
Patna, vi., 328
Pattanallur, vi , 158, 159
pattigai kanam, tax, 344
Pattinappalai, poem, 197, 380
Pattipombachchapura, vi., 278
Pactirayar, ch., 157
Pattodati, a female heir-appa-
rent, 291
Pattuppattu, collection of Tamil
poems, 91, 95, 99, 384
Pavalavannar, te., 13
Pedda-Chagi, Chagi ch,, 293
Pdddacherukuru, vi., 286
Peddagalapalle. vi , 297
Pennagadam, vi., 132
Pennar, ri., 137, 361
Perarna, queen of Ganapati,
274, 275, 282
Pergada-Bdta, ch., 276
Periplus Maris Erythrae, 183
Periyapuranam, Tamil ivork,
9n, 38n, 39, 40, 122, 123,
126, 130, 185 to 187, 331
Periya-tirumadal, poem, I2n
' Perumbanaikkaran, m., 104,
105
I Perumbanar.Kuppadai, Tamil
poem, 92
Penimbar.^a-Puliyur, .s. a.
Chidambaram, 169
, Persia, co., 79, 82, 86
Persian gulf, 89
Perumbidugu, sur. of Mabdtid-
ravarman I., 368
Perumbiduguvaykkal, ri,, 367
Perumbanappadi, di., 361
Perumal Kulayokhara Para-
krama-Pandya, Pandya h.,
179
INDEX.
Perunat-Killi, Rajasuyamvetta,
mudittalaikko or Vel?pahra-
daikkai, 111, 201 to 203
perundanam, street, 245
Perundovanar, author, 94,95,99
Perundurai, vi., 153
Peruojinga or Kopperunjinga,
Pallava kn 59, 61, 62, 166,
283, 284, 288, 292, 302
Perur, vi.t 131, 133, 134
Peruvalanallur, vi., 42
Ptjyalvar, Vaishnava saint, 9n,
12n, 13n, 332'
Pikira, vi., 28n, 30
Pilivalai, /., 203
Pingalistala, di., 297
Pirakkampalli, vi., 373
Piranmalai, vi., 163
Pisirandai, .poet, 107
Pliny, 85
Pochiraju, ch.t 297
podi, 349
Podiya or Podiyamalai, hill,
121, 133
Poduvar, 200
Pollachchi, vi., 86
ponagam, 212
Pon-Amaravati, vi., 159, 160
Ponangallu, vi., 287
Ponmaliga-tunjinadeva, s. a.
Sundara-Cbola, 238, 387
Pounattukkdtta, vi., 159
Ponni, s. a. Kaveri, 165
Pdrmukarama, sur. of Punya-
kumara, 206
Potalika, s.a. Podiyamalai, 121
Pota or Potaraju, Ghdgi ch.,
292, 293
Pofctappi, di., 261
Poygaiyalvar, Vaishnava saint,
9n, 13o, 332
Poygaiyar, author, 186
prabhakara, 336
prakara, 329.
prakriti, 330
53
Prataparudra, Eudradeva or
• Kumararudra, Kdkatiya k.,
63, 268, 275, 291, 294, 296,
298, 301 to 303, 305, 305,
306
Prataparudriya, work, 268, 275
Praudhadevaraya, sur. of Mal-
likarjuna, 70
Prithivipati I ., Western Ganga
k., 140
Prithivipati II., Do., 202, 212,
215, 217, 221, 246
Prithivivyaghra, Nishada,ch.,4:l
Prola I., Kdkatiya k., 274, 275
Prola II., Prolaraja, Prodaraja,
or Pojalarasa, Kdkatiya k.,
268, 274, 275, 277 to 279
Prolaya-Vema-Keddi, Be </ d i
ch., 306
Ptolemy, 117, 183
Puda-Pandya, Pdndya k., 106
Pudatta|var, Vaishnava saint,
9n, 12n, 132
pudukkudiraikkurradu, tax, 344
Pugalendi, poet, 23
Pugaliyur, vi., 100, 133
Pugar, s. a. Kavedpattanam,
198, 199
Pujari, one who performs wor-
ship, 325
Pulakesi I., W. Chalukya k.,
38, 191
Pulakesi II., Do., 38, 39
Pulal-kottam, di., 4n
Pulal-nadu, di., 4n
Pulandai, vi., 124
Puliyan, title of Maravarman,
123
Puliyur-kottam, di., 4n, 5n
Pullalur, vi', 38
puludipadu, tax, 341
Punappiiliyan, sur of Nedunja-
daiyan, 132
Punnadu, di., 362
Punyakumara, Chola k., 206
418
INDEX.
purachcheri, quarter outside,
town, 198
Puram or Purananuru, Tamil
work, 91, 95, 99, 106, 107,
110 to 112, 125, 127, 131
133, 193o, 194n, 201, 392
Puranas, 15, 76, 183, 330, 336,
389, 391
Purapporalvenbamalai, irork,
384
Purisai-nadu, di., 4n
Purusha, 330
Purushasardhula, sur. of Pun.-
yakumara, 206
Pushpagiri, vi., 287
Pushpasena, Jain teacher, 70
puta-nali, tax, 343
puttaga vilai, tax, 344
Put'takota, vi., 306
Puvalur.'uz , 48, 129
Quilon or Qulam, vi., 167, 247
Baghu, mythical k., 184, 271
Bahut (Bavat), a cavalry officer,
300
Baichur, vi., 301
Raja Buna or Bajabhushana,
s. a. Nedunjeliyan, 122
Bajadhiraja I., Chola k., 56,
151, 152, 211, 258,' 259, 264,
265, 352
Bajadhiraja II., do. ,57, 154,155
Bajaditya, Chola prince, 54,
55, 147, 210, 215, 222 to 229,
231, 240, 242
Bajadityapuram, sur. of Tiru-
namanallur, 54, 226
Bajahmundry, vi., 246
Bajakesari, Chola k., 210
Bajakeaarivarman. sur. of
Virarajendra, 153
Bajakesarivarman, sur. of
Gahdaraditya, 232, 234, 237,
240 to 242
Bajakasarivarman, sur. of
Parantaka II., 147,231, 232,
235, 237, 238, 240 to 242
Bajakesarivarman, sur. of
Bajaraja I., 240, 242
Bajakesarivarman, sur. of
Aditya L, 53, 141
Bajakesarivarman, sur. of
Bajadhiraja, I., 56
Bajakesarivarman, Chola title,
231, 232, 240
Bajamahendra, Chola k., 211
Bajanarayana Sambuvaraya,
ch., 63
Bajaraja, Chola title 260
Bajaraja I., Chola k., 5, 56,
129, 142, 147' to 150, 211,
221 to 224, 233, 234, 236,
240 to 254, 257, 262, 270,
272, 338, 345, 346, 350, 352,
358, 360, 386—8
Bajaraja II., Do. ,57
Bajaraja III., Do., 59 to 61,
168, 283, 358
Bajaraja, Chera k., 152, 255
Bajaraja I., E. Chalukya k.,
211, 270
Bajaraja-Chaturvediraangalam,
sur. of Ambasamudram and
its surrounding villages, 363
Bajaraja-Pandinadu or Marida-
lam, the Pdndya country,
150, 248. 254' '
Bajarajesvara, te., 250, 253, 386
Bajarajesvara-nataka, drama,
251
Bajasahasramalla, title of
Sripati Ganapati, 293
Bajasimha I., Pancjya k., 100;
103, 128
Bajasimha II., Do., 100, 103,
136, 144, 147, 216, 237
Bajasimha, sur. of Narasimha-
varman 11., 30, 42,43
Bajasimha, Chera k., 152, 255
Bajasimhesvara or Bajasimha-
pallavesvara, s. a. Kailasa-
natha, 11, 42, 46
Note: — It having been found difficult to secure /, that letter
INDEX.
419
Bajasraya-valanadu, di., 129
rajasuya, ceremony, 109, 202
Bajondra-Chola I., Chdla k.,
56, 150, 151, 153, 154,' 209,
211, 221, 253 to 258, 262 to
264, 270, 332, 358, 373
Bajendra-Cbdla II., sur. of
Kulottunga I., 57, 64, 154,
263 to 265, 270, 271, 350
Bajendradeva, Chdla k., 56,
153, 154, 211, 259, 264, 265
Bajondrasimhvalanadu, di.t 360
Bajtindrasolabrahmarayar, ch.,
352
Bajendrasolabhumi, di., 351
Bajendrabola-Vinnagar, s. a<
Gopalakrishnasvamin, 152,
255
Bajina, vi., 159
Bakkasa, ch., 287
Bakkifca, Buddhist missionary,
8n
Bama, sage, 76, 145, 165, 167,
217
Bamanadapuram, vi., 142
Bamayana, work, 77, 183
Bam Deo, k., 299
Itameyvaram or Bamiesaram,
vi., 156
Bariamukha-Bhima, sur. of E.
Chalukya. Bajaraja I, 245
Ranarasika, k,, 42
Banajaya, sur. of Narasimha-
varman II,, 17n, 42
Banasura, k., 256
Banganatha, tc., 18n, 165
Bangapataka, Pallava queen, 43
Bashtrakuta, dy., 2n, 20, 24,
46/48, 50n, 52n, 54 to 57,
66, 71, 135, 208, 209, 225,
to 231, 239
Ratidevi, goddess, 178
Batnavaluka, chaitya, 156
Katta, 56
Z/., 248, 260, 361
Ravi varman Kulasokhara,
Kerala k., 63, 302
Bayaria-Preggada, ch., 288
Beddi, family, 305, 306
Bed Sea, 84
Reva Pallava queen, 52
Big— Veda, 334
Bohana, co., 148
Boman, 82 to 89, 91, 97
Borne, 82, 85, 86, 88 to 90
Budra, 336
Budradajnan, Andhra k., 16
Budra or Budradeva, Kakatiya
k., 268, 269, 274, 275, 278
to 281
Budradeva Natavadi ch., 289
Budradeva-Maharaja, Do., 289
Budramba or Budradeva-
Mabaraja, Kakatiya queen
275, 282, 291 to 294, 296,
297
Budrangannaoar, author, 93
Budrtjsvara, tc., 280
Sabbiaayira or Sabbi, di,, 269,
,276
Sabrara, tribet 47
sabbaviniyogam, tax, 344
Sachiva, ch., 285
Sadaiyan Ranadhiran, Pandya
k., 101, 101, 104. 127
Sadasiva, Vijayanagara k., 69,
71
Sagara, Mythical k., 271
Sabadeva, Pdndava hero, 77
Saiva, 1, 9, 23, 38, 39, 41, 110
122, 126, 130, 137, 187, 194
, 248 to 250,290,330,332,384-7
Saivacbaryas, 332
Saivism, 2n, 9, 17, 38n
Sakas, tribe, 15
Sakkasonapati, Singhalese
f General, 216
Sakkiyanar, Sai-va saint, 9n
Saktikomara Vikramaditya,
Chdla k., 206
420
INDEX.
Saktivarman, E. Chalukya k.,
247, 270
salabhdga, 339
Saluvankuppain, vi., 17n
Saman, Veda, 334
Samarabhirama, Kodumbaliir
ch., 128
Samayaveram^ vi., 130
Samburaja or Sambuvaraya, ch.,
59 to 61, 63, 285
Samgramaraghava, sur. of Pa-
, ipntakal.. 145, 214,217
Sankaracharya Advaita philoso-
pher, 14
Samudragupta, Gupta k., 26,
, 27, 34
Sangam, academy, 94, 95, 392
Sangamayya, ch., 259
Sangharama, a monastery, 7, 8
Sanka, Pallava queen, 52
Sankaragrama, vi., 47
Saukaranainarkovil, vi.t 180
Sankaramangai, vi., On, 48» 129
Sankaranarayana, god, 18n
Sannai-nadu, di., 352
Sanskrit, 3, 184, 268, 269, 275
Santa-Bhoja, ch., 285
Santa-Sambhu, ch., 289
Santaneri, vi., 159
Santara1, family, 278
sarvathikari, office, 298, 305
sarvatirtham, tank, On
Satrum'alla, sur. of Mahendra-
varman I., 18n, 37
Satakarni, 97
Satrudurantara.sw. of Maravar-
man, 123
Satyasraya, W, Chalukya k.,
150, 248, 250
Safcyavakya Kongunivarma-
Maharaja, W. Ganga k., ;227
Satyavedu, vi., 4n
Satrumalleavaralaya, te., I8n
Saurasbtra, eo., 16
Sayana-Udaiyar, Vijayanagara
k., 68, 69
sogandi, musical instrument,
, 333, 337
Sekkilar, author, 9n, 331
sekkirai, tax, 344
Kelai, 348
Seliyakkudi, vi., 100, 133
Sejiyan Sendan, s.a, Jayanta-
f varman, 101, 102, 104, 111
Selvakkadungovaji Athan,
, Chera k., 317
Sombiyan, title, 113, 127
Sembiyanmabadeviyar, queen
of .Gandaraditya, 232, 233,
, 253
Sembiyaniravalivanaraya, sur.
t. of Prithivipati II., 221, 246
Sembiyan Soliyavaraiyan, ch.,
f 220
Sembiyan Tamilave}, ch., 212
Sembur-kottam, di , 4n, 5n
Semponmari, vi., 158
senbagam, plant, 342
Sendalai, vi., 323
gendamangalam> vi., 166, 168
gendirukkai-nadu, di., 4n
sengalunlr, plant, 342
Sengannan or Kochchengannan,
Chdla k., 184, 186 to 188,
f 190, 120
Sengatta-kottam, di., 4n
sengudikkanam, tax, 344, 348
Sengundiyarayar, ch., 157
Sengunra-nadu, di., 5n
genni, s. a. Choja, 201n
Sennilam, vi., 125
Sentamil, Journal, 166n
t'kala, s. a. Chera, 124, 125
uraman Anduvancheral Irum-
borai, Chera k., 202
Seraman Kadakko Neduncberal
Athan, Do., 202
Seraman Mandarancheral Irum-
f borai, Do., 202, 203
Seraman Ma Venko, Do., 202,
203
INDEX.
421
Seramun Peruncheral Atban,
, Chera k., 193
Seraman SelvakkadungovaH
f Atban, Do., 110
Sethoor, di., 4n
Seven Pagodas, vi., 19n, 22,
42,87
Severus, Roman Emperor, 87
8euna,/<M»»Zy, 282, 283
Sevur, vi., 124
Shadangavid, title, 319
Shin li lo cha yin to lo chu lo,
s a. Sri-Rajendra-Cb6}a, 257
Shiyali, vi., 186, 204
Sholapur, vi,, 87
Sholavandan, vi., 152
Sibi, mythical k., 120
Siddhapura, vi., 8, 76
Silaimannar, s.a. Chera, 125
Silamegha, ch., 156
Silamegha Sena, or Sena,
/ Ceylon k., 137 to 140
Silappadigaram, work, 93, 95,
97 to 99, 192, 384
Simhala, s.a. Ceylon, 36, 218
Simbana, Yddava k., 282, 283
Simhavarman, Pallava kt, 28n,
2«J to 33, 35
Simhavishnu, Chdla k., 205, 206
Simhavishriu Pallava k., 28 to
30, 32 to 34, 36, 37, 43, 44,
204
Simhavisbnu-chaturvedimanga-
,1am, sur. of Kanjanur, 37, 204
Sinachcholan, biruda of Nedun-
jadaiyan, J32
Singana, ch., 166
Singapura-nadu, di., 132
Singhalese, 39, 40, 80, 81, 88,
137, 138, 140, 141, 145, 146,
148, 150, 154 to 157, 159,
r 160, 161, 170, 186, 217 to
f 219, 221, 259
Sinnamanur.w., 48, 73, 93, 99,
101 to 104, 106, 109, 134,
139, 144, 203, 220
Siplaputtur, vi., 130
Siriyala, vi., 157
Sirriyarrur, vi., 346
Sirpur (Sirbar), vi., 299
sjrudanam, street, 245
Sirukalattur, vi , 220
Sirusungam.^ax, 351
Siruttonda, Saiva saint, 39,332,
, 386
Sitpuli, ch., 220
Sittiramadattu - tunjina - Nan-
maran, Pandya k., 105, 111
Siva, In, 9n, 18, 19n, 37n, 38n
43, 131, 137,166, 187, 204
220, 235239,268, 286. 331
, 337, 339,
Sivadbarma, 336
Sivanesar, Saiva saint, 9n
Sivapadaaekhara, sur. of Raja-
/ raja I., 248
Sivaskandavarman, Pallava
, k., 27, 28
Sivayogauathasvamin, tc., 253,
, 338
Slyamangalam, vi., 18n
Skandauishya, s. a. Skandavar-
man II., 32, 33, 53n
Skandavarman, Pallava k., 29
to 32, 34
Skandavarman 1., Do.. 33
Skandavarman II., Do., 31 to
34, 193
Skandavarman III., Do., 32 to
33
Slave, dy,, 291
Solachiilamani, ri.t 249
S5!amuvendave}ar, ch., 35
Solakonar ch,, 157
Solan, title, 123; 127
So/antaka, vi., 159
S'olapuram, vi., 54n, 228 to 230
Soma, Buddhist missionary, 8n
SOma, Queen of Ganapati, 275,
282, 291
Sdmasiddhanta, 336
Sdmayajin, title, 319
422
INDEX.
SomayajulaRudradeva, ck., 297
Somosa, s.a. Virasotnesvara, 59,
, 60, 285
S6m«svara I., W. Chalukya k,,
, 258
Sonadu valangiyaruliya, s. a.
Mar. Sundara-Pandya I., 161
Sorandankotta, vi., 158
Sribhara, sur. of Narasimha-
varman II., 42
Srikantha, Chola k., 207
Srikantha Chola ch., 207
£ *
Srikantha-chaturvodimangalam
sur. of Tjruverumbur, 207
Srikantha-Siva, Saiva teacher,
293'
Srikoyilvariyam, committee, 326
Srlmanohara, sur. of Nedunja-
dajyan.,132
Srimara Srlvallabha Paracha-
krakolahala, Pdndya k., 100,
, 103, 136 to 140/212
Sriparbata or Srlsafla, mo , 23,
, 280
Sripati Ganapati, ch., 293
Sripurambiyam or Tiruppiram-
, biyam, vi., 140, 212
Srfranga, Vijayanagara k., 69,
,71
Srfrangam, vi., 165, 166, 207,
, 338, 339
Srivallabha, Pdndya k., 151,
161,261
Srivallabha- Achari, m., 162
Srlvallabha Madanaraja, Ceylon
, k., 259
Srivallabhappereri, tank 162
Srivilliputtvir, vi., 159
Srivara.swr, o/Nedunjadaiyan,
, 104, 132
Srivaratnangalam, vi., 132
Sthanu Eavi, Cherak., 212
stupas, 6 to 8
Subbagiri (Yapuva), vi., 170
Subrahmanya, tc., 19n
Sudra, easte, 272, 327
Sultan Eezia, Slave queen, 291
Sumatra, island, 257
Sunavpal (Kunarpal), vi., 299
Sundara-Cbola, title, 260
Sundra-Chola, swr.o/Parantaka
II,, 147 to 149, 223, 224,
231, 232, 234 to 242, 251,
254, 387
Sundara-Cbola-Pan$ya, Chdla-
Pdndya k., 151 to 153
Suudarachojaparxdisvainudai-
yar, te., 153
Sundaramurti-Nayauar, Saiva
saint, 9n, 10, 250, 386
Sundarananda. Chola k., 205,
207
Do., Chdla ch., 207
Sundara-Paridya, ch., (llth
century), 156, 152, 161, 258
Sundara-Paridya, (war of suc-
cession) Pdndya h., 172 to-
174
Sunder Pande, s.a, Jafc Sundara-
Pandya (A.D. 1270), 169
Sunshih, Chinese ivork, 257
S^ramara, vi., 39
Surattur-nadu, di., 5n.
SuravaJundur, vi., 47
Sussanian, alphabet, 79
Sutra, 313
Suttee, 238, 239, 251
guvannabbumi, co., 8n
Suviyaka, ch , 16
Svamideva, ch., 293
Svamidroharagarida title, 297
Svamimalai, vi., 117
Svetavanesvara, te., 329
Tadigaipadi or Tadigaivaii, di.,
246
Tagadur, s.a. Dharmapuri, 131,
133
Tagadiir - Erinda - Nedunjeral
Athan, Chera &M 318
Tagblak, dy., 305
Taila or Tailapa III., W. Cha-
lu*ya * , 277 to 280
INDEX.
423
Taki uddin Abdur Rahiman,
ch., 172
Takkolam, vi., 54, 225, 227,
240
Talabbilla, vi., 155
Talachi, lake, 173
tajai, floiver, 198
Talaiyalanganam, vi., 105, 106,
111, 112,202,203
Talakkad, vi., 135, 108, 213,
246, 254
Talgunda, vi., 22
Taligaivali, di., 352
Ta lo pi cba, s.a. Dravida, 3, 205
Tambapanni, s. a. Ceylon, 88
Tamil, 3, 8, 14, 25, 39, 40, 75
to 77, 79, 83, 85, 91 to 93,
95, 101, 105, 106, 110, HI,
122, 127, 129, 130, 138, 152,
155, 156, 161, 170, 184 to
186, 189, 190, 192, 200, 202,
207, 227, 299, 230, 233,257,
263, 301, 316, 318, 336, 352,
365
Tammasiddhi, ch , 58, 284
Tamraparni, ri., 361, 390
Tamrapuri, s.a, Chebrdlu, 286
Tangapperuma}, ch., 157
taniyur, a free village, 363
Tanjai, s.a. Tanjore, 2n, 227
Tanjavur-kurrara, di., 133
Tanjore orTanjavur, vi., 53, 55,
101, 133, 141 to 143, 149,
164, 184, 207, 208,211,221,
227, 230, 245, 248, 251, 257,
350, 360, 363
Taprobane, s.a. Ceylon, 88
taragu, tax, 344
tarippudavai or tari-irai, tax,
344
Tatacharya, Vaishnava teacher,
71
Tathagatha, s.a. Buddhn, 6
tattarappattam, tax, 344
Tattvaprakasa, teacher, 177
tax, (kadamai, kali, pcitfam,
irai, kadan, amanji, dyam,
vari and ptitchi, synonmous
with) 48
Tekkur-nadu, di., 4n
Telingana, co., 295n, 299, 300,
301,303, 304, 305 to 309
Tejlirr.erinda Nandipotavarman
Pallava k.t 94
Telugu or Telinga, 58, 59, 189,
193, 207, 245, 272 to 274,
277, 279, 283, 285, 288, 289,
308
Telugu-Chola or Cbod&ifamily,
58 to 61, 71, 190/193, 207,
284 to 286, 298, 302
Ten-Kaduvay, di., 360
Tenkala'vali-nadu, di., 132, 361
Tenkarai.w., 152, 162, 163
Tenkasi, vi., 177, 178, 180
Tenkuttarayar, ch., 157
Tennavan orTennan, title, 123,
127, 132
Tor or Tiruvalundur, «'., 194
Ter-Maran, Pandya k., 101,
102, 106
Thalandurnadalvar, ch., 157
Theodosius, Roman Emperor,
87
Tiberius, Do., 86
tiger, crest, 199
Tigris, ri., 89
Tikka or Cboda-Tikka, ch., 59,
60, 61n, 283
Tikkana- Somayaji, poet, 285
Tillai, s.a. Chidambaram, 166
Tillaisthanam, vi , 212
Tinnavelly, vi., 40, 157, 158
Tiraiyanori, tank, 368
Tfra-Paridya, s a. Vira-Pandya,
172
Tiruchchalal, hymn, 337
Tiruchchangatfcangudi, vi , 332
Tiruchchennampundi, vi , 52
Tirukkachchi-fikambam, s.a.
Ekambaranatha, 10
424
INDEX.
Tirukkalasvara, te., 10 n
Tirakkalittattai, w., 363
Tirukkalukkunram, r-i .,5n, 17n,
213
Tirukkalvanar. te.t 13
Tirukkamakkottam, s.a. Earn-,
akahi, 3n
Tirakkanapper, ri., 158 to 160
Tirukkaraikkadu, s a. Nerik-
karaikkadu, lOn
Tirukoilur. ri.t 3n
TirukkoUambudur, vi., 161,
Tirukkuripputtondar, Saiva
saint, 9n
Tiramala, Vijayanagar I:., 69
Tirumalisai, Vaishnava saint,
9o, 12o, 13n, 14n, 332
Tirumalpur, vi., 213, 345, 346,
347,
Tirumangai, vi., 48, 129
Tirumangai-Ajvar, Vaishnava
Saint, 9n, 12n. 13, 17, 51,
332
Tirumejnanam, vi., 349
Tirumukkudal, vi., -J36
Tirunalakkiiramudaiya - Naya-
nar, te.. 325
Tirunamanallur, vi., 54
Tirunaraiyur, vi., 12o
Tirunavali, s.*. Tinnavelly, 157
Tiruna vukkarasu - N a y a n a r ,
Saiva saint, 3 a
Tirupati, hill, 5n, 297
Tiruppadagam, s. a. Paodava-
Perumal, 12
Tiroppadirippuliyur, ri.t 38n
Tiruppadiyam. hymns, 333,337
Tiruppali, vi., 159
Tirupparangunram, hill, 19n,
140
Tirupparittikkanru, vi., 70
Tiruppattur, vi., 159
Tiruppattur. tn., I9n
Tirupporur, vi., 20o, 42
Tiruttanka, * a. Vi|akko}»-Peru-
mal, 12
Tiravachagam, hymn, 337
Tiruvadavfir, rt., 317
Tiruvadi, vi., 38n
Tiruvalangada, vi., 4n, Son, 53,
141,146, 149, 161, 184, 191,
202,209, 211, 212, 218,219,
223, 234, 264, 272, 332, 387
Timvali Srirangaraja Brahm-
adhiraja, ch., 178
Tiruvallam, vi., 345
Tiruvalluvar, author, 186
Tiruvandadi, poem, 12n
TriuvaDJaikkalam, s.a. Cranga-
nore, In, 128
' Tiruvannamalai, r*., lOn
Tiravarangam, s.a. Srirangam,
166
Tiruvarur vi., 332
Tiruvayan Srikanthan, Vaidum-
ba t., 231
Triuvaymoli, hymn, 333, 337
Tiruvehka, s.a. Yadoktakari, 13
TiruvtJkambama, ri., 158
Tiruvellarai, vi., 51, Son, 369
Tiruvembavai, 337
Tiruvendipuram, ri., 59n, 168
Tiruvenkgadu. vi., 195
Tiruvenmalaiyan, ch.t 202
Tiruverumbur, ri., 207
Tiruvidaimarudur, ri., 56. 132,
241." 253
Tiruvilaiyadalpuranam, work,
no
Tiruvisaippa, collection of
poems, 233
Tiruvisalur, vi., 140, 151, 153,
338, 363
Tirnvo?riyar, vi., 4n, 9o, 215,
237. 238, 336
tiyeri, tax, 344
Todukalarkilli, Chola k., 8
Tompiyarayar, ch., 157
Tonda, Tondai, Tondira or Tun-
dira, s. a. Tondai mandalam,
4, 137
tondai, a creeper, 15
Tondamanad, ri., 214, 386
INDEX.
425
Tondaiman-A??ur or Toridai-
man-Perarrur, sttr. o/Tonda-
manad, 214
Tondaiman- Anur- tunjinadtiva,
sur. of Aditya 1 , 214, 346
Tondaimandalam or Tondai-
nadu, at.', 4, 5, 6, 9n, 22, 23,
53, 54, 63, 190, 192, 212,
215, 221, 222, 226 to 230,
239, 240, 288, 301, 302, 361,
391
Tondaimandalasadagam, work,
4n, 192
Tondaiman Ilandiraiyan, Pal-
lava k., 203
Tondaiyar, s.a. Pallava, 12n, 15
Tondamana, ch., 159
Tondamaraya, ch., 156
Toridi, vi., 158, 160
traiyanga, 330
Trajan, Roman emperor, 87, 88
Travenoore, co., 258
Tribh.0 Kon. ° Kulasekhara,
alias, Dharma-Perumal, sur.
of Jatilavarman Perumal
Parakrama Pandya, 179
Tribhuvanamalla, sur. of Beta,
274 to 276
Trichinopoly, vi., 17n, 18n, 37,
130, 140, 204, 302
Trikalinga, CO., 281
Trilocbana or Trinayana-Pal-
lava, sur. of Skandavarman
II., 35, 190 to 192, 272, 273,
391
Tripurantakam, vi., 282, 289,
293, 297
Tripurantakobvara, tc., 287, 289
Tripurarideva • Maharaja,
Kayastha ch., 293, 294
Trivedin, title, 319
Trivikrama, god, I8n
tuduval, tax, 344
tulabbara, or tulapurusha, 100,
101, 128, 165, 166, 251, 338
tulam, weight, 317
54
Tundaka-vishaya, s. a. Tondi-
mandalam, 4, 45
Tungabhadra, n., 57, 260,261,
390
tunjina, died, 200n, 20ln
Tuparama, Buddhist shrinf., 138
Tuvaradhipavelar, ch., 156
Uohitan, sur. of Maravarman,
123
Udagai, t>t., 180, 247
Udaiya, eh., 278
Udaiya III.,C«yfcm k., 148, 149,
236, 237
Udasinapperumakka . commit-
tee, 326
Udayaobandra, Pallava Gene-
ral, 45, 47, 135
Udayana, Sabhara k., 47
Udayendiram, vi., 28 to 30,
39n, 43n, 145, 190, 202,216
to 218
udupdkkif, tax, 344
Ugra, Pandya k., 141, 142
Ugradartda, sur. of Paramos-
varavarman II., 42
Ugra-Peruvaludi, Pandya k.t
106, 112,201,202,203
Ujjain, vi., 192
Uju, tribe, 186
Ulagajanda-Perumaj, te., 12, 63
Ulugh Khan, Taghlak k., 304
Umbarkadu, vi., 316, 317, 390
Ummattur, /amt/v, 71
Upanisbad, 313
Upparapalli, vi., 302
Or, a village, 314
uratcbi, tax, 343
Uragam, s. a. Ulagajanda-Peru-
mal, 12
Uraiyfir, vi., 1, 59, J13, 128,
164, 184, 201
Urandai, s. a. Uraiyur, 200
Urjita, sur. of Narasimhavar-
_ man II., 43
flrrukkadu. vi., 4n
Urrukkattukottam, di., 4n, 5n
426
INDEX.
TJruvappahreru, title of Ilan-
jotchonni, 194
Uruvupalle, vi.t 28n, 30, 32
Utbama-Chola, see Madhuran-
takan, Uttama-Chola
Uttara, Buddhist missionary,
8n
Uttaramallurj-yi., 323
uttiram, 330
uvatti, 351
Uyyakkondar, ri., 196n, 249,
367
Uyyakkondar-valanadu, di.,
360
Vadali, vi., 156, 157
Vada-Kaduvay, di., 360
Vadakalavali-nada, di.t 361
Va<ja-Manamelkudi, vi., 160
Va<javali, di., 361 "
Vadavannakkan Periya-Sattan,
poet, 125
Vadavalattirukkainadalvar, ch.,
155
Vadimbalamba - ninra-Pandya,
Pandya k., 105 to 107
Vadugavali or Vadugavalimer-
ku, di., 361
Vaidumba, family, 215, 216,
226, 230, 231
Vaidumb-Maharaja Sandayan
Tiruvayan, Vaidumba k., 230
Vaidumba-Maharaja Sri-Vikra-
maditya, Do., 231
vaidyavritfci or maruttuvap-
peru, 336
Vaigai, ri., 361, 365, 366
Vaija, ch.t 276
Vaikuntha-Perumal, te., 12, 13,
19n 49
Vaishnava, 1, 9n, 51, 102, 133,
195, 332, 394
Vaiahnavism, 2n, 9
Vaiaya, caste, 342
Vaivasvat, mythical, 210
Vajapeyin, title, 319
Vajra, co., 190, 192
Vakatimalla-Rudra, Natavadi
ch.', 282
Vakkaleri, vi., 46n
Valabha, mythical Chola k., 210
Vajaivanan, m., 203
ValamaDJadii tax, 344
Valanadu, a district, 314, 360
Valangai, casfe, 351, 352
Valava, s. a. Gbola, 200n, 201n
Vallabha, s. a. Pulake&n II.,
39
Vallala, s. a. Hoysala, 165
Vallam, vi., 18n, 125
Valla-nadu, di., 5n
Valmiki, sage, 76, 77, 188
Valudi, s.a. Papdya, 201 n
Vamsabhabarana, work, 267
Va9agappadi, di., 231
Vanavan, title, 123 to 125, 127,
132
Vanavanmabadevi, queen of
Sundara-ChaJa, 238, 251,387
Do., queen of
Viranarayaria, 144
Vanji, s. a. Tiruvanjaikkalam,
128
Vannarapparai, tax, 343
Varadadevi, Vijayanagara
queen, 71
Varadaraja, te., 12, 13
Varaguna-Maharaja, Pandya
k., 100, 103, 136, 337
Varagunavarman, Do., 100 to
103, 137, 139 to 142, 212, 374
Varaha-Perumal, te., 13
Vardhamana, Jain te., 70
Vardhamanagiri, 280
Varodaya, sur. o/Maravarman,
123
Vartikas, 77, 183
Vatapi, s. a. Badami, 38 to 40,
53n
Vatapikonda, sur. of Narasim-
havarman I., 17n, 38n
Va^aranyesvara, te., 329
Vattarrelini Athan, ch., 112
INDEX.
427
Vattelutfcu, alphabet, 79
vatti-nali, tax, 343, 349
Vatfciya-nadu, di., 5n
Vayalur, yi., 20n, 30, 42
Vayilar, Saiva saint, 9n
VayiratnGgan, sur. of Dantivar-
man, 12n, 50
Vayiramegan, sur. of Danti-
durga, 50n
Vayiramega-tataka, tank, 368
Vayiramega-vaykkal, ri., 368
"Vayiriyar, dancers, 106
Vedarauyesvara, te., 329
Vedas, 108, 313, 316, 320,334,
335, 336, 339
Vedavritfci, 336
Vugavati, ri., 10, 14, 63, 302
Vejaikkara, class of people, 245
Velanandu, family, 282, 286
Velananti-Kulottunga - Rajen-
dra- Choda-Nistaraka, ch.,
285
Velangudi, vi., 132, 160
Velentian, Roman emperor, 87
Vel-Evvi, ch., 112
VeJima-nadu, di,, 5n
velir, chiefs, 130, 131, 195
Vellala, caste, 199, 327
Vellalur, vi., 86, 87
Vellinabba, vi., 159
VeUiyambalam, s.a. Madura,
106, 112, 201, 202
Vellumpufctan, vi., 308
Vellur, vi., 100, 133
Velukkai, s. a. Mugunda-Naya-
ka, 12
Velur-kottam, di., 4n
Velur, ^.",'63. 145
Velur, vi., 217, 218
Velurpalaiyam, vi., 29, 32, 33,
35. 36, 42, 44n, 60, 192, 204
Velvikudi, vi., 41, 48, 74, 93,
99, 102 to 106, 109 to 111,
123, 124, 127, 128, 131, 132,
134, 203, 392
Vembarrur or Vembil, vi., 140
142, 363
Yen or Venadu, s.a. Travencore,
100, 133, 258
Vtjngada-kottam, di., 4n, 5n,
361"
Vengai-nadu, di., 246
Vengi, co., 247, 256, 262, 270
to 272
Venkatadri, Vijayanagara
prince, 71
Venkatapati, Vijayanagara k.,
69, 71
Verxkonkudi-kandam, di., 130
Venkunra-kottam, di., 231, 361
Venmattu, 125
Vennaru, ri., 195, 360, 366
Vermi-Kuyattiyar, poet, 193n,
195n
Vewil, vi., 191, 193
Venrumankonda Samhuvaraya,
ch., 63
VtippaDgulam, vi., lOn
Verus, Roman emperor, 87
Veapesian, Do., 87
Vihara, Buddhist shrine, 139
Vijaya, Ceylon k., 80
Vijaya-Buddhavarman, Pallava
k., 27, 34
Vijayacharita, sur. o/Maravar-
man, 123
Vijayaditya.TF. Chalukya k., 20,
35, 127, 189. 191, 192, 259,
273
Vijayalaya, Chola k., 53, 141,
143, 154, 184, 189, 209 to
212, 221, 261, 271, 272
Vijayanagara, vi., 5, 63, 64, 67
to 72, 144. 176, 305, 306,
313, 338
Vijayaraghava, Chera k., 214
Vijaya Skandavarman, Pallava
k., 27, 34
Vikki-Arman, sur. of Sembiyan
Tamilavel, 212 •
Vikkiramangalam, vi., 163, 340
428
INDEX.
Vikramabahu, Ceylon k., 259
Vikramabharana, sur. of Baja-
rajt I., 245
Vikrama-Chola, Chdla k., 57
Vikrama-Chola-Pandya, Chdla-
Pdndya k., 15H
Vikramaditya, W. Chalukya k.,
42
Vikramaditya II., Do., 11, 45,
46, 66
Vikramaditya VI., Do., 56,
259, 263, 277, 278
Vikramaditya Cholamaharaju,
Chdla k., 206
Vikramaditya Satyadutunru,
Do., 206
Vikramakesari, Kodumbdlur
ch.t J49, 235
Vikramangadtivacharita, work,
'263
Vikramangalam, vi , 340, 366
Vikrama-Pandya, Pandya k.,
161, 259
Vikramaparaga, sur. of
Nedunjadaiyan, 104, 132
Vikrama&ngapura, sur. of
Neliore, 60, 165, 284, 289,
293
Vikramasolamandalam, s. a.
Taligaivali, 352
Vikramasdlapper, vi., 157
VikramasoJapuram, s.a. Vikki-
ramangalam, 340
Vilangil, vi., 202
Viiinam, vi., 100, 124, 133,
139, 246
Villivalam, vi., 40. 123
ViJakkoli-Perumal, te... 12
Vilveli or Vilvalanagara, s.a.
Villivalam, 40, 123
Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k.,
247, 270. 272
vimana, 330
Vimuvarayar, ch., 157
Vinaik-Deva, Kdkatiya prince,
307, 308
Vinayaditya, W. Chalukya k ,
127, 128
Vinayavi^ruta, sur. of Nedun-
jadaiyan, 132
Vindhya, mo., 280
Virmam, vi., 100, 133
Vinukonda, vi., 306
Virabhadra, god, 178
Viragandagopala, ch., 165, 174
289
Viraganga, ch., 156
Viraganganadalvar, ch., 157
Virakerala, Pandya k., 152,
161,258
Virakerala- Vinnagar, te.t 152
Vlrakesari, ch., 261
viraloka, 225
Vfranaraniyar, queen of Ganda-
raditya, 232
Viranarayana, sur. of Paran-
taka I., 214
Vira-Pandiyan-kal, channel
162, 366
Vlra-Pandya, Pandya k., 55n
147 to 149, 158, 160, 161,
163, 172 to 174, 235 to 237
239, 242
Virapperiyarayar, ch., 157
Vlrapuroga, sur. of Nedunjadai-
yan, 104, 132
Virarajendra, Chdla k., 56, 60,
153, 154, 211, 260, 261, 263,
264
Vlrasalamegan, Ceylon k., 259
Virasarman, m., 23
Vlrasimha, Pallava k., 29, 33
Virasolan, ri., 196n, 367
Vlra^oliyam, Tamil Grammar,
152
Virasomesvara, Hoysala k., 60,
165, 166, 285
Vlravallaj-a, Do., 349
Viravarman or Virakurcha,
Pallava k., 29, 31 to 33
Vlraveribamalai, poem, 180
Virpidi, tax, 344
INDEX.
429
Vi^aiyanallulan, ch., 51
visakkanam, tax, 344
Vishnu, 'god, 11, I2n, 17, 18,
19n, 126, 133, 134, 152, 178,
187, 231, 330, 339
Vishrmgopa, Yuvamaharaja,
Pallava prince, 31 to 33
Vishnugopa, Pallava k., 27, 29,
34
Viahnuraja or Vishnuvardhana,
E. Chalukya k., 47, 49
Vishnuvardhana-Bitti, Hoysala
fc.,'278
Visvanatba, te., 177, 178
Visvdsvaracharya, ch., 289
Visvesvarasivadesika, Saiva
teacher, 290
Vitakalmasha, sur. of Nedun-
jadaiyan, 132
Vittara, ch., 157
Vukka, vi., 157
Vyaghrakotu, mythical, k., 210
Vyakarana, 333, 336
Warrangal. vi., 61, 268, 269,
279, 291J, 302 to 907
Wassaf, Muhamadan historian,
170
weights and measures, 377
Yadava, family, 80, 279, 281 te
283, 301, 305, 306
Yadoktakari, te.. 13
Yaga, 108, 319
Yajua, 319
Yajus, Veda, 334
Yakamabbe, /., 276
yal, musical instrument, 199
YaWa, 333, 336
Yanaikkaichchey Mandaran-
cheral Irumborai, Chera k.>
111
Yashar, ri.t 299
Yavanas, 15, 126
Y6gin,333
Yogesvara, 333
Yona, co., 8n
Yona-Dhamraarakkita, Bud-
dhist missionary, 8n
Yuddhakosari Perumbanaik-
karan m., 105, 134
Yuga, 106
Yuvaraja, 46, 193
Zeno, Roman emperor, 83, 89
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