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AMSS2SA.
PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY
ON THE
MORE NORTHERN COASTS
AMERICA.
OLIVER & BOYD, EDINBURGH.
mm
HISTORICAL VIEW
OF
THE PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY
ON THE
MORE NORTHERN COASTS
OF
AMERICA,
FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY PATRICK FRASER TYTLER, ESQ.,
F. R. S. & F.S. A.
WITH
DESCRIPTIVE SKETCHES
OF THE
NATURAL HISTORY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN
REGIONS.
BY JAMES WILSON, ESQ., F. R.S. E. & M.W. S.
TO WHICH IS ADDED AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING
REMARKS ON A LATE MEMOIR OF SEBASTIAN CABOT, WITH
A VINDICATION OF RICHARD HAKLUYT.
ILLUSTRATED BY A MAP, AND NINE ENGRAVINGS BY JACKSON.
SECOND EDITION.
!° \
SO
\*
EDINBURGH:
OLIVER & BOYD, TWEEDDALE-COURT ;
AND SIMPKIN & MARSHALL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXXII I.
[entered in stationers’ hall.]
Oliver & Boyd, Printers.
PREFACE.
Among the various Expeditions of Discovery by
land and sea, none have been considered of greater
importance, or regarded with a deeper interest, than
those into the Arctic Regions. The navigator lias no¬
where to contend with such formidable obstacles, nor
does he elsewhere behold an aspect of nature so pe¬
culiar. The Edinburgh Cabinet Library com¬
menced with a volume descriptive of the Polar Seas
and Countries ; and the popularity of that work has
afforded a gratifying proof, both of the interest felt
by the public in the subject, and of its having been
treated in a satisfactory manner.
But there remained another branch of adventure
equally arduous, which required to be completed be¬
fore we could be said to have obtained a full and
connected view of the various efforts made to ex¬
plore the extreme north by the nations of Europe,
and particularly by Britain. We allude to the ex¬
peditions undertaken, partly by land and partly by
coast and river navigation, to trace the limits of
America, where that continent borders on the Arctic
Circle. The scenery, it is well known, is of the
same grand and impressive character ; and the suc¬
cessive adventurers were exposed to vicissitudes if
possible still more striking than those experienced
PREFACE.
8
in the Polar Regions. The tracts, also, over which
they passed, — being tenanted by animals of remark¬
able and varied form, adorned by nature with the
richest and most beautiful furs, — yielded numerous
objects not only of the highest interest to the zoolo¬
gical observer, but of great value as the materials
of an extensive commerce. The present volume,
therefore, which exhibits a view of all that is im¬
portant in our knowledge of the most remote ter¬
ritories of America, when studied in combination
with the “ Polar Seas and Regions,” of which it
may be regarded as the sequel, will be found to sup¬
ply a complete account of the whole series of North¬
ern Discoveries by land and water.
Of this work the Historical and Critical depart¬
ments have been contributed by Patrick Fraser
Tytler, Esq., the distinguished Author of the
History of Scotland, and the Natural History by
James Wilson, Esq., — two gentlemen whose names,
the publishers are confident, will furnish a sufficient
security that the task committed to them has been
executed with care. In the Appendix it has been
the object of Mr Tytler, not only to vindicate from a
late attack the reputation of an excellent writer, but
i f possible to set at rest the disputed point regarding
the discovery of North America. In this investi¬
gation he has endeavoured to unite the patient re¬
search, which is absolutely requisite for the discovery
of truth on such a subject, with a popular mode of
communicating it. The high qualifications of Mr
Wilson our readers have already had ample oppor¬
tunities to appreciate ; and we may add that, from
his intimate acquaintance and correspondence with
Dr Richardson, whose name stands so high among
PREFACE.
9
the explorers of the Northern Regions, he has enjoy¬
ed peculiar advantages in preparing the interesting
Sketches now submitted to the public. The stu¬
dent of natural history who has perused the sum¬
maries of African and Indian Zoology which have
appeared in the former volumes of the Edinburgh
Cabinet Library, will not fail to perceive their
increased value when examined in connexion with
that now given, inasmuch as they afford the mate¬
rials of a comparative view of the animal kingdom
in three principal divisions of our globe, and thereby
throw a valuable light on the subject of zoological
geography, which has recently excited the attention
of the scientific world.
The Map has been constructed with the greatest
care : it comprehends all the recent Discoveries on
the northern boundary of America, and fully ex¬
hibits the routes of the different travellers and
navigators whose adventures are recorded in the
text. The Engravings by Jackson illustrate several
striking specimens of natural history, drawn chiefly
from nature, and other objects characteristic of that
quarter of the globe. There is also a portrait of
Cortes after Titian, — executed in the first style of
the art.
Edinburgh, August 1832.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA — EARLY VOYAGES OF THE
PORTUGUESE, FRENCH, AND SPANIARDS.
First Discovery of North America by John Cabot — Voyages of
Sebastian Cabot — Of the Cortereals — Discovery of Labrador
— French Discoveries — Voyages of Verazzano — Of Jacques
Cartier — Discovery of Canada — Spanish Voyages of Discovery
— Cortes — Ulloa — Alarchon — Viscaino, . Page 1 7
CHAPTER II.
RUSSIAN AND ENGLISH VOYAGES.
Behring — Tchirikow — Cook and Clerke — Meares — Vancouver —
Kotzebue, . 80
CHAPTER III.
HEARNE AND SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE.
Colonisation of Canada — French Fur Trade — Rise of Hudson’s
Bay Company — Hearne’s Three Journeys — North-west Fur
12
CONTENTS.
Company — First Journey of Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1789—
His Second Expedition in 1792, . Page 13o
CHAPTER IV.
DISCOVERIES ALONG THE SHORES OF THE ARCTIC OCEAN.
First and Second Expeditions of Franklin — Voyage of Captain
Beechey, . 208
CHAPTER V.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS TO THE NATURAL HISTORY.
Amelioration in the Character of European Intercourse with uncivil¬
ized Nations — The Absence of Sandy Deserts, a grand Feature
in the Physical Attributes of America — General Boundaries of
the Districts afterwards treated of in Detail — Early Sources of
Information regarding the Natural History of North America —
General View of the Fur Countries — Passages across the Rocky
Mountains — Plains and Valleys along the Pacific Shore, . 293
CHAPTER VI.
THE QUADRUPEDS OF THE NORTHERN REGIONS OF AMERICA.
I naccuracies of some Historical Writers — No Monkeys in North
America — Bats — Shrew-mice — Genus Scalops, or Shrew-mole
— Other Moles of America — The Star-nose — Various Bears —
Different Digitated Quadrupeds — The Canada Otter — The Sea-
otter — The Dogs and Wolves of America — The Foxes — The
Beaver — The Musk-rat — Meadow Mice and Lemmings — The
Rocky Mountain Neotonia— The American Field-mouse — The
CONTENTS.
13
Marmots — The Squirrel Tribe — The Canada Porcupine — The
American Hare — The Polar Hare — The Prairie Hare — The
Little Chief Hare — Genus Cervus — The Elk, or Moose-deer —
The Rein-deer — The Woodland Caribou — The Rocky Moun¬
tain Sheep — The Rocky Mountain Goat — The Bison, or Ameri¬
can Buffalo — The Musk-ox, . Page 313
CHAPTER VII.
THE BIRDS OF THE NORTHERN REGIONS OF AMERICA.
Turkey Buzzard — Golden-eagle — Bald-eagle — Hawks — Owls —
Butcher-birds — King-bird — Northern Tyrant — American Water-
ouzel — Red-breasted Thrush — Blue-bird — Arctic Blue-bird —
Cedar-bird, or American Chatterer — Snow-bunting — Painted
Bunting — Pine-grosbeak — Evening-grosbeak — Scarlet Tanager
— Cuckoo-bunting — Crows — Woodpeckers — Humming-birds —
Swallows — Belted Kingfisher — Grouse — Passenger-pigeon —
Grallatores — Natatores — Gulls — Rocky Mountain Golden-eye
— Bewick’s Swan — Trumpeter-swan — White Pelican — Great
Northern Diver — Black-throated Diver — Guillemots, . 357
CHAPTER VIII.
SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FISHES AND OTHER ZOOLOGICAL
PRODUCTIONS OF THE NORTHERN REGIONS OF AMERICA.
Sturgeon — Salmon — T rout — Char — Capelan — White Fish — Blue
Fish — Herring — Pike — Burbot — Perch — Bull-head — Northern
Insects — Their Natural Preservation from Cold — More Northern
Extension of Tropical Forms in America than in Europe — Bees
— Extension Westwards of the Honey-bee — Diptera — Melville
Island Spider — Butterflies, . 333
14
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES IN THE BOTANY OF THE
NORTHERN REGIONS OF AMERICA.
Mr Brown’s Observations on the relative Proportions of the Two
great Divisions of Phaenogamous Plants — Beautiful small Willow
from East Greenland — Notices of the more remarkable Species
collected by Dr Richardson — Galium Tinctorium — Cornus Alba
— Phlox Hoodii — Viburnum Edule — Azalea Nudicaulis — Lilium
Philadelphicum — Epilobium Angustifolium — Ledum Latifolium —
L. Palustre — Prunus Virginiana — Pyrus Ovalis — Crepis Nana —
Cineraria Congesta — Pinus Nigra — P. Alba — P. Banksiana — P.
Microcarpa — P. Lambertiana — Empetrum Nigrum — Myrica Gale
— Populus Trepida — Populus Balsamifera — Juniperus Prostrata
— Splachnum Mnioides — Dicranum Elongatum — Gyrophora pro-
boscidea — Hyperborea Pennsylvania, Mecklenbergii, vellea —
Cetraria Richardsonii — Fucus Ceranoides — Difficulties in the De¬
termination of Arctic Species — Plants recently introduced to the
British Gardens — Lathyrus Decaphyllus — Eutoca Franklinii —
Lupinus Littoralis — Clarkia Pulchella — Gerardia Capitata — New
Dodecatheon — Andromeda Tetragona — Menziesia Empetrifolia
— Azalea Lapponica — Dryas Drummondia, . Page 390
CHAPTER X.
SKETCH OF THE GEOLOGICAL FEATURES OF SOME OF THE
NORTHERN DISTRICTS OF AMERICA.
Frozen Subsoil of Hudson’s Bay — Primitive Rocks of Hayes Ri¬
ver — Hill River — Borders of Knee Lake — Remarkable Rock-
island of Magnetic Iron Ore — Lake Winipeg — Limestone Dis¬
trict — Fort Chipewyan — Carp Lake — Gneiss Formation of the
CONTENTS.
15
Barren Grounds — Transparent Waters of Great Bear Lake _
Fort Franklin — Bear Lake River — Lignite Formation of Mac¬
kenzie River — Spontaneous Fire — Pipe-elay — Alluvial Islands
at the Mouth of the Mackenzie — Copper Mountains — Copper-
mine River — Islands of the Arctic Sea — Arctic Shore — Cape
Barrow — Galena Point — Moore’s Bay — Bankes’ Peninsula — Bar¬
ry’s Island — Cape Croker — Point Turnagain — General Occur¬
rence of the New Red Sandstone — Hood’s River — Wilberforce
Falls — Gneiss Formation — General Summary, . Page 404
APPENDIX.
Remarks on a Late Memoir of Sebastian Cabot,
with a Vindication of Richard Hakluyt,.. . 417
ENGRAVINGS.
Map of the Northern Coasts of America,... To face the Vignette.
Vignette — Scene near Mount Coplestone, or Western Ter¬
mination of the Rocky Mountains.
Portrait of Hernan Cortes, . Page 68
Group of Esquimaux West of the Mackenzie River, . 2Gt)
Grizzly Bear, . 321
American Gray Wolf, . 328
Hare Indian or Mackenzie River Dog1, . 331
Head of the American Black Elk, . 345
Rocky Mountain Goat, and Rocky Mountain Sheep, . 340
Sabine’s Gull, . 380
PROGRESS OE DISCOVERY
ON THE
MORE NORTHERN COASTS
OF
AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
Discovery of North America — Early Voyages of the
Portuguese, French, and Spaniards.
First Discovery of North America by John Cabot — Voyages of
Sebastian Cabot — Of the Cortereals — Discovery of Labrador
— French Discoveries — Voyages of Verazzano — Of Jacques
Cartier — Discovery of Canada — Spanish Voyages of Discovery
— Cortes — Ulloa — Alarchon — Viscaino.
When we peruse the lives of such men as De Gama
and Columbus, and consider the complicated dif¬
ficulties overcome by these early navigators, their
imperfect means, and the dark and defective state of
their knowledge, it is difficult to repress astonish¬
ment at the success which attended their exertions,
and the magnitude and splendour of their discoveries.
In reflecting, indeed, upon so great a theme as the
revelation of a new world, it becomes us to raise our
minds from the region of second causes to the awful
contemplation of that Almighty Being, who con-
A
18
COLUMBUS.
founds the calculations of man by bringing stupen¬
dous results out of the feeblest human preparations;
and it is one of the finest features in the character
of Columbus, that he invariably acted under the con¬
viction of being selected by God for the task which
he at length accomplished ; but the admiration with
which we regard this great man, and that belongs,
though in an inferior degree, to many of his contem¬
poraries in the field of discovery, is enhanced rather
than diminished by this union of simple and primitive
faith with ardent genius and undaunted resolution.
A former volume has been devoted to the de¬
scription of the daring efforts which have been made
to explore the Polar Seas ; and we now proceed to
direct our attention to another, and a no less interest¬
ing and important chapter in the history of human
enterprise, — the discovery of North America, and
the progress of maritime adventure on the more
northern coasts of this vast continent. Without de¬
tracting in any degree from the fame of Columbus,
it may be mentioned as a remarkable circumstance,
that although the admiral landed in Hispaniola as
early as the 4th of February 1493, he did not as¬
certain the existence of the continent of South
America till the 30th of May 1498 ; whilst there is
certain evidence that, almost a year before, an Eng¬
lish vessel had reached the shores of North America.
As much obscurity hangs over the circumstances of
this early voyage, and as I have arrived at a conclu¬
sion completely at variance with that adopted by a
late acute writer,* it will be necessary to dwell with
some minuteness on the history of this great event.
* The author of the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 50, 51, an
anonymous work (London, 1031), which contains much ingenious
JOHN CABOT.
19
The attention paid to navigation by the commer¬
cial states of Italy, and especially by the republics
of Genoa and Venice, is familiar to all acquainted
with the history of Europe during the fifteenth
century. Italian merchants and agents of opulent
commercial houses were found settled in every Eu¬
ropean state ; and the impetus communicated to
the human mind by the discoveries of the Portu¬
guese and the Spaniards rendered the sciences of
cosmography and navigation the most popular sub¬
jects of instruction which were taught in the schools.
A devotion to them became fashionable among the
noble and ardent youths, who associated with them
all that was romantic and delightful ; they were
considered as the certain guides to daring and suc¬
cessful maritime adventure, and the handmaids to
wealth and fame. It was about this momentous
period, in the year 1494, that we find a Venetian,
named John Cabot or Gabota, residing in the opu¬
lent city of Bristol. At what precise time he set¬
tled in England is not now discoverable ; we only
know that he left Italy for the purpose of devoting
himself to the mercantile profession. He was one
of those enthusiastic spirits upon whom the career of
Columbus made a deep impression; and about a year
after the return of the great Genoese from his first
voyage, the merchant of Bristol appears to have
embraced the idea that new lands might be dis¬
covered in the north-west, and a passage in all pro¬
criticism and valuable research. It is, however, unhappily confused
in its arrangement, and written throughout in a tone of asperity
which, in the discussion of a subject of remote biography, is unplea¬
sant and uncalled for. The author has been unjustly severe in his
animadversions on the labours of Hakluyt, of whom a brief Vindi¬
cation will be found at the end of this volume.
20 JOHN CABOT AND HENRY VII.
bability attained by this course to India.* Animated
by such a project, Cabot addressed himself to Henry
VII., and found immediate encouragement from
that monarch, who, though of a cold and cautious
disposition, was seldom slow to listen to any proposal
which promised an increase of wealth to his exche¬
quer. On the 5th of March 1495, the king granted
his royal commission to John Cabot, citizen of Ve¬
nice, and his sons, Louis, Sebastian, and Sanchez,
committing to him and them, and to their heirs
and deputies, full authority to sail to all countries
and seas of the East, West, and North, under the
banner of England, with five ships of whatever
burden and strength in mariners they might choose
to employ. The equipment of this squadron was
cautiously stipulated to be made “ at their own
proper costs and charges ;” and its object stated to
be the discovery of the isles, regions, and provin¬
ces of the Heathen and Infidels, which hitherto
had been unknown to all the nations of Christen¬
dom, in whatever part of the globe they might be
placed. By the same deed the Cabots were em¬
powered to set up the banners and ensigns of Eng¬
land in the newly-discovered countries ; to subdue
and possess them as lieutenants of the king; and to
enjoy the privilege of exclusive trade; — the wary
monarch, however, annexing to these privileges the
condition, that he was to receive the fifth part of the
capital gain upon every voyage, and binding their
ships to return to the port of Bristol.t
* Tiraboschi, Storia della Letter. Ital., vol. vi. b. i. cap. 6. § 24.
i* I have nearly followed the words of this important document,
which is still preserved. Rymer, Foedera Anglia.', vol. xii. p. 595.
JOHN CABOT DISCOVERS NORTH AMERICA. 21
Two important facts are ascertained by this au¬
thentic document : It proves that John Cabot,, a
citizen of Venice, was the principal author of, and
adventurer in, the project ; and that no voyage with
a similar object had been undertaken prior to the
5th of March 1495.
The expedition, however, did not sail till the
spring of 1497; more than a twelvemonth subse¬
quent to the date of the original commission. What
occasioned this delay it is now difficult to deter¬
mine ; but, as the fleet was to be equipped at the
sole expense of the adventurers, it is not impro¬
bable that Cabot had required the interval to raise
the necessary capital. It is much to be regretted
that in no contemporary chronicle is there any de¬
tailed account of the voyage. We know, however,
that it was conducted by John Cabot in person,
who took with him his son Sebastian, then a very
young man. Its result was undoubtedly the dis¬
covery of North America ; and although the parti¬
culars of this great event are lost, its exact date has
been recorded by an unexceptionable witness, not
only to a day but even to an hour. On an ancient
map, drawn by Sebastian Cabot, the son, whose name
appears in the commission by the king, engraved by
Clement Adams, a contemporary, and published, as
there is reason to believe, under the eye of Sebastian,
was written in Latin the following brief but clear
and satisfactory account of the discovery : — <<r In the
year of our Lord 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, and
his son Sebastian, discovered that country, which
no one before his time had ventured to approach, on
the 24th of June, about five o’clock in the morning.
He called the land Terra Primum Visa, because, as
22
DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA
I conjecture, this was the place that first met his eyes
in looking from the sea. On the contrary, the island
which lies opposite the land he called the Island of
St John, — as I suppose, because it was discovered on
the festival of St John the Baptist. The inhabitants
wear beasts’ skins and the intestines of animals for
clothing, esteeming them as highly as we do our
most precious garments. In war their weapons are
the bow and arrow, spears, darts, slings, and wooden
clubs. The country is steril and uncultivated, pro¬
ducing no fruit ; from which circumstance it happens
that it is crowded with white bears, and stags of an
unusual height and size. It yields plenty of fish, and
these very large ; such as seals and salmon : there
are soles also above an ell in length ; but especially
great abundance of that kind of fish called in the
vulgar tongue Baccalaos. In the same island, also,
breed hawks, so black in their colour that they won¬
derfully resemble ravens; besides which there are
partridges and eagles of dark plumage.”*
Such is the notice of the discovery of North Ame¬
rica ; and as some doubt has lately been thrown
upon the subject, it may be remarked that the evi¬
dence of the fact contained in this inscription is
perfectly unexceptionable. It conies from Clement
Adams, the intimate friend of Richard Chancelor ;
and Chancelor lived, as is well known, in habits of
daily intercourse with Sebastian Cabot, who accom¬
panied his father on the first voyage of discovery.
Unfortunately, both the original map and the en¬
graving are lost ; hut happily Purchas has preserved
the information, that the engraved map by Adams
bore the date of 1549 ;t at which time Sebastian
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6. -f- Purchas’ Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 807.
BY JOHN CABOT.
23
Cabot was in such great reputation at the court of
Edward VI., that for his services he had received a
princely pension. This young monarch, as we learn
from Burnet, showed a peculiar fondness for mari¬
time affairs. He possessed a collection of charts,
which were hung up in his cabinet, and amongst
them was the engraving of Cabot’s map. The in¬
scription, therefore, must have been seen there and
elsewhere by Sebastian ; and, when we consider that
the date of the engraving corresponds with the time
when he was in high favour with the king, it does
not seem improbable that this navigator, to gratify
his youthful and royal patron, employed Adams to
engrave from his own chart the map of North Ame¬
rica, and that the facts stated in the inscription were
furnished by himself. The singular minuteness of
its terms seems to prove this ; for who but he, or
some one personally present, after the lapse of fifty-
two years, could have communicated the informa¬
tion that the discovery was made about five o’clock
in the morning of the 24th June? If, however, this
is questioned as being conjectural, the fact that Se-
bastian must have seen the inscription is sufficient
to render the evidence perfectly conclusive upon
the important point of John Cabot being the dis¬
coverer of North America. That he had along
with him in his ship his son Sebastian, cannot, we
think, in the opinion of any impartial person, detract
from or infringe upon the merit of the father. But,
to complete the proof, a late writer has availed
himself of an imperfect extract from a record of
the rolls, furnished by the industrious Hakluyt, to
discover an original document which sets the matter
altogether at rest. This is the second commission
24
DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA.
for discovery, granted by Henry VII. on the 3d of
February, and in the thirteenth year of his reign, to
the same individual who conducted the first expedi¬
tion. The letters are directed to John Kabotto, Ve¬
netian, and permit him to sail with six ships “ to the
land and isles of late found by the said John in our
name and by our commandment.”* It presents a sin¬
gular picture of the inability of an ingenious and
otherwise acute mind to estimate the weight of his¬
torical evidence, when we find the biographer of Se¬
bastian Cabot insisting, in the face of such a proof as
this, that the glory of the first discovery of North
America is solely due to Sebastian, and that it may
actually be doubted whether his father accompanied
the expedition at all.t
Immediately after the discovery the elder Cabot
appears to have returned to England; and on the 10 th
of August we find, in the privy purse expenses of
Henry VII., the sum of ten pounds awarded to him
who found the New Isle, which was probably the
name then given to Newfoundland. Although much
engrossed at this moment with the troubles which
arose in his kingdom in consequence of the Cornish
rebellion, the war with Scotland, and the attempt
upon the crown by Perkin Warbeck, the king deter¬
mined to pursue the enterprise, and to encourage a
scheme for colonization under the conduct of the ori¬
ginal discoverer. To this enterprising navigator he,
on the 3d of February 1497;+ granted those second
letters-patent just alluded to, which conferred an
ampler authority and more favourable terms than
the first commission. He empowered John Kabotto,
* Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 76. *)* Ibid. p. 50.
£ Old style, — 1498, new style.
JOHN CABOT KNIGHTED.
25
Venetian, to take at his pleasure six English ships,
with their necessary apparel, and to lead them to the
land and isles lately found by him according to the
royal command. Cabot was also permitted to receive
on board all such masters, mariners, pages, and other
subjects, as chose to accompany him; audit seems pro¬
bable, from some entries in the privy purse expenses,
that Launcelot Thirkill of London, Thomas Brad¬
ley, and John Carter, embarked in the adventure."
When about to set sail on his second voyage, John
Cabot, who had previously received from Henry the
honour of knighthood, appears, from some cause not
now discoverable, to have been prevented from taking
the command ;t and though the name of Sebastian
was not included in the second royal commission, he
was promoted to the situation left vacant by his father.
He must still indeed have been a young man ; but he
had accompanied the first voyage, and at an early
age developed that genius for naval enterprise which
afterwards so remarkably distinguished him. We
know from his account of himself that, at the time
his parents carried him from Venice to London, he
had attained some knowledge of the sphere; and
when about this period the great discovery of Colum¬
bus began to be talked of in England as a thing almost
more divine than human, the effect of it upon his
youthful imagination was to excite “ a mighty long¬
ing/’ to use his own words, “ and burning desire in
his heart that he too should perform some illustrious
* See Mr Nicholas’ excellent collection entitled Excerpta His-
torica, pp. 116, 117*
•j* The cause might be his death ; but this is conjecture, — of the
fact there is no direct proof: of the knighthood it is not possible to
doubt. See, in the Vindication of Hakluyt, the remarks on the er¬
rors of the biographer of Cabot in his chapter on this subject.
26
SEBASTIAN CABOT :
action.”* With such dispositions we may easily
imagine how rapid must have been his progress in
naval science, with the benefit of his father’s ex¬
ample and instructions. It is not matter of sur¬
prise therefore, that, though probably not more than
twenty-three years old, the conduct of the enter¬
prise was intrusted to him. He accordingly sailed
from England with two ships in the summer of
1498, and directing his course by Iceland soon reach¬
ed Newfoundland, which he called Terra cle Bacca-
laos, from the great quantity of fish of that name.
Of this remarkable voyage a short account is pre¬
served by Peter Martyr, the historian of the New
World, a writer of high authority, and so intimate
a friend of the navigator, that, at the time he wrote
the passage which we now give, Sebastian was in the
habit of paying him frequent visits at his house.
“ These northern seas,” says this writer, “ have been
navigated and explored by Sebastian Cabot, a Vene¬
tian by birth, whom his parents, when they were set¬
ting out to settle in Britain, according to the common
custom of the Venetians, who for the sake of com¬
mercial adventure become citizens of every country,
carried along with them when he was little more than
an infant.f He fitted out two ships in England at
his own charges, and first with three hundred men
directed his course so far towards the North Pole,
that even in the month of July he found great
heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and almost con¬
tinual daylight. Yet he saw the land free from ice.
* Ramusio, Viaggi, vol. i. p. 414.
*|- Cabot was born in England, and carried by his father into Italy
when four years old. He was afterwards brought back to England
when a youth, u assai giovane.” — Ramusio, vol. i. p. 414. Memoir
of Cabot, p. 69.
martyr’s account of HIS VOYAGE. 27
which had been melted by the heat of the sun. Thus,
observing such masses of ice before him, he was
compelled to turn his sails and follow the west;
and, coasting still by the shore, was brought so
far into the south, by reason of the land bending
much to the southward, that it was there almost
equal in latitude with the sea called Fretum Her-
culeurn. He sailed to the west till he had the Island
of Cuba on his left hand, almost in the same longi¬
tude. As he passed along those coasts, called by
him Baccalaos, he affirmed that he found the same
current of the waters towards the west which the
Spaniards met with in the southern navigations,
with the single difference that they flowed more gent¬
ly. From this circumstance it appears to me,” says
Martyr, “ not only a probable, but an almost ne¬
cessary conclusion, that there must exist, between
both the continents hitherto unknown, great gaps or
open places, through which the waters continually
pass from the east to the west. * * * Sebas¬
tian Cabot himself named these lands Baccalaos,
because in the seas thereabout he found such an
immense multitude of large fish like tunnies, called
baccalaos by the natives, that they actually imped¬
ed the sailing of his ships. He found also the in¬
habitants of these regions covered with beasts’ skins,
yet not without the use of reason.* He also relates
that there are plenty of bears in these parts, which
feed upon fish. It is the practice of these animals
to throw themselves into the midst of the shoals of
fish, and, each seizing his prey, to bury their claws
in the scales, drag them to land, and there devour
them. On this account he says, that these bears
meddle little with men. * * * Cabot is my
28
SEBASTIAN CABOT :
intimate friend, and one whom it is my delight to
have frequently under my roof; for, being called out
of England by the command of the King of Castile
after the death of Henry VII., he was made one
of our council and assistants relating to the affairs
of the new Indies ; and he looks daily for ships to be
fitted out for him that he may discover this hidden
secret of nature. I expect,” concludes Peter Martyr,
“ that he will be able to set out on his voyage during
the course of the next year, 1516, and in the month
of March.”* When it is known that Sebastian Ca¬
bot’s second voyaged from England to North Ame¬
rica did not take place till 15 17, it becomes certain
that the above passage, written in 1515, must relate
to the expedition of 1498; and remembering that
the author was personally intimate with this navi¬
gator, and wrote only seventeen years after the voy¬
age had taken place, we are inclined to set a high
value on such an authority. It is deeply to be re¬
gretted that the original maps drawn by so eminent
a discoverer, and the discourses with which he il¬
lustrated them, are now lost but in this deficiency
of original materials the work of Ramusio, — a collec¬
tor of voyages who was a contemporary of Cabot, —
supplies some valuable information.
In the first volume of his Voyages this amusing
writer has introduced a discourse upon the different
* Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, 3d decad. cap. 6. Edition by
Hakluyt, p. 232 _ Eden’s Translation in Willes’ Hist, of Travayle,
p. 125 — The bidden secret, or natural phenomenon, of which Cabot
was expected to penetrate the cause, is stated by Martyr at p. 231,
— it was to resolve the question, “ Why the seas in these parts run
with so swift a current from the east to the west?”
-j* Although the son accompanied the father, I consider the voy¬
age of 1497 as solely conducted by John Cabot.
X Memoir of Cabot, p. 41.
HIS VOYAGE TO AMERICA.
29
routes by which the spices of the East were con¬
veyed in ancient times to Europe ; and towards the
conclusion of the essay he brings in a subject which
then deeply occupied the attention of learned men,
— the project, namely, for discovering a passage to
the kingdom of Cathay and the coasts of India, by
the north-west. In the discussion of this point,
Ramusio minutely describes a conversation, which
took place at the villa of the celebrated Italian physi¬
cian and poet Fracastoro, between Ramusio himself,
Fracostoro, an architect named St Michael, and a cer¬
tain philosopher and mathematician, who gave them
an account of an interview which he once had with
Sebastian Cabot in the city of Seville. The whole
passage is interesting, whether we look to the in¬
formation regarding Cabot, or to the pleasing picture
it brings before us of the great Fracastoro in his
philosophic and classical retreat at Caphi. No apo¬
logy, therefore, need be made for presenting it to the
reader. “ Having thus given you,” says the Italian
writer, “ all that I could extract from ancient and
modern authors upon this subject, it would be in¬
excusable in me if I did not relate a high and ad¬
mirable discourse, which some few months ago it
was my good fortune to hear, in company with the
excellent architect Michael de St Michael, in the
sweet and romantic country-seat of Ilieronymo
Fracastoro, named Caphi, situated near Verona,
whilst we sat on the top of a hill commanding a
view of the whole of the Lago di Garda. * * * Being-
then, as I said, at Caphi, where we had gone to
visit our excellent friend Hieronymo, we found him
on our arrival sitting in company with a certain
gentleman, whose name, from motives of delicacy
5
30
RAMUSIO :
and respect,, I conceal. He was, however, a pro¬
found philosopher and mathematician, and at that
moment engaged in exhibiting to Fracastoro an in¬
strument lately constructed to show a new motion
of the heavens. Having reasoned upon this point
for a long time, they by way of recreation caused a
large globe, upon which the world was minutely
laid down, to be brought ; and, having this before
him, the gentleman I have mentioned began to
speak to the following purpose.” Ramusio, after
this introduction, gives us, as proceeding from the
stranger, a great mass of geographical information,
after which he introduces him discussing with Fra¬
castoro the probability of a north-west passage to
India. “ At this point of his conversation,” says he,
“ after the stranger had made a pause for a few mo¬
ments, he turned to us and said, — f Ho you not
know, regarding this project of going to India by the
north-west, what was formerly achieved by your
fellow-citizen the Venetian, a most extraordinary
man, and so deeply conversant in every thing con¬
nected with navigation and the science of cosmogra¬
phy, that in these days he hath not his equal in
Spain, insomuch that for his ability he is preferred
above all other pilots that sail to the West Indies,
who may not pass thither without his license, on
which account he is denominated Piloto Mayor, or
Grand Pilot ?’ When to this question we replied
that we knew him not, the stranger proceeded to
tell us, that being some years ago in the city of
Seville he was desirous to gain an acquaintance
with the navigations of the Spaniards, when he
learnt that there was in the city a valiant man, a
Venetian born, named Sebastian Cabot, who had
HIS ACCOUNT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT.
31
the charge of those things, being an expert man in
the science of navigation, and one who could make
charts for the sea with his own hand. f Upon this
report of him/ continued he, f I sought his ac¬
quaintance, and found him a pleasant and courteous
person, who loaded me with kindness, and showed
me many things ; among the rest a large map of
the world, with the navigations of the Portuguese
and the Spaniards minutely laid down upon it ; and
in exhibiting this to me, he informed me that his
father, many years ago, having left Venice and gone
to settle as a merchant in England, had taken him
to London when he was still a youth, yet not so back¬
ward but he had then acquired the knowledge of
the Latin tongue, and some acquaintance with the
sphere. It so happened, he said, that his father
died at that time when the news arrived that Don
Christopher Columbus had discovered the coast of
the Indies, of which there was much talk at the
court of Henry VII., who then reigned in Eng¬
land.’ ” The effect of this discovery upon Cabot’s
youthful ambition, which we have already alluded
to, is next described by Ramusio from the report
of the stranger, and he then proceeds in these re¬
markable words : — <<r f Being aware,’ said Cabot to
me, f that if I sailed with the wind bearing me in
a north-westerly course, I should come to India by
a shorter route, I suddenly imparted my ideas to the
king, who was much pleased with them, and fitted
out for me three caravels with all necessary stores
and equipments. This/ he added, ‘ was in the be¬
ginning of the summer of the year 149(3, and I
began to sail towards the north-west with the idea
that the first land I should make would be Cathay,
from which I intended afterwards to direct my
32 RAMUSIO’S ACCOUNT OF CABOT.
course to the Indies ; but after the lapse of several
days, having discovered it, I found that the coast
ran towards the north to my great disappointment.
From thence sailing along it, to ascertain if I could
find any gulf to run into, I could discover none,
and thus having proceeded as far as 56° under the
Pole, and seeing that here the coast trended to¬
wards the east, I despaired of discovering any
passage, and after this turned back to examine the
same coast in its direction towards the equinoctial,
— always with the same object of finding a pass¬
age to the Indies, and thus at last I reached the
country at present named Florida, where, since my
provisions began to fail me, I took the resolution of
returning to England. On arriving in that coun¬
try I found great tumults, occasioned by the rising
of the common people and the war in Scotland;
nor was there any more talk of a voyage to these
parts. For this reason I departed into Spain to
their most Catholic Majesties, Ferdinand and Isa¬
bella, who, having learnt what I had accomplished,
received me into their service, provided for me hand¬
somely, and despatched me on a voyage of discovery
to the coast of Brazil, where I found an exceeding
deep and mighty river, called at present La Plata,
into which I sailed and explored its course into the
continent more than six score leagues. * * * This/
continued the stranger gentleman, addressing him¬
self to us, ‘ is the substance of all that I learnt from
the Signor Sebastian Cabot/ ”*
Such is the passage from Ramusio ; and from it
we have another proof, that of this second voyage,
which probably took place after the death of the
* Viag-gi del Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 413, 414.
SEBASTIAN CABOT.
33
original discoverer. Sebastian Cabot had the sole
command ; that its object was to find a north-west
passage to India, and that the highest latitude
which he reached was 56°. I am quite aware some
of the statements in this extract are erroneous, and
that Gomara, an author of good authority, carries
Sebastian as far as 58° north •* but, considering the
particular circumstances under which the informa¬
tion is conveyed, there is no reason to doubt that
the general sketch of the voyage is correct ; and it
establishes the important fact, that as early as 1498,
the coast of North America, from the latitude of 56°
or 58° north to the coast of Florida, had been dis¬
covered by the English. The domestic affairs of
Henry, however, and the involved political nego¬
tiations with France and the continent, undoubted¬
ly prevented the king from holding out to Sebastian
that encouragement with which so great a discovery
ought to have been rewarded ; and after an interval
of fourteen years, of which we have no certain ac¬
count, this great navigator left England and en¬
tered into the service of Spain.
The Portuguese, a nation to whose genius and per¬
severance the sister sciences of geography and navi¬
gation owe some of their highest triumphs, were at
this period in the zenith of their fame, animated with
an enthusiastic spirit of enterprise, and ready to
consider every discovery not conducted by them¬
selves as an encroachment upon their monopoly of
maritime glory. Inspired with this jealousy, Gas-
par de Cortereal, of whose expedition notice has
already been taken in this Library, t determined
* Memoir of Cabot, p. 87*
+ Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas, 3d edition, p. 184,
and Lives and Voyages of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, p. 24.
B
34
CORTEREAL.
to pursue the track of discovery opened by Cabot in
the north-west, and in 1500 sailed with two ships
from Lisbon, animated by the desire of exploring
this supposed new route to India. * Cortereal touch¬
ed at the Azores, where he completed his crews, and
took in provisions. lie then steered a course never,
as far as he knew, traced by any former navigator,
and came upon a country to which he gave the name
of Terra Verde, but which is carefully to be distin¬
guished from that called Greenland. This was in
truth the coast of Labrador, denominated in an old
map published at Rome in 1508, Terra Corterealis.
It lay between the west and north-west ; and, after
having explored it for upwards of 600 miles with¬
out reaching any termination, Cortereal concluded
that it must form part of the mainland, which was
connected with another region discovered in the
preceding year in the north, — evidently alluding
to the voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1498.t The
most curious and authentic account of this remark¬
able expedition of the Portuguese navigator is to
be found in a letter, written by Pietro Pasquiligi,
the Venetian ambassador at the court of Portugal,
to his brothers in Italy, only eleven days after the
return of Cortereal from his first voyage. On the
8th of October,” says he, “ there arrived in this
* Cortereal had been educated in the household of the King of
Portugal before he came to the throne, and when he still bore the
title of Duke de Beja — Damiano Goes, Chronica del Rey Dorn.
Manuel, c. 66, cap. 66, p. 187- His character, as given by this
ancient and contemporary chronicler, is brief and forcible. u Gaspar
de Cortereal, son of John Vaz Cortereal, was a man of an enter¬
prising and determined character, ardently thirsting after glory;
for which reason he proposed to set out on a voyage of discovery,
seeking countries in northern latitudes, we (the Portuguese) having
at this time discovered many in southern parts.’’
-f* Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 241.
CORTEREAL.
35
port one of the two caravels, which were last year
despatched by the King of Portugal for the discovery
of lands lying in the north, under the command
of Gaspar Cortereal. He relates that he has dis¬
covered a country situated between the west and
north-west, distant from this about 2000 miles, and
which before the present time was utterly unknown.
They ran along the coast between 600 and 700 miles
without arriving at its termination, on which ac¬
count they concluded it to be the same continent that
is connected with another land discovered last year
in the north, which, however, the caravels could not
reach, the sea being frozen, and a vast quantity of
snow having fallen. They were confirmed in the
same opinion by finding so many mighty rivers,
which certainly were too numerous and too large to
have proceeded from an island. They report that
this land is thickly peopled, and that the houses are
built of very long beams of timber, and covered with
the furs of the skins of fishes. They have brought
hither along with them seven of the inhabitants, in¬
cluding men, women, and children ; and in the other
caravel, which is looked for every hour, they are
bringing fifty more. These people, in colour, figure,
stature, and expression, greatly resemble gipsies:
they are clothed with the skins of different beasts,
but chiefly of the otter, wearing the hair outside in
summer, and next to the skin in winter. These
skins, too, are not sewed together, nor shaped to the
body in any fashion, but wrapt around their arms
and shoulders exactly as taken from the aaimals ;
whilst they conceal the parts which nature forbids
us to expose with strong cords made of the sinews
or entrails of fishes. On this account their appear-
36
CORTEREAL.
ance is completely savage ; yet they are very sen¬
sible to shame, gentle in their manners, and better
made in their arms, legs, and shoulders, than can be
expressed. Their faces are punctured in the same
manner as the Indians; — some have six marks,
some eight, some fewer ; they use a language of their
own, but it is understood by no one. Moreover, I
believe that every possible language has been ad¬
dressed to them. They have no iron in their coun¬
try, but manufacture knives out of certain kinds of
stones, with which they point their arrows. They
have also brought from this island a piece of a broken
sword inlaid with gold, which we can pronounce
undoubtedly to have been made in Italy ; and one
of the children had in his ears two pieces ( todini )
of silver, which as certainly appear to have been
made in Venice, — a circumstance inducing me to
believe that their country belongs to the continent,
since it is evident that, if it had been an island
where any vessel had touched before this time, we
should have heard of it. They have great plenty
of salmon, herring, stockfish, and similar kinds of
fish. They have also abundance of timber, and
principally of the pine, fitted for the masts and
yards of ships ; on which account his Serene Ma¬
jesty anticipates the greatest advantage from this
country, both in furnishing timber for his shipping,
of which he at present stands in great need, and
also from the men who inhabit it, who appear ad¬
mirably fitted to endure labour, and will probably
turn out the best slaves which have been discovered
up to this time. This arrival appeared to me an
event of which it was right to inform you ; and if
on the arrival of the other caravel I receive any
CORTEREAL. 37
additional information, it shall be transmitted to
you in like manner.”*
Nothing could be more cruel and impolitic than
the conduct of Cortereal in seizing and carrying into
captivity these unfortunate natives ; and it is diffi¬
cult to repress our indignation at the heartless and
calculating spirit with which the Portuguese monarch
entered into the adventure, contemplating the rich
supplies of slaves that were to be imported from this
new country. t It is an ingenious conjecture of
the biographer of Cabot, to whose research we owe
our acquaintance with this letter, that the name
Terra de Laborador was given to the coast by the
Portuguese slave-merchants in consequence of the
admirable qualities of the natives as labourers, and
in anticipation of the profits to be derived from a
monopoly of this unchristian traffic.
But distress and disaster pursued the specula¬
tion : On the 15th May 1501, Cortereal departed
on a second voyage with a determination to pursue
his discovery, and, as we may plausibly conjec¬
ture, to return with a new cargo of slaves and tim¬
ber ; but he was never again heard of. A similar
dark and unhappy fate befell his brother, Michael
de Cortereal, who sailed with two ships in search
of his lost relative, but of whom no accounts ever
again reached Portugal. The most probable con¬
jecture seems to be, that they both fell victims to
the just indignation of the natives, whose wives,
* Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 239, 240.
*|* I observe that in the History of Discovery and Adventure
in the Polar Seas, 3d edition, pp. 187, 188, Mr Murray has ques¬
tioned the accuracy of the opinion stated by the biographer of Ca¬
bot, u that the objects of Cortereal’s second voyage were timber
and slaves.” The letter, however, of Pasquiligi seems to me deci¬
sive that, if not the sole, they were at least very principal objects
in the second voyage.
38
CORTEREAL.
children, and fathers, had been stolen away during
their first visit to the coast. The king,” says Goes,
“ felt deeply the loss of these two brothers, so much
the more as they had been educated by him ; and
on this account, moved by royal and gracious ten¬
derness, in the following year, 1503, he sent at his
own expense two armed ships in search of them ;
but it could never be discovered where or in what
manner either the one or the other was lost, on
which account this province of Terra Verde, where
it was supposed the two brothers perished, was call¬
ed the Land of the Cortereals.”* The description
of the inhabitants, as given by this contemporary
chronicler, contains a few additional particulars to
those mentioned by Pasquiligi. “ The people of
the country,” says he, “ are very barbarous and
uncivilized, almost equally so with the natives of
Santa Cruz, except that they are white, and so
tanned by the cold that the white colour is lost as
they grow older, and they become blackish. They
are of the middle size, very lightly made, and great
archers. Instead of javelins, they employ sticks
burnt in the end, which they use as missiles to as
good purpose as if they were pointed with fine steel.
They clothe themselves in the skins of beasts, of
which there are great plenty in the country. They
live in caverns of rocks, and in houses shaped like
nests ( choupanas ). They have no laws, believe
much in auguries, live in matrimony, and are very
jealous of their wives, — in which things they much
resemble the Laplanders, who also inhabit a north¬
ern latitude under 70° to 85°, subject to the kings
of Norway and 8weden.”t
* Damiano Goes, Chronica del Rey Dora. Manuel, part i. c. (16.
-f- Ibid. c. 66. p. 67.
UNFOUNDED CLAIM OF THE PORTUGUESE. 39
Upon these voyages of the Cortereals the Portu¬
guese attempted to establish a claim to the discovery
of Newfoundland and the adjacent coasts of North
America, though there is ample historical evidence
that both had been visited by the two Cabots three
years prior to the departure of Cortereal from Lisbon.
Maps appear to have been forged to support this
unfair assumption ; and in a volume published by
Madrignanon at Milan in 1508, which represents
itself to be a translation of the Italian work entitled
“ Paesi Nuovamente Ritrovati,” the original letter
of Pasquiligi, describing the arrival of Caspar Cor¬
tereal, is disgracefully garbled and corrupted, — for
the purpose, as it would seem, of keeping the prior
discoveries of the Cabots in the background, and ad¬
vancing a fabricated claim for the Portuguese.* It
is unfortunate that this disingenuous process of poi¬
soning the sources of historic truth has succeeded,
and that many authors not aware of its apocryphal
character, which has been acutely exposed by the
biographer of Cabot, have given a pernicious cur¬
rency to the fable of Madrignanon.
About fourteen years after his return from the voy¬
age of 1498, we have seen that Sebastian Cabot was
induced to enter the service of Spain ; but, though
highly esteemed for his eminent abilities, appointed
one of the Council of the Indies by Ferdinand, and
nominated to the command of an expedition to the
north in search of a north-west passage, he appears
to have been baffled and thwarted in his plans by
the jealousy of the Spaniards, and was at last com¬
pelled to abandon them on the death of Ferdinand.
* Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 251, 252.
40 SEBASTIAN CABOT’S RETURN TO ENGLAND.
He then returned to England ; and, indefatigable in
the prosecution of that great object which formed
the prominent pursuit of his life, induced Henry
VIII. to fit out a small squadron for the discovery
of the north-west passage to India. Unfortunately,
however, for the success of the voyage. Sir Thomas
Pert, at this time vice-admiral of England, was
intrusted with the supreme command, whose want
of courage and resolution was the cause of its ulti¬
mate failure. The object of Cabot was to proceed
by Iceland towards the American coast, which he
had already explored as far as 56°, according to Ra-
musio, or, if we follow Gomara, 58° north. This
would lead him, to use the expression of Thorne,* by
the back of Newfoundland, and from this point,
pursuing his voyage farther to the northward, he ex¬
pected to find a passage to the kingdom of Cathay.
The ships accordingly set sail, and on the 11th of
June they had reached the 67|° of northern lati¬
tude. They here found the sea open, and Cabot en¬
tertained a confident hope of sailing through a bay or
“ fret,” which they had then entered, to the shores
* Letter of Robert Thorne— Hakluyt, edition of 1589, p. 250.
— u And if they will take their course, after they be past the Pole,
towards the Occident, they shall goe in the back side of the New¬
foundland, which of late was discovered by your Grace’s subjects,
until they come to the back side and south seas of the Indies Occi¬
dental : And so, continuing their vo}Tage, they may return thorow
the Straight of Magellan to this country, and so they compass also
the world by that way ; and if they goe this third way, and after
they be past the Pole, goe right toward the Pole Antarticke, and
then decline towards the lands and islands situated between the
tropicks and under the equinoctial, without doubt thev shall find
there the richest lands and islands of the world, of gold, precious
stones, balmis, spices, and other tliinges that we here esteem most,
which come out of strange countries, and may return the same way.”
See also Gomara, as quoted in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot,
p. 21.
SEBASTIAN CABOT ENTERS HUDSON’S BAY. 41
l
of the Eastern Cathay, when a mutiny of the mari¬
ners, and the faintheartedness of Sir Thomas Pert,
compelled him, much against his inclination, to desist
from the farther prosecution of the voyage, and return
home.* From the high latitude reached by this
enterprising seaman, as well as from the expressions
employed by Sir Humphrey Gilbert in speaking of
the voyage, it appears certain that Cabot had entered
the great bay afterwards explored by Hudson, and
since known by his name.t It is an extraordinary
* It is evidently to this third voyage that the passage in Ra-
musio, vol. iii. p. 4, of the u Discorso soprail terzo volume,” applies.
Memoir of Cabot, p. 117- It is valuable, as this author, though he
appears by mistake to have put the name of Henry VII. for that of
Henry VIII. quotes in it a letter which many years before he had
received from Sebastian Cabot himself. He (Ramusio) in speaking
of the discoveries subsequently made by Verazzano, and of the
country of New France, remarks, that of this land it is not certain
as yet whether it is joined to the continent of Florida and New Spain,
or whether it is separated into islands, and may thus admit of a
passage to the kingdom of Cathay. u Come,” he proceeds, u come
mi fu scritto gia molti anni sono, dal Signor Sebastian Gabotto nostro
Vinitiano huomo di grande esperienza et raro nelP arte del navigare,
e nella scienza di cosmograna : il quale avea navicato disopra di
questa terra della Nuova Francia a spese del Re Henrico VII.
d’Inghilterra e me diciva, come essendo egli andato lungamente alia
volta de ponentee quarta di Maestro dietroqueste Isoleposte lungo
la delta terra fini a gradi sessanta sette e mezzo sotto il nostro polo
a xi. di Guigno e trovandosi il mare aperto e senza impedimento
alcuno, pensava fermamente per quella via di poter passare alia
volta del Cataio Orientale, e Pavrebbe fatto, se la malignita del
padrone e de marineri sollevati non Phavessero fatto tornare a die-
tro.” This discourse is dated 20th June 1553.
j* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 16. It must be recollected that Sir Hum¬
phrey Gilbert had the advantage of having examined the charts of
Sebastian Cabot, which, he tells us, were then to be seen in the
Queen’s privy gallery at Whitehall. It has also been acutely re¬
marked by a late writer (Memoir of Cabot, p. 29), that Ortelius,
who died nine years before Hudson undertook his first voyage, in
the map of America, published in his great geographical work, the
“ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum,” has laicl down the form of Hudson’s
Bay with singular precision. Now we know by the list of authori¬
ties cited by Ortelius, that he was in possession of a map of the
world by Sebastian Cabot. The source, therefore, from which ho
derived his information is evident.
42
VERAZZANO’s VOYAGE.
fact, therefore, hut it rests upon evidence which it
would he difficult to controvert, that ninety years
l>efore the first voyage of Hudson he had been anti¬
cipated in his principal discovery by an early navi¬
gator, to whose merits the world have clone little
justice.
Whilst the Portuguese, the Spaniards, and the
English, had early entered upon the career of dis¬
covery, the French, a people undoubtedly of the
highest genius and enterprise, evinced an unaccount¬
able inactivity upon this great subject, and appeared
to view with indifference the brilliant successes of
other nations. At length Francis I., a monarch
who was deeply smit with the love of glory, caught
the enthusiasm for maritime discovery, and eager
to cope upon equal terms with his great rival
Charles V., fitted out a squadron of four ships, the
command of which he intrusted to Giovanni Veraz-
zano, a Florentine navigator of great skill and cele¬
brity. The destination of the armament, however,
appears to have embraced the purposes of plunder
as well as of discovery ; ancl in a cruise three of his
vessels were so much damaged in a storm, that they
were compelled, for the purpose of refitting, to run
into a port in Brittany, from which, impatient of
the delay, the admiral, in a single vessel named
the Dauphin, set sail with a determination to pro¬
secute discoveries. He first steered his course for
Madeira, and thence sailed in a westerly direction
for twenty-five days, making in that time 500
leagues. A storm now attacked him, in which
his little vessel had nearly perished, but he at last
weathered the gale, and proceeding onwards for 400
leagues, arrived upon a coast that, according to his
VERAZZANO.
4H
own account, had never before been visited.* It is
probable that this shore belonged either to North
or South Carolina ;t and the appearance of many
large fires on the beach convinced him that the coun¬
try was inhabited. Verazzano, however, in vain
sought for a port ; and after exploring the coast botli
to the south and north without success, he was com¬
pelled to anchor in the open sea, after which he sent
his boat on shore to open an intercourse with the na¬
tives. This he effected not without some difficulty j
for as soon as the French landed the savages fled in
great trepidation ; yet they soon after stole back, ex¬
hibiting signs of much wonder and curiosity. At
last, being convinced that they had nothing to fear,
they completely recovered their confidence, and not
only brought provisions to the French, but assisted
them in drawing their boat on shore, and carefully
and minutely scrutinized every thing belonging to
the vessels and the crew. They admired the white
skin of the strangers, handled their dress, and
exhibited the utmost astonishment and delight.
They themselves were a handsome race of people,
their eyes dark and large, their expression bold,
open, and cheerful ; their chests were broad, and
they combined middle stature and symmetry of
limbs with great nimbleness and swiftness of foot.
Their colour was tawny, not unlike the Saracens,
and they wore their hair, which was black and
thick, tied behind their head in a little tail, and
sometimes ornamented with a garland of birds’
feathers. Their bodies were not disfigured or tat-
* Ramusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 420 — u Dovi scopsimmo una
terra nuova, non piu da gl’antichi ne da moderni vista/’
-f- “ Sta questa terra in gradi 34°.” — Itamusio, vol. iii. p. 420.
44
VERAZZANO.
tooed ill any way, and they walked about perfectly
naked, except that they wore short aprons of furs
fastened round their middle by a girdle of woven
grass. In the immediate vicinity of the coast the
country was sandy, rising into gentle undulations ;
as they proceeded it became more elevated, and
was covered by noble woods, consisting, not of the
usual forest-trees, but of the palm, laurel, cypress,
and others then unknown in Europe, which grew to
a great height, and diffused a delicious perfume that
was discerned far out at sea. The land also,” says
Verazzano in his letter to Francis I., “ is full of many
animals, as stags, deer, and hares, which were seen
sporting in the forests, and frequenting the banks of
pleasant lakes and rivers ; nor were there wanting
great plenty and variety of birds of game, fitted to
afford delightful recreation for the sportsman. The
sky was clear, the air wholesome and temperate, the
prevalent wind blowing from the west, and the sea
calm and placid. In short a country more full of ame¬
nity could not well be imagined.”* An excellent
author and navigator thinks it probable that the
spot where Verazzano first landed was on the coast
of Georgia, near the present town of Savannah. t
From this he proceeded along the shore, which
turned to the eastward and appeared thickly inha¬
bited, but so low and open that landing in such a
surf was impossible. In this perplexity a young
sailor undertook to swim to land and accost the na¬
tives ; but when he saw the crowds which thronged
the beach he repented of his purpose, and, although
within a few yards of the landing-place, his cour-
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 420.
*|* Forster’s Discoveries in the North, p. 433.
VERAZZANO.
4.)
age failed, and he attempted to turn back. At this
moment the water only reached his waist; but, over¬
come with terror and exhaustion, he had scarcely
strength to cast his presents and trinkets upon the
beach, when a high wave cast him stupified and
senseless upon the shore. The savages ran imme¬
diately to his assistance, and carried him to a little
distance from the sea, where it was some time be¬
fore he recovered his recollection ; and great was his
terror when he found himself entirely in their power.
Stretching his hands towards the ship, he uttered a
piercing shriek, to which his friends of the New
World replied by raising a loud yell, intended, as
he afterwards found, to encourage him. But, if this
was sufficiently alarming, their farther proceedings
proved' still more formidable. They carried him to
the foot of a hill, turned his face towards the sun,
kindled a large fire, and stripped him naked. No
doubt was now left in the mind of the unhappy man
that thev were about to offer him as a sacrifice to
the sun ; and his companions on board, who watch¬
ed the progress of the adventure, unable, from the
violence of the sea, to lend him assistance, were of
the same opinion. They thought, to use Verazza-
no’s own words, that the natives were going to roast
and eat him.* But their fears were soon turned into
gratitude and astonishment ; for they only dried his
clothes, warmed him, and showed him every mark
of kindness, caressing and patting his white skin ;
and on observing that he still trembled and looked
suspicious, they assisted him to dress, conducted him
to the beach, tenderly embraced him, and, pointing
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 421.
46*
VERAZZANO.
to the vessel, removed to a little distance to show
that he was at liberty to return to his friends.
This he did by swimming to the ship’s boat, which
had been put out to receive him, followed by the
kind gestures of the savages, who gazed after him
till they saw him safe among his friends. The spot
where Verazzano found this amiable people is con¬
jectured by Forster to have been somewhere between
New Jersey and Staaten Island.
From this the Florentine sailed onward, observing
the coast trending to the northward, and after a run
of fifty leagues came to anchor off a delightful coun¬
try covered with the finest forests. The trees, al¬
though equally luxuriant, did not emit the same per¬
fume as those before seen ; but the region was rich,
covered with grass, and thickly peopled, although
the natives appeared more timid than the last, and
avoided all intercourse. The sailors, however, dis¬
covered and seized a family who had concealed
themselves in the underwood, consisting of an old
woman, a young girl of a tall and handsome figure,
and six children. The two younger of the little
ones were squatted on the shoulders of the old wo¬
man, and another child hung behind her back,
whilst the girl was similarly loaded. Oil being
approached both the females shrieked loudly ; but,
having succeeded in pacifying them, the sailors
understood, by their signs, that all the men had
escaped to the woods on the appearance of the ships.
Much persuasion was now used to induce them to go
on board; but although the elderly lady showed
symptoms of acquiescence, and eagerly ate the food
which was offered her, no entreaties could soften the
obstinacy and rage of the younger. She uttered
VERAZZANO.
47
piercing cries, cast the meat indignantly on the
ground, and rendered the task of dragging her
through the thick woods so tedious and distressing,
that they were obliged to desist and leave her, only
carrying with them a little boy, who could make no
resistance.* The people of this country possessed
fairer complexions than those whom they had just
left, and were clad with large leaves sewed together
with threads of wild hemp. Their common food was
pulse, but they subsisted also by fishing, and were
very expert in catching birds with gins. Their
bows were made of hard wood, their arrows of canes
headed with fish-bone, and their boats constructed
of one large tree hollowed by fire, for they appeared
to have no instruments of iron or other metal. Wild
vines crept up the trunks of the trees, hanging in rich
festoons from the branches, and the banks and mea¬
dows were covered with roses, lilies, violets, and
many sorts of herbs different from those of Europe,
yielding a fresh and delightful fragrance.
Verazzano now proceeded 100 leagues farther, to
a sheltered and beautiful bay surrounded by gent¬
ly rising hills, and discovered a large river, which
from its depth seemed navigable to a considerable dis¬
tance. Fearful, however, of any accident, they as¬
cended it in boats ; and the voyage conducted them
through a country so full of sweetness and attraction
that they left it with much regret.t Prosecuting their
discoveries fifty leagues eastward, they reached an¬
other island of a triangular shape, covered with rich
wood, and rising into gentle hills, which reminded
them of Rhodes both in its form and general aspect.
A contrary wind, however, rendered it impossible to
*
Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 421.
-J* Ibid.
48
VERAZZANO.
land, and pursuing their course about fifteen leagues
farther along the coast, they found a port where there
was an excellent anchorage. Here they were soon
visited by the natives, who came in a squadron of
twenty boats, and at first cautiously kept at the dis¬
tance of fifty paces. Observing, however, the friend¬
ly gestures of the strangers, they ventured nearer, and
when the French threw them bells, mirrors, and
other trinkets, they raised a loud and simultane¬
ous shout expressive of joy and security, no longer
hesitating to row their boats to the ship’s side and
come aboard. They are described by Verazzano,
in his account of the voyage sent to Francis I., as
the finest and handsomest race, and the most civi¬
lized in their manners, of any he had yet met in
America. Their colour was fairer than that of the
more southern people, and in the symmetry of their
forms, and the simplicity and gracefulness of their
attitudes, they almost vied with the antique. They
soon became exceedingly friendly and intimate, and
conducted the French into the interior of the coun¬
try, which they found variegated with wood, and
more delightful than can be easily described. Adapt¬
ed for every sort of cultivation, whether of corn,
vines, or olives, it was interspersed with plains of
twenty-five or thirty leagues in length, open and
unencumbered with trees, and of such fertility, that
whatever fruit might be sown, was certain to pro¬
duce a rich and abundant return. They afterwards
entered the woods, which were of great size, and so
thick that a large army might have been concealed in
them. The trees consisted of oaks and cypresses, be¬
sides other species unknown to Europe. They found
also apples, parsley, plums, and filberts, and many
other kinds of fruit different from those of Italy.
VERAZZANO.
49
They saw likewise many animals, such as harts,
roes, wolves, and stags, which the natives caught
with snares, and destroyed with bows and arrows,
their principal weapons of offence. The arrows
were made with great neatness, and at the point
instead of iron they inserted flints, jaspers, hard
marble, and other kinds of cut stones. These they
also made use of in felling trees, and in excavat¬
ing their boats, which, with great skill, were made
of a single trunk, yet large enough to hold ten or
twelve men commodiously. Their oars were short
and broad at the extremity, which they plied in the
sea without any accident happening, trusting solely
to their strength of arm and skilful management,
and seeming able to go at almost any rate they
pleased. Their houses were constructed in a circular
shape, tenor twelve paces in circuit, built of boards,
and separated from each other without any atten¬
tion paid to architectural arrangement, covered
with tiles made of clay, of excellent workmanship,
and effectually protected from the wind and rain.*
On one subject alone they showed suspicion, being
extremely jealous of the least intercourse between
the French and their women. These they would
on no persuasion allow to enter the ship, and on
one occasion, while the king came on board, and
spent some hours in curiously examining every part
of the vessel, his royal consort was left with her
female attendants in a boat at some distance, and
strictly watched and guarded. t
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 422.
tThis country, according to Verazzano, was situated in 41 2°
atitude (Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 422), which, if correct, would point
it.out as the present flourishing state of Massachusetts.
C
50
VERAZZANO.
The French now hade adieu to this kind people,
and pursued their discoveries for 150 leagues, ex¬
ploring a coast which extended first towards the
east and afterwards to the north. The country still
presented an agreeable and inviting aspect, although
the climate became colder, and the regions along
which they passed more hilly. A progress of other
fifty leagues brought them to a more mountain¬
ous district than any yet seen, covered with dark
and dense forests, and possessed by a people whose
habits and temper seemed to partake of the severer
nature of their country. On attempting to open
an intercourse, Verazzano found them as fierce and
sullen as those with whom he had lately dealt were
agreeable and generous. Twenty-five of the crew
who landed, were received with a shower of ar¬
rows ; and although the exhibition of articles of
barter overcame their scruples, and tempted them
to agree to an interchange of commodities, the man¬
ner in which this was effected evinced a striking
mixture of avidity and suspicion. They came
down to the beach, choosing the spot where the
surf was breaking most violently, and insisted that
the French boat should remain on the other side ;
a rope was then passed from it to the shore, and
the different articles were swung along it. Strings
of beads, toys, or mirrors, they utterly despised ;
but eagerly received knives, fishing-hooks, swords,
saws, or any thing in the shape of cutting-metal
to be used in war or in the chase, though such was
their savage temper, that during the process of ex¬
change they expressed their aversion to the stran¬
gers by uncouth gestures of contempt and derision.
It seems probable that the country, now for the first
VERAZZANO.
51
time visited by Europeans, was the present pro¬
vince of Maine; as we are told by Verazzano, that
a farther run of fifty leagues along the coast brought
him to a cluster of thirty islands separated by nar¬
row channels, — a description which points out, in
precise terms, the Bay of Penobscot.*
From this point he pursued his indefatigable course
for 150 leagues farther, till he reached the land al¬
ready discovered, as he says, by the Britons, in the
latitude of 50°, which is evidently Newfoundland.
Here his provisions began to fail, and thinking it
prudent to sail for France, he reached home in safety
in the month of July 1524.
Verazzano had thus completed the survey of a
line of coast extending for 700 leagues, and em¬
bracing the whole of the United States, along
with a large portion of British America. It was
undoubtedly an enterprise of great magnitude and
splendour, and deserves to be carefully recorded,
not only as comprehending one of the widest ranges
of early discovery, but as making us for the first
time acquainted with that noble country whose
history is so important, and whose destinies, even
after a progress unrivalled in rapidity, appear at this
moment only in their infancy. The Florentine gave
to the whole region which he had discovered the
name of New France ; he then laid before the king
a plan for completing his survey of the coast, pene¬
trating into the interior, and establishing a colony ;
and he appears to have met with encouragement
from Francis I., who embraced his proposals for co-
* Murray’s North America, vol. i. p. 79. The veracity of the
Florentine navigator, in his description of the ferocious habits of
the natives, is strikingly corroborated by the determined and rancor¬
ous hostility evinced afterwards by the Indians of this district in op¬
posing every attempt at settlement.
52
VERAZZANO.
Ionization. From this moment, however, his history
is involved in obscurity. Hakluyt affirms that he
performed three voyages to North America, and
gave a map of the coast to Henry VIII. The bio¬
grapher of Cabot asserts, that he was the “ Pied¬
montese pilot” who was slain on the coast of Ame¬
rica in 1527/"' not aware that Verazzano was a Flo¬
rentine and alive in 1537 ; and Ramusio could not
ascertain the particulars of his last expedition, or even
discover in what year it took place. All that is cer¬
tainly known is, that it proved fatal to this great
navigator. Having landed incautiously upon the
American coast, he and his party were surrounded
and cut to pieces by the savages ; after which they
barbarously devoured them in the sight of their com¬
panions. t
The death of Verazzano appears to have thrown
* Memoir of Cabot, p. 278.
Such is the account of Ramusio in his Discourse upon New
France, vol. iii. p. 417. But Cardenas, in a work entitled “ Ensajo
Cronologico para la Historia de la Florida,” (p. 8), has committed
an error similar to that of the writer of Cabot's life. He believes
that Verazzano was the same as Juan the Florentine, a pirate in
the service of France, who was taken by the Spaniards in 1524,
and hanged.” The evidence which overturns the theories of both
these authors is to he found in a letter of Annibal Caro, quoted by
Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Ital., vol. vii. part i. pp. 261, 262,
from which it appears that Verazzano was alive in 153/- Lettere
Familiari del. Comm. Annibal Caro, vol. i. p. 11. In his great work,
Tiraboschi has collected all that is known regarding the life of this
eminent discoverer; but this all is little or nothing. He was born
about the year 1485 ; his father was Pierandrea Verazzano, a noble
Florentine, his mother Fiametta Capelli. Of his youth, and for what
reasons he entered into the service of Francis I., nothing is known.
The only published work of Verazzano is the narrative in Ramusio,
addressed to Francis I., written with much simplicity and elegance.
But in the Strozzi Library at Florence is preserved a manuscript,
in which he is said to give, with great minuteness, a description of
all the countries which he had visited during his voyage, and from
which, says Tiraboschi", we derive the intelligence that he had formed
the design of attempting a passage through these seas to the East
Indies. It is much to be desired that some Italian scholar would
favour the world with the publication of this MS. of Verazzano.
CARTIER.
53
a damp over the farther prosecution of discovery by
the court of France ; but at length, after an inter¬
val of ten years, Jacques Cartier, an enterprising
and able mariner of St Malo, was chosen by the
Sieur de Melleraye, Vice-Admiral of France, to
conduct a voyage to Newfoundland, which, since
its discovery by Cabot, had been seldom visited,
and was imperfectly known. Cartier departed from
St Malo on the 20th of April 1534, with two
ships, each of 60 tons burden, and having on board
a well-appointed crew of sixty-one men.* The
voyage appears to have been limited to a survey of
the northern coast of Newfoundland, of which he
gives a minute description, dwelling particularly on
the zoological features of the country. He found
the land in most parts extremely wild and barren,
“ in so much that he did not see a cartload of good
earth ; and the inhabitants were of stout make, but
wild and unruly.” They wore their hair tied on
the top like a bunch of hay, fixed with a wooden bod¬
kin, and ornamented with birds’ feathers. Like their
companions whom Cabot had described, they were
clothed in beasts’ skins, and ornamented their bo¬
dies by painting them with roan-colours. They
paddled about in boats made of the bark of birch-
trees, in which they carried on a constant trade of
fishing, and caught great numbers of seals. After
having almost circumnavigated Newfoundland, Car-
tier stood in towards the continent, and anchored
in a bay which, from the extreme heat, was deno¬
minated Baye du Chaleur. The description of the
inhabitants of this spot is striking and interesting.
Taking our way,” says he, “ along the coast, we
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 435.
54
CARTIER.
came in sight of the savages, who stood on the borders
of a lake in the low grounds, where they had lighted
their fires, which raised a great smoke. We went
towards them, and found that an arm of the sea ran
into the lake, into which we pushed with our boats.
Upon this the savages approached in one of their
little barks, bringing along with them pieces of roast¬
ed seals, which they placed upon wooden boards, and
afterwards retired, making signs that this was in¬
tended as a present for us. We immediately put two
men ashore, with hatchets, knives, garlands for the
head, and such like wares. On seeing these articles
they appeared much delighted, and crowded to the
bank where we were, paddling their barks, and
bringing skins and other articles, which they meant
to exchange for our merchandise. Their number,
including men, women, and children, was upwards
of 300. Some of the women, who would not ven¬
ture nearer, stood up to the knees in water, sing¬
ing and dancing. Others, who had passed over,
came to us with great familiarity, rubbing our arms
with their hands, which they afterwards lifted up to
heaven, singing all the while and making signs of
joy ; such at last was their friendliness and security,
that they bartered away every thing they had, and
stood beside us quite naked ; for they scrupled not
to give us all that was on them, and indeed their
whole wardrobe was not much to speak of. It was
evident that this people might be without difficulty
converted to our faith. They migrate from place
to place, and subsist themselves by fishing. Their
country is warmer than Spain, and as beautiful as
can be imagined, — level, and covered even in the
smallest spots with trees, and this although the soil
CARTIER.
55
is sandy. It is full also of wild corn, which hath an
ear similar to rye. We saw many beautiful meadows
full of rich grass, and lakes where there were plenty
of salmon. The savages called a hatchet cochi, and
a knife bacon/’* All the navigators who had hither¬
to visited Newfoundland, on reaching its northern¬
most point, appear to have sailed across the Straits
of Belleisle to Cape Charles upon the coast of La¬
brador ; but the course of Cartier led him through
the straits into the great Gulf of St Lawrence, now
for the first time visited by any European. His pre¬
decessor, Verazzano, after reaching the shore of the
Bay of Fundy, had probably sailed along the coast of
Nova Scotia until he reached Cape Breton. Car-
tier, on the contrary, saw before him a wide and ex¬
tensive field of discovery to the west, which he pur¬
sued for some time, directing his course along the
coast of the Bay of St Lawrence ; but, as the season
was far advanced and the weather became precari¬
ous, he determined to reserve a more complete exa¬
mination of this unknown country for a second voy¬
age, and returned safely to France, coming to an¬
chor in the port of St Malo upon the 5th of Sep¬
tember 1534.+
Having been received with favour and distinc¬
tion, Cartier, after a short interval, embarked upon
a second voyage. His squadron consisted of three
ships, — the Great Hermina, of which Cartier him¬
self was master, being a vessel of about 120 tons,
the Little Hermina of 60 tons, and the Hermiril-
lon of 40 tons burden. The crews solemnly pre¬
pared themselves for their voyage by confession and
* Ramusio, voL iii. p. 438.
f Ibid. p. 440.
56
cartier’s second voyage.
the reception of the sacrament ; after which they en¬
tered in a body into the choir of the cathedral, and
stood before the bishop, who was clothed in his cano¬
nicals, and devoutly gave them his benediction.
Having fulfilled these rites, the fleet weighed anchor
on the 15th of May 1535, and the admiral steered
direct for Newfoundland. His ships, however, were
soon after separated in a storm, and did not again
join company till the 26th of June ; after which they
proceeded to explore the large gulf which he had al¬
ready entered. “ It was,” to use the words of the na¬
vigator himself, “ a very fair gulf, full of islands, pass¬
ages, and entrances to what wind soever you pleased
to bend, having a great island like a cape of land
stretching somewhat farther forth than the others.”
This island is evidently that named by the English
Anticosti, being merely a corruption of Natiscotec,
the appellation at this day given it by the natives.
To the channel between it and the opposite coast of
Labrador, Cartier gave the name of St Lawrence,
which has since been extended to the whole gulf.
On reaching the eastern point of the island of
Anticosti, the French, who had along with them
two of the natives of the country, whom they had
induced in their former voyage to accompany them
to France, requested their advice as to their far¬
ther progress. The savages stated, that the gulf
in which they now lay gradually contracted its
dimensions till it terminated in the mouth of a
mighty river named Hochelaga, flowing from a vast
distance in the interior of a great continent. That
two days’ sail above Anticosti would bring them to
the kingdom of Saguenay, beyond which, along the
bank of the same river, was a populous territory, si-
Cartier’s second voyage.
57
tuated at its highest known point, where the stream
was only navigable by small boats. Having receiv¬
ed this information, Cartier sailed onwards, explor¬
ing both sides of the river, and opening a communi¬
cation with the inhabitants by means of the natives
whom he carried along with him. The good effects
of this arrangement were soon seen ; for at first
they fled in great alarm upon the approach of any
of the ships’ crews ; but on hearing the interpreters
cry out that they were Taignoagny and Domagaia,
— names which seemed to inspire immediate ideas of
friendliness and confidence, — they suddenly turned
back ; after which they began to dance and rejoice,
running away with great speed, and soon returning
with eels, fishes, grain, and musk-melons, which they
cast into the boats with gestures expressive of much
kindness and courtesy.* This soon led to a more
intimate and interesting intercourse; and on the fol¬
lowing day the lord of the country, who was named
Donnaconna, made a formal visit to the admiral’s
ship, accompanied by twelve boats, in which were
a great multitude of his subjects. On approaching
the vessel he ordered ten of these boats to ship their
paddles and remain stationary, while he himself,
with the other two boats, and attended by a suite
of sixteen of his subjects, advanced over against the
smallest of the French ships, and standing up, com¬
menced a long oration, throwing his body into a va¬
riety of strange and uncouth postures, which were
afterwards discovered to be signs indicating glad¬
ness and security. Donnaconna now came aboard
the admiral’s ship, and an enthusiastic interview
took place between him and the two savages who
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 441.
58 cartier’s second voyage.
had been in France.* * They recounted with much
gesticulation the extraordinary things which they
had seen in that country, dwelling on the kind en¬
tertainment they had experienced, and after many
expressive looks of wonder and gratitude, the king
entreated the admiral to stretch out his arm, which
he kissed with devotion, laying it fondly upon his
neck, and showing, by gestures which could not be
mistaken, that he wished to make much of him.
Cartier, anxious to evince an equal confidence, en¬
tered Donnaconna’s boat, carrying with him a col¬
lation of bread and wine, with which the monarch
was much pleased, and the French, returning to
their ships, ascended the river ten leagues, till they
arrived at a village where this friendly potentate
usually resided, and which was named Stadacona.
“ It was,” according to the original account of Car-
tier, " as goodly a plot of ground as possibly might
be seen, very fruitful, and covered with noble trees
similar to those of France* such as oaks, elms,
ashes, walnut-trees, maple-trees, citrons, vines, and
white thorns which brought forth fruit like dam¬
sons, and beneath these wroods grew as good hemp as
any in France, without its being either planted or
cultivated by man’s labour.”t
From this time the intercourse between the
French and Donnaconna continued with every ex¬
pression of friendliness ; but on hearing that the
admiral had determined to go to Hochelaga, a sud¬
den jealousy appeared to seize him lest he and his
people should be deprived of the advantages of
an uninterrupted communication with the white
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 443. Seconda Relatione di Jacques Cartier.
*f- Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 216.
cartier’s second voyage.
59
strangers, and every possible device was put in exe¬
cution to deter them from their purpose. One of
these stratagems was so ludicrous that we may be
permitted to give Cartier’s account of it in an
abridgment of the quaint translation of Hakluyt :
“ The next day, being the 18th of September, these
men still endeavoured to seek all means possible to
hinder us from going to Hochelaga, and for this
purpose devised a pretty guile : They went and
dressed three men like devils, being wrapped in dogs’
skins, white and black, with their faces besmeared
as black as a coal, and horns upon their heads more
than a yard long.” These figures they caused to be
secretly put into one of the boats, which they con¬
cealed within a winding of the wooded bay, waiting
patiently for the tide. When the proper moment
had arrived, a multitude of the boats, crowded
with natives and conducted by Taignaogny, sud¬
denly emerged from the creek ; on a signal given,
the boat in which were the counterfeit devils came
rushing out of its concealment, and the middle¬
most devil standing up made a long oration, ad¬
dressed to the French ships, of which of course every
syllable was unintelligible. Then,” to resume the
words of Hakluyt, t( did King Donnaconna with all
his people pursue them, and lay hold on the boat
and devils, who, so soon as the men were come to
them, fell prostrate as if they had been dead, upon
which they were taken up and carried into the
wood, being but a stonecast off, at which time every
one of the savages withdrew himself into the wood,
and when there began to make a long discourse, so
loud that it was easy for the French to hear them
even in their ships. When this oration or debate.
60
cartier’s second voyage.
which lasted for half an hour, was ended, Cartier
and his crew espied Taignaogny and Domagaia
coming towards them, holding their hands joined
together, carrying their hats under their upper gar¬
ment, showing a great admiration, and looking up
to heaven. Upon this the captain hearing them, and
seeing their gestures and ceremonies, asked them
what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced
anew, to which they answered that there were very
ill tidings befallen, saying in their broken French,
f Nenni est il bon,’ that is to say, it was not good.
Our captain asked them again what it was, and
then they answered that their god Cudraigny had
spoken in Hochelaga, and that he had sent those
three devils to show unto them that there was so
much ice and snow in that country that whosoever
went there should die; which words when the
French heard they laughed and mocked them, say¬
ing that their god Cudraigny was but a fool and a
noddie, for he knew not what he said or did. They
bade them also carry their compliments to his mes¬
sengers, and inform them that the god whom they
served would defend them from all cold if they would
only believe in him.”*
Having thus failed in the object intended to be
gained by this extraordinary masquerade, the savages
offered no farther opposition, and the French proceed¬
ed in their pinnace and two boats up the river St Law¬
rence towards Hochelaga. They found the country
on both sides extremely rich and beautifully varied,
covered with fine wood, and abounding in vines,
though the grapes, from want of cultivation, were
neither so large nor so sweet as those of France. The
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 218; and Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 444.
Cartier’s second voyage.
61
prevalent trees were the same as in Europe, — oaks,
elms, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, and willow; and the
natives on each side of the river, who appeared to ex¬
ercise principally the trade of fishermen, entered into
an intercourse with the strangers as readily and kind¬
ly as if they had been their own countrymen. One
of the lords of the country did not scruple after a
short acquaintance to make a present to Cartier of
two of his children, one of whom, a little girl of
seven or eight years old, he carried away with him,
whilst he returned the other, a boy, who was con¬
sidered too young to travel. They saw great variety
of birds, almost all of which were the same as those
of Europe. Cranes, swans, geese, ducks, pheasants,
partridges, thrushes, blackbirds, turtles, finches, red¬
breasts, nightingales, and sparrows of divers kinds,
were observed, besides many other birds.
By this time the river had become narrow, and in
some places dangerous in its navigation owing to the
rapids ; and the French, who had still three days’ sail¬
ing before them, left their pinnace and took to their
boats, in which, after a prosperous passage, they
reached the city of Hochelaga. It consisted of about
fifty houses, built in the midst of large and fair
corn-fields near a great mountain, which the French
called Mont Royale, corrupted by time into Mont¬
real, which name the. place still retains ; whilst the
original American designation of Hochelaga has been
long since forgotten. The city, according to Cartier’s
description, was round, compassed about with tim¬
ber, and with three courses of ramparts, one within
another, framed like a sharp spire, but laid across
above. The enclosure which surrounded the town
was in height about two roods, having but one gate.
62
TOWN OF HOCHELAGA.
which was shut with piles, stakes, and bars. Over
it, and also in various parts of the wall, were places
to run along, and ladders to get up, with maga¬
zines or heaps of stones for its defence. The houses
were entirely of wood, with roofs of bark very arti¬
ficially joined together. Each house had a court in
the midst of it, and consisted of many rooms, whilst
the family lighted their fire in the centre of the court,
and during the day all lived in common ; at night
the husbands, wives, and children, retired to their
several chambers. At the top of the house were
garners where they kept their corn, which was
something like the millet of Brazil, and called by
them carracony. They had also stores of pease and
beans, with musk-melons and great cucumbers.
Many large butts were observed in their houses, in
which they preserved their dried fish ; but this, as
well as all their other victuals, they dressed and ate
without salt. They slept upon beds of bark spread
on the ground, with coverings of skins similar to
those of which their clothes were made.*
The reception of the French by the inhabitants
of Hochelaga was in a high degree friendly; and
indeed such was the extent of their credulity and
admiration, that they considered the strangers as
possessed of miraculous power, and their com¬
mander a divine person. This was shown by their
bringing their king, Agonhanna, an infirm para¬
lytic about fifty years of age, to be touched, and, as
they trusted, cured by the admiral, earnestly im¬
portuning him by expressive gestures to rub his arms
and legs ; after which the savage monarch took the
wreath or crown which he wore upon his head and
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 445 ; and Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 220, 221.
cartier’s second voyage. 63
gave it to Cartier. Soon after this they brought
with them all the diseased and aged folks whom
they could collect, and besought him to heal them ;
on which occasion his conduct appears to have been
that of a man of sincere piety. He neither arro¬
gated to himself miraculous powers, nor did he al¬
together refuse their earnest request ; but read^
from the Gospel of St John, the passion of our Sa¬
viour, and praying that the Lord would be pleased to
open the hearts of these forlorn pagans, and teach
them to know the truth, he laid his hands upon them,
and making the sign of the Cross, left the issue of
their being healed or not in the hand of their Creator.*
On inquiring into their religious tenets, he found
that they were buried in the deepest ignorance
and superstition, unacquainted with the existence
of the only true God, and substituting in his
place a capricious and horrid being of their own
imaginations, named Cudraigny. They affirmed
that he often spoke to them, and told them what
kind of weather they were to have ; but, if angry,
would punish them by throwing dust in their eyes.
They had a strange and confused idea regarding
the immortality of the soul, believing that after
death they went to the stars, and descended like
these bright sparks by degrees to the horizon, where
they wandered about in delicious green fields, which
were full of the most precious trees, and profusely
sown with fruits and flowers. Cartier explained as
well as he could the folly of such a creed, persuaded
them that Cudraigny was no god but a devil, and
at his departure promised to return again, and bring
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 448.
64
Cartier’s second voyage.
some good and holy men, who would instruct them
in the knowledge of the true and only God, and
baptize them in the name of his Son, with which
they declared themselves well pleased.* “ There
groweth here,” says Cartier, “ a certain kind of
herb, of which during the summer they collect a
great quantity for winter consumption, esteeming it
much, and only permitting men to use it, in the
following manner: It is first dried in the sun;
after which they wear it about their necks, wrapped
in a little skin made in the shape of a bag, along
with a hollow piece of stone or of wood formed like
a pipe ; after this they bruise it into a powder,
which is put into one of the ends of the said cornet
or pipe, and laying a coal of fire upon it at the other
end, they suck so long that they fill their bodies full
of smoke till it comes out of their mouth and nostrils,
even as out of the tunnel of a chimney. They say
that this keeps them warm and in health, and never
go without some of it about them.” It is not impos¬
sible that the reader, perplexed by this laboriously
minute description, may have failed to recognise in
it the first acquaintance made by the French with
the salubrious and far-famed plant of tobacco.f
Not long after this the ships’ crews were seized
with a loathsome and dreadful disease, caught, as
they supposed, from the natives, which carried off
twenty-five men, reducing the survivors to a state
of pitiable weakness and suffering. The malady
was then new to Europeans ; but the symptoms de¬
tailed by Cartier, — swollen legs, extreme debility,
putrified gums, and discoloration of the skin and
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 449.
7
Ibid.
cahtier’s second voyage.
65
blood, leave no doubt that this “ strange, unknown,”
and cruel pestilence, was the scurvy, since so fatally
familiar to the European mariner. Providentially,
however, they discovered from the savages a cure in
the decoction of the leaves and bark of a species of
tree called in their language hannida, and since well
known as the North American white pine. “ This
medicine,” says Cartier, “ worked so well, that if all
the physicians of Montpelier and Louvain had been
there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would
not have done so much in one year as that tree did
in six days.”*
The French began now to make preparations for
their departure ; but a dishonourable plot was first
carried into execution, by which they succeeded in
seizing Donnaconna, whose usefulness and liberality
to them during their residence in Canada merited
a more generous return. The monarch, however,
with the exception of a slight personal restraint to
prevent escape, was treated with kindness, and
soon became reconciled to his journey to Europe,
although his subjects, inconsolable for his loss,
came nightly howling like wolves about the ships,
till assured he was in safety. Along with Donna¬
conna were secured Taignaogny and Domagaia, who
had already been in France ; and, after a prosperous
voyage, the French ships arrived at St Malo on
the 6th July 1536. t It might have been expect¬
ed that, after a discovery of such magnitude and
importance, immediate measures would have been
adopted to appropriate and colonize this fertile, po¬
pulous, and extensive country. This seemed the
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 451.
■f* Ibid. p. 453.
D
66
ROBERVAL.
more likely, as the arrival of Cartier and the in¬
troduction of the Indian king at court created an
extraordinary sensation ; yet notwithstanding the
manifest advantages, both commercial and political,
likely to result from a settlement in Canada, the
weak and shallow prejudice which at this time pre¬
vailed in most of the nations of Europe, that no
countries were valuable except such as produced
gold and silver, threw a damp over the project, and
for nearly four years the French monarch would
listen to no proposals for the establishment of a co¬
lony.
Private adventure at length came forward to ac¬
complish that which had been neglected by royal
munificence, and the Sieur de Roberval, a noble¬
man of Picardy, requested permission of Francis I.
to pursue the discovery, and attempt to form a set¬
tlement in the country. This the king readily grant¬
ed ; and as Roberval was opulent, the preparations
were made on a great scale. He was created by
Francis, on the 15th January 1540, Lord of Norim-
bega, Lieutenant-General and Viceroy in Canada,
Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle,
Carpon, Labrador, the Great Bay, and Baccalaos, —
empty and ridiculous titles, which, if merited by
any one, ought to have been conferred upon Cartier.
This eminent navigator, however, was only permit¬
ted to accept a subordinate command ; and as Ro¬
berval, who wished to appear with splendour in his
new dominions, was detained in fitting out two
vessels which were his own property, Cartier was
ordered to sail before him with the five ships al¬
ready prepared. He accordingly did so ; but Don-
naconna, the Canadian king, had died in France,
ROBERVAL.
67
and the savages, justly incensed at the breach of
faith by which they lost their sovereign, received
the French with an altered countenance, devising
conspiracies against them, that soon led to acts of
open hostility. The French now built for their
defence, near the present site of Quebec, a fort,
which they named Charlesbourg, being the first
European settlement formed in that part of Ame¬
rica. After a long interval Roberval arrived at
Newfoundland ; but a jealousy had broken out be¬
tween him and Cartier, who took the first oppor¬
tunity during the night to part from his principal,
and return with his squadron to France. This of
course gave a death-blow to the whole undertak¬
ing, for Roberval was nothing without Cartier ;
and, after some unsuccessful attempts to discover
a passage to the East Indies, he abandoned the en¬
terprise, and returned to his native country. The
passion for adventure, however, again seized him
in 1549, and he and his brother, one of the bravest
men of his time, set sail on a voyage of discovery ;
but they shared the fate of Verazzano and the Cor-
tereals, being never again heard of. These disas¬
ters effectually checked the enthusiasm of France,
whilst in England, the country to whose enterprise
we have seen Europe indebted for her first acquaint¬
ance with the American continent, the spirit of ma¬
ritime discovery appeared for some years almost to¬
tally extinct.
The plan of this historical disquisition now leads
us to the examination of some remarkable enter¬
prises of the Spaniards for the extension of their
immense dominions in the New World, along the
more northern coasts of America. The bold and
CORTES.
(58
comprehensive mind of Cortes, the conqueror of
Mexico, not content with the acquisition of that
noble empire, formed the most extensive projects of
discovery. Alarmed at the attempts of the English
to discover a northern passage to China and Cathay,
he resolved to make a careful survey of the whole
coast, extending from the river Panuco in Mexico to
Florida, and thence northwards to the Baccalaos,
for the purpose of ascertaining whether there might
not exist in that quarter a communication with the
DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.
60
South Sea. At the same time a squadron in the
Pacific was to sail along the western coast of
America, and by these simultaneous researches he
trusted to find a strait affording a far shorter and
easier route to India and the Moluccas, and con¬
necting together the vast dominions of the Spanish
crown.* Charles V., to whom these proposals were
presented, although willing to encourage every
scheme for the extension of his power, ungene¬
rously threw upon their author the whole expense
of the undertaking ; in consequence of which, the
idea of the voyage for the discovery of a north-west
passage was abandoned, and the magnificent designs
for the conquest of many great and opulent king¬
doms sunk at last into the equipment of two brigan¬
tines on the coast of the South Sea, the command of
which was intrusted to Diego de Hurtado. This
expedition ended calamitously in a mutiny of one of
the crews, who brought back their ship to Xalisco :
the fate of Hurtado was still more unfortunate, for,
although he continued his voyage, neither he nor
any of his crew were ever more heard of. A second
expedition, intrusted by Cortes to two Spanish cap¬
tains, Grijalva and Mendoza, was scarcely more
fortunate : The vessels were separated on the first
night of their voyage, and never again joined com¬
pany. Grijalva penetrated to an island which he
denominated Santa Tome, supposed to have been
situated near the northern point of California, after
which he returned to Tehuantepec ; whilst Mendoza,
by his haughty and tyrannical temper, having ren¬
dered himself odious to his crew, was murdered by
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 295. Memoir of Cabot, p. 2fi3.
70
ULLOA.
I
the pilot, Ximenes, who assumed the command.
Afraid of returning to Mexico, the traitor sailed
northward, and discovered the coast of California,
where he was soon after attacked and slain, along
with twenty of his crew, by the savage natives.*
The survivors, however, brought the vessel back
to Chiametta, with the tempting report that the
coast abounded in pearls. Cortes now set out him¬
self with a squadron of three ships ; and, although
his vessels were dreadfully shattered in a storm,
pursued his voyage with his accustomed energy, till
compelled to return by a summons from Mexico,
where the breaking out of serious disturbances re¬
quired his immediate presence. He intrusted, how¬
ever, the prosecution of the voyage to Francisco
de Ulloa, and this enterprising navigator, though
at first obliged by want of provisions to return
to Mexico, re-victualled his ships, and again set
sail. The pious solemnity with which these ancient
mariners were accustomed to regard their proceed¬
ings is strikingly shown by the first sentence of his
journal: — Cf We embarked,” says he, " in the ha¬
ven of Acapulco, on the 8th of July, in the year of
our Lord 1539, calling upon Almighty God to guide
us with his holy hand to those places where he
might be served, and his holy faith advanced; and
we sailed from the said port by the coast of Saca-
tula and Motin, which is sweet and pleasant, owing
to the abundance of trees that grow there, and the
rivers which pass through these countries, for which
we often thanked God, their Creator.”t A voyage
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 364; and Ramusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 355.
*}* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 339. Murray’s North America, vol. ii. p. 68.
ULLOA.
71
of twenty days brought the squadron to the harbour
of Colima, from which they set out on the 23d of
August, and after encountering a tempest, in which
their ships were severely shattered, they stood across
the Gulf of California, and came to the mouth of
the river St Peter and St Paul. On both sides of
it were rich and extensive plains, covered with
beautiful trees in full leaf ; and farther within the
land exceeding high mountains, clothed with wood,
and affording a charming prospect ; after which, in
a course of fifteen leagues, they discovered two other
rivers as great or greater than the Guadalquiver,
the currents of which were so strong that they
might be discerned three leagues off at sea.
Ulloa spent a year in examining the coasts and
havens on each side of the Gulf of California. In
some places the Spaniards found the inhabitants of
great stature,* armed with bows and arrows, speak¬
ing a language totally distinct from any thing they
had hitherto heard in America, and admirably dex¬
terous in diving and swimming. On one occasion
the crews, who had landed, were attacked with
fierceness by two squadrons of Indians. These na¬
tives were as swift as wild-goats, exceedingly strong
and active, and leaped from rock to rock, assaulting
the Spaniards with their arrows and javelins, which
broke and pierced their armour, and inflicted griev¬
ous wounds. It is well known that this nation
had introduced the savage practice of employing
bloodhounds in their wars against the Mexicans, and
Ulloa now used some of these ferocious animals.
The Indians, however, discharged a shower of ar-
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. ‘642.
72
ULLOA.
rows against them, " by which,” says Ulloa, “ Be-
recillo, our mastiff, who should have assisted us, was
grievously wounded by three arrows, so that we
could by no entreaty get him to leave us ; the dog
was struck in the first assault of the Indians, after
he had behaved himself very gallantly, and greatly
aided us, having set upon them and put eight or
ten of them out of array. But the other mastiffs
did us more harm than good, for when they attacked
the Indians, they shot at them with their bows, and
we received hurt and trouble in defending them.”*
From this unfriendly coast the Spanish discoverer
proceeded to the Baya del Abad, about a hundred
leagues distant from the point of California, where
he found a more pacific people, who, though they
exhibited great symptoms of suspicion, were prevail¬
ed upon to traffic, exchanging pearls and parrots’
feathers for the beads and trinkets of the strangers.
So little, however, were they to be trusted, that
they afterwards assaulted the ships’ crews, com¬
pelling them to retreat to their vessels and pursue
their voyage. They now discovered, in 28° north
latitude, a great island, which they denominated
the Isle of Cedars, taking possession of it in the
name of the Spanish monarch. It was inhabited
by a fierce race of Indians, powerful and well made,
and armed with bows and arrows, besides javelins,
and long staves thicker than a man’s wrist ; with
these they struck at the sailors, braving them with
signs and rude gestures, till at last it was found
necessary to let loose the two mastiffs, Berecillo and
Achillo ; upon which they suddenly took to flight,
flying over the rough ground with the speed of
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 401). Ranrasio, vol. iii. p. 345.
ULLOA.
73
wild horses.* Beyond this island the Spaniards
attempted to continue their discoveries along the
coast of California ; but a tempest having driven
them back and damaged their vessels, they deter¬
mined to return to New Spain. In their homeward
voyage they were in danger from a new and extra¬
ordinary enemy; for, when sailing in the main
ocean at a rapid rate, above 500 whales, in sepa¬
rate shoals, came athwart them within one hour’s
space. Their monstrous size created great astonish¬
ment, some of them approaching so near the ship,
as to swim under the keel from one side to the
other, “ whereupon,” says Francis Preciado, who
wrote the relation of the voyage, “ we were in great
fear lest they should do us some hurt; but they
could not, because the ship had a prosperous and
good wind, and made much way, so that it received
no harm although they touched and struck her.”+
In this voyage, which for the first time made the
world acquainted with the Gulf of California or Sea
of Cortes, Ulloa had not been able to spend sufficient
time either in a survey of the coast or in establish¬
ing an intercourse with the natives. But not long
after his return, Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain,
despatched Friar Marco de Ni<;a upon an expedition
of discovery from Culeacan, at that time the most
northerly Spanish settlement, to a province called
Topira, situated in the mountains. The account
brought back of the riches and extent of the country
proved so tempting to the ambition of the Spaniards,
that soon after Vasquez de Coronado, an officer of
great courage and experience, was appointed by Men-
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 351. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 419.
-j- Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 424.
74
ALARCHON.
doza to the command of a large force, for the re¬
duction of the new territory, whilst, to co-operate
with this land expedition, a naval armament was
fitted out, of which Ferdinand de Alarchon was ap¬
pointed admiral, with orders to explore the Gulf of
California. As far as conquest was intended, these
mighty preparations conducted to no permanent re¬
sults ; but the voyage of Alarchon led to some import¬
ant discoveries.
After a survey of the lower part of the coast of
the gulf, he penetrated with much difficulty and
hazard to the bottom of the bay, where he found
a mighty river, flowing with so furious a current
that they could hardly sail against it.* This
was evidently the noble river now known by the
name of the Colorado, which has its rise in the
great mountain-range near the sources of the Rio
Bravo del Norte, and after a course of 900 miles
falls into the head of the Gulf of California. Alar¬
chon determined to explore it; and taking with
him two boats, with twenty men and some small
pieces of artillery, he ascended to an Indian village,
the inhabitants of which, by violent and furious
gestures, dissuaded the Spaniards from landing.
The party of natives, at first small, soon increased
to a body of 250, drawn up in warlike fashion,
with bows and arrows, and displayed banners.
The Spanish admiral appeased them by signs,
throwing his sword and target into the bottom of
the boat, and placing his feet upon them. “ They
began," says he in his letter to the viceroy Mendoza,
“ to make a great murmuring among themselves.
* Ramusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 303.
ALARCH0N.
75
when suddenly one came out from among them with
a staff, upon which he had fixed some small shells,
and entered into the water to give them to me. I
took them, and made signs to him that he should ap¬
proach. On his doing so I embraced him, giving
him in exchange some trinkets, and he returning
to his fellows, they began to look upon them and
to parley together; and within a while many of
them cheerfully approached, to whom I made signs
that they should lay down their banners and leave
their weapons ; which they did immediately.” Al-
archon gives a minute description of the dress, weap¬
ons, and appearance of these Indians. They were
decked after sundry fashions ; the faces of some were
covered with tattooed marks, extending lengthwise
from the forehead to the chin, others had only half
the face thus ornamented ; but all were besmeared
with coal, and every one as it liked him best. Others
carried vizards before them, which had the shape of
faces.* They wore on their heads a piece of deer¬
skin two spans broad, like a helmet, ornamented
by various sorts of feathers stuck upon small sticks.
Their weapons were bows and arrows, and two or
three kinds of maces of wood hardened in the fire.
Their features were handsome and regular, but
disfigured by holes bored through the nostrils and
in many parts of the ears, on which were hung
pendants, shells, and bones. About their loins
was a girdle of divers colours, with a large bunch
of feathers in the middle, which hung down like a
tail. They cut their hair short before, but allow¬
ed it behind to grow down to their waist. Their
* Such is the translation of Hakluyt ; but the passage in the ori¬
ginal is obscure.
76
ALARCHON.
bodies were tattooed with coals, and the women wore
round their waist a great wreath of painted feathers,
glued together, and hanging down both before and
behind.*
Having procured by signs a pacific reception from
this new people, Alarchon found to his mortifica¬
tion that they did not understand his interpreter ;
but, after a little intercourse, observing that they
worshipped the sun, he unscrupulously intimated to
them by significant gestures, that he came from that
luminary ; “ upon which they marvelled,” says he,
" and began to survey me from top to toe, and show¬
ed me more favour than they did before.” Soon
after this a man was found among them who could
speak the language of the interpreter ; and an in¬
tercourse of a very extraordinary nature took place,
in which the honesty and simplicity of the Indians
are strikingly contrasted with the false and unprin¬
cipled policy of the Spaniards. The passage is un¬
commonly graphic and interesting : “ The Indian
first desired to know what nation we were, and
whence we came ? Whether we came out of the wa¬
ter, or inhabited the earth, or had fallen from the
heaven ?” To this the admiral replied, that they
were Christians, and came from far to see them, be¬
ing sent by the sun, to which he pointed. “ After
this introduction, the Indian,” continues Alarchon
in his account of the voyage, “ began again to ask
me how the sun had sent me, seeing he went aloft
in the sky and never stood still, and for these many
years neither they nor their oldest men had ever
seen such as we were, and the sun till that hour
* Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 364,
ALARCHON.
77
had never sent any other. I answered him, it was
true the sun pursued his course aloft in the sky,
and never stood still, but nevertheless they might
perceive that at his setting and rising he came near
the earth, where his dwelling was, and that they
always saw him come out of one place ; and he had
created me in that land whence he came, in the same
way that he had made many others whom he sent
into other parts ; and now he had desired me to visit
this same river, and the people who dwelt near it,
that I might speak with them, and become their
friend, and give them such things as they needed,
and charge them not to make war against each
other. On this he required me to tell them the cause
why the sun had not sent me sooner to pacify the
wars which had continued a long time among them,
and wherein many had been slain. I told him the
reason was, that I was then but a child. He next
inquired why we brought only one interpreter with
us who comprehended our language, and wherefore
we understood not all other men, seeing we were
children of the sun ? To which our interpreter an¬
swered, that the sun had also begotten him, and
given him a language to understand him, his master
the admiral, and others ; the sun knew well that
they dwelt there, but because that great light had
many other businesses, and because his master was
but young, he sent him no sooner. The Indian in¬
terpreter,” continues Alarchon, “ then turning to
me, said suddenly, f Comest thou, therefore, to be
our lord, and that we should serve thee?’ To which
I answered, I came not to be their lord, but rather
their brother, and to give them such things as I
had. He then inquired whether I was the sun’s
78
ALARCHON.
kinsman, or his child ? To which I replied I was
his son, but those who were with me, though all
born in one country, were not his children ; upon
which he raised his voice loudly and said, f Seeing
thou doest us so much good, and dost not wish us
to make war, and art the child of the sun, we will
all receive thee for our lord, and always serve thee ;
therefore we pray thee not to depart hence and
leave us. After which he suddenly turned to the
people, and began to tell them that I was the child
of the sun, and therefore they should all choose me
for their lord.”* The Indians appeared to be well
pleased with this proposal, and assisted the Spaniards
in their ascent of the river to the distance of eighty-
five leagues; but finding it impossible to open a
communication with the army under Coronado, Alar-
chon put about his ships, and returned to Mexico, t
After the expeditions of Coronado and Alarchon,
in 1542, the spirit of enterprise amongst the Spaniards
experienced some check, owing probably to the feel¬
ing of mortification and disappointment which ac¬
companied the return of these officers. Yet Mendoza,
unwilling wholly to renounce the high hopes he had
entertained, despatched a small squadron under Ro¬
driguez Cabrillo, which traced the yet undiscovered
coast of North America some degrees beyond Cape
Mendocino; and in 1596 and 1602, Sebastian Vis-
caino extended these discoveries along the coast of
New Albion to a river which appears to have been
the present Columbia. It has even been asserted
by some authors, that, four years prior to the voyage
of Viseaino, Juan de Fu$a, a veteran Spanish pilot,
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 429. Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 356.
*|- Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 438, 439.
DE FUCA.
79
conducted a ship beyond the mouth of the Colum¬
bia, and doubling Cape Flattery, entered the Straits
of Georgia, through which he passed till he came to
Queen Charlotte’s Sound. De F^a imagined, not
unnaturally considering the imperfect and limited
state of geographical knowledge, that he had now
sailed through the famous and fabulous Strait of
Anian ; and that, instead of being in the Pacific as
he then actually was, he had conducted his vessel
into the spacious expanse of the Atlantic. With
this information he returned to Acapulco ; but the
Spanish viceroy received him coldly, and withheld
all encouragement or reward, — a circumstance to
which we may perhaps ascribe the cessation from
this period of all farther attempts at discovery by
this nation upon the north-west coast of America.
The whole voyage of De Fuca, however, rests on
apocryphal authority.
80
BEHRING AND TCIIIRIKOW.
CHAPTER II.
Russian and English Voyages.
Behring — Tchirikow — Cook and Clerke — Meares — Vancouver —
Kotzebue.
As the zeal of the Spanish government in extending
their discoveries upon the north-west coast of Ame¬
rica abated, another great nation, hitherto scarcely
known to Europe, undertook at a later period the
task which they had abandoned. Russia, within lit¬
tle more than half a century, had grown up from a
collection of savage, undisciplined, and unconnected
tribes, into a mighty people. Her conquests had
spread with amazing rapidity till they embraced the
whole of the north of Asia, and under the energetic
administration of Peter the Great, this empire assum¬
ed at once that commanding influence in the scale of
European nations which it has continued to preserve
till the present times. Amongst the many great
projects of this remarkable man, the solution of the
question, whether Asia, on the north-east, was unit¬
ed with America, occupied a prominent place, and it
appears that during his residence in Holland in 1717^
he had been solicited by some of the most eminent
patrons of discovery amongst the Dutch to institute
an expedition to investigate the subject. The reso¬
lution he then formed to set this great point at rest
PETER THE GREAT.
81
by a voyage of discovery, was never abandoned ; but
his occupation in war, and the multiplicity of those
state-affairs which engrossed his attention, caused
him to delay its execution from year to year, till he
was seized with his last illness. Upon his death¬
bed he wrote, with his own hand, instructions to
Admiral Apraxin, and an order to have them car¬
ried into immediate execution. They directed, first,
that one or two boats with decks should be built at
Kamtschatka, or at any other convenient place ;
secondly, that with these a survey should be made
of the most northerly coasts of his Asiatic empire,
to determine whether they were or were not conti¬
guous to America ; and, thirdly, that the persons
to whom the expedition was intrusted should en¬
deavour to ascertain whether on these coasts there
was any port belonging to Europeans, and keep a
strict look-out for any European ship, taking care
also to employ some skilful men in making in¬
quiries regarding the name and situation of the
coasts which they discovered, — of all which they
were to keep an exact journal, and transmit it to St
Petersburg.
Upon the death of Peter the Great, which happen¬
ed shortly after these instructions were drawn up,
the Empress Catherine entered fully into his views,
and gave orders to fit out an expedition for their ac¬
complishment. The command was intrusted to Cap¬
tain Vitus Behring. Under his orders were two lieu¬
tenants, Martin Spangberg and Alexei Tchirikow;
and, besides other subaltern officers, they engaged
several excellent ship-carpenters. On the 5th of Fe¬
bruary 1725, they set out from St Petersburg, and
on the 16th March arrived at Tobolsk, the capital
E
82
behring’s first voyage.
of Siberia. After a survey of the rivers Irtisch, Ob,
Ket, Jenesei, Tungusca, and Him, they wintered at
Ilim, and, in the spring of 1726, proceeded down the
river Lena to Jakutzk. The naval stores and part
of the provisions were now intrusted to Lieutenant
Spangberg, who embarked on the Juduma, intend¬
ing to sail from it into the Maia, and then by the
Aldan into the Lena. He was followed by Captain
Behring, who proceeded by land with another part
of the stores, whilst Lieutenant Tchirikow staid
at Jakutzk, with the design of transporting the re¬
mainder overland. The cause of this complicated
division of labour was the impassable nature of the
country between Jakutzk and Oehotzk, which is im¬
practicable for waggons in summer, or for sledges
during winter. Such, indeed, were the difficulties
of transporting these large bales of provisions, that
it was the 30th July 1727 before the whole busi¬
ness was completed. In the mean time a vessel had.
been built at Oehotzk, in which the naval stores
were conveyed to Bolseheretzkoi in Kamtschatka.
From this they proceeded to Nischnei Kamtschat-
koi Ostrog, where a boat was built similar to the
packet-boats used in the Baltic. After the necessary
articles were shipped. Captain Behring, determin¬
ing no longer to delay the most important part
of his enterprise, set sail from the mouth of the
river Kamtschatka on the 14th of July, steering
north-east, and for the first time laying down a sur¬
vey of this remote and desolate coast. When they
reached the latitude of 64° 30', eight men of the
wild tribe of the Tschuktschi pushed off from the
coast in a leathern canoe, called a baidar, formed of
seal-skins, and fearlessly approached the Russian
Behring’s first voyage. . 83
ship. A communication was immediately opened
by means of a Koriak interpreter ; and,, on being in¬
vited, they came on board without hesitation. By
these natives Behring was informed that the coast
turned towards the west. On reaching the pro¬
montory called Serdze Kamen, the accuracy of this
information was established, for the land was seen
extending a great way in a western direction, — a
circumstance from which Behring somewhat too
hastily concluded, that he had reached the extrein-
est northern point of Asia. He was of opinion that
thence the coast must run to the west, and there¬
fore no junction with America could take place. Sa¬
tisfied that he had now fulfilled his orders, he re¬
turned to the river Kamtschatka, and again took
up his winter-quarters at Nischnei Kamtschatkoi
Ostrog.*
In this voyage it was conjectured by Behring and
his officers, from the reports of the Kamtschadales,
that in all probability another country must be si¬
tuated towards the east, at no great distance from
Serdze Kamen ; yet no immediate steps were taken
either to complete the survey of the most northerly
coasts of Ochozkoi, or to explore the undiscovered
region immediately opposite the promontory. In
the course of a campaign, however, against the fierce
and independent nation of the Tschuktschi, Cap¬
tain Pawlutzki penetrated by the rivers Nboina,
Bela, and Tcherna, to the borders of the Frozen
Sea ; and, after defeating the enemy in three bat¬
tles, passed in triumph to a promontory supposed to
be the Tgchukotzkoi Noss. From this point he sent
* Harris’ Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. pp. 1020, 1021; Coxe’s
Russian Discoveries, pp. 23, 24, 94.
B4 PAWLUTZKl’s EXPEDITION.
•
part of his little army in canoes, whilst he himself
conducted the remaining division by land round the
promontory, taking care to march along the seacoast,
and to communicate every evening with his canoes.
In this manner Pawlutzki reached the promontory
which is conjectured to have been the farthest limit
of Behring’s voyage, and thence by an inland route
returned, on 21st October 1730, to Anadirsk, hav¬
ing advanced an important step in ascertaining the
separation between America and the remote north¬
westerly coast of Asia.
Although the separation of the two continents had
been thus far fixed, a wide field of discovery yet re¬
mained unexplored ; and in 1741, Behring, Spang-
Jierg, and Tchirikow, once more volunteered their
services for this purpose. These offers were imme¬
diately accepted ; — the captain was promoted to the
rank of a commander, the two lieutenants were made
captains, and instructions drawn up for the conduct of
the expedition, in which it was directed that the desti¬
nation of the voyages should be eastward to the con¬
tinent of America, and southward to Japan, whilst,
at the same time, an endeavour was to be made for
the discovery of that northern passage through the
Frozen Sea which had been so repeatedly but unsuc¬
cessfully attempted by other European nations. The
voyage to Japan, under the command of Captain
Spangberg and Lieutenant Walton, was eminently
successful ; and one of its material results was the
correction of a geographical error of considerable
magnitude, by which that island had hitherto been
placed under the same meridian as Ivamtschatka
instead of 11° mOre to the westward. The expedi-
behring’s second voyage.
85
tion of Behring, no less important and satisfactory,
was destined to be fatal to its excellent commander :
After a winter spent in the harbour of Awatscha, or
Petropalauska, on the west side of the great peninsula
of Kamtschatka, Behring got his stores on board
the two packet-boats built at Ochotzk, expressly
for the intended American discoveries. The first of
these, the St Peter, was that in which the com¬
mander embarked; the second, the St Paul, was
intrusted to Captain Tchirikow. Along with Beh¬
ring went Lewis de Lisle de la Croyere, Professor
of Astronomy, whilst Mr George William Steller,
an experienced chemist and botanist, accompanied
Tchirikow.
All things being ready, a council of officers was
held, in which the question regarding the course they
should steer was considered, and it happened, un¬
fortunately for the expedition, that an important
error had crept into the map presented by the Aca¬
demy of Sciences at St Petersburg to the Senate,
in laying down a coast south-east from Awatscha,
extending fifteen degrees from west to east, whilst no
land was marked due east. At this spot were writ¬
ten on the map the words “ Land seen by Don Jean
de Gama and, trusting to the accuracy of this in¬
formation, it was determined to steer first south-east
by east, in the hope of discovering this continent ;
after which they might follow its coasts as a guide
towards the north and east. On the 4th of June 1741,
they accordingly weighed anchor and steered south¬
east by south, till, on the 12th, they found them¬
selves in latitude 46°, without the slightest appear¬
ance of the coast of De Gama. Convinced at last of
their error, they held on a northerly course as far as
86
BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW :
50° north latitude, and were just about to steer due
east, with the hope of reaching the continent of
America, when the two ships were separated in a
violent storm accompanied by a thick fog. Behring
exerted every effort to rejoin his consort ; but all
proved in vain. He cruised for three days between
50° and 51° north latitude, after which he steered
back to the south-east as far as 45°; but Tchirikow,
after the storm, had taken an easterly course from
48° north latitude, so that they never met again.
Both, however, pursued their discoveries simul¬
taneously, and on the 15th of July, being in 56°
north latitude, Tchirikow reached the coast of
America. The shore proved to be steep and rocky,
and, in consequence of the high surf, he did not
venture to approach it, but anchoring in deep water,
despatched his mate, Demetiew, with the long-boat
and ten men on shore. The boat was provisioned
for some days, the men armed and furnished with
minute instructions as to their mode of proceeding,
and the signals by which they were to communi¬
cate with the ship. But neither mate, men, nor
barge, were ever again heard of. This was the more
mysterious, as all at first appeared to go well with
them. The barge was seen from the ship to row
into a bay behind a small cape, and the appointed
signals were made, intimating that she had landed in
safety. Day after day the signals agreed on con¬
tinued from the shore. The people on board be¬
gan at last to think that the barge had probably
received damage in landing, and could not return
till she was repaired, and it was resolved to send
the small boat on shore, with the boatswain Sawe-
low and six men. Amongst these were some car-
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE.
87
penters and a careener, well armed and provided
with the necessary materials, and the boatswain had
orders to return with Demetiew in the long-boat
the moment the necessary repairs were completed.
But neither mate nor boatswain ever came back ;
and the most dark surmises of their fate were excit¬
ed by the cessation of the signals, and the continual
ascent of a large volume of smoke from the land¬
ing place. Next day, however, a revival of hope was
felt at the sight of two boats which were observed
rowing from the land towards the ship. It was be-,
lieved to be Demetiew and Sawelow; and Tchiri-
kow ordered all hands on deck, to prepare for set¬
ting sail on a moment’s warning. A few minutes
changed these cheerful anticipations into sorrow; for,
as the boats approached, it was discovered that they
were filled by American savages, who, seeing many
persons on deck, instantly shipped their paddles and
remained at a cautious distance. They then stood
up, and crying with a loud voice “ Agai, agai !” re¬
turned with great speed to the shore. A strong
west wind now rose and threatened to dash the
vessel on the rocky coast, so that they were obliged
to weigh anchor and put to sea without the slightest
hope of hearing any farther intelligence of their men ;
for they had no more small boats, and all commu¬
nication with the shore was cut off. Tchirikow, how¬
ever, cruised some days in the neighbourhood, and
when the weather became milder, returned towards
the spot where his people landed ; but all appeared
silent, lonely, and uninhabited: and in a council of
the officers, it was determined to set out on their re¬
turn, though with the most poignant regret at being
obliged to leave this remote and desolate coast with-
88
BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW :
out hearing the slightest account of their companions.
They arrived at Kamtschatka on the 27th of July.*
No news of the fate of Demetiew and Sawelow ever
reached Russia ; but it is evident that they had been
successively attacked and murdered by the savages.
te The natives of this part of the north-west coast
of America/’ says Captain Burney, <e live princi¬
pally by hunting and catching game, in which oc¬
cupations they are in the continual practice of every
species of decoy. They imitate the whistlings of
birds, — they have carved wooden masks resembling
the heads of animals, which they put on over their own
and enter the woods in masquerade. They had ob¬
served the signals made to the ship by the Russian
• boat which first came to land; and the continuance
of signals afterwards seen and heard by the Russians
on board were doubtless American imitations.”+
Exactly three days after Tchirikow descried
land, it appears that Commodore Behring also got
sight of the continent in 58° 28", or, according to
another account, 60° north latitude. The prospect
was magnificent and awful, exhibiting high moun¬
tains covered from the summits with snow. One
of these, far inland, was particularly remarked : It
was plainly discernible sixteen German miles out
at sea; and Steller says in his journal, that in all
Siberia he had not met with a more lofty moun¬
tain.;}; The commodore, being much in want of wa¬
ter, approached the coast with the hope of being able
to land. He accordingly reached the shore on the
20th July, and anchored under a large island not
* Muller, Decouvertes faites par les Russes, vol. i. p. 254.
-f* Burney’s History of-' North-eastern Voyages of Discovery,
p. 180.
X Ibid. p. 104.
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 89
far from the continent. A point of land projecting
into the sea at this place they called St Elias Cape,
as it was discovered on that saint’s day ; whilst an¬
other headland was denominated St Hermogenes;
and between these lay a bay, in which, if it became
necessary to take shelter, they trusted they would
find security. Two boats were now launched, in
the first of which, Kytrof, the master of the fleet,
was sent to examine the bay, whilst Steller proceed¬
ed with the other to fetch water. Kytrof found a
convenient anchorage; and on an adjacent island
were a few empty huts formed of smooth boards, or¬
namented in some places with rude carving. With¬
in the huts they picked up a small box of poplar, a
hollow earthen ball in which a stone rattled, conjec¬
tured to be a child’s toy, and a whetstone on which
it appeared that copper knives had been sharpened.*
Steller, on the other hand, near the spot where he
landed, discovered a cellar in which was a store of
red salmon, and a sweet herb dressed for food in the
same manner as in Kamtschatka. Near them were
ropes, and various pieces of household furniture and
of domestic utensils. At a short distance he came
to a place where the savages had recently dined, —
beside which they found an arrow, and an instru¬
ment for procuring fire exactly similar to that used
for the same purpose in Kamtschatka. The sailors
who fetched the fresh water had found two fire-places
with the ashes newly extinguished, and near them
a parcel of hewn wood, with some smoked fishes like
large carp. They observed also marks of human
footsteps in the grass, but no natives were seen. In
* Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, pp. 42, 4o.
90
BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW :
case, however, they should return, some small pre¬
sents, such as it was conjectured might be suited to
their taste or their wants, were left in the huts.
These consisted of a piece of green glazed linen, two
iron kettles, two knives, two iron Chinese tobacco-
pipes, a pound of tobacco leaves, and twenty large
glass beads. Steller, an enthusiastic naturalist, en¬
treated that he might have the command of the small
boat and a few men, to complete a more accurate sur¬
vey of this new coast ; but Behring, who was from
his advanced age rather timid and over-cautious, put
a decided negative upon the proposal ; and his scien¬
tific companion, having climbed a steep rock to ob¬
tain a view of the adjacent country, found his pro¬
gress interrupted by an immediate order to come
aboard. " On descending the mountain,” says he in
his journal, which was overspread with a forest
without any traces of a road, finding it impassable, I
reascended, looked mournfully at the limits of my
progress, turned my eyes towards the continent
which it was not in my power to explore, and ob¬
served at the distance of a few versts some smoke
ascending from a wooded eminence. * *
Again receiving a positive order to join the ship, I
returned with my collection*”*
Having put to sea next day, the 21st of July, they
found it impossible, according to their original inten¬
tion, to explore the coast as far as 65° north latitude,
as it seemed to extend indefinitely to the south-west.
It was studded with many small islands, the navi¬
gation through which, especially during the night,
was dangerous and tedious. On the 30tli of July,
* Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, pp. 40, 41.
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE.
91
they discovered, in latitude 56°, an island which they
called Tumannoi Ostrog, or Foggy Island ; and soon
after the scurvy broke out with the most virulent
symptoms in the ship’s crew ; so that, in hopes of pro¬
curing water, they again ran to the north, and soon
discovered the continent, with a large group of islands
near the shore, between which they came to an¬
chor. These they called the Schumagins, after the
name of one of their men who died there. Whilst
at this anchorage the weather became boisterous,
and some brackish water procured from one of the
largest islands increased the virulence of the dis¬
ease, which prevailed to an alarming degree. All
attempts to put to sea proved for some days un¬
successful, owing to the strong contrary winds;
and at length one morning they were roused by
a loud cry from one of the islands, upon which
they saw a fire burning. Soon after, two Americans
rowed towards the ship in their canoes, which in
shape resembled those of Greenland and Davis’
Strait. They stopped, however, at some distance,
and it was discovered that they not only understood
the language of the Calumet, or Pipe of Peace, em¬
ployed by the North American Indians, but had
these symbolical instruments along with them. They
were sticks with hawks’ wings attached to one end.
It was at first impossible to induce the natives to
come on board ; and Behring, anxious to establish a
communication, and to become acquainted with the
country, despatched Lieutenant Waxel in the boat
with nine men well armed, amongst whom was a
Tschuktschian or Koriak interpreter. It was found,
however, that the savages were utterly ignorant of
his language ; and Waxel having sent some men on
92
BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW :
shore, who fastened the boat by a long rope passed
round a rock on the beach, commenced a friend¬
ly intercourse by means of signs. The Americans
were disposed to be on the most amicable terms
with their new acquaintances, giving them whales’
flesh, the only provision they appeared to possess ;
and at last one of them so far overcame his fears as
to join the Russian lieutenant in the boat, which
still lay a little way from the shore. Anxious to con¬
ciliate his favour and treat him with distinction,
Waxel somewhat thoughtlessly presented him with
a cup of brandy ; but the effect proved the reverse of
what was expected. He made the most ludicrous
wry faces, spit violently out of his mouth all that he
had not swallowed, and cried aloud to his compa¬
nions on the shore, complaining of the treatment he
had experienced. “ Our men,” says Mr Steller in
his journal, ct thought the Americans had sailors’
stomachs, and endeavoured to remove his disgust by
presenting him with a lighted pipe of tobacco, which
he accepted ; but he was equally disgusted with his
attempt to smoke. The most civilized European
would be affected in the same manner if presented
with toad-stool, or rotten fish and willow bark,
which are delicacies with the Kamtschadales.” It
was evident he had never tasted ardent spirits or
smoked tobacco till this moment ; and although every
effort was made to sooth him and restore his con¬
fidence, by offering him needles, glass beads, an
iron kettle, and other gifts, he would accept of no¬
thing, and made the most eager and imploring signs
to be set on shore. In this it was judged right to
gratify him, and Waxel, at the same time, called
out to the sailors who were on the beach to come
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE.
93
back ; the Americans made a violent attempt to de¬
tain them, but two blunderbusses were fired over
their heads, and had the effect of making them fall
flat on the ground, whilst the Russians escaped and
rejoined their companions.
This adventure gave them an opportunity of ex¬
amining this new people, now for the first time
visited by Europeans. “ The islanders, were of
moderate stature, but tolerably well proportioned ;
their arms and legs very fleshy. Their hair was
straight and of a glossy blackness ; their faces brown
and flat, but neither broad nor large ; their eyes were
black, and their lips thick and turned upwards ;
their necks were short, their shoulders broad, and
their bodies thick but not corpulent. Their upper gar¬
ment was made of whales’ intestines, their breeches
of seals’ skins, and their caps formed out of the hide
of sea-lions, adorned with feathers of various birds,
especially the hawk. Their nostrils were stopped
with grass, and their noses as flat as Calmucks’; their
faces painted, some with red, others with different
colours ; and some of them, instead of caps, wore
hats of bark, coloured green and red, open at the
top, and shaped like candle-screens, apparently for
protecting the eyes against the rays of the sun.
These hats, might lead us to suppose that the na¬
tives of this part of America are of Asiatic descent ;
for the Kamtschadales and Koriaks wear the like, of
which several specimens may be seen in the Mu¬
seum at St Petersburg.”*
At this time Behring being confined by severe
sickness, the chief command fell on Wax el, who was
* Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 63.
94
BEHRING AND TCIIIRIKOW .*
preparing to sail, when seven Americans came in
their boats to the ship’s side, and two of them catch¬
ing hold of the entrance-ladder, presented their bon¬
nets and a carved image of bone, bearing some re¬
semblance to a human figure. They likewise held
up the calumet, and would have come aboard, but
the sailors were taking up the anchor, and the breeze
freshening, they were under the necessity of making
towards the shore as quickly as possible. There was
time, however, to give a few presents, and as the ship
passed by the point where they stood, she was sa¬
luted with loud and friendly shouts.*
They had now to struggle against a tedious con¬
tinuance of westerly wind, accompanied with thick
fogs, which rendered the navigation in these un¬
known seas perilous in the extreme. On the 24th
of September the mist cleared away, and disclosed
a high and desolate coast, which a strong south wind
made it dangerous to approach. The majority of
the crew were by this time disabled by the scurvy,
and the rest so weak, that to manage the vessel
during the tempestuous weather was almost impos¬
sible. A violent gale soon after began to blow from
the west, which gradually increased, and drove the
ship far to the south-east. The storm continued for
seventeen days, — a fact to which there are fewr paral¬
lels in the history of shipwrecks ; and the pilot,
Andrew Hesselberg, who had served for fifty years
in several parts of the world, declared he had never
witnessed so long and terrible a gale. Meanwhile
they carried as little sail as possible, and were driven
for a fortnight at the mercy of the wind, under a sky
* Burney’s North-eastern Voyages of Discovery, p. 170.
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE.
95
as black as midnight, so that all the time they saw
neither sun nor stars. When the storm abated, they
found themselves, by the ship’s reckoning, in 48° 18"
north latitude. Steller, in his journal, draws a strik¬
ing picture of their extreme misery : — “ The general
distress and mortality,” says he, “ increased so fast,
that not only the sick died, but those who still strug¬
gled to be numbered on the healthy list, when re¬
lieved from their posts, fainted and fell down dead,
of which the scantiness of water, the want of bis¬
cuits and brandy, cold, wet, nakedness, vermin, fear
and terror, were not the least causes.”* In these cir¬
cumstances it became difficult to determine whether
they should return to Kamtschatka or seek a harbour
on the nearest American coast. At last, in a council
of officers, they embraced the first of these alterna¬
tives, and again sailed north, after which they steered
towards the west.
On the 29th of October they approached two
islands resembling the two first of the Kurilian
group. The long-wished-for coast of Kamtschatka,
however, did not appear, and the condition of the
vessel and crew began to be deplorable. The men,
notwithstanding their diseased state and want of
proper food, were obliged to work in the cold ; and
as the continual rains had now changed into hail and
snow, and the nights shortened and grew darker,
their sufferings were extreme. The commodore him¬
self had been for some time totally disabled by dis¬
ease from taking an active command, his wonted en¬
ergy and strength of mind left him, and he became
childishly suspicious and indolent. Amongst the
seamen the sickness was so dreadful, that the two
* Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 65.
96
BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW :
sailors whose berth used to be at the rudder, were led
to it by others, who themselves could walk with
difficulty. When one could steer no longer, another
equally feeble was supported to his place. Many
sails they durst not hoist, because no one was strong
enough to lower them in case of need, whilst some of
the sheets were so thin and rotten, that a violent wind
would have torn them to pieces. The rest of this in¬
teresting but deeply affecting voyage may be given in
the excellent abstract of Captain Burney. “ On No¬
vember 4th, at eight in the morning, they once more
saw land ; but only the tops of the mountains at first
appeared, and the shore was so distant, that, although
they stood towards it the whole day, night came on
before they could get near enough to look for anchor¬
age. At noon that day they made their latitude by
observation to be 56° north. On the morning of the
5th, it was discovered that almost all the shrouds on
the starboard side of the ship were broken, which hap¬
pened from contraction and tenseness caused by the
frost ; for, without other mention made of the wea¬
ther, it is complained that the cold was insupport¬
able. In this distress the commodore ordered the
lieutenant to call all the officers together, to consult
on their best mode of proceeding ; and the increased
numbers of the sick, with the want of fresh water,
determined them at all hazards to seek relief at this
land. The wind was northerly, and they had sound¬
ings at the depth of thirty-seven fathoms, with a
sandy bottom. They now steered in 'towards the
land, west-south- west and south-west, and two
hours after, at five in the evening, they anchored
in twelve fathoms, the bottom sand, and veered out
three quarters of a cable. The sea now began to run
7
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE.
97
high, and at six the cable gave way. Another
anchor was let go, yet the ship struck twice, though
they found, by the lead, five fathoms depth of water.
The cable quickly parted ; and it was fortunate a
third anchor was not ready, for whilst they were
preparing it a high wave threw the ship over a bank
of rocks, where all at once she was in still water.
They now dropt their anchor in four fathoms and a
half, about 600 yards from the land, and lay quiet
during the rest of the night ; but in the morning
they found themselves surrounded with rocks and
breakers. They were certain that the coast of Kamt-
schatka was not far distant ; but the condition of
the ship and the crew, with the advanced season of
the year, rendered it apparent that they must re¬
main upon this land all winter. Those who were
able to work went on shore to prepare lodgings for
the sick. This they accomplished by digging pits or
caverns between some sandhills near a brook which
ran from a mountain to the sea, using their sails as
a temporary covering. There was no appearance of
inhabitants; nor were any trees seen, although drift¬
wood was found along the shore. No grass nor an¬
tiscorbutic herbs were discoverable ; the island, in¬
deed, was so deeply covered with snow, that even if
it produced any antiseptic plants, the patients had
not strength to lay them open ; and at this time
the Russians were little acquainted with the proper
remedies for this dreadful disease. On the 8th of
November they began to transport the sick to the
miserable habitations which had been prepared for
them ; and it was remarkable that some who seem¬
ed the least reduced, expired the moment they were
F
98
BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW :
exposed to the fresh air, and others in making an
attempt to stand upon deck.'*
On the 9th of November, Behring himself was
carried ashore by four men on a hand-barrow, care¬
fully secured from the air. The ship had been cast
on the east side of the island, and the coast was
examined both to the north and south ; but no traces
of inhabitants were found. Along the shores were
many sea-otters, and the interior swarmed with blue
and white foxes. “ We saw,” says Steller in his jour¬
nal, “ the most dismal and terrifying objects : the
foxes mangled the dead before they could be buried,
and were even not afraid to approach the living and
helpless who lay scattered here and there, and smell
to them like dogs. This man exclaimed that he was
perishing of cold ; the other contained of hunger
and thirst ; and their mouths were so much affected
by scurvy, that their gums grew over their teeth
like a sponge. The stone-foxes, which swarmed
round our dwellings, became so bold and mischie¬
vous, that they carried away and destroyed differ¬
ent articles of provision and clothing. One took a
shoe, another a boot, a third a glove, a fourth a
coat ; and they even stole the iron implements ;
whilst all attempts to drive them away were ineffec¬
tual/’t
* u It must,” says Captain Burney, u be within the memory of
many, the great care with which the apartments of the sick were
guarded against the admission of fresh air, and in few instances
more than in what was called the sick-berth on board a ship of
w'ar, where it was customary to keep a number of diseased persons
labouring under different maladies enclosed and crowded together ;
and fortunately, since the date of this expedition, the management
of the sick with respect to air has undergone a very essential reform.”
•f Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, pp. /d, 74.
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE.
99
Lieutenant Waxel, on whom, since the illness of
the commodore, the command devolved, and Ky-
trow, the ship-master, continued healthy at sea ;
and the necessity for exertion, in seeing every thing
sent on shore, had a favourable effect in repell¬
ing the attacks of the disease. At last, however,
they too were laid up, and soon became so weak,
that, on the 21st of November, they were carried
ashore like the rest. During this dreadful residence
on the island, the men lived chiefly on the flesh
of the sea-otters, which was so hard and tough
that it could scarcely be torn to pieces by the teeth.
The intestines were mostly used for the sick ; and
Steller, in his descriptions of the marine ani¬
mals of these regions, reckons the flesh of the sea-
otter as a specific against the scurvy. When not
wanted for food they were killed for their fine
skins, 900 being collected on the island, and equal¬
ly divided among the crew. A dead whale, which
was thrown upon the coast, they called their maga¬
zine, as it proved a resource when nothing better
could be got. The flesh was cut into small pieces,
which they boiled a long time to separate the oil
from it as much as possible, and the remaining
hard and sinewy parts they swallowed without
chewing.
In this miserable manner they continued to sup¬
port life ; but some of the crew sunk daily under the
disease, and on the 8th of December the commo¬
dore expired. Behring was an officer of extraordi¬
nary merit ; and, until reduced by the disease of
which he became the victim, endowed with unshaken
perseverance and energy. His voyage set at rest the
disputed point regarding the separation of the two
100
DEATH OF BEHRING.
continents of Asia and America ; and he has de¬
servedly bequeathed his name to the strait which
he was the first to explore, and the desolate island
on which he died. It is melancholy to think, that
after the exertions he had made in the cause of na¬
val discovery, his life terminated so miserably ; for
it may almost be said that he was buried alive : The
sand rolled down continually from the side of the
cavern in which he lay, and at last covered his
feet ; nor would he suffer it to be removed, saying,
he felt warmth from it, when he was cold in all
other parts ; it thus gradually increased upon him
till his body was more than half concealed ; so that,
when he at last expired, it was found necessary to
unearth him previously to his being interred. “ Beh¬
ring,” says Steller, who was by no means disposed to
exaggerate the good qualities of his commander, “dis¬
played in his illness the most affecting resignation to
the will of the Supreme Being, and enjoyed his un¬
derstanding and speech to the last. He was con¬
vinced that the crew had been driven on an un¬
known land ; yet he would not terrify others by de¬
claring his opinion, but cherished their hopes and
encouraged their exertions. He was buried accord¬
ing to the Protestant ritual, and a cross was erected
over his grave to mark the spot, and to serve also as
an evidence that the Russians had taken possession
of the country.”*
Soon after the death of the commodore the whole
crew were sheltered from the severity of the winter
in subterranean dwellings contiguous to each other,
and recovered so much strength by the use of sweet
* Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, p. 79*
STATE OF THE EXPEDITION.
101
and excellent water, and the flesh of the sea-animals
killed in hunting, that their existence became com¬
paratively comfortable. Of the manner in which
they passed their time during the dreary winter
months, from December to May, Steller has left
us in his journal a minute and interesting account.
In March the sea-otters disappeared, either from
the instinct of changing their abode at particular
seasons of the year, or banished by continual perse¬
cution ; but their place was supplied by other ma¬
rine animals, which, in their turn, also left them.
“ To supply ourselves with fuel,” says Steller, “ was
likewise a considerable labour : As the island pro¬
duced nothing but willow-bushes, and the drift¬
wood was often deeply buried in the snow till the
end of March, we were compelled to bring it from
a distance of even fifteen or sixteen versts ; and our
load upon these expeditions amounted to from sixty
to eighty pounds, besides our hatchets and kettles,
with the necessary implements for mending our
shoes and clothes. In April, however, we were re¬
lieved from this labour by the thaw and breaking
up of the vessel.” An anecdote of an escape made
by them in hunting, as it is given by the same
lively writer, presents us with a striking picture of
their manner of life upon the island. “ On the 5th
of April,” says he, “ during a gleam of favourable
weather, Steneser and myself, with my Cossack and
a servant of Behring, went on a hunting expedi¬
tion. Having killed as many sea-otters as we were
able to carry, we made a fire in a cliff, where we
proposed to pass the night. At midnight a violent
hurricane arose, and the snow fell in such quantities
that we should have been buried had we not run
102
THEY BUILD A NEW VESSEL.
continually backwards and forwards. In the morn¬
ing, after a long and fruitless search for shelter, we
resigned ourselves to our fate ; but the Cossack for¬
tunately discovered a large cavern, which seemed
to have been formed by an earthquake, where we
entered with our provision and wood. It afforded
a secure retreat from the weather, contained a ca¬
vity in which we could hide our provisions from the
depredations of the stone-foxes, and was provid¬
ed with an aperture which served the purpose of a
chimney. The cave and bay, which were named in
compliment to me, were inhabited by numerous
foxes, which retired on our approach through the
chimney ; but the smoke from our fire caused such
a spitting and sneezing amongst them, as gave no
small diversion to the party. At night, however,
they occasionally returned into the cavern, and
amused themselves with taking away our caps, and
playing other similar gambols. On the 4th we re¬
turned to our abode with a rich booty, and were
received with great delight by our companions, who
thought us lost.”*
On the 6th of May, such of the crew as were
able to work began to build from the relics of the
wreck a vessel, which was intended to carry the
survivors to Kamtschatka. Their number was now
reduced to forty-five, thirty having died on the
island, including the three carpenters ; but a Si¬
berian Cossack named Starodubzow, who had for
some time worked as a shipwright at Ochotzk, su¬
perintended the building of the new ship. At first
they were put to great inconvenience from a defi-
* We have availed ourselves of Coxe’s translation of this pas¬
sage, as published in his Russian Discoveries, pp. 85, 86.
RETURN TO KAMTSCHATKA. 103
ciency of tar ; but by an ingenious contrivance it
was extracted from the new cordage which they had
to spare. After being cut and picked, they put it
into a large copper kettle, having a cover fitting
close, with a hole in the middle. They then took
another vessel with a similar cover, which they
fixed firm in the ground, and upon this set the
copper kettle turned upside down, the apertures in
the lids filing placed exactly against each other.
Part of this machinery was then buried in the earth,
and a fire kindled round what was above ground,
by which means the tar of the new cordage melted,
and ran into the inferior vessel. This contrivance
having removed their greatest difficulty, by the 10th
of August the new vessel was launched, and on the
16th, Lieutenant Waxel set sail with the melancholy
remnant of his crew ; but, owing to contrary winds,
they did not make the coast of Kamtschatka till the
25th, although from Behring’s Island the distance
was not more than thirty German miles. On the
27th they anchored in Awatchka Bay ; and the Cos¬
sack, Starodubzow, to whose efforts in constructing
the vessel, the preservation of the crew was mainly
owing, received the rank of sinbojarski, a degree of
Siberian nobility. Such is an account of the cele¬
brated and unfortunate expedition of Commodore
Behring, of which the results were highly important
to geographical science, although dearly bought by
the death of so many brave men.
Although Lord Mulgrave had failed in his at¬
tempt to discover, by a northerly course, a communi¬
cation between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans,*
* Polar Seas and Regions, 3d edit. p. 327 — 335.
104
COOK AND CLERKE’S VOYAGE.
the British government did not abandon all hope ;
and in 177^ Captain James Cook, who had al¬
ready established his reputation as the greatest of
modern navigators, was selected by the Admiralty
to conduct another expedition, reversing only the
plan, and endeavouring to sail from the Pacific into
the Atlantic, instead of from the Atlantic into the
Pacific.
In prosecution of this plan, on the 12th of July
1776, Cook sailed from Plymouth Sound in the
Resolution, leaving instructions for the Discovery,
the command of which was intrusted to Captain
Charles Clerke, to join him at the Cape. From that
place the two ships proceeded, in a course marked
by important discoveries, through the Southern He¬
misphere, by V an Diemen’s Land, New Zealand,
Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands. They then
steered north-eastward, and on the 7th of March,
in latitude 44^° north, came in sight of the Ameri¬
can continent at the coast of New Albion. Owing
to unfavourable winds, which forced the ships to
the south, it was the 29th before Cook anchored in
Nootka Sound, where he was soon visited by thirty
boats of the natives, carrying each from three to
seven or eight persons, both men and women. At
first none of the Americans would venture within
either ship, and from the circumstance of their
boats remaining at a short distance all night, as if
on watch, it was evident they regarded the arrival
of the strangers with much suspicion. A friendly
intercourse, however, was soon established ; and
although theft, particularly of any iron utensil,
was unscrupulously committed, they were pretty fair
and honest in their mode of barter. “ They were,”
INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES.
105
says Cook, “ docile, courteous, and good-natured ;
but quick in resenting what they looked upon as an
injury, and, like most other passionate people, as
soon forgetting it. Their stature was rather below
the common size of Europeans ; and although at
first, owing to the paint and grease which covered
their skins, it was believed that they were of a cop¬
per complexion, it was afterwards discovered that
they were in reality a white people. They were
well armed with pikes, some headed with bone and
many with iron ; besides which they carried bows,
slings, knives, and a short club, like the patow of
the New Zealanders ; their arrows were barbed
at the point, and the inner end feathered.” A dis¬
pute occurred after the arrival of the English, be¬
tween the inhabitants of the northern and southern
coasts of the sound ; but a pacific treaty was con¬
cluded, and the event celebrated by a species of
music, in which they bore alternate parts. " Their
songs,” says Captain Burney, who was himself pre¬
sent, “ were given in turn, the party singing having
their pikes erected. When the first finished they
laid down their pikes, and the other party reared
theirs. What they sung was composed of few notes,
and as wild as could have been expected ; yet it was
solemn and in unison, and what I thought most ex¬
traordinary, they were all well in tune with each
other. The words were at times given out by one
man, as a parish-clerk gives out the first line of a
psalm.”*
It appeared evident to Captain Cook, that previ¬
ous to this, the inhabitants had never entertained
* Burney’s North-eastern Voyages of Discovery, p. 213.
106
COOK AT NOOTKA SOUND.
any direct communication with Europeans. “ They
were not startled/’ says lie, “ by the report of a
musket, till one day, upon endeavouring to prove
to us that arrows and spears would not penetrate
their war-dresses, a gentleman of our company shot
a musket-ball through one of them folded six times.
At this they were so much staggered, that their
ignorance of fire-arms was plainly seen. This was
afterwards confirmed when we used them to shoot
birds, the manner of which confounded them.” On
the ships leaving Nootka Sound, the natives accom¬
panied their farewell with a singular exhibition :
“ When the anchor was heaving up,” says Burney,
“ they assembled in their boats, which covered the
cove, and began a song, in which they flourished the
swords, saws, hatchets, and other things, which they
had obtained from us. In the midst of this valedic¬
tory chorus, one man, mounted on a stage of loose
boards, which was supported by the people in the
nearest canoes or boats, danced with a wooden mask
on, which he occasionally changed, making himself
resemble sometimes a man, sometimes a bird, and
sometimes an animal. Of these masks they have
great variety, and they parted with them willing¬
ly, except those of the human face ; if they sold
any of these, it seemed to be with some repug¬
nance, as if they were parting with the image of a
friend or a relation, and were ashamed to be seen
so doing.”*
From Nootka Sound Captain Cook made a survey
of the coast by Mount Saint Elias, till he arrived at
a cape which turned short to the north, to which he
* Burney’s North-eastern Voyages of Discovery, pp. 217? 218.
SURVEY FROM NOOTKA TO NORTON SOUND. 107
gave the name of Cape Hinchinbroke; thence he pro¬
ceeded to Prince William’s Sound ; after which he
pursued the coast to the west, which was found to
take a southerly direction, as described by Behring
and Tchirikow. These navigators, however, as we
have seen, had not made a very particular exami¬
nation ; and although the tenor of Cook’s instruc¬
tions did not permit him to devote much time to
the exploring rivers or inlets, till he reached the
latitude of 65°, still that eminent officer deemed
himself at liberty to complete an accurate survey
of this hitherto undiscovered coast, from the arm of
the sea afterwards denominated Cook’s Inlet round
the great Peninsula of Alaska, terminating in Cape
Oonamak. He thence proceeded along the shores
of Bristol Bay, till he doubled Cape Newenham,
from which he steered in a north-easterly direction
and anchored in Norton Sound. Leaving this the
ships entered Behring’s Strait, and followed the
coast to the north-west, till they doubled a pro¬
montory situated in 65° 45" north latitude, which
they named Prince of Wales’ Cape, regarding it
as the western extremity of all America hitherto
known. Soon after, in the evening they discerned
the coast of Asia, and standing across the strait came
to anchor in a bay of the Tschuktschi country, near a
village from which the natives crowded to the shore.
Observing this. Cook landed with three boats well
armed, and was received by the Tschuktschi with
cautious courtesy. About forty men, armed each with
a spontoon, besides bow and arrows, stood drawn up
on a rising ground close by the village, and as the
English drew near, three of them came down to¬
wards the shore, politely taking off their caps and
108 COOK CROSSES BEHRINGS STRAIT TO ASIA.
making low bows. On seeing some of the English
leap from their boats they retired,, and expressed by
signs their desire that no more should land ; but
when Cook advanced alone,, with some small pre¬
sents in his hand, their confidence was restored,
and they exchanged for them two fox-skins and two
seahorse-teeth. All this time they never laid down
their weapons, but held them in constant readiness,
except for a short time, when four or five persons
disarmed themselves to give the English a song and
a dance ; even then, however, they placed them in
such a manner that they could reach them in an
instant, and evidently for greater security they de¬
sired their audience to sit down during the dance.
This Asiatic people, although dwelling within fifty
miles of the American coast, were evidently a dif¬
ferent race from the inhabitants of the shores of
Behring’s Strait. All the Americans whom the
English had seen since their arrival on the coast
were low of stature, with round chubby faces and
high cheek-bones. The Tschuktschi, on the con¬
trary, had long visages, and were stout and well
made. Several things which they had with them,
and more particularly their clothing, showed a de¬
gree of ingenuity surpassing what one could ex¬
pect among so northern a people. Their dress con¬
sisted of a cap, frock, breeches, boots, and gloves,
all made of leather or skins extremely well dressed,
some with the fur on, some without it, and the
quivers which contained their arrows were made of
red leather neatly embroidered, and extremely beau¬
tiful.*
* Cook’s Vo3,ag,es, vol. vi. pp. 409, 410, 411.
RETURNS TO AMERICA.
109
From this bay the ships again stood over to the
north-east, and, continuing their examination of the
American coast. Cook soon found himself surround¬
ed by the dreary features which mark the scenery
of the Polar latitudes ; a dark and gloomy sky,
thick showers of snow and hail, and immense fields
and mountains of ice, covered in some places by the
huge forms of the walrus or seahorse, which lay in
herds of many hundreds, huddling like swine one
over the other. The flesh of these animals, when
new killed, was preferred by the crew to their com¬
mon fare of salt meat, but within four and twenty
hours it became rancid and fishy. From a point of
land, which was denominated Cape Mulgrave, they
now explored the coast to the latitude of 70° 29",
where their progress was arrested by an unbroken
wall of ice apparently stretching from continent to
continent.'1" At this time the nearest land was about
a league distant, and the farthest eastern point seen
a low headland much encumbered with ice, to which
Cook gave the name of Icy Cape, and which, till
the recent discoveries of Captain Beechey, constitut¬
ed the extreme limit of European discovery in that
quarter of the globe. It was now the end of August ;
and as nothing farther could be attempted at that
season on the American coast, the ships return¬
ed to the Sandwich Islands, with the intention of
resuming in the succeeding summer the attempt for
the discovery of a communication between the Pa¬
cific and the Atlantic, — an object which their great
commander did not live to execute, having been
killed in an unfortunate scuffle with the natives of
* Cook’s Voyages, vol. vi. pp. 415, 417.
110
RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION.
Owhyhee on the 11th of February 1779. The far¬
ther conduct of the expedition now fell to Clerke
and King, and an attempt was made to penetrate
beyond Icy Cape ; but the continued fields of ice
rendered it utterly abortive. The ships therefore
having repassed Behring’s Strait, came to anchor in
the Bay of St Peter and St Paul in Kamtschatka.
Here Captain Clerke, who had long been in a de¬
clining state, died ; upon which, to the great satisfac¬
tion of the crews and officers of both ships, who were
sick of the dreary navigation in these inhospitable
latitudes, they returned home.
Subsequent to the voyages of Cook and Clerke,
the north-west coast of America was visited at dif¬
ferent periods by Meares, Vancouver, and Kotzebue ;
and though the limit of discovery was not extend¬
ed beyond Icy Cape, the shores were more minutely
examined, and a beneficial commercial intercourse
established with the natives. Of Captain Meares’
voyages, the great object was to establish a trade
between China and the north-west coast of Ame¬
rica. For this purpose an association of the leading
mercantile men in Bengal fitted out two vessels, —
the Nootka, commanded by Meares himself, and
the Sea-otter by Lieutenant Walter Tipping. The
Sea-otter in the first instance took a cargo of opium
to Malacca, thence she proceeded to America, and is
known to have made Prince William’s Sound ; but
after leaving that harbour no accounts of her were
ever received, and it appears certain that she and
her crew perished at sea. The fate of Meares in the
Nootka was scarcely more tolerable : After a te¬
dious and perilous navigation in the China Seas,
they made their way through the straits between
MEARES’ FIRST VOYAGE.
Ill
Oonamak and Oonalaska against a current running
seven knots an hour, from which they sailed across
to America by the Schumagin Islands, and anchor¬
ed under Cape Douglas.* Thence they proceeded
to Prince William’s Sound to winter ; and their
residence here during October, November, and De¬
cember, though dreary and tedious, was not with¬
out its comforts. The natives were friendly, and
brought them provisions ; they caught plenty of ex¬
cellent salmon, and the large flocks of ducks and
geese afforded constant sport to the officers, and a
seasonable supply for the table. But the horrors of
an Arctic winter began soon to gather round them :
The ice closed in upon the ship ; the snow fell so
thick that all exercise became impossible ; the ducks
and geese collected into flocks and passed away to
the southward ; the fish totally deserted the creeks ;
and the natives, a migratory race, imitating the
instinct of these lower species, travelled off in a
body with their temporary wigwams to a more ge¬
nial district. To add to these distresses the scur¬
vy made its appearance ; whilst the sun described
weekly a smaller circle, and shed a sickly and me¬
lancholy light. Even at noon, through an atmos¬
phere obscured by perpetual snows, " tremendous
mountains forbade almost a sight of the sky, and
cast their nocturnal shadows over the ship in the
midst of day.” The decks were incapable of re¬
sisting the intense freezing of the night, and the
lower part of them was covered an inch thick with
a hoar frost that had all the appearance of snow,
notwithstanding fires were kept constantly burning
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. i. p. 19. Introductory Voyage.
112
MEARES’ FIRST VOYAGE.
twenty hours out of the twenty- four. Between the
months of January and May, twenty- three men
died of the scurvy, and the rest of the crew were
so disabled as to be incapable of any labour ; but
the sun’s return and the commencement of more
genial weather produced an instantaneous effect
on the health and spirits of the crew. The natives
returned, and assured the poor sufferers that the
cold must soon be gone, making them understand by
signs that the summer would commence about the
middle of May ; and the sun, which now began to
make a larger circle over the hills, not only chased
away the huge and gloomy shadows that like a
funeral-pall had covered the ship, but brought back
the fish to the rivers, and the migratory birds to the
shore ; so that they soon enjoyed an ample supply
of fresh food. On the 17th of May, a general break¬
ing up of the ice took place throughout the cove, and
the feeling that they were once more in clear water,
with the prospect of soon leaving a scene of so much
distress and horror, cheered the minds of the crew
with inexpressible comfort.* These happy antici¬
pations were soon realized by their sailing from
Prince of Wales’ Sound on the 21st June, and reach¬
ing the hospitable cluster of the Sandwich Isles,
where such was the effect of the genial climate, that
in ten days’ residence every complaint had disap¬
peared. On the 2d of September they left the Sand¬
wich Islands, and arrived on the 20th October at
Macao in China.
It may easily be imagined, that during so disas¬
trous a sojourn on the American shore, little or no
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. i. Introductory Voyage, p. 47*
6
NATIVES OF PRINCE WILLIAMS SOUND. 113
progress could be made in the survey of the coast,
which was rugged ; and at no great distance were
mountains, covered with thick woods for about
two-thirds of their ascent, beyond which they ter¬
minated in immense masses of naked rock. The
black-pine grew in great plenty, and a few black¬
currant bushes were noticed, but no other kind of
fruit or vegetable. The number of savages seen by
Meares did not exceed 500 or 600, and these had
no fixed place of abode, but wandered up and down
as fancy or necessity impelled them. They were
strong and athletic, rather exceeding the common
stature of Europeans, with prominent cheek-bones,
round flat faces, eyes small and black, and hair,
which they cut short round the head, of the same
jetty colour. A slit in the under lip, parallel to
the mouth, and a perforation in the septum of the
nose, in which was inserted a large quill or a piece
of bark, gave them a hideous look; whilst a sin¬
gular practice of powdering their hair with the
down of birds, allowing the frostwork and icicles
to hang from the beard, and painting the neck
and face with red ochre, increased the savage sin¬
gularity of their appearance. Their clothing con¬
sisted of a single frock of the sea-otter skin reach¬
ing to their knees. When employed in their canoes,
they used a dress made of the entrails of the
whale, which covered the head, and was so dis¬
posed that it could be tied round the hole in which
they sat, so as to prevent the water from getting
into the canoe, whilst it kept the lower part of the
body warm and dry. Their hardihood and capa¬
city of enduring pain astonished the English, and
was remarkably evinced upon an occasion men-
G
114 NATIVES OF PRINCE WILLIAM’S SOUND.
tioned by Meares : — “ In the course of the winter/’
says he, “ among other rubbish, several broken
glass bottles had been thrown out of the ship, and
one of the natives, who was searching among them,
cut his foot in a very severe manner. On seeing it
bleed, we pointed out what had caused the wound,
and applied a dressing to it, which he was made to
understand was the remedy we ourselves applied
on similar occasions ; but he and his companions
instantly turned the whole into ridicule, and at the
same time taking some of the glass, they scarified
their legs and arms in a most cruel and extraordi¬
nary manner, informing us that nothing of that
kind could ever hurt them.”*
The disastrous result of this first expedition did
not deter either Meares or his liberal employers
from hazarding a second voyage to the same coast,
which was attended with more important results.
The Felice, of 230 tons burden, and the Iphigenia,
of 200, were fitted out on this adventure; the com¬
mand being given to Captains Meares and Douglas.
Both vessels were copper-bottomed and strongly
built, and their crews consisted of Europeans and
Chinese, among whom were some excellent smiths,
shipwrights, and other artisans. The taking the
Chinamen aboard was an experiment. Before this
time they had never formed part of the crew of
- an Jfnglish merchant-ship; and it is but justice
to say that they proved hardy, good-humoured,
and industrious. Two other very interesting pas¬
sengers were on board of Captain Meares’ ship, — ■
Teanna, a prince of Atooi, one of the Sandwich
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. i. Introductory Voyage, p. 66.
MEARES’ SECOND VOYAGE.
115
Isles, who had volunteered to leave his native coun¬
try when Meares visited it during his former expe¬
dition; and Comekala, a native of King George’s
Sound, who had at the same time entreated to be
carried to China. Of these two specimens of savage
life Teanna was by far the finest, both in moral
and in physical qualities. He was about thirty-two
years old, near six feet five inches in stature, and
in strength almost Herculean. His carriage was
dignified, and, in consequence of the respect paid to
his superior rank in his own country, possessed an
air of distinction, to which his familiarity with
European manners had not communicated any stiff¬
ness or embarrassment. Comekala, on the other
hand, though cunning and sagacious, was a stranger
to the generous qualities which distinguished the
prince of the Sandwich Isles. He was kind and
honest when it suited his own interest; but stole
without scruple whatever he wished to have, and
could not procure by fairer means. Brass and cop¬
per were metals which he might almost be said to
worship. Copper halfpence, buttons, saucepans, —
all possessed in his eyes the highest charms. It was
evident that he coveted the brass buttons of the cap¬
tain’s uniform ; and his mode of fixing his eyes on
the object of his desire, and the pangs of ungratified
avarice, as exhibited in the contortions of his coun¬
tenance, proved matter of much amusement to the
crew. The cause of his insatiable thirst for copper
became afterwards apparent.
In the mean time Captain Meares- found it neces¬
sary to separate from his consort, whose slow sail¬
ing threatened to impede his progress ; and, after a
long and hazardous passage, the ship anchored in
116
king george’s sound.
Friendly Cove in King George’s Sound, abreast of
the village of Nootka, on the morning of the 13th
of May. Comekala, who for several days had been
in a state of high excitation, now enjoyed the ge¬
nuine delight of once more beholding his native
shore ; and when his intention of landing was made
known, the whole inhabitants poured forth to give
him welcome. The dress in which he chose to ap¬
pear for the first time after so long an absence was
very extraordinary : On a former occasion, when
visited by Hannapa, a brother chief, he contented
himself with an ordinary European suit ; but he
now, says Meares, arrayed himself in all his glory :
His scarlet coat was decorated with such quantities
of brass buttons and copper appendages of one kind
or other, that they could not fail to procure him
profound respect from his countrymen, and render
him an object of unbounded admiration to the Noot-
ka damsels. At least half a sheet of copper formed
his breastplate ; from his ears copper ornaments were
suspended ; and he contrived to hang from his hair,
which was dressed with a long pig-tail, so many
handles of copper saucepans, that their weight kept
his head in a stiff upright position, which very
much heightened the oddity of his appearance. For
several of the ornaments with which he was now so
proudly decorated, Comekala had lived in a state of
continual hostility with the cook, from whom he
purloined them ; but their last and principal strug¬
gle was for an enormous spit, which the Ameri¬
can prince had seized as a spear to swell the cir¬
cumstances of that splendour with which he was
preparing to dazzle the eyes of his countrymen. In
such a state of accoutrement, and feeling greater de-
RECEPTION OF COMEKALA. 117
light than ever was experienced on the proudest Eu¬
ropean throne, the long boat rowed Comekala ashore,
when a general and deafening shout from the crowd
assured him of the universal joy felt on his return.
The whole inhabitants moved to the beach, welcom¬
ed the traveller on shore, and afterwards conducted
him to the king’s house, which none but persons of
rank were permitted to enter, and where a magnifi¬
cent feas t of whale bl ubber and oil was prepared. On
the whole, Comekala’s reception, and the impression
made by his extraordinary costume, evinced his in¬
timate knowledge of the character of his country¬
men ; for though to the English the effect was ir¬
resistibly comic, the natives regarded him with a
mixture of silent awe and wonder, which after a
while broke forth into expressions of universal as¬
tonishment and delight.
Not long after this exhibition, two Nootka princes,
Maquilla and Callicum, paid a visit to the English.
Their little squadron, consisting of twelve canoes with
eighteen men each, moved with stately parade round
the ship : The men wore dresses of beautiful sea-
otter skins, covering them from head to heel ; their
hair was powdered with the white down of birds,
and their faces bedaubed with red and black ochre,
in the form of a shark’s jaw and a kind of spiral
line, which rendered their appearance extremely
savage. Eight rowers sat on each side, and a single
man at the bow ; whilst the chiefs, distinguished by
a high cap, pointed at the crown and ornamented
with a small tuft of feathers, occupied a place in the
middle. All this was very striking ; but the most
remarkable accompaniment was the air which they
chanted, the effect of which is described by Meares
118
NOOTKA MUSIC.
as uncommonly pleasing. “ We listened/’ says he,
“ to their song with an equal degree of surprise and
pleasure. It was indeed impossible for any ear sus¬
ceptible of delight from musical sounds, or any mind
not insensible to the power of melody, to remain
unmoved by this solemn unexpected concert. The
chorus was in unison, and strictly correct as to time
and tune ; nor did a dissonant note escape them.
Sometimes they would make a sudden transition
from the high to the low tones, with such melan¬
choly turns in their variations, that we could not
reconcile to ourselves the manner in which they ac¬
quired or contrived this more than untaught melody
of nature. There was also something for the eye as
well as the ear, and the action that accompanied
their voices added very much to the impression
which the chanting made upon us all. Every one
beat time with undeviating regularity against the
gunwale of the boat with their paddles ; and at the
end of every verse they pointed with extended arms
to the north and south, gradually sinking their voices
in such a solemn manner as to produce an effect not
often attained by the orchestras of European na¬
tions.” This account of the impressive music of the
people of Nootka Sound is, the reader may remem¬
ber, corroborated by Captain Burney.* The cere¬
mony, however, did not end with the song; but
after rowing twice round the ship, rising up each
time as they passed the stern, and vociferating,
“ Wacush ! Wacusli !” (friends), they brought their
canoes alongside, and the two chiefs came on board.
Both were handsome men of the middle size, pos¬
sessing a mild but manly expression of countenance.
* Supra, p. 105.
MANNERS OP THE NATIVES.
119
They accepted a present of copper, iron, and other
articles, with signs of great delight, and throwing
olf their sea-otter garments laid them gracefully at
the feet of the English, and stood on the deck quite
naked. Each of them was presented with a blanket,
which they threw over their shoulders with marks
of high satisfaction, and descending into their ca¬
noes, were paddled to the shore.
A brisk trade in furs now commenced, which,
though interrupted occasionally by the petty thefts
of the savages, was highly favourable to the commer¬
cial interests of the expedition. Skins of the sea-otter,
beaver, martin, sable, and river-otter, of the ermine,
black-fox, gray, white, and red wolf, wolverine, mar¬
mot, racoon, bear, and mountain-sheep, and in addi¬
tion to all these, of the furred, speckled, and common
seal, sea-cow, and sea-lion, were all procured, though
some in greater abundance than others. Of these
by far the most beautiful and valuable was the skin
of the sea-otter. The taking of this animal is at¬
tended with considerable hazard ; but constant prac¬
tice has taught the natives both skill and courage.
When it is determined to hunt the sea-otter/'
says Meares, “ two very small canoes are prepared,
in each of which are seated two expert hunters.
The instruments they employ are bows and arrows,
with a small harpoon which differs somewhat from
the instrument of the same kind used in hunting
the whale, the shaft being much the same; but the
harpoon itself of greater length, and so notched and
barbed that when it has once entered the flesh it is
almost impossible to extricate it. It is attached to
the shaft by several fathoms of sufficient strength to
120
HUNTING THE SEA-OTTER.
drag the otter to the boat. The arrows employed
are smalls and pointed with bone formed into a
single barb. Thus equipped the hunters proceed
among the rocks in search of their prey. Some¬
times they surprise the animal when sleeping on
his back on the surface of the water ; and if they
can approach without awakening him, which re¬
quires infinite caution and skill, he is easily har¬
pooned and dragged to the boat, when a fierce bat¬
tle often ensues between the otter and the hunters,
who are frequently severely wounded by his teeth
and claws. The more usual manner of taking him,
however, is by pursuit, and the chase is sometimes
continued for hours. As the animal cannot remain
long under water, the skill is here chiefly exerted
to direct the canoes in the same line which the ot¬
ter takes when under water, at which time he
swims with a celerity that greatly exceeds that of
his pursuers. The moment he dives, therefore,
the canoes separate in order to have the better
chance of wounding him with their arrows at the
moment he rises, although it often happens that
this wary and cunning animal escapes, and baffles
the utmost skill of his persecutors. Should it hap¬
pen that the otters are overtaken with their young
ones, the instinct of parental affection comes out in
its most deep and interesting shape; all sense of
danger and of self-preservation is instantly lost,
and both male and female defend their cubs with
the most furious courage, tearing out with their
teeth the arrows and harpoons fixed in them, and
often attacking the canoes themselves. On such
occasions, however, their utmost efforts are una-
HUNTING THE WHALE.
121
vailing, and they and their offspring never fail of
yielding to the power of the hunters.”*
The hunting the whale, however, is a still nobler
sport; and nothing can exceed the skill and intrepi¬
dity with which the Americans of Nootka engage
in it. When it is determined to proceed against
this mighty creature, the chief prepares himself
with great ceremony: He is clothed in the sea-
otter’s skin, his body besmeared with oil and paint¬
ed with red ochre ; the canoes selected for the ser¬
vice are of a size between those used in war and
the ordinary kind, and contain eighteen or twenty
men, the bravest and most active that can be found.
When the whale is discovered, the chief himself
throws the first harpoon ; but all the people in the
various attendant canoes are armed with the same
instrument, to be employed as occasion may re¬
quire. As soon as the huge fish feels the smart of
the first weapon, he dives, and carries the shaft
with all its bladders along with him ; on which the
boats follow in his wake, and as he rises continue
to fix their weapons till he finds it impossible to
sink from the number of floating buoys attached to
his body. The whale then drowns, and is towed
on shore with great triumph and rejoicing.t He is
immediately cut up, part being dedicated to the
feast which concludes the day, and the remainder
divided among those who shared the dangers and
glory of the chase.
The ingenuity of the Nootka savages in many
mechanical arts was very remarkable. Their ma¬
nufacture of harpoons, lines, fish-hooks, bows and
* Meares, vol. ii. p. 56.
-j* Ibid. vol. ii. pp. 52, 55.
122 NOOTKA MECHANICAL ARTS.
arrows, their skill in tanning and preparing furs,
their ingenious manner of forging the metals pro¬
cured from the English into various ornaments for
their wives or favourites, and above all their art in
constructing canoes, astonished the European and
Chinese artisans. Of the iron received in exchange
for furs they made tools ; and it was seldom they
could be prevailed on to use European utensils in
preference to their own, with the exception of the
saw, the utility of which in abridging labour was
immediately perceived and made available. They
formed of the same metal a species of tool for hol¬
lowing out large trees, which purpose it served far
better than any instrument the carpenters of the
Felice could give them. In this operation a flat
stone was employed in place of an anvil, whilst a
round one served for a hammer; and with these
rude implements they shaped the redhot iron into
a tool resembling a cooper’s adze, which they fas¬
tened to a wooden handle with cords made of si¬
news ; it was then sharpened, and proved admi¬
rably adapted for the purposes for which it was
intended.*
After the English had been for some time in
King George’s Sound, the Americans began to make
use of sails formed of mats, in imitation of Captain
Meares’ ship. Hannapa got the sailors to rig one of
his war-canoes in the English style, of which he was
extremely proud, never omitting the ceremony of
hoisting his pendant whenever he approached, to
the great amusement of the crew. Not long after
this the English were waited upon by Wicananish,
* Meares, vol. ii. pp. 58, 59.
NOOTKA ARCHITECTURE.
123
a prince of greater wealth and power than any they
had yet seen, who invited them to visit his kingdom,
which lay at some distance to the southward, that
a commercial intercourse might be established for
the advantage of both parties. The invitation was
accepted, and Wicananish himself met the Felice at
some distance from the shore with a small fleet of
canoes ; and, coming on board, piloted them into the
harbour. They found the capital to be at least
three times the size of Nootka. The country round
was covered with impenetrable woods of great ex¬
tent, in which were trees of enormous size. After the
king and his chiefs had been entertained on board, the
English were in return invited to a feast by Wica¬
nanish : and it is not easv to conceive a more inte-
-7 «/
resting picture of savage life than is given by Meares
on this occasion. “ On entering the house,” says
he, “ we were absolutely astonished at the vast
area it enclosed. It contained a large square, boarded
up close on all sides to the height of twenty feet,
with planks of an uncommon breadth and length.
Three enormous trees, rudely carved and painted,
formed the rafters, which were supported at the
ends and in the middle by gigantic images, carved
out of huge blocks of timber. The same kind of
broad planks covered the whole to keep out the rain ;
but they were so placed as to be removable at plea¬
sure, either to receive the air and light or to let out
the smoke. In the middle of this spacious room
were several fires, and beside them large wooden
vessels filled with fish-soup. Large slices of whale’s
flesh lay in a state of preparation, to be put into
similar machines filled with water, into which the
women, with a kind of tongs, conveyed hot stones
124
PALACE OP WICANANISH.
from very fierce fires, in order to make it boil. Heaps
of fish were strewed about ; and in this central part
of the square, which might properly be called the
kitchen, stood large seal-skins filled with oil, from
whence the guests were served with that delicious
beverage. The trees that supported the roof were
of a size which would render the mast of a first rate
man-of-war diminutive on a comparison with them ;
indeed our curiosity as well as our astonishment
was at its utmost stretch, when we considered the
strength which must have been required to raise
these enormous beams to their present elevation,
and how such strength could be commanded by a
people wholly unacquainted, as we supposed, with
the mechanic powers. The door by which we enter¬
ed this extraordinary fabric was the mouth of one
of these huge images, which, large as it may, from
this circumstance, be supposed to have been, was
not disproportioned to the other features of its co¬
lossal visage. We ascended by a few steps on the
outside ; and, after passing the portal, descended
down the chin into the house, where we found new
matter for wonder in the number of men, women,
and children who composed the family of the chief,
which consisted of at least 800 persons. These were
divided into groups according to their respective
offices, which had distinct places assigned them.
The whole of the interior of the building was sur¬
rounded by a bench, about two feet from the ground,
on which the various inhabitants sat, ate, and slept.
The chief appeared at the upper end of the room
surrounded by natives of rank, on a small raised
platform, round which were placed several large
chests, over which hung bladders of oil, large slices
FEAST GIVEN TO THE ENGLISH.
12 5
of whales’ flesh, and proportionable gobbets of blub¬
ber. Festoons of human skulls, arranged with some
attention to uniformity, were disposed in almost
every part where they could be placed; and, however
ghastly such ornaments appeared to European eyes,
they were evidently considered by the courtiers and
people of Wieananish as a very splendid and ap¬
propriate decoration of the royal apartment.” When
the English appeared the guests had made a con¬
siderable advance in their banquet. Before each
person was placed a large slice of boiled whale,
which, with small wooden dishes filled with oil and
fish-soup, and a muscle-shell instead of a spoon,
composed the economy of the table. The servants
busily replenished the dishes as they were emptied,
and the women picked and opened some bark, which
served the purpose of towels. The guests despatch¬
ed their messes with astonishing rapidity and vo¬
racity, and even the children, some of them not
above three years old, devoured the blubber and
oil with a rapacity worthy of their fathers. Wica-
nanish in the mean time did the honours with an
air of hospitable yet dignified courtesy, which might
have graced a more cultivated society.
At the conclusion of the feast it was intimated to the
English that the proper time had arrived to produce
their presents. Upon this a great variety of articles
were displayed ; among which were several blankets
and two copper tea-kettles. On these last, considered
to be almost inestimable, the eyes of the whole assem¬
bly were instantly riveted ; and a guard was imme¬
diately mounted, who kept a jealous watch over
them till curiosity was gratified ; after which, they
were deposited in large chests rudely carved and
126
BRISK TRADE IN FURS.
fancifully adorned with human teeth. About fifty
men now advanced into the middle of the apart¬
ment, each holding up a sea-otter skin nearly six
feet in length, and while they remained in that posi¬
tion the prince delivered a speech, during which he
gave his hand in token of friendship to the captain,
and informing him that these skins were the return
he proposed to make for the present he had just re¬
ceived, concluded by ordering them to be immedi¬
ately conveyed on board.
The English now opened a brisk trade, procur¬
ing the finest furs, whilst they were supplied with
excellent provisions: Salmon, cod, halibut, rock-
fish, and herrings, were brought to them fresh from
the water; and the women and children sold them
berries, wild onions, salads, and other esculent
plants. Wicananish, however, was anxious to esta¬
blish a rigid monopoly, and evinced the utmost jea¬
lousy lest any neighbouring princes should be admit¬
ted to trade with the English. None were allowed
to go on board without his license ; and one unfor¬
tunate stranger was detected without a passport, hur¬
ried into the woods, and, as was strongly suspected,
instantly put to death. At last two chiefs, who
had already entered into some transactions with
Captain Meares, remonstrated against such il libe¬
rality ; and Wicananish, rather than go to war,
concluded a treaty, which had the effect of restor¬
ing a good understanding by mutual sacrifices.
Hanna and Detootche agreed to resign to Wicana¬
nish all the otter skins in their possession on condi¬
tion of receiving the two copper tea-kettles already
mentioned. These last articles, however ludicrous
it may appear in the eyes of European diplomatists.
NATURE OF THE COUNTRY.
127
formed the grand basis of the treaty, and the terms
of exchange were not arranged without much diffi¬
culty. During these proceedings the English had
little opportunity to examine the country ; but every
thing which they saw was inviting. An archipe¬
lago extended from King George’s Sound to the
harbour of Wicananish, most of the islands being
covered with wood, with few clear spots. The soil
was rich, producing berries and fruits in abundance,
and the timber of uncommon size and beauty, con¬
sisting chiefly of red oak, large cedar, black and
white spruce-fir. In their expeditions into the in¬
terior they met with frequent groves, where al¬
most every second tree was fit for masts of any di¬
mensions.*
From Wicananish Captain Meares sailed south¬
ward along a coast not visited by Cook, of which the
chart by Maurelle was so inaccurate, that it seem¬
ed almost certain he had never surveyed it in per¬
son. During this voyage they were visited by a
small fleet of canoes, filled with people far more sa¬
vage than those hitherto met with. The face of the
chief was bedaubed with black ochre, and powdered
with a glittering sand, which communicated a singu¬
lar fierceness of expression; whilst his manners were
rude, and gave no encouragement to any more in¬
timate intercourse. Meares continued his survey of
the coast as far north as latitude 49° 37'; after
which he retraced his progress, and on reaching
the Strait of Juan de Fmja took possession of it,
with all the usual ceremonies, in the name of the
King of Great Britain. The existence of this chan¬
nel, which had been doubted since its discovery in
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. i. p. 239.
128
STRAIT OF JUAN DE FU£A.
1592; was now positively ascertained; and the long¬
boat was despatched up the strait under the com¬
mand of Mr Duffin, first officer of the Felice. Her
crew consisted of thirteen sailors, well armed, and
provisioned for a month. In a week, however, they
returned, — with their full complement indeed, but
every one of them wounded. They had been at¬
tacked by the natives with a ferocity and determi¬
nation which set at nought the usual terror of fire¬
arms. The assailants used their bows and arrows,
clubs, spears, stone-bludgeons, and slings, with great
skill and courage. The boat itself showed this, being
pierced in numerous places with the barbed arrows,
many of which were still sticking in the awning,
which, by intercepting the heavy showers of these
missiles and breaking the fall of the large stones
discharged from the slings, was the principal means
of preserving the lives of the crew.
On returning down the strait, they were met by
a canoe paddled by two subjects of Wicananish, and
after purchasing some fish were about to bid them
farewell, when the savages made them aware that
they still had another commodity to dispose of, and
to their inexpressible horror exhibited two human
heads still dripping with blood. “ They held up
these detestable objects by the hair,” says Meares,
“ with an air of triumph and exultation, and when
the crew of the boat discovered signs of disgust and
detestation at so appalling a spectacle, the savages,
in a tone and with looks of extreme satisfaction, in¬
formed them that they were the heads of two people
belonging to Tatootche, the enemy of their own
king Wicananish, whom they had recently slain.”*
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. i. p. 289.
5
CANNIBALISM.
129
This last occurrence threw a gloom over the spirits
of the ship’s company, and caused them to make
more minute inquiries into the habits of the savages,
which brought to light some very extraordinary
circumstances. Mild and amiable as were the ge¬
neral manners of the inhabitants of Nootka Sound, it
was discovered by their own confession, that they
not only tortured captives with every refinement
of cruelty, but feasted on human flesh. Callicum, a
chief described by Meares as a model of kindness
and even of delicacy in his intercourse with the
English, acknowledged that he slept nightly on a
pillow filled with human skulls, which he often ex¬
hibited as trophies of his valour. Maquilla betrayed
his cannibal propensities in a manner still more
decided : “ It so happened that the chief, in as¬
cending the side of the ship, by some untoward
accident received a hurt in the leg. Orders were
immediately given to the surgeon to attend, and
when he was about to apply a plaster to the wound,
Maquilla absolutely refused to submit, but sucked
himself the blood which freely flowed from it ; and
when we expressed our astonishment and disgust
at such conduct, he replied by licking his lips, pat¬
ting his belly, and exclaiming, f Cloosh, cloosh,’ or
4 Good, good !’ Nor did he now hesitate to confess
that he ate human flesh, and to express the delight
he took in banqueting upon his fellow-creatures;
not only avowing the practice, but informing the
crew, as they stood shuddering at the story, that
not long before this the ceremony of killing and
eating a slave had taken place at Friendly Cove.”*
This acknowledgment was confirmed by Callicum
* Meares’ Voyages, voL. ii. p. 49.
H
1 30
SUPERSTITIONS OP THE NATIVES :
and Hannapa, who, protesting they had never tasted
the smallest hit of human flesh themselves, describ¬
ed Maquilla as peculiarly fond of it, and in the
practice of killing a slave once a-month to gratify
his unnatural appetite. Perhaps there might be
some exaggeration in this ; but the ghastly orna¬
ments of Wicananish’s dining-room, the extraordi¬
nary pillow of Callicum, the exposure of men’s
heads and limbs for sale, and the admission of the
chief himself, sufficiently prove the existence of this
atrocious custom, whatever might be the extent to
which it was carried.
For a long time the English thought the inhabit¬
ants had no religious belief whatever. To the huge
misshapen images seen in their houses they ad¬
dressed no homage ; they had neither priests nor
temples, nor did they offer any sacrifices ; but an
accidental circumstance led to the discovery that,
though devoid of all superstitious observances, and
wholly ignorant of the true God, they were not with¬
out a certain species of mythology, including the be¬
lief of an existence after death. “ This discovery,”
says Meares, “ arose from our inquiries on a very
different subject: On expressing our wish to be
informed by what means they became acquainted
with copper, and why it was such a peculiar
object of their admiration, a son of Hannapa,
one of the Nootkan chiefs, a youth of uncommon
sagacity, informed us of all he knew on the sub¬
ject ; and we found, to our surprise, that his story
involved a little sketch of their religion.” When
words were wanting he supplied the deficiency by
those expressive actions which nature or necessity
seems to communicate to people whose language is,
THEIR STRANGE TRADITIONS.
131
imperfect; and the young Nootkan conveyed his
ideas by signs so skilfully as to render them per¬
fectly intelligible. He related his story in the fol¬
lowing manner: — “ He first placed a certain num¬
ber of sticks on the ground, at small distances from
each other, to which he gave separate names. Thus,
he called the first his father, and the next his grand¬
father: he then took what remained and threw
them all into confusion together, as much as to say
that they were the general heap of his ancestors,
whom he could not individually reckon. He then,
pointing to this bundle, said, when they lived an old
man entered the sound in a copper canoe, with cop¬
per paddles, and every thing else in his possession
of the same metal ; that he paddled along the shore,
on which all the people were assembled to contem¬
plate so strange a sight, and that, having thrown
one of his copper paddles on shore, he himself land¬
ed. The extraordinary stranger then told the natives
that he came from the sky, to which the boy point¬
ed with his hand ; that their country would one day
be destroyed, when they would all be killed, and
rise again to live in the place from whence he came.
Our young interpreter explained this circumstance
of his narrative by lying down as if he were dead,
and then, rising up suddenly, he imitated the
action as if he were soaring through the air. He
continued to inform us that the people killed the
old man and took his canoe, from which event they
derived their fondness for copper, and he added that
the images in their houses were intended to repre¬
sent the form, and perpetuate the mission of this
supernatural person who came from the sky.”*
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. ii. pp. 70, 71*
132 SPECULATIONS ON A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE.
As the objects of this voyage were principally of
a commercial nature. Captain Meares had better
opportunities to observe the character of the natives
than to explore the coast or the interior of the coun¬
try. The range of his navigation, extending only
from Nootka Sound to the latitude of 49° 37' north,
disclosed no regular continuity of land, but in every
direction large islands, divided by deep sounds and
channels. The time which this intelligent seaman
could spare was not enough to complete the survey ;
but, judging from what he did see, he was led to the
belief that the entire space from St George’s Sound
to Hudson’s Bay and Davis’ Strait, instead of a
continent, was occupied by an immense archipelago,
through which might reach a passage from the Pa¬
cific into the Atlantic Ocean. “ The channels of
this archipelago,” says he in his memoir on the
probable existence of a north-west passage, “ were
found to be wide and capacious, with near 200
fathoms depth of water, and huge promontories
stretching out into the sea, where whales and sea-
otters were seen in an incredible abundance. In
some of these channels there are islands of ice which
we may venture to say could never have been form¬
ed on the western side of America, which possesses
a mild and moderate climate ; so that their existence
cannot be reconciled to any other idea than that
they received their formation in the Eastern Seas,
and have been drifted by tides and currents through
the passage for whose existence we are contending.”*
To determine this great question, and complete
an accurate survey of the north-west coast of Ame¬
rica, Captain Vancouver, an excellent officer, who
* Meares’ Voyages, vol. ii. p. 242.
VOYAGE OF VANCOUVER.
133
had received his professional education under Cook,
was despatched in 1790 ; and, commencing his
voyage at Cape Mendocino, in latitude 41°, he
sailed northward 219 leagues to the Strait of Juan
de Fuca, never losing sight of the surf which dash¬
ed against the shore, taking once or twice every
day the meridional altitude, and minutely noting
the position of the most conspicuous points. The
wholecoast presented an impenetrable barrier against
approach from the sea, and no opening was found to
afford his vessels the smallest shelter. He then ex¬
plored the Strait of Juan de Fu^a; and having sa¬
tisfied himself that no passage across America was to
be discovered there, devoted his time to the survey of
the labyrinth of islands, sounds, and inlets, between
50° and 60° of latitude. After a series of patient
and scientific observations every way worthy of the
school in which he had been bred, he ascertained
the grand fact that the coast was throughout conti¬
nuous, and thus dispelled all hope of a north-west
passage in this quarter. It was his fate to en¬
counter not a little unreasonable scepticism when
the result was made public; and, like many other
travellers and navigators, he found too much reason
to complain of those lazy closet-philosophers, who
refuse to admit any testimony which happens to
contradict their own preconceived theories. Time,
however, has done him justice, and fully confirmed
the accuracy of his report.
After the disastrous result of the expedition of
Behring, more than eighty years elapsed before Rus¬
sia thought proper to pursue the career of disco¬
very on the extreme coasts of North-western Ame¬
rica. At length Count Romanzoff, a scientific and
134
KOTZEBUE.
patriotic nobleman, determined to despatch Lieu¬
tenant Kotzebue on a voyage to the straits which
bear the name of that great mariner. His equip¬
ment consisted of a single vessel, the Rurick, 100
tons burden, with twenty- two sailors, a surgeon, and
a botanist. Having doubled Cape Horn, he ar¬
rived on the 19th June 1816 at Awatscha. Con¬
tinuing his course he passed the boundary explored
by Behring, and on the 1st of August descried on
his right, in latitude 68°, a broad opening which he
trusted would prove the long-sought-for passage.
Having entered, he landed on the beach, ascend¬
ed a neighbouring hill, and saw nothing but wa¬
ter as far as the eye could reach. Full of ardent
expectation lie employed a fortnight in examining
this sound, making a complete circuit of its shores.
No outlet, however, was discovered, except one,
which it appeared almost certain communicated
with Norton Sound, and Kotzebue resumed his
voyage, which, however, was attended with no new
or important results. To this arm of the sea, the
discovery of which forms the principal feature in his
enterprise, he has very properly communicated his
name.
With Kotzebue terminates our account of the pro¬
gress of discovery upon the north-western shores of
America ; for an outline of the survey made by Cap¬
tain Beechey belongs to a future portion of this disqui¬
sition. It is a pleasing reflection, that almost exclu¬
sively to the British navy belongs the hard-earned
praise of having explored nearly the whole of this
coast, with an accuracy which leaves nothing to be
desired by the most scientific navigator.
COLONISATION OP CANADA.
135
CHAPTER III.
Hearne and Sir Alexander Mackenzie.
Colonisation of Canada — French Fur-Trade — Rise of Hudson’s
Bay Company — Hearne’s Three Journeys — North-West Fur
Company — First Journey of Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1789 —
His Second Expedition in 1792*
Having completed a brief sketch of the progress of
discovery along the wide extent of the eastern and
western shores of North America, from the first ex¬
pedition of Cabot to the latest attempts of Kotze¬
bue, two important subjects present themselves, —
the rise of the fur-trade, and the great discoveries
which were achieved by British subjects connected
with this branch of commercial enterprise. The
expedition of Cartier conferred on the French that
title to the countries round the St Lawrence which
results from priority of discovery ; and other cir¬
cumstances combined to direct their efforts chief¬
ly to the colonisation of the more northern tracts of
America. Amongst these causes may be reckoned
the disastrous failure of their attempt to establish a
settlement in Florida, the great power of the Spa¬
niards in that quarter, and the pre-occupation of the
middle regions of the continent by the English. In
1598, the Sieur de la Roche, a Breton gentleman of
136
SIEUR DE LA ROCHE.
ancient family, obtained from Henry IV. a patent,
equally unlimited with that granted by Elizabeth to
Gilbert and Raleigh. He was nominated Lieute¬
nant-General of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland,
Labrador, and of the countries lying on the River of
the great Bay of Norimbega (meaning the St Law¬
rence), and the supreme command, both civil and
military, was concentrated in his single person. His
preparations were singularly disproportionate to these
high-sounding titles, and the whole expedition was
unfortunate. La Roche, with a small squadron, and
crews consisting principally of convicted felons, land¬
ed on Sable Island, near the coast of Nova Scotia.
From this barren spot, ill adapted for a settlement,
he reached the opposite shore, which he surveyed ;
and having intrusted the temporary command of the
colony to an inferior officer, he returned to France
to procure additional supplies. On arriving in Brit¬
tany, a dispute arose between him and the Duke de
Mercceur, a nobleman enjoying the confidence of the
French monarch, by whose influence the royal fa¬
vour was wholly withdrawn from La Roche. That
adventurer, deprived of all means of prosecuting
his enterprise in the New World, soon after died of
a broken heart.
Meantime the colony on Sable Island were exposed
to famine and disease, and totally neglected by the
king, amid the occupation and excitement of his vast
political schemes. Their existence was at length
accidentally recalled to the mind of Henry, who
in deep remorse for his forgetfulness despatched a
vessel, which on its arrival found only twelve sur¬
vivors. They had formed a hovel of the planks of
a shipwrecked Spanish vessel, supported themselves
CHAUVIN AND PONTGRAVE.
137
by fishing, and replaced their worn-out European
garments with the skins of the sea- wolf. On their
return to France, the monarch was greatly moved
by the account of their sufferings, corroborated as it
was by their emaciated and hagard aspect, matted
hair, beards which almost swept the ground, and
singular dress. He hastened to compensate for his
neglect, by granting to such as were felons a free
pardon, and presenting to each a sum of fifty
crowns.*
These disasters were followed soon after by an
attempt of Chauvin and Pontgrave, two fur-mer¬
chants, to establish a colony at Tadoussack, on the
mouth of the Saguenay, which proved abortive, and
gave place to an expedition on a more enlarged
scale, planned and conducted by De Monts, a gen¬
tleman of Saintonge, whose squadron consisted of
forty vessels. His first settlement was on the Island
of St Croix, from which he removed to Port Royal,
now known by the name of Annapolis, where he
appears to have abandoned his more pacific designs
for the superior excitation and profits of piracy.
The complaints of the merchants engaged in the
Newfoundland fishery terminated in the recall and
disgrace of De Monts ; but Champlain, on whom
the command devolved, showed himself every way
worthy of the trust. From Tadoussack he removed
the principal settlement to Quebec, where he built
and fortified a town, reduced the surrounding terri¬
tory into cultivation, and became the founder of the
government of Canada, or New France. Leaving
his infant settlement, he next determined to pene-
* Histoire General ties Voyages, voL xiv. pp. 589, 591.
]38
CHAMPLAIN.
trate into the interior ; and his emotions of wonder
and astonishment may be easily conceived, when,
ascending the St Lawrence, the majestic forests of
Canada first met his eye, encircling in their bosom
the greatest lakes known to exist in the world.
Surveying first the southern bank of the river, and
of the lakes Ontario and Erie, he found that he
had reached the very cradle of savage life, sur¬
rounded by nations whose manners, occupations,
and superstitions, were as new as they were bold
and terrific.
To pursue the discoveries of the French into the
interior of North America does not properly fall
within the limits of this work ; and it is sufficient at
present to observe, that after a long and sanguinary
struggle between the arms of France and England,
in the war which broke out in 1756, Canada was
at last subdued by the English, and the possession
of the province confirmed to Great Britain by the
treaty of 1763. During the war between the United
States and the mother country, Upper Canada once
more became the theatre of an obstinate contest,
which concluded, however, unfavourably for the
American troops ; and the country has since remain¬
ed an integral part of the British dominions. Un¬
der the French the fur- trade, notwithstanding the
restrictions with which commerce was oppressed,
was carried to a great height and embraced an im¬
mense extent of country. It was conducted by a
set of hardy adventurers, who joined the savages in
their hunting-parties, and thus collected large car¬
goes of furs with which they supplied the merchants.
Their distant inland expeditions sometimes occupied
twelve or even eighteen months ; and during this
FRENCH FUR-TRADE.
139
period their uninterrupted familiarity with the na¬
tives almost transformed them into as wild and
barbarous a condition as that of the tribes with whom
they associated. “ It requires less time/' says Sir
Alexander Mackenzie, " for a civilized people to
deviate into the manners and customs of savage life*
than for savages to rise into a state of civilisation.
Such was the event with those who thus accom¬
panied the natives on their hunting and trading ex¬
cursions ; for they became so attached to the Indian
mode of life, that they lost all relish for their for¬
mer habits and native homes. Hence they derived
the title of Coureurs de Bois, became a kind of
pedlars, and were extremely useful to the merchants
engaged in the fur-trade, who gave them the neces¬
sary credit to proceed on their commercial under¬
takings. Three or four of these people would join
their stock, put their property into a birch-bark
canoe which they worked themselves, and would
then either accompany the natives in their excur¬
sions, or penetrate at once into the country. At
length these voyages extended to twelve or fifteen
months, when they returned with rich cargoes of
furs and followed by great numbers of the natives.
During the short time requisite to settle their ac¬
counts with the merchants and procure fresh credit,
they generally contrived to squander away all their
gains, when they returned to renew their favourite
mode of life, their views being answered and their
labour sufficiently rewarded by indulging them¬
selves in extravagance and dissipation during the
short space of one month in twelve or fifteen. This
indifference about amassing property, and the plea¬
sure of living free from all restraint, soon brought
140
COUREURS DE BOIS.
on a licentiousness of manners, which could not long
escape the vigilant observation of the missionaries,
who had much reason to complain of their being a
disgrace to the Christian religion, by not only swerv¬
ing from its duties themselves, but bringing it into
disrepute with those of the natives who had become
converts to it, and consequently obstructing the
great object to which these pious men had devoted
their lives. They therefore exerted their influence
to procure the suppression of these people ; and ac¬
cordingly no one was allowed to go up the country
to traffic with the Indians without a license from
the French government.”* This change of system
was not at first attended with the expected benefits ;
for the licenses were sold in most instances to retired
officers or their widows, who again disposed of them
to the fur-merchants, and they of necessity recalled
to their service the Coureurs de Bois as their agents :
thus matters assumed, though by a somewhat more
circuitous process, the same aspect as before. At
ast military posts were established at the confluence
of the great lakes, which repressed the excesses of
the wood-runners, and afforded protection to the
trade ; whilst under this new system, a body of re¬
spectable men, usually retired officers, introduced
order and regularity in the traffic with the natives,
co-operated with the efforts of the missionaries, and
extended their intercourse with the various tribes
to the distance of 2500 miles, from the most civilized
portion of the colony to the banks of the Saskat-
chewine river in 53° north latitude, and longitude
* Sir Alexander Mackenzie’s History of the Fur-Trade, prefixed
to his Voyages, pp. 1 — 3.
GROSSELIEZ AND GILLAM.
141
102° west.* Of these trading commanders two
individuals attempted to penetrate to the Pacific
Ocean, but appear to have been unsuccessful.
The discoveries of the English in Hudson’s Bay,
and the latest attempts of Fox and James to reach
the Pacific through some of its unexplored channels,
have been sufficiently enlarged upon in a former
volume ;t but though unsuccessful in their great
design, the accounts brought home regarding the rich
furs of these extreme northern shores excited the at¬
tention of Grosseliez, an enterprising individual, who
undertook a voyage to survey the country, and laid
before the French government a proposal for a com¬
mercial settlement upon the coast. The minister,
however, rejected it as visionary ; and Grosseliez,
having obtained an introduction to Mr Montagu
the English resident at Paris, was introduced to
Prince Rupert, who, struck by the probable advan¬
tages of the project, eagerly patronized it. By his
interest with the English king he obtained the grant
of a ship commanded by Captain Zachariah Gillam,
who sailed with Grosseliez in 1668, and, penetrat¬
ing to the top of James’ Bay, erected Fort Charles
on the bank of the Rupert River. In the succeed¬
ing year Prince Rupert, with seventeen other per¬
sons, were incorporated into a company, and ob¬
tained an exclusive right to establish settlements
and carry on trade in Hudson’s Bay. Their char¬
ter recites, that those adventurers having at their
own great cost undertaken an expedition to Hud¬
son’s Bay, in order to discover a new passage into the
South Sea, and to find a trade for furs, minerals, and
* Mackenzie’s Travels, Gen. Hist, of the Fur-Trade, p. 6.
■f Polar Seas and Regions, chap. vi.
142
Hudson’s bay company.
other commodities, and having made such discove¬
ries as encouraged them to proceed in their design,
his Majesty granted to them and their heirs, under
the name of " the Governor and Company of Ad¬
venturers trading into Hudson’s Bay,” the power
of holding and alienating lands, and the sole right
of trade in Hudson’s Strait, and with the territories
upon the coasts of the same. They were authorized
to fit out ships of war, to erect forts, make reprisals,
and send home all English subjects entering the
bay without their license, and to declare war and
make peace with any prince or people not Chris¬
tian.*
Instituted with such ample powers, and at first
placed under the management of enlightened men,
this company soon arrived at considerable prosperity.
They have, indeed, been severely censured as ex¬
hibiting little zeal to promote discovery, and for
uniformly opposing every attempt on the part of
their servants to solve the long-agitated question of
a north-west passage. There appears to have been
much personal pique in these accusations ; and the
expedition of Knight, in 1721, fitted out on the most
liberal scale at the company’s expense, and the te¬
nor of their original instructions to their governor,
certainly prove that they were not enemies to the
cause of discovery ; whilst the failure of the voyages
of Middleton in 1742, and of Captains Moore and
Smith in 1746, must at length have convinced the
bitterest opponents of the company, that if they had
not discovered the long-expected passage in some of
the straits leading into Hudson’s Bay, it was for
* Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. pp. 555, 556.
HEARNE. 143
the very sufficient reason that such did not exist.
But the most remarkable refutation of these allega¬
tions is to be found in the important and interest¬
ing journey of Hearne, from Prince of Wales’ Fort
to the Northern Ocean, brought to a successful ter¬
mination in 1772, which, in its origin and progress,
merits our particular attention.
The native Indians, who range over rather than
inhabit the large tract of country north of Church¬
ill River, having repeatedly brought specimens of
copper ore to the company’s factory, it was plausi¬
bly conjectured that these had been found not far
from the British settlements ; and as the savages
affirmed that the mines were not very distant from
a large river, it was imagined, most erroneously as
was proved by the result, that this stream must
empty itself into Hudson’s Bay. I11 1768, the In¬
dians, who came to trade at Prince of Wales’ Fort,
brought farther accounts of this river, exhibiting at
the same time samples of copper, which they affirmed
to be the produce of a mine in its vicinity. The go¬
vernor now resolved to despatch an intelligent person
across the continent to obtain more precise informa¬
tion. Samuel Hearne was chosen for this service, a
man of great hardihood and sagacity, bred in the em¬
ployment of the company, and who, without preten¬
sions to high scientific attainments, possessed suffi¬
cient knowledge to enable him to construct a chart
of the country through which he travelled. His
instructions directed him to proceed to the borders
of the country of the Athabasca Indians, where it
was expected he would meet with a river repre¬
sented by the Indians to abound with copper ore,
and to be so far to the north that in the middle of
144
hearne’s first journey :
summer the sun did not set. It was called by the
natives Neetha-san-san Dazey, or the Far off Metal
River ; and Mr Hearne was directed to explore its
course to the mouth, where he was to determine
the latitude and longitude, to ascertain whether it
was navigable, and to judge of the practicability of
a settlement. He was enjoined also to examine
the mines alleged to exist in that district, the na¬
ture of the soil and its productions, and to make
every inquiry and observation towards discovering
the north-west passage.*
On the 6th of November 1769, he set out from
Prince of Wales’ Fort, Hudson’s Bay, upon this
perilous journey. He was accompanied by two
Englishmen only, — Ilbester, a sailor, and Merri-
man, a landsman ; by two of the Home- guard South¬
ern Indians, — a name given to those natives residing
as servants on the company’s plantation, and em¬
ployed in hunting ; and by eight Northern Indians,
under the command of Captain Chawchinahaw and
Lieutenant Nabyah. He was provided with ammu¬
nition for two years, some necessary iron implements,
a few knives, tobacco, and other useful articles. As
to his personal outfit, his stock consisted simply of
the shirt and clothes he wore, one spare coat, a pair
of drawers, as much cloth as would make two or
three pairs of Indian stockings, and a blanket for his
bed. “ The nature of travelling long journeys,” he
observes, “ in these countries will not admit of car¬
rying even the most common article of clothing ; so
that the traveller is obliged to depend on the dis¬
trict he traverses for his dress as well as his suste-
* Hearne’s Journey, Introduction, p. 40.
2
ITS FAILURE.
145
nance.” The baseness and treachery of the Indians,
however, soon put a period to the first journey, and
the desertion of Chawchinahaw with his whole es¬
cort, rendered it absolutely necessary for the little
party to make the best of their way back to the
fort, where they arrived on the 8th of December,
after penetrating only 200 miles into the interior.
It was now determined to resume the expedition
with greater precautions against failure. The In¬
dian women who accompanied their husbands in
the first journey were left behind, as were the two
Englishmen who had been of little service ; and in¬
stead of the treacherous Chawchinahaw, Hearne se¬
lected an Indian named Connequeesee, who affirmed
he was acquainted with the country, having once
been near the river, the discovery of which formed one
great object of the journey. Attended by this man,
along with three Northern Indians and two of the
Home-guard natives, the traveller once more set out,
on the 23d February, whilst the snow was so deep
on the top of the ramparts of the fort, that few of
the cannon could be seen. After undergoing the
severest extremities from hunger and fatigue, Mr
Hearne reached in August the river Doobaunt, in
latitude 63° 10' north. The progress thus far, how¬
ever, had been painful beyond measure, owing to
the difficulty of pushing forward through a wild
unexplored country, intersected with rivers, lakes,
and woods, at the outset thickly covered with
snow ; and on the approach of the warmer months
so flooded and marshy, as to render travelling
on foot inexpressibly fatiguing. To add to this,
the voracity, improvidence, and indolence of the
Indians, subjected the party to repeated distress.
146
hearne’s second journey :
If from fishing or hunting a larger supply than
usual was procured, instead of using it with mode¬
ration, and laying up a store for future necessities,
all was devoured by the savages, who, like the boa
after he has gorged his prey, coiled themselves up,
and remained in a state of sleepy torpor till the call
of hunger again roused them to activity.
At first the party subsisted without difficulty on
the fish which abounded in the lakes and rivers ;
but in the beginning of April they entirely disap¬
peared; and as the “ goose season,” or period when
the geese, swans, ducks, and other migratory birds,
resort to these latitudes was yet distant, they began
to suffer grievously from want of provisions. Oc¬
casionally they were relieved by killing a few deer
or musk-oxen ; but the ground and the brushwood
were so saturated with moisture from the melting
of the snow, that to kindle a fire was impossible ;
with their clothes drenched in rain, and their spi¬
rits depressed, they were compelled to eat their meat
raw, — a necessity grievous at all times, but in the
case of the flesh of the musk-ox, which is rank,
tough, and strongly impregnated with the sickening
substance from which it derives its name, peculi¬
arly repulsive and unwholesome.*
The simple and modest manner in which these se¬
vere sufferings are described by Hearne is peculiarly
striking. “ To record,” says he, “ in detail each
day’s fare since the commencement of this journey,
would be little more than a dull repetition of the
same occurrences. A sufficient idea of it may be given
in a few words, by observing, that it may justly
* Hearne’s Journey, p. 31.
HIS SEVERE SUFFERINGS. 147
be said to have been either all feasting or all fa¬
mine ; sometimes we had too much, seldom just
enough, frequently too little, and often none at all.
It will be only necessary to say, that we fasted
many times two whole days and nights, twice up¬
wards of three days, and once, while at Shenanhee,
near seven days, during which we tasted not a
mouthful of any thing, except a few cranberries,
water, scraps of old leather, and burnt bones.”
On these pressing occasions Hearne often saw the
Indians examine their wardrobe, which consisted
chiefly of skin clothing, considering attentively what
part could best be spared, when sometimes a piece
of half-rotten deer-skin, and at others a pair of old
shoes, would be sacrificed to alleviate extreme hun¬
ger. “None of our natural wants,” he observes,
“if we except thirst, are so distressing or hard to
endure as hunger, and in wandering situations like
that which I now experienced, the hardship is great¬
ly aggravated by the uncertainty with regard to its
duration, and the means most proper to be used to
remove it, as well as by the labour and fatigue we
must necessarily undergo for that purpose, and the
disappointments which too frequently frustrated our
best concerted plans and most strenuous exertions.
It not only enfeebles the body, but depresses the
spirits, in spite of every effort to prevent it. Be¬
sides which, for want of action, the stomach so far
loses its digestive powers, that, after long fasting, it
resumes its office with pain and reluctance. Dur¬
ing this journey I have too frequently experienced
the dreadful effects of this calamitv, and more than
once been reduced to so low a state by hunger and
fatigue, that when Providence threw any thing in
i 48
RETURN FROM CATHAWHACIIAGA.
my way, my stomach has been scarcely able to re¬
tain more than two or three ounces without produc¬
ing the most oppressive pain.”*
On 30th June, they arrived at a small river called
Cathawhachaga, which empties itself into White
Snow Lake, in 64° north latitude. Here, as the
guide declared they could not that summer reach
the Coppermine River, Hearne determined to pass
the winter, with the intention of pushing on to his
destination in 1771 • They accordingly forsook their
northward route, and taking a westerly course were
joined in a few days by many troops of wandering
Indians; so that by the 30th July they mustered
about seventy tents, containing nearly 600 souls,
and on moving in the morning the whole ground
seemed alive with men, women, children, and dogs.
The deer were so plenty that, though lately five or
six individuals had almost perished from hunger,
this numerous body supported themselves with great
ease, and often killed their game for the skins, leav¬
ing the carcass to be devoured by the foxes.t In
this manner, engaged alternately in hunting and
fishing, making observations on the country, and
studying the extraordinary manners of his associates,
the English traveller was preparing for his winter
sojourn, when an accident rendered his quadrant
useless, and compelled him, on 13th August, to set
out on his return to the fort.
The hardships he endured on his route homeward
were various and accumulated : He was plundered
by the Northern Indians, who, adding insult to
injury, entered his tent, smoked a pipe which
Hearne s Journey, p. 33.
•J* Ibid. p. 40.
IIEARNE MEETS MATONABBEE.
149
they filled with the white man’s tobacco,, asked to
see his luggage, and without waiting for an answer
turned the bag inside out, and spread every article
on the ground. The work of appropriation was
equally rapid, and the empty bag was flung to the
owner ; but a fit of compunction seizing them, they
restored a knife, an awl, and a needle. On begging
hard for his razors, they consented to give up one,
and added enough of soap to shave him during the
remainder of his journey, making him understand,
that the surrender of these articles called for his
warmest gratitude.
As the cold weather approached, the party thus
plundered suffered grievously from want of that
warm deer-skin clothing used by the Indians at this
season. A dress of this kind is rather costly, requiring
the prime parts of from eight to eleven skins. These
Hearne at last managed to collect ; but as the In¬
dian women alone could prepare them, he was com¬
pelled to carry this load along with him from day to
day, earnestly begging the natives at each successive
resting-place to permit their wives to dress his skins.
He met, however, with a surly and uniform refusal ;
and at last, after bearing the burden for several
weeks, was forced to throw it off, and sustain the
cold as he best could, without either skin-clothing or
snow-shoes. When continuing their course in this
forlorn condition to the south-east, they met with
Captain Matonabbee, a powerful and intelligent
chief, who was then on his way to Prince of Wales’
Fort with furs and other articles of trade. It was
this person who brought the accounts of the Copper-
mine River, which induced the company to fit out the
expedition, and he was naturally interested in its
150
matonabbee’s advice.
success. He evinced the utmost activity in reliev¬
ing their wants, furnished them with a warm suit
of otter and other skins ; and, not being able to pro¬
vide them with snow-shoes, directed them to a small
range of woods, where they found materials for both
shoes and sledges. Matonabbee then treated the
party to a feast, and took occasion in his conversa¬
tion with Hearne to explain the causes of his fai¬
lure, and to offer his assistance in a third expedition.
He attributed all their misfortunes to the miscon¬
duct of the guide, and to their having no women
with them. “ In an expedition of this kind,” said
he, “ when all the men are so heavily laden that
they can neither hunt nor travel to any considera¬
ble distance, in case they meet with success in hunt¬
ing, who is to carry the produce of their labour?
Women were made for labour ; one of them can
carry or haul as much as two men can do. They
also pitch our tents, make and mend our cloth¬
ing, keep us warm at night ; and in fact there is no
such thing as travelling any considerable distance, or
for any length of time, in this country without them ;
and yet, though they do every thing, they are main¬
tained at a trifling expense ; for, as they always act
the cook, the very licking of their fingers in scarce
times is sufficient for their subsistence.”* Assisted
by this friendly chief, the English traveller again set
forward, and after experiencing an intense degree of
cold, by which the favourite dog in his sledge was
frozen to death, he reached the fort on 25th Novem¬
ber, having been absent eight months and twenty-
two days. Matonabbee arrived a few days after.
* Hearne’s Journey, p. 55.
hearne’s third journey. 151
Though twice compelled to return, Hearne, whose
spirit was not to be overcome by fatigue or disappoint¬
ment, offered his services to proceed on a third jour¬
ney, which was ultimately crowned with success.
For this he engaged Matonabbee as guide, and de¬
clined taking any Home-guard Indians. Their place,
however, was occupied, according to the principles
already laid down, by seven of Matonabbee’s wives,
who, by the assistance they afforded, did no dis¬
paragement to the singular picture of female acti¬
vity which he had drawn. They set out on the 7th
of December, and notwithstanding frequent priva¬
tions, want of food, and intense cold, their suffer¬
ings were not so aggravated as in the former at¬
tempts. The country through which they passed
towards the west was wild and barren, occasionally
covered with thick shrubby woods of stunted pine
and dwarf juniper, studded with frequent lakes
and swamps whose sides were fringed with willows.
Through this ground they travelled in high spirits,
but rather on short commons, owing to the scarcity
of deer and the improvidence of the Indians, who
consumed every thing in the store during the first
days of their march, trusting to find a stock of provi¬
sions which they had hid in a certain spot on their
way to the fort. On reaching the place, however,
they discovered that the provisions had been carried
off; and the equanimity with which the Indians
bore the disappointment, and travelled forward un¬
der the conjoined miseries of hunger and fatigue,
was very striking. At last they succeeded in kill¬
ing a few deer, and halted to take some refresh¬
ment. For a whole day they never ceased eating,
and an additional repast on two large buck-deer,
152
VORACITY OF THE GUIDES.
which they killed a few clays after, at last fairly
overcame Captain Matonabbee, who, after devour¬
ing at one sitting as much as would have satisfied
six moderate men, seemed somewhat unreasonably
astonished to find himself indisposed.
Having recovered from the elfects of this surfeit,
they proceeded from Island Lake towards the main
branch of the Cathawhachaga, which they crossed,
and directing their course by Partridge Lake and
Snow Bird Lake, arrived on the 2d March at a
large tent of Northern Indians, not far from the
Doobaunt Whoie River. Although these people
had remained in the same spot since the beginning
of winter, they found a plentiful subsistence by
catching deer in a pound. Their mode of accom¬
plishing this is to select a well-frequented deer-
path, and enclose with a strong fence of twisted
trees and brushwood a space about a mile in circum¬
ference, and sometimes more. The entrance of the
pound is not larger than a common gate, and its
inside is crowded with innumerable small hedges,
in the openings of which are fixed snares of strong
well- twisted thongs. One end is generally fastened
to a growing tree; and as all the wood and jungle
within the enclosure is left standing, its interior
forms a complete labyrinth. On each side of the
door, a line of small trees, stuck up in the snow
fifteen or twenty yards apart, form two sides of an
acute angle, widening gradually from the entrance,
from which they sometimes extend two or three
miles. Between these rows of brushwood runs the
path frequented by the deer. When all things are
prepared, the Indians take their station on some
eminence commanding a prospect of this path, and
CATCHING DEER IN A POUND 153
the moment any deer are seen going that way, the
whole encampment, men, women, and children,
steal under cover of the woods till they get behind
them. They then show themselves in the open
ground, and, drawing up in the form of a crescent,
advance with shouts. The deer finding themselves
pursued, and at the same time imagining the rows
of brushy poles to be people stationed to prevent
their passing on either side, run straight forward
till they get into the pound. The Indians instantly
close in, block up the entrance, and whilst the wo¬
men and children run round the outside to prevent
them from breaking or leaping the fence, the men
enter with their spears and bows, and speedily de¬
spatch such as are caught in the snares or are run¬
ning loose.*
On the 8th of April, they reached an island in
a small lake named Thelewey-aza-weth, and pitch¬
ed their tent ; and as the deer were numerous, and
the party, which had been joined by various wan¬
dering Indians, now amounted to seventy persons,
they determined to remain for some time, and make
preparations for their enterprise in the ensuing sum¬
mer. They were busily employed during their in¬
tervals from hunting, in providing staves of birch
about one and a quarter inch square and seven or
eight feet long, which served for tent-poles all the
summer, and were converted into snow-shoes in
winter. Birch-rind, with timbers and other wood
for canoes, formed also objects of attention ; and as
Clowey, the place fixed upon for building their
canoes, was still many miles distant, all the wood
was reduced to its proper size to make it light for
* Hearne’s Journey, p. 78 — 80.
154 NORTHERN INDIAN WOMEN
carriage. At this place Matonabbee solaced himself
by purchasing from some Northern Indians another
wife, who for size and sinews might have shamed a
grenadier. " Take them in a body,” says Hearne,
“ and the Indian women are as destitute of real
beauty as those of any nation I ever saw, although
there are some few of them when young who are
tolerable ; but the care of a family, added to their
constant hard labour, soon make the most beautiful
amongst them look old and wrinkled, even before
they are thirty, and several of the more ordinary ones
at that age are perfect antidotes to the tender passion.
Ask a Northern Indian what is beauty ? he will
answer, a broad flat face, small eyes, high cheek¬
bones, three or four broad black lines across each
cheek, a low forehead, a large broad chin, a hook
nose, and a tawny hide. These beauties are greatly
heightened, or at least rendered more valuable, if
the possessor is capable of dressing all kinds of skins,
and able to carry eight or ten stone in summer, and
to haul a far greater weight in winter. Such and
similar accomplishments are all that are sought
after or expected in an Indian Northern woman.
As to their temper, it is of little consequence ; for
the men have a wonderful facility in making the
most stubborn comply with as much alacrity as
could be expected from those of the mildest and
most obliging turn of mind.”*
Before starting from this station, Matonabbee took
the precaution of sending in advance a small party
with the wood and birch-rind ; they were directed
to press forward to Clowey, a lake near the barren
ground, and there build the boat, to be ready
* Hearne’s Journey, pp. 89, 90.
TREATED WITH CRUELTY. 155
upon their arrival. When the journey was about
to be resumed, one of the women was taken in la¬
bour. The moment the poor creature was delivered,
“ which,” says Hearne, “ was not till she had suf¬
fered a severe labour of fifty-two hours,” the signal
was made for setting forward ; the mother took her
infant on her back, and walked with the rest ; and
though another person had the humanity to haul
her sledge for one day only, she was obliged to
carry a considerable load in addition to her little
one, and was compelled frequently to wade knee-
deep in water and wet snow. Amidst all this, her
looks, pale and emaciated, and the moans which
burst from her, sufficiently proved the intolerable
pain she endured, but produced no effect upon the
hard hearts of her husband and his companions.
When an Indian woman is taken in labour, a small
tent is erected for her, at such a distance from the
encampment that her cries cannot be heard, and the
other women are her attendants, no male except
children in arms ever offering to approach ; and
even in the most critical cases no assistance is ever
given, — a conduct arising from the opinion that
nature is sufficient to perform all that is necessary.
When Hearne informed them of the assistance de¬
rived by European women from the skill and at¬
tention of regular practitioners, their answer was
ironical and characteristic. “ No doubt,” said they,
“ the many liump-backs, bandy legs, and other de¬
formities so common amongst you English, are
owing to the great skill of the persons who assisted
in bringing them into the world, and to the extra¬
ordinary care of their nurses afterwards.”*
* Ilearne’s Journey, p. 93.
156
ARRIVAL AT CLOWEY.
In eleven days they travelled a distance of eighty-
five miles, and on 3d May arrived at Clowey,
where they were joined by some strange Indians,
and commenced the important business of building
their canoes. The party sent ahead for this pur¬
pose arrived only two days before, and had made
no progress in joining the timbers they had carried
along with them. The whole tools used by an In¬
dian in this operation, in making snow-shoes and
all other kinds of w ood- work, are a hatchet, a knife,
a file, and an awl ; but in the use of these they are
very dexterous. In shape, their canoes bear some
resemblance to a weaver’s shuttle, having flat-bot¬
toms, with straight upright sides, and sharp at
each end. The stern is the widest part, being con¬
structed for the reception of the baggage ; and occa¬
sionally it admits a second person, who lies at full
length in the bottom of the little vessel, which sel¬
dom exceeds twelve or thirteen feet in length, and
about twenty inches or two feet in breadth at the
widest part. The forepart is unnecessarily long
and narrow, and covered with birch-bark, which
adds to the weight without contributing to the bur¬
den of the canoe. The Indians, for the most part,
employ a single paddle ; double ones like those of
the Esquimaux are seldom used unless by hunters,
who lie in ambush for the purpose of killing deer as
they cross rivers and narrow lakes. Upon the whole,
their vessels, though formed of the same materials
as those of the Southern Indians, are much smaller
and lighter ; and, from the extreme simplicity of
build, are the best that could be contrived for the
necessities of these poor savages, who are frequently
obliged to carry them upon their back 100 and
JOINED BY MANY INDIANS. 157
sometimes 150 miles, without having occasion to
launch them.
At Clowey the expedition was joined hy nearly
200 Indians from various quarters, most of whom
built canoes there ; and on the 23d May, Mr Hearne
and Matonabbee, whose character and consequence
effectually protected the white man from plunder,
proceeded northward. For some time they met with
no distresses, except those occasioned by the intense
cold, which had been preceded by thunder-storms
and torrents of rain. Misfortune, however, now
attacked Matonabbee on the tender side of his eight
wives, the handsomest of whom eloped in the night,
accompanied by another woman. Both having been
carried off by force, it was suspected they had fled
to the eastward with the plan of rejoining their
former husbands. Scarce had the savage polyga¬
mist recovered from this blow, when he experi¬
enced a fresh mortification : An Indian of great
strength, from whom Matonabbee a short time be¬
fore had purchased a stout, and therefore valuable
wife, insisted on taking her back, unless he instantly
surrendered a certain quantity of ammunition, a
kettle, some pieces of iron, and other articles. The
hardship of this case arose from an extraordinary
custom, by which the men are permitted to wrestle
for any woman to whom they are attached, the vic¬
torious party carrying off the prize. It is for this
reason that the greatest emulation prevails in all
athletic exercises among the young Indians ; and
the children are perpetually seen trying their powers
in wrestling, under the idea that this is the edu¬
cation which will chiefly benefit them when they
grow up. A weak man seldom long retains a wife
158
matonabbee’s pride.
whose services another wants ; for when the help¬
mates of an able-bodied savage are too heavily laden
with furs or provisions, he makes no scruple of
seizing the spouse of his weaker neighbour, and
transferring part of the burden to her back ; whilst,
if the injured party cannot challenge the aggressor
to a wrestling-match, he must not otherwise com¬
plain. The distress, therefore, of Matonabbee upon
this occasion may be easily accounted for, as he was
wounded in his pride and in his property, if not in
his affections. But a personal contest was out of
the question, and he was obliged to purchase his
favourite over again, by yielding up all that was de¬
manded by his antagonist. This affair had nearly
proved a serious obstacle to the expedition ; for so
bitterly did the chief resent the affront, entertaining
the highest ideas of his personal consequence, that he
had resolved, like a Coriolanus of the New World,
to renounce all farther alliance with his countrymen
and join the Athabasca Indians, among whom he
had formerly resided. But Hearne strenuously op¬
posed this project, and at last succeeded in dissuad¬
ing him from it.*
Having agreed to proceed, Matonabbee, for the
better prosecution of the enterprise, determined to
make some new arrangements : He selected his two
youngest wives, who were unencumbered with chil¬
dren, as alone worthy to accompany him, whilst the
remainder, with all their luggage and a considerable
number of the men, were commanded to await the
return of the party from the Coppermine River. This
change of plan, however, was not carried through
* Hearne’s Journey, pp. Ill, 112.
THE PARTY CROSS THE ARCTIC CIRCLE. 159
without difficulty. When the hour of separation
came, and Matonabbee and Hearne set out in the
evening of 31st May, a low murmur of lamentation
proceeded from the tents of the women who were left
behind, which, running through all the notes of in¬
creasing grief, at last burst into a loud yell. This
continued as long as the party were in sight ; nor
was it without much angry expostulation that some
of them were prevented 'from following their hus¬
bands. The Indians, however, regarded all this,
which deeply affected their European associate, with
indifference, walking forward without casting be¬
hind them a single look or word of sympathy, and
joyfully congratulating themselves on getting rid of
the women, dogs, children, and other encumbrances,
which added so greatly to the toil of the journey.
One article they all carried, although to Hearne it
appeared unnecessary, considering the expedition to
be pacific, — this was a target of thin boards two
feet broad and about three feet long. On inquir¬
ing for what purpose these shields were to be used,
he discovered that the main consideration which
reconciled the Indians to this expedition was the
hope of attacking and murdering the Esquimaux
who frequented the Coppermine River, between
whom and the other Indian tribes there had long
existed a deadly enmity. All the arguments em¬
ployed by Hearne were insufficient to dissuade them
from these hostile intentions.
The party having crossed the arctic circle ar¬
rived at Cogead Lake, which they found frozen
over ; so that they traversed its creeks and bays with¬
out the aid of their canoes. Thence they directed
their course due north till they met with a branch
160
COPPER INDIANS.
of the Congecathawhachaga River, where some
Copper Indians received them with great kindness,
and readily sent all their canoes to their assistance,
— a piece of courtesy particularly seasonable, as the
ice had now broken up. To these Indians Hearne
explained the object of his journey, and his guide
being personally known to them they treated the
party, which consisted of 150 persons, with distin¬
guished honour ; — a feast was given, the English
traveller smoked with them his calumet of peace, and
their chiefs expressed the greatest anxiety that a Eu¬
ropean settlement should be established in the neigh¬
bourhood of the Coppermine River. They acknow¬
ledged they had never found the sea at the mouth
of the river free from ice; but with singular sim¬
plicity seemed to consider this a very trifling objec¬
tion, observing, that the water was always so smooth
between the ice and the shore, that even small boats
could sail there with great ease ; and inferring, that
what a canoe could do, a large ship must be sure
to accomplish. As Hearne was the first white man
they had seen, he was surrounded by numbers, who
examined him with the utmost minuteness. The
result, however, was satisfactory ; for they at last
pronounced him to be a perfect human being, ex¬
cept in the colour of his hair and eyes: the first
they insisted was like the stained hair of a buffalo’s
. tail, and the last, being light, were compared to
those of a gull. The whiteness of his skin also was a
circumstance on which they demurred a little, ob¬
serving, that it looked like meat which had been
sodden in water till all the blood was extracted. He
continued, however, to be viewed w ith a mixture of
curiosity and admiration, and at his toilet was gene-
5
VARIATIONS IN THE CLIMATE. 161
rally attended by a body of the Indians, who, when
he used his comb, asked for the hairs which came
off. These they carefully wrapped up, saying,
“ When I see you again, you shall again see your
hair.”*
On reaching Congecathawhachaga in latitude 68°
46' north, Matonabbee deemed it expedient to leave
all the women, taking the precaution to kill as many
deer as were necessary for their support during his
absence. The flesh was cut into thin slices and
dried in the sun, — a frequent mode of preserving
it in these high northern latitudes, by which it is
kept palatable and nourishing for a twelvemonth.
Having completed these arrangements, the party
resumed their journey on the 1st of July, proceed¬
ing amidst dreadful storms of snow and occasional
torrents of rain, which drenched them to the skin,
through a barren and desolate country, where it
was impossible with the wet moss and green brush¬
wood to kindle a fire. Compelled to take shelter in
caves at night, — for they had no tents, — obliged to eat
their meat raw, with the enjoyment of no higher
luxury than a pipe, they yet pushed forward with
unshaken perseverance, and after a week of great
suffering, had the comfort to observe a complete
change in the weather, which first became moderate,
and soon after so sultry that it was sometimes im¬
possible to move at all.
Early on the morning of 13th July, the expedi¬
tion crossed a long chain of hills, from the top of
which they discerned a branch that joins the Cop¬
permine about forty miles from its influx into the
* Hearne’s Journey, p. 122.
K
162
INDIAN COOKERY.
sea. Here the Indians killed a few fine buck-deer,
procured some excellent firewood, and, as it was
not certain that so favourable an opportunity would
soon occur again, they sat down with appetites
sharpened by long privation, spirits raised by the re¬
collection of hardships overcome, and the almost
certain prospect of ere long accomplishing the great
object of their expedition, to the most cheerful and
comfortable meal they had enjoyed for a long period.
The reader will be amused with Hearne’s descrip¬
tion of this delicious repast, and of the mysteries of
Indian cookery : “ As such favourable opportunities
of indulging the appetite,” says he, “ happen but
seldom, it is a general rule with the Indians, which
we did not neglect, to exert every art in dressing
their food which the most refined skill in Indian
cooking has been able to invent, and which consists
chiefly in boiling, broiling, and roasting ; but of all
the dishes cooked by these people, a becatee, as it is
called in their language, is certainly the most de¬
licious (at least for a change) which can be pre¬
pared from a deer only without any other ingredient.
It is a kind of Scotch f haggis’ made with the blood,
a good quantity of fat shred small, some of the ten-
derest of the flesh, together with the heart and
lungs, cut or more commonly torn into small shivers,
— all which is put into the stomach and roasted, by
being suspended over the fire by a string. Care
must be taken that it does not get too much heat
at first, as the bag would thereby be liable to be
burnt and the contents let out. When it is suffi¬
ciently done it will emit a rich steam, in the same
manner as a fowl or a joint of meat, which is as
much as to say/ Come eat me now!’ and if it be
THE COPPERMINE RIVER.
163
taken in time, before the blood or the contents are too
much done, it is certainly a most delicious morsel,
even without pepper, salt, or any other seasoning.”*
Having regaled themselves in this sumptuous
manner, and taken a few hours’ rest, they once
more set out, and after a walk of nine or ten miles,
at last arrived at the Coppermine. Scarcely had
Hearne congratulated himself on reaching the great
object of his mission, unpacked his surveying in¬
struments, and prepared to follow its progress to
the great Arctic Ocean, when one of those dark
and terrible scenes occurred which are so strik¬
ingly characteristic of savage life. As soon as Ma-
tonabbee and his party gained the banks of the
river, three spies were sent out to discover whether
any Esquimaux were in the neighbourhood. Af¬
ter a short absence they returned with intelligence
that they had seen five tents, about twelve miles
distant on the west side of the river. All was now
warlike preparation; the guns, knives, and spears,
were carefully examined ; and as they learned that
the nature of the ground would render it easy to ad¬
vance unperceived, it was determined to steal upon
their victims in this manner, and put them to death.
This plan was executed with the most savage exact¬
ness; and nothing could present a more dreadful
view of human nature in its unenlightened state,
than the perfect unanimity of purpose which pervad¬
ed the whole body of Indians upon this horrid oc¬
casion, although at other times they were in no re¬
spect amenable to discipline.
Each man first painted his target, some with a re¬
presentation of the sun, others of the moon, and se-
* Hearne’s Journey, p. 144.
164
ATTACK ON THE ESQUIMAUX.
veral with the pictures of beasts and birds of prey, or
of imaginary beings, which they affirmed to be the
inhabitants of the elements, upon whose assistance
they relied for success in their enterprise. They then
moved with the utmost stealth in the direction of the
tents, taking care not to cross any of the hills which
concealed their approach. It was a miserable circum¬
stance that these poor creatures had taken up their
abode in such ground that their enemies, without
being observed, formed an ambuscade not 200 yards
distant, and lay for some time watching the mo¬
tions of the Esquimaux, as if marking their victims.
Here the last preparations for the attack were made :
The Indians tied up their long black hair in a knot
behind, lest it should be blown in their eyes ; paint¬
ed their faces black and red, which gave them a
hideous aspect ; deliberately tucked up the sleeves
of their jackets close under the armpits, and pulled
off* their stockings ; whilst some, still more eager to
render themselves light for running, threw off their
jackets, and stood with their weapons in their hands
quite naked, except their breech-clothes and shoes.
By the time all were ready it was near one o’clock
in the morning ; when, finding the Esquimaux quiet,
they rushed from their concealment. In an instant,
roused by the shouts of the savages, the unfortunate
wretches, men, women, and children, ran naked out
of the tents, and attempted to escape ; but the In¬
dians had surrounded them on the land side, and
as none dared to leap into the river, all were mur¬
dered in cold blood ; whilst Hearne, whom a regard
for his personal safety had compelled to accompany
the party, stood a short way off rooted to the ground
in horror and agony.
DREADFUL MASSACRE.
165
“ The shrieks and groans of the poor expiring
wretches/’ says he, in his striking account of this
dreadful episode in savage life, were truly dis¬
tressing ; and my horror was much increased at see¬
ing a young girl, about eighteen years of age, killed
so near me that when the first spear was struck in¬
to her side she fell down at my feet and twisted
round my legs, so that it was with difficulty that
I could disengage myself from her dying grasps.
As two Indian men pursued this unfortunate vic¬
tim, I solicited very hard for her life; hut the mur¬
derers made no reply till they had stuck both their
spears through her body and transfixed her to the
ground. They then looked me sternly in the face,
and began to ridicule me by asking if I wanted an
Esquimaux wife, whilst they paid not the smallest
regard to the shrieks and agony of the poor wretch,
who was turning round their spears like an eel.
Indeed, after receiving from them much abusive
language on the occasion, I was at length obliged to
desire that they would be more expeditious in de¬
spatching their victim out of her misery, otherwise I
should be obliged out of pity to assist in the friendly
office of putting an end to the existence of a fellow-
creature who was so cruelly wounded. On this re¬
quest being made, one of the Indians hastily drew
his spear from the place where it was first lodged,
and pierced it through her breast near the heart.
The love of life, however, even in this most mise¬
rable state, was so predominant, that though this
might be justly called the most merciful act which
could be done for the poor creature, it seemed to be
unwelcome ; for, though much exhausted by pain
and loss of blood, she made several efforts to ward
166
COPPER-MINES.
off the friendly blow. My situation and the terror
of my mind at beholding this butchery cannot easily
be conceived, much less described : though I summed
up all the fortitude I was master of on the occasion,
it was with difficulty that I could refrain from tears ;
and I am confident that my features must have feel¬
ingly expressed how sincerely I was affected at the
barbarous scene I then witnessed. Even at this
hour I cannot reflect on the transactions of that
horrid day without shedding tears/’*
After making an accurate survey of the river
till its junction with the sea, Hearne proceeded to
one of the copper-mines, which he found scarcely
to deserve the name, it being nothing more than a
chaotic mass of rocks and gravel, rent by an earth¬
quake, or some other convulsion, into numerous fis¬
sures, through one of which flowed a small river.
Although the Indians had talked in magnificent
terms of this mine, after a search of four hours a
solitary piece of ore was all that could be discovered ;
and instead of pointing out the hills entirely com¬
posed of copper, and the quantities of rich ore with
which they had affirmed it would be easy to freight
a large vessel, they now told a ridiculous story of
some insults offered to the goddess of the mine, who
in revenge declared that she would sit upon it till
she and it sunk together into the earth. In conse¬
quence of this threat, they next year found her simk
up to the waist, and the quantity of copper much de¬
creased, whilst the following summer she had entire¬
ly disappeared, and the whole mine along with her.
In reaching the sea, Hearne had accomplished the
* Hearne’s Journey, pp. 154, 155.
ATHABASCA LAKE.
167
great object of his journey, and his homeward
route did not vary materially from his course to the
Arctic Ocean. On 31st July, they arrived at the
place where the Indians had left their families, and
on 9th August resumed their course to the south¬
west ; travelling with frequent intervals of rest
till, on 24th November, they reached the northern
shore of the great Athabasca Lake. In this lati¬
tude, at this season, the sun’s course formed an ex¬
tremely small segment of a circle above the horizon,
scarcely rising half way up the trees ; but the bril¬
liancy of the stars, and the vivid and beautiful light
emitted by the aurora borealis, even without the aid
of the moon, amply compensated for the want of
the sun, so that at midnight Hearne could see to
read very small print. In the deep stillness of the
night, also, these northern meteors were distinctly
heard to make a rushing and crackling noise, like
the waving of a large flag in a fresh gale of wind.*
According to the information of the natives, the
Athabasca Lake is nearly 120 leagues long from
east to west, and twenty wide from north to south.
It was beautifully studded with islands, covered
with tall poplars, birch, and pines, which were plen¬
tifully stocked with deer, and abounded with pike,
trout, and barbie, besides the species known by the
Indians under the names of tittameg, methy, and
shees.
The country through which they had hitherto
travelled had been extremely barren and hilly, co¬
vered with stunted firs and dwarf willows ; but it
now subsided into a fine plain, occasionally varied
* Hearne’s Journey, p. 224.
168
EXTRAORDINARY STORY
with tall woods, and well stocked with buffalo and
moose-deer. The party spent some days with much
pleasure in hunting ; and as the flesh of the younger
buffaloes was delicious,, their exhausted stock of
provisions was seasonably supplied. In one of
their excursions an incident occurred strikingly
characteristic of savage life : The Indians came
suddenly on the track of a strange snow-shoe, and
following it to a wild part of the country, remote
from any human habitation, they discovered a hut,
in which a young Indian woman was sitting alone.
She had lived for the last eight moons in absolute
solitude, and recounted with affecting simplicity the
circumstances by which she had been driven from
her own people : She belonged, she said, to the tribe
of the Dog-ribbed Indians, and in an inroad of the
Athabasca nation, in the summer of 1770, had been
taken prisoner. The savages, according to their in¬
variable practice, stole upon the tents in the night,
and murdered before her face her father, mother, and
husband, whilst she and three other young women
were reserved from the slaughter, and made captive.
Her child, four or five months old, she contrived to
carry with her, concealed among some clothing ; but
on arriving at the place where the party had left
their wives, her precious bundle was examined
by the Athabasca women, one of whom tore the
infant from its mother, and killed it on the spot.
In Europe, an act so inhuman would, in all pro¬
bability, have been instantly followed by the in¬
sanity of the parent ; but in North America, though
maternal affection is equally intense, the nerves are
more sternly strung. So horrid a cruelty, however,
determined her, though the man whose property she
OP AN INDIAN WOMAN.
169
had become was kind and careful of her, to take
the first opportunity of escaping, with the intention
of returning to her own nation ; but the great dis¬
tance, and the numerous winding rivers and creeks
she had to pass, caused her to lose the way, and
winter coming on, she had built a hut in this se¬
cluded spot. When discovered, she was in good
health, well fed, and in the opinion of Hearne,
one of the finest Indian women he had ever seen.
Five or six inches of hoop made into a knife, and
the iron shank of an arrow-head which served as
an awl, were the only implements she possessed ;
and with these she made snow-shoes and other
useful articles. For subsistence she snared par¬
tridges, rabbits, and squirrels, and had killed two
or three beavers and some porcupines. After the
few deer-sinews she had brought with her were ex¬
pended in making snares and sewing her clothing,
she supplied their place with the sinews of rab¬
bits’ legs, which she twisted together with great
dexterity. Thus occupied, she not only became re¬
conciled to her desolate situation, but had found
time to amuse herself by manufacturing little pieces
of personal ornament. Her clothing was formed of
rabbit-skins sewed together ; the materials, though
rude, being tastefully disposed, so as to make her
garb assume a pleasing though desert-bred appear¬
ance. The singular circumstances under which she
was found, her beauty and useful accomplishments,
occasioned a contest among the Indians, as to who
should have her for a wife; and the matter being-
decided, she accompanied them in their journey.
On 1st March, they left the level country of the
Athabascas, and approached the stony hills bound-
170 NORTH-WEST FUR COMPANY.
ing the territories of the Northern Indians, traversing
which they arrived in safety at Prince of Wales’
Fort on the 29th of June 1772, having been absent
eighteen months and twenty-three days.
The journey of Hearne must be regarded as form¬
ing an important era in the geography of America.
For some time it had been supposed that this vast
continent extended in an almost unbroken mass
towards the Pole ; and we find it thus depicted in
the maps of that period. The circumstance of
Hearne having reached the shore of the great Arc¬
tic Ocean at once demonstrated the fallacy of all
such ideas. It threw a new and clear light upon
the structure of this portion of the globe, and resting
upon the results thus distinctly ascertained, the hu¬
man mind, indefatigable in the pursuit of knowledge,
started forward in a career of still more enlarged
and interesting discovery.*
Whilst the Hudson’s Bay Company, by the
mission of Mr Hearne, vindicated their character
from the charge of indifference to the cause of geo¬
graphical discovery, another institution had arisen
under the title of the North-West Fur Company,
which, though it did not rest on a royal charter, and
had experienced in its earliest exertions many se¬
vere reverses, at last arrived, by the intelligence and
perseverance of its partners and servants, at a de¬
gree of prosperity which surpassed the chartered
companies of France and England. In the count¬
ing-house of Mr Gregory, a partner of this company,
was bred a native of Inverness, named Alexander
Mackenzie. In conducting the practical details of
* Murray’s Discoveries and Travels in North America, vol. ii. p. 149.
SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE. 171
the fur-trade, he had been settled at an early period
of life in the country to the north-west of Lake
Superior, and became animated with the ambition of
penetrating across the continent : For this under¬
taking he was eminently qualified, possessing an in¬
quisitive and enterprising mind with a strong frame
of body, and combining the fervid and excursive ge¬
nius which has been said to characterize the Scots in
general, with that more cautious and enduring tem¬
perament which belongs to the northern Highlander.
On 3d June 1789, Mackenzie set out from Fort
Chepewyan, at the head of the Athabasca Lake, a
station nearly central between Hudson’s Bay and the
Pacific. He had resided here for eight years, and was
familiar with the difficulties of the journey as well
as aware of the most likely methods of surmounting
them. He took with him four canoes. In the first he
embarked with a German and four Canadians, two
of the latter being accompanied by their wives.
A Northern Indian, called the English Chief, who
had been a follower of Matonabbee the guide of Mr
Hearne, occupied the second with his two wives.
The third was paddled by two stout young Indians,
who acted in the double capacity of hunters and in¬
terpreters ; whilst the fourth was laden with pro¬
visions, clothing, ammunition, and various articles
intended as presents for the Indians. This last
canoe was committed to the charge of Mr le Roux,
one of the company’s clerks.
On 4th June, the party reached the Slave River,
which connects the Athabasca and Slave Lakes,
in a course of about 170 miles ; and on the 9th
of the same month they arrived at the Slave Lake,
without experiencing any other inconveniences than
172 Mackenzie’s first journey.
those arising from the attacks of the mosquitoes
during the heat of the day, and the extreme cold
in the morning and evening. In the river were
frequent rapids, which obliged them to land and
transport their canoes and luggage over the car¬
rying-places, — a toilsome process, but attended with
no danger, as the path had been cleared by the
Indians trading with the company. The banks
were covered with various kinds of trees ; but,
owing to its inferior level and its rich black soil,
the western side was more thickly wooded than
the other. On the eastern bank, composed of a
yellow clay mixed with gravel, the trees were
smaller, but in full leaf, though the ground was not
thawed above fourteen inches in depth. At a little
distance from the river were extensive plains fre¬
quented by herds of buffaloes ; the woods bordering
its sides were tenanted by moose and rein deer;
and numerous colonies of beavers built their ha¬
bitations on the small streams which fed the lake.
This large body of water was covered with ice, which
had not given way except in a small strip round
the shore, where the depth, nowhere exceeding three
feet, was scarcely sufficient to float the canoes.
Though now the 9th of June, there was every ap¬
pearance that the ice would detain the expedition
for a considerable time ; and it was thought neces¬
sary to pitch their tents. The nets were now set ;
the Indians went off in different directions to hunt ;
the women gathered berries of various sorts, which
abounded in the neighbouring woods ; and their
larder was soon supplied with plenty of geese, ducks,
and beaver, excellent trout, carp, and white fish,
and some dozens of swan and duck eggs, which were
RED KNIFE INDIANS.
173
picked up in an adjacent island. Their stay, there¬
fore, was far from unpleasant, combining the novelty
of a residence in a strange country with the excita¬
tion and variety of a hunter’s life ; and on the 15th,
after a rest of six days, as the ice had given way a
little, they resumed their journey.
Since leaving Athabasca, the twilight had been
so bright, owing to the short disappearance of the
sun below the horizon, that even at midnight not a
star was to be seen ; but as they glided along the
lake they were greeted by the moon, which rose
beautifully above the woods, with her lower horn in
a state of eclipse. The obscuration continued for
about six minutes in a cloudless sky.* Coasting
along the shore, they came to a lodge of Red Knife
Indians, so denominated from their using copper
knives. One of these men engaged to conduct them
to the mouth of the river which was the object of
their search ; but such were the impediments en¬
countered from drift-ice, contrary winds, and the
ignorance of the guide, whom the English Chief
threatened to murder for engaging in a service
for which he was unfit, that it was the 29th of
the month before they embarked upon the river
since known by the name of the traveller who now
first ascended it. On leaving the lake, the Mac¬
kenzie River was found to run to the westward,
becoming gradually narrower for twenty-four miles,
till it diminished into a stream not more than half
a mile wide, with a strong current, and a depth of
three an4 a half fathoms. A stiff breeze from the
eastward now drove them on at a great rate, and
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 11.
174
MACKENZIE RIVER.
after a rapid run of ten miles, the channel gradu¬
ally widened till it assumed the appearance of a
small lake, which proved to be the utmost limit
known to their guide. They now came in sight of the
chain of the Horn Mountains, bearing north-west,
and had some difficulty in recovering the channel
of the river.
Having resumed their course on 1st July, they
met with no interruption for five days, when they
observed several smokes on the northern bank. On
landing they discovered an encampment of five fa¬
milies of Slave and Dog-ribbed Indians, who on the
first appearance of the party fled into the woods in
consternation. The entreaties of the English Chief,
whose language they understood, at length dissipated
their apprehensions ; and the distribution of a few
beads, rings, and knives, with a supply of grog, re¬
conciled them entirely to the strangers. Their ac¬
count of the difficulties in the farther navigation of
the river was not a little appalling : They asserted
that it would require several winters to reach the
sea, and that old age would inevitably overtake the
party before their return. Monsters of horrid shapes
and malignant disposition were represented as hav¬
ing their abodes in the rocky caves on the banks,
ready to devour the presumptuous traveller who ap¬
proached ; and the more substantial impediment of
two impassable falls was said to exist about thirty
days’ march from where they then were.
Though such tales were treated with contempt
by Mackenzie, the Indians, already tired of the
voyage, drank them in with willing ears, and they
could scarcely be persuaded to pursue their jour¬
ney. On consenting to proceed, one of the Dog-
SLAVE AND DOG-RIBBED INDIANS. 175
ribbed Indians was induced, by the present of a
kettle, an axe, and some other articles, to accom¬
pany them as a guide ; but when the time of em¬
barkation arrived, his love of home came upon
him with such violence, that he used every artifice
to escape from his agreement, and at last was ac¬
tually forced on board. Previous to his departure,
a singular ceremony took place : With great solem¬
nity he cut off a lock of his hair, and dividing it
into three parts, fastened one to the upper part of
his wife’s head, blowing on it thrice with the ut¬
most violence, and uttering certain words as a charm.
The other two locks he fixed with the same cere¬
monies to the heads of his two children. These
Indians were in general a meagre, ugly, and ill-
favoured race, particularly ill-made in the legs.
Some of them wore their hair very long, others al¬
lowed a tress to fall behind, cutting the rest short
round their ears. A few old men had beards,
whilst the young and middle-aged appeared to have
pulled out every hair on their chin. Each cheek
was adorned by two double lines tattooed from the
ear to the nose, of which the gristle was perforated
so as to admit a goose-quill or a small piece of wood.
Their clothing consisted of dressed deer-skins. For
winter wear these were prepared with the fur, and
the shirts made of them decorated with a neat em¬
broidery, composed of porcupine-quills and the hair
of the moose-deer, coloured red, black, yellow, or
white. Their shirts reached to the mid-thigh, whilst
their upper garments covered the whole body, having
a fringe round the bottom. Their leggins, which were
embroidered round the ankle and sewed to their
shoes, reached to mid-thigh. The dress of the wo-
176 GREAT BEAR LAKE RIVER.
men was nearly the same as that of the men. They
wore gorgets of horn or wood, and had bracelets of
the same materials. On their head was placed
a fillet or bandeau, formed of strips of leather, em¬
broidered richly with porcupine-quills, and stuck
round with bear’s claws or talons of wild fowl.
Their belts and garters were neatly constructed of the
sinews of wild animals and porcupine-quills. From
these belts descended a long fringe composed of strings
of leather, and worked round with hair of various co¬
lours, and their mittens hung from their neck in a
position convenient for the reception of their hands.*
Their arms and weapons for the chase were bows
and arrows, spears, daggers, and a large club form¬
ed of the rein-deer horn, called a pogamagan. The
bows were about five or six feet long, with strings
of sinews ; and flint, iron, or copper, supplied barbs
to the arrows. Their spears, nearly six feet long,
were pointed with bone, whilst their stone-axes
were fastened with cords of green skin to a wooden
handle. Their canoes were light, and so small as
to carry only one person.
On 5th July, the party re-embarked. Continuing
their course west-south- west, they passed the Great
Bear Lake River ; and steering through numerous
islands, came in sight of a ridge of snowy moun¬
tains, frequented, according to their guide, by herds
of bears and small white buffaloes. The banks of
the river appeared to be pretty thickly peopled;
and though at first the natives uniformly attempted
to escape, the offer of presents generally brought
them back, and procured a seasonable supply of
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 35 — 37.
7
AMERICAN MUSIC.
177
hares, partridges, fish, or rein-deer. The same sto¬
ries of spirits or manitous which haunted the stream,
and of fearful rapids that would dash the canoes to
pieces, were repeated by these tribes ; and the guide,
upon whom such representations had a powerful ef¬
fect, decamped in the night during a storm of thun¬
der and lightning. His place, however, was soon sup¬
plied; and, after a short sail, they approached an en¬
campment of Indians, whose brawny figures, healthy
appearance, and great cleanliness, showed them to
be a superior race to those lately passed. From them
Mackenzie learnt that he must sleep ten nights be¬
fore arriving at the sea, and in three nights would
meet the Esquimaux, with whom they had been
formerly at war, but were now in a state of peace.
One of these people, whose language was most in¬
telligible to the interpreter, agreed to accompany
the party ; but became dreadfully alarmed when
some of the men discharged their fowling-pieces.
It was evident none of this race had ever heard
the report of fire-arms. To reconcile him to his de¬
parture, his two brothers followed in their canoes,
and diverted him with native songs, and other airs
said to be imitations of those of the Esquimaux.
The triumph of music was never more strikingly
exhibited ; from deep dejection the Indian at once
passed into a state of the highest and most ludicrous
excitement, keeping time to the songs by a variety of
grotesque gesticulations, performed with such unceas¬
ing rapidity and so little regard to the slenderness
of the bark, which quivered under his weight, that
they expected every moment to see it upset. In one
of his paroxysms, shooting his canoe alongside of
Mackenzie’s, he leaped into it, and commenced an
L
178
QUARRELLER INDIANS.
Esquimaux dance. At last he was restored to some
degree of composure, which became complete on
their passing a hill, where he informed them that
three winters ago the Esquimaux had slain his
grandfather.*
Mackenzie soon after reached the tents of a tribe
named Deguthee-Dinees, or Quarrellers, who justi¬
fied their name by the menacing gestures with which
they received the strangers’ approach. A few presents,
however, reconciled them to the intrusion ; and they
communicated the gratifying intelligence that the
distance overland to the sea, either by an easterly or
westerly route, was inconsiderable. The party now
pushed on with renewed hopes ; and the river soon
after separating into several streams, they chose the
middle and largest, which ran north. This shortly
brought in sight a range of snowy mountains, stretch¬
ing far to the northward ; and, by an observation,
Mackenzie found the latitude to be 67° 47', which
convinced him that the waters on which their frail
barks were then gliding must flow into the great
Hyperborean Ocean. t At this moment, when with¬
in a few days of accomplishing the great object of
their journey, the Indians sunk into a fit of despon¬
dency, and hesitated to proceed. The guide plead¬
ed his ignorance of the country, as he had never be¬
fore penetrated to the shores of the Benahulla Toe,
or White Man’s Lake. Mackenzie assured them
he would return if they did not reach it in seven
days, and prevailed on them to continue their course.
It was now the 11th of July, and the sun at mid¬
night was still considerably above the horizon, whilst
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 51.
■f Ibid. p. 54.
ESQUIMAUX HOUSES.
179
every thing denoted the proximity of the sea. On
landing at a deserted encampment, still marked by
the ashes of some Esquimaux fires, they observed se¬
veral pieces of whalebone, and a place where train-oil
had been spilt. Soon after they came to three houses
recently left by the natives. The ground-plot of
these habitations was oval, about fifteen feet long, ten
feet wide in the middle, and eight feet at either end ;
the whole was dug about twelve inches below the sur¬
face, one half being covered with willow-branches,
and probably forming the bed of the whole family.
I11 the middle of the other half, a space four feet wide,
which had been hollowed to the depth of twelve
inches, was the only spot where a grown person
could stand upright. One side of it was covered with
willow-branches, and the other formed the hearth.
The door, in one end of the house, was about two
feet and a half high by two feet wide, and was
reached through a covered way about five feet long ;
so that the only access to this curious dwelling was
by creeping on all fours. On the top was an ori¬
fice about eighteen inches square, which served the
triple purpose of a window, a chimney, and an oc¬
casional door. The under-ground part of the floor
was lined with split wood, whilst cross pieces of
timber, laid on six or eight upright stakes, supported
an oblong square roof ; the whole being formed of
drift-wood, and covered with branches and dry grass,
over which was spread earth a foot thick. On either
side of these houses were a few square holes, about
two feet deep, covered with split wood and earth, ex¬
cepting one small place in the middle, which appear¬
ed to be contrived for the preservation of the winter
stock of provisions. In and about the houses lay
180
DISAPPEARANCE OF VEGETATION.
sledge-runners, and bones, pieces of whalebone, and
poplar-bark cut in circles, used evidently to buoy the
nets ; and before each habitation a great number of
stumps of trees were driven into the ground, upon
which its late possessors had probably hung their
nets and fish to dry in the sun.
The signs of vegetation were by this time scarcely
perceptible ; the trees had dwindled into a few dwarf
willows, not more than three feet high ; and though
the foot-marks on the sandy beach of some of the
islands showed that the natives had recently been
there, all attempts to obtain a sight of them proved
unavailing. The discontent of the guide and of the
Indian hunters was now renewed ; but their asser¬
tion, that on the morrow they were to reach a large
lake in which the Esquimaux killed a huge fish, and
whose shores were inhabited by white bears, con¬
vinced Mackenzie that this description referred to
the Arctic Sea, with its mighty denizen the whale.
He accordingly pressed forward with fresh ardour,
and the canoes were soon carried by the current to
the entrance of the lake, which, from all the accom¬
panying circumstances, appears to have been an arm
of the Arctic Ocean. It was quite open to the
westward, and by an observation the latitude was
found to be 69°. From the spot where this survey
was taken they now continued their course to the
westernmost point of a high island, which they
reached after a run of fifteen miles, and around it
the utmost depth of water was only five feet. The
lake appeared to be covered with ice for about two
leagues’ distance, no land was seen ahead, and it
was found impossible to proceed farther. Happily,
when they had thus reached the farthest point of
MACKENZIE REACHES THE ARCTIC SEA. 181
their progress northward, and were about to return
in great disappointment, two circumstances occurred
which rendered it certain that they had penetrated to
the sea : The first was the appearance of many large
floating substances in the water, believed at first to be
masses of ice, which, on being approached, turned out
to be whales ; and the second, the rise and fall of the
tide, observed both at the eastern and western end of
the island, which they named Whale Island.* Hav¬
ing in company with the English Chief ascended to
its highest ground, Mackenzie saw the solid ice ex¬
tending to the eastward ; and to the west, as far as
the eye could reach, they dimly discerned a chain of
mountains apparently about twenty leagues’ distance
stretching to the northward. Many islands were seen
to the eastward ; but though they came to a grave,
on which lay a bow, a paddle, and a spear, they
met no living human beings in these arctic solitudes.
The red-fox and the rein-deer, flocks of beautiful
plovers, some venerable white owls, and several large
white gulls, were the only natives. Previous to
setting out on their return, a post was erected close
to the tents, upon which the traveller engraved the
latitude of the place, his own name, the number of
persons by whom he was accompanied, and the time
they had spent on the island.
It was now the 16th of July, and they re-embark¬
ed on their homeward voyage. On the 21st the
sun, which for some time had never set, descended
below the horizon, and the same day eleven of the
natives joined them. They represented their tribe as
numerous, and perpetually at war with the Esqui-
* Mackenzie, pp. 64, 65.
182
Mackenzie’s return.
maux, who had broken a treaty into which they
had inveigled the Indians, and butchered many of
them. Occasionally a strong body ascended the
river in large canoes, in search of flints to point their
spears and arrows. At present they were on the
banks of a lake to the eastward, hunting rein-deer,
and would soon begin to catch big fish (whales)
for their winter stock. They had been informed
that the same Esquimaux, eight or ten winters
ago, saw to the westward, on White Man’s Lake,
several large canoes full of white men, who gave
iron in exchange for leather. On landing at a lodge
of natives farther down the river, the English Chief
obtained some other particulars from a Dog-ribbed
Indian, who had been driven by some private quar¬
rel from his own nation, and lived among the
Hare Indians. According to his information, there
was a much larger river to the south-west of the
mountains, which fell into White Man’s Lake. The
people on its banks were a gigantic and wicked race,
who could kill common men with their eyes, and
sailed in huge canoes. There was, he added, no
known communication by water with this great ri¬
ver ; but those who had seen it went over the moun¬
tains, and it flowed towards the mid-day sun.
This description proceeded, he acknowledged, not
from personal observation, but was taken from the
report of others who inhabited the opposite moun¬
tains. Mackenzie having fallen in with one of these
strangers, by a bribe of some beads, prevailed upon
him to delineate the circumjacent country and the
course of the unknown river upon the sand. The
map proved a very rude production. He traced out a
long point of land between the rivers without paying
NEW TRIBE OF INDIANS.
183
the least attention to their courses. This isthmus he
represented as running into the great lake, at the
extremity of which, as he had been told by Indians
of other nations, there was built a Benahulla Couin,
or White Man’s Fort. “ This,” says Mackenzie, “ I
took to be Oonalaska Fort, and consequently the river
to the west to be Cook’s River, and that the body of
water or sea into which the river discharges itself at
Whale Island communicated with Norton Sound.”
Mackenzie now endeavoured to procure a guide
across the mountains, but the natives steadily refus¬
ed ; and any additional intelligence which they com¬
municated regarding the country only consisted of le¬
gends concerning the supernatural power and ferocity
of its inhabitants. They were represented as a sort of
monsters with wings, who fed on huge birds which,
though killed by them with ease, no other mortal
would venture to assail. Having gravely stated this,
they began both young and old to jump and dance
with astonishing violence and perseverance, imitat¬
ing the cries of the rein-deer, bear, and wolf, in the
hope of intimidating Mackenzie; but when he threat¬
ened with an angry aspect to force one of them along
with him across the mountains, a sudden fit of sick¬
ness seized the whole party, and in a faint tone,
which formed a ludicrous contrast to their former vo¬
ciferation, they declared they would expire the in¬
stant they were taken from their homes. In the end
the traveller was compelled to leave them without
accomplishing his object.*
On 1st August, as the expedition approached the
river of the Bear Lake, the stars, which hitherto.
* Mackenzie, p. 87
184 MACKENZIE CONCLUDES HIS FIRST JOURNEY.
from the extreme clearness of the twilight, had con¬
tinued invisible, began to twinkle in the sky, and
the air from being oppressively sultry became so
cold, that perpetual exercise could scarcely keep the
men warm. The women were now constantly em¬
ployed in making shoes of moose-skin, as a pair did
not last more than a day, whilst the hunters brought
in supplies of geese, rein-deer, and beaver ; and on
one occasion a wolf was killed, roasted, and eaten
with great satisfaction. On 22d August, they
reached the entrance of the Slave Lake, after which
their progress homeward presented no feature of in¬
terest, and on 12th September they arrived in safety
at Fort Chepewyan, after an absence of 102 days.
The importance of this journey must be apparent,
on considering it in connexion with the expedition of
Hearne. Both travellers had succeeded in reaching
the shores of an arctic sea ; and it became not only
an established fact, that there was an ocean of great
extent in the north of America, but it was rendered
extremely probable that this sea formed its conti¬
nuous boundary.
Mackenzie concluded his first journey in Septem¬
ber 1789, and about three years afterwards under¬
took a second expedition, which proved still more
difficult and hazardous, and equally important and
satisfactory in its results. His object was to ascend
the Peace River, which rises in the Rocky Mountains,
and crossing these to penetrate to that unknown ri¬
ver which in his former journey had been the sub¬
ject of his unwearied inquiry. This he conjectured
must communicate with the sea ; and, pursuing its
course, he hoped to reach the shores of the Pacific.
Setting out accordingly on 10th October 1792, he
Mackenzie’s second journey.
185
pushed on to the remotest European settlement,
where he spent the winter in a traffic for furs with
the Beaver and Rocky Indians. Having despatched
six canoes to Fort Chepewyan with the cargo he had
collected, he engaged hunters and interpreters, and
launched the canoe in which he had determined
to prosecute his discoveries. Her dimensions were
twenty-five feet long within, exclusive of the curves
of stem and stern, twenty-six inches hold, and four
feet nine inches beam. She was at the same time so
light, that two men could carry her three or four miles
without resting. In this slender vessel they not
only stowed away their provisions, presents, arms,
ammunition, and baggage, to the weight of 3000
pounds, but found room for seven Europeans, two
Indians, and the leader himself. On embarking,
the winter interpreter left in charge of the fort
could not refrain from tears when he anticipated
the dangers they were about to encounter, whilst
they themselves fervently offered up their prayers
to Almighty God for a safe return.
The commencement of their voyage was propi¬
tious ; and under a serene sky, with a keen but
healthy air, the bark glided through some beautiful
scenery. On the west side of the river the ground
rose in a gently-ascending lawn, broken at intervals
by abrupt precipices, and extending in a rich wood¬
land perspective as far as the eye could reach. This
magnificent amphitheatre presented groves of pop¬
lar in every direction, whose openings were enliven¬
ed with herds of elks and buffaloes; the former
choosing the steeps and uplands, the latter prefer¬
ring the plains. At this time the buffaloes were at¬
tended by their young ones, which frisked about.
186
TIIE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
whilst the female elks were great with young. The
whole country displayed an exuberant verdure ; the
trees which bore blossoms were rapidly bursting into
flower, and the soft velvet rind of the branches reflect¬
ed the oblique rays of a rising or a setting sun, im¬
parting a cheerfulness and brilliancy to the scene,
which gladdened the heart with the buoyant in¬
fluences of the season.* After a few days the air
became colder, the country more desolate, the track
of the large grisly bear was discerned on the banks,
and the weather was occasionally broken by storms
of thunder and lightning.
From this time till the 21st of May, the passage
was attended with difficulties that would have dis¬
heartened a less energetic leader. The river being
broken by frequent cascades and dangerous rapids, it
was necessary to carry the canoe and luggage till
they could resume their voyage in safety. On their
nearer approach to the Rocky Mountains, the stream,
hemmed in between stupendous rocks, presented a
continuance of frightful torrents and impracticable
cataracts. The dangers to which they had already
been exposed had greatly disheartened the men, and
they began to murmur audibly, so that no alterna¬
tive was left but to return. Indeed there was some
reason for this irresolution ; by water farther pro¬
gress was impossible, and they could only advance
over a mountain whose sides were broken by sharp
jagged rocks, and thickly covered with wood. Mac¬
kenzie despatched a reconnoitring party, with orders
to ascend the mountain, and proceed in a straight
course from its summit, keeping the line of the
* Mackenzie’s Travels, pp. 154, 155.
PERILS OF THE JOURNEY.
187
river till they ascertained that it was navigable.
During their absence his people repaired the canoe,
whilst he took an altitude which ascertained the la¬
titude to be 56° 8'. At sunset the scouts returned
by different routes. They had penetrated through
thick woods, ascended hills, and dived into valleys,
till they got beyond the rapids, and agreed, that
though the difficulties to be encountered by land
were alarming, it was their only course. Unpro¬
mising as the task appeared, their spirits had risen
and their murmurs were forgotten ; so that a kettle
of wild rice sweetened with sugar, with the usual
evening regale of rum, renewed their courage ; and,
after a night’s rest, they proceeded at break of day
on their laborious journey.
In the first place, the men cut a road up the
mountain where the trees were smallest, felling some
in such a manner as to make them fall parallel to
the road without separating them entirely from the
stumps, in this way forming a kind of railing on
either side. The baggage and the canoe were then
brought from the water-side to the encampment, — an
undertaking exceedingly perilous, as a single false
step must have been followed by immersion into
the river, which flowed here with furious rapidity.
Having accomplished this labour, the party breath¬
ed a little, and then ascended the mountain with
the canoe, having the line or rope by which it
was drawn up doubled, and fastened successively
to the stumps left for this purpose, whilst a man
at the end hauled it round a tree, holding it on
and shifting it as they advanced. In this man¬
ner the canoe was warped up the steep; and by
two in the afternoon every thing had been carried
188
THE VOYAGE RESUMED.
to the summit. Men were then despatched to
cut the road onwards ; and the incessant labour of
another day could only penetrate about three miles,
whilst mountains much more elevated raised their
snowy summits around in every direction. These,
however, were at a distance ; and another day’s
exertion brought them through a wood of tall pines
to the banks of the river above the rapids. Before
again embarking, Mackenzie left attached to a pole
a knife, a steel, flint, beads, and other trifles as a
token of amity to the natives ; and one of his Indians
added a small round stick of green wood, chewed
at one end in the form of a brush, used to pick mar¬
row out of bones, — an instrument which he explain¬
ed to be intended as an emblem to the people of a
country abounding in animals.*
They now resumed their voyage, enclosed on all
sides by mountains whose summits were covered with
snow, and one of which to the south rose to a majestic
height. The air became chill ; the water, through
which they frequently waded towing or pushing
their bark, was intensely cold ; and on 31st May,
they reached a point minutely described to them be¬
fore setting out by an old Indian warrior. Here the
river separated into two streams, one running west-
north- west, and the other south- south-east. The
first of these they had been warned to avoid, as it
soon lost itself in various smaller currents among the
mountains; and the steersman accordingly proceeded
into the eastern branch, which, though not so broad
as the other, was far more rapid. The course of
their journey now led them through many populous
* Mackenzie, p. 181.
BEAVER-SETTLEMENTS.
189
beaver-settlements. In some places these animals
had cut down several acres of large poplars ; and
they saw multitudes busy from sunrise to sunset
erecting houses, procuring food, superintending their
dykes, and going diligently through all the labours
of their little commonwealth. Perceiving soon after
a smoke in the forest which lined the banks, and
hearing the sounds of human voices in great confu¬
sion, they became aware that they were near an In¬
dian encampment from which the inhabitants were
retreating. Accordingly, on approaching the shore
two ferocious-looking men sprung from the woods
and took their station on a rising ground, brandishing
their spears with loud vociferations. A few words of
explanation from the interpreter, and some presents,
pacified them, and Mackenzie made anxious in¬
quiries regarding the nature of the country, and the
great river which formed the object of his search.
To his mortification he found that they were unac¬
quainted with any river to the westward ; they had
just arrived over a carrying-place of eleven days
from another stream, which was nothing else than a
large branch of the one the expedition was then na¬
vigating. Their iron, they said, was procured in ex¬
change for beaver and dress moose-skins from the
people there, who travelled during a moon to the
country of other tribes living in houses, and these in
their turn extended their journeys to the ocean, or,
to use their disparaging epithet, the Great Stinking
Lake, where they traded with white people, who
came in canoes as large as islands. Their know¬
ledge of the country, however, appeared so vague,
that all hope of procuring a guide was vain, and the
heart of the traveller sunk within him as he felt
190
DESPONDENCY.
that his favourite project was on the point of being
utterly disconcerted.
Amidst this despondency a faint hope remained
that the natives, under the influence of suspicion, ti¬
midity, or from imperfectly understanding the inter¬
preter, had not communicated all they knew ; and
after a night sleepless from anxiety the traveller rose
with the sun to repeat his inquiries. At first nothing
satisfactory could be elicited ; hut suddenly Macken¬
zie, whostood beside the interpreters, understood from
the few words he knew of their language, that one
person mentioned a great river, whilst he pointed
significantly to that which lay before them. On a
strict inquiry, the interpreter, who had been tired
of the voyage, and of whose fidelity some suspicion
was entertained, acknowledged that the Indian
spoke of a large river whose course was towards the
mid-day sun, a branch of which flowed near the
source of the stream they were now navigating.
This branch, he added, it would not be difficult to
reach, there being only three small lakes and as
many carrying-places on the way to it ; but he also
insisted that the great river did not discharge itself
into the sea.* This last assertion was imputed to his
ignorance of the country, whilst a rude map, which
he delineated with a piece of coal on a strip of bark,
convinced them that his information, so far as it
went, was to be relied on. A new ray of hope now
arose ; and having induced an Indian to go forward
as a guide to the borders of the small lakes, Mac¬
kenzie resumed his journey on 10th June, promis¬
ing, if successful in his object, to revisit these friend¬
ly Indians in two moons.
* Mackenzie, pp. 203, 204.
MANNERS OF THE INDIANS.
191
These people were of low stature and meagre
frame, owing probably to the difficulty of procur¬
ing subsistence ; round faces, high cheek-bones, black
hair hanging in elf-locks over their shoulders, and
a swarthy yellow complexion, combined to give
them a forbidding aspect ; whilst their garments of
beaver, rein-deer, and ground-hog skins, dressed
with the hair outside, having the tail of this last
animal hanging down the back, might, when seen
at a distance, occasion some doubt whether they be¬
longed to the human race. Their women were ex¬
tremely ugly, lustier and taller than the men, but
much inferior in cleanliness. Their warlike wea¬
pons were cedar bows, six feet long, with a short iron
spike at one end, so that they might also be used
as spears. The arrows were barbed with iron, flint,
stone, or bone, from two to two feet and a half long,
and feathered with great neatness. They had two
kinds of spears, both double-edged, of well-polished
iron, and with shafts from eight to six feet long.
Their knives were of iron worked by themselves,
and their axes resembled a carpenter’s adze. They
used snares of green skin, nets and fishing-lines of
willow-bark, hooks of small bones, and kettles of
watape so closely woven as not to leak. Besides
these they had various dishes of wood and bark,
horn and wooden spoons and buckets, and leathern
and net-work bags. Their canoes, of spruce-bark,
calculated to hold from two to five persons, were pro¬
pelled by paddles six feet long, with the blade shaped
like a heart.*
Pursuing their journey under the direction of the
* Mackenzie's Travels, pp. 205, 206.
192
CANOE WRECKED.
new guide, they reached a small lake in latitude
54° 24', which Mackenzie considered as the highest
or southernmost source of the Ungigah or Peace
River. They passed two other lakes, and again en¬
tered the river, the navigation of which, from its
rapidity and the trees and rocks in its channel,
now became dangerous. The canoe struck on a
sharp rock, which shattered the stern, and drove
her to the other side, where the bow met the same
fate ; to complete the disaster she passed at this mo¬
ment over a cascade, which broke several holes in
her bottom, and reduced her to a complete wreck,
lying flat upon the water. All hands now jumped
out, and clinging desperately to the sides, were hur¬
ried several hundred yards through a foaming tor¬
rent beset with sharp rocks, upon which they were
every instant in danger of being dashed to pieces.
Being carried however into shallow water, where the
canoe rested on the stones, they were relieved from
their perilous situation by their companions on shore.
After this escape, a consultation was held regard¬
ing their future proceedings. Benumbed with cold,
and intimidated by their recent dangers, the In¬
dians proposed an immediate return ; but the re¬
monstrances of their leader, enforced by the usual
arguments of a hearty meal and an allowance of
rum, banished their fears. It was next proposed to
abandon the wreck, to carry the baggage to the river,
which the guide affirmed to be at no great distance,
and there to construct a new vessel. But as it was
suspected that this representation was not to be re¬
lied on, a party was despatched to reconnoitre, and
brought back a very confused and unpromising ac¬
count of the country. It was therefore determined
6
MACKENZIE REACHES THE GREAT RIVER. 193
to repair the canoe, and proceed as before. For
this purpose bark was collected, which, with a few
pieces of oil-cloth and plenty of gum, restored their
shattered boat to something like a sea-worthy con¬
dition. Her frail state, however, rendered it neces¬
sary to carry part of the lading on men’s shoulders
along the banks ; and as a road had to be opened with
hatchets, their progress was extremely slow.
On 16th June, Mr Mackay and two Indians
were despatched with orders to penetrate if possible
to the great river in the direction indicated by the
guide. They succeeded ; but returned with a dis¬
couraging account of the interminable woods and
deep morasses which intervened. These gloomy pro¬
spects were increased by the desertion of their guide ;
but nothing could repress Mackenzie’s ardour. Cut¬
ting a passage through the woods, carrying the canoe
round the rapids and cascades, they held on their
slow and toilsome way, till at last, after passing a
swamp, in many places wading to mid-thigh, they
enjoyed the satisfaction of reaching the bank of the
great river, which had been the object of so much
anxious expectation and protracted hope.*
Embarking anew, they were borne along by a
strong current, which, slackening after a short time,
allowed them to glide gently between banks of high
white cliffs,- surmounted with grotesque and sin¬
gularly-shaped pinnacles. After some progress, the
party were alarmed by a loud whoop from the
thick woods ; at the same moment a canoe guided
by a single savage shot out from the mouth of a
small tributary stream, and a number of natives.
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 228.
M
194
HOSTILITY OF THE NATIVES :
armed with bows and arrows, appeared on an
adjacent rising ground, uttering loud cries, and
manifesting by their gestures that instant death
would be inflicted on any one who landed. Every
attempt to conciliate them proved unavailing ; and
a canoe was observed to steal swiftly down the river,
with the evident design of communicating the alarm
and procuring assistance. At this critical moment
the courage and prudence of Mackenzie providential¬
ly saved his party. He landed alone, with two pistols
stuck in his belt; having first, however, given orders
to one of his Indians to steal into the woods with a
couple of guns, and to keep near him in case of
attack. " I had not been long,” says he, “ in my
station on the bank, with my Indian in ambush
behind me, when two of the natives came off in a
canoe, but stopped when they got within 100 yards
of me. I made signs for them to land, and as. an
inducement displayed looking-glasses, beads, and
other alluring trinkets. At length, but with every
mark of extreme apprehension, they approached the
shore, taking care to turn their canoe stern foremost,
and still not venturing to land. I now made them
a present of some beads, with which they were
going to push off, when I renewed my entreaties,
and after some time prevailed on them to come
ashore and sit down by me. My Indian hunter
now thought it right to join me, and created some
alarm in my new acquaintance. It was, however,
soon removed, and I had the satisfaction to find that
he and these people perfectly understood each other.
I instructed him to say every thing to them which
might tend to sooth their fears and win their confi¬
dence. I expressed my wish to conduct them to
THEY ARE CONCILIATED BY MACKENZIE. 195
our canoe ; but they declined this offer : and when
they observed some of iny people coming towards
us, they requested me to let them return, and I was
so well satisfied with the progress which I had made
in my intercourse with them, that I did not hesitate
a moment in complying with their desire. During
their short stay they observed us, and every thing
about us, with a mixture of admiration and asto¬
nishment. We could plainly perceive that their
friends received them with great joy on their return,
and that the articles which they carried back with
them were examined with a general and eager cu¬
riosity: they also appeared to hold a consultation
which lasted about a quarter of an hour, and the
result was an invitation to come over to them, which
we cheerfully accepted. Nevertheless, on our land¬
ing, they betrayed evident signs of confusion, which
arose probably from the quickness of our movements,
as the prospect of a friendly communication had so
cheered the spirits of the people that they paddled
across the river with the utmost expedition. The
two men who had been with us appeared very na¬
turally to possess the greatest share of courage on
the occasion, and were ready to receive us on our
landing ; but our demeanour soon dispelled their
apprehensions, and the most familiar communication
took place between us. When I had secured their
confidence by the distribution of trinkets among
them, and had treated the children with sugar, I
instructed my interpreters to collect every necessary
information in their power to afford me.”*
The intelligence procured from this tribe was dis-
*
Mackenzie’s Travels, pp. 244, 245.
196
AMERICAN COSMOGRAPHY.
couraging. They stated, indeed, that the river ran
towards the mid-day sun, and that at its mouth
white people were building houses ; but that the
navigation was dangerous, and in three places abso¬
lutely impassable, owing to the falls and rapids.
The nations through whose territories the route lay
they represented as ferocious and malignant, especi¬
ally their immediate neighbours, who dwelt in sub¬
terranean houses. Unappalled by this description
Mackenzie re-embarked, and he was accompanied by
a small canoe, with two persons who consented to
act as guides. Coming to a place where some savage¬
looking people were seen on a high ground, it was
thought expedient to land, and an amicable interview
took place, which led to important consequences.
On explaining the object of the journey, one of the
natives, of superior rank and intelligence, drew a
sketch of the country on a piece of bark, appealing
during his labour to his companions, and accompa¬
nying the rude but perfectly intelligible map by
details as to their future voyage. He described the
river as running to the east of south, receiving in
its course many tributary streams, and broken every
six or eight leagues by dangerous falls and rapids,
six of which were altogether impracticable. The
carrying-places he represented as of great length
across mountains. He depicted the lands of three
tribes in succession, who spoke different languages ;
and concluded by saying that beyond them he knew
nothing of the country, except that it was still a
great way to the sea, and that there was a lake of
which the natives did not drink.*
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 253.
OVERLAND JOURNEY.
197
Whilst the route by water was thus said to be
impracticable,, they asserted that the road across the
country to the ocean was short in comparison, and
lay along a valley free from wood, and frequently
travelled. Other considerations combined to recom¬
mend this latter course to Mackenzie : Only thirty
days’ provisions were left, and the supply procured
by hunting was very precarious. The ammunition
was nearly spent ; and if the prosecution of the voy¬
age appeared perilous, a return would have been
equally so. Under these circumstances it was re¬
solved to abandon the canoe, and to penetrate over¬
land to the Western Ocean.
To arrive at the spot where they were to strike off
across the country it was necessary to return a con¬
siderable way up the river, — a service of great dan¬
ger, owing to the shattered condition of the boat and
the hostile dispositions of the natives, who were apt to
change in an instant from the greatest friendliness to
unmitigated rage and suspicion. The guides deserted
them, and it became absolutely necessary to build a
new canoe. She proved better than the old one, and
they at last reached the point whence they were to
start overland. ec We carried on our backs,” says
Mackenzie, four bags and a half of pemmican,
weighing from eighty-five to ninety-five pounds
each, a case with the instruments, a parcel of goods
for presents, weighing ninety pounds, and a parcel
containing ammunition of the same weight ; each of
the Canadians had a burden of about ninety pounds,
with a gun and ammunition, whilst the Indians had
about forty-five pounds weight of pemmican, be¬
sides their gun, — an obligation with which, owing to
their having been treated with too much indulgence.
198
FRIENDLY INDIANS.
they expressed themselves much dissatisfied. My
own load and that of Mr Mackay consisted of
twenty-two pounds of pemmican, some rice, sugar,
and other small articles, amounting to about seventy
pounds, besides our arms and ammunition. The
tube of my telescope was also slung across my shoul¬
der ; and owing to the low state of our provisions it
was determined that we should content ourselves
with two meals a-day.”*
Thus laden, they struck into the woods, and tra¬
velling along a tolerably beaten path, arrived before
night at some Indian tents, where they were joined
by an elderly man and three other natives. The
old man held in his hand a spear of European
manufacture, like a sergeant’s halberd, which he
stated he had lately received from some people
on the seacoast, to whom it had been given by
white men. He added, that those heavily laden
did not take more than six days to reach the tribes
with whom he and his friends bartered their furs
and skins for iron, and that thence it was scarcely
two days’ march to the sea. He recommended
also that, whilst they retired to sleep, two young
Indians should be sent forward to warn the different
tribes whose territories they were approaching, — a
precaution which had the best effects. Another
pleasing distinction between their present hosts
and the other savages whom they had passed soon
presented itself : When the weary travellers lay
down to rest the Indians took their station at a little
distance, and began a song in a sweet plaintive tone,
unaccompanied by any instrument, but with a mo-
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 285.
FEMALE NATIVE OF THE SEACOAST. 199
dulation exceedingly pleasing and solemn, not un¬
like that of church-music. The circumstance mav
remind the reader of the descriptions of American
music given by Mr Meares and Captain Burney,
whom it strikingly corroborates.
Having procured two guides, they now proceeded
through an open country sprinkled with cypresses,
and joined a family of the natives. The father,
on hearing their intention of penetrating to the
ocean, pointed to one of his wives who was a native
of the seacoast; her appearance differed from the
females they had hitherto seen. She was of low
stature inclined to corpulency, with an oblong face,
gray eyes, and a flattish nose. Her garments con¬
sisted of a tunic covered with a robe of matted bark,
fringed round the bottom with the beautiful fur of
the sea-otter. She wore bracelets of brass, copper,
and horn, whilst her hair was braided with large
blue beads, and her ears and neck adorned with the
same. With these people age seemed to be an ob¬
ject of great veneration ; they carried an old woman
by turns upon their backs, who was quite blind
and infirm. The country appeared well peopled,
and the natives, though at first alarmed, were soon
conciliated by the guides. In some places they ob¬
served chains of small lakes, the valleys were verdant
and watered with pleasant rivulets, and the scenery
varied by groves of cypress and poplar, in which
they were surprised to see no animals. The inha¬
bitants indeed seemed to live exclusively on fish ;
and the people of one small settlement containing
thirteen families were denominated, in the language
of the country, Sloa-cuss-Dinais or Red Fish Men.
They were healthy looking, and more provident.
200
THE GUIDES DESERT.
cleanly, and comfortable, than the neighbouring
tribes.
One of Mackenzie’s greatest and most frequent
perplexities arose out of the sudden fits of caprice
and change of purpose, which characterize most
savages, but none more than the Americans.
An example of this now occurred : The guides,
upon whose fidelity the success of the expedition
mainly depended, were advancing apparently in
the most contented and friendly manner, when, in
a moment, without uttering a word, they sprang
forward, and disappeared in the woods, leaving the
party, who were utterly unacquainted with the
route, in a state bordering on despair.* Pushing
forward, however, at a hazard, they perceived a
house situated on a green spot by the edge of a
wood, the smoke of which curled above the trees,
intimating that it was inhabited. Mackenzie ad¬
vanced alone, as his party were too much alarmed to
second his intrepidity ; and so intent were the in¬
habitants upon their household labours, that he ap¬
proached unperceived. Nothing could exceed the
terror and confusion occasioned by his sudden ap¬
pearance. The women and children uttered piercing
shrieks, and the only man about the place sprung
out of a back-door with the rapidity of a wild-cat,
and fled into the woods. Their dismay arose from
the belief that they were surprised by enemies, and
would be instantly put to death ; an atrocity too com¬
mon among the Indian tribes. The conduct of the
man who had fled was amusing : By degrees he crept
sufficiently near to watch the party ; and on observ-
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 302.
TERROR OF THE NATIVES.
201
ing the kindness with which the women and chil¬
dren were treated, came cautiously within speaking
distance. His eyes were still staring in his head.
No assurances of the interpreters or the women
could persuade him to return ; no beads, knives, or
presents of any kind, had the effect of restoring his
confidence. On being approached, he kept dodging
about behind large trees, brandishing his bow and
arrows, grinning hideously, and displaying a variety
of strange antics, till at last, in one of his paroxysms,
he dived into a thicket and disappeared. As sud¬
denly he emerged in an opposite quarter, and be¬
coming pacified, after a succession of parleys, agreed
to accompany them as a guide.
On advancing from this station they travelled
over an elevated tract, and at length gained the
summit of a hill, affording a view of a range of
mountains covered with snow, which, according
to the guide, terminated in the ocean. Passing
along the borders of several small lakes, through a
swampy country, they arrived at a lodge of natives,
who received them with hospitality, and minutely
scru tinized their appearance. The hair of the women
was tied in large loose knots over the ears, and
plaited with great neatness from the division of the
head, so as to be included in the knots : some had
their tresses adorned with beads, producing a very
graceful effect ; whilst the men were clothed in lea¬
ther, their hair nicely combed, their complexion
fair, and their skin cleanly. One young man was
at least six feet four inches in height, with a pre¬
possessing countenance, and affable and dignified
manners. All, not excepting the children, carried
a burden proportioned to their strength, consisting
202
BEAUTIFUL SCENERY.
of beaver-coating and parchment, skins of the ot¬
ter, marten,, bear, and lynx, besides dressed moose-
skins. These last they procured from the Rocky
Mountain Indians; and for the purposes of trade
the people of the seacoast preferred them to any
others.
They now continued their journey through a
beautiful valley, watered by a gentle rivulet, to a
range of hills which they ascended till surround¬
ed by snow so firm and compact that it crunched
under their feet. Before them lay a stupendous
mountain, whose summit, clad with the same spot¬
less coronet, was partly lost in the clouds. Between
it and the route they were to follow flowed a broad
river ; and, descending from their present elevated
ground, they plunged into woods of lofty and umbra¬
geous cedars and alder trees.* As they got lower into
these primeval forests they were sensible of an en¬
tire change of climate. The guides pointed out to
them, through the openings in the dark foliage, the
river which flowed in the distance, and a village on
its banks, whilst beneath their feet the gromid was
covered with berries of an excellent flavour, and
completely ripe. The effect of sunset upon this
noble scenery was strikingly beautiful ; but their
admiration was interrupted by the decampment of
their guides, who, as the shades of evening began to
fall, pushed forward at such a pace that the party
were soon left without conductors in darkness and
uncertainty. The men, who were much fatigued,
now proposed to take up their quarters for the night ;
but their indefatigable leader groped his way for-
* Mackenzie’s Travels, pp. 316, 317.
VILLAGE IN THE FOREST.
203
ward, and at length, arriving at the edge of the
wood, perceived the light of several fires. On com¬
ing up he entered a hut where the people were
employed in cooking fish, threw down his burden,
and shook hands with the inmates, who did not
show any surprise, but gave him to understand by
signs that he should go to a large house, erected
on upright posts at some distance from the ground.
A broad piece of timber, with steps cut in it, led
to a scaffolding on a level with the floor ; and as¬
cending these, the traveller entered the apartment,
passed three fires at equal distances in the middle
of the room, and was cordially received by several
people seated on a wide board at the upper end.
Mackenzie took his place beside one whom, from his
dignified look, he took to be the chief. Soon after
the rest of the party arrived, and placed themselves
near him ; upon which the chief arose and brought a
quantity of roasted salmon. Mats were then spread,
and the fish placed before them. When the meal
was concluded, their host made signs which they sup¬
posed to convey a desire that they should sleep un¬
der the same roof with himself ; but, as his meaning
was not sufficiently plain, they prepared to bivouac
without. Every thing was done to render their re¬
pose agreeable : A fire was kindled, boards placed
that they might not sleep on the bare ground, and
two delicate dishes of salmon-roes, beat up to the
consistency of thick cream, and mixed with goose¬
berries and wood-sorrel, were brought for supper.
On awaking in the morning, they found all their
wants anticipated in the same hospitable manner ;
a fire was already blazing, a plentiful breakfast of
roasted salmon and dried roes was provided, and a re-
204
SALMON-FISHERY.
gale of raspberries, whortleberries, and gooseberries,
finished the meal.*
Salmon was so abundant in this river that the
people had a constant supply. They had formed
across the stream an embankment for placing fishing-
machines, which were disposed both above and below
it. For some reason, however, they would permit
no near inspection of the weir ; but it appeared to
be four feet above the water, and was constructed
of alternate layers of gravel and small trees, fixed in
a slanting position. Beneath it were placed ma¬
chines into which the salmon fell in attempting to
leap over ; and on either side was a large timber
frame six feet above the water, in which passages
were left leading directly into the machines, whilst
at the foot of the fall dipping-nets were successfully
employed. These people were observed to indulge
an extreme superstition regarding their fish, re¬
fusing to taste flesh, and appearing to consider such
an act as a pollution. One of their dogs having
swallowed a bone which the travellers left, was
beaten by his master till he disgorged it ; and a
bone of a deer being thrown into the river, a native
dived, brought it up, consigned it to the fire, and
carefully washed his hands. They would not lend
their canoes for the use of the party, having observ¬
ed some venison which they concluded was to be
stowed on board ; and they alleged that the fish
would immediately smell it and leave them. Al¬
though generous in furnishing the strangers with
as much roasted fish as they could consume, they
would part with none in a raw state : They be-
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 318 — 320.
SUPERSTITIONS.
205
lieved salmon to have an invincible antipathy to
iron, and were afraid that, if given raw to the white
men, they might take serious offence at being boiled
in a vessel of this ominous metal. In other respects
nothing could exceed their friendliness ; and at a
neighbouring village belonging to the same tribe, the
reception of Mackenzie was if possible still more kind.
The son of the chief took from his own shoulders a
beautiful robe of sea-otter skin, and threw it over
the traveller, whilst the father expressed the utmost
satisfaction in being presented with a pair of scissors
to clip his beard, — a purpose to which, with the eager
delight of a child, he instantly applied them.
The houses in this village were constructed in the
same way as those already described, and remind
us of the lively account given by Mr Meares. At
a little distance, Mackenzie observed some singu¬
lar wooden buildings, which he conjectured to be
temples. They consisted of oblong squares, about
twenty feet high by eight broad, formed of thick
cedar-planks beautifully joined. Upon these were
painted hieroglyphics and figures of various animals,
with a remarkable degree of correctness. In the
midst of the village was a large building, at first
supposed to be the unfinished frame- work of a house.
Its dimensions, however, were far greater than those
of an ordinary dwelling, the ground-plot being fifty
feet by forty-five, each end formed by four stout
posts fixed perpendicularly in the earth. The cor¬
ner posts were unornamented, and supported a beam
of the whole length, having three intermediate props
on each side. Two centre posts at each end, about
two feet and a half in diameter, were carved into
colossal human figures, supporting ridge-poles on
206 INDIAN MECHANICAL ARTS.
their heads ; the hands were placed on the knees,
as if they felt difficulty in sustaining the weight,
whilst the figures opposite to them stood in an easy
attitude, with their hands resting on their hips.
The posts, poles, and figures, were painted red and
black, and the carving was executed with a truth
and boldness which bespoke no little advancement
in sculpture.* In the mechanical arts they had
arrived at considerable perfection. The chief’s ca¬
noe was of cedar, forty-five feet long, four wide, and
three feet and a half deep. It was painted black,
and ornamented with drawings of various kinds of
fish in white upon the dark ground, and the gun¬
wale, both fore and aft, was neatly inlaid with
the teeth of the sea-otter. In this vessel, according
to the old chief’s account, he undertook, about ten
winters before, a voyage towards the mid-day sun,
having with him forty of his subjects; on which oc¬
casion he met with two large vessels full of white
men, the first he had seen, by whom he was kindly
received. Mackenzie very plausibly conjectured that
these might be the ships of Captain Cook.
It was now the 18th of July, and, surrounded by
friendly natives, with plenty of provisions, pleasant
weather, and the anticipation of speedily reaching
the great object of their wishes, they resumed their
voyage in a large canoe, accompanied by four of the
Indians. The navigation of the river, as they ap¬
proached the ocean, was interrupted by rapids and
cascades ; but their skill in surmounting these impe¬
diments was now considerable, and on the 20th,
after a passage of thirty-six miles, they arrived at
* Mackenzie’s Travels, p. 331.
MACKENZIE REACHES THE SEA. 207
the mouth of the river, which discharges itself by
various smaller channels into an arm of the Pacific
Ocean. The purpose of the expedition was now
completed, and its indefatigable leader painted in
large characters, upon the face of the rock under
whose shelter they had slept, this simple memorial :
" Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada by land, the
twenty-second of July, one thousand seven hundred
and ninety-three.” The inscription was only writ¬
ten in vermilion, and has probably long ago been
washed away by the fury of the elements ; but the
name of Mackenzie is enduringly consecrated in the
annals of discovery, as the first person who penetrat¬
ed from sea to sea across the immense continent of
North America. His return by the same route it is
unnecessary to pursue.
208
franklin’s first journey.
CHAPTER IV.
Discoveries along the Shores of the Arctic Ocean.
First and Second Expeditions of Franklin — Voyage of Captain
Beechey.
The discoveries of Hearne and Mackenzie esta¬
blished the great fact that there is a northern coast
in America, washed by the Arctic Ocean, which
forms, in all probability, its continuous boundary ;
and they demonstrated the practicability of reach¬
ing this limit by passing over the vast plains which
stretch northward from Canada and Hudson’s Bay.
The voyages of Captain Parry, also, which have
been already detailed,* fully corroborated this opi¬
nion ; and it appeared evident that another expe¬
dition, properly conducted, might reach this shore,
and more fully examine its whole extent. Such
an expedition, accordingly, sailed from England on
the 23d of May 1820, its command being intrusted
to Lieutenant, now Sir John Franklin, assisted by
Dr Richardson, an able mineralogist and natural
historian. During the first portion of their journey,
they followed the chain of the great lakes, instead
of the more eastern track pursued by Hearne, and
having descended the Coppermine River, arrived
* Polar Seas and Regions, 3d edit. p. 263 — 323.
VOYAGE ALONG THE ARCTIC SHORES. 209
on 21st July at the shore of the Arctic Ocean, where
they commenced their career of discovery. Impor¬
tant as were the particulars of their survey, when
considered in relation to the furtherance of geo¬
graphical science, a minute detail is here unneces¬
sary, and we shall attempt only a general sketch.
Paddling along the coast to the eastward, on the
inside of a crowded range of islands, they encamped
on shore after a run of thirty-seven miles, in which
they experienced little interruption, and saw only
a small iceberg in the distance, though that beauti¬
ful luminous effulgence emitted from the congregat¬
ed ices, and distinguished by the name of the ice¬
blink, was distinctly visible to the northward. The
coast was found of moderate height, easy of access,
and covered with vegetation ; but the islands were
rocky and barren, presenting high cliffs of a colum¬
nar structure. In continuing their voyage, the dan¬
gers which beset a navigator in these dreadful polar
solitudes thickened gloomily around them : The
coast became broken and steril, and at length rose
into a high and rugged promontory, against which
some large masses of ice had drifted, threatening de¬
struction to their slender canoes. In attempting to
round this cape the wind rose, an awful gloom
involved the sky, and the thunder burst over their
heads, compelling them to encamp till the storm
subsided. They then, at the imminent risk of hav¬
ing the canoes crushed by the floating ice, doubled
the dreary promontory, which they denominated
Cape Barrow, and entered Detention Harbour, where
they landed. Around them the land consisted of
mountains of granite, rising abruptly from the wa¬
ter’s edge, destitute of vegetation, and attaining an
N
210 CAPE KATER AND BANKES’ PENINSULA.
elevation of 1400 or 1500 feet ; seals and small deer
were the only animals seen, and the former were so
shy that all attempts to approach within shot were
unsuccessful. With the deer the hunters were more
fortunate; but these were not numerous ; and whilst
the ice closed gradually around them, and their
little stock of provisions, consisting of pemmican
and cured beef, every day diminished, it was im¬
possible not to regard their situation with uneasi¬
ness. Rounding Cape Kater, they entered Arctic
Sound, and sent a party to explore a river upon the
hanks of which they expected to find an Esquimaux
encampment. All, however, was silent, desolate,
and deserted : even these hardy natives, bred amidst
the polar ices, had removed from so barren a spot,
and the hunters returned with two small deer and a
brown bear ; the latter animal so lean and sickly
looking that the men declined eating it ; but the offi¬
cers boiled its paws and found them excellent.
Proceeding along the eastern shore of Arctic
Sound, to which they gave the name of Bankes’
Peninsula, the expedition made its painful way
along a coast indented by bays, and in many places
studded with islands, till on 10th August they
reached the open sea ; and sailing, as they imagined,
between the continent and a large island, found to
their deep disappointment that, instead of an open
channel, they were in the centre of a vast bay :
The state of the expedition now called for the most
serious consideration upon the part of their com¬
mander. So much time had already been spent in
exploring the sounds and inlets, that all hope of
reaching Repulse Bay was vain ; both canoes had
sustained material injury ; the fuel was expend-
TERMINATION OF THE VOYAGE.
211
ed ; their provisions were sufficient only for three
days ; the appearances of the setting in of the arctic
winter were too unequivocal to be mistaken ; the
deer, which had hitherto supplied them with fresh
meat, would it was well known soon disappear ; the
geese and other aquatic birds were already seen
winging their way to the southward ; while the men,
who had up to this moment displayed the utmost
courage, began to look disheartened, and to enter¬
tain serious apprehensions for their safety. Under
these circumstances Franklin, with the concur¬
rence of his officers, determined not to endanger
the lives of his people by a farther advance ; and,
after spending four days in a minute survey of the
bay, it was resolved to return by Hood’s River to
Fort Enterprise. Franklin’s researches, as far as
prosecuted at this time, favoured the opinion of those
who contended for the practicability of a north-west
passage. It appeared probable that the coast ran
east and west in the latitude assigned to Macken¬
zie’s River, and little doubt could, in his opinion,
be entertained regarding the existence of a conti¬
nued sea in that direction. The portion over which
they passed was navigable for vessels of any size ;
and the ice met with after quitting Detention Har¬
bour would not have arrested a strong boat, whilst
the chain of islands afforded shelter from all heavy
seas, and there were good harbours at convenient
distances. Having with much severe privation
completed their course, from Point Turnagain in
Melville Bay to the entrance of Hood’s River, they
ascended as high as the first rapid and encamped, ter¬
minating here their voyage on the Arctic Sea, during
which they had gone over 650 geographical miles.
212
LAND JOURNEY.
On the prospect of commencing their land jour¬
ney the Canadians could not conceal their satisfac¬
tion ; and the evening previous to their departure
was passed in talking over their past adventures,
and congratulating each other in having at length
turned their backs upon the sea, — little anticipating
that the most painful and hazardous portion of the
expedition was yet to come. Before setting off, an
assortment of iron materials, beads, looking-glasses,
and other articles, was put up in a conspicuous
situation for the Esquimaux, and the English union
was planted on the loftiest sand-hill, where it might
be seen by any ships passing in the offing. Here
also was deposited in a tin box, a letter containing an
outline of the proceedings of the expedition, the lati¬
tude and longitude of the principal places, and the
course intended to be pursued towards Slave Lake.
They now proceeded up the river in their canoes,
and though upon a short allowance of provisions,
the produce of their nets and fowling-pieces fur¬
nished for a few days enough to ward off absolute
want, but they were often on the very brink of it.
Their progress was much interrupted by shoals
and rapids, and one evening they encamped at the
lower end of a narrow chasm, the walls of which
were upwards of 200 feet high, and in some places
only a few yards apart. Into this the river preci¬
pitates itself, forming two magnificent cascades, to
which they gave the name of Wilberforce Falls. On
taking a survey of its farther course from a neigh¬
bouring hill, it was discovered to be so rapid and
shallow, that all progress in the large canoes seemed
impossible. Two smaller boats were therefore con¬
structed ; and on 1st September, they set off with the
EXTREME COLD.
213
intention of proceeding in as direct a line as possible
to the part of Point Lake opposite their spring en¬
campment, — a distance which appeared compara¬
tively trifling, being only 149 miles. Their luggage
consisted of ammunition, nets, hatchets, ice-chisels,
astronomical instruments, clothing-blankets, three
kettles, and the two canoes, each so light as to be
carried easily by a single man. But disaster attack¬
ed them in their very first stage. A storm of snow
came on accompanied by a high wind, against which
it was difficult to carry the canoes, that were da¬
maged by the falls of those who bore them. The
ground was covered by small stones, and much pain
was endured by the carriers, whose soft moose-skin-
shoes were soon cut through. The cold was intense ;
and on encamping they looked in vain for wood ; a
fire of moss was all they could procure, which served
them to cook their supper, but gave so little heat that
they were glad to creep under their blankets.*
Having ascended next morning one of the highest
hills, they ascertained that the river took a westerly
course, and Franklin, thinking that to follow it far¬
ther would lead to a more tedious journey than their
exhausted strength could endure, determined to quit
its banks and make directly for Point Lake. Emerg¬
ing, therefore, from the valley, they crossed a barren
country, varied only by marshy levels and small
lakes. The weather was fine, but unfortunately
no berry-bearing plants were found, the surface
being covered in the more humid spots with a few
grasses, and in other places with some gray melan¬
choly lichens. On encamping, the last piece of
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 399.
214
FAILURE OF PROVISIONS.
pemmican, or pounded flesh, was distributed, with
a little arrow-root, for supper. The evening was
warm ; but dark clouds overspread the sky, and they
experienced those sudden alternations of climate
which occur in the polar latitudes at this season.
At midnight it rained in torrents; but towards
morning a snow-storm arose accompanied by a vio¬
lent gale. During the whole day the storm conti¬
nued, and not having the comfort of a fire the men
remained in bed, but the tents were frozen ; around
them the snow had drifted to the depth of three
feet, and even within lay several inches thick on
their blankets. Though the storm had not abated
any longer delay was impossible, for they knew
every hour would increase the intensity of an arctic
winter ; and though faint from fasting, and with
their clothes stiffened by frost, it was absolutely ne¬
cessary to push forward. They suffered much in
packing the frozen tents and bedclothes, and could
hardly keep their hands out of their fur mittens.
On attempting to move, Franklin was seized with
a fainting fit, occasioned by hunger and exhaustion,
and on recovering refused to eat a morsel of portable
soup, which was immediately prepared for him, as
it had to be drawn from the only remaining meal
of the party. The people, however, kindly crowded
round, and overcame his reluctance. The effect of
eating was his rapid recovery ; and the expedition
moved on.
Disaster now crowded on disaster. The wind
rose so high, that those who carried the canoes were
frequently blown down, and one of the boats was so
much shattered as to be rendered unserviceable.
The ground was covered with snow; and though the
cracroft’s river.
215
swamps were frozen, yet the ice was often not suf¬
ficiently strong ; so that they plunged in knee-
deep. A fire, however, was made of the bark and
timbers of the broken canoe ; and after having fasted
three days, their last meal of portable soup and ar¬
row-root was cooked. Each man’s allowance at this
melancholy dinner was exceedingly scanty ; but it
allayed the pangs of hunger, and encouraged them
to press forward at a quicker rate. They had now
reached a more hilly country, strewed with large
stones, and covered with gray lichen, well known to
the Canadians by its name tripe de roche. In cases
of extremity, it is boiled and eaten ; but its taste is
nauseous, its quality purgative, and it sometimes
produces an intolerable griping and loathing. The
party not being aware of this, gathered a consider¬
able quantity. A few partridges also had been
shot ; and at night some willows were dug up from
under the snow, with which they lighted a fire and
cooked their supper.
Next day they came to Cracroft’s River, flowing
to the westward over a channel of large stones, that
rendered it impossible to cross in the canoe. No al¬
ternative was left but to attempt a precarious pass¬
age over some rocks at a rapid ; and in effecting this
some of the men losing their balance slipt into the
water. They were instantly rescued by their com¬
panions ; but so intense was the frost, that their
drenched clothes became caked with ice, and they
suffered much during the remainder of the day’s
march. The hunters had fallen in with some par¬
tridges, which they shot, and they found enough of
roots to make a fire ; so that their supper, though
scanty, was comparatively comfortable. Next morn-
216
CONGECATHAWHACHAGA.
ing they pushed forward with ardour, and pass¬
ed the river Congecathawhachaga of Mr Hearne.
The country which lay before them was hilly, and
covered with snow to a great depth. The sides of
the hills were traversed by sharp angular rocks,
where the drifted snow filling up the interstices, pre¬
sented a smooth but fallacious surface, which often
gave way and precipitated them into the chasms
with their heavy loads. In this painful and ardu¬
ous manner they struggled forward several days,
feeding on the tripe de roche, which was so frozen
to the rocks, that their hands were benumbed before
a meal could be collected, and so destitute of nutri¬
tive juices, that it allayed hunger only for a very
short time. At length reaching the summit of a hill,
they, to their great delight, beheld a herd of musk¬
oxen feeding in the valley below ; an instant halt was
made, the best hunters were called out, and whilst
they proceeded with extreme caution in a circuitous
route, their companions watched their proceedings
with intense anxiety. When near enough to open
their fire, the report reverberated through the hills,
and one of the largest cows was seen to fall. “ This
success,” says Franklin, in that simple and beautiful
account of his journey which any change of language
would only weaken, “ infused spirit into our starving
party. The contents of its stomach were devoured
upon the spot ; and the raw intestines, which were
next attacked, were pronounced by the most delicate
of the party to be excellent. A few willows, whose
tops were seen peeping through the snow in the bot¬
tom of the valley, were quickly grubbed, the tents
pitched, and supper cooked and devoured with avi¬
dity. It was the sixth day since we had had a good
PROVIDENTIAL SUPPLY.
217
meal. I do not think that we witnessed, through
the course of our journey, a more striking proof of
the wise dispensation of the Almighty, and of the
weakness of our own judgment, than on this day.
We had considered the dense fog which prevailed
throughout the morning as almost the greatest in¬
convenience which could have befallen us, since it
rendered the air extremely cold, and prevented us
from distinguishing any distant object towards which
our course could be directed. Yet this very dark¬
ness enabled the party to get to the top of the hill,
which bounded the valley wherein the musk oxen
were grazing, without being perceived. Had the
herd discovered us and taken alarm, our hunters, in
their present state of debility, would in all proba¬
bility have failed in approaching them.”*
On the following day a strong southerly wind blow¬
ing with a snow-drift, they took a day’s rest, and as
only enough remained of the musk ox to serve for two
days, they contented themselves with a single meal.
Next morning, though the gale had not diminished,
they pushed forward, and notwithstanding their rest
and recent supply of animal food, the whole party felt
greater weakness than they had hitherto experienced.
The weather was hazy, but after an hour’s march
the sky cleared, and they found themselves on the
borders of a lake, of which they could not discern the
termination in either direction. In these circum¬
stances they travelled along its banks to the west¬
ward, in search of a crossing-place. Credit, one of
the Canadians, left the party in hopes of falling in
with deer, but did not return ; and on encamping
* Franklin’s Journey, vol. iv. p. 13, small edition of 1829.
218
SUFFERINGS FROM FAMINE.
in the evening, hungry and fatigued, they had to
divide for supper a single partridge and some tripe
de roche. This weed from the first had been un¬
palatable, but now became insupportably nauseous,
and began in many to produce severe pains and bowel-
complaints, especially in Mr Hood, one of the young
officers attached to the expedition. This solitary par¬
tridge was the last morsel of animal food that remain¬
ed ; and they turned with deep anxiety to the hope
of catching some fish in the lake, but discovered that
the persons intrusted with them had improvidently
thrown away three of the nets and burnt the floats on
leaving Hood’s River. Things now began to look very
gloomy; and as the men were daily getting weaker,
it was judged expedient to lighten their burdens of
every thing except ammunition, clothing, and the in¬
struments necessary to guide them on their way. The
dipping-needle, the azimuth compass, the magnet, a
large thermometer, and the few books they carried,
were therefore deposited at this encampment, after
they had torn out from these last the tables neces¬
sary for working the latitude and longitude. Re¬
wards also were promised by Franklin to such of the
party as should kill any animals, and in the morn¬
ing they prepared to go forward.
At this moment a fine trait of disinterestedness
occurred : As the officers assembled round a small
fire, enduring an intense degree of hunger which
they had no means of satisfying, Perrault, one of the
Canadians, presented each of them with a piece of
meat out of a little store which he had saved from his
allowance. “ It was received,” says Franklin, with
great thankfulness, and such an instance of self-de¬
nial and kindness filled our eyes with tears.” Press-
CANOE SWAMPED.
219
ing forward to a river issuing from the lake, they
met their comrade. Credit, and received the joyful
intelligence that he had killed two deer. One of these
was immediately cut up and prepared for breakfast ;
and having sent some of the party for the other, the
rest proceeded down the river, which was about 300
yards broad, in search of a place to cross. Hav¬
ing chosen a spot where the current was smooth,
immediately above a rapid, Franklin and two Ca¬
nadian boatmen, St Germain and Belanger, pushed
from the shore. The breeze was fresh, and the cur¬
rent stronger than they imagined, so that they ap¬
proached the very edge of the rapid ; and Belanger
employing his paddle to steady the canoe, lost his
balance, and overset the bark in the middle of it.
The party clung to its side, and reaching a rock
where the stream was but waist-deep, kept their
footing till the canoe was emptied of water, after
which Belanger held it steady, whilst St Germain
replaced Franklin in it, and dexterously leaped
in himself. Such was their situation, that if the
man who stood on the rock had raised his foot
they would have been lost. His friends therefore
were compelled to leave him, and after a second
disaster, in which the canoe struck, and was as
expeditiously righted as before, they reached the
opposite bank. Meanwhile Belanger suffered ex¬
tremely, immersed to his middle, and enduring in¬
tense cold. He called piteously for relief, and St Ger¬
main re-embarking attempted to reach him, but was
hurried down the rapid, and on coming ashore, was
so benumbed as to be incapable of farther exertion.
A second effort, but equally unsuccessful, was made
by Adam : they then tried to carry out a line formed
of the slings of the men’s loads, but it broke, and
220
DESOLATE SITUATION.
was carried down the stream. At last, when he
was almost exhausted, the canoe reached him with
a small cord of one of the remaining nets, and he
was dragged to shore quite insensible. On be¬
ing stripped, rolled in blankets, and put to bed
between two men, he recovered. During these
operations Franklin was left alone upon the bank,
and it seemed a matter of the utmost doubt
whether he should be ever rejoined by his com¬
panions. It is impossible,” says he, “ to describe
my sensations as I witnessed the various unsuccess¬
ful attempts to relieve Belanger. The distance pre¬
vented my seeing distinctly what was going on, and
I continued pacing up and down the rock on which
I stood, regardless of the coldness of my drenched
and stilfening garments. The canoe, in every at¬
tempt to reach him, was hurried down the rapid,
and was lost to view amongst the rocky islets, with
a fury which seemed to threaten instant destruc¬
tion; once indeed I fancied that I saw it over¬
whelmed in the waves ; such an event would have
been fatal to the whole party. Separated as I was
from my companions, without gun, ammunition,
hatchet, or the means of making a fire, and in wet
clothes, my doom would have been speedily sealed.
My companions too, driven to the necessity of coast¬
ing the lake, must have sunk under the fatigue of
rounding its innumerable arms and bays, which, as
we learned afterwards from the Indians, are ex¬
tensive. By the goodness of Providence, however,
we were spared at that time, and some of us have
been permitted to offer up our thanksgiving in a ci¬
vilized land for the signal deliverance we then and
afterwards experienced.”*
* Frankliri’s Journey, pp. 410, 411.
TRIPE DE ROCHE PAILS.
221
On setting out next morning, Perrault brought in a
fine male deer, which raised the spirits of the party,
as it secured them in provisions for two days ; and
they trusted to support themselves for a third on the
skin which they carried with them. Having ascend¬
ed the Willingham Mountains, they entered upon
a rugged country intersected by deep ravines, the
passage of which was so difficult that they could only
make ten miles with great fatigue. The deer was
now picked to the last morsel, and they ate pieces of
the singed hide with a little tripe de roche. At
other times this meal might have sufficed ; but, ex¬
hausted by slender food and continued toil, their
appetites had become ravenous. Hitherto events
had been so mercifully ordered, that in their utmost
need some little supply in the tripe de roche had never
failed them ; but it was the will of God that their con¬
fidence should be yet more strongly tried ; for they
now entered upon a level country covered with snow,
where even this miserable lichen was no longer to be
found ; and a bed of Iceland moss, which was boiled
for supper, proved so bitter that none of the party,
though enduring the extremities of hunger, could
taste more than a few spoonfuls. Another distress
now attacked them: The intensity of the cold increas¬
ed, while they became less fit to endure it. Their
blankets did not suffice to keep them warm, and the
slightest breeze pierced through their debilitated
frames. " The reader,” says Franklin, “ will pro¬
bably be desirous to know how we passed our time
in such a comfortless situation. The first operation
after encamping was to thaw our frozen shoes, if a
sufficient fire could be made ; dry ones were then put
on. Each person then wrote his notes of the daily
222
INSUBORDINATION.
occurrences, and evening prayers were read. As soon
as supper was prepared it was eaten, generally in the
dark, and we went to bed and kept up a cheerful
conversation until our blankets were thawed by the
heat of our bodies, and we had gathered sufficient
warmth to enable us to fall asleep. On many nights
we had not even the luxury of going to bed in dry
clothes ; for, when the fire was insufficient to dry
our shoes, we dared not venture to pull them off
lest they should freeze so hard as to be unfit to put
on in the morning, and therefore inconvenient to
carry.”*
Hunger, fatigue, and disappointment, began now
to have a calamitous effect upon the tempers of the
men. One, who carried the canoe, after several
severe falls, threw down his burden, and obstinate¬
ly refused to resume it. It was accordingly given
to another, who proved stronger, and pushed for¬
ward at so rapid a rate that Mr Hood, whose weak¬
ness was now extreme, could not keep up with
them ; and as Franklin attempted to pursue and
stop them, the whole party were separated. Dr
Richardson, who had remained behind to gather tripe
de roche, joined him, and on advancing they found
the men encamped among some willows, where they
had found some pieces of skin and a few bones of deer
which had been devoured by the wolves. On these
they had made a meal, having burnt and pounded
the bones, boiled the skin, and added their old shoes
to the mess. With this no fault could be found ; but
on questioning the person to whom the canoe had
been intrusted, it was discovered that he had left
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 414.
CANOE LEFT BEHIND.
223
the boat behind, it having, as he said, been broken
by a fall and rendered entirely useless.
To the infatuated obstinacy of the men in refus¬
ing to retrace their steps and fetch it, even in its
shattered state, is to be ascribed much of the distress
of their subsequent journey. Every argument and
entreaty seemed entirely thrown away ; and they
had apparently lost all hope of being preserved.
When the hunters who had been out for some
time did not make their appearance, they became
furious at the idea of having been deserted, and
throwing down their bundles, declared they would
follow them at all hazards, and leave the weakest
to keep up as they best could. The remonstrances
of the officers at length opened their minds to
the madness of such a scheme ; and on encamping
in the evening, they found some pines seven or eight
feet high, which furnished a comfortable fire, when
they made their supper on tripe de roche. Next
morning a herd of deer came in sight, and they
killed five, — a supply which, considering the extre¬
mity of hunger and despair to which they were re¬
duced, was especially providential. It was evident
that He, without whom not a sparrow falls to the
ground, was with them in their extremity of dis¬
tress ; and, casting themselves upon his care, every
heart expanded with hope and gratitude.
The Canadians now earnestly petitioned for a day’s
rest. They pleaded their recent sufferings, and that
the enjoyment of two substantial meals, after eight
days’ famine, would enable them to press forward
more vigorously. The flesh, the skins, and even
the stomachs of the deer, were accordingly equally
divided among the party, and some of them suffered
224
THE COPPERMINE RIVER.
severely from too free an indulgence in the use of
this food after so long an abstinence. Next morn¬
ing the party resumed their journey, and after a
walk of three miles came to the Coppermine River.
Its current was strong, but with a canoe there
would have been no difficulty in crossing ; and the
reckless folly of the men in abandoning their only
means of transport was now brought strongly to their
mind. No ford could be discovered, and the plan
was suggested of framing a vessel of willows, co¬
vered with the canvass of the tent ; but the most
experienced boatmen declared the willows were
too small to bear the weight; and no pines could
he found. Nothing remained but to resume their
march along the borders of the lake ; and looking
out eagerly, but in vain, for some fordable place, they
encamped at the east end. Anxious to adopt every
possible means for preserving the party, Franklin
sent Mr Back forward with the interpreters to hunt.
He was directed to halt at the first pines and con¬
struct a raft ; and if his hunters had killed animals
sufficient to provision them, he was to cross imme¬
diately and send the Indians with supplies of meat
to the party behind.
At this time it was discovered that two of the
men had stolen part of the officers’ provision, though
it had been doled out with the strictest impartiality,
and they saw their leaders suffering more acutely
than themselves. To punish this was impossible,
except by the threat that they should forfeit their
wages, which produced little effect. Despondency
had deeply seized upon the party, and in the morn¬
ing strict orders could not prevent them from strag¬
gling in search of the remains of animals ; in conse-
5
A RAFT CONSTRUCTED.
225
quence of which much time was lost in halting, and
ammunition in firing guns to collect them. The
snow, however, had disappeared, and pressing for¬
ward with more alacrity they came to an arm of
the lake running north-east. The idea of making
the long circuit round it was distressing, and hav¬
ing halted to consult what was to be done, some
one discovered in a cliff the carcass of a deer which
had fallen into a chasm. It was quite putrid, but
even in that state appeared delicious, and a fire
being kindled, a large portion was rapidly devour¬
ed ; whilst the men, cheered by this unexpected
breakfast, regained their confidence, and requested
leave to return to the rapid, insisting on the prac¬
ticability of making a sufficiently strong raft of wil¬
lows, though they had formerly pronounced it im¬
possible. Their advice was followed; and having
sent off Augustus, one of the interpreters, to inform
Mr Back of this change of plan, they commenced
their retrograde movement, and encamped at night
in a deep valley among some large willows, where
they supped on the remains of the putrid deer.
Next day they regained the rapids, commenced
cutting willows for the raft, and a reward of 300
livres was promised by Franklin to the person who
should convey a line across the river strong enough
to manage the raft and transport the party. The
willows when cut were bound into fagots, and
the work completed ; but the greenness of the wood
rendered it heavy, and incapable of supporting
more than one man at a time. Still they hoped to
be able to cross ; but all depended on getting a line
carried to the opposite bank, through a current 130
yards wide, strong, deep, and intensely cold. Belan-
o
226
Richardson’s generosity.
ger and Benoit, the two strongest men of the party,
repeatedly attempted to take the raft over, but for
want of oars were driven back. The tent-staves were
then tied together, and formed a strong pole ; but
it was not long enough to reach the bottom even at
a short distance from the shore. Dr Richardson
next produced a paddle he had brought from the
coast, but which was found not powerful enough to
impel the raft against a strong breeze. The failure of
every attempt occasioned a deep despondency, which
threatened to have the most fatal effects, when Di-
Richardson, with a disinterested courage that made
him forget his own weakness, threw off his upper
garments, and attempted to swim with a rope to the
opposite bank. Plunging in with the line round
his middle he at first made some way, but the ex¬
treme cold was too much for him, and in a few mo¬
ments his arms became powerless j still, being an
expert swimmer, he not only kept himself afloat,
but made way by turning on his back and using
his legs, so that he had nearly reached the other
side, when, to the inexpressible anguish of those who
watched his progress, his limbs became benumbed,
and he sank. All hands now hauled on the line,
and drew him ashore almost lifeless ; but, placed
before a fire of willows and stript of his wet clothes,
he gradually revived enough to give directions as to
the mode of treating him. His thin and emaciated
limbs, which were now exposed to view, produced an
involuntary exclamation of compassion and surprise:
— “ Ah, que nous sornmes maigres !” said the French
Canadians ; but it is probable that few of them
would have presented so gaunt and attenuated an
appearance as the brave and excellent man who had
ACCUMULATED SUFFERINGS. 227
thus nearly fallen a sacrifice to his humanity, for it
was discovered about this time that the hunters
were in the practice of withholding the game which
they shot, and devouring it in secret.*
Soon after this the party were joined by Mr Back,
who had traced the lake about fifteen miles farther up
without discovering any place where it was possible
to get across ; and towards evening Credit, who had
been out hunting, returned without any game of
his own killing ; but brought the antlers and back¬
bone of a deer shot during the summer. These re¬
lics had been already picked clean by the wolves
and birds of prey, but the marrow remained in the
spine ; and though completely putrid, and so acrid
as to excoriate the lips, it was not the less accept¬
able. The bones were rendered friable by burning,
and the whole eagerly devoured. St Germain, one
of the voyagers, now suggested that a canoe might
be made of the painted canvass used to wrap up the
bedding, and offered to construct it upon a frame¬
work of willows. For this purpose he and Adam
removed to a clump of willows, whilst another
party proceeded to the spot where they had en¬
camped on the 25th, to collect pitch amongst the
small pines to pay over the seams. A snow¬
storm at this moment came on, and the sufferings
of the men hourly increasing, a deep gloom settled
upon their spirits. Mr Hood was by this time
reduced to a perfect shadow ; Mr Back requir¬
ed the support of a stick ; Dr Richardson was
lame; and Franklin so feeble, that, after a struggle
of three hours, he found himself utterly unable to
reach the spot where St Germain was at work, a
* Franklin’s Journey, pp. 423, 424.
228
THE RIVER CROSSED.
distance of only three quarters of a mile, and re¬
turned completely exhausted. The Canadian voy¬
agers had now fallen into a state of despondency
which bordered on despair, and, indifferent to their
fate, refused to make the slightest exertion. The of¬
ficers were unable to undergo the labour of gathering
the tripe de roche, and Samandre, the cook, sullenly
declined continuing his labours. At this miserable
crisis the conduct of John Hepburn, an English sailor,
was especially admirable, presenting a striking con¬
trast to the gloomy selfishness of the Canadians.
His firm reliance on the watchful goodness of God,
and a cheerful resignation to his will, never for a
moment forsook him ; and, animated by this bless¬
ed principle, his strength appeared to be preserved
as the means of saving the party. He collected the
tripe de roche for the officers’ mess, cooked and
served it out, and showed the most indefatigable
zeal in his efforts to alleviate their sufferings.
A gleam of hope at length arose, when St Germain
completed the canoe. It was impossible not to feel
that their last chance of escape seemed to hang upon
this little bark ; — would it prove sufficient for its
purpose? or, constructed of such wretched materials,
would it not at once sink to the bottom ? Amid this
conflict of contending emotions it was launched on
the river, and every heart bounded with exultation
when it floated and St Germain transported himself
to the opposite side. It was drawn back, and, one
by one, the whole party were ferried over, though,
from the leaky state of the little bark, their gar¬
ments and bedding were completely drenched.
Franklin immediately despatched Mr Back and
three men to push on to Fort Enterprise in search
SLOW PROGRESS.
229
of the Indians, whilst he himself followed with
the rest.
Nothing could exceed the joy of the Canadian
voyagers at this unlooked-for deliverance. Their
spirits rose from the deepest despondency into tu¬
multuous exultation. They shook the officers by the
hand, cried out that their worst difficulties were at
an end, and expressed a confident hope of being able
to reach Fort Enterprise in the course of a few days,
— a boisterous and sudden confidence, to which the
silent gratitude and quiet resolution of the pious
Hepburn presented a striking contrast.
Their tents and bedclothes were so much frozen,
and the men, who had kindled a small fire, so weary,
that it was eight in the morning before the bundles
were packed, and the party set forward. They tra¬
velled in single files, each at a small distance from
his neighbour. Mr Hood, who was now nearly
exhausted, was obliged to walk at a gentle pace in
the rear, Dr Richardson kindly keeping beside
him; whilst Franklin led the foremost men, that
he might make them halt occasionally till the strag¬
glers came up. Credit, hitherto one of their most
active hunters, became lamentably weak from the
effects of tripe de roche on his constitution, and Var¬
iant, from the same cause, was getting daily more
emaciated. They only advanced six miles during
the day, and at night satisfied the cravings of hun¬
ger by a small quantity of tripe de roche mixed up
with some scraps of roasted leather. During the
night the wind increased to a strong gale, which
continuing next day, besides being piercingly cold,
filled the atmosphere with a thick snow-drift. Hav¬
ing boiled and eaten the remains of their old shoes.
230
TWO MEN LEFT IN THE SNOW.
and every shred of leather which could be picked
up, they set forward at nine over bleak hills sepa¬
rated by equally barren valleys.
In this manner they journeyed till noon, not
without much straggling and frequent halts, at
which time Samandre came up with the melancholy
news that Credit and Vaillant had dropt down and
were utterly unable to proceed. Dr Richardson went
back, and discovering Vaillant about a mile and a
half in the rear, assured him that a fire was kindled
a little way on, and that he would recover if he
could but reach it ; the poor fellow struggled up on
his feet, and feebly tried to advance, but fell down
every step in the deep snow. Leaving him. Dr Rich¬
ardson retraced his steps about a mile farther in a
fruitless search for Credit. In returning he passed
Vaillant, who had fallen down, utterly unable to
renew his efforts to rejoin the party. Belanger went
back to carry his burden and assist him to the fire ;
but the cold had produced such a numbness that he
could not speak or make the slightest exertion. The
stoutest of the party were now implored to make a
last effort to transport him to the fire, but declared
themselves utterly unable for the task. They eager¬
ly requested leave to throw down their loads, and
proceed with the utmost speed to Fort Enterprise, —
a scheme projected in the despair of the moment, and
which must have brought destruction upon the whole.
Matters had now reached a dreadful crisis ; it
was necessary to come to an immediate decision
regarding their ultimate measures, and a plan pro¬
posed by Mr Hood and Dr Richardson was adopted.
These gentlemen consented to remain with a single
attendant at the first spot where there were sufficient
RICHARDSON AND HOOD REMAIN. 231
firewood and tripe de roche for ten days’ consump¬
tion, whilst Franklin and the rest were to proceed
with all expedition to Fort Enterprise, and send
immediate assistance. This scheme promised to re¬
lieve them of a considerable portion of their burdens,
— for one of the tents and various other articles were
to be left ; and it gave poor Credit and Vaillant a
fairer opportunity, should they revive, of regaining
their companions. On the resolution being commu¬
nicated to the men, they were cheered with the pros¬
pect of an alleviation of their misery, and pressed
forward in search of a convenient spot for the pro¬
posed separation. Near nightfall they encamped
under the lee of a hill amongst some willows, which
furnished a small fire, but not sufficiently strong
to thaw their frozen clothes ; and no tripe de roche
having been found during the day, they lay down
hungry, cold, and full of the gloomiest apprehensions,
whilst sleep fled from their eyelids, and the images
of their dying companions rose before their imagina¬
tion in colours which made them shudder for a
fate that might so soon become their own.* Next
morning the weather providentially was mild, and
setting out at nine they arrived towards noon at a
thicket of willows, in the neighbourhood of some
rocks bearing a pretty full supply of tripe de roche.
Here Dr Richardson and Mr Hood determined to
remain. The tent was pitched, a barrel of ammu¬
nition and other articles were deposited, and Hep¬
burn, who volunteered the service, was appointed to
continue with them. The rest of the party now
had only to carry a single tent, the ammunition, and
the officers’ journals, in addition to their own clothes
Franklin’s Journey, pp. 431, 432.
232
FRANKLIN PUSHES FORWARD :
and a single blanket for Captain Franklin. When
all was ready, the whole party united in thanksgiv¬
ing and prayers to Almighty God for their mutual
preservation, and separated with the melancholy re¬
flection, that it might in all probability be the last
time they should ever again meet in this world.
On leaving their friends Captain Franklin and
his party descended into a more level country ; but
the snow lay so deep, and they were so little able to
wade through it that they encamped, after a painful
march of only four miles and a half, in which Be¬
langer, and Michel an Iroquois, were left far behind,
yet still struggling forward. In the evening they came
in dreadfully exhausted, and Belanger, till now one
of the strongest of the party, could not refrain from
tears as he declared he was totally unable to proceed,
and implored permission to return to Dr Richardson
and Mr Hood. Michel made the same request, and it
was agreed that they should do so. The cold of the
night was excessive, and the men were so weak that
they could not raise the tent ; from its weight it was
impossible to transport it from place to place, and
it was cut up, the canvass serving them for a cover¬
ing ; but, though they lay close together, the in¬
tense frost deprived them of sleep. Having no tripe
de roclie they had supped upon an infusion of the
Labrador tea-plant, with a few morsels of burnt
leather. Michel and Belanger, being apparently
more exhausted in the morning than over night,
were left, whilst the rest moved forward. After a
very short progress Perrault was attacked with a fit
of dizziness ; but, on halting a little, again proposed
to proceed. In ten minutes, however, he sunk
down, and, weeping aloud, declared his total in-
HIS PARTY REDUCED TO FIVE. 233
ability to go on. He was accordingly advised to
rejoin Michel and Belanger, — a proposal in which
he acquiesced. These examples of the total failure
of the strongest in the party had a very unfavour¬
able effect on the spirits of the rest, and the exertion
of wading through the snow and crossing a lake on
the ice,, where they were frequently blown down,
was so severe, that Fontano, after having repeatedly
fallen, piteously complained that he was utterly
unable to go farther. Being not two miles from
the others, it was thought best that he also should
attempt to rejoin them ;* and as he was much
beloved, the parting was very distressing. They
watched him for some time, and were comforted by
seeing that, though his progress was very slow, he
kept his feet better than before.
The whole party was now reduced to five persons,
Captain Franklin, Adam, Peltier, Benoit, and Sa-
mandre, the interpreter Augustus having pressed
forward by himself during the late frequent halts.
They made that day only four miles and a half,
and encamped for the night under a rock, supping
again on an infusion of the Labrador tea-plant and
some shreds of boiled leather. The evening was
comparatively mild, the breeze light, and having
the comfort of a fire they enjoyed some sleep. This
was of infinite advantage ; it gave them new spirits,
which were farther invigorated by a breakfast of
tripe de roche, this being the fourth day since they
had a regular meal. On reaching Marten Lake
they found it frozen over, — a circumstance which
they knew would enable them to walk upon the ice
straight to Fort Enterprise.
* Franklin’s Journey, pp. 436, 437*
234 ARRIVAL AT FORT ENTERPRISE,
It may be easily imagined what were the sensa¬
tions of the party in approaching the spot which
they trusted would be the end of all their toils
and privations. From the arrangements previously
made, it was judged certain that they would here find
relief, and be able to send assistance to their unfortu¬
nate companions. It was a spot where they had en¬
joyed, at a former period of the expedition, the greatest
comfort ; but it was possible, though they scarcely
permitted themselves to contemplate so dreadful an
idea, that circumstances might have occurred to de¬
feat their present expectations. On approaching the
house their minds were strongly agitated betwixt
hope and fear, and, contrary to their usual custom,
they advanced in silence. At length they reached
it, and their worst apprehensions were realized. It
was completely desolate. No provisions had been de¬
posited — no trace of Indians could be discovered —
no letter lay there from Mr Wentzel to inform them
where the Indians might be found. On entering
a mute despair seized the party. They gazed on the
cold hearth, comfortless walls, and broken sashes,
through which the wind and snow penetrated, and,
awakening to a full sense of the horrors of their
situation, burst into tears.* On recovering a little,
and looking round with more attention, a note was
found from Mr Back, stating that having two days
before this reached the house, he had proceeded in
search of the Indians ; but it described his party as so
debilitated that ft was doubtful whether they would
be able to reach Fort Providence. The sufferings en¬
dured by this meritorious officer and his little party,
one of whom was frozen to death, were equally
* Franklin’s Journey, pp. 438, 439
WHICH IS FOUND DESERTED.
235
dreadful with those which fell to the share of his
excellent commander.*
The poor sufferers, thus grievously disappointed,
now examined the deserted habitation for the means
of subsistence, and found several deer-skins thrown
away during their former residence at the fort. The
heaps of ashes were carefully raked, and a consi¬
derable collection of bones discovered, which were
hoarded up for the purpose of being pounded and
manufactured into soup. The parchment originally
employed instead of glass had been torn from the
windows, and the place was exposed to all the in¬
clemency of an arctic winter ; but they succeeded in
filling the sashes with loose boards, and as the tem¬
perature of the outer air was now from 15° to 20°
below zero, this precaution was especially necessary.
To procure water they melted the frozen lumps of
snow, and the flooring of the neighbouring apart¬
ment was broken up for fuel.
Having completed these arrangements, they as¬
sembled round the fire, and were busy singeing the
hair off a deer-skin, when they were cheered by the
entrance of the interpreter, who had made his way
to the fort by a different route, through a country
he had never traversed before. Though by far the
strongest of the party, he was now so enfeebled by
famine that he could not follow two deer which
he had seen on his way. Next morning there was
a heavy gale from the south-east, and the snow
drifted so thick that no one ventured abroad. On
the evening of the succeeding day, a figure covered
with ice, benumbed with cold, and almost speech¬
less, staggered into the house : It was one of the
* See Mr Back’s interesting Narrative, Franklin’s Journe}7, p. 477>
236
NOTE FROM MR BACK.
Canadians who had been despatched with a note by
Mr Back, and having fallen into a rapid narrowly
escaped being drowned.* To change his dress, wrap
him in warm blankets, and pour some soup over his
throat, was their first care ; and after a little he re¬
vived enough to answer the anxious questions with
which he was assailed. From his replies but little
comfort was derived. Mr Back had seen no trace of
the Indians, and the messenger’s recollection appear¬
ed confused with regard to the part of the country
where he had left his officer, who, as he stated, in¬
tended to proceed to the spot where the Indian
chief Akaitcho had encamped last summer, — a dis¬
tance of about thirty miles. Thither he proposed to
follow when he was a little recruited ; and, though
dissuaded from the attempt, persisted that as the
track was beaten he would be able to make it out,
and to convey intelligence of the situation of Cap¬
tain Franklin’s party. Accordingly, the fifth day
after his arrival, he departed from the fort with a
small supply of singed hide.
Not long after, Adam, one of the five men who
now remained with Captain Franklin, became so
ill that he was utterly incapable of moving, and it
was discovered that he had been for some time
afflicted with oedematous swellings in various parts
of his body, which he had hitherto generously con¬
cealed from a wish not to impede the movements of
his companions. As it was impossible for this poor
man to travel, it was necessary to abandon the ori¬
ginal intention of proceeding with the whole party to
Fort Providence, and Peltier and Samandre, who were
in almost as weak a state, having expressed a wish to
* Franklin’s Journey, pp. 440, 441.
FRANKLIN ATTEMPTS TO PROCEED. 237
remain with Adam, Captain Franklin, along with
Augustus and Benoit, determined to press on to Fort
Providence, and to send relief to their companions
by the first party of Indians they should meet.
Having accordingly given directions regarding the
journals and charts which were left in their custody,
and the best mode of forwarding succour to Mr Hood
and Dr Richardson, Franklin set forward with his
two attendants ; but so feeble had they become,
that the distance accomplished in six hours was only
four miles. They encamped on the borders of Round
Rock Lake, and, unable to find any tripe de roche,
made their supper upon fried deer-skin. The night
proved intensely cold, and although they crept as
close to each other as possible, they shivered in every
limb, and the wind pierced through their famished
frames.* Next morning was mild, and they set out
early, but had scarce proceeded a few yards, when
Franklin fell between two rocks and broke his
snow-shoes, an accident which incapacitated him
from keeping up with Benoit and Augustus. In a
very short time his attempt to press forward com¬
pletely exhausted him ; and as the only hope of pre¬
serving the lives of the party appeared to rest on their
speedily reaching Fort Providence, he determined,
rather than retard them, to retrace his steps to the
house whilst they proceeded for assistance. Call¬
ing a moment’s halt, he addressed one note to Mr
Back, requesting an immediate supply of meat from
Rein Deer Lake, and another to the commandant
at Fort Providence, with urgent intreaties for assist¬
ance. This done, Augustus and Benoit resumed
their journey, and Franklin returned to the house.
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 444.
7
238 FRANKLIN JOINED BY HIS FRIENDS,
On arriving he found Adam, Samandre, and Pel-
tier still alive ; hut the two first, whose minds seem¬
ed quite enfeebled, could not be prevailed on to leave
their bed, and their nervous weakness was so great
that they scarcely ceased shedding tears all day.
It was even with difficulty that they were prevailed
on to take any nourishment ; and the labour of cut¬
ting and carrying fuel, gathering the tripe de roche,
and cooking, fell entirely upon Franklin and Peltier.
The frost was now so severe that it was evident
this lichen would soon be bound up in ice, and, as
their strength daily declined, every exertion became
irksome. When once seated, it required a painful
effort to rise up, and not unfrequently they had to
lift each other from their chairs. This miserable
condition could not last long. Peltier soon became
almost incapable of holding the hatchet ; the bone-
soup had grown so acrid as to corrode the inside of
their mouths ; the tripe de roche, covered with ice,
defied all efforts to detach it from the rock ; and
though the rein-deer sported on the banks of the
river, no one had strength to go after them, or to
hold a gun so steadily as to secure an aim.
Still the hopes and cheerfulness of Franklin did
not desert him. From his knowledge of the places
mostly frequented at that season by the Indians, he
was sanguine as to the likelihood of their being
found ; and their speedy arrival formed a constant
subject of conversation. At length on the evening
of the 29th, when talking of this long looked-for re¬
lief, and sitting round the fire, Peltier suddenly leapt
up and uttered a joyful exclamation, imagining he
heard the bustle of the Indians in the adjoining
room. It was not the Indians, however, but Dr
DR RICHARDSON AND HEPBURN. 239
Richardson and Hepburn, who came in each car¬
rying his bundle. The meeting was one of mingled
joy and sorrow. Poor Hood’s absence was instantly
perceived, and their saddest anticipations were con¬
firmed by Dr Richardson declaring that this young
officer and Michel were dead, and that neither Per-
rault nor Fontano had reached the tent, or been heard
of. Such news could not fail to create despondency.
All were shocked at the emaciated countenances
and hollow voices of Dr Richardson and his com¬
panion, while Captain Franklin and his fellow-
sufferers, having become gradually accustomed to
the dreadful effects of famine upon each other, were
not aware that, to the eyes of their friends who had
just arrived, the alteration upon themselves was
equally melancholy. “ The doctor,” says Frank¬
lin, “ particularly remarked the sepulchral tone of
our voices, which he requested us to make more
cheerful if possible, not aware that his own partook
of the same key.”*
The arrival of these friends, however, was soon at¬
tended with a favourable change. Though greatly
reduced they were still in a better condition than
their unfortunate companions, and it was not long till
Hepburn shot a partridge. Dr Richardson speedily
tore off the feathers, and having held it for a few mi¬
nutes at the fire divided it into six pieces : Franklin
and his companions ravenously devoured their por¬
tions, “ being the first morsel of flesh that any of them
had tasted for thirty-one days,” and Dr Richardson
cheered them with the prospect that Hepburn might
possibly bring in a deer in his next expedition.
The counsels and example of this pious and intelli¬
gent man produced the best effects on the spirits
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 447-
240 HAPPY EFFECT OF HEPBURNS COUNSELS.
of the party. He had brought with him his Testa¬
ment and Prayer-book, and by reading portions of
scripture appropriate to their situation, and en¬
couraging them to join in prayer and thanksgiving,
he led them to the only source whence, under
the awful circumstances in which they were placed,
they could derive hope or consolation. He taught
them the necessity of exertion, whatever pain it
might at first cost ; roused them to pay some atten¬
tion to the cleanliness of their apartment, and in¬
sisted particularly, that during the day they should
roll up their blankets, which they had been in the
practice of leaving beside the fire where they slept.
Their several tasks were now allotted to each ;
Hepburn and Richardson went out in search of deer ;
while Franklin, being unable to walk far, remain¬
ed nearer the house, and digged under the snow for
skins, which, during their former happy winter resi¬
dence at this station, when they killed and ate
abundance of game, were thrown away as useless,
but now in their almost putrid state formed their
principal support. The cutting of firewood was
intrusted to Peltier and Samandre ; but both were
so weak and dispirited that it was generally per¬
formed by Hepburn on his return from hunting ;
as for Adam, his legs were still so severely swollen
that he kept his bed, though an operation perform¬
ed by Dr Richardson gave him some ease. In the
midst of these necessary cares, all seemed for a
while to dread approaching the subject of Hood and
Michel’s death ; but at length one evening, on the
return of the Doctor from hunting, and after having
despatched their usual supper of singed skin and
bone-soup, they requested him to relate the particu¬
lars, and a more afflicting, or in some respects a
Richardson’s narrative.
241
more terrific story, as it appears in his published
narrative, could not well be conceived.
He stated, that after being left by Captain Frank¬
lin they remained beside the fire as long as it lasted.
Having no tripe de roche, they supped on an infusion
of the country tea-plant, which was grateful from its
warmth, but afforded no nourishment, and retired to
rest. Next day proved stormy, and the snow being
so deep that a fire could not be kindled with the green
willows, they lay in bed reading some religious books
with which the party had been furnished before leav¬
ing England by the affectionate and pious care of a
lady. “ They proved,” says Richardson, “ of in¬
calculable benefit to us. We read portions of them
to each other as we lay in bed, in addition to the
morning and evening service, and found that they
inspired us on each perusal with so strong a sense of
the omnipresence of a beneficent God, that our si¬
tuation in these wilds appeared no longer destitute ;
and we conversed not only with calmness but with
cheerfulness, detailing with unrestrained confidence
the past events of our lives, and dwelling with hope
upon our future prospects.”*
The weather clearing up, Dr Richardson went out
in search of tripe de roche, leaving Mr Hood in bed
and Hepburn cutting willows for a fire ; but the rocks
were covered with ice and snow, and he was unsuc¬
cessful. On his return he found Michel the Iro¬
quois, who delivered the note from Franklin.t All
were surprised to see him alone ; but he stated that
Belanger had separated from him, and, as he sup¬
posed, lost his way, he himself having wandered far
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 449.
-f- Ibid. p. 449.
242
michel’s suspicious conduct.
from the straight road. They had afterwards good .
reason to suspect the truth of this story, but believed
it at that moment, and were rejoiced to see him
produce a hare and a partridge, — an unlooked-for
supply, which they received with humble thankful¬
ness to the Giver of all good. Franklin’s note ad¬
vised them to advance to a little wood of pines
which would afford better fuel ; and to this they re¬
moved under the guidance of Michel, who led them
straight to the spot.
As he had declared himself so little acquainted
with the country as to lose his way, it seemed
strange that he should at once conduct them to the
thicket. This roused their attention, and made
them feel rather uneasy as to his honesty ; and va¬
rious circumstances occurred to increase their sus¬
picions. He requested the loan of a hatchet, when
any other hunter would have taken only his knife.
He remained abroad all day without any definite
employment. He brought them some raw meat,
saying it was part of the carcass of a wolf ; but
which they had afterwards reason to believe was a
portion of the bodies of Belanger and Perrault,
whom they suspected him to have murdered. He
shunned the society of Dr Richardson and Mr Hood,
refusing to sleep in the tent, and preferring to lie
alone at the fire. On going out with the purpose of
remaining a whole day, he often returned abruptly,
and when questioned gave vague answers. In a
few days he began to regret that he had left Cap¬
tain Franklin’s party, refused to take any share in
the labour of cutting wood, talked in a surly and
insolent manner, and could scarcely be prevailed
upon to go out and hunt at all. These symptoms
MURDER OF MR HOOD.
243
of gloomy dissatisfaction increased ; he resisted all
entreaties, and when Mr Hood, who was now re¬
duced by famine to the last extremity, remonstrated
with him, he flew into a violent passion, and ex¬
claimed, " It is of no use hunting ; there are no ani¬
mals ; you had better kill and eat me.” He after¬
wards, however, consented to go out, but returned
upon some frivolous pretence ; and on the succeed¬
ing day that dreadful catastrophe took place, which
will be best given in the words of Dr Richardson’s
Journal.
“ In the morning,” says he, “ being Sunday, Oc¬
tober 20th, we again urged Michel to go a-hunting,
that he might, if possible, leave us some provision,
to-morrow being the day appointed for his quitting
us; but he showed great unwillingness to go out,
and lingered about the fire under the pretence of
cleaning his gun. After we had read the morning
service I went about noon to gather some tripe
de roche, leaving Mr Hood sitting before the tent
at the fireside arguing with Michel. Hepburn
was employed cutting down a tree at a small dis¬
tance from the tent, being desirous of accumulat¬
ing a quantity of firewood. A short time after
I went out I heard the report of a gun, and about
ten minutes afterwards Hepburn called to me in
a voice of great alarm to come directly. When I
arrived I found poor Hood lying lifeless at the
fireside, a ball having apparently entered his fore¬
head. I was at first horror-struck with the idea
that in a fit of despondency he had hurried him¬
self into the presence of his Almighty Judge by
an act of his own hand ; but the conduct of Michel
soon gave rise to other thoughts, and excited suspi-
244
MURDER OP MR HOOD
cions which were confirmed, when, upon examin¬
ing the body, I found that the shot had entered the
back part of the head and had passed out at the fore¬
head, whilst the muzzle of the gun had been ap¬
plied so close as to set fire to the nightcap behind.
The gun, which was of the longest kind supplied to
the Indians, could not have been placed in the po¬
sition to inflict such a wound except by a second
person. Upon inquiring of Michel how it hap¬
pened, he replied that Mr Hood had sent him into
the tent for the short gun, and that during his ab¬
sence the long gun had gone off, he did not know
whether by accident or not. He held the short gun
in his hand at the time he was speaking. Hepburn
afterwards asserted, that previous to the report of
the gun, Mr Hood and Michel were speaking to
each other in an elevated angry tone * — he added,
that Mr Hood being seated at the fireside was hid
from him by intervening willows ; but that on
hearing the report he looked up, and saw Michel
rising up from before the tent-door, or just behind
where Mr Hood was seated, and then going into the
tent. Thinking that the gun had been discharged
for the purpose of cleaning it, he did not go to the
fire at first ; and when Michel called to him that Mr
Hood was dead, a considerable time had elapsed.
* * Bickersteth’s Scripture Help was lying open
beside the body, as if it had fallen from his hand,
and it is probable he was reading it at the instant
of his death.”*
Such was the melancholy fate of Mr Hood,
a young officer of the highest promise, who by his
* Franklin’s Journey, vol. iv. 12mo ed. p. 109 — 112.
BY MICHEL THE IROQUOIS.
245
conduct had endeared himself to every member of the
expedition, and whose sufferings, as they were more
intense from the peculiarity of his constitution,
were borne with a placid and unpretending forti¬
tude, which it was impossible to contemplate with¬
out emotion. Both Dr Richardson and Hepburn
were convinced he had met his death from the hands
of Michel ; but to have accused him at that mo¬
ment would have been the extremity of rashness.
They were so reduced by famine that he could easi¬
ly have overpowered both. His appearance showed
that he possessed secret supplies of food ; he was
of great bodily strength, and was armed to the
teeth, carrying, besides his gun, a brace of pistols,
an Indian bayonet, and a knife. To have hinted a
suspicion, therefore, might have been instantly fatal,
and they affected to consider the death of their com¬
panion entirely accidental. As his weakness had
been the chief cause of delaying their journey, they
now set out for the fort, having first paid the last rites
to the dead in the only way which their situation
would permit. The ground was so hard and their
strength so exhausted, that to dig a grave was impos¬
sible ; so they carried the body into the willow grove
behind the tent, and returning to the fire read the
funeral service in addition to their evening devotions.
In the morning, having singed the hair off a por¬
tion of Mr Hood’s buffalo robe, they boiled and ate
it for breakfast. Meanwhile, the conduct of Michel
was so extraordinary, that had they not been already
convinced of his guilt, no doubt of it could have
remained. Though not a breath of their suspi¬
cions reached his ears, he repeatedly protested that
he was incapable of committing such an act ; he
246
THREATS OF MICHEL :
kept constantly on his guard ; appeared fearful of
leaving Dr Richardson and Hepburn alone even
for the shortest time ; and when Hepburn spoke he
listened anxiously, though very imperfectly ac¬
quainted with the English language, fixed his eyes
keenly upon him, and asked fiercely if he accused
him of the murder. He evinced great unwillingness
to set out for the fort, and wished Dr Richardson to
proceed to the Coppermine River, where he said the
woods would supply plenty of deer. On finding
this advice disregarded his conduct became more and
more alarming; he muttered to himself, fell into
sullen fits of abstraction, and used those convulsive
and abrupt gestures often involuntarily exhibited by
a person whose mind is full of some dreadful purpose.
Suddenly awakening from this reverie, he again ex¬
pressed his unwillingness to return to the fort, and
renewed his solicitations to Dr Richardson to repair
to the southern woods, where they would find
ample subsistence. On being requested to pursue
his own plan alone and leave them to continue
their journey, he broke into an ungovernable fury,
accused Hepburn of having told stories against
him, and assumed such airs of superiority as showed
that he knew they were both in his power, at the
same time giving vent to expressions of hatred against
the white people, calling them deadly enemies, and
affirming they had killed and eaten his uncle and
two of his relations.
None of these menaces were lost upon Richard¬
son and Hepburn ; both felt they were not safe in
this man’s company ; and these dreadful surmises
rose into certainty when he threw out hints that he
would free himself from all restraint on the morrow.
HIS DEATH.
247
Being now convinced that, as he had cruelly mur¬
dered Hood, he was resolved also to sacrifice them,
they ascribed his not having already done so to the
circumstance of his not knowing the way to the fort,
and requiring their guidance. They came to this
conclusion without any communication with each
other; for their fierce companion would not leave
them a moment, watching them with a malignant
look, and frequently muttering threats against Hep¬
burn. Towards evening, as they approached the spot
where it would be necessary to stop for the night,
Michel halted to gather tripe de roche, and to their
surprise bade them walk on and he would soon over¬
take them. Hepburn and Dr Richardson, now left
alone together for the first time since Mr Hood’s
death, rapidly opened their minds to each other. In
addition to the facts already mentioned, others came
to light, which left not the slightest doubt as to
Michel’s guilt ; and so convinced was Hepburn of
there being no safety for them but in his death, that,
though a man of extreme benevolence and deep re¬
ligious principle, he offered to be the instrument of it
himself. “ Had my own life,” says Dr Richardson,
“ alone been threatened, I would not have purchas¬
ed it by such a measure ; but I considered myself
as intrusted also with the protection of Hepburn’s,
a man who by his humane attentions and devoted¬
ness had so endeared himself to me, that I felt more
anxiety for his safety than for my own.” Animat¬
ed by such feelings, and convinced that Michel’s
death was necessary to self-preservation, he deter¬
mined that it ought to be by his own and not by Hep¬
burn’s hand, and on his coming up shot him through
the head with a pistol. It appeared that he had ga-
248
ARRIVAL AT THE FORT.
thered no tripe de roche, and had halted to put his
gun in order, no doubt with the intention of attack¬
ing them when in the act of encamping.*
Dr Richardson and Hepburn now pursued their
way to the fort; but fatigue, and want of food and fuel,
had nearly proved fatal to them. They remarked,
however, that repeatedly when death seemed inevit¬
able an unexpected supply of provisions again restor¬
ed them ; and the confidence that, when no human
help was nigh, they were supported by a merciful
God, inspired them with renewed hope. At last they
had the delight of beholding from an eminence the
smoke issuing from the chimney of the fort, and
immediately after embracing those friends for whose
fate they had entertained so many melancholy fore¬
bodings. So ended this interesting narrative.
The whole party were now once more united,
but under circumstances of the most distressing pri¬
vation ; all emaciated to such a degree as to look
like living skeletons ; their hands shook from weak¬
ness, so that to take an aim was impossible ; and
the rein-deer, partridges, and other game, flew or
bounded past in joyousness and security, whilst the
unhappy beings who beheld them were gaunt with
hunger. The winter was closing in with all its
horrors ; it became daily more difficult to procure
fuel, the labour of cutting and carrying the logs be¬
ing so grievous that only Dr Richardson and Hep¬
burn could undertake it ; and to scrape the ground
for bones, and to cook this miserable meal, was all
Captain Franklin could accomplish. On 1st No¬
vember, the Doctor obtained some tripe de roche ; and
* Franklin’s Journey, pp. 457, 458.
DEATH OF PELTIER AND SAMANDRE. 249
as Peltier and Samandre were in the last stage of
exhaustion, it was hoped a little of the soup might
revive them. All was in vain ; they tasted a few
spoonfuls, but soon complained of a soreness in their
throats, and both died in the course of the night, ap¬
parently without pain. To inter the bodies, or even
carry them to the river, was a task for which the unit¬
ed strength of the survivors was inadequate ; all they
could do was to remove them into an opposite part
of the house ; and the living and the dead remained
in awful contiguity under the same roof.
The party was now reduced to four, — Frank¬
lin, Richardson, Hepburn, and Adam. The last
had become dreadfully low since the death of his
companions, and could not bear to be left alone for
a moment. Their stock of bones was exhausted, and
in a short time it was evident that the severity of the
frost must render the gathering of the tripe de roche
impossible. Under these circumstances, with death
by famine approaching every hour, this little band
of pious and brave men were supported by an un¬
wavering reliance on the mercy of God. “ We read
prayers/’ says Captain Franklin, “ and a portion of
the New Testament in the morning and evening,
as had been our practice since Dr Richardson’s ar¬
rival ; and I may remark, that the performance of
these duties always afforded us the greatest conso¬
lation, serving to reanimate our hope in the mercy
of the Omnipotent, who alone could save and deli¬
ver us.”* It seemed as if it were the mysterious
design of the Almighty to permit them to be re¬
duced to the lowest depth of suffering, that his
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 464.
250
UNEXPECTED RELIEF.
power might be magnified at the very moment
when every human effort appeared utterly impo¬
tent. Hitherto Dr Richardson and Hepburn had
been the healthiest of the party, but they had over¬
wrought themselves, and both sunk rapidly. Owing
to their loss of flesh, the hardness of the floor, from
which they were only protected by a single blanket,
rendered the whole surface of their bodies sore ; yet
the labour of turning from one side to the other was
too much for them. As their strength sunk, their
mental faculties partook of the weakness of their
frame ; and, to employ the candid and simple ex¬
pressions of the excellent leader, “ an unreason¬
able pettishness with each other began to manifest
itself, each believing the other weaker in intel¬
lect than himself, and more in need of advice and
assistance.” During this gloomy period, after the first
acute pains of hunger, which lasted but for three or
four days, had subsided, they generally enjoyed the
refreshment of sleep, accompanied by dreams which
for the most part partook of a pleasant character, and
very often related to the pleasures of feasting.*
Help, however, was now near at hand, and we
shall not impair the affecting description of their
deliverance by giving it in any other than Captain
Franklin’s own words : — “ On November 7th, Adam
had passed a restless night, being disquieted by
gloomy apprehensions of approaching death, which
they tried in vain to dispel. He was so low in the
morning as scarcely to be able to speak, and Cap¬
tain Franklin remained by his bedside to cheer
him as much as possible, whilst the Doctor and
* Franklin’s Journey, pp. 465, 466.
ARRIVAL OF THE INDIANS.
251
Hepburn went out to cut wood. They had hardly
begun their labour when they were amazed at
hearing the report of a musket, and could scarcely
believe that there was any one near till they heard
a shout, and espied three Indians close to the house.
Adam and Franklin heard the latter noise, and
were fearful that some part of the house had
fallen upon one of their companions, — a disaster
which had been thought not unlikely. The alarm
was only momentary; for Dr Richardson came in
to communicate the joyful intelligence that relief
had arrived. He and Captain Franklin imme¬
diately addressed their thanksgivings to the Throne
of Mercy for this deliverance ; but poor Adam was
in so low a state that he could scarcely comprehend
the information. When the Indians entered he at¬
tempted to rise, but immediately sank down again.
But for this seasonable interposition of Providence,
his existence must have terminated in a few hours,
and that of the rest probably in not many days.”*
The Indians who had been despatched by Mr Back
had travelled with great expedition, and brought
a small supply of provisions. They imprudent¬
ly presented too much food at first ; and though
aware of the effects which might arise from a sur¬
feit, and warned by Dr Richardson to eat very spar¬
ingly, the sight of the venison was irresistible ; and
it was devoured by them all, not excluding the Doc¬
tor himself, with an avidity that soon produced the
most acute pains, which during the night deprived
them of rest. Adam, whose weakness rendered him
unable to feed himself, was not subjected to the
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 467.
252 GREAT KINDNESS OF THE INDIANS.
same inconvenience, and taking moderate meals
revived hourly. All now was thankfulness and
cheerful activity. Boudel-kell, the youngest In¬
dian, after an hour’s rest, returned to the en¬
campment of Akaitcho, the Dog-rib chief, carry¬
ing a note from Captain Franklin, and a request
for another supply of provisions. The two others,
named in their familiar manner Crooked Foot and
the Rat, remained to nurse the white men. Under
their care the apartment lately so desolate, and
something between a sepulchre and a lazar-house,
assumed a gladdened look which had the best ef¬
fect. The dead bodies were removed, the room
cleaned of its filth and fragments of pounded bones,
and large cheerful fires produced a sensation of
comfort to which they had long been strangers.
The poor sufferers had often cast a wishful eye on
a pile of dried wood near the river, but were utter¬
ly unable to carry it up the bank. When pointed
out to the Indians, they fetched it home with a ra¬
pidity which astonished their feeble friends. “ They
set about every thing,” says Franklin, “ with an
activity which amazed us. Indeed, contrasted with
our emaciated figures and extreme debility, their
frames appeared to us gigantic, and their strength
supernatural.”
Under the care of the Indians, and the bless¬
ing of wholesome and regular meals, the strength
of the party was so far restored, that, although
still feeble, on the 16th, after having united in
prayer and thanksgiving to God for their deliver¬
ance, they left Fort Enterprise, — a spot where,
as they had formerly enjoyed much comfort if
not happiness, they had latterly experienced a de-
CONCLUSION OF THE EXPEDITION. 253
gree of misery scarcely to be paralleled.* The
Indians treated them with unremitting kindness,
gave them their own snow-shoes, and walked at
their side to be ready to lift them up when they
fell. In this manner they pushed forward to the
abode of Akaitcho, the Indian chief, who welcomed
them with the utmost hospitality. Soon after they
received letters from their friends at Fort Provi¬
dence, and the messenger also brought two trains of
dogs, a package of spirits and tobacco for the In¬
dians, and a supply of shirts and clothes for Cap¬
tain Franklin and his companions. The gratifica¬
tion of changing their linen, which had been unin¬
terruptedly worn ever since their departure from
the seacoast, is described as conveying an intensity
of comfort to which no words can do justice. From
this spot their progress to Fort Providence and thence
to Montreal was prosperous and easy; and thus
terminated their long, fatiguing, and disastrous tra¬
vels in North America, having journeyed by water
and by land, including their navigation of the Po¬
lar Sea, 5550 miles.
So disastrous had been the result of his first expe¬
dition, and so appalling the sufferings with which
it was accompanied, that nothing assuredly can con¬
vey a more honourable testimony to the enthusias¬
tic zeal and unshaken perseverance of Captain
Franklin, than the statement of the simple fact,
that towards the close of 1823, having learnt the
determination of government to make another at¬
tempt to effect a northern passage by sea between
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, he, to use his own
* Franklin’s Journey, p. 470.
254
franklin’s second journey :
words, “ ventured to lay before his Majesty’s go¬
vernment a plan for an expedition overland to the
mouth of the Mackenzie River, and thence by sea
to the north-western extremity of America, with
the combined object also of surveying the coast be¬
tween the Mackenzie and the Coppermine Rivers.”
It was the opinion of this able officer that, in the
course he now proposed to follow, reverses similar
to those which had surrounded his first journey
were scarcely to be apprehended ; and his views hav¬
ing met the approbation of government, he received
directions for the equipment of the expedition, and
was nominated its commander. He had the satis¬
faction also of being once more accompanied by his
valued friend Dr Richardson, who, unappalled by his
former dreadful sufferings, again offered his services
as naturalist and surgeon, and volunteered to un¬
dertake the survey of the coast between the Macken¬
zie and Coppermine Rivers, while Captain Franklin
was occupied in an attempt to reach Icy Cape.* Pre¬
vious to the departure of the ships a correspondence
was opened with the governor and directors of the
Hudson’s Bay Company ; who transmitted injunc¬
tions to their officers in the fur-countries, to provide
depots of provisions at the stations pointed out by
Franklin.
The building of proper boats for the navigation of
the Arctic Sea, as well as the passage of the rapids
between York Factory and Mackenzie River, formed
the next object of attention. It was evident that the
canoes of birch-bark employed by Sir A. Macken¬
zie, and by Captain Franklin in his first journey,
* Franklin’s Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of
the Polar Sea. Introductory Chapter, p. 10.
HIS PREPARATIONS.
255
though excellently adapted for the American rivers,
uniting lightness and facility of repair with speed,
were yet, from the tenderness of the bark, little fit¬
ted to resist the force of the arctic waves, or the
collision of the sharp-pointed masses of ice. Captain
Franklin accordingly obtained the Admiralty’s per¬
mission to have three boats constructed at Wool¬
wich under his own superintendence. “ They were
built,” says he, cf of mahogany, with timbers of ash,
both ends exactly alike, and fitted to be steered
either with a ship-oar or a rudder. The largest,
being twenty-six feet long and five feet four inches
broad, was adapted for six rowers, a steersman, and
an officer ; it was found to be capable of carrying
three tons weight in addition to the crew, and could
be transported with ease on the shoulders of six men.
The two other boats were twenty-four feet in length,
four feet ten inches broad, and held a crew of five
men, besides a steersman and an officer, with an
extra weight of two and a half tons. In addition
to these another little vessel was constructed at
Woolwich, which reflected great credit upon its
inventor, Lieutenant-Colonel Pasley of the Royal
Engineers. Its shape was exactly that of one of
the valves of a walnut-shell, and it was framed of
well-seasoned planks of ash fastened together with
thongs, and covered with Mackintosh’s prepared can¬
vass. It weighed only eighty-five pounds, and when
taken to pieces could be made up in five or six par¬
cels, and again put together in less than twenty mi¬
nutes, although it was nine feet long by four feet
four inches in breadth.”* Each person on board
* Franklin’s Second Journey, Intro. Chap. pp. 15, 18.
256 DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION.
was provided with two suits of water-proof dresses,
prepared by Mr Mackintosh of Glasgow ; the guns,
which were of the same bore as the fowling-pieces
furnished by the Hudson’s Bay Company to the In¬
dian hunters, had their locks tempered to resist the
cold ; each being fitted with a broad Indian dagger
similar to a bayonet, which, on being disjoined,
could be used as a knife. Ammunition of the best
quality, and a store of provisions sufficient for two
years, were also supplied.
The expedition sailed from Liverpool on 16th
February 1825, and after a favourable passage to
New York proceeded to Albany, travelled through
Utica, Rochester, and Geneva, crossed the Niagara
and Lake Ontario, coasted the northern shore of
Lake Superior, and thence pushed forward through
Rainy Lake, the Lake of the Woods, Lake Winipeg,
Saskatchawan River, and arrived at Cumberland
House on 15th June. From this station, proceeding
northward to Isle a la Crosse, and passing through
Deep River and Clear and Buffalo Lakes, they
overtook their boats in Methye River on the morn¬
ing of 29th June. The advanced period of the sea¬
son rendered it impossible to embark on the Mac¬
kenzie before the middle of August, so that it be¬
came necessary to postpone the great expedition
till the ensuing summer. They accordingly esta¬
blished their winter-quarters on the banks, erecting
a habitation and store, which they named Fort
Franklin. The superintendence of these buildings
was committed to Lieutenant Back, while Captain
Franklin determined to descend the river, take a
view of the state of the Polar Sea, and return to
winter-quarters before the extreme cold should set in.
fi
ARRIVAL AT WHALE ISLAND. 257
In this voyage there occurred nothing worthy of
particular notice till the arrival at Whale Island,
where, though Mackenzie had the strongest reasons
to conclude that he had reached the sea, he appears
not to have been completely satisfied on that point.
Probably his doubts arose from the fresh taste of
the water. Franklin, however, proceeded beyond
Whale Island, and reached the shore of the great
Arctic Ocean. “ Embarking/' says he, “ at eleven
a.m., we continued our course along the shore of
Ellice Island, until we found its coast trendingsouth-
ward of east. There we landed, and were rejoiced
at the sea-like appearance to the northward. An
island was now discovered to the north-east, looking
blue from its distance, towards which the boat was
immediately directed. The water, which for the last
eight miles had been very shallow, became gradu¬
ally deeper,, and of a more green colour, though still
fresh, even when we had entirely lost sight of the
eastern land. In the middle of the traverse we
were caught by a strong contrary wind, against
which our crews cheerfully contended for five hours.
Unwilling to return without attaining the object of
our search, when the strength of the rowers was
nearly exhausted the sails were set double-reefed,
and our excellent boat mounted over the waves in
a most buoyant manner, whilst an opportune alter¬
ation of the wind enabled us in the course of another
hour to fetch into smoother water under the shelter
of the island. We then pulled across a line of strong
ripple, which marked the termination of the fresh
water, that on the seaward side being brackish ; and
in the farther progress of three miles to the island,
we had the indescribable pleasure of finding the wa-
Q
258
ACCURACY OF MACKENZIE.
ter decidedly salt. The sun was setting as the
boat touched the beach ; we hastened to the most
elevated part of the island, about 250 feet high,
to look around ; and never was a prospect more
gratifying than that which lay open to us. The
Rocky Mountains were seen from S. W. to W.^N.,
and from the latter point, round by the north, the
sea appeared in all its majesty, entirely free from
ice, and without any visible obstruction to its navi¬
gation. Many seals and black and white whales
were seen sporting on its waves, and the whole scene
was calculated to excite in our minds the most flat¬
tering expectations of our own success and that of
our friends in the Hecla and the Fury.”* Frank¬
lin pronounces a high encomium on the accuracy of
Mackenzie, and considers him as completely en¬
titled to the praise of having reached the Arctic Sea,
although, owing to the frail construction of the In¬
dian canoes, it was impossible for him to sail to the
point where the water became salt.
Having accomplished his design in this prelimi¬
nary journey, Franklin returned on 5th Septem¬
ber to his winter-quarters on Great Bear Lake.
About the same time Dr Richardson arrived from
his excursion to the north-eastern shores of the same
extensive sheet of water, having completed his sur¬
vey as far as the influx of Dease’s River, and as¬
certained that the first rapid was the best point to
which the eastern detachment of the expedition
should direct its course on their return from the
Coppermine in the following season. Meantime
the people were so busily employed that time never
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 34 — 36.
WINTER EMPLOYMENTS.
259
hung heavy on their hands, and the shortest day
came almost unexpectedly upon them. The Ca¬
nadians and Indians were engaged in fishing and
hunting for the support of the whole party, and
during the autumn the nets yielded daily eight
hundred fish of the kind called herring-salmon.
Four Dog-rib Indians, along with the two interpre¬
ters, Augustus and Ooligbuck, were employed in
hunting rein-deer, and the sailors were divided into
different parties, to whom separate duties were al¬
lotted ; such as attending on the nets, bringing home
the venison killed by the hunters, felling, carrying,
and splitting wood, and exercising themselves in
running as letter-carriers on snow-shoes between
Fort Franklin and two other small posts established
on the Mackenzie and Slave Lake. A school also
was opened, in which, during the long winter even¬
ings, the officers instructed the sailors in reading,
writing, and arithmetic ; and during the hours of
relaxation the hall was given up to the men to di¬
vert themselves with any game they chose; on
which occasions they were always joined by the
officers. Sunday was invariably a day of rest, and
the whole party attended divine service morning
and evening. Besides this, the officers had ample
employment in noting down the thermometrical,
magnetical, and atmospherical observations, in writ¬
ing their journals, finishing their charts and draw¬
ings, and arranging the objects of natural history
which had been collected.* They were amused by
occasional visits of the Dog-rib Indians and various
other tribes ; and Christmas-day falling on a Sun-
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 54 — 56.
260
APPROACH OP SPRING.
day, they on the succeeding evening gave a dance
and supper, which was attended by sixty persons
including savages. “ Seldom,” says Franklin, “ in
such a confined space as our hall, or amongst the
same number of persons, was there a greater variety
of character or greater confusion of tongues. The
party consisted of Englishmen, Highlanders (who
mostly conversed with each other in Gaelic), Cana¬
dians (who spoke French), Esquimaux, Chipewy-
ans, Dog-ribs, Hare Indians, Cree women and chil¬
dren, all mingled together in perfect harmony,
whilst the amusements were varied by English,
Gaelic, and French songs.”*
The spring now approached, and the migratory
animals, which observe with beautiful exactness
their periods of departure and arrival, began to ap¬
pear, gladdening the yet wintry face of nature.
On 5th October the last swan had passed to the
southward, and on the 11th the last brown duck
was noticed. On 6th May the first swan was seen,
and on the 8th the brown ducks reappeared on the
lake. The mosses began to sprout, and various
singing birds and orioles, along with some swifts
and white geese, arrived soon after. It is remarked
by Dr Richardson, that the singing birds, which
were silent on the banks of the Bear Lake during
the day, serenaded their mates at midnight; at
which time, however, it was quite light. On 20th
May the little stream which flowed past the fort
burst its icy chains, and the laughing geese arrived
to give renewed cheerfulness to the lake. Soon after
this the winter green began to push forth its flowers ;
Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 67.
EMBARKATION ON THE MACKENZIE. 261
and under the increasing warmth of the sun’s rays
the whole face of nature underwent a delightful
change. The snow gradually melted, the ice broke
up from the shores of the lake, the northern sky
became red and luminous at midnight, the dwarf-
birch and willows expanded their leaves, and by
the 3d June the anemones, the tussilago, the Lap-
land rose, and other early plants, were in full flower.*
Admonished by these pleasing changes Captain
Franklin prepared to set out, and on 15th June the
equipments for the boats were completed. Four¬
teen men, including Augustus the Esquimaux in¬
terpreter, accompanied the commander-in-chief and
Lieutenant Back in the two larger boats, the Lion
and the Reliance ; whilst nine men, and Oolig-
buck another interpreter, attended Dr Richard¬
son and Mr Kendall in the Dolphin and the Union.
Spare blankets, and all that could be useful for
the voyage, or as presents to the Esquimaux, were
divided between the eastern and western parties.
On the Sunday before their departure, the offi¬
cers and men assembled at divine worship, and, in
addition to the usual service, the special protection
of the Almighty was implored for the enterprise
upon which they were about to be engaged. All
was now ready, and on Tuesday, 28th June, they
embarked upon the Mackenzie, with the navigation
of which the reader is already familiar. On the
4th July they reached that part where the river
divides into various channels, and the two parties had
determined to pursue different directions. The expe¬
dition which was to follow the western branch,
* Richardson’s Meteorological Tables.
262
MOUTH OF THE MACKENZIE.
commanded by Captain Franklin, embarked first
at Dr Richardson’s desire, with a salute of three
hearty cheers from their companions, and as they
dropt down the river and passed round a point of
land they perceived their friends who were to fol¬
low the eastern branch employed in the bustle of
embarkation. All were in high spirits, and it was
impossible not to contrast their present complete
state of equipment with the circumstances of their
first disastrous journey.
On reaching the mouth of the Mackenzie, the
western expedition came almost immediately into
contact with the Esquimaux. Captain Franklin ob¬
served an encampment upon a neighbouring island,
and instantly proceeded to open a communication.
A selection of presents was made, and at the same
time every man was directed to have his gun
ready for use. Having adopted these precautions,
they steered direct for the island with their ensigns
flying. The boats touched ground when about
a mile from the beach. Signs were made to the
Esquimaux to come off, and the English pulled
back a little to await their arrival in deeper water.
Three canoes, each carrying only a single person,
pushed off, and these were followed rapidly by others;
so that in a few minutes the whole space between
the boats and the shore was alive with those little
vessels which they name kayaks. An attempt wras
at first made to count them, and the sailors got
the length of seventy ; but they increased in such
quick succession as to baffle their farther efforts.
At first every thing proceeded in a friendly man¬
ner. Augustus, after delivering a present, informed
them, that if the English succeeded in finding a na-
ESQUIMAUX.
263
vigable channel for large ships, an advantageous trade
would he opened. This intimation was received
with a deafening shout, and the sight of the presents
which had been carried away by the three foremost
kayaks inflamed the cupidity of their companions ;
so that the boats were in a moment surrounded by
nearly 300 persons, offering for sale their bows, ar¬
rows, and spears, with a violence and perseverance
which became at last exceedingly troublesome, and
Captain Franklin directed the boats to be put to
seaward. At this moment a kayak was upset by
one of the oars of the Lion, and its unhappy pos¬
sessor was stuck by the accident with his head in
the mud, and his heels in the air. He was in¬
stantly extricated, wrapt in a warm great-coat, and
placed in the boat, where, although at first exces¬
sively frightened and angry, he soon became recon¬
ciled to his situation, and looking about, discovered
many bales and other articles which had hitherto
been carefully concealed. His first impulse was to
ask for every thing he saw, his next to be indignant
that his requests were not granted; and on join¬
ing his companions, as they afterwards learned, he
harangued on the inexhaustible riches of the Lion,
and proposed a plan for a general attack and pillage
of both the boats. This scheme was immediately
carried into execution ; and although the plunderers
at first affected to be partly in sport, matters soon
assumed a serious complexion. Two of the most
powerful men, leaping on board, seized Captain
Franklin, forced him to sit between them, and
when he shook them off, a third took his station in
front to catch his arm whenever he attempted to
raise his gun or lay his hand on the broad dagger
264 VIOLENT CONDUCT OF THE ESQUIMAUX.
which hung by his side. During this assault the
two boats were violently dragged to the shore, and
a numerous party, stripping to the waist and bran¬
dishing their long sharp knives, ran to the Reliance,
and commenced a regular pillage, handing the ar¬
ticles to the women, who, ranged in a row behind,
quickly conveyed them out of sight. No sooner
was the bow cleared of one set of marauders than
another party commenced their operations at the
stern. The Lion was beset by smaller numbers,
and her crew, by firmly keeping their seats on the
canvass cover spread over the cargo, and beating off
the natives with the butt-end of their muskets,
succeeded in preventing any article of importance
from being carried away. Irritated, at length, by
their frequent failure, the Esquimaux made a si¬
multaneous charge, and, leaping on board, began to
wrest the daggers and shot-belts from the sailors,
and to strike with their knives. In the midst of
this attack, when the crew in the Lion were nearly
overpowered and their commander disarmed, all at
once the natives took to their heels, and concealed
themselves behind the drift-timber and canoes on
the beach. This sudden panic was occasioned by
Captain Back, whose boat at this time had been got
afloat, commanding his crew to level their muskets,
— a proceeding which was immediately observed by
the Esquimaux, though not noticed by Captain
Franklin’s men, who were wholly occupied in de¬
fending themselves. The Lion happily floated soon
after ; and as botli boats pulled off, Captain Frank¬
lin desired Augustus to inform some of the Esqui¬
maux, who manifested a disposition to follow and
renew the attack, that he would shoot the first
SPEECH OF AUGUSTUS.
265
man who ventured to approach within musket-
range.*
In the evening, Augustus anxiously entreated
permission to attend a conference of his countrymen
on the shore, to which he had been formally invited.
The courage and fidelity of this person had much
endeared him to the English, and it was not with¬
out hesitation that Captain Franklin agreed to his
request, as he stated his determination to reprove
the natives for their disgraceful conduct. He was
at length allowed to go, and by the time he reached
the shore the number of Esquimaux amounted to
forty, all of them armed. On landing, he walk¬
ed undauntedly into the middle of the assembly,
and addressed them in the following animated
speech, which he afterwards repeated to his English
friends : — “ Your conduct,” said he, “ has been very
bad, and unlike all other Esquimaux. Some of
you even stole from me, your countryman — but that
I do not mind. I only regret that you should have
treated in this violent manner the white people,
who came solely to do you kindness. My tribe
were in the same unhappy state in which you now
are before the white people came to Churchill ; but
at present they are supplied with every thing they
need; and you see that I am well clothed, I get
every thing I want, and am very comfortable. You
cannot expect, after the transactions of this day,
that these people will ever bring any articles to your
country again, unless you show your contrition by
returning the stolen goods. The white people love
the Esquimaux, and wish to show them the same
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 101 — 107.
266
PEACE RESTORED.
kindness that they bestow upon the Indians. Do
not deceive yourselves and suppose that they are
afraid of you ; I tell you they are not, and that it
is entirely owing to their humanity that many of
you were not killed to-day., for they have all guns
with which they can destroy you either near or at
a distance. I also have a gun, and can assure you
that if a white man had fallen, I would have been
the first to have revenged his death.” During this
speech, which was delivered, as they perceived from
the boats, with much energy and spirited gesticu¬
lation, the Esquimaux expressed their approbation
by frequent shouts, and on its conclusion made a
very penitent, though somewhat singular apology :
" They had never seen white men before,” they
said, “ and really all the things in the boats were
so beautiful and desirable that it was impossible
not to steal them. As they were very anxious,
however, for the friendship and trade of the white
men, they solemnly promised never to repeat such
conduct, and, at the request of Augustus, sent back
the large kettle, the tent, and some pairs of shoes
which they had carried off.”* The interpreter was
afterwards invited to a dance, and a friendly un¬
derstanding seemed to be established ; but Captain
Franklin soon discovered that the professions of the
natives were hollow and treacherous ; and nothing
but his jealous precautions saved him and his com¬
panions from massacre, in which it had been resolved
to include the faithful Augustus.
Their voyage along the coast in the direction of
west-north-west, after a progress of twelve miles, was
* Franklin’s Second Journey, pp. 108, 109.
CONTINUANCE OF THE VOYAGE. 267
impeded by the ice stretching from the shore far to
seaward. The boats were in consequence hauled
up ; and as the frozen masses were piled round to
the height of thirty feet, it became necessary to
await the breaking up of this formidable barrier.
Having gone to sleep, the officers were startled at
midnight by the guard calling to arms : Three Es¬
quimaux, belonging to a larger party encamped at
some distance, had stolen forward, and been only
discovered when close at hand. Alarmed at the ap¬
pearance of the men, who stood to their arms, the
strangers were on the point of discharging their ar¬
rows, when they were arrested by the loud voice of
Augustus, who explained the object of the expedi¬
tion, and dilated upon the advantages which they
would derive from it. A present confirmed his
statement, and an amicable intercourse was opened,
— a line, however, being first drawn at a certain
distance from the tents, across which no Esquimaux
was to pass under the penalty of being instantly
shot. Against this they made no remonstrance,
only remarking, when informed of the treacherous
conduct of the natives at the mouth of Mackenzie
River, that “ these were bad men, altogether dif¬
ferent from them, and never failed either to steal
or quarrel whenever an opportunity was offered.”
The delight exhibited by these people, including the
most elderly among them, on receiving any little
present, was exactly similar to that of children when
they get hold of toys. They ran from one thing to
another; examined with restless curiosity every
part of Augustus’ dress, who, to gratify his vanity,
had put on his gayest apparel ; and, ignorant of the
uses of the articles presented to them, they walk-
268 FRIENDLY ESQUIMAUX :
ed about with cod-fish hooks and awls dangling
from the nose, and copper thimbles strung to their
trousers or rein-deer jackets. The men were ro¬
bust, and taller than those seen on the east coast by
Captain Parry, though their manner of life appear¬
ed to be nearly the same. With the broad nose
and small eyes, which peculiarly distinguish the
whole Esquimaux tribes, they had the cheekbones
less projecting than those of the eastern coast. From
a constant exposure to the glare of the ice and snow,
the whole party were afflicted with sore eyes, and
two of the old men seemed nearly blind. They
wore the hair on the upper lip and chin, and every
man had pieces of bone or shells thrust through the
septum of the nose, whilst holes were pierced on
each side of the under lip, in which were placed
circular pieces of ivory with a large blue bead in
the centre, — ornaments which they valued highly,
and declined selling. Their clothes consisted of a
jacket of rein-deer skin, with a skirt behind and
before, and a small hood ; breeches of the same
material, and large seal-skin boots. The dress of
the females differed from that of the men only in
their wearing wide trousers, and in the size of their
hoods, which did not fit close to the head, but were
made large for the purpose of receiving their chil¬
dren : these were ornamented with stripes of dif¬
ferent coloured skins, and round the top was fas¬
tened a band of wolf’s hair, made to stand erect.
The women were from four feet and a half to four
feet three quarters high, and some of the younger,
though too corpulent, were pretty ; their black hair
was tastefully turned up from behind to the top of
the head, and braided with strings of white and
THEIR DRESS AND MANNERS
269
blue beads and cords of white deer-skin. Both
men and women were much pleased by having their
portraits sketched by Captain Back ; and one young
lady, who sat for a full-length and chose the extra¬
ordinary attitude of stuffing both hands into her
breeches-pockets, interrupted the labours of the
draughtsman by repeatedly jumping into the air,
and smiling in a very ludicrous and irresistible
manner. The men were armed with bows and ar¬
rows, long knives, which they concealed in the shirt¬
sleeve, and spears tipped with bone.*
* Franklin’s Second Journey, pp. 118, 119,
270
POINTS SABINE AND KAY.
The Esquimaux had predicted, that as soon as a
strong wind began to blow from the land it would
loosen the ice ; and on 12th July a heavy rain with a
pretty high gale set in, and opened up a passage. The
boats accordingly were launched; and, passing a
wide bay named by the commander after his friends
Captains Sabine and King, they were suddenly ar¬
rested by a compact body of ice, and enveloped at
the same time in a dense fog. On attempting to
pull back for the purpose of landing, they discover¬
ed that the ice had closed between them and the
shore. In this situation only one alternative was
left, which was to pull to seaward and trace the
outer border of the ice. This they at last effected ;
though a sudden change of wind brought on a heavy
swell, and surrounded them with floating masses of
ice, which threatened to crush the boats to pieces.
They succeeded, however, after five hours employed
in pulling in and out between these floating icebergs,
in reaching the shore and landing a little to the west
of Point Sabine. After a detention of two days they
proceeded as far as Point Kay ; but being here again
impeded by a compact body of ice, which extended
to seaward as far as the eye could reach, they were
obliged to encamp and wait patiently for the first
strong breeze from the land.
The time of their sojourn in these arctic solitudes
was pleasantly occupied in making astronomical ob¬
servations, collecting specimens of the plants in
flower, sketching scenery, and completing charts of
the coast. Augustus went in search of his country¬
men, and returned at night with a young Esqui¬
maux and his wife, who, after a few presents, became
loquacious, and informed them that the ice would
HERSCHEL ISLAND.
271
soon break up. Symptoms of this desirable change
were accordingly observed next day, and with great
labour they reached Herschel Island. At the mo¬
ment they made the shore a herd of rein-deer came
bounding down to the beach, pursued by three
Esquimaux hunters, and immediately took the
water, whilst the natives, startled at sight of the
strangers, gazed for a moment, consulted amongst
themselves, changed the heads of their arrows, and
prepared their bows. Their hostile intentions, how¬
ever, were laid aside when they were addressed by
Augustus ; and in the evening a large party arrived,
bringing dried meat, fish, and game, for which they
received presents in exchange, which set them sing¬
ing and dancing round the encampment for the
greater part of the night.
From these people was collected some curious in¬
formation. They stated that they procured beads,
knives, and iron, principally from Esquimaux re¬
siding far away to the west, and also from Indians
who came annually from the interior by a river di¬
rectly opposite the encampment, to which Captain
Franklin gave the name of Mountain Indian River.*
Whence the Indians or the Esquimaux obtained these
goods they could not tell, but supposed it was from
Kabloonacht or white men, at a great distance to the
west. The articles were not of British manufacture,
from which Captain Franklin concluded that the
Kabloonacht must be the Russian fur-traders.
It was with great difficulty that the boats made
even a short distance from Herschel Island. The ice
repeatedly closed in upon them, leaving only a nar-
* Franklin’s Second Journey, pp. 130, 131.
272
DENSE FOGS.
row channel, often too shallow to float the boats, and
dense fogs now became frequent, rendering their na¬
vigation peculiarly hazardous. These dreary curtains
hanging over the ice gave it the appearance of water,
and exposed them to the danger of being shut in by
an impenetrable barrier when they expected an open
sea. They continued their course, however, till
they came abreast of Mount Conybeare, when they
encamped, and crossing a swampy level ascended to
the summit, from which they enjoyed a striking
view into the interior. Three noble ranges of moun¬
tains were seen parallel to the Buckland chain, but
of less altitude, whilst the prospect was bounded by
a fourth range, mingling their pyramidal summits
with the clouds, and covered with snow. From
this last encampment their advance was extremely
slow. The boats were pushed forward through
small lanes, the utmost vigilance being necessary
to prevent their being entirely shut in, as a few
hours often made essential changes, and their
frail craft could only be saved by being frequently
hauled upon the beach. The calm weather also re¬
tarded them, and they earnestly longed for a strong
gale to break up the compacted fields of ice, and
permit them to continue their voyage.
After a detention of some days their wishes seem¬
ed about to be gratified : At midnight, on the 25th
July, a strong south-westerly breeze sprung up,
accompanied by thunder and lightning ; but in the
morning an impenetrable fog hung over the sea.
On the land side the prospect was equally dreary ;
an extensive swamp, in which they sunk ankle-deep
at every step, prevented any excursions into the in¬
terior, and the clouds of musquitoes which for ever
CLARENCE RIVER.
273
buzzed around them kept them in a perpetual irrita¬
tion. At length, however, the fog dispersed, disclos¬
ing an open lane of water about half a mile from
shore ; following its course for eight miles they came
to the mouth of a wide river, which had its rise in the
British range of mountains. Its course approached
near the line of demarcation between the American
dominions of Great Britain and Russia, and Cap¬
tain Franklin named it the Clarence River after
his present Majesty, then Lord High Admiral.
On the most elevated part of the coast near its
mouth they erected a pile of drift wood, under
which was deposited a tin box, containing a royal
silver medal, and an account of the proceedings of
the expedition; after which the Union flag was hoist¬
ed with three hearty cheers.
They now continued their voyage, though often
beset by ice and interrupted by fogs, and passing the
boundary between Russian and British America des¬
cried an encampment of natives on a low island, sur¬
rounded by many oomiaks and kayaks guarded by
Esquimaux dogs, whilst their masters were fast asleep
in the tents. The interpreter being despatched to rouse
them, a singular scene took place. At his first call a
little squabby woman rushed out in a state of perfect
nudity, uttered a loud yell, and instantly ran back
again to rouse her husband, who, shouting out that
strangers were at hand, awoke the whole band. In
a moment all seized their arms, and without wait¬
ing to put on their deer-skin breeches or jackets,
swarmed out upon the beach, which in an instant
was covered with fifty-four grown-up persons com¬
pletely naked, very outrageous, dirty, and ugly. A
short parley quieted their fears, an interchange of
R
274
MOUNT COPLESTON.
presents took place, and the boats crossed Camden
Bay, having in view the noble range of the Roman-
zoff Mountains, whose peaks were covered with snow.
Soon after they arrived at the mouth of a river,
which discharged into the sea so great a volume
of water, that even three miles from land the
taste was perfectly fresh ; and having reached lati¬
tude 70° 7, farther progress was prevented by ice
closely packed on the outer border of a reef, and
they discovered that the great chain of the Rocky
Mountains either terminated abreast of their pre¬
sent situation, or receded so far to the southward
as to fade away in the distance. During their
detention Captain Back, to whose pencil we are
indebted for many admirable drawings of arctic
scenery, made a sketch of the most western moun¬
tain, which they named Mount Copleston.* Various
circumstances now warned them that much farther
progress along this inhospitable coast was impracti¬
cable. The fogs became more frequent and perilous,
the water was often so shallow that even at two
miles from shore the boats grounded, and on getting
into deeper soundings, the repeated shocks received
from masses of floating ice severely injured their
timbers, especially those of the Lion, which was very
leaky. Still they struggled on from Flaxman Island
along a low desolate shore, rendered more dreary by
the stormy weather, till on the I Oth a gale brought
along with it a thick fog, and they hauled up the
boats, encamping on a low spot, which they named
Foggy Island. Here they kindled fires, dried their
clothes, which were completely wet with the mois-
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 150. See the Vignette to this
Volume.
ILLUSIONS OF THE FOG.
275
ture of the atmosphere, and amused themselves in
their murky prison by proceeding in searcli of rein¬
deer. The fog caused frequent and sometimes ludi-
- crous mistakes ; and on one occasion, after the men
had spent a long time in stealing upon some deer, and
were congratulating themselves on coming within
shot, to their amazement the animals took wing and
disappeared in the fog, with a scream and cackle
which at once declared their genus, and seemed to
deride the credulity of their pursuers. “ We wit¬
nessed with regret,” says Captain Franklin, “ in
these short rambles, the havock which this dreary
weather made among the flowers. Many which had
been blooming upon our arrival were now lying
prostrate and withered, and these symptoms of de¬
cay could not fail painfully to remind us that the
term of our operations was fast approaching. Often
at this time did every one express a wish that we
had some decked vessel, in which the provisions
could be secured from the injury of salt water, and
the crew sheltered when they required rest, that we
might quit this shallow coast and steer at once to¬
wards Icy Cape.”* So frequently did they attempt to
fulfil this desire, and so perpetually were they driven
back by the fog closing in upon them, that the sail¬
ors declared the island was enchanted. Indeed, to
a superstitious mind, the appearances furnished some
ground for believing it. The fog would often dis¬
perse, and permit a short glimpse of a point about
three miles distant, bearing north-west by west;
in a moment every hand was at work, the boats
were launched, the crews embarked; but before they
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 154.
276
DIFFICULTIES.
could be dragged into deep water the spirit of the
mist once more drew his impenetrable curtain round
them, and after resting a while on their oars, they
were compelled to pull back to their old quarters.
Scarcely had they kindled a fire and begun to dry
their clothes, soaked with wading over the flats,
when the fog again opened, the boats were launched,
and the desired point almost gained ; but their tor¬
mentor once more enveloped earth and ocean in a
thicker gloom than before. “ Fog is, of all others,”
says Captain Franklin, “ the most hazardous state
of the atmosphere for navigation in an icy sea, es¬
pecially where it is accompanied by strong breezes ;
but particularly so for boats where the shore is un¬
approachable. If caught by a gale, a heavy swell, or
drifting ice, the result must be their wreck, or the
throwing their provisions overboard, to lighten them
so as to proceed in shoal-water. Many large pieces
of ice were seen on the border of the shallow water,
and from the lowness of the temperature we conclud¬
ed that the main body was at no great distance.”*
The nights were now lengthening; the grasses and
the whole aspect of the vegetation was autumnal ;
their stores of drift-wood had been so much drawn
upon, that though the tents were wet through, and
they were for warmth obliged to wrap their feet in
blankets, no fire was allowed except to cook the
victuals. The provisions were barely sufficient for
the support of the party on their return, whilst
the frequency of the fogs, the shallowness -which
prevented the boats from floating, the heavy swell
that, as the wind freshened, rose upon the flats.
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 156.
APPROACH OF WINTER.
277
compelled them to haul farther from land, and the
danger which in doing so they necessarily incurred
from the drift-ice, — formed an accumulation of
difficulties which rendered their progress from Point
Anxiety across Prudhoe Bay to Return Reef the
most discouraging and painful part of the whole
voyage. It was now the 16th of August, and the
boats, though the exertions of the crews had been
unwearied, were only half-way between the mouth
of Mackenzie River and Icy Cape. The young ice
had already begun to form at night on the pools of
fresh water, and the mind of the commander re¬
curred naturally and wisely to his former experience.
He recollected that only one day later, and in a la¬
titude two degrees more southerly, he had in his
first voyage encountered severe storms of wind and
snow, and that in another fortnight the winter would
set in with all its horrors. Already the sun began
to sink below the horizon, and with this change the
mean temperature of the atmosphere rapidly de¬
creased ; the deer were hastening from the coast ; the
Esquimaux had ceased to appear ; no winter houses
gave indications that this remote coast was inhabit¬
ed ; and the autumnal parties of geese hourly wing¬
ing their flight to the westward, indicated that win¬
ter had already surprised them in their polar soli¬
tudes. It had been Franklin’s great object to double
Icy Cape, and meet the expedition under Captain
Beechey in Kotzebue’s Inlet ; but from the distance
and the advanced season this was now impracticable.
On the other hand, his instructions directed him,
“ if, in consequence of slow progress, or other un¬
foreseen accident, it should remain doubtful whether
the expedition should be able to reach Kotzebue’s
278 THE EXPEDITION COMPELLED TO RETURN.
Inlet the same season, to commence their return on
the 15th or 20th of August.” To relinquish the
great object of his ambition, and to disappoint the
confidence reposed in his exertions, was a sacrifice
which cost him no ordinary pain ; and had he been
then aware of the fact (with which the reader will
be immediately acquainted) that the barge of the
Blossom was at that moment only 140 miles dis¬
tant, we have his own authority for stating that no
difficulties or dangers would have prevailed on him
to return ; but, under the circumstances in which he
was placed, to make any farther effort in advance was
incompatible with the higher duties which he owed
to his officers and crew. After a mature considera¬
tion of every thing, he formed the reluctant conclu¬
sion that they had reached the point where perse¬
verance would have been rashness, and their best
efforts must have only led to a more calamitous fail¬
ure.* It was resolved therefore to return ; and on
the morning of the 18th August they began their
retreat to the Mackenzie River, which, without
any material danger, with the exception of a severe
gale encountered off Point Kay, they regained on
the 4th of September. Thence they proceeded to
Fort Franklin, where they met Dr Richardson, Mr
Kendall, and their friends of the eastern expedition,
who, after a prosperous and interesting voyage to
the mouth of the Coppermine, had returned to the
Fort on the 1st September.
Of this interesting journey our limits will only
permit a very cursory glance. Fortunately for the
eastern expedition, the coast between the mouths
* Franklin’s Second Journey, pp. 101, 162, 105.
EASTERN EXPEDITION.
279
of the Mackenzie and the Coppermine Rivers pre¬
sented none of those serious obstacles which at every
step were starting up in the dreary and protracted
route of the western party ; and they consequently
accomplished a voyage of about 500 miles., between
the 4th of July and 8th of August. It was emi¬
nently successful in the accurate survey of this
hitherto unexplored coast, but unvaried by any re¬
markable incidents. The Esquimaux on various
parts of the coast were more numerous,, pacific, com¬
fortable, and wealthy, than the western tribes ; but
their civilisation had not eradicated the propensities
for thieving. On one occasion the boats were sur¬
rounded by a fleet of about fifty kayaks, and an
attack was made exactly similar to that upon Frank¬
lin ; but though the object was the same it was
pursued with less vigour, and the moment the sailors
levelled their muskets the whole party dispersed
with precipitation.
On arriving at Atkinson Island they discovered,
under shelter of a chain of sand-hills drifted by the
wind to the height of thirty feet, a small Esquimaux
town, consisting of seventeen winter houses, besides a
larger building, which Dr Richardson at first conjec¬
tured to be a house of assembly for the tribe. Oolig-
buck the interpreter, however, whose ideas were more
gross and commonplace, pronounced it to be a gene¬
ral eating-room. “ This large building,” says Dr
Richardson, f<r was in the interior a square of twenty-
seven feet, having the log roof supported on two strong
ridge-poles two feet apart, and resting on four up¬
right posts. The floor in the centre formed of split
logs, drest and laid with great care, was surrounded
by a raised border about three feet wide, which was
280
ESQUIMAUX TOWN.
no doubt meant for seats. The walls three feet high
were inclined outwards, for the convenience of lean¬
ing the back against them, and the ascent to the
door, which was on the south side, was formed of
logs. The outside, which was covered with earth,
had nearly a hemispherical form, and round its base
were ranged the skulls of twenty-one whales. There
was a square hole in the roof, and the central log of
the floor had a basin-shaped cavity one foot in
diameter, which was perhaps intended for a lamp.
The general attention to comfort in the construction
of the village, and the erection of a building of such
magnitude, requiring a union of purpose in a con¬
siderable number of people, were evidences of a more
advanced progress towards civilisation than had yet
been found amongst the Esquimaux. Whale-skulls
were confined to the large building, and to one of
the dwelling-houses, which had three or four placed
round it. Many wooden trays and hand-barrows
for carrying whale-blubber were lying on the ground,
most of them in a state of decay.”*
On making the traverse of Harrowby Bay, land
was seen round the bottom ; and on nearing shore
twelve tents were distinguished on an adjoining
eminence. When the boats appeared, a woman
who was walking along the beach, gave the alarm
and the men rushed out, brandishing their knives,
and employing the most furious expressions. In vain
Ooligbuck endeavoured to calm their apprehensions,
explaining that the strangers were friends; they
only replied by shouts, leaps, or hideous grimaces,
intended to inspire terror, and displayed great agi-
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 217.
DESCRIPTION OF THE NATIVES. 281
lity, frequently standing on one foot and throwing
the other nearly as high as their head. Dr Richard¬
son, nothing intimidated by these gesticulations, be¬
thought himself of enouncing, at the highest key he
could reach, the word “ Noowcerlawgo,” meaning,
“ I wish to barter,” and the sound operated like
a spell. The savages instantly became quiet j one
of them ran to his kayak, paddled off to the boats,
and was followed by crowds, who fearlessly came
alongside, readily exchanging bows, arrows, spears,
and dressed seal-skins, for bits of old iron-hoop, files,
and beads. The females,” savs Richardson, “ un-
like those of the Indian tribes, had much handsomer
features than the men ; and one young woman of
the party would have been deemed pretty even in
Europe. Our presents seemed to render them per¬
fectly happy, and they danced with such ecstasy in
their slender boats as to incur more than once great
hazard of being overset. A bundle of strings of
beads being thrown into an oomiak, it was caught
by an old woman, who hugged the treasure to her
breast with the strongest expression of rapture ;
while another elderly dame, who had stretched out
her arms in vain, became the very picture of de¬
spair. On its being explained, however, that the
present was intended for the whole party, an ami¬
cable division took place ; and to show their grati¬
tude, they sang a song to a pleasing air, keeping
time with their oars. They gave us many pressing
invitations to pass the night at their tents, in which
they were joined by the men ; and to excite our li¬
berality the mothers drew their children out of
their wide boots, where they are accustomed to
carry them naked, and holding them, up, begged
282
THE COPPERMINE RIVER.
beads for them. For a time their entreaties were
successful ; but being desirous of getting clear of our
visiters before breakfast-time,, we at length told them
the stock was exhausted, and they took leave.”*
The voyage, owing to the clear atmosphere, the
unencumbered state of the coast, and the abundant
supply of provisions, was pursued with ease and com¬
fort ; and on 8th August having made a bold cape,
rising precipitously from the sea to the height of 350
feet. Dr Richardson and Mr Kendall climbed the
promontory, and descried in the distance the gap in
the hills at Bloody Fall, through which the Copper-
mine holds its course. Delighted with the prospect
of so near a termination of their labours, they com¬
municated the intelligence to the crew, who received
it with expressions of profound gratitude to the Di¬
vine Being for his protection during the voyage. On
reaching the river the men were in excellent con¬
dition, fresh and vigorous for the march across the
barren grounds on their return to Fort Franklin,
which, as already mentioned, they reached in
safety on the 1st of September. On approach¬
ing within a few days’ journey of the fort, a plea¬
sant adventure occurred, characteristic of Indian
gratitude and friendship. The party had supped,
and most of the men were retired to rest, when Mr
Kendall, in sweeping the horizon with his telescope,
descried three Indians coming down a hill towards
the encampment. More moss was thrown on the
fire, and the St George’s ensign hoisted on the end
of a musket, to show the comers that they were ap¬
proaching friends ; but they hid the youngest of
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 226.
RETURN TO FORT FRANKLIN.
283
their number in a ravine, and approached slowly
and with suspicion. Mr Kendall and Dr Richard¬
son immediately went unarmed to meet them, and
as they came up one held his bow and arrows ready
in his hand, and the other cocked his gun ; but
as soon as they recognised the Doctor’s dress, — the
same he had worn the preceding autumn in his
voyage round Bear Lake, and which was familiar
to most of the Hare Indians, — they shouted in an
ecstasy of joy, shook hands most cordially, and called
loudly for the young lad whom they had hid to
come up. “ The meeting,” says Dr Richardson,
“ was highly gratifying to ourselves as well as to
the kind natives; for they seemed to be friends
come to rejoice with us on the happy termination
of our voyage.”*
It had naturally occurred to government, that
if the expeditions under Captains Parry and Frank¬
lin should be successful, their stores would be ex¬
hausted by the time they reached Behring’s Strait.
It was certain also that Franklin would be destitute
of any means of conveyance to Europe; and to
supply these wants government resolved that a ves¬
sel should be sent out to await their arrival in Beh¬
ring’s Strait. For this purpose, accordingly. Cap¬
tain F. W. Beech ey sailed in the Blossom from
Spithead on the 19th May 1825. The vessel was
a twenty-six-gun ship ; but on this occasion mount¬
ed only sixteen. She was partially strengthened,
and adapted to this peculiar service by increasing
her stowage. A boat was also supplied to be used
as a tender, built as large as the space on deck would
* Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 274.
284
beeciiey’s voyage.
allow, schooner-rigged, decked, and fitted up in the
most complete manner. Cloth, beads, cutlery, and
various other articles of traffic, were put on board, and
a variety of antiscorbutics were added to the usual
allowance of provision. Aware that he must tra¬
verse a large portion of the globe hitherto little ex¬
plored, and that a considerable period would elapse
before his presence was required on the coast of
America, Captain Beechey was instructed to survey
the parts of the Pacific within his reach, of which it
was important to navigators that a more correct de¬
lineation should be laid down. These observations
were not, however, to retard his arrival at the ap¬
pointed rendezvous later than the 10th of July 1826 ;
and he was directed to remain at Behring’s Strait
to the end of October, or to as late a period as the
season would admit, without incurring the risk of
spending the winter there. During this interval he
was to navigate from Kotzebue’s Sound northward,
and afterwards to continue in an easterly course
along the main shore as far as the ice would allow.
Captain Beechey’s survey of various portions of the
Pacific does not fall within the plan of this work.
On the 2d of June, having left the Sandwich
Isles, he shaped his course for Kamtschatka, and on
the 27th was becalmed within six miles of Petro-
palauski. The best guides to this harbour are a
range of high mountains, on one of which, upwards
of 11,000 feet in height, a volcano is in constant
action. It was a serene and beautiful evening when
they approached this remote quarter of the world,
and all were struck with the magnificence of the
mountains capped with perennial snow, and rising
in solemn grandeur one above the other. At inter-
STILL NIGHT IN THE ARCTIC REGIONS. 285
vals the volcano emitted dark columns of smoke ;
and from a sprinkling of black spots upon the snow
to the leeward it was conjectured there had been
a recent eruption. From Petropalauski Captain
Beechey sailed on the 1st of July for Kotzebue’s
Sound. We approached/’ says he,, <( the strait
which separates the two great continents of Asia
and America, on one of those beautiful still nights
well known to all who have visited the arctic re¬
gions, when the sky is without a cloud, and when
the midnight sun, scarcely his own diameter below
the horizon, tinges with a bright hue all the north¬
ern circle. Our ship, propelled by an increasing
breeze, glided rapidly along a smooth sea, startling
from her path flocks of aquatic birds, whose flight,
in the deep silence of the scene, could be traced by
the ear to a great distance.” Having closed in with
the American shore some miles northward of Cape
Prince of Wales, they were visited by a little Esqui¬
maux squadron belonging to a village situated on a
low sandy island. The natives readily sold every
thing they possessed, and were cheerful and good-
humoured, though exceedingly noisy and energetic.
Their bows were more slender than those of the
islanders to the southward, but made on the same
principle, with drift-pine, assisted with thongs of
hide or pieces of whalebone placed at the back, and
neatly bound with small cord. The points of their
arrows were of bone, flint, or iron, and their spears
headed with the same materials. Their dress was
similar to that of the other tribes on the coast. It
consisted of a shirt which reached half-way down
the thigh, with long sleeves and a hood of rein-deer
skin, and edged with gray or white fox fur. Be-
286 LUDICROUS APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES.
sides this they had a jacket of eider-drake skins
sewed together, which, when engaged in war, they
wore below their other dress, reckoning it a toler¬
ably efficient protection against an arrow or a spear-
thrust. In wet weather they threw over the fur
dress a shirt made of the entrails of the whale,
which, being well saturated with oil and grease, was
water tight ; and they also used breeches of deer’s
hide and seal-skin boots, to the upper end of which
were fixed strings of sea-horse hide. It was their
fashion to tie one of these strings round the waist,
and attach to it a long tuft of hair, the wing of a
bird, or sometimes a fox’s tail, which, dangling be¬
hind as they walked, gave them a ridiculous ap¬
pearance, and may probably have occasioned the
report of the Tschuktschi recorded in Muller that
the people of this country have tails like dogs.*
On the 22d July, the ship anchored in Kotzebue’s
Sound, and after exploring a deep inlet on its nor¬
thern shore, which they named Hotham Inlet, pro¬
ceeded to Chamisso Island, where the Blossom was
to await Captain Franklin. A discretionary power
had, however, been permitted to Captain Beechey,
of employing the period of his stay in surveying the
coast, provided this could be done without the risk
of missing Captain Franklin. Having accordingly
directed the barge to keep in-shore on the look-out
for the land-party, he sailed to the northward, and
doubling Cape Krusenstern, completed an examina¬
tion of the coast by Cape Thomson, Point Hope,
Cape Lisburn, Cape Beaufort, and Icy Cape, the
farthest point reached by Captain Cook. As there
* Beechey’s Voyage, vol. i. p. 341.
AURORA BOREALIS.
287
were here strong indications of the ice closing in,
and his instructions were positive to keep in open
water if possible, he determined to return to Kotze¬
bue’s Sound, whilst he despatched the barge under
Mr Elson and Mr Smyth to trace the coast to the
north-eastward, as far as they could navigate.
On this interesting service the barge set out on
17th August, whilst Beechey returned towards
Kotzebue’s Sound. On the night of the 25th they
beheld, for the first time in these northern latitudes,
a brilliant display of the Aurora Borealis. “ It first
appeared,” says Captain Beechey, “ in an arch ex¬
tending from west by north to north-east ; but the
arch shortly after its first appearance broke up and
entirely disappeared. Soon after this, however, a
new display began in the direction of the western
foot of the first arch, preceded by a bright flame
from which emanated coruscations of a pale straw
colour. An almost simultaneous movement occur¬
red at both extremities of the arch, until a complete
segment was formed of wavering perpendicular
radii. As soon as the arch was complete, the light
became greatly increased, and the prismatic colours,
which had before been faint, now shone forth in a
very brilliant manner. The strongest colours, which
were also the outside ones, were pink and green, on
the green side purple and pink, all of which were
as imperceptibly blended as in the rainbow. The
green was the colour nearest the zenith. This mag¬
nificent display lasted a few minutes ; and the light
had nearly vanished, when the north-east quarter
sent forth a vigorous display, and nearly at the
same time a corresponding coruscation emanated
from the opposite extremity. The western foot of
5
288 ESQUIMAUX CHARACTER AND CUSTOMS.
the arch then disengaged itself from the horizon,
crooked to the northward, and the whole retired to
the north-east quarter, where a bright spot blazed
for a moment, and all was darkness. There was
no noise audible during any part of our observa¬
tions, nor were the compasses perceptibly affected.”*
During the voyage back to Chamisso Island, where
they arrived on 27th August, they had repeated in¬
terviews with the Esquimaux, whose habits and
disposition were in no respect different from those
of the natives already described. They found them
uniformly friendly, sociable, devotedly fond of to¬
bacco, eager to engage in traffic, and upon the whole
honest, though disposed to drive a hard bargain.
On some occasions they attempted to impose upon
their customers, by skins artfully put together so
as to represent an entire fish ; but it was difficult
to determine whether they intended a serious fraud
or only a piece of humour, for they laughed heartily
when detected, and appeared to consider it a good
joke. Their persons, houses, and cookery, were all
exceedingly dirty, and their mode of salutation was
by a mutual contact of noses ; sometimes licking
their hands and stroking first their own faces, and
afterwards those of the strangers. t The rapidity
with which these people migrated from place to
place was remarkable. On one occasion the motions
of two baidars under sail were watched by the crew
of the Blossom. The people landed at a spot near
Clioris Peninsula, drew up the boats on the beach,
turning them bottom upwards, pitched tents, and
in an incredibly short time transferred to them the
* Beechey’s Voyage, vol. i. p. 387-
Ibid. pp. 345, 391.
elson’s expedition.
289
whole contents of their little vessels. On visiting
the encampment an hour after, every thing was
found in as complete order as if they had been do¬
miciliated on the spot for months ; and the surprise
of the sailors was raised to the highest by the va¬
riety of articles which; in almost endless succession,
they produced from their little boats. “ From the
two baidars they landed fourteen persons, eight tent-
poles, forty deer-skins, two kayaks, many hundred¬
weight of fish, numerous skins of oil, earthen jars
for cooking, two living foxes, ten large dogs, bundles
of lances, harpoons, bows and arrows, a quantity of
whalebone, skins full of clothing, some immense nets
made of hide for taking small whales and porpoises,
eight broad planks, masts, sails, paddles, &c., be¬
sides sea-horse hides and teeth, and a variety of
nameless articles always to be found among the
Esquimaux.”*
In the mean time, Mr Elson in the barge proceed¬
ed along the shore for seventy miles, as far as a pro¬
montory, denominated by Beechey Cape Barrow,
which was afterwards discovered to be only distant
146 miles from the extreme point of Franklin’s dis¬
coveries. Upon this new line of coast posts were
erected at various distances, with directions for
Captain Franklin, should he succeed in pushing so
far to the westward. A frequent communication
was opened with the inhabitants, who were found to
resemble the other Esquimaux, with the unpleasant
difference that their manners were more rude and
boisterous, and their conduct in some instances decid¬
edly hostile. Point Barrow, the most northerly
Beechey’s Voyage, vol. i. p. 405.
290
elson’s discoveries.
part of America yet discovered, formed the termi¬
nation to a spit of land jutting out several miles
from the more regular coast-line. The width of the
neck did not exceed a mile and a half ; on the ex¬
tremity were several small lakes, and on its eastern
side a village. The danger of being shut in by the
ice was now great, and Mr Elson determined to
land, obtain the necessary observations, erect a post,
and deposite instructions for Franklin. This plan,
however, was frustrated by the violent conduct of
the natives, who assembled in formidable numbers,
and threatened to attack the crew of the barge,
which consisted only of eight men. It was there¬
fore judged prudent to proceed as speedily as possi¬
ble to the rendezvous at Chamisso Island, which
they reached on the 9th of September, not without
considerable difficulty, having been obliged to track
the barge round Cape Smyth, through a sea thick¬
ly beset with ice, that threatened every moment to
close with its impenetrable walls and cut off their
return. The result of Captain Beechey’s voyage,
and of the expedition undertaken under his orders
by Mr Elson and Mr Smyth, was the addition of
a new and extensive line of coast to the geography
of the polar regions. The actual distance between
the extreme points reached by Captain Franklin
and Mr Elson being so small, there is every rea¬
son to believe that the navigation of this remain¬
ing portion will not be attended with any very for¬
midable or insurmountable obstacles.
In the following year Beechey, in obedience to
his instructions, returned to Kotzebue’s Sound, and
recommenced his examination of the coast in the
hope of extending his survey beyond Cape Barrow,
RETURN OF BEECHEY.
291
and either joining Franklin or collecting some cer¬
tain intelligence regarding his enterprise. In both
objects he had the mortification to fail : He found
the posts erected the preceding year and the buried
bottles remaining untouched, and the state of the
weather rendered it necessary to put about be¬
fore reaching Icy Cape. It had been previously
arranged, that the signal to be used by Franklin, if
he arrived on an unknown coast during the night,
should be a beacon kindled on the cliffs; and, on
passing Cape Krusenstern after dark, their attention
was arrested by a large fire blazing on an eminence.
Every eye on board was fixed on the welcome light,
and every bosom beat with the delightful expec¬
tation of soon seeing their friends. The ship was
brought to, and hope almost passed into certainty,
as a boat was seen pulling from the shore. On ex¬
amining her through the telescope by the light of
the Aurora Borealis, some sanguine spirits declared
they could discern that she was propelled by oars
instead of paddles, and it needed only a slight ad¬
ditional exertion of the fancy to be assured that the
dress of the crew was European. In the midst
of these excited and enthusiastic feelings, the harsh
and boisterous voices of the natives suddenly broke
on their ear, and the pleasing picture which their
imagination had been so busy in constructing faded
away in a moment, leaving nothing before them
but two sorry Esquimaux baidars and their unlovely
occupants.
From this point Captain Beechey’s voyage pre¬
sented few features of new or striking interest. In
Behring’s Strait they were visited by a splendid
exhibition of the Aurora Borealis, and under its
292
ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND.
coruscations of pink, purple, and green rays, which
shot up to the zenith in the shape of a gigantic
cone, they : anchored off Chamisso Island. After
the discovery of two capacious harbours, which they
named Port Clarence and Grantley Harbour, they
took their final departure from the Polar Sea on
the 6th October 1827- On the 29th, a flight of
large white pelicans apprized them of their approach
to the coast of California ; and after touching at
Monterey and San Bias, they arrived at Valparaiso
on the 29th April 1828. On the 30th June, they
passed the meridian of Cape Horn in a gloomy
snow-storm, and made Rio on the 21st July. Their
voyage from Rio to England was completed in forty-
nine days, and they arrived at Spithead on the 12th
October 1828. He found that the expedition of
Franklin had preceded him in his return by more
than a year, having reached Liverpool on the 26th
September 1827 ; its transactions occupied two years
and nearly eight months, whilst Beechey had been
absent on his voyage three years and a half.
THE
NATURAL HISTORY
OF THE
NORTHERN REGIONS OF AMERICA.
* CHAPTER V.
Introductory Observations.
Amelioration in the Character of European Intercourse with uncivil¬
ized Nations — The Absence of Sandy Deserts, a grand Feature
in the Physical Attributes of America — General Boundaries of
the Districts afterwards treated of in Detail — Early Sources of
Information regarding the Natural History of North America —
General View of the Fur-countries — Passages across the Rocky
Mountains — Plains and Valleys along the Pacific Shore.
The preceding historical narrative will have rendered
our readers familiar with the progress of navigation and
discovery along the shores of North America; while the
sketches which have been presented of the journeys of
Hearne and Mackenzie, as well as of the more recent
expeditions of Franklin and Richardson, will have exhi¬
bited an accurate and interesting picture of whatever is
most worthy of record in the history and habits of the
more central tribes. The unextinguishable boldness and
persevering bravery of the human race are strikingly
manifested by these achievements in maritime and inland
adventure ; and while we are too often shocked by tho
recital of deeds of violence and bloodshed, — by unprovoked
and unpardonable aggression on the part of the invaders,
and by unsparing revenge, in retaliation, by the darker
savage, — we cannot but admire the energy and reckless
daring exhibited on either side, though we may too often
294
NATURAL HISTORY.
regret the want of a gentler and more humanizing spirit.
In regard, however, to the later expeditions, especially
those from the British shores, the philanthropist and phi¬
losopher must have been alike delighted by the ameliora¬
tion which has taken place in our mode of intercourse
with the “ painted men,” who are no longer massacred as
the beasts that perish, but, even when sought after origi¬
nally from motives not entirely disinterested, are yet re¬
garded as beings in whom the great Creator has implanted
the germ of an immortal life. But by what a catalogue
of crimes was the name of Christian first made known to
many nations of the Western World ; and by what cruel
tyranny and the sword of an exterminating war, were not
tiie insidious pretences of peace so often followed up by
the civilized nations of Europe ! The cross was indeed
but a vain and hollow symbol in the hands of those blood¬
stained and avaricious men, who sought to plant upon a
false foundation that glorious banner to which God alone
giveth the increase. The last entry in the following
sumptuous enumeration was probably omitted in the
books of those proud traders : — “ The merchandise of
gold, and silver, and precious stones, and of pearls, and
fine linen, and purple, and silk, and scarlet, and all thy-
ine wood, and all manner vessels of ivory, and all manner
vessels of most precious wood, and of brass, and iron, and
marble, and cinnamon, and odours, and ointments, and
frankincense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour, and wheat,
and beasts, and sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves,
and — souls of men.”*
We have now to describe the characteristic features of
the Natural History of the Northern Parts of America, a
task rendered comparatively easy, in many important par¬
ticulars, by the labours of those intrepid men, the recital
of whose adventurous expeditions by land and sea has
already engaged the attention of the reader. Indeed we
know of no better or more conclusive argument against
those who venture to doubt the propriety of scientific ex¬
ploration, on account of the uncertain fulfilment of some
of our most sanguine expectations, than the great advance¬
ment which has recently been effected in our natural know¬
ledge of far countries. It is true that the north-west pas¬
sage has not yet been achieved, and it may be true that it
* Revelations, xviii. 12, 13.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
295
never will be achieved, consistently with the strictly utili¬
tarian views of merely commercial enterprise; but even
although we should never have it in our power to substi¬
tute bad muskets for the arrows and harpoons of the skin-
clad Esquimaux, and should be for ever doomed to a con¬
tinuance of our present lengthened navigation to the east¬
ern shores of Asia, — still it is something to say that we
have almost completed our geographical knowledge of the
circumference of the northern parallels of the earth ; anti
that if the merchant cannot exchange his commodities by
a more rapid route, a stock of intellectual food, and a
rich library both of useful and entertaining knowledge,
has been already provided, and will doubtless increase for
the benefit of future generations. It is to the two expe¬
ditions under Sir John Franklin that we owe the better
part of our information regarding the natural history of
the interior districts of the fur-countries of North Ame-
-rica ; and although the collecting of specimens did cer¬
tainly form but a secondary object in comparison with
those great geographical problems, the solution of which
was looked forward to as the principal and more important
result, yet it is gratifying to know that in the performance
of higher duties of difficult and dangerous achievement,
these resolute men neglected nothing which could in any
way conduce to the completion of our knowledge of the
countries they explored.
Before entering into any zoological details, we shall de¬
vote a brief space to the consideration of one of the most
peculiar and influential features in the physical character
of the New World, viz. the absence of sandy deserts. It
has been well observed that the physical conformation of
North America precludes the possibility of those arid
wastes. They result from a want of moisture, and attach
to such extended plains, in the more immediate vicinity of
the tropics, as are too vast and disproportioned in relation
to the quantity of rain which nature has assigned them ;
for there —
u No cloud of morning dew
Doth travel through the waste air’s pathless blue,
To nourish those far deserts.”
They drink and are for ever dry ; for the castellated glo¬
ries of cloud-land float over them in vain ; and even when
rent by thunderbolts, or illuminated by the blinding glare
of the red lightning, they never hear the refreshing music
NATURAL HISTORY.
29 6
of the voice “ of many waters.” Geographical observa¬
tion points out that whenever a continent or country is
expanded for more than a few hundred miles beneath an
equatorial sky, with a surface comparatively low and flat,
it will become a desert. This is nothing more than the
natural result of its inability to be supplied with moisture.
A great proportion of Africa, the central regions of Asia,
Arabia, and even those parts of Indostan where moun¬
tains do not prevail, have become steril and deserted. Vast
chasms are thus created in which neither animal nor vege¬
table life can flourish.
New Holland probably owes its moisture to its insular
situation ; and the peninsular form is no doubt highly
advantageous in that respect to the regions of Spain, Italy,
Greece, and Asia Minor, while the mountain-ridges of In¬
dostan render it essential service. It is chiefly owing either
to the vicinage of the sea, or of some Alpine tract of terri¬
tory, that those parts of Asia and Africa which the great
deserts do not reach, have become the fit abodes of the
human race. Over a great extent of Central Africa, and
some parts of Asia, along the coasts of the Red Sea and
of the Indian Ocean, there does not seem to exist a suffi¬
ciency of mountain-ranges to collect from the atmosphere
such stores of moisture as are necessary to fertilize those
thirsty plains, and clothe their arid wastes with verdure.
No commanding Cordilleras overlook those burning de¬
serts, — no upland vales, nor cool and cloud-capped sum¬
mits, each with its huge recess,
u That keeps till June December’s snow,”
serve as the perennial fountains of refreshing water.
Let us briefly consider a few of the leading physical
characters of America, wTith a view to ascertain the cause
of its exemption from desert regions.* Within and in the
vicinity of the tropic, North America is composed of what
may, comparatively, be regarded as a narrow slip. It
enjoys all the advantages of an insular position, and is re¬
freshed on either side by the vapours of the translucent
sea. Besides, the Cordilleras traverse the whole space,
rising upon the Mexican table-land to an elevation of
* See a short paper entitled “ The United States are exempt
from Deserts, and all the Evils consequent thereon,” published m
Mr Featherstonhaugh’s Monthly American Journal of Geology and
Natural Science. Philadelphia, August 1831.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
297
11,000 feet. All the winds of heaven, and especially the
deeply-saturated trades, pour forth their never-ceasing
vapours on this well-disposed region, and clothe its
lengthened slopes and undulating plains with all the rich
luxuriance of a life-sustaining vegetation. “ These friend¬
ly mountains, after upheaving the tropical parts of our
continent to the regions of eternal verdure, bear aloft
their wide-spread arms (the Chipewyan and Alleghany
ranges) as far as it is necessary to counteract the heats
of a southern sun, and impart fertility to the great valley
of the Mississippi, which seems especially confined to their
fostering care. But when elevations become no longer
essential to the certainty of moisture and vegetation, they
sink into the great plains of Canada/and disappear. How
wise is this arrangement ! F or, if these mountains had
carried their characteristic elevation far north, they would
have chilled, with their eternal snows, all the northern
portion of our country, and rendered it barren, — not from
drought and deserts, but, what is equally to be deprecated,
the blights of intolerable cold. These friendly ranges of
mountains are thus the everlasting guarantee of our coun¬
try’s fertility. The Alleghany range derives its moisture
from the Atlantic, and waters not only all the states that
intervene between it and that ocean, but the states and
districts that rest upon its western base, and contributes
its full part to the great plains of Mississippi and Missouri.
The Rocky, or Chepewyan range, draws heavily from
the Pacific Ocean, and abundantly waters, not only that
slope, but the extended plains which meet its eastern base.
The narrow slopes of the two ranges of mountains which
border the two oceans, are easily and very naturally ir¬
rigated from those oceans ; and their slopes, pointing in¬
wards from the oceans and the plains immediately in
contact with them, draw moisture from the numerous
founts and reservoirs of the mountains themselves. The
great valley of the Mississippi, however, is too extensive,
and too important to the rising generation of this coun¬
try, to be left to any uncertain supply of moisture. The
sources of the mountains with which it is enfiladed might
prove to be inadequate, and certainly would, if all de¬
pended on them. Other guarantees are found, and pow¬
erful aids provided in the case. That great valley opens
itself without barrier, on the southern end, to the trade-
winds, which become deflected by the Mexican coast.
298
NATURAL HISTORY.
enter it fraught with all the moisture of the gulf, and
deposite on this region a supply literally inexhaustible,
because those winds themselves are perpetual.”*
But even should the vast masses of vapour which gather
over these majestic mountains, and are carried thither by
the trade- winds, be insufficient to supply with moisture the
almost boundless plains of the Western World, Providence
has there collected the mightiest reservoirs of fresh water
which exist on the surface of the known earth. The vast
lakes of Canada, over which the winds are perpetually
sweeping, and from which arise innumerable clouds of
vapour, insure a never-failing supply of water to the con¬
tiguous portions of the plain. Thus, table-lands and
rocky mountains, a circumambient ocean, and the most
magnificent internal reservoirs, all co-operate to insure,
especially to the territory of the United States, a perpetual
supply of moisture. The natural fertility of the soil is
therefore great, and yields abundantly and with certainty
to the wants of man. This humidity is moreover well-
tempered, and is rarely poured forth in superabundance.
In some northern European countries, and even in Great
Britain and Ireland, our own familiar homes, the crops
more frequently fail from excess than deficiency of mois¬
ture. In the former case, the grain is either blighted
in the field, or it moulds and rots in the granary, or ac¬
quires a musty smell and flavour which render it unfit
for the production of the finer breads.
Wherever deserts prevail to a great extent, they not only
prevent vegetation, and, consequently, preclude the pos¬
sibility of a numerous population, but they also exercise
a prejudicial influence over all the habitable neighbour¬
ing regions. They draw from them their moisture, and
thus render their vegetation precarious. The heats that
steam from deserts enfeeble the vegetable life of the ad¬
joining districts, and the sirocco- winds, collecting delete¬
rious matters from their fevered surface, carry languor,
disease, and death, in their course, and convert the ver¬
dant freshness of nature into an arid wilderness. When
the seasons and the climate of a country are uncertain,
when no human effort can control them, and no art
or foresight render the results of labour available, the
human creature himself partakes of the wildness and ir-
* Ibid.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
299
regularity of outward nature, and is either a victim of the
wrathful elements, or a fierce and relentless devastator in
his turn. Even the very form of man, in connexion with
deserts, is deprived of much of its natural symmetry ; it
is thin, dry, emaciated, and of a black or swarthy hue.
He seems there formed, as it were, to drift with the sands,
to move his limber and elastic frame with all the quick¬
ness that uncertainty may require ; but he possesses not
the muscular powers requisite to continuous and effective
labour. “ In such countries population is sparse, and the
few who draw a scanty support from the stinted and un¬
certain vegetation are unfixed in their habits, and wan¬
derers. They realize nothing — improve not their condi¬
tion — are actuated by the sudden impulses of want, or the
emergency occasioned by the irregularities of the elements
around them. If industry exists not, and human labour
be unavailable, none of those improvements which change
the condition of our race, and give to us character and
comfort, have any existence. Without surplus produc¬
tion there can be no commercial exchanges ; a limit is
thus placed to social improvement, and a barrier erected
against civilisation. Man, under such a state of things,
cannot multiply his race, because his supply of food is
limited, — nor create wealth, because his labour is unpro¬
ductive and without stimulus, — nor make valuable im¬
provements in the arts, comforts, and intercourse of society,
because he has neither the means nor the necessary num¬
bers, — nor can he polish and refine himself, because his state
of society is essentially wild and violent.”* In America the
natural condition and consequent tendency of all things is
widely different, for the human race is there exempted from
deserts and their concomitant evils. Hence a mighty power
of fertility is slumbering even among the most unpeopled
wastes ; and nothing is wanting but the skill and persever¬
ance of man to make the “ desert blossom as the rose.”
u Pure element of waters ! wheresoe’er
Thou dost forsake thy subterranean haunts,
Green herbs, bright flowers, and berry-bearing plants,
Rise into life, and in thy train appear ;
And, through the sunny portion of the year,
Swift insects shine, thy hovering pursuivants.
But, if thy bounty fail, the forest pants,
And hart, and hind, and hunter with his spear,
Languish and droop together.”
* Featherstonhaugh’s Monthly American Journal, vol. i. p. 80.
3 CO
NATURAL HISTORY.
The portion of North America with the natural his¬
tory of which we are now about to he engaged, is exclusive
of the southern parts of the Canadas, and of the whole
of the United States. But it comprehends the entire of
those vast territories which lie to the northward of the
48th parallel, from the northern shore of Lake Superior
to Melville Island, in relation to latitude ; and from New¬
foundland and the eastern cape of Labrador to the Pe¬
ninsula of Alaska, the western termination of the Rus¬
sian dominions in America, in regard to longitude.* These
districts are very generally known under the name of the
American fur-countries, and it is indeed to the employes
of the Hudson’s Bay Company and other commercial
travellers that we are largely indebted for information re¬
garding the zoological productions of several extensive
tracts. For example; the earliest collections of the birds
of Hudson’s Bay were formed about 90 years ago by Mr
Alexander Light, who was sent out by the Company in
consequence of his knowledge of natural history. It has
been also recorded that Mr Isham, for a long time a resi¬
dent governor of various forts in the fur-countries, oc¬
cupied his leisure in preparing the skins of beasts, birds,
and fishes. These two gentlemen, we are informed by
Dr Richardson, returned to England about the year 1745,
and, fortunately for the advancement of science, intrusted
their specimens to Mr George Edwards, the ingenious
author of the “ Natural History of Birds, and other rare
undescribed Animals,” — a publication which has been
* In speaking of the boundaries of the almost boundless territo¬
ries of the Russian dominion, we feel inclined to qualify the expres¬
sion by the words used in the spirited inscription engraved on tire
piece of plate presented to Colonel Behm. That gentleman was
commandant of the province of Kamtschatka in the time of Captain
Cook, and had entertained the great navigator and his crews in a
humane and generous spirit. The inscription, of which the compo¬
sition is graceful, runs as follows : —
ViRO egregio MAGNO de Behm; qui Imperatricis Augus-
tissimae Catherine auspiciis, summaque animi benignitate, saeva, qui-
bus praeerat, Kamtschatkae littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis
hospita pr admit ; eosque in terminis, si qui essent Imperio Russicc ,
1'rustra explorandis, mala multa perpessos iterata vice excepit, re¬
fecit, recreavit, et commeatu omni cumulate auctos dimisit; Rei
navalis Britannic.® septemviri in aliquam benevolentiae
tarn insignis memoriam, amicissimo gratissimoqat animo, suo, patri-
a?que nomine, D. D. D.
MDCCLXXXI.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
301
characterized as the most original and valuable work of
the kind in the English language. In the course of the
year 1749, Ellis* * * § and Drage,j- the latter of whom was clerk
to the California, published the respective narratives of
their voyage, both of which tend to the illustration of
natural history. »
Little information appears to have been received regard¬
ing these northern regions for about twenty years suc¬
ceeding the last- mentioned period. Mr William Wailes
went to Hudson’s Bay in 1768 for the purpose of making
observations on the transit of Venus, and was intrusted
on his return by Mr Graham, governor of the Company’s
fort at Severn River, with a collection of quadrupeds,
birds, and fishes, for presentation to the Royal Society.
These specimens were described by John Reinhold For¬
ster,^ and appear to have excited so much attention that
the Royal Society requested that directions should be
given by the governor and committee of the Hudson’s
Bay Company, with a view to the more frequent and ex¬
tensive collection and transmission of objects of natural
history. Accordingly several hundred specimens of ani¬
mals and plants, collected at Fort Albany, were trans¬
mitted by Mr Humphrey Martin. His successor, Mr
Hutchins, was still more industrious ; for he not only
prepared numerous specimens, but drew up minute de¬
scriptions of whatever quadrupeds and birds he could
procure. It was in fact from his observations (preserved
in a folio volume in the Library of the Hudson’s Bay
Company ||) that Pennant and Latham chiefly derived
whatever was valuable in their works§ regarding the
feathered tribes of Hudson’s Bay. Cook’s third voyage
threw some light, from circumstances not now very effi¬
cient, on the species of the north-west of America and
Behring’s Straits.^1 Pennant’s “ Arctic Zoology” was
published in 1785, and contains the most ample descrip¬
tive catalogue of Arctic American quadrupeds and birds
* Voyage to Hudson’s Bay in the Dobbs and California.
■j* Voyage by Hudson’s Straights. £ Phil. Trans. 1772.
|j For this information we are indebted to Dr Richardson.
Fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. ii., Introduction, p. xi.
§ Arctic Zoology, and General Synopsis of Birds.
5[ From the want of engraved representations, and the subsequent
destruction or dispersion of the specimens collected, it is now diffi¬
cult to identify the species with precision.
302
NATURAL HISTORY.
which had appeared prior to Dr Richardson’s recent
volumes.
These may he regarded as among the more accu¬
rate sources of information up to the commencement
of our own scientific expeditions by land and sea, — for
although Umfraville and Hearne no doubt illustrate the
habits of some of the more common species, and the well-
known voyages of Vancouver, Portlock, Meares, and
LangsdorfF, to the north-west, — and the journeys of
Lewis and Clarke to the banks of the Columbia, contri¬
bute to our stock of knowledge, yet no very important
results were thereby obtained. The naturalists attached
to Kotzebue’s expedition also acquired some information
regarding the zoology of the north-west coasts ; and the
Appendix to Captain Beechey’s Voyage, now in prepara¬
tion, will probably throw considerable light on those for¬
lorn regions of the world.*
' The most exact and systematic information which we
possess regarding the zoology of the extreme northern
shores and insular groups of America is contained in the
Appendices to the voyages of Captains Ross and Parry, in
Mr Joseph Sabine’s Appendix to the Narrative of Sir John
* We should gladly have availed ourselves of the information
contained in the Zoological Appendix to Captain Beechey’s pub¬
lished voyage, which we understand has been for some time printed.
It has not yet, however, made its appearance. Few specimens of
quadrupeds were brought by that expedition from North America ;
and we are informed that the only new one was a squirrel from Ca¬
lifornia. Dr Richardson has supplied a list of all the mammalia
known to inhabit the Pacific Coast to the north of California. It
includes 7^ species, of which the following are not in the Fauna
Boreali- Americana: viz. Canis ochropus, Fschscholtz, Zoologisch.
Atl. pi. 2 ; Felis concolor ,• F. onca ; six species of seal ; Tri-
chechus rosmarus ; Didelphis Virpiniana; Arvicola rnbrica-
tus (Rich.), described from Mr Collie’s notes — (this animal was
obtained in Behring’s Straits, but no specimen was brought home ;
it is allied to Arvicola ceconomvs of Pallas) ; Arctomys caliyata,
Eschsch. pi. 6, a species resembling Arctomys pruinosus of Pen¬
nant; and Sciurus Cotlicei (Rich.), from San Bias, California.
W e are further informed that in this forthcoming Appendix, Mr
Vigors enumerates nearly 100 species of birds ; but as the localities
at which they were procured were not originally noted with preci¬
sion, it will be the more difficult to define the ranges of those which
characterize the northern regions.
Few northern fishes w ere obtained ; but Mr Bennet has furnished
an account of such as were procured at Kamtschatka.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
303
Franklin’s first Journey, and in Dr Richardson’s “ Fauna
Boreali-Americana,” — a work lately characterized as an
“ admirable volume, which, while it conveys more sub¬
stantial information on the subject of Arctic zoology than
any publication that has appeared since the time of Pen¬
nant, is also highly valuable as correcting the occasional er¬
rors of that excellent work, and adding all the most useful
and interesting information which has been more recently
acquired.”* The best account which we yet possess of
the zoology of Greenland is that of Otho Fabricius.t
The ornithology of that country has likewise been ably
illustrated by Captain Sabine.^
We shall now proceed to give a concise general view of
the nature of the different tracts of country of which we
are afterwards to describe the zoological productions.
This we shall do in conformity with the views so lucidly
presented by Dr Richardson. 1 1
The Rocky Mountains form the most interesting and
prominent feature in the physical geography of North
America. Though much nearer the western than the
eastern shore of that great continent, they appear to form,
in relation to the distribution both of plants and animals,
a strongly-markecl line of demarcation, which presents a
barrier to the progress or migration of many species. No
doubt, the direction of this vast chain being from south
to north, it lies in the line of, rather than at right angles
to, the usual course of migration, and therefore opposes
a less formidable barricade than if it were stretched across
the continent. As it is, however, the natural produc¬
tions which occur on the plains on different sides of this
lengthened range exhibit a considerable dissimilarity.
Nature, under the regulation of the laws of Providence,
has no doubt made many exceptions to this rule in favour
of species which occur on both sides of the chain ; but
the distribution both of plants and animals, if not regu¬
lated, is at least modified by the intervention of these
mountains.
This continuous chain, of which the loftiest peak at¬
tains to an elevation of 15,000 feet, stretches from Mexico
in a north-west direction, and, pursuing a course nearly
* Edinburgh Review, No. 106, p. 346. -f Fauna Groenlandica.
£ Memoir on the Birds of Greenland. Linn. Trans, vol. xii.
j| Fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. i., Introduction, pp. xix. xxiv.
304
NATURAL HISTORY.
parallel with the shores of the Pacific Ocean, terminates
about the 70th degree of north latitude, to the westward
of the mouth of the Mackenzie River, and within sight of
tlie Arctic Sea. Though much inferior in height to the
Andes of the southern continent, of which, however, in
a general sense, they may be regarded as the northern
continuation, they greatly exceed in elevation the other
mountain-chains of North America. This, indeed, be¬
comes apparent from a consideration of the courses of the
great rivers of the country, all of which, with the excep¬
tion of the lake-born St Lawrence, derive their sources
and primary streams from the Rocky Mountains, howT-
ever different may be the direction in which their waters
flow. The Columbia, for example, which falls into the
Northern Pacific Ocean in the 46th parallel, derives its
primary streams from the western slopes of the same rocky
chain, the eastern sides of which give rise to the waters of the
Missouri, which, following a south-easterly and southern
direction, terminate their long-continued course of 4500
miles in the Gulf of Mexico. The Saskatchawan, in both
its great branches, likewise flows from the eastern slopes of
the Rocky Mountains, and, uniting its streams a short way
below Carlton House, it flows through Lake Winipeg, and
then, assuming the name of Nelson River, it empties itself,
in the vicinity of Cape Tatnam, into Hudson’s Bay.
In like manner, the Mackenzie, which, in respect of size,
may be regarded as the third river in North America
(being inferior to the Missouri and St Lawrence alone),
derives its two main branches, the Elk and Peace Rivers,
from these mountains ; and ere long, flowing northwards
and in a north-westerly direction, it opens its numerous
mouths into the Polar Sea, after a course of nearly 2000
miles. It may be mentioned as a singular fact, that the
Peace River actually rises on the western side of the
Rocky Mountain ridge, within 300 yards of the source
of the Tacoctchesse, or Fraser’s River, which flows into
the Strait of Georgia, on the western shore.*
At a considerable distance below its issue from Great
Slave Lake, and where the Mackenzie makes its first
near approach to the Rocky Mountains, it is joined by
a large stream which runs a little to the northward of
the Peace River, and flows along the eastern base of the
* Edinburgh Review, No. 106, p. 352.
7
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
305
mountains. It was called the River of the Mountains by
Sir Alexander Mackenzie; but it has since, on account of
its great magnitude, become more generally recognised
by the traders under the name of the South Branch of
the Mackenzie. The Mackenzie also receives several
other large streams in the course of its seaward journey,
and among others Great Bear Lake River, whose head¬
waters draw their source from the banks of the Copper-
mine River, and Peel’s River, which issues from the
Rocky Mountains in latitude 6 7°. “ Immediately after
the junction of Peel’s River,” Dr Richardson observes,
“ the Mackenzie separates into numerous branches, which
flow to the sea through a great delta composed of alluvial
mud. Here, from the richness of the soil, and from the
river bursting its icy chains comparatively very early in
the season, and irrigating the low delta with the warmer
waters brought from countries ten or twelve degrees
farther to the southward, trees flourish, and a more lux¬
uriant vegetation exists than in any place in the same
parallel on the North American continent.”* In latitude
68°, there are many groves of handsome white spruce-
firs, and in latitude 69°, on the desolate shores of the
Polar Sea, dense and well-grown willow-thickets cover
the flat islands ; while currants and gooseberries grow on
the drier hummocks, accompanied by showy epilobiums
and perennial lupins. The moose-deer, the beaver, and
the American hare, follow this extension of a life-sus¬
taining vegetation, and the existence of these herbivorous
animals induces a corresponding increase in the localities
of wolves, foxes, and other predaceous kinds.
The above mentioned are the principal rivers which
traverse the fur-countries of America. There are, how¬
ever, a few others of smaller size, the banks of which
yielded their share of the natural history collections, and
may therefore be briefly noticed. Hayes River takes
its origin from the neighbourhood of Lake Winipeg, and,
after running a course almost parallel to that of Nelson’s
River, it falls into the same quarter of Hudson’s Bay.
York Factory, so frequently mentioned in the narratives
of our northern expeditions, stands on the low alluvial
point that separates the mouths of these two rivers. The
Missinnippi, or, as it is sometimes called, the English
* Fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. i., Introduction, p. xxii.
T
306
NATURAL HISTORY.
River, falls into Hudson’s Bay at Churchill. Its upper
stream is denominated the Beaver River, and takes its
rise from a small ridge of hills, intermediate between a
bend of the Elk River and the northern branch of the
Saskatchawan. Lastly, the Coppermine River derives
its origin not far from the east end of Great Slave Lake,
and pursuing a northerly course, already made familiar
to our readers, it flows through the Barren Grounds into
the Arctic Sea. It is inferior in size to several branches
of the Mackenzie ; and as there are few alluvial deposites
along its banks, it is deficient in that comparative luxu¬
riance of vegetation which, along the banks of the Mac¬
kenzie, induces several species of herbivorous quadrupeds
to seek a higher latitude than they elsewhere attain. Did
our limits permit we could dwell with pleasure on this
example of the interconnexion or mutual dependence of
the links of a lengthened chain of facts in natural history.
There are various practicable passages across the Rocky
Mountains. Sir Alexander Mackenzie crossed them in the
year 1793, at the head of the Peace River, between latitudes
55° and 56°. The same route was followed in 1806 by a
party of the North-west Company, who went to form a set-
tlemetit in New Caledonia. It is still occasionally used by
the servants of the Hudson’s Bay Company. In the year
1805, Lewis and Clarke effected a passage at the head of
the Missouri, in latitude 47°, on their way to the mouth
of the Columbia. Dr Richardson informs us, that for
several years subsequent to that period, the North-west
Company were in the habit of crossing in latitude 52^°, at
the head of the north branch of the Saskatchawan, between
which and one of the feeding streams of the Columbia
there is a short portage ; but of late years, owing to the
hostility of the Indians, that route has been deserted, and
the Hudson’s Bay Company, who now engross the whole
of the fur-trade of that country, make use of a more length¬
ened portage between the northern branch of the Colum¬
bia and the Red Deer River, one of the branches of the
Elk or Mackenzie. We are likewise informed that at¬
tempts have been recently made to effect a passage in the
62d parallel of latitude ; but although several ridges of the
mountains were crossed, it does not appear that any
stream flowing towards the Pacific was attained.
The latest journeys across the Rocky Mountains with
which we happen to be acquainted, are those of Messrs
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
307
Drummond and Douglas, two skilful and enterprising
botanists, both belonging professionally to that high class
of practical horticulturists for which Scotland has been
long famous, and of which she is so justly proud.
Mr Drummond acted in the capacity of assistant-natu¬
ralist to Sir John Franklin’s second overland expedition,
and it was to his unrivalled skill in collecting, and inde¬
fatigable zeal, that Dr Richardson was indebted for a large
proportion both of the botanical and zoological collections.
He continued at Cumberland House in 1825, and occupied
himself collecting plants during the month of July, after
the main body of the expedition had departed northwards.
He then ascended the Saskatchawan for 660 miles, to
Edmonton House, performing much of the journey on
foot, and amassing objects of natural history by the way.
He left Edmonton House on the 22d of September, and
crossing a thickly- wooded swampy country to lied Deer
River, a branch of the Elk or Athabasca, he travelled
along its banks until he reached the Rocky Mountains,
the ground being by this time covered with snow. Hav¬
ing explored the portage-road for fifty miles across the
mountains towards the Columbia River, he hired an
Indian hunter, with whom he returned to the head of the
Elk River, on which he passed the winter making col¬
lections, under privations which, Dr Richardson observes,
“ would have effectually quenched the zeal of a less hardy
naturalist.” He revisited the Columbia portage-road dur¬
ing the month of April 1826, and continued in that vi¬
cinity until the 10th of August, after which he made a
journey to the head- waters of the Peace River, during
which he suffered severely from famine. But nothing
daunted, our enduring countryman, as soon as he had
obtained a supply of provisions, hastened back to the
Columbia portage, with the view of crossing to that river,
and botanising for a season on its banks. However, when
he had reached the west end of the portage, he was over¬
taken by letters from Sir John Franklin, informing him
that it was necessary to be at York Factory in 1827. He
was therefore obliged to commence his return, greatly to
his own regret ; for a transient view of the Columbia had
stimulated his desire to investigate its natural treasures.
“ The snow,” he observes, “ covered the ground too deeply
to permit me to add much to my collections in this hasty
trip over the mountains; but it was impossible to avoid
308
NATURAL HISTORY.
noticing the great superiority of the climate on the west¬
ern side of that lofty range. From the instant the descent
towards the Pacific commences, there is a visible improve¬
ment in the growth of timber, and the variety of forest-
trees greatly increases. The few mosses that I gleaned
in the excursion were so fine that I could not but deeply
regret that I was unable to pass a season or two in that
interesting region.” He now reluctantly turned his hack
upon the mountains, and, returning by Edmonton House,
where he spent some time, he joined Dr Richardson at
Carlton House, on his homeward journey. Mr Drum¬
mond’s collections on the mountains and plains of the
Saskatcliawan amounted to about 1500 species of plants,
150 birds, 50 quadrupeds, and a considerable number of
insects. He remained at Carlton House for six weeks
after Dr Richardson had left that place, and, descending
to Cumberland House, he there met Captain Back, whom
he accompanied to York Factory. He had previously,
however, had the pleasure of being joined by a country¬
man and kindred spirit, Mr David Douglas, the other
indefatigable collector to whom we have already alluded.
Mr Douglas had been engaged in gathering plants for
three years for the Horticultural Society, in North Cali¬
fornia and on the banks of the Columbia River. He had
crossed the Rocky Mountains from the westward, at the
head of the Elk River, by the same portage-road pre¬
viously traversed by Mr Drummond, and having spent
a short time in visiting the Red River of Lake Winipeg,
he returned to England along with Mr Drummond by the
way of Hudson’s Bay.* “ Thus, a zone of at least two
degrees of latitude in width, and reaching entirely across
the continent, from the mouth of the Columbia to that
of the Nelson River of Hudson’s Bay, has been explored
by two of the ablest and most zealous collectors that
England has ever sent forth ; while a zone of similar
width, extending at right angles with the other from
Canada to the Polar Sea, has been more cursorily ex¬
amined by the expeditions.”-f-
* These enterprising men have been for a considerable period
respectively engaged in a second journey of great extent, through
various regions of North America. The different departments of
natural history are expected to gain a rich harvest by their zealous
and discriminating labours.
T Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i., Introduction, p. xviii.
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
309
That widely-extended tract of territory which lies to
the eastward of the Rocky Mountains, and to the north
of the Missouri and the Great Lakes, is now well known
to the Hudson’s Bay traders, with exception of the shores
of the Polar Sea, and a corner, bounded to the westward
by the Coppermine River, Great Slave, Athabasca,
Wollaston, and Deer Lakes, to the southward by the
Churchill or Missinnippi, and to the northward and east¬
ward by the sea. When viewed under a zoological aspect,
we find that this north-eastern corner, more particularly
known under the name of the “ Barren Grounds,” carries
its purely Arctic character farther to the south than any
of the other meridians. This very hare and desolate por¬
tion of America is almost entirely destitute of wood, ex¬
cept along the banks of its larger rivers. The rocks of
this district are primitive, and rarely rise to such an ele¬
vation as to deserve the name of mountain-ridges, being
rather an assemblage of low hills with rounded summits,
and more or less precipitous sides. The soil of the nar¬
row valleys which separate these hills is either an imper¬
fect peat-earth, affording nourishment to dwarf birches,
stunted willows, larches, and black spruce trees, — or,
more generally, it is composed of a rocky debris, consist¬
ing of dry, coarse, quartzose sand, unadapted to other ve¬
getation than that of lichens. The centres of the larger
valleys are filled with lakes of limpid water, which are
stored with fish, even though frequently completely land¬
locked. More generally, however, one of these lakes dis¬
charges its waters into another, through a narrow gorge,
by a turbulent and rapid stream ; and, indeed, most of
the rivers which irrigate these barren grounds may al¬
most be viewed as a chain of narrow and connected lakes.
The rein-deer or caribou, and the musk-ox, are the pre¬
vailing quadrupeds of these unproductive wastes, where
the absence of fur-bearing species has prevented any set¬
tlement by the traders. The only human inhabitants are
the caribou-eaters, — a people composed of a few forlorn
families of the Chipewyans.
From the district above described, a belt of low primi¬
tive rocks extends to the northern shores of Lake Supe¬
rior. Dr Richardson calculates its width at about 200
miles ; and he states that, as it becomes more southerly,
it recedes from the Rocky Mountains, and differs from
310
NATURAL HISTORY.
the Barren Grounds in being well wooded. It is bounded
to the eastward by a narrow strip of limestone, beyond
which there is a flat, swampy, and partly alluvial district,
forming the western shores of Hudson’s Bay. This tract,
from the western border of the low primitive tract just
mentioned to the coast of Hudson’s Bay, has been named
the Eastern District, and presents us with several ani¬
mals unknown to the higher latitudes.
The Eastern District is bounded to the westward by a
flat limestone deposite ; and a remarkable chain of lakes
and rivers, such as the Lake of the Woods, Lake Wini-
peg, Beaver Lake, and the central portion of Churchill or
Missinnippi, all of which lie to the southward of the
Methye Portage, marks the line of junction of the two
formations. This district, which Dr Richardson has
named the Limestone Tract, is well wooded, and pro¬
duces the fur-bearing animals in great abundance. The
white or Polar bear, the Arctic fox, the Hudson’s Bay
lemming, and several other species disappear, while
their places are filled up by bisons, bats, and squirrels,
unknown to the other regions.
Intermediate between the limestone tract and the foot
of the Rocky Mountains, there occurs a wide expanse of
what is called in America prairie land. So slight are the
inequalities of its surface, that the traveller, while cross¬
ing it, is obliged to regulate his course either by the com¬
pass or the observation of the heavenly bodies. The soil
is tolerably fertile, though for the greater proportion dry
and rather sandy. It supports, however, a thick grassy
sward, which yields an abundant pasture to innumerable
herds of bison, and many species of deer ; and the grizzly
bear, the fiercest and most powerful of all the North
American land-animals, properly so called, inhabits vari¬
ous portions of this wide-spread plain. Prairies of a si¬
milar aspect, and still greater extent, are known to bor¬
der the Arkansa and Missouri rivers. They are said to
become gradually narrower to the northward, and in
the southern portion of the fur-countries they extend for
about fifteen degrees of longitude, from Maneetobaw, or
Maneetowoopoo, and Winipegoos Lakes, to the base of
the Rocky Mountains. These magnificent plains are par¬
tially intersected by ridges of low hills, and also by seve-
INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.
311
ral streams, of which the banks are wooded ; and towards
the skirts of the plains many detached masses of finely-
formed timber, and pieces of still water, are disposed in
so pleasing and picturesque a manner, as to convey the
idea rather of a cultivated English park than of an Ame¬
rican wilderness. There is, however, so great a deficiency
of wood in the central parts of these plains, that “ the
hunters,” says Dr Richardson, “ are under the necessity
of taking fuel with them on their journeys, or in dry
weather of making their fires of the dung of the bison.
To the northward of the Saskatchawan, the country is
more broken, and intersected by woody hills ; and on the
banks of the Peace River the plains are of comparatively
small extent, and are detached from each other by woody
tracts : they terminate altogether in the angle between the
River of the Mountains and Great Slave Lake. The
abundance of pasture renders these plains the favourite
resort of various ruminating animals.”*
The preceding summary brings us to the base of that
vast and continuous chain already so often mentioned
under the name of the Rocky Mountains. It is inhabited
by many singular animals, some of which do not occur
among the lower grounds on either side of the range. We
have already stated our opinion regarding the character
and physical influence of this extended group, and as we
shall ere long describe the most remarkable of its zoolo¬
gical productions, we shall in the mean time request the
reader to descend with us towards the western or Pacific
shores. There we find several interesting tracts of coun¬
try, with the natural history of which we are, however,
more imperfectly acquainted than we should desire.
The countries between the Rocky Mountains and the
Pacific are in general of a more hilly nature than those
already described to the eastward ; but the upper branches
of the Columbia are skirted by extensive plains, which
present the same general character as those of the Mis¬
souri and Saskatchawan. New Caledonia extends from
north to south about 500 miles, and from east to west
about 350 or 400. Its central post at Stewart’s Lake is
placed in north latitude 54?j, and west longitude 125 de¬
grees. According to Mr Harmon, it contains so many
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i., Introduction, p. 29.
312
NATURAL HISTORY.
lakes that about one-sixth of its entire surface is under
water. The weather here is much milder than on the
eastern side of the mountains, — an amelioration which is
no doubt owing to the comparatively narrow extent of
land which intervenes between the mountains and the
sea.* However, for a few days during the depth of win¬
ter it must be “ pretty considerably” cold, as the thermo¬
meter is said to descend for a time to about thirty-two
degrees below zero of Fahrenheit. Snow generally falls
about the 15th of November, and disappears by the 15th
of May ;t from which the winter may be fairly inferred
to be of shorter duration by about one-third than it is in
some places situated under the same latitude on the other
side.
The only remaining district of North America to which
we need here allude, as falling within the scope of the
present volume, is that forlorn region in the north-west
corner of the continent, which forms the terminating por¬
tion of the vast Russian dominions. Its shores have been
coasted by Cook, Kotzebue, and Beechey ; but of its in¬
terior nature and productions we are more sparingly in¬
formed. Dr Richardson, indeed, reports, from informa¬
tion given by the few Inchans of Mackenzie’s River who
have ever crossed the range of the Rocky Mountains in
that northern quarter, that on their western side there is
a tract of barren ground frequented by rein-deer and
musk-oxen ; and it may also be inferred, from the quan¬
tity of furs procured by the Russian Company, that woody
regions, similar to such as exist to the eastward of the
mountains, also occur in this north-west corner of Ame¬
rica.
* Edinburgh Review, No. 106, p. 355.
■f Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interior of North
America, between the forty-seventh and fifty-eighth degrees of lati¬
tude, by Daniel William Harmon, a partner in the North-West
Company. Andover, 1820.
QUADRUPEDS.
313
CHAPTER VI.
The Quadrupeds of the Northern Regions of America.
Inaccuracies of some Historical Writers — No Monkeys in North
America — Bats — Shrewmice — Genus Scalops, or Shrewraole
— Other Moles of America — The Star-nose — Various Bears —
Different Digitated Quadrupeds — The Canada Otter — The Sea-
otter — The Dogs and Wolves of America — The Foxes — The
Beaver — The Musk-rat — Meadow Mice and Lemmings — The
Rocky Mountain Neotoma — The American Fieldmouse — The
Marmots — The Squirrel Tribe — The Canada Porcupine — The
American Hare — The Polar Hare — The Prairie Hare — The
Little Chief Hare — Genus Cervus — The Elk, or Moose-deer —
The Rein-deer — The Woodland Caribou — The Rocky Moun¬
tain Sheep — The Rocky Mountain Goat — The Bison, or Ameri¬
can Buffalo — The Musk-ox.
Having in the preceding chapter exhibited a general
sketch of some of the prevailing features in the physical
geography of the northern countries of America, we shall
now proceed to a more detailed and systematic account of
their natural history. But, in the first place, we may
notice a slight inaccuracy which prevails in regard to the
comparative size of the ferine inhabitants of the Old and
New World. “ Nature,” says Dr Robertson,* “ was not
only less prolific in the New World, but she appears
likewise to have been less vigorous in her productions.
The animals originally belonging to this quarter of the
globe appear to be of an inferior race, neither so robust
nor so fierce as those of the other continent. America
gives birth to no creature of such bulk as to be compared
with the elephant or rhinoceros, or that equals the lion
and tiger in strength and ferocity. The tapir of Brazil,
the largest quadruped of the ravenous tribe in the New
World, is not larger than a calf of six months old. The
puma and jaguar, the fiercest beasts of prey, which Eu-
® In his History of America.
314
NATURAL HISTORY.
ropeans have inaccurately denominated lions and tigers,
possess neither the undaunted courage of the former, nor
the ravenous cruelty of the latter.* They are inactive
and timid, hardly formidable to man, and often turn their
backs upon the least appearance of resistance, t The
same qualities in the climate of America which stinted
the growth and enfeebled the spirit of its native animals,
have proved pernicious to such as have migrated into it
voluntarily from the other continent, or have been trans¬
ported thither by the Europeans.^ The bears, the wolves,
the deer of America, are not equal in size to those of the
Old World/’ 1 1 Now this idea, that the quadrupeds of the
New World are smaller than those of the Old, is correct,
only in relation to the southern regions of each. The
elephant and rhinoceros of India are of much more vast
dimensions than the tapir and lama of South America ;
but “ the bears, wolves, and deer” of North America are
much larger than those of Europe, and the reptiles of
that same quarter of the globe are infinitely larger than
any which occur in corresponding latitudes of the ancient
continent. Even in regard to the feline tribes which the
great Scotch historian considered as so inferior in the
New World, perhaps there is less disparity than is usually
supposed. Buffon’s observations on the “ cowardly tigers5’
of the new continent are known to be applicable to the
small species called the ocelot ; and it is ascertained that
the real jaguar of the Orinoco sometimes leaps into the
water and seizes the Indians in their canoes, — a practice
not entirely consistent with the idea of its fearing the
face of man. Let us peruse the following passages from
tire writings of Humboldt : — “ The night was gloomy ;
the Devil’s Wall and its denticulated rocks appeared
from time to time at a distance, illumined by the burn¬
ing of the savannahs, or wrapped in ruddy smoke. At
the spot where the bushes were the thickest, our horses
* Buffon, Hist. Nat. tom. ix. p. 87- Margravii Hist. Nat. Bra¬
zil, p. 22 9.
Ibid. ix. 13, 203. Acosta, Hist. lib. iv. c. 34. Pisonis Hist,
p. 6. Herrera, dec. 4, lib. iv. c. 1, lib. x. c. 13.
£ Churchill, v. p. 691. Ovalle, Relat. of Chili. Churchill, iii.
p. 10. Sommario de Oviedo, c. 14 — 22. Voyage du Des Mar.
chais, iii. 299.
|| Buffon, Hist. Nat. ix. 103. Kalin’s Travels, i. 102. Biet.
Voy. de France Equinox, p. 339.
QUADRUPEDS.
315
were frightened by the yell of an animal that seemed to
follow us closely. It was a large jaguar that had roamed
for three years among these mountains. He had con¬
stantly escaped the pursuit of the boldest hunters, and
had carried off horses and mules from the midst of en¬
closures ; but, having no want of food, had not yet attacked
men. The negro who conducted us uttered wild cries.
He thought he should frighten the jaguar ; but these
means were of course without effect. The jaguar, like
the wolf of Europe, follows travellers even when he will
not attack them : the wolf in the open fields and in un¬
sheltered places, the jaguar skirting the road, and ap¬
pearing only at intervals between the bushes.”* The
same illustrious observer also remarks, — “ Near the Joval
nature assumes an awful and savage aspect. We there
saw the largest jaguar we had ever met with. The na¬
tives themselves were astonished at its prodigious length,
which surpassed that of all the tigers of India I had seen
in the collections of Europe.”t
The first fact to which we shall here allude is one of a
negative character, viz. the entire absence of the monkey
tribe, commonly called the Quadrumanous order, from
the countries of our present disquisition. The climate is
too rigorous and variable for that “ pigmy people.”
Of the next order, the Cheiroptera or bats, there are
several North American species, of which we shall here
name only the Vespertilio subulatus of Say, a small¬
bodied species, common near the eastern base of the Rocky
Mountains, on the upper branches of the Peace River and
Saskatchawan.
The slender and delicately-formed tribe of shrewmice
are well known in America. Forster’s shrew (Sorex For-
steri, Rich.) is widely spread over the whole of the fur-
countries as far as the sixty-seventh degree of north lati¬
tude ; and wherever the snow is sufficiently firm to retain
the impression, its little footmarks are seen throughout
the dreary winter. Dr Richardson often traced its paths
to the top of a stalk of grass, by which it appeared to
descend from the surface of the deep snow ; but he always
sought in vain for its habitation beneath. This is the
smallest quadruped with which the Inchans are acquaint-
* Personal Narrative, vol. iv. p. 176.
j* Ibid. p. 427-
316
NATURAL HISTORY.
ed, and they carefully preserve its skin in their conjuring-
bags. It has been a source of wonder and admiration
how the vital power should preserve its delicate limbs
from freezing in a country where the winter temperature
sinks to fifty degrees below zero. Of this species the tail
is of a square form, and of the same length with the head
and body, which together measure rather more than a
couple of inches. The ears are short and furry, the back
is of a clove-brown colour, and the under parts are pale
yellowish-brown.
A singular animal (classed under the genus Scalops of
Cuvier) is known to the American naturalists by the name .
of shrewmole. It has a thick cylindrical body, resem¬
bling that of the common mole, without any distinct
neck. Its limbs are very short, and appear remarkably
so in consequence of their being enveloped in the skin of
the body as far as the wrists and ankle-joints. The snout
is linear and moveable, and projects above the third of an
inch beyond the incisive teeth. The eyes are concealed
by the fur, and are so exceedingly small, according to Dr
Godman, that the aperture of the skin is just large enough
to admit the entrance of an ordinary-sized human hair.
The paws closely resemble those of the European mole,
and the fur has the same rich velvety appearance. It is
of a brownish-black colour, with a slight chestnut tinge
upon the forehead, and somewhat paler on the throat.
Considerable confusion exists in the history of the Ame¬
rican moles, and it is still a matter of doubt whether any
true mole (of the genus Talpa ) inhabits the New World.
Cf Before the sun rose,” says Sir Alexander Mackenzie,
“ our guides summoned us to proceed, when we de¬
scended into a beautiful valley, watered by a small river.
At eight we came to the termination of it, when we saw a
great number of moles.”* Now, in this country, though
mo\e-hills are abundant, it seldom happens that we see of
the creatures themselves more than one at a time, and
even that but rarely. From this it may perhaps be in¬
ferred that the species are distinct. However, the one
which we have described above is frequent on the banks
of the Columbia and the neighbouring coasts of the Pa-
* Voyages from Montreal, on the river St Lawrence, through the
Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans,
p. 314.
QUADRUPEDS.
317
cific. According to Lewis and Clarke, “ it differs in no
respect from the species so common in the United States.”^
The northern range of the shrewmole is still unknown.
It is supposed not to advance beyond the fiftieth degree
of latitude, because its favourite food consists of earth¬
worms, which are unknown in the countries of Hudson’s
Bay, although it may probably reach a somewhat higher
latitude along the milder Pacific shores. Its general ha¬
bits resemble those of our own kind. It is a subterranean
dweller, excavates galleries, throws up mounds, and feeds
on insects. This species is said to have the singular cus¬
tom of coming to the surface exactly at noon. A domes¬
ticated individual kept by Mr Titian Peale was lively,
playful, and familiar ; — it would follow the hand of its
feeder by the scent, and then, after burrowing for a short
distance in the loose earth, and making a small circuit,
would return again for a supply of food. It fed on
fresh meat, either cooked or raw, and was observed to
drink freely, t
Another singular subterranean species is the long-tailed
mole of Pennant ( Condylura longicaudata, Harlan). The
length of this animal, exclusive of the tail, is nearly five
inches. It is covered with a brownish-black velvety coat
of fur, and the extremity of its snout is furnished with a
cartilaginous fringe of eighteen rays, with two short bifid
ones beneath the nostrils. It is from these appendages
that it has obtained the name of star-nose. Specimens
were transmitted to the Zoological Society from Moose
F actory, Hudson’s Bay. It is called naspass-kasic by the
Salteur Indians.
We come now to the group of bears (genus Ursus ),
which includes the largest and most powerful of the Ame¬
rican beasts of prey. It is natural to suppose that ani¬
mals of almost gigantic size, of great strength, and fero¬
cious habits, would be too formidable and dangerous to
the human race to remain unknown in any of their distin¬
guishing characteristics. Yet the specific differences of
the black and brown bears of Europe and America are
still insufficiently illustrated. Both continents produce a
black bear and a brown one, — the white or Polar bear is
* Travels to the Source of the Missouri River, vol. iii. p. 42.
‘Y American Natural History, by John D. Godman, M. D., vol. i.
p. 84.
318
NATURAL HISTORY.
common to the northern latitudes of each, while America
alone is inhabited by the grizzly bear, Ursus ferox.
The black bear of the New World ( Ursus America¬
ns) has a more arched forehead than the analogous spe¬
cies of Europe. Its nose is continued on the same fine
with the forehead, and is also somewhat arched, which
produces one of its most striking physiognomical charac¬
ters. Its ears are high, oval, rounded at the tips, and
are placed wide apart from each other. Its fur is long,
straight, black, and shining, with the exception of a large
pale yellowish-brown spot on each side of the muzzle.
The bare extremity of tfie nose is more obliquely truncat¬
ed than that of the brown bear, and the palms and soles
of the feet are comparatively shorter than in that species.
This is the least of the American bears, and seldom ex¬
ceeds five feet in length. Its disposition is also milder,
and its diet consists of a greater proportion of vegetable
substances. It feeds on various kinds of roots and wild
berries, as well as on insects, eggs, birds, quadrupeds, and
fish. In short, it may be said to be omnivorous, like the
rest of its congeners, with this difference, that when it
happens to be amply supplied with a favourite vegetable
food, it will pass the carcass of a deer or other quadruped
untouched. It may be characterized as rather a timid
animal, and seldom ventures to face a human foe, unless
when hemmed into a corner, or emboldened by the strength
of parental affection. Its speed is generally said not to
be very great ; but Dr Richardson states that he has seen
a black bear make off' with a rapidity that would have
baffled the fleetest runner, and ascend a nearly perpendi¬
cular cliff with a facility “ that a cat might envy.”
This species, when resident in the fur-countries, sleeps
throughout the winter, generally under a fallen tree, after
having scraped away a portion of the soil. The first
heavy fall of snow covers it up, and secures it from an
undue intensity of cold. In regard to distribution, it is
widely spread over all the wooded districts of America,
from Carolina to the Arctic Sea, and across the whole of
the continent from east to west. It is, however, less
abundant near the seacoasts than in file interior coun¬
tries. “ The skin of a black bear, with the fur in prime
order, and the claws appended, was at one period worth
from twenty to forty guineas, and even more ; but at
present the demand for them is so small, from their be-
QUADRUPEDS.
319
ing little used either for muffs or hammercloths, that the
best, I believe, sell for less than forty shillings.”*
As both the black and grizzly bears vary greatly in the
colour of their coats, according to age and season, the
supposed brown bear of America is alleged by some to
have arisen from one or other of these variations. F rom
inquiries made by Dr Richardson throughout an extent
of ten degrees of latitude, from Lake Superior to Great
Slave Lake, he could not ascertain that the natives of
these districts were acquainted with more than two spe¬
cies of land bear, viz. the one above described, and the
grizzly species. He found, however, that the barren
lands which lie to the north and east of Great Slave
Lake, and stretch thence to the Polar Sea, are frequent¬
ed by a bear which differs from those species, and pre¬
sents a nearer affinity to the brown bear of the Scan¬
dinavian peninsula. Its general colour is dusky (some¬
times yellowish) brown, and the shoulders and flanks are
frequently covered during the summer season with long
pale- tipped hairs. This is no doubt the grizzly bear of
Hearne, though quite distinct from the kind now more
familiarly known under that appellation. The Indians
greatly dread the Barren Ground bear, and avoid burning
bones, lest the smell should attract so unwelcome a visiter.
It is narrated, that as Keskarrah, an old Indian, was one
day seated at the door of his tent near Fort Enterprise, a
large bear suddenly made its appearance on the opposite
bank of a small stream, and remained stationary for some
time, curiously eyeing the old gentleman, and apparently
deliberating whether to eat him up at that moment or
wait till supper-time. Keskarrah, thinking himself in
great jeopardy, and having no one to assist him but a
wife as old as himself, immediately gave utterance to the
following oration : — “ Oh, bear ! I never did you any
harm ; I have always had the highest respect for you and
your relations, and never killed any of them except
through necessity : go away, good bear, and let me alone,
and I promise not to molest you.” Bruin instantly took
his departure; and the orator, never doubting that he
owed his safety to his eloquence, on his arrival at the fort
frequently favoured the company with his speech at full
length. In the stomach of one of these animals which
* Fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. i. p. 20.
6
320
NATURAL HISTORY.
Dr Richardson dissected, he found the remains of a seal,
a marmot, a large quantity of the long sweet roots of
some Astragali and Hedysara , with some wild berries
and a little grass.
The third American species of this genus which we re¬
quire to notice is the true grizzly bear, or Ursus ferox.
He does not present a very amiable aspect.
This is the most formidable animal of the North Ame¬
rican continent. When full grown it equals the size of
the larger Polar bears, and is not only more active, but of
a fiercer and more vindictive disposition. Its strength
is so great that it will drag the carcass of a buffalo weigh¬
ing a thousand pounds. The following story of its prowess
is well authenticated : — A party of voyagers had been oc¬
cupied all day in tracking a canoe up the Saskatchawan,
and had seated themselves around a fire during the even¬
ing twilight. They were engaged in the agreeable task
of preparing their supper, when a huge grizzly bear
sprung over the canoe which they had tilted behind
them, and seizing one of the party by the shoulder, car¬
ried him off. The remainder fled in terror, with the sole
exception of a metif, named Bourasso, who, grasping his
gun, followed the bear as it was deliberately retreating
wdth the man in its mouth. He called out to his unfor¬
tunate comrade that he was afraid of hitting him if he fired
at the bear ; but the latter entreated him to fire instantly,
because the animal was squeezing him to death. On this
he took a steady aim, and lodged his ball in the body of
the brute, which immediately dropped its original prey,
that it might revenge itself upon Bourasso. He, how¬
ever, escaped, though with difficulty, and the monster
soon after retreated into a thicket, where it was supposed
to have died. But fear prevailed over every other feeling,
and no one thought it necessary too curiously to inquire.
The rescued man was found to have had his arm fractur¬
ed, and to have been otherwise severely bitten ; howrever,
he afterwards recovered. We are informed by Dr Rich¬
ardson, that a man is now living in the vicinity of Ed¬
monton House who was attacked by a grizzly bear, which
suddenly sprung out of a thicket and scalped him by a
single scratch of its tremendous claws, laying bare the
skull, and pulling down the skin of the forehead quite
over the eyes. Assistance being at hand, the bear was
driven off' without effecting farther injury ; but the indi-
Grizzly Bear
U
QUADRUPEDS.
323
vidual attacked was left in a most unfortunate and pain¬
ful predicament, for the scalp not being properly replaced
in time, he lost his sight (although his eyes remained un¬
injured), owing to the fixing and hardening of that
skinny veil.
Mr Drummond, whose botanical trip to the Rocky
Mountains we have already narrated, frequently met with
these disagreeable companions. When he happened un¬
intentionally to come suddenly upon them, they would
rear themselves upright on their hind legs, and utter a
loud, harsh, and rapid breathing. From what is known
of the habits of these animals, it is certain that, had he
lost his presence of mind and attempted to flee, he would
have been pursued, overtaken, and torn to pieces. But
the bold F orfar-man stood his ground to an inch, and
beating a huge botanical box, made of tin, his discordant
music so astounded the grizzly monsters, that, after eyeing
the Scottish Orpheus for a few minutes, they generally
wheeled to the right about and galloped away. He was,
however, once attacked by a female who was attended by
her cubs. On this occasion his gun unfortunately missed
fire ; but he kept her at bay with the butt-end till some
gentlemen of the Hudson’s Bay Company, with whom he
was at that time travelling, came up to his assistance,
and they succeeded in driving her off. On another occa¬
sion he observed a male caressing a female, and soon after
the loving couple came towards him, hut whether by ac¬
cident or design he was uncertain. However, he thought
there was no great harm in climbing a tree, and as the
female drew near, he very ungallantly fired at and mor¬
tally wounded her. As usual in such cases, she uttered
some loud screams, which threw the male into a most fu¬
rious rage, and he reared himself up against the trunk of
the tree on which Mr Drummond was perched, no doubt
wishing himself, if not, like the Scotch baronet’s bird, in
two places at one time, at any rate in some other quarter
of the world than that which he then occupied. How¬
ever, it is fortunately so ordained that grizzly hears either
won’t or can’t climb, and the female in the mean while
having retired to a short distance, lay down, and the male
proceeding to condole with her, Mr Drummond shot him
too. All things considered, this was probably his most
prudent course.
The geographical distribution of this species is exten-
324
NATURAL HISTORY.
sive. According to Lieutenant Pike, it extends south¬
ward as far as Mexico,* and it is known to inhabit the
Rocky Mountains and their eastern plains, at least as far
as the sixty-first degree of north latitude, and in the last-
named districts it occurs most frequently in such woody
regions as are interspersed with open prairies and grassy
hills.t
Although unwilling to detain our readers much longer
in such uncouth company, we cannot close our account of
American bears without a short record of the white or
Polar species, — the Ursus maritimus of naturalists. This
great prowler of the Arctic snows attains to a higher
latitude than any other known quadruped, and dwells
indeed by preference
“ In thrilling, regions of thick-ribbed ice.”
Its southern limit appears to be somewhere about the fifty-
fifth parallel. It is well known at York Factory, on the
southern shore of Hudson’s Bay, more especially during
the autumn season, to which it is liable to be drifted dur¬
ing summer from the northward on the ice. It is a truly
ice-haunting and maritime species, and occurs along a vast
extent of shore over the Arctic regions, never entering
into wooded countries except by accident during the pre¬
valence of great mists, nor showing itself at more than
a hundred miles’ distance from the sea. Indeed it rarely
travels inland more than a few miles, because it is a strong
and persevering swimmer, and probably feels conscious
that when removed from its accustomed element it loses
the advantage of its own peculiar and most powerful
locomotive energies. The Polar bear is well known in
Greenland, Spitsbergen, and Nova Zembla, and was met
with by Captain Parry among the North Georgian Islands.
It seems, however, to decrease in numbers to the west¬
ward of Melville Island. In proof of this it may be men¬
tioned that Dr Richardson met with none between the
mouths of the Mackenzie and Coppermine Rivers ; and
* Travels on the Missouri and Arkansaw, edited by Mr Rees.
London, 1811.
-j* The specimen in the Edinburgh Museum (of which I have
published a coloured representation on the twenty-first plate of the
first volume of my “Illustrations of Zoology”) was killed on the
plains at Carlton House in its second year. Its claws are black.
In a mature condition these weapons are white, and necklaces made
of them are much prized by the Indian warriors as proofs of prowess.
QUADRUPEDS.
325
the Esquimaux informed Captain Franklin that white
bears very rarely visited the coast to the westward of the
Mackenzie. Along the Asiatic shores, on the other hand,
they are not recorded as occurring to the eastward of the
Tgchukotzkoi Noss.* * Neither were they seen by Cap¬
tain Beechey during his recent voyage to the Icy Cape,
although their skins appear to have been procured amongst
other peltry from the natives on the coast of Hotham’s
Inlet, Kotzebue’s Sound.t It thus appears that this great
maritime species occurs very generally along all the frozen
shores within the Arctic Circle, with the exception of about
thirty-five degrees of longitude on either side of Point
Beechey, in which it is comparatively rare; and that in
Hudson’s Bay, and along the northern coast of Labrador,
and the nearer portions of East and West Greenland, it
occurs not unfrequently six or eight degrees to the south
of the Arctic Circle.^
We deem it unnecessary to describe the external cha¬
racters or appearance of this familiarly-known animal. ||
Passing over the racoon ( Procyon lotor ), the American
badger ( Meles Labradorid), the wolverene (Gm/o luscus),
the common weasel ( Mustela vulgaris ), the ermine or
stoat (M.erminea), the vison- weasel {M. vison ), the pine-
martin ( M . martes ), the pekan or fisher (iff. Canadensis'),
and the Hudson’s Bay skunk ( Mephitis Americana), we
shall devote a page to the history of the American otters.
The Canada otter ( Lutra Canadensis of Sabine§) fre¬
quents the neighbourhood of falls and rapids during the
winter season; and, when its accustomed haunts are frozen
up, it will travel a great way over the snow in search of
open water. In its food and habits it bears a close re-
* Arctic Zoology, vol. i. p. 62.
*1* Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific and Behring’s Straits, to
co-operate with the Polar Expeditions. London, 1831.
J Edinburgh Review, No. 106, p. 344.
|| One of the finest specimens in Europe is preserved in the
Edinburgh College Museum. It was shot during one of Sir Ed¬
ward Parry’s expeditions, and was transmitted to Professor Jame¬
son by order of the Lords of the Admiralty. — For anecdotes illus¬
trating the history and habits of the Polar bear, we beg to refer
the reader to the First Volume of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library,
entitled “ Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas and Re¬
gions.”
§ Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 653.
326
NATURAL HISTORY.
semblance to the European species, but it may be dis¬
tinguished by the fur on the belly being of the same shin¬
ing brown colour as that on the back. It is also a much
larger animal, and has a proportionately shorter tail.
The sea-otter ( Lutra marina ) belongs to the subgenus
Enhydra of Dr Fleming.* It exhibits the manners rather
of a seal than of a land animal. It resides chiefly in the
water ; and, according to Pennant, has been sometimes
met with more than a hundred leagues from shore. It is
distinguished from the fresh-water species, among other
characters, by the larger size and greater strength of its
fore paws. The fur varies in beauty according to the age
and condition of the animal. Those in highest estimation
have the belly and throat interspersed with brilliant silver
hairs, while the other parts consist of a thick black coat,
with a silky gloss of extreme fineness.
We have now to notice the wolves and dogs of America.
The former may be called wild-dogs, and some of the
latter are little better than semi-domesticated wolves. We
shall not here enter into the question of the specific iden¬
tity or distinction of the European and American species.
The large brown wolf, described by Lewis and Clarke
as inhabiting not only the Atlantic countries but the
borders of the Pacific and the mountains in the vicinity
of the Columbia River, appears to form the closest ap¬
proximation to the wolf of the Scandinavian Alps and
the Pyrenees. It is not found on the Missouri to the
westward of the Platte. Wolves were extremely nume¬
rous in some of the countries traversed by our overland
expeditions. They varied greatly in colour ; some being
pure white, others totally black, but the greater propor¬
tion were characterized by a mixture of gray, white, and
brown. Dr Richardson is of opinion that, however colour¬
ed, they possess certain characters in common in which
they differ from the European race. “ On the Barren
Grounds, through which the Coppermine River flows, I
had more than once an opportunity of seeing a single wolf
in close pursuit of a rein-deer ; and I witnessed a chase
on Point Lake when covered with ice, which terminated
in a fine buck rein-deer being overtaken by a large white
wolf, and disabled by a bite in the flank. An Indian,
* Philosophy of Zoology, vol. ii. p. 187.
American Gray Wolf.
QUADRUPEDS.
329
who was concealed on the borders of the lake, ran in and
cut the deer’s throat with his knife, the wolf at once re¬
linquishing his prey and sneaking off. In the chase the
poor deer urged its flight by great bounds, which for a
time exceeded the speed of the wolf ; but it stopped so
frequently to gaze on its relentless enemy, that the latter,
toiling on at a ( long gallop,’ with its tongue lolling out
of its mouth, gradually came up. After each hasty look,
the poor deer redoubled its efforts to escape ; but, either
exhausted by fatigue, or enervated by fear, it became,
just before it was overtaken, scarcely able to keep its feet.”*
A wolf seldom fails to attack, and can easily run down a
fox, if it perceives it at any considerable distance from
its cover, and it bears it off’ in its mouth without any ap¬
parent diminution of its speed, if it be at that time per¬
ceived and pursued by the hunters. Though cruel and
bloodthirsty, and even at times bold in search of food
when severely pressed by famine, the wolf is on the whole
a timid and fearful animal. A handkerchief tied to a
tree, or a distended bladder dangling in the air, is sufficient
to keep a whole herd at a respectful distance. However,
during Dr Richardson’s residence at Cumberland House
in 1820, a wolf which had been for some time prowling
about the fort, and was supposed to have been driven off
by a wound of a musket-ball, returned after nightfall
and carried off a dog from among about fifty of his
companions, all of whom howled most lamentably, but
wanted courage to rescue their unfortunate comrade. In
the northern countries of America many wolves suffer
dreadfully from famine, and not unfrequently perish of
hunger during severe seasons.
The individual here figured from the fine specimen
in the Edinburgh Museum, was found lying dead on the
snow near Fort Franklin. It had been observed prowling
about the Indian huts in the vicinity of the fort a few
days preceding ; and its extreme emaciation and the
emptiness of its interior showed clearly that it had died
from hunger. Captain Lyon describes the wolves of
Melville Peninsula as comparatively fearless. One after¬
noon a fine dog strayed a short way ahead of its master,
when five wolves made a sudden and unexpected rush,
and devoured it in so incredibly short a time, that before
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i. p. 63.
330
NATURAL HISTORY.
Mr Elder, who witnessed the attack, could reach the
scene of action, the dog had disappeared, with the excep¬
tion of the lower part of a leg. They frequently came
alongside the frost-bound ship, and one night broke into
a snow-hut, and carried away a brace of Esquimaux dogs,
which appeared to have made a considerable resistance,
as the ceiling was sprinkled with blood and hair. The
alarm was not given till the mortal strife had terminated,
and when they were fired at, one of the wolves was ob¬
served to take up a dead dog in his mouth, and to set off
with it at an easy canter, although its weight was sup¬
posed to be equal to his own.*
The dusky wolf described in Godman’s Natural His¬
tory is regarded as a distinct species by Mr Say ;+ and
the black variety is also considered by some authors as
entitled to specific separation. The not unfrequent oc¬
currence of black individuals in the litter of the gray and
brown wolves, seems, however, rather to point out the
probability of this difference of colour being merely an
accidental variation.
But the prairie wolf ( Canis latrans ) is undoubtedly a
distinct and well-defined species. It hunts in packs, and
is an animal of great swiftness. It occurs on both sides
of the Rocky Mountains ; but is less numerous on the
banks of the Columbia than in the plains of the Missouri
and Saskatchawan. When the hunters on the banks of
the latter river discharge their muskets at any kind of
game, great numbers of the prairie wolf are sometimes
seen to start from holes in the earth, and keep a look-out
with a view to secure the offals of the slaughtered animal.
With the exception of the prong-horned antelope there
is probably no swifter quadruped in America than the
prairie wolf.
These fierce and unreclaimed animals conduct us na¬
turally to the domesticated tribes of the canine race, of
which there are several remarkable varieties in the north¬
ern regions of America. We can here afford space only
for a few lines regarding the Hare Indian, or Mackenzie
River dog ( Canis familiaris, var. lagopus). The front
figure of the annexed cut represents his external aspect.
This domestic variety, as far as Dr Richardson could
* Lyon’s Private Journal.
•f Long’s Expedition to the Rocky Mountains.
Hare Indian or Mackenzie River Dog.
QUADRUPEDS.
333
learn, appeared to be cultivated only by the Hare Indians,
and other tribes frequenting the borders of the Great
Slave Lake, and the banks of the Mackenzie. It is too
small and slight to serve as a beast of draught or other
burden, and is consequently used solely in the chase. It
is an animal of a playful and affectionate disposition,
easily conciliated by kindness. It has a mild counte¬
nance, a demure expression, a small head, slender muzzle,
erect ears, and eyes somewhat oblique. Its legs are rather
slender, the feet broad and hairy, the tail bushy, and for
the most part curled over the right hip. It may be cha¬
racterized as bearing the same near relation to the prairie
wolf as the Esquimaux dog does to the great gray wolf
of America. Indeed the whole of the canine republic in
these parts of America are of very wolfish habits. For
example, the larger dogs which our expedition purchased
at Fort Franklin for the purposes of draught, were in the
habit of pursuing the Hare Indian dogs in order to de¬
vour them ; but the latter fortunately far outstripped the
others in speed. A young puppy, which Dr Richardson
purchased from the Hare Indians, became greatly at¬
tached to him, and when about seven months old, ran on
the snow, by the side of his sledge, for 900 miles, without
suffering from fatigue. “ During this march it frequent¬
ly, of its own accord, carried a small twig or one of my
mittens for a mile or two ; but although very gentle in
manners, it showed little aptitude in learning any of the
arts which the Newfoundland dogs so speedily acquire of
fetching and carrying when ordered. This dog was kill¬
ed and eaten by an Indian on the Saskatchawan, who
pretended that he mistook it for a fox.”
The flesh of dogs is much esteemed by the Canadian
voyagers, and by several of the Inchan tribes. The Chi-
pewyans, however, who deem themselves descended from
a dog, hold the practice of using it as an article of food in
great abhorrence.
There are many species of fox in North America. The
American red fox ( Cams fulvus ) inhabits the woody
districts of the fur-countries, and from thence about 8000
of the skins are annually imported into England. Pennant,
and many other authors of last century, regarded the spe¬
cies as identical with the common European kind ; from
which, however, it was shown by M. Palisot de Beauvois
334
NATURAL HISTORY.
to be quite distinct. The American species is distin¬
guished by its longer and finer fur, and more brilliant
colouring. Its cheeks are rounder — its nose thicker,
shorter, and more truncated — its eyes are nearer to each
other, and its feet are in general much more woolly be¬
neath. The red fox has a finer brush, and is altogether
a larger animal than the European ; yet it does not pos¬
sess the continuous speed of the latter ; it seems to ex¬
haust its strength almost at the first burst, and is then
overtaken without much difficulty, either by a mounted
huntsman or a wolf. The cross fox ( C . decussatus),
and the black or silver fox (C. argentatus), are considered
by some as distinct species, while others, probably with
greater correctness, view them in the light of local or ac¬
cidental varieties. Besides these we may name as Ameri¬
can species, the kit-fox (C. cinereo-argentatus ), and the
Arctic fox, commonly so called (C. lagopus ). The latter
occurs also in the Old World.
Several kinds of lynx inhabit North America; but we
shall not here enter on their history.
We cannot, however, so slightly pass the beaver of these
northern regions {Castor fiber, Americanus), one of the
most valuable and noted of quadrupeds. Its description is
contained in almost every book of natural history; and
wre shall therefore confine ourselves in this place to such
particulars as illustrate its general habits. As the history
of this animal given by Hearne has been characterized by
competent authority as the most accurate which has yet
been presented to the public, we shall here abridge it for
the benefit of our readers.
As the beaver not only furnishes an excellent food, but
is highly valuable for the sake of its skin, it naturally at¬
tracted the particular attention of the last-named traveller.
The situation of beaver-houses was found to be various.
When the animals are numerous, they inhabit lakes, ponds,
and rivers, as well as those narrow creeks which connect the
lakes together. Generally, however, they prefer flowing
waters, probably on account of the advantages presented
by the current in transporting the materials of their dwell¬
ings. They also prefer deepish water, no doubt because
it affords a better protection from the frost. It is when
they build in small creeks or rivers, the waters of which
are liable to dry or be drained off, that they manifest that
QUADRUPEDS.
335
beautiful instinct with which Providence has gifted them,
— the formation of dams. These differ in shape according
to their particular localities. When the water has little mo¬
tion the dam is almost straight ; when the current is con¬
siderable it is curved, with its convexity towards the stream.
The materials made use of are drift-wood, green willows,
birch, and poplars ; also mud and stones intermixed in such
a manner as must evidently contribute to the strength of
the dam ; but there is no particular method observed, ex¬
cept that the work is carried on with a regular sweep, and
all the parts are made of equal strength. “ In places which
have been long frequented by beavers undisturbed, their
dams, by frequent repairing, become a solid bank, capable
of resisting a great force both of ice and water ; and as the
willow, poplar, and birch, generally take root and shoot up,
they by degrees form a kind of regular planted hedge,
which I have seen in some places so tall, that birds have
built their nests among the branches.”*
The beaver-houses are built of the same materials as
the dams ; and seldom contain more than four old, and
six or eight young ones. There is little order or regula¬
rity in their structure. It frequently happens that some
of the larger houses are found to have one or more parti¬
tions, but these are only parts of the main building left
by the sagacity of the beavers to support the roof; and
the apartments, as some are pleased to consider them,
have usually no communication with each other, except
by water. Those travellers who assert that the beavers
have two doors to their dwellings, one on the land side,
and the other next the water, manifest, according to
Hearne, even a greater ignorance of the habits of these
animals, than those who assign to them an elegant suite
of apartments, — for such a construction would render
their houses of little use, either as a protection from their
enemies, or as a covering from the winter’s cold.
It is not true that beavers drive stakes into the ground
when building their houses; they lay the pieces cross¬
wise and horizontal; neither is it true that the wood¬
work is first finished and then plastered ; for both houses
and dams consist from the foundation of a mingled mass
of mud and wood, mixed with stones when these can be
procured. They carry the mud and slones between their
* Hearne’s Journey to the Northern Ocean.
336
NATURAL HISTORY.
fore paws, and the wood in their mouths. They always
work in the night and with great expedition. They cover
their houses late every autumn with fresh mud, which
freezes when the frosts set in, and becomes almost as hard
and solid as stone ; and thus neither wolves nor wolverenes
can disturb their repose. When walking over their work,
and especially when about to plunge into the water, they
sometimes give a peculiar flap with their tails, which has
no doubt occasioned the erroneous belief that they use
these organs exactly as a mason uses his trowel. Now a
tame beaver will flap by the fireside where there is nothing
but dust and ashes ; and it therefore only uses the trowel
in common with the water-wagtail, — in other words, the
quadruped as well as the bird is characterized by a pecu¬
liar motion of its caudal extremity.
The food of this animal consists chiefly of the root of
the plant called Nuphar luteum, which bears a resem¬
blance to a cabbage-stalk, and grows at the bottom of
lakes and rivers. It also gnaws the bark of birch, pop¬
lar, and willow trees. In summer, however, a more va¬
ried herbage, with the addition of berries, is consumed.
When the ice breaks up in the spring, the beavers always
leave their houses and rove about until a little before the
fall of the leaf, when they return again to their old habita¬
tions, and lay in their winter stock of wood. Hearne
gives the following account of some tame beavers which be¬
longed to him : — “ In cold weather they were kept in my
own sitting-room, where they were the constant com¬
panions of the Indian women and children, and were so
fond of their company, that when the Indians were ab¬
sent for any considerable time, the beavers discovered great
signs of uneasiness, and on their return showed equal
marks of pleasure, by fondling on them, crawling into
their laps, lying on their backs, sitting erect like a squirrel,
and behaving like children who see their parents but sel¬
dom. In general, during the winter, they lived on the
same food as the women did, and were remarkably fond
of rice and plumpudding ; they would eat partridges and
fresh venison very freely, but I never tried them with
fish, though I have heard they will at times prey on them.
In fact there are few graminivorous animals that may not
be brought to be carnivorous.”* According to Kalm,
*
Ibid.
QUADRUPEDS.
337
Major Roderfert of New York had a tame beaver above
half a year in his house, where it went about quite loose
like a dog. The major gave him bread, and sometimes
fish, of which he was said to have been greedy. He got
as much water in a bowl as he wanted, and all the rags
and soft things he could meet with he dragged into a cor¬
ner, where he was accustomed to sleep, and made a bed
of them. The house cat on one occasion, happening to
produce kittens, took possession of the beaver’s bed with¬
out his offering her any opposition. When the cat went
out the beaver often took a kitten between his paws, and
held it to his breast, as if for the purpose of keeping it
warm ; but as soon as the proper parent returned he de¬
livered up the offspring.*
Another well-known amphibious quadruped of America
is the musk-rat, or musquash ( Fiber Zibethicus ). Its fur
resembles that of the beaver, but is shorter ; the down is
coarser and less valuable, and the more lengthened part of
the coat is weaker and not so shining. It is easily wetted
after death, although it resists the water well when the
animal is alive. The musk-rat measures about fourteen
inches, exclusive of the tail, which is eight or ten inches
long. It has a strong smell of musk, especially in the
spring. Its flesh, however, is eaten by the Indians ; it
resembles flabby pork. This species extends from the
thirtieth to about the seventieth degree of north lati¬
tude. “ Their favourite abodes are small grassy lakes or
swamps, or the grassy borders of slow-flowing streams,
where there is a muddy bottom. They feed chiefly on
vegetable matters, and in northern districts principally
on the roots and tender shoots of the bulrush and reed
mace, and on the leaves of various carices and aquatic
grasses. The sweet flag ( Acorus calamus ), of whose
roots, according to Pennant, they are very fond, does not
grow to the northward of Lake Winipeg. In the sum¬
mer they frequent rivers, for the purpose, it is said, of
feeding upon the fresh- water muscles. We often saw
small collections of muscle-shells on the banks of the larger
rivers, wdiich we were told had been left by them/’t
Before the frosts set in, the musquash builds a house
* Kalm’s Travels in North America.
Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i. p. 117-
x
338
NATURAL HISTORY.
of mud; of a conical form, with a sufficient base to elevate
the chamber above the level of the water. It generally
chooses a spot covered with long grass, which it incorpo¬
rates with the mud. It uses no kind of composition with
which to agglutinate these materials ; but there is usually
a dry bed of grass deposited within the chamber. The
entrance is under water. Dr Richardson informs us that
when ice forms over the surface of the swamp, the mus¬
quash makes breathing-holes through it, and protects
them from the frost by a covering of mud. During se¬
vere winters, however, these holes are frequently frozen
up, and many die. Hats are manufactured from the
skins of these animals ; and for that purpose between four
and five hunched thousand are imported into Great Bri¬
tain every year.
Several species of meadow mice and lemmings (Gen.
Arvicola and Georychus ) inhabit the northern regions.
Our restricted limits, however, do not admit of our par¬
ticularizing these tribes.
An animal equalling the Norway rat in size, and men¬
tioned by Lewis and Clarke under the name of rat of the
Rocky Mountains, was described in the Zoological Jour¬
nal,* and is now known as the Rocky Mountain neotoma
(N. Drummondii, Rich.). It is of a yellowish -brown
colour above, white beneath, with a tail exceeding the
length of the body, and bushy at the extremity. Accord¬
ing to Mr Drummond, it makes its nest in the crevices of
rocks, seldom appearing in the daytime. It is a very
destructive animal in stores and encampments. It gnaws
furs and blankets to pieces, and Mr Drummond having
placed a pair of stout English shoes on a shelving rock,
found on his return that they had been minced into frag¬
ments as fine as sawdust.
Though neither the black nor brown rat, nor the com¬
mon mouse of Europe, are native to America, they now
occur by importation in many parts of the New World.
The American fieldmouse ( Mus leucopus ) becomes an
inmate of the dwelling-houses as soon as they are erected
at any trading port. In the northern districts it extends
across the whole country from the shores of Hudson’s
Bay to the mouth of the Columbia. “ The gait and pry-
* No. 12, March 1828, p. 517.
QUADRUPEDS.
339
ing actions of this little creature,” says Dr Richardson,
“ when it ventures from its hole in the dusk of the even¬
ing, are so much like those of the English domestic
mouse, that most of the European residents at Hudson’s
Bay have considered it to be the same animal, altogether
overlooking the obvious differences of their tails and other
peculiarities. The American fieldmouse, however, has a
habit of making hoards of grain or little pieces of fat,
which I believe is unknown of the European domestic
mouse ; and what is most singular, these hoards are not
formed in the animal’s retreats, but generally in a shoe
left at the bedside, the pocket of a coat, a nightcap, a bag
hung against a wall, or some similar place.”* * This spe¬
cies may be regarded as the representative of the Mas
sylvaticus of Europe. Its most inveterate foe is the
ermine or stoat, which pursues it even into the sleeping-
apartments.
Many marmots inhabit North America. t Of these,
however, we sliaR here make mention of only a single
species, the wistonwish or prairie marmot ( Arctomys Lu-
dovicianus). This animal is called prairie dog by Ser¬
geant Gass^ and Lieutenant Pike, j | and it is also the
barking-squirrel of Lewis and Clarke. § The entrance
to the burrows of this species descends at first vertically,
and then continues downwards in an oblique direction.
They occur at intervals of twenty feet, and when nume¬
rous they are called prairie dog villages. The animals
delight to sport about their own doors in pleasant wea¬
ther. On the approach of danger, they either retreat to
their holes or sit for a time barking and flourishing their
tails, or sitting in an erect position, as if to reconnoitre.
When shot by the hunter, they generally tumble into their
burrows, and are thus not easily laid hold of, either dead
or alive. They pass the winter in a state of torpidity, and
lay up no provisions. The sleeping-apartments consist of
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i. p. 142.
*f* For a detailed account of these animals see Mr Sabine’s paper
in Linn. Trans, vol. xiii. ; the Appendix to Franklin’s First Jour¬
ney; Dr Harlan’s Fauna Americana; Dr Godman’s American Na¬
tural History; Griffith’s Animal Kingdom ; Pallas’s Novae Species
Quadrupedium e Glirium Ordine ; Pennant’s Arctic Zoology ; and
Dr Richardson’s work so frequently above referred to.
£ Journal of the Travels of a Corps of Discovery, &c.
|| Travels on the Missouri and Arkansaw.
cj Travels to the Pacific Ocean.
340
NATURAL HISTORY.
neat globular cells of fine dry grass, with a small aper¬
ture at the top, — the whole so compactly formed that it
may almost be rolled over the floor without being da¬
maged. The warning cry of this animal bears some re¬
semblance to the hurried barking of a small dog.*
The squirrel-tribe are also very numerous in the coun¬
tries now under consideration. The chickaree or Hud¬
son’s Bay squirrel ( Sciurus Hudsonius, Pennant) inha¬
bits the forests of white spruce- trees which cover so vast
a portion of the fur-countries. It extends as far to the
south as the middle states of America, and spreads north¬
wards to the utmost regions of the spruce-forests which
cast their sombre shade as high as the sixty-ninth paral¬
lel. It burrows at the root of the largest trees, and sel¬
dom stirs abroad during cold or stormy weather; but
even in the depth of winter it may be seen sporting among
the branches whenever the snow is brightened by a gleam
of sunshine. When pursued it makes great leaps for a
time from tree to tree, but ere long seeks a favourable op¬
portunity of descending into a burrow. However, it sel¬
dom voluntarily quits its own particular tree. During
the winter season it collects the spruce-cones, and carry¬
ing them to the outskirts of its burrow, it picks out the
seeds beneath the snow.
Of the flying-squirrels of America we may mention the
species (or variety?) discovered by Mr Drummond on
the Rocky Mountains ( Pteromys Sabrinus, var. B. alpi-
nus). It inhabits dense pine-forests, and rarely ventures
from its retreats except during the night.
Passing over the sand-rats (genus Geomys, Rafinesquet),
and the genus Aplodontia of Richardson,^ we shall
give a short account of the Canada porcupine ( Hystrix
pilosus of Catesby, II. dorsata, Linn.). This singular
animal is distributed over a considerable extent of Ame¬
rica, from the thirty-seventh to the sixty-seventh degree
of north latitude. Dr Harlan informs us that it makes its
dwelling-place beneath the roots of hollow trees. It dis¬
likes water, is cleanly in its habits, sleeps much, and
* Say’s Notes to Long’s Expedition to the Rocky Mountains,
-j- American Monthly Mag. tor 1817, p. 45.
£ Zoological Journal, January 1819.
QUADRUPEDS.
341
feeds principally on the bark and leaves of Pinus Cana¬
densis and Lilia glabra. It has been known to strip a
tree entirely of its leaves, and is also fond of sweet apples
and Indian corn. When discovered on the ground this
animal does not strive to get out of the way ; but, on be¬
ing approached, it immediately spreads the spines near
the tail over the whole of the back. The female brings
forth annually three or four young at a birth, after a ges¬
tation of forty days.
In the fur-countries the porcupine is most numerous
in sandy districts covered with Pinus Banksiana, on the
bark of which it delights to feed, as well as on that of the
larch and spruce-fir, and the buds of the various kinds of
willows. The Indian dogs do not decline to attack this
(( fretful” creature, and they soon kill it, though not with¬
out injury to themselves ; for its quills, which it never
fails to erect when attacked, are dangerous from the mi¬
nute teeth, directed backwards, with which they are fur¬
nished. The points are extremely sharp, and are no sooner
lodged beneath the skin of an assailant than they begin to
bury themselves, and finally produce death by transfixing
some vital organ. These spines are detachable by the
slightest touch, or, as some say, by the will of the ani¬
mal, and soon fill the mouths of the dogs by which it is
attacked, and seldom fail to kill them, unless carefully
picked out by the Indian women. Wolves also some¬
times die from the same cause.* Its flesh tastes like flabby
pork, and though by no means agreeable to European pa¬
lates, is much relished by the Indians. The quills are
variously dyed, and are used in the working of different
ornaments and articles of hunting-apparel.
There are four species of hare in North America. We
shall give a short history and description of each.
1st, The American hare, commonly so called ( Lepus
Americanus, Erxleben). This species bears a great re¬
semblance to the European rabbit. It seldom weighs
more than four pounds. In winter it is covered with a
thick coat of fine long fur, externally of a pure white co¬
lour, except a narrow border on the posterior margins of
the ears, and round their tips, and about one-third down
their anterior margins, which are blackish-brown, on ac-
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i. p. 215.
NATURAL HISTORY.
342
count of the dark roots of the hair being visible. In
summer the fur of the upper parts is shining blackish-
gray at the roots, but tinged towards the tips with yel¬
lowish-brown and black. There is a large proportion of
black on the back, and the resulting colour of the surface
is a dark umber-brown, mixed with yellowish-brown. A
white circle surrounds the eye. The white colour com¬
mences between the fore-legs, and extending over the un¬
der parts, predominates on the extremities. The sides
are of a dull, pale, yellowish-brown. The ears are nearly
naked during this season. The tail is white below, mixed
above with gray and brown. This species is common in
woody districts all over the continent of North America. It
abounds on Mackenzie River as high as the sixty-eighth
parallel ; but it appears to be replaced by the larger spe¬
cies both on the “ Barren Grounds” to the eastward, and
on the extensive plains through which the Missouri and
Saskatchawan take their far-flowing courses. In summer
it eats grass and other vegetables, and in winter willow-
bark forms a principal part of its sustenance. It never bur¬
rows, and is much preyed on both by man and beast. The
furs of this species are imported into Britain under the
name of rabbit-skins. Twenty-five thousand have been
taken at a trading-post in Hudson’s Bay in a single season.
2d, The Polar hare (Lepus glacialis, Leach). Dr Leach
appears to have first discriminated this species from the
varying hare. It inhabits both sides of Baffin’s Bay, and
is common over the north-eastern districts of America.
It is not known to advance southwards beyond the fifty-
eighth parallel, and does not occur in wooded countries.
However, it is often seen in the vicinity of thin clumps
of spruce-fir. It digs no burrow, but seeks the natural
shelter of large stones. The winter-fur of this species is
of a snow-white hue, even to the roots. It is denser and
of a finer quality than that of the preceding. Summer
specimens killed in Melville Island (lat. 75°) had the
hair of the back and sides of a grayish-brown colour
towards the points. The weight of this species varies
from seven to fourteen pounds. The flesh is whitish and
excellent, being much superior in flavour to that of the
American hare, and more juicy than the Alpine hare
of Scotland.
3d, The prairie hare ( Lepus Virginianus , Harlan).
The fur of this species is intermediate in fineness and
QUADRUPEDS.
343
density between that of the two species just noticed. It
is common on the north and south branches of the Sas-
katchawan, and on the plains of the Missouri, as well as
on those of the Columbia River. It frequents open dis¬
tricts and clumps of wood, and its general habits resemble
those of the European hare. This hare is pure white in
winter, with the exception of the borders of the ears,
which are of a wood-brown or fawn-colour. In summer,
the head, neck, back, shoulders, and outer parts of the
legs and thighs, are of a lead-colour. The lower parts
are white, with a tinge of lead-colour. In the month of
March the summer-fur appears in combination with the
spotless garb of winter, and is characteristic from the
middle of April to the middle of November, after which
the snowy dress again prevails. This species can leap
twenty-one feet at a single spring. It weighs from seven
to eleven pounds.
4th, The little chief hare ( Lepus (Lagomys) princeps,
Rich.). This is a small animal of a blackish-brown colour
above, and gray beneath. Its head is short and thick,
and its ears are rounded. It inhabits the Rocky Moun¬
tains between the fiftieth and sixtieth degrees, and was
killed by Mr Drummond near the sources of the Elk
River. The favourite localities of this species are heaps
of loose stones, through the interstices of which it makes
its way with great facility. It is often observed, towards
sunset, mounted on a stone, and calling to its mates in a
shrill whistle. It does not appear to excavate burrows,
but when approached by the hunter it utters a feeble cry,
resembling that of a rabbit in distress, and instantly dis¬
appears among the stones. This cry of fear is repeated
by its neighbours, if it has any, and is so deceptive as to
appear at a great distance, while in fact the creatures are
close at hand. The little chief hare (so called, we under¬
stand, from its expressive Inchan appellation, buckathra ?
kah-yawzce) bears a resemblance to the Alpine pika de¬
scribed by Pallas and Pennant as inhabiting Kamtschatka
and the Aleoutian Islands. It is a diminutive animal, not
measuring more than six or seven inches in length, and
differs from the true hares in the number of its teeth. It
also wants a tail.
The next group to which we have to call the attention
of the reader is one of great interest, from the size, value.
344
NATURAL HISTORY.
and general importance in the economy of nature, of the
species by which it is constituted, — we mean the deer-
tribe of America. Of these about half-a-dozen different
kinds inhabit the fur-countries. As in the other nume¬
rous groups, we must here restrict ourselves to the his¬
tory of a very few species.
The genus Cervus includes all those ruminating ani¬
mals which are furnished with antlers. Two species are
common to the northern parts of both continents ; five or
six belong to North America ; four to America south of
the equator ; and above a dozen to India, China, and the
archipelagoes of the south-east of Asia.* Of these some
inhabit marshy forests, others the wooded shores of rivers
or the sea, while others again prefer the bleak sides and
barren valleys of mountain-districts. The species vary
occasionally in colour, and are subject to those changes of
constitution to which all animals are more or less liable,
and which physiologists have distinguished by the names
of albinism and melanism, — the first applied to the white,
the second to the black varieties of colour. It has also
been remarked as rather a singular circumstance, that the
white varieties occur more frequently in the equatorial re¬
gions than in the colder countries of the north, — a proof,
perhaps, that the intensity of light and heat are but se¬
condary causes in the production of animal colours, t
The elk or moose-deer ( Cervus aloes') is a gigantic ani¬
mal, of a heavy and rather disagreeable aspect. It is
easily recognised by the great height of its limbs, the
shortness of its neck, its lengthened head, projecting muz¬
zle, and short upright mane. When full grown it mea¬
sures above six feet in height. The fur is long, thick,
and very coarse, of a hoary-brown colour, varying ac¬
cording to age and the season of the year. The antlers
are very broad and solid, plain on the inner edge, but
armed externally with numerous sharp points or shoots,
which sometimes amount to twenty-eight. A single ant¬
ler has been known to weigh fifty-six pounds.
The neck of the elk is much shorter than its head,
* For the natural history and description of many of the most
remarkable of the Asiatic species, see “ Historical and Descriptive
Account of British India,” (biing Nos. VI., VII., and VIII., of
Edinburgh Cabinet Library) vol. iii.
•f Desmoulins.
QUADRUPEDS.
345
which gives it almost a deformed appearance, though
such a formation is in fact rendered necessary by the
great weight of its antlers, which could not be so easily
supported upon a neck of greater length. Notwithstand¬
ing the length of its muzzle, it collects its food with diffi¬
culty from the ground, being obliged either greatly to
spread out or to bend its limbs. From this results its
propensity to browse upon the tender twigs and leaves of
trees, — a mode of feeding which the keepers of the F rench
menagerie found it very difficult to alter in the individual
under their charge. The upper part of the mouth is pro¬
longed almost in the form of a small trunk, and furnished
with muscles, which give it great flexibility of move¬
ment, and enable it rapidly to collect its food. In sum¬
mer, during the prevalence of the gadflies in the Scan¬
dinavian peninsula, it plunges into marshes, where it
often lies day and night, with nothing above water but its
head. It is even said to browse upon the aquatic plants
NATURAL HISTORY.
346
beneath the surface, making at the same time a loud
blowing sound through its nostrils.
The American elks live in small troops in swampy
places. Their gait, according to Dr Harlan, is generally
a trot, and they are less active than most other deer.
The old individuals lose their horns in January and Fe¬
bruary, and the young in April and May. In regard to
their geographical distribution, they appear to have been
formerly found as far south as the Ohio. At present they
occur only in the more northern parts of the United
States, and beyond the Great Lakes. Captain Franklin
met with several during his last expedition feeding on
willows at the mouth of the Mackenzie, in lat. 69°.
Although they are said to form small herds in Canada,
yet in the more northern parts they are very solitary,
more than one being seldom seen, except during the rut-
ting-season, or when the female is accompanied by her
fawns. The sense of hearing is remarkably acute in
this species, and it is described as the shyest and most
wary of the deer- tribe. It is an inoffensive animal, un¬
less when irritated by a wound, when its great strength
renders it formidable, or during rutting-time, when it
will kill a dog or a wolf by a single blow of its fore-foot.
It is much sought after by the American Indians, both
on account of the flesh, which is palatable, and the
hides, wTith which they in part manufacture their canoes,
and several articles of dress. The grain of the flesh is
coarse, and it is tougher than that of any other kind of
venison. In its flavour it rather resembles beef. The
nose is excellent, and so is the tongue, although the latter
is by no means so fat and delicate as that of the rein¬
deer. The male elk sometimes weighs from a thousand
to twrelve hundred pounds.
The rein-deer ( Cervus tarandus ) is widely distributed
over the northern parts of both the Old and New World.
It has long been domesticated in Scandinavia, and is an
animal of incalculable importance to the Laplander. We
are less acquainted with the nature and attributes of the
American species ; but we shall here follow the prevail¬
ing opinion, and consider it identical with that of the
north of Europe and of Asia. There appear to be two
varieties of rein-deer in the fur-countries. One of these
is confined to the woody and more southern districts, the
other retires to the woods only during the winter season.
QUADRUPEDS.
347
and passes the summer either in the Barren Grounds or
along the shores of the Arctic Sea. Hearne’s description
applies to the latter kind, while the accounts given by the
earlier French writers on Canada relate to the former.
The rein-deer of the Barren Grounds is of small sta¬
ture, and so light of weight that a man may carry a full-
grown doe across his shoulder. The bucks are of larger
dimensions, and weigh, exclusive of the offal, from 90
to 130 pounds. The skin of the rein-deer is light, and
being closely covered with hair, it forms a suitable and
highly-prized article of winter-apparel. “ The skins of
the young deer make the best dresses, and they should be
killed for that purpose in the months of August or Sep¬
tember, as after the latter date the hair becomes too long
and brittle. The prime parts of eight or ten deer-skins
make a complete suit of clothing for a grown person,
which is so impervious to the cold, that with the addition
of a blanket of the same material, any one so clothed may
bivouac on the snow with safety, and even with com¬
fort, in the most intense cold of an Arctic winter’s night.”*
Dr Richardson is of opinion that the flavour of the rein¬
deer flesh is superior to that of the finest English mutton.
However, the animal must be in prime condition, as its
lean state is comparatively worse than that of other crea¬
tures. Pemmican is formed by pouring one- third part
of melted fat over the flesh of the rein-deer after it is dried
and pounded. Of all the deer-tribe of America this spe¬
cies is the most easily approached, and immense numbers
are slaughtered for the use of the Indian families.
The other variety of rein-deer to which we have alluded
above is called the woodland caribou. It is much larger
than that of the Barren Grounds, has smaller horns, and
is greatly inferior as an article of diet. The most re¬
markable peculiarity in the habits of this animal is, that
it travels to the southward in the spring. It crosses the
Nelson and the Severn Rivers in vast herds during the
month of May, and spends the summer on the low marshy
shores of James’ Bay, returning inland, and in a north¬
erly direction, in September.t
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i. p. 242.
-f* For the history of the wapiti ( C. strongyloceros ), the black¬
tailed deer (C. macro tis, Say), and the long-tailed deer (C. leucu-
rus, Douglas), we must refer to the writings of the various travel¬
lers and systematic authors named in the course of these chapters.
348
NATURAL HISTORY.
Passing over the prong-horned antelope ( A . furcifer,
Smith), an inhabitant of the plains of the Missouri and Sas-
katchawan, remarkable for its extreme swiftness, we shall
devote a few pages to the natural history of the wild sheep
and goat of the Rocky Mountains, two of the most re¬
markable and important of the native quadrupeds of North
America. See the annexed Plate.
The Rocky Mountain sheep ( Ovis montana, Desm. and
Rich.) inhabits the range from which it derives its name,
from its northern termination, or at least from latitude
68°, to the fortieth degree of north latitude. It also
dwells among many of the elevated and craggy ridges
which intersect the country lying to the westward, be¬
tween the principal range and. the shores of the Pacific
Ocean ; but it does not appear to have advanced beyond
the eastern declivities of the Rocky Mountains, and it
consequently does not occur in any of the hilly tracts
nearer to Hudson’s Bay. The favourite feeding-places
of this species are “ grassy knolls, skirted by craggy rocks,
to which they can retreat when pursued by dogs or wolves.”
Its flesh, when in season, is stated by Mr Drummond to
be quite delicious, — as being far superior to that of any
of the deer-species, and even as exceeding in flavour the
finest English mutton. This showy animal exceeds the
Asiatic argali in size, and is much larger than the largest
varieties of the domestic breeds. The horns of the male
are very large. The ears are of moderate size. The
facial line is straight, and the general form of the animal,
being, as it were, intermediate betwixt that of the sheep
and stag, is not devoid of elegance. The hair is like that
of the rein-deer, short, fine, and flexible, in its autumn
growth ; but as the winter advances, it becomes coarse,
dry, and brittle, though still soft to the touch : it is ne¬
cessarily erect at this season, from its extreme closeness.
The limbs are covered with shorter hairs. In regard to
colours, the head, buttock, and posterior part of the ab¬
domen, are white ; the rest of the body, and the neck,
are of a pale or dusky wood-brown. A deeper and more
lustrous brown prevails on the fore-part of the legs. The
tail is dark-brown, and a narrow brown line, extending
from its base, divides the buttock, and unites with the
brown colour of the back. The colours reside in the ends
of the hair, and as these are rubbed off during the pro¬
gress of winter, the tints become paler.
Rocky Mountain Goat. Rocky Mountain Sheep.
QUADRUPEDS.
351
The horns of the female are much smaller, and nearly
erect, having but a slight curvature, and an inclination
backwards and outwards.*
The following are the dimensions of an old Rocky
Mountain ram, killed on the south branch of the Mac¬
kenzie, and now in the Museum of the Zoological Society
of London.
Feet. Inches.
Length of the head and body, .... 6 0
Height at the fore shoulder, .... 3 5
Length of tail, . 0 2
Length of horn, measured along the curvature, 2 10
Circumference of horn at its base, ... 1 1
Distance from tip to tip of the horns, ..23
These animals collect in flocks consisting of from three to
thirty, the young rams and the females herding together
during the winter and spring, while the old rams form se¬
parate flocks, except during the month of December, which
is their rutting-season. “ The ewes bring forth in June
or July, and then retire with their lambs to the most in¬
accessible heights. Mr Drummond informs me, that in
the retired parts of the mountains, where the hunters had
seldom penetrated, he found no difficulty in approaching
the Ptocky Mountain sheep, which there exhibited the
simplicity of character so remarkable in the domestic
species ; but that where they had been often fired at they
were exceedingly wild, alarmed their companions on the
approach of danger by a hissing noise, and scaled the
rocks with a speed and agility that baffled pursuit. He
lost several that he had mortally wounded, by their retir¬
ing to die amongst the secluded precipices.”t
When the first mission was established in California,
nearly two centuries after the discovery of that country,
Fathers Piccolo and de Salvatierra found “ two sorts of
deer that we know nothing of ; we call them sheep be¬
cause they somewhat resemble ours in make. The first
sort is as large as a calf of one or two years old ; its head
is much like that of a stag, and its horns, which are very
large, are like those of a ram; its tail and hair are speckled,
and shorter than a stag’s, but its hoof is large, round, and
cleft, as an ox’s. I have eaten of these beasts ; their flesh
is very tender and delicious. The other sort of sheep,
* The Edinburgh College Museum contains a fine specimen of
the female Rocky Mountain sheep.
■f Fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. i. p. 273.
7
352
NATURAL HISTORY.
some of which are white, and others black, differ less from
ours. They are larger, and have a great deal more wool,
which is very good, and easy to be spun and wrought.”* *
The animal first mentioned in the above quotation is the
Rocky Mountain sheep ; the other is the wild-goat of
these same districts, of which we shall now exhibit a brief
history.t
The Rocky Mountain goat inhabits the highest and least
accessible summits. The precise limits of its territorial
range have probably not yet been ascertained ; hut it ap¬
pears to extend from the fortieth to the sixty-fourth or sixty-
fifth degree of north latitude. It is seldom or never observ¬
ed at any distance from the mountains, and is said to be less
numerous on the eastern than the western sides. It was
not met with by Mr Drummond on the eastern declivities
of the range, near the sources of the Elk River, where the
sheep are numerous ; but he learned from the Indians,
that it frequents the steepest precipices, and is much more
difficult to procure than the sheep. On the other hand.
Major Long states, from the information of a factor of
the Hudson’s Bay Company, that they are of easy access
to the hunter. The flesh of this species is hard and dry,
and somewhat unsavoury from its musky flavour. Be¬
neath its long hairy covering there is a coating of wool of
the finest quality. “ If the Highland Society and the Hud¬
son’s Bay Company were to combine their resources of
f ways and means,’ the importation of this fine animal
into the Alpine and insular districts of Scotland might be
effected without much difficulty or any great expense.” j
The fine wool of this species grows principally on the
back and buttock, and is intermixed with long coarse
hair. 1 1
* Phil Trans. No. 318, p. 232.
*1- I have elsewhere observed, that in the account of Lewis and
Clarke’s travels, in the Quarterly Review (vol. xii. pp. 334, 362),
there are two passages, which, if not corrected, would lead to an
inaccurate conclusion regarding the origin of domestic sheep. See
Quarterly Journal of Agriculture, No. ix. p. 3J4, Note.
X Edinburgh Review, No. 106, p. 353.
|| The synonymy of this animal is somewhat confused. It is the
wool-bearing antelope, Antilope lanigera of Major Hamilton Smith;
— the mountain sheep (though distinct from the true O vis montana)
of Jameson and Ord; — the Mazama dorzata et sericea of Rafi-
nesque ; — the Rnpicapra Americana of De Blainville ; — th e Anti-
lope Americana of Desmarest; — and the Capra Americana of
Richardson.
QUADRUPEDS.
353
The bison., or American buffalo ( Bos Americanus), is
spread over a great portion of the temperate regions of
America, and appears to extend southwards probably as
far as the thirty-fifth degree of north latitude. Its charac¬
teristic positions, however, are the great prairies to the
westward of the Mississippi, where, according to Dr
Harlan, they sometimes congregate in such vast troops,
that 10,000 individuals are supposed to have been seen
at one time. Although they inhabited the Carolinas at
the period of the earliest colonization, they have long
since retired towards the plains of the Missouri. None
have been seen in Pennsylvania for a long time, nor in
Kentucky since about the year 1766. The influence ex¬
erted over the natural boundaries of the brute creation
is indeed strikingly illustrated by the geographical his¬
tory of this species. It appears to have formerly existed
throughout the whole extent of the United States, with
the possible exception of the territory to the east of Hud¬
son’s River and Lake Champlain, and of some narrow
lines of coast along the Atlantic shores and the Gulf of
Mexico. During the early part of the sixteenth century
it was seen by Alvar Nunez near the Bay of St Bernard,
which may be regarded as its southern boundary on the
eastern side of the Rocky Mountain chain. It extends
much farther north among the central than the eastern
territories ; for we find that a bison was killed by Captain
Franklin’s expedition on the Salt River, in the sixtieth pa¬
rallel ; while it has not been traced to any of those tracts
which lie to the northward of Lakes Ontario, Erie, &c.,
and to the eastward of Lake Superior. Mr Keating states
that to the westward of Lake Winipeg the bison is found
as far north as the si^ty-second degree ;* and Dr Richard¬
son adduces the testimony of the natives to show that they
have taken possession of the flat limestone-district of Slave
Point, on the north side of Great Slave Lake, and have
even wandered as far as the vicinity of Great Marten
Lake, in latitude 63° or 64°. The Rocky Mountain
range appears to have formerly opposed a barrier to the
westerly progression of the species; but they are said
to have discovered of late years a passage across these
mountains, near the sources of the Saskatchawan. They
* Account of Major Long’s Expedition to the Source of St Peter’s
River, vol. ii. chap. i.
354
NATURAL HISTORY.
are now known to occur both in California and New
Mexico, and their existence on the Columbia is also as¬
certained.
The male hisons contend together with great fury dur¬
ing the rutting-season, and it is dangerous to venture near
them at that period. In general, however, they are shy
and wary, and there is more difficulty than danger in ap¬
proaching them ; but when wounded they will sometimes
turn upon and pursue the hunter. “ While I resided at
Carlton House,” Dr Richardson informs us, “ an accident
of this kind occurred. Mr Finnan McDonald, one of the
Hudson’s Bay Company’s clerks, was descending the Sas¬
katchewan in a boat ; and one evening, having pitched
his tent for the night, he went out in the dusk to look for
game. It had become nearly dark when he fired at a
bison-bull, which was galloping over a small eminence ;
and as he was hastening forward to see if his shot had
taken effect, the wounded beast made a rush at him. He
had the presence of mind to seize the animal by the long
hair on its forehead, as it struck him on the side with its
horn ; and being a remarkably tall and powerful man, a
struggle ensued, which continued until his wrist was se¬
verely sprained, and his arm was rendered powerless ; he
then fell, and after receiving two or three blows became
senseless. Shortly afterwards he was found by his com¬
panions lying bathed in blood, being gored in several
places ; and the bison was couched beside him, apparently
waiting to renew the attack had he showed any signs of
life. Mr M ‘Donald recovered from the immediate effects
of the injuries he received, but died a few months after¬
wards.”*
The flesh of a well-conditioned bison is juicy, and of
excellent flavour. The tongue is a great delicacy, and
may be so cured as to surpass the gusto of that part of an
English cow. The hump, or wig as it is sometimes call¬
ed, has a fine grain, and is almost as rich and tender as
the tongue. In regard to the external characters of the
bison, the male is remarkable for the enormous size of its
head, the conical elevation between the shoulders, its small
piercing eyes, short black horns, and on the fore quarters
the great profusion of shaggy hair. Its hind quarters ap¬
pear comparatively weak, from the shortness of the woolly
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. i. p. 281.
QUADRUPEDS.
355
hair by which they are covered. The male sometimes
weighs above 2000 pounds; but 12 or 14 cwt. is regarded
as a good weight in the fur-countries. It measures eight
feet and a half in length, and above six feet high at the
fore quarter. The cow is smaller in the head and shoul¬
ders than the bull.
According to Rafinesque, the bison has been domesti¬
cated in Kentucky and the Ohio.* * It is even reported
by some authors to have bred with the tame cow of
European origin ; and the cross breed is said to continue
prolific. This statement, however, requires confirmation.
“ Our inquiries on the spot,” says Major H. Smith,
te never produced a proof, or even an assertion from the
well-informed, that they had seen the hybrid offspring.”
This animal is unknown to the Esquimaux on the shores
of the Polar Sea.
We shall conclude our account of the quadrupeds of
North America with the description of the musk-ox (Om-
bos moschatus of De Blainville). We stand indebted for
our systematic knowledge of this curious animal to Pen¬
nant, who received a specimen of the skin from the tra¬
veller Hearne;+ but it had been previously mentioned,
after a vague fashion, by several of the early English
voyagers, and M. Jeremie had imported a portion of the
wool to France, from which stockings more beautiful than
those of silk were manufactured.^ When full grown,
this animal is about the size of the small Highland cattle.
The horns are remarkably broad at their bases, and cover
the brow and crown of the head, touching each other for
their entire breadth from before backwards. The nose is
blunt, and the head large and broad. The general colour
of the coat is brown, and on the back there is a saddle-
like mark of a brownish- white colour. The hair is very
long. The horns of the cow are smaller than those of the
male, and do not touch each other at their bases, and the
hair on the throat and chest is shorter.
The flesh of the musk-ox, in good condition, is well
flavoured. It resembles that of the rein-deer, but is
coarser grained, and smells strongly of musk. The car-
* I state this on the information of M. Antoine Desmoulins, not
having had it in my power to peruse the work of the writer above
named.
*f- Arctic Zoology, vol. i. p. 11.
£ Voyage au Nord. Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France.
356
NATURAL HISTORY.
cass of this animal weighs, exclusive of the offal, about'
300 pounds. The wool is remarkably fine. This species
inhabits a great extent of barren land to the northward of
the sixtieth parallel. They visit Melville Island (north lat.
75°) in the month of May, but they do not, like the rein¬
deer, extend to Greenland and Spitzhergen.
These are the principal quadrupeds of the northern
regions of the New World.*
* With a view to avoid repetition, we here omit the history of
the seals and cetaceous tribes, as those departments have been
pretty fully illustrated in a former volume of our series. See No. I.
of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, entitled u Narrative of Discovery
and Adventure in the Polar Seas and Regions,” by Sir John Leslie,
Professor Jameson, and Hugh Murray, Esq.
BIRDS.
357
CHAPTER VII.
The Birds of the Northern Regions of America.
T orkey Buzzard — Golden-eagle — Bald-eagle — Hawks — Owls —
Butcher-birds — King-bird — Northern Tyrant — American W ater-
ouzel — Red-breasted Thrush — Blue-bird — Arctic Blue-bird —
Cedar-bird, or American Chatterer — Snow-bunting — Painted
Bunting — Pine-grosbeak — Evening-grosbeak — Scarlet Tanager
— Cuckoo-bunting — Crows — Woodpeckers — Humming-birds —
Swallows — Belted Kingfisher — Grouse — Passenger-pigeon —
Grallatores — Natatores — Gulls — Rocky Mountain Golden-eye
— Bewick’s Swan — Trumpeter-swan — White Pelican — Great
Northern Diver — Black-throated Diver — Guillemots.
The difficulties attending the completion of an ornitho¬
logical history were complained of by Buffon, and the
chief of these was stated by that illustrious observer as
consisting in the fact that naturalists were already ac¬
quainted with 800 species of the class; and he farther
expressed his opinion that there might actually exist 1500
or even 2000 different kinds of birds. Now, as nearly
6000 species of the feathered race have been ascertained
up to the present period, and many new species are in the
course of being discovered and described during every
successive year, our readers may form some opinion of
the laborious toil attending the researches of these “ de¬
generate days,” in which people of such inferior capacity
to the French Pliny have to grapple with a subject so in¬
finitely more encumbered. No doubt the division of la¬
bour has been more attended to since the greater exten¬
sion of the field of exercise, and Buffon’s brilliant genius
was too often satisfied with vague generalities, unsup-
portable in proportion to the increase of that more defi¬
nite knowledge which has been recently acquired. With
an intellect so excitable and full of thought, and a flow
of language so powerful and persuasive, it was no marvel
that such a naturalist should have outstripped for a season
358
NATURAL HISTORY.
all his competitors in the career of fame ; but the fable of
the helix and the hare is not altogether inapplicable to the
two classes of observers, of one of which Buffon was the
head and front, — for there was not only an occasional
pause in his onward progress, but those who now follow
his footsteps in the search of truth are too often obliged
either to retrograde or trace out a labyrinth with many
windings. It is well, however, that such a master-spirit
should in any way have embraced the subject of natural
history ; for it has too frequently happened that men of
very steril genius, of whose mental constitution enthusiasm
formed no portion, have imagined themselves devoted to
the study. Now, even the obscurity and mistiness of
Buffon, though perhaps not always equal to other people’s
sunshine, are yet composed of “ clouds of glory,” and
hence the hold possessed by his writings, and by those of
all belonging to the intellectual class of observers, to whom
truth is as dear as it was to Aristotle, hut to whom never¬
theless the common sights of earth
“ do sometimes seem
Apparell’d in celestial USht’ „ .
The glory and the freshness of a dream.
The extension which we have given to the history of
North American quadrupeds in the preceding chapter,
and which we bestowed in consequence of the greater im¬
portance usually attached to the mammiferous class, ren¬
ders necessary a more restricted selection in the other
branches. We regret this the less in relation to the fea¬
thered tribes, as an admirable history of American birds
has been lately brought within reach of every class of
readers.* We shall, however, endeavour to exhibit a
view of some of the more remarkable features of that de¬
partment.
Among birds of prey, the eagle tribe naturally claim
our first attention ; but as it seems to be the practice of
naturalists to give the vultures the precedence, we shall
adhere to the usual course.
* American Ornithology, or the Natural History of the Birds of
the United States. By Alexander Wilson and Charles Lucian Bo¬
naparte ; edited by Robert Jameson, Esq., F.R.S.E. & L., &c.,
four volumes. Edinburgh, 1831. In this edition (which forms
volumes 78 — 81 of Constable’s Miscellany) the subjects are syste¬
matically arranged for the first time, and many interesting additions
have been inserted by the distinguished editor.
BIRDS.
359
The Turkey vulture, or Turkey buzzard, as it is called
in America ( Cathartes aura), so common in the United
States, occurs in the central districts of the fur-countries
as far north as the fifty-fourth degree. It is partially
migratory even in the middle states, and retires south¬
wards on the approach of winter. During their summer
migration, a certain number of individuals reach the banks
of the Saskatchawan, where they usually make their ap¬
pearance when the month of June is far advanced, and
after all the other summer-birds have arrived and settled
in their leafy arbours. Though gregarious in the more
southern parts of North America, where they roost to¬
gether, and also both fly and feed in flocks, seldom more
than a pair are seen in company towards their northern
limits. They feed on carrion, which they discover at a
great distance by the sense of sight alone ; for it appears
by recent observation that their sense of smell is extremely
defective. They usually breed on the stump of a decayed
tree, and have been observed to return to the same spot
for a series of successive years. They are not only foul
feeders, but sometimes gorge themselves so immoderately
as to be incapable for some time afterwards of taking
wing. Mr Ord has recorded that a man of Delaware,
observing a group of Turkey buzzards regaling them¬
selves upon the putrid carcass of a horse, and having a
mind to capture one of them, he cautiously approached
the flock, and suddenly seized one of the fattest in his
arms. The indignant vulture, however, immediately
disgorged such a torrent of filth in his face, as to produce
the effect of a powerful emetic, and cured him for ever
after of all desire to catch any more Turkey buzzards.
The golden-eagle ( Aquila chryscetos), of which the
ring-tail (F. falvus ) is regarded as the young, breeds
among the sub-alpine recesses of the Rocky Mountains.
The tail-feathers are highly valued by many tribes of
American Indians for adorning their calumets or pipes of
peace. The solitary habits of these birds, and the usually
inaccessible nature of the vast precipices where they hang
their “procreant cradles,” prevent our acquiring much
knowledge of the distinctive habits of the species, and
hence our difficulty in discriminating between the Ame¬
rican and European kinds. Wilson observed the ring¬
tail sailing along the Alpine declivities of the White
* Mountains of New Hampshire, and over the Highlands
360
NATURAL HISTORY.
of Hudson’s River, and the adult bird, in the plumage
of the golden-eagle, has also been observed in the United
States. The vision of this bird is said to be so acute and
long-sighted, that it can discover its prey from a height
at which it is itself scarcely visible, notwithstanding the
breadth of its wide-expanded wings. “ A story is cur¬
rent,” says Dr Richardson, “ on the plains of the Sas-
katchawan, of a half-breed Indian who was vaunting his
prowess before a band of his countrymen, and wishing to
impress them with a belief of his supernatural powers.
In the midst of his harangue an eagle was observed sus¬
pended, as it were, in the air directly over his head, upon
which, pointing aloft with his dagger, which glistened
brightly in the sun, he called upon the royal bird to come
down. To his own amazement, no less than to the con¬
sternation of the surrounding Indians, the eagle seemed
to obey the charm, for instantly shooting down with the
velocity of an arrow, it impaled itself on the point of his
weapon !”*
A large and powerful species, more generally known in
America, though not peculiar to the New World, is the
bald-eagle ( Aquila leucocephala). It resides all the year
in the United States, but is a bird of passage in those more
northern countries which lie between Great Slave Lake
and Lake Superior. Fish form the favourite food of the
bald-eagle, and there seems something more tyrannical in
his mode of obtaining it than altogether accords with the
equality of republican legislation. “ Elevated,” says Wil¬
son, “ on the high dead limb of some gigantic tree, that
commands a wide view of the neighbouring shore and
ocean, he seems calmly to contemplate the motions of the
various feathered tribes that pursue their busy avocations
below. The snow-white gulls, slowly winnowing the air ;
the busy tringce , coursing along the sands ; trains of ducks,
streaming over the surface ; silent and watchful cranes.
* Fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. ii., the Birds. By William
Swainson, Esq., F.R.S., F.L.S., &c., and John Richardson, M.D.,
F.R.S., F.L.S., Surgeon and Naturalist to the Expeditions. Lon¬
don, 1831. This skilful and beautifully-illustrated work is one of
the most valuable volumes which has recently appeared on the sub¬
ject of ornithology, and, viewed in connexion with the preceding
publications of Wilson, C. L. Bonaparte, and Audubon, it goes far
to complete onr knowledge of the leathered tribes of the northern
regions of the New World.
BIRDS.
361
intent and wading ; clamorous crows, and all the winged
multitudes that subsist by the bounty of this vast liquid
magazine of nature ; — high over all these hovers one whose
action instantly arrests all his attention. By his wide
curvature of wing, and sudden suspension in the air, he
knows him to be the fish-hawk, settling over some de¬
voted victim of the deep. His eye kindles at the sight,
and balancing himself, with half-opened wings, on the
branch, he watches the result. Down, rapid as an arrow,
from heaven descends the object of his attention ; the
roar of its wings, reaching the ear as it disappears in the
deep, making the surges foam around ! At this moment
the eager looks of the eagle are all ardour, and levelling
his neck for flight, he sees the fish-hawk once more
emerge, struggling with his prey, and mounting in the
air with screams of exultation. These are the signal for
our hero, who, launching into the air, instantly gives
chase, and soon gains on the fish-hawk ; each exerts his
utmost to mount above the other, displaying in these ren¬
contres the most sublime aerial evolutions. The unen¬
cumbered eagle rapidly advances, and is just on the point
of reaching his opponent, when, with a sudden scream,
probably of despair and honest execration, the latter drops
his fish ; the eagle, poising himself for a moment, as if
to take a more certain aim, descends like a whirlwind,
snatches it in his grasp ere it reaches the water, and bears
his ill-gotten booty silently away to the woods.”* *
Of the smaller tribes of the Falconidee which inhabit
the fur-countries, we shall satisfy ourselves by a simple
enumeration of the names,t and proceed to the nocturnal
birds of prey.
* American Ornithology, vol. i. p. 23. We quote Professor
Jameson’s edition throughout this volume.
*f- The peregrine-falcon (F. peregi inus), the jerfalcon ( F . Is -
landicus ), the American sparrow-hawk (F. sparverius ), the pi-
f eon-hawk (/<'. c olumb ari.u.s), the merlin ( F . oesalon ). the gos-
awk ( F. palumbarius), the slate-coloured hawk ( F. Ptnnsylva-
nicus), the common buzzard (/'. bate o), the red-tailed or American
buzzard (/'. boiea/is ), the rough-legged falcon (F. lay op as), the
American ring-tail ( F. cyaneus ?). The preceding, with three
species of eagle, raise the amount of northern accipitrine diurnal
birds to fourteen. C. L. Bonaparte enumerates seventeen species
in his “ Synopsis,” and has described an eighteenth in his Supple¬
ment to Wilson under the name of Falco Cooperi. Mr Audubon
has likewise dedicated a new species under the name of Falco
362
NATURAL HISTORY.
Of the Strigidce or owls, Mr Swainson has observed,
“ They present an assemblage of birds as united among
themselves as they are distinct from all others. There
is, we believe, no one species yet discovered which even
a common observer would not immediately pronounce to
be an owl, or would be in danger of confounding with a
hawk or goatsucker, the only two groups to which the
Strigidae are related in immediate affinity. Yet, although
this relationship is too obvious to be doubted, it must be
confessed that a considerable hiatus intervenes between
both. Whether these will be lessened by future discove¬
ries, or whether owls, like the parrots, are in some degree
an isolated group, whose aberrant forms no longer exist,
are points which may always remain in obscurity.”
The largest of the North American species is the great
cinereous owl ( Strix cinerea ). It inhabits a vast extent
of woody territory from Hudson’s Bay to the Pacific. It
is common along the shores of Great Bear Lake, and
of course in these and other higher latitudes must of ne¬
cessity pursue its prey by daylight, the mantle of night
being there a thing unknown during the summer-season.
However, it hunts chiefly when the sun is low, and when
the shadows of the great woods are deep and lengthened ;
for it is then that the American hares and many murine
animals which form its favourite food are themselves
abroad. On the 23d of May, Dr Richardson discovered
a nest of the cinereous owl, made of sticks and fined with
feathers, on the top of a lofty balsam poplar-tree. It con¬
tained three young, covered over with a whitish down.
He could only get the nest by felling the tree, which was
a remarkably thick one ; and whilst the operation was go¬
ing on, the about to be bereaved parents flew in anxious
and repeated circles above and around the objects of their
long solicitude, keeping, however, so high in the air as to
be beyond gunshot. The young were kept alive for a pe¬
riod of two months, after which they effected their escape.
Stanleii, to the noble president of the Linnaean Society. Four of
Bonaparte’s list, viz. F. plant beus, F. melanopterus , F . furcatus,
and F. Pennsylvania is, B., seem to occur only in the southern
f»arts of the United States, and therefore do not fall within our
units; but three others, the Stanley-hawk above named, along
with Bn ten Sancti-Johunuis and B. hyemalis , are supposed to he
northern birds. The Arctic range of Mr Audubon’s species is
probably still unknown.
BIRDS.
363
This species measures about two feet in length from bill
to tail.
The Virginian horned-owl (Stria? Virginiana ) is ano¬
ther large species peculiar to America, but very widely
diffused over the New World. It was killed by Mr Drum¬
mond among the Rocky Mountains. It is known to in¬
habit the table-lands of Mexico, and even the species from
the Straits of Magellan ( Planches Enluminees, 585) ap¬
pears to be identical. In the United States it is ex¬
tremely common, and inhabits the fur-countries wherever
the timber is of large size. Its loud nocturnal cries, is¬
suing from the gloomiest recesses of the forest, are said
to bear a resemblance to a hollow and sepulchral human
voice, and have thus been the frequent source of alarm to
the benighted traveller. A party of Scottish Highland¬
ers, in the service of the Hudson’s Bay Company, hap¬
pened in a winter journey to encamp after nightfall in a
dense clump of trees, the dark tops of which, and their
lofty stems, gave a solemnity to the scene, strongly excit¬
able of superstitious feelings. The solemn effect was
heightened by the discovery of a tomb, which, with a na¬
tural taste not unfrequently exhibited by the Indians, was
placed in the centre of this secluded spot. The travellers
had finished their evening repast, and were trimming
their fire for the night, when for the first time the slow
and dismal tones of the horned-owl fell on their ear. They
at once concluded that a voice so mysterious and unearthly
must be the moaning spirit of the departed, whose hal¬
lowed fane they had disturbed by inadvertently making a
fire of the timber of his tomb. They consequently passed
a long night of sleepless fear, and gladly quitted the ill-
omened spot with the earliest dawn.*
In our notices of these and other well-known species,
we consider it unnecessary to enter into any minute de¬
scriptive details of plumage, preferring rather to illus¬
trate their history, distribution, and general modes of
life, as more likely to interest the majority of readers. In
the case, however, of any new or remarkable discovery,
we may occasionally deviate from this rule, and, as an ex¬
ception to our usual practice, we may here take an elegant
species recently described for the first time under the
name of the Arctic or white horned-owl ( Stria? Arctica).
* Fauna Boreali- Americana, vol. ii. p. 83.
364
NATURAL HISTORY.
This fine owl is exceedingly rare, only a single specimen
having been seen by the overland expeditions. It mea¬
sures about two feet in length. Its general colour is
white, tinged here and there with brown upon the dorsal
aspect, and marked with crowded transverse blackish-
brown bars and lines. The ground-colour of the under
portion of the plumage is of a brilliant white, handed on
the throat and flanks. The facial disk is imperfect, the
ear-feathers are ample, the tail rounded, the bill short and
strong. This bird was killed at Carlton House in the
month of May.
We now enter upon a short consideration of the I uses -
sorial or perch ing_birds, as they are called by the modem
systematists. The order includes the Piece and Passeres
of the Linn® an arrangement. We commence with the
butcher-birds, genus Lanius.
The American gray-shrike ( Lanius eoccubitorides of
Swainson), a newly-ascertained species, bears a great re¬
semblance to the ash-coloured shrike of Europe. It does
not advance farther to the northward than the fifty-fourth
degree, and seems to attain to that latitude only in the
meridian of the warm and sandy plains of the Saskatche¬
wan, which are said to enjoy an earlier spring and longer
summer than the densely-wooded countries between them
and Hudson’s Bay. It builds among willow-bushes, feeds
on grashoppers, and lays six eggs of a pale yellowish-gray,
irregularly spotted with green and gray.
Allied to the shrikes in many particulars are the tyrant
fly-catchers. The king-bird ( 7 'yrannus intrepidus ) is
one of the most remarkable for the boldness and reckless
daring which he displays in his attacks on the largest of
the feathered race. During the earlier months of sum¬
mer, his life is one continued scene of broil and battle.
According to Wilson, hawks and crows, the bald-eagle,
and the great black-eagle, all equally dread an encounter
with this dauntless creature, who, as soon as he perceives
a bird of prey, however powerful, in his neighbourhood,
darts into the air, and, quickly ascending above his sup¬
posed enemy, pounces with violence upon his back, and
continues his attack till his own domains have been de¬
parted from. He is likewise obnoxious to the human
race, on account of his love of bees ; for he will take post
on a fence or garden-tree in the vicinity of the hives, and
BIRDS.
365
make continual sallies on the industrious insects as they
pass to or from their never-ending labours. The Ameri¬
can ornithologist has given a poetical version of the life
of this lively species, of which the following is the com¬
mencement : —
a Far in the south where vast Maragnon flows,
And boundless forests unknown wilds enclose ;
Vine-tangled shores and suffocating woods,
Parch’d up with heat, or drown’d with pouring floods ;
Where each extreme alternately prevails,
And nature sad their ravages bewails ;
Lo ! high in air above those trackless wastes,
With spring’s return the king-bird hither hastes;
Coasts the famed gulf,* and, horn his height, explores
Its thousand streams, its long indented shores,
Its plains immense, wide opening on the day,
Its lakes and isles, where feather’d millions play;
All tempt not him : till, gazing from on high,
Columbia’s regions wide below him lie ;
There end his wand’rings and his wish to roam,
There lie his native woods, his fields, his home ;
Down, circling, he descends, from azure heights,
And on a full-blown sassafras alights.
Fatigued and silent, for a while he views
His old frequented haunts, and shades recluse ;
Sees brothers, comrades, every hour arrive, —
Hears, humming round, the tenants of the hive.
Love fires his breast ; he woos, and soon is blest,
And in the blooming orchard builds his nest.” —
And so on. The king-bird migrates in summer at least
as far north as the fifty-seventh parallel. It reaches Carl¬
ton House in the month of May, and retires southwards
in September. It feeds on insects and wild berries.
A new species of this genus has been lately described
under the title of northern tyrant ( Tyrannus borealis,
Swainson). It was shot on the banks of the Saskatche¬
wan, but nothing is known of its habits. It is consider¬
ably smaller than the preceding, and may at once be dis¬
tinguished from it by its forked tail, not tipped with white.
Among the Merulidce or thrushes we may here mention
the representative of our water-ouzel, the American dip¬
per ( Cinclus Americanus). Although ascertained by Mr
W. Bullock to be an inhabitant of Mexico, and obtained
by Mr Drummond on the eastern declivity of the Rocky
* Of Mexico.
366
NATURAL HISTORY.
Mountains, near the sources of the Athabasca River, it
does not yet appear to have been detected in the in¬
termediate regions of the United States. According to
Bonaparte, this species measures eight inches and a half.
It is consequently longer than the European dipper or
water-crow. The general plumage is dark-grayish slate-
colour. The legs and feet are flesh-colour. We as yet
know nothing of the habits of the American species, but
its European congener dwells single or in pairs by the
side of clear and swift- running streams. It walks under
water in search of prey, wading in from the shore, and
remaining for some time submerged.*
The bird called robin in America is the red-breasted
thrush of Pennant ( Tardus migratorius). It is one of
their best known and earliest songsters. While the
fields are yet dappled with snow, they are seen in flocks,
and some few lively aspirants will even then mount to
the top of a post, and make attempts at song. As the
season advances their notes are universally heard, and as
universally beloved, and are regarded as the “ prelusive
symphony” to the great concert which is about to burst
ere long from numerous bills, from every thicket, wood,
and field. Although regarded with much of the same
feeling as that which we ourselves entertain towards our
own household bird, the red-breast, they are, nevertheless,
brought to market in great numbers, and Wilson mentions
that in the month of January 1807, two young men shot
30 dozen in a single excursion. This species inhabits the
whole of North America from Hudson’s Bay to Nootka
Sound, and as far south as Georgia, though they are said
rarely to breed on this side the mountains farther south
than Virginia. “ Within the Arctic Circle,” Dr Richard¬
son has beautifully observed, “ the woods are silent in the
bright light of noonday ; but towards midnight, when
the sun travels near the horizon, and the shades of the
forest are lengthened, the concert commences, and con-
* While engaged in the correction of these sheets for the
press we have been favoured by Sir William Jardine with a copy
of his yet unpublished edition of Wilson’s American Ornithology.
Many valuable notes have been appended by the editor to illustrate
the general distribution of those groups, of which there are Ameri¬
can representatives. The supplementary volumes by C. L. Bona¬
parte are included ; and most of the new species discovered or de¬
scribed by Messrs Swainson, Richardson, and Audubon, are like¬
wise inserted or referred to.
BIRDS.
367
tinues till six or seven in the morning. Even in those
remote regions the mistake of those naturalists who have
asserted that the feathered tribes of America are void of
harmony might be fully disproved. Indeed the transition
is so sudden from the perfect repose, the deathlike silence
of an Arctic winter, to the animated bustle of summer ;
die trees spread their foliage with such magical rapidity,
and every succeeding morning opens with such agreeable
accessions of feathered songsters to swell the chorus — their
plumage as gay and unimpaired as when they enlivened
the deep green forests of tropical climes — that the return
of a northern spring excites in the mind a deep feeling
of the beauties of the season, a sense of the bounty and
providence of the Supreme Being, which is cheaply pur¬
chased by the tedium of nine months of winter. The
most verdant lawns and cultivated glades of Europe, the
most beautiful productions of art, fail in producing that
exhilaration and joyous buoyancy of mind which we have
experienced in treading the wilds of Arctic America, when
their snowy covering has been just replaced by an infant
but vigorous vegetation. It is impossible for the traveller
to refrain, at such moments, from joining his aspirations
to the song which every creature around is pouring forth
to the Great Creator.” This is finely said, and loses none
of its force as proceeding from the pen of one not given
to affect a sickly sentimentalism, but who has ever had to
do more with the practice than the poetry of life and nature.
In a similar strain so also wrote the divine Milton, — but
to whom the freshness of spring, the assured mantle of
the glorious summer, and the varied splendour of the far-
spreading autumnal forests, were then only as visions of
the past —
u So thick a drop serene
Had quench’d his orbs, or dim suffusion veil’d.”
Of many beautiful and interesting species of the family of
the SylviadcE which enliven the countries of our present
inquiry, we shall confine our observations to the blue-birds.
The common blue-bird ( Saxicola sialis, Bon., Erytliaca
Wilsonii, Swain.) has the whole of the upper plumage of
a fine blue, while the throat, neck, breast, and flanks, are
bright orange-brown. The general character and mo vements
of this bird resemble those of the European redbreast, and
he is himself as familiarly known in summer to the chil-
368
NATURAL HISTORY.
dren of America, as the robin is to ourselves in the winter
season. Wilson informs us that the society of the blue¬
bird is much courted by the inhabitants of the country,
and that few farmers neglect to provide for him a snug
little summer-house, ready fitted and rent-free. He is
migratory over the northern districts, but a few remain
throughout the winter in some parts of the United States.
A newly-discovered species, nearly allied to the pre¬
ceding, is named by Mr Swainson the Arctic blue-bird
( Erythaca Arctica). Its colour is a fine ultramarine
blue above, beneath greenish-blue, and whitish on the
lower part of the abdomen and under tail-coverts. The
only specimen procured by the overland expedition was
shot at Fort Franklin in July 1825. It is merely a sum¬
mer visiter of the fur-countries, and no knowledge of its
haunts or habits has been yet obtained.
To illustrate the Ampelidce we shall merely mention the
American cedar-bird, or chatterer of Carolina, as it was
called by Edwards ( Bombycilla Americana). This bird
was regarded by the naturalists of last century as a mere
variety of the European or Bohemian chatterer. It is
however a distinct species, of smaller size, and has no
white upon the wings ; the chin has less black, and the
bill is shorter and somewhat broader. The European
bird has also been detected in North America by Mr
Drummond and Dr Richardson.
The well-known snow-bunting ( Emberiza nivalis)
is common to the New and Old World. “ Near the large
grave,” says Captain Lyon, “was a third pile of stones
covering the body of a child which was coiled up in the
same manner. A snow-bunting had found its way through
the loose stones which composed this little tomb, and its
now forsaken, neatly built nest, was found placed on the
neck of the child. As the snow -bunting has all the do¬
mestic virtues of our English redbreast, it has always
been considered by us as the robin of these dreary wilds,
and its lively chirp and fearless confidence have rendered
it respected by the most hungry sportsman. I could not
on this occasion view its little nest placed on the breast of
infancy, without wishing that I possessed the power of
poetically expressing the feelings it excited.”* The bold
* Narrative of an Attempt to reach Repulse Bay.
2
BIRDS.
369
navigator may rest assured that his simple recital of this
circumstance is much more effective and pictorial than if he
had had recourse to a rhyming dictionary. The Lapland
bunting ( E . Lapponica ) is also found in the northern
regions of both continents ; and a beautiful species, nearly
allied to it, the painted bunting ( Plectrophanes picta of
Swainson), was lately discovered on the banks of the
Saskatchawan. For the history and description of these,
as well as of many beautiful larks and finches, we must
refer the reader to the works already mentioned.
The pine-grosbeak ( Pyrrhula enucleator ) is the
largest of the bullfinch tribe. It measures above eleven
inches in length. Of the grosbeaks, properly so called
(genus Coccothraustes), the gayest and most remarkable
is called the evening-grosbeak (C. vespertina, Bon.). It
is a common inhabitant of the maple-groves which adorn
the plains of the Saskatchawan, and is known to the
natives by the name of seesebasquit-pethaysish , which,
being interpreted, signifies sugar-bird. According to Mr
Swainson’s views, this is the only genuine species of the
genus hitherto discovered in America. We owe it to the
observance of Mr Cooper.*
The scarlet tanager ( Tanagra rubra) is one of the most
brilliant of those southern species which during the summer
migration shed their lustre over more nor thern lands. The
whole plumage, with the exception of the wings and tail,
is of the most vivid carmine-red. The wing-coverts,
posterior secondaries, and middle tail-feathers are black,
and form a rich contrast to the other portions of the
plumage. After the autumnal moult, the male becomes
dappled with greenish-yellow. The plumage of the fe¬
male is green above and yellow below ; her wings and
tail are brownish-black, edged with green. Though this
species sometimes builds in orchards, and visits the
cherry-trees for the sake of their fruit, it does not fre¬
quently approach the habitations of man, but prefers the
solitude of the umbrageous woods. In addition to fruits
its food consists of large winged insects, such as wasps,
hornets, andhumble bees. The scarlet tanager is as yet un¬
known beyond the forty-ninth parallel, and so comes just
within the southern limits of the fur-countries. The fol-
* Ann. Lyc., New York, vol. i. p. 220.
z
370
NATURAL HISTORY.
lowing interesting narrative is given by Alexander Wil¬
son : — “ Passing through an orchard one morning, I
caught one of these young birds, that had but lately left
the nest. I, carried it with me about half a mile, to show
it to my friend Mr William Bartram ; and having pro¬
cured a cage, hung it up on one of the large pine-trees in
the botanic garden, within a few feet of the nest of an
orchard-oriole, which also contained young, hopeful that
the charity or tenderness of the orioles would induce them
to supply the cravings of the stranger. But charity with
them, as with too many of the human race, began and
ended at home. The poor orphan was altogether ne¬
glected, notwithstanding its plaintive cries ; and as it re¬
fused to be fed by me, I was about to return it back to
the place where I found it, when, towards the afternoon,
a scarlet tanager, no doubt its own parent, was seen flut¬
tering round the cage endeavouring to get in. Finding
this impracticable, he flew off and soon returned with
food in his bill, and continued to feed it till after sunset,
taking up his lodgings in the higher branches of the same
tree. In the morning, almost as soon as day broke, he
was again seen most actively engaged in the same affec¬
tionate manner ; and, notwithstanding the insolence of the
orioles, continued his benevolent offices the whole day,
roosting at night as before. On the third or fourth day
he appeared extremely solicitous for the liberation of his
charge, using every expression of distressful anxiety, and
every call and invitation that nature had put in his power
for him to come out. This was too much for the feel¬
ings of my venerable friend ; he procured a ladder, and,
mounting to the spot where the bird was suspended,
opened the cage, took out the prisoner, and restored him
to liberty and to his parent, who, with notes of great ex¬
ultation, accompanied his flight to the woods. The hap¬
piness of my good friend was scarcely less complete, and
showed itself in his benevolent countenance ; and I could
not refrain saying to myself — if such sweet sensations
can be derived from a simple circumstance of this kind,
how exquisite, how unspeakably rapturous, must the de¬
light of those individuals have been, who have rescued
their fellow-beings from death, chains, and imprisonment,
and restored them to the arms of their friends and rela¬
tions ! Surely in such godlike actions virtue is its own
BIRDS.
371
most abundant reward !”* Nevertheless, as practical orni¬
thology can by no means flourish without powder and
shot, Wilson continued to knock down as many birds as
he required, — and they were many, — for the space of se¬
veral succeeding years. Alas ! that the latter were so few.
More allied to the starling tribe is a bird remarkable
for the singularity of its habits, called the cowpen or
cuckoo-bunting ( Emberiza pecoris of Wilson), classed
by Mr Swainson in the genus Molothrus. It visits the-
fur-countries in May, and, after ranging as far north as
the sixtieth parallel, it departs in September, and collecting
in large flocks during the ensuing month in Pennsylvania,
it finally retires to winter-quarters in Mexico and the
most southern parts of the United States. It feeds on
grain, grass, and worms, and is frequently seen perched
familiarly on the backs of cattle. But the most remark¬
able trait in the character of this species is its practice
(like that of our own cuckoo) of laying its eggs in the
nests of other birds, and abandoning its future offspring
to the care of strangers. The yellow-throat and red-eyed
fly-catcher are most frequently selected to perform the
office of foster-parents.
Passing over the rice-bird, the Baltimore oriole, the
purple grakle, and others of the Sturnidx, we shall here
briefly notice the family of Crows. The raven (Corvus
corax), which occurs in all the four quarters of the globe,
is abundant in the fur-countries, and the carrion-crow (C.
corone ) also occurs there, but appears to be of a less
hardy nature, as it is seen in the interior in summer only,
and does not seem to approach within 500 or 600 miles
of Hudson’s Bay. The magpie (C. pica) is as common
in the prairie lands of America as it is in Europe. Seve¬
ral beautiful jays likewise occur in North America.
We come next to the woodpeckers, which are numerous
and widely spread over the American continent, as might
be expected in connexion with the vast forests with which
so much of the country is still encumbered. The ivory¬
billed woodpecker (Picus principalis) is undoubtedly the
most magnificent of the genus. While many of the
* American Ornithology, voL ii. p. 230.
372
NATURAL HISTORY.
smaller kinds seek their prey in the orchard or shrubbery,
among rails, fences, or prostrate logs, the present species
inhabit the most towering trees of the forest, “ seeming
particularly attached to those prodigious cypress swamps,
whose crowded giant sons stretch their bare and blasted,
or moss-hung arms, midway to the skies. In these al¬
most inaccessible recesses, amid ruinous piles of impend¬
ing timber, his trumpet-like notes and loud strokes re¬
sound through the solitary savage wilds, of which he
seems the sole lord and master.” The food of this species,
Mr Audubon informs us, consists chiefly of beetles, larvae,
and large grubs. No sooner, however, are the grapes of
the forest ripened, than they are eaten by the ivory-billed
woodpecker with great avidity. “ I have seen this bird,”
says the last-named excellent observer, “ hang by its claws
to the vines, in the position so often assumed by a tit¬
mouse, and, reaching downwards, help itself to a bunch
of grapes with much apparent pleasure.”* Although we
have introduced a notice of this fine species, we are not
aware that it extends so far to the north as the countries
with which we are at present engaged. It is, however,
well known in many of the United States. A much more
northern species is the three- toed woodpecker (P. tridac-
tylus of Swainson), which exists in all the forests of
spruce-fir that he between Lake Superior and the Arctic
Sea. It is the most common of the species that occur to
the north of Great Slave Lake.
The varieties of the feathered race are inexhaustible.
Each tribe and family contains many familiar and well-
remembered species, on the history of which we could
dilate with pleasure; but we must of necessity leave
even the names of many unrecorded. Two frail and
fairy neings, however, seemingly of too delicate a fabric
to withstand the rudeness of the northern blasts, now
solicit our regard, and as they have flown far to obtain it,
we must here insert a compendious history of the North
American humming-birds. Meanwhile let us borrow the
words of the enthusiastic Audubon. They apply to the
ruby-throated species ( Trochilus colubris , Linn ). “ No
sooner has the returning sun again introduced the vernal
season, and caused millions of plants to expand their leaves
* Ornithological Biography, vol. i. p. 344.
BIRDS.
373
and blossoms to his genial beams, than the little hum¬
ming-bird is seen advancing on fairy wings, carefully
visiting every opening flower-cup, and, like a curious
florist, removing from each the injurious insects that
otherwise would ere long cause their beauteous petals to
droop and decay. Poised in the air, it is observed peep¬
ing cautiously and with sparkling eye into their inner¬
most recesses, whilst the ethereal motions of its pinions,
so rapid and so light, appear to fan and cool the flower
without injuring its fragile texture, and produce a de¬
lightful murmuring sound, well adapted for lulling the
insects to repose. Then is the moment for the humming¬
bird to secure them. Its long delicate bill enters the cup
of the flower, and the protruded double- tubed tongue,
delicately sensible, and imbued with a glutinous saliva,
touches each insect in succession, and draws it from its
lurking-place to be instantly swallowed. All this is done
in a moment, and the bird, as it leaves the flower, sips so
small a portion of its liquid honey, that the theft, we may
suppose, is looked upon with a grateful feeling by the
flower, which is thus kindly relieved from the attacks of
her destroyers.
“ The prairies, the orchards, and gardens, nay, the
deepest shades of the forest, are all visited in their turn,
and every where the little bird meets with pleasure and
with food. Its gorgeous throat in beauty and brilliancy
baffles all competition. Now it glows with a fiery hue,
and again it is changed to the deepest velvety black. The
upper parts of its delicate body are of resplendent chang¬
ing green, and it throws itself through the air with a
swiftness and vivacity hardly conceivable. It moves from
one flower to another like a gleam of light, upwards, down¬
wards, to the right, and to the left. In this manner it
searches the extreme northern portions of our country,
following with great precaution the advances of the sea¬
son, and retreats with equal care at the approach of au¬
tumn.”*
The nest of this species is formed with a delicacy pro¬
portioned to its tiny inmates. The external parts consist
of a light-gray lichen found on the branches of trees or on
decayed fence-rails, and so trimly arranged around the
nest, as well as at some distance from the spot to which
* Ornithological Biography, vol. i. p. 248.
374
NATURAL HISTORY.
it is attached, as to appear like a portion of the stem.
These little pieces of lichen are glued together, as some
say, with the saliva of the bird. The next layer consists
of a cottony substance, and the innermost of silky fibres
obtained from various plants, but all extremely soft and
delicate. In this sweet receptacle the female deposites a
single pair of eggs, pure white, and of an almost oval form.
A Virginian gentleman kept two of these creatures in a
cage for several months. He supplied them with a mixture
of honey and water. On this they appeared to feed ; but as
the sweet and viscous liquid brought many small flies about
the cage, the humming-birds were seen to snap at and
swallow the insects with great eagerness. Mr C. W. Peale
also succeeded in rearing two young ones from the nest.
They used to fly about the room, and would frequently
perch on Mrs Peale’s shoulder. Wilson himself took a
nest in the summer of 1803, the inhabitants of which
were just about to fly; indeed one of them flew out by
the window that same evening, and, striking against a
wall, was killed. The other refused food, and was scarce¬
ly alive next morning. A lady, however, undertook to
nurse it, and dissolving a little sugar in her mouth, she
thrust in the bird’s hill, which immediately sucked with
great avidity. It was kept for three months, and daily
supplied with loaf-sugar dissolved in water. Fresh flowers
were also scattered every morning around its food ; and in
this way it appeared gay, active, and full of spirits, and
hovered from flower to flower as if in its natural state. It
never failed to express, both by a peculiar motion and a
chirping voice, the greatest pleasure when its supply of
flowers was introduced into the cage. It became the ad¬
miration of all beholders, and sanguine hopes were enter¬
tained that it might have been preserved throughout the
winter ; but unfortunately it one day got at large, and fly¬
ing about the room in a more excited manner than usual,
it injured itself in such a way as to die soon after.* The
species to which these observations apply ranges during
tiie summer season as far to the north as the 57th parallel.
Dr Richardson found it on the plains of the Saskatcha-
wan, and Mr Drummond discovered its nest near the
* In addition to the writings of Wilson and Audubon, consult,
for a knowledge of the history and habits of humming-birds, Mr
Bullock’s “ Six Months in Mexico,” and M. Lesson’s “ Histoire
des Oiseaux Mouches.”
BIRDS.
375
sources of the Elk River. This was composed chiefly of
the down of an anemone, bound together by a few stalks
of moss and bits of lichen, and had an internal diameter
of one inch.
The other species to which we alluded above was first
observed by our illustrious navigator Cook, on the barren
shores of Nootka Sound. It is the ruff-necked humming¬
bird ( Trochilus collaris of Latham, and the Trochilus
rufus of Gmelin). It is a superb species, and ranges to
the southwards at least as far as the table-land of Mexico,
near Real del Monte ; from which locality specimens are
preserved in the unrivalled collection of Mr Loddiges. It
was traced by Kotzebue along the Pacific shores as far as the
sixty-first parallel. The migration of birds has in every age
afforded a subject of pleasing speculation to the admirers
of the never-ending wonders of the natural world ; but
in no instance does it more freely excite our admiration
than when manifested by creatures so frail, and fantasti¬
cally attired in hues
<e Which make the rose’s blush of beauty pale,
And dim the rich geranium’s scarlet blaze.”
Of the long- winged and most aerial of the feathered
race, the swallow tribe, many beautiful species inhabit
America. We shall here notice only the white-fronted or
cliff-swallow {II ir undo lunifrons of Say), discovered near
the Rocky Mountains by Major Long. It was seen in
great numbers by Sir John Franklin's party in 1820,
while travelling from Cumberland House to Fort Enter¬
prise. Its clustered nests are frequent on the faces of
the rocky cliffs of the Barren Grounds, and a number of
them made their first appearance at Fort Chipewyan on
the 25th of June 1825, and immediately built their nests
under the eaves of the dwelling-house, which are not more
than six feet above a balcony that extended the whole
length of the building, and was a constant promenade.
“ They had thus to graze the heads of the passengers on
entering their nests, and were moreover exposed to the
curiosity and depredations of the children, to whom they
were novelties ; yet they preferred the dwelling-house to
the more lofty eaves of the storehouses, and in the fol¬
lowing season returned with augmented numbers to the
same spot. Fort Chipewyan has existed for many years,
and trading-posts, though far distant from each other.
376
NATURAL HISTORY.
have been established in the fur- countries for a century
and a half ; yet this, as far as I could learn, is the first
instance of this species of swallow placing itself under the
protection of man within the widely-extended lands north
of the Great Lakes.* What cause could have thus sud¬
denly called into action that confidence in the human race
with which the Framer of the Universe has endowed this
species, in common with others of the swallow tribe ?”t
This species is very widely distributed. It was transmit¬
ted to Professor Jameson from India some years ago by
the Marchioness of Hastings.
Passing over the goat-suckers (genus Caprimulgus),
which are frequent and numerous in the northern regions of
America, we may here record the name of the belted king¬
fisher ( Alcedo Alcyon, Linn.) as the sole representative in
the fur-countries of a tribe very widely diffused over all the
known regions of the earth. It is a bird of passage, and
winters as far south as the West Inches, although it also
occurs in Georgia and the Floridas during that season.
A more numerous and much more important family of
birds (in America) are the Tetraonidce or grouse. Nearly
a dozen species inhabit the fur-countries, and of these
the largest and most remarkable is the pheasant-tailed
grouse or cock of the plains ( Tetrao ui'ophasianus , Bon.).
The flight of this bird, Mr Douglas informs us, is slow
and unsteady, and affords but little amusement to the
sportsman. Its wings are small, and but feebly feathered
in proportion to the size of the bird, which measures from
thirty-two to thirty-four inches in length, and weighs from
six to eight pounds. Though it may be said to represent
the capercailzie or wood-grouse (T. urogallus ) in the
New World, it differs in this respect, that it never perches.
Its flesh is dark-coloured, and not particularly good in
point of flavour, j
* The late governor, de Witt Clinton, has given a very interest¬
ing history of the closely-resembling species, H.fulva , which about
sixteen years ago began to build its nests on the walls of houses in
the Western States, and has every succeeding summer been ad¬
vancing farther to the eastwards. Vide Ann. Lyc., New York,
vol. i. p. 156.
*|* fauna Boreali-Americana, vol. ii. p. 331.
£ For the history and description of the other American grouse,
BIRDS.
37?
We shall close our account of American land-birds,
commonly so called, by a reference to the passenger-pi¬
geon ( Columba migratoria). It may be presumed to be
sufficiently common in America, from a fact, or rather a
calculation, given by Alexander Wilson. He estimated a
flock which continued to pass above him for the greater
part of a day to have been a mile in breadth and 210 miles
in length, and to have contained (three birds being as¬
signed to every square yard) at least two thousand two
hundred and thirty millions, two hundred and seventy-
two thousand pigeons !* * Air Audubon confirms his pre¬
decessor’s account by a narrative still more extraordi¬
nary^ and adds, that as every pigeon consumes fully
half a pint of food (chiefly mast), the quantity necessary
for supplying his flock must have amounted to eight mil¬
lions seven hundred and twelve thousand bushels per day !
— an expensive doocot.
Of the order of waders ( Grallatores ) none winter in the
fur-countries. They generally arrive about the end of
April and beginning of Alay, and are driven southwards
in autumn by the advance of winter, and its hardening
influence upon the moist grounds and swampy shores,
from which these long-legged gentry draw their princi¬
pal support. We shall rest satisfied by furnishing a list
of their names in the note below. J
consult Mr David Douglas’ paper in the 16th volume of the Linn.
Trans. ; Professor Jameson’s edition of the American Ornithology,
vol. ii. p. 314, and vol. iv. pp. 189, 325 ; the second volume of the
Fauna Boreali- Americana, p.342; and my own “Illustrations of
Zoology,” vol. i. plates 26, 27, 30, 31, and corresponding letter-
press.
* See vol. ii. p. 299.
*j* See his interesting history of the passenger-pigeon in the first
volume of the u Ornithological Biography,” p. 319 — 326.
J The sanderling ( Calidris arenaria , Illiger) ; American ring-
plover ( Charadrius semipalmatus , Bonap.); kildeer-plover ( Ch.
vociferus , Linn.); golden-plover (Ch. pluvialis, Linn. ?); gray lap¬
wing ( Vanellus melanoyaster , Bechst.) ; turnstone ( Strepsilus in-
terpres , Ill.); whooping-crane ( Qrus Americana, Temm.); brown
crane ( G . Canadensis, Temm.); great heron (Ardea Herodias ,
Linn.); American bittern (Ardea lentiyinosa, Mont.); American
avoset (Recurvirostra Americana , Linn.); long-billed curlew
(Numenius lonyirostris, Wils.); Hudsonian curlew (N. IJudso-
nicus, Lath.); Esquimaux curlew ( JV. borealis, Lath.) ; Douglas’
sandpiper ( 7’ ring a Douylasii, Swains.), a new species not uncom-
378
NATURAL HISTORY.
Of the still more extensive order of Ncitatores, or web¬
footed swimming-birds (Palmipedes') , we shall present
only a few brief notices. Birds of this order are fully
more remarkable for the texture than the tints of their
plumage, although several species of the duck tribe are
likewise distinguished by considerable brilliancy of colour.
Destined to inhabit the seashore, and the banks of lakes
and rivers, they are much exposed to the inclemencies of
the weather, and their feathers are providentially ren¬
dered very close and compact, and abundantly imbued
with an oily secretion, through which they become im¬
permeable by moisture. This beautiful provision, as I
have elsewhere observed,* is more indispensable to the
economy of the Palmipedes than to any other order, as
many of them are. strictly oceanic, being sometimes found
500 leagues from land, and consequently having no other
place of repose, either by night or by day, than the sur¬
face of the “ injurious sea.” In addition to an abundant
plumage, the truly aquatic kinds, such as ducks and
divers, are furnished with a close, and, in some instances,
very valuable down, which preserves them from the ef¬
fects of cold and moisture, and is afterwards used in the
formation of their nests on the arrival of the genial season.
With the exception of ducks and mergansers, no very
marked distinction prevails between the plumage of the
mon in the fur-countries as high as the sixtieth parallel ; slender-
shanks sandpiper ( T. himantopus , Bonap. ?) ; semipalmated sand¬
piper ( T. semipalmata , Wils.) ; purple sandpiper ( T. maritima ,
Brunn.) ; dunlin ( T. alpina , Penn.) ; Schintz’s sandpiper ( T. Schin -
zii, Brehm.) ; pigmy sandpiper ( /'. minuta , Leisler) ; diminutive
sandpiper (T. pusilla , Wiis.); knot ( T. cinerea , Linn.); semipal¬
mated tatler ( Totanus semipalmatas , Temm.); tell-tale ( T. voci-
ferus , Sabine) ; yellow-shanks tatler ( T. Jiavipet, Vieillot) ; red¬
shank or gam bet ( T. calidris , Bechst.) ; Bartram’s tatler ( T. Bar-
tramius , Temm.) ; white-tailed tatler ( T. ochropus , Temm.); green-
rump tatler ( T. chloropypius , Vieill.) ; great-marbled godwit ( I/i-
rnosa fedoa, Vieill.); Hudsonian godwit ( L . Hudsonica, Swains.);
New York godwit ( Scolopaoc Novoboracensis, Wils.); Drummond’s
snipe (Sc. Drummondii , Swains.); Wilson’s snipe (Sc. Wilsonii ,
Temm.); yellow-breasted rail (Hallus Novoboracensis , Bonap.);
Carolina rail (R. Carnlinus , Bonap.); American coot (Fulica
Americana , Gmel.); Wilson’s phalarope (Ph. Wilsonii , Sab.);
hyperborean phalarope ( Flu liyperboreus , Lath.) ; Hat-billed phala¬
rope ( Ph. fulicarius , Bonap.).
* Illustrations of Zoology, vol. i., introductory letter-press to
plate 3.
Sabine’s Gull
BIRDS.
381
sexes. The young differ considerably from the adults,
and seldom attain the perfect plumage till the lapse of one
or two seasons.
North America produces several grebes (genus Podi-
ceps) and sea-swallows (Sterna). About a dozen differ¬
ent kinds of gull ( Larus ) inhabit both the barren shores
and inland swamps of the fur-countries. A beautiful
species called the fork-tailed gull ( Larus Sabinii ) is here
represented.
This bird was discovered by Captain Edward Sabine on
a group of three low rocky islands, about twenty miles
from the mainland, off the west coast of Greenland.
“ They flew with impetuosity towards persons approach¬
ing their nests and young ; and when one bird of a pair
was killed, its mate, though separately fired at, continued
on wing close to the spot where it lay.”* The fork-tailed
or Sabine gull is one of the most elegant of the genus.
Its colours, though sufficiently contrasted for variety and
liveliness of effect, are finely harmonized. The colour of
the head assumes a considerable variety of appearances,
according to the direction and degree of light in which it
is examined ; — a tinge of black, brown, blue, or purple,
seeming alternately suffused over the deep lead-colour
which forms the prevailing tone by which the parts are
usually characterized. There appears to be no difference
in the plumage of the sexes, but the female is rather less
in size. A solitary example of this species was met in
Prince Regent’s Inlet during Sir Edward Parry’s first
voyage, and in the course of the second voyage many
were obtained on Melville Peninsula. They arrive in
high northern latitudes in June, and take their departure
southwards as early as the month of August.
As an example of the northern ducks, we shall confine
ourselves to the Rocky Mountain golden-eye ( Clangula
Barrovi , Rich, and Swains.), a species distinguished from
our common golden-eye by the head and upper portion of
the neck being of a pansy-purple colour, with a large
crescent-shaped spot of white before each eye. The white
speculum of the wing is separated from a band of the
same colour on the coverts by a black stripe. It is dedi¬
cated to Mr Rarrow of the Admiralty, our chief promo¬
ter of those important geographical discoveries, from the
* Linn. Trans., vol. xii. p. 522.
382
NATURAL HISTORY.
successful conduct of which such essential benefits have
resulted to zoological science.
It appears that the swan lately discovered, or at least
identified as new to the records of British ornithology, and
described by Mr Yarrell* under the name of Bewick’s swan
( Cygnus BewicJcii), is an inhabitant of the seacoast within
the Arctic circle of America. 1 1 is much later in its northern
migratory movements than its congener the trumpeter-
swran {C. buccinator'). According to Lewis and Clarke,
it winters near the mouth of the Columbia. Its nest is
described by Captain Lyon (than whom few describe in
a more agreeable manner) as built in a peat-moss, and
being nearly six feet long, four and three quarters wide,
two feet high exteriorly, and with a cavity in the inside
of a foot and a half in diameter. The eggs were brown¬
ish-white, clouded with a darker tint. A more common
species of swan in the interior of the fur- countries is the
trumpeter above named. The great bulk of the skins
imported by the Hudson’s Bay Company pertain to this
species.
The white pelican {Pel. onocrotalus) is frequent in the
fur-countries as high as the sixty-first parallel. It haunts
eddies beneath cascades, and destroys a great quantity of
carp and other fish.
The great northern diver {Colymbus glacialis) is met
with in considerable numbers in all the lakes of the inte¬
rior, though seldom observed either in Hudson’s Bay or
along the shores of the Arctic Sea. It flies heavily, but
swims with great swiftness. The black-throated species
{C. Arcticus ), on the other hand, though common on the
coasts of Hudson’s Bay, more rarely makes its way into
the interior. Most of the guillemot tribe {Uria troile,
Brunnichii, grylle, and a lie) frequent the Arctic Seas of
America.
We shall here close our account of the feathered races
of these northern regions.
* Linn. Trans., vol. xvi. p. 445.
FISIIES.
383
CHAPTER, VIII.
Some Account of the Fishes and other Zoological Produc¬
tions of the Northern Regions of America.
Sturgeon — Salmon — Trout — Char — Capelan — White Fish — Blue
Fish — Herring — Pike — Burbot — Perch — Bull-head — Northern
Insects — Their Natural Preservation from Cold — More Northern
Extension of Tropical Forms in America than in Europe— Bees
— Extension Westwards of the Honey-bee — Diptera — Melville
Island Spider — Butterflies.
The fishes of the northern regions are of great importance
as articles of food in countries where a nutritious diet is
by no means easy to obtain ; and where, as we have seen
in the course of our historical disquisition, tripe de roche,
burnt bones, and fur-jackets, are too frequently the sorry
substitutes for better fare. We shall mention a few of the
characteristic kinds.
A species of sturgeon called sterlet (Accipenser Ruthe-
nus ) abounds in the Saskatchawan. The fishery at
Cumberland House is most productive during the spring
and summer. This is a much smaller species than the
A. huso. An individual weighing 60 pounds is consi¬
dered large.
The Coppermine River salmon (Salmo Hernii ) is shaped
like a common salmon, with a somewhat larger head. Its
size is inferior to that of the British salmon. It is cap¬
tured in great quantities in the leap at Bloody Fall, on
the Coppermine, in the months of July and August.
Many varieties of trout also occur in the lakes and rivers
of the northern parts of America ; but as the kinds which
frequent our own otherwise well-known streams are still
vaguely indicated by naturalists, the reader need not won¬
der that we have little definite information to communi¬
cate regarding those of such far distant lands. The In¬
dians do not appear to designate their trouts by specific
appellations, but use a general term ; — the Crees call them
384
NATURAL HISTORY.
nammoccoos, the Chipewyans thlooeesinneh, and the Es¬
quimaux cerkallook. The vividness of their spots and
markings seems to vary with the season ; and the colour
and consequent condition of the flesh are likewise liable
to change. They attain at times to an enormous size ;
Dr Richardson frequently observed trouts weighing 40
pounds. In Manito or God’s Lake, they are reported to
attain the size of 90 pounds. A species nearly allied to
the char (S. alpinus), but with the tail more forked, and
a blunter snout, was taken in a lake in Melville Island.
The capelan or lodde ( S . Groenlandxcus ) was ob¬
served in large shoals along the shallow shores of Ba¬
thurst’s I nlet. The white fish ( Coregonus albas ) is named
thloooek by the Copper Indians, and tittameg by the
traders. It varies in weight from three to eight pounds,
and sometimes attains even a much greater size. It
abounds in every lake and river of the American Arctic
Regions, and forms a most delicious food, being eaten
without satiety as almost the sole article of diet at some
of the trading-posts for a series of years. Back’s grayling
(C. signifer ) is the poisson bleu of the fur-dealers. This
beautiful fish prefers the strong rapids, and rises eagerly
at the artificial fly. It was found during the first expe¬
dition only in the clear rivers to the northward of Great
Slave Lake, and measures about 16 inches exclusive of
the caudal fin. The common herring ( Clupea Haren-
gus ) was caught in Bathurst Inlet early in the month of
August; and pike (Esox lucius?) are common in all
the lakes. The burbot ( Gadus lota ) is likewise a fre¬
quent fish in every lake and river. It preys indiscrimi¬
nately on whatever other species it is able to swallow,
and in the spring its stomach is generally crammed with
cray-fish to such a degree as to distort the shape of its
own body.* It is little prized as food. There is a kind
of perch, sufficiently common about Cumberland House,
which resembles our common perch in shape, but at the
same time differs in several respects from the European
species. Its length to the caudal fin is about 19 inches.
A peculiar cottus (C. polaris, Sabine), similar in its
habits to C. gobio, was found to occur abundantly on the
shores of North Georgia, in pools of water left by the
ebbing of the tide. The largest were not more than two
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 724.
7
INSECTS.
385
inches long.* * * § The six-horned hull-head (C. hexacornis),
is also frequent in the Arctic Seas.t
We have little to say of the insects of the northern regions.
Cold is in general adverse to the production and increase
of insect life, and even temperate climates are much less
productive than tropical and equatorial regions, in relation
to those tiny tribes. It is probable, however, that the
distribution of many northern species is still unknown. It
was formerly supposed that in Iceland there were none,
and that even in Norway there were very few, and their
absence from those countries was attributed to excess of
cold. Horrebow contradicted this opinion in regard to-
Iceland, and although Dr Hooker in his interesting “ Re¬
collections” of a tour in that island states that he met with
few, | yet Olafsen and Povalsen, during their residence
there, collected 200 different species in one small valley. ||
Otho Fabricius resided six years in Greenland, and
collected only 63 species of the insect class, properly so
called.§ In the still higher latitude of Winter Harbour,
where Sir Edward Parry sojourned, only six species of
insects were collected from the beginning of the month of
September till the August following. In Greenland, ac¬
cording to Mr Kirby, every order of insect has its repre¬
sentatives, except Orthoptera and Hemiptera ; but in Mel¬
ville Island, besides these deficiencies, neither coleopterous
nor neuropterous species were observed; and even the
mosquito, that shrill tyrant of the Lapland plains, appears
to have ceased from troubling along those hyperborean
shores. It must, however, be borne in mind, that insects
can escape the extremes of cold not only, as Mr Macleay
observes, by passing certain periods in the pupa or torpid
state, but also by being while in that state usually buried
in the earth, where they are but slightly sensible even of
the most extreme rigour of winter. “ What they chiefly
require is the presence of heat during some period of
their existence ; and the greater, within certain limits, is
* Supplement to the Appendix to Parry’s First Voyage, p. 213.
-f For some notices of shells and other invertebrate animals of
the Arctic Regions, consult the Supplement above named. See
also a List of Zoophytes by Dr Fleming, in the Appendix to Cap¬
tain Parry’s Second Voyage to the Arctic Regions.
£ First edition, p. 27 2. || Voyage en Islande, t. i.
§ Fauna Grcenlandica.
2 A
386
NATURAL HISTORY.
the hea^ the more active will be their vital principle. On
the American continent the extremes of heat and cold in
the course of the year are, as is well known, incomparably
greater than in places of the same latitude in Europe.
We may therefore readily conceive how particular fami¬
lies of insects will inhabit a wider range of latitude in the
former country than in the latter. W e see also how in¬
sects may swarm in the very coldest climates, such as
Lapland and Spitzbergen, where the short summer can
boast of extraordinary rises in the thermometer ; because
the energy of the vital principle in such animals is, with¬
in certain limits, proportionate to the degree of warmth to
which they may be subjected, and escapes in a manner
the severe action of cold/’* It is on the above principles
also that Mr Macleay accounts for what certainly at first
seems an extraordinary circumstance in the geography of
insects ; namely, that their tropical structure extends
much farther north in America than in Europe, — that is,
in a manner directly the reverse of that which has been
noted by botanists to occur in the vegetable kingdom.
When we examine Copris carnifex, Cetonia nitida, Itu-
tela 6-punctata , and other insects from the neighbour¬
hood of New York, and compare them with species of
the same families from Brazil, we shall find their differ¬
ence of structure infinitely less than that which would re¬
sult from a comparison of the entomological productions of
the environs of Madrid with those of the banks of the
Congo.
Mr Macleay admits, that although in his opinion the
insect tribes suffer less in cold climates than plants, it does
not therefore follow that the prevalence of cold has no ef¬
fect in relation to the destruction or prevention of insect
life. In truth the diminution of the number of species
becomes Yery conspicuous as we advance towards the
poles. But this the learned author of the Hors Entomo¬
logies supposes to be owing rather to the short continu¬
ance of the summer warmth, than to the lowness of its
existing degree. In accordance with this view we cer¬
tainly find that many insects, such as gnats, mosquitoes,
& c. which pass their larva state in water, — thus avoiding
the extremest cold, and whose existence in the perfect
state being naturally ephemeral, must therefore suffer
*
Horae Entomologies?, part L p. 45.
INSECTS.
387
little from the shortness of summer, — are nowhere more
troublesome than among the moors and marshes of the
North. On the other hand the number of coleopterous
species, which, being naturally longer lived, require a
greater continuance of warmth, is sensibly diminished
amid those dreary wastes.*
Several specimens of a species of caterpillar were found
in Melville Island. They occurred in the vicinity of Salix
Arctica and Saxifraga oppositifolia, and a new moth
( Bombyx Sabini, K.) was found in a swampy part of
the island. The honey-bee {Apis mellifica ) is supposed
to be not an indigenous, but an imported species in
America. Our land expeditions did not observe its occur¬
rence to the north of Canada. The Americans have now
settled the Missouri, as far as the 95th meridian, and it is
probable that the New England men, in their journeys
westward, carried hives along with them. According to
Mr Warden, the honey-bee was not found to the west¬
ward of the Mississippi prior to the year 1797 ; but it
is now well known, and has been so for a considerable
time, as high up the Missouri as the Maha nation ; having
proceeded westward 600 miles in fourteen years.t Such a
distance seems great for these tiny creatures to advance by
the ordinary process of swarming, even supposing that the
llight of the new colonies was invariably in a western di¬
rection. It is at the rate of 43 miles a_year ; but they
have perhaps been smitten by the Yankee passion of settling
beyond the clearings. J A wild bee {Apis alpina, F ab. Bom-
bus Arcticus, K.) of a black colour, with the base and
apex of the thorax and the anterior half of the abdomen
pale yellow, is very common within the Arctic Circle. |{
Scarcely any genus of the insect creation has so large a
range as this of Bombus. It is found in the Old World
* Ibid. p. 46.
•f Statistical, Political, and Historical Account of the United
States of America, vol. iii. p. 139.
£ Dr Richardson lately informed me that in the course of his
northern journey he saw some bees in very high latitudes resem¬
bling our common humble bee, but that he did not at the time as¬
certain the exact species, and the circumstances under which he was
then placed unfortunately prevented his preserving specimens of
the softer insects.
|j The insect above alluded to is a distinct species from the Apis
alpina of Linn., which is black, with the upper side of the abdo¬
men, all but the base, covered with ferruginous hair.
388
NATURAL HISTORY.
and in the New, — and from the limits of phaenogamous
vegetation to the equator ; but its metropolis appears to
be within the temperate zone. The range of the species
in question seems limited by the Arctic Circle, and to go
from Greenland only westward, for it does not appear to
have been seen in Lapland or Iceland,* or other eastern
parts of that circle.’’+
Of the dipterous tribes we shall here mention only the
Chironomus polaris of Kirby. The body is of a deep
black, somewhat hairy. The antennae are plumose. The
wings are rather shorter than the body, of a milky hue,
with prismatic reflections, and the marginal nervures
black. The abdomen is slender and hairy. This species
seems allied to the Tipula stercoraria of De Geer, but
exceeds it by twice the size. Along with Ctenophora
Parrii it may be said to replace the Culices or gnats which
prove so troublesome to navigators and travellers up to a
certain high latitude. The species of the genus Chirono¬
mus, more especially, are often seen in our own country
dancing in the sunbeams even during the depth of winter,
when Culex is benumbed ; and it was therefore to be ex¬
pected, a priori, that the former wTould occupy a higher
range, and approach nearer the pole than the latter. On
the last day of Captain Parry’s attempt to reach the North
Pole over the ice, a species of Aphis was found in lat. 82°
26' 44", about 100 miles from the nearest known land.;):
This may be considered as the extreme northern boun¬
dary of insect life.
A small spider was seen in great abundance in Mel¬
ville Island, running on the ground, as well as on various
plants, and leaping when alarmed. Mr Kirby had an op¬
portunity of examining only a single specimen, which
was so defective from injury that he could not name with
certainty the genus to which it belonged ; but from its
leaping propensities it was inferred to belong to Salticus
of Latreille. To whatever genus it pertains, the specific
name of Melvillensis is now bestowed upon it.
Mr Scoresby brought a few insects from the east coast
of West Greenland. Among these were two butterflies,
* Hooker’s Recollections of Iceland, 1st edition, p. 34.
*f Supplement to the Appendix to Captain Parry’s First Voyage,
p. 217-
£ Narrative of an Attempt to reach the North Pole in Boats.
INSECTS.
389
Papilio palceno , Linn. {Faun. suec. 1041), and Papilio
dia, Linn. (F ab. Mant. ins. ii. p. 6 1, n. 581). Both of these
were enumerated for the first time as productions of Green¬
land in the account of his voyage ; for the only butterfly
met with on either coast by Fabricius was the Papilio
Tullia of Muller.*
The entomology of the northern portions of the main¬
land of America is as yet known only through a few vague
and superficial notices from which we can deduce no po¬
sitive results, and with which we therefore deem it un¬
necessary to trouble the reader. We expect ere long a
valuable contribution on the subject from the skilful pen
of Mr Kirby.t
* Scores by’s Journal of a Voyage to the Northern Whale-fish¬
ery, p. 424.
-f* The third volume of Dr Richardson’s Fauna BoreaJi-Ame-
ricana , now in preparation, will contain a few notices of Serpents,
— a description of the Fishes, — an account of the Insects (by Mr
Kirby), — and a list of Testacea.
390
NATURAL HISTORY.
CHAPTER IX.
Characteristic Features in the Botany of the Northern
Regions of America.
Mr Brown’s Observations on the relative Proportions of the Two
great Divisions of Phaenogamous Plants — Beautiful small Willow
from East Greenland — Notices of the more remarkable Species
collected by Dr Richardson — Galium Tinctorium — Cornus Alba
— Phlox Hoodii — Viburnum Edule — Azalea Nudicaulis — Lilitim
Philadelphicum — Epilobium Angustifolium — Ledum latifolium —
L. Palustre — Prunus Virginiana — Pyrus Ovalis — Crepis Nana —
Cineraria Congesta — Pinus Nigra — P. Alba — P. Banksiana — P.
Microcarpa — P. Lambertiana — Empetrum Nigrum — MyricaGale
— Populus Trepida — Populus Balsamifera — Juniperus Prostrata
— Splachnum Mnioides — Dicranum Elongatum — Gyrophora pro-
boscidea — Hyperborea Pennsylvania, Mecklenbergii, vellea —
Cetraria Richardsonii — Fucus Ceranoides — Difficulties in the De¬
termination of Arctic Species — Plants recently introduced to the
British Gardens — Lathyrus Decaphyllus — Eutoca Franklinii —
Lupinus Littoralis — Clarkia Pulchella — Gerardia Capitata — New
Dodecatheon — Andromeda Tetragona — Menziesia Empetrifolia
— Azalea Lapponica — Dry as Drummondia.
Although, as a subject of scientific and philosophical in¬
vestigation, botany yields in interest to none of the other
branches of natural history, and although a great poet
and profound observer of nature has asserted that
“To him the meanest flower that blows can give
Thoughts that do often lie too deep for tears,”
yet, owing to the extension which we have assigned to the
zoological department, our space we fear will scarcely
suffice for more than a cursory sketch, even with the to¬
tal exclusion of all lachrymose affection. Several of our
best botanists have, of late years, devoted a portion of
their attention to the flora of the Northern Regions of
America ; but the subject has as yet made little progress
beyond the indispensable preliminary of correct, though
probably not yet completed, catalogues of certain districts.
PLANTS.
391
From these it is scarcely possible at present to select any
such general features as would interest the majority of
our readers ; but we shall in the mean while indicate the
sources from which those who incline to investigate this
branch of science may derive the most ample and accu¬
rate information.
A list of plants, collected in Melville Island by the of¬
ficers of the first Polar voyage, has been published by
Mr Brown, with characters and descriptions of the new
species.* This account was made up from the herbaria
of Captain Sabine, Mr Edwards, Mr James Ross, Captain
Parry, Mr Fisher, and Mr Beverley, whose names are
here given in the order of the extent of their collections.
Great difficulty was experienced by Mr Brown in deter¬
mining many of the species, either from their extremely
variable character or the incomplete condition of the
specimens, and occasionally also from the want of au¬
thentic individuals of an identical or analogous nature
from other countries, with which the recent acquisitions
might he compared. The plan originally followed by the
great Scotch botanist in the preparation of his list was
more extensive than that finally executed. It included
remarks on the state and relative proportions of the pri¬
mary divisions and natural orders to which these north¬
ern plants pertained, — a comparison of that hyperborean
vegetation with the productions of nearly similar climates,
— and observations on the range of such species as were
ascertained to be common to Melville Island and other
parts of the world. Towards the completion of that plan
he had made considerable progress ; but he found eventu¬
ally that to have satisfactorily developed some of the sub¬
jects just named, would not only have required more time
than he had then in his power to bestow, — but also a more
ample stock of materials than was at that period within
his reach. If then so skilful an observer was unable to
exhibit any general views on the subject, we hold our¬
selves to stand excused for their absence from this depart¬
ment of our present publication. In the list referred to
the reader will find descriptions of several new or imper¬
fectly-known genera and species, with admirable illustra¬
tive engravings from the unrivalled pencil of Mr Bauer.
* Supplement to the Appendix to Captain Parry’s First Voyage,
London, 1824.
392
NATURAL HISTORY.
In Mr Brown’s earliest observations on the interesting
.subject of the relative proportions of the two primary di¬
visions of phaenogamous plants, he had arrived at the
conclusion, that from 45° as far as 60°, or perhaps 65° of
north latitude, the proportion of dicotyledonous to mono-
cotyledonous plants gradually diminished.* F rom a subse¬
quent consideration, however, of the list of Greenland plants
given by Professor Geisecke,t as well as from what he
had been able elsewhere to collect, regarding the vegeta¬
tion of Alpine regions, he had supposed it not impro¬
bable that in still higher latitudes, and at corresponding
heights above the level of the sea, the relative numbers of
these two divisions were again inverted — in the list of
Greenland plants just referred to, dicotyledones being
to monocotyledones as four to one, or in nearly the equi¬
noctial ratio ; and in the vegetation of Spitsbergen, as
far as it could be judged of from the materials hitherto
collected, the proportion of dicotyledones appearing to be
still further increased. This inversion in the cases now
mentioned was found to depend at least as much on the
reduction of the proportion of gramineae, as on the increase
of certain dicotyledonous families, especially saxifrages
and crucifers. “ The flora of Melville Island, however,
which, as far as relates to the two primary divisions of
phsnogamous plants, is probably as much to be depend¬
ed on as any local catalogue hitherto published, leads to
very different conclusions, — dicotyledones being in the
present list to monocotyledones as five to two, or in as
low a ratio as has been any where yet observed ; while
the proportion of grasses, instead of being reduced, is
nearly double what has been found in any other part
of the world (see Humboldt in Diet, des Sciences Nat.
tom. 18, table at p. 416), — this family forming one-fifth
of the whole phaenogamous vegetation.” 1 1
Prior to the publication of the list, from the prefatory
remarks to which the preceding is an extract, a short ca¬
talogue of plants, collected on the east coast of Greenland,
was published by Mr Scoresby, with some remarks by
* Flinders’ Voyage, ii. p. 538.
•f* Article Greenland, in Brewster’s Encyclopaedia.
x Tuckey’s Congo, p. 423.
It Supplement ol the Appendix to Captain Parry’s First Voyage,
p. 202.
PLANTS.
393
Dr Hooker.* The female catkins of a willow, allied to
Salioc arenaria of Smith, are described as extremely
beautiful, owing to the fine contrast between their almost
black scales and the pure silky whiteness of their ger-
mens. This was the only arborous plant met with by
Mr Scoresby. Its mode of growth was singular; for
although it expanded to the extent of several feet, it so
accommodated itself to the nature of that chilly climate, or
was so acted upon by its ungenial influence, that it only
spread laterally, and was never observed to rise higher
than two or three inches from the ground, t
In the same year with the preceding, the narrative of
Sir John Franklin’s first journey, already so often re¬
ferred to, made its appearance. The Appendix to that
volume (No. vii. p. 729) contains a list of North Ameri¬
can plants by Dr Richardson, which, however, is not
given as containing any thing like a full catalogue of the
flora of the district through which the expedition travel¬
led. During their summer journeys only a small portion
of time could be allotted to botanical researches, and the
constant and more important duties of the officers pre¬
vented their aiding the doctor at all times in the collec¬
tion of specimens, as sedulously as they inclined to do.
Under unavoidable circumstances, of a very harassing
nature, a large proportion of plants may well be supposed
to have escaped their notice ; and the disastrous incidents;
attending their homeward journey across the Barren
Grounds, from the shores of the Arctic Sea, forced them
to leave behind the entire collections formed during the
summer of 1821, with the exception of a few specimens
collected on the banks of the Coppermine River, and
which had previously been intrusted to Mr Wentzel’s
care. Professor Schwgegrichen, when in London, named
the musci, and Dr Hooker undertook the examination
of the lichenes and fungi. Nothing more need be said
to stamp a high value on those portions of the catalogue.
This list contains (besides a few specimens described in
* Journal of a Voyage to the Northern Whale-fishery, Ap¬
pendix, No. II. p. 410.
In connexion with the last-named work the reader may also
consult a Catalogue of Plants collected by William Jameson, Esq.,
surgeon, on the west coast of Greenland, drawn up by Dr Gre-
ville, and published in the Memoirs of the Wernerian Society,
yol. iii. p. 426.
391
NATURAL HISTORY.
the addenda by Mr Brown) above 660 species. These
are referable to various classes in the following numerical
proportions : —
Amount of Species.
Monandria, . 3
Diandria, . 5
Triandria, . 31
Tetrandria, . 9
Pentandria, . 61
Hexandria, . 25
Heptandria, . 1
Octandria, . 11
Decandria, . 38
Dodecandria, . 1
Icosandria, . 26
Potyandria, . 24
Dydynamia, . 15
Tetradynamia, . 23
Amount of Species.
Monodelphia, . 1
Diadelphia, . 23
Syngenesia, . 52
Gynandria, . 8
Monaecia, . 39
Diaecia, . 24
Cryptogamia,
Filices, . 19
Musci, . 73
Hepaticae, . 16
Licnenes, . 121
Fungi, . 19
Alga;, . 5
We shall briefly notice a few species, remarkable for
their economic or other uses. The juice of the Galium
tinctorium is used indiscriminately with that of G. bore-
ale, by the women of the Cree nation, for the purpose of
dying their porcupine quills. The lead-coloured fruit of
Cornus alba are called bear-berries (musqua-meena) by
the Crees, because the bear is known to feed and fatten on
them. A new species of phlox was discovered by the
expedition, and named Phlox Hoodii, “as a small tribute,”
Dr Richardson informs us, “ to the memory of my la¬
mented friend and companion, whose genius, had his life
been spared, would have raised him to a conspicuous
station in his profession, and rendered him an ornament
to any science to which he might have chosen to direct
his attention.” This beautiful plant is a striking or¬
nament to the plains in the neighbourhood of Carlton
House, where it forms large patches, conspicuous from a
distance. The red berries of the Viburnum edule, named
winter-berries by the Crees, were observed to be high¬
ly ornamental to the woods. The bruised bark of the
root of Azalea nudicaulis is applied by the Indians to
recent wounds. The Lilium Philadelphicum is called
mouse-root by the Crees, because the common mouse of
their country (a species of campagnol) is known to feed
upon its scaly bulbs. The Canadian voyagers use the
young shoots of Epilobium angustifolium as a pot-herb,
under the name of L’kerbe fret. The Ledum latifolium,
PLANTS.
395
sometimes used as tea, is named kawkee-kee-pucquaw
(evergreen, or always leaves), and also maskaeg or me¬
dicine, because the natives think that the white residents
drink its infusion as a medicine. The Ledum palustre,
according to Dr Richardson, forms a better substitute
for tea than the plant just named.
The Prunus Virginiana grows to be a handsome small
tree, rising on the sandy plains of the Saskatchawan to
the height of 20 feet, and extending as far north as Great
Slave Lake, where, however, it attains the height of only,
five feet. Its fruit, known under the name of choke-
cherry, is not very edible in the recent state, but forms a
desirable addition to pemmican when dried and bruised.
The Pyrus ovalis of Pursli is a common plant as far north
as lat. 62°, and abounds in the plains of the Saskatchawan.
Its wood is greatly esteemed by the Crees, for the forma¬
tion of arrows and pipe-stems ; it is hence called hois de
fleclie by the Canadian voyagers. Its berries, about the
size of a pea, are the finest fruit in the country, and are
used by the Crees under the name of Messasscootoom-
meena, both fresh and dried. They make excellent pud¬
dings.
Among the Syngenesious plants we shall signalize only
two examples. The Crepis nana, a singular species, ap¬
pears to have been noticed by the land-expedition only on
the banks of the Coppermine River. The polar voy¬
agers collected it in Repulse Bay, Five Hawser Bay, and
Lyon Inlet.
The Cineraria congesta, described by Mr Brown,*
varies from three to seven inches in height. The leaves are
sometimes merely undulated, at other times furnished
with long, spreading, sharp, unequal, tooth-like process¬
es. Generally the flowers are collected into a remark¬
ably compact head ; but in two specimens examined by
Dr Hooker, t several of the flower-stalks spring singly
from the axils of the leaves up the whole length of the
stem ; in which case they are mostly single-flowered,
truncated, and leafy ; but always clothed, in common
with the involucre, by a beautiful long and dense silky
wool, by which character this species appears to be prin¬
cipally distinguished from C. palustris. Specimens of
this plant were gathered by Dr Richardson in Bathurst
* App. to Parry’s First Voyage, p. 279* *f Ibid. p. 397*
396
NATURAL HISTORY.
Inlet, on the shore of the Arctic Sea, on the 25th of July.
According to Mr Edwards, the individuals in Captain
Parry’s collection, which have elongated flower-stalks,
were drawn out by having been made to grow on board
ship ; at least he has seen such treatment produce pre¬
cisely that effect ; and he adds that in its native place of
growth he never observed the plant otherwise than re¬
markably dense and crowded in its inflorescence.
Theblack American spruce {Pinus nigra, Lamb.) isfound
in swampy situations as far north as lat. 65°, where it ter¬
minates along with the Betula papyracea. The white Ame¬
rican spruce {P. alba, Lamb.) is mentioned by Dr Richard¬
son as the most northern tree which came under his obser¬
vation. “ On the Coppermine River, within 20 miles of
the Arctic Sea, it attains the height of 20 feet or more.
Its timber is in common use throughout the country, and
its slender roots, denominated Watapeh, are indispensable
to canoe-makers for sewing the slips of birch -bark together.
The resin which it exudes is used for paying over the
seams of the canoes ; and canoes for temporary purposes
are frequently formed of its own bark. It is the only
tree that the Esquimaux of the Arctic Sea have access to
while growing, and they contrive to make pretty strong
bows by joining pieces of its wood together.”* * The Scrub
or gray pine ( Pinus Banksiana, Lamb.), in dry sandy
soils, prevails to the exclusion of all others. It is a hand¬
some tree with long, spreading, flexible branches, gene¬
rally furnished with whorled curved cones of many years’
growth. It attains the height of 40 feet and upwards in
favourable situations; but the diameter of its trunk is
greater in proportion to its height than that of the other
pines of the country. It exudes less resin than P. alba.
The Canada porcupine feeds upon its bark ; and its wood,
from its lightness and the straightness and toughness of
its fibres, is highly prized as canoe timbers. It was ob¬
served on the route of the overland expedition as far
north as lat. 64°; but on the sandy banks of the Macken¬
zie it is said to attain to a still higher latitude.f The
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 752.
*f* Ibid. — This is the only American species that makes any
approacli in habit and appearance to the Pinus sylvestris, com¬
monly called the Scotch fir. A distinguished writer in the Quar-
PLANTS.
397
American larch (P. microcarpa, Lamb.) was observed in
swampy situations from York Factory to Point Lake, in
lat. 65°. It was however of dwarfish growth in the last-
named locality, seldom exceeding the height of six or
eight feet.
One of the most magnificent of the newly-discovered
forest-trees of North America is Lambert’s pine ( Pinus
Lambertiana, Douglas). Its principal localities are pro¬
bably to the south of the districts with which we are here
more especially interested ; but as its northern boundaries
are not yet known, and as it forms in itself so fine a fea¬
ture in this department of botany, we cannot leave it alto¬
gether unnoticed. It covers large districts in Northern
California, about a hundred miles from the ocean, in lat.
43° north, and extends as far south as 4°. It grows spar¬
ingly upon low hills, and the undulating country east of
a range of mountains, running in a south-western direc¬
tion from the Rocky Mountains towards the sea, where
the soil consists entirely of pure sand. It forms no dense
forests like most of the other pines of North America,
but is seen scattered singly over the plains, more after the
manner of Pinus resinosa. The trunk of this gigantic
tree attains a height of from 150 to upwards of 250 feet,
varying from 20 to nearly 60 feet in circumference ; — thus
far exceeding
u The tallest pine
Hewn on Norwegian hills to be the mast
Of some great ammiral.”
The stem is remarkably straight, and is destitute of
branches for about two-thirds of its height. The bark is
uncommonly smooth for such large timber ; of a light-
brown colour on the south, and bleached on the north side.
The branches are rather pendulous, and form an open
pyramidal head, with that appearance which is peculiar
to the abies tribe. The leaves are rigid, from four to five
inches long, of a bright green colour, and grow in fives.
The cones are pendulous from the extremities of the
branches, and when ripe measure about 1 1 inches in cir-
terly Review ascribed the deterioration of our plantations of the
last-named tree, to the circumstance of our nurserymen finding it
cheaper to import cones from Canada, than to pay for gathering
them in Braemar, — a charge, however, from which the trade must
be fully and freely acquitted, as the Pinus sylvestris does not in
fact exist in America.
398
NATURAL HISTORY.
cumference at the thickest part, and from 12 to 16 inches
in length. The scales are lax, rounded, and destitute of
spines. The seeds are large, eight lines long and four
broad, of an oval form. Their kernel is sweet and of a
pleasant taste. The timber is white, soft, and light. It
abounds in turpentine reservoirs ; its specific gravity is
0*463; and the whole tree produces an abundance of am¬
ber-coloured resin. That which exudes from the tree
when it is partly burned loses its usual flavour, and
acquires a sweet taste, in which state it is used by the
natives as sugar, being mixed with their food.* The
seeds also are eaten when roasted, and they are likewise
pounded into coarse cakes and stored for winter use.t
Numerous species of willow occur in the Northern Re¬
gions of America, — they are not yet well defined. The
plant which yields the whortleberry [Empetrum nigrum)
is valuable in these inhospitable regions. Its fruit, after
the first frosts, is juicy and very pleasant ; it is much
sought after and carefully hoarded by the different kinds
of marmot, and forms the autumnal food of that species
of duck called Anas hyperborea. The Indian women use
the buds of Myrica gale to dye their porcupine quills.
The American trembling poplar ( Populus trepida) occurs
from Hudson’s Bay as far to the northward of Great Slave
Lake as lat. 64°. It is found to burn better in a green
state than any other tree of the country. The form of
* Mr David Douglas, in Linn. Trans., vol. xv., and Edin. New
Phil. Jour., vol. v. p. 401.
•f* We trust that our accomplished correspondent, Dr Traill of
Liverpool, will excuse our mating the following extract from one
of his private letters. “ Have you seen Douglas ? I was greatly
pleased with his intelligence and modest}T. He gave me a most
interesting sketch of his travels beyond the Rocky Mountains,
and a simple but appalling account of the privations of a traveller
in that part of the New World. The contrast between the vege¬
tation of the western and eastern sides of the chain is striking. The
variety of oaks, juglandes, and elms, interspersed with mag-nolias
and rhododendrons, form the striking peculiarities of the eastern, —
but beyond the mountains only one species of oak is found, while
neidier elms, juglandes, nor magnolias occur, and only a single
rhododendron. It is, however, the favourite haunt of the giant
pine. He had measured several more than 250 feet high, — he saw
some still taller, and took the circumference of a stem denuded of
its bark, which was 48 feet in circumference, and at 190 feet from
its base still bore a circumference of 4^ feet. The annual rings
on one stem were ascertained to be nine hundred .”
7
PLANTS.
399
the leaf-stalk in this species is highly curious, and beau¬
tifully accords with, and accounts for, its continual mo¬
tion, — the upper part being rounded, and suddenly, at
its junction with the leaf, becoming so thin and flat as to
have scarcely sufficient strength to support it. The bal¬
sam poplar ( P. balsamifera ) may be said to grow to a
greater circumference than any other species in these
northern regions. Although it burns badly when green,
and gives little heat, its ashes yield a great quantity
of potash. It was traced as far north as Great Slave
Lake, and the south branch of the Mackenzie has been
named Riviere aux Liards from its frequent prevalence in
that quarter. Great part of the drift-timber observed on
the shores of the Arctic Sea belongs to this species of tree.
It is called ugly poplar (matheh-meetoos) by the Crees.
The fruit of the common juniper is known under the
appellation of crowberry to the last-named nation ; and
another species of that plant, of almost equal frequency
( Juniper us prostrata), grows close to the ground, and
sends out flagelliform branches two yards long.
Of the Musci we shall here mention the Splachnum
mnioides which is very common on the Barren Grounds,
where it forms little tufts, the roots of which are found
always to include the bones of some small animal. Di-
oranum elongatum likewise occurs on those desolate dis¬
tricts, where, with other species of the genus, it forms
dense tufts very troublesome to pedestrians. These are
called “ women’s heads” by the Indians, “ because,” say
the latter, “ when you kick them, they do not get out of
the way;” — a fine commentary on a life of unsophisticated
nature, and a beautiful illustration of the refined ideas
which prevail in countries
u Where wild in woods the noble savage runs.”
Of the Lichenes, of which there are many species in
these northern countries, we shall name a few examples.
Gyrophora proboscidea is found on rocks on the Barren
Grounds, and is more abundant towards the Arctic Sea
than G. hyperborea . These two species, in common with G.
Pennsylvanica and Mecklenbergii, were found in greater
or less abundance in almost all rocky places throughout the
northern portions of the overland journey. They were
all four used as food ; but as our travellers had not the
means of extracting the hitter principle from them, they
400 NATURAL HISTORY.
proved injurious to several of the party by inducing se¬
vere bowel-complaints. The Indians reject them all ex¬
cept G. Mecklenbergii, which, when boiled along with
fish-roe or other animal matter, is agreeable and nutri¬
tious. The last-named lichen is, however, rather scarce on
the Barren Grounds ; and Dr Richardson and his com¬
panions were obliged to resort to the other three, which,
though they served the purpose of allaying the appetite,
were found to be very inefficient in restoring or recruiting
strength. The G. vellea is characteristic of moist and
shady rocks, and is consequently most luxuriant in woods.
It forms a pleasanter food than any of the species we
have named ; but it unfortunately occurs but sparingly on
the Barren Grounds, where its presence would be most
desirable. A new plant named Cetraria Richardsonii by
Dr Hooker, was found on these grounds generally in the
tracks of the rein-deer. It did not appear to occur to the
southward of the Great Slave Lake. About a score of
fungi were picked up by our scientific travellers. Ex¬
clusive of a conferva, and the fragment of a floridea, the
Fucus ceranoides was the only alga observed in the Arctic
Seas.*
The Appendix to Captain Parry’s second voyage was
published in 1825, and contains, among other highly-
prized contributions, a botanical Appendix by Dr Hooker.
When the extent of the collections examined by that ac¬
complished botanist is considered, a greater accession of
new species might have been expected than actually oc¬
curred ; but this is perhaps to be explained by the cir¬
cumstance of the countries explored during the second
voyage being as it were intermediate between those pre¬
viously examined, — Melville Island being to the north,
and the continental portion of America, bordering the
Arctic Sea, lying to the south of the districts to which
we at present more immediately refer. This, in the opi¬
nion of Dr Hooker, diminished the probability of the oc¬
currence of many new species. In point of mere num¬
ber, however, the second collections very considerably
exceeded those of the preceding voyage, — and this may
be explained partly by the more southern latitude in
which the plants were gathered, and partly by the length
of time spent in those districts. Dr Hooker conceives
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 7d3.
PLANTS.
401
that, as an illustration of the botanical productions of a
region extending from between lat. 62° to 70° north, his
catalogue may be regarded as tolerably complete. The
variety of cryptogamia is particularly great, and the her¬
baria were in such admirable order as to reflect the high¬
est credit on the skill and assiduity of the gentlemen by
whom they were collected and preserved.
“ It may not be amiss,” Dr Hooker observes, “ to no¬
tice here the extreme difficulty which attends the deter¬
mination of what ought and what ought not to be consi¬
dered as good species among Arctic plants. Vegetables
of our own more southern latitudes often assume, in those
frigid regions, an aspect quite different from what we are
accustomed to see them wear ; and which, without refer¬
ring to a very extensive series of specimens, might well
be supposed to afford decided marks of specific distinc¬
tion. Mr Brown seems to be fully aware of this, and he
speaks with caution of the identity of several of his new
species. In more than one instance, after having drawn
out a description of a supposed new individual, I have
found cause to alter my opinion concerning it, and finally
to consider it only as a variety of a well-known kind ;
nor shall I be surprised if future observations should show
that my Saocifraga plantaginifolia must be united to S.
nivalis , and my Chrysanthemum grandiflorum to C. ino-
dorum , though at first sight nothing can appear more dis¬
tinct.”*
We shall conclude this branch of the subject by a few
miscellaneous notices of recently-discovered species.
The ten-leaved everlasting pea ( Lathyrus decaphyllus )
was found on the banks of the Saskatchawan by Dr
Richardson and Mr Drummond. It is adorned by fine
heads of flowers, of a bright red colour before expan¬
sion, but which become purple as they open. This is an
exceedingly ornamental plant, measuring about three feet
in height. It was first raised in this country by Mr Pa¬
trick Neill of Canonmills, a gentleman well known for
his encouragement of horticulture, and for his general
attainments in many branches of natural science.
Franklin’s eutoca ( Eutoca Franklinii).f This inte-
* Appendix to Parry’s Second Voyage to the Arctic Regions,
p. 382.
-f- Botanical Magazine, t. 2985 ,
2 B
102
NATURAL HISTORY.
resting annual was discovered by Dr Richardson during
the first overland expedition. It was found growing in
abundance amongst trees that had been destroyed by fire,
on the banks of the Missinnippi, and was named by Mr
Brown in honour of the leader of the gallant band.* It
has now become well known in our gardens, the seeds
collected during the second expedition having been pretty
generally distributed. It is a hardy plant, which recom¬
mends itself to notice by the profusion of its bright blue-
coloured blossoms.t
The seashore lupin ( Lupinus littoralis).% This or¬
namental and hardy perennial was discovered by Mr
Douglas, who found it “ growing abundantly on the sea¬
shore of North-west America, from Cape Mendocino to
Puget’s Sound. Its tough branching roots are service¬
able in binding together the loose sand, and they are also
used by the natives of the river Columbia as winter food,
being prepared by the simple process of drawing them
through the fire until all their moisture is dissipated.
The roots are then tied up in small bundles, and will keep
for several months ; when eaten, they are roasted on the
embers, and become farinaceous. The vernacular name
of this plant is Somnuchtan ; and it is the liquorice
spoken of by Lewis and Clarke, and by the navigators
who have visited the north-west coast of America.”
We may add that Mr Douglas has enriched our gar¬
dens by upwards of ten new species of this fine genus.
Beautiful Clarkia ( Clarkia pulchella). || This hardy
annual deserves its specific name, as it is really one of the
most beautiful which hao been recently introduced to our
gardens. It was first discovered by Mr Lewis on the Koos-
koosky and Clarke Rivers, but was afterwards found by
Mr Douglas extending from the great falls of the Colum¬
bia to the Rocky Mountains, and seeds were forwarded
by him to the London Horticultural Society. The
flowers are generally of a fine lilac colour, but a pure
white variety is also known.
Mr Douglas discovered in the northern parts of Ame¬
rica, and introduced into the British gardens, about fif¬
teen new species of Pentstemon, all of which are orna-
* Addenda to Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 764, and
tab. 27.
■f Dr Hooker, in Bot. Mag. £ Ibid, t 2952. [| Ibid. t. 2918.
PLANTS.
403
mental, and many exceedingly beautiful herbaceous plants.
To the same intelligent and indefatigable collector we are
also indebted for several fine species of (Enothera or tree-
primrose. We owe to Dr Richardson and Mr Drum¬
mond the introduction to our gardens of the following
species : — viz. Gerardia capitata, a handsome perennial ;
an apparently new species of Dodecatheon, which has
flowered this summer in the Edinburgh Botanic Garden ;
Andromeda tetragona, Menziesia empetrifolia, Azalea
Lapponica (three very beautiful small shrubby plants),
and Dryas Drummondii. The last-named plant bears
yellow flowers. Of the other two known species of the
genus, one of which is a native of the mountains of
Scotland, the flowers are white.
404
NATURAL HISTORY.
CHAPTER X.
Sketch of the Geological Features of some of the Northern
Districts of America.
Frozen Subsoil of Hudson’s Bay — Primitive Rocks of Hayes Ri¬
ver — Hill River — Borders of Knee Lake — Remarkable Rock-
island of Magnetic Iron Ore — Lake Winipeg — Limestone Dis¬
trict-Fort Chipewyan — Carp Lake— Gneiss Formation of the
Barren Grounds — Transparent Waters of Great Bear Lake —
Fort Franklin — Bear Lake River — Lignite Formation of Mac¬
kenzie River — Spontaneous Fire — Pipe-clay — Alluvial Islands
at the Mouth of the Mackenzie — Copper Mountains — Copper-
mine River — Islands of the Arctic Sea — Arctic Shore — Cape
Barrow — Galena Point — Moore’s Bay — Bankes’ Peninsula — Bar¬
ry’s Island — Cape Croker — Point Turnagain — General Occur¬
rence of the New Red Sandstone — Hood’s River* — Wilberforce
Falls — Gneiss Formation — General Summary.
The great extent of country traversed by our overland
adventurers, the dreary continuance of that universal snow,
which so long rendered the surface of the earth in many
places almost inaccessible, the frequent journeys in canoes,
and the difficulties which almost perpetually prevailed in
the way of transporting weighty articles, prevented a
complete or very satisfactory knowledge being obtained
of the geological structure of the Northern Regions of
America.* For the reasons stated below, we shall here
* In the first volume of the Edinburgh Cabinet Library, en¬
titled, “ Narrative of Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas
and Regions,” the reader will find a chapter on Arctic Geology by
Professor Jameson, in which the characteristic formations of Che-
rie Island, Jan Mayen’s Island, Spitzbergen, Old Greenland, and
the various insular and continental shores explored by the expedi¬
tions under Captains Ross and Parry, are described and commented
on. So far, therefore, as regards many of the great North-eastern
Regions of America, we beg to refer the reader to Professor Jame¬
son’s skilful summary. See also Observations on the Rock Speci¬
mens collected during the First Polar Voyage, by Charles Konig,
Esq. Supplement to the Appendix, p. 247*
GEOLOGY.
405
confine our observations to certain restricted districts of
those regions.
Between the fifty-sixth and fifty-eighth parallels the
western shores of Hudson’s Bay are extremely flat, and
the depth of water decreases very gradually on approach¬
ing them. Dr Richardson states that in seven fathoms
of water the tops of the trees are just visible from a ship’s
deck. Large boulder-stones are scattered over the beach,
and sometimes form shoals as far as five miles from shore.
These are, of course, troublesome and dangerous to boats.
Hayes and Nelson Rivers enter Hudson’s Bay about the
central portion of this quarter. They are separated on
reaching the coast merely by a low alluvial point of land,
on which York Factory is stationed. A low and uni¬
formly swampy aspect characterizes the surrounding
country, and the banks of Hayes River at least for fifty
miles inland. The upper soil presents a thin stratum of
half-decayed mosses, immediately under which we find
a thick bed of tenacious and somewhat slaty bluish clay
containing boulder-stones. Forests, consisting chiefly of
spruces, larches, and poplars, occur, but the individual
trees, except under local circumstances of a favourable
nature, are of small size.
The subsoil is generally frozen, and as it consequently
retains a great deal of the surface-water, swamps of
sphagna and other mosses are always being formed ; but
the bright summer days, though long, are few, and as
vegetation thus decays but slowly, little peat occurs.
During a favourable season the ground thaws to the depth
of about four feet ; but there still remains, it is said, a
frozen bed of ten or eleven feet, beneath which we find
loose sand. As the earth is not thus permanently frozen
in the interior countries of North America, the ungenial
condition of the soil about York Factory ought probably
to be attributed to the neighbourhood of the sea, which is
too much encumbered with ice during winter to mitigate
the severity of those naturally frost-bound regions, and
being laden along shore with numerous icebergs and other
insulated masses, even to the middle of August, must of
course diminish the intensity of the summer heat.*
The boulder-stones just mentioned show that there
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey to the Shores of the
Polar Sea, p. 499.
406
NATURAL HISTORY.
occur in the district of Hayes River several primitive
rocks, such as red granite, hornblende rock, gneiss, and
syenite; of the transition class, graywacke; and of the
secondary class, red sandstone, — belonging probably to the
new red sandstone formation, in which is included the
rothegende and variegated sandstone. Two kinds of lime¬
stone likewise occur in this district.
The banks of Steel River, the principal branch of the
Hayes, present the same general characters as those of the
stream into which it flows. The same may be said of
Fox and Hill Rivers, the union of which forms the Steel
River. However, on the lower parts of Hill River the
banks are more varied in their outlines, and rising more
precipitately and from a narrow channel, they attain to an
elevation of nearly 200 feet. About a mile below the
Rock Portage, that is, about 100 miles from the sea,
rocks first occur in situ. They consist of gneiss, and
rise in the channel of the river from beneath lofty banks
of clay. This gneiss formation seems to extend to Lake
Winipeg, and contains subordinate beds and veins of
granite, and beds of hornblende rock, and mica-slate.
At the Swampy Portage a bed of red felspar occurs. It
contains small grains of epidote, and at the Upper Portage
hornblende-slate was observed, alternating with gray gneiss,
slightly intermingled with hornblende, together with beds
of quartz rock containing precious garnets. At the Lower
Portage on Jack River (the name of Hill River after
crossing Swampy Lake) a red granite occurs. The rocks
on Jack River are low, with a very spare covering of soil ;
the woods are thin, and the surrounding country flat.
The borders of Knee Lake present similar characters ; but
in one spot which was examined on account of its ex¬
hibiting a more luxuriant growth of trees, the soil was
still thin, but $he subjacent rock consisted of primitive
greenstone, with disseminated iron pyrites. “ About half
a mile from the bend or knee of the lake,” says Sir John
Franklin, “ there is a small rocky island, composed of
magnetic iron ore, which affects the magnetic needle at
a considerable distance. Having received previous infor¬
mation respecting this circumstance, we watched our com¬
passes carefully, and perceived that they were affected at
the distance of three hundred yards, both on the ap¬
proach to and departure from the rock: on decreasing
the distance they became gradually more and more un-
GEOLOGY.
407
steady, and on landing they were rendered useless ; and
it was evident that the general magnetic influence was
totally overpowered by the local attraction of the ore.
When Kater’s compass was held near to the ground, on
the north-west side of the island, the needle dipped so
much that the card could not be made to traverse by any
adjustment of the hand ; but on moving the same com¬
pass about thirty yards to the west part of the islet, the
needle became horizontal, traversed freely, and pointed to
the magnetic north.”*
We are indebted to Sir Alexander Mackenzie for the
valuable observation, that the principal lakes in these
northern quarters are interposed between the primitive
rocks and the secondary strata which lie to the westward
of them. Of this Lake Winipeg affords a good example.
It is a long narrow sheet of water, bounded on its eastern
side by primitive rocks, which are mostly granitic, whilst
horizontal limestone strata form its more indented western
shore.
The north shore of Lake Winipeg is formed into a
peninsula by Play-Green Lake and Limestone Bay.
Steep cliffs of clay are here prevalent, similar to those
which preceded the gneiss in Hill River, but containing
rather more calcareous matter. The beach is composed
of calcareous sand, and fragments of water-worn lime¬
stone, of which there are two kinds, — the one yellowish-
white, dull, with conchoidal fracture and translucent
edges ; the other bluish and yellowish-gray, dull, with an
earthy fracture and opaque. Dr Richardson did not ob¬
serve any rocks of the former kind in situ in this neigh¬
bourhood, although cliffs of the latter were apparent on the
west side of Limestone Bay, and continued to bound the
lake as far as the mouth of the Saskatchawan, and were
reported to spread down the whole of its western shore.
The extension of the limestone deposite of Lake Wini¬
peg, in a westerly direction, has not been ascertained, but
it has been traced as far up the Saskatchawan as Carlton
House, where it is at least 280 miles in breadth.
This limestone extends over a vast tract of country,
and may in general be characterized as compact, splinty,
and yellowish-gray. It is very testaceous, and large por¬
tions of it are entirely composed of bivalve shells. In
* Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, p. 36.
408
NATURAL HISTORY.
the journey up the Saskatchawan it was traced to the
Neepewan, — a distance of 300 miles, — where it is either
succeeded or covered by cliffs of calcareous clay. It is
probable that the limestone formation not only extends
over a vast portion of the plains, but also runs parallel to
the Rocky Mountains as far as Mackenzie River. Be¬
tween it and the Rocky Mountains, rocks of the coal for¬
mation occur ; and beds of burning coal have been known
for many years on the upper parts of the Saskatchawan,
as well as on the last-named river. One of the most
marked characteristics of the limestone formation is the
entire exclusion of foreign beds. It was never observed
in association with any other rock, except, perhaps, on
Elk River, where it appeared in contact with compact
earthy marl and slaggy mineral-pitch, or bituminous
sandstone ; and on Coppermine River, where rolled frag¬
ments of a similar stone were found connected with layers
of dark flinty slate. Salt springs and lakes exist from
twelve to twenty miles to the northward of Carlton House.
In Athabasca Lake Sir John Franklin's party came
again upon the edge of the primitive formation. Fort
Chipewyan seemed to stand upon a granite rock, and
a little to the eastward a reddish granite is associated with
gray gneiss. Granite is the most abundant rock on Slave
River ; but it disappears about a mile and a half below
the Portage des Noyes, and the banks from thence to
Slave Lake are alluvial. At the mouth of the Yellow
Knife River, and in Lake Prosperous, mica- slate pre¬
vailed ; and between Rocky and Carp Lakes the granite
contains many beds of mica-slate, often passing into clay-
slate. Here the country is tolerably wooded, and white
spruce occupy the rocky situations, Pinus Banksiana the
sandy spots, and aspen the low moist places.*
At Carp Lake the hills are of lower altitude, the valleys
are less fertile and have fewer trees, and these features
seem to characterize the commencement of the gneiss
formation, which extends over the great district to the
eastward of the Coppermine River, termed by the Indians
the Barren Grounds. The soil is inimical to almost
every species of vegetation. The summits of the hills
about Fort Enterprise are composed of a durable red
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey to the Shores of the
Polar Sea, p. 520.
GEOLOGY.
409
granite, and large masses of the same substance are scat¬
tered over their surface. On an arm of Point Lake,
forty-five miles due north of Fort Enterprise, the rocks
belong to the transition class. The light blue coloured
waters of Great Bear Lake are very transparent, more
especially in the vicinity of the primitive mountains of
Lavish Bay. A piece of white rag, when sunk, did
not disappear till it had descended to the depth of fifteen
fathoms. The surface of Bear Lake is not supposed
to be 200 feet above the Arctic Sea, and as its depth is
much greater than that amount of feet, its bottom must
consequently be below the level of the sea.* At the
mouth of Dease’s River, the hills are five or six hundred
feet high, and are composed principally, if not entirely,
of dolomite, in horizontal strata. The northern shores
of Bear Lake are low, and skirted by numerous shoals of
limestone boulders. At the foot of the Scented Grass
Hill, a rivulet has made a section to the depth of 100 feet,
and there shaly beds are seen interstratified with thin
layers of blackish-brown earthy-looking limestone, con¬
taining selenite and pyrites. Globular concretions of that
stone, and of a poor clay ironstone, also occur in beds in the
shale. The surfaces of the slate-clay were covered by an
efflorescence of alum and sulphur, and many crystals of
sulphate of iron he at the bottom of the cliff, and several
layers of plumose alum, half an inch in thickness, occur
in the strata. At the base of Great Bear Mountain, the
bituminous shale is interstratified with slate-clay, and Dr
Richardson found embedded in the former a single piece
of brown coal, in which the fibrous structure of wood is
apparent.t
On the northern shore of Keith Bay, about four miles
from Bear Lake River, stands Fort F ranklin, upon a small
terrace, which is elevated about thirty feet above the lake.
The bottom of the bay, wherever distinguishable, was ob¬
served to be sandy, and thickly strewed with rounded pri¬
mitive boulders of great size, which were particularly abun¬
dant near the river, — and the waters of the cape formed
by Scented Grass Hill were also strewed with large square
* In MsTavish Bay, near the shore of Great Slave Lake, forty-
five fathoms of line did not reach the bottom. Some of the great
lakes of Canada are supposed to descend 300 feet below the
<c ocean’s brim.”
•p Appendix to Franklin’s Second Journey, p. 0.
410
NATURAL HISTORY.
blocks of limestone. All these boulders must have been
carried from the parent rocks by a current flowing from
the east. Two varieties of granite which occur among
them, were recognised as forming abundant rocks at Fort
Enterprise, which lies about 170 miles south-east from
MTavish Bay. The soil in the vicinity of Fort Franklin
is sandy or gravelly, and covers to the depth of one or
two feet a bed of clay of unknown thickness. This clay
continues firmly frozen during the greater portion of the
year, and the thaw seldom penetrates more than a couple
of feet into the surface of the earth.
Bear Lake River is about seventy miles long, from its
origin in the lake till it falls into the Mackenzie, and its
breadth is never less than 150 yards, except at the rapid.
Sections made by the river generally present sand or clay,
— the former probably proceeding from the disintegration of
a friable gray sandstone, which occasionally shows itself
in the more solid form. The walls of the rapid are about
three miles long, and 120 feet high. They are composed
of horizontal beds, the lower of which consist of an
earthy-looking stone, intermediate between slate-clay and
sandstone, having interiorly a dull yellowish-gray colour.
These beds are separated by thin slaty layers, of a sub¬
stance similar in appearance, but harder, which contain
impressions of ferns, and from the debris at the bottom of
the cliff* Dr Richardson gathered impressions of the
bark of a tree (lepidodendron) and some ammonites in a
brown iron-shot sandstone. These are regarded by Mr
Sowerby as of a new species. They contain sulphate
of barytes, and are supposed to be referable to some of
the oolites near the Oxford clay.
We may here notice the remarkable lignite formation
of Mackenzie River. The formation which constitutes
its banks consists of wood-coal in various states, alternat¬
ing with beds of pipe-clay, potter’s clay (occasionally bi¬
tuminous), slate-clay, gravel, sand, and friable sandstones,
and occasionally with porcelain-earth. These strata are
usually horizontal, and as many as four beds of lignite
are exposed in some places, of which the upper are above
the highest river floods of present times. The lignite
itself is pretty compact when recently detached ; but it
soon splits into rhomboidal pieces, separable into more or
less delicate slaty portions. When burnt, it produces
little smoke or flame, and leaves a brownish-red residuum.
GEOLOGY.
411
not one-tenth of the original hulk. But the smell is very
fetid, resembling that of phosphorus. It was found unfit
for welding iron when used alone, hut it sufficed when
mixed with charcoal. However, the smell was still most
annoying. A frequent form of this lignite is that of slate,
of a dull brownish-black colour, with a shining streak.
These remarkable beds seem to take fire spontaneously
when exposed to the action of the air. They were found
burning by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, when he passed
downwards in 1789, and are supposed to have been on
fire ever since. Large slips of the banks take place in
consequence of the destruction of the coal, and it is only
when the debris has been washed away by the river that
good sections become visible. “ The beds were on fire
when we visited them ; and the burnt clay, vitrified sand,
agglutinated gravel, &c. gave many spots the appearance
of an old brick-field.”*
The pipe-clay is also sufficiently singular to deserve a
special notice. It occurs in beds from six inches to a
foot in thickness, and chiefly in contact with the lignite.
Its colour is yellowish-white ; in some places, however,
it is light lake-red. It is used by the natives as an article
of food in times of scarcity, and is said to be capable of
sustaining life for a considerable time. It is known to
the traders under the name of white mud. They wash
their houses with it.
The alluvial islands at the mouth of the Mackenzie
separate the various branches of that great river. These
islands are either partially or entirely flooded in the spring ;
their centres are depressed, and are either marshy or oc¬
cupied by a lake. Their borders, however, are more ele¬
vated, and are well clothed by white spruce-trees. These,
and whatever other trees are produced in the islands,
suddenly cease to grow about latitude 68° 40'.
The famous Copper Mountains, so called, consist prin¬
cipally of trap rocks, which seemed to Dr Richardson
to be imposed upon the new red sandstone, or the floetz
limestone which covers it. They rise to a height of eight
or nine hundred feet above the level of the river, and pre¬
sent a softish outline at a distance ; but on a nearer view
they seem composed of ridges, many of which have pre¬
cipitous sides. The summits are stony and uneven.
* Ibid. p. 18.
412
NATURAL HISTORY.
The largest pieces of copper are found associated with
prehnite, and the Indians are careful to search for ore
wherever they observe pieces of the last-named mineral
lying on the surface. The original repository or vein of
copper ore does not appear to have been hitherto observed ;
but judging from specimens picked up by our overland
expeditions, it most probably traverses felspathose trap.
Ice-chisels have been observed in the possession of the
Esquimaux measuring twelve or fourteen inches long,
and half an inch in diameter, formed of pure copper.
Another range of trap hills occurs at the distance of
ten miles to the northward of the Copper Mountains.
This range is about twenty miles from the Arctic Sea,
and beyond it the country is very level, with a subsoil
of light brownish-red sandstone. These desolate plains
nourish only a coarse short grass, and the trees which
had previously dwindled to scraggy clumps entirely dis¬
appear.
At the mouth of the Coppermine River there occurs a
low ridge of greenstone ; and from thence to Bloody Fall,
which is a distance of about ten miles, the country is very
level, with the exception of some ridges of trap, by which
it is traversed. The channel of the river is sunk nearly
150 feet below the level of the surrounding country, and
is bounded by cliffs of yellowish- white sand, and some¬
times of clay, beneath which beds of greenstone occasion¬
ally crop out.
The islands in this quarter of the Arctic Sea are in¬
variably rocky. They present a remarkable uniformity
of appearance, and are very generally bounded by mural
precipices of trap-rock clinkstone or claystone. But the
main shore presents a greater diversity. For sixty miles
eastward of Coppermine River, the beach is low and
gravelly, but towards Tree River the trap rocks reappear
and form a steril and rocky coast. At Port Epworth
the valleys were stony, and almost entirely destitute of
herbage. The rocks observed were liver-brown clinkstone
porphyry, with a few beds of earthy greenstone, and the
same formation extends to the mouth of Wentzel’s River,
to the eastward of which a projection of the coast forms
Cape Barrow. When Dr Richardson rounded this cape
the weather was extremely foggy, but the rocks examined
consisted of a beautiful admixture of red and gray granite,
forming steep and craggy peaks which rose abruptly from
GEOLOGY.
413
the water to the height of 1500 feet. At Detention Har¬
bour the granite hills terminate abruptly, or recede from
the coast, giving place to less elevated strata of gneiss, in
which beds of red granite are enclosed. A vein of galena
was observed running through the gneiss for two hun¬
dred yards at the spot named in consequence Galena
Point.* A mass of indurated iron-shot slaty clay occurs
on the western point of Moore’s Bay, and the promontory
which forms the eastern side of that bay is composed of
trap rocks and claystone porphyry, whose mural precipi¬
ces constitute the sides of narrow valleys, opening at either
end towards the sea. An iron-shot clinkstone porphyry,
with a columnar aspect, prevails from Moore’s Bay to the
entrance of Arctic Sound. The eastern shore of that
sound is covered with grass, and scarcely exhibits any
naked rock; but the clinkstone porphyry reappears on
Bankes’ Peninsula, along with an earthy-looking green¬
stone, and forms as usual parallel ranges of mural precipice.
On Barry’s Island the trap rocks form cliffs from 50 to 160
feet high, superimposed on thick beds of indurated clay
or marl. A red amygdaloidal rock, containing beautiful
pebbles of carnelian, chalcedony, and embedded jaspers,
was observed on the north side of the island.
Trap rocks, for the most part greenstone, and sand¬
stone of the new red formation, characterize Sir James
Gordon’s Bay; but to the north of Fowler’s Bay the
gneiss reappears, with beds of granite and hornblende
gneiss. Hexagonal crystals of hornblende, above a foot
long, were observed embedded in the gneiss near Point
Evritt, and the islands in the offing consisted as usual of
floetz trap or porphyry. Cape Croker is composed of red
sandstone, of which the debris forms a shelving and ut¬
terly barren shore. Grayish-white sandstone, associated
with or passing into slaty clay, was visible on the north¬
ern shore of Melville Sound, wherever the barren clayey
soil was washed away. Cliffs of greenstone, or of clay-
stone porphyry, superimposed on the flat strata, present¬
ed the appearance of islands, when seen from the opposite
coast, as our exploring party entered the sound, and had
the low connecting land been then visible, a tedious and
unnecessary circumnavigation of the sound itself would
have been saved. The coast exhibited the same appear-
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 531.
5
414
NATURAL HISTORY.
ance as far as Point Turn again, the most eastern point
attained by the overland expeditions.
On a general view it appears that the new red sand¬
stone formation prevails along those portions of the North
American Arctic shores. “ All the islands visited,” says
Dr Richardson, “ were formed of trap or porphyry be¬
longing to that formation ; and, judging from similarity
of form, the rocks of the other islands belong to the same
class. The gneiss formation is next in extent ; and, in¬
deed, it appears to run nearly parallel to the coast within
the red sandstone from Cape Barrow, across Hood’s River
above Wilberforce Falls to the bottom of Bathurst’s In¬
let, and from thence to Hope’s Bay, on the western side
of Melville Sound. The only foreign beds we observed
in the gneiss were granite, perhaps quartz-rock and
hornblendic gneiss or syenite. We saw no clay or mica-
slate, nor did we observe any formations intermediate
between the gneiss and new red sandstone ; nor, except
at Cape Barrow, where granite predominates, any other
formation than the two just mentioned. Our opportu¬
nities for observation, however, were not extensive; the
necessity of proceeding without delay limiting our botanical
and geognostical excursions to the short period that was
required to prepare breakfast or supper.”*
From Point Turnagain the party proceeded to Hood’s
River, which they traced to some distance. Near its
mouth that river is from 100 to 300 yards in width, and
is bounded by steep high banks of clay, reposing on floetz
rocks. At Wilberforce Falls, which are six or seven miles
above the second rapid, the river makes a striking descent
of about 250 feet into a chasm, the walls of which consist
of light-red felspathose sandstone, belonging, as Dr Rich¬
ardson supposes, to the old red sandstone formation, or
that which lies under coal, and occasionally alternates
with transition rocks.t A short distance above these falls
the gneiss formation appears, and produces hills precisely
similar to those about Fort Enterprise. On quitting
Hood’s River our exploring party ascended from the
valley through which it flows, and entered upon an even,
clayey, and very barren district, partially covered by
shallow lakes. This plain country continued nearly as
far as Cracroft’s River, where the gneiss reappeared,
* Appendix to Franklin’s First Journey, p. 533. j* Ibid. p. 534.
GEOLOGY.
415
and presented those bleak hills and precipices so charac¬
teristic of the Barren Grounds. The gneiss formation
was observed to continue without essential change to Ob¬
struction Rapid, between Providence and Point Lakes,
where it united with the F ort Enterprise district formerly
alluded to.
The preceding geognostical details, and others into the
consideration of which we cannot here enter, render it
apparent that the general distribution and connexion of
the hills and mountain-masses of these northern regions
are nearly the same as geologists have observed to cha¬
racterize similar materials in other portions of the earth.
The primitive rocks occur in their usual relations ; and
gneiss, attended by an extremely scanty vegetation, ap¬
pears to be the most extensively distributed. Granite was
the next in frequency ; after which may be placed mica-
slate. Clay-slate and protogine were the least abundant.
The granite of Cape Barrow was intersected by veins of
augite greenstone of the same description as those which
occur in the granite districts of Great Britain, and the pri¬
mitive rocks in general were found to be traversed by
veins of felspar, quartz, and granite.
The transition rocks, consisting principally of clay-slate
and graywacke, bore a strong resemblance to those in
Dumfries-shire, — a fact which did not fail to attract the
attention of Dr Richardson, himself a native of that dis¬
trict.
In regard to the secondary formations, the facts ob¬
served by Dr Richardson show the existence — First, Of
the old red sandstone, or that which lies under coal,
and occasionally alternates with transition rocks : Second,
Of the coal formation, which was ascertained to occur in
certain districts of Mackenzie River, and towards the
Rocky Mountains : Third, Of the new red or variegated
sandstone, an important formation of considerable extent,
which contained, as it is known to do in the Old World,
gypsum and beds of salt, or of muriatiferous clay, afford¬
ing saline materials for the impregnations of the salt
springs which issue from it: Fourth, Of the secondary
limestone belonging to that vast deposite which lies above
the new red sandstone, and beneath chalk, and which oc¬
cupies extensive tracts in Britain and other parts of Eu¬
rope : Fifth, Of the secondary trap and porphyry rocks,
416
NATURAL HISTORY.
in the composition and character of which one of the
most interesting features is undoubtedly the frequent oc¬
currence of native copper, both among the Copper Moun¬
tains themselves, and along the Arctic shore.
The alluvial deposites consist, as usual, of sand, gravel,
rolled blocks, boulder-stones, and the debris of various
rocks. We may conclude by observing in the words of
Dr Richardson, to whom we are deeply indebted for the
information presented in this volume, that the foregoing
details make it manifest “ that in the regions we traversed
the rocks of the primitive, transition, secondary, and allu¬
vial classes, have the same general composition, structure,
position, and distribution, as in other parts of America
which have been examined ; and as these agree in all re¬
spects with the rock formations in Europe and Asia, they
may with propriety be considered as universal formations —
parts of a grand and harmonious whole — the production
of infinite wisdom.”
“ Stand still and behold the wondrous works of
God, — the wondrous works of hisi which is perfect
IN KNOWLEDGE.”
« Remember that thou magnify his work which men
behold. Every man may see it ; men may behold it
AFAR OFF.”
“ O Lord, how manifold are thy works ! in wisdom
HAST THOU MADE THEM ALL : THE EARTH IS FULL OF THY
RICHES.”
“ Before the mountains were brought forth, or
EVER THOU HADST FORMED THE EARTH AND THE WORLD,
EVEN FROM EVERLASTING TO EVERLASTING, THOU ART
God.”
APPENDIX.
REMARKS
ON
A LATE MEMOIR OF SEBASTIAN CABOT,
WITH A
VINDICATION OF RICHARD HAKLUYT.
“ Floreat Historia Britannica, recordis authenticisquc expromatur.
Scribatur lente, mature, ordinate, sincere, dilucide, sine partium studio,
sine pravo consilio, sine omni vili afFectu viris’literatis indigno.” Madox,
Disceptatio Epistolaris De Magno Rotulo Scaccarii.
The reader is already aware that in the present volume, the
Discovery of North America, in the reign of Henry VII.,
has been exclusively ascribed to John Cabot, a Venetian,
who had settled as a merchant at Bristol. The author of
a late work* has attributed this noted extension of geogra¬
phical knowledge solely to the subject of his biography, Se¬
bastian Cabot, the son of John. According to him, it was
Sebastian who projected the expedition in which the disco¬
very was made, — it was Sebastian who conducted the expe¬
dition, — it is doubtful whether John Cabot accompanied
the voyage at all, — and it is certain, if he did, it was simply
as a merchant who traded on his capital. The biogra¬
pher has brought forward his arguments in support of
this theory, in the fifth chapter of his work, entitled
2 c
* Memoir of Sebastian Cabot.
418
APPENDIX.
Comparative Agency of John and Sebastian Cabot ; and
it is in the course of these arguments that he has made
an attack upon the integrity and honesty of Richard
Hakluyt, a writer to whom the history of maritime dis¬
covery is under the deepest obligations. These two points,
therefore, — the discovery of North America and the credit
due to the evidence of Hakluyt, — must necessarily be con¬
sidered in conjunction ; and we trust we shall convince
every impartial reader of the accuracy of our assertion, that
John Cabot was the discoverer, and that the attack upon
Hakluyt is perfectly unfounded.
Before, however, proceeding to the more immediate sub¬
ject of inquiry, we may be permitted to say, that, although
it becomes our duty to point out repeated and material
errors, and in some instances considerable injustice com¬
mitted by the biographer of Cabot, we are anxious to avoid
that peculiar asperity which he has unnecessarily ming¬
led with a subject so remote that it may surely be ap¬
proached in a spirit of great calmness and impartiality.
We wish to employ no expression which may give a mo¬
ment’s unnecessary pain to the biographer. His Memoir
of Cabot, as may be seen from the references to it in the
course of this volume, has been frequently of use to us.
Although rather a piece of biographical and historical
criticism than a pure biography, it is a meritorious work ;
it points out to the reader some recondite sources of in¬
formation, — its deductions and arguments are often acute
and ingenious, — and, confused and deficient as it is in its
arrangement, it contains occasional passages which are elo¬
quently written. But it is impossible not to regret that there
is infused into the whole book a more than ordinary propor¬
tion of that bitter and querulous spirit which, in a greater
or less degree, seems inseparable from the lucubrations of
theantiquary, — thatthe author has poured abuse, contempt,
and ridicule upon those who have fallen into errors, which
he sometimes has, and at other times imagines he has detect¬
ed, — and that he is unscrupulous in imputing unfair and
ungenerous motives to those who little deserve such an ac¬
cusation. Robertson, Forster, Henry, Campbell, Southey,
Barrow, and other able writers, are attacked in unmea¬
sured terms, as the arch propagators of all that is errone¬
ous and superficial on the subject of maritime discovery ;
and our excellent friend Richard Hakluyt, who has slept in
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
419
an honoured grave for upwards of two centuries, is resusci¬
tated to be treated only with more unsparing severity. W e
proceed now to the discussion of the point in question, —
Who Discovered North America? — The fact, then, that
it was John Cabot who projected, fitted out, and con¬
ducted the expedition by which this discovery was made
rests on evidence so conclusive, that it is difficult to ima¬
gine how any impartial inquirer can resist its force.
First, There is the original commission or letters-pa-
tent in Rymer, vol. xii. p. 595, in which John Cabot is
evidently the principal person intrusted with the under¬
taking. His three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanchez, are
indeed included with him in ;he patent ; but it is allowed
on all hands, that neither Lewfis nor Sanchez accompa¬
nied the voyage, and Sebastian, although he undoubtedly
went along with his father, could not then have been
more than twenty, — an age excluding the idea of his either
originating or conducting the enterprise.
Secondly, We have the language of the second patent,
dated the 3d February 1498, in which the letters are di¬
rected to John Cabot alone, and he is empowered to sail
with his ships to the land and isles of late found by the
said John, in the king’s name and commandment, — a
piece of evidence which, even if it stood single and un¬
supported, appears to be decisive of the question.
Thirdly, We have the inscription under the contem¬
porary portrait of Sebastian Cabot, painted by Holbein,
in which he is described as the son of the Venetian, Sir
John Cabot, who was the first discoverer of the New
Land, “ Primi Inventoris Terr* Novae sub Henrico VII.
Angliae Rege and in the
Fourth place, A proof of the same fact is to be found
in the inscription by Clement Adams upon the Map of
America, which he engraved after a drawing of Sebastian
Cabot’s, and in the lifetime of this navigator. In this
inscription, as already more minutely pointed out,* the
principal place is given to the father, John Cabot, and
the son is mentioned, as it appears to us, not as command¬
ing the ships or having originated the voyage, but simply
as accompanying the expedition.
Having gone thus far, we are now ready to enter upon
* Supra, pp. 21, 22.
APPENDIX.
420
the investigation of the arguments urged by the biographer
in favour of the claim which he has setup for Sebastian as
the sole discoverer ; and here we may remark, that in the
classification of his evidence he has followed a method
which is certainly not the best calculated for the manifesta¬
tion of truth. He first arranges what he denominates the
proofs in support of the father ; but those which he enu¬
merates first, and which alone he discusses with minute
attention, are the weakest that could be selected, and such
as no one who carefully weighs them would place much
reliance on ; whilst the unanswerable evidence is brought
in last with extreme brevity, and dismissed with scarce
any observation.
“ The various items of evidence,” says he, “ wdiich are
supposed to establish the prevailing personal agency of
John Cabot, may be ranked thus : —
“ 1. The alleged statement of Robert Fabyan.
“ 2. The language of more recent writers as to the
character of the father.
“ 3. The appearance of his name in the map cut by
Clement Adams, and also in the patents.
“ As to the first,” he continues, “ the authority usually
referred to is found in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 9, — f A note
of Sebastian Cabot’s first discoverie of part of the Indies,
taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabyan’s Chronicle,
not hitherto printed, which is in the custodie of M. John
Stow, a diligent preserver of antiquities. In the 13
yeere of K. Henry the 7 (by meanes of one John Ca¬
bot, a Venetian, which made himselfe very expert and
cunning in the knowledge of the circuit of the world, and
islands of the same, as by a sea-card and other demon¬
strations reasonable he shewed), the king caused to man
and victuall a ship at Bristow, to search for an island
which he said he knew well was rich, and replenished
with great commodities ; which shippe, thus manned and
victualled, at the king’s costs, divers merchants of London
ventured in her small stocks, being in her, as chief patron,
the said Venetian. And in the company of the said ship,
sailed also out of Bristow, three or foure small ships, fraught
with sleight and grosse marchandises, as course cloth, caps,
laces, points, and other trifles, and so departed from Bris¬
tow' in the beginning of May, of whom, in this maior’s
time, returned no tidings.’ ”
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
4C2I
This is the passage which the author of the Memoir has
accused Hakluyt of perverting ; and, instead of giving it
simply as it was furnished by Stow, — of interpolating the
name of John Cabot. Nor is it difficult to see how he was
led to make this accusation. It was necessary, in support
of his views, to show that this alleged statement of Fabyan
contained no allusion to John, but actually supported the
claim of Sebastian Cabot : but this could not be done if
Hakluyt has given it fairly ; and in this way the biogra¬
pher, animated with zeal for his theory, was imperceptibly
drawn on to attack the integrity of this writer. Now, be¬
fore considering so grave an accusation against Hakluyt,
we have one introductory remark to make upon this quo¬
tation from Fabyan. It is certain that it alludes to the
second voyage made to North America by Sebastian
Cabot, in the year 1498, and not to the first, in which
that country was discovered. Of this the passage con¬
tains internal evidence which is perfectly conclusive.
The first voyage took place in the twelfth year of Henry
VII. This in the thirteenth. The first voyage was at
the sole expense of the adventurers. Of this the king
bore the expense. The first voyage could allude to no
former discovery. This alludes to an island which had
been already discovered. To quote the passage, there¬
fore, as evidence in favour of John Cabot’s discovery,
which has certainly been done by some modern writers,
argues a rapid and superficial examination of its contents.
Certainly Hakluyt does not cite it with this view ; but
includes it, on the contrary, amongst those portions of
evidence, those testimonies, as he calls them, in which
the sole glory of the earliest voyage to North America is
given to Sebastian Cabot.* All this may be true, says
the memorialist, but it does not exculpate Hakluyt. I do
not accuse him of citing the passage as a proof in favour
of J ohn Cabot — but of altering it so as to mislead other
authors : He has “ perverted” the passage, and has suf¬
fered the evidence of his “ guilty deed” to he about, so
as to furnish the means of his own conviction. Such
is the charge advanced against Hakluyt ; and never,
we will venture to say, was there a more unfounded ac¬
cusation, as will appear when it comes to be examined, and
* Hakluyt’s Voyages, edition ltiOU, vol. iii. p. 4 — 9, inclusive.
422
APPENDIX.
yet the argument of the biographer is ingenious, and it
requires some attention to detect its fallacy.
The object in the whole matter, it will be observed,
was twofold; first, to show that Robert Fabyan, a contem¬
porary author, ascribes the discovery of North America
to Sebastian, and not to John Cabot; and, secondly, to
prove that Hakluyt has been guilty of dishonestly per¬
verting the passage from Fabyan communicated to him
by Stow the antiquary. How then does he accomplish
this? In the first place, he goes to the earliest work of
Hakluyt, published in 1582, where this writer gives for
the first time the following note as to the discovery*
which we quote verbatim from the work itself, now lying
on our table: —
“ A Note of Sebastian Gabote’s Voyage of Discoverie,
taken out of an old Chronicle written by Robert
Fabian, some time Alderman of London, which is in
the custodie of John Stow, citizen, a diligent searcher
and preserver of antiquities.
in the is This yeere the king (by means of a Venetian
K^Henrie ma(^e himselfe very expert and cunning
the vii. 1 in knowledge of the circuite of the worlde, and
149S- islands of the same, as by a carde and other
demonstrations reasonable hee shewed) caused to man
and victuall a shippe at Bristowe, to searche for an ilande,
whiche hee saide hee knewe well was riche, and replenish¬
ed with riche commodities. Which ship, thus manned
and victualled at the kinges costs, divers merchants of Lon¬
don ventured in her small stockes, being in her, as cheife
patrone, the said Venetian, and in the companie of the
said shippe, sayled also out of Bristowe three
or foure small Ships fraught with sleight and
grosse merchandizes, as course cloth, caps, laces, points,
Wm. Pur. and other trifles, and so departed from Bristowe
chas, Maior in the beginning of May, of whom, in this
IVlaior s time, returned no tidings.
Bristow.
Having given this quotation from Hakluyt’s publication
of 1582, the writer of the life next turns to the larger
work of the same author, published in 1589, and he
discovers that he has added to the sentence, as it stood
in 1582, the words “ one John Cabot.” The passage
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
423
in the narrative of 1589 standing thus : — “ In the 13 yeere
of King Henrie the VII. by means of one John Cabot ,
a Venetian, which made himself very expert,” &c., the
rest of the sentence being the same as in 1582. Here
then, says he, is manifest interpolation and dishonesty ;
the original passage from Fabyan has been altered ;
Hakluyt, in 1589, does not give it in the same terms
as in 1582. Before, however arriving at so strong and
uncharitable a conclusion, it must strike every reader
that the original passage, either as it stands in Fabyan,
or as it stood in the extract furnished by Stow from Fa¬
byan, ought to be carefully examined. Till the passage,
as it is given by Hakluyt, is compared with one or other
of these, it is perfectly evident that no charge of alteration
or interpolation can be made good against him. Now,
the original chronicle of Fabyan, from which Stow took
the passage, is lost — and the biographer does not pretend
that he has discovered in the manuscripts of Hakluyt
the original passage, as extracted by Stow, and sent to
this writer — but he endeavours to supply it in a very
singular manner. In speaking of Hakluyt’s alleged per¬
version of the passage, as sent by Stow, he observes: —
e( Fortunately, we are not left to mere conjecture. In
1605 appeared Stow’s own ‘ Annals.’ The simplicity
and good faith of this writer are so well known, as well
as his intense reverence for whatever bore the stamp of
antiquity, that we have no fear of his having committed
what in his eyes would have been sacrilege, by changing
one syllable of the original. Let it be remembered then,
that Hakluyt relies exclusively on what he obtained from
Stow ; and in reading the following passage from the An¬
nals, we find what doubtless passed into Hakluyt’s hands
before it was submitted to his perilous correction. It
occurs at p. 804 of the edition of 1605, and at p. 483
of that of 1631. f This year one Sebastian Gahoto, a
Genoa’s sonne borne in Bristol, professing himself to be
expert in the knowledge of the circuit of the world, and
islands of the same, as by his charts and other reasonable
demonstrations he shewed, caused the king to man and
victual a ship,’ &c. The rest corresponds with the pas¬
sage in Hakluyt. * * * Thus,” continues the biogra¬
pher, “ we have the best evidence that the contemporary
writer, whoever he may have been, made not the slightest
424-
APPENDIX.
allusion to the father. Bacon, Speed, Thuanus, &c., all
furnish the same statement.”*
Such is the passage from the Memoir of Cabot ; and thus
it appears that the whole of this attack upon Hakluyt
rests upon a fact which the biographer imagines he has
proved, but which in truth is nothing else than a piece of
the merest and the most vague presumption — namely, that
Stow furnished Hakluyt, in 1582, with an extract from
Fabyan, which, when he himself proceeded, about eighteen
years after, to compile his Annals from a long list of writers,
whose names he has given us in his prefatory pages, he
so scrupulously copied, that we are entitled to take it as it
stands in the said Annals, and argue upon it as the identi¬
cal passage contained in the lost chronicle of Fabyan.
But this is not merely gratuitous assumption. There is,
we think, strong evidence to show that Stow, in compo¬
sing his various works, did not, upon the point in question,
— the discovery of America, — consult the manuscript of
Fabyan, although he affirms it to be in his possession, but
in the multiplicity of his authorities had overlooked it
altogether. The first Summary of Chronicles was pub¬
lished by this industrious antiquary in 1565. A new
edition was given in 1573, and again another edition in
1598. His excellent work entitled a Survey of London
and Westminster was also published in 1598 ; and it is a
remarkable circumstance, and one which militates strongly
against the hypothesis of the biographer, that although
in the list of his authorities prefixed to the edition of his
Chronicles in 1573, and to the Survey of London, there
is express mention of the manuscript by Fabyan, still, in
neither of these works is there any allusion made, which
we can discover, to the voyages of the Cabots, or the dis¬
covery of America. His work entitled Flores Historiarum,
or Annals of England, was published in 1600, and here,
for the first time, is the passage regarding the voyage to
America introduced ; in which, as we have already seen,
Sebastian Cabot is called “ a Genoa’s son” But it
is to be recollected that Robert Fabyan was a contem¬
porary of Sebastian Cabot ; that he was a rich merchant
and alderman of London; and the probability is, that
he was either personally acquainted with so illustrious
* Memoir of Cabot, p. 44.
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
425
a navigator, or at least enjoyed the best opportunities of
rendering himself master of his history. It appears to us,
therefore, exceedingly improbable that Fabyan should
have fallen into the error of describing Sebastian Cabot as
a Genoese’s son, instead of the son of a Venetian. Now,
it is a singular circumstance, that in the Chronicle of
Thomas Lanquette, a work which Stow also mentions as
in his possession, Sebastian is described as the son of a
Genoese, and the discoverer of a part of the West Indies,*
and this induces us to conjecture that the passage in ques¬
tion was taken by Stow, not from Fabyan’s Chronicle, but
from that work. Down to 1598, he does not appear to
have examined Fabyan’s treatise upon the subject of Ame¬
rica, or Cabot ; and becoming old (he was now in his
seventy-sixth year), and failing in his memory, it appears
extremely probable that he had contented himself with a
reference to the volume of Lanquette.
So far, therefore, from admitting the fact which has
been hastily, and without any sufficient ground, assumed
by the biographer, that the passage in Stow’s Annals
regarding Sebastian Cabot may be considered the very
extract from Fabyan communicated to Hakluyt, we con¬
tend that a minute examination of Stow’s historical labours
proves that, in composing his Annals, he had omitted to
consult the Chronicle of Fabyan, and had copied some
less authentic writer — probably the Chronicle of Lan¬
quette. What follows from this? — First, the whole
elaborate accusation of guilty perversion of the extract
from Fabyan, so unceremoniously advanced against Hak¬
luyt, falls completely to the ground. Secondly, the bio¬
grapher’s supposed passage from Fabyan, a contemporary,
turns out to be nothing more than a quotation from Stow,
and consequently, the assertion that the former has de¬
scribed Sebastian Cabot as the sole projector and executor
of the voyage in which North America was discovered, is
perfectly unwarrantable. The original manuscript of F ab-
yan, as we have already stated, is lost ; the original extract
from it furnished by Stow to Hakluyt is also lost ; and
without a minute examination of these two documents,
* Barrett’s Bristol, pp. 185, 173. I take it for granted that this
author must have seen the passage which he quotes ; but in the only
edition of Lanquette’s Chronicle which I have had an opportunity of
examining there is no such passage.
426
APPENDIX.
the biographer was not entitled to wound the fair reputa¬
tion of this excellent writer, to whom the history of naval
discovery is under so many obligations, by charges without
proof, and innuendoes arising mainly out of the errors
which he himself has committed.
But the biographer will perhaps contend that he has
at least made out one fact against Hakluyt — namely,
that in 1589 he altered the passage from the form in
which he gave it in 1582; and is not this, says he, a dis¬
honest and guilty deed ? To this we answer, — and we
think it impossible for him to controvert the assertion, —
that, admitting the fact, there is no guilt or dishonesty in
the case. The vitiation of the text imputed here to Hak¬
luyt may be considered either as a perversion of the real
truth, historically considered, or of the individual passage,
or of both.
First then, it is to be remarked, that Hakluyt cannot
be accused of dishonesty, historically speaking, because,
in the passages in question, he has stated nothing but the
truth. It has been already proved that the extract com¬
municated by Stow relates solely to the second voyage
of 1498, planned and fitted out by John Cabot the Vene¬
tian, and conducted afterwards by his son Sebastian ; and
the alteration of the note, frcm the words “ a Vene¬
tian,” used in 1582, to the words, “ one John Cabot, a
Venetian,” used in 1589, only makes it speak with more
clearness and accuracy. But, in the second place, Hak¬
luyt, says the biographer, has perverted and altered a
quotation. There might be seme appearance of plausi¬
bility in this accusation, if Hakluyt had given the pas¬
sage in dispute as a quotation, and had thus bound him¬
self down to the common usage which compels an author
in such a case to insert it word for word. But he does
not do so. He warns the reader that he is perusing not a
quotation, but a “ note made up by him from an extract
communicated by Stow, and taken out of the latter part of
Robert Fabyan’s Chronicle, not hitherto printed ;” and hav¬
ing done so, he considered himself at liberty to correct that
note, by inserting in it any additional information which
he had acquired. In 1582, he thought that the words, “ a
Genoa’s son, born in Bristol,” could not apply to Sebastian
Cabot, with whom they were coupled, and he inserts the
words, “ a Venetian,” dropping the name altogether. In
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
427
1589, lie had probably become acquainted with the second
patent, which ascribed the plan of the expedition solely to
John Cabot ; and he, therefore, added to his note the words,
“ John Cabot, a Venetian,” where he speaks of the person
who had caused the king to man and victual a ship. Even,
therefore, if we were to admit, which we do not, that
a discrepancy had been made out between the passages
in Hakluyt and the real extract from the Chronicle of
Robert Fabyan, we should be entitled to repel any accu¬
sations against his honesty, founded upon a basis so ex¬
tremely erroneous.
The memorialist now comes to the consideration of the
proof as to the “ personal agency of the father in the dis¬
covery of North America, derived from the inscription on
the map cut by Clement Adams, which Hakluyt states is
to be seen in her Majesty’s Privy Gallery at Westminster,
and in many other ancient merchants’ houses.”* * And here
he commences his examination by another unfair innuendo
against this writer. “ We approach the statement of
Hakluyt,” says he, “ with a conviction that he would not
hesitate for a moment to interpolate the name of John
Cabot, if he thought that thereby was secured a better
correspondence with the original patent.” I have con¬
victed him (it is thus he argues) of interpolating the
quotation furnished by Stow from Fabyan, and there is a
strong presumption he would not hesitate to alter the in¬
scription also. “ It would, certainly,” he remarks, “ require
less audacity to associate here the name of the father, as
it is found in the patent, than to do that of which Hak¬
luyt has already been convicted.”t To this indirect insi¬
nuation it may be calmly replied, that, as the first at¬
tempt to affix guilt upon Hakluyt has been shown to be a
total failure, the inscription ought to be received from his
hands with perfect confidence that we read it in his work
exactly as it was copied by him from the original map of
Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams. From the man¬
ner in which it is given, first in the original Latin, and
then translated, it professes to be an exact quotation ; and
even were Hakluyt as guilty a person as the biographer
represents him, it might be contended that he would have
paused before he committed an act of interpolation, of
* Seethe proof stated. Supra, p. 21.
*f- Memoir of Cabot, p. 48.
428
APPENDIX.
which the original in the Queen’s Gallery, and in many
ancient merchants’ houses, must have instantly convicted
him.
But to proceed. Having thus prepared us to expect an
audacious alteration, the biographer endeavours to show
that those persons who had seen Sebastian Cabot’s charts
and maps, introduce no allusion to the father, and he
leaves the reader to make the inevitable inference against
Hakluyt’s honesty. This writer has quoted an inscription
on Sebastian Cabot’s map, which attributes the discovery
to John Cabot. But Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who had
seen Sebastian’s charts, makes no allusion to the father ;
and Richard Willes, who speaks familiarly of the map
of this navigator, does not mention John ; therefore,
it is left to the reader silently to infer that Hakluyt
may have interpolated the name of the father. A plain
statement of the fact will put all this down in an instant :
— Hakluyt has narrated in the clearest terms that the map
to which he alludes, and from which he copies the inscrip¬
tion, was engraved by Clement Adams; and the terms of
the inscription show that it (the inscription) was added
by the artist. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, on the contrary,
just as clearly states, that the documents to which he alludes,
are “ charts of Sebastian Cabot, which are to be seen in
the Queen Majesty’s Privy Gallery at Whitehall,”- — evi¬
dently meaning the original charts drawn by this sea¬
man, and presented to the queen ;* and Willes does not
mention the engraved map at all, but speaks of a table
of Sebastian Cabot, which the father of Lady Warwick
had at Cheynies.t The argument, therefore, or rather
the unfavourable inference created in the mind of the
reader by the biographer, which derives its force from
the supposition, that Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Richard
Willes refer to the same document as Hakluyt, namely,
the engraved map by Clement Adams, falls completely to
the ground. If there had been any account of the first
discovery on the charts alluded to by Gilbert, and the
“ table” mentioned by Willes, and in this account the
father’s name had not appeared, there might be some
presumption against the elder Cabot ; but the writer of
* Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 16.
j- History of Travel in the West and East Indies, p. 232.
Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 25, 26.
VINDICATION OF IIAKLUYT.
429
the Memoir does not pretend there was any such account
or inscription on the charts and the table ; and to infer,
from the silence of Gilbert and Willes, either that Hakluyt
had altered the inscription, or that John Cabot could not
have been the original discoverer, is a remarkable instance
of vague and inconclusive reasoning.
This is the proper place to notice an extraordinary
error, or rather series of errors, fallen into by the bio¬
grapher, regarding this same “ extract.” It is described
by Hakluyt as an “ extract taken out of the map of
Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning
his discovery of the West Indies, which is to be seen
in her Majestie’s Privy Gallery at Westminster, and in
many other ancient merchants’ houses.” Clearer words,
one would think, could scarcely be employed to ex¬
press the fact that a map engraved by Adams hung in
the Privy Gallery at Westminster, from which Hakluyt,
who was much about court, copied the extract or inscrip¬
tion which he has given at p. 6. Yet the biographer has
committed the singular blunder of supposing that it was
the extract from the map, and not the map itself, which
was hung up in the Privy Gallery at Westminster, and
that it may be inferred that Hakluyt had never seen the
original map. “ From the stress,” says he, “ laid by Hak¬
luyt and Purchas on the extract hung up in the Privy
Gallery at Whitehall, we may infer that they had never
seen the original map.”* In this sentence there occurs a
second error, in imagining that both Hakluyt and Pur¬
chas refer to the same document. The allusion by Pur¬
chase however, is to one totally different. This author
refers not to any extract taken from the map cut by Cle¬
ment Adams, but to “ the wrords of a great map in his
Majesty’s Privy Gallery, of which Sebastian Cabot is often
therein called the author, and his picture is therein drawn,”
which map, Purchas adds in the margin, “ some say
was taken out of Sir Sebastian Cabot’s map by Clement
Adams a sentence proving, beyond a doubt, that these
writers allude to different works, — Hakluyt to the map
of Clement Adams, Purchas to a later one, supposed by
some authors to be copied from it. Lastly, in a succeed¬
ing sentence,^, the author of the Memoir, when he ha-
* Memoir of Cabot, p. 52. -f- Purchas, vol. iii. p. 807*
+ Memoir of Cabot, p. 52.
430
APPENDIX.
zards the conjecture that the map by Adams was exe¬
cuted after Cabot’s death, and therefore without any com¬
munication from him, again widely errs from the truth ;
for had he consulted Purchas he would have found that
the map by Adams was published in 1549.* Thus, in a
sentence which occupies the short space of seven lines,
three errors, and these of no trivial importance, are com¬
mitted. The first error is material ; because it inevitably
leads the reader to believe that Hakluyt is only giving an
extract from an extract, whereas he is giving an extract
from an original which he had seen. The second error
is also important ; because it would induce us to infer that
Purchas and Hakluyt resolve into one and the same wit¬
ness, whereas Purchas quotes a separate and additional
testimony ; for, it is to be observed, that, on a map en¬
graved probably some time in the reign of James VI.,
there was copied the same inscription as in the early map
in 1549 ; from which we are entitled to conclude that, in
the interval, nothing had transpired to invalidate the truth
of the inscription. Lastly, the third error is most mate¬
rial of all, because its effect is to lead us to consider the
Latin inscription copied by Hakluyt from the map by Cle¬
ment Adams as of little or no weight in evidence, instead
of which it is, as has already been shown in the text,f as
nearly as possible equivalent to a declaration of Sebastian
C'ahot himself.
The laboured endeavour to get rid of the overpower¬
ing evidence of the inscription, by impeaching the accu¬
racy and integrity of the copy furnished by Hakluyt, is thus
singularly unsuccessful ; and having failed in this point,
the author of the Life of Cabot passes over altogether the
proof which it contains. This, we think, may be taken
for a silent admission that, if correctly given, it proves
that John Cabot was the discoverer ; and we shall not fa¬
tigue the reader by a repetition of the arguments given in
the text, only reminding him that it is there shown that
the inscription was written, probably from the informa¬
tion communicated, either by Sebastian, or by some per¬
sons who accompanied the voyage, and that the map where
it occurs must have been often seen by this navigator.
In his examination of the proofs of the personal agency
* Purchas, vol. iii. p. 807-
-f Supra, p. 23.
VINDICATION OP HAKLUYT.
431
of John Cabot, the biographer now arrives at the appear¬
ance of his name in the letters-patent granted by the king.
These interesting documents, from their priority of date
and the importance of their evidence, every impartial
inquirer would, we think, have ranked first ; but he at once
assigns them the last place, and passes them very lightly
over. With the substance of these royal letters the reader
is already acquainted ;* and it is here sufficient to re¬
peat that the commission, in virtue of which the first voy¬
age of 1497 was undertaken, during which North Ame¬
rica was discovered, is granted to John Cabot and his three
sons, whilst the second commission of 1498 is not only
granted to John Cabot alone, but, alluding to the voyage
already made, describes him as the sole discoverer,
<e giving him permission to lead his ships to the land and
isles of late found by the said John in the king’s name,
and by his command.” To escape from this clear and
unanswerable assertion in a document whose authenti¬
city is higher than that of any other which can be pro¬
duced, the memorialist, trembling for his favourite Sebas¬
tian, is driven to some very desperate and amusing expe¬
dients. He first asserts, that the appearance of the father’s
name in the first commission or patent does not prove
that he embarked in either of the expeditions. Now,
undoubtedly, if the first patent stood alone, the father’s
name in that deed would not conclusively prove that
he conducted the first voyage, although a strong pre¬
sumption that he did so might fairly be founded upon it ;
but it is evident the two patents, in estimating the evi¬
dence, must be taken together, and how does the biogra¬
pher get rid of the second, which, in language neither to
be evaded nor misunderstood, distinctly asserts the fact
of the discovery by the said J ohn, and by J ohn only ; for
no other name but that of the father appears in the deed ?
The extraordinary theory by which he attempts to elude
its evidence will best be given in his own words. “ The
second patent,” says he, “ is to the father alone. If we
seek a reason for this departure from the original arrange¬
ment, it may be conjectured that some of the sons chose
to give a different direction to a parental advance and their
personal exertions ; and that the head of the family
thought fit to retain subject to his own discretionary dis-
* Supra, pp. 20, 24.
2
132
APPENDIX.
posal the proposed investment of his remaining capital.
It is said that one of the sons settled at Venice and the
other at Genoa. The recital of the discovery by the fa¬
ther would, of course, be stated, under the circumstances, as
the consideration of the second patent in his favour. An¬
other reason for the introduction of the father’s name con¬
currently at first with his sons’, and afterwards exclusive,
ly, may perhaps be found in the wary character of the king,
whose own pecuniary interests were involved in the result.
He might be anxious thus to secure the responsibility of
the wealthy Venetian for the faithful execution of the
terms of the patent, and finally think it better to have him
solely named rather than commit powers, on their face as¬
signable, to young men who had no stake in the country,
and who were not likely to make it even a fixed place of
residence. On the whole, there may at least be a doubt
whether the father really accompanied the expedition.”*
It is surely quite unnecessary to attempt a serious reply
to this singular passage, which, advancing from one step
of an improbable and unsupported hypothesis to another,
lands the reader at last in that conclusion of outrageous
scepticism which has just been quoted. The words of the
second commission state a simple fact, “ that the land
and isles were discovered by John Cabot.” The biographer,
in reply, first talks discursively and at some length on
the motives which induced the sons, Lewis, Sanchez,
and Sebastian, to withdraw a capital, which there is no
proof they ever advanced, — subjects of little moment, — and
he then at once gets rid of the stubborn fact, that John
Cabot is named as the “ sole discoverer,” by the inciden¬
tal remark, that this would, of course, be stated as the
ground of the second patent, — a species of reply which ir¬
resistibly reminds us of the celebrated mode of getting rid
of any difficulty “ by a concatenation.” W e leave the
reader to form his own conclusion from the words of the
commission, with no anxiety as to the result.
It is asserted that Hakluyt is guilty of perversion when
he describes John Cabot as “ very expert and cunning in
the knowledge of the circuit of the world, and islands of
the same, as by a sea-card, and other demonstrations rea¬
sonable, he shewed ;”+ and in the same breath the bio¬
grapher proceeds to arraign Campbell, Macpherson, and
* Memoir of Cabot, p. 50. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 9.
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
433
Barrow of folly, because they speak of him as a scientific
and able seaman, there being no proof that he was any
thing else than a merchant who dwelt in England.*
Now when Hakluyt, in a writing of unquestionable
authenticity, — the first royal commission just quoted, —
found J ohn Cabot intrusted with the command of a squa¬
dron of five ships, which was empowered to sail on a
voyage of discovery to all countries and seas of the East,
West, and North, he certainly cannot be accused of hav¬
ing committed any grievous infringement upon truth
or probability when he described him as a seaman ; and
when, in another document of almost equal authority, — the
inscription on the map by Clement Adams, — he observed it
stated that he, along with his son Sebastian, were the first
who discovered North America, are we to be told that
he was guilty of excessive exaggeration, when he drew
the inference which every discerning and impartial mind
would be inclined to derive from the same facts, that the
author of such a discovery must have been an excellent
navigator and cosmographer ? Nor is it a fair mode of
reasoning to accuse Campbell and Barrow as guilty of a
thousand absurdities, when they describe John Cabot as
an “ accomplished seaman, a skilful pilot, or an intrepid
navigator.” t These writers, it is to be recollected, had
before them the letters-patent in Rymer, and the inscrip¬
tion by Adams, — instruments which had in no way been
perverted, — and from an examination of these they arrived
at the conclusion, to which every reader is inevitably led,
that he who possessed the inventive mind to plan this
new course to India by the north-west, — who had in per¬
son commanded the expedition, and successfully achieved
the discovery, — must have been, both as a practical and a
scientific navigator, a man of no ordinary character and
acquirements.
It is difficult, within the limits to which we must con¬
fine these remarks, to reply to the various accusations
against Hakluyt, which are scattered throughout the pages
of this Memoir ; besides we do not profess to write a full
vindication of that excellent author. He is arraigned of ig-
* Memoir of Cabot, pp. 46, 47, 50, 51.
j- Memoir of Cabot, pp. 46, 50, 51.
2 D
434
APPENDIX.
norance and carelessness as a translator,— of a want of in¬
tegrity in regard to the sense of his original, — and of ap¬
propriating to himself passages from other authors without
acknowledgment. The gravest accusation, that of wil¬
fully altering the sense of his original, has been satis¬
factorily answered already ; hut we venture to say that
few who are acquainted with his amusing and instructive
volumes will not he astonished at the charge of plagiar¬
ism. A conscientious and even tedious scrupulosity in giv¬
ing the names of every individual from whom he has de¬
rived his information is one of the most striking features
of his work. The third volume of the second edition of
his voyages happens to be now on the table before us :
It consists of about 158 separate documents, and we
will venture to say, that of these there is not one upon
which the biographer can support a charge of any thing
approaching to serious and premeditated plagiarism, — not
one in which, if the author’s name is known, it is not an¬
xiously mentioned, or, if it is unknoivn, where the anony¬
mous paper is not given in such a way that it cannot
possibly be attributed to the compiler himself. Even the
two instances in this volume, quoted against him by
the biographer, do not in fair reasoning form an excep¬
tion.
No one who has read Hakluyt’s preface will be disposed
to think with severity of the slight alterations which,
with the honest intention of presenting the whole truth
before his reader, he has occasionally introduced into
the abstracts, notes, and translations, which form the great
body of his work. His earnest desire, as he himself de¬
clares, “ was to adjust the displaced and scattered limbs,
as well of ancient and late voyages by sea as of travels
by land, and traffic of merchandise by both, into one
regular body ; restoring each divided and dislocated mem¬
ber to its natural order and symmetry, and by the help
of geography and chronology, the sun and moon, or right
and left eye of all history, referring each particular nar¬
ration to its due time and place.” That in accomplish¬
ing this laudable object he has sometimes used rather
undue liberties with his documents, may be admitted;
but even in the most remarkable of these instances of al¬
leged mistranslation and interpolation which the biogra¬
pher has brought against him, the passages are first ac-
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
435
curately given in the original language, — a mode of pro¬
ceeding which completely establishes the honesty of his
intentions. It is vain to accuse of fraudulent inter¬
polation a writer who first warns the reader that he must
be prepared to find some of the translations of the docu¬
ments, which he has presented, partially transposed, and
corrected by the help of geography anti chronology, and
who carefully quotes, in the same page, the passages in
the original, before he presents them in the shape which
he believes consistent with truth. If this be fraud, it pos¬
sesses a very singular character — it is fraud which courts
detection — it is forgery, studiously placing in the hands
of all readers the documents by which its iniquity may he
traced and established.
With regard to the attack made upon this writer for
his ignorance and mistranslation, the author of the Life
of Cabot, we think, in considering Hakluyt’s voluminous
labours, consisting of three folio volumes, might have
been disposed to pardon a few inaccuracies of this na¬
ture. They will insinuate themselves, however anxi¬
ous we may be to avoid them, into all human produc¬
tions ; and he who has spent most time in works re¬
quiring multifarious research, and the painful examina¬
tion of ancient authorities, will be the most disposed to
Hew with lenient eyes the errors of such as are similar¬
ly occupied. If the biographer will turn to his own Me¬
moir (p. 240), he will find in Pasquiligi’s description of
the captives the following sentence: “ Hanno signata la
faza in modo de Indiani : chi da vi., chi da viii., chi da
manco segni.” Their faces they have punctured like In¬
dians’, some with six, some with eight, some with fewer
marks. In the Memoir, it is thus translated, “ They punc¬
ture the face, like the Indians, exhibiting six, eight, or
even more marks.” Do not let the biographer imagine that
we have quoted this erroneous version of a very simple
passage with the view of accusing him of ignorance, or
that there is the slightest intention of insinuating, that he
did not know that the four ivords “ chi da manco segni”
meant “some with fewer marks.” The oversight is pointed
out as an example of the occasional mistranslations or
mistakes into which, with every desire to be accurate,
even a well-informed writer will occasionally fall, that he
may be inclined to extend to the labours of others that
436
APPENDIX.
charity of criticism with which he would wish that every
liberal mind should regard his own.*
The author of the Life of Cabot was perfectly entitled
to maintain the theory that Sebastian, the son, and not
John Cabot, the father, was the discoverer of North
America ; but he was not entitled to adopt, what we
must denominate the disingenuous method of making
an impression upon the reader’s mind by silently drop¬
ping the name of the latter out of passages where, if
he had stated the whole truth, he ought to have men¬
tioned both. Thus, at page 174 we find this remark:
“ At his return [Sebastian] Cabot settled in Bristol,
***** fifty-three years after the date of his
first commission from Henry VII.” Again, page 222,
we find this notice : “ Sixty-one years had now elapsed
since the date of the first commission from Henry
VII. to Sebastian Cabot, and the powers of nature must
have been absolutely wearied out.” Again, page 235,
we have another more glaring example of this determination
to keep the father entirely out of view : “ The bare men¬
tion of these dates will establish the impossibility that he
could have been ignorant of the great discoveries of Ca¬
bot [it is Sebastian he is speaking of], which, commen¬
cing at the point seen on the 24th J une 1497, had extended
over the f londe and isle’ recited in the second patent.” In
the first and second of these sentences John Cabot’s
name is entirely suppressed, although the commission
spoken of was directed to him, along with his three sons ;
and in the last, the entire merit of the discovery is ascrib¬
ed to Sebastian, at the moment the biographer is quoting
the words of the second commission, which positively at¬
tributes it to John.
Allusion has already been shortly made to the “ evi¬
dence” contained in the inscription upon an ancient por¬
trait of Sebastian Cabot ; but we must be allowed, for a
moment, to add a few words upon this proof, which is
very important and conclusive. There is now in existence
a portrait of this navigator by Holbein, for a minute his-
* In the same passage from Pasquiligi, another oversight occurs :
“ Nela terra loro non hanno ferro: ma fanno cortelli dealcune pietre.”
Memoir of Cabot, p. 240. u In their country they do not possess
iron — but they make knives of particular kinds of stones. The
biographer translates cortelli swords.
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
437
tory of which we refer the reader to the Appendix to the
Memoir of Cabot.* It is sufficient for our purpose, to
remark that it is acknowledged to be an original, for which
Sebastian sat to the artist, and which, in the time of
Purchas, hung in the Privy Gallery at Whitehall. Upon
this picture is the following inscription : — Effigies Seb.
Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti Militis Aurati,
Primi Inventoris Teme Novae sub Henrico VII. Angliae
Rege.” It is evident by the common rules of grammati¬
cal construction, that the words Militis Aurati, Primi
Inventoris Terrae Novae sub Henrico VII. Angliae Rege,
apply exclusively to John Cabot ; and if so, they contain
a positive assertion that John was the first discoverer of
North America. Now, the authenticity of the picture
being undoubted, the inscription furnishes as convincing
a piece of evidence as could well be conceived. And again,
it may be fairly argued, that the circumstance of the
words Militis Aurati being found united with the name
of John Cabot, by which it is proved that the king had
conferred on him, and not on Sebastian, the honour of
knighthood, affords the strongest presumption that it was
John who was the original discoverer.
This remark leads us, in the last place, to expose an
extraordinary series of errors committed by the biogra¬
pher, in relation to this Latin inscription on the picture.
He has accused Hr Henry, Dr Campbell, and the authors
of the Biographia Britannica of an absurd misconception,
in imagining that the words Militis Aurati indicate
that John Cabot had been knighted. But it is justice to
let him speak for himself. He first demonstrates that
the words Miles Auratus cannot possibly apply to the
son Sebastian, after which he proceeds thus : — “ The
point being thus clear with regard to the son, other
writers have assumed, as a matter of course, that the dis¬
tinction (of knighthood) must have been conferred on J ohn
Cabot.” “ Accordingly, Campbell, in his Lives of the Ad¬
mirals, has an article entitled Sir J ohn Cabot. Dr Henry
informs us, in his History of Britain, vol. vi. p. 618, that
John Cabot was graciously received and knighted on his
return, and the same statement is repeated in the Biograr-
phia Britannica.” “ To the utter confusion ,” he continues,
* Memoir of Cabot, Appendix, Letter F. p. 323.
438
APPENDIX.
“ of all these grave authorities, a moment’s consideration
will show that the words relied on do in themselves prove
that knighthood had not been conferred. It is scarcely ne¬
cessary to follow up this suggestion by stating, that in re¬
ference to one who had received that honour, they would
have been, not Militis Aurati, but Equitis Aurati. Though
the term Miles is sometimes applied in old documents
even to Peers, yet, as a popular designation, the lan¬
guage of the inscription negatives the idea of knighthood.
In the very works immediately connected with the sub¬
ject of the present volume, the appropriate phrase per¬
petually occurs. Thus, Eques Auratus is used to de¬
signate Sir Humphrey Gilbert (Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 137) ;
Sir Hugh Willoughby, ib. p. 142 ; Sir Martin Frobisher,
ib. p. 142; Sir Francis Drake, ib. p. 143. In the dedi¬
cation of Lok’s translation of Peter Martyr, it is in like
manner used, and we see it at this moment on the f Ef¬
figies’ of Sir Walter Raleigh, prefixed to the first edition
of his History of the W orld. It will probably be deemed
very superfluous to refer to Selden’s Titles of Honour
(p. 830) for a confirmation of what has been stated.
The weight of censure must fall on Purchas, who was
originally guilty of the blunder.”*
One would have thought that the writer must have
been very sure of the ground on which he stood before
he ventured to assume so lofty and decisive a tone, — and
yet we are altogether at a loss for expressions which may
mark courteously, and yet strongly, the combination of
error, ignorance, and absurdity presented by this extraor¬
dinary sentence. He first argues, that the words Miles Au¬
ratus are never used to denote a knight ; and, secondly, that
where they are used, they “ do in themselves prove that
knighthood had not been conferred.” Now, fortunately,
the biographer allows that Sir Humphrey Gilbert was a
knight, indeed he is one of his own examples of Equites
Aurati. Keeping this in mind, we request him to turn to
Holland’s celebrated and well-known work, the Heroolo-
gia Anglia?, containing the engraved portraits of the
most eminent English warriors, navigators, statesmen,
and ecclesiastical reformers, who flourished in England
from 1500 to 1620. He will there find, at p. 65, vol. i., a
* Memoir of Cabot, p. 183.
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
439
beautiful head of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and around it the
following inscription, — “ Humfridus Gilrertus, Miles
Auratus.” Do these words prove here that knighthood
had not been conferred ? Again, we beg him to turn to an¬
other engraving in the same work, the portrait of the ce¬
lebrated Sir Richard Grenville, of whose knighthood there
is not the smallest doubt. It will be found at page 85 of
the first volume of Holland’s work, and it is thus inscribed
around the margin, — “ Richardus Grenvilus, Mil.
Aur:” (Miles Auratus.) But the biographer has quoted
the famous Sir Francis Drake, as illustrating his argument.
He points triumphantly to nim as an undoubted knight,
being styled Eques Auratus, and to whom, therefore, the
words Miles Auratus could not possibly be applied. Once
more, we beg him to turn to the Heroologia, vol. i. page
105. He will there see a striking portrait of Drake,
with his hand resting on the globe, and these words
round the margin of the print, — Franciscus Drake,
Miles Auratus.” One other example may be given
of the common use of those words to denote knight¬
hood, which, according to the positive assertion of our
author, are never found together, and which, if used,
prove that this honour had not been conferred. It is the
first sentence in Holland’s Life of Sir John Harrington,
Heroologia, page 133. “ Joannes Harington filius natu
maximus Clarissimi Militis Jacobi Haringtoni de Exton,
in Comitatu Rutlandie, Equestri seu Militis Aurati digni-
tate multis abhinc annis a beatissimae memoriae Regina
Elizabetha insignitus fuit.” It need hardly be pointed
out to the intelligent reader, that this brief sentence of
four lines, in its use of the word Miles by itself to denote
knighthood, and Miles Auratus, as synonymous with the
terms dignitas Equestris, overturns the whole argument
of the biographer, who not only contends that the ex¬
pression Miles Auratus is never used as descriptive of
knighthood, but that, except in ancient deeds, the sin¬
gle word Miles never occurs. Had he taken the trouble
to consult any friend who possessed even a superficial
acquaintance with the language in which the inscrip¬
tion was written, he must have discovered that the words
Eques Auratus, Miles Auratus, Eques by itself, and Miles
by itself, are used indiscriminately in modern Latin to
denote knighthood ; and that the “ absurd misconcep-
5
440
APPENDIX.
tion” imputed to others, existed nowhere but in his own
ideas.
But even had we not been able to quote such unanswer¬
able instancesas Humphrey, Grenville, Drake, and Harring¬
ton, it is singular that it should not have occurred to this
wwiter that the words Miles Auratus upon John Cabot’s
portrait must necessarily have had some meaning, — that
they must either be literally translated, or be understood to
express knighthood. Now this last he will not allow
them to denote ; and the only meaning he affixes to
them is, that they “ negative the idea of knighthood, and
prove that such an honour had not been conferred.” We
are driven then to a literal interpretation ; and it is impos¬
sible for him, according to the principle he has laid down,
to give any other translation than this : “ The portrait
of Sebastian Cabot, Englishman, son of John Cabot the
Venetian, a golden soldier, but by no means a knight.”
Such is the singular and amusing interpretation which,
had he weighed his own assertion for a moment, or had
he exerted that spirit of diligent, accurate, and extensive
research (we are using his own words) to which he lays
claim,* the biographer must have found it necessary to adopt.
These various errors have been pointed out with no other
feeling than a desire of showing the recklessness of the at¬
tack upon Campbell, Henry, and the authors of the Bio-
graphia Britannica. It is difficult, indeed, to repress a
smile when we compare the bitterness and severity of the
criticism with the extreme ignorance of the critic ; and in
taking leave of this subject, we may be permitted to hope
that the recollection of his chapter on the words Miles
Auratus will induce the champion of Sebastian Cabot to re¬
vise his Latin, and to be more lenient to the real or supposed
mistakes of his predecessors and contemporaries.
It has been shown, we trust, to the satisfaction of every
one who will impartially weigh the evidence, that John
Cabot was the discoverer of North America ; and it is
satisfactory to find that all that may be called the con¬
temporary proofs, — the first commission in Rymer, the
brief narrative on the map by Clement, the words of the
second commission, and the inscription on the picture, —
* Introduction to Memoir of Cabot, p. 1. Remarks on the Re¬
vised Edition of Edinburgh Cabinet Library, p. 1.
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
441
confirm the conclusion that this Venetian was entitled to
the honour. Before, however, concluding these remarks, we
may add a single word, on the testimony of later authors.
Fabyan, or the contemporary writer, for he is spoken of
under both denominations, Bacon, Be Thou, and Speed,
are all cited by the biographer as exclusively in favour
of the title of Sebastian. “ We have the best evidence,”
says he (p. 44), “ that the contemporary writer, who¬
ever he may have been, made not the slightest allusion
to the father. Bacon, Speed, Thuanus, &c. all furnish
the same statement.” Now, with regard to Fabyan,
in his printed Chronicle there is no allusion, either to
the original discovery on the 24th June 1497, or to the
subsequent voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1498; and as to
the supposed manuscript Chronicle which is stated by
Stow to have been in his possession, it appears to have
perished, and we have no mode of ascertaining its import,
except through the note of Hakluyt, which, as far as it goes,
is nowise against the claim of John Cabot. Nay, even grant¬
ing that (to the contrary of which we have strong proof) in
Stow’s Chronicle, published in 1605, occurs the very pas¬
sage of the lost manuscript of Fabyan, and that in this pas¬
sage Sebastian Cabot, a Genoa’s son, born in Bristol, is
alone mentioned ; still the reader is already aware of the
conclusive answer, namely, that the passage relates not to
the first voyage of 1497, but to the second voyage of 1498,
of which all are agreed that Sebastian Cabot had the com¬
mand. But another evidence in favour of Sebastian as
the original discoverer is said to be found in Lord Ba¬
con’s Life of Henry VII. We can scarcely persuade our¬
selves that any one who makes this assertion can have atten¬
tively studied the remark in question, so evidently does it
allude, we think, where it mentions Sebastian, to the second
voyage of 1498, and not to the original voyage of 1497.
That Bacon was aware this was not the first discovery,
and that he had a vague knowledge of a prior voyage, in
which the continent of America was originally found out, is
evident from this sentence : “ And there had been before
that time a discovery of some lands, which they took to
he islands, and were, indeed, the continent of America
towards the north-west.” Again, as if anxious to warn
the reader as to there having been a prior discovery, he
says, “ But this Gabato bearing the king in hand that he
2 E
442
APPENDIX.
would find out an island endued with rich commodities,
procured him to man and victual a ship at Bristol, for the
discovery of that island, with whom ventured also three
small ships of London merchants, fraught with some gross
and slight wares, fit for commerce with barbarous people.”*
It is evident that Lord Bacon is here making use of the
passage in Stow, employing, with some slight alterations,
its very words. So far, however, from containing a
proof that the merit of the original discovery belongs to
Sebastian, it warns the reader that the continent had
already been found in some prior voyage, although no
name is given, and the date is left uncertain. The obser¬
vation of the biographer, therefore, that Bacon makes no
allusion to the father, is literally correct ; but the inference
drawn from it, that therefore Bacon’s testimony goes to
support the claim of Sebastian as the original discoverer,
is completely excluded when the passage comes to be nar¬
rowly examined.
As to DeThou, this great writer, so far as we have looked
through his voluminous historical work, contains no passage
upon the subject of either voyage; and the same observation
applies to such editions of Grafton, Holinshed, Hall, and
Harding, as we have had an opportunity of consulting. It
has been already remarked that the sentence quoted from
Stow, which the biographer erroneously conceives to offer a
proof that Sebastian had the sole charge of the voyage of
1497, in which the discovery was made, relates solely to
the second voyage of 1 498. t With regard to Speed, wrhom
he also quotes as, along with Bacon and De Thou, mak¬
ing no allusion to the father, the same answer strictly
applies, — the only voyage of which he takes notice being
the second, in 1498, as is distinctly fixed by his observa¬
tion that it took place after the apprehension of Perkin
Warbeck.j: It is very evident, however, that the biogra¬
pher was bound to show that Bacon, Stow, and Speed
had given an account of the first voyage of 1497, in which
the discovery was made, and in that account had introduced
no allusion to the father, before he was entitled, from their
* Bacon’s Henry VII. in Kennet, vol. i. p. 624.
-f- Stow’s Chronicles by Howe, edition 16511, p. 481.
£ Speed's History of Great Britain, p. 744, edition 1511. In
the edition of Speed’s work published in 1 632, there is no mention of
the voyage of either of the Cabots.
VINDICATION OF HAKLUYT.
443
omission, to draw any argument against him. In this,
however, he has totally failed.
The fact is certainly remarkable that, whilst in con¬
temporary documents of unquestionable authority we
find convincing proof of the discovery having been made
by John Cabot, in none of the English annalists or
historians who treat of the reign of Henry VII. do we
see any account of the first voyage, whilst many of them
have distinctly recorded the circumstances of the second.
But of this it is not difficult to discover the reason. The
first voyage was a private adventure or experiment by
John Cabot, and probably little known or talked of be¬
yond the city of Bristol. It was undertaken at the ex¬
pense, not of the crown, but of the individual ; and after
having made the discovery, Cabot appears to have re¬
turned at once without exploring the coast, to make pre¬
parations for a voyage on a more extended scale. When
he reached England, in the month of August 1497, being
shortly after the commencement of the thirteenth year of
Henry’s reign, he found the sovereign and his kingdom in a
state of extreme anxiety and confusion. The king was en¬
grossed with an invasion of the Scots, with a formidable re¬
bellion in Cornwall, and a new rising in favour of Warbeck,
the leader of which threatened to pluck the crown from his
head and give it to that adventurer, who, early in Septem¬
ber, had landed from Ireland and assumed the title of
Richard IV. It was upon these great events, — the attacks
of his enemies, and the measures adopted to defeat them, —
that the mind of the contemporary writers, and of the
succeeding chroniclers and annalists, was naturally con¬
centrated ; and, engrossed with them, they paid little atten¬
tion to the discovery of a private merchant of Bristol. It
is for this reason, we apprehend, that we in vain look in
Fabyan and in Stow for any detailed account, or even
incidental mention, of the discovery of 1497.
The circumstances, however, under which the second
voyage, in 1498, took place, which all are agreed was con¬
ducted solely by Sebastian Cabot, were completely dif¬
ferent. It was undertaken at the expense of the king, who
furnished the ships ; it contemplated a scheme of settlement
and colonization, in which all the ardent and enterprising
spirits in the nation were invited to co-operate. Many,
there is reason to believe, did embark in the undertaking ;
444-
appendix.
and, instead of merely landing on the island and returning
home, the voyage embraced the discovery of a large tract
of coast, till that period unknown. If to this we add the
consideration that, about the time when the second expe¬
dition must have returned to Bristol, the kingdom was in
profound peace, both at home and abroad, it will not be dif¬
ficult to understand why this voyage should constitute the
event upon which the attention of our national annalists
has been exclusively fixed, whilst the former, in which
the discovery was undoubtedly made, has been passed
over by them altogether. But although chroniclers and
historians may fall into many errors of omission, the ori¬
ginal muniments of the country and the period remain ;
and these, combined with the narrative upon the map and
the inscription on the ancient portrait, completely establish
the fact that John Cabot, the Venetian, was, in 1497, the
discoverer of North America, under a commission from
Henry VII. This portion of historical truth, which has
hitherto certainly been surrounded with much obscurity
and apparent contradiction, and of late absolutely denied
by the biographer of Cabot, has now, we trust, been esta¬
blished upon grounds which cannot easily be shaken.
THE END.
Oliver & Boyd, Printers.
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